THE 
 
 history 
 
 O F 
 
 ENGLAND. 
 
 Written in FRENCH by 
 
 Mr. RAP IN de THOYRAS. 
 
 Tranflated into ENGLISH with Additional Notes, by 
 
 N. T I N D A L, M. A. Vicar of Great Waltham in Eflex. 
 
 The S econd Edition. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for James, John and Paul Knapton, at the Crown in Ludgate-ftjeet, 
 near the Weft-End of St. Paul’s 
 
 M nee xxxiii. 
 
T H 
 
 HISTORY of 
 
 ENGLAND. 
 
 BOOK XVI. 
 
 The Reigns of Edward VI, and Cpueen Mary; Containing the Space of about 
 
 Twelve Tears. 
 
 21. EDWARD VI. 
 
 \hva -7 v h'M ® IV A RD VI, only Son and 
 
 _ 1 547- W&WH N Succeflor to Henry VIII, was nine 
 years and three months old when he 
 afeended the Throne by the death of 
 the King his Father. His majority 
 was fixed to the eighteenth year of 
 his Age, by the late King’s Will, 
 but he died before he came to it, 
 after a fhort Reign of fix years and 
 five months. The Hiftory therefore of thefe iix years, 
 as may be eafily judged, will not be fo much the Hiftory 
 of the King himfelf, as of his Governors and Minifters. 
 1 here was reafon to hope extraordinary things from this 
 young Prince, had it pleafed God to blefs him with a 
 ... longer Life. He had an excellent Memory, a wonderful 
 mn aJdgood^'^Y Mind, and withal, he was laborious, fparing no 
 i^ualitus. Pains to qualify himfelf for the well-governing of his King- 
 
 Bu 7 n«. ,d ’ u° m ‘ At eight y ears of a S e > hc wr8te Latin Letters to 
 Strype’s “j s Lather. French was as familiar to him as Englijh. 
 
 Mem. He learnt.alfo Greek, Spanijh, and Italian. After that, he 
 
 applied himfelf to the Liberal Sciences, wherein he made 
 an aftonifhing Progrefs (ij. Cardan , who faw him in 
 his fifteenth year, fpeaks of him as of the wonder of the 
 age. The Teftimony of this [ Italian ] Philofopher was 
 the lefs fufpicious, as it was after the young Prince’s death 
 that hc publifhed his Praifes, and in Italy, where his Me¬ 
 mory was odious. 
 
 lie is ir.. As foon as Henry VIII. had refigned his laft breath, the 
 finned of Earl of Hertford, and Sir Anthony Brown, were fent by 
 death.' ' ‘ * . Council, to give young Edward notice of it, and to 
 Ertw. jour. °nng to London. He was then with his Sifter the 
 HayvJajd. ^ nncc k -£/ ;Z obeth at Hertford, from whence the Deputies 
 
 conducted him to Enfield. Here they inform him of the 
 King’s death, and pay their refpetfts to him as to their So¬ 
 vereign. After that, they attended him to the Tower of 
 London, where he was received by the Council in a Body, 
 and proclaimed King the fame day, the 31 ft of January 
 1 5 47- 
 
 On the morrow, the Council met to fettle the Form 
 of Government during the King’s Minority. There was 
 not much to be debated. The Parliament had empowered 
 the late King, not only to fettle the Succeilion by his 
 Will, but alfo to appoint what form of Government he 
 fhould think moft proper, till his SuccefTor was capable of 
 holding the reins himfelf. All therefore that was to be 
 done, was to open his Will and obey the Contents. 
 There it appeared, that Henry had nominated fixteen Per- 
 fons to be his Executors, Regents of the Kingdom, and 
 Governors to his Son. Thefe were : 
 
 Thomas Cranmer, Archbifhop of Canterbury. 
 
 The Lord IVriothefiey , Lord-Chancellor. 
 
 The Lord St. John, Mafter of the Houlhold. 
 
 The Lord Rujfel, Lord Privy-Seal. 
 
 The Earl of Hertford, Lord-Chamberlain. 
 
 The Vifcount Life, Lord-Admiral. 
 
 Cutbbert TonJlal Bifhop of Durham. 
 
 Sir Anthony Brcnvn, Mafter of the Horfe. 
 
 Sir JVilliam Paget, Secretary of State. 
 
 Sir Edward North, Chancellor of the Court of Aug¬ 
 mentations. 
 
 Sir Edward Montague , Lord Chief-Juftice of the Com¬ 
 mon-Pleas. 
 
 Judge Bromley. 
 
 (*) He continued under the 
 Richard Ccx, Mafter of Eaton 
 Tongue in Cambridge, that wa 
 Mem. Tom. I[, p, 3, g . 
 
 tare of the Women till he was ftx years o'd ; and then hc wa, put under the Government of Sir Anthony 
 ° f M , S h ,' S P,cc *P tor for Manners, Philofophy, and Divinity ; and of Sir John CbuU. Cr..,, 
 his Mafter for the Latin and Greek Languages; as John Btlmain was for the French. Ecmt. Ten. II r 
 
 Cook 5 of Dr. 
 of thd Greek 
 2. Sir vied 
 
 No. XLIV. V o l. II. 
 
 1 547- 
 
 King Hen¬ 
 ry’r Will is 
 opened. 
 
The H I STO RT of ENGLAN D. 
 
 Yol. II. 
 
 Sir Ant hint Drum, X cllief Gentlemen of the 
 
 Sir William Hiritri, 1 Privy-Chamber. 
 
 Sir Edward Uit'.on, Treafurerol Calm:. 
 fjeclor Warn, Dean of Canterbury and lark. 
 
 As fur Slcidun Gardiner Bifliop of IfinchrJUr, 1 have 
 obferved iu the late Reign, that though be was at mil 
 anion- the Regent:, liix Name was ftruck out. 
 
 I i lL - King empowered thefe Sixteen, 01 the major part 
 •r ,,r them, to execute his Will, and to admimlW the aftatrs 
 of the Kingdom, as they fhouk) jutlgS *'• L'l'on the ee 
 neral Claufe, which gave the Regents an unlimited I ower, 
 were afterwards built many Alterations, which Ice,ml 
 contrary to what Henry had ordained. He gave them 
 however no Power to fubftitute others m the room ol flit I, 
 
 as fhould die, but it rather appeared, his Intent. was tint 
 
 the vacancies fhould not be filled up. 1 his Confequence 
 was naturally drawn from his commanding the 1 nncclt 
 his Daughters, not to marry without the wri-tcn Confirm 
 of thofe of the Executors who fhould then be alive. It 
 might alfo be inferred from thence, that he intended none 
 of die Regents fhould be deprived of their Dignity. 
 
 Betides"the Sixteen who were to exercilc the Sovereign 
 Authority during the King’s Minority, Henry appoint¬ 
 ed a Privy-Council who fhould be afliihng to them, 
 namely : 
 
 Henry Fitz-Alan, Earl of Arundel. 
 
 William Parr , Earl of EJfcx. 
 
 Sir William Pctre , Secretary of State. 
 
 Sir Richard Rich. 
 
 Sir John Baker. 
 
 Sir Ralph Sadler. 
 
 Sir Thomas Seymour. 
 
 Sir Richard Soutlnuell. 
 
 Sir Edmund Pcckham. 
 
 Sir Thomas Cheney , [Treafurer of the Houfhold. J 
 
 Sir John Gage, [ Controller. ] 
 
 Sir Anthony Wingfield, [Vicc-Chambcrlain. J 
 
 ' little 
 
 agree- 
 
 quite Con- g "V 
 
 I’.rr his re- 
 r Refornia-Hjyv.ir 
 
 ceited of his 
 
 wide him cx- 
 no one could 
 v treated with 
 ,'ed his heat 
 jo Matters. 
 
 . Ki 
 
 ing • 
 
 Innovation--, 
 >nijh Religion. 
 
 The late King’s Will being thus known, the Council 
 refolved to execute it in all its Points, and that very day 
 the Regents, as well as the Counfellors, entered upon their 
 Offices? I have already laid, the Hiftory of this Reign 
 relates more to his Governors, than to Edward himfclf ; 
 
 1 and therefore it will he neceflary to give the Characters of 
 fuch of the Regents and Counfellors as had the greateft 
 fhare in the affairs if thofe days. 
 
 The Charadter of Cranmer Archbifhop of Canterbury is 
 Efficiently known by what has been faid of him in the 
 foregoing Reign. I dull only add two things. The hilt, 
 that 3 he did not much love to meddle with State Affairs, 
 for which he was not very proper, by reafon of certain 
 maxims of Candor and Sincerity, which lie followed, and 
 which were very oppofite to thofe generally obferved in 
 the Government of States. The fecond thing concerning 
 Cranmer is, that he was extremely zealous to promote 
 the Reformation. Since he was no longer reftrained by 
 fuch a matter as Henry, he was fo far from concealing ins 
 Opinions, that he even laboured with all his power to 
 eflablifh them by publick Authority. He was as it were 
 the fir ft mover of every thing that was done with regard 
 to the Reformation. But his Zeal was tempered with a 
 Maxim which he believed abfolutely neceflary, namely, 
 ,o proceed by degrees, and retrench firft the grofs Abufes, 
 that the People'might be gradually accuftomed to thefe 
 Changes, before the Tenets of greater Confcquenccs were 
 touched. Befides that this courle feemed to him the moft 
 natural, he went upon another Reafon no lefs important, 
 and which it will he proper briefly to explain. 
 
 ft has been feen in the late Reign, that Henry VIII. left 
 not his Subjects free to approve or rejeit the Alterations he 
 had been pleafed to make in Religion. 'I here was an 
 abfolute neceffity of conforming to them, or of refolving 
 to part with Eftate, Liberty, and Life it felf. Hence the 
 Church of England abounded with Multitudes, who out¬ 
 wardly embracing the eifahlifhed Opinions, were not how¬ 
 ever inwardly perfwaded of their I ruth. T his was the 
 cafe of feveral Bifhops, and many dignified Clergymen. 
 But it was the inferior Clergy that were chiefly infected 
 with this Hypocrify. Molt of thefe were rio other than 
 Monks, for ’ whom the Court of Augmentations , and the 
 Poflellots of the Abbey-Lands had procured Benefices to 
 cafe themfclves of the Burden of maintaining them, to 
 which they Were obliged when the Monafteries were fup- 
 prelled. Thefe Men were Hill wedded to the Errors 
 that were intended to be reformed. Cranmer thought it 
 neceflary therefore to gain a little time, in order to change 
 the Clergv, by filling the vacant Livings with Perfons 
 well inclined to the Reformation. Herein he met with 
 great oppofition from the zealous, who wifhed to bring 
 the Reformation to perfection at once, without attending 
 
 to tlii' worldly Wifdom, which they behc'' 
 able to the Spirit of the true Religion. 
 
 The Lord-Chancellor // > htlyiry, was c 
 trar.y Charadter to that of Cranmer , an.I n. 
 
 ]ii;iotis Opinions were entirely repugnant to 
 tion. He was extremely ambitious, very < 
 own Merit, haughty, imperious, ami vcr;. 
 
 Advice was not always followed. 1 Ins 1 
 treinelv troublefome in the Council, v, liei 
 oppofe his Opinion without being liable to f 
 bitter and often five Language.^ Bui he ll, 
 and paffiou chiefly on oflciifion of rejig 
 Though he had outwardly complied with' 
 
 was however firmly attained to the Ro- 
 Of this lie had given evident Proofs in the 
 of /fnn Askew, in his Project to ruin the Queen, and 
 on many other occalions. Wherefore fuch of the Regents 
 as denied to promote the Reformation, were to expedt 
 !'iom 1 ni perpetual oppofition. Since the Duke of Nor- 
 In; n-.foii lent, the Chancellor was confidercd as the 
 ilead of th§ Romijh Party. Accordingly, he looked upon 
 the Reformers, and Cranmer in particular, as his Enemies, 
 
 :i , ,,, their parr, they could not without extreme Grief 
 lee him m a Poft which enabled him to countermine their 
 dermi,. Happily for them, their Party was ftrongeft, a- 
 mong the Regents, and in the Council. 
 
 Edward Seymour Earl of Hertford , was of a noble and Of the Earl 
 antient Family which came from Normandy with ll tlliam or ’ 
 the Conqueror. Henry VIII. having married Jane Seymour , Dugdalc. 
 after tfic tragical death of Ann Bullen , Sir Edward Sry - Heylin. 
 
 7 ,iour Brother to the new Queen, was prefently after crea¬ 
 ted Lord Seymour , and Vifcount Beauchamp, and then Earl 
 of Hertford. From that time he had always an honorable 
 Poft at Court,- as well during the Queen his Sifter’s Life, 
 as after her death. Henry VIII. ever exprefled a great 
 Efteern for him, and employed him in feveral military 
 Expeditions, which lie difeharged in fuch a manner as in- 
 creafed his matter's Regard and Affedtion. He was hum¬ 
 ble, afl : able, civil, courteous, and guided in all the Tranf- 
 adtions of his Life, by the Principles of Honour, Virtue, 
 and Religion, which are feldom found in the Men of the 
 World. In a word, he had many noble Qualities, and 
 few Faults. Among thefe is reckoned by fome an immo¬ 
 derate Ambition. But very likely, this Ambition was ra¬ 
 ther an effedt of his Zeal for Religion, than a natural fail¬ 
 ing, as will hereafter appear. It is faid alfo, he had no 
 very able Head, and therefore was deemed more proper to 
 execute than advife. In the late Reign he adapted hunleli 
 to the King’s Religion, becaufe it was very dangerous to 
 oppofe it. He was not the only Perfon that took that 
 courfe. To this reproach all the Englif) are liable, who 
 lived in that Reign, excepting fome few of both Parties, who 
 fullered death for refilling the Will of that imperious Mo¬ 
 narch. However, the Earl of Hertford was inwardly a 
 Proteftant and confequently a great friend of Cranmer. 
 
 This drew upon him the hatred d f ’the contrary Party, 
 and particularly of the Chancellor, who had already at¬ 
 tempted to deftroy him. He always fhowed a very great 
 zeal for the Reformation, and to him and Cranmer is pro¬ 
 perly due the glory of every thing that was done in 
 favour of Religion during the Reign ol Edward \ i. At 
 King Henry's death he was Lord-Chamberlain He was 
 one of the Regents named in that Princes Will and, 
 what ftill increafed his Power, he was Uncle to the new 
 
 Kl fAm Dudley, Vifcount Life, was Son of Edmund Dud- 
 ley, nut to death in the beginning of Henry the Eighths LJlle . 
 Reicm, for having been Henry VIl’s Inftrument in his Hayward. 
 opp?effion S of the People. Henry VIII feeling fome re - 
 morfe for Dudley's death, was pleafed, and, it may be, 
 thought himfclf bound to make his Son a fort of repara¬ 
 tion,, by ci eating him Lord Dudley, and afterwards Vif¬ 
 count 'Lidc. So the Father’s downlal proved the bon s 
 rife. After Henry VIII. had given him a Place in Ins fa¬ 
 vour, he made a confiderable figure at Court. He was ho¬ 
 noured with feveral Employments, and always behaved to 
 the King’s Satisfaction. He fignalized himfelf chiefly in 
 the Wars by his Bravery and Conduit. He ferved twice 
 as Lieutenant-General under the Earl ot Hertford, in Scot¬ 
 land and Picardy, and had the honour of having a great 
 part of the Succefs aferibed to him, though he commanded 
 not in chief. Afterwards, being Governor of Boulogne, 
 he repul fed, by a visorous Sally from the upper I own, 
 the French, who were now matters of the lower 1 own. 
 
 The next year he commanded, as Admiral, the l'lcct oc- 
 fi,gned again ft France, and after the French had refuted to 
 ficrht, made a Dcfcent upon the Coaft ot France, and car¬ 
 ried away a great Booty. In a word, he was con i ere 
 as one of the heft Generals then in England. In all pro¬ 
 bability, had Henry VIII. lived any longer, he would have 
 pufhed his Fortune farther, fince with the Qualifications 
 of a Soldier, he had alfo thofe of a good Courtier. But 
 
Book XVI. 21. E D W 
 
 547. on the other hand, for his Morals, he had nothing worthy 
 of Commendation. He was exceffively addiiSted to his 
 Pleafures, and even ran fometimes into fhameful Debau¬ 
 cheries. Befides, he was not very fcrupulous with regard 
 to Honour and Virtue. As his Ambition was boundlefs, 
 he did not flick to make ufe of any means to accomplifli 
 his Ends. It may eafily be judged, that a Man of this 
 Chara£ter had not the concerns of Religion much at 
 Heart. As long as Henry VIIJ. was alive, he kept ex¬ 
 actly within the bounds prefcribed by that Prince. After¬ 
 wards, in the Reign of Edward VI, he openly declared 
 for the Reformation, becaufe it was then the only way to 
 pleafe the King, and advance his Fortune. Neverthelefs, 
 he muft have fhown, when among the Romijh Party, that 
 he w r as not their Enemy, lince the Court of France be¬ 
 lieved him very far from being a Proteflant. This is at 
 leaft what Thuanus affirms in his Hiftory. Hence it may 
 be prefumed, he confidered Religion only as a means to 
 raile himfelf, and had made it a rule to follow that which 
 was raoft in vogue. Wherefore how zealous foever he 
 appeared for the Reformation, he was never looked upon 
 as one of its Proteftors, becaufe he was thought to a£t 
 only out of Policy. The figure this Lord made during the 
 Reign of Edward VI, obliged me to dwell the longer up¬ 
 on his Character. 
 
 O/Tonibl. Cuthbert Tonflal Bifhop of Durham , was reckoned a 
 Burnet. Perfon of great Abilities. He had been employed by Hen¬ 
 ry VIII. in feveral Embaffies, Commiffions, and Negotia¬ 
 tions, and at length promoted to the See of London , and 
 afterwards to that of Durham , the richcft and molt con- 
 fiderable in the Kingdom, by reafon of the Dignity of 
 Palatine annexed to it. As long as Henry VIII. lived, 
 Tonjlal conformed like the reft, to the Religion of the So- 
 veieign, but it was perceived he was very forry to fee the 
 Religion he had profefied from his Youth, change by de¬ 
 grees. He would have gladly confented to the reforming 
 of fome of the molt notorious Abufes, but was of Opi¬ 
 nion the King went too far. Mean while, for fear of in¬ 
 curring the Royal difpleafure, he fubmitted to what was 
 enjoined. He was however confidered as one of the chief 
 favorers of the old Religion, and fo much the more for¬ 
 midable to the Reformers, as he was able and learned. 
 Neverthelefs Cranmer had a Friendfhip for him, on ac¬ 
 count of his mild and peaceable Temper, which afforded 
 hopes of his being reclaimed. 
 
 of Paget. Sir IVilliam Paget Secretary of State (1), was a very 
 able Politician, and for Religion, was of the Principles of 
 the Reformers. By which means he had contra&ed a 
 ftri£t friendfhip with Cranmer and the Earl of Hert¬ 
 ford. 
 
 It will be entirely needlefs to fpeak of the Lord St. 
 fiobn , the Lord Rujfiel, or the reft of the Regents, be¬ 
 caufe they were wholly guided by the others. But it will 
 be neceffary to mention fome of the Members of the 
 Privy-Council, who were to affift the Regents. 
 of the Earl The -Arundel, a Lord of an antient Family, 
 
 if Arundel was not ver T well pleafed to be only among the Coun- 
 fellors, whilft feveral who were his Inferiors were inverted 
 with the Dignity of Regents. On the other hand, he 
 was not inclined to the Reformation. Thefe two Rea- 
 fons were the caufe, that he willingly entered into all the 
 Intrigues tending to produce any change, either in Reli¬ 
 gion or the Government of the State. But he had the 
 ^misfortune always to labour for others. 
 
 Of the Earl William Parr Earl of Ejfex, Brother to the Queen - 
 of Eii'ex. Dowager, was a Perfon of flender Merit. He made how¬ 
 ever fome figure in this Reign, and was often employed, 
 becaufe he had the Addrefs to be attached to the prevail¬ 
 ing Party. 
 
 Of Pctrc. Sir IVilliam Petre, Secretary of State, was expert in the 
 difeharge of his Office. He was become almoft neceffary, 
 and therefore had a great fhare in the moft fecret Tranf- 
 adtiens of the Court (2). 
 
 qj n.;, h. Sir Richard Rich , a Lawyer by Profeffion, was a good 
 
 Courtier, who by his pliant Temper found means to be¬ 
 come Lord-Chancellor (3). 
 
 Qf • v ' Sir Thomas Seymour the King’s Uncle, and younger 
 Seymour. Brother to the Earl of Hertford , th ,ught himfelf unhappy 
 
 A R D VI. 5 
 
 in being only a Councilor, whilft the King had made his 1 547; 
 Brother a Regent. He imagined, his being Uncle to the 
 King, fhould have procured him more Honour. He had 
 a boundlefs Ambition, joined to a high Conceit of himfelf 
 Wherefore the rank given him by the late King in his 
 Will, not being capable of fatisfying him, he had a mind 
 to mount higher, which occafipned his downfal, as will 
 hereafter appear. 
 
 The Form of the Government was no fooner fettled ™r El, Him 
 according to Henry's laft Will, but a change was piopo- “ Pr ° ,!C ', 
 
 fed. Some of the Regents obferved, it could not but be Feb. 1 
 very troublefome for the People, and particularly for fo- Howard 
 reign Minifters, to be forced to apply to fixteen Perfons 0 j' Burnt% 
 equal Authority, and moved, that one fhould be chofen to 
 
 be Head and Prefident, with the Title of Protestor. 
 
 7 hey added, that by this means Affairs would be more 
 fpeedily difpatched, and yet nothing' changed in the efta- 
 b'ifhed Form of Government, becaufe the Perfon to be 
 railed to that Dignity fhould do nothing without the con- 
 fent of the major part of the reft. 
 
 The Lord Chancellor JVriothefley eafily perceived this 7 he Lord 
 Motion was made to his Prejudice. As by his Office, he Cbmcelbr 
 was next to the Arch bifhop of Canterbury , who did not c Wf“ " '* 
 much follow fecular Affairs, he was in hopes of becoming va ‘”' 
 the Head of the Regency. But he faw plainly, if a Pro- 
 te&or were elefted, the choice would not fall on him, but 
 this Dignity would be conferred on the Earl of Hertford 
 the King’s Uncle, who was not his Friend. Wherefore 
 he. ftrenuoufly oppofed it, declaring, the Regents had no 
 Power to depart from the late King’s Will, authorized by 
 Adi of Parliament. But matters were fo well laid before- Burnet 
 hand, that, notwithftanding his oppofition, it was refolved s™’ 
 immediately, that one fhould be railed over the reft, and E*i- Jour, 
 called, the Protestor of the King’s Realm , and the Governor Sliypc ' 
 of his Perfon. However, it was with the exprels condi¬ 
 tion, that he fhould do nothing without the Confcnt of the 
 other Regents. Then the choice fell, as it was eafy to fore- lbe Ear , 0 , 
 
 fee, upon the Earl of Hertford , who probably had caufed Hem >d it 
 
 this Motion to be made by his Friends. cbofin. 
 
 Indeed it was very natural to chufe for Protcdlor the Rea r cni for 
 King’s Uncle, and the Perfon of the whole Kingdom the an., „ a y? 
 moft concerned for his Prefervation. Notwithftandino- it 'be b union 
 was thought by many, the Regents had made a falfe Step 
 in the very beginning of their Adminiftration, for the Rea¬ 
 fon alledged by the Lord Chancellor. It might however 
 be faid in their excufe, firft, that they had given no par¬ 
 ticular Authority to the Protedlor, and confequently the 
 Form of Government eftablifhed by the late King was not 
 altered. Secondly, that the Will empowering the Regents, 
 or the major part of them to adminifter the young King’s 
 Affairs as they fhould judge proper, whatever was refolved 
 upon by a Plurality of Voices, was deemed agreeable to 
 the late King’s Will. 
 
 Whilft all things neceffary for Henry Will’s Funeral, Ntw Di V 
 and the new King’s Coronation were preparing, the Re- 
 gents were intent upon an affair which concerned them in Hayward, 
 particular, or at leaft the principal of them. Henry had r ' llrn f t - 
 refolved before he died, to confer new Honours on feveral stow!"' 
 of the Regents and Counfellors. He had even fettled the 
 Revenues or Penfions he defigned to give thefe new Lords, 
 to enable them to fupport their Dignities. But as fome 
 had refufed them becaufe they thought thefe Penfions too 
 fmall, the affair was fufpended, both by reafon of this ob- 
 jedlion, and of the King’s Sicknefs and Death. However, 
 he had ordered in his Will, that whatever he had promifed 
 fhould be made good. This was fufficient to put the Re¬ 
 gents upon performing the forementioned Engagement, 
 efpecially as the Benefit was chiefly to redound to them- 
 felves. But as the late King’s Intentions and Promifes 
 appeared not in writing, rccourfe was to be had to the 
 1 eftimony of thofe to whom he had opened his Mind, 
 who depofed what they had heard from his Mouth. Upon Feb. 15. & 
 their Teftimony therefore, the Earl of Hertford was it ade ,6 - 
 Duke of Somerfet , the Earl of Ejfex, Marquifs of North- Du£dalc * 
 ampton , Vifcount Lifle ., Earl of Warwick, the Lord Chan¬ 
 cellor Wriothefiey, Lari of Southampton, Sir 1 homos Seymour, 
 
 Lord Sudley , Rich , Willoughby , and Sheffield (4), had the 
 Title of Barons, with the Names of their Families (5). 
 
 As 
 
 (1) In 23. Henry VIII, hie was made one of the Clerks of rhe Signet ; and in the 3 zd, Cle.k of the Council, and of the Privy-Seal ; and foon after 
 Clerk of the Parliament tor life ; and in -he 34-th of the Ian e Kine, one ol the Secretaries of aate. Dugdah's Baron. Vel. II p. 
 
 ,(*) This Gentlcmanjvas born at Exeter , and was Son of John Petre or Iqrbtgan i„ Devonjbire. He had his EJucm on at E>er e 
 Jn the year 1334. he was appointed one of the C mmiffioners for diflelvng the Monaftcric! 
 
 Dugda/e's Baron. Vol. II. p. 415. 
 
 r Co'lege in Oxford, 
 ; ; and in 1544, was 
 
 the Court of Fiift-fr.uits li 
 
 r n London, who was ‘heriff ofthai City in 1441 Idem. p.' 3 8 7 . 
 
 * Parrebam. and Sir Edmund Sheffield Lord Sbejjield of Burterwike. Hayward, p. zt;. 
 
 : what they knew of the King’s mind ; P aget, whom he 
 
 where he commenced Doftor of Law. 
 made Secretary of State ; and in 1 549, Trealu 
 
 ( 3 ) He was Grandf n of Richard Rich, an opulent Metre 
 (4, Sir IVilliam W' llughby was created Lord Wilkugl by 
 (5) Sir William Paget. Sir Antb'r.y Denny and . ir It ill,am Hebert, 
 
 had mrft rufted, declared. That wh n the Ev d rce appeared agtffift the Duke ir Norfolk and h-s Son/the" King'imende’d wVft.’w ’theirLands''a.t.oo 5 
 fome new Peers he defigned to create. Ti en he ordered him to were 111 a B .ok fuch as he thought meetelh Which dene, the King aliened to each 
 fuch a portion of Lands our ot the Duke or No,Jo k s Efiate as he thought fit. Paget told h m it was too little, and being ordered to acquaint thofe with 
 w .VT a’a a ° vanced ’ map y lh u g ht o t o and defired .0 remain as they were. The Duke of Norfolk hearing of this, and fearing if his Lands 
 ware thus divided, th.y wou d never return to h:s Family, fent to d-fire the King that he would be pleafed to fettle all his Lands on the Prince, for, faid 
 d.;J C ,r,n ng L [ ° I? , i 0fe J C ?f'u r°° d °" d Geer Whereupon the K ng refolved to reward hi, Servants f.me other way, fo or¬ 
 
 dered the Be. k to be thus filled up. The Earl of Hertford to be Earl-Marfhal and Lo.d-Trealurer, and to be Duke of Somerfet, Exeter, or Her, ord, and 
 eeo 44. Vol. II. g j > j > 
 
6 
 
 The HISTORY' 
 
 1547. As Henry VIII. had not left his Coffers full, Expedi- 
 ents were to be devifed to find the Revenues and Penli- 
 oils affigned to the new Lords. No better was found 
 Burnet. than to alienate five or fix thoufand Pounds a year ..if the 
 Chantry-Lands. Thefe Promotions, with the Revenues 
 annexed, were not univerfally approved, becaufe they 
 were all in favour of the Regents themfelves or the Coun- 
 fellors. Many thought, thefe Lords fhowed too much 
 Avidity at the beginning of their Regency, and that they 
 7ie Protec- ought to have fluid till the King was of Age. The Pro- 
 tor made te&or efpecially was liable to much Envy, by procuring 
 J 7 « 7 a " himfelf the two great Offices of Lord-Treafurer and 
 EarYMar- Earl-Marflul, vacant by the Attainder of the Duke of 
 jbat. Norfolk. The firft was conferred on him the 1 oth of Ft- 
 XV * U ix bruary s and the other the 1 7 th of the fame Month (1). 
 
 130’ P ,24> The fame day his laft Patent was dilpatched, his Bro- 
 Thomas ther Thomas Seymour, juft created Baron of Sudley , was 
 mJ* "wV-i- ma ^ e High-Admiral of England (2). Thus, about a Fort- 
 AdmitaL night after Henry’s death, the Seymour’s Family was raifed 
 is. p. 127. to fuch greatnefs, that it was hardly poffible to make any 
 EJw -J uU rn- t0 j t Happy, had they been contented ! But 
 we fliall fee hereafter, that by endeavouring to rife (till 
 higher, the two Brothers fell into a gulf of Misfortunes, 
 which might have been avoided by a fmall fhare of Mode¬ 
 ration. 
 
 Hcnry Henry the Eighth’s Funeral Obfequies were performed 
 
 viir. Fu- with great Pomp and Magnificence at JVindfor (3). He 
 Hazard * iat * himfelf ordered his Body to be there interred. The 
 Burnett ' day before, his Corpfe was brought to Richmond (4), and 
 Sirype. as the Motion caufed fome watry Matter to run through 
 the Coffin, it was reported to be Blood, and that a Dog, 
 licked it up. 'Phis was faid with defign to verify the 
 Flier’s Prediction, who told Henry in a Sermon, that the 
 Dogs fliould lick his Blood as they had formerly licked 
 flhab's. But belidcs that feveral affirmed, it was not 
 Blood which ran from the Coffin, the report that a Dog 
 licked it up, was entirely groundlefs. 
 
 Edward vi. The Ceremony being over, Edward’s Coronation was 
 AdTpabT fokmnized the 20th of February , with the ufual Forma- 
 xv. p. 129, Iities (5). The Lord Rujfel acted as High-Steward, by 
 1 3 °- virtue of a Patent which empowered him to exercife that 
 Saype/° Ur " Office for that day only. Henry Grey , Marquifs of Dor- 
 ft , had acted the day before as High-Con table by virtue 
 of a like Patent, which limited the Exercife of his Office 
 to the 19th of February, the day preceding the Corona¬ 
 tion, from Sun-iifing to Sun-fetting. Probably, the Office 
 of High-Conftable was neceflary only for certain Prepara¬ 
 tives, iince it was to end before the Ceremony of the Co¬ 
 ronation (6). 
 
 A General On the Coronation-day, a General Pardon was granted 
 Pardon. to a u Perfons, excepting the Duke of Norfolk , Cardinal 
 Hayward. p 0 \ e ^ Edward Courtney, eldeft Son of the Marquifs of Exe¬ 
 ter, and three others (7). 
 
 The Cban- I have before obferved, that the Lord Chancellor/’Ar/o- 
 
 ced.rs Jif- the fey, the new Earl of Southampton, was ambitious, proud, 
 Hayward. ant ^ haughty, very troublefome in the Council, and more- 
 Buinet. over, a great Enemy to the Reformation and the Reform¬ 
 ed. All thefe Reafons made the Protcdfor and moil of 
 the Regents wilh to be rid of him. They were fo happy, 
 Burnet. as t ^ lat l je himfHf afforded them a plaulible Pretence. Re- 
 T. 11. Col. folving to apply himfclf chiefly to State-Affairs, he had on 
 P f 9 6, the 1 8th of February put the Great Seal to a Commiffion 
 directed to the Mafter of the Rolls, and three Mafters of 
 Chancery (8), empowering them to execute the Lord 
 Chancellor’s Office in the Court of Chancery, in as am¬ 
 ple a manner as if he himfelf were prefent. This being 
 done by his own Authority, without any Warrant from 
 the Lord Protestor and the other Regents, his Enemies 
 failed not to improve this occafion to ruin him. Com¬ 
 plaint of what he had done being brought before the Coun¬ 
 cil, it was ordered, that the Judges fliould give their Opi- 
 Fcb -8. nions i* 1 * * * * 6 * 8 9 writing. Their anfwer was, That the Chan¬ 
 cellor being only entrufted with his Office, could not com¬ 
 mit the Exercife thereof to others, without the Confent 
 of the King, or the Regency : That by fo doing he had 
 
 of ENGLAND. Vol. II. 
 
 by the common Law forfeited his Place, and was liable 154- 
 to Fine and Imprifonment at the King’s Pleafure. This March 0. 
 anfwer being communicated to him in full Council, he fell 
 into a great Patlion with the Judges, and even talked very 
 haughtily to the Regents, the Council, and the Protestor. 
 
 He told this lafl in particular, that he held his Chanccllor- 
 fliip by an undoubted Authority, fince he held it of the 
 King himfelf, whereas it was a great queffion whether he 
 himfelf was lawfully Protestor. But this haughtinefs, in- 
 ftead of compofing his affair, only ferved to render it 
 worfe. His Submiffion might have leffened his Punifh- 
 ment, but by his Paflion and Heat he gave the Council 
 occafion to treat him with the utmoft Severity. Pie was 
 immediately confined to his Houfc, with a Command not 
 to flir till further Orders. Then it was debated what his 
 Punilhment fliould be. It was not doubted that he might 
 be deprived of the Chancellorlhip. But as to the Re¬ 
 gency, the Point was not fo clear, becaufe it was uncer¬ 
 tain whether the late King had placed him among the Re¬ 
 gents as Chancellor, or as a private Perfon, like feveral 
 others who were in no Office. For this reafon it was not 
 thought proper to turn him out of the Regency j but tu 
 render it ufelefs to him, he was left under an Arrefl, and 
 the Great Seal taken from him, and given to [Sir JVilllam Hayward 
 Pawlet J Lord St. 'John, till another Chancellor fliould be 
 appointed. So the Earl of Southampton continued in his 
 Confinement till the 29th of June (9), when he was dif- 
 charged of his Imprifonment, upon entering into a Re¬ 
 cognizance of four thoufand Pounds, to pay what Fine 
 they fliould impofe on him. 
 
 After the ProtetElor was freed from this troublefome E- Ti : Pr ‘ ! ‘ ' 
 nemy, he thought only of ingrofling the foie management 
 of Affairs, and to be Protestor indeed, whereas hitherto it Burnr. 
 was but an empty Tide, without any peculiar Authority. 
 
 To attain his Ends, he reprefented to the Regents and 
 Council, that feveral Perfons doubted whether they could 
 by their foie Authority name a Protestor : That the French 
 Ambaflador in particular had infinuated a diffruff, that he 
 could not fal'ely treat with him, without knowing firft 
 whether he was duly authorized, fince his Title might 
 be contcfted for want of Authority in thofe who had con¬ 
 ferred it. Upon this Foundation, he defired (10) that he qhe King 
 might be allowed to prepare Letters Patent, under the vo minarei 
 Great Seal, eftablifliing him Prote&or of the Realm, and ^ 
 Governor of the King. His requeft appearing reafonable, tent. 
 it was granted, and probably he was left to draw the Pa- Afl - Pub - 
 tent, wherein it is very likely, he ufed fome deceit. What 
 gives occafion for this Suspicion, is, that the Patent affign- Remark, or. 
 ed him Prerogatives unthought of by the Regents, when ,be Po,,r ' 
 they made him Protector. There was no mention of the 
 Condition upon which he had been cliofen. On the con¬ 
 trary, the King gave him full Authority to do every thing 
 as he in his Wifdom fliould think for the Honour, Good, 
 and Profperity of his Perfon and Realms, Moreover, he 
 appointed him a Council, giving him Power, with fo ma¬ 
 ny of them as he fliould think proper, to annul and change 
 what they thought fitting ; retraining the Council to a£t 
 only by the Prote&or’s Advice and Confent. It is true, 
 this Council confifted of the fame Perfons which before 
 compofed the Regency and Council, except the Earl of 
 Southampton. But whereas fifteen of them were before Re- 7 6tbtr 
 gents of the Kingdom, Executors of Henry’s Will, and R'g<rt, b t . 
 Governors to the young King, they were now become by ffff 
 this Patent only mere Counfellors to the Protcftor, each The p 7 :- 
 according to the Rank his Office or Birth gave him, with- teitor. 
 out the Protedlor’s being obliged to follow their Advice. 
 
 Very likely, as I faid, the Protedtor ufed fome Fraud 
 on this occafion. And indeed, it is by no means probable, TTTpTo- 
 the other Regents fliould fo lightly confent to be deprived ceding,. 
 of all their Authority. Nay, we fhall fee hereafter an e- 
 vident Proof that they had no fuch intention. Thofe Hif- 
 torians who have endeavoured to vindicate all the Duke of 
 Somerfet’s Adlions, in order to preferve to him the charac¬ 
 ter of a true Reformer, have very lightly touched upon this 
 point, whereas his Enemies have inlarged on it, to Ihow 
 
 his Son to be Fail et Wiltjbire, with 800/. a year in Land, and 300/. a year out of the next Bi/hop's Lands that fell. The Ear] of EJjex to be Mar¬ 
 quifs of Etjcx, and fo on, with yearly Revenues to them, And the King having promilcd to give the Earl of Hertford fix of the bed Prebends that fliouid 
 tall in any Cathedral, except Deanries and Treafureilhips ; at his delire the Ring agreed, that a Deanry and a Treafurerlhip fliould be inrtead of moot 
 the fix Prebendaries. All this Denny and Herbert continued, for they then waited in his Chamber ; and when Paget went out, the King made Very ,, 
 over the Book, and Herbert obferving the Secretary had rcmtmbred all but himfelf, the King bid Denny 10 write 400 /. a year for him. Barnet, Tom. II. 
 
 (1) On the 6th of F-.bruary the Lord Protertor knighted the King, being authorized thereto by Letters Patents. So it feems, that as the Laws of 
 Chivalry required that the King fliould receive Knighthood from the hand of fome other Knight, fo it was judged too great a Preemption for his own Sub¬ 
 verts to give it, without a Warrant under the Great Seal. The King at the fame time knighted Sir John Hoblttborn, the Lord Mayor ot London, and 
 K/iiham Port man, one of the Judges of the Km ft-Bench. Burnet, Tom. II. p. S. Stryfe, p. 15, 
 
 (2\ Ireland. Calais, Boult.gr..-, and the Marches. Rymer'i Ford. Tom. 15. p. 127. 
 
 (3^ On February 16. Strype'i Mem. Tom. II. p. 11 ; and Refofit, p. 15. 
 
 14 To Sion, where they lay tire firft night. Strype'i Ref of. p. 12. , 
 
 (r) There were forty Knights of the Barb, made on this occafion, and fifty five Knights ot the Carpel, whole names fee in Stryfe , Mem. Tom. II. 
 p. 23. and Repof. p. 30- 
 
 (6) There was a new Form drawn for the Coronation of this King, which the curious Reader may fee in Burnet, Tom. II. Cohel 7 . p. 93, Sec. 
 
 (-) Dr. Richard Pate,, Mr. Fortejcue, and Mr. Throgmorton. Hayward, p. 276. 
 
 (8) To Sir Robert Southwell Mafter of the Rolls, John Tregmotll, Efq; and John Olyvt and Anthony Bellafn, Clerks, Mafleis in Chancery. See 
 
 the Commiflion itfclf in Burnet, ibid. p. 96. . 
 
 (9) Rafin by miftake lays July. See Burntt, Tom. II, p- > 7 * ,0 ) ®- v a * tlltlon Mart / 13. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 he 
 
Book XVI. 
 
 21. EDWARD VI. 
 
 lU bacmti 
 abfrluu 
 Mafltrof 
 tb. Govern 
 
 Burnet. 
 
 with Franc 
 Att. Pub. 
 XV. P..35 
 
 Death of 
 
 Henry 
 
 r'Jufc, 
 
 Aft. Pub. 
 XV. P..49 
 
 Strype. 
 
 T. 1 I p. S 5 : 
 
 he was poffefli-d with Ambition. However, as the Fa£t 
 is certain, his motive only can be the fubjedl of conjecture; 
 fome afcribing it to his exceffive Ambition; others belie¬ 
 ving, he al'pired to become mailer of the Government 
 only to promote more effectually the Reformation. It is 
 at leaft extremely probable that Cranmet and fuch of the 
 Regents as favoured the Reformation, were convinced the 
 Duke’s advancement would be very advantagious to Reli¬ 
 gion. 
 
 After the Patent was drawn, and the Great Seal put 
 to it, the ProteCtor had all the power. He governed with 
 . an abfolute Authority, without being clogged by the ad¬ 
 vice of the Council, iince he was obliged only to confult 
 thofe that were devoted to him. But on the other hand, 
 this Proceeding, with fome others of the like nature, drew 
 upon him the envy and hatred of many, and particularly 
 of the Nobility, who made him at laft feel the effeCfs. 
 There was certainly much to be faid againft this Patent, 
 which deftroyed the Form of the Government eftablifhed 
 by Henry VIII, purfuant to an ACf of Parliament which 
 the King himfelf had not power to annul. 
 
 The day before, two new Treaties were concluded with 
 • France . The firft was a renewing of Alliance between 
 Francis I. and Edward VI, without prejudicing the antient 
 ’ Alliance between France 2nd Scotland, and the Treaties 
 between the Emperor and England. The fecond concern¬ 
 ed the Articles which had not been explained in the late 
 Treaty of Peace, namely, the Bounds of the Territory of 
 Boulogne , and the Fortifications the two Kings were ma¬ 
 king near the place. As to the Bounds, they were eafy to 
 be fettled, becaufe as England was to keep Boulogne but 
 eight Years, it was not very material whether its Territo¬ 
 ry was a little more or lefs extended. As to the Fortifica¬ 
 tions, there was more difficulty. Whilft the late Peace 
 was negotiating, Henry VIII. finding it would be in his 
 power to preferibe almoft what Terms he pleafed, ordered 
 the Governor of Boulogne to begin fortifying Boulemberg , 
 Blacknefs, and Ambleteufe. At the fame time he gave In- 
 ltru&ions to his Plenipotentiaries, to infert in the Treaty 
 that neither of the two Kings fhould be allowed to make 
 new Fortifications in or about Boulogne , but only to finifh 
 fuch as were begun. This was done according to his de¬ 
 fire. However, fince the Treaty, the French had attempt¬ 
 ed to fortify St. Etienne , Portet , and la Pointe. Where¬ 
 upon difputes arofe between the Ambaffadors appointed to 
 fettle the Limits of Boulogne. But as the two Courts 
 were equally defirous to avoid all occafion of Rupture, it 
 was at length agreed, that the Englijh might continue the 
 works begun : That the French fhould have the fame liber¬ 
 ty with regard to the Fortifications of St. Etienne , but 
 fhould difeontinue thofe at Portet and la Pointe. This 
 Treaty, and the other which renewed the Alliance between 
 the two Crowns, were figned at London the 11 th of March. 
 But Francis died the 31ft of the fame Month, before he 
 had ratified them, leaving Henry II. for his Succeffor. 
 
 Upon news of Francis's Death, an Exprefs was fent to 
 Nicholas IVolton Ambaffador in France , with a Commiffion 
 to receive the new King’s Ratifications, and fee him fwear 
 to the Treaties. But the Court of France was entirely 
 changed by Henry II’s Acceffion to the Crown. The 
 Cardinal of Lor rain, and his Brother the Duke of Gtiife, 
 managed every thing as they pleafed, and it was not their 
 Interefr, the King fhould preferve a good Underftanding 
 with England. Befides that they were ftrongly addidted 
 to the Romijh Religion and the Pope, they were contri¬ 
 ving means to hinder England from employing her Arms 
 to accomplifh the Marriage between Edward and the 
 young Queen of Scotland their Niece. They perfwaded 
 therefore Henry II, that it was his chief Concern to 
 recover Boulogne at any rate, for fear the EngliJJ) fhould 
 make ufe of that place to confound his future Projedls. 
 Henrv liking their policy, refufed to ratify the Treaties, 
 and difowned the Ambaiiador fent by his Father to London 
 to conclude them. So, there not only remained an occa¬ 
 fion of quarrel between the two Crowns with refpedt to 
 the Limits of the Territory of Boulogne , and the new 
 Fortifications ; but alfo in refilling to confirm the Alliance, 
 Henry fhowed his intention to break the Peace. 
 
 This was the firft ill effedt of the Death of Francis I. 
 and Henry VIII. But it was not the only one. Germany 
 as well as England fuffered by the Lofs of thefe two Kings. 
 The Proteftants, who had been ill ufed by the Emperor in 
 the laft Campain , found themfelves wholly deprived of 
 the Affifiance, they expedted from France and England. 
 Henry IPs Minifters did not think proper, he fhould be 
 ingaged in a War with the Emperor in fupport of the 
 Proteftant Religion. But as Policy feemed to require that 
 he fhould oppofe the Emperor’s progrefs, they intimated to 
 him the expediency of firft recovering Boulogne ; after 
 
 which, it would be ftill time enough to protect Germany , 154- 
 in cafe the Emperor grew too powerful there. As for 
 the Court ol England, there was no likelihood that during 
 a Minority, they would undertake to fupport the Protef- 
 tants, efpecially as France refufed to be concerned with 
 them. Mean while, the Princes of the League having 
 fent to Edward for Aid, fifty thoufand Crowns were pri 
 vately given them, with great caution, for fear of offend¬ 
 ing the Emperor. It is very true, the Proiedtor was in¬ 
 clinable to fupport them : But it was not yet convenient to 
 do it openly. The Reformation was to be put upon a 
 good foot in England, before any thoughts of protedhng it 
 in foreign Countries. 
 
 Henry the Eighth's Death was a fort of Crifis for Eng- Affairs in¬ 
 land with regard to Religion. It was obferved in the Hif- 
 tory of his Reign, that he fteered a middle courfe in that is "England, 
 refpecl. He reformed fome things, but left others un¬ 
 touched. In general, the Reformation he had begun, may 
 be faid to concern only the Articles which were diredtly 
 or indirectly contrary to his Temporal Sovereignty or Ec- 
 clefiaftical Supremacy. He was fo rigorous, that he would 
 never allow his Subjects to differ in opinion from him, or 
 at leaft not to fhow it openly. So all were under con- 
 ftraint, there being fcarce any one but what believed more 
 or lefs than himfelf. As foon as he was dead, every one 
 took the liberty to fpeak his thoughts upon religion, though 
 the Laws made in his Reign were ftill in force. But fome 
 change was expected. If on one hand the Reformed built Burnet, 
 their hopes on Cranmer and the Earl of Hertford, the con¬ 
 trary Party flattered themfelves that Chancellor JVriothef- 
 ley, Tonjlal , and fome others, would ufe their utmoft En¬ 
 deavours to reftore Religion to its antient ftate, or at leaft 
 would hinder the Reformation from making farther pro¬ 
 grefs. The Earl of Hertford's Promotion to the Protec- 
 torfhip, and the Chancellor’s difgrace, gave the Reformed 
 all the advantage, who feeing themfelves fupported by the 
 Protedlor and the Archbifhop of Canterbury, entertained 
 great hopes that the work of the Reformation would vifi- 
 bly advance. This gave them the boldnefs openly to fhow 
 their Sentiments, and even publickly to preach them (1). 
 
 On the other hand, the contrary Party finding the time 
 was not favorable, ftrove to perfwade, that Religion fhould 
 be left in its prefent ftate till the King was of age. They 
 faid, fince no Alterations could be made but in the Kind’s 
 Name, as fupreme head of the Church of England, it was 
 neceflary at leaft to ftay till he was able to judge of them 
 himfelf. But the Reformers agreed not to this principle. 
 
 They maintained, on the contrary, that the Royal Autho¬ 
 rity was the fame, whether the King was a Minor or not. 
 
 They oppofed their Adverfaries maxim the more ftrenu- 
 oufly, as it influenced not only the Affairs of Religion but 
 the Government it felf. 
 
 The party of the Reformers was fo ftrong, that it was 
 very difficult for their Enemies to refill them. The King 
 himfelf was at their head. Tho’ he was yet of an age 
 wherein Men hardly begin to make ufe of their Reafon, 
 he had made very great progrefs in the ftudy of Religion, 
 by the care of Dr. Cox his Preceptor, who was in the 
 Sentiments of the Reformers. The Duke of Somcrfet , 
 
 Cranmer Archbifhop of Canterbury, Holgate Archbifhop of 
 York, Holbeach Bifhop of Lincoln, Goodrich Bifhop of Ely, 
 
 Dr. Ridley, and Latimer who was difeharged of his Im- 
 prifonment, were the chief Supporters of this Party. 
 
 Thefe were properly whom Dr. Burnet calls in his Hiftory, Tl u -P- a 5 * 
 the Reformers. In the other Party were the Princefs Mart, 
 IVriothefley Earl of Southampton, Tonjlal Bifhop of Durham 
 Bonner of London, Gardiner of JVincheJler, with many 
 other Bifhops, and the major-part of the inferior Clemv, 
 confifting, as I have obferved, of the fupprefled Friers, 
 who had been recommended to livings. But it is certain, 
 tho’ this laft Party was as numerous as the other, they 
 were far excelled by them in Learning and Capacity. Be¬ 
 fides, the Government was in the hands of their Adverfa¬ 
 ries. There was another thing which very much leflen’d 
 the Power of this Party. Moft of them had made it a 
 rule to oppofe to their utmoft the intended alterations, but 
 when effected, to pay them afterwards an outward com¬ 
 pliance. This Condudl, though beneficial to particular 
 Perfons, was however detrimental to the whole Party, as 
 it intimated they only loved their Religion when attended 
 with temporal Bleffings. The Bifhops and the reft of the 
 Clergy were properly the eftablifhers of this maxim, out 
 of fear of lofing their Benefices. 
 
 The prefent juncture being fo favorable for the Refor- Rifilution to 
 mation, the Protestor, and fuch of the Council as were of Re ~ 
 his Sentiments, refolved to improve it. To that end, buhk””' 
 
 they ordered a general Vifitation of all the Churches, and T. 11. p , 2 6, 
 appointed Vifitors, with power to abolifh certain grofs a- 
 bufes introduced into the Divine Service , and particularly stry’pe. 
 
 T. II. p.46, 
 
 (J) Tjfct the reft of the Kingdom an example, Evening Prayer began to be read in Engti/k, in the King’s Chapel, on Eajier Monday. Stow, p. 594- 
 
 with 
 
o 
 
 547 - 
 
 Sequel of the 
 oft’in of 
 England 
 *uitb Scot¬ 
 land. 
 
 Aft- Pub. 
 XV. p -1 3 1 , 
 14c. 
 
 Buchanan. 
 
 Hayward. 
 
 Hollinglh. 
 
 Burnet. 
 
 Hayward 
 
 Hollinglh. 
 
 War w itb 
 Scotland re- 
 fotved. 
 
 Conference 
 for a Peace 
 
 fctlual. 
 
 Burnet. 
 
 The Protec¬ 
 tor enters 
 Scotland. 
 Hollinglh. 
 Hayward. 
 
 Buchanan. 
 
 He often a 
 Peace to the 
 
 Rege- t of 
 Scotland. 
 Hayward. 
 Buchanan. 
 Hullingfh. 
 
 i' ryp< t 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. VoL II. 
 
 with regard to images (1). With this vifitation com¬ 
 menc’d the execution of the delign already formed, of per¬ 
 fecting the Relormation, which was properly but juft be¬ 
 gun in the late Reign. As Dr Burnet, afterwards Bifhop 
 of Salisbury, has given as full account of thefe matters as 
 can be defired, in his excellent Hiftory of the Reformation 
 in England, it will be needlefs to defcend to particulars, 
 which will be feen with much more Satisfaction in the 
 "Work of that illuftrious Author. So, without fpeaking 
 hereafter of Religion any farther than will be neceilarv for 
 the underftanding of the Hiftory, I fhail confine my felf 
 chiefly to the political Affairs of this Reign (2). The 
 firft that offers in the year 1547, is the war with Scot¬ 
 land. 
 
 Henry V III. had left his affairs with Scotland in fuch a 
 fituation, that the agreed marriage between Edtuard and 
 the young Queen of Scotland, was to be relinquifhed, or 
 the Treaty executed by force of Arms. The Party, a- 
 gainft the marriage in Scotland was fo powerful, that the 
 others durft hardly difcover their contrary Sentiments. 
 If the affair had been to be decided by the two Kingdoms, 
 in all appearance Scotland would have been furced to fubmit. 
 But the King of France took care not to abandon the Scots. 
 He was highly concerned to hinder the King of England 
 from becoming Mailer of Scotland. Herein his Sentiments 
 agreed with thofe of the two Lorrain Princes, Brothers of 
 the Queen Dowager of Scotland. It was this that moft 
 troubled the Protestor, efpecially as Henry II. had now de¬ 
 clared he would aflift the Scots to the utmoft of his power. 
 Mean while, the projected marriage was fo advantaging to 
 England, that it well delerved fome endeaxours to accom- 
 plifh it. Befides, Henry VIII. hud fo exprefsly ordered, 
 before he died, that all poflible means fhould be ufed to ef- 
 fe£l it, that the Pioteilor thought he could not be excufed 
 from taking fume fteps, to fhow he intended to execute his 
 orders. He refolved therefore to carry war into Scotland. 
 Indeed, it was a very extraordinary way of wooing the 
 young Queen for Edward. But in this the Protector and 
 the Council followed Henry VIII’s maxim, who ever 
 flattered hiinfelf, that the inconveniencies and dangers of 
 a war would at laft oblige the Scots to execute the Treaty. 
 To that end therefore they refolved to make war upon 
 Scotland, and not with defign to conquer the Kingdom. 
 
 Every thing being prepared, and the Protedlor ready 
 to go and command die Army, the French Ambaftador 
 deiired him to confem to a Negotiation, to try to conclude 
 a Peace before Hoftilities were begun. The Proteflor, 
 who was willing to manage France, complied with his 
 requeft, and the Conferences began the 4th of Augujl. 
 Tonjlal , who was firft Plenipotentiary (3), had orders to 
 yield every thing, provided the Scotch Commiflioners had 
 power to agree to the marriage, otherwife he was to break 
 off the Congrefs. This condition rendred the negotiation 
 ineffectual, hecaufe the Scots had nothing like it in their 
 inftruCtions. So the ProteClor departing in Augujl, enter¬ 
 ed the Territories of Scotland the 2d of September , with 
 an Army of fifteen thoufand Foot , and three thouland 
 Horfe (4), having the Earl of Warwick for Lieutenant- 
 General. He took fome Caftles in his march, and par¬ 
 ticularly the Caftle of Broughty (5) near the Toy's mouth, 
 where he left a Garrifon of two hundred Men. A few 
 days after, he came within fight of the Scotch Army, 
 thirty thoufand ftrong (6), with thirty Pieces of Cannon, 
 who expeCIcd him on the Field of Pinkey near Mujfel- 
 burgh. 
 
 The Duke of Somerfet, as I faid, had undertaken this 
 war againft his Will, and only to avoid the blame of not 
 endeavouring to procure for his young Mafter an advanta- 
 gious marriage. The fight of the Enemies Army, fupe- 
 rior to his own, increafed not his defire to decide the aftair 
 by way of Arms. Wherefore, to avoid fo dangerous a 
 decifion, he wrote to the Earl of Arran Regent of Scot¬ 
 land, defiling him to confider the great quantity of in¬ 
 nocent Blood which was going to be ftied. And to fhow 
 that he was ready himfell to come to an agreement, he 
 
 made this offer: That he would retire to England with 154-'. 
 his Army, if the Scots would agree that the young Queen 
 Ihould be bred up in Scotland till (lie came of a»e, and 
 give Security that file finould not till then be contracted to 
 any Foreigner. ' 1 'his Propofai might have been accepred 
 without any detriment, either to the Queen 01 the Km°- 
 dom of Scotland. In the firft place, this condition hin¬ 
 dered not the Queen from marrying a Scotch Lord. Se¬ 
 condly, the worlt that emuid happen to the Scots, was to 
 be, when their Queen was of Age, in tiie fame fituation 
 they were in at prefent. Laftiy, the King of England or 
 the Queen might dye in this interval, and of courle the 
 death of either ended the quarrel. But the French FaCtion His -is 
 was fo prevalent in the Council of Scotland, that this ad- re i taed ‘ 
 vantagious ofter was proudly rejected Lay, a rumour 
 was fpread among the Scotch T roops, that the ProteCtor 
 of England would not hearken to a Peace , unlefs the 
 Queen was put into his hands. 
 
 The two Armies were parted by the River Eskc. The 
 Eng/i/h were encamped about two miles on the South-fide, ",n y ,,, 
 and the Scots along the banks, on the North. So if the I?” Armies. 
 Scots had been willing to avoid a baule, probablv, the h ; Meft, 
 Eng/i/h would never have attempted to p;.f$ the River in H-y.v id. 
 their light. Mean while, the ProteCtor, having formed 
 the delign of approaching the Scots, and gaining a riling 
 ground on the Left which commanded tiic-ir Camp, moved 
 forward with his whole Army. But the Scots having no¬ 
 tice of it, immediately patted the River, and poliefied 
 themfelves of that Poft. T he ProteCtor having milled 
 his aim, marched to the Right, towards the Sen, in or¬ 
 der to encamp on a little hill not tar irom the river. This TbtPr.-i 
 march made ti.e Scots imagine, he was approaching tLc m.r.b. 
 Sea, to put his Ordnance and Baggage 011 board tine 
 Fleet, which was entered the Frith, that he might re¬ 
 treat the more ealily. The whole Scotch Army were fo 
 poilelled with this notion, that they confider’d the Englijh 
 as already vanquilhed by fears. Mean while, the Protector 
 had polled himfelf on the Hill, and made fome intrench- 
 ments belore his Camp. This confirmed the Scots in 
 their opinion, that it was only a feint in order to retire in 
 the night. So, refolving to hinder the Englijh from ex¬ 
 ecuting this imaginary defign, they advanced in good or¬ 
 der to join battle. The moment the Protector had receiv¬ 
 ed intelligence of their march, lie drew up his Army- 
 part on the Hill, and part on the Plain, and expeCted them 
 without ftirring. He had placed his Artillery in an ad- 
 vantagious place that commanded the whole Plain, and on 
 the other fide, his Fleet was near enough to lire unon the 
 Enemy in flank. Nay there was a Galliot, which Hollingft. 
 being lighter than the reft of the Ships, came very near Haywaid. 
 the Land, and extremely annoyed the Scotch Anny (7). 
 
 It was on the 10th of September that the two Armies Battle of 
 ingag’d. I {hall not relate the particulars of this Battle*. 
 
 Behdes that the Hiftorians agree not in the principal Cir- ms. ‘ 
 cumftances, there are but few capable of giving a juft ac- 1,i:t yn. 
 count of what paffes on thefe occafions, and of pointing ^ y^d” 
 out the chief caufes of the gain or lofs of a Battle. It be- Buchanan, 
 longs only to Generals themfelves to be good Hiftorians Burr - et< 
 on fuch SubjeCls. I (hall content my felf therelore with 
 reciting the Succefs of this here. After a very obftinate Le r s cn thf 
 fight, the Scots were routed, leaving fourteen thouland fif of the 
 dead on the place, and fifteen hundred Prifoners in the <f0,s ; 
 hands of the Englijh, of whom eight hundred were Gen- Hj y W aH.* 
 tlemen. 
 
 This great lofs threw all Scotland into the utmoft con- Great Cm- 
 fternation. The Regent and the Queen after garrifoning/ "» 
 
 the Caftle of Edinburgh, retired to Sterling with the re jd,.Vin-'(h 
 mains of their Army, abandoning thus the Frontiers to Hayward, 
 the ravages of the Englijh. A lew days alter the ProttClor Buchanan, 
 took Leith, and the Englijh Fleet commanded by the Lord Lurnct ‘ 
 Clinton , burnt feveral Sea-port Towns in the County of 
 Fife, with all the Ships in their Harbours. Then, the 
 a Englijh Army marched to Edinburgh, and entering with¬ 
 out oppofition, plundered the City. Such a terror fei/.ecl 
 all Scotland, that if the ProteCtor had improv’d his Succefs, 
 
 (1) The Bifhopricks were divided into fix Precinfls or Circuit'- The 1 ft was London, Wejtminjler, Norwich, and Ely. The 2d, Rocbejhr, Canterbury . 
 Cbichejier, and Wmcbejter. The 3d, Sarum , Eoeter, Bath, Unfi t, -:id Gloccfter. The 4th, York, Durham, Carh/te, and Cb-J/er. The 5th. Ptnr- 
 borcugb, Lincoln, 0 font. Coventry, and Lichfield. And the 6rh, Wa!e<, IVorcefier, and Hereford. They began their Vifitation in Augujl, ab ;ut the 
 time that the Protettor made his expedition into Scotland. Burnet, Tom. II. p. 26, 31. 
 
 (2) This year, the Book of Ilomihet, compoled by Archbilhop Cranmer, was publilhed, and printed twice by Grafton. Snype's Mem. Tom. II. p. 3r. 
 
 (3) The other was Sir Robert Bowes. Burnet, Tom. II. p. 31. 
 
 (4) Accoiding to King Edward's Journal, the Engli/b Army confided of thirteen thc-uiand Foot, >r.d five rhrtif.:nd Hrrfe, f p. 4.) Tot UoV\n'fi:ead 
 
 gives us the following particulars. The D ike of Somerfet was General cf the whole Army, and Captain of the md-lle WaiJ, white confided of four 
 thoufand Foot. The Earl of Warwick led the Fore-ward, containing three thouland Foot. And the Rear-ward, wherein was the lame number, was br uglic 
 up by the Loid Vacres. The Lord Grey of Wilton, Marlhal of the Army, was Captain General of the Horle, in number fix thoultr.d. Mr Fm-.is 
 Briar., C.ipn.in of the light Horle, in number two thoufand. Sir Ralph Vane Lieutenant of all the Men at Arms, and Demi-Lances. Sir tbemas Darcy 
 Captain of all the King’s Penfioners and Men at Arms. Sir Peter Mewtax Captain of the Harque-butters, in number 6co- Sir Peter Gamboa Captain 
 
 of two hundred Harque-butters on Horfe-back. John Brenne, Captain of the Pioneers, in number fourteen hundred, p. 980.-In the mean 1 me, 
 
 the Fleet advanced 'owards Newcafi/e, confiding of fixty five VclTels, whereof one Galley, and thirty four tall Ships were prepared 1 r fightinp, the reft 
 ferved for carriage of Ammunition and Viftuals. Of this Fleet Sir Edward Clinton was Admiral, and Sir William Woodbcuje Vicc-Admiial. Hay- 
 ward, p. 279. 
 
 (■>) Brecbty-Crag, a F«rt in the County of Angus. Camden. H Utngfhcad fays, it was not taken till September 21. p. 990. Edw. Journ. (.•/, i: 
 was aficr the Battle. 
 
 (6) So Buchanan fays, 1 . i 5. But in King Edward's Journal it is faid, that it confided of thirty fix thoufand Men at lead, p, 5. 
 
 (7J It flew the Mallei o i Grabme, and twenty others near him. Holhngjh . p. 984, 
 
2i. EDWARD VI. 
 
 Book XVI. 
 
 $> 
 
 •547- by befieging the Caft'e of Edinburgh, it is hardly to he 
 doubled, h“ would have forced the Regent to relinquifh 
 The Pmtrc- the voung Queen, or fabdued the Kingdom. But affairs 
 'Z b-TrT which concerned him in particular, made him relinquifh 
 t,.y. his enterprise, juft as he was going to reap the Fruits of 
 
 his viciory. Whilft he was employed in Scotland , his 
 Brother the Admiral caballed againft him in England , and 
 had now made fuch progrefs that the Protestor was upon 
 the point of being ruined, at the very time he was caufing 
 the King’s Arms to triumph. The advice he received 
 made him think, he could not too fpeedily return to Court, 
 in order to break his Brother’s meafures. This was the 
 real motive of his hafty return, which however was co¬ 
 loured with other pretences. 
 
 He returns to The i 8th of September he departed for England , having 
 HoHi'n'fii employed but fix teen days in his expedition, from his cn- 
 Burnct. * trance into Scotland , and if we may believe the Englijh 
 Heylin. Writers, loft but iixty two Men in all(i). In his re¬ 
 turn, he marched through the Counties of March and 77- 
 viotdalc , and leaving a Garrifon in the Caftle of Hume , 
 ordered Roxburrougb to be repaired , where he left 
 Sir Ralph Palmer Governor. 
 
 Pecpte The Protedlor’s glorious Campain in Scotland , put the 
 and 'tbcNo- Nation in mind of feveral noble Actions performed by him 
 bin envy in the late Reign. This gained him great Applaufe from 
 
 B^net the People (2), but withal the Envy of the Nobles, who, 
 
 if Sir John Hayward is to be credited, had no great Efteem 
 for him. This Contraft between the Nobles and People 
 was very prejudicial to him. It induced him to rely too 
 much on the People’s Favour, and to raife himfelf above 
 the reft of the Nobles, both by an external Pomp, and by 
 afluming the foie Adminiftration of Affairs. As by the 
 King’s Patent, he was not obliged to follow the Advice of 
 the Council, he generally confulted only his Creatures, and 
 negledled the reft, as it there were no fuch Men. This 
 Behaviour feemed at firft a little ftrange in one, who, very 
 far from being naturally proud and haughty, was rather 
 humble, modeft, and civil. No other reafon can be given, 
 but his great Zeal to promote the Reformation. This 
 was, doubtlefs, what made him think it neceffary to re¬ 
 move from the Adminiftration thofe who were not led by 
 the fa me Zeal as himfelf, in order to lerten the oppohtion, 
 as much as poffiblc. Beffdes, he had palled the belt part 
 of his Life in the Court of Henry VIII, where he had 
 feen the Authority-Royal carried to the greateft height, 
 and as Henry had fucceeded by the way of rigour, he 
 deemed it requifite to follow much the fame Maxims. 
 
 Bonner and 
 Gardiner ar, 
 Jent to Pri- 
 fon. 
 
 Burnet. 
 
 Strype. 
 
 The Reformation was certainly the foie Object, the Pro¬ 
 tector had in view, and all his Proceedings, in the Pub- 
 lick Affairs both Foreign and Domeftick, tended properly 
 to that point. 
 
 The Commiftioners, appointed to vifit the Churches, 
 having made their report, it was found, that all the Bi- 
 fhops had complied with the Orders of the Council, ex¬ 
 cept Bonner ol London , and Gardiner of IVincheJlcr. Thefe 
 had given an advantage againft themfelves, not only by 
 direct oppofition, but by Cavils, v/hich plainly fhowed 
 how averfe they were to all Reformation. They infifted 
 chiefly upon the forementioned Maxim, that it was not law¬ 
 ful to make any alterations in Religion during the King’s 
 Minority. As this Principle might have had pernicious Con- 
 fequences, with refpect to the Government, it was made a 
 pretenfe to fend them to Prifon (3), notwithftanding their 
 feeming, but very equivocal, Submiflion. The truth is, as 
 feveral Adts in favour of the Reformation were intended to 
 be palled in the next Parliament, which was fummoned to 
 meet the 4th of November , the Reformers were very glad to 
 be freed from the troublefome oppofition of thefe two Pre- 
 ih Prineefs lates. The Princefs Mary was alfo difpleafed with the In- 
 f/a’ns‘of tbe ^ ru< ^‘ ons given to theVifitors, and thedefignof advancing 
 Steps which the Reformation. She writ upon this occaffon to the Pro- 
 arc making te£tor, exprefling her diflike of all the Changes which 
 Zldon. were ma ^ in S> aild of thofe which were defigned to be 
 Burnet. made during the King’s Minority. The Protedlor fent 
 Strype. her a very ftrong anfwer, and did not think himfelf o- 
 bliged to conform to her Sentiments. 
 
 Some days before the Parliament met, the Lord Rich 
 Burnet. was ma de Chancellor (4). ft he 3d of November , the day 
 Aft. Pub. before the opening of the Parliament, the Prote&or, by a 
 XV. P . 164- Patent under the Great Seal, was warranted to fit in Par¬ 
 liament on the right hand of the Throne, under the 
 Cloath of State, whether the King was prelent or not, 
 and moreover was to have all the Honours, Privileges, and 
 Prerogatives that any of the Uncles of the Kings of Eng¬ 
 land, or any Protectors had ever enjoyed, [with a non- 
 objlante to the Statute of Precedence. J ' This Proceeding 
 
 was a clear Evidence that the Duke of SomerJet f s Intention ^547. 
 was, not only to be luperior to all, but even to deftroy 
 by degrees the very remembrance of the Form of Go¬ 
 vernment eftablilhed by Henry VIII. Though he had 
 not forgot to caufe this Patent to be approved by the 
 Council, before it was fealed, that was not fufficient to 
 juftify him entirely. It was well known the King did no¬ 
 thing but by his direction : That the Council was at his 
 Command, and that it would have been very dangerous 
 for the Counfellors, diredlly to oppofe a Patent which con¬ 
 cerned him in particular. 
 
 The Parliament being met the 4th of November , parted Parliament ; 
 feveral material A efts, relating fome to the State, and o- J 011 ™- P*r. 
 thers to Religion. It is very certain, the number of thofe Burne *- 
 who defired a Reformation, was very great in the King¬ 
 dom. However, it mud not be imagined that then, any p emar k on 
 more than at this day, whatever the Parliament did was this Parlia- 
 agreeable to the general Opinion of the Nation. The Re- menU 
 prefentatives of the Commons were chofen, as they are at 
 prefent, without any Inftrucftions concerning the Points to 
 be debated in Parliament, nay, without the People’s 
 knowing any thing of them. Thus, the Houfe of Com¬ 
 mons had, as I may fay, an unlimited Power, to deter¬ 
 mine by a majority of Votes, with the concurrence of the 
 Lords, and aflent of the King, what they deemed pro¬ 
 per for the Welfare of the Kingdom. There was no ne- 
 cellity therefore, in order to obtain what the Court de¬ 
 fied, of having the univerfal Confent of the People, but 
 only the majority of the Voices in both Houfes. Hence 
 it is eafy to conceive, that the Court ufed all imaginable 
 means to caufe fuch Members to be elected as were ir} 
 their Sentiments. This is now, and ever will be, pradlifed 
 till fome cure is found for this Inconvenience. I call it 
 Inconvenience, becaufe it happens fometimes that the Par¬ 
 liament partes Adis contrary to the general Opinion of the 
 Nation. Of this one may be eafily convinced, by what 
 parted in the Parliaments held under Edward VI, and 
 Queen Mary his Sifter. In the Reign of Edward , Po¬ 
 pery was entirely rooted out, and under Mary it was 
 wholly replanted. In one or other of thefe Reigns there¬ 
 fore the Parliament muff: have a<fted contrary to the Opi¬ 
 nion of the People, fince it is not poflible to believe, that a 
 whole Nation jfhould have thus changed, in an inftant, 
 from white to black. I don’t pretend, by this remark, 
 to weaken the Proceedings of Edward Vi’s Parliament in 
 favour of the Reformation ; what I advance is levelled as 
 much againft that of Queen Mary, as againft this. My 
 defign is only to obferve, that the determination of a Par¬ 
 liament is not always a convincing Proof of the Approba¬ 
 tion of the whole Englijh Nation. The Reafons there¬ 
 fore which may be drawn from the pretended Confent of 
 the Nation, reprefented in Parliament, either for or a- 
 gainft the Reformation, feem to be of very little weight,. 
 
 Each of the two Parties will always fay, and perhaps very 
 juftly, that the Parliament which oppofed them, was a 
 Parliament devoted to the King and the Miniftry. 
 
 The prefent Parliament was, in all appearance, diredled 
 by the Duke of Somerfct , fince it fo readily favoured all his 
 defigns. I fhall content my felf with relating the Sub- 
 ftance of the chief A<fts parted this Seffion, without in¬ 
 filling much upon them, becaufe Dr. Burnet has fpoken j. 
 of them fo accurately (and fully in his Hiftory of the & c . " p ’ 4 ' r 
 Reformation, that it would be needlefs to repeat what he 
 has faid. 
 
 The firft Statute repealed feveral Adis parted in the late ah feme- 
 and fome former Reigns : namely, pealing feve¬ 
 
 ral Statute!, 
 
 I. All Aifts declaring any thing to be Treafon but what 
 tvas in the Statute of 23. Edward III. This Statute of 
 King Edward had long ferved for the Standard of Trea¬ 
 fon, till during the Civil Wars between the Houfes of 
 York and Lancajler , and particularly in the Reign of 
 Elenry VIII, the Lift of treafonable Offences was very 
 much increafed. And therefore, the Parliament very 
 juftly reduced thefe Offences within their old bounds, 
 that the Subjeifts might not be liable to fo many ri¬ 
 gours. 
 
 II. This Statute alfo repealed all Adis, declaring that to 
 be Felony, which was not fo before the rupture with the 
 Pope (5). And, 
 
 III. The Adi which made the King’s Proclamations of 
 equal Authority with Adis of Parliament. If this Statute 
 had continued. Parliaments would have become ufelefs. 
 
 IV. Two Adis concerning the Lollards (6). 
 
 Laftly, By the fame Statute, the Law of the Six Arti- AHoftbl 
 cles was alfo repealed. fx Articles 
 
 repealed. 
 
 (z The Wav!/ illuPZeif'J'T ® that the Engltfh loft about two hundred Horfe in the firft Charge. 1 . l 5 . 
 
 i To the Fleet B 1 B 7 r 7 '° m “ t him in F,nibur y Fldd - OBot. S. when he returned to that City. HolUngfi. p. 992. 
 
 1 Ws Paten hear, H -o ’ T T ?"* 3*. leafed about the end of the year. Strype, p. 68, " ? " 
 
 U' MIS I atent bears dav, Novemb. 30. Sec Burnt, , Tom. III. Collett, p. 406. 1 J 
 
 $ T T a ll.Afts made upon thw he’d fine e April 2j, , Henry VIII, « it is in the Statute. 
 
 (6) Thofe of 5. Richard II, and : 
 
 No. 44. V O 1. II. 
 
 Htnr 
 
 By 
 
tte H I STO RT of ENGLAND. Vol. If. 
 
 *547* By another, [ Article of the fame Statute ] the King’s 
 Ecclefiaflical Supremacy was again confirmed, with feveral 
 Penalties upon thofe who fhould call it in queflion. It 
 was likewife declared High-Treafon in any of the Heirs 
 of the Crown, nominated in Henry VIll’s Will, and in 
 their Abettors, to endeavour to break the Succeflion of the 
 Crown fettled by that Prince. 
 
 It was alfo ena&ed. That all fhould enjoy the Benefit 
 of the Clergy (i), and the Privilege of Sanftuary, [ as be¬ 
 fore Henry VIII’s Reign ] excepting only fuch as were 
 guilty of Murder, Poifoning, Burglary, robbing on the 
 High-way, Healing of Cattle, and Healing out of Churches 
 and Chapels. 
 
 An A& palled in Henry VIlI’s time, empowering his 
 Succefi'or to annul Laws made during his Minority till his 
 Four and Twentieth Year, was likewife explained j and it 
 was declared, that this A£t fhould only take place for the 
 future, and not for the paH (z). 
 
 With regard to Religion, feveral A&s were made, which 
 caufed very great alterations. Firfl, private Malles were 
 abolifhed, and the Cup was given to the People in the 
 Communion (;?). 
 
 Another A£t gave the King power to nominate to the 
 vacant Sees by his Letters Patents, and fo abolifhed the 
 way of chilling Bifhops by Conge d’ ejlire (4), which was 
 only a Mockery, fince thefe pretended Ele&ions were all 
 made by the dire&ion of the Court. 
 
 The Jurifdiftion of the EcclefiaHical Courts was alfo 
 very much abridged, by taking from them the Cognizance 
 of matrimonial and teHamentary Caufes which were re¬ 
 moved to the Civil Courts (5). 
 
 Statute a- Then the Parliament palled a very remarkable A& a- 
 gainfl Vagabonds. It was enabled, That if any Perfon 
 fhould any where loiter without Work, or without offer¬ 
 ing himfelf to work three days together, he fhould be ad¬ 
 judged to be a Slave [ for two years J to him that fhould 
 prefent him to two Juflices of Peace, and be marked witli 
 the Letter V. imprinted with a hot Iron on his Breafl. 
 This Law was thought very fevere in a Country like 
 England , where Slavery feems inconfiflent with the Pri¬ 
 vileges of the People. But herein the Court, by whom 
 the Parliament was governed, had an' eye only to the 
 Monks, who being gone from their Monafleries, little 
 inured to Labour, could not think of working for their 
 livelihood. Thefe Aden fpent their time in going from 
 houfe to houfe to cabal againfl the Government, and in- 
 fpire the People with the Spirit of Rebellion. So the Court, 
 judging it to be an effetfl of their Idlenefs, and that if they 
 betook themfelves to fome Employment, they would at 
 length lofe this Habit, refolved to make them work, how 
 unwilling foever they might be. Mean while, as the Law 
 was general, it occafioned great Murmurs among the Peo¬ 
 ple. Wherefore it was never rigoroufly executed, and 
 even repealed by another Parliament. 
 
 Several En- Laflly, The Parliament gave the King all the Lands 
 ^tn’tDbe defigned for the maintenance of Chantries, Chapels, and 
 jc,„ Colleges, which were not poflefTed by Henry VIII, and 
 Statutes. a n Revenues given for Obits, Anniverfaries, Lights in the 
 Strype. Churches, together v/ith all Guild Lands (6) which any 
 Fraternity enjoyed on the fame account. This Adf did 
 not pafs without great difficulty. Cranmer himfelf oppofed 
 it to the utmoH of his Power (7), not from a delire to 
 
 keep thefe Endowments for the ufes intended by the Do- 1547, 
 nors, but becaufe he hoped to meet with fome favorable 
 opportunity to convert them to other ufes beneficial to 
 Religion, whereas being once in the King’s hands, the 
 Church was deprived of them for ever. But all oppofi- 
 tion was in vain. The Nobles gaped, as I may fay, after 
 the Church-Lands, which they obtained of the Court up¬ 
 on very eafy Terms. Befides, the Executors of the late 
 King’s Will wanted thefe Lands to pay his Debts and Le¬ 
 gacies. It is true, there was a Claufe in the Adb, import¬ 
 ing, that thefe Lands fhould be converted to the main¬ 
 tenance of Grammar-Schools and Preachers ; but it was 
 never put in practice (8). 
 
 The Parliament ended with a general Pardon, in which General 
 were excepted the Prifoners in the Tower , and thofe who 
 had abfented themfelves out of the Kingdom. As Gardi- has tit 
 ner was not in the Tower , he enjoyed the benefit of the Benefit. 
 Pardon. ® tr » e * 
 
 I juH mentioned the reafon which obliged the Protedlor 
 to quit Scotland and return to Court, with a precipitation 
 very detrimental to the King’s Affairs. But it is neccflary 
 now to fpeak a little more largely of it, before I conclude 
 the year 1 547, becaufe it was during this Seffion of the 
 Parliament that this affair broke out. 
 
 Among all the enviers of the Protedfor, there was not Cabals file 
 one more paflionateagainfl him than his Brother, Admiral 
 Thomas Seymour. He was a hot, proud, and haughty n,hbt-d-s 
 Man. ’Tis true, he was reckoned to have more Senfc Pro,f •• 
 than his Brother, and to be more capable of managing HtylL-.i. 
 great affairs. But this Opinion might proceed from the 
 Party he had made- among the Nobility, who loved not 
 the Protestor. However this be, the Admiral could not 
 bear the difference the King had put between him and the 
 Duke of Somerfet , though they were both Uncles to the 
 young King. He thought himfelf, by his Birth and na¬ 
 tural Endowments, as worthy as hi. Brother of having a 
 fliare in the Adminiflration of the Government. Prefently 
 after Henry's death, he gave proofs of his Ambition, in 
 making his Addreffcs to the Princcfs Elizabeth. But find¬ 
 ing he was not like to fucceed, he turned to Catherine 
 Parr Queen-Dowager, and fo won her Heart, that he 
 privately married her, without communicating it to the 
 Duke his Brother, who was now invefled with the Pro- 
 te&orfhip. This Marriage was fo quickly after Plenty's Eorntt * 
 death, that if the Queen had bred as foon as fhe might 
 have done, there would have been room to queflion whe¬ 
 ther the Child was the King’s or the Admiral’s. Having 
 kept his Marriage private tor fome time, he found means, 
 unknown to the Protestor, to procure a Letter from the 
 King, recommending him to the Queen for a Husband. 
 Whereupon he declared his Marriage, without ufing any 
 Ceremony with his Brother. And here began their quar¬ 
 rel. But the Protedlor, who was a Man of great AIo- 
 deration, prevented their quarrel from breaking out, though 
 he was Hill extremely difpleafed with his Brother. The Ad¬ 
 miral’s Envy was greatly increafed by the Duke his Bro¬ 
 ther’s Promotion, who from a nominal, was become a 
 real, Protedlor. This Envy, added to his natural Difpo- 
 fition, carried him at length to form the Projedt of fup- 
 planting him, by infinuating himfelf into the King’s Fa¬ 
 vour, and making a Party among the Nobility. There 
 is no doubt, the Protcdlor’s fecret Enemies cberifhed the 
 
 (1 1 Benefit of the Clergy was an antient Liberty of the Church, confirmed by divers Parliaments. When a Prieft or one within Orders was arraigned of 
 Felony before a lecular Judge, he might pray his Clergy, lhat is, to be delivered to hi: Ordinary, to purge himfelf of the i Hr nee objected. Bn' the antient 
 
 courfe of the Law in this point of Clergy is much altered, for Clerks be no more delivered to their Ordinaries to be purged, but now every Man, though 
 
 not within Orders, is put to read at the Bar, being found guilty, and convifted of fuch Felony as this Benefit is granted f r, and fu burnt in the Hand, and let 
 
 free for the firft time, if the Ordinary's Deputy, (landing by, do fay, Legit uc Clericus. 
 
 (2) This Law was thus altered. The King, after the 24th year of his age, nr-lit by his Letters Patents void any Aft of Parliament f ir the future, ex¬ 
 cept this prefent Aft, and all Paidons granted by Parliament, but could not fo void it trom the beginning, as to annul all things done upon it between the 
 
 making and annulling it, which were flill to be lawful Deeds. Burnet, Tom. II. p-4i. 
 
 (3; And becaufe fome Perl’ons, on account of the abufes committed by ties Sacrament, took occafion to d.' r pife and revile it, it was furthermore enjoined 
 
 by this Aft, That whoever were for the future guilty of depraving or defpifing of it, fhould be imprifoned, and make fine ard ran'.om at the King s 
 pleafure. This Bill was firft read on Ncmtmb. ig, twice on the 17th, and again on the 24th, when it was delivered to the Lord Chancellor. The Dil- 
 fentient from it, were, the Bifhops of London, Norwich, Hertford, IVorcefier, and Cbicltfi.r. 'Journals Pari. 
 
 (4) But the Fees, ufually paid on the Collation to a Bifhoprick, were retained, by an Article of this Aft. They amount to 331 I- as the Reader may 
 fee in Collier's Eeci. Hijl. Tom. II. p. 236. 
 
 (5) Whereas (fays the Aft) the Bifhops did exercife their Authority, and catry on Proceftes in their own names, and fincc all Jur fdiftion both -Spi¬ 
 ritual and Temporal was derived from the King, therefore their Courts and all Proceftes (hoold he from henceforth carried on in the King s name, and be 
 fealed by the King’s Seal, as it was in the other Courts of common Law, excepting only the Archbiihop of Canterbury's Courts, and all Collations, Prefen- 
 tations, or Letters of Orders, which were to pafs under the Bifhops proper Seals as tormerly. 
 
 (6) A Chantry, was a little Church, Chapel, or particular Altar, in fome Cathedra! Church, Cite, endowed with Lands, or other Revenues, for the 
 
 maintenance of one or more Priefts, daily to ling Mai's, and perform divine Service for the Souls cf the Founders, and fuch others as th y ;-pp .it,ted..- 
 
 Frte-Cbapels, were independent from any Church, and endowed for much the lame purp .fi: as the Chantries. - -- The Out w.s the A-.uuerMry of any 
 Perfon’s death; and to obferve fuch day, with Prayers, Alms, or other Commemoratirn, was called the keeping of the Ob-t. -- sJnmverfjr.e. 
 
 a I or Martyrology, 
 fttldast to pay, bec.ru 1 
 
 the yearly Returns of the day of the death of Perfons, which the Religious regiftred in th 
 
 to their Founders and Benefactors.- Guild, ftgnifiesa Fraternity or Company ; from thi „ 
 
 towards the chatge and fupport of the Company. G. Jacob. -Of thefe Chantries and Frce-chipels, 
 
 hundred and feventy four. When they were fold, in the 2d year of this King, they were valued, in the whole, 
 ninety three Pounds ; and were fold for forty fix thoufand two hundred and forty n ; ne Pounds, fourteen Shillings. 
 
 p. S;, See. -Befides thefe Chantries, the Parliament granted alfo the King Tunnage and Poundage fur life. Whicn v. i- 
 
 V/ine, and of fweet Wine fix Shillings, and of every Aulmc of Rhenifh Twelve pence. The Poundage was Twelve-pence 
 all Goods imported or exported; and two Shillings of Aliens for Tin and Pewter exported. The Si.biidy from Wool w 
 
 Wool ; and of that exported by Strangers, 3/. 61. 8 d ; of every two hundred and forty Wool-fells, 33 » 4 J ; for c 
 
 3 l. 6 j • Srf; but of Strangers, 3 /. 13 s. tyd. Stevens Hijt. Tax. p. 231, 232. 
 
 (7) As did alfo the Bifhops of London, Durham, Ely, Norwich, Hereford, U '.rcrfler, Cbicbejicr. Ii was firft read in th: Houfe of Lirds. Drctmb. 6, 
 
 and the fccond, third, and fourth times, on the 12th, 14th, and 15th of the fame month. It was read again tw ee on the 24th, and lent down to the 
 Commons. Journ. Part. ’ 
 
 (S) This is a miftake. There were Schools founded by King Edward, at St. Edmundsbury in Suf.H, Spill sty and Louth in LinHn/hrr, Cbelmsfrd 
 in E//ex, Sedbergb in York/hire, Shrewsbury, Eajl Ratfcrd in "N»tsngbamjbire, Birmingham in H'arwictjbire. Morpeth in No'tburnb,’ .'and ; As all, at 
 Macclesfield, Nun-Eaten, Stourbridge in Worcefierfbire, Bath, Bedford, Guildford, G . lb G, ... .... •. v .7 tans, 7 m bridge, Southampton, 
 
 Stratford upon Avan, Sec. which were moftly endowed out of the Chantry Lands. Slrype'i Mem. Tom. 11 . p. 533, &c. 
 
 4 Admiral’s 
 
 lly oblerved, 
 
 1 0 was to p .y fumething 
 m, two thoufand three 
 t about tw1 thou'and five hundred and 
 See Strype's Mur.. Tom. 11 . Repojtt. 
 h was three Shillings of every Tun of 
 the Pound, of the value of 
 3 s. 4 d. of every Sack of 
 Lift of Hides and Backs, 
 
11 
 
 Book XVI. 
 
 21. EDWARD VI 
 
 > 547 . 
 
 Admiral’s Ambition by the Praifes they gave him, con¬ 
 firming him in his ill Opinion of the Duke his Brother. 
 He began his Cabals about Eafler , with gaining the King’s 
 Servants to his Intereft, that they might continue their 
 young mafter in a good Opinion of him. By their means 
 he fo ordered it, that the King frequently came to his 
 Houfe to fee his Mother-in-law. Here it was that he di¬ 
 ligently made his Court, and even furnifhed him with 
 Money for his privy Purfe, and for fmall Prefents to his 
 Domefticks (i). This pleafed the young King, who 
 found himfelf freed from the trouble of asking his Gover¬ 
 nor for Money, and of being accountable to him for what 
 he did with it. All this could not be done without the 
 ProteXor’s knowledge. He taxed his Brother with it, 
 who denied all, but in fo haughty a manner, that it was 
 eafy for the ProteXor to perceive, he had not much regard 
 for him. He was unwilling however to come to an open 
 quarrel, hoping in time to reclaim him. 
 
 The Protestor was no fooner in Scotland , but the Ad¬ 
 miral renewed his Cabals with lefs referve than before. He 
 diftributed money to feveral Perfons, and never ceafed ma¬ 
 king his Court to the King. Nay, he obtained, unknown 
 to his Brother, a new and more ample Patent for the Of¬ 
 fice of Lord Admiral, with an addition of two hundred 
 Marks to the Salary. Sir William Paget , who was devo¬ 
 ted to the Protestor, and perhaps had orders to watch the 
 Admiral, feeing how he increafed in favour with the King, 
 thought himfelf obliged to talk with him about it. But 
 the Admiral’s Anfwer not fatisfying him, he fent the Pro- 
 ceXor notice of it, and upon this intelligence it was that he 
 ended his Campain in Scotland fo abruptly, to return to 
 Court and break his Brother’s meafures. 
 
 7b/ Ad>n\- The Protestor's Arrival was not capable of interrupting 
 Z'.'.’hVbis f h e Admiral's projects. He rather haftened the execution 
 Brother, more > not to give his Brother time to prevent him. 
 and gains the He had gained fome of the Privy Counfellors, feveral 
 to bis Lords of diftinXion, and many Members of Parliament. 
 Bui net. * n ^ ne » h e perl waded the King, that the two Offices of 
 
 Act- Pub. 
 XV. p. it 
 Aug. ~,o. 
 
 fet Spies about him, to be informed of his proceedings, 154-. 
 confidering him as a very dangerous Enemy. 
 
 This year the face of affairs in Germany was entirely AJf a ' r ‘ ■: 
 changed. The Emperor defeated and took Prifoner John ?, e T r? 
 Fredmc Eicftor of Sanmy (3), and declared his Couiin b“" 
 Maurice Lledlor, who at the fame time took pofTeffion of 
 the EleXoral Dominions. After this difafter, the Landgrave 
 of Hejfe finding himfelf unable to maintain the war, made 
 the bell terms he could with the Emperor, and came to 
 him upon the faith of a Safe-ConduX, ‘which exprefsly ran 
 that he Ihould not be liable to any imprifonment. But by 
 a grofs fraud, inftead of the German word emig, which 
 fignifies any, the word ewig, which fignifies perpetual , 
 was infer ted. By this bafe artifice he was detained a Pri¬ 
 foner, to be releafed at the Emperor’s pleafure. 
 
 The imprifonment of the two Heads rendered the Pro- 
 teftant Party very weak, and the Emperor’s triumphant, 
 
 1 he Archbilhop of Cologne, who had embraced the Pro- 
 teftant Religion, was forced to renounce his dignities of 
 Archbilhop and Elector of the Empire. After that, the 
 Emperor made fundry Alterations tending to deftroy the 
 Reformation, or rather, under that pretence, to render 
 himfelf abfolute in Germany . For this caufe the Pope 
 himfelf grew jealous of him. As, after his viXory, his 
 Ambafladors were imperious at Trent, the Pope ordered 
 the Council to be removed to Bologna, under the feigned 
 pretence of the Plague’s being at Trent. 
 
 Hitherto Germany had ferved for SanXuary to many 
 Protcftanls perfected in other Countries. But fince the 
 Emperor’s viXory, they were no longer fafe there. For Several 
 which reafon many came into England , where they faw R'- 
 
 the Reformation to be in a profperous way. Among ftrm ? “ mi 
 thefe were Peter Martyr (4), Bucer, Ochinus, Fagius, to land, 
 whom Edward gave Penfions and Benefices, as appears in Aa - Pub * 
 the Collett ion of the Public k Atts. XV. P . 170, 
 
 Tho’ Henry If. had refufed to ratify the two Treaties BunUt. 93 ’ 
 concluded at London in March, the Eng If: however as I 
 obferv’d, continued the Fortifications of Bullenberi ’ France ‘ 
 
 Protedor and Governor of his~ Perfon gave the Duke of fuant to’an articie~ofdie TreatyofTW ^ButTftS feve- Iwf' 1 * 
 Some,jet too much authority, _ and that it was proper to part ral complaints from France, Henry fent fo rough a meffiage 
 
 by bis Ambaffatlor, that the Proteaur, rather than hazard 
 a quarrel with France, ordered the Works to be difeonti- 
 nued, before the Fort was finilhed. 
 
 In the beginning of the year i; 4 8, the Council made r; 4 8. 
 feveral alterations with refpeS to Religion. By an or- 
 d . e !j (S). the carrying of Candles on Candlemafs-day, of PJ.f" 
 Allies on dJh-lVcdnefJay, of Palm on Palm-Sunday, with Burnet, 
 the Rites ufed on Good-Friday and Eajler-day, were for- Fox ‘ 
 bidden (6). Moreover, it was left to the People’s choice 
 to go to ConfeJJitm or to negka that praffice, hitherto 
 deemed an mdifpenfable Duty. Some days after, it was 
 ordered that all Images in general Ihould be remov’d from 
 the Churches {7). As England was then divided into two 
 Parties, fome approved, and others cenfured thefe changes. 
 
 But the Council, in fpite of all oppofition, caufed their 
 orders to be confirmed by the King’s Proclamation, in 
 virtue of his Supremacy. Only Gardiner Bifhop of r “- 
 Winchejltr openly oppofed thefe Changes, upon the max- 
 im that no alteration in Religion could be lawfully made 
 till the King was of age. He was not the only Perfon 
 that tried to inftill this notion into the People. All thofe 
 of his Party endeavour’d the fame thing, but had not the 
 courage to do it pubhckly. Whereupon he was command¬ 
 ed to appear before the Council ; and as he offered to fub- 
 mit to whatever (hould be preferibed him, he was order¬ 
 ed (8) to preach at St. Paul's upon certain points, where¬ 
 of one of the chief was, that the King’s Authority was 
 the fame during his minority as when of age. He preach- C.niin.r i, 
 ed ; but fo little to the Council’s SatisfaXion, that it was P nt ,0 ,he 
 refolved to fend him to the Tower. This feverity produc’d 
 a great effefl, in that ail the Friends of the Romijh Church 
 refolv'd to conform, at lead outwardly, to what fhould be 
 enjoined by publick Authority, when they faw one of their 
 chief Supporters was not fpared. 
 
 Mean while, the war with Scotland give the Proteflor tit Prate. 
 great uneafinefs. He clearly faw, it was ridiculous to 
 
 . . P art 
 
 them, and confer the fecond on him, in order to balance 
 the ProtestorY power. The young King was much better 
 pleafed to have for Governor an Uncle, who had all the 
 Condefcenfion poffible for him, than one who was not fo 
 complaifant, and kept him more in awe. So his age not 
 allowing him to make other Reflexions, he writ with his 
 own hand a Meflage to the Houfe of Commons, defiring 
 them to make the Admiral the Governour] of his Perfon. 
 The Admiral was to carry this Meflage himfelf: But his 
 Contrivance was difeovered before he could execute his de- 
 jt'Lvfad" The Cour ? cil faring of it, fent fome Lords, to 
 
 reafon the cafe with him, and prevail with him to proceed 
 no farther. But the Lords did not bring back the fatisfac- 
 tion that was expeXed. On the contrary, inftead of re¬ 
 garding their Remonftrances, he anfwered with Threats (2). 
 hereupon, he was fent for next day by order from the 
 
 '7be Council Council, but refufed to come. At laft, he was threatened 
 
 tbreat/r., to be turned out of all his Offices, fent to the Tower, and 
 
 °" n profecuted upon the AX of Parliament, which made it 
 
 death for any Perfon to difturb the Government. This 
 menace frightened him. He plainly faw, though he had 
 the King on his fide, the young Prince who was but juft 
 entered into his eleventh year, would not have refelution 
 enough to fupport him, contrary to the advice of the Pro- 
 teXor and Council. Nay, it was hinted to him, there was 
 no likelihood, the Parliament would hearken to a Meflage 
 from a minor King, but would doubtlefs fuppofe him to 
 have been furprized. He chofe therefore to fubmit himfelf 
 to the ProteXor and Council, and to be reconciled to his 
 Brother, who deflred only to reclaim him by fair means. 
 However this reconciliation was not perfeX. Quickly after 
 he fhowed, he had not relinquilhcd but only put off, his de- 
 fign till a more convenient Seafon. And indeed, he never 
 ceafed endeavouring both by himfelf and by thofe whom he 
 had gained, to infufe into the King a diflike of the Pro¬ 
 teXor, and his other Minifters. This made the ProteXor 
 
 Firsts. IZJSZ& - •* 
 
 , for Edward t 
 
 his attempt, he would make this the blackeft Parliament that e 
 
 Admiral gave Mr .Cheek, the King’s Tutor, so/, 
 
 p. 78. 
 
 (2) He told them, if he were croflcd i; 
 
 (3) oipril 24 . Sleidan, 1. ig. 
 
 (4) ran- Men y, invited nvvr in the King’. n,„, by Crar.mr. He ms bum in 1 
 
 mT'rlu h'j“ Z n” ° f Ca ” : ! rl "y- ” i,h * Dilpenfatiun of Relidente. Fag,a, 
 
 too;. l't,r Martyr h,d the D.vmtt, Che.r it OxJ.rd, ,„d Oner that of Oaw.tr,dgt, with 
 
 (5) Dated January 28. H/ytin, p. 55, 
 
 r-1 r.A ^ ake V" d Mondays were alfo fupprefled. 
 
 n very forward 
 
 - — Picard- And alfo, at Cbrrfmafs, the 
 diltnbute among his Servants. Burnet, Tom. II. p. ,4.. .Strype, 
 
 Scotland. 
 
 1 England. Burnet, Tom. II. r 
 
 ence. He had a Penfion of Forty Marks a year, as had 
 c *•■"*«» at Cambridge^ and had a Penfion of 
 
 192, 
 
 Salaiy of 100/. Rymtr's Feed. 1 ' Tun. ij. 
 
 Burnet, Tom. II. p. 59. 
 
 lr.,-„,rg,r.uJ:Zltl ^«» I***- 
 
 (7) Fe6.1t. The Peopfe. 
 
 jar /ner when he came before the Council, defired that he might be fullered to clear himfelf of all 1 
 P reacb J> efore ^ King, i n which he Ihould dcclaie how well he v* fathfied 
 " btOIV, p. 596. 
 
 (8) Burnet fays, Go edit 
 made of him, in 
 far from doing (o, 
 
 Tom II. p. 
 
 mifreprefentations that had been 
 with his Proceedings. But he was 
 
 think 
 
i$4 8 - 
 
 The HISTORY of E N G L A N D. Vol. I 
 
 i-S+ 9 . 
 
 Patent en¬ 
 larging the 
 PrOttElor I 
 P'eroga- 
 
 A<ft* Pub. 
 
 think of accompliflii.ng the King’s marriage with the 
 Q_ieen of Scotland by tiie way of Arms, in fpite of the 
 Queen-Dowager, the Regent, and the Council. Moreo¬ 
 ver, he knew France was preparing to fend them a pow¬ 
 erful aid. And therefore he perceiv’d it would he very 
 difficult to fuccecd in this undertaking : bolides that this 
 war would very likely occafion a rupture with France. 
 In fhort, nothing was more repugnant than a war to his 
 defign of perfecting the work of the Reformation. He 
 would have been glad the Regent of Scotland had accepted 
 a ten years Truce, which he offer’d him. But the Scots 
 would not hearken to it, becaufe France had promiled 
 them a powerful aid. The Protestor therefore was forced 
 to refolve, even ag.iinft his Will, to continue the war. 
 But as he would not command the Army himfelf, he 
 gave the conduCt thereof to Francis Talbot Earl of Shrews¬ 
 bury, whom he appointed his Lieutenant. On this occa¬ 
 fion he plainly fhowed, he meant to ftretch the Preroga¬ 
 tives of the ProteCtorlhip as far as poffible, fince he would 
 have the Earl take his Commiffion of him. However, as 
 the Patent, obtained the 12th of March laft year, did not 
 fo clearly give him the Power of nominating his Lieute¬ 
 nants, he ordered another to be prepared, wherefti his 
 XV.p?i74. Prerogatives were more fully explained and enlarged. In 
 this, the King laid, that having by his Letters-Patents of 
 the 1 zth of March appointed his Uncle, the Duke of So- 
 merfet , Protector of the Kingdom and Governor of his 
 Perfon, his intention was, that the Claufes therein contain¬ 
 ed fhould be underftood in the ampleft Senfe, and the molt 
 favorable to the Duke: That however, as the generality 
 of the terms might occafion fome doubts, he declared that 
 * he conftituted him his Lieutenant-General and Captain- 
 General throughout his whole Dominions, with power to 
 order his SubjeCts to take arms whenever he fhould think 
 proper, and to appoint Lieutenants to command in his 
 place, both by Sea and Land. It cannot be denied, all 
 this was very contrary to the eftablifhment of the late 
 King, and confequently to the ACt of Parliament by 
 which it was previoufly authorifed. All the favours 
 granted by the King to any but the Protestor, could be 
 juftified by the advice of the ProteCIor and Council: But 
 thofe done to the Protestor himfelf, muff have been af- 
 cribed wholly to the perfwafions of the Perfon who re¬ 
 ceived them. Nay, in extraordinary Favours, this ren¬ 
 der’d in fome ineafure the King’s Patents ridiculous, who 
 was made to fay, he granted them to the Protestor by 
 the advice of the Prote&or himfelf. 
 lb* Regent Meantime, in the beginning of the Spring, whilft the 
 Court of England was confidering whether the war with 
 Broughty. Scotland fhould be continued, the Regent of that Kingdom 
 Buchanan, had opened the Campain with the Siege of Broughty 
 H.'wad. Caftle (r), which employ’d him three months in vain, 
 Ti. Engiifh tho’ it was but an inconfiderable place. On the other 
 tai, Hading- w hilft he us’d all his Forces in this fiege, the Englijh 
 Hoiiingfli. took the Callle of Hading ton, and fortified it with all 
 fpeed. By means of this place, fituated in one of the 
 molt fruitful Counties of Scotland, they made excurfions 
 to the very gates of Edinburgh , which was but twelve 
 miles from thence. They took Lauder alfo, and made 
 fome works there. 
 
 The Scots About the end of May, the Scots received from France 
 from Franco an Aid (2) of fix thoufand Men French and Germans , 
 'they hejiege commanded by Dejjt d' Efpanvilliers. After thefe new 
 Hadington. Troops were a little refrefhed, the Regent joined with 
 ’toRndtb™ them eight thoufand Scots, and with thefe Forces the two 
 Sjutcn into Generals befieged Hadington (3). During this Siege it 
 France. was that, after fevcral Conferences between the French and 
 Burnet?"' the Scots, the refo'.ution was taken of fending the young 
 Queen of Scotland to France. Many Scots however very 
 much difiiked that refolution. They affirmed, when the 
 Queen fhould be in France , there would be no way to 
 make Peace with the Englijh, whereas, without any pre¬ 
 judice cither to the Queen or Kingdom, the ten years 
 Truce offered by the Englijh might be accepted. This 
 Argument was combated by others, who maintained, that 
 the aim of the Englijh in this War being only to marry 
 the Queen to Edward, they would have no farther induce¬ 
 ment to continue it, when once that expe&ation was de- 
 ftroyed. Neverthelefs, it was eafy to fee that, by de¬ 
 livering the Queen to the French King, they were going 
 to be at the mercy of their Ally. But belides that the 
 
 t 
 
 Hollingfh. 
 
 ftayward. 
 
 French declared, France would not engage to affift Scotland 
 upon any other Terms, the Queen-Mother was extremely 
 defirous her Daughter fhould be at the Court of F r amc, 
 where the Princes of Lorrain her Brothers bore an abfolute 
 fway. Belides, all the Clergy earneftlv rarefied the fending 
 of the Queen into France , cut of fear of her being touted 
 at laft to be delivered to the Engiifh, and that their Reli¬ 
 gion would be deftroyed by her Marriage with Edward. 
 
 In fhort, to win the Regent, the King of France procu¬ 
 red to confer on him the Title of Duke of Chdicicrout, 
 with twelve thoufand Livres a year in Land. All trele 
 things produced the refolution of fending the Queen into 
 France, in the fame Ships that had brought the auxiliary 
 Troops. But to avoid meeting the Englijh Fleet, thefe 
 Ships failed round Scotland, by the North (4), and landed 
 the Queen in the Province of Bretagne. Mean while, Ad- Buchanan, 
 miral Seymour, who commanded the naval Forces himfelf, 
 made feveral Defcents in Scotland , wheie he was always 
 rcpulfed with lofs, and at laft, returned to England with¬ 
 out much damaging the Scots, 
 
 At length, the Englijh Arm)’, feventeen thoufand The Earl of 
 ftrong (5), entered Scotland, under the Command of the 
 Earl of Shrewsbury. At his approach, the French and s; r?r ,f 
 Scots raifed the Siege of Hadington, and retired (6). So, Hadington. 
 the General cafily fupplied the place with Provifions, and 
 then, marching to the Enemies, who were intrenched in ik, net. 
 an advantagious Poft, offered them Battle. But after flay- H 1 n s h - 
 ing about an hour in their light, finding they would not England, 
 ftir from their Intrenchments, he led back his Troops into 
 England. It is hard to guefs what could be the motive of 
 this abrupt Retreat, which gave the Scots an opportunity 
 to make great progrefs during the reft of the Campain (7). 
 
 The Englijl) Army was no fooner retired, but Dejjt at- Buchanm. 
 tempted to furprize Hadington. He was now at the Gates, 
 and juft entering the Place, when a French Defcrter who 
 had fled thither, fired one of the great Cannon, which be¬ 
 ing dilcharged among the thickeft of the French Troops, 
 fo difeouraged them, that they retreated with precipitation. 
 
 From thence Dejfe went and fortified the Village of Leith, Central 
 now become a very confiderable Town. His defign was ixr.-<•»'- 
 to retake Broughty Caftle ; but receiving exp refs Orders to England, 
 make an Inroad into England , he advanced as far as New- 
 cajlle , without meeting any refiftance, and returned loaded 
 with Spoil. It is not known what was become of the 
 Englijh Army, led by the Earl of Shrewsbury into Scot¬ 
 land, and confifting part of Englijh and part of Landj- 
 quencts. Thefe laft were German Troops, who had lerved Germans t, 
 the Elector of Saxony, and the Landgrave of Hejp, and 
 having no Leader in the Empire, had offered themfelves ii urnrt .‘ 
 to the Protetftor, who had entertained them in his Ser¬ 
 vice. This had raifed great murmurs againft him, tho 
 Englijh being impatient of feeing in the Kingdom foreign 
 Troops, who are generally too much devoted to the King. 
 
 It was eafy to perceive, the Prote&or’s aim was to 
 ftrengthen himfelf perfonally with the aid of thefe Fo¬ 
 reigners. 
 
 Before the end of the year, the Queen-Dowager o f Sequel of 
 Scotland complaining to the Court of France of Dejft's 
 Conduct, who behaved with great haughtinefs, and abufed Buchmao- 
 the Scots (8), caufed him to be recalled, and de Thermes B « rnet * 
 was fent in his room. The new General was accompa¬ 
 nied with Montluc Bifhop of Faience , who, being returned 
 from his Embafly at ConjlanUnople, was lent to be Chan¬ 
 cellor of Scotland. But the Scots were fo difpleafed to fee 
 the beft Office in the Kingdom in the hands of a Fo¬ 
 reigner, that the King of France recalled him. They be¬ 
 gan to repent fending their Queen into France, when 
 they faw the French fhow lefs regard for them. 
 
 During the year 1548, the Pope and Emperor had Qaarrek hc- 
 great quarrels about the Tranflation of the Council. The t l u " n ,be 
 Emperor, as I obferved, ufed the pretence ol Religion to lie Pb ^ 
 render himfelf abfolute in the Empire. The Council, af- Sleidm. 
 fembled at Trent , a City of Germany, as the Proteltants Buriict * 
 had required, furnifhed him with a colour to compel them 
 to fubmit to its Decrees. He was not forry, they refilled 
 to comply with them ; but defined they fhould have no 
 other reafons than thofe which they drew from Religion 
 it felf, becaufe then the pretence of conftraint remained 
 entire. But by the Tranflation of the Council to Bologna, 
 a City of Italy , and belonging to the Pope, this fame pre¬ 
 tence was taken away, becaufe the Protertants had caufc to 
 
 (1) Wiib c'Eht thoufand Men. Sir Andrew Dudley was the Covernor. Holling/h. p. 993. 
 
 (x) Which they had fent AmbaiTadors to demand. Buchan, li ij. 
 
 (3) Sir Jama Wtlford was Governor. Holling/h. p. 995. 
 
 (-V, By the Kies of Orkney, and came to Dunhritton, where the Queen wss received on Board. 
 
 (<| K.ing Edward's Journal fays, it confided of twenty two thouland Men, p. 5. 
 
 (6) Sir Robert Bowes, and Sir 'Thomas Fulmer were lent before to relieve the Place, with a body of thirteen hundred Men, but had the mistertunc t* 
 be furpr'zrd and cut oft' by the Enemy. Holllngfh. p. 994. 
 
 (7) HoUing/bead fays, that the Earl of Shrewsbury, and the Lord Grey of JViltcn, who ferved under him, did as much as their Commifiion would 
 bear. p. 995. 
 
 (8 1 Dejse, when he got to Edinburgh from Hadington, went to quarter his Men in the Town, but the Provoft eppofed it. Whereupon the French broke 
 in iiy Knee, and killed the Provoft and' his Son, with all they found in the Streets, Men, Women and Children. Dejse ratufed likcwiic to give the Scott 
 any Clare of the fpoil ho had taken in England. Bum,:. Tom. 11 . p. 84. Buchanan, 
 
 complain. 
 
*3 
 
 Book XVI. 
 
 21 . EDWARD. VI. 
 
 (948. complain, that the Decrees of the Diets were not executed. 
 On the other fide, the Pope finding the Emperor was be¬ 
 come almoft abfolute in the Empire by the Succefs of one 
 Campain, grew jealous of his Power, fearing it would 
 reach likewife over all Italy, and be very detrimental to 
 the Holy See. For this reafon, he was very glad to have 
 him always at variance with the Proteftants of Germany , 
 that his affairs there might hinder him from forming new 
 Projects. Thcl’e different Intercfts were the caufe that the 
 Emperor and the Pope could not agree. The Emperor 
 protefted againft the Tranfiation of the Council to Bologna , 
 and the Pope rejetted the Proteftation. 
 
 Soon after, the Emperor intending to fhow the Pope, 
 he could be without him, ordered Articles of Agreement 
 ’ to be drawn, which were called the Interim, bccaufc the 
 Form of Religion contained therein, was to laft only till a 
 General Council fhould meet in fome Town of Germany. 
 The Framers of thefe Articles, by the Emperor’s Or¬ 
 der (1), took care to fet them forth in the fmootheft 
 Terms poffible. But, in the main, they contained the 
 Dottrines of the Romijh Church, though a little difguifcd. 
 The only confiderahle Softnings were, that Marriage fhould 
 be ho bar to Prieft’s Orders, and the Communion given 
 j:i both kinds to thofe who defired it. This work being 
 finifhed, the Emperor fummoned a Diet to Augsburg , 
 where the Interim was propofed. The Elector of 
 Mentz, without any Order, did, in all the Princes Names, 
 give the Emperor thanks for it; which he interpreted as 
 the Aflent of the whole Diet ; and after that would not 
 receive the Proteftations of feveral Towns of the Empire 
 againft the Interim. The Pope himfelf was extremely 
 difpleafed with it, becaufe without confulting him, the Em¬ 
 peror had prefumed to difpenfe with the Marriage of 
 Priefts, and Communion in both kinds. This occasioned 
 many Troubles in Germany, and obliged numbers of Di¬ 
 vines and others, who difiiked the Interim, to abfcond or 
 retire clfewhere, not to be expofed to the victorious Em¬ 
 peror’s Refentment, who was bent at any rate to have his 
 Interim univerfally received. At this Diet, Maurice of 
 Saxony was folcmnly inverted with the Electorate, of 
 which John Frederic had been deprived. 
 
 W'hilft the E mperor was labouring to deftroy the Refor¬ 
 mation in Germany, it daily made frefli progrefs in Eng¬ 
 land. The Parliament which met the 24th of Novem¬ 
 ber (2), was almoft wholly taken up with matters of Re¬ 
 ligion. By an Att made this Seflion, Priefts were allowed 
 to marry. Another confirmed the new Liturgy, about 
 which Commiffioners, appointed for examining and re¬ 
 forming the feveral Offices, had been employed all the 
 Summer. This new Liturgy retrenched divers Abufes, 
 both in the Communion Service, and all the other Offices, 
 and gave the whole a turn favorable to the Reformation. 
 
 It is the fame, the Church of England make* ufe of at 
 this day, excepting a few alterations (3). 
 
 The Protettor and the Archbifhop of Canterbury were 
 the chief fupports, and moft zealous promoters of the Re¬ 
 formation, though always in purfuance of the maxim they 
 had eftablifhed, namely, to advance by degrees. What¬ 
 ever reafons they had thus to proceed, the Zealous of the 
 tj. reformed Party were not pleafed with it, becaufe they 
 
 Burnet- were afraid that, by fome fudden and unexpected Revolu¬ 
 tion, the work would be left unfinifhed. They knew, 
 the ProteCtor was hated and envied by many of the No- 
 
 Parlument 
 
 t uuriti the 
 Reformation. 
 
 tar and 
 Cranmerai 
 blamed by 
 tbt Zealm 
 of then Pai 
 
 bihty, and that all the Romijti Party had a mortal averftou 1 
 for him. This was fufficient to create a dread, that hi' 
 
 Enemies would at length prevail over him ; the Admini 
 ft ration, he was entrufted with, being of fuch a nature, 
 that it was almoft impoffible not to render himfelf in fome 
 meafure obnoxious. They had the more reafon to be a- 
 larmed, when they faw him forced to arreft his own Bro¬ 
 ther, who had now formed a Party to fupplant him. 
 
 Though the Admiral had already endured a great mor- Pr. 0 y • 
 tification, he ceafed not however his practices againft the ,tr • J Jd~i-.- 
 Protettor, in fpite of the warnings which were given him JJJFpJ 
 from time to time, that they would in the end prove his Burnet, 
 ruin. The Queen his Spcufe dying in September laft year 
 ' 54 s (4), he refolved to renew his Add relies to the Prin- Strypc ’ 
 cefs Elizabeth. But he did not meet with that encou¬ 
 ragement from the Princefs that he had ex petted. After 
 all, though he could have obtained her con fen t, that would 
 not have been fufficieqt without the approbation of the 
 Protettor and the Council. The late King’s Will ex- 
 prefsly debarred her from the Succeffion, if fhe married 
 without the confent of the Executors. So the Admiral 
 having no hopes of fucceeding in this projett, turned his 
 thoughts another way, to try to gratify his ambition. Jt 
 is pretended, he formed a defign to carry away the King-, 
 
 [ to his Houfe of Holt in Denblghjhire, ] difplace the Pro¬ 
 tettor, and feize the Government himfelf, and for that 
 purpofe had now lifted ten thoufand (5) Men in feveral 
 places. However this be, it is certain he ipoke openlv u- 
 gainft the Protettor, charging him with enfiavin- r the 
 Kingdom by means of the foreign Troops in his Service. 
 
 It is alfo faid, that the Protettor"being informed of all his Smbe- 
 proceedings, fhoweJ extreme patience towards him, re- Dun,c: - 
 fufing to come to extremity, till he faw plainly one or 
 other mull necefikrily be ruined. But to fpeak the truth, 
 one cannot rely upon what the Hiftorians fay of the Ad¬ 
 miral’s private deligns, or of the Protettor’s forbearance. 
 
 The reafon is, as fome make it their bufinefs to blacken 
 the Protettor’s reputation as much as poffible, fo others 
 ftrive to vindicate all his attions. Thus much is certain, 
 the Admiral was not fatisfied with his condition, but fought 
 to fupplant his Brother, and put himfelf in his place. But 
 one cannot be fo pofitive of the means he intended to ufe 
 to execute his defigns. 
 
 At laft the Council being informed he was contriving tu „ .; 
 
 fomething againft the Government, figned a Warrant to"- 
 fend him to the Tmer (6). After that, Commiffioners ™ 
 were appointed (7) to receive the Depofitions of thofe who JEwST - 
 appeared as Witncfles againft hint. Thefe Commiffioners ■' 
 reported to the Council (8), that the Admiral teas accufed 
 of forming, with feveral others, a Confpiracy againft the JP '“ 
 Government (9), and of committing many Mifdemean- 
 ours in the- difeharge of the Admiralty : That he was 
 charged with prorefling Pirates, [ who gave him a fharc livrnct. 
 of their Robberies] and with refuling Juftice, whether to T - 11 " " 
 private Perfons or to Princes themielves, who complained 
 to him of thefe outrages, by which the King was ill dan¬ 
 ger of a war. It is faid, before he was brought to his 
 Trial, the Prote&or endeavoured more than once to per- 
 fwade him to refign his Office, and withdraw from Courts 
 but to no purpofe. So his Accufation was drawn, coniift- Brae, 
 ing of thirty three Articles, upon which fome of the Coun- T - !I 
 cil were ordered to go and examine him. But he refufed Col “' 
 to anfwer, demandihg an open Trial, and his accufers to H, n 
 
 Biftep rf Wi.-i.rj;, Mhtul S.i,,!.,, IJUI., Agn,.h. which laft h.d brr„ . b „, 
 
 orrupted b, tht Emperur, that tit «», of „„ ol tho /i.g.h.rg-C.f.jfm might irnke ,,h»t they „„ 
 
 (,) The Perfons 
 was believed to be ne 
 eafily. S/eidan, 1. 
 
 (2 ' ^u Wa o firft pr ° rogucd t0 A f rd and then frora 0n ° b • »5- and *5. to Novemb. 24, by reafon of the Plague then in London 7 ourn P, ’ 
 
 ( 3 j The Committee of fe!e£Ud B ffinps and Divines appointed for reforming the Offices, and which met at Wm.lfor CalUe for that outnnfn -t 
 
 C 7 T .; r '"f A ^ h ^"P J Canterbury, Robtr, Holgatc Archbifhop of York, Ldm. Rtmntr Bifhup of London, Cutbber, lunlial cf Durham^ N,coin, 'U ' 
 
 rorcoHtr-.miharn Rugg of Norwich, Robert Parfcw of St. AfpFfJbln Salcot of S Anbury, Richard Sampj n of Coventry and LicbSM rSZ £ 
 dtub of Carhjle, Paul Bufh of Briftai, Robert Farrar of St. David' 5, Bhoma, Goodrich of Ely, Henry Holbtcb oh Lincoln f'.L ,’ n ‘ c Jl' 
 ebefier, John Ship t f Hereford, Bhotr.a, Thir/eby of Weftminfler, and Nicolai Ridley of RocbeJIer : with Dr. Rul.ird C x Dean of Ck-iit cF ’'n° ' 
 
 Dean of St. Paul',, Dr. Bailor Dean of Lincoln, Dr. Hem, Dean of E X eter, Dr. Robert/on aiersva "ds Dean of Durham and Dr Retain M ft \ r 
 nity College in Cambridge. The firft thing they examined was the Sacrament of the Eucha.ift, than which no part of Woiih.p was more corrumed 
 wh ch1 they prt eroded to the compjling of all the Otlices, beginning with Morning and Evening Prayer. Thefe were put in the lame Form thev nr- r,„ , 
 only there was no Confefiton, nor Abfolution ; the Office begmr.ing with the Lord's Prayer. In the Communion Service the Ten Commandments were 
 not laid us now - but in other th.ngs ,t was very near what it is now. The Office of receiving began with a ffinrt Exhortation, a Conleffion oT -Sim , 1 a 
 Abfolution, the very lame we yet rctatn. Then thofe Texts of Scripture were read wh.ch we read, followed with the Prayer, fVe do not pre'futne’ &c 
 The Ofiertory was .0 be made o. Bread and Wine mixt with Water. In the Confecratcry Prayer were thele wo.ds, f.nce left out. With tby Holy SDr, 
 
 F“t^ ^ 'N* a ” d ,hat ma * be un, ° ut ,ht B ° d y ar -‘ B >^ A ™ J} dearly beloved Son See 
 
 This Communion Service was printed in 1547, before the relt of the Liturgy was drawn up. See Strype. T„m. 11. p Sc. The cu.ioift Rr ./’ * v 
 lee it in the form it was poblifhed, ( which was on March 8. ,547-8 , in^ Sparrow', Co/leSlion of Canon, SoF and i,i CollJi lecTTl} a n J 
 
 Win 3 ’nf‘th 59 !^ -I 1 Bapt ’ lm th "' , . VV33 ’ b ' fidCS th ' u- rms Which WeftUI r£,ain ’ a Cr0,sat mad: 0,1 ,hc Child ' s Forehead and Bread/w ith an Ad = 
 'ri't DcV '' 10 °“ E 0 h . lm : . ar - d 7'“ h ™, «o niore. To all this they prefixed a Preface concerning Ceremonies, the fame tha ftiU be- 
 
 forc the Common-Prayer Book. It , 5 faid in the Preamble of the Act, “ That there might be an uniform v..,v of Worfhip all over the K rVm ?K 
 King, by the advice of the Protestor and his Council, had appointed the Archbifhop of Cantrbury, Sec. Jdtaw an Order of divine 
 • which they by the aid of the Holy Ghoit, had with one uniform Agreement concluded on. Where,o e the Pa,Lament having confid "ed the B^k dH 
 
 • TkJfcia oih v r ufl { cenr r dby th ^ wh °> kcd j- s ° me thoughtu,o ° m - h > that was. iM .it d J 
 
 n ’ f h rt ^ h f, inc Jy un f" m Agreement, though eight of the Biih.ps employed in d awing i, pro- 
 
 j,h 8 l An ,n -: 'heEfhopsof London, Durham, Carhjle, Worcjlcr, Mrivicb, Hereford, Cbtcke/hr, and IV.fminllcr ; as alio the Earl of Derby 
 U sKLrCh-Mf Par ‘l and Burmt ’ Tum ' U ' P 6 ' — 95- Collier Eccl. Hijl. Ten,. II p/ a S , dec. ^ 
 
 I-adyEill,! SV^ n’coT ^ fu 'P ,clon ]I of P olfon ''= r Husband, that he might be at Lbe.ty to make his addreffes a fecond , 
 
 t\ D b w ' P- Burne! , Tom, II. p- 97. Strype, Notes 0 ” 
 
 (,) Rapm, by miltake. fays, two thoufand. Six Burnet, VoL II. p. 07 
 fi) January ,9. Idem. p. 98. 
 
 ^ Jfn of Southampton, and Secretary Petre Ibid. IS) On Feb, iz. Ibid. 
 
 a1r«dv W h S ' r , c?. hbar,n V , ‘ n Vice-Trealuier of the Mint at Bnjiol, who was to have furniffied ii m with ,ocoo/. a Month ard had 
 
 d. co.ned 3bout 12000/. of f&lfe Money, and had clipped a great deal more, to the '.ulue of 4000c/ in ail. Bum-t, Tom. II p. 9-. Strep, 
 
 lay waiit 
 
 e to the 
 
 Tom. II. p 
 
 No. 44. Vol.IL 
 
 D 
 
voi. if. 
 
 14 
 
 The H I S T 0 R r c/ ENGL AN D. 
 
 1 549. be brought face to face. Next day, all the Privy-Coun¬ 
 cil went in a body to the Tower to examine him. But 
 he (till refufed to anfvver, infilling upon his firft demand, 
 Birncr. which was not thought proper to be granted. It is Itrange, 
 
 p 9S that, as the particulars of his Charge were manifeftly pro¬ 
 
 ved, if any credit is to be given to the Council-book, not 
 only by Witnedes, but by Letters under his own hand, 
 he fhould however be denied an open Trial, and to have 
 his accufers brought face to face. And yet he was a Peer 
 of the Realm, Lord High-Admiral of England, and Uncle 
 to the King. At laft, finding he could not obtain this 
 Favour, or rather Juftice, he defircd the Articles of his 
 Accufation might be left with him, and faid, lie would 
 anfwcr to them when he had confidered them. But even 
 this was denied him. I don’t know whether it was law¬ 
 ful then to leave with the Party accufed the Articles of* 
 his Charge, and to allow him time to examine them. But 
 as for the bringing his accufers face to face, it is evident 
 that could not be refufed without Injuftice, though this 
 pernicious Cuftom had been introduced in the late Reign. 
 Nay, it feems, it ought to have been aboliflied during a 
 Minority, or pra&ifed againft any other rather than againft 
 an Uncle to the King. 
 
 Hn Auup-' However, the Council having made their report to the 
 ‘bZJgbt be- King (1), it was debated, whether the Admiral’s affair 
 fen the Par - fliould be brought before the Parliament, and a Bill put 
 /iomtnt. j n f or attainting him, to which all the Counfellors agreed, 
 the Protedlor himfelf not excepted. Herein their defign 
 was, doubtlefs, to take care of the King’s reputation, and 
 to caff the odious part of the profccution upon the Parlia¬ 
 ment. The King, who believed his Uncle guilty, con- 
 fented alfo, that he fhould be delivered to the Juffice of 
 the Parliament. Before the two Houfes proceeded againft 
 him, fome of their Members (2) were ordered to go and 
 HifliUn- ta k c ^j s defence. He gave an anfwer to the firft three 
 (ujittoanj an( j then ftopt on a fudden, and would not go 
 
 Htii at - any farther. 'This being reported, the Bill of Attainder 
 
 *[“*.’ very eafily palled the Houfe of Lords (3). But there was 
 much more oppofltion in the Houfe of Commons. They 
 could not forbear exclaiming againft Attainders in abfence, 
 and the irregular manner of judging the accufed, without 
 confronting them with the Witnefles, or hearing their de¬ 
 fence. Perhaps they would have thrown out the Bill up¬ 
 on this fmgle conlideration, it the King had not fent 
 Bumo?, them a Meffage, that he did not think the Admiral’s pre¬ 
 fence ncceffary, and that it was fufficient they fhould ex¬ 
 amine the Dcpofitions produced in the Houfe of Lords (4). 
 After the King had thus made known his Will, the Com¬ 
 mons in a full Houfe of four hundred, palled the Bill, not 
 above ten or twelve voting in the negative. Very proba¬ 
 bly, they were convinced of the truth of the Depositions, 
 and, the point in queftion being only an Irregularity, 
 which was even become a Cuftom, did not believe it a 
 proper Seafon to put a flop to it. However this be, the 
 and executed. Royal Aflent being given to the Acft, the Admiral was 
 beheaded the 20th of March (5). 
 
 This Tragedy was not a£ted without giving occafion to 
 fevere Cenfures upon the Protestor's ConduSt. It was laid, 
 if the Admiral was guilty, it was only againft his Bro¬ 
 ther whom he would have fupplanted, and probably, it 
 was this fame Brother who was his Adverfary, and had 
 brought him to the Scaftold. It was added, the Council 
 would never have proceeded fo rigoroufly againft the Ad¬ 
 miral, if they had not thought it agreeable to the Duke 
 
 Collett. 
 p. 163. 
 
 "The Protec¬ 
 tor', Con- 
 dud 11 
 
 red. 
 
 Burnet. 
 
 his Brother, or been afraid of difpleafmg him by a denial, 1549. 
 The young King himfelf, then but twelve year.; old, 
 would never have been induced to oompel, as I may fay, 
 the Houfe of Commons, to overlook the Irregularity of 
 the Proceedings, if he had not been follicited by the Pro 
 tcdlor to take fo unufual a ftep. It is therefore very diffi¬ 
 cult to juftify the Duke of Somerfet’s profecuting his own 
 Brother to death, for Crimes committed againft his Perfon 
 only. And indeed, it was never clearly proved, that he 
 had formed any ill defign either againft the King or the 
 State, as he protelied to his laft breath. But this is nut 
 the only time that Plots againft the Minifters have been 
 reckoned High-Treafon. For my part, I cannot help 
 fufpecting, that they who then thought of ruining the 
 Protestor, feigning to be his Friends, moved him with all 
 their power to be revenged on his Brother, and were ready 
 to ferve as Inftruments of his Vengeance, to render him 
 odious. Some fay, the firft occafion of the quarrel be- Sjndm> 
 tween the two Brothers, fprung from the Duchefs of So- Haywar t. 
 merfet'b Envy at the Queen-Dowager, Wife to the Ad¬ 
 miral, of whom fhe pretended to take place as the Fro- 
 te&or’s Lady. But it is unlikely fhe fliould be fo void of 
 Senfe, or fo ignorant of the Cuftoms of England, as to 
 difpute the Precedence with tlie Queen-Dowager (6). 
 
 Before the Parliament broke up, a Subfidy was given Man „ gl ^ m 
 the King to affift him in the Conqueft of Scotland, which toebeKor*. 
 is called in the A£l, a part of his Dominions. Then the 
 Houfes thanked him for the great happinefs they enjoyed 
 under him, and for applying all his Endeavours to the ad¬ 
 vancement of the true Religion. The Clergy alfo granted 
 him a Subfidy (7), after which the Parliament was on the 
 14th of Alarch prorogued to the 4th of November (8). 
 
 Prefently after, the Council appointed Commiflioners to 'tberewh- 
 go and eftablilh the new Liturgy in all the Churches, turgy unt¬ 
 il was every where received without oppofltion, except at r y^ wiere J et 
 the Princefs Mary s, who would never fubmit to this Burner. 
 Change. The King and Council feemed refolved to com- ‘ lkl>r ' r -'T‘ 
 pel her. But upon the Emperor’s Interceftion, it was ,^ ary r, J u l a 
 thought advifeable, for reafons of State, to promife to leave 
 her undifturbed for fome time. He pretended afterwards, 
 that the promife was made without any limitation. 
 
 At this time, the Council being informed that feveral An Ana. 
 German Anabaptifts were come into England , and fearing bapaf, Wo- 
 they might fpread their Errors, commiflioned Cranmer and 
 fome others to I’earch after and try thefe People (9). An burnt. 
 unfortunate EngliJ).) Woman, 'Joan Eocher, commonly cal- Acl - P** 1 *- 
 led, 'Joan of Kent, who had fuffered herfelf to be (educed, ApriTiif ^' 
 (bowing an invincible obftinacy, was pronounced a Here- Stow, 
 tick, and as fuch delivered over to the fecular Arm, and 
 fentenced to be burnt. But when the King was moved Fox. 
 to fign the Warrant for her Execution, he could not be 3urnc: - 
 prevailed with to do it. He thought the Sentence was very 
 unjuft and cruel. Archbifhop Cranmer , who had a great 
 Influence over him, was employed to perl wade him to 
 fign. At length, the young King, filenced rather than The King 
 convinced by Crewmen's reafons (10), fet his hand to theV'V'” ter 
 Warrant, with Tears in his Eyes, telling him, if he did * 'a/uan 
 wrong, fince it was in Submiffion to his Authority, he Lumet, 
 fliould anfwer for it to God. Whatever the Archbifliop’s 
 Arguments were, it may be affirmed, this was not one ot 
 his brighteft actions. He would doubtlefs have done bet¬ 
 ter, not to have concerned himfelf in fuch an affair, fo 
 little becoming a Proteftant Bi(hop. Accordingly this Pro¬ 
 ceeding has been often objected to him, 2nd even ferved 
 
 Cheney, and Sir Anthony Denny. 
 
 whence it wat 
 :nd that (he Lords (fcould 
 
 (l) On February 24. Burnet, p. 98. 
 
 (а) The Lord Chancellor, the Earls of Sbrtwtbury, Warwick, and Southampton j and Sir John Baku-, Sir The 1 
 Idem. p. 99. 
 
 (3) It was firft read on Febr. 15, and for the fecond and third times, on the a6th and 17th, and fent down to the Commons, mn 
 
 brought up again Manb 5. The Journal, of Parliament oblervc, That the Lord Protcdlor was prelent at each reading of it. 
 
 (4) On the 4th of March, a MrlTage was fent from the King, that he thought it war not neceflary to lend for the Admiral 
 
 come down and renew before them the Evidence they had given in their own Houle. Which was dune. Burnet, Tom. II. p. 99. 
 
 (5) As for his behaviour on the Scaffold, Latymer, in his fourth Sermon fays, that he died very dangeroudy, yrkfomelye, hmryblye, fo that his end wat 
 
 fuitablc to his life, which was very vicious, profane, and irreligious. Strype, Tom. II. p. 126, 127. Cranmer' s hand, as well as the Lord P.oteflors, 
 was to the Warrant. Burner, p. 100. The Admiral left but one Daughter, named Mary, born in September 1548, which was reft.red in Blood in 
 1549, but died Ihortly alier. Strype, Tom. II. p. (28, Sec. f 
 
 (б) This Story was fiift forged by Sandert, from whence Hayward had it, for it it not to be found in Stent’, Holkngficad, or the King s j ourr.a.. 
 
 (7) The Clergy granted fix Shillings in the Pouno payable in three years, and the Laity Twelve-pence. But Strangers to pay two Shillings j and thi: 
 
 to continue for three years. Thev alio gave another Aid, namely, of every Ewe kept in feveral Paftures, Three pence ; of ever;, Weather kept a 
 aforefaid, Two-pence ; of every Sheep kept in the Common, three half-pence. They alfo gave Eight-pence in the Pound or every Woollen Cloth mad< 
 for laic throughout England, for three years. Strype's Mem. T. II. p. 454. . 
 
 Belides the two Acts made in this Parliament, and mentioned above, the following were alfo then enacted, I. That Malt fhall be three weeks in 
 making ; except in the months of June, July, and Augufi , when the fpace of leventecn days is thought fufficient. 2. That Tiibes ihvl be pa d as they 
 hive been within forty years befmc j and that no one (hall carry away his Corn, &e. before he hath let out the Tithes, nr agrees! for them, upon pain ol 
 
 forfeiting the treble va.uc of thtm 3. That an Incumbent, not paying his Tenths due to the King, when demanded, /hall be deprived c.r that Benefice 
 
 for which thcyaie due. 4. Thu Butchers, Bakers, &c, conspiring and agreeing not to fell Meat, Bread, &e. but at certain priac. : Ur Workmen re¬ 
 filling to work, except at a certain price or rate, /hall, lor the fiift Offence, forfeit 10/. for the fecond 2of. for the third 40/. to be [aid within l*> 
 days, or elfe to fuller Imprisonment for twenty days. 
 
 9, Of thefe Anabaptifts there were two forts muft remarkable. The gentle or n 
 Infants, but only to grown Perfons. The other fort were Men of fierce and barbarous 
 D.’flrinr. They had broke out into a geoeral Revolt over Germany, railed the War, 1 
 , John of Leyden, their King, under the Title of the King ef tbi 
 
 , wh'cl 
 
 they turned all i 
 L. p. , 
 idty 
 
 in the 
 
 o Allegories : Thefe being joi 
 
 which the Refoimcrs had condemned ir 
 
 way of (a.king of Ke.igi n 
 alfo under an ill Chaiadlcr. / 
 
 1 to', King Edward thought 
 asked Cranmer, What my Lrrd ? Will ye ha 1 
 to do in ail his life, as to caufe the King to fign the Warrant, faying, that he would lay all the charge the 
 him to a compliance, Cranmer argued from the Law of Mofei, by which Blafphemcrs were to be ftoned. H 
 other points of Divinity, and thole d'reitly againft the Apollles Creed : that thefe were Impieties, which a P 
 Argitmems indeed for the m mftrous Djdrine ol Perfection ! Ibid. Fox, Tom. II. p. 2, Edit. 16S4, 
 
 ate fort, who only thought Uaptifm ought 
 mpers, who denied almutl all the Pr.ii.iph 
 j, lhe Ruflick War, and prdlefling thi 
 0 Jerusalem. Some of them let up 
 
 the Chriftian 
 Munjler, made 
 fantaftical, unintelligible 
 
 ot Anabaptifts with the other, brought them 
 
 1 for 1 heir Confciences. Hr 
 , that he had never fo much 
 • before God. But to bring 
 1 difference between errors in 
 ought to punUh* Strong 
 
 . he made a c 
 as God’s Depui 
 
 3 
 
Book XVI. 
 
 21. EDWARD VI. 
 
 i > 49 - for foundation to very ffiiadvantagious reflexions’ upon the great oppofition, that be thought hfmfelf obliged to take mo 
 Reformation and tile Reformed. I wo years after, a care of it by his foie Authorin' So contrary to the ' 
 
 ^ as a j fo burnt on the fame account (t). mind of the whole Council, he publifll'd a Proclamation 
 
 Whilft all England feemed to receive with Submiffion ajainftall new inclofures, and granted a general nardon to 
 whatever came lrom the Court, the Leaven of difcontent the People for what was paft. He moreover apnointed 
 was fermenting in the Kingdom, and upon the pomt of C.mmiffionerj with an unlimited power to hear and de 
 producing great alterations. The chief caufe proceeded ter.nine caufcs about Inclofures, Highways and Collages 
 Irons the People's not being able to gbm their livelihood Thefe Commiffioners were much complained of by the 
 w ! th ,he r “f% ea ' c » roTm - r, y : This afFeaed a,I In gene- Nobility and Gentry, who openly faid, it was an invalion 
 P ■ n "if f ^rmt" ? °- d Rd, 8''’ n - But ' h< j ° f 'heir property to fubjeft them thus to an arbitrary pow- 
 
 Priehs, the foppreifod Monks, and they who were ft,11 er. Nay, they direflly oppufcd the Commiffioners when 
 addicted to the Rtmtfi Religion, took occafion from thence they offered to execute their Commiffion For this reafon 
 to inflame the difcontent umverfally fpread among the the Proteflor , who every where met with oppofition’ 
 common 1 eople rn order to incite them to a Reucllion. was not able to redrefs this Grievance fo fully as he de- 
 Behdes, the Duke of Smefi rs tnemies were not furry fired. So, the People finding the Court did not perform 7b. 
 that the People appeared dlflat,shed wrth the Government, what wa, promifed, rufe again in fevers! places, and par- 
 Rut before i fpeak of thc Infurrecrions in feveral parts of ticuiarly in Oxfirijhir,, Dntonjiir, Norm mi York 
 the-Kingdom during thc courfe of th.s year, it will be ne- Jhir,. Thofe in Onfirdjbire were immediately difperfed £».";„r. 
 cefiary to make known the Caufcs. by the Lo-d Gray (3J J r J 
 
 After the Suppreffion of the Abbies, there were great ' The lufurreflion in Draonjhir, was more confiderablc Ik, hj.r. 
 numbers of Monks difperfed in the Kingdom, who were and dangerous. That County abounding with Peonle "®-» 
 forced to work for their living, that Penhons being either v- ho ,, ad on | y complied outwardly with the Alterations in JSSST 
 ill-paid, or not fufficent for their Subhftence. bo the R.dig,on, the Priefts and Monks ran in among them, and » 
 
 work being divided among fo many hands, the proht be- fomented the Rebellion to the utmoft of their power 
 
 came left than before. Moreover, whilft the Monaitenes They firft came together on thc toth of Juno, and in a u- 
 flood their Lands were let at eafy rents to farmers, who, fhort time grew to be ten thoufand ftrong The Protec- ' J 
 to cultivate them were obliged to employ a world of Feu- tor negleacd this affair at firft, in the expectation that 
 P| c - Jl r r were fallen into the hands of this might be as cafily difperfed as were the other infer¬ 
 
 tile Nobility [ and Gently, ] the rents were much raffed, rectiuns. At laft, finding they perfifted in their Rebellion 
 whence the farmers, to make them turn to better ac- he fent the Lord Ruff,l with a fmall Force to flop theft 
 count, were forced to employ fewer hands, and lellen the Proceedings. That Lord, who found himfclf too weak 
 
 wages. On the other fide, the Proprietors of the Land to attack them, kept at fome diftance {+) and offered to 
 
 finding, fince he laft Peace with Franc, the Woollen receive their Complaints, and fend them to the Council 
 Trade flour,Ihed, took to breeding Sheep, becaufe Wool But this proceeding, which demonftrated a fear of them 
 brought them in more Money than Corn To that end, ferved only to encourage them the more. At the fame 
 theycaufed their Grounds to be mcloled Hence aro-e time they fet at their Head Humphrey Arundel, a Corni/h 
 feveral Inconvenience. In the firft place, the price ot Com Gentleman, who was come to join them. Mean while Tb, RM, 
 wjn1 mcreafed, to the great detriment of the meaner fort ,o Ihow they had not taken arms out of wantonneft, they’?”"*- 
 of Peopie In the next place, the Landlords, or their f at- fen, to the King’s General their demands, which plainly tT, „ 
 mers, wanted but very few people to look after then f locks (bowed, Religion was the chief motive of their Rebellion 
 in thefe Inclofures. Confequently great numbers loft the They were comprifed in thefe fifteen Articles 
 means of getting their livelihood ; and the profit of the 
 
 Lands, which before was fhared among many, was almoft I. That all the General Councils, and the antient 
 wholly engrafted by the Landlords. 1 his occafioned ilunff Canons of the Church fhould be obferved 
 beliefs Complaints and Murmurs among the common peo- II. That the Ad of the Six Article, fhould be again in 
 pie, who faw they were like to be reduced ro great mi- force 
 
 fety. Nay, feveral little Books were publifhed, ihowmg HI. That the Maft fhould be in Latin, and the Priefts 
 the mifchiefs of thefe Proceedings. But the Nobility and alone fhould receive. 
 
 Gentry ftill continued the fame courfe, without regarding 
 
 Complaint s 
 of the People 
 againfi the 
 Noble,. 
 Hayward. 
 
 Occafion of 
 tbtfc Com¬ 
 plain,,. 
 Burnet. 
 
 IV. That the Sacrament fhould be lifted up and wor- 
 . , , , —- .dipped, 3~ J • L r 1 ** “■ ’ ..... 
 
 caufe of the poor People, whether to mortify the Nobles, Hen ticks. 
 
 the Confluences. _ The Proteflor openly _ elpoffed the (hipped, and thofe who refufed to do 7 ffWd“foffer' 
 
 Strype. 
 
 T. II. p. 9 i 
 
 Ait. Pub. 
 XV. P .i 34- 
 
 Jour. Pari. 
 Burnet. 
 
 by whom he was not beloved or becaufe lie forefaw the V. That the Sacrament fhould only be given to the 
 mifchiefs which might arife from the difcontent of tie' People at Eerier in one kind. * S 
 
 VI 1 hat Baptifm fhould be adminiftred at any hour, 
 and at all times. 
 
 Hollingflj, 
 
 Fox. 
 
 Hayward. 
 
 rat Countte 
 
 Commons. In 1548, the Inhabitants about Hampton 
 Court complaining to the Council, concerning a Park m- 
 clofed there by Henry VIII, the Protestor gave them con¬ 
 tent, and the Park was entirely laid open. The laft year, 
 he had appointed Commiffioners to examine whether ti n e 
 who had purchafed the Abbey Lands kept Hol'pitality, a d 
 performed all the Conditions on which thefe Lands we,c 
 fold them (2). But he met with fo many obftacJes :n 
 the execution of this Order, that it had no effed. Mean 
 while, the Proteiftor increased the hatred of the Mobility gatory. 
 and Gentry, whofe Intereft it was to continue thefe abu- ' 
 
 fes. Nay, it happened in the laft Seffion of the Parlia¬ 
 ment, that the Lords pafted an A£t for giving every one 
 leave to inclofe his Grounds if he pleafed. But the Bill 
 was thrown out by the Commons; and yet the Loids 
 [ and Gentlemen ] went on inciofmg their Lands. This 
 bred an univerfal difcontent among the People, who ima¬ 
 gined, there was a fettled delign to ruin them, and reduce 
 them to Slavery. Whereupon the common People rofe in 
 IViltJhire , [and Somerfetjhire ,] but Sir William Hebert 
 difperfed them, and caufed fome to be hanged. About the 
 fame time, there were the like Infurre£tions in SuJ/ex, 
 
 
 VII. I hat Holy Bread, Holy Water, and Palms be 
 again ufed, and Images fet up, with all the other antient 
 Ceiemomes. 
 
 VT. That the new Liturgy fhould be laid afide, and 
 the ojd Offices as well as the Proceffions nftored. 
 
 IX. I hat all Preachers before their Sermons , and 
 Prielts in the Mafs, fhould pray for the Souls in Pur- 
 ~"toiy. 
 
 X. That the People fhould be forbid to read the Bible. 
 
 XI. That Dr. Moreman and Mr. Crifpin fhould be 
 reftored to their Livings, 
 
 XII. That Cardinal Pole fhould be reftored, and made 
 ol the King’s Council. 
 
 XIII. I hat every Gentleman might have only one 
 
 Servant for every hundred Marks of yearly Rent belong¬ 
 ing to him. “ 
 
 XIV. That the half of the Abbey-Lands fhould he 
 taken from the Poffeffors, and adjudged to two of the 
 chief Abbies in every County; and all the Church-Boxe. 
 for feven years fhould be given to the faid Houfes, that 
 
 Hmfnilf Pn.i.vor. n.Ia.L. I:..- .1 IV 1 .. 
 
 dref, 1be 
 
 People', 
 
 Grievance i 
 
 Hollingfh. 
 
 Burnet, 
 
 Strype. 
 
 EJJex, Hertfordjhire , Leicejlerjbire , Rutlandjhire^ and IVor- 
 cejlerjhire. 
 
 The Prote&or perceiving the flames were kindling all 
 over the Kingdom, fent to let the People know he was 
 ready to redrefs their Grievances, and by that means ftopc 
 their Fury. To perform his promife, he brought the af¬ 
 fair before the Council, hoping fome expedient would be 
 found to fatisfy the Male-contents. But he met with lb 
 
 the King and the Commonwealth. 
 
 XV. That for their particular grievances, they fhould 
 be redrefTed, as Humphrey Arundel and the Mayor of Bod- 
 myn fhould inform the King and the Council. 
 
 Thefe extravagant demands were rejected with indig- 7 ley are r. 
 nation. However, to fhow the unreafonablenefs of them,X‘' / 
 the Archbifliop of Canterbury was ordered to draw an An- Tii'nin 
 
 (l) George V*. 
 Whereupon the Pjpifh 
 
 being aecvtS fijr tying, that G.itb. Fatbn w.i the i.ly C.d, W ,te, Cbrill w.e .»< ,t, Gut w., bum- in 
 
 wJ“g ?ZZfVfff &£■* ” ht "-«• r.Li, 
 
 i.\ Wkn r._._■ a .. - , ,.. - 1 .■’I -1 . 
 
 > fent ajpinft the 
 
 viih filtscn hundred Hoife and foot. Hayward, p. zgi. 
 
 
16 
 
 The HISTORY »/ ENGLAND, 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 They befitge 
 Hayward. 
 
 Hayward. 
 Hollioglh. 
 .Ed-,. Jour 
 
 Krt 
 
 Lift 
 
 Norfolk. 
 Nevil de 
 Fur. Norf. 
 Hollmglh. 
 Burnet. 
 Edw. jour 
 
 fv. vo each in particular. This he did very folidly, not 
 -vvitiirmt reproaching them for being milled by fome ig- 
 ii'i-;:,t perlous. Then the Rebels, perceiving, the Court 
 gr.mted not one of their demands, reduced them to eight, 
 which were not'more agreeable than the former.’ Ne- 
 vertheleCs to-convince the People of the juftice of this 
 re filial, the Council thought fit to fend an anfwcr to 
 thefe demands in the King’s Name. But this was not 
 capable of reclaiming the Rebels, whofe obftinacy grew 
 ' he more dangerous, as at the fame time there were the like 
 Riling-; in Korjb/k and Yorkjhire , and as the King of 
 France was entering lr Boulomois with an Army. I fhall 
 lpe.ik of the Rebels of the other Counties after having fi- 
 nifli’d what concerns Thofe of DcvonflYtre. 
 
 The Negotiation breaking ofF in July , the Rebels be- 
 fieged Exeter (i), where they met with more refinance 
 than they expected, from a place defended only by the 
 Citizens. As they had no Artillery, they fet fire to one 
 ol the Gates, in order to ftorm it as foon as the violence 
 of the flames was over. But the Inhabitants, inftead of 
 quenching the fire, fed it with much fuel, till they had 
 railed a Rampart within the Gate. The Befiegers having 
 milled their aim, wrought a Mine: hut the Citizens 
 found means to countermine, and fpoil their Powder. At 
 leng'h, finding they could do nothing by force, they turn¬ 
 ed rlie liege into a blockade, in hopes that the want of 
 Provision would compel the Befieged to furrender. But 
 the Citizens endured extreme Famine for twelve days, 
 with invincible refolution (2). 
 
 Mean time, the Lord RuJJel who had but a fmall force, 
 being too near the Rebels, would have retired at a greater 
 di fiance, for fear of being inclo'fed. But he found they 
 were pollelled of a Bridge behind him (3), over which 
 he was neceflarily to pafs in order to be out of danger. 
 As there was no other road, he briskly attacked the 
 Guard, confilting of two thou fund Men, and after a 
 flight conflict became mafter of the Bridge (4). This 
 I n il convincing him, they were not fo formidable as he 
 imagined, he refolved to attack them as foon as he had 
 received a Supply which lie expefted from Brifol. Short¬ 
 ly after, the Lord Gray joining him with fome Troops, 
 and Spinola with a Body of Landfquenets, he marched 
 direiftly to the Rebels (5). He found a Body of them 
 polled on the fide of a River, who would have oppofed 
 Ins pallage, but attacking them immediately, flew above a 
 thoufand, and then continued his march to Exeter. At 
 his approach, the Rebels raifed 'the Blockade, and divided 
 them (elves into fmall Parties, which were eafily difperfed 
 one after another. Arundel their Leader, the Mayor of 
 R ' . (°)> an d fome others, were hanged foon after. 
 
 the Earl of Warwick. It was compofed of fix .thoufand 1,-49. 
 hoot, and fifteen hundred Horfc. With this confiderable ' r '-’ h - 
 body the Earl ot Harwich entered Norwich , where Jiv , 
 
 ififh. 
 
 II: 
 
 The Mar- 
 
 thdmpton 11 
 tinfucirjiful. 
 Hollinglh. 
 Fox. 
 
 Havward. 
 £jw. Jour. 
 
 Thus ended the Iafurregion in Devonjhire (7). 
 
 I he Riling in' Norfolk was no lefs dangerous. One 
 Act a H aimer headed the Rebels, who quickly became 
 twenty thoufand Itrong. The Marquifs of Northampton 
 was lent againfl them with eleven hundred Men only (8), 
 too fmall a number to infpirethem with Terror. Where¬ 
 fore he had orders to keep at fome diftance from them, 
 and try only to cut oft their Provifions. Kct marching to 
 Norwich was advanced as far as Aloujhold Hill above that 
 City, where he erected a fort of Tribunal to adminilter 
 Juftice as a Sovereign, under an old Oak, called from 
 thence the Oak oj Reformation. This was becaufe thefe 
 talked only of reforming the State, Religion being neither 
 the caufe nor pretence of their rifing. Their Defign was 
 to deftroy the Gentry, and put fome of their own body 
 about the King to dire# and govern him. 
 
 I lie Marquifs of Northampton neglecting to obferve the 
 orders given him, marched on to Norwich , and even en¬ 
 tered the City. But as the Rebels had Correfpondents 
 there, he was attacked the next day, and glad to ef'eape, 
 leaving a hundred of his Men dead on the fpot (9), with 
 thirty Prifoners. T his Lofs obliged the Court to fend the 
 A1 my deligned againft Scotland , under the Command of 
 
 waited for a favorable opportunity to attack the Rebels. 
 
 At laft, as they had themfelves wailed the Country about 
 them, and as the .Earl never faded to cut off their Con¬ 
 voys of Provifions, they were forced to remove. Then 
 it was that tjie E*rl of Warwick clofely followed them, 
 and without allowing them time to come to themfelves, 
 fell upon them, killed two thoufand, and took many Pri- £Ja - J' 
 fonery among whom was Kct their Captain, who atoned 
 for his, crime on a Gibbet at Norwich (10). 
 
 At the fame time that the Male-contents of Norfolk be- ’ ’ 
 gan to rife, thofe of Yorkjbire all'o took arms; but their 
 number never exceeded three thoufand (i i). They com- 
 mitted fome outrages at fir ft, but at length accepted the Hl >', 
 offer of pardon which was fent them. Some of the Ring- Hu " 
 leaders renewing afterwards the Sedition, were taken and 
 hanged at York. 
 
 During thefe-Commotions, the Protector difeovered b y The Vr - - 
 all his Proceedings, that he did not defire to come to ex- ! ' 11 ", 
 tremitie* with the Rebels ; whether he was perfwaded the 
 People had reafon to complain, or was willing to gain their' - <• 
 favour, fince he was hated by the Nobility. Nay, after Bu,nct • 
 all the Troubles were over, he moved in the Council, that 
 there might be a general Pardon proclaimed, for reftoring 
 the Peace of,the Kingdom. But this was ftrongly oppo¬ 
 fed. Many of the Council were for taking this occafiuu to 
 curb the Infolence of the People. But the Prote&or, be¬ 
 ing of another mind, gave out, by his foie Authoritv, a 
 general Pardon of all that had been done before the zift of 
 Aiigiif and excepted only a few Reble-Prifoners. He 
 had power to act in this manner bv virtue of his Patent, 
 but it inflamed the hatred of the Nob e , as well as of a 
 good part of the Counfellors, who were vexed to fee thein- 
 ielves confulted only for form-fake, and that their opini¬ 
 ons were of no weight. 
 
 Whilft the Court was employed in quelling the Infur- 9 " K:r? - ‘ f 
 regions, other I roubles unexpectedly arofe from another WeToYlcm-* 
 quarter. Henry II, finding it a favorable juncture, entered n - - 
 the Territory of Boulogne at the head ot an Army, though 
 there had been no Declaration of war between the two Strvpe!* 
 Crowns fince the laft Treaty of Peace. Nothing was 
 more exprefs than that Treaty, wherein Francis I. and 
 Henry VIII. agreed, that Boulogne fhould be reftored to 
 France in eight years, on payment of two millions of 
 Crowns of Gold to the King of England. But Henry II. 
 was no fooner on the Throne of France , than he formed 
 the defign of recovering Boulogne before the time appoint ¬ 
 ed, and without paying the ftipulated Sum. His reafon 
 was, that Henry VIII. had unjuftly made war upon Fran¬ 
 cis I. when Francis was employed -againft the Emperor. 
 
 From thence he inferred, he might himfelf improve a fa¬ 
 vorable opportunity, to repair the lofs fuftained by the 
 King his Father. It is not neceflary to examine here 
 Henry’s grounds, I mean, the pretended Injuftice done to 
 his Predecefl'or. It fuffices to obferve, that according to 
 this maxim, the moft folemn Treaties are to go for no¬ 
 thing. And yet, it is but too much followed, and as if it 
 was an undeniable truth, it is an incxhaurtible fource of 
 wars between Sovereigns. 
 
 However this be, Henry feeing that the Commctions in Hit Troops 
 England prefented him with a fair opportunity to execute ar - tfa '™ 
 his defigns upon Boulogne , took feveral Caftles in the Bou- iial ~ 
 lonnois. Then, he ordered the Fort of Bullenberg to be ThJnus. 
 attacked, where his Troops were bravely repulfed. ■ p\x A Sea-fght. 
 the fame time there was a Sea-fight between the French g^* ^ our * 
 and Englijk near Jerfey , each claiming the Vi&ory (1 2), as 
 it often happens in fuch Engagements. At length, Henry siege of 
 befieged Boulogne in September , and the Er.glijh believing Boulogne. 
 t- ,|e y could not keep Bullenberg , carried away their Canon, 
 and blew up the Fortifications. The Plague, which turned inn a 
 feized the French Army, obliging Henry to depart, he left Blockade. 
 
 irfelt Bran. Tin 
 Arm, and fight v 
 
 ’ were much encouraged by a 
 ith the other, before he wot 
 
 aged Citizen, who brought forth 
 content to put the Cily into the 
 
 Hilling f, 
 
 with hi 
 took the Mayor afide 
 were obeyed j and aftc 
 
 (7) During ihele Inlur 
 are dated July 24, and ru 
 King's enemies, Sec. St\ 
 
 (8; Fifteen hundred Horfe, 
 
 and din 
 
 (.) July z. Hottingflj. p. 1002. 
 
 ( 2 ) ,£he y wcrc forced ro eat their Horfes, and to make Bread of th. 
 hi, Pruvilions, and told them, that for his par; he would feed on 0..* 
 
 ends ot the feditioui. Hayward, p. 205. CimpI.JIf.Vol.il. 
 
 (3) Fer.inglon Bridge. Hayward, p. 294. 
 
 (’ ^' s wbolc Army did not confift of much above one thoufand Men. 
 
 Mayor of Bodmyn was bafelv tiled. Sir Anthony Kingjlon, P 
 
 day. The Mayor received him and his Company .. ^ 
 
 nd bid him get a pair of Callows erefted againli they had dined, tor execution mull lhat day be di 
 inner the May a ftiouing him the Callows, Kingfion asked him, whether he thought them Itrong 1 
 1 go up and try, and fo hangtil him indeed. Hayward, p. 293. 
 
 e£W, and undoubtedly upon account of them, the Lords-Lieutenants of the Counties were firft inhibited. 
 
 1. j hat they Ihould enquire of ali Treafons, Mifprifions of Treafon, Infurreflions, Riots, &c. levy Men, an 
 
 \U>e t M,m T\> m , II. p. 1 
 
 nuricincn, p. / lal1 ° f Ital ‘‘ n, > U I % HMn &l h - P 1033, and Hayward, p. 297. But King Edward ’■ 
 
 was Edmund Lord Sheffield (created Baron 1 Edw. 6. ) Anceftor of the prefent Duke of Buckingham. His Horfe falling into 
 (to) Thh fllulew^s fought" Z'gu/l Rann ' VOl ‘ U# P ’ 386 ' The Rebelsloft onc hundred forty Men. Ihlbngjh. p. 1035. 
 
 (it) They aiTcmblcd at Semor in the 1 North-Rtdtr.g. ^Hayward, p. 300. 
 
 Jerfey and GuirnfyTaf^Jc rlpulfld '* ^ loft 3 thou|Jnd Mcn » P‘ 6 * The French attempted at the fame time to land in .he Iflanis 
 
 (4) The Rebels loft fix hundred Men. Ibid. 
 
 •. Rebels were defeated, Auguji 6. Hayward, p. 29: 
 ft Marlhal of the King', Army, fent h m word hi 
 
 ertainment. A little before dinner Sir Anthony 
 in the Town. His Orders 
 ugh ? And upon his faying. 
 
 Their Commiifion* 
 I light againft the 
 
 Jnurn. has 1060 
 
 the 
 
 4 
 
Book XVI. 
 
 2 1 . 
 
 EDWARD VI. 
 
 17 
 
 . - lg ,he management of the E'tee.e to Gaffer it Celigny Lord 
 of ChatUhn, who after fome fmitlels attempts was forced 
 at tad to turn it into a Blockade. r. 
 
 Tile War with Scstlmi was not fuccefsful to the hn- 
 "'"rf gli/h d 11 rims this Campain. Dt Thermit, who had fuc- 
 
 Uw d ^. ^ <***■ 0,1 ‘, he ot , her . h;md > 
 
 tains;. , hc |> rotc d or finding himlelf obiiged to employ the Army 
 dcfivned for Scallani, again!! the Rebels ot Norfolk, and 
 n 0t darin> r even to fend that Army at a diftance from the 
 Centre of the Kingdom, refolved at length to demohfh 
 Hu din? ton ; which was done the 15 th of September. 
 
 „ p„, t Mean while, the war, begun by the King oi France 
 Ir'.bM.lj made the Proteaor extremely uncafy. He had certain ad- 
 r:ll-l-s vice that Henry II. was entered into a Treaty with the 
 
 b.-u'ogu. Glrmm Protedants, and had promifed them a ftrong aid 
 
 r as foon as he had recovered Boulogne. Hence it was eafy 
 HU Reef,,,,. j he would make a powertul Effort next Cam 
 
 pain, and in order to withftand him, England would be 
 obliged to make a confiderable Armament. But the king s 
 Exchequer was very low (,), and there was danger of 
 railin'-; new Commotions, in demanding frefh Subhdies of 
 the Parliament. On the other hand, as the ProteSor was 
 extremely zealous for the Reformation, he plainly faw no¬ 
 thing could be more advantagious than the Union of France 
 with the German Protedants. But he was forty, it was 
 to cod the Englijb Boulogne. The Proteaor alfo connder- 
 ed if the war with France (hould lad any time, there was 
 feme reafon to fear the Rmi/h Party would excite Trou¬ 
 bles in the Kingdom. In that cafe, he forefuw how rhffi- 
 cult it would be to maintain three w^rs at once (z). In 
 fliort there was another reafon which concerned him m 
 mrticular, and made him defirous of a Peace with Frame, 
 namely, the war might give his Enemies too great an ad¬ 
 vantage, on account of the ill accidents it might produce, 
 whereas a Peace enabled him to parry their blows He 
 was not ignorant there was a ftrong Faction already form¬ 
 ed againft him, as well by reafon of the Eryy at his Great- 
 nefs ° and of his difobliging the Nobility and Gentry in the 
 affair of the Inclofures, as becaufe of the injury he had 
 done to many of the Counfellors, in depriving them of the 
 Dittnity of Regents, and reducing them to the bare ltate 
 « of Privy-Counfellors. Among thefe, the chief were, the 
 
 Earl of Southampton, who had refumed his Place in the 
 Council, and the Earl of Warwick. 1 his laft was ex¬ 
 tremely ambitious ; he envied the Protector, and efteemed 
 him but little. As of all the Lords who had molt accefs 
 to the Court, he thought himfelf the only Perfon fit to 
 fucceed him in the Adminiftration of the Covernmcnt ; 1 he 
 reckoned, if he could but ruin him, he Ihould infallibly 
 profit by his difgrace. Upon this account, he had formed 
 in the Council it felf a ftrong Party, of which the Pro¬ 
 teaor had fome knowledge, but which he faw himfelf un¬ 
 able to ruin at once. , , _ _ ,, 
 
 . All thefe Confiderations made the Proteaor refolve to 
 ittlTc propofe to the Council the refutation of Boulogne to France 
 
 Council. He fcconded his motion with all the reafons he thought 
 
 Burnet - moft nlaufible, adding, that by concluding a Peace with 
 France , England would at the fame time be freed from a 
 burthenfome, and withal a fruitlefs war with Scotland, 
 fince it was not poflible to obtain the end propofed in be- 
 ginning it. This Propofal was received by the Conned 
 ■" wit!, marks of Indignation, and conftdeted as areal 
 Cowardice It was too nice an affair, for the Proteflor to 
 determine it by his own Authority. And therefore, tho’ he 
 plainly perceived the Faction again!! him would carry it, 
 he was willing his Propofal ihould be debated in form. 
 The refnlt of the debate was, that Boulogne Ihould not be re- 
 ftoied, but an Alliance with the Emperor endeavoured for 
 pantin' r. the Security of that place. Page! was appointed for the 
 the Emperor. Embafly, becaufe being devoted to the Proteflor, the ill 
 Burnet. Succefs which was expefled from this Negotiation, was 
 dciigned to be thrown upon him, in order to blacken the 
 Proteflor himfelf. 
 
 _ , / The Duke of Somerfet’s Enemies having refolved to ex- 
 
 fZ'Zc " ecute the Plot contrived againft him, began with fpread.ng 
 /tread a- repor t s to deftroy his reputation. It was faid, he was 
 more cruel than 'a wild Heart, fince he fcrupled not to fa- 
 Burnet. crifice his own Brother to his boundlefs Ambition : I hat 
 T.U.p.i3+- he was the caufe of the Infurreflions this Summer, by 
 countenancing the People, and intimating, he thought 
 them unjuftly opprefletl : That afterwards he favoured the 
 Male-contents to the utmoft of his power during their ac¬ 
 
 tual’Rebel lion, and when their fury was ftopt, granted 1549. 
 them a general Pardon, contrary to the mind of the Coun¬ 
 cil : That to maintain himfelf in the Port he had ufurped, 
 he entertained foreign Troops, having extorted the Coun¬ 
 cil’s confent : That he was railing a much larger and 
 more rtately Palace than the King’s, and had pulled down 
 'feveral Churches lor the fake of the materials, and aliena¬ 
 ted Church-Lands to bear the charge (3). That he had 
 the boldnefs to call himfelf by the Grace of God, Duke of 
 Somerfet , as if he was a Sovereign Prince : '1 hat he hud 
 kept for himfelf the Money railed by the Sale of the Chan 
 try Lands : That he had broke through the Eftabliflimerit 
 fettled by the late King, by feizing the Regency alone*, 
 and excluding the other Executors, who had no lefs Right 
 than himfelf : That he had ill-provided the Forts of the 
 Boulonnois, that their lofs might render a Peace with 
 France abfolutely neceflary : That he had dcmolilhed Ha- 
 dington in Scotland to the like reafon : That he had moft 
 prefumptuoufly aflumed the Government of the Kingdom, 
 and procured the King’s Letters Patents to countenance 
 his Ambition : That befides, he ufed his Power tyranni¬ 
 cally, rejecting the opinions ot the Council, and noting in 
 many things by his own Authority. In fhort, Peget be- jj urne t. 
 ing returned from his Embafly, without fucceeding in his 
 Negotiation, it was rumoured, that he had the Protestor s 
 Orders to reprefent the Impoflibility of ingaging the Em¬ 
 peror in the defence of Boulogne, that it might give a co¬ 
 lour to the bafe projefl of rciloring that Place. 
 
 As it was impolfible, all thefe reports fhould be pub- re 
 
 liftied and the Duke not hear of them, and guefs the Au- virLU . h / efve 
 thors, the whole month of September was fpent in dtfputes/vr a handle 
 and heats; his Enemies only feeking an occafion ot quar- ne ' 
 rel to execute what they had refolved. Mean while, the gurnet. 
 Protector feeing his Enemies afling almoft openly, was 
 afraid they had formed a delign to Carry away the King, 
 and to that end coirupted thofe about him. For this rea¬ 
 fon, to fecure himfelf againft fuch a defign, he placed his 
 own Servants about the^King (4), with orders to watch 
 narrowly what parted. This proceeding furnifhed his Ene¬ 
 mies with the pretence they were feeking. _ .. 
 
 On the 6th of Ofilober the Lord St. John, Prefldent oWffJfVj- 
 the Council, the Earls of Southampton, Warwick , and A-^ crJC J n . 
 rundel. Sir Edward North, Sir Richard Soutbwcl, Sir Ed- fillors meet 
 mund Peckham, Sir Edward Wotton , and Dr. Wotton, met 
 at Ely Houfe in Holboum (5), and fat as the King's Coun- ga , n n , he 
 cil. Secretary Petre being fent to them in the King’s 
 name to ask the reafon of their meeting, they forced him 
 to ftay with them. Being thus met, they confidered the Buim:t . 
 
 State of the Kingdom, and laid on the Proteaor the blame T_»-P-* 3 S- 
 of all the pretended diforders, and of the late lofles in J>WJI 
 France, taking for granted, they would not have happened 
 had he followed the advice of the Council. Then they 
 declared, they had that very day intended to confer with 
 him, but hearing he had armed his Servants, and many 
 others*whom he had pLced about the King, did not think 
 they ought to expofe themfelves to his Violences. This Burnet, 
 done, they fent for the Lord-Mayor, Aldermen, and 510 "'- 
 Common-Council of London, with the Lieutenant of the 
 Tower , and exprefsly forbid them to own the Duke of So¬ 
 merfet for Proteflor. The Lieutenant of the Tower (6) 
 promifed to obey. The Mayor and Aldermen anfwercd 
 more cautioufly. But in all likelihood moft of them were 
 now gained, as it plainly appeared two days after. 
 
 Upon the firft news of the Counfellors undertaking, the J&Pw- 
 Proteflor removed the King to Windfor, and armed fuch 
 as he could affemble at Windfor or Hampton-Court. This Winder, 
 furnifhed his Enemies with a frefh occalion to complain, 
 that he had carried the King to a place where there were ^ cL-fel- 
 no Provifions fit for him, fo they took care to fend him of ].„n- 
 what he might want from London. The fame day, being 
 the morrow after their meeting, feven Counfellors, name- u . eYJ / e 
 ly, the Lord Chancellor Rich, the Marquifs of Northamp- juried by /«- 
 ton the Earl of Shrewsbury , Sir Thomas Cheney, Sir John wn 
 Gage, Sir Ralph Sadler, and the Lord Chief Juftice 
 tague, came and joined with them. Whereupon they ibnwit* 
 wrote to the King a Letter full of exprefllons of their duty, 'fff '*• 
 complaining of the Duke of Somerfet’s not hearkening to Burn ' ct . 
 their Counfels, and of his gathering a force about his Per- T.il py37- 
 fon, to make him believe they had ill defigns againft him, *”££**• 
 though they had nothing in view but his Good and Wel¬ 
 fare. They wrote alfo to the Archbifhop ok,Canterbury, Ib p . ,g 7 , 
 and to Paget, ordering them to lee that the King’s own 
 
 and Fortifications, from the beginning of his Reign to this year i?49. a “°“?* ed J“ ,, o 
 
 ut.ds, 1 ightren Sh llings, ard Five-pence three Farthings. Stiype, Toro. 11. P- 7 
 year, both at borne and abroad, occafioned that change to be made in the Off 
 Peace m our live. 0 Lord , v,hich is ftill continued, was now made, Becaufe tbeir n - 
 
 But this Petition and Anfwer Hand in the firft Liturgy, publilhed tn 1548. bee his Vol- Ill 
 
 (1) The Charges of King Edward's Wa: 
 dred and fitrv fix thoufand, fix hundred and eightyr few 
 
 (2) Biffi'p Burnet 'ays, that the ill ftatc < t -htngs 
 Prayers; where rhe Aulwet to th- P.tit ; or 
 fightrtb Jor us. but only thou, 0 God T 
 
 '/, Somerfet-b'/ufe in the St-and, which ftill bears his name. 
 
 Lichfield ...o Land iff, t gether with the P r (h-Church. And for a further lup 
 Clcrvfier, two Chapels, and a Charnel 
 
 tl, a/SS’/rriiM. !—>»“-• 
 
 (6) Sir Leonard Cbamberlasnc. Ibid, p 
 
 No 44. V O L. II. 
 
 Million, three hun 
 . p. 178. 
 
 ihe Office of the daily 
 
 room he pulled down the Houfes belonging to the Bifhops of Wor- 
 iply of Stone, Timber, Lead ar.d Iron, he took d wn at St. Haul s 1 
 
 iijmoDpin'Jih. 'ctoth vf SI. Join of y.r .film n», x.MfrU. H.gw.rJ. turn, f 
 
 Servants 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 him, anil not the Duke of 
 
 Fi-rt Coun- 
 jelhn forfakt 
 
 He it dechl ■ 
 red by the 
 Council un- 
 
 Tbe Council 
 fubh/h a 
 
 Manifeflo, 
 
 and -.cnee t 
 the King to 
 juftify ibeir 
 Pnce-Jingt, 
 
 T. II. 
 Colic-:. 
 
 The K’ng 
 offrowe, -f 
 the Council-. 
 Proceeding,. 
 Burnet. 
 Hayward. 
 
 They come t 
 Wind for. 
 Edw. Jour, 
 Ho'linglh. 
 Stow. 
 
 'The Duh of 
 Somerfet i, 
 occufed. 
 Hollingflj. 
 
 Hayward. 
 
 Servants fhould attend 
 Somerset's. 
 
 On the 8th of Ottobcr they went in a Body to Guild- 
 Half where the Common-Council was affembled. They 
 declared, they were fo far from having any ill defigns a- 
 gainft the King (x), that their foie aim was to take him 
 out of the hands of the Duke of Somerfet , who confidered 
 only his own private Intereft. Whereupon the Common- 
 Council openly declared, they were ready to fupport them 
 to the utmoft of their power. 
 
 The Duke no fooner heard that the City of London , 
 and the Lieutenant of the Tower had forfaken him, but 
 he was entirely difeouraged. He called together the few 
 Counfellors then about the King, and protefting, he had 
 no defi2;n againft any of the Counfellors, offered to fubmit 
 to the Judgment of two of thofe that were prefent, and 
 two of thofe that were at London. This offer made him 
 • lofe five Counfellors more, who feeing him thus yield, did 
 not think it prudent to expafe themfelves for the fake of 
 a Man they believed already undone. So, though they 
 approved not the Proceedings of thofe at London , they join¬ 
 ed with them however next day, being the 9th of Oflo- 
 ber. Thefe five were, the Lord Ruff el, the Lord Wcnt- 
 worth , Sir Anthony Brown , Sir Anthony Wingfield , and Sir 
 John Baker Speaker of the Houfe of Commons. 
 
 From that day, the Duke of Somerfet' s affairs daily de¬ 
 clined, every one forfaking him when he was feen himfelf 
 . to defpair of maintaining his ground. Nay, upon an In¬ 
 formation to the Privy-Counfellors his Enemies, that he 
 had faid, if they intended to put him to death, the King 
 fhould die firff ; and boafted, it was in his Power to carry 
 the King out of the Kingdom, they declared him unwor¬ 
 thy of the Protedtorfhip, though they had no proofs of his 
 fpeaking thefe words. After that they publifhed a Mani- 
 feffo, to inform the Publick of the reafons of their Con- 
 , du£t. Then, they wrote to the King, that his Royal 
 Father having appointed them Executors of his Will, and 
 Regents of the Kingdom, they had chofen the Duke of 
 Somerfet to exercile the Office of Protestor, with the ex- 
 prefs Condition, that he fhould do nothing without their 
 Advice ; which Condition he had not obferved, but had 
 made himfelf abfolute mafter of the Government. There¬ 
 fore, they judged him unworthy of that Honour, and pray¬ 
 ed his Majefty's leave, to difeharge the Office committed to 
 them by the late King, and that the Forces gathered about 
 his Perfon by the Duke of Somerfet , might be difmifled. 
 
 Of all the Privy-Counfellors, only the Archbifhop of 
 Canterbury and Paget flayed with the King, who feeing 
 the Impoffibility of withftanding the oppofite Party, ad- 
 vifed the King and the Duke to give the Council the Sa¬ 
 tisfaction they defired. The King confenting to it, the 
 Counfellors at London had notice of it by an Exprefs. 
 As they had forefeen the Duke would be obliged to fubmit, 
 they had already fent Deputies (2) to Windfor , with a 
 Charge to fee that the Duke of Somerfet fhould not with¬ 
 draw, and that fome of his Confidents fhould be put under 
 an Arreft (3). On the 12th of Ottober , the Counfellors, 
 Enemies of the Duke, came in a body to the King, who 
 received them gracioufly, and aftured them, he took all 
 they had done in good part. Next day they proceeded to 
 the Examination of the Duke’s Friends, who were fent 
 to the Tower , except Cecil , who had his Liberty. On 
 the 14th, the Duke of Somerfet was called before them, 
 and the Articles of his Accufation were read to him, the 
 principal whereof were as follows : 
 
 I. That he had not obferved the Condition on which 
 he had been made Protestor. 
 
 II. That he had treated with Ambaffadors without no¬ 
 tifying it to the Council, and by his own Authority had 
 difpofed of Governments and Bifhopricks. 
 
 III. That he had held a Court of Requejls in his own 
 Houfe (4). 
 
 IV. That he had embafed the Coin. 
 
 V. That he had iftued out Proclamations in the affair 
 of Inclofures, againft the mind of the whole Council. 
 
 VI. That he had not taken care to fupprefs the late 
 InfurreCtions, but had even fupported and encouraged 
 them. 
 
 VII. That he had occafioned the lofs of the Forts in 
 
 the Territory of Boulogne , by negleCIing to furnifh them 1549- 
 with Provifions and Ammunition. 
 
 VIII. That he had endeavoured to inftill into the King 
 an ill opinion of his Counfellors, by perfwading him they 
 intended to deftroy him, and had even ordered fome Per- 
 fons to put the King continually in mind of it, left he 
 fhould forget it. 
 
 IX. That he had caufed the Lords of the Council to be 
 proclaimed Tray tors. 
 
 X. That he had malicioufiy not only put the King in 
 great fear, by carrying him fo fuddenly to Windfor, but 
 call him into a dangerous difeale 
 
 XI. I hat he had armed his Friends and Servants, and 
 left the King’s Servants unarmed ; and that he intended to 
 fly to Jerfey or Guernfey. 
 
 Upon thefe Accufations, to which it was then not a time He it fent to 
 to anfwer, he was fent to the Tcauer j thofe whom he had lb ‘ Tc, ' w ‘ r • 
 taken fo much pains to humble, being become his proper LurfKt ‘ 
 Judges. He could not indeed deny the truth of moft of 
 the Fa&s laid to his charge. But the queftion was, whe¬ 
 ther they were crimes, for he was accufed neither of fraud, 
 nor rapine, nor extortion. But that was to be decided 
 only by the Peers of the Realm, or by the Parliament. 
 
 As foon as the Duke was in the Tower , an order was made 7 be Council 
 that fix Lords fhould be the Governors of the King’s Per- a PP 0 ,nti f ,x 
 fon, two of whom were in their courfe conftantly to at- ojAb^King. 
 tend him (5). Then it was ealily feen that the Earl of Edw. jour. 
 Warwick had been the chief Promoter of the Protedlor’s EarUf 
 ruin, fince all the other Counfellors fullered him without ajfJZ'Zht 
 oppofition to take upon him the principal Adminiftration chief Autl-.- 
 of the Government, though without any Title which rUy ‘ 
 might give him a particular Authority. 
 
 The Enemies of the Reformation gloried in the Pro- 7 be Romifh 
 te&or’s Fall. They were perfwaded, the Earl of War- 1 ar, i ar f ns 
 wick was in his heart more Catholick than Proteftant, ^hURe-Zlu- 
 and his ftrict union with the Earl of Southampton confirm- eion. 
 ed this belief. Accordingly Bonner and Gardiner , who u “ rnct ’ 
 were then in the Tower , writ to him a hearty Congratu¬ 
 lation, upon his having freed the Nation from the Ty¬ 
 rant [fo they called the Duke of Somerfet. ] It was even 
 thought for fome time, that the Duke of Norfolk was go¬ 
 ing to be releafed. But the Earl of Warwick was not yet 
 fully known. That Lord, who was wholly fwayed by 
 Ambition, was properly of neither Religion. He was 
 far therefore from undertaking to deftroy the Reforma¬ 
 tion, which had too many Friends in the Kingdom. On 
 the contrary, knowing how defirous the young King was 
 to eftablifli it, he openly declared in its favour. Thus the 
 Adherents of the Pope and the old Religion had not long 
 reafon to rejoice at the late Revolution at Court. 
 
 Bonner , Bifliop of London , had been deprived and im- Bonner u 
 prifoned fometime before this turn. He was known to be iepnued, 
 ftrongly addi&ed in his heart to the Romifh Religion, 
 to pay only an outward compliance to what was eftablifhed 
 by publick Authority, whilft by a doubtful behavior he 
 plainly fhowed his diHike of thele alterations. They who 
 were then at the helm, refolved therefore to put him to a 
 Trial, which could not fail either to give them an advan¬ 
 tage againft him, or make him forfeit the efteem and 
 truft of his Party. He was fummoned before the Coun- Aft. i>ub. 
 cil, and after a declaration of the caufes of Complaint • P* J 9 r > 
 againft him, he was ordered to preach on a Sunday at* 9 ”' 
 
 St, Paul's Crofs , and to prove in his Sermon certain 
 Points, whereof this was one of the principal : That the 
 Authority of a King was the fame when he was in Minority, 
 as when of full Age. He preached on the 1 ft of September 
 before a numerous Audience, and touched upon all the 
 points that were enjoined him, except the laft. Befides, 
 he brought in fome things which gave offence to the 
 Court. Whereupon the King appointed Judges to exa- A( ^ Puti> 
 mine the matter (6). Dr. Burnet fays, he behaved be- XV. p.191. 
 fore the Judges more like a Mad-man than a Bifhop.^P 1, 
 However, he was deprived (7) and fent to the Tower. 
 
 It was doublefs with joy that a pretenfe was found to be 
 rid of fuch a Bifhop, who embarafs’d the Reformers. 
 
 The Earl of Southampton was no lefs deceived in his ex¬ 
 pectations than the reft of his Party. He imagined, that Burnt , 
 having been one of the principal Inftruments of the Dujce 
 of Somerfet’s ruin, he fhould be rewarded for this Service 
 
 1) Or intending to alter Religion. Burnet, p. 136. 
 
 (2) Sit Anthony Wingfield, Sir Anthony St. Ltiger, and Sir John Willi ami. Burnet, Tom. II. p. 137. 
 
 (3) Namely, Secretary Smith, Sir Michael Stanhope, Sir John fbynn, Edward Wolfe , and William Cecil Idem p. 138. 
 
 (4) The intent if this Court, was to hear poor Mens Petitions and Suits. And upon the hearing of them, he either decided their Bufweffes, or fent his 
 Letters to the Chancery in their favour. Which was reckoned to be a flopping of the Proceedings of the Courts, or influencing the Judges. Strype, Tom. II. 
 p. 183. 
 
 (5) Thefe were'he Marquifs of Northampton, the Earls of Warwick and Arundel, [lie Lords St-John, Ruffe! ini Wentworth. And thefe four Knights, 
 Sir Andrew Dudley, Sir Edward Roger,, Sir dhorr.ai Darcy, and Sir Tboma, Wroth. Edw■ Joum. p. 9. 
 
 (6) The Commiflinn was iffued out to Cranmer, Radley, the two Sccietaries of State, and Dr- Day Dean of St. Paul's. They, or any two of them, 
 had full Power to fufpend, imprifon, or deprive him as they ftiould fee Caufe. Bonr.ee, when railed before them, laid of the Witncffes, that one talked 
 like a Goole, another like a Woodcock, and that Hoofer had naif recited his Saying'. like an Ah as hr was. See the Trial »C large, in Fox, Tom. 11 
 p ic, tec. and Burnet, Tom. II. p. 123, 
 
 7) On 0Bobir 1, Fox, p. 39. 
 
Book XVI. 
 
 21. EDWARD VI. 
 
 i>4<j. with the Office of Higli-'J. reafurcr, or at leaft reftored to dined to favor him. For iiiltance, to mention on ■ the i . 
 that of Lord Chancellor. But he found himfelf much chief Article, could he deny that, contrary to the conditi- 
 miftaken. Rich ftill kept the Great Seal, and the Trea- on on which he was made Prolector, lie had degraded .. 
 fury was given to the Lord St. John, who, fome time it were the other Regents, and reduced them to bare Coun 
 after, was alfo created Earl of Wiltjhire (i). It was not fellors ? It is true, he might have alledged the Kina’: 
 the Earl of Warwick's Intereft, to advance to any high Patent. But it was the Patent of a minor Kinir, nor 
 Poft fo intriguing a Perfon as the Earl of Southampton , eleven years old, who, looking upon him as his Cover 
 who, bclidcs, was looked upon as the head of the Party nor, a£ted only by his advice, as it was faid in the very 
 againft the Reformation. He would thereby have loft the Patent which conferred his Authority on him. Where- 
 King’s Favour, whom it was his bulinefs to perfwade, fore, the Duke could never have cleared himfelf upon tin 
 that Religion was not concerned at all in what had palled Article, nor upon feveral others. Confequentlv his only 
 with regard to the Duke his Uncle. So, without a mo- remedy was to own himfelf guilty of all, and caft himfelt 
 inent’s hefitation, he forfook not only the Earl of South- upon the King’s mercy. Befides, it concerned him highly 
 amp ton, but alfo all the Romijh Party, who had flattered to get out of Prifon on any Terms, lince it was very 
 themfelves with feeing fome great change in Religion, dangerous for him to remain any longer in the hands 
 Southampton was fo full of Indignation to be thus flighted, of his Enemies. He was very fuccefsful in this courfe. 
 that he could not forbear caballing againft the Earl of They who wifhed his deftru&ion feeing the King had been 
 Warwick : but perceiving Warwick was informed of his very hardly prevailed with to confent to his Trial, thought 
 Proceedings, and knowing his revengeful temper, relin- it was not yet time to pufti their hatred any farther, till 
 -ibe EWo/qu idl’d his Projects. Shortly after, he withdrew from they had ruined him in the King’s Favour. He came He gen c, 
 Southamp- Court without taking leave, and lived at one of his Ma- therefore out of the Tower the 6th of February , giving T tLi Tow - 
 CoJt'and nors » wh ere he died with grief and vexation. Some even Bond of 10000I. for his good Behaviour, and" ten days ^ ZaraZ 
 dm. fay, he poifoned himfelf (2). after had his pardon. Thus his Fall was not fo great as Aft. Pub. 
 
 Bumet. Mean while, the war with France made the Council his Enemies expe&ed. He forfeited however much of xv - P- 2 °5* 
 Z/th France ver X uneafy. Henry II. it was plain, was refolved to the efteem he had acquired among the People, who not di s^' 6, 
 perplexes the beficge Boulogne , and it was juftly feared that place was ving into the reafons of his Conduit, could not help think- Edw. J-ur. 
 AUniftry. n ot tenable. Whilft the Duke of Somerfet was alone ing him guilty, fince he had confeiled all. But the King 
 burthen’d with that incumbrance, his enemies would have it judged otherwife, fince on the 6th of Jlpril following, he 
 to be Cowardice to refign Boulogne to avoid a war, where- gave him a place again in his Council (6). 
 
 in they hoped to find an occafion to ruin him. But when Mean while, the Parliament knowing, the Friends of 72 * Parlia- 
 they had the Government in their hands, they found dif- the RomiJ).> Church drew from the Duke of Somerfet's Fall mtnt e,afirm ‘ 
 Acuities in that affair, which they would not own, fo confequences which might breed ill effects, thought it rarpT™ 
 long as they thought the event would be laid to his proper to confound their hopes. To that end’an Ad of " C ’ 
 charge. They refolved therefore to fend a fecond Em- Parliament was made, confirming the New Liturgy, and 
 bafly to the Emperor (3), to perfwade him to take Bou- ordering all Miffals, Breviaries, Uc. to be delivered to fuch 
 logne into his protection, imagining Paget had magnified as ftiould be appointed to receive them, and all the Pray- 
 the difficulties. But the Ambafladors found the Emperor ers to the Saints to be daflied out in all the Primers fet out 
 very cold, and conftantly alledging his alliance with France, by the late King. Moreover, thofe who had any Images “ Tli c ' Tl1er ‘ 
 He even told them, that fo long as Religion continued in taken out of Churches, were required to burn or deface ZZlt' f ° 6t 
 England in its prefent ftate, the Englijh could not expeit them before the laft of June (7). Then the Parliament 
 tte Council much affiftance from him. This Anfwer determined the was prorogued on the iftof February , after granting the 
 ' tpcaceT 1 " C° unci ' t0 ma ^ e P eace with France. We (hall fee pre- King a Subiidy (8), which was followed by a General 
 fently the effeits of this Refolution (4). Pardon, in which the Prifonersof the Tower were excepted. 
 
 T he Parliament met the 4th of November , without the It was during this Seffion that the eldeft Sons of Peers 
 lurnec. Duke of Somerfet 's difgrace occaiioning any change in the were firft permitted to fit in the Houfe of Commons (9). 
 
 affairs of Religion. It was ftill the fame Parliament the After the late Revolution at Court by the Duke of So- The Earl of 
 Duke of Somerfet had called, and the Council had ftill the merfet 's difgrace, the Earl of Warwick had not forgot him- Warwick n 
 fame maxims with refpeit to the Reformation, the Earl felf. On the 28th of Oclober laft, he was made Great 
 ffdowful^ 0{ ^ arwi fFs Policy not fuffering him to make any change. Mafter of the King’s Houfhold, anew Title introduced Ud Great 
 "jjjZbim. The Parliament began with a fevere Ait againft unlawful by Henry VIII, inftcad of that of Steward of the Houf- 
 Miagaintl Affemblies, in order to prevent any more Infurreitions. But hold , when he conferred this Office on the Duke of Suf- £v P “ b ‘ 
 by another A< ^’ the Statute againft Vagrants, as too fevere, folk (10). But it was not fo much by his Pofts that the zot. 
 and contrary to the Liberties of the Nation was repealed, Earl of Warwick was grown powerful and confiderable, as lIe 
 and a Law made in the late Reign reviv’d. on account of his direiting the Council, who aited only allA $ a,ru 
 
 1550. T he 2d of January 1550, a Bill of Attainder againft by his advice. Some of the Counfellors looked upon him 
 
 Aa of At- the Duke of Somerfet , with a Confeflion figned by his as their Friend, others as the head of their Party, and 
 
 '“ZnZtbc 0Wn ^ an( ^’ was rea ^ * n Houfe of Lords. But as fome fome were afraid of offending him. What he had lately 
 
 Duke of So- Lords fufpeited this Confeflion to be extorted* four done with regard to the Duke of Somerfet, demonftrated 
 
 merfet. Temporal Lords and four Bifliops were fent to know the how dangerous it was to have him for Enemy. 
 
 ^hIX'owi tru f h from his own mouth ( 5 )- Next day, they made Notwithftanding all his greatnefs, the Earl of Warwick He r ,r ht , 
 himfelf upon their report, that the Duke thanked the Houfe for their was not a little embarafs’d concerning the affair of Boulogne, to g,l t up 
 the King, kindnefs, and owned he had freely fubferibed the Paper, He had himfelf moft exclaimed againft the Duke of Somer- boul °8 nc * 
 
 Stow?’ after havin S con felled the Contents before the King and fit , for propofing to refign that place, and ridiculed all his I,urnet ‘ 
 
 P . 603. Council. He protefted however, he had no ill intention reafons, and yet for thefe fame reafons, he refolved at length 
 Hoi, lined, againft the King or State. Whereupon, he was fined by to do what he fo much blamed in another. But not to ap- 
 w. jour. Ait Q f p ar ii am e nt j n two ihoufand Pounds a year of Land, pear inconfiftent with himfelf, he chofe to caufe the reftitu- 
 with the Forfeiture to the King of all his Goods, and the tion of Boulogne to be mov’d and refolv’d in Council, and to 
 Burnet. the lofs of all his places. Many thought his Confeflion appear himfelf to be no farther concerned, than to comply 
 very ftrange, and much cenfured fo abjeit a Proceeding, with the opinion of the majority. It is not very difficult for 
 But it was doubtlefs becaufe they wilh’d he had taken a- one that direits an Aflembly, to procure what refolutions he 
 nother courfe, which would not have failed to prove fatal pleafes without aiting openly. But the difficulty confided 
 to him. It is certain, among the Articles of his Accufa- in the difhonour of making the firft ftep, and the danger of 
 tion, there were feveral which could be juftified only by fhowing a defire to conclude a Peace with France. The Guidon! it 
 
 the intention, which would have been little ferviceable to Earl of Warwick foon found an expedient to avoid cm t’b“ i,n 
 
 him in the Houfe of Peers, moft of whom were not in- this inconvenience, by employing one Guidotti , an Italian Hayw&' 
 
 a a. Pub. 
 
 (I) William Paula, Lord St. John, was created Earl of Wilt/hire, on January 19 ; and at the fame time, John Lord Ruffil was made Earl of Bed- XV ' p ' l8s ‘ 
 Jord. ctow, p. 603. 
 
 Haywa 
 
 Strype. 
 
 The Empe¬ 
 ror refufet 
 
 ajfifl Eng¬ 
 land. 
 
 fail 
 
 > ar.d at the fame time, John Lord Rujfel was made Earl of Bed- j 
 
 (1) He died at his Houfe called Lincoln Place in Holborn (afterwards Southampton-Houfe) July 30. 1550, and was buried in St. Andrewt where a Strype * 
 ir Monument was eref.ed to his Memory. Stew's Ann. p. 604. 
 
 .. 604. 
 
 > him, on OHr.ber 18, Sir Thomas Cheney, and Sir Philip Hobby. Burnet, Tom. II. p. 140. 
 a May 8, Commiflioners were appointed to vifit and reform the Univerlity of Oxford. Rymcr's Fad. Tom. 1 
 when the Bill was read for the fecond time ; as it was for the third time, Jan. 14. Jeurn. Pail. 
 ms publilhed the Bible in Enghjh, of Undal't Tranflation, reviled by C ever dale And alfo the form of Ordination. Strype, Tom. 11 . 
 
 183. 
 
 (3) They fent tt 
 
 (4) This year, c 
 
 (5) January 3, 
 
 (y) This year, 
 
 p. 200, 203. 
 
 c J 7 } ™' othcr A f s ,. mad ' in ,’ h!s S /® on w “ e thefe: J ‘ That a Fo "n of consecrating Archbifhops, Bilhops, Prierts, and Deacons, fhould be drawn by 
 an tc X e°Ir her Mcn ° f ' he R eal m, Earned G. d’s Law, and fet forth before the firft of April next coming. The Bilhops of Durham, 
 ,o{% f orc ‘J ttr > Cbicbejier, and IVeJinnr.fler protefted againft this A&. 2. That the Cufiodes Rctuhrum fh.ifl be appointed by the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 (S) Twelve-pence m the Pound of Goods, and of every Alien two Shillings in the Pound. See Statutes, c, 23. They alfo re'eafed the relief on Sheep 
 and Clothes, granted 2. and 3. Edward VI, and continued that on Goods for three years j which was of every Perfon worth 10/. or upwards, in Money, 
 laoods, CSV. 12 d. in the Pound j and of every Alien worth 201. and under 10/. 12 d. in the Pound. Siemens, p. 232. 
 
 l/V F , ra f 0 ‘ Ru I‘f by his Brother’s death Heir-apparent to the Lord Rujel, it was on the 21ft of January carried upon a Debate, That 
 
 Jb uld abide in the Houfe as he was before. So it is entered in the original Journal of the Houfe of Commons, communicated to Dr. Burnet, by Mr. 
 Ok /rand Mr. C/arie, in whofc hands it was then, and is the firft Journal that ever was taken in that Houfe. See Hift. Ref. Vol. II. p. 147. 
 rJ j /k l on T , ,h ‘ s J car > Wslltam Parr Marquifs of Northampton was made Lord Great Chamberlain of England ; the Lord Wentworth 
 
 ScJV-F [IT' H " Ufll ° d ’ Slt 7bmai Djrc J Vise-Chamberlain, and Captain of the Guard ; and Sir Anthony IVm?field Controller. Stow, p. 6oj, 
 
 Merchant, 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 »550. Merchant, who lived at Southampton. This Man coming 
 
 to Pa .'om pretence, infinuated him! If into the 
 
 ConftabL’s Family, who was the King’s chief Favorite. 
 [„ hi C n\. ■ fat < n with fome of the C iftabh s ()fficei , 
 he (aid, he verily believed the Court of England might 
 be ealiiy brought to re (fore Boulogne for a Sum of money. 
 The Conftable, to whom thw was told, prefently gudled 
 t \ He nfelf to ( ru l tti , and < 1 arged 
 
 1 fom* n if the C< i n< il of Englan l, 
 
 that . had rati i end ti e afl iir t l 
 
 Iotiic by a treaty than by arms. Whereupon Guulotti made 
 . . . to London tnd Parts. At laft he fet the 
 
 matti in 1 • fi it a vv y, that : Courts, ig equa 
 
 lirous of ending it, agreed to fend Plenipotentiaries, to 
 fum“ place in Picard to treat of a peace and the relfitution 
 of Boulogne (i). 
 
 PUnip nr- M<'iil:cur de la Rochepot of the Houfe of Montmorency, 
 he G ' - '•••' ; d ■ Admiral, and two more, 
 
 twoC:nrti. WC|C appointed by France ; and the Court of England 
 E.un-J Ur ' made choice of the Lord Ruffcl, Paget now made a Ba- 
 
 stow. ron (a Secretary Pet re, and Sir John Maj'on. I heir 
 
 v; P . [ n ft r ' a o w i .i < 1 at < ience, that the Council 
 XV. p.ao2. wQu |j j iave a Peace at any rate. The Subfiance of them 
 was : 
 
 The Englifh 
 AH.nJ,.:n 
 Infill. ttnl. 
 
 T. II. p.i+S. 
 and Collett, 
 p. 19S. 
 
 Conference a- 
 blue the 
 Peace. 
 
 Hayward. 
 
 Strype’s 
 
 T. II. 
 Repos. 
 r . 114. 
 
 T. I. 
 Collect. 
 
 Treaty bt- 
 
 fwoCrtmins 
 Aft- Pub. 
 XV. p. 21 x 
 
 I. That as to the place of Congrefs, they were not to 
 appe ir very difficult. But, if polliblc, they were to have 
 it at Calais or Boulogne. 
 
 II. Thev might offer the reffitution of Boulogne. 
 
 III. But then the were to demand that the young 
 Queen of Scotland Humid be fent home, to confummate 
 he 1 marriage with the King of England. 
 
 IvTin:: the Fortifications*^! Blacknefs and New-bavcn 
 fhould emolifhed. 
 
 V Tliar the Pennon promifed by Francis I. to Henry 
 VIII. fhould be continued, and all Arrears paid. But if 
 they could not obtain the fir ft, they were to be fatisfied 
 with the Arrcais. 
 
 VI. That as for Scotland they fhould affirm, England 
 could not treat without the Emperor’s concurrence. But 
 if the Empemr would agree to it, the King of England 
 would reftorc all the places he held in Scotland , except Ay- 
 month and Roxburgh. 
 
 VII. That if the French fpoke any thing of the King’s 
 marrying Henry IPs Daughter Elizabeth , they fhould an - 
 fwer, they had no Inftrucliuns upon that head, and fhould 
 inlift upon the King’s being fo young. 
 
 The Plenipotentiaries meeting near Boulogne (3), thofe 
 of France {.aid plainly, it was not to be expelled that the 
 King their mailer would fend back the Queen of Scotland, 
 fmee he defigned her for his Son the Dauphin : That as 
 for the [perpetual] penfion, Francis I. promifed it when 
 forc’d by his affairs, but'the King his Son never intended 
 to be tributary to England: That however, they were 
 ready to treat about the reffitution of Boulogne for a Sum 
 of money : That moreover, the King their mailer did 
 not mean, the Englijh fhould keep any one place in Scot¬ 
 land. This was talking imperioufly. But Henrv II. had 
 difeovered the intentions of the Council cf England , and 
 was rcfolved to improve the occafion to caufe to vanifh 
 the grating Claim of the Kings of England to the Crown 
 of France, or at leaft to the pcipetua! Penfion promis’d by 
 Francis I. in lieu of that Claim. , Some time after, the 
 Englijh Ambafladors received frefh inftruftions, empower¬ 
 ing them to conclude a Peace upon terms lefs difficult to 
 be obtained than thofe firft demanded. However, as the 
 Court of England would not abfolutely defift from the 
 Penfion, an expedient was found, with which that Court 
 was fatisfied, namely, all Claims of the two Kings were 
 to remain as before, except fuch as fhould be adjulled by 
 the Treaty, which was at length figned the 24th of 
 March , and was in effedt as follows : 
 
 T. That the City of Boulogne fhould be reftored to 
 France, with all the Ordnance and Ammunition found 
 ' there by Henry VIlI, when he took the Place. 
 
 . II. That in conlideration of Henry's Improvements 
 and Charges in tranfporting Provifions and Ammunition, 
 
 the King of France fhould pay the King of England the 1550. 
 Sum of lour hundred thoufand Crowns of Gold (4), half 
 on the day of reftitution, and half before the 15th of Au- 
 gujl. 
 
 It is to be obferved upon this Article, that the King of 
 France very carefully av« Led mentioning cither the Pen¬ 
 fion ftipulated in the laft Treaty of Peace ; or even what 
 was due to the Crown of England fince the time of 
 Charles VIII, which had been always increafed afterwards 
 by fevcral i reaties. 
 
 III. That for the fecurity of the payment of the two 
 bun. I red thoufand Ciowns in Augnjl , France fhould give 
 fix Plottages, and England the like number (5), for the 
 fecurity of the Reftitution of Boulogne. 
 
 i V. As to Scotland , it was agreed, that the King of 
 England fhould deliver to the Queen of Scotland the two 
 Forts of Lauder and DunglaJ's, with .til the Ordnance, ex¬ 
 cept what was brought thither from Hadington. 
 
 V. That if thefe two Forts remained in the King of 
 England’s power, he fhould he obliged to demolifh ihe 
 Fortifications of Ay mouth and Roxburgh , which fhould ne¬ 
 ver be re-built by England or Scotland , But if he reftored 
 Lauder and Dunglafs , lie fhould however be obliged to raze 
 Ay mouth and Roxburgh, provided the Queen of Scotland- 
 demolifhed alfo Lauder and Dunglafs , and that none of 
 thefe four Places fhould be ever refortified. 
 
 VI. That the King of England fhould make no new 
 War upon Scotland , unlefs he had frefh caufe : That is to 
 fay, Edward relinquifhed his Marriage. 
 
 VII. That the King of England’s demands, claims, 
 and pretenfions, as well upon France as Scotland , and all 
 the King of France's and the Queen of Scotland's upon 
 England , fhould remain as before. 
 
 Thus all the pains taken by Henry VIII. to fecure a 
 Penfion, or rather a yearly Tribute in lieu of the Title he 
 pretended to have to the Crown of France, were rendered 
 fruitlefs by this Treaty, which contained, in favour of Eng¬ 
 land, only an indeterminate refervation of the Claim which 
 had occafioned the cft'ufion of fo much Blood fince the 
 Reign of Edward III. There remains to the Kings of 
 England only the empty Title of King of France, none of 
 Edward Vi’s SuccefTors having ever ferioufly thought of 
 profecuting their pretended Right. 
 
 The Treaty being brought to London to be ratified, the The Earl y 
 Earl of Warwick feigned Sicknefi, not to be obliged .0 
 fign a Peace he had fo much exclaimed againft. But this ■b e "n a . 
 was only to impof'e on the Publick, fince he had figned ill ‘fffjfff 
 the Orders and Inllriiflions, by virtue whereof the Ambaf- ' H 
 fadors had concluded it. Lumet 
 
 The reftitution of Boulogne opened the Eyes of the Peo- '. b f C ™"f a 
 pic, with refpedt to the Condudft of thofe at the helm. ‘ u c ] n j-°” e ^ 
 They who had now delivered up that Place for four hun¬ 
 dred thoufand Crowns, in lieu of the two millions Francis 
 had promifed to pay, were the fame who fome months be¬ 
 fore had reviled the Piote&or for only intending to reftore 
 it. The Earl of Warwick, who had the chief diredtion of 
 
 Affairs, and whofe Intcreft it was to procure the People’s 
 AfFe&ion, feeing them a little enraged, thought proper to 
 divert them, by giving them fome Satisfaction in other 
 refpedls. To that purpofe, he called to a ftridt account inquiry ef 
 thofe who had managed the King’s Money, or been guilty Mf.iemea - 
 of Mifdemeanors in the Exercife of their Offices. He had 
 alfo in this another motive ; namely, to pay the King’s 
 Debts, which were confiderable. In this Inquilition, his 
 chief Friends who had ferved him as Inftruments to ruin 
 the Duke of Somerfet, were leaft fpared. The Earl of Edw. Jour. 
 Arundel was fined in 1 2000 1 . payable in twelve years. 
 
 Southwcl was put in the Fleet, and the reft made their 
 Compolitions with the Court as well as they could. As 
 there were lew but what were guilty of fome mifdemean- 
 our, this Inquiry eftabliftied the Earl of Warwick, every 
 one fearing he would find means to be revenged of thofe 
 who exprelfed not great Submiffion (6). 
 
 In the courie of this year there were fome Changes in change in 
 the Biftiopricks. The See of Wejlminflcr, vacant by the 
 reiignation of Thirleby, was united to that of London, and 
 given to Ridley Biftiop of Rochejler (7). Thirleby had the MI ' t f.f 
 
 See of Norwich , Poinct that of Rochejler (8), and on *37, -+°- 
 
 Kdw. our. 
 
 (l) For this good piece 
 55/. 10 J. See Rymtr' 1 
 
 (*) Hr W »s L it, nrd 
 
 (3 1 The iattei end . • _ 
 
 (4) Then of equal u i 
 
 (5) The Engli/h H N 
 the Earl of Arum. d , : he 
 eldcft Son of the Eul "t 
 
 (6) S r 1 hem 111 Snub, 
 John' 7 by tin ubmitted to 
 
 (7) On Februa-y 24. 
 refigned, af cr having ah 
 p. 16:0 Eytr.tr > hard. 
 
 (X, Power, not hav'ng 
 St. Michael's Crocked-1..: 
 Jure 2Q. 135c 
 
 f Service, Guidotti had a Penfion of 250/. per Ann. allowed him by the Court of England ; and his Son John a Penfion of 
 rent. Tom- 15. p 227, 228. Edw. Journ. p. ,1. „ „ _ , 
 
 to the Houle of Peers, Uecemb. 3. 1349. by the Title of Baron of Beaudejert. Jcurn. Bart. 
 
 January. See tSurnct, Tom. II. p- 148* 
 
 j"cs W w^re? The^kco 1 ! ^Suffolk, the Earl nf Hertford, elded Son of the Duke o c Somerfet, the Lord Mautravert elded Son of 
 
 L. rd Talbot, the Earl of Sbrrwtbury’s elded Son, the L.>rd Straunge, the Earl of Derby's eldcft Son, and the Lotd htxwann, 
 
 Bath. Rymer'i Feed. Tom. 13. p- 214 , . . , c . 
 
 , Sir Mi/batl Stanhope, 'lhomai Ftjher, and William Grey, each of them acknowledged they owed the King 300c/. and Sir 
 
 6000/. fine, ann then were difcharged. Burnet, Tom. II. p. 149- , .. f . 
 
 Burnet, p. 149.- —Miles Cc-vtrda/e was alfo made, Auguft 14. next year, Bifhop 0. Exeter, in the room of Jeon I efp, vshn 
 :cn a ttd aim If all the Lands belonging to that Blhopiick, and referved to himlcjf a yearly Penfion of 485/. Burnt., lorn. II. 
 
 Houle upon his Bifhoprick, held in Commendam a Prebend of Canterbury , the Vicarage of Afford in Kent, the Re£b r ~ 
 me. Linden, and of lowen in the Dioccfe o! Bangor. Rymer's herd. Tom. 15- P- 
 
 eeviced, That no Bilhop Ihould henceforth keep other Benefice than hi* Bilhoprick only, hfype, Tom. 11 . p. 229. 
 
 1 Older of Council of 
 
 rho 
 
Book xvr. 
 
 21. EDWARD VI. 
 
 1550. 
 
 Pniydo 
 
 Virgil 
 
 Death of 
 Paul III. 
 
 Again of 
 
 the third of "July, "John Hooper was made Bilhop of Glo- 
 cejler (1). 
 
 This year, Polydorc Virgil, an Italian, who had been 
 now forty years in England, had leave to go and fpend 
 the rcfitlue of his days in his own Country. The King 
 XV. p.234 permitted him to enjoy his Preferments (2), in confidera- 
 Burnct. t j on 0 f j 1(s having employed the beft part of his Life in 
 writing the Hiftory of England{ 3). 
 
 Before we proceed to the next year, it will not be im¬ 
 proper to mention what had palled in foreign Countries. 
 
 Paul III dying the 13th of November 1549, the Car¬ 
 dinals who entered the Conclave the 291I1 of the fame 
 month, agreed in few days to raife Cardinal Pole to the 
 Papal Throne, and even came in the Night to his Cham- 
 Pomi^itt^ ^ er t0 a< ^ ore him according to cuftom. But he defired 
 tj Nicety, them to defer the Ceremony till it was day, telling them 
 it ought not to be a work of darknefs. This fcruple, un¬ 
 heard-of till then, feemed to them fo extraordinary, that 
 fome imputed it to Stupidity. Others were afraid, if Pole 
 was Pope, he would reform the Court of Rome, and the 
 College of Cardinals in paiticular. However this be, from 
 that moment they thought of elefting another Pope. After 
 Juliu; HI which, being divided into three Faftions, they could not 
 Lhojtn Pvfe. a g ree upon the Perfon till the February following, when 
 they chofe the Cardinal de Monte , who took the Name 
 of 'Julius III (4). 
 
 In Germany , the Emperor having opened the Diet of 
 the Empire about the end of July, would have obliged all 
 the Proteftants to fubmit to the determinations of the 
 Council, now removed back to Trent. Maurice Elector 
 of Saxony ftrongly oppofed it, but with fo much caution 
 and regard for the Emperor, that he did not lofe his Fa¬ 
 vour. On the contrary, the Emperor agreed, that the 
 Diet Ihould declare him General of the Army of the Em¬ 
 pire, to end the war by the Siege of Magdeburg, the only 
 Protcftant Town which ftill held out. Maurice had great 
 defigns, which the Emperor knew not, till it was too late 
 to hinder the Execution. 
 
 Scotland enjoyed a great Tranquillity after the conclu- 
 fion of the Peace (5). James Hamilton Earl of Arran in 
 Scotland, and Duke of Cbatcleraut in France, (fill govern¬ 
 ed the Kingdom as Regent. But he was himfelf governed 
 by the Archbifhop of St. Andrews his natural Brother, 
 a Man of a very lewd and infamous Life. Let us return 
 now to England, and fee what palled there during the year 
 1551. 
 
 After the Conclufion of the Peace with France and 
 Scotland , the principal affair in the Kingdom was that of 
 the Reformation, which the young King wilhed to bring 
 to as high a degree of Perfection as poflible. He was kept 
 in this difpolition by Cranmer , and the reft of the Refor¬ 
 mers. The Earl of Warwick appeared alfo very forward 
 to complete this work, becaufe he thereby infinuated him¬ 
 felf more into his young Mailer’s favour. The conftant 
 maxim of the Romijh Party, was to oppofe with all their 
 power any intended alterations, before they were eftablilh- 
 ed by Law. But they complied with them, at leal! out¬ 
 wardly, when there was no remedy, till a favorable op¬ 
 portunity Ihould offer to throw off the Mask. It was not 
 poflible to be rid of thefe Hypocrites at once, becaufe they 
 gave no advantage by their outward behaviour. But they 
 
 Scotland. 
 
 
 1551 . 
 
 Affatrt of 
 
 Religion. 
 
 Burnet. 
 
 were narrowly watched, that their falfe Heps might be 1551. 
 improved. By this means Bonner was put out of the way Euintt - 
 laft year, and by the fame method Gardiner was this year 1 ox " 
 deprived on the 18th of April ( 6 ). 
 
 During all the reft of the year, chofcn Commiflioners A Conffic- 
 were preparing a Confeflion of Faith (7), which was the “ 
 
 Jail mortal wound to be given to the old Religion. Some iiurnu. 
 places of the new Liturgy were alfo corrected (8). But The Princefs 
 the Prlncefs Mary relufed to fubmit to thefe or the former rt W 
 Changes. She continued to have Mafs faid in her Houfe, Edw. Jour, 
 and thereby drew upon herfelf great mortifications from ["-*■ 
 the Council and the King himfelf, who feemed refolved to JffT 
 force her to a compliance. She was 1 b alarmed at it, that .\.F r- .- '.i 
 file formed a defign to withdraw out of the Kingdom, : ' s c ” e 
 by means of fome Veftels whiph the Regent of the Lav- y...J r Jf e 
 Countries was to fend upon the Coaft of England. But bffis p’c- 
 the defign being difeovered, the execution was prevented, r ' r ' ' 
 though it Ihould feem that Princefs would have occafioned p 
 lefs trouble and embarraffment, had fhe been out of the Burned 
 Kingdom. In all appearance, the Project of excluding her 
 from the Succefllon was not yet formed, neither was the 
 King’s death thought fo near as it was. 
 
 'I his Princcfs’s obftinacy drew upon her the King her The Earl of 
 Brother’s difplcafure, who from thenceforward loft much v/ ' lru - 5 
 of the Efteem and Affection he had for her. It was this, “pn^ff 
 probably, that infpired the Earl of Warwick with the Burnet, 
 thoughts of excluding her from the Succeflion, and of 
 forming in favour of his own Family the Project menti¬ 
 oned hereafter. It will be ncceflary however briefly to 
 fay here, that this Project was, to marry the Princefs Eli¬ 
 zabeth abroad, to caufe Mary to be fet afide, and to marry 
 one of his Sons to Jane Grey, eldeft Daughter of Henry 
 Grey , Marquifs of Dorfet , and of Frances Brandon , who 
 was the next in the Succeflion, after Henry VIII’s two 
 Daughters (9). 
 
 At this time the Siveating-Sicknefs broke out in Eng- The Sweat- 
 land with great Violence, carrying oft" in twenty-four hours 
 fuch as were feized with it, in fpite of all Remedies (1 o). nlywaX' 
 
 If we may believe the Hiftorians, this Sicknefs was pecu¬ 
 liar to the Englijh Nation. It did not feize the Foreign¬ 
 ers who were in England , and in other Countries Englijh- 
 men only were afflicted with it. For this reafon it was 
 called the Englijh Sweat. There is much the fame thing 
 to be obferved among the Pdanders, who are alone fubjedl 
 to a Diftemper they call Plica (11), unknown, as it is af¬ 
 firmed, in all other Countries. The Duke of Suffolk , Son Two Dates 
 of Charles Brandon by his fecond Wife, died of the Sweat- * Aiflblk 
 ing Sicknefs, as did alfo two days after his Brother, who Jieo f “• 
 had fucceeded him. So, the Title of Duke of Suffolk Th Earl of 
 being void, the Earl of Warwick refolved to procure that Warwick 
 Honour for the Marquifs of Dorfet, Father of Jane Grey, ll^htFaS,- 
 whom he defigned for one of his Sons. He wanted the (y °j ttc 
 Concurrence of that Lord, to fet the Crown on his Daugh- ■ 'Jjp’fi °f 
 tet’s head, to whom the Mother was moreover to relign Burnet, 
 her Right. It is however very difficult to conceive, that 
 the Earl of Warwick fhould have formed this Project fo 
 early, fince Edward was in good health, in his fifteenth 
 year only, and very likely to have a numerous Iffue. The 
 Earl of Wirwick muft therefore have known that the 
 King was to die very foon. And this is what they would 
 inlinuate, who make him form his defign at the time I 
 
 I 1 ! U P on t * le vacancies of thefe, and other Sees, the beft, and almoft all the Manors belonging to them, were furrendered into the King’s hands and 
 diftributed amongft the Courtiers; and to make fume fort of compenfation, there were beftowid upon the fame Secs, either wurfe Manors or elle Rette¬ 
 ries, and impropriated Tithes. Thus on September 26. 1547; Sbaxton, Bifhcp of Lincoln, refigned to the King twenty-four Manors; fo tliat at prefent the 
 Revenues ot that Bilhoprick are faid to tonfift of Impropriations: BttckJen being the only Manor it has left. May 20. icaS, the Bifhop of Bath and Wells 
 thC - ll ^ Enati °!l °r ^ Xch , angC °*’ Manors. And April 12. 1550, Ridley Bifhop of London yielded up to the King the Manors of Stepney and 
 llackney in Mtdd/efex, and of Braun tree and Southmtnjier in Effex ; in the room whereof he had the Manors of Feting, Kilvcdon, &c. in EfTcX • of Green- 
 Jord, Hanwel, Drayton, and Paddington, in Middlefcx ; the Advowfon of St. Martin's in the Fields, and others; of which the Reader may fee’an account 
 in Strype s Eccl. Mem. Tom. 11. p. 217, who there obferves, that the advantage of the Exchange was conliderably on the Billion's fide. The See of IP’in 
 
 reefer was a fo regulated. See Ibid. p. 272- RymeP . Feed. Tom. XV. p. ,66, r 7 ., 226. King Henry VIII had led the way in this general Regulation, 
 
 as it was called, of the Bifhopricks, by a Statute made in the 37th of his Reign, c. 16. when no left, than feventy Manors, all at the old Rents were 
 raken at once trom the See of lurk, and annexed to the Duchy of Lancafer, Impropriations and Tithes being given in lieu of them; and many were 
 alio at the lame time dilmemhred from the Archbiftiopnck of Canterbury. See Slat. 37 Plenty VIII. St type’s Mem. T. 11. p. -- See. Hey/iti 0 iS 
 
 (2) His Archdeaconry of Wells, and his Prebend of Nonnington in the Church of Hereford. J ’ F ' ' 
 
 (3) This year, the City ot London purchafed from the King all the Liberties of Southwark, for the Sum of one thoufand Marks. Stow, p. 601. 
 
 (4, He gave a ftrange omen of what advancements he intended to make, when he gave his own Hat (according to the Cuftom of the Popes, who b’- 
 flow their Hats before they go out of the Conclave) on a mean Scivant of his, who had the Charge of his Money; and being asked what he faw in him 
 Co make him a Cardinal . He “nfwcred. As much as the Cardinals had feen in him to make him Pope. But it was commonly fa:d, that the fecret of 
 tilts Promotion was an unnatural Aftettion to him. Burnet. Tom. II. o. ii.n. 1 1 
 
 (t) It had been included i 
 
 ratified. See Rymer's I'ccd. Tom. XV. p. 255. 
 
 late Peace made between the Crowns of England and Fra, 
 
 .'\r __ " 
 
 -273. 
 
 and accordingly took care to have this Comprehenfion 
 
 (6) He mult have been deprived fooner; for J. Botnet Bilhop of Rocbefir was tranfiated; on March 23. to the See of TVtncbcfter, faid then to be va¬ 
 cant by the deprivation of Stephen the late Bilhop.—See Rymcr't Fad. Tom. XV. p. 253. According to King Edward's Journal, ;t was on Feb. 12 
 
 JfTP - S . % >T: ’ w<yp™ » M Silt™, Md of a. Cleg, Ml L,„y, „ ,„,»i« .,fai, thc t „. 
 
 ot the Anabaptifts, Libertines, and other Hcreticks. Rymer's Fad. Tom. XV. p. 215. 
 
 (7) Ic is not known who were the Compilers of thefe Articles of the Church of England, being forty two in number, nor whst method wss tsken in 
 
 ptepsrmg then,, ta thinks they w„e famed by Cnanm,r s„d Snf/.y, „d ths. they were by “them fene .boo, to otherr, to cottetl or odd to them 
 
 hey f.w Qufe. The Resder ms, fee them in *Mr, C.lkttm, Nun,!,. 5S , Vol. 11. with the duVereute. between theib end thoie lit „ 
 
 i.l’z.aoctb s time, marked in the Margin. 
 
 ft 9. Cn?rsl Con * ffio " and Abfohition was added. And the Commandments were put in the beginning of the Communion-Service, 
 ufe ot the Crois in conlecrating the Eucharift, Prayers tor the Dead, tiff, were laid afide. Burnet, Tom. II. p. 160, 170. 
 
 >9) Laft year, on June 3. "jobr., the Earl of Warwick * s eldeft Son, married Ann, Daughter of the Duke of Somerfet. And on the 4th of the fame 
 Month, Robert, his third Son, m. rricd Sir John Robfart'z Daughter. Edw. Journ. p. 14, 15. * 
 
 (10) This Sicknefs began firft at SbrewJbury in April, and fpreading towards the North, end.d not till OHobcr. Rjpin. Whoever was feized with it 
 
 ic , or recovered within nine or ten hours at moft. If he took cold, he died within three hours ; if he flept, within tlx hour?, he died raving. It raeed 
 
 chiefly among young Men, of a itrong Conftilution. Edw. Journ. p. 30. S 6 
 
 (11) They that are troubled with it, lofe the ufe of their Limbs, as if they had a Palfy, and feel great pains in their Nerves, 
 a whole year. After that they fall into a great fweat at night, and next morning their Hair is glued together, and has 
 ever alter. If they cut their Hair, the humour falls on their Eyes, and makes them blind. This Diftemper 
 
 in Queen 
 The Chrifm, 
 
 Atlas. Ceog. Tom. I. p. igg. 
 
 No. XLV. Vol. II. 
 
 which generally continue 
 s a naufeous fmcll, which continues 
 i infettious, and communicated by Coition. 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 lae 
 
 HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 am now fpeaking of, and before the Kino; was fcized with fign to incenfe him. Few have the pi uJence or Modcra- i 5 U 
 his laft Illnels, in order to reprefent him as the Author of tion to avoid falling into fuch Snares. ' I is pretendco, -y ■ 
 his death. However this be, it L pretended, all this Lord’s that feeing himfelf thus pulhed, he refolved to rciil the 
 
 ‘ t-. . Duke of Northumberland at a vifit he was to make him. Edw. Jo 
 
 
 . Proceedings, from the death o( Jane Grey's two Brothers, 
 to the end of this Reign, had relation to this Project ; as, 
 j for infiance, the Marriage of the Princefs Elizabeth to the 
 King of Denmark's eldeft Son, which he caufed to be pri¬ 
 vately treated, but without effect. 
 r. The Marriage of the King himfelf with a Daughter 
 >f u ,.. of , wl v is n 
 
 concluded this year, feems directly contrary to the Earl 
 of of Warwick's defigns, fuppofing they were already formed. 
 
 Vs :i • . 1 i by t m , that thi Marri¬ 
 
 age was only to amufe the young King. Hayward , who 
 wrote the Hiftory of Edward VI, fays alfo, that after the 
 Marriage was concluded, Edward thought himfelf in per¬ 
 fect falety, though indeed he w r as in extreme danger. But 
 whatever the Earl of Warwick's motive might be, the 
 
 Others fay, he intended to have invited him to dinner at 
 the Lord Paget' s, and there he wa: Mher to kill or poifon 
 him. At leatt the Hiftorians thus fpeak of it, becaufe the Ti. hfiy ■ 
 report was fpread both before and after his difgracc, and 
 even imbibed by the King. And yet, his Impeachment L -, { f 
 had no fuch thing in it, but ran only, that he intended to 
 fecurc the Duke of Northumberland's Perfon. However 
 this be, it cannot be denied, he had contrived fomc Plot 
 to be reftored to his Port, and deviled, and perhaps im¬ 
 parted to his Confidents, fcveral expedients which were 
 imputed to him afterwards as fo many Crimes, though he 
 had executed none. One of thefe Confidents was the 
 Perfon that ruined him, being, in all appearance, bribed 
 bv his Enemy. This Man, Sir Thomas Palmer by name, Edw. Join 
 
 Marquifs of Northampton, the Bifliop of Eh, and fume having been fecretly brought to the King, told him all he 
 other AmbafTadors were fent with a fplendid Retinue to knew, and probably, fo turned his dilcourfe, as to make 
 cal ry the Order of the Garin to Hairy II, and to propofe the King believe that bare I’lcqufts or thoughts were 
 .. Marriage between his Daughter the Princefs Eliz, fixed and fettled defigns ( 11 ). However, the king being 
 
 ... , • ......... ... . , .. a , t rr i , r\ i 
 
 and Enivard. Henry being then at Chatcanbrimit, the perlwaded, his Unde would have afiaffinated the JJuke ot 
 
 . , rr* i y , . .- . j. r . t i I...J .1— A /T.. i . /,,, ,i iAI/.h nnH mp 
 
 hnyujo Ambafladors came to Nantes, from whence they 
 
 Treaty alien 
 
 At\. P 
 XV. p. 
 
 were conduced to Court. The Marquifs of Northampton, 
 as head of the Embafly (i), prefented the Collar ot the 
 Order to the King. Then the Bifliop of Ely delired him 
 to appoint Commiflioners to treat with them about an 
 affair tending to the common good ot the two Kingdoms. 
 The Commiflioners being named, the Ambafladors pro- 
 pofed the Marriage of Edward with the Princefs Elizabeth, 
 and the Treaty was figned at ringers, the 19th ot July. 
 The Princefs’s Portion was to be two hundred thoufand 
 Crowns, and her Dower as great as any Queen of Eng¬ 
 land had ever enjoyed. But the Marriage was not to be 
 contracted by words of the prefent Tenie, tiil a month 
 alter the Princefs was twelve years of age. This hindered 
 it from being confummated, becaufe Edward died before 
 Edw. J gr. that time. Shortly after, Henry II. fent a noble Embafly 
 lliywjid. j nt0 England, 0 f which the Marthal de Montmorency was 
 ,u ' nCt ‘ head, with the Order of St. Michael to the King. 
 Ti-rEati-.r Foreign Affairs being finifhed, the Earl of Warwick 
 w.ir . , y n applied himfelf to Domeftick, or rather to his own. He 
 Nmthinf 'G'aufed Henry Grev Marquifs of Northampton, to be created 
 br: Lrij!" Duke of Suffolk, and himfelf Duke of Northumberland (2). 
 Other William Paulel Earl of Wiltjhire and Lord-Treafurer, was 
 oXltcr"*; i- niat ^ e Marquifs of Winchejler (3), and Sir William Hcr- 
 jiiw! |. ua hert , Earl of Pembroke (f). They who were on this oc- 
 h.iw. . rd. cafion dignified with new Honours, were the intimate 
 Buimt. Friends of the Earl of Warwick , now Duke of Northum- 
 herlind, who fought to eftablifh himfelf in the Port he 
 polTefled of chief Manager of the publick Affairs, though 
 without any Patent to give him that Authority. 
 
 <]■;.',,f This Lord could not however enjoy a perfcCt Tran- 
 • • f quillity, fo long as he ffill faw fuch a Rival as the Duke 
 
 .. of Somerfet , who might one day be reftored to favour, and 
 
 who was ically endeavouring to regain the Poll he had 
 formerly pcflefted. Edward was near the time of his 
 majority, and daily increafed in the knowledge of Affairs. 
 The Duke of Northumberland had therefore to fear, that 
 when the King fhould compare his Adminiftration with 
 the Duke of Somerfet' s, he would perceive, the laft had 
 Mr.-’ ' made been wrongfully deprived of his Dignity. Befides, Ed- 
 .-«/!• , to that ward ffill exprefted great efteem for his Unde, and gave 
 £ ' him frequent and publick Marks of it. All this made the 
 Duke of Northumberland very uneafy, who plainly faw, it 
 would be almoft impoffiblc to execute his Projects whilft 
 he had fuch an Infpector as the Duke of Somerfet. He 
 determined therefore to be rid of this troublefomc Rival 
 at any rate, and to that end made ufe of two ways. The 
 firft was to ruin him in the King’s Favour, by means of 
 certain Emiffaries, who befet him continually (5). The 
 fecond was, to caufe his Enemy fuch mortifications as 
 fhould throw him upon aCtions that would give an advan¬ 
 tage againft him. Thefe two ways fucceeded to his wifh. 
 Ti:e King by degrees took a difguft at his Uncle, and was 
 thereby difpofed to receive any ill Impreflions againft him. 
 
 Dt.’.ef On the other hand, the Duke of Somerfet could not, with- 
 Somerfrt out extreme impatience, fee himfelf daily expofed to af- 
 yff f arl fronts, the more provoking, as they were done with de- 
 
 Northumberland, the Marquifs of Northampton, and the 
 Earl of Pembroke, confented that he fhould be brought to 
 his Trial. So on the 17th of October the Duke was ap- The Did .> 
 prehended and fent to the Tcrwer , with many others ac- 
 cufed of being his Accomplices. Next day, the Duchefs of j M ,_ 
 Somerfet , with two of her Women were alio arrelted, and Hayw.ua. 
 after that, the Earl of Arundel and the Lord Paget under- Burnct * 
 went the fame fate. 
 
 As foon as the Duke of Somerfet was in the Tower, his Remark yon 
 pretended Crimes were every where publifhed With Cir-; 
 cumftances proper to impofe on the People. Upon thefe bun. 
 extravagant Accufations it is that the Hiftorians, Doctor Burnet. 
 Burnet excepted, have built their accounts of this Event. Ha > wjr 
 What is molt probable, is, that the Duke had projected 
 to get himfelf declared Protector in the next Parliament, 
 fmee the Earl of Rutland affirmed it upon Oath. As to 
 the means he intended to ufe for that end, very likely he 
 had devifed feveral, but not yet fixed upon any, except 
 that perhaps of fecuring the Duke of Northumberland’s 
 Perfon. As the Cuftom of bringing the Witnefles face to Their; a: ft 
 
 face had been fome time fince laid afide, we muff: be con- 
 
 
 deterr i 
 Hay w. 
 
 tented with knowing what the Witnefles depofed againft 7 
 him, without any poflibility however of receiving from 
 thence an unqueftionablc Proof of the truth of the Fadb. 
 
 Every one is fenfible, what great alterations the confronting 
 of Witnefles is capable of producing in feemingly the molt 
 pofitive Depofitions. 
 
 Palmer depofed, that Sir Ralph Vane was to have head- The Depoji- 
 ed two thoufand Men to fupport the Duke of Somerfet 's 
 defigns, who with a hundred HorfeQ), was to have fallen Edw. jour, 
 upon the Guard , that being done, the Duke intended to Burnet, 
 have gone through the City proclaiming, Liberty, Liberty, Hayward " 
 and in cafe he failed to raife the People, to have fled to 
 the I lie of Wight. One Crane affirmed the fame thing, 
 and added, that the Earl of Arundel and the Lord Paget 
 were privy to the Confpiracy. 
 
 Upon thefe Depofitions, the Duke was brought to his Edw. jour. 
 Trial before the Peers on the firft of December, the Crimes Bu,neC “ 
 laid againft him being call into three Articles: 
 
 1. That he had defigned to feize on the King’s Perfon, Artief f 
 
 and the Adminiftration of the publick affairs. Barncu' 6 "' 
 
 2. That he with one hundred others intended to impri- 
 fon the Duke of Northumberland. 
 
 3. And that he had defigned to raife an Infurre<ftion 
 in the City of London. 
 
 Thefe three Articles, to which the Duke of Somerfet 's 
 Crimes were reduced, plainly Ihcw, there was no proof ol 
 his having intended to kill or poifon the three Lords above- 
 mentioned, though the King had been made to believe it, 
 and the People told the fame. Of thele three Articles the 
 firft and third were High-Treafon, and the fecond, con¬ 
 cerning the Duke of Northumberland, was only belony. 
 
 He politively denied the treafonable Articles, and for the 
 other, which was placed the fecond in the Impeachment, 
 he protefted, he had never determined to have killed the 
 
 ring. Sir Thomas Smith, 
 
 (1) The uft of the Ambafladors were, Thomas C Jmk Biftop of Ely, Sir John Mafia, Sir Philip Hobby, Sir Wilt- 
 
 and Dr. John Uhber. Rymer’s Feed. Tom. XV. p. 274. . 
 
 (2) henry Ferry, the lilt E.iri of Northumberland, dying without I(Tue, his next Heirs were the Sons of Thomas Percy, who was attainted in the I aft 
 Rei; n f.T the Yorkjhire Rebellion. 
 
 (3) Rapm by miflake fays JVihlbirt, 
 
 (.;) Sir Thomas Darcy, Vice-Chamberlain of the Kino - ': Houfhold, Captain of the Guard, and one of the tour Knights of the Kings Privy ■ Chamber, 
 
 was lomctimc heiore, namely, on April 5. created Baron Darcy of Chicb. Dugdale's Baron. Vol. II- p. 392. Edw. fuuii. p. 24-j AnAfit il/iam Ceia, 
 
 n.nde on September 6. 1530, one ot tbe principal Secretaries of State, was now knighted. (Edw- 'Joum.) as was alfo 'John Cheek, the King s Preceptor. 
 
 (O Some reported, That he had cauled himfelf to be proclaimed King in divers Counties. Hayward, p. 320. 
 
 H>) He afterwards denied ail to the Duke of Srnr rfit. See King Edw. Journ. p. 37- 
 
 (-) Drcen/irr 13150. there was appointed a Band of Horfemen divided aniongft the Nobles, an hundred to the Duke of Smcrfit. Thefe were the Hoi U, 
 th.t with the two thoufand Men were to fet upon the Gens d'arrr.es, who were nine hundred in number. See King Edw Jwn, p. 1 1. in Burner, 
 Vol. II. 
 
 Duke 
 
Book XVI. 
 
 2r. E D W A R D VI. 
 
 2 3 
 
 Tie is acquit¬ 
 ted of Trea- 
 
 jK 
 
 found guilty 
 of Felony. 
 Edw. Jour. 
 Eu net. 
 Idollinglh. 
 
 Tvc King is 
 perfuaded 
 that the 
 Duke is 
 guilty. 
 Burnet. 
 
 prived of bis 
 
 Off.cc. 
 
 Hayward. 
 
 Duke of Northumberland, the Marquifs of Northampton, Lord Chancellor Rich to be his Friend, who through-a ISS** 
 and the Earl of Pembroke , but had only talked of it with- miftake in the Superfcription of a Note he fent to the Duke, 
 out any intention to do it. difeovered his defign to ufe his endeavours for him. This 
 
 It muft be confefled, here is a difficulty which is not occafioned the Great Seal’s being taken from him, and 
 eafy to be refolved. The Duke of Somerfet is not accufed given to the Bifhop of Ely (4). 
 
 of intending to kill thefe Lords, and yet he juftifies him- As foon as the Duke had received his Sentence, erreat 77* King 
 feIf on that head. This feems to intimate, there were care was taken to divert and entertain the King with pleaf-^ 11 " 
 fome fuch Article in the Indi&ment. And yet, Docftor ing fights, that he might not refletft upon this ftrange con- ntT^'f 
 Burnet, an exatft Hiftorian if ever there was any, and demnation. At the fame time, all his Uncle’s Friends Somerfet. 7 
 who affirms, he took the Accufation out of the Records of were carefully hindered from coming near him. At laft Aa ' Pul ’ - 
 the Council, fets down but three Articles, where there is on the 22d of ‘January he figned an Order for his Exccu- p ‘ =95 ’ 
 no mention of thefe Lords, who even fat among the tion. The Duke appeared calm and undifturbed on the 77 * Duke's 
 Peers his Judges. On the other hand, it will appear pre- Scaffold, and made a Speech to the People. He affirmed, s P ec:b f :,;l 
 fently, that the Duke was condemned for Felony, which “ he had never offended the King by word or deed. He jamniy 
 was ftretching the rigour of the Law as far as it could go, “ gave God Thanks for making him his Inftrument to E..nu-t'. 
 if he was guilty only of an Intention to feize the Duke “ promote the Reformation, and exhorted the People to 
 of Northumberland ; whereas if he had really intended to “ perflft therein.” When he had gone fo far, he was 
 kill thefe three Lords, there was nothing in his Sentence forced to flop, by reafon of an extraordinary noife among 
 but what was agreeable to an A£t of Parliament. It muft the People, which lafted fome time. Sir Anthony Brnun 
 therefore be laid, either the famous Hiftorian above men- riding towards the Scaffold, and crying to the People to 
 tioned, has not exatftly :*.lated the Articles of Accufation, give way, made many believe he was bringing a Pardon, 
 or the Peers condemned the unfortunate Duke for a Crime On the other fide, a Company of Soldiers who had been Sow. 
 he was not legally charged with. The faithfulnefs and ordered to attend at the execution, coming too late, caufed P- 6cr> 
 exadtnefs Dotftor Burnet has profefled, will not allow him others to imagine they were come to maffacre them. FuX ’ 
 to be accufed of fuch a Fraud. But the Chara&er of the This bred a terrible diforder, and fatal to fome of the 
 Duke of Northumberland , and of moft of the Duke of Spe&ators who were fmothered to death. When the noife 
 Somerft’s Judges, who for the moft part were his profefled was over, he calmly went on with his Speech, and faid 
 Enemies, give but too much occafion to fufpeCt, that the “ he had always been moft diligent about his Majefty, 
 fear of offending the Duke of Northumberland , or fome “ in his affairs both at Home and Abroad; and no lefs 
 other Motives, prevailed over Juftice(i). “ diligent in feeking the Common Good of the whole 
 
 After the Peers had heard the depoiitions againft the “ Realm.” Here again he was interrupted by the People 
 Duke, and his defences, they unanimoufly acquitted him crying out, It was mojl true. Then “ he prayed for the 
 ofTreafon; but found him guilty of Felony. They pro- “ King, asked Forgivenefs of all whom at any time he 
 ceeded, in all appearance, upon a Statute made in the time “ had offended, forgave all his Enemies without excep- 
 of Henry VII (2), which declared it Felony to intend to “ tion, and defined the People to bear him Witnefs that 
 take away the Life of a Privy-Counfellor. This was “ he died in the Faith of Jfus Chri/l .” When he had 
 ftretching very far that fevere Law, which perhaps was ended his Speech he turned to his private Devotions; after 
 never executed before, efpecially upon a Duke, Peer of which he laid his Head on the Block to receive the fatal 
 the Realm, and Unde to the King. Befides his charge blow. 
 
 did not run that he had intended to kill thefe three Coun- Thus fell the Duke of Somerfet , concerning whom opi- 7Xc Dube of 
 fellors, but only had defigned to fecure the Duke of Nor- nions have been very much divided. Some have reprefented Somerfctl 
 thumberland’s Perfon. But what is moft ftrange in this him as a very wicked Man, capable of committing the Burnet^* 
 Trial, is, that thefe three Lords fat as Judges. Sentence moft heinous crimes, and others, as a very good Chrirtian. 
 being given, he asked Pardon of the Duke of Northumber- It is eafy to fee that Religion was the foie caufe of this di- 
 landy the Marquifs of Northampton , and the Earl of Pern- verfity. Had it not been for the prejudice, Religion be- 
 broke, for his ill intentions againft them. This asking gets in moft Men, his faults would not have been fo much 
 pardon has made feveral believe him guilty. But it is a aggravated, which after all, were fome of the leaft Men 
 queftion, whether by thefe ill Intentions we are neceffarily are guilty of. On the other hand, without this fame 
 to underftand a defign to affalfinate them. When the prejudice, there would not have been fo much pains taken 
 People who were prefent at his Trial, faw he was return- to colour his Ambition, which doubtlefs was a little too 
 ed not guilty of Treafon, they fhouted for Joy fo loud, great. They who have made it their bufinefs to vindicate 
 that they were heard at Charing-Crofs. But their Joy all his a&ions, have alfo very lightly touched upon the vaft 
 was turned into Sorrow when they heard he was condemn- riches amaffed by him during his Adminiftration. Of this 
 ed of Felony. Somerfet-Houfe now ftanding in London, is an authentick 
 
 Every one believed the Duke would be pardoned, be- Proof. But then, his Enemies have made bare accufations 
 caufe his execution was deferred almoft two months. But artfully fpread among the People, and inftilled into the 
 fo great care had been taken to prepoffefs the King againft King, to pafs for evidenced Crimes, though it manifeftl v 
 him, that young Edward , who abhorred the Crimes he appears, by the very Articles of his Indidtment, that he 
 believed him guilty of, was very far from any thoughts of Was condemned only for an intention to commit an of- 
 granting him a pardon. It appears in his Journal, that fence, not againft the King or State, but againft fome private 
 one Bartuile had affirmed upon Oath, that the Duke of Perfons. It may therefore be affirmed, that the Faults for 
 Somerfet had hired him to kill the Duke of Northumberland, which he was pardoned after his firft Condemnation, were 
 I hat the Duke himfelf had owned it at his coming to much greater than that for which he fuffered death. The 
 the Tower, though he had denied it at firft. But it is People, who are feldom miftaken in their Judgment of 
 very ftrange, this Evidence was not produced at his Trial. Great Men, were fo generally perfuaded of his Innocence, 
 
 Nothing argues his innocence in this refpeit fo much as that many dipped their Handkerchiefs in his Blood, con- 
 the Indi&ment itfelf, which ran, not that he had intend- fidering him as a fort of Martyr. Nay, it happened in 
 ed to afiaffinate the Duke of Northumberland , but only the beginning of Queen Marys reign, that a Woman 
 had defigned to feize and imprifon him. Neverthelefs, it feeing the Duke of Northumberland leading to the Tower, Burnet, 
 cannot be denied that the King believed him guilty of the fhook one of thefe bloody Handkerchiefs at him, faying, Hayward 
 firft of thefe Crimes, fince we fee in his Letter to Bar- Behold, the Blood which thou didjl caufe to be unjuflly fned, 
 naby Fi/z-Patrick his Favorite, then in France , that the does now apparently begin to revenge itfelf on thee. 
 
 Duke had confefled it after Sentence, though he had be- About a month after this execution, Sir Ralph Vane , Execution of 
 fore fworn the contrary (3). But the King’s Belief does Sir Miles Partridge , Sir Michael Stanhope , and Sir Tho- b:s P rc,rrd!cl 
 by no means prove the Fa£I. It ferves alfo equally to mas Arundel (5), who were faid to be the Duke of Somer- 
 prove that the young King was abufed, who even fhewed fit’s chief Complices, werealfoput to death. But they all xv. p. zt) 0 * 
 afterwards an extreme forrow for having confented to his protefted they had never intended to form any Plot, either Ha y war ' 1 ' 
 
 ; Uncle’s death. The Duke of Somerfet was in hopes how- againft the King or any Privy-Counfellor. Vane added, he |^' e ^° ur ' 
 ever of undeceiving the King. He had now ingaged the did not doubt his blood would make the Duke of Nor- Stiypc. 
 
 Holiingfhi 
 
 (1) The Marquifs of IS meh/fler fat as High-StiWard, and his Judges, twenty feven in number, were, flic Dukes of Suffolk, and Northumberland : the Mar- 
 quilsof Northampton the Earls or Derby, Bedfrd, Huntington, Rutland, Batb, Suffix, IVerceJltr, Pembroke ; and the V.fcount of Hereford j the Lord, Aber¬ 
 gavenny, Dudley, H barton. Even, Latimer, Borough, Soucb, Stafford, Wentworth, Darcy, Sturton, Windfor, Cromwell, Cobbam, and Bray. The Lord 
 Chancellor was lett out of the number, being fufpeCted of favouring the Duke of Somerfet. Edw. Journ. p. 41. Burnet, Tom. II. p. i?q. 
 
 (2) Third of Henry VII. See Statut. c. 14. 
 
 << s v ' nr< F as ‘ n Humet, are: “ The Duke feemed to have acknowledged the Felony, and after Sentence he had confefled it, though he had 
 
 '°. rm , v ve hemcntlv hvorn the contrary." So it was not the defign of killing, (as Rapin fays by miftake) but the Felony that the King faid, he cuii- 
 lefled. Burnet, Vol. II. p. 1S1. 0 
 
 (+) The Lord Chancellor intending to fend the Duke of Somerfet an Advcrtifement of fomewhat defigned againft him by the Council, and being in hafte, 
 wrote only on the back of the Letter, 7 0 the Duke, and bid one of his Servants carry it to the Tower, without giving him particular directions to the Duke oi 
 . omerjit. His Servant fancying it was to the Duke of Norfolk, carried it to him. He, to make Northumberland his Friend, fent the Letter to him. Rich 
 undemanding the miftake, prevented the difeovery, and went innmdiately to the King, and pretending fome Indifpofition, defired to be difeharged ; and upon 
 that took to his Bed. So it feemed too barbarous to do any thing further againft him. Burnet, Tom. II. p. 182. 
 
 (5) f he Jury could not agree in their Verdift concerning this laft, fo that they remained (hut up without meat or drink from Noon, January the 2S‘h till 
 the next Morning, the 29th. Edw. Journ. p. 46. They were executed on ‘Tower-Hill, February 26. Fox , p. 99, 
 
 (humberland'ft 
 
24 
 
 The HISTORY' of ENGLAND 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 thumberland's Pillow uneafy to him. As for Palmer , Cran 
 and Bartuilei who had lerved as Wltneflcs again!! the 
 Duke of Somerfet, they were cafily difeharged. Nay, it 
 was obferved, there was a great intimacy afterwards be¬ 
 tween Palmer and the Duke of Northumberland , which 
 occafion to believe Palmer had been corrupted to be- 
 
 g ; 
 
 who had honoured him with 
 
 tray the Duke of Somerfet- 
 his Friendfhip. 
 
 Affairs f During the year 15,1, the ftate of the Emperor’s AC* 
 Germany, f a j rs was changed in Germany , when he leaf! fu I pec ted it. 
 Burned Maurice Eleftor of Saxony , having formed the defign of 
 reftoring his Country to liberty, had fecretly negotiated a 
 League with France and the Proteftant Princes of Germany. 
 But before he declared himfelf openly, he had a mind to 
 know what might be expedted from England. 1 o that 
 purpofe, he Cent AmbafTadors to Edward , to gain him to 
 liis Intereft, and procure a Sum of four hundred thoufand 
 Crowns, by telling him it was for the prefervation of the 
 Proteftant Religion. The AmbafTadors were told, the 
 King would moil willingly enter into a religious League ; 
 but did not mean to be ingaged, under that pretence, in a 
 War for other Quarrels. That if the Eledtor of Saxony 
 would confer more particularly with the Proteftant Princes, 
 and then fend the King Ambaftadors with fuller inftruc- 
 tions and fufficient powers, he fhould have a more pofitive 
 Anfwer. Hitherto Maurice had but coldly followed the 
 Siege of Magdeburg. But when his private Affairs were 
 fettled, he fo ordered it, by the help of fome Friends in 
 the Town, that the Inhabitants furrendered by capitula¬ 
 tion. Then he broke up his Army, who parting into fe- 
 veral Bodies, quartered in the 1 erritories of fome Popifh 
 Princes, putting them under heavy contributions. I he 
 Catholicks complained very much of their being expofed 
 to thefe oppreflions. The Emperor alone remained in an 
 entire Security, without having the leaft Sufpicion of the 
 Elector. 
 
 f ,i :e The Council being removed back to ’Trent, was opened 
 C:unc:lof again in May 1551. But a quarrel between the Pope and 
 Burnet. the King of France interrupting the Seftions, they were 
 renewed in September 5 and tho* Henry II. protefted againft 
 the Council, the Legates continued it, and caufed feve- 
 ral points to be decided which are foreign to our pur¬ 
 pofe (1). 
 
 1552. The Parliament met the 23d o {January 1552. The 
 Par!:ament. Commons feeing the great abufe of the pernicious cuftom 
 Wren - ib,~ condemning People without confronting the Witnefies, 
 J cc"/rtJintr 0 /had a mind to put a flop to it. To that end, a Bill was 
 the Hutneja. prepared, condemning under divers Penalties, thofe who 
 Burnet. ihould write or fpeak againft the King, with a Provifo, 
 that none fhould be attainted of Treafon on this A6I, un- 
 lefs two Witnefies fhould come, and to their face aver-the 
 Fa£t for which they were to be tried, except fuch as 
 fhould confefs it. The Lords were very unwilling to agree 
 to this Provifo (2), as if it concerned them lefs than the 
 Commons, to be freed from oppreftion. But at length the 
 Adi parted as drawn by the Commons. 
 
 The Mar- In this Seffion alfo fome progrefs was made in the Re- 
 riage of the formation (3). Among other things, the Marriage of the 
 Clergy was declared good and valid, which had been for 
 fome time confidered by the People as only tolerated. 
 Attempts to The Seffion of Parliament being about to end, and not 
 blachn the above a hundred and thirty feven Members remaining in 
 .Wic/ht' the Cower Houfe, a Bill was brought into the Houfe of 
 Atlm'ry. Lords, to repeal the Settlement of the Duke of Somerfet’s 
 
 BuiiK't. Eftate, made in favour of his Children by his fecond Wife. 
 
 In this Bill was inferted a Claufe, as the foundation of it, 
 that the Duke of Somerfet and his Complices were juftly 
 
 attainted (4). But the Commons agreeing to the Repeal, 1552. 
 rejefted the Claufe. This {hews their opinion ot the Duke’s 
 Innocence. 
 
 In this fame Seffion, the Duke of Northumberland at- r 
 tempted to get Fonjlal Biftiop of Durham condemned, ' ~ 
 
 who had been accufed of Milprifion of Treafon (5). r I he Btfp j 
 Lords readily palled the Bill for attainting him, but the Dm him 
 Commons would not proceed upon it, becaufe it was in- 'ff.f'" 
 tended to condemn the Bifhop without confronting the j j, ur . 
 Witnefies. The Duke of Northumberland’s Aim was to H;.>v.ard. 
 have had the Dignity of Palatine of Durham , annexed to s 
 that See, conferred on himfelf. We fhall fee hereafter, his 
 Projedl fuccceded better another time. Meanwhile, find¬ 
 ing th& Commons had not much condefcenlion for him, 
 bccaufe the Parliament had been called during the Duke 
 of Somrr /.s Adminiftration, he refolved to have another 
 which fhould be more at his devotion. Accordingly this ‘'he p ? r!!a ~ 
 which had now fat five Years, was diffolved at the end of ’"'"‘J' d ‘*~ 
 the Seffion (6). Then the Council came to a refolution Eunice, 
 to call a new Pailiament for the next year only, in order 
 to have time to take the necefic.y meafures to caufe Re- 
 prefentatives to be chofen, who fhould be more favorable to * v . 
 the Court. 
 
 There were this year two confiderable changes with re- Aherathn 
 fpeeft to the Bifhops. Firft Heath and Day Bifhops of 
 JVorceJltr and Chicbejler were deprived, for too openly op-Emct, 
 poling the Reformation. The fecond Change was more T ' (j I I l j I p ‘ 
 confiderable. After the Parliament had given the King 
 Power of nominating to the vacant Sees, his Patents ran, 
 that he appointed fuch a one, Bifhop of fuch a See, during 
 his natural Life. But at the time I am fpeaking of, it 
 was thought proper to change the Words into, fo long as 
 he Jhall behave himfelf well (7). So the Bifhops made by 
 thefe Patents might be deprived of their Sees by a bare Ac 5 t 
 of the King’s Will, without being forced to obferve the 
 ufual Formalities in fuch Cafes. 
 
 The Duke of Northumberland ftill dircifted the Affairs ' T f Duh c f 
 of the Government, though he had no Commiffiun to 
 diftinguifh him from the other Privy-Counfellors. His Pro- ahfolutt. 
 ceedings againft the Duke of Somerfet , putting every one 
 in fear of being expofed to his vengeance, not a man dared 
 openly to oppofe him. We have feen, that in the late Par¬ 
 liament he attempted to render the Duke of Somerfet’s 
 memory odious, by caufing his fentence to be approved by 
 the two Houfes. That Project not fucceeding, he took 
 another method. He ordered a ftridt Enquiry to be made injulry ef 
 of all who had been enriched by the Chantry-Lands, given A 
 
 to the King during the Duke of Somerfet’s Adminiftration. by tL-CUti- 
 Great Numbers were found, fome of whom were con- ay-Lands. 
 demned in heavy Fines, and others found means to pur- 
 chafe the Duke of Northumberland's favour. But it was p agt ., , x 
 not poffible for the Lord Paget to divert the Storm which f aded. 
 fell upon him, the Duke of Northumberland mortally ha- 
 ting him for having been entirely devoted to the Duke of n yw.id. 
 Somerfet (8). He was not only fined in fix thoufand Pounds, ’yn’pe* 
 but alfo, on pretence that he was no Gentleman (9), was Scow ‘ 
 degraded from the Order of the Garter , which he had re¬ 
 ceived from Henry VIII, as if that Prince, when he gave 
 it him, knew not his Pedigree. Befides the Motive of 
 hatred and revenge by which the Duke of Northumber¬ 
 land wasfwayed, he had alfo another, which was to make 
 way for his eldeft Son (1 o) the Earl of Warwick, for 
 whom he cafily procured the vacant Garter (11). 
 
 About this time the Corporation of German Merchants, Tb Campary 
 who lived in the Still-yard , was diiTolved, becaufe it was 
 become detrimental to England , by engrofling the whole chants df- 
 Woollen Trade(i2). It was proved, that the Still-yard Wed. 
 
 Men 1 .. 
 
 And ap- 
 
 1 Edw. Jour 
 
 (1) This yea-, the King founded a College or a Collegiate Church at Gahvay in Ireland. Rymtr's Feed. Tom- XV. p. 258. Sriype, 
 pointed a Council, confiding of a Picfident, and thirty other Pcrfons for the Government ot IVales. Ibid, 
 
 (2) This do :• not appear. The Commons rejected the Bill itfelf, and then drew a new one, which was palled. See Burnet, Tom II. p. 190. 
 
 (3} The new Comnmn Prayer Book, according to the alterations agreed upon in the former year, with the lorm ol making Bifhops, Pritfts, and Deacons, 
 .. r. appointed to be received everywhere, after the Feaft of All .Saints next. Soon after, it was by the King's Order tranllated into French, by hr.-inm 
 t'Ld’j., and printed in 1553. for the ufe of the 1 Hands of Gn*rnfcy and Jerfey, and the Town ot Calais. Collier's. F.tcl. Hjl. I m. II. p. 3- 1 ■ ■'' lr yP e > 
 i: 377. At. ' on, on July 12. 1552, to Sir Peter Mmas, Captain of the IJh •/ Jerfey, to command him that Divine Service might there 
 
 be ut;d as in Er-i land. Edw. Jcurn. p. 38. By another Aft the Bifhoprick of Il'ejlminjler was fuppretfed, and united to Lend n ; but the Coliceutc-Chiirch, 
 ,1. - .-——About this time, David's Pfalms began to be turned into Engtijh V . . 
 
 os ic of tiie Grooms of the King's Privy-Chamber. He tranllated only thirty feven. The reft were done by John Hopkins, and others. Hey/in, p. 127. 
 
 \ 4} it was read thrice in the Houfe of Lords, on April 12. Journ. P reset r. 
 
 (sj By one Main-ail ; He was charged with contenting to a Confpiracy in 1353, for railing a Rebellion in the North. This Charge was grounded upon a 
 Letter ol his, found among the Duke of Somerfet's Papers. See Burnet, Tom. Ill. p. 203. 
 
 (6) April 13. Journ, Vail. -The Acts made in this Scflion, befides thole already mentioned, were as follows : 1. An Aft cnjnyning the keeping of 
 
 Holy-days, and Falling days. What days were particularly fpccified, fee in the Aft itfelf. 2. That no one fhull quarrel in a Cli nch or Church-yard, up ei 
 
 pain ot Sufpenfion ; nor (trike, upon pain of Excommunication ; nnr draw a Weapon, upon pain of loling one of his Ears, 3, Thu no P.ton (ii.ill loriih.ll 
 any Market, or ingrofe any Goods, upon pain if foi : G< .air, and two month I;. 
 
 and the double value of the things, for the fecond ; and the Pillory, and forfeiture of all his Goods, befid.s Imprifonmcnt, lor the thud Offence. 
 
 (7) Tlie fir ll Patents with this Claufein RymcV s Fatdera, are thofe at John Hooper, Durante --.’ltd natural!, fs tain.hu fe bene gejfertt. Aft. Pub.XV. p. 298. 
 
 May 10. Rapir: -This year the See of Glecefler, of which Hooper was Biftiop, was quite fupprefl'cd, and converted into an exempted Archdeaconry; and 
 
 II. per was made Bifhop of ll'.ruf.er. Burnrt, Tom. II. p.203. Rymer's Fend. Tom. XV. 0.297, &c. 320. 
 
 (S) He had been Chancellor of the Duchy of I,.tit after, and was charged with many Mifdeme.mors in that Office: Particularly, w th 1 I: tv; the Kmc* 
 L.'.r.u: and Timber without Commiftion j taking large Fines for his own ufe; making Lea fes in reverfion for above twenty one years- Ediu- ] .urn. p. 
 
 (9) His Father was one of the Serjeants at Mace, in the City of London. Dugdah's Baron, Vol. II. p. 390. 
 
 (10) Sir Andrew Dudley his Brother. See Stupe, Tom. II. p.401. 
 
 (it) On February 2, this year, there was a Kin.' at Arms appoint, d for Ireland, by the name of Viper. Edna- Journ. p. 46. 
 
 11a) lhnry III. had been much lupported in his Wars by the afliftance he mu-ived from the Fro -Towns of Ceim.my ; in rccompence whereof h- gv.-e 
 
 them great Piivilegcs in England: they were made a Corporation, and lived together in the Still-yard near the Bridge. I Ivy had gene lin. '.n; , pa:- 
 
 ticuLily h. the Reign of Ednaard IV, beyond their Chatter;, which were (hereupon judged to be toifciicd, but by gi.-it Promts 'hey pun-ha.ed rv ■ • 
 
 2 1 
 
Book XVI. 
 
 21. EDWARD VI. 
 
 Cardan in 
 England. 
 
 Affairs of 
 Scotland. 
 Buchanan. 
 Burnet. 
 E*V. Jourr 
 
 Sleidan. 
 
 * 553 - 
 
 Parliament 
 favorable to 
 the Duke of 
 
 berland. 
 
 Strype. 
 
 T.ll.p.394. 
 
 Somcifct'r 
 
 Memory I, 
 
 blackened. 
 
 Men in the year 15 5 r, /hipped forty four thoufand Cloths, 
 and all the Englijh Merchants together did not export above 
 eleven hundred. The Regent of Flanders and the City of 
 Hamburgh earneftly follicited to have the Company refto- 
 red, but it was to no purpofe. The Court alfo fet on foot 
 a Projetft for the advantage of the Trade of England, 
 namely, to open two free Mart-Towns in England, Hull 
 and Southampton. But it was not executed for want of 
 time. 
 
 This year Cardan the famous Italian Philofopher parted 
 through England in his return from Scotland, where he 
 had been to cure the Archbi/hop of St. Andrews of a 
 Dropfy. His endeavours were crowned with fuccefs, but 
 he foretold the Archbi/hop he was to be hanged. As he 
 parted through England he waited on young King Edvjard, 
 and was fo charmed with him, that he every where /poke 
 of him as of a Miracle. It is faid, he caft his Nativity, 
 and foretold to him a long and profperous Life. But 
 for once the Rules of his Art were not juft (1). 
 
 'I'he affairs of Scotland underwent this year fome al¬ 
 teration. The Queen Dowager had been in France on 
 pretence of feeing her Daughter, and had obtained of that 
 Court the Regency of Scotland, in the room of the Earl 
 of Arran. In November 1551, /he returned to Scotland 
 through England, where /he was magnificently treated by 
 the King, and her Charges born to the Frontiers of the 
 two Kingdoms. At her arrival in Scotland, /he perfwa- 
 ded the Earl of Arran to relign the Regency to her, ac¬ 
 cording to the defire of Henry II. and his Minifters, the 
 Earl perceiving he could not keep it againft their will. 
 The Archbi/hop of St. Andrews did not like his Brother’s 
 refigning his Dignity. He caballed againft the Queen- 
 Regent, who had the addrefs to fupport herfelf by the af- 
 hftance of the Reformed, promifing them the free exercife 
 of their Religion in their own Houfes. By this means, 
 /he eftablifhed herfelf in the Government, in fpite of the 
 Archbi/hop’s attempts. 
 
 The revolution this year in the affairs of Germany was 
 much more confiderable. The Eledtor of Saxony at length 
 difcovered his Projedt, but not till after the King of France 
 had proclaimed war againft the Emperor, and the Con- 
 ftable de Montmorency taken Metz by furprize. Then 
 Maurice artembling his Forces, marched diredtly to Inf- 
 pruck, where Charles V. was, and had like to have taken 
 him Prifoner. Alaurice's Declaration obliged the Emperor 
 at laft to give the Proteftants fome fatisfadtion, by grant¬ 
 ing them the famous Edict of Paffau, [ whereby the fe- 
 veral Princes and Towns were fecured in the free exercife 
 of their Religion. ] That Monarch foon met with ano¬ 
 ther great mortification. He invefted Metz ; but by the 
 brave refiftance of tfie Duke of Guife , who defended the 
 Place, he was forced to raife the Siege. Let us return now 
 to the affairs of England (2). 
 
 The new Parliament meeting the ift of March 1553, 
 the Houfe of Commons conlifted of Reprefentatives, who, 
 for the mod part, were difpofed to follow the diredlions of 
 the Court. They gave the King a very confiderableSubfidy, 
 grounded upon the great waiting of his Treafure during 
 the Duke of So.nerJ'et’s Adminiftration. This /howed what 
 
 They traded in a body, and fo ruined others by under-felling them. Trade w 
 
 Power the Duke of Northumberland had in the Houfe ( j). 1553. 
 That Lord procured likewife an A£t for fupprerting the Jonftal n 
 Bi/hoprick of Durham, having firft caufed Tonjlal to be 'ffd’in See 
 deprived (4). This Bi/hoprick being fupprefled, the King Juppuged. 
 founded two others, one at Durham [ with 2000 Marks 
 Revenue,] and another at Newcajlle [with 1000.] But 
 the Temporality of the Bi/hoprick being turned into a ber | an d„ 
 County Palatine, was given to the Duke of Northumber- made ecu .• 
 land. Probably, Tonjlal was deprived, and his See fup- ^ alaU J‘- 
 prerted for that purpofe. gurnet. 
 
 The Parliament fat but one month. It was diffolved 
 the 31ft of March, after the Duke of Northumberland had 
 procured a Subfidy for the King, and a Stain for the Me¬ 
 mory of the late Duke of Somerfet [ 5). The Court had 
 no farther need of a Parliament, and the Duke of Nor¬ 
 thumberland’s Intereft required there fliould be none, when 
 he was preparing to execute his defigns. 
 
 The young King had been feized ever fince ‘January The Ki*? .- 
 with a Diftemper which at length brought him to his 
 Grave (6). This did not hinder his being made to fign ■jheChwch- 
 an Order for vifiting the Churches, and taking thence all F ‘ j:; n 
 the fuperfluous Plate and Ornaments. The Vilitors were Edw^Journ 
 likewife to examine very ftri&ly, what Embezzlements Hay wild, 
 had been made in that refpeft. All this was done under Stow> 
 colour of felling the Superfluities, and giving the Money 
 to the Poor, who had however the leaft /hare (7). 
 
 The progrefs of the French in Germany beginning to J s b - r aill 7 of 
 make England uneafy, the Council refolved to take fome 'tdjpdgr,,'t 
 meafures to ftop their Carreer. Nay, they feemed at firft °f France, 
 to have intended to join in a League with the Emperor jj' a rn ^ t j r j 
 againft France. But all this ended at laft in the offer of strype! ' 
 the King’s mediation, which produced no effedt. 
 
 Mean while, Edward was ftill troubled with a defluxi- t * be K '” 2 J 
 on upon his Lungs, which wafted him by degrees, and dnldery 
 daily grew more dangerous. Some plainly affirm, a dangerous. 
 flow Poifon was given him, and throw the Sufpicion upon ° uuict ’ 
 the Duke of Northumberland, Others only in/inuate Iuch * ywar ’ 
 a thing, without faying it pofitively. But after all, both 
 fpeak only by conjecture, without giving any proof. The lien con- 
 young King faw death approaching without any fears as :d ^“ u ‘ 
 to himfclf, but could not refleCt, without an extreme con- a Jj. 
 cern, on the future State of Religion, under his Sifte. 
 
 Mary, who was to fucceed him. Very probably, the BurncN 
 Duke of Northumberland, who conftantly attended him in 
 his Illnefs, took care to increafe his fears, on purpo/e ro 
 lead him more cafily to the point he defired. All hopco His Rcco- 
 however of the King’s recovery were not given over till T'J " dc .~ 
 the middle of May, when ’tis likely, the Phyficians told^"' ' :/ ' 
 the Duke of Northumberland, his cafe was defperate. 
 
 Then it was that he married the Lord Guilford Dudley, Maori are of 
 his fourth Son, the only one unmarried, to Jane Grey, f f 
 eldeft Daughter of the new Duke of Suffolk, by Frances 
 Brandon, who was in Henry VIII’s Will the next in the fiunbSon 
 Succeffion, after the Princefs Elizabeth. At the fame J Jnc 
 time, Jane’s two Sifters were alfo married, the fecond, the 
 Lady Catherine, to the Earl of Pembroke’s eldeft Son, the Holjingfh. 
 Lord Herbert ; the third, the Lady Mary, [ who was - Stow - 
 crooked ] to [ the King’s Groom-Porter ] Alar tin Keys. Ha>wltd * 
 Thefe Marriages were folemnized about the end of 
 
 ' rifen much ; Courts began to be more magnificent, fo there waj a greater 
 
 , of the Grc 
 u learn every thing: Nor 
 
 ption of Cloth than lormerly. Antwerp and Hamburgh had then the chief Trade in thefe parts of the World, and 'their Faflors in the Still-yard 
 ( to called from the Steel imported by them ) had all the Markets of England in their hands, and let Iuch Prices both on what they imported or exported as 
 hey pleafed, and broke all other Merchants. Whereupon the Merchant Adventurers complained of them, and after fome Hearings, it was adjudged that 
 hry had forfeited their Charter, ar.d that their Company was dilfolved. Burnet, Tom. 11 . p. 207. Strype, Tom. 11 . p.29;. 
 
 , 0 Alter the King’s death, when nothing was to be got by flattering, he wrote the following Charaftcr of him :.“ All the Craces were in him: 
 
 Tongues when he was yet but a Child : Together with the Enghfh, his natural Tongue, he had both Latin and French, nnr was he ig- 
 llahan, and Spanijh, and perhaps fome more: But for the Enghfh, French and I.atm, he was perfect in them, and 
 was he ignorant of Lcgick, of the Principles of Natural l’htfolophy, nor of Mufick. The fwcetnels of his Temper 
 14 as •' Mortal ; n* gravity becoming the Majefty of a King, and his difpofitinn was lurtable to his high Degree. In ill rrt, that Child 
 
 was lo bred, had fuch parts, and was of Iuch expectation, that he looked like a Miracle of a Man”. Afterwards he adds, “ He was a marvellous 
 Coy ; when 1 was with him he was in the fifteenth year of his age, in which he fpoke Latin as politely and readily as 1 did. He began to love the 
 liberal Arts before he knew them, and to knew them before he could ufe them: And in him there was Iuch an attempt of Nature, that not onlv Er.rland, 
 
 but the World had reafon to lament his being fo early fnatched away-When the Gravity of a King was nerdful, he carried himfelf like an old Man ; 
 
 and yet he was always affable and gentle as became his Age. He played on the Lute; he meddled in affairs of State ; and for bounty, he did in that emu- 
 late his Father; though his Father, even when he endeavoured to be good, might appear to have been bad. But there was no giound or fufpeCring any 
 Iuch thing in the Son, whole Mind was cultivated by the Study of Phiiofophy.” See the Original in Burnet's Htjl. Ref. Tom. li. ColleB. 
 
 This year the King’s debts amounted to two hundred and fifty one thoufand, or, according to Strype, two hundred and forty one thoufand, one hundred 
 and feventy nine Pounds, and a Commiflion was granted to certain Perfons, to fell part of the Chantry Lands, for the paymeut of them. Edw. Jourr.. 
 p. 51. Strype, Tom. II. p. 312. r r 1 J 
 
 - ^ V I . the K ‘ n6 CW ° T ent * ls and two Fifteenths and a Subfidy, to be paid in two years. At the pafling the Bill, there was a great debate about it 
 
 r HouIl < ’\ Commons, which feems to have been about the Preamble, containing a long Acculation ot the Duke of Somerfet. It involving the King 
 m Wars, wafting his Trealure, engaging him in much Lebt, embafirg the Coin, and having given occafun to a molt tenible Rebellion. This was inferred 
 l.y_the Duke of Northumberland, to let the King fee how acceptable he and his Party were, and how hateful the Duke of Somerset had been. The Clergy did 
 alfo give the King fix Shillings in the Pound of their Benefices. Burnet, Tom. II. p. 215. 
 
 (41 H- was deprived Augufl 14. 1552. Strype, Tom. II. p. 367. The Bill for diflblving his Bifhoprick was firft read, on the 21ft of March and 
 tor the iecond and third times, on the 22d and 29th. fount. Pari. 
 
 (5) But an Aft was marie, for the reftoring in blood Sir Edward Seymour, Kt. who was eldeft Son of the Duke by his fecond Wife..There was alfo 
 
 a remarkable Aft made, lor avoiding excefs ot Wines. It imp„rted, That no Perfon whatever fhould keep in his Houfe above ten Gallons of French 
 inc, or pending, upon pain ot r..rteiiing 10 1 . Sterling- Uniefs he could fpend a hundred Marks yearly in Lands, Tenements, or other profits cert vn ; 
 or was worth a thoufand Marks of his own: Or effe was the Son of a Duke, Marquifs, Earl, Vifcount, or Baron. When it was read in the H ufe of 
 it Journ Pari ^ ^ ° f ArUnde1, °*f ord > W‘fi™rcland, Rutland , the Bifhop of Su David's, and the Lord Darcy of Chub diffented from 
 
 ^ ** Ic k Small-Pox and Mealies, which probably might turn to a Confumption. Edw. Jcurn. p. 49. 
 
 , ."'tors were appointed to examine what Church-Plate, Jewels, and other Furniture was in all Churches, and to compare their account with the In¬ 
 i''. 11 ones made in rormcr Vibrations, and to tee what was embezzled, and how. They were to leave in every Church one or two Chalices of Silver, With 
 junren tor the Communicn-Talle and for Surplices; and to bring in all other thipgs of value to the Trealurcr of the King’s Haofhold, and to fell the reft 
 th ' ' nnen * 'P's, A 'tar-l icatfcs, and give the Money to the Poor. Heylin, and fome others urge from hence, that the King was ill-principled as to 
 tne matters of the Church, became he was now in the t6th year of his Age. But Burnet obferves, that when all is done, ic was only calling in the 
 upu uoui aw that lav in Churches, more for pomp than ufe And that perhaps being lick, he did nat much mind what Papers the Council brought 
 nim 10 ngn. lorn. 11. p. 217. 
 
 No. 45. V o l. II. 
 
 May 
 
 Q 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 26 
 
 The Duke 
 p.-fuades the 
 ' 
 
 the Crown 
 
 eu J anc 
 
 Grey. 
 
 Hollinglh. 
 
 Hayward. 
 
 Strype. 
 
 'The Judge, 
 
 refufe to 
 
 The HI STO RT of ENGLAND. 
 
 May (1), when there was no hope of the King’s reco¬ 
 very. At laft, one day, as the young King was expref- 
 fing his great concern at the thoughts, that his Sifter, the 
 Princefs Alary would do her utmoft to deftroy the Refor¬ 
 mation, the Duke of Northumberland broke the Ice. He 
 ’ reprefented to the King, that there was but one way to 
 prevent the misfortunes England was threatened with, in 
 cafe the Princefs Apiary afeended the Throne after him ; 
 and that was, to fettle the Crown on the Lady Jane Grey 
 his Daughter-in-law. Indeed, it was natural, in excluding 
 Alary, to transfer the Crown to his Sifter Elizabeth , 
 whom the King tenderly loved, and who was a hearty 
 Friend to the Reformation. But probably, the Duke told 
 the King, as he could exclude Mary but on the fpecious 
 Pretence of her being illegitimate, tho fame reafon fubftfted 
 with regard to Elizabeth , fince the Marriages of their Mo¬ 
 thers were equally annulled. That therefore, either the 
 Succeftion was to be left as fettled by the late King, or the 
 Princeftes were to be both excluded together. Very likely, 
 the young King, who found himfclf dying, and only 
 thought of faving the Reformation from the impending de- 
 ftrudlion, was prevailed with by this Argument, to facri- 
 fice the Princefs Elizabeth. Befides, he had a great Efteem 
 and AfFetftion for Jane Gre)', who was an accomplilhed 
 Lady both in Body and Mind. 
 
 However this be, the King having taken the refolution 
 fuggefted to him by the Duke of Northumberland , three 
 Judges of the Realm (2) were fent for, and required to 
 draw an Aflignment of the Crown to Jane Grey. The 
 Judges defired a little time to confider of it. At laft, 
 they anfwercd, they could not prefume to do any fuch 
 thing, without being guilty of High-Treafon. Adding, 
 that all the Privy-Counfellors who confented to the Aftign- 
 ment, would unavoidably be liable to the pains expreiled 
 in the A£t of Succeftion. Upon which the Duke of Nor¬ 
 thumberland was in fuch a fury, that he had like to have 
 
 beaten the Judges ; but they flood to what they had Paid. 15-53. 
 On the 15th of June they were fent for again, and at ,;rta ‘ 
 length by Threats and the Expedient of a Pardon under 
 the Great Seal, were wrought upon to draw the Settlement Burm-." 
 of the Crown, which was ftgned by all the reft of the T - ln - 
 Judges, except Hales , who could never be prevailed with. Hoj'jin 0i°"' 
 All the Privy-Counfellors fet their hands to it likewife on tie arti¬ 
 the 21 ft of the fame month. Cranmer was abfent that 
 day on purpole to avoid figning ; but the King importuned cotr.'d! 
 him fo much, that he fet his hand at laft as a' Witncfs, as 
 it is pretended, and not as a Privy-Counfellor (3). 
 
 Mean while, the King’s Diftemper increafing, without ^ Woman. 
 the poflibility of finding any remedy, the Council thought urd ' rr, - K -‘ •« 
 fit to difmifs the Phylicians, and put him into the hands 'xii' 
 of a certain Woman, who undertook his cure. It was ‘-'"'n't. 
 faid, this was done by the Duke of Northumberland's ad- 
 vice, and that the Woman Ihortened the King’s days. “ETkeaf * 
 But he was now fo ill, that it was entirely needlefs to No, '*h m- 
 haften his death. It is true, the Woman inftead of cur-g' Ind ' 
 ing him, only put him to more pain, by the Medicines Hayward, 
 flie gave him ; and this was fufficient to infpire the People S|r >P e< 
 with violent Sufpicions of the Duke of Northumberland 
 who was not beloved, and w f as thought capable of any 
 thing. At laft the Phyficians were fent for again. But it Toe k.-r, 
 was not in their power to flop the violence of his Di- de <>tb. 
 ftemper, which carried him out of the world on the 6th 
 of July , after his giving fenfible proofs of a true Piet)-. 
 
 Some days before his death, the Duke of Northumberland Duke 
 got the Council to write to the Princeftes Alary and Eli-at,, 
 zabeth , defiring them to come and keep him Company in Mary and 
 his Sicknefs. His aim was to have them in his power, bnf^ r " 
 that they might not obftru£t the Promotion of his Daugh- Burnet. 
 
 ter-in-law Jane Grey. The two Princeftes not 
 
 imagining . 
 
 the King fo near death, were upon the road, but hearing tb^sflre! 
 he was expiring, turned back, and the Duke was difap- 
 pointed of his expectation (4). 
 
 22 . MAR T. 
 
 (1) Hclhngjhead fays, ir was about the beginning of ihe Month, p. 1083. 
 
 ,2) They were Montague Chief Juflice of the Common Fleas, and Baker arid Bromley ; and were fent for on June il. Gojr.atd came with them on 
 the 15th. Burner, Tom. II. p. 222. 
 
 (3) Burnet fays, he does not know whether the Archbilhop ufed this diflinftion, though it feems probable that he did fo, feeing th3t Liberty was al¬ 
 lowed to Cecil, who, in a relation which he made one write of this Tranlaflion, for clearing himfelf afterwards, fays, when he heard Hate, declare h w 
 much it was againfl Law, he relufed to fet his hand to it as a Counfellor, and that he only ligned it as a Witnefs to the King's Subfcription, p- 223. 
 
 (4) His body was boried on the Sth of Auguft, in the Chapel of St. Peter's Church in JVeftmmJler, and laid near the body of Henry VIl. h:s Grandfa- 
 •her. The charge of his Funeral amounting but 10475/. 2,1 2 d. Strype, p. 432. He died in Sir Henry Sidney's Arms. Son-in-law to the Duke of 
 T:>thumbtrland. It is faid, King Edward was in Body beautiful, of a fweet Afpedl, and cfpecially in his F.ycs, which leemed to have a ftariv Jiveli- 
 nefs and I 1 fire in them. He kept a Hook, in which he writ the Charaticrs of all the chief Men of the Nation, all the Judges, Lurd-Lieutenants, and 
 Juftices of the Peace over England , marking down their way of living, and their zeal for Religion. He had fludied the bufineis of the Mint, with the 
 exchange and value of Money. He alfo underflood Fortification, and defigned well. He knew all the Harbours and Ports in his Dominions, as allb in 
 Scotland and France, with the depth of Water, and way of coming into them. He had acquired fo great knowledge in fi reign Aflajrs, that the Ambal- 
 l’adors who were fent into England publifhed very extraordinary things of him, in all the Courts of Europe. He took Notes of almofl every th : ng he heard, 
 which he writ full in Greek Characters, that thofe about him might not underltand them, and afterwards copied out fair in the Journal or Diary that he 
 kept. This Journal, written with his own hand, is flill preferved in Sir John Cotton's famous Library ; from whence the learned Bilhop Burnet tranlcribed 
 and publifhed it, in his 2d Vol. of the Hijlory of the Reformation. In it the meft conliderable Tianladlions in this Reign are perhaps as well regiiteed 
 
 (lays Bilhop Nicolfcn ) by the young King himfelf, as by any other Hiltorian.- June zb, a few days before his death, the King endowed Ci, ft's, 
 
 St. 'Thomas's, and Bridewell Hofpitals, in London, with the Revenues belonging to the Savoy in the fame City, which amounted then to 600/. a year- 
 and give licencefir the purchafing of Lands, to the ule of the fame Hofpitals. as far as the yearly fura ot 4000 Marks. Holhng/b. p. 10S2. He alfo 
 
 founded drift's Hofpital in Abmgton. Hey/tn, p. 141.-The Expences of his Houfhold yearly, during his Reign, were as follows. The firfl year, 
 
 49,187/. 181. The fccond, 46,902/. 71. The third, 46,100/. 31. The fourth, 100,578/. 16 s. The fifth, 62,863/. 95. The fivth, 65,923/. 
 16s. Strype, Tom. II. p.454, 455. As for the Prices of meat, and other Provifions during this Reign, See Ibid. p. 151, 223. Rcpofit. p. 143, 
 
 By Indentures of the ill and 2d of Edward VI, a Pound Weight of Gold, of twenty Carats fine, and four Cirats allay, was coined into thirty Pounds 
 by Tale, out of which the King had a great Profit ; and a Pound of Silver of four Ounces fine, and eight Ounces allay, was coined into forty eight Shill 
 lings ; after which rate, every Pound of fine Silver made in current Money feven Pounds lour Shillings; and the King’s Profit on every Pound Weight was 
 
 four Pounds lour Shillings..In the 3d year of this King, a Pound Weight of Gold of twenty two Carats fine, and two Carats allay, was to be coined 
 
 into thirty tour Pounds by Tale, into Sovereigns at 201. a-piece, Half-Sovereigns at 101. a-picce, Crowns at 5 1. and Hall-Crowns at 2 s. 6d. a - piece : 
 Ai d a Pound Weight of Silver of fix Ounces fine, and lix Ounces allay, was to be coined into feventy two Shillings ; which wete to go for 12 d. a-piece by 
 
 Tele ; of which the Merchant, for every Puund Weight of fine Silver, received three Pounds four Shillings, and the King above four Pounds gain- 
 
 In the 4th year of this Reign, a Pound Weight of Gold of the old Standard, of twenty three Carats, and three Grains and a halt fine, was coined into 
 twenty e ght Pounds fixteen Shillings by Tale ; namely, into Sovereigns at 24 >. a-piece, Half-Sovereigns at 1:1. Angels at Si. and Half-Angels at 4 j. 
 
 a-piece. - In the 5th of this Reign, a Pound Weight of Silver of three Ounces fine, and nine Ounces allay, was coined into feventy two Shillings at 
 
 121/. a piece ; and the Merchant received for every Ounce of fine Silver, which he Ihould bring to the Mint, ten Shillings of Inch Money ; by which means 
 
 twelve Ounces of fine Silver was exorbitantly railed to fourteen Pounds eighteen Shillings.In the 6th ot this Re : gn, a Pound Weight ot Gold, of the 
 
 old Standard albrefaid, was coined into thirty fix Pounds by Talc ; namely, twenty four Sovereigns at 30 1. a piece, feventy two Angels at 10 ». a-piece, 
 or one hundred and forty four Half-Angels: And a Pound Weight of Crown Gold of twenty two Carats fine, and two Carats allay, was coined into thirty 
 shree Pounds by Tale ; namely, thirty three Sovereigns at 201. a-piece, or fixty fix Half-Sovereigns at to 1. a-piece, or one hundred and thirty two frowns, 
 or two hundred and fixty four Half-Crowns: And a Pound Weight of Silver, confining of eleven Ounces, one Pennyweight fine, and nineteen Penny- 
 weight allay, was coined into three Pounds by Tale; namely, twelve Crowns, or twenty four Half-Crowns, or fixty Shillings, or one hundred and twenty 
 
 x-pences, or two hundred and forty Thrcc-penccs, or feven hundred and twenty Pence, or one thouland four hundred and forty Half-pence, or two thou- 
 fand eight hundred and eighty Farthings. 
 
 The 
 
Book XVI. 
 
 27 
 
 22 . MAR Y. 
 
 ,553, W £ W’ E N RT the Eighth's Divorces from Catherine 
 M A R Y. ■ — ■ of Arragon and Ann Bullen : the A efts of Parlia- 
 1 ment confirming thefe Divorces: other fubfe- 
 quent Ads which feemed to repeal what the firft 
 had ordained, the power given to the King to appoint his 
 Succeflbrs, and to place them in what order he pleafed : in 
 a word, that Prince’s laft Will it felf, had fo imbroiled the 
 Affair of the Succeffion, that it appeared full of Contra¬ 
 diction and Obfcurity. It would not have been poflible to 
 refolve by the antient Laws and Cuftoms of the Realm, 
 the Queries arifing from fo many inconfiftent Ads, be- 
 caufe the Makers of thefe new Laws had not in view juf- 
 tice and equity, but only the gratifying of a Prince to 
 whom it was dangerous to refufe any thing. Henry VIII. 
 had forefeen the difficulties and perplexities his two Di¬ 
 vorces might one day occafion, and even feemed defirous 
 to prevent them. But he only increafed them by the new 
 Statutes he obtained of the Parliament, wherein his aim was 
 not fo much to procure the Welfare of the Kingdom, as 
 to follow his humour, and caufe his Will to be a Law. 
 To fet this matter in a clear light, it will be proper to in¬ 
 sert here a brief Recapitulation of that Monarch’s Proceed¬ 
 ings with refped to the Succeffion. 
 
 It has been feen in the Hiftory of his Reign, that after 
 living eighteen years with Catherine of Arragon his firft 
 Wife, and having by her feveral Children, of whom there 
 was but one Daughter alive, he had a mind to put her a- 
 way. He pretended, his Marriage was void, and becaufc 
 the Court of Rome, for reafons of State, would not con- 
 defeend to annul it, he caufed a Sentence of Divorce to be 
 pronounced by the Archbifhop of Canterbury, before he 
 had abolifhed the Papal Authority in his Kingdom. He 
 thereby afforded a very fpecious pretenfe to queftion the 
 Prelate’s Authority by whom the Sentence was pronoun¬ 
 ced. What is more, he took a fecond Wife, before he 
 was legally divorced from the firft, and by this hafte, gave 
 a frefh occafion to difpute the validity of his fecond Mar¬ 
 riage. Here are already two Contradictions in thefe his 
 two firft fteps. He applied to the Pope, as to his Judge, 
 and before lie had folemnly renounced his Authority, con¬ 
 temns it, and in fpite of the Pope, whofe jurifdiCtion was 
 ftill acknowledged in England, is divorced from Queen 
 Catherine. On the other hand, he owns there was need 
 of a legal Sentence to juftify his Divorce, and yet he pre¬ 
 vents the Sentence by running into a fecond Marriage, be¬ 
 fore it was pronounced. 
 
 In the next place, he beheaded his fecond Wife for A- 
 dultcry, and yet, before the execution, pretended fhe 
 could not be his Wife, and was divorced from her on a 
 frivolous pretence. Thefe two Divorces were confirmed 
 by an A6t of Parliament pafied in 1536, wherein was alfo 
 a manifeft Contradiaion. The Aa declared Mary and Eli¬ 
 zabeth, born of the two firft Marriages, illegitimate and 
 incapable of fucceeding to the Crown, and yet it gave the 
 King power to place them on the Throne, fince, without 
 any limitation, it inverted him with all the Authority ne- 
 cefiary to fettle the Succeffion as he pleafed. 
 
 There was likewife another contradiaion in a Statute of 
 the year 1540, where it was declared, that a Marriage 
 after Confummation fhould not be annulled by reafon of a 
 Pre-contraa. Neverthelefs Henry's Divorce from Ann 
 Bullen had no other Motive. Thereby, the King and 
 Parliament owned they had injured Elizabeth, in declaring 
 her illegitimate. It will be faid perhaps, this Aa was not 
 to regard what was pafied. But it is certain, it was 
 made onJy with defign to favour Elizabeth. Notwith- 
 ftanding, fhe was not reftored by this Aa, but it ftill lay 
 
 in the King’s breaft to give her a Place in, or exclude 1553. 
 her from the Succeffion. 
 
 In another Aa made in 1544, there was a no lefs mani¬ 
 feft Contradiaion. By this Aa, both Houfes themfelves put 
 in the line of the Succeffion Mary and Elizabeth after their 
 Brother Edward. Did not this feem to be making them 
 an authentick Reparation, and owning them for legiti¬ 
 mate p And indeed, hitherto no Baftards had ever been on 
 the Throne of England. Nay, it might be queftioned, 
 whether it was in the Parliament’s Power to place them 
 there. At leaft there would have been need of a very ex- 
 prefs and authentick Law for that purpofe. Neverthe¬ 
 lefs by a particular Claufe of this Aa, the King was allow¬ 
 ed the liberty to impofe conditions on thefe two Princeffes, 
 without which they could have no right to fucceed ; a thing 
 the Parliament would not, nay could not, have done, if 
 they had been owned for legitimate. It was not therefore 
 on account of their natural Right, but by mere favour, 
 that they were enabled to fucceed to the Crown. 
 
 Henry followed the fame Plan in his laft Will. He put 
 Mary and Elizabeth in the line of the Succeffion after their 
 Brother Edward, but in fuch a manner that he let them 
 fee, it was by mere Grace, fince he bound them to cer¬ 
 tain conditions, without which they were to forfeit their 
 right. The difference he made between them and Edward, 
 fhowed he owned them not for legitimate, and thereby 
 afforded a pretence to queftion the Right he gave them. 
 
 But what conduced ftill more to embroil the affair of the 
 Succeffion, was that this Will paffing over in Silence the 
 I flue of Margaret Queen of Scotland, Henry's eldeft Sifter, 
 placed next to Elizabeth the Children of A/ary Queen-Dow¬ 
 ager of France and Duchefs of Suffolk, the younger Sif ¬ 
 ter. This was a manifeft abufe of the Power granted 
 him by the Parliament, and confequently a furnifhing the 
 Queen of Scotland with a plaufible pretence to demand the 
 annulling of a Will which fubverted the mart fteddy Laws 
 of the Kingdom. 
 
 Edward VI. compleated this Confufion in the Affair of 
 the Succeffion, by conveying the Crown to Jane Grey , 
 contrary to the rights of Mary and Elizabeth. This was 
 an Aof abfolute Sovereignty very unbecoming a King of 
 England, and one that died a Minor. But moreover, in 
 this Acft of Conveyance there were Con traditions no lefs 
 palpable than thofe Henry VIII. had been guilty of. Ed¬ 
 ward owned for good and valid, the At declaring Mary 
 and Elizabeth illegitimate. But at the fame time, he re¬ 
 pealed by his own Authority, that which gave the King 
 his Father the Power to fettle the Succeffion. On the o- 
 ther hand, he followed his Father’s Will, in giving the 
 preference to the younger Sifter’s Children ; but withal, 
 annulled the Will, by excluding Mary and Elizabeth. 
 
 By this fhort Recapitulation, it may be eafily perceived Four Prin~. 
 what a door to Divifions and Civil Wars was opened by ce A n m 'i ht 
 Henry VIII. and his Succeffor. By the above-mentioned ^tbcCrncr. 
 A&S, four Princeffes, namely, Mary, Elizabeth, the’" 
 
 Queen of Scotland, and Jane Grey, could pretend to the 
 Crown after Edward's Death, and each could find in thefe 
 very A&s, Arguments to combat the Claims of her Ad- 
 verfaries. 
 
 Mary refted upon her Father’s Will. But fhe re- Examination 
 ceiv’d, in her opinion, a much ftronger Support, tho’ fhe 
 durft not openly alledge it, from her natural Right, and the & 
 want of Authority in thofe who annulled her Mother’s 
 marriage. On the other hand, it might be objected to 
 her, that having been declared illegitimate by an A£t of 
 Parliament, that A£t was never repealed, and it was not 
 in the King’s power to place Baftards on the Throne, in 
 
 The Sovereign h„o„ „« 
 
 iw n,": vsazitei e M “v: T?r 
 
 ot them the King's Titles thus’ EDWARD VI n r Anf 3n ° ld < ^ roaC- ^he Crown, Half-Crown, -Shilling, and Six-perce, have all 
 
 U.,.1 T« S f*?•:«**• Wrl*. REX- Re.e.fe, ,h. Kin,-, Arms with POWI>e. n»', the 
 
 ill.- SSiIIIno ic ^ • 1 ■ orfeback, and underneath the Horle ic.t : another ha* thp Cnnh.... ,t-« u —r~’.- u-.j / it... . \ 
 
 the Shilling and S'X-pence gtve him full-fac’d; of which there are of tw. 
 
 Th?TW „ " l S ! 4 *!*; 4" > Ii0,h theft > as well as the Six-pence, 
 
 - hree-pence, with the Rofe and III, has the fame Infcription as the Shilling. 
 
 .K. KfcX. Keverle, the King's Arms with POSVI, &c. on'y the 
 ic 1551 ; another has ^the Feathers upon the Horfc's Head ( Fig. 3.) whereas 
 o different Mints j of Fork with the Letter Y ; and Throgmorton'$ Mint in the 
 ace. hav- =, Rofe on one fide the King's Head, and XII. or VI. on the other. 
 
 exclufion 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 28 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 5 S 3 
 
 Of Mary 
 Queen of 
 Scotland' 1 
 
 Of j. 
 
 City 
 
 Competitor 1. 
 
 exclulion of the lawful Heirs. That befides it was known 
 10 the whole Nation, that the Parliament was tar from 
 being; free when (lie was plac’d in the Succeflion after Ed¬ 
 ward, but however this Act ought to have been preceded 
 by an exprefs repeal of that, whereby the was declared in¬ 
 capable of fucceeding. 
 
 The fame thing could be alledged againft Elizabeth. 
 But (lie might anfwer, that her Mother’s divorce was 
 grounded only upon a Claufe which was afterwards decla¬ 
 red inefficient, and that by the AEt of the year 1540, 
 {lie was reftored to her Rights. Confequently it was to 
 1 - r the Crown was devolved if her Sifter Mary was inca¬ 
 pable of fucceeding. 
 
 The Queen of Scotland could plead the Illegitimation ©f 
 Mary and Elizabeth, and affirm, it was her Right to af- 
 t-cntl the Throne of England, as Grand-Daughter to 
 JUnry VlII’s eldeft Sifter." As to the objection of her be- 
 in.? corn out ;if the Land, it was a groundlefs Cavil, fince 
 the Prim ft! B id in l n± lan l, are never deemed 
 Foreigners, thoui’.h born out of the Kingdom. 
 
 Jam G v had f her 1 lu ■ 1 ment, approved 
 
 by all the Councilors and the Judges of the Realm. But 
 it mult be con left, it was a very ill-grounded Right, 
 l! • .. n, the King, the Council, and the 
 
 Judges, had undertaken what exceeded the bounds of 
 their Power. Betides, the Duke of N'orthumberland was 
 known to hold the Council in Subjection, and it would 
 have been eafy to prove the Judges were forced to draw 
 and fign the inftrument. 
 
 Had this affair been to be decided by the Law, and 
 impartial Judges, many difficulties wou’d doubtlefs have 
 occurred. On the other hand, if each of the four Prin- 
 cefies who might have pretended to the Crown , wou’d 
 have maintain’d her Right, and had been ftrong enough 
 to fupport her pretentious, to what calamities would the 
 Kingdom have been expofed ? But the affair took another 
 turn, becaufe Elizabeth and the Queen of Scotland endea¬ 
 vour’d not to poflefs the Crown. So Mary and Jane 
 were the only Competitors. This was very advantagious 
 to Mary, becaufe her Right was thereby put in the ba¬ 
 lance with onlv Jane s the wcakeft of all. Undoubtedly 
 this is what induced all the Hiftorians to declare for Mary's 
 Rid,:, becaufe they compared it only with that of her 
 Rival. But if Elizabeth and the Queen of Scotland had 
 been each l'upported with a good Army, perhaps all the 
 advantage would not have been fo readily given to Mary. 
 Having thus feen the grounds of this quarrel, let us now 
 proceed to the decifion. 
 
 ■The Duke of The Duke of Northumberland took great care to conceal 
 Northum- Edward's death, becaufe he expected Mary would come 
 ' and throw hcrfelf into his hands. It muft be confeft, this 
 Burnet. Minifter, tho’ very politick, committed a very grofs error, 
 in neglecting to fecure Mary and Elizabeth , immediately 
 after Edward had figned the conveyance to Jane Grey. He 
 might have eafily effected it whilft the King w'as alive. 
 But inftead of fuddenly taking fo neceffary a precaution, 
 he expe6ted they wou'd come of their own accord into 
 the Snare he had laid for them, by caufing them to be fent 
 for to keep their Brother Company in his Sicknefs. Ma¬ 
 rt had like to have been intrapp’d. She was within half 
 
 a day’s Journey of London (1), when fhe had notice from 
 the Earl of Arundel , of the King’s death, the alignment 
 Miry retire* °f Succeffion, and the defign upon her perfon. This 
 mi, N„r- News obliging her to take other meafures, fhe immediately 
 
 f " lk i turned back, and went to Kenning-Hall in Norfolk. From 
 
 Rnrlw.f 0 * thence fhe wrote a Letter to the Council (2), which 
 
 plainly difeovered fhe was informed of what they intended 
 to conceal from her. She told the Counfellors, file thought 
 it very rtrange that the King her Brother being three days 
 dead, file had not been advertifed of it by them, fince they 
 could not be ignorant of her juft Right to the Crown. 
 That their negledf on this occauon, was a plain Intimation 
 of fome ill delign againft her; but that fhe was ready 
 to take All in good part, and to pardon thofe who would 
 have recourfe to her clemency. That, in the mean 
 while, fhe required them to proclaim her Queen. After 
 writing this Letter fire departed from Kenning-Hall, and 
 repaired to the Caftle of Framlingham in Suffolk. Two 
 reafons induced her to retire to this place. The firft, that 
 the Duke of Northumberland was much hated in thofe Parts, 
 ever fince the great {laughter he had made of the Rebels 
 who had taken arms under Ket. The fccond, that the Caftle 
 
 ingfh. 
 
 Heyli 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 of Framlingham being near the Sea, fhe might, if the iff 1553, 
 Succefs ot her Affairs fhould oblige her to it, have an op¬ 
 portunity to fly with more eafe into Flanders. Upon her sbe takes 
 arrival at this place, fhe took the Title of Otieen, and 'be Title of 
 being proclaimed at Norwich, fent a ciicular Letter to all the 
 Nobility, requiring them to come and aid her in 1: lintainiii ' l0 
 her Right. Let us now fee what palled at London. ber “"l- 
 
 It has been obferved in the foregoing,Reign, that the 7 be Duke of 
 Duke of Northumberland was become fo abloli te in the Northum* 
 Council, that not one of the Counfellors dar’d to oppofe ^ rl j nd 
 his Will. Edward's death feem’d likely to free them from the f'iundi. 
 this Servitude. But as probably the Duke would have 
 more Authority under his Daughter-in-law Jane, than 
 under Edward, every one dreaded to make him an ene¬ 
 my. It is not therefore to the Council fo much as to the 
 Duke of Northumberland, by whom the Board was direct¬ 
 ed in all their refolutions, that whatever was done in fa¬ 
 vour of Jane after Edward's death, is to be aferibed. 
 
 T his Minifter foon found it impoffible to conceal long the 
 King’s death. Two days after, the News of it was pub- 
 lick in London. Befides, Mary's retreat plainly fhowed 
 how fruitlefs were the pains that were taken on that ac¬ 
 count. So the Duke thinking it no longer proper to hide H ' E ! ' wt 
 his defigns, was fent with the Duke of Suffolk to give fane 
 notice of her being to afeend the Throne (3), by virtue Queen. 
 
 at that age, wherein the Judgment hardly begins to be C N-.in. 
 formd, hers had acquired fuch a degree of Perfection, as Euii,cl * 
 is rarely found in one fo very young. All the Hiftorians 
 agree, the Solidity ot her mind, joined to a continual ap¬ 
 plication to ftudy, rendered her the Wonder of her Age. 
 
 She underftood perfectly French , Latin and Greek, and 
 made ufe of thefe Languages as helps to attain to the high- 
 eft Knowledge in the Sciences (4). Herein lhe was very 
 like her Couftn King Edward, who had a tender Friend- 
 fhip for her, as, on her part, fhe had a great efteem for 
 him. She appeared much moved at his death, which 
 however lhe muft have expeCted, fince his recovery had 
 been now fome time defpaired of. But as fhe knew not 
 that his death was to procure her the Crown, fhe was 
 extremely furprized at the News which her Father and 
 the Duke of Northumberland told her. Inftead of receiv- J acci !’ ,t 
 ing it with Joy, as they doubtlefs expeCted, fhe told them, 'wnblaut- 
 fhe did not mean to inrich hcrfelf by the Spoils of others: tame. 
 That the Crown belonged to .the Princefs Mary, and af- g° dwin * 
 ter her to the Princefs Elizabeth, and being acquainted, ‘ * ’ 
 as fhe was, with King Henry's Will, fhe W'as unwilling 
 to afpire to the Throne before her turn. Againft thefe 
 reafons were urged King Edward's and the Council’s Au¬ 
 thority, with the approbation of the Judges, and it was 
 endeavour'd to convince her, that this unanimity was a 
 clear evidence there was nothing in it contrary to the Laws 
 of the Land. She found herfelf moved by thefe Arguments, 
 and the importunities of Guilford Dudley her Husband 
 prevailed with her at length to receive the offered Crown. 
 
 It was however in fuch a manner, as convinc’d the two 
 Dukes that fhe did it not fo much from a perfwafion of the 
 Juftice of her Title, as out of complaifance, and for 
 want of refolution. Accordingly the Duke of Northum¬ 
 berland declared in his report to the Council, that fo far 
 was Jane from afpiring to the Crown, fhe was rather, by 
 enticement and force, made to accept it. 
 
 As foon as the Duke of Northumberland had obtained Sbewitb- 
 Jone’s confent, it was refolved that the Council fhould 
 withdraw to the Tower with her (5), and fhe be proclaimed, the Council. 
 This refolution being taken, the Lord-Mayor of London Sbc 
 was fent for, and being informed of the King’s death, and i^ndon 
 of the Settlement in favour of Queen Jane, the Ceremo- Burner, 
 ny of the proclaiming was fixed to the next day, the Suype* 
 10th of July, and the 5th after Edward's Death, Mean qbeCoun- 
 while the Council writ an Anfwer to Mary's Letter figned cir, anfwer 
 by twenty one Counfellors (6), to this effedt, “ That Ma- ^ Mary. 
 
 “ ry could not pretend to the Crown, fince fhe was born p.Vog^’ 
 “ of an unlawful Marriage, diflolved by a legal Sentence, Burnet. 
 
 “ confirmed by more than one Parliament: That fhe He > lin * 
 
 “ ought to give over her Pretenfions, and acknowledge 
 “ Queen Jane for her Sovereign, who was now on the 
 “ Throne by virtue of the late King’s Letters-Patents: 
 
 “ That if fhe fhowed herfelf obedient, fhe fhould find 
 “ the Counfellors all ready to do her any Service, confif- 
 “ tent with their Duty to Queen Jane. 
 
 'ii At Huufdon in Hertfrdjhire. HoUtngfh. p. 1084. 
 
 (2) On the 9th of July. Ibid. 
 
 (3, She was then at Durham Houfe, which was the plaee of her refidence. Burnet, Tom. II. p. 234. 
 
 (4, Roger Afcham. Tutor to the Lady Elizabeth, coming once to wait upon her at her Father’s Houfe in Leicefltr/bire, found her reading Plato's Works 
 in Creek, when a‘J the reft of the Family were hunting in the Park. He asked her, How (he could be abfent from fuch pleafant Diverfion ? She an- 
 fweieii. The Paftimes in the Park were but a fhadow to the delight flie had in reading Plate's Phcedon, which then lay open before her. Ibid. What a 
 noble Pattern is here for the Education of young Ladies of Quality, and how different (rum the modern way of bringing them up ! 
 
 ( . Or wh : ch Edward Lord Clinton, High-Admiral, was appointed ConlVabJe, in the room of Sir James Croft. Strypi's Eccl. Mem. Torn. Ill p- 2. 
 
 (6) Tin: Arihbiiliop of Canterbury ; the Lord Chancellor; the Duke of Suffolk and Northumberland ; the Marqilifles of hi’in befit r and Nortbamf ’■ ; il - 
 Earls of Arundel, bie-.vslury, Huntington, Bedford, and Pembroke ; the Lords Ctbbam and Darcy-, Sir Thomas Cheney, Sir Robert Cotton , Sir H'illian 
 Pofre, Sir William Cecil, Sir John Cheek, Sir John Majon, Sir Edward North, and Sir Robert Bowes, Burnet. Tom- II- p. 235. 
 
 2 Jor.t 
 
Book xvr. 
 
 2 2. MARY. 
 
 29 
 
 »553. 'Jone was proclaimed in London with the ufual Formali- 
 7 /e ties. But there were none of the Acclamations cuflomary 
 >7 ‘at Jane'i 011 occafions ; fo aftonifhed were the People to fee a 
 
 proclaiming. Queen proclaimed they had never thought of. Befides, 
 a:> r ^ e Duke °f Northumberland was very much hated, and 
 Suype. as was his Daughter-in-law, when fhe was heard to 
 be proclaimed Queen, the Duke was imagined to be pro¬ 
 claimed chief Governor, which was by no means plealing 
 to the People. Nay, an accident happened on this occa- 
 fion, which was very ominous, and confirmed the Lon¬ 
 doners in their prejudice againft the Duke of Northumber- 
 A Vmtntr'i land. A Vintner’s Boy (1) having fome way exprefled his 
 far making a f corn a t the Proclamation, was immediately ordered to be 
 Jtfifit. fet in the Pillory, with his Ears cut off, and nailed to it; 
 Burnet. which was accordingly done. This Proceeding, the odium 
 StowT" whereof was caft upon the Duke, made it judged what was 
 to be expelled from his Government, fince this new Reign 
 began with an Aft of Severity. 
 
 Reafum ivly I’he Duke of Northumberland took care not to omit the 
 Noiihnm-^ Ctiftom lung fince introduced, that the new Sovereigns 
 berlund bpt fhould withdraw to the Tower , with the Council, in the 
 tbt Couv.oiin beginning of their Reign. He could not doubt, Mary 
 ! ‘ ToWer ' would pretend to the Crown, and ufe all poflible endea¬ 
 vours to take pofleflion, neither was he ignorant how the 
 Nobles and People flood affected with regard to the litua- 
 tion the State was then in. For this reafon, he wa very 
 glad to have the Counfellors in the Tower , in order to be 
 matter, and caufe them to come to refolutions agreeable 10 
 Difpifnioncf his Interefl. As the change which fhortly aftci happened, 
 
 proceeded from the Difpofition of the feveral Members of 
 theState. State, it will beabfolutely neceffary to have a diftinft 
 
 notion how they flood inclined, in order to underftand die 
 caufes of this Revolution. 
 
 OftbeCoun- The Council confifted of one and twenty Counfellors, 
 c,/ - among whom there were few real Friends of the Duke of 
 
 Northumberland ; but every one feared him. Some, as 
 the Earl of Arundel, ftili adhered to the Romijh Religion, 
 though outwardly they complied with the new Laws. 
 Others, as the Archbifhop of Canterbury , were truly Pro- 
 teftants. But the major part, without being really addift- 
 ed to any Religion, blindly followed that which was up- 
 permoft. As they had readily embraced that of Henry 
 VIII, they had with the fame eafe followed that eftablifhed 
 by Edward , being ready to refume the Romijh Religion if 
 it fuited belt with their temporal Interefl. This was par¬ 
 ticularly the Duke of Northumberland's Cha rafter. So, 
 though he profefled the Reformed Religion, the Protef- 
 tants themfelves had a very ill opinion of him. They 
 were perfuaded, his pretended Zeal for the advancement of 
 the Reformation was all grimace, and the pure effeft of 
 his Policy. This difpofition of the Counfellors, manitcltly 
 fhews, that a religious Zeal alone was not capable of keep¬ 
 ing them in Jane's Interefl. There was need of a much 
 flrong r Motive to that end. But iriftead thereof, tn< e 
 was a reafon which entirely diungaged them from her 
 Party; namely, the flavilh Subjection they were held in 
 by the Duke of Northumberland. That Lord, whofe 
 Pride was intolerable, could not bear contradiction. The 
 Council feemed to have nothing to do, but to follow his 
 directions without examination. Then, he was one of 
 thofe unreafonable Perfons, with whom if you fail on a 
 Single occafion, all part Services are cancelled. This the 
 Earl of Arundel in particular had fadly experienced. Tho’ 
 he had been very lerviceable to the Duke in ruining So¬ 
 merfet, yet afterwards, becaufe he did not find him fub- 
 miliive enough, he caufed him to be condemned in a 
 heavy bine, under colour of his having watted the King’s 
 1 reafure. This Uf’age was ftili remembred by the Eai), 
 who only waited an Opportunity to be revenged. The 
 reft ot the Counfellors were no lefs delirous to free <hem- 
 felves from the Duke’s Yoke. But they were asPnloners 
 in the Tower , where they apprehended, the lead falfe ttep 
 would coft them their Life, be:ore the quarrel between 
 Jane and Mary was decided. And therefore, they ap¬ 
 proved of whatever the Duke pleafed to order, and the re¬ 
 solutions tending to eftablifh Jane on the Throne, were 
 made in the Council’s name, though the Duke alone was 
 the Author. 
 
 Of the Nobi ■ The reft of the Nobility, who had no fhare in the Go- 
 
 tuji. vernment, were in much the fame Sentiments with the 
 Counfellors. Whilft the Duke of Somerfet was Protector, 
 he was hated by the Nobility, as appeared in the former 
 Reign. And therefore, they aflifted to the utmoft the 
 Earl of Warwick to ruin him. But when that was done, 
 they foon perceived they were no gainers by the change, 
 fince it gave them a much prouder, and more formidable 
 matter than the Perfon they were freed from. The new 
 Miniller treated them afterwards with fo much haughtinefs, 
 that they had reafon to regret the Duke of Somerfet. Con- 
 fequently they earneftly defired to lee him ruined, which 
 
 they could not expect whilft his Daughter-in-law fhould be 1553, 
 on the Throne. This made them incline to Mary , tho’ 
 that Princefs was little beloved in the Kingdom. 
 
 The Duke of Northumberland had been the principal Au- Of tic Pn- 
 thor of Somerfet' s Fall, who was the People’s Idol. This * le ' 
 was fufficient to render him odious. Befides, he was count¬ 
 ed a hard and cruel Man, whofe Counfels always leaned 
 to the fide of Severity. After he had difperfed the Norfolk 
 Rebels in the late Reign, he caufed fo many to be executed, 
 that he drew upon him the hatred of the Counties of Nor- 
 folk and Suffolk. This hatred afterwards fpread itfelf over 
 the Kingdom, when he came to be at the head of Affairs. 
 Wherefore, all the People in general wilhed to be freed 
 from this odious Miniller, and that could be only by the 
 ruin of Jane's Party. The Londoners in particular hated 
 him mortally, becaufe they believed him guilty of King 
 Edzuard’ s death. 
 
 Let us now confider the Englifh Nation in refpeft to Of tic Ro- 
 the two Religions. Jane openly profefled the Proteftant Cath “' 
 Religion, and fhewed, fhe was entirely convinced of the 
 truth of its D ftrines. Mary , on the contrary, was ex¬ 
 tremely addifted to the Romijh Church, and though during 
 Edward s Reign, fhe had pretended to adhere to the Re¬ 
 ligion eltablifhed by Henry VIII, it was known to be only 
 wuh delign to filence thole who governed during her Bro¬ 
 ther s Minority. She was not only thought devoted to 
 the Pope, but alfo a Favourer of the molt abfurd Doftrines 
 o. the Romijh Religir n. It may ealil) be gueffed, that 
 all who were Itill lor the old Religion in their hearts, 
 paffionately wiftied that this Princefs might afeend the 
 1 hi one. I his was the only way they could hope to fee 
 their Religion reftored, whereas if Jane reigned, they 
 could expect only the continuance of the meafures taken, 
 to abolifh it. r l he Duke ot Northumberland, who, proba¬ 
 bly, was to be Jane's prime Miniller, had even appeared 
 zealous tor the Reformation. So, to judge of hull by his 
 palt Conduft, the briendsof the old Religion could hope 
 lor no advantage from hi.11, Some who knew him better 
 than the reft, were however fenlible, lie was far from be- 
 ing a good Proteftant. But they knew alfo, though he 
 might have favorable thoughts ol their Religion, they could 
 expedt nothing from him but what was agreeable to his 
 temporal Imereti, and that this Interefl would naturally 
 hole him attached to the Proteftant Party. So, the Ro¬ 
 man Catholicks were all for Mary, and ready tj lend their 
 afliftance to fet her on the Throne. 
 
 The better to underftand how the Reformed flood af- Of tie Re- 
 fefted at tnis time, it muft be obferved, that to confider firmed, 
 England in general, it may be Laid, fhe was wholly Pro- 
 icitant. Hardly was there a Man but what had fubmit- 
 ted, at leatt outwardly, to the Laws made for that pur- 
 pofe 111 the Reign ol Edward. But among the great num¬ 
 bers which were looked upon as Proteftants, there were 
 many who weie !o only in name. Some ftili halted be¬ 
 tween tiie two Religions. Olliers were Papifts in their 
 hearts; and very many regarding only temporal advan- 
 tages, had embraced the Reformation to make their For¬ 
 tune.'. The fmalieft number was of thofe, who truly con¬ 
 vinced ot the 1 diets ot the new Religion, were ready to 
 fatrifice their All for its lake. None but thefe therefore 
 weie real Friends to Jane . As fur the others, there were 
 many wliu wilhed indeed the Reformation might prevail, 
 and conhdered Mary's Acceflion to the Throne as a mis¬ 
 fortune, but we e unwilling to hazard their Lives and For¬ 
 tunes to prevent it. However, there was one thincr where¬ 
 in all the Relormed, as well the zealous, as the luke¬ 
 warm, and timorous were agreed ; namely, in their hatred 
 of the Duke ot Northumberland, and their dread of falling 
 again under his tyrannical Government. Thefe two Paf- 
 fions cauled them to look upon Jane's Reign as a misfor¬ 
 tune to them and the Kingdom. They were the more 
 confirmed in tnis opinion, as, not forefeeing what was to 
 happen in Mary's Reign, they flattered themfelves, that 
 content with the private exercife of her own Religion, fhe 
 would leave the Proteftant in the fame ftate fhe found it, 
 or at muft would be fatisfied with giving her Party Liberty 
 of Conscience ; and this was what her F riends every where* 
 and on all occalions, took great care to infinuate. So 
 Jane's Caufe was like to be buc ill-fupported, efpecially as 
 Mary having no other Rival, the Englifh did not believe 
 they ought, through a principle of Religion, to depart from 
 the rules of Jultice and Equity, by depriving her of the 
 Crown, who had the belt Title. If their Poflerity have 
 not continued in the fame opinion, it is to be wholly 
 aferibed to the Cruelties exercifed upon the Proteftants, 
 where-ever the Romijh Religion prevails. 
 
 Ic is certain, though At ary had for her all the Well- The public* 
 Withers to the old Religion, that Party would not have hatred f lbl 
 been able to place her on the Throne, if the People’s ha- Northum- 
 tred of the Duke of Northumberland had not determined berland u 
 
 No. ^5. V o l. II, 
 
 (1) One Gilbert Pst. Stno, p. 610. 
 
 H 
 
 the 
 
The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 >555 
 
 Ncrf. Ik a 
 Suffolk <-'< 
 
 the T’roteftants thcmfelves to declare for her. Moft of the 
 Eiig/if}} Hiftorians take great pains to prove the juft ice oi 
 Mary’s Title, to infer from thence that the Proteftants 
 preferred Right to their own Intereft. I won’t deny that 
 feveral aifted from that principle. But very probably the 
 dread of falling again under the Government of the Duke 
 of Northumberland, helped Mary to moie friends than the 
 jufticeof her Title, efpecially as this Title was not fo clear 
 '■/but that it was liable to many objections. However 
 this be, Mary being proclaimed at Nonvich, the Counties 
 of Norfolk and Suffolk declared for her, and furniflied 
 her with Troops. The Men of Suffolk, though ftrongly 
 attached to the Reformation, fignali.'.vd themfclvcs on 
 .. this occalion. It is true, they defined to know ol her, 
 whether (he would leave Religion in the fame State ihe 
 found it; which flie pofitively promifed, referving to hcr- 
 feIf however the liberty of profeffing her own Religion. 
 Upon thell- Aflurances, they refolved to hazard their Lives 
 and Eflates in iier quarrel. Many Lords and Gentlemen 
 came alio to Ffamlingham to offer their Service; and the 
 Earls of Bath and Suffix, the Sons of the Lord Wharton 
 and Mordant (i), with many more (2), railed Foices for 
 her. 
 
 June fenJs Mean time, the Council was drawing inftru&ions for 
 ■. ho v. to‘ > and inform the Emperor 
 Emf.-r r, of what palled in England. It was believed there was 
 iff rrfuftt moll danger from that quarter. Shelley went indeed (3), 
 Biirr ''"'' ^ Ut t ^ 1G Emperor would neither give him audience, nor re¬ 
 st ry pc.' ceive fane's Letter to notify her Acceffion to the Crown, 
 
 and to delire his friendlhip. 
 
 The Cvu-cil Mean while, the Council received advices from all Tides, 
 fjff an tL that Marys Party gathered ftrength, that fhe had been 
 ct.nwi.ir. { proclaimed in feveral places, and had an Army already 
 nvbniof is which daily increafed. Thefe ill-news, wliich flowed in 
 led'uukcof ve 7 obliged the Minifters to raife Forces to fend 
 
 Heylu 
 
 to favour the Duke ol Northumberland'- uefigns, they were 1553 
 obliged however to ufe great caution. They faw thein- 
 felves as Prifonern in the Tower, under tlie direction of 
 the Duke of Suffolk, who was concerned to prevent all 
 Proceedings againft: his Daughter. It was neceiliuy there¬ 
 fore to feem very zealous for 'fane's inter*.It, till a lavora- 
 
 - 
 
 they appointed Ridley Bifhop of Lena n to fet out Queen 
 fane’s Title in a Sermon at St. Paul's , ? d to vv.uu the j 9 
 People of the dangers they would be exjrofed to, n Mary f- 
 fhould mount the XbfQne, Ridley difchai •.' : . 
 lion (5) like one that was perfuaded the Reformation would UAV ‘ 
 very much fuller under Mary’s Government. And ibere- 
 forc, he largely infilled upon Mary’s Attachment to the 
 Romi/h Religion, and informed the Audience ofTome things 
 which had palled between him and her, and which v.c.e 
 plain indications of her Averlion to the Refn; niation and 
 the Reformed (6). Mary never forgave him this Sermon, 
 which at that juncture was capable of doing her gre.it in¬ 
 jury. For, it was at a time when her friend were uhug 
 their utmoll endeavours to perfuade the People, Ihe was 
 not fo zealous for the Romifi Religion as flie was repre- 
 fented, and that Ihe would make no Cirange in that 
 which was eftablilhed by Law. Sands, Vice-chancellor of Avr' 
 Cambridge, afterwards Archbilhop of York (7), in the'' '" 1 ' 
 Reign ol Elizabeth, having received the fame orders from 
 the Duke of Northumberland [Chancellor of that Univer- 
 fityj managed it more artfully, and by keeping to more 
 general Terms, gave no offence to either Party. 
 
 Mean while, the Duke of Northumberland vvai extreme- D-c-a 
 ly imbarraffed. He had marched to Cambridge with fix ' 
 thoufand Men (8), and from thence was advanced to 'iff 
 St. Edmunds-bury. But in ftc-ad of feeing hi- Army mcrcafe 
 by the way as heexpedted, it daily diminifht-d i 1 y Dellrtions. 
 
 On the other hand, he heal I of Mary 
 
 f 
 
 Suffolk. again It Mary's. Immediate Orders were given to thofe folk and Suffolk, and to complete bis Mi.-ibrcu:ie.-, Ncv. 
 
 that were ready to meet at. Newmarket, with whom were 
 blow!*' joined fonv Regiments levied in hafte at London. At the 
 fame time they lent Sir Edward Haj/ings , the Earl of 
 Huntington s Brother, to raife Buckinghamjhirc, and the 
 Earl of Northampton undertook alfo to raife Herefordfhire. 
 The Duke of Suffolk was appointed to command the Ar¬ 
 my, becaufe the Duke of Northumberland was unwilling 
 to go away, for fear his Abfence fhould produce ill-effedts. 
 •Be Ear/of But the Earl of Arundel, who wilhed for an opportunity 
 mte'i'mL- t0 a< -t f° r Mary, feeing the Duke of Northumberland’s pre- 
 fura arainfl fence was an infupcrable obftacle to the execution of his 
 ^ ‘j Dcflgns, found means to break his meafures. He intima- 
 lierLnd.' 71 tec * t0 7 ane, > l * )at the Duke her Father would be expofed 
 to great danger; that it would he more proper for the 
 Duke of Northumberland to head the Army, and for the 
 Duke her Father to flay with her. On the other hand, 
 
 . he infinuated, or caufed it to be infinuated to the Duke 
 
 the Du 
 
 Northum- of Northumberland, that it would be very dangerous to put 
 the Army under the Duke of Suffolk’s command, who had 
 Army never been very fortunate in his Expeditions: That on 
 fuch an important occafion, he ought inftantly to head 
 the Troops himfelf, and that his name alone was ca¬ 
 pable of itriking terror into thofe affembled by Alary, in 
 a County where he had given Angular proofs of his Con¬ 
 duct and Valour, fane’s tender aftedtion for the Duke her 
 lather, caufed her fo ardently to embrace this advice, that 
 all the Duke of Northumberland’s endeavours to make her 
 alter her mind weie ineffedtual. 
 
 dwin. At lo critical a jundlurej the Duke of Northumberland 
 npr was much diftradted in his mind. Indeed, he knew he 
 was much fitter than the Duke of Suffolk to command the 
 Army againft Mary, and was very lenfible, all depended 
 upon it. But then he was afraid to leave the young Queen 
 in the hands of the Council, ol whom he was not well 
 allured, and who complied with him purely out of fear: 
 and the more, as the Duke of Suffolk, the Queen’s Father, 
 was reckoned but a weak .Man. However, as it was not 
 entirely in his choice to accept or rciufe the command; 
 and behdes ali depended upon the Succefs againft Mary’s 
 Army, he refolved to march. He left London on the 14th 
 ol July, without being wilhed Succefs (as is ufual on fuch 
 occalions) by the great Crowds looking on as he palled, 
 and went and headed fix thoufand Men afl’embled at New¬ 
 market (4). 
 
 Though moft of the Counfellors had no great inclination 
 
 blOW. 
 
 Holiinglh. 
 
 was brought him that Sir Edward HaJUn-s ( 9 ), who was : " 
 to have joined him with four 1 
 
 had declared for Mary, and proclaimed her at B. . 1:1 .... ‘ • > ■ 1. 
 
 In Ihort, he was informed bkewife, that the fix Men of! 
 
 War fent to cruize on the Coaft of Suffolk to prevent Ala- . ', 
 
 ry’s efcape, had followed the example of Hajlings. All 
 thefe things made him rcfolve to return to Cambridge, 
 from whence he writ to the C tuncil for fpeed iup 
 But the Counfellors were then oti rwifeempl 
 
 The News they received from all parts of tile profpe- 
 rous State of Mary’s Affairs, had now determined fume £wP r¬ 
 of them to provide for their fafety, by chansing ikies, : ‘ 
 
 whilft their change might be of iervicc to them. In all !j f‘7 5 ‘ 
 appearance, the Earl of Arundel had already laboured to Burner, 
 takeoff' fome of liis Collegues from funds Party. The 
 Marquifs of Wincbejler, who always went wiih the ffream, 
 was cafily prevailed with. The Earl of Pembroke had 
 been one of the moft zealous for fane, becaufe his' Son 
 had efpoufed this new Queen’s younger Sifter. But find¬ 
 ing her Affairs in an ill way , he refolved either of himfelf, 
 or by the Sollicitations of the Earl of Arundel, to lereen. 
 himfelf from the impending Storm, in d >in 1 
 fignal Service (10). Thefe three Lords gained other 
 Counfellors, and they all refolved to declare for Mary 3s 
 foon as it was poflible. The difficulty was to get out of They find 
 the Tower, without giving fufpicion to the Duke of Suffolk. 
 
 Had the Duke of Northumberland been prefent, they would To 
 have found it very hard tofucceed ; but the Duke of Suffolk C, dvwn. 
 was far from having his Penetration. The Letter lately B " rn «* 
 received from the Duke of Northumberland furniflied itoW * 
 them with the wanted pretence. They reprefented to the 
 Duke of Suffolk , that the readieft way to find the delired 
 Supply, was to apply to the Mayor of London ; and to 
 that end, it was proper the Council fhould meet fome- 
 where in the City, the more eafily to confer with the 
 Mayor, concerning the means of fpeedilv railing a body 
 of Troops : That the Earl of Pembroke’s Houfe was 
 convenient for that purpofe, and there the Affair would be 
 forwarded more in two Hours, than in fix in the Tower. 
 
 But as it might be objected, that the Mayor and Aider- 
 men could he eafily fent for to the Tower, they added, 
 that at the fame time Audience might be go en to the 
 French and Spanifh Ambafladors, wiio fcrupled to receive 
 it in the Tower. Whether the Duke of Suffolk did not 
 fufpect them of any ill defign, or at fuch a juncture, durlfc 
 
 (1) Rag-nf. ays, the Lord Mordant, whi< h i* a mirt.ike, it was Sir John ALidant !r Son. 
 
 (2) Sir William Drury, Sir John Sbtlun, Si.- llcnry BHinJUJ, Ucr.,y Ur., 'John Sulitrd, Ri.berd Frf .n, Set jeant Morgan, Clem 
 
 Stow, p, 610. c»:wi*, p. 330. Cmpl. Hijt. 
 
 (3) He was dilpatched, July I i. Singe, p. 4. 
 
 1man I out of Lender. the Head of two tl 11 ! ! 1 • tl 1 ' ■ - j ; t 7te-J 
 
 Tnnf 11 ^ V '% C ^ rcaC ^• r0W1 * 5 Spedlators, none cried out to wifli him 1’ucccfs, which gave a lad indication how ill they weie affected t 
 *■ Hotling/b. p. 1087. 
 
 the end of Tom. II. 
 
 and Shoreditch, 
 him. Burnet, 
 
Book XVI. 
 
 22. MAR Y. 
 
 3 * 
 
 >J 53 . 
 
 They declare 
 
 Gcdwim’ 
 
 Burnet. 
 
 not difeover his fufpicions, he fuffered the Council to meet 
 at the Eari of Pembroke’s (i ), whom he did not miftruft, 
 on the 19th of July. 
 
 As foon as they were met, the Earl of Arundel made a 
 Speech; reprefen ting to them, That now or never was the 
 time, to {hake off the Tyranny 01’ the Duke of Nor¬ 
 thumberland: That they had lufficiently experienced his 
 infolence, injuftice, cruelty, treachery to his Friends, and 
 if they were fo unwife as to fupport Jane on the Throne, 
 they would but render more heavy the Yoke which the 
 Duke had already laid on their necks: That the only way 
 was to declare for Mary , and when the People fhould lee 
 the Council take that courfe, the Duke of Northumberland 
 would be forfaken by all. The Council’s fudden refolution 
 to follow the Earl’s advice, fhews that this Affair had been 
 ardproclaim already determined among the principal Members. After 
 " at Lon ~ a (hort debate, thev fent for the Mayor and Aldermen of 
 Godwin. London , and declaring their refolution, they went together 
 
 Burnet. and proclaimed Mary in feveral parts of the City. Then 
 
 Su/w* they repaired to St. Paul's, where Te Deum was fung. 
 
 The ready Compliance of the Magiftrates of London , can 
 be aferibed only to their hatred ol the Duke of Northum¬ 
 berland. Let it be affirmed ever fo much, that thefe 
 Magiftrates longed for the Re-eftablilhment of the old Re¬ 
 ligion, and therefore gladly embraced the prefent oppor¬ 
 tunity to fet Mary on the Throne; it is not likely, that 
 Men placed in their Offices in Edward’s Reign, fhould be 
 fo well inclined to the old Religion, as to come to fo fud¬ 
 den a Refolution with that view, if there had not been 
 Tie Duieif fome other motive. However, as foon as they came from 
 Suffolk de- Paul’s , the Council fent an order to the Duke of Suffolk , 
 to require him to deliver up the Tower , and that Jane 
 fhould lay down the Title of Queen, and give over her 
 Pretenfions. The Duke immediately obeyed, feeing no 
 poffibility of keeping the Tower at this fad juncture. As 
 for Jane fhe faw herfelf ftriptof her dignity, held but nine 
 Tb”Duke of ^ a )' s i with more joy than fhe had leen herfelf cloathed with 
 Northum- it. Then the Council difpatched orders to the Duke of 
 
 TTTi n London, and 
 
 VV hen lhe en -j lts the Pri - 
 
 Codwin. 
 
 Jane lays 
 down her 
 Dignity. 
 
 Bifhop of London , Cheek who had been Edward's Precep- 1553, 
 tor, Robert Dudley the Duke of Northumberland’s Son, 
 
 Guilford Dudley Jane’s Husband, Cholmley and Montague 
 Judges. All thefe were fent to (3), or detained in the 
 Tower by the Queen’s exprefs Order. But three days after, She pardons 
 file releafed the Duke of Suffolk, having pitched upon him $ 
 
 for an inftance of her Clemency, becaufe fhe thought him bu ° 
 uncapable of creating her any difturbance (4). 
 
 ^ On the 3d of Augujl fhe came to London with her Sifter She makes her 
 Elizabeth, who had met her on the way with a thoufand *"*“ 
 
 Horfe (5), fhe had railed for her Service, 
 tered the Tower , fhe relcafed the Duke of Norfolk , Gar - ' 
 diner, Bonner, the Duchefs of Somerfet, and the Lord Jfff “* 
 Courtney, eldeft Son of the Marquifs of Exeter, whom fhe Godwin, 
 fhortly after created Earl of Devonjhire. Thus, without Bui net. 
 any effufion of Blood, fhe was peaceably fettled in the s ^‘’‘ 
 Throne, notwithstanding the attempts to deprive her of it. 
 
 She owed this good Succels to the univerfal hatred of the 
 Duke of Northumberland, for it may be truly affirmed, 
 that as Jane Grey, without that Lord, would never have 
 borne the Title of Queen, fo without him fne would 
 doubtlefs have preferved it. Very probablv, the reftoring 
 of Religion to the ftatc it was in before the alterations in¬ 
 troduced by the two lalt Kings, and perhaps the being re¬ 
 venged of her Enemies, were the principal things intended 
 by Mary, when fhe afcenJed.the Throne. At leaft, we 
 fliail fee no other Projedt in the courfe of her Reiun. 
 
 As the new Queen had nothing in her thoughts but Council Anui 
 the eftablifhing oi her Religion, her firft care was to con- 
 fuit her trufty Friends how to effect it. She was herfelf uuuia ' 
 difpofcd to keep no meafures, but to force the Kingdom 
 to return immediately to what fhe called, the Union of the 
 Catholick-Church. To that end, file had now deter¬ 
 mined to fend for Cardinal Pool as Legate, to reconcile 
 England to the Pope. But Gardiner, who was confidered Ganfiner’i 
 as a Man of great Experience, was of another opinion. °l“ nrj "‘ 
 
 He knew the Reformation mull be pulled down the lame 
 way it was let up, that is, by degrees, and therefore it 
 
 ordered w dif- Northumberland to disband his Army, and behave himfelf was fufficient at firft, to bring back Religion to what it 
 C,uC c ‘i: ‘ **' as became an obedient Siihierh to ()ueen Marw At the was at Kino- Henrv\ death 'Thic adviro . 
 
 as became an obedient Subject to Queen Mary. At the 
 fame time the Earl of Arundel and the Lord Paget were 
 lent to inform Mary of thefe Translations. 
 
 ft he Duke of Northumberland heard what paffed at Lon¬ 
 don, before he received the Council’s Orders to difmils his 
 Troops, and plainly perceiving, it would not be poffible 
 to keep his Army together, prevented the Orders, and 
 obeyed beforehand. His firft thoughts were to fly out of 
 the Kingdom. But ’tis faid, he was hindered by the Band 
 of Gentlemen Penfioners, who plainly told him, they had 
 need of his Teftimony to juftify their Conduct. After 
 that, he thought only of gaining Mary’s Favour, by ex- 
 preffing a Zeal for her Service, as if it had been poffible 
 to deceive her by fome external Adtions. To that pur- 
 pofe, he went to the Market-place in Cambridge, and pro¬ 
 claimed the Queen, flinging up his own Hat for Joy [and 
 crying, God fave ueen Mary.] But all this lignified 
 nothing. The next day (2), the Earl of Arundel arrefted 
 him by the Queen’s Order. Then was that proud and 
 haughty Man feen to cringe, as much as he had been ex¬ 
 alted in his Profperity. He fell at the Earl of Arundel's 
 f eet to beg his favour, and {hewed many other figns of 
 fear, abjedtednefs, 2nd pufillanimity. This is the common 
 Character of Men whom Fortune raifes above their Birth 
 He is a{pre- and Merit. Three of his Sons, namely, the Earl of War- 
 ti? t&ins and W!c ^ his eldcft, Ambrofe and Henry , Sir Andrew Dudley his 
 Brother, John and Henry Gates, Sir Thomas Palmer, and 
 Dodtor Sands , were apprehended with him, and fent to 
 the Tower the 25th ol July. Upon this occafion, a Wo¬ 
 man feeing the Duke oi Northumberland pafs to the Tower, 
 {hook at him a Handkerchief dipt in the Duke of Somerfet’s 
 blood, upbraiding him with having caufed it to be unjuftly 
 {hed. 
 
 Tec-whole When the Duke of Northumberland was in the Tower, 
 d ‘~ Mary met with no more oppofition. All Jane's Adhe- 
 Mtiy. rents ftrove to atone for their fault by a ready Submif- 
 Bum'a. fion, and Supplication of the new Queen’s Mercy. She re¬ 
 ceived very gracioufly thofe who eame to pay their duty to 
 her, though flie was determined to facrifice to her Safety, 
 or Vengeance, fome of thofe whom fhe looked upon as 
 her principal Enemies. Of this number were Jane Grey, 
 the Duke of Suffolk, the Marquifs of Northampton^ Ridley 
 
 ir.ijs bis 
 Amy. 
 
 efcape. 
 
 Godwin 
 
 Burnet. 
 
 He proclaim 
 .lenten e 
 Cambridge. 
 Godwin. 
 Burnet. 
 
 Hullingfh. 
 
 Las 
 
 Godwin 
 But net. 
 
 Godwin. 
 
 Stow. 
 
 Hollingfh. 
 
 was at King Henry’s death. This advice was more pru¬ 
 dent, and withal more fuitable to the Intereft of the Per- 
 fon who gave it. He was fenfible, the Queen had a great 
 Efteem and Affedtion for Pool, and was alraid this Cardi¬ 
 nal being in England, would difpoflefs him of the chief 
 place in the Queen’s Favour, nay, quite ruin him with 
 her, becaufe he was not his Friend. Mean while, as this 
 advice was not relilhed by the Queen, it was in danger 
 of being rejected, if Gardiner had not ufed other meanrfto 
 compafs his ends. He fent a Mellenger to the Emperor, Uis Ir,bigun 
 to reprelent to him, that what the Queen prop /ed was ’ h 
 too hazardous, and in cafe Pool came to loon into England, 
 his Zeal for the See of Rome would undo all, becaufe the 
 Englijh were not yet prepared to fubmit to the Pope’s 
 Yoke (6) That on the contrary, by his method, every 
 thing would fucceed to the Queen’s Satisfaction, and to the 
 advantage of Religion, provided the Queen would be pleafed 
 to make him Chancellor, and thereby give him the Au¬ 
 thority necellary to conduct fo nice an affair. Probably, 
 it was now the Emperor projected the Marriage between 
 his Son Philip and Mary, either of himfelf, or by Gar¬ 
 diner's Suggdtion. However this be, the Emperor approv¬ 
 ing Gardiner’s meafures, writ feveral Letters to Alary, to 
 perfuade her to moderate her Zeal, left too much hafte 
 fhould fpoil her deligns. As lhe had a great deference for 
 his Counfels, file brought herfelf by degrees to comply 
 with the Bifhop’s Projects, to whom at length lhe gave 
 the Great Seal (7). 
 
 King Edward’s Funeral was folemnized at TVeJlminJlcr Kir- v.i- 
 the 1 8th ol Augujl. The new Minifters were for having 
 the old abolifhed Office made ufe of on this occafion, but t -ZZ^L 
 Cranmcr, fupporied by Acts ftill in force, ftoutly oppofed Burner, 
 it, and officiated himfelf according to the new Liturgy, Str yP e ‘ 
 giving the Communion to as many as were delirous to re¬ 
 ceive it (8). But the Queen had a folemn Service in her 
 own Chapel performed with' all the Ceremonies of the 
 Church of Rome. 
 
 On the 12th, the Queen in Council declared, {he would 
 ufe no force upon Confcience in affairs of Religion. Great f. c/ “J 
 care was taken to difperfe this Declaration, and to mag¬ 
 nify it as a great Inftance of the Queen’s Generality, man's Con - 
 But the Proteftants eafily faw the difference betwixt her 
 
 Joe will not 
 
 (l) At BaynartTs Caftle. Godwin, p. 331. 
 
 J u b **• Strype, Tom. Ill. p. 13. 
 
 (3) Cholmley and Montague were committed on July 27, and the Duke of Suffolk and Sir John Cheek the 23th. Burnet, Tom. II. p. 240. 
 
 (+) J u b 3 1, Queen made Sir Henry Jtrnegan Vice-Chamberlain, and Captain of the Guard; and Sir Edward HaJingj, Marter of the Horfe. 
 
 Strype, 
 
 (5) Two thoufand. See Strype, Tom. III. p. 14, 
 
 (6) He obferved to the Emperor, That the Englijh were a 
 had bought, and fhould be in danger of lofing again. The other w 
 reprefented to them as a moil intolerable Tyranny. 
 
 (7) Augujl 23. Godwin, p. 333. 
 
 (8) Day, the deprived Bifhop or CbicheJIer, preached the Funeral Sermon. Godwin, p. 334. And very probably performed the reft of the Service; for it 
 does net appear likely, that Cra/imer fhould be fuffered to officiate, he being now under difpleafuie, and about tills time coniiued to his Houle. See Burnet, 
 Lom, 111. Ltllctt. p.409 j and Hollingjhead, p. 1089, 
 
 0 the Papacy upon a double account. The one was, for the Church Lands, which they 
 s, the fear they had of the Papal Dominion, which had been for about twenty live years 
 , Tom. IE p. 242. 
 
 Declarations 
 
32 
 
 he HI STO RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. It 
 
 of bis life, 
 
 C'ftant Min. 
 Burr.et. 
 
 •Tie Queen 
 d fc&vers be 
 
 T,II. p.245, 
 Slrype. 
 
 *553* Declarations in Council, and her Promifes to the Suffolk- 
 Men. She had told thefe, that Religion fhould be left 
 in the fame Rate as it was in at Edward's death, but in 
 this Declaration thought it fufficient to give a general Af- 
 furance, that Proteftants fhould not be forced to embrace 
 the Romi/h Religion ; for this was the moil natural mean¬ 
 ing of her Exprdfions. This Reltridion to her firftPro- 
 mife greatly alarmed them. 
 
 7?.^ Roman The Adherents of the Romijh Church were fo confident 
 °* r the Queen’s Intention to reftore their Religion, that 
 ,be en. they made no difficulty of owning it publickly, and of 
 
 even inveighing againft the Proteftant Religion, though 
 it had ftill the Countenance and Protedlion of the Laws. 
 Bonner-; The day after the Queen had made this Declaration in her 
 vnUie" C° uncil ( 1 )> Bonner went to St. Paul’s Church to hear a 
 st*v ii . Sermon preached by his Chaplain Bourn, The Preacher 
 Godwin. fpoke fo honorably of Bonner, that he raifed the Indigna- 
 ” ui ' “ ,h - tion of his Audience. Then, exaggerating the pretended 
 Suy'rc.’ Perfecutions fuffered by this Prelate in the late Reign, he 
 Stow. fpoke of King Edward in fo injurious Terms (2), that the 
 hearers loll: all Patience. Some reproached, and others 
 threw Stones at him. One even threw a Dagger, which 
 he happily avoided, and which {luck fad in the wood of 
 his Pulpit. At laft the People grew fo furious, that pro¬ 
 bably the Preacher had been torn in pieces, had not 
 Bradford and Rogers , two eminent Proteftant Min.fters, 
 interpos’d, and conveyed him from the danger, into a 
 neighbouring Houfe. What rccompcnce this Service met 
 with will appear hereafter. 
 
 The Protcftants full flattered themfelves that the Queen 
 would keep her word, and even gave the reftridtion, fhe 
 had added by her declaration in Council to her full pro- 
 mife, a favorable Interpretation. But they were not long 
 left in this hope. Shortly after (3), the Queen publifhed 
 a Proclamation, which was but too capable to remove 
 their millake. The Terms were fo artfully managed, that 
 ' they implied much more than they feemed to exprefs. 
 The Queen faid, Ihe had the fame belief in winch {lie had 
 been educated from her Infancy, and intended to adhere to 
 it during her Life ; Ihe paffionately wifired all her Subjects 
 would follow her example; but would ufc no force, till 
 fublick Order JJjould be taken by common Affent. This plain¬ 
 ly difeovered her intention to change Religion by the Par¬ 
 liament, and that then fire flrould think herfelf difeharged 
 from her promife of not compelling Confcience. Then flic 
 forbid her Subjects to give one another the odious names 
 of Pap'jl and Heretick. The Proteftants confidered this 
 Prohibition as levelled entirely againft them, be aufe they 
 clearly underftcod, that a difobedience to it would be pu- 
 niftied in them, but not in their Adversaries. After that, 
 all forts of unlawful AJlemblies were forbid, and this Ar¬ 
 ticle had the fame conftruction with the foregoing. By 
 another Claufe of the Proclamation, it was forbid to preach 
 without her fpecial Licenfe. A Man mult have been wil¬ 
 fully blind, not to fee, this was intended to exclude the 
 Proteftants out of all the Pulpits. Finally, the Queen 
 faid, it was her intention, no Man Ihould be puniftied for 
 the laft Rebellion, without her Order. Hereby, {he i .ft all 
 in fears. The Proclamation ended with faying, the Queen 
 was rcfolvcd to punifh rigoroufiy all thofe who fhould fo¬ 
 ment pernicious defigns ; but file hoped to have no caufe 
 to execute the feverity of the Law. This Claufe naturally 
 infpired the Proteftants with terror, for it was eafy to fore¬ 
 fee, that Religion and the Laws were going to be chang¬ 
 ed, and that thofe who fubmitted not blindly to the new 
 Statutes, would be confidered as Rebels. 
 
 5 ..>. /■ The fame day this Proclamation was publifhed (4), 
 
 Nojthum- came on the Trial of the Duke ol Northumberland , the 
 Marqu of N tham\ - the Earl of Id at wit f. Sir ; .- 
 bn Tries’, drew Dudley , Sir John and Sir Henry Gates , and Sir Tho- 
 •“■"rb <L'i mas Palmer. Upon the Evidence of Palmer , and Sir John 
 w rV^t- Gates , King Edward had confented to the Execution of 
 
 . if i rf his Uncle the Duke of Somcrfet , and they were become the 
 N ; iMip- principal Confidents of the Duke of Northumberland. The 
 ;Queen made the Duke of Norfolk Lord High-Steward at 
 Uurnct. the Trial of thefe three Lords. He was ftill under con- 
 V ' v r-' demnation, fince the Ait of Attainder againft him had not 
 jAii’n v been reverfed. But the Queen had granted him a Par¬ 
 
 don, which indeed was not difpatched till eleven days affer. 1553, 
 It was thought, without doubt, that the Queen’s promife 
 was fufficient, otherwife it is r.ot eafy to conceive, by what 
 fort of right, a Man under Sentence of death could pre- 
 fide in a capital Trial, or even give his Vote(s). 
 
 The Duke of Northumberland being brought before his Burnet. 
 Peers, defired Information upon two Points, before he StMW ; 
 anfwered to the Articles exhibited againft him. The firft HoIlu,fifll " 
 was, Whether a Mail acting by Order of Council, and 
 the Authority of the Great Seal, could be guilty of Trea- 
 fon ? The fecond was, whether Perfons who had acted 
 with him in the fame affair, and were equally guilty* 
 could fit as his Judges ? This doubtlefs related to the 
 Marquifs of Winchejter , and the Earls of Arundel and 
 Pembroke , who were actually Members of the Council 
 when Jane was proclaimed, and had given orders for her 
 Proclamation. After a fhort Confultation, it was an¬ 
 fwered, that the Great Seal of an Ufurper could give no 
 Authority m.r Indemnity to thofe that afted by fuch a 
 Warrant. To the fecond Point, he was anfwered, that 
 none of the Peers who fat in Judgment upon him, having 
 been cither condemned for, or even accufed of the fame 
 Crime, could be deprived of their Right upon a bare fur- 
 mile or report. It belongs to the Lawyers to coniider 
 whether thefe anfwers are very folid. It feems, as to the 
 fi l s >' it .I thi. maxim wa aImit i in its utmoft ex¬ 
 tent '• would draw alter it very dangerous Confequences. 
 
 L; ..s, lor infiance, fippofe an Ufurper upon the Throne 
 of England, it is certain the Adherents to the lawful King 
 cannot avoid great danger, which way foever they turn. 
 
 If they obey the Ufurper, they will be guilty of Treafon 
 when the lawful King is on the Throne; if they refufe 
 Obedience, they will be puniihed by the Ufurper. It 
 feems that the maxim which allows, that every Subjedfc 
 ought to be faithful to the King on the Throne, and who 
 exercifes the Sovereign Power, is liable to fewer Inconve- 
 niencies. As to the fecond, let the Peers infill never fo 
 much on their Privileges, it is contrary to Reafon and 
 Equity, that Accomplices of a Crime ftiould fit in Judg¬ 
 ment on him who committed it with them, when it is 
 notorioufiy certain, they were equally guilty. At leall ’tis 
 unlikely, this maxim fhould be approved by the Judu,esof 
 the Realm, if there was the leaff room to believe the Ac¬ 
 complices would vote for the accufed, which might very 
 eafily happen. 
 
 The Duke feeing thefe two Points determined againft Condemna- 
 him, confeffed himfelf guilty, and fubmitted to the Queen’s " ’ r 
 
 mercy. The other two Lords followed his example, and n'ana.'^ 
 they were all three found guilty of High- 7 'reafon. Of Stow, 
 the feven condemned, three were deftined to execution, 
 the Duke of Northumberland, Sir John Gates, and Sir 
 Thomas Palmer. The Bifhop of JVorceJler{ 6 ) being fent 
 to the D' xe with the mefiage of death, he confeffed to 
 the Hi ! >p, and declared, he had always been a Roman 
 C .oliek in his heart. He made the fame Confeffion on 77 C n-Arsf 
 the Scaffold} but it was ftill doubted whether this was Nollh,,m - 
 done in hopes of a pardon (7 ), or he had really diilembled " , J nd 
 during the whole courfe of his Life. It is pretended, that d-Em 
 to engage him to this publick declaration, he had been , * 
 
 flattered with the hopes of his Paidon, even tho’ his head Burm *" 
 were laid on the Block. He died unlamented, his paft f, x. 
 conduit having given no perfon whatever, any caufe to Str yP ei 
 love him. His two Companions were executed the fame JtuW ‘ 
 day, being the a:d o \ Augujl. 
 
 The Proclamation lately publifhed by the Queen con- 77v 7>e a - 
 cerning Religion, plainly fhew’d in what Spirit fhe defigned fr m 
 to rule. But immediately after, there were more con- 
 vincing proofs. The Inhabitants of Suffolk relying on the . J. 
 Queen’s promife, and having tranfgreiled the Prohibitions Burnet, 
 contained in the Proclamation, the Court fent an order 
 to the Magiftrates of that County, to look ftrictly to the 
 execution of it, and rigoroufiy punifh the Difobedient. 
 
 Upun this the Inhabitants, not believing the Queen would 
 break her word, after the great fervice they had done her, 
 fent Deputies to pray her to remember what fhe had pro- 
 mifed them with her own mouth. This Petition was re- 
 jc£ted with gieat haughtinefs, and thought the more offen- 
 iive, as it juftly reproached the Queen with failure of her 
 
 a ft. Pub. 
 
 XV. p.337- ( 1 ) A?# 'V Ra P’"- 
 
 [zj Bn., 1 taking ■ ceaiion of the Gofpcl of that day, to fpeak fomewhat largely in iuftifying Banner, who was prefer^ Lid, “ That he, upca the fame 
 “ Text, in that plan-, that day four years, had preached before, and was upon the fame moll cruelly and unjuftiy call into the mod vile Dungeon of the 
 “ Marf.-alua, and there kept dining the t ine of King Edward." The matter of this Sermon t.nded fo much to the derogation and dilprailc of King 
 ’Edward, and hi. word-, founded fo evil in the ears of the Hearers, that they proceeded to the Extremities here related. Fcx, Tom. III. p. 17. /./. 16;;. 
 U. affirms, That the Preacher “ inveighed m favour ot Bilhop Bonr.fr." Eat. Hijl . p. 19a- And H.V.-.r.gJhead 1’>y, That “ this matter being let l.m.. 
 “ with great vcheinency, fo much offended the Ears of the Audience,” that they could nut help intuiting Baum, lor reflecting on the Admimihatioa sf 
 King Edward, whole memory was fo jufliy dear to them, p. 1089. 
 
 (3) Augujl 18. Rapir:. 
 
 (4) Auyujl 18. Rafn. 
 
 (3) Ic v -' fi'w Duke of No folk had never been truly attainted, and that the Aft againft him was not a ttue Aft of Parliament, fo without any 
 Pardon or reftitntion in blood, he was ftill Duke of Norfolk. Burn:. Turn. 11. p. 143. 
 
 (6) Nicolas Heath. 
 
 (-}, Sum lay, That has me a pr. mile, and being pur in hope of pardon, even though his hrad were upon the Block, if he would recant and hear M A. 
 he contented thereto, and denied ir. words that true Religion, which ho had More penciled. Fox, Tom. III. p. 16. He went to MaL in the Tower, .u.d 
 received the Sacrament after the if ; ih nr.nncr. He begged his l.fe with ail poflible meannefs, “ That he might do Penance all the days of his lift, -J 
 “■ l w"c in a M. life-hole." Gard'.-.-r interceded for him 1 But the Emperor, being afraid he fhould hinder the intended Mainagc between Philip and 
 Hilary, had him put out of the way, B r net, Tum> ill, p, 222, He was buried in the Tower Chapel. Stnv, p. 613. 
 
 7 
 
 word. 
 
Book XVI. 
 
 22. MARY. 
 
 33 
 
 * 553 - 
 
 Bradford 
 and Roger 
 commuted to 
 Prifon. 
 Burnet. 
 Fox. 
 
 The Bifhops 
 d'p Jed 
 
 £ 
 
 word. They were anfwered, that Subjects were not to mildnefs the chief of the Herelicks, they would aJl grow 1553. 
 
 controul the actions of their Sovereign, and Dobbe (1), one obftinate and infolent, but the punifhment of Cranmcr 
 
 of their number, was fet in the Pillory for fpeaking more would intimidate the Champions of Herefy. This latter 
 freely than the reft. advice was very agreeable to the Queen, who had con- 
 
 A few days after, Bradford, one of the two Minifters ceived a mortal averfion to the Archbilhop, by reafon of 
 
 who had refeued Bourn , was fent to Prifon, and Rogers, the Sentence of Divorce pronounced by him againft the 
 his Companion, confin’d to his Houfe. Aiterwards he was Queen her Mother ; this injury making a ftronger Im- 
 all'o thrown into Prifon. The great Changes meditated by preilion upon her, than the Service received from him af- 
 the Minifters, made them afraid of meeting with obftacles terwardc So, three days after, Cranmer being cited be- ~ nlt0 the 
 from thofe who had molt credit with the People, and fore the Council, was fent to the Tower , on an Accufation ZZ'/te 
 therefore they were glad on divers pretences to fecure them, of l reafon, and of publifhing feditious Libels. Old Lati- fi nd * Lati- 
 Thefe Proceedings made the Proteftants think they were mer, who had been Bifhop of Worcejler in the Reign of ” 7 /’T"* 
 going to be expofed to a terrible Storm. Henry VIII, had been fent thither the day before. ° 'befit*. ° J 
 
 d m At the ^ amc tirne ’ thc ^‘^°P S deprived in the Reign Shortly after, the Court came to a refolution of fending Bur n«. 
 
 Kn^ Ed- Edward, were reftored, by Commiflioners appointed by away all Foreigners that were come on the publick F'aith Jd" who'"" 
 
 •j Time, the Queen to examine the Caufes of their Deprivation, and Incouragement. Peter Martyr , and a Polijh Profeftor w’erT’strati. 
 
 uinef ^‘ ve Roman Catholick Bilhops, Bonner , Gardiner , Ton- named John a Lafco , were included in the number (5). £ <r, » P" 
 ia. Pub. D ay, a nd Heath , were fubftituted in the room of This was the only Aft of Mildnefs and Equity fhown in Teavttbe 
 
 v.p. 334. five Reformed (2). Gardiner was made Chancellor at the this Reign, with reference to Religion. But this fuffici- Kingdom. 
 
 * 337- fame time, and a few days after, a Commiffion was given ently dilcovered what was intended againft the Englijh Pro- Buroet - 
 him by the Queen, impowering him fingly to grant Li- teftants. The Court’s daily Proceedings before the repeal 
 
 cences to Preachers, in confequence of what Ihe had be- of any one Law, fo intimidated thofe who had Religion 
 
 Other B,- fore injoined by her Proclamation. Some Eccieliaftical at heart, thar great numbers palling for Frenchmen, with- 
 Proteftants not thinking proper to fubmit to this Order, drew out of England into foreign Countries (6). Thole 
 were fent to Prifon. Hooper Bifhop of Glocejler , [ Ferrar who made hafte to efcape the impending Storm, were 
 Bifhop of St. Davids,] and Covcrdale Bifhop of Exeter, wifeft and happieft. For foon after, others, who had ta- But the 
 were of this number. The firft were imprifoned, the laft ken the fame refolution, were arrefted, by an Order fent Englifll nof 
 commanded not to ftir out of his Houfe without leave. to all the Ports, to fuffer no Perfon to leave the Kingdom 
 , . After the Roman Catholicks plainly faw the Queen’s in- as a Frenchman, without a Pafs-port from the Ambalfador 
 
 Chunh of tentions, they had not patience to wait for the Reftoration of France. 
 
 of their Religion by publick Authority, but boldly celebrated It was time now for the Queen to reward thofe who n ' 
 
 „ tbe Divine Service in feveral Places, according to the old Rites had done her Service. The Earl of Aruudtl was made T’""?* *" 
 bdore the Reformation ; and though this was againft Law, Lord-Steward, Sir Edward Hajliags , a Peer of the Realm 
 u, “ • the Court connived at it, and filently approved it. and Tome others who had early declared for the Queen’ 
 
 At the fame time, the Partiality of the Queen and her had Employs and Dignities conferred on them h) But 
 Minifters appeared evidently in favour of the Reman Ca- the Earl of Suffix ( 8), who had been her General, obtain- 
 tholicks againft the Proteftants. Judge Hales , who had ed an Honour unulual in England , namely, to be covered 
 alone refufed to fign the Inftrument which transferred the in the Prelence of the Queen, as it is praffifed in Spain 
 Crown to Jane Grey , was thrown into the Marjhalfia, He had his Letters Patents under the Great Seal, the ad of 
 for charging the Juftices of Kent to conform to the Laws Oftober. 
 
 of Edward not yet repealed, or rather for being a Pro- As the Parliament had been fummoned to meet the 5th h crowned. 
 teftant (3); For the fame reafon Montague, who had been of Odlober, it was neceilary for the Queen to be crowned !? od ' 
 forced to affift in drawing the forementioned Inftrument, before. The Ceremonv of the Coronation n,rform^ c-l™ 
 
 fbopump, 
 Joned• 
 
 Fox. 
 
 Godwin. 
 
 Strype. 
 
 The Wor- 
 Jhip of the 
 
 Injuflicct 
 done to the 
 PtoteJlar.lt 
 
 Peter Mar 
 tyr leaves 
 Oxtuid. 
 Godwin. 
 
 i drawing the forementioned Inftrument. 
 was turned out of his Office, fined in a thoufand Pounds, 
 and fucceeded by Bromley, who had drawn and figned it 
 without fcruple. 
 
 In fine, fince the Ihort time the Queen had been on the 
 Throne, Proteftants were every where injured and op- 
 preffed, the Magiftrates not venturing or caring to protect 
 them. Peter Martyr, Profeftor of Divinity in Oxford, 
 finding himfelf expofed to the Infults of the Enemies of 
 his Religion, was obliged at laft to leave the place, and re¬ 
 tire to the Archbilhop of Canterbury. But Cranmer, whofe 
 ruin was refolved, was little able to protect him. Mean 
 time, Bonner launched out into Inve&ives and Railleries 
 againft Mr. Canterbury, as he was pleafed to call him, and 
 publifhed every where, that he was fo religned to the 
 
 before. The Ceremony of the Coronation was performed Stow, 
 the 1 ft of that Month, with the ufual Solemnity, by the Holiinglh. 
 Bifhop of Winchejler, who forgot not one formality prac- Strypc * 
 tifed before the Reformation. The fame day a general 
 Pardon was publifhed, but with fo many exceptions, that 
 few Perfons could receive any benefit from it. All thofe 
 who had been arrefted before September were excepted by 
 Name (9). 
 
 7 hen came out a Proclamation (1 o), by which the Queen Rtmtt a 
 difeharged the Subfidies granted by the laft Parliament to t9 
 the King her Brother, for the payment of his debts (11). S Kwg ej- 
 7 his was to gain the good Will of the enfuing Parlia- ward - 
 ment, and render it fubfervient to her defigns with refpe£t £v Pub ’ 
 to Religion. Before the Parliament met (12), the Archbi- Burnet. 33 
 
 - ^ fhop of York was fent to the Tower on a general Accufa- Str yp«- 
 
 Queen, that he had promifed her a folemn Abjuration of tion of feveral capital Crimes. Six days before, John Ve- 
 his Errors Cranmer refuted this Calumny in a writing, fey, fome time Bifhop of Exeter , but deprived in the laft/Jr.riT 
 He called the Queen herfelt to witnefs, that he had never Reign, was reftored by an order of the Queen. This was To "' r - 
 
 made her any fuch Promife, and offered to maintain pub- with intent to ftrengthen the Catholick caufe in the Up- 
 
 lickly, the truth of what he profeffed, if the Queen would per-Houfe. Exetwk/fc.- 
 
 The Court had refolved to abrogate all the Laws made ^ p b 
 in favour of the Reformation, and to reftore the antient xv*. p.340. 
 Religion. This was not to be done without the Concur¬ 
 rence of the Parliament. But if Ele&ions had been left 
 free, it would have been difficult, not to fay impoffible, 
 for the Queen to fucceed in her defign. The number of 
 the Reformed was without comparifon greater than that of 
 
 Cranmer ci- grant him leave. 7 'his writing being pubiilhed, Cranmer 
 ‘iuar'cham was ca ^ ec ^ before the Star-Chamber. He owned himlelf 
 ter. the Author, though it was pubiilhed without his confent, 
 
 Efcjpes and contrary to all Men’s expedition, was difmiffed with- 
 mlment Pu ' out ai E v P un 'fr m ent. But the Queen was not latisfied, 
 
 Burnet. though fhe was advifed to treat Cranmer with the fame 
 T.ii.p.i+o, moderation, he himfelf had ufed whilft he was in Autho- 
 
 God’win 49 r ^’ r ^ Ql‘ een Her felt owed her Life to him, which the Roman Catholicks, and confequently the Eledlions 
 
 was raved merely by his Sollicitation, when her Father would not probably be favorable to her. But befides the The Me,boa, 
 
 Henry VIII. had deiigned to put her to death (4). To ordinary ways made ufe of by Kings to have Parliaments t0 
 
 this advice was oppoled, That if the Queen treated with at their devotion, all forts of Artifices, Frauds, and even 
 
 Returns fts- 
 
 (1) Strype calls him Thomas Cobb, Mem. Tom. 3. p. 52. vorable to 
 
 (2) The Reformed ejeiled Billups were, Ridley of London, Story of Cbichefler-,. O.verdale of Exeter, Hooper of Worcejler. ,hc Court • 
 
 (3) b> milUke fays, he was fined a thoufand Pounds, which was part of Montague's punilhment.. Hales was firft put into the Marlhalfra : Rurnet ‘ 
 
 thence removed to ,he Counter and after that to the Fleet; where he was fo dilordered at the report of the Cruelties which .he Warden told him were con! 
 tnving againft thofe who would not change them Religion, that it turned his Brains, and he endeavoured to kiil himfelf with a Penknife. He was after¬ 
 wards let at liberty, but never recovered his Senles, lo that at laft he drowned himfelf. Burnet, Tom. 11. p. 248. 
 
 (4) Her Cr.mc was, her refolute adherence to her M ther's intereft. Idem p. 240, 241. 
 
 i 5 ] W3S if Noble . m3n > Minifter of the German Pruteftant Congregation in London. They had a Church granted them by King Ed - 
 
 ■svard which was the Chuich b longing to the late d.lTolved Monafie.y of the Augujhn Friers, near Broad-Jireet , London, now called the Dutch Church. 
 
 ‘ '■‘T T Un ’' IS- P 2 + 2 > &c - ) but ,r WJS nrw ta kcn from them, and their Corpo.ation diftolved. Burnet, p. s S o. 
 
 (6 ] tboufhrid Burr.u, p. 231. See the Names of the chief of them in collier's Eccl Hitt. Tom. II. p. 740. 
 
 (7) s,r John Gage was made Lord Chamberlain; Sir John mil,am,, who had pr claimed the Queen in Oxfordjbir, 
 
 P- *5*; Alio September 27, the Order of the Garter was reftored to Will,am Lo,d Paget. Strype, Tom. 111. p 34. 
 
 \eo}\ S C < i r Htybn E S - S' '??, r Th ' S W3S H,nry Ro,cl 'ff> ofa Family long fince extinft. Courcy Baron of Kmgjale in Ireland enjoys this Privi- 
 legeot fitting covered in the R.yal Prefence, by a G.ant made from King John to the tam.us Courcy Earl of Uljter, from whom he is defeendtd. The 
 pre ent Baron afiei ted th s antient Right of his Family in the Reigns of the late and prefent King. 
 
 Tom 11". lhe Q^ een made fittccn knights of the Bath ; and OHob. 2, ninety Knights of the Carpet, whofe Names Te« in Strype's Mem. 
 
 (to Uthher 4. R e pi„. 
 
 a}' 1 } J h ' iaft P'-ri'amentof King Edward had granted him two Tenths, and two Fifteenths : and a Subfidy of 4 f. to be raifed! of the Landr, and 21. 
 
 Tom iS U This Subfi0y of ♦** and 2U Zd - was «hat the Q^en remitted. See Rymer's Feed. Tom. 
 
 , Lord Williams of Tame, See, 
 
 and Strypi , 
 
 45 - 
 
 4- Burnet, Tcm. III. 
 
 V o L. I. 
 
 I 
 
 Violences, 
 
Vol. IJ. 
 
 S4- 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND, 
 
 Violences, were practiced in this. As care was taken be 
 forehand to change the Magiftrates in the Cities and Coun¬ 
 ties, and there was not one almoft but was a Roman Ca- 
 tholick, or had proinifed to be fo, every thing tending to the 
 Election of Catholick Reprefentatives was countenanced. 
 On the contrary, thofe who were fufpedted of an inclina¬ 
 tion to chafe Proteftants, were difcouraged by menaces, 
 anions, imprifonments, on tlie mod frivolous pretences. 
 In fcveral places, things were carried with fuch violence, 
 that Protellants were not allowed to affift in the Afl'cmblies 
 where the Elections were to be made. In fhort, in places 
 where it was not poffible to ufe thefe dire# means, by 
 reafon of the Superiority of the Reformed, the Sheriffs, 
 made falfe Returns: That is, they 
 
 In the Preamble it was faid, “ That the Marriage of 
 “ Henry with Queen Catherine was not contrary to the 
 “ Law of God, and that Man ought not to put afunder 
 “ what God hath joined : That King Henry's lcruples had 
 “ been fuggefted to him by malicious Perfons, and lup- 
 “ ported by the decifions of fome Univerfities, which had 
 “ been previoufly fecured by Corruption and Bribery : 
 “ That Cranrner Archbifhop of Canterbury had rafhly 
 “ pronounced Sentence of Divorce, upon the Authority of 
 “ thefe Decifions, and other groundiefs Conjectures, and 
 “ by a blameable Prefumption had thought himfclf more 
 “ knowing than all the other DoCtora. Upon thefe 
 Foundations, the Parliament repealed the Sentence, and 
 all the A£ts to confirm it. Gardiner , chief Promoter of 
 this A£l, muft have been pait all fhame, to make the 
 
 devoted to the Court, 
 
 fent to Court the names of fome Perfons as if lawfully e — -, • , 
 
 leCted, though they had but an iqconfiderable number of Parliament talk thus of Henry s Divorce, in which he was 
 Votes’ or oerhaps none at all. As the difputes ariling from principally concerned, even before Cranrner was known to 
 fuch Elections can only be decided by the Houfe of Com- the Court, which he had himlelf approved and aavifecf ~ ■' 
 t is eafy to imagine, that a Houfe compofed of fuch at which he had affifted as Judge ' u ' ‘ 
 
 Reprefentatives failed not to approve all Eledlions favorable 
 to the Court, and rejedt all others if the lead conteftable. 
 This is one of the greateft Abufes belonging to Parliaments, 
 and which is but too frequent whenever the Kingdom is 
 rent into Fadlions. By thefe methods, the Court fecured 
 a Houfe of Commons ready to comply with their Suggef- 
 tions, and whofe Members' had an Intereft in the change 
 of Religion, or were indifferent to all religious Eftablifh- 
 ments. 
 
 As to the Upper-Houfe, which cannot be thus model¬ 
 led to the liking of the Court, the Queen probably labour¬ 
 ed fo fuccefsfully to engage it in her inrerefts, that Ihe 
 found no oppofition from the Peers. It is very ftrange, 
 that the Lords, who but a few Months before were all 
 
 But fuch was the cha¬ 
 racter of the Man. 
 
 The Princefs Elizabeth being thus again declared illegi¬ 
 timate by an Adt which refiored Mary , found a great 
 change in the Behaviour of the Queen, who no longer 
 (bowed her any affedtion. It is even pretended, that ano -T><- 
 ther fecret caufe alienated Mary from her, and that was, / 
 
 her Love for the Earl of Devcnjhire , whom fhe had fome ei -ioi i. 
 thoughts of marrying ; but that this Lord, too indifcreetly Burnet, 
 perhaps, continued to pay his Refpedts ty Elizabeth. 
 
 The 31ft of Oftcber, the Lords fent down to the Com- 7/ y n,J J 
 mons a Bill for repealing Edward's Laws concerning Reli- 
 gion; and fix dajs after the Commons fent it back with 
 their Approbation. By this Adt it was ordained, that no 
 other Form of publick Worfhip fhould be allowed fro: 
 
 Proteftants and had in their whole Body but feven or the 20th of December, but what had been ufed in the kill 
 eight, who ufually oppofed the Laws made in Edward's year of Henry VIII. This fhows Gardner's influence on 
 Rc'i"n in favour of the Reformation, were become almoft the Parliament, fince this Adt preedely lollowed tlie I ian 
 all zealous Catholicks in Queen Mary’s. I pretend not to he had propofed. 
 
 decide in which Reign they diilembled their Sentiments ; 
 but it is too clear that in the one or the other they were 
 guilty of a bafe and fcandalous Prevarication. Mean while, 
 to make this Houfe ftill more complying, the Court took 
 care beforehand to make changes amongft the Bifhops in 
 favour of their defigns. Befides both the Archbilhops and 
 the Bifhops of Glocejler and Exeter, in a&ual Imprifon- 
 ment, fix others had been changed, as has been obferved. 
 Probably all the reft, excepting two, were for preferring 
 their Sees to their Religion. The two I except, were 
 Taylor Bifhop of Lincoln , and Harley of Hereford , who 
 were even thruft out of the Houfe the firft day, for refil¬ 
 ling to kneel at the Mafs. Such was Queen Mary's firft 
 
 Another Adi pafied, decreeing the fcvereft Punifhments An ai ? 
 again ft all who fhould moleft any Preacher for his Ser- 
 mons, or difturb him in any part of the divine Service. 
 
 The fame Punifhments were ordained for thofe who fhould 
 profane the Sacrament, or pull down Crofl'es, Crucifixes 
 or Images. 
 
 The Commons at the fame time fent up another Bill a- 
 
 gainft thofe who came not to Church or the Sacraments, 
 
 when the old Service fhould be fet up. But the Lords r.je-hdby ’ 
 thought not proper to go fo far at once. toe Lords - 
 
 Shortly after, the Parliament revived an Adi of the laft An Aa 
 Reign, forbidding any to the number of twelve or more, 
 to meet with defign to change the eftablifhed Religion, and t f'f. " s ‘ 
 
 Parliament, compofed of' a Houfe of Commons, filled declaring the Offender! guilty of Felony, that is worthy of.o,, .-,a 
 1 , 1 r rt. r . . c t 'Pi_.u 'tu:,. a A t irpfl v rnnfrarv rn that made fiv n n c . r - r - 
 
 7 be Part 
 
 OSobcr < 
 An AA' 
 
 H:gb- Ire 
 fin. 
 
 Death. This Adi was dire&ly contrary to that made by 1 
 this very Parliament, to repeal all new I reafons andbelo- 
 ies. But the pretence of Religion covered all. 
 
 In this Seffion the Adi of Attainder againft tlie Duke of 
 Norfolk in Henry’s Reign, was reverfed, on pretence that Atu:nd<l 
 !1 theneceflary formalities were not obferved (2). reutrjed. 
 
 Thefe were the moft remarkable Tranfadtions of this 
 firft Parliament, which, in few days, overturned all that 
 
 A pri. 
 
 pealed. 
 
 with the Creatures of the Court; and of a Houfe of Lords, 
 
 Who, through Fear, Avarice or Ambition, diilembled their 
 Sentiments, or, a few excepted, thought all religions alike. 
 
 It is eafy to forefee what is to be expedled from fuch a 
 Parliament. 
 
 In the firft Seffion, which lafted but eight days, care 
 was taken that nothing fhould be moved with regard to 
 
 Religion. The only publick Adi was a declaration of . , - _ - , D . c VJ 
 
 Treafons and Felonies, by which nothing was to be judged had been done with regard to Religion in the Reign of Ed 
 Treafon, but what was in the Statute of the sjth of Ed- ward VI (j). King Henry's Laws were not yet to be 
 ■ward III or Felony, but what was fo before the 1 11 of Hen- touched, becaufe they bad d.fficultrcs concernrng which the 
 rv VIII This Adt teemed unnecefiary, fince the like had Pope was firft to be confuted. 
 
 been pallid fince Henry' s death. But is fome Crimes, not The jd of Hrmnberl 4), the Pari,ament ft ,11 fitting, 
 contained in the Statute of Edward III, had been fince Jane Grey, Gui/fird Dudley her Husband, two other Cr.™ ;; . 
 declared Felony, the intent of this was to abolifh the late Sons ot the Duke of Northumberland (5), and Uanmer aUa:n , cdo f 
 Adis It is true, this might have been attended with a- Archbifhop of Canterbury, were brought to their Tryal. High -Tna- 
 nother Inconvenience, namely, the difeharge of feveral They all confeffed their ind.dtmcnts and received Sen- 
 Perfons then in prifon, had not an exprefs Exception been tence of death as Tray tors1 (6) Cranrner s Sentence rui- S[ow . 
 made of all who were committed before the laft of Septan- dered him incapable of poffeffing any Benefice, and con- Huffn R fh. 
 
 her, who were likewife excepted out of the Queen’s gene- fequently his Archbifhoprick was void m law But two r 
 
 ral Pardon. reafons obliged the Queen to difpenfe with the ordinary 
 
 By a private Adi, the Attainder of the Marchionefs Forms, and leave Cranrner, though condemn’d, in poffeffi- 
 of Exeter, executed in the Reign of Henry VIII, was re- on of his dignity. The firft was, that intending to reftore 
 
 ~ -.the Clergy to all their Privileges, fhe was refolv d this 
 
 Prelate fhould be canonically degraded ; but this could not 
 be done till the Laws of Henry VIII. were repealed. The 
 lecond was, that by a refinement of Self-love, fhe was 
 willing to pardon Cranrner his Treafon, to make the 
 World believe, fhe proceeded againft him from no mo¬ 
 tives of private Revenge. But at the fame time fhe dc- 
 
 verfed, and her Son the Earl of Devonjhire reftored to all 
 of the Mar- ^ Honours. Then the Parliament was prorogued from 
 Kxetar.^ t ^ ie - 1 ft t0 the 24th of Oftober. 
 
 The Divorce In the fecond Seffion, the defigns of the Court were 
 bciueen more 0 p en The Divorce of the Queen’s Mother was 
 Scuta- 1 ’ immediately repealed. This Aft pallid in fewer days 
 than Henry had fpent years in profecuting the Divorce (i). 
 
 (,) it w 
 ft-) By a 
 
 Peace 
 
 Act 
 
 n the- Houle of Commons, 
 nade during this Sefiion, i 
 
 alfo ord. ined, That 
 
 1 which laft day, i 
 a Sheriff, fhail at 
 
 
 . lleuf. Cent. 
 of J office of 
 
 (3) This Parliament granted the Queen Tunnage and Poundage for Life, upon the fame foot as it wa 
 Note (6). 
 
 (4) A'row fays, it was the 13th. p. 617- 
 
 (c Sir Ambrift, and H-nry Dudley. Htllivgjb . p. 1093- 
 
 (0) Cranrner appealed to the Judges, for them to declare, with what Relufhncy he Ggned the Inftrui 
 p. a; 7 . If the Queen did in earnclt forgive him the Treafon, it might be owing to this Appeal • Th 
 taking away his Lie afterwards, leaves it a very d’fputable Po; 
 powerfully on her Re'entments.-- The Attainder of Ciann. , 
 
 -he Pari ament ; and ihe l ill for it was read in the Houfe of Commsns the 27th, 
 
 Rytr.cr'i Void. Tom. J5. p. 361. 
 
 granted to King Edward VI. Sae above, p. 
 
 Burn 
 
 . II. 
 
 .. t .. . ft, for the 
 
 his Injury, added to the Divorce of her Mother, or his Relig on, wrought molt 
 the Duke of Nc-tbumberlar.J, Marqui's of Northampton, Sc c. was com rmed afterward, by 
 ' Sth, of November, and December 4. See Jour!Comm, and 
 
 oted 
 
Book XVI. 
 
 22. MAR Y. 
 
 voted 
 
 fiioold 
 
 him to death as a Heretick, as foon as any Laws probably made her about the beginning of November Ee- 
 be made upon that lubje<a : as if fhe only atfed out Tides a zeal for Religion. whirh mlrrht inJ,,™ 
 
 r 5,53» 
 
 England. 
 
 detain- 
 
 Cer- 
 
 Pole for 
 Burnet. 
 
 land , found at firft: great oppofition. The Cardinals fear’d 
 to expofe the Honour of the Holy See, in fending a Le¬ 
 gate without a folemn embafly from the Queen. But 
 the Pope telling them, he knew more of this Affair 
 
 The Empe¬ 
 ror p-o- 
 jeflt a Mar- 
 rbgr for bit 
 Son Philip 
 
 %“"• ‘ 
 Caufe of 
 Po,c'r being 
 
 dr mined. 
 
 *Tbc Emperc 
 pnpcjei it 
 
 . out a zeal for Religion, which might induce Gardiner to 
 
 of pure zeal for Rel.g,on Therefore at prefent the Arch- fecond the Emperor’s deiigns, he faw a confiderable ad- 
 
 blfhop s recenues were only fequellred, and himfell detain- vantage for himfelf; namely, the fecuring his own Credit 
 ed m 1 n(bn t, 1 a proper time lor his execution frnce Philip would be indebted to him for his Marriage’ 
 
 famce - Mary* acceffion to the Throne, (he had appear’d Mean while, Pd, was to be kept at a diftance till die Fa! 
 
 robe wholly employed in thefepubhek rranfafttons. But at Queen’s Marriage was concluded , and this the Emp-ror ’ d - 
 the amt time, (he was forming fecret deiigns which were did firft by his own authority, in detaining him in his ,T" y ’ 
 not known till ripe for execution The News of King Dominions (a) ; but afterwards got the Queen to fend an 
 kdwarie death was no fooner fpread m theWorld, than the txprefs ( 3 ), to acquaint him that the intends ol Religion 
 Court of Ram, conceived hopes of re-un,ting England to required a flop in his Journey, becaufe the Nation was not 
 the Holy bee, and even began to projefl it. Cardinal yet difpofed to own the Papal Authority 
 Dand.n, the Pope’s Legate at BrnJJils as of himfelf fern While the Legate was thus detained in Germany or the 
 Commenien, afterwards Cardinal, to found Mary’s Inch- Lma-Cmntrie r, he tried feveral times to obtain leave to Cml ' 
 nations. Qommendone being unknown in England, eafily continue his Journey : but it was ftill in vain He knewo™ 't‘ 
 concealed himfelf under a borrowed name, and repairing not to whom this ufage was owing, and perhaps was never fS^Jt 
 to London, obtained a private Audience of the Queen (t). fully informed. However, he held a conftant correfpon- G - din «- 
 
 * his was foon after her coming to that City, fince the dence by Letters with the Qi cen on the affairs of Reli- 
 
 rmvoy was prefect at the Duke of Northumberland’s ex- gion, but his Counfels were fecretly oppofed either bv the 
 ecution, which was on the zzd of Augujl At this Audi- Emperor or Gardiner. It was his opinion, that, laying B urnet 
 ence the Qjeen told \ Commendone fhe defigned the reffo- afide all ceremony, the Kingdom fhould immediately be T.iip.’zfio, 
 ration of the papal Authority in England, and prayed him reconciled to the Holy See. Gardiner, on the contrary a6x * 
 to intercede with the Pope, to fend Cardinal Pole as Legate, believed, the Marriage ought to be concluded before‘the 
 But fhe intimated to him, that the difeovery of this Se- Reconciliation was mentioned, that the confidera ion of fo 
 
 crct would blaft the def.gn. The Pope communicating powerful an alliance might awe thofe who were inclined 
 
 to the Confiftoryjns Intentions of fending Pole into Eng- to ftir. He thought Pole, and would have had others think 
 
 him, a weak Man, a fhallow Politician, and of no ufe 
 in the Cabinet. Pole , on the other hand, believed Gardi¬ 
 ner a very improper Perfon to direa the affairs of Reli- 
 , , , , - r g' on > becaufe, in his opinion, he relied too much on his 
 
 than he thought fit to communicate, they complied with Intrigues and the arm of flefli. Their little efteem of each 
 
 his Propofal. other ended at j aft jn an n enmit 
 
 At the fame time, the Emperor was projeSmg a mar- The defign of the Queen’s Marriage was not conduaed n , , 
 n.ge for his Son Philip with Queen Alary. Gardner was with Efficient fecrecy, to keep it from the Commons ..... p„r„, 
 in the Secret, whether it aro.e at firft from him or was They were fo alarmed, that they fent their Speaker with 
 only communicated to him by the Emperor. However twenty of their Members, to pray the Queen net to r “ bt 
 
 that be, this Prelate neglefled no endeavors to accent- marry a Foreigner. This convinced the QuSn, (he could Wj£. 
 
 pl,(h |t. Tire News oi Pd, , Nomination to the Le- exped no m ire Supplies from the Common?, if (he refufed B “'“- 
 gateIhlp was equally d.fagreeable to the Emperor and Gar- to fatisfy them in that point. But a, (lie had no fitch in- 
 
 Commendone had doubtlefs divulg d at Rome Queen tention, (he chofe to diflilve the Parliament f 4 ) Gar- >*' rS- 
 Marys Queftion to him, whether Pol, might not have a diner improved this conjunflure, to the obtaining Conditi-"" 
 difpenfation to marry? This occafioncd a belief, that it ons from tire Emperor, wl, id, he could not otherwife have B “™'’ 
 was her intentionI to make him her Husband. The Emperor expeded. He reprefrnied to him, that tile Enrlilh were fo 
 being mformed of this and apprehenfive that Pde’s prefence averfe to this Marriage, that the word was to be feared, 
 might obltruft the delign he was meditating, refolved to ufe unlefs he complied with two things abfolutely neceil’arv 
 h,s endeavors to prevent this Legation or at leaft to retard The firft was, his confern, that the Treaty of M.rria« 
 it as long as poffible. On the other hand Gardner could (hould contain Terms fo advantages to England , as to fi¬ 
 ner without the utmoft concern think of Pde’s Arrival, lence the moll zealous oppofers. 'The fecond was his re- 
 who might intercept his views upon the See of Canterbury, mining confiderable Sums to gain thofe who would be 
 and perhaps the Smiles of the Queen herfelf And indeed wanted to curb the People, or who could moll eafily induce 
 there was danger, that if this Cardinal who nether loved them to rebel. The Emperor not doubting of Gardiner’s rt,E„ K r, r 
 nor efteem d him, (hou d infinuate himfelf into the Queen’s zeal for his intereft, approved the advice, and left iten-'-f?" 
 favour as it was very likely, he would ufe Ins credit to tirely to him to preferibe the Conditions of the Marriage ■ u 
 
 rum him. He was therefore to find fome expedient to and moreover, put into his hand, twelve hundred thou&nd 
 keep him at a diftance, and none was more natural, than Crowns, to be difpofed of as he faw fit (c) Thefe nar- 
 an infinuation to the Queen, that this Cardinal’s zeal for ticulars were printed in a little Book, in form of a Pet, 
 
 W Th«,rp T' ti0n ‘ 0ll ’ e Qi ,een > by thc Exiles at Sira,burgh. T™ '-6a. 
 
 irW That the People were firft to be managed and per- The Author added farther, that Gardiner denied common 
 
 extmme v 7 n 1, r] *° Wt ' Ch in the Court of Ci °”"V to thofe Perfons, who 
 
 l h \p r Vft Th WaS ," 0t E r’ emy e ' WOuld nM e "S a S c t0 fc “" d the Queen’s intentions, 
 
 nough to the Proteftants; and Rehg.on, in the prefent con- While the Parliament was aflimbied, the Convocation »>.«■_ 
 . t J’tlTf 1°. conduaed by other maxims than held its Seffions according to cuftom. It is not known •/'*> 
 
 thofe of that Cardinal The Emperor, on the other fide, whether any Bifhops, confecratcd in the time oTKIim Eel- 
 
 believing it his intereft to keep Pde where he was, writ ward, appeared in the Upper-Houfe. If any dil the 
 
 Pdf Z U 1 " 8 ' ‘°k Ihe ii ucen | ’ a ? d ceprefented to her, that number could be but fmall, and of fuel, too, as ^he Lords B “™’ 
 
 Pole would ruin her affairs, let her Intentions be ever fo vouchfafed to receive into their Houfe • that is 
 
 T gOOClr In n lip rw» nmnniiwl 1 -,.. — ...!.L LI C. i ■ i i 
 
 Men who 
 
 T ■ wevea w ...V.I.IVC imu mcir nuuie ; tnat is, i 
 
 ~ J r ln n P r0 P^ ed her Marriage with his Son, were not likely to oppofc any meafures Care was taken 
 
 and fupported his Propofa with all thc Reafons mod apt to to fill the Lower-Houfe with Perfons entirely devoted to 
 
 periwade her. Above all, he fet forth the neceffity of a the Court; fo that only fix Members (6) had the inclinationtW.? 
 foreign power in reftor mg Religion in England, or at lead or courage to oppofe the decifion made in favour of Tran- 
 flrouid ofZZZTr '' ( ° T l PI " te u r ° r " ,t0 . ' h “ fe " h0 fubftantiation (7). Thefe fix Members demanded a regu- 
 oero, snn r f n ““ W " h theEm ' lar Dir P u,at '™ ™ this Subjea, which was granted. But 
 
 perm ana Spam was doubtlefs moil advantages, as France three of them declined the Difpute (8), well forefeeing what 
 being able to form projeds ,n favour ol the young Queen would be the refult. The other three ftood their ground 
 of Sal,, who was to marry the Dauphin, was in intereft fo a Difpuration was had (9). But the Roman Catholicks 
 
 concerned to raife and foment difturbances in England. <•-."ui me ucomun c.atnonclvs, 
 
 ■who accepts Mary was much pleafed with this Propofal, which was 
 
 (l) He came to Newport, where he gave out, he was the-Nephcv 
 over unfufpedlcd to Lor.dm. Burnet, p 158. 
 
 (1) At Ddting, a Town on thc Danube. Burnet, p, 259. Tbuanut 1. in 
 13) By0.a™;/, .".iw.rdiBilh.pot ibid. ’ ' ( 4 ) On 6. J,. 
 
 (5) This sum was equal to 400,000 /. Enghjh, the Crown being then a Noble. The Emperor made his So 
 he had once attamtd the Crown of England. O: this the Emperor madn fo tittle a ccret, -hat when a year a 
 a part ot this Money, delired to be lepa.d ; he anfwered them, that he had lent his Son 1200 000 Crowns to 
 jtt received of him vol, joq.ooo Crown., b.t he h.d food S cirri,, the ,e«, a „d the Merch.nt, were booed 
 ttlc m re time of them. Burnet , Tom. 11 n. 162. 
 e Pbi/pot Archdeacon of IVintbeftt 
 
 he demanded 
 
 (6) Thefe 
 
 coil of Stow, and Young Ch 
 
 (7) In 1 he Col/cf/ion of the Publick ABt, there a 
 vers the Changes which were tn.-.de amongft the infe 
 England, as in the former times of Popery. St <w 
 
 (8) Haddon, Aiimtr, and Young. Burnt ’, ib d. 
 
 (gj On O&eber, 18, 20, 13, 25, 27, 30. See Fo. 
 
 for want of better Arguments, received thofe of their Ad-ft... __ 
 
 verfaries with Hootings, Reproaches, Menaces, and oonti- p _P'l h f ni 
 
 ’ Proteflant 
 
 Clergy. 
 
 Merchant lately dead in London j and hiring two Servants unknown to him, came FoX > T ' I,r * 
 
 n to.0V. 
 Burnet. 
 
 n. Pari. Hoili.iglh. 
 
 bind himfelf to repay him that Turn, when 
 ter, lome Towns in Germany, that had lent 
 larry him to the Queen of England, and bad 
 0 pay him 100,000/. Sterl ng, and therefore 
 
 Pbihpt Dean of Rocbejle 
 net T m. II p. 263. 
 about one hundred and fitty I 1 
 r Clergy. Rap in. . ; On the 
 
 Haddon Dean of Exeter, Cherny Archijeacon of Hereford, Ailner Archdea. 
 
 efentatior* to Living: a little before the Parliament met. This difeo- 
 : 1 ft of December, the Mafs began to be fung again in Lot in, throughout 
 
 nual 
 
3 6 
 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 1 5 53 - 
 
 nual Interruptions, 
 
 and then publifhed that they were van- 
 
 Tb, latter : 
 
 Wquifhed. This at 
 
 leaft is the account given by the Pro- 
 
 Created. 
 
 teftants (i). 
 
 i ccj.. In the beginning of the year 1554, a magnificent Am- 
 'Jl: 1: baffy arrived at London from the Emperor, with the Count 
 
 ( 'b '(Tad"rita Egmo/it (2), at the head of it, to fettle tlie Articles of 
 
 /a.'r tbe the Marriage. The Queen intrufled Gardiner with the 
 M.vg*. management of this Negotiation (3), or rather with the 
 xv > ’ care °* tl raw ‘ n g the Treaty, fince, probably, every thing 
 Godwin. material was agreed before the arrival of the Ambafladors. 
 ii.im t. That able Politician had a double defign. The firft was, 
 Sttype- to j iave f uc |, Conditions inferted in the Treaty, as the Par¬ 
 liament might approve. The fecond was, to exclude the 
 Spaniards from having any fhare in the Government. 
 The Emperor complied with every thing, in the belief, 
 no doubt, that his Son would find ways to elude the obfer- 
 vation of the Articles, which fhould reftrain him too much. 
 To be convinced that this was his thought (4), let it only 
 be confidered, that fo able a Politician as Charles , would 
 never have parted with twelve hundred thoufand Crowns, 
 to procure for his Son the empty Title of King of Eng¬ 
 land. For indeed the Treaty, as will appear, promifed 
 him no more. In all probability, Gardiner had the fame 
 thoughts with the Emperor. But the bufinefs was to 
 dazzle the Parliament with Conditions advantagious to the 
 Nation, for whofe Intercfts though he afteCted a great zeal, 
 he was probably but little concerned for what might hap¬ 
 pen after his death. Mean while, he acquired a high Re¬ 
 putation, the Publick aferibing to his Capacity and Pru¬ 
 dence the Terms of this Marriage, which feemed to fe- 
 cure England from all Philip’s attempts. The principal 
 Articles of this Treaty, which was figned the 12th of 
 January *554, a few days after the arrival of the Ambaf- 
 fadors, were as follows: 
 
 \icltfre That Philip, in virtue of this Marriage, fhould, jointly 
 lating tan. with Queen Mary, enjoy the Title of King of England, 
 Aa. Pub. while the Marriage fubfifted; faving always the Rights, 
 xv. p. 377, L awSj Privileges, and Cuftoms of the Kingdom of Eng- 
 393 +°3- j an j' j t was bkewife ftipulatcd, that the Queen fhould 
 have the foie difpofal of the Revenues of the Kingdom, 
 the nomination to all Employments, Offices, and Bene¬ 
 fices, which fhould be conferred on the natural SubjeCts of 
 her Majcfty, and no others. 
 
 That the Queen likewife fhould bear the Titles belong¬ 
 ing to her Husband. 
 
 That her Dowry fhould be fixty thoufand Pounds of 
 Flemijh Money, forty Gros each (5), of which forty thou¬ 
 fand fhould be affigned to her upon Spain, and twenty 
 thoufand upon Brabant, Flanders, Hainault, and Holland. 
 That file ihould enjoy this Dowry in the fame manner it 
 was enjoyed by Margaret , Sifter of Edward IV, and Wife 
 of Charles Duke of Burgundy. 
 
 That the Children born of this Marriage, fhould in¬ 
 herit their Mother’s Eftate, according to the cuftom of 
 the refpe&ive Countries. 
 
 With relation to the Father’s Eftate, it was agreed. 
 That the Archduke Charles, Son of Philip, fhould fucceed 
 to the Kingdoms of Spain, Naples, Sicily, the Duchy of 
 Milan, and all other Properties and Domains fituate in 
 Lombardy or Italy ; but in default of Charles and his Iflue, 
 the eldeit Son of Philip and Mary fhould fuccced to the 
 fame Sovereignties. 
 
 That the firft born of Philip and Mary fhould inherit 
 Burgundy and the Low-Countries, from which the Arch¬ 
 duke Charles fhould be excluded, as the Children of Philip 
 and Mary were excluded from Spain and Italy. 
 
 That the younger Sons and Daughters of Mary and 
 Philip fhould have their Appennages and Portions affigned 
 them in England, without prejudice however to what they 
 might exped from Philip their Father, or Charles, their 
 Grandfather, in the Low-Countries, or Burgundy. 
 
 That in cafe ohly Daughters proceeded from this Mar¬ 
 riage, the eldeft fhould fucceed to Burgundy and the Low- 
 Countries, provided that with the confcnt of the Infante 
 Don Charles, her Brother, fhe married a Husband out of 
 thefe Countries, or the Dominions of the Queen her Mo¬ 
 ther. That on her refufal or negled to perform this Co¬ 
 venant, Prince Charles fhould preferve his Right to the 
 laid Countries, with Obligation however to affign a Por¬ 
 tion to his Sifter, both out of Spain and the Low-Coun¬ 
 tries. 
 
 That if Prince Charles died without Ifiue, the eldeft Son 
 or Daughter of Philip and Alary, fhould fucceed as well to 
 Spain and Italy , as the other Dominions. 
 
 of ENGLAND. Vol. IT. 
 
 Laftly, it was cxprefsly agreed, that in all the fore- 1354. 
 mentioned Cafes, thofe Children who fhould fucceed to 
 cither the paternal or maternal Eftates, fhould leave them 
 poffeffed of all Laws, Rights, Privileges, and Cuftoms be¬ 
 longing to the refpedlive Countries, and fhould adminifter 
 the Government by the Natives of the faid Countries. 
 
 A Clause annexed to the 'Treaty. 
 
 By this Claufe it was exprefsly covenanted, that before 
 the Confummation of the Marriage, Philips hould folemnly 
 fwear to the obfervation of the following Articles : 
 
 That he would retain no Domeftick, who was not either 
 an Englijhman, or Subje£t of the Queen, nor bring any 
 Foreigner into England, to give uneafinefs to the Englijh. 
 
 That if any of his Retinue tranfgreffed this Article, he 
 fhould be punifhed in fuch manner as fhould be thought 
 convenient. 
 
 That Philip would make no alteration in the Laws, 
 
 Rights, Statutes, and Cuftoms of England. 
 
 That he would never take the Queen out of her own 
 Dominions, unlefs at her own particular requeft ; nor carry 
 out of England any of the Children born of this Mar¬ 
 riage, without the confent of the Nobility. 
 
 That if the Queen fhould die firft, without Children, 
 he would pretend to no Right upon England, or its de¬ 
 pendencies, but leave the Succeffion to the rightful Heir. 
 
 That he would cai ry out of the Kingdom no Jewels, 
 or other valuable things : Nor alienate any thing belonging 
 to the Crown, or fuffer any Perfon what foe ver to feize 
 them. 
 
 That England fhould never by virtue of this Marriage, 
 be concerned dire&Iy or indirectly in any War depending 
 between France and Spain ; but that the Alliance be¬ 
 tween England and France fhould fubfift and remain in full 
 force. 
 
 That he would not give any occafion of Rupture be¬ 
 tween France and England. 
 
 It would be very difficult to difeover what advantages A RefeHiom- 
 England could receive from this Marriage, if the Imerefts u P anthn 
 of the Sovereign and his Minifters were not commonly rta! 2 % 
 confounded with thofe of the Kingdom, though fre¬ 
 quently very oppofite. The Court had in view the Refto- 
 ration of the Roman Catholick Religion in England, and 
 therefore believed they wanted the affiftance of Spain. On 
 the other hand, this Marriage was advantagious to tlie 
 Chancellor, who ftrengthned his Credit with Philip’s pro¬ 
 tection. But at the fame time England ran a great risk of 
 falling under the dominion o (Philip, who, probably, meant 
 not to be bound with Chains of Parchment. 
 
 The day after the Treaty was figned (6), the Queen The M* r . 
 granted a Pardon to the Marquifs of Northampton, who 
 had been condemned with the Duke of Northumberland. ton/jrSS- 
 
 We have before feen that about the end of the Reign of "*■ 
 Edward VI, the Court had taken mcafures to prevent the Pub 6 
 Company of the German Merchants, called the Still-yard, ibe lAun‘ 
 from engroffing the whole Woollen Trade, in prejudice to tie 
 the Englijh, as till then had been practiced. For this pur- ^German 
 pofe the Parliament had laid a heavy Duty upon the Goods, Mercb!™? 
 whether exported or imported by that Company ; and Ib - P* 3 6 4- 
 this ACt was renewed in Alary’s firft Parliament. But 
 the beginning of this year, the Queen to gratify the Hanfe 
 Towns, fufpended the execution of thefe ACts for three 
 years, and difeharged the Company of German Merchants 
 from the payment of the extraordinary Taxes impofed up¬ 
 on them, all Alts to the contrary notwithjlanding. This 
 was the firft efteCt of the Queen’s Alliance with the Em¬ 
 peror. 
 
 After the Treaty of the Queen’s marriage with Philip Complaint 
 was made publick, complaints and murmurs were every a S ain fi rbt 
 where heard. The Proteftants in particular believed 
 themfelves loft, and feared to fee ereCted in England a Godwin.* 
 Spanijh Inquifition. But they were not the only murmur- Durr,(:t * 
 ers. Independently of Religion, the greateft part of the 
 Nation was not free from fears of King Philip's introdu¬ 
 cing the Spanijh Tyranny into England, of which the In¬ 
 dies, the Low-Countries, the Kingdoms of Naples and Si¬ 
 cily, and the Duchy of Milan, afforded recent inftanccs. 
 
 In a word, few Pcrfons could believe that the Emperor 
 had agreed to the Articles ftipulated in the Treaty, with 
 any defign to obferve them. At laft, thefe murmurs °rew 
 into a confpiracy againft the Queen, of which the mar- 
 
 (1) This year Sir Tbomai White, Merchant-Taylor, and Mayor of London, found td St- John's College in Oxford, upon the fee of Bernard College which 
 he purchafed from the Ciown. He alfo eretlcd .choolt at Brjid and Reading, helling/h. p. 1091. 
 
 (-) Thi was the brave Count F.gmont, of whom the Reader will find an account below, towards the clofe of the yeir 1567. 
 
 (3 The Cummiflioners appointed by Queen Mary, to treat with the Emperor's Ambaliadors were, Stephen Gardiner Bilh ip of Wtncbrjltr, Henry Earl of 
 Aim-del, '-S'!iliam Lord Paget, Sir Riticit Rocbe/hc, Controller of the Houlhold, and Sir William ietre Secretary of Suie. Rymer't Feed. Tom- 15. p. 3--. 
 (4) Sec this explained in Stryj'e't Notes on Godwin, p. 339- Comp. Htfi. Vol. II. 
 iij C11 Flemije Money. (6j January 13. Rapin, 
 
Book XVI. 
 
 22. MARY. 
 
 37 
 
 •!! 4 - 
 
 U'y.o'i Co 
 
 Hoflingh. 
 
 Godwin- 
 
 Burnet- 
 
 Burnet- 
 
 Stow. 
 
 Godwin- 
 
 Burnet. 
 
 Stow. 
 
 Hollinglh. 
 
 atow. 
 
 Hollinglh. 
 
 Burnet. 
 
 Hollinglh. 
 
 Godwin. 
 
 Stow. 
 
 Hollinglh. 
 
 Godwin. 
 
 Burnet. 
 
 Stow. 
 
 Hollinglh. 
 
 Stow. 
 
 Godwin. 
 
 Stow. 
 
 Godwin. 
 
 Stow. 
 
 rir.ge was cither the canfe or pretence. The Duke of Suf- 
 '■ folk. Sir Thomas JVyat (i), Sir Peter Car civ, formed the 
 defign of a general Infurre&ion. Carnv was to adt in 
 Cornwall^ JVyat in Kent, and the Duke of Suffolk in JVar- 
 wickjhirc, which is in the Center of the Kingdom. 
 
 Carcvj manag’d fo ill, that his Plot was difeovered (z), 
 and one of his Complices arrefted, before he had concerted 
 his affairs. This fent him into France, and JVyat, upon 
 his flight, haftened the execution of his enterprize, tho’ it 
 was the defign of the Confpirators to wait the arrival of 
 Philip for a more plaufible colour to their Infurrcdtion. 
 JVyat therefore refolving to pufh his point, though he was 
 yet unprepared, went to Maid/lone with a few followers, 
 and gave out, he took arms to prevent England from being 
 invaded. Afterwards he marched to Rochefcr , from 
 whence he writ to the Sheriff to defire his affiftance. But 
 the Sheriff inttead of efpouflng his caufe, requit’d him 
 to lay down his Arms, and aflembled Forces to oppofe 
 him. 
 
 This Rebellion alarmed the Court (3), where nothing 
 was ready to difperfe it, the Queen having difmifled her 
 Forces, when fhe thought herfelf out of danger. Where¬ 
 fore {he fent a Herald to Wyat with a full pardon, if he 
 wou’d lay down his Arms in twenty four Hours. But he 
 refufed the ofter of pardon. Mean time, the Court was 
 fo unprepared, that the Duke of Norfolk was fent with on¬ 
 ly fix hundred of the City Trained-Bands (4), command¬ 
 ed by an Officer named Bret, Whiltt this was doing, the 
 Sheriff of Kent (5), as he was going to join the Duke of 
 Norfolk , met and defeated Knevct, who with fome Troops 
 was marching to join JVyat , and killed fixty of his Men. 
 This ill Succefs fo alarmed JVyat, that he had now re- 
 folved to confult his own Safety (6), when an unexpected 
 Accident infpired him with frefti courage. Sir George Har - 
 per, one of JVyat' s Adherents pretending to defert him, 
 went to the Duke of Norfolk , and fo artfully managed the 
 Trained-Bands, that they took part with the Rebels, and 
 quitting the Duke, joined JVyat (7). 
 
 With this Reinforcement, and his other Troops, making 
 together a Body of four thoufand Men, JVyat march’d to¬ 
 wards London (8). He met near Deptford two Meflengers 
 from the Queen, who in her Name ask’d what wou’d con¬ 
 tent him. He demanded the Tower and the Queen’s Per- 
 fon to be put into his hands, and the Council to be chang’d, 
 as he fliould think proper. This demand being rejected, 
 the Queen repaired (9) to Guild-Hall, and acquainted the 
 Magiltrates with JVyat' s anfwer. She then fpoke of her 
 marriage, and told them {he had done nothing in it, but by 
 the advice of her Council. And, to give them a proof 
 of the confidence {he repofed in them, the refolved to ttay 
 in the City, tho’ many advifed her to withdraw to the 
 Tower (1 o), 
 
 JVyat in the mean time continued his march, and reach¬ 
 ed the Borough of Southwark the 3d of February , expect¬ 
 ing to enter the City without any difficulty. But the 
 Bridge being ftrongly barricaded and guarded, he was obliged 
 to march along the Thames to Kingfon ( 11), ten miles from 
 London. Here he found the Bridge broken, and fpent 
 fome hours in repairing it. He then palled to the other 
 fide with his Army, increas’d now to near fix thoufand 
 Men. After that, he continued his march to London , 
 and, after fome time loft in repairing one of his broken 
 Carriages, reached Hyde-Park about nine in the Morning, 
 the 7th of February. The time unfeafonably fpent in 
 repairing the Carriage, rendered his undertaking abortive, 
 h or in that interval Harper, who had been fo ferviceable 
 in bringing over the Trained-Bands, deferted, and porting 
 to Court, difeovered his intentions to march through 
 JVtfiminjltr, and enter the City by Ludgate. This ad¬ 
 vice came feafonably to the Earl of Pembroke and Lord 
 Clinton, who, at the head of fome Troops, had refolved 
 to engage him as he entered the City. But obferving, he 
 was entangling himfelf in the Streets where he could not 
 extend his Troops, they thought it better to let him 
 pafs, after Orders given to {hut the Gate through which 
 he defigned to enter. 
 
 JVyat ftill prepoflefted that the Citizens would favour 
 his undertaking, left his Cannon under a Guard at Hyde- 
 
 Park, and entering Wejlttiinjler (r 2), purfued his march 1554. 
 through the Strand, in his way to Ludgate. As he ad¬ 
 vanced, care was taken to cut off his Retreat by Barri¬ 
 cades and Men placed at all the Avenues. He believed 
 himfelf now at the height of his willies, when he found 
 the Gate into the City ftiut again ft him. He then firft 
 difeovered his danger, and perceiving it was impoffible to 
 retire, loft all courage. As lie was endeavouring to return, Wyat fur. 
 a Herald (13) came to him* and exhorting him not to 
 facrifice the lives of fo many followers, he furrendered Pnfon. 
 quietly (14), and was font to Prifon. This unfortunate s,ow ; 
 
 Man, who doubtlefs had but a {lender Capacity, foolifhly Hol * ine 
 imagined, without having good affurances, that the City 
 of London would declare in his favour, and this proved his 
 ruin. If his meafures had been better taken, the Queen 
 and her Minifters would have been greatly embarafled, at 
 a time when the Government, weak as it was, had already 
 created many enemies. But the ill fuccefs of this enter- 
 prize fo {Lengthened the Queen’s authority, that hence¬ 
 forward {he found no more refiftance. After the taking Stow, 
 of JVyat, his Men being difperfed, were taken at plcafure, 
 and filled the Prifons. 
 
 While JVyat was a£ting in Kent and London, the Duke 
 of Suffolk, had made but fmall progrefs in the County o f traced and 
 JVarwick. He would not have been fo much as fufpe&ed, mien. 
 had not an Exprefs been feized, fent to him by JVyat, to 
 inform him of the reafons whidh had obliged him to haften ; t , w . 
 his undertaking, and to pray him to be as expeditious as Hollinglh- 
 poffible. Upon this advice, the Earl of Huntington had 
 Orders to arreft him. The Duke was informed, and, be¬ 
 ing not yet fecurc of fifty Horfe, chofe to conceal himfelf 
 in the Houfe of one of his Domefticks (15), who bafely 
 betrayed and delivered him to the Earl of Huntington, by 
 whom he was conveyed to the Tower, the 1 ith of February. 
 
 Such was the fuccefs of this Confpiracy. Had it been 
 managed by abler heads, it might have been attended with 
 great confequences. But few Men of reputation cared to 
 put themfelves under the Conduct of fuch Leaders. If it 
 had caufed only the death of the principal Atftors, they 
 might have been faid to meet the juft Reward of their folly. 
 
 But it produced two confiderable effe&s, one fatal to an 
 illuftrious and innocent Perfon, and the other, to all Pro- 
 teftants. Not that Religion had any {hare in this Confpiracy, R e /igion net 
 JVyat himfelf being a Roman Catholick, and the Queen concerned in 
 in her Proclamation, not accufing the Proteftants, though tb “ Con ^ 1 ‘ 
 fince, fome Hiftorians have been pleafed to brand them. Bimiet. 
 
 But as the Queen’s authority was ftrengthned by the ill 
 fuccefs of this undertaking, Ihe turned it entirely to the 
 ruin of the Reftjrmed, and the Reformation. The Duke 
 of Suffolk being concerned in the Confpiracy, the Court 
 eafily underftoed his defign was to replace his Daughter, 
 the Lady fane, on the Throne, and this determined the 
 Queen to facrifice her to her own fafety. 
 
 Two days after the taking of JVyat, a Mefiage was fent n °f 
 to Jane Grey and her Husband to bid them prepare for berHuillld 
 death, "jane, as Ihe had long expetfted it, received th c and 1 arber. 
 Meffage wfith great refolution. Mean while, Dr. Fecknam Godwin, 
 who brought it, and had orders to exhort her to change Stow 
 her Religion, prepofteroufly imagining {he defired fome Hollinglh. 
 time to be determined, obtained three days refpite of her 
 execution. But fhe let him know, it was no fatisfatftion 
 to her. She was well allured, the Jealoufy of the Go¬ 
 vernment would not fuffer her to live, and therefore {he had 
 employed the whole time of her Confinement in a prepa¬ 
 ration for Death. Some have believed, that without this laft 
 Attempt of the Duke of Suffolk, the Queen would have 
 fpared his Daughter. But as afterwards fuch numbers were 
 put to death for their Religion, it is not likely, that Jane, 
 fo firmly attached to the Proteftant Religion, would have 
 been more mercifully ufed than the reft, even though the 
 Queen could have prevailed with herfelf to pardon her 
 Treafon. Be this as it will, {he was executed the 1 zth Godwin, 
 of February, after feeing the headlefs body of her Husband s,ov '* 
 pafs by her, as he was brought back from execution to be 
 interred in the Chapel of the Tower. She fhowed to the 
 laft moment a great conftancy and piety, and aji immo¬ 
 veable adherence to the Reformation, owning however her¬ 
 felf guilty of a great Sin, in accepting a Crown which be- 
 
 ■1 f' r ’ Tho ™ as Wyat had been oft employed in Embaflies, particularly in Spain ; where he had made fuch Obfervations on the Cruelly and Sub. 
 
 t* 'y °‘ the Spaniards, that he could not look, without a juft concern, on the Miferies his Country was like to fall under. Burnet, Tom. III. p. 214. 
 
 (2) It Icems he was too hafty in railing Men, and making other Preparations. Godwin, p. 340. 
 
 (3) The News of it came to London, January 25. Idem. p. 341. Stow, p. 618. 
 
 (4j Five hundred, fays Godwin, together with the Queen’s Guards Ibid. 
 
 (5) Sir Robert Southwell. Holtmfh- p. 1094. 
 
 (6) He was feeu to weep, and called tor a Coat, which he fluffed with Money, defigning to efcape. Burnet, p. 285. 
 
 (7) Thereupon the Duke of Norfolk fled, together with the Earl of Arundel, and Sir Henry Jemegan Captain of the Guard. But Wyat coming up that 
 moment with a Party of Horfe, intercepted the reft; and feized eight Brafs Guns, and all Norfolk's Baggage. Godwin p. 341. 
 
 (S) January 31. Ho/hng/b. p. 1093'. ( 9) On February 1. Godwin, Ibid. 
 
 ro) She armed five hundred Men, molt of them Foreigners, whom fhe placed in feveral parts of the City. Idem. p. 342. 
 
 (ir) Where he arrived February 6, about four a Clock in the Afternoon. Stow, p. 620. 
 
 ,irl"” d T^ Wi,h ^ ve J C ?U lpa 1 ie! , t0Wards whilft Cu,hberl Vaughan, with two Companies more, marched towards Wejlminjltr. At Char- 
 
 0 oppole Wyat, but retired in a'U'order. Godwin. 
 
 ing-Crofs, Sir John Gage, Lord-Chamberlain 
 f 1 i) Clarenceux King at Arms. 
 
 ( x 5) One Underwood, whom he had made his Ranger 
 
 No 45. V o l. II. 
 
 I AJlley x. 
 
 r Covent >\ 
 
 (14) To Six Maurice Berkley. 
 Godwin, p. 341. 
 
 longed 
 
Vol. Ii. 
 
 The H I STO R Y of E N G I. A N D. 
 
 fes'tbe P< 
 c'f Eliza¬ 
 beth, and 
 Earl of 
 Devonfhire 
 Ccdw n. 
 Hollinglh. 
 
 1554. longed not to her. The Duke of Suffolk her Father was 
 Burnlt. tr j e J the 17th of the fame Month, and executed the 
 Fox ‘ 21 ft (1), with great grief for having been the caufe of his 
 Daughter’s Death. 
 
 v vat at bn Next, Wyat was brought to his Tryal, where he offer- 
 Tryalacj.u- e( j t0 ma | ce great difeoveries if his Life might be laved. 
 
 He accufed even the Princefs Elizabeth , and the Earl ot 
 Devonjhire (2) as concerned in the Confpiracy. This did 
 not prevent his Sentence, but only gained him a refpite of 
 two Months, becaufe of the hopes of drawing from him 
 confiderable difeoveries. Mean time the Earl of Devon- 
 tbcTowei fo ,re was committed to the Tower (3), and the Princefs 
 Stow. ' Elizabeth , though indifpofed, was brought to London , and 
 Strype. clofely confined in White-Hall (4), without liberty to fpeak 
 to any Perfon. On the nth of March following Ihe was 
 fent to the Tower. 
 
 Many Re- The i 4th and i 5th of February , Bret, Commander of 
 and^bun Jfy ats Forces, and fifty eight more, were hanged. Some 
 dnd ‘pardon, days after (5), fix hundred Priloners, with Halters about 
 their necks, waited on the Queen, and received their par¬ 
 don. But this was not capable to efface the impreffion 
 made in Men’s minds, by fo many executions, for a Con¬ 
 fpiracy in which was no effufion of Blood. The fault 
 was thrown on Gardiner , who was accufed of leading the 
 Queen to an excelfive Jealoufy of her Authority, and the 
 molt extreme rigour. An Affair happened at the fame time, 
 which alfo greatly alarmed and filled the People with fears 
 of the Queen’s intending to rule with too extenfive a pow¬ 
 er. Sir Nicholas Throgmorton being accufed, and tried as 
 an Accomplice in the Confpiracy, was acquitted by his Ju¬ 
 ry for want of fufficient proof to condemn him. For this 
 the Jury was feverely fined. So the Juries were deprived 
 , of the liberty of judging according to their confidences, and 
 jury fined, inftead of being governed by proofs, they were to exa¬ 
 mine how the Court ftood alfedted to the Prifoners, and 
 Hit Brother by t hat determine their Verdidt. This rigour excrcifed 
 con cmn. . U p Qn t jj e Jury, was fatal to Sir John Throgmorton , who was 
 found guilty upon the fame evidence on which his Brother 
 had been acquitted. 
 
 The refpite granted to Wyat had a quite contrary effedt 
 and to w hat the Court expedled. This unhappy Man, who 
 I fi De- had accufed Elizabeth and the Earl of Devonjhire only in 
 hopes of a Pardon, finding he muff die, fully cleared them 
 in his fecond Examination. And for fear his laft Declara¬ 
 tion fhould be fuppreffed, he renewed it at the Place of ex¬ 
 ecution (6). As there was no other proof againft them, 
 and their Accufer himfelf had acquitted them with his laft 
 breath, no Procefs could be formed againft them, though 
 Gardiner paflionately defired the death .of the Princefs. 
 Nay, it is very probable, the Queen would have glad¬ 
 ly confented to it, could fhe have fupported her rigour with 
 any colour of Juftice (7). 
 
 After Elizabeth had fuft'ered a long and fevere Imprifon- 
 ment in the Tower , fhe was removed to Weodjlock. This 
 was not intended as a favour, but to take her out of the 
 hands of the Lord Chandois , Lieutenant of the Tower , 
 who had treated her with great humanity and diftinftion. 
 She was at Woodjlock committed to the Cuftody of Sir 
 Henry Beningfeld (8), who paying her no fuch refpedl as 
 fhe had received from the Lord Chandois , gave her room 
 to fufpedt a defign againft her Life. It is even pretended 
 that certain Perfons officioufly undertook to murder her, in 
 the expectation of pleafing the Queen and her Minifters ; 
 but that the ftrictnels with which Ihe was kept denied them 
 all accefs. 
 
 The difturbances occafioned by Wyat’ s Confpiracy being 
 entirely appealed, the Queen refumed her firft defign of an 
 utter deftiuCtion of the Reformation. Though to this the 
 Authority of Parliament was#neceffary, fhe failed not to 
 XV- ™ 3 °76. anticipate the defign by her own Authority, in virtue of 
 her Supremacy which fhe herfelf detefted, and yet fcrupled 
 not to ufe againft the Proteftants! For this purpofe, file 
 
 Godwin 
 
 Stow, 
 
 Hollinglh. 
 
 Burnet. 
 Throgmi 
 ton acquit 
 
 Wyat a 
 quin tb 
 *'/* ‘ 
 
 p. 6Z4. 
 Hollinglh- 
 
 exercifid on 
 
 the Princefs 
 E.izabetk. 
 Fox, Tom. 
 Hi. P- 5*7- 
 943, <&c. 
 Godwin. 
 
 Hollingfh. 
 
 The %ueen 
 Orders a. 
 gainfi the 
 warned Bi 
 
 Jhofs. 
 
 Act. Pub. 
 
 gave InftruClions to the Bifhops to vifit their Diocefes. 155,. 
 
 I heir I nftr udtiens drawn by Gardiner , contained a bitter 4 
 Narration of all the pretended diforders introduced into the ’ 1 ' 
 Church in the Reign o! Edward. She afterwards gave the Burnet.' 
 Chancellor a particular order to purge the Church of all T °m. i*- 
 married Bifhops and Priefts. Heylm 2 ' Z ’ 
 
 Some days after (9), the Queen granted a fpecial Com- Tour Bjb-.pi 
 million to Gardiner , and five others (10), to deprive four “ f P" ve ‘ i - 
 Bifhops who were married, namely, the Archbifhop of xv.p.3-0. 
 Fork, the Bifhops of St. Davids , Chjler and Brijhl, and 
 all in actual Confinement (1 1 ). Two days alter, the an * c ^ rte 
 fame Commiffioners were ordered to deprive the Bifhops 
 of Lincoln , Glocejier , and Hereford , for having behaved ten.n. 
 themfelves ill, and preached erroneous Dodtrines. The Ibd - 
 Pretenfe to deprive thefe Bifhops by a bare order of the Godwin 
 Queen, was taken from the Letters Patents of King Ed- Burner. 
 ward , in which it was provided, that they lhould hold 5tr yP e- 
 their Bifhopricks fo long only as they behaved well, and 
 therefore it was no injuftice to deprive them, fince their 
 Condudt was difplealing. This was the Pretenfe, but the 
 true reafon was, the Court’s defire to fill thefe Sees with 
 their Creatures, before the meeting of the Parliament. As Pub 
 to the inferior Clergy, Dr. Burnet pretends, that of fix- XV. p.376. 
 teen thoufand then in England , twelve thoufand were turned 
 out for having Wives (12). And indeed in the Collefiion „ XV. 
 
 the Publick Ads, we meet with an infinite number of Prefen- 53 ’ 3+2 ’ 
 
 tations to Livings, which fufficiently fhow the Alterations -9 i. 
 made in the Church. Mean time, in confequence of the Adi lLe Ma J l “ 
 of Parliament, the Mals was every where reftored, with the "ver where 
 Liturgy ufed in the end of Henry VlIJ’s Reign. Such burner, 
 was the Conftitution of the State and Church when the 
 new Parliament met the 2d of April 1554 (13). 
 
 The care of the Court to have a Parliament at their de- 7 be De¬ 
 votion, had not been lefs than in the foregoing year. Nay fi ,,an */ tbr 
 it was fo much more fuccefsful, as Gardiner had money Q J 
 
 in his hands to gain the Eledtors and Reprefentatives. The Parliament. 
 Court had a double defign, the firft: to have the Queen’s 
 Marriage approved; the fecond to reftore the Pope’s Au¬ 
 thority. For the firft, it was not fufficient to have Repre¬ 
 fentatives well inclined to the intended Alterations in Re¬ 
 ligion, it was farther requifite, they fhould be little zealous 
 for the Good of their Country, fince the Queen’s Mar¬ 
 riage put England in evident danger of becoming one day 
 a Province to Spain. For the fecond it was necefTary, not 
 only that molt of the Commons fhould be convinced of 
 the Romijh Dodlrines, but alfo fhould be really Papifts, 
 that is, perfwaded that Religion coulJ not fubfilt without 
 a Pope. Now the Men of this opinion were not very 
 numerous among the Roman Catholicks. There were ma¬ 
 ny more, who believing Tranfubftantiation, Invocation of 
 Saints, Adoration of Images, b'c. were however perfwa¬ 
 ded that the Papal Authority was by no means neceftary to 
 the Church, and were well content with its Abolifhment. 
 
 To have Perfons returned proper for the defigns of the 
 Court, or to gain thofe who were not fo compliant, it was 
 that Gardiner ufed all his Intereft: with the Emperor and 
 Queen to promife Penfions. This was done with fo little cau¬ 
 tion and fecrecy, that with regard to a great number of Mem¬ 
 bers, their Penfions were known. The Parliament when 
 met, Was fo obiequious to the Queen's Will, that fhe 
 was fometimes obliged to check the impetuous Zeal of the 
 Commons. 
 
 The firft Act paffed in this Seffion gave occallon to many as ah .-• 
 reflections: but the intent of it was unknown till lon^ confirm the 
 after, in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth , when a certain 
 Perfon, let into the fecrct, difeovered it to the Earl of cufnoc! 
 Leicejler. The Bill was brought in by the Speaker. It 
 imported, That as the Laws declarative of the Royal 
 “ Prerogatives had been made in favour of Kings, it mioht 
 “ be pretended that the Queen had no right to them : it 
 “ was therefore declared, That thefe Prerogatives did be- 
 “ long to the Crown, whether it was in the hands of 
 
 (1) The 23d lays Stoic. His Brolher Thomas was beheaded Apr.I 27. Stow. p. 624. 
 
 (2) Edward Courtney. 
 
 13) bebruary 12, and the Lady Elizabeth on the 18th, fays G:dwm, p. 343. Stow, p. 623. 
 
 (4) For a Fortnight. Strype, Tom. 111. p. 84. (5) The 20th of February. 
 
 16) He was executed Apr:! 11. Godwin, p. 343. 
 
 (7) ty Gardiner's Malice a Wariant was procured, figned by fome Privy-Counfellors for her Execution. But the Lieutenant by an Appiicat : on to the 
 Qoeen, to know what was her Pieafure, and her denying any Knowledge cf the Warrant, faved the Life of the Princefs. See Fox, Tom. III. p. 53-. 
 burr.-, Tom. III. p. 227. Had the Queen immediately difplaced Gardiner, Ihe m'ght have been thought innocent of fo barbarous a defign. but the Cnnii 
 deuce and Truft in which he continued till his Death, gave a Su'picion at lcaft that Ihe would not have been d i fp lea fed with an Obedience to the Warrant 
 which ihe could have denied her Knowledge of, as it wanted her Hand, and perhaps obtained a belief by a Sacrifice of the Counfellors cur ceined in .1. Qoeen 
 Elizabeth herfelf afterwards took that method in the affair of Mary Queen ot tests. 
 
 3) May 16. Raptn. On the 19th, according to Holhngjbcad, ihe was releafed out of the Tower, and committed to the Cuftody of the Lord Williams, 
 
 who treating her more courteoufty ihan fome could have wilhed, the was put under the Cuftody of Sir Henry beningfeld, p. 1117.The Earl of Dewitt- 
 
 /hire was removed to F'tberingay Caftle, A.ay 25. Godwin, p 343. 
 
 (9) The 13th of March. 
 
 (to) Blh-p Tonfial, Bonner, Parfew of St. Afaph, Day of Cbicbefier, and Kitcbin of Landajf. Burnet, Tom. II- p. 274. Rymer's Feed. Tom- tc. 
 p. 340. 
 
 (ill litigate, Far-.ir, Bird, Bufii. Thofe deprived two days after were, Taylor, Hoper, and Harley. Story Bifhop of ChicbeRer, renounced his Wife, 
 and lied bey.nd Sea, and Barlow B.lhop of Bath and Wells refined and fled. Burnet, Tom. II. p. 275. In the room of thefe deprived Bilhops were pla¬ 
 c'd, Mcrgan at St. David's, Cotes ac Cbeficr, White at Lincoln, Broket at Glocefitr, Bourn at Batb and Wells. Parfew was tranllated io Hereford, and 
 Gnjjyn nude Biiluip of Rocbefier. Strype, Tom. III. p. 116. Rymer's Feed. Tom. 15. p. 374-376, 383, CS’e. 
 
 (12; This Computation feems tube exaggerated. See Collier, Tom. II. p. 366. 
 
 1 ' ;) The Queen h;d at firft fummoned this Parliament to meet at Oxford, becaufe that Place had fhowed itfelf very obtdient and forward in reftoring the 
 I' pilh KeJigii n ; and London, on the contrary, did not much favour her Proceedings about Religion, and had given her fome Jealoufy, duiing Wyat’s lniur- 
 leftitn. hut fhs altered her Mind. Hollingfh. p. 1102, 
 
 Male 
 
Book XVI. 
 
 22. MAR Y. 
 
 39 
 
 1554.. “ Male or Female : and whatfoever the Law did limit or 
 
 “ appoint for the King, was of right alfo due to the 
 “ Queen, who was declared to have as much Authority 
 “ as any of her Progenitors. ” This Bill occafioned fome 
 Debates in the Houle of Commons. Some feared that 
 the pretenfe of fecuring to the Queen her juft Rights, co¬ 
 vered a defign of enlarging them beyond their juft bounds, 
 and that the laft Claufe, that Jhe bad as much Authority as 
 any of her Progenitors , might encourage her to exercife the 
 fame Power as William the Conqueror, who ftripped the 
 Englijh of their Lands, to beftow them on Foreigners. 
 The Queen’s Marriage with the Prince of Spain ftill in- 
 creafed this fufpicion, by the fear of having a defpotick Go¬ 
 vernment, like that of Spain, introduced into England. 
 It was therefore thought proper to alter the words of the 
 Aft, in fuch manner as they fhould fecure to the Queen 
 all her legal Rights, without giving her an opportunity to 
 lit pent u f ur p f uc h as were not fy. The Court found no fault with 
 Motive to ^jg Corre£tion. Gardiner, who promoted the Bill, had 
 Burnet, no intention to make the Queen abfolute, but to prevent 
 Tom. 11. Philip from feizing the Government on pretence of Sex. 
 
 ?• a 77 * Th e exam p] e 0 f Henry VII, furnifhed a juft caufe of 
 Fear. That Prince had at firft no pretenlion to the 
 Crown, but what flowed from his Marriage with Eliza¬ 
 beth, Daughter of Edward IV. However, when he af¬ 
 terwards found himfelf fufficiently ftrong, he refolved to 
 reign in his own right, as Heir to the Houfe of Lan- 
 % cajler. Philip might have done the fame thing, as defcen- 
 
 ded from the fame Houfe. So that here Gardiner con- 
 f'ulted at once the Intereft of the Nation, and his own. 
 
 It was the Nation’s Intereft, that Philip fhould not have 
 any opportunity of feizing the Government. Gardiner's 
 likewife required the fame, becaufe if Philip fhould once 
 become mafter of England, the adminiftration of affairs 
 would probably be put into the hands of Spaniards, and 
 Ckcajont of confequently, Gardiner be excluded. In a word, the true 
 ^ irnet occafion of Gardiner's Bill was this : A certain Per foil 
 had contrived a model of Government, according to which 
 the Queen was to declare herfelf a Conqueror: or aflert, 
 that as fhe came to the Crown by common Law, fhe was 
 not bound by the Laws which limited the regal Power, 
 becaufe thefe Reftriftions were made for Kings and not 
 Queens. This Plan was communicated to the Imperial 
 Ambaflador, who put it into the Queen’s hands, and 
 prayed her to read it with attention. Fhe Queen doubt- 
 iefs read, and then delivered it to her Chancellor to exa¬ 
 mine, and give his opinion upon it. He thereby faw 
 what was the aim of the Spaniards, and fet before the 
 Queen the confequences and peril of following, or even 
 liftning to fuch Counfels. In a word, he fo managed her, 
 that fhe threw the Project into the fire. It was not with¬ 
 out reafon that Gardiner began to be alarmed with refpeft 
 to the Spaniards. Befides, that fuch Projects as this, 
 gave him juft caufe to fufpeft them of fome defign upon 
 the Liberties of England , there was another thing that con- 
 Hohi'ngih. firmed his fufpicions. This was, the Spaniards had ftudi- 
 ttrype. oufly publifhed a Genealogy of Philip, which derived him 
 from a Daughter of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancajler, 
 and Son of Edward III. Gardiner therefore thought it 
 high time to break the Spanijh meafures ; and this he un¬ 
 dertook to do by the fore-mentioned Aft. But he took 
 particular care not to be known for the Author, for fear 
 of forfeiting Philip's favour (1). 
 
 Jul l fi‘ s Seft" 100 the Bifhoprick of Durham, fupprefted in 
 
 ham nftored the end of the late Reign, was reftored to its antient 
 to itt Right 1. Rights, and the Aft of fuppreffion repealed. 
 
 SuftoBc^ The Sentence againft the Duke of Suffolk, and the fifty 
 Sentence con- eight Men executed for the late Rebellion was likewife 
 
 ^th'lreat'^ COn fi rme ^- 
 
 \f Marn- Laftly, the Parliament approved the Treaty of Mar- 
 age . riage between the Queen and Philip. But as Gardiner 
 
 Burnet. began to fear the Spaniards, he fo ordered, that the Par¬ 
 liament in approving the Treaty, explained more clearly, 
 and enlarged the Articles, by which the Government of 
 the Kingdom was declared to belong only to the Queen. 
 
 No more wasdefired of the Parliament in this Seflion (2). 
 If the Zeal of the Commons to pleafe the Court had been 
 indulged, many rigorous Afts againft the Reformation and 
 the Reformed would have been made. But the Lords, by # 
 the Court’s direftion, threw out the Bills fent by the 
 
 Commons on this fubjeft. Without doubt, the Minifters 1554. 
 thought it not proper to begin the perfecution before the 
 Confummation of the Queen’s Marriage, leaft fome un- 
 forefeen accident fhould retard the Prince of Spain's arri¬ 
 val. For this reafon the Parliament was difTolved (3) the 
 25th of May, after the Queen’s principal defire, the appro¬ 
 bation of her Marriage, was obtained. 
 
 At the end of this Seflion of Parliament, the Court A r>,:p u , t 
 thought proper to interrupt the Convocation, in order for or Oxford 
 a new Conference to be held at Oxford, concerning the ,be 
 Eucharift. The Proteftants complained publickly of the prttefiittt 
 treatment they had met with, in the difpute held at Lon- clergy, 
 don. From hence occafion was taken to lay a new fnare Q° 0 x d ' win 
 for them, by appointing another Deputation, in the pre- Burnet.’ 
 fence of the Univerfity of Oxford , as if more juftice was Mrype. 
 intended them. But this was in effeftonly to give them a 
 frefh mortification. If the Court had meant to aft with 
 fincerity, they would never have chofen, as they did, for 
 managers of the difpute on the Proteftants fide, Cranmer , 
 
 Ridley, and Latimer, all Prifoners in the Tower, and the 
 two firft, without controverfy, the moft learned and able 
 Men of their Party. But as it was refolved to confound 
 them, otherwife than by reafons and arguments, the Court 
 was glad to expole thefe three grave Prelates to the in- 
 fults of their Enemies. They were therefore removed to Fox T I(f 
 Oxford (4), to difpute againft fome of the Romijh Clergy, p. ^4, 
 at the head of whom was Wejlon, Prolocutor of the Lower- 
 Houfe of Convocation. This Difputation or Conference 
 was managed like the former at London (5). The three ibid. 
 Proteftant Bifhops were forced to be filent, by reafon of P- 9 C ; 
 the continual interruptions and noifes which hindered them Goawin * 
 from being heard, whence it was inferred they were van- 
 quifhed. Thofe who are curious to fee the particulars of Torn Ir 
 this difpute, will find them in the Hiltory of the p. 280, (Jc. 
 Reformation of England. But to mortify thefe Bifhops 
 was not thought fuflicient. The Difpute, which lafted Cranmcr 
 three days, being ended, they were fummoned to abjure Rdley, and 
 their pretended errors, and, upon their refufal, excommu- Latimer 
 nicated (6). 
 
 Prince Philip being inform’d that nothing now retarded ‘The Prince 
 the Confummation of his marriage, left the Groin the?f ; P'“ nI 
 16th of July, and arrived the 19th at Southampton { 7). Godwin. 
 
 At his landing he drew his Sword, and carried it naked ium«. 
 fome time. This myfterious Aftion was varioufly inter- T*" - P 2 3 4 5 * * 8 9 ® 6, 
 preted. Some faid it fignified that he would draw his Vox.' 
 Sword in defence of the Nation. Others believed, that he 
 intimated to the Englijh by this aftion, that he intended to 
 govern them by the Sword. The Magiftratesof Southamp- p ^ 
 ton prefenting him with the Keys of their Town, he took 
 and returned them without fpcaking a word. This gravity 
 difpleas’d the Englijh, who ufed to be treated more affa¬ 
 bly by their Sovereigns. The Queen met him at Win- Godwin. 
 chejler, where Gardiner married them the 25 th of July. HoJIingfli. 
 The fame day they were proclaimed King and Queen of 
 England, France, Naples, Jcrufalem, and by many other 
 Titles (8). The Emperor had lately made a jyefent to 
 his Son of the Kingdoms of Naples and Jerufalem. Philip 
 was but twenty nine years of Age, and Mary was thirty 
 eight. Many Cherts of Bullion (9), brought by Philip, Brings with 
 were landed, which no doubt were a great part of the h j m ( a V tac 
 one million, two hundred thoufand Crowns, promifed to stiver. 
 be fent into England by the Emperor ; but which he was Unmet, 
 not inclined to part with before the Confummation of the 
 marriage. This infufed frefh zeal for the Queen’s intereft, 
 into thofe who had before been gained by Gardiner (1 o). 
 
 Philip, delirous to acquire the afteftion of the Englijh, obtains par. 
 began with Afts of Clemency, which would have pro-/hr e- 
 duced thateffeft, had the reft of his conduft been anfwera- liz ^ beth » 
 ble to them. Howevcr^fome Perfons of diftinftion were “tbrrs™ 
 the better for his GeSffofity. The Princefs Elizabeth Godwin, 
 was the chief. Gardiner was for removing her out of p-^ 3+9- 
 the way at any rate. He apprehended, if lhe fucceeded Stow j' 
 Mary, fhe would be led by her own intereft to fubvert 
 whatever fhould be done in this reign, with refpeft to re¬ 
 ligion. Befides, it was known, that notwithftanding all 
 her caution, fhe was reformed in her heart. Now, as it 
 was refolved to perfecute the Proteftants, there was fome 
 room to fear an infurreftion, under colour of aflerting her 
 rights. The Queen herfelf was not far from Gardiner’s 
 Sentiments ; but Philip interceded for Elizabeth, and freed 
 
 (1) Another reafon for this Aft, might alfo be, to prevent any difturbance that m'ght arife from an Opinion broached by fome of Queen Mary's Ene¬ 
 mies, That it was unlawful for a Woman to govern ; to prove which, Knox and others writ Books loon alter. Strype’s Notes on Godwin, p. 344. 
 
 (2) A Convocation met at the fame time with this Parliament. And in lhe Writs of Summons, the Queen’s Title, of Supreme Head of the Church , 
 was omitted. See Fox, Tom. III. p. 41. 
 
 (3) Rapin by miftake fays, the Parliament was prorogued. 
 
 (4) About April 10. lox, Tom. III. p. 44. 
 
 (5) It was held April 16, 17, 1S. See Fox, Ibid, &c. Godwin, p. 344. (6) 20th of April. 
 
 (7) With a Fleet of one hundred and lixty Sail. Godwin, p. 345. John Earl of Bedford, the Lord Fitx-JKalters, and many other Noblemen, (sc. were 
 
 fent into Spain to attend on him. Hilling/h. p. 1118. 
 
 (8) Ireland ; Defenders of the Faith ; Princes of Spain and Sicily, Archdukes of Aujlria ; Dukes of Milan, Burgundy, and Brabant ; Counts of Hab- 
 fpurg, Flanders and Tirol. Rymer's Feed. Tom. 15. p. 404. 
 
 (9) Twenty feven Cherts, each a Yard and four Inches long, and ninety nine Horfe-loads, and two Cart-loads of coined Gold and Silver. Burnet, p. 286. 
 Strype computes, that this Prince’s Revenues were yearly worth two Millons, four hundred and fevsnty thoufand Pounds Sterling. Tom. 3. p. 12S. 
 
 [103 Augufi 12, the King and Queen made their Entry into London, Stow, p. 625. 
 
 her 
 
ENGLAND. 
 
 Voi. n. 
 
 The HISTORY of 
 
 Lor from this danger (i). This was, doubtlefs, at firft 
 from a motive of g-nerofity. It has been pretentleJ, 
 iat I erv *reat lb ire in the preservation 
 
 ai/h. " of this Princefs, and two feveral reafons are aflignecl. 
 Burnet. Firft, it is faid, that when he had no Ion ei hopes >f 
 Children by Queen Mary, he reflected, that if Elizabeth 
 died before the Queen, the Crown of England would de¬ 
 volve to the Queen of Scotland , who would bring this rich 
 Inheritance to the Dauphin of France. It is indeed true, 
 that by Henry VIII’s Will, the Queen of Scots could not 
 claim the Englijh Crown, till after the Pofterity of the 
 ' luchels of Suffolk. Hut it was not likely, the Dauphin 
 would regard this Will ; and he might happen to join the 
 Crowns of England and Ireland to thofe of France and 
 Scotland, which could not but be prejudicial to the Houfe 
 of Aijlria. The fecond reafon which induced Philip to 
 Cave Elizabeth was, as ’tis pretended, his hopes to marry 
 Godwin. her, if Alary died fir ft. Hefides the Princefs Elizabeth, 
 scow. fome other Ter Tons obtained their pardon by Philip’s inter- 
 namely, nine Knights, and the A'rchbUhop of 
 York (z). It is prefumed, this Prelate was not firm to his 
 religion, becaufe all the reft who were rcleafed, were Men 
 who fuited their religion to the times. Probably they had 
 been ing-ared in Wyat’s or the Lady Jane’s caufe. Belides, 
 the Atclibilhop of York was fuffered to live in quiet during 
 
 Dfplcafc 1 
 ib. Eugliflt. 
 
 T. 111.^.234. 
 
 7 be Court 
 jer.ds to fetch 
 otter Pole in 
 quality of 
 Leg,Ur. 
 Godwin. 
 
 Fox. 
 
 T.11I p.ioS 
 Hollingfh. 
 
 The Queen 
 
 feif •with 
 'Child. 
 Gtdwin. 
 
 
 the refidue of this reign. 
 
 Philip’s grave manner and referved Air gave great dif- 
 guft to the Englijh. None were fuffered to come either 
 into his, or the Queen’s Prefence, without a formal de¬ 
 mand of an Audience, as is prac'tifed by Ambafladors. 
 This render’d the Court entirely unfrequented, the Eng¬ 
 lijh Nobility not enduring to conform to Cuftoms fo op- 
 pofite to their own. 
 
 The old Duke of Norfolk died in September , about a 
 year after obtaining his Liberty (3). 
 
 Alary's third Parliament met the 1 1 th of November (4', 
 difpofed as the Court could wifti (5). The money come 
 from Spain produced fuch effedts, that nioft of the Repre- 
 fentatives only wanted occafions to fignalize their zeal for 
 the Queen. The Court was fo fenfible of this, that 
 without any I.aw yet made to reftore the papal Authority, 
 two Noblemen were fent to receive Cardinal Pole as Le¬ 
 gate, and bring him over into England. One of thel'e 
 was the Lord Paget, who having been a principal Friend 
 and Confident of the Duke of Somerfet, and one of that 
 Protestor’s inftruments to eftablifti the Reformation in the 
 reign of Edward , was nominated in tiiis of Alary, to 
 meet the Pope’s Legate (6). Such change had a new 
 reign produced amonglt the Nobility. Whdft the Legate in 
 Flanders was preparing for his voyage, an Adt palled in Par¬ 
 liament to repeal his attainder in the reign of Henry VIII. 
 This coft but three days (7), in order to avoid the incon¬ 
 venience of feeing a Legate arrive in rhe Kingdom, ftill 
 liable to a Sentence of death. 
 
 Pole arrived the 24th of November (8), -and after com- 
 municatjjig his inftrudtions to the King and Queen, he 
 laid before"them, and both Houfes of Parliament fent for 
 to that purpofe, the occafion of his Legation. This, he 
 faid, was to bring back to the Fold of Chrift the Sheep 
 that were gone aftray : That the Pope, who held on 
 Earth the place of Sovereign Paftor, was ready to receive 
 them ; and therefore he exhorted the Englijh to embrace 
 an opportunity at once fo favorable and happy. The 
 Queen, who pailionately defired to fee the Pope’s Autho¬ 
 rity reftored in England , was fo moved on this occafion, 
 that file fancied Ihe felt a Child ftir in her Womb. This 
 news was immediately publilh’d in all places, and even by 
 an order of Council (9), TeDeum was fung at St. Paul’s. 
 Some Flatterers fpar’d not ts»^y, that as John Baptijl 
 leap’d in his Mother’s Wom.b^W the Salutation of the 
 V114in, fo here, a happy omen follow’d on the Salutation 
 from Chrift’s Vicar (peaking by the mouth of his Legate. 
 The Queen’s Women, who faw her fo fond of her ima¬ 
 
 ginary Conception, humoured her in this belief, till the 1554. 
 middie of the next year, when to her great mortification, 
 
 Ihe difeovered her miftakc. 
 
 The 29th of November the two Houfes prefented a Pe- Jl'ff 
 tition to the King and Queen, praying their Intercelfion , 
 
 with’the Legate, for a reconciliation of the Kingdom with /.'• «*-•/ a. 
 the Church, from which a horrible Schifm had long dil- ’ 
 
 united it. They promifcd in the fame Petition, to repeal pQ. v 
 all Adis againft the Pope’s Authority. Upon tin's the Le- T.III p.108 
 gate came to the Parliament, and in a long Speech enlar- 
 ged upon the Pope’s affedtion and tendernefs lor the King- stow, 
 dom of England, and the extraordinary favours which in Burnet, 
 every age that Nation had received from the Holy See. 
 
 Then he enjoined for Penance the repeal of all the Laws Are abjot- 
 made againft the papal Authority, and granting a full ab- vedby rb e 
 folution, which was received by both Houfes on their 
 knees, abfolved alfo the Kingdom from all Cenfures. Hoiiingih. 
 
 The Repeal promifcd by both Houfes could not be 112;. 
 ready before the beginning of January. By this Adi the 
 Pope’s authority was reftored to the fame ftate as before i\pf‘, Ju. 
 the twentieth year of the Reign of Henry VIII. But the thorny. 
 five following Articles inferted in it, were fo many re- g“ r ' u J* 
 ftridtions upon the Papal Power. 
 
 I. That Bilhopricks, Cathedrals, and Colleges, fhould with fome 
 
 remain in their prefent condition. Rejlntlim . 
 
 II. That Marriages contradled within the degrees for¬ 
 bidden only by the Canons, and not the Law of God, 
 
 Ihould be deemed good and valid. 
 
 III. That Inllitutions into Benefices made during the 
 Schifm, Ihould be confirmed. 
 
 IV. That all judicial Proccffes Ihould alfo be con¬ 
 firmed. 
 
 V. That the Alienations of the Lands of the Church 
 fhould be authorized, and the PoflelTors fubjetSt to no 
 Cenfures or Profecutions on that account. 
 
 The Legate ratified all thefe Articles, hut with a denun- Ratified by 
 ciation of the judgments of God, on all thofe who pofiefied ,be Le s jlc - 
 the Church-Lands. As this Article was the moft impor¬ 
 tant, and obftrudive to a re-union, the Court of Rome 
 had not been a little embarafled to fettle it. The Nobi- Artificet of 
 lity and Gentry, enriched with the plunder of the Church the court of 
 in the two laft Reigns, were not to be alarmed. On the ^^urcb’ 
 other hand, the Canons make the Lands of the Church Lands. 
 fo (acred, that the Pope- himfdf, however extenfive his 
 Power be in other refpetfts, cannot alienate them. Confe- 
 quently, Julius III. could not confent to the Alienation 
 made in England, without violating the Canons : Nay, 
 his confent would have been of no force, fince he would 
 have exceeded the bounds of his Power. Mean while, 
 had he infilled upon the neceftity of Reftitution, and told 
 the Englijh, that without it he could not pofiibly abfolve 
 them, the affair of the Re-union of England, the con- 
 clufion whereof was fo pailionately defired by the Pope, 
 would have been in danger of mifearrying. This was one 
 of thofe nice affairs, which called for fome of thofe expe¬ 
 dients, the Court of Rome feldom wants. The Expe¬ 
 dient now made ufe of was to deceive the Englijh. The Blirn „ t> 
 Pope firft gave Pole a general Power (10), which was not T.m.p.iji 
 thought fufficient, however, to remove the uneafineffes of 
 the Perfonsconcerned. Afterwards he fent him another (11), 
 authorizing him , “ to tranfadt with the PoflelTors of 
 “ Church-Lands for the Rents they had unlawfully re- 
 “ ceivcd, and for the Moveables they had confirmed ; in 
 tc reftoring firft, if the Legate thought proper, the Lands 
 “ thev unjuftly poflefled ” (12). This Claufe in rcjloring 
 firjl, if the Legate thought proper, had a very equivocal 
 meaning. It might fignify, that the Legate had the liberty 
 to oblige the PoflelTors to Reftitution, or to difpenfe with 
 it ; or elfe that he had power to tranfadt with them for 
 the received Rents before or after the reftitution of the 
 Lands. In all appearance, the Pope underftood the Claufe 
 
 s the had don 
 
 : before in the 
 
 (1) She was releafed about the latter end of April. Godwin, p. 349. .... 
 
 L R.hert HoRatc. The Knights were, Sir Edward Roger,, Sir fames Crofts, Sir Nicolas Throgmorton, Sir Nicolai Arnold, Sir Edward Id arner, 
 George Hart; ir William Saint!:w , Sir Gawm Carew, and Sir Andrew Dudley ; as alfo, William Gib 1, Cuthbcrt Vaughan. Harington. Tremam, 
 
 They were rdealed January 18. brow, p. 626. Edward Courtney Earl of Devonshire likewife reaped the Benefit of this Ceneiofity, who, lo 
 
 no more Jea'culy, retired imo Italy, and the Year aficr died, fome fay of Poifon, being buried at Padua ; and put an end to that illuftrious Family, 
 which he was ihe eleventh Earl. Burnct, Tom. 2. p. 287. Hollingfh. p.1129. 
 
 f, He died at Framlingham in Suffolk, where he was buried Oilobcr 2. Stow, p. 621;. Strype, Tom. 3. p. 200. 
 if l n ,h c Writs of Summons, ir was remarkable that the Queen omitted her Title of Supreme Head of the Church, ; 
 
 Writs if Summons to the la If C nv cation. Ropin by miftake maker, this to be a Selfion of the former Parliament. 
 
 ( 5 ) T he King.\ind Queen rode together in their Robes to this Parliament, having two Swoids, and two Caps of Maintenance carried before them, 
 
 lhlhngjh. p. m2. 
 
 (6) The other was Sir Edward Hafling!. Fox, p. 105. Strype, p. 156. ... 
 
 (-) It was twice read in the Houfe of Lords, on November 17 ; and the third time oji the 19th, when it v 
 
 twice on November 19, and the child time on the 20th, and fent it up the 21ft. The King and Queen pilTed 
 (8. He landed at Dover the 2ill. and came to London the 2/J.th, Fox, p. 108. ... 
 
 (9 Dated Aovembrr 27. In the fame Order all Priefts, and other Ecciefiaftical Mlnifters, were enjoined, in 
 ally to pijy Almigh v God, that he would continue and bring to good effect, what he had fo gracioufly begun. 
 occalir.il by'Doctor lEjhn Dean of W.flmmjhr, and printed Copies of them difperfed through the Kingdom. I 
 “ the tjueen a Mat Infant, in Faflron and 15 dy c.imlie and beautiful, and in pregnant wit notable and exceller 
 
 p. 1123-1126. and Fox, Tom. ill. p- 115. &c. 
 
 (10, Dated Mai.b 8, 1554- Burnet, Tom. HI. p. 230. 
 
 ; 1 1 . pan thi firl . St 1 Bt met, i >id. . , . , 
 
 ( l2 s Ac cum Poffefforibus bnnnrum Ecciel'nfticorum (reftitutis prius fi Tibi expedire videretur, immobihbus per eos indebite deientis J fuper Frudtibui 
 male pcrceptis, ac bonis mobilibus conlutnptis, concordandi, & tranligendi, ac eos deluper liberandi & quiclandi, tSo. Burnet, Tom. III. Colled, p. 217. 
 
 fent down to the Commons ; who read i: 
 in the 2 id. Journ. Part. 
 
 fir Miffes and other Services, continu- 
 '.irm' of Prayers were competed on this 
 me of them they prayed God to “ give 
 See the Order and Forms in Hollmg/h. 
 
Book XVI. 
 
 22. MAR Y. 
 
 41 
 
 T.IIl.p.2 
 
 in this lad fenfe, but was willing to give room to believe, ceeded his Power. However this be, the PuitelTors were, *554. 
 that he underftood it in the firft. This power appearing or Teemed to be, fatisfied, and the rather, becaufe the Par- 
 infufficient to the Emperor, and the Court of England , liament made a Law which in Tome manner difpelled the 
 the Pope gave a third not lefs equivocal, and which, under fears of the Perfons concerned. This Law imported, 
 a heap of general Terms, contained certain reftridlions, That whoever fhould difturb the Subjects, in their pofl'ef- 
 which left him free to ait afterwards as he fhould pleafe: fion of any Lands or Goods once belonging to the Church, 
 for his prefent bufinefs was to blind the PofTeflors and the on pretence of any Ecclefiaftical Authority, fhould fall in- 
 Parliament, in giving them a Teeming fatisfaition. This to a Pramunire. 
 
 lad power ran : “ That whereas, before, he had given The affair of the reconciliation being ended, and the Ar. A:t 
 2 « power to his Legate to tranfait with the PofTelfors of Government become entirely Popifh, the Parliament paf- ”’ ad ‘‘ u " 
 
 « the Church’s Goods, and to difeharge them from the fed an Ail to revive the Statutes of Richard II, Hen ■ ”™t sta”' 
 “ Rents they had unjudly received, or the Moveables they ry IV, and Henry V, againd Hereticks (i). The Com- tutn againft 
 “ had waded ; neverthelefs, to the end that the entire mons were To hady, that if their zeal had been indulged, l 2 s [ cre " r ck ‘‘ 
 
 “ redu£tion of England might become fo much the more they would have finilhed at once what the Court defired Burnet, 
 
 « eafy, by the greater hopes which the Pope gave of eon- to do only by degrees. They brought in feveral Bills, 
 
 “ dclcenfion and compliance on this occafion, ( unwilling which were rejetSled by the Lords, for fear of alarming the 
 “ as he was to keep back the great work of the Salvation Protedants, and driving them to defpair. But the Com- 
 “ of fo many Souls, by any human confiderations, and de- mons were almod indifferent whether their Bills were ap- 
 “ firous to imitate the good Father going out to meet proved or rejected, becaufe, whatever happened, their zeal 
 “ the prodigal Son ) he gave power to his Legate, agree- for the Queen was rendered indifputable. This was the 
 “ ably to the confidence he repofed in him, to tranfadl real aim of all their Proceedings. 
 
 “ and agree, by authority of the Holy See, with the Afterwards an Aft was made by way of Supplement to 
 “ PofTefTors of the Goods of the Church, for whom the the Statute of Treafons and Felonies. It was in favour 
 
 “ Queen fhould intercede, and to give them a difpenfation of Philip that this Aft was renewed, by which, if any 
 
 V for the future enjoyment of them ; with refervation ne- Perfon afferted that Philip had no right to the title of 
 verthelcfs of fuch things, wherein, for the greatnefs and King of England , during his Marriage with the Queen, 
 
 * c importance of them, lie fhould think fit to confult the he was to be fentenced to perpetual imprifonment, and to 
 <c Holy See, for it:s approbation and confirmation. ” forfeit all his Goods : Moreover, that Prince having con- 
 
 This Lift Power, far from correcting what was defeftive Tented to take upon him the Guardianfhip of the Chil— 
 in the former, was ftill more equivocal and ulelefs. Firft, dren he might have by the Queen, and to govern the 
 for the word tranfat 7 , which was in the firft Power, and Kingdom for a Son, till he was eighteen, and for a Daugh- 
 remained likewife in this, it is manifeft, that the Pope did ter, till fifteen, it was alfo qnafted, That confpiring his 
 not mean by it a bare acquiefcence of his Legate to a pof- death during that time, fhould be Treafon. It was like¬ 
 wife death, by another Aft, for any to pray, that God 
 would turn the Queen's heart from Idolatry , or for ten her 
 days (2). 
 
 The Statutes again ft Hereticks were no fooner revived, The Court 
 than the Court took into confideration how to reduce them. c ”S ul: \ 
 
 feflion deemed unjuft, and that on this occafion, a tranfac- 
 tion imported at leaft Tome previous reparation to be made 
 to the Church. But for fear the term tranfaft fhould not 
 be fignificant enough, the Pope added in this laft Power the 
 term agree , which evidently fliewed in what fenfe he 
 
 would have this Tranfaftion underftood. Wherefore the Their number was great, and without doubt much greater j u ,. s Wr e 
 bare acquiefcence of the Legate was ufelefs, fince he there- than that of their adverfaries. But the latter had the Go- ,he propereft 
 by exceeded his Power, which was to tranfaft and agree, vernment for them. In this Party were thofe who were b ff.a ke f ht 
 Secondly, under thefe terms, future enjoyment , was an equi- indifferent to all Religions, and thefe appeared the molt “pr Left anti. 
 vocation, fince the future might imply either a perpetual or zealous, becaufe it was the true way to render them ac- Bui-net. 
 a temporary enjoyment. Thirdly, the Legate could grant ccptable to the Court. On the other hand, the Pro- 
 
 a difpenfation for the enjoyment of thefe Lands but to thofe teftants could not make any ufe of their numbers, becaufe 
 
 for whom the Queen interceded, fo that the Queen might they were without fupport. Befides, many of them cor.- Htjuaiam 
 chufe whether Ihe would intercede for any Perfon: Nay, ceaied their Sentiments, in the fear of lofing their lives "A" thc 
 it is very likely, Ihe would have fcrupled it, fince, as will and fortunes. Others, by a principle of Confcience, chofe 
 appear, Ihe herfelf made reftitution of all fuch Lands as to fuffer, rather than refift. So that thofe who would have J 
 were in her pofleflion. Fourthly , all that the Legate ufed force againft the attacks of their Enemies, would, 
 
 could do on this occafion, was infignificant without the probably, have been ill fupported, 2nd the rather, becaufe 
 
 Pope’s Confirmation, who could revoke it, fo that the Le- the Emperor would not have failed to affift the Queen, had 
 gate’s Power was only provifional. Laftly, the obligation it been neceflary. The Protellants therefore, with the 
 to confult the Holy See in matters of importance, was greateft confternation, faw a ftorm ready to fall on their 
 alfo an uncertain Exprellion, and liable to endlefs Cavils. heads, without any pofiibility to avoid it. 
 
 Pope Julius III, died before he was informed of the In the Council, held at Court on this fubjeft, Pole was 'Pole *<&'/- 
 luccefs of this affair. But if we judge of him by the for gentle methods rather than force, thinking this wouH^J^'' 
 terms of the Power granted to his Legate, he afted with only inflame, inftead of curing, the Evil, and at moft,st 
 no fincerity, and his Succeflor plainly refufed to confirm would but increafe the number of Hypocrites. He added, Burnet, 
 the Legate’s acquiefcence. It was therefore a manifeft il- that the belt means of converting the Protellants, was the 
 lufion put upon the PofTeflors of the Church-Lands, fince. Reformation of the Clergy, whofe irregular lives had firft;' Method™* 
 according to the Canon Law, they could thereby acquire given birth to Herefy. Gardiner , on the contrary, main- and P re ‘ 
 no juft Title. On the other hand, they could poflefs them tained, that only rigour was capable to have any good gurnet, 
 with a fate Confcience, fince the Legate, at the fame effect upon the Protellants. That in the Reign of Hen- 
 rime that he gave his confent to their enjoyment of thefe ry VIII, it was notorious, all fubmitted to .the Statute of 
 I n.ids, denounced the judgments of God ready to fall on the fix Articles, through fear of punilhment. As Gardi- 
 their heads. It will be asked, perhaps, how the Englijh ner had in many thing^pmplied againft his Confcience, 
 could fuffer themfelves to be impofed upon by fo palpable he could not believe tl^Cpthers had more refolution than 
 an artifice? To this may be anfwered : Firft, that the himfelf. For this rearon he thought, the punilhment of 
 King and Queen being in the fentiments of the Court of fome of the moft obftinate, would be attended with a 
 Rome, affifted the fraud as much as poflible, and the Par- blind compliance in all the reft, to whatever was enjoined, 
 liament, corrupted with Spanijh Gold, Teemed not to fee Hence it appears, he was little concerned to gain Men’s 
 what they faw. In the fecond place, the Legate’s Powers hearts, provided the prevailing Religion found no more op- 
 were probably Ihewn only to the King and Queen, who pofition. The Queen, who" was a flaming bigot, em- 
 appeared fatisfied with them, and the Parliament, without braced his opinion. But to Ihow Pole that his Counfels 
 examining thefe Powers, fuppofed the Legate fufficiently were not wholly neglefted, Ihe charged him with reform- 
 authorized. I have a little enlarged on this Subjeft, be- ing the Clergy, and left to Gardiner the care of extir- 
 caufe it is very material at prefent, and poflibly may be pating Herefy. 
 
 more fo hereafter. The Englijh may fee by this, not Towards the end of the year, the Queen fent Vifcount An Ambaft, 
 only the impoffibility of the Court of Rome's afting with Montague (3), the Bifhop of Ely, and Sir Edward Karne fat to J 
 fincerity in this affair, but that, though a Pope Ihould to Rome , with the Tender of Submiflion to the Pope from *°™ e : 
 have the beft intentions towards the Pofleflors of Church- the King, the Queen, and the three States of the Realm. • * 
 
 The refolution being taken to profecute, with the utmoft 1555. 
 rigour, the Protellants, Gardiner , firft Author of that ad- Gardiner 
 
 Lands, his confent would be infignificant. His Succeflors 
 might always fay, with fome foundation, that he had ex- 
 
 (1) S Richard II. 2 Henry IV. 2 Henry V. j 
 
 (2) The other Afts now made were thele : I. An Aft confirming that of 22. of Henry VIII, which enjoined Egyptians (or Gypftes) not to come into 
 the Kingdom, upon pain of forfeiture of their Goods. The prefent Aft makes it Felony in any Egyptian to remain a Month in England ; and forbids the 
 bringing of them into the Realm, upon the Penalty of forty Pounds. 2. That Perfons arrefted for Manflaughtcr, or Felony, lhall not be bailed, but in 
 open Scflims, except it be by two Juftices of the Peace at leaft. See Statut. 1 and 2. Phil. Mar. c. 4. 13. 
 
 (> ] Sir Anthony Brown, created Vifcount Montague, or Mor.tacute, on September 2, this year ; as was alfo William Howard, Baron Howard of Effingham, 
 March \l. Sir John Williams Baron of Tame , April 5. Sir Edward North Baron of Cbartlege, April 7. Sir John Bruges, Baron Cbar.dois of Sudley, 
 April 5. ana Girard Fitz-Cerard Earl of Kildare, and Baton of Ophelley, May 14. Stow, p. 623, 624, 625. 
 
 No. XLVI. V o 1. II. L vie. 
 
Vol. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAN D. 
 
 p. 146, &c 
 Martyrdom 
 of Hooper 
 and Rogers. 
 Fox. 
 
 T. III. 
 
 </ f Saunders 
 ami Taylor. 
 
 Gardiner 
 
 trar.fr, 
 
 univerf J l 
 Conjiernat 
 
 The Bfhops 
 throw tot 
 Perfection 
 
 vice, very readily undertook to execute it. He it was 
 who in f[iitc of all the difficulties which naturally occurred 
 in the Queen's Marriage, had at laft accompli(hed it. He 
 it wa-. alio, who, by his intrigues, had found a way to 
 '•difpofe Parliaments to favour the Queen’s intentions, with 
 regard to Religion, and had effected the work of refturing 
 the Roman Religion and the Pope’s Authority. He thought 
 therefore nothing more was wanting to com pleat his Glory, 
 than the forcing the Proteftants into the Pale of the Church, 
 or at leaft to an outward fubmifllon to the Laws newly enabl¬ 
 ed, which is the utmoft bounds of Man’s power. For this pur- 
 pole, he refolved to begin with Hooper and Rogers. The firft 
 had been Bilhop of Gloucejhr ; the other was a Clergyman 
 of great repute among the Proteftants. It was he who with 
 Bradford had refeued Bourn from his danger when he 
 preached at St. Paul's. This A&ion, charitable as it was, 
 had received fo ill a conftru&ion, that the Court took oc- 
 cafion from it to arrell Rogers , in order to remove out of 
 the way a Man, who was regarded as one of the Chiefs of 
 the Proteftants, from his great credit and influence with 
 the People. It was 2n Artifice frequently ufed in the be¬ 
 ginning of this Reign by the Court, to imprifon on frivo¬ 
 lous pretences, thofe whom they defignod to facrifice, with 
 intent to detain them till Laws were made to condemn 
 them. Hooper and Rogers were of this number, and the 
 firft Martyrs of this Reign. They were condemned by 
 Commiflioners appointed by the Queen, with the Chancel- 
 . lor at their head (1), and delivered over to the fecular arm. 
 Hooper was burnt at Gloucejlcr , and Rogers at London (2). 
 Hooper was three-quarters of an hour in Torment, the fire 
 not being well kindled, fo that his Legs and Thighs were 
 firft burnt, and one of his hands dropped off before he ex- 
 > pired (3). Thefe executions were followed by thofe of 
 • Saunders and Taylor , two other Clergymen of the molt 
 diftinguifhed Zeal for their Religion (4). Taylor's Punifh- 
 ment was remarkable for his being put into a pitch Barrel, 
 and for having, before the Fire was kindled, a Faggot from 
 an unknown hand thrown at his head, which made it 
 ftream with blood. Afterwards, as he was repeating the 
 51ft Pfalm in Engl/fj , one of the Guards, ftruck him 
 over the Mouth, and bid him pray in Latin. He was there¬ 
 fore obliged to be filent, and continue his ejaculations, till 
 the moment came which was to finifh all his Sufferings. 
 But while the Fire was kindling, one of the Guards, either 
 through impatience or pity, knockt out his Brains with a 
 Halbert, and delivered him from more cruel Torments (5). 
 
 Gardiner finding himfelf miftaken in his Conjectures, 
 "and that the Punifhment of thefe four Clergymen produ¬ 
 ced not the efteCt he expeCted, transferred to Bonner a 
 Commiffion, which could not but draw upon him the pub- 
 lick hatred. This was no favour to the Proteftants, for 
 if Gardiner's Zeal was cruel, Bonner s was furious. 
 
 Mean while, thefe few executions caufed an univerfal 
 Confternation. The Bigots only triumphed. The reft 
 m who had any Senfe of humanity, could not, without the 
 laft concern, behold Men expofed to fuch cruel Sufferings, 
 who were accufed of no crime, and folely for their religi¬ 
 ous opinions. It could not but be obferved how differently 
 the Proteftants behaved from the Roman Catholicks. In 
 Edward's Reign, very few had fuftered imprifonment for 
 their Religion ; and m Mary's, no Punifhment was thought 
 too cruel for thofe Proteftants, who dared to perfevere in 
 their opinions. The Bifhops themfelves feemed afhamed, 
 for, in a folemn Aflembly they declared, they had no hand 
 in thefe barbarities. So all the hatred fell upon the King 
 and Queen, and particularly the King, as he was bred in 
 a Country where the Inquifition reigned. Philip hearing 
 of it, law that the affection of t'he Englijh would be en¬ 
 tirely loft, it they were fuftered continue in this Senti¬ 
 ment. Befides, he was refolved not to be the Dupe of 
 
 the Bifhops, who cleared themfelves at his ex pence. He >- 
 therefore ordered his Confeflor Alpk:>ub to preach before /' A'-,;- 
 him, who, before all the Court, charged the Bid.op, with ’ff r 
 the Cruelties complained of by the whole Kingdom (1 ). 
 
 He even challenged them to produce in the whole Scrip- •< h, 
 tures one pafiage, which allowed Chihli.ms :o hum Men 
 for matters of ccnfcience. It was not without ,:iilh 
 ment that a Spaniard was heard to exclaim at'amfr b nn ng 
 Hereticks, and condemn cruelties fa common m S'm'm. 
 
 The Bifhops were fo amazed, that the fire-, remained e\- 
 tinguifhed for fome Weeks, but about the middle of J la.-\h . 
 they were rekindled, the Bifhops chufing to incur the pub- 
 lick hatred, rather than not perfecute the Proteftai is. The 
 truth is, the Court was no Ids inclined to erucltv than ii.. 
 
 Bifhops. But each had a mind to throw the who:- Id me 
 of the Perfecution on the other. Bonner Bilhop o; i - g onnir 
 don , diftinguifhed himfelf by a Fury unbecoming nut only Fury and 
 a Clergyman and a Chriftian, but even a Cannibal. From c ' 
 this time the executions of the Proteftants were continued, 
 with a barbarity which clearly fhowed, that thofe by \vh,,m 
 they were ordered, were not at all forced. The Bifhops 
 condemned without mercy all who were brought before 
 them, and the civil Magiftrates executed the Sentences, 
 even more rigoroufly than commanded by the Laws (7). 
 
 About the end of April , the Princefs Elizabeth was con- E'irjbeth 
 dudled from JVoodJlock to Hampton-Court, where Gardiner , ‘j >l ' u: Cjf 
 attended by a great number of Privy Counfellors, exhort- r,.,K : n . 
 ed her ferioufly to merit the Queen’s Pardon by an ingc- 1 ■ 
 nuous confelfion of her crimes. But fhe pohtivdy denied Kol,in& “' 
 to have ever juftly offended the Queen. At laft Philip 
 prevailed for an Enlargement of her liberty, at a Seat in 
 the Country (8), where fhe was permitted to retire. As 
 fhe knew all her actions were narrowly obferved, fhe a- 
 voided concerning herfelf in any Affair which might give 
 the leaft Sufpidon. During the reft of this Reign, flic ap 
 plied herfelf wholly to her Studies, and made a confidera- 
 ble Progrefs. But ftill file led an uncomfortable Life, as 
 fhe was forced to diflemble her religious Sentiments, to 
 hearMafs, and frequently confefs herfelf, to efcape the d.m 
 gers file was continually expofed to (9). In this fhe was 
 a little lefs fcrupulous than her Sifter Mary had been i;• 
 
 Edward's Reign. But it may be faid lor her, that dime 
 was a great difference between the Characters of Edward 
 and Mary . The fear of Death could not oblige Alary to 
 diflemble her Religion, becaufe fhe was never threatened 
 with it, whereas Elizabeth faw death continually before 
 her Eves upon the leaft advantage againft her. 
 
 While the Queen was thus exprefling her Zeal for the The : 
 RjomiJh Religion, fhe felt a Load upon her confcience which 
 file could no longer bear. This was the pofteifion of the ^ 
 
 Abby-Lands adjudged to Henry VIII. Pope "ful'r. III. Burnet, 
 pretended to confent that the Pollelfors ot the Ciuirch 
 Lands lliould not be difturbed. But he plainly fhowed that 
 nothing was farther from his Intentions, for even before 
 the Affair of the Reconciliation was ended, he publifhed a 
 Bull, excommunicating all who had taken poffefllon of any 
 Church or Abby Lands, as well as the Princes who favour 
 ed or affifted them. Gardiner indeed had endeavoured to Fox . 
 remove the Queen’s uneafinefs, by telling her, this Bull Burnet, 
 concerned Germany alone, and had no Authority unlefs re¬ 
 ceived in England. But it was eafy to fee, that a defect 
 of Formality could not excufe a practice in England , 
 which was condemned by the Pope as a heinous crime in 
 Germany. Be this as it will, the Queen, who believed 
 herfelf near the time of her delivery, would not run the 
 risk of dying excommunicate. She lent for her Minlf- w , r . 
 ters (10), and told them it was her fixed refolution to part Fox. 
 with the Church Lands in her poffefllon, to be dilpofed of ^ 1,1 }' v; 
 as the Pope fhould judge proper. At the fame time flic HJ'iiuil. 
 ordered them to acquaint the Legate with her intention, 
 
 Good* 1 
 
 (1) See the Names of the reft of the C.'mmiffi.mcrs in S(type's Mem. Tom. 3. p. 1S0. 
 
 (2) John Rogers was brought up in the Univerfity of Cam!ridge, and lor leveral years officiated as Ch ; ’ <in to the Engtijh Merc hants Adventurers a- Ant. 
 
 iucp. in King. Edward's Reign he return,-H to England, and was made Picbend of St. Paul's, and Reader ol the Piv.n ty Lee to. e in the fame GvhtJral. 
 
 On the zSth ot 'January, he was convened before the Commiflionus. excommunicated c n the 29th, and burnt February 9. lie .c:t .. Wife., end eleven 
 Children. A' the Slake he had it in his Power to have laved his Life by a Recantation ; But neithci Hopes nor Fears «. uid prevail on h m to <ie c;l h.s 
 Religion: On the contrary, he faid. He rejigned bis Life with J v, in 'T/inr. -ry of the Doth ire be bad p’eaa.ed. Fox, Trn. 3. p. it3, 119. & e. 
 
 (3) Join Hooper brought up at (Oxford, was, on account ot his Religious Opinions, forced to fly imo Germany, in H r) Villa t ; nv: ; where he 
 remained a conliderable time. He had been very diligent in procuring Bonuti', derivation, which undoubtedly was inc caule of his ruin- K was burnt 
 February 9. Fox, p. 145. Godwin, p. 349. 
 
 14' Laurence Saunders, brought up at Eater. School, and King’s College in Cambridge ; and afterwards Minifter of ihureh Langton in Leicef'cij *’•.•;and o' 
 AlbalLws Bread-free:. Lender ; was burnt at Coventry, February 8. Fox, p. 132, £>V. 
 
 (c) D.aftor Rowland Taylor, Reflor of Hadley in Suffolk, was burnt bebruary 9. Idem. p. 166, Ce. 
 
 (6; He preached on February 10, ljcu Fox. p. idi. 
 
 {7) Robert Ferrar, liifhop of St. Davids, was burnt at Caermai tie.-:, March 30 - -As was Thomas Tomlins, a Weaver, in Smitbfeld, on March 16. 
 Thomas Caujhn at Raleigh, and Thomas bligbed at Herndon on the Hi-/, in Effex, the 26th ; John Lauresce a' 1 : UI.oiler, the 19th ; Ge-rge Marjh at 
 Cbefler, April 14 ; J> bn Card maker Canon of Wells, and John Warne Upholftcier in London, May 30, in SmtbJieU ; and others, in leveral other Places. 
 
 The F.arl of Oxf rd, and the Lord Rub. were very bufy againft thefe poor People. See Fox, Tom, 3. 
 
 (S’, Probably at Hatpeld. But fhe was obliged to keep in her Family Ibomai Pope one uf the Privy-Council, Gage, and fome rthers, who were to be 
 conftant Spies upon her Actions. Godwin, p. 349. 
 
 (9; Her anfwer to the dangeious Qucftions concerning Chrift’s real Prefence in the Sacrament, has fomeihing in it at once artful and folid. 
 
 Chrifl was the Word that fprke it ; 
 
 He took the Bread and brake it : 
 
 And what the Word did make it. 
 
 That 1 believe and take it. 
 
 'y\W,.!am Pat Jet Marquifs of WimirTr, and Lord-Treafurer. Sir Robert R'xbejier Controller, 
 .Ujield Matter of rhr. Wards. Fox, p. %z\. Burnet, Tom- a. p.308. 
 
 Sir Uill am P.tre Secretary of State, and Hr Francis 
 and 
 
Book XVL 
 
 22. M A R *i. 
 
 43 
 
 P,p, Julim 
 dies, and is 
 fucceeded by 
 Marcellos, 
 who dies 
 Jbsrlly after 
 
 w 
 
 Burnet. 
 
 Strype. 
 
 The Pope 
 ercih Ire¬ 
 land into e 
 Kingdom. 
 Burnet. 
 
 and give him a lift of thofe Lands that ftill continued in fuch murmurs, that Bonner himfelf, whether thro’ fear, >555. 
 the Crown. or fome other motive, moderated his Fury fo far, as to Bonncr 
 
 Pope y ulius died the 23d of 11 -arch , a few days before fend away, without trial, Perfons brought before him for severity’s 1 
 this Reftitucion. MarccllusW. fucceeded him the 9th of Herefy. This conduit drew from the King and Queen a Burnet. 
 April. The new Pope was preparing to make a great fevere Letter to him (3), in which, after expreffing their 
 Reformation in the Church 3 but Death furprifed him Surprize, they exhorted him not to be remifs. ° This 'le’tfcrfrcm 
 whilllhe was meditating this projeit, the 22d day after his was fufficient to renew the Perfecution with more fury the Kmg . 
 Exaltation. than before. Bradford , who had been fome time under 
 
 The news of Marcallui s Death being brought to Eng- Sentence of death, was burnt in July (4). Ridley Biihop ’ a „j 
 land, the Queen formed the delign of raifing Pole to the of London , and the venerable old Latimer (5), who had Latimer, 
 Pontificate, .'he even made fome advances towards it, but been Bifhop of Worcejler in the reign of Henry VIII, fuf- Mar - 
 on the 23d . May the Cardinals, aflembled in Conclave, fered Martyrdom in November. I omit many other Mar- j^'rnet' 
 ere&ed Caru. 1 Carctffa , who affumed the Name of tyrdoms in feveral places of the Kingdom, bccaufe my Fox. T. III. 
 Paul IV. T! See had not of a long time been filled defign is not to write a Hiflory of the Church. Let it 
 vith a Pope more haughty, or more proud with his power, fuffice to fay, that in the courfe of this year, iixty-feven 
 He was no fooner raifed to the Papal Chair, than here- Perfons were burnt, amongft whom were four Bilhops, 
 fo a to carry his Authority as high or higher than any of and thirteen other Ecclefiafticks (6). 
 his Trader (Tors. The Ambailadors of England (1) arrived When the King and Queen writ to Bonner to rekindle 
 in Rome the very day of his election, but were not ad- his zeal, the Queen believed herfelf upon the point of be- ^Lcew-n 
 mitted to audience till a Month after. This delay was ing delivered. The 29th of May, the Courtiers were in a Cumct.”* 
 owing to Mary's affirming the title of Queen of Ireland , readinefs to convey the news to different parts of the Str ' F ’ e ' a , 
 which the Pope would not fuffer, pretending that the Ro- Kingdom (7). In the beginning of June , a rumour was HollinB " 
 man Pontiff only had a right to eredl Kingdoms. As every where fpread, that file was delivered of a Prince, 
 the Ambailadors had no Inftrudfions to relax on this Arti- The Bifhop of Norwich fung Te Deum in his Cathedral, 
 cle, their audience would have been long deferred, if the One Prieft more officious than the reft, deferibed in his 
 Pope had not thought of this expedient. He privately ere£t- Sermon the Lineaments of the new-born Prince. But 
 ed Ireland into a Kingdom (z), and at the fame time fent this pretended Pregnancy ended at laft in fome moles caft 
 to the Ambailadors to acquaint them, that otherwife he would forth by the Queen at feveral times. This was a grievous 
 not fuffer them to give their Queen that Title in a publick difappointment to the Queen and the whole Court (8). 
 audience. This difficulty being removed, the Ambaffadors King Philip was no lefs dil'mayed. He had only married Philip 
 were admitted to audience, and the Pope with great Ceremony in hopes of having Children by the Que ■, and- thereby srlw ’ 
 fold them, that in token of his efteem of the King and uniting England with the monarchy of Spain. This ac- ZeZ^ ^ 
 Queen of England, he had erefted Ireland into a King- cident, and perhaps the opinion of the Phyficians that 
 dom, by virtue of his power to create new Kingdoms, and there was no likelihood of any Children, entirely deftroying 
 Demands of f U ppj an t old ones. Afterwards, in private audiences, he thefe hopes, he grew weary of a Wife, who had neither 
 jZlqfidoH warmly prefled the Reftitution of the Church-Lands, and youth nor beauty, and refolved to apply more clofely to 
 tbe Refittu. told the A mbaffadors, that he expe&ed the whole fhould be his other affairs. Belides, he was doubtlefs inform’d by 
 
 ' , 0 n diof‘be re ^ orec * without an y exception. He laid alfo, he intend- the Emperor his Father, of his intention to refign to him 
 
 Cbarcb, and ed t0 h ave the payment of St. Peter’s Pence continued; his Spanijh Dominions. He left England therefore the a ~ d ! ' a "" 
 
 ibe Payment for which purpofe lie would lhortly fend a Collector into 4th of September (9), to go into Flanders , leaving the 
 
 ‘/P r England ; and that the Engli/h were not to expert St. Pc- Queen extremely mortified at his coldnefs, ’of which ihc ' 
 
 Burnet. ter would open the Gates of Heaven to them, fo long as was but too fenlible. 
 
 they ufurped his Patrimony on Earth. The Ambailadors, Before the King’s departure, a difeovery was pretended A forged 
 not to exafperate this haughty Pontiff, were contented to of a Confpiracy againft the Queen. Several Perfons were c ™JF rac y- 
 
 anfwer him with fubmiffion, but did nothing, as indeed arrefted, and fome put to the Torture. But as no Con- stow?'" 
 
 they had 110 power to meddle with thefe points. leffion was drawn from them, very likely this Confpiracy Bollinefc. 
 
 While this pafs’d at Rome, the Privy-Council being in- was only a falfe furmife, defigned to incenfe the Queen a- 
 form’d, that the Juftices of Peace, and particularly Thofe gainft the Perfons accus’d. 
 tbe jufiices of the County of Norfolk, were indulgent to the Proteftants, In the courfe of this year, a ftrirt Inquiry was made af- An J r ^'r> 
 Tc'timed. fent inftrudions to them to art more agreeably to the in- ter them who had pillaged the Churches and Monafteries, ZZrmZ, 
 Burnet. tentions of the Court. This lliows the Bilhops were not and particularly after thofe who were employed in the vi- °J Cbunbes 
 
 T. II. alone guilty of the cruelties exercifed againft the Protef- lltation under Henry VIII. This was a good expedient to ‘f d Mona ~ 
 
 cdkiL tants, but that the Court was equally polleffed with this draw large Sums from thofe Men, who were forc’d to Burnet. 
 
 Strype. furious zeal. In thefe inftrurtions was an article enjoyn- open their purfes to efcape a feverer punifhment. 
 
 T.iii.p.n 4 ing the Juftices to have Spies in every Parilli, for giving The Parliament met the 21ft of Oflober, and did no- An AfI 10 
 2I 7 * information of all Perfons who were remils in their Duty thing confiderable, befides the making an Art to approve 
 
 in P°i nt Religion. This was fo like an Inquifition, and confirm the Queen’s refignation of the Firft-Fruits ofluFilfl- 
 
 " that it was imputed to the Counfels of the Spaniards , and Tenths (10). The Lords were defirous ta make a Fru “‘ and 
 
 which render’d them extremely odious, there being no- Law, to confifcate the Eftates of thofe whom the fear of 
 thing more contrary to the Englijh humour and govern- Perfecution had driven out of the Kingdom ; but the 
 ment. Notwithftanding thefe inftrurtions, and the Court’s Commons rejerted the Bill. Moft of the Members be- Ccm - 
 
 fevere orders, the Violences already committed occafioned gan no longer to pay the fame deference to the Court as mcE -' T -'E a 
 
 An Order 
 
 it laid 
 
 (1) Anthony Brown, Vifcount Montacute, and 7 birlBy B.fftop of Ely, Glyr. Bi/hop of Bangor, Sir Henry Hu [fey, &c. Strype. Tom. 2 n. ”10 227 
 
 (2) On the 7th of June. Burnet, p. 310. J r - » /• 
 
 , (3) Ma y 24. The Queen^parcicularly required of him to perform tbe Office of a good Pajlor, and either to reclaim tbe Hereticks, or proceed a<rat 
 
 a Billfent 
 by tbe Lords . 
 
 them according to Law. BurnTt, Tom. 2. Coll . p. 285. 
 
 (+) John Bradford, born at Mancbejlcr in Lar.calhtre, was Fellow of Pembroke Hall in Cambridge, and made by Biihop Ridley Prebend of St Paul's 
 He was condemned January 31 and burnt July the firft, with one John Leaf, a Tallow-Chandler, in Stritbf.ejd. Fo x .' 
 
 (5; Thefe (wo excellent PreKtes were burnt together at Oxford, OHober 16. Their behaviour was comparabl?to any thing left upon Record of the pri¬ 
 nt.tive Martyrs. Ridley was born of a good Family in Northumberland, and brought up at Ncwcafllc School, and Pembroke Hall in Cambridge : of which laft 
 he was Maftcr. He was Chaplain to King Henry VIII. by whom he was promoted to the See of Rocbefler, and tranflatzd by King Edward VI. to that of 
 London. He was one of^he able! Chansons or the Reformation. His Piety, Learning, and Solidity of Judgment, were admired by his Friends, and dreaded 
 by has Enemies. 1 he Night before hr, Execution he invited the Mayor of Oxford and his Wife to fee him die. And when the good Woman melted in 
 1 l ’u i' h l ,P , " , W „ h 3n Aflu I anC<5 ’ wh J ,ch was C3 P able t0 ban 'lh her Sorrow, in the thought that fo much F.,nr.els on fo melancholy an occaficn, 
 
 could be the only Ci.tot Heaven, infpin.ng and animating him againft his approaching Agony. He comforted Latimer at the Stake, who was as readv 10 re¬ 
 turn the kind Offi.e. He was lo little diverted Oy the Terrors before him, that he even give a ferious Attention to the Sermon preached by a furious Bi 
 got ; and was fufnaently calm to have anlweicd the exceptionable Part, of it, which lie offered to do ; but he was not allowed to dilo.ay his Eloquence and 
 Kc.iion, which might hate fhaken his Audience, and made more work for hir Perfeculors. lie left the World with an Aft of luftice. by a Petition cot to 
 the greet tha! -'her the Tenants of the Bifhoprick of London might be confirmed in their Leafes, or their Fines reftored .ut of his Goods, feized when lie 
 ZuvZl r u m c y l , he °$ ,he Fa ?E ls ( 0 him, and his Legs were a.moft confirmed before the Fire reached 
 
 ? "! ’ rn a ’ lh f ca J t,n ' n Lcccjlcrjhtre, and brought up at Cambridge. Hews made by King Hetty VlH. Biihop of IVarc.fter, which 
 
 See he. aligned, as is related in the former Volume. He KM , —a fL k:. ._ .. .r. . ..' • / . 
 
 which, unadorned tviih Human Eloquence 
 made Keftituti. n in his 
 
 Lienee, and oblig'd him to lacrtfice Gain to Godlinefs. 
 
 Tiiun phs of reigning Popci- 
 
 lj°n . u; - f his pain, and fell alleep ; a,d fillifhed a Life ts : hich, through a Couifc 
 Pi 'y, : implicity, and lntcg.ity. ot the 3rft. Fox, Tom. 3. 
 
 „ '■cfT'y. rMt *’ A,c “ c “=" «t trmtyUr, Son of SU P«,r fbilf,, K,. ho.nl in SmMJMi, ,t. A; M „,h„. 
 
 (7; m Howard, the Lud Admiral was appointed to go to the Eniper 
 
 K-.ng of the Romans, and R-eberd brvel/y to the King . f Portugal. Etrype, Tot. 
 
 - That a Woman told him, before Witneftes in 156b, that fhe'hved near 'A/derfgate, and was debt,-red of a Boy 0 
 n 11, I le , to - -rt and another Lord, came to her, and defined to have her Child from her, with very advantag: 
 
 : ,:lo,o„0.o , c-.. Bo, »« i„ „o cofo |6n »itk ,h. Child. T» J p. n 7 >. Thi>, oil 
 
 ecmed to he , cry day looking lor her Delivery, may give f„me Sufpicions. Tom. 3. p 244. 
 r Dover, Atigufi 29. btrype, p. it-j. 
 
 ! L . DrdS 1 l ' n ,hc 2 ° tb ' 2,lt > 2 3 d » and 26th of November, the Vifcount Hereford, and tK- Lord Ccbham, difient- 
 
 f wa i ^ ’-“ a November 24, 26, and December 3. On which laft day it was carritd, upon a Div.fii.n of one 
 
 His Turn 
 
 n at 'Tbiircafon i 
 
 r Volume. He had a noble S mplicily, ar.d in his bermor.s arraigned the Vices <f great Sinners with pla....,,,,, 
 ' , “ nd ? lheir and made the F.lixes of the Age tremble before him. One illuftrious Robber 
 
 . ..* H ands of Money Hole from the Publick, or the Trcalury, moved by cne of his Difcourfes on Reft tution, which pierced hi- Con- 
 Godlinefs. He comforted Rid/ey at the Stake (wno had done as much for him and, unfhaken with oil the 
 P n!i h !-i c^L‘x h ?, J V °t 0U . ld l‘ gbt f UCb "CW/r m England, «j by Cod's Grace would never be exttr.guffi.-J. He was 
 eighty years, and in the Corruption of the laft Ages, preferved the 
 
 )r, Ratcliff Lord Fitz-H'alter 
 
 (8) Fo 
 after the had 
 Chi'd fhou'd f 
 that the Quce 
 
 9) He let out ft 
 (10) This Bill v 
 ing from it. And 
 hundred ninely lix, 
 
 n London I, 
 
 the French King, Sir Henry Sidney to the 
 , Jur 
 
 
 , being a 
 
 in the Hoe 
 igainft one huridre 
 
 formerly,’ 
 
4 + 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 The HI STO RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 formerly, whether their Penfions were withdrawn after a 
 compliance to almoft whatever was defir’d , or they 
 would not lie the inftruments of reftoring to the Clergy 
 an Authority fo odious to the Nation. Befides, mod 
 People were grown weary of the cruelties exercis’d againft 
 innocent Men. However this be, the Queen met with 
 c .,„ great mortifications in this Seffion. When flic defired a 
 • out f Supply of money, the Commons, with great freedom, re¬ 
 plied, it was not juft to burden the People with expences 
 :bt which the might ealily have fupplied, if fhe had kept the 
 Clmrcli Hands. So, it was with great difficulty that fhe 
 i f .,obtained ■* moderate Subfidy (i). The Parliament, feem- 
 1 • l 'f- inir refolved not to be directed any more by the Court, was 
 d ' difiolvcd the c;th of December (2). 
 
 miner It is not furprizing that the good Intelligence between 
 the ()ueen and the Commons began to decreafe, fince the 
 Mmilter, wno had hitherto been employed to manage that 
 rr- Houle, was no iongcr in the world. I fpeak of Gardiner , 
 who died in the beginning of this Seffion, in which he 
 had been but twice prefent (3). He was feized with his 
 ficknefs the very day he received the news of the death of 
 Ridley and Latimer , which he impatiently waited for. 
 •net. He refufed to fit down to dinner till he had received it, 
 ll,,: s ih and was without that Satisfaction till four in the afternoon. 
 He then dined with a good appetite, and after dinner 
 was feized with a fuppreffion of Urine, which brought him 
 to his Grave in few days. It is faid, that during this in- 
 difpohtion he lelt fonie remorfe for his part conduct, and 
 fometimes laid he had err’d with St. Peter , but not 
 mourn’d with him. He was a Man entirely attached to 
 the World, of great Wit, and of equal craft and diffimu- 
 tion (4). He direded his Talents folely to the fupport- 
 ing and augmenting his own Authority. Pope Paul IV, 
 iA ... promiled him a Cardinal’s Hat. It is alfo pretended, that 
 to procmc the Archbifiioprick of Canterbury , promiled 
 to Pole , he had fo flander’d him to the Court of Rome, 
 thac the Pope had refolved to recall, and even punifh him 
 vis a favourer of Herefy, becaufe he did not approve the 
 violent methods pradiled for the Converfion of Proteft- 
 ants. Gardiner’s hope of fucceeding to the Archbi- 
 Ihuprick, was the reafon that Cratimer was fuffered to 
 live; becaufe Gardiner waited till Pole was recalled. Tho’ 
 in all appearance, his religion was that of the Church of 
 Rome, he had conformed to all Henry VIlI’s changes. 
 Put the hope he had groundlefsly conceived, that Henry 
 would at Jaft return to his firft Sentiments in Religion, 
 put him upon fume practices which rendered him fufpcCted, 
 and robbed him of the fruit of his diffimulation. During 
 the reign of Edward , he dilTembled fo far as to comply 
 outwardly with the Laws concerning Religion ; but at 
 the fame time he fufficiently dilcovercd that it was with 
 regret. To this was owing his deprivation, thole who 
 then manag’d the religious affairs, being perlwaded that 
 his diffimulation did more harm than good. In the reign 
 of Mart, he was no longer forced to conceal his Senti¬ 
 ments. Nav, perhaps he afteCkd a greater zeal, than he 
 realiv had, for the Romijh Religion, to recommend him- 
 felf the more to a bigotted Queen. By this he acquir’d 
 her favour, and became her firft Minifter, having art¬ 
 fully gained the Emperor to his intereft. When he 
 faw his Credit firmly eftablifiicd, he turned his revenge 
 upon his Enemies into Barbarity. They had been con¬ 
 cerned to detain him in Prifon ; but he could only be latis- 
 lied with burning them alive. Ridley and Latimer , a- 
 mongft others, felt the terrible effects of his Vengeance. 
 He had not fo long deferr’d the Satisfaction of cuufmg 
 Cranmer to perith in the flames, if his own intereft had 
 
 not induced him to fpare his life for fome time. It is pre- 13;; 
 tended he was natural Son of Richard U'oodviU, Brother 
 to Queen Elizabeth , King Edward IV’s Wife, and that 
 this was the caufe of his fo fudden advancement to the Bi- 
 flioprick of IVincheJler , in the reign of Henry VIII. 
 
 Dr. Burnet has clearly proved, in his Hijhry of the Refor¬ 
 mation, that Gardiner was one of the principal Authors ot 
 Henry's Divorce with Catherine. This, one would think, 
 
 Ihould have rendered him equally odious with Cranmer to 
 Queen Mary : But his zeal for the Romijh Religion effa¬ 
 ced all. Alter his death, the Chanccllorlhip was executed Pub. 
 by Commiffion (5), from the 13th of November to theXV. p.42'. 
 firft of January following, when Heath Archbifhop of Burnct - 
 York had the Seals delivered to him. 
 
 The day after diflblving the Parliament, the Queen re- ‘The Pope 
 ceived a Bull from Paul IV, ereCtins Ireland into a King- J' ' ul ‘ J Bu!! - 
 dom, this Pope prefuming, that the Erection made in the j f 
 Reign ot Henry VIII, was null and invalid. Probably, Kingdom. 
 the Queen, who was full of fcruples, was not difplealed Buinet * 
 to receive this Bull without her del:ring it. 
 
 The King’s abfcnce, and Gardiner's death, did not bin- The Perf t - 
 der the fires from being rekindled about the end of this curi ^ r ‘- 
 vear, for the burning of Protcftants. This fliows, that Wem / 
 Philip and Gardiner were not the only Authors ot thefe 
 violences, but that the fource of them lay in the Queen’s 
 furious bigotry. 
 
 It was likewife about this time that Charles V, reflened Charles V. 
 all his Spanijh Dominions to Philip at two different h f 
 times (6). The following year, he refigned likewile the e, , , ,,-j 
 Imperial Dignity to his Brother Ferdinand (7). Paul IV 7 . ‘ 
 long refufed to own the new Emperor, pretending, that \ ’ 
 
 the refignation of the Empire ought to have been made 
 to him (8). 
 
 The 21ft of March, Cranmer fuft’ered the Martyrdom 1556. 
 to which he had long been deftined. He had been declared Frsnmer 
 Heretick from April 1 ,-54. But this Declaration was at- ^ff dcd ' 
 tended with only a bare Excommunication, the power stryp-. 
 of the Judges, who had condemned him, reaching no far- Burnet, 
 ther. At laft, in September 1555, he was tried at Ox¬ 
 ford before two Commiffioners (y), one delegated from the 
 Pope, and one from the Queen. His Accufation contain¬ 
 ed, That he had been twice married : That he had kept 
 a Wife fecretly in trie Reign of Henry VIII, and openly 
 in that of Edward: That he had publilhed heretical Books, 
 forfaken the Communion of the Romijh Church, and de¬ 
 nied the real prefence of Chrift in the Sacrament. He 
 owned all thefe fatfb, and upon his Confeflion, was cited 
 to appear before the Pope within eighty days ; a needlefs 
 citation, fince lie was detained a Prifoner. T he 14th of Godwin. 
 February, Bonner and Thit leby were fent to Oxford to de- BurneC ’ 
 grade him. Bonner executed his Commiffion with his 
 ufual infolence, and with bitter railleries arid invectives a- 
 gainft: Cranmer, during the Ceremony. But Thitleby 
 melted into Tears. Cranmer was clothed in Pontifical 
 Robes made of Canvas, to render him ridiculous, and then 
 ftript of that ludicrous artire, piece by piece, according to 
 the Ceremonies of degradation practiced in the Church of 
 Rome [ 10). But what was ridicuLus, was, his being con¬ 
 demned for Non-..ppearance at Rome, though he was all 
 the while a clofc Pnf ner. 
 
 Death Ihould of c urfe have immediately followed the an 
 fentcncc of the Commiffioners, and his degradation. But siljuraticn, 
 fo many fnarcs weic laid to overcome the conftancy of thisStrype. 
 Prelate, that, by infirmity, and the hopes of faving his 
 life, he was prevailed with to lign an Abjuration (11). His 
 enemies, it feems, fhoulJ have been fathhed with engaging 
 him in this wcaknefs, but his death was what they want- 
 
 to twenty Pound,, i zd. in the Pound; 
 1 to be paid in three Years. Steven, 
 
 (i ) The Laity granted her, from every l’erfon worth from five Pounds to ten Pounds, Id- in the P urn! ; 
 and from twenty P, unds and upwards, a 6 . 1. And all Strangers to pay double. The Clergy 6 rlnt d in 
 2 - 3 , tSSc. Stow, p. 627. 
 
 ‘ V hr- A&s made in this Parliament were as follows: 1. That every Man, for every hundred and twenty Sheep fcc feeds, fliall keep 1 Milch Cow, 
 and rear Call. 2. Tint two Surveyors Hull be chofcn in Eajler Week in every Parifb, who (hail take care to have the Kieh-v ,ys mender. 3. That 
 Purveyors dull not take Vittuals within five Miles of Oxford or Cambridge. 4. An Att for the legulation ot Wateimen and Baigcn 
 
 1 the Rivet 
 
 
 '71 He Hi -! of a Diopfy, November the 12th, or, according toothers, the 13th, and was buried in 'lie Cathedral of If 
 ti'. M'T.ument is yet to be feen, though fomewhat defaced. Godwin, p. 351 . Strype , ibid. Comp, tlijt. 
 
 I, Hr- a s a Mari ot 1, m ■ Learning ; for he underlined the Canon arm Civil Law as well as nv>(l nr h:s time ; he wrote Lofr. w m 
 
 s excelled him in the Greek Language. Burnet, p. 321..As to hr; Perfon, h.s Succeflcr, Bifnop P 
 
 , ... a fwarthy Colour, hanging Look, frowning Blows, Eyes an inch within his Held, hooked Nofe, wide M- 
 
 M ,uth, great Hand , and long Talons, rather than Nails upon his Toes, which made him go ureah y. Strype 
 (C, The Seal was delivered to Sir Nicholas Hare, Mailer of the Rolls. By" 
 
 (6; OStober 23. Srrada, 1 . 1. 
 
 ( 7 1 Charter, after hi' Retirement, delighted very much in 1-- - - 
 
 lime to caufe to ltrike exatlly together, but could never bring it about. Whcienpun he broke out into this remarkable Exn, 
 
 «. for lull is ii lor Princes to endeavour to. make all their Subjects be of one Mind in Religion, when 
 
 1 Far d. Tom. 1 
 
 . 426. 
 
 n Godwin, p. 3 ;: 
 
 , where his Effigies upon 
 
 res this" de- 
 a Sparrow 
 
 1 Curiofities, and particularly had great Var'cry of Clock-,, which lie tried a long 
 ' • ■ 1 • ' ‘ 1 ~ " " W vain .and 
 
 e togerher.'* 
 
 few Cl c 
 
 . p. 330. 
 
 0 Allifiants, which v 
 
 • Dr. Martin, and Dr. 
 
 i* Pigcantry from a 
 
 (g\ This Vr ir, the Heralds were incorporated by the Queen’s Letters Patents, bearing ii!e July i 3 . Rymer'i Feed Tern. 13. p. 4 ’- v 
 a].;,, on Maud, ,4, died John Buffet, the firll Earl of Bedfo-d, and was buried on the 22rl, at Cbcync t in Butb.ngbamjh,,,. Stow, p. 6211. 
 
 i’ 9j Jamm Br „i, Bilhop of Gloceftcr was Commiflioner trom Pole, and the King and Queen delegated tv 
 Story. Godwin, p. 332. _ , , 
 
 110) His Behaviour in this Ceremony was uniform and becoming. He was not forty, he .aid, to be thus 
 th n JO 1 he Chuich ot Rome, but d.darrd it to be great Injuflice to condemn him for not going to Rome when he was Ihut up in Pn on ; and denying 1 li- 1 -pe 
 had any Aiuli.uity over him, appealed from th.s Sentence to a fr.e General Council. Burnet, p. 333 - -- This .‘pedade, y Gcaivin •bitrv.-i , w.s lulnc-ent, 
 n ,,i . ,,:v to exto.t Comp ill >n trom his Enemies, but even to melt inanimite things into Tears. The Pnmate of England, that la.ely flounth-d in the 
 h eln.(I Honour and Authority with Princes, mod venerable for his San.-iity of Life, f.-r his Age, Perf.n, Learn rg, Gravuy, and innumerable L.fcellencrs 
 otMin.l, now by the Malice of the Romanjh, dreft in a ridiculous old Habit, baited with Scurrility and contemptuous Reviling-, and d.aggrd to a moft-rn- 
 huraan and tormenting death, p. 353. ,. . , n j • ... . 
 
 in) He was p.ev ailed upon to fubferibe not only one Form of Recantation, but fix didind ones, which the Reader may lee in Strype 
 
 2 33 > 
 
 ed. 
 
Book XVI. 
 
 * 55 6 - 
 
 have him 
 burnt. 
 
 Aft. Pub. 
 XV. p.43 
 
 He repents 
 end fuff* 
 
 22. M A R S'. 
 
 ed, and nothing lefs would content them. The Queen, extravagant pride, and though fourfcore years old, was 
 who pretended a merit in forgiving him his private of- forming vail Projects. He cannot be better compared 
 fences, and in being moved only by a zeal for Religion, than to Julius II, He had two Nephew , .me ,, Cardinal 
 feeing all her matures broke by his Abjuration, pulled off and the other Governor of the Ecclefiaftical State, ami 
 the mask, and figned a Warrant for burning him, not- both mortal Enemies of the Family of lii- Ci/mi, whole 
 , withftanding his Abjuration. Then it was that Cyan- ruin they had refolved, and confequvntly the Kin ,.l 
 -in- came to bimfelf, and, full of fhame and confulion, re- Spain's, who fuppotted it. To eftcdl (heir defivn, 'the. 
 
 + 5 
 
 ( . raaed at thc Stake, and refolved, the Hand which had perfuaded the Pope their Uncle, that they had difcovered 
 on. hgned the fatal Abjuration, fhould firft fuffer. He held it a Confpiracy formed againft him bv the Spaniard. hi 
 
 Slops. extended in the fire till it dropped off (1), and then was confequence of tins pretended difeovery, they opened th- 
 
 oblerved to beat his Bread with the other. Thus he ex- Packets of the Duke of Jha, Viceroy of Nap!, 1 and 
 [Hied, tedifying a repentance for the fault he had com- therein pretended to find incontedable proofs. Tliev’com¬ 
 mitted. His Heart was found entire in the afhes, after mined Cardinal Cslmni to Prifon, and arrefied the l n- 
 lus whole Body was confumed, which occafioned divers voys of Philip and the Queen of England. Then they 
 reflections, foreign to my purpofe. The Enemies of the feized Pallium and Netluno, two Towns belonging to the 
 Reformation triumphed in the fall of this Prelate, and the Colonni. ~ b 
 
 Protettants excufed him in the bed manner they could (2). But notfatisfied with this, they foon after induced />./>, p„,,' 
 tw'lT"" 1 ' F ° U *“ confa:rated Archbilhop of Canterbury the day their Uncle the Pope, to declare War with Spain, with- ,v - “ J ‘" 
 Zeb'hflop. aftcr his death - It. ft*™ he bad his Cange / elire with out having either Money or Troops to fupport i’t. He TTniici 
 Godwin. his Eleftion, and his Bulls from Pome difpatched before was therefore obliged to have recourfe to the Kina of e.dr/i ' 
 
 A(t ne p b thist!rne > becaufe the order for the reditution of the Tem- Prince, who was in adual War with Philip For”this 
 
 XV.p. 432. P° raliti f bears da te the aid of March , the day of Cran- purpofe, he propofed to him the Conqued of ihe Kingdom b™«“" 
 pal C cleared mers death (3). It is therefore without foundation that of Naples, and offered him all his forces to execute that 
 P ° l ‘ “ acci,red of boning bis death, to take pofleffion of deftgn, provided Ire would affift him in the War he had 
 upeebim hls Archbilhoprick, beeaufe there was almod a month be- undertaken. This Propofal being laid before the Council 
 ■ojiibregard tween the Queen’s Warrant for burning Cranmer, and thc of France , thc Cardinal of Lorrain fupported it with ail 
 E “ c “'‘ on - P ° k had no nced of Cranmer’s death to be his Intered. This Cardinal had then fuch influence over 
 pollened of the Archbilhopnck, vacant ever fince ins Pre- the Court, that no Perfon almod durd contradifl him 
 dcceffor’s Condemnation. And indeed, he was now Arch- though it was eafy to fee that a League with the Pope 
 bifiiop of Canterbury before Cranmer died, having been could bring no advantage to the Kilim The Cardinal’s 
 eledled in England, and approved by the Pope, as is ex- aim was to procure for "his Brother, the Duke of Guife 
 prefled in thc Order for redoring the Temporalities, dated the command of the Army which fhould be fent into 
 the 21 ft of March. Italy. 
 
 Uoncmtu' A11 the reft of this y ear was a continual and violent This League, offenfive and defenfive, was therefore be¬ 
 rk/. Perfecution of the Proteftants. The furious Bonner, who gun at Paris , and figned at Rome, where the Cardinals of 
 
 Fox. had the care of punifhing Hereticks, not contented to Lorrain and Tournon had repaired the beginning of Oc- 
 
 burn them one b y one > fent them in Troops to thc tober 15*5. The Pope pro mi fed the Inveftiture of Nap Us 
 flames i fo that in the year 1556, eighty five periled by to a Son of France ; and the King, on his part en^cd 
 Horribu h / S barbar ‘ t y; ver y ^ omen were not fpared, and to fend into that Country an Army of twelve thoutend 
 
 Barbarity. the “"7 of the Perfecutors fell upon innocent Infants. In Foot, five hundred Men at arms, and as many li^ht Ho,rfe 
 
 FoXl the Ifle of Guernfey, a Woman big with Child being con- But fhortly after, by the mediation of Mary °Henry II A7m „ 
 
 demned to be burnt, and the violence of the fire burfting her and Philip concluded a five years Truce iigned the ah deluded ben 
 
 Womb, a Boy fell into the flames, which being fnatched of February, 1556. The Pope complained loud]/, that the T'" 
 out by one more merciful than the reft, was, after a fhort King of France had left him to the vengeance of the s P "T 
 confutation, thrown in again by command of the Ma- Spaniards. Indeed, the Duke of Alva h*d now approached Ti.u-nus. 
 gift rates who aflifted at the execution. Rome, and taken fome places, and amongft the reft Oflia 
 
 While by thefe violent Proceedings the utter ruin of the which the Pope’s Nephews had negleftcd to fto’re ' In 
 Proteftant Religion was endeavoured, the Queen, on the this extremity, the Pope and his Nephews had no other 
 other hand, laboured to fupport that of the Church of refuge, than to prevail with the King of France to break 
 Burnet. K r fP air ' n S Monafter.es, and founding new the Truce with Spain. It was with this view that Car- 
 
 ones (4). lerhaps lhe had more advanced her defign to reftore dinal Caraffa repaired to Paris, as Legate a Latere de- 
 the religious Houfes, had not the Nobility and Gentry daring, that he came to effed a Peace"between the’ two 
 taken the alarm. It happened, even in the laft Seflion of Crowns. At the fame time, the Pope loaded with praifes 
 the Iarhament, that fome of the Commons, upon hearing the Queen of England, for mediating a Truce and exhorted 
 a Propofal concerning that affair, laid their hands on their her not to leave her work unfinished, but endeavour to 
 Swords, and boldly faid. They knew how to defend their change the Truce into a firm and lafting Peace Mean T ; p 
 own Properties. I'he Queen feeing fo many obftacles, time, the Legate, by his Intrigues and magnificent Pro-p^-h 
 and not thinking it proper at that time to pufh the affair, mifes, prevailed at laft with the Kina to break Hie Truce ™ irb ,be 
 Rave* (erne- ref °! Ve ? t t0 a T? fa ); orable opportunity, and proceed without alledging other reafon, than °that tbe Pope was op- 7^to 
 raipjcout&z^y- MeaiiI while, ihe gave a Commiffion to Bon- prefted by the Spaniards, though his Holinefs had firft de- W 
 of the pub. ner, and fome others, to raze out of the publick Records dared War againft Spain 
 
 £lir''Ti’ at ? VCr h! o en d0ne . by Y nI ’ againft the In J‘ mar y ' 557 . Cardinal Pole vifited both thc Uni- 
 
 T.1I. p.341. Mwik. and the Pope, and particularly the accounts of the veriities. Whilft he was at Cambridge, Bueer and Fa*nt n. 
 
 Viiitations of Monaftenes, and the Renunciations of the two German Divines, dead fome years before were “mil’ F “ e ” 
 
 Papai Authority by the Monks. This has made the Ec- culoufly cited before the Commiffioners to give’an acccount "lam'" 
 cleiiaftical Hiftory of that time very defeaive, and yet, of their Faith, and upon their non-appearance, both were Mar- ' 
 notwithftanding the care of the Commiffioners, many Re- condemned to be burnt. This Sentence was followed by E " ,D "’ 
 cords of this nature efcaped their diligence, and remain a Warrant from the Court to execute it, and the two “” 
 to this day ... _ Bodies in their Coffins were tied to flakes, and confirmed 
 
 I’he War A ,11 continuing between France and Spain, to Allies (6). At Oxford, Peter Martyr's Wife was dug 7 -b.tr,r, 
 wrtliout thc Intervention of the Enghjh , Philip was de- out of her Grave by order of the Legate and buried in a Mar- 
 D.nicl. , a Pcace 4 r u a Tru , ce ’, to havc leildr<: t0 Dunghill, beeaufe having been a Nun, fte had broke her * f ’ 
 
 o,™. firmly the Throne, lately refigned to him by Vow. At firft a Procefs was inlended againft her as a 
 
 the Emperor his Father. His Queen had mediated for Herctick. But as fhe had never learned to fpeak Enp/i/h 
 this Ieace or Truce, and obtained, that the two Kings no witnefs could be produced to fwear, he bad ever heard 
 fhould .-end their Ambalfadors between Calais and Ardres, her utter any Herefy. If all had been thus dua lip who 
 where they had indeed met the 2.ft of May the laft year, might have been prefumed to die Hereticks fince the Re¬ 
 but without coming to any conclufion (5). The Advance- formation, there would have been work enough. In all 
 ment of laid IV to the Papal Throne, rendered the appearance, the fuffering Peter Martyr to go out of the 
 Peace ftill more difficult. He was a Pope of the moft Kingdom was heartily repented. If the Body of his 
 
 7 'he Queen 
 repair! old 
 Monajlcnc 
 
 Afairl 
 
 P. Da 
 Thuanus. 
 
 (1) While he W35 burning he fometimes cried out, 7 bat unworthy hand. Pcx. 
 
 (a) He died in the fixty feventh Year of his Age, and the twenty third of his’ Primacy, and left a Son of his c 
 
 5 Elix- S try pi 
 
 (3) Rapin by miilakc fays, he 
 indecent to be confecrated as long 
 f> that the Words of Elijah to Abab concerning Naboth 
 
 (pi Laft year die founded a-new, the Monaftery of the Franc'i, 
 
 n Name, who was reftored in Blood, 
 
 made Archbifhop the day Cranmer died. Though he had been elefted, and approved by the Pope, Pole thoueht it 
 “ ra m ‘ r J, „ / Y et h,s choofjn 6 ,he day for it, brought him under the Sulpicion of having procured his Death, 
 applied to him, Thou haft killed and taken pofftftion. Burnet , Tom- 2 p. 34 o. 
 
 In for ,h = »***** 
 
 (6) February 6. Burnet, p. 345. 
 
 No. 46. V O L. II. 
 
 M 
 
 Wife, 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 46 
 
 The HISTO RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 by lit Cut 
 
 Th'-f'- 
 
 ■England. 
 
 T.II p j+7' 
 
 Wife vv.r thus treated, what muft he have expected, had he feized the [Caftle, and publfthed a Manifefto againft the i?c;. 
 he been {'till in the hands of his Perfecutors (1) ? Queen, pretending file had forfeited all her right to the 
 
 The violences hitherto atfed upon both the dead and Crown, by introducing Spaniards into the Kingdom. He 
 the livinv, had a quite contrary efiidt to what the Queen had even the boldnefs to aflume the Title of Proteftor of 
 l ni j mu The Ecclefiafticks only continued their England. But the Earl of IVeJlmor eland affembling fome Rrta.hp,-.- 
 
 ra/e • but the Magiftrates began to relax, and fcrupled to Troops in the North, retook Scarborough , and made Staf- Jor ' ,r ' 
 be the Inftruments of thef'e Barbarities. The Council be- ford Prifoner, with three of his accomplices (6). ' 
 
 . ing informed of it, writ circular Letters to all the Towns, King Philip arrived the 20th of March (7) in England , : 
 
 to inflame their veal in the Perfection of Hereticks. But where eight thoufand Men were ready to pals into the !•: -j. 
 
 theft* Letters produced no great effect. Lovj-C ountries. Shortly after his Arrival, the Queen lent r 
 
 The Queen and her Minifters inraged to hear from all a Herald to declare War againft France. The 17th oVf ffp ' ar 
 
 parts that" the number of the Proteftants increafed rather June the eight thoufand English (8) under the Conduift of Fran ., 
 
 e . than Icllened, rcfolved, as fome have allured, to ered an the Earl of Pembroke left England , and joined the Spanifh G«jwin. 
 Inquifition in England , like that in Spain. To this end, Army commanded by the Duke of Savoy ; after which jj ur “*" us ' 
 a Coin million was granted the laft year, empowering twenty Philip himfelf departed in July (9) to return to Rrujfels. 
 one Commiftioners (2) to lit upon Trials of Herefy, with The Duke of Savoy having made a feint, for a Month, S/.Quintin 
 
 a power lb unlimited, that no other Rules were preferibed to attack feveral Places in Picardy, fell fuddenly upon St. 
 than their difcretion, nor any Perfon whatever exempted fhiintin (10), which was in ill condition, and had only a G ^"“ s ’ 
 from their Jurisdiction. This was followed by a Perfe- Garrifon of three hundred Men. All that the Conftable, Burnet. 
 
 Il1, cution, in which feventy nine Proteftants periflied. who commanded the French Army, could do, was to detach H ' jlli, ‘S ,h - 
 
 Duke of While thefe things palled in England, the Duke of his Nephew Admiral Chatillon with three thoufand Men, 
 
 Gulf arrived in Italy , with the Army defigned for the to throw himfelf into the Town. The Admiral fucceed- 
 h “ ,n '° Conqueft of Naples. He flayed fome time at Rome, where ed in part, having got in the Night through the Quarters 
 he found nothing ready of what the Pope had promifed. of the Befiegers. But inftead of three thoufand, only 
 Nevertheless, he entered the Kingdom of Naples in April , feven hundred followed him, the reft having loft their 
 where he performed no great Exploits. Shortly after, he way. With this Reinforcement he made a gallant defence, 
 was recalled by the Pope to the relief of Rome, clofely in hopes that the Conftable, though much weaker than the 
 blocked up by the Duke of Alva. Enemy, would ufe all poflible endeavours to relieve him, 
 
 iipr«- On the other hand, Philip finding, the French had and indeed nothing was negledled by the Conftable. He 
 M-ry broken the Truce, refolved to exert his utmoft to efta- was even fo fuccefsful as to throw Andelot, Brother of the 
 
 Rupture blilli his reputation in the beginning of his Reign. He Admiral, into the Place with five hundred Men. But in 7 he Ban!, 
 
 6 raifed for this purpofe an Army of fifty thoufand Men, his return, after his Succefs, he was attacked by the Duke °f Sr - Lau " 
 
 janus. who were to aeft in Picardy ; and to make himfelf more of Savoy, who routed his Army, killed two thoufand five 
 
 net." formidable, tried all ways to gain the Queen to his Inte- hundred of his Men, and took him Prifoner. In this 
 
 "• refts notwiihftanding the Agreement in their Marriage- Battle, called the Battle of St. Laurence, ( becaufe fought 
 Articles, and his Oath to give" no occafion of Rupture be- on the 10th of Augujl, the Day dedicated to that Saint, ) 
 tween England and France. His Creatures about Ma- France loft a great number of Princes and Noblemen killed 
 ry perpetually infinuated toiler, that {he was ill treated or made Prifoners (11). The Confternation was fo great, 
 by the King of France, who not content with receiving that if the Duke of Savoy had marched diretftly to Paris , 
 the Englijh "fugitives that retired into his Dominions, it was believed nothing could have prevented his Entrance, 
 had even given Pen lions to feveral. Thefe infinuations But inftead of this, he drew back to his lines, and eight 
 jff/f began to operate on the Queen. But to put her quite out days after carried the Town by ftorm (1 z), and took the 
 
 fjt'bti. of humour with Henry, an aitifice was ufed, which fuc- Admiral Prifoner on the breach. All France exclaimed a- 
 
 !vi1, ceeded according to the defires of thofe who contrived it, gainft the Pope, who had occafioncd this Rupture. But 
 
 nst * probably, to do Philip fervice. Dr. IVotton, the Englif) the Blow was ftruck. The King of France’s laft&efource 
 
 Ambaffador in France, fent for one of his Nephews to was to call the Duke of Guife out of Italy, where he was 
 
 Paris, and gave him proper inftru&ions to accomplilh the making no great progrefs. 
 
 Project. This young Man applying himfelf to one of When the Pope heard the Queen of England had decla- 
 the Kind’s Gentlemen, defired a private audience of the red War againft France , he was fo angry with Pole, as if p n Jf 0rt<ali 
 King, faying, he had an affair of great conlequence to com- he could have hindered it, that he recalled all his Le- Godwin, 
 municate to his Majelty. The King refilling to fee him, gates (13), including Pole in the number; but Karne the Burnet, 
 ordered him to apply to the Conftable of Montmorenci. Englijh Ambaffador remonftrated to him by fome Cardinals, Strype ’ 
 IVotton, in his Conference with the Conftable, told him, the Mifchiefs which from thence might enfue to Religion, 
 
 he was fent by the Inhabitants of Calais, who were gc- At laft, after many Sollicitations and Remonftrances, the is dtffwadti 
 
 ncrally Proteftants, and delirous to put themfelves into the Pope, without revoking his order, promifed only it fhould/''*”’ "• 
 hands of the French King, provided they might have li- not be notified to Pole, and told the Ambaffador he W2S in- 
 
 berty to profefs their Religion. The Conftable liftning to dined to continue the Cardinal in his Legation, if the 
 
 this Propofition, bid him explain how it might be effected. Queen fhculd defire it. This was before the Battle of 
 
 and liking the Project, told IVotton to come to him again St. Laurence. But when News of the lofs of this Battle, and 
 and talk of this attain But IVotton (3), inftead of re- the recalling of the Duke of Guife were brought to him, he 
 turning to the Conftable, eroded the Seas back into Eng- was again extremely incenfed againft Pole , and refolved to 
 land, and made his repurt to the Queen and her Minifters facrifice him to his Revenge. For this purpofe he fent for lle TC ™lls 
 of what palled at Paris. Whereupon the Queen thought Peyto the Queen’s Confeftbr to Rome, and, creating him 
 the King of France was no longer to be regarded, fince, Cardinal, put into his hands the Bull of Pok 's Revocation, inferred 
 Aft. Pub. in the midft of Peace, he was forming projects to fur- and appointed him for his Legate in England. But the 
 
 XV,p.456. p r jf e Calais. It appears, that in February; fhe had refolved Queen, being informed ol this, writ to Peyto who was on 
 
 upon a rupture with France (4), iince, by an Order of his return, that if he offered to let foot in England, fhe ,„r> 
 
 the 19th of the fame month, Commiftioners were fent to would bring him within the Prcemumre. I his Letter Qs^d. 
 
 the Sheriffs and Juft ices of Peace to levy forces, and have ftopt his Journey (14). Mean while, though the P°P es Butnet?' 
 
 them in a readinefs to march upon the firft notice. Shortly Brief was not delivered to him, Pole abftained from the 
 
 after, another affair happened, which furnifhed her with Functions of his Legateftiip, being unwilling to give the 
 
 the defired pretence to declare War againft France. haughty Poitf iff a plaufible pretence of Complaint, who had 
 
 One Stafford (5) having fecretly obtained aftiftance from long hated him. 
 the Court of France, allembled {omc Englijh Fugitives, and When the Duke of Guife had quitted Italy, the Pope, rb, Pep, 
 J rom France embarking them, landed them in Scotland, towards the unable to defend himfelf againft the Duke of Alva , who "takeu 
 'cu/reawn.”' er, d of April, and marched directly to Scarborough ; where was near Rome, made a Peace with Spain, and left France 
 
 •He %utc 
 
 •> b \ 
 
 Stafford at 
 the bead of 
 /• ' 
 
 Hollingfli. 
 
 (1) About the beginning of this year, c.11 
 
 and England. See Stow, p. 629..Thri 
 
 order to lettle a Trade in that Country, in 
 of four Coril’uls, and twenty four Atfiffants ; 
 courager of this iJianrh of Trade. llackluir, 
 
 (2) Thefe were, Bonner Bilhop of London, 
 gleflt/d, Sir Edward Walgravt, Sir Afo 
 Rafail ; Dr- Cole D-.in of 
 D >ilors of Law. Burn,*, 
 
 (4) War was proclaimed in England againft that Kingdom, Ji 
 
 (5) ']hornet! Stafford, fecund Son c f the Lord Stafford. Hcihngjh. p. 
 
 (6) Hr ■. London, A ..... 554. 
 
 (X) God-tv:n fay;, there was one thou and Horfe, fot: 
 
 V: Icon lit Monta.--.tt, was Lieutenant (Literal, the Lo' 
 
 Colonel of the Font : The Names .a the other Perlom 
 (9) J“ly 7* Godwin, p. 3S5‘ 
 
 (1 Oj With an Army of thirty live thnul .nd f... t, ar 
 (til See their Names in ‘Thuanus, I. 19. 
 
 (I2« On Auguff 27. Holltngjh j. 11 :. 4 . 
 
 (14) *t i'eemshe was 'hen in f I , it 'he Bulls that 
 
 e an Embafly to England, from Evan BaJUowitx Emperor of Rujp.a, to fettle a Trade between that Empire 
 : Engit/h Ships having firff in the year >553, faded to Ruffia, under the Conduct of Sir Ilenry Willoughby, in 
 he year 1555, Queen Mary incorporated the Merchant Adventurers to thefe Parts, into a Company, cor.lillrg 
 nd Sebajlian Cabot, born in Brfcl, of Genorfe Parents, was conftituted the firff Governor, being the chief Ea- 
 Vol. I. 
 
 and Tbirleby of Ely ; the Lords Windfcr and North ; Secretary Bourne, Sir John Mordant. Sir Franc 
 Thomas Pope, Sir Roger Cbolmhy, Sir Richard Read, Sit Thomas Strad/ing, Sir Rowlar.o 
 
 I Hill, 
 
 , Paul’s ; William Riper, and Randolph Chilmley, Efquires ; William Cook, Thomas Martin , John Story , and ’John Vaugbi 
 347. (3) That is, Doflor Wotton’s Nephew. 
 
 ~ 7> Stow, p. 641. 
 
 * 33 - 
 
 J >T . (7) Stow fays, it vtas March 18. p. 630. 
 
 on find Foot, and two thoufand Pioneers- Godwin , p. 355. So Stow, p. 631' Anthony Bun 
 try of Wilton Lord Marfhal, the Earl of Rutland General ol the Hoile, Ednvo’d L:ri Clir. 
 D.flinction in this Army, fee in Hollingfh. p. 1133- 
 
 lve thoufand Horfe, befidcs the Englijh Troops 
 
 flopt at Calais. 
 
 Ibid 
 
Book XVI. 
 
 22. MAR Y. 
 
 47 
 
 ■S 57 . 
 
 in the lurch (i). By a fecret Article of this Treaty, 
 Pole was reftored to his Office of Legate. 
 
 The Duke of Mean time, Henry being recovered from his Confterna- 
 c. rtcre- t j on Philip’s not improving his advantages, the Duke of 
 France. Guife had time to come to his Affiftance, and was imme- 
 Hcnry fotli- diacely conftituted his Liautenant-General. On the o- 
 C ^ue‘ b nRt- ther hand, Henry follicited the Queen-Regent of Scotland 
 gent of Scot- to break the Peace with England , and that Princefs was 
 land to a ^ rea( jy to oblige him. But file had a powerful Party 
 Rupture a g a ; n ft her, which was for preferving the Peace. Where¬ 
 fore, as fhe could not bring the States to the refolution fhe 
 deiired, fhe took another courfe to accomplifh her defign. 
 She fortified Aymouth , contrary to an exprefs Article of 
 the Treaty lately concluded with England ; and thereby 
 engaged the Englijh to oppofe it with force. This produ¬ 
 ced indeed a Breach between the two Nations (2); and 
 the Scotch Army under the Conduit of cTOyfel , even entered 
 the Frontiers of England. But the States ftill hoping to 
 repair the Breach made in the Peace without their Con- 
 fent, required d’OyJcl , by an exprefs order, to return, which 
 " he was forced to obey. The Regent feeing how low her 
 bltwein* Authority was, prefled the Court of France to haften the 
 the vmtn of Marriage of the Queen her Daughter with the Dauphin, 
 Heats and tie t0 gh c en( ] t) ia t Prince being in pofleffion of Scotland, might 
 be more mafter of its Forces and Counfels. Henry im¬ 
 proving this advice, immediately fent AmbafTadors into 
 Scotland to fettle with the States the Marriage-Articles (3). 
 The s^uetn in The War which was preparing in Scotland , and that al- 
 great diffi- re3( jy began in France , greatly embarafled the Queen, be- 
 caufe fhe wanted Money. She tried to raife money by 
 wav of Loans: but withont fuccefs. She was therefore 
 obliged to call a Parliament for the 20th of January, 
 though with regret, becaufe fhe feared, that to obtain a 
 Supply, fhe fhould be forced to remit her Severities againft 
 the Proteftants. 
 
 About the end of the year, Philip gave notice to the 
 ber notuc to Qu Ce n of a defign forming by the Court of France upon 
 Ca*la 'h'but Calais, and made her an offer of his Forces to ftrengthen 
 to no purpofi. the Garrifon, which he knew to be weak. This advice, 
 Godwin. being laid before the Council, was immediately fufpedted 
 
 Burnet. 05 to ke an Artifice of Philip , to put himfelf in pofleffion of 
 
 Hjllinglh. Calais, on pretence of reinforcing the Garrifon. This, 
 though a bare fufpicion, was not entirely improbable. 
 Mean while, the Counf’ellors, as if it had been a molt e- 
 vident Truth, could not believe that France had any in¬ 
 tention to befiege the Town, though it was not provided 
 with the fourth part of the neceflary Troops and Ammu¬ 
 nition. It feemed, that the foie reputation of the Town 
 was to be its Security. So, the advice was neglefted and 
 nothing done for its relief, though the Governor, IVtlliatn 
 Lord IVentworth, was not wanting in his Solicitations (4). 
 
 Nothing lefs was to be expedted from a Council compo- 
 fed chiefly of Ecclefiafticks, who were only intent upon 
 the ruin of the ProteftantsJ After fo fliameful a negledl 
 of providing for the fafety of Calais , the Queen and her 
 Thuanus. Minifters were in the utmoft confternation, upon the news 
 s ‘’ 0 ‘ w . ' that the Town was actually loft (5). The Duke of 
 Guife befieg’d it the firft of January , and carrying the 
 Fort called Newnambridge (6), which commanded the 
 Avenues from the Land, and alfo the Risbank which com¬ 
 manded the Harbour (7), obliged the Governor to capi¬ 
 tulate the feventh day of the Siege. After he was Ma¬ 
 fter of the place he ordered all the Engliji) to depart, as 
 Edward III. had expell’d the French two hundred and 
 ■And *f * ^ ten years before. Then he fate down before Guifnes , 
 Ha'mes. commanded by Lord Grey (8), with a Garrifon of eleven 
 hundred Men. But the Garrifon was fo difeouraged by 
 
 with Eng¬ 
 land. 
 
 Buchanan. 
 
 Burnet. 
 
 Thuanus. 
 
 Negotia 
 
 Dauphir. 
 
 Thuani 
 
 Strypc. 
 
 Philip giv 
 
 Siege an.l 
 
 L./../&. 
 
 ' 5 S«. 
 
 God- ‘ 
 
 Thuanus. 
 
 Burnet. 
 
 Stow. 
 
 Hollingfli. 
 
 the lofs of Calais , that on the firft attack, they quitted 155S. 
 the Town, and retired into the Cittadel. Mean while, 
 the Englijh Governor perceiving the French were fallen to 
 plundering , made a Sally and beat them out of the 
 Town ; but defpairing to keep it, fet it on fire, and re¬ 
 tired. Soon after, the French clofely inverted the Cittadel, 
 and in an Aflault the Garrifon loft three hundred Men. 
 
 After this, the Governor feeing no poffibility of a longer 
 refiftance, furrendered himfelf Prifoner of War with his 
 whole Garrifon. The Caftle of Homes , fituated in an 
 almoft inacceffible Marlh, might have made fome refift¬ 
 ance ; but the Garrifon fled, and left it to the French. 
 
 Thus in the middle of Win er, and in lefs than fifteen 
 days, the Englijh loft all the remains of their antient Con- 
 quefts in France, by the Incapacity of a Queen, whole 
 thoughts were wholly ingrofs’d by one affair, as if the 
 deftrutftion of the Proteftants had alone merited her appli¬ 
 cation ; and by the negligence, if it deferves no worfe 
 name, of her Council. Such was the Fruit, England 
 reaped from her alliance with Spain , notwithftanding all 
 Gardiner’s care to prevent a mixture of Interefts between 
 the two Crowns. The non-performance of this article 
 fhows, how the reft would have been obferved, if Philip, 
 had he had any Children by the Queen, could have 
 introduced himfelf, as their Guardian, into the Govern¬ 
 ment of the Kingdom. 
 
 The Lofs of Calais made great noife in England. The Tbe Uneaj,. 
 Proteftants took occafion to arraign the Government -nepoftbe 
 and the Creatures of the Court were fo confounded, that 
 they durft not open their mouths in juftification of the and the ’ 
 Miaiftry. Some accufed them of Treafon, others oi A,urmuri,! g l 
 Incapacity, and their moft zealous Adherents could not c ^, e [ he Pe0 ’ 
 but own their negligence. The two Governors of Ca- Burnet. 
 la is (9) and Guijnes were the moft unhappy. Befides the 
 lofs of their reputation, the Minifters, to infinuate to the 
 People that thefe places were loft by their fault, fuffered 
 them to remain prifoners, and no care was taken for 
 their releafe. But no one had a more lively Senfe of this Burnet, 
 lofs than the Queen (10). She perfedlly knew the value 
 of Calais after it was taken, which rendered England al¬ 
 ways formidable to France, becaufe the Englijh could, in 
 twenty-four hours, land great Armies in that Kingdom. 
 
 The Greatnefs of the lofs has fince been ftill more fen- 
 fibly felt. From that time, France, except when diftradt- 
 ed with civil wars, no more fhowed for England that 
 regard, fhe was before forc’d to pay. 
 
 Immediately after the taking of Calais , Philip ftrong- Philip pref¬ 
 ly prefled the Queen to make a vigorous effort to recover 
 it, before France had time to repair and fortify it. But f U p, /(r tbe 
 it was not poffible for the Minifters to find means to exe- Rc -vcy of 
 cute fuch an Undertaking. Upon a computation of the 
 neceflary expence for the Fleet and Army, it was judged t.ii. p 259. 
 dangerous, confidering the general difeontent, to load the Cullefl. 
 People with fo great a burden, even though the Parlia- p ‘ 3J4 ‘ 
 ment could be brought to a compliance (11). This was fent 
 to Philip in a letter of thanks for his advice and offers. 
 
 But befides this reafon, there was another of great weight, 
 namely, the fears of the Miniftry, the Council, and the 
 Queen her ffllf, that the fiege of Calais would oblige them 
 to interrupt the perfecution. So, in the belief that one But w ; /b „„ 
 year more would fuffice to deftroy the Reformation and Succej i. 
 the Reformed, they judged it proper to defer the Siege of Burnet - 
 Calais till a more convenient Seafon. 
 
 The Parliament (1 2 ) which met the 20th of January, Tbe Parlia- 
 did nothing confiderable, befides granting a Subfidv to mer ‘ ?. ran '‘ 
 the Queen, after the Clergy had led the way (13). The a tbt u ^J„ 
 Houfe of Commons was filled with perpetual complaints 
 
 
 (1) The Duke of Aha was forced to come to Rome, and on his Knees to beg Pardon for invading the Patrimony of the Church ; which he conflefccnded 
 to do. Burnet, p. 354. 
 
 (2) But Queen Mary endeavoured to adjuft all Differences, by appointing Henry Ntuil Earl of Wef.morclar.d, Cutbbert B'fttop of Durham, and Dr. Hanmer, 
 and Martin, to treat with the Scotn/h Commiflioncrs. See Rymer'i Feed. Tom. is- p. 4-57, 464, 
 
 (3) This year, on 'July 15, died at Cbelfey, Ann of Clevci, the fourth Wife of Henry VIIi. and was buried ztlVeJlminJhr, Auguft 3. Stew, p. 631.- 
 
 April 30. ‘lbcmai Percy was created Baron Percy, and May 1, Earl of Northumberland■ Rymer'i Feed. Tom. 15. p. 461, 462.Th s year, there 
 
 was fo great a Dearth, that Wheat was fold at 2/. 131. 4<f. the quarter ; Malt 2 L 41. Peafe 21. 61. 8 d. But the next Harveft proving plentiful. 
 
 Wheat came to be fold at 51. Malt 6 1. 81 i. and Rye 31. 4 d. a quarter. Stow, p. 631. 
 
 (4) The Council of England had raifed numerous Forces, to go to the relief of that Place ; but they were detained at Dca/er, cither for want of Tranl- 
 
 port-Ships, or elfe by a Storm, which happened at that time, and was fo violent, that the like had not been known many years before. Stow, p. 6-.2 
 Hollmgpi. p. 1136. t 
 
 (5) The Engljh Garrifon confiftcd only of five hundred Men, and there were not above two hundred of the Townfmen, that could be ferviceable in a 
 Siege. The whole Number of the Inhabitants amounted to about four thoufand two hundred Perfons. Stow, p. 632. 
 
 He divided his Army into two Bodies, and with one attacked Newnambridge, and with the other the Riibank at the fame time. Godwin, p. 356. 
 
 The Town being thus Ihut up, the French next drew the Water out of its Current, by which the Ditches about the Town and Caftle were drained ; 
 
 mg contrived ways for their Soldiers to pafs over the Mire, without finking in, they made the Aliault, after having opened a great Breach by their 
 Cannon. Burnet, Tom. 2. p. 357. 
 
 (8) Of Wilton. Stow. 
 
 (9) The Lord Wentworth was tried by his Peers, April 2. 1559. on a Sufpicion of Cowardice or Treachery, in the Surrender of this Town, and was 
 acquitted. Stow, p. 638. 
 
 (10) She was fo aftedled with it, that fhe abandoned herfelf to Defpair ; and told thofe about her, fhe fhould die, though they were yet Strangers to the 
 Caulc of her Death ■, but if they would know it hereafter, they muft diflcft her, and they fhould find Calai j at her Heart Godwin, p. 358. 
 
 ( 1 1) The Computation they made was thus : There cculd not be fent, to any purpole, under twenty thoufand Men : The Pay of them for fix Months 
 would rife to 170,00c/. Carrifons, and an Army againft the Scon, and fecuring the Coaft againft the French, would come to 150,000/. The fetting out 
 of a Fleet, and an Army by Sea, would amount to 200,000/. There was alfo great want of Ammunition and Ordnance. Ail this would rife to above 
 520,000/. Burnet, Tom. 2. p. 3159. 
 
 (12) In this Parliament, the Abbot of Weftmirfer, lately re-edified into a Monaftery, and the Prior of St. John of Jerusalem, had their Wiits and fate 
 in it. 'Journ. Pari. 
 
 (13) The Clergy f of the Province of Canterbury only ) gave eight Shillings in the Pound, to be paid in four years. And the Laity granted a Subfidy and 
 
 Fifteenth. The Suhfidy was four Shillings in the Pound of Lands, (eight Shillings of Strangers. ) and two Shillings and eight Pence of Goods from every 
 
 Perfon worth five Pounds, to be paid before June 14. Journ. Pari In this Pail ament it was enafted, TJiat if any Pcrfon carries away a young Wo¬ 
 man. under fixteen years of Age, without the conkr.t of her Parents or Guaidians, he (hall fuffer two years lmprifonmenc ; and if any one marries a Wo¬ 
 man under that Age, he iliall fuffer five years Iinprifonment. 
 
 that 
 
Vo], 11. 
 
 48 
 
 The HISTORY s/ ENGLAND. 
 
 1558. that by tile pernicious Counfels of the Minifters , the 
 Queen had exhaufted her Treafury, by the reftitution of 
 the Church-Lands, and new foundations of the Mo- 
 nafteries. 
 
 1 Prop-Jji This affair being finifh’d, the Friends of the Court 
 Commit brought in a Bill to confirm all the Queen’s Letters Patents, 
 \jufet great without explaining themfelves farther. This was ftrenu- 
 Sufpicioas, ou fly oppofed by one of the Members, who urged that 
 Statutes. a p 0Wer f Q unlimited would put the Kingdom in danger, 
 
 and the Queen in a capacity to difpofe of the Crown from 
 the right Heir*. The Commons were offended with thefe 
 infinuations againft the Queen, and fent the Member to Pri- 
 fon (1). But tho’ the Queen feemed pleafed with the zeal 
 of the Commons for her reputation, fhe clearly faw how 
 far they were from any thoughts to deprive the Princei's 
 Elizabeth of the Crown. It is not known what was the 
 intent of fo general a confirmation : but ’tis likely, the 
 Authors had fome view difadvantagious to Elizabeth. 
 
 Two S:m of In this Scflion, Ambrofe and Robert Dudley , Sons of the 
 ebe Ute j ate jjuke 0 f Northumberland , were reftored in blood. 
 
 Northum- Henry, their Brother, loft his Life at the Siege of St. 
 bcrland "jh-6>uintin. After this, the Parliament was prorogued from 
 7 {Ll°urf > ' ,r r ^ e March to the 7 th of November. 
 
 S;ovVt ’ In April, this year, the Dauphin at laft married Ma- 
 Tbe Dau- ,-y the young Queen of Scots (z). After many difficulties 
 nthTsZi the States of Scotland granted the Dauphin the Title of 
 of scois 7 1 King of Scotland, upon a folemn promife from his Father, 
 Buchanan, that he fhould content himfelf with the bare Title, and 
 not concern himfelf in the Government of the King- 
 , dom. 
 
 EHiabeth The Prfncefs Elizabeth was now in more danger than 
 great dan- ever. The Queen fenfibly declined in her health. She 
 K rr - had not been well manag’d during her pretended Preg- 
 
 uurnct. nancy, becaufe fhe having committed herfelf to the care of 
 Women who only flatter’d her, fhe had negle&ed to con- 
 fult the Phyficians, who might have prevented the con- 
 fequences of that accident. From that time fhe never 
 enjoyed a found health. She was naturally melancholy, 
 and this temper was increas’d by her many mortifications 
 in the two former reigns. Afterwards, the difguft of the 
 King her Husband, of which fhe was but too fenfible, 
 ftill augmented her melancholy; and the lofs of Calais , 
 brought her to fuch a ftate, that file could bear the fight 
 but of very few Perfons. The Body fympathized with 
 Sirype. t | lc m | n j } and fhe felt herfelf grow daily weaker. In 
 this condition, fhe was troubled with the fame reflexions 
 on her Sifter Elizabeth's account, that had before difturbed 
 Edward on her’s ; namely, that after her death, what file 
 had with fo much pains eftablifli'd, would be infallibly o- 
 verturned. The Bifhops were ftrongly perfwaded of this. 
 They were not ignorant that Elizabeth, whatever pains 
 file took to conceal it, was a Proteftant in her heart, and 
 even induc’d to be fo from her temporal intereft. Hence 
 fome were perpetually infinuating to the Queen, the ne- 
 HcJlin’ih. ceffity of putting her out of the way. Gardiner had been 
 of this opinion, and frequently faid, it was in vain to lop 
 off the Branches while the Tree was fuffered to Hand. 
 It is aftonifhing this advice had never been follow’d ! 
 The Queen was a Bigot to the laft degree. It gave her 
 no remorfe to fpill human Blood, when Religion was the 
 pretence. So, in all appearance, fhe would not have (pa¬ 
 red a Siller, whom file conlider’d as a Baftard, had not 
 God fuffered the Politicks of Philip to prevail over the 
 zeal of the Queen his Spoufe. For at the very time I am 
 (peaking of, when the Spirit of Perfecution render’d Men 
 deaf to reafon, juftice and humanity, to what can be 
 aferib’d, but to the particular prote£lion of Heaven, the 
 prefervation of this Princefs, whom fo many realbns de¬ 
 manded as a facrifice to the Romijh Religion ? but God 
 who has let bounds to the Sea, reftrains alfo the fury of 
 Perfecutors, and prevents them from maffacring thofe 
 
 Perfons whom he has referred for the peace of hi' Church. r 5 5 d. 
 However this be, Eltzah'L was, contrar. to all probabi¬ 
 lity, preferved through Mary's whole reign, and parti¬ 
 cularly in the latter part ol when fhe appeared to be 
 mod in danger. 
 
 Some time after the Prorogation of the Parliament, the K:n ?, r I 
 King of Sweden fent a Gentleman to Elizabeth to inform ^ndTibe 
 her of his defign to demand her in marriage, and to delire Pnmtfi Eit¬ 
 her confent (3). This Meflenger defiling a private au- * abeth \ ,n 
 dience, fhe would not grant it, without firft knowing his gurnet/*' 
 meflage. After fhe was informed, fhe fent him a pofitive Strype. 
 anfwer, that fhe would receive no fuch propofal, but by Meeccufa 
 the Queen’s direction. The meffenger replied, his Ma- " 1 2 3 4 S ‘ 
 fter adted like a Lover, who would not efpoufe a Princefs, 
 without being firft fure of her confent, by which he tefti- 
 fied his efteem for her; hut when (he had once allowed 
 his addreffes, he would then, as a King, demand her by 
 his Ambaflador. But this was not capable to make her 
 alter her refolution. On the contrary, fhe fignified to 
 him, that the King of Sweden would oblige her, in think¬ 
 ing no more of her. This Anfwer, one would think, 
 fhould have fatisfied the Swedifl) Ambafiadors, then arrived 
 in London , fince the King their Mafter refolvcd not to 
 marry Elizabeth without her confent, and yet they pro- 
 pofed the marriage to the Queen. This gives occaiion to 
 lufpedl, that the Swedijh Gentleman who defir’d a private 
 audience of the Princefs, had not received his Commiffion 
 immediately from the King hie Muller, but from the Am¬ 
 bafiadors, and that the Queen’s Minifters had induced them 
 to found the Princefs, in order to draw her into a Snare. 
 
 However this be, prelently after, the Queen ordered her 
 to be told (4), that fhe was pleafed with her anfwer to 
 the Swedijh Gentleman : That the Ambafiadors had in 
 their King’s Name demanded her in marriage, in which 
 fhe defir’d to know her mind. Elizabeth anfwered, fhe 
 was content with her condition, and that if the Queen 
 would allow her to purfue her own inclination, file pro- 
 tefted, a fingle life was to her preferable to a marriage 
 with the greateft Prince in the World. Thus the affair 
 proceeded no farther. 
 
 The lofs of Calais, and the Seffion of the Parliament, The Pefeu- 
 had given fome refpite to the Proteftants. But in the end f/ tnev> ~ 
 of March, the Perfecution was renewed with greater fury Burner, 
 than ever, 'fhe Queen herfelf, exceeding her Prerogative, ' [h J 
 publifhed a Proclamation, “ That whoever had any here- 7 “^ 
 “ tical Books, and did not prefently burn them without PrcAjiam.. 
 “ reading, fhould beefteemed Rebels, and executed with- 
 “ out delay by the martial Law. ” On the other hand, s tr jp e . 
 fhe exprefsly forbid to pray for thofe who were executed, 
 or even to fay, God help them. This caufcd the Author 
 of the Hiftory of the Reformation judicioufiy to remark, 
 that it was not fo much the Converfion , as the DejlruF.ion T.II.D 365. 
 of thofe they call'd Hereiicks, that the Bifops defied. A con¬ 
 vincing Proof of this was feen fhortly after. One Ben- 
 bridge being tied to the flake, through the violence of the 
 flames, cried out, I recant. Whereupon, the Sheriff (5) AJtrangt 
 ordered the fire to be immediately extinguifhed, and the 
 Sufferer figned an abjuration di£lated to him. But foon Jr ' j ' 
 after he received an Order from Court to burn the con¬ 
 demned Perfon, and come himfelf to London , where he 
 was committed to Prifon. The fury of the Perfecutors 
 was fo extreme, that though they were going to lofe the 
 Quoen, they ceafed not thefe feverities. About a week Fox, 
 before her death, five Perfons were burnt at Canterbury, 
 and in this laft year of her Rtign, thirty nine Proteftants 
 fuffered Martyrdom in feveral places. Authors are not 
 agreed concerning the number of thofe who died in the^"^, 
 flames during Mary's Reign. Thofe who fay the lead, 
 reckon two "hundred and eighty four; but others affirm, ^mee. 
 that in the two firft years of the Perfecution, which be- 
 gan in 1555, eight hundred were put to death (6). 
 
 While 
 
 (1) This Member's Name was. Cop’ey, Reprefentative for-His Words, as let down in the Journals of the Houfe of Commons, were. “ That 
 
 <• he feared the Queen might thereby give awjy the Crown from the right Inheritor-'' For this he was committed to the Cuftody ut the .Serjeant at Arms, 
 but afterwards releafed at the delire of the Houle, who pleaded his Youth as an excufe. 
 
 (2) They were mairied April zt- Buchanan writ an Epithalamium upon this Marriage, which was one of the perfeflcfb Pieces of Latin Poetry. 
 
 (3) King I’riitp had once deligned to marry her to Emanuel PbiLba t Duke of Samoy ; but the hopes of having Children by the Queen vanilhing, be in¬ 
 tended to referve her for himfelf. Burnet, Tom. 2. p. 361. 
 
 (4) By sir The,mat Pope, in April. Burnet, Tom. 2. p. 361. 
 
 (3) Sir Richard Pexalt, Sheritl of Hampfhire. Fox, Tom. 3. 
 
 (fil According to Fox') account, and Biih. p Burnet 's Calculation, there were two hundred and eighty four burnt in all. A Paper found among ‘.he Lord 
 Buublet' s MSS. makes the Number of thofe th3t were burnt to be two hundred and ninety. The lame Lord Burgbtey, in a Trcitile writ in the year 
 1 383, reckcneth up the number of thofe that died in that Reign by Imprifonment, Torments, Fire, and Famine, to be near four hundred. But the Author 
 nt the Preface, to Bifhop Ridley's Book, De Cana Don who according to Balt, (de Scrip . p. 0S4, 731.) wj l> 
 
 the two firfl ye3rs of the Queen’s Perfecution, there were above eight hundred, put to the moll cruel kinds of death for Religion. The real on il this Di- 
 vcifity may be, that no exadt Lid was kept, at the time, of the Perfons committed to the Flames, but the accounts of them were afterwards gathered by 
 feveral Perfons, according to the bell Intelligence they could receive from their Friends, throughout the leveral Parts uf the Kingdom. However this be, it 
 is generally acknowledged, That there were burnt five Bifhops, one and twenty Divines, eight Gentlemen, eighty four Artificers , one hundred Hutbandmen 
 Servants and Labourers, twenty fix Wives, twenty Widows, nine Virgins, two Boys, and two Infants. Sixty four more were perferuud f t their Religion : 
 whereof feven were whipped, fixteen perifhed in Prilon ; and twelve were buried in Dunghills. It is ob'crvable, that the Perfecution tag i rrun n Bonner s 
 Diocefr, and in Kent, For, as Htylin reckons it, in all the Province of York, there was but one brought to the Stake ; and out three in the four If eljh 
 
 Diocefes- In thole of Exeter, Wc.lt , Peterborough , and Lincoln, there is mention but of one a piece ; of two in that of Fly, and ot no mure than 
 
 three a piece at Brijlol and Sal,,bury : In thofe of Oxford, Glocejier, Wcrcefitr, and Hereford none at all. And now, nut to let fuch he'luh and blo-,Jv 
 
 .l i nes pafs without lome Reflexion, I fhall obferve with Mr. Cottier, That, to deftroy People for points of mere Speculation, ard ffhvii h>ve no III 
 
 (•fleet on Practice and Civil Government, feems very remote from the Spirit of ChrilLanity. SuppcWing Truth on the petkeuftd Side, yet to burn a Man 
 >' becaufe he will nut belie his Coafcience, and turn Hypocrite, is ftrangely unaccountable. Men can't believe what they plcale : Their UndcrfUndang? 
 
Book XVI. 
 
 22. MARY. 
 
 49 
 
 {558. While thefe Tragedies Wereailing in different places of 
 'ibdQttn t h e Kingdom, the Queen, who was deeply affected with 
 {yfcofoftb- the lofs of Calais, was willing to make one_effort to re¬ 
 el/ 'suectju pair it. Philip had advifed to try to feize Brejl. For this 
 Godwin. p U rpofe, flie put to Sea a Fleet of one hundred and twenty 
 Ath Pub. Ships ( 1 ), commanded by the Lord Clinton ( 2), who landed 
 XV, P.4S4. at Conqucjl , and burnt that fmall Town, but the Country 
 riling upon the Englijh , obliged them to retiie to their 
 Ships, with the lofs of fix hundred of their Men (3). 
 Stow. The whole Country being in Arms to oppofe a fecond 
 Tlmanus. defcent, and frefh Troops daily arriving in thefe parts, the 
 irype- Englijh Admiral, who had only feven thoufand Men, 
 thought it not proper to engage in any new aft ion, and 
 returned. Such was the benefit the Queen reaped from 
 A Peace tic- this expenfive Armament; She was now fenfible, that the 
 gotiatedat cont ; nuat ion of the War would procure her no advantage, 
 Burnet? 7 ’ and readily confented to a Negotiation then propofed for a 
 Thu anus. Peace between France, England, and Spain. Cambray was 
 the place appointed for the Congrcfs, which was opened ifi 
 October (4). 
 
 The Parlia- The Pai liament meeting the 5 th of November, the Queen 
 
 were meets. d emanc ]ed affiftancc to continue the War, in cafe the Ne- 
 ‘dmaruiing gotiation fhould mifearry. The Houfe of Commons was 
 a Supply of f 0 little inclined to grant her requeft, that fhe was obliged 
 Mon,y is put tQ p en( j t | ie Chancellor and ten other Lords, to lay the ill 
 Burnet. ftatc of her affairs before them, and pray them to haften 
 the neceflary Supplies. This Sollicitation producing fome 
 effect, the Commons debated, that and the two following 
 days, upon a Subfidy. But the Queen’s death put an end 
 to their confultations. 
 
 Her Death. She had been fome time afflifted with a Dropfy, which 
 Godwin. being much increafed the beginning of November , carried 
 her oft'the 17th of the fame month, in the 43d year of 
 her Age, after a Reign of five years, four months, and 
 eleven days. 
 
 Pole’* Death Cardinal Pole followed her within fixteen hours. He 
 and Cbarac- was a p ) t _latc of a fweet and moderate Temper, who 
 Godwin. would have been glad to bring back, by fair and lawful 
 Burnet. means, the Englijh to their ancient belief, but approved 
 not the methods of Fire and Sword. This gave his Ene¬ 
 mies room to reprefent him as a little inclined to the Pro- 
 teftant Religion, or at leaft, as one of too tender a difpo- 
 
 pofitioh for that time. Neither the Queen, nor Phi. \ *55?. 
 nor the Pope, nor Gardiner, nor the Eifhops fubftituted 
 in the place of the ejefted Proteuant BiInops, were Per* 
 fons to be guided by his moderate maxims. Accordingly, 
 
 Pole was never confulced on Religion, though in ali other 
 affairs the Queen placed a great confidence in him. Pope 
 Paul IV. was his fworn Enemy. Ic was he who by his 
 Handers prevented his afeending the Papal Throne on the 
 death of PaulWl, though he was elected in the Conclave. 
 
 From that time believing* Pole could not forgive him fucli 
 an injury, he never ceafed doing him ill offices. And 
 when he was himfelf Pope, he often gave him marks of 
 bi$ enmity. It is even pretended, that when lie recalled 
 him from his Legation, to put Peyto in his room, he in¬ 
 tended to punifli him feverely for having been too gentle 
 to the Proteftants. But Philip and Mary took him into 
 their protection (5). 
 
 The exceftive Bigotry of Queen Mary is evident from %r rn 
 the Hiftory of her Reign. To this fhe joined a temper 
 cruel and vindictive, which (he endeavoured to confound 
 with zeal for Religion. But when it was not poffiblc to 
 unite them, fhe plainly flievved, fhe was inclined to Cru¬ 
 elty, as well by Nature as Zeal. She had the misfortune 
 to be encouraged in this difpofition by all who approached 
 her. King Philip was naturally morofe. Gardiner was 
 one of the mod revengeful Men living. Bonner was a 
 Fury ; and the other Bifhops were chofen from amongfl 
 the moff cruel and barbarous of the Clergy. This was 
 the Quality by which alone a Man was thought worthy 
 of the Epifcopal Dignity. The perfecution therefore 
 again ft the Proteftants in this Reign, has nothing which 
 ought to feem ftrange. Dr. Burnet fays, Mary had a T.ll.p.240, 
 generous difpofition of Mind. It were to be wifhed, he 
 had given us fome pafl'ages of her life, where this gene- 
 rofity appeared; For my part, I find but one action to 
 approve in her whole Reign. This was her rejecting the 
 Spanijh Ambaffador’s Project, to make herfelf abfolute at 
 the expence of the Laws and Liberties of the Nation. She 
 difeovered no great Capacity in the Government of her 
 Dominions ; and the lofs of Calais , though there was not 
 fomething more odious, would be an everlafting blot upon 
 her Reign. 
 
 « are not all cf a fize. Things don’t (land in the fame Light, and ftrilce with the fime force on every Body. Befides, if the Roman Catholicks believed the 
 “ Reformed f.ich notorious Hereticks: If they believed they W .uld be fo ill received in the other World, why d;d they njt ule them pentlier in this ? Why 
 “ die! they hurry them to eternal Deftnrft.on oefore their time ?” We may juftly affirm', that fu'ch Wtfdam is tlrs, did not proceed Ifom above, but was 
 earthly, fenfual, and devililh. CollierEul.Hji. Tom. II. p. 397. Burnet, Tom. 11. p. 364. Strypet Mem. Tort. 111. p- 473 . and Catalog . p. 291,0c. 
 
 Speed, p. 826. Heylln, p. 226. 
 
 (1) Godwin fays, one hundred and forty ; and about the end of July, p. 357. 
 
 (2) Edward Fynes, Lord Clynton and Saye. Rymer. 
 
 (j) Moftly Flemings, who were too greedy of Plunder. Stow, p. 634. 1 
 
 (4) The Englijh Plenipotentiaries were, che Earl of Arundel, the Bilhop of Ely, and Dean JVotlon. Burnet, Tom. III. p. 265. 
 
 (5) Pole was buried at Canterbury. 
 
 The Gold Coins 6 ( this Queen, are, Sovereigns 3t 361. Half-Sovereigns It 15/. Angels at 101. and Half- Angel? at 5 1. a piece.-The Money be¬ 
 
 fore her Marriage ha* Jier Head half-laced, crowned, MARIA D. G. ANO. FRA. X HIB. REGI. Reverie, the Anns of France and Eng/ard quartered,' 
 VERITAS. TEMPORIS. FILIA. (Fig. i). Thole after her Marriage have only her Head as before, but her Hulbund's Name in the 1 - trend, PHILIP; 
 
 Z. MARIA. D. G. REX. Z. REGINA- Rcverfe, POSVIMV-. DEVM. AD 1 VTO. NOS.-,— Her Sovereign, (called by Mr. Eie/J,, a Ryal, and 
 
 which, he fays, was fcatteied at her Coronation) has, on one Side, the Queen in her R ibes, with Crown, Scepter, and B ill, fitting upon her Throne ; at her 
 Feet a Portcullice, MARIA. D. G. ANG. FRA. Z. HIB. REGINA. MDLII 1 . Rcverfe, a large full blov/n Rofc, filling up the Space, with the Arms of 
 France and England, quartered in the Center, A. DNO. FACTV. EST. ISTVD. Z. EST. MIRA. IN. OCVIy. NRIS. The Angel has on the Rcverfe, 
 the Queen's Arms in a Ship, with a Crofs for the Mart, and the Star and Letter M. on each Side, 111 cubed, A DNO. FACTVM. EaT. ISTVD- Camden 
 
 rtcntions a Crown of Gold of this Queen whereon was, MVNDI. SALVa. VNICA. -The Silver Moneys of Queen Mary are, Shillings, S.x-pcnces, 
 
 and Groats; to which Bi/hop Nicolfon adds, Half-Groats, and Pcnn.es; but Tboiefby fays, he never law or heard of any of thcle Jaft. Up'n the Shillings of 
 Philip and Mary are both their Heads facing each other under a Crown, PHILIP. L i'. .\1 ARIA- D. GR. ANG. FR. NEAP. PR. H1SP. 1 554. Rcverfe, 
 the Arms of Spain and the Queen’s, Impaled, Crowned, and XII. POSVIMVS. fife. There is anothi r fort of thefe Shillings, wanting the Date. [See Fig. 2.) 
 Another, PHILIP. ET MARIA. D. G. REX. ET- REGINA. ANG. Reverfe, as the former- l'he Er, 1 pci or Charles V. refigning Spain to his Sun Philip 
 in 155c, occafioned an alteration in Philip's Style, his and the Queen’s Title, being nt>W opon the Great Sea-, Rex fif Repina, Angi. IIjeanar. Franc, utn- 
 uftjue Sicilie, See. The Irifh Shilling, before the Queen's Marriage gave her Head crowned, MARIA. D. G. ANG. FRA Z. HIB. REGINA. Revcrfe, 
 a Harp betwixt M- and R. all crowned, VERITAS. TEMPORIS- FILIA. MDLlfl. 
 
 N° 46. V o l. II. 
 
 
 T II E 
 
T H E 
 
 HISTORY o {ENGLAND. 
 
 BOOK XVII. 
 
 The Reign oj Queen Elizabeth: Containing the Space of Forty four Tears , and four 
 
 Months. 
 
 23 . ELIZABETH. 
 
 'lb: Parh 
 mer.t inform, 
 
 of "• 
 
 Came 
 
 H E Death of Mary , tho’ fore- 
 feen, ftruclc the Counfellors and 
 Minifters with aftonifhment. 
 They were all of the prevailing 
 Religion ; and had advifed, or at 
 leaft approved the Perfecution 
 which the Proteftants lately groan¬ 
 ed under, and now, in all likeli¬ 
 hood, the Proteftants were going 
 in their turn to govern. Marys death was therefore con¬ 
 cealed for fome Hours, to give time to confult what was 
 to be done. But as the Parliament was fitting, it was not 
 in their power to decide any thing concerning the Succef- 
 fion, efpecially as it was clearly fettled by the Will of 
 Henry VIII, authorized by an A£t of Parliament which had 
 never been repealed. Their Confultation therefore ended 
 :il! only in a Meflage to inform the Parliament of the Queen’s 
 Death. This was all that could be done on this occafion. 
 The News was firft communicated to the Houfe of Lords, 
 of who immediately confidercd the rights of the Perfons who 
 f ' might pretend to the Crown. If this Affair had been left 
 ;n. to the decifion of the Civil or Common Law, there would 
 have been no fmall difficulty, fo much had Henry perplexed 
 it by his Divorces, and by contradictory A£ts of Parliament. 
 But in England , the Parliament, which includes the King, 
 Lords, and Commons, is the fupreme Legiflator, and, 
 when force does not interpofe, the validity of its Laws 
 are unqueftionable. Henry VIII. obtained an ACt, im- 
 povvering him to fettle the Line of Succeffion as he fhould 
 think proper. He placed Elizabeth next to her Sifter 
 Mary , though both had been declared Baftards. This 
 liifficed to give Elizabeth a Right, which the Parliament 
 could not conteft, fince it was a parliamentary Right, as 
 founded in the Act to impower Henry to fettle the l'uccef- 
 fton. Befides, every one knew the DilTolution of that 
 Prince’s Marriage with Ann Boleyn , and the ACf, which, 
 in confequence of the Divorce, declared Elizabeth illegiti¬ 
 
 mate, was the pure effeCl of the King’s Caprice, and of 1553, 
 the Compliance, rather than Juftice, of the Parliament. 
 
 But though the Lords fhould have thought to exclude 
 Elizabeth from the Succeffion, on what ocher Perfon could 
 they have fixed, without expofing the Kingdom to great 
 danger? It will be proper, briefly to explain this, as a thing 
 very requifite to the Sequel of this Reign. 
 
 Upon Marys Death, three Princefles could pretend to Two Compt* 
 the Crown, namely, Elizabeth Sifter of the late Queen; tie ° rs t0 
 Mary Queen of Scotland , Grand Daughter to Margaret , ^amt 
 
 eldeft Sifter of Henry VIII; and Frances Duchefs of Suf- the nhfom 
 folk , Daughter of Alary , younger Sifter of the fame tab fir and 
 Prince. Elizabeth fupported her Right upon the Will a S a ‘ n A ,i>alh 
 of the King her Father, authorized by ACl of Parlia¬ 
 ment. Mary could object, that Elizabeth had been 
 declared a Baftard by an Adt ftill unrepealed : That 
 no Baftard had ever afeended the Throne of England: 
 
 That the Laws of the Country gave Baftards no {hare in 
 the inheritance of their Fathers, and confequently the Suc¬ 
 ceffion was devolved to the Pofterity of Margaret , eldeft: 
 
 Daughter of Henry VII. It could be alledged for the 
 Duchefs of Suffolk , that Elizabeth being a Baftard, and 
 the Queen of Scotland a Foreigner, and not even placed 
 in the order of Succeffion by the Will of Henry VIII. the 
 Crown ought to fall to the Pofterity of Mary , fecond 
 Daughter of Henry VII. It is not neceflary to examine 
 here thefe feveral Pretenfions, becaufe, probably the Par¬ 
 liament, which made the decifion, proceeded not fo much 
 upon the Laws, as upon Policy, and the interefts of the 
 Kingdom. The Queen of Scotland had married the Dau¬ 
 phin, Heir-apparent to the Crown of France. In adjudg¬ 
 ing the Crown to her, England would have been in dan¬ 
 ger of fubjedlion to, or dependency on France. This alone 
 was fufficient to exclude her. The Duchefs of Suffolk 
 could not have been placed on the Throne with any colour 
 of Juftice, fince fhc only derived her Right from the Will 
 of Henry VIII, which was equally favorable to Elizabeth. 
 
 Befides, 
 

Book XVII. 
 
 23. E L I Z A B E T H. 
 
 5 * 
 
 1558. Befides, fuch a choice would have infallibly thrown the 
 'll, 1 uje ‘/Kingdom into a civil War. It was, probably, for thefe 
 c Urr\ f,r reafons that the Houfe of Lords declared for Elizabeth. 
 Elizabeth. It feems, however, that a great difficulty was to occur. 
 Camden. All England , and particularly the Houfe of Lords, made 
 profeffion of the Rcmifj Religion, and it was fcarce to be 
 queftioncd, that Elizabeth was a Proteftant in her Heart. 
 But two things, doubtlcfs, confpired to remove this ob- 
 ftacle. The firft was, that the Bifhops and Catholick 
 Lords were perfuaded, that Elizabeth , fhould {he dcfire it, 
 would find it difficult to change the eftablifhed Religion. 
 They even believed her of a temper fo complying, that 
 file would rather conform to the Rites of the Rornijh Re¬ 
 ligion, as {he had done for fome years, than hazard the 
 caufing of disturbances, which might be fatal to her. If 
 Camden s Teftimony is to be entirely credited, Elizabeth 
 made no fcruple to declare herfelf a Catholick, during the 
 Camden. Reign of her Siller. The Lady Elizabeth, (fays this Hif- 
 Pjrfacctu bn t«,i jan) new guiding herfelf as a Ship in tcmpcjluous weather , 
 both heard divine Service after the Romifti manner , and was 
 frequently confejfed, and at the preffing injlances and menaces 
 of Cardinal Pole, through fear of deaths profeffed herfelf a 
 Roman Catholick. 
 
 The fecond reafon which, probably, prevented the Lords 
 from infilling on her exclufion, was, that though they all 
 profelled the Catholick Religion, they were not however 
 all Carholicks. Many, and perhaps the greatell number, 
 had only diflembled their fentiments during Mary's Reign. 
 But being heed lrom all danger by her death, they could 
 /peak boldly, and oppofe thofe who pretended to exclude 
 Elizabeth on account of her Religion ; this reafon not being 
 of more force againft her, than it was againft Mary, after 
 Edward's death. 
 
 The Comment However tills be, the Houfe of Lords declaring for Eli- 
 ‘tbeLords in za ^ e ^ }i c ^ e Commons were fent for, and acquainted by 
 eJ'n.n the Chancellor with the Queen’s death, and their refolu- 
 Jti. br of tion, which was readily and unanimoufly embraced. The 
 ^ ame da y Elizabeth was proclaimed Queen at the ufual 
 eLi’meJ. places, with the acclamations of the People. The Pro- 
 Stow. teftants thanked God that he had at lalt delivered them 
 HolLngfli. f rom perfecution, in placing on the Throne a Princefs, 
 who, very likely, would be favorable to them. It is true, 
 that among the Papifts fome looked on the death of Mary, 
 and the advancement of Elizabeth , as a mortal wound to 
 their Religion; but others were not forry to fee a Hop 
 put to thofe barbarities, which difhonoured it. As for 
 thofe who made not Religion the chief object of their 
 thoughts, they were eafily comforted for the lofs of a 
 Queen, under whom England had not much flourifhed, 
 and who had loft the only place which commanded refpeCt 
 from France. They believed to have reafon to expeCt bet¬ 
 ter things from the new Reign. 
 
 She comes to Elizabeth being informed of the refolution of both 
 st’ n w 0n ‘ Joules in her favour, left Hatfield (1) the 19th of No- 
 
 Burnet. vember , and came to London with a numerous train of 
 
 Lords and Ladies (2), and an infinite crowd of People, 
 teftifying their Joy by the loudeft Acclamations. She was 
 twenty five years old, toleiably handfome, of an air great, 
 noble, and majeftick. But fhe was Hill more agreeable 
 to the People, by a certain natural affability, which com¬ 
 manded the effeem and affeCtion of all who approached her. 
 As fhe had a large {hare of Senfe and Judgment, {he knew 
 perfectly how neceflary the love of her People was to 
 her, fince it was to be the ftrongeft fupport of her Throne, 
 as will hereafter appear. Wherefore, inftead of lofing 
 this affability, in being raifed from a SubjeCt to a Queen, 
 lhe ftudioufly increafed it to fuch a degree, that fome ac- 
 cufed her of playing the Comedian, and over-ading her 
 part. 
 
 jJmbaffadirs Her firft care, after receiving the Compliments on her 
 /^^Acceffion, was to difpatch Ambafladors to the principal 
 Camden. Courts of Europe, to give notice of the late change in 
 Burnet. England (3). Lord Cobham (4) was fent to P/S/r/, whom 
 fhe efteemed her Friend, and who was moreover her ally 
 in the War againft France, the Treaty of Cambray not 
 being yet concluded. Sir Thomas Chaloncr was fent to the 
 Imperial Court. Lord Hnvard of Effingham was joined 
 in Commiffion with Thirleby, Bilhop of Ely, and Dr .JVot- 
 
 ton. Plenipotentiaries for negotiating a Peace. Sir Henry 155?. 
 Killigreiv went into Germany, to affure the Proteftant 
 Princes of the Queen’s affedion. Karne, who was ftill at Burnet. 
 Rome, where he had been Refident ever fince the death 
 of Edward V I, had Orders to notify to the Pope Marys 
 death, and Elizabeth's acceffion to the Crown (5). The 
 Kings of Sweden and Denmark had the fame notifica¬ 
 tions. 
 
 Thefe Envoys being difpatched, the Queen formed a She firm a 
 Council, in which fhe left thirteen of Mary's Counfellors, C °ffp "‘fr b 
 all zealous Roman Catholicks, to whom {he added eiuht tams inn- 
 new ones, equally attached to the Proteftant Religion (6). w-tb whom 
 With fome of thefe lall {he fecretly confulted about 
 means to reftore the Reformation in England. But before the Reforms- 
 I fpeak of the refult of thefe confultations, a new Projed of “ on - 
 the King of Spqitt muft biiefly be mentioned. 
 
 When this Prince received the news of the death of his Philip d-fint 
 Queen, whether, on account of Elizabeth's Inclination 
 the Proteftant Religion, or by her marrying fome Prince iJnsrejededi 
 of that Religion, againft which he had himfelf openly de- Camden, 
 clared, he looked upon England as loft to him. He was Burnet ' 
 not even without fear, that the King of France affertino- 
 the Queen ol Scotland’s Claim upon England, would 
 feize that Kingdom, and unite it, as well as Scotland 
 and Ireland, to the French Monarchy. Wherefore, to 
 free himfelf from thefe fears, and preferve the advantages 
 of his alliance with England, he fent inftrudions to the 
 Conde de Fcria (lately arrived at London , to pay his com¬ 
 pliments to the late Queen) to congratulate Elizabeth on 
 her Acceffion, and piopofe his defign of uniting himfelf 
 with her in Marriage. Elizabeth received the Offer with 
 marks of a particular efteem for the King of Spain, but 
 objeded their affinity as an impediment to this Marriage. 
 Thisobjed on was forefeen, and immediately replied to by 
 the Ambaffador, That his Mafter would undertake to pro¬ 
 cure the Pope’s Difpenfation. The Queen not caring to 
 exprefs her little regard of fuch a Difpenfation, civilly difmif- 
 fed the Ambaffador, to have time to confidcr of the Propofal. 
 
 Three great reafons hindered her from accepting Philip's 
 Offer. Firft, her perfuafion that fuch Marriages were con- Her Rrafint 
 trary to the Law of God, and her Father’s Example \ n fiybeRlfif,l 
 a parallel cafe, reminded her of her Duty. Secondly, no- * ^ er “ 
 thing was more contrary to her intention of openly pro- 
 feffing and reftoring the Proteftant Religion in England y 
 as eftablilhed in the Reign of Edward VI. Laftly, to 
 make ufe of a Difpenfation to marry a Brother-in-law, 
 would have been an acknowledgment of the Invalidity of 
 her Father’s Divorce with Catherine of Arragon , and of 
 her own Illegitimacy. If PaullV. could grant fuch a 
 Difpenfation, Julius II. might have granted the fame to 
 Henry VIII, to marry Catherine of Arragon, from whence 
 it necefiarily follotved, that Henry's fecond Marriage with 
 Ann Boleyn was null. But on the other hand, Elizabeth Her Rea Em 
 had ftrong reafons to preferve the King of Spain's Friend- 10 k “P in 
 {hip. To him {he owed her life, or at leaft, her not being ‘p^nMilp 
 excluded by her Sifter from the Succeffion. Mary would J.ibv hih> 
 never have left Elizabeth in a condition of one day mount- Camden, 
 ing the Throne, if the interell and follicitations of the 
 King her Husband had not ftrongly refilled her zeal for 
 her Religion. In the fecond place, Elizabeth was in¬ 
 formed, that the King of France was ufing all his Credit 
 at Rome to have her declared illegitimate, in order to pro¬ 
 cure the Crown of England for his Daughter-in-law, the 
 Queen of Scotland. Laftly, England was in a very ill 
 ftate. Fhe lofs of Calais, Guifnes, and Homes, the 
 Crown debts contracted by Henry VIII, and increafed by 
 the Guardians of Edward \ I, and an exhaufted Treafury, 
 gave Elizabeth juft caufe to fear, lhe fhould be unable to 
 oppofe a vigorous attack. To this may be added, {he 
 was engaged in a War with France and Scotland, unfup- 
 ported by any other alliance than that of Spain, fo un¬ 
 mindful had Mary been of every thing where Religion was 
 not concerned. Her bufinefs therefore was to end thefe 
 two Wars with honour; but this was not to be done with¬ 
 out Philip's affiftance, and confequently it was not proper 
 to give him any juft caufe of complaint, for fear of his de- 
 ferting England in the Negotiation of Peace. Thefe re¬ 
 flections threw the Queen into great perplexity. She was 
 
 (1) Bifiop's Hatfield, then a Royal Palace, and exchanged by King James I. with Robert, Earl of Salifiury, for Theobald's. 
 
 (2) All the Bifhops went and met her at Ht?h?ate. Burnet, Tom. II. n. -574.. 
 
 , ( 3 ) And a- " 1 ’ P 3 '* 
 
 it Highgate. JSurnec, Tom. 11 . p. 374. 
 
 TirWc v /r. I a r e tinie ’ T e °[ li ; CUri , ng a)l llie Ports ’ and the Tower of London -1 ord "e d 3 Commiflicn to be fent to Thomas Ratcliff, 
 
 bx l F-nn -?na ,ir r :r ° ; ’ W |° had , kept lh « mu “ Coun "y S uiet > onl X with three hund-cd andtwenty Horfe, and eight hundred and 
 
 sS- p'is, /k h u J “ dB “ '“fg 1 i “ill Sheriff’s appinitd in m,y Cnrsm, ; no Bills of Endun S o bo lent be,ond 
 
 iea, and that Preachers mould not meddle with controverted Points. Camden, p. 760. Cornel. Hill 
 (4) William Brooke. 7 f J 
 
 (5 J, T, he Pope told Kame, That England was held in Fee of the Aportolick See, and Elizabeth could not fucceed, being illegitimate. That it was 
 
 great boldnefs in her to alTiime the Crown without his Content; for which reafon fhe deferved no favour at his hands j but if fhe would renounce her Preten¬ 
 tions, and refer herfelf wholly to him, he would fhew a fatherly affedtion to her. Eurr.a, Tom. II. p. 374. 
 
 The Catholick Counfellors, continued in the new Council, were, Heath, Archbifhop ciTork, William Paulet, Marquifs ^Wincbeflcr, Lord High- 
 
 *. * U: ’n' Arundel, Francis Talbot, Earl of Hbnavjbury, Ed-ward Stanley, Earl of Derby, William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, Edward 
 
 n';rhTv°*fd 'l l \ £ H, E[]‘ Adnllr 3 | . William Lord H'swardoi Effingham, Lord-Chamberlain, Sir Thomas Cheney, Sir William Petre, Sir John Mafon, 
 
 r Canterbury. Molt of thefe had complied with all the Changes that had been made in Religion, backward and 
 
 forward, fince ^he Utter end of _King Henry's Reign, and were fo dextrous at it, that they were ftill employed in every new Revolution. Burnet, Tom. II. 
 
 .“®. added ' a . U Pweftan's.JPi//'^ Parr, Marquifs of Northampton, Francis Rujfil, Earl of Bedford, Sir Thomas Farm/, Si r Edward 
 
 . .. ' " 71 Cecil, and a little after Sir Nicolas Bacon, made Keeper of the Greal Seal. Camden, 
 
 fully 
 
 P- 37 S-To thefe w . > 
 
 Rogers, Sir Ambroje Cave, Sir Francis Knolls, Sir ’williar. 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 52 The H I ST 0 RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1553. 
 
 ftcrc f ,be /'<■- 
 
 Camden. 
 
 J* Conf-.ka- 
 
 the aV mil/ 
 
 Burnet. 
 T.II. p.377 
 Collett, 
 p. 5*7. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 iu!!y refolded, to refufe the King of Spam’s Propofal, but Mean time, the Proteftants growing impatient, and 15$*?. 
 was uncafy about the manner. Though (he alledged feru- preaching publickly in feveral places, the Queen took * 
 pies of Confcience, it did not free her from the importu- occaiion to publilh a Proclamation, which clea'ly fhew’d 7,',,,”'^ 
 
 nities of the Ccvdc de Fcria, who perfifled, that a Difpcn- 
 fulion from the Pflpe was more than fufficient to remove 
 them. He told her likewife, that as his Mafter had made 
 this overture purely from his extraordinary efteem for 
 her, he would be the more difpleafed if it was rejedted. 
 At laft, the Queen being thus prefled, found no furer 
 or readier way to extricate herfelf out of this difficulty, 
 than by haflening the execution of her defign, to make 
 a change in Religion, net doubting that this once effected, 
 the King of Spain would ceafe his importunities. 
 
 This lefolution being taken, file cauled to be examined 
 r before her Cabinet Council, the proper methods to execute 
 it, the inconvcniencies it might be attended with, and the 
 means to prevent them. The greateft Obftacles to this 
 affair, were to arile either at Home or Abroad. At home, 
 from the great number of Catholicks, and the oppofltion 
 of the Bifhops ::ml inferior Clergy. Abroad, from the 
 ‘ Pope, who, in all likelihood, would thunder bis Cenfures 
 again ft the Queen, and expofe the Kingdom a prey to 
 the firft Invader. This might give caufe to fear, that the 
 Kings of Frav.ce and Spain would ufe this pretence to 
 make war upon the Englijh t as excommunicated Here- 
 ticks, and to flit up Scotland, which was entirely directed 
 by the King of France. Upon the inconveniences at 
 home, it was omfidered, that though the Kingdom ap¬ 
 peared wholly Catholick, it was far from being really lo. 
 That the fear of punifhment ceafing, the greateft part of 
 the People were munifeftly inclined, to return to the Reli¬ 
 gion which they had been forced to forfake in the laft 
 Reign ; but however, it would not be very difficult to 
 have a Parliament favorable to the Queen’s intentions, by 
 employing means which rarely fail ut fuccefs, when ufed 
 with diferetiun : That for this purpofe, the Magiftrates of 
 the Counties and Towns were to be removed, and Pro- 
 teftants put in their places, who would ufe their Credit and 
 Authority to have fuch Repiefentativcs returned, as were 
 proper for the execution of the intended defign: Laftly, 
 That it was abfolutcly neceflary not to leave any zealous 
 Catholick in the Council, or in any other Office which 
 influenced the Subject: That when the Reformation fliould 
 be once eftablifhed by publick Authority, it would be eafy 
 to fubdue the Clergy, by depriving the Bifhops and moil 
 obftinate Eccleflafticks, and by removing in the Univer- 
 fities, the Mafters and ProfefTors, who were moft averfe 
 to the new eftablifhment. 
 
 As for the obftacles from abroad, it was con fide red, that 
 the Pope was not formidable in himfclf, and his thunders 
 Were thrown away upon thofe who defpifed them : That 
 a contempt of him was the ready way to conquer, provi¬ 
 ded the Kingdom was put in a pofture of defence. That 
 indeed it was to be feared, the King of France would aftert 
 the claim of the Queen of Scotland, but that the King of 
 Spain was too wife to fuffer fo great an acceflion to the 
 Monarchy of France , as England and Ireland: That 
 from whatever quarter the mifehief came, whether from 
 France or Spain, Henry and Philip would always be jealous 
 of each other, and the affiftance of one of them might 
 be fafely relied on: That if the King of France offer'd 
 Peace it ought to be embrac’d on any terms, as Scotland 
 would be included in the league: but if he was for conti¬ 
 nuing the war, all the danger wou’d be, his powerfully 
 affifling the Scots to invade England : That therefore, 
 the northern Frontiers w«re to be fecured, after which, 
 a good Fleet would fo endanger any Succours fent from 
 Prance, that without doubt that Kingdom would foon 
 grow weary of fo burdenfome a War: That befides, it 
 was unlikely that Philip, in the Negotiation of Peace, 
 would abandon England to the King of France’s ambiti¬ 
 on : That a Peace thus concluded with France and Scot¬ 
 land , would allord time at leaft to provide againft their at¬ 
 tacks (1). 
 
 ; Such was the rcfult of this Council, after which the 
 ' Queen fummoned a Parliament to meet the 23d of Ja¬ 
 nuary, according to the refolution taken therein. At the 
 fame time, Doctor Parker was intrufted with the care of 
 revifing the Liturgy of Edward VI, and was ordered to 
 communicate his Labours only to fume chofen Peribns (2). 
 
 her intentions. She allowed the GofpcF and Kpiftles, k V*". 
 with the Lord’s Prayer, Creed, Litany, and Ten Com- [^™ d c en< 
 mandments to be read in Englijh, but foibid all preaching 
 on controverflal Subje£ts, or any change in the RomiJ).> 
 
 Rites, till it fhould be otherwife appointed by the Parlia¬ 
 ment. In this fne followed the fteps of the deceafed 
 Queen. 
 
 Queen Mary's Funeral, which was folemniz’d with great ^5 ,ten Maiy 
 Pomp, finiflied this year (3). But before we proceed to 
 the events of the next, it is neceflary for clearnefs fake, 
 to deferibe the affairs of the neighbouring States. 
 
 The War between France and Spain was manifeftly ^ : "J 
 drawing to a conclunon. The two Kings, equally wea- 
 ry of a War from which neither could expedl any advan- Mczerai. 
 tage, had kept their Armies all the Campain in a (late of 
 inaction, for fear of obftructing a Peace. At laft the 
 Conftable of Montmorency, who had been Prifoner in the 
 Lew-Countries ever fince the Battle of St. Spiiintin, hav¬ 
 ing made fomc Overtures of Peace to Philip, the princi¬ 
 pal articles were fettled , after which, the two Kings fent 
 their Plenipotentiaries to Cercamp , and then to Cambray. 
 
 The principal obftacle to a Peace was the King of France's 
 refolution to keep Calais, and Philip and Mary’s infilling 
 upon its being rellor’d. But Mary dying, Philip no longer 
 fupported the interefts of England with the fame ardour as 
 before, at leaft when he delpaited of marrying Elizabeth. 
 
 It was that expedtation which caufed him to Hand out 
 feme time, and delay the conclufion of the Peace till the 
 following year. 
 
 The 1 j tli of March, Ferdinand I. was declared Fmpe- Death of 
 ror by the voluntary reflgnation of Charles V. Ins Brother, strata? 
 who enjoyed but two years, the repofc he had chofen in 
 relinquilhing the care of his worldly concerns. He died 
 the 17th of September (4). 
 
 As Scotland i 3 to afford materials for great part of Eli- -Affairs 
 zabeth's Hiilory, a very particular account mull be given bco *** 
 of the affairs of that Kingdom. Without an accurate 
 knowledge of what palled in Scotland , Elizabeth’s conduct 
 and policy cannot be underftood. 
 
 T he Queen Dowager of Scotland, Mother of the Qjeen Enchant 
 Dauphinefs, obtained the Regency of that Kingdom by 
 the filtered of the Duke of Guife, and the Caid.nal of 
 Lorrain her Brothers; but was fupported only by the 
 Proteftants. The Earl of Arran Chief of the Houfe of 
 Hamilton , had unwillingly refigncJ the Regency, though 
 his reiignation procur’d him the Duchy ol Chaterault in 
 France{ 5), with twelve thoufand Livies a year in land. 
 
 The Aichbifliop of St. Andrews, his natural Brother, 
 inceflantly blam’d his imprudence, and by his Cabals 
 amongft the Clergy, gave difturbance to the Regent. To Mehril’* 
 break the meafures of this Prelate, flie turn’d to the 
 teftants, who were now grown confid.rable. This me¬ 
 thod fucceeded, but withal fhe was obliged to connive at 
 the meetings of the Proteftants, and this indulgence great¬ 
 ly increas’d their number and llrength. 
 
 Things remain’d in this ftate till the breach between 
 France and Spain. As England cfpoufed the caule of 
 Philip II, and the Regent of Scotland could not poffibly 
 induce the Scots to declare war with Alary, fhe ad- 
 vifed the King of France to ha lien the Dauphin’s mar¬ 
 riage with the young Queen, and accoidingly it was 
 folemniz’d in April, 1558. This gave a conlideruble 
 Turn to the affairs of Scotland. The Clergy, know¬ 
 ing how the Couit of France flood a fluffed to the fol¬ 
 lowers of the new Religion, did not qucltion to be fup¬ 
 ported in their attempt to reduce the Proteftants within 
 the Pale of the Romi/h Church. On the other hand, the 
 Regent no longer wanting the Proteftants, began to look 
 more coldly on them. To begin the work, the Arclibi- Buchanan, 
 fhop of Sc. Andrew's having lummoned before him an 
 aged Pricft (7), who had difcontinued the Mals, ordered 
 him to be burnt alive in his Archiepifcopal City, to ihe 
 great grief and difeontent of the Inhabitants. This Lllay 
 being made, the Bifhops cited a Minillcr called Paul Mef- 
 fan with defign to make him fuffer the fame punifhment, 
 but as they faw the People began to be mov’d, the Trial 
 was deferr’d to another opportunity. Some time alter, a 
 
 (1) Beat, Clei !c of the C* uncil, gave this Advice to Sir W tliam Cecil, whilQ the Confultation was held about reforming Relig'on : That the Parliaments 
 under Q^eth Mary (hould be declared void ; as the fir 11 was under a (tree j and the Titie or Supreme Head, was lelt out in the Sum nr ns t>> the n xr, bt- 
 it was iikm away by Law ; Iiom whence he inferred, that thefe had been no true Parliaments, and confcquently the Lavs, ot Lj-tvard wvr; Hill .n 
 fore: ; but this Propofal was rejected, but i.et, Toni. il. p. 37(1. 
 
 (a) The I’ert r* employed in this Rev I.! were, according to Hamden, Dr. Matthew Parker, afterward". Archbifh'p of Canterbury, Dr- Richard Cox , after¬ 
 wards Bilhop of i , Dr. May, Dr. Bill, D fat .] n, M id, M nund 
 
 Crindal, aftcrwaid^ Bilhop ot London, and then Archbilhop of Canterbury. The management of th's Affair, and the care to have :t dene, was lelt to It it- 
 Haiti Pair Marq i. s of A nbarrpt.n, Francs RuffeI Earl of Beffor.t, John G’ry of Pyrgo, and Sir IVlilt am Cecil. Camden, p. 37 I - 
 
 (3) She was hurled 00 December it, in Henry VIPs Chapel, on the Northlidc of that King's Monument. Stone-, p. U 3 .- iVbtte F fJv p of Ik tnchtfltr 
 
 preached the Fnrcr.ii Sermon, in which he applauded the late Reign, and lam:no-J the present State of Alfiirs with fueh Freedom, that it was proper to 
 ihew lome Refcntnwnt, and accordingly he was ennfin d to hrs Houle till the meeting ot the Parliament. Bu-net, Tom. II. p. 373. 
 
 (4) Rapin l.y mi'lake lay*, he lived but fix Mr nths after bis Refignaiion. He religned his bpanijh Dominions, OShb. 25. Ij jj- and '.lie Lm.-.r:, J a* 
 mart 17. r 3 '6, and died September SO. 155S. Ltrada. L I. 
 
 (b) in Poitou. 
 
 (• His Name was V/alter Mills, who was cited beforp ch: Bl/hops, Abbots, and Divines. Buchanan, 1. 16, 
 
 proccfllon 
 
 7 
 
Book XVII. 23. ELIZABETH. 
 
 S3 
 
 1558. proccflion annually made at Edinburgh (1), railed a fort 
 of Commotion, which Ihewed that the Proteftants were no 
 more afraid to appear. The Regent had a farther con¬ 
 viction, when fhe was told that Meffan , condemned for 
 Non-appearance, was openly protected in the County of 
 Fife. Thefe were as preludes to what was to follow. In fine, 
 feme Gentlemen of Fife and Angus, difperfing themfelves 
 through the Counties, incouraged the Proteftants to ftand 
 upon their defence, and not fuffer their lives to be taken 
 away on pretence of Religion, demonftrating to them that 
 their number was greater in Scotland than That of the 
 Burnet. Catholicks. This occaftoned an Aftociation under the 
 *281-187. Hands and Seals of the Aftociators, and was the firft that 
 Collett. was formed in Scotland in defence of the new Religion. 
 P . 273-288. 'fhe Proteftants perceiving themfelves ftronger fince'this 
 Aftociation, which was called the Congregation , fent to the 
 Regent a Petition, that the worfhip of God might be in 
 the vulgar Tongue, and the Communion given in both 
 Kinds, which was ftrongly oppofed by the Bifhops. But 
 the Regent being told, that an abfolute Refufal might 
 throw all Scotland into a flame, fhe endeavoured to folten 
 the Bifhops, by a promife of her protection at a more fea- 
 fonable juncture. Mean time, fhe permitted the Prote¬ 
 ftants to celebrate divine Service in their own Tongue, 
 provided this was done without Tumults, or publick Af- 
 femblies in Edinburgh and Leith (2). But' the Clergy not 
 liking this politick circumfpeCtion of the Regent, met 
 together to confult upon this affair, and refolved to profe- 
 Buchanan. cute the Hcrcticks with the extremeft rigour. The Pro¬ 
 teftants deputed 'John Arakin , afterwards Earl of Mar, to 
 the Bifhops affembled, to demand of them, that divine 
 Service might be performed in the vulgar Tongue; but this 
 was unanimoufly rcjeCted. Such was the iituation of the 
 affairs in Scotland , when Elizabeth afeended the Throne 
 of England., and till the end of the year 1558. 
 
 1559. In the beginning of the following year, Elizabeth con- 
 Sevcrai Been ferred Honours on fomePcrfons, whom fhe was pleafed to 
 Camden diftinguifh, whether on account of their Merit, or becaufe 
 Stow. ' fhe expeded fome important Services from them. TVilliam 
 Att. Pub. Parr , Marquifs of Northampton , who had been fentenced 
 xv. p. 49 5 i t0 death in the Reign of Mary , and afterwards pardoned, 
 was reftored to his Honours. Edward Seymour , eldeft Son 
 of the late Duke of Somerfet, was created Earl of Hert¬ 
 ford, notwithftanding all the precautions of the Duke his 
 Father, to caufe his Titles to defeend to the Children of 
 his fecond Marriage. Thomas Howard , fecond Son of 
 the Duke of Norfolk , was created Vifcount Bindon. Henry 
 Carey , the Queen’s Coufin (3), and Oliver St. John, were 
 raifed to the Dignity of Barons. All thefe Peers were 
 Proteftants, and confequcntly very proper to promote the 
 Queen’s deftgns in the Houfe of Lords. 
 
 'TheQueen's Thefe Promotions being over, the Queen was crowned 
 Coronat,on. j n Weflminflcr Abbey (4), with the ufual Ceremonies. The 
 Bumet. n ' See of Canterbury being vacant, this Office belonged to 
 
 Stow. the Archbifhop of York , but he, with the other Bifhops, 
 
 Hollinglh. re f u fed to aflift at the Solemnity, becaufe Elizabeth by 
 Proclamation, and by admitting into her Council, Men 
 who pafled not for good Catholicks, had fufiiciently declar¬ 
 ed againft the Church of Rome. Oglethorp of Carlife was 
 the only Bifhop that at laft was perfuaded to do the Of¬ 
 fice, notwithftanding the murmurs of his Brethren. It 
 feems, that the Bifhops thought the Miniftry of a Bifhop 
 fo eflential to a Coronation, that, in refilling to perform 
 the Ceremony, they could deprive the Queen of her Dig¬ 
 nity. 
 
 'The Parti a- The Parliament meeting the 25th of January (5), Sir 
 
 man rras, Nicolas Bacon , Keeper of the Great Seal (6), opened it 
 “by a "speech w ‘ £ h a Speech, in which he difplayed the Merits of the 
 of Bacon, new Queen, with bitter reflections on the late Miniftry 
 Gnat °/lt“ ^ or ^ l°fs Calais. He told them, that the Queen 
 Sir ‘ Si c ' defired an immediate application to the affairs of Religion; 
 D’ewe’s that a difunion in that refpeCt, was one of the Evils which 
 Joum. p.n. ca ]] e d for the moft fpeedy Redrefs. He exhorted the Par¬ 
 liament to proceed between the two Extremes of Super- 
 ftition and Irreligion, which might re-unite the Adherents 
 of both Religions in the fame publick Worfhip. 
 
 Dr. Burnet has fo largely deferibed in his Hiftory, the 
 manner of reltoring the Reformation in England by the 
 
 Parliament, that I believe I may be cxcufed defending to t$S9’ 
 particulars, and the more, a3 this Subjedl chiefly relates 
 to Church-Hiftory. I fhall content my felf therefore with 
 only pointing to the Adis made in this Seflion, to fpare 
 the Reader the trouble of turning over his Hiftory. I 
 fhall however obferve, that this Author feems to have 
 been miftaken in placing the ACts (moft of which were 
 made in February and March) after the Peace, which was 
 not concluded till April' But this is not very material. 
 
 At firft, to try how the Parliament was inclined, a mo- 
 tion was made in the Lower-Houle, for reftoring to th£ r -ii. r d t> 
 Crown the Tenths, Firft-Fruits, and Impropriations, [fur- the Crow. 
 rendered by Queen Mary.] Tin's motion was immedi- butut * 
 ately approved ; and the Houfe of Lords confented to it, 
 notwithftanding the oppofition of the Bifhops(7). 
 
 The 4th of February , the Houfe of Commons addrefled 
 the Queen in a very dutiful manner, and reprefented to 
 her, how neceflary it was for the happinefsof the Nation, dairy 
 that fhe fhould think of marrying. The Queen gracioufly Herjnfwtr, 
 thanked the Commons, and told them how much fhe was 
 pleafed, that they had neither limited Time nor Place. 
 
 She added, that by the Ceremony of her Inauguration, 
 fhe was married to her People, and her Subjects were to 
 her inftead of Children : They would not want a Succef- 
 for when file died; and for her part, fhe would be well 
 contented, that the Marble fhould tell Pofterity, here 
 lies a Queen that reigned so long, and 
 
 LIVED AND DIED A VlRGIN. 
 
 Some, days after, the Lords palled a Bill to recognize A " 
 Elizabeth for lawful Queen, in virtue ol an Ad of the^ 
 
 35 th of Henry VIII. Some thought it ftrange that the Sigchto the 
 Sentence of her Mother’s Divorce, and the 1. . ;uuit Ad 
 declaring Elizabeth illegitimate, were not annulled. Cam- t!ii. ^385. 
 den fays, this omiflion was with defign, and Burnet re- Camden, 
 ports the reafons which determined the Houfe ol Lords Ann, P , 37'" 
 to be filent on this point. The firft was, that the poft'ef- 
 fion of the Crown purged all defeds, according to a re¬ 
 ceived maxim, when Henry VII. mounted the Throne. 
 
 But this reafon had not appeared fufficient to Mary , who 
 was in the fame cafe with Elizabeth , and yet had procured 
 a repeal of that Ad, which declared her illegitimate. The 
 fecond reafon was, that this Ad could not be repealed, 
 without calling fome difhonour on the memory of Hen¬ 
 ry VIII, and it was the Queen’s intereft rather to conceal 
 than publickly expofe her Father’s weaknefs. I own, this 
 reafon appears to me very unfatisfadory. For why was 
 the reputation of Henry VIII. to be fpared, if it could 
 not be done without endangering the fafety of the reigning 
 Queen ? Befides, it was not expofing Faults w. ich till 
 then had been concealed, but Faults known to all the 
 World. The third reafon was, that too fcrupulous an 
 inquiry on this head, would render the Queen’s Right 
 more uncertain, inftead of making it lefs difputable. This, 
 probably, was the prevailing reafon, though to fuffer the 
 Sentence and Ad to fublift, feems to have been equally 
 dangerous. It was eftablifliing a Precedent in favour of 
 Baftards, which might have ill confequences. And who 
 knows but it may ftill affect future Ages ? Beiides, this 
 regard for the honour of Henry , left an eternal blot upon 
 the memory of Elizabeth. At lealt her Enemies, and 
 particularly the Queen of Scotland , were thereby furnifhed 
 with a plaufible pretence to wreft the Scepter from her, 
 if a favorable opportunity offered. Dr. Burnet thinks the 
 condud of this Parliament equally Pious and Wife. I al¬ 
 low the firft: But the continued endeavours to dethrone 
 Elizabeth , wholly founded on the Sentence of her Mother’s 
 divorce, and the fubfequent Ad, will not permit me to 
 believe it Wifdom to leave them unrepealed. 
 
 The Ad to recognize the Queen’s Title being pafled, 
 the Parliament turned to the Affairs of Religion, and made 
 divers Statutes, which I fliall but juft mention. 
 
 The firft appointed the Publick Worfhip to be performed AEUeor.- 
 in the vulgar Tongue (8). 
 
 The fecond reftored the Queen to her right of Supre- Camden, 
 macy in the Church of England. Burnet. 
 
 The third renewed and confirmed all the Ads made in 
 the Reign of Edward VI, concerning Religion. And in 
 this many others were included. 
 
 (1) September i. St. Giles's day, whom the Inhabitants of Edinburgh honour as their Patron. Buchan. 1. 16. 
 
 (2) Buchanan and Mtlvil differ in relation to the time when' this Toleration was granted to the Reformed. Rapin. 
 
 (3) Her Coufin German by Mary Boleyn. j 
 
 (4) January 14. Stna, p. 63 The 15th, fays Sandford, p. 509. and the 25th according to Hollingjh. p li3o. But it appears from Rymcr s Fee a* 
 
 that it was on the 13th. A Patent was granted to Henry Fitz-Alan Earl of Arundel, to perform the Office oi High-Conftable on the day belore the Co¬ 
 
 ronation, and the Office of High-Steward on the Coronation-day. Ryrr.tr, Tom. XV. p. 494, 495. 
 
 (3) It met the 23d, and was prorogued to the 25th. 
 
 (6) He was the firft that was by Patent created "Lord Keeper. Formerly thofe that were Keepers of the Seal, had no Dignity nor Authority annexed to 
 
 their Office ; tliey did not hear Caufes, nor prelide in the Houfe of Lords, but were only to put the Seals to fuch Writs or Patents as went in courfe ; and 
 
 fo the Seal was only put in the Hands of the Keeper, but for fome fhort interval. But now Bacon was the firft Lord-Keeper that had all the Dignity and 
 
 Authority of Lord-Chancellor conferred on him- He was Father to the great Sir Francis Bacon, Vifcount St. Albans, and was one of the moft learned, 
 moft pious, and wifeft Men of the Nation. Burnet, Tom. II. p. 380. 
 
 (7) This Bill was read in the Houfe of Lords, ‘January 30, 31, and February 4. and in the Houfe of Commons, February 6, 17, and 21. fhe Biuiops 
 that oppofed it were, Heath Archbilhop of York, Bonner Bifhop of London, Pates of IVoreefier, Kitlhing of Landaff, Bayne of Coventry, Turbtvillt of Exeter, 
 Scot of Chejler, Oglethorp of Carti/le. D'ewes 's Journ. p. 19. 
 
 (8) And accordingly it began to be fo on May 8, which was Wbitfuniay . Stow, p. 639. 
 
 No, 46. Vol. II. 
 
 O 
 
 The 
 
5 + 
 
 1 5 59 * 
 
 He HISTORY of LNGLA N D. Vo!. !I. 
 
 The fourth reftored to the Queen the nomination of 
 the Bifhops. By till; Statute like wife many others were 
 confirmed, made in the Reign of Henry VIIT.againft the 
 Pope. The Queen was impowered to put the exercile of 
 her Supremacy into what hands fhc fhould think proper. 
 Moreover, all perfons in publick employments wut: 
 obliged to fwear, that they acknowledged the fueen to be 
 the fuprenie Governor in all caufes, as well Eccl.jiafical as 
 l all JuriJdiEtion, and 
 
 Jhould bear tin . • ; irut tllegiam . VVhoIoevei refufed 
 
 this Oath, w.v, declared incapable of holding any publick 
 Office. I aflly, div< i . Penalties were enabled again(l any, 
 who, by word or writing, tended to fet forth or advance 
 any foreign power in the Kingdom. 
 
 The fifth Adi eflablifhed Uniformity in divine Wor- 
 ftlip (t). 
 
 By a fixth, the Parliament impowered the Queen to re- 
 ferve to herfelf the Lands belonging to the Bilhopricks, as 
 they became void, giving in lieu of them their full value 
 in impropriated Tythes. 
 
 By a feveiuh Act, all Religious Houfes were annexed to 
 the Crown. 
 
 By an eighth, the deprivation of Popifn Bifhops in King 
 Edward’ s Reign was declared valid. 
 
 In a word, the Parliament, in this Seffion, reftored Re¬ 
 ligion to the fame ftatc as in E/hoard Ws Reign, and after 
 a Grant of a Subfidy, [two Tenths, and two Fifteenths, 
 with Tunnage and Poundage for the Queen’s life] it was 
 tliffolved the 8th of May (z). 
 
 .v mt Oppo- Among the Bifhops then in England, fome there were, 
 '/"•Pi’fft w ^° complied with all the Changes in Religion ftnee 
 j. s and H enr y ’s Breach with the Pope. Of this number were 
 / Heath Archbifhop of York, Tonjlal Bifhop of Durham, 
 
 Burnet. Thirleby Bifhop of Ely , and fome others. Thefe chofe to 
 abfent thcmfelves from the Parliament, becaufe, as they 
 faw the Queen’s intention, they durft neither openly op- 
 pofe it, nor affift in reftoring the Reformation, after fo 
 publick a defertion of it in the laft Reign. Both ap¬ 
 peared to them equally incommodious. Other Bifhops 
 ftrongly oppofed thefe Adis, but with no fuccefs. Some 
 of the Lay-Peers alio endeavoured to Item the torrent, and 
 even entered their Protefts, but their number was very 
 fmall. To fay all in a word, the fame thing happened in 
 this, as in the Parliament under Henry, Edward, and 
 Mary , that is, the Court caufed to be enadled almoft 
 whatever they pleafed. This is not very ft range, with 
 regard to the Houfc of Commons, where the Members 
 may be changed every new Parliament. But the readinefs 
 wherewith the Houfe of Lords confentcd, one while to 
 Adis favouring the Reformation, another while, to thofe 
 eftablifhing the Romijh Religion, is much more furpriling. 
 i itTli;b- The Supremacy with which the Queen was lately in- 
 
 s mmjjion vefted, with power to depute any Perfons to exercife it in 
 her name, gave rife to a new Court, called the Higb- 
 Commijfum Court. It was compofed of a certain number 
 of Commiffioners, who cxercifed the fame power, which 
 had been formerly lodged by Henry VIII. in a finglc Per- 
 fon, with tlie Title of Vicegerent. 
 rj% t .s ... While the Parliament was taken up with affairs of Re- 
 / ■' ■ ligion, fome Preachers having in divers places delivered 
 
 ' Dodlrines from the Pulpit, tending to overthrow the Re- 
 iium::. formation, the Queen, following the Precedent fet her by 
 Edward and Alary , forbid all preaching without a fpecial 
 Licence under the Great Seal. This fired the Lower- 
 Iloufe of Convocation, and produced a Petition to the 
 Queen, in which were boldly aliened the Dodlrines of the 
 Church of Rome. This gave occafion to a Propoiition for 
 a Conference between nine Doctors, on each fide, to exa- 
 A c-.yJiree.it mine the reafons of Both. This Conference was held the 
 • K Re ''£' • beginning of April. But the Roman Catholicks reflecting, 
 that they had undertaken more than they could anfwer, 
 snf. T. Hi in thus bringing the Dodlrines of their Religion into que- 
 R .379, at. ftj on> without being authorized by the Pope, refufed to give 
 T ll. p'. 3SS. t * ie ‘ r rea ^ ons in writing, though that had been agreed. At 
 brow. ' laft, they plainly declared, it was not in their power to 
 difpute on Points already decided (3). They had not been 
 fo fcrupulous in the Reign of Mary, becaufe then the fuc¬ 
 cefs of the Conference was known beforehand. This gave 
 the Proteftants caufe to triumph, and pretend that their 
 Adverfaries durll not enter the Lifts. 
 
 T.. fmifh what I have to fa v preient on RcT-ion, 2 1539. 
 fhall only add, 1 lat the Ref >rn ati hat in • bee 
 , . ' ... ty } , eficedt ym< . 
 
 th: Kingdom, oo.ly fourteen Biftiops twelve Archck-a 
 < en Heads of Colleges, fifty Canons, 
 
 ■ . • ■ Par< 1 1 Priefts, ch fe to qu . th 1 icnt 
 rather than their Religion. Ti e r Places being filled with - ! " 
 
 Proteftants, became entirdy reformed, very fhort-£ 1 r,: . 
 
 ly after having leen tiie Reformed lent to the Flames. It ! ' 
 is now time to return to Political Affairs. 
 
 While Philip had any hopes of marrying Elizabeth, his tt:;?,.* cth’* 
 Plenipotentiaries aflcmbled with thofe of England and K ;“ ;! -Q 
 Irani e at Ca!:cu in C.atnbrcjts, infilled upon the Rcftitu- p, ’ 
 tion of Calais to the Crown of England. But when his omd.n. 
 expectations were difappointed by the change in England 
 with regard to Religion, hedeferted Elizabeth , and made a 
 ft parat P e, or at leaft fettled, with France the principal 
 Aitides. It is pretended that in this Treaty, by which Mczer.-.;. 
 France rcflgned 19S Places to Spain , or her Allies, in ex¬ 
 change for three only, there was a fecret Article of a mu¬ 
 tual promife between the two Kings to extirpate Hereticks. 
 
 This done, the Spaniards , from Parties, as they were 
 before, became Mediators between France and England. 
 
 But they ailed fo faintly, that it was plain, thev did not 
 much concern themfelves in Elizabeth’s Affairs. Philip’s de¬ 
 fection therefore obliged the Queen to conclude a Peace on 
 any 1 erms, the Continuation of the War being no way 
 favorable to her Affairs, or to the meafures Ihe was now 
 taking to introduce the Reformation into England. By a 
 Treaty therefore figned the 2d of /Iptil , it was agreed, 
 
 That the King of France fhould have Calais, and the A" Puh. 
 other places in Picardy conquered upon the Englijh, eight ^ V m f v 
 years ; after which, he fhould be obliged to reltore them Hdhngfh. 
 to the Queen of England. 
 
 That within the fpacc of fix Months, feven foreign 
 Merchants, not Subjects of the French King, fhould in¬ 
 gage for the payment of 500000 Crowns of Gold to Eli¬ 
 zabeth, as a penal Fine, in cafe the Reftitution of the 
 Places within the time limited, was either refufed or de¬ 
 layed by Henry or his Succeilors. And that notwithjlanding, 
 whether the laid Sum was paid or not paid, the King of 
 Fiance and his SucceJJors jhould remain under the Obligation 
 to rejhre Calais and the other Places , as they 'engaged by this 
 Treaty. Moreover that the King of France fhould deliver 
 to the Queen, as Hoftages till the promifed Security was 
 given, Ferry de Foix Count of Condole, and Captal of 
 Bitch , Lewis de St. Afaurc Marquifs of Nejlc and Count of 
 Laval , Gajlon de Foix Marquils of Tran,, Antoine du Prat 
 Prefident of the Parliament of Paris, and the Lord Nan- 
 touil/et. 
 
 Thefe are the exprefs Words of the Treaty, of which A Remark 
 the French Hiltorians give us only the pretended meaning, r p“ 
 
 by turning them after their own manner. Mezcrai fays, ' r ’ . 
 
 It was covenanted that Henry Jljould either rejhre Calais 
 and the other Conquefls, or if he /iked it better, the Sum of 
 500000 Crowns, which being referred to his Opinion, there 
 was no doubt he would keep this place, which was the Key 
 of his Kingdom. 
 
 Neither has Father Daniel given ns the very Terms of 
 the Treaty, which perhaps he had never feen. He con¬ 
 tents himfelf with relating the Senfe, adding an explication 
 which enti.ely changes the Nature of the Treaty. Eli¬ 
 zabeth, fays this Hiflorian, could not without giving offence 
 to the Englifh, make an alfolute Surrender of Calais to 
 France. Beftdes, foe faw the King determined not to part 
 with it ; a middle way was there fee taken, welch hft this 
 Prince in pojfefjion of Calais for eight years, at the end of 
 which he promifed to refers it, on Forfeiture of 500000 
 Crowns to the Englifh. That notcuithfanding this payment, 
 which was to be made on a refufal or delay of Refitution, the 
 Englifh were all-wed to ufe force for the Recovery of Calais. 
 
 By thefe laft Words he explains the Senfe of thofe in the 
 
 Original Trcaty.-- That whether the Sum was paid or 
 
 not paid, the King of France and his Succcjfors jhould be 
 bound to the Refitution of Calais, as they ingaged by this 
 Treaty. This fhews how wc ought to be upon our guard 
 againlt the national partiality of Hiftorians. I fhall add 
 here upon this Article, that Calais never was reftored, that 
 the 500000 Crowns were never paid, and when Elizabeth 
 demanded Calais, at the extpiration of the Term, the Court 
 
 (r) The diflrnt’cnts firm it were, the Archbifhop |of York, (he Marquifs nf H'.ncbftrr, the Earl of Skrcoojbury, the Vi (count Mon ague ; the Bifhops of 
 1 nd t v. it rafter, l toff, 1 ly, I- . 1 -• 1 j the Lords Mar Icy, Stafford, Dudley, JVbart n, Rich, and North. D'nuts, p. 28. 
 
 (2; This P.irium nt granted till- Queen a Subfidy of 2 j. Si/, in the Pound of Goods, and 41. of Linds, to be paid at two fevers I Payment:. They all > 
 
 granted her two Tenths, and two Fifteenths, and Tunnage and Poundage for Life, 35 they were granted to Edward VJ, and Mary. Steven. .V/.,;. 
 
 P- 6 39- 
 
 (3) The Points to be difcufTed in this Conterence were, Worfhip in an unknown Tongue, the Power of particular Churches to altsr Rites and Cere¬ 
 monies, and the propitiatoiy Sacrifice in the Mai's. The G nference was begun the 311! of March in It\flminftcr Abbev, before the Privy-Council, b tn 
 Houles of Parliament, and infinite Crowds of People. The Protcfhnt Dilputants were, St rye Eiliu-p of Cbietjter, Cox, it Jatcbcad, Gnr.dVU, Her ,v, S.trJ, 
 Carjt, Ailma, and Jewel. And the Popifh were, the Bifhops of IVn.bfer, Lai.oln, Car.’ijte, Ct f hr, Cr'.r.fy and La'rfiad, C te Dean o; St. Paul -, 
 Langdal Archdca.on of Let-ex. ll.-.rp,pad Archdeac n of Cuntrrhury, and Ct.-tj.y Archdear -n of Maldigex. 'I he Bifhops 0! IVu:. lifter and Linen -. ice ... 
 
 their Caule in great dnicer, laid, that the Faith of the Church ought nut to l.e examined but in a Synod of Diiinc'--That the Queen and Council 
 
 ought to be excommunicated, tor lulieiiog the Catholiclc Faith to be argued before an unlearned Multitude. F.x, Tom. III. p. 979, Zfc. 
 
 (+j T!"-fe B.ihops were, I!:::b Archbilhop of Txi, Bonner Bilhap of Lmd-n, 'loamy of Ely, Bourn of ita:o and IVtilt, Cbrtftophcrfin of Chicbft. 
 
 ■ ft - - <V . Wa n of Lincoln, OgJtti Carliftt. 1 f 1 , 1 Feierbu . ,1 , of ft 
 
 and Co/dwstl of St. Aj-ftb. Burner, Tom. JI. p. 39a- By whom they w.-re Jucceed; , See Unit. n. 402, 473. and in Camden, u. y-. 
 
 O'" 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 ELIZABETH. 
 
 of the ‘Treat 
 ‘/Cateau. ' 
 
 of France founded their Refufal upon ioine Generalities, 
 and not upon the Treaty itfelf, as they might have done, 
 fuppofing what thefe two Hiftorians have related. 
 
 » Another Article of the Treaty was, that neither the 
 King of France , nor the King and Queen of Scotland, nor 
 the Queen of England, fhould attempt any thing againft 
 one another, directly or indirectly, in prejudice of this 
 Treaty. That if the Queen of England violated this Ar¬ 
 ticle, the King of France, and the King and Queen of 
 Scotland fhould be freed from their Engagements, and their 
 Holtages and Securities be difeharged. In like manner, if 
 the violation came from the King of France , he fhould 
 be obliged to reflore Calais , and the other places, as if the 
 eight years were expired ; and if he refufed to make this 
 Reftitution, ’ 
 
 55 
 
 this was agreeable to the Cuftom of Germany, where the 1559. 
 Cadets, or younger Branches, bore the Title and Arms of 
 the chief of their Family (1). Camden adds* that the 
 Court of France pretended, that all Princes and Princcftcs 
 had a Right to bear the Arms of their Houfe with a Bar. 
 
 But, befidcs that Francis and Mary bore them without any 
 fuch diftinftion, they moreover allumed the Title of King 
 and Queen of England {2). In fhort, the Court of France 
 being prefTed upon this Affair, anfwered the Ambaffador, 
 that the King and Queen of Scotland had only taken the 
 Arms of England to oblige Elizabeth to quit thofe of France. 
 
 To this Throckmorton replied. That twelve Kings of Eng¬ 
 land had carried the Arms and Title of Kings of France , 
 without being obliged by any Treaty to quit them. But his 
 
 vciccApiM.11; .mu 11 ne reruieu ro maice tms wunout lacing oDliged by any 1 reaty to quit them. Buthis 
 the Securities and Hoftages fhould ftill remain reafons were not heard, and notwithftanding all his Com¬ 
 plaints. Franct c am) D-ill k,-..-,. .1 — t .. i _ .1_ 1 1 
 
 bound. 
 
 That the Fortifications of Ay mouth, and all others made 
 in Scotland fince the Treaty of Boulogne, fhould be demo- 
 lifhed. 
 
 __ ^ hat all the other Pretenfionsof the King of France, of the 
 
 King and Queen of Scotland, and of the Queen of England, was mandeft, fhe was regarded as a Ballard, and the Crowr 
 with all then exceptions, fhould remain entire, in the ex- of England was pretended to be devolved upon Man. 
 pectation that Providence would produce fome good oppor- Accordingly, Elizabeth did not fuffer herfelf to be deceived 
 tumty to terminate them by a Peace. From this time fhe confidered Mary as a dangerous Rival’ 
 
 1 hat the I eementioned Princes orPrincelfts fhould not and the Princes of Lorrain her Uncles, the Authors of this 
 afford a Retreat or Protection to each other’s Rebels, but ufurpation, as her moft mortal Enemies. The death of 
 
 plaints, Francis and Mary ftill bore the Title they had 
 ulurped. Camden affirms, the Conftable of Montmorency, P 
 by his arguments induced them to relinquifh it, but af- 
 furedly he is miftaken. Thus though the Court of France 
 would not openly declare their Thoughts of Elizabeth, it 
 was manifeft, fhe was regarded as a Baltard, and the Crown 
 
 Al f" J' Hirl/T./I ....... n.n*._-1_1 .lilt . . 
 
 Scotland. 
 At>. Pub. 
 XV. p. ci 
 
 reciprocally deliver them to one another. 
 
 The fame day, a Treaty was figned between the Queen 
 of England and the King and (.^ueen of Scotland, of which 
 . thefe are the principal Articles. 
 
 That neither of the Parties fhould fall upon the Domi¬ 
 nions now poffeifed by the other, neither in Perfon or 
 otherwife. 
 
 Thar they fhould give no aid to attack the Dominions 
 of one another, to any Perfon, in whatfoever degree of 
 Confanguinity or Affinity he might be related to them, or 
 whatever might he his Quality. 
 
 1 hat they fhould not receive or entertain Rebels, Fu¬ 
 gitives, Malefactors, &c. 
 
 That in three Months, the Fortifications of Aymouth , 
 and all others erected in Scotland fince the Tieaty of i caq, 
 fhould be razed. 
 
 I hat all other mutual Claims and Pretenfions fhould re¬ 
 main entire. 
 
 7 hat in two Months, Commiffioners fhould be ap 
 
 . P . 516, 
 
 Bcniy II. 
 orders the ■ 
 Daupbtn am 
 tis Ufoufe ,, 
 take the Arm 
 of England. 
 MelvU. 
 p. 23. 
 Camden. 
 Buchanan. 
 ‘The Englifh 
 Ambaffador 
 tnjkts Com- 
 
 . ' --- J.UV.1111V.0. 1 lie UUlll ui 
 
 Henry, a little after, inftead of difeouraging the defign to 
 place Mary on the 7 hrone of England, only gave it Irefh 
 vigour. The Duke of Guife, and the Cardinal of Lorrain, 
 governing all under Francis II, Succeffor to Henry, never 
 ceafed inciting the young King to fend Forces into Scot¬ 
 land, to render himfelf abfolute mafter of that Kingdom, 
 and then attack Elizabeth from that quarter. But becaufe 
 this project was founded upon the prefent fituation of the 
 Scotch Affairs, it is neceflary to refume the Recital at the 
 place where I left off the laft year. 
 
 Shortly after the Marriage of the young Queen with Sequel oftbt 
 the Dauphin, the affairs of Scotland began to be terribly ^F“" s f 
 embroiled. The: Princes of Lorrain having formed the S"! 
 defign to a,tack England by Scotland, believed it imprac¬ 
 ticable, till the King and Queen were rendered abfolute 
 in their Kingdom. They knew, it would be difficult to 
 perfuade the States of Scotland to be the inftruments of 
 their ambition, in making war upon Elizabeth, in order 
 to place the Crown of England on the head of their Queen 
 •V7 “V v_ommmioners mould be ap- The number of Proteftants was now fo confidence in 
 
 pointed on both fides, to fettlecertain Articles, concern,ng Sc,Hand, that they were almoft mailers in the Aflemblies 
 which the Ambaffadors cl France were not fuftciently in- of the States. Confequently, it appeared impoffible to 
 Itructed. draw them into the Project of dethroning a Proteftant 
 
 Francs and Mary ratified this Treaty the . Sth of April-, Queen, who was eltahlilhing their Religion in England 
 d d h % AI “r the , C '™ m ‘* oners ol thc tw ° H'ng- “ P>ace a Catholick Queen on that Throne, who lould 
 dom, sxXJpJahntan, ligned a fecond Treaty upon the Articles thereby be enabled to dellroy the Reformation in both 
 C t uniIecldcd rn the full. Kingdoms. It was therefore necelTary to find an excufe 
 
 j„ for lending an Army into Scotland, to llrengthen the Ca- 
 
 Elizabeth having concluded a Peace with France and Scat- thohek Party, which, probably, would be more ready and 
 
 W i I" 10 .' n af r ?." d i onour than fhc had reafon t0 ex - zealous » f av °ur the enterprise. It was with this view 
 pea, flattered herfelf, (lie was going to enjoy a fettled that they obtained of Henry II. an order to the Queen-ReV T 
 2 */' But Ihequick.y perceived, fbe had little caufe gent, audio d’Oyfcl, Commander of the Frcncbini Scotch 
 to triumph. H,„ry IP had made a Peace with her, only t orces in the Pay of France, to fuffer no other Religion 
 
 in Scotland than the Roman Catholick (3). They eafily 
 forefaw, this Order would produce troubles in Scotland , 
 and furnilh them with a pretence to lend thither an 
 Army. 
 
 The Regent, upon the receit of this Order, began to Melvil. 
 execute it, with publilhing an Edi& (4.) conformable to 
 the King’s Will, or rather of the two Princes his Bro¬ 
 thers, who, as will afterwards be feen, had not difeovered 
 ..., „ , w their whole Project to the King. The Proteftants, in fe- Buchanan* 
 He fuon veral Deputations to the Queen-Regent, reprefented to her BurneU 
 the unfeafonablenefs of rigour, coniidering their number, 
 
 tranquillity 
 
 to triumph. _,. v .nu umucucdic w.ui ner, on.y 
 
 becaufe Philip II. who had ingaged Mary his Queen in this 
 war, was revived not to fign the Peace before Elizabeth had 
 concluded hei’s. It was of little moment to Philip, that fhe 
 found great advantages in the Peace, or the King o f France 
 obferved his 7 reaty with her, provided it appeared to the 
 World that Spain had notdeferted England. This was all 
 lie defired,and probably what facilitated the Peace. Henry II. 
 granted, no doubt, more than he intended to perform, as 
 well to give this fatisfa&ion to the King of Spain, as to 
 difengage him from the Interell of England. " ~ 
 difeovered he had no other intention. 
 
 , m i ,r , 7 w v, H IUIUU ‘ 1 ' U1L unieaionablenels of rigour, coniidering their number 
 
 Ambaffadors Irom Franc, being come to Brnjfch to fee but Ihc would hearken to nothing. At this time the 
 , he Peace fworn, Secretary Ardoy, who was there from City of Penh, alias St. Town, having p”biicklv 
 the TiH^r K 1 " 6 ’ and * c Ql ,ee '' D auph,ncCs, gave them embraced the Reformed Religion, the Regentffummoncd 
 Irtlan 1 S'- ° f Fingland, and the States to Sterling, and cited thither the Reformed ,VJi- 
 
 Iretand. Snoitly after, Elizabeth heaii, that the King of nillers, in order to baniflr them the Kingdom by a fo 
 TiX h,id | orclE ' reJ F [ a " c ' s and Ma n “ the fame lemn decree ( S ). The Minillers appeared at StJ/in r 
 
 the r Pla f thc - AfmS r° f Rr, Z lani m th " r Seal, defend their Caufe, being attended with infinite crowds of 
 
 an- o ,V P y Ur " ,tUre ’ J hat "hght be igno- People unarmed, who were come to affift them in their 
 
 Enrldh Ambntr l ' enf p ns ’ s,r Mala, Tb-odmrtm the defence, agreeably to the cuftom of Scotland 16 ). The 
 T' complained of this Ufurpa- Regent, allonilhed at the fight, prayed John Arcjn to 
 Comnlaintf W w eedom > Sj" the fnv “ lo “ s Anfwer to his prur-ail with the Multitudes to retire, promifing that nothing 
 Miftreft 7 / mf r Whadf0rhla lhould be de cc« d it the States againft the Minillers 
 
 M.ftrefs. Mccra, fays, the Ambaffador was told, That Arcokin fucceeded, and the Minillersf with all their Attend 
 
 (l) Mehil lay: 
 filled Princes, or 
 (i) At the late 
 * 1 ci Engtand, ; 
 C-tmden, p. 373. 
 
 (3) The Pep, 
 Catholick Relit; 
 
 , (4) A little 1 
 ( She alio t„ 
 Bodies and Ellntcs 
 (SJ Criminals 
 
 ’btTkT7!,7t'hnt fume ^ Uf ' 5 ’ ^ the Frcrch Court a.'iedged, that in Dutcbland, all the Princes Brothers, Coufins, 
 
 C 'Zr, t K:l C,r r di v al ° f LOrr u n told the Spa ’ U J h Commifiioners, « That his Niece, the Queen of Scott, 
 
 . 0 o pam ought to endeavour to have Calais put into the hands of his Niece, who w 
 
 Emperor, and Kings of Spair, and France, had then entered into a Combination, to redo 
 1. and to purlue and pumlh with Fire and Sword, all Heretrcks, who wou.d not condefcend . 
 
 ore l-.al.cr. Idem. p. <+ . 
 
 Icied Paint Rather, Mayor of Perth, to fupprefs all Tumults for innovating of Relig 
 ot the Inhabitants, and.hofehe would take c.,re lhould do ho hurt, hut that he had 
 ■•ed to some to thefe Trials attended with their Relations and Friends, fiofi 
 
 the true and undoubted Queen 
 ic r.ghtlul Quften of England. 
 
 n thc 
 
 Tiofi part of EuKcpc 
 
 , who ■ 
 Domlnii 
 
 tfv/cred her. That he had power ov, 
 11 over their Consciences. Ln.han. 1 . 
 
 dants. 
 
Vo]. II. 
 
 5 6 The HISTORY of 
 
 1559. dantSj Withdrew. But they were no foorifer gone, titan 
 they were condemned for Non-appearance, according to 
 the Citation. Areskin was fo enraged, to be made the 
 Queen’s inflrument to deceive the Proteftants, that he ic- 
 folvcd to be revenged. For this purpofe, he went to the 
 Nobility of Strathern, Angus, and Mcrms, who were al- 
 fembled upon the News of what palled at Sterling , and 
 perfuaded them to take Arms. 
 
 r,' cliansn. This News being brought to Perth , Knox the Mintfter, 
 
 Bu,net> a celebrated Preacher, animated the People by a Sermon, 
 which, while the principal Citizens were at dinner, lent the 
 Babble into the Churches, who broke the Images, and en¬ 
 tirely deftroyed the Monaftery of the Carthufians. i he In¬ 
 habitants o fCuper immediately followed the example of the 
 People of Perth. The Regent vexed to fee her Edift con¬ 
 temned, and willing to prevent the confequences oi this dis¬ 
 obedience, refolved to chaftife the Inhabitants of Perth. 1 o 
 this end, Hie afl'embled fome Forces,and, attended by the 
 Earls of Argyle and Athol, marched dircdlv to Perth. But 
 approaching the Town, fhe was informed, the Earl or 
 Glencarne (1 ) was incamped in the Neighbourhood with 
 feven thoufand Men. T his news determined her to oiler 
 the Earl and his Aflociates certain Conditions, which were 
 accepted. Amongft other Articles it was agreed, 1 hat 
 the Scotch Forces on both Tides Ihould be difmifled, and 
 the French removed at a certain diftance from Perth (■•-)- 
 That the Queen Ihould be refpedfully received into the 
 City, and fuffered to ledge in it fome days, provided Ihe 
 would make no alterations: Laftly, that the dilterences 
 concerning Religion Ihould be referred to the decifion of the 
 States. '1 he Confederates having difmifled their Forces, 
 the Regent came to Perth , and entered, with fome Scotch 
 Troops in the pay of France, which was confidered by the 
 Confederates, as a violation of the Treaty (3 ). But this 
 was not all they had caufe to complain of. 1 he Regent 
 reftored the Mafs in Perth , and refolving to make it a 
 place of Arms, left a Garrifon in the Fown. 
 
 Melvil. Hence the Earl of Argyle and James Stuart , Prior of 
 
 Buchanan. St. Andr oil’s, and natural Son to Jantes V, took occafion 
 to declare againft the Regent, and levy forces to fupport 
 the Proteftants. They had fome time before embraced the 
 Reformation, though hitherto they had adhered to the Re¬ 
 gent. Shortly after, the Inhabitants of St. Andrews and 
 fome other Towns, declaring them lelves Proteftants, com¬ 
 mitted lev oral dilorders in the Catholick Churches. Where¬ 
 upon the Regent afl'embled an Army, compofed of two 
 thoufand French, and one thoufand Scots, and, giving the 
 command to the Duke of Chateleraut, fent him to chaftife 
 the Inhabitants of Caper , who had declared next after 
 thofe of Perth. But the Duke hearing, the Confederates 
 were marching with fuperior forces, to give him Battle, 
 informed the Regent of it, who was then at Falkland. She 
 tried at firft to arnufc them with new Propofltions, till fhe 
 had re-inforccd her Army. But the Confederates perceiv¬ 
 ing her artifice, marched to Perth, and became mailers of 
 the Town in few days. Afterwards, Scone, Sterling, 
 and Linllthgo, were fecured by them, and as their Army 
 daily increafcd, the Regent and d’Oyfcl were obliged to 
 withdraw to Dunbar. 
 
 Mchii. Mean time, the Regent had writ to the Court ol 
 
 y ■ ;• France, that James, Prior of St. Andrews, was the prin- 
 
 Ihuanus. c jp a ] ^ llt j lor 0 f the troubles of Scotland, and that, being 
 
 natural Son of James V, he deligned to feize the Crown. 
 The Princes of Lorrain, Brothers to the Regent, em¬ 
 braced this occafion to infinuate to Henry II, that Religion 
 was not concerned in the troubles of Scotland, and was 
 only made the pretence to wreft the Crown from the 
 Dauphin and the Queen his Spoufe. By this inlinuation, 
 they had infpired the King with the resolution of fending 
 a good Army into Scotland, and lie had now begun his 
 Levies in Germany. But the Confhble of Montmorency 
 having difeovered the defign of thefc Princes, to engage 
 him in very difficult Projects, prevailed with him to pro¬ 
 ceed no farther, till he was more particularly informed of 
 the Scotch Troubles. The bufmefs was only to find a Per- 
 fon in whom the King could confide. I be Conftable 
 offered, for this purpofe, Janies Alclvil, a Scotch Gentle¬ 
 man, his domeftie'k, and gave him his Inftru£lions, in 
 the prefence of the King himfelf. I hefe Inftruclions 
 
 r.were, as he fays himfelf in his Memoirs, “ 1 hat the 
 “ King had been informed by the Cardinal of Lorrain, 
 “ that James Stuart, Prior of St. Andrews, pretended, 
 « under colour of Religion, to ufurp the Kingdom unto 
 “ himfelf; and that the King defired to know cer- 
 “ tainly, if this was the fourcc from whence the troubles 
 “ in that Kingdom flowed j or whether Stuart was moved 
 
 ENGLAND, 
 
 “ to take Arms only for Confidence fake, in defence of i;:?. 
 
 “ his Religion, himfelf, his dependants and aflociates. In 
 “ the firft cafe, the King was refolved to hazard his 
 “ Crown, and all that he had, rather than that the Queen 
 “ his Daughter-in-law Ihould be robbed of her Right; 
 
 “ and he refolved to fend an Army to Scotland for that 
 t£ effect, though he would gladly Ihun the trouble thereof, 
 
 “ if it were polfible. That in the fecond cafe, if it was 
 “ only Religion that moved the Scots, the King would 
 « have no concern in their affairs, but committed their 
 “ Souls unto God, for he had difficulty enough to rule 
 “ the Confcicnces of Frenchmen. And it was^the Obc- 
 “ dienccdue unto their lawful Queen, with the Body, that 
 “ the King defired. That finally, he could nut perfuado 
 “ himfelf, that the Scots had made an Infurre&ion againft 
 “ th.e Regent without caufe, and therefore defired to kno w 
 
 “ if the I I 
 
 “ by whom, and at whofc inftancc. 'That it d Oyjei, 
 
 “ who was reported to be cholerick, Iiafty, and too paf- 
 ■ fionate, was i to l 
 
 . 
 
 “ them.” This Ihews, the King had been ill informed 
 by tile Cardinal of Lorrain, to engage him to fend an Army 
 into Scotland, and of this, probably, the Conftable meant 
 to give him a demonftration, by the Report Melvil was to 
 make him. In effect, Melvil having had a Conference 
 with the Queen Regent at Falkland, and afterwards with 1 ' 
 
 , that the 
 
 Prior was fofar from the thoughts of afpiring to the Crown, 
 that he was ready to banifh himfelf perpetually out of 
 Scotland, on the firft orders from bis Majelty^). 
 
 Henry II. being dead before Melvil returned to Paris (5), 
 the confederate Scots prepofteroufly imagined, there was no 
 farther danger, and mod of them returned to their homes. 
 
 The Regent and d'Oyjei being informed of it, refolved 
 to improve this negligence, and marched with fome troops 
 to Edinburgh, hoping to furprize thofe who remained 
 there. But the Duke of Chateleraut and the. Earl of 
 Morten knowing, the Confederates were arming again 
 with all polfible diligence, waited on the Regent, and per¬ 
 fuaded her to confent to a Truce from the 24th of July to 
 the 10th of January. This Truce was equally neceflary 
 to both Parties. The Confederates wanted to put them- 
 felvcs in a pollute ol defence ; and the Regent hoped, that 
 in this Interval, ftic Ihould receive a powerful aid from her 
 Son-in-law the King of France. Accordingly, at the 
 Sollicitation of the Princes of Lorrain, he immediately lent 
 her a thoufand Foot, with the promife of a more confi- 
 derable Supply. 
 
 During thefc tranfadions, the Earl of Arran, Son to Bucher., 
 tl Di ke of Chateleraut, being at the Court of France, 
 and receiving notice that lie was cobearrefted on fome pre¬ 
 tence, made his efcape, and came ior Scotland. As he was, 
 after the Duke his Father, next Heir to the young Queen, 
 lie believed, upon fome well or ill-grounded advices, that 
 the Duke of Guije and Cardinal of Lorrain defigned to 
 fecure, and perhaps murder him, for fear, if the Queen 
 died, lie Ihould mount the Throne, for he had declared 
 himfelf a Proteftant. He was no fooner in Scotland than 
 he gained his Father to the Confederates, who put him 
 at their head. 
 
 Mean time, the Regent and d’Oyfel were bufy in for¬ 
 tifying Leith, and Iloring it with all forts of provilions, 
 defigning to make it a place of Arms, and to expedl tlieie, 
 the Supplies that were to conic from France. The Con¬ 
 federates pretended this to be a breach of the Truce, whe¬ 
 ther they proceeded upon fome general maxim, or on fome 
 particular Articles of the late Treaty. However this be, 
 after fome fruitlefs complaints to the Regent, they aflem- 
 bled their forces, and marched to befiege Leith. But as 
 they fullered themfelves to be amufed for fome time, they 
 came too late, and finding the place in a Hate of defence, 
 dcfilied from the fiege. Shortly after, the Regent having 
 received a new fupply of two thoufand Men commanded 
 by La Brojfe, continued the fortifications of Leith, with 
 greater application than ever. The Confederates once 
 more delire her to give over the work: but were not 
 heard. As Ihc faw herfelf fufficiently Ilrong, fhe only 
 anfwered by fending a Herald, with an order to lay down 
 their Arms. Their indignation to be thus deceived by 
 the Regent, induced them at laft to publilh, that they 
 would treat as enemies all that obeyed her orders. But 
 they were little able to make good this Bravado. The Buchanan. 
 Regent knowing, they were at Edinburgh in fmall num¬ 
 ber, marched, the beginning of November, with all her 
 forces to attack them, and fo furprized them by her unex- 
 
 [•! 13 v .V Fore.-. were commonly ttnderftood the Natives which v 
 ip.m France, but thofe Seen likewife which were in the Pay ot 
 I;) By reafon of the equivocal meaning of the Term Scotch Forces. Rapin. 
 
 •if ■ 1 Him ny oi Mehil, and deftn /swhat » ad u edbyC amt#, 
 (5) Hedi f&Ju/yio. Rapin. 
 
 in the Pay of the Kingdom; and by the French, 
 ice. Rapin. 
 
 only thufe Force; wh\ h 
 
 ncerning Janei Sw, afterward'. Fir! of Murray. Raj/in, 
 
 6 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 57 
 
 '5S9- 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Hiitoixe de 
 T. VIII. 
 
 f£c 10/ 
 
 Mezcrai. 
 
 Death of 
 Henry II. 
 
 Francis II. 
 bis Succejfor 
 puts the 
 Government 
 into the 
 Hand, of 
 the Guiles. 
 
 P. Daniel- 
 Thuanus. 
 
 Who purfue 
 the defign of 
 ateaeiing 
 Elizabeth by 
 Scotland. 
 Camden. 
 
 23. ELIZABETH. 
 
 pedled arrival, that they deferted Edinburgh, and retired 
 tc Sterling. When they were there, they Cent Wil¬ 
 liam Maitland of Lidington to deiire her affiftance. In¬ 
 deed, the French Troops ftill continuing to purfue them, 
 obliged them alfo to quit Sterling , and retire to the Moun¬ 
 tains, where they divided into two Bodies, to embarafs 
 their enemies, who gave them no reft. Some time after, 
 they received Letters from William Maitland, giving them 
 hopes of a good Succels of his negotiation. Such was the 
 origin of the Scotch troubles, on which I have been forc’d 
 to inlarge, the better to fhow what concerns Elizabeth was 
 to have in them, fince fhe was their principal object. As 
 this is a material point in the Hiftory of this Queen, and 
 as, upon the knowledge of the defigns formed againft her 
 repofe, fhe regulated her condudl, I ought to fupport this 
 truth by the teftimony of a French Hiftorian, who cannot 
 be fufpedled in this affair. Father Daniel thus exprefles 
 himfelf in the reign of Francis II. 
 
 “ I obferv’d, that before the confpiracy of Amboife broke 
 <c out, la Renaudie had been fent by the Admiral into 
 “ England, to ingage Elizabeth to make a diverfion in 
 “ Scotland , while the Calviniftical Party revolted in France , 
 “ and fhe knew her intereft too well, to negledl fo favor- 
 “ able an opportunity of kindling or fomenting a civil 
 “ war in the two Kingdoms. Whatever care fhe had 
 “ taken to bridle the Catholicks of her Kingdom, fhe 
 “ was always apprehenfive of a Party forming againft 
 “ her in favour of the Queen of France, who carried 
 “ herfelf as Heirefs of the Crown of England , and had 
 “ quartered the Arms with thofe of Scotland, when fhe 
 “ was only Queen Dauphinefs ; and it France and Scot- 
 “ land had remained in tranquillity, England , was in 
 “ danger of being attack’d from two quarters at once, and 
 “ difturb’d at home by the ftill numerous adherents of the 
 “ old Religion. ” 
 
 Hence may be feen, what was the defign of the Princes 
 of Lorrain, in fending a French Army into Scotland. It 
 was to preferve the Peace of that Kingdom, that is, render 
 it entirely fubjedt to France, in order to attack England 
 from that fide. This muft be ever remembred, if it is 
 defired to underftand perfectly Elizabeth's Hiftory. Let 
 us now mention the affairs of France. 
 
 After Henry II. had concluded a Peace with Spain, he 
 refolved to relinquifh entirely the affairs of Italy , and ap¬ 
 ply himfelf folely to his Projedt of uniting England , Scot¬ 
 land, and Ireland , to the Monarchy of France. His hafte 
 to caufe the Dauphin his Son, and the Queen of Scotland 
 his Daughter-in-law, to alTume the Title of King and 
 Queen of England , immediately after the conclufion of the 
 Peace, clearly fhows, he had the thing in his head, though 
 he was not yet perhaps refolved how to execute it. Eli¬ 
 zabeth, who was on the Throne of England , was but a 
 Woman, and might be confidered as a Baftard : She had 
 no Ally : had lately made a great many Enemies amongft 
 her Subjects, by her innovations in Religion: The King 
 of Spain no longer concerned himfelf with her affairs3 
 and the Pope defired nothing more paflionately than to de¬ 
 throne her, and place a Catholick Princefs in her room. 
 All thefe circumftances doubtlefs gave Henry hopes of fuc- 
 cefs in his defign. To effect which, he was to fhow a 
 great zeal for the Catholick Religion, to gain the Profef- 
 forsofit. Princes and Subjects, to his Interefts. The per¬ 
 fection renewed in France immediately after the Peace of 
 Cateau, flowed perhaps as much from this as any other 
 caufe, though the King’s difpofition, the Pope’s follicita- 
 tions, the fuggeftions of the Duke of Guife and Cardinal 
 of Lorrain, and the fecret Treaty made with Spain , had 
 but too large a fhare in that Tragedy. 
 
 This Prince was taken out of the World the 10th of 
 July, in the midft of his vail Projedls, by a death fudden 
 and tragical (1), leaving for Succeffor a young Prince in¬ 
 capable to govern of himfelf. The two Princes of Lor¬ 
 rain , Uncles to the young Queen, were intruded with 
 the Adminiftration of the Government under the new 
 Reign. They removed the Conftable of Montmorency im¬ 
 mediately from the Court, and recalled the Cardinal of 
 Tournon, fworn Enemy of the Proteftant Religion. When 
 the affairs of the Court were fettled, their next care was 
 to eredl Courts of Juftice called Ardentes, for condemning 
 Proteftants to the Flames. This threw the Reformed in¬ 
 to an inevitable Neceflity, of either fuffering themfelves to 
 be burnt one by one, or ot taking Arms in their own de¬ 
 fence, and fo furnifhing their Enemies with the defired 
 pretence, to extirpate them all at once. On the other 
 hand, they fent two thoufand Men into Scotland , under 
 
 the Command of La Brojje , with Orders to join the Ca- 1559. 
 tholicks of England for dethroning Elizabeth. Thus, 
 their boundlefs Ambition ingaged a young Prince, not yet 
 feventeen years of age, to throw his own Kingdom into a 
 Flame, and withal to undertake the Conquelt of England, 
 which of all the Countries of the World is the moil diffi¬ 
 cult to be conquered. 
 
 At the fame time appeared the Seeds of troubles in the 
 Low-Countries , which foon ripened, and which it will not 
 be improper to mention, in order to fhow their rife. 
 
 Charles V. had always a great affection for the Low- Affairs of 
 Countries where he was born, arid had governed them with ^ u^ 0 ** 
 great Lenity. Indeed, after the Vidlory of Pavia, he Grotius. * 
 had formed the Project of changing their Government, and 
 of making of the feventeen Provinces one State, dependent 
 on the Crown of Spain. He was incited to this by the 
 Spaniards, who would have found their advantage in feeing 
 him abfolute mafter of thefe Provinces, where his Autho¬ 
 rity was very much limited by their Privileges. But after 
 mature deliberation, he relinquilhed this Projedl, whether 
 to avoid the oppreffions with which the execution would 
 have been infallibl)Kattended, or becaufe he believed it im¬ 
 practicable, by reafon of the different Laws and Cuftoms 
 of thefe Provinces, each of which had been a feparate 
 ftate. 
 
 Philip II, his Son and Succeffor, refumed much the fame 
 defign, and refolved to rule independent of the Laws and 
 Privileges, inceffantly alledged by thefe States. To this 
 he added the Projedl of extirpating the Proteftants, then 
 very numerous in thefe Provinces. For this purpofe, he 
 obtained from the Court of Rome the eredlion of feveral 
 Archbifhopricks and Bifhopricks, to the great detriment 
 of the Abbots, part of whofe Revenues were to be given 
 to thefe new Sees. But befides the intereft of the Frotef- 
 tants and Abbots, there was another thing of umverfa! 
 
 Concern. Philip had put Spanijh Garrifons into the prin¬ 
 cipal Towns, contrary to the privileges of the Provinces, 
 and thereby plainly difeovered his intention of reducing 
 them to flavery. In fine, when he departed in September, 
 
 1 S 59 > for Spain, he committed the Government of the 
 Low-Countries to Margaret Duchefs of Parma his Aunt (2), 
 to the great difguft of William of NaJJau, Prince of Orange, 
 and of Count Egmont, who had both afpired to that Dig¬ 
 nity. But what gave them the laft provocation, was his 
 leaving with the Governefs the Cardinal of Granvellc their 
 Enemy, and who was confidered as the Author of the 
 pernicious Counfels, tending to deprive the Country of its 
 liberty. Philip was no fooner arrived in Spain, than he 
 caufed a great number of Proteftants to be burnt, and by 
 thefe inhuman executions, fhowed the Subjects of the Low- 
 Countries what they were afterwards to expedl. 
 
 Pope Paul VI. dying in the courfe of this year, was Deub °I 
 fucceeded by Cardinal Angelo de Medici, a Milanefe, by the 1 
 name of Pius IV (3). t .i of i j 1Ui 
 
 To underftand the fequel of this Reign, it is abfolutely ^ 
 neceffary to have a diftindl Idea of the iituation of the A jlirs in 
 Englijh affairs, as well with regard to the Queen’s Perfon, England, 
 as to the People of England, and Foreigners. The wonder 1560, 
 of this Reign lies not in the memorable Events which 
 happened in England, while Elizabeth was on the Throne, 
 but in the tranquillity which fhe caufed her Subjedls to 
 enjoy, amidft the fecret and open attacks of her own and 
 their Enemies, both at home and abroad. To underftand 
 therefore the motives of Elizabeth’s Conduct, and the max¬ 
 ims by which fhe eftablifhed her Government, thefe Ene¬ 
 mies, their Characters, their Views, their Interefts, are to 
 be diftindlly fhown. Hence alfo will be feen and admired 
 the Addrefs, with which fhe freed herfelf from all the cm- 
 baraflments and fnares to which fhe was continually expofed. 
 
 For this purpofe, it muft be obferved, that her Right to 
 the Crown was always contefted openly or tacitly ; that 
 the Papifts in general confidering her but as a Queen de 
 fatto, believed they might with a fafe Confcience alfift in 
 dethroning her, whenever an opportunity offered. As the 
 uncertainty of her Right was the foundation on which her 
 Enemies built, I cannot help enlarging a little on what has 
 been faid above on this Subjedl. 
 
 The Parliament of England, confifting of the King 
 and both Houfes, which repiefent the whole Nation, there 
 is no Englijhman but what is fubjedl to its Laws, were it 
 only for this reafon, that every Man is fuppofed to give his 
 confent either in Perfon, or by his Representative. It was 
 upon this foundation that Mary and Elizabeth attended the 
 Throne, I mean, in virtue of an Adi of Parliament, im- 
 powering their Father to fettle the Succeffion. But it may 
 be doubted, whether foreign Princes concerned in fuch Adis 
 of Parliament, are obliged to the fame fubmiffion, when 
 
 (1) At a great Tournament, held on account of his Daughter’s Marriage with Philip II. King of Spain, he was wounded in the Eye with the Splinter 
 of a Lance, 'June 29. and died of the wound. ‘Thuanus , I. 22. 
 
 (2) She was natural Daughter of the Emperor Charles V, and was firft married to the Duke of Tufcany, and afterwards to the Prince of Parma, 
 Strada, i. 1. 
 
 (3) This year, on November 18, died the famous Cuthbcrl IcrflaU, late Bilhop of Durham, and was buried in Lambeth Chapel. Hctlin/fh. p. 11S6. 
 
 No. 46. V o l. II. P they 
 
Vol. if. 
 
 The H 1 STO RT of ENGLAND. 
 
 they believe them manifeftly uniuft to themfelves. I (hall ble of Montmorency , who was Prifoner in the -Low-Corn- 1560. 
 
 ; queft n, which is more ufual- tries. After the death of -Henry II. they became ftill 
 lv determined by Arms than by Laws. I (hall only re- more powerful, and (bowed by their Conduft, they had 
 muh. that formerly Edward III. did not think himfelf nothing more at heart than the placing of the Queen their 
 obii/’d to abide bv the decifvon of the French Nation, Niece on the Throne of England. Elizabeth could not 
 vl’lsrn had nlaccd Philip of Valois on the Throne. How- doubt it, fince (he faw Francis II. and Mary ftill ufurp 
 
 ever this be, Mary Queen of France and Scotland believed 
 her hi injured, as well by the Adi impowering Henry VIII. 
 to interrupt the order of Succcilion according to his hu¬ 
 mour, as by the Will of that Prince. She alledged, that 
 neither King nor Parliament had any right to place on the 
 Throne two Daughters declared illegitimate by folemn 
 Ads and trill lefs to overlook the pofterity of the eldeft 
 Daughter of Henry VII, even without affigning any rea- 
 fon, and place in the line of tiic Succeflion, B a (lards, and 
 the Children of the younger. To thefe two grievances it 
 was anfwered, that the Englijh in acknowledging fuccef- 
 fively Mary and Elizabeth fot Queens of England , had not 
 followed the caprice of Henry VIII, but the order ot Na¬ 
 ture, and th.c law of Succeflion ; that the caprice of this 
 Prince lay not in hi-, placing his two Daughters next after 
 his Son Edward , but in his intention to exclude thefe two 
 Princelles really born in wedlock : That in reftoring them 
 to their due place, Henry correded his error, and left no 
 room for any alteration : That the not revoking the Sen¬ 
 tence of Divorce againft Ann Boleyn , and the fubfequent 
 Ad againft Elizabeth , was not without good reafons, and 
 at moll, was but a defed of formality, which altered not 
 the thing itfelf. As to Mary's fecond Grievance, that 
 Henry had not mentioned the Pofterity of his eldeft Sifter, 
 it mull be owned, the generality of the Englijh were 
 convinced of the Injuftice of that Proceeding. But as the 
 cafe which might breed a difpute on this Subjed did not 
 yet offer, this Point was left undetermined, in hopes of 
 the Queen’s Marriage, and her having Children to fucceed 
 her. 
 
 Let us now proceed to another Refledion with refped 
 to the foreign Princes. Mary, eldeft Daughter of Hen¬ 
 ry VIII, afeended the Throne without any difturbance 
 from abroad, whereas after her death the principal Sove¬ 
 reigns of Europe endeavoured to wreft the Scepter from 
 Elizabeth. It is not difficult to affign many natural caufes 
 of the different condud of the Princes with regard to thefe 
 two Queens. The f'irft is, that when Mary mounted the 
 Throne, there was not a Prince in Europe, who could 
 with any colour difpute her right. It is true, the young 
 Queen of Scotland was in France, and deftined for 
 the Dauphin, hut was not yet married. This Marriage 
 was only projeded, and could not be executed fome 
 years, by reafon of the tender Age of the Parties. But 
 fuppofing Henry II. (hould have then aflerted the Claim 
 of this Queen, he mull have drawn upon himfelf all the 
 Forces of the Emperor, and England. The fecond caufe 
 is no lefs natural, namely, that by the principles of the 
 Roman Catholicks, they could not conteft Mary's Right 
 without a renunciation of the Papal Authority, fince the 
 difpenfation for the Marriage of Henry VIII. with Cathe¬ 
 rine of Arragon was granted by a Pope. But Henry II. 
 was very far from any fueh thought, and as for the Empe¬ 
 ror Charles V, he was particularly concerned to fupport 
 Alary's Title, who was his Coufm-German. As for the 
 Pope, he maintained his own Rights in fupporting thofe of 
 Alary. Laftly, as Mary was zealous fer her Religion, the 
 Pope, the Emperor, the King of France found a great 
 advantage in this Zeal. The Pope expeded to fee the 
 Catholick Religion rellored by her means in England. 
 The Emperor immediately projeded her marriage with 
 his Son Philip. Befides a Catholick Queen in England, 
 removed all Apprehenftons of the Aid the German Protef- 
 tants might receive from the Englijh. In a word, his 
 Zeal for Ids Religion gave him the fatisfadion, of feeing 
 England about to return into the Pale of the Roman 
 Church. For the fame reafon, Henry II, who burnt the 
 Protcftants in France, could not but be pleafed to fee them 
 deprived of the Protedion they might have expeded from 
 England , if that Kingdom had continued Proteftant. 
 Thus every thing confpired to render Alary's Reign pea¬ 
 ceable and fecure. Ic was alfo this, doubtlels, which indu¬ 
 ced that Queen to carry the perlecution againft the Pro- 
 teftants to fuch a height, well knowing they could have 
 no hope:, of afliftance from abroad. 
 
 But when, after Alary's death, Elizabeth mounted the 
 Throne, there was a change in the Interefts of the Princes, 
 as often happens by the death of a Sovereign. The Em¬ 
 pire and Spain were no longer under the Dominion of 
 the fame Prince. The Dauphin had married the Queen 
 of Scotland, and by that Marriage acquired a claim to 
 England , which he had not before. Beiules, the Duke of 
 Guife and Cardinal of Lorrain were become more power¬ 
 ful m the Court of France , by the abfence of the Confta- 
 
 (1) The Qaeen of V. n Uncle ; thele Forces were levied in Germany, by cl 
 
 the Arms of England, which they feemed to have token at 
 firft only in obedience to the orders of Henry II. On the 
 other hand, Philip II, who defpaired of marrying Elizabeth, 
 had entirely deferted the Interefts of England , and appealed 
 by no means uifpofed to fupport that Kingdom, which was 
 become Proteftant. Laftly, the Pope faw his Authority 
 banilhed England, and no hope of gaining Elizabeth , who 
 was evidently concerned to maintain what (be -had done. 
 
 Thus France, Spain, the Court o( Rome, not only had 
 no reafon to incline them to fupport Elizabeth , but it was 
 even their Intereft to dethrone her. It is' very true, Phi¬ 
 lip II. would not willingly have feen England and Irelatod 
 in the hands of the King of France but he would not 
 have been furry that France was to conquer England, be- 
 caufe from fo difficult an Undertaking, he would have re¬ 
 ceived the fatisfadlion of feeing two powders moll formida¬ 
 ble to him, weakening each other. Belides, his zeal for 
 the Catholick Religion, and his projects in relation to the 
 Low-Countries, would have made him with great pleafurC 
 behold thefe two Kingdoms incapable to aflilt thofe Pro¬ 
 vinces, which already bore their yoak with impatience. 
 
 As to the new Emperor, Elizabeth , if (lie had nothing to 
 fear, had at leaft nothing to hope, from him. A,s for the 
 Proteftants of Germany, they then lived in a tranquillity 
 which they would not willingly have difturbed for the 
 afliftance of England. They had found in the Reign of 
 Henry VIII, that under the pretence of maintaining their 
 Religion, it was defigned to ingage them in a War by no 
 means aereeable to their interefts. Wherefore, content 
 with their prefent condition, they were not willing to be 
 opprefled for fupporting the Rights of Elizabeth,, though o- 
 therwife they v. ith pleafure law a Proteftant Queen on 
 the Throne of England. 
 
 I have already (hown the fituation of the Scotch af¬ 
 fairs. Elizabeth was fo far from expediting any afliftance 
 from Scotland, that (lie law herfelf under an indifpenfabfe 
 neceffity to fupport the Proteftant Party thefe, well know¬ 
 ing, it was the intention of France to attack her from that 
 quarter. Belides the two thoufand Men already fent to Camde*. 
 the Regent, another more conliderable reinforcement was 
 preparing in France , to be condudled into Scotland by the 
 Marquifs of Elbeuf(i). This fufficiently difeovered, that 
 the Court of France, fenfible of the difficulty of attacking 
 England by Sea, was refolved to pu(h the war on the nor¬ 
 thern Frontiers, by a jundtion of their Forces with thofe 
 of Scotland. Thus the deflgn of the French Court to fub- 
 due the Scotch Rebels, was only the firft (lep by which 
 they hoped to rife to the Conqueit of England. 
 
 On the other fide, Ireland gave no lefs uneafinefs to 
 Elizabeth. That Illand was inhabited by native Irijlo, 
 and Englijh Families tranfplanted thither fince the Conqueft 
 of it by Henry II. It was governed by a Viceroy or 
 Lord-Lieutenant, in the name of the Queen ; but his 
 Authority was very far from being fo regarded, as to keep 
 the Irijh in fubmiffion. They had amongft them many 
 Great Men, who indeed outwardly acknowledged the 
 Queen’s Sovereignty, but believed they had a right to do 
 themfelves juftice for the wrongs they pretended to have 
 received. They made war upon one another, regardlefs 
 of the Lieutenant’s orders, who having but lew Englijh 
 Forces', was unable to make himfelf feared. As often as 
 there was any preffing occafion to chaftife a Rebellion, or 
 prevent the ftrong from oppreffing the weak, new Forces 
 were to arrive from England. But as this could net be 
 done without expence, very often it was not determined 
 till the laft extremity. So, molt of the Lieutenants find¬ 
 ing themfelves deftitute of the means to force an obedience, 
 wilfully connived at the excefles and violences of the Great, 
 for fear of unfeafonably expofing the Royal Authority. 
 
 They contented themfelves with filling their Purfes while 
 they held their Cornmiffions, and left it to their Succellbrs 
 to reprefs the infolence of the Irijh. This Conduct had 
 rendered the Lords of the Country fo fierce and arrogant, 
 that they acknowledged the Royal Authority no farther 
 than it was neceflary to protedt them againft their Ene¬ 
 mies. Befides the natural Averfion of the Irijh lor the Eng- 
 lijlo, who helped not, by their condudf, to gain their aftedtion, 
 there was, at this time, another reafon, which cootributed to 
 increafe this averlion, namely, the change which the Queen 
 had lately made in religion. The Irijh had for the Pope 
 an Attachment equal to their ignorance, which was ex¬ 
 treme. This difpofed them to lilten to the lollicitatiuns of 
 the Rornijh emiflaries, who were continually inciting them 
 againft the Government. Elizabeth was thereiore obliged 
 
 ie Rb ntgraiti Afliftance, Ctmden, p, 379. 
 
 to 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 23. E L I Z 
 
 1560. to have a conftant eye upon the Tranfa&ions of that 
 Ifland, knowing what credit the Pope her enemy had 
 there. 
 
 It remains now to fpeak of the difpofition of the Eng¬ 
 lijh to Elizabeth. When the Queen defigned to eftablifh 
 the Reformation, her firft care was to change the Magif- 
 trates in the Towns and Counties, and fill their places 
 with Proteftants. Then, fhe called a Parliament, whofe 
 Members were chofen according to her defires. This Par¬ 
 liament revived the Laws made by Edward VI. concern¬ 
 ing Religion. Thefe Laws by the care of the Magif- 
 trates were pun&ually obferved. So, a few Months after 
 Mary’s death, the publick exercife of the Rowan Catho- 
 hek Religion was not lefs criminal, than the exercife of the 
 Proteffant had been in the lull Reign. The Clergy, who 
 refufed obedience to the new Laws, were deprived of their 
 Benefices, and the Vacancies fupplied by zealous Protef- 
 tants. T o fay all in a word, the Reformation rofe under 
 Elizabeth juft as the Romi/h Religion had been eftablifhed 
 under Mary , with this difference, that no perfon was put 
 to death by Elizabeth on account of Religion. We are 
 not however to imagine that this external change produ¬ 
 ced a real one in the mind. There are very few, who, 
 in point of Religion, implicitely obey their Sovereigns. 
 Thofe, who were good Catholicks under Mary , remain¬ 
 ed fuch under Elizabeth ; as thofe who really embraced 
 the Reformation under Edward VI, continued in Mary's 
 Reign Reformed in their hearts, under an outward Com¬ 
 pliance. If it is therefore confidered, that all the changes 
 in religion under this and the foregoing Reigns, had been 
 made in the fame manner, it will not be difficult to com¬ 
 prehend, that the Rowan Catholicks were ftill very nu¬ 
 merous in the Kingdom. Little more than twenty years 
 had paffed fince the Reformation began, and in this Inter¬ 
 val the publick Worfhip had been changed four times. 
 Now it is improbable, that a whole Nation fo frequently 
 changed their opinion according to the Caprice of the Go¬ 
 vernors, though, outwardly, they fubmit to the publick 
 Authority. It is certain, the number of Roman Catho¬ 
 licks in the Kingdom was very great, even after Elizabeth 
 had eftabii&ed the Reformation, though it is likely, the 
 Reformed were ftill more numerous. It is therefore very 
 natural to imagine, that thofe who perfifted in their anti- 
 ent Sentiments were fecret Enemies of the Queen : that 
 they deli red the Re-eftablifhment of the old Religion and 
 were difpofed to embrace all opportunities to place a Ca- 
 tholick Queen on the Throne. It was not one of the leaft 
 of Elizabeth's cares to watch her own Subjetfts. 
 
 Elizabeth’* Let us briefly recapitulate what has been faid. Eliza- 
 
 Government. beth had ,or Enemies, France , the Queen of Scotland , the 
 Pope, and all the Catholick Powers. Tor though PhilipU. 
 had not yet declared himfelf, fhe knew he was not her 
 Friend, and the Sequel clearly proved it. On the other 
 hand, fhe had the Irijh, and a great part of her Englijh 
 Subjects to guard againft, without having one Ally to affift 
 her. She was therefore to feek in herfelf, in her Prudence, 
 in her good Conduct, and in her own Subjects, the affift- 
 ance fhe would have vainly fought elfewhere. To obtain 
 fpeedily and willingly the aid, fhe forefaw would be fre¬ 
 quently wanted, fhe had but one way, and that was to 
 make herfelf beloved by her People. Accordingly, this 
 was the governing maxim of her Conduit. Happily for 
 her, the qualities of her Heart and Mind were fo difpofed, 
 that flie never once deviated from fo neceffary a rule. 
 Wherefore it may be affirmed, that no King of England 
 was ever more fincerely beloved by his People than Eliza¬ 
 beth. But to demonftrate this Elogy not to be groundlefs, 
 it is neceffary to be more particular upon this Subjeit. It 
 is certain, that her truly Proteftant Subjects were much 
 more numerous than the Catholicks. What therefore could 
 fhe do better than to favour the Proteftant Religion, efpe- 
 cially, as being herfelf of that Religion, fhe could, without 
 reluctance, ail fo agreeably to her Interefts ? Another 
 thing which greatly contributes to procure a Sovereign the 
 affection ot his People, is fo to manage the Treafury, that 
 he be not forced to load them with unncceffary Taxes. 
 No Prince had ever this quality in greater perfeition than 
 Elizabeth. Nay, fhe carried this CEeconomy fo far, that 
 fhe fometimes gave oecafion to her own Minifters, to 
 charge her with Avarice. However this be, her Expences 
 were fo well regulated, that fhe was never feen to lavifh 
 her T reafures upon her I avourites, or expend them in 
 things of no ufe. Neverthelefs, this frugal Inclanation, 
 whether owing to Nature or Policy, hindered her not from 
 being profufe of her Money, when fhe thought it necef- 
 firy. France , Spain , and Scotland , experienced, in their 
 turns,^ how well fhe knew to be lavifh of her T reafures. 
 Her People had fo good an opinion of her CL'conomy, that 
 through the whole courfe of her Reign, fhe was never once 
 denied by the Parliament, the Supplies fhe wanted, or com¬ 
 plained Of by her Subjects for the Taxes they were charged 
 with. She had alfo another quality which won her the 
 
 A B E T H. 59 
 
 Efteem of the Englijh. She would not be induced by her ic6o, 
 Minifters to beftow Offices or Honours upon unrfeferving 
 Pei Ions. She was apprehenhve of nothing more, than to 
 render contemptible, Dignities deftined for the recompence 
 of Merit and Virtue. By this wife Conduit fhe avoided the 
 d'^bliging of Men, who might have afpired to Honours, 
 had they feen them beftowed on others of no greater Merit 
 than themfelves. This was a maxim from which fhe 
 rarely departed, during the whole courfe of her Reign. 
 
 Laftly, file ufed her conftant endeavours to caufe Juftice ‘ 
 to be impartially adminiftred. Her great eft Favorites felt 
 her Severity when they abufed her kindnefs, and wand red 
 from their duty. There is no doubt, her great Intereft to 
 be beloved by her People, induced her to employ all poflible 
 means to that end. But it cannot be, as feme have in¬ 
 ferred from hence, that her whole 'Conduit was all difli- 
 mulation, fince it is by no means impoffible for the Incli¬ 
 nations of Men to tally with their Interefts. Elizabeth had 
 a true Efteem for the Reformed Religion, and her Intereft 
 required her to fupport it with all her'power. She was na- 
 tm-ally an CEconomift, and fuch was the fituatron of her 
 affairs, that no Prince ever had more oecafion to be fo, 
 
 As fhe had true Merit herfelf, flie efteemed it in others ; 
 and therefore could never refolve to confer Dignities upon 
 Men who had not merited them. ’In fine, had fhe been 
 never fo little remifs with refpe£t to Juftice, there would 
 have been danger of her Sex being defpifed, and of the- 
 great Men growing by degrees too licentious. 
 
 Such were the principal means made ufe of by Eliza¬ 
 beth to gain the affedtion of her Subjects. Their love 
 was fo neceftary, that flie had no other refource. With¬ 
 out it, her Reign would, probably, have been very un- 
 happy, confidering the number and quality of her Enemies. 
 
 1 he Reader therefore is to corifider mod of her adtions, as 
 flowing from the maxim flie had prescribed to herfelf’ to 
 neglcdt nothing which might procure the aftedtion of her 
 People. 
 
 There was alfo another maxim which [no lefs influenced 
 her Condudt than this I have mentioned. She faw herfelf 
 threatned on all fides. The Pope, France, and afterwards 
 Spain, never ceafed their open or fecret attacks. It was 
 not without reafon that flie feared an Union of a!! thefe 
 Powers for her ruin. In this belief, fhe laboured to the 
 utmoft to cherifli the troubles of the neighbouring States, 
 and particularly of France, Scotland, and the Law Coun¬ 
 tries 3 that her Enemies being employed at home, might be 
 leis able to invade her. I fliall not pretend to decide,"whe¬ 
 ther this way of defence againft Enemies fo powerful and 
 dangerous, was agreeable to the rules of Juftice. It can¬ 
 not however be denied, that this was excellent Policy, 
 and that her own Security juftified this method, as fhe had 
 no other to divert their attacks. Accordingly, fhe made 
 frequent ufe of this maxim, as will hereafter appear. 
 
 I thought it neceffary to prepare the Reader for the fe- Dif r crtnt 
 quel of this Reign, by thefe reflections, which are folely dc- Opiniont 
 figned to fufpend in his mind, the prejudices infpired by c l ,Ke ' r ' r i 
 the Hiftorians of all Nations and Religions, for and againft E - , “ bah ’ 
 this renowned Queen. It is no fmall difficulty to fix the 
 Judgment, amidff all the contrarieties which occur in the 
 Hiftorians. Some have confidered her as the moft accom- 
 plifhed Queen the World ever faw. They have found 
 no fault in her. All her adtions were the refults of Pru¬ 
 dence, Juftice and Equity, and had no other motive than 
 the glory of God, and the happinefs of her People. They 
 have pretended, that her love lor her Subjeas was fo ar¬ 
 dent, that fhe forgot her own intereft, and thought only 
 of rendering them happy. Not content to excufe fome of 
 her aaions which deferve cenfure, they have even in fome 
 meafure fanaified them, by inhnuating, that they were 
 the effeas of her Zeal for the Glory of God, and the 
 Proteftant Religion. Others have afperfed her with all 
 the Calumnies it is poffible to invent. According to thele, 
 fhe exceeded the moft famous Tyrants in Cruelty and 
 Barbarity. She was extremely deceitful, and her whole 
 condua was one continued diffimulation, from the begin¬ 
 ning to the end of her Reign, notwithftanding her affectation 
 of an outward fliow of Religion and Virtue. To thefe 
 accufations concerning her publick Adminiftration, they 
 have added horrid fianders upon her private life. They 
 have reprefented her as a diftolute Woman, who conftant)y 
 refufed to marry, in order more freely to continue her 
 leud prances. To efface both thefe Impreffions, and in¬ 
 cline the Reader, ( it religious prejudices will fuffer him) 
 to fufpend his judgment, I have previoufly fhown the mo¬ 
 tives of her Condua, and the maxims by which flie 
 was, and, with refpea to Policy only, ought to have been 
 governed. Her principal aim was to fecure a tottering 
 Crown, and to fucceed, flic lollowed the above-mentioned 
 Maxims.^ Is it to be thought ftrange, that on certain oc- 
 calions flie a little over-aaed her tendernefs for her Peo¬ 
 ple, wherein lay her only fupport ? But it would be juft 
 caufe of wonder, that by an irregular life, and other ex- 
 
 ceffes. 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLA N D. 
 
 03 
 
 , , .. , n,, ._ rilM (he would have afled di- which were in Scotland, taminued their purfeit of the con- i; 5 o. 
 
 ‘ S rclw contrary 1 to^what could only procure her the love federate Scots into the mountain,, contrary to the opinion of 
 Sefteem o/her PeopCof which She had fo great oc- Martiguc r of the Houfe ot Lunanb my. I ho Lord who 
 cufion This fuffices ? as I imagine, to difpel Tome of had brought the laft Succours from h ai.tr (3), w..s lor ..n 
 thofe Clouds by which her reputation has been darkened, immediate invaiion of England, imagining, tliat on his 
 On the other hand, as (he faw herfelf aflaulted from all proach, the Engljb Cathohcks would all nle an - jom hum 
 Parts by powerful Enemies, who were continually infufing But the Regent, better informed ... the t.a.e of r... ... 
 a feint of Rebellion into her Subjeas, when we fhall lee judged it not proper to enter upon . great u de ign w .h 
 her fomenting the troubles of Scotland, and affifting the lo fmall an army. Some tune alter, while the . . .. 
 
 Hurumots of Prance. and the Male-conterrts of the Low- were exulting at the fight of a tiling eciemi they di.co- 
 
 r ' > ' it will be eaillv known to what this Condudl vered from a mountain a hirer at Sea, which the) at nr : 
 is owing,’ notwithftanding the Flatteries of feme of to ad- took » betta To.drSn 
 
 of Set that the forces fen. to the O.nfedcrates by 1 and were not % 
 
 sspsasas immm 
 
 the rS ;4 who was lent into England from the Confe- trouble leaner V 
 
 Ell. derate Scots at laft concluded the Treaty, which was wmch were fending into Scotia set an ot 
 
 .. figned at Berwick the ay.h of Fclruary . ;6o (,). Eliza- them ^fes expeduion w.., e,and. jLl.n „ ... 
 
 betb feeing the great preparations which were making in 1 he trench torcesoein.;, ( l ». 
 
 t t \ . _ C .L ..1 - orr-Ai n It 
 
 
 Scotland, thought herfelf, above all things, obliged to pro- in order to join the 1 ; 
 
 Sep.’s? 
 
 therefore a Treaty with Shetland, which fhows her fears gent fearing t be feu. up n «£ ^ ^ ^ 
 
 with regard to Scotland. The I reaty ran : “ ™ t „ the ire of JohnAustin, with the exprefecon- 
 
 0f That' : ihe a pi 3 » fend', with all fpeed, a convenient Hotfe, was joined by the Confederates, after which, they b^”„. 
 aid of It IZscotland, and ccnferueiem there til, the ^ ^tto^ g~ 
 
 French were entirely expelled the Kingdom. 7 J ' n wUh n its Walls , and yet, it was underta- 
 
 T'hat (he would come to no agreement with France , had an arm) witnm > ) { 
 
 l nat me wouiu uiuib & i.,. n hecaufe there was no other way to drive the French 
 
 but on condition of leaving Sco n in y. out of Scotland While they were employed in this liege, Leith Le- 
 
 'rhm (he wou d never abandon the Confederates, while out ot acouana. vv iUlt - / \ ■, 
 
 HOTStfSrsKfc 
 
 the Eftate of the Crown of Scotland. 15ut ine * . h French Ambadador firft rail>>ir For. 
 
 That if the English took any places in Scotland , they upon. When Je Sea £ ’ ,, , , , 5 ... c-» out of 
 
 (houId be cither demoliHied by the Sets, or delivered to mention’d it, (he anfwered, her I roops (hould be readdy 
 
 ¥ That“th.y ftrould declare themfe.ves Enemies of thofe 
 
 i uai nicy uiuuju u.udiv -- 
 
 of their Countrymen, who (hould ferve France againft 
 England. 
 
 That if England was attacked in the South, the Con¬ 
 federates (hould fend to the Queen’s aftiftance two thoufand 
 Foot, and two thoufand Horle at the leaft ; but if in the 
 North, they (hould join the Englijb Army with all their 
 Forces. 
 
 (h 
 
 i me nau vwun-u *- j ~ ~ _ 
 
 me calmly anfwered, that the King of France^ had hrft 
 infringed that Treaty, by his endeavours to renaer h.mfelt 
 mailer of Scotland. Some time before, (lie had publilhed Eii»bch 
 a Manifcfto, declaring her reafons, for concerning herfelf^'^"' 
 in the affairs of Scotland. She thcic charged ill plain 
 terms the Duke of Gtcije and the Cardinal of Lcrram , 
 with being the Authors of the Troubles in that Kingdom, 
 i n- ti __„»r.l,i flnolr ilpluint; ntrninlr Fncl/md. 
 
 quit of 
 ' Jiffoir, 
 Scotland,. 
 
 witn Deing tne /iulhuu u. c.w **-“■*_. -dr, 7 
 
 That if the Earl of Arnh Lord Chief-Juftice of Scot- in order to eft'edf more eafily their uehgns againft tfand. 
 fei feould oin with ^-federates, h c^ ftrould be oh- To them alfo (he wholly afen ed the tttjuty^ hen; by 
 lined to ufe his endeavours to reduce the North of Ireland the king and Queen of Dane, allum.ng 
 
 of Faience , was come into England, to prels tilt- t^ieui 
 '"That the Duke of Chatdcrnut and his Party fllould to recall her forces from WtfW, and would have even 
 give Hoftagcs to Elijah, to remain in England (a) du- perlwaded her, that Franc,, IL of M >7 had 
 ring the time that the Marriage between Maff Queen of I itle on purpofe to o • ■ ■ 
 
 Scots, and the King of France, fliould fubfift. morc provoking than the Injury. At laft refers 
 
 Daftly, The Duke of Cbatclcraut and his Party, pro- he could not divert her from her refolut.on to lupport the^,,/i.., 
 tefted, that their intention was to be faithful to their Scots, told her, the King 0 rnnee wou re ore j 
 Queen in every thine, not contrary to the Laws and Li- if Ate would draw her forces out ot Scotland. But II,e 
 b«b of Scotland, and not tendi/g to their fubverfron. anfwered, that the did not value that Ff-Tousr , fo much 
 
 as the quiet of Britain. Mean time, (lie dilpatclicd lvlun ,q n Amhaffy 
 
 From this Treaty it is plain, Elizabeth’s foie aim was tap" (7) to Philip II, to inform him of her reafons 
 ,0 keep the King of Franco from becoming Mafter of iift Scotland. That Ambaffador was .0 reprelent to in 
 Scotland, knowing it was intended to invade her from that that the Gmjcs had projected an union ol the: Crowns of 
 ocouanu, 6 and Sco(laTld , and not t0 be difappointed, had con- 
 
 qU While this Treaty was negotiating, the French Forces ccrted the murder of the Earl of Arran , who had happily 
 
 in The E-nli/h Coiumlffinn.r, lima. Duk. of NcrfiH, Hoorn* <t <1>« North 1 ,«! on the ^ f 9?^) 
 
 Steward, Palme Lord Rutbven, Sir John Maxwell ot Teirentes Knight, tVdham Maitland of Letbyngton, Jo n yf r o , 
 
 Balnaves of Halbit Rymer's Feed. Tom. 15. p- 5 6 9' 
 
 (2' For lix, or lour, Months each ; and to be then exchanged, and loon. 
 
 (J One thoufand Font, and one or two Cornets of Horle. Camden, p. 3S0. 
 
 bam Caotain of the Pioneers, &c. Stow, p. 641, 
 
 ( 6) March 30. Stm, P . 64., ( 7 ) ^ony Brown. 
 
 
rn*r 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 ELIZABETH. 
 
 oi 
 
 1560. efcapcd out of their Snares (r), and that fhe therefore de- 
 fir’d him to confider if fuch an union would be advantagi- 
 ous to Spain. 
 
 Camden. During thefe negotiations, the Siege of Leith was con- 
 Siow. tinued, but with no great Succefs, betaufe of the nume¬ 
 rous Garrifon. The 15th of April, the French made a 
 Sally, and nailed three great Pieces of Cannon (2). The 
 30th, the EngHJh were fiercely repulfed at an afl'ault. The 
 1 ft of May they ftormed again, but with no better fuc- 
 cefs. The length and difficulties of this Siege began now 
 to difeourage them, when the Duke of Norfolk , Warden 
 of the northern Marches of England , fent a powerful 
 reinforcement, and came to the Englijh Camp himfelf, to 
 encourage the continuation of the Siege. They would ne- 
 Verthelefs have hardly taken the Place, had not the Con- 
 fpiracy of Amboife[ 3), which was then difeove.-ed \n France, 
 convinced the Princes of Lorrain, that the feafon was not 
 proper for the execution of their defigns againft England. 
 France dc- So, inftead of fending new Forces into Scotland, they 
 jim Pea... thought of recalling thofe already there, imagining they 
 AcT Pub. might want them in France. It was to this end that 
 XV. p. 581. Monluc Bifhop of Valence , and the Comte de Randan were 
 Buchanan ^ ent * nto ^ coi band, with full powers from the King to con¬ 
 clude a Peace. Elizabeth hearing of it, fent likewife Se¬ 
 cretary Cecil, and Dr. JVotton , with the fame powers (4). 
 Truce in The Plenipotentiaries immediately agreed to meet at Edin- 
 Stu!v* nd ' burgh in July, and, in the mean time, concluded a Truce, 
 Bnchanan. which was to laft till the end of their Conferences. Dur- 
 Bumet. ing this Truce, the Queen-Regent died in the Caftle of 
 Edinburgh, the 10th of June. 
 
 A Peace When the Peace came to be negotiated, the French 
 negotiated, Plenipotentiaries abfolutely refufed to treat with the Scotch 
 Confederates, faying, it would be an injury to the Royal 
 Authority, becaufe they were Rebels. This refufal might 
 have put an end to the Congrefs, but, as both fides were 
 defirous of Peace, an expedient at laft was contrived, 
 namely, Francis and Mary fhould grant certain conditions 
 to the Confederates, not by way of Treaty, but as of 
 pure Grace, and that nevertheless they fhould promife to 
 obferve them, in their Treaty with the Queen of Eng¬ 
 land. This was in effect the fame thing, but the Am- 
 bafladors, probably, with a view to fome advantage, pre¬ 
 ferred this expedient. Moft Hiftorians confound, in the 
 Treaty fhortly after concluded at Edinburgh, two things, 
 which, however, ought to be diftinguifhed; namely, the 
 Conceffions of Francis and Mary to their Scotch Subjects, 
 and the Treaty between France and England. As of thefe 
 two things one was obferved, and the other not, it is ne- 
 ceffary to have a diftinft Idea of them. The Promifes 
 made to the Scots were: 
 
 andjimjbtd That the French Forces fhould leave Scotland in twenty 
 at Ed:n- four days, and return to France , in Ships to be furnifhed 
 
 S 3 L, byEUM. 
 
 That the City of Leith fhould be reftored to Scotland, 
 and the Fortifications deipolifhed. 
 
 That the Works made by the French at Dunbar fhould 
 be raz’d. 
 
 That the King and Queen of France and Scotland fhould 
 grant an Aft ot oblivion to the Confederates, for every 
 thing done, from the 10th of March 1559, to the ift of 
 Augufl 1560, and that this Aft fhould be approved and 
 confirmed by the States of Scotland , to be affembled the 
 following Augufl , with the confent of the King and 
 Queen. 
 
 ■ That the French fhould have liberty to leave fixty Men 
 in the Ifle of Keith (5). 
 
 But with regard to the interefts of Elizabeth , a real 
 Treaty was concluded, which will be often mentioned 
 hereafter by the name of the Treaty of Edinburgh, con¬ 
 taining, 
 
 Aft. Pub. That for the future, the King and Queen of Scotland 
 p.593. fhould not affume the Title of King and Queen of Eng- 
 p. tJ 6*6. land and Ireland, nor bear the Arms of thefe King¬ 
 doms. 
 
 That the Patents and other Acts which had been dif- 
 patched with that Title, fhould be altered, or remain of 
 no force. 
 
 That the farther fatisfaftion required by the Queen of 
 England , for the injury done her, fhould be referred to a 
 
 Conference at London , between the Commiffioners of the 1560., 
 two Crowns. 
 
 That if the Commiffioners could not agree, the De- 
 cifion fhould be left to the King of Spain. 
 
 That the King and Queen of France and Scotland 
 fhould perform the Promifes made to the Scots at Edin¬ 
 burgh, by the Plenipotentiaries of France. 
 
 It muft be obferved, that Buchanan in his Hiftory, has 
 only mentioned the Articles granted to the Confederate 
 Scots ; and Camden , in his Annals of Elizabeth, takes no¬ 
 tice only of the Treaty between the two Crowns. This 
 caufes fome obfeurity in their refpeftive accounts of the 
 following events. 
 
 After the conclufion of the Treaty, the French and Tie Treaty 
 Englijh quitted Scotland ; the fortifications of Leith and " r(!a '" i 
 Dunbar were demolifhed, and the Aft of Oblivion fent "55 
 over into Scotland, and confirmed by the States. Thefe Buchanan.* 
 fame States, affembled in Augufl, made Laws favorable to £ ct ' Pub - 
 the Reformation, and fent them to the King and Queen Splifwocd*' 
 for their approbation, rather to difeover their fentiments, 
 than with any hopes of obtaining their defires, and yet, 
 they caufed thefe new Laws to be punftually obferved. 
 
 But as to the Treaty concluded between the Clowns, refifed a, it 
 Francis and Mary refufed to ratify it, for a reafon, the \ 
 force of v/hich is not eafily conceived. It was, they faid, CamdenT* 
 becaufe the Scots falfely ftiling themfelves faithful Subjefts, 
 had made a Treaty with Elizabeth in their own private 
 Names, without any Warrant from the royal Authority. 
 
 If this refufal had only concerned the Articles granted to 
 the Scots, Elizabeth might have believed, that the Court 
 of France repented of their conceffions, and then the rca- 
 fon alledged might have had fome colour. But whatever 
 related to the Scots being already perform’d, their pretend¬ 
 ed incroachment could not render invalid a Treaty, about 
 a difference between Elizabeth and Mary, in which the 
 conduct of the Scots was entirely unconcerned. It was 
 therefore eafy to infer, that this weak reafon was but a 
 pretence ufed by Francis and Alary, to elude what they 
 had promifed in the Treaty with refpeft to Elizabeth. 
 Accordingly, Elizabeth was convinced, that the Princes 
 of Lorrain ftill perfifted in the defign to wreft the Crown 
 from her; and this belief was ever rooted in her mind. 
 
 Mary’s Uncles did not then forefee how dear this proceed¬ 
 ing would one day coft their Niece, whofe grandeur they 
 fo paffionately defired. 
 
 While Elizabeth was employed in thefe affairs, her Court Tie 
 was attentive to watch her motions, her conduct, and in -hi ht ln 
 clinations with regard to marriage. Tho’ Ike told her 
 Parliament, fhe was relblved to remain fingh', fuch refo- Pnr.ce, and 
 lutions were known to be liable to change, and the more, NMtmcn ' 
 as there were many Princes, and fome Lords, who def- 
 paired not to make her alter her mind. Charles Arch¬ 
 duke of Auflria, fecond Son of the Emperor Ferdinand, 
 the King of Szveden, the Duke of Holflein, had already 
 made their add relies. The Earl of Arran, Son of the 
 Duke of Chaleleraut, relying on the barrennefs of Queen 
 Alary, and his Succeffion to the Crown of Scotland, flat¬ 
 tered himfelf, that Elizabeth would prefer him to any 
 other, in order to unite the two Kingdoms(6). To thefe 
 were added others, who being her Subjefts, and not daring 
 to declare their minds fo openly, were contented to leave 
 her to guefs their Inclinations, or to difclofe them by means 
 of fome of her Ladies. One proceeded upon his Birth, 
 another upon his Merit, a third upon his Mien and out¬ 
 ward Accomplifhments, apt to kindle the flames of love in 
 the fair Sex. In fhort, fhe was indireftly affaulted on all 
 the fides which are generally thought weakeft in aWoman. 
 
 The Earl of Arundel (7), of a noble and antient race, 
 though a little advanced in years, imagined, the Queen 
 would marry a Subjeft, rather than a Sovereign, and if fo, 
 that no Man deferved that honour better than he. Sir 
 William Pickering { 8), having received fome particular 
 mark of the Queen’s efteem, defpaired not that thefe 
 firft favours would be extended much farther. But no Robert Dud 
 Man believed he had better grounds to flatter his hopes, lc y S ,eaC 
 than Robert Dudley, Son of the late Duke of Northumber- Camden 
 land. The Queen vifibly preferred him to all who had Nauncon, 
 the honour to approach her, and gave him fo many proofs 
 of the inclination fhe had for him, that for fome time it 
 was believed fhe intended to marry him. At her Accef- 
 fion to the Crown, fhe made him Mafter of the Horfe, 
 
 (1) This juflifies Buchanan's account of the defign laid to arreft and detain the Earl of Arran in France. Rapin. 
 
 (2) And at the lame time took Sir Maurice Berkley Prifoner. Camden, p. 3S1. 
 
 (3) See an account of it a little lower. 
 
 (4) They came to Berwick, June 13. Stonv, p. 643. 
 
 JlLl h l ; Rcade /. Wi11 ? atura , 1I >' what Service it would be to Fraud, and Mary to have fixty Men of their French Subjefls left i 
 
 0 Kingdoms, p. 382. 
 
 , , ■ ."11 at ocrvice it would oe to tram, and Mary to have fixty Men of their 1 
 
 <(?\ a r &; ves r ! , af ° n ’ thaC the ^ ecn mi B hc not feem t0 1,6 thrown out of the-entire PoliclTion of Sett laud. 
 j { ,, ! a y s > he was recommended to her by the Protefiants of Scotland, with the view and hopes of unitiiiz the t 
 
 (7) Henry Fuz-Alan. r 5 
 
 (8) Sir Id.//: am Pl.kenng (whom Rapin by miihke calls Sir George) was of a Dcfcent inferior to few of the Nobility; he was honoured v 
 barter, and had by his Ambaffies in France and Germany, difplayed his great Abilities for publick Affairs. Camden, p 3S3. 
 
 No. XLVII. Vol. II. O 
 
The H IS TO RY 'of E N G L A N D, 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 Ij6o. 
 
 Philip n- 
 
 yimba/Jy 
 
 both with 
 Cold- 
 
 Camden- 
 
 She rcfuftt 
 
 a Rcjurjl 
 from bin:. 
 Camden. 
 
 and Kriight of the Garter. From thenceforward, Hie 
 took a plea lure to diftribute her favours through him. So 
 that by this diftindlion, fhc difeovered, that fhe had more 
 than a bare efteem for him. He was at Court called only. 
 My L wit lout any other add 
 
 her preference of him to all the Nobility. And yet, when 
 his prctenfions to fuch diftinguifhing favors were examined, 
 no qualities were found in him capable to make an iinpref- 
 fion upon fo difeerning a Queen. His Vices iar furpaffing 
 his Virtues, recourfe was had to the Planets which ruled 
 his birth, and occafioncd this fympathy of thoughts. How¬ 
 ever this be, he was a favorite at Court. All affairs were 
 imparted to him : Ambaffadors gave account to him of 
 their Negotiations: Every one applied to him for his af¬ 
 fairs at Court, and woe to thofe who addreffed to any 
 other. That was an unpardonable Fault. 
 
 The Queen had two Favorites more, but of a different 
 kind from Dudley , as they were only for the affairs of 
 the Government. Thefe were Nicolas Bacon , and Wil¬ 
 liam Cecil . The ftrft was made Keeper of the Great 
 ' Seal, with all the Privileges of Lord Chancellor. William 
 Cecil had been Secretary of State to Edward VI, and dif- 
 charged the Office fo well, that if his Religion had not 
 Hood in the way, he had been continued under Mary. He 
 was not however expofed to Perfecution, whether he fo 
 artfully managed as to give no advantages againft him, or 
 his particular Merit procured him a Diftinction above all 
 other Pruteftants. He had an uncommon Genius, a found 
 Judgment, a Capacity for great affairs, an unwearied Ap¬ 
 plication, and an impenetrable Secrecy, with a conftant 
 tendency to his foie view, the welfare and advantage of 
 the Queen. It is not therefore ftrange if hepreferved, all 
 his Life, the favour of a Queen, who fo perfectly knew 
 her own Intereft. When able Princes are blelt with fuch 
 Minifters, they do not eafily part with them. 
 
 In the fituation of Elizabeth's affairs, fhe wanted able 
 and difinterefted Minifters to guide her. Wherever fhe 
 turned her Eyes out of her Kingdom, fhe faw not one 
 Fiiend who was really concerned for her welfare. She had 
 at firft relied on the King of Spain ; but Montague’s re¬ 
 port of his Ambaffy to that Prince, difappointed all her 
 expectations from him. When this Ambaffador, after dif- 
 courling with Philip about the Scotch affairs, demanded, 
 agreeably to his Inftru£tions, the renewing of the ancient 
 Alliance between England and the Houle of Burgundy , he 
 found him very cold. Philip in his anfwer lamented the 
 Changes made in England, with regard to Religion, and 
 Signified his concern for them. He complained, he had 
 received no Intelligence of the fending an Englijb Army 
 into Scotland till it was too late, and yet he advifed the 
 Queen to have it inferted in the future Treaty between 
 her and Mary , that . fent Forces into Scotland, 
 
 fhe fhould alfo have the fame Liberty, and to ftipulatepo- 
 fitively the reftitution of Calais. He added, he had till 
 then prevented Elizabeth's Excommunication, and obtained 
 from the Pope a promife, that nothing fhould be done in 
 that Affair without his knowledge. As to the renewing 
 of the Treaty, he coldly anfvvercd, it was needlefs. In 
 fine, he returned, by the Ambaffador, the Collar of the 
 Order of the Garter. This convinced Elizabeth , that 
 Philip was no longer her friend, and that his advice, which 
 came too late, was more the effect of his Jealoufy of the 
 growing greatnefs of France, than of his affection for her. 
 Some time after, fhe gave him a fmall mortification, in 
 refilling her permiflion to certain Englijl) Catholicks (1) to 
 refide in tire Low-Countries , and preferve their effedts in 
 England. Amongft thefe was Jane Dormer , Grandmother 
 of the Condc de Feria's Lady, whom he married m Eng¬ 
 land, during his Ambaffy (2). This fo provoked the Condc, 
 that he ufed all his credit with Philip to exafperate him 
 againft Elizabeth. He even found an opportunity to force 
 into the Inquifition, a Servant of Chamberlain the Englijl) 
 Ambaffador in ordinary for Spain. He alfo ftrongly fol- 
 licitcd the Pope to excommunicate her, but without fuccefs. 
 Pius IV. was for trying other means, which appeared to 
 him more proper to gain the Queen, and were not pre¬ 
 judicial to his Cenfures, which he could thunder againft 
 her whenever he pleafed. 
 
 It was with this view, that he fent Vincenzo Parpaglia 
 Abbot of St. Saviour into England with certain inftruc- 
 tions, and a Letter to the Queen, exhorting her to return 
 into the Pale of the Church, and promifing to continue 
 
 the general Council (3), as foon as poftible. It is pretend- 15Co. 
 ed, this Nuntio had likewife a power to offer the Queen, 
 that the Pope would annul the Sentence of Henry's Di¬ 
 vorce with Ann Boleyn , and the fubfequent A6f of Parlia¬ 
 ment ; confirm the Englijh Liturgy, and permit the En¬ 
 glijb to communicate in both kinds. But thefe offers were '-t r.-rt ut 
 not capable of moving Elizabeth: and the rather, as, pro- 
 bably, they were not fincere, at Ieart, in what concerned 
 Religion. Hence it may be obferved, what opinion the 
 Court of Rome, and all Catholicks, had of Elizabeth's birth, 
 lince it was offered as a great favour to own her for legiti¬ 
 mate Daughter of Henry VIII. 
 
 Mean time, Elizabeth very clofely applied herfelf to the Camden- 
 affairs of the Government, in order to render herSubjctfts 
 as happy as poflible, well knowing, her greateft affiftance 
 was to flow from them, in cafe of an Invafion, which fhe 
 had reafon to expetft. This year, fhe was obliged to re- Stow, 
 ftore the Coin to its ancient ftandard, which had been ex- Hoilin s' }l * 
 tremely debafed in the Reign of Henry VIII, though no 
 King had ever drawn fo much Money from his Subjects (4). 
 
 If Cardinal Pole may be credited, this Prince alone drew 
 more Money from the People, than all the Kings together 
 lince the Conqueft. The Monaftery of Wejlminjler was Adi. p u b. 
 this year turned into a Collegiate Church (5). Thefe were XVt P-S 9 °* 
 the moft remarkable events in England in 1560. But be¬ 
 fore we proceed to the following year, it is neceffary, briefly 
 to mention the affairs of the neighbouring States. 
 
 The affairs of France tended to confufion the beginning Affairs of 
 of the year. The Proteftants feeing themfelves pcrfecuted, 
 and condemned to the flames without mercy, thought it time Thuanui. 
 to provide for their common defence. To this end, fome of p. Daniel* 
 them, after a private Conference, formed a Confpiracy 
 againft the Duke of Guife and the Cardinal of Lor rain , the 
 King’s Minifters, and their declared Enemies. They had 
 no Leader who openly appeared, but very likely the Prince 
 of Condc, jealous of thefe two foreign Princes, had, among 
 the Reformed, Emiffaries, who intimated to them, that 
 when things were ripe, they fhould not want a fupport. 
 
 However this be, a Gentleman, named La Rtnaudie, pro¬ 
 jected to carry off th eLorrain Princes, then with the King 
 at Amboife. This attempt mifearrying, was interpreted as 
 a Confpiracy againft the King himfelf, and twelve hundred 
 Perfons, either guilty, or only fufpected to be concerned in 
 it, were put to death. The two Lorrain Princes would 
 have been glad, on this pretence, to have difpatched the 
 Prince of Condc, but their meafures not being yet well 
 taken, they wailed a more favorable opportunity. Some 
 time after, the States being aflemblcd at Orleans , the King 
 of Navarre and Prince of Condc indifcreetly came thither, 
 though they had intimation of the Court’s ill defigns againft: 
 them. The King of Navarre indeed was not arrefted, 
 but was fo carefully watched, that an efcape was impoflible. 
 
 The Prince of Condc was imprifoned, and fhortly after 
 condemned to die. But the death of Francis (6) about the Dealt V 
 fame time, prevented the execution of the Sentence, and j 5 'Jc'ha'n^n* 
 the Prince was releafed. 
 
 This fame year, Philip II. having carried War into Affairs of 
 Africk, againft theCorfair Dragut, who had made himfelf 
 King of Tripoli, his Arms were fo unfuccefsful, that he Crotius. 
 was forced to recall the Spanijb Troops left in the Nether¬ 
 lands. The Inhabitants of thofe Provinces faw the depar¬ 
 ture of the Spaniards with great fatisfaclion, which would 
 have been much increafed, had Cardinal Granvclle been 
 alfo recalled, for they mortally hated him, and were en¬ 
 couraged in their hate by the Prince of Orange, and the 
 Counts of Egmont and Horn, his fworn Enemies. 
 
 The death of Francis II. caufed great alterations in the S/jutUf the 
 Court of France. Charles IX, his Brother and Succeflbr, 
 being yet a minor, Catherine de Media, his Mother, had Charles ix. 
 the addrefs and influence to prevail with the King of A a- i,s 
 varre, firft Prince of the Blood, to yield the Regency to 
 her, and content himfelf with the Title of Lieutenant- Mezcrai. 
 General. Mean while, as flic was not entirely without 
 fear, that he might one day think of refuming the Rank 
 due to his Birth, lhe fomented, with all her art, the dif- 
 fenfions which had begun to appear in the late Reign. By 
 this means, fhe at laft formed two Parties in the Court 
 and Kingdom, which proved her fecurity, as fhe was ne- 
 ceflary to Both. The firft was headed by the Duke of 
 Guife, the Conftable of Montmorency , and the Marfhal of 
 St. Andre. Thefe three Lords were called the Triumvirs. 
 
 On their fide were all the Catholicks of the Kingdom, into 
 
 (0 *i* 
 
 Daughter of 
 ( 3 ) This 
 of the Popes 
 
 nt SMly late Prior of the Order of St. John of Jcrufalem in England, Hymns Harvey, &c. Camden, p. 3S3. 
 
 ; a lVuvil'o in the antient Laws of England, that under pain of forfeiting Goods and Chattels, none bu: Peers of the nrlt Kan It, 
 
 ■ • the King’s fpcdjl Licence) leas..- the Kingdom and refide in foreign Countries, beyond fuch a fixed time. The Condc de to 
 brilliant Dormer by Mary Sidney. Camden p- 213. 
 
 was the famous Council of hern, v.lneh had been opened many years before, but interrupted in its Seffions by ci 
 
 lual War 
 
 'i carcrt Allay was in the 5 of Ed-.v. VI. See the Coin-Note of Edward VI. Queen E'-ibnh reduced the Silver Coin to elevtr 
 fine, and eighteen Pennyweight all y, the prefent Standard, See Coin Note at the end of this Reign. 
 
 Dean, twelve Piebend-, a bciaoiin.il!' 1, -u Uihcr, Lity Scholars, be fide: Chaplains, Singing-men, twelve Penfioners, us 1. Cam 
 'b of December. Kafr. 
 
 whom 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 ‘J- 
 
 ELIZABETH. 
 
 3 3 
 
 M-" 7»"' 
 «■ I'll, <f 
 
 Hi""’ •/ 
 
 Trtffid by 
 Elizabeth 
 (o ratify the 
 
 twy f 
 
 Edinburgh- 
 
 an 
 
 «"»>* 
 
 yjnjiotr. 
 
 W-v.ling- 
 
 gotiations, 
 
 <J ,2 d 
 The Future 
 Ofhrr 
 
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 M civil’* 
 
 misfortunes which at laft fell on the head of the Queen ^560, 
 his Miftrefs. Stewart arriving in Scotland, notwitbftanding 
 Lefley’s endeavours to have him arrefted in France , deli¬ 
 vered to the States the Patent which the Queen had fent 
 by him. As almoft all Scotland was then Proteftant, the 
 States employed the general power, granted them by the 
 Queen, to eftablifh the Reformation by publick Authority, tut 
 This was followed with an Order to demolifti all the Mo- 
 naileries, which was immediately put in execution. 
 
 Mean time, Mary preparing to fail for Scotland , fent Elizabeth 
 d’Oyfel to Elizabeth for a Safe-Condudt. Elizabeth an- 'sJ-J' c J. dua 
 fwered, fhe hoped the Queen would ratify the Treaty of to m de- 
 Edinburgh, after which, file fhould not only have a Safe-/' 1 
 Conduct, but alfo, without being expofed to the dangers ' JJ f 
 
 and fatigues of the Sea, might pafs through England , Camden, 
 where fhe fliould be received with all the marks of affection 
 flic could expert from a good Sifter (4). Mary complain- 
 ed of this anfwer to Throckmorton the Englijh Ambaffador, y^Maly! 
 fo as to Ihew him file was extremely offended at it. She 
 told him, “ As fhe came into France, in fpite of Edward , 
 
 “ fhe could return into Scotland notwithftanding£//%;?id 7 //s 
 “ oppofition : She was heartily vexed, for asking a favour, 
 
 “ file could fo well be without: That this refufal and the 
 “ affiftance given by Elizabeth to the Scotch Rebels, was a 
 “ clear evidence, how little fhedefired to preferve a good 
 “ underftanding between the two Kingdoms: That it 
 “ was matter of aftonifhment to her, that the Queen of 
 tc England fhould obltru£t the return of her near Relati- 
 “ on, and moft certainly preemptive Heir, into her ow'n 
 “ Country : That fhe could have no pretence for this, 
 
 “ fince file could not accufe her of meddling with the 
 “ Affairs of England , tho’ the difeontent of the Englijh 
 “ gave her an opportunity. She added, fhe was a Queen 
 “ as well as Elizabeth, and not deftitute of Friends when 
 “ they fhould be wanted : That the Treaty of Edinburgh 
 “ was made in the life-time of her Husband, and if he 
 “ delayed to fign it, he alone ought to bear the blame: 
 
 “ That fince file was a Widow, neither the Council of 
 “ France , nor her Uncles had concerned themfelves with 
 tc the Affairs of Scotland: That the Scots about her were 
 “ private Perfons, whom fhe neither could nor ought to 
 “ confult in fo important an affair: But as foon as fhe 
 “ had advifed with the States of Scotland, fhe would re- 
 “ turn a fuitable anfwer: That therefore fhe was haften- 
 “ ing her return into Scotland , but Elizabeth intended to 
 “ flop her journey, and fo alone was the caufe of the de- 
 “ lay fhe complained of. She concluded w'ith faying fhe 
 <c had never offended Elizabeth , and prayed the Ambaffa- 
 “ dor to tell her the reafon of her anger.” 
 
 Throckmorton replied, his order was only to receive her 
 anfwer concerning the Treaty of Edinburgh: but fince fhe 
 defired it, he would for a moment lay alide the Ambaffa¬ 
 dor, and give her his Sentiments as a private Man. Then 
 he told her, the Queen his Miftrefs was very much offend¬ 
 ed at her affuming the Title and Arms of England , which 
 fhe had not done in Queen Mary’s Reign, and left her to 
 judge, whether a greater indignity could be offered to a 
 crowned head. Mary anfwered, fhe did it by the exprefs 
 command of Henry II. her Father-in-law, and of Francis 
 her Husband, whom fhe was obliged to obey ; but upon 
 the death of her Husband, file had, when Miftrefs of her- 
 felf, quitted both the Title and Arms: That however, fhe 
 being a Queen, and Grand-Daughter to Henry VIIl’s el- 
 deft Sifter, did not believe it injurious to any Perfon to bear 
 the Arms of England , which had been done by others 
 more remotely allied without any noife. Camden , from 
 whom this is taken, does not mention Throckmorton’s 
 Reply. It would however be ftrange, that he fhould be 
 fatisfied with fuch weak reafons. Elizabeth did not only 
 demand that Mary fhould quit the Title and Arms of 
 England , but alfo fhould declare in the moft exprefs man¬ 
 ner, that fhe never had any right to affume them. Nay 
 fhe expected a folemn Reparation for this Incroachment, 
 as appears by the Treaty of Edinburgh. Now Mary’s 
 quitting the Title and Arms of England, without owning 
 fhe had no right to affume them, was very far from con¬ 
 tenting Elizabeth , who would not have had any other 
 perfon but herfelf, pretend to the Title of Queen of Eng¬ 
 land. Mary's alledging that others had borne the fame 
 Arms without any offence, pointed to the Marquifs of 
 Exeter , and the Duchefs of Suffolk. But there were three 
 remarkable differences between them and Mary. The 
 firft was, they bore thefe Arms by the King’s fpecial grant. 
 
 whom a belief was infufed, that the Chiefs had only in 
 view the maintenance of the Catholick Religion. At the 
 head of the other Party, wholly confifting of Huguenots, 
 
 (fo the French Proteftants (r) were called) were the Pr ince 
 of Conde. , the Admiral of Coligny or Chati/lon, and his Bro¬ 
 ther d’ An delot. The King of Navarre fluctuated between 
 the two Parties, without being able to refolve, and the 
 Queen-Regent reaped great advantages from this divifion 
 among the great Men. 
 
 The affairs of France being in this fituation, Elizabeth 
 feemed to be out of danger from them, Francis’s Succef- 
 for had no pretence to concern himfelf with the affairs of 
 Scotland , any farther than as a common ally, and he had 
 no manner of demand upon England. On the other 
 hand, the Queen-Regent, who had no great affeeftion for 
 her Daughter-in-law, was far from engaging in a War 
 for her fake: Tho’ fhe could have hoped to place her on 
 the Throne of England, it was not her intereft to render 
 the Houfe of Guije more powerful than it was. In fine* 
 the Princes of Lor rain, employed in ftruggling with their 
 Enemies at Court, were not in condition to profecute the 
 Rights of the Queen their Niece. Wherefore, immedi¬ 
 ately after the death of Francis II, Mary, by the advice of 
 her Uncles, quitted the title of Queen of England, which 
 fhe had bore ever fince the Treaty of Catcau. But this 
 was not fufficient to fatisfy Elizabeth. Alary being ftill 
 very young, might marry fome powerful Prince, and trans¬ 
 fer to him her Pretenfions. Therefore to make Eliza¬ 
 beth eafy, this young Queen was folemnly to declare, (he 
 had no right to this Title, otherwife, fhe might have re¬ 
 fumed it, when fhe pleafed ; a bare interruption being not 
 fufficient to invalidate her Claim. By the way, Eliza¬ 
 beth, like her Grandfather Henry VII, was, all her life, 
 fo jealous of her Crown, that fhe was for ever uneafy on 
 that account. When fhe heard of Francis’s death, file fent 
 the Earl of Bedford into France, with her compliments of 
 condolance and congratulation to the new King, and or¬ 
 dered him to prefs Mary to ratify the Treaty of Edinburgh. 
 
 The Ambaffador difeharged his Commiflion, and was an¬ 
 fwered by Alary, that this affair not concerning her as 
 Queen of France, but as Queen of Scotland , fhe would 
 not confirm it without the advice of the Scott/Jh Nobility (2). 
 
 Mean time, as fhe knew her Mother-in-law, the Queen- 
 Regent, loved her not, fhe left the Court of France , and 
 retired to Rheims, where her Uncle the Cardinal was 
 Archbifhop, to fpend part of the Winter there, and after¬ 
 wards, file went to refide at Nancy. While fhe was at 
 Rheims, fhe received a vifit from Martigues , la Broffe, 
 d'Oyfel, and the Biflhop of Amiens , who being acquainted 
 wiiii the affairs of Scotland, and knowing her intention to 
 return thither, believed it incumbent on them to give her 
 fome Inftruiftions. She came from thence fo young, that 
 fhe was utterlv ignorant of the Kingdom fhe was going to 
 govern. Melvil fays, they advifed her to gain by her 
 favours, James Stewart Prior of St. Andrew’s , her natural 
 Brother, the Earl of Argyle, who had married Jane Stew¬ 
 art her natural Sifter, Sir IVilliam Maitland of Lethington, 
 and Sir IVilliam Kirkaldy Laird of Grange, and to rely on 
 the Proteftants rather than the Catholicks, as the former 
 were in all rcfpe&s fuperior. Some time after, on her way 
 to Nancy, fhe gave audience to John LcJIcy, fent to her 
 from her Catholick Subjects. Lefley fays himfelf, in his 
 Hiftory of Scotland, that he advifed her, agreeably to his 
 InftruiSlions, not to confide in the Prior of St. Andrew’s , 
 and to repair to Aberdeen, where fhe might be at the 
 head of a good body of Catholick Troops, to reftore Re¬ 
 ligion to the ftate it was in before the late changes. But 
 fhe was too wife to follow fuch dangerous Counlel. The 
 next day, the Prior of St. Andrew's, who was alfo come 
 to France to pay her his refpedls, met her at Joinville, 
 and gave her Counfels more fuitable to the fituation of her 
 affairs. He confirmed her refolution to return into Scot¬ 
 land, and advifed her to reign like her Predeceffors, with 
 the concurrence of the States, affuring her, it was the 
 only way to live happy and peaceable (3). The Queen, 
 agreeably to this advice, ordered him to return to Scot¬ 
 land, and prepare all things for her reception. More¬ 
 over, file put into his hands a Patent, impowering the 
 States to meet and ordain whatever they fhould judge 
 convenient for the good of the Kingdom. Thus, Lefey’s 
 pains to prejudice her againft Stewart, were for once in¬ 
 effectual. This Lcfey, afterwards Bifhop of Rofs, greatly 
 contributed, by his Intrigues and violent Counlels, to the 
 
 (1) They were fo ca'l.d, either from I Inyo's Gate, in the City of Tours, where they ufed to meet at firft; or from King Hugo’ s Ghoft, which was the 
 Scare-crow ufed in that Town to frighten Children, and which was find to walk in the Suburbs in the Night, it being the ulual Time and Place where the 
 “roteftants were wont to meet. Charles IX. forbid this Name by an Erl':ft. Tkuanus, 1 24. 
 
 (2) This Affair being thus put r.fF fio 
 to prevent ir. Acccrdingly, fhe difpatched Sir Tbon. 
 Camden, p. 3S5. 
 
 (3) C.nnden fpeaks quite otherwife of James Steu 
 ington wrs alfo of the fame Mind, left at her retnr 
 
 , Queen Eli* 
 1 Randolph into 
 
 n to fufp.cl fome Plot was hatching againft England, and therefore refolved 
 to cultivate a good underftanding between the Englijh and Scotch Nations. 
 
 art. Rngln. Camden fays, he advifed Queen E/ixabeth to intercept Mary in her PafTage, and that Ltd- 
 , fhe fhouid treat the Proteftants of Scotland with extreme rigour, not as Traytors, but Hereticks, a* 
 -Queen Alary of England had done before her. Camden, p. 387. 
 
 Buchanan i; in the wrong to omit the Conditions on which Elizabeth was willing to grant a Safe-Conduit. Rapin, 
 
 The 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 64 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 «=>J- 
 
 1560. The fecond, that they did it with a limb or border fordi- 
 ftinCtion. The third, that they never aflumed the Title 
 of King and Queen of England. 
 
 Tif: . •!. All this made Elizabeth fufpeCt, the Queen of Scotland 
 1 '/ was forming fome dangerous defign, and in quitting the 
 , Title and Arms of England, intended only to amufe her, 
 fince fhe refufed to own the injuflice of afluming them. 
 In fhort, Mary , being determined to return into Scotland 
 without Elizabeth's Safe-ConduCt, fent for Throckmorton to 
 Abbeville , and demanded of him what was to be done to 
 latisfy j Elizabeth. Throckmorton anfwered, fhe had only 
 to ratify the Treaty of Edinburgh, as he had often told 
 her before. She replied, fhe could not conceive why fhe 
 was thus urged to ratify a Treaty already executed: That 
 the Articles concerning the Scots had been really performed : 
 That as (lie had quitted the Title and Arms of England , 
 fhe could not be accufed of feeicing evafions not to ratify 
 the Treaty, fince a Treaty already executed did not want 
 a ratification : That the Scots could not complain of being 
 treated with too much rigour, but that fhe perceived, the 
 perfon who would prevent her return into Scotland, would 
 prevent their enjoying the effeCts of her Clemency. She 
 added, fhe would write to the Queen of England with her 
 own hand, and defired the Ambaflador rather to compofe 
 than aggravate matters. But the Letter file writ on this 
 occafion, did not give Elizabeth the fatisfaCtion fhe believed 
 to have reafon to expect. As the ufurpation of the Arms 
 and Title of Elizabeth, and the Refufal to ratify the Treaty 
 of Edinburgh , were the bafis and foundation of the dift'e- 
 jences between thefe two Queens, and had a conftant influ¬ 
 ence upon this Reign, it will not be unneceflary to add fome 
 obfervations to what has been faid, in order to fet in a 
 dearer light the reafons- and interefts of both. 
 
 Ms Elizabeth , in France and all the Catholick Countries, 
 
 : ff was deemed illegitimate. It was upon this foundation, that 
 Henry II. obliged the Dauphin his Son, and the Queen of 
 •withregard Scotland the Dauphin’s Wife, to afl'ume the Title of King 
 Cl b ' : v / fJ ? and Queen of England, and that, after his death, they 
 ‘ continued to bear the fame. Elizabeth was not fo void of 
 underftanding as not to perceive that this pretence would 
 be more than fufficient to deprive her of the Crown, fhould 
 it ever come to be lupported by force. On the other hand, 
 fhe could not doubt that fucli a defign was formed by Mary 
 and her Friends. Of this, her having aflumed the Title 
 of Queen of England was a clear indication. It was there¬ 
 fore neceflary to provide for her fafety. The Civil War 
 in Scotland naturally prefenting itfelf, Iheaffifted the Male- 
 contents, and, whereas France was refolved to invade her 
 from that quarter, gave Francis and Mary caufe to ap- 
 
 1561. prehend fhe would deprive them of Scotland. This pro¬ 
 duced the Treaty of Edinburgh, which was never ratified 
 by Francis , and after his death, Alary perl'iftcd in her re¬ 
 fufal, contenting herfelf with only quitting the Title of 
 Queen of England. But this was not a fufficient fecurity 
 for Elizabeth. As Alary had quitted the Title without 
 giving any reafon, fhe could refume it the firft opportu¬ 
 nity ; and this was what Elizabeth defined to prevent, 
 and the more, as Alary's obftinate Refufal gave her caufe 
 to believe it was really intended. 
 
 Mary on her Side had ftrong reafons to elude this ra¬ 
 tification. She was perfuaded, Elizabeth was not the 
 legitimate Daughter of Henry VIII, and that neither his 
 Will nor an Adi of Parliament could give her a right 
 which nature denied. Upon this fuppoiition, Mary be¬ 
 lieved the Crown of England was fallen to her, as next 
 Heir to the dcceafed Queen, and though Elizabeth had 
 pofleflion, file did not dcfpai 
 with the affiflance of France. 
 
 Englijh Catholicks. But if, 
 
 Edinburgh, file owned herfelf i 
 Title of Queen of England , and promifed with an Oath 
 never to bear it more, fhe had caufe to fear, her Friends 
 would grow very cool. To what purpofethen did Francis 
 order his Plenipotentiaries to fign a Treaty, which he did 
 not intend to ratify ? To this theanfwer is eafy. He could 
 not otherwife draw his Forces out of Scotland , where they 
 were befieged, nor oblige Elizabeth to recall her’s. As to 
 the breach of his word, it did not then much trouble the 
 French Court. Now as Mary was at that time in fubjec- 
 tion to a Husband, fhe threw upon him whatever was amifs 
 in this Conduit. 
 
 I he fecond reafon Alary had to refufe the ratification 
 was Hill of more force. The Plenipotentiaries of France, 
 in figning the Treaty, made a wrong ftep, for want of 
 
 of wrefting it from her, 
 Spain , the Pope, and the 
 by ratifying the Treaty of 
 1 the wrong to afl'ume the 
 
 fufficient knowledge of the Englijh affair- Thev fuffered rj<;.. 
 to be inferted in the 'Treaty, without any reftriCtion, this 
 general Claufe; That for the future Francis and Mary 
 ■Jhould not ajj Tit ■ <■ 
 
 Now Mary had reafon to (ear, that thefe words, for tf 
 future , might be a Snare to make her renounce for ever 
 the Crown of England, on account of her Religion. Thi 
 fear feemed the more juft, as the Eng If had fufficiently 
 difeovered their intention, to regulate the Succeftion by 
 Henry the Eighth’s Will, where the Pofterity of Morgan t 
 Queen of Scotland was omitted, and the Duchefs of Suf¬ 
 folk placed next to Elizabeth. It feemed therefore to her* 
 that a ratification of the Treaty of Edinburgh would give 
 occafion to fay, fhe complied with the Will of Henry VIIT. 
 which could not but be to her extremely prejudicial. It 
 is fcarce to be doubted, that Elizabeth thought the fame 
 thing, fince afterwards, when Mary, prefled by the ne- 
 ceflity of her affairs, offered to ratify the Treaty with 
 this alteration of the Claufe in difpute, That during the 
 Life of Elizabeth Jhe would not take the Title of fifteen of 
 England, Elizabeth was not fatisfied. This is an evident 
 Sign, that her Intention was to make ufe of the ratifica¬ 
 tion to deprive Mary of her Birth-right, or at leaft, to 
 hold her in fubjection, by keeping her in a perpetual un- 
 eaiinefs concerning her Succeflion. There was then infin- 
 cerity in both their proceedings. Alary , in evading the 
 ratification ol the 1 reaty, on pretence of the prejudice it 
 might do her, refufed in effeCt to acknowledge flic had 
 done amifs in afluming the Title of Queen of England , 
 during the Life of Elizabeth , and thereby preferved all her 
 Claim to be inferted on occafion ; for it was not till fome 
 years alter, that file offered the forementioned reftriCtion. 
 
 On the other hand, Elizabeth, under colour of defiring 
 Mary only to renounce a Right which fhe had aflumed 
 to her prejudice, meant to engage her to fign an equivocal 
 Claufe, which might have deprived her of all her Rights. 
 
 1 hefe remarks will hereafter appear not to be entirely 
 ufelefs. 
 
 Mary, though (he had no Safe-conduCt from Elizabeth, m.t a*. 
 put to Sea, and happily arrived in Scotland. Some fay," 
 file efcaped the Englijh fleet in a fog, which waited to in- Auguiwi. 
 tercept her(i). But this is only a bare Conjecture with- L-iW. 
 out any proof (2). It is however very likely, that as iwhanan. 
 affairs ltood between her and Elizabeth, if Ihe had been D ' acl ' v,c,c ' ] * 
 taken file would have been detained in England , at leaft 
 till file had ratified the Treaty of Edinburgh. She was 
 received in her Kingdom with great demonftrations of 
 Joy, both by the Nobles and People^) But file had 
 the mortification to fee the Reformation eflabiiflicd by 
 Laws fo fevere, that only herfelf was allowed the Liberty 
 to have Mafs in her own Chapel, but without any Pomp 
 or Oftentation. Neverthelefs, fome Lords ft ill perhfted in He Roman 
 the old Religion, and hoping to reftore it by her Authority, CmMuA, 
 made their Court to her with great application. Of this ’/; ‘,'tr, 
 number were George Gordon, Earl of Eluntley, the Earls of R /, •:.* 
 Athol, Crawford, Sutherland , with fome Bifhops. It S.ctlmd. 
 was not poflible to determine, what was the Religion 0 f Duthanan * 
 the Duke of Chateleraut, his ConduCt had been hitherto 
 fo ambiguous. The Lords I have named were very con- 
 fiderable by their Birth, their Riches, and their Vaff’als. 
 
 And yet, they would never, perhaps, have thought of re- 
 ftoring the ancient Religion, had they not depended upon 
 the Queen’s favour, who could alone ballance the power 
 of the Proteftants. Their firft projeCt was to try to alie¬ 
 nate her from thofe of the Proteftants, who had the moft 
 credit with her, and in the Kingdom, fames Stewart her 
 natural Brother was the principal objeCt of their hatred, on 
 account of his adherence to the Proteftant Religion. Be- 
 fides, the Queen having, at her arrival, committed to him 
 the admimltration of affairs, it would be very difficult for 
 them to undertake any thing, without oppolition from 
 him, while he continued in that Poft. For this reafon, Enif 
 they omitted nothing that could ferve to ruin him with the n> i.: 
 Queen. But it is not neceflary to be more circumftantial J arr ‘' a 
 in thefe Intrigues; it fuffices to (hew the lituation of the Stewart ' 
 Court of Scotland, becaufe this is abfolutely neceflary for 
 the Sequel. 
 
 The haughtinefs with which Mary talked to the Englijh Mary’i £>- 
 Ambaflador before fhe left France, was not only unfuitable ' ' J ‘j : '^ 
 to her prefent Circumftances, but even contrary to her ELsabcth. 
 meafures, and the projects fhe had formed with her Chi¬ 
 cles. Whilft Francis II. was alive, thefe Princes believed 
 that the Forces of France would be fufficient to fubdue 
 Scotland, under colour of extirpating Herefy, and after- 
 
 (t) Thai Queen E'uxabttb intended to intercept the Queen of Scots, is not pofitively aliened by the Sccttijb Hiflortans- Buchanan fays, chat Queen Elizabeth 
 ■ ■■ •• gnat I-! et, on pi tence t fcoua the Sea ol Pyratesj but fome thought, that it was to intercept th Queen ot St 1 , ih 1 artd 1 pafs 
 
 ' 11 " '' "■ S i. 1-. ‘Tbuanus affirms, that Janus Prior of Sc .Andrews, in hia return from France through England, ad« 
 
 Mitd Queen Elizabeth todei.iiri tile Queen ot Si ts\ thinking ihe would come thirugh England, 1 . 2g. 
 
 ^ (-} It L true, there a role a great F.g in her I’affage. (See JSrantumc, Dam. tltujt. p. 130 ) Cut that Joes not prove (he was purfued by the Englijh Fleet. 
 
 And at firft, following the Counfel of her Friends, Ihe behaved herfelf humanely to them ail, committing her Affairs to her Brother the Pi ior-of St. An- 
 “ - u ' - -'iid 1 1 the Secretary L’t‘ -ngt-.n, Ltdtngfjun. as liieeldt both Co hold the Countly «t hei n, mil alio to beget a ttt.cl Frieudjluo between her, 
 
 and th. Que:n 0 i England. Mth-J, p. 32. 
 
 ward.-; 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 23. E L I Z A B E T II. 
 
 iS<". 
 
 wards in conjun&ion with the Scotch Troops, it would be 
 eafy to enter England , and, with the afliftance of the En- 
 glijh Catholicks, dethrone Elizabeth. But the war they 
 had excited in Scotland , taking a very different turn from 
 what they expected, and the death of Francis following 
 immediately upon it, they found that other meafures were 
 to be taken, and the execution of their projedl deferred for 
 fome time. They therefore advifed the Queen their Niece, 
 voluntarily to quit the Title of Queen of England , to re¬ 
 turn into Scotland , to enter, if poffible, into a ff riel friend- 
 fiiip with Elizabeth , to endeavour to be declared her pre¬ 
 emptive Heir, and under colour of that Correfpondence, 
 to form a Party in England , where was no want of Male- 
 contents, to be ferviceable on occafion. The whole courfe 
 of this Hiftory fhows this to have been Mary’s Plan, and 
 I fhall hereafter give convincing proofs of it. Nothing 
 therefore was more contrary to thefe meafures, than her 
 quarrel with Elizabeth , whofe friendfliip file ought to have 
 courted, in order to obtain the Declaration fhe defired, by 
 means of which fhe was to {Lengthen her Party in Eng¬ 
 land. When fhe arrived in Scotland , fhe endeavoured to 
 correct this error, by fending Maitland to Elizabeth , to 
 iwtdefimu notify her fafe arrival at Edinburgh , and to defire her 
 be declared friendfhip. The Ambaflador carried likewife a Letter 
 from the principal Noblemen to Elizabeth , which, after 
 many Compliments, fignified to her, that the beft way to 
 preferve a good underftanding between the two Kingdoms, 
 was for her to declare their Queen her prefumptive Heir. 
 Elizabeth was fo much upon her guard againft whatever 
 Kan--au-m came f rom Mary, that it was not eafy to furprize her. 
 
 the Treaty She anfwered the Ambaflador, that the Queen of Scotland , 
 of Edin- while in France , promifed to give her fatisfadtion concern- 
 Waifing- in 5 Treaty of Edinburgh , as foon as fhe fhould ar- 
 ham'iiVe- rive in her Kingdom ; it could not therefore but furprize 
 her to find no notice taken of that Article. The Ambaf- 
 fador excufed the Queen his Miftrefs, that the fhort time 
 fince her arrival had not allowed her to think of any im- 
 andrefufis portant affair. Elizabeth feemed fatisfied with this excufe, 
 the Requeft hut to the Letter from the Lords, anfwered plainly, that 
 
 of Mary. - .. . . - ■- • * >. ~ 
 
 Buchana: 
 
 Camden. 
 
 ^5 
 
 1561. 
 
 ‘Sue [ends at 
 Amhajfador 
 0 Elizabeth, 
 
 her Heir. 
 Buchanan. 
 Melvil. 
 
 Elizabeth 
 demands the 
 
 JlruHion 
 
 fhe would not run the hazard of feeing her Subje&s adore 
 the rifing Sun. And railing her Voice, added. She would 
 not fuffer the Queen of Scotland to rob her of the Crown 
 during her Life ; neither did fhe intend to do any thing 
 that might prejudice that Queen after her death, though 
 fhe had ul’urped the Arms of England , for which fhe ought 
 jn juflice to make reparation. This was the Subfiance of 
 what palled in relation to this Embafly, from which Mary 
 drew the advantage flic defired, as it gave her an oppor- 
 p 2-. tunity to renew a Correfpondence with Elizabeth. I am 
 perfwaded, Melvil is miftaken, when he fays in his Me¬ 
 moirs, that after Mary's return into Scotland , there was fo 
 clofe a friendfhip between the two Queens, that they writ 
 to one another every week, and teftified an extreme defire 
 to deliver by word of Mouth what they committed to 
 writing. Nothing till then had pafled between them that 
 could ferve to form or cement this pretended reciprocal 
 friendfhip. On the contrary, many things contributed to 
 alienate their Hearts from each other. But if Melvil , who 
 was then in Germany , was rightly informed, one cannot 
 Stewart and P thinking they were both very great diflemblers. A- 
 Arwkin bout the end of the year, Mary gave the Prior of St, An- 
 made Earls. d rcuj ' s t h e Title of Earl of Murray , and created 'John 
 Buc anan. Arcskin Earl of Marr. 
 
 The Pope Though the anfwer given lafl year to the Abbot of 
 defsnus to Parpaglia , was by no means proper to infpire the Pope 
 fmd a Nun- with any great hopes of the Reftoration of the antient Re- 
 .ra- jjgj Qn j n England^ he fent a Nuntio this year to Elizabeth , 
 to notify, that the Council of Trent which had been inter¬ 
 rupted, would be continued in the fame place, and to de¬ 
 fire her to fend thither fome Englijh Bifhops. The Abbot 
 Mariinengo , who was charged with this Commiflion, ar¬ 
 riving in Flanders , and fending for leave to purfue his 
 Journey into England (1), could never obtain it. Where¬ 
 upon, the Nuntio at Paris prayed Throckmorton to write 
 to the Queen ; who coldly anfwered, file heartily defired 
 an CEcumenical Council, but a Popifh one fhe would never 
 honour with an Ambaflador ; that fhe had no bufinefs with 
 the Bifhop of Rome , who had no more power than other 
 Bifhops. 
 
 After fuch an anfwer, Elizabeth might depend upon 
 
 0 Eliza¬ 
 beth, is 
 
 Philip fpa- 
 rates btmfe/f 
 at a Jhil 
 greater dif- 
 tance from 
 Elizabeth. 
 
 continual difturbance from the Court of Rome, and t! 
 more, as, fince the death of Francis II, the King i 
 Spain was entirely eftranged from her, becaufe he no longei 
 dieaded the union of Grcat-Bri/ain, with the Monarchv 
 of France. This fear was the only band that had till then 
 attached him to England. 
 
 Mean time, Elizabeth feeing herfelf without any Ally, 
 and in danger from all fides, took care in time of her de- X, 
 fence. She employed this whole year in preparations, to dr/jd 
 which convinced her Enemies, fhe would nor be eafiiv ^jiiina/h 
 furprized. Her great care was to have always a good p. 1 , Q b.' 
 Fleet in readinefs, knowing that her Navy was the bcil 
 bulwaik of England. At the fame time, fhe ordered S " 
 all the Forts and Cattles of the northern Borders to be 
 well fortified, and particularly Berwick , as the place from 
 whence fhe might be attacked with moll eafe. As the 
 Englijh had till this time been obliged to have, all their 
 Gunpowder from abroad, fhe was afraid of wanting it, 
 and, to prevent that inconvenience, ordered it to be made 
 in her own Kingdom (2). Moreover, fhe increafed the 
 pay of the Soldiers, to encourage them to ferve her faith¬ 
 fully, and be ready upon occafion. This fame year, was 
 happily difeovered in Cumber land a Mine of pure Cop- 
 per (3), which had been negle&ed many Ages, and at the 
 fame time, was found, in great abundance, the Stone 
 called Lapis Calaminaris , fo neceflary for Brafs-works. 
 
 The cares of War did not divert Elizabeth from the Orders /'.,,- 
 affairs of Juttice, and the civil Adminiftration. She had mt ”' '' 
 her eye every where, and laboured effectually for the Re- Titulf 
 formation of abufes, and the bringing things into good '*•" Pr l' : - 
 order. Information being made, that the Officers of the ard Ar ' 
 Exchequer referved the Penfions aifigned to thofe Ecclefia- cSen. 
 flicks, who had been turned out of their Abbies, fhe orde¬ 
 red, that all who were living, and unprovided with Bene¬ 
 fices, fhould be paid to a farthing (4). 
 
 1 bus every Man relying, on the Queen’s Juflice and £ re>t 
 Equity, England faw the revival of a happinefs fhe had OEc “ nomj ' 
 long wanted. The People had the more reafon to be 
 pleafed with the Government, as the Queen, without de¬ 
 manding any Subfidies, difeharged all the extraordinary ex- 
 penccs out of the Crown Revenues (5), for fhe did not 
 lavifh her Money upon the Court-leeches, like her Prede- 
 ceflbrs. Her maxim was, to .injure none, but to be ex¬ 
 tremely {paring of her Favours and Treafurcs, remembring 
 in what want by cxcefiive Profufion, many of her Prede- 
 ceflbrs had lived, with great Revenues. This was what 
 forced them to have frequent recourfe to their Parlia¬ 
 ments, not to have the publick Occafions, but their own 
 Extravagances, fupplied (6). 
 
 It was not without reafon that Elizabeth took fo much 
 pains to gain the love of her Subjects, by the good Order 1 
 fhe introduced into the Kingdom, fince at the fame time . 
 endeavours were ufed to corrupt and draw them into Re- // 
 bellion. The Catholicks began to meet, and plot to re- : aul 
 ftore their Religion by arms. Elizabeth having foa c in- ' .' - 5 
 timation of thefe cabals, wasdefirous to know whence they tjJnden. 
 fprung, and at laft found it was the Queen of Scotland that 
 was to ferve for pretence to the Revolt, on account of 
 her Title to the Crown of England. The Countefs of 
 Lenox, born from a fecond Marriage of Margaret Queen 
 of Scotland with the Earl of Angus, held a fee ret Cor¬ 
 refpondence with Alary. Here die firft difeovery was 
 made. As this Countels had the fame intereil with Alary , 
 fince they both defeended from the eldeft Daughter of 
 Henry VII, the Queen imagined this Correfpondence was 
 not without my fiery, and therefore lent the Earl and 
 Countefs of Lenox to the Tower (7). 
 
 Soon after, fhe dilcovercd that Arthur Pole , and his A Cc-i-i- 
 Brother, defeended from a Princefs of the Houfeof 3 brk ( : ), ■ ■ 
 and Sir Anthony Fortefcue , who had married their Siller, V- ' 
 began to form a Party in the Kingdom. Upon this intel- 
 ligence, they were Cent to Prifon, and afterwards tryed. 
 
 1 hey confefled a defign of withdrawing into France to 
 the Duke of Guife , of returning from thence into Wales 
 with a French Army, to proclaim Alary Queen of Scots , 
 
 Queen of England , and Arthur Pole Duke of Clarence. 
 
 They protefted, however, that they meant not to execute 
 their Projedl during the Queen’s life, who, they believed, 
 would die before the end of the year, having been told lb 
 by fome Pretenders to Aftrology. Their own Confeifion 
 
 1652 
 
 (1) For it was provided hv an antient Adi, That the Pope’s Nuncio’s fhould not fet foot in England, without leave, and bef.ri 
 would attempt n thing prejudicial to the King, or Liberties of the People. The Council did not think proper to admit the P 
 were fo many Papifts in all parts of the Kingdom, who were endeavouring to involve the Nation into Troubles. Camden, p. 38-. 
 
 (2) She bought up abundance of Arms in Germany, and caufed a great number of Iron and Brafs Cannons to te cart. Camden p. eSS. 
 
 ( 3 J Near Rejtuick, lying at the foot of the tall Mountain Skiddaw. ’ r 0 
 
 (4) The Queen alfo increafed the Salary of the Judges, and firft allowed them Provifion for their refpedlive Circuits. Camden, p. 388. 
 
 (5) Camden obferves, that flic gave very little out of her own Demefns, or indeed any thing elfe, buc on condition it fhould, in default of Mhe-Mak 
 
 turn to the Crown. It is to be wifhed this Rule had always been obferved ! p. 388. 
 
 (6) This year, on June 15, the Spire of St. Paul's Cathedral in London, the Timber-part of which was two hundred and fixty F>nt high : and the Roof 
 
 feven hundred and twenty Foot long, and one hundred and thirty broad, were burnt down, by Lightning, 
 felTed on his Death-bed, that it was fet on fire by his Careleffnefs, in leaving a Pan of Coals in the Steeple, 
 
 He Jen's Hift. Ref. p. 3,2. * P ’ 
 
 (7) The Earl was committed to the Cuftody of the Mafterof the Rolls, and the Countefs, to the Cuftcdy of Sir Richard Sackvil/e. Camden 
 
 I s ) Great Grand children to George Duke of Clarence, Brother to Edward IV. 
 
 taking Oath, that they 
 :nt Nuntio, when thcie 
 
 ndred and fixty Foot high ; and rl 
 was then thought ; but a Plummer con- 
 , when he went to Dinner- Stow, p. 647. 
 
 • 3S9* 
 
 No. 47. V O L. II. 
 
 R 
 
 condemned 
 
66 
 
 Vol. II 
 
 The H I SrO RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 condemned them; 
 illuftrious defcent, 
 * Catherine Grey, 
 and Siftei 
 R. 
 
 but the Queen, in confederation of their affiftance. Shortly after his arrival at London , he con- i 56z 
 forgave their offence. eluded a Treaty with Elizabeth, by which Ihe promifed to 
 
 Daughter to the Duke and Duchefs of furnifh the Huguenot Leaders, with a hundred thoufand 
 
 of Jane Grey, beheaded in the laft Crowns, and an aid of fix thoufand Foot, half to be em- 
 
 t ufed with the fame lenity as the Perfons ployed in the defence of Dieppe and Roan , and half to be 
 
 put into Garrifon at Havre de Grace. The Huguenot!, 
 on their fide, engaged to put the Queen in polfellion of 
 this lad Place, to be kept till the reftitution of Calais. The Publijhes 
 
 juft mentioned, though file was lefs criminal, and the 
 'Queen’s near Relation. She was called to account for a 
 Crime, in the punifhment of which Elizabeth lefs fhowed this laft Place, to be kept till the reftitution of Calais. The Publijhes 
 her zeal for Juftice, than her jealoufy and defire to find a fame day the Treaty was figned, Elizabeth publifhed a 
 
 pretence to fecure this fort of‘Rival, who gave her fome Manifefto, declaring the reafons which obliged her to affift y (0lf . 
 
 uncafinefs. Catherine had been married to Henry, eldeft the Huguenots. She faid, “ her intention in fending Mezerai. 
 
 Son of the Earl of Pembroke (1), who had procured a “ Troops 'into Normandy , was not to recover that Pro- 
 
 ’ ’ * *■ ’ tc vince, the antient Patrimony of her Anceftors, and un- c'amden- 
 
 : juftly wrefted from them, but to preferve it for the 
 ‘ King of France during his Minority, and refeue it from 
 
 the ambition and tyranny of the Princes of Lorrain. 
 That file was the more concerned to endeavour to pre¬ 
 vent that Province falling into their hands, as it was 
 
 ■ manifeft their defign was to feize the Ports of Norman- 
 
 ■ dy , and from thence invade her Dominions, after the 
 E extirpation of the Reformed in France. That for 
 1 thefe reafons fhe thought herfelf obliged to afiirt the 
 ‘ young King ; hinder his Subjects from being opprefled 
 ‘ by the Guifes ; protect the Profeftors of the Reformed 
 ‘ Religion, and provide for her own Safety ”. This laft <; 
 
 Itnd of abufing her a fecond time; and for each Article concerning her fecurity, was the chief, or rather n 
 was fined five thoufand Pounds (a). At laft, the only one, which juftified her affifting the Huguenots. r ‘ 
 
 Divorce, becaufe he could not live with her. Afterwards, 
 the Earl of Hertford privately married her, and then 
 W ent into France. In his abfence the Queen being in¬ 
 formed of this clandeftine Marriage, fent Catherine to the 
 Power, though the was very big with Child. The Earl 
 returning, and owning his Marriage, was committed to the 
 fame Place. After this, the Archbilhop of Canterbury an¬ 
 nulled their pretended Marriage, bccaufe it was not fuffi- 
 • lently proved, and they both remained Prifoners in the 
 Power. While they were there, the Earl found means 
 to come to her, and fhe again proved with Child. Where¬ 
 upon he was accufed of three capital Crimes ; namely, of 
 breaking Prifon ; of debauching) a Virgin of the blood- 
 royal ; 
 
 offence , wac u»*ou n.w *,*■/• — — 7 . -j « j o o 
 
 after a long imprifonment, and feveral fruitlefs attempts to In all appearance, fhe would not have liked that a foreign 
 li.,ve his fentence reversed, he was forced to forfake her Prince Ihould have ufed the other pretences, alledged in her 
 by an authentick Adi But the Queen remaining impla- Manifefto, to aid the Englijh Catholicks, had they taken 
 cable to the Lady, fhe died in Prifon. Before fhe ex- arms againft her. But fhe looked upon the Duke of 
 piied, flic prayed the Lieutenant of the Tower to tell the Guife as her moft mortal Enemy, and the principal Pro- 
 Queen, that (he begged her pardon for contracting mar- tedtor of the Queen of Scotland , for whom, it manifeftly 
 riaire without her permiifion, thereby fhowing, fhe had appeared, he would have procured the Crown of England . 
 ever confidered the Earl of Hertford as her lawful Huf- This Duke was at the head of the Catholick Party, which 
 band (3). This excefiive rigour does Elizabeth no credit, was infinitely more powerful than that of the Huguenots. 
 fince it is plain, Catherine Grey's Right to the Crown, It might therefore very eafily happen, that thefe would be 
 whether well or ill-grounded, was her greateft offence. extirpated, or at leaft, entirely difabled ; and the Duke of 
 Ttl J3 u t it was not from the Houfe of Suffolk that Elizabeth Guife become abfolutc mafter of the Court and Kingdom, 
 
 dijlruftbt j iac ] mo fl. to f car> The Queen of Scotland was a Rival and employ all the Forces of France to execute his pro- 
 France i °Ld much more dangerous, as being powerfully fupported. Her jedt in favour of the Queen of Scotland his Niece, It is 
 Spain' Friends ftill thought of placing her on the Throne of Eng - therefore eafy to conceive the neceffity, Elizabeth was un- 
 Camden. land , and only waited a favorable opportunity to execute der, to oppofe the advancement of fo formidable an Ene- 
 their defign. Elizabeth had occafion to be convinced of my, which was not to be done more fuccefsfully than by 
 this by her intelligence, that the Duke of Guife, and the affifting the Hug.,inots. In maintaining the War in France, The Franch 
 Cardinal of Lorrain, to engage the King of Navarre (4) fhe held the Duke of Guife employed, and rendered him 
 in their Party, offered him the Marriage of their Niece, incapable to attempt any thing againft England. Paul de but ,f„f s 
 and promifed him poffeffion of the Throne of England, Foix , the French Ambaffador, having notice of this Treaty, no Satisfac- 
 by the affiftance of the Pope and King of Spain. Though required her, in virtue of the Treaty of Cateau, to deli- 
 this Prince had a Wife, they minded not the difficulty ver to him the Vidame and all his Attendants: But Ike 
 of annulling his Marriage, becaufe his Queen Jane was a excufed herfelf, and told him, fhe would write to the King 
 Heretick (5). This fatisfied Elizabeth ~that the Princes of France about it. She did fo indeed, but not obtaining 
 of Lorrain had not laid afide their firfif defign, and that any thing for that Lord, Ihe did not think herfelf obliged 
 Philip II. was coming into the Plot. Whereupon, Ike to deliver him to the King. 
 
 difpatched Sidney (6) into France on fome pretence, to in- The fix thoufand Englijb not embarking till September, qt e Engiifh 
 form himfelf exaftly of the affairs of that Kingdom, and found the King of Navarre, on their Arrival, before Ro- 21 ™$' 
 or what was contriving againft her, that Ihe might take an. This was the reafon of their dividing themfelves J ^f rt \ 
 her meafures accordingly. into two Bodies only, of which one entered Dieppe (7), Grace. 
 
 A p, rl of Catherine de Medici ftill continued to foment the diffen- and the other took poffeffion of Havre de Grace, accord- 
 
 " tion between the two Factions, and feemed to incline to ing to the Treaty of London. The Earl of Warwick (8), Thuanus. 
 rthe fide of the Huguenots, who were the weakeft. As General of thefe Forces, had been made Governor of this Stow, 
 the Guifes had artfully perfuaded the Catholicks, that their laft place by the Queen. Mean time, the City of Roan 
 differences with the Prince of Conde concerned only Reli- was taken by Affault, and the King of Navarre , who xv. p.Cz5« 
 gion, Ihe feared to fee herfelf once more at their difere- was wounded at the Siege, died on his return to Paris. Ro*n 
 tion, as Ihe had been in the laft Reign, if the Huguenots In the clofc of this year, the Battle of Dreux was fought 'jff^attie 
 were opprefled. For this reafon fhe fupported them, and between the Catholicks and Huguenot;, with almofl: equal a [ Dreux. 
 procured them a very favorable I'dicfl, called the Edifl of lofs. ”1 he Prince of Conde and the Conftable de Montmo- Thmnus. 
 ‘January. The Duke of Guife, penetrating her defign, rency, who commanded the two Armies, were both taken 
 believed it time to break her meafures, by engaging, on a Prifoners, but the being s Forces kept the Field ot Battle, 
 hidden, both Parties in a War. He accompliflled his de- The Prince of Condi not being able to head his Party, 
 
 On by the mafl'acre of Pafy, committed under his eyes, Admiral de Chatillem took upon him the command of the 
 upon a very flight occaflon. Then the Huguenots, unable Army. I mi now fpeak of the Tranfaftions of Scotland 
 to contain any longer, began the War by fur prizing Or- this year. 
 
 leans, with the more reafon, as the Queen-Regent had James Stewart created Earl of Murray, held dill the affaire .f 
 applied to the Prince of Conde for his affiftance, to free firft rank in the management of affairs, not fo much from 
 her and the King from the captivity in which they were any affeSion the Queen had for him, as from her being ad- 
 held by the Guifes vifed to keep him always attached to her intereft. It was 
 
 ■ri- Husut- I fhall not defend to the particulars of this War, which indeed almoft impoflible for Mary, who had been educated 
 may be fecn in all the Hiftories of France. I fhall only in a Court fo averfe to the Reformation, to have any great 
 fay, that the Huguenots, unfuccefsful in the firft Campain, friendfhip for the Earl her Brother, whom file confidered 
 ’ fent the Vidame of Chartres to Elizabeth, to defire her as the Head of the Reformed. Befides, his fevere temper Budua*:, 
 
 Camden fay:, when Ihe v 
 
 (r) Repin fay: to the Eat! of Pembroke, but the Lord Henry Herbert war divorced before his Father 
 fullered a lung flight and contempt, and was fo far gone with Child, at to be near her time, p- 389. 
 
 (2) And nine years Imprifonment. Camden, p. 389. , _ , , 
 
 - The Validity of their Marriage was afterwards brought to a Tryal at the Common Law ; where the Mimfter who mar 
 
 other Circumrtancc! aerceint;, .he Jury found it a good Marriage. Dudgale 1 Baron, Vol. 11 p. 369.-Theywere married 1 
 
 m:n in V/thjh,e : Lord Be.lucbamp, a Son of this unfortunate Pair lies buried there, with this lnicription c 
 
 n his Tomb-flone : 
 
 4) Anthony of B&urb: 
 
 Bello campus erom, Grata gcnitricc, Semerus : 
 'Ires babut Nates, eft quibus una forcr. 
 
 And for the vciy lame reafon Queen Elizabeth was to be depofed. Camden, p. 389. 
 
 (0! .Sir Henry Sidney. 
 
 {-] Tiiis was commanded by Sir Adrian Pcynings , Camden, p. 390. 
 
 'S' Ami 1 f: Dudley, created Dciember 26, 1561, Baron Lijle, and Earl of Warwick. St 
 
 ied them being prefent, ana 
 1 the Church of great Bed 
 
 did 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 2 3- 
 
 ELIZABETH. 
 
 67 
 
 
 A Defign 
 
 difcovered 
 
 againft the 
 Earl of 
 Murray- 
 Buchanan- 
 
 7 be Earl oj 
 Huntley 
 firm a Dc 
 
 .fig” 'o carr J 
 of the 
 i^uern. 
 Buchanan. 
 
 Murray pr, 
 fervts her. 
 
 Huntley 
 ferfift 
 bit Dejign 
 Buchanan. 
 
 j'i defeated 
 and taken. 
 
 George bis 
 Son condemn¬ 
 ed to die. 
 
 Projell of 
 
 a Marriage 
 
 Melvil- 
 p. 33, &C. 
 
 did not agree with the Luxury which was introducing into 
 the Court by the young Queen. The Preachers exclaim¬ 
 ed from the Pulpit agr.inft thefe wordly vanities, as very 
 oppofite to true Religion. On the other hand, the Earl 
 of Murray , as well to fupport his -intereft amongft the 
 Reformed, as to follow his own inclination, fignified often 
 to the Queen, that this way of life would at laft forfeit 
 her the efteem and affe&ion of her Subjects. This fur- 
 nifhed his enemies with a pretence to inlinuate to the 
 Queen, that Murray meant to keep her in fervitude, and 
 it^would be impoffible to reftore the old Religion, while he 
 had the direction of affairs. But if Buchanan is worthy 
 of belief, they were not content with uffng fecret arti¬ 
 fices to ruin him in the Queen’s favour. This Hiftorian 
 pretends, the Duke of Chaterault , and the Earls of Hunt- 
 ley and Bothwell confpired to aflaffinate him, but their 
 Plot was difeovered by the Earl of Arran. He adds, that 
 the Duke was punched with the lofs of his Government 
 of Dunbarton , and Bothwell imprifoned in the Caftle of 
 Edinburgh , from whence he found means to efcape. 
 
 But thefe were not Murray'% moft dangerous Enemies. 
 Buchanan fays, the Cardinal of Lorrain writ to the Queen 
 his Niece, to incite her to difpatch the Earl, and fome 
 other zealous Proteftants, out of the way, for which fhe 
 might depend upon a powerful aid from the Pope, to ref- 
 tore the Catholick Religion in Scotland. According to this 
 Iliftorian, the Queen refolved to comply with the defires 
 of the Pope and the Cardinal, and communicated her in¬ 
 tentions to the Earl of Huntley, who approved of them, 
 and promifed his affiftance. It was for this purpofe, that 
 the Queen took a progrefs into the North, where lay the 
 Earl of Huntley s Eftate (1), and where the Catholicks 
 were numerous. But at the fame time Huntley finding 
 the Queen, in order to execute her projeft, was going to a 
 Country which almoft wholly depended on him, formed him- 
 felf the defign to carry her away, and force her to marry 
 George Gordon his eldeft Son. Murray accompanying the 
 Queen in her progrefs, feveral obftacles occurred, which cau- 
 fed the execution of the Plot againft him to be delayed, from 
 day to day. Mean while, the Earl of Huntley and his Son 
 improved the occafion to execute their project. One day, 
 when the Court was in a fmall and ill-fortified Town, 
 George Gordon appeared near it with fome Forces, in or¬ 
 der to furprife the Queen’s Perfon. But the Earl of Mur¬ 
 ray, by unexpected good fortune, found means to fave her. 
 This important Service effaced for fome time the difad- 
 vantagious impreflions file had received of him. 
 
 The difeovery of this Plot was not capable to make the 
 Earl of Huntley defift from his enterprize. He ftill kept 
 in arms with intent to furprife the Court, where the Earl 
 of Sutherland was his Spy, and informed him of what 
 parted there. But an intercepted Letter difeovering all, 
 Sutherland fled into Flanders , and the Earl of Murray at 
 the head of fome Forces marched againft the Earl of 
 Huntley , who bravely expe&ed him. In a Battle fought 
 on this occafion, Huntley was defeated and taken Prifoner, 
 but died within a few days (2). George his Son efcaping, 
 the Duke of Chateleraut his Father-in-law very earneftly 
 feed for his pardon, and upon fome good hope given him 
 by the Queen, put him into her hands. He was however 
 conduced to Dunbar , tried and fentenced to die : But the 
 Sentence was not executed (3). 
 
 While thefe things were tranfa&ing in Scotland, 'James 
 Melvil , Author of the Memoirs under his Name, was em¬ 
 ployed at Infpruck to found the inclinations of the Impe¬ 
 rial Court concerning the Marriage of Queen Mary with 
 the Archduke Charles , fecond Son of the Emperor Ferdi¬ 
 nand. The firft overture of this defign had been made by 
 the Cardinal of Lorrain , in his way through Infpruck to 
 the Council of Trent , with the offer of the Kingdoms of 
 England, Scotland , and Ireland, for a portion. This oc- 
 cahoned Maximilian , eldeft Brother of Charles , to ask 
 Melvil , fpeaking of this Marriage, whether the Scots would 
 be willing to aflift their Queen in obtaining the Crown of 
 England. Hence it is plain, that the Guifes had ftill this 
 defign in view, and were inceflantly labouring to execute 
 it. We muft not therefore wonder, that Elizabeth had al¬ 
 ways an eye upon the Queen of Scots as upon a very dan¬ 
 gerous Rival (4). 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1563, the Duke of Guife 1563. 
 laid Siege to Orleans , which was the Magazine of the Hu- °f 
 guenots, and where D ’ Andclot Brother of the Admiral was 
 Ihut up with a numerous Garrifon. The Place was now Thuanus. 
 reduced to the laft extremity, when the Duke of Guife was 
 killed with a Piftol- Ball by a Gentleman named Poltrot. 
 
 The Duke perceiving his end approaching, teftified an 
 extreme concern for having kindled the Civil War, and fent 
 his ferious advice to the Queen-Regent to make a Peace on 
 any Terms. The Admiral being accufed of this Murder, 
 endeavoured to clear himfelf, but the Relations of the de- 
 ceafed perrtfted in their belief of his Guilt. Mean while, Hu-ue- 
 the Peace between the King and the Huguenots clofely fol- make j 
 lowed the death of the Duke of Guife , without any care an 
 taken by the Prince of Condi (5), to have his generous notice taken 
 Friend the Queen of England included. Nor was this all. °f Eliza- 
 For Charles IX. befieging Havre de Grace , the Huguenots b 
 diftinguifhed themfelves in driving the Etiglifh out of a fteged. 
 place which themfelves had put into their hands. If their C2m den. 
 conduit on this occafion fhowed them good Frenchmen , it 
 was alfo a demonftration of their being very ill Politici¬ 
 ans. Indeed they could not have done any thing more 
 prejudicial to their own intereft, or more agreeable to 
 their Enemies than thus to quarrel with England. The Hollingfti. 
 Earl of IVarwick defended the Place fome time with great 
 bravery and intrepidity (6), but the Plague which raged in 
 the Town, daily fwept away fifty of his Men (7), and re¬ 
 duced him to the neceffity of a capitulation, by which the 9«rre»den. 
 Town was reftored to the King of France. After Havre was 5 ow ' 
 taken, a Peace was concluded between the two Crowns. 
 
 The Englifh Forces which had ferved in France bringing A Truce 
 the Plague with them into England (8), it made terrible f«'«»Frtnce 
 ravages, above twenty thoufand dying in London only (9). " 8 ‘ 
 
 The death of the Duke of Guife made fome alteration Camden, 
 in the affairs of the Queen of Scotland. Charles IX. de- Mezeui. 
 daring himfelf of age to govern, was under the influence London.'’ 
 of the Queen his Mother, who not loving her Daughter- ‘the Court 
 in-law, gave her fome. mortifications. The payment of®/J” nc A e 
 her Dowry was difeontinued, the Scotch Guard difmifled, interejls of 
 and the Duke of Chateleraut denied his Revenues. The Mar). 
 Duke of Guife left a Son, who was too young to have Camden • 
 any Ihare in the Government, and the Cardinal of Lor¬ 
 rain had no longer the fame credit as during the life of 
 his Brother. Mary complaining of her ill treatment from Tl-e Cardt- 
 the Court of France, the Cardinal her Uncle fearing fhe 
 might be provoked to turn to Elizabeth, was more pi efling Marri- 
 than ever for her Marriage with the Archduke, and did age-with the 
 his utmoft to accomplifli it. Melvil fays, however, in his 
 Memoirs, that he perceived at the Imperial Court, it was Camden*, 
 not relifhed by Maximilian , eldeft Son of the Emperor. Melvil. 
 
 Be this as it will, Mary readily received the Propofition. p ' 3 *’ 
 
 But as the death of the Duke of Guife had removed at a si,t a!i ' 
 great diftance the near profpevft fhe had of mounting the 
 Throne of England, file believed it neceftary to manage relating to 
 Elizabeth, and defire her advice concerning the propofed tbu Marri- 
 Marriage. Elizabeth was alarmed at the defign of allying “fjftTdf- 
 the Queen of Scotland with the Houle of Aujlria, not being /made her, 
 ignorant, with what view the Cardinal of Lorrain offered a f d f r f ia '^ 
 fuch a Marriage to his Niece. She therefore told Mary, m J r y " n 0 
 by Randolph her Ambafiador, that having for her the ten- Enghihman. 
 dernefs of a Sifter, and regarding her interefts as her own, 
 fhe defired her to confider, that fuch an alliance would re- p . c ^ 0> ' 
 move her for ever from the Throne of England, fince the 
 Englifh would never run the hazard of falling under the 
 dominion of the Houfe of Aujlria: That England was 
 not without Perfons who had their pretenfions to the 
 Crown as well as herfelf, and might gready embarafs her : 
 
 It was therefore her intereft to gain the affe&ion of the 
 Englifh, by a Marriage which would not be uneafy to 
 them : That if any Englifh Nobleman was fo happy as 
 to pleafe her, fuch a Marriage would doubtlefs remove the 
 difficulties which lay in the way of her defire to be de¬ 
 clared her prefumptive Heir. This was the febftance of 
 what Randolph was ordered to reprefent to the Queen of 
 Scotland, without naming however the Lord, Elizabeth 
 wifhed to give her for Husband. But he had a fecret 
 Commiflion to intimate to the Earl of Murray , and Se¬ 
 cretary Lidington, that he believed fhe had caft her eyes on 
 the Lord Dudley (10). 
 
 (Il Invernefs. 
 
 (2) John, one of his Sons, was executed a few days after. Buchanan, 1. 17. 
 
 ;3) Melvil vvbo was then ill Germany, lays nothing of this Confpiracy of the Eirl of Huntley. Camden, whofe aim was on'y to blacken the Reputa¬ 
 tion of the Earl of Murray, contents himfelf with faying, ( in his Annals of the year 1566,) that Murray hud ruined the illuftrious Houie of the Gor ¬ 
 dons, without faying one word of this Confpiracy. Rafm. 
 
 (4) This year, Sban 0 Neal, Earl of ' Tir.oen, who had in 1560, broke out into a Rebellion, came and made his Subrniflion to Queen Elizabeth, and 
 
 received her Pardon. Camden, p. 385, 391-This year alfo, on December 25, died William Loti Grey o 1 " Wilton. Stow, p. 632. 
 
 (5) He pleafed himfelf with the hopes of being Lieutenant-General of France, and Husband to the Queen of Scots. Camden, p. 392. 
 
 (6) There were fome Recruits fent thither, two hundred whereof peri/hed by Shipwreck, with their Commander Sir Ibomas Finch Kt- and two Brother! 
 of the Lord Wcntnvortb. ib : d. Hollingfb. p. 1202. 
 
 (7) The Plague fwept away all thefe famous Officers, Francis Somerfet, John Zoucb, Alberic Darcy, Thomas Drury, Wilfrid Antwifel, Edward Ormcsby, 
 Cutbbert Vaughan, Richard Crokcr, John Cockfon, John Prowd, William Saule, ‘Ibomas Konevs, &c. Stow, p. 656. 
 
 (8) Moft of them embarked July 31. Stow, p. 656. 
 
 (9) Twenty thoufand, one hundred thirty fix. Ibid. 
 
 (10) His Lady, Daughter of Sir John Robfart, was lately dead of a fall from a p air of Stairs, at Consort in Orf- djhire, atjd lies buried in St-iHary’s in 
 Oxfo’d, Camden, p. 393. Dugdate Vol. il. p. 222, 
 
 3 Elizabeth's. 
 
68 
 
 The HISTO RT of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vo 1. II. 
 
 6 , Elizabeth's anfwer threw Mary into great perplexity, which were left unfigned till the next day, concerning the 
 
 Miry's Df- She believed herfelf at leaft the lawful Heir of Elizabeth Hoftages delivered to Elizabeth after the Treaty of Ca- 
 ficatty- by her Birth-right; but Henry VIII, having not placed teau, which fhe was willing to reftore for a very fmall 
 Camden. jn the line 0 f t ] ie Succeffion, an Adi of Parliament was fum (3). Thnckmorton, who had been arrefted in France 
 
 necelTary to reftore her to her Right. Without this, 11 le 
 was in danger that, if Elizabeth died without heirs, the 
 Will of Henry would be punctually complied with. On 
 the other hand, her uncertainty whether Elizabeth would 
 caufe fuch an Act to be paired in her favour, and get leer 
 declared her Heir, made her unwilling to relinquifh the 
 
 on fome pretence (4), was fet at liberty. After this, 
 
 Elizabeth font to King Churl,s the Order of the Garter by 
 the Lord Hunjdon (5), who was lent into France to fee 
 the Peace fworn to. 
 
 At this time, the Commerce between England and the Difiurbjnctt 
 
 declares nei .mi, .... ... B ...- Nethirlmds was entirely broke, by the artifices of Cardinal*-.™* 
 
 hope .riven her by her Uncle the Cardinal, of being placed Granville. As he forcl'avy, a War was going to be kind- 
 on the Throne of England by the alliflance of the Pope, led in the Lovj-Countria , he was Willing to remove the countries. 
 France. Spain , and the Englijh Catbolicks. In this per- Englijh, and for that pnrpofe, had prevailed with the Go- cund™. 
 
 • ■ -■ • '' ' - r ‘ L - - r ~- vernefs to forbid the importation ol Englijh Cloths. This 5,1,4 *' 
 
 Prohibition obliged the Englijh to fet up a Staple tor their 
 Cloths at Embden , a Town of La ft Friejland. But a new 
 Ambaflador (6) fent into England by Philip , in the room 
 of the Biihop of Aquila, who was dead, coniidering, that 
 his Mailer’s Subjects would, from this interruption ot Com¬ 
 merce, receive no lefs damage than the Englijh, brought Art - Pub - 
 this affair to a Negotiation. As there occurred great dif- ‘ ’ p ' 
 
 In this per¬ 
 plexity', fhe chofe to inform the Cardinal of the reprefen- 
 tation made to her by Elizabeth, and of that Queen s de- 
 fign to marry her to Dudley. The Cardinal anfwered, 
 That Dudley was not a fit match for her, and that Eliza¬ 
 beth only amufed her, in pretending to marry her to a 
 Man whom fhe intended for her own Bed. That as to 
 the hope fhe was flattered with, of being declared her pre¬ 
 emptive Heir, it was not much to be relied on, fince. 
 
 'J be Ducbefi 
 of Suffolk 
 
 though fhe kept her word, fhe might have Children, Acuities, it was mutually agreed, that the Treaty of Com- 
 which would render the AS of no ufe, or might, on the merce, called the Gnat lntercmrfe, made in the time of 
 leaft pretence, caufe it to be repealed. That it was there- Maximilian, (hould fubfrft till one of the Parties notified 
 fore more agreeable to her intereft, to depend upon the the contrary to the other, with the allowances of forty 
 afliftance of her real friends, than on fuch uncertain hopes. days to the Merchants to withdraw their effebls. I his 
 This did not prevent Mary, after a mature examination aftair was very important to both Nations. Camden fays, 
 
 . of what had been offered on both fides, from refolving to that in his time the Commerce between England and the 
 defift from the defign of marrying the Archduke, for fear Nitherlands , rofe yearly to above twelve Millions of Gold, 
 of doing herfelf a prejudice in England. But withal, flic and that the Woollen Trade alone amounted to above 
 determined to evade the Propofal, Elizabeth intended to five millions (7). 
 
 make her concerning Dudley , without breaking however This affair being finifhed, Elizabeth milled the Univer- 7i ., 
 
 with her’ It was abfolutdy necefTary to fhow a regard for fity of Cambridge , where file was received witlt great rift, tb, 
 
 Elizabeth, in order to continue with more eafe her in- pomp and magnificence. She teftified her fatisfaflion in 
 
 trigues in England, and increafe there the number of her an elegant Latin Oration, wherein fhe affined the Univer- b r id E c. 
 
 Friends, which was already confiderable. Befides that fity of her proteflion, and intention to encourage Learn- Hulltagli. 
 the Catholicks were all for her, many Proteftants were mg to the utmoft of her power. omden." 
 
 perfuaded that the Crown, if Elizabeth diet! without Chil- The tranquillity which the Queen then enjoyed would a D.ffrr ™- 
 dren could not be refufed her without injuftice, and the have been compleat, if her fufpicions of the Queen of Unm. * 
 leaft difeontent was capable to create a belief, that Mary Scotland had not given her perpetual uneafinefs. It was^jajf 
 had even a better Title than Elizabeth herfelf. This on her file was always refleSing, as on her moft dange- 
 gave great uneafinefs to Elizabeth, who feared, that Mary, rous Enemy. She confidered, that the Marriage of this 
 by a Marriage with a Catholick Prince, would he enabled Queen might prove to her a fountain of Troubles and 
 to fupport her Pretenftons. Therefore fhe did all that lay Cares, and draw upon her the greateft misfortunes. So, 
 in her power to divert her from any fuch defign. To her whole Policy tended either to obftruft all Marriages of- 
 this end, file told Melvil, in his return through England, fered to Mary, or at leaft, to effeft that fhe fliould efpoufe 
 how much it would offend her, if Mary married without a Man, from whom England fliould have nothing to fear, 
 her advice. She added, as it was their common intereft to With this view (lie writ her a Letter, wherein, after Mlh a. 
 live in a good underftanding, fhe defigned to make her many demonftrations of Friendfliip, flic gave her advice p. «r. 
 two offers, that, by embracing either, fhe might avoid the concerning her Marriage, telling her, the marrying with- 
 iealoufy, which her Marriage with a foreign Prince- would out her content would ruin her affairs. Notwithflanding 
 
 • ’• 17,1 Crr - c r j: .! ..n Mary’s refolution to live in friendfhip with Elizabeth, fhe 
 
 was provoked at her thus taking upon her to advife her, 
 and even with an air of fupcrioritv, which was but too 
 manifefl: (8). Forgetting therefore her refolution, and 
 
 .Jfe in the Englijh. The Treaty of Edinburgh was all 
 this while unmentioned, the conjuncture not being proper 
 to prefs that aftair. 
 
 Frances Brandon Duchefs of Suffolk, fo often mentio¬ 
 
 ned, died this year (i). She had accepted for her third thinking only of making herfelf fatisfaflion (9), fhe rc- 
 Husband Adrian Stokes, a private Gentleman, by whom ‘ "" T " r — 
 
 file had no Children. Of her three Daughters by her 
 former Marriage with Grey Marquifs of Dor Jet, and after¬ 
 wards Duke of Suffolk, Jane the eldeft had been proclaim¬ 
 ed Queen after the death of Edward, and loft her life on 
 a Scaffold. Catherine was in the Tower, or perhaps dead. 
 
 Mary the third had been given in marriage to a Man fo 
 little diftinguifhed, that there was no likelihood of her 
 being put in competition with the Queen of Scotland. 
 
 1564. 
 We 
 
 France and 
 England. 
 Camden. 
 Aft. Pub. 
 XV. p.640. 
 Stow. 
 
 turned fuch an anfwer to the Letter, as greatly offended 
 Elizabeth. But fome time after, reflefting that fhe herfelf 
 broke her own meafures, in quarrelling with Elizabeth, 
 file difpatched Sir Janies Melvil to pay her compliments, 
 and to endeavour to mend what had been fpoiled by her 
 impatience. Elizabeth received her compliments witli equal Tbty or; 
 diffimulation. After telling Melvil, how much caufe fhe 
 had to be offended with the Letter, fhe tore it (10) in his p . 4Z) 47, 
 
 uemg put 1,1 cut., pc........ .. cu.ee. u. .. prefence, teftifoing her readinefs to be reconciled, and ex- 
 
 Thus by the death of the Duchefs of Suffolk, Mary faw preffing an affection for her good Sifter, which alluredly 
 herfelf delivered from one Rival, who was Grand-daughter fhe had not. It was not her intereft to quarrel, for tear 
 of Henry VII (2). of inducing Mary to marry fome Prince, who would not 
 
 The Truce between France and England ended at laft have patience to wait the time of enjoying her Succeflion. 
 ina Peace, figned at Troye in Champagne the nth of She therefore embraced this occafion to renew her inftan- Eliiabeth .j 
 April, 1564 . By this Treaty, the King of France and ces to Mary lot her choice of a Husband, proper to pre- Pot,ink, 
 Queen of England preferved entire all their pretenftons, Frirndfhin. and a cmnd intelliorenre between the "* 
 
 without mentioning any in particular, not even the reftitu- 
 
 tion of Calais. There were only fome feparate Articles, 
 
 ferve their Friendfhip, and a good intelligence between the 
 two Kingdoms. All this tended only to a letting forth Melvil.’ 
 of feveral reafons to perfwade Mary to accept the Lord 
 
 (1) She lies buried in Wtfiminficr Abbey. Sandford, p. 537-This year ajfo died William Lord Paget, and Henry Manours Earl of Rutland. Camden, 
 
 P ( 3 -n This year a Parliament met at IVeJtminJter , January 12, and was prorogued on Afrit 10. They granted the Queen a Subfidv, and two Fifteenths 
 
 and Ten-hs ;'and the Cleruy gave a Subfidy ot fix Shillings in the Pound, to be paid in three years. Denvs -The molt remarkable A£ts during this 
 
 Sefiinn, were thefe : 1. An Aft againft holding or maintaining the Authority of the Bifliop of Rome. 2. That no one fhall procure a.taife Witnefs. upon 
 ill- Penalty of forty Pounds ; nor any one be a falfe Witnefs, upon the Penalty of • 
 clipping and walking of Coin, Treafon. 4. That any Perfon which fhall be feen or 
 Felon. 5. An Act for the due execution of the Writ de Excommunicato Cap,end-. 
 
 La Illy, An Act palled to eftablilh and confirm the Queen’s Supremacy 
 
 2. That 
 
 fenty Pounds, and fix Months Imprilonment. 
 ’uund, for one Month, in .1 Company of Egypt 
 6. An Act for tranflating the liible and Onnmo 
 Eccielialtical Affairs. The work of the Reformation, which 
 
 re a falfe Witnefs, 
 
 3. An Aft making the 
 
 with fev 
 
 mpleated, and the Articles of the church of England fettled by the Cons 
 
 ruptioni had been carrying on above thirty years, was in great meafure 
 reduced to the number of thirty nine, as they Hand to this day. 
 
 (3) One bundle d and twenty thoufand Crowns of Gold, de JJeil, each worth fifty one pence Tournois. oe 
 
 (4) On pretence cf coming to France without a Pafs. He, and Sir Thomas Smith, were the CommilTionc 
 
 P ' llpuim, Cu„y. (fi) »I V =“/»“" •> 
 
 {-) Camden hi rves here, that the Englijh Wool proved to the Netherlands more than an imaginary Guide 
 Order rf the Gotten fleece, inflituted in 1429, p. 395 - 
 
 ;X, She dclircd ' ary to take heed, that in /hewing Pleafurt to the Earl of Lens 
 ftr'ife might arife in her country. Mtlvil, p. 42. 
 
 (9) At any other time this Advice would not have been ill taken 
 having hindered the Marriage with the Archduke, and partly becanfe Rizzo, the Queen 
 inditing French Letters- Ibid. 
 
 (1 : Not Queen Mar/ 5 Letter ; but an aogrv anfwer to it. which Or; bad writ, and intended to lend. See Melv 
 
 
 Rynier's Feed. Tom. 15. 0-644, 645. 
 employed in negotiating his Peace. Camden 
 
 , fhe did not difple.ile ihe Houfi 
 1 by Elizabeth \ 
 
 advices giver 
 
 1 Secretary for the F- 
 
 of Hamilton, feeing thereby trouble and 
 
 mifeonftrued, partly on account of Lcr 
 •wb Tongue, was not very skilful in 
 
 Dudley 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 23. ELIZABETH. 
 
 6g 
 
 Darniy. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Melvil. 
 
 1564. Dudley, tho’ fhe did not dircflly name him. It is, how¬ 
 ever, very uncertain, whether this Marriage was fincerely 
 intended by Elizabeth, or only defigned to amufe Mary, 
 and prevent her thinking on others. Nay, it is very 
 likely, Dudley, who depended upon Elizabeth , was only 
 propofed to prolong the allair. This Teems to be confirm¬ 
 ed, by the permiffion afterwards granted by Elizabeth to 
 the Lord Darniy , Son of the Countefs of Lenox , to 
 go into Scotland , though fhe was not ignorant that Mary 
 had fome thought of marrying that Lord, as fhe intimated 
 Mary re- to Melvil. Indeed, Mary had now refolved it, not in 
 J compliance with the counlels of Elizabeth , to efpoufe a 
 
 Lord, little capable to give her uneafinefs, but in hopes of 
 receiving a confiderable advantage from this Marriage. It 
 had been frequently hinted to her, that there was room to 
 doubt, whether her Title to the Crown of England was 
 as good as the Duchcfs of Suffolk’s, which was fupportcd 
 by the Will of Henry VIII, and that this was a Point to 
 be decided by Englijh Lawyers. This was to keep her in 
 fubmiffion, and prevent her difobliging Elizabeth. When 
 this uneafinefs was removed by the death of the Duchefs 
 of Suffolk, and Catherine her Daughter, the Rights of the 
 Countefs of Lenox, Daughter of Margaret Queen of Scot¬ 
 land, by her fecond Husband Archibald Earl of Angus, be¬ 
 gan to be whifpered. F/enryVlll, her Uncle, had given 
 her in marriage to Matthew Stewart Earl of Lenox, who 
 had withdrawn into England, as was faid in the Reign 
 of that Prince. The Countefs of Lenox could not indeed, 
 with any Teeming juftice, enter into competition with 
 Mary, fince fhe was born only of Margaret's fecond Mar¬ 
 riage, whereas Mary came from the firft. But it could 
 be alledged in her favour, that fhe was one degree nearer, 
 and it was to be feared for Mary, that this reafon would 
 prevail, if fupported by Elizabeth. So, to avoid this com¬ 
 petition, Mary had refolved to unite the Titles of the two 
 Families, by her Marriage with the Lord Darniy, Son to 
 the Countefs of Lenox, and thereby difable Elizabeth to 
 give her any dillurbance. Elizabeth had for the fame rea¬ 
 fon refolved to obftrudt this Marriage, not from any fear 
 of the Lord Darniy, but with intent to keep Mary al¬ 
 ways in awe and fubmiffion. 
 
 SbeJhms The Reconciliation between the two Queens being 
 fhe Earl of made, as I before faid, Mary ferioufly thought of execut- 
 Scot°and.*° ‘ n S ^ er defign. But as fhe was prepoffeffed with a belief, 
 that Elizabeth only fought to amufe her and prevent her 
 from marrying, fhe faw it neceflary to ufe fome art, to 
 draw the Earl of Lenox and his Son into Scotland. She be¬ 
 gan with the Father, and pretended to recall him in order 
 to reftore him to his Eftate, forfeited during the Regency 
 of the Duke of Chateleraut. Elizabeth did not think it 
 right to oppofe the Earl of Lenox’s return into his own 
 Country, upon a motive fo juft and reafonable. In this 
 whole affair the two Queens behaved with equal diffimu- 
 lation. At the very time, Mary was taking meafures to 
 marry the Lord Darniy, unknown to Elizabeth, fhe pre¬ 
 tended a readinefs to be directed by her Counfels. She 
 even confented to a Congrefsof Commiflioners of both the 
 Kingdoms, concerning her Marriage, though fine was not 
 Dudley made ignorant ol Elizabeth's intentions to propofe to her Dudley, 
 Ea>l oj Lei-lately created Earl of Leicejler (1). On the other hand, 
 Elizabeth, not unacquainted with Mary’s defign to marry 
 the Lord Darniy, Teemed not to perceive it, being well 
 pleafed to have her fix her thoughts upon a Subject, whom 
 flic believed to be at her difpofal, becaufe the Earl his 
 Father had great poffeffions in England. She hoped there¬ 
 fore to have it always in her power to break off or delay 
 this Marriage, as fhe fliould judge proper, her foie aim 
 being to gam time, and amufe the Queen of Scotland, 
 a Some time after, the Earl of Bedford (2) for England, 
 and the Earl of Murray with Lidington for Scotland, had 
 a Conference at Berwick (3), where the Earl of Bedford, 
 according to his inftruftions, propofed the Marriage of the 
 Queen of Scotland to the Earl of Leicejler. But the two 
 Scotch Commiflioners, who had likewife their orders, re¬ 
 ceived the Propofal with fuch coldnefs, that the Earl of 
 Bedford thought it not proper to infill: much on it. Nay, 
 it is pretended, that the Earl of Leicejler, who had fome 
 hope to marry Elizabeth (4), had denred him not to prefs 
 it. 
 
 Mean time, Melvil being returned, freely told Mary , 
 in laying his Negotiation before her, that the Queen of 
 England's friendfhip was far from being fincere. This 
 caufed Mary, who had already no very good opinion of 
 Elizabeth, to regard her as a fecret Enemy, who, though 
 fhe always.called her good Sifter, did not mean her well. 
 Sometimes file thought Elizabeth only propofed the Earl of 
 Leicejler to her, that fhe herfelf might marry him with 
 
 Melvil, 
 
 P . 42. 
 Buchanan. 
 
 Dijfmvh 
 
 cf tbt tv 
 
 teller. 
 
 P- 6 57 - 
 Hoil.ngfh, 
 
 Conference < 
 Berwick on 
 the Subj, ft 
 if Maty 'j 
 Marriage. 
 Camden. 
 Melvil, 
 
 p. 396. 
 
 Maty 
 
 dijlrujh 
 
 . 
 
 Melvil, 
 
 the lefs difhonour, after his having been encouraged by a 1564. 
 Queen ; and fometimes, that this Propofal was only an 
 aitifice, to wafte time in fruiclefs negotiations. 
 
 Thus was fpent the year 1 564, in which Ferdinand I. Dea/beftbe 
 died, leaving the Imperial Dignity, and his Hereditary 
 Dominions, to his Son Maximilian. it fuctt.hd 
 
 The Queen of Scotland had for fome time entertained b 
 David Rizzo, an Italian, who governed her abfolutely. " 
 
 As this Queen entirely changed both her conduft and Rj [ 
 chara&er, after this Stranger was received into her con- F.rtnnr f 
 fidence, and as he was the firft caufe of the troubles of 
 Scotland, and the misfortunes of his Miftrefs, it is neceflary p . f ' 
 to fay fomething of him. Buchanan. 
 
 David Rizzo, Son of a Mufician of Turin, being Ser- 1 r,uacl ■ 
 vant to the Count de Muretto, Ambaflador to Scotland , 
 attended his Mafter into that Country. As he perfectly un- 
 derftood Mufick(j), and funga good Bafs, he got acquaint¬ 
 ed with the Court-Muficians, and w-as introduced to the 
 Queen, who wanting a Bafs to her Concert, defired the 
 Ambaflador to leave him with her. His fine Voice often 
 procuring him the honour of feeing and talking with the 
 Queen, he fo artfully infinuated himfelf into her good 
 graces, that he daily increafed in favour and credit. At #<■ l>-comet 
 laft the Secretary of the French Difpatches being gone into ’ 
 
 France , Rizzo was chofen for that office during his abfence. 
 
 From this time he pufht his Fortune fo fuecefifully, that 
 he became in a manner firft Minifter, nothing of moment 
 being tranfa&ed at Court but by him. Buchanan, the 
 Queen’s great Enemy, often infinuates, that David's in¬ 
 fluence over her was not confined to publick Affairs. He 
 fays, Ihe admitted him to her Table, and frequently dined 
 at his, and by fuch uncommon familiarities gave occa- 
 fion to fcandalous fufpicions. In a word, he fays enough 
 to incline thofe who pay entire credit to him, to believe 
 that the Queen’s Conduct Was not free from crime. But 
 as Buchanan may juftly be fufpe&ed of aggravation, it is 
 better to adhere to Melvil’s account. He can be accufed 
 of no defign to afperfe the Queen’s Reputacion, fince he 
 rather, on all occasions, Ihews a great zeal for her, with¬ 
 out however concealing her Faults. At the time when 
 Rizzo was moft in favour with the Queen, flie had fo en¬ 
 tire a confidence in Melvil , as even to allow, or rather 
 command him to admonifh her of her Faults. See what 
 this Author in his Memoirs fays of Rizzo. As he entered P- 54 > 5 '• 
 in greater credit, fo he had not the prudence how to manage 
 the fame rightly. For frequently, in prefence of the Nobility, 
 he would be publickly [peaking to the Queen, even when there 
 was grcatejl Conventions of the States. Which made him to 
 be much envied and hated, efpecially when he became fo great, 
 that he prefented all .Signalours to be fubferibed by her Ma- 
 jefly. So that fome of the Nobility would frown upon him, 
 others would Jhoulder and Jhut him by, when they entered the 
 Queen’s Chamber, and found him always fpeaking with her. 
 
 All who had any bufincls at Court, addreffing themfclvcs to 
 him, and depending upon him, in Jhort time he became very 
 
 rich. - As he was a known Minion, and fufpefted to be a 
 
 Penfioner, of the Pope, it gave ground of fufpicion, that feme 
 defign would be by him contriv'd againjl the Reformed Religion. 
 
 1 he fame Author adds, that having himfelf reprefented to ?• 56* 
 the Queen the injury which her favours upon this Stranger 
 now did, and might afterwards do her, his Remonftrance 
 was very ill received, the Queen telling him, {he would 
 not be fo far reftrained, but that {he might difpenfe her fa¬ 
 vours to fuch as {he pleafed. He fays farther, that having 
 remonftrated to Rizzo how much he offended the Nobility 
 by his affectation to appear fo great with the Queen, he 
 feemed to pay fome regard to his advice, but within a few 
 days, told him, he had the Queen’s order to behave as he 
 was wont, without minding any thing. This Teftimony, 
 added to Camden’s filence, who, having undertaken in 
 his Annals of Elizabeth to juftify the Queen of Scots, fays 
 nothing of Rizzo, {hews that this Minifter or Favorite 
 entirely governed the Queen. So, the Lord Darniy being 
 a Catholick, and Rizzo the Pope’s Penfioner, as Melvil 
 affirms, it is not to be doubted, that the Queen was deter¬ 
 mined to this Marriage by her Favorite’s advice. It was 
 therefore to have an opportunity of drawing that young 
 Lord into Scotland, that {lie reltored his Father to the 
 pofleffion of his Eftate. As this was to be done in the Led Darniy 
 Aflembly of the States, fummoned to meet in 'January, 
 
 Darniy demanded leave to be abfent three Months, in 
 order to be at the Scotch Parliament, and obtained it Cimden. 
 by the Interceffion of Cecil, who never imagined he would 
 venture to efpoufe Mary, without the Queen’s permiflion. B U cBanan. 
 Probably he was permitted to go into Scotland, only with 
 intent to amufe the Queen, and perhaps to give her an op¬ 
 portunity to entertain for that handfome young Lord a paf- 
 
 (f) Qn Sr pumice 3 o. Stcnu, p. 637. 
 
 (2) With Sir Thomas Randolph, Camden, p. 306. 
 
 (3) 1" _ [ P 39 
 
 • ' ^i ecn ^ - '■ hri.'.-lt told Mrl-jil, that flie cflecmed Dudley as her Brother, and beft Frkud, whom (he would hive 
 rr iuded to have taken a Huihand. Mchil, p. 47. ' 
 
 (a) He Was the Author of the Seal 0 Tunes. 
 
 No. 47. Vol. II S 
 
 herfelf married, had (he ever 
 
 lion. 
 
Vol II. 
 
 The HI STO RT of ENGLAN D. 
 
 i lion, which would hinder her from thinking of any other. 
 
 F bru.it v However this he, he was well received by the Queen, who 
 
 I'. 1 ; in immediately gave him great Marks of her Efteem, and 
 fhortly after, it was perceived fhe defigned him tor her 
 11 Husband. Rizzo inftantly contracted fo dole a fricndlhip 
 Iff. f -f with him, that they both lay in the fame bed. 
 ya I'.'ni'.f After Rizzo had ingrafted the Queen’s favour, the isarl 
 tvi’i■ ■ <•, - of Murray law his credit daily decline. I his, added to 
 
 \ , ff’ t the intended Marriage, and the great Union between 
 
 , , , Darnly and Rizzo, convinced him, it was time to retire, 
 V«. «..»/* and to ha (hen him, the Queen recalled all his Enemies to 
 £" n ';’- in Court. The Earl of Bothwell returned from France, the 
 Earl of Sutherland from Flanders, and George Gordon, who 
 was imprifoned at Dunbar , and under Sentence of Death, 
 was reieafed, and after obtaining his Pardon, took the 1 i- 
 tle of Eatl Huntley. Murray could not fee Botbwel!, 
 who would have murdered him, without refeiltment. He 
 impeached him in a legal manner, and prevailed to have a 
 day affigned for his Trial. I lie Queen, according to 
 Buchanan , ufed her utmoft endeavours to oblige Murray 
 to delsft from his Profecution, and not lucceedmg, tried to 
 corrupt his fudges. Notwithstanding fo powerful a Pro¬ 
 tection, Bothvjcll thought it not proper to appear, but with¬ 
 drew. Afterwards, the Queen obtained from the Earl of 
 Murray a fort of reconciliation with Botlnvell. 'I he fame 
 Hiftorian pretends, that the Queen had conceived fo vio¬ 
 lent hatred again ft Murray, that, jointly with Darn/y and 
 Rizzo, fhe formed a defign to have him murdered in 
 a Journey {lie made on purpofe to Perth, but that Murray 
 having fome notice of it, retired to his Mother’s at Loch- 
 tie ' i • t I even. He fays further, that the (Teen being at Perth , a 
 
 n.tr/,^n Report was induftrioufly railed, that Murray intended to 
 ! ffff'f‘ furprife her and the Lord Darnly , in their return to 
 
 Edinburgh. 'To make this report the more credible, 
 Scouts were fent out on the Road, and the Queen came 
 to Edinburgh , with a precipitation apt to create a be¬ 
 lief of the greatnefs of her danger. It rnuft however be 
 P . sG. owned, that Melvil fpeaks of a confpiracy to feize the 
 Lord Darnly , as fomething real, though Buchanan 
 will have it to be all imaginary ; but Melvil does not 
 aferibe it to Murray alone, lince the Duke of Chatcleraut , 
 the Earls of Argyle, Glencairn , and Rothes were likewife 
 concerned. 
 
 M irr.iy it The Earl of Murray had a double intereft to obftruCt the 
 <ie projected Marriage, the one private, the other publick. I 
 'fjj f . have already taken notice of the fit if, which engaged him 
 ■xitf. D u ly. to alter the State of the Court, where he could no longer 
 i 1 ' !' 1 f- fupport himfelf. The publick flowed, firit from the danger 
 Tf,uau)5, into which the Queen’s Marriage with a Catholick Lord 
 might throw the Reformed Religion. In the next place, 
 it was to be feared, that this Marriage, being made with¬ 
 out the Queen of England’s participation, or any care for 
 the prefervation and fupport of the Reformed Religion, 
 would lay a foundation for troubles, in which it was aimed: 
 impofTiblc for England and France not to be concerned, to 
 the great prejudice of the Kingdom. The Earl of Mur¬ 
 ray was not the only perfon who difliked this Marriage. 
 'The Duke of Chatcleraut (worn Enemy to the Houfe of 
 Lenox, the Earls of Argyle, Rothes, Marr, Glencairn , and 
 many others, fome from private Views, others from more 
 honell: motives, believed it time to apply effectual Reme¬ 
 dies to the impending mifehiefs, by making a league to op- 
 7 -vntivitb pole the defigns of the Court. It is not eafy to decide 
 i.,u i -i t: whether thefe Lords took arms before, or alter, the 
 /r.r, r Queen’s Marriage. Buchanan intimates this was not till 
 p. 56. alter, upon the Court’s intending to opprefs them. Melvil 
 fpeaks of an infurreCtion of thefe Lords after failing to 
 feize the Lord Darnly , and then proceeds to the recital of 
 the Queen’s Marriage. Camden pofitively alferts that the 
 Queen, to celebrate the Marriage with more fafety, was 
 obliged to march with fome Forces againft the Confederate 
 without Lords, and forced them to fly into England. If this be 
 • ur - f . true, file doubtlefs furprized them before they were pre¬ 
 pared. This is not the only difagreement between Camden 
 and Buchanan. 
 
 Mary bat b.r However this be, Mary , having refolved on her Mar- 
 mA> m;.' riage, had now applied to the Pope for a Difpenfation (1). 
 
 “th i"' 1 /y - ^hen ^ ie knew lt: was granted, fhe aflembled the Great 
 K-r c»>t. Men of her Court, who were all devoted to her, and 
 Camden. asked their advice concerning her Marriage, which was 
 
 Spouswrod. unanimoufly approved. Only it was added, not to exafpe- 
 rate the People, that care was to be taken of the Proteftant 
 Religion. The firft part of this approbation was gladly 
 accepted, but as for the reftriction, it was no more heard 
 of. Buchanan fays, the Earl of Murray undertook to 
 
 procure Elizabeth's confent, provided the Proteftant R.e- 1565. 
 ligion was fecured. But this was not the intention of the 
 Court, who perceived this fecurity would be the Guaranty 
 of Elizabeth, which agreed neither with the interefts of 
 the Queen, nor thofe of Rizzo , and the Lords newly taken 
 into favour. 
 
 Mean time, the People began to murmur by the fecret TbcPnpU 
 mitigations of the Confederate Lords. It was debated in murmur - 
 private Converfations, whether the Queen could marry 
 without the confent of the States. Some laid, Die could 
 not be denied a natural Right enjoyed by all her Subjects. 
 
 Others maintained, that the condition of the Queen and 
 her Subjects was not the fame, becaufe the Queen, by her 
 Marriage, gave a Sovereign to her Subjects, which fhe 
 could not do without their confent. Thefe freedoms con¬ 
 vinced the Queen, that fire muft haften her Adarriage, not 
 to be any longer expofed to the difficulties which might be 
 flatted, whillt there was hope to obftruCt it. She believed, 
 however, that fhe could not avoid asking, not the advice, 
 but the approbation, of Elizabeth, whom it was, as I faid, 
 her interell to manage. She writ to her therefore (2), Mary ojhtit 
 to communicate her defign as a thing already refolved. 
 
 Elizabeth, on fight of the Letter, aflembled her Council, camd/n. 
 who examined this affair with great attention. The re- Thuanus. 
 iult was, that the Adarriage of the Queen of Scotland with Slr)t>e ' 
 Darnly was dangerous to Religion and the Kingdom. To 
 Religion, becaufe that Queen, in chufing a Catholick 
 Lord, intended, it was to be feared, to reilore her Reli¬ 
 gion in Scotland, which would be very prejudicial to that 
 of the Proteftants. 'To the Kingdom, as Mary uniting 
 by this Adarriage the interefts of the two Houles, who 
 could pretend to the Crown of England, feemed to have 
 a defign of forming a powerful Party in the Kingdom, 
 and preventing the interruption of her Cabals, by oppofing 
 againft her the Houfe of Lenox. For thefe xeafons, fome 
 of the Counfellors were for fending immediately an Army 
 into Scotland, to fupport the Male-contents. But Eli¬ 
 zabeth thought it not proper to be fo hafly, and the more, 
 as the alledging that her Marriage might be dangerous to 
 England, was but a weak pretence to make war upon 
 the Queen of Scots (3). She contented herfelf therefore, --‘h rndu- 
 with lending Sir Nicolas Throckmorton, to make her fen- ffffff 
 Able of the hazard Ihe ran of lofing her expectation of ;B 
 mounting the Throne of England , by a Adarriage fo dif- Camden, 
 agreeable to the Englijh. Mary’s anfwer was, that the Mclwl * 
 affair was too far advanced to be recalled, nor had Eliza¬ 
 beth any rcafon to difapprove this Marriage, lince by her 
 advice Ihe had now chofe an Englijloman, defeended from 
 the Royal Blood of both Kingdoms, and the firft Noble¬ 
 man of all Britain. Throckmorton, unable to prevail with She met* 
 Mary, fignified to the Earl of Lenox and the Lord Darnly, 
 that their licence being expired, they were to return to b; s s„ 
 England, or their Ellates would be forfeited (4). This txcufctbcm- 
 menace was incapable to command their obedience in fuch-^"'^ 
 a conjuncture. Plowever, they both writ very fubmif- omd-n. 
 lively to the Queen, and Darnly in particular protefted, Melvil. 
 that he only accepted the honour done him by the Queen 
 of Scotland, with intent to preferve a perfeCt harmony be¬ 
 tween the two Kingdoms. 
 
 But this was not the only Commiffion the Ambaflador 
 of England was charged with. He had alfo InftruCtions Throdc- 
 to encourage the difeontented Lords, and give them hopes 
 of the Queen’s protection. It was probably from this ScotchMa'u- 
 encouragement that they took arms to oppofe the Mar- """»/*■ 
 riage. But the Qifeen prevented them, by having it fo- St j.™ d c ' r, ‘ 
 lemnized the 29th of July, in her own Chapel, after the 
 manner of the Church of Rome. Buchanan fays, fhe had 
 two other reafons to haften her Marriage. The firft was, Marriage of 
 her fear of the Cardinal of Lorraine, oppofition, who wifhed 
 her to make a more confiderable alliance. The other was, c.imdcn." 
 that Rizzo was willing to recommend himfelf to the Pope, Melvil. 
 by giving the Queen a Catholick Husband, without any rhuanus * 
 fecurity for the Proteftant Religion. 
 
 Mean time, the Confederate Lords being cited, and not .s> ;< 1.» i: 
 appearing, the Queen, whether before or after her Mar- ’fffjjj'ff , • 
 riage, put herfelf at the head of four thoufand Men, and “,ff 
 purfuing them from place to place, forced them at laft to England, 
 retire into England. There they found a fafe retreat (5), 
 notwithftanding the Treaty of the year 1560, by which 
 the two Queens mutually promt fed to deliver the fugitive Buchanan, 
 Rebels. But fuch Articles are ufually very ill obferved. 
 
 Melvil relates a particular which deferves notice. The ?• 57• 
 Scotch fugitive Lords having deputed to Elizabeth the Earl 
 of Murray, to defire her protection, flic politically induced 
 him to own, before the Amballadors of France and Spain, 
 
 (»: 
 and l< 
 
 T-) By c. 
 
 (3, The two Queens hid an Jntcrviev 
 (4) QjJeen Eh XI Of lb on ‘‘jar., ?.z, mi 
 W It ays, hat Qu ; 
 
 ’or ippenrjnjj againft the Marriage, p. 5 
 
 iif, /he created the Lord Darn’;, Biron of ArdamMatk, Earl of and Duke of Rotbfiy , which arc the u'.ual Titles of the c.ikf - 
 
 •,/. H-y! o's IIJ1. Rtf. p. 343. 
 
 '.an:.! r, 396. 
 
 this year, in Mry or Jure; but what the mleft of it was, docs not appear. Stryfit's Aar. Tom. I. p. 510. 
 red the Countcf. of l■ cox, and her Son Charles, to be put in Cuftody. Camden, p. 39/. Mtlvil, p. 5S. 
 hid, by her /v r ibl.liidom, promifed to hazard her Crown in their Defence, in cafe they were dr.ven to any ftia: 
 
 that 
 
 J 
 
I 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 2 3 - 
 
 ELIZABETH. 
 
 n 
 
 ■s6s 
 
 The People 
 oj Scoti.m 
 difMUnUi 
 Buchanan. 
 
 Melvil, 
 p. 59, 64. 
 
 that (he was not concerned in their Rebellion. But the he accufes the Earl of Murray, then a fugitive in England, 156^, 
 words were no fooner out of Murray's mouth, than fhe of having caufed it by his Letters and Friends. He pre- 
 called them Rebels and Traitors, and forbid them' her tends, Murray took occafton, from the alteration enjoin- 
 prefence. This was to clear herfelf to the Ambalfadors : ed by the Queen, with refpedt to the A6ts and the Coin* 
 but it was all a farce, fince (he ftill granted the Fugitives a to fovv difeord between them ; fo aligning for caufe, what 
 fafe retreat in her Kingdom : Nay, privately fupplied them was only the effect, of the Queen’s averfion. 
 with Money by the Duke of Bedford { 1). Buchanan muft be copied, to reprefent fully all the mor- T£e ft;rig 
 
 Mary\ Marriage with a Catholick, the great credit of tifications the Queen made the King undergo, the affronts ""v 
 Rizzo, and the concern of many for the fate of the fugi- fhe put upon him, and the little diferetion fhe obferved in tifieatlM. 
 tive Lords, produced a difeontent among the Scots, which her familiarities with Rizzo (4). Perhaps this Hiftorian is Burhjn.m. 
 daily increafed, by the fecret intrigues of the Relations and guilty of great aggravation. But however, it cannot be de- Caullin ‘ 
 Friends of the f ugitives. The Preachers ftill greatly in- nied, that the King was jealous. The queftion is to know, 
 flamed it, by infinuating to the People, that Religion was whether the Queen gave occafion for this jealoufy, as Bu- 
 in extreme danger. Notwithftanding all this, the Court, chanan pretends; or whether, as Camden affirms, the Earl 
 now profperous and elate, -refolved, contrary to the Rules of Murray, tho’abfent, inftilled it into the King, without 
 of Policy, and at a time when the Kingdom was diffatif- any foundation, by his Letters and Friends (5). Melvil , 
 fled, to degrade and banifh the fugitive Lords by a decree who may be confidered as an unfufpeifted evidence, plainly p ' 6-1 ’ 
 of the States. To this end, the States were fummoned fuppofes the King’s jealoufy, without any mention of the 
 to meet in February the next year. Melvil fays, in his caufe, and it may be almoft affirm’d, that if he had thought 
 Memoirs, that having reprefented to the Queen the mif- the Queen entirely innocent, he would not have failed to 
 chiefs this rigour might produce, fhe at firft feemed to clear her. He adds, that the Friends of the fugitive Lords 
 mind him, but however, perfifted in her refolution for two improving the viAble difeord between the King and Queen, 
 
 Motives cf reafons. The firft was, the avarice of Rizzo , who had and the difpofition of the King with regard to Rizzo, in¬ 
 fill Coniut 7, an e y e to the confifcation of the Exiles Eftates. The fe- duced him to refolve to take away the life of that Favorite, 
 cond was, the powerful follicitation of the Cardinal of Lor- in order, by his death, to put a ftop to the profecution of 
 rain againft them. He ftill thought of placing the Queen the Fugitives, who properly had no other adverfary but 
 
 hisNiece on theThrone of England, and therefore judged, him. This fee ms to confirm what Buchanan fays, fince 
 
 if the Fugitives of Scotland , as they were the Heads of the Melvil fuppofes the King’s jealoufy, and fince the friends 
 
 Proteftants, were once ruined, it would be eafy to reftore of the Fugitives only made ufe of the King’s difpofition. 
 the Romiflo Religion in Scotland, and afterwards, invade On the other hand, Camden -feems to have Laid juftly, 
 Elizabeth from thence. Rizzo , the Pope’s Creature, adted that the Earl of Murrays Friends infpired the King with 
 doubtlefs from the fame motive, and in all appearance, the the defign to difpatch Rizzo out of the way. But wc 
 Walling- new King was no enemy to the defign. If Elizabeth is to ftiall fee prefcntly, that by the Friends of the fugitive 
 ham’i A’c be credited, in what fhe writ to her Ambaflador in France Lords, Melvil did not mean the Earl of Murrays par- 
 NorrbWn- f° me years after, Mary and the Lord Darnly, from the ticular Friends, but rather thofc of the other Lords, who, 
 moment of their Marriage, never ceafed to cabal againft like him, had taken refuge in England. 
 
 England. On this fuppofition, it will not appear ftrange. The King having taken this refolution, and confulted Tbt King 
 that Elizabeth fomented the troubles in Scotland , to put it fome of his Domefticks how to execute it, the Queen, ff'f‘^ he 
 
 out of the power of her Enemies to invade her. who was informed of it, was fo enraged with him, as -,‘f ‘ 
 
 In the mean time, Elizabeth fent into Scotland , Tam- made him ftill more fenfible how much fhe was concern- Buchanan. 
 
 worth , a Gentleman [of her Privy-Chamber,] with a ed for that unworthy Favorite. As the defign was dif- 
 
 Letter written with her own hand, wherein fhe demand- covered, the King was afraid of his own life, and not 
 
 ed of Mary, that the Lord Darnley , to whom fhe vouch- knowing what courfe to take, asked advice of his Father 
 fafed to give the Title of King, fhould be delivered up the Earl of Lenox, who was of opinion, privately to recall 
 to her, according to the tenor of their Treaty, Mary the fugitive Lords, and ftrengthen himfelf, by their aid, 
 refufed to give the Ambaflador audience; but was willing againft Rizzo's attempts. Probably, it was then, the King 
 Buchanan, to receive the Letter. Whilft file was reading it in the fent to thefe Lords, that they might return to Scotland , 
 prefence of fome Lords, Rizzo came in, and fnatching it whether he only gave them fome general hopes of a revo- 
 
 out of her hands, hindered her from proceeding (2). He lution to their advantage, or informed them of his raoft 
 
 judged that Elizabeth demanded the King, only to oblige fecret defigns. 
 
 the Queen to pardon the Exiles, to which he could not In July, this year, was the famous Interview of Bay- Interview 
 
 agree, being determined to ruin them, though the Earl onne, where the two Courts of France and Spain refolved f 
 
 of Murray had fent him a very fubmiffive Letter, with a to ufe their utmoft endeavours to extirpate the Hereticks, Bayonne. 
 Mary’j Let- fine Diamond inclofed. Mary anfwered Elizabeth, That as it afterwards appeared. Very likely, Queen Elizabeth Thuanus. 
 
 r<r to Eli- fhe would not attempt any thing againft England fo long was not forgot on this occafion. 
 
 * abctt ‘ as fhe lived, provided Jhe was declared her presumptive Heir Pop c Pius IV. dying in September, his Succeffor took P' 
 
 firulliens 
 
 p. 12. 
 
 Mary ?vvt 
 an ill R,- 
 crpticn to 
 Elizabeth' 
 Ambaffudc 
 Camden. 
 Strypt. 
 
 Sfuctn Mary 
 
 Avtrjion to 
 the King. 
 
 Melvil. 
 
 by Act of Parliament. As to the fugitive Lords, file de- 
 lired her to leave her at liberty, to difpofe of them as Ihe 
 pleated, fince fhe did not meddle with what pafl’cd in Eng¬ 
 land. 
 
 Whilft Rizzo was employed in taking meafures to exe- 
 
 the name of Pius V. I return to the affairs of Scotland, ^'‘ anu , 
 which are very material to clear the Pliftory of Eliza¬ 
 beth (6). 
 
 The Members of the Parliament of Scotland daily re- 1565. 
 paired to Edinburgh in the beginning of the year 1 566. Tic 
 cute his Projedts, the Queen conceived an extreme averfion As they arrived, Rizzo openly (elicited them to obtain the ^ 
 to her new Spoufe, which foon became publick, becaufe fhe condemnation of the fugitive Lords, notwithftanding the Euehanan. 
 took no care to conceal it. She was not contented with warm inftances of the Englijh Ambaflador, who conjured Melvil. 
 grievoufly mortifying him in private, but was pleated all the Queen to pardon them, or at leaft, delay their Trial. 
 the World fhould know how little fhe valued him. When Thefe inftances were fo far from moving her, that they again/) the 
 they were firft married, fhe had caufed the King’s name rather helped to confirm her refolution, becaufe fhe con- Fugitive. 
 to be fet with her own in all publick A£ts, and on the fidered Elizabeth as an Enemy, againft whom fhe was to 
 Coin ( 3 ), but prefently after fhe ordered her own to be guard. Thefe Lords being the Heads of the Proteftants, 
 placed before the King’s, and even caufed his to be left out it was probable the Queen of England demanded their 
 in the flamp for Money. Mean while, flic continued, with- pardon, only to have fo many powerful Friends when they 
 out any referve, her fcandalous familiarities with Rizzo, fhould return to their Country. But this was what the 
 Her Behcivi- if we may believe Buchanan. Melvil fays not fo much on Queen and Rizzo were refolved to prevent at any rate, 
 
 ZldJ/Jn this fuhje&j but, befides his plain intimations, he mani- knowing their Projefls would be very difficult to be accom- 
 Buchanan.' 1 feftly fuppofes it, otherwife there would be no coherence in plifhed, when thefe Lords were in Scotland. And there- 
 what he relates. As for Camden, who makes it his bufi- fore, they were to be deprived of all hopes to return, 
 nefs to vindicate Queen Mary upon all occafions, he fcarce Mean while, the King confulted with the Earl of T/v King 
 mentions Rizzo , and for the Queen’s averfion to the King, Morton , and fome other Friends, how to difpatch Rizzo. 
 
 drred in tbc 
 
 (1) Melvil fays, that had not fome of the Proteftants in England, who favoured the Scots Exiles upon account of their Religion, interpofed with Queen jb tin's 
 
 Elizabeth, they would not have been permitted to have remained within her Dominions; though lhe had promiled a little before to give them alliltwicc. chamber. 
 And as for fecret help, (he gave them none, only they obtained a fmall Contribution among fome of their own Religion, p. 57. Buchanam 
 
 (2) Buchanan fays, when ftie had read about half of the Letter, Biz 2? ftood up and bid her read no more, Jhe hud read enough, ft Jh:uU flop. Melvil, 
 
 (3) And on the 28th and 30th of 'July 1565, illued out two Proclamations, whereby (he ordered, he ftiould be Itilcd King of Scotland. Sec them in p. 64. 
 Arde'fon's Col/cSl. Tom- I. p. 33, &c. 
 
 (4) Wc find, (in thd Lord Rutbvcn’e Relation of the death of David Rixv>,) the King thus complaining to the Queen. “ Since yon Fellow Dxrvit fell 
 “ in credit and familiarity with your Majcfly, ye regarded me not, neither treated me nor entertained me after your wonted falhion ; for every Day before 
 “ Dinner and after Dinner, ye would come to my Chamber, and pafs time with me, and this long time ye have not done fo ; and when I come to y.ur 
 “ Majcfty’s Chamber, ye bear me little Company, except Davie had been the third Marrow : and after Supper your M.ijcfty hath a ufe to fet at the Cards 
 “ with the laid Davit till one or two of the Clock after Midnight; 3nd this is the Entertainment that 1 have had of you this long time p. 30. 
 
 (5) Black-wood lays, it was the Earl of Morton that put it into the King’s head. Martyrt de Marie, p. 203, Car. Coll. Jehb. So alfo fays Cajelaatt, 
 
 Mem. c. 13. 
 
 (6) This year, on July 10, there was fuch a terrible Storm of Thunder, with violent Showers of Hail, that at Chcmlsford in EJJex, there were five hun¬ 
 dred Acres of Corn deftroyed. Stow, p. 659.-This year alfo, Armigill ft'ade Efq; and IViUiam Herlle Gentleman, having found out the way of making 
 
 Brimjhne, and of extracting out of certain Roots and Her!an Oil proper for the drefling of Cloths, obtained a Patent for the time. Rymcr's Feed. 
 
 Tom. XV. p. 650. 
 
 In 
 
Vo!. II. 
 
 The HIS TO R Y of ENGLAND. 
 
 1566. In fiiort, liis death was determined, the King having firft 
 figned a Writing, declaring himfelf to he the Author (1). 
 His Inltruments were, the Lord Rutbvcn, and George 
 Douglafs , natural Son to the Earl of Angus (z), Morton 
 only advifing the thing, without lending his affiftance, and 
 it was executed in this manner. The Queen being at Table, 
 and Rizzo in her Chamber, the King came up by a pri¬ 
 vate pair of Stairs, and flood fome time leaning upon her 
 Thuanus. Chair. Prefently after, the Lord Rutbvcn and George 
 Buchanan, j Oouglaf entered all armed, and attended with fome of their 
 Complices, the reft having pofted themfelves in feveral 
 Melvil. parts of the Palace to prevent alliftance. Thefe Men en- 
 
 p. 64. tered fo abruptly, that the Table was overturned. 'The 
 
 Queen asking Rutbvcn what his defign was, he made her 
 no anfwer, but fpeaking to Rizzo, boldly commanded him 
 to go out of the room, faying, the place he fat in was not 
 ibid. fit for him. It feems by that, Rizzo was at 'Table with 
 the Queen. Be that as it will, Rizzo perceiving he was 
 the mark they aimed at, trembled for fear, and took hold 
 of the Queen’s Robe, to put himfelf, as it were, under her 
 protection, who did all ftie could to interpofe herfelf be¬ 
 tween him and the Confpirators. But the King taking 
 her in his arms, and telling her Ihe had nothing to fear, 
 hindered her from expofing herfelf to the danger, and withal, 
 H i' from fcrccning Rizzo. Mean time, George Douglafs taking 
 
 the King’s Dagger from his fide, drew it, and (tabbed 
 i?/zz5,whowas immediately dragged into another room (3), 
 •and there flain (4). The Queen was then above five months 
 gone with child, and it may be eaiily judged, that the 
 committing fuch a deed in her prefence mutt have made 
 her like to mifcarry(5). 
 
 The Outwit Rizzo being dead, a Guard was fet upon the Queen, 
 P ut under a w h 0 found means however to tell Melvil to go inttantly 
 MdvU. t0 P rov oft of Edinburgh, and bid him draw the People 
 p. 65. together and come to her relief. Melvil having difeharged 
 his Commiflion, the Provoft anfwered, he would do his 
 endeavour to ferve the Queen, but there was not much to 
 be expeCted from the People, who were extremely dif- 
 pleafed with the Government. Some however appearing 
 in Arms before the Palace, the King fhewed himfelt out of 
 a Window, and alluring them that Rizzo was fiain by his 
 command, ordered them to retire, which they did imme¬ 
 diately (6). 
 
 Vindication Mean while, the Queen not doubting, Rizzo's Murder 
 of th Earl of was committed in favour of the fugitive Lords, and that 
 ^ y Cjm . they would foon return into Scotland , fent to Melvil by 
 den’j Auu- one of her Ladies, that he would endeavour to prepofiefs 
 far ion,. t h e jr ar j 0 f Murray^ and intreat him from her not to join 
 
 ^5” ‘ with her Enemies, for which he might depend upon her 
 love and favour for ever. Murray and the other fugitive 
 Lords arrived indeed two days after Rizzo’s death, having 
 had notice of the change which was to happen at Court, 
 p- 397- Camden draws this conjeClure from the fudden arrival of 
 the fugitives, that Rizzo’s murder muft have been com¬ 
 mitted for the fake of the Earl of Murray , who was to be 
 condemned two days after by the Parliament. But it ap¬ 
 pears, on the contrary, in Melvil’s Memoirs, that the 
 Earl of Murray's particular Friends had no hand in the 
 deed, fince he did not think himfelf at all obliged to the 
 ACtors. What Melvil fays upon thisoccafion, thews that the 
 confequence drawn by Camden againft the Earl of Murray 
 from the fudden Arrival of the Fugitives, is not juft. His 
 
 words arc thefe: Which Commiffion [to perfuad n Murray 1566; 
 not to join with her Enemies,] I dill not fail to execute at I ^ V|1 - 
 bis coming upon Monday, but be was more moved at bis ''' '* 
 meeting with her Majc/ly , who embraced and kiffed him , al¬ 
 ledging that if he had been at home, be would not have fuff-r¬ 
 ed her to have been fo uncourteoufly bandied. lYh’uh jo much 
 moved him , that the Tears ran from his Eyes. He knew 
 fuffieiently ivcll that it was not for his Caufe, but their own 
 particular ends, that the grcatejl part who had made that 
 Enterprtfe bad therein engaged , which made him the lefs con¬ 
 cerned in them. Can any thing be more oppohte to Cam¬ 
 den's inference? This Hiflorian will have Rizzo to be flain 
 on the Earl of Murray's account, and in order to prevent 
 his Condemnation, without mentioning the other fugitive 
 Lords, as if their Friends had not been concerned in the 
 deed. And yet Melvil, who was then prefent in the 
 Court, and writ long before him, f.iys pofitively, that the!'- ■ ■ 
 Friends of the other fugitive Lords were the foie Authors 
 of the murder, and that the Earl of Murray s were not 
 ingaged in it. By fuch ftrokes as this, and lr, perpetual 
 invcClives againft Murray, Camden has disfigured the Scotch 
 Hiitory of thofe days, and withal, that ■ >! England, in 
 what it has in common with this neighbouring Kingdom. 
 
 While the Queen was kept in confinement, Scotland Tif 
 was in a real Anarchy, which however did not lalt. The '. 7 f 
 King quickly began to repent of following fuch violent M. a 1. 
 Counfels, and the Queen, who perceived it, managed him P- ''>• 
 fo artfully, that file perfuaded him to abandon Rizo.fs " 
 Murderer’s (7). This unexpected turn attonifiied them, / ... .. 
 efpecially as they faw, conti ary to their expectation, that '■ 
 the Earl of Murray would not join with them. 'The . 
 
 Queen embracing fo fair an opportunity, propofeu an Agree- R-. ... 
 ment, to which they readily confenied, unable as they 1 " 
 were to fupport themfelves. But flic had the Add refs to caufe 
 the Writing to be fo penned, that theic was occasion to 
 make feveral alterations before it could be fettled. This 
 was done to gain time, and give the Queen kiifurc to take 
 necefi'ary meafures to free herfelf from Captivity. When •- 
 
 the Writing was drawn to the fatislaclion of the Parties, ; 
 flic reprefented to the King, that if the figned it whilft a o„ ;i .. [; 
 Prifoner, it would be of no force, and by that means file McM:. 
 got her guard to be difmifled. But inttead of figning the 
 Writing, file found means to efcape (8) and retire to 
 Dunbar, where the brought the King along with her(9). 
 
 When the was going away, the ordered Melvil [by one of P- 66< 
 her Ladies,] to ufe his utmoft endeavours to keep the Eail 
 of Murray in his good refolution, and Melvil fays, Murray 
 and his Friends allured him of their conftant fidelity to the 
 Queen. 
 
 Mary being come to Dunbar and refuming her Autho- She reafnnut 
 rity, granted a pardon to the Karl of Murray, and after- iir 
 wards the Earls of Argy/e, Rothes and Ghncairn obtained jdd'fftff 
 the fame favour. As lor the Duke 0 fChateleraut, he had .. 
 withdrawn from them before they weie conflrained to fly ‘. f 1 " 1 
 into England. The Queen’s Anger was wholly turned jff ‘ En ,. 
 againft Rizzo’s Murderers: But Morton, Rutbvcn and * w1. 
 Douglafs being fled into England, file could punilh only f ‘ of 
 fome of their Complices, who were executed. Buchanan \i,-ivi|. 
 affirms, Hie caufed Rizzo’s body to be removed from the ■ (>f, ( <o. 
 obfeure place where it was buried, and laid in the Sepul- Cucilirun * 
 clue of the Kings, clofe by Magdalen of France, Daugh¬ 
 ter of Francis I. It is eafy to guefs that the deed lately 
 
 (1) The Reader may fee this Writing, in a curious Relation of the death of Risz i, written by the Lord Rutbvcn, and published at Lend in 1699. 
 
 (2) Who was Father to Margaret Douglafs Counted of Lenox the King's Mother. Melvil, p. 64. 
 
 (3) The outer Hall. Melvil, p. 65. This was contrary to the defign of thole who com'oitcd his Death ; for they had reft hed to hang him publickly. 
 Buchanan. 
 
 (4) The account of this matter is thus given by the Lord Rutbvtn, the principal adlor in this bufinefs. “ L'pon ' .v-anhy the ninth day c.I March, the Evi 
 “ of Morton, Lord Rutbtn, and Lord Ltndfiy, with their Complices, palled up to the Queen's utter Chamber ; and the 1 At Lord Ru'hen palled in through 
 “ the King'? Chamber, and up through the privy way to the Queen's Chamber, as th: King had learned him, and thr nigh the Chamber to the Cakntr. 
 
 ' where he found the Queen 1 ' Majcfty fitting at her Supper, at the middes of a little Table, tne Lady Argyle fitting ... • or <-nd, and Davit [Riziz ] a; the 
 i his Cap on 1 t . Majclty, ■ ■ ■ 
 
 “ coming in, faid to the Queen s Majefty, It would pleafe your Majefty to let yonder Man Davit come forth ot ycur i'r.liine. lui he hath been uvei-long heir. 
 “ Her M a jelly intwered, What Offence hath he made ? The laid Loid replied a; in, That he had made git. t 1 ihr.ee t •. her Mai: • • ! tunour, rise !-.:r : 
 
 “ her Husband, the Nobility and Commonweal of the Realm. And how? faith ihc. it will pleafe your M.. jelly, laid the 1 >:d I 1 I, lie hath cdLnJtd yon: 
 “ Majefty':. Honour, which 1 dare not be fo bold to fpeak of: As to the King your Hulband’r. Honour, lie hath 1 indmd him of the Crown M itiimoniai, 
 “ which your Grace promifed him, befides many other things which are not necdl’uy i" be cxprelkd. And as to the Nobility, lie hath cruf.d volt Mai lly 
 “ to banilh a great part, and moft chief thereof, in fo far as he fu(feted not your Majefty to print or give any thine but th it which pjlTcd through his hand.., 
 is 1 1 the fame ,—■—— ■ a L01 
 
 “ laid to the King, Sir, take the Queen's Majefty your Sovereign and Wife to you, who flood all uin.iz.-d, and wyll not what to do. Then het Majefty 
 “ rofe on her Feet, and flood before Davie, he holding her Majefty by the plates of h r Gown, leaning M. !c over 111 th. Vv'.ndow, liis Win nr a- 1 V... \ n I e 
 “ his hand. Arthur Erfkin, and the Abbot of Holy • rood- boufe , and others, began to lay hands on the laid Lord Rut hen, n :ic ot the King's party being pre 
 • : lent- Then the faid Lord pulled out his Whiniard, and Seed himfelf while mure came n. and laid to them. Lay not hands on me, Mr 1 vs di not be In: ‘ 
 “ led; and at the incoming of others into the Cabinet, the faid Lord Ruthcn put up his Whiniard. And with th • Rui'li ng in ot Men. the Board loll t 1 rhs 
 “ Wallwards, with Meat and Candles being thereon; and the Lady o i Argyle took up one of the Cindies in I, r bind ; and in the fame inftant, the .cl 
 “ Lord Rutbtn took the Queen in his Arms, and put her into the King's Arms, I ■ ching hi r M ijefty not t l afi J; for there 
 
 <■ would do her Majefty‘s Body more harm, than their own Hearts; and a flu red her Majefty, allth.it w u done was the King'; own Deed and Action. Then 
 “ the remanent Gentlemen being in the Cabinet, took Davie out of the Window ; and ait.-r that they had him out in the Queen’s Chamber, the 1 id L. rd 
 “ Ruthin followed, and bad take him down the privy way to th: King's Chamber, and liie laid Loid murn.-d to the C. 1 in. • again, be i-viug th .1 the S...J Da 
 “ had been had down to the King's Chamber, as faid is: But the pick of the People hurl'd him forth to the utter Chamber, where there wa a great number 
 
 (landing, who were fo vehemently moved againft the faid Davie, that they could not abide any longer, but liew him at the Queen’s far Dour in the utter 
 “ Chamber." Re/at.on of the Death 0/"David Rizzo, by the Lord Ruthen, p. 27-29 
 
 (5) Melvil fays, it appeared to be done todeftroy both her and her Child Fur they in.gilt have killed Rizzo in any other part, and at any other time, p. 66. 
 The Lords concerned in [his Murther, Were for difpatching Rizzo in his own Chamber in a Morning, or eif.where- But the King infilled it ftiouid be d^ne 
 as it was. Relation of bn Death, p, 22, 23. 
 
 (6) Buchanan fays, there was a great Tumult in the City, and that the Citizens took up Arms; but according Co MdvU, the Tumult was not very con- 
 fiderable. Rapin. 
 
 (7 ) Buchanan does not fully explain this, and thereby makes his account very obfeure. Rapin. 
 
 (3) At Midnight, March iz. Melvil, p. 66. 
 
 (9) Buchanan lays, (he compelled him to go with her ; but in the Condition lb; wa: in, it wa: hardly p.lTi?!; .A: h:t to U.e Force, and crnfcqurnt’y is 
 ir.och more likely ;ha; fcc followed hw voluntarily. Rapin, 
 
 committed 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 23 - 
 
 ELIZABETH. 
 
 11 
 
 1566. 
 
 Melvil. 
 p. 66, 67, 
 
 committed by the King, greatly encreafed the Queen’s 
 averfion to him. She put a conftraint upon herfelf whilft 
 a Prifoner; but as foon as fhe faw herfelf at liberty, fhe 
 mortified him beyond all patience. Buchanan is very cir- 
 cumftantial, and what he relates is in a manner confirmed 
 by Melvil. This laft fays, the Queen could not bear the 
 King in her fight; fhe fled from his Company ; and he 
 went up and down all alone, feeing few durjl bear him Com¬ 
 pany. He was mifliked by the Queen, and by all fuch as 
 fecretly favoured the late banijhed Lords: So that it was a 
 great pity to fee that good young Prince cajl of, who failed 
 rather for want of good Counfcl and Experience, than from 
 anv bad inclinations. In a word, the Qyeen, who had 
 refolved to lie-in at Sterling , feeing the King arrive there, 
 retired without him to the Caftle of Edinburgh, to expedt 
 the time of her Delivery. 
 
 rn.e Earl of Now began the Earl of BotJrwell to hold in the Queen’s 
 Bothwell h affection the place, Rizzo had poflefled. As the new Fa- 
 
 and more gay than ufually, expreffing very great joy that 1566, 
 the Queen her good Sifter was fafely delivered. At this 
 Audience, Melvil infinuating to her, that in this juncture 
 fhe could not better fhew her concern for what related to 
 the Queen of Scotland, than by declaring her prefumptive 
 Heir to the Crown of England ; fhe coldly anfwered, the 
 affair was in the hands of the Lawyers, and fhe heartily 
 wiftied her Title might be found well grounded. 
 
 Whilft Melvil was at London, Mary ’s principal Friends Mary’* 
 thought it abfolutely neceflary to remove the Court of 
 England's fufpicions occafioned by Ruxby’s Intelligence; Elizabeth's 
 and that, for this purpofe, it would be proper for Queen Mpicimt. 
 Mary to write two Letters, one to her Ambaflador in or- p . 73*74. 
 dinary, to be Ihewn to Elizabeth, another to Secretary 
 Cecil (4), and draughts were fent to her. Thefe Letters Mary’s De- 
 were writ accordingly. In that to her Ambaflador, Mary^ [Lj. 
 protefted, fhe expedted nothing, but by the favour and p , 74, 
 friendfhip of her good Sifter. She enjoined her Ambafla- 
 
 Crcdit. 
 Melvil. 
 p. 67. 
 Thuanus. 
 Buchanan. 
 
 vorite found the Queen had a great regard for the Earl of dor, not to hearken to any Propofal of the Male-contents. 
 
 Elizabeth 
 difeovers 
 
 Murray, who had lately given her convincing proofs of his 
 fidelity, he joined with the Earl of Huntley and John Lefey, 
 Bifhop of Rofs to deftroy him. To this end, they inti¬ 
 mated to the Queen, that he intended to get the Earl of 
 Morton, and the reft of Rizzo’s Murderers re-called, in 
 order to form a Party againft her whilft fhe was in child¬ 
 bed (1): But fire would not believe it, and Melvil entirely 
 undeceived her. Thus Murray was always expofed to his 
 Enemies, to whom the Queen, to her own misfortune, 
 gave but too much accefs to her Perfon. 
 
 Elizabeth being fully informed of what palled at the 
 - , Court of Scotland , was not forry to fee her good Sijler, 
 
 by blip (for fo fhe called Mary) purfue a courfe contrary to her 
 of a Spy. r true intereft, in trufting to Men who could not but ruin 
 her. She knew Mary could not relinquilh her Project of 
 P ' 6 ‘ dethroning her, and that the Pope, the Cardinal of Lor- 
 rain, and the Courts of France and Spain, took great care 
 . to keep her in this refolution. So, the better to difeover 
 her fecrets, fhe had fent one Ruxby (2) into Scotland, who 
 feigning to fly out of England, and to hate Elizabeth mor¬ 
 tally, had inlinuated himfelf into Mary's favour, and by 
 degrees, got out of her fome important fecrets, which lie 
 communicated to Secretary Cecil. Thefe difcoveiies having 
 confirmed Elizabeth’s fufpicions, were the reafon, that 
 °f though fhe had by Proclamation commanded all the fugi¬ 
 tive Lords of Scotland to depart out of her Dominions, fhe 
 gave them private aflurances of her protection, defigning, 
 when occafion, to make them her inftruments to raife 
 Mary diftilrbances, which fhould prevent her from think¬ 
 ing of England. 
 
 Mean while, Sir Robert Melvil, the Scotch Ambaflador 
 in England, having found that Ruxby was Cecil’s Spy, 
 gave notice of it to the Court of Scotland, who ordered 
 him to be arrefted with all his Papers, among which were 
 found fome of Cecil's Letters in Cypher (3). He was 
 kept with fuch care, that it could not be known why he 
 was apprehended. Shortly after, Elizabeth fending Killi- 
 grnu into Scotland about fome affairs, ordered him to de¬ 
 mand Ruxby as an Englijh Fugitive. Mary, feigning to be 
 ignorant of Ruxby’s bulinefs in Scotland, replied, fhe was 
 ready to deliver him to any Perfon, whom the Queen her 
 Sifter fhould commiflion to receive him. But Elizabeth 
 underftanding, he had been arrefted, and fufpedting the 
 reafon, faid no more of the matter. Thus thefe two 
 Queens, amidft their mutual demonftrations of Friend- 
 fhip, looked upon one another, however, as real Enemies, 
 and not without caufe. Mary was privately labouring, by 
 her emiflaries, to corrupt Elizabeth's Subjects, and infpire 
 them with a Spirit of Rebellion. Elizabeth, on her part, 
 countenanced the Male-contents of Scotland, with fecret 
 intimations, that they fhould always find in her powerful 
 protection. 
 
 Whilft thefe things were tranfaCting, the Queen of 
 Scotland was delivered of a Prince, on the 19th of June, 
 and immediately James Melvil was fent to Elizabeth, to 
 carry her the news, and defire her to ftand Godmother to 
 the new-born Infant. Melvil fays, in his Memoirs, that 
 Secretary Cecil having brought the news to the Queen, who 
 was then at a Ball, the dancing immediately ended, and 
 the Queen fat down in her Chair, leaning her head upon 
 her hand, without fpeaking a word; that one of her Ladies 
 asking the reafon of her fudden melancholy, fhe replied, 
 The Queen of Scots was Mother of a Son, while jhe was 
 but a barren Stock. However, next morning, when fhe 
 gave audience to the Envoy, fhe appealed better drefled, 
 
 She ojfurt 
 the Scotch 
 Fug*'™ 
 her Proti 
 
 Melvil. 
 p. 69. 
 
 ’’Tit Spy is 
 difeovered. 
 Melvil. 
 p. 69. 
 
 •The tm 
 
 %zr 
 
 another at 
 
 Emmies. 
 
 Birth of 
 James, 1 
 Mary'i Son. 
 Buchanan. 
 Melvil. 
 p. 69, &e. 
 
 Elizabeth is 
 •vexed at it. 
 Melvil. 
 p. 70. 
 
 but to threaten to difeover their Plots if they came to his 
 knowledge. The other Letter, directed to the Secretary 
 of State, contained much the fame Proteftations. By thefe 
 Letters, adds Melvil, Ruxby h Intelligence was [upprefed, 
 and my Brother fufered to Jlay in England, whereby the 
 Queen’s Friends fo increafed, that many whole Shires were 
 ready to rebel, and their Captains already named by the 
 E left ion of the Nobility. 
 
 This confeflion of a Man, who, probably, was well in- Toe non 
 formed, fince he was Brother of the Ambaflador in ordi- 
 nary, fhews what were Mary’s defigns. Can it be thought, another, 
 that the Ambaflador undertook to incite the Nobles and 
 Counties of England to rebel, contrary to the will of the 
 Queen his Miftrefs, or without her knowledge ? There are 
 in Melvil's Memoirs feveral paflages to the like effeCt, which 
 fhew, that Mary and her Friends were perpetually ftriving 
 to increafe her adherents in England, and to keep them 
 difpofed to take Arms againft Elizabeth, when it fhould be 
 deemed proper. It is therefore no wonder if Mary refufed 
 to ratify the Treaty of Edinburgh. That ratification 
 would have difeouraged her Friends in England and other 
 Countries. Elizabeth was not ignorant of Mary’s aim, 
 which, in fhort, was to dethrone her, if fhe could pof- 
 fibly find means. This was the reafon of her prefling hor 
 fo earneftly to take the falfe ftep of ratifying the Treaty 
 of Edinburgh, in order to break her meafures. On the 
 other hand, at the very time Mary was making Protefta¬ 
 tions of Friendfhip to her good Sifter, and intreating her 
 to ftand Godmother to her Son, fhe was endeavouring to 
 infnare her, by perfuading her to get her declared Heir to 
 the Crown. She knew, could fhe once obtain that ad¬ 
 vantage, her Party, which was already very great in Eng¬ 
 land, would become more numerous and powerful. But 
 they both knew their interefts too well, to fall into the 
 Snares, they laid for each other. So, Mary never ratified 
 the Treaty of Edinburgh, neither did Elizabeth ever declare 
 her next Heir. It may, however, bejuftly prefumed, that 
 if Mary had not loft herfelf another way, as we fhall fee 
 prefently, fhe would have thrown Elizabeth into difficulties, 
 which, with all her policy, fhe would have hardly got 
 clear of. 
 
 In the interval between Mary’s Childbed, and the Prince’s Mary uftt 
 Baptifm, fhe was feen to treat the King with fo great 
 contempt, and to put fuch grievous affronts upon him, She lives in a 
 that it was the talk of the whole Kingdom. Buchanan is pandalous 
 not content with enlarging upon this fubjedt; but fpeaks BotTwelL^ 
 moreover of the Queen’s amours with Bothwell, in a man- Thuanus. 
 ner that fhews file had loft all fhame, and no longer re- Buchanan, 
 garded what the World faid of her. It might be thought, 
 Buchanan, who hated the Queen, has ufed aggravation, if, 
 what happened afterwards, did not too evidently confirm 
 what he has faid. Camden fays nothing of the Queen’s 
 amours with Bothwell, and fpeaks but flightly of her aver¬ 
 fion for the King, calling it only a difference between them, 
 becaufe thefe were things diredtly contrary to his defign 
 of an entire vindication. Melvil found himfelf embarrafled. 
 
 He durft not fay all; but the fequel and connexion of his 
 Memoirs, neceflarily requiring he fhould fay fomething of p- iv 
 the Queen’s amours, he contents himfelf with intimating, 
 in feveral places, that Bothwell was at that time abfolute 
 at Court, and entiiely governed the Queen (5). He was 
 not fo referved with refpedt to the Queen’s averfion for the 
 King, fince he does not fcruple to fhew it was extreme. 
 
 The Prince’s Baptifm being to be celebrated at Sterling, Tie Prince's 
 the Ambafladors of France, England, and Savoy, who were 
 
 (1) And therefore advifeth her to imprifon Ivm, till fhe was delivered. Melvil. p. 67. Buchanan- 
 
 (a) This Man was to appear to be a zealous Favourer of Mary 's Right and Title to the Crown of Engl/md, and to inform her of the great Fricndlhip di¬ 
 vers of the Catholicks had for her, who durft not deal with the Scotch Ambaflador, being a Proteftant; but that he would deal himfelf betwixt her Majefty 
 and them. Melvil, p. 63 . 
 
 (3) It was only one Letter, wherein Secretary Cecil promifed Ruxby to fee him rewarded, and defired him to continue in his Diligence. Melw.t, p. 69. 
 
 (4) The Letters were both writ to Melvil. of which the Queen was to fee one, and Cecil the other. They are to be feen, p. 73. of Melvil'3 Memoirs. 
 
 (5) Thus, p. 77. he fays, that the E.-.rl of Bothwell ruled all at Court, having brought home the banifhed Lords, and patched up quiet Fricndlhip w.th the 
 Earl of Morton ; and in the fame page he affirms, that the Earls of Bothwell and Huntley enterprifed the (laughter of the Earl of Murray at "Jedburgh, but the 
 Lord Hume came there with Forces, and prevented that Enterprize, 
 
 No. 47, V 0 L. II, 
 
 tQ 
 
7+ 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 r 566. to ftand Godfathers, repaired thither, and the Court was 
 Camden- very numerous. It was the Earl of Bedford, whom Eli¬ 
 zabeth fent to Hand in her place (1). The Prince was 
 named James, and the Queen prevailed, though with much 
 difficulty, that he fhould be baptized after the manner of 
 the Ro/wjh Church, intending to educate him in the Ca- 
 •V'r King tholick Religion. Whilft the Court was at Sterling, the 
 ... King was expofed to unheard of indignities, riot daring td 
 \,i" fhew himfelf, by reafon of the extreme want he was re- 
 i»ucii.nun. duced to, whilft Bothwell appeared with a royal magnifi¬ 
 cence, to the great fcandal of the World. But without 
 infilling upon what Buchanan fays, fince he is not thought 
 impartial, I fliall content myfelf with the Teftimony of 
 P . 74, 73. Melvil. The Queen, fays that Author, being at Sterling, 
 feemed very melancholy, and complained to me of Rizzo's 
 murder, as of an outrage which could not be blotted out of 
 her mind. [ endeavoured to comfort her, and to perfuade 
 her to recall the banifiied Lords, that fhe might enjoy a 
 peaceable Government. I had now fomewhat prevailed 
 with her; but, alas, Jhe had bad Company about her, for 
 the Earl of Bothwell, who had a mark of his own that he 
 Jhct at, as foon as he underjlood of her wife and merciful de¬ 
 liberations, took cccafion to bring in the Earl oj Mortoun, 
 and his Af dates, thereby to make them friends, and by them 
 tofrtifv his Faction. For apparently, he had already in his 
 head the rfolution of performing the foul murtherof the King, 
 which he afterwards put in execution, that he might marry 
 P . 77 . the ghteen. He adds further, that the Earl of Bedford be¬ 
 ing upon the point of returning to England, defired him to 
 tell the Queen from him, That for her own honour , Jhe fhould 
 entertain the King as Jhe had done at the beginning. Melvil 
 dilcharged his Commiffion, but without any effect. What 
 Buchanan relates, is much better confirmed by thefe Tef- 
 timonies, than confuted by Camden's filence. 
 
 Mirv t ;fufts After the Ceremony of the Baptifm, the Earl of Bcd- 
 r. r.„,iy ib.- ford, purfuant to Elizabeth 's Orders, prefied the Queen of 
 eT ?.,. ' ., Scotland to ratify the Treaty of Edinburgh. Hitherto fhe 
 eimj’ had only ufed Pretences and Excufes to evade this demand ; 
 W.I line- but now Hie fpoke more freely. She anfwered, there was 
 ^Noni'-'” an Article in the Treaty expreffed in ambiguous terms, 
 ■i'luMiV. which fhe could not ratify, without great prejudice to her- 
 omi'.pfcn n f e |f : That however, {he offered to fend Commiffioners to 
 Thamn 1 ' the Borders, to agree with thofe of the Queen of England 
 guju:. upon a new Treaty, wherein fire would promife to ailirme 
 neither the 'Title nor Arms of England, fo long as Eliza¬ 
 beth and her Heirs fhould live. Thus the difficulty was 
 at length unravelled, and indeed, Elizabeth could not with 
 Elizabeth’! juliice rc'.juiie more of her. Neverthelefs, fhe took this 
 Dtjtgn. anfwer for a refufal, which, in my opinion, is a clear evi¬ 
 dence of what I have faid clfewhere, that Elizabeth intend¬ 
 ed to make ufc of this abfolute ratification, if Mary had 
 
 been lb uinvife as to give it, againft Mary herfelf, and 
 thereby prove fhe had no Title to the Crown of England. 
 It is extremely probable, that moft of the Englifo Protef- 
 tants, after having been fo cruelly perfecuted in the fore¬ 
 going Reign, wanted only a pretence to exclude a Catho- 
 lick Princefs from the Succeffion. 
 
 Mary treat: The Court of Scotland being returned to Edinburgh af- 
 
 tb< tang ter the Prince’s Baptifm, the King was treated there in fo 
 wKewoi/y. i n j l!r j ous a manner, that he refolved at laft to retire to 
 withdraw.'‘ Clafcow to the Earl his Eather, who had left the Court, 
 not to be a witnefs of the bafe indignities offered to the 
 // m / .if mi King his Son. Juft as he was going, fome of the Queen’s 
 " ’ itgoiag Officers took away all his Plate, and gave him a fett of 
 Hueh-inan Pewter. He was hardly a mile from Edinburgh, when he 
 Mc.’vii. felt himfelf feized with a very violent illnefs, caufed by 
 Thuami*. Poifon, given him before his departure (2). He went on, 
 however, to Glafcow, where Phyfick, and the ftrength of 
 his Conftitution, overcame the violence of his Diftemper, 
 though with great difficulty. Not to interrupt the thread 
 of the affairs of Scotland, I have run over at once what of 
 moment happened in that Kingdom, in the year 1566. We 
 muff; now proceed to other matters. 
 
 In the beginning of this year, Charles IX. fent Mr. de 1566. 
 Rambouillet into England, with two Collars of the Order Charles ix. 
 of 'St. Michael, which he defired Elizabeth to confer on 
 what two Noblemen fhe pleafed. She made choice of of n< Fju<m, 
 the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Leicejler, and ho- Camdcn * 
 noured the Bearer with the Order of the Garter (3). But Stow ‘ 
 we muft not be deceived by thefe external marks of mu¬ 
 tual efteem and friendfhip between the two Courts, for 
 they were far from being fincere. Elizabeth had broke 
 the meafures of the Court of France, by driving the French 
 out of Scotland. Moreover, fhe was looked upon as the Head 
 and Protedtrefs of the Proteftants, whofe deftrudtion had 
 been determined in the Conference of Bayonne. So, in 
 all appearance, it was only to amufe her, that the Court 
 of France gave her this equivocal mark of their efteem. 
 
 Elizabeth was not ignorant, that the French Court, which 
 was extremely bigotted, and where the Queen of Scotland 
 had fuch powerful Friends, had no affection for her : Nay, 
 fuppofing fhe had received no intelligence of the refolution 
 taken at Bayonne, which was, however, known or gueffed 
 by the Huguenots of France, fire could never truft that 
 Court. 
 
 This year, the Earl of Arundel departed the Kingdom The Earl of 
 with the Queen’s leave, under colohr of changing the air Aiundel 
 for the recovery of his health. It was thought, the real s * 
 motive of his retreat, was, his defpair of marrying with Camden, 
 the Queen, with which he had vainly flattered himfelf (4). 
 
 Shortly after Elizabeth's receiving the news of the Queen The Quern 
 of Scotland's delivery, fhe vifited the Univerfity of Oxford, 
 where fhe was received in the fame manner as at Cam- s t ..w. 
 bridge. She alfo fhewed here, by her difeourfeand cour- Hulling#, 
 teous behaviour, an extraordinary regard for that Univer¬ 
 fity (5). Never was Prince greater mafter than herfelf of 
 the art of gaining the love of her Subjects, by kind and 
 affectionate expreffions, which feemed to flow from her 
 Heart (6). 
 
 Notwithflanding all this, a terrible ftorm was gather- A Plot to 
 ing againft her. The Queen of Scotland having been de- e £ u f f ,hr . 
 livered of a Prince, her Friends began to ftir, and fcrupled .wiLd to be 
 not to adt openly, in order to have her declared the declared Eii- 
 Queen’s Heir. The Parliament met in November (7) with z J b ^ c s n Ht,r ’ 
 that refolution. Thofe who managed the affair were d cw j. 
 Mary's chief Friends, and had only her in view : but the 
 publick good was pretended by all. Among the Lords 
 there were, who feeing Elizabeth unmarried, and the 
 Queen of Scots inclined to a divorce, flattered themfelves 
 with marrying one or other. To this end they kept be¬ 
 hind the curtain, and fet their Friends to work, in order 
 to flrikc in the moft critical minute. At length, the Party 
 being made, it was moved in the Upper-Houfe, to addrefs 
 the Queen, and pray her to marry, or appoint a Succef- 
 for. Among the reafons alledged for this requeft, fome 
 were contradictory ; but all Arguments were good to thofe 
 who had formed the Projebt, provided they could engage 
 the Majority on their fide. To gain thofe who had only 
 the publick good in view, they were told, if the Queen 
 died without Iflue, the Kingdom would be expofed to great 
 Troubles, becaufe nothing yet was fettled about the Suc- 
 ceflion. The zealous Proteftants were made to fear, that 
 the Queen of Scotland having a claim to the Crown, there 
 was danger of feeing the late Reign abted over again, if the 
 Queen did not take a Husband, and with the blefling of 
 God, get a Succeffor. Many fell into the fnare, imagining 
 the Queen, who had fo great an affedtion for her Subjects, 
 would comply with their defires, and refolve at length to 
 marry, and they hoped, by that means, to fee the King¬ 
 dom in perfebt tranquillity. The Queen of Scotland was 
 not mentioned, and yet it was fhe alone, the heads of the 
 Plot had in view. They knew the Queen had refolved 
 never to marry: Nay, it was believed, fhe could not do 
 it without hazarding her life, and that her Phyficians had 
 told her the fame (8), But feigning ignorance, they re¬ 
 folved fhe fhould be prefled to marry, that they might 
 
 Melvil, p. 76. The Prii 
 
 e others nf the Engtijh 
 King Edward Vi’s Mu- 
 
 (1) He was accompanied by George Carey, eldeft Son of the Lord Hunfdon, Cbrijl fiber Hatton, Efqj Mr -Lignifh, &c. 
 baptized December iS. Stow, p. 660. 
 
 Camden lays not a word of this poifoning. Rafiin - .Melvil's account is this, “ The King followed the Queen about whitherfoever (he rode, 
 
 “ gut no good Countenance, bo that finding himfelf (lighted, he went to G/afccw, where he fell Sick, it being alledged, that he had got poifon from I 
 11 of his Servants, p. 77. 
 
 (.) It was not the Bearer, but King Charles his Mailer that was honoured with the Order of the Garter. Rambouillet, in the King his Mailer’s rc 
 took his place amongft the Knights ol St. George at Windjor, fays Camden, p. 399. 
 
 4. lie left the Kingdom after the Expence of a raft Treafure, on the vain hopes of enjoying the Queen. -—At the firm 
 
 X,,w.nt into Hungary to war againft the Turk: j the chief of whom were, Sir John .Smith, Son to the Sifter of June Seymour, 
 ther, Henry Cbamfiernoon, Pbihfi Butjhide, Richard Greenville, William Gorges, Thomas Cotton, and others. Camden, p. 399. 
 
 ,c) She (laid there feven days. Ibid. 
 
 (h) She returned the Univerfity Thanks for their Civilities in a Latin Speech. Camden, ibid. 
 
 It met by Adjournment on September 30. D’envcs, p. 93. 
 
 itmck the Queen’s I’hylician dilTuaded her, it leer,is, from marrying, on pretence of fome natural defedl. Camden, p. 399.- 
 
 pethaps be dilagreeabie to the Reader, to perufe a Story related by Melvil. He was told at NenvcaJHe, by an Engljhman, one of the Gentlemen of Queen 
 
 EL~al,tu 's Privv-Charwber, that King Henry VIII. had been fo curious as to enquire of Diviners or Necromancers, what fhould become of his Son Edzuard, 
 and of his two Daughter Mary and Elizabeth. He was anfwered, that Edward fhould die, having few days and no fuccc.Tion j and that his two Daughters 
 fhould fucce.d one another. That Mary, his cldcft Daughter, fhould marry a Spaniard, and that way bring many Strangers into England, which would oc- 
 . jii.jn great ft rife ano alteration. That Elizabeth fhould reign after her, who Ihould marry either a Scotchman, or a Frenchman. Whereupon the King caufed 
 t0 give poifon ns both his Dmghters, but becaufe this had not the effect he defired, (tor they finding themfelves altered by vehement vomitings and purgings, 
 am.' fufaceting p sifon, had taken remedies.) he caufed to proclaim them both Baftards. But the Women that attended about Queen Mary, alledged, that her 
 M;::;..' w , s cunfumed. For fhe was tevcral times fuppofed to be with Child by King Philip of Spain, yet brought forth nothing but dead lumps of Flcih. 
 
 j r C to h- revenged of her Father, fhe had caufed, fecreily in the night to take up her Father’s bones, and burn them. Melvil, p. 18. 
 
 from 
 
 —Here it r 
 
 ay not 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 1566. 
 
 The Houfe of 
 
 LorJ, preji 
 
 the f^ueen to 
 
 Camden. 
 D'ewes, 
 p. 105. 
 
 The Commons 
 
 °Zfm lmn 
 
 Camden 
 D ewes, 
 p. 124, 128. 
 
 'The Sheen's 
 Perplexity. 
 Camden. 
 D'ewes. 
 
 Slot fends Jot 
 thirty Depu¬ 
 ties fro, 
 
 eu.b Houje. 
 
 D'ewes, 
 
 p. 103, 104 
 
 23. ELIZABETH. 
 
 75 
 
 from her refufal, have a pretence to oblige her to name a Cl 
 Succeflor. This could be only the Queen of Scotland, * c 
 there being no other Perfon that could difpute her Title. “ 
 TheDuchefs of Suffolk, and her two eldert Daughters were “ 
 dead. The third was very deformed, and had married a “ 
 Man of a very mean Condition : Nay, I do not know te 
 whether fhe was yet alive. As for the Children of Cathe- tc 
 rine Grey , the fecond of the three Sifters by the Earl of “ 
 Hertford, Elizabeth had caufed them to be declared Ba- “ 
 ftards by a legal Sentence. Confequently they could not “ 
 pretend to the Throne. As for the Countefs of Lenox’s “ 
 Title, Mary had taken care to unite it with her own, “ 
 by her Marriage with the Lord Darnly. It was necef- “ 
 fary therefore, either to call to the Succeflion fome defeen- “ 
 dent from the Females of the Houfe of York, to which “ 
 the Queen and Parliament would not have willingly “ 
 agreed, or to nominate Mary Stewart to fill the Throne “ 
 after the Queen. The Combination was fo ftrong in the “ 
 Upper-Houfe, that fome of the Lords were of opinion, it “ 
 was not fufficient to intreat the Queen, but that (he ought “ 
 to be obliged to marry, or in cafe of a refufal, a Succeflor “ 
 be declared by A& of Parliament, even againft the Queen’s “ 
 Will (1). At laft, it was refolved to fend the Lord- “ 
 Keeper Bacon , to befeech her, in the name of the Houfe, “ 
 tochufe a Husband, and to lay the reafons before her (2). “ 
 
 Tilings were managed with ftill lefs temper in the Lower “ 
 Houfe. It was openly maintained, that iince the Queen “ 
 would not marry, fhe ought to be conftrained to appoint “ 
 a Succeflor: That by neglecting fo neceffary a Precaution, “ 
 {lie fhewed that her pretended affedtion for her People was “ 
 all diflimulation, fince (he preferred her own intereft to the “ 
 Welfare of the Nation : That fhe could deny what was *• 
 defired of her, only out of fear of her Succeflor, which “ 
 fear could be entertained by none but timorous Princes or “ 
 faint-hearted Women (3). « £ 
 
 The Queen took fome time to return an anfwer to the “ 
 Lords, and feemed to be ignorant of, or overlooked, what “ 
 pafled in the Houfe of Commons. She was however ex- “ 
 tremely mortified, that her enemies had credit enough to “ 
 turn both Houfes of Parliament againft her, and to fee “ 
 thofe whom fhe had moft favoured, prevailed with to adt “ 
 fo diredtly contrary to her intereft. As fhe knew, very “ 
 many of her Subjects were not fully convinced of the ju- “ 
 ftice of her Title to the Crown, fhe plainly perceived, to “ 
 appoint the Queen of Scotland for her prefumptive Heir, “ 
 was really increafing and ftrengthening the Right of that 
 dangerous Rival. Among the Sovereign Princes, fhe had “ 
 no Ally, or true Friend. On the contrary, fhe could not “ 
 doubt that the Pope, France, and Spain, would readily aflift “ 
 to deprive her of the Crown. Her whole dependence was 
 upon the affedlion of her People, whofe Reprelentatives 
 fhe beheld combined, as I may fay, againft her, to oblige 
 her to take a ftep fo oppofite to her true intereft. It is 
 not eafy to guefs what fhe would have refolved, if the Lords 
 had perfifted in their demand, and been feconded by the 
 . Commons. Till fhe could more fully difeover the intrigues 
 
 • which influenced the Parliament, fhe made ufe of an ex¬ 
 pedient which fucceeded, delaying to take other meafures, 
 according as her Enemies fhould proceed. The expedient 
 
 • was, to order thirty of each Houfe to come to her. [Thefe 
 fhe diverted, by the moft obliging expreflions, mixed with 
 a gentle reproof from their refolution, and promifed them 
 to manage things, not only with the care of a Prince, 
 but the tendernefs of a Parent. And whereas the Houfe 
 had offered greater Subfidies than ufual (4), on condition 
 fhe would declare a Succeflor, fhe refufed thofe extra¬ 
 ordinary Grants (5), and accepted a fmaller Sum, faying. 
 That Money in her Subjefts Purfe, was as good as in her own 
 Exchequer (6). 
 
 The laft day of the Seflion, fire made the following 
 Speech to both Houfes,] to let them know, or rather to 
 difguife, her intentions, and evade their Requeft. 
 
 M Y Lords, and others the Commons of this Af- 1566* 
 fembly, although the Lord-Keeper hath, accord- 
 ing to order, very well anfwered in my name, yet as '^“ cb “ 
 a periphrafis, I have a few words farther to fpeak unto D'ewes, 
 you. Notwithftanding I have not been ufed, nor love p- Il6 ‘ 
 to do it, in fuch open Aflemblies; yet now (not to 
 the end to amend his Talk) but remembring that com¬ 
 monly a Prince’s own Words be better printed in the 
 Hearers memory, than thofe fpoken by her Command, I 
 mean to fay thus much unto you. I have in this Affem- 
 bly found fo much diflimulation, where I always profef- 
 fed plainnefs, that I marvel thereat, yea two faces under 
 one hood, and the body rotten, being covered with two 
 vizors, Succeflion and Liberty, which they determined 
 muft be either prefently granted, denied or deferred; in 
 granting whereof they had their defires, and denying 
 and deferring thereof (thofe things being fo laudable, 
 as indeed to all men they are) they thought to work 
 me that mifehief which never foreign Enemy could 
 bring to pafs, which is the hatred of my Commons. 
 
 But alas! they began to pierce the Veflel before the 
 Wine was fined, and began a thing not forefeeing the 
 end ; now by this means I have feen my Wcll-wifhers 
 from my Enemies, and can, as me feemeth, very well 
 divide the Houfe into four. Firft the Broachers and 
 Workers thereof, who are in the greateft faults: Se¬ 
 condly, the Speakers, who by eloquent Tales perfuaded 
 others, are in the next degree: Thirdly, the Agrcers, 
 who being fo light of credit that the eloquence of the 
 Tales fo overcame them, that they gave more credit 
 thereunto than to their own Wits: And laftly, thofe 
 that fat ftill, mute, and meddled not therewith, but 
 rather wondered, difallowing the matter; who, in my 
 opinion, are moft to be excufed. But do you think, 
 that either I am unmindful of your Surety by Succeflion 
 wherein is all my care, confidering I know myfelf to 
 be mortal ? No, I warrant you ; Or that I went about 
 to break your liberty ? No, it was never my meaning, 
 but to ftay you before you fell into the ditch. For all 
 things have their time; and although perhaps you may 
 have after me one better learned, or wifer; yet I affure 
 you, none more careful over you; and therefore hence¬ 
 forth, whether I live to fee the like Affembly or no, or 
 whoever it be, yet beware however you prove your 
 Prince’s Patience, as you have now done mine. 
 
 “ And now to conclude, all this notwithftanding (not 
 meaning to make a Lent of Chri/lmafs) the moft part 
 of you may allure themfelves, that you depart in your 
 Prince’s Grace. 
 
 It is not eafy to comprehend what the Queen would 
 have intimated to the Parliament when Ihe laid, whether I 
 live to fee the like fffembly or no: For thefe are ambiguous 
 Words, which may be taken in various Senfes. Befides, 
 they are put in where they have not much connexion with 
 the preceding or following words. However this be, 
 after thisconfufed Speech, the Parliament was immediately 
 diffolevd. But this was only a palliative remedy, which 
 was not capable of allaying the fermentation already raifed 
 among the People^). Il it gave the Queen time to take 
 other meafures, it afforded alfo her Enemies leifure more 
 ftrongly toeredt their Batteries. Very probably, this Af¬ 
 fair would have been debated again in the next Parliament, 
 if in the mean while the Queen of Scotland had not loft 
 herfelf, by her ill-condudl, and vifibly leflened her Party 
 in England (8). This is what I am going to fhew, after 
 clofing the year 1566 with a brief account of the Affairs 
 of the Netherlands. 
 
 After Philip II. had quitted thefe Provinces in r 5 S 9 » 0 r 
 in order to relide in Spain, the difeontent of the Nobles,if w- 
 and People was grown to that height, that it was not pof- Countries. 
 Able the Affairs of that Country Ihould remain any longer g^“ s * 
 
 e then well affefted to the Queen of 
 
 , with Dutton, 
 
 c L Th E , 5 Ptmbro f and Leicejler did openly, and the Duke of Norfolk with more caution, profefs this to be their opinion. But they made their 
 
 ^ubminion, and obtained their pardon. Camden, p. 399-Moft of the Lords and other great Men in England, v ' " ” - ' 1 
 
 hc ti, and kept a Correfpondence with her, as may be feen in Meluil, p. 46, &c. 
 
 (2) This Petition was prefented to the Queen November 5. D'eives, p. 104, ior. 
 
 l 3 ! Thefe and other Points were firft moved in the Houfe by Mr. Molineux j and were infilled upon by Bell and Mtnfcn, great Lawyer: 
 
 Kir.gsmill, Wentworth, and others. Camden, p. 400. D'ewes, p. 124, &e. 
 
 (4) There is mention in the Journals only of a Subfidy, and one Tenth, and Fifteenth. The Bill for it was firft read in the Houfe of Commons, OSlcbcr 2S. 
 and in the Houfe ot Lords, on December i 7 , and for the fecond and third times, on the 18th. See D'ewes, p. in, 125, 126. 
 
 V? The ria ! on this >-cfufal teems to be that the Declaration of a Succeflor, and the Subfidy Bill, were ordered by the Houfe of Commons to proceed 
 together: So that the one could not be rejefted without the other. See D'ewes, p. 124. She remitted only the third payment of the Subfidy, as before 
 rat' d, granted by Parliament, to induce her to declare a Succeflor. Sec D'ewes, p. 131. ’ 
 
 (fo) Rnptn miftaking the thirty Members lent for by the Queen from each Houfe for fo many Deputies from the Parliament, makes the Queen fpeak the 
 h: lowing Speech to them, and not to both Houfes, as Ihe did at the end of the Seflion. Had he happened to fee the original Speech which is here inferred, 
 . cad _ the. Abridgment in Camden, he would have perceived his Error. What is inferred between the two Crotchets, is fupplied from Camden in order to 
 
 rectify Rapin's miftakc. 
 
 (7) The Queen about this time call one Thornton, a Reader of Law in Lincoln s-Inn it 
 called her Title in queftion. Camden, p. 401. 
 
 (8) This laft mentioned Parliament, which was diflolved on January 2, granted the Queen 
 granted at the fame time a Subfidy of four ^Shillings in the Pound, to be paid in three years.- 
 
 the Tower, upon the Queen of Scots Complaint, that he had 
 
 Subfidy, and one Tenth, and a Fifteenth. The Clergy 
 
 „ I • .. V~ J 7* T '■“* * uu,,u > lu uc paiu in tnree years.-The Afts made in this Seflion were thefe: 1. An Aft 
 
 "'••king and confecrat.ng of Bilhops within this Realm, to be good, orderly, and lawful. 2. That no Man Ihall fend any Rams, Sheep, or 
 TT„/‘ 1 V p , ,° of ™ 1 Rea ' m > u P° n P ain > f °r the firft offence, of forfeiture of all his Goods, and one year’s Imprifonment ; and for the fecond, of being 
 t r FIT-- 'rr’ 3t Cut '.P ur / es Pick-pockets fliali not have benefit of Clergy. 4. Whereas there was but one Sheriff for Surrey and Suffix, one 
 
 . und tlert]zrajhire, one tor Some fee and Dorfet, one for Warwick and Leicejler, one for Nottingham and Derby, and one for Oxford and Berklhire, it 
 W or ' Jerctl » that lor thc futu « (the year 1567 being the firft) each of thefe Counties Ihould have a Sheriff a-piece. See Statut, 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 7 6 
 
 [ 566. 
 
 The HI STORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 in their nreCent fituation. This univerfal diffatis faction which all the affairs of England and Scotland turn for re¬ 
 flowed from feveral caufes ; namely, I. The People’s veral years. They who, under colour of clearing it, have 
 belief that the King had formed a defign to abolilh their laboured to darken it as much as they could, were very 
 liberties and privileges, and cftablilh an arbitrary power, fenfible, how contrary the truth was to the Idea they ce¬ 
 ll The Ereaion of the Bifhopricks, which greatly lefl'en- fir'd to give of the affairs of this reign. So, to let it in a 
 c d the [urifdirtion and Revenues of the Abbeys, in which true light, it will be abfolutely neceflary to follow a quite 
 manv Families were concerned. III. The Inquifition different courfe. 
 
 which was intended to be let up in thefe Provinces, and I o fucceed in what I propofe, I muff large.) treat of C. 
 which w is little k-fs abhorred by the Catholicks than by the the affairs of Scotland. home grave Authors o, an e.ta- 
 Proteftants thcmfclves. IV. The Prohibition to affemble bliflied reputation have endeavour d to difgiule the facts 
 the States. V. The King’s project to extirpate the He- they have related, by curtailing, and altering them bv 
 re tick' who were now very numerous in the Country, lupprefiing material truths, andI fuppoung things which 
 VI. and Partly, The intereftof the great Men, who plain- have not even the leaft probability. To op pole 10 them 
 Iv law. hr,w fatal to them the execution of the King’s de- a bare narration, containing on.y the naked truth would 
 flo-ns would be. They had in vain for feveral years be- not be the way to fatisfy the Reader, who wou <J be fhd 
 f 0 u C ht their Governefs to affemble the States, and pre- at a lofs to know whom he ought molt to credit, ic is 
 vent the Calamities with which they forefaw their Coun- neceflary therefore to prove what I advance, and :n matter 
 try was foon going to he afflirted: Their Requeft was of fart-, there are no better proofs thanjthc mutual con- 
 
 conftanlly rejected. This Rigour had at length obliged nexion oi thefe fame fadt: . 
 
 the Prince of Orange , Count d'Egmont , Count Horn , and ported perfons. 
 
 1567. 
 
 Remark on 
 the tutgical 
 Death of 
 
 feveral other Lords to withdraw from the Council of State, 
 and write to the King, that Cardinal de Granvelle had ren¬ 
 dered himfelf fo odious, that the worft was to be feared, 
 if he continued any longer in the Low-Countries. Philip 
 not thinking proper to recall the Cardinal dirertly, advil- 
 cd him however to withdraw. As foon as Granvelle was 
 gone, the great Men went and relumed their places in the 
 Council. 
 
 Mean while, the Inquifition being univerfally abhorred, 
 the People began to ftir, and fliew their refolution to free 
 themfelves from that yoke. The great Men fupported 
 this refolution with two Motives. Firft, becaufe they 
 perceived the Inquifition muff prove deftrurtive of liberty. 
 In the fecond place, becaufe they were informed the King 
 had taken terrible refolutions againft them, on account of 
 what had palled about Cardinal de Granvelle. Whereupon 
 they form’d a Confederacy againft the Inquifition, and Lewis 
 Count of Nafau, Brother to the Prince of Orange , with 
 four hundred Attendants prefented a Petition to the Gover¬ 
 nefs. On this cccafion it was that the Proteftants received 
 the name of Gurux or Beggars. The Governefs not hav¬ 
 ing power to grant their requeft, the Proteftants, of their 
 own accord, took the liberty to preach publickly, and the 
 Governefs was forced to fuffer it, and at length to allow 
 it exprefly. From that time, Philip confidcred the People 
 of the Low-Countries as Rebels, and they for the moft part 
 looked upon him but as an unjuft and cruel Sovereign, who 
 afpired to be abfolute Mafter of their Eftates, their Bodies 
 and their Souls. I fhall enter no farther into thefe Affairs. 
 It fuffices to have briefly fhewn the Spring of the troubles 
 of the Netherlands , which I fhall have occafion to fpeak 
 of fometimes in the Sequel. I return to the Affairs of 
 Scotland , which more nearly relate to England (1). 
 
 I am now going to give an account of an Event which 
 has been rendered obfeure, as well by religious prejudices. 
 
 and the teftimonies of unfuf- 
 But it is alinofl impoflible to fliew where 
 the truth has been altered, without running into fome rea- 
 fonings which indeed do not always lute with Hiftory, 
 but which, on this occafion, feem to me unavoidable. 
 
 Three Hiftorians who may be confidered as originals, rfimytt 
 have related what palled in Scotland during the reign of 
 Elizabeth, namely, George Buchanan, JPiHi am Camden , 
 and James Melvtl. Some remarks on thefe three Authors 
 will help to give the reader a true notion. 
 
 Buchanan , a Scotchman and Proteftant, was a man of Buchanan, 
 great learning, and much efteemed by all the learned in 
 Europe. If he had not penned the Hiftory of Scotland , 
 he would perhaps have been neither envied nor hated. 
 
 But as, in the recital of the frequent quarrels between 
 England and Scotland, he does not always agree with the 
 Englijh Hiftorians, a prejudice is formed againft him in 
 England, as if he endeavoured to falfify whatever might 
 be to the advantage of the Englijh. "I his difference wou’d 
 have been little regarded by other nations, if what Bucha¬ 
 nan fays of Queen Mary Stewart had not ftirred up all 
 the Roman Catholicks in Europe againft him. His aim 
 was to fliew, that Queen Alary was the foie caufe of the 
 troubles of Scotland, uni particularly, the Author of the 
 King her Husband’s death ; and his Hiftory is full of cir- 
 cumffantial farts, which have a viflble connexion, and tend 
 all to the end he propofed. He does not cite teftimonies 
 to confirm what he fays, becaufe he writ at the very time 
 the things were tranfarted, or fhortly after. On the other 
 hand, he was Murray % creature, and deem’d revengeful. 
 
 It is chiefly upon thefe prejudices that his Hiftory has 
 been diferedited, without however any exprefs endeavours 
 to confute him in any material aflertion. 
 
 Camden, an Englijh Author and Proteftant, wrote the Camden. 
 Annals of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth , in the time of 
 James I, Son of Queen Mary. He was eminent for his 
 knowledge in the Antiquities of England , and, if I miftake 
 not, he was [Clarenceux] King at Arms. I he Hiftory of 
 
 cerned. But in the places where the two Queens muff be 
 neccfl'arily put in oppofition, he does it fo artfully, that 
 Elizabeth is fhewn to be in the wrong. It is not the fame. 
 
 as for the fake of the Prince of Scotland , whole birth I , L - ~ , 
 
 rfetfw Ja^ly mentioned. This Prince, coming to the Crown of England is indebted to him lor feveral good works, which 
 
 Scotland. England after Queen Elizabeth's death, thought it his duty have greatly ferved to illuftrate it. But it manifestly ap- 
 
 to try to vindicate the Queen his Mother from the horrible pears, that in writing the Annals of Elizabeth his only 
 
 crime flie was accufed of during her life, I mean of mur- aim was to vindicate the Queen of Scots, unucr colour 
 
 dering the Kin- her Husband. “ In all likelihood, he made that the Hiftory of Elizabeth cannot be comp, ed with- 
 ufc of Ccmdcn’s Pen for that purpofc out » particular account of the affairs of A aland. He 
 
 n. It is acred, that Henry Stmurt King of Scotland, Huf- fpea.es extremely well of Elizabeth when clary is not con- 
 
 ” “‘“Mb band of Queen Mary, was affaflinated the beginning of 
 cleared \y the year 1567. It cannot be denied, that this murder was 
 
 ttben. committed by the Earl of Bothwell, or his order; that the - . 
 
 Earl was then in meat credit with the Queen, and that where he can praife or excufe Mary , without wound 
 fhe married him a few months after tire tragical death of Elizabeth ; for then he makes no fcruple to reprefent the 
 the King her Spoufe. This, added to her averfion for the former as a pattern of Virtue. He entirely pafles over ,n 
 King, forms a ftrong prejudice againft her. On the other filence whatever may injure her reputation, or contents 
 hand, almoft all the Roman Catholick Writers who men- himfelf with confuting what fhc is accufed of, by a bare 
 tion this Murder, make it their bufinefs to juftify the and dirertly oppofite Narration, without:aHedging.the leaft 
 Queen, and throw it on the Earl of Murray. They feem Proof. So, when a Man reads the Hiftones of Camden 
 to have taken this courfe with the more reafon, vs Camden and Buchanan , he would think thefe two v 1 iters are 
 a Proteftant Author in his Annals of Queen Elizabeth , has fpeaking of two different Queens, who reigned at the fame 
 openly undertaken Marys defence, and reprefented the time in Scotland. Buchanans dehgn was to blacken 
 Earl of Murray as the Author, not onlv of the crime, but Mary's reputation j and Camden's, to vindicate or praife 
 even of all the troubles which happened in Scotland, after her. Wherefore, Camden , who wrote la.t, has taken 
 the Marriage of Queen Mary with Arancis li. 
 
 •n, . fry It will be asked perhaps, where is the ncceflity of clear- 
 
 c f ' ing this Fart in a Hiftory of England '1 I anfwer. There 
 
 r 1 is an ablblute ncceflity, becaufe otherwife Queen Eliza¬ 
 beth's conduct Will be either inconceivable or mifunder- 
 
 care to warn his Readers, that no credit is to be given t 
 Buchanan, becaufe he was the Earl of Murrays creature, 
 a mercenary Writer, and his Works were condemned by 
 the States of Scotland: Nay, he pretends, that before his 
 death he repented of his malice (2) ; but, according to cul- 
 
 flood. The Hiftory therefore, as well as t. uth, requires tom fupports what he advances with no proof, noth i does 
 a diftina Knowledge of the foundation of Queen Eliza- he take up Buchanan in any remarkable circumitance, only, 
 htb’s Politicks, and of the real caufe of the events which as I faid, by giving a contrary account. Having thus re- 
 w-ii. be related hereafter. This fart is as the hinge on moved the Teftimony of the Scotch Hiftorian, he adds. 
 
 (i) This vct, on lb; T th dav of Jane, the Foundation of the Royal Exchange in London was bid by Si 
 
 Ca ■ v. . upon that | re ver; fays, “ ( ■’ " " 1 .* 
 
 ' employed his Pen in too virulent a (tram a pain It Queen Maty i and wifli'd or 
 
 Thom, 
 
 Crt, 
 
 , Kt. H Uinyf,. | 
 
 , if he had often blam'd himfelf for this I’aft, he had time t 
 ad Vo!. III. p. 38a. 
 
 s Death-bed, that he might li 
 jugh to recall the Truth ot it, 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 2 3 - 
 
 ELIZABETH. 
 
 77 
 
 For /.'is part, hr propofes, to the end both Sides may be heard , 
 to relate the affair (tiie King’s murder) without any mixture 
 of Love or Hate, as far as he can come to the knnvlcdge of it , 
 from Writings, publijhed at the very time, but foon fupprcjjed 
 in favour to the Earl of Murray, and in hatred to the 
 Queen, or font Letters of An. baffadors, and of other Pcrfons 
 worthy of credit. It mult be obferved, tiiat be cites in his 
 Annals no pafiage from thefe fupprefied Books, gives neither 
 file Titles nor Authors, neither does he name the Ambaf- 
 failors, and Perl’ons of credit, on vvhofe Teftimony he builds 
 his account. He alledges but one Tingle Paper, which I 
 Ihall fpeak of in its place, and which carries all poffible 
 marks of Forgery. Thus, after a caution not to believe 
 Buchanan, who writ of what palled in his own time, and 
 belore his own eyes, he will have us believe him who did 
 not write till above forty years after the event, upon his 
 bare word, and upon the Teftimony of Perfons and Books 
 unknown (t). 
 
 After this Preamble, he enters upon the thing, and, in 
 order to relate the King’s death, begins with a Character 
 of the Karl of Murray, and reprefents him as a Man of 
 a bound lei's ambition, and afpiring to the Crown. It has 
 been fecn, that this was the accufation brpught againft 
 him before Hem y II, by the Queen-Dowager and the Car¬ 
 dinal of Lorrain, and ul which Mclvil has fully cleared him. 
 Camden adds, that, with this view, Murray did all he 
 could to hinder the Queen’s Marriage, and not fucceeding, 
 took arms againft her, and was at length forced to fly into 
 England: That, during her abfence, by his Letters and 
 Friends, he lowed difcord between the King and Queen, 
 and, to hinder his Condemnation, the Earl of Morton, his 
 Friend, perfuaded the King to caufe Rizzo, Secretary for 
 the French DiTpatches, to be ailaffinated : That the King 
 coming to a fenfe of the heinoufnefs of this Crime, con¬ 
 ceived flieh an averfion to Murray, that he refolved to 
 make him away ; but that Murray having notice of it, 
 was immediate !v rtc onciled to BvlhifU, and determine./ 
 with him v= mu: Km , with delign to caft the deed on 
 
 the Queen, ruin he: in the aftedtion of her Subj’e&s, and 
 withal. :troy the Earl of Bothwcll, in order to feize the 
 Government. 
 
 This is the fubftance of the Story forged by Camden to 
 '• juftify t':e Queen, and caft the murder of the King upon 
 the La f Murray. I call it a forged Story, becaufe, in¬ 
 deed. it impofiible to reconcile it with the Hiftory of 
 See' nd, the principal circumftances whereof this Author 
 has been plealed to omit. For inftance, he fays nothing of 
 the favour Rizzo was in with the Queen, or of his great 
 credit at Court, neither does he mention that Princefs’s 
 amours with Bothwell , and yet in his very Narrative, thefe 
 two Fa£ts mull be neceflarily fuppofed. For how can it 
 be conceived, that, to fave the Honour and Eftates of the 
 Earl of Murray, there was a neceility of making away a 
 Secretary for the French Difpatches, if this Secretary had 
 not been in great credit with the Queen ? Again, why 
 muft Murray deftroy Bothwell , in order to ufurp the Go¬ 
 vernment, if Bothwell had not been in pofleflion of it? It 
 is very vifible, that otherwife Camden's account has neither 
 coherence nor foundation. In Ihort, this Author was not 
 ignorant, that the Queen of Scots had been publickly ac- 
 culed of the King her Husband’s death ; that all Scotland 
 and all England were full of it, and that it palled for a 
 certain Fadt in both Kingdoms. Can therefore Fadts pub¬ 
 lickly known, it I may fo fay, be overthrown forty years 
 after, by a bare contrary account, without the leaft proof 
 of what is advanced ? But to confirm what I have been 
 laving with regard to Camden, I need only obferve, thatf 
 Melvd's Memoirs, penned before Camden's Annals , but 
 which appeared not till long after, are entirely oppofne 
 to what that Author has laid, and perfedtly agree with Bu¬ 
 chanan's Hiftory, a few circumftances excepted. 
 
 Alefvii is the third Author 1 am to fpeak of. He was a 
 perlon of diftindtion, who was employed in feveral em- 
 baflies, and concerned in what palled at the Court of Scot¬ 
 land. Nay, it appears in his Memoirs, that he was very 
 much in the (Jueen’s favour, fince Ihe chol'e him to advife 
 
 her about her behavior, and tell her of her faults. A 1567. 
 Sovereign can hardly give a Subjedi greater marks of e- 
 ftcem. If Buchanan has not mentioned him in his Hifto¬ 
 ry, it was probab'y, becaufe be loved him not. Mclvil 
 on his part has drawn in his Memoirs a character of Bu¬ 
 chanan, which tho’ it does juftice to his fenfe and great 
 knowledge, gives no very advantagious idea of the qua- 
 lities of his mind. This fuffices to fhow he has not co¬ 
 pied that Hiftorian, and that they did not correfeond. 
 
 He has writ what palled before his eyes, from the’ year 
 j $ 6 3 » when he returned to his own Country, to the 
 year 1594. Confequently he cannot he laid, to be ill-in¬ 
 formed. He may be ftill lefs fufpedled bv the Queen's 
 Friends, fince it is plain in his Memoirs, that he wlis al¬ 
 ways attached to the intereft of that Princefs. Accord¬ 
 ingly ]>e fpcaks of her every where with great caution 
 contenting himfelf with briefly intimating feme things’ 
 which Buchanan has not fcruplcd to infill upon more 
 largely. He has not thought fit however to conceal the 
 principal fadls, becaufe thefe fame facts ferve for founda¬ 
 tion to his Memoirs, which otherwife would have no 
 connexion. He has not writ either to jullifv, or accufe 
 the Queen, but purely for the inftru&ion of his Son in 
 what palled in his own time. If we compare his Me¬ 
 moirs with Buchanan's Hiftory, and Camden 's Annals 
 we lhall foon be convinced, it is impoflible to reconcile 
 them with what Camden fays, hut that on the contrary 
 they agree in the principal fads related by Buchanan. 
 
 All the difference is, Mclvil has cleared many things 
 which Buchanan did not well know. And on the other 
 hand, Buchanan , has enlarged much more upon every 
 tiling that can refle.'t on the Queen, whereas Mclvil very 
 flight!;/ touches upon inch paflagev. By that he /hows he 
 fpcaks of them with regret, and id far only as to carry 
 on the thread of his Memoirs. 1 
 
 Alter thele remarks upon three Hiftorians, of whom 
 two were cotemporaries, eye-wimefl'es of what they re¬ 
 late, and agree together in thfc main, without having writ 
 by concert, and without one at leaft being liable "to be 
 fufpeded of difguiling the truth, and of whom the third 
 writ lorty years after, and is dire&lv contrary to the two 
 others, without fupporting his ftory’ with any teflimonv 
 or known Author, I think 1 cannot he blamed if I take 
 the two firlt for Guides, preferably to the laft (2 !. 
 
 W iiihr the King was taking remedies to expel the i- " v • 
 fon, the Queen remov’d the young Prince her S. a u > !n )"!Z' ce „ 
 Sterling, and ordered him to be carried to Edinburgh ' .'■■air 
 tho’ it was in the midft of Winter '3). Shortly after flu. JurEh ‘ 
 heard the King had refolved to withdraw into [France or! x>‘.' 
 Spain, and that there was an Englijh Ship ready to re " w 
 ceive him, as foon as he could bear the fatigue of the voy '" !l ' 1 
 age. This precaution making her apprehenfive he would 7 b, "Zn 
 get away, and fo break all her meafurcs with Bothwell, ihe 
 exprefs’d an intention to be reconciled to him. To that f d . 
 purpofe, Ihe lent feveral tender and affedlionate letters ZZZZZZ 
 to convince him of her fincerity. At laft, ft, e went to Ed:,lbur s 1 ’- 
 fee him at Glajcow (4), and lo artfully manag’d him, 
 that Ihe prevailed with him to return to Edinburgh in a 
 Litter. Mclvil docs not mention the Queen’s Journey to Buch; ! r:,n - 
 Glafctw, but neceflarily fuppofes a reconciliation, fince he^'-V!' 
 fpeaks of the King’s voluntary return to Edinburgh (5).-'pot-*word. 
 As foon as he came there, lie was lodged in a lonefome Thuanus - 
 hotife (6) near the Walls of the City, on pretence he 
 would be difturbed by the noife in the Palace. For feme Bueha™. 
 days the Queen made him frequent vlfits, and even 
 caufed her own bed to be brought into a room underneath 
 the King’s. In a word, Ihe omitted nothing to perfwadc 
 him, ihe did not bear him the leaft ill Will. At that rhf Eart °f 
 time, the Earl of Murray, upon news that his Wife was uZZtb, 
 like to die of a mifearriage, defired leave to go and fee 
 her , and went away accordingly, notwithflanding the 0ll ' h " 1 “- 
 Qneen's mftances to the contrary. This circumflance “Q'n. 
 nukes equally for Ih.rharme. and Camden. Buchanan in- BamfUple. 
 fers from it, that the Earl of Murray had no hand in the 
 King s murder, who was killed the night followi-no-, fince 
 he abfemed himfelf the day before the deed ( 7). Camden 
 
 ft*' 
 
 eve Cam Jen 
 ratal, the r 
 
 •"' ••■•v milling ; as are alfi th.ife of the 
 itincil, with feveral Ads concerning Queen Mary. Ai.iiaJin'. 
 
 r Husband Franc 
 arliament in Veen.. 
 ColltSl. Preface to 
 
 it nothing in his Anna!-; ..ho,-.: Scotland, but what was didhted 10 him, or eni„ine,l hi lame, T We .r 
 
 . Author of the Annul*, whoever he be. R.,p ln - Osborn favs that Sa J aZZj T 7***** under - 
 
 ther to vind-cate the Hunour and Inlegiiiy uf his Mother. llian to do right for a Millrels" tint htH f m S x" 7 " e ^' d . b f Kln S and 
 
 «« St* *0-. a, Arms. «, ,r, /Q, F.InJ.mh, J. ,6-,f ”, ST “ ,h, Cimi 7 “ * 
 
 commonly olltd. II. .*■/, , . „.a/. m mifii,,. d.„i„ s -hr Go., nrmtnt .f Q, " L„‘ f t c 7 S“"' ' » J** 1 ’ 
 
 rhe Tri.l an-1 S.e.uiionot ,h, E„l of M«-« in In rvhich Krcdo «.„ thc Elr | HuSW, T-fT ' ’ o n / , V , “ X” 8 /?“'• " U 
 
 *» K'”V Dm*,. Too Kr.orJ, of -ho l-arliom™, of SV„W, hold i„ , s 6o. k,”l;„Qnt t o' t "» * ■ 
 
 where n the Authority of the Pope was abolilhtd. and the Pro-.elhnt Religion enablifted, ate likewiie ~-:.i_- - .f 
 
 h -• ' <>■’. wherein the A::s made concerning the Protcliant Religion v . 
 
 (be flip tColume, p. 7, S- 
 
 I 2 ) ln Awt. may be faid of thefe three HilWians, in regard to Qecn M.ir V , that Cam,tin has frarce 
 -!l the Truth, and more than the Truth, and that .1 <hnl has faid the Truth, iiut not the whole Truth. 
 
 (3) Pretending that the Hotife where he was kept was inconvenient, and Si.rbn^ a m -ill and cJd P!i 
 r.t lays nothing qf th ; s Journey ; but he fuppofes it afterwards, when he fays, the Queen delivered the IVi 
 burgh might be taken out of his Hands. Rafsin. 
 
 (4) Attended only by the Ham/tons, and other Enemies of the King. Buchanan. 
 
 ..(£) Th! - "-as afterwards brought to Edinburgh, ard lodged in the Kirk-KiM, as 
 
 his Health, hut many fulpefted that the Earl ot Bothiucll had fome Enterprize a -.tinft h m. n 
 
 (6j Uninhabited for fome ye^rs. Buchanan. c 1- 7 
 
 (7 1 Mc/vll Q , that he was retired from the Court feveral days before, p -S. 
 
 No. 4'. Vo 1. II. u , 
 
 ^ draw 
 
 nth, that Bucbancn has faid 
 
 . where he fhonld catch cold. Bucbp. 
 
 c Earl 0 
 
 a place of gor 
 
 MJ- 
 :e CaAle uf Edw- 
 
 night bell . 
 
 u 
 
78 
 
 1 5 6 7- 
 
 Buthanan. 
 Melvil. 
 p. 78. 
 Thuanus. 
 
 The tragical 
 Death oj the 
 King. 
 
 Buchanan. 
 T.111.p.324 
 
 The H I S T 0 R T of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. 11. 
 
 them, h wuultl have been very dangerous to take fuch a 1,-;. 
 ftep (6). However, Libels and Ballads were publifheil, Ib P i 
 wherein Bothuell was ftill accuffed. Whereupon he caufe 
 it to be fixed up in feveral Places, that he wouid fight anv s : ,,: ,v 
 
 He 
 
 A Report is 
 
 the Earl if 
 Murray bad 
 killed the 
 King. 
 Camden. 
 Buchanan. 
 
 p. 78. 
 
 draws a quite contrary inference, faying the motive of 
 his going away was to hinder his being lufpedted. Bu¬ 
 chanan and Melvil affirm, many knew there was a de- 
 fign to kill the King, but no man durft warn him of it, 
 becaufe he told all again to the Queen, or fome of his 
 Servants, who betrayed him. However, the Earl ot Ork¬ 
 ney half-brother to the Earl of Murray , gave him notice 
 of it, which he telling again to the Queen, fhe fent for 
 the Earl of Orkney to examine him ; but he denied •“ 
 her prefence, he had ever faid any fuch thing (1). 
 
 At length, the time appointed for the deed being com 
 the Queen left the King to go and put to bed one of h 
 women (2) who had been married that day. I omit num- 
 berlefs circumfiances whereby Buchanan infinuates the 
 Queen was in the plot. Indeed, thofe circumftances 
 would be fo many proofs, if they were confirmed by an 
 unfufpefted Author. But as Melvil fays nothing of them, 
 
 I chufe to pafs them over in filence. Be it as it will, 
 
 the Kin* was ftranglcd that night (3), with one of his Perfon, than ol the 
 Servants who lay in his room. As foon as he was dead, agreed to the exchange. 
 
 hi, I,rail was carried into a garden belonging to a neigh- Hitherto People weie contented wtth liberally pub],flung 
 bourinr ho'ufe, where his flippers were alio brought, their fufpidons of Bothwell w.thout nny adverfary appear- 
 
 TheiAre was fet to fome barrels of powder placed in mg agamft him But at ML the Earl of Lenox hm Hi, , , 
 
 the room where the Queen’s bed was, and the houfe was the Queen very flow to pun,Hr the crime lately committed, A -j . 
 
 blown up. The People who came running in at the noife, follicited her by Letters for Juftice upon BotbwJl, c ^ ar g m g Blllhanan , 
 
 were told at firft, that the violence of the Gun-powder 
 had thrown the King into the garden. But as his flippers 
 were found by him, as his fhirt was not fing’d by the fire, 
 and as fome black and blue ma.ks were feen round his 
 neck the People were not fo credulous. 1 he fame night 
 it was rumoured about the City, that the Earlsof Mar¬ 
 tin and Murray had caufed the King to be alfaffinated, 
 
 f , MS . TlKfrttVnct draf «h=°tri of Melvil fays upon this fubjeft ’ 
 
 Ahrrt mull have bren concerned in the murder, ftnee Every bodyJifpeeled the Earl of Bothwell, ami thje w,.o sum - 
 he was prefently accufed by the voice of the Publick. iurjl [peak freely to other,. Jatd plainlyfiat it a a. lie. Mi , lL 
 But this Loice of the l’ublick confided doubtlefs of fome \Phereupon he drew together a man,,, of La... of ha Dm 
 People who were fuborned to fpread the report. Melvil 'pendert to he an Hfftzewhtch cleared and aJ,mi km; • 
 
 \ ;■ LL.,: 
 
 Perfon that fhould dare to maintain thi - 
 was anfwered by another Paper, pulled up with.out a name, 
 that his challenge was accepted, provided he would appoint 
 neutral place lor the Duel ; but this came to nothing. 
 
 The Queen perceiving at length, that the Murmurs >•, • -j 
 and Complaints of the People might be attended with ill 
 confequence?, was delirous of having the Cafile of Edm rmgh in 1 
 burgh in her hands, the cuftody whereof was committed " 
 
 to the Kail ot Marr by the Suites. J he Lull was un- y,. nctt0! 
 
 willing to comply with the Queen’s defire. But at lengthy Earl 
 imagining a Civil War was at hand, he offered to deliver 
 the Caftle, provided lie was fu fie red to carry the young M ( .| vi | 
 
 to Sterling , of which he was Governor alf<>. He p. So, Si, 
 
 thought it more advantagious to be mafler of the Prince’s 
 Caftle of Edinburgh, and the Queen 
 
 iin witli being the Author of the King his Son’s murder. Ctmden. 
 This Letter threw the Queen into gieat perplexity. She 
 could not deny a Father the fatisfa&ion he demanded, ef- f p 4 
 pecially in a cafe concerning the death of a King who had-CSV. 
 been her Husband. I fhall not relate here all her artifices Spotiswood. 
 to evade this profccution, and to get Bothwell acquitted, be¬ 
 caufe Buchanan , who has given the particulars, may be 
 fufpe&ed. I lhall content my felf with tranferibing what 
 
 lels carried aw a 
 
 burnt the King's houfe , and himfelf was fo... . ~ j 0 
 
 ... , r . fni a He defired me cency, which a Woman leldom does, 
 
 to go TaZthifllthat there was not a halt nor a by the violence of paffion. But thefe are trifles in compa- 
 nJrl m all his body. But when 1 went up to fee him, he nfon of what (he did afterwards (, . 
 
 had been taken into a chamber, and kept by one Alexan- ' .* 
 
 dcr Durham, but I could not get a fight of him. Buchanan 
 
 adds, the Queen ordered the body to be brought to her on 
 the wrong fide of a bench, and after viewing it fome time 
 : without any figns of joy or grief, commanded it to be 
 interred near Rizzo, in the Sepulchre of the Kings (+). 
 It is llranuc that Camden, who attempts to flop Buchanan 
 of all credit, fhould not undertake withal to confute any 
 of the circumftances related by that Hiftorian , though 
 
 The report of the Queen’s intending to marry the Earl Fru-.tiy 
 of Bothwell* flying from the Court over all the Kingdom, 'ff.'f. 
 the Lord Herr is came to Edinburgh. He took fo feafona- fi.fj 
 ble a time, that he accoftcd the Queen in BothweH's ab- 
 fence, and cafting himfelf at her feet, freely told her, it 
 would be an everlafting difhonour to her, it fhe married Melvil. 
 her Husband’s Murderer. The Queen feigning a furprife, p* 78* 
 anfwered, fhe did not know from whence he haft this in¬ 
 telligence, and very coldly added, that hitherto her heart 
 
 her in favour of Bothwell. A few id. p. -9. 
 
 Court. 
 
 Luchaiun. 
 
 Scandal us 
 
 of tbek^utt', 
 
 Bothwell 
 
 thev arc many in number, and very dilhonorable to the had diftated nothing to , 
 
 tney are many ,1.^.,. a f ter> Melvil received a Letter from England about 
 
 The' Earl of Murray, though lick, and notwithftand- the fame thing but expreffed in much rtrongcr Terms 
 ing the rumour about him, came to Court two days after, than the Lord Hern e remonftrance, winch he ft,owed to 
 and appeared without fear. This fhows he was in no the Queen, who find it was a deuce of his. own. Me.,,,I 
 dread T“Le accufa.ions of his Enemies; and indeed he alibied her the Letter came frotn the Perfon whofe 
 was never queftioned for the Faft (s). The Queen keep. 
 
 was fubferibed, and contained nothing but what he himfelf 
 had defigned to reprefent to her as he was in duty bound. 
 
 Thus the Queen, in refolving to marry Bothwell , finned 
 not out of ignorance, fince file was fully informed of the 
 People’s opinion concerning the Author of the King’s 
 death. . 
 
 A few days after, fhe went to Sterling to fee the Prince 7 be %«•, 
 her Son. If Buchanan is to be credited, her intent was,. 
 
 ... her Chamber but a few days, refumed her ufual way 
 of°life, having always the Earl of Bothwell with her. 
 
 Mean while, the People murmured exceedingly that 
 there was no Inquiry concerning the King’s death, of 
 which they openly accufed the Earl of Bothwell. Thefe 
 Murmurs were fo publick, that Bothwell could not help 
 
 takimr fome ftep to fhow he was willing to clear himfelf. u«a ou«. *1 . - — — " —, T . : , 
 
 He wait therefore in company with fome friends, to the on feme pretence to get him out of the hands of the Eml- 
 Earl of Lyle, chief Juftice of the Kingdom, and rc- of Marr, who pla.nl, refufed to deliver him to her re y:«iWl. 
 ouefted him’to make Inquifttion concerning the Murder turn to Edinburgh, Jbe was met by the Earl of Bot,w„l, ■_ ■ o- ■ 
 of the Kin'o Upon his Jequeft, a Proceeding was begun, with a Company of armed Men (t>), who carried her a- 
 
 of feveral Perfons were taken ; but all way, and conduftcd her to Dunbar. ^ Me.a,., *ho -f. Mem,. 
 The Court was contented prefent, and was himfelf arretted, fays Dottnvcll on I ■ <r p- 
 
 v , 1 i i- word which c 
 
 and the depofitions 
 was fupprefied on a fudden. 
 
 th offering a reward to any Perfon that fhould difeover Mayejly s Horfe by the bridle, and adds n. . . _ • *ow> , 
 
 ■ Authors 8 of the King’s death. But as all believed the may mfinuate that the Qtieen fremed furprized at th s no- 
 iieen and Bothwell guilty, no one was fo bold as to accufe lence, or that fhe offered to make the lead refiftance (9). 
 
 Earl of Botbivill 10 hade for 
 
 ard his Enterpriz- 
 Powder ; but it w 
 ftocated. p. 78. 
 
 '1' Tht« Adverr-fement. fav 5 Melvil, moved thi 
 where The King did lodge, and in the Night did blew u ? the faid Houle with 
 down to a Stable, where a Napkin was Hopped m hrs Mouth, and he therewiti 
 , , Sr'.iHun. on; of herMuliek. Buchanan. ~ 
 
 /j February 10. two hours after Midnight. Sec Anderjon sCdlccl. Tom. 
 with it in the main. See J ebb's ColUft. Tom. 2. p- 29. 
 
 , 4 . Th. ugh the Nobility there prefent had decreed to give him a magnificent 
 i| But Botbwtll at'empted to dtfpatch him out of the way. See Buchanan 
 I. si .,, as Buchanan Lbferves, the Eul of Bcthn-cll was to be the accufed Perfon the 
 - ~Jcbn Habroun, lalla, DagUiph, and Psnory, were executed for the King's Mutther 
 ’ 1 mdred Men. at Almn Bridge. Buchai 
 
 ; he had before laid 1 tra’n of P, 
 s fpoken, that the King was tak 
 
 s from this account in fome Circ 
 
 vder under the Houfe 
 n forth, and brought 
 
 («) 
 
 , The Que 
 
 r Inftruft 01 
 
 Husband. S;c Andcrjoni Cilhtt. Tom. 
 
 the Bilhop of Dunblane 
 I- P- 99* 
 
 , Tha* ’ 
 
 Judge, the Exam : rn 
 January 3d, enfuinj 
 
 •] partly extorted, and partly 
 
 , and the Punifher 
 See Buchanan's 
 
 Tie 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 ELIZABETH. 
 
 1567. He fays 011 the contrary, that Captain Blachater who feiz- 
 ed him, allured him all was done with the Queen’s own 
 Content. 
 
 When Bothibcll came to Dunbar, he procured a Divorce 
 ‘bn ivjcH from his Wife, Daughter of the Karl of Huntley, whom 
 Utuh.man. lie had married but fix months before. This divorce was 
 "Stood. dccrccd ty two Sentences, one in the Ecclcfiaftical, and the 
 other in the Civil Court, and both at the fuit of the 
 Countefs of Botincell. In the firft tryal, before the Arch- 
 bifliop of St. Andrew's , Bothwell was accufed of a crimi¬ 
 nal commerce with a Kinfwoman of his Wife, and upon 
 In's Confelfion, the Archbifhop pronounced the fentence of 
 divorce (1). In the fecond, his Wife accufed him of a- 
 dultcry, and as he did not deny it, the marriage was an¬ 
 nulled. He was forced to make ufe of thefe two means, 
 by reafon of the different rules the two Courts obferve, 
 with regard to the caufes for annulling a marriage. The 
 procefs was commenced and ended inlefs than ten days. In 
 all appearance, the Earl of Huntley , BothwelPs greatfriend, 
 bo ' perfwaded his Daughter himfelf to fue for a divorce. This 
 is Buchanan's account, but Melvil fays, he cannot tell how 
 nor by what Law he parted with his Wife, becaufe ha¬ 
 ving been releafed, he had left Dunbar. Hence it is plain 
 
 at lead, he had not read Buchanan's Hiftory, when he 
 
 writ his Memoirs, nor did copy that Hiftorian, though 
 they agree in the principal fa£ts. 
 
 v h, ^unn t Bothwell being thus parted from his Wife, carried the 
 
 nltTSSh. 9 - ucen to Edinburgh , and the next day fhe appeared in the 
 
 well. Courts of juftice, and declared fhe was entirely free. This 
 
 Buchanan, was done to prevent an obje&ion, which might be taken 
 Coiled * from her captivity, to null the marriage fhe intended to 
 T. I. P . 87. contrail with Bothwell. This Marriage was fo odious in 
 all its circumflances, that, it was very difficult to find any 
 pretence to leflen the horror of it. The only method, 
 the Queen and Bothwell could find, was to make the 
 Lords of the Court Complices of the fame crime. To 
 that end, Bothwell having invited them to dinner, pre- 
 MeJvtL° 0d ' f ented t0 and caufed them to fubferibe, a Pa- 
 
 p. 80. per, the purport whereof was, That they judged It urns 
 much the Queen's interejl to marry Bothwell, he having ma¬ 
 ny Friends in Lothian and upon the Borders , which would 
 caufe good order to be kept. And then the Qiieen could not 
 but marry him , feeing he had run away and lain with her 
 againjl her ll ill. One of Camden's artifices, among ma¬ 
 ny others, is to fpeak of this paper or approbation of the 
 great Men, in a very loofe manner, and alter it entirely, 
 under colour of relating the fubftance. Moreover he 
 fpeaks of it before he relates the Queen’s Rape, that this 
 Rape might be confidered as a confequencc of the approba¬ 
 tion of the great Men, whereas it was juft the contrary, 
 Melvil. as may be feen by the very Writing in Melvil (z). How- 
 Spotiswood. ever the Marriage was folemnized (3) after the manner of 
 the Proteftants, by the Bifhop of Orkney , who was very 
 ready to do fo odious an office. 
 
 Ind £th- Whatever fufpicion the Queen had given of herfelf, by 
 well her neglect to punifh the Authors of the King’s Murder, 
 
 ‘h L r‘ lgU lh therC WCrC ( ° me ’ however > who ftill doubted whether fhe 
 
 f'mJurd?. was S uilt y- B,Jt when they faw her publickly efpoufe the 
 ruchanan. Earl of Bothwell ’, hardly was there a Man who durft un¬ 
 dertake her defence (4), It was eafy for her to perceive 
 
 the change in the hearts of her Subje&s, fo vifible was 
 
 their difeontent. For this reafon, fhe refolved to ftrengthen 
 herfelf with the affiftance of the great Men, by forming a 
 League with them , for the defence of herfelf and new 
 Spoufe. All thofe that depended on Bothwell readily 
 figned the League ; but herein lay not all the difficulty. 
 There was another very confiderable Party which was to 
 be gained, otherwife the League of the Court would be 
 7h ‘ f Brl of Power. To that end, the Queen and Bothwell 
 
 thou S ht ^ neceflary to begin with the Earl of Murray , 
 Buchanan, that he might influence all the reft. The Confederacy 
 therefore was brought him to fign. But he anfwered, that 
 to oblige him to ferve the Queen, it was needlefs to make 
 him fign the Paper; and for the Earl of Bot/nue/l, fince 
 the Queen had defired he would be reconciled to him, he 
 fhould punctually obferve whatever he had promifed. 
 However, fearing, after this refufal, to be expofed to the 
 refentment of the Court, he defired leave to withdraw to 
 St. Andrew's , but perceiving the Queen made fome fcruple, 
 prayed her to permit him to pafs fome time in France ; to 
 He r»'/ , which readily confented, and he departed within a few 
 ^France. tla )’ s ^)- Camden has taken care not to mention the rea- 
 Melvil. fon of Murray's retiring into France: That very ill agrees 
 ^ s °' with his Scheme. For, had that Lord affociated with 
 
 Bothwell to kill the King, why fhould lie quit the Cm:i\ ,-r.~ 
 at a time when, inflead of having any thing to fear, fie 
 might have cxpc&ed every tiling, from’ the great credit cf 
 his pretended Friend ? 
 
 Mean while, all Scotland loudly complained that 1:0 A Ce-frdr 
 vengeance was taken for the King’s death, and at feeing " >• '• /■> 
 the Queen married to the Man, who was univerfally con- 
 li tiered as [Ik- murderer. The King of France even writ .w l, Hit 
 to Du Croat his Ambaiiador, to dignify his ahonifhnient at 'T "' !lr 
 tt, and his Letter was fhown to fel'eral Lords. In ftort S'"-' 
 the Earls of Argyll, Mortem, Marr, Athol, Glmcarn , and MmtZ 
 the Baron of Boyd, meeting at Stirling, ligned a Confe- 
 deracy, the intent whereof, was to bring tie- murderers- of Liljj 
 the King to condign Puniftment, and to caufe the Queen's 
 late Marriage to he diliolvcd (6). They hoped to eft'ect 
 this the more eafrly, as they had room to believe, the 
 Queen herfelf would not be forty to be compelled, conli- 
 dermg the unworthy treatment fhe had now received from 
 her new Spoufe. Melvil fays, he heard her one day call f s '- 
 for a Knife to flab herfelf, not being able to bear his hru- 
 tifh ufage. 
 
 As the Confederates did not queftion, that the People TheE^ fe r 
 of Edinburgh would countenance their undertaking, they ""^’th- 
 had projected to inveft the City, that the Queen and Both- 
 
 who were there without Troops, might not efcapc. Luchanan.' 
 But Bothwell, having notice of their defign, retired with Welvii - 
 the Queen to Borthwick. They were purfued by the Con- P ' 
 federates ; but it was in vain, the Queen and Botl.nvrll 
 bang now gone to Dunbar. Having miffed their aim, Edinburgh 
 the Confederates marched to Edinburgh , where the Gates dH,ar,i J" 
 were opened to them, notwithftanding the endeavours of 
 the Earl of Huntley , the Archbifhop of St. Andrnu'r, and buchinan. 
 the Bifhop of Rojs to the contrary, who were even forced N,e,vil - 
 to withdraw into the Caftle, from whence Sir James Bal- P ' 8l ’ 
 four, whom the Queen had made Governor, afforded them 
 means to efcnpe cllewhere. He gave alfo the Confederates 
 to underftand, he would not give up the Caftle, but inten¬ 
 ded to Hand neuter. 
 
 iMean time, the Queen and Bothwell drew together 7 be <*ue r n 
 fome forces at Dunbar , with all poflible diligence. But the ard ^' ,h - 
 Confederates were extremely embarafTed. They had no " 7 * 
 Money: Balfour refufed to give them any Artillery or Buchanan! ' 
 Ammunition; and by reafon of the ill fuccefs of the en- 
 terpnze of Borthwick , part of their Troops had deferred p ' 8a ‘ 
 them. So, after feveral confultations, they had almoft re- ' 
 folved to give over their Proje< 2 s, and return to their 
 homes. The Queen and Bothwell being informed of their 
 condition, marched immediately towards Edinburgh , in 
 hopes of furprizing them before they came to any refolu- 
 tion This news being brought to the Confederates in the The iw f . 
 rnght, mfteacl of flying, they refolved to meet the Queen, dera,ei z° 
 and decide the affair by a Battle. This refolution flopped T ,a 
 their Enemies, who finding things take a quite different Buchanm. 
 turn from what they expected, fuffered them to paA the 
 Esk without oppofition, after which the two Armies flood 
 very near each other. Then it was, the Queen perceived 
 
 Pr0 ”P s ^id not f" erve her heartily, and that but few 
 of her Officers and Soldiers were willing to fight in her 
 quarrel. 1 he knowledge of this infpiring her with creat she is 
 ear, fhe defired to fpeak with I Vi lHam Kircaldie Laird o fjraidotbe. 
 Ciange , one of the Heads of the Confederates, who com- ‘P& d, f ert ‘d 
 manded a fmall Body, more advanced than the reft of the i,£Z. 
 Army. Kircaldie waiting on her, told her plainly, there Melvi/. 
 was no hopes of agreement, unlefs fhe would put away p< s 3 - 
 Bothwell, who was reckoned the late King’s murdered, KCS 
 and moreover, was married to another Woman ; but on 
 that condition, the Confederates would honour and obey 
 her as they ought. The Queen asking him, whether (he 
 could rely upon his word, he returned to the Confederates, la, “ wtb 
 and brought a full power to treat with the Queen upon tbt Urd ' i 
 that fame condition. Whereupon Bothwell feeing no re- ^ ; 
 medy ehofe to retire to Dunbar, and the Qtieen put 
 herfelf into the hands of Kircaldie , who conducted her to rbar hand,, 
 the Confederate Army. The Heads received her with 
 more refpeft than fhe expeiled ; but it was with great P- S3. 
 dimculty the Soldiers were reftrained, who cried out againft s P°nswocd. 
 " er r v 5 r ^ i rrever ently. She was conduced [that night 1 She is C cv. 
 to Edinburgh, and lodged in the Provoft’s Houfe, where du(1ed 
 a Guard was fet on her, fo that fhe was really a Prifoner. w nbur,gh ’ 
 
 It is likely, the Heads were not yet fully determined what Cu/itd! ‘” n 
 to do with her; but fhe afforded them herfelf an occafion 
 to be refolved. The very night fhe came to Edinburgh , p ‘ 84 ’ 
 lhe bribed one of her Guard, and gave him a Letter for 
 Bothwell , full of tender and afre&ionate expreffions, calling 
 
 
 1 Sopie fay he had a Bull to abfulve hi 
 
 this Inccft. If fo, he w 
 Inftru61ions to the Bilhop of Dunblane, ir, 
 
 u ‘d not plead it, that he might give occafior 
 
 And yet the Queen, in he 
 dtrJ’jn s Colled. Turn. 1. p. 94, ana 104. 
 
 Hi S p' - , A ‘ thc Pala<:e in Holy rood- houfe , by Adam Betb-well Bilhop of Orkney. Mel-jU, p. So. 
 
 COuM nel him onrt h° ! ‘"u ’ 1 u Pr,nce u wa ' in ,n be cut off, by him who had (lain his Father 
 
 (O 8 Melvil fn-alrs r'P J war ” nt h,m fr , om avenging his Father's death. Mtl-vil, p. eS, 81. 
 
 (6j ”” wi ‘ hou ' ,lTO, " E ,h ' 
 
 the annulling of the Mariiage. 
 
 ■s this Writing to have been figned before lhe was carried away. See An- 
 
 ■For Bothwell boafted, that if he 
 
8o 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAN D. 
 
 Vol. 
 
 im, Utr 
 
 ■ in. unocr 
 
 II:,nt , ami promiiing never to forlake 
 tier falling into the hands of the confede- 
 ic them reli.lve to be more watchful over 
 1 1 a pretence to fhut her up in the Caftle of 
 the cuihnly of the Earl ot Murray 's 
 
 The Queen complained bitterly of this ufage, and writ 
 t > KircaUic, reproaching him, that what had been pro- 
 miicd her • va> not pcrfirmed. Kircaldie anf-vered, lie had 
 alrcadv upbraid ■ I the Lords for the fame ; but they had 
 flio.ved him a Letter under her own hand, widen had flop¬ 
 ped his mouth. He ended his Letter with faying, 
 could do nothing for her, but ad vile 
 
 t married to another, and 
 The Queen, as flic n 
 
 the 24th of Jane, and the young King w.ts man.pirated 1567- 
 the 2';th of the fame month, by the Bdhop of Orkney. 
 
 Shortly niter, fmne Lords ( 3 ), win were not of the 
 Confederacv, met at Hamilton Cal He, to confidt what p,, 
 was to be done at this nmdture. I he Confederates hav- Bnnunm. 
 iilg notice thereof, fent 'James AIcToil , Author of the Me- 
 mohs, to know the reafon of the ir being affembled. I Ley 
 replied, they could not hut think it ft range, that the King 
 fhould be crowned, without their being called to the Cere 
 nv.my, fince they had no lefs ’/.cal titan the reft ot tire 
 Lords, for tie good of their Country, and they believed to 
 
 .. o/ he havecaufe to fear there were ill deligns againlt them, lincc 
 
 her to think no more fuch important refolutions had been l iken without confult- 
 
 acculed of kil- 
 ad the Letter, 
 
 Spot i-word. 
 
 of a Man wi¬ 
 ling her Husband, 
 fhed a flood of tears. 
 
 Hut a thing which happened a few days after, was ftill 
 more prejudicial to her. Hothwell coming to Dunbar, few t 
 a Ma i to Balfour , Governor of Edinburgh Caftle, for a 
 C,"s!;ct which he had trufted with him. It was a Silver 
 ( • to Qi n b v ra> II, ' h fh< 
 had Balfour & livered it 10 the Mel 
 
 : Bu mats, gave notice of it 
 to the confederate Lords, who took it from the Bearer. 
 However this be, it fell into their hands. ’I hey opened 
 . and font t many Lot Vet cs and ! a :tt 1 . and 
 
 among the reft, fume that contained the whole Blot againft: 
 the late King, 
 
 But this was 11 
 Contrails of i\ 
 one of which \ 
 
 King’s death. 
 ley's hand, 
 
 ing them ; that therefore they were met, not wah intent 
 to offend any Perlon, but only to provide lor their own 
 ft t . Mt foil fays, tl wi ft of the C01 edt ratt ere P 
 for admitting thcle Lords to their confultations, but the 
 others refolvcd to exclude them, and that tl. ndvice pre¬ 
 vailed, to the great detriment of the Kingdom. Indeed, 
 from this fmall number of Lords affembled at Hu raiton, 
 role a Party, which declared at length for the Queen, and 
 ferved long to foment the troubles of the Kingdom. 
 
 The Chiefs of the Confederates had not all the lame 
 views. Some aited only out of private intereft, and made ^f nJe l r f, ei 
 ufe of the prelent juncture to ruin their enemies. Others, 
 in iigning the Confederacy, intended, to remove the fcan- 
 ' which tiic Queen’s Marriage had given, to get rid of 
 
 amIUw manner tt was to be exccutcli (i). /ie.'WI, to pin the Queen again in poll'eHion of the Go- 
 
 Buchanan fays, there were alfo three 
 .1 .image between : he Queen and Botbwell , 
 was written in the 'Queen’s hand before the 
 Another was written in the Earl of Hunt- 
 the interval between the King s death, and 
 the Queen’s third Marriage {2) ; and the laft was a Con¬ 
 tra A in form, made at the time of the Nuptials. Proba- 
 
 vernmenf, and, perhaps, to limit her Authority by means 
 of the State . Thefe laft knowing the Earl of Murray 
 was returning to Scotland (9), fent James Melvil to in-^ 
 form him of the fituation of affairs, and to exhort him to 
 behave with great moderation, and above all things, to 
 avoid an entire rupture with the Queen. They repre- 
 fented to him, that his intereft required it, becaufe he 
 
 biv the two firlt ... draughts, i ip ofmg Buchanan would bo much more mailer of bis own Party, fo long B 
 
 rpeaks thi truth . for UMI fays nothing of the Casket or he left the Queen feme hopes, than ,t ^ reduced her af- 
 (Yintr ic t' Camden lays, however, on another occafion, fairs to fuch a ftate, that her enemies would have nothing 
 that cettain Verfes and Love-Letters were produced againft more to fear from her. Murray perceived, that indeed 
 t! ;, . but mentions not the Casket fpoken of by fuch a conduft would be advantagious to Nm, and prom.led 
 
 Buchanan. 
 
 The Queen’s Captivity, and the fei/ing of her Papers, 
 having made Bothwiil ienfiblc it would not be proper for 
 him to be in Scotland, he retired to the Hies of Orkney (3), 
 whet for fome t me, either tor his iub- 
 
 fiftence, or to be revenged of the Scots. 
 
 Buchanan. 
 
 Melvil. 
 
 P . *?■ 
 Camden. 
 
 il lin h 
 p. 405. 
 
 appoint 1 
 Regent. 
 
 Buchanan- 
 
 HoiJingfh- 
 
 to follow their advice. But he was no fooner arrived, than ■The Earl of 
 he fuffered himfelf to be fwayed by the violent Men °f nr ~ 
 his Patty, who perfuaded him to put affairs beyond th e r J^[' //frellft 
 power of being ever reftored. This is the reprefentation the 
 Melvil gives of the Earl of Murray's Conduit. A few Metoi. 
 days after his arrival, he waited on the Queen, and inftead Camden. 
 Mran 'whiitf the OiicLif the Coii federates conferring of comforting her, as He had d"» formerly when (he was 
 together upon thcii affiin, conf.dered, that if they fhould under Confinement at Edinburgh, he loaded her w«h re- 
 
 pa 1 ; the Queen a.. pofl'elT, on of the Government, proaches, rh.s had like K.break her heart j fcrtiH 
 
 they could not rely on her Promile,, nr be fecure againft then, lire was in hopes the Earl ol Murray would labour 
 her (4). They, concluded, therefore, that it was abfolutely to reftore her. . . 
 
 neceuary to deprive her of the Adminiftmtion, and to Mean while the Confederates praymg h.m Ui»cwpt of* 
 th it end” fent the Karl nf Lin, If,,, (;), to peril,ade her to the Regency, he feemed inclined to refute it, and deitred 
 rellgn the Crown to the her Son. f-i« fays, a few days to confides of ,t: but dns was all grtmace and c . 
 
 Ibli..,, her to thi,. (he was threatned to be brought to at length, he accepted rt (to) Belnre the States, which 
 
 a pubhek Tried for the murder of the King her Husband, had been convened in his abience, met, he wrtt to the „ 
 f„ Incontinency, and lor breach of Promile on the account Hum.lt,mm,, ( for fo were called the Lords ailemhied a a. H™e r 
 of Reii ion. And MMl affirms, the Earl of LhuKjr Htmtlm) to del,re them to come and join wnh dte reft ^ . 
 
 had 01 era to thre it<n her if he thought it neceffary. The of the States, m what fhould be deemed neceftarj for die b . ■ 
 
 Queen was ftrangely furpriwd at this Propofrtion: but good of the Kingdom: but they reded to come An c ,.w 
 
 rightly induing, ft was nut in her power to deny what Agreement was talked ol fome me, bu there occurred m- > 
 
 wls demanded! and that an obftinate refufal might draw fuperable dtlhcrdtres. calt, the whole blame up. 
 
 upon her world trouble,, (he gave her content. She d,d it on the M-.«r ■ and A!,■ tel, on the contrary, upon 
 the more readily, as flic was privately told by fome ot the violent Party of the Cnnlcderates, with whom the 
 the Confederates and Tbnckmlrm the EugUJt. Ambafla Regent w^jomedv Ail that eat, he eonjedlured, », hat 
 
 Jot tin; whatever (he figned in Prifon would not be of thofe who had procured the Affembly at Hemdttu, mten- 
 
 any force, but mh-ht be revoke ,1 when lire Ihnnld be at ded to ferve the Queen and wanted only a pretence to 
 
 liberty. The confederate Lords willingly agreed, lie: her- declare, winch the Lari of Murray furmihed them with, 
 
 more ReMnts, to govern the perhaps, very imprudently. However this be, Murray 
 
 minority. She" appointed not thinking fit to dcier the Convention of the States, :n 
 
 expectation of an agreement with the Hamiltonians, which 
 to him ftill feemed more remote, the Regency was con¬ 
 firmed by a Decree, i'ubfcribed by above two hundred 
 Lords and Gentlemen of the greateft diftin£tion, as well 
 Catholicks as Proteftants. 
 
 The new Regent’s firft care was to remove Balfour , Crangp 
 who had rendered himfelf fufpefted, from the Government";;;;'.: 
 
 the Laird of Ecinburg^ 
 
 Mean while 
 
 fell fhould nominate one 
 Kingdom during the Prince’ 
 
 the Earl of Murray , cither of her own choice (6), or be- 
 ciufe it was hinted to her, that he was delired ff>r Regent , 
 and, in cafe lie refufed the Office, fh.e fubftituted the Duke 
 of Chatilcraut, the Earl of Argyll, and fume other. Lords (:). 
 
 Then, Ihc was made to fieri all the Adis neceffary for the 
 refignation of the Crown'j and iu>tice being fent to the 
 Earl of Murray, who was in France, tlu- preparations 
 
 were n , < • f ot th I juration of the i ■ L - - w o >f l ■ l •; ■ , , 1 1 1 1 
 
 was but a year old. The Queen’s reiignation was figned Grange 
 
 I pv.blilV.ftJ * 
 
 .-•vjb’s DetrAion ; f. V vs have lincc been printed a 
 
 under . ary - n m. , 
 (2) Djii-d elpnl 
 (3,. Aid from tile 
 Liainyts", and 
 be taken >f the l‘iim 
 
 the Hamiltonians , at the head ot Ca/tu. 
 
 tuihonan. 
 
 Melvil. 
 
 Lontton in 1716, by Mr. Edward Simmonds, p. go. 
 
 Spotisvovd. 
 
 , (be dohied ihe I.01J i/v - r . y 
 
 n ' t t’oher Auih.-.riry on the.'- Term?, Th»t the King's Murdereis Ihould be punifhed ; That car !h ul 
 Mh H d be divorced Ir ,0 her. and Religion cifabli/hed, Others were, for hr. aod ul . g th Kfnadom . 
 
 . :. h ,. r : n f .... . rr E- I- i Othris were of Opinion, that Ihc fhould be turn, und , ,- de.T.n.u t 
 .errooraV And mhcrv a. . That (be fhould lofe her Crown ana L te together. Camden, p. 40 .. 
 
 n be the tint Regent, p- 3 
 
 ■under E:rl of G/encarn, and John Earl of .ifjrr, Camden, p. 403. 
 
 , Hmd, jwr- Vomit, 
 Sp It- Tend, p. ait 
 , Spotinv'-od) p. 21 
 
 : iiiibop of Et. ilndrr 
 
 vhom 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 23. ELIZABETH. 
 
 *567. 
 
 Ajp.cuitn 
 infayvt 
 tbc Hiucn 
 Melvil. 
 p. 88. 
 
 8f 
 
 1 567- 
 
 Tbe Regent 
 takes Pcf- 
 JrJfton of all 
 the FortreJJet 
 Melvil 
 p. 90. 
 
 Elizabeth 
 
 demands 
 Calais. 
 April zS- 
 Camden. 
 Speed, 
 p.838, & 
 France re- 
 /“/« >C. 
 
 whom was the Earl of Argyle , loudly complained of their 
 being negle&ed, and refilled to acknowledge the Earl of 
 Murray for Regent. It was eafy to perceive, their aim, 
 on that pretence, was to form a Party for the Queen. 
 
 And indeed, feme time after they met at Dunbarton, and 
 figned an affociation, the intent whereof was to releafe 
 the Queen, and replace her on the throne. Twelve 
 Lords (1), of whom the Earl of Argyle and the Bifhop of 
 St. Andrew’s were the fir ft, fubferibed the bond of aftoci- 
 ation. But the Earl of Argyle deferted this Party prefently 
 after, and came to the Parliament. This Lord, who fre¬ 
 quently chang’d fides, did not remain long with the Party 
 he had efpoufed. As for the Duke of Chateleraut he was 
 then in France, about his own private concerns. This af- 
 fociation was not at firft very formidable to the Regent; 
 but it became fo afterwards, becaufe all the Male Contents 
 of the King’s party join’d it by degrees, it not being eafy 
 for the Regent to pleafe all. 
 
 During the reft of the year, the Regent took into his 
 hands all the ftrong places of the Kingdom, and bellowed 
 the offices and governments as he judged necellary for the 
 prefervation of the publick peace. He took care, above 
 all things to caufe juftice to be adminiftred punctually and 
 impartially. Melvil blames him only for one thing ; 
 namely his not being fo diligent as he might have been, 
 in gaining the Hamiltonians.'' But it mull be confidered, 
 
 Melvil himfelf manifeftly leaned to that Party. The 
 Queen valued and loved him, and conlequently it was 
 natural to wifh her reftoration. He plainly fhows in his 
 Memoirs , that he heartily defired fhe might be replaced 
 on the Throne, which made him blame thofe who op- 
 pofed it. 
 
 The knowledge of the affairs of Scotland, is fo abfo- 
 lutely neceftary for underftanding the motives of Queen 
 Elizabeth’s Conduct and Politicks, that is is not to be 
 thought ftrange, that I have given fo particular an account 
 of what palled in that Kingdom. The fequel will juftify, 
 as I hope, this long digreffion. I return now to the affairs 
 of England. 
 
 The term for the reftitution of Calais being expired, being refolved not to Dart with Cn/ni! T 1. 11 „kr 
 Elizabeth fent into France Sir Thomas Smith Secretary of here by the way that the Chancellor of l ?-^ ferVe 
 
 State, and Sir William Winter Mailer of the Naval-Stores, ufe, in order to^evade the re Btuftin of c 7 ‘ > T 
 
 to demand that Place of the King, according to the Tree,; g^ents takenftT“heT^^lf 
 of Cateau. But nothing was farther from the King of might have juffly done if that Trea.v w r. „ i 
 Frames thoughts. He appointed Commiffioners to treat the Terms m after the manner mrnf Ti t ? 1 ! 
 with the Englijh AmbalTadors, as if it was to be confide- Hiftorians mentioned by the.French 
 
 made on this occafion, a long Speech, of which it will war with Frame. Her intention was not to Invade h, . 
 
 be fufficient to relate the fubftance, to Ihow how ground- to defend and maintain herfelf on the throne in fo!te of 
 
 of Call. He re M S fUpP ° rted ^ Dc " ial f. end “ v °'l ° f h " This was her only care. 
 
 “ of Condi with Money, and therefore have forfeited 
 “ their claim to Calais. 
 
 “ When ^ P^afed God that the French ftiould recover 
 “ Calais, he fet the natural bounds between the King- 
 “ doms of France and England , according to the Poet: 
 
 “ Et penilus toto divifos or be Britannos. 
 
 “ In a word, if any one had the affurance to propofe 
 “ to the King the reftitution of Calais , he would deferve 
 not only death, but a worfe punifhment, damnation.” 
 
 Smith replied, “ He would not Hay to Ihow the weak- Tbe Encrf7l 
 nefs of the Arguments alledged by the Chancellor, be- Ambaja. 
 
 44 cau ^ e be C0ldd not believe, the refufing to reftore Calais f r ' s An ~ 
 
 !! W , 0U r d u, ,n g ^ d L earneft be founded upon reafons fo little cTmden. 
 
 plaulible. I here was a Treaty made exprefsly on this Speed. 
 
 “ account, which the Chancellor never mentioned as if 
 “ he had forgot, that upon this Treaty, figned, ratified 
 and fworn to by the King of Frame, the Queen of 
 “ England's demand was grounded Neither did he in- 
 “ tend to lofe time in combating maxims, which, if ad- 
 “ rnitted, would render all Treaties between Sovereigns 
 “ of no effea: but would content himfelf with anfwering 
 “ two objeaions, which were the mod fpecious. As for 
 “ the Treaty of Treye, he appealed to home of the Com- 
 “ mtffioners, who were prefent at the conclufion of that 
 “ egS’. w i’ etl f r it was not agreed, that the reftitution 
 „ “ ihoul<1 be eomprifed in the general refervation 
 
 of Rights, 3nd that the reafon which they alledged to 
 hinder the Town of Calais from being referved by 
 name, was, becaufe the eight years were not yet ex- 
 “ P‘ red - As for Havre de Grace , the Englijh made a 
 peaceable entry, being invited by the Inhabitants and 
 the People of Normandy. In fhort, as for the Money 
 ‘ J 5 " 1 to th< ; Prince of Condi, the King of France him- 
 lell owned it was for his fervice, fince it was to pay the 
 “ German Soldiers, who threatned to ravage the King¬ 
 dom.” But all thefe reafons were to no purpofe, France 
 
 of Calais. He faid, 
 
 “ By the fame right the Englijh demand Calais, they 
 c ma y as well claim Paris ; for the one, as well as the 
 e other, was won and loft by arms (2). 
 
 The Englijh plead a new Title to Calais , whereas 
 4 the King of France’s Title is of the fame date with 
 1 the Monarchy itfelf. 
 
 => ---- — t'uiicniuii aouve two 
 
 hundred years, yet the Right was as much in the Kings 
 ‘ of France, as were the Dukedoms of Guienne and Nor- 
 ‘ mand y, which the Englijh detained a long time by 
 ‘ f° rce - And therefore it could not be faid, the French 
 4 bad conquered Calais and thofe Dukedoms, but only 
 ‘ recovered what belonged to them. 1 
 
 n Pre f cr ‘P tI0n °f Time is of no confideration among 
 Princes, but Right always takes place, and by the Law 
 
 . 1 vvd 5 ucr omy care, 
 
 during the whole courfe of her Reign. Hence it was that 
 ihe fometimes feem’d willing to marry, though, in all ap¬ 
 pearance, Are had no fitch defire. The firft (be decoyed 
 with this hope, was the Archduke Charles of Aujlria, theemfa,. 
 lame that was propofed to the Queen of Scotland by the Hollins®. 
 Cardinal of Lorram. She carried her diffimulation lb far 
 as to fend Thomas Ratcliff Earl of Suffer in embafiy to 
 tbe ~ ,m P eror Maximilian , to fettle the marriage-articles. 
 
 
 to keep her in this good refolution. The Earl of "Suffex 
 ftayed five months at Vienna about this negotiation, go¬ 
 ing thither under colour of carrying the Emperor the 
 Order of the Garter. But he was accompanied with the 
 Lord North, the Earl of Leicejler’s Creature, who was 
 ordered by his Patron to defeat the negotiation as much as 
 poffible, by tacitly hinting to the imperial Court, that the 
 Queen had no defign to marry, whatever file pretended. 
 
 « ; '*>= Wa ' would efpoufe t 
 
 “ The pretended attempts of Francis II in S-ntlnnd r lif o n 8 a,ld -> and Guardianff'.ip of the Children, in 
 “ could by no means afteift the Right of Charles IX hi, As t0 Reli o ion ’ after the E ‘"- 
 
 “ Succeflbr. Indeed, the very intemb ns of privatf Per f hr t r h ‘^ ** ? n ? the Privilege of a 
 
 “ Tons are in fome refpefts liable to the Laws - ‘but the fhat ^ f* ^ r . chdL1 ^ e ’ he confented at length, 
 
 “ “ f Th 1 ^Ki-SX Qyeeu of ^ 
 
 “ for .he King. Moreover,’ .hey humified .fierce t g“^ c V 
 
 (1) Eleven only. Melvil, p. S8. 
 
 (2 ; ' There was an exprefs Ticaly for Ca/ai 
 
 No. XLVIII. Vo i, 11. 
 
 ; but there was none for Paris, Rapits, 
 
 E ngland. 
 
2 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 The HISTORY* of ENGLAND. 
 
 EmbaJJy 
 f 1 m Muf. 
 
 Troubles i 
 Iiclund. 
 
 U 
 
 iglh. 
 
 Death of 
 tb; Dutbe j 
 of Norfuik 
 Camden. 
 
 Mczerai- 
 Thu ulus. 
 P. Daniel. 
 
 England, the Queen fent the Earl of SuJJex word, that (he 
 could not admit even of this. So the Negotiation was 
 broke off, though without noife, with marks of cfteem and 
 friendfhip mutually given by the Emperor and the Queen. 
 By the way, this obitacle concerning Religion, was the 
 means the Queen always ufed to break oft' all the Nego¬ 
 tiations about her Marriage. And therefore (he ever treated 
 with Catholick Princes, becaufe (he was fure of breaking 
 oft" the Negotiation whenever (he plcafed. As for the 
 Proteftant Princes, who offered themfelves whilft (lie was 
 of age to marry, (he took care to let them foon know, 
 they had nothing to hope for. This behaviour confirms 
 the fufpicion which had been always entertained, that (he 
 had made a fettled refolution never to fubmit to the ma¬ 
 trimonial yoke, though her affairs obliged her fometimes 
 to pretend the contrary. 
 
 This year arrived at London Ambafladors from John Ba- 
 Jilowitz , Grand Duke of Mufcvoy. Their publick Com- 
 miffion was, to confirm and renew the Favours which the 
 Czar their Mafter had granted to the Englijh Merchants, 
 afti>ciated by the name of the Mujcovy Company. But 
 wirh thel'e Ambafladors returned Anthony Jenkinfon an Eng- 
 lijhman , who had made a long (lay in that Country, and 
 was chirked with fome private inftrudlions (i). The 
 Czar’s dei gn was to make with Elizabeth a league offen- 
 five and delenfive, with a mutual obligation to afford each 
 other a fafe retreat, in cafe either fhould be driven out of 
 his Dominions. This Prince, who was a great Tyrant, 
 was willing to provide for his fafety, being apprehenfive his 
 Subjects would not always fuffer his Tyranny. The 
 Queen returned him a doubtful anfwer, which he had no 
 reafon to be plcafed with, anal yet he granted, two years 
 after, to the Englijh Merchants, Privileges which very much 
 conduced to render their trade with Mujcovy flourifhing. 
 
 About this time there were Commotions in Ireland , oc- 
 cafioned by the Rebellion of Shan Oneal, a Lord of great 
 intcrcft in the North ; but which ended with the death of 
 the Rebel, who was (lain by his own People. 
 
 The Duke of Norfolk , who was one of thofe that were 
 mod in the Queen’s favour, loft his Duchcfs this year (2), 
 
 ’ and by that means unfortunately faw himfelf in a condi¬ 
 tion to form projects which proved his definition (3). 
 
 The Affairs of the Low-Countries were very much al¬ 
 tered during this year. The great Men were divided, and 
 feveral had betrayed the common caufe. The Prince of 
 Orange was withdrawn to his Governments, Count Horn 
 to his own Houfe, and Count Egmont continued with the 
 Governed, who improving this difi'ention, revoked what¬ 
 ever (lie had been forced to grant to the Reformed. Then 
 (lie fent for Forces out of Germany , and railed fome 
 I fa Ikon Regiments. Shortly after Philip II. refolved to 
 fend the Duke of Alva into the Low-Countries , with an 
 Army of native Spaniards , to chaffife both the Nobles and 
 People. Whereupon, the Prince of Orange retiring into 
 Germany , the Duke of Alva entered the Country at the 
 head of his Army, without any oppofition. At his Arri¬ 
 val at Brujfels, the Duchefs of Parma put the Govern¬ 
 ment into his hands, and then the Duke exercifed cruelties 
 which it is needlefs to relate, fince they are univerfally 
 known. The Counts of Egmont (4) and Horn loft their 
 lives by the hand of the Hangman, whilft Montigny dif¬ 
 fered the fame puniftiment in Spain , and all the Prince of 
 Orange’s Lands were confiscated. 
 
 On the other hand, the Court of France , under colour 
 of fearing the Duke of Alva , who was to pafs near the 
 Borders, levied fix thoufand Switzers , with defign to ex¬ 
 tirpate the Huguenots , whilft the Duke of Alva (hould do 
 the fame in the Netherlands , purfuant to the agreement at 
 Bayonne. It is eafy to fee, that in fuch a juncture, Eli¬ 
 zabeth could not attempt the recovery of Calais. It was 
 fufficient if (he could avert the Flames which threatened 
 England. Mean while, the Prince of Condi , having with 
 difficulty efcaped the Snares of the Court, re-aflembled the 
 Huguenots by the Admiral’s help, and was very like to 
 have fucceeded in his defign of carrying away the King at 
 Meaux. After this difappointment, he went and blocked 
 up Paris. In fliort, on the 10th of November was fought 
 at the Gates of Paris a Battle, wherein the Conftable 
 Montmorency was (lain. This Action not being decifive, 
 the Prince marched to meet Cafvnir , Count Palatine , 
 who was bringing him an aid of three thoufand Foot, and 
 fix thoufand five hundred Horfe. In September , La Nou'e, 
 one of the chief of the Huguenots , took Orleans. Thus 
 
 all the neighbouring Countries of England, namely, Scot- 1 i b ;. 
 land, France, and the Low-Countries, were in trouble and 
 confufion, whilft the Englijh, by the wife management of 
 the Queen, enjoyed a profound Peace. 
 
 It was however at the expence of her own, that Eliza- 1 . 
 
 betb fecured the repofe of her People. She had to fear • 1. ih 
 both at home and abroad, and confequently was obliged to j j‘ "J, h 
 attend perpetually as well to foreign as dumeftick affiiis, 
 in order to prevent the defigns of her Enemies. The ""t J 
 (late of the Huguenots in France made her very une.tly. [' ■ o n- 
 Their Enemies were likewife her’s, and as there was litt e 
 appearance of their withftanding the Catholicks, who were 
 a hundred to one, and (Imported by the Authority Rc-val, 
 
 (he was apprehenfive, that after their extirpation, the itorra 
 would fall upon England. It was fcarce to be doubted, 
 that the War, which was waging at once with the Pro- 
 teftants of France and the Low-Countries, was the efieft 
 of the mutual Counfels of the French and Spanijh Courts, 
 and that the deftru£tion of the Proteftant Religion was tne 
 principal object thefe two Courts had in view. Elisabeth 
 therefore thought it abfolufely necefl'ary, to let the King 
 of France know (he was concerned for the prefervation oi 
 the Huguenots, whatever reafon (he might have to com¬ 
 plain of their behaviour to her. To that purpofe (he or¬ 
 dered Norris , her Ambaftador to Charles IX, to intercede 
 earneftly for them, and give to underftand, (he knew her 
 own intereft too well to fuffer them to be entirely ruined. 
 
 Thefe threats from England , the refolution of the Hugue¬ 
 nots, and their affiftance from Germany , produced a good 
 effe£l, and procured them a Peace. But it was only a 
 treacherous Peace, wherein the Court intended only to de¬ 
 ceive them, and which for that reafon was called after¬ 
 wards the Lame Peace. Catherine de Medici knowing it 
 would not be long before the War would re-kindle, refol¬ 
 ved to be beforehand, to prevent Elizabeth from affifting 
 the Huguenots. To that end (he began now to hint to the 
 Englijh Ambaftador a marriage betwixt Elizabeth and the 
 Duke of Anjou, who was but feventeen years of age. I 
 (hall fpeak elfewhcre of the Sequel of this projeft. 
 
 At the fame time Philip II. (bowed his fpite againft Quarrel be. 
 Elizabeth, by confining her Ambaftador (5) to a Country fJJ j’L’.'r 
 Village. On the other hand, Sir John Hawkins, an Eng- AA. 
 lifts Merchant, who was gone to trade in the Bay of Mcx- Camden. 
 ico with five Ships, by virtue of the Treaty between 
 Charles V. and Henry VIII, was infulted by the Spanijh 
 Fleet, which took and rifled three of his Ships. Thefe out¬ 
 rages were very grievous to Elizabeth, efpeciallyas the Mer¬ 
 chants loudly murmured, and were importunate for a War 
 with Spain. But (lie did not think proper then to (how 
 her refentment, for fear of being engaged farther than the 
 fituation of her affairs did permit. She had the more reafon 
 not to enter into a War of this nature, as at the fame time 
 the affairs of Scotland, which touched her more nearly, 
 took a new turn, and might be to her of vefy great 
 confequence. 
 
 Queen Mary was Prifoner at Lock-levin: but that did ////„,., 
 not hinder her from having (fill a ftrong Party con- 
 lifting of all the Catholicks, with thofe that envied and Mdvi'i"" 1 ' 
 hated the Earl of Murray , or fuch as were in credit v . 90. 
 about him. Indeed, molt of thofe Men little regarded 
 the Queen, but thought (he could afford them a plau- 
 fible pretence to a6l againft the Regent, and it was this 
 that caufed them to declare for her. On the other 
 fide, in the Regent’s Party itfelf, which was called the 
 King’s, there were fome who were ingaged in it pure¬ 
 ly to ruin Botbiuell, whom they hated and feared. 
 
 Thefe imagined, if they could get him out of the way, 
 things would return to their proper channel, and the 
 Queen might marry fome Prince, who would caufe Scot¬ 
 land to flourifh again. Kircaldie, who was of this num- Orange 
 ber, being informed, that Bothwell was playing the Pyrate/"-' ! Butn- 
 near the Ifles of Schetland , equipped two Veflels, and re- 
 folved to go in chace of him, believing all troubles would Denmark, 
 ceafe with his death. He was fo fortunate as to meet with wl, <re he ,, 
 him. He purfued and obliged him at length to run his pffj ' nl ° 
 Ship a-(hore, and efcapc to Land in his Boat. But his But inrun. 
 Ship was taken with his Servants, who, it is f.iid, gave in- Mal¬ 
 formation of many things concerning the late King’s mur- p ' S;> ' 
 der, which refle£led on the Queen. But there is no re- 
 lying upon fuch fort of publick reports. Bothtuell having 
 the good fortune to efcape, but not knowing which way to 
 fly, refolved at laft to retire into Denmark, where he was 
 taken up and thrown into Prifon. He lived there ten 
 
 (1) He look an accurate Map of Rujfia, and was the firft Englijbman who ventured through the Cafpian Sea, into the Country of the BaPitiant. Camden, 
 
 P .’2 Ahe was his third Wife, with whom he had lived about a year. Hqr Name was Elixabctb ; ihe was Daughter of Sir Francis Le^burne Kt. and Widow 
 of Thomas Lord Dacres of Gillefand. Duodale s Baron, Vol. II. p- 276- 
 
 ,3) This year alio, in 'January, died Doftnr Flicolas IV non. Dean of Canterbury and York, often mentioned in this Hiftory. Camden, p. 40s.- 
 
 On June 8. Sir Thomas Sackvi/le was created Baron of Buckburf. Stow, p. 661. 
 
 (4, Charlet Lamoral Count of Egmont was beheaded at BruJ/els in the beginning of Jug. The French Amball'.dor, who was a private , 
 
 Execution, is laid to have writ to Charles IX. King of France, “ That he had 1'een that Hc.d (buck off, wh»fe Valour had made Frame Uu. treml 
 Alluding to tlie Battles of St. Sguinnr. and Graveling. The Flemings were.fo tond of hm». that hie Execution nude them lofe all Pauence. No Oners 
 Philip could quiet them, and they never left purfuing their revenge, till they had entirely (hook off the Spanijh \ oke. Strada. dc Bell. Belg. 1. 7. 
 
 (3) -- jt ,an, Camden, p. 4.10. 
 
 r of the 
 
 years 
 
Book XVII 
 
 23. ELIZABETH. 
 
 I 568. 
 
 83 
 
 I 568. 
 
 The 3u'een 
 
 'A t- 
 
 Buchanan. 
 MelviJ. 
 p. go. 
 
 vears in extreme mifery, which turned his Brains. Cam- adds Elizabeth Cent .*1 „ ,, , , , 
 
 ,ln affirms, that before his death, he folemuly pretefted the that (he would awe her ail thei^of-r' i™' T? 
 
 '» ‘I'lree privy ,0 ,he Murder of,he King her could be expefl! from a Sifle? B,n a r P "T 
 H^,„d {l) . But, according tocuftom, this Author does hinted, it k'Z 
 
 r R Tl e , * u S Par " CUlar <2) - "7 ° f th» Author (8J However before “his anW ar" „ 
 
 il«W/ being no longer to be leared, all thofe that had rived, Mary fearing to he Jifa lj l i 5 
 
 * ^l^uV th ?. Q r Kn r' VOm thcir “ him ’ for - b - ( 9 ), and Stf 
 
 ,e ^- m § s ° art y> lome privately, others openlv. only bv the Lords Herrit and Fh 0 \ c ’c ;w ’> ' 7 - 
 
 twelve Miles from Glafcow. This News quickly fpread- prefence She faid alf< j n the fine f C °C ‘ IC c< to her 
 
 • fb^ok^hirn^m mediateJy^and^wenf to^he^ Queen. ^ Tt^ f*”'f* ‘f 
 
 ■ ; .2 sv^nsx #ss£SS3£r«&£ 
 
 Melvil. 
 P- 9 °j 9 
 
 Buchani 
 
 Camden 
 
 r. , -7'' --” It is this doubtlefs 
 
 which gave Camden oceafion to fay under the year ic6-, 
 that the Earls of Murray and Morton bound themfelves by 
 a Writing to fupport Bolhwell when he fhould have killed 
 the King (11). If this Writing, which never appeared, 
 were really true, it would evidently follow that Mary was 
 not ignorant of Bothwcll’s being Author of the Kincr 
 her Husband’s murder, fince fhe knew Murray and Mor¬ 
 ton hull (a U!_ li 
 
 Battle 
 
 fete*. 
 
 Shefie, t 
 ■ward, tbi 
 Bordert. 
 Melvil. 
 p. 91 
 Buchanan 
 Camden. 
 Spotiswo- 
 ■Anderfon’ 
 Col left. 
 T. IV. 0. 
 &c. 
 
 . — .. ‘■‘"'-j uic v^uccii s menu 
 
 were drawing People together from all fides, and flock 
 ed to her fn great numbers. This made him fenfible, he 
 mull either forfake the Party , or try the fortune of a 
 J 3 att!c. He chofe the Jaft, and affembling fome forces, 
 though in number very inferior to the Queen's, he depart¬ 
 ed from Glafcow , at the very time the Queen was march- 
 
 mg to give him battle. Melvil fays, the Queen’s deiign her Husband’s murder, fince (he 
 
 at fiilf was not to fight, having left Hamilton Caftle only ton had promifed to frreen him P • ,* n 
 
 aittra asgt sasr■*-* - *‘ - —“ 
 
 " “ ?i Ve ? ****?«. il h = re (‘f 11 **» , £?*** being informed the Queen of &*, was in E'taWtfc 
 
 '.mrland nfrpr rhp r.C D ...i, . r r- ■ ,, .. r 
 
 Ma.y 
 
 f to fay in a word, the Queen loft the daw and for eaTof P TT, ft™* *• <*«" ° f w* in 
 ' J -falling into the hands fo^tr tdtdld ^"''t’ ^‘ S " ^ 
 
 Borders of England. She chofe for h r firft retreat the demWs Houfe wbe h ° ^ k » , P J “ J (; cn- f- t.. , 
 Huufe of Maxwell Baron of Herris h) ■ But a few days Afer hat ft’ ™ ' rcatL ' d « ■> Q-v » -fH 
 
 alter, not thinking herfelf fafe there, or in any other place Mary wiis^ faondTm^ '° C ‘‘ rl 'J !t ( 1 A Here wL'" 
 
 in the Kingdom, fhe refolved to retire into England Unnn ; „ u l ° nJ ^ ctter according to Camden, him-’ : 
 
 s^-siSisr^: f 
 
 notw,th- Queen of Scots ojfered to debate her Caufe before “jt ™ 
 
 «al friend- engaged to prove her Adverfaries guilty of the Crime they T ‘ ?' 
 unjtfly loaded her with. But this Hiltorian ftretenes V‘ 
 little too far what Mary faid in her Letter, fince flic 
 did not offer to prove her Adverfaries guilty, as indeed 
 
 hand, r tcZZ/rr “■ T*- »,»* word 
 
 .0 the arms of ElM Of the t™ dangfrs/o”* ^ 
 
 r -..va rraut;, tt ,,u IU U1C JU1C TeaiOnStnCy , 
 
 trull-, and confider each other as real Enemies, notwitn- 
 , ftanding their external demonftrations of a mutual friend- 
 
 £r ,firtr 
 
 laud, had it been m her choice to ret.re elfewhere. But did not offer L. oa..J 1 \ ’ 
 
 there was a neceffity either of falling once more into the 
 
 iiands Of f hp X t' r. I e hpr 1 ? non. .An e _ — C 11. . . * I 
 
 near and infallible : tire oiher wa> ya diZ.f’^ZotT ^ We «* *<*« >« '« B 
 
 certain, as todeftroy all hopes of finding affift’ance in that as (he Oa^chJur^h ■ She ,L " t llcr “ <,rd > 'fa' 
 
 into Queen’s generofity. However this be ihe fent one of | w k- • charged by the Voice of the publick, with 
 , , Servants, John Lou, t o EZah h to true hTlt f'aff 6 P >7 “ ^ ^ of the King her Husband or at 
 I ’,’ tionand live to retire into Euglaud LZeu f/ys te keeping' fflHn'TT 5 - **" I*!" “ d »«i 
 
 r fent by the fame MelTenger a Difmond, which (he had re- were Lu/id' “"f- “ n V ‘ Ty u‘’ UfC h aS 
 
 , ceived from her as a pledge of her friend/hip and nromife rill ILp I, A l being Accomplices, i e could not fee her 
 to aflllt her to the utmoft of her power when thereVould def ^A * d , cIeared herf f^ of fo heinous an accufation, and 
 henrminn ■ And.,., .c:. r A ™n there fhould defired to know in what manner fhe intended to juftify 
 
 un_ herfelf. Whereupon, it was agreed, that Elizabeth fhould 
 
 tlplt'nri. r.f<rl nvo.nA 1 . :• . 1 
 
 vi iiu puwci, wnen tnere l 
 be occalion. And yet, this fame Author has inferted 
 
 BUkwood. a F. >' ear i 5 ° z of his Annals, a Letter of Mary to hear her defence ^nd „■/ mould 
 
 -.-. 7 r-«« 
 
 Ei : e.ibeth’! 
 
 vinfwer, 
 
 Lellcy. 
 
 may poffibly have added to ’her Prefent of the Diamond h//°t ^ 'TL^ ^ ‘ Prete " CC “ d “ ai " l,<:r 1,11 nie 
 
 pr™ife n t a is?„ffr a ft eXPreffi M’ Wi 'b, f0me ge " eral W "' Ch h ' r C ° UnCil 
 
 a J h Z?T T?V rafon .0 be taken. Sundry c 
 
 feveral reafons. Firft, it is certain ElZahlh wi n , h ? d d-fficult.es. But, as it is very ufual in tl e »• 
 
 s> well-affeaetj to Mary. Secondly, fuch in engauemem Suofll ^ ^ which «» Minifters and iff !.' 
 
 was direftly contrary to her intereft which required not the n ° ’• "’ll gUI< k d ’ WaS not J ul,,ce °r Equity, but Cuadcu.' 
 (he (hould be fo careful of her Rival’s mo(heri» La(Hv ft Ir f oZ m “ Ch ' hc ftme Hr L IV. 
 
 no time can be a/figned, when Elizabeth As undir any L- warfs KmJhi’mfe'lf ^nd * . eldeft , So "’ " ho W3S all «' 
 ceffity to carry her diffimuiation to that height. Camden his DominiLs wfihoutts 'Zst 
 
 vuh it a very Ilrong Prefumption, which nothing hut a dlrcft proof c 
 
 i Collect Tom. 2. p. 6 io. 
 as likewife thought to be concerned 
 
 P =ir,'b , ., H „™“' i ” 6 hi " 6 r “°" ■ f ''t bee Husband’s murder, u.nis, 
 
 Vi^’tdt^StedrS p Bi S intended - Queen to marry the Lord *, 
 
 and the Lord of Jrirotb the Va,iguard° Ut A^d't'^th^ofhe'r fid^Vhe^ htm ® F"’ _ 1 9- 0rl 'he Queen’s fide, the Earl of Argyle cot 
 
 (6) Melvil deferibes this Battle 8 at large, f which was foulht on £,7" »»«> “»« of Morton the Vanguard Melvil, o. 9 , 
 
 Grange. See Mehilf Mem( ,i rs , p . 9 ,. g ’ 1 WaS f ° U8ht 0n Ma y *3- 1- *9-) The Viftory was owing to the Conduct of u. 
 
 (7) Dundn-vcn in Gallo-way. Blackwood, p. 231. 
 
 .(S, Comdens amount hby W . to. whl ,„ ,t i viSb.y Okun, a,d U„ „tau fc C«di. „ mtMy S « e^fd. W 
 
 Buchanan. 
 cafe they had obtained the 
 imanded the Battle, 
 Laird of 
 
 Tom. 
 
 !, 7' Anderfon't Collett. Tom. 4. p. 2, tEfc. 
 
 s ~ P '. 
 
 Whxh Words don t feem to give Camden occalion to lay. as £*/>;« her^iWitTes^ 3 pretended Cnme » and Cl b n tKis Accufation with their own hands.” 
 
 ji3) cl/Xwords W a a ^ rC rhe V lmef« leaft "u^h^‘“iT wh° ^ ° ( ' h <= Weft-Marches. ColleB. Tom. 4 . p. 6. 
 
 with a hearty Senfe of, &c. « ( ' »o can dive into the Hearts of Princes, of which they who are wile, always keep the Key ) 
 
 5 
 
 tained 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 8 4 - 
 
 I 568. 
 
 The BISTORT of 
 
 ENGLAND. 
 
 1568. 
 
 Camden. 
 Andcrfni 
 Colleft- 
 T. 1 V. p. 
 &c. 
 102, &. 
 
 refoltiti 10 
 detain her. 
 Camden. 
 
 uined till the reign of Henry VI. It eannot be denied, will never be well underftood if we (land to what is ibid 
 that a Sovereign has power to faze a foreign Prince, who ‘ in 'England, the Earl of Mur- Mr- ,f 
 
 «“ , hi. Ten none. wtthout ^“J**"*^ a Parliament at Edinburgh, to get thofe con- J* /. 
 
 are cafes where;, Ifna Riah become, he greate.t i J > had tak en Arms againft the King m favour 
 
 Phv-^W^ Botb X -aVJ the Chcumftan- of the Queen. The oppofite Faflion feeing they were 
 1 T a „ ' f.vorable It was a Woman, van- like to be oppreffed by the decree of the States, ufed all 
 
 err appeared ft ,11 more f I endeavours to prevent their aflembling. They even 
 
 ZZZ-X S 
 
 l go„7a C Qt,een her near R^who ^how^ h^rTlSStf Z 
 
 aftefted to give her marks of her friend h,p. So to c n the Ear l 0 f Argyle withdrew to 
 
 g I TTTZi 
 
 Captivity . but as la, , - h alarm the Regent, till the arrival of the French Succours, 
 
 that Sovere'gm are gu.dcd "J r ' ‘ A r what wres moft Hut the Civil War which rekindled in France, obliging 
 
 cii'Tonan^to Jufhce^or^G^UKrndity,^ 'whieb'might Ea'rl ^oZhu,, dfwZ cmtft“ined w" mtirc.' Tte"fefou!fe Bach„„. 
 
 3+ ,n order to chubs the noft benefiedl«o Ehzabellt.^te L Parliament, was going .0 d'rive the principal Lord, of 
 
 ■ 2“ "'klh,,h-■/1. S^KI; 
 
 ts a Sovereien vet other more particular Considerations grateful to Elizabeth, becaufe fee coul thereby . , Ad. - 
 
 a hovercgn, yet otner n ■ p render more felf miftrefs of the affair, and prolong it as (he pleafed. , f , u T ,.„. 
 
 hmdred her from endeavourmg to re tore and render more would b| ; her ]n ,/Sct. 
 
 powe, fid, a Queer, whom » looked upon » .jan- fcEZ till Ih’c was better ,nformed of 
 
 gerousRiva. > t houeh without Succours the reafons, which had induced the Scots to deprive their Camden. 
 
 flie might rail the f jW «ch mb :oSc todand .and ^fMnltZZnZZZMr 
 
 othe; hand if L ^ “j^ 
 
 "• ' (l;,t 0VC ; t0 MdTs ™ thl Kblg of iirengthen the Queen’s Party The Parliament breaking 
 
 would nor return to S.« land . , . the hn E t | c Regent raffed an Army to purfue thofe who were 
 
 whS ^g E dom, d if L Court ’of England had not inter- 
 
 h=r in England, either free or in pnfon. But to leave J to l*^b« Um-»,«««. 
 
 m CmlTf =ruld n ‘ f “te?“urT‘S pi “a £if Lland, that fhe^took care not ,0 let ^ 
 
 the Catholicks, and difaftifled perfons in the Kingdom as «JMte her^nds^the'mme * 
 
 well a.the .French »d »£»® £ ^d that flic believed the Queen of Lt, innocent j that IheJJ&T 
 
 with their Counfels. I hat f, being ablent, me Bad Been conccrned in tin. quarrel, which all Soveieigns Mt ., 
 
 able to form a ftrong Party in England, how much more herf= was «ncerne ft , Imereft „ ehaftiK 
 
 might her prefence render the fame party more numerous ™«h “ 'sEdte, who might give a dangerous example to 
 and powerful. It is certain, though Elizabeth and her rebel ous bubjecg fte S )b f rtful l y difguifed her fen.i- 
 Mi,nfters pretended to think it very ftrange, Mary fhould others, ^tn a^ ^ ^ FricndSi S blinded by t l JC r e 
 
 claim the Crown of England, they knew however the fwaded unfortunate Queen, to offer to 
 
 grounds ot her Title, "L P Q^ I * r ^ Sly" appoint Commiff, oners to defend her caufe before Elioa- 
 
 ced, it was even more lawful than the Qu«n s. t mally, ^PP fo |y| jn(o the fnare E i; X abe,h had laid for her. 
 in detaining her in pnfon, there was no queftion, Eh^abeth ^ maj£ this imprudcnt offer, but Eliaa- 
 
 would incur the Indignation of aU Europe, by this cxceffive Murray, that the proceedings of 
 
 Severity, the motives whereof would not be generally '“^7 their Queen, were fo extraordinary, 
 
 known. This was however the courfe which £/iznirrA cLVn.t tpprove^Them, unlefs they Avowed by 
 
 Known. i nis was nuwcvu wu..e .. —- 
 
 took, by the advice of her Council, and_ without doubt, 
 bv her own Inclination. It is certain, befides the reafons 
 of State which induced her thereto, Ihe was alfo moved 
 by a perfonal jealoufy ol the Queen of Scots , who was hand- 
 fomer and younger than herfelf, though Ihe was very far 
 behind her in other refpeas. However, to colour in fome 
 meafure the Severity which was to be ufed to the Queen 
 
 I't- it r i i _- nv s.amJti rnnrprnprl fnr hf* 
 
 tne OCOIS in uepuuug 11“-“ --- 
 
 that fhe could not approve them, unlefs they fhowed by 
 very good reafons, that they could not have done other- 
 wife. That if their Queen were innocent, file thought 
 herfelf bound by all forts of confrderations to proteft her, 
 and reftore her to the Throne, but was willing, before 
 fhe came to any refolution, to hear what they had to fay 
 
 uciiii.u ue. ... .-I--. ’ ., ■ 1 ir-fion of their condudl. That therefore, fhe dc-y‘'' r 
 
 meafure the Severity which was to be ufed to the Queen, well-informed Perfons to Vi T, 
 
 Elizabeth rcfolved to appear extremely concerned for her fired Un dent ^ t0 hcar whatf - 
 
 misfortune, and very deirrous to be convinced of her Inno- ’ , , : , their Oueen That it was E ’ ! L! ind - 
 
 cence, that .be migL afterwards give her a powerful affift- the W the comes he Z " 
 
 ance, without fear of reproach. But withal, the took a writayteu rouw m pc ^ him ^ , jn , £lltjlidi ,y,. 
 refolution to delay the methods to be ufed for this purpofe, ^ ,. rfufa i „ an autlrcmick proof of Mary “v . 
 
 till time and opportunity fhould afford room for other mea- Elizabeth muft have talked fomething high, ,s. 
 
 hires. From thenceforward fhe conftantly refufed to hear innocence *«-*'«* “ dinarv a lien le- 
 
 thofe who fpoke agamft the Q.*» of but then (he to oblige the Regent ^ ^ “ 
 
 was not forty that divers Accufttions were pubhekly Ipread f , . , w , tbat Elizabeth fought 1 nlj t, 
 
 againft her, that u might not be thought ftrange, this af- fS'fZ t o come off honorably, for fear fhe I 
 fair could not be cleared in a ftrort time. So , Camden had ... dm was 
 
 reafonto fay, Elizabeth Teemed touched with a fenfe of voke the content tne nag _ r tfce 
 
 :en of Scotland’* misfortune, and openly detefted the to Java a P r « E "“ ° “ . . ,, ,, 
 
 behaviour of the Scots. But it does not follow, thefe were affeir fhould be deared, well kt . d , , , 
 
 her real Sentiments. H^m jhe no. to be fully- informed, (he tow 
 
 .ItDic herfelf a oarty againft her. She ought rather to agamft Mary , and thereby furnUU Her nun auii uur 
 Lw, fhe in!lined to her'lide. Mary herfelf was longde- excufe to requ.re a horn r^examu»l■ ■■■^ - 
 
 ceived by this policy. She imagined Elizabeth 'really m- f *' re "«5 ® p, ( he French a If 
 
 ^ : ' .. 
 
 ^ r 1 1 
 
 1 fol*ed 
 
 ■, llijt. i'-j. Tom. 2. p. 
 
 1 ihe Enghp} Council, to ufa the Queen of Scots well, and reflore htr to her Cro 
 
 -n and Country, a: is (how.i by Bill op B ,r- 
 
 de.ercy 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 23. ELlZABElH. 
 
 85 
 
 ‘The Regent 
 
 it deter mm. 
 ed toga bin. 
 
 w- 
 
 Buchanan. 
 
 Melvil. 
 
 P . 93. 
 Camden. 
 
 Anderfon' 
 Col I eft. 
 
 568. decency required the Queen fhould firft be cleared, in the 
 eyes of the Puhlick, of the crime fhe was charged with, 
 and that all poffible expedition Was ufing to make her in¬ 
 nocence appear. 
 
 The Earl of Murray was very much at a lofs what 
 anfwer he fhould return to Elizabeth’s Summons. It was 
 dangerous for a Regent of Scotland to put to arbitra¬ 
 tion an affair already decided by the Parliament, and 
 difhonourable to anfwer before a foreign Power. But on 
 the other hand, he could fupport himfelf only by the af- 
 fiftance of England ; how much lefs, if Elizabeth fhould 
 refolve to reftore Mary to the Throne ? Beiides, he was 
 afraid his refufal would be conftrued as a fign, he miftrufted 
 the juftice of his Caufe. So, after confulting his Friends 
 upon fo nice a point, he refolved to go himfelf to York with 
 eleven Deputies, who were appointed to affift him (1). 
 Tom. iv. Thefe were, James Douglas Earl of Morton , Adam Bi- 
 fhop of Orkney, Robert Commendator of Dumfermling , 
 Buchanan, anti Patrick Lord Lindfay. Mary nominated the Lords 
 Camden. Herris , Levingfon, Boyd, Gavin Commendator of Kyl- 
 
 Spotiswood. XU y n i n g^ John Gordon of Locheinvarr , James Cockburne of 
 Skirling, Knight, and the Bifhop of Rofs. Elizabeth 
 com mi (honed Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolk , 7 homas 
 Ratclijf Earl of Sujfcx, and Sir Ralph Sadler (2), to hear 
 what both Parties had to fay, whether for or againft. All 
 thefe Lords came to York on the fame day, namely, the 
 4th of Ottoher. 
 
 In order to underftand fully what parted at the Confe¬ 
 rence of York, and at another afterwards at Hampton Court, 
 it will be neceflary to know what is faid upon this occa- 
 fion in Melvil' s Memoirs. Without this Key, there is no 
 comprehending any thing by Buchanan's account, and ftill 
 lefs by Camden’s , who endeavoured rather to darken, than 
 clear the aftair. What Melvil relates is a fecret, equally 
 unknown to Buchanan and Camden. 
 
 Account<,/ Very likely, the Duke of Norfolk, who had loft his 
 a^grruate J3 uc h e f s ] a ft year, had now formed the Projedt of marry- 
 •whicbpajjtd ing the Queen of Scots, before he repaired to York. At 
 leaft, it may be affirmed, this Lord was Mary's principal 
 Friend in England. For which reafon, he accepted the 
 Commiffion of prefiding at the York Conference, only to 
 hinder the fuccefs Elizabeth expe&ed, and to break her 
 meafures. However fecret the Queen’s Projedl was, the 
 Duke of Norfolk , it feems, had entire knowledge of it, 
 Courtiers having ufually a wonderful fagacity, to difeover 
 Melvil. what the Prince would keep moft private. Nay, it is 
 Buchanan he had ordered the Earl of IVeflmoreland, his Lieute¬ 
 
 nant in the Prefidentfliip of the North, to kill the Earl 
 of Murray when he came upon the borders, and feize all 
 his Papers, in order to deftroy the Proofs he was bringing 
 againft the Queen of Scots , but altering his mind, had re¬ 
 voked the Order. In the beginning of the Conference, 
 he ftarted feveral incidents to retard the conclufion of the 
 Mel»n. affair in debate. But at laft, perceiving all his endeavours 
 
 Buchanan wou ^ ava '^ on ty f° r a delay of a few days, he opened his 
 
 Camden. mind to Biding ton, who, though fufpefted by all the King’s 
 Party, had attended the Regent as Deputy and Secretary 
 of State. The Duke told this Lord, that he could not 
 imagine what had induced the Scots to come and accufe 
 their Queen before Englijh Commiffioners; that they 
 greatly difhonoured their Nation, and would one day be 
 refponfible for it. Lidington replied, he was very glad to 
 find him of this opinion, that for his part, he had done 
 his utmoft to hinder the Regent from taking this ftep ; 
 that Kircaldie had done the fame, but to no purpofe: and 
 if he had accompanied the Regent, it was only in hopes to 
 fucceed better in England, and defired him to talk with 
 the Regent, and try to difluade him from accufing the 
 Queen. The Duke of Norfolk knowing by this, the 
 Earl of Murray’s Proceedings were not approved by all 
 his Party, and that even Remonftrances had been made to 
 him upon this occafion, hoped, by (peaking to him himfelf, 
 to prevail with him in fome mcafure. He talked with 
 him therefore in private, and reprefenting to him what 
 he had before faid to Lidington , added, he was much mif- 
 taken, if he imagined Elizabeth intended to give fentence 
 upon the difference he and his Party had with the Queen of 
 Scots : but that her foie aim was to make them fubfervient 
 Spothwoed. to her own ends: That if he defired to be convinced of 
 
 ferenctef 
 
 York. 
 
 Buchanan- 
 
 this, he had only to require a Promife under her own hand, 156?. 
 to give fentence as foon as the Proofs fhould be produced, 
 and to fupport the King of Scotland's Party, in cafe the 
 Queen his Mother was found guilty. He added, the 
 Queen would never give any fuch Promife in writing, 
 and thereby demonftrate, fhe fought only to amufe them. 
 
 In fhort, he fo managed the Regent, that, before they 
 parted, they agreed, that when he was called upon to pro¬ 
 duce his Evidences, he fhould demand a previous engage¬ 
 ment from the Queen, fuch as the Duke had fuggefted to 
 him. The Earl of Murray imparted this Agreement to 
 none but Lidington and Sir James Melvil , who liked it 
 extremely (3). 
 
 At the next meeting, the Regent being preffed to give Melvil. 
 in his proofs againft the Queen of Scots, replied, as he had g uc 9 h ^ n 
 agreed with the Duke of Norfolk, to the great furprize of UC * n ' n ’ 
 the Hearers, except thofe who were in the fecret. It was 
 refolved therefore to write to the Queen, to inform her of 
 this new and unexpected difficulty, and to know whether 
 fhe would give the Regent of Scotland the engagement he 
 demanded. Her anfwer was, fhe thought it very ftrange 
 her word could not be taken, but that a writing under 
 her own hand fhould be required, and prayed the Earl of 
 Murray to fend two Deputies to acquaint her with his rea- 
 fons. The Regent chofe for this purpofe Lidington (4), 
 and Macgil , to the great amazement of the reft of the 
 Deputies, who could not conceive that he fhould truft with 
 fuch a Commiffion Secretary Lidington , of whom the whole 
 Party were fo jealous. 
 
 Shortly after, the Queen defired the Regent to come Lefley’s 
 himfelf to London with the other Deputies (5), to which Negotiar. 
 he confented. When they were arrived, fhe appointed Coicft 0 " 3 
 other Commiffioners to confer with them, namely, Sir Tern. iv. 
 Nicholas Bacon, Cecil , the Earl of Leicejler , the Lord Part J| - 
 High-Admiral (6), and Sir William Sadler (7). Probably, p> ^~’ 
 fhe fufpe&ed the Duke of Norfolk of fome prevarication, 
 and this fufpicion was not groundlefs. She earneftly wifli- 
 ed, upon feveral accounts, to have in her hands the proofs 
 intended to be ufed, in fupport of the accufation againft; 
 the Queen of Scots. Firft, to filence fuch as murmured at 
 her not endeavouring to reftore that Princefs. And in¬ 
 deed, it was manileft, if Mary were guilty of the crime 
 laid to her charge, fhe was unworthy of her protection. 
 
 Secondly, having thefe proofs in her power, fhe would not 
 only have the management of this affair, but might alfo 
 caufe all delays to be confidered as fo many favours to 
 Mary, who, in all appearance, would not dare to prefs her 
 to give fentence. Spite and Jealoufy might poffibly be a 
 third reafon, Elizabeth being fecretly pleafed with her Ri¬ 
 val’s fhame. In the firft Conferences at Hampton Court, Melvil. 
 the Englijh Commiffioners were very urgent with the p ‘ 9 6 * 
 Earl of Murray, to give in his proofs againft the Queen of Anderfan* 
 Scots. He anfwered, it was with extreme reluctance that Tcm. IV. 
 he could refolve to accufe the Queen his Sifter, and Pa,t il ‘ 
 fhould never proceed to this extremity, unlefs it were for P 5S " 
 the real good and welfare of all Scotland: That there¬ 
 fore he required the Queen of England's written promife, 
 to protedt the King, in cafe the Queen his Mother were 
 found guilty. 
 
 The affair ftanding thus, and the Earl of Murray ftill Melvil. 
 perfifting in his demand, the Earl of Alorton happened to P* 9 6 * 
 be informed of his agreement with the Duke of Norfolk , 
 by fome one whom Mary had trufted with the fecret (8). 
 
 Then it was, Morton came to know the true motive of 
 the Regent’s Conduct, which hitherto feemed to him in- 
 comprehenfible, fince he refufed to accufe the Queen, 
 though he was come into England for that very purpofe. 
 
 He imparted the fecret to fome of his Collegues, and they 
 refolved to acquaint Secretary Cecil with it. What pafied 
 afterwards between Cecil and the Earl of Murray is not 
 known ; but it may be conjectured by what followed, that 
 Murray fuftered himfelf to be prevailed with, to a£t quite 
 contrary to his engagement with the Duke of Norfolk. 
 
 At the firft meeting after this difeovery, the Englifn j&y, 
 Commiffioners demanding that the proofs againft the Queen 
 fhould be given in, and the Regent refilling it, all the 
 Scots, except Lidington, were for producing them. Then 
 Wood, Secretary to the Regent, pretending a zeal for his 
 Mafter, faid, it was not from a fpirit of cavil, as fome 
 
 (’) Melvil rumej feventeen, including no doubt all (hole who attended the Regent. He was himfelf of this number. Rapir. — ■ - As were alfo Secre¬ 
 tory Lidington. Macgil, a famous Civilian, George Buchat.an. And on rile Queen's fide, the Lord Fleming , sir Robert Melvil, Brother to the Author of 
 the Memoirs, 13 c. see Melvil , p. 93. Rafin was miftaken in the Names of the Scottijh Deputies, but his miftake is here rectified out of the original 
 Commiflions extant in Ar.derfn'i CoheSl. Tom. 4- Part 2. p. 34, 35. 
 
 (2) Chancellor of the Duchy of Luncafttr. Spotitnvood, p. 219. 
 
 (3) And, in the pretence nt Lidington, it was agreed between the Regent and Murray, and th- Duke of Norjolk, that the Regent fhould in no wavs ac¬ 
 cufe Queen Mary, and, that the Duke fhould obtain to him the Queen’s favour, with a Confvmatiun of the Regency. Melvil', p. 93. 
 
 (4) Rjpin by miftake, calls him all along Earl of Lidington, whereas he was but Laird Lidington. 
 
 • 5 ) The reafons of the Conteiences being removed to London, were a fupicion entertainrd by Queen Elixibetb againft fome of her own Commifiioners : aa 
 alfo, that the Scottijh Deputies were over flow, and loth to enter into the grounds rf the Caufe. Lelley'i Negotiations, p. 24. 
 
 (6) Edward Fynts, Lord Hinton and S«yc. 
 
 (7) Togc'her with the Duke ot Norfolk, and the Earls of Arundel and Suffix. They met at the painted Chamber at JVtfiminfttr. Anderjoipt Collet}. 
 Tom 4. Part 2. p 9;. Lelley's Negotiation:, p. 28. 
 
 The Duke n : Norfolk had by a fecret hand advertifed the Queen, and fhe again told it to one of her Familiars, who advertifed the Ear] of Merton 
 thereof. Melvil, p. 96. 
 
 No 48. Vol. II. Y thought. 
 
Vol. I!. 
 
 86 
 
 The HI STO RT of ENGLAND. 
 
 according 
 
 Camden J 
 
 Buchanan 
 
 Spotiswood. 
 
 Lefiey’s 
 
 Negotiate 
 
 Anderfon’s 
 
 Cillect. 
 
 Tom. IV. 
 
 Fart II. 
 
 thouiflit, that the Regent would not give in the accufation, nectary to it .;v. fo JcanthLui an accufation ; or ij they 156s. 
 
 but V.ufe the Queen t,f fi(W" refiifol the ITnmife would pioccctl. it wits requifie, at lea/?, that tie h/neen of 
 req That this Promife being given, he would imme- England fhould euprefsly enrage to Jr/,-rid them agnv.jt Juch 
 Pit J- deliver the accufation and proofs which he had ail as fhceuld htrtaftir give thtm any d'jhtrbmct upon the mount. 
 ready 1 and with that, he took the Papers out of Ids He concluded, with Ikying, that hr thought :t ha, Ota; a, 
 hof 1 i and fhowed them to every body. But vvhiltt he tot them this ashore, a; he teas e. 'ary 0/ - . 
 
 w , 1 1 'in . them up, the Bithop of Orkney eap.ly fnatched It i ; e-afy to perceive, that the drill ot this Speech was 
 them out of las hand, and gave them to the Englifh Com- to give the Regent an estcufc to drop the accufation, :,c- 
 miffioners. It is evident, Murray had been gained by cording to his Agreement with the Duke oi Norjo/k. He 
 Eli-alrtio's Miniliers, and took this wav, only 'to Cure in was conic from Scotland on purpofe to accule the Queen, 
 foin'c manner his promife to the Duke of Norfolk. With being provided with all the proofs he intended to life: but 
 tins key it will he ealy tn undcriiand what Buchanan and by the Duke- of Norfolk's fuggeftton, had altered Ins mind. 
 
 Camden fay about the 1 hi: Conferences, which I fhal] but It was necelTary therefore to find a pretence for this change, 
 jult mention, because as theft two Hillorians were igno- and this pretence Lidington furnilhed him with, by laying 
 rant of tile Duke of Norfolk’s fecret intentions, and the before him fuch piaufible reafons. Camden and Buchanan 
 
 mucives oi the Regent’s Condufl, what they have related were at a Ms for the Kafen of the Earl of Murray’s lud- 
 
 cannot be of much fervicc towards clearing this part of den change. Camden would infinuate, that the engage- p , 4,a. 
 
 the Hiftorv ment he demanded of Elizabeth , was only a cavil, to hide 
 
 At the Tori Conferences, Mary's Deputies were heard his miftruft of thejuffice of his caufe. He fays, the Eng- 
 
 ftrft They protefted (1), that the prefent proceedings lifli Cummiffioners preffed him very much to give proofs 
 
 fliould not be prejudicial to the Rights of Scotland, lince of the accufation, which as yet appeared to be founded 
 
 'l Queen Elizabeth had no power to meddle with tile affairs only upon a few Letters from the Queen, fo much the 
 
 ot that Kingdom. Then they fet forth at lai 
 
 Melvil. 
 p. 94. 
 
 the 
 
 juries received by the Queen of Scots from her own Sub¬ 
 jects, and craved Elizabeth's affiftance to recover her 
 Throne. The Earl of Murray anfwered, That BothweH 
 was Author of the King’s murder : That he carried 
 
 more fufpicious, as Lidington had privately intimated, he 
 himfelf had often counterfeited her hand. But I believe 
 Camden would have been puzzled to prove, that any of 
 the Articles of the accufation were examined at York. 
 Buchanan , who knew as little of the fecret as Camden , 
 
 W CIO tl Ulll'dl vl III— * v,i ^t * . ., , • , \ I 
 
 away the Queen with her own confent, and publickiy though he was one of the Scot so Deputies (4), pretends, 
 married her: That afterwards, {he refigned the Crown to the Regent, purely out of confcience, fcrupled to accufe 
 the Prince her Son : That thi;> refignation was confirmed 
 by the States, and it was not in bis power to alter what 
 
 the States had ratified. Mary's Deputies replied, That the 
 Queen’s Marriage with Bothwcll was not a fufficient rea- 
 fon to depofc her, becaufe Bothwell was legally acquitted : 
 That befides, it was manifeft, Bot/nuc/l was only a pre¬ 
 tence nude ufe of by the Rebels to ait again ft the Queen, 
 
 his Sifter before Foreigners. 
 
 The York Conference breaking off, and being, as I find, Hampton 
 removed to Hampton Court (5) before new Commiflioners, c f rt Cc,T - 
 the Regent, or IVood his Secretary, differed the accufation, ^ r f " f ' )n . s 
 with the proofs, to be fnatched out of his hand. Which Cnik-ct. 
 done, a day was appointed for the Scots to inlarge upon Tom. IV. 
 their proofs. The Regent agreed to it, and demanded ^ 
 
 fince they might have taken him if they had pleafed ; but that Mary's Deputies fliould be prefent, that they might 
 
 /. . , a 1 .a I I . .1 _nkiaAittlie *111.1 tll.lffprc Ll* ITIfirP flllllf ttlpirPt Its) 
 
 .irge their objections, and matters be more fully cleared (6). 
 
 But when the day came, Mary’s Deputies produced a for- Cimdcn. 
 mal revocation of their Com million, and an exception a- 
 gainft the Englifh Commiflioners, unlefs the French and 
 Spanijh Ambafliulors were joined with them. Mary de- 
 
 they let him efcape, becaufe the Queen alone was what they 
 aimed at. Then they made appear, that the refignation 
 of the Crown was extorted by force, fince it was not in 
 the Queen’s power to refufe it. 
 
 Both Parties being heard upon thefe general points, the , . , „ - , . ., 
 
 EM Commiflioners declared, they could not admit of manded farther, that the Ear! ot Murray fliould be lent to 
 the Piuteftation againft the Queen’s being a competent Prilon, affirming, (he could conviCt him of being Author 
 judge, by reafon of her right of Sovereignty over the of the King’s murder.. .... . , 
 
 Kingdom of Scotland. As to the Regent’s anfwer, they This Revocation, juft at the critical time, when the 
 faid °the Queen having commiflioned them to hear what proofs againft Mary were going to be examined, gave oc- 
 t he Deputies of Scotland had to fay againft their Queen, cafion to fufpeCt, fhc thought herfelf unable to anfwer to 
 they could not allow the determination of the States to the purpofe. Whilft {he was made to hope that matters 
 
 be valid, becaufe the queftion was to know, whether they 
 had juft grounds to determine in the manner they had done, 
 which could not be known till the reafons, on which their 
 determination was built, were examined. Then they ap¬ 
 pointed the 7 th of October to examine the proofs. 
 
 At this fame meeting (2), the Duke of Norfolk, who fuch an examination, 
 fought only to gain time, required, that the Regent fliould Commiffion to her Deputies, excepted againft t. 
 do homaoe to the Queen for the Kingdom if Scotland. Commiffioners, and required an impoffiblc couth tic 
 But Lidington anfwered for him, and affirmed, tile King- ing the French and S/antJh Antb.il adors would not receive 
 dom of Scotland owed no Homage to England j that if a Commiffion from Elizabeth, and that the Queen would 
 the Kings of Scotland had formerly done any, it was not fufter them to be concerned in the affair. I11 lliort. 
 
 would not come to the producing and examining the proofs, 
 fhe had left a full power with her Deputies. But as foon 
 as fhe found Elizabeth, inftead of ferving her as fhe ex¬ 
 pected, fought to bring to light what was capable of dif- 
 honouring her, ftie believed it abfolutely necefl'ary to avoid 
 For this reafon, fhe revoked the 
 Englijh 
 tion, know- 
 
 only for the Earldom of Huntington and fome other Lands, 
 which were fince fallen into the hands of the Englijh (3). 
 
 Between this, and the next meeting, on the 7 th of Oc¬ 
 tober, it was that the Earl of Murray made the fore-men¬ 
 tioned Agreement with the Duke of Norfolk. Lidington 
 opened this Sellion with a Speech dire&ed to the Regent 
 and Deputies of Scotland, telling them, That whereas it 
 appeared , by the Authority granted by the ghtcen of England 
 to her Commifftoners, that her whole deftgn was to engage 
 the Scots to throw a b-lemijh on the Reputation of their King’s 
 Mother, they would therefore do well to conftder carefully be¬ 
 forehand ., what hazard they expofed thcmfelves to , and how 
 they would draw upon thcmfelves the refntment of the Sfuccn, 
 her Relations, and Friends, and the indignation of all Eu¬ 
 rope, Jhould they impeach her of a Crime which mujl Jlain 
 her Honour, and in fo publick a manner, before the Englifh, 
 the profeJJ'ed Enemies of Scotland : lThat account would they 
 be able to give their King when he came of age, of a charge 
 fo bold and dijhonorublc. to the King , to his Mother, and to 
 the whole Nation ? He therefore, for his part, thought it 
 
 flic did not offer to prove the Earl of Murray guilty of the 
 King’s death, till fhe had revoked the power of thofe 
 who were to have accufed him in her name. All thefe 
 things give occaiicm to believe, lhe dreaded the event of 
 this Examination, though by her Letters to Elizabeth , it 
 fliould feem, {he moft earneftly defired to have an oppor¬ 
 tunity to make her innocence appear before her. 
 
 Elizabeth did not much trouble herfelf about thefe Aifts. Elizabeth’•• 
 Her deficit was not to judge the Queen of Scots, but to Policy. 
 draw from her accufation and the proofs, a pretence to de¬ 
 tain her till the affair fhould be fully cleared, being refol- 
 vcJ never to think it lufficiently explained either for or a- 
 crainft, but to teftify however flic fhould be very glad to 
 find her innocent. I fay only to teftify, for certainly fhe 
 was pleafed to have in her hands proper proofs to lhow, 
 upon occaiion, that ftie could not juftify her. She aCted 
 this part a good while. 
 
 In fine, though Alary had excepted againft the Englijh Examms. 
 Commiflioners, they proceeded however to the examina- 
 tion of the proofs.’ ' ru “ **'*-'”• —A,,™) ' r - 
 
 The Earl of Murray produced the 
 
 P . 49. 
 
 'itn it paid St. Pet 
 
 , 6, 3 , 
 
 C Hampton 
 
 (ij Their Proteif.it ion, dated 0 Bober 7, is cxra v.t in Andirf.n : C.IUi 7 . Tom. 4. Part 2 
 (2, It was on the firit day of the meeting. See Melvil, p. 94. 
 
 i J) He added. The Kingdom f icotland •was freer than England irfelf bad been lately, 11 
 (4) He was only one ot tla. ie that accompanied them. See above, p. 85. 
 
 ( ,j The Conference was held at JVtJimi'Jler, November 1,, 26, 29, 30. December ; 
 
 ccount of it ■ 'D m. 2. i'.i 1 2. 1 1, -- - 
 
 ,6: On N.-o ember 6, the Accufation again ft Queen Mary was produced ; and indeed it was very home and cxpiclr. “ 
 itantly aflitin, ( t.'ya the Regent, and the rett of the Deputies) That a.s fjarr.ti, lome time Earl ot was the 
 
 •• unworthy iimr.lier. poipctrate in the le-.Lnot the !ate King Henry of good Memuiv, Father to our S n ereign Lord. 
 
 Iowa, the if the Foreknowledge, Counfcl, Device, Perfwader, and Commander of the Did Murder to be dom 
 <1 thereof, by impeding and flopping ot the li.qu J.;i. n and Pumihmtnt due lor the lame, according to the Lavv 
 *- with the faid Jamet, fometime Earl of Botb-wti!, univerlally eftccmcd chief Author ot the abovi 
 replied, By charging that Accufation with laUehood ; by aliening, that lorn; of the Accufers were privy 
 the Death of the late King, as was nude manifefl before ten thoufar.d People at the Execution of fu 
 to piccead, unlefs Queen Mary was admitted to anfwer for herfelt. £e: .Inaerj.rt'i Colt:::> Tom- 4• ^ 
 
 Penny to the Pope. Mel. .!, p. 94. 
 
 tG. See P- j 49 » i6 9* 
 
 e bi ldly ar.d c 
 
 r cf the hot 
 
 
 , Mainta 
 Real 
 
 Tamed Murder.” 
 
 : of the 
 
 if Executor 
 
 d the Queen’s lawful Husband ; 
 cr and Fortifier of the Executors 
 ., and c'onfecjucntly by Marriage 
 To this the Queen's CommilTionera 
 firll Inventors of, the Confpiracy tor 
 pi Offenders; and Jatlly. by relufing 
 I2-, 129, l 3 o, 145, &e. 
 
 Confemons, 
 
Book XVil. 
 
 23. ELIZABETH. 
 
 87 
 
 , S 6S. Confcffions of rhofe who were executed for Ibeing concern- in the complained in very harfh terms, of the treatment ,56s. 
 
 ed in the Kins s murder. Then he read the decree of file received fince her coming to England. Moreover, fhe pm, 
 
 '■ Uueen s re utmation nf the hmtwl t Ur f .j. _ .1 n 1. ’ . • 1 7 
 
 ed in the King 
 the States, confirming the Queen's relignation of the 
 • Crown to the King her Son. After which, he produced 
 the fatal Casket, which Bothwell would have taken from 
 the Cattle of Edinburgh, and fhowed the Letters, Verfes, 
 and Contrails before mentioned. This is what Buchanan, 
 who was prefcnt, atteft? (f). But Camden, without de¬ 
 fending to any particulars, contents himfelf with faying-, 
 
 ./ .(■ .. 1 . . 1 V 
 
 — -j -- -- J .......or,,, o.. .v J’lUVL. IP l t gtittiy UJ un 
 
 Hir>band's Murder, by conjcflural proofs and circumjlances, 
 b, Jo ne few Affidavits, by certain Love-Letters and Verfes 
 writ, as he affirmed, with the Queen’s nun hand. But thefe 
 Letters and Verfes were little regarded, there being no name 
 or date to them. 
 
 Buchanan’s Hiftory was publifhed when Camden writ 
 his Annals. The firft attetts, that in the Casket were found 
 Letters containing the whole Confpiracy againft the King, 
 and the Queen’s Rape, befides the Contrails. Can.elen in¬ 
 fills upon fome Letters and Verfes, and even infinuates 
 they were forged. Had he writ firft, he might have fup- 
 pofed his Affertions would not be queftioned. But as he 
 wrote forty years after Buchanan, he ought, in my opi¬ 
 nion, either to have pofitively denied or explained the fails 
 related by that Hiftorian. And therefore, as he does not 
 confute them, it is plain he had nothing material to objeit 
 
 --- ivjuicuver, me , 
 
 hinted to her Friends, that they fliould not be difeouraged ‘ 
 at what had palled at lork and Hampton Court, and that 
 ™ ex P'-' d!cd a powerful aid from a certain place which (he 
 would not name. Thefe Letters, added to what was uif- 
 covered at the fame lime, that the pope was labouriiw to 
 raife a Rebellion in England, by means of RUM a Flo¬ 
 rentine Merchant, and to Lidingtfn’s frequent Conferences 
 
 77 T / Vm F ’ T“"T V ‘T, E ’ Merchant, and to Lidington’% frequent Conferences 
 
 Vt‘f n ’L VIU / ray ,l “ l "‘V”‘ rrd “ t™* hr put*) of hr with the Duke of Norfolk ( 6 ), who was become very fuf. 
 Husbands Aim dor by amjcBural proofs and circumllances , pefled, obliged Elizabeth to order ,|, O „r 0. i . i j 
 
 j them, 
 oners 
 
 - 7 \ /i v,<13 uccumc very jm- 
 
 peited, obliged Elizabeth to order the Queen of Sects to be r: 
 removed to Tutbury Caftle (7), " T»'buty 
 
 T he Duke of Norfolk was fo exafperated agaipft the Caind ' n 
 Lari of Murray, that he had refolvcd to have him murder¬ 
 ed in h is return to Scotland. But Throckmorton having M -Ivil. 
 reconciled them, the Duke defifted from his defign. Met- ?• <j*- 
 vil affirms, Murray promifed Elizabeth to fend her the 
 Letters the Duke Ihould write to him, and that he per¬ 
 formed his promile (8). 
 
 Whilft thefe things puffed in England, the French Court pldan. 
 was thinking ot executing their defign of carrying away 
 by force the i mice of Comic from his Houfe at Nosers. J?"!"" 
 The Peace granted to the Huguenots was only to amufe Camden, 
 them Happily for the Prince, he had notice of it time 
 enough to of cape to Rochelle. This ftratagem failing the 
 perfection againft the Huguenots was renewed with greater 
 furv than ever. I far* T\ <nrr inrki.j *1..— .1 
 
 .4 -. 1 7 Ter . 5 "“T 7 , uu J c 7 l poriecution againlt the Huguenots was renewed with pre-ner 
 
 He farthei adds, Murray gave the Commiffi- fury than ever The Kin'* forhM f |, r . m .) ' r 
 
 Book of Buchanan's, intitled, The Detection ^ forbid them the exerede of 
 
 Elizabeth 
 7 util not 
 deci.lt the 
 Matter. 
 Anderfon’s 
 Collett. 
 Tom. IV. 
 Part II. 
 
 p. 144 > &e ' 
 
 . - „ . " ,-■——'a ‘“'-Wl me CMmuv v,, 
 
 7 ' : . ffiucu.on, their Religion, and bamlhed all their Minifies Wiir-e Elizabeth 
 
 wherein was a particular account of the King’s death, with upon, they fued for aid rn AAV./, •/, L r , ‘W "-■< 
 the Vouchers: But that it found little c'redit wo’h the hundred thouftnd^Crow n sof Gold with uV V™ r 
 Commiiiioners, beeaufe the Author was a mercenary IViiter. Artillery She faw olainlv this ’ u ub 3 B oud tr3 '“ ° f 
 As to the confeffiont of thofe that were put to death, he Cbuncillheldat jL£T andbaT 
 
 fays 111 another place, that all declared the Queen innocent gurnet: to be opprefied ’the flame " ffcrecl E“~ 
 
 with their laft breath. Here he owns, ,h= depohtions of land. What confirmed h r ' ;, "* C f T , - 
 
 thefe fame People were produced againft her, but anfwers Duke of Alva proceeded tn the ft CerTthtSi- 
 them not. He adds however, that Elizabeth was very well Countries znd nhlnW fhnwA v , 'tanner in tne Lew- 
 pleafed that thefe accufations had fomjBta impaired the the Proteftant Religion in thefe ProHnces"'and make the 
 Qjccn of Scots s reputation a). But if the Commiffioners King abfolulc The Prince nf o"u l ^ “ 
 
 ga.e no credit to the proofs of the Accufers, as he would my from German try “ ftoo hTv f ' 
 
 tnlinuate, Mary's reputation could not be impaired, but on fign, but for want of nfonev ta oaf h u f “ dC ’ 
 the contrary, Ihe would have been fully cleared (a), tire among the Hue-,end, V A P ^ ti.™. fo .j Ced ,0 rc - „ . 
 
 The examination being ended. Fiulb.sb r,„V„ J. 'N, l“T U ?! Frm “- Accident com- 
 
 .. v.. <.o ini, uju iciuiveu. lviean 
 
 while, as Mary’s friends were endeavouring to raife truu- 
 bles in Scotland, and t, c Regent’s prefence was neceflary, 
 Elizabeth took occafion to put oft' the concluiion of the 
 
 off le .111 ....M'l n I . . . 
 
 biLuit!, icpuiauun [zj. a ut ir tne ^ommhlio 
 ga.e no credit to the proofs of the Accufers, as he w 
 
 c u * l_ • i i t Qn 
 
 O a - - ••“..*■ sv* JllWliCV LU 
 
 The examination being ended, Elkabeth forblre to de- pelhng'Tfiy^ "fuS PaniiiL'ToTv toT” 5 /'/f™ *?"' 
 cide either for or againft, as (he had refolved. Mean Se C^een ^ye fitTS 
 
 wheie they contributed very much to caufe trade to fiou- Cimden 
 nfh (9). 
 
 spsfsizssz srassis c 
 
 very probably hinder the Queen and her Friends from fol- Spain, and refolving to fend it into the / 
 licit,ng a deed,on Buchanan affirms, (he caufed the Scotch obtained a Pall-port of the Kina of 
 
 Deput.es to be told, that thus far (he did not fee any thing money on board fome f Vr Sf f, 3 . nd r f“ t tlle 
 
 blameable in the conduft of the Scots. Camden fays of 0 u ¥“ y l „ 7 hefc Sh 'P s bc ' 
 
 the contrary, fhe abhorred their infolence. Melvil adds great dificulrv .dels ^ AD 7 Arrvrfi Pyrater, did with 
 flie acquainted Mary , that fhe believed her wrongfully ac! Champion Z foon^s 'the Ch.fh'l F “P" 0 U, l'. 3nd 
 cufed, and could not enough deteft the infolence of her dered fhe Muo-14 f . c l , ee , n lai ^ notice of it, fhe or- 
 Accufers; nor fliould the accufation be ever made publick. civilly and affift^them in caf/^p 0 ^ S ? an ‘ ards 
 The difference between Camden and Melvil is, that Mel- thing againft them 'Fhe W 'he p y r a^attempted any 
 vd relates this only to (how to what height Elizabeth car- the moiley belonged to the Pu fk Amb / ffador , tcllln S her 
 ried her diffimulation ; but Camden pretends to infer from to have it landed H f S h ' S mjftcr ’ obt3llIeJ lc3Ve 
 
 thence, flie believed her innocent. After all, the accoZ fomj P« nearer' t “ tlTIT “ T 7 " b, 'u Iand 
 of thefe three Authors may be equally true, beeaufe Eli- time Cardinal A, f'l All (j ° unlr,es - -B“t, at the laine 
 zabeth's fcheme was to leave the Affair undetermined and nforme i ^ O T t ^ WM then in En Z land ( " ), 
 to put both parties in hope, of her favour Zehanat 
 
 fays before the Conference ended, Murray offered to dear him w carry on theTvar f Th™ ™ V ^c ” , h u P 
 himfelf of the King’s murder before Mars 's Denudes ■ other oennl/ 5„ , A 3 f ° confirmed b y 
 
 But that they thought proper to drop their accufation (4)' afliftanL P fh'c took t°he molev'bv Dut= ft Aha °J th ' S 
 They could hardly do otherwife, for though they might fecurity for the oavnieni fi 7 ^ 7 °/ ^ gaVe 
 
 have hoped' to convift him, their Commiffion was reyok“d lha L,„ lin ' S , J lme aftcr ’ t,le Dukc of 
 Though, according to Melvil, Elizabeth faid file would punaually return it thC .V ue “ repljed, fhe would 
 
 not fee the Earl of Murray any more, (he had however that it wis the King' If"?. “ “ •&*** g°° d I*** 
 feveral private Conferences with him In thciV Cnn r -rcn -p n I r- j u n- ^ Spams. Upon this refufal, the Die. 29 
 it was, ‘that he informed her of all Ld paS^between 2^ prhol iftn ^ fcnt the dwn ~ W ‘ 
 
 him and the Duke of Norfolk (5), and fhowed her Lexers A few^Lv ’f Sf- 66 ? ^'n lke llie Flemings. Jan. 6. 
 
 from Mary, which had been intercepted in Scotland, where- cafion, wU £ 
 
 Murray dip- 
 co-virt to tbe 
 i^ucen -what 
 bad fajfcd 
 between her 
 
 Duke of 
 Norfolk. 
 
 Melvil. 
 
 Cnte inter (l) f ^ wdl fa t £d with 2 adtr " f lhc ' 
 
 r " d 0 f' led t the ^ Cn h ’ WhC ” Cha i4 d /hehadniatrer to (hew, wherefore fh. 
 
 Buchan an. ^ T c ° 1 com,urt her - Paying her to look on hcrfelf in a better Cafe, thouzh lor a while fl - a Si! ,l,fll ' ,nou r- ihe a’fo lent immediately to the 
 Camden T V Sub - ,ec,s - who hsd acculed h " wrongfully, 35 fte was allured • that (h w u ^ of k he . r l,bcrl X' ,hln Co bc in Zetland, among' fo un. 
 
 Camden. fliou'd any out cf the fa d falfe Accufation be made known by her oT he Counc’l to an^'‘ Af T'^ ^ ^ ^ ^ wt ^ Sen!el ‘« 'hereupon, nor 
 (3) The Memoirs of the State ot France in the Reign of C 1 IX °,v K T, a ' P ' 97 ' 
 
 Tom. i. p. 8,- 144 . 6 " Lba,Ui 1X - m *y be coalultcd upon this occafion, printed in Ottavo ; 
 
 ^ " d .h.t ,h« ? k „„ „ thing Df , Wtlra , why Murray 
 
 (Sj by ““ ‘ f «“ E "‘ ” f "*». P- 97 . 9 *. 
 
 l«i MltZPzZtz tJSSSSt"; h ; « G r s ‘ ™v ^ ^ P . tls . 
 
 hA Daughter to the young King of Sect/and. The Duke had’caufed the^cenTo‘give'to^u"’ efpeC L ,I:y h ‘ S . dt ' ri - n to ,na "y thc QH«- 
 . . Maidfiottt, ^Southampton, which turned to the great advantage of England-, 
 
 t een °f Scots, which is little n 
 
 t Middtebourg , 1579. 
 or any of his, Ihould 
 
 :n of .Starr, and to give 
 p two thou land Bounds, 
 
 that bn tight inio the Nuinn ih.. A../. 1.:_ o ’ "■-•fj——. -which tunica to tn. 
 
 («o. To raife a lank there. Camden p. F,® , a “ d S ° y ’ ° lhcr Linncn and Wu ^ ltn Cloths o 
 (UJ He came to England, Stfte.r.ber if this year. 
 
 the 
 
 ike kind. Camden, p. ^(6. 
 
 they v 
 
 c the firft 
 
 But 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 88 
 
 HISTORY of ENGLA N D. 
 
 1568. 
 
 \ 569. 
 
 infolent 
 
 Rut this did not fatisfy him; he difperfed very 
 Libels, containing grating reflections upon the Queen’s re¬ 
 putation (1). For this he was kept under a guard for a 
 day or two. The Queen complained to the King ot Spain 
 of his AmbafTador’s infolence ; but could obtain no fatisfac- 
 
 This difference between the Queen and Philip II. was 
 Pht'agaiofi quickly followed by a dillurbance at Court. Among all 
 c.-fii. an,/ Minifters and Counfellors, there was not one lb 
 
 heartily attached to his Mittrefs’s Intereft as Cecil, who 
 All the reft had thei 
 
 tBe Occaji 
 
 was Secretary of State. All the reft had their pi 
 
 views to which they ftrove to adapt the Queen’s and the the Duke of Norfolk to 
 Nation’s interefts. But Cecil minded only the Queen’s, the Earl of Ormond to do the fame 
 
 with the. Englijh, notwithftanding the piolubition: But h 
 diligence coft him dear (4). S;>n tin 
 on board a Vefl'el, which he wa-> told had brought over 
 Englijh Goods, and fome Heretical Books, he was carried 
 to England, where he languifhed in Prilon f me years, and 
 at laft was condemned to die. 
 
 The Englijh Merchants met with no better treatment ,f r 
 in Spain than in the Netherlands. Philip ordered ail their 
 effedts to be feized, by way of Reprif.-ds for the money Hop- 'f’_ 
 ped in England. But this did not fa'isfy him. To be ^ 
 more fully revenged of Elizabeth, he endeavoured to bribe 
 Duke of Norfolk to raife a Rebellion in England, and 
 Ireland ; but tiiele 
 
 On the other 
 
 and was in meat favour with her. Therefore to him chiefly two Lords difeovered it to the Queen 
 {he imparted her molt fecret thoughts with refpeft to the hand, though there was no War proclaimed between L„ £ 
 Government of the State. Several Privy Counfellors were land and Spam, the Enghjh, on pretence o. the injury done tc 
 engaged in the Queen of Scot, Party ; That is, they willi- their Countrymen, fell upon all the Merchant-Ship, belong¬ 
 ed the Crown of England was fecurcd to her, in cafe Eli- lug to the Spaniard,. They did lo much damage to Pbi- 
 zahtb died without Ifl’ue. They were of opinion, if was bp’s Subjeas, by thefe continual Crullings, that the Queen 
 a thing agreeable to equity, juflice, and the Laws of the fearing to be involved in a formal War, was forced to re- 
 Land; and pretended it was the only way to prevent the 
 troubles which might happen after the Queen' 
 
 dcceafe. 
 
 But Elizabeth thought, that when they conlidered the pub- 
 lick advantages, they did not fufficiently attend to her fafety. 
 
 Mary did not pretend only to be Elizabeth's preemptive 
 Heir: It was well known her pretenfions reached much 
 farther, and that many were perfwaded, her Title was 
 preferable to the Qieen’s. If therefore fhc was appointed after, the Czar 
 Elizabeth's Succeffor, it could be only in virtue of her fer a perfonal alliance. 
 Birthright, ar*l not in confequence of Henry VIII’s Will, 
 where file was not fo much as named, whereas many 
 thought Elizabeth derived her Title folely from thence. 
 
 So, in taking this courfe, the Titles of the two Queens 
 would have been put in oppofition, very much to Eliza¬ 
 beth's difadvantage. Confequently her fear was, this 
 
 Whilft the Englijh Trade fufFered in Spain and the Ne- 
 thtrlands, it was like to be quite loft in Mufcsvy, by the ' An . ar:r 
 avarice of the Engljh Merchants, who had angered the . 
 
 Czar. But the Queen fpeedily fent thither Sir Tho- 
 mas Randolph, who fo manag’d the Czar, that he obtain¬ 
 ed divers privileges for the Ruffa Company (5). Shortly J Q z 7 * 
 fent an Ambailador to the Queen, to oi- 
 Tho’ it was no great honour to 
 be allied with a Prince fo notorious for his cruelties, the 
 thought proper however, for the benefit of her fubjedb, to 
 make a treaty with him, mutually promifing to afford one 
 another refuge, in cafe either fhould be dethron’d. 
 
 Whilft Elizabeth was treating with the Ruffian Amhaf- <J- 
 ■ - • ' which might have 
 
 fador, Plots were forming in England, 
 
 initiation would increafe'ST'number' of"" Mary’s friends, proved fatal to her bad they not been prevented Sonieoi' 7 " 
 and in the end endeavours would be ufed to fet her on the of the Queen of Scot, chief Friends, the fame who would 
 Throne before the time appointed. All who were difplea- have deftroyed L.n/, had projected to marry her to t ie ,, 
 fed with the Government thought the Nation would get Duke ot ho,fill The Eail of Lcncjhr himfel as . Scon, 
 bv the change The Catholicks heartily wiflled it, and the plot; but in all appearance, it was only to lie let into ,■ * 
 amongft the'Protcflants themfeives, there were many to the fecret and d,(cover every thing to the <jecn. L * 
 whom it was indifferent which Queen was on the Throne, A 
 
 let his Friends proceed, without appearing 111 it himfelf. 
 
 The occafion or pretence of this Project was this : 1 was 
 faid, Elizabeth intending never to marry, the Queen of 
 
 Story a 
 Engl flu 
 
 bccaufe they made no great confcicnce of conforming to all 
 the changes which might be made in Religion, as was the 
 cafe more than once. It was therefore of great moment 
 
 to Elizabeth, to hinder Mary from being nominated to - - • , 
 
 fuccced her. So, file could not but have a great regard for Scotland might happen to efpoufe a foielgn 1 rincc and a 
 thofe, whom (he faw fincerely attached to her private in- Papift, in which cafe the Protefant Religion would be lia- 
 tereft Among thefe Cecil was the chief, and it was he bin to great danger, fince it was not impoflilile th..t .he 
 alfo whom Margo Friends confidered as her mod dange- young king her Son fhould die before her. It »= rhere- 
 
 rous Enemy, and the rather, us he had frequently fhowii fore necedary, to think betimes of marrying to a 1 i- 
 
 his inclination to the Houfe of Suffolk, before the death of tedant Husband, that flic might be redrained u. calc die 
 the Duchefs of that name. Tliif was the tea! motive of fhould attempt any thing agauid Rel®on, vhen Iht: came 
 a Plot laid in the beginning of the year 1569, to ruin that to the Crown of England. It was dud further noi^S 
 Minifter The Duke of Norfolk, Ha Marquifs of Urn- Lord was more worthy of this honour than the Duke of 
 J't.r the Earls of Northumberland, IVcJhr.orclnni , Arm- Norfolk, who was a Cncere Protefomt But to curb the 
 . del Pembroke, [Leiojhr ,] and others (,), entered into Duke's ambition , m cafehe ftould think of carrying ,t 
 
 this fort of confpiracv. They accufed Cecil of being the too far, ,t was refolved he fhould give his daughter in mar- 
 
 caufe of the Queen's detaining the Spanijh money, and by riage to the king of Scotland, that he might he concerned, 
 that of her running a manifell risk of a War with Spain, in the young Princes prefervation Such was the projefl 
 which could not but be very prejudicial to Trade. They which did not feem to have any thing criminal, elpec, illy 
 flattered themfeives, that upon this charge the Queen would as it was agreed, it fhould not be executed uit.inut t,,e 
 fend the Secretary to Prifon, and then they made no quef- Queen’s approbation. Lot, very probably, tl e m v .... 
 
 tion they {hould find ways enough to effeft his ruin. But <d this affair had farther views. For, if the) intended 
 
 b„ the Queen being too quick-flghted not to fee into their aim only the Good and Welfare of the Km dom, w V <_ 
 
 • and the motived their Plot; commanded them filence in they defile to hide their dehgns from he^ Queen , tul 
 
 fuel, a manner, as deftroyed all their hopes of fuccefs either they had fo well taken their mealurcs, that it ftould he 
 then or for the future. We {hall fee prefently with what impoffible for her to hinder the execution ? But however, 
 view they projedted to deprive the Queen of this Mi- without flaying to examine whether it was he Earl of 
 • rtcr 7 1 7 Murray that firft mfpired the Duke of Norfolk with the 
 
 The fudden quarrel between the Queen and the King of thoughts of this marriage as Camden affirms contrary to 
 S p„;„' obliging the Englijh Merchants to fend their effefls all appearance (6.1, the Queen of Scots was informed clj-W- 
 to Hamburgh, the Duke of Alva prohibited all Commerce 
 with England. Then he appointed certain Spies iri all 
 v- the Sea-Ports, to give him information of thofe that a£ted 
 «■ contrary to the prohibition. Of this number was one Sto- 
 
 the project by the Bifliop of Refs, who was very diligent 
 in all her concerns. At the fame time, Ihe was pronnfed 
 to he reftor’d to the throne of Scotland, and declared pre¬ 
 emptive Heir to Elizabeth, on the following terms. 
 
 ry an Englijh Roman Catholick, who was very bufy in dif- 
 covering "the private '1'rude ftill driven by feveral perfons 
 
 That as to the Succeflion to the Crown of England, {he Term of tie 
 
 ) Under 
 
 (*) 
 
 (?) Th ' Cz 
 nto Ptrfia and 
 o tranip'.rt U ei 
 hen thirty day 
 
 d't. mrcefter, Wrcb’fler, 
 
 .... j.. , “t biiAnmh- -Thu 
 
 Eltxibeib/snd her Secretary fnr the Lat-.n Tongue. 
 
 s done by the nifhnps of Exeter, St. D, 
 ee Strype's Life of ArcbfjUp P; 
 
 luci'ious Knnr of Amain Oriatta. Camden, p. 417. 
 a new F.y.r'rfn Tranflarion of the Bible was publidird at L'.nd'. 
 and other Tj o l d Men, and is commonly called the Bijh fi 
 year tlfo December 30, died the learned Roger Aft bam, who was for fome time tutor to q 
 Camden, p. 416. 
 
 (V Particularly Sir Nicolai Throckmorton. Camden, p. 417. .... 
 
 He tnd -acliled with nne Befall, a Conjurer, againft the Queen s Ltfe, and had given th< 
 
 p ' - ion from all Cuftoms, with leave to vend their Manufactures through his whole 15' • 
 
 ..run vea. the Merchants of other Nations being not permitted to trade beyond MufctfW- And now did Me tsnptjn vent. 
 : made of one entire Tree, up the River Domna, as far as Wolcgda. From thence in feven1 days by Land to Ter ajt con. 
 ■wn the River to All r at an, by the Wolga, where they ufed tu build tiicir Ships. From AJiracan, they rr..flcd_ the Cajpt 
 vaft Defcits of Hyrcar.ia and BaDriana, to Trvenn and CatL.rt, Cities ot PerJ-.a, in hopes at length 
 • bv . .u. w,r 1 .teu.en the Turin and Berdans, and the Robberies committed by the Barbarians , the London 1. 
 
 : Dulte of Aha dirCe'iions how t 
 
 ■ ade England. IS-.cL 
 
 ited them an Exemptioi 
 led:a by the t' 
 
 Goods in Boa 
 and nights 
 
 heir way through the \ 
 
 ■ the War between the Turks ; 
 
 e difeouraged 1 
 
 Cat bay. 
 purluiiig 
 
 ,is glori. 
 
 6) \'r 
 
 s Enterpriz. 
 
 1 fav the Dull 
 
 p. 417, 4>8. 
 
 e mentioned it firft. p- 98. 
 n with Lefty s Negotiations; 
 
 :>’*• p- 34> £r “ 
 
 -But LeJIey affirn - 
 
 it plainly appears, that 
 
 , that the Earl of Murray firft fet it on 
 what the former relates about Mary Qu: 
 
 foot 
 
 1 of Sec 
 
 lea ft promoted it 
 r, is mollly taken 
 
 fhould 
 
«S 6 9 - 
 
 
 n e PrtyeH 
 is carried or. 
 
 Elizabeth i. 
 informed of 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Sbt com¬ 
 mands the 
 Date net to 
 think of the 
 
 Camden. 
 
 He premifts 
 « 
 
 Book XVII. 
 
 23. E L I Z A B E T H. 
 
 89 
 
 fhould attempt nothing to the prejudice of Queen Elizabeth 
 and her Iffue. 
 
 That file fhould content to a League offenfive and de- 
 fcnfive between the two Kingdoms of England and Scot¬ 
 land. 
 
 That fhe fhould confirm the Eftablifhment of the Pro- 
 teflant Religion in Seat land. 
 
 That flie fhould pardon fuch of her Subjects as had 
 aiRed or appeared in arms again ft her. 
 
 That fhe fhould revoke the Alignment of her Right 
 to the Kingdom of England, which fhe had made to the 
 Duke of Anjou , the King of France’s Brother. 
 
 That fhe fhould marry the Duke of Norfolk. 
 
 Mary very readily accepted the offer with the Conditi¬ 
 ons annexed, all but the League, which fhe fcrupled at a 
 Tittle, becaufe file was willing, before file enter’d into it, 
 to confult the French King. She denied fhe had made 
 any Affignment to the Duke cf Anjou , and yet offered 
 to procure his renunciation, if required, for the greater 
 fccurity. 
 
 It is eafy to perceive, the Propofers of thefe Terms had 
 taken great care to fereen themfelves from the Law, fince 
 they feemed very juft in themfelves, and advantagious to 
 both Kingdoms. But they fuppofed the Reftoration of 
 Mary to the Throne of Scotland , and her nomination to 
 fucceed to the Crown of England. This was to be done 
 firft, and then the execution of what flic promifed on her 
 part, was left to her honour. It was in this the artifice 
 con filled. 
 
 As foon as Mary's confent was gained, feveral Lords 
 . and Gentlemen were founded, who not perceiving the 
 venom of the ProjedI, approved it, but with this provifo, 
 that nothing fhould be done without the Queen’s confent. 
 It was alfo communicated to the Kings of France and 
 Spain , who were very well pleafed with it, though it be 
 evident, they would have had no reafon to be fo, if they 
 had believed, the conditions would be punctually performed. 
 The proceedings of thofe who had framed fuch a Projedt, 
 without confulting the Queen, plainly fhew, their defign 
 was to put the affair in fuch a ltate, that it fhould not be 
 in her power to hinder the Execution, when propofed to 
 her. The’ Duke of Norfolk thought himfelf fo fecure of 
 fuccefs, that the Earl of Northumberland having acquaint¬ 
 ed him, that Leonard Dacres intended to carry away the 
 Queen of Scots (1), he defired the Earl to hinder it, being 
 app rehen five fhe would be conducted into Spain. 
 r This affair palling through fo many hands, and being 
 hardly any longer a fecret, the Duke of Norfolk jultly 
 feared, the Queen would be offended that fhe was not 
 informed of it, and therefore, not to incenfe her more, he 
 defired the Earl of Leicejler to fpeak of it to her. Leicejler 
 promifed to do it the firft opportunity, and yet delayed it 
 from day to day, fo that all knew it, except the Queen, 
 who, it is likely, feigned ignorance. However, flic was 
 willing to give the Duke occafion to difclofe his fecret, by 
 telling him one day (2), to beware upon what Pillow he 
 laid his head ; but he pretended not to underftand what 
 fhe meant, chufing rather that the Earl of Leicejler fhould 
 fpeak to her firft, becaufe he thought him his Friend (3). 
 But it is faid, the Earl had acted in this affair only to 
 ruin him, becaufe he confidered him as a dangerous Rival 
 in the Queen’s favour. However this be, the Court be¬ 
 ing at Titchfield, the Earl of Leicejler feigns himfelf very 
 ill, and the Queen going to fee him, he fhe wed figns of 
 fear and trouble, which fhe eafily perceiving, asked him 
 the reafon. Then begging her pardon, for having fo long 
 concealed from her a fecret which he ought to have told 
 her, he difeovered all that had palled concerning the Duke 
 of Norfolk’s Marriage with the Queen of Scots. After 
 which, the Queen called the Duke into a Gallery, and 
 taxing him with imprudence and rafhnefs for attempting 
 this Marriage, without vouchfafing to impart his defign 
 to her, commanded him to defift from this Project. The 
 Duke owned, fuch a propofal had been made to him, and 
 he had confented to it; but fhewed himfelf fo regardlefs of 
 it, that he told the Queen, his Revenues were not much 
 lefs than thofe of the whole Kingdom of Scotland , drained 
 by civil Wars; and that when he was at his Tennis Court 
 in Norwich , he thought himfelf as good as feme Kings. 
 In fhoit, he promifed the Queen to think no more of the 
 Marriage. Mean while, as afterwards he perceived fhe 
 
 did not look upon him with the fame eye as before, that 1569-. 
 the Earl of Leicejler was againft him, and the Courtiers 
 fhunned him, he withdrew from Court, without taking 
 his leave of the Queen, and came to London. The fame 
 day the Bifhop of Rofs (4) fuing for the enlargement of the 
 Queen of Scots, Elizabeth , in great difguft, told him, that 
 his miftrefs had nothing to do but to reft fatisfied, unlefs 
 fhe had a mind to fee thofe, on whom fhe molt relied, 
 fhorter by the head. 
 
 This affair being entirely divulged, the Queen endea- Camden, 
 voured by all ways to get information of fuch particulars, 
 as might have efcapcd the Earl of Leicejler s knowledge. 
 
 As fhe knew the Duke had frequent Conferences with the 
 Earl of Murray, fhe fent Sir George Carey (5) into Scot¬ 
 land, to defire him to acquaint her with what he knew of ^ J 
 the matter. Mean while, the Duke being privately warned 
 by a Meffage from the Earl of Leicejler, that a resolution 
 was taken to fend him to the Tower, retired into Norfolk. 
 
 But repenting of this hafty ffep, which might render him He 
 fufpectcd, he returns to Court, after writing to the Queen ; ' 
 to beg her pardon, and to his Friends, to intreat them 
 to fpeak to the Queen in his behalf. Some days after, th is A 
 the Queen received Letters from Scotland {'•), informing 1 
 her of feme things which had ne t come to her knowledge, *' 
 
 and which made her fign a Warrant to fend the Dulee of st-.w. 
 Norfolk to the Tower. Then the Bifhop of Rtfs, who 
 a£ted as the Queen of Scots Ambaflador, v. .gs examined, 
 and Riclolf the Florentine was delivered to the Cultody of 
 Sir Francis JValfmgham. The Lord Lumley was arretted, His Acccm- 
 the Earl of Pembroke was confined to his own Houfe, and V th ' f> * r ‘ 
 all the reft who were concerned in thePioje&.of the Duke 
 of Norfolk’s Marriage, were banifhed the Court, except 
 the Eail of Leicejler. The Earls ol Northumberland and 
 IVeJlmoreland made their fubmillion to the Earl of Sujfex, 
 
 Lord Prefident of the North. All thefe Lords endeavour- / 
 ed to excufe themfelves, by declaring, they had approved 
 the Projedf of the Duke’s Marriage, on the exprefs con¬ 
 dition, it fhould not be confummatcd without the Queen’s 
 confent. 
 
 Elizabeth did not think fit to publifh all file knew of this C ntp„acy 
 affair, wherein the pi ime Lords of the Kingdom were con- J,u ‘ RJe! ~ 
 cerned. Befides, fhe had received, fume time fince, ad- jtf./fj '' e 
 vice of a Confpiracy ready to break out, and confcquently, Camden, 
 it might be very dangerous to ufe too great a feverity at ;'T/ 
 fuch a juncture. The Earls of Northumberland and Wejl- suype’s 
 moreland, both very powerful in the North, had held to- Ann. 
 gether feveral Conferences, of which the Queen had notice, 
 and which caufed her to order them to repair to Court. 
 
 They made feme dilatory cxcufes, but the Queen fent 
 them a more exprefs Order, to put them under a neceflity 
 ol relinquifiiing their enterprize, or engaging in an open 
 Rebellion, before they had taken proper meafures. This 
 fecond Order produced the effect fhe expeifted. The two 
 Earls knowing themfelves guilty, and not dating to truft 
 to the Queen’s Mercy, took arms, and drew feme forces 
 together(7). 
 
 The Rebels defign was to free the Queen of Scots, 77-<• Rebels 
 though they mentioned her not in their Mauiiefto. They Jj f ‘ " 
 faid only, their intent wa s r To rjlore the Religion f: 
 
 Forefathers , remove evil Counfellors from the .'jtiecn, and ;n-A 
 cav.fe JuJlice to be done to the Duke of Norfolk, and the j'; 1 ' 1, 
 other Lords now in Prifcn, or under dfgrace. At the fame 
 time, they writ circular Letters to the Catholicks, inviting 
 them to come and join with them. But mo'ft feat the 
 Letters, they received, to the Queen (8), whether they 
 were not willing to difturb the Peace of the Realm, or 
 were difeouraged by the Duke of Norfolk’s imprifonment. 
 
 Mean while, the Rebels coming to Durham , burn all the Stow. 
 Englijh Bibles and Common-Piaycr-Books, and openly H(l! n ^ - 
 fay Mafs. Then they march d to Clifford-Moor, where 
 they took a mufter, and found their Army amounted to 
 four thoufand Foot, and fix hundred Horfe. Their chief Mary is re- 
 defign was to free the Queen of Scots, in order to fet^ 1 -- f 
 her at their head ; but upon the fiift news of this Rebel- c?mdcm' 
 lion, file was conveyed to Coventry ( 9), a ftrohg City in Leiley’s Nc- 
 the middle of the Kingdom, not to be taken without a 
 formal Siege, for which the Rebels were by no means 
 prepared. Befides, in marching thither, they would have 
 gone into a Country, where the Inhabitants were not their 
 Friends. 
 
 Mean time, Forces were levying for the Queen in feveral The Rebels 
 parts. The Earl o f Sujfex had now I’even thouland Men (1 o), 
 
 (0 She was then in Confinement at 1 Pbir.fi/ld in Dcrbyjhire, in the Cuftody of the Earl of Shmvfbury. Camden , p. 420-Where it hems /he ufed 
 
 to bath her felt in Wine. See St type's Ann. Tcmjl. p. 575. 
 
 (2) At Farnbam in Surrey, where /he was on her Progrefs. Camden, p. 420- 
 
 ( 3 ) Cecil, who was told all by Leicejler, advUed the Duke to fpeak to the Queen himfelf. Camden, p. 420. 
 
 (4) Camden fays, it was the Spanijh AmbalTador. p. 420. (5) The Lord HunJ'don's Son. 
 
 (6) Brought by the Abbot of DunftmUng ; wherein (he received information, that the Duke had been pradtifing with the Earl of Murray at Hampton- 
 Court, to favour and afiift his Marriage, &e. See Cemdm, p. 321. 
 
 (j) ptico/as Morton, a Pricft, was the great Incendiary, who had bean fent from the Pope to pronounce Queen Elizabeth an Here tick : and therefore 
 to have forfeited her Right to her Crown and Kingdoirw Camden , p, 422. 
 
 (8) With the Bearers thereof. Camden, p. 422. 
 
 ( 9 ) And committed to the Cufiody of the Earls of Sbrcu'fbury and Huntington, Camden, p. 423. 
 
 f 10: And was accompanied with Edward Earl of Rutland his Lieutenant, the Lords Hunfdvn , Evers, and Willoughby cf Parham, Camden, p. 422. 
 
 No. 48. VoL.II, Z ’ the 
 
 Lefli-v' 
 
 Neg.,ti 
 
go 
 
 1569. 
 
 The H ISTO RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. If. 
 
 the Lord Clinton was at the head of twelve thoufand, 
 Earl< Cun 'and, with the Lord Set ■ . were 
 near Carlijle with a good body of Troops, befides tic Gar- 
 rifon which they had thrown into that City. So, the Re¬ 
 bels find ins'; their number not increafe, thought pioper to 
 retire to the borders of the North (1), where they took 
 Bernard Caftle, but, prefently after, fearing to be fur- 
 rounded, dilperfed themfelves. The Earl of Northurnber- 
 land concealed himfelf [at HarclavJ] in Scotland (1). I he 
 Earl of Wejlmor eland eleaped into the Netherlands, where 
 he fpentthe relidue of his days, living upon a (lender Pen- 
 fion allowed him by the King of Spain. The Rebels be¬ 
 ing thus difperfed, fome were hanged for an example (3). 
 Forty others, who were fled out oi the Kingdom, were 
 convicted of High-Treafon and out-lawed, and their fen- 
 tence was confirmed by the next Parliament. Oi this 
 number were, Chat It . ul Earl of Pi eland, ‘Tho¬ 
 mas Percy Earl of Northumberland, wit h his Counter-, and 
 ■- , _ em nd R it liff, Br ithei to tl 1 of i ' [4). The 
 Queen pardoned the reft, who did not fly out of the 
 Land. Some time before this Rebellion, the Duke of 
 Alva fent to the Queen Ciopine / itclli, a famous Cap¬ 
 tain, to demand the Money which had been (topped. 
 But his Commifiion was fo limited, that he was forced to 
 wi ite to the Duke of Alva for a moie ample power. The 
 real defign of this Embafly was to have in England an ex¬ 
 perienced Leader to command the Rebeb, and the forces 
 the Duke of Alva was to fend over. Lamothc Governor 
 of Dunkirk, difguifed like a Sailor, had already founded 
 the Ports, as he himfelf confeflcd afterwards. But the 
 Queen broke all thefe meafures, by compelling the two 
 Heads of the Rebels to take arms fooner than they had re- 
 folved. 
 
 This Rebellion was quickly followed by another, of which 
 Leonard Dacrcs, a Gentleman of the North (5), was the 
 Head. He had fome buftnefs at Court, which he was 
 (,. folliciting when the firft rebellion broke out. Upon the 
 news, he went and offered his fervice to the Queen, who 
 accepted it, becaufe (lie knew he had a great intereft in 
 the northern parts. Having received a Commiflion from 
 the Queen to raife forces, he fent to the Earls of Northum¬ 
 berland and JVcJhnoreland, that the Troops he ftiould raile 
 by virtue of his Commilflon, ftiould be at their fervice. 
 He even put them in hopes of foreign fuccour-, as certain 
 Ambafladors at London had allured him. His chief defign 
 was to carry away the Queen of Scots-, but he was dil- 
 appointed, by her being lent to Coventry. So, finding 
 "d himfelf at the head of three thoufand Men, after taking 
 fome Cattles (6), he refolved to expedt the Lord Liunfdon, 
 2:. who was marching towards him with the Garrifon of 
 Berwick (7). The battle was fought near the little River 
 Gelt. Dacrcs behaved very gallantly, but being vanquifh- 
 ed, fled into Flanders, where he died. The Queen par¬ 
 doned all his Followers. 
 
 At the fame time, there were Commotions in Ireland, 
 in which, it appeared, the King of Spain was concerned, 
 fince he had difpatched thither Juan Mendoza, an Officer, 
 to foment them. But they were eafily allayed (8). 
 
 , c jr It is uncertain, whether the Duke of Norfolk was con¬ 
 cerned in the late Rebellion in England. Several circum- 
 " ftances made againft him. Firft, as moft Infurrediions ne- 
 ceflarily require fome preparations, it might be thought the 
 Rebels were getting ready, at the very time the Duke of 
 Norfolk and his Friends were preparing every thing, to 
 obtain the Queen’s confent to the projedted Marriage. In 
 this expectation, he had hindered Dacrcs from attempting 
 to free the Queen of Scots , as he had intended. Secondly, 
 all the motions of the Rebels tended to Mary’s deliverance, 
 and moll; of her Friends were difeouraged, when they heard 
 the Duke of Norfolk was in the Tower. Laftly, the Re¬ 
 bels thcmfelves (aid in their Manifefto, they had taken arms 
 to releafe him. But on the other hand, it is certain this 
 Lord was never called to an account, and the Queen was 
 contented with keeping him in prifon till September the 
 next year. Hence, it leems, it may be inferred, there was 
 no proof againft him. But perhaps the Queen did not 
 think it advifeable to let the people know, the firft Lords 
 of the Realm were concerned in the confpiracy. 
 
 I left, about the end of the laft year, the Earl otMur¬ 
 ray in England, where he had played feveral and very op- 
 
 pofite parts. Upon his arrival in Scotland, he affembled 1569, 
 ali the .Lords of the King’s Party at Sterling (9), to com¬ 
 municate what he had done in England, and his Conduit 
 was approved. 
 
 T'he Duke of Chatcleraut was come from France to c p t'!V-,;, 
 London, a little before the Earl of Murray "s departure. ThuanUi ' 
 
 He forthwith demanded Queen Elizabeth's aid and protec¬ 
 tion, to obtain the Regency of Scotland, being the young 
 King’s neareft Relation. But the Queen knew her intereft 
 too well to fall into fuch a fnare, and to favour a Lord, 
 whofc conduit had ever been very equivocal, and who, in 
 all appearance, had not imbibed at the Court of France 
 favorable notions of the King’s Party. The Duke not 
 being able to obtain his defire, let the Earl of Murray de¬ 
 part, and came not to Scotland till fome time after him. 
 
 He brought a Patent from Queen Mary, wherein it Ap¬ 
 peared, that by a new and unheard-of Right, fhe had 
 adapted him for her Father, and as fuch, committed to him 
 the Regency of the Kingdom. The Earl of Murray 
 hearing the Duke alliimed the Title of Regent in virtue 
 of this Patent, immediately affembled an Army, to compel 
 him to fubmit to the Government, refolving no other Au¬ 
 thority but the King’s ftiould be acknowledged in Scotland. 
 
 Since the Queen’s defeat and flight, her Party was grown 
 fo weak, that the Duke of Chateleraut was unable to refift. 
 
 All his dependance was upon the good fuccefs of the Pro¬ 
 ject, which was then forming in favour of the Duke of 
 Norfolk, after which he did not queflion to gain the ad¬ 
 vantage of the Earl of Murray. But as it was not in his 
 power to haften the execution of the Projedl in England, 
 he was forced to confine himfelf to the endeavouring to 
 gain time, by propofing an Agreement. He plainly per¬ 
 ceived, the way of arms could not be fuccefsful in his 
 prefent circumftances. He fet therefore his Friends to 
 talk with the Regent, and it was agreed, he ftiould come 
 to Glafcoiv, acknowledge the King’s Authority, and re¬ 
 nounce the Queen’s j lor which fome advantages he had 
 required were granted him. Notwithftanding thisAgree- 
 ment, he railed frefti difficulties to attain his end. But 
 the Regent not being fatisfied with all his evafions, began 
 to march with his Army to attack him. Then the Duke 
 having no other refuge, was conftrained to go to the Re¬ 
 gent with the Lord Haris. A few days after, the Re¬ 
 gent having affembled at Glafcoiv the Lords of the King’s 
 Party, it was refolved that a Proclamation ftiould be pub- 
 lifhed, offering to all who had hitherto refufed to own the 
 King’s Authority, to receive their fubmiffions, and reftore 
 them to the enjoyments of their Lands. But the Earls of 
 Argyle and Huntley would not accept of thefe terms, being 
 extremely difpleafed at the Duke of Chateleraut's putting 
 himfelf into the hands of the Earl of Murray. At the 
 fame time, Queen Mary writ Letter upon Letter to her 
 Friends, exhorting them to Hand firm, and giving them 
 hopes of a fpeedy and happy revolution in her affairs. She 
 was then in expectation of the fuccefs of the ProjeCls con¬ 
 cerning her Marriage with the Duke of Norfolk. 
 
 The Regent’s Proclamation not meeting with the ex¬ 
 pedited fuccefs, and no one appearing to accept the offered 
 favour, he departed for Edinburgh , carrying with him the 
 Duke of Chateleraut and the Lord Herris. He had de¬ 
 layed thus long to prefs them to make their fubmiffion to 
 the King, becaufe he was defirous it might be a general af¬ 
 fair. But at laft, finding the Queen’s Friends were in no 
 hafte to make their fubmiffion, he refolved to incite them 
 by the Duke of Chateleraut's example, who was the head 
 of the Party, and fummoned him to perform the agree¬ 
 ment made at Glafcaw. The Duke feeing himfelf prefled 
 fought excufes, faying he did not mean to treat for himfelf 
 alone, but for the Queen’s whole Party, and therefore 
 could do nothing without the concurrence of the other 
 Lords, and the Queen’s approbation. Whereupon, the 
 Regent asking him what he intended to do if the Queen 
 approved not the agreement of Glafcaw ? He replied, that 
 he believed himfelf bound to nothing. The circumftances 
 of the Duke of Norfolk's Plot, the fuccefs whereof he ex¬ 
 pected every moment, made him think it not very dange¬ 
 rous to talk thus. However, the Regent finding himfelf Tic Dull of 
 thus amufed, fent him and the Lord Herris Prifoners to the c1ktl -' |, -' ,auc 
 Caftle. C 5 £r 
 
 This is Buchanan's account of the occafion of the Duke Spotifwocd. 
 
 (1) Fit ft to Jir.t v, tli.- chief S-.it of the Ear! of JV.fhmrdmd, and then to lU.tb.im, and Navnrtb Caftle. Cam.Un, p. 423. 
 
 The «vcilion ol liis Revolt was, a luppofed wrong done him by the Queen, in granting away l.-om him a rich Copper Mine, found upon his Elbte. 
 
 le! Tin cui re and lix were executed at D:\rbsm, and feveral at Y.rk and London. Camden, p. 423. 
 
 ' v , .. , u , i „ X - .oi/., J. . .. ■ ■ /-■ ■■■• M- ■■ ! id. i,V, IV. hard, Cbnjlpbrr, MarmaJ.it, 
 
 IPll .. . i\ ■ -t at..*. Mi.hsu 1 mft/ 1 , C .v.and about forty more of noble cxtrjct.or,. / 
 
 S . . JV nr./.'- ... !. !.'.•• 6... . 1 . 'I h. C'.ufe or w. th • : Hr. Id.,,:,. t « dj.ng young. .,11 May 17. this y.-ir, Stow, 
 
 I who wc.e He entered a Suit againft 
 
 g, and Oil • though in vain. Ibid, 
 
 fa) (U-yjl.ik, A-and < Ut C-t flies. Ibid. 
 
 VS mi ,1 conwted . . > r-r-rn j/.inbr.d Hi.:': and F«et. li..’biqji.-ad, p. 11:3 
 
 |- ■ ...0 V t •: . Bitr!. , B.. of the Eul ot Vim •. •. who be 0/ feat ov, ;o -adcJ i.i, C to .a, down thei .-n*«. 
 
 .am:Un, p. 423. 
 
 19) On February is. AAif n, Tom. IV. p. 19S. 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 ELIZABETH. 
 
 c' 5 ? 9 ' 
 
 Lcflcy’s 
 
 Negotial 
 
 of Cbateleraut’ s imprifonment, an account which the cir- 
 cumfiances of affairs renders very probable. But Camden 
 and his Followers have been pleafed to fay only, the Re¬ 
 gent having fumnioned at Edinburgh the Lords of both 
 Parties, to labour an agreement, the Duke of Cbateleraut 
 and the Lord Herr is firft repaired thither, and were order¬ 
 ed to prifun. In this manner has Camden maimed and dif- 
 figured the Hiftory of Scotland', to give fome colour to his 
 Invectives againft the Earl of Murray. I am goinc to 
 relate another Inffance, either of his prejudice or unfaith- 
 fulnefs. I have referved it till now, though it be not its 
 proper place, becaufe it would have been impoflible to con¬ 
 vince the Reader of my a/Tertion, if he was not firft inform’d 
 of what has been faid concerning the affairs of the Queen 
 of Scots. I hope I fit all he pardoned this fort of digrefiion. 
 
 Camden , after a very brief account of the murder of 
 King Henry Dandy, in the year 1567, and an infinuation 
 that the Earl of Murray was the real Author of it, Says 
 that the fame Murray earneftly prefted the Queen to marry 
 the Earl of Bothwell, to which fhe confented at laft, after 
 much difficulty. Then he immediately adds, 
 
 91 
 
 counterfeit, it will be proper to examine it particularly, *569. 
 and make fome temaiks which will difeover the Forgery. 
 
 P . 404. 
 
 “ I fhall willingly infert here what George Earl of 
 Huntley and the Earl of Argyle , who were the principal 
 “ Lords of Scotland , proteffed foon after, as I have taken 
 “ k from an original figned with their own hands, which 
 
 ‘ they fent to Queen Elizabeth. 
 
 1-s Forafmuch as the Earl of Murray and others, to colour 
 their Rebellion agatnjl the Queen, whofe Authority they ufurp, 
 do openly fander her , as guilty of the Murder of her Huf- 
 land ; we do publiekly protejl andwitnefs thefe things follow¬ 
 ing. In the month of December (1)1566, when the Queen 
 was at Craigmillar, Murray and Lidington acknowledged 
 hfirt us, that Morton, Lindfay and Rutliven few David 
 Rizzo, with ns ether intent than tjavc Murray, who was 
 at that very time to be pnferibed. Therefore, that they might 
 not appear ungrateful, they greatly deftreel, Mai Morton and 
 the reft who were battijhed for Rizzo’r Murder, might be 
 recalled. But this they faid could not be done, unlefs the 
 Qtiecn were divorced from her Husband, which they pro- 
 mifed to accotnplijh, would we but give our confent After- 
 wards. Murray prmifed to me (Huntley,) that my antient 
 Inheritance Jhould be refered to me, and IJhouli be an cver- 
 lajling Favourite with th, exiles, if I would but countenanie 
 the Divorce. Then we applied to Bothwell for his Confent 
 aljo Andlajlly, we came to the Queen, and Lidington, 
 m the name of us all, earnejlly intreated her to reverfe the 
 Ban'Jhment of Morton, Lindfay, and Ruthven. The King’s 
 faults and offences aguinjl the Qieen and the Realm, he aggra¬ 
 vated with very great bittmufs ■, and Jhowed haw much it 
 concerned the Qieen and State, that the Divorce Jhould be 
 made out of hand, it being imp,ff,Liefor the King ami Qiecn 
 to live together m Scotland with fafety. She anfwered.Jh, 
 had rather withdraw for a time into France, till her Huf- 
 band Jhould be fenfible of the Errors of his Youth, being un¬ 
 willing any thing Jhould be done to her Son's prejudice, or her 
 mm dijhonour. To this Lidington replied, we who are of 
 your Council will look to that. But I command you, fays fhe 
 to do nothing that may blemijh my honour, or offend my con- 
 fcicnee. Let the thing remain as it is, till God pleafes to 
 provide a remedy from above : That which you imagine will 
 be fir my good may, I fear, turn to my hurt. [To which 
 Lidington find, plenfe to leave matters to us, and you fall 
 find nothing will be done but what is jujt, and what the 
 Bari,ament will approve of] A few day, after, the King 
 happening to be murdered in an execrable manner, we do 
 from the inward Tejl,monies of our confciences, hold it for 
 certain, that Murray and Lidington were the Authors, Cm- 
 aml Ab ““ rs <f thi ‘ Regicide, whoever were the 
 
 This Proteftation, as may be eafily obferved, fquares 
 y,. I , WIth Camden’s delign in his Annals of Queen 
 Elizabeth, namely, to clear the Queen of Soot, from the 
 crime of murdering the King her Husband, and to accufe 
 the Earl of Murray But withal, it is direHly contrary 
 to the Teftimony of Melvil, an lye-Witnefs, who, in 
 hts Memoirs, fays not a (ingle word which can give occa¬ 
 sion to fufpea, the Earl of Murray was thought guilty of 
 the murder. If this Proteftation therefore be true, MelviPs 
 Memoirs mult be only a heap of Fables, which no man of 
 fenfe will ever believe. But to (hew that this Writing is 
 
 f ""“'V ” “H.iW .hi, Prntdlatinn. 
 
 However, :t if to be obferved, that in the fjmc r.dlrfHrm ,i, ’ f 'n , p ‘ u ls '‘ lken fr " m a Co P>'> without either Hands or Date _ 
 
 “ cafe Man will f. y and affirm, that ever I w.s m id an ^ nfwer ol the E^I of Murray y, t o the aforelbid Protection, wherein he fays, 
 
 confirmed to make Promife belore'l tculd be admitted t,. tin!' 7 l" 8 rud «« Dnd di plcafures that had been among us: Whereumo I wa 3 
 
 “ ° r ***+ - ; “ »-«-I it. im. ?°;i ”• ntv ' r ° ,h " b “ j '— 
 
 2 
 
 fo 
 
 Camden begins with faying: I fall willingly infert here 
 ■what George Earl of Huntley, ami the Earl of Murray, 
 who were the principal Lords of Scotland, protefled foon 
 after. J 
 
 r T\\\sfon after mu ft have been two whole years at leaft, 
 as I {hall demonfirate hereafter. 
 
 As I have taken it from an Original figned with their 
 own Hands. 
 
 Camden has not fet thefe two Lords hands to the Writ- 
 ing, it may be, becaufe he did not know in what order 
 they were to be placed. In a certificate however, one 
 would think the fignature is a material thing (z). 
 
 Which they fent to Queen Elizabeth. 
 
 Suppofing the truth of this Proteftation, it could not he 
 fent to Queen Elizabeth till the latter end of the year 1568 
 at the very fooneft, when the Earl of Murray went to York 
 to accu.'e the Queen before the Englljh Commiffioners. 
 
 1 Ins remark difcovers Camden $ artifice, who dehgnedly 
 neglecting to date the Writing, places it in his Annals the 
 beginning of the year 1567, immediately after the King’s 
 ur l j. r ’ as at 7 at ver )' timc Murray had been accufed 
 of killing that Prince; whereas it was not till after the 
 Queen's flight into England that file thought of calling the 
 crime upon him. It was not therefore out of pure negli¬ 
 gence that Camden avoided dating the Proteftation. ° 
 Forafmuch as the Earl of Murray and others , to colour 
 tbar Rebellion agalnjl the Queen , whofc Authority they ufurp , 
 T 0 Pf n ‘y P ndcr her 01s guilty of the Murder of her Hu f- 
 band. J J 
 
 1 he Earl of Murray cannot he faid to ufurp the Queen s 
 Authority, tiil after he was declared Regent, or the Queen 
 to accufe him publiekly of killing the King, till the York 
 Conference, or rather till that of Hampton-Court, that is, 
 m October or November 156S. Now at that time the two 
 factions were both formed. Murray was head of the one, 
 and Huntley of the other. So, fuppoling this Writing not 
 to be forged, what opinion can a man have of the attefta- 
 tior1 of one fworn Enemy agaiuft another ? As to the Earl 
 of Argyle , Buchanan affirms, he was retired a little before 
 t0 . h ' S ° W " H , ou f i ° thd *t ^ is not probable hcfhould join 
 with the Earl of Huntley to frame this Certificate at the 
 time it muft be fuppofed to be drawn. If it was dated, 
 we might fpeak of it with more certainty. 
 
 IVc do openly protejl and witmfs thefe things following. In 
 the month of December 1566. 
 
 I his way of beginning argues it was now fome time 
 lince the things they are going to mention were tranfacled. 
 
 Vuen the Queen was at Craigmillar, Murray and Li¬ 
 dington acknowledged before us, that Morton, Lindfay and 
 Kuthven, fmi Dav‘d Rizzo, with no other intent than to 
 Jave Murray, who was at that very time to be proferibed. 
 
 I have already made appear by the teftimony of Melvil, 
 that the Earl ok Murray, far from owning that Rizzo was 
 killed on his account, would not join with the Party .of the 
 Murderers, but remained conftantly attached to the Queen. 
 Befides, the Earl of Argyle, Author of this Proteftation, 
 was then a fugitive as well as Murray, and was no lefs 
 to be condemned than he. And yet, he fpeaks hereof this 
 affair, as if he were a Stranger to it, though he was the 
 molt confiderable of thofe who were to be banifhed, and 
 though Melvil affirms, it was for his and the others fake, 
 who had taken arms againft the Queen, Murray excepted 
 that Rizzo was murdered. 
 
 Therefore that they might not appear ungrateful, they 
 gi eat/y defined that Morton, and the rejl who lucre banijhsd 
 for Rizzo’r Murder, might be recalled. 
 
 What has Lidington to do here, when he was never con¬ 
 cerned in Rizzo’s affair? and wherein confided his ingrati¬ 
 tude, if the exiles were not recalled? 
 
 But this they faid could not be clone unlefs the Queen were 
 divorced from her Husband. 
 
 Rizzo was killed by the King’s order, and in his pre¬ 
 fence, and folely, according to the Author of the Protef- 
 tation, to fave the Earl of Murray. The point was to get 
 the Murderers recalled, who had been baniflied for this 
 Murder committed by the King’s order, and thefe exiles 
 cannot be recalled by the Queen, the only Perfon offended, 
 unlefs fhe is divorced from the King. Let this confluence 
 he well examined, and it will never be thought, that the 
 Earls of Huntley and Argyle were fo weak as to reafon in 
 
l/>e HISTORY #/ ENGLA N D. 
 
 Vo!. 11 . 
 
 fo wretched a manner. In December T 566 ('), tlaat i , 
 about the time of the Prince’s Baptifm, the Kir.J was 
 looked upon as a cypher, and expofed to all forts of intuits 
 from the Queen. .. 
 
 Which they promifed to accompliiff, would we but give our 
 
 cbnfent. 
 
 At that time the I'.arl of A-lurray had no crec.it at court. 
 
 It was Both well that ruled all. I don’t know how it Hood 
 then with Lidington. However, Murray and Luhnglon 
 are reprefented here as the Perfons that were to he the 
 chief Agents in accomplifhing the Queen’s Divorce, and 
 as wanting for that purpofe only the bare confcnt of the 
 Earls of Huntley and Argyle. This is by no means pro¬ 
 bable. . , 
 
 Afterwards Murray promifed to me (Huntley) that my 
 ancient inheritance Jhould be re fond to me, and I Jim Id be an 
 evcrlajling Favorite with the Exiles, if I would but counte¬ 
 nance the Divorce. 
 
 The Author of the Protection has confounded the times. 
 Murray having then no power, could not make any fuch 
 promife to the Earl of Huntley. None but Bothwell was 
 able to make and perform it. Befides, it is not likely the 
 Queen, when fhe recalled the Earl of Huntley , who was 
 condemned to die, fhould {till detain his ancient Inhciitance 
 which had been confifcated. 
 
 Then wc applied to Bothwell for his Content alfo. 
 
 This confounds the whole Hiftory of Scotland. Mur¬ 
 ray and Lidington are made Authors of the project of the 
 Queen’s Divorce, and the Earl A Bothwell, as one who is 
 only to give his confent, though it is certain, he had then 
 an abfolute fway over the Queen, who married him very 
 loon after. . 
 
 And lajlly, we came to the ghteen, and Lidington in the 
 name of us all, earnejlly entreated her toreverfc the banijhment 
 cf Morton, Lindfay, and Ruthven. The King's Faults 
 and Offences againjl the Queen and the Realm , he aggra¬ 
 vated with very great bitternefs ; and Jhewed how much it 
 concerned the .'fieccn and State, that the Divorce Jhould be 
 made out of hand, it being impoffble for the King and Queen 
 to live together in Scotland with fajety. 
 
 Can it be conceived, that to induce the Queen to pardon 
 Men who had killed her Favorite in her prefence, and by 
 the King her Husband’s exprefs order, there Ihould be oc- 
 cafion to aggravate the King’s faults, and demonftiate to 
 the Queen, that flic muft be divorced from him ? 
 
 She anfwered, Jhe had rather withdraw for a time into 
 F ranee, till her Husband Jhould be fcnfble of the errors of his 
 Youth, being unwilling any thing Jhould be done to bet Son s 
 prejudice, or her own diffonour. 
 
 The Author of this Proteftation reprefents the Queen in 
 December i 566, as being under oppreflion, and (peaking ol 
 Retiring into France till the King fhould be pleafeu to amend 
 his errors. This fuffices to Ihew, that the whole is a for¬ 
 gery -, for it is not likely, the Earls of Huntley and Argyle 
 fhould talk in this manner. 
 
 To this Lidington replied, JVe who are of your Council 
 will look to that. But I command you, fays Jhe, to do nothing 
 that may blemff ?ny Honour or offend my Conjcience. Let the 
 thing remain as it is, till God pleafes to provide a remedy 
 from above: That which you imagine will he for my good , 
 may, I fear, turn to my hurt. 
 
 The artifice of tliefe words which the Queen is made 
 to Tpeak, confifts in this : The Queen having commanded 
 all thefe Lords to do nothing with refpedt to her Divorce, 
 Murray and Lidington found no other way to get the Exiles 
 recalled, but by caufing the King to be murdered. As if 
 the King alone was an invincible obftacle to the recalling 
 of the baniflied Lords, who killed Rizzo by his ordeis, 
 and in his prefence. I confefs this realbning appears to me 
 incomprehenfible. 
 
 A few days after, the King happening to be murdered in 
 an execrable manner. 
 
 What has been juft related pafled in December 1566, 
 according to the Proteftation, and the King was killed in 
 February 1567, that is, two months after. Nov/ can it 
 be fuppofed, that the Earls of Huntley and Argyle could 
 poffibiy be fo miftaken, as to call two months a few 
 days ? 
 
 JVc do, from the inward Tejlimonies of our Confciences, 
 hold it for certain, that Murray and Lidington were the 
 Authors , Contrivers , and Abettors of this Regicide. 
 
 The Inference the Author of this Paper would draw, 
 that the Earls of Murray and Lidington were the Contri¬ 
 vers of the King’s murder, from their having projected the 
 Queen’s Divorce, appearing to him, without doubt, liable 
 to flrong objections, he feems to give it up in part, when 
 
 he grounds it wholly upon the inward Tcftimony of Hunt- 
 ley's, and Amy Ids Confciences. 
 
 ■ m . At1 ; . 
 
 It wanotorious that Bothwell was the coni liver of the 
 King’s murder, and Camden himfei! makes no fcrup.e to 
 own"it, joining however the Earl of Murray with him. 
 But the Author of the Proteftation durft not name him, 
 becaufe it was giving a fen Able wound to the Queen’* 
 
 11 1 /ho, within a fc w m . th n arri ;d t.- 
 
 deter. 
 
 I (hall only add one remark, which to me feems dcci- 
 five to demonftrate ihe forgery of this Paper. Lidingtzr. 
 was never accufed but in this writing only, of being con¬ 
 cerned in King Henry’s murder [z). On the othci hand, 
 fo far was lie from being confidcrcd as an Enemy to the 
 Qu • , t it he was n thcr v ei. n 
 
 young King’s and the Ear! of Murrey s Party, and not 
 
 withou.1. What Melvil fays of h 
 
 occafion of the York and Hampton Court Conferences, is 
 a clear evidence that lie 1 continued in tire Regent :• 1 arty, 
 only to have opportunities to ferve the Queen. Buchanan 
 confirms Melvil' s Teftimup.y, in a Book, entitled, the 
 Camclion, wherein he pretends to file w, that Liu mg ton be¬ 
 trayed the young King’s Party, and in I 
 drops many the like Expreflions again ft him 
 can it be thought, that the Earls of Hunt: 
 
 Heads of the Queen’s Party, fhould be ignorant, tnac 
 Lidington was private!v labouring for them ? if they knew 
 it, ’tis by no means likely, that at the very time when 
 Lidington was at York or Hampton Court, and frequently 
 conferring with the Duke of Norfolk , to hinder the Earl 
 of Murray from accufing the Queen, thefe two Chiefs of 
 the Party fhould public dy accufe their fee ret friend of be¬ 
 ing Author of the King’s murder; efptcially as there was 
 nut the Laft ground for fuch a charge. But very pyfliblv, 
 the Author of the Pi deflation was ignorant of Lidmgtcn s 
 fecret pradtices, and feeing him among thole who ittended 
 the Regent at York, imagined he might fa 'el y join them 
 together in the fame Accufation. 
 
 But however this be, though this Proteftation be as true 
 as it appears to be counterfeit, it cannot ferve for proof to 
 fupport what Camden advances concerning the Earl of 
 Murray, becaufe it will be fti.l true, that it came fri m one 
 of his moft mortal Enemies. I return to what pafied in 
 Scotland during the year 1569. 
 
 H ! r) he 
 Now, how 
 1 and Jig) le. 
 
 Shortly after the Duke of Chatelcraut 's arreli, the Re- Tie Rjcv 
 gent convened the chief of the N -miny at Perth, to com- iffA 
 municate to them certain Loiters he had received, .m 
 which it was necefiary tu coilfult together, ft he firft was Melvil. 
 From a friend III L.ngl - (3)> t ' 
 
 Confpiracy in favour '| the Duxe of L01 folk, to efpoufe spj tllvvo 0 < j. 
 the Queen of Scots, telling h;m wi.ft.i, the Confpuacy was 
 in fuel) a (fate, that ah the Forces or Gnat-Britain were 
 not capable of preventing its luccels ; and auviting him 
 therefore to think in time of his own affairs. 
 
 The fecund Letter was fr. m Queen Mary, and direded 
 to the States of Scotland. It was to defirt, that the vah- _ tli f 
 dity of her Marriage with the Earl ol Bothwell might be w< u m ,y o e 
 examined, adding, if there appeared any e.iential defect 
 in it, fhe would very willingly confent, it thou ! 1 be dil- 
 foived. As Bothwell was ftill alive in Denmark, it was 
 necefiary his Marriage with the Queen fh nod be annulled, 
 before fhe could efpoutc the Duhe of Norj.ir. hoi u.is 
 reafon fhe wanted the States of Scotland to get \c difT.lv < d» 
 pretending only to give her confent to it, though flie c • 
 not proceed without it. 
 
 The third Letter was from Queen Llizabeth, to -a- 
 
 fame States, to demand one of t .1 uce tilings in favour 
 o f Mary. The firft, That floe jhoH-‘ l- regime l to the 
 Throne as formerly. The fecond, Th he JhoJJ reign .. .-.a..r 
 jointly with the King her Son. The ' in' d, l ha • jac might ^ t ^ 
 live in Scotland, with fuch Honours, as juould not be pic- . 
 judicial to the King's Authority. Camd n, who agree. m s-.iiUood. 
 this with Buchanan, will have it, that the e dema-.L of 
 Elizabeth aie to be confidered as the effect of i.er C un- 
 pafiion for the Queen of Scots. But where as rue Com¬ 
 panion, to propofe to the States three t in . . . lo dnprop :io- 
 nate, and to leave the choice to them r She knew, the two 
 firft would be rejected, and though the third ihould he ac¬ 
 cepted, many difficulties would occur b.uo;e it co .,d m 
 fettled. Thus what Camden conliuers as an effect ot cu- 
 zabeth's pity, was in truth only a conffquence ot .lie p; j- 
 jedt fhe had formed to prolong the affair, under the ipe- 
 cious colour of favouring her Prifoner. ^ t 
 
 The Scotch Lords alieinbled at Perth, thought Mary s 
 
 ([) has it here ami elfcwherc September, which, I fuppofe, 
 
 gf iinia was flit i(\etvei December I j. 1 c66. 
 
 [2) Here Jtifin is miftukcn. Me Wit cjcprelly lays, “ Thai Capt 1 
 late Kins:':- munlm, and being accufed ol lo odmiis i e'rim.-, h: was 
 p. 131. Roc M-i-.al obferves, in the lame Pa;e, that he and Sir Jar. 
 “ their Offices.” 
 
 (j; S.r A htb)I js Thrmkmvrlon. 
 
 3 
 
 samiflake, for 
 n Crawl wit was direft- d 
 
 December in Cam,ten, from whom he talc is t 1 
 
 Lidinnon before the Pr v; 
 e fnne is attellcd by Ida 
 wrongfully puriued, only by tire malice 
 
 11 [of.W 
 
 >n. Ki 1 1 
 _ - , Buchanan 
 
 in./] of ihc 
 
 Sfolifzvsod, p. 
 
 Letter 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 Elizabeth. 
 
 93 
 
 ,;6 9 . Letterroughs not to be angered becaufe (he ttddreffed .0 leges of the Cities, Ua.Verf.ties, Provinces, were delivered ,c 6 c 
 the States as ,f {he. was ft,I! their Queen, which they to the King’s mercy. In a word, the Duke ofAiTo, 
 would not allow She did what (he could to remove this dered the hundredth part of ,he Revenues to he pa It, the 
 difficu y; but all her endeavours ferved only to confirm King, after that, the twentieth part of the real an I he 
 them the more in their refolutlon. They were far from tenth of the perfonal, Eftares, every time they were fold 
 being willing to facilitate -he Queen s Marriage with the Some of the Magnates of the Towns hav!Z the bold-' 
 o< Norfoli, by cauftng ftrWft to be nulled, nefs to appeal to the King from thefe Ordinances w--e 
 “ d,J n0t k T" I ICy Wcre fo wel1 ac tjuainted fevercly punilhed. In fbort, thefe Provinces being now 
 
 todldhlref M ’ C0mp a 'r f 71 r m “ C J lhc r' rcru P lin S oonhdered by the Spaniard,, but as a conquered Country 
 to difloh e a Marnage, winch liad ferved them for a cloke all were driven to defpairfc ) 
 
 I he beginning of the next year 1570, the Earl.’ 
 
 Murray having notice that the Earl of Northumberland 1 
 was concealed in Scotland, found means to feize him md ' 
 committed him to p.ilon e: Lech-lev,n. Camden fays, he 
 ottered to deliver this Lord to Elizabeth, in exchange for ?" '• 
 
 the Queen of Scots-, but this is not likely. Man was "“VT 
 „ Iiramr, wnttotnem, that the dehred a perfon better guarded in England than the could L c7 , 7 „ 
 
 p be J™' t0 confer with •>« about and Murray was not ignorant of Elizabeth's reafons /ever 
 io weighty an ahuii. For this reafon the Lords deputed to releafe her. 
 
 'Vi,;V.V H i- , t, A few days after, Murray was {hot through the body theEarUr 
 
 rJeeTt'X V o h ft v'v ” ! J°! ,,,s wa )’> ,he Re E' nt perceiving by one of the Family of Hamilton, who pretended r m «*'»r " 
 ingtm,./, lh aQ" c ™s >aaion daily grew ftronger, by the hopes be only in revenge of a private Injury. But it foot, a- '' 
 
 ".f if I winch the Duke; of Norfolk s popSt gave the whole Party, peared to be by the diiedtion of the Queen’s Faction 16 ) in ..' 
 
 Z r h Z S C ? e “® ry t0 , fecu,e ipidington’s perfon. This On the morrow, the Soot, and tile Cams, great friends of ■ ’ 
 
 Buchanan. ^”*1 by fe,going to be attached to the King’s party, the Queen (y), entered England in Arms 8 aod deftrm ed , 
 
 Spotifwood. 'be Queen to the utmoft of his power, and as he the Borders with fire and fword. A, they had no private ' 
 
 was a Man of great fenfe and parts, did much more pre- reafon to make this Incurfion, it is cafy to eercciv/ (her 
 
 judice to the Regent, by outwardly embracing his fide, were incouraged by the heads of the Queen’, Faction’ who Hcl”' 
 
 ReZnr t ! ^ ^ ^ ^ S °> 7=™ 4 » give a new w to aftif. The;r 
 
 Regent having on fome pretence drawn him to Sterling, Scheme was this. ' H ’ 
 
 ordered him to be anorehendad. and fent Prifnnpr r 
 
 Slttfxvrrjf 
 
 J.ords to 
 Elizabeth. 
 
 Thuanua- 
 
 ---- V. V.vaavw 
 
 to take Arms againlt her. But her complaints were little 
 regarded. 
 
 As to Elizabeth's demands, the Lords refolved to rejedt 
 the two fir It, and accept the third, if Mary would be fa- 
 tisfied with it, and fent their anfwer to the Court otEng- 
 land by a young Gentleman. But Elizabeth , who only 
 fought to gain time, writ to them, that fhe defired a perfon 
 
 of mnrp r~nnnflr>mt inn ks tone i . > 
 
 ’The Regent 
 
 o „,t iuiiiu pictciiLc urawn rum ro sterling, _ _ 
 
 ordered him to he apprehended, and fent Pr,Toner to Edin- 'The QueenSFadtion was ruined 
 
 bu JZ?\\}' ,f ut Eire a late coming unexpectedly with part likelihood of being ever able to rife ; 
 rifon of the Caftle, refeued him (2), nromifinp- Earl of Murrav rm.Id a i.. r. 
 
 irhout 
 
 T,7i, r f X'r' “"Bng unexpectedly with part likelihood of being ever able to riTe'ag’ahl "beuuie “the , '“>« 
 
 Kbtaldl he Garnfon of the Caftle, related him (z), promifing Earl of Murray could be always fine of affiftance from 
 to fee him forth-coming when ,t (hould be required. This England in cafeof neceffity. Wherefore the heads of^t 
 SS^rtwl) m)r f “ fp ' Ci0 “ S t0 ,he Fa ® 0n .(*)• »l» bad fubmitted to the King againlt their 
 
 Mean wh ef tL'Juke of Norfo, being fent to the J^nT^t^ 
 
 Man’s drf,'' h ° Ut effe£ !!" E a "y thing of h» projeefs, all agamft all their enterprizes in favour of Mary, ai,d D t he’rc 
 Marys deftgns, as well in Scotland as England, vamfhed lore refolved to break It at any rate. Tofucceei they 
 into air. Shortly after, the Earls ot Huntley and Argyll deemed it necefl'ary belore ail things, to alfaffinate the Earl 
 
 Amhorfiv™ Rv‘?h t'th'n"'’ andf “ b . mittcd 10 the Kl "g’a of Murray, that the Kingdom might for fome time be ,n 
 A [homy. By that the Queen s Faction was in a manner a fort of Anarchy, as it happened indeed Tin* A n 
 extinginfiied for fome tune. I his fliews how much Queen they hoped, by provoking the Enrl : /h on ' their Rnrdc * 
 
 Si d V’h AdheIentS , rdie n d ,he Duke of ^4 fhould excite them t. 8 .' rlen^nZ theLtr with’ 
 
 in Erin ft nd'ch^N ,7 / a , br,cf accou,lt of "’b« PklTed out diftindion ; that this would revive the old enmity bj. 
 
 Si... tween thetwoNa,ions, and foal. Scotland wo„,d KiS^ 
 
 Mak e* of 
 
 Euchznan 
 
 Fail ion 
 grtnvs toe nit 
 m Scotland. 
 Buchanm- 
 
 f 
 
 Mczerai. 
 Thuanus. 
 P. Daniel. 
 
 - j — ...... u c 
 
 in trance and the Netherlands. 
 
 i he war continued in Franceduring the whole year 1569. 
 On the 1 3th of March was fought the Battle of Jarnac, 
 wherein the Prince of Conic was killed. D'Andclot the 
 Admiral’s Brother did not long furvive him. Some time 
 alter, the Duke of Deuxponts led an Army into France , 
 to the aflifiance of the Huguenots , but died there in June , 
 leaving the Command of the Army to Count Mansfeldt 
 who joined the Admiral. With this Re-inforcement the 
 Admiral laid Siege to Pciders, but was forced to raife it 
 m September. Iri Olleber, the Huguenots loft the battle of 
 
 I hie r! rs Cnn t /-.Klirrocl -k. A .1_I - - 1 . . t r 
 
 affaire of 
 the Low- 
 Countiies. 
 Grotius. 
 
 otusuiim wouiu dc united 
 againlt England that then Succours might be fafely fent 
 for from France and Spain , and the projea be refumed of 
 invading the borders of England, whiift the Catholicks 
 mould on their part aft within the Kingdom. The Lord 
 Seaton’s Embafiy to the Duke of Alva, and the Pope’s Bull 
 of which I lhall prefently fpcak, plainly fhew, this was 
 their Intent, though Camden is pica fed to cenfider theln- 
 vafion of the Englijh Borders, as a mere caprice of the Scots 
 and Carrs. 
 
 t Tt w 7r ’ V‘, c lolt tne Datcle ot Immediately after the Earl o (Murray’s death KhvA i.Wm-. 
 
 Mncontour 1 his defeat obliged the Admiral to fend for releafed Lidington , who ufed all his arc to hinder’- • ■ 
 
 a fpeedy aid from Elizabeth, who lent him Money upon Patty from proceeding to the eleSion of a new Re-77 , ' ■ ' 
 
 n „^T n 1 JV T” ‘ 7 i " Ch WCr 7 fCnt “ hCr HC lntimaKd ' Ibat SS-W would n ’er be i Peace E ;'t7'7; 
 
 P pa 7"’ Sbe , alfo pcmit'ed a Company of a hundred left a Regent were chofen who fljould be aporoVed hv the 
 
 Genriemen-Volunteets to be raifed, to ferve in the Army two Parries, and confequently^ it was necefltry^ afllllu 
 
 rftfcPl’ to ' 7 Witl1 ' hC ,aki " g tbe Great Mc " ° f bo,b bdesf that they n gift agree to“ 
 
 b2e£:„d thcK '" S b “ a «““f * b - In yhat he faid there wes the JppeL„ce g “'S. 
 
 The D'lkf nf /Ik nn , ,. _ . But he knew, it would be difficult to get all the great Men 
 
 N thrhnt A COnt ' n “ ed h “ ?PP rcffio " s th e together in one place, and though the} (hould 7eet they 
 
 (i) He was accufed of hsving had a head in the late King’s i 
 (jO He counterteited a Wairant under the Regent's hand, by v. 
 
 i v11ct, as is obferved above. Bucbar.ar, J. jq. 
 ie of which the Laird of Grange was delivered it 
 
 p- *3~. - - .o his hands. Buchanan ; and Spctifiuxel, 
 
 (3) MtjvilL ays, ftca/die refeued Lidington, with the confent of the King’s Party, which is not very likely. Mduil w 3 . r a 
 
 admirer of tne Laird of Grange. Rap;n _ -Mein: l live th. r ./• ' , , . , . ’ , , w 3S an intimate Prend, and cict 
 
 b s '- C h “7jL>'^a..L 
 
 nXTiX o'}"}, £&* 2,’7,;.! "77“ 1 " 1 % 
 
 Be: elcaping, b, ftnaXinj his Eli.,o’, £"***> It Hr B 
 
 “ »*> "-eh h, h.d, ,a hi. ,h„w, „lf 7™7"77: "*“• 1 - 
 
 erc^tt/crudtvtha’ii wit "■ ’ ° f Far 1 ' kt fi> storing England, the next night after the Earl of Murray's murder ravaged all lVc- «-• h 
 
 ;7tsfir',s;;,;Ts:7f77s= ^ -• *«• «l >0* f " ^ 
 
 # a Hs 
 
 No. 48. V o l. It, 
 
9+ 
 
 i 
 
 It IJ I ST 0 R r of E NGLAND, 
 
 Vo!. II. 
 
 : ;-o He fucceeJcil ill the firft part of hi' dcfign, ami bv h's m- 
 w.t I" ttifucs nianageti it fo, that the elcfiion of a Regent WM 
 ' " deferred. But he was not fo happy in the other part ot his 
 “ / T - T' ' * i ,i _1 r'e.nnril u'prfl trsn W.It? tO fall 
 
 .j e Q. Elizabeth and her Council were too 
 
 Into the Snare. On the contrary, the more they found 
 that endeavours were ufed to unile all the Scats in one Party, 
 the more the. judged it Mcelfery to keep them divided, the Lari 
 nothin* beingfo advantage>us to Elhah.ih .as to foment —>•' - 
 confufion and difeord in that Kingdom, till flic could take 
 other meafures. . 
 
 To that purpofe fne fern Randolph into Scotland, to coin 
 plain of the Inroad made into England. But inftead o 
 laying the fault upon the whole Nation, as the Authors ot 
 the Invaf.on expected, flic laid withal by her Ambaffador, 
 
 (he was very fcnlible, thole who governed Scotland were 
 not concerned in the infult on the Eng/j’h, aiv.l therefore 
 flic was willing to diftinguilh the innocent from the guilty. 
 
 That flic demanded however a fuitable reparation, and it 
 they who were at the helm could not procure it for her, 
 fhe offered them the afliftance of her Forces. That m 
 cafe they refufed it, fhe would fend an Army into Scotland, 
 not to attack the whole Nation, but to punith f'uch only 
 as wantonly, and without provocation, had infuitcd the 
 Envlijh. As it was then a time ot Anarchy, there being 
 no^RcL’ent yet, the giving the Ambaffador an anfwer was 
 put off til! May , when 'the States would be afiembieJ. 
 
 ‘Randolph infilled not upon a fpeedv anfwer (r). He con¬ 
 tented himfelf with exhorting the Scots to Peace and con¬ 
 cord, whilft he privately laboured tocherilh their divifionr 
 
 able to procure her any fatisla<Ti..n, So the Earl of Suffix 1 >7^- 
 received no counter-orders. When that General wa- > o: 
 to Berwick , the Duke of Chateleraut feat Meivil, to 
 whether he intended to join one of the Parties, or endea¬ 
 vour their reconciliatii>n. VLelv fa in his M noirs, 
 that in his Conferences with the Lari of Suffix, he found y . 
 
 had orders indeed to favour the King’s Party, hut... . c -. 
 to foment would not quite difeourage the Queen’s (4). He infers that r- 
 .chief airn was to continue the troubles in Scotland , which 
 very likely. , 
 
 The Englifh Army entering Scotland in April , ravaged 
 But inftead of the lands of the Scots and Carrs , and of thole who were >c ., .... 
 
 concerned in the late iniurfion into England (5). Camucn A a - 
 fa vs, in this expedition were burnt above three hundred £ hJT” 
 Houles, and about fifty Caftlcs. Meivil adds, the Lari of j, jV 
 Suffix aIfaulted and took the Caftles of Hume and Ealjl m. 
 belonging to the Lord Hume, to oblige him, who had hi- ‘ jo5> 
 therto remained in a fort of neutrality, to declare for Mary’s r h n.,i. 
 ILrty, left the balance fhould incline too much to the s 
 King’s fide. This conjecture is grounded upon the pro- ' 
 ject Termed by the Queen’s faction, to unite all Scot- 
 '[ a ,,d , and upon Elizabeth's intereft to prevent fuch an 
 
 ingfti. 
 
 1 the 77 ' 
 
 ..... Thi j wh iMehU dag (hws 
 
 •J- in his Memoirs. Mean while, Elizabeth prepared an Army, 
 whah {he inten I or lend into Scotland , as well to re¬ 
 venge her Subjcfis, as to fupport the King's Party, and 
 caufe a Regent to be defied, who Ihould not be agaulit tire 
 intereil of England. 
 
 rhougll the heads of the Queen’ 1 fi on few Eh tilth 
 I!. did not fell into their fore, they endeavoured however to 
 ,. provoke her, and incenfe her againll the whole Nation, by 
 % labels and Slanders which they took care to publifh. But 
 .-■'i d-t all their Artifices were not capable ol making her alter her 
 f COU rfe. Mean while, her Army which was to be com- 
 ' manded by the Lari of Suffix, was preparing with all pof- 
 fible expedition. 
 
 h.inan. In the mean time, Marys Adherents taking courage 
 """ • fince the Earl of Murray’s death, held frequent Councils 
 tiAvuod - upon the fituation of their affairs. Their aim was to gam 
 time, in expectation of the Succours which Verac the 
 French Envoy (z), put them in hopes of. They expected 
 likewife an aid from the Netherlands, and as thele Succours 
 could not be ready fo foon as they wifhed, they endea¬ 
 voured to amufe the King’s Party by Propofals of agree¬ 
 ment. But thefe laft conftantly refufed to conclude any 
 thing before the Allembly of the States. 
 
 In this interval, the Laird of Grange releafed the Duke 
 of Chateleraut , the Lord Herns, and the reft of the Pri- 
 foners, and thereby the Queen’s Party was confiderably 
 It muft however have beenftill very weak, 
 
 Orarge/t.'i 
 
 The beginning of May, the States fummoned 
 King’s name, met at Edinburgh. Their firft care was to ^ , 
 
 depute Robert Pitcairn to Elizabeth, to befpeak her favor, mm. 
 and acquaint her, they were ready to chufe a Regent to her Buchan - n ' 
 liking. 
 
 Whilft Pitcairn was on his way, Man's Adherents be- ' - * 
 
 rule a braver defence E '' 
 having notice of' • 
 
 a thou fend boot, and two hundred ILule. At their ap¬ 
 proach, the Behegers retired, and difperfed themfelves in 
 the Mountains. Mean while, Drury being joined by a 
 body o (Scotch Royalifts, ravaged the lands of the Hamil¬ 
 ton s, and took the Caftle of that name, belonging to the 
 Duke of Chateleraut. ^ r . 
 
 In the mean time, Pitcairn returning from England, 1 t 
 reported to the States, that Elizabeth thought it veiy ..... , , 
 ft range, that fince Murray's death file had not been informed 
 of the pofture of affairs in Scotland ; that her ignorance 
 in that rcfpect had kept her in fufpence, concerning the 
 courfe fhe was to take : That at length, tired with con¬ 
 tinual Pollicitations, file had confentcd, that a conference 
 fhould be held between the two Parties, wherein file was 
 very willing to act as a Mediatrix, provided they would 
 both refrain from violent methods, and leave things as they 
 were: That fhe defired therefore the States to obferve this 
 condition, and defer the election of a Regent till the fuc- 
 cefs of the Conference fhould be known. I his demand 
 very much embarraffed the States. I hey could remain no 
 longer without a head, and yet, durfl not difoblige the 
 Queen of England, who alone was able to fupport them. 
 Wherefore they mi.Led to eleftan J-.., Rex, wh > ul i 
 be revoked without any confequencc, and the choice fell 
 upon the Earl of Lenox, then in England. Shortly 
 
 lengthened. It mult however Have been mu very wears, ~ Le ' ttcr ' fr om Elizabeth, acquainting them -• 
 
 fince it could aft but by negotiations. Bethis as ,twill, the they ^ ^ a R^nt, and rc- ^ 
 
 /ait Edin¬ 
 burgh. 
 
 March- 
 
 heads of that Party refillved to meet at Linlithgow( t), by 
 the name of the States, fince, there being no Regent, 
 they thought they had as much right to convene the States 
 as the other Party. In this Affcmbly they vainly fought 
 means to engage England to break with the whole St crew 
 Nation. Elizabeth was too much upon her guard to be 
 cafily furprizcil. At laft perceiving they could not fuccced, 
 they believed it ncceffary for their fafety to try to become 
 mailers of Edinburgh. But as this could not be effected 
 hy force, they defired the Magiftratesof Edinburgh to per- 
 V'liwu jn j t them to hold their Affcmbly in the City. 1 his was 
 readily granted ; but the Inhabitants kept fo ftria a Watch, 
 that the Project of the Queen’s Adherents was fruftrated. 
 
 Mean time, there were fundry Negotiations between the 
 two Parties which came to nothing. 
 
 Prelently after, upon news of the Earl of Suffix's being 
 conic to Berwick, the Allembly of Edinburgh broke up. 
 
 The Heads had now fent Deputies to Elizabeth, to try 
 K '" 1 '' ;n - m divert the impending ftorm, and to gain time, till the alter appear. 
 
 T; '. " . K Arrival of the French' ^Succours. They even offered to fo often quoted was m the fame fentiments as he d,f- 
 ' ••--make her Umpire, and were fo well fecondcd by the covers in feveral places, but probably waited fora mou 
 
 * An.Wfedo^ ^ «h= Regent f rem bccom- 
 
 I'. \Z AT fsSSf&Z ing JL Of Brechin, and conapeUI^ fo L of ' - 
 
 •• relatfontTfo differences between the two Patt.es, for it ley to fly to the mounted, where ,t svas not eafy to v 
 „ as to chaiure the Violators of the Peace, who were purfue him. Not long after, the Queen s Party oohind 
 ;. •+” r owned by neither Party, without however cither being a Trace (6), at Queen Elaabcta s milance, who fought 
 
 commending to them the Earlut Lens::, who was inftantly c^ 
 chofen. 
 
 Mean while, the Earl of Huntley receiving from Spam T-, r-.- 
 Money and Ammunition, took the field, arid ftored the , ^ 
 Caftle of Brechin. Shortly after, the Earl of Lenox ar- J .. 
 rived in Scotland, and when the States broke up, refolved :_i.m ■■ 
 to recover that Caftle which was of fo great importance. ' 
 
 He affembled for that purpofe his Forces at Linlithgow, and . . . i. 
 demanded Artillery and Ammunition of Grange, Govcr- y • - 
 
 nor of the Caftle of Edinburgh, who refufed them, on 
 pretence he would not be inftrumental in Ihedding the 
 blood of his Countrymen. Grange was properly of the 
 Queen’s Party, but had other views than the reft of 
 her Friends. His project was to fet himfelf at the head of 
 a third Party, with which he pretended the other two 
 -fhould join, to reftore the Queen to the Crown upon cer¬ 
 tain Terms. This was the caufe of his ruin, as will here- 
 Sir James Me hi!. Author of the Mei 
 
 (0 He was put < fi' il'.l the full of T-lay. Busbar. 
 
 {;) -Thuanv i cjIIs him t'erac, .inci fpeaks of him a 
 cn-.ion him as the Fur. King's Envoy. Begin. 
 
 (41 He aho declin'd .'dd.-d, ihat h- looked upon the Queen of StitbirDnA 
 
 fent hy the Guifes, and not hy the King of Frame. The Engafh and Sco: 
 
 is) Tl1 ; L ” AS 
 
 and hurnt hy the . 
 (6J The Reade 
 
 .. lenof tbi Wi ...... . 
 
 in tins expedition, above thi 
 ice the Articles of this Truce, ! 
 
 . {Mecn ot et'lt Jnit .1 uu yoc 1 iiuvu 1* • jw**, ...... 
 
 itering alfo Sell. met, April iS, burnt ami deftroyed as far 
 hundred Towns and Villages, fays p. 666. 
 
 LtjUfs Neguut. 91, &c. 96. 
 
 0 the Crown of En - 
 r. D-rfrf. Thctc 
 
 only 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 L 1 2 A B E T H. 
 
 Ncgotiat. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Tfltianu; 
 
 LeD-y-. 
 
 Kegutiat. 
 
 . only to prolong the affair ; as bn their part, the Queen’s 
 Adherents tried to gain time, to wait the eftedis of the 
 Duke of Alva s promiles. Some time before, they had 
 fern the Lord Seaton to him to defire aid, and he had pro- 
 miled them ten thoufand Men. But the diforders which 
 ' '• unexpectedly arofe in rhe Netherlands, hindered him from 
 performing his promife(i). 
 
 - Whilft thefe things parted in Scotland, feveral Plots were 
 ' forming in England to free the captive Queen. Monluc 
 Hifi)up of Valence came to London , and very carneftly fol- 
 . licited the Queen of Scots liberty. The Spanifa Ambalfador 
 was no lefs urgent for the fame. The Queen was the 
 - more jealous cf t he zeal of France and Spain for Mary , as 
 'P ac the fame time Pope [Pius V.J caufed a Bull dated the 
 " lafi- year, to be fixed up in the night in feveral places in 
 London (2), whereby he ex-communicated Elizabeth , and 
 ablolved her Subjects from their Oath of Allegiance. On 
 f the othcr hand, it was difeovered, that fome Norfolk Gen- 
 /. tlemen had refolved to take arms and raife a Rebellion 
 in that County (3). This Confpiracy being difeovered, the 
 Authors were apprehended. But the Queen pardoned all 
 but three, two of whom were John Throckmorton ,aqd Fel¬ 
 ton, who ported up the Bull (4). Shortly after, the heard 
 alfo that two of the Earl of Derby's Sons (5) had plotted 
 to fee the Queen of Scots. As John Lejley Bilhop of Rofc 
 woo ached as Mary's Ambafiador, was the chief promoter 
 c.l all thefe Plots, it was thought fit to confine him again 
 to the Bifhop of London's Palace. He was but lately"re- 
 leafed, having been arrerted for being deeply concerned in 
 f the Earl of Northumberland’s Confpiraev. Notwithftand- 
 “ mg the juft fufpicions which all thefe Machinations might 
 rahe in the Queen of the Duke of Norfolk , who was con¬ 
 fide,cd as the head of Mary's Party, he was difeharged 
 from the Tower (6). But it was not till after he had cx- 
 prelied great Sorrow for his fault, and protefted by word 
 oi mouth and under his hand, that he would never more 
 think of marrying the Queen of Scots. 
 
 1 was not difficult for Elizabeth to perceive, that the 
 
 ry Qpeen cf Scots was the foie caufe of all thefe embarrafl- 
 ments. If repofe would have followed upon her releafe, 
 lhe would have willingly freed her. But though Mary's 
 Adherents, and thofe who follicited in her behaif, pretend¬ 
 ed, they a<fted only from a motive of companion,and ex¬ 
 claimed again ft the injuftice of detaining her in prifon, 
 Elizabeth was not ignorant, that their views extended much 
 farther. The Pope, Spain, the Houfe of Lorrain, the 
 Duke of Alva , the Englijh, Scotch, and Irijh Catholicks 
 confined not themfelves to the freeing the unhappy Queen 
 Irom captivity: Ther aim was to fet her on the Throne 
 England. Confequently it was more dangerous for 
 _ f . to rc T-afe her than to keep her confined. But 
 the did not think proper to difclofe her thoughts, as on 
 their part their Enemies were extremely careful to conceal 
 their defigns. She continued therefore to feign, that fhe 
 dehred nothing more earneftly, than to find means to re- 
 itore Mary to the Throne of Scotland, provided it could 
 ceonewithout danger to England. To this end fhe fent 
 C | ~ 1 CO ma ' <e ^ er ^ onie captious Propofals, tending 
 only to dazzle the publick. Mary hearing the Propofals, 
 returned a general anfwer, declining to give a particular 
 reply to each article, without the confenc of the heads of 
 ncr 1 arty in Scotland , to whom fhe defired they Ihould be 
 communicated, that they might anfwer them as they 
 fhonld think proper. The Propofals with the anfwers 
 were to this effe£h 
 
 95 
 
 IV. She fhall hold no intelligence with the EngliJJo or 1570, 
 Iri/h, without the Queen of England’s knowledge. 
 
 Anfwer. Agreed , provided the fBieen of England will 
 hold none with the Scots. 
 
 V. She (hall deliver up the Englijh and Irijh Rebels. 
 
 Anfwer. If there arc any Englilh 'trr Irilh Rebels in Scot- 
 
 land, they mu /1 be demanded e,J 'llmfe -who have taken arms 
 againji their p>uecn. 
 
 VI. She fhall make the Englifj Borderers amends for 
 the lofl'es fuftained in the late invafion. 
 
 Anfwer. Commijfmere on both fdes fall be appointed to 
 examine the Damages which were done. 
 
 VII. She fhall profecute, and punifh according to Law, 
 the Murderers of King Hemy and of the Earfof Mur¬ 
 ray. 
 
 Anfwer. Agreed. 
 
 VIII. She fhall give her Son for Hoftage. 
 
 Anfwer. Her Son is not in her power. 
 
 Ia. She fhall not marry any Englijhman without the 
 Queen of England's knowledge, nor any other without the 
 confent of the States of Scotland. 
 
 Anfwer. To be tied to thefe Terms is a thing unworthy 
 of a fitecn. 
 
 X. 1 he Scots fhall not pafs into Ireland without the 
 Queen of England's permimon. 
 
 Anfwer. Agreed, provided the Irifh be not fujfercd to pafs 
 into Scotland without the fifteen of Scots leave. 
 
 XL She fhall give fix Hoftages of the Queen of Eng¬ 
 land's naming. 
 
 Anfwer. Agreed, provided the Duke o/'Chateleraut, the 
 Earls of Huntley, Argyle and Athol be excepted. 
 
 XII. If fhe attempt any thing againft Queen Elizabeth, 
 
 lhe fhall forfeit the Right lhe claims to the Crown of Eng¬ 
 land. a 
 
 Anfwer. Agreed , on condition that in the like cafe the 
 Ahtccnof England will be liable to fome equivalent Penalty. 
 
 XIII. The Gaftles of Hume and Falft fhall be three 
 years in the porteflion of the Englijh. 
 
 Anfwer. This cannot be granted: On the contrary, the 
 of England required to rejhre thefe Ca/lles to the 
 Lord riume. 
 
 XIV Some places on the borders of Galloway or Can- 
 tyr fhall be put into the hands of the Englijh, to hinder the 
 Scots from infefting Ireland. 
 
 Anfwer. To deliver f uc h places to the Englifh would be 
 creating a perpetual IFar in Scotland. 
 
 All thefe Articles fhall be confirmed and ratified by the 
 States. 1 
 
 There is no anfwer to this Article. 
 
 I. 1 he Queen of Scots fhall ratify the Treaty of Edin- 
 , and renounce her claim to the Crown of England , 
 during the life of Queen Elizabeth, and her Ifliie. 
 
 Anfwer. Agreed. 
 
 II. She fhall not make nor renew alliance with any 
 power whateyer againft England. 
 
 Anfwer. By renouncing the Alliance 0/France, the Dueen 
 will Jorfit her Dower, and the Scotch Nation be great Lo- 
 J e / S ' , Wherefore, the gfteen of England mujl make amends 
 Jar thefe things fome other way. 
 
 III. She lhall admit no foreign Troops into Scotland. 
 Anfwer Agreed, with this ReJlriSiion , unlefs Jhe is not 
 
 able with her own Forces to fuppref the Rebellions of her 
 Sub] e As. J 
 
 rut 
 
 (0 H.. W e..r. he Icon hem ten rmio-.l Crowns. SteJyJfa't JVw«un. p, , 0 
 lhe bJabirl.nds, „ fc* of *» ,„J PowJ„, fcypo Con,' and 
 
 It would be very eafy, in examining of thefe Pro- 
 pofals, to Ihew that fome were only to create a belief 
 0 Elizabeth s acting with moderation and fincerity ; that 
 others were but Snares to furprize the Queen of Scots : 
 And that fome there were, the execution whereof was 
 impracticable. Elizabeth's delign therefore was only to 
 amufe. " ’ 
 
 On the other hand, the anfwers were as little proper to 
 procure an agreement between the two Queens. They who 
 drew thefe anfwers, pretended, that Mary (hould treat Eli- 
 soabeth upon equal terms, as the might have done, had the 
 been on her 1 hrone at Edinburgh : but the Englijh meant 
 no luch thing. Mary was Pr.loner in England , and the 
 point was to releafe and reftore her to her Throne. She 
 accepted thefe Conditions to obtain thefe two great advan- 
 
 df eS \ /“A. ™ hal fte is made to fa y> that expected 
 Elizabeth thould be bound to the like or equivalent Terms 
 I his was as much as to fay, that otherwife the would not 
 accept what was offered her. Nothing could be more 
 gratelul to Elizabeth , fince it was a certain means to pro¬ 
 long the negotiation. Had Mars accepted thefe Propofals 
 without any reftriaion, the would perhaps have embarrafs’d 
 Elizabeth s Council. At leatt they would have been forced 
 to feek means to obftrua the execution, and thereby the 
 * ault would mamfeflly have been on the fide of the Court 
 ot England. 
 
 Elizabeth , it is certain, had no defire to releafe her Pri- 
 loner on any terms whatever. She was a very dangerous 
 Rival, even when in Prifon, how much more had fhe 
 been at Liberty ? From her return to Scotland, upon the 
 
 '• p. jo 3. 
 
 may be feen in Speed, p. 841. and in Camden, p. 4: 
 Idem. p. 42S 
 
 r ' f , D 'f ar > had, fomei'.me before, privately procured 
 11C Mo,,c y' lor Eur.l/.y, the Qneen's Lieutenant in Scotland. Camden, 
 
 
 1 the Bilhop of London's Palace 
 
 tifSZT??" f "n S ” P Hp would not fly, but b.l J]y F , a 
 
 Bilhop s Palace. Hoiccvc, ho got hereby ,ho en.pi, repute of a gloriour Mattyrl 
 
 (2) This Bull is dated February 2c. le6o. 
 
 Gate. Camden, ibid. 
 
 - ri’t Vf 1 W3S t0 ^ ,he D,,ke of Nor N* « libr 
 
 f 4 l- i u W3! notone of the three Norfolk Rebels :‘bu 
 
 , 0t Whl 5 , h h . c W3S aligned and hanped in Aldelfgatt-Sum, nca 
 
 cni Lamtkn, p. 42 S. • [buanui , 1. 46. ' ' c . '“i =“'piy repute 01 a glorious Martyr- 
 
 Confinemrnt of Sir llmry N>~. if Camdln, p . 42 g. ’ 5 ’ remitted to his own Hcu.e, the Cbaritr-bouje, where he lived under the eafy 
 
 ****** io «**» The Qtjccn of Star ,« fben at Cbatnfw.rrli ia Derhjhirt Cm** p. 4 ! 9 . 
 
 deatl) 
 
Cl 6 
 
 n,e H IS TO RY Of 
 
 ) accept them, if r 5 7<5. 
 her favour. But 
 
 E N G L A X D. Vol II. 
 
 Mary would be at length confir.nncJ 
 
 fome vigorous Effort were not made .. - -. 
 
 his Sollicitations weie fiuitlefs. The King of Spain being 77 
 • , en yed in 1 ’ irrii w ith Inn of Aujirta hi 
 
 Niece fi ), Daughter of the Emperor Maximum, left to r; , 
 the Duke of Alva, the care of aflifting the Queen of Scots. So 
 Hut the Duke was himfelf employed in the Netherlands. L - 
 'I'he City of BnJJcls refilling to pay the hundredth Penny, 
 Gallows were now prepared to punifli the difobedient, 
 when he heard the Prince of Orange was lev) 
 in Germany. So, inftead of aiding the Queen of Scots, 
 he was pieparing lor the war, which he faw ready to 
 kindle in the Low-Countries, and wherein, probably, he 
 would have to deal with the Inhabitants of thefe Pro¬ 
 vinces, as well as the Germans. 
 
 As for the Court of France , befides that they never " 
 
 death c.f her firft Husband, flie had ne-cr ceifed holding 
 Intelligence in England, to try to excite t he Lnghth to 
 rebellion. This is what very evidently appeal in A, • .--a s 
 Memoirs. Iler misfortune to fall into the hands of hhza- 
 b:th did not make lie: difeontinue her practices. On the 
 other hand, the project of her marriage with the Duke of 
 Ncrfclk, the Earl of Northumberland's Confpiracv, and 
 the C'.urefjiop,deuce of her adherents with hucign Courts, 
 tended only to raiie her to the Throne of England, even 
 in Queen Eil-obcth 's Life-time. In ftioi t, it was mani- 
 fefl, the Pope, the King of Spain, the Princes of Lot ram, 
 t h cEn-S/h Catholicks, all the Irijh , and part of the Scots, 
 were labouring to accompli'h this defign. How imprudent 
 would it have been to releale her, that flte might thebet- 
 
 ** I ■ ' : Pre S f Te ? ™ e S 'rfEwhnl As for the Court ot /•«»«, oenees unu UKy nevc. ™. , 
 
 F. oners II- really intended to fet the Crown of England on the head 
 
 and pmtcRed, fli- atmed not: t - £ re p ro . D f the Queen of Scots, but only to create Elizabeth trou- tbt w„“ us . 
 
 alter Ehzabelo and her pofterity. h , . . p .1 thev began to form proiefts, which fuffered them not n«ts. 
 
 » r M t ‘NMii S 7 °Here ™ c^nlv l ^JfeyTcU.* Though the King had *.- 
 
 ,0 " prp'ttlS'ng mull be firft: v ell-ch.lb «; d - ™ ^ gLed feveral Viflories over the Hugncmt j, he faw with 
 
 ihe d..fLPnot : A.mheSm So her hare Probation g.ief there teas no end of the affair and that thefe people 
 Inc Ou...ietu i. >t irim nu 1*. o- rathpr to die with their fwords in their hands, 
 
 was only her word, on winch ,t war very dangc.„ s to chuCog rather « J'= be very difficult 
 
 make them believe they had nothing more to fear from 
 him. To convince them the better that the defign of 
 extirpating them was entirely relinquifbed, Catherine de Eiizail( : [h> 
 Medici propofed a Marriage between the King her Son Dig E «« 
 
 Z MS Party°groundleily flattered thontfelves with ^ ^££ 
 ruining their Adverfaries, who were fupporie y ^ ^ pr0 pofcd her fecond Son the Duke of Anjou, as a more 
 
 slJani upon the fame head. He relates upon U.* crSated Baron of Bm-Uigi the he- <571- 
 
 and Lords, promiiing to let Iter on the 1 J j j r ver f| times 0 bferved, that Elizabeth was re- 
 
 s^spssgi sssssessssi 
 
 elc .UM from thmkmg of Inch anLnterpr.ee, that fhe e ff cc t of this rcfolution in 
 
 demonflrating the prejudice Franc, would receivet by the pnfon. I A th yea ,Though in Crundon. 
 
 Union of the two Kingdoms of E«sland and See,land. [“'3 Igrid to a Conference^ be- 
 
 Nay, to hinder the tiling Horn being cheated by other June ti c a ) - Mediatrix, 
 
 means, they gave notice thereof to Queen Ehza fe/ 4 , who an 7 „ thing mote faid of it. At 
 
 if war, feigned Ignorance of what he was told by he „ negot iate her Marriage with 
 
 Court of Frame. Mrhil affirms, he had this from th ’ ■ j it ) not quellion, but on that occafion. 
 
 Queen of Scot, own mouth, at a tune when ffie was d,f- he hcr in behalf of 
 
 fai.hed with the Cardinal It ,s evident then that the h= *r. f S T “' rovided therefore with an 
 
 eagernefs of Mary's friends was prejudicial to her. But the^ Queen ot ^. 
 cfpccially thev who continued the war in Scotland, only 
 helped to fecure Elizabeth's affairs, who thereby was fhel- ^ 
 
 woncer. i nev aucu r.ui iui uu • — 
 
 ends and the Intereft of the Romijh Religion, to which 
 {he ferved for pretence. Sir James Melvil, who was not 
 Man's Enemy, obferves in his Memoirs, that both parties 
 equally burred her, the one in a£ting directly againll her, 
 the other in fervir.g her with too much '/.cal. He adds, 
 the Queen’s Party groundlefly flattered themfelves with 
 
 . . i « i " r ■ . ...l. . C. ■ nonr i-.fl Fnrrlnnd. 
 
 tered from the quarter flic had mod to fear, whereas the 
 Siots, by their Union, would have been more confldera- 
 b| e , and doubtlefs, Elizabeth would have had more con- 
 defeenfton for her Prifoner. Upon this Principle it was 
 that Grange and Melvil laboured to procure an Agreement 
 between the two parties, wherein they endeavoured to 
 
 |U - 
 
 the Queen ot ocm. To he provided therefore with m 
 evalion; (he caufed at lenglh the Conference to be held 
 in the months of JVruary and March, that fhe might be 
 able to fay to the King ot France, the afiair of the Queen 
 of Scots was upon terms of agreement, fully bent how¬ 
 ever to manage it fo, that the Conference fhould be with- 
 
 out effe£t. , i / \ r. 
 
 The Earl of Morton, Pitcairn, and others (3), were C r 
 fent from Scotland to the Conference, which was to be E, ; 
 
 . 1 TT " I Cr. /1/7/71-tl 
 
 S, wherein they endeavoured to lent irom ocotumu lu MM i For Maw ' 
 
 fe 7 veA 7 «r»effecluaiiv. But it was not eafy to bring paf- held at London to witlfdte Loid ZiZ? 
 
 iionaic Men, to facrifice their Paflions and Intercfts to the appeared the Bifhops 0 J ^ fe / en of her p r ; vv - f u ^ hjnan ' 
 
 Oi^pof^ troSbTe^ol- cZ^ “4) to hear ^ 
 
 Ihews in his Memoirs; but it would be too long to al- ^P ofe ies deKvercd a lame Remoniltance Fi .8. 
 
 EE't; Ssfssr 
 
 MNNMNMNZ, fgma^Jffm ZUj lN/ the imudurer. That 
 
 his Religion,'but whole views were not very extenflve, to juftify their condu&■ vn J. p.,^ th ’ e ot hec 
 did her infinite damage by his paffion and pains to chcnlh were fwo points t0 e th ’ ftood to d,e'proofs Given 
 tiie di ("con tent of the Englijh Catholicks. As Elizabeth of Right. 1 Q ’ . p,.,,, ur nre the An- 
 
 had good Spies, flie was not ignorant that this pretended by the Earl of Murray«"/>' ~ Z- f upland had 
 
 Ambaffador was concerned in all the Plots laid againil her, proved 
 
 front whence fhe could not but infer, that he added agreeably in her hands 11 aid to her charge that they 
 
 °mN 11 " CopffB th^hfit^iefs to «« ,h^, Which hc e 
 
 n £.Vj. 
 
 .1 n'i:tu'1v. tii’.' r,i 
 
 t Cl- 
 
 ,r..U. 
 
 tin J7.W, With . Fleet, in which were bed Noblemen to eonvoy her .. .. 
 
 it< b 16, died William Herbirt Earl of Pembroke, at Hampton-Ciurt, and w .sbur.i. ■ ' Cjmd ’n l- ■ ■ - --On tr.ff 
 
 . ,:,a tier, anf.rl, th, w Earl of CtaMM Ot the name ; and Sir J'— ^ 
 
 a terrible Tenrpeft, which did an incredible damage in feveral places. Sec an account or it gP P 
 
 Leierfltr and Suffix, Ntch-Jjs Boon Lord-JCeeper, th; Earl of Oxford Lord Chamberlain, JVdluim Lord Bu,!a s b, Sir h m cr 
 I h'mttr i. Sr-'iliPvjxd. D. 24-St 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 23. ELIZABETH. 
 
 97 
 
 March 5. 
 Camden. 
 Lefley. 
 
 Buchanan. 
 April 4. 
 
 1571. Scots had power to depofe their Sovereigns when they be¬ 
 came unworthy of the Throne, they maintained, it was 
 an undoubted Right enjoyed by the Scotch Nation, ever 
 fince the beginning of their Monarchy. They fupported 
 this Principle with divers Inftances drawn from the Hif- 
 tory of Scotland , and of other Countries, as Spain and 
 Denmark. 
 
 Elizabeth Elizabeth {fill purfuing her Scheme, not to declare her- 
 ^ajfair° Ut tb ‘ briefly anfwered to the Scots Remonftrance, which 
 March 1. was communicated to her, that fhe was not thoroughly 
 convinced of the Juftice of their Proceedings, and defired 
 them to confer with her Minifters, in order to find fome 
 Expedient to adjuft this affair. But they replied, it was 
 needlefs to fearch for Expedients, fince they had no power 
 to agree to the diminution of the King’s Authority. 
 
 Whereupon, Elizabeth ordered a thing to be propofed to 
 Mary's Agents, which fhe knew they would not accept, 
 and this was, to give her the chief Lords of their Party 
 March 20. j n Hoitage, with fome Places in Scotland (1). And in¬ 
 deed they boldly rejected it, and made other offers which 
 the Englijh Commiflioners rejected in their turn. At laft, 
 they demanded of the Scots, to give the young King of make a fit choice. 
 Scotland in Hoftage to the Queen ; to which they an- a Popifh Prince, 
 fwered, they had not power to promife any fuch thing. 
 
 Camden. Camden fays here, that Mary's Agents made a Jeff of 
 this Evafion, affirming, the Deputies wanted not power , 
 fince the fame Crime renders all the Complices equal. 
 
 At laft, Elizabeth admitting the Scotch Deputies to an 
 Audience, agreed with them, that the affair could not be 
 determined but by the States of the Kingdom. Then, 
 fhe defired them to order it fo, that another Conference 
 fhould be held in Scotland during the Seffion of the Parlia¬ 
 ment, which was to meet in AAay. She detained them 
 however fome time longer, being willing to know, before 
 their departure, whether the Queen of Scots would confent 
 'the C^ft- to the Conference. But, fo far was fhe from agreeing to 
 rence rca 1 t |, at complained very much of her Deputies fuf- 
 fering her Right to be called in queftion, and revoked 
 their Powers. She ordered however the Bifhop of Rofs to 
 refide ftill at London, as her Ambaffador. This gave Eli¬ 
 zabeth great fufpicion, being fenfible the Bifhop was the 
 chief promoter of the Plots againft her ; but fhe durft not 
 refufe him, for fear of giving occafion to fay, fhe did not 
 own Mary for Queen, and thereby wound her pretended 
 Impartiality. At length, the Scotch Deputies departed the 
 8th of April, after a fix weeks flay in London to no pur- 
 pofe. Wherefore it was not Elizabeth's Intention that 
 this Conference fhould produce an agreement. Though 
 this did not evidently appear in her whole Condudf, it 
 might eafily be feen in a Letter of Cecil to IValfingham , 
 then Ambaffador in France , wherein he told him plainly, 
 that the foie aim, in that Conference, was to gain time. 
 
 Another Letter to IValfingham from the Earl of Leiccjler 
 about the fame thing, manifeftly difeovers Elizabeth's po¬ 
 licy. The Earl told him, the Queen agreed, that Mary 
 was unworthy to fway the Scepter, but could hardly be¬ 
 lieve her Subje£ts had power to depofe her. That there¬ 
 fore fhe remained in fufpence, not being able to determine 
 either to reftore Queen Mary , or defend the Caufe of the 
 Scots, becaufe flic did not think it entirely juft. During 
 this pretended uncertainty, Mary remained ftill in prifon. 
 
 Scotland*' The Truce between the two Scotch Fa&ions being ex- 
 Dunbarton pired, during the Conference at London, or fhortly after, 
 fir prized- the Earl of Lenox took the Town of Dunbarton by fur- 
 prize, which had till then been in the hands of the Queen’s 
 Adherents. Ferae the French Ambaffador was taken there, 
 and fent to St. Andrew's, from whence he was readily fuf- 
 ^yinbblpiop ^ erct ^ t0 ma ke his cfcape. But the cafe was otherwife 
 rf St. An- with [James Hamilton] Archbifhop of St. Andrew's , who 
 drew'* being alfo taken Prifoner upon the fame occafion, and fent 
 to Sterling, was condemned to be hanged. He was accu- 
 fed of being a complice in the murder of the late King, 
 by a Prieft (2), who was brought face to face, of whom, 
 inftead of defending himfelf, he demanded, what thofe 
 Priefts deferved who revealed the Secrets of Confeflions ? 
 
 ’Tis faid, Cardan going to Scotland to cure him of a Drop- 
 fy, told him, when he had reftored him to health, that 
 he had, by the help of his Medicines, freed him from the 
 prefent danger, but it was not in his power to prevent his 
 dying on the Gallows. 
 
 Elizabeth was not wholly tajeen up with the affairs of 
 Scotland. There was another which gave her no lefs trou¬ 
 ble, by reafon of its difficulties, and the confequences it 
 might be attended with. Her Minifters, knowing her 
 k er Enemies were in perpetual motion, and when one Plot 
 failed, were immediately forming another, were afraid her 
 prudence would in the end be defeated. In Walfingham's 
 Negotiations, there is a Letter from the Secretary of State, 
 
 Buchnna 
 
 M-ile/s 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Elizabeth’* 
 
 Policy. 
 
 Waliingh. 
 
 Negotiat. 
 
 Buchanan. 
 
 Lefley'* 
 
 Negotiate 
 
 
 Elizabeth’* 
 Mtnijienen 
 gage her 
 
 d'I'o/ 
 
 Waliingh. 
 Negotiate 
 P- 5', S3' 
 Thuanus. 
 Camden. 
 P. Daniel. 
 
 telling him, that whilft the affair of the Queen of Scots 1571. 
 was in hand, her friends were thinking of carrying her 
 away, of which the Court had fome dark Intimations. 
 
 The Ear] of Lcicejler wrote to the fame Ambaffador, that 
 Mary's Adherents were more bold than ever, which, in 
 all appearance, proceeded from their hopes of the fuccefs 
 of fome frefh attempt. The Minifters therefore believed, 
 nothing but a Marriage could fecure the Queen from fo 
 many Confpiracies which were daily renewed. An A 1 
 fiance with fome powerful Prince would naturally produce 
 a good effe&, by reafon of the Succours which might be 
 thence received upon occafion, befides that it would ftrike 
 a dread into the Queen’s Enemies. On the other hand, 
 they imagined, if it pleafed God to blefs the Marriage, the 
 birth of a Prince would deprive the Queen of Scots of great 
 part of her Adherents. Wherefore, they never ceafed to 
 reprefent to Elizabeth, the reafons which ought to deter¬ 
 mine her to marry. At laft, whether fhe yielded to thefe 
 reafons, or to be freed from their Importunities, fhe told 
 them, that nothing hindered her but the difficulty of find¬ 
 ing a futable match. And indeed, it was not eafy to 
 She muft take either a Proteftant or 
 But as two principal Inducements 
 prompted her to marry, namely, to make a ftrong Alli¬ 
 ance, and to have a Succeffor ; in chufing a Proteftant, 
 the firft of thefe Inducements would not be anfwered, be¬ 
 caufe there was no Prince of the Reformed Religion, whole 
 Alliance could be very advantagious to England. In rc- 
 folving upon a Catholick, there was no choice, fince the 
 Duke of Anjou , the King of France's Brother, was the 
 only fit perfon. But this projedf had its difficulties. The 
 Queen gave to underftand, that in marrying file did not 
 mean to give herfelf a mafter, or even an equal, fince fhe 
 was refolved to hold the reins of the Government alone, 
 and communicate to her Spoufe the external Honours of 
 Royalty only. In the fecond place, fhe did not pretend 
 the Englijh Catholicks fhould reap any advantage from her 
 Marriage with a Prince of their Religion. But there was 
 no likelihood, the Duke of Anjou w F ould fubmit to what 
 the Queen defired, or diffemble his Religion, to enjoy the 
 bare i'itle of King, which was not fufficient to fatisfy his 
 Ambition. Mean while, the Minifters were fo urgent 
 with the Queen to marry, that at length they obtained her 
 confent to treat with France upon that fubjedl. But very 
 probably, fhe gave her confent, only becaufe file imagined 
 it would be in her power to break off the Negotiation 
 whenever fhe pleafed, by the difficulties fhe fhouid ftart. 
 
 She concealed her Sentiments however from her Minifters. 
 
 Burleigh thought her fincere for fome time. The Earl 
 
 of Lcicejler was not entirely of that opinion, but knew 
 
 not what to think. Be this as it will, the Queen was 
 
 told, that Catherine de Medici , having plainly perceived 
 
 the reafons which moved her to rejedt the propofafi of a 
 
 Marriage with Charles IX, had intimated, that the D. ke 
 
 of Anjou would be more proper for her. It was alfo hin- Camden. 
 
 ted to her, that the young Prince was by no means a 
 
 Bigot, and might poffibly be brought to communicate with 
 
 the Church of England. The only thing therefore, was 
 
 fo to manage it, that the French Court ftiould make the 
 
 firft advances, after which, the Treaty might begin. To Wallingham 
 
 that end it was, that in Augujl 1570, Norris was recalled 
 
 from his Embafly in France, to make room for Sir Francis Fiance. 
 
 IValfingham , who was doubtlefs thought more proper to 'fifing. 
 
 manage this affair, being alfo a Creature of the Lord Bur- 
 
 leigh, who was extremely defirous of the Marriage. 
 
 IValfingham flayed all the reft of the year, and part of 
 the next at Paris, without any overture being made, and 
 yet the marriage was much talked of. He informed the 
 Court of England of it, and prefently after received In- 
 ftrudtions from Burleigh, importing, that if any perfon of 
 diftindtion fhould fpeak to him of the marriage, he might 
 anfwer, that upon the report, he had taken care to inquire 
 how the Queen flood inclined in that refpedt, and found, 
 as the Good of her People was her chief view, fhe had 
 refolved to marry, if fhe could meet with a futable match. 
 
 Shortly after, the Lord BuckhurJl being fent to Paris (3), qp e x . far , 
 as Ambaffador extraordinary. King Charles , and his Mo- nage begint 
 ther Queen Catherine, opened their minds to him 
 that fubjedt, and a negotiation was begun. But as this w a |fi n gh. 
 Projedt was not executed, I fhall content my felf, with- Negotiat. 
 out defeending to particulars, to fhow here the real caufes Stow ‘ 
 of the breaking off the negotiation. 
 
 It is almoft certain, neither Elizabeth nor the Court Charles IX. 
 of France had any defire to conclude this marriage, tho’ 
 it feemed to be ferioufly negotiated on both Tides. Eliza- dijfenJie. * 
 beth found a double advantage in this feigned negotiation. 
 
 Firft fhe amufed her own Minifters, who prefled her ear- Elizabeth’* 
 neftly to marry. Secondly, her Enemies believing this M”' 1 
 
 (!) The Lords demanded, were the Duke of Cbatelcraut , the Earls of Huntley and Argyll, the Lord Humes, the Lord Herris, and another ; and the 
 Places required were the Cattles of Dunbarton and Humes, for three years. Camden, p 431. Lejley's Negotiat. p. 127. 
 
 (z; Joan Hamilton, one of the chief Aftors in this murder, difeovered the whole matter to his Confeflor, who revealed it to’othors. Buchan. 1. 20. 
 
 (3)_ He we-lt ov ~t ; n February, and came back a little before Eajler. Stow, p. 668, 669. 
 
 No. 4S. V o l. II. 
 
 B b 
 
 marriage 
 
Vo!. I!. 
 
 9 3 
 
 1571 . 
 
 *«/•« of 
 Charlei IX 
 
 Lcfl.-y's 
 
 Ncgotiat. 
 
 Walfmgh. 
 
 Ntgotiat. 
 
 7 bey car.n: 
 "/’" n 
 the .■trial' 
 Religion 
 
 Dipges’s 
 Compleat 
 AmbafTad. 
 p. 82-101 
 
 'The HISTORY 
 
 marriage was really going to be concluded, would of courfe 
 remain quiet. And indeed, it was not likely they fhould 
 think oi attacking her, when they fiw her upon the 
 point of being ftrifily united with Frame. It was requi- 
 lite there lore, the better to arnufe thofe who might have 
 formed Plots again ft her, to fhow feme earneftnefs for 
 this marriage," leaft, if fhe a 61 ed with indifference 
 in this affair, her nioft fecret thoughts fhould be dil- 
 covercd 
 
 On the other fide, the Court of France propofed the 
 ■ marriage only to amufc Elizabeth , and with her all the 
 P rote ft ants of Europe , but particularly the Huguenots. In 
 all likelihood, Charles IX. had now formed die barbarous 
 Plot which broke out the next year. But this was only 
 the beginning of a greater project, which was to deftroy 
 ail the Proteftunts in general, and fuddenly attack Eliza¬ 
 beth hcrfclf. The Pope and King of Spain were ingaged 
 in the defign, and pretended to be alarmed at what was 
 negotiating at Paris, to enfnare the more cafily thofe they 
 intended to furprife. Wherefore, it was neceffary for the 
 Court of France to appear very defirous of the Match, and 
 to yield as far as pofiible, but without concluding any 
 thing in point of Religion. So the difficulties ftarted by 
 Elizabeth in this negotiation, were extremely fubfervient to 
 the defigns of the French , as they gave them room to make 
 advances capable of deceiving the Publick, and caufing it 
 to be thought they had no ill defign againft the Proteftant 
 Religion By this means they removed all forts of lufpi- 
 cion both from the Court of England and the Huguenots. 
 Indeed, it was hardly poffible to conjedture, that when 
 the King and his Mother teftified fuch a zeal to accom- 
 plifh the propofed Marriage, they were thinking of extir¬ 
 pating all the Huguenots in the Kingdom. Nay, they 
 were extremely careful to take away this fufpicion by their 
 great diffimulation towards them, pretending to lend an car 
 to the Leaders of the Huguenots , and place entire confi¬ 
 dence in them. But notwithftanding all their care to con¬ 
 ceal their defigns, the French Court made Elizabeth very 
 jealous during the whole negotiation, by their preffing and 
 repeated inftances for the Queen of Scots liberty. Elizabeth 
 could not underftand this way of proceeding. The King 
 of France , as fhe thought, having propofed the Marriage 
 with the Duke of Anjou , and a ftridt Alliance between 
 the two Crowns, fhould have been entirely in her intereft, 
 whereas file faw him concerned for Mary's , which was 
 diredtly contrary. Nav, fhe difeovered at that time, that 
 France privately favoured Mary's projedls, which could not 
 be reconciled with the defign of the Marriage and Alliance. 
 For this reafon fhe frequently intimated to the King and 
 his Mother, that fhe was offended at their conduct. But 
 flie was anfwered with Proteftations of friendfhip, efteem, 
 and regard, and with excufes, that Mary being Queen 
 Dowager of France , lefs could not be done than to follicit 
 in her behalf. Charles did not even fcruple to own pri¬ 
 vately, that what he did was only for form’s fake, that he 
 might not appear entirely to forfake the unfortunate Queen, 
 Perhaps it will be thought ftrange, that Charles fhould not 
 carry his diffimulation fo far as to declare openly, he would 
 not concern himfelf any more about Mary; but this Poli¬ 
 cy would have fpoiled all. The defign of the league of 
 Religion was to extirpate the Huguenots at once, that be¬ 
 ing freed from the fear of any diverfion in France , the 
 Catholicks might carry their Arms into England. If 
 therefore Mary's Reftoration to the Throne of Scotland 
 could have been obtained, whether by Treaty or Sollici- 
 tation, or any other way, England might have been inva¬ 
 ded with much greater eafe, whilft infurredtions were rail¬ 
 ed within the Kingdom. This was the fcheme which had 
 been formed from the beginning of Elizabeth's Reign. To 
 invade England by Sea, would neceffarily have been very 
 expenfive, befides that fuch an undertaking was liable to 
 greater inconveniences, as Philip II, afterwards experien¬ 
 ced. Scotland therefore alone could afford a paflage, but to 
 that end the Kingdom was to be governed by Perfons well 
 affected to the Catholick Religion. This was the aim of 
 all the intrigues, publick and private, for the Queen of 
 Scots Reftoration. I am perfwaded that they who have 
 intimated, that compaffion for Queen Mary made her 
 Friends acf for her, had no juft Idea of the inceffant and 
 extraordinary pains in her favour. I do not however deny, 
 that among thofe who ferved her, fome a£ted from that 
 motive : But that was not the thought of thofe who ma¬ 
 naged affairs. In the intention of thofe, Mary's Reftora¬ 
 tion was only a means to execute greater projects. 
 t It is therefore cert;,in, the Court of France never ferioufly 
 thought of concluding the Marriage, and in all appearance, 
 the Queen herfelf was as little inclined to it, though her 
 Minilters did ail they could to perfwade her. As fhe had 
 declared at firft by TValfingham , that fhe would not allow 
 the Duke of Anjou the exercife of his Religion, the Court 
 of France imagined there would be no great danger in 
 making fome advances with refpect to that point, fince they 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 were almoft fure of finding in it an occafion of rupture, as 1571. 
 well as a continnal pretence to prolong the Treaty as they 
 pieafed. The Duke of Anjou came therefore by degrees to 
 be fatisfied with a little Chapel in fome private corner of 
 the Palace, and the French AmbafTador had orders to p:<>- 
 teft, that the Duke could not be contented with lefs, and 
 to demand a pofitive anfwer in ten days. Hitherto the 
 Queen had refufed to agree, that the Duke fhould have the 
 exeicife of his Religion at all, nay, had pretended, lie 
 fhould accompany her when fhe went to Chapel, and be 
 prefent at D vine Service. The bufmefs then was to an- 
 fwer the Duke’s Propofa], which probably was to be the 
 laft. But whilft fhe was deliberating, the French Ambaf- 
 fador fhowed to fome Perfon of diftin&ion at Court, Let¬ 
 ters from Paris , whereby it appeared, the Court of France 
 did not infift upon that Article fo ftrenuoufly as fome would 
 have infinuated. On the other hand, the Lord Burleigh was p- 103. 
 informed by a Frenchman of note, that if the Queen flood 
 her ground, the Court of France would give way in the 
 end. Moreover TValfingham writ from Paris , that the Waking. 
 Duke of Montmorency had given his opinion in Council, rgri:t ' 
 that it would be beft not to mention Religion at all in P 
 the Treaty of Marriage, which was the fame thing as lea¬ 
 ving this Article entirely to the Queen. All thefe infinu- 
 ations were fo many fnares laid for the Queen by the 
 Court of France , to induce her to refufe a thing which 
 feemed fo reafonable, arid that it might appear the rupture 
 proceeded not from the Duke. She fuffered herfelf to be 
 furprized, and in her anfwer defifted not from her preten- 
 fions. 
 
 Elizabeth's obftinacy convincing the King of France , he^ m ^ er " 
 might venture to proceed one ftep farther, lie offered 
 to leave this Article of Religion undetermined. But 
 Elizabeth would not agree to it, faying, it would be an 
 infallible means to fow difeord between her and her 
 Spoufe. In fliort, the Court of France went fo far, as 
 to be fatisfied with the Queen’s promile in writing, that 
 the Duke of Anjou fhould not he profecuted according 
 to the Laws of England , if he fecretly exercifed his Reli¬ 
 gion in a private Chapel. Whereupon Elizabeth , with 
 great difficulty, agreed at length to this : 
 
 That if the Duke of Anjou would promife to accompany C ' imd ; n- 
 the fhieen when foe went to Chapel , and would not refufe to p ' 
 hear and learn the Principles of the Church of England, foe 
 would agree , that neither himfelf nor his Family , foould be 
 compelled againjl their Confcience to conform to the Englifh 
 Church , till they foould be otherwife perfwaded. Moreover , 
 that neither himfelf nor his Domejlicks , the number of whom 
 fhould be agreed upon , foould be difurbed in the ufe of any 
 Rites and Ceremonies different from thofe tjlablijhed by Law, 
 provided they were not repugnant to the word of God , and 
 on condition it zuere done in a private place , for the fitisfy- 
 ing their Confciences , and fo as the people might not take oc- 
 cafion from thence to violate the efiab/ijhed Laws of the Land. 
 
 It was with much difficulty that the French AmbafTador 
 got the Terms, repugnant to the word of God , to be chang¬ 
 ed into thefe, repugnant to the Church of God. 
 
 It is eafy to perceive, that when Elizabeth feemed to 
 relax a little on this Article, flic added reftriiftions which 
 required explication, and which left a door to go hack, in 
 cafe fhe had been taken at her word. Hence therefore it 
 may be inferred, that fhe did infift fo much upon the Ar¬ 
 ticle of Religion, only becaufe fhe thought it ferviceable 
 to break off the Negotiation. Accordingly we find in 
 TValfingham's Memoirs, that the Earl of Lciccfier , and the 
 Lord Burleigh, were convinced at laft, fhe had no mind 
 to marry. 
 
 The affair ftanding thus, Charles IX. told the Queen, 
 by La Mothe Fenelon his Ambafiador, that he thought her f^ksoj. 
 anfwer very hard, and defired her to fend fome trufty 
 perfon to fettle with him every thing relating to the Mar¬ 
 riage. Elizabeth replied, fhe could not proceed to any 
 other At tide, without knowing firft, whether the King 
 and Duke intended to allow what flic had propofed, with 
 refpe& to Religion. So, the bufmefs flopped there. 
 
 Charles flill feigned to expea the trufty perfon he had 
 demanded, and the Queen pretended fhe ftaid for the 
 Court of France's confent to the Article concerning Re¬ 
 ligion, as fhe had fent it. This Negotiation lafted from 
 March till September , and the rupture altered not the good 
 underftanding between the two Courts. On the contrary, 
 
 Charles thanked the Queen for dealing fo freely with him, 
 and without faying any more of the Marriage, defired to 
 make a defenlive League with her. Elizabeth readily 
 confented. As fne had' no Ally, it was her Intereft to 
 unite with France , as well to difengage that Crown from 
 the Queen of Scots Intereft, as to difeourage the Pope, 
 the King of Spain, and the Englifo Catholicks, by this Al¬ 
 liance. But fhe knew not that Charles's aim was only 
 to arnufe both her and the Huguenots , whofe deftruaion 
 was determined, though he afteaed to carefs, and make 
 ufe of, them, to execute his pretended projeas againit Spain. 
 
 However 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 23. ELIZABETH. 
 
 Mary turns 
 to Spain. 
 
 She employs 
 Ridolpho 
 the Florcn- 
 
 Lefley’s 
 
 Negotiat. 
 
 •The Duke of 
 Norfolk is 
 ("gaged 
 
 Maty'wn- 
 
 te.reft. 
 
 Lefley’s 
 
 Ncgoiiat. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Thuanus. 
 
 The Duke 
 0B1 ■with 
 caution, but 
 refumes the 
 
 Projea of 
 marrying 
 i^uctn 
 
 Lefley’a 
 
 Negotiat. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Ridolpho’r 
 Intrigues ar 
 partly difco 
 •vered. 
 Lefley’s 
 Negotiat. 
 Camden. 
 Thuanus. 
 
 However this be, Elizabeth fent Secretary Smith into 
 France , to negotiate the League jointly with IValfmgham. 
 
 Whilft the Queen’s Marriage with the Duke of Anjou 
 was treating at Paris , and both Tides affeited to publifh, 
 it would Toon be concluded, the Queen of Scots was in a 
 grievous condition, becaufc fhe plainly Taw fhe was going 
 to lofe France. This obliged her without doubt, to turn 
 towards Spain , and try to obtain from thence the aflift- 
 ance fhe wanted. To that purpofe, file difpatched Ridol- 
 pho to the Pope, and King of Spain , to inform them of 
 the flate of her affairs. At the fame time fhe writ to the 
 Duke of Norfolk , and fent bin in cypher the copy of her 
 Letters to Rome and Madrid, recommending to him Ri- 
 dolpho , as a trufty perfon, to whom file defired him to 
 give Letters of credit. Upon the receit of thefe Letters, 
 the Duke ordered Higford his Secretary, who had the key, 
 to decypher them, and then bid him throw them into 
 the lire. But whether Higford was already gained by the 
 Court, or defigned to betray his mafter, he hid all thefe 
 papers under a matt in his Bed-chamber. 
 
 Ridolpho , who was the Pope’s private Agent, did all he 
 could to perfwade the Duke of Norfolk to undertake the 
 Queen of Scots defence. He reprefented to him , there 
 were in England many Male-contents, who would be glad 
 to fee him at their head, and by that means he might re¬ 
 venge the Injuries he had received, and the long Imprifon- 
 ment he had endured. He put him in hopes of powerful 
 Succours from the Pope(i), and the King of Spain { 2), 
 adding, that in this he would do no wrong to Elizabeth, 
 fince it was only to obtain her confent to marry the Queen 
 of Scots , and oblige her to tolerate the Catholtck Religion 
 in England. At the fame time, the Bifhop of Rofs fre¬ 
 quently told the Duke, by Barker , one of his Confidents, 
 that by the help of his friends, who were very numerous, 
 it would be eafy for him to felze the Queen, become maf- 
 tei ot her perfon, and detain her in cuftody, till he had 
 married the Queen ol Scots, and pro- ided for the fecurity 
 ol the Catholick Religion. But the Duke rejected the 
 Bifhop of Rofs' s project, and even refufed to give Ridol¬ 
 pho the Letters of credit, which he defired for the Courts 
 of Rome and Madrid , and for the Duke of Alva. But 
 though all the Duke of Norfolk's proceedings in this 
 affair are not particularly known, ’tis however certain, he 
 engaged in it too far, in expectation of efpoufing the Queen 
 of Scots. But it cannot well be conceived, how he in- 
 
 99 
 
 Norfolk , who caufedhim to put it into the hands of Higford, 1571. 
 and Barker , to deliver it to one Brown [ of Shrewsbury ] 
 who was to convey it to Lowthcr and Banijler , and thefe 
 were ordered to fend it to the Lord Hcrris. Brown , w r ho 
 was not in the fecret, receiving the Money well packed 
 up, and finding by the weight it was Gold, whereas he 
 had been told it was Silver, carried it to the Secretary of 
 State. The Packet being opened, there was found a Let¬ 
 ter in cypher from La Mothe Fenelon to Ferae thg French 
 Ambafiador in Scotland. Whereupon Higford , the Duke 
 of Norfolk's Secretary, being arreiied, prefentJy confeffed, 
 that the Money was returned by the French Ambaffador. 
 
 He difeovered likewife where he had hid the Queen of 
 Scots Papers, which the Duke his mafter had ordered him 
 to decypher and tranferibe. This was fufficient to caufe Stow, 
 the Duke of Norfolk to be apprehended, and fent to the Hoilingft. 
 Tower the 7th of September. There was found upon him AnP-aC 
 a long Memorial in cypher, dated the 7th of February this p. 139. 
 year, wherein the Queen of Scotland told him, fhe was 
 advifed to retire to Spain rather than France , by reafon of 
 the Duke of Anjou's Marriage with Elizabeth , which was 
 much talked of. She added, when The fhould be in Spain, 
 file would feign a defire to marry Don John of Aujlria ; 
 but that the Duke fhould not be alarmed at it, becaufe fhe 
 referved herfelf for him. Finally, after (peaking of Eli¬ 
 zabeth in very injurious terms, flie defired the Duke to 
 difpatch Ridolpho to Rome with InftruClions (6). 
 
 1 he Duke of Norfolk being examined, confeffed, that, 73, Duke 
 about a year fince, he received four Letters in cypher conf lict 
 from the Queen of Scots, and had anfwered them ; but ffff' s 
 faid, it was only to thank her for her goodwill, and to ™ L -uji/ef! 
 perfwade her to rely entirely on the Queen. He faid far- <> - -ou¬ 
 tlier, that the Bifhop of Rofs having prefled him to write j^'nlt 
 to the Duke of Alva by Ridolpho , he had refufed it, nei- Camden- 
 ther would he give him any inftruClions about the affair 
 for which he went to Rome. He confeffed alfo, he had 
 helped to convey to Verac, a Letter from the French Am¬ 
 bafiador refiding at London. As to the Papers lie had re¬ 
 ceived from the Queen of Scots by Ridolpho , he faid, they 
 were burnt, as he really believed. Then his Houfe was 
 fcarched, and the Cypher which the Queen of Scots and 
 he ufed, was found with the Papers hid by the Secretary. 
 
 Some of the Complices who were apprehended, confelled 
 
 Lefley’a 
 Negotiat. 
 Spot if wood. 
 
 The Court 
 
 differs 
 
 Norfolk \* 
 
 dcfgm. 
 
 Lefiey’s 
 
 Negotiat. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Digges's 
 
 Ambaf. 
 
 P.134.-138. 
 
 all they knew, without being put to the rack. 
 
 Whilft proofs were collecting againft the Duke of Nor- Consultations 
 tended to accomplifh his enterprize, or what he defigned folk, in order to form his proccfs, the Council debated on u < rbe 
 to do alter marrying the Queen of Scots. Neverthelefs it what was to be done with the Bifhop of Refs. He affum- °f 
 is eafy to conjc&ure, that the Pope and the King of Spain, ed the Charader of the Queen of Scots Ambaffador, and oa'ob. 24. 
 who let Ridolpho , and the Bifhop of Rofs to work, would probably, had been acknowledged for fuel), Elizabeth not Lefley’s 
 never have thought of employing the Duke of Norfolk , having thought proper to deny Mary the Title ol Queen, 
 if they had not had fome affurances from him, that he or openly to own fhe was a Prifoncr. So the cafe being Thuanus. 
 
 would comply with their Intentions. fomething uncommon, fome learned Civilians were con- 
 
 Ridolpho , having conferred with the Pope, and the fulted upon three queries (7). Firft, whether an Ambaf- Lefley’s 
 Duke of Alva, informed one Baily , [a Fleming, J the fador, conviited of confpiring againft the Prince to whom Nc & ot ' at ' 
 Queen of Scots Servant, of what he had negotiated, and he is fent, ought to enjoy the privileges of an Ambafla- 
 as this Man was to go into England , gave him feveral dor ? The Civilians replied, fuch an Ambafiador, by 
 Letters for the Queen of Scots , the Spanijh Ambaftador, the Law of Nations, forfeits his privileges. Secondly, 
 the Bifhop of Rojs, and the Duke of Norfolk (3). Baily whether a Prince depofed can give his Minifter or Agent 
 was no fooner landed at Dover, but he was feized. His the Title of Ambaftador? I he anfwer was, the right of 
 Packet was taken from him, and lent to the Lord Cob fending Ambafladors belonged only to Sovereigns, and a 
 ham. Governor of the Cinque-Ports. But the Bifhop of Prince lawfully depofed cannot confer that title. It mull 
 Rofs being informed of this accident, fo artfully managed be obferved, Elizabeth had not owned that Mary was law- 
 the Lord Couham, the Duke of Norfolk's fecret friend, fully depofed. Thirdly, whether a Prince who comes in- 
 tbat the Letters were changed, and others put in their to another Prince’s Dominions, and is there kept Prifoner, 
 place, containing nothing criminal, or of moment, which can have an Agent ? And whether that Agent rrwiy be re- 
 were delivered to the Council. However, Baily was put puted an Ambaffador, though it be notified to him that he 
 to the rack, and con felled the true Letters were in the fhall be no longer acknowledged for fuch ? It was anfvver- 
 Bifhop of Rofs's hands. But the Bifhop bad taken care ed, [If fuch a Prince lias not forfeited his Royalty, he 
 to fend all the Papers which might hurt him, beyond Sea may have an Agent; but whether that Regent may be re- 
 with his Secretary. So nothing was found at his houfe, puted an Ambafiador, depended upon the Authority < f bis 
 and yet he was arrefted, and committed to the cuftody Commiflion. And] a Prince may forbid an Ambafiador 
 
 of the Bifhop of Ely (4). his Dominions, if he does not keep himfelf within the 
 
 Shortly after, the Court made a new difeovery, which bounds of his Office: But however, the privileges of Am- 
 proved latal to the Duke of Norfolk. The French Ambaf- bafladors are not to be violated (8). 
 
 fador intending to diftribute fome Money in Scotland a- Thefe Queries being thus anfwered, the Bifhop of Rofs u t 
 mong the Queens friends (5), applied to the Duke of was brought before the Council (9J, and charged with at- bright be- 
 
 fore tie 
 
 (1) Who had laid down, the Jail year, when the Bull was publifhed, a hundred thoufand Crowns, whereof twelve theufand had been attributed by oXb. '24, 
 Rtdolpto himlelf, among the Engh/b Fugitives in Flanders. Lejiey's. Neptiat. p. 154. Leflry’s ^ 
 
 (z) Affirming, that the King o_f tyam would furnilh him with Tour thoufand Horfc, and fix thoufand Foot, which might be tranfported to Harwich in Negotiat. 
 EJfex. and without the leaft fufpicion, in the beginning ol Summer, vftien the Duke of Medina-Celi was coming in the Netherlands with a F.eet. Ibid. 
 
 (3 / And the Lord Lumley. Camden, p. 434. 
 
 |4) Ami conveyed^, while .far to the Id. tf El,. Sir Tfc™. Shte/ey, and Sir 72™.., CfcW. >nd EOfa,. were font to the Tower. And Hrm, 
 
 upon fufp eion, committed to the Cuft dy of the A-chbilh-p of Canterbury. Ibid. 
 fent by Queen Mary to the French Ambafiador, to be by him conveyed to her Paily in Scot- 
 
 IL.ward, who had afpiredtothe Archb-fhoprick of V 
 (S) Two thoufand Crowns. Camden fays, the Money 
 hid, p. 434.. 
 
 , , r ° Cam ' {tn : not r °’ ,nd about thc Duke - but being font to him by Que. n Mary, with the Copy of her Letters to Feme 
 
 and Madrid, he ordered it to be burnt w.ih ihe reft of ihe Papers. Hut Hir/crJ, upon his ben.g taken up. di'corned to .he Counc i where it was hid, 
 aught of Queen Marys defigns, which the Duke ..f Norfolk imagining 'Harford had burnt, denied at firft eve, v thing that Hig- 
 the Council produced Higford 's and others Confeffions, together with the Draughts and Letter;, to the Duke’s Face, he was 
 
 with the Letti 
 frd had contclfed ; 
 
 Ords Lumi 
 Oey kn-w. Camden, 
 icir bulinefs. The Civilians 
 
 and Cobbam, 
 434. 43 S- . 
 
 lazed, thinking they had been burnt. Tiie Earls »t Hrundel and So,, 
 
 Powell, Goodyer, Bar.tfler, &c. w-re raken up alia, who ail coriTelfed wt 
 (7: Rapin, by m.itake, fays, the Judges were onfulted, but i was n 
 Drury, William Aubrey, and Henry J ones. Camden. 
 
 (8, The anlwer to tile firft part H the Query being omitted by Rafin, : s fupplied from Camden, and placed between Crotchets. 
 19) He was brought before the Karl of t>, frd, Clinton Lord Adm ra], the Lord Burleigh, Sir Francis ICnoltes, ai.d Sir I ben. 
 Attorney and Sollicitur, at the Loid-Mayor's Houfe. Ltjley't Negotiat. p. 189. 
 
 Brooke. Henry Perry, Lewder, 
 Daniel Lewis, Valentine Dale, William 
 
 1 Smith, with the Quee 
 
 tempting 
 
10® 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 7 he HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1571. tempting to difturb the Peace of the Kingdom. He re- 
 fufed at firft to anfwer, infifting on the Privileges of an 
 Hn Anfwer. Ambaflador. But at length, feeing this Defence was 
 Camden. ]i tt ] e re g ar dcd, and Witnefl'es began to be produc’d againft 
 him, he laid, that by an inviolable cuftom, grown into a 
 Law, the Englifh and Scots could not be Witnefles one 
 againft another. Whereupon it was examin’d, whether 
 this cuftom was to take place any where but on the Bor¬ 
 ders, especially in a cafe where the fafety of the Queen 
 ©£tob. 26. and Kingdom was concerned. In fhort, the Bifhop was 
 
 fent to the Tower , and fome time after examined (1) up¬ 
 on three and twenty Articles, to each ’of which he an- 
 
 fwered in particular : but Camden has not thought fit to 
 
 Camden. gj V e us either the Examination or the Anfwers. He fays 
 
 v ' only in general, that the Bifhop excufed the Queen his 
 
 Miftrefs, for that being a Prifoner, and in the flower of 
 her age, it was no wonder fhe fhould ufe her endeavours 
 to efcape : that the projeft of her marriage was formed 
 by the advice of feveral Englifh Lords, fome of whom 
 were Privy-Counfellors : That indeed the Duke of Nor¬ 
 folk had promifed to think no more of the affair : but his 
 promife was not capable of breaking a prior engage¬ 
 ment (2): Laftly, He endeavoured to juftify his own con¬ 
 duit, for that being an Ambaflador, he was obliged to 
 ferve the Queen his Miftrefs to the utmoft of his power: 
 Adding, that he propofed the defign of feizing the Queen 
 to the Duke of Norfolk , only to try him ; and he refufed 
 to name the great Men who had promifed to aflift him 
 in this attempt. But he confefled, that by the orders of 
 the Queen his Miftrefs, he had confulted the Earl of A- 
 rundel, Lumley , Throckmorton, and the Lord Vifcount 
 Montague , about the Queen of England's demand, that 
 the King of Scotland fhould be put into her hands. This 
 is all Camden fays of the Bifhop of Rofs’s defence. But 
 it is not unlikely, the fear of death with which he was 
 threatened, made him difeover fome things which Camden 
 has not been pleafed to publifh, as will appear in the 
 Sequel. 
 
 nte sateen The Duke of Norfolk's imprifonment making a great 
 Court '’'/ 1 * 3 * * ’ 1 no ‘f" e * n France and clfewhere, Elizabeth caufed the reafons 
 Fnncc of to be imparted to Charles IX. by Killegrew , whom fhe 
 the Dube of f ent t0 Paris to eafe IValfingbam who was fick. The 
 ‘ new Ambaflador told the Queen-Mother, that it was now 
 Diggs's two years fincc the Queen of Scots, without acquainting 
 Ambaf. hi s Miftrefs with it, had defigned to marry the Duke of 
 P' *47* Norfolk , and therefore he was fent to the Tower , without 
 
 however being deprived of the enjoyment of his eftate: 
 That afterwards, the Duke fwore to think of that Mar¬ 
 riage no more, and the Queen of Scots, both by Letters 
 and Agents, promifed the like : That neverthelefs they had 
 ftill continued their Intrigues, as it was eafy to prove by 
 their own Letters ; and under colour of freeing the Queen 
 of Scots, had projected to fet her on the Throne of Eng¬ 
 land, by railing a Rebellion in the Kingdom, and calling 
 in foreign Troops, which evidently appeared by their Let¬ 
 ters and the Confeftions of their Complices: That the 
 Queen of Scots had exprefsly ordered her Agents to con¬ 
 ceal her defigns from the Court of France, becaufe fhe 
 was entirely devoted to Spain, having even refolvcd to 
 convey her Son thither, and marry Don 'John of Au- 
 Jiria. 
 
 An as to In the prefent fituation of the French Court, Elizabeth's 
 rratntair. the Complaints againft the Queen of Scots were not much re- 
 fftte. garded. But the Parliament of England (3) took the Queen’s 
 D ewc-. Intereft extremely to heart, and to prevent the dangers to 
 starlit 6 ’ &C ’ which flic was expos’d by thefe plots, palled a very re- 
 Cimdcn. markable A&. It was provided, “ That if any man 
 “ fhould attempt the perfonal hurt of the Queen, or the 
 “ depriving her of any part of Sovereignty ; raife war, 
 “ or ftir up others to war againft her: If any one fhould 
 “ dare to give out that another Perfon has a jufter title 
 “ than fhe to the Crown ; or fhould fay fhe is an Here- 
 “ tick, Schifmatick or Infidel ; or fhould ufurp her Right 
 “ and Title during her Life ; or fhould affirm the Parlia- 
 “ ment has not power to fettle and limit the Succeffion to 
 “ the Crown, every fuch Perfon fhould be guilty of 
 “ High-Treafon” (4). It was alfo enadted, “ That 
 
 whofoever, by Bulls or other Mandates of the Pope, 15"'. 
 fhould reconcile anv Man to the Church of Rome, and 
 thofe who fhould be fo reconcile, fhould be guilty of 
 Treafon : That whofoever fhould relieve fuch Rccon- 
 ‘ cilers, or fhould bring into England any Agnus Dei's , 
 
 ‘ Grains, or other things confecratcd by the Pope, fhould 
 c incur the penalty of a Praemunire , lofs of Goods, and 
 c perpetual Imprifonment. ” It was provided alfo, “That 
 ‘ all the Fugitives fhould within fuch a time, under for- 
 ‘ feiture of their Eftates, return and fubmit themfelves 
 ‘ to the Government, and that all the fraudulent Con- 
 * veyances of their Lands fhould be void It was like- 
 wife moved. That if for the future the Queen of Scots 
 fhould be concerned in any Confpiracv, fhe ihould be pro¬ 
 ceeded againft by Law, as the Wife of an Englifh Peer. 
 
 But the Queen hinder’d this Bill from palling, being fa- 
 tisfied with letting her Prifoner fee to what fhe would be 
 expofed, if fhe continued her practices ( 
 
 Before we fee what followed upon the late difeoveries, it Cent.™*. 
 will be neceflary to run over what patted in Scotland, after ,he «f- 
 the Earl of Morton's return. The beginning of May, the sc -I-ind 
 Queen’s Party became mafterof Edinburgh, by the affift- Buchanan, 
 ance of the Laird of Grange, who favoured them, though w - v '• 
 he pretended to keep the Caftle for the King. This done, s’po^iiwood, 
 the heads of this Party convened the States belonging to Camden, 
 their faflion, and at the fame time, the Earl of Lenox af- 
 fembled the States of the King’s Party in the Suburbs of 
 the fame City. Thefe two Aflemblies did nothing but 
 mutually condemn each other, and as if they had given 
 one another the word, they refolved each apart to meet 
 again in Augttjl, the King’s Lords at Sterling , and the 
 Queen’s at Edinburgh. Thefe refolutions being executed 
 at the time appointed, the Lords at Edinburgh formed the 
 projetft of carrying away by force the Lords of the con¬ 
 trary Party, who were at Sterling without any precaution. 
 
 Melvil fays, his Friend Grange was the author, conn iver, Buchanan, 
 and manager of this enterprize. He would have head- lVcIvil * 
 ed them himfelf: but his Friends would not fuffer him P * 
 to be expofed to the danger. This is the fame Grange, 
 whom Melvil reprefents as a neutral Perfon, and aiming 
 only at the good of his Country. This project was exe¬ 
 cuted with fo much conduct and fuccefs, that the Regent 
 and the Ear! of Morion were prefently made Prifoners. 
 
 In all appearance, few of the King’s Lords would have 
 efcapcd, had not the viitorious Soldiers fallen to plun¬ 
 dering. But whilft they were difperfed about the Town, 
 the Earl of Mar fallied out of the Caftle with the Garri- 
 fon, and compelled them to retire. In the diforder, the 77* Earl of 
 Earl of Morton fortunately cfcaped, but the Regent was " . 
 carried away, and murdered on the road in cold blood by t he Ear/of 
 one hired to do it, in fpite of [David Spence J the Officer Mar ehofn 
 who guarded him. A few days after, [ John Erskin] Earl gj^hanan 
 of Afar was chofen Regent, to the great mortification of Melvil. 
 the Earl of Morton , who afpired to that dignity, and was 
 fupported by the Englifh Ambaflador. 
 
 To underftand the fituation of the Affairs of Scotland, Remark on 
 it is neceflary to confider, that though there feemed to be ^Scotfand* 
 but two Parties in the Kingdom, namely, the King’s and ' 
 the Queen’s, there were however five, becaufe there were fo 
 many different opinions in both, which occafioned that all 
 of the fame Party did not tend to the fame end. Some 
 were wholly attached to the Queen, and their chief view 
 was to reftore the Catholick Religion. Others earneftly 
 adhered to the King’s Party and the Proteftant Religion. 
 
 The new Regent, like his Predeceffor, was defirous to 
 unite the two Fa&ions, and laboured to bring all to the 
 obedience of the King, which he hoped to accompfifh, by 
 granting to the Queen’s Adherents all the favours they 
 could reafonably expetft. Grange and his Friends had 
 formed the fame defign of uniting the two Parties, but in 
 fuch a manner as that the Kingdom fhould be governed in 
 the Queen’s name. In fine, the Earl of Morton, who 
 was Penfioner to the Court of England, was at the head 
 of a fifth Party, who, though outwardly for the King, 
 fought only to crofs thofe that endeavoured to unite the two 
 fatftions. This was properly Elizabeth's Party, or at leaft 
 the Party fhe favoured moft, though fhe attested a neutra- 
 
 (1) By the Lord BurghIty , Sir Francis Knotles, and Sir Thomas Smith. LeJlep'itNcgotiat. p. I97. 
 
 1 : Ir Botituell lived ten years in Denmark, as Camden fays in another place,*it is not to be conceived how Queen Mary could-promife with an Oath 
 
 to marry -he Duke of Norfolk 1 -o, feeing Botbwell was then alive. Repin.' 
 
 (3) This Parliament met at fVrJlmmJier jipnl 2, and was diflblved May 29. The Clergy granted a Subfidy of fix Shillings to be paid in three years; 
 ana rhe Lords ard Commons two Fifteenths and Tenths, and a Subfidy cf two Shillings and Eight-pence in the Pound. D'ttvcs, Stow, p. 669. 
 
 4) The Act gees on ■ And tf any one, during the tgueen's Life, fhould by Book written or printed, maintain that any Per jin 11 tr ought to he the Queen's 
 
 I! • and Su.erJ/cr, , •xc-pt the ratuml Ijjue of her Body, &c. Some looked upon this as too fevere, thinking the naming of an Heir would tend to the efta- 
 
 b thing the Qu of the Nation. Bur it feems, abundance of Jells were palled upon the Claufe, except the natural JJfue tf Ur Body, line t, in Law, thofe 
 I'll liircn are called n itural which are begotten out of Wedlock. So that Camden fays, being then a young Man, he himfelf often heard People fay, that the 
 word natural was inferted into rhe A£l by Leicefler, with a defign, one time or other, to impofe fome Baltard Son of his upon the Eng/ifi.> for the Queen's 
 natural I (Tire. Camden, n 436. 
 
 • :) The otlvr AcT made in this Parliament were thefe t x. That fraudulent Deeds made to avoid the Debts of others Ihall be void. 2. That fraudu- 
 .1 Til Conveyance c or Deeds made by fpiritual Perfons, to defeat their SucceiTors of remedy for Dilapidations, Ihall be void. 3. That no Ecclefiaftical Per¬ 
 ron i hall be admitted to ary Benefice with cure, except he be twenty three years of age at leaf!; and Hull firft fubferibe the Articles of Religion in prefence 
 nf the Ordinary ; and within two months after Ir.duftian, read the fame in his Parilh Church, in the time of Common-Prayer ; and declare his unfeigned 
 a:, or thereunto ; and all this upon pain of deprivation. That n 1 Perfon Ihall retain a Benefice with cure, being under the age of twenty one years, or not 
 
 ng a Deacon at leaft. That none Ihall be admitted to preach or adminifter the Sacraments under the age of twenty four years; nor without a Teftimo- 
 »>.»l - i.f his hi rieft Life ; nor unlcls he is able to render to the Ordinary an account of hit Faith i n Latin, 
 
 li-tv. 
 
Book XVII. 23. ELIZABETH. 
 
 tot 
 
 1571. lity. Her Ambaflador Randolph, a Man of a great Genius, 
 MelviJ. and very fit for his Office, was the inftrument file made 
 
 p ’ ,09 ’ ufe of to ftrengthen it. Nothing could be more prejudicial 
 
 to England, than the union of the two Parties which was 
 endeavouring at any rate. It was to be feared, that after 
 this union Queen Mary's Friends would grow too powerful 
 in the Parliament, and procure refolutions deftrudtive of 
 the interefts of Elizabeth and England. Thus difcord a- 
 mong the Scots was yet for Elizabeth's advantage, till af¬ 
 fairs fhould take another face. But as the Earl of Mar, 
 the new Regent, was not to be managed as fhe wifhed, 
 £he laid her meafures beforehand, to procure the Earl of 
 Morton a Party, capable of being oppofed to the Regent if 
 occafion required. Such was the Rate of the Affairs of 
 Scotland in the year 1571. We muff now fee what puff¬ 
 ed in France. 
 
 r j~ All this year the Court of France ufed the higheft diffi- 
 Fr.mce. mulation to draw the Huguenots into their fnares. There 
 Mrxur.ii. were no favours at Court but for them. The King pre- 
 tended to fear his Brother the Duke of Anjou, and to be 
 Ch.u;cslX. difpleafed with the Guifes , who, as he faid, kept him in a 
 Tiiuanus. fhameful captivity. Befides this he made ufe of two very 
 eft'e< 51 ua-l means to deceive the Admiral. The firft was, 
 to feign a real intention to wage war with Spain, and to 
 truft him with the management of it. The fecond was, 
 to conclude the Marriage of his Sifter the Princcfs Marga¬ 
 ret with the King of Navarre. After that, the Admiral 
 and the Huguenots no longer queftioned the King’s good¬ 
 will towards them, efpecially as they faw him very intent 
 upon the Marriage of the Duke of Anjou with the Queen 
 of England, and as compliant as poffible with refpedt to 
 Religion. 
 
 Affair, of At the fame time, the Prince of Orange was ftriving to 
 ,bl Low ' put the Netherlands in motion, having refolved to make 
 Groiu'i.' ' iome attempt, whilft the King of Spain's Arms were em- 
 Stradi. ployed againft the Infidels. The Kings of Sweden and 
 
 Denmark refufing to affift him, he applied to Elizabeth, who 
 durft not give him affiftance, though fhe was not ignorant 
 of the correfpondcnce held by the Duke of Alva in Scotland 
 and England with Mary's Adherents. She even forbid the 
 Cirnden. Ships of Holland and Zealand, which afted againft Spain, 
 to enter her Ports. In this extremity, the Prince of O- 
 ranre fent his Brother Count Lewis to King Charles IX, 
 who loaded him with carefles, and even imparted to him 
 tiie falfe fecret of his pretended defign to make war upon 
 Philip. But all this was only to deceive him. In the 
 mean time, the Count de la Mark, with four and twenty 
 Ships, did the Spaniards all the damage he could. This 
 was all the Prince of Orange could effetft during this 
 year (i). 
 
 The 16th of January the Duke of Norfolk was brought 
 foe Duke of to his Tryal before the Peers of the Realm (2). His Ac- 
 Norfolk is cufation ran: 1. That he had attempted to deprive the 
 condemned to Qu een 0 f her Crown and Life, and feize the Throne 
 state-Try- himfelf by the help of Foreigners. 2. That, unknown 
 als. to the Queen, he had treated of a Marriage with the 
 
 h°h' fl Queen of Scots-, though he knew fhe had ufurped the Ti- 
 in£ ’ tie and Arms of England. 3. That he had lent her a 
 great Sum of money. 4. That he had fupplied with mo¬ 
 ney the Earls of Northumberland and W'ejlmorela'nd, who 
 were banifhed the Kingdom, and declared Enemies of their 
 Country, c. That he had writ to the Pope; the King of 
 Spain , the Duke of. Alva, defifing aid to free the Queen 
 of Scots, and reftore the Popifti Religion in England. 
 6. Laftly, that he had fent Supplies to the Lord Herris ; 
 and other the Queen’s Enemies in Scotland. 
 
 It may be faid in general, the Duke made a very weak 
 defenfe to moft of thefe Articles. But it was not eafy for 
 him to deny what his own Letters, and the Confeffions 
 of his Servants, and Complices proved againft him. Be¬ 
 fides, an intercepted Letter from the Bifhop of Rofs in 
 prifon, to the Queen of Scots, clearly fhowed, the Duke 
 had formed pernicious defigns againft the Government. 
 Camden did not think fit to relate the Contents of the Bi- 
 fhop’s Letter. It is probable however, it was very much 
 to the purpofe, fince the Duke defired to fee whether 
 it was the Bifhop’s own hand. When he was convinced 
 of it by his own eyes, he made the fame defence as the 
 Bifhop had done, namely, that the teftimony of a Scot 
 
 againft a n Er.glijhman was not valid. In this they bot,h 1572. 
 pretended, without ground, to take advantage of a cuftom 
 introduced on the borders of the two Kingdoms, where, 
 in cafes of depredation, the evidence of one Nation againft 
 the other was not admitted, becaufe they were Parties. 
 
 But this cuftom was not become fo general as to be of 
 fervice to the Duke in his caufe. The ftrength of his de¬ 
 fence was, that his defign to marry the Queen of Scots 
 could not be reckoned High-Treafoii, neither could it 
 be thence inferred, that he intended to feize the Throne. 
 
 The Queen's Attorney replied, that all the circumftances 
 of the affair, and all the Duke’s proceedings, evidently 
 fhowed, he aimed at fomething more than barely to mar¬ 
 ry a depofed and imprifoned Queen, for by the meafures 
 he would have taken with the foreign powers, it plainly 
 appeared, that in efpoufing the Queen of Scots, he defigned 
 to affert her claim to the Crown of England. At lift, 
 after a long examination, he was condemned by his Peers 
 as guilty ot High-Treafon : but the Sentence was not ex¬ 
 ecuted till June. 
 
 In the mean while, the Queen made Walter d'Evercux Creation of 
 Earl of Ejfex. He was defeended by the great Grandmo- Pter ‘- 
 therms fide from the noble Family of Bourchier, which had 
 long born that title. At the fi.me time the Lord Clinton D ™Halc'. 
 High-Admiral was created Earl of Lincoln, and four new Stow - 
 Barons were fummoned to the next Parliament (3). 
 
 The Parliament hearing, Plots were formed to free the C ” T ,cca ’ 
 Duke of Norfolk, palled an Ait, wheieby it v.*as made^”^/*" 
 death to attempt to deliver a Prifoner condemned for High- Nurf/.;.-. 
 Treafon. By the fame Ait, it was perpetual imprifonmerit 
 and forfeiture of Eftate, if the Prifoner was only accufed 
 of High-Treafon, though not condemned (4). 
 
 At length, the Queen, after having been long in fuf- The Duke it 
 pence, figned a Warrant for the execution of the Duke of' x,cated - 
 Norfolk, the 2d of June. He confefted part of his faults, 3 jf' c Try " 
 excufed himfelf as to the reft, and in general owned cirnden. 
 he was juftly condemned. But he declared, he never had Hollin s (h * 
 any thoughts of reftoring the Popifh Religion in England, 
 and that he died a Proteftant (5). He was Son to the 
 Earl of Surrey, beheaded in the latter part of Henry the 
 Eighth's Reign, for quartering the Arms of Edward the 
 Confejfor with his own, without the King’s licence. All 
 of that Family had firmly adhered to the Catholick Reli¬ 
 gion, except this Duke who embraced the Proteftant in the 
 beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign. Since he declaied 
 that he died in the Reformed Religion, I don’t fee how his 
 ftneerity can juftly be queftioned. But who can tel] how 
 far his ambition might have carried him, if he had found 
 his projeds more pra&icable ? At leaft, it cannot be denied, 
 that they who put him in motion, thought they had rea- 
 fon to rely on him. After all, if any one doubted that Cjmd(ai 
 the end of this confpiracy was to reftore the Popifh Reli¬ 
 gion in England, he might be fatisfied by the teftimony of 
 Hitronymo Catena, in the life of Pius V. Inftead of clear¬ 
 ing the Pope, the Author makes him glory in having been 
 the promoter of this defign, and in having fent Ridolpha 
 into England to excite the Englijh to rebel againft Eli¬ 
 zabeth. 
 
 Ten days after the Duke of Norfolk's death, Elizabeth IN 
 fent two Privy-Counfcllors to the Queen of Scots (6), not °£ a S f''j‘ 
 to accufe her criminally, as Camden affirms (7), but to o^den.’ 
 inform her, of what fhe had been charged with in the Thuanus. 
 Trial of the Duke of Norfolk and his Complices, and to 
 tell her, the Queen would be extremely glad, fhe could 
 juftify herfelf. It was chiefly to let her know, that her 
 Practices were difeovered, and therefore fhe had been more 
 clofely confined arid reduced to a fmaller number of Do- 
 mefticks. Elizabeth was alfo well pleafed to let her fee, 
 fhe had good Spies, and knew, that it was not barely to 
 obtain her Liberty, that fo many Powers ufed their Inte- 
 reft for her, but rather to fet her on the Throne of Eng¬ 
 land. Wherefore the two Privy-Counfellors reprefented to 
 her, 1. That fhe had affirmed the Title of Sjhteen of Eng¬ 
 land, and afterwards, refufed to ratify the Treaty of Edin¬ 
 burgh, whereby fhe had engaged to renounce it. 2. Thit 
 fine would have married the Duke of Norfolk with¬ 
 out the Queen’s knowledge, and there was reafon to be¬ 
 lieve, it was with defign to dethrone her, fince fhe would 
 have ufed foreign Troops to fet the Duke free. 3. That 
 
 (1) The Englijh having, fince the year 1554, carried on a gainful Trade f„r Gold with the Negroes nn the Coaft of Guinea, wherein thev had often 
 been difturbed by the Portuguefe, who laid claim to that Country, as the firft Difcoverers of it ; at laft, all differences between the two Nations were adjnl!cJ. 
 
 by a Treaty concluded this year. Camden, p. 437-The Exchange having been fome time finifhed, namely, ever fince November 1567, Queen lUi- 
 
 xabetb came, January 23, this year, to fee it, and by found of Trumpet, her Herald named it, The Rcyal Exchange. Seow, p. 663. Carnet.*, p. 43,. 
 --On September 22, died the learned John Je-Wetl, Bifhop of Sal,,bury. Slow, p. 6/0. This year alfo died William Parr Mamuifj of Northamp¬ 
 ton. Camden, p. 437. 
 
 (2) George Talbot Earl of Shrewsbury, was conftituted Lord High-Steward of England for that day, and with him fat twenty five Peers. Camden. 
 
 (3) Namely, John Pew let of Bafing, the Marquifs of Wincbejler'% Son, Henry Compton, Henry Cheney, and Henry Norri,. Camden, p. 440. 
 
 (41 Before Arraignment, Forfeiture of Eftate during Life, and Imprifonment during the Queen’s pleaiure. If arraigned. Death : If condcm. ed, the Pe¬ 
 nalty of High-Treafon was to be incurred. This was only during the Queen’s Life. 
 
 v (5) He was attended on the Scaffold by Alexander Nowel Dean of St. Paul's j and was buried in the Tower Chapel. Camden, p. 440. Sta-e-TryNs, 
 
 (6) The Perfons fent to expoftulate with the Queen of Scots, were, William Lord de la Ware, Sir Ralph Sadler, Dr. Witfon, and Thomas E'cTey. Can: - 
 den, p. 442. Rapin, by miftake, fays there were but two. 
 
 (7) Camden's words are, “ to expoftulate with her by way of accufation.'’ 
 
 Ne. XLIX. Vol. II. Cc ih* 
 
102 
 
 Yol. II. 
 
 The HIS TO RY «/ ENGLAND. 
 
 North e > 
 
 Rebellion. 
 
 Hie was deeply concerned in the 
 4 That {he bad relieved the Rebels in Scotland and blan- 
 That (he had fent Ridolpbo to the Pope and 
 Spain, to follicit them to invade England. 
 
 5 - 
 
 preferred his Honour (o hi Life. I! 
 Englijh Plcnipotenti..ric.‘, was fo i'i 
 Charles , that la 1 
 
 even vviit to the Lord Burleigh , th 
 
 Fhar Ale had received Letters from the Pope, wherein that the fecunty v. a. fuffi en Inflwrt 
 
 a (l- ure j i.,, • ■ | lh | rote£lion. 7. That Ilia had procured bates, Eighth wa ci nrei . itl . 
 
 • Pope’s Bull, to abfolve the Queen’s Subjects from their Charles. 
 
 Oath of Allegiance. 8. Laftlv, That (lie had fuffered 
 
 i one of the r 
 i favour of P 
 Man. He 
 not doubt. 
 
 Oath of Allegiance, a. ca.tiv, . „ .... ..- The fecund difficulty confiHr'd, 
 
 her Aaents in foreign parts to Hile her publickly, $H,en »/ would poh.ire y u.d, 
 
 England All thefe fafls were but too true ; however. Treaty, to .'I- • '■ ; 
 
 as ft w J not I 'V toconvia her, that (he had added with thought it very ftrange, th t the 
 
 ..tention aferi ed to he,, Ihe therefore boldly made .. eft fe . t •• • 
 
 her defence to this effedd : junaurc Mary was 
 
 That if (he had taken the 7 itle of Sfeeen of England, throne her . 
 it was by command of the King of Franco her Husband, and England, 
 and (he had ,flitted it alter his death ; nay, (he bad de¬ 
 clared, and dill did declare, fhe would not claim it fo long 
 as Elizabeth or her Children lived : That in defiring to 
 m arr v the Duke of Norfolk, (he had no deftgn to hurt 
 Elizabeth, but rather was of opinion, the Marriage would fufpiaon. 
 be advantagious to England : T bat if (lie had not 
 nounced the Marriage, it was becaufe (lie 
 
 ' of fl-w-tufYhf hpripir nmurteu. uv wao nu »■■■ 
 
 doubtful 
 
 In that the King of 
 nclude the Queen ol Scots in the .*■ 
 atv, to which Elizabeth would 
 
 at fuch 
 
 her utmoft endeavours to di 
 'The defign of the Lca uic t 
 was for a mutual defence ; 
 
 tacks of their Enemies, and at the fan < time Franc,- ear- 
 neftly laboured to have the Queen of Secti u .red. that 
 is, to enable her to execute her defigns. Elizaleth could 
 not underftand this proceeding, and it gave her great 
 However, as (lie believed the League nccdLry 
 for her fafety, (be overlooked many things winch gai 
 
 the 
 
 as contra&cd her caufe to miftruft the King of France's fmcerity. There 
 ,hc Duke (I). That (he thought herfelf obliged, by was no way found to ft. 
 
 - . i i - - I .f—....I.. inlprfinrr in the I fC&tV S dOUOtflll Claufe tO tluS CltCCl, 
 
 conjugal Love, to warn him of the danger, and perfwade infertmg m 
 
 I. to make his efcape: That (he was acceffary to no That both Parties Jhall 
 
 Rebellion, but on the contrary, was always ready to dif- 
 cover whatever came to her knowledge, if Elizabeth 
 would have vouchfafed to fee and hear her : That (lie had 
 never relieved the Englijh Rebels, but only recommended 
 
 the Countefs of Northumberland to the Duke of -diva : - ■ - M . , , , 
 
 “ | | ri . Rid, • was in the Pop# &vt ur, (he made which were capable of ■■ 
 
 ,Y.. "Liu- --el.. to England : That to .«*.blame of . ' - 
 
 ihe had imployed no perfon to free her, but had willingly hzabeth imagined it a great .... .... e, 
 
 hearkened to fuch as offered their Service for that purpofe, not mentioned in he ! le.uy. 1 -c two . 
 
 and With that view had given her Cypher to Roljhn and mg removed, the League was ,g 
 
 Hall : That the Letters (he bad received trom the Pope, 1 he Subftance w hereof was as fo* 
 
 •stain the prrfent Laws of Scot¬ 
 land. Elizabeth meant the prefent and aiStual Govern- 
 ment of that Kingdom, under the King’s Authority, and 
 Charles underftood the preceding Government, under the 
 . 
 
 But withal, he intimated, that he defired tliofe term-, 
 
 only 
 E- 
 
 lizaheth _ 
 
 bc- 
 
 was figned at Bids, April 11. 
 
 and Elizabeth (hall mutually aflift one another of 
 
 contained only matters of piety and confutation : That 
 
 (he was not the procurer of the Bull, and had only feen « .. , 
 
 a copy of it, which when flie had read (Ire threw into the agamft all perfons who (hall attack them under any prt , Wi(B 
 
 tsn, ““sSsSr/ “Tyff.".i......... .»*■;:: 
 
 deiagtcstttsetesA ssBtsiiX £ > fft* 
 
 with eight Ships of war, manned with twelve hundred 
 Soldiers, the whole at the expence of the Patty requiring. 
 
 There (hall be no Innovations made in Scotland , but 
 both Princes (hall endeavour to preferve the Peace of that 
 Kingdom, according to the prelent Lav.:., without fuffer- 
 ing the arrival of any foreign Troops. 
 
 defired it might be before the Parliament, as 
 the Blood-Royal of England. 
 
 Thefe anfwers (how, that Mary did not deny the Faiffs, 
 but only the intention aferibed to her. But on the other 
 hand, though this intention could not be fully proved, her 
 bare denial was not Efficient to fhow (lie never had it, 
 or to efface the fufpicions entertained of her. However, 
 as there was no delign to bring her to a 1 rial, the affair 
 rolled there ; but Elizabeth was (fill perfwaded, that the 
 end of Mary's and her friends Intrigues, was to dethrone 
 
 Some time after, El.: 
 France (2), to fee the ' 
 
 °f rb “ if f en ' France and England was (fill continued at Paris , with 
 iZbVxf-L great diffimutation on Charles 's fide. He infilled upon dif- Montmorency was 
 -WYine- ficulties which ought not to have caufed any dela 
 h.im'r. Nc. hjs (( ,| ea j m was to make ufe of this League to furprize 
 Kg,™ the Huguenots, but this fervej the better to conceal his de- other hand,. the Queen 
 Com. Amb. f 1L r„s. He pretended to be much afraid of the power of (how the King of ^ 
 Spain, and therefore was obliged to join with England. 
 
 -• rm _ . 1._ T — .l,n T aatviip PA nltAprl in fwn fhinUS. c, - 
 
 protection. Montm 
 
 abeth fent the Earl of Lincoln into J/'-.u 
 Treaty fworn ; and the Marlhal 
 ‘de Montmorency came So London upon the fame account. \y, 1 
 . r he Net Ution of the defenft.e League between MzaE ltj» ** I * f w 
 
 t the Court of England , he never cca- s 
 fince fed (frongly to follicite for the Queen of Scots Liberty, to '~* a * 
 whom this eagernefs did more hurt ti .m good. On the 
 ~ rdered the Earl of Lincoln , to 
 the intercepted Letter from the 
 Queen of Scots', to the Duke of Alva , wherein itappear- 
 The’difficulties of the League' con fi (fed in two things, ed, that (he put herfelf entirely under the King of Spains 
 Fir if, Elizabeth required, that both Parties (hould mutu- 
 
 Dijieultifi 
 
 •J < 1 ‘ N -s°- 
 
 F"/‘- 
 
 p. J69. 
 
 ally promife to aflift one another, in-cafe either (hould be 
 attacked, though on account of Religion. But dairies 
 faid, he could not admit of that claufe, for fear of otfend- 
 ing his Subjeds, and all the Catholick Powers. He was 
 willing however to agree, that the Article (hould be cx- 
 prefled in more general Terms, which (hould have the 
 fame meaning, namely, that the two Parties (hould mu¬ 
 tually defend one another, if either was attacked upon any 
 account whatfoever. The Englijh Ambafladors obje&ed, 
 that England feared no attack, but only on account of Re- ere. 
 ligion, whereas France had numberlefs quarrels with other word. 
 States, and therefore the condition would not be equal. 
 
 To remove this difficulty, Charles offered to write to Eli¬ 
 zabeth a Letter with his own hand, wherein he would 
 declare, that he underftood the caufe of Religion to be in¬ 
 cluded in the general claufe. But the Englijh not being 
 fat is fied with this fecuritv, required at leait a private Ar¬ 
 ticle under the Great Seals of France and England. Where¬ 
 upon, Charles exclaimed againlt the Injury June him, in 
 believing him capable of breaking his word, and faid, he 
 
 nder the 
 
 7 would li.-.ewile have refumed the 
 affair of the Queen’s Marriage with the Duke of Anjou, 
 but diil not much infiff upon it. Probably, he had no - r 
 orders to profs it very (trenuoufiy, confidormg what hap- ‘/j.T 
 nened in Fiance immediately aru 
 
 . , rr -C C. 
 
 • his 
 
 the I 
 
 . , . T _r. Thiuius. 
 
 11. s 01 the K 1 g c md a. 
 Km g Charted l> - Daniel. 
 
 turn, I mean. 
 
 Maffacre of St. Bartholomew' s, when in Aundnd ( ■<: 
 and all the Huguenots were butchered (-.), who h,.d been 
 drawn to Court, under colour of the N up 
 am , with the Prii tret. 
 
 Sifter. It is needlefs to expatiate on this horrible malla- 
 fo univerfally known. It fuffices to obferve in a 
 , it demon ft rated to perfons of the lea ft penetration, 
 that the Court of France was then the mod perfidious in 
 the world. , 
 
 This maffacre threw all the Proteftants in Europe info c. 
 the utmoft conftcrnation, efpecially when they knew it':/ 
 was openly approved of at Rome (4). The Proteftant Wjuingh. 
 Princes of Germany 1 egan to prepare f< 1 theii defence, 1 
 liuving it was only the beginning of a Combination to de- 
 ftroy their Religion throughout ail Cl.rH:endom ; 
 
 Switzers refolved in a Diet, to lend trance 
 
 
 and the 
 
 (1) Since BitbioiU was alive 
 
 (2) He let out. May 26, \ 
 
 ■ could (he 
 1 great Tr; 
 
 e contnfled to the Duke of X rfr./h ? Repin. 
 n of Nobility, anwng whom were the Lords Duct 
 
 Rich, Talbot, Hand,, &c. Camden, p. 444 
 
 *’ 1 iQXhout three thoufand See P. Daniel, Tom. 8. p.730. Others fay. 
 
 - 
 
 (4, Then: were MuLl ftruclt in ir.cmoiy of this horrible tail , having on on 
 this /'"»• »« l ; 'V/.'ci • And on the Reverie, the Aims o» France crowned fc 
 
 a i vi .1 of this Medal in P> Dani.l, Torn. S. [>• 7S6. 
 
 md. See Strypet Ann. Tom. 2. p. 1 . 
 
 the King fitting on a Throne, and treading rn dead B' mes, 
 :n two Columns, anil B'clai txcua-v.c Jujlmam 24 Au-fujlt 
 
 Troop. 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 23 - 
 
 ELIZABETH. 
 
 
 Chirles IX. 
 Jboiui gnat 
 regard Jor 
 El'Z'beth. 
 V al/itigh. 
 Negotiat. 
 
 Walfingh. 
 Negotiat. 
 p. 269. 
 275, 280, 
 286, 299. 
 
 Elizabnth’j 
 miflrufl. 
 lb. p. 259, 
 265, 268, 
 fco 
 
 Charles and 
 Elizabeth 
 equally dif ■ 
 femlk . 
 
 Charles of- 
 
 ntw I be 
 League, and 
 
 ridge of tbe 
 Duke of 
 Alenfon 
 •with Eliza¬ 
 beth- 
 He define 
 her to be 
 Godmother to 
 bii Daugb- 
 
 ll'e Queen'! 
 Hnjwer. 
 
 Walfingh. 
 
 Though her own Subje&s, and feveral foreign Princes dif- 157*. 
 fwaded her from being fpiritually allied to a fworn encmv 
 of the Proteftant Religion, fhe was willing however to 
 give him a proof of her defire to preferve their mutual 
 Alliance, as far as lay in her power. Thus, it was all 
 diffimulation on both fides. But I don’t know whether 
 Elizabeth can be juftified, for not having refufed this lad 
 Article, in order to fhow at lead her delegation of the 
 deed Charles had lately committed. Be this as it will, all Ei : z«beth'j 
 the red of the year was fpent in reciprocal protedations of 
 a fincere friendfhip, but withal, in a mutual diftruft. s.r . P ’ 
 Charles was afraid, Elizabeth would affift the Huguenots, 
 and thereby all his meafures be broken. Elizabeth had a 
 mind, before fhe came to any refolution, to fee a little 
 farther into the deligns of her enemies, and to that pur- 
 pofe it was neceflary for her to keep, at lead outwardly, 
 fome correfpondence with King Charles. Mean 
 the Huguenots knew not what to think of her. They , 
 faw themfelves upon the brink of deftrudlion, corifidering aucunt. 
 the great Forces with which the King was preparing to 
 attack them, and at the fame time they faw Elizabeth, 
 who was their foie refuge, dand Godmn-.her to the child 
 of their Perfecutor and Executioner. But the inlcred of 
 the Huguenots was not the thing fhe had chiefly in view. 
 
 Her zeal for the Proteflant Religion was always fuburdi- 
 nate to her private Intered. 
 
 The Earl of Northumberland, who, after his being Toe Earl of 
 feized in Scotland, had been delivered to the Queen, was N ” ,t l' um - 
 behcaded in this juncture, wherein the Queen thought 
 fhe could not take too many precautions to provide for her sto-.v. 
 fafcty (3). 
 
 I mud now mention the affairs of Scotland, to which AJ.-tn of 
 the Queen had always an eye. The dilcovery of the 
 Duke of Norfolk’s Plot had much weakened Afar/s party. p . ", 
 
 Some had forfaken it, and others were ready to do the 
 like. If they ddl adhered to it, it was only to obtain ad¬ 
 vantages terms for quitting it. Grange, Governor I of 
 Edinburgh Cadle, Lidmgton , the Lord Hume, Robert Mel - 
 •Oil, and fome dthers, who were in the Cadle, dill affe£t> 
 ed a fort of neutrality, and a great zeal for the Good of 
 their Country. But they made this Good to confift in a 
 certain union of the two Fadlions, which fhould not be 
 prejudicial to the captive Queen. That is, they would 
 have the King’s authority to be annulled, and if it could not 
 be agreed, that the State fhould be governed in the Queen’s 
 name, as indeed it was very difficult to gain that point, 
 at lead the adminidraticn of Affairs fhould be put in¬ 
 to the hands of a certain number of Regents chofen by the 
 two Parties, without any mention of Queen cr King. 
 
 By this means they would have preferved the Queen’s 
 Rights entire, and broken the meafures of the contrary 
 Party. Probably, James Melvil Author of the Memoirs 
 was in the fame Sentiments, though he defired to be look¬ 
 ed upon as neuter, and as luch, was employed on both 
 Tides, to ferve for mediator. The Men of this Party 
 durd not however fully difeover their minds; but flat¬ 
 tered themfelves, that being Maders of Edinburgh Cadle, 
 with the help of never fo few Succours, the.- lhould be 
 able to fupport their Pretenfions. They fpent the whole 
 winter of the year 1572 in feveral Negotiations in France 
 and the Netherlands, to obtain the Succours they wanted. 
 
 They were made to hope for affidance from both pieces; 
 but it was only empty promifes without any effect. The 
 Court of France durd not pull od’ the mask for fear of 
 obftruefting the grand defign which was executed within ?. 
 few months. For that reafon they confented at length 
 that the Queen of Scots fhould not be mentioned in the 
 Treaty of Blois. They were contented to agree with 
 the Englijh AmbalTadors, that the two Crowns fhould fend 
 Plenipotentiaries into Scotland, to ad juft the differences 
 between the Scots, or compel them to lay down their aims. 
 
 And indeed Charles IX. nominated du Crocq, who had Cruri 
 been often fent into Scotland, to endeavour this agreement, "LfpZatdby 
 ordering him to pafs through England, and ftrongly fol- Yi.zai.eih 
 licite Elizabeth to fend the Queen of Scots into France. " Mit f 
 He gave him moreover certain Inftrudfions, which he was WaTfingh. d ' 
 to impart by word of Mouth to the captive Queen. Negntht. 
 Elizabeth thought this proceeding very extraordinary, juft P- * 6 S> , 
 as the Treaty of League was going to he concluded. So, 77 ’ ,J 
 fulpedling fome myftery in this condwSt, fhe plainly re¬ 
 fufed du Crocq leave to fee Mary , and even to puriue his 
 Journey to Scotland till the League was figned. 
 
 A few "days alter, fhe made a difeovery which much Elizabeth’* 
 
 Jujptcioni 
 
 (') 11’one of his Letters to Sir Thomas Smith, he informs him, That all the Huguenots Lands, which would amount to many Million?, were to be fold, WjJlineh 
 and employed in the Gmqneft of Countries. And if fo, England was in no fmall danger- See Digges'i Comfl. Ambaf. p. 245. Nepotist." 
 
 ( z i There was for fome confiderable time a large French Fleet flationed between Rocbel and iiourdeaux, which caukd her no fmill uncafinefs. See n A. 
 D'&r, .&%/: p. « !9 —-.,65. , P.-770»>- 
 
 (3, Thomas Percy Earl of Northumberland, was fora Sum of Money delivered to the Lord Uunfdon, Governor of Berwick, by Morton, who had been 
 
 ex'rcirely beholocn to the Earl during his exile in England. He was beheaded at Jork, on Auguji 22. Stow, p. 673.-This year died al o rw . great 
 
 M:n in . n advanced age; William Powlet Lord Tteafurer of England, ( in which he war fucceeded by Cecil L d Burleigh, , Marquis < Win hrfery 
 Lari or If etjhirc, nod Baron of St.Johnof Ba/ing. I le ded March ] o, in the 97lhyearot his are, and lived to lee a 1 ondred and three Pe. I us defeeuded 
 
 from him-The other was ‘.Hr William Petri, Secretary to Henry VIII, Ed.ard VI, Mary, and Etixabelo. He was a great Eenefail r to Ejceier 
 
 College in 0.-f:rd. wherein he was educated ; and lelc in Lands to the value of one hundred Pounds a year. He died January 13 -This )ear alio, on 
 
 .’.4, died Edward Stanley Earl of Derby s Lord Stanley and Sliabge, of Knocking. Camden, p. 443- Stow, p. 671, 673. 
 
 Troops. But the Court of England refle£ted on it parti¬ 
 cularly, not queftioning, it was an effetft of the League of 
 Bayonne, and lhat the ftorm would quickly fall upon Eng¬ 
 land. IValjhgham , who had ex prefled fo great an efteem 
 for Charles IX, wrote Letter after Letter, to give warn¬ 
 ing, that he was no longer to be trufted, though he fhould 
 repeat his proteftations of friendfhip to the Queen, and his 
 affiiranccs punctually to obferve the late Treaty (i). 
 
 It was not without reafon that Charles ftill defired to 
 keep fair with Elizabeth. Though he had maflacred an 
 infinite number of his Huguenot Subjects, he faw the reft 
 ready to take Arms to fereen themfelves from his barba¬ 
 rity. The City of Rochelle which was as their bulwark, 
 had refufed to open her gates to the King’s Forces. Some 
 were already in arms in Languedoc , and other Provin¬ 
 ces, and probably, Charles was going to enter into a new 
 war, where he would have to deal with defperate people. 
 Aoprchenfivc as he was that Elizabeth would aid the Hu¬ 
 guenots with all her Forces, there was no diffimulation 
 bi t what he praCfifed to divert her from it. When file 
 told him by her Ambafiador, that after the late mafl'acre, 
 fhe could no longer place any confidence in him, he en¬ 
 deavoured to excufe himfelf in the beft manner he could. 
 One while he faid, it was done without his knowledge ; 
 another while, that he was forced to it, in order to pre¬ 
 vent a Coni’piracy formed by the Admiral againft him, the 
 Queen his Mother, and his Brothers. However, at the 
 very time he fnowed the greateft defire to live in a good 
 underftanding with Elizabeth, he was taking private mea¬ 
 fures to raife her difturbances both in England and Scot¬ 
 land. After the mail'acre of St. Bartholomew's, the Pope 
 fent a Legate into France. The Duke of Savoy, a great 
 friend to Spain, was come to Paris , and Charles's pre¬ 
 tended dread of Philip's defign was entirely vaniftied. Nay, 
 there was a flridt Union between the two Kings. On the 
 other fide, IValfmgham gave frequent notice, that the 
 Duke of Guife had private Conferences with the Scots, 
 and the Queen-Mother frequently fent for the Biftiop of 
 Glafcow, Mary' s Ambaftador, to her houfe at unfeafonable 
 hours. Thefe things were plain indications to Elizabeth 
 and her Council, that the friendfhip of France was not to 
 be relied on, though it had been earneftly fought. 
 
 Affairs being in this fituation, it was not eafy for the 
 Queen to determine what courfe fhe fhould take. She 
 fuipeCfed, fome plot was formed againft her, but was not 
 fure (z). Oil one hand, fhe was afraid, France and 
 Spain were in league againft her ; but fhe could not 
 conceive how it was poflible for them to agree, their In- 
 terefts being direCtly contrary. She confidcred however, 
 that Charles IX. was governed by the Lorrain Princes, 
 who had different views from his, and who regarded their 
 own private Intereft, more than the welfare of France. 
 Beiides, an exceffive religious zeal might caufe him to 
 overlook his true Intereft. In this ftate of uncertainty, 
 file thought it molt advifeable, to ftand upon her guard, 
 and make preparations as if file was to be fpeedily invaded, 
 and to equal the King of France in diffimulation, letting 
 him know however, it would not be eafy to deceive hfer. 
 So, each playing the hypocrite, never were there fo Itrong 
 and fo frequent proteftations of friendfhip between Charles 
 and Elizabeth , as in tiie firft months after the mafl'acre of 
 St. Bartholomew's. Both faid, they defired above all things 
 to keep the League inviolably, though Charles had no oc- 
 cafion for Elizabeth's aid, and Elizabeth could no longer 
 depend upon the amity of fuch an Ally. It was hardly 
 poflible for them to love one another. Charles looked up¬ 
 on Elizabeth as the Prote&refs of the Religion he was 
 endeavouring to extirpate, and Elizabeth could confider 
 him but as a Prince without honour or honefty, and as a 
 fworn enemy to the Religion file profefied. Notwith- 
 ftanding all this, Charles offered to renew the League with 
 a 1 refit Oath, and propofed a Marriage between Elizabeth 
 and his younger Brother, the Duke of Alenfon. In fhorr, 
 to give Elizabeth a lenfible mark of his pretended friend¬ 
 fhip, he defired her to ftand Godmother to a Princefs his 
 Queen was delivered of in October. Elizabeth anfwered 
 to the firft propofal, that the Treaty of Blois not having 
 been violated on her part, fhe did not fee any neceflity 
 to renew it, or fwear it again. As to the Marriage of 
 the Duke of Alenfon, ih© exprell'ed herfelf in fuch a man¬ 
 ner, that fhe leit it undetermined, whether file would ac¬ 
 cept or refufe it. As to the King’s requefting her to be 
 Godmother to the Princefs his Daughter, fhe replied. 
 
 November 
 
 in treated 
 
Vo!. II. 
 
 10 + 
 
 The HISTORT of ENGLAND. 
 
 Htpn 
 
 of rh, 
 
 increafed her fufpicions. The Lord Seaton a Scotchman , 
 who called himfelf Mary 's Ambaflador to the Duke ot 
 Alva, had taken a journey to Paris, and there held feve- 
 raf Conferences with the King and the Queen-Mother. 
 Then, he returned to Brujfels, and fhortly alter departed 
 for Scotland. But the ftormy weather compelling him to 
 l.„d at Harwich, he difguifed himfelf like a Sailor, and 
 before it was known who he was, eroded England and 
 come to Edinburgh , where he frequently conferred with 
 Grange , and the other Lords in the Caftle. But as 
 had not been able to carry away his Papers, they w 
 f llU)U l in the Ship, whereby it was difeovered, he had or¬ 
 ders to encourage the Lords in the Caftle of Edinburgh to 
 hold out, and give them hopes of a fpeedy nftiftance. It was 
 alfo known, lie was commiftioned Ionic time before by the 
 Scots of the Queen’s Party, to tell the Duke of Alva, 
 that with a little aid, it would be eafy to carry away the 
 young King, and fend him into Spain. In ftiort, Eliza¬ 
 beth heard 'that Grange and his Companions who had be¬ 
 gun to treat of an accommodation with the Lari of AEar, 
 would hear no more of it, fince they had feen the Lord 
 Seaton. All this, added to du Crocq's inftances for the 
 Queen of Scots liberty, and for leave to fpeak with her, 
 made Elizabeth and her Council judge, this Envoy was 
 not fent into Scotland to appeafe, but rather to foment, 
 the troubles. This was the more credible, as he had faid 
 himfelf, that his inftru&ions reached no farther than to ex¬ 
 hort the Scots to peace. It would therefore have been im¬ 
 prudent to fuffer him to confer with Mary , or to purfue 
 his Journey into Scotland. 
 
 1 obferved before, that the Court of England was no 
 Li; forward than that of France, to perpetuate the troubles 
 of Scotland-, and this was true, during the Regency of the 
 Karl of Lenox, becaufe the Queen’s Party was then very 
 ftrong, and it was to he feared the two fadlions would be 
 united, to the great detriment of England. But after the 
 Duke of Norfolk’s death the cafe was altered. The Queen’s 
 Party being conftderably weakened, the Council of Eng¬ 
 land thought it time to end the troubles of Scotland , by 
 giving fome content to thofe in the Caftle ^of Edinburgh, 
 m order to induce them to fubmit to the King, and deli¬ 
 ver up the place. To this end, the Earl of Mar , with 
 Elizabeth’s confent, had begun with thofe of the Caftle a 
 Negotiation, interrupted by the arrival of the Lord Seaton. 
 
 The League between France and England being conclu¬ 
 ded fhortly after, the Earl of Mar thought it a favorable 
 / '•f - opportunity to refume the Negotiation with^ thofe of the 
 Caftle, and to that purpofc offered them by James Melvil 
 very advantagious Terms. Melvil infinuates, that the Re- 
 '' gent’s inducement to this accommodation was only to tree 
 7 ' Scotland from the yoke of the Englijh. He adds further, 
 that Grange ferupling to demand any Terms for reftoring 
 Peace to the Kingdom, left it to the Regent’s diferetion. 
 
 unmolefted, he would not fail, with the help of the Eng- i 
 lijh , to crufh the Queen’s Party entirely, and ftnit out 
 the French from Scotland for ever. He refolved therefore lb p ao< 
 to fend Verac thither with money to fupply the cccafions 3 °-- 
 of thofe in the Caftle, under colour of labouring to ap¬ 
 peafe the troubles. But Verac not being ready foon 
 enough, the money was put into the hands of Grange's 
 Brother, who had been fent into France to follicit aid. At 
 the fame time, great pains were taken to gain the Earls of 
 the^Caftle^ 11 'But as he Argyle and Athol-, and the Duke of Chateleraut was told, 
 if Grange could hold out till JVhitfuntide, he would be 
 ftrongly'aflifted by the Pope, Spain, and France. This 
 was what Walfingham, who had good Spies at Paris, bad 
 frequently writ to the Court of England. It v/as therefore 
 no longer Elizabeth's intereft to continue difeord among the 
 Scots. On the contrary, it was neceflary the Queen’s fic¬ 
 tion ftiould be deftroyed, before the meafures which were 
 taking in France and Flanders could have their effort. We 
 lhall fee prefently that ftie neglected not her intereft. 
 
 During all this year, the Queen of Scots and her Adhe¬ 
 rents relied much upon the Duke of Alva’s aftiftance, and 'gy 
 yet, they had nothing to hope from thence. From the ffi. 
 beginning of the year to the time of the MalTacre of Pa¬ 
 ris, the Duke had been fo employed, that it was not pofti- 
 ble for him to think lerioufly of the Queen of Scots con¬ 
 cerns, though he did not want a Good-will to annoy Eli¬ 
 zabeth. The Count de la March , whom the Queen had canoes, 
 driven from her Ports, for not breaking with Spain, had 
 taken the Brillc in Holland, and by that unexpected Biow 
 revived the Courage of thofe who wilhed to be freed from 
 the Dominion of the Spaniards. Shortly after, the whole 
 Province of Holland threw off their yoke, and Flujhing, 
 with fome other Towns in Zealand, followed that exam¬ 
 ple. The Duke of Medina-Ccli, fent afterwards from 
 Spain with a Fleet, was defeated by the Confederates, and 
 molt of his Ships taken. In a word, whilft the Duke of 
 Alva was employed in reducing the revolted Towns in 
 Holland, the news of the City of Mans being furprized 
 by Count Lewis of Najfau, obliged him to quit Holland 
 in order to attempt the recovery of that Place. Mean 
 while, the Prince of Orange entered the Netherlands at 
 the head of an Army raifed in Germany (3). On the 
 other hand, Charles IX. fent the Count of Kafir.! five 
 thoufand Foot and five hundred Horfe commanded by Gcn- 
 lis, which were defeated by the Duke of Alva, to whom 
 the King himfelf had fent notice of the march of this aid, 
 defigned only to amufc the Huguenots. The tragedy which 
 was aCled in France fhortly after, having opened the Prince 
 of Orange's eyes, he was forced to disband his Army, 
 finding the King of France, who promiled to help to 
 maintain it, would not keep his word. In the mean time, 
 the Duke of Alva was taken up with the Siege of Mans, 
 which furrendered not till the 19th of September. After 
 
 who priv.iHy fwore to the Peace, in the prefence of two the Siege, his Troops under the command of Frcimc, A 
 ‘ - ■ But Walfmgbam’l Memoirs fliow 7 WW* his Son, were employed in taking lutpbm, Naer- 
 
 or three perfons only. _ _ 
 
 that Melvil was not well informed, fince this agree¬ 
 ment was made with Elizabeth’s approbation, and even 
 fome Articles were figned, whereof Secretary Smith fent a 
 copy to Walfingham at Paris. 
 
 This project was defeated by the death of the Earl of 
 Mar. He went to Edinburgh with defign to have this 
 private Treaty approved, and the Earl of Morton was the 
 chief perfon to be prevailed with to figri it. To this end, 
 he made him a viftt at Dalkeith, where he was honourably 
 received, and treated magnificently. But before the Ban¬ 
 quet was over (1), he felt himfelf feized with a_ violent 
 jllnefs, which hardly fuffered him to ride to Edinburgh, 
 where he died (2). Many fufpe<rted he was poifoned. 
 However, on the 24th of November, the Earl of Morton 
 was chofen Regent, by the intereft of Elizabeth's Friends 
 in Scotland. 
 
 ris devoted Nothing could be more advantagious to Elizabeth, than 
 
 England, to fee the "Regency of Scotland in the hands of a Man who 
 depended upon her, and whom fhe could manage almoft 
 as Ihe pleafed. But on the other fide, the Court of France, 
 where the Guifes then ruled, finding that by the Earl of 
 Morton's promotion, they were going entirely to lofe Scot¬ 
 land, refolved to do their utmoft to ruin the new Regent, 
 and fupport thofe who ftill held the Caftle of Edinburgh. 
 Indeed, that was their only way to have ftill any influence 
 upon the Kingdom. The Duke of Guife, who managed 
 every tiling, plainly faw, if the Earl of Morton was left 
 
 Death of 
 the Regent 
 Oit b. zq 
 Walfingh, 
 ' t • 
 p. 283. 
 Melvil. 
 
 
 The Court nj 
 Fiance tries 
 
 Wallingh. 
 
 Ivefcol'ac. 
 
 P-=9 6 - 
 
 den, and other Places. Hence it appears, that during the 
 courfe of this year, the Duke of Alva was not able to fend 
 an Army into Scotland , though Mary's Friends were ftill in 
 hopes of it. Mary's expectation of afliftance from Spain 
 was very prejudicial to her, becaufe, when her practices 
 were dilcovered, Elizabeth was more intent upon ending 
 the troubles of Scotland. Beftdes, the King of France 
 grew a little cool, when he found Queen Mary threw her- 
 felf into the arms of the Spaniard (4). 
 
 Though Charles IX. and Elizabeth were very jealous of 
 each other, they kept however a ftrict correfpondence, cimics'i 
 capable of deceiving thofe who knew not the interefts of an,l J A 'f~ 
 the two Courts. Nothing parted on both tides but Protef- Jf,ation. 
 tations and Affurances of obferving inviolably the Treaty w a ;fingh. 
 of Blots. The beginning of the year 157} Elizabeth __ 
 
 fent [ William Somerft ] Earl of JVorceJler to Paris to Hand ^’3' ’ 
 in her Head to the Princefs, Charles's Daughter (5), who & c . 
 was named Elizabeth. She had ordered her Ambaflador, 
 not to be perfwaded to be prefent at the Mafs in the ce¬ 
 remony of the Baptifm, and in cafe it was infilled upon, 
 to defire the Queen of Navarre to Hand in his room. 
 
 A little before, Queen Catherine had fent to Elizabeth Marriage f 
 the Earl of Rais her confident, to propofe once more the °f 
 
 marriage of the Duke of Alenfon her third Son. But this p r ,...g fli 
 was not the foie motive of his coming. The Earl had or- gam. 
 ders to obferve what parted in England, where the Earl of 
 Montgomery and fome other French Refugees were equipping 
 
 p. 305,44s, 
 
 -.mas Morgan < 
 Camden, p. 
 After her 
 County, CSc. 
 
 •I of Suffex, Lord Chamberlai 
 
 
 c hundred Men 
 
 : Compani 
 her Navy t 
 
 the Gu ird. 
 were thefe 
 
 Stall 
 
 ) He 
 
 Mu Iters to 
 
 Thomas Ratcltffe Ear... ----- . 
 
 Stow, p. 673_This year, on Stay 8, a new Parliament y.-, 
 
 i. An At, making the coining or counterfeiting nf foreign Coin,, 
 :■■/ Parilh within the Shire to which they belong, 
 irried with h.m a Font of Gold weighing 316 Ounces. St™, 
 
 tde 
 
 (1) Melvil fays, it was fhortly after, p. n3. 
 
 (a) He rode to Sterling Melvil. p 118. 
 
 ( 3) H- received aifo liiccours from England-, for 72 
 
 ; . ... •• ufb ' p r j nc jp,| Secretary of State; and Confitrpher Hatton, Elq, Cap a in <0 
 
 s he d at IVeftmsnJitr, and was prorogued Jx-e 30. The Atts m-ide now, 
 fprilionot Treafon. 2. That Juftices ot Peace, at the Quarter-Seffions, 
 lief of the Prifoners in the Common-Goal. 
 
 tame back to England, February 27 
 
 Flujhing ; and afterwards procured r 
 be (lengthened v 
 
 Hdlingjh. 
 
 1257. 
 
 Fleet 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 ELIZABETH. 
 
 ic$ 
 
 Complaints 
 of France 
 about the 
 Succour i 
 
 Rochelle, 
 Walfingh. 
 Negotiat. 
 evaded by 
 the Sguttn. 
 ta aidcri. 
 
 End of the 
 War in 
 Scotland. 
 
 Walfingh. 
 Negotiate 
 p. 333, &c. 
 Spotifwood. 
 
 .Meivil, 
 p. 118-12c 
 
 Gafhden'. 
 
 p. 448. 
 
 Spotisweed. 
 
 a Fleet to relieve Rochelle , which, after a long blockade, 
 was at length befieged in form. The Duke of Anjou com¬ 
 manded at the Siege, having with him the Duke of Alen- 
 fon his Brother, and all the Catholick Nobles of France. 
 Elizabeth anfwered concerning the propofal of the Mar¬ 
 riage, that fhe was very willing to begin a Treaty about 
 it, provided the Article of Religion was firft fettled, elfe 
 it was in vain to fay any more of it. 
 
 About the fame time, Montgomery failing to fhe relief o[ 
 Rochelle , the French Ambaffador complained that he was 
 fuffered to depart,’ and that the Englifn Merchants had fup- 
 plied the Befieged with Provifions. Anfwer was made, 
 that the perfons who were failed out of the ports of Eng¬ 
 land, were not owned, and carried counterfeit flags, and if 
 they could be taken, fhould be feverely puhiftied. As 
 for the Merchants, they were men who followed their 
 gain where-ever they hoped to find it; and nbt being able 
 to fend their commodities to any other port of France y 
 fince the people were left to butcher whom they pleafed, 
 it was no wonder, they fhould fend them to Rochelle 
 where they could vend them with fafety. Probably, the 
 Court of England had connived at Montgomery's arma¬ 
 ment, which however had no effedf, and at fending pro¬ 
 vifions to the Rochellers. This was all the affiftance fhe 
 gave the Huguenots in their wretched condition. She had 
 refolved to avoid a breach with the French , whether fhe 
 hoped to gain them to her intereft,' or make the world be¬ 
 lieve there was a greater union between her and King 
 Charles than there Was in reality. This was doubtlefs to 
 render her enemies both at home and abroad lefs eager to' 
 form plots againft her. 
 
 We are going at length to fee an end put to the troubles 
 of Scotland. The Earl of Morton the new Regent ha¬ 
 ving good intelligence of what parted at the Court of 
 France , and knowing it was refolved to affift powerfully 
 the Queen’s faction, after the taking of Rochelle , believed 
 he ought to improve this interval to prevent their defigns. 
 He propofed therefore to Grange by James Mcivil, to re¬ 
 new the negotiation begun before the Earl of Mars death. 
 Grange and his companions made fome fcruple at firft, 
 becaufe they expected the French fuccours promifed them 
 by the Lord Seaton. However, not to give occafion to 
 fay, they were entirely againft a Peace, and to try to gain 
 time till IVhitfuntide , Grange replied, he was willing to ac- 
 '• cept the fame terms as had been offered by the Earl of 
 Mar , provided the Queen’s whole party were included in 
 the Treaty. The Regent, who was better informed than 
 Grange imagined, eafily judged, this anfwer tended only 
 to prolong the agreement, by the difficulties of contenting 
 every one. He refufed therefore to treat with the whole 
 party, - and offered to give Grange and his companions all 
 the fatisfadfion they could reafonably expert; but his offer 
 was rejected. Whereupon he turned to the Duke of Cha- 
 ieleraut , and the Earls of Huntley and Argyle , who were 
 ri6t fo fcrupulous as thofe of the Caftle of Edinburgh. 
 
 T hey treated for themfelvcs and dependents, that is, for 
 almoft all the reft of the Queen’s party, without regarding 
 the concerns of Grange and his affociates. They perceived 
 they could no longer rely on the affiftance of France , 
 which was too remote, and withal very uncertain, confi- 
 dering the civil war which affli&ed that Kingdom. The 
 Treaty which they made with the Regent, affifted by 
 Drury and Killegrew the Englijh Ambaffadors, was to this 
 eft'ebt; 
 
 That they fhould fubmit to the King, and cohform to 
 the eftablifhed Religion. That if any perfon fhould vio¬ 
 late this article he fhould be declared a Traitor. 
 
 That the fen fences pronounced againft the Hamiltons 
 and Gordons fhould be repealed, excepting fuch however as 
 concerned the murders of the Earls of Murray and Le¬ 
 nox, which fhould be left to the Queen of England’s de- 
 cifion. 
 
 That the Queen of England fhould bind herfelf by 
 fome publick inftrument, that the Hamiltons and Gordons 
 fhould not be profecuted for the murder of the Earls of 
 Murray and Lenox , without her exprefs confent. 
 
 The eftates of the Kingdom meeting fhortly after, con- 1573. 
 firmed this agreement by their authority. 
 
 As foon as Grange heard of the agreement which was Meivil. 
 negotiating between the Regent and the heads of the? H 9,120 ’ 
 Queen’s party, he endeavoured to obftrudl it, by offering Spollf,vood 
 to furrender the Caftle of Edinburgh in fix months. But 
 as the Regent was better informed than Grange imagined, 
 it was eafy for him to perceive, this offer tended only to 
 gain time, till the French fuccours fhould arrive (t). Ar 
 laft, when Grange knew, the heads of the Queen’s party 
 were upon the point of figning their Treaty, he offered to 
 deliver the Caftle immediately, provided he might put it 
 into the hands of fhe Earl of Rothes. But the Regent did 
 not think fit to place in that Fortrefs a Governor of 
 Grange's chufing. Befides, all the proceedings of thofe of 
 the Caftle, and the evafions they ufed to avoid furrender¬ 
 ing the place, plainly fhowed, they were not heartily in¬ 
 clined to an accommodation. So, without farther cere¬ 
 mony, he declared them Traitors, and prepared in good 
 earneft to befiege them. Meivil fays upon this occafion, P' I29 ’ 
 that he knows not what rage poffeffed the Regent, to de- 
 fire to have by way of fiege a place which was offered to 
 be furrendered voluntarily and inftantly (2). It is indeed 
 little probable the Earl of Morton fhould defire to expofe 
 himfelf to the difficulties of fuch a fiege, if he could other- 
 wife have had the place. But what Meivil aferibes to the 
 Regent’s rage, may, with much more likelihood, be im¬ 
 puted to the cavils of thofe of the Caftle, who ftrove to 
 prolong the time till the promifed fuccours fhould arrive. 
 
 In Walfingh am’s negotiations there are feveral letters from Diggts’s 
 the Queen, the Lord Burleigh , Secretary Smith , blaming Ambair. 
 Grange and his companions for their foolifh prefumption 
 and invincible obftinacy, in attempting alone to continue 
 the troubles in Scotland. Meivil , Grange's intimate friend, 
 
 gives quite another turn to this affair, and lays the whole 
 blame upon fhe Regent (3). 
 
 Be this as it will, the Earl of Morton having but few Camden. 
 Troops, and wanting Artillery and Ammunition, by rea- Spotiswood. 
 fon the publick Magazine was in the Caftle of Edinburgh , 
 applied to Queen Elizabeth. I have already fhown, of 
 what corife'quence it was to England , that the troubles of 
 Scotland fhould be ended before France could interpofe. 
 
 For this reafon, Elizabeth immediately made a Treaty 
 with the Regent, which, among others, contained the fol¬ 
 lowing Articles : 
 
 Elizabeth fhall fend to the Regent, Men, Ordnance, Elizabeth - ? 
 and Ammuiiition, for the befieging the Caftle of Edin- 7 J a ' y 
 burgh jointly with the Scots. Cam/fn"'' 
 
 No capitulation fhall be granted to fhe Befieged, with¬ 
 out the mutual confent of the Regent, and the Englijh 
 General. 
 
 If the Caftle be taken [by the Englijh'] it fhall be de¬ 
 livered to the King of Scotland. 
 
 The Prifoners, after the taking of the Cafile, fhall be 
 detained to be proceeded againft according to Law, the 
 QuCen of England being firft acquainted therewith. 
 
 Purfuant to this Treaty, Elizabeth ordered Sir William C:,mdtri - 
 Drury , [ Marfhal of Berwick ] to march into Scotland with Hoilinrft 
 fifteen hundred Men, and a train of Artillery, which was 
 a manifeft breach of the Treaty of Blais , which ran, That 
 fio foreign Troops fhould be fuffered to enter Scotland. But as 
 fhe had difcovereci by the Lord Seaton’s Papers, that France 
 intended to violate this fame Article, fhe believed doubc- 
 lefs, it would be fimplicity to fuffer herfelf to be prevented. 
 
 However this be, die Caftle was inverted, and the Be- Siege and 
 fieged defended themfelves a whole month like Men in p d ■ if °^ h 
 defpair. But at laft their Water failing, they were forced 
 to furrender at diferetion, if we may believe the Englijh Meivil. 
 and Scots of the King’s Party. Meivil affirms on the con- p ‘ ,20 ' I2r * 
 trary, that they capitulated, but the Capitulation was not 
 kept. Thus much is certain, the Laird of Grange , James Grange it 
 Kirkcaldie his Brother, and fome others, were condemned hanged. 
 to be hanged, and the Sentence was executed accord- ‘•^ ld .'| n * 
 ing]£ (4). Lidmgton died in prifon, having himfelf, ac- p . 
 
 cording Spotis woods 
 
 Followin 8 P r °i' a was f ormed between the Court of France and Queen Mary's Party: That the Manjuifs dc Maine /hould land at Air, with one 
 confStL ,h a " < \ eCn > Harl ^ rC P 3ir w Efnburgb, whole Caft.e lading,on and Grange had promifed to deliver to the French, and in 
 
 Dundee arH Fen . fl0n > 101 ' om£ °^=r Ltvelihopd, in France ; after which they were to fortify themfelves in Lougbbretor, Brocbty, 
 
 Enlland whPw thc D “ ke °c WaS 10 Come ° VCr With F ” rcea t0 dslivcr thc QS een of 5 at ^ time, her Friends £ 
 
 England veho were very numerous, were to rife in Arms, and deliver her in fpite of Queen Elizabeth: See Digged Cerr.pl. Ambaf p. 3 , 1 . 
 
 ‘‘ number withou the SftL P B ' .Pm PP obtain<;d J his intcnt without lhe help of England, having all Scotland at his devotion, faving that few 
 number withom the Caftle, who would hkcwife have agreed upon any realcnable condition. -- p. ; 2 o. 
 
 notal.er w/,h7u ^ G f n g', for his honour's fake, was refolved to agree for the whole Party: The Regent anfwered. He would 
 
 rather that the 'Jt". P C ‘ r Fa ^ lon WPU , d be a * ftron & as ever i and befides, as the troubles had occafioned great wrongs and extorliom, he chr.fe 
 
 fluently more r a ',PP Pk j;d , up0n tn f &c. becaufe their Eftates were greater than thofe of Grange, and thc reft in the Caftle, end donfe- 
 
 Morton h-arinv nf !r’ n„r Pa '° I P 7- P" L aid ot b,s Jabour s- Meivil telling Grange the Regent’s refolution, he infilled upon agreeing with all : and 
 thole in the Caftle u, ,hPl 7 Pr blm the bc “, er / 0 , r ftandln g upon his Reputation and Honour, and feemed as if he had been refolved to agree with 
 left oPthe lSb men r f hP rP Z J 'P he ^ t0 in ^ would propofe the matter to the 
 
 the foim of the Avreem - ‘ doubted not, would be very well fatisfied with his Proceedings, and then he would fend tor him again, and put 
 
 of it as aboye. Melvil^p *" ut be took immediately another courfe, and fent and offered an accommodation to the llamhom, &c. who accepted 
 
 »f { our !XP" / 4-k eS a Pff tra Pl inary Charaaer- He %« he heard Henry II. of France fay, (pointing to him ) yonder. 
 
 A ■ ,TP, gre . a r C of France would never fpcak to him uncovered. Camden leys, a hundred of thc Family o 
 
 No, 43. VOL. JJ, 
 
 . _ , of thc mojl valiant Men 
 
 hundred of the Family of the Ktrkoa/diet, offered to be 
 E> d ValSUs 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 106 
 
 1 5 7 3 * 
 
 The H IS TO R T ENGLAND. 
 
 cording to Tome, haftencd his Death by Poifon. 
 Lord Hume and Sir Robert Melvil were releafed (D 
 
 Verac is ar- 
 tejled at 
 Scarborough 
 and fent to 
 London. 
 Wallingh. 
 Negotiat. 
 V- 334 - 
 
 ended the Civil Wars of Scotland , and thus Elizabeth's 
 Enemies loft all hopes of invading her from that quarter. 
 From what has been hitherto faid, it may be eafily per¬ 
 ceived, of what confequence the Tranfattions in Scotland 
 were to Elizabeth. Accordingly ftie was ever very intent 
 upon the Affairs of that Kingdom, where {he fuccefsfully ma¬ 
 naged her Intereft with the moft refined Policy. 
 
 At the time the heads of the Queen of Scots Party were 
 
 The no longer admittance into Scotland, and England being 
 Thus fafe from all attacks but by Sea, Ihe lived fume years in 
 
 great tranquillity. Befides, France was not in c.-nfftion 
 to make any confiderable attempt upon her, a.; v.-e'l ‘ r 
 want of naval Forces, as becaufe of the Civil Wars which 
 laid wafte the Kingdom. __ 
 
 Mean while, Elizabeth , being defirous alfo to fecure J. ' Ro j*., 
 herfelf from all domeftick attei pts, comi I - 
 
 {hop of Rtfs, author and promoter of all the 
 her, to depart England. He thought himfelf happy in j 
 
 of 
 
 ,tbc- tbe Mi 
 
 Elizabeth 
 fptaks 
 roundly to 
 
 Ambaffador 
 
 Wallingh. 
 
 Negotiat. 
 
 P- 335 - 
 
 about to fign their Treaty, Verac, who was fent into Scot- coming off fo eafily, and withdrawing into Frame, con- 
 land to encourage the Partv to ftand their ground, was tinued his fecrct praflices, though to little purpoJr. He <-- 
 forced by a Storm into Scarborough. The Prefident of the writ there a Hiftory of Scotland , from^thc uegin me, to 
 Northern Marches having notice of it, ordered him to be the year 1561. What he fays of the j.arl oi .m.-. v 1- 
 conveyed to London , without hearkening to the reafons he wards the end of his Hiftory, {peaking of the hr It iron 
 alled<zed acrainft it, taken from his chafer. It was bles of Scotland , and which Camden has ta,cen care to 
 known afterwards, that the moment he was feized he copy, plainly {hows, what might have been expected from 
 burnt all his Papers. The French Ambaffador made great him, had he continued it to the end of the war. 
 noife that Verac was hindered from going to Scotland. But Though Elizabeth had faid, in her anlwer to the pro- 
 he was told, the Queen had no advice of the fending of pofal concerning her Marriage with1 the D 
 this Ambaffador, and if Ihe had known it, would have that the Article of Religion was firft to be (ettleu, 
 taken care he fhould have been treated with the refpeft due nine de Media did not fail however to fi'Incite Her "P 0 ” CamOen. 
 to his charafter. That he had been condufled to London, that fubjeft. She faid, the Court of lramc would yield 
 by the oeneral order which the Prefident of the North in that point, but did not fay how far. Moreover, Inc 
 had to deal thus by all Foreigners who Ihould land in caufed the Duke of Altnjm , who was then :.l the •■'‘cge of 
 thofe parts, unlefs they were known to be Merchants. Rochelle , to fend her Letters, exprclLng h.s eager defire to 
 
 The Ambaffador was not very well pleafed with this have the Marriage fucceed. At laft, Ihe was (ollicited fo 
 anfwer ; but he had ftill lefs reafon to be fo with that he much to permit the Duke to come and fee her, that lne 
 received’ Ihortly after to his urgent requeft, for leave to confented, provided he would not take it ill 
 fpeak with the Queen of Scots in private. This requeft obliged to return without any thing done. 
 
 ' had been often repeated to no purpofe. At laft, the of Rochelle holding longer than was imagined 
 Queen, tired with his Importunities, told him plainly, {he the Duke from paying his Vifit. 
 
 was not ignorant of the practices of the King of France , This Siege, which had lafted fo long, was at length 
 and the Queen-Mother, in favour of Mary, and how they raffed on the 25th of June , alter the City had withftood Thuanu5 . 
 flood affected to England: That however, {he had al- thirty thou fand Cannon Balls, nine great Affaults, befides M«—;- 
 nviolably obferved the late Treaty (2), and would twenty leffer ones, and the effedts of iixty Mines. 
 
 1 cafe he was 
 But the Siege 
 hindered 
 
 ways 
 
 The 
 
 ftill obferve it, chafing rather the rapture fhould come Duke'of Anjou loft above twelve thoufind Men Then, ft* £ 
 from France, than from her : That in cafe of a breach, news of h.s being chofen King of Poland, and of the Po- KingoJ ^_ 
 {he did not queftion, fhe ftiould be able to defend herfelf, lijh Ambaffadors being on their way to offer him the , and . 
 being; well affured of the aiMon of her Subjefls : That Crown, afforded him a pretence to relinquish his enter- 
 fhe could hardly reftrain fome who offered to relieve Ro- prize, which perhaps would not have ended to his Ho- 
 
 c he lie at their own expence, and maintain fix months, in nour ; and the raffing the Siege brought with it Peace to r-, t grant- 
 
 Gafcogne , an Army of twenty thoufand Foot, and two the Huguenots, who were hardly ableto upportthem- ' ' 
 thou fand Horfe fclves. Charles IX. was afraid of the Duke his Brother, 
 
 Upon the Ambaffador’s demanding leave for Verac to and the Queen-Mother loved him tenderly. This bred Affair of 
 purfue his Journey to Scotland, the Queen agreed to it, between the King and the Queen his Mother, a D.iiention ^ ^ 
 
 after fome affedled delays. But whilft Ihe was putting which,’tis likely, proved fatal to the King. He thought 
 
 obftacles in his way, Ihe caufed a Letter to be fent from it long till his Brother was gone to Poland, and the Queen 
 the Earl of Morton , telling her, that Verac 1 s coming to ftill found fome frefh excufe to hinder las departure At 
 
 laft, Charles grew fo fufpicious of all thefe delays, that lie 
 could not forbear threatening the Queen his Mother, who 
 was forced at length to fuffer her beloved Son to depart, 
 and the King was pleafed to accompany him part of the 
 way. But lie could not go fo far as he had rcfolvcd, by camden. 
 reafon of a Diftemper wherewith he was feized, and of 
 which he never recovered. Elizabeth hearing the King Elizabeth 
 gone, and Charles taken ill, did not think 
 
 Scotland would be very difpleafing to him, as well as to 
 the Duke of Chateleraut , and the Earl of Huntley, with 
 whom he was in perfect friendfhip : That therefore he 
 believed, the Envoy would do well to fave himfelf the trou¬ 
 ble of the Journey. Whilft they were debating at Lon¬ 
 don about this affair, the Caftle of Edinburgh furrendered, 
 
 - n Cl _ and fo Verac s Journey became entirely needlefs. Queen 
 therine dij- Catherine de Medici , politick as Ihe was, could not help of Poland 
 
 fif b .f°” 
 
 Wallingh, 
 Negotiat. 
 p- 342 . 
 
 making a falfe ftep, in difeovering to JValfmgham , 
 
 that proper to receive the Duke of Alenjons vifit, before 11 
 the Flench Court’s defign, was to“foment t'he _ troubles of had a fuller knowledge of the affairs of the Royal Family 
 
 Scotland. Upon the Ambaffador’s warm complaints of oi France bhe writ to him therefore to defire hi to 
 
 the Intrigues of France, with refpect to Scotland, fhe pro- defer his Journey, and gave him for reafon tha the £a- 
 
 tefted, the King her Son, and herfelf knew not what he gltjb would not look with a good eye upon a 1 imee corn- 
 
 meant, and that their intention -wets only to ferjmade the ing from the Siege of Rochelle, and wearing a fword died 
 
 Scots to agree , and acknowledge ghieen Mary for their So- with the blood of their Brethren, 
 
 vereign. That’s the very thing, replied the Ambaffador, This year U alter dtvereux rinrubk w 
 
 the Queen my Miftrefs complains of, fince it is a direft to go into Ireland, to conquer the Country of 6 
 breach of the Treaty of Bids. The Queen perceiving Ihe at his own expence. But h.s enteronze vas not crowned 
 had faid too much, turned the difeourfe, and complained with fuccefs, becau 
 of Verac s being detailed in England ; to which Wolfing- Earl of Leicejler his enemy (3 J. 
 
 bam made the fame anfwer as had been given to La Mothe Queen Elizabeth 's Letter to the Duke of Alenfon not 
 at y ; being capable of dffcouraging him, he made trelh inftances Tie D, 
 
 . . “ Scotland being in peace, under the authority of the for leave to come: into > England, to which the1 Queen at J- 
 
 'lt a , youno- King, and of a Regent devoted to England, Eli- length yielding, fent him a Safe-Conducft But in the Mezerau 
 
 onquillity zabeth was freed from a great uneafinefs. The recalling mean time the Queen his Mother Jim °f a 
 
 m f c "- the Duke of Alva from the Government of the Low- defign to fupplant the King of Poland h's Brother, in 
 
 ra Countries, was a farther increafe of her happinefs. The cafe the King happen’d to die, ordere it 0, a 
 
 Commander of Requefens, who fucceeded the Duke of King fet a guard over him as well as the King 0 A avarre, 
 
 Alva finding he had full employment, refufed to meddle who was accufed of fuggefting this defign to him. How- 
 
 with* the affairs of England and Scotland, and fo Elizabeth ever this be, the Queen-Mother perceiving the^Kmg near 
 
 had nothing to fear from that fide. Her Enemies having his end, thought fit to take this precaution. 
 
 Earl of EJfex had leave 7 be Earl of 
 ~ ’ ’ T,rr -\g»ct 
 
 . . Ireland* 
 
 But his enterprize was not crowned Camden, 
 becaufe he was privately hindered by the Stow. 
 
 • 574 . 
 
 to fecure the 
 
 v.ff.11 for » the Regent, to p. ? . »«-!, Penf.n nf lh™ th.nf.ni 2* i? 
 
 sconfined. Melvil, ; 
 o Scotland. Raptn. 
 
 . ... ( fays Melvil) gentle and meek, like a Lamb ii 
 and buried them honourably, refturing his Heirs, p. 112, 123. 
 
 (1) The Lmd Heme died (hortly after in Edinburgh Caftle, where he 
 
 ; a) Probably, fhe had fome evafion to excufe the fending of her Troops into Scotland, aapw. „ , en. ma . Howard the 
 
 (Cent alier the Title had Jain dormant filty years. His Brother Henry fucceeded h-m in his honour.. - J° n ’ I'-n-faflor with 
 
 V hj'li and bred up at Padua and Cambridge\ died about .his time, ano lies buried in Gtnrtl and Cam, College to which he was a great B^netaftor, with 
 ’ • P Tomb, F U l C Al US _The Commerce between England and the JVerierWi,^ wh‘ch^had^been prohibit ed 
 
 
 notion on ms inmn, ri 1 c. za 1 u --- ne s-ou.mciec uu”w.. - .< • - • . -T, l iv, 
 
 :vved, in January, this year, and the Articles agreed upon at Brjiul concerning it, were ratified by the g ” 
 
 renewed and confirmed the Charters of the City of London, Camden, p. 446, 449. Rymcr 1 txd. lom. 5 * P' 7 >7 7 - 
 
 fince 1560, 
 This year alfo Qucea 
 
 Crown 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 2 3- ELIZABETH. 
 
 Sr w 5 ^tV h n he&rf '*° 7 
 
 ty-fifth year of his Age. The manner of his Death was privX marrtod h " Wit ’ “ ,. ^ ° l . 
 
 Lenox. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Affair, o, 
 tbe Low- 
 Countries 
 Grotius. 
 Suada. 
 
 Strype’s 
 
 *57 4 - 
 
 Thuanus. fo uncommon, that it gave occafion not onlv to the Pro- foough \e was fufoefled If h ur ' know " t0 ‘he Queen, E ffl 
 
 teftants but the Catholicks themfelves, to confider it as an to be poifoned He wa P ^? ““fed the Husband 
 
 effea of the divine Vengeance, for the horrible maffacre Gmct, w™o was fo bSd i^T '? *»*&£ 
 
 committed by his orders. The blood gufhed out of all durft tell her his thought ft h faV0 " r ’ r‘t‘ T" 
 
 thepafiages of his Body, and even fpouted through his zabeth's ereateft failings tool I , WaS “ nc of Qi“ n £l ‘~ 
 
 $Z W - J ba Queen-Mother took her meafures fifwell, who b iKwSSYt’f ^ ^ 
 
 gefcy Ca of X Kfo Z /^ wh« ‘^ f *= Hiftory to know 
 
 of‘he King of plan* who fucSededl Br h , ™h a Kteta ST” T ****> 1 ™ k = 
 
 name of Henry III. He arrived in France the ;th JSep- thfot which*e kell knowT P ‘"/Tr the reader of 
 
 timber^ but came not to Paris till about the middle of - lL,As A , 7 ■ ^ nown » ^ ^ refrefh his memory. 
 
 February the nest year. Z t T*"’ ^ Com ™ nd e.‘ °f and Cover- ,, 
 
 Marriage 0/ Nothing memorable palTed in England during the vear death thcV ow ~C° unt J tes > died this year. After his^Eow- 
 ™ JfW, (■). The only ?hing CanJn has temarke'd foTil rffo’e tt^Zds VTntT^ *7 1 ? ^ 
 
 Jrnals, is the marriage of Charles Earl of Lenox, Unde to The Council rnnflb (M Governor fhould arrive. Stwl.. 
 the K.ng of Scatlani, with Elizabeth Cavendijh the Countefs after the Stani/h Tm ? , Natlra / nd Spaniards. Shortly <Amdca. 
 of Shrewsbury's daughter. As this marriage was made un- to ^nLr^tft roops happened to mutmy, andrefolved 
 known to the Queen, file imprifoned the Mothers of the danger, applfod fo the YT , the 
 
 new-married couple. M t' 1? u i l ^ ouncd °f State, who declared the 
 
 In the Netherlands , the Confederates took Middleburgb voured'The fcditious thOU f!!/ e ' V 'if'j ° f 'Y C , ounfelIors h ~ 
 in Zealand. But on the other hand, Lewis Count of little town of Alod w-.P t ‘J ld “ d ’j pref !? tl l' aftcr > tbe 
 NaJJau, who was leading an Army to his brother the took ,, lacked, and the Council of State 
 
 Prince of Orange , loft a battle upon Maker-heath , near vent the like misfortuMwh^h^ 5 ° f ° r pre ' 
 Nsmeguen, and was himfelf (lain, with his Brother Henry For this reafon Cam T uV‘Mother Towns, 
 and Chri/topher Count Palatine (z). This fame year the Brutish ^ f? ai ?, rabant drew “gether at 
 
 T.Il.p.3,5. Spa " iJh T roops h mut ' 7 '"S’ forprized and plundered 'Ant- placfwhere the P Council'of Store hYd ftP tbe 
 
 werp, where they made an immenfe Booty. The Cover- celled fiich If rh uf u b d helr Scffions r «- 
 nour of the Low-Countries, to avoid greater Mifchiefs renance the Members as w «s fofpecled to coun- 
 
 was forced to pardon them. S kernels, enan« the Mutineers, and put m tneir room Perfons bet-' 
 
 As foon as Henry III. was arrived in France, it was re- Council of W S °f‘heir Country. This new 
 
 Affairs of folved in his Council, to wage war with the Husntennu whr. • £ a US com P°^» joined the Confederates, 
 
 vLee. though they had given no occafion and orefemfo X ’ fo y T* A™ in defenCe of thc!r L!b - til:s i a " d 
 
 SX «* «"«ed againft them. I^ean wMe, as ^Spa ^h ForS 
 
 Henry was alraid, the Queen of England would affift thofe one of thofe wh ^ Htennymo de Rada, a Spaniard, 
 
 whom he defign’d ,0 extirpate, his firft care was to renew Rebeb nn f t f l T '1 1 C ° Uncil > l,Klded tht: 
 
 with her the League of Blais, after movinv the Oueftion fo Holland with h p Sp S uJi 1 r00ps wh,ch were 
 
 her, whether the mutual Defense againft all X °"n- „ow„ very r G'™™ joined. This Body, 
 
 tioned in that League, did include the Caufe of Reliainn ? ^ a ■ 1 ron -:dcral'.!e, plundered Macjhscht and Ant- 
 
 Elizabeth anger'd? it’did, as fhTcould pto^ytl^ZL TlJwZ ^° f P-ventingkhem. 
 the late King which fhe had by her. Adding, if he were affairs of the V f / °f’Y’ " ho , was ,n feeing the 
 
 attacked on account of religion, and required her aid in Counci/of sS? ‘° D th r P ° mt ’ off “' d th<: 
 
 virtue of the Treaty, fhe fhould be always ready to mve ance of the P™ h X?? 5 ;, h j S Perfo "’ and thc afnf! - 
 it. Indeed, (lie ri no great risk in making that X ™^fo ° f H ’“°ninA Zealand, which be- 
 
 being fully perfwaded, the French King would not ufe Upon thh offer foe'‘0““ q tat r% under r , his Government. . 
 
 Engajh 7 roops againft the Huguenots. Befidcs, by the Treaty with H it S° UnC j °l S ‘ ate refo,ved ‘° enter into 
 terms of the League, file was not bound to fend him any were 'held at Ghen^^t Z “‘- ?" d ‘ Th f Con ferenies 
 Troops, fince inftead of being attacked, he was himfelf the Luxemhur. - a w ^ ere Wlt ^ an unanimous confent, 
 
 Camden. aggreflor. However, Elizabeth's anfwer to Henry might vinces of fhe* forn ?. ed the union of the Pro- 
 
 have given the Huguenots ill notions of her if fhe had not /,called the Union, orP ao }!a-“* 
 privately fupplied the Prince of Condi with money“pay Not^thftTnding fo s' fo^ ° f a " d Lib “ ies - 
 
 the Army, Prince Cafmire Count Palatine was levying for Kim tfSW? fo • hey WC -a wlllln S to own the 
 ‘hem in Switzerland and Germany. vying tor *Lmg; of Spam s authority, provided he would govern ac- 
 
 A Tumult on England was pretty quiet during the year i c 7 c There formed f L t ! nt J? nt La ,^ s ; This union being thus 
 happened only an accident on the birdere of Scotland kX fo’ xrL ? a® 5 J 3 '? d h V the Daka of Aha fo 
 July.° " ’ where Sir John Forjler [Warden of the Middle March] U) where SomeT ,<? ” J fJ n were ^ ern olifhed every 
 
 C ™ to - 3nd Carmiehel [Warden of Liddefdale in Scotland) holding Ckrgy and Nobilfiv fol f irOC,ationf ";° r 0 b X tb = 
 a Conference, each at the head of a Troop of his own na- of Sale la Ini. folemnly approved by the Council 
 ‘ion, quarrelled and fought. The were worded loft almV ft P f at By that, Philip II. 
 
 bir George Heron [Warden of Tindale 1 loft his Life and onlv rh P h 3 .^ IS aiJt ^ orit y In the Low-Countries, having 
 Forjhr being taken Prifoncr (4), was conduced to the Earl himfelf to^he Rthr b ® V . cre Jf n ? u " lefs D h e would confine 
 of Morton, who treated him very civilly, but detained him was very hr fmmh is Tho 7 h, 7 Prede “ ffors > which 
 fome time, for fear, if he were prefendy difmifled he would F „ ' r ° m hlS Thoughfs. 
 
 in his heat attempt a revenge. At toft, having rcleafed Thl than th e Low-Countries, ar- 
 
 him, he made him promife fo appear in Scotland at a fet King ■ “ f e 0 Alenfen had affembled an Army againft the r 'me/ 
 day. Elizabeth thought the Recent of Scotland's proceed fo ^r nc TL°l T' P" tbe ^^° tb = r hand > 
 
 mg very ftrange, and at firft took this aftbir very heinouflv ■ tindL T r ° ^ ’ tb , tbe Forces lcv, ed by Prince Ca "S, 
 
 but Morton found means to appeafe her, by making all the ^Altnl t 7 ‘T’ C w ttrCd Fram ‘ 3nd j oined tbe Duke of 
 fobm.llions (lie was pleafed to require. ThiPyeaf died foe ttwi ,1 “ wb ° m tba Con” had de- 
 
 Duke of Chatelcruut (;) a ms year died tbe termin d to extirpate, were in a condition to fell their lives 
 
 ■ 57 6. The Year ,„6, affords as little matter for foe Hiftory 
 
 5 ““ by Proci.m.dnn, th.t 
 
 -Sf - - - -* - 
 
 v .' l t» ,r “‘“ W S “ " f tht &rl “ f *** *- t. Forfttr, CM.,, crf% w, 
 
 (s) J am ts Hamilton Duke of Cbateleraut, and Eirl of Arm. ^ 
 
 addiuonal Ac, «oW, a,ready nfadXL'repi 
 
 i P- 4-53- 
 
 1 °S le > Henr y Fenwick, &c. Camden > 
 
 thoufa^d 
 
Vol. II 
 
 108 
 
 The H I S T 0 R T 0 / ENGLAND. 
 
 1576. thoufand men. Bat the Queen-Mother had the addrefs 
 to break all their meafures. She fent them offers of Peace, 
 and during the negotiation, found means to Cow jealoufy 
 among them, and win from them the Duke of Altnfon 
 and Prince Cafunh v. In fhort, fhe caus’d tliem to agree 
 to a Peace, which, for all its feeming advantages* proved 
 fatal to them, as it difunited their forces. The Treaty 
 was concluded the 9th of May, and enrolled fix months 
 after by the Parliament of Paris. The Huguenots had ne¬ 
 ver obtained fo advantages a Peace fince the beginning of 
 the Troubles. In October the Duke of Alenjan came to 
 Court where the Queen his Mother difengaged him en¬ 
 tirely from the fide of the Huguenots. Then it was that 
 he alfumed the Title of Duke of Anjou , borne by the 
 King his Brother before he afcended the Throne. 
 
 The Peace was no fooner figncd, than, according to the 
 Sincerity fome time fince profeiled by the Court of France, 
 they took new meafures to ruin the Huguenots. T reaties 
 and Oaths went then for nothing,- and were confidered 
 only as lawful Snares to furprife Hereticks. The Cardinal 
 of Ejie the Pope’s Legate, and Don John of Aujlria , 
 who Was going to take pofTeffion of the Goverment ot the 
 Low-Countries , came to the Court of France, and had (e- 
 veral Conferences upon this occafion with the King, the 
 Queen-Mother, and the Duke of Guife. Guife was look¬ 
 ed upon as the Head of the Catholick Party, and (or that 
 reafon, the Legate took with him meafures of which the 
 King was not fully inform’d. The moft proper means, 
 in their opinion, to attain their end, was to unite feveral 
 affociations, made in divers Provinces by the zealous Ca- 
 tholicks, and form one general affociation againft the ene¬ 
 mies of the antient Religion. This is what was called the 
 Maimoonrg. Holy Union , or limply, the League. Humieres was the 
 Hift dela fierned it in Picardy , from whence it fpread after- 
 
 L,8UC ’ wards over the Kingdom. The Pope was the chief pro¬ 
 moter of it, the King of Spain gloried in being called its 
 prote&or, and the Duke of Guife , who aimed at being de¬ 
 clared the head, fupported it to the utmoft of his power. 
 The Queen-Mother willingly came into it, not from a re¬ 
 ligious zeal, but becaufc the Huguenots had threatened to call 
 her to an account, for her adminiftration during her Regency. 
 In fine, the Kinghimfelf, feduced by ill counfelsand his own 
 fiipinenefs, was carried away with the torrent, and fuffered 
 the evil to encreafe, which was one day to prove his ruin. 
 
 When the late peace was negotiated, the Huguenot sc ar- 
 nellly follicited a general meeting of the States, imagining, 
 befides a great many Deputies of their Religion, they 
 fhould have for them the Duke of Alenfon's party, and many 
 others who were not pleafed with the Government. But 
 when the Deputies came to be eledled, the Duke of Alen- 
 fon had now changed fides. Befides, the Court, by in¬ 
 trigues and money, found means to procure a great num¬ 
 ber of Deputies to be chofen who were againft the Hugue¬ 
 nots. So, the States meeting at Blots, in (lead of moving 
 any thing in favour of the Reformed Religion, were going 
 to demand of the King the confirmation of the League, 
 and requeft him to appoint the Duke of Guife for head. 
 But the King, who was now grown extremely jealous of 
 the Duke ot Guife, refolved to prevent it. To that end, 
 he declared himfelf head of the League, and figning it 
 firft with his own hand, caufed the Great Men of his 
 Court to fubferibe it, and fent it into the Provinces that 
 every one might do the fame. Shortly after, the States 
 having fent to pray him, that he would not allow any Re¬ 
 ligion in the Kingdom but the Catholick, he anfwered, it 
 was his intention; and if he was under a neceffity of pro- 
 mifing the contrary, even with an oath, he would keep 
 his word only till he had forces fufficient to enable him to 
 break it. Thus the Huguenots were forced to defend 
 themfelves to the laft drop of their blood, without the leaft 
 hopes of feeing an end to their calamities by a Treaty, 
 fince the King himfelf declared he would never make any 
 with them, but only to deceive them (1). 
 
 Don 'John of Aujlria came into the Low-Countries the 
 if beginning of the year 1577, full of vaft projects. He was a 
 the Low- Prince of a great genius, and of an ambition futable to his 
 GrotiuT*" birth. The condition of a Subjedt was a burden of which 
 Strada. ’ he would have been glad to be eafed. All his views tend- 
 
 camden. ec j t0 Sovereignty. His firft projedt was to make himfelf 
 
 p. 458. 
 
 King of Tunis: That failing, he thought of marrying the 15/7. 
 Queen of Scots, and becoming Sovereign of all Great-Bri¬ 
 tain. Camden affirms, he had this from the mouth of An¬ 
 tonio Perez , who told him moreover, that the projedt was 
 imparted to Pope Gregory XIII, who approved it, but was 
 concealed from King Philip. This was probably the fub- 
 jedt of Don Johns conferences at Paris with the Duke of 
 
 So, Don John when he arrived in the Low-Coun- 
 
 tries had two grand defigns in his head : Firft, to fubdue 
 the Motherlands entirely : Secondly, to become mafter of 
 England and Scotland. Elizabeth was not ignorant of the 
 firft, but the fecond was ftill a fccret to her. 
 
 The Pacification of Ghent was communicated to the Grotiw. 
 Spanif) Court,- and Philip giving way to the times, Strada. 
 thought proper to confirm it by an edidt. So, when Don 
 John of Aujlria came to thei Netherlands, fie was forced 
 to fign it belore he was owned for Governor. This was Felj t 
 followed by an Affembly held at Marche cn Famine, where 
 it was refolved to publiih a perpetual Edit! ( as they called 
 it) for driving the Spanijh Troops out of the Low-Coun¬ 
 tries, purfuant to the Pacification of Ghent. Philip ap¬ 
 proving alfo this edict, the Spaniards were fent into Italy, 
 all the places remaining in the hands of the States. Hi¬ 
 therto Don John had been forced to diflemble : But fome 
 time after, he took off the mask and furprized the Caftle 
 of Namur. At the fame time he follicited the German 
 Troops, who were waiting in that Country for their ar¬ 
 rears, to furrender the places where they were in garrifon. 
 
 But he was prevented by the States, who found means to 
 gain thofe Troops before him. The States imputed this 
 rupture to Don John’s ambition, and carried their com¬ 
 plaints to the King, to whom Don John alfo writ, that 
 the cabals of the Prince of Orange had conftrained him to 
 provide for his own fafety. Be this as it will, the States of 
 Brabant called the Prince of Orange to their relief, and 
 gave him the fuperintendency of their Country, by confer¬ 
 ring on him the title of Ruart (2). This proceeding railed ^ £ . 
 the jealoufy of the Duke of Arfcot , and fome other Bra- Uu *' ' ° J ' 
 bant Lords, who, to ruin the Prince of Orange’s credit, 
 propofed to the united Provinces, the elediing a Governor- 
 General, under colour they fhould all have the fame head. 
 
 The Prince of Orange perceived he was aimed at, but not 
 to give occafion to a fatal divifion of the forces of the 
 confederates, oppofed not the election. The choice fell Man y a9 
 upon the Archduke Matthias , Brother of the Emperor ckofnGo- 
 Rodolphus II, and the Prince of Orange was declared his 
 Lieutenant. In the Archduke’s Patent however were in- trie *’ un ~ 
 ferted certain conditions, which, giving him the title and 
 honour of Governor, left the whole authority to the 
 States. 'I'his done, Matthias Healing away, as it was pre¬ 
 tended, from his Brother the Emperor’s Court, came into 
 the Low-Countries , where he was put in pofTeffion of his 
 poft. Then the States proclaimed war with Don John, Sta ^f 
 who had taken care to be prepared, by fending for Troops witTrsaT 
 from Italy , which were now on their way. John. 
 
 Then, and not before, Elizabeth perceived fhe muft c f 
 
 have an eye to what palled in the Netherlands, becaufe, at Elizabet < k. f * 
 the fame time, the Prince of Orange informed her of Don Don John’* 
 John’s defign to marry the Queen of Scots, and the States 
 fent AmbafTadors (3) to defire her affiftance. So, finding 
 the defigns of the Governor of the Low-Countries reached Camden, 
 farther than fhe imagined, flic immediately lent the States 
 a hundred thoufand Pounds Sterling, which they defired 
 of her (4). Camden fpeaks here of a Treaty whereby the 
 Queen ingaged to affift the States with a thoufand Horfe f r f le , ‘ Mt , 
 well-mounted, [and five thoufand Foot,] on condition the nty. 
 General, or Commander [ being an Englijhman ] fhould p a ® d g en * 
 be admitted into the Council of State, and nothing deter- 1 2 3 
 mined without his confent. But Grotius does not men¬ 
 tion this Treaty in his Annals of the Low-Countries. He 
 fays only, from that time Elizabeth concerned herfelf fo 
 far with the affairs of the united Provinces, that fhe did 
 not fuffer the States to come to any important refolution 
 without giving her notice (5). Indeed, it was very much j> berin- 
 her intereft to order it fo, that the war now beginning in terefi to aid 
 the Low-Countries, fhould be continued in fuch a manner, 
 as to difable Don John of Aujlria to execute his projects 
 upon England. Thefe projects were not the inventions of 
 the Prince of Orange , to ingage Elizabeth in the defenfe of 
 
 (1) This year, on Jane it, died Sir Anthony Cook of Gyddy Hall in Effix, one of the Tutors to King Edward VI. One of his Daughters married 
 
 William l.ord Burgbtey, and another Sir Nicolai Bacon Lord Keeper. Stryfc't jinn. Tom- a. p- 467-'---This year, on June 15, Martin Frohjhcr 
 
 failed from England, with two f'mali Barks and one Pinnace, with deGgn to go upon the difcoveiy of a paflage to Cat bay and China by the North parts of 
 jdrrtrica On“the 20th of July, he difeovered a high land, which he called Siuttn Elizabeth' 1 For,land, and afterwards, thofe Streights which bear hu 
 name. He proceeded ftxty Leagues further, and went on (here, where he caught one of the Natives, whom he brought to England, when he returned 
 thither in Augujl. He made a fecond V- yage to the fame place the nextyear ; and a third in 156S. Stow, p. 680, 681, 685. 
 
 (2) Ao Office anfwering to that of Dictator among the Romani. Strada, 1 . 9. 
 
 (2} The Marquils of Haurec, and Adoipb Mttkirk. Camden, p. 466. 
 
 For eight months. She told the Ambifladors, that if they could borrow that fum of Money any where, Ihe, end the City of Lcr.dn, \ 
 
 fcetirity for it; on condition, that certain Towns in the Nctbcrlandi, which (he Ihould name, would become bound t . ‘ ** . 
 
 She had fent them 20,000/. laft year, and exhorted them at the fame time, not to change their Religion nor their I - 
 into the Nctbcrlandi. Camden, p. 456, 45S. . _ . . 
 
 (?) Queen Elizabeth concluded, on Jarjiary 7, this year, a League offenfive and defenfive with the States, which u etlett contained n 
 See Rymcr'i Feed, Tom 15. p. 784. 
 
 mid become 
 ripay the Money within a year- 
 ice, and not to receive the Fre ub 
 
 e than thiis. 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 23. ELIZABETH. 
 
 Her Letter 
 Philip II. 
 Oroliur. 
 Camden. 
 
 p. 682, & 
 
 f the affu, 
 
 the Netherlands. Famianus Strada pofitively mentions them 
 in his Hiftory. He even fays, Gregory XIII. Tent a Nun- 
 tio to Don John with the fum of fifty thoufand Crowns, 
 to be employed in the expedition projected againft England, 
 but that he was forced to ufe it in his war with the States. 
 
 ’ Mean while, at the very time Elizabeth lent money to 
 Philip IJ’s enemies, fhe writ to him (1), that (he by no 
 means intended to break the ancient Alliance between Eng- 
 land and the Houfe of Burgundy: That, on the contrary, 
 file fupplied the confederates with money, only to fecure 
 thefe Provinces to him, and hinder them from defperately 
 throwing themfelves into the arms of France. It is like¬ 
 ly, Philip was not very well pleafed with thefe reafons, 
 but feigned to be fo, not to induce Elizabeth to do 
 more. 
 
 At this time the affairs of France were in a fad con- 
 
 1 dition. The Tranfaflions of the States at Blois, could 
 not but raife a Civil War in the Kingdom. The Hugue¬ 
 nots finding, a refolution was taken to extirpate them, 
 made a Counter-League, whereof the King of Navarre 
 
 WH c rlprll rr-A . I J . 1 . _ n c 1 ' . 
 
 109 
 
 * , 1 ™' league, wnereot the King of Navarre what pafTed foon after in the fame City verv r 
 was declared General, and the Prince of Conde appointed creafed the fufpicion and diftruft of the Catholicks 
 for his Lieutenant. The former Edift of Pacification he- who bad heen hnr,;fh»,i -.. _r r» i- ■ 
 
 ttppuniLCU 
 
 for his Lieutenant. The former Edift of Pacification be¬ 
 ing revoked, as had been refolved by the States, Hoftilities 
 were renewed on both fides, but with great difadvantage 
 to the Huguenots , who were very weak. However, as 
 the war gave the Duke of Guije too much credit, of whofe 
 power the King was extremely jealous, Henry thought it 
 his intereft to grant a Peace to the Huguenots. From 
 thenceforward he plunged himfelf into pleafures, and lived 
 
 at IO pvnpnLrpn .I —. 1 c r ' . 1 .1 1 I .1 
 
 were now returned to the /, siv-Countries , and moreover, i 
 Alexander Farnefe, Son of Ottavio, had brought Don John 
 a confiderable Body of Italians. With thefe Forces, Don 
 John gained, at Gemblours , a fignal Vi&ory over the Army 
 of the States, which was followed with the takino- of fe- 
 veral Places. Some time after, Philip U. offered°a Peace 
 to the States, but, as it was upon terms very different 
 from the Pacification of Ghent, and as he did not talk of 
 recalling Don John of Aujlrta , his offer was rejedled. 
 
 1 he affairs of the States were however in an ill fitua- Df.-.a-.r- 
 ti°n The jealoufies among the great Men, and the di- ; ' L - 
 verfity of Religions, bred very dangerous troubles in c r oi : „" 
 the rifing Commonwealth. The Duke o f Anjou, and mho..'" 
 Prince Cafmire , equally offered their affiftance to the 
 States, who knew not which way to turn. But at tins 
 X5J7 ^ me a Portunate and unexpected accident happened. 
 
 1 he City of Amjierdam, which hitherto had been for the 
 King, refolved to join the Confederates, and by that con- 
 fiderably^Lengthened their Party. On the other hand, 
 what palled,foon after in the fame City, very much in- 
 
 T hey 
 
 ol his fubjects. The Prince of Lorrain knew how to im¬ 
 prove the advantages which the King’s Condudl procured 
 him, as will hereafter appear (2). 
 
 Whillt Elizabeth affdted the Confederates of the Ltnu- 
 - - Countries, under colour of hindering them from fubmit- 
 
 Jjwi'upon tin & t° France, Philip returned this favour, by endeavour- 
 ini.rid. ing to raife a Rebellion in Ireland. This projedt was 
 
 Camde ”- formed fom e time before, on account of Pope Gregory XIII, 
 who wanted to procure for his Son Jacomo Boncompagno 
 the Crown of that Kingdom. Thomas Stukely, an Engli/h 
 fugitive, was the firft author of it, and Philip II. under¬ 
 took to fupply whatever was neceflary to accomplifli it. 
 In the year 1570, Stukely went to PiusV, and perfuaded 
 him, it would be very eafy to burn the Engli/lo Fleet 
 
 1578. 
 The Ige 
 
 Wal'np. 
 
 Ncgotiat. 
 
 of the offai 
 of Flanders. 
 Camden. 
 Crotius. 
 huada. 
 
 1 .. UIC V^ctUK 
 
 who had been banifhed on account of Religion, bein'* re¬ 
 called, found means to expel the Magnates, and pin the 
 Government of the City into the hands of the Reformed. 
 
 I he fame thing was done at Hacrlem, Utrecht, and other 
 places j and this gave the Catholicks reafon to fufpedl, 
 that, under colour of maintaining the caufe of Liberty, 
 there was a defign to abolifli the ancient Religion con- 
 waiu lie plunged himleit into plealures, and lived trary to the Pacification of Ghent And „ 
 
 3 r e ^P en ^ vea ratc » that he forfeited the love and efteein vent the execution of this proiedf the Catholirkc nr AnioutV^ 
 of his fubjects. The Prince of Lorrain knew how to im- to give the Government' 
 
 Ar,,ou a Prince attached to his Religion, and over 
 they hoped the Prince of Orange would not have the fame 
 influence, as over Matthias. The Prince of Orange not 
 thinking proper to oppofe this motion, for fear of confirm¬ 
 ing the fufpicions of the Catholicks, the Duke of Anjou 
 was declared by the States, Protestor of the Bebick Li¬ 
 berties. 6 
 
 Mean while, the Reformed fearing, the Duke of Anjou’s tbeDi^Jh * 
 arrival would produce fome change prejudicial to their Re- oni 
 hgion, prefented a petit.on to the States, defiring to be 
 admitted to the exercife of the publick Offices, as well as 
 the Catholicks. T his rcaueft was o-nnfpd r • 
 
 ““JV 1 ; vuu,u °. e ve T ea| y to burn the Engli/h Fleet, the Catholicks fhould enjoy the fame PrivilegeU/A //'°5 
 ', d then conquer Ireland-, and to that purpofe he defired and Zealand j but thefe two Provinces with n r d‘ 
 ie command of fome Ships, and three thoufand Italians, oppofing this refolution, found means however toe 
 I his project, which could not then be executed, was refumed condition annexed. Thence arofe <r re at divifi ' C the 
 under the Pontificate ofGr W XUI, who was allured the Confederates. The CathoScks would^ 
 jl 'V 1 lc Lhopes of procuring the Crown of Ireland for his the Provinces where they were mafters fince Holla 
 Ballard Son. As Stukely knew, that, befides the Navy- Zealand did not perform what S'S" 
 
 °J a ? Elizabeth could, upon occafion, equip a good num- formed would feize by force, what was Granted th C 
 ber r f .°w e £? hipS ’ he P rc P° fed the lighting of as many the States. 7 ’ Wb * WaS granted thcm b X 
 
 ngij efjels as poffible, by the Flemings, French, Spa- Whilft thefe differences fenfiblv leflened TT • P . 
 
 niar s, talians, and the fending them fome long Voyage, the Confederate Provinces, it happened rbar th T U' itcrtJttbt 
 Alter that, he was to attack the Royal-Navy, which was tants of Ghent expelled the CityLll t’he^ w Dh "^"‘ 
 
 then very weak, and try to burn the Ships in the fcveral and without obeying the Archduke and Pr Wfi'*’ 
 
 Harbours where they lay. Which done, he intended to who commanded* them to recall them or ™ L T’ 
 make a default m Ireland, where he did not quellion the defence, in cafe they Ihould be conme’lled if? v' '^‘ r 
 nat.ve Infi would join him ; and after the expullion of the other hand, the ^lopkj flltT rT 
 
 e k was to caufe the Pope’s Son to be proclaim- to fuffer the Reformed in their Territories id re u e 
 
 edRmg It ,s not very likely, Philip II. depended upon tended, that the Gantoie ought to bTL Zd 
 the fuccefs of this enterpnze ; but he hoped, no doubt, to duty by force. But the Prince of Oranre ft tl Tl 
 caufe ad,vernon, which (hould hinder Elizabeth from af- all Gent methods, by rS of the J ° PP c 
 
 lifting the Rebels of the Law-Cm,riee, or at lead, con- turning the arms of the^ Confederales Tgaiif f f! ° f 
 
 since her, fhe ought to pay him more regard. However at a time when Don John of Auflria wj nr™ th - CmP<: V 
 this be, 'he Pope, having conferred on Stukely feveral ho- his utmoft to deftroy them 1 Ami indeed R ^ 
 
 ““taken from the Kingdom of Ireland, attempted force* L Army of the Sts e * h''?’ ^ 
 
 as ,f he had been in polTeffion, gave him feme Ships, and ftrongfy intrenched, b„t TjbrlaW » "S W “ S 
 
 eight hundred Soldiers, paid by the King of Spain, tempt failing contriiy to his exSti™ t d r t 
 
 S ukel, fitletI from CM,a Veeebia, and fafely arrived at offers of Peace, to 111 ^e state Tib ^ 
 
 Ldlon, with intent to purfue his Voyage and Undertaking, confiderable btdy of Troops whiS we t c w 1 
 
 But DanSebaJlean King of Portugal, being then going info For the fame Lfon, tte Stees tedd? d W 
 A f r ““, t0 n “ ke war upon the Moors, perfuaded him to Treaty to gain time becaufe thtv ettXd P f ? 
 accompany him in ins Expedition, and obtained Philip’s mire with an Army, and the Duke of C °^~ 
 
 leave. Shortly after, they both petifhed in the battle of .on the borders ofGZ wkh eirt t fboT 7 
 Aleazar, and Pbthp rellnquifhed the projeft of conquering Don John's Succours coming firft hArok^off t^ 
 
 Ireland, lot thzt of fecuring the Crown of Portugal, afte? tiation, and renewedT^^Hoffitoies S 
 Wrt.f.WfWdffi,,, whofucceeded Don thirty thoufand Foot, and fatten .houfandGorfe! Prince 
 
 Tiie war commencing in the Netherlands, feveral Com- Sta^was^fmy ^hoIfLd'firong whilft ‘the ST °f A° 
 panies of Volunteers were formed in England, who went jm took, in HayZS thl littfe’ Town ! » t ° f /c' 
 
 Troops, disbanded at the arrival of Don John of Ijlrta, ful in the Netherlands, though, ignTnTof 
 
 j ') ,^.-j Jhamat Wilks, whom fhe difpatchcd to him. Cnmden. t>. 466. 
 
 , -I-t d : e i lh | f- Iea ™ ed Slr - n " :J ‘ S ' c,c ' 3, y of 5>ta ' e - Camden, p. 46c. 
 
 c ;g m cLiz c z:?^ 
 
 No. 49. Vol.IL 
 
 E e 
 
 his 
 
I 10 
 
 *578. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAN’ 
 
 menectuai. oomc - 1 =■ \ 
 
 not duly paid, fuddcnly quitted the Army, and took Me- 
 Shortly after, Colonel Mantign, followed the.r ex¬ 
 ample with ills whole Regiment, and headed all the De¬ 
 fer ters. After that, he joined the 1 r< | .■' , and 
 
 made Inroads into the Province of Flandin 1 hen the 
 G,minis feeing their neighbours fo power!,,1, and able to 
 . the n law, < died Prince Cafim > to then relief, and 
 proniifed to pa, his Troops. The Prince accepted their 
 ilf-;, and coming to G th Duke ol i, u refuted to 
 
 
 Jon John 
 /' Aurtvia 
 
 El.A-.bcth. 
 
 ,11 GillC WHO tu ..7 
 
 between the Fleming's, and the Inhabitants of Haynault 
 and Arms, in which he fuccceded to his with. 
 
 Whilft the Duke oi Anjou was in the Low-Louhtius, 
 he rent into England a Gentleman called BucqurvM', to 
 renew the 'l'reaty ol his Marriage with the Queen. 1 he 
 
 _ T“* 1 1* . U i ■ kor I? s, till,ntr I //ft iinnn the 
 
 Affair 1 0/ 
 
 ,'n mden. 
 l’huanus. 
 
 his defigns, fhe found other pretences to juftify her affift- fmi 
 
 111 The divifions betwixt Ghent and the Provinces of Artois in the end raife troubles m the kingdom. I he Regent 
 and Hayn^lt rendered the great Armament of the States took this adv.ee m " 
 
 ineffectual. Some of t her Troops complaining they were JU* Sen or M?‘. , 
 
 Brother of the late Earl of Mar, and lour Preceptors, of !'• 11 ' 
 whom George Buchanan was one. 1 he Earl ol Morten 
 having imprudently difobligcd th.elemen, they found means 
 to fet the young King again ft him. I his was not very 
 difficult, confidering the King’s age, the continual needs 
 they had to him, and the fiequmt occafiur.s the Regent 
 gave them to take notice of his ill-management. hen 
 . ■ ■■ .. , ; , t u„ nuke of rir.vm relulcU to they had prepared the King almolt to their wilh, they lent 
 
 ■; 1 J ." , 1 C 1 , : ml,, - i : SS ‘unlefiPrincel would fo/the Esrk of Ar B k J .who U 
 
 > ll A : , .1 he could not prf vail, he taken meafures to ej e ute the t : . 1 T ‘ 
 
 | -'d . . . .. - SeS^r“hgfu:: 
 
 f-j ■■■ 
 
 a r#i»^“hi msske 
 
 intu£i(c/W( ), P , Money to mile and authority what the king had done, and appointee a Coun- 
 
 Mtab, who had fupphed him w.tn ivroncy to c|| ( f wc|ve Lords> amon „ wh ,„n was the Karl ot Martrn. 
 
 maintain his Army trou . Bol in ftead of taking his Place in the Council, he termed 
 
 Dsn M» had n<>t time P bt . q u ltc weary of the Com,, ml ret,ltd to . o an 
 
 oml Atf Th^S-b2..«4i»c'«»i»ft Houfe, where lie feemed whoi.. enndosed m cultivating 
 
 -r r.- ' Syoung King havms taken the G .- ; , 
 
 F ' " h m ay J "mm.*to* - to f f" ■ " 
 
 f" 1 "’ ‘ . , Fnrnffb Prince of Parma, took upon him the Grandfather, and the renew.,1 ... t.w A.-unce between 
 [ ;r Xa>l t\ ofT Army till farther orders from the Court England and Scotland. It w.,s not the way o ( Elizabeth 
 Command ofthe A y, cheri fl, thc dulention and her Council, to be governed by motives ol Genero- 
 
 ol Sfmn. ' H,s principal car ^ nf Ha „ a „ lt f bu: , aI her to ufe Attihce, in order to reap Irom every 
 
 occurrence, all the benefit poffible. Nothing could be 
 more juft than the King of Scotland *s demand. I he 
 Countefs of Lenox his Grandmother, who lately died in 
 
 SSI.53 ■' ' ■ ^ 
 
 account, being veiy uefirous to be ie- which *fuffc,cd the Earl her Husband, to fupport the honour ol being 
 
 swara ' ii :.'.s 
 
 inview Thc^centKew^hefeE y1 -■ Grand,ton? And yet the Council of £t S - 
 
 '' « food 6 King Jy 
 
 ih-f'r." ' v 
 
 £e ?* Tn rrhc^rs 
 
 wholly intent upon procuring the Grown o " ' [ between the two Crowns, (he appointed Commiffi- 
 
 a word, the fituation ot the aflairs ut the A Aim, , p r- % that affjir wit h thc gmijb Ambaliadors. . 
 
 mitted not Dan John ol Au]h la to execute is .. . Commiffioners required the Ambaliadors ro make 
 
 lefts. Thus, in all appearance, the Queen upon thisoc a- ^“XSeT the gratitude due from the 
 
 lion acted folelv out of Policy. But core re a Kino their mailer to the Queen, for placing and fupport- 
 
 even. of this Negotiation it w.U he «cefcy » g- - ^ the’expeLe ofher Tmafure, 
 
 general knowledge ot what paired in 4.e,W g ^ of her fub j c a s . The Ambaffadors replied, 
 
 ’"Thikat, of fill, governed that Kingdom as Re- t^^on.y 
 
 gent, but in fuch a manner, that he daily crea the Proteftant Religion in), received in Scotland lince the 
 
 Self frefh Enemies. If ,1 /,/«l * to be undue he w s h= ^o.el ant defir!ng to make this AHiance 
 
 proud and covetous. He lought pietences agamll the t 1 , confldcred as very advantagious to the King of 
 
 fo rob them of their Etotes, and ..i fuffer about him “ “"““td, that in ' ,rn ,r tl favors the King 
 
 “ s « ■ i £ . 
 
 wLS n ,Th« « length’the n Regenfs ill-conducft would J,e *»lld ^pramife not to make^.any Allianz 
 
 Eaflend’s confent. But the Ambaffadors abfolutely rq'e u 
 
 ; Wifis s=s :££ f* i s; s: ;,s ss 
 
 »-“■* GsWi.r-Ru.-.: 
 
 C'unt Sw. 
 :n Ehxal/ctb, 
 
 jisxnberg from thc Emperor, 
 i: L i ■ 
 
 (i) About this tin 
 tVatfmgham from Qoi 
 
 P tz) He was in England from January ■ 
 
 (ol Egrmond Rauliffi, Son to Uf”y&\ 
 
 D on Jzbn, was at ruled by the Erg ]» Fu^i 
 his accomplice. Thc Spj*hrd> give out, l 
 w ho were prefent, deny he made any fuch 
 
 (+1 7 f ,WUS!h l ‘/) W,S / ) i |i'chmntefs'of i g'V Niece to Hairy VIII. by his cldc ft Sifter, Wid .w 
 l ^Kingo fCr J Rmata, having lurvivcd eight Chtld.cn, died tins year. .... March to, 
 £ ft at ely Funeral at the Queen's charge, Camden, p.^i. Sandffrd, p. J* 5 , 5 ^- 
 (GJ Againft the Pope and his Confederates. Carr.Jat, p. 47 “* 
 
 4 
 
 ntrondr Btllicvr, f,om the King of France, and the Lmd C-bbam, and Sir Fra,in Mel 
 ^find out Lie way ,o, making a Peace j lot -thing could he agreed on. Camiin, * 
 
 to Ftbruary 14. Srnu, p. 681- 
 of Suffix by hr, lecond Wife, who had been a violent M 
 ves, tli.it he was fccretly fent to ali'aftinate Do: ff K upon 
 at at his death he COntolled he was let 
 jnfcftion. Cair.Jrn, p. 460, 461. tiny 
 
 1 the northern Rebellion, and 
 t ken up and put tt 
 
 .hich he 
 
 Tom. II. p- 49 b 
 
 f Matthew St,-. 
 n her grand Cl; 
 
 t this 1 
 
 art Earl of Lent 
 lailerick, and w. 
 
 now ferved under 
 death, with Grty 
 But the En.itjh, 
 
 , and Grandmothei 
 
 , buried at H'-j 
 
 Men 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 in 
 
 23. ELIZABETH. 
 
 1578. Men, it was opened to him, and he entered without op- 
 pofition. Then, he went direddiy to the King’s Palace, 
 of whofe perfon he became matter, and expelling his Ene¬ 
 mies, refumed the Poll he had been obliged to rclinquifh. 
 The Earl of Athol , who had been made Chancellor, died 
 fhortly after, not without fiifpicion of being poifoned. We 
 mull now return to the affairs of England (1). 
 
 Prince Cafimire left not the Court of England till about 
 ’Tie sji/rv/i is the middle of February. He had been honoured and ca- 
 extnmely relied in an extraordinary manner, the Queen having 
 Pnit/e Ca- ^hewn, it would be grateful to her to render his Hay in 
 fimire. England as agreeable as poflible. Before his departure fhe 
 Camden. conferred on him the Order of St. George, and put on the 
 FtT's. Garter herfelf about his leg (2). It was not without rea- 
 fon that fhe ufed him thus civilly. He had Hill a confide- 
 rable body of Troops ready to aflift the Protellants, and 
 it was no fmall advantage to her, that Ihe could rely on 
 him, by fupplying him with Money. In the prefent fitu- 
 ation of her affairs, nothing deferved her care more, than 
 to hinder the ruin of the Protellants in France and the 
 Netherlands, fince on their prefervation depended her fafe- 
 ty. Cafimire was her Inftrument to continue, in the 
 Lviv-Countries, troubles which made her deep in peace. 
 When he arrived in the Netherlands, he found his Horfe 
 had accepted the Duke of Parma's Pafs-port, for their fafe 
 return into Germany , becaufe wanting their pay, they 
 would neither ferve any longer, nor Hay in the Country. 
 Simie tie At the fame time, the Queen was employed in an affair 
 French En- which required her whole attention : I mean, the nego- 
 mu'es^be Nation of her Marriage with the Duke of Anjou. Befides 
 Duke of Rambouillet and Bacqueville , who had been in England 
 An ou’j oj- f ome time upon that account, the King of France had alfo 
 Camden. ^ enc & U!lt * G)> a Man of parts, and very fit for the pur- 
 Thuanus. pofe. Elizabeth had a large fhare of wit and lenfe, and 
 was perfectly acquainted with her own Interefts; but was 
 not free from all thePafiions of her Sex. Simie foon dis¬ 
 covering her temper, did not lofe his time in folliciting 
 the Duke of Anjou’s fuit, by reafons of State and Policy : 
 She knew more of that matter than himfelf. But he fo 
 well knew the moll proper way to win her heart, that 
 he gained her car more than the Duke of Anjou would 
 have done himfelf. All were furprized at the great change 
 they faw in her, and at the progrefs the Duke of Anjou 
 Camden. had made by the help of Simie. Nay, ’twas believed he 
 had ufed Love-Potions, and other unlawful arts, fuch was 
 his addrefs to render himfelf agreeable, if, after all, he 
 was not himfelf deceived by the Queen. Above all things, 
 he took great care to ruin the Earl of Lciccjler, not hav¬ 
 ing the fame reafons as the Englifh Courtiers, to manage 
 that Favourite. It was he who revealed to the Queen 
 Lcicejler’ s clandefline Marriage with the Earl of Ejfcx's 
 Widow, and this difeovery put her into fuch a patiion, 
 that Ihe was going to fend him to the Tower (4). Lei- 
 ^grea^Encmy ce .ft cr was vexe< ^ t0 * ce himfelf thus braved by a Foreigner. 
 to Simie. ' G is even faid, he bribed one of the Guards to aflafiinate 
 him. It is at lead certain, the Queen fearing the French 
 Envoys might receive fome affront, took them under her 
 elpecial protedlion, and commanded by Proclamation, that 
 no Man Ihould offer them any Injury. It happened fhort- 
 A Pi ft A ly after, that as the Queen was in her Barge on the 
 
 frid' into the Thames, '[near Greenwich ,] with the three French En- 
 Barge ‘ VOys ( 5 ), a Piftol was difeharged out of a Boat, and one 
 July 17- her Bargemen wounded. The Man that fired the 
 Stow^"' was ta ken immediately, and threatned with the 
 
 rack; but he cleared himfelf fo ingenuoufly, that the 
 ‘ Queen was perfuaded of his innocence. She took occa- 
 fion from her pardoning this Man, to difplay the aftedli- 
 on fhe had for her Subjects, faying. She could believe no¬ 
 thing of her People, which a Parent could not believe of 
 his own Children. 
 
 Tbt Dukt of Shortly after, the Duke of Anjou came incognito into 
 Anjou ■vifts England, with only two Servants. He went to Court, 
 w ! thout being known, and after fome private difeourfe 
 Camden. with the Queen, returned into France. Two months af- 
 Strype's An. ter, the Queen ordered fome of her mofl trufty Privy- 
 ' IIf Counsellors (6), to examine together the advantages and 
 mifehiefs which might arife from her Marriage with the 
 Duke of Anjou, and report them to her (7). 
 
 WHilfl Elizabeth was intent upon gaining the King of 1579. 
 France’s frieiulfhip, the Duke of Guije was framing a plot Efme.smart 
 capable of creating her one day much trouble. As Eng- 
 land could be conveniently invaded only from Scotland, Eibabcth a: 
 Guife, who had not relinquished the project formed by the 
 late Duke his Father, and the Cardinal his Uncle, was de- M ^' 1 - 
 vifmg means to accomplifh it, by fetting Elizabeth and the Camden* 
 King of Scotland at variance. He made ufe for that pur- 
 pofe, of Efme Stewart, Baron d’A:tbigny, who came to 
 Scotland under colour of paying his refpetfts to the King as 
 his near relation. He was bon of John Stewart, younger 
 Brother of Matthew Earl of Lenox, the young King’s 
 Grandfather. This Lord, who was fettled in Frame, 
 where his Family held the Baionv of Aubigny [in Berry, ] 
 being come to the King, fo artfully infinuated himfelf in¬ 
 to his good graces, that in a little time he became his 
 favourite. There was alfo about the fame timeanother St-wart «f 
 young Man, fprung from a branch of the Stewart Family, 
 diftinguifhed by the name of Oghiltry , who was very much KsV&«. 
 beloved by the King. Thcfe two Favorites joined toge- 
 ther to ruin the Eail of Morton , as well for the fake 0 f Mclvil - 
 their own Intereft, as becaufe it was neceilary, in order to P ' 
 execute the Duke of Guife s deligns, to be rid of a Lord, 
 who was too much attached to the Intereft of England. 
 
 T. o compafs their ends, they perfuaded the King to take ^- c tiooFa- 
 a progrefs into fome of his Counties, well knowing the 
 Regent had bufinefs which would not fuffer him to attend 'rLftL*' 
 him. The Earl of Morton not miftrufting theft- young E rl °f 
 Men, who feemed only to mind trifles, oppofed not the 
 King’s defign. During the progrefs, the two Favorites 
 inftilled into the King an utter averfion to the Regent, 
 and an exceffive defire to be freed from him. We ftiall 
 fee prefently the effects of this averfion ; but it will he 
 proper firll to mention what had palled in the Nether¬ 
 lands (8). 
 
 The Army of the States being much weakened by the A F airt e f 
 retreat of the German 'Troops, the Prince of Parma be- 
 fieged Alacf richt, whilft Plenipotentiaries on both Tides 
 were treating a Peace at Cologne. But this Negotiation Strida - 
 ferved only to divide the Confederates the more. From Thuanus * 
 that time feveral Lords forfook them. Montigny came to 
 the Prince of Parma's Army with the Forces under his 
 Command. Artois and Haynault made a feparate Treaty 
 and fome other Provinces returned to the obedience of 
 the King of Spain. The Prince of Orange feeing this de¬ 
 fection, ufed his endeavours to unite ftill more ftnClly the 
 Provinces which perfifted in the refolution to throw oft' 
 
 Philip's yoke. He fucceeded at length, and caufed the Union of 
 famous Union of Utrecht to be iigned, between Holland L ’ ,ucht * 
 Zealand, Frifeland, and Utrecht, the Articles whereof are 
 to be feen in the Hiftories of thole Countries. Ghent and Du Maurier, 
 Tprcs afterwards came into the Union, and the Prince of 
 Orange was made Governor of Flanders. Mean while, 
 the Prince of Parma took Maefricht, after which he dif- 
 banded moft of the Spanijh and Italian Troops, according 
 to his promife. This lincerity procured him Mechlin, 
 
 Life, and Valenciennes. 
 
 The City of London incrcafing exccffively, to the de- 1580, 
 tiiment of the reft of the Towns, the Queen thought it A l,,b,h- 
 neceilary to remedy this inconveniency. She pubhfhed u j 
 therefore in the beginning of the year 1 580, a Proclama- ,br 
 
 tion, prohibiting any new buildings within three Mdes of l.und/n. 
 the gates of the City, upon pain of Imprifonment, and C - U!ldcn * 
 forfeiture of the materials (9). It were to be wilhed for 
 England, that this prohibition had been punctually execu¬ 
 ted even to this day, fince the City is fo enlarged, that it 
 is grown a monftrous head, to a body of a moderate fize 
 to which it bears no proportion. 
 
 But there was a ftill more preffing evil, which it was no Englifh &• 
 lefs neceilary to remedy. I mean the hindering of the mnJrUi at 
 Englijh Seminaries in foreign Countries from fending Prieffs 
 into England to preach fedition and rebellion, under colour Camden, 
 of adminiftring the Sacraments to the Catholicks. The 
 Priefts expelled England in the beginning of this Reign, 
 had fet up a College at Douay [in 1568.] by means 
 of William Allen, an Oxford Man, afterwards Cardinal. 
 
 Whilft the Duke of Alva was Governor of the Nether¬ 
 lands, in this College were formed all the Plots I have 
 
 to the Lady Jane Grey, and Widow of Martin Keys. 
 
 TLuanus gives him this Charadter, Johannes Simicus, 
 0 Man ought to be troubled for lawful Marriage. 
 
 (1) This year died the Lady Mary Grey, one of the Daughters of Henry Duke of Suffolk, Siller 
 Strife 1 Ann. Tom. II. p. 548. 
 
 ( z l She alio fettled a yearly Penfion on him. Camden, p. 471. 
 
 (3) H e is called l y the French Writers, the Baron de Sinner. See P. Daniel, Tom. IX. p. IlS. 
 homo blandinter.tis, & ajfcntatiunculi 1 innutntus au/icis, i. 66. 
 
 (4) If Sifex, though his deadlieft adverfary, had not gencrcully difluadrd her, being of opinion, that 
 
 rw"’ Camden affirms, that Leicejler was ordered not to Itir out of Greenwich Caftle. Camden, p. 47,. 
 
 i){ -pl ■" , y p on ,, S " m f’ Wl,h the Earl of L,ncaln and Hatton her Vice-Chamberlain, were in the Boat with lier. Ibid. 
 
 The Lord Burgbtey ; the Earls of Sujfex and Lcicejler ; Hatton and tVa/fingham. Camden, p. 471. 
 
 O) “f®. the Articles propofed by the Duke for his Marriage, in Strype's Ann. Tom. II. p. 561. 
 
 ° n T Fc j r f r y f died Sir Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, and was buried in St. PWs Cathedral. He was fucceeded by 
 
 Sir tbemas Bromley, Lord Chancellor-This fame year, on Nave- 1 - c-1— t?-... . <■ . ^ 
 
 nf Grejham College in London, and was buried ir 
 the Turks, upon Treaty betwixt William Harbcurn 
 
 trade throughout the Turkjh Dominions, in like manner as the French, Kent 
 
 ch. 
 
 , died alfo Sir 'Thomas Grcfljam Kn-ght, Founder of the Royal Exchange, and 
 
 St. Hel/en's BiJhofgate-Jirect. Stew, p. 68,-. 6S6-This year alfo, AmuratbCbam, Emperor of 
 
 Erglijhman. and Mufapba Btg, a TurkiJh B.ifTa, granted, That che Englijh Merchants might freely 
 and other neighbouring Nations did. Whereupon the Englifa Mer- 
 
 . by the Queen’s Privilege, allbciated themfelves into a Company,' called the Turkey Company .“ Camden, p. 47 
 (0) And ordered, that no more than one Family Ihould dwell in a Heule. Camden, p.476. 
 
 mentioned 
 
11 2 
 
 1580. 
 
 2ft 
 
 H1 ST 0 RT of ENGLAND, 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 1580, 
 
 , r r ,1. n .f L# But Dm inverting it, till the Lord-Deputy, who was on the march, 
 
 mentioned in favour of the Queen of Seals. K h|m A littIc a f ter , thc fart was tcfieged in 
 
 Lewis de Requefen: having bamfhed from the U J compelled to furrendcr the fifth day at dlfcretion. 
 
 n,a all the Engtijh fugmves, fc„.,i *- ; U ood Lcefs was fullied by the cruelty of the En^Jh, 
 
 lege retired feme to Rme, and.fometo ™ , ' h E under pretence of the great difficulty ol guarding 
 
 2? It jo ntany Prifoners put the Spaniard: to the fword, and 
 
 was thefe tvvo Seminaries which fupplied the Cathohcksm halted afi for the retl , rn 0 f Franc', 
 
 England with Pnefts. So long as the Court unagn ) his Voyage round the World. He had navi- ', 
 
 men only admin,fired .he Sacraments tnpn te to,ho leo m , hc North and South Seas, and 
 
 their religion, no notice famed to be taken of ft. But ,t f “ ®'L^ 4 uantlty 0 f Gold and Silver taken from » ■ ; 
 was difeovered at length, that they were g 4 the Sfa ,J rl , s , At hi! return, which was in Aw.alter, the .... 
 
 mg pernicious principles, which might be at J knighted him, and was pleafed to dine in the Ship 
 
 confequences. They maintained, that the Pope had [by d - Qpeen kn gbteq ca[ a v * Afcr th at, (he ordered 
 vine right] full power to dethrone Kings and "“,!lw„ „p in° a little cLlt nea, Depferd, and cer- 
 
 being excommunicated and depofed by Pi f ' thefc t , in i n f C ript,ons to be fet up in memory of the thing (7). 
 
 « Subjefts were freed from their allegiance. Bcrnadinc de Mendoza theAmbaflador made great 
 
 dangerous cmiffarles were condemneda^d executed, for da- H ? e required, that he tlrould he ' y, g ; . 
 
 punifhed for his Robberies, and for daring to (ail m the 
 Seas which were under the dominion of the King of Spam, Drak: - 
 and all the money, plundered upon the Spaniards., restored. ^ 
 
 He was told, that the Indian Ocean was common to all fff 
 the Nations of Europe , and that the Enghjh by no means Camden. 
 
 dangerous eminaries were a..v ? . 
 
 ring to maintain publickly, that the Queen was lawfully 
 
 ,amden. ^^ ^ 
 
 „ n y f. ;« This did not hinder the two Seminaries from continu- 
 b England, ally fending into England Incendiaries, with whom were 
 joined Robert Parfont and Edmund Campion Jefuits, who 
 were the firft of that Order employed topreach the iore- 
 
 jfmtber 
 
 he M of that Order em^mpr^chtbefae- 
 
 mentioned dangerous Pene s. They f thc p ope ’ s pretended donation, who had no right 
 
 P°P= u liul 1 dated the ' 4 th o Apr, . „f Countries and Seas which belonged not to 
 
 Pope Pius s Bull did for ever bind 1 That Drake fhould be always ready to anfwer m 
 
 ticks, but not theca,ho,icks, • i .W tavoraMe o—y h m. That^i ^ ^ ^ ^ J„ Vmia him 
 fhould ofier to put it in execution. I hete two Je.uit convertina t he Gold and Silver to his own u!e, the 
 
 had profefied the Proteftanl Religion, and ^, ithdraw _ Queen Itad orde.ed all the goods, he had brought home, 
 in the Univerfity ot Oxfoid{ 2). A ? • (n b e f eqU eftred, with delign to fatisfy the King of Spain, 
 
 ing out of the Kingdom, they returned 10m ( jj provc they belonged to him or his Subjects, 
 
 appearing one while like Clergymen anoUter while like provc^ ^ ^ ^ jn 7 - W 
 
 Soldiers, or in fome other dif D uifc, „ n- aKa j n ft the attacks of the Spaniards , amounted to a much 
 
 in rSli, P ;rinfpir= them with greater fum. f The Queen however repaid afterwards parr 
 
 ^Ses^bS^LSfnd“a&mhome the Title of came to the-- 
 
 F.,:,. within a month (+), With a The religious War was renewed in Frame In the month Mem -f 
 
 Z 5 2 S=? and cndcd in “ by a feth Tica,y ‘ 
 
 T. ill. orPriefts, fent forth from tlie Seminaries o 0,,,e .... Philip II. feized the Throne of Portugal,^ >',p rr. 
 
 Rheims, on pain of being pumihed as rebels and fedn.ous ^^kfng Henry. Don Antonia, P?iolyyjjf 
 
 perfons. . , r ri r n .; maf : n p- of Crato, natural Son to Don Lewis, Brother of thc late Camden. 
 
 Shortly after, printed Book, . d - f P“^ 'nt.mat.ng, difputed (he Crown „ ith the King of 
 
 '2 that the Pope and King of 5 pui» had co p rt % b t t ) lc p orccs of tlx; two Competitors being very 
 
 Englmd and reftore the Catholick.Religion andmthortmg cndeavours werc Litlefs. 
 
 the Lnghjh Papifts to encourage the defig • P „a-j rs 0 f Scotland began to give Elizabeth fome Af a!rs »/ 
 
 the Queen ,fined out b nueafinefs,' becaufe fhc knew King jLd, two Favorites 
 
 was not ignorant o the prices of her» J f thcir utmo ft endeavours to turn him againft spotifwojd, 
 
 the bleffing ot God and the help of her faithful Subjects, were ^ of thcir • a was t0 finifh 
 
 Ihe was able to w.thftand thar attacks, a ° ^ th / £arl ’ q( Morton > & ru in, whom they had already deltroyed 
 abroad : That moreover, as the 1 lots w n(rn : n fl- j n the Kine’s favour. Thc fecond, to engage the King 
 
 triving, were not only againft her perfon, but alfo againft PFrench Princefs. The third, to perfuade him, 
 
 the whole Kingdom, fhe did not intend to be cruel to hiJrmrriaee to declare the Duke of Guiji his Lieu- 
 
 good, by fparing the bad; and therefore fuchM wou nt IcnantGeneral “ ’ The advices, the Queen received upon 
 for the future keep within the bounds o t y [bis occa p lon> wanted not proof, fince fhe had long known 
 
 to expea no favour (s). , „r were the defign to invade her from Smthmd, and fince what was 
 
 , r The menaces from the Pope and King of Spam were «*«« K - Cuun was vcly propcr to 
 
 " ot cntircl y V1 ‘"' ji nce ‘ c ap r c i rc , d , thlS , Ve T.L. Grn complinAat projedt. She faw moreover, that the two 
 d - there was a plot formed againft heland. »r h p aV o r i tes one of whom was wholly devoted to the Houfc 
 Lord-Deputy of that Ifland had ] n ' dl 'E cnce p d of Urr „ n gained more and more the love and confidence 
 hundred Spaniard: and Italian :, fent by th p K delighted to load them with favours. 
 
 Philip II were landed without oppofit.on 6) under the ofahe. King, ^ ^^ ^ [hcn ^ ( , o)> 
 
 command of S<7« Jojeppo an aia , James Stewart was honoured with the 1 hie of Earl of 
 
 fortification, which they called The Fort del Uto. Lie J intelligence fhe had received, file be- wStuart 
 
 Ear! of Ormond , who was not far from thofe quarte s Arran.^ ^gin with opening the young King’s W 
 
 poftmg thither with fome 1 roops, took a * e .. cs j n relation to the Plots of his Favorites, or put him J r ev ./ 
 
 who declared, they had brought arms for five or fix t o ) , ceffit to fhew that he approved them, which P . 
 
 \r. 'Rauohl, in defence of the tomijb Communion. H« %!’ whifh’m-’-r.-e ’feen 
 
 ( 4 ) Witliln four month,. Camden, 4 : 6 . There was another Proclamat.on againft Jefuits and Seminary rnu » e + a 
 
 f Iff MM rnmr h.J . pri while for thdr emit, mi mmmi » *&d ** M*** > tat ■»» »”= “ f ,h “' "* 
 
 ,l„ VO*, om » ««•> pln! „ lM Utrculci, i.friba,, Dm, Cahmnh, 
 
 Et magno dicas, Hcrcult major cro. Camden, p. 477-+ So - 
 
 Thi. ,or on Jem*t .fc .ho P..IU™. -t by Proton ., ^oo, ml memm**^*** *• P— 
 
 ^tjkhr,... ■- .™: = V““551SS23 -' a/ io . h o_ rE . or —... 
 
 (9) From the turn Ol h.cL.n.l J.an w • . I J - , Clft|e and Urdftj.p ol Arunid. Camden, p. 4S1. 
 
 SLKS S 32% S ^ f ' «- rTre.fu.-er 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 [Treafurer of Berwick ] into Scotland, to accufe the Duke Jlopher Hatton 
 
 of Lenox before the King and Council, of holding with the 
 Court of France, and particularly with the Duke ol Guife, 
 intelligence deftrudtive of Scotland and England. The 
 Council of Scotland , governed by the Duke of Lenox, 
 thought not proper to admit the accufation ; but the King 
 fent into Ting land the Lord Humes, to clear his Favorite 
 to the Queen, who refufed him audience. Nothing could 
 be more grateful to the Favorites, than the mifjnderftand- 
 ing which began to be formed between their Mailer and 
 the Queen of England. Not to give him time to cool, one 
 day, as the Earl of Morton was prefent in the Council, 
 the Earl of Arran accufed him of being concerned in the 
 late King’s Murder. Upon which he was immediately 
 arrefted, fent to prifon in the Caftle of Edinburgh, and 
 afterwards removed to Dunbarton. 
 
 Elizabeth hearing of the Earl of Morton's difgrace, and 
 finding, his attachment to England was the foie caufe of it, 
 difpatched Randolph immediately to follicit in his behalf. 
 But the Favorite’s intention being rather to exafperate than 
 appeafe, his interceffion was in vain. Randolph feeing the 
 King fo befet, that it was not pollible to prevail, demand¬ 
 ed an audience of the States, then affembled. He repre- 
 fented, how neceffary a good underftanding with England 
 was to them, what the Queen his miftrefs had done for 
 Scotland fince the King’s birth, how great an affedtion fhe 
 Strypc's An. had ever expreffed for him, and with what pains and charge 
 T.H, p.6ai. {he had always protedted his faithful fubjedts : That, not- 
 withflanding all this, the Duke of Lenox was endeavour¬ 
 ing to fow difeord between the two Kingdoms, and had 
 fo far fucceeded, that the King now looked upon the 
 Queen of England his good kinfwoman as an enemy. 
 The States heard his harangue, and returned a general 
 anfwer, which demonftrated their being diredted by the 
 Court. So, finding he could obtain nothing either from 
 the King or States, he began to pradtice upon the great 
 Men, to perfuade them to rife in arms, whilft Elizabeth 
 fhould fend forces towards the Borders (i). As all this 
 could not be done without the knowledge of the King and 
 Melvil. his Favorites, the Government of Sterling was taken from 
 P- 'i/- the Earl of Mar, who was fufpedted of being too good a 
 Spotiswocd. f r j en j 0 f t f, e EngHj}^ anc i the King publifhed an order to 
 all his Subjedts fit to bear arms, to hold thcmfelves ready 
 to march at a moment’s warning. But as Elizabeth meant 
 only to terrify the King of Scotland, and not to wage War 
 
 Spotifwood. 
 
 Morton 
 
 r; 
 
 1581. 
 
 Randolph 
 
 Scotland. 
 Camden. 
 Spotiswcod. 
 tie ear do r. 
 good luttb 
 the King ot 
 Statet. 
 Melvil. 
 p. 127. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Jt.rupn 
 
 Rebellion 
 
 Scothnd. 
 
 James/., 
 
 made Secretary of State in the room of Sir Thomas Smith 
 lately deceafed. As every thing was almoft fettled, the 
 following Articles, which were to be digefted in form of 
 Treaty, after being approved by the King of France, and 
 the Duke his Brother, were drawn by common con 
 fent. 
 
 The marriage fhall be confummated within fix weeks At m. - .. 
 after the ratifying of the Treaty. 
 
 The Duke ol Anjou and his Domefticks who are not 
 Englijh fhall have the free exercife of their Religion, in fome 
 certain pl.-ce to be appointed within his Court. 
 
 The 1 ike of Anjou fhall alter nothing in the Religion 
 now received and eltablilhed in England. 
 
 After the conlummation of the marriage, he fhall enjoy 
 the Title ot King of England, but the adminiftration of 
 affairs fhall remain in the hands of the Queen alone. 
 
 Whereas the Duke has demanded that he may be crown 
 ed King of England [prefently after the marriage] and 
 enjoy that honour, in cafe he fhall come to be Guardian of 
 the Children he may have by the Queen, it is agreed, the 
 Queen fhall lay the affair before the Parliament, and 
 promote it as far as lies in her power. 
 
 Letters Patents, &c. fhali run in the name of the King 
 and Queen, as in the time of Philip and Mary. 
 
 The Queen fhall affign the Duke by authority of Par¬ 
 liament an honorable penfion to be difpofed of as he 
 pleafes. 
 
 She fhall procure the Parliament to affign a yearly pen¬ 
 fion in cafe he furvives her. 
 
 The Duke fhall make the Queen a Dowry of forty 
 thoufand Crowns a year out of the Dukedom of Berry , 
 and fhall put her in prefent pofleffion thereof. 
 
 As to their Children, the following Articles fhall be 
 fettled, which fhall be ratified in the Parliaments of Eng¬ 
 land and France , namely, 
 
 All the Children, as well Males as Females, fhall fuc- 
 ceed to their Mother’s inheritance, each in his order, ac¬ 
 cording to the Culfoms of England. 
 
 If the Crown ot France happens to fall to the Duke of 
 Anjou, or his Heirs, and there be two Males, the eldeft 
 fhall fucceed in the Kingdom of France, and the fecond in 
 that of England. 
 
 If there be but one Son, he fhall enjoy both Crowns, 
 but fhall be obliged to refide in England eight months in 
 
 beheaded. 
 
 with him for the fake of the Earl of Morton , fhe ordered 
 The Earl of her Troops to retire. Probably Elizabeth's endeavours to every two years. 
 
 fave the Prifoner’s Life, rather haftened his Death, fince It the Duke never comes to the Crown of France, his 
 prefently after he was condemned and beheaded. He con- Children fhall inherit his Appennage. 1 
 felled the Earl of Bothwell imparted to him his defign to If he out-live the Queen, he lhall have the Guardian- 
 kill the King, but denied, he had any hand in the murder, fhip of the Children ; of the Males till they are eighteen. 
 He faid alfo, he had intended to carry the King into Eng- and of the Females till fifteen. 
 
 land, that being educated among the Englijh, he might find If the Duke die before the time of Guardianfiiip be 
 the lefs difficulty to obtain the Crown of that Kingdom expired, it fhall be left to the dilpofal of the Parlia- 
 after the Queen’s death. Randolph feeing Elizabeth had no ment. 
 
 defign to fupport the great Men of Scotland, whom he had After thefe Articles relating to the Children, and ferving 
 gained, retired without taking his audience of leave. 
 
 The Earl of Morton being dead, the two Favorites be¬ 
 came more and more mailers of the King, and the Go¬ 
 vernment of the Kingdom, without regarding the People’s 
 murmurs, who could not, without indignation, fee them 
 
 The two 
 Favorite! 
 
 grow odious• 
 
 to fettle the SuccrJJion, it was further agreed: 
 
 The Duke fhall prefer no Foreigner to any Pofl or 
 Office in England. 
 
 He fhall not carry the Queen out of the Kingdom, 
 without her own, and the exprefs confent of the Peers 
 
 fatter. 
 
 Melvil. 
 p. 128,129. 
 
 felves at the mercy of two raw and unexperienced young of the Realm. 
 
 men. The Duke of Lenox had fome good qualities ; but If fhe die without Ifl'ue, he fhall pretend no claim to 
 had no knowledge of the affairs of Scotland, and befides, England. 
 
 was a Catholick, and deem’d the Duke of Guife’s creature. He fhall not convey the Crown-Jewels out of the King- 
 This gave occafion to fear he had formed Projects deflruc- dom. 
 
 tive of the Religion and Liberty of Scotland. The Earl of He fhall leave all the places in the hands of the 
 Arran was an Atheift, and one of the molt wicked of Men, Englijh , and fhall not remove from thence any warlike 
 if Melvil' s Teftimony is to be entirely credited. He pre- Stores. 
 
 tended to be the Duke of Lenox’s Friend, but laboured to There fhall be a particular Treaty of League between 
 ruin him, by giving him Counfels capable of making him France and England, with the proper Ratifications, 
 forfeit the love and efteem of the Nobles and People. On By a feparate Article figned apart by itfelf, it was a- 
 
 greed, “ The Queen fhall not be bound to confummate 
 the Marriage, before fhe and the Duke of Anjou fhall 
 thoroughly fatisfy one another in certain points, and 
 “ fhall certify the King of France thereof within fix 
 weeks.” It is not known upon what account it was 
 
 the other hand, he privately hinted to the Clergy, that the 
 Reformed Religion was in great danger, if timely care was 
 not taken to oppofe the Duke of Lenox's pernicious defigns. 
 
 By thefe fecret pradtices, he fo managed, that the Duke 
 became odious to the whole Kingdom. 
 
 The Article! During thefe tranfadlions in Scotland, the Court of neceffary to take this precaution. 
 of the France earneftly preffed the Duke of Anjou's marriage 
 
 with Elizabeth. At laft, the Queen having agreed Ever fince the laft year, the States of the Low-Coun- The Duke of 
 with Simie upon the chief Articles, Henry III. fent tries had begun to treat with the Duke of Anjou, concern- An J ou " 
 
 -... JUUU ,c ' nt0 ^■ n Z^ an ^ an honorable Embaffy, confifting of Fran- ing their offer of the Sovereignty of the confederate Pro- 
 
 c?re.d upon, cis of Bourbon Prince of Dauphine, Arthur CoJJe Mar- vinces, and this Negotiation was fo far advanced, that a federate 
 
 Camden. fhal of France, Prefident Brijfon, and fome other per- the Conditions were now agreed. As foon as the Prince ^ r jf! rces ‘ 
 
 fons of diftindiion. Thefe Ambaffadors were received of Orange was almoft fure of the fuccefs of this affair, he degraded 
 
 with great pomp and magnificence, and the Queen ap- fo ordered, that the States declared the King of Spain to f"»n the 
 
 pointed to treat with them the Lord Burleigh High-Trea- have forfeited the Sovereignty of the Netherlands, and the 
 
 furer, Edward Clinton Earl of Lincoln , Lord Admiral of Duke was expedted every hour to take pofieffion of his s'tra<u! S 
 
 England, Thomas Ratcliffe Earl of Sujfex, Francis Rujfel new Dignity, and oppofe the Prince of Parma, who was 
 
 Earl of Bedford, Robert Dudley Earl ot Leicejler, Sir Chri- befieging Cambray. The Duke arrived indeed in. Auguf, 
 
 elu 
 
 Marring, 
 
 with the 
 Duke of 
 
 F f 
 
 with 
 
 (1) There were feventeen Companies fent thither. Melvil, p, 127. 
 
 No, 49. V O L, II. 
 
114 
 
 The H ISrO RT of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 with an Army of twenty thoufand Men, and conftrained not certain of approbation. Be this as it will, the Queen 17S1. 
 the Prince of Parma to raife the Siege, and retire to Va- having fpent the whole night without taking any reft, 
 Ifnciennts. He made his Entry into Cambray the 18th of amidft the fighs and tears of her Ladies, went to the 
 Augu/l, and was declared Prince thereof, having firft taken Duke’s room (2), and talked with him in private. When 
 the Oath. fhe withdrew, the Duke was feen to throw the Ring 
 
 In the mean time, Elizabeth fhowed, fhe had altered her from him, and prcfently to take it up again, complaining 
 mind with resard to her Marriage, or had never ferioufly bitterly of the levity of Women, and the inconftancy of 
 refolved to confummate it. She only wanted a pretence to the Englijh. 
 
 break it off, or at leaft to defer it, till time fhould pro- Elizabeth's Conduit in every thing relating to this *. 
 
 To this end, fhe Marriage was fo lingular, that there is no gueffmg her cl 2 i.s. 
 
 thoughts. If the bulinefs was only a bare Negotiation, 
 prolonged and broke oft' upon the point of conclufion, 
 there would he no caufe of wonder. Nothing was more 
 
 duce a more favorable opportunity 
 fent into France , ‘James Sommers Clerk ot the Council 
 require, that purfuant to the laft Marriage-Article. 
 League Offenfive and Defenfive fhoukl be inftantly con 
 
 eluded between France and England. Henry III. anfwer- agreeable to this Queen’s Character, and, I’ll venture to 
 ed, that in the Articles there was no mention of an often- 
 live, but he was ready to ftgn a defenfive, League. Som- 
 7iiers replied, the League fpoken of in the Articles mull; 
 be deemed offenfive, fincc there was already a League de¬ 
 fenfive concluded in 1572, winch not having been viola¬ 
 ted, wanted no renewal. Upon this, Elizabeth fent Se¬ 
 cretary IValfwgham to Paris , to improve this‘difficulty, 
 and add fome others. IValfingham therefore told the King, 
 when the Queen his Miltrefs firft refolved to marry, it 
 
 fay, to her Interelt. But the figning and feeding of the 
 Marriage-Articles raifes a difficulty not ea'v to be removed. 
 It is fcarce probable, this wife Politician fhould tlnnk of 
 amufing to fuch a degree, a Brother of the King of 
 France , and who might hinilelt one day be King, fince 
 Henry had no Children. This is fo much the harder to 
 be believed, as there was then no vifible nceeffity to carry 
 her Diffimulation fo far. For my pai r, 1 fee no properer 
 way to explain this extraordinary Conduct, than by lav- 
 was only to'fati.sfv her People, who ddired a certain Sue- ing, that in the beginning of the Negotiation, her defign 
 
 ce fl , n bt her Children, to which end, fhe had preferred was only to amufe the Duke of An 
 
 befori . fhe fuffired hi ft won, 
 
 his per Ion al qualities, and Royal defeent - Neverthelefs fhe with finccrity, in a refolution to perform them ; bur that 
 
 c», i!J not think of confummating the Marriage, till fhe after figning, flic repented, and cho e rather to aftion: 
 
 perceived whether it was pleafing to her People, for fear the Prince, than keep her word. The 
 
 fhe fhould he accufed of confidering of it too late : Tliat 
 fhe heard with grief, the minds of the beft Men were 
 averfe to the Marriage, and for that reafon flie thought it 
 ncceflary to delav it," though fhe had ftill the fame elleem 
 for the Duke of Anjou : That hefides, fincc the conclu¬ 
 fion of the Articles, things had happened which required 
 her to think more attentively of her engagement : That 
 the Duke having accepted the Sovereignty of the Nether¬ 
 lands , had incurred the difplcafurc of the King his Bro¬ 
 ther, and this new Dignity could not but engage Eng- 
 
 greateft 1 
 
 t was lb. 
 Kjht, in e 
 
 fhe 
 :p ref- 
 
 carried her diffimulation to 
 
 fing an extraordinary value for the Duke, and labouring 
 withal to put him out of conceit with the Marriage. 
 
 There arc two Fails very difficult to be reconciled, but 
 upon my fuppofition. The firft is, during the Duke’s r, mi |. n . 
 ftay at Court, fhe caufed a Man’s hand to be cut oft for Sm-pe's An. 
 writing a Satyr upon their Marriage (4). Alter thar, fhe 
 published a Manifefto, to fatisfy the Publick, that the 
 Duke of Anjou had no ill deiign againft the Protcftant 
 Religion, nor had demanded any thing in favour of the 
 
 'land in "a 1 1 : ' ' : to the firft, ^ f 
 
 Duke to be in war, without the Queen his Spoufe being is, that fine took the opportunity whilft the Duke was with 
 fo too • That fhe believed therefore the prefent juncture her, to put to death E,humid Campion a Jefuit, with three Huiiirgih. 
 very unfeafo.nable to confummate the Marriage ; and that other Priefts(j), convicted of endeavouring to raife Com- 
 it was proper to defer it till the Duke fhould be difengnged motions in the Kingdom, and i bifinatcly maintaining, that 
 from his war, and the League eftenfivc and defenfive be- the ()ueen was lawfully depofed. It is eafv to perceive, 
 tween France and England, concluded according to agree- if her efteem and affection for the Duke of Anjou had been 
 nient. Henry plainly perceiving this was only an eva- fo great as fhe pretended, fhe would at l- 
 fon, briefly anfwered, he was ready to renew the League thefe Men’s punifhment till after his departure, 
 defenfive, and would treat of a League offenfive, as foon 
 
 ’ in his Marriage thofe comforts lie thought to have 
 
 _s the Marriage was confummated. 
 
 Duke cf Thefe things palled whilft the Duke of Anjou was in 
 Anjou*'- the Netherlands. After he had raifed the Siege of Cam- 
 ’N e \ 'j bray , and taken Catcau in Cambrefis , the States preffed 
 Eni! and- . ■ ' - - - - - 
 
 ift have deferred 
 But 
 
 he would not find 
 reafon 
 
 7 be Sty, 
 g’V" 
 
 lcn . him to join his Forces with their Army, to improve fo ing her word. 
 
 fair an opportunity : But the approach of Winter furnifh- Whatever the Queen’: 
 ed him with an excufe to fend hack his Troops into tiation, it is certain 1 
 .... id follicit n 1 tholicks in l 
 
 - X! U l„nd himfelf. He arrived there in November , and was re¬ 
 ceived by the Queen with fo great refpedt and civility, 
 
 ,nbl ’■ that he thought himfelf almoft fure of fuccefs. One da)', 
 as the anniverfary of her Coronation was celebrating, the 
 Queen being in converfatien with him, pulled off her 
 Ring from her finger, and put it on the Duke’s, which 
 made all prefent imagine, fhe had juft then given him a 
 promife (1). 
 
 Mean while, this Marriage was exclaimed againft pub- 
 lickly in the Court and City. IValfingham , [Leiccjler,] 
 
 Hatton , and others of the Queen's Confidents, murmured 
 at it more than the reft. Her Maids of Honour that 
 were moft intimate with her, never ceafed to reprefent to 
 her, ail the mifehiefs which might from thence befal her, 
 as well as the whole Kingdom, and ftrove by perfwafions 
 inixt with tears, to divert her from this refolution. I 
 know not whether I am miftaken, in fufpe£ting all this 
 to be a mere Farce, a&ed by the Queen’s private orders. 
 
 to expedt. Be this as it will, which ever way her Pro¬ 
 ceedings are explained, there is no juflifying, in my opi¬ 
 nion, either her figning the Articles, or afterwards break- 
 
 
 intention might be in this nego- 
 t was extremely prejudicial to the Ca- 
 , who entertaining great hopes from tb ( 
 this marriage, were too hafly to dilcover them. When it/ " 
 was known in the world that the Articles were ligned, 
 England was fudder.ly over-run with Rcrnjh Priefls, Je- 
 fuits, and other Catliolicks, wiio hoped to he licure there 
 under the Duke of Arjou'i protedlion. Among thefe, fame 
 were fo imprudent as to vent openly the molt extravagant 
 dodtrincs concerning the Pope’s power, a crime then un¬ 
 pardonable, becaufe it tended to deprive the Queen of her 
 Royalty, and raife a Rebellion. It is no wonder therefore, 
 that the furious zeal and imprudence ot fome of the Ca- 
 tholicks drew upon the whole body, feverities to which 
 the Queen would not have been eafily led, if they had 
 been contented to live in quiet, and exercife their religion 
 in private, without attacking the Government. What did 
 them ftill more injury wa , that fome of thi m owne 1 they 
 were come into England with power to abfolve every man 
 in particular from his oath of allegiance, from which Pi¬ 
 us V’s Bull had abfolved the whole nation in general. 
 
 Curio ■ 
 
 '■rf‘ 
 
 to give her a pretence to go from her word. Minifters, This year, D n Autei !, Prior of Crate, who pretended D ■ y 
 Courtiers, Favorites, are feldom feen to oppofe fo openly to the Kingdom ot Portugal, and had been Clowned at , ■ rillr/ , 
 and publickly, the Will of their Sovereign, if they are Listen, being expelled thence by the Arms of the King „„ Fence, 
 
 0 the Netherlands to figuiiy a 
 
 And Antwerp tefiificd her joy by 
 
 risge on foot, only to bridle off the defign of a Match befwee 
 gitaiion: And this is very probable, confidering how afraid Qiyte 
 
 i )) Among whom Aldegond Governor of Antwerp difpatched Letters a> 
 bonfires and peals of Ordnance. Camden, p. 486. 
 
 (2) Camden (ays, (he fent for hirn, p. 486. 
 
 (3. Strada, and fome other Hiflorians fay. that Queen Elizabeth fet this Treaty of n 
 the Duke of Anjou, and a Daughter ot the King of Spam, which had been fome time 11 
 Elizabeth was of an union between the Crowns of France and Spain, Dec. 2. 1. 4. 
 
 (4) John Stubbs of Lini In s-Inn publilhed a Book againfl the Marr 1 ■■ en 1 I, Tbi D cm ■ ■■ I ■ • 
 
 another French Marriage, if the " 
 
 who dilperied the Copies, were taken up and condemned to lofe their right hanc;. Which was done aco.,singly, { oy virtue ol .m Aft ol Fh-pini Va.? 
 3 ainft nditious writings ) by driving a Cleaver through the wrift with a mallet, upon a fcaffold at IFcf.mt :Ji ■■ I remember, ( 1 y. t ) being pieient. 
 ,h,t Stubbs, after his right hand was cut off, pulled off hi. Hat with hii left, ind fa 1 with a lourt voice, 
 
 cither out of horror of the Punifliment, or pity to the Man, or their hatred of the Match. Camden, p. 487. The Queen, upon ccc.iliun ot this Book, pub- 
 Jifiled a long Proclamation, daied Srptemb. 27, which the Reader may lee in Strypt't Am. Tom. 2. p *c 
 
 Ralph Sberwin, Lute Kirby, and Alexander Brian. They were indifted upon the Trcafuo Aft : • Edit- III. Fc'or: the theic bad been no more 
 than five Papills put to death in thii Reign. Camden, p. 487. 
 
 of 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 23. ELIZABET H. 
 
 l S Sr. 
 
 and then im 
 England. 
 
 “E. 
 
 l.a-aii a- 
 gainft the 
 C.atboheki . 
 
 of Spain, withdrew into France. After which, he came 
 to Elizabeth, who took care of him, and put him in 
 hopes of a greater relief. 
 
 The Parliament meeting the beginning of the year 1 582, 
 whilft the Duke of Anjou was ftill in England (1), palled 
 very fevere Laws againft the Catholicks, wherein all tliofe 
 are declared guilty of High-Treafon, “ who lhall endea¬ 
 vour to diffwade the Subjedts from their allegiance to the 
 Queen, and from the Religion eftablilhed in the King¬ 
 dom, or lhall reconcile them to the Church of Rowe, 
 as alfo thofe who lhall be thus reconciled. Thole alfo 
 are fined in two hundred Marks, and imprifunment for 
 a year, who lhall fay Mafs, and they who lhall be 
 knowingly prefent at Mai?, are fined in a hundred 
 Marks, with imprifonment alfo for a year. Moreover 
 they who abfented themfelves from their Parilh- 
 Churchcs on the days appointed for Divine Service, are 
 fined in twenty Pounds a month.” It mult be obfer- 
 ved, that hitherto only one Shilling to the ufe of the poor, 
 had been exadted for abfence on Sundays and Holidays. 
 This Ihows, that Ibefore, the Laws againft the Catho¬ 
 licks were not very fevere, neither were they, it is cer- 
 
 ' iS 
 
 Mean while, whether Elizabeth thought her ft’f able to 1 * 
 prevent, or repel, the danger, Ihe took but few precautions, 
 relying wholly on the affection of her people This was her 
 belt, or rather, her only refuge. And therefore to endeavour ' 
 to corrupt, and caufe them to Jofe the love and efteem they 
 had for her, was wounding her in a very feniible part. 
 
 To this mull be aferibed her tender exprelfions whenever 
 Hie fpoke to her people. It inuft however be cor. felled, 
 that file won her people’s love, not only by words and ‘jfj, 
 other external demonftration, but chiefly by’very fublLn- 
 tial deeds. Let a man pci ufe the whole Hiltory of Ere r_ 
 land, and he will find no Reign, wherein juftice was adini- 
 niftred fo impartially, or the Subjedls enjoyed their privi¬ 
 leges more peaceably, or were freer from' wars abroad and 
 at home, or from extraordinary taxes and impofitions; in 
 a word, wherein the Kingdom was more flourifu 'J'he 
 Queen /pent no unnecellary ato.-.ev, ..ivi her l', c ..f..," 
 being regularly managed, the people had no 
 complain, fince whatever they gave was emplo; cd lor their 
 own good. 
 
 But it was not only at home that the Queen laboured ' 
 
 - , -i, „ , . , ^, make ^ er P eo P J e happy, her care reached alfo Tr-.ail. ° r . 
 
 tain, executed with rigour. But the indifereet zeal of This year fine font an Ambafftdor (4) to Fred,tic II Ku ■ 
 
 thofe who would not be fatisfied with this advantage, of Denmark , under colour of carrying him the Order 'ey D, 
 
 the Garter. But the chief motive of this EmbaflV, was c ‘ 
 
 uy 
 
 was the occafion that all the Catholicks were deprived of 
 
 Elizabeth. 
 
 Hullingfti- 
 
 A£l. Pub. 
 XV. p.792 
 
 It. 
 
 ■7be Duke cf The Duke of Anjou, and thofe who had attended him 
 Anjou Ua-vet into England, could plainly perceive, under what conftraint 
 they Ihould live, if the marriage was confummated. In 
 all appearance, the proceedings of the Queen and Parlia¬ 
 ment againft the Catholicks, did not ajittle contribute to 
 comfort him, and perhaps put h ui out out of conceit with 
 a Country fo oppofitc to France. Nay, it is very likely, 
 all this was done before his eyes with that view. He de¬ 
 parted in February, having received from the Queen many 
 tokens of efteem and affe&ion, the moft fubftantial where¬ 
 of was a good fum of money (2) to affift him in maintain*- 
 He m croiun- ing the war in the Netherlands. The Queen having ac- 
 td Duke of companied him to Canterbury , ordered feveral Englijh 
 StradaT' Lords (3) to wait upon him as far as Antwerp , where 
 
 Camden. prefently after he received the Ducnl Crown of Brabant. 
 
 DuivUuricr. By all thefe Marks of efteem and friendfhip, and by all 
 her civilities, the Queen had a mind to repair in fomc mea- 
 fure, the mortifications Ihe made him undergo during his 
 ftay in England. It is extremely probable, this ftay was 
 not to bis advantage, and lerved only to difeover the mean- 
 nefs of his Genitis and other qualities. 
 
 Elizabeth'* Elizabeth was too wife not to perceive that her conduit 
 jtaie of un- j n the^ negotiation of her marriage could not bud difoblige 
 cert a. my. ^ King of France. So, file plainly faw, that though 
 there had been no other reafon but this alone, Ihe could not 
 much rely on his friendfhip. On the other hand, Ihe was 
 not ignorant how angry the King of Spain was, for that 
 
 - -.^mbafiy, was 
 
 to induce that Prince to debit from certain Cultoms paid 
 by the Englijh Merchant-Ships in palling the Sound, in 
 which however it was not pollible to fucceed. Frederic 
 gratefully received the Collar of the Order , hut refufed to 
 take the ufual Oath, becaufe he had denied the fame thincr 
 before, when admitted into the Order of St. ATichad by 
 the French King. 1 
 
 Tho’ Henry HI. had no reafon to be pleafed with Eli- Henry nr. 
 •zabeth, he gave her notice however, that the Duke of ,;!i * 
 Guije was plotting fomethir.g in favour of the Queen of^.'rlw 
 Scots, and was to imbark in Normandy fome Troops delign- GmiVj d.- 
 ed either for England or Scotland , tho’ he pretended to-£ ’ ,J ' 
 fend them into Flanders. For this reafon Ihe recalled s^An. 
 Sir ll alter Mild may, who had been fent to treat with the T.-iu P . 7 s! 
 Queen of Scots , or at leaft to pretend fo. 
 
 As there was no likelihood, the Duke of Guife would She ml „, 
 invade England directly, but on the contrary every thing it ,j 
 looked as if the intended to execute fome project in Scot"- Sc ,r,r;d - 
 land, the Queen turned her thoughts wholly to the affairs c'.'nd-’,, 
 of that Kingdom. I hey were then in a violent convul¬ 
 sion. Some perfons of great diftindtion, among whom e. 
 were the Earls of Mar,: Lindjay, Goury, full of indigna- T. in. 
 tion to fee the realm governed by a young Prince of fif¬ 
 teen years, and two ralfr unexperienced Minifters, who had 
 nothing lefs in view than the Kingdom’s welfare, confpired 
 together to feize the King’s Perlbn and remove his two 
 Favorites. T o that end, taking their opportunity whilft 
 they were both abfent from Court, and the K' 
 
 whole bodies of Englijh Troops ferved in the Army of the upon hunting near Athol, they fent and invited him bv 
 States of the Low-Countries, under the command of Nor- the Earl of Goury to pafs a few days at his houfe at Hnnt- 
 
 Though thefe men were called Volunteers, that is, 
 owned by none, and who ferved at their own charge, it 
 was eafy to judge, that they were not there in fuch num¬ 
 bers, without the tacit or exprefs confent of their Queen. 
 Befides, it was hardly poflible for Elizabeth to conceal the 
 fupplies of money Ihe had given Prince Cajimire, and the 
 Duke of Anjou, for the maintenance of their Armies. 
 Philip II. was the moft potent Prince in Europe, and the 
 conqueft of Portugal had lately rendered him ftill more 
 formidable, particularly to the ‘Englijh. He was fupported 
 by the Pope, and had hut too much influence in the King 
 cf Frances Council. But Elizabeth had no friend on 
 whom Ihe could depend. The Duke of Guije was now 
 labouring to take from her the King of Scotland. The 
 Jrijh wanted only a favorable opportunity to revolt, and 
 the Englijh Catholicks were inceilantly excited to rebellion 
 by the Pope’s emiflaries. To thefe may be added a great 
 number of Proteftants, the Queen of Scots Adherents, 
 who only waited an occafion to Ihow their aft'edtion for her. 
 Elizabeth's Minifters could not, without dread think of all 
 thefe things. Ehey were in continual apprehenfion that 
 fome terrible ftorm was going to fall upon England. To 
 this fear were owing, firft the League defenfive with 
 France , and then the projedl of the Queen’s marriage 
 with the Duke of Anjou, the Minifters judging it almoft 
 impoflible for her to fupport herfelf without fome power¬ 
 ful Alliance. 
 
 ingtoun , and when he came there,' fecured his perfon (5). 
 
 This was called the tfa/W-Confpiracv, becaufe Ruth - ^ R . 
 ven was the name of the Earl of Goury 's Family (6). V en Sw- 
 For the fame reafon the Confpiratcrs wtere called the Lords r -‘ : - " 
 of Ruthven. The Earl of Arran, one of the King’s Fa- 
 vorites drew together fomc people, and attempted to free p'! 29 i S z. 
 his Mafter, but was repulfed and forced to retreat to Ruth- ' mrfcn - 
 ven Caftle, where the Earl of Goury received him and faved Sp 01 ' 1 *' 0 '* 1, 
 his life, but kept him prifoner. The Duke of Lenox 
 hearing what had palled, fpeedily retired to Dunbarton, 
 of which he was Governor, and the King was carried to 
 Sterling , free in appearance, but Prifoner in reality. 
 
 Upon this news, Elizabeth , who probably was not igno- j Jmes 
 rant of the Confpirators defign, ordered Henry Carey to ■ 
 go immediately, and offer her fervice to the King of Scot- 
 land. But James terrified by thofe who had him in their p 
 power, anfwered, that every thing was done with his con- Camden, 
 fent, and he was very well pleafed with the Lords who 
 were about him. Melvil affirms however, that the King 
 found means to tell Carey in private the contrary to what p. \ y-. 
 he had Laid in publick. The King of France fent like- Camden, 
 wife La Mothc Fenelon into Scotland (;) to try to fupport tpotiswood. 
 the Favorites, knowing thofe who had feized the King 
 were all friends to England. La Mothc had alfo orders to cf jrtn M ary 
 inform the King, that the Queen his Mother, who had agrees to 
 hitherto refufed to own him for King, agreed to make him P are l ke 
 partner in the royalty. ■wtibZr 
 
 The Adt here mentioned, was made in the Seflion held in the year isSo, and of which notice has been C 
 particular by Camden, p. 4S7. 
 
 (1) There was no Seflion of Parliament this year, 
 nkendbove. Sec p. , Nate (S' j end D'rw„, 166, fa. h>* bee milled 
 
 - He '.Vive ; , irpf?P » o1, “d ?•** t* f “ Sh,llinE *»•*»•« •nr** »■«-* ««,. w. m. t*. . 5 . _ ..... 
 K'FrLrzXxrZ.?ty*” ,y, "‘ ugth ' ^ ^ 
 
 (6) 11 , 11 .am Rutbven had been very lately created Earl of Goury. Camden, p. 48S. 4 V 3 
 
 (7) He went along with Da-vifon, Queea Elizabeth's AmbalLdor. Camden, p. 49r. 
 
 5 
 
 Shortly 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 The HISTORT of ENGLAND. 
 
 ' that be was King only as officiated by the Queen a is 
 
 beih. 
 
 p.489. 
 
 tlTl "cryImproper wav .0 obtain L favour, the hands of the W, »/ Ruthven, «* — 
 
 f.«c l.or [.otter » lull of reproaches for the barbarous ufage “.“'TZ.L 
 
 ^This year, Pope Gregory XIII. publifhed his Bull for 
 reformin'*' the Calendar, and ordered ten days oi this very 
 vear to be cut off at once. As England and the reft of the 
 Proteftant States refufed to comply with this ordinance, be- 
 caufe it flowed from the Papal Authority, there began from 
 that time to be a difference of ten days in the Dates, the 
 one reckoning it the firft day of the month when it was 
 the tenth with the others. This difference ftill fubhfts in 
 feme places, and particularly in England , [and Swedeland,] 
 where the old way of reckoning is ftill ufed, with the ad¬ 
 dition however of the new (2), 
 
 VIII. For the performance of this Article the Queen 
 of Scots fhould give Hoftages to the Queen of England. 
 
 Th,s Artici was alfilia 1 [ 
 
 the number and quality of the Hofiages. 
 
 It is therefore evident, Elizabeth propofed thefe Articles 
 to Mary , only to amufe her and the world, at a time when 
 it was not poffible even to enter into I reaty upon this 
 fubiea ; befldes their being almoft all infnaring and liable 
 to difeuflions, which the Court of England might have 
 prolonged as they pleafed. Camden fays, the AVer* of the p. 49 ’■ 
 Englijb party were utterly again ft this agreement, aftirm- 
 to the intrigues of the French Court. It 
 
 foe dtp’ 
 rcteajt the 
 Igueen of 
 
 AABTAAABB ts 
 
 1.1 1 r 1 fi ia |i r e e nrefentlv that this to oppofe the conclufion ot the 1 icaty. but there 
 
 Sg S’, ftt bur UO cSfon for this, Once tot f* taken f-HiccBt care to 
 
 “ f ” ; ‘hi tr^fthiiwm bu very . rf, I. This i rf 
 
 the follicitations (he was perpetually troubled t 
 ever this be, fome time after the receit of her Letter, lhe 
 Cent to her Robert Beal (3), one of the Clerks of the 
 Council, with certain articles founded upon Mary s Oder 
 of affiliating her Son in the Government. Confequent- 
 Iv they fuppofed a previous agreement betwixt them ; but 
 
 never had there been a more improper juntSIure to nego- - . . . ■ 
 
 agreement frnce King Jams, Vas captive in the aParty tong enough to free turn, w.thdrew mto 1 
 , El,ninth’s Adherents. Here are the At. where he died foon alter. 
 
 which will ferve to (how Eliza- Mean wh.le, the Lords of Ruthven, whole five urn had 
 been to remove from the King his two Favorites, finding 
 
 Cor.d-.ttom 
 
 JOrypfd. 
 
 Spotifwood- 
 
 very fhort, for fear of injuring King 'Jamas reputation, 
 for whofe fake he wrote the Annals oi Queen Lhzabe'b. 
 But by good fortune, we have Mel-vil's Memouc, which 
 give us a fuller information. 
 
 The Duke of Lenox feeing the King in the hands of 
 the Lords ol Ruthven , and the little probability of ! 
 
 tiate thi 
 
 hands of Queen 
 tides, with fome remarks, 
 
 beth'l aim in feigning a defire to releafe her Prifoner. 
 
 that one was in prifon, and the other in France, 
 l The Queen of Seats and the King her Son (hould proper to convene the States, where the King wa 
 
 thought 
 prefent. 
 
 *• * V. . i- i 'j7«cr//7«// He declared, whatever they had done was with his content, 
 
 promife to attempt no htng prejud h fuch and to his Vatisfaflion. He writ the fame thing to the 
 
 It is eafy opt > explanation General Aflembly of the Kirk, whereupon the States and 
 
 *T SheXoffid dfficlafm as nnjuft whatever was done by the Kirk approved by authenticlc A£ts all that was palTed. 
 yr Tfn her firft Husband, ind ratify the Treaty of This done the Kmg was no longer watched, but lett e„- 
 ... , tirely at liberty. 
 
 tilmburgi. general- and Shortly after, the King aflembled the Nobility in the M ,,,;i. 
 
 The farmer fart of th XrheUvw , rf * St . Andrew’,, before whom he declared, that tho’ t .„S. 
 
 liable tea am onceof . ^ Treaty of Edin- he had been detained againft his W ill, he owned however 
 
 bill but’will the rejlrietion ftto hid offered. So , in pro- it was done for his fervice : That he did not intend to ca» 
 potg to her the raffing of that Treaty ftmply and abfilute- any perfon to an account, but would / P «d,ly , publ.fll jm 
 f a fnart was laid fir her, or eft fie was put under a nc- 
 
 - ./7T... -a' ..... fl.frr t lit e Artirh- r~—» . - ' . ■. “ , t 
 
 eadilv obtained. 
 
 ceffity of rejecting this Article . . 
 
 III. "She fhould difeover and condemn all the Lon I pi¬ 
 
 racies againft Queen Elizabeth that were come to her 
 knowledge. , . _ .. 
 
 This was accufing her of being concerned in theje Conjpira- 
 des, and making her own it, which was very hard meafure 
 for Mary. She could have done no more, had Jhe been fully 
 convinced of Elizabeths fmcerity, which is not very likely. 
 
 IV. She fhould contrive nothing againft the Govern- 
 
 a£t of Oblivion. To fliow that he forgot all that was 
 paft, he vifited the Earl of Goury , who calling htmfell at 
 his feet, begged pardon, which he very 
 
 All being thus quiet, the King appointed twelve Coun- 
 fellors to aifilt him to govern the State. But fhortly after, p-* 37 « 
 his affeiflion for the Earl ot Arran reviving, he wifhed to 
 fee him ; and as all his Counfellors were unanimoufly a- 
 gainft it, he protelled he would fend him away again with¬ 
 in four and twenty hours ; but was not as good as his 
 word, for he kept him for ever. In a fhort (pace, the p. 138* 
 Favorite had fuch an influence over him, that he would 
 not fuller any but him to meddle in the publiclc affairs. 
 
 merit of England, Ecclefiaftical or Civil. 
 
 Marv was a Catholick , and the Laws of England ... - . , _ 
 
 chdert ^the Catholick, from all Pojh. So if Jhe agreed to Whereupon the Council of twelve being no longer con 
 thi, article without farther explanation, f- b«** UD of themfelvcs. As foon as the Lari o 
 
 inferred, that fie excluded herfeffrom Ji 
 
 ght have been fulted, broke up of themfelvcs. 
 
 •edinp Elizabeth. Arran faw himfelf fully reftoxed, he fuggefted to the King, 
 5 .. 1 1 - - 1-1 r. a .... :.. —•-■•nifliine the info- 
 
 V. She fhould claim no right to the Crown of England that he had made a falfe ffcp, in not pun.ft.. 5 the 1 
 uring Queen Elizabeth’s life, and after Elizabeth's death encc of the Lords of Ruthven and ^Iwadcd in 
 aould refer her Title to the Judgment of the Parlia- length to alter his refolut.on (4 . -o, mftead of an a. 
 
 Oblivion, he lllued out a Proclamation, commanding 
 
 d 
 
 fhould 
 
 ment. 
 
 ift of 
 the 
 :id beg 
 
 Atl^AZriAdfAiugilfie'dd^aff and pardon for their crime. Every one plainly faw the d.ffe 
 bad "always nun,tunned, that it was ineontejlable. re,,ce between .Ins Proclamuttnn, and the prom,fed aft of 
 
 ' VI. SI.c (hould fwear to thefe Articles, to the end Oblivion. 1 he King being tree, had dee ared that they 
 
 fight be no room for the objeflion taken from her who had detained him, intended him no ill, and for that 
 
 there miu 
 
 n0 Vn"'Th= ll King'he r Son (hould ratify them by Oath ciamation, he ionfidered them as guilty, and obliged them 
 , T ,r • • ° to fubmit to his mercy, at a time when he fullered him- 
 
 reafon he had promifed them a pardon. But by the Pro¬ 
 
 to fubmit to his mercy, at a time \ 
 
 To enahiTthe King of Scotland to ratify thefe Article,, it felf to be governed by one of thofe very FavorHes againft 
 .. .... • ... au th en tick whom they had confpired. This was fufficient to induce 
 
 and Writin 
 
 enable „ 
 
 leccjfary firjl that he fiould agree 
 (i) Thi 
 
 This 
 
 (2) Thrc 
 which mcar 
 again, Popi 
 out of every 
 every hundredth y 
 
 rear, about the end of September, died the learned George Buchanan. Spotifwtod, 
 
 •o an Engine, and Pipes, tor conveying the Thames Water for the ulc of the City oi L titlen. i- !c " l 'i. I 1 
 i hundred and lixtv five davs fix hours, exceeding a year by about eleven minutes, a day is gainci in 
 ; from the year 325, wherein the Council ot Mice was held, to the year 1582, ten whole days were 
 Gregory ordered the 5U1 of Oflober 1582, to be called the 1 5th, and to prevent the like error again, 
 hundred years; ( which comes to almoft the fame as taking out 01 
 ear common, which, according to the Julian account, is always L 
 
 year 
 
 alfo, 
 
 ! Peter Morris a Dutch - 
 
 e thu; 
 
 this'be the trueft and moft exatl way ot reckoning, yet luch is the perverfenefs of the Englifo 
 comes wlut we call Old and New Stiles, wh.ch differ now by eleven days, and 
 
 To treat with her, together with George Talbot Earl of Sbreautbury, in wl 
 l4 ) Arran infinuated to the King, that it would be a trooblefomc bulinels to b 
 liimfelf with hunting and hawking, and he would attend the Council, and report ti 
 times, but at length, he gave account of no Man's advice but his own, and made 
 leva violent courle. Mtl-utl, p. 139. 
 
 ut a hundred and thirty two years, by 
 ned- Whereupon, to let matters right 
 decreed that three days rtnuld be taken 
 day every hund.ed and thirty two years ) and this was done by making 
 ■ ‘ hundredth year to continue Leap-year. Though 
 
 
 
 ,d Swedes, that they ftill keep tc 
 ot July, 1733. 
 ofe cuftody Mary was. Camden, p. 49:- 
 
 incumbered with fo many contraiy opinions. He defired him n recreate 
 his Majefiy all their opinions and conclufions- 
 he King believe, it was all their opinions, that 
 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 ELIZABETH. 
 
 23. ii L 1 Z, /i d f, 1 rl. Iiy 
 
 15?',. thefe Lords to retire, fome to their own homes, and others length to form a new Confpiracy againfl: him (4). Tho’ 1584. 
 
 into England, to wait for another opportunity to ruin the Earl of Gouty had faved his Life, and procured him 
 
 their enemy (1). the King’s pardon, he never ceafed to moleft him, till he 
 
 E;'.' bch’i Elizabeth being informed of the King of Scotland's pro- had forced him to ask leave to go out of the Kingdom. 
 
 L.:u,ntbe codings, and the danger or the Earl of Arran's entirely He was now at Dundee , in order to retire into England, P' 1 -?*' 
 Sum). ruining the Eng/ijh party, writ to the King, reprefenting when he heard that the Earls of Mar, Angus , and Glames, Spot,r "' JOiU 
 Moivii. the confequcnces, and mixed in her Letter fome reproaches who were fled into Ireland, had fome enterprise in hand 
 !’• *39» , 4 °* for breach of promife. She told him moreover, fhe in- againfl: the Favorite. "This news made him flay in Scot- 
 tended to fend Secretary Walfingham to talk with him from land, and at laft, he entered into the Confpiracy himfelf, 
 her. ‘James returned a ftout anfwer, and vindicated him- without ftirring however from Dundee. The Confpira- 
 feIf for not performing his promife, fince it was extorted tors had fo well laid their meafures, that arriving unex- 
 trom him when a Captive. This excufe might have peiftedly in Scotland, they immediately took Sterling. 
 ferved, with refpeft to what he faid to the States; but it Mean while, the Court having before received fome Melvil. 
 was infufficient, Iince he repeated the fame thing to the confufed intelligence of this confpiracy, and knowing the p ’ 1 S5» I 5 6 ' 
 Nobility when at full liberty. However, he promifed the Earl of Goury was concerned, ordered him to be arretted, s^jwood 
 Queen to proceed no farther till Walfingham's arrival. In which was done accordingly, juft as the Confpirators be- April*6. ‘ 
 the mean time, the Favorite made the Earl of Goury came matters of Sterling. This arreft quite difheartened 
 undergo fo many mortifications, that he forced him at them. As he was a near relation of the King, they fanci- A P ril 2 4 - 
 Sbtf'idt length to quit the Court. Walfingham being arrived, im- ed, he had defignedly fufFered himfelf to be taken, and 
 W;i ingham parted to the King, in two private Audiences, the Queen’s believing they were betrayed, abandoned their enterprize 
 ‘0 Lon. advice concerning the management of his affairs. But as and fled out of the Kingdom. Ic coft the Earl his life 
 
 p- 4 ‘ this advice tended to the Earl of Arran's ruin, the Am- who being brought to Edinburgh was there beheaded (5)! 
 
 baflador brought back no very fatisfa&ory anfwer (2). Thus the Earl of Arran ftill kept his poft in fpite of his 
 
 Tbe Duke •f The beginning of the) ear, the Duke of Anjou being enemies. He was extremely odious to the whole King- 
 
 A| j" u too much confined by the terms laid upon him by the dom, becaufe he was a wicked, atheiftical man, and of an 
 ‘rT/Low" States, attempted to feize, on the fame day, Antwerp, infatiable avarice. There was alfo another thin°- which ve- 
 
 Coiintries is and fevcn or eight other Towns of the Netherlands. But ry much troubled the Scots. And that was, the King for Melvil - 
 
 j’njlrjteJ. miffing his aim, he was forced to retire to Dunkirk, and fome time had held private intelligence with the Queen his p ' Is8 ' 
 
 So Ada! ' f rom ^ence into France. Mean while, the affairs of the Mother, which bred a fear, that he would engage in de- 
 
 Stuw. States were in a melancholy iituation. The Prince of figns deftrudive of the State and Religion. He'had pri- 
 
 Parma made great progrefs this year, and very likely vately accepted of the affociation file had offered him, and 
 would fuccced at length, in obliging all the United Pro- it was feen that none but the Queen’s known friends had 
 vinces to return to the obedience of the King of Spain. accefs to him. Nay, it was whifpered, he intended to turn 
 
 stf’irscf Henry ill. behaved in France after fo ft range a manner, Catholick, and began to liften to the Propofals of the 
 
 '' ( ;;that he daily incurred the contempt of his fubjedts. In French Court, or rather of the Duke of Guife. 
 
 •rC'iius. public k he affedted an over ftrained devotion, whilft in All thefe things were but too apt to give Elizabeth great E ' iz ’ beIh 
 private he plunged liimfeif into the moft criminal plea- uneafinefs. She was afraid, the King of Scotland would lx -fif 
 
 lures. Philip II. taking advantage of Henry’s indolence perfwaded to take a French Wife, and fuch a mania^e situS*/* 
 
 with regard to his moft important affairs, ttrove by all produce ill effects for England. To try therefore to pre- ' he 
 forts of ways to raife him troubles, which fliould hinder vent the mifehiefs which might happen from that quarter, 
 him from undertaking the defence of the Netherlands, Ihe fent Duvifon into Scotland, under colour of excufing MdviL 
 who fhowed a ftiong Inclination to put themfelves under her prote&ion of the Scotch fugitives, though the Kimr had P- *57- 
 the minion of France. He cried firtt to perfwade the demanded them by virtue of the Treaty of Alliance con- 
 King of Navarre to take Arms, promifing to aid and eluded between the two Kingdoms. But Dav. : [,.’s chief 
 protect the Huguenots. This way failing, he applied to bufinefs was to endeavour to win the Eari ol Arran to 
 
 the Duke of Guife, who accepted the Succours offered by the Queen’s intereft. This method was better and fpee- 
 
 Pbilip, to revenge the mortifications he daily received from dier than to fupport the Male-contents of Scotland, who 
 
 the Kings minions (3). were always to be fupplied with money, without being 
 
 Whether Queen Elizabeth’s advice to the King of certain of the fuccefi of their undertakings. Befides, the 
 Scotland had a good efled upon him, or Melvil ’s Remon- Queen ran the hazard of entirely lofing King James. 
 ffrarev- , as he hints himfelf in his Memoirs, made fome That Prince had fenfe, but as he was young, unexperien- 
 impr on on his mind, he feemed refolved to put a ftup ced, and too much governed by his Favorites, it was to be 
 t' ,.e profecution o: the Lords of Ruthven. To that feared he would be drawn into projeds detrimental to 
 purpofe, he affembled the Nobility at Edinburgh, to end both Kingdoms, for the fake of others. Davifon fuccecd- Davifon la¬ 
 this affair with the advice of the great Men, as he had at ed entirely in his negotiation with refped to the Earl of c “ d ‘- 
 P . 152, £:c. fil(i projeded, by publifhing an Ad of Oblivion. But Arran, and by means that are eafy to be gueffed, prevailed 
 
 the Earl ol Arran, a bold and daring Man, defeated this with him to be guided by the Queen. Before his return to MelviI * 
 projed in fpite of the King himfelf. When the great England, it was agreed between the two Courts, that the p ' ,s8 ‘ 
 
 Men were come to Edinburgh, lie went and talked with Earl of Hunfdon for England, and the Earl of Arran for 
 every one apart, intimating, that the Kings intention was Scotland, Ihould meet upon the borders, and make a regu- 
 only to get his Condud approved, with regard to the lation proper to preferve a good underftanding between the 
 Lords of Ruthven, after which he would pardon them, two Kingdoms. Under this pretence, thefe two Lords 
 when they had acknowledged, they owed that favour to conferred together, and before they parted, made a private 
 his Clemency. The great Men feeing the point was only Treaty, whereby the Earl of Arran ingaged to keep the 
 to lave the King’s honour, and thinking the Fugitives King unmarried fur three years. Elizabeth pretended, 
 would receive no prejudice, promifed the Favorite to do Ihe defigned to give him a'Princefs of the Blood-Royal 
 as the King defired. So, when the King asked their ad- of England, who was not yet marriageable. This was”at 
 vice in this affair, they anfwered, it was their opinion he leaft the pretence with which the Treaty was coloured, 
 acted with great Clemency, in opening the Fugitives a Whilft thefe things were in agitation, the mafter of Elizabeth 
 Spotifwood. wa 7 t0 °^ tain tiieir pardon. This done, the Earl of Ar- Gray a young Scotch Lord, infinuated himfelf fo far into 
 
 ran told him, if, after this declaration, he publifhed an King James’s favour, that the Earl of Arran growing Mar Hf e ~ 
 a£t of Oblivion, without the Fugitives owning themfelves jealous, found means to remove him, by caufing him to Gray the 
 guilty, he would difoblige the Nobility, by negletfting be fent Ambaflador to Elizabeth. Gray was no fooner in Scotch Am ~ 
 their advice, and extremely injure his own Dignity. Thus x England, but the Queen won him by her carefles and 
 the Fugitives obtained no advantage, though the Affem- bounties. From that time this Ambaflador feigned to be P . 158.’ 
 bly was convened purely for their fake. ftrongly attached to Queen Mary’s intereft, and by that 
 
 Me,v5,< ^ le Declaration of the Nobility drove the Lords of means drew fecrets from her, which Elizabeth knew how 
 
 P ' , '‘ T ’ Ruthven to defpair. They were required to ask pardon to improve. The Earl of Arran having fome intelligence 
 fo; a thing which the King had approved, as done for of this intrigue, informed the King of it, in order to ruin 
 las lei vice. Nay, they could not be fure of their pardon, his Rival ; but as in all likelihood, he could bring no proof 
 Iince, as the King had once departed from his word, they of what he advanced, Gray being returned to Scotland, 
 
 1584- 
 
 Affairs of 
 
 Scotland. 
 
 Melvil. 
 
 could - nut tiuft him any more. The Earl of Arran hav¬ 
 ing obtained his defire, grew more proud and infolent, 
 and fo perfacuted all his enemies, that he forced them at 
 
 (1) Camden tl! 
 
 (2) The Earl 
 
 13,’ 'J une 9 i 
 
 . 
 
 tnarnh into F.«g 
 (4) He made 
 
 5 whole affair to the King’s advantage, hy piling o' 
 ■.in put dll ihe affronts that could be invented upr- 
 
 condiuon they tj 
 
 No. 4<;. 
 
 was very well received by the King, and fpared no pains 
 in his turn to ruin the Favorite. 
 
 Whilft thefe things palled in Scotland , Plots were form- ^ Confp! 
 
 ravydijt.- 
 
 filence all the particulars related by Melvil. Rapin. vend. 
 
 Sec Melvil, p. 148. Camden- 
 
 _ Karl cf Suffix, Lord Chamberlain ; and was buried at Nevobatt, or rather Bcrtbam, in Efftx _Alfo, HoJmgih. 
 
 ‘7 Q ■ A: ' 1 ' Car.u.iury, and was luccecded by Dr John Wbngift. Sim, p. 607. Gnndal was the iirft who brought la- P '37°»*C. 
 
 \nd. Lintden, p. 494. 
 
 1 ' : ••••/ to tiemh'e under him, and every Man to depend upon h.'m, daily inventing and fetking cut new faults againfl 
 
 - r " d • > of their La.teats, Lands, Benefices, &<. Melvil, p 155. 
 
 ■ " 1 , " ‘- v " ' : : ! ; hi 1. nds, a j there: te to eftrtl bis aefign, he caused to divide them with fsvcial others, upon 
 
 ■ lb'’t ram ,n mining th; Eari of Gcury, Melvil, p. 156. 
 
 vou a Gg ing 
 
Vol. ii. 
 
 118 
 
 The H I sro R r of ENGLAN D. 
 
 1584. ing in England in favour of the captive Queen. But feme 
 intercepted Letters to Queen Mary from Francis Throck¬ 
 morton (1) beginning to difeover the confpiracy, Throck¬ 
 morton was arrefted. Immediately Thomas Lord Paget 
 and Charles Arundel fled into France , and gave out that 
 the Catholicks were fo cruelly perfecuted in England , that 
 it was not poffible for them to ftay there without danger 
 of their lives: That the Court had Spies every where, 
 not only to watch the Catholicks, but alfo to lay fnares 
 for them : That forged Letters from the Queen of Scots 
 were left in their Houfes, to force them either to bring 
 them to the Secretary of State, or render themfelves guilty 
 by concealing them. There is no doubt, the Queen had 
 fpics to watch the motions of the Catholicks, having but 
 too much reafon to fufpetR their fidelity (a). Nay, it is 
 very pofiible that among thefe fpies there were feme, who 
 to improve their fervices, laid fnares for the Catholicks-. 
 Thofe who take upon them fuch an office, of what Reli¬ 
 gion foever they be, are not ufually the moft honeft men. 
 But the behaviour of the Catholicks had made thefe precau¬ 
 tions ncceflary, the knowledge of what palled among them 
 Stow. being of the utmoft conference to the Queen. Several 
 Holiingfli. Books, as well printed as in Manufcript, were handed a- 
 bout, wherein the Queen was flandered to the higheft de¬ 
 gree. She was taxed with putting to death many Catho¬ 
 licks without caufe, having firft racked them, to compel 
 them to confefs crimes of which they were innocent. Her 
 Maids of Honour were exhorted to ferve her in the fame 
 manner as Judith did Flolofernes , and render themfelves, 
 by fuch an a< 5 Hnn worthy of the applaufe of the Church 
 throughout all future ages (3). Thefe Books, with what 
 had been difeovered alter Throckmorton's arrelt, made it 
 thought fomc plot was ready to break out. 
 
 The S^uren Mean while the Queen, willing to ftiow it was not for 
 t ^ e ' r Religion that fomc Catholicks had been punifhed, fent 
 verify- *' for the Judges of the Realm, and fharply reproved them, for 
 Camiicn. having been too feverc in the tortures they had made thefe 
 men fuffer. Probably, this was done to afford them an 
 opportunity to clear themfelves from this charge, by an a- 
 7try dear pology which was made publick. They affirmed, “ That 
 tbeinfitvei. ‘4 no perfon had been made to fufler for his Religion, but 
 
 Holiingfli. tt on jy j- Qr dangers p ra( Rices againft the Queen and 
 
 P “ State ; that indeed Campion the Jefuit had been put to 
 
 “ the rack, but with fo little violence, that he was pre- 
 
 “ fcntly able to walk and fubferibe his confeflion : 1 hat 
 
 “ Brian , one of his complices, obffinately refufing to fpeak 
 “ or write the perfon’s name who penned the Papers found 
 “ about him, was indeed denied food, till he asked it in 
 <« writing.” However, the Queen, willing to take from 
 her enemies all occafion of fiandering her in foreign 
 parts, forbid the putting of any perfon whatever to the rack, 
 and was fatisfied with tranfporting out of England feven- 
 ty Priefts who were in prifon, and of whom fomc were 
 under fentence of death. Among thefe were certain Je- 
 fuits (4), who afterwards proved very ungrateful for this fa¬ 
 vour. Perhaps indeed (he atfted, upon this occafion, not fo 
 much from a motive of clemency, as to feparate two things 
 which were always endeavoured to be confounded, namely. 
 Religion and the crimes againft the State, under pretence 
 that moft of the Confpirators were Catholicks. 
 
 The Spanifli Before Throckmorton was apprehended, he fent a cabinet 
 
 Ambaffador f u j[ 0 f Papers to Mendoza the Spanijh Ambaffador, of 
 «‘be fn'be v/hich the Court had notice (5). He denied all at his firft 
 plot. examination : but at the fecond, con felled, “ that going 
 Carniicn. it f ome f ew y ea rs fince to the Spans, he conferred federal 
 p.°i37^,&c. “ times with Jcney and Sir Francis Inglefield, two Englijh 
 “ fugitives, how England might be invaded (6) : 1 hat 
 
 “ after his return, Morgan , another fugitive in France , 
 “ told him, the Catholick Princes had formed a defign to 
 “ free the Queen of Scots, and to employ the Duke of 
 <c Guife for that purpofc : That nothing was wanting, 
 <c but to know what fuccours might be depended upon 
 “ from the Englijh Catholicks : That in order to take 
 “ their meafures the better, Charles Paget, under the 
 “ counterfeit name of Mope , was fent into the County 
 4C of SuJJcx , where the Duke of Guife intended to land : 
 “ That he ( Throckmorton ) imparted the project to the 
 <c Spanijh Ambaffador, who had been already informed of it, 
 “ and fhowed him the Ports where it would be moft pro- 
 “ per to land : That he moreover acquainted the fame 
 “ Ambaffador, with the names of the great Men to whom 
 “ he might freely open his mind, becaufe, as he was a 
 “ publick perfon, he would not be fo narrowly watched. 
 
 “ Finally, that he conferred with him how to raifeSnl- 1584. 
 
 “ diers privately in England , to have them ready when 
 “ the foreign Troops ft'.ould arrive.” 
 
 Upon thefe depofitions, the Spanijh Ambaffador was defi- " ’J J 
 red to come to the Council, where he was told what f'.J,'/ ‘ 
 Throckmorton had witnefled againft h.m. As he did rot c.nrden. 
 think himfelf, doubtlefs, innocent enough to clear himfelf 1 * 3 4 ‘' Tr f' 1 ‘ 
 from thefe accufations, he chofe by way of recrimination ^ ’ ' J ' 
 to charge the Queen, with detaining the Spanijh money 
 flie had fei/.ed, and with affifting the Duke of Anjou. 
 
 Then, he fpoke againft the Minifters, faying, Tli.it by 
 their ill counfels they inceflantly laboured to fow diicord 
 between the Queen and the King of Spain. A few days ,7 r :. rfi 
 after, the Queen commanded him to depart the Kiiv:d< ' ■■■ / ■••• 
 which he readily obeyed, thinking himfelf very happy in 
 coming off at fo eafy a rate. However, when he came 
 into France, he loudly complained, as if in England the Hi-c. 14. 
 Law of Nations had been violated in bis perfon. Mean 
 while, the* Queen difpatched Wade (7) to Spain, to inform./'"-* ""•■■■ 
 the King of what had paired, and to tell him fhe w; s J 
 ready to receive another Ambaftador from him. But Phi 'rpufhau. 
 lip would not give Wade audience, who refufed alfo in his •t^.-ie. 
 turn to impart the contents of his Embaffy to the Prime 
 Minifter. 
 
 When Throckmorton was brought upon his trial, he de- Thrcck- 
 nied what he had confefled at his examination, affirming, 
 he had invented it on purpofe to avoid the rack. But July 10. 
 after his condemnation, upon the evidence of his own let- * tnw - 
 ters to the Queen of Scots and the Papers found in his 
 Coffers, he owned all, and even made a more circum- 
 ftantial declaration than at firft. And yet when he came 
 to the Gallows, he denied again whatever he had confefled. 
 
 Elizabeth, as fhe could not doubt, her enemies were per- 
 petually contriving to deprive her of the Crown, and let it '«‘wuw 
 on the head of the Queen of Scots, lived in a conffant un- 
 eafinefs, and under the apprehenfion that fome one of their j 
 plots would at laft fucceed. So, to difeover more fully the Scots 
 defigns of her enemies, fhe feemed willing to refume the 
 negotiation begun with the Queen of Scots. To that end and fends 
 fhe fent Wade , at his return from Spain, to tell her, fhe Wider her. 
 was ready to renew the Treatv which had been inter- arr en ‘ 
 rupted, and would difpatch to her very foon Sir Walter 
 Mildmay for that purpofe. But withal, fhe lot her know 
 fhe infilled upon two conditions, namely, that fhe fhould 
 prevail with the King her Son, to grant the Pardon pro- 
 mifed to the Lords of Ruthven, and put a flop to the 
 Plots of the Bifhop of Glajcow her Ambaffador in France. 
 
 At this time happened the furprife of Sterling, the impri- aK jden 
 fonment of the Earl of Gouty, and the flight of the Con- Beni 
 fpirators into England. Whereupon Elizabeth fent Beal Cimoen ' 
 to delire the Queen of Scots, to inteicede with the King 
 her Son for the Fugitives, and inform her of the Duke of 
 Guile's defigns, as fhe had promifed Wade. Mar\ anfwer- 
 ed, fhe had promifed nothing, but on condition fhe ftiould an/air-. 
 be releafed : That fhe would readily intercede for the 
 Scotch Fugitives, provided any advantage would accrue 
 from thence to herfelf or the King her Son, and in cafe 
 they would confefs their fault. She did not deny, fie had 
 defired the Duke of GuiJ'e to ufe his endeavours to free 
 her ; but laid, fhe knew nothing of his defigns, nor, if fhe 
 did, would flie difeover them, unlefs file was affured of her 
 deliverance. She befought Elizabeth to ufe her with more 
 humanity, and defired the Treaty might be concluded with 
 her, before the Setts were treated with. Laftly, fhe added, 
 that as the King of France had owned and received her 
 Ambaffador jointly w'ith her Son’s, as Princes aflociated, 
 
 Elizabeth would be pleafed to caufe this affociation to be 
 publifhed in Scotland. 
 
 Elizabeth took care not to ferve her in what fhe defired, . lhe 
 her aim being only to draw from her a follicitation in be- ation u 
 half of the Scotch Fugitives, and an information concern- ir '* en 
 ing the Duke of Guife’ s defigns, upon the uncertain hope 
 of an agreement which fhe flattered her with. But find¬ 
 ing fhe could get nothing out of her, fhe relinquifhcd the 
 negotiation as needlefs. However, perceiving by Mary's 
 anfwer, that the King of Scotland had accepted the Alloca¬ 
 tion, fhe was afraid fome dangerous Plot was contriving in 
 Scotland. It was this chiefly that made her refolve to gain 
 the Earl of Arran at any rate, wherein fhe fucceedcd as i 
 faid before. 
 
 Shortly after, Elizabeth alfo difeovered that her enemies other put 
 did not ceafe their fecret practices. Chreichton a Scotch differed. 
 Jefuit, going by fea into Scotland, and his Ship being at- Umden ‘ 
 
 (1) F.ldcrt San of John Throckmorton, chief Juft : ce of Cbejler, who had lately been put out of the Commifii n. Camden, p. 497. 
 
 Thefe Perfins were particularly fufpefted, Henry Percy Earl of Northumberland, ;.rd his Son , Philip Howard Earl of Arundel, and his Brother IViU 
 
 /. jbi, with the Ear I of Arundel's Wife ; and Henry Howard, their Uncle, the Duke of Norfolk's Brother. Camden, p. 497. 
 
 (3) The Author of thefe Books w-as never difeovered, but theftifpicion lighted upon Gregory Martin an OxJcrJ Man, very learned in the Greek and Latin 
 Tongues. Carter a Book feller was executed, who procured them to be printed. Camden, p 497. Stow, p- 698. 
 
 (4) Goffer Haywood, Janes Bofgrave, John Hart, and Edward Rijhton, were the chief. Camden, p. 497. 
 
 I ; Trie reft ot Throckmorton' s Coffers being leatched, there were tound in them two Catalogues; cne. or the Ports in England, that were Convenient to 
 
 land Forces at ; and the other of the Gentlemen all over England, that profclfed the Rotnijh Religion- Camden, p. 498. 
 
 (t>) And to that end, he had drawn the/e r wo Catalogues. Ibid. 
 
 ;- j He was- Clerk of the Council. Camden calls him ff'aadut, or IVaad, but others Sit ffilliam blade, v/hich lsfl wjt hii true naif . 
 
 tacked 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 158+. 
 
 JI general 
 Affectation 
 
 of the Queen 
 
 Mary ftn.ii 
 Propojalt to 
 Elizibetli. 
 Camden. 
 
 Remark upon 
 tbit Subjeki. 
 
 P-499- 
 
 
 Mary it pu. 
 »'"« Dru.y’ 
 Cu/lody. 
 Camden, 
 p. 501. 
 
 23. ELIZABETH. 
 
 119 
 
 tacked by Pirates, tore Tome papers he had about him, and 
 threw them into the Tea. But by a very extraordinary ac¬ 
 cident, the wind hindered the torn papers from falling in¬ 
 to the water, and blew them back into the Ship, where 
 fomebody took the pains to gather them up. Thefe papers 
 being delivered to Wade , he parted them together upon 
 another paper with great labour and patience, and by that 
 means a Plot was difeovered, framed by the Pope, the 
 King of Spain, and the Duke of Guife, to invade Eng¬ 
 land. Whereupon, by the Earl of Leicejler’s means, a 
 general aflociation of Men of all degrees and conditions 
 was formed in England, who bound themfelves by oath to 
 profecute to the death thofe that fhould attempt any thing 
 againft the Queen. 
 
 The Queen of Scots eafdy perceived that the plots of her 
 friends were difeovered, fince the aflociation was a clear 
 evidence that Elizabeth thought herfelf in danger. As fhe 
 was afraid fhe could not avoid the efforts of this Aflbcia- 
 tion, in cafe it came to be known that fhe was concerned 
 in thefe Plots, fhe ufed frefh endeavours to free herfelf 
 from captivity. To that purpofe fhe fent Naue her Secre¬ 
 tary to Elizabeth with thefe propofals : 
 
 That if fhe might be releafed, fhe offered to enter in¬ 
 to a clofer amity with the Queen of England : To re¬ 
 nounce the title of Queen of England, and never lay 
 claim to the Crown of that Kingdom fo long as Elizabeth 
 was alive : To fign the Aflociation : To make a league 
 defenfive with England, (fo far as might ftand with the 
 Alliance between France and Scotland) provided that no¬ 
 thing was done in England to her diladvantage, before fhe 
 herfelf or the King her Son was heard in the Parliament : 
 To flay in England till Hoftages were given : To make 
 no change in the Religion eftablifhed in Scotland, provided 
 fhe might have the free exercife of her own : To bury in 
 oblivion all injuries done to her in Scotland, on condition 
 that whatever had been enabled to her difgrace fhould be 
 repealed : To recommend to her Son fuch Counfellors as 
 were inclined to preferve a good underftanding with Eng¬ 
 land : To procure a pardon for the Fugitives, provided 
 they would own themfelves guilty : To treat of no match 
 for the King her Son without Elizabeth' s knowledge. She 
 required on her part, that the Treaty fhould be made with 
 her and the King her Son jointly, and promifed to have it 
 ratified by the Duke of Guife. Moreover, fhe defired mat¬ 
 ters might be fpeedily concluded, for fear fome accident 
 fhould obftruil the Treaty. Laftly, fhe prayed Elizabeth 
 to give her fome token of her Efteem, by granting her a 
 little more liberty. 
 
 Had Mary made thefe offers at any other time, perhaps 
 Elizabeth would have regarded them. But in the prefent 
 jumSlure, they only ferved to increafe her fufpicions, fince 
 it was evident they were an eft’edl of the fear inftill’d into 
 the Prifoner, by the aflociation and the difeovery of the 
 plots. Camden pretends, contrary to all appearance, that 
 Elizabeth being fatisfied with thefe Propofals, was going to 
 fet Mary at liberty, had fhe not been hindered by the cla¬ 
 mours of the Scots. Hence he takes occafion to make a 
 long invedlive againft the Presbyterians and their Preachers, 
 and to accufe them of infolence, contempt of the King’s 
 perfon, and rebellion againft the Laws. Here alfo he 
 fpeaks of the fupprefiion of Buchanans writings, which was 
 foreign to the purpofe. In a word, he would have Pref- 
 bytery to be confidered as the foie caufe of the obftacles to 
 Mary's deliverance, in fpile of Elizabeth's good intentions 
 towards her. This is no wonder, for it was the modifh 
 ftile in England in the reign of fames I. to whom court 
 was made by inveighing agaift the Puritans. I own how¬ 
 ever, it is not wholly improbable, that on this occafion, 
 Elizabeth even fet the Scots upon forming the obftacles 
 mentioned here by Camden. But it is very unlikely, that 
 at a time when lhe faw her enemies in league againft her, 
 to place Mary, though a prifoner, on the Throne of Eng¬ 
 land, file fhould really intend to releafe her, and fo en¬ 
 able her the better to execute her defigns. To take Eli¬ 
 zabeth's diftimulation for her real intention, was an arti¬ 
 fice of Camden, thereby to infinuate, fhe thought Mary 
 innocent of the plots which were continually framing. 
 But he contradicts himfelf, by faying a little after, that 
 Mary lofing all hopes of agreement, hearkened at length 
 to dangerous Counfels, and writ to the Pope, and the King 
 of Spain, folliciting them to haften what they had in hand 
 with all fpeed, let what would happen to her. It is there¬ 
 fore evident, there was now fome projedt on foot, which 
 f fhe knew, and had hearkened to dangerous Counfels before 
 1 the time mentioned by Camden. But Elizabeth, better 
 informed than Mary imagined, knowing what meafures 
 
 were taken to carry her away, took her out of the hands r 5 8 .j.. 
 of the Earl of Shrewsbury, and committed her to the cuf- 
 tody of Sir Drue Drury, a watchful Man, if ever there 
 wasone(i). Camden fays, the Earl of Leicejler defiring 
 at once to free Elizabeth from the uneafmefs, the Queen 
 of Scots created her, bribed certain murderers to afl'aflinate 
 the prifoner ; but as none durft give them an order for 
 leave to approach her, Drury's Watchfulnefs hindered them 
 from getting accefs to her. If this denotes the Earl of 
 Leicejler’ s viilany, and perhaps, in Camden’s intention, 
 that of Elizabeth herfelf, it fhows too how dangerous a 
 perfon the Queen of Scots was deemed, fince it was 
 thought, Elizabeth’s life could not be fafe, but by her 
 death. It is not likely therefore, that Elizabeth fhould Ib * <5 " 
 then think of releafing her. The fame Author fays, that 
 to alienate Queen Elizabeth’s affeClion entirely from the 
 Queen of Scots, it was whifpered in her ears, that a refo- 
 lution was taken to deprive her of the Crown, and fet it 
 on Mary's head : That a Council had been held, wherein 
 CarJinal Allen for the Englijh Ecclefiafticks, Jngleficld for 
 the Laity, and the Bifhop of Rof for the Queen of Scots, 
 all three impowered bv the Pope, and the King of Spain, 
 had agreed, that Elizabeth fhould be aflaflinated, King 
 fames depofed, and Mary given in marriage to fome En¬ 
 glijh Catholick Nobleman : That this Nobleman fhould 
 be elected King of England , and the Crown fettled upon 
 his Heirs. He adds, Walfingham diligently inquired who 
 this Englijh Nobleman mignt be, and that the fufpicion fell 
 upon Henry Howard the late Duke of Norfolk’s Brother (2). 
 
 During this year, the affairs of the United Provinces Affa<n ff 
 daily grew worfe, the Prince of Parma from time to'J eLov !' 
 time conquering I owns upon them. At laft, to reduce Grntius. 
 them, as it were, to the laft extremity, God permitted Strada. 
 the Prince of Orange to be aflaflinated by one Balthazar DuMaur: - 
 Gcrrard, a Burgundian. Philip his eldelt Son being then 
 in the hands of the King of Spain, and educated in the 
 Catholick Religion, the States conferred the Government 
 of Holland and Zealand upon his fccond Son Maurice, 
 about eighteen years old. Mean while, the Prince of 
 Parma improving the conftcrnation of the States, laid 
 Siege to Antwerp. In this diftrefs, the States, finding it 
 was not poflible to fupport themfelves with their own 
 Forces, debated, whether they fhould put themfelves un¬ 
 der the protection of France or England, and at length 
 refolved for France. But Henry III. was then involved 
 in troubles, which fuffered him not to accept their offer. 
 
 So, finding no incouragement from that quarter, they 
 were forced to apply to the Queen of England. We fnall 
 fee next year the fuccefs of this Negotiation. 
 
 Fhe troubles with which France had been fo long di- Ajf*in of 
 flurbed, and which feemed to be a little appeafed, were France - 
 renewed by the death of the Duke of Anjou in fune. 
 
 As the King had no Children, and was thought incapable Hoiiingfli. 
 of having any, the Duke of Guife projected to feize the p - Daniei * 
 Throne, as defeended from Charles the Great. This at 
 leaft is what feveral have accufed him of, not without 
 great probability. But as Henry of Bourbon King of Na¬ 
 varre, was become firft Prince of the Blood, lince the 
 death of the Duke of Anjou, a pretence was to be found 
 to exclude him from the Throne, otherwife it would not 
 be poflible for the Duke of Guife to execute his projeCt. 
 
 It was not difficult to find a pretence, fince the King of 
 Navarre profefied the Reformed Religion. So the Duka 
 of Guife hiding his ambition under the veil of Relision, 
 pretended to have no other view but to maintain the Ca¬ 
 tholick Religion, which would be in great danger, if 3 
 Huguenot afeended the Throne. The King, who knew 
 his defign, did his utmoft to perfwade the King of Na¬ 
 varre to change his Religion, and the Duke perceiving 
 endeavours were ufed to break his meafures, renewed the 
 League firft at Paris, and then in the Provinces. By 
 this means he could have an Army ready on the firft oc¬ 
 cafion. The people were fo blind and ftupid, as to ima¬ 
 gine, he only aimed at the prefervation of the Catholick 
 Religion. Mean while, the Duke having notice, that 
 the King would caufe him to be arrefted, withdrew to 
 his Government of Champagne, were on the laft day of 
 December, he figned a private League with the King of 
 Spain , who, on pretence of Religion, fought only to fo¬ 
 ment the troubles in France. But as the Duke would not 
 have it appear, that he afpired to the Crown, the Treaty 
 ran, that the Cardinal of Bourbon fhould be raifed to the 
 Throne, after the death of Henry III, and to that end, 
 the King of Spain fhould find fifty thoufand Crowns a 
 month. Thus, by means of the Duke of Guife, Philip II. 
 kindled in France a flame which long confumed that King- 
 
 ( T ! Sir Amiat Ptnutet was a lfa joined in the Commiflion with him, to take care of Mary. She was then in Tutimy" CsIUe. Camden, p. 501. 
 
 (i i This year, in April. Walter Raleigh Efq; went to difeover the Countrty adjoining to Florida in the Wcji-Indi.t, and returned in Auguft, bringing 
 
 two ol the Natives along with him. Hollingjh. p. 1369--Within the com pa Is of this year alfo, Cbarlei Nevil, the laft Earl of Wefimoreland cf this 
 
 Houle, ended his li'e in a miferable Exile. From this Family fprung ( be Titles fix Earls of Wc/lmoreland) two Earls of Satiibury and Warwick, an Earl of 
 Kent, a Mirquifs Mont acute, a Duke of Bedford, a Baron Ferrari of Ojley, Barons Latimen, Barons Abergavenny, one Queen, five DuchelTes, not ta 
 reckon Counielies and Baronelles, an Archbilhop of Turk, and a great number of inferior Gentlemen. Camden, p. 501. 
 
 i dom. 
 
The HISTORY ./ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 >S» 4 . 
 
 P. 3 +°- 
 
 March z 
 
 dom, and hindered the French from thinking of the ac- 
 quifition of the Netherlands (i). 
 
 Iti r’.e beginning of the year 158^, Elizabeth difcovered 
 . a Con 'piracy, of which William Parry was the Author. 
 He was a Gentleman of Hales, Member of the Houfe of 
 Commons, 1 real for the Catholick 
 
 Religion in oppofing alone a Bill preferred in the lower 
 Houle ,g. lull the Jefuits. He fpoke upon that occafion 
 with <0 i'-uch paflion and vehemence, that he was com¬ 
 mitted to cuftody (z), but [his fubmiflion being made] 
 he was in a few days readmitted into the Houfe. Hardly 
 was he at liberty, when Edmund Nevil, who claimed the 
 Inheritance of the Earl of Wejhnoreland lately decealed 
 in the Low-Countries (3), accufed him of confpiring againft 
 the Queen ; whereupon he was fent to the Tower . He 
 owned, “ he had a defign to kill the Queen, and was 
 “ pc-rfwaded to it by Morgan an Englijh Catholick Re- 
 “ fugee in France ; that he held Intelligence with Jefuits, 
 ** the Pope’s Nuntios and Cardinals (4) ; that the better 
 “ to deceive the Queen, and procure free aocefs to her 
 <c perfon, he returned from France into England, and dif- 
 “ covered the whole Confpiracy to her ; that afterwards, 
 “ repenting of his wicked intention, he laid away his 
 “ dagger every time he waited on her, left he fhould be 
 “ tempted to commit the murder ; but at length, Car- 
 “ dinal Allens Book, wherein he maintained it to be not 
 “ only lawful, but honorable to kill Princes excommuni- 
 “ cated, falling into his hands, he read it, and felt him- 
 “ felf ftrongly encouraged to purfue his firft defign; that 
 “ Nevil his accufer coming to dine with him, propofed 
 “ to attempt fomething for the deliverance of the Queen 
 “ of Scots, to which he anfwered, he had a greater de- 
 “ fign in his thoughts ; that a few days after, Nevil 
 “ coming to fee him, they refolved to kill the Queen, 
 “ as flic rode abroad to take the air, and fwore upon the 
 « Bible to keep the fecret; but that in the mean while, 
 “ Nevil hearing the news of the Earl of IVeJlmoreland's 
 “ death, accufed him, in hopes of procuring the Earl’s 
 “ Inheritance, to which he laid claim.” Upon this con- 
 feflion, he was condemned and executed. 
 
 Tbc Patlia - This Confpiracy occafioned the Parliament to take cx- 
 ment con- traordinary care of the Queen’s and the Kingdom’s welfare. 
 fjZ'ff] The General AfTociation was admitted, approved, and con- 
 A;i af 1 <ji firmed by unanimous confent (5). It was alio enafted, 
 the Auan of “ that twenty-four [or more] Commiflioners chofen and 
 Scots - “ appointed by the Queen fhould make inquifition, con- 
 “ cerning thofe who fhould endeavour to raife a Rebellion 
 “ in the Kingdom, or attempt the Queen’s life, or claim- 
 “ ed any Right to the Crown of England. That the 
 “ perfon for whom, or by whom any attempt fhould be 
 “ made, fhould be utterly incapable of fucceeding to the 
 “ Crown, deprived for ever of all Right and Title to it, 
 “ and profccutcd to death, if declared guilty by the four 
 “ and twenty Commiflioners.” 
 
 It was impoflible not to fee, that the Queen of Scots 
 was diredlly aimed at, for whofe fake all thefe plots were 
 contriving. Wherefore, very probably, from this time 
 her death began to be determined ; the two Queens be¬ 
 ing no longer able to fubfift together. The Council of 
 England at lcaft was of this opinion. Mary doubted not 
 that the Law was enabled againft her. Perhaps fhe would 
 have prevented the fatal effe&s of it, could fhe have re¬ 
 folved to renounce all correfpondence in the Kingdom, 
 and in foreign Countries. But fhe had not the prudence 
 to take this wife courfe, or perhaps, to avoid the fnares 
 laid for her, nor was quick-fighted enough to perceive, fhe 
 only ferved for a blind to her pretended friends, to exe¬ 
 cute other projects. 
 
 The Parliament was not contented with this fevere Sta¬ 
 tute for the Queen’s prefervation. It was farther enac- 
 “ ted, That all Popifh Priefts fhould depart the Realm 
 “ within forty days: That thofe who fhould afterwards 
 “ return, fhould be guilty of High-Treafon : That to 
 cc receive or harbour them fhould be Felony. ” It was 
 declared alfo, “ That thofe who were educated in foreign 
 “ Seminaries, if they returned not into England within 
 “ fix months [after notice,] and made not their fubmifli- 
 “ on [within two days after their return] before a Bifhop, 
 “ or two Juftices of Peace, fhould be guilty of High- 
 “ Treafon. That if any Perfon fubmitting himfelf, 
 “ fhould within ten years approach the Court, or come 
 
 Another a 
 gain/I 1 be 
 Pap,ft:. 
 Statue. C. 
 
 : within ten miles thereof, his fubmiflion fhould be void. 1585. 
 
 : That thofe who fhould dire&ly or indireftly, convey 
 ; any money to ftudents, or others in fuch Seminaries, 
 fhould incur the penalty of a Pramunire, lofs ot Goods, 
 
 : and perpetual exile. That if any of the Peers of the 
 Realm fhould offend againft this Aft, they fhould be 
 brought to their tryal by their Peers. That if any per¬ 
 fon fhould know any Popifh Prieft or Jefuit, lurking 
 : in the Kingdom, and fhould not dilcover him within 
 four days, he fhould be fined and imprifoned at the 
 
 ■ Queen’s pleafure. That if any Man lhould be fufpect- 
 ed to be a Prieft or Jefuit, and refufe to fubmit himfelf 
 
 ; to examination, he fhould be imprifoned till he did fub¬ 
 mit. That they who fhould fend their Children n 
 Popifh Colleges or Seminarie:, fhould be fined in one- 
 hundred Pounds Sterling. That if thofe who were fent 
 : thither, did not return within a year, they fhould be 
 ; incapable to fucceed as Heirs to any eftate. 1 hat il the 
 Wardens of the Ports fhould fuffer any befides Mer- 
 : chants to crofs the Seas, without the Queen’s licenfe, 
 figned by fix Privy-Counfellors, they fhould be turned 
 : out of their places. That the Malters of Ships who 
 ; received any Paflengers without fuch licenfe, fhould 
 
 ■ forfeit their Ships and Goods, fuller a year’s imprifon- 
 ; ment, and be incapable of exercifing Navigation for 
 : the future.” 
 
 This is the fevereft A& againft the Catholicks in the 
 Reign of Queen Elizabeth. But they could blame only 
 thcmfelves, or rather the indifereet zeal of fome amongft 
 them, who never ceafed plotting againft the Queen, and 
 endeavoring to fet the Queen of Scots on the throne of 
 England. Even this Statute was not capable of flopping 
 them, till at laft they carried their zeal to fuch a height, 
 that the deftruftion of one of the Queens became necefla- 
 ry for the prefervation of the other (0). 
 
 Philip Earl of Arundel, eldeft Son of the Duke of Nor- Tbt Ear .■ 
 folk, had, through the Queen’s grace and favor, been re- 
 ftored in blood (7) and to his Father’s eftate three years ff he „ 
 before. But afterwards he embraced the Catholick Re- gang our oj 
 ligion, and being twice cited before the Council to anfwer h f 
 to certain accufations entered againft him, was confined cim-icn. 
 to his own Houfe. Six months after he was releafed, and Stow, 
 came to the Houfe of Lords, but withdrew the very firft ? 
 day, not to be obliged to be prefo.it at the Sermon. As 
 he was extremely addidted to his Religion, he refolved to 
 leave the Kingdom to enjoy the free exercife of it, and be¬ 
 fore his departure writ a Letter to the Queen, which was 
 not to be delivered till after he was gone. The Letter 
 was full of complaints, that his innocence was opprefled. 
 
 He faid, “ that to avoid the misfortune befallen his Grand- 
 “ father, and Father, and to ferve God with freedom, ac- 
 tc cording to his conscience, he had refolved to quit the 
 “ Kingdom, but not his Allegiance to his Sovereign.” 
 
 But being betrayed by his own Servants, he was apprehended, 
 as he was going to embark, and fent to the Tower. 
 
 Henry Percy Earl of Northumberland, brother to him Tre Early 
 that was beheaded, was in the fame Tower, having been 
 charged with being concerned in Throckmorton's Confpi- b,m(eif. 
 racy, and with holding correfpondence with the Lord Camden. 
 Paget ami the Duke of Guift. June lift this year he ^ 
 was found dead in his bed, fhot with three bullets under Ho'liir.gih.' 
 his left pap. As he was alone in his room, which was P-»4®3> & c. 
 bolted on the infide, it was eafy to fee he had killed himfelf. 
 
 The calm Elizabeth had enjoyed for fome years, began KiCnbeih i, 
 to be turned into Storms which threatened her from all t breamed 
 quarters. This change muft be aferibed to three principal 
 caufes. The firft was the Duke of Guife s power, which Lmdem 
 was almoft equal to that of the French King himfelf. 
 
 Phillip II.’s flourifliing condition may be reckoned afecond, 
 who, after acquiring the Kingdom of Portugal, was upon 
 the point of reducing to his obedience the revolted Provin¬ 
 ces of the Netherlands. The third was the hopes Queen 
 Elizabeth's Enemies flattered themfelves with, of gaining 
 the King of Scotland , and making ufe of him to invade 
 England. I mention not the Court of Rome, or the Eng- 
 I'Jh Catholicks, who always continued in the fame difpoii- 
 tion, fo there was nothing new in that rafpedt. The 
 Queen of Scots was ever the ftumbling-block. It was fhe 
 that gave birth to all the contrivances. Her deliverance 
 from captivity was defired, in order to fet on her head the 
 
 i Elizabeth fent this year, 
 
 ary, Henry Ear I 
 
 (1' Herry. King of France, having the laft year been chofen Into the Order of the Garter, Quee 
 of Derby to Franc”, to invert the King with the Robes and Enfigns of the Order. Camden, p. 501. Stew, P; 7 °°- . . , - 
 
 (a, He l„d, that the Bill favoured of Treasons, was full of blood, danger, defpair, and terror to the Eng/,ft Subjctts of this Realm, and lull of confil- 
 
 Cat (3 )*/?<!/’":, by mi (lake, calls him Henry. He claimed the Inheritance of the Nevil: Earls of Wtftmor eland, and the Title of Lord Latimer as next Hcir- 
 
 DuringT/isftay abroad, he held a correfpondence with the Lord Burgbley, pretending to be mighty zealous for Queen Elizabeth. See Stryft: Ann. 
 
 T °(^) This \v»s done in the 4th Scflian of the Parliament, which met by prorogation Ntrvemb. 23. 15S4, and was prorogued agam March 2 9 -J j 8 5 - f” 
 this sefli n the Lords and Commons granted ihe Queen two Fifteenths and a Subfidy ; and the Clergy a Subfidy of fix Shillings in the Pound, to p 
 
 ,h (6 e | y |-.-hi s M.e ivor A«s already mentioned, it was alfo enafled in this Seffion, That no Perfon Hull be returned to ferve upoo Juries, but what has an 
 Eftate of freehold L,r,.C. Tenements, or Hereditaments, to the clear yearly value of four Pounds at the leaft. 
 
 (7) A. his Brother llww 1 via, in the Parliament held this year. See D'e-wei, p. 341, 34’- 
 
 Crown 
 
'SSj. 
 
 She fends ar. 
 
 Arnbaffador 
 
 into Ger¬ 
 many. 
 Camden. 
 
 She tries to 
 break off the 
 Projelt of 
 the King of 
 Scotland’! 
 Marriage . 
 Melvil. 
 p. 158,161. 
 
 Book xvir. 
 
 23. ELIZABETH. 
 
 not , r* un - ,sSi - 
 
 fcheme of Elizabeth’s enemies. She could not be ignorant her (hTwl ' tS !f ^ ^ ° r ra ' 
 
 tne french Huguenots had been fufficiently ftrong to fun- wit and a rreat Traveller im^inintr i,„ , 1 \ 
 
 port themfelves, and difable the Court from attempting proper to divert him agreeably anl bnne-' I " (i 
 JOT thing again St England. Thirdly, whilft the affairs of great delight In his conversion.’ Mthi! who'was wife,® 
 the Confederates in the Netherlands were profperous, they ed to receive this Amballinior, remembred in have fenf'tt 1 ' 
 
 We ‘ ' Pf f.li ^ F !'®’ th,t , * “ " ot f 0 *- him formerly at Pari,, a; his Uncle Dr Hatin' s ^he 
 ble for n to think fenoudy of foreign affairs, Engli/h Ambaflador, and that, young as he was he bad 
 
 But the time I am fpeaking of, the feene was entirely Infrared that able Minifter, the oid CunfeHe Mmtmrin 
 
 h te , uT W ? S r m UCh "T 35 ¥ ,Zal “ h COulJ no * M Ke w»tned the King of it, who rerafded k not „ ,Cf 
 
 longer build her fafety upon the jealoufy between the On the contrary he made ibis Amlv-fPi l r B „ r n P 
 rrtneh and Spanifi i Crowns, that foundation being grown his pleafures, and one of his greateft Favaim ^' " ' ° 
 too weak. The Duke of Gulf, her mortal enemy, was The Danijb Ambaflador, 8 b i, g art ed in taH M r 
 more powerful ,n Franc, than the King himfelf, and be- IVctten and home of the King’s Minifters caufed hem w . / 
 hdes, was fupported by the King of Spain. Very pro- to receive fo many morlificatrais, that they were 
 
 bably the Huguenots would be entirely oppreffed, and the to return in very great d.fcontent (+). Bur Mehfl in? p- .«s. .6t. 
 
 £ h h C ,h f °° n br ° u eJ t u " der ‘Ik Spamjh yoke, after forming them of the (late of Affair'?, perfwaded them to 
 T "° woulJ he invaded, have patience, and indeed, the King bring undeceived of 
 
 Elizabeth therefore was to think betimes of preventing the fome notions infiiiled into him againft the Kino of Den 
 
 impendent danger, or rcfolve to fuftain alone the efforts ot mart, fent them back better falisfied Shorily after her . 61. 
 her enenues. Prudencerequired, thatihe Ihould in the f.rff difpatched Peter r,u„ e (j) his Almoner to thefame Prince 
 place try to avoid the affaults which were preparing againft to thank him for his Emboli), and to aeon him Shat i e 
 her without ragtafting however the means of withftaild- would very foon fend Ambafliidnrs to him The leal mo- 
 
 in them, if fhe fhould be forced to it. The fcheme file tive of Young's voyage M as to fee th- Ki rr ‘ D •>, 7 • 
 
 laid was this, as will plainly appear in the fequel. Firft, two Daughters, aid" inform the King his Lfl-f ol'their 
 
 file refolved to make Alliances, ifpoffible, with the two qualifications. g matter 0t thul 
 
 Northern Crowns and the German Proteftants, though it In the mean while, the Earl of Arran's credit fenfhlv Fnnch 
 were only to ratfe the jealoufy of her enemies. Secondly, decreafed, by the addrefs of the matter of Gray his Rival R ”' ,rl kilici 
 
 to fend a ftrong aid to the Confederates of the Low-Conn- who knew better how to manage the Kina ft/Tn f ^ 
 
 K b"h 0i Sfai " cmplo),ed therc - TWnHy, Gotten helped with all his power ra ruin the Favorite™for’ 
 
 “.?** ^ french Haguemts, to prevent their being too befidcs that Elizabeth had no fanher need of him ’sJ"*!’ 
 
 eafil) opprefled, knowing the Duke of Gutfe would be un- fhe had won Gray he was a man on whnm m 1(,6 ‘ 
 
 f 1 '"? ag % nft her ’ T fo i 0 ” S ai the civil much rcly ' An accide n‘ »lfo on tiie borders id th^Earl 
 Wars held him employed in France. Daftly, file thought of Arran great injury. Thcmas Carr the Laird of Ferni ]■* .5. 
 there was no better way to break her Enemies meafures, bur/1 who had married his Niece hnldino- 
 than to endeavour, if poiTible, to have the King of witVsir Francis Ru}el (6) ^r^d of ^^on 6 
 
 Lr/XTri/i; ! fail , cd ’ t0 raif ^" oub,cs m u P° n aiTilirs relating to both Kingdoms, an Engli/Jman be- 
 
 bcotland, which fhould hinder that young Prince from ing taken pilfering, raifed a quarrel between the two 
 
 framing projeds detrimental to England. It is alfo very Guards (7), wherein Ruffel was flain TteSjfiC 
 
 hkely that at this time the death of the Queen of Scots baffador made great noiff about this affair prft^din, the' 
 
 r P erm ' ned 4 fe* , he f WaS L the P° un dation of all Earl of Arran had flirred up this quarrel’by his Neohevv 
 
 the Plots againft Elizabeth both at home and abroad. At to breed a rupture between the two^Kino-dnme tt P y ' 
 
 leaft, if this refolution was not abfolutely taken, very pro- complaints, the Earl of Arran wa- 1 J 300 
 
 bably, Elizabeth and her Council were determined not to houfe, and Fernihurjl fent to prifoi/ where he rT 
 Spare Mary, when rile neceffity of aftki’rs required her to be ly after J P ’ Wher<= h ' d, ' d < > Ulck - 
 
 Elizabeth having notice of this fafl, demanded a folemn 71 , 
 reparation. James did not refufe it: but pretended he dr " 1 J 
 
 Sir ^h^tb^cr ° f ** 
 
 vour to perfwad/t eSZrmL^mat League SK? Z 
 
 defenlive with England (i). He had orders, among other the borders. This difficulty'^caufmg ihe aftlir^ , 0 ‘bfnro^ fa 
 things, to acquaint the King ot Denmark, that the Duke longed, and the Earl of Arm having his liberty Eliza *, 
 m fhe r’ Wh ™ f h n C0Urt f Ell *? i “ h > pretended a right bell, took occafiot) to permit the Seot/h fugitives who had " 
 
 gamthe German : Princes to her intereft. I ffiall fpeak pre- were of this number. Wherefore m,L findingWmfdf w , 
 fently of the fecond and third Articles of Elizabeth’s fo well fupported, formed the^^ projeft'^^o furnrife Thf Kini/ 
 fcheme, relating to France and the Netherlands. As to in Sterling Park and carry hij ZEnZ/f But hr Z 
 y]/-/z;//’s'Mp 0n ^ erni T g Scotland, we find it explained in difappoinlcd, he refolved to force the Guard of the Cattle’ wir'd 
 
 Elizabeth. 
 
 F . -vj “•-v.tiii iy ui auiiirs requireu ner too 
 
 facrificed to the publick fafety. I own this is only a con 
 lecture, but it is built upon the fituation of Elizabeth's af¬ 
 fairs at that time. 
 
 ,, , —v . o wc nnu ic explained m 
 
 y^f/w/s Memoirs, if we may however give entire credit and had now prepared every Thi ng' ’neceffary to execute hK 
 Elizabeth '" r ’ fKmS extremdy P re i“ d « d defign, when the King having °lbme intelligence of it, ' 
 
 hisTyt SelttfV"" 6 rrn to T" 7 ’ S ^ XXr*- 
 
 having fome notic/of it, reffiS tz/iXl ^ ^ ' 
 
 ^ -tt 3 ”" th . C ^ — 7 , a " m - furround- n .r.,- 
 
 D.. . . / UHtCi KdS lull OUIICI- 'lbe , 
 
 ed with perfons who correfponded with the fugitives, and 
 
 ’ - —1'iv^.uiiug aii rvinance Decween 
 
 the two Kingdoms, and withal to give King James an op- 
 
 to P ro P“ re hlsMama g=. Melvil pretends, Eliza- hindered him from providing” for"his'(ifetv ,C 'fhe ffiiirive '"• Sc ">- 
 betb having intelligence of the projefl, refolved to ufe her Lords were now irdtt .SJw E“’ 
 
 three thoufand Men, and’ „e“cL“d£% 
 r,a D e was unfuitable for the King of Scotland, but it wa/ to Sterling, where the King was returned, without any 
 
 ,h ' D -» ’*"”*'*■ *”*«•> the Mirquif. of Bran- 
 
 (si ■*">■»»• MM ’ p- 
 
 ’rSKT.^rs:' ^ .a, 
 
 (s) Rcpi„ culls him Patrick, S« MeLt. p. ,67. ’ P ' ’ 3< 
 
 P, ‘,', Ani S " 5 ”' < “ W " d "' “ f ,h ' "“ i1 ' p. joj. The Ea,l ot BeJf.rd, Si, F,a»„V. F.ihsr, died the nes, d.y. Slaw, 
 
 m N hC S \ 0t> u e p al l Cl,t , thre f tWand in number, and the Engli/h not above thiee hundred. 
 Secretary. m i^/. tileEarl ^ ^ we// * the Lord llumci > Maxwd lately created Earl ot Ain;.*. 
 
 Camden, p. coj. 
 
 Patrick Gray/ tie lender. Juflice-Clei k. 
 
 H h 
 
 No. L. V o l. II, 
 
 precaution 
 
r 22 
 
 The 
 
 HIS TO RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. 11. 
 
 , - Sc. precaution taken at Court to flop their proceedings. This 
 ■in I- 'f negligence, caufed by the Traitors about the King’s perfon, 
 
 ,r r Kings ljVoi-iIv.-,! the Male-contents an opportunity to come to the 
 P,r f m ’ (} <Ucs of Sterling, where the King was fo furprifed, that he 
 was forced to put himfelf into their hands: but the Earl 
 or' Arran had time to efcape. The Male-contents having 
 the King in their power, treated him with fuch refped 
 and fubmiftion, that they perfwaded him at length they 
 and art u- were not his enemies, as he had been made to believe. He 
 prrd. (1 wncd, he had been milled by Arran 's pernicious Coun- 
 i f . n( j . , n f< ■ 1 tl. ' ■ I < • x < fhould be r< 
 their Eftatcs. By this revolution, Elizabeth had the fatis- 
 f.iction to fee the King of Scotland guided by Counfellors 
 from whom fhc had nothing to fear, whereas before, the 
 was under continual apprehenlions with refpcct to the af- 
 j ay a- fairs of that Kingd >m. Shortly after, Colonel Stewart 
 
 L JJ> [ hc croing to Copenhagen, began there a Treaty about the 
 K. : with one of t P >1 • ’ " 
 
 Meivii.“ l n the mean time, the affairs of the United Provinces 
 f ' 1?u were in fo dangerous a fituation, that .the States could no 
 
 longer hope towithftand the King o f Spain, unlels they 
 were ftronglv aflifted. Henry III. having refufed the So¬ 
 vereignty offered him by the States, they applied to Eli- 
 zaheth, who alfo refufed it, for fear of engaging in a very 
 Cimdcn. mmhlefome alFair. She perceived, the War, Hie fhould 
 h h. . : ■ e Vt .11. S ' ' . fi I th< prefervat 
 
 p. I 4 M.&C Sovereignty, would draw her into extraordinary charges, 
 ?“!'• &c which fhe'fhould not he at liberty to lciTcn as file plealed. 
 
 She chofe, rather, in purfu mce of her Scheme, to give the 
 States a powerful aid, and the King of Spam a diverhon, 
 fe this aid might be in< reafed or leffc t 1, 
 
 Tbt to the fituation of her affairs. She made therefore a 
 
 ‘Treaty tanb Treaty with them, promifing to find them five thoufaiul 
 p 00t ;,^ arK ] a thoufand Horfe, under the Command of 
 iv. p 793 , an Englijh General. It was agreed, fhc fhould pay thefe 
 Troops during the war, on condition ot being repaid at 
 r , m 2 cn ' the end of the war, namely, in the fir ft year of the 
 p! 'i- 5 . peace, the cxpcnccs advanced in the firft year of the war, 
 and the reft in four years : That lor fecurity of payment, 
 Flujhing , and Rammekins , in Zealand, and the Bricl in 
 Holland, fhould be delivered into her hands : 'I hat the 
 Governors, fhe fhould place there (z), fhould exercife no 
 Authority over the Inhabitants : That the money being 
 repaid, thefe places fhould be reftored, not to the King 
 of Spain, but to the States : That the Englijh General, 
 and two others, whom Ihe lhould name, fhould have a 
 place in the Council of State, and no Peace or Truce he 
 made, without a mutual confent : 'I hat it the Queen 
 fhould fend a Fleet to Sea, the States fhould be obliged to 
 join it with an equal number of Ships, under the Com¬ 
 mand of the Englijh Admiral : Laftiy, That the Ports 
 fhould be open and free to both Nations (3). 
 
 This Treaty being concluded, the Queen appointed for 
 LeicdUr »i General of her auxiliary Forces, the Earl of Lcicejler, for 
 made Cnie- w | 1om fhe had ever a great affection ; but he came not 
 r,lc O b ‘ into Flanders till about the end of the year. Sometime 
 after, fhe publifhed a Manifefto, wherein Hie ailed ged as 
 Art. Huh. rca f on for her aiding the confederate Provinces, that the 
 XV.p. ?9 9 ; AHi a ncc between the Kings of England, and the Princes 
 o the and . was not ft much between their per- 
 
 Stow. fons, as between their refpe&ive Statt . 'W hence fne m 
 tTi P- 6 ; ! ferred, that without breach of this Alliance, ihe might 
 J allift the Inhabitants of the Low-Countries, opprelled by 
 the Spaniards. 
 
 Sbe fends* Mean while, as flic judged this rcafon would not hc fa- 
 thl'm, tisladlory to the [Sing of Spain, and that he would, doubt- 
 Anitru. j e( - S) coniider this extraordinary aid given his rebellious 
 %Z£Z SiiMcAs, as a declaration of war, fhe refolved to prevent 
 . . him To that put pole, file equipped a Fleet of one 
 
 « ollin f- and twenty fail, whereon were embarked, two thou- 
 p ' H land three ’ hundred Soldicis, befides Mariners, to carry 
 war into America, where the Spaniards little expected any 
 fuch thing. The Fleet was commanded by the Earl of 
 Carlij/e," who had under him the famous Sir Francis 
 j y The Englijh immediately took St. Jago, one 
 of the 1 lies ol Cape Verd. After that, they (ailed to St. 
 Domingo, or Hifpanisla, and became matters of the Capital. 
 Having fpent lucre all January, of the year 15S6, they 
 went and took Carthagtna. Then they burnt the Towns 
 of St. Antonio, and St. Helena in Florida. A violent 
 
 Storm difperfing the Fleet, as they were going upon new 1; S > • 
 Expeditions, they joined not again till they came into Eng¬ 
 land (5), where they brought a booty valued at fixty 
 thoufand pounds Sterling j but in this Expedition feven 
 hundred Men perifhed. 
 
 At the fame time, John Davis, an Englijhman went (ft) , 
 in fearch of a fhorter paflage, through the North of Ann- ;br 
 rica, to the Eajl-lndies. The Ice preventing his palling. Cinder, 
 he long roved on the northern Seas, and accidentally dif- 
 covered a Streight, under the polar Circle, which flill 
 bears his name, but was not what he fought (7). 
 
 Before I leave the year 1583, it will he necellary to 
 relate what palled in France. Alter the Duke of Guile 
 had concluded his Treaty with the King of Spam, he t; 
 tried all ways to corrupt the French, and gain them to his ' 
 party. His aim was to fei/.e the Crown, cither before or 
 after Henry Ill’s death. He could not expccl, that the 
 King, who hated him mortally, would countenance h.- 
 ,! :fign •. and on the other h md, he 1 manner ( 
 lour to afpire to the Crown, except his pretended deicer, t 
 from the Houfc of Charles the Great. And even in that 
 cafe, the Duke of Lorain, head of that Houl'c, would have 
 been before him. To allert therefore fo extraordinary a 
 Title, the people’s affection, and a religious zeal, were to 
 fupply all dcfells, otherwife there was not the lead np- 
 pearant e, that, in cold blot d, the l 
 the Throne, after the King’s death, a foreign Prince, in 
 prejudice of the King ot Navarre, who was defeended 
 from St. Lewis. To accomplifh his project, the Duke of 
 Guije began, by means of his Emiflaries, to difparage the 
 King, as a favourer of Hereticks , and to rouze the zeal of 
 the Catholicks again ft the Huguenots, and particularly a- 
 gainft the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Condi , 
 who profefied the Reformed Religion, after a pubhex ab¬ 
 juration. Mean while, as the Duke of Guije did not 
 think proper to difeover his defigns, he publifhed ?. Mam- 
 fefto in the Cardinal de Bourbon's name, wherein i'.c pre¬ 
 tended to demonftrate, that the Crown belonged to r... 
 
 Cardinal after the King’s death. Not that he defired to 
 place him on the Throne ; but it was fufScicnt, In ft. to 
 fet afidc the King of Navarre. That done, under ‘ ■ !■ ■ ■ ; 
 of hindering the Throne from being filled with a Hero- 
 tick, he poffefled himfelf of feveral places, pretending 
 however, it was for the King’s fervicc, and the g xi oi 
 the Realm. .... 
 
 'Fhe life led by the King for fome time, canfvi hmi to .. ,. r , 
 forfeit the efteem of moft of his Subjoins. 1 lie Duke ol. 
 
 Guije' s intrigues, who reprefenteJ him a favou'er 01 
 Hereticks, becaufe he fupported the Houle of Bourbon s 
 title, helped alfo to alienate the people from him. In 
 fhort, the Court of Rome, the Clergy, the Irieis, '-vrre 
 for the Duke of Guije, and ferved him to the urnu-ft ot 
 their power, ^o, the King, being unable to tclift, was 
 forced to forfake the King of Neman c, publifh an Edict 
 againft the Huguenots, and join with the Duke in their 
 extirpation. Nay, he had the vexation to be obliged to 
 give him the Command of the Army. 
 
 The King of Navarre, and the Huguenots, finding El’.-ibctfe 
 themfelves thus attacked, aflemblcd all their Forces in their Ku 
 
 defence. But thefe Forces were fo inconfiderable, in com- *. ]iiiden 
 parifon of their Enemies, that there was no likelihood ofThuenus. 
 withllanding them long. The Prince of Condi, attempt¬ 
 ing to relieve the Cattle of Angers, which was befieged, 
 was fuddenly furrounded by enemies, and forced to {teal 
 away from his army, and fly into England. Elizabeth 
 received him very civilly, and as fhc knew the enemies of 
 the Huguenots were alfo hers, promifed to aflift him (8), 
 
 It was not without rcafon that fhe concerned herfelf with 
 the affairs of the Huguenots, fincc the League was not 
 limited to their deftru&ion, hut aimed at the rum of 
 the Proteftant Religion throughout Europe, and efpcci- 
 ally in England. Of this had been feen a very fenfible 
 proof this fame year. Gregory XIII. dying in April, S -- 
 tus V. his Succeftor, thundered immediately the Cen lures 
 of the Church againft; the King of Navarre, and i 1 u 
 Pri.nce of Condi, calling them not only Hereticks and. k,- 
 lapfes, but alfo a baftard Progeny. Hence it was eafy to 
 fee, how much tiic Pope countenanced the Duke of 
 Guiie s defigns and the Queen of England might infer, 
 how great reafon fhe had to fear, if this Duke u.ould one 
 
 Br„,. By-,.-, M t™. >5. p. «... ». 
 
 • ,hs Treaty, Lid. -' ef n Elizabeth bn taken the Diadem Jrom ter bead, a-..t a 
 
 \T Tl.i•• 
 tyres L (I C 
 
 j 1 , - jn-, . Carlijlt General of the Land Forces. Cam /<», p Sg9 
 
 •. f. .’ft. ilu'v li t .L <•<! up..n V. me >■>.lid-men, who had planted themfelves in 
 - /1 Ratetgb had. in adpnt this year, carried over thither lor a Colony. 
 
 and \vis the fitft that brought Tobacco into England. Camden, p. 5 1 9- 
 , wheic it plentiful y grows. , . r , 
 
 -. • tyalum Sanderfott, a Globe maker, and othei Londoners, (.amd.n, 
 
 " rh.iry. Camden , p. 510-- In J n "'- 
 
 s luccecded by Cbar.es Lord H• 
 
 rrinij, fo named in honour of 
 See Holl-.ngjh. p. i/ci.-- 
 
 ■ral Merchants ot London 
 -h Admtial, and was buried a 
 
 1 ucours, lut could not obtain a' 
 
 sndpr. 
 
 See Sr type’s Am 
 
 Tom 
 
 . p. 619. 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 23. ELIZABETH. 
 
 1585. day become King of France, being fupported by the Pope, 
 and the Spaniard. Upon this account it was, /he fup- 
 plied the Prince of Condi with fifty thoufand Crowns, to 
 afiifi: him in maintaining the war, and lent him ten Ships, 
 with which he raifed the blockade of Rochelle. 
 
 1586. The Earl of Leicejlcr being arrived in Holland the be- 
 SS.V S ‘ nn ‘? g of the >' ear , ’ 5 86 , was received as a Guardian 
 ‘tbJAutb'i Angel ('J - TJ,e tates, under colour of sxpre/fing their 
 rity given by gratitude to Elizabeth , declared him (2) Governor, and 
 
 Captain-General of Holland, Zealand , and the United- 
 Leicester. Province ^ and inverted him with almoft an abfolute pow- 
 Gruiius. er (3). Very probably, their aim was to engage the 
 SS"’ Qi' ee[1 farther than /he intended. She had refufed the of- 
 
 Stoi«. f ere ^ Sovereignty, and it was defigned to give it her in 
 
 p. 712- fome mcafure, whether /he would or no, by inverting her 
 Holhngdi. General with almoft a Sovereign Authority. But Eliza¬ 
 beth was too wife to be enfnared by this artifice. She 
 fharply complained to the States, of this fort of deceit, 
 and gave withal the Earl of Leicejler a fevere reprimand, 
 for accepting the honour, without having firft confulted 
 Camden. her. She told him, he had acted directly contrary to her 
 intention, fince /lie had publickly declared in her Mani- 
 fefto, that /he was very ready to relieve her diftrefled 
 neighbours, but never meant to aftumc any power over 
 them (4). The States excufed themfelves, by faying, the 
 ncce/fity of their affairs had obliged them to confer fuch 
 an Authority on the Earl of Leicejler , that he might be 
 the better able to heal their divifions, which put them in 
 continual danger of perifhing : That they could not re¬ 
 voke the Authority granted to her General, without great 
 inconveniences, and had not however diverted themfelves 
 of the fupreme power. The Earl of Leicejler appeafed the 
 Queen by his fubmi/fions. In fine, /he confented the Pa¬ 
 tent fhould fubfift ; but intimated to the States, they vain¬ 
 ly hoped to induce her to accept of the Sovereignty of their 
 Country, and that her intention was to keep within the 
 bounds /he had preferibed to herfelf, that is, not to be 
 obliged to at/ift them any farther than her affairs would 
 permit. 
 
 Tk: Earl of 1 he Earl of Leicejler , a Man of great pride and atti- 
 
 bicion ’ was no f° oner clothed with this exorbitant power. 
 Project. tb ‘ m bc began fecretly to form projects, deftruttive of the 
 Grotius. Liberties of the Country he was come to defend. At 
 
 Speed. leart, this is what all the Dutch Hiftorians tax him with. 
 
 They pretend, his defign was to render himfelf Sovereign 
 or perpetual Dittator of the Provinces, with whofe Go¬ 
 vernment he had been entrufted. He made ufe of fuch 
 He nturm means, as bred an univerfal difeontent againft him. In 
 land 2 ” 6 ^ ort ’. a ^ ter a Campain, wherein he performed no great 
 
 Dccemb. j. ex pl°i ts > he returned to England, to take proper meafures 
 
 to facilitate the execution of his projects, and probably, to 
 perfwade the Queen to fupport him (5). 
 
 Elizabeth Whilft France and the Netherlands were in commotion, 
 Value with EllZabith wi, ' e Jy provided for her own and her People’s 
 ScmhndT Security. This /lie did not only by afllfting the Hugue- 
 Cimden. nots and the confederate Provinces, but alio by prevent¬ 
 ing the dangers which might come from Scotland , in cafe 
 the King of Spain and Duke of Guife /hould be ever 
 able to invade her (6). 1 he prefent juncture was very 
 
 favorable. The King of Scotland had about him only men 
 well-affetted to the Reformed Religion, and the intereft of 
 England. This opportunity therefore was not to be ne- 
 glefted, of ftrittly uniting the two Kingdoms; this union 
 Strypc's An. being of the utmoft confequence to Elizabeth. According- 
 s, c . 'y. <hc difpatched Randolph to King James , to reprefent 
 Camden. t0 bun, that the enemies of the Proteftant Religion open- 
 Jy joining together for its deftruaion, it was the intereft 
 ot tlie Proteftant States to unite alfo for their common de¬ 
 fence. That England and Scotland were the bulwarks of 
 the true Religion, and the union of their Forces the only 
 poftible means to preferve it. That therefore, (he thought 
 it their common intereft to join in a league for the defence 
 of their Religion, againft all who (hould attempt to deftroy 
 it, at leaft in England and Scotland. The better to per- 
 Oiade the King to do what the Queen defired, Randolph 
 told him, that as his Revenues were extremely diminiftied, 
 by reafon of the Troubles which had fo long afflicted his 
 Kingdom, the Queen was willing to grant him a Penfion 
 
 t s S6, 
 
 to affift him in fupporting his Dignity (7). Jams readily 
 confented to what was propofed to him, hut on condition, 
 nothing ftlould be done in England in prejudice 10 his right 
 to the Crown of that Kingdom, and this article, with that 
 of the Penfion, be inferred in the Treaty. Randolph ani Grader, 
 fwered, he did not believe that would be poftible. Ac o the 
 Penfion, he faid, if it was put into the Treaty, the Queen 
 would feein to be tributary to Scotland, to which fhe Cvjjuld 
 never agree. As to the article ot the Succeflion, the Queen 
 could not fettle it by a publick Treaty, without theW 
 currence of the Parliament, and the difeuffion of fuch an 
 affair might retard the Treaty too long, and perhaps give 
 birth to great Difficulties, becaufe of the Queen his Mo¬ 
 ther s Religion : but he did not queftion, Elizabeth would 
 be very willing to fatisfy him in thofc two points, by 
 means of two fecret articles. James being contented'with n,Tm-n 
 this expedient, Defneval the French Ambaftiidor did all 1 -. 
 that lay in his power to dili'wade him from this League. 
 
 He told him, that Elizabeth’s aim was only to lecurehcr- C,ciu r! ' 
 felf from the attacks of thole who were combined for the 
 deliverance of Queen Mary. That it was a ftrange thin- 
 he /hould think of uniting with a Queen, who kept In'. 
 
 Mother in prifon, againft thofc who were labouring to fra- 
 her from captivity. He added, the King hi.. Mailer could 
 not but confider this league as an exprefs breach of the 
 antient Alliance between France and Scotland. James an- r> 
 fwe red, that the Queen his Mother’s misfortunes proceeded 
 wholly from her own Friends, who, under colour of ferv- 
 ing her, only aimed at executing their own Projetts. 
 
 I hat, as to the alliance between France and Scotland , he 
 did not fee wherein he /hould violate it, fince France pre¬ 
 tended not to break it, when, without fignifying it to 
 him, /he made a league defenfive with England. 
 
 Janus having refolved upon what the Queen defired, 
 the ‘lenipotentiaries of the two Kingdoms met at Berwick 
 and figned a Treaty of Alliance and /Litter Amity be¬ 
 tween the two Crowns (8); 
 
 1 he motive of the Treaty was, that whereas thePrin- 'Treatyof 
 ces, who called themfelves Catholicks, were entered into League her 
 leagues for extirpating the Proteftant Religion, not only in 
 their own Dominions, but alfo in foreign Countries, it was 
 neceffary, the Proteftants /hould unite for its defence Aa * Pul * - 
 That therefore the Queen of England and King of Scot- 
 land did agree upon the following articles. 
 
 I. By this Treaty, they fhall be obliged to defend tile 
 Lva'igelicai Religion againft ail thofe who' fhall attack it in 
 either Kingdom. 
 
 , l? - ' 1 ' his „ lea g“= (hall be offenfive and defenfive againft 
 thofe who (hall hinder the free exercife of the faid Re- 
 Iigion in eithef of the two Kingdoms, all other Treaties 
 and Alliances to the contrary nbtwiihftanding. 
 
 III. If one of the two Parties be invaded, the other 
 (hall not direaiy or indireflly affift tlie invaJer, notwitli- 
 ftandmg any Alliance or Treaty formerly entered into. 
 
 IV. If England be invaded in any parts remote from 
 Scotland, the King of Scotland (hall find tile Queen of 
 England two thoufand Horfe and five thoufand Foot at, 
 the Queen’s charges, from the day of their entring Enr- 
 land; and in the like cafe, the Queen (hail fend the Kmo 
 of Scotland fix thoufand Foot, and three thoufand Horle. ° 
 
 . If England be invaded in any place within fixty 
 mdes of Scotland , the King of Scotland /hall draw together 
 all his forces, and join the fame with the Queen’s, in or¬ 
 der to purfue the invaders for the (pace of thirty days to¬ 
 gether, or if nece/Iity require, for fo long time as the Vaf- 
 lals of Scotland are bound to furnifli the King with Troops 
 for the defence of the Kingdom. 
 
 VI. If Ireland be invaded, the King of Scotland (half 
 hinder tlie inhabitants of the County of Argylc from cn- 
 trmg in a hoftile manner into that Kingdom. 
 
 o l ! 1 ' r , he „ Kl !' s ami ( i ,cen ihal1 ■"utually deliver all 
 Rebels, who (lull have attempted any thing againft either 
 of the two Kingdoms, or at leaft, they (lull compel them 
 to retire from their Dominions. 
 
 ' III. Within fix months, Commiffioners (hall be fent 
 to compound and adjuft all differences, which have hap- 
 pened on the borders between the two Nations. 
 
 Cl,,do,, Sir Fh,t:p and ■■ S..V ,, p ’ ,.*“> ' f«»-» “"'O. «■ *>tmr Bag,,. Si, ; 
 
 p. 5.0. M, p. 7 ro, -’ >■ v,i*. fcfcftTmpof «... hi.'d o«Va I 
 
 ll\ Cl* F.l, .w.. C. C.. . V_ _ 
 
 With the Title of 7 our Excellency, upo „ Which he began to take dpon’him as if v 
 
 , j - P- 7 
 
 (2) On February 6 See Stew, j>. 7... 
 
 (;) He was attended with a noble Guard, and fainted by all Men 
 a perle;i King. Camden, p. ;ir. 
 
 others, woald wilh fo pre.f »Me’mpt fevJ li-gh'eTilo’brTenTr oT. - , ' ' ™ tt6 ' U> L' hc ar, ‘ pmtlaitrf with fuch fingfll.r i , 
 
 uS \° s acas ^ V.. 
 
 f ” ■“ ^ ■ * « 
 
 .,1. | . , ' * 1 f. “ J 1 "'. Qtrype i slnn Tom. 2. n. 7^2, 
 
 *v.- «ri»o 
 
 TX. Nei 
 
 3 - 
 
 r 'James Home. Rjrtc, 
 
 iher 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 t 24 
 
 1586. 
 
 caufe it 
 Ireland. 
 
 Remark on 
 Camden's 
 Ann.il*. 
 
 Conspiracy 
 ogatnji (be 
 
 The HI STO RY of E N G L A N D. 
 
 IX Neither of the two Princes (hall make any Treaty, prepofTefi'ed in favour of the Queen of Scots , that he was tjSG. 
 
 to the prejudice of the Articles of tins prefent League, thought qualified for any enterpny.e, and for that reafon 
 Without the confent of the other. Jad been recommended to Mary without h,, knowledge 
 
 X This Treaty (hall be ratified on both Tides by Let- So, upon his return to England (he wr.t to him, and 
 
 • Patents from that timc he was em P‘°y ecl tn conve y to b er t,ie let ‘ 
 
 '^XI^This nrefent Treaty (hall in no way derogate from ters which came from Franc,-, till fhe was committed to 
 former Treaties between the two Kingdoms, or from the Cutody of Sir P « let, and Sir I)ruc Drury. 
 
 thole before made by the two Crowns with any Princes or Then BAtrtgtm tearing the watchfuInefs of thefe new 
 
 St.tes what relates to Religion excepted. As to the At- Keepers, would have nothing more to do with the Letters, 
 tide concerning Religion, it is agreed, this Alliance and either to or from her. 
 
 League offenfive and defenlive fhall remain firm and ,n- Bailor,t, when he came to EugUrJ faw Bahngtan, and 
 . * imparted to him the delign to invade England, free the 
 
 VI °X 11 The Treaties fhall be confirmed by the States of Queen of Scots , and fet her on the Throne. Balbtgtm 
 Scotland, as foon as the King fhall attain to the age of anfwercd, he very much doubted the poffibil.ty of execti- 
 twenty five years; and in like manner the Queen fhall ting this projeff in long as hhzabeth lived. hereupon 
 to be approved by the Parliaments of England and Ballard acquainted him alfo with Savage s vow, to which 
 
 Babington replied, it was too hazardous to commit the ex¬ 
 ecution of fuch a defign to a lingle perfon ; that there 
 Shortly after the conclufion of this League, a confpira- fhould be fix at leall, and Savage not to break his vow 
 difeovered in England, which coft the Queen of might be one of the number (7). then the) conferred 
 Scots hei life As this is one of the moft important events togethet how a foreign Army might be brought into the 
 0 , Queen Elizabeth’s Reign, it will be neceflary to relate Kingdom, otherwise they judged, the death of Elizabeth 
 til tKe particulars. Hut it is a fad thing, thefe particulars would fignify nothing. 
 
 muft be taken from the Annals of Elizabeth, written by A few days after, Balaugt,; received, by an unknown M.,_, • 
 Camden, a very fufpicious Author with refpeft to the hand, a Letter [in cypher] fromithe Queen of Scots, b. ,. ( . 
 
 Oucen of Set, In all the former Reigns, there is no re- ming him fur his filence, and delinng him to feud her the Cure: -, 
 markable event hut what is traced, ami in home meafure Pacquet of Letters come from Morgan ami delivered by 
 cleared in the Collection of the Publick Acts. But as to this, the French Ambaflador a:Si retxn Babtng ■ returned an 
 all the Adt. relating to Queen Mary are utterly deftroyed (1). anfwer, and aher exeuling his file,ice by iuil"n»l h» (t« 
 
 On the othet lunJ, James I. Son of Mary, fucceedtng of Pmtlet and Drut ri wi r tine! . m tried to 
 Elizabeth, there was not an Englijhman who dared to write her the plot he had laid with hal.ard In a fecund Lo u 
 n his Reign the truth of what paffed in the former, whilft from Mary, of t > 7 «h of 1 , highly commended 
 the memory of it was yet frefh. Camden was the only Ins Mai lor the Catholick Rei.. hi, but ii.lv,ic, him to ac- 
 perfon that undertook to publifh the Annals of Queen Eh- tempt nothing till he was fare of foreign aflifi nee. Bi 
 
 zabeth'ss Reign, not to much to make known, as to dif- f.des this, .rented feve, ! things for executing .lie 
 
 «uifc the events, as far as they concerned Queen Mary, projefl, as to fend pnvi el) foi the Earl ... It . - . 
 
 and,’.. an air of innocence to whatevei fulHed her re- and the I .rd Paget halked oul the way fo. 
 
 nutation when alive. This evidently appears in his account her deliverance (9), and eha.ged him to promife 111 her 
 of Kino Henry Stewart's murder, which has given occa- name, a good icward to llie lix perfons. 
 lion to prefume, he has been no faithfuller in what he fays Mean while, habtngion had coined fume other per- 
 of MWs trial and death. He affirms however, he has fons (to), 1 wl • Polly, Walftnghamo Sj 
 
 followed the Memoirs of Edward Barter (a) principal wl.o by his means was daily informed of what failed a- _ 
 Rcaifter to the Queen, of Thomas Wheeler Pubiick-Nota- mong the Lonlpir.iion. He learnt in m him, that the fix 
 rv Over of the Court of Canterbury, and other perfons who had ingaged to afTaffinate the Queen were, Savage, 
 of’credit whom he does not name. I don’t know whe- Ttltuy, Charnoek Jhngtcn, Tubteun 1, and Barmy,. and 
 the, the Memoirs he freaks of, were ever publifhed, or are that they were all fix drawn in one Piflurc, with Bal-ytu 
 li,11 extant lie tins as it will, from Camden’ s Annals the in the middle, and a certain Motto obfcurely fignify,ng 
 
 following account is taken, for want of a more impartial their defign (it). Nay, he found means to flsow tics 
 
 Hiftorian Picture to the Queen, who knew only Barnwcl (12J. 
 
 r injSam 1 Gifford Dottor of Divinity in the Seminary at She retained however the idea of their faces fo well, that 
 Rhnm ‘ Gilbert Gifford (3) and Hodgejon, Englijh Prierts, walking abroad a little after, and feeing Barnwd, fhe 
 hati jnftilled into one John Savage their Countryman, that looked ftedfeftly on him, and then turning to the Captain 
 
 ■ ' meritorious ad to kill Elizabeth, and had ^ 1 fa ' rh ward'd, that have not 
 
 Camden- 
 
 Hollingfh. 
 
 of the Guard, faid, Am not I fairly guarded, that have not 
 a Man in my Company that wears a Sword ? 
 
 Babington was fo impatient to fee the foreign Succours 
 ready to depart for England, that he gave Ballard money, 
 who had undertaken to go into France and haften them. 
 But as it was not eafy to procure Pal-ports, Babington 
 found means to be introduced to Secretary IValfmghnm (1 ), 
 who, knowing what he was, received him very civilly, 
 thCmnC'■ nmmdv tomake away Elizabeth, butforcii and ex prefled x greet value to, him. Incouraged bj this 
 alio were to lie ready to deliver Mars, and fet her on the kind reception, he del,red a Pals-port for liimicll, and a- 
 
 n.. of England’. Thefe two projefts oould not be fe- nother for Ballard, under a counterfeit name, and af- 
 
 oarated Ballard was accompanied by one Maud, whom firmed, that by means of ins friends at Pans he fhould 
 he thought a friend, bur who was however Secretaiy Wal- difeover many ferrets concerning the Queen of Seal,. Hal- 
 r , 7 fsnvham commended his zeal, and promilcd him a good 
 
 ftngham s Spy. ,- / ‘ 5 , , ... , r x r , i> 
 
 About Wbitfuntsde, Ballard was font back into England reward, it he did the Queen any confide,able ferv.ee 
 rhe Confmrators. to train proper perfons to facilitate put him likewife in hopes of the Pafs-ports he dehred 
 
 .. .vould be 
 
 caufed him to vow it during the Eafer-Holidays this year 
 , 5 86 Q). At the fame time, Ballard an Englijh Prieft 
 of that Seminary, who had been in England, notwith- 
 ftanding the prohibition, returned into France, where he 
 had feveral conferences with Mendoza and the Lord Paget, 
 how to invade England (5). As the chief end of the con- 
 fpiracy was to reitore the Catholick Religion in England , 
 
 He 
 
 by the Confpirators, to gain proper peril 
 the execution of the project. T hey told him, he would 
 meet at London with a young Gentleman called Anthony 
 Babington (6), whom he might truft. This Babington , 
 who was a zealous Catholick, having been lately in France, 
 was gained there by the Bilhop 01 Glafcow , Mary s Am¬ 
 baflador, and by Morgan an Englijh fugitive. He was fo 
 
 put . . 
 
 Polly was not the only perfon from whom Waljtngham G ; fford ri . 
 learnt the fccrets of the Cunfpiracy. Gilbert Gifford, who ta n,u 
 had been employed to corrupt Savage, being lent into Eng- 
 land, to confirm the villain in his refolution, ferved at the Jm 
 fame time to convey Letters to the Queen of Scots, and 
 fend back her anfwers. To make trial of his Fidelity, 
 
 . ordered ihe Archives to be cleared of every Adi rd-iiint; to the Queen his 
 
 (O Mr. Repin, in his account of Rymer'i Fad. fufpedts, that King Jot 
 Mother, on purp.ile t« deprive Enrterity a> far ai poffible of the knowledge ot her afta:rs. ABa Reg. Vo.. +. - 
 
 (i) hynifllakc. calls him Stephen Parker. 
 
 (V A’ h. i mill.il.en the Chnllian Names, which are redlified from Cam, tn, and Hoi.tngjb. 
 
 : 1,1 Pafl rai Letter! h i ■ ' " 1 ' 
 
 rhrii Out rn • bn rt.. h.,vc recourfe to Tears, Prayers, Watchings and Fallings, ihe only juftifiable weapon-, of Chrillians aratr 
 R*p rtTpread, tliat G , < one ot the Queen’* Gentlemen Penfion rs, h d fworn het Maj death, n 1 td 
 
 rhe Duke ol Gu , lor that purp I'e. All this "a- dune to amule the Queen and C. 
 for the Qu m’s AIfufiliation, was Augufl t. 4. I. 86 
 
 '1 ni: was judged •<> be a very pioper time, whilft the bed Engepi Troops w 
 uud'"1 lie Prince ot Pamir, ready to invade England. Camden, p. 515. 
 
 (6) Of DctLuk in Dttbfjbire. Ibid. 
 
 iv-i R 1/!.*.*.* favs, Pabintton offered to be one of rhe fix ; which . 
 
 Pci r..i.h were t eemmil ihr trag cal execution, ( as he called it) he himfelf, with an hundred more, was at the lame 
 I Sj y\nd to gain ptii'iely the Earls of Northumberland and Arundel, and the latter’s Brut hers to her Pai y. A 
 ffiould be entered it. m, upon pretence that they flood f -- • u - . . Th... ,».» hh.wiu. mmmnrinn» to e 
 
 cil. Camden, p. 51 5.- 
 
 : employed in the Netherlands, 
 
 niftake, for Babington tells Queen Mary in his 
 
 
 nd the Spaniard, she Duke of t 
 
 . that wh ; !fl t 
 JlMrty Utd 
 
 (9) Either by over turning 
 and Stigord. C a tilde n, p. (l6. 
 
 (10) Edward INindfor, Thom. 
 
 (it) The Motto was, hguorfui 
 (ir.j Camden lays, he hail 01 It 
 ft3) Ey Polly. Camden, 
 
 4 
 
 Cart in the Gate, fetting the Stables on fire, 
 
 n ying her i 
 
 as fhe rid abroad lor diverfion in the V 
 Clidictk 7 ii’hh u 
 
 « Salisbury of Denbigh/hire, Charles Tilnry, one of the Gentlemen Penfioncr 
 svers, and l John Charnoek of Lancajhire, John 'Jones, Barmvel an Irijhman, and Henry Dun. Ibid, 
 baic alto properantibus ? 
 
 1 come to her about the Earl of Kildare's bufinefs. Camden, p. 516, 
 
 angrt t 
 
 Etd. 
 
 ,:d . betwixt Cha 
 , Edward Abiev, 
 
 iveral 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 •who makes 
 */' °t t<m i 
 
 Mary’r Let 
 
 bring bach 
 bir Anfzuc, 
 
 Tie Confpi- 
 arrejied. 
 camden. 
 
 Artifice ft 
 get Maiy’i 
 Lager, from 
 the French 
 AmbaJJador. 
 
 Sept. 13,1 
 
 fevera! blank papers, made up like Letters, were fent at 
 firft, and as it was known by the anfwers, that they were 
 delivered, he was employed without fcruple. Some time 
 after, Gifford, whether ftruck with remorfe, or allured 
 with the hopes of reward, came to IValfmgham, and in¬ 
 formed him of all he knew. The Secretary received him 
 very kindly, and promifed to ufe his Intereft for him with 
 the Queen, and procure him a good reward. Then in- 
 ftruftiiig him how to behave, he fent him to the place 
 where the Queen of Scots was kept, with a Letter to 
 Sir Amias Powlet, defiring him to connive at the Hearer’s 
 corrupting one of his Servants to deliver Letters to the 
 Queen of Scotland, and bring back her anfwers. But 
 Powlet would not fuffer any of his Domefticks to be con¬ 
 cerned in fuch an Intrigue. He only hinted at a certain 
 Brewer, whom he thought fit for the purpofe, and who 
 indeed (uftered himfelf to be corrupted. By this means, 
 Gifford conveyed to the captive Queen, Letters, whereof 
 IValfmgham had taken copies (1), and received her an¬ 
 fwers, which were ferved in the fame manner. At length, 
 when the Court was fufficiently inftrufted, Ballard was 
 apprehended, under colour, that being a popifh Prieft, 
 he had entered the Kingdom without a licenfe. At this 
 news* Bahngton was in the utmoft confternation. He 
 recovered however out of his fright, as it did not appear, 
 that Ballard was arrefted for the Confpiracy, and nothing 
 was faid at Court, intimating the difeovery of the plot. 
 He refolved therefore to try to fave Ballard, and to that 
 end, reprefented to IValfmgham, that he would be of great 
 fervice to him in France, to difeover the fecret p raft ices 
 of the Queen of Scots, and intreated him for his releafe. 
 IValfmgham laid the blame of Ballard’s being arrefted, 
 upon the watchfulnefs of the Spies, employed to difeover 
 the popifh Priefts and Jefuits. He promifed to endeavour 
 to procure his releafe, and led him with hopes that the 
 Pafs-ports would be ready very foon. Mean while, he 
 fo managed, that Bahington was narrowly watched. In 
 fhort, Bahington, and all the reft of tile Confpirators 
 were feized at the fame time, and being feverally examin¬ 
 ed, impeached one another, and difeovered the whole 
 plot (2). 
 
 It is very likely, as I faid, that Queen Elizabeth's 
 Council had refolved, on the firft pretenfe, to put the 
 Queen of Scots to death. Her life continually endangered 
 Elizabeth's, and of this there was but too much reafon to 
 be convinced, by the late difcoveries. So this opportunity 
 was embraced. Great care was taken to hinder her being 
 informed of the taking of the Confpirators, and Sir Thomas 
 Gorges an Officer, was fent to acquaint her with it, who 
 furprized her with the news, juft as fhe had taken horfe 
 to ride a hunting. She would have returned to her apart¬ 
 ment, but was not permitted (3) till fuch time as all her 
 papers were feized and fent to Court. Naue and Curie 
 her Secretaries, the one a Frenchman , the other a Scot, 
 were apprehended at the fame time, and without being 
 fufFered to fpeak with her, condufted to London. But to 
 have ftill more convincing proofs againft her, a method 
 was ufed, which fucceeded according to expeftation. Gif¬ 
 ford having revealed, that he had delivered to the French 
 Ambaftedor, feveral papers of moment concerning the 
 Queen of Scots, a falfe Aftion, no way relating to the 
 Conlpiracy, was brought againft him, for which he was 
 banifhed the Realm. Before his departure, he waited on the 
 Ambaffador, and acquainting him with the Sentence palled 
 upon him, left a paper cut after a certain manner, and 
 charged him to deliver the Queen of Scots papers, to him 
 only, thatfhould produce the counter-part. Which coun¬ 
 ter-part he gave to IValfmgham, who by that means came 
 at every thing the Ambaffador had in his hands (4). 
 
 7 he Court being thus fufficiently informed of all the 
 circumftances of the plot, fourteen of the Confpirators 
 
 were arraigned, who received Sentence of death, and coh- 
 fefled all (5). Care was taken before their execution, to 
 record all their Confeffions. Naue and Curie , Mary’s 
 Secretaries, being examined, confefied they had writ in 
 cypher, the Letters found in the Queen their Miftrefs’s 
 Cabinet (6), or intercepted by Gifford's means. Camden p. 518. 
 infinuates here, that Curie was bribed by IValfmgham with 
 the promife of a reward, which he afterwards refufed to 
 perform. However this be, Sir Edward IVoiton was fent 
 to the Court of Franc, with authentick copies, attefted 
 by feveral Lords, of the Queen of Scots Letters, that he 
 might fhow them to the King. Probably, thefe Letters 
 difeovered how far Mary was concerned in the plot, and 
 her correfpondence with the King of Spain, and the Duke 
 of Guife. 
 
 At laft, the refolution being taken of trying and con- The Court it 
 demning Queen Mary (7), as the prime caufe of the dangers determined 
 to which Elizabeth was continually expofed, it was °de- "f N *‘ , - v ’ 
 bated, on what Statute file fhould be proceeded arainft. v ' ,mdcn ’ 
 But there was only one that could ferve for that purpofe, 
 namely, the Aft palled the laft year, which concerned her 
 in particular. It was fo uncommon a cafe, to try a fo¬ 
 reign Queen, who was come not armed into the King¬ 
 dom, but to feek for refuge as a Supplicant, that it would 
 have been in vain to fearch, in all the antient Statutes, - 
 after any thing to ferve for ground to fuch a proceeding. 
 
 7'his gives occafion to prefume, when this Aft was made 
 the laft year, the Queen of Scots death was already deter¬ 
 mined, and this Statute was to ferve for foundation to her 
 Sentence. Some however pretend, the intent of this Aft 
 was only to keep her in awe, and let her fee what flic 
 was to expeft, if fhe continued her praftices, and that it 
 was her own fault if fhe did not make a go'-d ufe of this 
 warning. Wherefore in virtue of this Aft, Elizabeth, by Co „„,rp^ 
 Letters Patents under the Great Seal, appointed forty two uZTffy. 
 Commiifioners, with whom fhe joined five Judges of the P !K " d - 
 Realm, to try the Queen of Scots. Some days before, 
 certain Lords, as well Privy- Counfellors as others, fell oh P ? 
 their knees, and befought her to take pity on herfelf, the 
 whole Nation, and all their Pofterity, by punifhing the 
 Queen of Scots. It muft be obferved, that throughout this 
 whole affair, Elizabeth always pretended to aft with re¬ 
 gret, and from the necefiity fhe was under of faving her 
 people, whom fhe beheld in extreme danger. So, the 
 proceeding of thefe Lords agreed with her deligns. 7'he 
 Queen’s Commiffion ran in this manner : 
 
 Elizabeth, by the grace of God, of England, France and 'If 
 Ireland, ghteen, Defender of the Faith, ftc. To the mojt ' cSS!’* 
 Reverend Father in Chrif, John Archbifop of Canterbury, 
 
 Primate and Metropolitan of all England, and one of our 
 Privy-Council ; and to our trufy and well-beloved Sir 
 Thomas Bromley Knight , Chancellor of England, and 
 life. Greeting (8). 
 
 Whereas by an All of Parliament held in the 26th Tear 
 of our Reign, it was enafted that , &c. 
 
 Here was inferted the Aft mentioned under the laft 
 year. 
 
 And whereas fince the firf day of June, in the feveh 
 and twentieth Tear of our Reign, divers matters have 
 been compared and imagined, tending to the hurt of our 
 Royal Perfon, as well by Mary Daughter and Heir of 
 James V. King of Scotland, and commonly called L^ueen cf 
 Scots, and Dowager of France, pretending Title to the 
 Crown of this Realm of England, as by divers other Per- 
 fons, with the privity of the fame Mary, as we are given 
 to underjland : And whereas We do intend and determine, 
 that the Act aforefaid be in all and every part thereof duly 
 and effectually executed, according to the tenour of the fame , 
 and that all offences abuvefaid in the Aft abovefaid mention¬ 
 ed, as aforefaid , and the circuwf antes of the fame be ex- 
 
 roft f:i 
 lurking about 
 
 the Table. 
 
 ) the Perfon who fhtiuld bring him the Counter part, but 
 
 i 1 ) T!’ff Pl'dipt' was his Decypherer, and one Arthur Gregory opened and fealed them again. Camden, p. 517. 
 fV . bam h3<1 C3rr >ed on matters himfelf as far as Ballard's taking up, without acquainting the reli of the Queen’s Council, and wculd have eon' 
 
 ■ ’ Y*7, C , en W ~u fuftci i T - , Wherefore he fent a Note to hi" Man Scudamore, whom he had ordered to watch Bating, on, (hat he fhould oblerv, 
 
 "" e . _ 7 ‘. lhc Man rend dir Note fo, that Babington fitting near him, read it along with hm. Whereupon fufpedling all was difeovered, hi 
 
 ’’ a ,'P at iu PP £r in a Tavern, and leaving his Cloak and Sword behind him, went out of the room, as if he intended to pav'thi 
 mr.ue ail the hafle he could to Weftmir.Jier, and changing Cloaths with Cbarn.ck, withdrew Into St. Jtbn's Wood with him and other-' at • 
 r ten days, were at laft difeovered near Harrow on the Hill, hid in Barns, and drefTed like Countrymen. Ibid. 
 
 (3 Mi; was led from one Gentleman's Hcufe to another in the neighbourhood. Camden, p. <;iS. 
 
 W. C *»y*. the Ambaftador was to deliver the Letters from the Queen or the Fug' 
 mentions no Paper' left in the Ambaffador’s hands by Gijtcrd, p. 5 iS. 
 
 'firt V 3 ' h ° f Se P ,emh " ■ were arraigned and condemned of High-Treafon ; and two days after, the other feven were fentenced in like man- 
 
 ?,. ■ u • W 7 e eX . eCUteU f 'V cm dow ; n > the]r Cities <ut off, and their Bowds taken out whtlft . ive. Cut on the morrow, the other 
 
 , the Qil een . s ,iun g 1,11 ^ey were dead before they were cut down and bnwelled. Camden, p. 518. 
 
 .f SvleS clrlS L ST ^ Perf ° nS bey ° nd Sea> fr ° m fCVeril W* N ° blemen > <*'•' and ***« 10 I*'". w!th *«y Tables 
 n JV , S ‘’T e H :? or ' anf Th't Queen Elizabeth endeavoured to have her poifonrd by her Cook. And that afterwards, the Eirlof Leictfier advlf.d to dif- 
 p c , .erov pot ,in, ant prtvore.y lent a Divine t" Waljingbam to perftiadc him to it. But H'aljinjrbam urgrd, that, befides the injuftke of the ill ng, it was 
 nd dtfhonorabie to the Queen. Martyrt de Marre, p. 275. Camden, p.519. ft,feed, p.351. b 
 
 r- weie: ''' he L f' 1 Burleigh, the Marquifs of TVir.cbefier, the Earl of Oxford Great Chamberlain, the Earl of Sbrnvf. 
 ' r " lrl Kcr, r < h e Earl of Darby, the Earl of Worcefler , the Earl cf Ruela-.d, the Earl of Warwick Mailer if the 
 Lettftr, .anti Lincoln-, Vrfcount Montague ; the Lord Hewed High-Admiral it England j Hur.jdor. Lord Lhmfcer.ai, 1 
 r n "" Grey of Wilton, Lundcy, Stiurtvn, Sandet, Wertworib, Mordant. St. 
 
 - .. _ Houfhold, Sir James Crofts Comptroller, Sir Cbnfiopbn Hatton Vice- 
 
 ,, .. _ . • -6. —-.—• Daw Jon Secretaries of State, Sir Ralph Sadler Chancellor of the Duchy of Laneaflir, Sir Walter Mi lima v 
 
 1:1 Captain of John Wodley E q; Secretary for the Latin Tongue, Sir Cbrjhpker Way, Sir Edmund 
 
 uoger Man-wood, Sir Ibnnas Gstudy, William Penan, Judges. Camden, p.519. 
 
 No. S°. V GL. II. I j 
 
 both dangen 
 
 (S ’, The reft 0; the Commifiinr 
 bury Earl M irfhal of England - : 
 
 ~ f Pembrokr 
 
 Abergavenny Zoucb. Mcrtey, Cobbam Lord Warden of the Cinque-Port ,, Staked Gr 
 Join Of a,erf , BucUurJI Compton, Cheney; Sir Francis Knolles Tre.furer of the Hu 
 Chamberlain, Sir Frjrc., f, aljmgbam and W, ham Dam,Jon Secretaries of State, Sir Ral 
 
 Anderfon, - 
 
 amine d , 
 
126 The HISTORY 
 
 1586, a mined, and Sentence or Judgment thereupon given, accord¬ 
 ing to the tenour and effetl of the faid Aft. To you, and the 
 greater part of you, we do give full and abfolute Power, 
 Faculty, and Authority, according to the tenour of the faid 
 Adi, to examine all and Jingular matters compajfecl and ima¬ 
 gined, tending to the hurt of our Royal Perfon, as well l>y 
 the aforefaid Mary, as by any other Perfon or Perfons what- 
 foever, with the privity of the fame Mary, and all circum- 
 Jlances of the fame and all other Offences abovefaid, in the 
 Adi abovefaid, as aforefaid, mentioned, and all circmnjlances 
 of the fame, and of every of them ; and thereupon, according 
 to the tenor of the Adi aforefaid, to give Sentence or Judg¬ 
 ment, as upon good proof of the matter Jhall appear to you. 
 And therefore we do command you , that you at certain Days 
 and Places, which you, or the greater part of you, Jhall 
 thereunto fore-appoint , diligently proceed upon the Premises in 
 form aforefaid, &c. (1). 
 
 Remark 00 j t mu ft be obferved, that among the Commiflioners were 
 
 / ijugts. t ^ e L orc j Treafurer Burleigh, and Secretary Walfmgham , 
 both Elizabeth's moft trufty Minifters, known Enemies 
 of the Queen of Scots, and probably, authors and promo¬ 
 ters of the refolution to bring her to a tryal. As it was 
 hard to believe, that Elizabeth had taken iuch a refolu¬ 
 tion without imparting it to her Minifters and Council, 
 and without her Council’s approbation, it fhould feem file 
 ought not to have appointed her Minifters and Privy-Coun- 
 fellors for Marys Judges. But on the other hand, as (he 
 was willing to be fure of the fuccefs of the tryal, ihe had 
 a mind doubtlcfs, that Perfons of fo great weight as Minif¬ 
 ters and Privy-Counfellors, fhould be ready to turn the 
 fcalc, in cafe of oppofition from the other Judges. 
 
 ‘The Commif - Thirty-fix of the Commiflioners meeting the 1 ith (j) 
 
 Md'tl Sty. of Odlober at Fotheriugbay-CzMc in the County ol North¬ 
 ampton, where the Queen of Scots was then in cuftody, 
 fent her Queen Elizabeth's Letter (3), which when file 
 her Anfwer JjjJ read, (he anfvvered, “ (lie was lorry the Queen her 
 State-Try. “ Sifter was mifinformed of her. That (he had ever 
 “ thought, the Aflociation, and the fubfequent A£f oi Par- 
 “ liament, aimed wholly at her, and that flic ftiould bear 
 “ the blame of whatever was contrived in foreign Coun- 
 “ tries. That it was very ftrange, the Queen of England 
 “ fhould confidcr her as a fubjetft, and command her to 
 fubmit to a tryal. That fhe was a fovereign Queen, 
 “ and would do nothing prejudicial to Royal Majefty, to 
 “ herfelf, or the King her Son. That befides, the Laws 
 “ and Statutes of England were unknown to her, and who 
 ** were her Peers (he could not tell. That (he was def- 
 “ titute of Counfellors, and all her Papers were taken 
 “ from her. That (he had ftirred up no Man againft 
 “ Elizabeth, nor committed any crime. That fhe was 
 “ not to be charged but upon her own words or writings, 
 
 “ and fhe was fare nothing criminal could be produced 
 
 againft her, except the recommending her caufe to fo- 
 “ reign Princes, which ftie did not pretend to deny.” 
 
 .'she re fa Jet Q n t | le morrow, the Commiflioners fent her (4) a copy 
 
 of her anfwer, and after it was read to her, fhe faid, “ it 
 
 “ was rightly taken, but fhe had forgot one very material 
 “ thing, namely, that it was faid in Elizabeth's Let- 
 “ ters (5), flic was fubje& to the Laws of England, be- 
 “ caufe (he had long lived under their Protection, but 
 “ all the world knew, fhe came into England to crave 
 “ the afliftance of the Queen her Sifter, and had been 
 “ ever fince detained in prifon ; and therefore had not en- 
 “ joyed the protection of the Laws, nay, had not been 
 “ able to underftand what manner of Laws they were.” 
 Hatton ftr- To be (hort, fhe difputed two whole days the autho- 
 ■ J (.ulj‘ r rity of the Judges, and would not own, that in any cafe 
 aindciit Elizabeth had other jurifdiCtion over her, than what was 
 ufurped by force. Nay, (he perfifted in it, after fhe was 
 threatened to be fentenced for non-appearance, as an abfent 
 perfon. But at laft, Hatton, one of the Commiflioners, 
 made a fpeech to her which (hook her refolution. He told 
 her, “ that indeed fhe was accufed, but not condemned : 
 “ That if fhe were innocent, fhe injured her reputation 
 “ extremely in avoiding a Tryal: That the Queen would 
 
 of tNGLAN I). Vol. II. 
 
 <c be very glad nothing could be proved a_-ainft her, 
 “ as he heard her fay himfelf when lie took his leave of 
 “her (6)." 
 
 Had Mary been provided with Council, (he w..:,' j 
 doubtlefs have been told tiiat HaHon's fpeech tended on!.- 
 to infnare her, and engage her to anfwer tint fhe might he 
 condemned by a peremptory Sentence. If fhe had per- 
 fitted in her refufal, Elizabeth woo’d have b cn peril.ip 
 greatly embarafled. Though fhe was rcfulved to put he; 
 to death, flic wilhed however that the pubhek was co:: 
 vinced of the juffice of the thing, in order to avoid pa; 
 of the blame of fo rigorous a proceeding. But a (ente; > • 
 given upon non-appearance would not have produced tin-. 
 effeCt, fince it could not be denied, that the relulin 4 to plea : 
 was founded upon very good reafons. Ala, v flood on: 
 however tiil the 14th of October, when fending for forr.u 
 of the Commiflioners, fhe told them, Hatton's aigumen; 
 had convinced her of the neceflitv to make her innocence 
 appear. Adding, (he con fen ted therefore to ar.ivvcr be for 
 them, provided her proteftation were admitted , to which 
 the Commiflioners agreed, without approving howc-. vr ti.- 
 reafons on which it was grounded. 
 
 Prefently after, the Jud{ es met n the II ■ 
 Cattle, to the number of 'I hirry-fix, and if .- Queen e... 
 to the fame place (7). When they were l erred, the Chan 
 cel lor turning to Maty, faid, “ She was ... dd of cun- 
 “ fpiring the deftruCtion of the Queen, ti:.- i f F.n - 
 
 “ land, and the Protcftant Religion, and r!i-y weic oum- 
 “ miflioned to examine the truth ol the Accmr.ion, and to 
 “ hear her anfwer.” The Chancellor having done f; 
 ing, the Queen rofe up and faid, “ 'I ii.-.t ii.e i*.•., 
 
 “ England to crave the aid which had been promllo !. ■ 
 
 “ I hat fhe wa .1 Queen, no fub 
 “ and if fhe appeared before them, it \v.; < : ! . n cu 
 “ her honour and reputation.' - The Ch.'mcel.’or vvt; dd 
 not own that any aid had been promifed her. As to the 
 Proteftation, he anfvvered, “ it was in vain, nn, the 
 “ Law upon which the accufation wa grounded, I 1 
 “ ol no diftinCH&n in the perfons of the iranfgreflors, and 
 “ therefore it was not to he admitted.” The Court or¬ 
 dered however that the Proteftation fhould be recorded, 
 with the Chancellor’s anfwer. 
 
 This done, the Attorney-General read to her aloud 
 [the Commiflion with] the ACt of Parliament (8\ and 
 after an account of Babington 's plot, concluded, that . Dry 
 had broken the ACt, becaufe (he knew of the cunipn.^y, 
 and even fhowed (he ways and means to effect it. She 
 anfwered, “ fhe knew n t i r evei 
 
 “ any Letters from him, or wrote any to him. She ne- 
 “ ver plotted the Queen’s deftruCtion, and to prove ; nv 
 “ fuch thing, Letters under her own hand ought to be 
 “ produced, which was impoflible. She knew not Bal- 
 “ lard, nor ever heard of him, and in a word, being a 
 “ Prifoner, fhe could not hinder the Plots of others.” 
 
 Whereupon the Copies of Babington's Letters to her 
 were read, containing all the circumftances of the conspira¬ 
 cy (9). It fhould feem, fince her Papers were fei.-ed, Ba¬ 
 bington' s original Letters might have been produced. But 
 as probablv (he had burnt them, only the Copies could be 
 ufed, which Walfmgham took when he had the Originals in 
 his hands. To this Mary anfvvered, “ Babington might 
 “ poflibly write thefe I.etters, and therefore the point was 
 “ not to know whether he writ them or not, but whether 
 “ (he received them.” To prove this, there was lead 
 Babington's confeflion, before his execution, wherein he faid, 
 he had fent feveral Letters to the Queen of Scots, and re¬ 
 ceived feveral from her. After that, were read the copies 
 of certain Letters in cypher from Mary to Babington, 
 which he had received, where mention was made 0: the 
 Earls of Arundel and Northumberland. Then the Queen 
 with tears in her eyes, faid aloud, Alas ! what has the no¬ 
 ble Houfc of the Howards endured for my fake / She added, 
 “ that Babington might write what he pleafed ; That as 
 “ for her own Letters in cypher, which were produced, 
 “ flic knew nothing of them, and it was very eafy for her 
 “ enemies together cyphers, and write forged Letters in 
 
 ; 1) Very great care was taken in drawing up this Commiflion, as the Reader may fee in Stryfe s Ann. Tom. 3. p. 362, Sic. 
 
 , .- I Rapin, by miftakc, fays the 9'h. See Camden. 
 
 13) R.tptn lays, by miltake, the Commiflion was fent to her. The Letters were fent next day to Mary, by Sir Walter M idmay, Powlet, and Edward 
 f. < r publick Notary, who weie deputed by the Commiflioners. Camden, p. 520. 
 
 (4} By Sir Amt at Powlet, and Barker. Ibid. (5) Rap in fays again, by mill .ike, in the Commiflion. 
 
 (ft) To this the Queen replied, That (he refilled net to anfwer in full Parliament, provided (he might be declared the next in Succcflion ; yea, before the 
 Queen and her Council, fo as her Proteftation was admitted, and (he was acknowledged the next of kin to the Queen ; but to the Judgment of her adverfa- 
 ix' (he would never fubmit. Camden, p. 521. 
 
 (-1 At Ihe upper end of the room was placed a Chair of State for the Queen of England, under a Canopy of State. Over againft it, below, at fome di- 
 lianc , near the fleam that ran acrofs the room, ftood a Chair for the (Jueen of Scots. By the Wall- on both fides were placed Benches, on which fat the 
 Commilii-tiers. Camden, p. 522- Tbuar.ui obferves, that fome of thefe Commiflioners were Papifts, ---Jn.crquos fueic nonnuiii Majorum reli 
 
 1 Si Ilerc.Ki the Commiflion to her in which the Aft was fpccified. Whereupon (he boldly and refolutely offered her Protcflation againft the fiid Act, a.-, 
 nude -: ;• ‘! y and pnrpofely againft her. But upon the Lord Treafurer’s faying, every Perfon in the Kingdom was bound by the Laws, thengh never fo lately 
 m- ; and mat the Commiflioners were refolved to proceed according to that Law, what Proteftations foever (he interpofed, (he anfwered at length, Ibat Jbe 
 
 ,1 . fj bur and anfwer touching any Fat1 wbatfoever committed againft the tauten of England. Camden, p. 522. 
 
 ,, , What (ht laid to this, was, That theic had palled Letters betwixt her and many Men, yet it could not thence be inferred, that (he was privy to all 
 • ■ it nit Iced defigos- Ibid. 
 
 I 586 
 
Book XVII. 23. E L I Z A B E T H. 127 
 
 1586. “ her name: That in Ihort, the Letters were not her 
 
 « hand-writing ; and befides, it was not likely, that to 
 “ execute the defign lhe was charged with, fhe fhould 
 “ employ the Earl of Arundel, who was Prifoner in the 
 “ Tower, or the Earl of Northumberland, who was very 
 “ young, and to her entirely unknown.” 
 
 There were alfo read Savage's and Ballard’s Confeflions, 
 which ran. That Babington communicated to them feveral 
 Letters, which he had received from the Queen of Scots. 
 To this fhe anfwered, with a proteftation, that Babington 
 never received any from her. 
 
 Before I proceed, I fhall here make two or three Ihort 
 remarks. Firft, it is furprifing that Babington, Savage, 
 and Ballard fhould be executed before the Queen of Scots 
 Trial, fince their teftimony was ufed againft her. In the 
 next place, hitherto the whole evidence confifted only in 
 Babington’ s ConfefTion, that he had received Letters from 
 the Queen of Scots: but as he was dead, it could not be 
 proved that thefe were the fame Letters that were read, 
 which too were only copies of Letters decyphered. My 
 third remark is, that though Mary protefted, fhe never 
 received any Letters from Babington, nor writ any to 
 him, Camden muft have been fatisfied of the contrary, 
 fince in his account of the Confpiracy, he fpeaks of a 
 correfpondence by Letters beween Mary and Babing- 
 Jebb'sCol. ton as a thing certain. This is farther confi r med by 
 T.n.p.282, a little Book, entitled. The Hi/lory of the Martyrdom 
 a8 5- of the £j)uecn of Scots, printed at Paris in 1589, where 
 the Author, though a great friend of Queen Mary , 
 does not deny that fhe held a correfpondence with Ba¬ 
 bington (1). 
 
 After this were produced feveral Letters in cypher from 
 the Queen of Scots, wherein fhe approved of the Confpi¬ 
 racy. Thefe were probably the Letters, TValfmgham in¬ 
 tercepted by Gifford’s means, or thole he artfully drew out 
 of the hands ol the French Ambaffador. The Queen anf¬ 
 wered, fhe writ net thofe Letters, and probably they were 
 forged by her alphabet of cyphers in France, and accufed 
 H'alfsngham of doing it, who fo cleared himielf, as fhe 
 feemed fatisfied with his anlwer (z). But to prove that 
 fire writ them, the Confeflions of Naue and Curie, her Se¬ 
 cretaries were produced, who owned they writ them by 
 her order. 
 
 This is all thaf palled in the firft Seflion, the 14th of 
 Oftobcr. In the afternoon were read the copies of the 
 Letters received by Mary, concerning the Conference at 
 Paris between Ballard, Paget , and Mendoza, for invading 
 England, and it was proved by the teftimony of Curie 
 her Secretary, that fhe had received them. She anfwered. 
 This did not prove her intention to kill the Queen. It is 
 proper to obferve here, fhe was accufed of three things 3 
 of confpiring the Queen’s death ; of proem ing England to be 
 invaded ; and of contriving the deftrudlion of the Proteftant 
 Religion. She confidered the firft, as the principal, to 
 which fhe was very ready to anfwer, well knowing fhe 
 could not, without great injuftice, be condemned for the 
 other two. In anfwer to the proof taken from the tefti¬ 
 mony of her Secretaries, fhe faid, “ She believed Curie 
 “ the Scot to be an honeft Man (3), but had not the fame 
 “ opinion ot Naue the Frenchman, who might poflibly 
 “ be corrupted : befides, he abufed Curie’s ealinefs in fuch 
 “ a manner, that he made him write what he pleafed. 
 “ In a word, her Secretaries might infert in her Letters 
 ct things which fhe never dilated 3 and therefore, fhe 
 tc ought to be convicted only by her own hand-writing, 
 “ and not by that of her Secretaries, who would allured ly 
 ti clear her if they were prefent.” 
 
 R< „., It cannot be denied that this proceeding was very irregu- 
 tb. Pro- lar; firft, becaufe three men had been put to death, on 
 ictdtr.gi. w hofe evidence it was pretended to convidtthe Queen : Se¬ 
 condly, as her Secretaries, who were alive, were never 
 brought face to face, tho’ their teftimony was ufed. This 
 was the more ftrange, as by an Adt of Parliament palled in 
 the 13th year of this very Reign, it was exprefsly or¬ 
 dained, that the witnelTes fhould be confronted with the 
 parties accufed. 
 
 Upon this account, doubtlefs, it was that the Lord 
 Treafurer Burleigh, perceiving the embaraffment occafi- 
 oned by the Queen’s anfwer, grounded on the Laws of 
 
 England, thought proper to proceed to other matters. He 15S6. 
 charged her therefore with having intentions to fend the 
 King her Son into Spain, and relign to Philip II. her 
 Right to the Kingdom of England. It is eafy to perceive, 
 the firft of thefe accufations was very foreign to the pur- 
 pofe, fince the affairs of Scotland were not in difpute. Ac¬ 
 cordingly fhe made no anfwer to it. As to the fecond, 
 file only faid, “ That by her birth fhe was prefumptive 
 “ Heir to Queen Elizabeth, and it was lawful to convev 
 tc her Right to whom fhe pleafed ; but that all this a- 
 “ mounted not to any proof of her having confented to 
 “ the projedf of killing the Queen.” 
 
 It being objeifted to her, that fhe had fent her alphabet 
 of cyphers to fome Roman Catholicks, as Curie had tefti- 
 fied, flie denied it not, and briefly anfwered, “ It was not 
 “ unlawful to hold correfpondence, and negotiate her con- 
 “ cerns with Men of her Religion.” But thefe objections 
 ferved only to divert them from the main point, fince 
 none of thefe things were contained in the accufation. At 
 laft, fhe was again urged with the teftimonies of her Se¬ 
 cretaries, to which fhe made the fame anfwer as before* 
 protefting fhe knew neither Babington nor Ballard. But , 
 faid the Lord Treafurer, you know Morgan very well, 
 who fent Parry over to kill the Hjhteen, and have affigned 
 him a penfion. To this fhe anfwered, “ She was igno- 
 “ rant of what Morgan had done, but knew that he had 
 <c loft all for her fake, and fhe might as well give him a 
 “ penfion, as Elizabeth give one to Patrick Gray , and 
 “ the King himfelf.” 
 
 Then they proceeded to the other two Articles of the 
 Impeachment, concerning the Invafion of the Kingdom, 
 and the deftrudtion of the Proteftant Religion ; and to 
 prove that Mary was concerned in thefe plots, the Let¬ 
 ters were read which fhe writ to Mendoza, Inglefeld, and 
 the Lord Paget. She anfwered, “ That thefe things did 
 “ not prove, fhe had any hand in the Confpiracy againft 
 “ the Queen’s life : That fhe had nothing to fay to the 
 “ reft, and had often declared to the Queen herfelf, fhe 
 “ would try all things to procure her own liberty.”. In 
 this manner palled the fecond Seflion. 
 
 The next day, the Court being met, Mary repeated her 
 Proteftation againft the authority of her Judges, and required 
 it to be recorded, and a copy delivered to her. She com 
 plained, “ That all her offers for an accommodation were 
 “ rejeCIed (4), and herfelf moft unworthily dealt with, 
 
 “ whilft all her Letters were publickly read, in which 
 " were many things no way relating to the Impeach- 
 “ ment.” To this the Lord Treafurer replied, “That 
 “ he was going to anfwer her in a double capacity, as 
 “ Commiflioner, and as Privy-Counfellor. As Commif- 
 “ fioner, he told her, her Proteftation was recorded, and 
 “ a copy thereof fhould be delivered her. As to their 
 “ authority, it was grounded on the power conferred on 
 “ them by Letters Patents under the Queen’s own hand, 
 
 “ and the Great Seal. That for the perufing her Let- 
 “ ters, which fhe complained of, it was neceflary to read 
 “ them whole and entire, becaufe they contained things, 
 
 “ which by their circumftances were fo interwoven, that 
 “ there was no feparating them.” Here fhe interrupted 
 him, and faid, “ Though che circumftances were proved, 
 
 “ it would fignify nothing, if the principal faCt was not 
 “ That her Integrity depended not upon the credit of her 
 “ Secretaries, fince they might very poflibly be corrupted : 
 
 “ That thefe Letters having no fuperfeription, might be 
 “ directed to others, and many things inferted without 
 “ her knowledge ; but if fhe had her papers, fhe could 
 “ the more ealily vindicate herfelf.” The Lord Trea¬ 
 furer anfwered, “ Nothing fhould be objeCled but what 
 “ palled fince the 19th of June laft, concerning which 
 “ her memory could furnifh her, with what fire thought 
 “ requifite for her defence : That her papers would be of 
 “ no fervice to her, fince Babington, and her Secretaries, 
 
 “ without putting to the rack, had owned, thefe Letters 
 “ came from her : That it was left to the Commiflioners 
 “ to judge, whether more credit were to be given to her 
 “ bare negation, than to their affirmation.”" He added, 
 as a Privy-Counfellor, “ that it was true, She had made 
 “ feveral efl'ays to procure her liberty, and if they proved 
 “ fruitlefs, it was owing to herfelf and the Scots : That 
 
 (1) Ihuanu, aifoaffirms, that Babington and Ballard confeired, and their incepted Letters confirmed the fame, that Mary was informed of the Confpiracy, 
 
 and che defign of deftroying Queen Elizabeth was undertaken for her fake, and upon her account_Qui leorlim interrogati, ac p-.ft confefilones ni;. fe 
 
 comtnifli, aiq ie ex rpiftolis intercepiis poftremo convifti, in eo conveniebant, ut Mariam fafli n n ^gnaram, atque ejus cauft'a conjnrationem lufeeptam -d Eli- 
 fabetham e medio tcllendam dicerent, I. 86. And the Continuator of Hollingjhead fays, that the Conspirators owned, the Scoti/h Queen to be the principal 
 comforter, director, and imbracer of their Treafuns , p. 1378. 
 
 (2) Upon her charging IValJingbam with forging the Letters, he rofe up, and protefting that his Heart was free from all maiicr, f.id, / cal! Gad to ivilnefs, 
 that, a, a private Pcrfon, l have dune nothing unbecoming an honeft Man ; neither in my pubhek Condition and Efualuy have l done any thing un-worthy -f , r .y 
 Ptace. I con/,ft that, out of my great care for the fafey of the SJoeen and Realm, J have diligently endeavoure- 
 againft the fame. If Ballard bad offered me hi, aff,fiance, I ft, ou Id not have refufed it, yea I (Iruld have rnvara 
 tampered any thing -with him, -why did b, not dfeover it tofavebi, life? With this an;wer (Iha laid) ihe was 
 that Ihe had Ipoken fo freely what the had hcaid reported, and that he would give no more credit to thofe tha 
 cufed him. Spies, (fhe faid ) were Men of liitlc credit, and defired he would not in the leal! believe, that ever 
 firucftion, Camden, p. 523. 
 
 . 3 j But no competent witnefs. Ibid. 
 
 (4-) Even though lhe promifed to deliver her Son, and the Duke of Quift s Sons in hoftage, Camden, p. 5*4, 
 
 t to fearcb and fft out all Pi t, and Deftgnt 
 led him Jor bis pain r and fervice. If 1 have 
 1 f.iisncd ; and prayed him rot to be angry 
 t llandered her, than lhe did to fuch as ac 
 fhe had confented to Queen Elizabeth's de- 
 
 the 
 
I 2 H 
 
 1586. 
 
 Remarl 01 
 Camden's 
 Recital. 
 
 R.Jiulcr 
 •n the Ir 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 “ the Lords of Scotland had refufed to give the King in 
 “ holtage, and when the laft Treaty was holden concern- 
 “ ing her releafe, Morgan her Vaflal, fent Parry into 
 “ Ergla<id (o kill the Queen.” Mary eafily perceived the 
 venom of tliefe words, whereby, under odour of juftifying 
 the Council, the Lord Trcafurer would have infinuated to 
 the other Commiflioners, that fhc was concerned in Par¬ 
 ry's plot. Wherefore, upon hearing him fay this, Ah 1 
 ( faal fhe ) ycu are my adverfary. Yes , (faid he ) / am 
 adverfary to till .ft nan Elizabeth’/ enemies. 
 
 Now were read again her Letters to Charles Paget, 
 wherein fhe told him, there was no other way ior the 
 King of Spain to reduce the rebellious Nether landers, but 
 by fetting a Catholick on the Throne of England. There 
 was read likewife, the copy of Cardinal Allen’s Letter to 
 her, wherein he called her his wo ft dread Sovereign Lady, 
 and told her, the bufinefs was recommended to the Prince 
 of Parma's care. She anfwered, Hill adhering to the firfl 
 Article of the Impeachment, “ That Babington , and her 
 “ Secretaries, had accufcd her to five themfelvcs : That 
 44 file had never heard of the fix murderers, and all the 
 “ reft was of no fervice to prove the principal crime fir: 
 “ was accufcd of: That fhe held Allen for a reverend 
 “ Prelate, an I acknowledge the Pope for the true Head of 
 “ the Church ; neither could flic hinder Foreigner from 
 “ giving her what Titles they pleafed : That as for h r 
 “ Secretaries, flic was willing to add to what fhc had al- 
 “ ready faid of them, that they deferved no credit, for as 
 “ they had fworn fecrecy to her, they could be deemed 
 “ no other than perjured perfons, when they gave in their 
 44 evidence againft her : That None hud often writ other- 
 “ wife than fhe dictated, and Curie , whatever Naue bid 
 “ him ; That they had poftibly confefled feVeral falfhoods 
 “ to fave their lives, imagining, that her Royalty would 
 44 fereen her from punifhment : That fhe had never 
 “ heard of any fuch Man as Ballard , but of one Hallard , 
 “ who had offered her his fervice, which however file 
 “ letufcd, becaufe fhe knew him to be one of IValfsng- 
 “ ham’s Spies." It muff be confefled, Mary was afforded 
 great advantage, in not confronting the witnefles, though 
 it be a neccfl’ary formality in criminal Trials. 
 
 Laftly, were read fome particular paflages out of Mary’s 
 Letters to Mendoza, wherein mention was made of her 
 detign to convey to the Spaniard, her Right to the Crown 
 of England. To this fhe anfwered, “ That fhe being 
 “ clofe prifoner, and in a declining condition, it feemed 
 “ good to her friends, that the Succeftion to the Crown of 
 “ England fhould be fettled upon the King of Spain, or 
 44 fome Englijh Catholick ; and that a Book was fent her 
 “ to juftify the Spaniard's Title, which fhe would not 
 “ read ; but deJpairing to recover her liberty by any 
 44 other means, fhe had refolvcd not to refufe foreign af- 
 44 fiftarice.” When flic had done fpeaking, the Lord 
 Treafurer asked her if fhe had anymore to fay in her 
 defence (i). To which fhe anfwered, 44 That fhc re- 
 “ quired to he heard in full Parliament, or before the 
 “ Queen and Council (2)." Then the Court adjourned 
 till the 25th of October to tile Star-Chamber at Wejl- 
 minjler. 
 
 This is Camden's account of the Queen of Scots Trial 
 at Fotheringhay. As there are no better Memoirs , we are 
 forced as it were to fuppofe what he fays to be true. 
 There is however but too much caufe to fufpedl, he has 
 curtailed or altered in feveral places, what he pretends to 
 take from the Regijler’s Memoirs. For inftancc, it may 
 culily he remarked in this Narrative, that whatever is 
 objected to the Queen of Scots, is indeterminate and ge¬ 
 nual, without defending to particulars. Of all the Let¬ 
 ters that were read for her conviction, he cites not one 
 extrad ; fo that fhe feems to have been accufed of hold¬ 
 ing a correfpondencc by Lettei. with Babington, and other 
 of Elizabeth’s enemies, rather than of ingaging in a fettled 
 plot to kill the Queen, though this was the principal point. 
 In a word, this Hiftorian’s partiality for the Queen of 
 Scots on other occations, gives reafon to think, he did 
 not forget himfelf in this capital Article, but ufed all his 
 Ait to render doubtful the faCt file was accufed of. How¬ 
 ever, as this is only a conje&ure, I do not pretend to 
 inliit upon it (5). I fhall content my fell, in order to 
 clear this affair, with making fome obfervations on this fa¬ 
 mous Trial. 
 
 It is hardly to be queftioned, that Mary’ s death was 
 determined, when Elizabeth, and her Council, refolved to 
 have her tried by Commiflioners. But it muff not be 
 imagined, their intention was to punifh her for attempting 
 tlie Life of Elizabeth. If that had been all, they would 
 
 of ENGLAN D. Vol. II 
 
 never have proceeded to extremities but would, co.V.- 
 lefs, have been fatiTed with putting it: out of her : j 
 contrive any fuch plots for the future, which w.uild have 
 be n «lfy, by confining her more clofely. But it vi 
 fo > h • : - th ■, t 1 • I[ 
 
 of Guife, the Englifli Catholicks, the Iiijh, the Siotijh 
 Male contents, from confidering her as a Prin- f. 10 
 whom of Right belonged the two Crowns of Era v. ft and 
 Scotland , and from uling their continual endeavours to re- 
 ffore her to the Thfone of Scotland , and place her on that 
 of England , even in Elizabeth’s Life-time. Though fhe 
 had been fo clofdy confined, that file could not herfelf 
 have been concerned in tliefe plot:, it would not have pre¬ 
 vented her iriends from aCIing in her favour. N ci. : ■ 1 ig 
 therefore but her death could brev.k then 1. cafures, and 
 put an end to the plots which were daily framing on her 
 account. So, it might with truth he find, that as l :l:-a- 
 beth’s death was Mary's life, fo Alary’s death alone coulcf 
 preferve Elizabeth, and with her, Liberty, and the Pro- 
 teftant Religion in England. But as it was not likely. 
 Alary , who was the younger, fhould depart firfl out of 
 this world by a natural death, recourfe was to be h.:d to 
 violence, that the Queen, and the Realm, might be heed 
 from their imminent danger. The {hare, Mary had in 
 Babington’s Confpiracy, and which, probably, was greater 
 than what Camden intimates, was net therefore the caufe 
 o! her condemnation, hut the pretence ufed to be rid of a 
 Queen, on whofe life Elizabeth’s adverfurics built all their 
 hopes. It was therefore Mary’s own friends that occafi- 
 oned her misfortune, by ferving her too zealoufly, or ra¬ 
 ther, by making her tlieir Inftrument to execute thei: 
 grand projefts againft the Protcftant Religion. The Pope 
 flattered himfelf with reftoring, by her means, the Ca¬ 
 tholick Religion in England ; and the Engl/Jh Catholicks 
 looked upon her, a:; the only perfon that could free them 
 from the intolerable yoke of a Prnteflant Government. 
 P/.ilrp II. faw no other way to fubdue the Netherlanders. 
 In fliort, the Houfe of Guife, whofe ambitious projcifls are 
 well known, thought to find in her, an infallible mean: 
 to crufti the Huguenots of France , who lupported the title 
 of the lawful Heir to the Crown of that Kingdom. Maw; 
 herfelf gave too much countenance to all thele p.Ws. She 
 was fo imprudent, as, being a prifoner, inccflamiv to con¬ 
 found two things, which could well be difting.uiibed and 
 feparated ; I mean, her Liberty, and her title to the 
 Crown of England. She thereby gave Elizabeth m n- 
 fion to confound them loo, and to ruin her, in order to 
 preferve her own Life and Crown. 
 
 Thefe were the real motives of Alary’, condemnation. 
 If we cotffider them politically, they may be faid to be 
 good and neceflary ; but it happen:; very frequent ly that 
 Policy is repugnant to Jufticc and Equity. Upon tiff con¬ 
 demnation it is that Elizabeth’s enemies have triumphed, 
 and indeed, it is a very fit fuBjetSl for Rhetorick. But if 
 it is confidered who they were that exclaimed the loudeft 
 againft Elizabeth, they will be found to be the very perfons, 
 who would have murdered her to fet Mary on the throne 
 of England. Had they fucceeded in their defign, would 
 their Deed have been more juft, cr more agreeable to the 
 precepts of the Chriftian Religion r Doubtlefs, it would, 
 were the thing to be tried by the principles of the adver- 
 faries to Elizabeth and her Religion. But if it were al¬ 
 lowed by the laws of Religion, Juftice and Fcjuitv, to 
 take away the life of Elizabeth, in order to fet Alary on the 
 throne, and reftore the Catholick Religion in England, 
 was it lefs allowable for the Englijh to put Alary to death, 
 in order to preferve their Queen and Religion from the 
 deftrudtion they were continually threatened with r Let us 
 fay rather, thefe maxims are equally blameable and repug¬ 
 nant to the Rules of the Gofpel, to whatever party they 
 are applied. 
 
 Having feen the real motives of Queen AL. 'As condem¬ 
 nation, there is no great caufe to wonder at the irregulari¬ 
 ties to be obferved in her Trial. 1 he point was not fo 
 much to punifh her for her part in the Plot, as to fat: fv 
 the publick fhc was concerned in it, that her condemnation 
 might be thought the lefs ftrange, or rather ablbltitviv 
 neceflary for the fafety of England. The Queen ami 
 Council believed to have fufficient evidence, that A Ary 
 was acquainted with the Confpiracy, had conferred to ir, 
 and promoted the execution to the utmoft of her power, 
 rhi fi ffii ed foi theii < - ; n, * 1 
 
 would euiily excufe fome irregularities, in an aihor where 
 their own prefervation was concern’d. 
 
 Since therefore Mars's condemnation can be c v f..i : id 
 only as the effect of Elizabeth's Policy, it L in vain that 
 
 (i) Before Bml ’gb asked her this, the Solllcitor put the Commiflioners in mind, what would become of them, their Honours, Elives and I\il.iitic 
 • if (he Kingdom were afligned to the Spaniard. But the Lord Trcafurer (li iwed, the Kingdom ol Engl fid could nut be con- y d at ail, but was to «ic!o :nd 
 fc\ :ight of .‘■ucc^fiion, accoiduig to the Laws; and then asked the Queen if /he had any more to lay. ~ Camden, p. 525. 
 
 i ’ Upon which fhe rofc uj, and had fome Conference with the Loid Trcafurer, Uattcn, IValJiogham, and the Earl ot Warwick, apart by them. V . 
 Com an, p. 525. 
 
 15, Thi»~ hawevir g'owided upc>n tl* difference between Camden's account, and that ol lluaw. •, L b. 86 T- m- 3. p. 1 r 1 ! 1':. R ftr. 
 
 & the 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 21 . 
 
 ELIZABETH. 
 
 129 
 
 1586, 
 
 the following Queries are put concerning her Trial. 
 1. What authority had Elizabeth over her ? z. Whether 
 Mary could be confidered as fubjetft to the Laws of Eng¬ 
 land , under colour that fhe had lived there eighteen years, 
 being a prifoner ? 3. Whether it could be faid, fhe had 
 enjoyed during that time the prote&ion of the Laws, and 
 be thence inferred, that fhe ought to be liable to them ? 
 
 4, Whether, even upon fuch a fuppofitioii; fhe had en¬ 
 joyed in her Trial the benefit of the Laws of England? 
 
 5. Whether fhe were tried by her Peers according to the 
 conftantand immutable privilege of the Eglijh? 6. Who 
 could be her Peers ? 7. Whether Elizabeth's commiflion 
 was according to law ? 8. Whether the formalities requi- 
 fite in a Trial of this nature were obferved ? 9. Whether 
 fire can be faid to have been legally conviiled, by the tefti- 
 mony of perfons that were dead, and whom it lay in Eli¬ 
 zabeth's bread to keep alive and bring face to face ? 
 10. Whether the evidence of her Secretaries, who were 
 l’till alive, could be deemed valid, without being confronted, 
 contrary to exprefs Adis of Parliament? 11. Whether a 
 captive Queen’s confent to the invaiion of a Kingdom, 
 where fhe is unjuftly detained, is a crime worthy of death ? 
 
 1 2. Whether the Letters in cypher, writ by her Secreta¬ 
 ries, were a diffident proof that the whole contents were 
 dictated by her ? i3.Laftly, fuppofing fire had given a full 
 and entire confent to the Plot, whether the manner of 
 her being detained in England , her long confinement, 
 the lofs of her Kingdom procured partly by Elizabeth's 
 fecret pradlices, did not merit, that her crime fhould be 
 reckoned of a different nature from that of a Subject who 
 confpires againft his Sovereign? I do not think it poflible 
 to vindicate Elizabeth upon each of thefe Queries. We 
 muft therefore keep to the neceflity fhe was under, of de- 
 ftroying Mary to fave herfelf, and juftify her by the natu¬ 
 ral law of Self-Prefervation, the only one which can be 
 pleaded in her favour (1). 
 
 Ser.Mtici The Commilfioners being aflembled (2) in the Star- 
 
 Kgainft“* Chamber at IVeJlminJler the 25 th of October, fen t for Nauc 
 
 Mary. and Curie , who confirmed upon oath their former evi¬ 
 dence, after which fentence was pronounced. It ran in 
 general, that Mary had broken the Statute palled the laft 
 year. This is all that was divulged. It is not known 
 whether the Commilfioners exprefsly condemned the Queen 
 of Scots to die, or whether, after their judgment of the 
 fadt, they left it to the Laws and the Queen to decide 
 what punifhment the crime deferved. What follows is all 
 that was publifhed afterwards by the Queen’s order. That 
 fince the firjl Day of June, in the 27th year of the Reign of 
 Queen Elizabeth, divers matters have been compafj'ed and 
 imagined within this Realm of England, by Anthony 
 Babington and others , with the privity of the faid Mary, 
 tending to the hurt , death and deJlruClion of our faid Lady 
 the Queen. And alfo , that ftnee the forefaid day , the faid 
 Mary pretending a Title to the Crown of this Realm , has 
 compared and imagined , within this Realm , divers matters 
 tending to the deJlruClion of the Royal Perfon of our Sovereign 
 Lady the Queen , contrary to the tenor of the Statute in the 
 Commijfion aforefaid fpecified. 
 
 It is eafy to perceive by this very extract that the Sen¬ 
 tence mult have been longer and fuller, as may be judged 
 by the Terms of the faid Mary , which fhow that fhe was 
 mentioned before. But the Queen thought not proper to 
 publifli more of it. The author of the Book entitled. 
 The Hijlory of the Martyrdom of Mary Stuart, fays, fo 
 great care was taken to conceal this Sentence, that he 
 could never polfibly recover a Copy of it, notwithftanding 
 all his Pains. J’/ithout doubt ( continues he) there were 
 myjleries in it which were not to be divulged. 
 
 Declaration The fame day, the Sentence was pronounced, the 
 °f ,hl Judges declared, it did nothing: derogate from the King 
 
 faLour of Scotland, that is, his Title to the Crown of England 
 tbe King of did ftill remain retire. But was it their bufinefs to give 
 Ciindaa fuch a determination concerning the Succeflion, when 
 they were not impowered by their Commiflion ? It is 
 vifible, they adled by the Queen’s diredtion, who was 
 willing by this means to pacify the King of Scotland. 
 Otherwife, the Judges would not have taken upon them 
 to make fuch a Declaration which was beyond their 
 power. 
 
 The Parliament meeting four days after (3), on the 
 
 The Parka- 
 mat confirm! 
 tbe Sentence, 
 
 29th 6f October, approved and confirmed the Sentence 1586 . 
 given againft the Queen of Scots. But whether this was 
 without a perfect knowledge, or upon a diligent inquiry, 
 it is hard to know, though afterwards Elizabeth pretended 
 it was not till after a long and ferious Examination (4). andptrr 1 
 Be this as it will, the parliament having confirmed the 
 Sentence, prefen ted a Petition to the Queen, befeechingf, ff „ f ,^. 
 her to order it to be put in execution. The Petition con- Novem. 12. 
 tained reafons taken, not from the heinoufnefs of the crime, 
 but the danger to which Elizabeth and the Realm would p -3 0- 
 be expofed, if the Queen of Scots were differed to live (5). 
 
 The Queen returned to this Petition an anfwer, the intent 
 whereof was to fhow die Parliament} fhe was extremely 
 troubled and irrefolute. She had a mind to indnuate, file 
 was inclined to mercy, but that her affedlion for her Peo¬ 
 ple extremely embarafled her. It was eafy to conclude 
 from this Speech, Ihe defired to be prefled, that fhe might 
 not feem to adl from a motive of Revenge. Here fol¬ 
 lows the anfwer, which perfectly difeovers Elizabeth's 
 Character. 
 
 “ O O many and fo great are the bottomlefs graces ‘Tbe Slueen's 
 “ and immeafurable benefits beftowed upon me by the st^Try. 
 “ Almighty, that I muft n< t only mofthumbly acknowledge v 0 j. 1. 
 
 “ them as benefits, but admire them as miracles, being in p- >49- 
 “ no fort able to exprefs them. And though there liveth 
 “ not any, that may more juftly acknowledge hnnfelf 
 “ hound to God than I, whole life he hath miraculoufiy 
 “ preferved fr->m fo many dangers: yet am I not more 
 “ deeply bound to give him thanks for any or.e thing, 
 
 “ than for this which I will now tell you, and which I 
 “ account as a miracle, namely. That as I came to the 
 “ Crown with the moit hearty Good-will ol all mv Sub- 
 “ jedls, fo now after a twenty eight years Reign, I per- 
 “ ceive in them the fame, if not greater Good-will to- 
 “ wards me; which if once I lofe, well might I breathe, 
 
 “ but never think I lived. And now though my life hath 
 “ been dangeroufly fhot at, yet I protelt theie is no- 
 “ thing hath more grieved rne, than that one not difter- 
 ** ing from me in fex, of like rank and degree, of the 
 “ fame flock, and moft nearly allied unto me in blood, 
 
 “ hath fallen into fo great a crime. And fo far have I been 
 “ from bearing her any ill-will, that upon the difeovery 
 t£ of certain treafonable pradlices againft me, I wrote unto 
 “ her fecretly, that if file would confeft them by a private 
 “ Letter unto my felf, they fhouid be wrapped up in filence. 
 
 “ Neither did I write thus in mind to intrap her, for I 
 “ knew then as much as fhe could confefs. And even 
 “ yet though the matter be come thus far, if fhe would 
 “ truly repent, and no man would underrake her caufe 
 “ againft me, and if my life alone depended hereupon, 
 
 “ and not the fafety and welfare of my whole people, I 
 “ would (I proteft unfeignedly ) moft willingly pardon her. 
 
 “ Nay, if England might by my death obtain a more 
 « flou idling Eitate and a better Prince, I would moft 
 “ gladly lay down my life. For, for your fakes it is, 
 
 “ and for my People’s, that I defire to live. As for me, 
 
 “ I fee no fuch great caufe why I fhould either be fond to 
 “ live, or fear to die. I have had good experience of this 
 “ World; and I know what it is to be a Subjedl, and 
 “ what to be a Sovereign. Good neighbours I have had, 
 
 “ and I have met with bad; and in truft 1 have found 
 “ treafon. 1 have beftowed benefits upon ill-defervers : 
 
 “ and where I have done well, have been ill requited. 
 
 “ While I call to mind thefe things pall, behold things 
 “ prefent, and expedt things to come, I hold them hap- 
 “ piefl that go hence fooneft. Neverthelefs againft fuch 
 “ mifehiefs as thefe I put on a better courage than is com- 
 “ mon to my Sex ; fo as whatfoever befal me, death fhall 
 “ not take me unprepared. 
 
 “ And as touching thefe treafons, I will not fo preju- 
 “ dicate my felf or the Laws of my Kingdom, as not but 
 “ to think that file, having been the contriver of the fame 
 “ treafons, was bound and liable to the antient Laws, 
 
 “ though the late Adi had never been made. So far was 
 “ it from being made to intrap her, that it was rather in- 
 “ tended to forewarn and terrify her from attempting any 
 “ thing againft it. But feeing it was now in force of a 
 “ Law, I thought good to proceed againft her according 
 “ to the fame. But you Lawyers are fo curious in fcan- 
 
 (ij This is indeed the bed, and the only excafe that can be alledged in vindication of Queen Elizabeth. Accordingly, Dr. IVelwood obferves, “ That 
 “ when every day pr duced fome new Confpiracy againft the life of Queen Elizabeth, and that in moft of them the Queen of Seen was concerned, either as 
 “ a Party, or ihe occjfmn ; Queen Elizabeth was put under a fatal necdTity, of either taking off the Queen of Scots, or exp.'ftng her own Perfon to the t - 
 “ quent attempts of her enemies.'’ Memoirs, p. 13. Du Maurier alfo exptefsly fays. That Queen Mary was the caufe of her own ruin, by her rcftieis 
 temper, and her lepeatcd dcfigns againft Queen Elizabeth's life. Pnface to bis Memoirs. For Queen Alary's Friends would never fuffer her to be quiet, but 
 were eternally plotting and contriving, bribing and confpiring. how to murder Queen Elizabeth, and fet up the Queen of Scots in her dead, to teftote tbe;r 
 beloved Popciy herein England. Bihun Cbarac of £>uecn Ehz. p. 129. 
 
 (2' The E.arls of Shrewsbury and Warwick were abfent, being then ftek. Camden, p. 525. 
 
 (3) The laft Parliament was diffoived Septemb. 15. this year ; fo that the prefent Parliament was called upon the difeovety of the Plot, and, in order to 
 take the bufinefs of the Queen cf Scot* into confideration See D'twcs, p. 374, 375, 377. 
 
 (4) In the Jornnalsot the Houfc of Lords t is faid, That the Committees of bo _ h Houfes, “ upon hearing the Sentence, and divers of the iprcal F.\idtn- 
 “ ces and Proo's whereupon the Sentence was grounded, openly read unto them, after long deliberation and con'.ultation had betwixt them, bo p. bli.^ly anil 
 “ privately, they all with one alfent allowed the lame fentence to be juft, true, and honorable. D'ewes, p- 379- 
 
 (5: See the Petition in D'ewes Journ, p. 380 ; and in the Appendix to Elizabeth's Reign, p. ( 667.) of the fecond Volume of the Compleot Ef’-y. 
 
 No 50. Vol. II. K k nin£ 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 130 
 
 1586. 
 
 Remark on 
 
 Spcub. 
 
 Am ball. 
 
 The HISTORY (/ENGLAND. 
 
 “ ningthe nice points of the Law, and following of Prece- 
 “ dent- and Form, rather than expounding the Laws them- 
 “ felves that by exuEf obferving of your lorm, file muft have 
 “ been indicated in Stajfordjhire , and have holden up lier 
 “ hand at the bar, and have been tried by a Jury of 
 “ twelve Men. A proper courfe, forfooth, of Tryal a- 
 <c gainft a Princefs! To avoid therefore fuch abfurdities, 
 “ I thought it better to refer the examination of fo weigh- 
 “ ty a caufe to a good number of the nobleft perfonages 
 “ of the Land, and the Judges of the Realm : and all 
 “ little enough. For we Princes are fet as it were upon 
 “ Sta ges in the fight and view of all the World : the le.ift 
 “ fpot is foon fpied in our garments, a blcmifh quickly 
 “ noted in our doings. It bchoveth us therefore to be 
 “ careful that our Proceedings be juft and honourable. 
 “ But I muft tell you one thing, that by this laft A£t of 
 “ Parliament, you have brought me to a narrow ftraight, 
 “ that I muft give order for her death, which is a Prin- 
 “ ccfs nwft ncarlv allied unto me in blood, and whofe 
 tc practice', againft me have ftricken me into fo great grief, 
 t£ that I have been glad to abfent my felf from this Par- 
 “ li,intent (1), lcaft I ftiould increafe my forrow, by hear- 
 “ ing it fpoken of; and not out of fear of any danger, 
 <c as foine think. But yet T will now tell vou a fecret, 
 “ ( though it is well known that I have the property to 
 “ keep counf.-l ;) it is not long fince thofe eyes of mine 
 “ faw and read an Oath wherein fome bound themfelves 
 c< to kill me within a month. Hereby I fee your danger 
 “ in me, which I will be very careful to avoid. 
 
 “ Your A donation for my fafety I have not forgotten, 
 “ which I never fo much as thought of, till a great num- 
 
 her of hands, with many obligations, were {hewed me. 
 “ Which as I do acknowledge as a ftrong argument of 
 t: your true hearts, and great zeal to my fafety, fo {hall 
 “ my bond be ftronger tied to a great care for your good. 
 “ But forafmuch as this matter now in hand is very rare, 
 “ and of greateft confcquence, I hope you do not look 
 “ for any prefent refolution ; for my manner is, in mat- 
 tc ters of Id’s moment than this, to deliberate long upon 
 “ that which is once to be refoJved. In the mean time, I 
 “ befeech Almighty God to illuminate my mind, that I 
 “ may forefee that which may ferve for the good of his 
 “ Church, the profperity of the Commonwealth, and 
 “ your fafety. And that delay may not breed danger we 
 “ will fignifie our refolution with all conveniency. And 
 “ whatever the beft Subjects may expedt at the hands of 
 “ the lx;ft Princefs, that expedl from me to be performed 
 “ to the full.” 
 
 It is not very difficult to perceive in this Speech, not- 
 withftanding her affefted obfeurity, the double view Eliza¬ 
 beth propofed to herfclf. One was to make the publick be¬ 
 lieve, fhe could not, without extreme concern, rcfolve to put 
 the Queen of Scots to death ; The other, to infinuate to the 
 Parliament, that there was a neceftity of difpatching 
 Queen Mary , or refolving to lofe the beft of Queens, 
 who was very ready to lay down her life for the good of 
 her Subjects. She dwelt chiefly upon her tendernefs for 
 her People, that they might fear to be deprived of fo gra¬ 
 cious a Queen, and carncftly require the death of her ad- 
 vcrCiry. But left the Parliament’s afFcdtion for her fhould 
 not be fufficiently ftrong, fhe took care to hint feveral 
 times, that their own fafety depended on her prefervation. 
 She faid, if her welfare only were at flake, ftie would rea¬ 
 dily pardon, fince fhe was not fond of life ; but that it was 
 folely the danger of the State which made her.uneafy. 
 Was not this very plainly faying, the death of the Queen 
 of Scots was neceftary for the fafety of the Realm? She 
 would have it believed, fhe was inclined to favour Mary , 
 but alledged no reafon for her. On the contrary, fhe 
 made ufe of the Arguments of Sex and Kindred to aggra¬ 
 vate her crime, and clearly fet forth the reafons which 
 might determine her to confent to her death. She magni¬ 
 fied the care fhe had taken, not to fuffer her dignity to be 
 debafed, by trying her like a common perfon. This was 
 all the favour {he fhowed her. But what favour was it to 
 give her Judges, among whom were her greateft enemies, 
 Perfons who had before voted againft her in the Council, 
 and had been for bringing her to a trial ? Hatton , one of 
 the Judges, drew her into a fnare, by perfwading her to 
 anfwer for herfelf, and the Lord Tieafurer adled in fome 
 meafure the part of an Accufer. On the other hand, we 
 fee in feveral of JValfmghani s Letters fent from France 
 when he w.s Ambaflador, that it was his opinion, Eliza¬ 
 beth could never be fafe fo long as the Queen of Scots was 
 alive. Was it not a great favour to give her fuch Judges. 
 In fhort, with what intent did Elizabeth tell the Parlia¬ 
 
 ment, fhe knew for certain fome had bound themfelves by i Q5. 
 an oath to kill her within a month ? Was it not to in ¬ 
 cite the two Houfes to prevent this misfortune by the fpee- 
 dy execution of the fentence given againft Mary : All this 
 {hows, that her aim was to ingage the Parliament to prel 
 her upon that head, that {he might in fome meafure be 
 juftified to the World, by aferibing the execution of the 
 Sentence to the inftances of the Parliament. But the Se¬ 
 quel will ftill more plainly {how it. 
 
 ()n the izth da iter, the Q 1 fent the Lord 
 cellor to the L pper-Houfe, and Puckering (2) to the * *^ 
 Lower, to defire them to find fome expedient, whereby 
 the Queen of Scots lile might be faved, and her own fafety 't-SJerpt- 
 provided {or. The two Houfes, after a ferious debate, " 
 anfwered her, that her fafety could not poffibly be fecured h v/; ’f 
 fo long as the Queen of Scots lived. That there were 
 but four ways to be devifed to that end, which were all ti - r >-Lmaad 
 infufficient. The firft was, that the Queen of Sects 
 fhould ferioufiy repent : but fuch a Repentance was not to 
 be expected, fince {lie would not fo much as acknowledge 
 her fault. The fecond, that fhe fhould be kept with a 
 elofer guard, and bound to her good demeanour by bond 
 and oath. The third, that fhe fhould give Hoftagea But 
 that thefe two ways were infufficient, fince if the Queen's 
 fife were once taken away, all thefe precautions would v 1- 
 nifh. The fourth, that fhe fhould depart the Kingdom. 
 
 But this was the moft dangerous : for if, whilft a PriToner, 
 flic ftirred up fo many in her favour, what would fhe do 
 if fhe were at liberty ? In a word, the two Houfes in their 
 anfwer reprefented to the Queen, that if it were injuftice 
 to deny execution of the Law to the meaneft of her Sub¬ 
 jects, how much more to the whole body of the People, 
 unanimoufly and with one voice fuing for the fame. They 
 who have the lcaft knowledge what influence the Court- 
 Party ufually have upon the two Houfes, will very cafily 
 judge, that the Parliament would never have exprefled them¬ 
 felves in this manner, if they had not known it to be 
 grateful to the Queen. But to difeover more fully Eliza¬ 
 beth's character, it will be neceft’ary to infert her anfwer, 
 which will evidently ftiow, not her perplexity and uncer¬ 
 tainty, as fhe pretended, but her extreme diftimulation, on 
 this Article. 
 
 I ? U L L grievous is the way, whofe going on, and 77. sw ; 
 end, yield nothing but cumber for the hire of a ■ 
 
 ■ i] >u. rney. I 1 ave thi ■ ay 1 ten in great* r ,ri 
 
 “ fliCt with my felf, than ever in all my life, whether I h, .Vngft. 
 
 “ fhould fpeak, or hold my peace. If I fi.-e.ik, and not P- 
 “ complain, I {hall diflemblc ; and if I fhould be lilent, SHteTr y* 
 
 “ your labour taken were all in vain. If I fhould com- 
 “ plain, it might feem ftran^e and rare. Yet I confefs, 
 
 “ that my moft hearty delire was, that fome other 
 “ means might have been deviled to work your fecurity, 
 
 “ and my fafety, than this which is now propounded. 
 
 “ So I cannot but complain, though not of you, yet unto 
 “ you> that I perceive by your petitions, that my fafetv 
 “ dependeth wholly upon the death of another. If there 
 “ be any that think, I have prolonged the time of pur- 
 “ pofe to make a counterfeit lhew of Clemencv, they d® 
 
 “ me the moft undeferved wrong, as he knoweth which 
 “ is the fearcher of the moft fecret thoughts of the heart. 
 
 “ Or if there be any that be perfwaded, that the Com- 
 “ miilioners durft not pronounce other Sentence, as fear- 
 “ ing thereby to difpleafe me, or to feem to fail of their 
 “ care for my fafety, they do but heap upon me moft 
 “ injurious conceits. For either thofe whom 1 have put 
 “ in truft have failed of their duties ; or elfe they figni- 
 “ fied unto the Commiflioners in my name, that my 
 “ Will and Pleafure was, that every one fhould deal freclv, 
 
 “ according to his Conlcience ; and what they would not 
 “ openly declare, that they ftiould reveal unto me in pri- 
 “ vate. It was of my moft favorable mind towards her, 
 
 “ that I defired fome other means might be found out to 
 “ prevent this mifehief. But fince now it is refolved, 
 
 “ that my furety is moft defperate without her death, I 
 “ have a moft inward feeling of forrow, that I, which 
 “ have in my time pardoned fo many Rebels, winked at 
 “ fo many Treafons, or negleCted them with filence, 
 
 “ muft now feem to {hew cruelty upon fo great a 
 “ Princefs. 
 
 “ I have, fince I came to the Crown of this Realm, 
 
 “ feen many defamatory Books and Pamphlets againft me, 
 
 “ acculing me to be a Tyrant. Well fare the writers 
 “ hearts ; I believe their meaning was to tell me news. 
 
 “ And news indeed it was to he, to me branded with the 
 “ note of Tyranny. I would it were as great news to 
 “ hear of their Impiety. But what is it which they will 
 
 (1 ’ The Queen mine not to the Parliament the firfl day of the Seflion, but granted a Commillion to John Archbilh p of Canterbury, W,\7 :.im Lorn 
 Burleigh, and Henry Rail of Derby, to fupply her place. See D'enves, p. 3^5, 377. 
 
 (a, Speaker of the Houfe of Common'. Camden, p. 527-It was n't he that was fent with that Menage, but Sir CL-nJ'.t.pbtr Hasten ; and then it 
 
 wa., not the util, as Cjmaen allirms, but the 2d day after. See D'ewu, p. 403, 
 
 (( 
 
 not 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 23. ELIZABETH. 
 
 “ not write now, when they fhall hear that I have given 
 44 confent, that the Executioner’s hands fhould be imbrued 
 “ in the blood of my neareft Kinfwoman ? But fo far 
 
 am I from cruelty, that, to fave mine own life, I 
 ' c would not offer her violence ; neither have I been fo 
 
 careful how to preferve mine own life, as how to pre- 
 “ ferve both : which that it is now imp^fiible, I grieve 
 
 exceedingly. I am not fo void of Judgment, as not 
 “ to fee mine own perils before mine eyes ; nor fo mad 
 ■ to fharpen a fword to cut mine own throat ; nor fo 
 44 carelefs, as not to provide for the fafety of mine own 
 14 life. But this I eonfider with my fell, that many a 
 44 Man would put his own life in danger, to fave a Prin- 
 44 cefs’s life : I do not fay fo will I. Yet have I many 
 44 times thought upon it. 
 
 44 But feeing fo many have both written and fpoken 
 44 againft me, give me leave, I pray you, to fay fome- 
 “ what in my own defence, that ye may fee what man- 
 44 ner of Woman I am, for whofe fa*ety you have palled 
 “ fuch careful thoughts. Wherein as I do with mod 
 44 thankful heart eonfider your vigilant care ; fo am I fure 
 44 I fhall never requite it, had I as many lives as you 
 44 all. 
 
 “ When firft I took the Sceptre, I was not unmindful 
 16 of God the giver, and therefore began my Reign with 
 “ his Service, and the Religion I have been both born 
 “ in, bred in, and I truft fhall die in. And though I 
 44 was not ignorant how many perils I fhould be fet 
 “ withal at home for altering Religion, and how many 
 44 great Princes abroad of a contrary profeffion, would at- 
 44 tempt all hoftility againft me : yet was I no whit dif- 
 44 mayed, knowing that God, whom only I refpe&ed, 
 “ would defend both me and my caufe. Hence it is, 
 “ that fo many Treacheries and Confpiracies have been 
 44 attempted againft me, that I rather marvel that I am, 
 “ than mufe that I fhould not be alive at this day, were 
 44 it not that God’s holy hand hath protected me, be- 
 ‘ c yond all expe&ation. Then, to the end I might make 
 44 the better progrefs in the art of fwaying the Sceptre, 
 44 I entered into long and ferious cogitations, what things 
 44 were worthy and fitting for Kings to do ; and I found 
 44 it moft neceffary that they fhould be abundantly fur- 
 44 nifhed with thofe fpecial Virtues, Juftice, Temperance, 
 44 Prudence, and Magnanimity. As for the two latter, 
 44 I will not boaft my felf, my Sex doth not permit it. 
 44 But for the two former, I dare fay, (and that without 
 44 oftentation ) I never made a difference of perfons, where 
 44 Right was one. I never preferred for favour, whom I 
 44 thought not fit for worth : I never bent my ear to 
 44 credit a tale that was firft told : nor was fo rafh to 
 “ corrupt my Judgment with prejudice, before I heard 
 44 the caufe. I will not fay but many reports might 
 44 haply be brought me into much favour of the one fide 
 44 or the other : For we Princes cannot hear all our 
 44 felves. Yet this I dare fay boldly, my Judgment ever 
 44 went with the truth, according to my underftanding. 
 44 And as full well Alcibiades wifhed his friend, not to 
 44 give any anfwer till he had run over the Letters of 
 44 the Alphabet ; fo have I not ufed rafh and fadden re- 
 44 folutions in any thing. 
 
 “ And therefore as touching your Counfels and Con- 
 “ flotations, I acknowledge them to be fo careful, pro- 
 44 vident, and profitable, for the prefervation of my life, 
 44 and to proceed from minds fo fincere, and to me moft 
 44 devoted, that I fhall endeavour my felf, all I can, to 
 44 give you caufe to think your pains not ill beftowed, 
 44 and ftrive to make my felf worthy of fuch Subjects. 
 
 44 And now for your Petition, I pray you for this pre- 
 44 font to content yourfelves with an anfwer without an- 
 44 fwer. Your Judgment I condemn not, neither do I 
 44 miftake your reafons ; but pray to accept my thankful- 
 “ nefs, excufe my doubtfulnefs, and take in good part 
 “ my anfwer, anfwer-lefs. If I fhould fay, I would not 
 44 do what you requeft, I might fay perhaps more than I 
 44 think ; and if I fhould fav I would do it, I might 
 44 plunge myfelf into peril, whom you labour to preferve ; 
 44 which in your wifdoms and diferetions, ye would not 
 44 that I fhould, if ye eonfider the circumftances of place, 
 “ time, and the manners and conditions of Men.” 
 
 This Speech, which was of the fame nature and fpirit 
 with the former, was not an anfwer to the Petition of 
 
 the two Houles, as the Queen herfelf owned, but only an 15S f. 
 intimation to the Englij Z>, how imprudent it would be to 
 hazard the Life of fo good a Queen, in order to fave 
 Mary’s. She feemed in a great perplexity, and yet gave 
 to underftand, fhe was fully determined. And indeed, 
 lince fhe preferred the good of her Swbje&s before all other 
 things, and Mary 's death was neccftary to them, whar 
 could be the occafion of her doubts ? In comparing the 
 reafons which inclined her to mercy, with thofe which 
 concerned her own fafety, there was need of no great pe¬ 
 netration, to fee to which fide fhe would turn, however 
 irrefolute fire feemed. So, in this, as in the former Speech, 
 her foie aim was to make the pubiick believe, fhe yielded 
 with reludancy to the Sollicitations of the Parliament, 
 though file took care not to objeeft any ftrong reafons to 
 thefe Sollicitations. But her adtions were ftill plainer in 
 dications than her Speeches, of what palled in her thoughts. 
 
 Immediately after this anfwer without anfwer, the Par- . , r. • 
 liament was prorogued (1), for tear, doubtlefs, her feigned r ’• •' /’ ’ 
 perplexities fhould be taken litterally, and feme expedient 
 found to fave the Queen of Scots. After what had been p : 
 done, Elizabeth had no farther occafion for the Parlia¬ 
 ment, and in caufing the Sentence to be executed, could 
 fay, fhe only yielded to the prefling inftances of the two 
 Houfes. It will perhaps be thought ftrange, that I am 
 thus peremptory in a thing fo hard to be known, ns Eli¬ 
 zabeth's inmoft thoughts. But in my opinion, very evi¬ 
 dent proofs may be drawn both from her a£Hons and 
 words, that throughout this whole affair, fhe ached with 
 great difiimulation. 
 
 A few days after the prorogation of the Parliament, the Mary - -- 
 Lord Buckhurjl and Beal were fent to the Queen of Scots. ' r 
 
 They had orders to tell her, that her Judges had con - c7moen. 
 demned her to die, that the Parliament had confirmed the 
 Sentence, and defired the execution thereof, believing, if 
 fhe remained alive, the Religion eftablifhed in England 
 could not fubfift. She received the news with great refo- Sbefiwi 
 lution, and even feemed to triumph, that Religion was the i" 1 ” ' ■ 
 
 caufe of her death (2). Then fhe faid, with fome emo- m J‘d ’ r ' r, ' u 
 tion. It is no wonder if the Englifh, who have often put 
 their own Sovereigns to death , Jhould treat in the fame man¬ 
 ner, a PnnceJ's Jprung from the blood of their Kings. 
 
 L’ Aubefpine the French Ambaffador, who was entirely 7- F-rndi 
 devoted to the Houfe of Guife , flopped, for fome days, the ' 1, b adcr 
 publication of the Sentence by his follicitations. But at bt'rfaJol,-. 
 laft, it was proclaimed all over London (3) by the Queen’s 'ibtSentence 
 exprefs order, who forgot not to declare to the People that 
 her confent was extorted by the prefling intreatie; of the Camden. 
 Parliament. In the proclamation the Queen f.iid, that Huhi-pfh. 
 being informed of the Queen of Scots devices, the Lords p ' ,586 ' 
 of the Council, with many others, earneftly befougbt her 
 to bring her to juftice, and try her in the moft honorable 
 manner. That upon thefe inftances fhe granted a Com- 
 miffion to forty-two Lords, thirty-fix of whom met at 
 Father inghay, and after a very ft rift examination, gave 
 Sentence to this effeft: That Mary had broken the Statute 
 made the lajl year: That the Parliament having examined 
 the Sentence, and the proofs on which it was founded, re¬ 
 quired the execution thereof, notwithftanding her frequent 
 inftances, that fome other expedient might be found . 
 
 That therefore, moved with her own and the Nation’s 
 welfare, fhe had ordered the Sentence to be notified t® her 
 good Subje&s. 
 
 Mary , when fhe received the news of this publication, Marv 
 plainly faw there was no mercy to be expefled. She writ o- ' £1. 
 a long Letter to Elizabeth , defiring certain Favours con- T lbrth- 
 earning her death, burial, and fervants (4). But it is un- Mmyr"de 
 Certain, whether this Letter was ever delivered. The At ni. 
 King of Scotland writ alfo to Queen Elizabeth , and fent f f f'”g •/ 
 Patrick Gray and Robert Melvil to implore her mercy for t,,.fu 
 the Queen his mother ; but it was to no purpofe. Nay, l '" tvucucr. 
 it is laid, Gray , who had been many years attached to Me | viJ * 
 Elizabeth’s intereft, after having publickly follicited her to famdrn. 
 favour Mary , advifed her in private to make her away, Spotiswood. 
 faying, A dead lToman bites not. 
 
 Henry III. fent alfo the Prefident d'e Beltievre into Eng- <j%c Kin? ct 
 land to intreat Elizabeth in behalfof the condemned Qi leeri. France J r. t - 
 The Ambafiador difcharged his commiftion like a Man a f ^’ rba ll^- 
 who feemed very defirous to fucceed. He prefented a long Eoe'iam). 
 Memorial, which was publifhed, containing the ftrongeft Thuanus. 
 Reafons; he could devife, to perfuade Elizabeth to (’pare 
 the unfortunate Queen; to which Memorial the Queen re- 
 
 » Lord 
 
 (O Or rather adjourned to February it; when it met agam, and was at laft diftolved Marrb^, after granting the ’Queen one Snbftv. and t« 
 teenths, and Tenths. The Clergy granted alfo a Subftdy of ftx Shillings in the Pound, to be paid in three years. Ana moreover, gave a Cor-iribufon 
 nevolence et three Shillings in the P,und for the fupport of the Wars in the Netherlands, in this Parliament were Confirmed the Attainders cl • - 
 Pa P r ‘- -' n<t nr . the late executed Rebels. See Statue, and D'e-wes, p. 375, jg 7> 3go> 4 i 4 , & c . Bymer, Tom. 16. p. 5. Strut, p. 7+2 . 
 
 (z) She defired to have a Catholick Piieft allowed her, to diredt her Confcience. and adminifter to her the sacraments. The Loid Bxgbur/t and B‘A 
 recommended a 1 ilhop and a Dean to her lor this purpofe, whom (he ablolutely refuled. Camden, p. 528. 
 
 (3) On Decemb. 6, and then throughout the Kingdom. Stow, p. 741, Camden, p. 528. 
 
 (4) She defired her body might be buried in Catholick Ground, particularly in France near her Mother : That Ih- might not be put *0 death in pr-«te 
 
 without (Hern Elizabeth « knowledge, but in the fight of her Servants, who might give a true Teftimony of her Faith . 'Thu her .. mi-nt ne'-c- b v 
 
 wh.ther they p.ealed, and enjoy thole Legacies which Ihe had bequeathed them by her Will and Teftament. Camden, p. ran. ‘ n. '* - / 
 
 7 n lh,sh 7 ' Vl1 '* < ^ ee " P r “ v,d ff> thal - U r ,he Prince her So". <fid not renounce the falfe and heretical perfaafion which he"had drunk ih. 
 
 memf **** T ”' »■ W 7^ «*»».. 
 
 5 burned 
 
 
132 
 
 VoL II. 
 
 7 he Ambaj- 
 
 Du Mauiicr. 
 
 Jpiracy j- 
 gainjt the 
 
 v ' e 7 
 
 p ■ 
 
 loudly call 
 J • Marv'j 
 
 death. 
 
 Le Labou- 
 
 Elizabeth’r 
 
 Jimutatnn. 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 turned an nnfwcr in the margin of each article. T he fub- 
 ftancc of the anfwers was, “ That things were come to 
 “ that point, that one or other of the two Queens mult 
 “ pcrilii, and Elizabeth flatteied herfelf that the King of 
 “ France i:ad her intereft no left at heart than Mary'',.” 
 
 J»11; if du Maurin■ is to be credited, in his preface to his 
 Father’s Memoirs, the Ambafl'ador acted the counterfeit, 
 and impoled upon the world and ALary's Friends. He 
 
 rms to h Father fay, that Belli re, th< 
 
 lie feigned to have Inftruftions to the contrary, had pri¬ 
 vate Orders to follicit the death of the Queen of Scots (i). 
 T his is not unlikely, cmifidering the fituation of the affairs 
 of France at that time, and the King’s juft Apprehenlions 
 of the Duke of Guile'., ambitious Deligns (2). 
 
 Whilft all the World was in expectation of the eflefts 
 of this extraordinary fentence, the Court difeovered, that 
 L’ Aubefpine the French Amballador, had bribed two affaf- 
 fins (3) to murder the Queen. One of the Villains re¬ 
 penting and informing the Miniftcrs of the Plot, the Am¬ 
 ballador was defired to come to the Lord Treafuter’s Houfe 
 where the Council was allembled, and the two witneftes 
 were brought lace to face. If Camden is to be credited, he 
 made but an ill defence, contenting himfelf with pleading the 
 privilege of Amball'adors, who were accountable only to 
 their own mailers. The Lord Treafurer, without allow¬ 
 ing or difputing this privilege, gravely reproved him, and 
 advifed him to beware for the future how lie provoked a 
 Queen, who was too much injured already, and had it in 
 her power to be revenged. It muft be obferved, the 
 French Tranflator of Camden’s Annals, thought fit to pafs 
 over in filence this whole Confpiracy. 
 
 It was no proper feafon to inquire any farther into the 
 circumftances of this Plot, which probably was entirely 
 owing to the Amballador’s furious zeal for the Houfe of 
 Lorain. Nay, who knows whether it were not a fnare 
 laid for him, to make him inftrumental, contrary to his 
 intention, in haftening the Queen of Scots execution ? 
 When this affair became publick, it was every where faid, 
 there was no fafety for the Queen fo long as Mary was a- 
 live. This was precifely what the Court wifhed, that the 
 people being fatisfied of the neceffity of executing the fen¬ 
 tence, might be lefs attentive to the irregularities. Cam¬ 
 den fays, Elizabeth was ftill in fufpence and diftrafted in 
 her thoughts, not being able to refolve to put to death a 
 Queen her near Relation, over whom Ihe had no jurifdic- 
 tion. He adds, means were found however to determine 
 her, by fpreading a report that England was going to be 
 invaded : That the Spanifo Fleet was already arrived at 
 Milford Haven : That the Duke of Guife was landed in 
 Suffix with an army : That the Queen of Scots was cfcaped 
 out of prifon, and was railing Troops in the North: That 
 feveral Plots were on foot to kill the Queen, and fet the 
 City of London on fire : Yea, that the Queen was dead. 
 By thefe artifices, according to that Hiftorian, Elizabeth 
 was prevailed with to fign a Warrant for Mary's execu¬ 
 tion. For my part, who verily believe, Mary's death was 
 refolved, even before her tryal, 1 rather think all thefe 
 reports were fpread by the emiflaries of the Court, to ter¬ 
 rify the people, and to let them fee how neceffiry Mary’s 
 death w.iv There is not the lcaft probability, that the 
 Queen and her Minifters Ihould fuffer thcmfelves to be de¬ 
 ceived by fuch reports, the falfhood whereof it was fo eafy 
 for them to difeover. But Camden’s aim is to infinuate, 
 that Elizabeth was convinced of Mary’s innocence, and 
 therefore diftradiod in her thoughts. 
 
 We ate now come to the lart aft of the Tragedy, for 
 (o it may well be called with refpeft to the Queen of Sects , 
 though with regard to Elizabeth it was a real Comedy, or 
 at leatt a continued feene of diftimulation, afted fo artfully, 
 that it can hardly be conceived how it could be carried far¬ 
 ther. Before Elizabeth ordered the Commiftion to try 
 Mary to be drawn, feveral Lords, as I faid, caft them- 
 felves at her feet, and begged her to take pity of them, 
 and their pofterity, and to provide, by Mary's death, for 
 the fecurity of the Church and State. Afterwards, when 
 fentence was given, Ihe waited till fhe was twice follicitcd 
 by the Parliament, with the Iharp reproach that flic denied 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 her people jufticc. To carry on the farce, fome formalities 1587. 
 were like wife to be afted after the publication of the fen¬ 
 tence, before the Warrant was figned for execution. All 
 this was done : but there was ftill fomething more. Eli¬ 
 zabeth undertook to make the publick believe, the execu¬ 
 tion was done againft her will, and without her knowledge, 
 and the method flic ufed to accomplifti it was this. 
 
 Davifon, without his knowing it, was her inftrument Sit draw* 
 to aft this fort of Comedy. A little before the Queen of 
 Scots Trial, he was made Secretary of State, and very fare. 
 likely, was put into that office on purpoft to be iiifnarcd, Camden, 
 and made accountable for Mary’s death. All the foremen- strype’sAn. 
 tioned rumours being fpread, and the Queen feigning to T. lu¬ 
 be terrified, delivered to Davifon a Writing figned with P - 575* 
 her own hand, and fealed with her Signet, commanding 
 him to draw a Warrant under the Great Seal for the 
 Queen of Scots execution, but enjoined him withal to keep 
 the Warrant by him (4), and acquaint no man there¬ 
 with (5). The Lord Chancellor however mult have been 
 informed of it, unlefs flic had taken the Great Seal from 
 him and given it to Davifon , of which there has been in- 
 ftances. Be this as it will, the next Jay Ihe ordered Da¬ 
 vifon by Killegrevj not to draw the Warrant (6). Where¬ 
 upon Davifon came to the Queen, and told her, it was drawn 
 and under Seal already ; at which Ihe was angry, and bla¬ 
 med him for making fuch hafte. The Warrant was da- Stat»-Try. 
 ted the ift of February, and direfted to the Earls of Vol.Lp.i54 
 Shrewsbury , Derby , Kent , Cumberland , [and Pembroke] 
 to fee the Queen of Scots executed in their prefence. 
 
 Mean while, though the Queen feemed difpleafed with the 
 Secretary lor making too much hafte, flic left the Warrant 
 in his hands, without telling him what he was to do with 
 it. This puzzled him extremely, fince by her contrary 
 proceedings with refpeft to the Warrant, Ihe had not dif- 
 clofed to him her intention. In this uncertainty lie chofe 
 to impart the tranfaftion to a Privy-Counfellor, who was 
 of opinion that the relt of the Counfellors Ihould be in¬ 
 formed, that nothing might be done ralhly, and Davifon 
 fell into the fna e. Whei ipon the Council being met, 
 it was unanimoufly refolved to execute the Warrant, 
 though nothing was cafier than to advertife the Queen of 
 their Embaraffment. To that end, the Warrant was gi¬ 
 ven to Beal , who took care to acquaint the lour Lords, to 
 whom it was addrefled, and departed for Fzhn in.Lay with 
 two executioners. Certainly, it is very hard to believe, 
 that a fcore of Privy-Cuunfcllors (among whom were the 
 Queen’s Minifters, and her intimate Confidents) would 
 have undertaken to order the Warrant to be executed, un¬ 
 known to her (7), had they not been perfwaded it was 
 agreeable to her will. Efpeciallv as Davifon had commu¬ 
 nicated the fecret to them, only bccaufe of his uncertainty 
 concerning the Queen’s intent ion (.-i). 
 
 After Beal’s departure, the Queen told Dari [on, Ihe 
 had changed her inind. T his ought to have aftonilhed 
 the Council n au¬ 
 
 thority, and yet no care was taken to recall Beal, 
 though there was (even davs fp.ace between his departure, 
 and Mary’s execution. But what is ftill more itrange, 
 is, that during thefe feven days, though the Queen had 
 declared that her mind was altered, not one of her Coun¬ 
 fellors or Minifters, thought of informing her of what was 
 tranfafting. This is a clear evidence, that it was very 
 well known, Ihe did not delire to be informed. 
 
 However this be, the four Lords, appointed to fee exc- rbeS^tn 
 cution done, being come to Fotheringhay , admonifhed the ?/ Scots it 
 Queen of Scots to prepare for her death (9), and on the 
 morrow, being the 8th of February, they law her be¬ 
 headed. I fhall not relate here all the circumftances of 
 this Tragedy. It fuffices to fav in a word, that Ihe 
 died with great refolution, and in an inviolable attachment 
 to her Religion. The Earl of Kent idling her, that her 
 Life would be the death of the Protejlant Religion in Eng¬ 
 land, Ihe rcjoyced, and faid, Ihe was condemned as guilty 
 of plotting againft the Queen of England's life, and yet 
 the Earl of Kent had juft told her, flic was to die for her 
 Religion, wherein Ihe gloried. If Camd,n is to be cre¬ 
 dited, fhe protefted, Ihe knew nothing of Babington’ 3 
 
 (1) Nay, this was not fo fecret, but that after the death of the Duke of Guife, Henry III. was accufed by the Leaguers of having cau the Queen f>t 
 Soot: to he put to death. Papin. 
 
 (; This year, Jbemai Cavendifh failing from Plymouth, on the 2ill of July, with three Ship-, and a hundred nnd v.eni; live Men, began his Voyage 
 round the World j entring in at the Strcights of Magellan, and returning by the Cape of Good H /•-. This V.-vag" he peiti i \ ii in . !> it m.' years and two 
 
 month-,, arriving at Plymouth, Srptemh. y. 1588.- May 7, Philip Howard Earl -t Arundel, was condemned in .« 1 ..it 11 1 .. ’■ 1 10 remain 10 
 
 Prifon it the Queen's pleafure. This year, Ludgatt, in London, was rebuilt by the Citizens, and the Charges ..mounted to .alvve 1 y.zl. p. 720, 
 
 741. Hollingjh. p. 11,6 r. 
 
 (3) He brin'd uily one Edward Stafford, who abhorring the Faft, recommended one Moody as a lit Perfon ; but Sr.ifrd dil'crvvred the matter to the 
 Council. Camden, p. ,32. 
 
 (4) And only hive i; in rcadir.cfs, in cafe any danger happened to break out in that time of fealoufy and Fear. Camden. t"i4. I lays, that 
 
 it was in t to be d..'ivetid, without her M.ijelly’s exprefs command ; nevertlacii Is, Davijm being ,,e<ci ,ea by the Cun •• ii. :vi:cd it ‘.'them. p. 1 ; 2. 
 
 (5) This, Davifm abfolutcly denied in hi:. Examination. See Strype't Ann. Tom. 3. p. 3;;. 
 
 (6) Rapir fays, the Queen lent Davifon word to halten the Warrant. But it is a miftakc, lor Car,dm fays the Qy n changed her mind, and f- it 'o him 
 not to draw it. Camden, p. 334. 
 
 (7) And yet Pbuar.ui thinks fo. 1 - 86 . 
 
 (S) Camden lays, Davifon p'-rfoaded the Council that ithc Queen had commanded it fhould be executed, p. 534. 
 
 (9 Upon whir h Ihe told them, 1 dal not think the Queen my Sifter would havi conic ited to my 0 ith, »] a o not fubje to your I 4 
 but leciig her picai'ure ij fo, death (hall be to me moll welcome* Camden, p. >34, 
 
 3 
 
 practice.: 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 1587. 
 
 Elizabeth 
 ‘Xprtff'i 
 gr ( at grief 
 
 Camdeo| 
 
 Spotiswood. 
 ?• 357 - 
 
 Da vifon w 
 tried, 
 State-Try. 
 Vol. VII. 
 
 th- 
 
 23- ELIZABETH. 
 
 praftices, and that her Secretaries were fuborned to witnefs 
 againft her (1). 
 
 The news of Mary's execution being brought to Eli¬ 
 zabeth, fhe appeared extremely difpleafed. Sighs, tears 
 lamentation, and mourning, were the figns fhe gave of 
 her grief, which feemed immoderate. She drove the 
 Privy-Counfellors from her prefence (2), and commanded 
 them to be examined in the Star-Chamber, and Davifan 
 to be tried for his difobedience. A few days after, fhe 
 fent the following Letter to the King of Scotland by Robert 
 Carey. 
 
 My dear Brother, 
 
 I Would you knew, though not felt , the extreme dolour that 
 overwhelmed) my mind, for that miferable accident which 
 farre contrary to my meaning hath befalne. I have fent 
 this kinfman of mine (3), whom ere now'it hath pleafedyou to 
 favour , to mjlruil you truly of that, which is too irkfome for 
 tny pen to tell you. I befeech you, that as God, and many 
 7 no know, how innocent I am in this cafe, fo you will believe 
 me, that if I had done it, I would have abode by it ; I am 
 not fo baje minded, that the fear of any living creature, 
 fhould make me afraid to do what is jujl ; or done , to deny the 
 fame: 1 am fo not degenerate, nor carry fo vile a mind. But 
 as not to difguife, fits mojl a King, fo will I never dijjtmble 
 my actions, but caufe them Jhew as I mean them. This afi- 
 Jure your felf for me, that as I know it was deferved, if 
 I had meant it, I would never over another's Jhoutders, and 
 to impute to my felf that, which I did not fo much as think 
 of: l W ‘H not. The circumjlances )0u will be pleafed to hear 
 of this bearer : And for my part, think you have not in the 
 world a more loving kinfwoman, and more dear friend, nor 
 any that will watch more carefully to preferve you and your 
 Jlate. And if any would otherwfe perfwade you, think they 
 bear more good will to others, than to you. Thus in hajle, 
 I leave to trouble you, befceching God to fend you a long 
 Reign. 
 
 Whilft Carey was upon the road, Davifon was cited in¬ 
 to the Star-Chamber, to anfwer to the accufation of con¬ 
 tempt and difobedience entered againft him. The accu¬ 
 fation ran, “ That he had contemned the Queen's orders 
 . “ broke his oath of allegiance, and neglected his duty * 
 “ That the Queen never intending, (for reafons beft 
 “ known to herfelf) that the Queen of Scots, though con- 
 * demned, fhould have been put to death, had however, 
 ** f° r preventing of dangers, commanded a Warrant for 
 “ her execution to be drawn, and committed it to his 
 “ truft and Secrecy : But that he forgetting his duty, had 
 “ acquainted the Couneil therewith, and put the Warrant 
 ‘ l in execution unknown to the Queen.” 
 
 Davifon anfwered, “ That he was extremely forry to 
 “ fi nd himfelf accufed of contempt to the Queen, who 
 “ had loaded him with favours : That he chofe rather 
 “ to confefs himfelf guilty of the Crimes he was charged 
 “ with ». than conteft with her Majefty, fince he could 
 “ not vindicate himfelf without failing in the refpeft and 
 “ duty he owed her. He protefted however, he had of- 
 “ fended wholly out of ignorance, being perfwaded he had 
 “.done nothing contrary to the Queen’s will and pleafure. 
 “ He affirmed, that when the Queen blamed him for 
 “ making fuch hafte to get the Warrant ready, fhe gave 
 “ fome intimation, but no exprefs command, that he 
 “ fhould keep it by him, neither did he believe himfelf 
 “ guilty ot breach of truft, by communicating it only to 
 “ the Council. As to his being accufed of not recalling 
 “ the Warrant, after fhe had told him fhe had changed 
 “ her mind, he protefted, it was the opinion of the whole 
 
 “ Council, that it fhould be prefently executed, left the icS? 
 “ defay ” ^ ^ lhould reCeive an ^ hurt h Y to0 long a 
 
 After he had done fpeaking, the Queen’s Council pref- 
 fed him with his own confeffion, and with what the Lord 
 Treafurer had teftified, That, doubting whether the 
 Queen had abiolutely confented to have execution done, 
 Davifon affirmed, it was her intention. Then Davifon 
 with tears in his eyes, prayed the Queen's Council not to 
 urge him any farther, but remember that he would not 
 conteft with the Queen, to whofe confcience, and his 
 Judges cenfure, he entirely fubmitted himfelf. After that 
 were made feveral Speeches, fome tending to aggravate his 
 offence, and others, to fliow he had only adted impru¬ 
 dently (4). in fhort, he was condemned to be fined in 
 ten thoufand pounds, and imprifened during the Queen’s 
 pleafure. The Lord Lumley, in his Speech on this occa- 
 f.on, was not fatisfied with blaming Davifon, but, accu- 
 flng chiefly the whole Council, faid, “ Never was there 
 luch a contempt againft a Prince heard or read of, that 
 Privy-Counfellors, in the Queen’s Palace, and when 
 they had free accefs to her, fhould attempt fuch a 
 “ ™ n S without her advice or knowledge; protefting, that 
 “ ; f hl * own Son were guilty of the like lault, he“would 
 be the firft to condemn him.” But it was not the 
 Queen’s intention to punifh the Counfellors, who, proba- 
 bly, had afted only by her private orders. And there¬ 
 fore to fereen them from thef* and the like reproaches, the 
 Lord Privy-Seal told the Affembly, that though the 
 Queen, being juftly offended with her Council, had left 
 them to a ftrift examination ; yet now being fenfible, 
 they had tranfgreffed out of an excefs of zeal for her and 
 the State, fhe forgave them. Thus Davifon was the only 
 iacrihce, though the Council was ftill more guilty than he 
 fuppofing he had a&cd contrary to the Queen’s intention 
 Davifin remained long in prifon, without obtaining w 
 other favour, than fome prefents of Money from the 
 Queen, to relieve his wants. 
 
 Camden, whofe aim was not to vindicate Elizabeth in 
 ariy thing relating to the Queen of Scots, has inferred in his 
 vf ina Ji* an Apology, which Davifin, being in prifon, fent 
 himfelf to Secretary Walfingham, and leaves his Readers to 
 give their Judgment of it, without making himfelf any 
 remark. The Apology was worded in the following 
 manner. ® 
 
 r f e QP ee "> after departure of the French and D,vir™<. 
 Scotch Ambafladors, of her own accord, commanded dpsHy 
 ‘ me to deliver her the Warrant for executing the Sen- Zlur- 
 tence agamft the Queen of Scots: When I had de- c,id=„ 
 . wu T’ , , readily figned it with her own hand : 
 
 When ihe had fo done, Are commanded it to be fealed 
 ‘ With the Great-Seal of England-, and in jelling manner 
 faid. Go tell all this to Walfingham, who is now fsck ; 
 though IJear he will dye for Sorrenu when he hears it. 
 
 She added alfo the reafons of her deferring it fo long - 
 namely, left fhe might feem to have been violently or ma- 
 ‘ licioufiy drawn thereto, whereas in the mean time file 
 t ™ as 'gnorant how neceffary it was. Moreover fhe 
 blamed Powlet and Drury, that they had not eafed her 
 of this care, and wifhed that Walfingham would feel 
 their pulfes touching this matter. 
 
 ** * he o neXt ^ a ^ tCr t * ie ^ arrant was under the 
 Great-Seal fhe commanded me by Killcgrcw, that it 
 fliould be done , and when I had informed her that 
 it was done already, fhe found fault wi.h fuch great 
 hafte, telling me that in the judgment of fome wife 
 men, another courfe might be taken : I anfwered, that 
 the courfe which was juft, was always beft and lkfeft. 
 
 But fearing left fhe would lay the fault upon me (as 
 
 “ ss if.tr 1 , hav s a *'»»». , h . 
 
 rclufing, the Earl of Kent, out ot his zeal to the Reformed Religion faid to her the words "j'° mmende . d t0 . her thc B,lh °P nr of Peterborough, whom fhe 
 hailened, that (lie might have the more time to difpofe of her Concerns She f, m L , d above-mentioned. Alter they were gone, fhe ordered Supper to te 
 to all her Servants, who pledged her in order upon B,cirkne Cs ^ TthJrZe^’f n ^ 7 Tow » d * lhc ‘" d Supper fte dr„ k 
 
 he, W.II, and wrote down the names of thofe to whem fhe bequeathed her Goods and jewels Ac E’won ted' rim ft °' fT ^ 
 
 then awaking, fpent the reft ot .he night in Prayer. The fatal day being Com- /he dreEdherfeff ^ went t0 bcd - ^ hours, and 
 
 Servants together, commanded her Will to be read, and then retired into her Ora’tory where fheftlv^ f I ta f 8 Upon ‘ fefl:Vj1 d '>’ - and filing her 
 
 S' J*£ ““ h °r ,| Sh “ W *” 4 *“* * “"W * 4 »l chtirful Lo'ok f he, »c,u.in.id h=r ,h„ 
 
 Bc. ds hanging at her Girdle, with a Ciucihxin her hand. In the Porch the was received bv rh- F, I j 1 v t, V '‘ hane "‘E df,wn to lhe ground, her 
 'of", v.’ho bewailed his hard hap, .hat he was to carry into Scotland thc woctul .idioAof.heuinnvf^^fK ^J' 1 ’ ^ here f P eakin g a Speech 
 wel; and turning to the Earls, defired that her Servants might ftand by her at her dearh f h ’ S ^ and <he bade him fa, c - 
 
 Ef q> Shenft of Nerlbsmft^Jbire, going before her, /he came to the Scaffold « T .‘ h ? Earls „ of Kem and Sbrcioibury, and Ibtmai Andu-w, 
 
 a Block covered wi.h black 'doth * As foon as the was fat down re d he WaTm 'r 0 1 "? ^‘n 0 " WaS P la « d * Chair - » Culhion. Tul 
 
 Countenance ; which done, Dr. F/eteber Dean of Peterborough began a lone Soeech rn her r H 7 ^ cen J lftencd wi >h a carelefs, or rathe, merry 
 him, praying him not to trouble himfelf, tor fhe was refolvtd to die in the Ca.hoSk ReEio^^Th’ 8 ' P ’ P ' e [ Cn I> and t0 tomc> Sh e interrupted 
 
 Executioner having asked her torgivenefs, her Women took , ff her unner r, me k a 1 8 ‘ T hcn ,tlc y a PP olnted the Dean to pray : After which .he 
 
 the Block which was fevered ?„ m her Body a” t^kes Sh^waf buS I ntTZ? ^ -‘“t & L down her hcld . n 
 
 /he lay nil her Son King Jame,' s acceffion to the Crown of England: but he had her Cnmc r-m ’/" ,he c Cathed ' al Peterborough, on Aug,,ft lf whc , c 
 Chapel at tVeJlminJier, where it now lies} and a ftately Monument erefted to her Memnrv T J' v 'a'*’ ,m ? ' lle S ° Uth ,fle of King Idenr’y Vll's 
 
 Cumder., p. 534, 535. Mel-utl, p. i 72 . Murtyre de Marie p. ,01 A, which the Reader may fee a Print in Sandjord, p. 533_ 
 
 (2) And particularly the Lord Burleigh : who, upon h is d feraee wrV, r . J 7 "'.’ P ' 6 ' 5 ’ &c ‘ Edit - 7 ebb - 
 Tom. 3 p 3?1 , 372. He chiefly pleaded ignorance, and offered’to refign his Pl«es If th'ere w^Ta ^^ ^ ^ in An. 
 
 Queen ot Mon, ,h e Lord Burle.gb, Secretary tValfingbam, and a few others m 3 vr’,,c!n,M F r an yP re <- ,p uat!on ufed in this affair, of the d-a:h of the 
 for they had afted fo openly againft Mary, .hat had /he ever mounted the ThCIf S 2 ^ ruppoPed the L Authors of «, ™ order to fecu,e themfeives a 
 3- He was kin to her by Ann Boleyn her Mother. Rap,™ ^ ° f En ^’ ,d > lhe 7 have been utterly undone. 
 
 (+J Che Commiflioners, being thirteen in number, made each a c„,„c . . , , , 
 
 n 0 s t D vtuiT “ be .h= zti pr ”” ncia a8ab * ,h= ° f 
 
 L 1 fts 
 
•34 
 
 The HISTO RT of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 '7be King 
 of Scotland 
 
 firfi a gnat 
 deal of re- 
 
 "Melvil. 
 p. 173. 
 Camden,; 
 Spotiswood. 
 
 ‘ flie had laid the putting of the Duke of Norfolk to death 
 U pon the Lord Burleigh,) I acquainted Hatton with the 
 . v. | itt , proteftii tl ■ w t p 
 
 “ felf any deeper in fo great a bufincls. He prefently im- 
 “ par'ed it to the Lord Burleigh, and the Lord Burleigh 
 “ to the rc(l of the Council ; who all confented to have 
 “ the execution haftened, and every one of them vowed 
 “ to bear an equal {hare in the blame, and fent Beal a- 
 “ way with the Warrant and Letters. The third day 
 “ after, when, by a dream which fhe told of the Queen of 
 “ Scots death, I perceived that fhe wavered in her refolu- 
 “ tion, I asked her whether flie had changed her mind ? 
 
 “ She anfwcred. No ; but another courfe (laid fhe,) might 
 “ have been devi fed : and withal fhe asked me, whether 
 “ I had received any anfwer from Powlet ? Whofe Letter 
 “ when I had fhowed her, wherein he flatly refufed to 
 “ undertake that which flood not with honour and juflice ; 
 
 “ flic waxino- angry, accufed him and others (who had 
 “ bound themfelves by the Aflociation) of perjury and 
 “ breach of their vow, as thofe that had promifed great 
 “ matters for their Prince’s fafety, but would perform no- 
 “ thing. Yet there are (Laid fhe,) who will do it for my 
 “ fake. But I fhowed her how difhonourable and unjuft 
 “ a thing this would be ; and withal into how great danger 
 “ file would bring Powlet and Drury by it. for if fhe 
 “ approved the fad, fhe would draw upon herfelf both 
 “ danger and difhonour, not without cenlure of Injuilice ; 
 “ and if flie difallowed it, file would utterly undo men 
 “ of great defert, and their whole pofterity. And after- 
 “ wards (he gave me a light check the fame day that the 
 “ Queen of Scots was executed, becaufe fhe was not yet 
 “ put to death.” 
 
 If this Apology be true, one cannot defire a more con¬ 
 vincing proof of Elizabeth 's Diffimulation. The point 
 was, not Man ’s death, for that was fully determined, but 
 the manner. It appears in this Writing, that Elizabeth 
 would have been glad, the Queen of Scots two Keepers 
 had difpatched her, that fhe might have been able to clear 
 herfelf, which flie would not have failed to do, by putting 
 them both to death. There remains but one fcruple, which 
 is, that we have this from Camden only, whofe teftimony 
 cannot be reckoned very certain (1). 
 
 The King of Scotland having received the news of the 
 Queen his Mother’s tragical end, exprefled a very lively 
 relentment at the fame. His firft thoughts prompted 
 him to revenge. The States of Scotland , then aflembled, 
 promifed him their aflillancc, and there were not wanting 
 Come about him, who perfwaded him to join with the 
 Pope, France and Spain , to revenge fo great an affront. 
 Others advifed him not to break with England , for fear 
 of hazarding upon the uncertain chance of War, his un¬ 
 doubted Title to the Crown of that Kingdom ; efpecially 
 as the Englijh only wanted pet haps a pretence, to hinder a 
 Scotch Prince from afeending the throne of England, which 
 therefore he ought to take care not to furnifh them with. 
 Some were of opinion, he fhould declare openly for neither 
 of the two Religions, but keep himfelf always ready to 
 improve the Events, time fhould produce. Carey arriving 
 fhortly after, the King refufed him audience, and it was 
 not without great difficulty, that he was perfwaded to re¬ 
 ceive Elizabeth's. Letter. We find however in Melvil ’s 
 Memoirs, that fome Lords of the Court of Scotland had 
 writ to England, that whenever Queen Mary fhould be 
 put to death, the King her Son would not highly refent 
 it : and accordingly, Melvil affirms, he quickly forgot it. 
 When Elizabeth heard that King James's grief began to 
 abate, fhe caufed fome of thofe whom flie moft trufted (2), 
 to reprefent to him, “ That in the prefent fituation of 
 “ Scotland, theie was no room to expedfc that a War with 
 “ England could be fuccelsful: If he pretended to rely on 
 
 “ foreign aid, his Mother’s fad experience might teach 15S7. 
 
 “ him how uncertain that was. The King of ['ranee 
 “ would be fo far from countenancing him, that it was 
 “ his intcreft to hinder the two Kingdoms of Great- 
 “ Britain from being united under the fame dominion. 
 
 “ Nay, he would oppofe to the utmoft of his power, the 
 “ fucccfs of his Arms, for fear he fhould afterwards affilt 
 “ the Duke of Guife, who afpired to the Crown. 'I’he 
 “ King of Spain in pretending to aid him, would only ferve 
 “ himfelf, on account of his groundlefs claim to the Crown 
 “ of England, as defeended from the Houfe of Lancajler. 
 
 “ Even the Queen his xMother had made a Will the Burnet , 
 
 “ night before her death, whereby flic excluded him, t. hi. 
 
 “ from the fucceffion, in cafe he perfevered in the Pro- P- 3 2 7 - 
 “ teflant Religion, and nominated Philip II. for her heir, 
 
 “ which Will was font into Spain. He was therefore to 
 “ expect no affiftance from Philip, but rather to confider 
 “ him as an enemy. In a word, if he made war upon 
 “ Elizabeth, and the Parliament pafs’d an Abt againft 
 « him, he ran the hazard of being excluded for ever 
 “ from a noble fucceffion, which he could not fail to en- 
 “ joy, provided he would but remain in peace.” To all 
 thefe Arguments it was alfo added, “ That Elizabeth had 
 “ an affedion for him, and bolides, would think herfelf 
 “ bound in honour and duty to repair the Mother’s 
 “ wrongs, by leaving her Crown to the Son, in cafe he 
 “ gave her no occafion to do other wife”. Thefe repre- 
 fentations had their effed. James faw it to be his interell: m, Grief -i 
 to keep fair with Elizabeth, and that, added to the S en- ea f eJ - , 
 tence given againg Davijon, which was fent him, fo ftifled t'/hi. 5 An " 
 his refentment, that he fhowed no farther marks of it (3). 
 
 Mean while, Elizabeth hearing the Spaniard was making The E^een 
 great preparations to invade England (4), fent Drake with 
 a good fleet (5) upon the coaft of Spain, with orders to burn L i ,,.’ 
 all the Spanijh Ships he fhould meet. This Admiral’s firft t'amden. 
 expedition was to the Port of Cadiz , where he burnt |“ r '|* etu 
 above a hundred Veflels laden with victuals and ammuni- p , 7 4 2 . 
 tion, and a large Galeon of the Marquifs of Santa Cruz , Stye's 
 with another of RaguJ'a, full of rich merchandize. Then ^ nn ,’ii. 
 returning to Cape St. Vincent, he did great damage to the p . 45 ,. 
 inhabitants along the coaft ; after which, he came to the 
 mouth of the Tagus, where he in vain provoked the Mar¬ 
 quifs of Santa Cruz, by plundering and burning the Ships 
 he found there. From thence he failed to the Azores, and 
 meeting in the way with a rich Carack called the St. 
 
 Philip, returning from the Eajt- Indies, eafily took her (6). 
 
 'I'he Provifions and Stores which the Spaniards loft at 
 Cadiz, the taking of the Galeons and Carack, and the reft 
 of the damages they fultained, obliged Philip to defer till 
 the next year the Expedition, he had projected againft 
 England (7). While Drake was acting in Europe againft 
 Spain, Cavendijh was doing the fame in America, having 
 entered the South-Sea by the ltraits of Magellan. He 
 plundered without oppoiition the Coafts of Chili and Peru, 
 and did the Spaniards great damage in thofe parts. 
 
 I left, about the end of the laft year, the Earl of Leicefer 7 be States 
 returning into England, after having fet on foot his pro- A the v,d- 
 je£t to become Sovereign of the United Provinces, by " ncrs r °, m 
 cherifhing confufion and difeord. Before his departure, plain of the 
 the States began to perceive his defigns, and the orders he 
 left when he went away, and which the Officers, his Grotius. 
 creatures, punctually executed, fully confirmed their fufpi- Strada. 
 cions. For this reafon they fent Amballadors to Elizabeth 
 to complain of him : but his credit, and the Queen of 
 Scots affair, which then held the Court employed, hindered 
 the Ambaffadors from being fo fpeedily difpatched as they 
 defired. It even happened in this interval, that Stanley and 
 York , who held of the Earl of Leicejler the Governments Carmiefli 
 of Deventer, and a Fort near Zutpbcn, delivered thefe two 
 places to the Duke of Parma. So, the States no longer 
 trufting that General, gave the command of their Army 
 
 (he laid Queen 
 lack ot the difehurge 
 i antwer, dated Febr i. has 
 is living to fee this unhippy 
 
 -Cud turbid 1 Ihuuld 
 
 Warrant”, 
 
 Am ‘- r -’ 1 • r,i This matter is alfo undeniably confirmed by two Letters, inferred by Mackenzie, in his L.fe of Queen Mary, ( ,f they are genome! 
 
 P- 377 , & % r|( ' written i n F,D. u .586-7. by Watfir.gbam and Dc-ufn, to Sir Am,a, Pcw/et, and Sir Drue Drury, it is , a m——her Mateliy doth 
 «• you, both a lack of that care and zeal for her fervice, that (he looketh for at your hands, in that you have not m all this time. ( ot your (eh 
 
 << i her provi cation ) found out fome way to Ihotcen the life ot the Scon Queen, confidering the great peril (he is hourly I object to, fo long 
 
 tt lh ,,|| In.- -She taketh it moft unkindly, that Men profelling that love towards her that you do, Ihould in a kind of Ion 
 
 .. y our Duties, call 1 lie burden upon her, knowing, as you do, her indifpofition to (hed blood-"—--Sir Amia u I owlet in his 
 
 the e words, <•- My anfwe-I (hall deliver unto you with great grief and bitternefsof mind, m that I am lo unhappy, at 
 
 <■ day. in which I am tequired by direflion from my molt gracious Sovereign, to do an A£t, wh'ch God and the Law (orbidd.-tli. 
 
 make 10 foul a fhipwreck of my Confcience, or leave fo great a blot to my poor Pofterity, and (lied Blued without Law or • 
 
 Oiborn alfo obfervos, that •• our Queen maybe found in many ot her Letters, intimating (o much fas the making her away J 10 luch as kept her, who 
 <• were fo wife, as not to undcrftnnd what was meant. " Mem. § 4. 
 
 (2) Some ot her Friends in Scotland, and the Lord Hunfdon Governor of Berwick. Camden, p. 539. 
 
 (,) H- alliens himie'f thelc Reafons for not revenging his Mother's death. 1. His tender youth, not trained up in arm'. 
 
 Poverty ) from hand to hand, from neydie to neydic, to greedy and greedie. 3. The Factions in his Kingdom, G.r. Scc.t’yp: 
 
 (4) Their preparations were fo extraordinary great, that Sir Francit Drake fays, in a Letter, the Sp, 
 to maintain furty ihoufand Men a whole year. See Strype'i Ann. Tom. 3. p- 45 
 vcretl bv IFaJingbam in the following .emai kable manner: He had intelligence I r 
 prels to Rome, with a Letter writ with his own hand to the Pope, acquainting him 
 which lor fome reafon! he would not yet difdofe to them, till the return of the C 
 
 exceflive Cow pit (or 
 Tom. 3. p. 382. 
 
 Letter, the Spaniard! had Provifinus .1 Bread and Wine, fufiicient 
 
 -That theie great preparations were aimed at Eng.tr, 1 , ivj, dn'co- 
 
 Madnd, that Philip had told his Council, he had diljutchcd an Ex- 
 th the true dti/ign of his preparations, and asking hi' blciVmg upon it; 
 •r. The Secret being thus lodged with the Pope, IFal/mgbam, bs the 
 
 etained u Rom, as his Spy, got a Copy ot the original Letter, which was ftolen cut of the Pope's Cabinet by a Gentleman >f the 
 Bed-Chamber, who took the Keys out of the Pope's Pocket while he llept. tk'elwood't Mem. p. 8, 9. 
 
 . With forty Gallics. Strype'i Ann. Tom. 3. p. 391. . . a- „ • ,1 ui„.u 
 
 •it) The Fm’li/b 10 fully undented by the Merchants Papers the rich value of the Indian Merchandizes, and the manner ot trading into the e..uern World, 
 that thev afterwards let up , 1 gainful Trade and Trattick, eftablifhing a Company of Eajt-India Merchants. Camden , P- 54 
 
 (-.) There was another remarkable thing, which retarded this Expedition, and was the com.nance ot the great: Statelman « ■“ > 
 
 A c Spanijh Bills, that were to fupply the King with Money to carry on his preparations, protefted at Oenca. II c'wr.d 1 Mem. p. 
 
 namely, he got all 
 
 10 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 2 3 ‘ 
 
 ELIZABETH. 
 
 ! r8 -t, to Count Maurice of Na/J'au, the late Prince of Oranges 
 ' fecond Son. They did ‘likewife fome other things which 
 plainly (bowed that, having difeovered the Earl of Lcjccjler' s 
 defi'Mis, they would not fuffer him to put them in prac- 
 Strada. t ice.° In the mean while, the Duke of Parma belieging 
 amdci. S[u y^ t j ie Karl returned from England to raife the Siege, 
 but had not the good fortune to fucceed (i). At laft, 
 finding he was every where miftrufted, he refolved to exe- 
 Tbe Earl cute by force the Project he had formed. To that end, 
 attempt, r> he wou jd h aV e made himfelf mafter of feveral places at 
 AfX of once, in the heart of the Country, to keep the reft in 
 federal J awe. But his defign to furprize Leyden being difeovered 
 f‘ aui - in feafon, all correfpondence between him and the States 
 He is re - entirely ceafed. Whereupon the Queen was obliged to re- 
 talled. ca ]j and fend j n his room [ Peregrine Party ] Lord 
 
 xv/p b i\. WPlougbby [of Eresby] but with no other authority than 
 the command of the Englijh Forces. Then the States ap¬ 
 pointed Count Maurice their Captain General. 
 
 Philip II. Mean time the King of Spain, ever intent upon the 
 prepares to .^, 3 . 0 f i nva ding England , continued to make extraordi- 
 England. nary preparations. 'This project was formed ever fince the 
 Camden. Queen of Scots had been perfwaded to convey to him her 
 Right to England, as being the only means to reftore 
 Ground Of there the Catholick Religion. According to the received 
 f T ‘ tU . ,0 maxim in the Church of Rome, that a Heretick is unwor- 
 nSa " ' thy and incapable of enjoying a Crown, Philip II. thought 
 he might juftly claim that of England, as being the next 
 Catholick Prince defeended from the Houfe of Lancajler. 
 But that the Reader may the better know the ground of 
 his Pretenfions, it will be proper to caft an eye upon his 
 Genealogy, which (hows him fprung from the two Daugh¬ 
 ters of John of Gaunt Duke of Lancajler, fourth Son of 
 Edward III. Upon this defcent therefore, and the Queen 
 of Scots Conveyance and Will, he had projected the Con- 
 queft of England. Elizabeth, not being ignorant of it, 
 took all pofllble care to be in a' pofture of defence, and 
 He trie, to both coloured their preparations with divers pretences. To 
 amufe Eli- amu f e Elizabeth, Philip fent and propofed her mediation 
 Cimd'en. for a Peace between him and the revolted Provinces of the 
 Netherlands. Elizabeth perfectly knew Philip’s aim, and, 
 to amufe him in her turn, accepted the mediation, in 
 hopes, the negotiation would give her more time to be pre¬ 
 pared. She propofed therefore to the States a Peace with 
 Spain, intimating, they could not refufe to enter into 
 Treaty, without incurring the blame of coniinuing the 
 War out of obftinacy. She promifed them moreover to 
 have their intereft as much at heart as her own. But 
 the States abfolutely refufed to treat, knowing, by fre¬ 
 quent experience, that fuch negotiations were ever fatal to 
 Negotiation them. Neverthelefs fhe fent Plenipotentiaries (a)* into Flan- 
 f° r " Ptace ders, imagining the States would be forced, as fhe hinted, 
 Netherlands to agree to her decifions with Spain. Three months pafT- 
 and Spain, ed before the place of Congrefs could be fettled. Eltza- 
 Gl mden ^eth required as Preliminaries, a general pardon for the 
 
 Strype's An. Confederates; that the Towns of the Netherlands fhould 
 T. ill. enjoy all their antient privileges, and the old Alliance be¬ 
 tween England and Spain be renewed ; that fome good 
 fund fhould be alfigned her for the payment of what was 
 due from the States, and the forces on both fides be dif- 
 banded. As to Religion, the Spaniards demanded, that it 
 fhould be entirely as the King pleafed, fince he did not 
 hinder Elizabeth from fettling it in her Dominions accord¬ 
 ing to her pleafure. Elizabeth did not infill much upon 
 this article, whether fhe believed every Sovereign to have 
 a right to impofe a Religion upon his People, or, to amufe 
 the Spaniard , feigned to relax that file might not obftrutft 
 a negotiation, the continuance whereof could not but be 
 advantagious to her. Be this as it will, fhe went fo 
 far, as to be fatisfied that the exercife of the Reformed 
 Religion fhould be tolerated two years only in the United 
 Provinces. As for the Places in her pofieffion, fhe refufed 
 not to reftore them, provided fhe were re-imburfed. Upon 
 
 thefe mutual demands, the Spaniards to ok cafe to delay 1587. 
 the conclufion of the Preliminaries, imagining that the 
 hopes of a fpcedy Peace would prevent Elizabeth’s prepara¬ 
 tions againft ' heir attacks. They refufed to come to any 
 agreement with refpedt to Religion ; and as for Elizabeth's 
 charges in fuppoiting the Confederates, they pretended 
 they were to be balanced by the expences fhe had put 
 their King to. At le igth, the preparations which were 
 making againft England in all the Spanijh Ports, be¬ 
 came fo pubiick, that this feigned negotiation broke off 
 without any fuccefs, after lafting till March the next 
 year. 
 
 I have already mentioned Philips pretenfions to Eng- 
 land and Ireland. Ferdinand the Catholick his^ Great-p hi j ip> 
 Grandfather had not fo plaufible a claim to the Kingdom camden. 
 of Naples and Navarre which he feized, and which ftill 
 are part of the Spanijh Monarchy. But befides thefe pre- 
 ten iions, Philip made ufe of another thing, very proper to 
 impofe upon the world, namely, a great zeal for the Rel- 
 toration of the Catholick Religion in the three Kingdoms of 
 Great-Britain. By that he had perfwaded Pope Sixtus V. 
 to come into the projedl, the execution whereof would be as 
 well glorious as advantagious to both, but of which Philip 
 was to bear the whole charge. As for Sixtus, he had no¬ 
 thing to contribute, but what the Popes were wont to fup- 
 ply on fuch occafions, namely, Vows, Prayers, and Ana¬ 
 thema’s. To countenance therefore the King of Spains 
 undertaking, the Pope thundered againft Elizabeth a Bull, £ fl( „y E1 : 2a _ 
 abfolving her Sub cfs from their oath of allegiance, and beth. 
 giving her Kingdoms to the firft that fhould feize them (3). 
 
 This was the Ki , of Spain, who was now ready to em¬ 
 brace the Pope’- offer. 
 
 He had prepared in Portugal, at Naples, and in Sicily, a The invincl- 
 Fleet,, called the Invincible Armada. It confifted of one 
 hundred and fifty great Ships, in which were embarked stow.'"' 
 nineteen thoufand Men, and two thoufand fix hundred and -peed, 
 thirty Pieces of Cannon (4). It was to be commanded by ^ ry ^ An ’ 
 the Marquifs De Santa Cruz, but that Admiral dying A rP en.’ 
 whilft the Fleet was equipping, the Duke of Medina-cell N. 
 was appointed in his room. On the other hand, the 
 Duke of Parma had caufed an Army of thirty thoufand 
 Men (5) to advance tow. rds the Coafts of the Low-Coun¬ 
 tries, and prepared a great number of Veflels to tranfport 
 them, in order to join the SpaniJJ' b leet, and land in Eng¬ 
 land (6). The project was to ftation the Fleet at the 
 mouth of the Thames to aftift the Troops who were to 
 march diredtly to London. Elizabeth, who wanted not EFzabeth'* 
 good Spies, having timely notice of thefe great preparations, 
 provided for the defence of her Kingdom with great care , aiTll ) en . 
 and diligence. She fitted out a confiderable Fleet, which cow. 
 however was inferior to that of Spain, both in the num- J49- 
 ber and largenefs of the Ships, and gave the command to p c . e j, 
 Charles Lord Howard of Effingham [High-Admiral ofStrype. 
 England, and] very expert in Sea-Affairs. He had for 
 Vice-Admirals, Drake, Hawkins, and Forb'Jhcr, three of 
 the beft Sea-Officers then in the World (7). On the 
 other hand, Henry Seymour [fecond] Son of the late Duke 
 of Somerfet, lay upon the Coaft of Flanders , with forty 
 fail Englijh and Dutch, to hinder the Prince of Parma 
 from joining the Spanijh Fleet. Moreover, Elizabeth had 
 in England an Army of forty thoufand Men, whereof 
 three thoufand, under the command of the Earl of Leicef- 
 ter, were polled near the Thames mouth. The reft were 
 near the Queen’s perfon, ready to march where it fhould 
 be deemed neceffary (8). Befides this, there was in each 
 County a body of Militia well armed, under Leaders who 
 had orders to join one another as cccafion fhould require. It 
 is certain, there are no Trained-bands in the World more 
 proper for a bold action than thofe of England. So in cafe 
 the Spaniards had landed, they would have met with their 
 match. The Sea-Ports were fortified (9) as much as th« 
 time would permit, and Signals were every where appoint- 
 
 A Crulade was alfe pub- 
 rench , and Dulci 
 
 (r) This place was defended a while by Sir Roger William,, Sir Francis Vere, and Captain Nicola, Baskerville. Camden, p. 54.T. 
 
 (2) Thomas Sackvil Lord HuMurJl, Sir John Ncrrii, and Bartholomew Clerk, loan, p 540. 
 
 (3) The Bulls of Pius V, and Gregory XIII, were renewed by Cardinal Alien, lent for that purpofe into the Lota- Count 
 
 lifhed againft Queen Elizabeth. Camden, p.543. ...... c . ,, 
 
 (4) The Spaniard, the more to advance his Glory, and terrify his Eremies, publ.fhed an account of this Fleet in hp.ni/ 
 
 The Spam//} Book Toon came into the hards of the Lord Treafurer Burleigh, in divers places whereof Strype Uw Notes added by that Lord foun after the e 
 
 feat. From this Book he has inferred a brief account of the Spjnjh Armed.:, in his Appendix or Original Papers, Ann. Vol. -y n. 51 • l He lum venereor 
 
 is th's, That there were in all 130 Ships of 57,868 Tuns, 19,295 Soldiers, and 8,450 Mariners, 2088 Slaves, and 2630 gre.t B.als Piecesi o! all 1 arts, tie 
 fides 20 Caravels for the fervice of the Army, and 10 Salves with fix Oars a-piece. Strype's Ann. Tom. 3. p. 519, 5 20, ■'pec , p. 5 ■ ViJ- 
 
 Elixabetb'i Fleet confifted of net much above a hundred fail. See Stow, p. 749. . . , , . 
 
 (5) One hundred and three Companies of Foot, and four thoufand Horfe, among which were feven hundred Englijh Fugitives, commanded by S y , 
 
 the Earl of Wejtmor eland was alfo wilh them. Camden, p. 543. l v 
 
 1 6) Moreover, the Duke of Guife brought twelve thoufand Men down to the Coaft of Normandy, which was to join the Spanijh Armada as they went cy, 
 
 and land in the Weft of England ; but for want of Money, or fome other reafon, their defign proved abortive. Slow, p. 746- 
 
 (7) Thefe were ordered to lie at the Channel’s mouth, and about the weftern parts of England. Camden, p- 543* . , , . . 
 
 (8) For the Land-fei v : ce iheie were dilpofed along the fouthern Coafts twenty thoufand Men. Befides which, iwo Armies were raife 0 c oice we me. 
 
 plined Men, the one under the command of the Earl of LeicrJIer, confiding of a thoufand Horfe, and twenty two thoufand Foot, v,h ch encamped a Ui- 
 hury, ; where the Queen was pie.fed to come and review them ; and made a very kind Speech to them, which fee m Cabala p. 373 }, '>> ' ’i 1 ' ‘ ua * 
 the leading of the L rd Hunjdcn, confifting of thirty four th. ufand Foot, and two thoufand Horfe, to guard the Queen s Perfon. Upon .is E g • > ^ 
 
 City of London lent the Queen great fums of Money. And being defired to furn : ih five thoufand Men, and fifteen Ships, they granted ten c 1011 an 
 thiily Ships. No words, fays Slow, can exprefs the great forwardnefs of the People, in their zealous love ar.d duty towaros their Sovcie gn, 2 
 See Stow, p 744, 75s. Camden, p. 5*3, 548. Strype's Ann. Tom. 3. p. 517. . . , _ 
 
 (9j Particularly Milford-haven, Falmouth, Plymouih, Portland, the Ifle of Wight, Portjmouth, the Downs, and about the Thames ma n, uarwsco, 
 
 Yarmouth, Hull, Szc. Camden, ibid. 
 
 ;his junfture 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 t • 87. eJ to fliow the Places where the Troops were to march. 
 
 In ftiort, it was refolved, that if the Spaniards made a de- 
 fcent, the Country about them fhould be laid walte, that 
 they might have nothing to fubftft upon but what they 
 brought from the Fleet (1). This was the courfe taken 
 by Francis I. in Provence againft Charles V, with fuccefs 
 that anfwcred his expectations. Thefe meafures being ta¬ 
 ken, the enemy was expelled with uncommon alacrity* 
 though it fhould feem that on fuch an occafion every one 
 fhould have been in the utmoft conflernation (2). 
 
 Mean while, Elizabeth was not without uneafinefs. The 
 hour fhe had ever dreaded was at length come. Her 
 irfi.xinn. Q roWn | a y at ft a k ej an <j fh e was to defend it, without the 
 afliftance of any Ally. This fhe had always endeavoured 
 to prevent, from the beginning of her reign, by all the 
 artifices her policy could fugged, by fomenting the troubles 
 of Scotland , by making an Alliance with France , by feign¬ 
 ing to marry the Duke of Anjou , by aflifting the hugue¬ 
 nots of France, and the Male-contents of the Netherlands , 
 and finally, by beheading the Queen of Scots. She had 
 fucceeded hitherto, and though furrounded with enemies, 
 had found means to employ them at home, and prevent 
 them from directly invading England. But the time was 
 now come that her Right muft be expofed to the chance 
 of war. Though file was generally beloved by her Sub¬ 
 jects, the was not ignorant, that there were many dif- 
 a defied per Ions in the Kingdom, and efpecially among 
 the Catholicks. Nat, file had reafon to fear, they cor- 
 rdponded with the King of Spain, and favoured his Inva- 
 fion. On the other hand, file was not eafy with refpeCl 
 to Ireland , bccaufe of the Religion of the Irijh , and the 
 Corrcfpondents the Pope and Philip II. had there. But 
 fhe was under a (till greater concern on account of Scot¬ 
 land. She had juft put King James's Mother to death by 
 the hand of the Executioner, and if that Prince fhould 
 be trailfported with the defirc of revenge, he could never 
 have a fairer opportunity, fmee it was in his power to fa¬ 
 vour the defeent of the Spaniards , in one extremity of 
 the Kingdom, by making a diverfion in the other. In a 
 word, if file could not hinder the Spaniards from landing 
 in England, fhe muft neceftarily refulvc to hazard a Bat¬ 
 tle, the Country not being proper to prolong the war. 
 All this was more than fufficient to infpire her with a 
 juft dread, which however fhe very carefully concealed. 
 If ever fhe difeovered ability, it was on this important oc¬ 
 cafion. Far from fhowing the lead faint-heartednefs, fhe 
 encouraged her people by her looks, her refolution, her 
 affability, which made them think fhe was troubled only 
 for their fakes, and on her own account, regardleF of the 
 danger. Mean while, fhe looked to every tiling with a 
 wonderful prudence, and a prefence of mind, rarely to be 
 found in the greateft Men, and which gained her the ad¬ 
 miration and praifes of all the world. Some advifed her 
 to put to death, or fend beyond Sea, the leading Catho¬ 
 licks. But file thought, it would be difeovering too much 
 fear, bolides that it would have been great injuilice to 
 punifh Men upon bare fufpicions. She contented herfelf 
 with caufing Ionic to be arrefted, and put into cuftody, 
 telling them however, it w'as only by way of precaution, 
 which inftcad of injuring, would fereen them from the 
 violence of their enemies. 
 
 Camden. As for Ireland , file fent orders to Sir William Fitz- 
 Jpilliams, who was then Lord Deputy ; diftindlly pointing 
 out to him what precautions he fhould ufe to hinder the 
 Shecartjpes J r ij] } f r om rirtng. But above all things, fhe took care to 
 tie King of carc .p s t |-, c King of Scotland , and put him in hopes of an 
 Camden. ample acknowledgment, it on this occafion he inviolably 
 adhered to the Proteftant Religion, and the intereft of 
 Great-Britain. She reprefented to him, that, in refpedt 
 to England, he was to confider the King of Spain , as a 
 dangerous Competitor, and that the lofs of one of the 
 Realms of Great-Britain , would not fail of being attended 
 with the lofs of the other. But her uneafinefs with regard 
 to Scotland was not long-lived, fince fhe had quickly the 
 fat 1.1 faction to hear, that James knowing perfectly his own 
 Intereft, had no correfpondence with the King of Spain , 
 but even flood upon his guard for fear of being invaded 
 himfelf. 
 
 Expedition 'Fhe Duke of Medina-Celi failed out of the Tagus with 
 m(hF/f«T t * ie Invincible Armada , the 3d of June (3), and fleered 
 Camden. his courfe towards the North. Within a few days , a 
 Stow, 
 
 ftorm arifing, fo difperfed the Ships, that they con'd not 1588. 
 re-join till they came to the Groyne. Tins acc d. t fiaa- 
 fioned a report over Europe , that the Spanijh Fiect was 
 entirely deftroyed. Waljingha-m himfelf, Secrerar, o! Sta'e, 
 thought his Intelligence fo ceriaii^ that he wiit to the 
 Lord-Admiral Howard, to fend home four . f the large ft 
 Ships, there being no farther danger this year. But the 
 Admiral anfwered, he could not flunk of pitting with 
 the four Ships, though he fhould be obliged to keep them 
 at his own charge, till he had more certaui advice. The 
 better to know the truth, the Wind turning to the North, 
 he failed with all his Fleet towards Spain, with defign to 
 compleat the definition of the enemy’s Armada , which 
 was reprefented to him as difabled. But when he ap¬ 
 proached Spain , he heard the Fleet had not fullered fo 
 much damage as was reported. At the fame time, the 
 Wind changing to the South, he failed back to his ftation 
 at the mouth of the Channel, for fear with the fame Wind 
 the enemies Fleet fhould advance towards England. 
 
 But it was the i 2th of July before the Spaniards de¬ 
 parted from the Groyne, and two days after, the Duke of 
 Medina-Celi fent a Yatcht to notify the fame to the Duke 
 of Parma , that he might be ready to join him. The 
 19th, the Spanijh Fleet entered the Channel, and the 20th, 
 appeared in fight of the Englijh, who let it pafs in order 
 to follow it before the Wind. Camden has inferted in his 
 Annals, a Journal of what parted in the Channel till the 
 Spaniards retired to the North. I don’t think it very ne- 
 ceflary to copy this Journal, which bolides is fomething 
 oblcure, and gives but an imperfect Idea of the bravery 
 and conduct of the Englijh. It will fuffice to fay, that 
 whilft the Spaniards were in the Channel, the Englijh kept 
 clofe to them, and even took fome of their Ships. Of this 
 number were a Galeon, commanded by Don Pedro de 
 Valdis, which was fent to Dartmouth, and .1 Ship of BiJ- 
 cay, in which was the King’s Treafure ; h it the Spa¬ 
 niards had taken out the money, becaufe the Ship had been 
 fired. 
 
 The 23d of July, the Wind being in the North, the 
 Duke of Medina-Celi flood towards the Lngiji I'leer. 
 
 There was that day a fiiarp engagement, wherein the 
 Spaniards , though much fuperior in number of Ships, ob¬ 
 tained no advantage. The unwieldinefs of their Ships, 
 and the agility of the Englijh, made it eafy for thefe laft 
 to Hand oft’ or on, as they faw fit, and fo to balance the 
 fuperiority of their enemies. The tryal the Spaniards 
 made on this occalion of the Englijh valour and >kdl in 
 Sea-engagements, began, doubtlefs, to give them quite a- 
 nother notion of their enterprize, than they had hitherto 
 conceived. 
 
 Mean while, the Duke of Medina-Celi fent daily Mef- 
 fengers to prefs the Duke of Parma to put to Sea with 
 his Army. But that was not practicable, by reafon of 
 the Englijh and Dutch Ships, polled advantagioufly to hin¬ 
 der the junClion. It was neccrt'ary for the Spaniards to 
 approach the Coaft of Flanders, to compel them to re- 
 t.re (4). But the 27th in the evening, they were no 
 farther than off Calais, where they came to an Anchor, 
 being ftill followed by the Englijh, who lay within fhot. 
 
 Here the Englijh F'leet was joined by a good number of Stow. 
 Ships, not only of the Queen’s, but of divers private per- Camdca * 
 fans, who had fitted out feveral at their own expence (5). 
 
 And now the Fleet coi if one 1 forty 
 
 Ships of war, fmall indeed in comparifon of the Spanijh , 
 but however, with the s e of n m re eal 
 
 and retiring into the Poits of England in cafe of nccelhty. 
 
 The Duke of Parma , who was to fail from Dunkirk and 
 Newport, was ftill earnertlv follicitcd by the Duke of Me¬ 
 dina-Cc/i to put to Sea, and make a defeent in England , 
 as it had been refolved. But, befides that the Ships which 
 expected him, were not yet withdrawn, notwithitanding 
 the neighbourhood of the Spanijh Armada, many of his 
 Mariners had deferted, and his Fleet was ill-provided with 
 victuals. In fhort, he could not, or would not embark. 
 
 Whilft the Spaniards lay before Calais, the Englijh Ad- j u j y *8. 
 miral fent [in the night] eight Fire-fhips among their 
 Fleet (6). This fight ftruck them with fuch a terror, 
 that inftantly cutting their Cables, they put to Sea to avoid 
 the impending danger. In this conluhon the Admiral- 
 Galcafs, commanded by Hugo de Alone a da, having loft 
 her Rudder, floated up and down till the next day, when 
 
 cellent Soldtrrs, were made chowe of to 
 
 (1) Arthur Lord Grey, Sir Frjncn Knolles, Sir John Norrii, Sir Ricbarct Bingham, and Sir Roger William. 
 confult about the bed way of managing the War at Land. Camden, p. 1543, 54.8. 
 
 (7) Apr l 12, this year, died Sir Tbomai Bromley Lmd High Chancellor, and was fucceeded by Sir Cbnjipber Harm, the Queen? Vice-Chamberlain. 
 Stow, p. 742. This year alio died, ninety years old, Ann Stanhope, relift of Edward Seymour, Duke • I icwerj.t, and Frot .t.-r of l.naj-J. And Sir 
 Ralph Sadler, Chancellor of the Duchy of Loncajler, Camden, p. 541. And likewife, on April 18, John Fox the Marty n logiil. Stryp: 1 Ann. Tom. 3. 
 Appm. p- 209. 
 
 (3) May 29, fays Camden, p. 545. 
 
 (4) On the 26ih, the Lord Aomiral kn'ghted the Lord Tbomai Howard, the Lord Sheffield, Roger Town lend, John Hank an, 
 thiii good fervice ; and a refolution was taken not to attack the enemy any more, till they were come into ihc Streights of Calm. 
 
 (t; Amongft others, the Earls of O-f.rd, Northumberland, Cumberland, Ibomat and Robert Cm I, Henry Buoke, Cbarlei Blunt, 
 
 Hatton, Robert Carey, A mb rope Willoughby, Tbomai Gerard, Arthur Gorget, Sir Tbomai Havafor, and others of good Quality. Camden, p. 547. Stow 
 p. -4-. 
 
 [6, Under the Condudt of Young and Prowft, Camden, p. 547, 
 
 Camden, 
 
 1 Fortifl 
 
 Rajiigh, Wtlltai 
 
 +■ 
 
 fhe 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 23. ELIZABETH, 
 
 1588.' 
 
 July 30. 
 
 fhe was taken by the Engiijh after a fharp engagement, 
 wherein Moncada was (lain. Though the Spanijh Admi¬ 
 ral had ordered every Ship to return to her ftation as foon 
 as the danger was pafi'ed, and made a fignal for that pur- 
 pofe, there were but few that endeavoured to obey. So, 
 the Fleet remained difperfed, fomc of the Ships being 
 driven to the North, and others upon the (hallows of 
 Flanders , where they were in great danger. They had 
 not only to guard againft the fands, but alfo againft the 
 Engiijh, who fo played upon them with their Cannon, that 
 feveral Spanijh Ships were that day difabled, and the Gale- 
 ons, called [ St. Philips and ] St. Matthew , fell into the 
 hands of the Zealanders. At laft, a North-Weft Wind 
 driving the Fleet upon the Coaft of 'Zealand , where they 
 were very like to be loft, the Engiijh gave over the chace, 
 for fear of being expofed to the fame danger. Happily 
 for the Spaniards , the Wind turned to the South-Weft 
 very feafonably, and freed them from their diftrefs. But 
 now, perceiving the impoflibility of executing their projedf, 
 they relolved to return' home, by failing round Scotland 
 and Ireland , and the rather, as fome of their Ships had 
 already fteered that courfe. The Engiijh Admiral feeing 
 them ftand to the Northward, left part of his Fleet to 
 have an eye upon the coaft of Flanders, and gave them 
 chace, though at a little diftance, till they were paft Edin¬ 
 burgh-Frith. The courfe they fteered gave fome fufpi- 
 cion, that they were fure of a retreat in the Ports of Scot¬ 
 land. Whereupon the Engiijh Ambaftador at King James’s 
 Court, made him large offers, and even fome promifes, 
 which he had nut power to make, and which were never 
 performed (1). 
 
 Mean while, the Spanijh Fleet continuing their courfe, 
 fuftained fome farther damage by contrary Winds, which 
 
 *37 
 
 15 S 3 . 
 
 a Man little deferring his greatne/s, if inoft of the Hifto- 
 rians are to be credited.. His death drew tears from the 
 Queen, who neverthelefs ordered his Goods to be f 11 
 at a publick fale, for payment of the Sums file had lent 
 him (6). 
 
 After the Spanijh Fleet had left the Coaft of Flanders, Ayr-- -/ 
 the Duke of Parma feeing the enterp ize blafted, befieged CouailTcs. 
 Bergen-op-fooni , where was an Engiijh Governor with a Struda. 
 Garrifon all of the fame Nation. This Siege acquired the Canu: " n - 
 Governor great reputation, who by a gallant defence, ob¬ 
 liged the Duke at length to raife the Siege (7). 
 
 The fame year, fo memorable for England , was no lefs ^F-" 1 °f 
 fo for France. The Duke of Guije, grown more power- 
 ful than the King, came to Paris in May, and by the Mererai. 
 favour of the people, whofe Idol he was, obliged the King 
 to depart, having firft feen the furious populace chaining 
 the ftreets, and preparing to attack Iris perfon in the 
 Louvre. This is what was called, The Barrier,d:cs of Pa¬ 
 ris (8). This infolent action was followed by an agree¬ 
 ment, which the King was forced to make with the heads 
 of the League, whereby he put feveral places into their 
 hands. But in December following, Henry perceiving 
 himfelf ruined, if he did not make away with the Duke 
 of Guifc, and his Brother the Cardinal, caufed them both 
 to be aliaffinated at Blois, where the States of the King¬ 
 dom were allembled. 7 ’hus lie freed himfelf from a pre- 
 fent danger, but it was only to fall into another, lor this 
 a&ion made the League, and the City of Paris openlv de¬ 
 clare againft him. 
 
 As for Scotland , all was quiet there dunng the whole Affair-. -f 
 year 1588. So long as the King had about him Minifters 
 and Counfellors attached to the intereft of England, he gc- 
 nerally led- an eafy and peaceable life. So, the only thing 
 
 caufed feveral of their Ships to be loft on the Coaft of that troubled him this year was his marriage, which he 
 
 T. ill 
 p. 522. 
 
 Scotland and Ireland. Seven hundred Soldiers and Mar 
 ners, who had elcaped to land in the King of Scotland’s 
 Dominions, were lent to the Duke of Parma with Eli 
 Strype’s An. zabetb’s confent. But thofe who were fliipwrecked in 
 Ireland , and caft afhore, were all put to the fword, or 
 perilled by the hands of the executioner ; the Lord-De¬ 
 puty, by whofe orders it was done, fearing they would 
 join with the Rebels. At leaft this was his pretence to 
 excufe this barbarity (2). 
 
 Philip bean Philip II. received the news of the ill fuccefs of his 
 tune patient- Fleet, with an heroic patience. He had fpent three years 
 ly. in preparing this Armada, with incredible expence, and, 
 
 Omien. when he heard of the defeat, fo contrary to his expecta¬ 
 tion, thanked God it was no greater (3) 
 
 Upon the retreat of this fo formidable a Fleet, Eng¬ 
 land was filled with an univerfal joy. Elizabeth ordered 
 a publick Thankfgiving for this deliverance, to be made in 
 all the Churches of the Kingdom, and went herfelf to 
 St. Paul's (4) in great folemnity to perform the fame duty. 
 After that, lhe conferred on the Lord-Admiral a yearly 
 Revenue, in recompence of his great fervice to his Coun¬ 
 try, and beftowed penfions on the wounded. For the 
 reft, their rewards confifted more in words than in deeds. 
 ies Sir Robert Sidney, who had been fent into Scotland be- 
 totie’intcrej} fore the arrival of the Spanijh Fleet, at the time, the 
 of England. Queen was afraid King James would think of being re- 
 Aa u- u venged, returned home when the danger was over. He 
 reported, that the King of Scotland had teftified his fincere 
 attachment to the Intereft of England, and the Proteftant 
 Religion, and had told him. That he looked for no other 
 favour from the Spaniards, than what Polyphemus promifed 
 Ulyftes, namely, that he fsou Id be devoured the lajl. 
 
 Death of the On the 4th of September (5), died the Earl of Lcicejler, 
 
 Earl of Us¬ 
 
 Tcturns God 
 
 thanks. 
 
 Nov. 24. 
 
 Omden. 
 
 Stow. 
 
 Speed. 
 
 King Jan 
 
 Act. Hub. 
 XVI. p. 
 Camden. 
 
 could not accompliih, though lie palfionately wifhed it him 
 felf. Melvil infinuates, that Chancellor Maitland, who 
 then managed that Prince’s affairs, was bribed by Eliza¬ 
 beth : That fhe gave penfions to moft of the Counfellors 
 of Scotland, and that her aim was to hinder the King from 
 marrying. He had font Ambafladors (9) to Copenhagen, 
 to treat of his marriage with the eldeft Daughter of Fre¬ 
 deric II, but by the artifice of his Minifters, the Ambaf- 
 fadors power w s fo limited, that it was impoftible for 
 them to conclude. On the other hand, whilft this mar¬ 
 riage was negotiating, one Dubartus ( 10), a French Poet, 
 
 Servant of the King of Navarre, came to Edinburgh, un¬ 
 der colour of paying his refpetfts to the King, who had 
 exprefled fome efteem for his Works, and propofed, as of 
 himfelf, the King’s marriage with Catherine his mafter’s 
 Sifter. He faid fo many fine things of this Lady, that 
 the King, by the advice of his Council, fent the Lord 
 Tungland , Melvil ’s Brother, into France to lee her, on p. i- 
 pretence of negotiating fome affair with the King her 
 Brother. The King of Denmark hearing of it, and fee¬ 
 ing moreover the limited power of the Scotch Amballa- 
 dors, believed he was mocked, and gave his Daughter to 
 the Duke of Brunfwick. Melvil aferibes, not without 
 great likelihood, this whole intrigue to Elizabeth, and af¬ 
 firms, it was lhe that informed the King of Denmark of 
 the Lord Tungland’s being fent to the Court of Navarre. 
 
 Shortly after, in the beginning ot the year 1589, was , 
 difeovered in Scotland a Cor.fpiracy againft the King, con- pi ; 
 trived by the Earls of Huntley and Bothwell, [ Son of John ■>nd 
 Prior of Coldincham, 1 natural Son of Tames V (i 1). Their T,'"'.' 
 
 ... ?■ 1 i" , r J 1 ' , , . Camden. 
 
 aelign was to leize the iving s perlon, and compel lam to Mel.::, 
 
 reftore the Catholick Religion in Scotland (12). It is faid, P- >75* 
 they were excited by cmiftaries from Spain (13). The 
 
 89. 
 
 teller. 
 
 Camden 
 
 (1) Afnky, the Queen’s Ambaffidor in Scotland, made King James tbe following Offers; namely, the Title of a Dulce in England, a yearly penfion of 
 5000/. a Guard lo be maintained at the Queen's charge, and luKie other matters, whether ( hys Camden) of his own head, or by comm ina ot others, I 
 cannot tell. Camden, p 548. 
 
 (2) Ot the Spanijh Armada were taken and deftroyed in July and Auguji fifteen great Ships, and 4791 Men, in the fight between the Eng.’ijh and Spanijh 
 Navies in the Channel . And on the Coaft of Ireland in September, feventcen Ships, and 5394 Men. In all thirty two Ships, and I01S3 M is. See Stipe's 
 Append. Numb. 53. Upon the difappearance of this mighty Fleet, the lolluwing writing was fa (hied up to Paj'quil at Rome : Pontijicem mule annorum fnUut- 
 gentiai largituium ejfe de plcnitadine put,Jims Ju&, Jiqun certo Jib: indicavcrit, quid Jit factum de ctajje Hifpantca, tjub abierit: m ca'umne fub/atu : an ad 
 Tartara detrufa : vel in aere alteubi per.Jeat, an in altquo mart fuduet. Strypc's Ann. Tom. 3. p. 512. 
 
 (3) This is Camden'- account. But according to sintboney Copptey, a fugitive Gentleman in thole times, when the News was brought to Philip being at 
 Mats, “ He fworc : alter Ma(s was over) that he would waftc and confume his Crown even to the value of a Candleftick, ( pointing ac me that lt.iud upon 
 “ the Altar) but either he would utterly ruin her Majefty and Englanc,, or elfc himfelf and all Spain become trioutary to hct." Strypc, ibid, p 523. 
 
 -The Duke of Medina returned to Spain about the end of September with only fixty Sail, ouc of his hundred and thirty, and thote too very much 
 
 (hattend. Stow, p. 749- 
 
 (4) Where eleven Colours and Standards taken from the enemy were hung up. Camden, p. 545. Stow, p. 750. 
 
 (3) Papin, by miftake, fays the 14th of December. 
 
 (6) Robert Dnd'ey, fifth Sun of John Duke of Northumberland, died the 4th of September at Cornbury in Oxford;hi-r, in h : s way to Kcnelwortb, from 
 whence he was carried to Warwun, and there interred. The Titles and Places he enjoyed were thefe : Knight ol the Orders of rhe Garter, ana S'.. Michael; 
 Privy-Counfelloi ; Mafter of the Horfe ; Steward of the Queen’s Houfituid ; Conftable ot Winetfor Caftle ; Chancellor .1 the Un.vc fry , f Oxjoid ; Julie- in 
 Eyre of all the Forefts South of the. Trent ; Lieutenant and Captain General of th e Engiijh Forces in the Netherlands. Do, lab's Baron. V<■ 1. 2. p 221. 
 Camden, p. 549. 
 
 (7 The Lord Willoughby General of the Engiijh, (who had made Sir William Drury Governor, though the Queen, by her Letters, had given the Place 
 
 righted Sir Francis Fere, who now began to grow 1 
 tiur. Camden, p. 550. 
 
 , was, 'hat the Streets were blocked up with Bbrriques , i. 
 ’s, acd the Lairds of Segie ar.d Baimbarrotu, Melonl, p. 1 
 in Nieloiil'i Memoirs, it was not thought proper ti 
 
 organ ) to reward military 
 Pooly, tor their couragicus behav 
 i8) What rccafioned this nam 
 
 (9) The B fh .p of St. Andrea 
 
 (10) As this name is thus wri 
 Poet,, who was indeed fent to Scotland by the King of Navarre, though one cannot be li 
 Melvil fiys, that King Janies had this Dubartus in great efteem, for his rare P.elie fet o 
 was Dubartas, Mela:. 1 , p. 1-6. 
 
 (11) And alfo the Ear's of Arrol and Crawford. Camden, p. 551. 
 
 (12) And then invad England, in revenge lor the death of the Queen of Sets. Ibid. 
 
 (13) Namely, Robert Bruce a Pricft, and Chrtidon, and Hayes, Jefuits. Ibid. 
 
 No. 50. V o l. II. 
 
 : Thomas Kjsolles, Sir Nicholas Park 
 
 • Hoglheads, &c. See Thu. 
 
 it there i9 room to fo'Wct 
 1 the French Tongue ; wh.eh pi 
 
 Ihcu'd be Du Bart a’., a fum us 
 Tom. 5. p. 100. Rapm -- 
 
 King 
 
 M m 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 138 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1589. King prevented the execution of the plot by his diligence. 
 He purfued the Earl of Huntley , who had taken arms, till 
 at laft he conftrained him to yield at difcretion. As for 
 Botbwell, he withdrew to his own Houfe, where he me¬ 
 ditated new projects, which I fhall fpeak of hereafter. I 
 return to the affairs of England. 
 
 Try at of the Philip Howard Earl of Arundel , eldeft Son of the late 
 
 Ea>i of a- Duke of Norfolk , who had been three years prifoncr in 
 A^ins t ^ ie Tower, was at laft brought to his Trial before his 
 State Try. Peers, being accufed of confpiring againft the Queen and 
 Camden. State. Camden fliows, he was convicted at mort, of be¬ 
 ing difafFe£ted to the Government, and too much attached 
 The a]uitn to the Catholick Religion (1). He was however con- 
 jpara bn demned to die ; but the Queen gave him his life (?.). 
 ^(actable Elizabeth enjoyed now a tranquillity, to which fhc had 
 Start of been a ftranger ever fince the beginning of her reign. 
 Elizabeth. The Queen of Scotland was no longer in the world ; and 
 the King her Son, in expectation of one day fucceedin ' 
 Elizabeth , ftifled his refentment, or rather had entirely 
 forgot the tragical death of his Mother. The King of 
 Spain was difabled to make a frefh attempt upon England, 
 fince the unfortunate fuccefs of his Invincible Armada. The 
 affairs of the United Provimcs began to be xeftored, by the 
 valour and prudent condudt of Count Maurice , and thofe 
 of France were in fuch a fituation, that England had no¬ 
 thing to fear from that quarter. The Duke of Guife, 
 Elizabeth's great enemy, was dead, his Son in prifon, and 
 the Duke of Mayenne wholly bent upon revenging the 
 death of his Brothers. As for Sixtus V, though very ca¬ 
 pable of forming great projects, he could not execute them 
 without the aid of fome Catholick Potentate ; and the 
 King of Spain , on whom alone he could depend, was 
 wholly engroffed with the thoughts of improving the 
 troubles of France. As for the Englijh Catholicks, there 
 was no likelihood of their ftirring, at a time when they 
 could not cxpc£t any foreign affiftance. 
 sbt fends a In this profperous ftate, Elizabeth having nothing to fear 
 
 Etta ag.-.mfi c itHer at home or abroad, had a mind to fhow the Spa- 
 Cimdcn. >‘<ard, the Englijh could attack as well as defend. But as 
 
 bio*. (lie was extremely frugal, and an undertaking againft 
 
 Spain could not but be very expenfive, file fo ordered it, 
 that Drake and Norris took upon them to be at the charge, 
 in hopes of making themfelves amends by the booty they 
 ftiould meet with. So, fhe only found them Ships of 
 war (j), with leave to raife Soldiers and Sailors for the ex¬ 
 pedition. Drake had already tried the Spaniards in America, 
 and the Channel, and was convinced they were more 
 formidable in common opinion, than in reality. Where¬ 
 fore, joining with Norris, and fome other private perfons, 
 they equipped a Fleet, and embarked eleven thoufand Sol¬ 
 diers, and [fifteen bund red J Mariners. The Hollanders 
 having alfo added Ihme Ships, the Fleet confifted of four- 
 fcore fail (4) of all forts. Drake commanded at Sea, and 
 Stew. Norris was General of the Land-forces. They took with 
 them Don Antoni 1, who ftiled himfelf King of Portugal , 
 and hoped, by the affiftance of the Englijh, to be put in 
 pofleffion of that Kingdom, where he pretended to have 
 many friends. 
 
 ■it-.-Exftdi- They fail’d from Plymouth the 18th of April , and foon 
 t^r.. after arrived at the Groyne , where landing their troops, 
 
 c.mdeo. they aflauked the Lower-Town and carried it by ftorm. 
 
 Then, they befieged the Upper-Town. But Norris 
 having advice that the Condi di Andrada was approaching 
 with a body of troops to relieve the place, fuddenly raifed 
 the liege to march againft him, but the Spanijh Cond c 
 thinking proper to retire, he purfued him, and overtaking 
 him flew three thoufand of his men. This done, he burnt 
 feveral villages, and without returning to the liege, re- 
 ,\!.iv u. imbarked his Troops. The principal defign of the Eng¬ 
 lijh w.is to exort themfelves chiefly againft Portugal. 
 
 Whilft they were failing towards the coafts of that 
 Kingdom, they met the Earl of Ejfex, who joined the 
 fleet with fome fhips he had armed at his own charge, 
 
 1"• and unknown to the Queen. Some days after, they ar¬ 
 med at Penicha , a little town of Portugal, and taking it, 
 reltored it to Don Antonio. From hence Norris marched 
 by land to Li Aon, Drake promifing to follow with the 
 fleet up the Tagus. The army marched fixty miles with¬ 
 out any oppofition, and encamping before Lisbon took the 
 iiiburbs of St. Catherine. But as Drake performed not his 
 promife, and the army wanted Cannon and Ammunition, 
 it was refolved in a Council of War, to retire. This refo- 
 lution was taken, becaufe there was no appearance that the 
 Portuguezc were inclined to revolt, as Don Antonio had ex¬ 
 pelled, and alfo becaufe there was no news of the fuc- 
 
 cours, he had boaftedof, from the King of Morcreo. The 1 5~ 
 army marching towards the mouth of the Tagus met 
 Drake, who had taken the town of Cujcacs, and excufed 
 himfelf upon the impoffibility of performing his promife. 
 
 Some days after, the Caftle of Cafcaes furrendering, it 7i ’" E 5' ih 
 was blown up, and to make themfelves amends for the ! -if 
 charges of the expedition, the Englijh feized fixty vefTels ,b e 
 
 laden with corn (5 1 belonging to the Hans-Tou ns. Then - 
 they went and took Vigo, which was abandoned bv the in- | j'' ,j 
 habitants, and firing the town returned to England. Thisju v u. 
 expedition did fome damage to the King of Spain, but 
 was of no benefit to Elizabeth, and the bootv was not 
 fufficient to pay for equipping the fleet (6). Befides this, 
 above fix thoufand men peri filed by ficknefs. 'Fhe on!', 
 advantage reaped by the Englijh was’, that they were more 
 convinced of the weaknefs of the Spaniards in their own 
 country. 
 
 1 he Hans-Tavns made great noife on account of the T/, 'v 
 feizure of their Ships in the Tagus, and fent Arabnlfadors p ff n tJ !br 
 to the Queen with their complaints. They were told Jllc a .rT 
 in the firft place, that in the patent granted them by Ed- 
 ward III. it was exprefsly provided, they fhould not im¬ 
 port any commodities into the dominions of the profefled 
 and open Enemies of England. Secondly, that a neutra¬ 
 lity was fo to he ordered, that in affifting one of the par¬ 
 ties, the other ftiould not be damaged ; and that it was a 
 thing well known, that warlike provifions carried to one 
 of the contending parties, were contraband Goods, and 
 liable to feizure. In the third place, they could not juftly 
 complain of the taking their vefTels, fince the Queen had 
 warned them not to import any provifions to Spain and 
 Portugal, unlcfs they would hazard their being lcized by 
 the Englijh. 
 
 1 his affair was of little moment: but what pafled in 
 France this year was much more confiderable. The ftep 
 Henry III. had taken, in cauling the Duke of Guife to be M C z-rn.' 
 ftabbed, ferved only to throw him into greater trouble. Camden. 
 His fwearing again to the League in the prefence of the 
 States before be difmifled them, fignified nothing. The 
 Leaguers, as they could no longer truft to his promifes and 
 oaths, almoft entirely alienated the whole Kingdom from 
 him. Hence he law himfelf forced to call the King of 
 Navarre and the Huguenots to his affiftance, and join with 
 them againft the League. It is a thing very remarkable, 
 that this Prince, who bad fworn to extirpate the Huguenots, 
 and folemnly declared he would never keep promife with 
 them, fcarce found any other fubje£ts but the Huguenots 
 in whom he could confide. The forces brought him by 
 the King of Navarre, and ten thoufand Switzers, two 
 thouland Landfquenets, with fome Horfe, which came in 
 feafon, enabled him to befiece or block up Paris with an 
 army of thirty-eight thoufand Men. But juft as he faw Henry m 
 himfelf upon the point of compelling the Par if: an ; to return 
 to their duty, fames Clement a jacobin Monk, ftabbed him ted. 
 in the belly with a dagger, of which he died in two days, 
 
 Before he expired, he nominated for his luccelTor the King Hinry'lv. 
 of Navarre, head of the houfe of Bourbon , who aftumed fuccadu 
 the name of Henry IV. 
 
 The League refuted to acknowledge the new King. -fhuanus. 
 Nay, he faw himfelf deferted hy feveral great men of the Mezerai. 
 late King’s party, and in Order to retain fome of the Ca- DjnlcI - 
 tholick nobility, he was obliged to promife them, that h« 
 would within fuch a time be inftrudled in the principles of 
 the Romijh Religion ; that is, would turn Catholick : 
 for that was the meaning given to thefe words. Mean 
 while he had neither men nor money, the Switzers and 
 Germans who had ferved Henry III. threatening to leave 
 him, unlcfs he would pay them their arrears, which he 
 was not able to do. In this extremity he had recourfe to 
 Elizabeth, who generoufly promifed him both men and 
 money. In expectation of thefe fuccours, he flood firm a- 
 gainft the Duke of Mayenne, who had forced him into 
 Normandy , and even attacked him at Arques, but without 
 fuccefs. Henry thought himfelf in fuch danger, that he 
 would have taken the advice given him by fome, to fly 
 into England, if the Marfhal de Biron had not flopped him. 
 
 At laft, the Englijh fupplies arrived, confiding of four ( , |m j en 
 thoufand men, under the command of Peregrine Lord Stow. 
 Willoughby (7), and of twenty-two thoufand pounds Ster¬ 
 ling in gold. With this reinforcement he was able to ap¬ 
 proach Paris, and take one of the fuburbs of that City. 
 
 But the Duke of Mayenne having entered with hisarmv, be 
 was forced to retire. Mean while, the Duke of Mayenne 
 had caufed the old Cardinal de Bourbon to be proclaimed 
 King, and himfelf had aftumed the title of Lieutenant- 
 
 Hc ‘ »■ li- ■' | ivatc and fecret conference and communication of feveral Treafons, with A Hen and other Pojifh Pric I ; anl cf 
 
 " i.; 1 h*d W-«l laid ir the happy li cco s ot the Spant/b Armada. See Stote-Tryah, Vol. 1. 
 
 \-) 11 ' -y l-' 1 * 1 ' lYrty wai u.. dr I.ord High Steward of England for this purpofe. Camden, p. 551. 
 
 ,51 Sin Ships 01 War, and about 60,000/. in Money. Slow, p. ■jc.z. 
 
 ■ One hundred ami l"Uy fix, ’• ■ w. He makes the number of the Soldiers to have been fourteen thoifir.d, and of the R.ilor. foot d.cu'and. It d. 
 
 And all manner ol naval Stores, to equip a new Fleet againll England. Camden, p. 5154. 
 
 "i The Englijh brought home a hundred .1. .1 lifty pieces of great Ordnance, and a very rich Booty, fa vs Camden, 0. 5,-^. 
 
 He was accompanied by F. -i W-j-'d, Sir John Burroughs, Sir ‘Ibomat D-wy, and .it Ti.ii.si lit An Cor. dm, p. 556, 
 
 General 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 23. ELIZABETH. 
 
 *39 
 
 1589. General of the Crown of France. Henry leaving; the 
 Country about Paris, returned into Normandy, where he 
 reduced fome Places to his obedience, after which he fent 
 home the Englijh Forces. 
 
 lbi King t f Though the King of Denmark had given his eldeft 
 Scotland's daughter to the Duke of Brunfwick , the King of Scotland 
 Mcivu!^** perl’ffed in his defign to marry into his family, and de- 
 p. 177. jnanded his fecond daughter. Frederic granted his requell, 
 but on condition he fhould caufe her to be demanded by a 
 folemn Embafly before the firft day of May. But he died 
 in this interval, leaving his fucceflor under age. This did 
 not hinder James from thinking ferioufly of his marriage 
 P- * 79 * with the Princefs Ann, the new King’s lifter. But when 
 he moved in Council the fending of an Embafly to Copen¬ 
 hagen, he was told, he would hazard a rupture with the 
 Queen of England, if he married without confulting her. 
 The authors of this advice knew, Elizabeth would raife 
 obftacles to the marriage. And indeed, in her anfwer to 
 the King, Ihe tried to make him fenfible of fundry incon- 
 Camden. veniencies if he elpoufed the Princefs of Denmark ; and to 
 divert him from it, propofed to him Catherine , the King 
 of Navarre's filler, who was not yet come to the Crown 
 of France , promiling to ferve him to the utmoft of her 
 power. Elizabeth's anfwer being laid before the Council, 
 there was not a Privy-Ccunfellor but what declared againft 
 the Danijh match. James was fo vexed to be thus con¬ 
 tradicted, that by means of a trufty fervant he caufed the 
 inhabitants of Edinburgh to rife in arms, and threaten to 
 tear the Chancellor and Privy-Counfellors in pieces, if the 
 King’s marriage with the Princefs of Denmark was not 
 concluded. Thefe threats terrifying the Council, Ambaf- 
 fadors were inftantly appointed to negotiate the marriage. 
 But withal care was taken to infert in their inftruCtions a 
 
 claufe, which put them to a Hand in the very beginning 
 of their Negotiation, and obliged them to fend home the 
 Lord Diugual to demand fuller Powers, or leave to return. 
 p . ijo— 1 h ,s arriving at Court when the Chancellor was 
 J82. abfent, the King bimfelf drew the power required by his 
 Ambafl’adors, whereupon the marriage was foon concluded. 
 Prefently after the new Queen was delivered to the Am- 
 bafladors to be conduCled into Scotland : but a ftorm ari- 
 fing whilft Ihe was at fea, drove her upon the eoaft of 
 Norway , where Hie was forced to land. The wind con¬ 
 tinued fo long contrary, that James , impatient to fee his 
 A£V Pub. Bride, could not flay till it changed. So, imbarking in a 
 XVI. p. 27. finall veilel, he went to his Queen, and palled the whole 
 winter in Norway and Denmark , from whence he returned 
 not to Scotland till May tils next year, bringing his Queen 
 with him (1). 
 
 1590. ^ he tranquillity enjoyed by Elizabeth was liable to be 
 
 Elizabeth difturbed only from Spain. France was not in condition to 
 pX^ofd- create ilcr an F uneafinefs, and the King of Scotland thought 
 fcncYagainft on] y ol hving peaceably, in expectation of the noble Suc- 
 Spain- celfion that v/as to come to him. Philip II. was therefore 
 
 Camden. the file enemy Elizabeth had to fear. But to fecure her- 
 
 felf from all furprize, Ihe took the moftjuft, though ex - 
 penfive, precautions. She had always a good Fleet ready 
 to put to Sea at the firft notice (2). The fortified Towns 
 and Sea-Ports were likewife in good condition (3), and this 
 e.>ft her as much as if Ihe had been in aCtual War with 
 Spain. But Ihe fupplied all by her good CEconomy, expend¬ 
 ing no money but what was abfolutely necefiary. This dif- 
 pleafcd her hungry Courtiers, who would have been very 
 glad Ihe had been a little more liberal. But though 
 Ihe knew herfelf taxed with avarice, Ihe thought not pro¬ 
 per to alter her ccnduCt. She thereby avoided being trou- 
 blefome to the Parliament, and when Ihe wanted an ex¬ 
 traordinary aid, was fure to find a ready compliance in the 
 Houfe of Commons, without any murmurs among the 
 People. 1 his advantage outweighed the fatisfadion of be- 
 ing called liberal by her Courtiers. Befides, Ihe was per- 
 i waded that what was termed avarice in her, was only 
 good CEconomy. T he truth is, with the ufual Revenues 
 ot the Crown, Ihe found means to fupply the expences of 
 her Houfhold, maintain a Fleet, pay the publick debts, 
 and aftift her Neighbours in their diftrefs, which none of 
 her Predeceftors had ever done. On the contrary, moft 
 of them, by their miftaken bounties, had ruined their Sub¬ 
 
 jects for the pleafure of enriching a fmall number of Cour- 1 590. 
 tiers. Befides, Elizabeth had a particular reafon to fpare 
 the Purfes of her Subjects, in order to gain their affeCtion, 
 the ftrongeft: fupport of her Throne. Wherefore, one of 
 the chief objeCts of her care was a due management of her 
 Treafury, with intent to be always able to withftand the 
 attacks of her enemies both at home and abroad. Her in-^*™° e,i ' 
 fpeCtion in the year 1590 into the Culloms, notwithftand- p . i 5 . 
 ing the endeavours that were ufed to divert her from it, oc- 
 calioned her railing them from fourteen thoufand Pounds a 
 year ( at which Sum they were farmed by Sir Thomas 
 Smith ) to forty two thoufand, and at laft to fifty thou- 
 fand. But her great CEconomy hindered her not from 
 parting with her money when it was necefiary. Though, 
 in the two foregoing years Ihe had lent about two hundred 
 thoufand Crowns to the King of France, fhe fupplied him 
 with fixty thoufand more, bccaufe fhe plainly faw of wh..t 
 confcquence the ruin of that Prince might be to England. 
 Moreover, the Garrifons of the Bricl and F/uJhing, befides the 
 three thoufand Men maintained by her in the Low-Countries , 
 coft her yearly above four hundred thoufand Florins (4), be- 
 caufe fhe was forced to advance the money till the States 
 Ihould be able to repay her. In fine, Ihe paid alfo confi- 
 derable Penfions to feveral Perfons of the Court of Scot¬ 
 land , whofe bufinefs it was to acquaint her with all that 
 palled there, and to keep the King well-affeCted to Eng¬ 
 land, as he had been for fome time. 
 
 Whilft Elizabeth enjoyed fome tranquillity, France was Affkb, rf 
 troubled with the Wars between the King and the League. France. 
 
 In March the King gained the Battle of Tvry againft the 
 Duke of Mayenne , after which he inverted Paris , and e- 
 ven took the Suburbs. That great City was now reduced 
 to extremity, when the Duke of Parma arrived from the 
 Netherlands , and forced tire King to raife the Blockade. 
 
 That -lone, he returned without the King’s being able to 
 oblige him to fight. 
 
 On the other hand, in the Duke of Parma's abfence, °ndofth, 
 Count Maurice , who had already taken Breda by furprize, £?*‘ Coun ‘ 
 made fome farther progrefs, which helped to put the affairs Groiius. 
 of the United Provinces in a better fituation than before. 
 
 '1 h's fame year the Duke of Mercceur , of the Houfe of ‘ rte Dui t <f 
 Lorain , became mailer of Bretagne by the aftiflance of the Merc “ ur 
 Spaniards , who took Hcnnebond and Blavct. This affair uTciagne! 
 difturbed Elizabeth, who did not care to have the Spani- TlnBmi,. 
 ards fo near her, efpecially as Philip II. might claim Bre- 
 tagne for his Daughter the Infanta Ifabella , whofe Mother 
 was Daughter of Henry II. 
 
 Sir Francis Walfingham Secretary of State, who had Dfa,i c f 
 long ferved the Queen with great zeal and ability, died ^f’ s 
 this year, fo poor, that he was buried privately to fave Camden, 
 charges (5). Thomas Randolph , whom I have frequently 
 mentioned, and who had been employed in feveral Em- 
 bafties, particularly in Scotland, foon followed IValfingham. 
 
 The Civil Wars of France were then the moft material , 
 affair of Europe. It could no longer be doubted, that PA;'- Henry iv. 
 Up II. was thinking either to' difmember that Kingdom, " 1'““ 
 or procure it for his Daughter Ifabella, Grand-daughter to Ttaanu?* 
 Henry II, notwithftanding the Salic Law. Sixtus V. fa- Mczerai.* 
 voured the projedl to the utmoft of his power, under co- Camden, 
 lour of hindering a Heretick from being acknowledged ^j P " b ;., 
 King of France. If this defign was not executed, it muft 37 , 89, 
 be wholly aferibed to the Duke of Maycnnc’s Jealoufy, 
 who did not intend to labour for others. Mean while, 
 
 Henry IV. was extremely embarafled. The forces of the 
 Huguenots alone were not fufficient to enable him to fur- 
 mount all obftacles, fince he had no lefs to do than to 
 conquer the whole Kingdom of France , and the Catholick 
 Nobles in his Army ferved him with relu&ance. Nav 
 they had required him, in return for their fervice, to be 
 inftru&ed, and in fuch manner, that this inftrutftion 
 Ihould produce in him a change of Religion. In this 
 prefting neceftity, he could not be without foreign Succours, 
 and thefe Succours could be had only from Germany or 
 England. It was vifibly the intereft of Elizabeth and the 
 Proteftant Princes to fupport Henry, not to fee the King 
 of Spain’s power increafed by the acquifition of France. 
 
 But however it was not eafy to perfwade them, that they 
 ought to employ all their forces to maintain a war, of 
 
 ( 11 year, on February 4, a new Parliament met at Weftminftcr, which was diflolved March 29. The Temporality granted the Queen two Sub/idies, 
 °t 21- b a. in toe Pound, and four Fifteenths, and a Tenth befides, fays Stow, p. 751. The Ciergy gave two Subfidies of 6i, in the Pi.und, to be paid 
 
 yearly by two Shillings in the Pound. See Statut -l n this Parliament it was enabled, 1. That no Perfon, except the Party grieved, lhall be recciv.d 
 
 to mtorm or lue upon any penal Statute. 2. That no perfon, or body politick or corporate, which hath cleftion or voice, in the nomination and choice of 
 any e tiw, Sholar, or any Perfon in any Church, College, School, Hofpital, or other Society, (hall take any reward, direflJy or indirectly for his Vote: 
 ° r or pre.er.taiion nr collation to any Benefice or Dignity. 3, That no Perfon/hall build, maintain, or, uphold any Cottage, unlefs he lays to it four Acres 
 
 ot ground at lea ft. The penalty for building one is 10/. and for upholding it 40*. a month. See Statut. and D'twct, p. 419, &C.-This year died 
 
 MTU**' "![ nfeFs pj ^ u fi ex > and Siller to .' h Hurry Stdney ; Foundrefs 0 t Sidncy-Sujfex College in Cambridge. About the fame time alfo, died Sir PFelur 
 Chancellor and Under-Tieafurcr of the Exchequer, and founderof Emanuel College in the forefaid Univerfity. Camden, p. 557. 
 r l L° Wj,ds thc re P a 1 s °< which, /he appointed a year y fumof 8970/. Sterling. Camden, p. 558. 
 
 3;. This yea, /he fortified Milford banter, in (Vale j, and Dur.gonon in Ireland. Ibid. 
 
 .1 / / e paid 121,000 Florir.s every two months, »• c. 750,000 yearly; befides 26000 more to three thou/and Horfe and Foot, which ferved in the Ne ■ 
 tberlandr. Camden, p. 1,58. 
 
 js> He died '■/gn/6. and was buried by night in St. Paul', Church. Camden, p. 560. He fpent his whole time and eftate in the fervice of his Queen 
 anrt Lounliy ; and had the belt intelligence from all parts that any Minilter ever had. He left only one Daughter, who was married, ill, to Sir Philip SrJ- 
 cly to R f rrt Fjtl nt F P X ; :,nd 3 d >y, to R,chard Bourk Earl of Clannckord in Ireland. Ibtd. This year alfo, on Febr. 21, died Ambrfe Dudley 
 ■fcarlof rrarwtck, without Iffue; and Gcrge Talbot list feventh Earl of Strew,bury , as alfo Sir Jama Croft,,. Ib.d. Stow, p. 760, 761, 
 
 which 
 
1 4=> 
 
 The HISTO RY of E N G L A N D. 
 
 Vo] II. 
 
 v. ii".'li 1 : . wa- to reap all the benefit. They were army before Roan, to carry on the Siege, hoping to take i 59 r. 
 
 vi r V a-."'\ t 1 * fapplv him with Troops, but not to pay the City before the Duke of Pat mu'- ariival. Shortly 
 
 tin in. It w.i-, Ins bufinefs to find money. Elizabeth. alter, lie font Da Plefts Mornay to Elizabeth, to try to Du Pknir 
 
 pgiin 1 >• p.-rccivcd, of wii.it conlcquencc it was to her to obtain the defired fupply. 
 
 1 d 1I1.u tlu- fu<' "i > ii. gave Du 
 
 trie Is.infhi'ukl be employee] in driving the Spaniards out nary, bung admitted to audience, and tcll.ng 
 
 of the inariiime Pi■ 11 r ■ of Bretagne , Normandy , and his hulinds, fhe plainly anlVeied, Hie Would 
 
 of 
 
 French King'; dupe ; neither would fhe 
 concern herfelf any more with his affair.-, 
 expedt any other affiftance from her tin 
 That he had demanded a fpcedy aid for tin 
 
 >r in on.ii- 
 , the Queen ; 
 d not be tile 
 I- the future c - n - d:rl 
 ir was he to 
 her prayers : 
 ei;e ol Roan , 
 
 Jilhmen 
 feit inn. 
 
 July.' 
 
 , 1 r that was what mod nearly concerned her. 
 
 he K oi" s inten.ll, on the contrary, to expel his 
 fioin the c;ntcr ol tin- Kingdom, before he thought 
 king them on the boideis, and the more, as he 
 
 theiihy put Elizabeth under a continual nc< liity of affift- which Ihe had accordingly fent him ; but inficudof exc- 
 i 1. • la.n However, to receive aid from England, he was cuting their Treaty, he had loft his time before Noyen t 
 to p:o:i.iL what Elizabeth required. They agreed there- and iuffered the Englijh Troops to decay, whiift he was 
 Ion upon a Treaty, whereby Elizabeth ingaged t<> fend making war in Champagne : That he had given the Duke 
 three tlu.ufand men into Bretagne and Picardy , to hinder of Parma four months to prepare, and then, a fpcedy fup- 
 the Spaniards fn in fettling in thofe Provinces, on condi- ply was defired of her, which would not have been want- 
 tion flic fhould he re paid within a year (1) all her charges cd, had things been done in time. To this fhe added 
 in railing and keeping the Troops. Henry confentcd to great threats againft the Lari of Ejpx , Caving, he would 
 every thing, not to delay the negotiation, though he was have it thought that lie ruled in England , but nothing was 
 fully convinced of the impoffibility to perform his promife more falfe, and fhe would make him the mole pitiful fcl- 
 by the time appointed. Prcfently after, the three thou land low in the Kingdom •, that, inftcud of fendin' huh Troops 
 Engl if}) p.-.f led, part into Bretagne under the conduct of into Eranc\ flic was determined to iccall thole that were 
 
 there. Then pretending to be indifpofed, fhe defired the 
 
 rdy under the command ol Sir 
 
 Non is, and part into Pice 
 Roger IVilliams. 
 
 At the fame time, Henry had negotiated in Germany , a 
 ■ levy of eleven thoufand Men, by means of the Elector of 
 Brandenburgh, and Cajimirc Prince Palatine. Put this 
 fupply not lullicing, he fent and demanded a fecond from 
 Eii'abetb, and to obtain it more calily, gave her to un- 
 
 Ambaffadors to be contented with this fliort audience, 
 hardly giving Du Plrjjis time to return any ai.fwer to her 
 complaints. But he had taken care before hand, and pre¬ 
 pared a memorial which lie would have prefented her, 
 but fhe bid him give it the Lord-Trcafuier. In fhorr, Eflcn re 
 
 .._... T _ . .. .... .... Du PleJJis returned, without obtaining any thing, and tlie lu,nl,0 
 
 derftand, th.it with this reinforcement he mould be able to Earl ol Ejjex was forced to go back to England, where h- 
 undertake the Sic Af Roan. Eli ah tb’s great defire to found means to appeafe the Queen. M< n e, the 
 fee the maritime Towns of France out of the power of Duke of Parma having entered France , and being joined 
 the Leaguers, c.mfed her to fall into this fnare. She made by the Duke of Maycnnc , and the young Duke of Gut ft, 
 then.-lore with H.nry a new Treaty, whereby fhe engaged who had efcapcd out of prifon, raifed the Siege of Roan. Roan, 
 to fupply bun with four thoufand Men more, and pay Henry eafily perceived by Elizabeth's conduit, ihe would Afl * 
 them two months, imagining, that time was fufficient for not fuftcr herfelf to be amufed by his artifices, and for Mcct-faL^ 
 the Siege of Roan. When thefe fupplies were ready, fhe fear of lofing fo ncceifary an affiftance, laboured fo effec¬ 
 tually to be reconciled with her, that «rt laft fhe fent him 
 two thoufand frefh Men ; but it was not till after the rai¬ 
 ling of the Siege. 
 
 Whiift thefe things were tranfadling, th.e late Duke of Th .mis 
 Norfolk's Son, was gone with nx Men of war to the Howard’* 
 Azores, to wait for ti,c Spanijb I late-Meet, homeward E< 
 bound from America. Having Slaved fix months in thec>mdcn. 
 
 gave tlic command to the Earl of Efjix (2), a young No¬ 
 bleman, who had much of her favour, and for whom it 
 was believed, flic felt fomething more than a bare elteein, 
 though flie was then fifty-eight years of age. The Earl 
 of Fjfex, greedy of glory, departed from England full of 
 lu pc. to iignalizc lmnfelf at the Siege of Roan, but at his 
 arrival in France , found the Siege had not been fo much 
 
 as thought of : That the King was empluyed before Ifle of Flores, he was himfclf almoft fur prized by Alphonjo 
 Noyon , and intended to fend the Englijh Forces into Cham- Bojjano, who was fent to convoy home the Fleet, with 
 pagne. Whereupon he returned into England, having firft fifty three Ships of war. He had the good fortune to e- 
 givcn the King his parole of honour, to come and join fcape the danger, by a timely retreat, bur one of his Ships 
 him, as foon as the Siege of Roan fhould be undertaken, that was not fpeedy enough, was taken by the Spaniards , 
 xvi.p.140, jq e | e f t Troops however in France, under the com- alter a fharp engagement (4). 1 lie Englijh made thci.t- 
 
 mand of Sir Roger IVilliams. felves ample amends for this lols, by leveral prizes, and 
 
 Elizabeth was extremely offended to be thus impofed on. particularly by taking a Ship richly laden, bom .1 fm the 
 ./She writ to Henry, that fince he had broke his word, lie FVtjl-lndies , in which, 'tis fa.d, they found two and iiven- 
 ’1 might for the future proceed without her affiftance, and ty thoufand Indulgences l-r the Spanic//<i J of Ameiiea^). 
 
 f” g '' that fhe intended to r& .ill % her Tr< 1 p , upl l ■ he m l his yeai the publilhed 
 
 'TbeEtrln 
 
 England. 
 Act. “ ' 
 
 XVI 
 
 146. 
 
 7 be tfueen 
 
 of any warlike damatumu 
 tain'" Donvnions l - jmdcn ‘ 
 v, cxprelly forbid the har- Stow, 
 come from the Englijh Se- 
 or from a thiid, lately 
 
 Aft. Pub. mediately performed his promife. Elizabeth's Letter em- firft of which prohibited th.e can;, 
 xvi p. 111, baraffed Henry exceedingly. He had certain advice that Stores or Provilion.s ini • . King o 
 
 14 8, the Duke of Parma was preparing to return into France , The fecond, pubhfiied in OeEle<, 
 
 4 ’ **' and, in fuch ajun&ure, the recalling of the Eftglijh For- houring any perfon who fliouh 
 iheauftt ces, would have been very unfeafonable. He was forced minaries, at Rome, or Ilham 
 u„,im therefore, in order to fatisfy Elizabeth, to caufc Roan to founded by the King of Spam at Valladolid (6), 
 ib. p. 13S. be inverted by the Marfhal de Biron. But he took a frefh The war which was continued in Dance, made Eliza- » 792. 
 
 occafion from thence to demand of Elizabeth , a new fup- beth ever uncs.fv, hecauE the Spaniards l;ud got looting in j'J fg'' 
 ply of five iii u:..ml Men, on pretence, that the 1 ,from wl nee 
 
 already lent were extremely diminifhed by fickr.efs and tempt upon England. Henry perfectly knowing her ex- Camden. 
 E(icif J o/i °to defertion. At the fame time, the Earl of Fjjix, knowing t re me deft re to diflodge them from that port, demanded a |,| ’ J 
 tb/ad-t a - Roan was inverted, went over to the Siege ( ?), contrary farther aid to carry the war into that Province. Tho’ Eh- ,6S, P , - - 
 r imji rbc t0 the Queen’s exprefs orders 3 fuppofing, that fince he zabeth had experienced, that flic could not much rely on 
 v■ 1 ' had given the King his parole, nothing could free him his word, bccaufc it was not always in his power to malm 
 
 ' jb. p.119, from his engagement. Elizabeth was fo difpleafed with war where he pica fed, file concluded with him however 
 in, 141. the King, and the Earl, that fhe returned a very rough a new Treaty to this effect : That fhe ihould furnifh him 
 anfwer to the French Ambaflador, who prefled her for the with four thoufand men, fome piece;; of ordnance, and .1 
 five thoufand Men, demanded by the King his mailer, certain quantity of ammunition; That he fhould add to 
 lb. p. 123, and left him no hopes of obtaining them. At the fame the Englijh Troops four thoufand Foot, and a thot.'.and 
 time, flie difpatched [Sir Thomas J Leyton , the Earl of Horie, and this aimy be employed to recover Brctacne • 
 
 Ejjex' s Uncle, with an exprefs order to him, inftantly That lie fhould within a year repay all her charges; 
 
 Henry nmu to return, if he would not be entirely difgraccd. Mean That he fhould not make peace with the Leaguer; till thev 
 ‘ 'ti'Kndt w hil e > Henry hearing the Duke of Parma was departed promis’d to affift him in driving the Ip, nninrtls out of the ^ 
 Vfird.r " from Brujpls about the end of November , repaired to his Kingdom; That England fhould be exprefsly included m . 
 
 (1) Provided the Enemy were difpofrefled by that time. Camden, p. 361. 
 
 (i Mi lb n;.n Lc.gbt n, and sir Henry Kilhgreu were appointed as Afliftanrs to him. Camden, p. 562. 
 
 During which, his Brother Walter was (lain. Stow, p. 762. 
 
 (4 ;r A',. bard (iieenn.il, in ihe V'ce-Admital called the Rtnnngt, out of a rath piece "f bravery, would not let 1 ;is Men fn : l, and b 'b : p -nt u; !ie;..v- 
 thc Iliar.d and the -.njb l'ltet, reiblutcly attempted to break through. Rut was i.iicen, alter a hot li c ht ot fillecn hours. Gretm -:1 h.inl.lt .... i].,,, 
 Camden, p. 56-;- 
 
 Ab> 11 b ' rre. George Riman, an able Seaman, and James Lancaf.tr, made a Voyage to the Fafl-In.te 1, and had the good fortune tod able i!.e 
 Cafe 7 f - ■ d Ihfc Ibid 
 
 (6 In theyi.ir 1 -,03. March 26, the Ciueen granted a C mmifiion to thirty fenr Perfons, ro (catch and find out all fiifpicicus 1 ‘crfje.s, as well 1. 
 
 ftr.ing-vT‘, that iiari. fince ihe 31 (1 of the Queen, come, or Ihou d thereafter repair into the Kingdom lium beyond S a j ana alio thole that willo'ly u'ulaincd 
 m ill re luting, t ' Cliurch. or depraved and contemned ihe Laws made in that bcha!t ; and lin-1 Jy , all thofe that were guilty of counterfeiting, copp nr;, c 
 
 tarrying ihe C in out of li e Kingdom. Rymer's FaJ. Tom. 16- p. 201, Sc c/- Noneemb. Ju. 1391 , died Sir CbuJhftMi Uni n , L ,,1 (je.an 
 
 cel lor o. Fr.ft.md, and was fucceeded by Sir 'John Pocketing, who was made only Lord Keeper. St-.u, p. 764, 765-The 3d I ;|;e uni;; nicr.rn, 
 
 H’:n 0 Rg’k Lord ol JS’cny 0 Rty ' in l-eland, was executed at lyburn tor Tieafon. Stow, p. 704. 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 2 3 . ELIZABETH. 
 
 Henry de¬ 
 ceive i E 'z: 
 both, who 
 
 highly. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Aft. Pub. 
 XV,. 
 
 p i 59,163. 
 
 p. 194..196. 
 
 A£t. Pub. 
 XVI p.roo. 
 
 Sir Walter 
 Raleigh's 
 Expedition 
 Camden. 
 
 ’Ihe Thames 
 dryedop. 
 
 the peace he Ihould make with Spain. Elizabeth fincerely 
 performed her engagement, and fent four thoufand men 
 into Bretagne, under the Command of Norris (1). But 
 Henry, inftead of joining his Troops with the Englijh, and 
 carrying the war into Bretagne, ordered them to ferve in 
 Normandy, whether he was moft: prefs’d in thofe parts, or 
 had made the Treaty only to amufe the Queen. Howe¬ 
 ver this be, Elizabeth refented it extremely to be again de¬ 
 ceived. She often writ to the King, complaining of his 
 proceedings, but to no purpole. In her anger, five was 
 going to recall all her Troops : but hearing, the Duke of 
 Parma was preparing to make a third expedition into 
 France , facrificed her refentment to the Good of that 
 Kingdom, which was in fome meafure her own. Indeed 
 the Duke of Parma was upon the point of re-entering 
 France ; but death, which feized him at the fame time, 
 freed Henry as well as Elizabeth from their uneafmefs. 
 
 Scotland was then diflurbed by Bothwell, who made this 
 year a frefli attempt to become mafter of the King’s per¬ 
 fon. As his defign was dii'covered before it could be execu¬ 
 ted, he was forced to fiy into England. Elizabeth being 
 informed of it, writ to the King, that fhe would caufe 
 thofe who had harboured the Fugit: to be feverely pu- 
 nifhed. And yet, when James fent and required her to 
 deliver him up, purfuant to their Treaty, in.- evaded his 
 demand, being well pleafed to keep that Prince always in 
 a fort of uneafmefs which fhould oblige him to regard 
 her. 
 
 The Riches brought by the Spanijl) Fleets from the 
 Eajl and Wejl-Indies , were a continual allurement to the 
 Englijh , who attempted almoft every year to take them. 
 Sir JValter Raleigh , with that defigrn departing this year 
 with fifteen fail, met near the Azores a feven-decked C.r- 
 rack, oiie hundred and fixty live foot long, moft richly 
 laden, which he took without much difficulty. This 
 prize made him fome amends for his charges, in fitting 
 out his Fleet. But the contiary Winds hindered him 
 from executing a more important enterprize proje&ed 
 againfc America (z). 
 
 There was a fort of prodigy this Summer at London: 
 the Thames was fo dried up, and the Channel fo fhallow, 
 .that a Man might ride over it near London Bridge (3). 
 
 7 ’he Parliament meeting in February 1593(4), palfed 
 an Act which troubled not only the Catholicks, but even 
 Proteftants who diffeied in certain points from the Church 
 of England, and were called Puritans. By this A£t, thofe 
 who negle&ed to be prefent at Divine Service, ellablifhed 
 by Law, were liable to certain penalties (5), and fo, not 
 only was it no longer permitted to be a Roman Catholick 
 with impunity, but even a Proteftant without conforming 
 to the Church of England. Thus in fome meafure were 
 renewed the days of Henry VIII. when it was unlawful 
 to fwerve ever fo little from the religion of the Sovereign ; 
 with this difference, that under Elizabeth the penalty was 
 not Death, as in the Reign of her Father. Neverthelefs 
 there was in this laft A£t fomething more hard than in thofe 
 of Henry VIII. That Prince, abfolute as he was, con¬ 
 tented himfelf with punifliing fuch as, by fome over-acl, 
 oppofed the eftablifhed Religion ; but by this new Statute, 
 the fubje&s were obliged openly to profefs the religion of 
 the Church of England. Elizabeth , exafperated againft: the 
 Catholicks, who had made frequent attempts upon her 
 Crown and even her life, would have been very glad to 
 have cleared the Kingdom of them. On the other hand, 
 Ihe could not endure the Puritans, looking upon them as 
 obftinate people, who for very frivolous Caufes bred a 
 Schifm in the Proteftant Church. Whilft Ihe was in dan¬ 
 ger from the Queen of Scots, France , and Spain ; in a 
 word, whilft her affairs remained in a fort of uncertainty. 
 
 i-H 
 
 Ihe left the Puritans unmolefted, for fear of uniting them 1593. 
 in the fame Intereft with the Catholicks. But no iooner 
 was Ihe firmly eftablifhed, but Ihe hearkened to the fug- 
 geftions of the Clergy, who reprefented the Puritans 
 feditious perfons, who rebelled againft the Laws, and by 
 their difobedience Ihook the foundations of the Govern¬ 
 ment. This is not the only time, nor is England the 
 only State, where difobedience in point of Religion 'has 
 been confounded with Rebellion againft the Sovereign. 
 
 There is fcarce a Chriftian State, where the prevailing 
 Sc<ft will fuffer the leaft divificn, or the leaft fwerving 
 from the eftablilhed opinions, no, not even in private. 
 
 Shall I venture to fay it ? ’Tis the Clergy chiefly who fup - 
 port this ftrangc principle of Non-Toleration, fo little a- 
 greeable to Chriftian Charity. The feverity which from 
 this time began to be exercifed in England upon the N011- 
 Conformifts (6), produced terrible effects in the following 
 Reigns, and occaiioned troubles and factions which remain 
 to this day, and of which perhaps there will he no end 
 thefe many years. 
 
 The fame Parliament taking into confideration thc'j.’J 1 
 Queen’s great expences, both in defending the Kingdom grA-ed to 
 againft the Spanijh Invafion, and in alfifting the French rs f -T 1 "* 
 King, and the United-Provinces , granted her an extraor- Townflleod. 
 dinary aid of Money. But it was inferted in the Acl, 
 that fo large and unufual a fupply, granted to a moft excel¬ 
 lent Queen, who made fo good ufe of the publick money, 
 fhould not be drawn into a precedent (7). The Queen She thanks 
 coming to the Houfe to give the Royal Aflent to this A£I, rbeParl,a - 
 made a fine Speech, wherein fhe forgot not to extol her g^w". 
 lore and caie of her fubje&s, and her attachment to the p- 763. 
 Proteftant-Religion. She fpoke in lofty terms of the bra¬ 
 very of the Englijh, and Ihowed how formidable they were 
 to all the Nations of Europe (S). No perfon was ever 
 more mafter of the art of gaining the affe&ion of her peo¬ 
 ple, by exprefling an uncommon value and tenuernefs for 
 them. 
 
 Amidft all the occafions, the Queen had to - n \ • SuJffeimt 
 herfelf upon her good fortune, Ihe Hill felt fome umahnefa 1' 1 • he 
 
 with refpedt to the tranfactions of Scotland. King James 
 began to be ruled by fufpicious perfons, and the Queen rc L.n.y-n.' 
 ceived advice, that the Spaniards affifted by the G tho- A • I’ub. 
 licks, were contriving lume dangerous plot (9), and were xvl ' i 1> . 190 
 countenanced by the Earls of Huntley , Angus, and Errol, i vv 
 She heard farther, that the King adted not with the vigour D ' ew «. 
 neceliary to prevent their uefigr.:;, and thereby gave caufe 4 ' 57, 
 to fufpedt, he was himfelf fomethin; inclined to innovations. 
 
 She did not entirely rely on that Prince. Befides his fuf- 
 fering himfelf to be always guided by thofe whom lie cn- 
 trufted with the adminiftration of his affairs, H e was a- 
 1 raid, he had been infpired with the defire to revenge the 
 Queen his Mother’s death, and that his proteffations of 
 being ever attached to her Intereft, were only intended to 
 amide her. For this reafon, Ihe fent the Lord Borough n - %p' en 
 to give him advice, and defirc him to inform her of what ^^ajfador 
 he knew concerning the plots of the Spaniards and Ca- to hid. 
 tholicks. She wilhed moreover, he would Ihow himfelf a A J- Pl,b * 
 little more fevere to thofe who endeavoured to raife trou- J( X I,p ‘ 93t 
 bles in Scotland, and would admit to his Council only per- Camden. 
 Tons of known loyalty. James anfwered, he would do , /be Kjr , f 
 what the Queen defired, as far as his own Intereft, and /sjweri 
 the Laws of the land would allow. But withal, he told 
 the Ambaffador, that his Revenues being extremely di- 
 minifhed, he expetfted the Queen to furnilh him with 
 means to punifh thofe who Ihould dare to difturb the pub- 
 lick Peace. He alfo required, Ihe Ihould deliver up Both¬ 
 well, who had twice attempted upon his life, and even 
 fent Robert Mclvil to Elizabeth, to demand him exprefsly. 
 
 But Ihe refufed to furrender him, and only banilhed him Eliaabeth 
 
 to inform the Queen of the State of affairs 
 150,000/. Sterling. Ruetgb’t delign was 
 
 n Bretagne. Camden, p. 569. 
 
 3 make himfelf mafter of Panama, c 
 
 < 1) Who had been 
 
 (z) Th : s Prize wa 
 Camden, p. 569 
 
 {3) It was occafioned by a very ftrong weflcrly wind, which blew vehemently for two days together. There had been 
 before. Stow, p. 765. Camden, p. 570- ORob. 19, d ; ed Anthony Brown Vifc'-.tint Montacute. Camden, ibid. 
 
 41 It met February 19. and wa, dilTolved April TO. D'eii’e r, p. 416, &c. Tcwr.Jhend, p. 3 1, Sec. Wh lft it was fitting, 
 worth Eft); and Sir hlenry Biomley, prepared a Petition, for emailing the Succcffion ot the Crown j (or wh : ch Wentworth was fe 
 to the Fleet. D'ewei, p. 470. 
 
 (5' In itie Preamble it is faid, That this Ail was made, for the preventing and avoiding ef luch great inconveniences and per:)-, as mh'ht happen and 
 grow by the wicked and dangerous praftices of feditious Sediaries, and dill yal Perfons The Act ran. That if any Perfon above the ape of fixteen years, 
 
 Shall refute to repair to fome Church, or forbear to do the fame for the Ipace of a month,-ftiall be committed to Prifon, there to remain without Bail 
 
 Or Moinprize, till they lhall conform-and make luch open fubmifli-n and declaration of their Conformity, as by this A:, is appointed. The Oftende-s 
 
 againft this Statute, who refufed to make the fubmiffion, were to abjure the Realm, and not to return -without her Majefty's Licenc \ under ihe PenaUy of 
 fuftering as Felons, without benefit of the Clergy. This Bill met with great nppofition in the Houle of Commons, as the Reader may fee in D'enoei, p. 474, 
 Sec. where the Speeches on both Tides are inferted. There was an Adi made alio aga nil Popilh Recufaots, by which they were confined within live m 1 cs of 
 iheir icfpedlive dwellings, on forfeiture of all their Goods and Chattels, tegether with Lands, during life, fiy another Adt, all the Abty L-iiids arc confirmed 
 to the Crown and Grantees. 
 
 (6) Thefe feveritics were probably occaiioned by the difturbances caufed by Hacket, and fome other Enthufiafts. However this be, the fa 
 
 ; to intercept the Spanijh Fleet, 
 a very great drought the fummei 
 
 c. Feb. 14. Peter JVent- 
 0 the Power, and Brand.y 
 
 e Hacket 
 
 B'lthwell. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Spotiswood. 
 
 July 2%. j^qr, and alfo Henry Barrow, John Greenwood, Daniel Studlry, and two more, were executed April 6. 1593, for writing and pubhihing l'e- 
 ditious Books: as was the next year John Peney, fi r writing a Book called, Martin Mar- Prelate. See Stow, p. 764-766. 
 
 (7) The Laity granted three Subfidies, of u 3 d. in the Pound of Goods, and 41 of Lands ; together with lix F ft-until-, and Tenths, amounting in all 
 to 280,00 o/- And the Clergy advanced two whole Subfidies, of 4s. in the Pound, to be paid in two yeais. This Subfidy-Bill palled with great difficulty in 
 the Lower- Houle, be ng debated on Feb. 16. March 2, 3, 6, 7, 9, 10, 12, 16, and 19. See the Debates in D'ewei, p. 473, 477, See. 483. Let it 
 be ohferved here, that a Fifteenth and a Tenth was a certain Tax on every City. Buriotigh and Town, not up n every Man in particular, but a general fum, 
 in proportion to the fifteenth part of the wealth of the refpeflive Places. Subfidy was iropofed on every Angle Perfon, as they arc ali'cllcd by Poll* according 
 to the value of their Goods and Lands. 
 
 (8) She made this Speech the laft day of the Scflion, April 10. 1593. 
 
 '91 This Plot was, to raife a Subfeription for a large (um ot Money in Scotland; and then an Army of thirty thrufand Spaniard! was lo land in that 
 Kingdom, about the end of the year 1592, wh'ch was t" be joined by Bothwell, &c. with a body of Troops : And all thefe were to march into England, to 
 revenge the Queen if Ston death. See Rymer't-Feed. Tom. 16. p. 190—^194, 
 
 No. LI. V^. II. N n out 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 142 
 
 * 593 - 
 
 Affair-, ef 
 
 Me v! !• 
 
 A.'!. Puh. 
 
 r V '/n ' r '' 
 
 IbtPtq 
 of Scotland 
 fufpt/l 'be 
 King of n- 
 din.ng to tb, 
 Ca'bjtuki. 
 
 Spot' » ' 
 
 P- 399 - 
 
 Henry con¬ 
 tinues to de¬ 
 ceive Eliz.- 
 beth. 
 
 Aft- Pub. 
 
 XVi.p.194 
 
 r 99 - 
 
 He (binges 
 bn Retig,o, 
 A l’ub. 
 XV) p.ijf 
 * 57 - 
 Camden. 
 
 Elizabeth’. 
 J.etter to 
 Henry IV 
 
 Tl.ec H ISTO R T 
 
 out of EnAand, as (he was hound by the Treaty ol League, 
 made with the King. 
 
 Bctbwell not being able to flay longer in England, rc- 
 tu r ,v-,l into Scotland, and withdiew to his own Houle. 
 
 Sh irtly ■ ■ r, hi [ irej I > in reafed, b) a< i nts, wl 
 it is need lei's to mention, that he had the boldnefs to come 
 into the Kind’s pre fence, under colour ol begging his par¬ 
 don. James was furprizetl to fee him, but was more lo, 
 when he perceived, that his whole Court, except fume ol 
 his Miniftcrs, were BothivelV s friends. He was therefore 
 forced as it were to grant him a pardon, on condition that 
 lie fhould depart the Kingdom, and not return unleis re¬ 
 called. Bctbwell accepted the condition, and concealed 
 himfelf on the borders of England. But at his departure, 
 he left fo ftrong a party in the Couit, that the King was 
 at laft obliged to difmifs the Chancellor, the Lord-Trea- 
 furer, and others whom he moft trufted. Bctbwell was 
 ready to improve this change, but the King broke his 
 mejfares, by declaring to the States, lie was compelled to 
 pardon him, and by defiling their aid to free him from 
 his yoke. The States declaring for the King, he recalled 
 his Minifters, and Bothwcll’s friends were driven from the 
 Court. 
 
 In this Aflerftbly of the States, an ordinance was made 
 for fupporting the Protcltant Religion, as eftablifhed in 
 Scotland. But as the King and his Council were fufpefted 
 . of favouring the plots of the Catholicks, this ordinance 
 was not deemed ftrong enough by the people, who thought 
 that in fuch a juncture, the States fhould have taken more 
 vigorous refolutions. However this be, the King’s obfti- 
 nacy in keeping in the Miniftry, and about his perfon, 
 Men who ieemed to have no zeal for the Proteftant Re¬ 
 ligion, gave occafion to fufpctft, fome dangerous plot was 
 contriving for its deftru&ion. 
 
 What palled in France made Elizabeth no lefs uneafy 
 ' than the King »f Scotland's Inconftancy. General Norris 
 was ft ill in Bretagne with the Englijh forces. He had 
 been prom i fed a place in that Province for a retreat, and 
 that the Duke d' Aurnont and Efyinay, fhould join him ; 
 but he was lung left there, without being thought of. At 
 , fill, Ej pinny being arrived, they made together fome little 
 Conquefts, too inconliderable to requite Elizabeth for the 
 maintenance of her Troops, which coft her weekly throe 
 thoufand [two hundred] pounds Sterling (1). I hus, in- 
 ftead of employing the Englijh to drive the Spaniards out 
 of Bretagne , Henry ufed them only to keep his Enemies 
 in awe, and hinder them from making greater progrefs, 
 whilft he was warring elfewhere. Elizabeth feeing her- 
 felf thus deceived, would have recalled her 1 roops, but 
 was perfwnded by the Marlhal (V Aurnont, not only to 
 leave them, but even to fend frefh fupplies, upon the 
 hopes he gave her, that the King would very foon make a 
 powerful effort to reduce that Province. 
 
 T,h>? Queen’s vexation at Henry's proceedings was no- 
 <■ thing in comparifon of her concern, when file heard he 
 . was going to change his Religion. At the firft news, ihc 
 ’ dilp.iichcd 7 homos 1 hi Iks to diftwade him, il poffible, from 
 th ; but at his arrivj l ' >und the thing al¬ 
 
 ready done. However Henry thought proper to inform 
 him of the reafoi s ol hi change, that he might acquaint 
 the Ooecn his Miftrefs with the fame. All he faid on this 
 occafion tended to this (2), that he had changed his Religion 
 againft his will, and after as long a delay as poifible : but 
 being at laft convinced he fhould never be fixed in his 
 Throne, whilft a Proteftant, he had determined to em¬ 
 brace the Catholick Religion. That is, in other words, 
 having put his confcience in the balance with his Crown, 
 he had -.riven it for the latter. After fo exprcl's a declaration 
 of the inlincerity of his Converfion, it is no wonder, 
 Elizabeth fhould lole much of her efteem for him, and the 
 Pope and Le.viucrs not confider him as a true Catholick, 
 or rather it is ftrange they fhould be fatisfied with an out¬ 
 ward appearance. JWorlant the French Ambaflador at Lon¬ 
 don, hav ing tolJ Elizabeth the fubftance of the King’s dil- 
 courfe to IVUks, fhe writ the King the following Lines. 
 
 , T T is hardly pcjfiblc to exprefs the extreme grief and diffa- 
 JL tisfik/i.’i which has feized me upon Morlant’r Reprefen- 
 ’ tat ion of things. Good God! What a inferable llorld do 
 we live in ? Could I ever have thought. Sir, that any Jocu¬ 
 lar confideration could have prevailed with you to dijeard a 
 jujl fenfc of God and his fear ? O' can you ever rcafonably 
 expect that Providence will grant this change of yours a hap¬ 
 py IJfue ? Or could you entertain a JealnJy that the gracious 
 
 of ENGLAN D. 
 
 Being, who had fo long fuppor ■ l and preferred you, would 159-3. 
 fail and abandon you at lajl ? It is, believe me, a dangerous 
 experiment, to do evil that good may come. But I hope 
 you may be yet recovered to a better inclination, even the Spi¬ 
 rit of a found mind. In the mean time I Jhall not ceafe to 
 recommend your cafe to God in my daily Prayers, and earvejl- 
 ly to befcech him that EfauV hands may not pollute the bljfings 
 and birth-right of Jacob. The Prcmfe you make of a fa- 
 cred and friendly Alliance, / conceive my J'elf to have dcfi- 
 red, and even earned at a vaji expence : But I had not mat¬ 
 tered that, had you Jlill kept your felf the Son of the fame 
 Father. From henceforth l cannot look on my felf as your 
 Sijler, in refpeft to cur common Father, for I mujl and Jhall 
 always pay a much greater regard to nature than choice in 
 that Relation : As I may appeal to God, whom I befeech to 
 recover you into the path of a fafer and founder Judgment. 
 
 Your Sifter after the old-fafhioned 
 way. As for the new 1 have 
 nothing to do with it. 
 
 ELIZABETH. 
 
 This was not the only affair Wilks was charged to men- Henry gives 
 tion to the King of France. He had orders to complain 
 from the Quern, that the late Treaty was not executed, „ ,j 
 and d'Aurnont'1 delay had been very expenfive to the bm. 
 
 Queen. Henry threw all the blame on the Marlhal, and 1 amd<:n ’ 
 pofitively promifed to march himfelf into Bretagne, when 
 the Truce for that Province was expired. He added, that 
 in the mean time, he would advife with his Council con¬ 
 cerning the place of retreat for the Englijh Troop.. But 
 thefe were only empty words. The King’s intention was 
 not to employ his forces againft Bretagne, before he h .J 
 reduced the reft of France, but only to ufe the Englijh 
 Troops by way of diverfion to the Duke of Alercceur, tor 
 fear, when he had made himfelf abfolutc mailer of Bre¬ 
 tagne, he fhould affift the Duke of Alayenne. Still lefs 
 did he intend to give a place of retreat to the Englijh in 
 that Province, left he fhould find it very difficult to dif- 
 lodge them. Thefe things troubled the Queen exceedingly, 
 and certainly, had fhe aided Henry only from a motive of 
 friendfhip and generofity, as fhe would have made him be¬ 
 lieve, fhe would never h ive fuffeicd fuch infringements of 
 the Treaties. F»ut it was manifeftly her intereft to op- 
 pofe the Spaniard's defigns, who had a mind to become 
 mafter of France, under pretence of maintaining the Ca¬ 
 tholick Religion. Henry perfectly knew Elizabeth's policy, 
 and therefore gave her only good words, well knowing fhe 
 was concerned to aflill him. At length the King ol Spain Lenvue t r 
 preparing to exert his utrnoft in fupport of the League, jm/l-v, 
 which was declining, fince the King’s turning Catholick, 
 
 Elizabeth readily nude a League often live and defcnlive 
 with Henry , whatever rcaf'011 fhe iiad to complain ol him. bcih 
 This League was concluded and iigned at Melun in O£lo- ‘-amden. 
 her, and among other Articles it was agreed, that a Peace 
 fhould not be made without a mutual confent. 
 
 About this time, it was difeovered in England that one Hefqilrt ,- f 
 Hefquet h i been fent by fome Englijh fugitives, to per- bended. 
 fwade Ferdinand Earl of Derby to afluinc the title of King, Camden, 
 as Great-Gnuldfon of Mary Daughter of Henry VII (3). 
 
 When this was propofed to the Earl, Hefquet added, lie 
 
 might rely on the afiiftance of Philip II, but if he rclufed 
 
 to do what was propofed, or did not keep the il log '.evict, 
 
 he might be allured, he fhould not live long. The Earl 
 
 of Derby i - Hefquet, 
 
 who was taken and hanged. But he died himfelf within Death of the 
 
 four m inths, >y ange j 1 v unit 
 
 himfelf to death (4). His Gentleman 01 the hurle was 
 
 fufpecled of the deed, bccaufc he rid away the firft day 
 
 of his Lord’s ilinels. The Englijh fugitives imagined there 
 
 were fuch numbers of Malecontenis in England, that fome 
 
 great Man’s declaring againft the Queen would be lufiici- 
 
 ent to raife a general rebellion. This is not the only time, 
 
 that, in the like junctures, fugitives have flattered them- 
 
 fclvcs with fucli vain hopes (5). 
 
 The Duke of Parma's death had not entirely hindered 7/., Lov. - 
 thc expedition deltgned by the Spaniards againft France. Ccuntrk* 
 Their Army had entered Pin'd- and taken Nos on. and ■ * 
 
 was returned into handers. . her Parma s death, the Puentes, j-j 
 Count de Fucntes and D. Dim: d Jr r ra were at the head D- Diego, 
 of the Counci ivernor. While the , 
 
 adminillration of affairs idled in their hands, they ined- 
 
 (1) It appear;, by a Paper in Ryrr. 
 
 (2) The Kind's whole dilcourfe i 
 
 (3) Henry .Stanley .rl cl Urrby, 
 
 (4) Hodieii, Afrit 16, in the v 
 of the fame culom with hi: own, w 
 cher (ViIlia”,, who had afterwards a 
 Sec. 
 
 / 5) This year Que.-n Ehxabetb n 
 IQ , ol Je'Jey anti Guemjey. Carr.u 
 
 icr'i Fa-d. Tom. 16. p. 194, that the King of France was then indebted to her 52,783 /. 
 
 IV,.k is to be fern in Camden', Annate. Rapa. 
 
 Father of th* Ferdinand, died juft befo/e. Camden, p. 574. 
 
 .•iv fi wer I his youth. Thee was found in his dumb- an Imige of Wax, with hairs th-uft through the belly ol it. 
 Inch w s' th ueht to be placed there on purp-P • avoid the fulpi* • •• >t h ■. !>, top ; i he was fuccceded by his Bro- 
 
 ljmcusTry.il with Ferdinand's three Daughters, forth-- dominion of the Jjie / t\!an C.,--:!en, ibid. Sana, p.707, 
 
 irdered a Garrifon to be kept in the Illes of Silky, and a Fort be built in Iflini cf y. She alfofortified the 
 
 (en, p. 574, -Theredied f th Plague t ■ <56 ' 
 
 - fantly 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 1594. 
 
 V bet firm 
 Coffpiracie. 
 agunjl the 
 
 *ts e ‘ a i 
 
 England, 
 Camden. 
 end fuborn 
 
 Ft rioti t to 
 
 H on ktr ‘ 
 
 ‘lie Coufpi- 
 
 23 ■ ELIZABETH. 
 
 fantly endeavoured to excite trouble* in Scotland, by affu- beat, replied, lie was not at the o,„„ j 
 ™g 'he C-th. dales of a prove, iul affiftance from the King did t |JLmo to* „-L d Z command, nor 
 of Spain. Their projefl was to fend a Spanijb Army ia tS go! emhis kingdom Aher H a't" h I "’“Ta'S f 
 Scotland, to Mnate ir poifon Queen £Sa»fcfi, and then who was retired into EmLd^ ’ ' emanded Eotlmdl, 
 
 invadir t.IHrlmiA wit 1 t wir A rrmt Imm .Q.-rtt.r-.sA vr.L.e-L *1.— t» r-» ;• 1 1 
 
 T 43 
 
 *594. 
 
 _., . I--.-....... ...wiptiu, auu UJCI1 
 
 invade England with their Army Irom Scotland , which the 
 general confiernation upon her death would render lefs 
 difficult. To execute the delign upon Elizabeth, they had 
 call their eyes on Roderigo Lopez a ’Jew, and two Portu- 
 giiejc. Lopez the Queen’s Phyfician, had promifed to poi- 
 fun her for fifty thoufand Crowns. This Plot being dif- 
 covered, the three Accomplices eonfefled, they had been 
 
 But Elizabeth was very far from giving him tin's latif- nf.V. of 
 rj on ', 0n ‘he contrary, it was probably from her that 5. c "' i ’“ i ' 
 Uotbwell was enabled to enter Scotland at the head of f, nr 
 hundred men with whom he furpriiod the town of Leith £Ln*. 
 He afterwards publilhed a Manifeflo, imp .. t |, at 
 
 “ P"'" 1 " ''“gwoia to the Church and State, 'having by 
 tome artihee procured admiffion into the Council, gave 
 
 occaiion hv their rnnfl..A .I 
 
 TbtL.tjpt- w.eicu, Uie mree accomplices eomciied, they had been “ fomc artifice nmnirod , i m '/r , .. . L > 
 
 ■vtortthf corrupted by the Count de Fuentes , and Don Diego d’lbar- “ occaiion by thar cond-tt 1 T r ^ CuUnC;l? ^ tVe 
 t: - ‘° undertake fo execrable a delign. X^,*ho»«er “ Snsavainft ZfZLc pT’ 
 
 pleaded in his excufe, that his intention was only to draw “ time the *_;* n.: 'n. B ul ' Th “. for r ? mB 
 
 ’ .. vAiimuii a 1.1.11-11. ijjtvc. jiovA cver 
 
 pleaded in his excufe, that his intention was only to draw 
 money from the King of Spam, and that he had even pre¬ 
 fen ted to the Queen a rich Jewel received from that 
 Prince. But as he had given no intimation of the Plot, 
 Camden. his excu,c was not allowed - At the Gallows he affirmed. 
 That he loved the Queen as well as Jefus Chriji. This 
 was a plain indication that he was not unjuftly condem¬ 
 ned. 
 
 Other Per- The day after thefe three Villains were executed, a 
 fourth, one Patrick Cullen , an Irijh fencing-mailer, who 
 had been fent from the Ltrw-Countries to kill the Queen, 
 underwent the fame fate. Edmund York and Richard [Wil¬ 
 liams, who had been fuborned by Ibarra to commit the 
 fame crime, were alfo arrellcd, and others were difeovered 
 who had engaged to fire the Navy. Elizabeth on this oc- 
 
 t- . j •• cafion writ to the Archduke Ernejl , who had been ap- 
 
 Ik'kutL poin . ted Governor of the Low-Countries , to demand the 
 no redrejt, punilhment of the Authors. She told him moreover, that 
 Camden. to clear the King of Spain from fufpicion, the mod proper 
 way would be to furrender all the fugitive Englijh in his 
 Dominions, or at leaft thofe who were concerned in the Con- 
 fpiracies (1). But forelceing that Antonio Perez , who had 
 endeavoured to excite troubles in Arragon , and was then in 
 England, might likewife be demanded, ftie told the Arch¬ 
 duke, the King of France had fent him to his Ambaflador at 
 
 i t, tl An It \X, I 1 11C ,| 1 f- Lev l.nnmL.,1 --- I I. - 1 ■ 
 
 tilt the 
 igu, 
 Camden 
 
 plaint oft, 
 
 ./P 
 
 Thuan 
 
 Mezerai. 
 
 amden 
 
 in -e vr e 6 v • 1 oat tor lome 
 time the Rernfi Pnefts had been teen running from 
 „ V1 , a .? e , t0 Vl a S e . celebrating the Mafs in the mull 
 
 „ P ubl| c fc manner : That they endeavoured to animate the 
 
 coplc agamft the Englijh, in order to kindle a war be- 
 tween the two Nations, which could not but prove fatal 
 « “ S ‘° ,la ’ ,d: u th « “ check to thefe dangerous 
 
 conspiracies, he had, with the concurrence of divers 
 Lord, and Gentlemen, taken arms to drive thefe per- 
 menus Councilors out of the Kingdom, or bring them 
 „ t0 ,n cc,>um lo \ aflions : that the thing was the 
 « ™ re “tgent, as the Spaniards were going to invade the 
 „ K l n ; id m • a " d therelore he exhorted the Scots to join 
 SI' '° prevent S reater mifehiefs, and induce the 
 
 Km s to favour fojuft a defign.” He writ m the fame 
 nianne. to the general Synod of the Kirk alTcmbled at 
 Dmtbay, and fo the Englifi AmbafTadu.-s. When the 
 coherence between Bothwclfo manifefto, and the Lord 
 imehe s, reprefentetion to the King is centered, Elizabeth 
 bc I":" 5 ® 01 °f ban g concerned in this undertaking 
 Mean time the King having aflimbled f„„.e Foices c.r,io,. 
 prepared to oppole Bothwell's dehgns, who declined rot 
 however to meet him. But the Rebel, having fomedifad- 
 vantage in the firft engagement, and finding himfdf not 
 fupported, liras fenzed w«h fear, and retired to the fiord ,rs 
 
 r J fi b /„d^tiie b Eat! 1 TeJ, received 11 fibres il" % % SXJZ 
 
 houfe, to learn of him the fecrets of the Spanijh Monarchy, effect -fim's' p’rceivine the°d ' P e° d “ Ced 3 '"V £ xd 
 „ tv. It was not only in England that the Spaniards had the breach with Elizabeth, rffolved aMaft to J ' m ” , 
 
 makttktm. mortification to fee their projeas mifearry. In France leaft M s v^n nmiaA k , 1 ^ eia -; c ialt to -her his conduil, 
 likc , wife w« in a very ill fituarj, fince tour/ he E,Z 7 Sf ^ S' ? C J “ d to '-tor 
 
 J r br3Cing the Cltholick Rcli S™- The Cities and great and prevafled ,oTavro the Carl f fe » hW the Sure, Afl. Pub. 
 
 Men who had been for the League, r«"r„ed in crowSs to to ^ had *«*•". 
 
 the obedience of the King, and" all the People manifeftly HfiloT Thev n' “ bc . bani «><'d the 
 tended to lhake off the Spanijh Yoke. The izd of at lift ohl.WH * 7 l crforts J° rell{l > but were 
 
 March, the City of Paris was furrendered to the King by laws a^ainlf the "c^hT V the St3tCS ena<aed nc w 
 
 Count Hrijac, and the Duke of Feria, who waTto I on hke th t ta/Slw ' ’ “ T" ^ *» a «— 
 was obliged to take a fafe-conduft from the King, fo c fttor, Lz a 1 .uf T" T' ° ne Gnham 
 
 tire with his Spanijh Troops to the Duke of Guilds A inn cite ,, , tin ' ldllt ' en!: °' S P"'’l endeavouring to ex¬ 
 it was then only that Him, ferioufly refolved to drive the The Knv at t,“f S p ; nl:1 ; eJ WIlh *»* (3). 
 
 Spaniards out of Bretagne , who were in poffeffion of ma- erte j on r'hf or / tfW -, s _ c an g e > a nd the vigour he ex- ,- g - 
 ny Places in that ProvtL’. The Marfhal d'duaiont ha- ^ 
 
 ving been intrufted with the management of this War therefore f nrm I i ^ f, in t ^ lei1 ,nrere ft. They p r ),a, t0 
 made good ufe of the Englijh Troops, who diftinguiftied land on the head of f p ^ je6 H t0 / iace f iie Crown of Eng- the 
 themfelves with that bravery, that the Q-ieen was obliged or lea ft nil fon f deVOt ^ d t0 Relig.on, 
 
 to wnte to Norris, not to be fo lavifh of the blood of her Envtjh Ca*th Ixks caft^ 0 3 ° T the R rote ^ ant - Th eo»,b e LeJt 
 Subjects. Martin Forbijloer, a famous Sea-Officer was 2 ihe r , ‘ e) ’ CS 0n the Earl of Ejex, ofthelnU,- 
 
 killed at .Win d War (a). Some time after, Z Z ** ^ 
 
 Queen recalled Norris, to fend him into Ireland A, , ■ r r , &WJ* fugitives in the Low- 
 
 Tile affairs of Scotland gave Elizabeth perpKual uneafi- They" venmbhfl ed" p ab ‘ l A ^lex of PhHipW. 
 
 nefs. She had intimations from thence, that the Sbanilh of eL/w f ub,lflied a to <W, that, the King 
 
 Faction was powerful at Court ; that fomettong waTcof °he £ ofT/mh "2 t U " n »» “ 
 
 tnvmg agamft the Proteflant Religion, and that the King to difpofc of it in f.’’‘L lnf f rred ’ be bad power 
 
 feemed to incline to the Popifh Party. This filline thf I bare /n of Jus oaughter. Nor was this 
 
 Queen with fufpicions, file refolved to fend the Lord Lei licks IMs certain PT/l A h ***>» Catb °- 
 STw?' ! nK> . ScstlMd, as well to be informed of the truth as to olovmenf finci ,h’ ‘Lough he warned not em- , 
 
 ivi.p.i.5, ,ortif y ,bc Englijh party, and inftruift Kinv Jantes in his oainfl him inre f U J Fr “' :cr ,la<i de clared war a- L 'plltim 
 
 -.40. true intereft. This Ambaffador reprefented to the Kuw cureh^ T’ ? dcd "fmake extraordinary efforts to pro- ajiani 
 
 * from his miftrefs, that the late A 3 of the Slates was no® Fugitives The" fateof°lT ° ffCred . hcr W the Englijh’ 1 ^ 
 capable to rellrain the infolence of the Roman Catholicks ovef fw. jlV ! f Z pac f arat ' 0 "s was r.ow fliwn T: , „ 
 who affefled publickly to exercile their religion, and held’ where [ Hah O hWlTarl of r""'^ !" 1 tla " d ' 
 
 an almoft open correfpondence with the King of .Spurn Deflation nfthemrft ^ 'S lir-sen had rebelled, in ex- Irtlu.e. 
 
 si, m g mr . 7 a ’ n " anfwered, that he would proceed againft d,e Catho- obliged pro “ ifed b f tbe Spaniard. This '“**• 
 
 lidi. Pub. licks by the eftablifhed Laws ; and if thev refufed a fub- ons^-ind b °n preparc J 0T 11:6 defence of her domir.i- 
 cvi.p.233, miffion to the Laws, be wou’ld profcute^m with the Zland “ *”“* “ *”* re,nforce ” E " t to Norris now in 
 fword, provided the Queen, who had the fame intereft -is nr li t r ■ i , , 
 
 himfelf, would contribute’to the CTpati TtteW “ "I Z' T" Spain, 0 ^.. 
 
 The Ambaffador, not fatisfied with this anfwer eartieftiy ffd jng 723 . “"“^' b “ n a - id e d . «.! 
 
 prefted him to procure other laws againil the Catholic^ hv hi Q l n ,' i n fltu ^' on of France. But Philip U, 
 
 zih ™ teveK * mtheprelem ' To tl,is 1am ’ withfome 
 
 • (.) K-to, SiaTuiTmw- *■««*«.,** P . 
 
 ZumZu T d '« "* *"*"• ZZ:t^.r;;r h *• Flt "' ,o 's*-* >«*• sum*,, 
 nLui „ Li*?,r»?w« y* *—• mw. « d,,.,, j W Rm , i3 
 
 m Zct7i p ; 'd- -■ .. !l " e,l,t [Z’jtzsyz&'x 
 
 +, . He CO.W „„„ i„d„ c Ihc m ., im „ m/Mcf p«, pk , hc like of their Reli S ien, ^ 
 
 ed 
 
 Elizabeth'. 
 tneet/tnefi 
 with rtld- 
 
 She fer.Js . 
 AmbaJJad'. 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 1 44 
 
 The HISTO RT of E N G L A N D, 
 
 eJ to make war not upon, but for France. However thi 
 k-, Jfc.r v was indifpenfably obliged to maintain a war a 
 painlt Spain, and therefore believed, it would be better to 
 attack Philip dircaiy, than to ftand upon the dcfenhve. 
 But as France was drained both of men and money, it 
 was not eafy for him to fupport the war alone, and come 
 i.ff with honour. He had therefore recourfe to Elizabeth, 
 a:, to his laft refuge in his prefiing neceflitics. And, per¬ 
 haps lie was encouraged to break openly with Spain, by 
 / the hope> of a powerful afliftance from England. I o that 
 end he wi it to ihe Queen, that the recalling of Norris, 
 and'his Forces, had broke all his mcafurcs, and he had ra- 
 ' tiier cxpeeled (he would lend greater fuccours, fmee he 
 h o' di flare i war againft Spam. Eli-ninth anfwered, 
 
 “ Thai (he commended his refolution to attack the King 
 “ 0 i , Dominions : That this was a good expedient 
 ■>. “ to pievent an Imvafion, as (he had experienced : That 
 lQ t h e recalling of her Troops out of Bretagne , he 
 « ’ 01 )j not judly complain of it, (ince they had not only 
 i. ,unr! there longer than their Treaty required, but 
 “ even, notwithilanding the manifeft breach of that rrea¬ 
 ct tVj a, K | [k violation of his promife : That he had po- 
 “ litivdy cneayed to furrendcr to the Englifh, the 1 own 
 ti 0 f j/orlaix when taken, for a place of repeat : But 
 “ tint this very place, conquered at the ex pence of En- 
 « rf.-j blood, had been denied to the juft expedition of 
 “ ftie EnYijh, by a fraudulent capitulation of the Marlhal 
 it ( p Aurlint, to have none but Catholicks admitted into 
 tt jr ■ That he ought not to be furprized, if fhe was un- 
 willing to be his dupe any longer, fincc (lie could rely 
 “ neither on his promilcs nor his treaties : That bolides, 
 
 “ fhe wanted her Forces in Ireland, where there was dan- 
 « gerof'a general revolt.” It is certain, Henry & beha- 
 vi< ar to Elizabeth was no incouragement to her to grant 
 li'i.ii any great afliftance. And therefore, it was only her 
 le.u- ,.f the Spaniards taking advantage of the weaknefs of 
 France, wh en (till kept her attached to Henry 's Intereft, 
 f or wi ; om lhc had no longer Her former efteem and regard, 
 h mai iID be faid, that (nice his acceffion to the I hrone 
 of France, lie had done nothing tending to preferve Eliza¬ 
 beth's (riendlhip. . 
 
 M.e Queen, in the prefent fituation of her affairs, not 
 f being able to rely much on the King of France, and look¬ 
 ing upon all her expence, on his account, as entirely Iruit- 
 Jel', rclulved to keep her 1‘urces and I reafure for the de- 
 fenfe of her own Dominions, in cafe they (hould be at¬ 
 tacked by the Spaniard. England was properly in danger 
 only from Scotland ; but the news (lie received of the 
 change in King fames, freed her from all uneafinefs. 
 That Prince perceiving, Philip’s aims were levelled as much 
 
 . i i i i r _ ... I .11- il.Tf fhr* Kr»I4 
 
 <H)ndcn 
 
 ; Scotland as England, faw at laft, that the belt 
 way to break h-s me.dbres, was to live in union with Eli¬ 
 zabeth. So, to luow that he meant to preferve this union, 
 
 ’■ he published a Proclamation, forbidding, under fevere pe- 
 nalties, his Subjects on the borders to injure the Englijh, and 
 the < lueen put forth another to the fame purpole. From 
 thi..: time lie lived with Elizabeth in a good undemanding, 
 which nothing was capable to difturb, being fenfible this 
 was toe lured way to afeend one day the I hrone of Eng¬ 
 land. , , 
 
 Edmund York and Richard JVilliams, who had been ar- 
 refted the laft year, being tried and convi&ed of a defign 
 to murder the Queen, were executed in February, 'I hey 
 con felled, that Ibarra had promifed them forty thoufand 
 Florins, if they accompliftied their enterprize. 
 
 Henry IV, after his declaration of war with Spain, form- 
 “i c d a defign of penetrating into the Low-Countries, and 
 making confiderablc Conquelts ; but he was foon fenfible, 
 his meafuies were nut juft. In April 159^, Ferdinand de 
 Velafco, Conftable of Cajlile , came into Francbe- Comte at 
 the head of eighteen thoufand Men, and threatened the 
 Duchy of Burgundy. This obliged Henry to lead thithci 
 in per foil the bell part of his army. Whilft he was thus 
 employed in Burgundy, the Count dc Fuentes, who com¬ 
 manded in the Netherlands, after the death of the Arch¬ 
 duke Ernejl, entered Picardy, and became mailer of Ca- 
 tclct. Then, he befieged Dour lens , beat the French, who 
 ids came to its relief, anti took the Town by ftorm. Henry, 
 upon this mortifying news, font Chevalier immediately 
 l ’ into England to demand a fupply of Forces, lor the de¬ 
 fence of Picardy, according to his Treaty with the Queen. 
 In the Inilrudtions given to his Envoy, he ordered him to 
 take care, that this fupply (hould be ready in a fortnight 
 after the date : but Chevalier fpent twelve days in his 
 voy.r-c. The Queen anfwered, (he would not fail to 
 { .1 >s into 1 r tcardy, as foon as they could 
 
 be ready, to defend Calais, Dieppe, and Boulogne. Indeed 159;. 
 the folc motive of her Treaty with Henry , was to pre¬ 
 vent the Spaniards from becoming mailers of thofc mari¬ 
 time places ; but fhe had never pretended to defend the 
 inland Towns of that Province, for which (he was little 
 concerned. This was not what the King wanted, hav¬ 
 ing no defire to put the Englijh into thefe places. He 
 pretended, that without any diftindlion, the Queen (hould 
 fend him a body of Troops, to affift him in driving the 
 Spaniards out of all Picardy. At the fame time, the De¬ 
 puties of the Province of Bretagne arrived at Hendon, ro 
 demand fupplies of the Queen, without fpccifying either 
 the number or fervice, and without offering a place of re¬ 
 treat ; but this demand ol Troops was rejected by the 
 
 Vhc Spaniards, after the taking of Dmrltns, befieged ^ 
 
 Cambray, and became mailers ot that important place. C/r)ut p, 
 
 Henry feeing himfelf thus preffed, fent Lomtnie , Secretary Fnncr. 
 of Stale, to Elizabeth, to demand of her a fpeedy and I 
 
 powerful aid. Hecxp-aed, by entering into a League , 9EniUno> I 
 with Elizabeth , to eng.-ge her to make war with Spam, in Camden, 
 the Kingdom of France, fo that it (hould feem, (he was 
 obliged to fend him forces and money, whenever he had 
 occafion, though the Treaty contained nothing h?:c it. 
 
 But Elizabeth 'had no fuch intention, being unwillu g t > 
 fend her forces into France , when her own Dominioiis 
 were in danger, or fo to make war with Spain, that all 
 the profit (hould be Henry’s, and the loft hers (1). There- 
 fore (he told the Ambaffador, (he could not comply with 
 l vej ; 
 
 of his Negotiation, fpoke to her very haughtily , and 
 charged her with being the enufe of the lofs of Cambray,^ 
 by her having not feat the defired fupplies into Picardy. 
 
 He added, that (he fanned to r< joice at tlic misfortunes ol 
 France, but (lie might foon repent, and by her conduft, 
 be forced to make a difadvantagious Pence with Spain (2). 
 
 Thcle menaces, and the haughtinefs wl crcvith they were 
 fpoken by Lomtnie , entirely offended Elizabeth. Ncvcr- 
 thclcfs, as Henry’s affairs were in a very ill fituation, (he 
 thought it not proper to deprive him ot all hopes of her 
 futuic afliftance. She anfwered Lome me however futably to 
 her dignity, but lefs (harply than (he would have done at 
 another juncture. Afterwards, when he demanded a fe¬ 
 cund audience, her anfwer was, that (he would acquaint 
 the King of France, by her Ambaffador (3), with her rea- 
 fons for keeping her I roops and Money. 
 
 Elizabeth’s refufal offended Henry's Council, in which Eli. abeth 
 the Leaguers had now too great an influence. Several adI 
 vifed him to make a feparatc Peace with Spain, fince he Hrniy . 
 could hope for no afliftance from Elizabeth. They feem- Camden, 
 ed to talk as if (he had been obliged to fend Forces to 
 Henry, whenever they were demanded, and had violated 
 her engagements. This was, doubtlefs, what was intend¬ 
 ed by the League: the French had reckoned to manage 
 her as they pleafed, but being difappointed, were very an¬ 
 gry with her. Befides, Henry’s Council being moftly 
 compofed of the declared enemies of the Proteftant Reli¬ 
 gion, and of whom fome had been the moft zealous 
 Leaguers, confidered Elizabeth not as a friend, whom they 
 were hereafter to regard, but as a temporary friend, from 
 whom they were to draw all poflible advantages. It was Camden, 
 not without reafon, that Elizabeth miftrufted the King of 
 France, who, to obtain his abfolution from the Pope, had 
 fubmitted to Terms unbecoming a King, and tending to the 
 ruin of the Proteffants (4), thereby (bowing, he no longer con¬ 
 fidered them as his friends. It was not therefore proper for 
 her toaflift powerfully, a friend, who was only fo in name. 
 
 Wherefore fhe left him to manage his affairs as he plea- 
 fed, without giving herfelf any concern. Befides, (he 
 could expect from "him only a bare diverfion to the arms 
 of Spain, which, probably, would laft no longer than re¬ 
 quired by the Intereft of France. Henry’s conduct gave 
 her no room to expeft any thing farther, fince he had 
 left the Spaniards unmolefted in Bretagne, though her 
 greateft danger was from thence. And indeed, in July TbSp-^ 
 this year, the Spaniards, who were fettled ™ Bretagne 
 made a defeent in Cornwall, and burnt fome villages (5). „„ England. 
 Though this Expedition was inconfiderable, it however J« : 
 obliged Elizabeth to be upon her guard, and demonftrated ,. [ow< 
 the neceflity of diftodging the common enemy from that 
 Province. But the Intereft of England was not the mo¬ 
 tive of Henry's ailions. 
 
 It was not of Elizabeth only, that the King of trance Henry «*- 
 complained after the lofs of Cambray. He accufed alfo the ‘ 
 
 States of the United Provinces of violating their Alliance 
 with him, in differing a Town of that importance to be 
 
 (,) The Ex 
 of Efftx. 
 
 $ de f lat, and above 2,000,640, 
 
 •e fpenc upon the Forces under the Earl 
 
 ,edition 10 Bretagne had flood the Nation in 47,248 Crown: 
 
 W^fbe wouidby her c mduS oblige the King of F. .0 m.k= Peio._v.itl. Sp.,., P- 5 *«- 
 
 5 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 2 3 - ELIZABETH. 
 
 » 4 S 
 
 ‘ 59 s - 
 
 [ 595 - ‘“ken, and threatened to make a feoarate oeace Th* . j .- 
 
 States, feeing the advantage of a war be“een £™„Tnd WolldT' 1 SuC ? U / S ' J hc Marfta ' * Bmlhn quiok- 
 %<», appeared the King with around Turn of money, eightthouftlid Mento T* Q -“ | een >, that flle ordcrcd 
 Elizaheth t>f ^ ^ f ^ B- ^^< 27 % 
 
 «:*»^ fi r they “ -Tendl to K sr^ the r Town <“» 
 
 -—/Sr of Frame, they were, doubtiefs, able to pav their debts ft.i ’ a e u m effeft loft to Frar.ee. The Mar- 
 
 Mi- and therefore (he demanded to be reimburfed of what fte ftft Jv W - V ' Va 7 d ‘/" s demand " ty faying, they had no 
 c “ i '»' had advanced for them. Adding, S!S fpeedy a.Ts ^"r'^r “f 3 ’ Itn ° wi ->g, at ‘ h = the 
 
 faflion was given her, by a d.fcLge of pao 2fS £ ttfreftomdt fteST 'V' ’T* ° f * he 
 and an aflixrance of the remainder within fuch a time fl e relief nf Cnl & n S ll A ho, under pretence that the 
 
 would take proper meafures to do herfelf Juftice. The that oroon^/ rhe*^ P ' ei 7 ' g 1 ° alIow time »o difeufs 
 States being thus prefled, had recourfe to prayers and fub- d=*rs for die imh \ f ° ma ” a Sf d » * hat tJie Qi'een gave or- 
 miffions to appeafe her. They reprefented ^hat the fta-e time new ,mbark f ,on of the Troops. fcut at the fame 
 of their affairs did not permit them to fatisfy her. But as anchor of ZT * ^ £** *» «•*», alier a refill- 
 
 excufes fignificd little, they urged their Treaty with her Ardrcs with 'the^f ^ the Archduke alio took Thuanw. 
 
 by which they were not obliged to repay her till the to ll F n"’', 1 h '» ‘he hath place ,a- 
 
 end of the war. She replied, that when fheaffifled rhem Q f , Fr “ b X ti,e Sfmardi, within a year. The 
 they were reduced to a deplorable (late, and ft” ftovved thVnew t w 7^°" 6W "‘ " 0 ‘ havin S been read y “'me, 
 her bounty and generofity, in not requiring a reimbuTfe- monev to 77 ^ere difmiffird ; but the Queen leni 
 
 ment till after the peace, becaufe it was not likely they Me ‘ hc fecur "y of his two Ambaffadors. 
 
 flmuld be able to pay her before. But fince they’ were Seat w ’ ‘7 9 il« n haVN, g aJvice that “» King of EWzzbtU, 
 rich enough to lend the King of France money ' it was vri, P‘epar'rig to invade England and I,eland, rcfol- /"!• ’ 
 evidently in their power to rcimburfe her. That 7 ’therefore Fleer f P 7 F “ thls l‘“‘P°le> file fitted out a 'P' 1 ” 
 
 the Article of the Treaty on which .L inffifTuZ M f. on “ and fifty Sad, with two and twenty 77 '"' 
 
 naturally to be thus interpreted, That the, Jh,aid ml bf in frjt Sb P ’ a " d fe ' L '" th oufatid Soldiers. Chari,s HovjS P"‘. 
 it r onditien to repat her b,far, the cmcluZnef I t * con ’ m “< M as Admiral, and the Karl of fiffir was 
 
 There were greaf and evencomeS ,7 T, a Pl»m« d General of the Land forces (t). M 
 
 IttA' But , at kft the aBair W» adittfted'for P °a'time “on and l-wf^ tlle kgmmng of Jmt, tf-M* 
 
 «mm 4 *U « h ' fc oondmons: That the States ftould promife for the Stain f f * d f h ! m . fmm thl! Coaiis of France and £" , ' r 'T 
 f“«o«, to pay the Forces in their fervke fa) and dts in' I f alarnl ‘"g "*•'>«, the Contntan- «“*• 
 
 Camden. JO ,n the Queen’s Fleet, with a certain number of Shin. tha Z f 1 " 6 '°/ ur P rlzc ^ »as with great joy O-mtln. 
 
 in cafe fte thould be attacked by the SpanAT P " f A Y 'T B ° m T maft ' r of a " ^ return- S “’ , 
 
 T f“ had alfo , ? «r» to maimain with the Hanfe g "eaXcti y' That'ft, 7 " T ^ ™ '» the 
 
 »W Towns, who complained to the Diet of the Empire tb-t War r " 7 ,r , G L rnfon was ful1 of Slli P s "I J* ”’ s ' 
 c.mJtn. them Corn was feized by the Englijh in Penpal, and their the L-ds TK^ a!! M “ohant-men freighted fur rh “‘“" 
 
 privileges infringed, formerly granted them by£AWIil rival f. \ ‘\% WS them with hopes, they sr- 
 
 As thts affair was more warmly pufhed feme ytrs afte-' Si J e l " 7 '"“ on the Weft fide of the Ifle of 
 I Dial! have occafion to fpeak of it elfewhere ' ’ , ,e S’ , f at ,heir a PP r oach, the Spanifi Ships retired to 
 
 iirw.lur rhts year, Sir Walt„ Raleigh made, at his own charge with' r d , 7 , Xt L da>r ’ the £n S l 'J h a “acked them 
 
 ^tr a fecond e T dition int “ ^irr-Vu, from which he reaped tha th^hf kfted'f J ’ b‘ T f W i‘ b ?* m a *~P*n, 
 
 co,d dyag. no great advantage. The Queen likewife fitted out t! -7 w ' 7 fr0m brcal: of da 7 '.H noon. At laft, 
 
 A ”“‘- ' wcnt y Rx Sh ‘P s “ tarry the w^r into that Country „r- t, fink rheir 7 h ‘“'""t 6 r° make a '° ngCr defcnce > rcfolvej 
 
 Camden. % r 1 ’.= “"'"“O' 1 of Sir Francis Drake, and Sir> c I led ^ “ land ’ Their Admiral Ship 
 
 ^a. Pub. Hawhn, (3). But as the Spaniardt had taken great prt- h -■ ^ the SbaSa 'Z r",™ 1 r° W " h tW0 ° ,hers " ear 
 
 XV, p , ;7 . cautions the Enghjh Admirals performed nothing memora- f u in into he b 7 “/' V “/ Ct V" g " °" fifC “ P rocat i,s 
 
 ble Nay, they both died in this expedition. 8 o 1,21 r i ^ The St ’ Ma “ h ‘^ a “ d 
 
 Norm, as I kid, was difpatchcd into Ireland to command D-rinTZ ^ of the 0thcrs ra,! afto,c - 
 
 the forces agamft the Rebels, at the head of which ",s ■ I,' I g , 7 0"g a goment at Sea, the Kail of Efex with 
 
 the Earl of Tir-ocn. The Jealoufy whTch aro* tawle Si7,0 C A" a " d "‘arched 
 
 that General and the Lord Ruff,l Lieutenant of Ireland Cfty he w,h I 7 "/T e'’ Undr ' :d P aCK “>= 
 was the reafon, th t Englijh mide no greater nmuref ■ T ' ”“ iet Wlth hundred Spaniards, who when 
 
 that Kingdom. The e 7 | of Tir-J even obtfinld a /Th 77 °"' n ’ a “ d clofelv 
 
 1 race, upon giving hopes he would lay down bis Arms them ’-Th tbe ' Fnglijh had like to have entered with 
 
 and fubmit to the Qiieen. But this w-as only a feint to befcS anv "f'” 110 ” “ <° g‘ aa ‘ in the Town, that 
 
 gain time till the arrival of the Succours promifed him from f. 1 7 . ““ ““ d be taken for i,s “<*nce, the 
 
 spam. The War was continued for f„ 7 e , e 7 / b t „t 7 flTeSm he'T “ M a " d “*»- 
 
 defign ,s not to relate the Irijh affairs, which would requTre tn the S r 77 t 7 hou g h ““X feme ref,fiance 
 
 a leparate Hiftory. Befides, the manner in which Hiftoria, s mailers of th 7 ^ ,10Ur thc> ’ maiie themfelves 
 
 deliver them is fo confufed, and the Irijh names as well of L,rSf> h Market-place. Then the Garrifon and 
 Perfons as Places are fo barbarous aud'hard to rememta Me 7 "7 the Ca(lle a " d Town-houfe, but 
 
 that it is difficult to form a clear idea of this War fa) ’ R„ S' ", 7 ' foII °" ,n g da X> we ‘= "Wiged to furrender. 
 
 , , Whatever refolutlon had been made by Elizabeth to con me ! capitulation, they were to have their lives on pay- 
 
 i s ^.,4 !; ern ’’ c 7 elf nu m <“ a with the affairs of France, fte w e Citizens wZ^ . lhouland D “ caIS ’ for four principaj 
 
 f- 1 - h “«verfb ra d to take other meafures, by reafon of The tbu fn ,h S‘ven ,n Hoftage (S). The Town being 
 Fiante. great fuccefs of the Spanijh arms in that Kingdom. CardS e 7 ou alI tbeTb'l "* £ ^> *» Ead <* E JT‘* ‘urn? 
 
 Albert of AuJIrta, who had fucceeded his Brother Frr !} I A bj U K ‘ a, “ : b a, ‘ d then ordered to be carried 
 in the Government of the Lew-Countries, arrived ,he/e Ml-tlFT’S", Amm unition, and other 
 
 toe beginning of the year , S9 6. He immediately e o n , "7 de j wbat Soldiers had plundered, 
 great preparations as if he intended to relieve ll Zre RaleM 'n U 7S AJmiral Hmari fc "' Sir «'i*rr 
 which had been for fume time blockaded by the Ft, l Ad 7 | »- th f Merchant-Ships at Port-Real. The 
 
 King, and at laft befieged in f urm . But f u dd cnJv 'fe 7 b oftered two millions of Ducats for their ran- 
 throwmg Succours into the Town, the Archduke march [oTa’nfSSS 7 °, ’ ra, ' ing ’ hc came t0 bum a ” d not 
 
 ed toCofar and mvefted it. This place had been former 7-777 7 ' iVlean t,mc ’ ,he DukeafaKWw found 
 
 ly of great repute, but whether from the change in the 777 Me T°rl f'l °' thefe Shi P s and o'hcrs to de- 
 method of befieging Towns, or from being negleled fi„ C e I-* £n s¥>olthat riches. Befides the Merchant-men, 
 
 .t was recovered by France, it was now of Me note 1 , hSL '7 «k» by the EngHfl, 
 
 Henry alarmed a, this Siege, difp.tched Saney into E^ deve,Shins foSed 7 A! A’ ** ttm " c " ° f war ' 
 
 S " bilips lrt 'g , “ed for the Indus , and thirteen others. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 1 J96. 
 
 Henry it- 
 mar.di ajjift- 
 
 -«« •/ EH 
 
 Camden. 
 
 rhuanus. 
 
 • 585 - 
 
 And upon the 
 1 warm engage- 
 
 !7 The s 7 ta;r;'of 7 £' tb h 7 S , 7 :” , ' , ' d s “"' e «** ■ - -. 
 
 ltt'“e°';„'rr'c,„*7“.1s6 ^ Pr °” ircd " P’J Sterling ft, feme ycir , 
 
 veor alfo dierl Ki. i>, r n- n 0 cu < ln “ 1S confinement in th** Time- pz-,- ,, * ' _ eec t ct dear ot them. Camden, p. tgr, 
 
 „/&• 17 /s* w s s ;sr; Ssrdr °' 5 ' t ™ 77*7 ^ ^»• »• ^—«* 
 
 joint G«, t 7 lH'“'to^ Sfc"f>a« ? 7' ^ ^ ** 4 k 7 l 5 T 3 S?rfaiaf “Tf’ 1 "» ,hl the third 
 
 Mafcr ot *, Li T*S£l 7 "' 7 **> »'-!/-« C, C ™i 1 “s 7 "S ?*,j 5 i /W U E “‘ V- «. 
 
 Captain of the V-.luntiers • Antbom C ^‘’ r/ Earl cf •!“#*, Sir Cbnflcpber lilum Sir Tivmm r ^t^i 0 " 1 M 'j r, Sir GW ? e Cjrriu 
 
 - - <>««, Antboay Secretary ac War. Staw.Znnt *’ ""Efi'/d, Sir EJwfrdtf'mg- 
 
 , . ., ° > - ""’--.ny yyp/, ulv 
 
 s done by the Lord 
 
 (6) This 
 Camden, p. 
 
 ( 7 ) i' wac done by Sir 
 (S) The Spaniards weri 
 
 John Wingfield, wat killed, lotd. 
 
 (9J_ Twelve hundred pieces of Otdnanc- favs 
 
 No S«. Vol. II. ' y 
 
 Sir Walter Raieigb, £ £ 
 
 P- 593 - 
 
 " Sir Cflrew, Sir IJcicrr Cro/i, & c . 
 
 , according to Stow, 620,000 ) and to give forty Hodges. No Englljhm 
 rc either taken or funk io the Sea, p. 77 c. 
 
 * of note, except Sir 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 i 46 
 
 The H I S TORT of ENGLAND 
 
 Treaty tr- 
 fwff«Kr»n< 
 
 T niianm. 
 Mczerai. 
 
 Artui/< c J 
 
 Thujnut. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 without reckoning the {lores prepared for the intended ex¬ 
 pedition againft The Englijh effimated his loft 
 
 at twenty millions of Ducats. 
 
 The Karl of Effex propofed m a Council of War to 
 keep Cadiz , and even offered to flay there, provided he 
 *n "lit h tve r four hundred Men and] three months provi- 
 "fions ; hut his advice was not followed, every ° nc be, "B 
 impatient to return with his plunder to England, bo the 
 1 ket let fail, after burning the Town with fomc adjacent 
 Yii vcs While the Fleet was failing for England , a 
 ng, tl 1 irl of EjJex propofed to fleer 
 tor the Azores, and wait lor the Indian Carracks: but he 
 was not heard, every one fearing to lole what he had 
 
 ^ U ']'hc Queen received thefe brave Men with great marks 
 ’ of clleem, and cxnrelied her acknowledgment of the fer- 
 vice they had done her. Hut the Earl of EJfex met with 
 ;l mortihcaiion on his arrival at Court, for, having before 
 hi s departure, recommended Sir Thomas Bodley to be oecre- 
 t , 111 the Q jeen, - 1 ' J 1 ' ' 
 
 mu.dation, had conlcrred that office on Sir Robert Cecil 
 t |,. Knrd Trcalurer’s Son, who was not his friend. Some 
 d • ifter, he h d alfothe ve> 1 ion to fee / an ■ > m made 
 , . rnorol tl 9 /(1), though hi 1 ft« ) ' bci J 1 
 
 fnr a "other ' This convinced him that his credit was (.c- 
 dining, umi Ins rnre.drncfs at it him in extravagant 
 
 projects which coll him his life. 
 
 1 y h c Km. ("Stain having been fm fume time unable 
 
 to purfiic .. againft England Eighth renewed 
 
 ' her applications ro the Stales of .he United Provinces, for 
 ■ payment of lie, arre r I he States, to be excufed, d- 
 IcKsl the fame reafona as before, which were no better 
 received. The Queen faid, it was unjuft her payment 
 
 fl. <1 dept nd on a peace, which the States might defer as 
 
 ], t h c> pleafed. That beftdes, the Treaty fhe had 
 
 made with them, contained in exprefs terra-, that the war 
 Humid continue no longer than fhe faw convenient But 
 the States pretended, this article was inferred in the 1 reaty 
 Ol,Iv in h.-nour to her. This conteft held, till the report 
 of ‘new preparations in Spain for an invahon of England, 
 aaufed the Queen to ceale by degrees her follicitations. 
 Tl, truth is, the States delayed to pay her, not fo much 
 
 ... inability, a keep her always attached to their 
 
 intent. On the other hand, the Queen did not: make 
 thefe preffing inftances from want ol money, but beraufe 
 (he would not have her payment depend on the fuccefs of 
 the affairs of her debtors. They were then able to pay, 
 but (be knew not what alterations time might produce 
 When the Marfl.al de Bouillon was fent into England to 
 demand aid, he had m ule l'ume propolul of a Under alliance 
 between France and England. Hut the breach king bad 
 nededed this affair, becaufe he faw Elizabeth upon her guard, 
 and unwilling to furniili him with either men ur money, but 
 upon good grounds. Meanwhile, the defigns and prepa¬ 
 rations of the Spaniard becoming publick, henry believed, 
 Elizabeth would be more tractable, and he might treat 
 with her upon better terms. In this belief he difpatchcd 
 thr Marfhal de Bouillon and Saucy into England, to nego- 
 ti;ue with the Queen a league offenfive and detenhve. 1 he 
 t ,. t;ll y was foon concluded, for the Queen was afraid, tlie 
 
 King’ ffaii w< til 1 force him to a fepa- 
 rate peace with Spain. The principal articles of this league 
 were, that the Qiieen fhould furnifh 4 °°° men for the 
 defence of Picardy and Normandy : that tbe , k ' ng 
 France ill cafe the Qiieen was invaded, fhould find the like 
 . ... foi the defence of England, not to ferve above 
 fifty miles from the Sea. That neither ol the two 
 Crowns fhould make peace without the confent of the 
 other. By a fecret article it was agreed, that Elr.abeth 
 fhould this year furnifh no more than two thoul.mil 
 men (,) Very probably, Elizabeth concluded this league 
 with France , with the foie v iew of keeping Hear) engaged 
 in the Slaniih war, liv means ol the fupplies (lie was to fend 
 him. But it is unlikely, (he expcited the lame affillance 
 m cafe of need, bccaufe Henry could not himtelt be witn 
 out the Enffjh auxiliaries. On the ocher band, Henry 
 knowing, that Elizabeth had confented to this Treaty 
 from the foie motive of intereft, fcrapled not to afl on‘he 
 ftroe motive i that is, to ufe the Queers afliftance, till he 
 could with honour di fen gage himfelf from a war, he ha< 
 
 fo' unfeifoi ■ ■ S ainft . 1 he %J^ 
 
 lewues hut what have the like foundation. Wherefore 
 
 they are commonly feen to ceafe, when the intcrcff of one i 59b. 
 of the parties begins to change. The States of the ‘ ar 'r rJ.'eir/d 
 
 Provinces entred into this league, with feme additional ar- 
 tides which concerned them in particular. But Elizabeth sThuami'- 
 jealoufy of their attachment to France , retarded fume time 
 the condufion of their Treaty. She pretended, they ought 
 not to come into it as fovereigns, but as affociated Towns 
 which had put them (elves under her pro ted ion. But 
 the king of France prevailed with her to defift from this 
 pretenfion. , K 
 
 Philip II. was inraged to be prevented by Elizabeth, and Spiin 
 to be unable to defend his own dominions, he who had, 0 jt,^ ./- 
 his whole life, been fo greedy of thofe of others. _ So, 
 folving neither to defift from his projects, nor fuffer Eliza-^ n£ 
 beih to enjoy the fatisfadion of her happy fuccefs, he Se- i/amitn. 
 termined to make another effort, not only to be revenge-, 
 of Elizabeth , hut alfo to conquer England. Though lie 
 had received great damage from the Englijh , yet 2 it wax 
 only in one of the plaocs where he had made his prepara 
 tions, he ftill believed himfelf in condition to purfue his 
 defigns. He therefore affembled all the Ships he had left. 
 
 (Icligns. tie cnereiore aucuiLiieu an uu. U1140 — 
 
 freighted many foreign ones, and, by this means, had 
 formidable fleet, when Elizabeth thought him entirely un 
 able to ad againft her. This fleet failed from Lisbon to 
 take up the Land-forces a: variola , and then fleered di- 
 reftk foi En± la nd. B it a \ i< lent ftorm arifii 
 midft of the voyage, feveral of the fliips were loft, and ErF- f? 
 t he reft fo difperfed, that the fleet was rendered unfervice- " 
 able for this year. Thus Elizabeth had the pleafure to hea-. 
 it was unable to hurt her, before file knew oi' its failing. 
 
 But not to be expofed again to the like danger, file took 
 care to fortify the places where the Spaniard) could molt 
 cafily have landed (3), if heaven had not blafted their pro- 
 
 In the beginnning of the year 1 >97, during a moft fevere 1 ty;. 
 winter, Prince Maurice gained a battle, againft the m 
 
 Spaniards , at Turnbout. But on the other fide, in Marco , fbl Low . 
 Hernando Tellez Peetoearrero Governor of Dent lea:, found Countries 
 means to furprize Amiens. rhis accident difturbed the ^‘,^ 1 ' ^ 
 fecret negotiations of Peace, which by the mediation of the Ami- 
 Pope were on foot, between Henry and Philip. 'I he .ns. 
 
 Treaty was now well advanced without Elizabeth's know- 
 in ", thing any of it, notwithftanding Henry's late Treaty 
 wfth her, of which the principal article was, that no peace 
 fhould be made without a mutual confent. 
 
 Philip II. relying on a feparate peace with France , had Phllip/Wi 
 refolved to make an effort againft Ireland, where he had ^' jt 
 correlpondents, and even prepared a fleet to execute his Ireland, 
 defign. The notice the Queen received of it, made her Camden, 
 re foi vc to prevent him, as fhe had often done with fuccefs. 
 
 For this purpofe, fhe equipped a fleet of fix-fcore vcflcls, 
 with fix thoufand Land forces, and gave the command to-' //t . ageln p 
 the Earl of Effex (5). The Earl’s projeft was to fail to Spain, 
 the Groyne, and deftroy the armament preparing there, 
 then to wait at the Azores for the Spanijh fleet returning , tow . 
 f r om the Indies. But contrary winds, liorms, and a quar- Speed, 
 ml betwixt the Earl of Effex anil Sir Walter Rakigh broke 
 thefe mcafurcs, and the fleet returned to England , with- e „ f hav ,,, 
 out any memorable adion. It is needlefs therefore to he v 
 more particular, concerning an expedition from which 
 Elizabeth received hut little advantage. I fhall only fay, 
 that whilft the Englijh were returning, a Spanijh fleet fiom 
 Fariola was fleering the fame courfe, in order to make a 
 defeent in Cornwul. But a tempeft from the North fo 
 difperfed the two fleets, that they could not even get light 
 
 of each other. „ , 
 
 The Earl of EjJex lieing returned to Court about the The F.arlof 
 end of October , met with a Trefh caufc of difeontent. rhe 
 Queen had created Admiral Howard , Earl of Nottingham, , be 
 and inferted in his Patent, that it was for his ferviccs to Ins <£.. _ 
 Country in t S S8, againft the fleet of Spam .and after- 
 wards, in taking the town of Cadiz jointly with the Earl 
 of E/Tex This Patent offended the Earl, who thought 
 himIUI affronted by the Queen, in her afcribing any flute 
 of the taking of Cadiz to the Admiral. Bolides by this 
 creation the new Earl of Nottingham was to take place of 
 him by an aft of Henry VIII, which gave the precedence 
 to the Lord High-Steward, the Lord Chancellor, the Lord 
 Treafurer, the I .prd Prefident, the Lord Privy-Seal ; the 
 Lord Chamberlain, the Lord High-Conftatde, the Earl 
 Marfhal the Lord High-Admiral, [and the Lord Steward, 
 who are called the great Officers ot the Crown J before all 
 
 (,,, Upon thr lard %*., to fat the Ki» 8 firar to this Truly i Me to profcM Si, M 
 
 la. O. iha-lM; "j - 1 j ',,o,".r, w;s Jec „ W j , r J „ Ml H...J wife trMrd U. Cam. Wk f 59 ,- «• « «• 
 
 to be the Cinten r. AmKill.oi. r, in me room - j 
 
 • P- 594 - 
 
 'he cm 1, > 
 
 , Fa-A. T. 
 Lull Keep- 
 
 ,6. ,. -Within thoCoorfo offhi,"I’Z rZ. !■ IT p. s ,6. 
 
 I the seal, Who w<s lucceedetl by Mr lb °T’\^C Ejr ^ 0 f pj tx ^ the lecond by thl Lord lb mat Howard ; a,I ih» third by 
 
 .' , - I .'Ku “"j'f i ; V -'A' w.a.-w—=-.-,0-0.,, 
 
 lire oi.n.inw, ,nd Sir MN" U** M Colonel. Cn*. P- S9u tma, P I i tl]e 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 2 3 - 
 
 E L I Z A B E T H. 
 
 *47 
 
 1597 - 
 
 The Drjpute 
 
 the Peers of equal degree (i). But the Queen to aflwage 
 his refentment, created him Earl-Marfhal of England, 
 which preferved to him the precedence of the Lord High- 
 Admiral. 
 
 The Hans-Towns, as I faid, had made great complaints 
 f tU Hdr.s to the Diet of the Empire, concerning the corn taken from 
 them in Portugal, and their privileges loft in England. 
 Elizabeth feat an Ambaftador to the Diet, to anfwer thefe 
 accufations. He reprefented, that the Hans-Towns by the 
 abufe of their privileges, had caufed them to be annulled 
 by an Aft of Parliament in the reign of Edward VI. 
 That afterwards Mary had for a time fufpended the exe¬ 
 cution of that Aft; but at laft, even in her reign, tiiofe 
 privileges had been entirely abolifhed, for which he al- 
 ledged feveral reafons mentioned in Edward’s reign. That 
 as to the feizure of their Ships in Portugal , they were 
 freighted with provifions for the Spaniards , and by the 
 law of nations the Englijh could feize provifions which were 
 carrying to their enemies, and even confifcate the Ships 
 which however were reftored to the owners. This affair 
 feemed fuppreffed, and it had not been mentioned for two 
 years, when fuddenly the Emperor, at the follicitation of 
 the Hans-Towns , prohibited the Commerce of the Englijh 
 Merchants, called the Adventurers, with the Empire. 
 This obliged the Queen to prohibit the Commerce of the 
 Hans-Towns in England. 
 
 Mean time, the King of France was greatly embaraffed, 
 ndi fuc- f incc t h e Spaniards were become mailers of Amiens , from 
 ? "bet !f Eii * whence they could make incurfions to the gates of Paris. 
 Camden. He rcfolved therefore, at any rate, to recover this place, 
 and formed the Siege about the end of May. At the 
 fame time, he fummoned Queen Elizabeth to fend him 
 four thoufand Men, according to their Treaty. The 
 Queen anfwered, Ihe was ready to fend the Forces, pro¬ 
 vided he would pay them, beca'ufe her expences in equip¬ 
 ping a Fleet, and maintaining an army in Ireland , ren¬ 
 dered her unable. Troops without money did not fuit 
 with Henry , whofe Exchequer was exhaufted. Where¬ 
 fore to induce Elizabeth to comply with his demand, he 
 ordered her to be told, that offers of Peace had been made 
 him, with the reftitution of all his places, except Calais, 
 and Ardres , if he would abandon England. He meant to 
 infinuate, that it was folely on her account, he had refufed 
 a feparate Peace, though in truth, the furprize of Amiens 
 was the real caufe of the difcontinuance of the Treaty, 
 which he would not have begun, without her participa¬ 
 tion, if be had retained the lead regard for her. However 
 this be, the Queen, yet ignorant of the fecrct, told him, 
 by her Ambalfador, Ihe could never believe, that fo great 
 a Prince would violate a folemn Treaty fo lately made, 
 and confirmed with reciprocal oaths. She prayed him to 
 look into the Treaty, where he would find this Article 
 
 Henry de- 
 
 HtrAnfwt 
 
 Peace was abfolutely neceflary for him, till lie had private- 11:97, 
 ly fettled the principal Articles. He thought, probably, 
 as Elizabeth had only confulted her own Intcreft in their 
 League, he might likewife confider only his own ad van 
 tage. Such a principle allows the breach of any Alliance 
 without fcruple. He could not however fo fecretly tranfaft 
 this affair, but Elizabeth had notice of his proceedings and 
 deilgns. For this reafon fhe called a Parliament (2) to nw 
 demand an aid in ftich a junfture, intimating, file was ^ownflielTd 
 going to be abandoned by her Ally, though he ftill pre- p . 79 .i 
 tended not to treat without her. The Parliament per- ^ he I’w'ia- 
 ceiving the danger of an immediate Invafion, voted an ex- 
 traordinary fupply, on condition, it fhould not be drawn fly. 
 into a precedent (3). 
 
 Elizabeth knew Henry was treating with Spain , but 159!'. 
 was ignorant the Peace was now almoft concluded, and Hcuy 
 the more, as he had defired her to fend Ambaffadors to 
 fettle the points on which they were to treat. She lent , .1. 
 therefore, [Thomas] Wilks , [Sir Robert] Cecil, and [John] 
 
 Herbert, [mafter of Requefts.] The firft died presently S[0Wi n 
 after his arrival at Paris. The two others waited on the 
 King at Angers, to know upon what terms the Negotia¬ 
 tions flood with Spain. Henry gave a general anlwer, 
 declaring, he wanted a peace, and that the welfare of his 
 people, which he preferred to all other confiderations, ab¬ 
 solutely required it. Cecil anfwered, the Queen his mif- 
 trefs defired it no lefs, but wanted to know upon what 
 conditions it was propofed by the King of Spain, and whe¬ 
 ther the States of the United Provinces were to be includ¬ 
 ed. Henry replied, the King of Spain offered to reftore Camden, 
 all the places taken in France , Calais not excepted ; that Gl0tlU^ • 
 this offer could not be rejefted, without expofing his 
 Kingdom to utter ruin. Adding, he would foon caufe 
 the King of Spain to grant honorable conditions to the 
 Queen, and the United Provinces. 
 
 This was fufficient to fnow the Ambaffadors, that the They om- 
 peace between France and Spain was aheady concluded, n0 
 
 and no care taken of Henry’s Allies. Elizabeth, having Cmn n. 
 fome intelligence of it, ordered her Ambaffadors to com- Thuamn, 
 plain to the King ; and the Ambaffadors of the States re¬ 
 ceived alfo the lame orders from their mailers. But 
 Henry not to hear himfelf reproached, which mull have 
 been very mortifying to him, appointed Commiffioncrs 
 to treat with the Ambaffadors, inllead of granting the 
 audience they demanded. Thefe Commiffioners and the 
 Ambaffadors being met, Oldenbarnevelt, one of the States 
 Ambaffadors, fpoke boldly of the iniincerity wherewith 
 the King had treated his mailers. He adjured the King, 
 though abfent, to declare in his confcience, if he thought 
 it becoming a Prince, to feparate from his Allies without 
 any provocation. Then, to confound the French Com- 
 miflioners, he read aloud the Treaty of League, conclud¬ 
 ing with thefe words : That fome Kings preferred their p> 1- 
 
 Ste b/7 ,/its ,n ex P re k terms : The Qtieen of England Jhall fend this w „ 
 
 bcriondufi year, four thoufand Foot to Jerve the King for the fpace of vale Interejls to their Alliances ; but that this often proved 
 from the jj x mon ths ; They Jhall likewife ferve him as long in the fatal to them ; for when Princes have parted with their 
 Yrcj‘ following years, if the Queen of England’.? affairs will con- faith and honour, it is in vain to think of fupporting them- 
 veniently permit, in which point the King of France is to felvcs by mere power ^4). Titc Chancellor, who was one 
 take her Honour and Confcience for feurity. That there- of the Commiffioners, anfwered the Ambaffador, that what 
 fore it was manifeft, the Treaty was not violated by her, he faid deferved great regard, and fhould be reported to 
 as fhe offered to fend Forces, provided he would promife the King, proieiling however, that France could not lub- 
 to pay them. All this ended at laft, in what, probably, fill without peace. 
 
 Henry propofed, which was, that Elizabeth inftead of Cecil fpoke next, and faid, That being impowered only 
 Camden. forces, fhould fupply him with money. For fecurity, to treat of a general Peace, ffnee the States ot the United 
 Henry offered her Calais, provided fhe would recover it Provinces were not to be included in the King’s i reaty 
 within fuch a time with her own forces. This was in- with Spain, he could proceed no farther. I hen, after a 
 gaging her to make a diverfion more advantagious to juftification ol Elizabeth's conduft, and a bold cenlure of 
 France, than the four thoufand Men he demanded. It the French King’s, he demanded time to inform the Queen 
 was even uncertain, whether the Town could be taken of what palled. But his demand being eluded, he prayed 
 within the limited time, which probably, would have been the Commiffioners to remind the King of the oath, he had 
 very fhort. But Elizabeth was not to be thus infnared, taken before God and Man. He concluded with faying, 
 efpecially as fhe knew, the King of France had rather fee that the Queen expected to be repaid, the fums lent the 
 Calais in the hands of the Spaniards , than of the Englijh. King in his preffing neceffities. But whatever the Am- 
 
 But the retaking of Amiens, which furrendered in Septem 
 ber, finifhed this difpute. 
 
 The furrender of Amiens renewed the Negotiations be¬ 
 tween France and Spain, which had been interrupted. 
 
 Peace with Henry’s conduft on this occafion did not correfpond with 
 
 ^wnbe^ar’ t^ e fervices he had received from Elizabeth in his moft King’s proceedings, and the more, - — - ^ 
 
 ticipltfonoj preffing neceffities. He deferred to acquaint her, that a caufe which could oblige him to negotiate a Peace without L, “ a ' ' 
 
 Henry itego- 
 
 baffhdors alledged fignified nothing, fince the Peace be¬ 
 tween France and Spain was concluded, and nothing was 
 wanting, but the formality of having it publickly figned by 
 Plenipotentiaries, who were to meet at Vcrvins. 
 
 Elizabeth was extremely provoked with the French El/aieth 
 as flie faw no other enraged. 
 
 Elizabeth. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Thuanus. 
 
 (1) The Chancellor, Treafurcr, Prefident of the Council, Privy Seal, being Barons, lit above Dukes in Parliament. The reft of Uie great Officers fit 
 
 after the Privy Seal, above all of iheir degree only. See Statue 31 Henry VIII. c. 10. 
 
 Iz) Tiiis Parliament met at tVeftminfier ORobcr 24. 1 597, and was dillolved Febr. 9. 1598. D'ewes, p. 521-The Adis mrdr in this Parliament 
 
 were theft: 1. An Adi for the pnnilhmcnt t.f Rogues, Vagabonds, and lluidy Beggars. By this Statute, all the follow ng Perfons are to be adjudged Rogues 
 and Vagabonds. People that go about begging, as poor Schulars ; or on pretence of JolTes by fire or Ihipwreck ; Colledtors for Gaols ; or pcribrn delivered out 
 of Caol, and begging for their Fees ; ‘uch as ule any I’ubtle Cratt, or unlawful Games ; Fortune-tellers ; Gypfics ; Fencers j Bear-watds; common Players, 
 and Minftrels ; juglers ; Tinkers j Pedlers; and petty Chapmen ; Fellows not working fer reafonable wages, when they are able, and the like. Tbcrr 
 pun'fhment is to be whipped, and fent from P.iriffi to PariIh, bv the Officer in each, the next ftraight way to the P\r.(h where they were bom, or lait 
 dwelt for the fpace of a whole year. 2. An Adi for erediing of Hofpitals, Houfes ot Correction, and Work houlcs for the Poor. 3. One for the mcicafe of 
 Mariners, and maintenance of the Navigation. 4. An Adt againll leud and wandring Perlons, pretending to be Soldiers or Mariners, and travelling without 
 Teftimonials from Jufticesof Peace. 
 
 (3) The Laity granted three Subfidies of 2 s. 8 d. in the Pound of Goods, and 4 r. of Lands, with fix Fifteenths and Tenths. The Cleigy gave three 
 
 Sublidies to be paid on fix feveral days. Thefe feveral Subfidies were granted without any oppofition or difficulty. Sec D'cwts, p. 569. 
 
 (4 Then he propofed, that if the King of France would lay afide the thoughts of Peace, and befiege Calaii, the States would advance pay for feven 
 thoufand Men to affift in it, and furnilh twenty five Men of War ; and at the fame time Jay Siege to fome other place, to divide the Enemies forces. Cam- 
 dr-;. p. fioj. 
 
 5 
 
 givung 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 < + s 
 
 The H I STO RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 13.93. giving her notice, than complaifance to the Pope and the 
 King of Spain. It is certain, Henry might have difingaged 
 himfclf, with fome appearance of good faith, if he had but 
 pretended an unwillingnefs to treat without his Allies, and 
 afterwards, upon the difficulties which fhould arife, had 
 urged the neceffity he was under of making a Peace. Hut 
 concluding it without their knowledge, he clearly difeo- 
 vered, that he preferred the King of Spain's Intereft before 
 V^that of his ancient Allies. This was indeed his Chara&cr. 
 ^Ile was fo impatient to fee himfclf in peaceable pofteffion 
 of the Crown of France, that to compafs his ends, he ne¬ 
 ver fcruplcd to facrifice his old friends, who were unable 
 to hurt him, to his mod mortal enemies, who might ftill 
 create him difturbance. He had no perfon about him 
 who dared to cenfure fuch a conduit ; but in Elizabeth he 
 found one of an equal rank, who ufed him with lefs cere- 
 iVntciio mony. She fent him a Letter, in which, after other fe- 
 " 1-t‘Kr vere expreffions, fhe told him, That if in temporal con- 
 J u ‘cerns, there was fuch a thing as a Sin againjl the Holy 
 ’ Camden. Ghojl , it was, doubt lefs, Ingratitude : That if he had ob¬ 
 tained advaniagious Terms from Spain, he ought to thank 
 England for them : and that folemn oaths , and mutual corn- 
 peie.’s , were never intended for fnares, unlefs by the worjl of 
 Men. Henry was flung with thefe reproaches, but as they 
 admitted of no reply, chofe to take no notice of them. 
 He excufed himfclf upon the urgent neceffity which forced 
 him to make Peace, and endeavoured to perfwadc Eliza¬ 
 beth^ that whereas he had hitherto been only a burden to 
 her, he would for the future, give her marks of his ac¬ 
 knowledgment, in procuring her a fafe anti honorable 
 Peace, and in never forfaking her I liter efts. Hut this 
 was only words, which were not much regarded by the 
 Queen. 
 
 it' ,he During thefe tranfailion.% fome Article' of little moment 
 ouiZ,^t J .' which had remained undecided, were Hnifhed at Veivins. 
 htt. Alezcrai owns, the Peace might have been concluded and 
 
 May 10. figned in lefs than three Weeks, if Henry had not affected 
 l humus. perfwadc the publick, he would not abandon his Allies. 
 
 But all this tended only, to obtain for the Ambaft'adors of 
 England and of the State ., an admiffion to the Conferences 
 without any Declaration of what he would do in their 
 favour. But Philip , who knew how far he fhould be fol- 
 licited, remained inflexible, and would never grant a pow¬ 
 er to his Plenipotentiaries to treat either with England nr 
 the States. At lall, after Henry had made all the net dia¬ 
 ry excufes to clear himfclf to the publick, he gave orders 
 to his Plenipotentiaries to ftgn the Treaty, pmmifing 
 however his Allies, that he would not ratify it till forty 
 days after, as if that time had been fufficient to make their 
 Peace with the Spaniard , who even refufed to treat with 
 them. Mean while, he exhorted them, whether ferioufly 
 or jeftingly, to embrace the opportunity lie was procuring 
 them. This Peace was figned at Veivins the 2d of May, 
 and ratified by Henry the 1 2th of June. 
 
 Elizibeth’« [ t was n0 w incumbent upon the Queen and the States 
 to take proper meafures to fuftain the War againft all the 
 /iv ii'.ir. forces of Spain , and in order to this, Elizabeth fent Fran- 
 e j s j’ cre t 0 t j ie States to know their refutation. Mean 
 am t ' n ' while, it was debated in Council, whether it was proper 
 to make peace, or continue the War. The Council being 
 divided upon this queftion, feveral reafons were alledged 
 on both fides. But the Queen, who knew perfe&ly her 
 intereft, readily declared for War. She perceived, that 
 in making a feparate Peace, as it would have been very 
 eafy, ftie fhould oblige the States t«' put tliemfelves again 
 under the Spanijh Yoke. In that cafe, fhe forefaw, fhe 
 fhould ftand fingle without any Ally, and expofed to the 
 infults of Philip , who would never want pretences to quar¬ 
 rel with her, and refume his former projedts againft Eng¬ 
 land. Nay, it was to be feared, the King of France 
 incited by the Pope and a Catholick Council, where the 
 antient Leaguers had great influence, would fuffer himfelf 
 to be engaged in a Plot to dethrone her. She was alfo ap- 
 prehenfive, the King of Scots, in order to afeend fooner 
 the Throne of England , would be tempted by promifes to 
 abandon the intereft of the Proteftant Religion. In a word, 
 by forfaking the States, fhe expofed herfelf to the danger 
 of feeing the ftorm falling upon her own head, which 
 fhe had all her life been labouring to turn upon her Neigh¬ 
 bours. On ne contrary, in fupporting them fhe employ¬ 
 ed the Spaniard, and hindered him from making any con- 
 fiderable attempts upon England. Moreover, if by a vigo¬ 
 rous War ftie could oblige Philip to a Peace without any 
 danger to the liberty of the States, fhe would thereby fe- 
 cure friends, who might be very ferviceable on occafion. 
 
 Thefe were the reafons which determined the Queen to 
 continue the War. But file was very careful to conceal 
 her intentions from the States, and rather fhowed a great 
 
 inclination to Peace, pretending fhe was unable to carry on 1598. 
 fo burdenfome a War. She intimated to them, that her 
 intereft was not concerned, and that Philip's efforts againft 
 England, plainly fhowed, fhe was in no danger from hint. 
 
 The States, not being able to diffemble like her, becaufe 
 their all was at ftake, fhe brought them to acknowledge, 
 that if the War was continued, it was folely for the pre- 
 fervation of their liberty, and therefore it was neceflary to 
 treat anew upon that foundation. In fhort, fhe fo artful- pj ; 
 ly managed, that they came to a new agreement with her, E ivi- 
 entirely to her advantage. The States chofc rather to fub- Erhard tie 
 mit to her terms than be forced to make a Peace, by 
 which, in that jundure, they mull have loft their liberty, A &, * 
 
 their Religion, and the fruits of thirty years labour. The xvj. p.349. 
 Articles of this new Treaty were (1): Camden. 
 
 That the States fhould give fecurity to Elizabeth for A-r.ji.cf 
 eight hundred thoufand Pounds Sterling, to which all her 
 claims were limited. 
 
 That the half of this Sum fhould be difeharged by yearly 
 payments of thirty thoufand Pounds Sterling, as long as the 
 War fhould continue ; and if, at the end of the War, 
 any thing remained of this half, the annual payments 
 fhould be but twenty thoufand Pounds. 
 
 That as to the other half, and the rellitution of the 
 Places which were in the Queen’s hands, there fhould be 
 an amicable agreement, when the Peace was concluded. 
 
 That for the Garrifons of Fhijhing, the Bricl, and other 
 Forts, the Queen fhould furnifh eleven hundred and fifty 
 Men, to be paid by the States, at the rate of one hun¬ 
 dred and feventy Pounds Sterling a Month, befides utenlils 
 and other ufual neceflaries for Soldiers in Garrifon. 
 
 That for the future the Queen fhould be difeharged of 
 her engagement to furnifh the States with Auxiliaries, and 
 that the Englijb, who now ferved, or fhould hereafter ferve 
 in the Low-Countries, fhould be paid by the States, take 
 an oath to them, and obey the orders of their Generals. 
 
 That by this means, the Authority of the Englijh De¬ 
 puty, ftipulated in the former Treaty, would be abolifhed, 
 the Queen neverthclefs referving a power to put one Perfon 
 into the Council of State. 
 
 That if, during the War, the common enemy, or his 
 adherents fhould fet out a Fleet to invade England , or the 
 Ifles belonging to it, namely, thole of Wight, Silley , 
 Guernfey, and Jerfey, the States fhould be obliged to affiifc 
 her Majefty with a Fleer of thirty or forty Ships of War; 
 and, in cafe of an invafion, with five thoufand Foot and 
 five hundred Horfe : That if her Majefty fhould equip a 
 Fleet of fifty or fixty Ships, to act oftenfivcly, either in 
 Spain, Portugal, or the Wejl-Indies, the States fhould join 
 her witli the fame number of Ships. And if any Englijh 
 forces, as ten thoufand Foot and two thoufand Horfe at the 
 leaft, were fent over into Flanders or Brabant, the States 
 fhould furnifh out half the fame number of Men. 
 
 It is eafy to obferve from this Treaty, how well the 
 Queen knew to improve the prefent circumftances of the 
 States, and their fear of being forced to make a difadvan- 
 tagious Peace with Spain, though for reafons before men¬ 
 tioned, it was her intereft to continue the War. Befides, r rie Elrf .^ 
 when this Treaty was negotiating, the Earl of Tir-oen T.r oen f or - 
 was very formidable in Ireland. In fine, the King of“jund/” 
 Scotland almoft openly demanded to be declared the Queen’s ■/£. /f„ g 
 preemptive Heir. He difperfed written or printed Books, Scot, irf/j, 
 in which he pretended to prove that no perfon whatever 
 could deprive him of his right. A Letter was even fhown Eliziibetiu 
 to Elizabeth fubferibed witli his own hand, and addrefi'ed Camden, 
 to the Pope (z). Camden fays, he had been furprized in- Hewr.-u, 
 to this Letter, but that Author is too partial in every wp* Fop e . 
 thing concerning King James , to deferve entire credit, | 
 
 Shortly after, one Edward Squire was apprehended in Camden. 
 London, for having undertaken to kill the Queen by poi- 
 foning the pummel of her Saddle. All this fhows, fhe had Ctnipi- 
 no lefs reafon to fear for herfelf than for the States, and . 
 
 dm it was her intereft to fupport them, and procure them rbtegueen. ‘ 
 a Peace which fhould fecure their liberty. Stow - 
 
 'Fhe death of Philip of Spain, which happened in Sep- 0 f 
 tember this year, fomething allayed Elizabeth's uneafinefs. Philip. 
 That Prince was feventy two years old, and had reigned 
 forty two, in continual troubles to enlarge the bounds of Cumd-ii. 
 his Monarchy. He caft his ambitious views upon France, 
 
 England, and Portugal, and of all thefe grand projects, the 
 laft only fucceeded. But he loft feven Provinces in the 
 Netherlands, which were well worth die Kingdom he ac¬ 
 quired. He died a dreadful death, being devoured by lice 
 fwarming from Ulcers with which he had been feme time 
 affliefted : But he bore his calamity with admirable conftan- 
 cy. Some time before his death, he had affigned the So* 
 
 (1) It docs not appear from whence Rapin has taken this Treaty* His Abflratt of it is extremely faulty, which is hcie realised Irani the Original ;n 1 y- 
 tr.er'i reed. Tom. 16. p. 340, &c. 
 
 (2) Ttkii Letter is extant in Wig'Nwd's Qttiryjiah, Tom, I, p. 1. 
 
 verciinty 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 23 . ELIZABETH. 
 
 »< %!'i 
 
 eZ’i If 
 
 Ellex 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Box 
 
 159s. vereignty of the Low-Countrtes in dower to the Infanta 
 Ifabella his Daughter, when he married her to Archduke 
 Albert. But the conditions annexed to this grant Alow he 
 had no intention to difmember thofe Provinces from the 
 Spanijh Monarchy. Befides the refervation of Homage, 
 and a power to keep Garrifons in the Citadels of Antwerp 
 and Cambray, he had ftipulated the reverfion of thefe Pro¬ 
 vinces to the Crown of Spain , in default of Heirs defend¬ 
 ing from the Princefs his Daughter, and it is even pretend¬ 
 ed he had rendered her incapable of ever having any. He 
 was fucceeded by his Son Philip III. 
 
 This year a troublefome affair happened at the Englijh 
 Court. The Queen confulting the Earl of EJfex and the 
 Admiral (1), concerning a fit perfon to be lent into Ire¬ 
 land, difeovered an inclination for Sir William Knolles ; but 
 the Earl of EJfex, though his Nephew, ftrenuoufly oppofed 
 it, contending for Sir George Carew , in order to remove 
 him from Court, as being jealous of him. He fupported 
 his opinion with great haughtinefs and obftinacy, and per¬ 
 ceiving the Queen immoveable, turned his back upon her 
 with fuch an air of contempt, that provoked at his info- 
 lence file gave him a box on the ear (2). He immediate¬ 
 ly laid his hand on his fword, and being prevented from 
 drawing it by the Admiral, fwore That he neither could 
 nor would put up fo great an indignity ; nor would he have 
 taken it from Henry VIII. himfelf were he alive , and in- 
 ftantly retired from Court. The Lord Privy-Seal repre- 
 fenting to him, in a Letter, the folly of his menaces, and 
 advifmg him to ask the Queen’s pardon, he fent a long and 
 paflionate anfwer, wherein he fpoke very difrefpe£tfully of the 
 Queen (3). But at laft being brought to himfelf, by the 
 advice of his friends, he was re-admitted to favour. Few 
 believed this reconciliation fincere, and the Earl’s friends 
 were in great fear for him. 
 
 William Cecil , Baron Burleigh , Lord Treafurer, and 
 for many years prime Minifter and Confident of the 
 Queen, died this year, in extreme old age (4). The Lord 
 Buckhurjl fucceeded him in his office of Treafjrer. 
 
 The affairs of Ireland were in fo ill a fituation, that a 
 fpeedy remedy was to be applied, or the Kingdom expofed 
 to the hazard of being entirely loft. Since the advantages 
 gained by the Earl of Tir-oen over the Englijh , the whole 
 Province of Munjler had revolted. The Natives in every 
 other part of the Ifie were in the fame difpofition, flatter¬ 
 ing themfelves that with the affiftance of the Pope and the 
 Spaniard (5), the Earl of Tir-oen would free them entirely 
 from the Englijh yoke. The Queen, informed of the 
 ftate of affairs, believed, no time was to be loft to reduce 
 the Irijh to their duty, and ordered her Council to confider 
 in her prefence, how to execute her refolution. The Earl 
 of EJfex fpoke long upon this fubjedt, blaming the conduit 
 of the former Lord Deputies, who, he faid, amufed them- 
 fdves with trifles inftead of ailing direitly againft the Earl 
 of Tir-oen , without giving him any refpite : That by 
 Truces granted him from time to time he had reftored his 
 affairs ; and withal, the Queen had been put to necdlefs 
 expence, lince her Troops were as well paid in a Truce 
 as during the War. This opinion was grateful to the 
 Queen, who loved not to be lavilh of her money without 
 occafion. When a Deputy came to be named, moft of 
 the Council were for the Lord Montjoy. This was oppo¬ 
 fed by the Earl of EJfex , becaufe that Lord had never 
 commanded in chief, and was too much addicted to Books; 
 whereas the affairs of Ireland required an aitive and a war¬ 
 like General. He added, that to put a fpeedy end to the 
 War in Ireland, the management of it ought to be given 
 to a General of reputation, and who was acceptable to the 
 People. In a word, he fo plainly pointed out himfelf, that 
 he was chofen to the employ. His friends thought to ob¬ 
 lige him, and his enemies hoped that this poft, and his ab- 
 fence from the Court, would afford them means to ruin 
 him. 
 
 What this Lord’s defigns were, is not known, but for 
 fome time he had made himfelf lo popular, and gained fo 
 far upon the people by his affable behaviour, that he was 
 almoft adored (6). He only wanted to gain the affedtion 
 
 
 Death of 
 Lord Bur¬ 
 leigh^ 
 
 ' 599 - 
 Afi>r> of 
 Ireland. 
 Hid. of 
 
 The Fart of 
 EHeX foot 
 Lieutenant. 
 Camden. 
 Speed. 
 
 A Remark 
 upon his 
 Conduit. 
 Treafons of 
 £• of Elfex- 
 
 of the Soldiery and probably, this was his aim in defiring 1590. 
 to command in Ireland. But as he had enemies, intent 
 upon his ruin, it was on this employment they founded 
 their hopes of fuccefs. On the other hand, his friends in 
 ferving him too zealoufly did him a diskindnefs. They Friends nn.i 
 affected to publilh his defeent from the Royal Houfe of En ' K ' e ‘ ■<- 
 Scotland, and from that of England by his Great-Grand- t'” 
 mother, who numbered amongft her Anceftors Edmond de Camden. 
 Langley Duke of York, and Thomas of Woodjlock , both 
 Sons of Edward III. Hence it was intended to infinuate, 
 that after the Queen’s death it would be better to place him 
 on the throne than a foreign Prince. A book was alfo 
 dedicated to him in which the author overthrew the Titles 
 of all the Pretenders to the Crown, except the Spanijh 
 Infanta’s (7). His enemies, perceiving he was forming 
 fome dangerous confpiracy, took care not to divert him 
 from it. On the contrary, they every where, and on all Os born. 
 occafions, extolled his valour, his prudence, and his at¬ 
 tachment to the Proteftant intereft, in order to ingage him 
 in meafures which would more clearly difeover his de- 
 defigns. He had a lively wit, and many amiable qualities, 
 but was too much intoxicated with his own merit, and 
 regarded the reft of the nobility as very much his inferiors. 
 
 He was made Lord Deputy with a very extenfive com- He is i«- 
 million, to continue or end the war as he pleafed j and '"#'**»* 
 even to pardon the Earl of Tir-oen, and the other rebels, Aa'pJbT 
 which was an authority never before granted to any of his xvi.p.366. 
 predeceffors. But it was inferted in his Commillion, that 
 laying afide all other affairs he fhould apply himfelf wholly 
 to purfue and ruin the Earl of Tir-oen, chief of the 
 Rebels. He could not complain of this claufe, becaufe ic 
 was only what was propofed by himfelf in the Council. 
 
 About the end of March the Earl of EJfex failed for Ire- „ , 
 land with an army of 20000 Foot, and 1300 Horfe (8). land 
 1 he Englijh had never before feen fo formidable an army ,rar y ,0 b ” 
 in that ifland. The Queen had made this great effort pur- CamdenT”’ 
 fuant to the Earl’s advice, in order to put a fpeedy end to 
 the Rebellion, and terminate the war in one Campaim 
 On his arrival he affected, whether of himfelf, or by the 
 advice of his pretended friends, to a£t direaiy contrary 
 to his Inftruaions. He immediately gave the command 
 of the Horfe to his intimate friend the Earl of Southampton , 
 contrary to the Queen’s exprefs orders, who was offended 
 with that Lord for marrying without her permiffion (9). 
 
 T hen, inftead of marching againft Tir-oen, he turned his 
 arms againft fome Rebels in Munjler, whom he drove in¬ 
 deed into the woods and mountains, but with the lofs of 
 many of his men (10). This expedition, of little import¬ 
 ance, detained him in thofe parts till the end of July. 
 
 Mean time, the Queen informed of his proceedings, writ 
 to him in an angry ftyle, and reproached him with adting 
 contrary to orders founded upon his own advice, command¬ 
 ing him withal to march into Uljler againft Tir-oen him¬ 
 felf. He excufed himfelf, by faying, that the Council of 
 Ireland, which knew belt the affairs of that Kingdom* 
 had advifed him firft to clear Munjler, and promifed 
 pofitively to march the firft opportunity againft the chief 
 Rebel. But fhortly after, he writ to the Court, that he 
 was obliged to return to Dublin (11), to chaftife fome Irijh 
 who infelted the Country, and indeed, he fuppreffed them. 
 
 But after this fecond expedition his army was fo diminiftied, 
 that he writ for a reinforcement, without which, he faid’ 
 he could not perform any great exploits in Uljler. He be¬ 
 gan however to march thither, but his vanguard confift- 
 ing of 1 500 men, under the command of Sir Corners Clif¬ 
 ford, fell into an ambufh and was entirely defeated. 
 
 Though it was aftonifhing that with fo fine an army he 
 had done nothing confiderable, but on the contrary was 
 forced to demand a reinforcement, the Queen immediately 
 fent him fome frefti T roops. But foon after, he let the 
 Court know, that all he could do this campain was to poft 
 himfelf on the frontiers of Uljler with thirteen hundred 
 I oot and three hundred Horfe. On his arrival in that 
 province, the Earl of Tir-oen defired a parley, which he 
 refufed. The next day, when the armies were near one 
 another, Tir-oen fent Hagan, an officer, to tell him he was 
 
 : Admiral, Sir Robert Cecil, and Windebanh, Keeper of the Privy Seal. Camden, p. 60S. 
 
 r at length. 
 
 (1) There was none prefert then, but the Earl of . 
 
 (2) And bid him go and be hanged. Ibid. 
 
 in UrJ P " U S “‘ “ lk ' d " ith “» ““Y • >-»'■ . w. «. Rode, may Ef, 
 
 7 —Sfc ST infcr,,,,rf * ,here Were ,welve th0uflnd ~ Paring in Spain, to land in Ireland by the be, 
 
 fay t\ th3 J there r s p" lt ? i5 y ° Ung Lord ’ to 8 ethei ' "’’'b a moil goodly Person, a kind of urbanity or innate courtefy which both 
 e Queen, and too much took upon the People:-but then he was noted for too bold an Ingrofler both of fame and favour, p. 64, 6 5 See De- 
 
 (5) King J 
 
 ginning ct April th:a year. 
 
 Robert Njunton 
 
 tlaiat.of his Ireafoni, p. 6, &c. 
 
 S’} r hl f ' vas lht Book writ by Parfons, under the feigned name of Doleman of the SuccefTion, 
 
 (s) Which was afterwards made up two thoufand. Crmden, p. 614. 
 
 ° f J ‘ bn ^ ei « ° f tht E * rf ° f ^ »;*■»■' a* os».-. p™™™. .n* . f 
 
 .p P „ J '' y ° f E, ‘S ri fi> under the command of Henry Harrington, were fhamefully defeated. Ibid. 
 
 (it) ro Opbahe near Dub/n, to queli the O-Conors Q-n.o:ls, who were up inarms Ib-d. 
 
 No. S l* V 01. II. p „ . , 
 
 r P ready 
 
Vol II. 
 
 150 
 
 7he HIS T 0 R r oj ENGLAN D. 
 
 ant himfelf with a 'treat and fpcedy affifhnce from Spain (4), 1599. 
 
 ere anJ the Pope, who had made him a piTcnl! of a pretended 
 he Pbccuix Plume. In this ■ ■xoeftation, he formed no lefs 
 
 j.. 7 3 S,' 
 
 England 
 
 ’without 
 
 Camden. 
 TrealonS of . 
 E. of Ell’ex- 1 
 
 I coo. ready to f.ibmit to the Queen, and defired him * 
 
 him a conference on the banks of a (hull River (: V 
 'jr/aft with they might confer, each remaining on In -own InJe 
 
 j;. 1 of El/ex confcnted, and 1 1 v:y talked together aixn.t .111 project, than to drive the Euglfj entirely out of Ireland. 
 
 : 1 . any vi w \ - ■ 1 - li '' in ' *» ; ( " 
 
 , ... 1 pri ■ <.i 1,1 r, repi . 
 
 chief Officers of the two armies (2). The Earl of EJfex fen ting him, as the moft accomplifhcd Lord England ever b «i ,« 
 
 , j ; . . ... was faw, lint t the 1 — y. At the fame/' 
 
 a; 1 reed, that Cummiffioners ihould be appointed to treat of time, they inveighed agamft the Miniftry, not without 
 .rpeace the next day. This negotiation ended in a treaty malicious reflections on tnc Queen’s conduct, as if Hie tuck 
 and gmnr, o( - Truce which was fpeedilv concluded. The Truce was no care of the Irijh aflT;>. 'Phis extremely injured the 
 btmj iruct. Co conrmiie [f rom f lx weeks to fix weeks] till May the Earl, and increafed the Queen's fufpicions of him. As 
 next j ir, vi I tl; - • her part) Id fhe had pi 1 
 
 at liberty’to break it upon giving fourteen days notice. taring revenge. Wherefore, in the beginning of Oil A 
 
 II f.fptBtd Mean time, the Queen having received the Earl of the aflcmbled the Council in the Star-Chamber, where a -i.-xam, 
 
 laftlet r, wasextremelj provoked. She could not the Earl’s conduct was examined, and unanimoufly con-^ 
 forbear faying, fhe fufpe&ed him of ill defigns. She was demned by all the Privy-Counfellors. Nothing 
 advifed to' recall him immediately : but Ihe"feared to in- however was done again ft him, the Queen only defiling to vamvn. 
 cenfc him too much, whilft he had the fword in his hand, fatisfy the people, that it was not out of caprice that he 
 Writ a to Neverthelcls, fhe writ to him very fliarply, and reproached was under confinement. He remained therefore at die 
 him,nan. j lim with his contempt of her orders." This letter made Lord-Keeper's houf'e, where he gave himfelf up to devo- ! 
 %'mtditou, fuch impreffionon the Earl, that he inftantly refolved to tion, (pending his time in Prayer, and writing Letters to 
 
 *dungerrut return into England with the flower of his army, and be his friends in fo devout a ftrain, that he was thought to 
 
 de M n > revenged of his enemies, flattering himfelf with a general have renounced all worldly vanities (i). 
 
 infurrc&ion in his favour. But the Earl of Southampton In tlie clofe of the year, the Archduke Andrew, Go- j ■ a- 
 buthdl- diflwaded him from fo < refolution. The vernor of the Low-Countries in his Brother Albert's T- 
 
 w.rt.d. Queen, informed of this project, countenanced a report, fence, who was gone into Spain , to marry the Infanta, Mf, 
 
 ' **" ' that a fleet w ■ n to invade E 1 'an and \ 1 
 
 Aft- Pub. under that pretence raifed fix thoufand men. Sometime freely confent t. it, if 
 
 xvi.p.383. a c ter> file augmented her army, and gave the command to were included. This condition put a flop to tin Ncsro- 
 
 the Lord Admiral, who was no friend to the Earl of tiat in at once. The 
 
 EJfex. But this terror being difpellcd hy advices from made only to amufc hei, til! a Fleet, then preparing in 
 
 Ireland, fhe disbanded the greateft part of her forces. Spain liquid be ready to invade England. JTt, this pre- 
 
 Thc news of what palled in England convincing the tended Fleet, which gave her fume uneafmefs, ended at 
 
 Earl of E/p:: that he was fufpe&ed by the Qiieen, he laft in a few Gallics, put to Sea hy Frederic Spiuola , a 
 
 took a hidden refolution to go and juftify himfelf, with- Genoefe, in the King of Spain's fervice, and carried by him 
 out demanding the Queen’s leave. He was accompanied into the harbour of Sluys. 
 of hy the Earl of Southampton and feveral officers, who on The Earl of Tir-oen improved the diforJcr created by 160-. 
 Stow. **’ their arrival in England difpofed of tlsemfelves different the Earl of EJfex in the Irijh affairs. He reduced the 
 w.m . He referved onl) it him, and wh Provii 1 / 
 
 poft ■ Id e in ti wit 1 h Qu : n : v ;■ 
 
 fore flic had notice"of his arrival, but he found, notwith- ragement, Pope Clairnt VIII. fent him a Bull, by which < - amdcn - 
 
 Handing his care, he had been prevented. The Queen he granted to him and his adherents, thejame Iridiilgen- 
 
 was then at Nonfuch, ten miles from London. Shore- ces, as to tkofe who fought againft the Tails, for the re¬ 
 ceived him without any emotion, and with fume marks Covery of the Iiay-Land. But [Charles E leant J Lord WM*' 
 our, but aftei fo nt « foi his irri julai c< n - nt t in the ro m < f 3 
 
 dua, fhe commanded him to his apartment till farther or- the Earl of EJfex, found means to flop the progrels of the ' F J._ 
 
 tiers. After that, being asked why he made a Truce with Rebels, and give a check- to their infolencc. 
 
 the Earl of Tir-ccn , which might at any time be broken at At the fame time, Archduke Albert, called alf> the Car- A frujej I 
 a fortnight’s vi irning, fincehe was empowered to com ide • from « • : P 1 • 
 
 Defendi a Peace, he anfwcred, that the Earl of Tir-oen was fo tin- pofals of Peace to Elizabeth. It ary I\ . fupported them Cimden 
 
 re ifonabl i n thi ey could not 1 ;rai w 1 1 s I 1 - 1 .■ ' tl Qt m ' 
 
 ed (j): but it was his opinion, that a Truce might bring fent Plenip tentiaries to J where wa t 
 
 him to more equitable Terms. This anfwcr did not be negotiated. But after the Ambafladors of the two con- 
 fatisfy the Queen, who was moreover provoked at hi tending Ci wn had been four moi 
 leaving his Government without her permiffion ; befides parted, without ever aflembling, by reafon <*f a dilpufo <k 
 that the perfons who attended him into England , were precedency between England and Spain. After great con- 
 very apt to caufe her to fufpeS him. Wherefore flic tells on this fuhjeft, Queen Elizabeth had at Lift confcnted 
 It put under committed him to cuftody at the Lord Keeper’s, to pre- to an equality, but the Spaniard would not quit his pre- 
 
 amfi. vent his running int > new excefli . tenfions. If t e Pl< 1 ten es had. r obf 
 
 He makes bn In Camden's Annals, there is an Apology writ by the Earl cle would have occurred, which would never have been 
 
 own Apo- himfelf, in which it appears, that he very lamely anfwcred furmounted. This was, that the Spaniards were for a !e- 
 
 tfmJen the accufation of having negleftcd to attack the Earl of parate Peace or Truce with England, to which Elizabeth, 
 
 Tir-oen, and employed his army in expeditions of little doubtlefs, would not have confcnted. Befides, the King 
 confequence. He contented himfelf with faying, that he of Spain pretended, that Elizabeth Ihould fmrentier the 
 had put the Irijh affairs in fuch a fituation, that, during places mortgaged to her by the States. The Sp.rrp Ain- 
 his nine months Government, the Englijh had fuftained bafladors having founded the Englijh on thefe two Arti- 
 no damage. But be was not entrufted with an army of clcs, and finding they Ihould never obtain tln-ir ddims 
 twenty thoufand Men, to Hand upon the defenfive. As ufed the pretence of Precedency to break oft the Nego- 
 for his return without leave, he mentioned it not. Con- tiation. ^ . . 
 
 cerning the perfons who attended him, he faid only, that The fecond day of Prince s', i.w'ice gaim-’d ,:ur Nc „' ; „ 
 
 not above fix came to Court with him, but of the reft famous Battle of Newport over the Archduke. > he En- , 
 
 who accompanied him from Ireland, he did not fpcak. glijh, to the number of fifteen hundred, under the con- Omdcn. 
 
 The Commiffion given to the Earl of Southampton, con- du& of Sir Francis Vere, diftinguiflied tlicmklves glori- 
 trary to the Q^icen’s exprefs orders, lie alfo pafled over oufly ; but there remained eight hundred ilead upon the 
 in filence. The reft conlifted wholly in exclamations up- fpor. 
 
 on the injuftice of fufpefting him, and in magnifying his Elizabeth being now fixty feven years old, it was with , 7 . . 
 Father’s merits, his Brother's, killed in the Queen’s fervice, extreme vexation, that the Catholicks law the Eng rib 
 and his own. At the fame time his friends and relations Crown ready to fall on the head of a Proto!: a nr Prince. V 
 loudly complained of the rigour with which he was treat- Clement VIII, being defirous to prevent ir, to the utm 'ft C|rm , n; . 
 ed, reprefer.ting ir as exceffivc. Some even plotteJ to of his power, fent two Briefs into England, one addreflcd camden. 
 refeue him bv force, hut he would not confent to it. to the Rotnijh Clergy, and one to the people. In th«*:e 
 
 ■jht F.irt / Mean while, the Earl of Tir-oen, hearing the Earl of Briefs, they were forbid to acknowledge, after Elizabai 's 
 Tu oen was arreflcd, broke the Truce, and did great mil- death, any Prince who would not fwear, not only m t-> 
 
 !b ‘ chief to the Enelijh Inhabitants in Ireland. He flattered lerate their Religion, but even to fupport it with all hi • 
 
 Sept. aS. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Speed. 
 
 (1: At But!a Cur. A, near I.outb. Cimden, p. 61 c. , 
 
 (a The Engl Ofliecrs that — nd-d (he Earl of EJfex, were, the Ear! of Southampton, Sir Cto-g: Bottrcbier, Sir V. ,ub,tm St. I 
 
 ■ r, lit t ■■ ■ 
 
 (3: The Earl fa id, that thefe demands were, a general Amnefly; the relloring of the Injb to their Eftates then penciled ty the Enjty 
 ixercife of the Rtntijh Religion all over Ireland Camden, p. 6i6- 
 (4 Front w'. •. l- Ir. had lately reccivtd lomc fupplic* of Ammunition. Money, end PtovTrns. Cimden, p. 61;. 
 
 ; Thi' '/ear died the learned Ritbaid It. her Mailer of the temple, and Auihor of the Ecctejujlicat Polity, Carder. 
 
 3 
 
Book XVil. 
 
 ELIZABETH. 
 
 151 
 
 1600. power. Thcfe Briefs were pii‘ ■.■■Ay come} • d into the 
 Nation, and communicated but to few, all dreading the 
 penalties ena&cd by law. 
 
 ji Corfj,i- But at the fame time, forae found a more ready and 
 ’tUKwgoj ^^ual way to prevent the King of Scots afeending the 
 Scots". Throne of England. The Rutbven s, Sons to Earl Gou: 
 
 fare. . His office of Marter of the Horfe was untouched, at 
 the Queen's ex pro Is command, who wa: unwilling to give 
 occafton to believe, the had entirely withdrawn her confi¬ 
 dence from him. She even ordered, the Sentence (h u d 
 not be recorded. The Earl received this chaftifement with 
 fo much humility (3), that the Queen, pleafed with his 
 
 , , , . . - _ - . | . 1 . .... ... V I/■> LUCUICU Willi Ills 
 
 beheaded in 1584, ccnfpired again ft him, and inviting deportment, removed Berkley from him, and left him at 
 
 7 he Earl of 
 
 p. 232, See. 
 
 him to their houfe [at Perth ,] on foine pretence, defigned 
 to murder him, but he efcaped by a fort of miracle (r \ 
 The two Ruthvens were killed, and their complices con¬ 
 demned to die. Afterwards, by an A£t of Parliament, all 
 who bore the name of Ruthven were obliged to quit it, 
 that the very name of the Family might be abolifhed. 
 
 The Earl of EJJex was ftill under arreft at the Lord 
 
 full liberty. But fhe advifed him to be his own keeper, 
 and forbid him the Court. 
 
 for foine years the Queen had honoured the Earl of His c bare 
 EJJex with a particular efteem and affe&ion. She had gi- “ r - 
 ven him marks of it on fundry occafions ; and particular!’/ 
 by the Ports, Offices, and Commands he had enjoyed. 
 
 Eire's St."- p ■ • ", , 7 ,. - ~~ -— This diftinflion had fo filled him with pride, that he folely 
 
 .»aW £. rn T ^ s " where he clofely applied himfelf to devotion, aferibed to his merit thefe extraordinary favours which 
 Camden. He writ trom time to time fuch fubmiffive Letters to the were the pure effaft of the Queen’s inclination For this 
 Queen, that he feemed to have loft that extreme haughtinefs caufe, he had not always that regard for her, (hehadreafon 
 fo prejudicial to him. At laft, the Queen, content with hav- to expeft from him, imagining'lhe could not be without 
 mg humbled him, permitted him to retire to his own houfe, his affiftance. In a word, he was a very bad Court’d 
 under the free cuftody of Sir Richard Berkley, who was to It is not ftrange, that fo imorudent a concha altered "the 
 watch him Probably, he had been foon reftored to fa- Queen’s affoftion, and yet, it appeared in all her proceed 
 vour, the Queen clearly d.fcovenng her Sentiments in that ings, that it was not entirely extinguiflied. Her defwn wa ■ 
 refpefl (a) ; but hi. friends and domefticks ruined him. only to humble that proud fpirit, which feemed to vie with 
 They had made fuch ftrong cabals among the people, that her, wherein (he believed to have'now been focrefsful 
 
 nothmg was talked of but the Earl of Effex’s innocence. It feemed, he was at laft fcnfible, that humility i. t*- 
 
 Whereas the Queen pretended to have treated him with only way to reftore him entirely to favour and had i “ 
 great_lenity ami moderation, it was given out, that he was ved to purfue that method as the Cured 
 
 Citr.den. 
 Speed. 
 
 unjuftly perfected, and even his Fife attempted on falfe 
 fuggeftions. Elizabeth , who was very nice in fuch a point, 
 and confidered the people’s prejudices againft her as a great 
 misfortune, refolved to fhow, the Earl had more reafon 
 to praife her moderation, than complain of her rigour. To 
 this purpofe, fhe ordered him to be brought before the 
 Privy-Council, to which flic had added four Earls, two 
 Barons, and four Judges. But fhe told thefe Commiffi- 
 oners, it was not her intention to condemn him to any 
 infamous punifhment, as guilty of treafon or treachery ; 
 
 foi- 
 
 Im mediately after He bumbler 
 
 his fentence, while he was preparing to retire into th 
 Country, he told the Queen, by the Lord Howard, “ That 
 “ he kiffed the Rod and the Queen’s Hand, which had 
 “ only corrected, and not ruined him, but fhould enjoy 
 no peace, till he faw again thofe eyes which had once 
 “ “ lned fo propitioufly on him : That he had refolved to 
 “ a^one for his error, and like Nebuchadnezzar, to dwell 
 with the beafts of the field, eat grafs as an ox, and be 
 wet with the dew of heaven, till it fhould pleafe h ; s 
 “ Qi ,een t0 rcftore him to his Senfes.” This fubmiffion 
 
 Efc. < S,f°M nVin '1 Wm r | ha „ vi "f, r ' lile[l “ Ws Allegiance, was very agreeable to the Queen, and yit file anfwcmd' ft" 
 nc flighted hei ordeis and inrtrudbons, through excefs of would not be amufed with min wnrrle Bi.fr 1_1 r 
 
 to C**.*!* prejudiced long abufed her patience, file woukTtake rort.c“t;™ a tZ 
 his humility. This was a n!mn frk^* —:.i- 
 
 Articlet of 
 
 vanity 
 
 people that the Earl of EJJlx deferred a feverei punilh- his humility. This was a plain intimation, that with 'a 
 ment than a few months impnfonment. little patience he would appeafe her entirely, and it was in 
 
 When he appeared before ha Judges he was firft accu- fome meafure direffing him how to form hi condufi But 
 fed of contemn,ng the Qjjeen’s orders, m making the Earl he was fo imprudent as not to improve this advantage and 
 of Southampton General of the Horfe Secondly, of mak- to follow the interefted counfels of his domefticks M who Cm - r ' h - 
 mg knights, contrary to the exprefs words of his Patent, advifed him to petition the Queen for the continuation ?”?'“' t 
 
 Thiroly, ol negleflmg to purfue the Earl of Ttr-oen, the Farm of the fweet WinS, which had been very "“ iTf lto. 
 
 thougn that was the principal end of his Commiffion. fitable to him The Oueen tn nmvc k; i -i ^ ^ r ° 
 
 Fourthly, of fo'crctly conferring with that Rebel. Fifthly, fufed his petition knowS Nj , rc ‘ 
 
 of granting a Truce very prejudicial to the Queen’s affairs, the lofs, whenever fhe pfeafed But inXad^f t0 
 Sixthly, ol abandoning his Government, without vouch- this denial with the humihty and refignation he°hadMofef S 
 fafing to ask the Queens permiffion. Some inferences were fed Cmce his difgrace, he difeovered pillion and refenfm f f 
 Imewife drawn from lus d,fretful expreffions in his which made the G.een S he w^“v« CuffiJS 
 Apoiogy, and from certain dangerous principles contained humbled Whereupon CufF his ^ 
 
 m.aBo ; k dedicated to him, concerning L depofmg of foggefted to ^ 
 
 After hearing the Articles of his Accufation, he kneeled STtte W® *T n “ n, ^- , ° 
 
 down, and thanked God lor all his mercies, and his So- who at laft infpired him with the delimi to'relbrc n iiimfdf F ''”’ 
 
 vereign, for not ordering him a hearing in the Star- to favour by force and deftrov all h£\n ™ l dc ' 
 
 Chamber. He declared, he would neither excufe his faults. Queen’s perfon After this refblution about theA ‘ 
 
 either in whole or in part, nor contend with the Queen : to all tbeVale-contents TJie Earl of ^ 
 
 He acknowledged his guilt, but protefted upon his honour, had withdrawn into the Netherlands retifrnH . ^”’/ W 5 ° 
 that h,s heart Bad been always free from the leaft though? and the Earl of 
 
 of Rebellion. However, in continuing to fpeak, he began to his houfc at London When he irn’ved U i u 
 Urge fomeexcu.es in his own behalf. But the Lord-Keeper Steward kept open houfe for all who thnnjYZ^ u't 
 mlcrrupied him, by reminding him ,hat he had uke„ P a caufe to complain ofThe’ ol t SLPlnFl 
 good method, but was now fwerving from it: That in ex- great number of fufpicious>erfons reforrei ri i l r 
 tenuatmg his faults, he like wife extenuated the Queen’s In fliort, his whole conduit (bowed he wic medW^' 
 
 . n “ nife ‘lf if0 . bedi f n . c . e was da "gcous defign. His enemies improving S pro- 
 ceedings found means to infufe fufpicions into the Queen 
 and to have Spies placed upon him, who informed the 
 
 t on his juftification, did 
 
 in preventing him from enlar£ 
 
 him a good office. The Queen’s intention was not to have Court of what paffedffi his Houfe "u? 
 
 ^ t t; Sr £r r: fr? 1 ? “ 
 
 whether he underftood his own intereft of himfelt; or wal b ’ thr0W hlmfelf entlre,v mJ “ 
 
 warned what to do, he held his peace. After this, the 
 Comimffioncrs confulting together, were of opinion, that 
 he ought to be removed from the Council-Board, fufpend- ed his ruin Tli.v 
 
 ed from his offices of Earl Marihal, and mailer of the Ord- his anoer q’n,l SljT™? f. x P re *°", s . denoting , Mci p r 
 
 nance, and committed to prifon during the Queen's plea- 
 
 in his difgrace, but to throw himfelf entirely" upon the’ 
 Queen s mercy, as the readieft way to her favour. Thefe 
 advices drew from him anfwers agreeable to the intentions 
 ol his enemies, which being told to the Queen, compleat- 
 his rurn. They were filled with expreffions denoting , Mct 
 nger and impatience, and even intimating his defigns. /M 
 He faid, that a rtorm was fallen upon him when he ex- 
 
 ) Ch’cfiy through 
 ie King's, to fet : 
 nf OcU'j, upon th 
 w'« Hilt, rf hn erw 
 ) She proicftcd, th; 
 
 He protefted, “ 
 live for a A’urc din 
 
 , K " 8 : n ,h '* its c,™„, teI „ B detardrd tJ £££? iS“£”of £ e 'z 
 
 ■ J’C’rf Qwrei 
 ;n £ f-aJii, i 
 
 2 £& hi ’ rwfotm,&„, not hi. R»i„. p. 6,6 
 
 •-rs.vi his Steward, and Cuff his Secerary. Camden, p. 6:8. 
 
 ' ,. ' r \ C /‘‘ le Company, and endowed it with large Privileges Tames Iannfl 
 
 vas the hr ft that was lent by the Company to the Eaf-lndiei, with three Ships. Camden, p. 626. f ‘ 
 
 
 159+, had taken 
 pefied 
 
The HIS TO RT of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. 1 ! 
 
 'be (-■■’It ”f 
 
 Scotland. 
 
 of >b‘ Su 
 
 “J'< 
 
 pcaed a hurveft. That the Quean had reduced Mm, ^ fcouw'of ' < "”' 
 
 That he had been unjutlly tmpnfoned . rhat Sovemgn^ Tht: ,„ ( t of thefe pnjefb w» deemed ,m- 
 
 had nut an unlimited power, nor were mfa 111. T^ ^ becauie thc guards had been doubled. I he 
 
 had been wounded In every pore ° f J™ ^ 7 ’ r • f aio n Lond occafmned long debates on the uncertainty of the 
 untunes triumphed, but (hould never have th exccutiun> becaufe the difpof.tion of the Londoner. was nor 
 
 to lee him cringe to them. To thefe expreft , »» f u ffi c icntly known. In the mean time one ol the confpi- 
 
 werc no ligns ol repentance, care was taken to add rep ^ a ffi rm i„ . he came from the City, and that 
 
 callable to make him forfeit the Queen s favour for ever. rcadv t0 defend the Karl again!! ail Ids 
 
 She was told, he had fair'tf - enemies He added, that Tbmm M* the Sheriff; 
 
 “ ' ‘TV hf,l fmnedlv palles who commanded a thoufand of the trained-ban , had j 
 
 h ■ rwmtto mtima^tteit he defig y [ |fcd t0 joi „ him . p, bably the perfon wl ... : t 
 
 over m filcnce.gs ftill more offenfive to the jau■ i ,, me , the prin. . 
 
 - Probably, the Earl of Effix thought 'E a ,“ findi. tl . lb n to r ..was 
 
 needlef,, hr, projefl being no« formed, though he had tad ^ [P J h im fo far, that it Ihotlld not be puffi' le for 
 
 ■I'- rhofe who fpeakmoft favorably ol g B -pj u . aa fufficient to make the Earl re- a.a t. 
 
 i«. fty. ' . ' ' “ <!“ t folve ton,hr an infurreaion in the City, belt - . rfwi - 
 
 drive his enemies from Court, » • P • h y the people were inclined to his caufe. It was thereforei c / n ;' dI „, 
 
 with regard to KingB“t he feems to have Da p dthe next day t il rl, 0 i 1 by five (s) 
 
 treater de ns, fince he courted the King ol Scothi^ * ^ n , ^ repair to to tl e C , nd tffembling 
 
 fiftance, pertai , to place him on th • « p ” ,he Aldermen and people, require their affil < . H t if 
 
 Queen s death. It was known, he hadwri tto b te the Citizens were » 1 d fed, they fiiould be employed 
 
 that a plot wa formed to depriveTurn oft - - t0 „ aill acce f s t0 ,he Queen, or in cafe of difappointment, 
 
 . ! . theTro Ltwh^veLefat Court, had .he « nfp. U retire ..at* ; r. of the 
 
 fill' 1 *' 1 " 1 ", P °% ""T 5 * w n T^ureT Purfuant to this refolution, the Earls of Rutland and T-.ta.tf 
 
 «®»‘ T hl J S j cr f,rj Cm J ’LaJ^edhTkS Southampton went next morning to by - h tfe, with a.*u* 
 
 Lord rr .fin S Bt Urn fl with the Earlof N tofto.he three hm . ,. |; .. , lt . But 
 
 Lord Adm . : hat, the bettt. execute la, proj ft, “> ’ ; G .. zeal f h p r- 
 
 he had com,ult^«he Go,^^»«r.««»^ on feme pretence to go It was 
 
 to his creatures (i), where the Spaniards niig probably he who difeovered the plot to the Court; for 
 
 venicntly land: That the Queen was fo impaired n her g*»b> ' ^ t(j the J lavor of London, toor- W ' 
 
 underftanding, that Hie was ^That hewas der the traincTbands to be ready to'march upon the fir ft 
 
 and was entirely guided by her Mmifters I hat lie ^ At lhe fanic limc (he fent the Lord keeper, the n, 
 
 scelBrily obi. < i to opwly ^ 2 . Earl ol Wmi U .- h » ' . ‘ : ri ’ s ( ' 
 
 conlpu.icy , and to this end, was fpeedi y t p ^ through a wicket, without any ot 
 
 balliidi.rs to Enghni, to demand a publick declaration of toulo,.who were I ^ ln Court- w 
 
 .Sauin "from Sie Com't S yard fey faw the Ea fi . f, . ' . 
 
 crcatun and penl,oners of Spam , tom the > ' rf armed men, and ti.e ,, L!1 „, 
 
 Council. At the lame time he furmfhed him with I 1 ' ' ‘ py cl . ia] advancing o ., t e Earl ol 
 
 be ufed by the Ambafladon, to fhow the truAo^tta L rd K ep^ t0 know the rcafon of%* 
 
 plot. Laftly, ho mfinuateil thathis Ambairadors ftould bB M . a concmL ,/ Til ,„ thc Ear, railing Ins voice, 
 fufficiendy lupported. Combi, t wh ,° ‘ „ tbcfc 8 pr0 . told him, “ he certainly knew that it was Jehgned to 
 
 7 *** ! > ,as n0t ’ h0 ^ ht . p e r0 i^:“ “1 n“;., h ™,, he “ murder him in his bed (,) : Tint his hand-writ,ng was 
 
 “ counterfeited, in order to have a pretence to deltroy 
 “ him : That he had affcmbled his friends for the fccurity 
 ct of his life, fince his enemies could not be fatisfied with- 
 « out having his blood.” The Lord-Keeper allfwering, 
 
 - _. , , ... ,e, tvran- the Queen would do him juffice, provided he would difco- 
 
 lwa.au their afflicted condition, under the tieen styran ^ grievances, was interrupted by a voice, crying out, 
 
 nical Government, and by rnfpumg them with hopM ol ■ g . 
 
 being eared. Then he hired the <wools men about to- Z\ 2 Upon lb: , . I I -I rn de J ., lien 
 
 ,. . ind placed them near his houfe. After that, heef a Q ^ ^ ,,,, to fol] , w him (i o), an i v.! lie 
 
 ' ■' / 1 c0 ‘ ' Ihc . ° Governw of they were craffing the Court, they heard < noife, 
 
 Sir Charkt Damn, Sir Ferdinando Governor ol , - / G Stal , ,b,m 
 
 H > F«t. Sit J*i toon a „ea. Mathematician, hyW ‘j . „ tbe h u fe, .hi I irl told 
 
 [and irveyor of the Ordnance,] JohnLtttUtm ia ma f ^ « if they would have a little patien , he ul 0 
 great fenfc and judgment, and equally qualified for thc ^ thc Lord . Mayor an d SherifB, and re- 
 
 Cabinet and Camp. P/r .„ “ turn immediately.” Upon thefe words, he left them, wfc 
 
 rhis junto meeting in toury houfe, the Earl of-£/ ^ ordering the Lor to be fhut, fet a u 1 uj i them. J 
 
 gave them a lift of certain Noblemen whonj Immediatfly after, tie began to march v ith his com- « . 
 
 at his devotion, containing one hundred and twenty h-arls, i ' d en { eri ’ , hc C ity, cryed out, ir tl ■ 
 
 £2 , B - Knights, and Genttoen, Md defired^ ^ P 5 b I ' went 
 
 Trcafins of confult, whether it was moft proper, to feue J shci ifPs houfe which was at a diftancc (i i), and „ CB; 
 
 or Eirex. the r w , r> or both at once. The ^Hngt ,^ch ^ not joined by one Citizen, though ^ 
 
 t:on was, 1 hat the Queens perfo a i - numbers I; i by curioftt) crowd d : fee hi 1 pafs. In - 
 
 be feized, and when ihc was m their power, the Lari numoew < j ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 
 
 Ihould difmifs certain perfons from her prefelicc and lurn did > JJ» .> f lav0 , Jr , ThL . she, ifF, who faw s '”j 
 
 them out of their places; but that nothing (hould be don , chin „ wiiWrew himfelf by a back door, to the 
 
 till the arrival of the Scotch Ambafiadors (a). J_ord Mayor’s. * The Sheriffs flight convinced the Earl he 
 
 , » Mean time, the great refort ol fiifpctled P<r is J ) - 1 ‘ deceived, when he was tol 1 , he might depend n 
 
 c„,.ol. /«’s houfe ( 3 ), fome words unwarily dropped by the con While he was at ,he Sheriff’s, uncertain ,, f „ rlm . 
 
 “ 7 fpirators, and the reports of the fp.es, confirming the h« alimanc a herald (.a) had pro-.e. 5 ™,. 
 
 — Court’s fufpicions, the Council m« at the TreafureEs ... ■ , s Ward.‘the City, - to . 
 
 houfe, and fent one of the Secretaries (4) to t)m thc £ a rl rfft*l..i/ had done the fame in ano- 
 
 Bffii, to require his attendance. Bui; at tile famq tune Upon this, he left tl . .. ife, and crying E fi =a 
 
 note was delivered him, advifing him to take care o , Streets that England was " to be delivered to 
 
 felf. Whereupon he told the Secretary he was indifpofed m the Streets, Wat rmgianu , * 
 
 >:Hed 
 
 pofitions were received by that Prince : but it may be judg¬ 
 ed, they were not difapproved, fince Ambafiadors were pre- 
 fcnrly lent into England , who however came too late. 1 his 
 Hillorian adds, the Earl of E/ex gained to his party fome 
 Presbyterian Minifters, and even fome Papifts, by commi- 
 f. i .i ii r y their affli&ed condition, under the Qiieen s tyran- 
 
 llf phti 
 fast the 
 
 'fcfn' 
 
 Tfh,.. 
 
 (i) That in the weftern parts of Er.gUnd, U/gb was Governoi- of the Mes«J /V, 
 
 »n*« "fk - «—•- ■towto.'* 
 
 D-- 
 
 (4) Sir John Hither!. 
 
 :a(fern. the Lord Cobbim wav Warden of the Cinqut- 
 the South of Inh’d. Camden, p. 6:9, 
 
 1 was to Ici.-c the H..I 1 ; Oonttn the Unaru Chamuer 
 e Queen's feet. Camden, p. 630. 
 
 Src. Tnafoni of Efftx- 
 n for his c ming. Camden 
 
 (-.) Under pretcoee of hearing Sermons. Ibid. 
 
 Th-;c hundred G,„ll,mcn Cc.l., f. 630. .nd 
 
 i, A..,d a, th- r-n ihc IsulftaA, Hm, <>«*- to afcfst*'. 
 
 (71 He went to Sir SVahi' Raleigh, who fent for him. and waited in a B 
 difeovered the whole matter to Raleigh. Camden, p.-631. . 
 
 fS Anal Sir John Popbam, Lord Chief Juftice of England. Camden, p- < j • ll',mun'd't ’ 
 
 Camden, p. 631. and Treafons of EJfcx. 
 
 (ia) And Ibomat Lord Burleigh. Camden, ibid. 
 
 4 
 
 1 -ad. 
 
 Gorge r was fvfpedlcd of having at that tin 
 
 •m. Tom. i- p- 300. 
 ould have ptivate Confer: 
 cb. Camden, a Lid. 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 23. ELIZABETH. 
 
 h cphofed u 
 
 1 vejied . 
 Camden. 
 
 
 the Infanta of Spain, conjured the inhabitants to take arms 
 for the prevention of fo great a misfortune. But feeing no 
 man prepare to fupport him, and hearing withal, that the 
 Lord Admiral was marching againft him with a ftrong 
 party, he refolved to return to his own huufe. Butcom- 
 i i[1 g to Ludgate he found [Sir John] L. ifon polled there 
 with a company of Soldiers to oppofe his Paflage. He in- 
 flantly lent Gorges to defire lea to go through ; but be¬ 
 ing denied, was obliged to return to Si. Paul’s. Here 
 Gorges reprefented to him, that it wouid be proper to dif- 
 charge the three Counfcllors. . .. having r c Earl’s leave, 
 he freed them immediately, -.rid accompai.-ed them him- 
 felf to IVhite-Hall. Probably, Gorges had betrayed him 
 from the very beginning 
 
 Mean time, the Earl perfifting in his refolution of re- 
 curning home, found the ftreet chained, and guarded by 
 Soldiers (1). As he faw no other way to pafs than by at¬ 
 tacking the guard, lie ordered Blunt to fall on, and 
 feconded him (word in hand, with great refolution. But 
 he was repulfed and Ihot through the Hat (2), and Blunt 
 was taken prifoner. By this refillance, he was forced to 
 go to Queen-hi the, and taking boat with a few followers, 
 the reft being difptrfed, retired to his houfe on the Thames 
 (jO When he came there, his firft care was to burn 
 fome Papers, and then, fortify his houfe in the bell man¬ 
 ner he could, Hill expecting to be relieved by the Londoners. 
 
 „——Shortly after, the Lord Admiral inverted the houfe, both 
 E.Tf Effel from the ftreet and the gardens which reached to the 
 river (4). T hen, he fummoned thole within to furrender, 
 to which they anfwered, they would dye fword in hand. 
 
 1 his was the opinion of the Lord Sands , who prefled the 
 Earl of Ejfex to fight his way out, reprefenting, it was 
 more honourable to die by the Sword, than the Ax. And 
 indeed the befieged feemed to be all fixed to that refolution. 
 But the Earl ot Ejfex fuddenly changed his mind, and 
 offered to furrender on thefe three conditions: that they 
 lhotild all be civilly treated ; tryed according to the Laws; 
 dnd that JJhton the Minifter fhould be fent to him to cam- 
 fort him in prifon. 1 he Lord Admiral anfwered, that he 
 ingaged for the firft ; that the Queen would doubtlefs per¬ 
 form the fecond ; and as to the third, he promifed his in- 
 tereft to obtain it. Ajhton was a Presbyterian Minifter. 
 Thp'^t rhlS done ’ the Ear,s of E fl x i Rutland, Southampton , the 
 idhiv-r: Lords Sands , Cromwell, Mont eagle , with Davers and 
 commuted to Bromley , were put into boats and condu&ed to the Tower. 
 Ad Pub. ^ re ^ wcrc committed to other prifons. The next 
 xvi.p.399. the Queen by Proclamation thanked the Londoners for 
 Camden. their fidelity, warning them withal to have a watchful eye 
 on whatever palled in the City, the Confpiracy being, as 
 flic faid, more dangerous than was imagined. 
 
 TnomasLee The thirteenth of February, Thomas Lee , the Earl of 
 Camden'. E Jf ex f creature, and intimate friend of the Earl of Tir-oen, 
 stow. was hanged for faying to a certain Officer, that it would be 
 a glorious a£ion for fix brave fellows to force the Queen 
 Feb. 15. to releafe Ejfex and the other prifoners. Two days after, 
 the Queen publilhed a proclamation, ordering all vagabonds 
 to leave the City on pain of death. The Court had re¬ 
 ceived information, that a great number of fuch perfons 
 lay hid in the City, to refeue die Earl of Ejfex, when an 
 opportunity offered. 
 
 At laft, fome of the Prifoners having difeovered the mod 
 fecret refolutions of the Confpirators, the Earls of Ejfex and 
 Southampton were tried the 19th of February (5). They 
 were acculed of the crimes I have mentioned, and their 
 i )le defenfe was, that they had done nothing but for their 
 Treafcns of 0,wn prefer vat ion ; however, they could not prove their 
 E.of Eflex. lives had been in danger. The Earl of Ejfex exprefled a 
 difregard of his life, but the Earl of Southampton implored 
 the Queen s mercy, and defired the Peers to interceed for 
 him. 1 hey were both condemned to dye as Traytors. 
 mJZif The Ea ‘ J ° f F ^ ex after his Sentence ferioufly refle&ed 
 penitent. on ^ ls P ad: c °ndudt, and appeared very penitent, /kjloton 
 Camden. greatly contributed by his exhortations and remonftrances, 
 to put him into this difpofition. But becaufe this Presby¬ 
 terian Minifter advifed him to declare whatever he knew, 
 and probably by that means, the King of Scotland was 
 known to be concerned in the Confpiracy, Camden fpeaks 
 of it in fuch a manner as fhows, he approved not this con- 
 'du£. By the impreffwns (fays he) left upon him by his 
 minifter , Eflex could think of nothing but damnation , unlefs 
 he difeovered the whole feene , and confejfed who were his 
 complices. An author who talks in this manner, is eafily 
 perceived to be fecretly interefted in the depofition of the 
 criminal. However this be, the Earl of Ejfex defiring to 
 fpeak witb fome of the Privy-Counfellors, the Lord 
 Keeper, the Lord Treafurer, the Lord Admiral, and Se- 
 
 *5 
 
 Eflex and 
 Southarnp- 
 
 State-Try. 
 
 emp/n-e 
 
 cretar y Cecil went to him. He immediately asked the 1601, 
 Lord Keeper’s pardon for detaining him at his houfe, and 
 Cecil’s for accufing him of aflerting the Infanta's Title to 
 the Crown of England , and wa-, finccrely reconciled to 
 both. The,,, he declared, that the Queen could not be 
 fafe wbilft he lived, and defired he might fuffer privately 
 in the Tower. He owned, that fome of his friends and 
 domefticks were wicked Perfons, and publick pefts, and 
 defired to fpeak with Blunt and CuJJ who were imme¬ 
 diately fent for. When he faw them, he exhorted both to 
 ask pardon of God and the Queen, and told Cuff' that this 
 difloyalty^ was owing to his advice. He declaied that Sir Wi„wood> 
 Henry Ncvill, Ambaflador to France , was privy to the M m * 
 Confpiracy. This probably occafioned the recalling of that T l P i2 99 
 Ambaflador as he was going to Paris, and his being ordered 
 into the cuftody of the Lord Admiral. The Earl of Ejfex Cam<ien ‘ 
 faid alfo, that Montjoy Lord Deputy of Ireland, and feveial 
 others in Scotland , France , and the Low-Countries were 
 acceflary to the defign. But the Lord Montjoy $ behaviour 
 in Ireland, had fo recommended him to the Queen, that 
 fhe took no notice of the Earl’s depofition againft him. 
 
 In Ihort, the penitent Criminal made a full difeharge of his 
 confcience, and concealed nothing of what he knew" 
 
 Eflex, (fays Camden) thought a verbal confjfion too little, 
 and therefore being moved by the difnal feene prefented to his 
 confcience, by the perfon whom he chofe to guide it, he delivered 
 the Jame in writing under his own hand, which his enemies 
 /having to King James fome time after, brought the Earl 
 and his friends into great difejlecm ivith that Prince. If 
 King James had not been concerned in this aftair, there is 
 no vifible reafon why Ejjex's declarations fliould have made 
 him forfeit his efteem. But according to the Earl’s pro- 
 je£, the Ambafladors of Scotland were now on their way 
 to London, and King James ever after fpoke of this Lord 
 as of one who was his Martyr. 
 
 The 25th of February was appointed for the Earl of liltbea ^ 
 EJfex’s execution. That day the Queen appeared fome- 
 thing irrefolute. She even fent an order to the Lieutenant Speed, 
 of the Tower to countermand hrs execution : but prcfently 
 after, ordered him to proceed. This irrefolution, pre¬ 
 tended or real, has afforded plenty of matter for Plays and 
 Romances, in which Elizabeth is reprefented as ftrugglino- 
 with love and anger, not knowing which of the paffions 
 fhe Ihould obey. She was now however in her 6Sth year, 
 an age wherein the motions of love could not be very vio¬ 
 lent. But without dwelling on thefe trifles, it fuffices to 
 fay, that the Earl of Ejfex died like a good Chriftian, with 
 all the figns of a ferious repentance. His head was not 
 feparated from his body till the third ftroke, but the firft 
 deprived him of all fenfe of pain. The Marfhal de Biron C-mde* 
 being told in what manner he died, ridiculed it, and faid, 
 fuch a death was more becoming a Prieft than a Soldier. 
 
 Thus ended the life and projcdls of the Earl of Ejfex , 
 proje£ts which were never yet thoroughly known. Tho 
 they I'eem to have tended only to dethrone Elizabeth, and 
 fet the Crown on the head of the King of Scotland, it is 
 however not unlikely that he only ufed that Pi ince’s title as a 
 pretenfe to ruin Elizabeth, and that his confidence in the 
 People’s AfFetSlion infpired him with greater deiigns. It is 
 certain, the Queen had given occaiion to think fhe had 
 more than a common efteem for this Lord. When lie 
 was yet but one and twenty years old, fhe forgave him 
 what fhe had lent his Father, for his Expedition into Ire¬ 
 land ; and he was the only perfon to whom {he was ever 
 fo liberal. The Earl of Leicejier dying fhortly after, fhe 
 ordered his goods to be expofed to fale, for payment of the 
 fums file had lent him. Before the Earl of Ejfex had done 
 her any great fervice, fhe made him Knight of the Garter, 
 and gave him a place in her Privy-Council. She con¬ 
 tinued afterwards to diftinguifli him from all her other Cour¬ 
 tiers, not only by the Polls, Offices, and Commands fhe 
 honoured him with, but chiefly by particular marks of her 
 favour, which were vifible to all, and made him to be 
 confidered as a favorite. Thefe favours produced their 
 ufual cffedl, that is, rendered him proud and vain. He 
 could not bear that any perfon fhould be promoted but by 
 his means, and was a fworn enemy to all who were trufted 
 by the Queen. Nay, he grew fo exceffively proud, that 
 he pretended to lord it over the Queen herfelf, and force 
 her to follow his advice in every thing. This procured him 
 that unfortunate Box on the Ear, which, doubtlefs, in¬ 
 fpired him with thoughts of a fignal revenge. For, from 
 that time, he began to meditate projects which proved his 
 ruin, and might have been attended with that of the 
 Queen herfelf; fo careful ought Sovereigns to be, not to 
 affront perfons of Honour. His Family was originally 
 
 (j) This was done by the care of the Bi/hop of London. Camden, p. 6tl. 
 (2) Rapm by mirtake fays in the Thigh. • ■ 
 
 Th, M.... - 'n J * .-(?) By Temple-bar : where Devereux-Court, jETTe .-Street, 
 
 (+), P“ w “ on Ih, Slrmd fid = , by thj E.rl, of CmMmt, Li.../., th, L„,d, Urn nJw.rd, O.S 
 
 r (land. 
 
 Sir IValter Ralti-b Sir -T/.Ti, n u > l “ c tans or \*umoerlana, and Lincoln, the Lords Thomas Honourd, Cray, i.'urgbtey, and Compton 
 
 X ; ^ i / e / x : R,ver - f,de * * the ^ ^ of w-. 
 
 tb? C F U f ft Hi fr h ' Sl T a,d Upon this occaCor >- See the names of the refl of the Peer 
 
 rn ’ J ont °J ,bc toarloj Ejfex \ as alfo in State-lryah. 
 
 No- 51. V ol.IL 
 
 , (twenty five ii 
 
 Q.q 
 
 mber) in Camden, p. 633. 
 
 from 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 Tk I! I S | TO RY (/iNGLAND. 
 
 Normandy 
 
 from Evreux \ 
 its lirname. Ic va; n 
 from his Al 
 of which went derived !:«m 
 
 ' 
 
 with the the title of Karl 1 i). 
 
 The i ■' 1 in dead, h 
 brcftjght to their ttyals (-)• 
 /ex’s written con cl' 
 
 , and from thence borrowed 
 md anticr.t, as may be inferred 
 licit Kamil.V; in E’gland, fume 
 . the 1 >y 1 1 mfly. Wa Ur 
 e fir It o: h*’s houlb honoured 
 
 ed ample matter for the affairs of the Netherlands. Sir 1601. 
 Francis Hr:, the firft Governor during the Siege, and the 
 Engiijb Troops which ferved under him, fignalr.-.cd them- 
 felves, and were a great honour to their nation (5). 
 
 ILnry IV. came to Calais in Augujl, as it were to fee Mutual 
 what pa t th S e, v 1 the 
 
 Aichduke uncafy. But this journey was not fu much to H .' nry ,v. 
 obfervu the Siege, as to confer more cafily with Elizabeth and Eiua- 
 on his project again ft the Houfe of Aujlria. Mezerai pre- 
 tends, Ei;-~u!‘c:h firft: conceived this defign, and earncltly 
 defired to confer in per fun with Henry, in a Veflcl between c * mdett ’ 
 Dover and Calais. But I can hardly believe, that at her 
 a"e, and having no children, fhe would ferm a defign of 
 this nature, the execution whereof required much time and 
 expcnce. I Hill lefs believe, that flic would have expofed 
 
 •u it wuim.n^ . . . herfclf to the dangers of the Sea, to confer with Henry, 
 
 Li’/had Id :wife depofed, that the whom for fomc time fhe had neither valued nor trufied. lt 
 th,- fame Plot, and formed is more likely, this Prince meditating then the defign which 
 
 he would have afterwards executed, was defirous to engage s ^ 
 Elizabeth in it. The Engljh Hiftorians only fay, that the 
 Queen hcaiing of the King’s arrival at Calais, lent Sir Thuanus. 
 ’Thomas Edmunds to pay him her compliments, and that in 
 return, Henry fent the Marfhal dc Biron , and the Count 
 with Duke d’Aumont , who were received very 
 that the Queen fhowed thefe 
 "French Lords the Earl of Effex’s skull in licrclofet. But 
 Camden has confuted this fluiy in his Annals, by affirming, 
 the head wr.s buried with the body. He fays only, thac 
 the Queen fpeaking to the Marfhal de Biron, concerning 
 her the Earl of Effex, told him, that ic was her advice to the 
 King of France, never to fpare the heads of thofe who at¬ 
 tempted to difturb his tranquillity. 
 
 The Parliament meeting in October (6), great com- 
 plaints were made in the Lower- Houfe, concerning divers tomfUmed 
 Monopolies authorized by the Queen’s Letters-Patents, ^ ewej> 
 which gave private pcrfoiis the f !j privilege of felling cer- P . uj-.a-c. 
 tain commodities, exclufively of all others. The Queen T.mnihcnd. 
 
 i:. principal complices were 
 I11 Blunt’s, examination, Ef- 
 read tp him. Blunt, feeing 
 fumed with the Earl’s own hand, was fo confounded, 
 j\kki llut'he could only f.tv, With his eyes liftedI up. l.n J. theu 
 hat d ’ ■ ■ ed to di 
 
 t h;n, Lee’s Confdnoii, who I’.ad been executed, was read, 
 in which he fait!. Blunt had permitted him to fend to the 
 Earl of Tir-een, who told the Mcllcngcr, “ that d Effex 
 “ would be guided by him, he would make him the grCdteft 
 
 i„„ Earls and Blunt wete 
 the fame Projects. Blunt made a weak defence, as well as 
 , Davis, Cuff the Hurl’s Secretary, and U,nck 
 his Steward, an.l they all received lenience of death. 
 B!.i.:t laid upon the Scaffold, that for three years lie had 
 Observed the" Earl was documented, and fired with ambi 
 
 tion : That when they were in Ireland , the Earl told him d Auvergne, 
 his defign of taking with him the flower of the Army : gracioufly. Mczcrat add: 
 of ftizing MUford hai’cnm JVales: of railing Men in thofe 
 parts, and marching dircftly to London. That he had 
 dwluadcd him from’an undertaking, fo dangerous and dif¬ 
 ficult ; but had indeed advifed him to take a fcledt com 
 p iny of Men and feme the Queen’s perfon, and in 
 n;l , nc , to aft afterwards as he law convenient : But, ad¬ 
 ded Blunt, though it is true, that in all our debates we ne 
 . t thought of imbruing our hands in the Queen’s blood, yet 
 had we Juccecdcd, / cannot fay but her life might have been 
 i. danger. He declared, that he died a Roman Catholick, 
 but Inch a one, as folely relied on the merits of Chrilt’s 
 
 pjrJ.m fe¬ 
 
 ll then. 
 
 death and fufferings. 
 
 'I'he Queen and Council believed it prudent to end the being . 
 
 exeemions with thefe lev/ perfon-, by rcafou of the num- nopolies as lo many breaches of the People s privileps, an- 
 
 be, .’.lid quality of tlrc Complice,. The Karl of Smthamf- nulled moil of thele Csrantr and left the rcfl to be mod 
 
 ion wr ken*' in priffin ad the reft were fined, though by the Laws. I Ins proceeding, even before flic had been .v* 
 
 paid their fines Henry Nevill was only condem- addrefled, was fo pleafing to the Commons, that one hun 
 
 very I 
 
 4S3. 
 
 -no.. at the Q .. t ptafure, though it was dred : rtv of thei. Members were appointed to waitg™; 
 
 ■ «*-• proved dainft him that he knew o! the Confpiracy, and upon her with then thanks. She did not omit this oppor- 
 
 1 1 j 0 Xiil'c over <( ' tunity to teftify to the Houfe her great affection for her 
 
 Amk,f«bn rna Tbe O l-arl C 0f C ^/ir / and the Lord of Kinlofs, the Scotch People. When flic had received the compliment of the 
 
 J- - Ambafladors, arrived t .0 late, when the Earl of Effex was Members, fhe returned an anfvver in the following Speech: 
 
 S P„i. in cuflody. ’it is well known, with what view the Earl of 
 
 X VI.,.. 1,7. p y.v bad defired tliciit, but wo are ignoraiit of the inftruc- Gen t I. E M E N, 
 tion . . ein by the King of i ’ i 1 'he 
 
 Flo, ' I, In mi, Is.. 7 . er, it'nuy be 1,,'crrvd fro,,, hj. T O-.,.-■ v 'c.m'r.o ' ... y,«r Jm S u- g -d 
 
 Propofal, and the artival of thefe A 1 at 1 1 ' - 
 
 ■ . ml iracy . I, that King 
 
 not wainft it. Be this as it will, thefe Amballadors con- ivierdy }iu hav, recalUd m, from an nrtr frKaiwg fnm 
 fined Ihemlblvcs to congtatulate the Qi,cen upon the dif- say igmraao, ml ray w,ll. Tb,f, shags had uaJ'fav'My 
 covery danger,, , a Plot , To demand the punifhment lantd U my difgratt, ( »t vhssm mlhag ,s soar, dar than 
 of one Faitatiat Thomas, vtho in 159® ' . l " :,r "" 
 
 
 Act- Pub. 
 XVI.p. 
 
 Tht S)u,e 
 
 1IU lilt pUlllillUltUL I|'"I‘U "V J * ’ 1 0 . , 
 
 had accufed their the fafety and love of my People) had not fuch harpyes and 
 horje-leeches as thefe been made known and difeovered to me by 
 you. 1 had rather my heart or hand Jhould perijh , than that 
 either my heart or hand Jhordd allow fuch privileges to Mono¬ 
 polies, as may be prejudicial to my People. The fplcndor of 
 
 .. regal Majefly hath not fo blinded mine eyes , that licentious 
 
 Elizabtth, without taking notice" of'wiiat‘'‘<he Pswcr fmU prtvail v,ith mt ram; than juflict. The glory 
 knew, anfwered, She received very kindly the King’s srf th, aam of a Ksng may isasy, Pnaots tha, km-as as: 
 congratulation, and vvillied that no fuch thing might ever 
 lanuen in his Kingdom: That {he had not put / alentine 
 
 ...after of ill defigns againft the Queen, for which he was 
 iin'.v m --..-if. n : Vo cm -plain that two Englifh fugiiives had 
 been drawn out of Scotland by ftratagem, who had fled 
 thither for protection : And laffly, to demand the affign- 
 ment of foine lands in England for the King their Maf- 
 
 O It end bt- 
 J'g'.t. 
 
 happen in his Kingdom: That fhe had not put 
 to death, to fhovv how little lhc credited his depolition 
 That the two fugitives had been artfully recovered by the 
 Warden of the .1 lurch, who was to blame for Hi fieri ng 
 them to cfcape, and that Hie was aftonifiled, the King of 
 Scotland fhould demand them, fince to proteft the fedi- 
 tit us lubjefts of another Prince, was teaching his own to 
 rebel : That as to the afiignmenc of the I^ands, file had 
 given a fuflicient anfvver before : However, file would make 
 a yearly augmentation of two thoufand Pounds, provided 
 he would fince rely maintain their mutual friendfhip, with¬ 
 out fuffering himfelf to be influenced by Men, who fought 
 their own private advantage in the publick calamities. 
 
 I'he Siege of Ojlend, begun in July this year, furnifh- 
 
 how to rule, as gilded pills may deceive a fick Patient. But 
 I am none of thofe Princes: For 1 know that the Conn on- 
 wealth is to be governed for the good and advantage of thofe 
 that are committed to me, not of my felf to whom it is in¬ 
 truded ; and that an account is one day to be given before 
 another Judgment-Seat. I think my felf mojl happy, that 
 by God's affijlance l have hitherto j: projperoujly governed the 
 Commonwealth in all refpetls ; and that ! hav < fuch Subjects , 
 as for their good I would willingly leave both Kingdom and 
 Life olfo. 1 bcfeech you, that whatever mifdemeanours and 
 tmfearriages others art guilty of by their falfe fug± ns, may 
 not be imputed to me : Let the tfftimony of a clear confeience 
 entirely in all refpeiis excufe me. You are not ignorant, that 
 Princes Servants are oftentimes too much fet no on then cava 
 private advantage ; that the truth is frequent .V conceded from 
 
 :s of Sir Rk 
 
 h n m 
 
 tlumfht 
 
 » beheaded in the ^.-thvMrofhis arc. Osforn, ard fome others, affirm, th’t I,e warc.it ofl by the Intrn. 
 
 it. iff r 11 1 11 
 
 whole C..11..:,n.Itlvr was Siller to Edward IV. and her deal Cliandmother. Dau S l.tc to /■■ ” . / •• - . 
 
 Hence l.is Great Grand'ather tf'j/ur. k:i made Viltounl llcrtl - 1 . by Iwwjnl VI, 
 
 , by El. z ibitb. H<- b 
 "fa) Sir Cbrji'.fbcr Blunt, 
 ral, the Lord Uunfjen, Srci. 
 TudgCf. fih’i. .1..! Cu e. 
 Ytwn, c} th- Earl :J Ej)h 
 
 ( 3 ) ByMmva, M.m» 
 
 (4) The t Sir line i s aU.' « 
 his Subject to carry iPeovilii. 
 
 I Hertford and Ejj'tx 
 
 rt Cecil, tint he miyht 
 vith t. . v Osu;hter of 
 it nf she Dnikhtrrs .if 
 ind his Father liar! of 
 
 
 
 ) Sec a 
 
 ■ Daughters, by his Wile Frond, Daughter of Sir Fran; 
 
 Sir John Davis, Sir Gilhe Mtncke, and llen-yCulf, were tried cm Mi' ’ :■ brli.re l 
 •v Herbert, Lord Chief Juftice Fcfbam, Sir JM Fon.pu, Chanielior of he Carl.c, 
 •lybum, March 13, and Sir Cbrjhfber Blunt, and Si: Caries Da . t,, beheaded on l 
 . Statt-'lria/t, Vol. I. „ , _ 
 
 :.»/a. u auric,, that Sir llerry Nevill was with Effex as a Spy from Secretary Cecil- tom. L 
 i . rci , r ICini y unes „f the Imputations thrown upon him, tor dealing with the l ..pc, and K..ng u. 
 
 , to the Irtjb Rebels. JVtovnod's Mem 
 
 ii Com lei Dai'rr 
 try Cecil, Secret, 
 were executed a 
 
 Sally, 
 
 16) It 
 
 led at a 
 
 t dill. 
 
 b ff iin ai 
 
 t this Siege, in Camden, p. 64a. Cumpl. tl it. 
 ice 'torn him, went and took it up without any concern 
 , Deet r 19. D'/wei, p, 597. 
 
 Join Careto of Antony Ef.j. 
 
 • it he had felt n 
 
 ving - 
 
 anJ biought it into die T '\' 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 Princes, and ills, cnr.no! thirnfchis loc, 
 ‘ P I '- .id.,, litlh continues 
 of Sic.ran, ‘ 
 
 ELIZABETH. 
 
 uyl i to fort ant ojfaii 
 
 narrowly into all 
 y the heavy weight 
 
 ) < <■ 
 
 i 5 c -, 
 
 Eighth hid the good fortune to be believed when (he 
 lp-o.e in this manner, becufe in reality, the EnM, i„ 
 iivi Kcign, were tli-j happieft people under the Sun. They 
 
 lVa 
 
 C-rr. 
 
 Stafford' 
 
 "« would 
 
 ,.— .. people under the bun. They off'recoil ^ IffiZ 
 
 U Sri t/r: 
 
 - 'f the Ct: ,'J^ Li) L'L . / £ «** - But (L^e 
 
 hd et. ranted by Parliament lor the publick occafions, were quiet ws to C: ’ 10ught ’ U ' e bdt V * "v to procure 
 h'o ln 0 ; T e /f 7 ,hercfo ™ iwfon to think Lit T 7 T .L T V'™ 11 '' who >“ i 
 
 . !s- ,ecn truly loved them, fince (he caufed them to en- letfi.no- , ' , dc ^ not be done without neg- 
 
 3 ° 7 Oiren t h' ,PPI "|! i i'-' f ome Succeffors of this illuftri- whereof the Mir'b "y’f. f 1 ' r P ru "S ike piot 
 
 ?“ Qt-etl have tabled in the lame manner to their Far. as the Counts P ‘ r ,; " J - His Complices, 
 
 h nents nay, ,t is in great meafure become cultomary : their pan™ L Vi 1 °T 7 ""' -Mned 
 
 but they have not all gamed the fame credit, becaufe it is of the number ,i ■' ■' V n “ «*» w» alfo Eohilion i- 
 
 no words but deeds that perfwade. This affair did not from whence he S’ , r cl1 into Germany,-::"",'. 
 
 end m mutual compliments. The Commons willing to cede for him -ru v L ‘ft'"’ dcf,n "S her Co inter- Lei, f„ 
 (how them gratitude to the Queen, granted her the lamed nuaintim- v ,: th ", ‘~"’ s °I. Fra "“ to her alfo, ac- . 
 
 SL H eVer 8 T v r fi " Ce the of her concernhw the Ma r ftal ?fV' advice 
 
 Reign ( a) Happy are the Kings of England, who by a ed, (he could n,, I r f The Queen anfwer- 
 
 free and fmcere conduit wifely preface fuch a correfpon- whether the VlarLl w b ”Vf lil! «* certainly knew. 
 
 SL'S" war in Ireland was' l„ •ST’this'yiir more fuc- m enter',am fffpidon™ ?V 
 
 declare,g that £|W/, being lawfully depofed by the Pope, owned it ' * i -^“ s •**> a,ul had not even dif- 
 
 Ti,-cr„X her out, nets were ablolved from their oath of allegiance The Earl nf T ■ ,r 
 s'o - n-„ : u “ ,i D° me f® 1 d,VCI ' ,r ‘ k 1‘l from the Jam of the The Lord Dcmi.r'hov* ' “mV m I " lml declined. T. o-n 
 
 P'tsS.tre.el B “C'"dead °l making the progrefs he expefl- vine him any refrnte ' “g purfued him, without gi- 
 
 J’ toll'd himfel, befcted m Kingfah by the LordlDe- feifLoft f, ’ i, a‘w P ac “ whcrehe 'htoght him-cLrla. 
 
 puty Shortly ..her, the Earl of fiLn approaching the on t ^0 -^ h ™ 3 ‘^'“E' 1 ' caff h.m.eF Z. 
 tnghjh lo raife the iieo;e, was utterly routpH nfVr.w ,, u- k -u V een s mercy : but would not receive biV P*c. 
 
 "''a W General washed tLaphtikre He waTpIr mlngL't ^ *=* CoL. T^Lft «“* 
 
 f F.jiI of 
 
 T'r-oeu 
 Vfc Spar 
 
 1602 
 
 ^VTOtegfrelh attempts upin°/™W,' a'rjrf 'dgS ^*1 W ° n ‘ fa ” ^Uh ttoLTng'fte 
 
 mimd Ld Sh Vfa A6^£' cmdin t nQ a ?„m fflr ml LcovIL aZ *-f- 
 
 him —'S Moanfonj^ xSteStoS ll ■ " 
 
 him feme time afit, the^y ^ mil 
 
 I.rgc Carack ol hxteen hundred tuns, richly laden the ™ r r°n f ” hlch ,C " ;,s not poffible to eonce-r 
 
 is" S iggjx 
 
 c^lty'oTr^l^lfrL.. N-wfehfljnding the diffi- ^hich tendered “ 3,1 
 
 , , 7 - . . x ' vncrc ihe was guarded bv e 
 
 »iO.C., 7 t commanoed oy Spirmla, Notwithflandinv the diffi- which r'enf'd C™ WII “ a in all her limbs 
 
 f‘y ,° th = undertaking, they attacked the Carack and rcndered her motionlefs, and even caufed her to 
 
 ^ ^ L '^tlfte^ dllt, ^°Cou“tTh: 
 
 . 
 
 l,c 7 L th i' :e w f s a g^t centeft in England ThfsecreLyT' r w P tr f m »>W /L 
 
 -/'• , ' w , n '7 Enntianu tne lecui.ar Priofts. Thcfe laft ac vLLhr 7 a P /'"II" 8 to hcr > that thefe words avc-e 
 
 •he Queen had iniell^ that it Ir'dt ^ “P™ ^."Sr £ 
 
 Prof lair, 
 von a S n, 
 
 „ 
 
 Aft. I*,. 
 Xvi.p , 
 4Sa 
 
 P 3rt| y ■tferibes the caufe of th's 
 
 11 Love between 
 'lent or pertin.tc 
 
 S: 
 
 . , Sir Robe 
 
 '! “> that tim . j, 
 
 !™ 5 “TW|fr.h-s«™ no, i„ ,he fill, 
 
 ”*•$*** -' ^>ssr. 
 
 t.-mr, .1 !„ . .. , V' '•'>"/* *W* « W« 
 
 It. m whence it is plain ct. e._ 
 
 n -. «--- ai g Ils of her 
 
 Ljod > ihe expired on the 24th 
 
 •' fucjrdt, I 
 shnfinig m ( 
 
 of lick, hu: , 
 fons cu-ting and 
 Spoiling Woe d, 
 
 ' I'ren be raifed, but fold. 
 
 'lid r. 
 
 d the r 
 ned So'd 
 
 ”*y « 
 
 (■i) This yen 
 
 it Da 
 
 1 falierh.-— 
 ner i,f i ailing Money 
 ' ”" i 5- An Ad 
 
 " e,ow J' ,e ’ ,obt,,n B Orchards, breaking 
 being Felony bv Law ; lfc.ll be obliged (0 
 
 s d§ ue n EkffioL^rSe 0 f°grave'and'd fci P " ii ^ i ' nt -' tlcn - For. 
 •apTit or Contention, tut with a preMratioi.ro? d 'V P e ‘ ,onf ' not ftfliou; 
 d lenths. And the Clergy gave Au^bfidies n f f \°h;!- he pu . b,:ck B" od ' p- >4- 
 «'ete granted to the Queen three Subfidies * ard f 0 "'..f h,ll,r p ,n tl: e found. See 
 
 Aad yl ,r'h, "I. u f- rrJT,.d it 
 
 nndt D'rwu iuftly obferves p ^ Parliament, the fameSubfidies wer- 
 
 . P- 5 / 4 - That wnatfoever « once granted by ,he 
 
 14 ) Which 
 (') Sir RoL 
 (*) Namelj, ... 
 at.,. S r sfrtbxr Cb 
 
 7 ; H cam; to tJrc Lturi De, 
 nr M r. ird attended bv (evr, 
 "t” ■ » MOI O ,o„ 
 
 -The Adis made in this Pai liaml.? U1 ' ■ T ' * J - «uauo 
 
 n ?%%•?%£ .7475,'tC, %r t > m k 
 
 ... "P >WT*£. »S e p i 
 
 e - w ucisiaction, or be whipped 
 
 6 t 7' "f e-lSP, s;«„ of si, rife 
 
 —This year ailo 
 
 died IUnry Herbert E.irl 
 . . , - ord M/hugboy of Ertiby. ' CWrT’p 
 '^w'/w >°H d r , C ' aCT ^> p- 6 45 - 
 
 •V ' ■ 7 '-I „ r 
 
 ' ‘ ““ ** ST!J*VS“ f " ,w " di '""L’offi”, Ju&S£ C ? doa of «• r«~, Domroy, 
 
 rtfzxirP&i KrsrsjSi, ** 
 
 ' ff“6 idl again open hi, kn ra . “*»“ *>» *> «w P » m | th». 
 
 at At,;: 
 
 of 
 
i 16 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1603. of March , old flyle, in the feventieth year of her age, 
 
 ' S 11 (O' 
 
 To Jifplav m few words the Elogy of this llluftrious 
 burj : • (V ,n, it ! .MS to be fufficient to obferve, that her name 
 jT'iLll I'f Blcilcd Memory with the Eng/ijh, now when 
 Klatter - , cannot be fuppofed to have any fhare in the vene- 
 hey j ay hei But Elizabeth banifhed from England 
 tholick Religion, and reftored the Reformation, 
 i I alone was the caufe that two Parties have been form¬ 
 ed on her account, who mutually tax each other with 
 I 1 ' teftant , confi i< ring that 
 
 this Queen was the foie bulwark of their Religion, which 
 , . b n deft >y< n ; 
 
 S.-jtlm'l, Ireland, and perhaps in France and the Low- 
 Co’.a cannot forbear giving her great commendations, 
 and feel themfelves inclined to excufe her failings. For 
 the fame reafon, the Roman Catholicks look upon her 
 with another eye •, nay, fome have not fcrupled to paint 
 
 ive ht r tl< moft < dious 
 
 epithets. This makes it impofhble to give her a charac¬ 
 ter that (hall pleafe all the world. I foall content myfcft 
 therefore with making fome Rcfle£lions which will affift 
 thofe who feek only Truth, to pals an impartial judgment 
 on this famous Queen, free from party-paffion and preju- 
 
 dice. .. 
 
 1 | In< nt 1 t 
 
 found and folid. This appeared in her whole conduct, 
 from the beginning to the end of her Reign. Nothing 
 fhows her capacity more, than her addrefs in iurmounting 
 the difficulties and troubles created by her enemies, efpeci- 
 ally when it is confidered what thefe enemies were, the 
 moft powerful, the moft artful, the moft fubtle, and the 
 lealt fcrupulous in Europe { z). The bale naming of them 
 is a fufficient demonftration. The Court of Rome under 
 fcvcial Popes, Philip II. King of Spain, the Duke of Alva , 
 Henry II. and Charles IX. Kings of France , Catherine de 
 M HA, t lie Duke of Guife, the Cardinal ol Lor rain. Alary 
 Queen of Scots , all the Komijh Clergy, and particularly the 
 • Had hei r< n ] > 1 ble to thofe of her 
 
 enemies united together, there would be nothing very ex¬ 
 traordinary. Strength often fupplics the want of capacity. 
 But in what manner did file withftand fo potent, fo for¬ 
 midable Enemies ? It was by two or three Maxims which 
 Die made the rule of her conduct, and from which fhe 
 never fwerved : To make herfelf beloved by her people : To 
 i ■ frugal of her Treafure : To cherijh diffention amongfi her 
 Neighbours. If things are rightly confidered, file had no 
 other way to Retire herfelf. It cannot therefore be denied, 
 that this is a clear evidence of her ability. But as her abi¬ 
 lity was never queftioned, it is not this I am chiefly to 
 deferibe. On the contrary, her enemies have taken oc- 
 cafion from thence to defame her, by reprefenting as vices 
 iltr Dag- difguifed, what her friends extol as fo many virtues. They 
 pr et en d, that her ability confifted wholly in an over-drain¬ 
 ed diffimulation, and a profound hypocrify. In a word, 
 they fay fhe was a perfect Comedian. For my part, I 
 don’t pretend to deny that file made great ufe of diffimu¬ 
 lation, as well to the Courts of France and Spain, as to the 
 < )ucen of Scotland and the Scots. This would be denying a 
 manifefl truth. The Court of Rome was the only Court 
 file never diflembled with. I am alfo perfuaded, that be¬ 
 ing fo much concerned to gain the love and efteem of her 
 fubje&s, fhe affc&ed to fpeah, frequently and with exag¬ 
 geration, of her tendernefs for them, and deftred to have 
 it believed, that file did thro’ an exceffive love to her Peo¬ 
 ple, things wherein her own intereft was moftly concern d. 
 But the queftion is to know, whether in her circumftances 
 her diffimulation was blameable. What injury was it to 
 her fubjedts to endeavour to perluade them, fhe loved them 
 tenderly, fince fhe adlually and really did whatever was 
 neceilary to convince them ? As to foreigners, it mult 
 "be carefully obferved, that hei diffimulation and artifices 
 tended not to invade their pofleffions, but to preferve her 
 own. Her enemies frequently attempted to deprive her 
 both of Crown and Life, and flic faved both by her policy 
 and diffimulation. Where is the harm of fuch a conduct? 
 Can the diffimulation and artifices which aim only at felf- 
 prefervation, be, without extreme prejudice, confounded 
 with the diffimulation and artifices that tend to furprife 
 the innocent, and invade the property of others; can 
 thefe, I fay, be confidered upon the fame foot ? For my 
 part I am lb far from thinking that this fort of diffimula¬ 
 
 tion is any blemifh to Elizabeth's reputation, that I rather k ’ ■ 
 believe it ought to be reckoned among her commendable 
 qualities. r 
 
 Avarice is another failing imputed to her by her own 
 friends. I will not deny that lhe was two parfimonious, 0 
 and upon fome occafions ftuck too clofe to her maxim, 
 not to be at any expence but what was abfoluiely ncceila- 
 ry. However in general I maintain, that her circumftances 
 required her, if not to he covetous, at Icaft not to part 
 with her money but with the greateft caution, both to 
 preferve her People’s affe&ion, and inable her to withftand 
 her enemies. After all, whom did file wrong by her ex - 
 treme frugality? A dozen of hungry Courtiers, who 
 would have been very glad file had lavifh’d her treafure, 
 like the King her Father in the beginning of his reign. 
 
 As for the reft of her Subjedb, inftead of having caufe to 
 complain of this pretended avarice, they hail reafon to be 
 pie ded with it, fince it confifted not in robbing them ot 
 their property by illegal methods, as Henry VII. her 
 Grandfather had done, but in husbanding her revenue - , 
 and confequently their own (3). . 
 
 She is alfo accufed of not being fo chafte, as fhe affected 
 to appear. Nay, fome pretend, there are now in Eng- cinfry. 
 land the defeendents of a Daughter fhe had by the Earl of 
 Leicijler. But as hitherto no proof of this accufation has 
 been produced, it may be fafely reckon’d among the ca¬ 
 lumnies with which her reputation has been attack’d, as 
 well during her life as after her death. 
 
 It is not fo eafy to juftify her concerning the death of 
 the Queen of Scots. Here it mud freely be owned that /lhe: ^ (en 
 {lie facrificed equity, juftice, and perhaps her own confci- sfSeut*. 
 ence, to her fiifety. If Mary was guilty of her Husband’s 
 murder, as there is reafon to believe, it belong’d not to 
 Elizabeth to punilh her. And indeed it was not lor 
 that file took away her life, but file ufed that pretence to 
 detain her in prifon, under the deceitful excufe of ma¬ 
 king her innocence appear. On this occafion her diffimu¬ 
 lation was blame-worthy. I his firft injuftice ingag d 
 her afterwards, to ufe numberlcfs arts and devices to ha\e a 
 pretence to render Mary's imprifonment perpetual. 
 
 Hence arofe at laft the neceffity of putting her to death 
 on the fcaffold. In fliort, this c:;cefs of violence gave 
 birth to more artifices and ads of diffimulation to juftify 
 herfelf, and caft the blame on the innocent. 1 his, 
 doubtlefs, is Elizabeth's great blemifh, which manifeftly 
 proves to what height (he carried the fear of lofing a 
 tottering Crown. "This continual fear and uncali- 
 nefs, is what charaderifes her reign, becaufe it was the 
 fpring of almoft all her adions. All that can be faid for 
 Elizabeth , is, that the Queen of Scots and her friends h id 
 brought things to fuch a point, that one of the two 
 Queens was to perifh, and it was natural that the weakeft: 
 fliould fall. But this does not excufe Elizabeth's injuftice 
 to Mary, in detaining tier in prifon, which had no other 
 foundation than Elizabeth's fear concerning her Crown. 
 
 I come now to Elizabeth's religion. I don t believe her C• 'r 
 
 being a true Proieftant was ever queftion’d. But as it was 
 her Intereft to be fo, fome have taken occafion to doubt * 
 whether the zeal file exprcHed for her religion, was the 
 eft'ed of her perfwafion or policy. What may have oc- 
 cafioned this doubt, is, that it clearly appears in her Hi- 
 fiory, that in affifting the Proteftants of France and the 
 Netherlands, as well as thofe of Scotland , lhe had only 
 temporal views, namely, her own fafety and defence a- 
 gainft impending invafions. But it cannot thence be in¬ 
 ferred, file was not a good Proteftant, or had no religion 
 at all, fince ’tis not impolfible that her religion fiiould agree 
 with her temporal intereft. All that can be laid, is, that: 
 lhe happened fometimes to prefer her temporal, before her 
 religious concerns. 
 
 She is warmly accufed of perfecting the Catholicks, c f i:trr, N 
 and putting feveral to death. ’Tis true, there were fome "ffca- 
 that fuffered dcatii in her reign. Hut one may venture to tMick s. 
 affirm, that none were punifhed but for confpiring againft 
 the Queen or State, or for attempting to deftroy the 1 ru- 
 teftant Religion in England , and reftore the Rotmjh by 
 violent methods. The Catholicks who lived peaceably, 
 werb tolerated, tlio’ with fome reftraint as to the exercife 
 of their religion, but with none as to their confidences. II 
 this may be called perfection, what name fiiall be gi¬ 
 ven to the fuftcrings of the Proteftants in the reign ot 
 Mary (4) ? 
 
 ninths, and eight days 
 M.ichthe Reader may 
 
 
 O' She lived fntty nine years, fix months, and feven days ; and reigned forty four yea 
 Hir.ry VIl’s Chapel. Her Succeffor King James eredted a (lately Monument to her IV 
 
 T •? NTHNAATtNltAH:,. ,„ 
 
 by Proclamation dilchargcd the fourth, ai d fo much ot the other thiec as was no evie ■ . . /. /• - ,betb' s te'gn, not one Pa pi ft wa 
 
 y ( 4) The lecolar Prie.ls themfelves .Lowed in thei, writings : That m the el even hrft y«„ ■ofQgen L ^ „ f .h,', „, t , 
 
 Religion : in ten years alter the poUfetion of Pope Psu, Vs Bull not above twel e P nell:s had^ been p . t > ^ ^ 
 
 year i <,So, when the turbulent and refllcfs Jefuits firft fet foot m England, and yet in the tc y 
 
 and fifty five baniflied. See Camden, p. 649, 
 
 4 
 
 'minfltr, in 
 . her Epi- 
 
 govern ; and pro- 
 
 . P' 417 
 
Book XVII. 
 
 - ' ■ 
 
 1603. The Presbyterians think alfo, they haVfi rcafon to com* 
 plain ©f the Statute enafted in this Reign, which deprived 
 them of Liberty of Confcience, though they were Pro- 
 teftants. I fhalj not take upon me to determine, whether, 
 they had caufe to complain of this rigour. I fliall only 
 fay, that, in my opinion, they had too much Obftinacy, 
 and their adverfaries too little Charity. 
 
 Elizabeth’s To fum up in two words what may ferve to form Eli- 
 
 juft F.n corns- 
 
 '51 
 
 zabetffs Charafter, I /hall add, that fhe was a good and i6oi„ 
 illuftrious Queen, with many virtues and noble qualities, 
 and few faults. But what fhe ought to be efteemed for 
 above all things, is, that fhe caufed the Englijh to enjoy a 
 felicity unknown to their Anceftors, under rrlofl of the 
 Kings her predeceflbrs. This, doubtlefs, is the Teft* by 
 which we are to judge of thofe whom God has fet over 
 us. 
 
 23. ELIZABETH. 
 
 By an Indenture of the 2d. of EUxobelb, a pound weight of Go'd, of the old Standard, of 23 Carats 3 Grains and a half fine, was coined into 36 
 pounds by tale ; namely, into 24 Sovereigns, at thirty Shillings a piece, or 48 Rials, at fifteen Shilh’lgs, or 72 Angels, at ten Shillings j piece, or 144 
 Half-Angels, at five Shilling! a piece : And a pound weight of Crown Gold of 22 Carats fine, and 2 Carats allay, was coined into 33 pounds by tale ; 
 namely, 33 Sovereigns at twenty Sbillmgi apiece, or 66 Half-Sovereigns at ten Shil/ingi apiece, or 132 Crowns at fii/e ibtfcngi a pine, or 2C4 Half 
 Crowns. And a pound weight of the old Sterling .silver, mix. 11 Ounces 2 penny weight tine, and 18 penny-weight allay, was coined into 3 pounds by- 
 
 tale, of Halt-Shillings, Groats, Quarter-Shillings, Hall-Groats, Three Half-penny-pieces, Bence, and Farthings -In the 19th of her Reign, a pound 
 
 of Gold, of the old Standard, was coined into 7?. Angels, at ten Shillings apiece, 144 Half-Angels, ar five Shillings a piece, or 288 Quarter-Angels, a 
 mounting in tale to 36 pounds ; and a pound of old Sterling Silver, into Half-Shillings, Threepences, Three-half-penny, or Three Farthing-pieces, to make 
 
 siiree pounds by tale-And in the 23. into fixty Shillings, or into three pounds by tale-In the 26th, a pound Troy of old Standard Gold, was 
 
 coined into 48 Nobles, at fifteen 'billing: a piece, or 24 double Nobles, at thirty Shillings apiece, making 36 pound. -In the 3 9 th year of this 
 
 Reign, a pound weight of Gold of 22 Carats fine, and 2 Carats allay, was cointd into 33 Sovereigns, at twenty Shillings apiece, or 66 Half-Sovereigns, 
 
 or 132 Crowns, or 264 Half-Crowns, making 33 pounds by talc--—In the 43d the pound weight of old Standard Gold, was coined in n 73 Angels) 
 
 at ten Shillings a piece, or 146 Half Angels, or 292 Quarter-Angels, making 36 pounds, 10 Shillings in tale, and the pound weight of G -M of 22 Carats 
 fine, and 2 Carats allay, into 33 Sovereigns and a half, at twenty Shillings a piece, or 67 Half-Soveie : gns, or 134 Crowns, or 268 Half Crowns, making 
 
 33 pnunds,^ten Shillings in tale ; and the pound weight of old Standard Silver, in'o thiee poundr, two Shillings by tale j viz. into Crowns, Half-Crown., 
 
 Shillings, Six-pences, Two-pences, Pence,- and Half-pence. 
 
 heJfirtf h, 2 f T h t* 0 , A'" r ’ Vnl ' h “* b ' 0,, S ht ,l ' E ’t U ! b Mm '», were not quite rooted out till Queen ESmSM, Reign - be¬ 
 tter firrt buboefs was to mark all the bate Pieces, etther with a Greyhound. Portclufc, Lion. Hasp, Rote, or Fleur-de-hnHer G°ldG,in, aAo’oeaM 
 
 .. . Sovereign.^ H.l f-Snvereignt, or Rials, Nobles, double Nobles, Angel,, Half-Angels, Piece, of an Angel and .half 
 
 : fide, the Queen’s Figure, in Armour and Ruff, Hair dilheveled, crowned w^th 
 
 from the foregoing Indentures, v . .. __ ___ ^ 
 
 and three Angels, Crowns, and Half-Crowns? The Sovereign his,^- - 
 the Imperial Crown of England, ( confiding of the double Arch, as born e 
 
 n ofr/ 1 5*o hdsir^rnirt^rSdro”n. "sT muLS'i ! 1 "The™Vf ‘ 
 
 OHO. FRA. 
 
 OCVL HR,'_"Af “I!® ' ht *”• " i ' t the Center A. DUO. FACT V. EST. ISTVdT'eT. MIRAbAS' 
 
 Money, from the Crown to the Three-pence, is the fame, 1 ' - 
 
 POSVI, &c. On the Crown and Half Crown, (he appears 
 Reign of Henry III. The Shillings --. 
 
 0 Brafi or Copper-Money coined in England before Tamei 'I Thi« S't7-,-r’ 
 'y.TTTV' Dl G ' f NG ' FR . A ' ET HIB - R E 01NA. Reverfc, the Arms and 
 T „ h ' “»*■ « »f r 'V"*l kin*, tome with ,e£ Si”, ite,‘"oV D,Te thT 
 
 2l'vSX ! ' l, E B oSa ■' X'ZL L ZT, TT" "t S“ Ifi 1 * l ’ “ A“” ^ R. G ’wlZ,Ve , ^e'e„-, P 'he.t 
 
 s ,r.s “” k - h c r f'”k c ”vr - zzz r- 
 
 ftoththc ‘“ n “‘ ““'r. namely. Shillings called Harper,, 
 
 R r 
 
 No. 5 r, Vol. II. 
 
 THE 
 
T H 
 
 HISTORY of 
 
 ENGLAND. 
 
 BOOK XVIII. 
 
 The Reign of James I; Containing the Space of two and twenty Tears, and three Days. 
 
 24 . JAMES I. 
 
 L 7 Z AB E T H had no fooner 
 breathed her laft, but the Council 
 met to confult about the meafures 
 that were to be taken in the prefent 
 juncture. The Queen, who had de¬ 
 layed to name her Succefior till the 
 end of her days, at laft declared, 
 the King of Scotland was to afeend 
 the Throne of England after her, and 
 it was not doubted but her Will agreed with this declara¬ 
 tion. So, the Council deemed it neccffary, before all 
 things, to be allured of it, by perufing the Will, which 
 was immediately opened, and found to confirm what the 
 Aft Pub Qi ieen had declared by word of mouth. The King of 
 xvi,p.494.. S cot l an d had therefore in his perfon a threefold Right, 
 which rendered his Title indifputable. The firft was what 
 is called in England , a Parliamentary Right, which de¬ 
 rived its validity from the ACt of Parliament, fecuring the 
 Crown to Henry VII. and his Heirs. The fecond was 
 Hereditary Right, for this Prince was the neareft relation, 
 and natural Heir to Elizabeth. Thefe two Rights were 
 farther ftrengthened by the Queen’s Will, which made the 
 third. So, the Council readily judged, he ought to be 
 Stow. acknowledged for King of England. This refolution be- 
 Syouswood. j n g imparted to the Lord-Mayor of London , the new 
 King was proclaimed by the name of James I, fix hours 
 after the Queen’s death. 
 
 James re- Though the Council had been careful to fend the King 
 Le,v “ tb ‘ bii the firft news of his acceftion to the Crown of England , 
 ^Aatffion to Sir Robert Carey , the Lord Hunfdon's youngeft Son, found 
 the Crown means to be before them (1). James , who impatiently 
 0/ England expeCted the news, received it however without altering 
 We'iian. his countenance, the Queen’s illnefs having been long c- 
 
 nough to afford him time to be compofed, when the news 1605. 
 fhould arrive, Neverthelefs, he could not forbear lifting 
 up his eyes to heaven, probably to thank God for the fa¬ 
 vour he had long expeCted, not without great anxiety. E- Du Chelhe 
 lizabeth would never pofitively declare, fhe intended to Hift d ' An " 
 name him for her Succeffor. She contented herfelf with 8 * et * 
 keeping him in hopes, but in fuch a manner, that fhe 
 feemed to referve the power of depriving him of the Suc- 
 ceflion, if his conduct difpleafed her. James's correfpon- 
 dence with the Earl of EJfex^ which, though connived at, 
 was not unknown to the Court of England , might give him 
 fome apprehenfions. Belides, Elizabeth never loved him ; 
 whether becaufe he was Son to her mortal enemy, or had 
 fhown too much impatience to poffefs the Crown of Eng¬ 
 land ; or in fine, by reafon of his inclination to the Ca- 
 tholicks. All thefe reafons made this Prince very uneafy, 
 in the expectation of a Crown which his birth intitled him 
 to, but which, however, he might have loft, had Eliza¬ 
 beth been pleafed to take meafures to deprive him of it. 
 
 The news of the Queen’s death could not then but be agree¬ 
 able to him, fince, by his corrcfpondence with one of the 
 chief Minifters, he was allured fire had done nothing to 
 his prejudice. 
 
 Prefently after Carey's arrival, came Sir Charles Percy s tow . 
 and Thomas SomerJ'et , who, by order of the Council of Spatiswood. 
 England, notified to him the Queen’s death, and the Coun¬ 
 cil’s diligence in proclaiming him (2). Thefe were quickly 
 followed by Sir Thomas Lake , who was fent bv the Coun¬ 
 cil to inform him of the ftate and condition of the 
 Realm (3). 
 
 Whilft the news of his acceftion to the Crown was car- Rl f ef j ioni 
 rying to the King, the Englijh were reflecting on the altc- •mbt En- 
 rations which the Queen’s death was likely to produce, 
 
 (1 j The Lord Hunfdan's Father married Ann Boteyn's Sifter. Sir Robert's Brother, George Lord Hunfdon, was Lord Chamberlain of the Queen’s Houlhold, 
 and Privy Gounfellnr; and his Brother Sir John was Governor of Berwick. Dugdate'o Baron- Vol. II. p- 397, 398. 
 
 (i) The C uncil's Letter to him begins with thcle pompous words, Right high, right excellent and mighty Prince, and our dread Sovereign Lord, <3c. 
 See Spottfwood, p. 473- 
 
 (3) Several other Perfons of diftindlion came to pay their refpefts to him, and among the reft John Peyton, (Son of Sir Job* Peyton Lieutenant of the 
 Tower f London) whom be knighted, being the firft on whom he conferred that honour, Stow, p. 818. 
 
 j The 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 24 - JAMES I. 
 
 .603. The People in general lamented the lofs of their Queen. 
 7 hey had been happy under her, and were not fure their 
 happinefs would continue in the new Reign. A King of 
 Scotia» d Oil the Throne of England , was to moil no pleaiing 
 objedl. Befides, fince James was of age, he had given no 
 very advantages idea of h.mfelf. His unfteadinefs, his 
 weakneis for his lavorites, his inclination to the Catho- 
 hcks, of which, on feveral occafions, he had given vifible 
 marks, were not qualities apt to prepoiTefs the Englljh in 
 nis favour. It was hoped, however, he would tread in the 
 lteps of the illuftrious Queen, his immediate predeceflbr, 
 becaufe it was thought he could not follow a better courfe 
 and what is defired is eafily believed. As for the deceafed 
 t^iieen s Mmifters and Courtiers, the good and welfare of 
 the Realm was what leaft affeaed them. Every one was 
 wholly intent upon gaming the favour of the Succefl'or 
 1 owards the end of the late Reign, there were two fac¬ 
 tions at Court, the one confiding of Ejjix’s friends, and 
 the other of Ins enemies. The firft was entirely humbled 
 by the death of their Head ; and the other had fo far the 
 Sir Robert aicendant, that they abfolutely ruled in the Council Sir 
 22 LK , , 7 C / C i of State, and fecond Son of the 
 
 King fames ate L ° r l Treafurer Burleigh , was at the head of this 
 b'fore Eliza- Barty. But this politick Courtier, forefeeing, that after 
 b«h'. *. the Queen's death his Party could not fail of finking, 
 Weldon. Imce k '"g 7 am “ confidered the Earl of Effex as his 
 
 martyr, had taken timely meafures for his fupport Be¬ 
 fore the Queen's deceafe, he had devoted himfelf to the 
 Kmg ol Scotland, and held a private correfpondence with 
 Wilfon, nim ’ to ,n 'orm him of what palled at Court. By this 
 f- “*• mcans ". he had Secured that Prince's favour, though it was 
 not without danger of lofing the Queen’s, had fhe known 
 his fecret praflices (1). He was the only Man of his 
 Party that had gained the new King’s favour, which he 
 fc.artfully cultivated, that in the end he became his Prime 
 Mimlter. 
 
 •rbc H,pet * here was alfo another thing which engaged the atten- 
 namely, the affair of Religion. The 
 ^llth wtb klI1 S s Condudt in Scotland gave occalion for fundry reflec- 
 ,,ga,j „ tions, which kept People in uncertainty, none knowing 
 Sr’ t0 be h °P ed or feared - 7 ™" was 
 
 k°. r ‘i\/r 0r i,' R “"'‘ I "u Ca ' hollck Parents ’ but being taken from 
 his Mother in his infancy, had been educated in the Pro- 
 teltant Religion, and always profeffed it. On the other 
 hand the Religion he had been brought up in, though 
 Proteftant, differed a little from the Religion efiablifhed in 
 England if not in Doftrine, at leaft in Difcipline, and 
 tome other points of external worfhip, which were confi¬ 
 dered by the two Churches as very important, In a 
 word, it was the Presbyterian or Puritanical Religion. In 
 
 fine, this Print-** Rorl fh C ”.i_ 1 1 r - - 
 
 159 
 
 . . J | ,au ruricamcai religion. In 
 
 1 ne , th ' s Prjnce had fhown on numberlefs occafions, that 
 
 Tn'!? c j bClng an enem >' to the Romijh Religion. 
 All this formed a certain contrail, which bred an univer¬ 
 sal fufpenfe. The Catholicks hoped to meet, under his 
 Government, with gentler treatment, and more indulgence 
 
 r nay > thcy carricd theia expectations 
 
 much farther. The Presbyterians flattered themfelves, that 
 j antes, who had been educated in their Religion, would 
 promote the reforming of the Church of England upon 
 the plan of that of Scotland, and hoped ihortiy to fee the 
 downfal of the Ecclefiaftical Hierarchy. Finally , the 
 Church-of-England-Mon thought to have reafon to expeft, 
 that 'be new King would conform to their Religion, fince 
 t was eftabldhed by Law. But after all, the hopes of the 
 three Parties could not but be mixed with fears, fince the 
 Ktng had not yet declared. Such were the fentiments of 
 the L nglijh, concerning their new King, whom as yet they 
 knew only by report. 1 y 
 
 J™;* fa, As /om M Jmui was informed by the perfons fent from 
 
 Z,t E ” S ' , ° f E ’* lani that he was proclaimed, he dif- 
 
 s»». patched AJlon to acquaint the Privy Councilors, that he 
 p. " as preparing for his journey , and accordingly he left 
 
 ter"' it Ti Sth of /❖'•'A eleven days after IliscahMs 
 death I he principal Scotch Lords, by whom he was at- 
 tended into England were the Duke of Lenox, the Earl 
 of Mar the Lord Hum,, and the Lord K.nlof, with fe- 
 veral others of left diftinaion, but who afterwards were pro¬ 
 
 moted to Englljh Honours and Dignities. He fpent above t6ot 
 a month in his journey from Edinburgh to London fa) 
 where he arrived the 7 th of May, He had no fooner en- «, „ 
 tercd England, but the People drove to demonflrate their " lu ‘ d 
 refpea by magnificent entertainments in all the Towns he 
 palled through. Such were their acclamations, their wiftics -peed, 
 for his profper.ty, their praifes and joy for his arrival, that Willbn « 
 an honed plain Scotchman could not forbear faying, This P ’ 66l ‘ 
 People will fpo,l a gud King. Mean while, the multitudes Pcalmo. 
 Which flocked from all parts to fee their new Sovereign b:r - 
 grew at laftfo troublefome to him, that he was forced to pl/tL"' 
 let bounds to their cunofity by a Proclamation. This wa sJkd»e '• 
 very lurprizing to the People, who did not underftand that , . 
 a little mconveniency fhould hinder the King from receiv- SnS 
 mg the refpefls of his newSubjeas. But perhaps this was 
 owing to the King’s fear, that among the crowd feme af- 
 laihn might lurk, and attempt upon his life. It may be 
 too he had a mind to accuftom his Subjects not to be 
 too familiar with their Sovereign. Be this as it will, it did 
 not hinder the people from paying him every where the 
 refpea due to him, and expreffing great fatisfaflion to fee 
 nim pals, in order to be feated on the Throne. 
 
 At Tori, moll of the Englijh Lords came and paid n, F -is 
 him their homage. Among thefe was Secretary Cecil, wt? 
 who was now confidered as out of favour, becaufe he had ‘'""York, 
 been Effex's fworn enemy. But great was the furnriae o.?i W ' „ 
 when the King received him with extraordinary marks r mmj™’ 
 ot elteem T his gave occafion to fufpeft, he had taken WeM “- 
 care beforehand to gain his favour, and the King’s beha- P ' 
 viour to him afterwards confirmed the fufpicion. Some „ . 
 accufe this Lord of mfpiring the King with the defign of 
 ettmg himfelf above the laws, and not buffering the Par- 
 liament to fhare the fupreme authority with him. At 
 leatt. It IS certain, James's chief care, after his acceffton 
 was to maintain the prerogative Royal in its utmoft extent ,i ‘ 
 nay to carry it higher than any of his predeceffors. He Slf'- 
 mult, at the time I am now fpeaking of, have conceived «' *“».-■ a 
 a larger notion than had been hitherto formed, of the power 
 of an Enghjh King, fince when he came to Newark he S" 
 ordered a Cut-purfe to be hanged by his foie warrant, and s “™- 
 without trial. It cannot be denied that this was beyond c " kt ’ p ' s " 
 the lawful power of a King of England, and direfily con¬ 
 trary to the privileges of the Englifh Nation. Probabiy 
 care was taken to warn him of the ill effeSs fuch illegal 
 a«s might produce among the people, fince he refrained 
 from them ever after. 
 
 On the 3d of May he came to Theobald's, Secretary 
 
 Co, ,ciP° ' (3) ’ Wh l re hC ftayed fome da P- Here the ?h 33 d" 
 Council came to pay their refpeas to him, and here paffed s »»- 
 
 what was moft remarkable in his journey till his arrival Wilfa ” 
 
 M London. When he was about to leave Scotland, he fent Sto„. 
 
 Carey to tell the Privy-Counfeliors, that his intention was 
 to continue every man in his poll. However, at his com- «' M 
 mg to Lheobalis, he encreafes their number with feveral / ””; 
 others moft of whom were Scots, his defign being, as he ,“1 r&t 
 more plainly Ihowed afterwards, to make but one King- 
 dom of England and Scotland. The new Scotch Counfel- ^Vr 4 ' 
 ors were the Duke of Lenox, the Earl of Mar, the Zf' 
 
 Lor Hume (4), and Sir James Elphmjlon [his Secretary.] 
 
 He nominated alfo two Englijh Noblemen, the Lords 
 r ° U : and Secretary Cecil's eldeft brother. In,,,* 
 
 find likewife that at the fame time or prefently after, he ,hr Howard 
 admitted into his Council the Earls of Northumberland and 5 
 Cumberland (;) the Lords Thomas and Henry Howard, the WA„„. 
 one Ion, the other brother to the late Duke of Norfolk of Weldon, 
 whom the fir ft was a fufpefted, the lad a known Papiil ’but 
 upon the King’s arnval he had embraced tile Proteftant 
 Religion. The King s gratitude to the Howard -Familv 
 who, for the fake of the Queen his Mother, were in dif- 
 grace in the late Reign, did not flop there. The Loid 
 Thomas was made Earl of Suffolk, and then Lord Trea- 
 forer, and the Lord Henry was created fome years after 
 Ear of Northampton. Moreover, Philip Earl of Arundel, 
 the late Duke of Norfolk's eldeft fon, having loft his title 
 by his condemnation, though Elizabeth gave him his life 
 the King crated his Son Thomas, Earl of ArunU and 
 Surrey ( 6 ). Thus the King’s regard for the Duke of 
 
 Norfolk's 
 
 Jii wi.h p i‘.sV,i“^ E fc“ ’ t ;r.Kr 8 'L” ™ c rr”"' 1 »° u ' r ™ u r»«h„ .„ r i Cd lhc 
 
 thing, figned .n wntmg an rngagement to alien and (land by the Rife ot W fi t n x * nothcr s do.ng it, and without the Queen’s fufpefting ar v 
 XT he 0^ b /r Being in the CotTwiSt?P* ** C ‘? - - y ^ kc t0 hav P e ^ ”1 
 
 wmSsSZoZ™ i ^ h " r ‘” “■ 
 
 tly i S, TU t S “- ’ reCelV and emertiined b y Sir Oliver Cromwell, than he had been ail the way b-fore, 
 
 S | °dy ; !“ ^ ^ The King pw h ^ ^ 
 
 f! y S ‘I »™. »«■* Earl of Duel,,, the Lord KV.r, v,. 
 
 (6) T™™id' r 2;rnt„„/KS‘jf 0 ps^tt'cnS’n’ b ' h mil> ‘ ke > ™ ' h ' Earl 
 
 f D “ k ~f' flff’Shom, by whom 0, h ,d H„ry E.Il of S...... bahaadad ,a VIlT'' an°a *’ E Unot,„b, Danghtar „f Cdrnrd 
 
 . — Tha r„d fl „, mrt „d DiUBht „ of >t , E>rl of o}fird _ 
 
 and 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 160 
 
 1603. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 ■vijb .-/ it. 
 
 May 20. 
 July ar. 
 
 tfJt> Ef 
 
 foe'! knc 
 
 He bai a 
 lre.H Idea 
 oj the Ponve, 
 of Kings. 
 
 R. Coke 
 
 much flat¬ 
 tered upon 
 
 Coke, p. 8 
 
 ■real AJ- 
 erter of 
 Hereditary 
 Right. 
 
 R. Coke. 
 
 V,'/ family', plainly fhowed wliat he thought of Eli¬ 
 zabeth'* treatment of that Duke and his Houfe. ’ Twas 
 not in this alone that he expreffed his refentment againlt 
 tht late Queen. Upon all occafions he afte&ed to fliow, 
 it was only out of policy that he had whilft fhc lived, con¬ 
 cealed his avei lion for her. The moft notable mark he 
 gave of it, was, that he neither went into mourning him- 
 fdf nor would admit any perfon to his prefence in a mourn¬ 
 ing-Habit. , , . , 
 
 From the King’s arrival in England to his departure 
 ■ from Theobald's, he made about two hundred Knights, and 
 f ome days after his coming to London , he made many 
 more. As Elizabeth had been fparing in the attribu¬ 
 tion of Honours, with which Sovereigns are wont tore- 
 ward the merit and fervices of their fubjeds, her luccefior 
 on the contrary, bellowed them with a liberal, or rather 
 profufe, hand.' Never had the like number of Knights, 
 Barons, and Earls been made in any former Reign. 
 This occafion’d a fatirical Libel, entitulcd, A help for weak 
 memories to retain the names of the Nobility (1 ). I llc tru | h 
 is, James made fo many Knights and Peers particularly 
 in the fir ft years of his Reign, that Inch a help was very 
 neceflary. Indeed it is pretended, the current of honour 
 was fo flopped in Elizabeth' s Reign, that fcarce a County 
 had Knights enough to make a jury (2). 
 
 Belides the three Howards , Thomas Sackvtlle, Lord 
 Ruckhur/l and High-Treafurer, was made Lari of Dorft ; 
 Sir Robert Cecil was at firft created Baron of Effing don, 
 then Vifcount Cranburne , and afterwards Earl of Salisbury ; 
 and Philip Herbert, the Earl of Pembroke's brother, was 
 made Earl ol Montgomery. I confine my lelf to thefe, be- 
 caufe their names moft frequently occur m the beginning 
 of this Reign (3). I muft all'o add, that the Ear ofSoutb- 
 m. ampton who had been condemned to dye, and the Earl of 
 Elfex's fon were reftored to their eftates and honours be¬ 
 fore the King reached London. But the Lords Grey, Cob- 
 ham Carew (4), and Sir Walter Raleigh who had been 
 enemies to the Earl of Efflx, were very coldly received 
 ' by the King. Thefe four Courtiers of Elizabeth had not 
 a little contributed to the Earl of E/ex's death, as well as 
 fecretary Cecil ; but this laft, as I obferved, had wife y 
 trained the King's favour. Nothing could more plainly 
 (lmw that the King confidered the Earl of EJftx as his 
 Martyr, as he hitnfelf called him, than his gracious recep¬ 
 tion of the Earl of Stulhampton when that Lord came to 
 wait on him. This was publickly owning that he ap¬ 
 proved of thefe two Lords Confpiracy, the intent of which 
 was to fet him on the throne before the Queen s death. 
 This valued him no credit with the dlfimerefted. But 
 from that very time he began to liften to the flatteries of 
 his Courtiers, who extolled all his aftions to the skies, and 
 that continued but too much throughout his whole Reign. 
 
 Kincr Janus, with good natural parts, had a great Inare 
 of Learning. He was able to form the Plan of a good 
 Government, the general Maxims whereof he perfectly 
 knew. But his averfion to war, his weaknefs for his Y avo- 
 rites, certain prejudices he had imbibed, wherein all thatap- 
 proached him helped to confirm him, ever hindered him 
 from putting his Theory in praaice. He was perfwaded, 
 that the authority of Sovereigns over their Subjcfls was un¬ 
 limited, and that all Monarchical Government ought to be 
 abfolute, not confidering that thefe maxims could not be 
 applied to the Government of England, without deftroying 
 the conftitution. Moreover he was ftrongly prepofiefled 
 in favour of his own merit and capacity. As foon as his 
 Courtiers difeovered his genius and charader, they failed 
 not to attack him in the moft fenfible part. 'I hat is, they 
 ' took all occafions to applaud his wifdom, learning, parts, 
 and to talk in the highert it rain of the Regal power. As 
 this pleafed him infinitely, fo it was the belt wav to gain 
 his favour Hence arofe feveral expreflions little known 
 in the former Reigns, but which were common in this. 
 The King was called the Solomon of the age, and filled his 
 Sacred Majejly, and thefe flattering Titles, which he gree¬ 
 dily received, confirmed him more in his prejudices. He 
 had one amongft the reft which greatly influenced his 
 
 whole adminiftration. And that Was, he very believed he 16c;. 
 was come to the Crown of England folely by Hereditary 
 Right, and could not bear, it fhould be thought he was 
 obliged to Queen Elizabeth, or that his tide proceeded 
 from any AH of Pa; ii.onent. If this had been-only a 
 fpeculative notion, it would not have much difturbed rhe 
 Englifs. But he drew from this principle terrible confe- 
 quenccs, tending to no lefs than arbitrary power, and °f n Tr ,hU Ctn- 
 courfe to the fubverfion of the Englijh conftitution. From 
 his being King by Hereditary Right he inferred, that his Welwo«s. 
 will ought to he the foie rule of the Government, and 
 confidered as undeniable truths, all the wild aflertions of 
 ceruin Writers concerning the Regal power. 1 his pre¬ 
 tended Hereditary Right, with its conferences, were the 
 fountain of the divifions which began in this Reign, be¬ 
 tween the King and Parliament, and which continued du¬ 
 ring the three following Reigns. I his alfo gave birth to tlie 
 Tory and Whig factions, who worry one another to this 
 very day. It is requiiite therefore, for the Reader’s in¬ 
 formation, to obferve, before we proceed, that this Here¬ 
 ditary Right by which James I. pretended to reign, was 
 not fo indifputable as he then did, and as many ftill do, 
 imagine it. 
 
 In the firft place, no law can be produced on which r, merit cn 
 may be founded the Hereditary Succeffion of the Crown £ 
 of England. Secondly, there are many Precedents in the ” rQVjn 
 Englijh Hiftory which fhow that the Parliament aflumed a Eng and. 
 power to difpofe of the Crown, and fettle the Succeflion 
 without any regard to the next Heir. In the third place, more 
 Kings, fince the Conqueft, have mounted the I hrone by 
 virtue of Ads of Parliament, or fome other means, than 
 by Hereditary Right. The four^firft especially, namely. 
 
 uy 1 luv-uum^ — 'I—, -- - ---- , . - ■ 
 
 William the Conqueror, William Rufus, Henry I, and Stc- 
 
 tr iinani sue ovnyxi'• j ’ J ' . 
 
 phen, moft certainly came not to the Crown by this right. 
 When was it then that the Crown became Hereditaiy ? 
 
 It is their bufinefs who maintain this opinion, to point out 
 lire time. In the fourth place, of all the Kings from 
 tVUlmm the Conqueror to James I. there was not one who 
 had lefs right to the Crown than Henry VII, before lie 
 was confirmed by the Parliament (5). It was therefore 
 from the Parliament’s Confirmation, rather than from 
 Henry the Seventh’s Hereditary Right that James I. could 
 derive his own Title. Laftly, if fome inftances may be pro¬ 
 duced of Kings fucceeding from Father to Son, and if from 
 thence it be inferred, it was by Hereditary Right, it will 
 alfo be eafy to (how that this Right vanifhes when traced 
 to the Source. For example, if it be fuppofed that Eliza¬ 
 beth, Mary, Edward V I, and Henry VIII, came to the 
 Crown by Hereditary Right, though there would be much 
 to be faid concerning the two Queens, the fountain of 
 this Right fprings from Henry \ II, who was Heir neither 
 of the Houfe of York, nor the Houfe of Lamajler. Hen¬ 
 ry'll, and Henry V. fucceeded from Father to Son, to 
 Henry IV, who was not the next Heir of Richard II. 
 Edward ill. could not fucceed Edward II. his Father, 
 who was vet alive, by Hereditary Right. Edward II, 
 Edward I,' and Henry III, form the longed Hereditary 
 Succeflion from Father to Son that occurs in the Englijh 
 Hiftory ; but they derived their Right from John Lack¬ 
 land, who certainly was not Richard I’s next Heir. I 
 pafs over in filence the former Kings, becaufe the thing is 
 too evident to need any farther explication. Thus of 
 twenty three Kings from the Conqueft to James I, above 
 one half at leaft did not afeend the Throne by Hereditary 
 Right. As for thofe who fucceeded from F ather to Soil, 
 and may be fuppofed to have reigned by Hereditary Right, 
 they could fupport their Right of Succeflion only by Acts 
 of Parliament, adjudging the Crown to fome one of their 
 Anceftors, contrary to Hereditary Right. How then can 
 the Hereditary Succeflion of the Crown of England be in- 
 difputably eftablifhed ? It follows from what has been laid 
 that nothing is more uncertain than the Right by which 
 the Kings of England reigned from the Conqueft, to the 
 time of James I, fince it is not poflible to lay down any 
 undoubted principle upon this head. It is much eaiiei to 
 combat all the different opinions concerning the Succeflion, 
 
 /hire 1629- 7 - Edward nuit of Carlillt, in 1661. DugdaU's Baron, Vol. II. 
 
 he of mihom, who was Father ot Charles created fcarl ot uainjie, • l 
 
 It was only a fort of Pefquil polled up in St- Paul 1. fVtljon, p. 665. 
 
 h ; Befides thcfcl^he'tnade' Penhurft, Sir Withers Ms Baton of 
 
 ■ , while f-epmli™ . si, Hef C«A™ of <»*,. Unjf «" 
 
 LoriXh TB™ ) of s.:! A::; $£%»Jt «. °< *»•**—* * *** swr k - 
 
 P j Sl nTli ilTllfcTew. Si, George Carco, (who h.J femd in Inland ih«- mo,e “ 
 
 (■ 
 
 T g T 5 ’ 
 
 Sir John Ilarr 
 
 Leightoi 
 
 (4.) There was no - 
 
 PiiV'nes which happened the.-- - , 
 
 s. y.nr. and Earl of ' Totnefs, !• Car. I. Dugdate1 • •- 
 
 3 (5 ( See the Reigns of Richard III. and Henry VII. Rap 
 
 . that tin 
 
 Vd 
 
 I thole that ' 
 
 H. p. 4 * 3 - Rap”- 
 
 e fent t 
 
 '« 5 
 
 
 than 
 
Book XVII r. 
 
 2 + JAMES! i5 t 
 
 lXfr,rfth ifl ’ a,,y T by fciIid , an ‘f undeniablei reafons. hinder Jama from being gained by the Spa,, laris, and to ,605. 
 I (hall add here m confirmation of what I have faid, that renew his defenfive alliance with Elizabeth, m which the 
 the kings who were reckoned the wifeft and moft able. Amhaffidnr : ... i.a, ...r. 
 
 *603. 
 
 * “ uu 11C,C 111 tonnrmation or wnat i nave laid, that renew his defenfive alliance with E 
 tlie Kings who were reckoned the wifeft and moft able, AmbafTador fucceeded to his wifh 
 
 menr Th * <F*\ V*’ .“J 6 "" 01 ^ , th ' Pari “- Com* jtrmkrf, AmbaHador from the Archduke Alba! £» a; 
 
 mem, » hen they believed them liable to any objections. So and the Infanta Ifrbella, Sovereigns of the Lan-Cmntri, r, A » ’ 
 
 Cm ,'h fi'l? ‘° r r ? T a P ““ nde f H t ere i i “f ™ come to Lmi»n feme ..me tefoic i but was lick, or £l *** 
 
 Right, was the firft caufe of the Troubles which affllfled feigned to be fo, all the while the Matoulfs of R.fi„ (laid a ai. 
 
 in England. ’Tvvas not till after the Marquifs’s departure, 
 
 that hf» rlpfirprl thp T^lnrr to __ \t • _ -i Memorial!* 
 
 wua HU, 11m kduic Ol me i rOUD. 
 
 England, and which are not yet ceafed. 
 
 This Prince s choice of the Mmifters who were to ma¬ 
 nage the publick Affairs, greatly conduc'd to cherifh his 
 high conceit of his perfonal qualities, and of the Regal Au¬ 
 thority. I he firft was Sir Robert Cecil , afterwards Earl 
 
 ... 1 ns nut Liu auer tne ivrarquiis s departure, K . 
 
 that he defined the King to fend one of his Privy-Council x.mT 
 to hear the occafion of his embaffy. Cecil, whom the * • 
 thn.ftr 'rL-Lr/i C o/ ■) r ,, , King chofe, was ftrangely furprized to hear nothing from 
 
 ‘f sJi hu l Thisf ? 7 a , ril r Earl but complinwoB. Probably, this Amballidor was 
 
 ol Salabmy. I his Lord, who had been Bfai Iwom fent into England, only to obferve wlut paflhd there, and c„-;,,in. 
 
 tha Ead's 0 dX!r?° f m d Ch th b k '" S W “ co " ccr " ed , ln ® ( °“" d < h c »“ Ki»g‘. intemion concerning a Peace be- 
 that Earls angrace, found no better way to keep in his tween England and Spain. James had nowftrewn by his 
 
 favour than by flattering him continually, and making his proceedings, that he was inclined to Peace, fmee, without 
 court to him, by talking of kingly Government according any Pollicitation, he had revoked the Lett-rs of Mark 
 to his notions. He was accufed at lead of mfpiring him granted by Elizabeth, to feveral private Pcrfons (4) Some rf P* 
 W'th fcmimenB very difadvantagious to the People and time after, Taxis came alfo to Lmdm from tiro King of ' " - •/ 
 
 Parliament. He was m other refpefts a man of a great Spain, and having congratulated the Kino upon his ac«f- 
 gernui, confummate prudence, vaft capacity, and perttUjr 6 m .0 the Crown, defired Commiffioners might he at 
 acquainted with the1 flate and interefl of the nation. The pointed to treat with him of a Peace. This n°egotiatiof! 
 
 Earls of Suffalb and Northampton, the one Lord-Cham- which was then only begun, ended at length in a Treaty 
 
 beriai", the other Lord-Keeper, were much inferior to of Peace, concluded the near year ft) ° Y 
 
 ltd dt p ry E- pa, n ts - a ,' ,d ability ', But ’* P re - The P'uguu. which began ,0 break out in Dee,miter m A d, t 
 
 ended they werePaprfts m their hearts and as the Catho- mcrcafing at Lmdm during the hot weather the King 
 
 lick Religion could be reftored in England but by an arbi- retired for fome time to JVUton the Earl of Pemlrnl ' ro 
 
 trary power, they earneffly laboured to indulge the King Seat, near Salisbury ’ Vembtobes w„a..„. 
 
 m h,s notions1 concerning the regal Authority. To thefe Whilft rhe Court was at Mltsn, a Confpiracv or rather *«* 
 three Lords the king chiefly committed the management the projefl of a Confuiracv was difeovere T a ro ' 
 of his affairs. All the tell of the Courtiers followed the whereof were [SLoTdG -y 7 ofV/ • U 
 lame method, and emuloufly drove to gain the King’s Brooke Lord] CMam Sir V dter R J .' t p 
 
 defipn wns tn nlarp on Tl- '.t n n. , • . _ 
 
 Shortly after the King’s arnva? a, Undsn, he fen, a d^n 
 lumerous tram ot Lords and Ladies (i) into Scotland to King’s Coufin-German. To this end the I I C A/ C Wilfon * 
 ittend the Queen and his Children, who were ready to was to frenr wirh /.’. n " • J> ^Tn Stour. 
 
 Ht finds fc 
 
 obuinfixhund^th^ot^i^il^^L 
 
 r <77. " ,ne P“°"i EhxabM and Cbarla >z). Thrslaft, to have feventy thoufand. CMam was a'fo ,0 carry jZ 
 
 next 8 y ar d,rP ° fed ’ “ ‘ n “ S, t“ mi ‘ r thc “f L «"rs to the Archduke, the King of Spalnfthe 
 
 me W b ] 'd h e m'" Wa i ° n H her j n, rn T’r' he KinS re ‘ tl,C fto h fid U name! Orito gmnt a full Tofe- 
 
 ™ mbred > '' c l' ad ““P 131 "' 1 * “ El ™ b ‘C> of Valentins ration to the Catholicks. It was farther agreed hat the 
 
 ™mas, who had flandcred her, and was now in prifon. Lord Grey [y) fhould ask the Kina’s leave 8 to raife two 
 
 Ann. It is not known wherein this (lander confided, but thouland Men for the'fervicc of Holland and with thefe 
 
 whatever rt was about a month after the King’s arrival, Troops fhould feize his Perfon. Put tins’wTs onl a mo 
 
 r uuiu UOUD . tlcls ‘OOK upon this affectation as a re- the Lord CMam, even without h,dna .V ” R.fci s h - 
 
 proadi for not going himfelf into mourning for the Queen, to the exprefs Law of the Land Co f Onlv C ’ w^T W ‘ 
 
 I heMarquifs fays ,n his Mem,Its, that the King bdig a, however/the Lord CeM^B^he'r, a°d [he 3 pHet"' 
 table boafted publicity, that for feveral years before Eli- were executed, the King having ordered the eft to be fent 
 vsbeths death, rt was he properly that governed England, back to prifon, but without giving them a Pardon The taTi 
 and that no rcfoiutlon was taken in the Council but by Lord Grey died foon after ami the I„jr ,, V 1 k ; J 
 his direftion. He would pe,haps have been nearer the his liberty at laft (, o) But Sir “'I 
 
 truth, had he faid, E!M governed SaUand and him- twelve y Ls P 7 “» 
 
 fclftoo, without his perceiving it. The Freneh King’s tfW/.Lueh etaiSS’ 7 ^ 
 defign was not only to congratulate the King. His chief occafion to fpeak of him in the courfc^of th s Raj ^ T ""”' 
 
 aim m fending the Marquifs of Refry his Favorite, was, ,0 Not long 5 mr the difeovery of thty Plot tS.ng and rk r., 
 
 is it ^ ^ h„,„, ir r ’ 
 
 indc,v ''"’ P r -“>• p.sms. 
 
 s d T r i s**?— ■ - ^ L -< ST* 
 
 S'I," h ; d 8 . b r “ “ ,cdi ” p * ,d °” d ’ - -T&t 
 
 (4) This Revocaupn was dated the 33d ot' June. Rubin. 
 
 (5) For the more lolemn reception of AmbalTadors, was at this time inftituted a new Officer, by the Name of Millar „/• ,1 r 
 
 \ 7 c r ’ 0t , wh0m the firft w « Sir Lewis Lewkenor. Stow, p. 824. Rymer S Feed Tom. X VI ! ^ ^ Ceremniei, With a Salary of 
 
 2 SSS* ^ SS?* if 
 
 (7) Not Cobbam, as /?«/>/» fays. See 5 /sw, &c. 
 
 ,1 ( , 8) „ Th ' 3 ' 4 l ' ektn of this rtfom affki,, is ,W,, Si, JU. Fat,feu,, Si, Weber 
 
 that King ^/eei mignt be tied to fome Articles at his acccffion to the Crown on account of th u vjL CMam < 3nd feme others, defired 
 
 management of the Lord Treafurer BuMurJ, and the r nting Proteft ISnsoS / ^“ ^ ud . betw “" ,he tw ° Nations; but by the artful 
 
 aU Article, and Conditions to bind him were dropped. Pr^fS ?ft’ who ‘ hreate " cd tu , b ™S the King i„ by the .word, 
 
 coming to London, forbid their attendance at Court. This undoubtedly occafioned difront* f ' e .' e WCr ? frowned upon by the King, and at the King's 
 Expreffiona, and keep fufpicious Company. But, “ what their Tieafon was as n^Man ^iTfh :he "’’„ an , d P robjbly , m ^ ht ind »c- them to ufe di fa ft cited 
 “ will "ever underlie the Text, or remember any fuch Tre fon lr isTrue fome S h hen * \ f ° “ !a W ‘ th ' J dark a Comment, that pofterity 
 
 rd-TfifmJTeEit: " he ™“ th " m5 ,f “™ ,rds h iow "- s “ ««>*. e«. *«. b« 
 
 £ for ” in ’ ^ ssswa-rfri: sss 
 
 No. HI. Vol. II. 
 
 S f 
 
 Queen 
 
I 6 2 
 1603. 
 
 The II l ST 0 RY of ENGL A 
 
 D. 
 
 
 The Catbi 
 lick r frtfi 
 
 Cuke. & 
 
 llhAnji 
 
 The Petit 
 tf the Pu 
 
 Fuller. 
 
 Neal. 
 
 The Ki 
 
 W'g”- 
 
 m ■■if f - 
 
 1604. 
 
 Conference . 
 H ampton- 
 
 Oarlow. 
 
 I I ■ 
 
 Spotifwor.d 
 
 Wilfon. 
 
 Queen were crowned at Wjhninjler with the ufual folcm- 
 nky, on the 23th of July, Sc. James's day (> )• Imme¬ 
 diately after the Coronation, the King iflucd out a 1 mcla- 
 mation, exprefly forbidding all Perfons, who had any bu- 
 finefs at Court, to repair thither till winter, by realon ol 
 the Plan tic which raged then exceedingly, and fwept away 
 above thirty thoufand (2) in London only. Proclamations 
 were much more frequent in this Reign than in the former 
 ones. In the eight or nine firfl months, there was no lefs 
 than twelve. . 
 
 I juft mentioned the hopes of thePapifts and I untans to 
 U experience fome happy change in this new Reign. I lie 
 Papifts coaid not believe, that a Piin.ce, who had never 
 ex prefled any hatred of them, fhould fuddenly alter his 
 mind, and thufe to tread in the fteps of Elizabeth. The 
 Puritans imagined, that James having been educated in 
 their Religion, and profclled it all his life, till his arrival in 
 England, would be propitious to them. They expefted 
 he would at leaft reform good part of the faults they found 
 in the Church of England. Both were deceived, hut the 
 left much more than the firft. Of the Cathohcks, Jams 
 hated only the [efuits, and fuch as were too fervilely at 
 .ached to the Court of Rme, and the prerogatives of the 
 Tope. But on the oilier hand, he faw it would not be In 
 his power to grant a full X ( ' Oration to tlie other Catho- 
 Ijcjcs, ill' U .h I"' fl ould be inclined to it. For this reafon, 
 he believed” it advifeabic not to difeover too openly his 
 tllotiehts of them. I bus the CailiolicItS' who had expected 
 at leaft a full Toleration of their Religion, weie very much 
 
 furprized, when, 11 n prd m n ; a Pe ition to the K ng 
 on tills occafion, they received fur anfwcr, that he tl,ought 
 himfclf obliged to fupport what he found eftablifhed in the 
 Kingdom. 
 
 The Puritans believing to have more reafon to hope 
 ' than the Caihulicks, prefented alfo their Petition (3), not 
 only for a Toleration, but moreover to pray the King that 
 fundry Articles of the Church of England, with which 
 they could not comply, might be reformed. The Bifhcps 
 failed not ftrenuoufly to o| pofc this Petition, and 10 mtic.it 
 the King to leave Religion as he found it at his acceflion 
 , to the Ciovvn, without any innovation. This was what 
 the King fully intended. When lie firfl; came into the 
 Kingdom, he not only went over to the Church of Eng¬ 
 land, but even meant to force the Puritans to conform, 
 and to be revenged on them for what the Presbyterian 
 Synods bad made him fuller in Scotland. Befides the Go¬ 
 vernment of the Church by Presbyters too much refembled 
 a Common-wealth, to he agreeable to a Prince fo ftrongly 
 prepoflelled in favour of Monarchy. The Government ol 
 the Church of England was much more conformable to 
 his principles (4). Mean while, not to appear at firfl too 
 partial, and to make believe, he would not be determined 
 without hearing the arguments of both Tides, he appointed 
 a conference between the two Parties, wherein he would 
 be Moderator himfclf. In the mean time, he publifbed 
 a Proclamation, commanding both hdes to be quiet, till 
 matters were regulated as he fhould judge proper. 
 
 The conference between fome Bilhops and 1 re-b\ terian 
 Mmillers was held at Hampton-Court, the i.|th, 16th and 
 1 8th of January 1604(5). I he King let the Mmiflers 
 fee immediately what they were to expetf. He declared, 
 “ That following the example of all Chriflian Princes, 
 “ who ufually began their Reigns with the cftablifhment 
 “ of the Church, he had now, at his entring upon the 
 “ Throne, aflembled them for fettling an uniform order 
 “ in the fame, for planting unity, removing diflentions, 
 “ and reforming abufes, which were naturally incident to 
 “ all politick bodies. And that he might not be mifap- 
 “ prehended, and hisdefigns in aflembling them mifeon- 
 “ flrued, he farther declared, that his meaning was not to 
 “ make any innovation of the Government eftablifhed in 
 “ the Church, which he knew was approved of God, but 
 “ to hear and examine the Complaints that were made, 
 “ and remove the occafion of them; therefore he defired 
 “ the Petitioners to begin, and to fhew what were their 
 “ grievances.” Do&or Reynolds being the Spokefman, re¬ 
 duced what he had to fay to two heads, the firfl whereof 
 related to the Doctrine, and the fecond to the Difcipline 
 of t hc Church. As to the Doftrine, he faid, the Articles 
 of thc Church of England were in fome places obfeure, 
 and in others, defective. Then he mentioned the Articles 
 
 he fpoke of, arid defired the K mg fl.ey rmgl .t ,-e lo ex pi n d 1 
 
 as to leave no ambiguity, and that what was dir.ieioc 
 n fup plied. W 
 
 wherein the King always icplied, y.niwcriug the Mmilwis 
 arguments himfclf, one while with rvalons, a : met "mle 
 with authority and threats. lire M::i flers fee mg 
 King become their adverfary, which they hi I n t i . 
 c hofe to be filent,- and 1 to 
 
 King upbraided their piefumption, laying, they < a t t nut 
 to have importuned him for inch trifles. Indeed, tL.i was 
 not their great grievance. 'I lie Government, and exter¬ 
 nal worlbrp of (he Church, was what troubled t! m molh 
 The points they infilled upon, were, 1. That fufneient 
 care was not taken to plant good and learned pallors in 
 the Churches, to the great prejudice of the Per pis. a. That 
 fubfeription was required to the CommonT rr.ycr-Bocky 
 wherein they faw feveral things which t.'.ur Con c;er.ee 
 would not fuffer them to receive. 3. I hat the Clergy 
 were liable to the Cenfures of Lay-M n, meai tof 
 the High-Commiflion (6). 4. I hey object 1 againft tl 
 
 Crofs in Baptifm, the Ring in Marriage, the Suiplice, 
 with fome other things which they looked upon as Kpetlli- 
 tious. There were warm dilputes upon all tl.cle point;, 
 wherein the King took care to reply to the wumlleis 
 himfclf, without giving the Bilhops time to Ipc.ik. The 7 
 King’s condudl was fo agreeable to the Bilhops and their',) 
 friends, that thc Lord Chancellor [r.gerton] vm.wihmg to , 
 mils fo fair an opportunity to flatter the King, laid aloud, ) 
 /i 
 
 united, but never faw it verified till n w. I.- latgijt, Atch- 
 bifhop of Canterbury, carried his flattery Hill farther, and 
 laid, he Verify believed thc King fpok: by the Spirit rj God. 
 After this, thc King difmillcd the Aflembly, and ordered 
 the Bilhops and Mmiflers to meet again in three days at 
 the fame place. 
 
 On the 1 th of J mu ry, the daj pj ted 1 I 
 King, the Bilhops were called firft into his prefence, and 
 delivered to him an explanation of the Liturgy. I hen 
 thc King queftioned them about Excommunication, thc 
 High-Commiflion, the oath ex efficio, the fubfeription to 
 the Common-Prayer-Bock, and approving their anfwcr;, or- 
 dcicd the Min liters to be called in, and thc writing p;c- 
 fcnted by the Bilhops to be read before them. 'I he Mi- 
 nillers believing it was in vain to make any reply, kept 
 filcnce. Nay, it is pretended that fome of them declared, 
 their doubts were fcfficiently cleared. However, thc King 
 fuppofing they had nothing to object, and had realon to 
 be fatisfied with the condefcenfion that was ihewn them, 
 exhorted the Bilhops to treat with lenity luch as were of 
 a contrary opinion, and commanded the Mmiflers to pre¬ 
 serve the unity of the Church, and beware of obftinacy 
 and difobcdier.ee. “ Obedience and humility,” added he, j 
 “ are the marks of good and honeft men, luch I believe 
 “you to be , but it 1 u th 1 . th it m in) fo* 
 
 “ are humorous," and coo buly in the perverting ot others. ” 
 
 1 he exceptions t • ■ 
 
 “ perceive, are matters of mere wuaknels, and they who 
 “ are difcrcet will be gained with time and by centlc 
 “ perfuafions ; or if they be indifcrcct, better it is to 
 “ remove them, than to have the Ciiur^.r 11 o 11,1 led with 
 “ their contentions. For the Bilhops, 1 will anfwcr, 
 u That it is not their purpofe prefcntly and out of hand, 
 
 « to enforce obedience, but by fatherly admonitions and 
 “ conferences, to induce fuch as are difafledled. But if 
 “ any be of an oppofite and turbulent fpirit, I will have 
 “ them enforced to a conformity. Neither tell me, that 
 “ the wearing of a Surplice, or ufing the Crofs in Bap- 
 “ tifm, will diminilh the credit of Minifters that have for- 
 “ mcrly difallowed the fame ; for that is jult the Scottijh 
 “ argument, when any thing was concluded, that forted 
 “ not with their humour, the only reafon why they could 
 L not 0 b e y waSl That it Jlood not with their credit to 
 “ yield, having been Jo long of a contrary opinion. I will 
 “ none of that, but that a time be limited by the Bilhops 
 “ of every Diocefe to fuch, and they that will not yield, 
 “ whatfoever they are, let them be removed ; for we 
 “ mult not prefer the credit of a few private men to the 
 “ General Peace of the Church.” 
 
 In this manner pafled the pretended conference, whofc 
 foie end was to make the publick believe, the Minifters 
 
 
 (,) Sp- the names of the Kirghta of thc Bath made on this occafion in St mu, p. S27. 
 
 .... 
 
 who'had dependence upon him, and with whom he might better grapple. And therefore the km 6 woul . y, J P 
 
 figned but by eight Inn 
 
 .n thc handr. of 
 A.t.-;, p. Ofiy. 
 
 "v; r nVa.. « c..,.rk .. L.nj.n, m .**■, «... rn. E C ■ :: g:e y t yy[yg ;»; 
 
 *.7./. and Dr. Kmg. The Pent! we,e Dr. A 0 n,Js Dr. tipa.k, M>. h^-..M and ^; and> a „ thc ^ u h N.Wenun then 
 
 r;;—.fl'/'iK'Gn-rAAK'■;'A'A,:.: 1 ;':.,';'',,:-; .. *- 
 
 . 3 ;L.; Si 3 S, . . m am, tote- - -- » >!>. Stef tec ■«. -7 C--1- f wcrf 
 
 4 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 24. JAMES 1 
 
 i6j 
 
 1604. were convinced and fully ihftrufled4 that therefore it was King thought it neccffary to gain the afMion of his fub- 160J; 
 out of puie obftinacy that they ilill feparated from the jetfts, by fupprefling feme abufes introduced about the end 
 Church. Hence it was natural to infer, that to conquer of the late Reign, tending to the oppreflion of the people, 
 their obftinacy* it was requifite toufe fomefeveriry. And This he did by feveral Proclamations againft certain Mo- 
 this was what the King plainly intimated, when he faid, nopolies; againft Protections frequently hindering the courfe 
 „ J e w °uW anfwer for the Bilhops, that it was not their of juftice; againft Salt-Petre men, who dug up people’s 
 defign immediately to enforce obedience,” and when he houfes, unlels they were well feed; againft the Kina’s 
 afterwards added more clearly, “ that after fuch a time Purveyors, who feized any man’s.horfes and cart, under 
 
 they fhould be dealt with in another manner.” ButthL 
 conference wrought nut the conviAion of the Puritans, 
 and all the fruit the King reaped by it, was, to fhew 
 them how much they were miftaken in depending upon his 
 protection. 
 
 Whit gift was a mild and peaceable man, who would have 
 been very glad to reclaim the Puritans by gentle methods, 
 agreeable to the Gofpel, but he died quickly after, on 
 ; m- the^zpth^of February . He was fucceeded by Richard Ban- 
 
 cofour of employing them for the King, and then excufcd 
 them for money. Among thefe Proclamations, there was pr 
 one not fo acceptable to the people, namely, that againft 
 Huntings on very fevere penalties to the offender. This Coke. "* 
 Reign was a Reign of Proclamations. The King and his ‘ f 
 minifters would have been glad to have had them regarded ’ lon ‘ 
 as Laws; but neither the Judges nor people were yet ac- 
 cuftomed to it. 
 
 ,. - n . r - , -j —.. Shortly after, another appeared, appointing the cth of Berber , 0 
 
 cr °jf a 1 relate °* a very different charader, who, inftead Auguji to be kept as a Holv-day. It was ordered, that ' ' 
 of dealing gently with the Puritans, never ceafed incenfing every year on that day publick thanks fhould be returned * 
 
 1!r „ er r cul '. , e K, "S a ? a l nft th , cm ’ and doin g thcm a| l the mifehief to God in all the Churches, for the King’s miraculous de- n • 
 
 nJi-lntanu he L_ co “*®- Hercin he was but too clofely imitated by the hverance in the year 1600, from the Confpiracy of the Weido * 
 
 iv,,1. reft of the Bifhops, who found a double advantage in de- Gouries , who made an attempt upon his Life(c). This 
 
 o/born. ftroying the Puritans. In the firft place they made their new Holy-day was not universally liked. Befides that the 
 
 Court to the King, who hated them mortally. Secondly, occaffon of it happened to the King before his acceflion to 
 
 they preferved the Hierarchy, which the Puritans were de- the Crown of England , there were people as well in Scot- 
 
 hrous to overthrow. 1 he pexfecution, which thefe fuller- land as England , who had the malice to affirm it was only 
 
 ed vvhillt Bancroft was at the head of the Clergy, induced a fi&ion to cover a real confpiracy of the King againft the 
 
 many families to withdraw out of the Kingdom, to enjoy two Ruthvcns or Gouries , who were killed on thisoccafion. 
 
 die where liberty of confcicnce, denied them at home (1). I don’t relate this with intent to blcmifh King James’s Weldon. 
 
 Bancroft is alfo accufed of having been one of the nioft reputation, or to queftion the deliverance for which he was " :i " ", 
 
 zealous to inftil into the King the Maxims of arbitrary pleafed to thank God, but only to fhew that from the be- p ' b:>7 ' 
 
 n-.-y - P °ttu 1 s cr, . rr. , , ginning of his Reign in England, there were fome who 
 
 ^ - , 1 ne -- d °‘ February the King pubhfhed a proclamation, had no great opinion of him (6). 
 
 A.-1. l’ .L."commanding all Jefuits and other Priefts having orders As the time of the Parliament’s meeting approached the n ' 
 
 \VI, , ; . 5; a. from any foreign power, to depart the Kingdom (z). King and Queen made their entry into London four days 
 'j'[ 7 k- ry s 1 hls proclamation was fo worded, that the King v/as before, not having been able to do it fooner by reafon 01 Tay'uiZ 
 
 - -<’■</ i'r exc . reme y carefu l to fllew » he did not baniffi the Jefuits the Plague. The King had need that day of all his pa- L ld ' n - 
 
 f ' yi ; - 10 J,atred to ' he , Catholick Religion in general, but only tience, nothing being more difagreeable to him than the w'!‘ h IS ' 
 on account of their attachment to the do&rine of the Solemnities which drew a crowd of People about him f 7) St-.w?"' 
 ropes unlimited power over crowned Heads. This is what Herein he differed from Queen Elizabeth , who took a s P“ cd ' 
 
 toe King very diligently obferved throughout his whole pleafurc in feeing her people prefs to behold her and in 
 
 Reign. He conftantly affe&ed to confider the Romijh hearing their acclamations. 
 
 Religion, fo far only as it might be contrary to civil Jama the FirJTs notion of the Emlijh Conftitution r™.: ,, 
 Government, that is to fay, with tefpea to the Pope’s was, as I obferved, very different from what had been 
 un imited Rower. As for the other Doannes, he was very hitherto current. If any of his Predcceffors had been of t 
 wil.ing to allow the Catholicks to believe what they his opinion, they had, at leaft, taken care to conceal it, m fit, 
 pleafed, provided they renounced the belief of the Pope's or to fhew it but on extraordinary occafions. For his 
 fupenoi ity over Kings. He was perfuaded this equity part, he did not think fit to follow their example, frnce he 
 would procure him a peaceable Reign : but he had too omitted no opportunity to difeover his thoughts. He Was w«l«orf. 
 much reafon afterwards to be convinced, that he was taking perfuaded, the privileges of the Nation and Parliament were Rj C ” k " 
 
 M°H g f m ,r f r eS ,’l v"t yet WOU d T'c a ‘ tcr h ‘ s c ° nd “ a - { ° many Ufurpations, or at bell, but revocable conceffions 
 Mofl of the Catholicks were not fatisfied with fo limited of the Crown, and gave frequent occafion to believe, he 
 a Toleration, and the zealous Protefiants reprefented the had formed adefign to free both himfclf and fucceffors from 
 King as a apilt. Tis certain he gave occalion to think the reftraint which the Laws, Cuftoms, and Privileees of 
 lie was inclined to the Cathohck Religion, by hisconftjnt the Englijh Nation had laid on his Predcceffors How- 
 care to fhew, he was di pleafed only with the Pope’s ab- ever this be, from one end of his Reign to the other he 
 fu ute 1 ow-er, and valued not the other Doctrines, which embraced all opportunities to improve his Prerogat’iVe- 
 dillinguifhed the two Religions. 1 his obliged him to take. Royal, to which he let no Bounds out his Will ° The 
 III favour of the moderate Catholicks, fome fteps which firft publick ilep which difeovered his fentiments was the 
 rendered hnn very fufpicious to many Protefiants (3), calling of his firft Pailiament, of which I am now mine 
 v.hilft others confideied Ins zeal againft the Presbyteiians to fpcak. Both in the Writs and the Proclamation he Ait.Pub. 
 as an undeniable evidence of his attachment to the Pro- takes upon him to deferibe what fort of Reprefentatives *- vl - 
 r ....... taftam Religion. fhould be elefted, not by way of exhortation, as the former 
 
 , 1 he P roclan, ation againft the Jefuits was foon followed Kings had done, but by way of command, and as condi- 
 
 II 7. ano J h f r . c „ n J 01 "mg the Puritans to conform to the wor- tions without which they fhould not be admitted into the 
 
 Houfe. This was direaiy ftriking at the Commons, whole 
 privilege of deciding the validity of Eleflions had never 
 been queftioned. 
 
 fhip ot the eftablilhed Church (4). There was not feen 
 heie the fame care to juftify the King’s conduct with re- 
 fpect to this fort of perfecution. The King intimated in 
 the firff, that he would have regard to the tender confci- 
 ences of fuch Catholicks as could not comply with the re- 
 
 ir .n- r.^1 . .- -- JVec notify e by theis Prefentes, that all Retorncs and Cer- lb. p. 56?. 
 
 ceived Doannesi ofthe Church of England. But in this, tificatcs of Knights, Citizens ami Bum/fes, such, and arc 
 mere was not the leaft indulgence for the tender confci- te be brought to the Chauncery, and there to be fol d of 
 encesof the Puritans. Thefe were alia fe. of obftinate Record; and if any,float, be,fouU to be a eon, {art { 
 peopR who deferved to have no favour fhewn them ! this Proclamation, the fame is to h, rejefUi as unZftl and 
 As the Parliament was to meet the r 9 th of March , the infuffcient, and the CM, or Borough to be fined ft ,/t 
 
 it over to Holland. See Neal, Tom. II. p. 47. There v, 
 
 e but forty nine Mini (ter 
 t fome convenient Port. 
 
 :r England turned out for Non-compliance 
 
 (1) Mud of them v 
 See apctijwood, p. 479. 
 
 (2) By the 19th of March. Thofe that were in prifon were to be /hipped off ai 
 
 acknowledges himfclf perlonally much beholden to the Biftiop of Rom, . 
 
 lays, he is ready to requite the lame towards him as a fecular Prince. 
 
 ./in ,h “ fr “ "* ‘ 6 ° 6 ’ “ hi ’ *’** *” W,i * ine -* “ lki "S *** foptry, but a fling fo, it . Sj/hy 
 
 'y”'" 1 " ith Sun Rymn-, F*J. Turn. XVI. p. ,6,, 4r, n, vf 
 
 T" ”” now add 5 d were f th ' wh ° le Rubrick before private Baptilm ; all the latter part of the Catechilm, from the Lord’s Praver to fhr • p h . f 
 Sc d3 K m d p S &c rCft ° f ‘ he R ° yal Family 5 Thankl S lvin S s for Rain, fair Weather, Plenty, Peace and Victory, deliverance from the pSguS, 
 
 inf 7 a ° TJ 't di.belic.td at th, time it wa, fold to has. bean attlmptad, fP^““ ” E ’ 
 
 .. - -V . >r-o/y In this Proclamation the Kinw 
 
 .r for hts kind Offices and private temporal Carriage towards him in many things, and 
 
 Pi/Jon, p. 667. 
 
 ( 7 ) The Suburbs and City weri 
 
 e continued Scene of Pageantry. There v 
 
 1 Earl of Suffix. 
 
 h |s P»bl.ck appearances, the crowds of People made him lo impatient, that he t ‘ 
 
 puiate Recreations at home, and liis hunting Exercifes abroad, both with the leaft difturbance, wei 
 
 - :r bave fuch another. But afterwards 
 
 ..tin difperfcd them with frowns, not to fay curfes. His 
 c his delights. Slow, p. 836, &C. H'l/fon, p. 067. 
 
 fame ■ 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 1 64. 
 
 He HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1604. fame ; anti if it he founcle that they have cmmytted any groffe 
 or wilful default and contempt in their Election, Retome or 
 Certificate , that then their Liberties, according to the Lawe, “ 
 are to be fcizcd into our handes as forfeited -, and if any ^ 
 Perfon take upon him the place of a Knight , Citizen or Bur- “ 
 ... \ not l Lee du ly eh Led returned an l fioorne according 
 mdStatut t tl it l \ M* and at- 
 cordin ' 1 to the purport, cffcil, and true meaning of tins oure “ 
 Preclamation, then every Perfon, foe offending, to be fyned “ 
 and imprifoned far the fame. ■ (( 
 
 Thus the King aiTumed a Power not only to enjoin 
 Penalties nil filch as (lioultl offend againft the Statutes con- 11 
 cernmg Elcftions, but alfo to enjoin them by a bare Pro- ‘ 
 
 clumation, the authority whereof he rendered equal to that 
 
 of the Laws. We (hall fee prcfently this was not done • 
 without defign. 
 
 At the opening of the Parliament, the King being fated 
 on bis throne, fait for the Commons as ufual : But as the 
 crowd was great, it happened that fcveral of the Members 
 could not enter. Sir Herbert Crafts, one of the Rcpre- 
 ientatives, driving to get in, was rudely thruft back by one 
 of the King’s Guards, who knowing him to be what he 
 
 Cakr, p. S a. was, laid to him in a jeer, Goodman Surged, you come list ' 
 hnc. This affair made fome noife afterwards ; but the 
 Houfe thought proper to take no noticcof it. The Commons 
 being cntcied, the King made a fpcech to both Houfes, 
 which, though very long, deferves to be mferted at Icngt 1, 
 that from fome certain PaH'ages may be difcovered the 
 Genius, Character and Deligns of this Prince. 
 
 it. gi's.-, tt v '[' ,]iJ no fooner pleafe God to lighten his hand, and 
 
 lt I r elent the violence of his devouring Angel, againff 
 
 “ the poor people of this City, but as loon did refolve 
 
 r I-,-. *1 to call this Parliament, and that for three chief and 
 
 ss nrincipal Reafons. The firft whereof is, (and which 
 “ of itfelf, although there were no more, is not only a 
 “ efficient, but a mol full and ncceflary ground and ration 
 <1 for convening of this Affembly ;) this firft Reafon, I fay, 
 
 c t 1, that you, who are here prcfently aflembled to repre- 
 
 “ f-’nt the body of this whole Kingdom, and of all forts of 
 - people within the fame, may with your own ears hear, 
 si and that I out of mine own mouth may deliver unto 
 is T0U the affurance of my due thankfulnefs for your fo 
 ‘I Lful and general applaufe, to the declaring and re- 
 “ celving of me in this Seat, (which God by my hrth-nght 
 •s and lineal defeent, had in the fain,ft of tune provided fir 
 ss .... •) and that, immediately alter it pleafed God to cal. 
 is your late Sovereign, of famous Memory, full of dayes 
 sc but fuller of immortal 1 rophies of Honour, out of this 
 <i tranfitory Life. Not that I am able to exprefs by 
 words or litter by eloquence, the vivc image of mine 
 is inward thankfulnefs, but only that out of mine own 
 s< Mouth you may reft alfured to expea that mea- 
 ■s fore of thankfulnefs at my hands, which is according to 
 ss the infmitenefs of your Defats, and to my inclination 
 is and ability tor requital of the fame. Shall I ever? Nay 
 ran I ever be able, or rather fo unable in memory, as 
 “ to forget your unexpeaed readinefs and alacrity, your 
 I. ever memorable refolution, and your moft wonderful 
 s. conjunction and harmony of your hearts, g declaring 
 ,s an l embracing me as your undoubted and lawful King ami 
 si Cri •i ncur ? Or (hall it ever be blotted out of my mind, 
 is how at mv firft entry into this Kingdom, the people of 
 n 11 r,,,., rid and tan; nav, rather flew to meet me? 
 
 “ Their eyes flaming nothing but fparklcs of affeaion ; 
 si their mouths and tongues uttering nothing but founds of 
 ‘S Tov ■ their hands, feet, and all the reft of their mtm- 
 “ bers’in their gelfures, difeovermg a paffionate longing, 
 si 1 parneftnefs to meet and embrace their new Sove- 
 “ To j VulJ ergo retribuam? Shall I allow in myfelf 
 
 “ But which I could never bear with in another! No, I 
 s. mi, ft plainly and freely confefs here, in all your audi- 
 si enc-s that I did ever naturally fo far millike a tongue 
 “ , Vnooth and diligent in paying their Creditors with 
 
 „ a f, m „ent and verbal thanks, as 1 ever furpefted that 
 S. eJ If People meant not to pay their debtors in more 
 '■ fubftantial fort of Coin. And therefore for expreffing 
 <‘ mv thankfulnefs, 1 muft refort unto the other two rea¬ 
 ls foils of my convening of this Parliament, by them m 
 ■ s Aitionto utter my thankfulnefs: Both the faid reafons 
 •• havin', but one ground, which is the deeds, whereby all 
 s. the days of my life 1 am by God s grace to exprefs my 
 ss raid thankfulnefs towards you, but dmdedm this, that 
 •’ ’ tlK firft of thefe two mine A&ions of thanks are io 
 si infeoarably conjoyned with my perfon, as they are in a 
 .1 manner become individually annexed to the fame. In 
 .1 tie other reafon, mine aflions are fuch as I may either 
 si do them, or leave them undone, although by Gods 
 II «ace I hope never to be weary of the domg of them. 
 
 s^ As to the firft, it is the bleilings which God ha h in 
 “ rny perfon bellowed upon you all, wherein I piotclt, ( 
 7 
 
 do more glory at the fame for your weale, than for any 1604, 
 particular rcfpe£t of mine own reputation, or advantage 
 therein. 
 
 “ The firft then of thefe bleffings, which God hath 
 jointly with my perfon fent unto you, is, outward peace j 
 that is, peace abroad with all foreign Neighbours: b or 
 I thank God, I may juftly fay, that never fmee l was 
 a King, I either received wrong of any other Chriftian 
 Prince or State, or did wrong to any. J have ever, 1 
 praife God, yet kept peace and amity with all, which 
 hath been fo far tied to my perfon, as at my coming 
 here, you are witnefies, I found the State embarked m 
 a great and tedious War; and only by mine arrival 
 ; here, and by the peace in my perfon, is now amity 
 1 kept, where war was before, which is no fmal! Lk fling 
 1 to a Chriftian Commonwealth: For by peace abroad 
 c with their Neighbours, the Towns flourifh, the Mer- 
 ‘ chants become rich, the Trade doth ir.creafc, and the 
 « People of all forts in the land enjoy free liberty to exer- 
 ‘ cife thcmfelves in their feveral Vocations, without peri: 
 
 ‘ 0 r difturbance. Not that I think this outward Peace 
 ‘ fo unfeparably tied to my perfon, as I dare afTuredly 
 « promife to myfelf, and to you, the certain continuance 
 ‘ thereof : But thus far I can very well afl'ure you, and 
 ‘ in the word of a King promife unto you, That I ftiall 
 ‘ never give the firft occafion of the breach thereof; nei- 
 ‘ tlier fhall I ever be moved for any particular or private 
 • l paflion of mind, to interrupt your publick peace, ex- 
 ‘ cept I be forced thereunto, either for reparation of the 
 honour of the Kingdom, or elfe by neceffity for the 
 WC alc and prefervation of the fame: In which cafe, a 
 1C fecure and honourable war, muft be preferred to an un- 
 u fecure and diftionourable peace. Yet do I hope, by 
 “ m y experience of the by-part bleffings of peace, which 
 “ God hath fo long, ever iince my birth, beftowed upon 
 “ me, that he will not be weary to continue the fame, nor 
 “ repent him of his grace towards me; transferring that 
 “ fentence of King David’ s, upon his by-paft victories of 
 “ W ar, to mine of peace ; That that God who prefervedme 
 “ from the devouring jaws of the Bear , and of the Lyon, and 
 “ delivered them into my hands, Jhall alfonoiv grant me vtc- 
 “ tory over that uncircumcifcdPhilijline. But although out- 
 “ ward peace be a great bleffing, yet it is as far inferior to 
 “ peace within, as civil wars are more cruel and unna- 
 “ tural than wars abroad. And therefore the fecond great 
 “ bleffing that God hath within my perfon fent unto you, 
 
 <c is peace within, and that in a double (orm : firft, by my 
 “ defeent lineally out of the loins of Henry the Seventh, is 
 “ re-united and confirmed in me the union of the two 
 “ princely Rofes of the two houfes of Lancajler and York, 
 
 “ whereof that King of happy memory was the firft uniter, 
 
 “ as he was alfo the firft ground-layer of the other peace, 
 
 “ (the lamentable and mifcrable events, by the civil and 
 « bloody diftention betwixt thefe two houfes, was fo great, 
 
 “ and fo late, as it need not be renewed unto your inemo- 
 “ ries) which as it was firft fettled and united in him, lb 
 “ is it now re-united and confirmed in me; being juftly 
 “ and lineally defeended, not only of that happy conjunc- 
 “ tion, but of both the branches thereof in any times be- 
 « f 0 re. But the union of thefe two princely houfes is no- 
 
 thing comparable to the union of thefe two ancient and 
 “ famous kingdoms, which is the other inward peace an- 
 “ nexed to my perfon. 
 
 “ And here I muft crave your patiences for a little fpace, 
 
 “ to give me leave todifeourfe more particularly of the be- 
 “ nefits that do arife of that union which is made in my 
 “ blood, being a matter that moft properly belongcth to me 
 “ to fpeak of, as the head wherein that great body is united. 
 
 “ And firft, if we were to look no higher than to natural 
 “ and phyfical reafons, wc may cafily be perfuaded of the 
 “ great benefits that by that union do redound to the whole 
 “ ifland : for if twenty thoufand men be a ftrongarmy, is 
 “ not the double thereof, forty thoufand, a double the 
 “ ftronger army ? If a Baron enricheth himfelf with double 
 “ as many lands as he had before, is he not double the 
 “ greater? Nature teaches us, that mountains are made nf 
 “ motes; and that at the firft, kingdoms being divided, 
 
 “ and every particular town, or little country, as tyrants 
 “ or ufurpers could obtain the pofleffion, a figniory part : 
 
 “ Many of thefe little kingdoms are now, in procefs of 
 “ time, by the ordinance of God, joined into great monar- 
 “ chies, whereby they are become powerful within them- 
 “ felves, to defend themfelves from all outward invafions, 
 
 “ and their head and governour thereby enabled to redeem 
 “ them from foreign aflaults, and puniffi private tranfgref- 
 “ fions within. Do we not yet remember that this king- 
 « dom was divided into feven little kingdoms, befides 
 “ Wales ? And is it not now the ftronger by their union ? 
 
 “ And hath not the union of Wales to' England added a 
 “ greater ftrength thereto? Which, though it was a great 
 “ principality, was nothing comparable in greatnefs and 
 “ power, to the ancient and famous kingdom of Scotland. 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 24. JAMES I. 
 
 1604. 44 But what fhould we ftick upon any natural appearance, 
 44 when it is manifeft that God by his almighty providence 
 44 hath pre-ordained it fo to be? Hath not God firft united 
 “ thefe two kingdoms, both in language, religion, and 11- 
 44 militude of manners ? Yea, hath lie not made us ali in 
 44 one ifland, compaffed whh one fea, and of itfelf by na- 
 44 ture fo indivifible, as almoft thole that were borderers 
 “ themfelves on the late borders, cannot diftinguifh, nor 
 44 know', or difeern their own limits: thefe two countries 
 “ being feparated neither by fea, nor great river, moun- 
 44 tain, nor other ftrength of nature, but only by little 
 44 fmall brooks, or demolifhed little walls, fo as rather they 
 44 wete divided in apprehenfion than in efFetft; and now in 
 “ the end and fulnefs of time united, the right and title of 
 44 both in my perfon, alike lineally defeended of both the 
 “ crowns, whereby it is now become like a little world 
 44 within itfelf, being intrenched and fortified round about 
 44 with a natural, and yet admirable ftrong pond or ditch, 
 “ whereby all the former fears of this nation are now quite 
 “ cut oft : The other part of the ifland being ever before 
 “ now, not only the place of landing to all ftrangers that 
 44 were to make invafion herq, but likewife moved by the 
 44 enemies of this State, by untimely incurfions to make en- 
 44 forced diverfion from their conquefts, for defending 
 “ themfelves at home, and keeping fure their back-door, 
 
 “ as then it was called, which was the greateft hindrance 
 “ and lett that ever my predeceflors of this nation gat, in 
 tc difturbing them from their many famous and glorious 
 “ conquefts abroad : JVhat God bath conjoined then, let no 
 “ man Jeparate. I am the husband, and all the whole 
 44 ifland is my lawful wife ; I am the head, and it is my 
 “ body ; I am the fhepherd, and it is my flock. I hope 
 44 therefore no man will be fo unreafonable as to think, 
 
 “ that I, that am a Chriftian King, under the gofpe], 
 
 “ fhould be a polygamift and husband to two wives; that 
 “ I being the head, fhould have a divided and monftrous 
 44 body ; or that being the fhepherd to fo fair a flock, 
 
 44 (whole fold hath no wall to hedge it but the four Seas) 
 
 44 fhould have my flock parted in two. But as I am aflu- 
 44 red that no honeft fubjetft, of whatfoever degree, within 
 44 my whole dominions, is lefs glad of this joyful union 
 44 than lam; fo may the frivolous obje&ion of any that 
 “ would be hinderers of this work (which God hath in my 
 44 perfon already eftablifhed) be eafily anfwered ; which 
 44 can be none, except fuch as are either blinded v/ith igno- 
 44 ranee, or elfe tranfported with malice, being unable to 
 44 live in a well-governed Common-w’calth, and only de- 
 44 lighting to fifli in trouble dwaters : for if they would ftand 
 lt upon their reputation and privileges of any of the kin°-- 
 44 doms ; I pray you, were not both the kingdoms monar- 
 44 chies from the beginning? And confequently, could ever 
 44 the body be counted without the head, which was ever 
 “ unfeparably joined thereunto ? So that as the honour and 
 44 privileges of any of the kingdoms could not be divided 
 44 from their Sovereign ; fo are they now confounded and 
 44 joined in my perfon, who am equal and alike kindly 
 44 head to you both. When this kingdom of England was 
 44 divided into fo many little kingdoms, as I told you be- 
 tc fore, one of them behoved to eat up another, till they 
 44 were all united in one. And yet can Wiltfhire or De- 
 44 vonjhire , which were of the JVeJl-Saxons , although their 
 44 kingdom was of longeft durance, and did by conqueft 
 “ overcome divers of the reft of the little kingdoms, make 
 44 claim to priority of place or honour before Suffix, Effex, 
 
 44 or other Shires, which were conquered by them ? And 
 “ have we not the like experience in the kingdom of 
 44 France , being compofcd of divers Duchies, and one after 
 “ another conquered by the fword ? For even as little 
 44 brooks lofa their names by their running and falling into 
 4: great rivers, and the very name and memory of the great 
 44 rivers fwallowed up in the Ocean; fo by the conjun&ion 
 44 of divers little kingdoms in one, are all thefe private dif- 
 “ lerences and queftions fwallowed up. And, fince the 
 44 fuccefs was happy of the Saxon kingdoms, being conquer- 
 44 ed by the fpear of Bellona , how much greater reafon 
 44 have we to expeift a happy iflue of this greater union, 
 
 44 which is only fattened and bound up by the wedding- 
 44 ring of Ajlrca ? And as God hath made Scotland (the 
 one half of this ifle) to enjoy my birth, and the firft and 
 44 moll imperfetft half of my life j and you here to enjoy 
 44 the perfect and laft half thereof; fo cannot I think that 
 4 ‘ any would be fo injurious to me, no, not in their 
 “ thoughts and wifhes,' as to cut afunder the one half of 
 “ me from the other. But in this matter I have far enough 
 “ infilled, retting allured, that in your hearts and minds 
 44 you all applaud this my difeourfe. 
 
 “■ Now although thefe bieflings, before rehearfed, of 1 
 “ inward and outward peace be great : Yet feeing that in ' 
 
 “ all good things, a great part of their goodnefs and efti- ' 
 
 ‘‘ nation is loft, if they have not appearance of perpetu- ' 
 
 1“ ity or long continuance; fo hath it pleafed Almighty ' 
 God t0 accompany my perfon alfo with that favour, ' 
 No. 52. Vul, II. 
 
 “ having healthful and hopeful iflue of mv bodv, wiiejeof 
 44 fome are here prelent, for continuance and propagation 
 44 of that undoubted right which is in mv peilcn ; under 
 “ whom I doubt not Luc it will plcafe (i Jd to pn her and 
 “ continue for many years this u::i :r, and all other Wr:- 
 “ hogs of inward and outward peace, which I 
 44 brought with me. 
 
 But neither peace outward, nor peace inward, nor 
 “ any other blefling that can follow thereupon, r.or ap- 
 “ pearance of the perpetuity thereof, by propagation m 
 “ tire pofterity, is but a weak pillar, and a rotten reed to 
 4< ^ ean onto, if God do not ftiengthen, and by rhe itaft’ of 
 “ his Welling make them durable; for in vain doth the 
 “ Watchman watch the city, if the Lord be not the princi- 
 “ pa) defence thereof; in‘vain doth the builder b.,iid the 
 “ houfc, if God give not the fucccis; and in vain, as Fan! 
 
 44 faith, doth Paul plant, and yfpolio wu.er, if God give nr.c 
 “ theencreafe: for all worldly bieflings a:e but i,k,- ivviii- 
 “ P^ng lhadows, fading flowers, or c IiaIf blown brioie 
 “ the Wind, if by the profeflion of true religion, and wuiks 
 “ according thereunto, God be not moved to maintain and 
 “ lettle the thrones of Princes. And although that ftme 
 “ mi ‘ie entry into this kingdom, I have bath by meeting 
 “ with divers of the Eccleiiaftical State, and likewife by 
 “ divers Proclamations, clearly declared my mind in poin's 
 “ of religion, yet do I not think it amifs in this fo fulerrm 
 an audience, I ftrouid now take cccallon to dilcover 
 “ fomewhat of the fecrcts of my heart in that matter. For 
 “ I lhall never, with God’s grace, be alhamed to make 
 “ publick profeflion thereof at all cccalions, left God fhould 
 “ be alhamed to profefs and allow me, before men arid 
 cc angels; elpecially, left that at this time men might pre- 
 “ fume farther upon the misknowledge of my meaning, 
 
 “ to trouble this parliament of ours than were convenient. 
 
 “ At my firft coming, although I found but one religion, 
 
 “ ai > d that which by my fclf is profeffed, publicity allowed, 
 
 “ and by the law maintained ; yet found I another fort of 
 “ religion, befides a private Sed, lurking within the bow- 
 “ els of this nation. The firft is the true religion, which 
 “ b y nie is profefled, and by the law is eftablifhed : the 
 “ fecond is, the falfely called Catholicks, but truly Pa- 
 “ pifts : the third, which I call a Se£l, rather than a Reli- 
 “ gion, is the Puritans and Novelifts, who do not fo far 
 “ differ from us in points of religion, as in their confuled 
 form of policy and purity, being ever difeontented tviik the 
 “ prefent government , and impatient to fujj'er any fuperiority , 
 
 “ which makes their feft unable to be Jujfered, in any weil- 
 ;£ governed common-wealth. But as lor"my courfe towards 
 them, I remit it to my Proclamations made upon that 
 ‘ fubjedtt. 
 
 “ And riow for the Papifts, I mull put a difference be- 
 ‘ twixt my own private profeflion of mine own falvacion, 
 
 4 and my politick government of the realm, for the v eal 
 4 and quietnefs thereof. As for mine own profeflion, you 
 ‘ have me your head now amongft you, ot the fame /cii- 
 4 gion that the body is of: As I am no ftranger to you in 
 4 blood, no more am 1 a ftranger to you in laith, or in 
 ‘ the matters concerning the houfeofGod. And although 
 4 this my profeflion be according to mine education, where- 
 4 in, I thank God, I fucked the milk of God's tiuti:, 
 with the milk of my nurfe ; yet do I here proteft unit) 
 
 4 you, that I would never, for fuch a conceit of conftancy, 
 
 4 or other prcjudicate opinion, have fo firmly kept r.,y firft 
 4 profeflion, if I had not found it agreeable to all reafon, 
 
 4 and to the rule of my confcicnce. But 1 was never vio- 
 4 lent, nor unreafonable in my profeflion : 1 acknowledge 
 4 the Roman Church to be our mother churchy although iLji- 
 4 led with fome infirmities and corruptions , as the Jews 
 ■ were, when they crucified Chrift. And as I am none 
 enemy to the life of a fick man, becaufe I would have his 
 body purged of ill humours; no more am I enemy to 
 : their Church, becaufe I would have them reform their 
 errors, not wifhing the down-throwing of the temple, 
 but that it might be purged, and cleanled from corrup¬ 
 tion ; otherwife how can they wifti us to enter, if their 
 hotife be not firft clean? But as I would be lother to 
 difpenfe in the leaft point of mine own confidence, for 
 any worldly relpedi, than the foolifhelt Preciiian of them 
 all; fo would I be as lorry to ftraic the politick govern¬ 
 ment of the bodies and minds of all my luLjedts' to my 
 private opinions: Nay, my mind was ever fo free from 
 perfecution, or thralling of my fubjech in matters of con¬ 
 fidence, as I hope thole of that profeflion within tin's 
 kingdom, have a proof fince my coming, that I was I'o 
 far from encreafing their burthens with Rehoboairy as I 
 have fo much, as either time, occafion, or law could 
 permit, lightened them. And even now at this time, 
 have I been careful to revifeand cpnfider deeply upon the 
 laws made again ft them, That fome overture might be pro¬ 
 poned to the prefent Parliament , for clearing thefe lazes by ■ 
 reafon, [zvhich is the foul of the law,) rn cafe they have been 
 in times pafi further, or more rigoroufiy extended by judges. 
 
 1604. 
 
Vo]. Jl. 
 
 166 
 
 The HISTO RY of E N G I, A N 
 
 D. 
 
 than the meaning of the law was, or might tend to the hut t. 
 
 ’■ as well of the innocent , as of guilty ptrfons. And as to the 
 1 perfons of my fubje&s which are of that profeffion, I 
 k muft divide them into two ranks, Clericks and Laicks ; 
 
 4 for the part of the Laicks, certainly I ever thought them 
 ‘ far more excufable than the other fort, becaufe that fort 
 ‘ of religion contained fuch an ignorant, doubtful, and lm- 
 ‘ plicit kind of faith in the Laicks, grounded upon their 
 ‘ church, as except they do generally believe whatfoever 
 ■ their teachers pleafe to affirm, they cannot be thought 
 guilty of thefe particular points of hcrefies and corrupti- 
 ons, which their teachers do fo wilfully profefs. And 
 ■ l again, I muft fub-divide the fame Laicks into two ranks, 
 “ that is, either quiet and well-minded men, peaceable 
 44 fubjebts, who either being old, have retained their ftrft 
 
 liquor, upon a 
 
 certain fhamefacednefs to be 
 
 4 drunken 
 
 :*• thought curious, or changeable; or being young men. 
 
 I through evil educations, have never been nurfcd or brought 
 
 ■ 4 up but upon fuch venom, infteadof wholefome nutriment: 4 
 
 II And that fort of people, T would be lorry to punifh their 
 
 “ bodies for the error of their minds, the reformation ‘ 
 14 whereof muft only come of God, and the true Spirit. 
 
 44 But the other rank of Laicks, who either through curi- 
 44 oftty, affixation of novelties, or difeontentment in their ' 
 “ private humours, have changed their coats, only to be 
 44 factious ftirrers of fedition, and perturbers of the Com- 
 “ mon-wealth ; Their backwardnefs in their religion gi- 
 “ veth a ground to me, (their magiftrate) to take the better 
 “ heed to their proceedings, and to correct their obftinacy. 
 
 44 Hut for the part of the Clericks, 1 muft diredtly lay 
 “ and affirm, that as long as they maintain one fpecial 
 41 point of their Do&rine, and another point of their Prac- 
 “ tice, they are no way fuffcrable to remain in this King- 
 “ dom. Their point of Doftrine is, that arrogant and 
 “ ambitious fupremacy of their head the Pope, whereby 
 “ he not only claims to be fpiritual head of all Chriftians, 
 
 44 but alfo to have an imperial civil power over all Lings 
 and Emperors, dethroning and decrowning Princes with 
 44 his foot as pleafeth him, and difpenfing and difpofing of 
 44 all kingdoms and empires at his appetite. 1 he other 
 44 point which they obferve in continual practice is, the 
 44 allaffinatcs and murthers of Kings ; thinking it no hn, 
 
 44 but rather a matter of falvation, to do all a£hons of re- 
 44 bullion and hoftility againft their natural Sovereign Lord, 
 
 44 if he he once curled, his fubjeds difeharged of their fidc- 
 44 lity, and his kingdom given a prey, by that three- 
 44 crowned monarch, or rather monfter, their head. And 
 44 in this point I have no occafton to Ipeak further here, 
 
 44 raving, That l could wifj from my heart , that it would 
 44 pleafe God to make me one of the members of fuch a general 
 44 Chrijlian union in religion , as laying wijulnefs afide on 
 “ both hands , we might meet in the midjl , which is the centre 
 14 and perfection of <ill things. For if they would leave , and 
 44 be ajhamed of fuch new and grofs corruptions of theirs, as 
 44 thcmfelves cannot maintain , nor deny to be worthy of refor- 
 44 /nation , / would for my own part be content to meet them in 
 44 the mid-way , fo that all novelties might be renounced on ci- 
 44 ther Jules. For as my Faith is the true, ancient, catho- 
 44 lick and apoftolick Faith, grounded upon the feriptures 
 44 and exprefs word of God ; fo will I ever yield all reve- 
 44 rence to antiquity, in the points of ecclefiaftical policy . 
 44 And by that means fhall I ever, with God’s grace, keep 
 44 my felf from either being an heretick in faith, or fchil- 
 44 matick in matters of policy. 
 
 44 But of one thing would I have the Papifts of this 
 44 Land to be admonifhed, that they prefume not fo much 
 44 upon my lenity, (becaufe I would be loth to be thought 
 44 a perfecutor) as thereupon to think it lawful for them 
 44 daily to encreafe their number and ftrength 
 
 44 quenching the fpirit that worketh within them. And 
 44 if thev can find as yet no motion tending that way, to 
 44 be iludious to read and confer with learned Men, and 
 44 to ufe all fuch means as may further their refolution ; 
 
 44 a (Turing thcmfelves, that as long as they are difeonform- 
 44 able in Religion from us, they cannot be but half my 
 44 fubje&s, be able to do but half fervice, and l to want 
 44 the belt half of them, which is their Souls. 
 
 44 And here I take occafton to fpeak to you my Lords 
 44 the Bifhops ; for as you my Lord of Durham faid very 
 44 learnedly to dav in your Sermon, Cm m without In - 
 fruition is but a tyranny : So ought you, and all the 
 44 Clergy under you, to be more careful, vigilant, and di- 
 44 ligeni, than you have been to win Souls to God, as 
 44 well by your exemplary life as do£trine. And fince 
 44 you fee how careful they arc, fparing neither labour, 
 
 44 pains, nor extream peril of their perfons to pervert, 
 
 44 ( the Devil is fo bufy a Biffiop,) ye (hould be the more 
 44 careful and wakeful in your charges. Follow the rule 
 44 preferibed to you by St. Paul, Be ye careful to exhort 
 44 and injlruil , in fcajon , and out of fa fen : And where 
 44 you have been any way (luggilh before, now waken 
 44 yourfelves up again with a new diligence in this point, 
 
 44 remitting the fuccefs to God, who calling them either 
 44 at the fecond, third, tenth, or twelfth hour, as they are 
 44 alike welcome to him, fo (hall they be to me his Licu- 
 44 tenant here. 
 
 44 The third reafon of my convening you at this time, 
 
 44 which contained! fuch actions of my thankfulnefs to- 
 44 wards you, as I may either do, or leave undone, yet 
 44 (hall, with God’s grace, ever prefs to perform all the 
 44 days of my life. It conftfts in thefe two points, in 
 “ making of laws at certain times, which is only at fuch 
 44 times as this, in Parliament ; or in the careful execution 
 thereof at all other times. As for the making of them, 
 
 I will thus far faithfully promile unto you, that I will 
 ever prefer the weal of the body, and of the whole 
 
 • Commonwealth, in making of good Laws and Con- 
 ; dilutions, to any particular or private ends of mine, 
 
 4 thinking ever the wealth and weal ot the Common- 
 4 wealth to be my greateft weal, and worldly felicity : 
 
 4 A point wherein a lawful King doth diiedlly differ 
 4 from a tyrant. But at this time I am only thus far 
 4 to forewarn you in that point, that you beware to feek 
 
 • the making of too many Laws, for two efpecial rca- 
 4 Tons : Firft, becaufe in corruptiffima Republicd plurim.ee 
 4 leges : And the execution of good Laws is far more 
 4 profitable in a Common-wealth, than to burden Men’s 
 <- memories with the making of too many of them. And 
 4 next, becaufe the making of too many Laws in one 
 4 Parliament will bring in confufion, for lack of lcifiire 
 4 wifely to deliberate before you conclude : For the Bi- 
 ■ 4 (hop faid well to day, that to deliberation would a large 
 
 time be given ; but to execution a greater promptness 
 ■ 4 was required. As for the execution of good Laws, it 
 14 hath been very wifely and honourably forefeen, and or- 
 44 dered by my Predeceflbrs in this Kingdom, in planting 
 44 fuch a number of Judges, and all forts of Magiftrates, 
 “ in convenient places, for the execution of the fame. 
 44 And therefore muft I now turn me to you that are 
 44 Judges, and Magiftrates under me, as mine eyes and 
 44 ears in this cafe : I can fay none otherwife to you, 
 44 than as Ezekias the good King of Juda faid to his 
 44 fudges, Remember that the Thrones you fit on are God's, 
 “ and neither yours nor mine. And that as you muft be 
 44 anfwcrable to me, fo muft both you and I be anfwer- 
 44 able to God, for the due execution of our Office:. 
 
 this 
 
 Kingdom ; whereby, if not in my time, 
 
 at lead in the 
 
 of mv pofterity, they might be in hope to erc£t 
 44 their Religion again. No, let them afl'ure themfelves, 
 
 “ that as I am a friend to their perfons, if they be good 
 44 fubjeas; fo I am a vowed enemy, and do denounce 
 44 mortal war to their errors. And that as I would be 
 
 44 furry to be driven by their ill behaviour, from the pro- 
 
 44 ted ion and confervation of their bodies and lives ; fo 
 
 44 will I never ceafe, as far as I can, to tread down their 
 
 44 errors and wrong opinions. For I could not permit the 
 44 increafe and growing of their Religion, without (lift be- 
 44 traying of my felf and mine own confcience: Secondly, 
 44 this whole Lie, as well the part I am come from, as 
 44 the part I remain in ; in betraying their Liberties, and 
 44 reducing them to the former flavifti yoke, which both 
 44 had caften off before I came amongft them ; and thirdly, 
 44 the liberty of the Crown in my pofterity, which I mould 
 44 leave again under a new fiavery, having lound it left 
 “ free to me by my predeceflbrs. And therefore would I 
 44 wifti all my good fubjeds that are deceived with that 
 44 corruption, firft, if they find any beginning of inftme- 
 44 tion in themfelves of knowledge, and love to the truth, 
 “ to fuller the fame by all lawful means, and to beware of 
 
 ■ 4 That place is no place for you to utter your Affecii- 
 ;4 ons in ; you muft not there hate your (oe, nor love 
 “ your friend ; fear the offence of the greater Party, or 
 44 pity the mifery of the meaner ; ye muft be blind, and 
 44 not fee diftindtions of perfons ; handlcfs, not receive 
 44 bribes ; but keep that juft temper and mid-courfe in all 
 44 your proceedings, that like a juft balance, ye may nei- 
 44 ther (way to the right nor left-hand. Three principal 
 44 qualities are required in you, Knowledge, Courage, and 
 44 Sincerity ; that you may difeern with Knowledge, cxe- 
 44 cute with Courage, and do both in upright Sincerity. 
 44 And as for my part, I do vow and proteft here in the 
 44 prefence of God, and of this honourable audience, ( 
 44 never (hall be weary, nor omit no occafton wherein I 
 44 may (hew my carefulnefs of the execution of good Laws. 
 44 And as I wilh you that are Judges, not to be weary in 
 44 your Office, in doing of it, lb (hall I never be weary, 
 44 with God’s grace, to take account of you, which is 
 44 properly my calling. 
 
 44 And thus having told you the three caufcs of my con- 
 44 vening of this Parliament, all three tending only to 
 44 utter my thankfulnefs, but in divers forms ; the firft 
 vord, the other two by adtion ; I do confefs, that 
 
 44 by 
 
 when I have done, and performed all that in this fpeech 
 I have promifed, I nut His fervus fum. Inutile , becaufe 
 
 r 44 the 
 
Book XVIII. 24. JAMES I. 
 
 16 
 
 “ the meaning of the word Inutitis in that place of Scrip- 
 “ ture, is underftood, that in doing all that fervice which 
 “ we can to God, it is but our due, and we do nothing 
 “ to God, but that which we are bound to do and in 
 “ like manner, when I have done all that I can for you, 
 “ 1 do nothing but that, which I am bound to do, and 
 am accountable to God upon the contrary. For I 
 “ do acknowledge that the fpccial and greatejl point of dif- 
 ‘ '• ference that is betwixt a rightful King , and a ufurping 
 “ Tyrant , is in this ; that whereas the proud and ambitious 
 “ Tyrant doth think his Kingdom and People are only or- 
 “ dained for fatisfaElion of his defires and unreafonable ap- 
 “ pctiles ; the righteous and jujt King doth by the contrary 
 “ acknowledge himfelf to be ordained for the procuring of the 
 “ wealth and prosperity of his People , and that his greatejl 
 “ and principal worldly felicity muft confijl in their profpe- 
 “■ rity. If you be rich, I cannot be poor ; if you be happy, 
 “ I cannot but be fortunate ; and I proteft that your wel- 
 “ fare (hall ever be my greateft care and contentment. 
 “ And that I am a fervant is moft true ; that as I am 
 “ head and governor of all the people in my dominions, 
 “ who are my natural vaflals and fubje&s, confidering 
 “ them in numbers and diftin£t ranks ; fo if we will take 
 “ the whole people as one body and mafs, then as the head 
 “ is ordained for the body, and not the body for the head, 
 “ fo muft a righteous King know himfelf to be ordained for 
 “ his people, and not his people for him : for although 
 “ King and people be relata , yet can he be no King if he 
 “ want people and fubje£ts : But there be many people in 
 “ the world that lack a head ; wherefore I will never be 
 “ afhamed to confefs it my principal honour, to be the 
 “ great fervant of the Common-Wealth ; and ever think 
 “ the profperity thereof to be my greateft felicity, as I 
 “ have already faid. 
 
 “ But as it was the whole body of this Kingdom, 
 “ (with an uniform aflent and harmony) as I told you in 
 “ the beginning of my Speech, which did fo far oblige me, 
 “ in goodwill and thankfulnefs of requital by their alacrity 
 “ and readinefs in declaring and receiving me to that 
 “ place which God had provided for me, and not any par- 
 “ ticular perfons, (for then it had not been the body) fo 
 “ is my thankfulnefs due to the whole State. For even 
 “ as in matters of faults, £hiod a mult is peccatur impune 
 “ peccatur ; even fo in the matters of virtuous and good 
 “ deeds, what is done by the willing confent and harmony 
 “ of the whole body, no particular perfon can juftly claim 
 “ thanks, as proper to him for the fame : And therefore 
 “ I muft here make a little apology for my felf, in that 
 “ I could not fatisfy the particular humours of every per- 
 <! fon that looked for fome advancement or reward at my 
 “ hand, fince my entry into this Kingdom. Three kinds 
 “ of things were craved of me, advancement to honour, 
 “ preferment to place of credit about my perfon, and re- 
 “ ward in matters of Land or Profit. If I had beftowed 
 “ honour upon all, no man could have been advanced to 
 “ honour; for the degrees of honour do confift in prefer- 
 “ ring fome above their fellows : If every man had the 
 “ like accefs to my Privy or Bed-chamber, then no man 
 “ could have it, becaufe it cannot contain all : And if I 
 “ had beftowed lands and rewards upon every man, the 
 “ fountain of my liberality would have been fo exhaufted 
 “ and dried, as I would lack means to be liberal [to any 
 “ man : And yet was I not fo fparing, but I may with- 
 “ ouf vaunting affirm, that I have enlarged my favour in 
 all the three degrees, towards as many, and more than 
 “ ever King of England did, in fo fhort a fpace. No, I 
 “ rather crave your pardon, that I have been fo bountiful : 
 “ For, if the means of the Crown be wafted, I behoved 
 “ then to have recourfe to you my fubjetfts, and be bur- 
 “ thenfome to you ; which I would be lotheft to be of 
 “ any King alive. For as it is true, that as I have al- 
 “ ready faid, it was a whole body which did deferve fo 
 “ well at my hand, and not every particular perfon of the 
 “ people : yet were there fome who by reafon of their 
 “ office, credit with the people, or otherwife, took occafion 
 “ both before, and at the fame time of my coming a- 
 “ mongft you, to give proof of their love and affe&ion 
 “ towards me. Not that I am any way in doubt, that 
 “ if other of my fubje&s, had been in their places, and 
 “ had had the like occafion, but they would have uttered 
 “ the like good effects, (fo general and fo great were the 
 “ love and affection of you all towards me :) But yet 
 “ this having been performed by fome fpecial perfons, I 
 “ could not without unthankfulnefs but requite them ac- 
 “ cordingly. And therefore had I juft occafion to advance 
 “ fome in honour, fome to places of fervice about me, 
 “ and by rewarding to enable fome who had deferved well 
 “ of me, and were not otherwife able to maintain the 
 “ ranks I thought them capable of, and others who al- 
 “ though they had not particularly deferved before, yet 
 “ I found them capable and worthy of place of prefer- 
 “ ment and credit, and not able to fuftain thofe places for 
 
 “ which I thought them fit, without my help. Two 1604. 
 “ efpecial caufes moved me to be fo open-handed, where- 
 “ of the one was reafonable and honourable, but the other 
 “ ( I will not be afhamed to confefs unto you) proceeded 
 “ of mine own infirmity. That which was juft and 
 “ honourable, was, that being fo far beholden to the body 
 “ of the whole State, I thought I could not refufe to 
 “ let run fome fmall brooks out of the fountain of mv 
 “ thankfulnefs to the whole, for refrefhing of particular 
 “ perfons that were members of that multitude. The 
 “ other, which proceeded out of mine own infirmity, 
 
 “ was, the multitude and importunity of fuitors. But 
 “ although reafon come by infufion in a manner, yet ex- 
 “ perience groweth with time and labour : And therefore 
 “ do I not doubt, but experience in time coming will 
 “ both teach the particular fubjedls of this Kingdom, not 
 “ to be fo importune and undifereet in craving ; and me 
 “ not to be fo eafily and lightly moved in granting, that 
 “ which may be harmful to my eftate, and confequently 
 cc to the whole Kingdom. 
 
 “ And thus having at length declared unto you mv 
 “ mind, in all the points for the which I called this Parlia 
 “ ment, my concluiion (hall only now be, to excufe 
 cC joy fclf, in cafe you have not found fuch eloquence 
 “ in my Speech, as peradventure you might have looked 
 “ for at my hands. I might, if I lift, alledge the great 
 “ weight of my affairs, and my continual bufinefs and 
 “ diftradlion, that I could never have leifure to think upon 
 “ what I was to fpeak, before I came to the place w'here I 
 “ was to fpeak : And I might alfo alledge, that my firft 
 “ fight of this fo famous and honourable an aflembly, 
 
 “ might likewife breed fome impediment : But leaving 
 “ tbefe excufes, I will plainly and freely in my manner, 
 
 “ tell you the true caufe of it ; which is, that it be- 
 “ cometh a King, in my opinion, to ufe no other elo- 
 “ quence than plainnefs and fincerity. By plainnefs I 
 “ mean, that his Speeches fhould be fo clear, and void of 
 “ all ambiguity, that they may not be thrown, nor rent 
 “ afunder in contrary fenfes, like the old Oracles of the 
 “ Pagan Gods : And by fincerity I underftand, that up- 
 “ rightnefs and honefty which ought to be in a King’s 
 “ whole Speeches and A<£lions ; that, as far as a King is in 
 “ honour ere&ed above any of his fubje£ts, fo far (hould 
 “ he ftrive in fincerity to be above them all, and that his 
 “ tongue fhould be ever the true meflenger of his heart. 
 
 “ And this fort of eloquence may you ever affuredly look 
 “ for at my hands.” 
 
 This fpeech was not received with the applaufes expected Sn-era! r-. 
 by the King. Befides the exceffive length, feveral things rr.arkiare 
 were remarked which gave occafion for cenfure. In the 
 firft place, no body could tell what to make of his actions speSS' 
 of thanks infeparably conjoined in his perfon , and containing 
 two bloffings, the firft whereof was confined to thefe two 
 points : 1. That having never had war with any of his 
 neighbours, he inferred from thence that he brought peace 
 with him every where. But it was no great wonder, he 
 had not been hitherto in war with his neighbours, fince 
 Scotland has properly no neighbours but the Englijh. 2.That 
 without being follicited he had revoked the Letters of Mark 
 againft Spain. The other bleffing of his actions cf thanks 
 confifted in the union in his perfon of the titles of the two 
 Houfes of Lancajler and York. Hence he would have infi- 
 nuated, that by his acceffion to the throne of England , he 
 freed the Englijh from the dread of feeing a renewal of the 
 civil wars occalioned by the titles of the two Houfes. But 
 this pretended dread was only a chimera of his own form¬ 
 ing. Since Henry VIII, who much more juftly united in 
 his perfon the rights of the two contending Houfes, the 
 dread of a civil war had fo difappeared, that it was entirely 
 forgot. As for his efforts to (how the great advantages 
 which would accrue to England from the union of the two 
 kingdoms, they were entirely vain, as will hereafter appear. 
 
 Befides, his inferences from the arbitrary comparifons, of a 
 head with a divided body, a husband with two wives, a 
 fhepherd with two flocks, feemed fo little (olid, that they 
 were turned to ridicule. What he faid about religion was 
 difpleafing to all. The Catholicks were not fatisfied with 
 his diftin&ions. The Puritans were extremely offended, 
 that he (hould poiitively fay of them, “ They were ever 
 “ difeontented with the prefent government, and impati- 
 “ ent of any fuperiority, which made their fe£t infuft'erable 
 “ in a well-governed Common-wealth.” The Proteftants 
 in general remarked in his fpeech too great condefcenfion 
 for the Papifts, 2nd even cantradi&ion in what he faid about 
 them. On the one hand, he affirmed , he was of the 
 Church of England , and his faith grounded upon the Holy 
 Scriptures. On the other hand, he was ready to lay afide 
 all prejudice, and meet the Catholicks half way. He de¬ 
 clared himfelf a mortal enemy to their errors, but took care 
 to intimate, that he confined, as I may fay, thefe errors to 
 the doctrine of the Pope’s exorbitant power. Upon the other 
 
 fort 
 
168 The HISTORY 
 
 1604. fort of a,lions of thanks, confiding in the making and exe¬ 
 cuting of laws, ’twas faid, that a King of England might 
 extol hi:-, eondefeeniion concerning fume particular law, 
 made to his own detriment, and the nation’s benefit : But 
 no King before him ever pretended to lay an obligation up¬ 
 on his people, for giving his aflent to fuch laws as were lor 
 his own and the kingdom’s good. It was alfo obferved, 
 that he admonilhed the Parliament not to enact too many 
 laws, as if he feared to be obliged to carry his pretended 
 tl'.ankfulnefs too far. That as for the few good laws he 
 was willing to admit, all the effedts of his thanklulnefs con- 
 h’led in giving the judges a very common and trivial charge. 
 Finally, it was remarked, that this thankfulnefs upon which 
 his whole fpeech turned, was as imaginary as the caufe 
 which produced it. In thanking the people of EnglandJor 
 receiving and embracing him as their undoubted and lawful 
 King and governour , he did not mean to declare that the 
 people had made him fo, but only that being undoubted 
 King by his birth-right, they had received and owned him 
 as fuch. This was lefiening the obligation, and confequcnt- 
 ]y the thankfulne r s too. Wherefore it was thought by 
 many, that the King’s aim, in this long harangue, was not 
 fo much to txprefs his thankfulnefs to the Englifi, as to in- 
 linuate to them, that all he was obliged to them for, 
 wu•, their not oppoling his undoubted right: that his chief 
 intention was, to obtain of the Parliament the union of the 
 two kingdoms to pi event any new laws againft the Papiils, 
 and to have the execution of thofe already in force left to 
 him. What was only conjectured at firft, became certain 
 afterwards, as the King’s intentions were difeovered. In 
 this very Parliament therefore, a fufpicion and jealoufy of 
 the King began to be entertain’d by the people. This alfo 
 put the Home of Commons upon their guard, and made 
 them carefully weigh the King’s words and actions, who 
 notwithlhinding the maxims laid down in the conclufion of 
 his fpcech, was a great mailer in the art of chufing ambi¬ 
 guous exprefiions. This mud always be remembred, in 
 order to underlland the events of this reign. 
 firVtb' 1 ”" The t ’ 1 ‘ n S t * ie P ar '' amcnt did, was to prepare an 
 Kvy-Yhtlc. a& for acknowledging the King’s title to the crown of Eng- 
 scat'it ■ c. 1. land, fames had not required it. On the contrary, in all 
 W,llon ‘ appearance, by repeating feveral times in his fpeech, that 
 he was undoubted King by birth-right, lie defigned to inti¬ 
 mate, he did not want the Parliament’s confirmation. But 
 if this was his intent, the two Houfes did not, or feemed 
 not to underlland it, whether they refolv’d to preferve a 
 privilege hitherto enjoyed, or feared fuch an omillion might 
 occafion troubles and rebellions. The King on his part 
 thought it not prudent to refufe the aft. 
 
 Cjmnujfio- Alter the Parliament had confidered of fomc other affairs, 
 ”n'ne°el > e‘ 1 ' they appointed commiflioners to examine the King’s propo- 
 (of 1 be fjl concerning the union of the two kingdoms. But the 
 
 t-.in King. j£j n g already obftrufted it, by lavilhing honours and 
 
 Spo'lnvood. riches upon his Scotch courtiers. This convinc’d the Eng I if, 
 p.+So.&c. they could not but lofe by a union, whofe end, as they be- 
 lieved, was to render the Scots partakers of the riches of 
 Wiifoli'. England, whereas the F.nglijh had nothing tocxpedl in Scot¬ 
 land. (1). Hence the King’s fpeech was cenfured, where 
 
 he fpoke of Scotland as the one half of the illand, though 
 the Englijh were perfuaded, there was a great inequality be¬ 
 tween England and Scotland. The eager purfuit of the 
 Scots after places, penfions, and rich matches, raifed the 
 jealoufy of the Englijh, and rendered them very averfe to 
 the union projected by the King. With thefe difpofitions 
 the commiflioners met to examine the advantages and in¬ 
 conveniences, in order to make their report to the two 
 Houfes (z). 
 
 TH People t Whilll this affair was in hand, molt people could not 
 forbear fhowing dilcontent with regard to religion. The 
 f Rcjfin. Catholicks expe&ed greater favours from a Prince, whom 
 Wilton. (hey imagined in their interell. His diftinftions between 
 the Clericks and Laicks, between thofe who aferibed to the 
 Pope an unlimited power, and fuch as received not that 
 doctrine, made them fear, the advantages they had promifed 
 themfelves in this new Reign would be very inconfiderable. 
 'The Presbyterians were enraged to fee the King fo openly 
 prefer the Papiils before them. All the Proteftants in ge¬ 
 neral heard with grief, the advances made by the King to 
 the Papiils. Efpecially, the offer of meeting them half 
 way, and the affectation of condemning only a fingle Te¬ 
 net, gave occafion to fear, he had indeed the fentiments he 
 was fufpeCtcd of in Scotland. What means, faid they, his 
 offer to the Papi/ls of meeting them half way, upon their re¬ 
 nouncing the doctrine; repugnant to the regal authority ? 
 Where is this half way to he ? Does it relate to the Hierar¬ 
 chy? But if 1 . Pope's authority is not receive/!, there will 
 be no difference between the Englifh and Catholick Church. 
 
 of ENGLAND. Vol. 11. 
 
 Does he reckon the Catholicks will have come ha.f wav, 7- . 7 1 C .1 
 
 they have renounced the Pope's exorbitant power If r . 
 mujl, in order to go the other half, y ield t .cm the •. 1 of : • • 
 
 Articles , which were the caufe of our fepara In a word, 
 it was not known how far this offer vva, :o extend, or 
 whereto Hop, foobfeure anil doubtful was ties exp: cl. it 1 , 
 though he had declared, he would ufe no other eh■quenve 
 than Plat nnefs and i 
 
 the zealous Church of England-men, vw:e alone piean d, 
 becaufe the King feemed bent not to fuller the r\;ir..tn . 
 who were no lefs odious to them than the bigot led P.qiiff 
 It is certain, their zeal for tlie Church of England w.i 
 carried a little too far, and the King, by dcci.e. mg hunlvil- 
 fo plainly a fworn enemy to the Puritan?, bred a mutual 
 enmity between the two Parties, which wai but t o in 
 cheriHied, ami which, at another time, proved fatal to rI, 
 eftablifhed Church. The Puritans were lb oftcmkJ .t :. 1 
 uncharitablenefs for them, and the great condefceniiun J u 
 the Papiils, that they did not fcruple to charge the King, 
 the Bifhops, and the zealous Epilcopuli.uis, with he n- 10 
 many popifh agents. Amidft thefe divilion?, tJ.e Eon f • 
 emillaries had but too many opportunities to foment the a.11- 
 mofity of the two Parties, and carry it to the utmoll 
 height, knowing they could not better execute their de- 
 iigris, than when the Kingdom was involved in troubles. 
 
 It is pretended, at this time many Jefuiis, with their Su- An j.-j 
 periors permifiion, were received, fume as Presbyterian Mi- ,b - 1 
 
 niffers, others as Church of England Pricfts, and that un- 
 der thefe difguifes, they fo ft retched the principles of the Annals H 
 two Parties, whether in their writings or in their fermons, J jrr . es 
 that the breach was rendered irreparable. 
 
 At the fame time, thofe who approached the King’s r 
 perfon, both Englijh and Scots, thought only of making ■' 
 their Court, in order to obtain his Good-graces and Fa- 
 vours. The jealoufy between the two Nations helped to 
 flrain the flattery ufed by the whole Court to the King. 
 
 Every one ftrove to keep in his efteem by whatever v..: 
 moll grateful to him, and nothing was more fo, than to 
 be extolled for his Learning and Parts, and to hear the 
 royal authority talked of according to his principles. It 
 was fome time, before the people had a clear knowledge ol 
 this Prince’s Genius and Character ; but when he was 
 once well known, the effeem at firlt entertained ol him, 
 very fenfibly diminifhed, to which the King himfelf great¬ 
 ly contributed by his ftrange conduit, as will hereafter 
 appear. 
 
 The principal affair for which the King had fumniontd a i-.: 
 the Parliament was, the union of the two Kingdom., 1 
 though he pretended, his foie motive was to txprefs his J j .' Ei -_ 
 thankfulnefs to the Englijh. He had fo good an opinion • u-,. 
 of his Eloquence, that he did not quellion the fuccefs ol w,!: 
 this affair, and the nomination of the Commiflioners for p ‘ ' 
 that purpofe confirmed his belief. So, whether through fj j ’’ 
 impatience, or to engage the Parliament the fooner to unite 
 the two Kingdoms, he ordered himklf to be proei.mm .! 
 
 King of Great-Britain, without flaying lor the Pai 
 ment’s determination. From thenceforward he would hear 
 no more of the diftinction of the two Kingdoms. St. An is. ?. 6:7, 
 drew' s Crofs was quartered with St. George's in the h lags, f y 
 and by Proclamation the Scottijh Coins were made current " Wl "’ 
 in England. 'Phis fliowed, the King did not doubt, the 
 affair of the Union would fucceed to his wifh. But he did 
 not yet know the Genius and Character of the Englijh. 
 
 Such as had no fliare in his Bounties, loudly murmured to \'::s 3. 
 fee his Scotch Attendants grown fo rich in a very fhort 
 fpace, that the Englijh could not imitate their magnificence 
 without ruining their Eliates (3). Several PTquiis were 
 daily made upon this occafion, not much to the advantage 
 of the Scots, nor confequenlly to the defign of the Union 
 of the two Kingdoms. 
 
 There was alfo another thing which did not render the [h 
 people favorable to the King. This was an occafion cl 
 difeontent given to the Houfe of Commons, and which it fjj 
 will be neceffary to mention, in order to lhow tins rmice’s c 
 Idea of the Englijh Gonftitution, and the jml caufe he f. 
 gave the Commons to fear, he defigned to invade their 
 Privileges. Immediately after the opening of the Parlu- 
 ment, the Commons examining, according to cuflom, the 
 contefted Elections, there was a debate in tile Houfe about 
 the return of Sir Francis Goodwin, and Sir 'John foitccne, 
 for Knight of the Shire for the County of Etuis, and up¬ 
 on a full hearing, Sir Francis was declared duly eluded. 
 
 Three days after, the Lords fent a mell ge to the Coin- ^ 
 mons, that there might be a conference about G 
 election. The Commons furprized at fo extuurdnuiy a 
 mefl’age, anfwered, They did not think themfelves obliged 
 to give an account of their proceeding-, and there lure could 
 
 (i' I: wis fi'd, That if the Sc-ti ha'ready impovetiflied the Kingdom, they would by the Union bankrupt it. Il'eUrn , p. c,S. 
 
 ?. Then w'-tc in all forty ihice C inm'lliimas, Lords and Commons, who were empowered to meet and treat with certain lelctk Commiffi Tiers '0 be ;p- 
 
 p-inic d bv 1 ho Parliament of .s. tland. tt ilj-n, p. 673, &c. Spotijwsod, p. 480, &c. 
 
 Tnc Prjyb ici'ined, a It ■ yn uj , to lire the Scott advanc' d from blue Bonne s to cortly Beavers, wearing inflead of Wadmeal, Velvet and o.a. •, 
 
 p. 673. 
 
 not 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 J A M 
 
 April 3* 
 
 i»t -rant the conference require'. The Lords replied, who anfwertd limmimoufiy, he ought to refrain from dc- 
 Thc king having been acquainted with What had pallid riding any thing concerning the Archbifhop’s requefl ’ 
 
 ?b‘, T 8 - ^ ?? BCd , '".’T”* » The conclufion of the Peace witl, Spain foo'n followed *»„ ,f 
 
 ha\e the affair debated again, and had ordered them to tile prorogation of the Parliament. Ttixts having informed Ptac ' v " ,b 
 con.er with the Commons upon it. Whereupon, the the King of Spain how the Court of England flood affe£t- n^Cher 
 Commons, by there Speaker, gave their reafons to the ed, the Con (table of Cq/lile was font into the Lew-C*un- W.Sn 
 
 why they could not admit of tins innovation. But tries, with orders to p'aft into England and conclude the *«• p " k - 
 
 ?he LMds the° b K W3S ’ tha n m / e i! d 3 COn r fe,enCe . W ', th Peacc ' But the Conltable being detained by feme .-.(Fairs I'Z P 'S 5 ' 
 the Lords, the king commanded them to confer wnh the in the Netherlands, conveyed his power to taris and Ri- 5»w. ” 
 Judges. This p.eafed them no more than the other, chard,,. Thefe two Deputies being come to Lendm (4), <” **!- “• 
 They fo down their reafons in writing, and delivered agreed upon a Treaty, which was not however limed till 
 them at the Council-Chamber, to del.re their Lord/hips to the , 3 th of Auguji, after the arrival of the Conftabic of 
 -d lor them to the Kuip-, not to violate their Pri- Ca/IH, tk;.. _i._r.j .. . n 
 
 The Common, 
 
 *M"f‘ tb ‘ 
 *"*• 
 
 June ,6. 
 Coke,p. 54. 
 
 Tbt Parlia 
 
 ropued- 
 Journ. Pa,! 
 
 the King's 
 Principles 
 touching 
 
 . wooncii-vimiiiuu, iu uciiic wicir j_,oraimps to 
 
 interceed for them to the King, not to violate their Pri¬ 
 vileges. T he anfvver was, T he King abfolutely com¬ 
 manded them to have a conference with the Judges. The 
 Commons were extremely furprized at fo abfolute an or¬ 
 der. Mean while, fearing to be accufed of too eafily en¬ 
 gaging in a quarrel with the King, they thought it more 
 proper to yield, than fland out, fully bent however to ad¬ 
 here to what had been determined in the cafe of the con- 
 tefted Election. Certainly the King had engaged in a 
 very nice affair, and probably, would not have come off 
 with honour, had he not been difingaged by Goodwin's 
 moderation. Sir Francis chufing to forfeit his right rather 
 than occafion a quarrel between the King and the Com¬ 
 mons, defired the Hotife to order the County of Bucks to 
 eled another Knight in his Head. The King and Com¬ 
 mons equally accepted of this expedient, which prevented 
 them from coming to extremities ; but the King found 
 from hence, that no great account was made of the Pro¬ 
 clamation upon calling the Parliament, whereby he meant 
 to be mailer of the Elections. 
 
 The Commons perceived by this affair, that the King’s 
 intention was to found them, and that hereafter fuch inci¬ 
 dents might frequently be revived. For which reafon, on 
 the 16th of 'June, addreffing the King concerning certain 
 Grievances, they took occafion to reprefent their Privi¬ 
 leges, of which they fuppofed him not yet fully informed 
 
 Thit urhlrefc fn A \ (V.I., . 1 *l._ l.': . .1 . 
 
 Tbe Arcb- 
 bijhop' j at 
 tempt ,n fa 
 Hjiur of the 
 King. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 Cajiile. Some fay, this Ambaffador purchafed the Peace 
 with large l'ums of money, diflributed among the King’s x r ? M " n ’ 
 Miniflers. But this can only be faid by conje&ure, thofe 
 who are entrufted with fuch fort of intrigues, not beino- 
 ufed to difeover them (5). However this be, the Treaty 
 with the King of Spain was double, there being one re¬ 
 lating entirely to Commerce. 
 
 ‘‘By the IVth Article of the firfl Treaty it was agreed, Coke, P . s : 
 “ That neither the Kings of England nor Spain, Jhould 
 directly or indirectly, give aid to the Enemies or Rebels 
 “ of either part, of what nature or condition foever they 
 “ were. 
 
 “ By the Vth. They renounced all former Leagues, Con¬ 
 federacies, Capitulations, and Intelligences contrary to that 
 “ Treaty. 
 
 In the Vllth, King James excufes the delivery of Coke, £.57; 
 “ the cautionary Towns to the King of Spain ; and pro- 
 “ mifes to enter into a Treaty with the States, wherein 
 “ he will affign a competent time to them, to accept and 
 “ receive Terms for a Pacification with the Archduke j 
 which if they refufed, he would from thenceforth think 
 “ himfelf freed from the former conventions with them.” 
 
 Thefe, doubtlefs, are the Articles which have given od- 
 This’ add refs'""fo T* ,loc £ et IU1 T formed cafion to fay, the Spaniards bought the Peace. It does 
 
 Juiy he prorogued L "t 
 
 ro^have rurre fo think of means to humbie the Com* Ihouid havPS 
 
 - It ™, mo* of thofe who approached the King, ZtV 
 
 Hf abfokte'"or rath™ fo'infirm h'" °' h - m ~ “ them thc cau,ionar y T °"™ » much left fom 
 
 by which they perfectly made their Cour'" Befid'e^S TcZfe, Thl Hitory 
 
 trary power ,s as advantages to Minifters and Courtiers, Treaty, relates only four Article!thereof the fourth fa 
 ' Sots acaTSe a Bifto'm o! ha 0 vfo! C h nat,0n r' re, 8 "'"! A “" r dire ? ly 10 ‘ h = forememioned fourth Article. Ac- 
 
 Sat^t “^n^ C ° rd,nE tha ‘ H ' ftOTian thC : 
 
 Sr of r^urah^TSSwreT! 1 '"?’ th S '!* * Vf " ,blSuu ‘ '/ Holknd Zealand, things™^ 
 
 •' P f t,mC ’ the . Clergy have land's being obliged U recall hi, Troops frm the LoW-Coun- 
 
 tries; or to forbid his Subjects to Jerve the faid States. 
 
 Moreover, that the Commerce , Trade and Navigation be¬ 
 tween the Englifh and the Jiiitl States Jhould continue upon the 
 fame foot as in Elizabeth’/ life-time . 
 
 j -- many ui me \_iergy nave 
 
 endeavoured to perfwade the people, that they ought to 
 acknowledge in the Sovereign an unlimited authority (2) 
 and have extended Paffive Obedience in England as far as 
 in the moll arbitrary Monarchies. 
 
 Bancroft Archbilhop of Canterbury, a moll zealous alTer- 
 ter ol the Prerogative-Royal, was one of the firll who at¬ 
 tempted to go beyond the ufual bounds, by caufinp things 
 
 rn fl**npnyl .an five I.'' .Ill i • i . . P 
 
 to depend on the King’s will JhVh L j wf ™e Spaniard and the Archduke, was perfwaded to agree, 
 w,,hin P thePerl^^iri e" hTbi^fo^ ^^ ik*. 
 
 within the Parliament’s jurifdiaion. He exhibited to the 
 kmg and Council twenty five grievances of the Clergy (,). 
 winch were defired to be reformed in granting Prohibi 
 tions, that the King’s Courts might not have cognizance 
 of what concerned thefe Articles. It is faid, his intention 
 Was to mow others the way to apply direflly to the King 
 without regarding the Parliament or Convocation. Bit 
 the King was told, in cafe he granted the Archbilhop’s re 
 quclt, he would be engaged in inextricable difficulties, be 
 
 This contrariety makes me think, that ’James, to pleafe 
 the Spaniard and the Archduke, was perfwaded to agree, 
 
 jhar f-h#» fntirfB A v.io-la r. i - .1 
 
 in the manner firll mentioned, in order to induce the 
 States to haften a Peace, and that this fame Article, as 
 related by Du Chefne, was a reflridtion of the firll, or 
 a fecret Article, which was alone to take place. This 
 is fo common a thing in Treaties, that this Conjeaure 
 cannot be confidered as groundlefs, efpecially as it is con¬ 
 firmed by the event. 
 
 I he Peace with Spain being concluded, the King was -tiCimpanf 
 1 > *vin & con lulled the Judges, h.s Subjedls, except fuch as were authorized by this Com- Italy. 
 
 Coke, p. 59. 
 
 1 1 This r.:r lament granted the K : ng Tannage and houndace. The Tunnaee was 0 1 on *r t 
 Wn.o, 61 min lor every Awm of Rbemjh, i «. The Pomdare was n „ n rvrfv 7 7 " S? W,ne > imported; and on a Tun of fweet 
 
 s Hu ‘jj&zzzzz ‘i r'- in::, nine 
 
 f . th 
 
 4 A wife Ad rs.,,,.1 Conjuration, Witchcraft, and dealL with evil Suidtf ^On/fS h the ' n ° rd l na i e Ji^nting and rip ing in Inns, Alehoufes, Sf f . 
 gam!! Brokers, GV. Sec Statut. i. James 1 . 6 V, ‘ SpUltS ‘ S- One tot the relief of Creditors againft Bankrupts. 6. And another «- 
 
 (2) They are now pretty well beaten out of that falfe Notion. 
 
 41 The X 'sL'lx : ‘ ! ' Clen ' S “ ,n Sir Edw ’ C ° h ‘‘ ^ tuftitutc. 
 
 And in tru h, Dudley-End, that famous grea' Struflure had^ ts f, undar 1 n 0^0° °L S ‘ ate ‘ lfI .^"; fl So ,c may be faid, (he was a double fharer ; 
 
 etreciof this difidvantageous Peace-- A Peace, fa4 Oihorn^ * Cb "ft tniom ha! > fince felt and feen the lamentab.e 
 
 wa f. fe y rhc S P Jn J h Gifts enabled lo build a noble Houlethe Strand ^ ^ an a W J r - , He alfo obferves, that the Earl of Northampton 
 
 walls and locfs /laiflcred with the fame mortar. § 4, 5. Strand ) and 'here were many others in the Kingdom, thac had their foundation, if not their 
 
 No. 52. V o L. II. 
 
 U U 
 
 pan/ 
 
Yoi. li. 
 
 The BISTORT (/ENGLAND. 
 
 . ,,'iy, to tr .lTick in thofe Countries. But in the next Sef- 
 Jioii of the Parliament, the Commons taking into confide- 
 i.,i,im Jiow d«ftru£tive to trade fuel) a Monopoly was, rc- 
 j'o,iented fo plainly to the King the ill confequenccs ihere- 
 that the Company’s Patent was revoked, and the trade 
 with Spain and Italy declared free as before. 
 
 jjurin<» the reft of the year 1604 nothing remarkable 
 fled J • 'lan . The King led a peaceable life amidft the 
 l jlatti'i it a of his Court, and very lavifhly beftowed his fa¬ 
 vour* on his Minions. But this liberality bred a great dif- 
 content in thofe who had no lhare in it, and thought thern- 
 Id.c, !„)wrver no lefs worthy than the others. Queen 
 Eilzab.tb t< ok a vi’i y different method, but 'Janes did not 
 think fit to be her imitator. Never were Honours bellow¬ 
 ed with Ids diferetion and more profufion than in this 
 Reign. Accordingly, they were no longer coniidered as 
 the reward of merit but only of adulation ( 
 
 received. This, with his ufual Revenues, enabled him to 1 • 
 be liberal to his Favorites of both nations, who quick!;, 
 grew very rich. On the other hand, he took a pleafurr- 
 in raifing to honors and dignities fevcral perfons, who 
 would not have afpired to them in Elizabeth 's re.gri. In 
 fliort, he faw himfelf inceflantly flattered by hi* Courtier . 
 who omitted no opportunities to (flow how much they ad¬ 
 mired his wifdom and all his other virtues. This was .1 
 neccflary method, to acquire his favour. To fay all in a v, , 
 word, he led a very foft and peaceable life, in the midfl 1: k-. 
 of plenty and pleasures, to which fume pretend he was 
 little too much addi£ted (5). But this Prince has had the 
 misfortune to have for Hiltorians fuch as loved hirn not, 
 as on the other fide, he has had the good fortune to haw 
 forr.e who have endeavoured to praife all his adlions. So. 
 there is danger of being greatly miftaken, if an idea ol his 
 charadler is formed upon the commendations or invidives 
 
 l own of Ojlcnd bcfieged now three years by the of his Hiftorians. It is better to keep folely to the examina- 
 was at laft forced to capitulate the 20th of Sep- tion of his actions themfelves. 
 
 Whilft every thing feemed to procure King "fames a 
 quiet and peaceable Reign, the devil, envying the happi- 
 nefs of the Eng lift, infpired fome of his Agents with one 
 of the mod horrible Plots that ever was heard of. I 
 mean the Gunpowder-Treafon-Plot, which has made fo 
 much noife in the world, and of which I fhall relate the 
 particulars, without any aggravation. 
 
 Whatever might be the ground of the hopes entertined . 
 by the Catholicks, when they law King James alien.I the a ■*- 
 
 throne of England, it is certain they cxpc&ed great thing , d'; w • 
 from him, and at leaft a full Toleration, with liberty of d 1.. of 
 publickly exercillng their Religion. Upon this Toleration tu t . aui. 
 they built their hopes of reftoring by degrees their Religion 
 in England. But the King’s Speech to the Parliament dif- c mu Stow 
 covered two things. Thefirft, that this Toleration, which Sr'"- 
 till then had been hardly doubted, was not yet ready 
 
 Spaniel 
 
 tember. By the taking of this place the Conquerors gain¬ 
 ed only heaps of ruins, which had coft them immenfe 
 fums and the lofs of numbcrlefs Officers and Soldiers (2). 
 Before James concluded the Peace with Spain, he feerned 
 willing to concern himfelf in the prefervation of Ojlend: 
 but when the Peace was made, he thought only of 
 ft l engthening his new friendfhip with the King of Spain 
 and the Archduke, by fending them Amballadors. 
 
 '1 iie King made choice of his High-Admiral the Karl 
 of Nottingham for Ambailddor extraordinary to Spain. 
 The Karl departed in March 1605, with a very numerous 
 retinue, coniiirmg, according to fume, of no lefs than fix 
 hundred and fifty perfons (3). 
 
 At the fame time, the Karl of Hertford was fent in 
 F.i: any to 1.0 uft'cls. Whilft he was at Sea, a Dutch Man 
 (,l War faded bv, and refufing to ftrike, the line lift Cap- 
 
 Dutch Mai 
 d War. 
 Weldon. 
 
 [-Sir tVilliam Mmj.n] prepared to compel him, but come. The fecond, tlrat though they (hould obtain it of o,b 
 ti.e Ambaflador would not gjye him leave. This was the the King, it would not be for fitch as acknowledged t 1 e « 
 fill) indiunity of that nature received by England from the Pope’s authority in its utmofi extent. Thefe were she 
 
 Diihli. whole Sovereignty was not yet fo much as ac- men however that were molt active and eager to re- 
 
 knowiedged by any potentate in Europe. If James bad eitabliih their Religion in the Kingdom. They defpiled a 
 deinmded reparation, doubtlcfs, he might caiiiy have ob- bare liberty of Confcicnce for the moderate Catholicks, 
 rained it, conlidering tire then circumltanccs of tire United- to which ti.e King feemed to coniine his favours. 'I hey 
 
 Pmmn. But very likely, he did not think it wortl. his believed it to be the King’s intention to divide the Catho- 
 
 while to make a noife about an affair of fo little importance. 
 
 'The Eng lift however murmured at it, and many took 
 cafwn to compare the King’s indolence with Elizabeth's 
 fpiiit, who, doubtlefs, would not have been fo eafy under 
 fuch an affront. James gave himfelf no trouble about it, 
 believing that to avoid ail occasion of rupture with his 
 Neighbours was a more effectual way to procure his own 
 and the Nation’s welfare, than to ingage in a war for fuch 
 a trifle.. 
 
 T'w'ntbe The jcaloufy, the Eng lift began to conceive of the Hol- 
 lii.glifh '.m.d landers, was nothing in companion of that caufed by the 
 '> King’s prodigal favours to the Scots (4). Mott Hiftorians 
 
 accul'e the Catholicks of cherifhing this jcaloufy between the 
 ob rr). two Nations, to make an advantage of their divifrons. 
 
 But without being forced to recur to fo remote a caufe. 
 
 licks, and make two Sects, whereof one, renouncing the 
 dottrine of the Pope’s Supremacy, fhould be tolerated in 
 the Kingdom, and the other expelled. This divifion ap¬ 
 peared to them fo dellru&ive to the Catholick Religion, 
 that they imagined, the King by this artful and politick 
 conduit, intended 10 reconcile to the Church of England , 
 fuch as fhould imprudently rejedt the papal authority, as 
 it happened in the Reign of Henry VIII. 
 
 To prevent the execution of this pretended defign, w. - vir 0 
 which might be very prejudicial to the Church of Rome , 
 fome of thefe Zealots confulted together, and formed a “T . . 
 horrible Plot, which was afterwards approved by the reft, l^i.c. r? 
 The chief of thefe wretches was Robert CatesLy, a Gentle- 
 man of Northamptonjhire , defeended from the Catesbies j amc g, 
 the Reign of Edward V. This man having Works. 
 
 1 mentioned .. 
 
 the old enmity between the two Kingdoms, and the gained Thomas Percy the Earl of 
 King’s inclination for the Scots, were in my opinion much Jobn Grant, Rookwood , 
 
 7/v King' 
 > appy Si a, 
 
 John and Cbrijlopher 
 IVrigbt, Francis Trejham, Guy Fawkes, Sir Everard Dig- 
 by, Robert and Thomas 1 Vinter (6), Thomas Bates , and 
 Robert Keyes , chofe five of them to confult how to reftore 
 the Romijh Religion in England. Percy one of the moft 
 zealous, propofed killing the King, and offered to perform 
 it. To this Catcsby replied, “ though the King was dead, 
 “ their caufe would not be advanced, fince he would leave 
 “ Sons, who perhaps would not be more favorable to the 
 “ Catholicks. Nay, fuppoling the King and his Children 
 “ were removed, there would remain fo many of the 
 “ nobles and gentry, that probably it would be very dif- 
 “ ficult to accomplifh their defign.” He added, “ lie had 
 “ thought of a way to deftroy in an inftant, almoft all 
 “ the principal enemies of the Catholick Religion, and to 
 « throw the Kingdom into fuch a confternation, that nut 
 “ a man would be able to take proper meafures to oppofe 
 
 r, Thi vr.- in .s '„p: e r! r, the King borrowed fcveral fa ms cf Money by Privy-'^ 1 , from the wealthieft Citizens in London. And in OOtber, the 
 
 .ms of M'-.ihji ilboth inward and otrtvva.d, were railed. <nd let . ut to >■""!. Ihwe, Conan of Slow, p 856--;T«e K.-.g, who was t great 
 
 CI ,. mv ... appears by his wr.-mgs againft it, ■ rdered by Pi vl.mM on, dated 00 * 6 * 7. that befides the Cuflom of Two pence in the i ou.-.d it 
 
 nli-d t.iiav, ih-rn (IrnHltl be an additional duty ol 61. S d on eve, > P -mU unp rted into the Reaim. See RynuTs Feed lorn. 
 
 (,) Above one htn.ired and twenty thoul.n d Men arc faid tub- ila u m both ff.es. The Town w 
 made Duke of Santa Scutnr. 1. Sir Frjn.ii Fere General, and hi. Brother Horatio had fliown great 
 
 The .s p.„ : jr./r were aft 1 ifhed at the magnificence of rhe Embafly, and the hand fome Gentler 
 ugly, and like Devils, as a punifiimcnt tr r lading J,\ the P pc; and they pictured Si 
 Uys Wiiy.n, for thofe Jogg ers, when h. y rave once bound up th: t.onlu'.-nre, to 
 {4i This jr.ilmify neeali .red many Infi'enrics; the itructs ol I- • \on fw m u mgr. 
 
 I'TFh^i.Tiv’T'fbrKlXbl.lvJ J .," , |h™,'tl,. t „l ,Ir h r..«.'."l l w', , : , | ,hv f.j/i/i'u b.jg.rl,’.. «< b m tk.t Oi.l.V.cl.. 
 
 IVeld n. p. °, 7 . 
 
 (5) Mr- Chamberlain, in a Letrcr to Mr- H'm 
 •’ and defir r triern to take rhe charge and bu.rl 11 
 
 • h) This lb kit 1 Winter feems to have been the tirft contriver of the Plot, about Eajltr 1604; but Cateiby invented ihe manner of pu,ti 
 See Fawkes’i C -Jtjf. 
 
 mure natural caufes of it. J lie King was no ftranger to 
 , . this jealoiilV, anti uftxl fome entieavours to allay it. 1 le 
 • r Seal, ordered this year in England , Thomas Douglas, a Scotch- 
 ii bang- mQn , t0 b c hanged, for counterfeiting the King’s Privy- 
 Seal to fevcral Princes of Germany. This man falling into 
 i. .i. the hands of the Elector Palatine, who difeovered the 
 fraud, was fent into England , where he met with his 
 defert. 
 
 Hitherto the King was undifturbed and furrounded with 
 ' plentv : whereas he had fpent in Scotland, the firft years of 
 his life in troubles and want. Since his acceffion to the 
 throne of England, he had not been obliged to ask money 
 of his Parliament, be caufe when he came to the Crown, 
 lie found the dcceafed Queen had not yet touched the Sub- 
 Tidy granted her by the Parliament, amounting to three 
 hundred thoufand pounds Sterling, which he had entirely 
 
 s taken by the Matquifi ol Synch, for whicli he w 
 i the defence of this Place. Stow, p- 
 
 , for it feems the Jefu't; reported cur Nation m 
 Uroke generally half a Man hall .1 Dragon, io eiU 
 : up the Under(laiul ng alf.c Wid n, p. q 2 Wi/f n, p <>-- 
 .inn day wi'h bloody quarrels j and private Duels wer ■ • ry wnere ! 
 :> the King, that they weit fu poor, they underwent the b 
 
 • finds fuch felicity in a hunting life, that he hath written ti 
 t interrupted nor troubled with too much bulineJs.” Wn 
 
 s Council, 
 
 i: in execution. 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 24- James i. 
 
 170. 
 
 Fawkes' 
 
 Coniel". 
 
 (6°q. “ the execution of their defigns.” This way was to blow 
 
 wrrji rg ' U P th . e P ;lrlia ment Houfe (1;, whilft the King fhould be 
 c'uiet.&c, fpeaking his fpeech from the throne to the Lords and Com- 
 />/ st*fe- mons. 1 lien he fhowed them in what manner the pro- 
 w 7 r. Ji!' J C<£1 mi ? ht (,e executed, and was applauded by all. Hovv- 
 M< m. t. 11. ever 5 as fo deteftable a Plot could not but breed ideas frisht- 
 ful and naturally flinching to confcience, fome moved to 
 ,,ave ^e iawfulnefs of the project examined by their Di¬ 
 vines. It is fa id, that Henry Garnet, Ofwald Tefmond, 
 and John Gerrarel being confulted, approved of the Plot 
 as juft and lawful, fince it was again ft excommunicated 
 Hereticks. J cannot warrant this, becaufe I never f.iw 
 their trials. But thus much is certain, they fuffered death 
 for not difeovering the Conlpiracy of which they were in¬ 
 formed, and the King in an apoloav publiflied fome time 
 alter, affirmed, that Garnet was legally convi&ed, and had 
 contefled his crime (?.). 
 
 Be this as it will, the thing being determined, they 
 took an oath of Secrecy, adminiftered as it is faid by Fa¬ 
 ther Garnet (5). Then Percy being one of the Gentle- 
 men-Penfioners, was appointed to hire a houfe, adjoining 
 to the Upper-Houfe of Parliament. This palled in No¬ 
 vember or December 1 604, and the King was to make his 
 fpeech to the Parliament on the 7 th of February. Percy 
 having hired the houfe, the Confpirators began with no 
 fmall labour to dig in the cellar through the wall of parti¬ 
 tion, which was very thick (4). But as the Parliament 
 was prorogued to the 3d. of Ofiobcr , they had as much 
 time as was neceflary to finifh their work. In the be¬ 
 ginning of February 1603, they had almoft digged through 
 the wail, when on a fudden they heard a noife on the o- 
 ther fide. This threw them into a great fright, being 
 apprehenfive of a difeovery, but their courage reviving, 
 Guy Fawkes, who palled for Percy's footman, was fent to 
 fee what had occafioned their fear. Prefently alter he re¬ 
 turned and faid, the place from whence the noife came, 
 was a large Cellar under the Upper-Houfe of Parliament’ 
 full of Sea-Coals, which were now under Sale, and the 
 Cellar offered to be let. As nothing could be more favor¬ 
 able to their delign, Percy immediately hired the Cellar, 
 and bought the remainder of the Coals. Then he fent for 
 thirty-fix barrels of Powder from Holland , and lodging 
 them at Lambeth , caufed them to be conveyed in the nifht 
 into the Cellar, and covered with coals and faggots (5). ° 
 The Plot being thus in a fair way, it was conlidered 
 what was to be done, when the K.ng, Prince Henry his 
 eldeft Son, the Lords and Commons, ihould be buried in 
 the ruins of the Parliament-Houfe. The Duke of York 
 the King s fccond fon, being yet very young was not to be 
 prefent at the Parliament, and the Princefs Elizabeth his 
 After was educated at a houfe belonging to the Lord Har¬ 
 rington in Warwickjhire. It was refolved therefore, that 
 Percy who had free admittance into the King’s Palace, 
 fhould undertake to kill the Duke of York (6), and that 
 others, under colour of a hunting-match fhould meet on 
 the fame day, near the Lord Harrington's houfe, and fc- 
 cure the Princefs Elizabeth. As all this could not be 
 effeaed without money, Trejham offered two thoufand 
 pounds Sterling, Digby fifteen hundred, and Percy pro- 
 mifed to fupply four thoufand. Some moved for foreign 
 aid beforehand: but the motion was rejected. It was re¬ 
 folved only to demand affiftance of France , Spain, and 
 the Arch-Duke, when the Plot fhould be executed. 
 Then, after fome confultation, they agreed to fave the 
 Princefs Elizabeth, and proclaim her Queen. To this 
 end, they drew up a Proclamation, taking care to infert 
 nothing concerning Religion, for fear of alarming the peo¬ 
 ple, till they were fufficiently ftrong to execute all their 
 defigns. Finally, they refolved to fpread a report alter the 
 blow fhould be given, that the Puritans were the authors 
 of it. 
 
 I he Parliament being farther prorogued to the ctb of 
 November , the Confpirators expefled the day with toe ut- ' 
 molt impatience, not one being touched with remorfe of C 
 tlx Crime they were going to commit. But God abhor- 
 rmg fo detefable a Plot, infpired one of the Confoiratorv 
 wth a dehre to lave [«• Parker] Lord Mmtcaol , 
 ion of the Lord AM,. This Lord going home about r 
 (even m the evening, a letter was given him by hi, fcrvant 
 who received it from an unknown perfon, with u charge 
 to deliver it into his matter's own hand. The letter was 
 without name [or date,] ( 7 ) and exprefTed in theft words ■ „ 
 
 r 7 1 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 ( 07 ' 7 °f the Love I bea re to fome of your frertds, I hove 
 * care of your prefnvation. Therefore I would ad- 
 v,Je you, as you tender your Life, to devife fame erenfe 1 
 Jhft off your attendance at this Parliament. For God 'and 
 Man have concurred to punijh the wickedneffe of this time 
 And thmeke not flightly of this Advertifement, but rHtre vour- 
 felfe into your Countrey, where you may c.rpcfl the event :r. 
 Jafetie. For though there be no apparance of any /lirre, yet 
 l Jay, they fall j\ crave a terrible blnv this Parliament, and 
 yet they fall not fee who hurts them. This Conner! i is ’ not to 
 be contemned, bicaufc \ t tray doe you good, and can doe \ou 
 no harme ; for the danger is p a Jl fo foone as you burr. • 
 t -e Letter. And I hope God will give oit the Grace to make 
 good ufe of yt : To ivhofe Holy Protection I commend you. 
 
 Fawkes’s 
 and vvin- 
 ter'iC>nfef. 
 
 ConfclV 
 
 againjl 
 
 "dings 
 
 let, &c. 
 
 This Letter was delivered to the Lord Montearl, ten 
 days before the meeting of the Parliament. Tbo’ "it was 
 unintelligible to him, nay, tho’ he imagined it only an 
 arnfice to frighten him, he carried it that v Cr y evening to 
 the Earl of Salisbury', principal Secretary of State. The 
 Lari fhowed it to (ome Privy Counfellors, who underftood 
 
 the meaning of it no more than he (8). However, they 
 
 refolved to do nothing till the King’s return, who was 
 then at Royjlon. 
 
 The King returning to London the lad day of Odder n, 
 the Lari of Salisbury read the Letter to him, [on the mor ""'I 
 row j and concluded that it was written by fome fool or M in 
 nudmam lo convince the King he repealed this Sen- p" 
 tence, The ebanger „ pajl fi f„„ c as hnvc w „, 
 
 Letter, l or, (aid he, if me danger be pafs’d wben the 
 Letter is burnt, what fignifies this warning? But the 
 King ordering the Letter to be read again, explained the 
 words otherwifo, and (aid, fo fon have bunt the 
 
 Letter, was to be interpreted, in as Jhort a Space as sou 
 fall take to burn the Letter. Then comparing this Sen- 
 tence with the foregoing. That the, Jhtsuld receive a terriU- 
 Wow this Par!,ament, and yet fhould mt fee who bar' them 
 he concluded that fome fudden Blow was preparin'. by 
 means of Gun-powder (9). This interpretation being 
 deemed very plaubble, it was refolved, that ail the rooms 
 and cellars adjoining to the Parliament-Houfe fh„„; 1 
 featebed, to fee whether there was any powder Allot , 11 
 lhis fearch was however deferred till the day before the 
 meeting of the Parliament, in a belief, that the neater the N " “ 
 was ’ t,le more (igns would be found. The La- 1 
 of Suffolk Lord Chamberlain, went himfelf to fearch' 
 without noife or hurry (10). When he came to the ce," 
 far where the powder was, and Lw the coals and 1 „„ ... 
 with which it was cover’d, lie asked UVhyneardT' 
 
 Keeper of the Wardrobe, who attended him, to whu't i 
 he had put the cellar? IPhyneard anfwer’d, Mr Percy |,. 
 hired tt and very probably the coals and wood ws„ 
 tne Ljentleman s fuel for winter. At the fame ti re tj>. 
 
 Lord ChoMerlain perceiving a man Handing in a corner, 
 asked who he was, and being told lie was Mr Pr■ 
 d i d J not f f m to t^e any farther notice m 
 1 his aftedted negligence niade the Confpirators tin 
 
 r the 
 
 ]). 
 
 think 
 
 be i'xl«T t S‘£ "SC? lra “ f ' "" C ' ,l “' itk “W h " i "= *» 'buy d»» 6 h, i, , h « Jaffa ,, 
 
 tz) This is confirmed by Garnet's anfwer to li.me Eng/t/b Lords who a«krd him k . ■ 
 
 hrni a Mattyr. Martyrem me, cried he. 0 qualem Mahyrem ! See Cafaubon's Lener’to Fnrtn D ' Ppr ' Ve . d . ,h( ' ™"r;h of Reme Ibould on c day declare 
 ( 3 ) Cate,by, Percy, Wrtgb,, Fancies, and Vinter met behind St. C & „ 7 ' j”„t, CaJaui. Ffifi. Hd.t c [ „ /. + ,.1 ’ 
 
 and afterwards went into the next room, where ihey heard Ma's. and recoved the Sacrament,./ ’ ^ U|K ' n l , / :n '' er t^'e.-ach •’.l.er .he Oath o/s-t.m v 
 
 - rerewed the Soehar.fi by the hands of Garnet, ■lejatcnd," & c . bui not .he Oath See StJJ/nJi*™' U h ' 6 ‘-id, .hat .r.)’ 
 
 .4) It was about three yards thick. They that worked in this Mine were Perea r , 7 , „ , 
 
 and Fawkes. They began to work Dec,mb. ... and about Cand/emaf, had worked rhr w/il i’ 7 - l '» and Cbrffpber JFriri ■ 
 and powder, being refulved 10 die rather than yield or be taken Thcv had nr, v.ded - 1 ha r ugh- They all feven lay in the II ufe, and ninVr r 
 and they went in in the night, and were never feen. Falk™, and iter's baked Meats, to have .he iefs otcafion f^Verding o«- 
 
 - t Iron Bans and Stones. StattUryaha 11 >s lald > *ey put in th.r.y Barrels ard four Hcglheads of Gun- powder, and laid on 
 
 mother Gentleman, were to enter into the nuke’s (’hm ’ . -.l re-. 
 
 0 or three on horieback at the Court-gale to receive h m 'he Z ^7 rufp ' c:o " > hav j n g abou t a others at fevers! dn:-, s tt, c- xpe Q 1, , 
 r Ctmfef. 8 ^ he was t0 “"J the Duke fafe away, as loon as the Parliament Houfe w« bill', 
 
 nan unknown, and fomewhat unlegible hand. Ditccurfe of the Treatnn 
 ,-j -ver, be obferved it correfponded wiih f,,me Inform u t i ni c he ha 'dr 
 
 T,,m - ’ P f was he and thc Lord Chamberlain that firft made the difeovery. See Winwxd 
 
 ( 6 ) H , 
 
 ■ oming, and 
 up. Wtnte 
 
 (7) And 
 
 (8) How 
 
 (to) It is the Lord Chamberlain’s bufinefs to fee that all places are in a readin- f- wh, a ,h w • 
 
 (M) The Lord Mor.,eagle, curious to know .he event, was with the I k , 7'k 6 '* ,0 C f mC in 
 
 m him, there being greac fritndlhip between them. Difcourje of tbe Treajon. bCrJ ‘ ,n, » aRd hea,ln 8 r '>C) named, immediately gue.Ted the Lester 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 f% e H I S 'TO IiY of ENGLA N D 
 
 1 / : 
 
 (tiers would hr no fai'tlier fearch, fihce nothing was found 
 in the cellar to create any fufpicion, and they prepared to 
 execute their Plot the next day. 
 
 . . i he E rl of S Tol i bavin made hi s rcj >rt to the t wn 
 fZd‘bid cil, it was thought if there was any powder concealed, it 
 W'lotbt was in the large cellar under the faggots and coals. But 
 
 lh 'F of as the Parliament was to meet on the morrow, it was 
 DiK-ourfe of refolved not to fearch under the wood till midnight, m 
 thcTreafon. hopes to find in or about the cellar feme perrons from 
 whom information might be had. Purfuant to this refo- 
 lution, Sir Thomas Kncvct, Gentleman ot the Pnvy-Uiam- 
 ber, and Juftice of Peace for Wejiminpr, going to the 
 cellar about midnight, found at the door a man in a doak 
 and boots, whom he immediately apprehended (i). i his 
 was Guy Fawkes who paffed for Percy's Servant (a). 1 hen 
 
 caufing the wood and coals to be removed, they found un¬ 
 derneath, thirty-fix barrels of Powder. After this difco- 
 very, Fawkes being fearched, there was found upon him a 
 dark lantern, a tinder-box, and three matches (3). I he 
 villain, inftead of being difmayed, boldly told them, if he 
 had been taken within the cellar, he would have blown 
 up himfelf and them together. The King being acquaint¬ 
 ed with the difeovery (4), ordered the Pr.foner to be ex¬ 
 amined concerning the circumftances of the 1 lot. He 
 confeffed the defign was to blow up the King and 1 arlia- 
 ment, and expreffed great forrow that it was not done, 
 faying it was the devil and not God that was the dilcove- 
 rer. He obftinately refufed all that day to name any of 
 his Complices; but on the morrow being (bowed the rack 
 confeffed all he knew. 
 
 D fc-We t The opening of the Parliament, which was to be the 
 thcTreafon. f ame J a y j being deferred, and the news of the Conlpi- 
 racy beginning to fpread in London , Catesby, Percy , Win¬ 
 ter and the two I Frights, fled by feveral ways to their 
 Companions, who were to fecure the Prmcefs Elizabeth. 
 Thefe laft were ready to execute their dejign the moment 
 they fhould hear of the fucccfs of the Mine at IVcJlmn- 
 n er As they did not queftion it would fuccecd to their 
 wifh and believed they had nothing more to manage, 
 they'had the night before broke open a liable, and carried 
 away twelve horfes (5). This aclion had alarmed [ Sir 
 Richard Vcrney] Sheriff of the County, who had drawn 
 the people together to feize the robbers Prcfent y after 
 came the Confpirators that fled from London , and told their 
 Companions, the plot had mifearried. Whereupon they 
 refolved to keep together, to endeavour to make the Ca- 
 tholicks rife, and put themfelves at their head But all 
 their efforts ended only in railing about a hundred Hotle (oj. 
 
 Mean while, the Sheriffs of the neighbouring Counties (;) 
 d:L-n, o'.ben having lent notice to one another, called the people to 
 A""' arms, and purfued the Confpirators from place to place, 
 :d ’ t m at length the villains were forced to take harbour at 
 HMtach ( 5 ), where the Sheriff fummoned them to fur- 
 renJer. They anfwered, he had not a fufficient force 
 to compel them, ami prepared to defend themfelves, or 
 fieht their way through. But in opening a barrel of 
 powder to charge their muskets, it took fire and blew up 
 part of the houfe (9). This accident confirmed them to 
 open the gate, and try to efeape. Some were killed im¬ 
 mediately hy the people who furrounded them. Cattshy, 
 and Winter Banding back to back, Sought defpe- 
 rate f y ’ till the two firft were killed with one fnot, and 
 the other taken alive, after receiving feveral wounds. 
 DM y, Raahsmi, Giant, and Batts, yielded, or were 
 taken in trying to efeape. Trtjham *»hc1 Ibid at London 
 h JL with Rd.il It i»«r, Brother oi 7 /• mat II mltr, and Li ■ 
 
 tlttoti, was difeovered and apprehended with his two Com¬ 
 panions. All the prifoners were fent to the I ower, and 
 firictly examined. Thvnat U mttr confeffed lumfell gmltv, 
 and writ Ins Confeflion with iris own hand. >' by ex- 
 tenuated his crime, becaufe having expected the King 
 would grant a free Toleration to the Catholicks, and not 
 feeing any likelihood of their obtaining it, lie was driven 
 b y Jefpair to ingage in the plot. Trtjham faid at hrft, 
 11 ' rather Garnet the Jeftiit was privy to the Confpiracy, 
 
 but afterwards denied it, by his wife's indication, us it ,s 
 pretended, affirming, he had not feen him for fixteen 
 years liot Garntt, who was apprehended after Trtlhav s 
 death confeffed, he had frequently conferred with him 
 within fix months. The Earl of Northumberland was 
 
 .27. 
 
 Wltlllll 11X mum.ua. > **•“ , 
 
 fent to the Tower, on fufpicion of being concerned in the 
 ■born. plot. This fufpicion was grounded upon Ins being Captain 
 
 of the Band of Gentlemen Pen'inner , and admitting into ;6 05. 
 
 1* bis Coufln Percy, without adminillring to him the oath 
 of Supremacy, though he knew his Religion. This alfiiir j„ ne z . 
 being afterwards brought into the Star-Chamber, the Earl Osboru. 
 was fined in thirty thoufand pounds Sterling, deprived oi 
 all his polls, and imprifoned during the King’s pleafure. 
 
 The Seflion of the Parliament began not till the 9th of rtt Vm.'i 
 November , though it was fixed to 'the 5th. The King 
 mad .. long Speei h, 1 prel ntii the hi in fn . . • 
 
 fequences of this horrible plot, and magnifying the mercy Ca/br.ws,. 
 of God in the miraculous difeovery. But withal, he took ^ ( l,r 
 great care to clear the Cathohck Religion, and to obferve, 
 that this abominable plot, was to be afetibed to fuch only 
 as were truly Papills, and imbued with the deteflable prin¬ 
 ciples mentioned in his firft Speech to the Parliament. ^ He 
 affirmed, there were not many ot thefe, and it would be 
 extremely injurious to accufe the Catholicks in general of 
 following fuel) extravagant maxims. 
 
 “ For, added he, although it cannot be denied, that it 
 e< was 0I1 ly the blind fuperftition of their errors in Reli¬ 
 ct gion, that led them to this defperate devife ; yet doth 
 ec not follow, that all profeffing that Romijb Religion 
 tc were guilty of the fame : For as it is true, that no o- 
 “ other Sett of Her cliques, not excepting Turk, Jew, nor 
 <c Pagan, no, not even thofe of Calicutc, who adore the 
 cc did ever maintain hy the grounds of their Reli¬ 
 
 ct gion, that it was lawful, or rather meritorious, ( as 
 cc the Ramijh Catholicks call it ) to murder Piinces or Peo- 
 ct pie lor quarrel of Religion ; yet it is true on the othc. 
 cc fide, that many honcll Men, blinded, peradventure, 
 cc w iih fome opinions of Popery, as if they he not found 
 cc ; n the queftions of the Real Prefence, or in the number 
 ec of their Sacraments, and fome fuch fchool queftion ; 
 ec vet do either not know, or at lead not believe, all the 
 cc true grounds of Popery, which is indeed the myftcry ol 
 “ Iniquity. And therefore do we julily confefs, that ma¬ 
 te n y Papifts, efpecially our Forefathers, laying their only 
 cc tru ft u po n Chrift and his merits, at their laft breath, 
 cc m ay be, and oftentimes are faved ; detefting in that 
 “ point, and thinking the cruelty of Puritans worthy of 
 cc fire, that will admit no falvation to any Papift.” 
 
 And then concluding that part of his difeourfe, he de¬ 
 clared, 11 As upon the one part many honeft Men, fe- 
 cc duced with fome errors of Popery, may yet remain 
 cc good and faithful Subjects ; fo upon the other part, none 
 cc of thofe that truly know and believe the whole grounds 
 cc of Popery, can ever prove either good Chriltians, or 
 “ faithful Subjects.” 
 
 This Speech was much applauded by the Courtiers, who n 
 admired its wifdom, juftice, and equity, and remarked the .• , • 
 King’s greatnefs of Soul, who at the very time lie had fu^ ^- 
 much reafon to complain of the Catholicks, took care to S/ - 
 juftify their Religion, and hinder the innocent from being 
 confounded with the guilty. But the reft of the People 
 were not of the fame opinion. They confide red with 
 grief and aflonifhment, the tender regard the King ex - 
 prefled for the Catholicks in general, under pretence of a 
 diftindlion, which was thought imaginary, or at leaft very 
 ufelefs, by reafon oT the difficulty ofdifccrning thofe who 
 held the maxims condemned by the King, from thofe who 
 were willing to renounce them. They oblervcd allb the 
 difference, the King put between the Romijh Religion and 
 that of the Puritans. The firft hindered not its Profellors 
 from being faithful Subjects, but the laft was not to be to¬ 
 lerated in any well-governed Common-wealth, as he ex- 
 p re fled himfelf in his former Speech. Here, to turn the 
 hatred of the good Proteftants upon the Puritans, he is not 
 content with detelling an opinion indifferent in itlelf, and 
 which had no relation to the State, but even thinks it 
 worthy of fire, either temporal or fpiritual, for he does 
 not fay which, whilft he calls the do£lrine of Tranfub- 
 llantiation a mere fchool-queftion. It was alfo faid, that if 
 upon this fame opinion, he had been pleafed to diltinguifh 
 the Puritans who did not, from fuch as did, damn all the 
 Catholicks, this diftinftion would have been as well- 
 grounded as that between the Catholicks and Papifts. In 
 lhort, it was obferved, that he affedlcd to aferibe to the 
 Puritans alone this opinion worthy of fire, which he might 
 much more julily have imputed to the Roman Catho¬ 
 licks, as all the World knew. It cannot be denied, that 
 throughout the whole courfe of his Reign, this Prince 
 
 (0 
 
 fearch 
 
 w 
 
 (3) 
 
 (4) 
 (S' 
 (6) 
 (7) 
 (*) 
 (9) 
 
 , pretend he miffed fome of the King’s Stud or Hangings, which were in his keeping, and that the 
 
 t in execution. 
 nitk, a Rider of great Horfes. Ibid. 
 
 In cafe nothing fhotild be found, IVLynei 
 was for them. IhU trjr •./ lit ‘ Trtafon . 
 
 Under the name of Jdn JtbuJen- •« 
 
 All this was but about twelve hours before the hcll.fh Projrdt 
 About four o’Clock in the Morning. D 'F u ’j‘ ^'d'ro cnc‘fir 
 There were but fev-n or eight. '1 he -Vab e belonged to one B, 
 
 Thtv revet mounted to h urlcore. See D,wjt of tbe Treoj n. 
 
 Particularly Sir Sherift Mem . T . „. p . , 73 . 
 
 A Houfe belo.tg.ng to r '/ a f ^ rk of fi, e happened to tall upon two pounds of Powder whhh w 
 
 As th, y were i » S (h8 fjcM | nmc ,,t the principal Rebels, and the hands and ftdes ol others, that they c 
 
 »« r- *44. 
 
 s drying a lilt! 
 ened the Gat< 
 
 n the Titim- 
 
 fliowed 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 24. J A M E S I. 
 
 r 7 : 
 
 1606. 
 
 Tb: Par/h 
 
 The Lord, 
 Mordjn a 
 Sturt on a, 
 fined 
 Jum 3. 
 Wi f-n. 
 p. 676. 
 
 Osborn. 
 
 1 606 
 
 differed, 
 
 l6o 5 - «i;? reme t «; d . B rn«=& for the ^»uu> Catjiolicks. king with a [poifoned] Knife. This rumour iniUntly 
 
 1 W' 1 ft.U rrrcrre plainly appear in the feque], fince threw the People. into the utmoft confternation, ima-inlni 
 
 what I have hitherto related may be deemed doubtful it was the effefl cf feme frefh Confpiracy But the alarm 
 
 mark, of h,s femiments, and capable of admitting a favo- was foon over. Two hours after came certain advice that 
 
 ruble conftruflion ' • the King was alive, and he even returned to London that 
 
 As foon as he had ended his Speech, the King prorogued very day, and publifhed a Proclamation to quiet the Peo- 
 lie Parliament to the 1A o( January. So that it evident- pie. The S/m& Ambaflhdor diflinguilhed his atTeftion H ”"“- 
 i. Pa,., ly appeared he had caufed them to meet for one Tingle day, for the. King, by. prefenting Sir £,a r Lrwtemr with a *"• 
 on purpofe to Ihow h,s thoughts, of the confpiracy, and the gold chain (S), for bringing him the news of his fifetv 
 manner he would have it examined, that is, with rclpea Mean while, the Parliament ferioully applied tbemfeives rw„. 
 to (uch only as were concerned m it ,0 .prevent the deligns of the Popifn Recufants, that „, ’%&“ 
 
 4 l hC pV° rJS Mr f* A n i S, ?T' ? f , bemg pnVy 01 ruch “ <0 acknowledge the King’s independent au ZSZT, 
 
 . to the Plot, were lined, the firft ten thoufand Marks, the thorny. For the. more eafy difeovery of fuch Perfuns the I‘b a 
 other iix thoufand, though there was no other ptoof againft two Houfes agreed to draw up an oath, which all Sub efl. 11 “ 
 them, but tneir not coming to the Parliament. They were without exception, fliould be obliged to take. This oalh wal Du'cheto. 
 fentenced by the Star-Chamber, much was then the ter- called the Oath of Allegiance, that is, of fubmilf 01 and obe- 
 rour of the Great Men, and winch for the lead offence, dience to the King, as Sovereign independent of .uiv other 
 condemned the Parties accufed in exorbitant Fines to the power upon earth. It differed from the Oath of Supremacy , 
 iking s ule (1). as it concerned only tl,c King's Temporal Sovereignty, and 
 
 The difeovery of the Powder-Plot was untverfally afori- his independence of the Pipe ■ whereas the other V-ft-d in 
 . bed to the King s penetration who alone difeovered the the Reign of Henry VIII,' obliged the Sobjefl, to acknow- 
 meaning of the Letter to the Lord Mon,eagle (a). Nay, iadge the King for fupreme Head of the Chord, of Eng. 
 fome 0. his flatterers did not fcruple to fay, he could never land. So, every Catholick could fafely take this new 
 have found out the Myftery, without the immediate affift- Oath, unlefs he was one of thofe who thought that to be 
 
 ..- an The KL „ a U , , a a rn 3 «« CitWick ' '« ™ '^ary .0 belfeve, the Pope 
 
 J.y.t.b, uf Spam sand the Archduke s Amba&dors had power to depofe Kings, and give away their Dooft 
 
 spsiua.-g “Med their joy tor this deliverance, by bonfires before nions. Nay, the King was extremely careful not 'o have 
 
 +S%L th f d ?° rS> “ f0uma!ns °* W, " C 10 thc ™ b - This «* claufe inferted in the Oath that might give Eft “ffhnce 
 
 Z ill * pr °P er m y “remove the fufpicions of to the Catholicks. The Commons havL put fa K. J,™-, 
 the Engltjh, who were apt to believe the Sfamctrds were rough-draught of the Oath, That th, Pop, has lot tower to A h- 
 concerned in this horrible Plot 4). It was remembred excommunicato the King: He faid thefc words mMn cFend 
 
 that when the Conftabic of Cajhle was in England, he Lid his good Catholick Subject, and it fuflicej to ffli-r- ‘the 
 
 pubhckly, in cafe the King refuted to tolerate the Catho- Pope's excommunication could not authorize Subietfs io rlf 
 licks, there wouU be found Perfons capable of any attempt, againft their Sovereign. Hue follows the Oath' which Ins 
 mT’lt^r'f thc P1 , ot ■"'ll dtfeovered, the Archduke refuled been, and Hill is fpoken of by many, without well know' 
 tp del.vcr fome of the Complices who had efcaped into the ing what it is 
 Netherlands (5), and lent the chief of them to Spain , ° 
 
 all the Princes, as well Catholick as Proteftant, expreffed Ld CountriesAnd that !L 
 
 fed hr 0 upon C hislltrance * ^ T * % «•»* - ** f - 1 4 W 
 
 The pL, lament meeting the a,ft of January, the 
 
 King appointed Commiffioners to try the Confpirators. Dominion,, or ,o aJthb. an forelzlple din , 
 v-y 1. ,y If V.'-'i ° ,a - Ve “ s lve the people the latisfadtion annoy him or hi, Countries, or to iifeharge any of bhSuhil 
 
 to fee there Villains punifhed. Bu, perceiving if he did of their Megiane, a,,./ Obedience,. his Mail or , 
 
 not do it of himfelf, the Parliament would not fail to pell- lie,me or have to an- of th _ 1 
 
 tion him, he refolved to give them over rojuftice. T^ere ol ofr 1 lie l ajZZIT 
 
 but eight executed the „ft ol 'January (6), though Statr.or Government , h ary of hhMaili f'?™' 
 
 and ar.p “mj 1 1 V r WaS “uch greater. Some time within his Majejly’t Dominions. Ilf: / J, J± A 
 Sr.' a f'“’ °l‘° rn ’ a J 7 ll> &y,n ? 0pe,,l > ’ tha: ,he 1,1 fucKfs notluith/lancling any IclLVn or sL ** 
 
 >/» • of the Confpiracy did not render ,t thc left juft, was font Excommunication, l DefrhaL madToi Iran, " 
 
 DuCh-fne. to pnfon, condemned and executed. Henry Garnet TPro- be made or "ranted hv the Prh, r /' c H anttl1 ■ or 
 
 SE.7- having alibiing at/efted, 
 
 *. was fentenced to die as a Traitor, unon the denofirinns c.,., w.. rl j >- -• ... 1 i ,,m 
 
 Eight c 
 
 ffirdtor, 
 
 Ru,r,,»rof 
 the King'i 
 death. 
 March 22. 
 ■Will' n. 
 p^6 7 6. 
 
 , r ° dnu De,n g arretted. Authority derived, or pretended to he derio. / i\ 
 
 was fentenced to die as a Traitor, upon the depofitions of his See again/} the faid Kim r /■'- f-J '■ ^ l ‘‘ r‘ 
 
 b° me bay, he only con- ly , 
 
 feffed he had heard of a confpiracy to reftore the Catho- wil! bear Faithdnl ,L Alliance l his ILti 
 hek Religion in England, but was ignorant of the circum- and Succeffors and Km an d & them -mill d f //'? ' ' 
 
 NG Co f 0 ^" Pre A" d ’ thC wan revealed to him on- of my fSZ l 111 cflll! 
 ly in Confeffion and he was not ooliged to reveal it. The ever, which fall 1,made alin/l his or th fr 1 
 King, as I faid, pubhckly declared afterwards Garnet was Crown anl Din-itv hv r °.M . r f :r 
 
 legafly convifted (7). The Jefuits have been pleated to tencr, or DeJaratL, or ill, 111 f/f 1 ‘ **' 
 
 had fufferri T •"‘f th ; Martyrs, as if they favour to diflofc and mate inowl i, his 1,1 “°t 
 
 bad .. f I ft Tl 0n ' y . m , h I ,red „ t0the 'I Rek g'°m But King and Succeffors/all Treats and tralllllllf 
 
 any of them. 
 
 j j -) * <-•... l uj j, „„■ jfiy ft cart at h — 
 
 detejl and abjure as impious and heretical this damnable 1’ 
 trine nnrt Pr>< !, O... - . r ■ , . L 
 
 eited 
 l by 
 
 - yecc wiui lug uiic or iviartyn 
 
 had fuffered only in hatred to their Religion, tsur remg and Sure,//on,- all Treafms and traitcroi 
 Jame s humour and charafler will not permit it to be which 1 111 know or hear A , 1111 
 
 Sm Y “ hC fUC ““ 10 deatl ’ ° n ' y beCaUfe ‘ hCy WCre Ani 1 * f urlh ‘ r /"‘Hi I do "1 !m 
 
 . Whilft the Parliament was conlideting the Powder-Plot, T£ 1,1 llllll 1 f “ 
 
 it was luddenly rumoured that the King was ftabbed at O- deprived by the Pile, may be 2 il 1 ,,^ 
 
 .. Sfi 7 . 
 
 4 -^ SX" 111! * & ^ZiL.,1 fa. h „„ d „ d ^. 
 
 Mem. T ii. l 13 ) is laid, that the Letter to the Lord MonttorU was an art : ficr of Ce.il • ini' rl-m it, . C-a ■ , 
 
 , ’ ,fle c f France, who received it firm the Jefuits of hit Kadlirn to the enri he m i ^ ini mat .m of the Powdcr-Tteafon came fr, m 
 
 J.kely to makeof by tealon he had an Army then ready j„ Flander, to land in the hutre V, V ^ , I iHe advantage the Kin- ol w „ 
 
 Km.oon, of England being, in the Pope’s own judgment! too great an addui m lo \uTJ sLn oT C ' UU<I — over th- x 4 „, ,h* 
 
 •wood tells the Earl of Salubury in a Letter to him that he was inf,rmed <« rh p n J a r '" r l P" ^ 3 7 > ^ P ewe at p. to — M ty 
 
 “ .he Earl of Salnbury. ” SeeVmW, Mem "Torn• ^ p ^4 ? ^ f ° muth f « k ^ the He ot thf King, as tu'i-f 4 
 
 h ^ •• *• 
 
 h.s dellntaion more cordially than the Spaniard : till a contio, ,■ I r J' f u ’a . , ■ * f wmc t0 lhc t> .-.’and e -1 , 
 
 f»,d,, 1E ,,i„„ r . r wih h ’ n " ,i,h »>*. 
 
 (■i) Particularly Hugh Otcen. See Statist. 3 Jac. c. 2. > P ta • 
 
 (6) Sir Everard Jjir/y, Rrbert IVir.trr 'John Crane r„_ P 
 
 loth Corf,,,.,,, Bu , r , n ,, ln .„ , l f" el on I'" 1 1 ' - Using ch-.tp.S with this. So i y , I, , . . .. / " 1 ' hi. 
 
 In, cUonil ZUkTiZ. TH H:// zn 111- 'rh* 1 *, fllT rz/T - 
 
 fence of Equivocations. See mlwood'i Mem. Vol. II. r ££ Jf ’ H l .. J T ? r ^i, ^ kn ? tr And then fell nro ! w' 1 * 
 
 St. Paul' s, A.aj 3. State-Try*!,, V ul. I. P - HC N'l'l " ^ U ^ n - a„d ) la ., ged it , h Twe L - 
 
 No. 52. Vol II J iS) Ct fixlcyre Pounds. Wm-wood's Mem. Vol. II. p, 20 j, ttlc Weir-end of 
 
 X K 
 
 toar 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 ■The H I S TO R T oj ENGLAN D, 
 
 lie mat 
 
 K-’j" 
 
 , an} tfbir whatfiever. And 1 do believe, make a long Apology to dear himfelf to foreign Pnncai, tie.'. 
 
 • ... mmfih ed, that nMii the Pgr, nor any from the arperli n ol being an enemy to the Papifts, he 
 
 r, hath bowel to abfilvt mi of this Oath, or fllould never think of excufing to his own rubjeflj his too 
 t ; which I acknowledge by good an I full au- greet condefcenfion to thru- fame Papifts, and hi e> (rente 
 
 . r u Uy mviifh-ed unto me. and do renmnee all rare to hinder the execution of the taws enaSed agamft 
 
 an: 1 /ind.fitkm to the contrary. Andallth.fi them. There is another very extraordinary particular in 
 
 • , / ./, • latnlr a,id fmcrrcP. acknowledge and f.vetr, «- tl» apology. 7 he Kmc evidently Blows, that Cardinal _ 
 
 . . , 0 7 Tor,Is by f’/f fpoken, and according Bellarmine confounds in his Book the oath of Allegiance a 0 /No- 
 
 t m, nj 1 fe a ,d undemanding of the fame with that of Supicmacy, whereby it was manifeft, he did 
 
 If,, wiihr.tt any equivocation, nr mental evafton , or /e- not underltand the point in difpute (ij. But 1 nave lain k/fll ai a 
 
 r ef'I vativ, what fever. And I do make this recognition enough of this fubieft. I (hall only add, to conclude ihiy-day. 
 
 ■ willingly , and truly, upon the what relates to the Powder-Plot, that the Parliament ap- 
 
 f r/ ;. Chri/lian. pointed the fifth of November to be a publick I hankl- - j ac . c .,, 
 
 J So help me God. giving-day for fo great a deliverance, which day has been 
 
 conflantly folemnized to this prefent time. 
 
 The common danger which threatened the whole 
 Kingdom, (lifted for a time the difputes between the 
 King and Commons, which arofe in the firll Sefflon of the 
 Parliament. The Commons were fo far from intending Part,*- 
 
 - - . mint grand 
 
 ‘The K 
 
 tbteU.il. 
 
 •Apolog. 
 
 It is c:;fy to fee, this Oath contained nothing repug- 
 ivmt to the dieiitial Articles of the Romijh Faith, and con- 
 ccrned onlv the unlimited power, which by fome is aferi- 
 
 bed, and bv others denied, to the Pope. Accordingly, . , . v - r mint grand 
 
 nv ,(i uf tin /••;: ■/:/'. Catholicks, with the Arch-Prieft to revive them, that on the contrary, to gam the King s „ /jr£e Sub , 
 
 r, n tde no fcruple to comply with good-will, they granted him one of the largeft Subfidia/^. 
 
 it 'S^v, when 1 Urban Vill. lent them a Brief dated that had ever been given to his Predeceffors in the molt sow. ^ 
 
 them to take this Oath, urgent occafions of the State, though he was then m pro- 
 
 ,i ' 7 t jlrief was forged bv their enemies, to found Peace, and wanted money only to enrich his 1 ' a- Cokc, P . 6s. 
 f,..;; ia . ( . a Non-compliance. But the Pope fpoke vorites. This aid con filled of three whole Subfidies and «ow«. 
 
 ni() - c j v ,| IC it year, and by a fecond Brief plainly fix Fifteenths, [and Tenths,] befides four Subfidies of four 
 
 them' il thev took the Oath they forfeited all hopes Shillings in the Pound granted at the fame time by the 
 
 of filvition. At the fame time, Cardinal Bellarmine tin- Clergy (3). But the affair of the Union of tne two 
 
 ,] er ti, ■ me 1 name of Tortus, wrote a Book againft this Kingdoms was deferred to the next hellion, bo the King i, „ p, t . 
 
 to th« V Pri fl ; . kwel, to ad- having no fartl ... P3rI . 
 
 . t h« ( '. .. he had com- it from the r.-th of May t > the ti ' . 
 
 ■ r- . tj-- The conllernation caufed by the Powder-Hot in the Great ‘iron- 
 
 Court and the whole Kingdom", was at length turned in- 
 to a pleafant tranquillity. 1 he King and People were 0 
 
 nutted the mod heinous ofter.ee. Phis occafioned King 
 "femes 's Apology for himfelf, publifhcd fome time after, 
 
 with a Preamble? addre (Ted to all Chridian Princes, where- . ,- , ... , r - 
 
 • n he cleared himlelf from the fa'.i'e imputation of being a equally pleafed with being delivered from 10 great a d ™g^r; 
 
 iierfei utor of the Catholicks. He began the Apology with and the King had the more reafon to be fo, as he had 
 
 luftifvin < >ueen ! V beth's condufl to the Romanes, and brought the Parliament to be of his moderate fentiments 
 
 - • nh.-o words - with refpea to the Roman Catholicks, of whom ten only 
 
 then added theft, words . ^ ^ P ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ yokp was 
 
 . But row bavin? fieri feed (if I may fo fay) to the manes not aggravated, unlefs the obligation of bearing Allegiance 
 
 of my late Predcceff, f may next unle St. Paul jujlly vindi- to their King, or departing the realm, was to be reined 
 
 •' inte mine r- tame, f cm thoft innumerable Calumnies fpread an aggravation. On the other hand, the King was able 
 
 avaiu ,l /„ te/iifying the 'truth of my behaviour toward to gratify his Favorites, by means of the money granted 
 
 the Pa'd/Is : wferein I may truly affirm, that whatfoever was by Parliament, and the whole Court rejoiced, every one 
 !, r hid and merciful government over the Papi/ls in her expefting to partake of the king’s bounties. 
 
 m face hath fo far exceeded This money came veryTeafonably to the King, to give 
 
 inert and clemency, as not only the Papifls themfelves a fplendid reception to his Brother-in-law tin. , 
 
 ;rnu to that height of Pride, in confidence of my mildneft, as Den,nark, who arrived (hortly after, on purpofe to vilit K,« g * f 
 .; . Lg m d ajuudly fnmifi u thmfilm: the Queen his Sriler, and the King (;). No coft was . 
 
 li . ifCoi icm-f, and Equalit with otL if my Sub- fpared on this ocean™,, to demonffltate thcKmgs and 
 
 f. t :. . fit even a number of the belt and faith- Queen’s ntteedions for this Prince, and to (how him the Howes. 
 
 "an ..' "afl 's.-bief we, e end in great fear and amaze- riches of the Kingdom they had acquired. During his (lay 
 „.t fi.fi l„ccrcdi.,h, ever prcgiijlicatirig and In England, there was one continued, though various, Scene 
 
 fure fruit n c~.: ifwhidjbewid il- of dtve,lions, as Plays, Sights, Entertainments (61 Balls, 
 
 p •■fTrcafc, blew many did I hmur Maltyierades, Hunting; in a ivord, every thing that was 
 
 ... kr.y.rv. aid eben Rcn.fanu ? Him. in- thought proper to divert lnm. 
 
 S. .. • ; / and ac.rls » Ulh fidcs, be- Some time alter, the Prince ol /«»./,»,«. the Dukcof 
 
 ” g. /W third Son, made the King another Inch v.lit, 
 
 ad yanks and degrees of attended by leven Earls, ten I ns, fo, Gentlemen, Sipt . 
 
 .. [nr , and cemian) hd cbm il, hm and fix-fare domefticks. He flayed a I.ight with the Horn. 
 
 , and t . did / free Kccufanh lleh srdinary King, by whom be was, with h, (whole train, i.rally en- 
 p , -- hits, it i, ev’dent, tvhat jlrait order was tertained. 'I hefe two vilur. cor.fumcJ good pait ol the 
 
 ( it of vn ,, ire the ex ecu- n irliament . 
 
 . • ConviRi ) joining T. E I j n . he P n < j ’ 
 
 by all Priejls that November, Was chiefly employed m the affiur of the Union, ,b.™ _ 
 wd not taken , might go out of the Counir) which the King ftrongly (oll.cted. Sir Francis Bacon, 
 
 .... ■ iving been extended to the King’s Sol n r, ■ f ■ n t m e 1 >1 - 
 
 hereupon they were fet at with the belt arguments he could devife. But though he -- 
 - - - J ■ ' .11 -* u- the Houfe of Com- ,'.„,, Plrt . 
 
 JU/I 
 
 felf 
 
 ■ J,Jpf.ci 
 
 i Prijh> 
 
 ■■ „< ., ,.I J And all Priejls that were taken was learned and eloquent, he met in t 
 
 after, fens'v nr and ft at liberty there. But time and paper mom, with perfons able “^'thfland^hin^ an^to alledge ’ 
 
 alter h-nt 1 vr airi n ' a: liven y mat. urn, .< jiuye, u.uu., r -. , , .. . , r r 
 
 t 'fail me ,. v .. Ike enumeration of all the baa fits and fa- as ftrong reafons againft, as he did, for the U nion. 1 he 
 -7,1 //«.. /.... .. J in »,.,|al and I; . ti. iilai ipm P.. pills: ch cf uhjaUions were, the inrqnal.ity between the State an.. 
 
 u*urs that ! beft'AC-d in general and particular upon Papi/ls: c!i:cl objeflio.. r . T 
 
 Ufa eof, "every fcrape f my Pen would Jcrvc Riches of the two Kingdoms, the difference of^the^Laws 
 rail for a Co! of the. Pope's ingratitude and injujlice, in meet¬ 
 ing me with Jo hard a meafure for the fame. 
 
 and Cuiloms, and Scotland’s perpetual Alliance with Fra 
 But the mod: prevailing argument, though it was not puh- 
 lickly infilled upon, was the jealoufy of the Englifh, which 
 Ail the King faid in this pait of his Apology was very baffled all Bacon's Rhetorick j8). 
 
 e." But it is furprizing, that fmee he thought proper to The King hearing the afta.r was not like to fucceed in 
 
 Spt.cb i. ;l>e 
 P-irUamnt 
 
 Letter lo Pi pe C/e- . .. f u -,- ur 0 g 
 
 ■ < the Kalends of Oflritr l6ufi. Apology, p. 2 5 Z. ......... fnrrl .,: v . 
 
 ,, |<t n g y an :gi'i Afrkgy, Ionic the opportunity of (lifcovering, that Ins Majefly had lormci y 
 e above, p. 14-8. and Sponfwco.t, 
 
 man VII ; ami tiicrcnpin n;il-.i.il him wi'h incoollar, y. above. ?. Jf°. fffj J 5 ,° 7 ,' he . fh vt -. r 0 f this Reign there waa granted by the 7 ; n -7 
 
 ui?; T. 1 ,, ni ..... . / .. . . . .... 
 
 ‘ • J . 0 ' V L ts ' V■ ta 'l, a! a ........... I a ... IX .' M , 
 
 Reader may fee whit each Oam-v pan tow.,os a Subfidy. A. for Fifteenths and Tenths, every City, Hundred 
 jhun ihev were char 6 r.»l,)r lay tlie tmient Roll and Tax fet upon them, fo that their payments were certain. J-f. - .. 
 
 1 y ■ ■ ' , the Pound, amounted to :,. u /. for fo much remained after the Laity a three Subfid.es, and fix Fifteenths and Tenth, 
 
 and Village, . . 
 
 ppcars alio, the Clergy’s 
 
 Subfidies of four Shillings 
 firaMed front the whoh 
 
 IV AO. m.j in thi, htat tVA: 1. An AH <m .V W» mi T** Sto (“J 
 
 mltitudes and mi; meant.rsof Attorneys and Soli citor., ana tu avoia jnneoeuAty ju.u 
 
 which may grow by IV.pilh Recufants. An A6I tn retoim the .... 
 
 •and Chai.'"s in Law, One lor the recuveiing of ItnJl Drbts, and for the relieving oI poof Drowns in J. ndon. 
 
 Hi came t.. T-JaeJ July .7. and Went back Aug-jl ,4. How ft Contm-oJ !> M0 , p- ..85-- ->**■ 
 
 6 He wjs trailed li.ur days together, with all his attend mts by the Earl uf Sal,,bury .,t P ' 
 
 7 Thi* year nn Ftsm.ii; 14, was figncl a Tietly of Trade and Commerce between l'.ngtjnd and F,.ime. See Kymt 
 
 (g! TJi e Reader may fee,'in fVi/jm 's Hiflory, the chief Arguments for and agamfl the Union, p. b 7 b -&79* 
 
 . 16- p- 64c, 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 1607 
 
 the Parliament, fent for both Houfes to Whitehall, and en¬ 
 deavoured in a long Speech to fhew the neceffity of the 
 Union, and the common advantage it would procure. 
 He anfwered the objections allealged in the two Houfes, 
 fpeaking one while with great mildnefs, another while with 
 a menacing tone, and turning himfelf every way to attain 
 his ends. He laid, it was not reafonable, the Englijh and 
 Scots fhould confider one another as enemies, whilft Sub¬ 
 jects of the fame King, and confequently it was neceffary 
 all hoftile Laws fhould ceafe, meaning the Laws made 
 from time to time upon the frequent Invafions of the Scots 
 on the borders of England. He added, it was no lefs rea- 
 fonable, there fhould be between the two Nations commu¬ 
 nity of Commerce, fince he was no Stranger, but defeend- 
 ed from the antient Kings of England, and could not be 
 natural Liege-Lord to both, whilft they were ftrangers to 
 one another. Finally, it was againfl nature, for people 
 who lived under the fame dominion, to be no more united 
 than Frenchmen and Spaniards. 
 
 0/ He then proceeded to a nice point, as he had himfelf de- 
 termined a thing which properly belonged to the cogni¬ 
 zance of the Parliament. He faid, he was informed by 
 u- the Judges, there was a difference between the Ante-nati , 
 and Pojl-nati of each Kingdom, that is, between fuch as 
 were born before, and fucli as were born after, his accef- 
 fion to the Crown of England. That therefore he had 
 publifhed a Proclamation, declaring all thofe to be natur¬ 
 alized in both Kingdoms, who were born fince his accef- 
 iiun. That indeed, he confeffed the Judges might err; 
 but admonifhed both Houfes, to beware to dijgrace, either 
 his Proclamations or the Judges, for Jo they might difg 
 both their King and the Laws, who have Power, whet 
 Parliament is done , to try both their Lands and Lives. 
 
 T., „„r. _ . 1’■ n- . t 
 
 24. JAMES I. 
 
 ■/ 
 
 1 75 
 
 followed by a ftorm, had not the King, on the fourth of 1607. 
 July, prorogued die Parliament to the 16th of November, 
 and afterwards to the 9th of February (2). 
 
 Before the Parliament was prorogued, there were fume Itfuru&iar. 
 commotions in Northamptonjhire (3), where the Country thamp't" 
 people rofe in arms, under the conduCt of one [John Rry- l hire. ° n " 
 nolds] who ftiled himfelf Captain Pouch (4), but thele 
 troubles were fhort-liv’d, The Sheriff of the County Howes ' 
 found means to difperfe the Rebels, without the affiftance 
 of any regular Troops. 
 
 The Earl of Tv -oen, the famous Irifh Rebel, pardoned f°‘ ^‘ lr ‘ °I 
 by Queen Elizabeth , was brought to London the beginning oj, 
 of this reign, by the Lord Monijoy , and prefented to the Ireland 
 King, who received him very gracioufly. Shortly after, W'f r “ 
 he returned to his native Country, where he could not Sept? 
 live in peace. He not only attempted once more to raife Howe*, 
 a Rebellion in Ireland , but alfo applied to foreign Princes 
 for affiftance. His fecret practices not fucceeding to his 
 expectation, he was afraid ol being apprehended, and chofe 
 to leave Ireland , taking with him the Earl of Tirconnel, 
 whom he had drawn into his plots (5). When he was 
 come to a place of fafety, he gave out, that the outrages 
 committed in Ireland upon the Catholicks had conftrained 
 him to forlake his Eltate and Country. But the King ^ Ki , 
 briskly repelled this afperfion by a fort of Apology pub- Afoiopy. 
 limed on this occalion, not induring that the world fhould Nov 
 think him a perfecutor of the Catholicks. 
 
 In the beginning of this year, the Archduke and thcXVi P 66. 
 Infanta his fpoulc, lent into Holland Father Ney, Provin- ^ e £ s " at, :t 
 U u i mU j WU ^u w«. *, U u K 5, ,0 Deware so atjgrace, either cial of the order of St. Francis, to propofe a peace with^A7'“' 
 TI (V ,dgK ’ ( I* “? mzbt the S “ ,es of tlK Unlud-Provmcs. F N,y lying concealed «-• c«m 
 
 v\ h Z f ffTl W u° , Pow = r - whm *• ior » time at Ryfwiel, was at laft admitted 'to audience by 
 
 Parliament u dor,, to fry both thar Lands mi Lives. Prince Mauri,,, wi.o told him plainly, there was no hopes “a'pub 
 
 Allianr^hftw" 8 F tak , eI > from >!>= Perpetual of a peace, unlels the United-Province were owned hr a xvi.p.66 
 
 Alliance between Pram, and Scotland, he affirmed, the free and independent State. This declaration obliged the ■ 
 
 Alliance was not between the two Nations, but only be- Father to return to Bruiph , from whence he came feme 
 
 tween their Kings. I do not know whether this was really time after, with a Wnting ftgned by the Archduke and 1 ' 
 ai ~ri „ „t 1 1 , - n 1 • , r __ Infanta, with which the States were fatisfied, provided 
 
 .. MrS hath' i oft h berr e hL Wl f > f h y ' ng ’ I Wh ? *? T k " as ratiM the King of Spain, which ratification Nty 
 
 deiired hath oft before been fought, and not obtained ; undertook to procure. Henry IV. hearing what was tranf- 
 
 Iheiffeco'ritvTn ffichTeaf ‘‘“k!’ 1 '’ £"1 for ? ain S “ tf,e Ha S<“r difpatched Preftdent JW™ “to offer 
 
 their Iccurity in iueh reafonable noints of reftriCfinn hi? mfrlntmn tr. c.. 1 ~ ... 
 
 their fecurity in fuch reafonable points of reftritftion 
 ‘ which he fhall agree to, they need not doubt his Incl 
 
 'The Un<- 
 Tfjtntd. 
 
 Wilfon. 
 
 Statut. 
 
 4. Jac. c 
 
 his mediation to the States, which was accepted. But as 
 - r ° “T ' iUUUl they feared to create jealoufy in King James if France a- 
 
 <> / 7/ ■ f'L a r d hc ’ 7 W r m ‘ fv "** lhi "z which Ionc was concerned in the affair, they wrote to him for his 
 
 / will not promfe, nor promife ay thing which 1 will not advice and affiftance, and fhortly after fent an Ambaffa 
 
 JlZulJr J fW ' ar ' /*"’ 1 ^ » inform him more parfa la y o the f, turtonof 
 
 , God o gra,,rv,r perform" their affairs. Meanwhile, tile King of Spain’s Ttbfication 
 
 The earneftnefs which the King expreffed for the Union being come, the States found it full of equivocal and can 
 
 °hV Pa ffiimti^fo^nrn" 35 CapaWe of P re ’ allin S ,' vith tious expreffions, which gave them occafton to require ex- 
 . ’ inconvenient was ,t thought. All he planations. This prolonged the Negotiation, the fuccefs 
 
 -could obtain, was the repealing of the hoftile Laws. So whereof (hall be related hereafter (6) g ’ 
 
 ! w,th T a 'i>- f-tto" however of - April 11, 1608, [George Jervii] a fern inary Prieft of i«cS. 
 
 the Proclamation concerning the Poji-nat,. But by not XMmt, was banged at Tyburn and the -Jof ^ p "'' r ’ 
 approving it, the Parliament did ,n eflefi rejea it, fince a Thomas Garnet a Jefuit had the fame fate Gorr/t ' m - 
 
 Is. Pcocianiatlon m Errand ,s not confidered as a Law. Ne- offered a pardon, provided he would take the oalh of AL Hc-l 
 
 verthelefs, two years after, the King caufed the fame thing legiance, which he rcfolutely refuf d, 
 
 to be determined by the Judges of the Realm, though this Thomas Saeiville Earl of Doric, and Lord-Treafurer Burbot 
 determination was of no more force than the Prodama- dying fuddenlv as he was fitting ’at the cln, Table’, 
 
 The ill fuerpf: nf thic off. e . 1 ,, j , Robert Cecil Earl of Salisbury fucceeded him in his port. JnioJJ 
 
 Kin! T l /a c h , ff , ex t? ei J e] y troub!ed the He was a Lord of a great genius, and tho„a|, cooked be- How«. 
 
 fuch as were^againft T Uni,™'dXm.tltim’ind"^' ^ ^ 
 
 himfelf. But he now found the Lords and Commons a- Aims, being extremely liberal or rather prodi-al fTand ' f 
 
 beaan Jdidike"lum" ’ T],ev ^c ‘ S f ° Cuftomar - v a thin g with favorites and Mmiffers, that ° sb ° r *‘ 
 
 Crown of England, were fre^^urc^Tftfe^fe Qf* 1 / h f ' Sm,and > af,cr ' he Kinz’s nlT.unption to the 
 
 W.1S fit metal for any Stamp-Royal, and adjudged by him the Lorf ChancrBnr FH ^ rc P‘ rt d b y Lord Chi e r )„il, c .- Cr.it, who 
 
 her. though many ftrorg and valid Arguments wer/brcuoht neainft it - slmh ' L '- f ’ , ?n d of thr Judges of I he Kingdom in the F^cbtq-utr Cham- 
 
 they can mode! their Precedents into l many Ihapes Z°Zy JEfl lr£ fZo " “ ^ ^ °' f « h nf.de of, that 
 
 of Commons and other Lands 5 and r ° 3,1 the mifchicf 
 
 /r £ ^!,, W p‘. th 8 9 h I , . m Went aW3y his Wife - his two y0Ungcr Son! and his Nephew ; as al/o the Earl of T/rWs Son, and Brother, and the Lrrd Dcrgar.rcr. 
 
 tlt/e Peers by the tit'e of Baron of Fjcrych And AW4. i6, Sir Ccr-vcfe Cliff.*, by .he 
 
 (7) Osborn < ay S , that the Nation Was orprefEd w th'Irn^nV.,;^ ~Z -J h,s y= ar ‘he Banquettmg Hou.e at Mu.ball began to be rebuilt. Ibid. 
 
 f itures upon penal Statutes, CjV. which wefe fpent upon tte Sco ™?’^°”° poll “ a A ds > ^‘vy-Seals, Concealments, ptetermitted Cofloms, &c. tefide; Fcr- 
 
 them 
 
r/6 
 
 The H I STO RY of HNGLAN D. 
 
 Vo]. If. 
 
 them hack, and fold them in England. The Merchant I He applied to their cafe the general maxims of Sovereignty, 160" 
 juft mentioned, intimating to the King and Miniftry, that and firmly believed, what lie would have had univerfally 
 
 l2 ..... . I . 1 .-—. . ^ t it . li.. .* I... uram tk/i. .f>kt fk^t C. .k.o^lf. .. . .t » . . i.. ( k I . . I I .. 1) 
 
 at profit would accrue to England , if the Cloths were 
 dreflcd at home, obtained a Patent to drefs and dye them, 
 exclufiveof all others. Then the King publifhed a Pro¬ 
 clamation, forbidding all per tons to fend any white Cloths 
 abroad. Whereupon the Hollanders prohibited the impor- 
 
 thought, that fubjedts ought not to withdraw their alle; 
 ance from their Prince upon any account whatfoever. 
 Hence may be judged what effect his mediation could 
 have. Accordingly his Ambaftadors made a very little 
 figure throughout the whole negotiation. Jeannin managed 
 
 tat ion of dyed Cloths from England. So the Merchant every thing, the Englijh Ambaftadors acting but faintly, 
 who obtained the Patent, not being able to fell his dyed and fhowing little or no defire that the Treaty fhould fuc- 
 Cloths any where but in England , was forced to drefs and ceed. 
 
 What endeavours foever 'Jeannin might ufe, it was not 
 poflible for him to caufe the Parties to confent to a Peace. 
 And therefore he propofed at laft a twelve or fifteen years 
 Truce, during which both Parties ftiould remain 
 
 ,nUf Al 
 
 dye only a fmall quantity. Phis raifed fuch clamours 
 mongft the Cloth-weavers, that the King was obliged to 
 permit the exportation of a certain quantity of white 
 Cloths. At length, the Court, by degrees connived at 
 the offenders, and the Woollen-trade continued upon the 
 fame foot as before (i). 
 
 The fame year, the King ingrofted to himfelf the fel¬ 
 ling of Allit’i :, which had been lately found out in England , 
 and prohibited the importation of foreign s,Ilium , by Pro¬ 
 clamation (z). 
 
 Whether the King intended to be revenged of the Hoi 
 
 pol- 
 
 feftion of what they held, without prejudice to their rights. 
 
 But the States rejected it unlefs their Liberty was plainly 
 eftablifhed. Whereupon the Ambaftadors of Spain and the 
 Archduke withdrew, as feeing no likelihood of Peace or 
 Truce. However, Jeannih continued his inftances to per- 
 fuade the States to accept of the ratification as it was, and 
 confent to fome other Articles, on which there had been 
 landers for breaking his meafures with refpeft to the great debates. At length, by his many reprefentations he 
 Woe dlen Manufadtures, or only to draw money from them, obtained of the United Provinces , 'Zealand excepted, which 
 a Proclamation was publifhed, prohibiting all foreign Na- flood out till the next year, what he defired to accomplifh 
 tions to fifh on the Coafts of Great-Britain. This occa- for the conclufion of the Truce. 
 
 fioned the next year a Treaty, whereby the Hollanders King James did not gain much credit by this Negotia- Tefltmcnyof 
 engaged to pay an annual fum for leave to fifh. The tion. Befides his leaving every thing to the King of | 
 
 Kin_ r would have afterwards broke the Treaty, and taken France , he adled not with fincerity, if we mav believe 
 from them the licence he had granted them ; but they Prefident Jeannin ; who in a Letter to the King his Mafter Jeannin. 
 maintained their privilege againft his confent, by guarding on this occalion, (peaking of King James , fiivs, He pre- 
 their Fifhing- Boats with men of war. James being a tends a willingnefs to procure a Peace, and yet c'jlruZts it, 
 pacifick Prince, did not think this a fufficient motive to by publickly faying, he cannot forbear condemning tie States 
 quarrel with them. for rebelling againjl the King of Spain their Sovereign. In- 
 
 Archbifhop Bancroft never ceafed to plague the Puritans, deed, Richardot did not Icruple to own in a Letter to 
 
 to oblige them to conform to the Church of England. ‘Jeannin , that the King of Spain’s firmnefs was entirely 
 
 For this reafun great numbers of thefe people refolved to go owing to the King of England’s promife, that the libertv 
 
 and fettle in Virginia, difeovered in the late Reign by Sir of the States fhould not be mentioned in the Treaty of 
 
 H alter Raleigh. Accordingly, fome departed for that Truce (4). Henry IV. had no great opinion of Janus , 
 
 Country ; but the Archbiftiop feeing many more ready to as appears from his writing to Jeannin, that he knew 
 
 take the fame Voyage, obtained a Proclamation, enjoining what that . was capable of, but however it did not break 
 
 them not to go without the King’s exprefs licence. The his reft (-;). 
 
 Court was appreiienlive this fedt would become in the end The Province of Zealand, refolving to follow the fenti- i6cg. ; 
 too numerous and powerful in America. This very year ment of the other Provinces, the Conferences were re- Trj f °f 
 the Archbifhop made a frefh attempt concerning the newed at Antwerp, where a twelve years Truce was figned, 
 
 April the 9th 1 bog. By this Truce the States obtained C w.ncs. 
 that the King of Spain and Archduke owned them as free Grotlu s* 
 and independent, and even avoided renouncing the Naviga- HowCi ‘ 
 tion and Trade to the Indies, which had been a principal 
 obftacle to the negotiation. 
 
 James difeovered no fatisfa£lion at the advantages cb- James difeo- 
 
 tvventv one Article* formerly mentioned : but the oppol 
 tion of the Judges was fo ftrong, that the King, how¬ 
 ever defirous lie was to pleafe the prelate, durft not pro¬ 
 ceed. 
 
 nmn The Treaty at the Hague concerning a Peace between 
 '“'^the Archduke and the States, was an important aftaii 
 
 which it feemed, the King fhould have had a great fhare, tained by the States, becaufe he confidered it as a precedent 
 urn and yet he appeared not to be much concerned. However very dangerous and prejudicial to the fovereign authority of ‘p,,f,p/ e 
 he made two Treaties with the States, the firft: whereof Kings, with which he was ever extremely prepoftefted. 
 
 1 ■ was concerning the payment of what was due to him. This evidently appeared at prefent, by his licenling 
 
 o'; .. other contained an alliance, which was not to take Books, which maintained the molt extravagant maxims ft.'’,*. 
 
 ,WI d s place till after they had concluded a peace with Spain (3). of arbitrary Power. The firft writ by Cowel Dottor of f 
 i"|> 318, Then he fent Sir Robert Spencer to the Hague, to affift at Civil Law (6), laid down thefe three Principles : 
 the negotiations of Peace, jointly with Sir Ralph IVinwood, 
 
 his Ambalfador in ordinary. Ntimberlefs difficulties oc- 1. That the King was not bound by the Laws, or his 
 curred in tins affair, the chief whereof was, that the King Coronation-Oath. 
 
 of Spain refufed to fpeak plainly with relpetSt to the liberty 2. That the King was not obliged to call a Parlia- 
 of the States. He had ratified the Archduke’s declaration, ment to make Laws, but might do it alone by his abfolute 
 but it was on condition the Peace fhould be made, and the Power. 
 
 P . (53. 
 
 States would treat only upon the foot of Free Slates. B 1 
 fides, in the King of Spain's ratification were certain am¬ 
 biguous expreffions which the btates were not plealbd with. 
 They knew alfo, that whilft they were negotiating at the 
 
 3. That it was a great favour to admit the confent of 
 the Subjects in giving Subfidies. 
 
 The other Book 
 
 compofed by Dr. Blackwood a 
 
 Hague, the Spanijh Court was endeavouring to gain the Clergyman, who laid down this principle, that the Englijh 
 
 King of England, and, for that purpofe, h id fent 10 him 
 Don Fernando de Gironne, a Lord of great diftinckion, as 
 mes opniy Aniballador extraordinary. This made the States extreme- 
 " K,s :bt ]y uneafy, and the more, as James affedfed on all occa- 
 'u I wood, lions to intimate, that he looked upon them as Rebels. 
 
 were all Slaves by reafon of the Norman Cqnqucft. 
 
 The Parliament which met the next year, took this J: , 
 affair to heart, and would have feverely punifhed the au- pmr, u~ e 
 thors of thefe Books ; but the King interpofed, and fru f 
 trated the Parliament’s defign, by publifhmg a Proclama- ‘mentZ't'f 
 
 I Cloths 
 
 Cubaine, with fome rich Citizens 
 dielling and dying of Ci Iis, and 
 But by reaf.n of the Hollander! 
 ’ei.p'e by idl", and were reduced l 
 ,r John Bourcbier, ( join ng ' 
 
 having promifed Recbrjler, Northampton, and the Lord Treafurer, great fums of Money, they procured : fi- 
 t the King to feize into his hands the Charter of the Merchant Adventurers, for tmnfparriru of white 71 
 Prohibition, and Co ibain's dying and dreiTing Cloths vvurle and dearer than llicy were in ILlland, infinite 
 a ftarving condition. So the matter fell to the ground. Cobe, p. 70. Howes, 
 
 h the Lord Sbejjietd Prefident of the North, Sir lbomas Cbatloner, Sir David Fonutis, and others who P' ^9 4 
 
 ic charges had been fetched from foreign parts, particularly 
 1 the former Treaty computed at eight hundred and 
 
 (zj At th._ _ .. _ 
 
 hid Lands in the North, brought the making of Allum to perfetfkion in England, which with gn 
 turn Italy i and the King took the whule traffick thereof to him elf. Honor 1, p. 893. 
 
 (3) Thefe two Treaties bear date June 26. The fums due from the Slates to King Jama, are 
 eighteen thouland, four hundred ano eight Pounds Sterling. See Rymer’s F,rd. Tom 16. p. 674. 
 
 14 The Earl of Salisbury, in a Letter to Sir Ralph H'mnvood, ot the 23d of December 160S, clears the King from this Imputation. And i 
 I .• •. r of the I ft of January 1608-9, to Sir Charles Cornwallis then Ambalfador in Spain, he tells him, *• That Rubardot had reparted in 
 .* P.-ilon that had given tn 3 pmmite t' Spain. And adds, 1 am fure you never received any fuch diredlion from me, that am appointed your principal 
 • 1 Correfpondent, fo his Majefty is fo much peifwaded of your Faith and Difcrerion, that you will not intermeddle in any thing beyond the Scope 0/ your 
 ,, Direction" In another Letter of 'he 27th of January 160S 9, to the fame Sir Charles, the Earl fays, “ Richard a does not dreCily clear you, anl 
 *< call 1 lie imputation upon the Spanijh Amtsalladur, who fhould have given luch hopes by Letters, as having received them Irum the mouth of u: '.'a: aie 
 «i of Ins Majefty's Council. But rhe Ambalfador being challenged, did pruteft to the contrary, with all ihr Vows that may tc. So as we lee it was a 
 <i device let cutout at HruJJch. to comur the delay; from Spain, and to fave themfrlvcs from being difavowed in their Proceedings." See the Collection cf 
 State Papeis in the Re go ot Jama 1 . p. 469, 472, 474, where ic feems to be plain that it was all a fiftion of Ricbardos's to ferve his mailer’s turn. 
 
 (<;) This ye’r Aldgate was rebuilt. Camden's Hnn 
 
 it, Csior/was 11 "t a Clergyman, (as Rapn, by miftake, fays) but Doflor and ProfelTor of Civil Law in Cambridge, and V.'car-General to Aichbllhop 
 Hanarf:. He pu'Iilhed a ' not called the Interpreter, containing the fignilication of fuch words and terms as are mentioned in the Law-writers and Statute . 
 |. was printed at Cambridge firft in Quarto, in the year 1607. It hath been enUrgvJ and reprinted in Folio ; but in a'l the la-cr Editions, the'dubious and 
 il i.ii'.e Palfige; have been corrcdcd or omitted. 
 
 c tion. 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 24. JAMES I. 
 
 77 
 
 1609. tion, to forbid the reading of fhefe Books* and to order the 
 Copies to be delivered to the Magiftrates. But fuch Pro¬ 
 clamations are ufually ill-obeyed, efpecially when it is not 
 the King’s intereft to fee them ftritftly executed (1). 
 
 ,6, 0 The King’s Proceedings increai’ed the difcontent of moft 
 The Peiple of the Englijh. The Proclamations which were every 
 artdjjauf- d a y publifhed, and whereof feveral were upon Subje&s not 
 us’d to be decided by the former Kings without the con¬ 
 currence of the Parliament, and the indifcreet Speeches of 
 the Courtiers, who rally’d the People’s Privileges, bred 
 fufpicions and jealoufies, which the King was not fuffici- 
 7he Pipifl, ently careful to ftifle in their birth. On the other hand, 
 are ccume- his condcfcenlion for the Roman Catholicks, whofe caufe 
 named. he gfpoufed on all occafions , their accefs and credit at 
 Court, even to their being admitted to the moft impor¬ 
 tant Offices, and into the Miniftry itfclf, created fears in 
 the People, and caufed them to fufpetft fome Plot was 
 formed againft the Proteftant Religion. The Minifters 
 knowing thefe difpofitions, were juftly apprehenfive of 
 meeting great difficulties in the Parliament, which was to 
 fit the 9th of February. The King intended to procure 
 money, of which he was in great want, tho’ he had no 
 war upon his hands, nor any affair which feemed to re¬ 
 quire an extraordinary aid. It was therefore neceflary 
 at leaft to give the Parliament good words, and try to pal¬ 
 liate his immenfe expences, fince his acceffion to the 
 Crown. But 'James believing it to be derogatory to the 
 dignity of a Sovereign, to make an Apology himfelf to 
 his Subjects, ordered the Earls of Suffolk and Salisbury to 
 do it for him. 
 
 Speech tetbc The Earl of Salisbury , who was the fpokefman, dccla- 
 
 rec ^ to Houfes, “ that they were met, firft, to fup- 
 Kwg. ‘ “ ply his Majefty’s wants; fecondly, to redrefs the Peo- 
 
 Wiifon. ‘ c pie’s grievances.” Then he told them , “ that the 
 
 p. 680, &c. 11 King, willing to fhow them a fingular mark of his 
 “ favour, had refolved to create his eldeft Son Prince 
 “ Henry, Prince of Wales , during the feffion of the Par- 
 “ liament, though he was free to do it at any other time, 
 “ as by many Precedents was evident.” Having thus 
 endeavoured to gain the King the Good-will of both Hou¬ 
 fes, by fo ftrong an argument of his Majefty’s regard for 
 them, he demonftrated, “ it was not without juft reafons 
 “ that the King demanded money, fince what he had re- 
 crived had been laid out in very necefTary expences. 
 “ Firft , as for the three hundred and fifty thoufand 
 “ pounds due in the late Queen’s time, he no fooner 
 “ received the money with one hand, but he paid it a- 
 “ way with the other, in redeeming the Crown-Lands 
 tc file had mortgaged to the City of London (2). Second- 
 “ ly, he was forced to keep on foot for fome time, an 
 “ Army of nineteen thoufand men in Ireland , not 
 “ deeming it proper to make Peace with Spain without 
 “ the fword in his hand. 3. He was obliged to bury 
 Queen Elizabeth, whofe obfequies were very expen- 
 cc five (3). 4. His own journey from Edinburgh to Lon- 
 
 “ don could not be performed without money; for it 
 “ would not have been decent for a King to come the 
 t£ firft time to his Kingdom like a private perfon, and 
 t£ without a numerous train. 5. Neither was it fit that 
 “ his Royal Confort, with his Children, the Kingdom’s 
 “ future hopes, fhould be expofed to robbers, without 
 iC a guard and retinue, and confequently their journey 
 tc muff: have been very chargeable. 6. The King of 
 “ Denmark's vifit was fo honorable to his Majefty, that 
 “ he could not difpenfe with giving him a futable and 
 “ magnificent reception. 7. The Ambafladors who 
 “ came from all parts to congratulate him upon his ac- 
 “ ceffion to the Crown of England , could not be fent 
 back .without prefents, for the honour of the Englijh 
 “ Nation, befides the charge to entertain them during 
 “■ their ftay (4). 8. The King was obliged to fend Am- 
 
 “ bafTadors to the Princes by whom he was congratu- 
 “ lated, and to return their civilities (5). 
 
 Thefe were the caufes, according to the Orator, of 
 the King’s wants, and not, as fome affedled to give out, 
 his indifcreet bounty to his Servants. “ But, added he, 
 “ how could a bounty fo worthy of a King be blamed ? 
 tc If he did not give to his Servants, they would be mife- 
 “ rable in a Country abounding with riches. As for the 
 tc Scots, it muft be remembered, that tho’ they were 
 <c not born in the Kingdom, his Majefty was born 
 “ among them ; and not to have them tafte of the 
 
 “ bleffing he had attained, were to have him change his 1610. 
 “ Virtue with his Fortune. Upon all thefe accounts, his 
 “ Majefty defires the Commons to fupplv his wants, 
 
 “ which mark of eftcem could not be denied tb a Kin", 
 
 “ who is not only the wifeft of Kintrs’, but the very I- 
 “ mage of an Angel, that has brought good tidings to' 
 
 “ the Englijh , and fecured them in the enjoyment of 
 “ perfect happinefs j to a King, who by his vaft know- 
 “ ledge and noble endowments, deferves the Title of 
 £c Defender of the Faith ; to a K>1:2 who has filut die 
 “ back-door by which England was liabie ta invalions, and 
 <c who only feeks that every man mav live happv under 
 cc his own Olive. That none will wonder or ftartle at 
 <c the King’s defiring a Supply, but fuch as ftudy to ferve 
 “ their own turns, and believe nothing but what they find 
 “ written in the Stories of their own Ignorance. Among 
 “ whom are to be reckoned thofe, who hearing of an or- 
 u der to bind up the printed Proclamations in a book, that 
 “ the better notice may be taken of the things contained 
 “ in them, have fpread a report, that the Kin» intended 
 “ [this Parliament] to' make Proclamations equal to the 
 “ Laws, which never entered into his thoughts. That 
 “ fo far is he from governing by will and pleasure,- that 
 “ he is ready to hearken to any motion-from the two 
 “ Houfes, provided they keep a juft proportion, and ob- 
 “ ferve what is due to a great and gracious Kino-.” 
 
 This Speech produced not the effe <9 hoped by the King Complaints 
 afid his Minifters. Some of the Commons loudly com- 'J 
 plained of the King’s prodigality, and exceffive bounty to J '5 */ ' 
 the Scdts (6). They faid, the whole wealth of England ConLn, - 
 would not ferve to fatisfy their avidity, that fince the Wil jy r >- 
 King’s acceffion Gold and Silver were as common m p ' 6Sx ' 
 Edinburgh as ftones in the ftreets, and that all the riches 
 of England flowed thither, where they were fwallowed up 
 as in a gulph, and never returned. Others faid, it was 
 vifible, the King was gradually undermining the Nation’s 
 Privileges by continual incroachments. That he defigned 
 to eftablifh the Civil Law, in the room of the Common 
 Law, and had dropped fome expreffions to that purpofe 
 at his own table. Finally, he had approved of a Book 
 lately written, the defign whereof was to render the Com¬ 
 mon Law contemptible 
 
 But what made moft noife in the Lower-Houfe was 
 the High-Commiffion, which exercifed in the Kingdom a ^ 
 
 kind of Inquifition for matters of Religion and State. For " 
 
 the better undemanding this caufe of complaisfl, it muft , ■ Dl i - 
 be remembered, that when Henry VIII. was declared fu- Coie i' ( »- 
 preme head of the Church of" England, he appointed 
 Cromwell for his Vicegerent in religious affairs, with 
 power to exercife the Supremacy in his name. Alter the 
 tragical end of this firft and only Vicegerent, this office- 
 was executed by Commiffioners. And^this is what was 
 called the High-Cummiffion, which continued during the 
 Lives of Henry VIII. and Edward VI. and ceahng in 
 Mary's Reign, was revived by Elizabeth. In her JT ;n 
 the High-Commiffion exercifed its authority with 6-reat 
 moderation. But the cafe was otherwife under Janus I. 
 
 This Prince as I have frequently obferved, mortally hated ow.. 
 the Puritans, and after his Proclamation for Uniformity,' ic ^ l£ - 
 was the High-Commiffion’s bufinefs to fee hi* injunctions 
 executed. It may eafily be gu-flied that the Commiffioners 
 who were all named by the King, were not favorable to 
 the Puritans. Accordingly, they very rigoroufly exercifed 
 their power. Had they ltopped there, this feverity upon 
 a fet of obftinate People, as they were reckoned, and 
 whofe number was fmall in comparifon of the Episcopa¬ 
 lians, would not have excited- the complaints of the Lower 
 Houfe. But they went much farther. I have obferved, 
 that becaufe the Puritans weFe againft the Hierarchv, the 
 King inferred they were alfo againft Monarchy, and there 
 were but too many who laboured to confirm him in this 
 notion. For this reafon, all who were not very fuhmif- 
 five to the King’s orders, or great aftertors of the privileges 
 of the People, were affetSledly called Puritans (7). Under 
 this pretence the High-Commiffion proceeded againft them, 
 and wanted not means to moleft them. Thus to be really 
 a Proteftant and Member of the Church of England , the 
 communicating in that Church, and complying with the 
 external worfhip were not fufficient, the King’s authority 
 v/as alfo to be acknowledged as exceniive as his flatterers 
 were pleafed to make it. They who ventured to cenfure 
 
 (1) The fifteen years Letters Patents granted by Queen Elizabeth to the Eaji-India Company expiring about this lime, K.'r.g James gra 
 Bits year, an enlargement of their Privileges, and a Charter whereby he incorporated them for ever. Howes, p 993, 994 
 
 (2) July 3. 1607, Kin% James repaid the City of London 60000 /. that had been borrowed by Queen Elizabeth >n /■'be. ». 1 59a- 
 
 ( 3 ) Her tuneral charges were 17,428!. And the eapence of the King and his Train on his rurnev from Scotlard to Lemd-.n, ami 
 State of K. James's Rei-nue, p. 12. 
 
 ( 4 ) When the Matquifs of Rofni the French Amballidor landed at Dover, the King fent him word, he cquid not bear the Charge* a- t 
 realon of their number. See fillm. de Sully. Rapin. 
 
 U) charge of the toreign Ambafladors that came to England was, 31,400!. And of the Engli/b Ambafiadars lent into, foreign pan 
 ey the Revenue , p. 12. r 
 
 (6) His 1 roe-gifts out of the F-Vchequer, paid moft.'y to Scots, amounted to above 14000!. yearly- See State of the Revenue. 
 
 ( 7 ) I'nder that general term, fays Otbem, were comprehended not only thofe brair.fitk Fools, as did eppoi-e the DUcipiuic and Qercme^ 
 but luth as out of mere hnnefty refiair.cd the vices of the Timei, were branded ly this Tirle, § 16. 
 
 No 52. Vol II. Y V 
 
 ■ 890. 
 10 , 7 * 2 /. 
 
J 7 t 
 
 7‘he H 1 SrO R V of I N G L A N D. 
 
 Vol. il 
 
 7 it King' I 
 Sfetch to 
 b iib Houfes. 
 Wilfon. 
 p. 682. 
 
 his conduit, and queftion his unlimited power, were 
 deemed infe&ed with Puritnnifm, and to reafon upon 
 Puritanical principles. So, there were then two iorts ol 
 Puritans, Church-Puritans, and State-Puritans. But the 
 High-Commillion affected to confound them one with ano¬ 
 ther, in order to exercifc authority upon both. 1 his was 
 the occafion of the complaints in the Houfe ol Commons. 
 
 The King being informed of what was talked in the 
 Parliament, fent for both Houfes to Whitehall , and endea¬ 
 voured to fhow, he was unjuftly complained of. But 
 
 withal, he intimated by fome expreffions which plainly dif- VII!. the moft arbitrary of an, managed 
 
 covered his fentiments, that if he did not rule with an ab- in order to procure Acts m favour of the 
 
 folute fway, it was not for want of power, but entirely 
 owing to his equity. 
 
 , He told them, “ Though the King’s heart be in the 
 
 “ hands of the Lord, yet he will fet it before the eyes of 
 
 “ the People ; alluring them, That he never meant to 
 “ govern by any law, but the law of the land ; tho’ it 
 “ be difputed among them, as if he had an intention to 
 “ alter the Law, and govern by the abfolute power of a 
 “ King. He knew, he faid, the power of Kings, re- 
 “ fembling it to the power divine : For as God can create 
 
 “ and deffroy, make and unmake at his plealure, fo Kings deft Son Henry, Prince of // a/e> ), 
 
 “ can give life and death, judge all, and be judged of none, hold, lo that the y.itng Prince kept 
 “ They can exalt low things, and abafe high things. Jama s, whilff the Queen kept hers at S 'omer; 
 “ making the Subjects like Men at Chefs, a Pawn to take which flic gave the name of Denmark Houfe 
 “ a Bifliop (i). And when he had raifed the King’s called fo only during her life, and among her. 
 “ power to the height, with, Ye are Gorls, he brings 
 “ them down again with, They Jhall die like. Men : And 
 “ that all Kings, who are not tyrants or perjured, will 
 “ bound thcmfclves within the limits of their Laws; and 
 «« they that perfuade them the contrary, arc vipers and pells 
 <c both againft them and the Common-wealth. Yet as it 
 “ is blafpbemy to difpute what God may do , fo it is /edition 
 
 “ in Subjects lo difpute what • a King may do in the height glijh, that the King couli 
 “ of his power. And as he will not have his fuhjeSfs dif- Court was well regulated 
 “ courfe of what he may , fo he ■will do toothing but what 
 “ Jhall be confonant to Law and Reafon. I hen he drives 
 “ to mitigate the fharpnefs of the words dropped from 
 “ him at his Table, to the difparagement of the Com- 
 “ mon Law, on which he bellows very high Encomiums; 
 
 “ but recalling himfelf, he points out fume corruptions in 
 
 “ it (2). 
 
 ‘ l After which, he addrefles himfelf to the Houfe of 
 “ Commons, and not only thanks them for the bonfire 
 «* they made of certain Papers, which were prefented as 
 
 grievances from fome difeontented murmuring Spirits ; 
 
 “ in ft ruling them how to receive grievances hereafter : 
 
 “ In which he would have them careful to avoid three 
 “ things. 
 
 “ The firft, That they meddle not with the main 
 « points of Government, that is his Craft. To meddle 
 
 ate 
 
 ceffarily followed, 
 
 ■ ruled not like a 
 
 what tends citba¬ 
 the Kmg an ab- 
 
 fpokc fo plainly, that it would have been uifficu 
 underhand him. II it was Sedition in fubjeefs i 
 about the extent of the regal power, it 
 the King nvght do ..r.v thing ; and if 
 tyrant, it was not for want o; power, 
 to his jultice and cicmcncv. In fhort, 
 he examined, tuere is icarre a word b 
 plainly, or ambiguoufly, to eftabliili 
 folute and dcfpotick power. The Engiijh had not b; 
 ufed to hear their Kings fpeaic in mis manner. Jle-try 
 
 Parliament, 
 
 order to procure Acts m favour of the Ju.vtstign, bur 
 never pretended to eftablifh bis authority upon Inch pnn- 
 ciples. So, the Commons evidently perceiving what the 
 King hud in his thoughts, reiolvcd llrenuoufly to oppole 
 his defigns. But it was not yet a proper ieafon to begin. 
 Such great bodies require time to form and execute their 
 projects. They feigned therefore to take no notice of the 
 maxims the King would have cflabliihed, and granted a 
 Subfidv, though a much fmaller than he expected (3). 
 This done, the Parliament having fat till 'July 23,. was 
 prorogued to the 16th of October (4). 
 
 Before the end of the Seffiun, the King created his el- 
 1 fettled his Howf- 
 his Court at St. 
 ‘it Houle, to 
 5 but it was 
 own people. 
 
 J°ne 4- 
 
 Aft. Pub. 
 XV| p.6S 
 Will', n. 
 p. 684,63 
 
 Thus the Kin;; had three Court , to maintain, which was How-., 
 very expenfivc. 
 
 All the Hiftorians affirm, the Piincc of Wales wap of a 
 very dill’eient Character from that of the King Ids Father. ,' v l / '‘" 
 Though he was but fix teen years old, there appeared in i;.... 
 him principles of equity, juftice, m. dciati >n, magnammi 
 ty, which fo gained him the love and el'tvJrv of the . 1 f 
 the King could not forbear being jealous. Iiis -- 
 extravagancies or indecencies 
 were feen there, except perhaps the too treqi.ent Mafque 
 races, which were then much in vogue, beca.de the Qp- cn 
 was paffionately fond of them. As lor the King, his laid, 
 he did not fpend much of his time in State-.dlair.--, but en¬ 
 tirely trufted to his Minifters. It may be, this h a little wi *.. 
 aggravated, though it is not vcr\ unlikely, that a Prince 
 who was in peace with all the world, and a great lover ot 
 Book ., and Hunting, fhould leave common affairs to his 
 Minifters. 
 
 Whilft James lived in profound tranquillity, the eyes of ah- 
 all Europe were fixed upon Henry IV’s grand project Xo : jfff ' 
 humble the Houfe of Aujlria. This Iloufe daily grew fo i> u i c 
 formidable, that it might very juftly raife the jealoufy of ( l - 1 ' • 
 
 of the Succeffion of John-William Duke of Clew 
 clear evidence how attentive the Houfe of Aijirla was to 
 with that were to leffen him, who hath been thirty aggrandi/.e itfelf on all fides. The Duke of C./eres dying 
 years at the 'Trade in Scotland , and ferved an Appren- the 25th of March 1609, his four Sifters, or their Heirs, 
 ticclhip of feven years here [in England .] claimed his Inheritance, containing the Duchies of Chva, 
 
 “ Secondly, He would not have fuch antient Rights as and Jailers , and the Earldoms of la March, Lrrgh, La- 
 hc hath received from his Predeceflbrs accounted griev- vensbergh , and Ravjlein. The chid Competitors vvc.e, 
 ances ; that were to judge him unworthy to enjoy what / / 0 If gang- 1 ! illiam, Son to the Duke of Aewmtg,, Jo m 
 they left him. * Duke of Deuxponts , both of the Palatm family, Joun hi - 
 
 “ And Laftly, 7 'hat they fhould be careful not to gfnond , Elector of Brandenburg, Chriflian II. Eledor of 
 prefent that for a grievance, which is eftablifhed by a Saxony, and Charles of Aujlria , Marquils of Burgaw. 
 Law; for it is very undutiful in Subjeds to prefs their Whilft thefc Princes contended about the Succeffion, the 
 Kina- wherein they are fure to be denied. Complaints Emperor Rodclphus II. pretended :t was to be committed 
 may be made unto them of the High-Commiffioners, to his truft, till the affair was decided. 'I .. that purpole, 
 let the abufe appear then, and fpare not ; there may be he lent his orders to Leopold of Aujlria, Lifttop of StraJ- 
 
 errors among them ; but to take away the Commif- burgh, who entering the Duchy of Julters at the head of 
 
 fion, is to derogate from him , and it is now in Jus an Army, took the t pita! Cit , ar . Garni 
 thoughts to rectiiv it in a good proportion. i ; - : roceeding convincing the El ctoi f Bran 
 
 “ Then he fhews the emergent caufe of his great ex- and the Duke 01 Newburg , that whilft they were contend 
 
 pences, fince his coming to the Crown, which makes ing about the Duke of Clevcs s Succeffion, they both ian 
 
 him defire a fupply from them. And if they refufc to the risk of lofing i:, they joined in a league, and taking 
 
 . ... - - '• • p 0 ff e ffi 0 n of the reft of the deceafed Duke’s dominions, 
 
 implored the affiftance of France and Holland to fupport 
 them. Henry IV. who had now made great preparations 
 
 ■ grant it him, his reputation will fuffer at home and 
 abroad ; for ths world will think it want of love 
 - in them, or merit in him, that both leffened their 
 • hearts, and tied up their hands towards him.” 
 
 There was need of no great penetration to perceive in 
 the King’s Speech, the maxims on which he pretended to 
 have a right to govern the Engiijh Nation, and his idea 
 of Monarchy in all Countries without diftinction. 
 
 againft the Houfe of Aujlria, promifed to affirt them 
 perfon. At the fame time, he ordered the Troops he had 
 in Holland, to be ready to join him in the Duchy of 
 Cloves, and defired the States to fend thither alfo Prince 
 Maurice, with part of their own forces. But whilft he Hcm^i 
 He was preparing for this Expedition, he was murdered by . 
 
 Camdei.’ 
 
 fpilfa Ar.nals. 
 
 (1) But the King left out the power nf a Pawn to take a Queen, or check a King. 
 
 il, He w ilhed that three things efpecial.'y weir reformed in the Common Law : i. Thai it were written in the vulgar Tongue, and rnaoe ok 
 Pe pie's undemanding, i. That it might have a fettled Text in all cafes, and the expofi'inn uf it were fivd l.y Acf of l'.uiiament. 3. I hat <h- cverr con¬ 
 trary Reports and Precedents, and the feveral Statutes and Acts nf Parliament ’hat crollid one anothei. miyht he levi.-w.d and reconcil'd. See In p. OSl. 
 
 1 3) They granted him one Subfidy, which brought into the Exchequer 6960!-, A and a Fifteenth and Tenth, wh'ih amounted to - A See Iruto -rouge* 
 tj I,i-ht, p. 10, 70, The Clergy granted allh a Subfidy- Sec S'Jlut. 7. 'Juab. c. a?.. 
 
 4, The Acs made in this Scllion were thefc: 1. That all fuch as are to be naturaliz'd, or relfored 
 the O.uh'. of AMeg ance and Supremacy, a. An Aft for the Hue execution of divci* l.awv and Stature' 
 
 PtrMns ; whereby it is provided, That there fhail be a Houle of Correftion creeled in eveiy County, to 
 double payment of debts. See St arm 7 Jat. 
 
 s) He was kn ghied before, in 1C09. Upon which occafion the King forgot not to require the Aid. 
 their eid-ld Son a Knight. This Aid was twenty Shillings out of every Knight s Fee ; and the Ume on 
 holden of the King in Socage: An 1 amounted in all ro 21,800 A See Rjrr.cr't iarJ. Tom to p. 678 
 
 t Ravaillla: 
 
 blood, Ihall firft receive the Samment, and rake 
 >ainft Rogues, Vagibond;-, aid other lewd ar.d id> 
 t luch Perlons to wok. 3. An A.t ro avoid the 
 
 dually paid the Kingi of England, up n making 
 f every twenty pounds worth of Lands immediately 
 Sc;. Dtdarat of the P.rvtr,u', 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 *79 
 
 j' 
 
 Ail. Pub. 
 XVI.p.eg. 
 
 24. JAMES I. 
 
 1610. Ravaillac [a Frier] in his own Coach, in the midft of Favorites, as the King had his, that is, perfons whcfe avi- 1 6r 1. 
 Paris { 1). dity was to be fatisfied (8). The King however had not TO* Engiifl 
 
 Proclamation The murderer’s confeffion (2), difeovered, that this re- yet a Favorite, according to the ufuarfenfe of the word, 
 
 ^ S icide Was emitted in confequence of that Do&rine of though, whilft he reigned in Scotland, he had plain!'- 
 ■' ' RomiJJj Church, which was fo difagreeable to King fhewed he could hardly be without one. Perhaps, the ill ^ 
 
 James, and the Jefuits were univerfally believed to be offices, the Englijh and Sects did one another, had, till ' 
 
 • concerned in it. Wherefore James finding how much it now, prevented the King from fixing. Befides this ' " 
 
 behoved him to remove from his perfon, men who held Prince’s tafte was very different from that of moft other . 
 
 fo deferable a Do&rine, iffued out a frefh Proclamation, Neither virtue, nor merit, nor eminent qualities, had 
 commanding all Jefuits, [and Priefts, ] to depart the King- any charms for him. Pie was to be captivated only lr.- 
 dom, and all Recufants, not to come within ten miles of fomething external and dazzling, as youth, gracefulness 
 the Court. Then lie caufed all his Subjects to take the of perfon, fine cloaths and the like. Never was Prince f 
 oath of Allegiance, which the Parliament, then fitting, much taken with fuch fort of outward accomplishment. 
 had firft taken. I fpealc upon the teftimony of the Lord Clarendon (9]. and 
 
 * . The C ? urt of Spain was generally fufpeaed of contri- fevoral others, and upon the characters of this Prince’s fan. 
 
 - ving the King of France's murder, becaufe, that Prince was rites as well in England as Scotland, in whom no other 
 
 known to be making great preparations againft the Houfe of merit was ever acknowledged. Be this as it will, an^ng 
 Jufna, and that Houfe was not feen to prepare to oppofe the Englijh and Seats who approached the King, there was 
 his deligns. Mean while, whether James did not believe not yet found any one poflefled of the qualities requifire r._. 
 it, or thought it advifeable to gain the friendship of a become his favorite. He wanted an unexperienced Youth, 
 
 Houfe fo formidable to the Proteftants, he fent to Sir Charles whom he might mould as he pleafed. The Englijh and 
 Cornwallis (3) his Amlaaffador to negotiate a Marriage be- Scots accounting it a fort of miracle that he could live fo'ldnir 
 
 mind to mar- 
 rv Prince 
 Henry in 
 Spain. 
 Wilfon. 
 Winwnod’s 
 #lciu T UI. 
 p.191. 
 
 *•/ 
 
 tween the Prince of Jyales and the King of Spain’s eldeft without abandoning himfeif to feme perfon, ft rove • with 
 Daughter (4). emulation to give him a Favorite, without his perceiving 
 
 Richard Bancroft Archbifhop of Canterbury , and grand it, by caufing all the Youths of their Nation, whom they 
 
 adverfary of the Puritans died about this time. He thought moft capable of gaining his heart, to appear in his 
 had procured the Kings Patent to found a College at fight. But hitherto neither had been able to compafs their 
 Ch.lfca, for the maintenance of a certain number of able ends. It was iv: till 1611 that she Scots found means 
 Controvcrfifts, who were to combat with their Sermons at laft to gain the advantage of their Rivals, by giving 
 and V\ ritings, the adverfaries of the Church of England, the King a Favorite of their Nation, 
 as well Puritans as Papifts, but his death put an end to the Robert Carr, a young Scotch Gentleman, about twerry 
 F - rir Gc Z gt St ’ Wh ° fucccedcd him > was cf a years of age, juft come from learning his exercifes in bZZl-U 
 very different character. He was even fufpe&ed and ac- France , going to Court to wait on the Lord Here, his 
 cufed of being a Puritan, becaufe he would not, like his Countryman, to whom he was recommended, that Lord Vfff 
 I redeceffor, perfecute that Se£t, nor blindly follow the had no fooner raft his eyes on him, but lie imagined him MS -! 
 maxims of the Court with refpea to Government. a fit perfon to fix the King’s affe&ion. With'this view - S30£i ^ ood - 
 
 7 -h, Portia. ^ "c Parliament meeting the 16th of 0 Bober, the Com- he refolved to flrow him at Court, and furprize the King’ « rt ? c - 
 
 7 Z[y. d ‘ J ‘u ° nSwcvc ,n . a Ilun ? 0l,r which pleafed not the King. And by preferring to him, as by chance, this new objeft. One day wVido-i. 0 ’ 4 ’ 
 
 jo.irn! Pari, ^cre.ore he determined to diffolve the Parliament by Pro- at a tilting, he chofe Carr to' pref'ent his Shield and Device P- 6, >&r. 
 vy lllb „. clamatior1 the 31ft.of December, having firft prorogued to the King, according to cuitom. The King being on 
 (O The Min liters finding by the motions made in the horfebuck, and Cenr advancing to perform his office, his 
 rr' q 6r , ouPc ? ’ t a re ^ ut ‘ on was taken to ufe the moft horfe by fome accident happened! to ftart, throw him 
 effectual methods to redrefs the grievances, thought it down and break his Leg. The King forry for this mis- 
 again.r the Kings and their own inrereft, to fuffcr the fortune, asked who the young man was, and bearin'/his 
 Commons to execute this project. The pretences for dif- name was Carr, remembred he had a Pa"c of that name 
 
 iolving the Parliament fet forth in the Proclamation, were, in Scotland, which proved to be the fame. This made 
 
 . ... . him ftill more concerned for his fall, and was the caufe 
 
 Coke, P .64. 1 hn J King had propofed many things far differing and of his ordering him to be lodged in the Palace, and all 
 
 JurpaJJmg the Graces and Favours of former times , both in poffible care to be taken of him. The tilting was no 
 nature and value, in expiation of a good conclufion of fome fooner over, but he vifited Carr in his room. Next day 
 
 weighty caufe which hud been there in deliberation, not only he came again. In fhort, as long as Carr kept his bed, 
 
 for sc fupjy of the ncccjfitm of his Majefly’s Ejlate, but not a day palled but the King fpent an hour or two with 
 
 fr ne cafe and freedom of his Subjects: But thefe being, him. He found in this young Scot no great depth of 
 
 the two .ajl S if ions, little taken notice of ■ and that the mem- learning, cr experience, yet fuch a calm cutfide, as made 
 beis, by reajon of the length of the Parliament, were debarred him think there might be a fit harbour for his moft retired 
 
 from the hojpitahty they kept m the Country, and that divers thoughts. Wherefore he refolved to fix his inclination 
 
 amres. Cities, and Boroughs, had been burdened with ex- upon this object, hoping to render him, by his instructions, as 
 pence of mam ainmg their Members ; for thefe reafons he dif- great a man as any of his Minifters. As foon as Carr 
 fo.vcd them This Parliament, being the firft of this was recovered, the King made him a Knight, and Gentic- 
 Reign, had fat feven ) ears, from its diffolution to the man of the Bed-Chamber, and took the pains himfelf to 
 year 1614, it was the Mmiftry s bufinefs to devife ways teach him Latin. In a word, Carr became a perfect Fa- 
 
 n means to uppj tie mg s wants. vorite. All Suits, all Petitions were addreffed to him, and 
 
 n ' k i n ff , C," ,. the 1 ftof September Prince Maurice became mafter no favours granted but by his means. Happily for him 
 with the aid brought by the Marfhal de la [George Hume] Earl of Dunbar, a Scotchman, who 
 
 very much elteemed by the King, died about this ti 
 So Carr enjoyed the King’s favour without a rival, and 
 was raifed to the office of Lord Treafurer of Scotland, va¬ 
 cant by the death of Dunbar. 
 
 The King’s new inclination hindered him not from inter- J 
 pofing in the difputes caufed in Holland by the diverfity of W r F lte 
 
 of Julie; 
 
 Wiiii.n. r i i >• >■„- T, - lxumcj ilu ri ui uunvar, a ocoicnman, wno wa 
 
 aa. Pub. Jf atrc trom f’f nc f and th f En S lt fi For ces that were in very much efteemed by the King, died about this time 
 xvi P.6S4. rhe Service of the States, under the command of Sir Ed- n ~ - - 5 
 
 ward Cecil, the Earl of Salisbury's Brother (7), 
 
 1611. The King being freed from the incumbrance of the 
 nrCnun Parliament, and relieving never to call another, the Cour- 
 Ln^rfion,. tiers greatly applauded f.is defign. An abfolute Govcrn- 
 P . 68° s n . ment was much morR for the| r advantage, than a Govern 
 
 jjllt . .“ t '"’ -“ opinion upon certain religious points, between the Goma- 
 
 f ure denends^on the Peon'id’ ' h j K p 8 mC3 ' r $ s and the Arm ' m ' am or Remonftrants. Thefe difputes K. jlmcZ 
 
 ioverl ar the kTina’ n, 1,•" Fhe whole Court was over- are fo well known, that it would be loft time to explain Works - 
 
 he Pa liament 8 7 tr ° ubl ' fom<: of It will fuffiee ,0 relate the oceafion of the Ki„g"s 
 
 « S we n \ c ™ ti "“ ed interpofing without being applied to, and even with an e X - 
 
 where fca^e a„v ,h d fr efpec.ally the Queen's traordinary zeal, for the prefetvation of Orthodoxy in this 
 
 where fcarce any thing elfe was regarded. She had her Church, though foreign and Presbyterian. 
 
 r i) Soon afrer this, 
 
 ■ dugufl 19, King Jamet 
 
 fixry thoufanrl Pounds Sterling’,' nue’ to’tbe CrowJofEng/a^ ind Fr ‘" ,ce ’ and rcceivtd Lewis Xllt. 
 
 nination he boldly confefled he di_ ... 
 s the fir me as to make war againll G; d, Seeing the P:p, 
 
 (3) Papin, hy rmftake, lavs, the King fent (he Li 
 
 (4) It appears from a Letter ~ 
 
 e Pope 
 
 , 694-706. 
 
 s againfl ihe Huguenots 
 
 and that his making was againll the Pope, 
 
 , &c. 
 
 the Earl of Salisbury , that the firft overtures of this 
 
 e from the Court of Spain. See Wimvoul's Mem. Tom. 3. 
 
 . „ . • , t * wu 8 h h = tnwht be an encourager of this Foundation. Notes 
 
 lege was to confift o! a Provoft and " • 
 
 Witfon, p. 685. 
 
 683. The Founder w 
 
 Wet-wood thinks, Archbilhop Bancroft was 
 Dr. Sutcliffe Dean of Exeter. This Col- 
 
 (6) It was prori gued 
 (7 There wer tour thou find E 
 (8; Herchicf Favorite was the elder Brother, the Ea, 
 (9J Of all wife Men living, he was thi 
 
 diUMved til) that day, as appears by the Journals 9 f Parliament. 
 
 Sic.-e. Wffon , p. 083. Rymer's Ford. Tom. 16. p. 6S + . 
 n d,li , and thc King's the younger, Philip Herbert, Earl of Mantctn 
 
 II delighted with hard ome Perfons and fine Cloaths. Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 9," 
 
 Fr ancifeu' 
 
II. 
 
 [ Jo 
 
 The HISTO RT of K NGLAN D. 
 
 Vol. 
 
 ir.il. Francifcus Gomarus and Jacobus Ai minim, both Di vi- 
 nity-Proiefl’ors in the University of Leyden , had fb in e yea is 
 "■ fi n < ■ difcovered a diffi n nce in opii on, conceini g al 
 Picdefti nation, Inamiflibility ot Grace, and feme other 
 fhcolog d po ni . They begun thei'r difputef at tl e 
 end ot die laft Century ; but the war at that time not 
 r.: m it ting people to attend to their controverfv, it was 
 o.iifined to their Schools till the Year J 60S. Gomarus 
 ■ " opinion of the firft Reformei - •• 
 
 t, . k a contrary courfe. At lad, the States of Holland 
 perv-ci'/iiv a fo.hifm was forming in their Church, endea¬ 
 voured to prevent it by means of a conference, which 
 ferved only n. inflame it. The difputes continued j each 
 1;: cn'/then'ed his party ; and the States, being then em¬ 
 ployed in the important affair of the I nice, could not at¬ 
 tend to this, and prevent its confequcnces. Arminius dy¬ 
 ing in 160?, his difciples and followers continued the dif- 
 pute. At length they prefented to the Slates a Petition, 
 containing the°Articlcs of their Faith j and as, inftead of 
 the Term Petitioners, they ufed that of Remonftrants, 
 they were fo called, and gloried in the name. T lie 
 Gomurjlf prefented likewife their Petition, ftyling them- 
 ielves Contra-Remonjlrants. For fome time the two par¬ 
 ties were known by no other names. But afterwards, that 
 of Contra-Remonjlrants was fcarce heard of, whillt Ar¬ 
 minius'$ followers are dill called Remonjlrants or Arme¬ 
 nians* 
 
 Arminius' s Profeflorftiip was filled with Conrade Vorjlius , 
 Divinity-Profeflbr at Steinfort y in the County of Benthcim. 
 This divine had publifhed a Treatife concerning God, 
 which had fo exerted the Gomarijls againd him, that he 
 was obliged to clear himfell in a printed Apology from their 
 imputations. But notv.ithdanding, before he came to 
 Lev dm, he was re pi dented as a real Socinian. In 161 1, 
 tt ked by te D ines, who offered to (how 
 1 m 1 ruble Eirois both in his Treatife concerning God and 
 ■ . ApOl Fhed two Books being font ini > Eng 
 
 " 1 land , the King read them, and prefently after lent to Sir 
 P '■ Ralph /Gin wood, his Ambaflador at the Hague, a lid of the 
 errors lie had remarked, ordering him withal to declare to 
 the States, that he was refolved to publifh in print, how 
 much he detelled fuch abominable errors, and the allowers 
 and tolerators of them. This was direaiy falling upon 
 Novcir.b ic. the Siates, who had acquitted Vorjlius. The Ambaflador 
 WinWord's prefented therefore on this occadon a Memorial, to which 
 M 29j T *J!' the States returned a modeft anfwer, tho’ they had reafon to 
 
 [lie otue. iiiumeu .i inwuL uni...-., ... • — - 
 
 i 9 S. complain of the haughtinefs, the King treated them with. 
 
 Before the King received the anfwer, he had ordered fome 
 of Vorjlius 's Books to be publickly burnt at London, Ox- 
 K. James’s f or d, and Cambridge. Notwithdanding all this, Vorjlius 
 Wr ; ks - was received at Leyden, and the King wrote againd (1) him 
 F to the States with fo much vehemence, that, in his opi¬ 
 
 nion, burning was too good for him. Nay he threatened, 
 that in cafe they continued to tolerate this Profeflor, he 
 would caufe the Churches of England and Scotland to with¬ 
 draw from the Communion of that of Holland, and ex¬ 
 hort all other reformed Churches to follow the example. 
 Win-wood when he delivered this Letter, made a Speech 
 to the States, wherein he perfectly feconded his niafter s 
 intentions. 
 
 '1 hough the States of Holland thought it very ltraage to 
 be thus checked, they believed however it was proper to 
 {how a regard to the King of England, though without 
 Winwood’s complying with what he required. I o this end, they 
 M ' 7 6 T1 A 1 ' anfwered the Ambaflador, that they had provifionally or- 
 y ‘ J ’ J 3 dered, th.n Vorjlius fliould forbear the functions of his of¬ 
 fice till the next Ailembly upon this affair, and in the 
 mean time remain at Leyden only as an Inhabitant. f in¬ 
 wood took this anfwer for a denial, and complained in very 
 haughty terms, of their little refpedl for the King his mai- 
 ter. S Not long after, the King publifhed a Declaration a- 
 gainft Vorjlius, wherein he ufes the States of Holland very 
 roughly. ’ Then the States, who were un willing to quarrel 
 with him, ordered Vorjlius to remove from Leyden to 
 Gouda , where he had another fettlement provided for him. 
 :n It is difficult to guels the true caufe of the King’s great 
 "■•M Subjefi. zea i on this occafion. It feems, on the contrary, that he 
 ought not, upon many accounts, to have interpofed in a 
 'I'hcological difpute, about which the States had not asked 
 his advice, and which concerned a Church, over which 
 he could ’not challenge the lead jurifdiftion. How could 
 he, who in his Speech to both Houfes of Parliament, cal- 
 
 lcJ the queftions about Tranfubftantijio.n, and the number 1611. 
 of the Sacraments, mere School queftiun:, how could he, 
 
 I fav, account the queftions concerning Grace in If Hand, 
 to he of fo much greater moment ? Moreover, he who 
 thought the l’apiil might he tolerated in England, pro¬ 
 vided they behaved like good Subjects, could not bear that 
 Vorjlius fhould be tolerated in Holland, or even ib much 
 as differed to live (a). I 1 a are comrade buns which I 
 can only venture to explain by three conjc&ures. l irir, 
 as he pretended to be very learned in Divinity, he ima¬ 
 gined, that having declared for one ot the opinions, lie 
 was bound in honour to fupport it. Secondly, looking up 
 on himftif ftill as Protector of the States, he had a mind 
 to exert his authority on this peealion, and oblige them to 
 do as he required. I hirdly, he was willing to favour 
 Prince Maurice, who 1 ...! declared for the Gomarijls, a- 
 gainft the Armenians, who had Pcnitonary Barnevelt ac 
 their head. I return to the affairs of England (3). 
 
 The 1 his n< w A rite nt? iu illy 
 
 and fwiftly encreafed. I he favour- the King loaded him Carr 
 with, teemed to exceed all bounds. Having made him 
 Knight, Gentleman of the Bed-Chamber, Lord- I reafurer w,ir>.M 
 of Scotland , he created him the r-th of March 1O12, Camden 1 * 
 Baron of Branfprtb, and Vifcount Rochjler. A month 
 after, he made him Privy-Counfellor, and then Knight of Weldon 
 the Garter. Every thing at Court palled through his May/;, 
 hands, and whoever defired any favour of the King, was 
 firft to make the Vifcount Roche/Vr his friend. So many 
 favours heaped on this Favorite, convinced the M milters 
 and Courtiers, it would be in vain to endeavour to ruin 
 him ; and even to attempt it, would be very dangerous. 
 
 So every one refolved to pay his adorations to the perfon 
 the King was pleated to honour. The Earl of Salisbury 
 however, was not pleafed, to be furpafled by this new¬ 
 comer, and continually obliged to tife all his art to find 
 money, in order to fee it fhowered on a man whole fer- 
 viccs were yet fo inconfiderable. All the Hiftorians agree, 
 the King was liberal beyond meafure, in his prefents to his 
 young Favorite, as if he had been poflefled of an inexhaus¬ 
 tible ^fountain of Treafure, thougli he was ever in want. 
 
 One day, as the ftory goes, the King having given him 77* />-* 
 an order under his own hand, to receive twenty thoufand 
 pounds at the Exchequer, the Lord Treafurer Salisbury, J.„y, 
 fur prized at the immenfenefs of the prefent, confidering bor.yA 
 how little money there was then in the Treafury, fuccefs- 
 fully ufed a Stratagem, to demonftrate to the King, the Hill, 
 excefs of his bounty. He ordered the money, [all in fil- Nan 
 ver,J to be laid on four tables in a room of his lioufe, and 
 inviting the King to an entertainment, caufed him to pafs 
 through the room as by accident. 1 he King failed not, 
 
 , for what all that 
 
 6 . 
 
 as the Lord Treafurer forefaw, 
 money was defigned ; to which Salisbury carclcf !y anfwer¬ 
 ed, It was for the Vifcount Rochjler , according to his 
 Majcfty’s command. Whether the King underftood his 
 meaning, or had not coniidered toe grea nefs of the pre- 
 fen t, he faid, it was too 1 r. the 
 
 'I'reafurer give him b". 
 
 It is agreed by a : 
 
 firft very wifely, as ; %. 
 
 infolent ; he did evei 
 
 fpecially the Englijh , wliofe friend (hip he ptefeirel before 
 that of his Countrymen. He had tone 
 and one friend of that N'” , a Couini-germaa. I liis 
 
 conduct rendered him agreeable to the Englijl). I he WLIfon. 
 
 Prince of Wales alone, Tctfed fonuthnes to mortify him, 
 becaufe they were both enamoured of the Counted of 
 Ejfex, who gave the preference to the Favorite. This 
 was fufficient to gain him the Prince’s enmity, who ne- 
 verthclefs, would 7 iot be revenged of him. He chofe ra¬ 
 ther to turn into contempt, his love for the Lady, who, 
 as we {hall fee prefently, was not worthy of fuch a lover. 
 
 Except this Amour, which proved his ruin, the Favorite 
 carried hiinfelf very prudently, being guided by the Coun- Wi-id.-m. 
 fels of Sir Thomas Overbury, a man of parts and great fjjj ,. 
 wifdom, who took care to keep him clear of thofe rocks, 
 on which Favorites feldom fail to run. 
 
 But though the Vifcount Rochejler, carefully avoided be- ** *■£ 
 ing troublefome, his modefty ferved only to inflame the 
 King’s defire, to render him inftantly rich and powerful. w*n. 
 This, added to the many bounties he beftowed on his 
 Courtiers, both Englijh and Scotch, and to the maintenance 
 of three feveral Courts, threw him perpetually into {trait 
 
 s fettled at L'yriri. AT. Jan 
 
 3) In January .h.s year, the k. u b _ 1 _ This vear on U<c. nb. ri. died Ihoma, Sutt:n, Etq; Founder «t the in Lei.l-n. Tm» 
 
 14 ; < 
 
 • b y 11 
 
 a the whole 10 tc but 5000/. an! the King to reduce it to *oo 0 l 
 
 TTjt 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 24. JAMES I. 
 
 1612. His Minifters were inceffantly deviling means to raile 
 
 •TbeM'r.-f money without a Parliament, of which he would not hear 
 mention. It may be eaf'ly conceived, thefe 
 Monty. means were not all legal, but that many of them occafi- 
 Coke, p. 66. one d murmurs among the people, as Monopolies, Benevo¬ 
 lences, and Loans. A King of England can very hardly 
 increafe his Revenues by fuch methods, without giving his 
 Subjects caufe to believe, he intends to incroach upon their 
 privileges, and James was now but too much fufpedted of 
 iuch a defign. 
 
 Diatb oft the The King, to his great misfortune, loft in May the 
 ? ar {°S next year 1613, the Earl of Salisbury , who was perfectly 
 acquainted with the affairs of the State, and genius of the 
 Englifh. He was a check to the reft of the Minifters, and 
 hindered them from running upon precipices, the danger 
 whereof they did not know fo well as he. Moreover, he 
 had a wonderful art of diverting the King himfelf from 
 hurtful refolutions, though he did not always fucceed (1). 
 The Earl of Suffolk was made Lord Treafurer : but he was 
 very different from the perfon he fucceedcd, both for parts 
 and uprightnefs. Beftdes, he had a Wife who was very 
 greedy of money, and made no fcruple to take bribes with 
 both hands. 
 
 During the great tranquillity enjoyed by the King, he 
 caufed the body of the Queen his mother to be removed to 
 Henry VIPs Chapel at IVeflminJler , from Peterborough , 
 where it was interred at firft, and had lain ever fince. 
 
 About the middle of the year [ Robert Chreighton J Lord 
 Sanquir , a Scotch Nobleman, was condemned to be hang¬ 
 ed, for hiring two of his Countrymen to murder a Fencing- 
 mafter (2). The Archbifhop of Canterbury and feveral 
 great men interceded for him in vain. Nothing could pre¬ 
 vail with the King to pardon him, who thought this ex¬ 
 ample neceffary to curb the infolence of the Scots , who had 
 already committed feveral outrages in England. His cle¬ 
 mency to fome had produced fuch ill effects, that he did 
 not think proper to continue the fame courfe, for fear, in 
 the end, of a general quarrel between the two Nations, 
 which muft have been to the difadvantage of the Scots (3). 
 Sir Robert Shortly after, arrived in England a very extraordinary Em- 
 S |A«di An- ha,r /' ^‘ r &°b ert Sherley an Englijhman , who had ferved the 
 baffador King of Perfta many years in his army, defiring to fee his 
 
 from the 
 King of 
 Peril*. 
 
 Camden's 
 
 Howes. 
 
 Salisbury. 
 May 24. 
 Camden's 
 
 Suffolk it 
 made Lord 
 Treafurer. 
 
 Siueen Ma¬ 
 ry* Body n 
 removed to 
 WeAmin- 
 ftcr. 
 
 Aft. Pub. 
 
 XVI.pyzr. 
 
 Wilfon. 
 
 Spotiswood. 
 
 i Si 
 
 The arrival of this Ambaffador did not make fo much 1612. 
 noife as that of Frederick V, Ele&or Palatine , who came n ' jV ' f’ r 
 in 0 dicker to marry the Princefs Elizabeth , the King’s Arrival* 
 Daughter. He was received with all the refpeci imagina- OftoiTi6. 
 ble; and for fome time nothing was feen at Court but cn- Wi!fon . 
 tertainments and diverllons on his account. But amidft the Hot-- 9 ' 
 univerfal joy for this marriage, the Prince of (Vales was Death of 
 feized with a diftemper, which at‘firlt was not thought ,ie 1 r -'' et 
 dangerous. It begun on the 10th of Ofiober, a few days wil^n!"' 
 before the Eletftor Palatine's arrival: but he himfelf be- H»wes. 
 lieved it of fo little confequencc, that he accompanied the Cokc - 
 Eledtor every where for fome days. Pie was not forced to 
 keep his bed till the 25th of the fame month, and died the 
 6th of November , at the age of eighteen years (5). 
 
 He was one of tiie moil accomplilhed Princes that ever His Enco- 
 was, I will not fay in England , but in all Europe , if we Kn ‘ m - 
 may believe what Hiftorians relate of him. He was fober, 
 chafte, temperate, religious, full of honour and probity. Cuke. 
 
 He was never heard to fwear, though the example of his 0sborn * 
 Father, and the whole Court, was but too apt to corrupt 
 him in that refpetft (6). He took great delight in the con- 
 verfation of men of honour; and thofe who were not rec¬ 
 koned as fuch, were looked upon with a very ill eye at his 
 Court. He had naturally a greatnefs of mind, noble and 
 generous thoughts; and was as much difpleafed with trifles, 
 as his Father was fond of them. He frequently laid, if 
 ever he mounted the Throne, his firft care fhould be to 
 try to reconcile the Puritans to the Church of England. 
 
 As this could not be done without conceflions on each fide, Osborn, 
 and as fuch a condefcenfion was diredlly contrary to the 
 temper of the Court and Clergy, he was fufpedted to coun¬ 
 tenance Puritanifm. Pie was naturally gentle and affable : 
 but however, in his carriage had a noble ftatelinefs without 
 affirmation, which commanded efteem and refpedt. He 
 fliowed a warlike genius, in his paflionate fondnefs for all 
 martial exercifes. A French Ambaflador coming to take Cofee- 
 his leave of him, found him tolling the Pike, and asking P- 7 1 * 
 him, what fervice he would command him to his Majler ? 
 
 The Prince bid him tell him, what he was doing. In Ihort, 
 to fay all in a word, though he was eighteen years old when 
 he died, no Hiftorian has taxed him with any vice The B„ rne t. 
 King his Father is faid to have been jealous of him, and Coke, 
 to ask one day, Jf his Son would bury him alive (7) ? I pafs Sufficient 
 over in filence many things faid upon this occafion, parti- agamfttbs 
 cularly what fome Authors would infinuate, that the King 
 caufed him to be poifuned. In fuch a cafe, the proofs ^689,690. 
 ought to be as clear 2s the fun, and I find in the moft in- Coke.’ 
 veterate Hiftorians againft King James, only bare fufpicions p- 7X1 
 and naked conjectures, which probably were but fruits of 
 the blackeft malice. Others are contented with accufing Burnet 
 the Vifcount Rochejler of this crime, but without any man- Urn ' * 
 ner of proof Some flight preemptions, which I fhall have 
 occafion to fpeak of elfewhere, may have helped to breed 
 this fufpicion, which indeed was fpread immediately after 
 the Prince’s death. Wherefore his head and body were Hiftoric. 
 ordered to be laid open in the prefence of many Phyficians Narral * 
 and Surgeons, who gave their opinion upon Oath, that 
 no marks of poifon appeared (8). But what refle&ed moft Wilfon. 
 upon the King, was his commanding that no perfon Ihould 
 appear at Court in mourning ; whether he was willing to 
 
 native Country, obtained of that Monarch the character of 
 his Ambaflador, and a Letter of Credit to the King. His 
 inftrudtions were only to pay his compliments to the King, 
 with the offer of a free Trade to the Englifh throughout 
 the Perfian Dominions. This Ambaffador had paffed 
 through the Hague , where he demanded audience of the 
 States, to propofe to them a Treaty with the King of 
 Perfta. But becaufe he came from Spain , where he had 
 made fome ftay, the States fufpedting, he had fome other 
 defign, asked to fee his inftrudtions, and upon his ferupling 
 to Ihow them, he was defired to withdraw. As he had 
 been alfo at other Courts, it was believed, he had put the 
 King of Perfta in hopes of engaging all the Chriftian 
 Princes in a war with the Turks , who were preparing to 
 invade him. He had married a Perfian Wife, who was 
 delivered of a Son in England , to whom the Queen ftood 
 Godmother, and Prince Henry Godfather. After a year’s 
 ftay in England , he returned into Perfta (4). 
 
 (1) Weldon gives him this Charafter : He had great Parts, was very wife, full of honour and bounty, a great lover and rewarder of virtue, and me¬ 
 rit in others, lo as they did not afpire too high in places, or look too narrowly into his aftions. p. 14. Osborn, who owns he was j Man’of an in¬ 
 comparable Prudence, applies to him, what was in other words faid of Gregory tie Great, that be was the firft ,// Treafurer, and the laft -rood "on- 
 
 fince t^veen Elizabeth', dajs. The worft thing he lays to his charge, was, the fate of the Crown Timber, Miliicns of Engh/h Oaks being felled and fold 
 at vile puces, not only during the Lite of the Earl ot Salisbury, but all the Reign of King James, to the great detriment of the Navy, the Walls of tl - 
 
 Kingd.m, p. 461. He alio fleeted the cream ot the King's Manors in many Counties. Weldon, p. 51. He died at Marlbnrouob, cn Sunday fit,.. 
 
 1612, and was buried at Hatfield. Dugdale's Bar,.,,, Vol. II. p. 40*. J J 4 ‘ 
 
 (2) This young Lord, i. teems, having a mind to difgrace one Turner a Fencing.Maft.r, in his own Art, had one of his Eyes thruft out by him. Som- time 
 
 after, the King of France asked him, How be loft bis Eye f And Sanquir telling him, it was done with a Sword. The King replies, Does tie Man 
 bye ? This queftion made fuch an Impreffi.n upon the young Lord, that at his return to England, he caufed Turner to be piftolled, at his Houfe in Whitt- 
 Friert, It ilfon, p. 63 $. He was Cried :n the C urt of King’s Bench, Junez-j. and exccured before Wefiminfler-ball gate, the 29th. Howes, p. 1002. Of- 
 b.m toys, it was thought the K.ng would not be prevailed with to pardon Sanquir, as he had done fome other of his Countrymen for the 'like offence by 
 reafon of his Love to the King of France, and not making any reply, when he laid in his prefence, to one that called our King James, Solomon that be 
 hoped be was net David the Fsd’er'i Son, p. 447. ‘ 
 
 ( 3 ) R“tnfey twitched Philip Herbert, the-Earl of Pembroke 's Brother, over the Face at a Horfe-Race, which he not refenting, the Kiag m:de him a 
 Knight, a Baron, a Vifcount, and an Earl in one day. Mr. Edward Hawley of Greys-Inn, coming to Court one day, Maxwell'led him out of the room 
 by a Black-flring he wore in his Ear, a fathion then much in ufe. But this had like to have coll warm blood ; not only Grey’s-Inn Society, but all the 
 Gentry in London, thought themfelves concerned in the affront, and Hawley threatned to kill Maxwell wherever he met him, if he refuted to tight • which 
 to frighted the King, that he Tent for the Benchers, and made up the quarrel. One Murray a Scot, killed a Serjeant that came to arreff him which 
 things, with Sanquu '5 p.Hulling Turner, and other Infolencies, occafiuned the following Verfes on the Scots : 
 
 They Beg our Lands, our Goods, our Lives, 
 
 They Switch our Nobles, and lie with their Wives ; 
 
 They Pinch our Gentry, and fend for our Benchers ; 
 
 They itab our Serjeants, and PiJIol our Fencers. Osborn, p, 752- 
 
 .. W He . was . [ ccond Son t0 Slr Ibernas Sherley of SuJJex, and had been abroad fixteen years, fiye whereof he had fpent in the fervice of divers Chriftian 
 especially the Emperor Rodolfl.us, who made him a Count of the Empire. He afterwards travelled into Perfta, and ferved that Emperor ten years 
 Marriage, the Lady Terefia, Sifter to one of the Queens of Perfta, He left his young Son in Eng. 
 
 who made him General of the Arcilldiy, and gave him . 
 land• Howes, p. 1002. 
 
 (i) He died, (not cn the 11th, as Rafin fays, but ) c 
 ried at Wcjlmsnfter the 7th of December tollowiog. Coke. 
 pounds. State of the Revenue, p 13. 
 
 (6) Being orce hunting the Stag, a Butcher's dog chanced tn kill the Stag, 
 pany, to incenfe him againft the Butcher, told him, “ if h's Father h d bet 
 (J 3 )’ 5 Fence ) ail the Pieafure in the World is not worth 
 
 Coke, Vol. I 
 (-) The Ki, g 
 (S; They give 
 tended with Win 
 fume places, and 
 died of a malignant Fevei 
 
 the 6th of November, being eighteen years, eight month;, and feventeen days old ; and was bu- 
 Wiljon, p. 690. Howes, p. 1004. His Funeral Charges came to fixteen thoufand, and fixteen 
 
 ind fpoil the fport, which the Prince not refenting, the Huntfmen and Com- 
 ferved fo, he would have fworn fo as no Man couid have endured it." Away, 
 s R. Coke the Hiftorian had from his Father, who was about the Ptince's age 
 
 Thi 
 
 ir Opit, 
 H i Sptec 
 
 1 the Pti 
 
 s C urt being n 
 
 ; of V\ 
 wh.rh reigntd that yi 
 
 lore frequented than the King’s. Coke, p. 71. 
 
 mbc, 7, under iheir h.nds as foll.ws, his Liver wan and paler than ordinary. His Gall without Chnler, and dif- 
 7 b,3ck 5 hls Lun S 5 fP°tted, with much Corruption. The Diaphragma blackiih ; and the Head full of Blood in 
 ( lays W:f.n ) no poifsn couio produce fuch effefts, p. ffgo. See Hijloric. Narrat. c. 15. H'.wes fays, he 
 ar in mi tt parts of the land, and carried away a great number of people of all forts and ag-«. n. tw«. 
 
Tk II IS TO RT of ENGL A N F V 
 
 V..! I! 
 
 : - rr-.i • ■: 1! melancholy objc&s from bis fight, tbit might 
 < ' .• r:w his concern, or did not think proper to 
 
 interrupt tin- erlions prepared for his Daughter’s mar¬ 
 riage f t r , , obliged him, however, to deter the Nup- 
 t w weeks, as the Prince’s funeral could not be per- 
 fo.Mied 'ill the 7th of December. 
 
 .c'r : :'v after, the King held a Chapter of the Order 
 1 the t I after at // indfor, wherein the Eledlor Palatine , 
 
 : Prince Maurice Stadtholdcr of Holland , were made 
 A \ Km.’hts, They were inftalled in February following, 
 hr i ’ o:: the lame day, the one at IVindfor , the other at the 
 Ac.nl*. Hague { i). 
 
 1 ■ 
 
 I V ■ 
 
 of ary, the Eleftor having been in- 
 H.i'Ied Knight of the Carter [ on the 7th. ] Nothing was 
 ' . v - fpared to render the entertainments on thefe occafions as 
 
 ' 1 magnificent a:, poffible. To this end the King demanded 
 
 y* i 1.. Aid-money of his fubjtxT, according to the antient cuf- 
 
 ’• 1 -'•»«'tom, obferved when the kings married their eldeft Daugh- 
 
 ; ; ter. Th; ugh it was now a hundred years fince this cuftom 
 
 I • i been u!ed, there having been no occafion fince the 
 Reign of Henry VII, yet few or none durft refufe to give 
 what the King demanded. Great fums were raifed by 
 th ; s means, which were all expended in the marriage (2). 
 The Elector and the Princefs flayed in England till rfpril, 
 during, which time there was nothing but entertainments, 
 
 • • • . and fiber diverfions. The <lit 
 • 1 '■ Lind n made the new married Couple a fplendid fealt j af- 
 
 v/il'on. ter which, the Lord Mayor [ and Aldermen] prefented 
 
 the Bride with a Chain of Oriental Pearl, worthy the 
 greatnefs and riches of that Metropolis ( ?). 
 
 13 " the departure of the Elector and Ele£torcfs (4), the 
 Court became a little more quiet, as to publick rejoicings, 
 which had held feveral months without ceafing. But at 
 the fame time, a private feene was acting, the Plots 
 whereof began to open this year, but were not quite un¬ 
 ravelled till two years after. I mean, the annulling of the 
 F.arl of Effex'$ marriage ; his Countefs’s fecond marriage 
 with the V ifeount Rochejhr ; and the violent death of Sir 
 Thomas Overbury. As thefe three incidents did not happen 
 all at once, and by accident, but were gradually brought 
 in, by diabolical practices, it will be uecefi'ary to relate 
 fume things already palled, and which were deferred, that 
 the thread of the llory might not be interrupted. 
 
 Acof Robert Cecil , Earl of Salisbury , was, as I obferved, a 
 mortal enemy to the late Earl of Effex, and one of the 
 fi„! ■/ chief inftruinents of his ruin. This Earl left a Son, who 
 
 1.:) x s being but nine years old, did not give Cecil much uneafi- 
 
 n< t ’ ung, 1 1 coming t England, reftored 
 P iV-'n. him to his eilate and honours. Mean while, as this able 
 
 M'i>" Mini Her could not he ignorant of the King’s affection for 
 
 ‘ T'' the Father, he was apprehenfivc, that, one time or other, 
 
 he fhould he made to pa)' (hr all his artifices to ruin that 
 Lord Tt was chiefly upon this account, that, in order to 
 preferve the King's favour, h* judged it proper to unite 
 clofely with the Howard Family, by his Son’s marriage 
 with the Earl of Suffolk 's eldeft Daughter (5). After 
 ?• 686, which, perceiving the Earl of Eflex to grow up, and 
 fearing he might one day prove a thorn in his fide, he be¬ 
 lieved it for lii.s intereft to be reconciled to him, and to 
 confirm the reconciliation with the marriage of this young 
 Lord to the Earl of Suffolk's fecond Daughter, younger 
 Sifter of his Daughter-in-law. Befidcs his own advantage 
 by this alliance, he gave the King the pleafure to fee in 
 ftri£t union three families, for which he had the greateft 
 afteiilion ; namely, thofe of Howard, Devereux , and Cecil. 
 This marriage was accomplifhed in 1606, the Earl of 
 Effex liein ■ then in his fifteenth, and Frances Howard his 
 bride in her thirteenth year. As the married couple were 
 yet very young, their relations thought fit the Earl fhould 
 travel into France and Ga many, till they were both a little 
 more advanced in years. During his abfence, his Countefs 
 became a perfect beauty, and eclipfed all the Court-La¬ 
 dies. 
 
 n the year 1610. 
 
 .. ilfon, j4 e found his Countefs in the prime of her age and beauty: 
 
 but withal, extremely proud of her own merit, by reafon 
 of the praifes beftowed on her by all. He was himfelf 
 
 charmed with her, hut met not wifi; thru lei-ms fie ex¬ 
 pected. She daily coined frefh exotics to delay the con 
 fummation of the marriage, and fhowed a- much reluc¬ 
 tance as he did eagernefs. He bore it patiently fur font* 
 time, being unwilling to ufe compulfion, for fear of giving 
 his Bride an averfion to him. Shortly after, he (,:!! lo 
 dangeroufiy ill of the Small-Pox (6), that his life v.as dt 
 fpaired of: but the ftrength of his conftitution overcame hir 
 diftemper, though it was long before he was quite reco¬ 
 vered . 
 
 In this interval it was that Robert Carr became the 
 King’s favorite. When he gained his maftcr’s heart, he 
 made a conqueft almoft at the fame time of the Coun- 
 tefs of Effex's, who fuftered herfelf to be taken with the 
 charms of this young Scot , and entirely gave herfelf over 
 to this new palfion, without daring however to reveal it to 
 the perfon that caufed it. Mean while, the Karl of Effex v . . 
 finding himfelf perfe£lly recovcied, p roiled hr; fpoufe to 
 confent to the confummation of their marriage but lie 
 found her reluctance the greater, as fhe w.is enamoured 
 of another. In ftiort, after trying all forts of ways to 
 prevail with her, without being able to fucceed, he had re- 
 courfe to the Earl of Suffolk his Father-in-law, and en¬ 
 treated him to ufe his endeavours to vanquifti his Daughter’s 
 obftinacy. The Earl of Suffolk, furprized at what his Son- 
 in-law told him, fharply reprimanded his daughter, and 
 politivcly told her, Ihe muft refolve to confummate the 
 marriage. Then the Countefs, not daring to difobey her 
 Father direiftly, delired only a little longer delay. She be¬ 
 lieved, in cafe fhe could avoid confummating her marriage 
 with the Earl of Effex, it would not be impracticable to 
 procure a divorce, and then marry the Vifcount Rochffer. 
 
 Indeed, the Vifcount knew nothing yet of her paffion : 
 hut Ihe had too good an opinion of her charms, not to hope 
 an eafy conqueft, as foon as fhe fhould have occafion to 
 difeover it. On the other hand, the great credit of 
 Rochejhr 'and the Earls of Suffolk and Northampton , did 
 not luffer her to queftion, that if the Favorite undertook 
 to marry her, he would eafily accomplifh it. But fhe 
 wanted fome time to lay her meafures, wherein however 
 flic met with great oppofition both from her Husband and 
 Father. 
 
 In tliis extremity, not knowing how to proceed, fhe wjiio~ 
 opened her mind to one Mrs. Turner a Phyfician’s widow, Hitwie. 
 a woman of a diflolute life, and capable of the bafeft ac- Narm - 
 tions. As this woman had no good advice to give her, fhe * 
 perfuades her to apply to one Dr. Foreman , who palled 
 for a Conjurer. He had perhaps fome fecrets of nature, 
 but was not forry to be thought skilled in the Magick-Arr, 
 becaufe many women came to confult him, and paid him 
 well for it (7). To this man the Countefs of Effex told 
 her fecret, and defired two things of him: Kirft, to 
 manage it fo, that the Earl of Effex fhould be incapable to 
 confummate his marriage. Secondly, to make the Vif¬ 
 count Rochejhr in love with her. Foreman very confi¬ 
 dently promifed both, and gave her certain Powders for 
 her Husband to take, and to be put amongft his linnen, 
 with inftruCtions how fhe fhould behave to him. As for 
 Rochejhr, he himfelf undertook to perform upon him the 
 necefTary operations. 
 
 Mean while, the Countefs could no longer difobey her 
 Father’s command, fo was forced at laft to cohabit with 
 her husband. But though they lay together, the marriage 
 was not confummated, whether it was owing to Foreman's 
 powders, or to fome other more effedtual means ufed*'by 
 the Countefs to fruftrate her husband’s efforts. However 
 this be, the Earl of Effex imagined, that his living in 
 London and at Court might contribute to his misfortune, 
 and therefore refolvcd to carry his Ladv to [ Chart ley in 
 Stafford/hire] a countrv-feat, about a hundred miles from 
 London The Countefs could not be excufed from going 
 with her Lord : but all the while fhe was there, flint her 
 felf up in a room, and would not fo much as fufter the 
 light of the fun to enter, giving herfelf over to an exceffive 
 melancholy, whether out of vexation or policy, the better 
 to deny her husband. After this manner fhe lived fome 
 time with her husband in the Country, who did not un- 
 derftand the meaning of this ftrangc behaviour. In the 
 mean while, fhe wrote feveral Letters to Mrs. Turner and 
 
 (1) They were both inflallal on (lie 7lh of lib, vary, (or according to Camden't Ann. on D camber 19. 1612. ) Lcdowik Count of Orange, being Prince 
 Mourn-', Proxy. Prime Mauri.; it fee ms, wme hr* Garter eonftanrly, I'll a Groom of hSi Clumber happened to llranglc a Jeweller with one nt his blue 
 
 Ribbons, in order in rob him. After which he would never wear it. IVi/fon, p. 690-This year was finiihed Hr. i 1 Halt in / -Jen. It was to named 
 
 . .1 |u e ol Peat for A ■' at whofe charges it was built; on apiece of ground grant d him bj the King. /• mi, p 1 
 --'[hi:. yraralM, King Jane;, and the Elcfto.s of Germany entered into a League and Alliance. See Ryue r'i Tom. !<>• •’ll,- 
 
 (i) The Aid Money came but to zjy.ot. [State of the Revenue, p. 11.) and the ElcdW's Marriage, C.. tort the King almoft lour times that Sum, 
 as will be I’een heieatter. 
 
 (3) It v. ft above 2000/. Howe 1, p. I007. 
 
 1 it We gate, \ md landed >t Flajhing the 29th- The Eleflor bth ved, during hit ftay in 1 nobly 
 
 aii Men t Ant French Crown* Hower 
 
 (5) tritium Cud Vifcount Craniiumc, married Catherine Howard, the Eirl of Suffiji'i third and youngeft Daughter, on December 1. 1608. Camden , 
 Ann. 
 
 (6) ll'r.’ion lays, it was a moft violent Dire fe, of a p tf"ii -us na ure, imputed to, but far traolcending, the Small Pox. p- 6S6. 
 
 - : To f.i.m the I'uuntt . v. hat . ,. . Ins Art ,« m ...:e Mr In,re- bring in hue w t.h Sir Arthur Merw rrrng, gave li in fome of the P ’v.• 1 -, 
 
 •..fth wiougiit fo violently with him, tli . tluoueii .1 ibuniT if •in and Thunder, h: rode intern milea one dark night to her Hour. A/,, e. p. fcS;. 
 
 Forma n 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 24. JAMES I. 
 
 Truth 
 brought t 
 light, vSV 
 
 7 Le C~u»t 
 0t ElR-x’s 
 
 defignS f, 
 
 £' c ' 
 
 Mur 
 
 l lied. 
 
 Wilton. 
 
 Cuke- 
 
 Hiftoric. 
 
 Narrat. 
 
 Coke. 
 
 Hiftoric. 
 
 Narrat. 
 
 Rrchefter’ 
 Artifice to 
 rum Over. 
 
 c V. . 
 
 Wilfon. 
 
 Weldon- 
 
 Hiftoric. 
 
 Narrat. 
 
 Foreman , telling them, She was afraid Foreman’.; Powders 
 were not Jlrong enough : her husband was as Ittjly as ever : 
 it would be very difficult for her to hold out for ever , and 
 if Jhe jhould chance to yield , fhe Jhould become the mof unfor¬ 
 tunate woman in the world: She intreated them to free her 
 from her mifery , and they Jhould have what money they de¬ 
 fined. Thefe Letters were found in Foreman's Study, and 
 read in open Court, upon an occafion which I fhall men¬ 
 tion prefently (1). 
 
 At laft, the Karl of EJfex feeing himfelf in fo uneafy a 
 filiation, refolved to carry hi.. Lady back to L'ondon , and 
 give her full leave to live as (he pleafed. He began to 
 perceive there was fomething extraordinary in her car¬ 
 nage, which he chofe rather to be ignorant of than endea¬ 
 vour to difeover. 
 
 The Cbuntefs being returned to Court, and miftrefs of 
 herlelf, no longer delayed to let Rochejler know what file 
 endured for his fake. There was no occafion to ufe 
 Magick to produce the defired effeft. He was young, and 
 file the fineft Lady in the Kingdom. So, any advances 
 from the Countefs, were more than fufficient to kindle a 
 flame in the Favorite’s breaft. As foon as they begun to 
 underftand one another, affignations became frequent. 
 They were at firft very private: but in time, the two 
 Love is uled fo little caution, that not a Courtier was a 
 Granger to their amours. The King very probably was 
 informed of it, fince nothing delighted him more than to 
 hear of the Love-Intrigues of his Courtiers. The Earl of 
 Jffi A-, who had alfo notice of it, chofe to fhut his eyes, and 
 fcorn an object in unworthy of his Love. 
 
 ’ Fhe Countefs of EJfex having fucceeded in her intend¬ 
 ed conqueft, and finding herfelf lure of her Lover’s heart, 
 would not allow his paffion time to cool. Every thing 
 feemed to favour the execution of her defigns, that is, 
 her divorce from the Earl of EJfex , and marriage with the 
 Vifcount Rochejler. EJfex faw her no more, and feemed 
 to concern himfelf very little about her, and Rochefcr 
 was fo beloved by the King, that, in all appearance, 
 nothing would be impradticable. So fhe let her lover 
 know her defires, and without much difficulty brought 
 him to fecond her proje&s, But as he was wont to im¬ 
 part his moft ferious affairs to Overbury , lie believed he 
 ought not to conceal this from him, and the more, as he 
 expe&ed from him fome good advice to accomplifh it. 
 But fo far was Overbury from approving fuch a project, 
 that he ufed his utmoft endeavours to difluade him from it. 
 He reprefented to him the injuftice and indignity of the 
 thing, his danger of being ruined by fuch an atftion ; and 
 laftly, the little value he ought to have for a woman, who, 
 though married, fcruplednot to throw herfelf into the arms 
 of another man : That fhe had already loft her reputa¬ 
 tion in the world, and when fhe fhould be his wife, all 
 the diflionour would refletft upon him (z). Rochejler , 
 who did not expeft fo great oppofition from his Friend, 
 could not forbear fhowing fome refentment. He had the 
 addrefs however to contain himfelf fo far, as not to give 
 him room to think he would proceed notwithftanding his 
 advice, and continued, as ufual, to communicate to him 
 his other affairs. The Countefs was in a violent paffion 
 when file heard Overbury' s advice, and from that moment 
 ceafed not to excite her Lover to revenge. She was the 
 more incenfed againft Overbury , as fhe feared, that being 
 acquainted with the defign, he would labour to render it 
 abortive. In fhnrt, Rochejler was fo complaifant and blind, 
 as to promife her to facrifice his Friend. He might eafily 
 have difmifTed him : but it would have been too danger¬ 
 ous not to ruin him entirely, after trufting him with the 
 fecret. It is pretended, that to ftrike the more furely, he 
 confulted the Earl of Northampton , Uncle to the Countefs 
 of EJfex , and by his advice ufed this artifice to ruin him. 
 He extolled to the King Overbury' s abilities : but intimated 
 withal, that he took too much upon him, and was grown 
 intolerably infolent; and therefore he fliould be very glad 
 to have him removed, by fome honorable employment, 
 praying his Majefty to fend him Ambaflador to Rujfia (3). 
 The King liking the propofal, appoints inflantly Overbury 
 for the Embafly. Rochejler having proceeded thus far, ac¬ 
 quaints Overbury with the King’s intention, and pre¬ 
 tending he could not live without him, entreats him to 
 refufe the employment, promifing to procure him a better 
 
 at Court. He added, that indeed he believed if would not 16 r 5. 
 be in his power to hinder the King fi'om being angry at 
 fiift, who, probably would refent.hu refufal, but he did 
 nut queftion to appeafe him in a few dai s. Ova bun. fell aa - -• T 
 into the fnare, and when the King fent for him to ac¬ 
 quaint him with the employment defigned for him, h • 
 moft humbly befought his Majefty to make choice of 
 fome other perfon. As foon as he was retired, RocheQer 
 aggravated Ins pride and in faience, in daring thus to refufe 
 his mafter’s gracious offer, adding, it was requifile tochaf- 
 tife hini : That he was himfelf affeded by it, for he Ihotild 
 be infallibly blamed for ufing his intereft for him. In 0ve , l:UT ,. 
 fhort, by Rochejler ’s inftances, the King commanded Over- fin L. 
 bury to be fent to the Tower (4). Some days before, the lhc fff 
 Favorite had caufed Sir Gervaje Elways , his creature, to be^ ,. /. ? 
 made Lieutenant of the Tower (5). Overbury was clofe- WJi'on. 
 ly confined in a room, and not fuffered to keep one of his 
 fervants, or receive any vilks from his relations and friends,^!!, 
 a rigor not ufed even towards the greatelf offenders. He 
 was now where the Vifcount Rochejler and the Countefs 
 of EJfex wilhed him, in order to difpatch him more eafily. 
 However, there were ftill fome difficulties. It could not n.- def.gr 
 be done by ftabbing, becaufe the Lieutenant of the Tower, r J 
 who is to anfwer for the prifoners, would not have fuffered 
 it, and befides, a murder openly committed in one of the 
 King’s prifons, would have made too much noife in the Md y 9- 
 world. It was refolved therefore to make ufe of poifun. hTck. 
 l o that end Mrs. Turner provided a trufty perfon, one NUr./i." 
 JTcJlon (6), who had been a fervant to her Husband, and c ; 
 
 Sir Thomas Monfon recommended this man to the Lieu- Cjk '“ 
 tenant of the Tower , to wait on the prifoner as footman. 
 
 But even this was not fufficient. Whatever was brought 
 to Overbury to eat being dfefled in the Lieutenant’s 
 kitchen, it was almoft neceflary to engage him in the Plot. 
 
 Some fay, the Earl of Northampton fpoke to him of it, wiiion. 
 hinting that every thing was done with the King’s privity. P- 6 93- 
 Others affirm, the Lieutenant refufing to be concerned 
 in the Crime, and not daring however to difeover it, by Weldon * 
 reafon of the Quality of the Parties, took care to feize the P 
 victuals fent from time to time by the Vifcount Rochejler 
 to the Prifoner, and throw them into the Houfe of 
 Office (7); and this is moft likely, fince, otherwife, Ova - 
 bury would have been foon difpatched. He could not how- Hiftoric. 
 ever hinder IVefon from giving him a certain Jelly fent Narrat.' 
 by Sir Thomas Monfon, which almoft killed him. Where- c ' 48 ’ 
 upon the Lieutenant of the Tower was ftill more careful, 
 that Overbury fhould be feen but by JVeJlon alone. This 
 was a check upon IVeJlon , becaufe he perceived none 
 could he accufed but himfelf: wherefore he durft not n.r.kc 
 fuch hafte as Overbury 's enemies defired. There urole 
 however an inconvenience from this delay, which was 
 that every one was furprized, to fee the K’ing ufe fo great 
 rigor upon a friend of the Vifcount Roche fieri for fo flishc 
 an offence, if the refufing to go in Embafly to Rtffia 
 could be deemed any crime at all. It could not be con¬ 
 ceived, and it was vainly endeavoured to difeover the 
 caufe of the extreme feverity with which Overbury was 
 treated. 
 
 Whilft the unfortunate Prifoner languilhed in his con- 
 nnement, the Vifcount Rochejler and the Counted of Ef EiE-x'. 
 fex were thinking of executing their project, that is of A; ’"-'T 
 annulling the Countefs of EJfex 's Marriage, that fhe might w 
 afterwards efpoufe the Vifcount. To effed this, without Fiank.y r ;? 
 Rochejler 's appearing to be concerned, the Earl of Nor- tff 1 -'’ 
 thampton , who was in the two Lovers fecrets, undertook Ulmi? 
 to fpeak to the King. Some lay the Vifcount Rochefier c '7' 
 had already acquainted the King with the Counters de- 7 ' ruth 
 lign to be divorced, and had prayed his Majefty to procure jJS' U 
 him the Lady when the Marriage fhould be diffolved : but c ° k '-- 
 I do not know if this be well attefted. However, the 
 Earl of Northampton prefented to the King the Countefs of 
 EJfex's Petition to this effeft (8): That the Earl her Wil.V, 
 Husband being incapable of confummating their Marriage, AmJl 
 file befought his Majefty to let her Complaint be examined, 
 and if found well-grounded, to have liberty to marry ano¬ 
 ther . Upon this petition, the King commiffioned the Arch- 
 bifhop, feveral other Bifhops, and fome Laymen, to hear 
 and determine the affair. This Court proceeded very 
 gravely to the trial of the caufe, and entered into fuch par ¬ 
 ticular and fecret examinations, as did not very well become 
 
 (1) There w 
 
 alfo i 
 
 Note produced in Court, made by Foreman , and written o 
 
 ihe Ccunteff, calling her Whore, and bafe Woman, and her Mother and Brother Bawds. 
 
 ,h. Lord Chief j.Oioo would’Mi, i, be ro.d. “ h “' ““ ’ ,h “ L ”" 1 ’ ln C °“" 1 k “> 
 
 See Hifio, 
 
 (2) It feems he fpoke very free 
 Weldon , p. 67 
 
 (3) Some fay, into France, others into Ftanden. RaJ>:n. 
 
 (4) Under pictcnce, that hc^had vented fome ftinging Sarcafms againft the Court. Coke, p. 75. 
 r held hontft, and lo wife, that he obtained the fiiname of wife Sir Gcrvafe E’.-.vcyi ; he was alfa 
 ms therefore very unfortunate, in having that place thru ft: upon hirn, without his thought , for 
 
 ~ c P‘ 7 1, Bot others fay, he bought the Place, and thu Wajr 
 
 (S Weldon gives him this Character, That he 
 fo rcl'gious, that few in the Court did equ. 
 
 (according to him ) he was at firft ignorant of the Plot, and endeavoured to prevent it. 'Si 
 
 IVAi fnni.rt ,f.r m.,.... U:.« Af...- . r 
 
 (6) He was promifed 200/. for this piece of fcrvice. C 0 ie. p. 75, 
 
 s=^ 5 r".T;“ :, c “ d >m ’ “ * hc «• ,h,t hc i «i u. m, S' 
 
 { iL? r .:.. F fT k ! J f' Au n th . orof the A ” nals J amtl 1 b J*> the Earl of Suffolk prefented the Pet 
 
 t bero 
 
 ?titityi. Here he hegufs hit vero-mt, wichont any men-.ic,: 
 
 Ctergyr-fcH, 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Arma.'t of 
 James 1. 
 j). 3. 
 Weldon. 
 
 R- h Her 
 i a net tbe 
 C- unteji oj 
 
 Sumerfec. 
 
 Dec. 26. 
 Wilfon. 
 
 Coke. ’ 
 
 J«- 4. 
 
 Johnfton'r 
 H'fiory of 
 Scotland. 
 
 yio.ent 
 d,,tb of 
 Ovcrbuiy. 
 
 Clergymen. The Earl of Effex being examined, briefly 
 anfwcre'J, he !: ! never conflniKnated bis Marriage, neither 
 did he think he fhould ever be able to confummate it : 
 but did not feci the fame inability with regard to other 
 v ■ >men. rhough tl < >nf< ffi >1 rcatl fa red 
 Countefs’s caufe, the Court deemed it proper to be certain 
 of the truth by another method, and ordered the Countcfs 
 to be infpecled by a Jury of Matrons, affifted by fomc 
 Midwives. This infpedtiun being made, the Matrons de¬ 
 clared Ihc was a Virgin. But it is pretended, the Coun¬ 
 ted, under colour of having her modefty, was permitted 
 to appear in a veil before the matrons, and that Mis. Fines 
 a young Gentlewoman of her age and fl.iture, was intro¬ 
 duced in her place (t). I omit numberlefs circumftances 
 of this trial, which are to be found in feveral Authors, 
 and which it is indecent to relate. It fuffices to fay in a 
 worJ, that by the fentence, the Marriage was dillblved, 
 contrary to the opinion of the Archbilhop of Canterbury , 
 who even publifhed his reafons again ft it. But the King 
 himfelf took the pains to anfwer the Archbifhop’s argu¬ 
 ments, and to maintain the juftice of the Sentence, up¬ 
 braiding the Prelate with founding his opinion on Puritan- 
 Principle. Dr. Bilfon Bilhop of U’inchejler , one of the 
 Judges, having fpoken very ftrenuoufly to prove the nul¬ 
 lity of the Marriage, his Son was foon after knighted. 
 But the publick was fo malicious as to call him Sir Nullity 
 Bilfon. This affair made great noife, and brought little 
 honour to the Judges, moil of whom could not be igno¬ 
 rant of the Countcfs of Effex's ill character (2). 
 
 If after her Divorce, the Countefs had married any 
 other than the Vifcount Rochefler , her conduit might have 
 been eaffly juftified. This was not the firft marriage an¬ 
 nulled upon the like account. But the fentence was hard¬ 
 ly publifhed, when the V ilcount openly made hit. addrefles 
 to die Lady, and their Marriage was quickly concluded. 
 The King not only gave his Favorite leave to marry the 
 Countefs, but a'.lb made him Earl of Somerfet on the 4th 
 of November , that the fecond Husband might be of equal 
 rank with the firft. The Nuptials were folemni/ed a 
 month after with fuch extraordinary rejoicings, that had 
 the King’s own Son been married, there could not have 
 been greater. The City of London fignalized itfelf on this 
 occafion, by a fplendid entertainment which the Lord- 
 Mayor and Aldermen gave the new-married Couple, and 
 to which the King, Queen, and whole Court were invited. 
 For fome time nothing was talked of but banquets, balls, 
 mafquerades, and other diverfions, in honour of the new 
 Earl of Somerfet' 3 nuptials. 
 
 Thcfe things gave occafion to the difaffefted to talk 
 freely of the King. They reported, that in Scotland the 
 Earl of Arran , formerly the King’s favorite, married the 
 Earl of Athol' s Daughter, having procured, by the like 
 means, and on the fame account, a diflolution of that La¬ 
 dy’s marriage with the Earl of March. It was thereby 
 infinuated, that the King had taught his favorite the way 
 to attain his Miftrcfs. But thefc infinuations reached not 
 the King’s ear, thofe about him not being fo ill Courtiers 
 as to carry him fuch reports. 
 
 Whilft the Countefs of Ejfex's marriage was annulling, 
 the unfortunate Overbury was clofely confined, without 
 having the comfort of feeing any of his friends (3), as it 
 he had been guilty of the moft heinous of crimes. He 
 had been extremely fick with the poifon that was given 
 him, without knowing the caufe of his illnefs. But when 
 he heard what was tranfa&ing, he no longer doubt- 
 ; cd concerning the author of his mifery. In this lamenta¬ 
 ble ft ate, he faw no other remedy but to write to the 
 favorite, intreating him to deliver him out of his wretched 
 condition (4). Rochefler anfwered, that the King being 
 
 ftill highly incenfed, he had not yet been able to fpeak in 1613. 
 his behalf, but hoped to do it within a few days. Nay, 
 it is faid, he fent a certain Powder in this Letter, as a 
 lure remedy to cure his diftemper. But Overbury was fo 
 wife as not to take it (5). In fhort, the two Lovers being 
 impatient to fee a man live fo long, who might one day 
 be their ruin, caufed an impoifoned Clyfter to be admi x 4 * 
 nifter’d by one Franklin an Apothecary’s Prentice, which vv c ld>n. 
 ended his miferies with his life. Some fay, that Wejlon p. 76. 
 and Franklin feeing the extraordinary eftc&s of the Clyfter, 
 and fearing if they fuffered the poifon to operate any long¬ 
 er it would leave marks on the body, which would rife in 
 judgment againft them, fmothered him with the bed-cloaths. 
 
 When he was dead, he was fpeedily buried, without any Hirtoric. 
 ceremony, and a report fpread, that dying of the Pox, he N4 "g U 
 was fo rotten, he could not be kept any longer. This was wilfon. 
 the Earl of Northampton's account in his letter to the favo- Winwoqd’s 
 rite, to acquaint him with Ovcrbury 's death, admiring t.iii p.481 
 withal, the juftice of God upon fuch wicked inftru- 
 ments (6). 
 
 The Earl of Somerfet thought it a great advantage to <rtt Faw. 
 have difpatched Overbury. But on the other hand, he rite giva 
 found himfelf much more embaraft'ed in the management 
 of affairs, fincc he was no longer aftiftcd by that faithful 0 j North- 
 Counfellor. As his fmall experience rendered every thing a m P ton; 
 difficult, he was forced to chufe another friend, and it was N ^ 0r . ,c ’ 
 the Earl of Northampton that fupplied Ovcrbury 's place. c . 30.* 
 But there was a great deal of difference between thefe two Jf . bj 
 Counfellors. Overbury 's fol view was to procure his , t .„. 
 
 friend honour and glory, and the Earl of Northampton's Eapiftt. 
 chief aim was to make ufe of his credit to countenance 
 the Catholicks. Ever fince his being in favour, he had 
 always protected them to the utmoft of his power, as was 
 obvious to all the world. But when he came to rule the 
 favorite, he acted without any referve. As he was War- 
 den of the Cinque Ports, the Jefuits and Romijh Priefts Hifturic. 
 could fafely land there without being examined at their ar- ° F 
 
 rival. By this means their number fo increafed in a very ycsr , 
 fhort fpace, that the people loudly murmured at it, and James 1. 
 call the blame on the Earl of Northampton. Wherefore, 
 to filence thofe who talked too freely, he took out a 
 Writ of Scandalum Magnatum againft fome of them. He 
 believed, it was not poiiible to convict him of a thing 
 founded only upon common report, and that, fuch evi¬ 
 dence not being valid in Law, he fhould filence his ene¬ 
 mies by the punifhment of fume of the moft forward to 
 fpeak againft him. But the Archbilhop of Canterbury Wilfon. 
 broke his meafures, by producing a letter under the Earl’s i'; 6 9+- 9 
 own hand to Cardinal lit liar mine, wherein he faid, e That^ a 
 however tbe Jit nation of the Affairs cf England, and the in¬ 
 flames of the King compelled him to be a P rot eft ant in fhow, 
 nevertbelefs his heart flood firm with the Catholicks , and 
 he would be ever t cady to countenance them to the utmofl of 
 bis ptnuer. Upon this letter the parties accul'ed weie dil- 
 charged. Nay the King fo reprimanded the Earl, that he Dejtb °f 
 retired to his Country-houfe, where he died foon after (7). t ^n nhJI7ip * 
 He declared in his l ift Will and Teftamenr, that he had June 15. 
 always been a Catholick, and would die in that Religion, 
 
 Thus feveral Hiftorians fpeak of him. But the anony- Funklyn- 
 mous Author of the Annals of fames I. and Charles I. 
 who endeavours to vindicate thefe Princes, their Minilters 
 and Government, in every thing without exception, for¬ 
 gets not to juftify alfo the Earl of Northampton. He fays 
 among other things, that the charge of being concerned in 
 Ovcrbury 's murder was only a rumour fpread after hisdeaih, 
 as if that were a certain proof of his innocence. As to Annah f 
 the Earl’s Religion, the fame Author fays, He died fuf- J jmcs I» 
 petted more Catholick than fine will think reafinable, though ** 
 in tbe form of a Church- Papifl (*>). 
 
 : 1 1 Sir Am boy W'eldon declares upon the reputation of a Gentleman, that he had this ■verbatim from a Knight, who d'd min r th Lady into the p’ace ot 
 , . i„| fon, and t t often t I - 1 MirtJ tbe Cou t James, p. 81.- Hie Author of t Hj 
 
 year 1 f King James, lays, t was one of Sir Tb ma i Monfon’ 5 Daughter t .it was lunched in the CuuntUs s room. c. 17- 
 
 ; Ot tilt I ud res Delegates, 'Ibmai Hi If-in Bilhop of fVmcbe/ler, Lanceht Andrew! Bilhop of Ely, Rubai,t Niue Bilhop of Coventry ar.d Lichfield, and 
 jf n Ru’krr.efe B iVp of Rochejler ; with 'Jut ui Cerfur, Thomas Parry, Darnel Dun, Knights, ligned the Decree. Alb.t Archbilhop U mterbury, and 
 ■f,Or. Kins Bilhop of London, were againft it. The Earl of Sourbanfiton] in a Letter of Augujl 6, 1613, to Sir Ralph lYimwood, ha, thefe woids : “ of 
 1 , [he Nullity, 1 Ice you have heard as much as 1 can write, by which you may difeern the Rower of a King with Jude ; h r ot th, I. which arc row for 
 1; 1 knew fome of them when I was in England were vehemently againft it. as the Eilhops ot Ely, and (• cn -y. t. -n n • 1 1 af.n m tie Reign </ 
 
 1 . 1 • • ■ ..! , 1 Earl of £ w fort to repay his< I 1 ' k - • - • 
 
 obliged to fell hie Seat ol Btmngun in Hert/ordjbire. tViljon, p. 69-. 
 
 -. Due nicrd accidentally found means to give him a vifit, lor which the Lieutenant was Severely rebukid, and ordcied not to let any body come near 
 • 6 93 ' 
 
 (+: 
 
 In o 
 
 rot I 
 
 1 Letters he tells the Earl of Somerfet, <• You and 1 will c 
 
 a publick Tryal befot 
 
 the Friend I have. They (hail know what 
 rom the liift hour to this day, Gfc. Thele 
 lor feat he Aiouid tell talcs." SctlS'inuood'n 
 
 -This 
 
 .v.'rds have palled hetwixt us heretofore.- 1 have all this vacation wrote the Story betwixt you 
 
 Threat 1 ., probably, hallencd Ovnbi.ry's death ; and hurried the Earl on to difpatch him quickly out et the way, 
 
 Mem. T m. 111 . p. 478. 
 
 (5) tffilfon fays, he to>k the Powder, which hav : ng a poifonous quality, added to hi aliht ton p. 69: 
 
 (b King f.’imri's friends have given Ovcrbury a very bad Character, probably, to Jellcn the horror ot the Viieount Roebefier's Crime. R.ifnn 
 year, thr City ot London lent Colonics into the Province of Ulfier in Ireland, winch were planted chiefly abi.ut Londonderry, and Cvleram. Ibnuet, p. 1004. 
 
 _ O’fobcr 25. Sir Edward C'Ae was rnjde Lord Chief Juftice 3 and the 26th, Sir Frjmn Ba. ~n made Attorney General, and Henry Yelverton, Elq. 
 
 Sollicitor General. Heave 1, p. 1005. .. . , , . . 
 
 - He died on June 1 :. at the Houfe he had built at Charing Crft, called in his Life-time, A tbairpm ILup, but leaving it to the Earl cl Sufi . 
 f or a n tiled folk H 1 rtbun md Houfe. He was Wardet the C Port*, table of Dover ( . I m e 
 
 and Chance II. ■ ; n 1 : ■ v • • .'..m bridge. His Body was carried to be buried at D vtt Bui ii wa vt garly turn. .• 1 .... that h B ■ wai 
 
 carrico tlutc, in ruder in lie tranfported to Route, p. 694.- H'eldon gives him this Charofler : Though j great Clerk, yet he was not a wife Mm, but 
 
 the Erolled Flatterer iu the world, who raifeo himfelf by his Flattery-He was ot I,, venemous and cankered a drip, litinn, that he hated all Men ol 
 
 n ible Paris, nor loved any but Flatterers like himfelf: He ufed to fay, that he would be content to be damned pcipelually in hell, to be revenged of that proud 
 IVellhman, Sir Robert Manjelt, p. 15, 2Z. 
 
 ;s ; ii juui Howard Eail of Suffolk, Lord Chamberlain, was made Lord Ttcafurer, in the Earl of Northampton s room, or. J 10, and at the lam- 
 time, Carr Earl of Somerfet, was made Lord Chamberkfin. Camden t Ar.r., 
 
 •1 1 he 
 
1614-. 
 Tie Pur:. 
 
 morlifitd. 
 
 Wilfon. 
 p. 694. 
 
 Annals of 
 James I. 
 
 7 be King' 1 
 Profufenefi. 
 Wilfon. 
 p. 695. 
 
 ibid. 
 
 tbu Sutjifl. 
 
 Coke, 
 p. 78. 
 
 Creadon of 
 Baronets. 
 Annals of 
 
 p. 695. 
 
 Book XVIII. 24. JAMES I. 
 
 185 
 
 The Court was not fo well affecled to the Puritans as to 
 the Papifts. The Puritans were coniidered as enemies to 
 the King and to Monarchy, but the Papifts as hearty 
 wiihers that the King might meet with no oppofition to 
 his will. This was fufEcient to induce the Court to coun¬ 
 tenance the latter, and caufe the former to endure continual 
 mortifications. In the fpring this year, fome Presbyterian 
 Families refolved to go and fettle in Neut-England, to en¬ 
 joy there that peace which they could not find at home. 
 The Author, I juft mentioned concerning the Earl of 
 Northampton, fays, thefe people were notorious Schifmaticks 
 of feveral Setfts, known by the general name of Puritans, 
 which term included Good and Bad in their diftin£t kinds, 
 truly and ingenioufly diftinguifhed into the Puritan-Knave, 
 and the Knave-Puritan. As it was not impoffible, by the 
 increafe of Presbyterian Families, the Englijh Plantations 
 might become nurferies for Non-Conformifts, the Court 
 gave orders not to let them depart. But afterwards, fuch 
 as dcfired to remove beyond lea, being examined, fome 
 were allowed to purfue their voyage, and others were de¬ 
 tained as furclies for thofe that went away. 
 
 It was now four years fince the King had called'a Parlia¬ 
 ment. It was a great comfort to him, to have no dilputes 
 with a Houfe of Commons, ever ready to complain of 
 Grievances, and take occafion to examine the conduct of 
 the Sovereign or his Minifters. He liked it much better 
 to command abfolutely and without controul. But this was 
 attended with great inconvenience. He was forced conti¬ 
 nually to invent new methods to raife money, and thefe 
 methods, grounded upon abfolute authority, caufed loud 
 murmurs among the people. Neither did thefe methods 
 bring in fufficient fums for the King’s occafions, who loved 
 magnificence, and was always ready to give. Hence fprung 
 his wants, which inceflantly increafed, his Revenues, as 
 well ordinary as extraordinary, not fufficing for his ex- 
 pences. He feemed, however, to have an inexhauftible 
 fund, fo profufe was he, without confidering how he 
 Ihould recover what was unneceffarily given. The follow¬ 
 ing inftance of his bounty may ferve to fhow his character. 
 Being one day in the Gallery [at Whitehall , ] and none 
 with him but Sir Henry Rich, afterwards Earl of Holland, 
 and garnet Alaxwcl [ one of his Bed-Chamber^ ] fome 
 Porters palled by with three thoufand pounds, going to the 
 Privy-purfe. Rich feeing the money, turned to Maxwel, 
 and whifpered him. The King perceiving it, asked what 
 he faid ? Maxwel told him, Rich Ihould think himfelf very 
 happy if he had fuch a fum. Whereupon the King calling 
 to the Porters, ordered them to carry the money to Rich’s 
 lodgings, faying, at the fame time. You think now you have 
 a great purchafe ; but I am more delighted in giving you the 
 money, than you can be in receiving it. 
 
 If the King had been thus lavilh out of his abundance or 
 out of his favings, his generofity mull have been laudable. 
 But unhappily, in order to be thus profufe to a few pri¬ 
 vate perfons, he gained the ill-will of all the reft of the Na¬ 
 tion, and was forced to ufe, to raife money, feveral ex¬ 
 traordinary methods, which were looked upon as fo many 
 Grievances, and loudly complained of. Moreover, he was 
 obliged, either not to call a Parliament, or to quarrel with 
 the Houfe of Commons. James was however the Solomon 
 of the age, the wifeft, moft prudent, and moft juft of Kings. 
 Thefe at leaft are the epithets generally given him, and 
 which are even to be found in feveral Hiftories penned 
 fince the Reiteration of Charles II. 
 
 The King’s exceffive liberality reducing him continually 
 to ftraits, he had at laft recourfe to a project, formed by the 
 late Earl of Salisbury ; namely, to create Knights Baronets, 
 a fort of middle Nobility, between Barons and Knights 
 Batchellors. Their number was not to exceed two hun¬ 
 dred : but the King, at the firft promotion, made only a 
 hundred (1). To purchafe this honour, which was to be 
 hereditary, every Baronet was obliged to pay to the King a 
 thoufand pounds. But in order to give fome colour to this 
 new inftitution, every Baronet was obliged by his Patent, 
 to maintain thirty foot Soldiers in Ireland for three years, 
 at eight-pence a day each Soldier (2). Afterwards it was 
 hinted to them, that if they would compound with the 
 
 King, and pay the whole fum at once, part Ihould be 1614, 
 abated, and the King would maintain his troops in Ireland 
 himfelf; and there was not one but what accepted this of¬ 
 fer. The Author of the. Annals before-mentioned, affirms, 
 that the King received only about a hundred thoufand 
 pounds of the Baronets, and that the maintenance of the 
 troops in Ireland coft him much more. So, according to 
 him, this new Order was inftituted merely to eafe the fub- 
 je£ts. 
 
 Befides this method, the King made ufe of others to fill other mean: 
 his empty coffers, without being obliged to have recourfe to to raije 
 the Parliament. I Ihall only mention them, without pre- 66 
 tending to determine whether the King exceeded his Pre- ° C ' P 
 rogative or not. 1. The King, by his Letters Patents, 
 granted Monopolies to private perfons, exclufive of all o- 
 thers, and raifed great fums by thefe forts of favours. 2. He 
 iffued out Commiffions for reviving obfolete Laws, for 
 making men who could expend forty pounds a year, to 
 compound for not being knighted. Formerly, an eftate of 
 forty pounds a year in land was confiderable : and there¬ 
 fore the owners of fuch an eftate were deemed proper to be 
 made Knights, and as fuch, to ferve the iving in his wars, 
 or find Soldiers. But in King 'Jatnes I’s time, fuch a re¬ 
 venue was inconfiderable : there were infinite numbers who 
 had more, but not deliring to be Knights, chofe rather to 
 give the King money, than be obliged to receive an ho 
 nour, which rendered them very dependent. 3. The King 
 made a certain number of Knights of Nova Scotia (3), 
 each of which paid him fuch a fum. 4. The dignities of 
 Baron, Vifcount, and Earl, had a fixed price fet upon 
 them. The King received for making a Baron ten thou¬ 
 fand pounds, for a Vifcount fifteen thoufand, and twenty 
 thoufand for an Earl. Thus, whoever had money, might 
 be made a Peer of the Realm. 5. The fame honours were 
 rated likewife in Scotland and Ireland, though at lower 
 prices (4). 6. Thofe who had defective Titles, were ob¬ 
 liged to compound with the King for rectifying them, 0- 
 therwife they were declared null and void (5). 7. The 
 
 Star-Chamber condemned in exceffive fines, to the King’s 
 ufe, fuch as were cited thither. I have already related fome 
 inftances, and fhall have occafion to take notice of fome 
 others hereafter. 8. To all this, may be added the fums 
 levied by the King upon his fubje&s, when the Prince his 
 Son was knighted, and his Daughter married. 
 
 He would have had alfo a good means of railing money, 
 if he had demanded of the United-Provinces the fums that 
 were due to him. But if we believe certain Hiftorians, he Coke, p. 78. 
 durft not claim his debt, for fear of engaging in a war in 
 cafe of refufal. A more probable reafon might be given, 
 by faying, the places he held in Holland and Zealand kept 
 the States in a fort of fubjedtion, if he had not fhown, two 
 years after, that this was not the true reafon, by receiving 
 his money when offered him by the States. 
 
 In fine, the King’s revenue not anfwering his expences, The King 
 recourfe was to be had to a Parliament. The Earl of So- 
 merfet, having with him neither Overbury nor the Earl of n amr ~t. 
 Northampton, was at a lofs how to find the King money, Wilfon* 
 and the Lord Treafurer his Father-in-law was no lefs em- ede!’ 
 barafled. All extraordinary means feeming to be exhaufted, 
 they propofed to the King the calling of a Parliament. To 
 induce him to it, they put him in hopes, that by their in- 
 tereft and management, the majority of the Commons 
 Ihould be at his devotion. The King was very loth to 
 confent: but at length was perfwaded, and a Parliament 
 was fummoned to meet the ift of April (6). 
 
 This Parliament confifted not of fuch members as the <rb t p ar ii a . 
 King was made to expedt. The people, who were dif- meets. 
 contented, inftead of being gained by the Court, chofe I'” arn ' Pjr! * 
 reprefentatives of a quite different charadter from what the 
 minifters defired. The very firft day, the King demand- The King 
 ed an aid of money for the marriage of his Daughter, 
 and told the Commons, after difpatching that affair, lie cYke, p. 79, 
 would give them leave to examine the grievances of the 
 Nation. But the Commons thought proper to invert the 7 be Cam- 
 method preferibed them, and begin with the grievances, mans 
 Inftead therefore of granting the money firft, as the King 
 expedted, they examined to what ufes the Revenues of 
 
 (1) The firft Baronets were created on May the 2zd. 1611, by Patent. See Britijh Compend. Part, IT. p. 352. They were to have thefe Privileges to 
 
 them and their Heirs for ever j Place before all Knights Batchelors, and of the bath, and all Bannerets ; to be impleaded by addition of Baronet, and the title 
 
 Sir, and their Wives Lady ; the King Ihall not create any degree under the Dignity of a Baron, that Ihall be fuperior or equal to them ; no more to be made, 
 but the full number of two hund ed, until fome die ; but the younger Sons of Vifcounts and Barons ( by decree of the King and Council upon Controverfy ) 
 were adjudged to take Place before them ; and that their Heiis Male atone and twenty Ihall be Knighted, and Ihall have either a Canton in their Coat ef 
 Arms, or in a Scutcheon, at their Election, the Arms of Ulfter, Argent, a Hand Gule ; their Place in the King’s Armies to be in the grefs, near the 
 
 King’s Standard, for defence thereof, stimuli of K’ng James, p. 8. There were made at firft but ninety : Of whom Sit Nicolai Bacon, of Redgra-ve in 
 
 Suffolk, was the firft. 
 
 (2) Which comes juft to one thoufand ninety five pounds, and not two thoufand, as Rapin fays by raiftake. And it has been cuftomary for thofe who have 
 fince been aomitied into this Order without Money, to have a Receipt endorfed on their Patent fer the laid Sum cf 109 3 l. to be appropriated to the lame ufet ; 
 and lor want of fuch findorfement, feveral Baronets were compelled in King Charles the Second's Time to pay 1095 Pounds. 
 
 (3) This Order of Baror.ets was firft created for advancing the Plantation of Neva Scotia in America, and tur fettling a Colony there, to which the aid 
 
 of thefe Knights was appropriated. It was intended in 1621, but not adlually founded till 1625. Scotijh Compend. p. 502. 
 
 (41 Scots/h Honours of the fame Tide, to have the precedence of an Infj, as a Scotijh Baron, Vifcount, or Earl, to have the precedence of an Irijb ; 
 and though an Englifi Honour of like degree, had the precedence ot either of the other, yet if either ol the other had a higher Title, he Ihould precede 
 an Englith Peer under a lefs : as a Scotijh or Inftj Vifcount, Ihall precede an Englijh Baron. Coke, Vol. I. p. 66. 
 
 ( 5 ) And likewife Compofitions for Affart Lands, ( i. e. } for grubbing up the Thickets and Coverts for the Deer in Forefts. Coke , p. 67. 
 
 (6) It did not meet till April 5, fount. Pracer. 
 
 No. 53. V o l. II. A a a the 
 
 A a a 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 i 86 
 
 1614. 
 
 1. Gric. 
 The King' 
 
 fit <T)u 
 
 Ufa. 
 
 Weldon. 
 
 1 ‘apijh. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 The Con¬ 
 st Addrefs. 
 
 The Parlia 
 
 diffolvtd. 
 
 Wilfon. 
 
 Coke. 
 
 Some Men. 
 
 Au, U tt of 
 tbt Elec- 
 trefi'i Mar. 
 riagi-E*- 
 pemei. 
 
 K.'HjIiTies, 
 
 the Crown had been put. The refult was, that the King 
 had beftowed on the Scots exceffive grants both in land 
 and money, and that the Scots having fold thefe lands to 
 the Englijh, had conveyed the money into Scotland, to the 
 great detriment of England. If what the King had given 
 to the Englijh had been as carefully examined, it would 
 have been found ten-times more, by the confeffion of the 
 Hiftorians themfelvcs (1): but herein was not feen the 
 fame inconvenience. 
 
 Then, the Houfe inquired into the caufes of the increafe 
 of Popilh Recufants ; fince it fhould rather feem, that the 
 Laws enaded after the Gun-Powder-Plot, fhould have 
 very much leflened their number. The firft caufc ap¬ 
 peared to be the King’s admitting into his Council Popilh 
 Lords, publickly known for fuch. A fecond was, the 
 negotiations abroad for the marriage of the late Prince 
 Henry and Prince Charles with Popilh Princefles. 
 
 After this, the Commons took into confideration the 
 Monopolies authorised and licenfed by the King’s Lettcrs- 
 Patents, to the great prejudice of Trade; and the extraor¬ 
 dinary Levies of money, without the confent of the Par¬ 
 liament. Upon all thefe grievances, it was refolved to re- 
 prefent them in a Petition to his Majefty, and to pray 
 him to redrefs them, and especially to hinder the future 
 fettlement of the Scots in England. 
 
 The carriage of the Commons was fo different from that 
 of the Courtiers, who never fpoke of the King but with 
 admiration, that his Majefty had not patience to bear it. 
 So, on the 7th of June he dilfolved the Parliament, after 
 a Selhon of about two months, wherein not one Statute was 
 enaded. The Parliament was no fooner dilfolved, but the 
 King committed to prifon feveral members of the Houfe of 
 Commons, who had fpoken the moft freely, without ad¬ 
 mitting them to Bail (2). 
 
 The Parliament not anfwering the King’s expedation, 
 and his Exchequer being empty, there was a neceffity of 
 recurring to new expedients to fill it. But before we fpeak 
 of thefe expedients, it will not be amifs to Ihow one of the 
 chief caufes of the King’s being reduced to ftraits. I mean 
 the Eledrefs his daughter’s marriage, which had colt him 
 very near a hundred thoufand pounds, according to the fol¬ 
 lowing account, inferted in his book by the Anonymous 
 author of the Annals above-mentioned. 
 
 /. 
 
 For the Palfgrave' s diet at his Handing houfe — 6000 
 For his diet at his inftalment of the Garter — 4000 
 
 For diet at his marriage - 2000 
 
 For lodging for his Servants -— g, 0 
 
 To the Wardrobe for apparel for the Princefs) , 
 
 Elizabeth - - -- ^° 2 5 2 
 
 For furnilhing her chamber •—r- 3023 
 
 Apparel and neceffaries for her to my Lord Har-y 
 
 ring ton’s - -- $ ,8z 9 
 
 Jewels and apparels for her Servants - 3914 
 
 To divers merchants for filk, (Ac. -- 995 
 
 The Lords mask at her marriage --- 400 
 
 For the naval Fight of fire-works on the Thames'? 
 
 4 8q. 
 
 at her marriage 
 More fire-works on the Thames at her marriage zS8o 
 T o Sir Edward Cecil as Treafurer, for her journey ? 
 
 from hence to Heidelbergh , and for her Purfe S 2000 
 For fettling her jointure, and charges to fome of the") 
 Gentry to go thither and to take the alTurance 3 800 
 
 The charges of her Journey. - 8000 
 
 For her tranfport to Flujhing —--- 5555 
 
 Paid over to the Palfgrave 's agent for her portion 40000 
 
 (3) Total— 
 
 ' 9 3 2 7 8 
 
 Benevolence. 
 Wilfon, 
 p. 606. 
 
 The King refolving to call no more Parliaments, ex¬ 
 traordinary means were to be devifed to fupply his ex pen- 
 ces, his ordinary Revenues being far from fufficient. To 
 that end, certain perfons diligently fearched into hiftory, 
 to difeover what had been done by former Kings in the 
 like cafes, or when there was not time to call a Parlia¬ 
 ment. Among all thefe methods, the Court chofe the 
 way of Benevolence, invented by Edward IV, abolifhed 
 bv Richard III, and once revived, if J am not miftaken, 
 by the Parliament itfclf in the Reign of Henry VIII. 
 
 Neverthelefs, the author of the Annals pretends, that 1614. 
 James only followed the conftant example of all his Prede- A ’ 1 * 
 ceflors, and upon thefe pretended examples, and the cuftom K -I 1 " '" 
 in France and Spain, undertakes to vindicate Jurn. But c 0 kt.‘ 
 there would be too many things to be faid upon t/u j it 
 if it fhould be in lifted on. 
 
 The refolution being taken not only to demand but ex¬ 
 tort a Benevolence, all the Sheriffs were ordered by the 
 Council, to ask of all private perfons within their diffridl Wilfon. 
 a free gilt, in proportion to the King’s wants. At the 
 fame time, they were exprefsly commanded to return to 
 the Council the names of fuch as fhould refufe to contri¬ 
 bute, or not give according to their abilities. This fhows 
 the King did not mean, the Benevolence fhould be entire¬ 
 ly voluntary. This method however was not fo fuccefs- 
 ful as the King had expedled. The more eager the Sheriff's 
 and Court-Party were to excite the people’s liberality, the 
 more induftrious were others to difTuadc them from it, by 
 fetting before them the confequences. So, if we may be¬ 
 lieve the author of the Annals , the Benevolence procured 
 the King but 52909 I. which yet (continues he) madded 
 the ill-minded men ( Pillars , fo fonie called them, to the King¬ 
 dom’s Liberties ) always plotters to the Kingdo n’s Mifenes , 
 who being ajhamed to be out-done in hone/ly ,and honour-, they 
 
 jujlly drew upon themfelves a mark of Malignity. - And 
 
 yet they would be medling, devjing poor Arguments , to pre 
 tend it was againjl the J'ubjefls liberties, though accu/hmcd 
 evermore by examples of all former Sovereigns. Others fpeak 
 of it very differently, and reprefent this way of railing 
 money upon the people, as a real extortion and incroach- 
 ment on the nation’s liberties. Thus do King James's Remari 
 Hiftorians contradict one another, not in fadls'but in prin- k!*u mew 
 ciples, fome deeming illegal, what others maintain to be Yujioriam. 
 the undoubted prerogative of the Crown. 
 
 The money arifing to the King from the Benevolence, •jtcKingof 
 tho’ no great fum, came however very feafonably for the Denmark « 
 King of Denmark’s reception, who made him a fecond 
 v jFit, with a train of forty perfons only. During the fort- JJoiS.’ 
 »ight he flayed in England (4), entertainments and diver- 
 lions never ceafed. 
 
 Shortly after, the King received with great pomp the T - R 
 Ruffian Ambaflador fent by the Czar, to defire him to be F.mba'py ."" 
 mediator between him and the King of Sweden, on account Howes.’ 
 of their differences. 
 
 Hitherto, the Earl of Somerfet pofTefled the King’s heart 7 
 fo entirely, that the Queen herfelf grew jealous. Some gawd 
 fay, fhe inwardly grieved for the death of Prince Henry, F f 
 and fufpe&ed him to be the author. Others fay only* Wll 6 ‘" n ,' 
 that his greatnefs had fo blinded the Favorite, that he was P 9 
 wanting in his refpcCt to the Queen (5). However this be, 
 fhe had conceived a very violent hatred of him, and to 
 ruin him the more eafily, fhe thought proper to gain Sir 
 Ralph Winwood, who was ftill Secretary of State (6), but We,don ’ 
 without exercifing the office, at leaft in important affairs, P ’ 9j 
 becaufe the Earl of Somerfet had feiaed the management of 
 every thing. IVtnwood readily joined with the Queen to 
 ruin this Lord, who left him only the title i.f Secretary. 
 
 This was a preparative to the revolution which happened 
 the next year. 
 
 Before lend this year, I muff not forget to mention the 
 memorable undertaking of Mr. Hugh Middleton, citizen Z^dcTali 
 and goldfmith of London , who having" an A£t of Parliament 
 for his warrant, found means to bring water from Hert- J ‘ on,,0,,> 
 fordfsire, to the piincipal parts of the City, for the con- w? 
 veniency of the Inhabitants (7). survey. 
 
 The King was wont twice a year to take a journey 
 into fome part of the Kingdom. Thefe journeys were 
 called Progrefles, one whereof was made in winter, the PngreJ^tl 
 other in fummer. In his winter-progrefs, in the year 1 6 1 - c ;’ lbr ‘dge. 
 he palled through Cambridge, where the Scholars enter- Camden, 
 tained him with a Comedy called Ignoramus, which ridi- Ann. 
 culed the Common-Law. Nothing could be more divert- c ” nefi y cjl ' 
 ing to the King. Fhe Civil-Law, or the Laws made by m Ul | s * rt ‘ 
 the fupreme authority of the Roman Emperors, appeared Hiit.iric. 
 to him of much greater value than the Common or Statute Narrat ‘ 
 Law, and he could not forbear now and then to A peak of' 33- 
 thefe laft with contempt. Wherefore he was fo delighted 
 with this Play, that he caufed it to be ailed twice in his 
 prefence, during his fhort ilay at Cambridge. 
 
 Gy, Coke, ) 
 
 (1) Of this Sir Anthony Weldon giv^s a notable Inftancr. He lays, Salisbury would mike the Scots buy Books of Fee-Farms, fome 100/ per Annum 
 lomc one hundred Marks, and would compound with them lor a thoufand pounds, which they were willing to embrace, becaufe thev were lure to hue them 
 pals without any controul or . haxge ; then would Sals,bury fill up this Book with fuch prime Land, as lb nuld be worth ten or twenty thoufand pounds, which 
 Record Mall’ PorteHty p 60^’ ^ ^ ” !r ‘ Chcd h,mlel ' wfimtel y» and caft envy on the Scots, in whole names thefe 3 ooks appeared, and are ftill upon 
 
 (2) Thele were Cbutts, - Nevsl Lord Abergavenny's Son, Went<wortb, Jo. Hoskins. Camden's Ann. This, t Is 
 
 of the Privileges ot Parliament, that ever was done by any King of England before, p. -9. 
 
 ,T b fi Ug . h u th ' S a ' cnunt . lec ( ns of little moment, it may fc.ve however to Ihow tl* liberal Temper of the King, and his Opinion that the Parliament w 
 obliged to hod turn Money tor thefe Expcnces. Rapm. 
 
 (+) He arrived at London, July zz. and embarked at Gra-vtfcnd, Augufi x. Hoiues, p. 1012. 
 
 ( 5: OreEe i-om an apprehenfion, that the King’s Love and Company was alienated from her, by this mafeuline Conversion and Intimacy. But it was m« 
 probably, from a fufpidon of his being concerned in the Prince’s death, tor (lie would never lee him alter it. Wilton p. 60-. 
 
 (6) He was made fo March 29, 1614 Camden t Ann. 
 
 , ( 7 ) He cut a Channel from the the two great Springs of Cbadwcll and Amiucll, near Ware in Hertford/hire ; in which the Water is 
 it Jjlington, and from thence in Elm Pipes to ail places of the Cily. This new River runs under near eight hundred Biidgei. li-.. 
 
 Pond a 
 
 is the greaicft Vioial 
 
 ••eyed 1 
 
 At 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 2 +. JAMES I. 
 
 Wilfnn, 
 p. 699. 
 
 C ike, p. 3 c 
 Weldon. 
 
 Hr ’< made 
 
 Cup bearer 
 
 '»< be <'”S- 
 Wif in. 
 Weldon. 
 
 Adventure 
 that bejel 
 Villiers. 
 
 great Mark 
 of bn Fa. 
 
 7be King it 
 
 dijgujled 
 
 xuitb So- 
 Coke, p-82. 
 
 At this Play it was that the King was ftruck with a 
 new objedt, which made the lame impreffion upon his 
 mind as Robert Carr did the firft time he faw him (1). 
 This was George Villiers, a young Gentleman who ap¬ 
 peared before him with all the advantages of a good mien, 
 a fine lhape, and a handfome and well-made fuit of cloaths. 
 Every one perceived he looked upon this young man with 
 plcafure, and from that moment it was thought Villiers 
 might fupplant the Earl of Somerfet. And indeed with 
 this view it was that certain Lords had brought him be¬ 
 fore the King, and placed him at the Play juft oppofite to him. 
 
 George Villiers was of a good and antient family in Lei- 
 cejlerjhire, Son of Sir George Vilhers (2), [of Brokesby] by 
 a fecond Wife, who bore him three Sons, of whom this 
 George was the fecond (3). After the death of Sir George , 
 his Widow married Sir 1 bomas Compton, Brother of the 
 Lord Compton (4). As George Villiers was but a younger 
 Son of a focond bed, his fortune could be but fmall; ne- 
 verthelefs, his mother took great care of his education. 
 After he had finifhed his ftudies, fhe fent him into France, 
 where he made himfelf perfeft mafter of the French tongue, 
 with all the exercifes proper for a Gentleman, and efpecial- 
 ly dancing, wherein he excelled. When he returned from 
 his travels, his mother fent him to Court to make himfelf 
 known, and endeavour to procure himfelf friends and a 
 place (5). He no fooner appeared there, but the Earl of 
 Pembroke, the Earl of Bedford, and fome other Lords, 
 enemies to the favorite, and who fought his deftru&ion, 
 landed this young man might be fubfervient to their de- 
 fign. I hey knew the King fufficiently, to hope he would 
 he taken with the outward accomplifhments of this new : 
 comer. 1 o this end, they liberally fupplied him where- 
 ' nh to deck himfelf and attraft the King’s eyes. Their 
 piojeft fucceeded to their expedition. The King being at 
 the Play, looked with admiration on George Villiers , and 
 could not help ftiowing fome figns of his growing inclina¬ 
 tion. He took care however to conceal it as much as pof- 
 fible, not to alarm the Earl of Somerfet : neverthelefs he 
 refolved from that inftant to have Villiers near his perfon, 
 imagining he might eafily keep both. So, to have time to 
 manage this affair, he privately caufed Vilhers to purchafe a 
 Cup-Bearer’s place, and to be inftru&ed how to behave. 
 
 What care foever the King might take to conceal his 
 new inclination, the Courtiers did not fail to difeo- 
 ver it. Somerfet , as moft concerned, was harder to be de¬ 
 ceived than the reft. His office of Lord Chamberlain gi¬ 
 ving him a great authority over the King’s Servants, he 
 did not want opportunities to vex and mortify Villiers, who 
 bore all with patience; and the King feigned not to per¬ 
 ceive it. But at laft, an accident happened which fuffered 
 not the King to diffemble any longer. It was cuftomary 
 for the Cup-bearer whofe turn it was to be in waiting, to 
 have the firft place at the Table where the Cup-bearers 
 dined. Villiers having begun his month, fat at the upper- 
 end during the whole time of his fervice, without any op- 
 pofition. But offering to fit in the fame place after his 
 month was expired, the perfon, whofe turn it was to wait, 
 rudely thruft him from thence, which greatly confounded 
 him. Some days after, the fame Cup-bearer carrying a 
 glafs of wine to the King, let it fall accidentally or defign- 
 edly on Villiers , who gave him a box on the ear. It is a 
 Law of a long ftanding at Court, that whoever ftrikes a- 
 nother in the King’s Palace, is to lofe his right-hand, with 
 many formalities. It is the Lord Chamberlain’s bufinefs 
 to fee crimes of this nature punifhed, and the Earl of So¬ 
 merfet failed not to do all that lay in his power to have the 
 Law executed to the utmoft rigour. But the King grant¬ 
 ed Villiers a pardon, without enjoining any fatisfadtion to 
 the party offended. This was the firft publick mark of 
 his aftedtion for Villiers. 
 
 From thenceforward, the Earl of Somerfet 1 s enemies la¬ 
 boured inceffantly to ruin him in the King’s favour, in 
 which they could not better fucceed, than by cherifhing 
 the King’s new inclination by immoderate commendations 
 of Villiers. The truth is, that even before he had feen 
 Villiers , the King began to be weary of Somerfet , who 
 was not fo agreeable as when he was firft taken into fa¬ 
 vour. Since his marriage with the Countefs of Ejfex, he 
 was grow'n very melancholy, of which probably Overburf s 
 death was the caufe, and become more carelefs of his per¬ 
 
 fon and drefs. He had loft that vivacity 'vi.ic! c:.T • 
 him fo agreeable to the King, and his temper, ■•. 
 my and lullen, induced him harlhly to oppofe : r 
 
 ton tricks which were now and then played in -Jr . ; i , 
 
 Anti-Chamber, and wherein his Majefty took a f: nguhi r 
 delight. Nay, he was become fo interefted, that ho did 
 nothing for any one without money. His enemies did not 
 forget to inform the King, or hint the fame to him, know¬ 
 ing how much it might conduce to make him forfeit his 
 favour, fince there was no vice more contrary to the 
 King’s humour than avarice. The Queen for her part 
 milled no opportunity to do him ill offices : So that, in all 
 appearance the project of making Villiers the King’s favo¬ 
 rite was formed upon the vifibie figns of the Earl of Somer- 
 fet’s decline. 
 
 The whole Court perceived the alteration in the King 7; , is 
 fince he had Vilhers about him, and every one if rove to /- ,/, 
 
 thruft the old favorite down the precipice. ’ The beft way ' 0 jfa- i J 0r 
 to that end, was to oblige the King to declare for Vilhers: CokCp.S-. 
 but there was a great obftacle to be removed. The Kine, Abbct , «*'.»- 
 by a very grofs artifice, would have no favorite but of the d ' ca f on 
 Queen’s recommending, that in cafe fhe complained of him x!l J 4 
 afterwards, he might fay, he had received him at her hands. &e. ’ * 
 
 This was the King’s Turn, who fancied by fuch a device, 
 to impofe upon the Queen and the whole Court. The 
 bufinefs therefore was to prevail with the Queen, to recom¬ 
 mend Villiers to the King. But fhe was already prejudiced 
 againft this young man, and not feeing with the King’s 
 eyes, perceived nothing in him worthy of fo great an ad¬ 
 vancement. Perhaps too, fhe had caft her eyes on feme 
 other, to procure him this Preferment. Somerfet’s enemies 
 knowing how the Queen ftood affeaed to Villiers, thought 
 the Archbifhop of Canterbury alone able to perfwade ker 
 to what they defined. The Archbifhop, who neither 
 loved nor valued the Earl of Somerfet, readily undertook to 
 fpeak to the Queen: but his firft attempt' was in vain. 
 
 The Queen, who was perfeftly acquainted with the King’s 
 temper, told the Prelate, that neither he, nor they who fet 
 him on, knew what they did ; adding, I know the King Ru ihworth, 
 better than you all, for if this young man be once brought in, P- 456- 
 the firft perfons he will plague, mujl be you that labour for him • 
 yea , I/hall have my part alfo. The King will teach him to ,P 3 ‘ 
 defpife and hardly intreat us all, that he may feem to be be¬ 
 holden to none but himfelf 
 
 For this time the Archbifhop could not prevail with the 
 Queen ; but afterwards he fo prell'ed her, that at length 
 fhe defired the King to receive Villiers as a favorite. The //< L made 
 King, who only waited for this, fent immediately for Vil- c ' er,!eman 
 hers, knighted him with the Prince of Wales's fword, and 
 ordered him to be fworn Gentleman of the Bed-Cham- Wotton.' 
 her. Somerfet, hearing of it, came immediately, and in- \ irrden * 
 treated the King to make Villiers only a Groom ; but the Howes. 
 Archbifhop and other Lords befought the Queen to com- 
 pleat the work ; and at laft Villiers was admitted to the 
 Poft ordered him by the King (6). As foon as he was 
 out of the King’s prefence, he waited upon the Archbifhop, 
 and acknowledging himfelf indebted to him for his good 
 fortune, defired his inftrutftions how to behave. The Pre- rh * 
 late told him, he had three leflons to give him: Firft, to bip,opm. 
 pray without ceafing for the King’s profperity, and ioxfi ruas b ‘ m 
 grace to ferve his mafter faithfully. Secondly, to labour b ‘" 
 
 continually to preferve a good union between the King, Riiftiworth, 
 Queen, and Prince. Thirdly, to tell the King nothing P- 4:7- 
 but truth. Then he caufed him to repeat thefe three lcf- 
 fons before him, to fee if he retained them. The King 
 hearing this, was extremely well pleafed with it, and faid, 
 thefe leffons were truly worthy of a Bifhop. The Queen’s 
 preduftion proved but too true with regard to the Archbi¬ 
 fhop, who was one of the firft to whom Villiers became 
 ungrateful. Mean while, Villiers being come to Court r , y - 
 without a great ftock of money, the King eafily gueffed g.LZ 
 he wanted a fupply. Had it been in his power to follow 1000/ - 
 his inclination, this fupply would have been very confide- ^ iftoric ' 
 rable : but he was himfelf fo deftitute of money, that a c. 33* 
 prefent of a thoufand pounds was all he could fpare at that Cokc * 
 time. 
 
 After Villiers was made Gentleman of the Bed-chamber, 
 feveral Courtiers adhered to him, in hopes he would foon famed* 
 have the advantage of his rival. Others continued firm to * Court. 
 the Earl of Somerfet , whether out of gratitude, or for fear Weldon * 
 
 t Apetb-.rpe in Ncrtbamptor.[hire. Dugdale’i Ban 
 
 ■ 429. 
 
 p. 428. 
 
 (1} It was not at Cambridge that the King firft faw Villi trt, but 
 (2; Blip in by miftake calls him Sir Edward. 
 
 (3) The Lord Clarendon by miftake fays, he was the eldeft. Vol. I. p. 9. S es Dugdale's Barr., 
 
 (4) Mary Beaumont, Daughter to Anthony Beaumont, younger Son to M ill,am Beaumont o( Cole Orton E‘q- was entertvn-d in S' r 
 ma mean Orhce in .he Kuchrn ; but Sir George taking notice of the beautiful and excellent frame of her Pen...’, he IJ\ " , ' 
 
 ■h. Kitchen into he, Ch.mber. My Lid, dying ( Sir Cee.je became fo e„ lm „„„d ^ ' cJ .Jli, d ’.Ih , f, h 
 
 mo /. a year- H. « E , h.d f,.„ . Led,, whofe w „ ££ ,he vlt,’ rf 
 
 as married hrft to Sir lbomat Ray,u r , a „d afterwards to Sit Tbon.a. 
 
 Family, 
 
 Vilhers, by Mary Beaumont. After Sir George's death, 
 
 Bath, C'.h-, p. 80. Dugdale. PVeldon, p. 89. t£c. 
 
 (5) He was about twenty one years old when he returned la England. Ctarend. Tom. I. p. q. At h : 
 rll bc S rrs sljlen s Daughter, but air Jo'.’n Grabam dilfwaded him from marrying, and 
 
 tVel.lon , p. go. 0 
 
 , 6) He was 
 Villa ri. 
 
 Jointure 
 Sit George 
 Compton, Knight of the 
 
 icouraged him t 
 
 into it, April 23. and had a yearly Feifion of a thoufand pounds afligntd him, payable c 
 
 hr.ft c 
 
 0 London he v 
 
 inclin 
 
 : of the Court of Wards. Wotf.ns Lfi c 
 
 of 
 
Vol. II 
 
 188 
 
 .615. 
 
 The. HISTO RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Coke, p. 84. 
 
 The Earl of 
 Somerfct 
 
 Pardon 5 
 
 Wilton. 
 
 p. 698. 
 Hirtoric. 
 Narrat. 
 
 3 *' 
 
 Soke, p. 84. 
 
 •would 71, 
 pafs it. 
 
 oj the Cour. 
 fieri, •with 
 refptft to tb, 
 
 Toe King M 
 informed tf 
 Overbury'a 
 
 /« 3 - 
 
 Weldon, 
 
 • 94- 
 
 wiifon. 
 Franklyn’s 
 
 lie ktctn 
 
 of ruining their fortune by fdlfe conjcfturcs. Two partie 
 therefore were formed at Court, who mutually clafhed upon 
 all occafions. If the King had at once difmiffed Somerfet , 
 all would have been quiet: but he intended to keep both, 
 not fo much out of love to Somerfet, of whom he was ti¬ 
 red, as to avoid the imputation ot inconftancy. Thus the 
 King Hill affefting to (how, he loved his old favorite as well 
 as ever, the Courtiers were greatly embaraffed. But Vti¬ 
 llers daily dole the hearts of the Courtiers and Petitioners 
 from his rival, by his noble and generous way of promoting 
 their Suits. 
 
 Mean while, the Earl of Somerfet perceiving, he daily 
 declined in favour, before all things thought of fecuring 
 himfelf from the danger to which he might be expofed by 
 Overbury s murder. Though he knew the King had noc 
 the fame affection for him as formerly, he hoped, however, 
 as it was not entirely extinguifhed, to obtain what at lead 
 would free him from uneafinefs. So, fpying a favorable 
 opportunity, he caft himfelf at the King’s feet, and repre- 
 fented to him, that having ferved him fome years in a 
 very dangerous port, it was difficult not to fall into fome 
 mifearriages, and therefore befought him to grant him a 
 general Pardon, which might fecure him from the malice 
 of his enemies. The King very readily complied with his 
 requeft, and ordered as ample a pardon as poffible to be 
 drawn. This was accordingly done; but, whether through 
 the ignorance or malice of the perfon who drew the Inftru- 
 ment, the King was made to fay in it, that he pardoned 
 not only all manner of Treafons , Murders , Felonies and Out¬ 
 rages whatever , already committed , but alfo thofe which 
 Jhould be hereafter committed by the Earl of Somerfet (1). 
 The King figned this pardon without any fcruple, and per¬ 
 haps without reading it. But the Lord Chancellor Egerton 
 relufed to put the Seal to it (2), faying, as there had never 
 been an inftance of Inch a Pardon, lie fhould incur a Prec- 
 munire if he palTed it; and when he told the King the 
 reafon of his refufal, he ealily fatisfied him, he could not 
 anfwer fetting the Seal to the Pardon. Nothing was more 
 eafy than to draw another Pardon, without the Claufe dif- 
 liked by the Chancellor: but whether the Queen was a- 
 gainft it, as fome affirm, or Somerfet did not care to dif- 
 covcr too plainly the occafion he had for a Pardon, or the 
 King was now informed of the circumftances of Over bury' s 
 death, nothing more was faid ol it. Indeed, it is likely 
 the King had now fome knowledge of Overbury' s treat¬ 
 ment, but perhaps not fufficient to fatisfy him of the Lari s 
 guilt. However this be, he began his fummer progrefs be¬ 
 fore this affair became publick. 
 
 The King’s diffimulation with refpeft: to his two favo¬ 
 rites, held the tourt in continual fufpenfe. Many were 
 afraid of adhering to Villicrs, leaf! his credit was not yet 
 firmly cftablifhcd. Others declared openly againft Somerfet , 
 in order to make a merit of it with the new favorite. 11 in- 
 wood was one of thefe, and affefted, upon all occafions, to 
 oppofe the Earl of Somerfet, who had it not in his power 
 to be revenged. During the whole progrefs, there were 
 many difputes and quarrels between the two parties, to the 
 King’s great difguft. At length, the fatal blow was given, 
 at the Court’s return to Royflon. 
 
 Franklin , who adminiftred the poifoned clyfter to Over¬ 
 bury, made ufe, to compofe it, of one Reeve an Apothe¬ 
 cary’s boy, who was afterwards fent into Flanders , or 
 perhaps run away from his mailer. 1 his Reeve being at 
 Flufhing , where fome bufmefs had brought Sir 11 1 lliam 
 Trumbull his Majefty’s Envoy at Brujfels , got acquainted 
 with fome of his fervants, and whether unadvifedly or with 
 defign, informed them of what he knew concerning 0 - 
 verbury's death (3). The fervants telling their mailer what 
 they had heard, he examined Reeve himfelf, and drawing 
 from him what he defired, found means to detain him at 
 his houfe. Then, he writ to IVinwood , defiring him to 
 obtain the King’s leave for him to come to England , be- 
 caufe he had fome things to reveal, which he could not truft 
 to paper. Leave being granted, he acquainted IVinwood 
 with what he had learned (4), and IVinwood told it the 
 King, who commanded them both to keep it private till 
 further orders. 
 
 Some time after, the King being returned to London, 
 wanted to reconcile his two favorites, to be freed from the 
 mportunities occafioned by their contefts, and 
 
 161; 
 
 table expedient, by obliging Villicrs to make the lirff ad¬ 
 vances, and defire the Earl of Somcrjet's favour and pro¬ 
 tection. To that purpofe, he ordered Sir Humphrey Alay, 
 
 Somerfet's creature, but who (Lowed great refpeft for l ii- 
 liers, to tell the Earl, as of himfelf, that he was credibly 
 informed, Villicrs would come and defire his friendfhip and 
 protection, and advifed him to receive him civilly, and that 
 by giving the King this token of his compliance, he would 
 ltill be very much in favour, though he was not to fir/ter 
 himfelf with reigning alone in the Kings afieftion. Sir 
 Humphrey May having difcharged his Commiffion, and 
 perceiving the Earl of Somerfet unwilling to foi ow rns ad¬ 
 vice, was at length forced to tell him in plain terms, that 
 what he had faid was by the King’s order, and warned him 
 to confider ferioufly the confequence of a refufhl. About 
 half an hour after, Villicrs came to the Earl’s, and ufed 
 thefe very words: My Lord , / defire to be your Servant 
 and Creature, and to take my Court prefer mini untie r your 
 Lordjhip's favour, and your Lordfhip Jhall find me as faithful 
 a Servant as ever did jerveyou. To tins fo fubmiffive a 
 compliment, the Earl returned this (hort and quick anfwer, 
 
 I will have none of your fervice, and you Jhall have none of 
 my favour. I will , ij I can, break your neck, and of that 
 be confident. Thefe words very much exafperated the King, 
 who from that inftant refolvcd to be rid of the Earl of 
 Somerfet. 
 
 It is hard to guefs whether, fuppofing the Earl of Somer¬ 
 fet had behaved with more condefcenfion to the King, and 
 been reconciled to Villicrs , Overbury 's affair would have 
 been buried in eternal oblivion. This feems at lead to be 
 the courfe the King had refolvcd to take, if the Earl had 
 been inclined to do what he defired. Be this as it will, 
 the King being come to Royflon, to begin his winter pro¬ 
 grefs, expreffed no difpleafure againft Somerfet, but lived 
 with him as he was wont, without the leaft fign of any 
 alteration in his friendftiip. But fome days after, he lent in Somerfet 
 the night a meflenger to Lord Chief Juiticc Coke, with a a ff'j b ' t J t 
 letter, ordering him to make a Warrant to apprehend the reft of the 
 Earl of Somerfet at Royfion , and his Countcf. at London, Compl.cn f 
 with Franklin , IVeflon, Mrs.Turner, and Sir Ctrvafi Lkvays, 1 
 
 Lieutenant of the Tower. The meflenger was lent back wur-n, 
 to Royfion at four a-clock in the morning, with an Officer M- ^ 
 of juftice to execute the Warrant. At his arrival, the . jh , jf, 
 Officer found the King with his arms about Somerfet 's neck, extreme 
 who was juft going to London, and affeftionately fay- 
 ing to him, When Jhall 1 fee thee again Somerfet (5) r At p 1C , ’ 
 that very inftant the Officer arrefted the Earl by Sir Ed¬ 
 ward's Warrant, who exclaimed, that fuch an affront was 
 never offered to a Peer of the realm in the King’s prefence. 
 
 The King feigning ignorance, and asking what was tne 
 matter, (aid jettingly, Nay, man, there is no remedy, fr if 
 Coke fends for me I mufi go. Then accompanying him to 
 the Heps before the door, he defired him, as he was going 
 down, to return fpeedily, faying, he could not live without 
 him. As foon as Somerfet was in his ’i 
 
 faid, in the hearing of lbme perfons, who told it again 
 afterwards, Now the deelgo with thee , I will never jee thy 
 face more. If this be true, it inuft be owned, it was a 
 needlefs and very ft range diffimulation: but King fames 
 took delight in tilings of this natuic. 
 
 At his coming to London , the Earl 0! Somrjet was fent 7ie King’s 
 to the Tower (6j, his Countcfs, and the left of the com- ' ’ " 1 
 
 plices, having been arrefted and committe 1, whdft he was 
 
 . thofe of their adherents. He thought he had found a no¬ 
 
 on the road. ~ The fame day. Chief Juftice Coke going to 
 Royfion, the King told him all lie had heard from Trumbull, P* s 7 % 
 and enjoined him, with all poffible ferutiny, to fearch into vv eia™. 
 the affair, without partiality or refpeft of perfons. He p. 100. 
 concluded with faying, God's curfe be upon you and yours, 
 f you Jpare any of them : And God’s curfe be upon me and 
 mine , if I pardon any one of them. 
 
 Coke receiving fuch drift orders, was very aftivc in the 7 be guilty 
 affair. Nay, fome pretend, he was too aftive, and that condemn- 
 finding in the Earl of Somerfet' s papers, indications of his cxtm 
 being concerned in the death of Prince Henry , he had not Truth 
 the prudence to conceal them However this be, mod of brought to 
 the parties accufed were tried in Ottobcr and November , and billon, 
 being found guilty, were condemned and executed (7). P , 699. ) 
 
 Sir Thomas Monfon , who was alfo arrefted, appeared twice 
 before the Judges, and at the fecond time Coke received a p> *j jT’ 
 note from the King, which obliged him to fend back the 
 prifoner to the 'Lower, with thefe words, Take him away. 
 
 Weldon, 
 p. 97, 98. 
 
 (,) The Pardon was drawn by Sir Robert Cotton, and this Ciaufe taken out of a Bull granted by the Pope to Cardinal Wo!fey. Coke. H i Narrat, 
 ft) mtfon fays, that the Queen prevailed with the Chancellor not to let the Pardon pafs the Great Seal, till after the King’s return to London ; by which 
 
 1 the Tow, 
 
 md whom he 
 
 tunc me affair ,-f Overbury wa: become quite publick, p. 69S. 
 
 13) Rerve falling fick at F/ulbing dilcevcred the whole matter. Wi/fon, p. 698. 
 
 (41 Win-wood himfelt got the firft Information of this horrible Bulinefs, from the Countcfs of Sbrenvsbury, then 
 frequently ufed to vifit : who had been told of it by Sir Gervaie El-ways. Weldon, p. 93. , , nnr r until 
 
 (V The words at length, as related by Weldon, were, “ For God’s fake when Aral! 1 lee thee again? On my Soul, I Ihal c .her eat nor .,c.p ; , urn. 
 .< you come again.” The Earl fid him on Monday, ( this being on the Friday, ) for Gud's fake, (hall 1 , (hall I • Then Mled ab >n h.. . m. . 
 for God's fake, give thy Lady this kifs tor me : In the fame manner at the Stairs head, and at the middle, and foot ot the Stans, p. K>... • v 
 /6) He was at full, on 0Bober 18. committed to the Cuflody of Dr. Mountain Dean ot Weftmmfter. Camden ,Ar.r.. 
 
 I,) IVfc.n wast.ied and condemned, 0Bober ,9. 23. Mrs. Turner, November g. Sir Ger-vaje Ehuayi, ( or llebwyjfe, 
 
 ’ 16. Franktyn, Ncrvembtr __ Weflen was executed November Z 5. Ann Burner November 14. Franklyn .. .. 
 
 ‘ “ - n Tower- bill, November 20, So? Truth brought to light, »- *■-«-’ CQ - State-. . Vo.. I. 
 
 all at Tyburn. And Sir Gervafe Elivayi 0 
 
 .s he himfelf writ 
 Franktyn, about the beginning of Dm 
 —J59. State-T'-ah, Vol. 1. 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 24. JAMES I. 
 
 >615. 
 
 WeMon, 
 
 189 
 
 The Earl of 
 Somerfet’r 
 
 ZZYrTf h-mof a h,gher nature. It is chiefly infilled upon by others, or abfolutely deny fafe, ,6,, 
 
 ' JWh 'r j i ' T^T day ’ f , he ™ fi “”E °" ;h«= which the others advance as inconteflabie. Some there are 
 Bench, God knows what bream, oftlatfweet babe Prsnee whofe aim was to give a very ,1] idea of the manners and 
 Henry, but I know fimmhat , and then flopped fhort. qualities of this Prince, whilft others reprefeht him as a 
 lh„ gave occasion to t unic he had made feme difcovcry very wife, juft and religious King. Some penned his 
 concerning the Pr,neeis death (, Reign while' the Civil Wars raged in England, ot when 
 
 Ssmm [ Mafia J fervant to Monfin who had been cm- the Monarchy was changed into a Common-wealth 
 ployed to carry a podoned tart to Overbuy being hkewife Thefe thought to do their Country Service, in demonftra- 
 
 nrought before the Court, the Judge tod to him, Simon, ting, that the projefl of enflaving England was begun in 
 
 thou hadjl a hand m thts poifomng bufmefs. No, m) goo,l the Reign of James I. and purfued in that of Charles I 
 
 i *U ! *" nm ) V l u °"‘f n e ,r r " 1 "’ M ‘ Others wrote after tire Reiteration of Charles II. when 
 
 eojl me all my hair and nails. He had, rt feems, out of the Civil Wars were ftiied an unnatural Rebellion and 
 hquarrlhnefs, as he was carrying the tart, tailed with his when the fear of falling under an arbitrarv Government 
 huger a Intie of the fyrup. 1 h.s ingenuous anfwer caufed was termed chimerical. Hence arifes the diSculty of makiiw 
 him to be acquired: tor ,t was thought he would not a choice amidft all the contrarieties between the Hilloriam 
 
 Tl e THftoffheT’ar! f J T™ a . Unha PP ;1 y th = panics < 1,11 fubiil! with .he fame pre- 
 
 T he 1 1 i-l of,he Earl ot Some,Jet and his Countefs was de- judiccs. So there is little hopes of feeing an impartial Hif- 
 
 v,w. [ errcdt0 th' nextyear 16,6 (a) but not to be obliged tory of England , from the beginning of King James the 
 *fJ Tr ’- r,L T If a#alr ’ 1 ^ a , rcla c tc hc , rc , the crrcumftances FirJTs Reign, to our time. J et a H,dorian tl'irn which 
 
 Weis™. oftheTna . F we may believe §rr Anthony Weldon, Au- way foever he pleafes, he will be loot’d upon as partial by 
 
 thor of a little Book entitled. The Court and Character of one or other of the two faflions. This fa a remark abj 
 Kang James which is properly but a Satir, the King bad lately neceflary as well for the faeft I have juft mentioned 
 allured the Earl of Smerfet he Ihould not be brought to a as for the whole Reign of James I. and dill more for the 
 TriaL For this reafon, when George More Lieutenant of following. 
 
 the Tower came and told him, he mult prepare for his To finiih what relates to the Earl and Countefs of So- Wilfcr 
 Inal on the morrow he anfwered, That poftttvely he me,fa, l Ihall briefly add, that their Love which had in-P 6 99- 
 would not appear .inlets he was carried by force in his gaged them to commit fuch abominable deeds, turned at 
 bed The fame-Author adds, the King be, ng formed of lafl to hatred. They-lived together many years in ore 
 it, fent him word, he could not hinder his appearing be- houfe, as ftrangers to each other, and at lad the Cmintefi 
 f 0re ,C J ud E es > b f w “ uld prevent the palling any fen- died of an uncommon difeafe (4). The Earl lived long 
 PWi. £*» “P“" By this artifice, fays Weldon, the enough ( s ) ,0 fee his Daughter mairied ,0 the Duke of Bed- 
 
 V I 7 " , P - rc 7 r ed J' th “ a PP. car ,‘ n Court > wbere h = >4 who had by her the Lord Ruff,l, beheaded n the 
 A»,i; pleaJed in his defence Irom eight in the morning, till liven Reign of Charles II. 
 
 m the evening, when contrary to his expeaation, fen- Arabella Stuart, Firft-Coufin to the King died in the &">•/• 
 *T of death was palled upon him, as guilty of Overt,,- Tower the ayth of September 16,;, a liftle before the 
 ry 5 murder. The fame Author fays, the King was ter- Trial of the Complices of Overbury’ s murder Many fee 5 “'1 
 
 i.biy ur.cafy all that day, neither was he at reft till the ing that on occafion of thefe Tryals, Prince Henry’s ^death p “ ’ 
 
 relMing^'f 0 7 condcm " i “ mn : Tb j s Author's aim, m began to be talked of afrelh, imagined this Kinfwoman 
 
 relating thefe and many other circumftances, was to infi- his Maieftv mi?ht alfo he mifnnpH Tine ; \ * r P 7 ° 2 ‘ 
 
 nuate ,Mt the King was afraid the Ear.of So’merfet, ,0 fave hleVva'ed, 
 
 ml r 7 rbVr Vra f “ mC feCretS , he h , ad 3 mmd t0 con - leaft infinuated, without any ojhcr foundation than this no- 
 }’ *“ thefe r ' c . reta “Plumed, and probably are licious report, grounded upon the chimerical prelect in the r "a" 
 
 , b d f T d l ny th e in ?. fr ™' ^ "f & prefent R P eig„, of ferring ZS on fcW&to 
 
 Ihe Lari of Somerfet, he would never have brought him to Throne. She was daughter of Charles Stewart younger 
 a Tryal, or commanded the Judge to examine him ftrifl- Brother to Henry his Majelly’s Father Confequcntlv 
 m d Ne a e heefs ’ '^^eldon be fat,rlcal ’ and 'here is (he could have but very remote* pretenfions to the Crowds 
 ' ° Z„" d wh g f T n hls Kfi™° n y. Pome truth however ap- of England and Scotland, whicli James enjoyed not by the 
 
 die Earl of So,tlfet’ ’ Z 8 " T d “ a ’ ^ T '‘' C ° f tl,C S "™ ar ‘ Famil >'> ° f which he was by the 
 
 this Sr f! S "f f a :0nde “ ni ““on. fh°ws there was in Father’s fide, but by his Mother Queen Mary’s rigJt to 
 rt, Cur, 6 h i The r r C r rCU ? a ^ nCe f by , wh,ch L he was embarafled. whom Arabella was only a very diftant reladon ° The 
 r. c F°“'j ^ l° f S °T^“n. bcm S f brou S ht before the King therefore muft have carried his fufpicions beyond ill 
 
 ’ P m ¥ u WUh , “a iWer ° f ,CarS ’ which "ifel imagination, to refolve ,0 poifon this relation a7a time 
 May =+. tome compaffion in her Judges, but however, hindered when there was no commotion either in England or Set 
 ™i,s„„.n-[T' r0m be,n § condemned ,0 die as well as her Lord, land, and when lhe was afluX ii prito, The of 
 liewed !",? 8 q anKd tlK . m a re P neve > wb,cb , w u as of«l> rc - her difgrace was, her privately efpouling without tire King's 
 T , uk newed till the year .62,, when they had liberty to go confent. Sir W,Ilian, Seymour, Grandfon of h Ea 1 of 
 
 s ^.'XirferST^iT'; 5 :r ,o T rb r gre,e z for wh;ch ^ k; "s ^ 
 
 "T"; befo e the Ki g's d^arh P^d + ’ " a f °u Ur ““I*? T ° WCr ’ from whe " ce fomc time after, they made their ef- *'nP'd»' 
 ter 7 h- Eafi of WG I ' T Af ’ ^ with imCnt t0 % >»«> Franco. Seymour had the good 
 
 -- hun four whict'l S ^ “r^^j ™ ^ ?>“ ^ 
 
 D,.,b J ‘he Clnef Juftice whilft he was tryrng Sir Thomas Mon- new Favorite behaved in much the fame manner as hi- sT 
 „ Jin, Coke s imprudent words concerning Prince Henry, and Predeceflhr. He buffered himfelf a fi r ft to be guided bv 
 
 " oZfi „ f r K it 7 thefe - ,hi, ’ ES V I fUCh » ** ^ a " d .^^“ie'Ld'Iarfhim 7 
 
 call °" to k,n ? J am,i s enemies to infinuate, felf: But in time he thought himfelf the moft able nerfm 
 
 intheKi, ’ 8d0 “- His M care wZo dSs bv degrees 
 ,11 ,Lr “Prince Henry s death. But, befides the Earl of Somerfefs creatures, and confer the D lace“ on 
 tha all thefe crcumftances could at moft only form a bare his own relations and friends. Nothing moreZterM was 
 AmHft P th ’ Wh ° Ca ? afErm ‘ hem bc al1 P recif ely true? tranfafted at Court for fome years, excL the two ufuai af 
 v^fof KinrCrrlZ'-T'd “> ^ Kn of this Reign, wherei^ the’p“motion^ 7 to »£ 
 
 truth Some 8 ^fs over i fi] hard t0 kn0 " dlftmAly the p avonte made no alteration. I mean the advancement of 
 trath. Some pafs over m filence particulars which are the Prerogative Royal, and the methods of railing money 
 
 111. Prii.cr-1, death ] mtju, ,. ’ P "* h “ «• ™». “ >» «*■*, » Ovate,/,, [ i„ «v,„ 6t 
 
 *f! WM 9 PP« 1 ".‘< **•*»«<»ftp, 
 
 si Tp' ^ 5 a 
 
 Houfe. J > P‘ 8 3 - or m Comfl. Htjl. p. 699. She died in Augufl 23. 1632. in the Lord Vifcount WalLniford't 
 
 being fief, 
 ftefltd rc 
 
 yindicjticr. 
 
 le they a 
 
 (6) Sir m <hC Panft Chur ' h of St - PauVs Covert! Garden. Dudgdale's Baron, Vol. fi. p. 426. 
 
 pointed to meet at a certain Xe Iln S TZ ™ Tower, but Arabella was confined to her Houle at Higbgatl After feme ti. 
 
 the. Tower in difguife and came to the nla “ fl ’. In 01 t0 % beyond Sea. He leaving his Man in his Bid to sdl his part with his Keeper got out < 1 
 limited time, he wen't away, leaving word" \f%Tctme^h’ drellid r > oun 5 Gallant, followed him from her Hr.ufc, but happening to flay’ beyond the 
 nnd fent to the Tower. After her defth -Sir’^it goTkaJe tTcamcL^Z *? A f She ’ ^ lag6ing ln h " fii 6 hc > w « -P^hended 
 
 p- 702. got leave to come home, and married afterwards the Lady Franeet , Sifter to the Earl of FJfex. JF./fcn, 
 
 Bemdj„\ h ' 0 ”“ "ctTir Hlrf '- ,nl1 7 U, 1 7- Knight of th.G.rl.r. The Kinj beliowed upon him the bell p„t of 
 
 No - S 3 - Vol. 11 . ' - P- ■ 
 
 ODD Without 
 
I 90 
 
 1616. 
 
 K)K£ . 
 J^gei an 
 
 Annals, 
 
 i 7 . 
 
 Camd. A 1 
 
 Anmlt, 
 
 p. 17. 
 
 ■IK C 
 decide, 
 
 the Ki 
 Annali 
 
 The HI sro RY of ENGLAN D. 
 
 Vol. 11. 
 
 a (harp c 
 
 nteft, 
 
 . The fir ft of thcfc two points 
 Oil, between the King and the 
 (he occalion whereof was this. 
 
 Commendam a vacant 
 
 giv 
 
 Judges 
 
 The K.n b —, o 
 
 Church (I), it was deputed in the Court oi Common -1 
 »<only whether the King might give a Commendam to a 
 Uifhop, either before or alter ins Confecration, but al.o 
 ' whe'her Cmmndams were to be granted without neceffitv. 
 
 The chief Juftice of the Common-Pleas finding the calc 
 , difficult to be decided, defired to have it farther argued by 
 all the Jedges, as is ufually done in nice points. I he 
 Kin?, who was at Royjlon , being informed of it, com¬ 
 manded his Attorney-General [Bacon] to fignify by Let¬ 
 ters to a ll the Judges, that they fhould defer the determina¬ 
 tion of the affair till his return. Notwithftanding this or¬ 
 der, the | idges mu and argued the cafe. _ After which, 
 thev unanimoufly figned a writing, declaring they could 
 not obey the King’s" order, becaufe they were fworn to 
 have ,,o ic-ard to the King’s orders or letters, in matters 
 concerning private perfons (z). The King, exafperated at 
 their proceedings, writ them, that it was not his intent to 
 (top the coutie of Juftice, but however lie would not en¬ 
 dure, that under colour of determining cafes between pri¬ 
 vate perlhns, they fhould attack the Prerogative Royal, or 
 That any Perfon fhould be allowed to difpute or argue on that 
 head: That the argument drawn from their oath was 
 
 with fomc emotion, whether they had done web or ill, 1616. 
 he would ■ Pr< to be conteftcd. In 
 
 fine, the J 1 '■ the nim fl> 
 
 determined tlie cafe in favour of the iv.ug 
 
 This affair made great node among the People. They 
 who were already prejudiced againft the King* faid, it 
 war. evident he intended to reign with an ahlolute power . 
 
 That not only he Contemned the determinations of the 
 Judges, but would not fo much as endure that his Piero- 
 gative fhould be argued, and pretended to be foie Judge of 
 the extent of his own authority. But others admired his 
 courage in maintaining the Prerogatives of the Crown. 
 
 It was not long before Coke felt the cltcifts of the King s CJcc.r 
 wrath. The Chief Juftice having brought a complaint in 
 the Star-Chamber againft the Lord Chancellor hilefmere, p 70]i ’ 70 ^ 
 concerning an Order iilued out of the Court of Chancery, c- ke, 
 and having loft his ( uife , wherein he was accufed, 
 
 1. Of having wrongfully attacked the Lord Chancellor (9,. 
 
 2. Of having [when Attorney-General] concealed a Sta¬ 
 tute of twelve thoufand pounds due to the King from the 
 late Lord-Chancellor Hatton. ,. Of having faid in open 
 Court, that his Majefty was labouring to overthrow the 
 Common-Law of England. 4. Oi having behaved very 
 infolently to the King, in the cafe of Cmmendams. 
 
 The Lord Treafurer upbraided him likewile before the 
 Council, for differing Ins coachman to drive him bare- 
 
 Privilege not granted even 11 the Lord Chan- 
 
 Predeceflors, only L . . 
 
 [.to the Prince,] and not to give the Judges authority to 
 determine in points of Prerogative. He concluded with a 
 peremptory command, not to proceed till they had confulled 
 
 "Tt mu ft be obferved that in this letter, the King fup- 
 pofed two or three Principles, which neither the Judges, 
 nor the generality of the Nation did admit. 
 
 The fir ft, 
 
 ££$&&& tf&S X himfelf. As .he King was difpteafed with him, this 
 
 ft . 1 .1 r 1_ -...1—was fufficient to turn him out of his place, whicli was 
 
 given to Sir Henry Montague. Coke was extremely well Hove., 
 verfed in the Common Laws of England , of which he 
 wrote a Book highly efteemed, and which is daily cited 
 in the Courts of Juftice, and the High-Court of Parlia¬ 
 ment (10). But as he was one of thofe who fufpe&ed 
 the King of afpiring to arbitrary Power, and thought it 
 that no perfon had a right to argne concerning the extent his duty to oppofe it. he could no. be agreeable to the 
 
 ".V: ,jrJ Eu ‘!"“ r .‘ ■■ftl'd.d 
 
 ‘ ' V . Se and commonly did decide the quef- taken fo ill, as ... defparr of being able to continue the ,,, r „ p 
 
 were alone to deck, , J [ha , t |,e funflions of his Office, def.red the lying to confer it on • c„..- 
 
 oaTh taken’“b “he jTdges at their admittance into their another (, i) But the King, without granting hisrequeft, - ; 
 
 □fe w enUed ly fhc King his Predeceffon, to avoid lent for the Seal, tdhng h,m, he would hunfe be his 
 
 ?h= fofficitadon of Suitors, whereas it was the common Deputy. And indeed, he kept he Great-Seal t,l EII.J- 
 thc loin ta ‘ons ot » • |b j ^ t u j t0 difobey death, which was not till March the next year. 
 
 r"KinSLetters, was given them by the whole Nation After that, Sit Francis Baa, Attorney-General, was "tade n™ 
 the King s inters,, & V . ; j Dle was . Lord Keeper, and then Chancellor. He was a man of 
 
 that 6 nothing^oudit to be decided (4) without confulting great abilities as appears in his works, but a fervik flat- wilfon. 
 him that is to lav, their determination was to be founded terer, cringing to thofe who were in favour, and very u ., n j 
 him, tnat is tojay, ^ lf . . u.. .„i„ ,i„. haughty to fuch a> he believed he (hould not want (12). 
 
 Prince Charles the King’s only (on, was created this 
 year (1 ’,) Prince of Wales, with the ufual folemnities. The 
 King thought of marrying him, but it was not eaiv to find ,y Wa)| . e> 
 a Princefs fit for him. There was never a Proteftant Novem. 4. 
 
 and his Father could ,,ub - 
 
 King’s daughter. p '' yl *l 
 
 *30, &C 
 
 1 amone other things, that fince his acceffion to Princefs of royal extraction in Europe, 
 th = Crown of England, he had obferved that MW; "f'hk & - tin fo difficult: but w.u. 
 
 s extremely nice on this occafion. He p- 7°: 
 
 nim, tnat is iay, —.. A 
 
 upon what he (hould himfelf enjoin. People for the rnoit 
 part affirmed, the King would thereby eftablifti a new 1 re- 
 rogative unheard of in England. , 
 
 The King being returned to London , fent for all the Judges 
 to the Council-Table, and reprimanded^themjeverely. He 
 told then 
 
 /n of Ergla 
 
 lt.rs at the Bar (5), took the liberty to argue 
 
 nf the Prerogative-Royal, which on that pretence, was for his part, hew.. , . , 
 
 1 nnn !nd it was the fudges buf.nefs to bridle would have thought it a d.fparagement to the 1 rmce h,s 
 trampLd upon, and • Then fpeakir.g Son to marry the Daughter of any German 1 mice. He I 
 
 IflheSr hc had fen. them, he imperioufly told then,: chofe rather, contrary to all the rules of good policy, to 
 there was no reafon that could excufe their non-compli- feek him a wife in a Hoi 
 ance (6). 'I 
 
 , ifted the Judges, who chofe rather to give 
 
 TV" ■' T'l ffifconttalyloLaw Ite^’rVnoV'tD fource o! the reft of the occurrences of this Reign and of 
 tome'Ht mluftng to S ob=y it/ Whereupon the King faid all the vexations JW had to endure, as well .rout 
 
 ’/ 
 
 Son to marry the Daughter of any German 
 all the rules of gc 
 
 , reafon that could cxcule tneir non-comp,i- — .a ..... . -f fworn enemy to the Proteftant A 
 
 n L,.A manner of expreffi.g himfelf ter- Religion, than to marry him to one of hi. own Rd®on, .. 
 
 »h S o chofe rather to give my than ref.ft who wa. not ropUy ■Hoanfed.. Hg luk.oa,. g 
 maintained, that may be allowed the expreflion, is to be com.dered as the 
 
 Ijke fjys, a vacant Bidioprick. When a P.nfon < 
 
 , ■ TO .1 I... !« . ...I ... binlii it tn 
 
 fi) Rafm bv r 
 
 K5n( i “■ • -•■■•■ 
 
 They told the King their Oath was, ‘[bat in caje . 
 
 p ' (V The Judges themfelvcs in their anfwer to the King’s 
 ward 111. and 25. Henry Vlll. Jnnah, p. 17. 
 
 1„ matters of Prep gitivc- See the King’s Letter, 
 
 (;) And in the Parliament-Hoofe- Annali , p- 1 7* 
 
 , He d them, deferring upon juft and necetTaty Caufe, v 
 Chief juftice CAe affirmed, that his Majcfty’s ft ay was a delay 
 l7 ) That the King's dcllring the Judge. 
 c : nun,tarrs, it was agiecd by the Judgef 
 e having 
 
 made a Bifhop, there i- 
 
 cf lii‘> Benefice by the Pr imction 
 y them, hut !'■ proceed to Juftice. 
 
 Order by the Attorney General, built their Non-compHu.ee upon two A£ls of f 
 
 Annuls, p. 17- 
 
 and therefore his Order was not againft Law, 
 
 I was not againft the Judges Oath, or the Common-Law 
 
 Oith. 
 
 not delaying of Juftict 
 Juftice. Annuli, p. iS. 
 flop Proceedings till they had conlultcd him, was 
 to draw the King’s Power into doubt. Annali. 
 ft'™; aramvned a Caafe at Ommm t». (™ «*» *• 'J-rt w M. 1 
 
 ,h. re 4T„j;,ri'incapable rf .,p»rl,, 8l ) ,h, Pl.in.illi ,hi„kia 6 ihanthl.n bt-rM ,ha Bvta.U 
 
 , ,. .. i__ .K- I ...a i'hanr»ll.,r t, ir ( onrempt committed i hem to I i o i. l ricy petal, nco ...... 
 
 The Chancellor applies to the King, who lent t, 
 
 "mg to Equity, after Judgment at t»m- 
 Judgment at Common-Law, and many 
 704. 
 
 dants, ana Uiercujr ..-v-r-- >r 
 
 the Orders of that Court; whereupon the Lord C hancellor tor C. 
 ....... r ,1:. - ...irlt ilirm and threatninp rhe Chanc 
 
 ' fft | a f-hitt Juftice joining with them, and threatning the Chancellor with a Prgmumn. The Chance or app '«•;* 
 
 ’ K ^ fetch fur Precedents Of fuch as complained in Chancery an were reheve acc ,rdm 
 
 ,n n Law. They returned anl'wer, That it had been the conftant Praftice ever face Henry rfie We T l , J 
 
 n s „ r Execution. Upm which C.ie is worfled, and brought upon his Knee:, at the Council-Tab e. ■ fn, p. 7°4 
 o Thw was tl whole Caufe. The reft of -he Articles were added to it in order to humble him. h ,lj>n, p. ,o y 
 v9 , This was /he whole cauie.^ fevera , Volumes of Rep ,t,. See. He is accufed d.fcuermg i 
 
 s made drunk fy ihe De 
 The Defend mts retu ed 
 
 0 Sir Fr j 
 
 ( 9 | - e 
 
 Bench! and o^ading 'he part of a Pleader rather than a Judge. His Pleadings - 
 
 - . ia - time talk an innocent Perfon to death ; for there never was feen fuch a heap ot Inloler 
 
 5c. tFilftn, p. 705- 
 (II) He was on Nnvtmb 
 
 it.inhope Baron ,.t hbrlfcrd. 
 aranr de ir-S. 0. ^ 
 
 r -. this year created Vifcount Bradley. 
 Howes, p- 1026. IVeldon fays, Vilhen 
 
 much Paffi'n and Preio. 
 
 : WalUnyford ; and 5 
 
 aofed the Seal t 
 
 (12) Weldon lay: 
 bale and ungrateliil T irpu , ar 
 he was lor him, he had obtain' 
 mu, h be,, 
 
 ( 1 3 ) 
 
 The ift. of Nos 
 
 this MelTage to Bacon when he was made Lord-Keeper That he kne 
 arrant Knave, apt in his Pn-fpcrity to ruin any that had railed hm 
 him the Seals ; but wall this AlVurance, fhould he ever riquite h:m 
 had now .wiled him above any Honour he could ever have exp-ffcd, p 11;. 
 nljtr. Others fay, the 4th. Rapin. 
 
 Foreitmer? 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 24. J A M E S I. 
 
 1616. 
 
 Franklin' 
 
 Annuls. 
 
 Wilfon. 
 
 1616. 
 
 i(K A lot 
 
 I p - 5& ' , 
 
 I Ruihworth, 
 
 T. I. P . 1. 
 
 Anna!?.. 
 
 Foreigners as his own Subjects. It may be Airther added, derived from the Crown, had left his Son as rich as any 
 this maJe him better known than before, and in a Peer in the Kingdom. The Earl of Northampton, younger 
 manner nor to his advantage. He would have married his brother of the late Duke of Norfolk, had built a ftately 
 elic'ft Son Prince Henry, To Anne of Aujlria , who after- Palace in London (3), lince called Northumberland-Houfe, 
 
 wards efpoufed Lewis XIII, King of Fiance : but having and left a vaft inheritance tohisnephewtheEarlofo/rw?:- 
 
 at laft difeovered, that the Court of Spain carried on the del, though he had little or nothing from his Family. The 
 negotiation only to amufe him, he gave over his defign. Earl of Suffolk, youngeft Son of the Duke of Norfolk, had 
 The French Kira’s marriage being folemnized this year built a country Seat, which coft above two hundred thou- 
 
 i6ih "fames lent Ambaffadors to France and Spain to fand pounds, 2nd he did not, as may be judged, expend 
 
 congratulate the two Kings. The Lord Hay a Scotchman his whole fubftance on this ftru&ure (4). The Duke of 
 was chofen for the French Embaffy (1), and the Lord Lenox , the Earl of Dunbar , the Lord Hay, had remitted 
 R fs for the Spaniflj. They had both orders to found the great lums into Scotland , and Sir Henry Rich, afterwards 
 two Courts concerning the Prince of Wales's marriage, with Earl of Holland, though a younger Son, had found means 
 the Princefs eldelt Siller of Lewis XIII, or with the In- to raife an immenfe Plftatc. Amidft all thefe Favorites fo 
 
 ianta Maria Daughter of Philip III. The Lord Hay rich and powerful, the King was in extreme want, con- 
 
 sickly found, his negotiation would be fruitlefs, ft nee the tinually giving more than he could afford, and running 
 princefs of France was already promifed to the Prince of into needlefs expences, without ever regulating his Trea- 
 Picdmont, Son to the Duke of Savoy. fury. To all this was added a new Favorite, who be-Coke. 
 
 He „r otves Whilft thefe things were in agitation, and before the ing no lefs greedy than the reft, was alfo to be inriched,®"“jj° ni 
 |/4r riUpa- J j0r( j Rofs’s arrival in Spain, Sir John Digby, his Majcfty’s and had a numerous Kindred, whom he did not mean to 
 
 Inilh Maul. Ambaffador to Philip IIJ, writ to the King, that the Duke leave in want (5). Another effedt of the King’s great wif- 
 
 | Annals, ^ ^ er , m had made an overture of a marriage between the dom was, to quarrel with his Parliament, in fupport of 
 Infanta Maria and the Prince of Wales, and defired pri- a Prerogative which he would have carried higher than any 
 vate Inftrudions on that head. He advifed him however of his Predeceffors, and thereby put himfelf under a necef- 
 not to break off the negotiation with France, for fear the fity of ufing means to raife money, which could not but 
 Duke of Lerma’s offer ftiould be an artifice to render him alienate from him the love of his People. Laftly, let us 
 fiifpe&ed to the Proteftants. James could the lefs doubt of add his weaknefs, in fuffering himfelf always to be fo 
 v i r Digby’s fufpicion being well grounded, as Sir Dudley Carle- governed by his Favorites, that he could not, or would 
 toil his Ambaffador at the Hague had told him, that to not, fee but with their eyes. At th“ time I am now 
 weaken the good intelligence between him and the States- fpeaking of, his Cabinet-Council confided folely of the 
 General, a report was fpread, that the Prince of Wales ’s new Favorite, a young man without experience, through 
 marriage with the Infanta of Spain was on foot, and now whofe hands never any affair of moment had parted, and 
 far advanced. But he took no notice of this intelligence, who, notwithftanding, thought himfelf the moll able man 
 fbe w On the contrary, he fent orders to Sir John Digby to be- in the Kingdom (6). The Earl of Suffolk was more verfed 
 
 nilh March j n the negotiation with Spain. At the fame time, [Don in affairs, though he was never counted a great genius: 
 
 Kiuhv ^n, Diego di Sarrnientos] Count Gondcmar , the Spanijh Ambaf- but he was now upon the decline of his Favour, Villiers 
 T. 1. j.. 2.' fad or in England, received a Commiifion to treat with the being far from fupporting the Earl of SomerfeV s Father-in- 
 King concerning the marriage. Law. Bacon, Lord-Keeper, was well verfed in the Laws 
 
 jamMii*- After James had taken this refolution, he could not con- of the Land, and capable of giving good advice : but he 
 '"!*!‘if? ceal his extreme defirc to accomplifh this marriage. Hence made it his whole ftudy to adapt himfelf to the King’s hu- 
 | Court oj gaveoccafion to the Spaniard, who had then no defign mour, and make his court to the Favorite. 
 
 to treat ferioufly of this affair, to feign that he paffionate- The only affair which then employed the King and his Hegivtiup 
 ly wifhed to conclude it to his fatisfa&ion, and to draw Minifters, was to find money, and in plenty too, other- 
 
 from his readinefs, coniidcrable advantages for the Houfe wife the King would have led a fad life. But ail means yj !bc rhlr j 
 
 of Aujlria and the Catholick Religion. By means of this Teemed to have been exhaufted, and a Parliament could pane/ -what 
 fame defire it was, that Count Gondemar, a man of great not fafely be called, the wound of the imprifoned Mem- 
 abilities, fo infinuated himfelf into the King's favour, that bers being ftill too frefh to hope it was yet clofed. Mean p . k %. 
 for many years he caufed him to do almoft whatever he while, the Treaty of the Prince of Wales’s marriage with Ruihworth, 
 pleafed, by putting him in fear that the marriage would the Infanta, procured the King an unexpected Tupply. Tl L p- 3> 
 mifearry, if the Spanijh Court was not managed. We Queen Elizabeth had fettled, with the States of the Ur.ited- 
 may judge of the policy of that Court, by the length of Provinces, the arrears they owed her, amounting to eight 
 this negotiation, which was made to laft (even years. At millions of Florins. This fum was due to James, as Eli- 
 firft, the Spaniard intended only to hinder King James zabeth’s fucceffor. The States would have paid the debt 
 
 from concerning himfelf in the war of Cleves, and aflift- long fincc, had they not found their account in remaining 
 
 ing the Proteftant Princes. But afterwards, a more im- debtors to England, becaufe they thereby engaged that 
 
 portant affair made it his intereft more than ever to amufe Kingdom to fupport them. But after the twelve years 
 
 the King of England, and to keep him at a bay. Truce was concluded, the face of affairs was altered. The 
 
 Certainly James’s condutft, who in fome men’s opinion States no longer wanted the King’s prote&ion, and be- 
 
 | n^ffes for the Solomon of his age, was very extraordinary. Tides, he held in their Provinces, places which gave him 
 
 Under colour of being at Peace with all the world, he opportunity to treat them with haughtinefs, as he had 
 
 meddled not with any foreign affairs. He beheld, without done in the affair of Vorfius. It was therefore time for 
 
 concern, France openly labouring the deftrudtion of the them to recover thefe places, fince they had not the fame 
 Huguenots , and the Houfe of Aujlria, forming projedis to intereft now to leave them in the King’s hands, when their 
 enflave all Europe, and daily increafing in power, to the juft dread of Spain was very much leffened by the Truce, 
 dread of the reft of the States, andefpecially the Proteftant. But the fum they were to pay was fo confiderable, that 
 Moreover, he expreffed a ftrong defire to be allied to that they waited a favorable opportunity to procure them fome 
 Houfe, by a marriage which could not but be prejudicial to the abatement. This opportunity offering not till the prefent 
 eftablifhed Religion of England. In fhort, if his manage- year 1616, they embraced it more eagerly, as they were 
 ment at home be examined, the capacity, the great wif- under an urgent neceflity to withdraw their Towns from 
 dom he thought himfelf blell'ed with, will no where appear, the Englijh. The King treating of his Son’s marriage Rufhwrth, 
 Without any war upon his hands, he had confirmed im- with the Infanta, it was to be feared, the reftitution of T,1, P->* 
 menle fums, and alienated almoft all the Crown-Lands, to thefe towns, to which the Spaniard laid claim, w-ould be 
 enrich a dozen of Englijh and Scotch Favorites, who had one of the Articles of the marriage Treaty, efpecially as a 
 never done him any cx>nfiderable fervice. The Earl of Claufe in the Treaty of 1604, hetween England and Spain, 
 
 Somcrfet had, before his difgrace, amaffed two hundred gave them juft caufe to fear. On the other hand, the pre- 
 thoufand pounds in Money, Plate and Jewels, befides nine- fent jundture was favorable to them, becaufe the King’s 
 teen thoufand Pounds a year in Land, though he had been coffers were quite empty, and there was no likelihood of 
 but five years in favour (2). The Earl of Salisbury, younger his venturing to call a Parliament, by reafon of the peo- 
 Son to tire Lord Burleigh, who had no eftate but what he pie’s difeontent. All the difficulty 1 therefore was to order 
 
 of 
 
 Spj.n. 
 
 Ruth worth. 
 
 f 1 ■ Till? s'?? one of the mod magnificent Embafiies recorded in Hiftory. Among other things, the Lord Hay. at his publick Entry into Paris, had hi« 
 Horfe fhrd u .th Silver Shoes flightly tacked on ; and when he came over againft Houfes or Balconies, where Perlons, or Beauties, ut emireqey vvete, hi* 
 H rfe prancing in humble reverence, flung his Shoes away, which the furrounding Mob fcrambled for ; then one of his train, out of a velvet Bag tojk others, 
 and tack'd them on ; which lafted till he came to the next Troop of Grandees. IVilfon, p. 704. 
 
 (z) Three hundred thoufand pounds came to the Crown upon his fall, fays Osborn, §. 30. 
 
 (3) And alfo three Hol'pitals ; one at Rijitsg in Norfolk, fortwelve poor Women ard a Governefs ; a fecond at Clurs in Sbropjhtre, for the fame number of 
 
 Men ; the third at Greenwich in Kent, for a Governor and twenty poor Almfmen. Howes, p. 1012. 
 
 (4) Audley-lnn in EJJex, the nobled Structure next to Hampton Court, ( fays Coke, J ever built by any Subjeft in England, which by moderate Eftltr.atc: 
 
 cod above Igo,coo /. Coke's Deleft, p 85 
 
 (5) The Lord Clarendon obftrvcs. That Villiers exalted almod all of his own numerous Family and Dependants, whofe greated merit was their Aliurtce ro 
 him ; which equally offended the ancient Nobility, and the People of all Conditions, who faw the Flower-, of the Crown every day fad ng, and wiihired ; 
 whilli the Domefns ana Revenue thereof were lacrificed to the enriching of a private Family fcarce ever heard of before to the Natron, and th • Expences of 
 the Court fo vad aod unlimited, that they had a fad profpedt of that Poverty and Neceflity , which afterwards betel the Crown, aJmult to the ruin ut it. 
 T. 1 . p. 10. 
 
 (6) Gondemar is faid to tell King James in Raillery, 7 (?at be wax the wifeft Prince in Ch.idcr.dom, to mat; PnryCounyUir. \ at-tbe Age ■■/ iwer.ty 
 one, which bis Maf.tr the King of Spain could not do till Si.Ay , Sir E. Peyton, p. 42. 
 
 Chiidendom, 
 
192 
 
 The HIS TO nr of ENGLAND. Vol. II, 
 
 Cabala. 
 
 Art. Pub. 
 XVI.p.ySg, 
 
 p. 705. 
 Annals, 
 
 C kr. 
 
 Cimd. Ann. 
 
 it lb, that the offer of refloring the Towns fhould come 
 h<>m the King himfelf, becaufe, in that cafe, the States 
 might pretend inability to pay fo large a fum, and that 
 
 "iid naturally lead to a negotiation for an abatement of 
 ■ • debt. So, to bring the King to this point, they ceafed 
 '■.’i -1 time to pay the Garrifons of the places in pofTcffion 
 •i the Engl',f ; thuugh, till then, they had pundlually 
 atied the Treaty which obliged them to pay them. 
 
 1 he Garrifons complained, and the States, without how- 
 ■••er lduling pav.ment, found feveral pretences to defer it. 
 This delay conltrained the EngUJh forces, who were with- 
 "i't money, to apply to the King, who was not in condi- 
 tion to fatijfv them. He complained to the States, who 
 mfwered with great moderation, infifting upon the ill ftate 
 of their affairs, by rcafon of their vaft expence during the 
 war. In a word, this affair did not end, and the Englijh 
 Garrifons Itill remained without pay. At laft, Caron tiie 
 Dutch Envoy in England, intimated as of himfelf, to fome 
 one of the Miniitcrs, that he believed, if the King would 
 v i;’-i to reffore the Towns in his pofleflion, the States would 
 do their utmott to difeharge the whole debt, by borrow¬ 
 ing money at a 1 1 ih intereft. This intimation produced 
 th • deffred dL-cf. The King having no money, and feeing 
 a near profpect of drawing from the States a large fum, 
 which the Courtiers had already devoured in their thoughts, 
 readily determined to furrendcr the Cautionary Towns. 
 I'm hunt to this refolution, he writ to the States, That he 
 knew them to be his go d friends and confederates , both in 
 j'unit of Religion and Policy (t), therefore he apprehended not 
 /he leaf four of difference between them: In contemplation 
 theit vn ■ , ; u 1 t 
 willingly jurrender them. Upon this Letter they fent Pen- 
 liouary Banuvclt to the King, who fo artfully managed 
 this affair, that they were difeharged for two millions 
 1 even hundred twenty eight thoufand Florins, in lieu of 
 eight millions, which they had promifed to pay to Eli- 
 • :h, befidcs eighteen years intereft. By this agreement, 
 
 the Cautionary 'Towns were delivered to the States the 
 14th of June 1616 (z). 
 
 They who were not pleafed with the Court, greatly 
 cenfured this Treaty, which robbed the Crown of England 
 of the advantage ol holding the United-Provinces in a fort 
 r 1 fubjeclion (3). It was faid, that indeed Elizabeth was 
 bound to reffgn thefe places, upon payment of the fums fhe 
 had advanced : hut there was no necelTity to reftore them 
 for much lefs: That there was the lefs occafton to haften 
 this reftitution, as the Garrifons were not maintained by 
 the Crown ; and if the States negle£Ied to perform their 
 agreement with the Queen, the King fhould have made 
 them lenfible they had not done it with impunity. Thefe 
 things were not lor the King’s honour, and his proceedings 
 on this occafion could at moll but confirm to him the title 
 of Pacifick (4), which he affected above all others. But 
 it was much worfe, when it was feen in a very fhort 
 fpace, that the money paid by the States was vanifhed, 
 without a poflibility to guefs what was become of it. The 
 King had paid none of his debts: the Navy was fuffered to 
 decay, for want of money to repair it; and nothing had 
 been font to his army in Ireland , which had not received 
 one penny for feveral years, and whole wants had ferved for 
 pretence to treat with the States. 
 
 At length it was difeovered, that the Lord Treafurer 
 St//'"li< had converted to his own ufe good part of the 
 money received for the Cautionary Towns. The fa¬ 
 vorite miffed not this opportunity to ruin a man, whom lie 
 could not confidcr .-s hi, friend, iince he was father-in-law 
 to the Earl of S merfet. 'The Lord 'Treafurer was there¬ 
 fore aemfed in the Star-Chamber , of fundry mifdemeanors 
 in the exercilc of his office, and efpecially of having kept 
 Ini himfelf great part of the money received of the Hol¬ 
 landers Sir Edward Co/ie, who was reffored to his place, 
 01 had another (5), was his Accufer. He aggravated his 
 mifdemeanors, his extortions, his mifmanagement of the 
 King’s t< tin in to his own ufe, 
 
 the corruptions of his Countefs, who took bribes with both 
 hand-., the artifices of his Deputy Bingley (6), to enfnare 
 fucli as had bufinefs with his mafter. Alter that, he cited 
 many precedents of Treafurers, who in former Reigns 
 
 had been punifhed for {lighter crimes than thofe of the f 61 g. 
 Earl of Suffolk , and fhowed the dangerous confequences rc- 
 fulting from the ill adminiftration of the Treafurcifhip, 
 when it was not managed by uncorrupt perfons. If the 
 Lord Treafurer had caft himfelf upon the King’s mercy, 
 he would have been eafily acquitted. But he drove to He is fie.i 
 juflify himfelf, and not doing it to the farisfaclion of his 
 Judges, he was fined thirty thoufand pounds, and condem¬ 
 ned to imprifonment during the King’s plcufure, and Bing¬ 
 ley was fined two thoufand pounds. "Till the King Ihould Anna! . 
 make choice of a Treafurer, that office was executed by P- «• 
 Commiffioners, the firft of whom was Sir Henry Monta¬ 
 gue, the favorite’s creature. 
 
 The Earl of Suffolk was not the only facrifice to Villicrs 's Other 
 policy, who by degrees removed Somerjct’s creatures. Sir 1 'fi ".- 1 at 
 John Bonnet, Judge of the Prerogative Court, was turned t '""" 
 out, and fined twenty thoufand pounds. Sir Henry )elver- 
 ton the King s Attorney alfo loft his place, as well as fe¬ 
 veral others whom it is needlcfs to mention. Secretary 
 If inwood dying about this time (7), Sir Robert Naunton a 
 Proteftant, and Sir George Calvert a Papift, were made CaLid"^ 
 Secretaries. 
 
 The tranquillity enjoyed by the King, might have been The Kim i, 
 deemed perfe&, if the fear of his Prerogative’s being at-«w fJi f 
 tacked, had not continually difturbed his repofe. In vain ‘ 
 did he preach anJ advance his Principles upon all occafions, 
 he had the misfortune to be regarded by none but his 
 Courtiers and immediate Dependants. For this reafon he 
 durft not call a Parliament, knowing the Commons did 
 not allow of his maxims. He Teems to have thought it 
 pure ignorance in the Englijh, and that bv a frequent re¬ 
 petition of the Sovereign’s Prerogatives, he'fhould at length 
 fuccecd in convincing them of the truth of his Principles. 
 
 I his he took occafion to do in June this year, in a folemn 
 affembly held in the Star-Chamber, on pretence of making 
 known his defign to corredt certain abufes crept into the 
 Courts of Juftice. He made a very long Speech, full of 
 divilions and fubdivilions, according to his cuftom, and took 
 for his Text thefe words of Pfalm. Ixxii. 1. Give thy 
 judgments to the King , 0 God , and thy rigbtcoufief to the 
 King's Son (8). 
 
 He begins with faying, “ The literal fenfe of thefe words 77 , K 
 “ runs upon David and Selviiw, godly and wife; the s beech.-n the 
 “ myftical upon God and Chrift, juft and righteous; and j’ Ur Ch,m - 
 Ironi this imitation all Governments, efpecially Monar- 
 “ chies, have been eftablilhed. Kings fit in the' throne ofp- 23. ’ 
 
 “ God, and thence all judgment i;. derived, from the King K ;J an ies'a 
 “ to the Magiftrates, not privative but cumulative. So by 
 “ the counfelof Jethro to Mofs, the Judges were deputed 3 
 “ for eafier queftions, the more profound left to Mofes \ 
 
 “ and in this manner all Chriftian Kings govern, whereby 
 “ appears the near conjun&ion between God and the King 
 “ upward, and the King and the Judges downward ; the 
 “ King to fettle the Lav/ of God, anil his Judges to in- 
 “ terpret the Law of the King.” 
 
 Then he teaches the Judges their duty in adminiftring 
 juftice; and after dwelling upon many common places, he 
 proceeds to the limits preferibed them : “ Inc roach not 
 “ upon the Prerogative ; deal not in difficult quejlions, before 
 “ you confult with the King and Council, for fear of wound- 
 “ ing the King through the fules of a private perfon. ” 
 Whereupon he takes occafion to commend fome of the 
 Judges lor rebuking the popular humour of certain Pleaders 
 at the Bar, who meddled with fuch matters. “ That 
 “ which concerns ( fays he ) the myflery of the King's power, 
 
 “ is not lawful to be difputed ; for that is to wade into the 
 “ weaknefs of Princes, and to take away the myjlical reve- 
 “ fence that belongs to thofe who fit in the throne of God” (9). 
 
 After having run through, and given his opinion con¬ 
 cerning the feveral Courts of Judicature, he goes on, “ Ic 
 “ is the duty of Judges to punifh fuch as leek to deprave 
 “ the King’s Courts, and therefore it was an odious and 
 “ inept Speech in IVeJlminJler-Hall , to fay, that a P>,v- 
 “ munirc lay again ft the Court of Chancery. I mean not that 
 “ the Chancery fhould exceed its limits, but the King only is 
 “ to corrett it , and none elfe ; and therefore I was greatlv 
 “ abufed in that attempt : and for that reafon commanded. 
 
 ,i' Though, a= Coke obfrtvec, the Religion of the Dutch was Presbytery, which the King hated, nor did ever imitate their Policy. Vol. I. p. gi. 
 
 ,2) It chert Si Inty Vifconnt Liil- was Govcrncur of Uti/hing or F/u/hing, and Sir Horace Fere of the Brie/. The Commiffion direrted to them for the de- 
 
 la- y of thole Places b " date, May 12. Rymefs Ford. Tom. XVI. p. 784, &c. They, and the reft of the Eighth Officers in thofe Towns had 13000/. 
 
 Hiilributed an.uiij ihem in leuirnpencr for the lots of their Places. State ,f the Revenue, p. 71. 
 
 3 The . mti rv Towns being Flujbing, Rammlkms, and the Brief, were deemed the Keys to the three famous Rivers, the Scheld, the Rhine and the 
 
 Macje. (hie, p. 89. 
 
 (4; B rv Paa/uut He took for his Motio, Beati pacific/. 
 
 { s| Tin; King was fo far reconciled to him, as to call him to the Council-Board in September t6ij. He had not his rhee again. Wiljln, p. 70 ;. 
 
 (6 . Sit 7 t - Bi • y was <ne of the Tellers of 'he Exchequer. Sir Franch Barm, i n his Speech upon this occafion, wittily obirves, That the Countefs 
 of Sutfoik kept the Mi p, and Sir ytiin Bingley, her Officer, cried what do you lack ? IVilfon, p. 703. 
 
 , 1 1617 Camden's jinn. 8) See thi , . at ngth in King ! • ’ ’ s 
 
 In H- far'h-r iay>, “ The ahfolute Prerogat.ee fi the Criwn is m Suhjeff for the Tongue of a Lawyer, n or it lawful fo he <hlpur,,l. 1 ’ u Athtfm and 
 “ litnjfirny tc .h'pute ~cb.it Gid can da : g .1 Cbrfiiani content tbemjeh/ts with bis rc-vcaledJVtU. So it 11 Prtjmrptur. and high C.t.tc-/: n: a Sub/,.-: 
 d’lf-.tr -d V king no do or fay, that a King cannot do this or that, but toll in that wh.cl i 1 the Km St reiealei IF:.I in Law" K.n- T tr.nT 
 Work., p. “ ° J 
 
 “ that- 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 24. JAMES I. 
 
 “ that no man hereafter prefume to fue a Prcemunire a- This man, upon the brink of the grave, being (educed bv 
 “ gainft that Court. ” Gondemar’s promife, went to Roms , and abjured "the Religion 
 
 He fpeaks afterwards of the Star-Chamber, and fays, he had embraced in England, alter which, inftead of bv 
 lC As a Star is a glorious creature, next in place to the ing a Cardinal, he was thrown into a dungeon in the In- 
 “ Angels; fo this Court is the moft g) -ous of all Courts, quifition, where he died, and notwithftanding his abjur.t- 
 
 confifting of [ Privy CounfdlOJ'S, ] Judges, Peers of the 
 Realm, and Bifliops, and confequently the learning of 
 both divine and human Law, the experience and prac¬ 
 tice of Government, are conjoined together in the pro- 
 
 tion, his Body was publickly burnt (7). 
 
 I have feveral times mentioned the King’s averfion to the n, k 
 Puritans, whofe Government, which came very near the "f u - 
 Republican, was direttly contrary to the principles he was Sccp 
 : ceedings of this Court. He added, I have laboured to labouring to eftablifh. Ev<*r fince his coming to England, f*™ 
 
 “ gather articles, like an Index expurgatorius of novelties he had kept the Puritans fo low, that it was" not in their C !" J ™ 
 
 “ cre Pt into the Law; look to Plowden’s Cafes, and if power to give him any difturbanfce. But the Church of Sp f-hl 
 “ you find it not there, away with it.” Scotland was ftiil Presbyterian, to his g.-at mortification. P w 
 
 Then he addrefies himfelf to the Auditory, and gives Indeed Epifcopacy was not entirely fuppreJfed in that King- AnM! 
 
 them advice with refpett to tile Law-fuits that were car- dom ; but it was in fuch a Rate,’ that the Bifhops had no wurin 
 rying on in the feveral Courts. “ He chiefly advifes them manner ofjurifdittion. The feveral Presbyteries and rhe Bllinft 
 in their Pleas, not to prefume to meddle with things againjl General-Aflembly of the Clergy, had cngro/Ted the whole 
 “ the King's Prerogative or Honour : If they do, the judges Ecclefiaftical authority, and left the Bifliops on!}- an empty 
 
 “ will punilh them ; and in cafe the Judges do not, he name without power. There were alio many other points 
 
 “ muft punilh both them and the Judges. Plead not, wherein the Scottish Church differed from the Eng lift), fo 
 
 “ continues he, upon new puritanical Jlrains, that make that Puritanifm triumphed in Scotland , at the lime it was 
 
 w ‘ things popular, but keep you within the antient limits of looked upon in England as a fort of Rebellion. 'James 
 “ Pleas” had therefore refolved to put the Church of Scotland upon 
 
 In fpeaking of Recufants, that is, thofe who refufed to the fame foot with that of England ; but perceiving, that 
 be of the Church of England , he fays, “ There are three to compel the Scots all at once to a perk-tt conformity 
 - c forts: The firft are they, who inforced by Law, come with the Englijh Church, would be too difficult an under- 
 “ now and then to Church ; thefe are formal to the Law, taking, he meant to lead them to it by degrees. Puriiia:,- 
 “ but falfc t0 God (1). The fecond fort are they that to this projett, he had now fent to the General-A fleinbJ/ 
 
 “ have their confcience milled, and therefore refufe to come of the Kirk certain Articles, which he deli red might be 
 “ to Church, but otherwife live as peaceable fubjetts (z). inferted into the Canons of the Church. Thefe Articles v 
 “ The third fort are prattifing Recufants, who force their were: A.inju. 
 
 Servants and Tenants to be of their opinion, thefe are 
 
 For the future, the Holy Communion fhould be re¬ 
 ceived kneeling. 
 
 The Eucharift fhould not be denied to the fick, with 
 three or four perfons to communicate with them. 
 
 3. Chrijlmas, Eajler, Afcenfion-Day, and Whit-Sunday, 
 fhould be kept as Holy-Days, and the preachers fhould 
 
 men of pride and prefumpthn (3). He adds, I can love 
 the perfon of a Papift fo born and bred, but an apoftate 
 Papift I hate; fuch deferve fevere punifhment (4). I 
 ; confefs I am loth to hang a Prieft only for his Religion, 
 and faying Mafs ; but if they refufe the Oath of Alle¬ 
 giance, I leave them to the Law.’ r 
 
 \hn Speed). 
 
 Vi Diets i> 
 made Earl 
 of Bucking- 
 
 1617. 
 Aecour.t of 
 the Arcb- 
 bijhop of 
 
 Wilfon, p. 
 707. 
 
 Howes, 
 p. 1026. 
 
 principal defigns which he had ever in view. The firft 
 was, to eftablifh the Prerogative Royal according to his 
 own principles. The fecond, to intimate, that the Papifts 
 were not to be molefted, provided they lived peaceably, 
 and took the oath of Allegiance. The third was, to ex- 
 
 them odious in his fight. He fancied their principles with 
 refpett to Church-Government, led them to be enemies to 
 Monarchy. For this reafon all Arguments againft the 
 extent of the royal Prerogative feemed to him to be 
 founded on Puritanical principles. 
 
 On the 27th of Augujl the King created Sir George 
 
 He concludes his long Speech with exhorting the Judges make choice of Texts futable to the occafion. 
 to countenance the Clergy againft the Papifts and Pun- 4. Confirmation fhould be prettified after this manner ; 
 tans, adding, God and the King will reward their zeal. when the children were eight years old, the Minifters 
 
 fhould catechize them, and then the Bifhops in their Vilita- 
 It is eafy to obferve, as well in this as in the King’s tions fhould blefs them with prayer for God’s grace, and 
 other Speeches in publick, and on fundry occafions, three the gifts of the Holy Ghoft (8). ' 
 
 As to this laft Article, the King did not defire that Con¬ 
 firmation fhould be received in Scotland, as prettified in the 
 Church of England, becaufe he was not fully convinced of 
 _ . it’s ufefulnefs. But as the bufinefs concerned one of the 
 
 prefs his hatred of the Puritans, and to create the fame Epifcopal funttions, he would that the Bifhops fhould have 
 
 averfion for them in the people. But it would be a great fomething at leaft to do in it. 
 
 miftake, to aferibe this hatred to their refuting to allow The King’s dfcfgn being to compafs his ends by do- m 
 of the Surplice, the Crofs in Baptifm, kneeling at the gras, he had feMcd thefe four Articles as leift liable t „ ««» m . 
 
 Communion. Thefe were not the things that rendered give offence to the Minilters, in order to leave them with- i ’ * 
 
 out excufe in cafe they rcietted them. The general " ?J '’ W ° 
 aflembly of the Scottijh Church, perceiving the King's aim, 
 declared, if the Churches of England and Scotland differed 
 only in thefe four Articles, they might be received for 
 peace-fake ; but as they were innovations incapable of pro- 
 r u ducing a perfett union, there was no necelfity of inferring 
 
 Vilhers, Baron of Whaddon and Vifcount Vi/licrs (5), and them among the Cajions. The King offended with tlris 
 
 on the 1 ft of January following he was made Earl of Buck- refufal, refolved to compel the Scots, not only to receive 
 
 Ingham. thefe four Articles, but alio many more which he had not 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1617, arrived in England thought fit to meddle with at iirft, being peif.iadcd he had 
 
 j? a f co Antonio de Dominis ( 6 ), Archbilhop of Spalato in a right, by virtue of his royal authority, to impofe upon 
 
 Dalmatia, who was come to profefs the Proteftant Reli- his people of Scotland, the Rditrron which to him feemed 
 gion in the communion of the Church of England. As the beft. To this purpofe, he refolved to go in perfon to 
 
 he was a man advanced in years, and very corpulent, it Scotland, under colour of vifiting his native country, wh re 
 
 was readily believed, no other motive but that of Religion he had not been thefe fourteen years, 
 and Confcience could have induced him to undertake fo Before his departure, he ordered a Proclamation f o L* 
 long a voyage, and quit his Archbilhoprick. He preached publifhed in Scotland, wherein he faid, he was going'to vffit 
 and writ againft the Romijh Religion, and at length was his old Kingdom, Not to alter the civil arut ccclr/ia/iical ”co:i.nd.' 
 preferred to the Mafterlhip of the Savoy, and the Deanery State, but to reform certain abufes in the Church and Win- 
 
 of Windfor After fome years ftay in England he fuftered monwealth. At the fame time, he lent beforehand fome p -- ,3 
 
 himfelf to be gained by Count Gondemar ihe Spanish Am- Officers of his houfllold, all Englijh, with orders to adorn ' 
 
 baflador, with the hopes of a Cardinal’s Cap, if he would his Chapel at Edinburgh in the fame manner as that at 
 
 go to Rome, and publickly abjure the Proteftant Religion. Whitehall ; and thefe men forgot not to carry with them 
 
 (1) Thefe were the Presbyterians, of whom feveral made no fcruple to be prefent at the Service of the Church of England. *„/>,», 
 
 (2) Tnele were the Papilis, who were willing to fwear Allegiancc.Rfl/un. ' 
 
 (3) Thefe were the zeaious and furious Papilis. Rapin. 
 
 (4) There could be but few of thefe in the Kingdom. Rapin - Rapin by milhke fays, a Papift in general. See K,ng James’. Wo-h, p. e6 7 . 
 
 (5) Rapin by m,flake fays, that he was 'created Baron cf Braadfpacb , or rather Branfpetb, which was the title of Robert Carr Eui „r Som,r[et.J- _ 
 
 Ctorjre Villurt was created Augujl 27. 1616, Lord Whaddon, the great I.ordlhip of IVbidden in Buehrgh.mfmre, (then it, the Crown by 
 the Lord Grey of Wilton, ) being given him at the fame time. A little after he was created Vifcount 1'iiha ,. and on the oh of Janua. 
 
 Buckingham. Camden, Ann -Alfo July 9. Sir John Holt:, was created Baron of Houghton, and Sir John R-p,r Lord Tenbain. of 
 
 Hewn, p. 1025.-Th.s year Aldtrjgate in London was rebuilt. Ibid. 
 
 (6) He came to London, December 16. 1616. Howes, p. 1026. 
 
 (7) He returned to Rome in 1622, and died in 1625. It is faid, that h was by his means, and the Mcafures he had concerted with Fa 
 he left Italy, that Archbilhop Abbot got that Father’s Manufcript Hiftnry of the Council of -Trent, tranfmitted in Parcels into England, he. 
 o\ Radre Raoto lays ot him that he is fuch another as Antonio de Domini 1. who, when he was asked by the Inquifnion, which was the 
 
 bring a Man to Heaven, anfwered. That of the Church of England. Stmt. Spec Europ. - De Domini, was the firft who ufed the \ 
 
 denote the Am,-armin,an, in the Englijh Church. Fuller, 1 . 10. p. 99. 
 
 (S) There were five Articles in all, the other which is placed third, was, the Sacrament of Baptifm not to be deferred longer than the 1 
 a private Houfe, with publick declaration of the fame, the Sunday after, in the Church. 
 
 the Attainder of 
 71617, Eirl of 
 
 ther Pant before 
 itin/oglio Ipcakir.g 
 beft Religion to 
 ford Puritan, to 
 
 a cafe of neceflity to be adminiftred ii 
 
 No, 53. Vol. II. 
 
 C c c 
 
 fome 
 
The HISTORY of E N G L A N D. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 fome pidmes and even ftatucs of the Apoftles (i). As which made them all fall down on their knees. Then 
 (bon as they began to adorn the Chapel, the People of continuing his Speech, he fa id. It n a Power innate, and 
 
 ' a fpecial Prerogative which wc that are Chrijiian Ki'gs 
 have , to order and difpofe of external things in the Policy of 
 the Church , as we by advice of our Bijhops jhall find moji 
 
 1617. 
 
 •ab baugb 
 
 Edinburgh exclaimed at the fight, faying. Images were be¬ 
 gun to he introduced, and the Mafs would quickly follow. 
 
 The Kina being come to Berwick, prorogued the Par- 
 liament of Scotland (2), to open it himfelf, as he did in¬ 
 deed with a long Speech, according to cuftom. To con¬ 
 ceal i 1 is real delign, he propofed fcveral tilings, among 
 which he did not forget the article concerning Religion, 
 the only point he was ferioufly labouring. He contented 
 
 fitting. And, Sirs, for your approving or dfupproving , de¬ 
 rive not your felves, I will never regard it, unlefs you bring 
 ne a reafon which I cannot anfwer. 
 
 The Minifters feeing how peremptory the King was, ^ v 
 defired leave to confer among themfelves. Their requelt ff 
 
 himfelf at full with requirinc, that a certain number of being granted, they returned in a few hours, with a Peti- 
 
 Commiflioners fhould he appointed to examine and fettle 
 the affairs of Religion. The Parliament confcnting to his 
 demand, the King fluid not for the Parliament’s nomi¬ 
 nating the Commiflioners, but chofe them himfelf, and 
 appointed the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Treafurer, and 
 the Clerk of the Rolls, who were all three his creatures. 
 Rut as the Parliament fcrupled to (land to this nomination 
 
 tion for a General Affembly, that what his Majefly pro- V-ri • 
 pofed might be received with common confent. Ay, (ays 
 the King, but what affurance have I of thur conjenting if 
 Whereupon fome of them (aid, they law no reafon tc the 
 contrary. But, fays the King, if the General Affembly be 
 of another mind, and your reafon now be none of theirs 
 then, and the Articles arc rejected, my difficulty will be the 
 
 he fell into .1 violent paffion, thinking it very Snogs they gnaler j fir whin I Jhall hereafter uje my ;•••* 
 
 fhould ptetend to name others, after he had made known 
 his pleafure. In fhort, as they durft not refift him to his 
 face, he obtained whatever he pleafed. 
 
 Thefe Commiflioners immediately fettled an article, after 
 which there was nothing more to be examined. The ar- 
 , tide was, A hat whatjoever his Majefly fhould determine m 
 the external Government of the Church, with the advice of 
 the Archbijkops , Bijhops, and a competent number oj the 
 Min tier:, Jhouhl have the flrcngth oj a law. I he King 
 himfelf had dictated this article. Not (Laid he) that / 
 am ugainfl the advice of the grave and learned MiniJ- 
 ters, but io be over-ruled, as in your former general offern- 
 blies , I will never agree ; the Bijhops mufl rule the Minif- 
 te> s, and the Kino govern both in matters not repugnant 
 
 God‘ 
 
 Authority in 
 d Perfecu- 
 that nt.ne qb t King 
 
 flablijhing them, I Jhall be pulpitecl a Tyrant, 
 tor ; }'e were wont io do Jo. Then all cried Ou: 
 durlt be fo mad. let experience tells, (fays tlu- King) that T, ]-J 
 it hath been fo ; therefore unlefs I be made fure, / will net 
 give way to an Affembly. 
 
 It was, however, ealy to perceive, th.2t without an Af- h 
 fembly, the King could not poiiibly compafs his ends. “ 
 Though he fhould have extoited the confent of the 
 Minifters then prdent, it would have been to no purpofe, 
 (ince they were not authorized. And if the King had 
 caufed thefe Articles to be palled by an ordw flowing from 
 his abfolute Power, he fhould have been iirft iecure of the 
 
 obedience of his Subjects, or at leaft of a fufficicnt power 
 to compel them, both which were equally difficult, not to 
 
 La:, Thus tin: King plainly 111 . wo I, ‘that fince Uy impracticable. So the King having confidered the SpotiCwo 
 I,;., 0 n;„n to he claimed in S< itland a greater tiling more maturely, agreed at length, that a General Af tola 
 
 author:! V than boloie. fembly filould be held at it. Andrew's in Nwtmbtr. In 
 
 Aleaii while, the Minilhirs in and about Edinburgh, per- this interval, Symjim the Mminer, who drew up and figned 
 tciviio that by the prevarication of the CoraOnffioners, the Proteflation, was committed to Edinburgh Gallic, and 
 thoi 1 Church was going to be overthrown, fince the King Cathcrwocd , who carried Letters to other Ministers to en- 
 ■■ ■ impowcred to make wiiat alterations he pleafed, met courage them to adhere to it, was banilhed. After this the 
 • " , . , King returns to England. 
 
 The General Ailembly, held at St. Andrew's in Novem- i; c ,, m 
 b. 
 
 together to conl'ult how to prevent it. They lound no 
 other remedy than a Proteflation againft the article pafled 
 by the Commiflioners, and when they had drawn it, they 
 committed it to one PI civet, to prefent it to the King. 
 Hewet being come into his Majefly\ anti-chamber, in or¬ 
 der to execute his Commiflion, the Archbifhop ot St. An¬ 
 drew's civilly accofted him, defiring to fee the Protefla- 
 tion ; which the Min liter readily fhowed him. As foon 
 ns he had it in his hands, he would have put it in his 
 
 refolvcd to defer the reception of the four Articles, f a ‘"tud 
 till all the Churches of the Kingdom were informed of this 
 affair ; and then feparated. The King was extremely in- Spotswond. 
 
 + , 
 
 cenfed, and looking upon this delay as a contempt of his P- 
 authority, ordered the payment of the Miniilers Stipends 
 to be flopped for a year (.|). But finding this only exaf- u- rant 
 perated people, and retarded his delign, lie gave leave at 
 
 pocket * i> it Unvf feized ’the"paper, which could not be length that another Gcneial Affembly flioulJ be held at s/, 
 
 , t 1 • 1 .1 ir- D .. .... tkr* . -1 h fhr* nevt vpdir And fh#»rr» hu dr/ire. 
 
 Hefu 
 
 done without making fome node. Upon which the King 
 coming out and hearing the occafion of the buftle, fpoke 
 fo roughly to the Minifler, that the poor man, all in a 
 fright, fell on his knees and begged pardon, proteiling 
 never more to meddle in the affair (1). 
 s But though the King had obtained what be wanted of 
 ' the Commiflioners, he found however lie fhould never 
 
 , attain his ends without the confent of the Minifters, ef- 
 
 ■,;n. penally as then Proteflation was publick, and many copies, 
 which continually increafed, were already dilpcrled. He 
 “ l,n " addrefTed therefore to the Bifhops, an order to fumxnou the 
 Minifters to meet on the 10th of July, at St Andrew's , 
 where he would come and fpeak to them in perfon. i he 
 Minifters obeving the luminous, the King called them all 
 to witnefs his great care of the Church of Scotland as well 
 before as fince his accefiion to the Crown, adding, he ex¬ 
 pelled however no thanks for his zeal for the true wor- 
 fliip of God, and for maintaining good order in the Church. 
 
 ■ Then he told them, that before he departed (or Scotland, 
 he had font them lour Articles to be inferted in their 
 Canons, which were rejedlcd, and yet he was Client ; that 
 having lately defired, it might be declared, that by virtue 
 of his prerogative, he had power to make Ecclelialtical 
 Laws, they mutiny’d and protefted againft him : How¬ 
 ever, he was very willing to pals by all thele, with many 
 iW004 l, other, affronts, received at their hands. But now, con¬ 
 tinued lie, the errand for which I have called you , is to 
 knorv your Rcafons, why this fame Power ought not to be ad¬ 
 mitted. J mean, not to do any thing againjl Reafon-, mnl on 
 the other part my demands being jujl and religious, y ou mufl 
 not think that I will be refufed, or rejifled. He fpoke thefe 
 Iaft words knitting his brows, and looking at them, fays 
 the author of the Annals , with a majeftical and Hern eye, 
 
 Perth, on Augujl the d.th the next year. And thereby*/, 
 fair or foul means, he obtained the Churches confent to the J~ d ' p ' 537 
 four Articles. But withal, he lowed in Scotland the feeds finals, 
 of thofe troubles, which diffracted the Kingdom in the fol¬ 
 lowing Reign, and deprived the King his Son and fuc- 
 ceffor both of Crown and Life. Thus, his zeal againft the 
 Puritans caufed him to forfake the principles of equity and 
 moderatL.n, which he thought fo reafonable in the cafe of 
 the Catholicks. He would not fotce the confcience of 
 thefe, provided they lived like good Subjects; but the Pref- 
 byterians were to fubmit, tho’ ever Io unwilling, to what 
 he ihould think proper. What has been faid upon this 
 fubjecl, is taken almc>(l word for word out of the Annals, 
 the Author whereof cannot be fufpedled of reprefenting 
 things to the King’s difadvantage. 
 
 Before he left Scotland, the King made the Earl of Bucking- 
 Buckingham Privy-Counfellor of that Kingdom, as he had h ffJ^f o [ d n 
 been Co for Come time in England. filar of 
 
 Whilft the King was returning to London, he received Scotland, 
 a Petition from lome Servants, Labourers, Meehanicks, 
 and other vulgar perfons, complaining, that they were de- ,hl fs rg 
 barred from' dancing, playing. Church-ales, in a word, * • v ”"<g 
 from all recreations on Sundays after divine Service. Where- 
 upon it was liiggefted to the King, that the Puritans meant wilfon, 
 to perfwade the people, fuch diverfiens were contrary to p- ? c 9 - 
 the regard due to the Lord’s-day. That thefe men went ’ 
 upon erroneous principles, namely, that Chrillians were ob- 1 -m.ien 
 liged to keep the day of reft with the fame flrictnefs as the Annils. 
 Jews, anJ therefore affefted to call Sunday the Sabbath. 
 
 This was a fufficient inducement to the King to condemn 7 be King 
 this puritannierd fcruple, and the rather, as he was not him- ,l 
 
 fclf very fcrupulous in this point. A Book therefore was 
 publifhed in his name, wherein he maintained by feverai 
 
 Sfslf 
 
 . ; They ...tried with them the Portraits of the Apoftle* to be fet *n the Pews or Stalls. The Biflrop of CYi-way. Dean of the Chape’, 
 oik nee .nn.d, writ to (he King, entreating him, “ for the offence that v.as taken, to (lay the affixing Ot thole Pon HU'. Hls •' IM 
 ny the Archb ffinp of S- stmtrewi, the Bifliops of Aberdeen, and Brecbyn, and fe\*ral Miniflers ot Edinburgh. To this the King tron'cilan 
 cbiefting Ignorance unto them, that could not diftinguiffi beiwixt Picture, intended rcr Ornament Jnd Decoration, and Images erected lor Ado 
 nv-jci, p. eio. (i) From May 17. to June 13. Ibid. 
 
 (3: Sfmnj-wnd Archbilhnp of St. Andrews fays, that this Protcftition was tumultuoully formed, and that the next Morning, the eh cf I erfuirs by whom it 
 
 was inbfcribad, came and entreated him to flop the prefenting thereof, which he (howed he might ealiiy do by taking it from 1 (ter jjeiuet, p' S3 1 - 
 
 l±) And commanded the Bifliops of St. Andrew c and GEy.iv. in their own Perfons to keep Cknf.n-y, duy next, preaching upon Texts proper lor the time. 
 
 Anr.' , p, 29. SPunjwKd p. s35, ts’e. Tl.e King - I.-tiers injoining 'hs, arc dated at New-market, Oucmjcr b, anti n. 
 
 1 arguments 
 
Book XVIII. 24. JAMES I. 
 
 1617. arguments, that paftimes on Sundays, after evening fervice, 
 were allowable, and withal, commanded that none {hould 
 be hindered or difeouraged from any lawful recreations. 
 It make• a This Book (1) made a great noife, neither was it exclaimed 
 great neije. S g a j n {^ (jy the Presbyterians alone (2). Many Churchmen 
 difapproved of it, and particularly the Lord-Mayor of Lon¬ 
 don, who, notwithftanding the prohibition, commanded the 
 Kind’s own carriages to be {topped, as they were a palling 
 lie orders it thro' the City on a Sunday (3). But the King himfelf, re- 
 10 Le 1 ead gardlefs of thefe murmurs, and willing to fupport what he 
 t had done, enjoined all Minifters to read his Book publickly 
 Wn:'n,' in their Churches; and thofe that refufed were feverely pu¬ 
 p-709- • nifhed by the High-Commillion. Some pretend, this or¬ 
 
 der was a fnare to furprife certain Minifters, who though 
 Puritans, fcrupled not to be of the Church of England , and 
 preach their Doftrines there (4). 
 
 Bucking. Thefe were the moft material affairs then in England. 
 gj" The King, as I faid, never concerning himfelf in any 
 wilfon. foreign matters, left the government of the Kingdom to 
 the care of his Minifters. The Earl of Buckingham was 
 the head manager. Pie ruled with an abfolute fwav both 
 in Church and State, difpofing of all places and preler- 
 Wcidjn, menu If wc may beiieve certain Authors, he beftowed 
 
 p ' I29- nothing without money or a yearly penfion (y). As the 
 
 King was always in want, the favorite was obliged to find 
 means to maintain, and even enrich his numerous kindred, 
 iby. who Hocked to Court to partake of his greatnefs. Not to 
 
 p 135 return to thefe matters, 1 {hall fay here at once, that the 
 
 Du g <uic. f avor ite’s elder Brother was made Vifcount Purheck ; his 
 
 younger Brother, Earl of Anglefy ; his Mother, though a 
 Papilt, was created Countefs of Buckingham, without her 
 Husband’s enjoying the fame honour. In a word, all his 
 female relations were married into the richeft and moft no- 
 7te Papi ft 1 ble families of the Kingdom. The favorite’s mother being 
 a Papift, and ruling her Son, who was properly of no Re- 
 £u g !jnd. jjgj on ^ w ith the fame eafe as he himfelf governed the King, 
 it was not very ftrange, the Papifts conceived great hopes, 
 and fwarmed in the Kingdom. The King gave himfelf 
 little trouble about it. Provided a man took the Oath of 
 Allegiance, and was not Puritan, every thing elfe was in- 
 Anna is, different to him. He was almoft wholly employed in his 
 P- 3 1 - divcrfions, and as he very frequently hunted, his admirers 
 pretended he took thofe times to confider of the affairs of 
 the Government (6). 
 
 Account of I fhall clofe the events of the year 1617, with the fad 
 Su- v alter cataftmphe of Sir Walter Raleigh. He had been a prifoner 
 ^jeaJa^ ‘ twelve years (7), ever fince his condemnation, during 
 Wi] on, which time, he had employed himfelf in compiling his 
 ^ 7 'Hijlory of the World. At laft, he obtained his liberty, 
 p . j**’ though without the King’s pardon (S). As his eftate was 
 Coke, p.93, all forfeited, and given to the Earl of Somerfet, he was very 
 &c ‘ much embarafted when he came out of prifon. The 
 
 Court, where he was entirely unknown, was like a ftrange 
 Country to him. For this reafon, he formed the projeft 
 of feeking his fortune in diftant climates. He had for ¬ 
 merly traverfed the Seas of America , and knew all the 
 Coafts, particularly that of Guiana. Nay, it is faid, he fet 
 up marks to direft him again to a certain place, where 
 was a gold Mine, and that Key mis his old attendant (9), 
 brought him from thence a piece of Ore, which made him 
 think the Mine very rich. However this be, as he knew 
 not where to lay his head, he found means to acquaint the 
 King, that he knew of a very rich Mine in America, 
 
 19s 
 
 from whence he hoped to bring mountains of Gold, if his 16:7 
 Majefty would be plea fed to grant him a private Commif- 
 fion. The Mine lying in a Country belonging to the 
 Spaniard , it could not be feized without breaking the peace 
 with Spain. Neverthelefs, tne King, tempted no doubt y 
 
 with the golden hopes in'hired by Raleigh , granted him a 
 Commilfton, directed to Our beloved and faithful Walter ,’^”j 
 Raleigh, Knight, See (10) It was faid afterwards, the King a , 6 'f*/ 
 granted the Commilfton with this limitation, that he {hould 
 not injure the fubjefts of Spain. But how was it pofiibie 
 to bring away Gold from a Mine belonging to the Spa¬ 
 niards, without doing them damage ? 
 
 However, Raleigh , by virtue of his Commilfton, en¬ 
 gaged feveral perfons in this project (11). He was fupplied Aar;. 1 -., 
 with money to fit out twelve fail (iz), and departed in P- 3 -'-- 
 Augujl 1617(13), in fearch of the Mine. At Lis arrival uWi: “' 
 upon the Coaft of Guiana, he found not the marks he had 
 left there, nciiher could he know again the place he thought 
 to have fo well obferved. He detached however his Son, wilfon. 
 and -Captain Key mis, with five Ships (14), to fail up the 
 river Ortmoquo as high as pofiibie, in order to difeover the 
 mountain where the fuppefed Mine lay. The mountain 
 not appearing, the Englijh landed, and putting the Spa¬ 
 niards to flight who oppofed their defeent, purfued them 
 to the Town of St. Thomas, which they took and plun¬ 
 dered. Sir Walter Raleigh's Son was killed in the a!fault. 
 
 Then leaving a Garrifon in the place, they advanced far¬ 
 ther into the Country, without being able to find the lo 
 much defired Mine. At laft, weary with fearching, they 
 returned to Sir Walter Raleigh, who finding himfelf dis¬ 
 appointed of his hopes, threatned Keymis with the King’s 
 indignation, and fome days after, Keymis was found dead 
 in his Cabin (15 ). The Sailors, vexed at this ill fuccefs, 
 loudly complained of their being drawn into a chimerical 
 projeft, and compelled Sir H alter to fail back lor England. 
 
 When they arrived at Kingfale in Ireland, he would have 
 perfwaded them to go with him into France -, but inftead A( % p il() 
 of liftening to his propofal, they carried him againft his will XVU. P .9*. 
 to Plymouth, where he was arrefted by the King’s orders, 
 and conveyed to the Tower of London. 
 
 During his abfence, Don Diego de Sarmiento, Count of 
 Gondemar , the Spanifo Ambaflador in England, making W j fa i 
 great complaints about Sir lHalter' s Commilfton, which 
 was become publick (16), the King found no better way to 
 appeafe him, than by difowning it, or at leaft by alluring, 
 that Raleigh had exprels orders not to aft againft the Spa¬ 
 niards (17). Raleigh returning without Gold, his caufe was 
 fo much the worl'e. Befides, the Ambaflador openly in¬ 
 filled upon his being punilhed, and told the King, there 
 was no other way to continue the Treaty of the Prince of 
 Wales’s marriage with the Infanta. Wherefore the King 
 determined at length to facrifice Raleigh to the Spaniard. 
 
 But as he could not be tried upon his late expedition, for 03 ob. 28. 
 which he had a Commilfton in form, it was refolved lie 
 {hould lofe his head, by virtue of the lenience palled upon 
 him fourteen years before. In vain did he plead that his AP. Pub. 
 Commilfton, wherein the King ftiled him faithful Servant, P-'. nI * 
 and gave him power of life and death over thofe who were *° 
 under his command, was equivalent to a pardon. The 
 Judges told him, That Treafon could be pardoned but by 
 exprefs words. So, without being called to an account lor 
 his late expedition, it was ordered that the former fentence 
 {hould be executed (18). 
 
 a Cage, i. e- the Tower. C c 
 e love to Learning induce; him n 
 
 (j) It was called the Book of Sportt. No Recufant wa; to have the benefit of this Liberty. Collier, Tom. II. p. 712. 
 
 (z) There were feveral Bifliops that declared their Opinions againlt the Book of Sports. 
 
 (3) The Court was to remove next day to Tbeoba/ds. It put the King into a great r^ge, Swearing be thought there bad been no tno-e Kirgi ir England out 
 bimfetf. Cooling a little, he fent a Warrant to the Lord-Mayor, ordering him to Jet them pafs, which he obeyed with this anfwer, IVbtle it -was ir. my 
 Power I did my Duty, but that being taken away, it is my Duty toobey. The Kingupon fecond Thoughts took this well, and thanked him for it. Wilfon, p. 709. 
 
 (41 Archbifhop Abbot beirg at Croydon the day it was ordered to be read in Churches, flatly forbid it to be read there j which King James winked at, not¬ 
 withftanding the daily endeavours that were tiled lo irritate the King againft him. IP i uwood s Notes on Wiljon. 
 
 (5) Chancellor Bacon paid a Penfion, Attorney-General lie atb paid a Penfion, Dean Bargra-ve paid a Penfion, Fotberby Biffiop of Sarum. paid 3500/. 
 with many olhers. Nor were Fines or Penfions certain ; but where Men were rich, there Fines without refervatio.i of Rent ; where poor, there Penfions, no 
 Fines. There were Books of Rates, Penfions. and Fines, on ail Offices, |}ifliopricks, and Deaneries in England. \Uldon, p. 130. 
 
 (6) Much of his moft ferious aft'airs, ( fays the Author if the Amah, ) were fhadowed from the vulgar, nay, from the obfervb.g P, Lucian, ty his publick 
 Paftimes, p. 31. 
 
 (7) Prince Henry ufed to fay, That no other King but his Father would keep fuch a Bird as Sir Walter Raleigh ir 
 
 (8) He was rcleJfed in 1615. Some fay, that after the publication of his Hiftory, he petitioned the King, 
 to grant Sir Walter his Liberty. Annals, p. 31. 
 
 (9) Captain Keymis, Matter of Arts of Baiioi College, Oxford, had been his Companion in the Guana V oyage, in the yea 
 
 calls him his Footman. . , 
 
 (10) Di/eflo & fideh. Coke, p. 94_There is in Rymer's Fatdcra, a Commiffirn for him, diredted only to Sir ivalter Kawleigb, I'.n-ght, 
 
 any other addition of beloved , or faithful. In lhat Commiffirn he hath Authority and Licenfc “ to go into the South parts of Amenta, or elfewhere, 
 
 America, poflefled and inhabited by heathen and lavage People, to the ende to difeover and finde out fome Commodities ar.d Merchandizes in thofe C 
 <« that be neeelfary and profitable for the Subjedls of theis K-ngdomes and Dominions, whereof the Inhabitants there make* little 0: 
 
 « whereupon alfoe may enfue fome Propagation of the Chriftian faithe, and Reformed Religion, Sc." But not a word of the Spani 
 fion. Sir Walter is ibid to ftand in the Periil of the Lawe. See Tom. XVI. p. 798. . 
 
 ii) As Sir John Pennington, Sir Warbam St. Lrger, Sir John Fern, Captain Farker, Captain North, Captain Cbudletgb of Dtvonjbirc, Major Pitot, 
 Captain ibornhurji. Wilfon, p. 712. 
 
 jrz) Two of his Ships dcfeiced before he reached Guiana. Ibid. (13)' Camden fays, he departed from London, March 28- 101/. dim. 
 
 (14) And five Companies of Fool, commanded by his Son, and the Captains in the Note above. Sir Walter himfelf was fick, and fo weak, as to be 
 
 carried in a Chair. Wilfon, p. 7J2. . 
 
 (H) He fi.ft (hot himlelf, but that not doing his Bufinefs, he throft a Knife into his B dy, up to lire haft, and expired, iriljnn, p 713. 
 
 (16) Sir Walter gave King James a Plan of his Defign, together with the number of his Men, buiden of his ships, the Country and River he was to 
 
 enter, ts’e. which the King prumifed to keep fecret ; but it was fent by Gondemar to Spain, ar.d thence to the Indies, betore Raleigh, went out of the 
 1 ha me 1 ; and that very original Paper was found in the Spani/b Governor's Clofet at St. Thomas's. Stale- 'in ah, Vol. I p- 2 * 9 - H thuood, p. 23- 
 
 (17) So it is laid in the Warrant for apprehending Sir Walter, “ we did, fays the King, by exprefs limitation and caution reftrayne and forbid them, f om 
 
 et attemptinge anv Adle of Hoftility, wronge, or violence whatfoever upon any of the Territories, States, or Subjcdles of any torrayne Piinces with whome 
 “ we are in Amity, and more peculiarly of thofe of our deare Brother the Kinge ol Spayne, in refpedt of his Domynions and Intereftes in that Continent, Luc, 
 Rymer's Toed. Tom. XVII. p. 92. rn r 
 
 (18) He was not beheaded till 0Sober 29. 1618. Rapist -It was done in the Old-Palace yard at Itejlminjier. Hiljon, p. 714- 
 
 Rapin by ml flake 
 
 In this Commi - 
 
 Thus 
 
161 S. 
 
 I96 
 
 Raft wort 
 r. 1. p. < 
 
 1618. 
 
 V'-t People 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. If. 
 
 The People 
 complain alfo 
 of the Favo- 
 
 Wilfon. 
 Coke, p. 97, 
 Aft. Pub. 
 XVII. 124. 
 
 J™ 
 
 The King it 
 net jau fed 
 ■with the 
 People. 
 Coke. 
 
 1 bus died Sir // alter Raleigh , in the feventy-feventh 
 V' .ir of hi age. He was a man that deferved a better 
 fortune, and had a large fhare of merit. He had alfo fome 
 fa'1 Its, wlii !) are leflened or aggravated, in order to render 
 his execution more or lefs odious, according as the Hiftori- 
 nns are (nr or againft King James. Moft certain it is, 
 he fell a facrifice to the mortal hatred conceived by the 
 Spaniards againft him in Queen Elizabeth's time, and to 
 the King's unhappy defire to accomplifti the Prince his Son’s 
 marriage with the Infanta of Spain (1). 
 
 Since James was on the Throne, the Englifh had lived 
 in peace with all their neighbours, without being dif- 
 turlicd by any war. The King and his Miniftcrs pretend¬ 
 'd, tin, was the chief point of Government, and that no¬ 
 thing more plainly d 1 Covered the capacity of thofe that 
 ruled, tli.1.1 to caufe the fubje£ts to live in peace. Mean 
 while, the people were not fatisfied. Many affirmed, this 
 maxim was falfe when carried too far, and that war often 
 happens to be no lefs necefiary than peace, for the welfare 
 of a Nation. It was difliked, that the King Ihould let 
 the Hollanders fifii upon the Englijh Coaft, without asking 
 leave of [him, or J the Governor of Scarborough , as was 
 cuftomary, before they had recovered their Cautionary 
 towns. It was thought no lefs ftrange, that they Ihould 
 be fuffered to come upon the Coaft with a Fleet to fupport 
 their Filhermen, as if they meant to bully the King, and 
 Iliow they would filh on his Coaft in fpite of him ; and it 
 was openly laid, to preferve peace by bearing fuch affronts, 
 was no great iign of ability. It was alfo complained, that 
 the King deferted the caufe of the Proteftant Religion, at 
 a time when France , the Emperor, King of Spain , and 
 Pope, were ufing their utmoft endeavours to deftroy it, 
 and had but too much hopes of fuccecding, fince the De¬ 
 fender of the Faith remained unconcerned. The King’s 
 extreme jealoufy with refpecl to his Prerogative, was ano¬ 
 ther and great occafion of difeontent. It did not appear 
 wherein this Prerogative had been infringed : but it was 
 thought very manifeft, he intended to ftrctch it farther 
 than any of his predcceflbrs. It was confidered, he had 
 imprifuned feveral Members of Parliament, folely for in¬ 
 filling in the Houle upon the people’s Grievances: had 
 granted divers Monopolies; and railed money upon the 
 i'ubjedt without confent of Parliament: That his Speeches 
 to the Houfes, to the Judges, and in the Star-Chamber, 
 tended only to exalt the regal authority, and make it, as 
 it were, equal to God’s ; from whence it was inferred, 
 that he defigned to deftroy the Conftitution. People could 
 not behold, without indignation, a young man of twenty 
 five imperioufly governing the whole Kingdom ; difpofing 
 of all preferments in favour of his relations and friends ; in- 
 vefted with the office of Lord High-Admiral, though he 
 had never been at Sea, except from Dover to Calais \ and 
 laftly, honoured with the title of Marquifs of Buckingham , 
 without having ever done the State any fervice during the 
 two years he had been at Court. Thefe two dignities 
 were lately beftowed on the favorite ; the firft, by the Earl 
 of Nottingham's refignation, who had amaffed great fums, 
 and got a pcnlion for the refidue of his life. But there were 
 ftill farther complaints. It was faid, the Court gave a very 
 ill example to the whole Kingdom : Nothing was heard 
 there but blafphcmy and oaths, and the King himfelf was 
 not free from this vice: that one of the two Secretaries of 
 State was a Papift, as well as the favorite’s mother: that 
 though it was not knov/11 what religion her Son was of, 
 his debaucheries were publick, and gave univerfal offence : 
 the number of Papifts daily incrcafed : the Prince’s mar¬ 
 riage with a Papift, daughter to the mortal enemy of the 
 Proteftant Religion, fhowed how little the King regarded 
 the concerns of Religion : that if any one reprefented to the 
 King or the Miniftcrs, the inconveniencies ariling from fuch 
 a marriage, he was filenced, by being told, it was an at¬ 
 tempt upon the Prerogative Royal ; and that every man, 
 who, without a call, pry’d into the fecrets of the Govern¬ 
 ment, was guilty of rebellion. 
 
 But on the other hand, the King was no lefs offended 
 with this boldnefs in cenfuring his condudl, as if a King 
 was to be guided by the caprice of his Subje£ts. What 
 moft troubled him was, that the Puritans were not the 
 only perfons who dared to complain of the Government, 
 but that even the greateft friends to the Ecclefiaftical Hie¬ 
 rarchy could not bear an arbitrary power in the State. 
 The Parliament itfelf had plainly fhowed him, how far 
 they were from fubmitting to any Laws but thofe which 
 had been hitherto in ufe. 
 
 Thus the King and People were equally diflatisfied. It 
 
 is true, the King feemed to have a great advantage, a?, 
 there not being a Parliament, no man had right openly to 
 arraign his conduct : but then, money did not flow into 
 the Exchequer fo plentifully as under the Kings his Prede- 
 ceflors, who knew how to manage the Parliament. Ho 
 chofe however to be without any, or to procure it bv 
 fuch means as increafed the People’s difeontent, rather than 
 run the hazard of feeing the Parliament queftion his Prero¬ 
 gative, of which he was ftrangely jealous. He comforted Rl n . v0 tJ 
 himfelf however with the hopes of fpeedily concluding his t' /Jo. 
 Son’s marriage, by which he was to receive a dowry of 
 two millions, It is certain the Court of Spain had offered 
 that fum : but I have not been able to difeover what fort, 
 of money was meant. I imagine the Spaniard left that 
 undetermined, to have an opportunity of prolonging the 
 negotiation as much as he pleafed, and ol breaking ft off 
 at lalt when he thought proper. 
 
 When the King of Spain's proceedings with refpe£l to 7ht Sp3nI 
 the marriage are confidered, it muft be thought, that he ar.fr -i.m 
 did not intend to conclude it, either at the time the nego- " f/ ' AV s a_ 
 tiation was begun, or long after (2). At firft, his foie aim 
 was to annife King James , and hinder him from interpo- 
 hng in the affair of Cleves. The Emperor had a mind 
 cither to keep that Duchy for himfelf, or to give it to fome 
 Prince of his Family, under colour of holding it in fequef- 
 tration till the difpute was decided. But the States of the 
 United Provinces avoiding this fnare, feizeJ part of the 
 Country in queftion, protefling to reftore it to the perfun 
 to whom it fhould be adjudged. Befides, they openly pro¬ 
 tected the Elector of Brandenburgl.\ who was one cl the 
 chief claimants, and a Prof chant ; a on the contrary, the 
 Houfc of dujtria favoured the Duke of Nraburgh, who 
 was turned Cutholick. On this pretence, Prince Mamuc 
 on the one fide, and Spinola on the other, endeavoured to 
 become mafters of the Country, and fo a kind of religious 
 war enlued, wherein England's not interpofing was of 
 great confequence to the Houfe of Aujlrla. For this it 
 was, tha f James was allured by the Spaniard with the hopes 
 of the marriage and dowry of two millions. 
 
 Pretences were not wanting to prolong the negotiation. C:nvni:n 
 The union of a Catholick Princefs witii a Proteftaiu !he 
 Prince, required that care Ihould be taken to fecure to the 
 Infanta the liberty of profeffing her Religion, in a manner Manugt 
 becoming the Princefs of Spain. This was the only Arti- J" b !bc 
 cle infilled upon at firft, the two Courts being of opinion, R-uh-.vo'rth. 
 that before this was fettled, it was in vain to bring the reft T. 1. 
 upon the carpet. As it was the Spaniard’s intereft to Anna,s * 
 lengthen the negotiation, fo it was neceffary to fatisfy King 
 James of his fincerity, to keep him ftill at a bay. To 
 that purpofe, after a two years debate, fearing at laft that 
 James would be difeouraged, he agreed with Digby and 
 Cat ting ton the Englijh Ambafladors upon five Articles, the 
 firft whereof facilitated the continuance or even the entire 
 interruption of the Trcaty, when it Ihould be no longer 
 his intereft to dillemble. The Articles were thefe. 
 
 1. That the Pope’s difpenfation be firft obtained by the Ruihwnrrh. 
 mere A£t of the King of Spain. T. *. p-4- 
 
 z. That the Children of this marriage be not ronfirain- Ann ' r ,i 
 ed in matter of Religion, nor their Title prejudiced in p. 36. 
 cafe they prove Catholicks. 
 
 3. That the Infanta’s family, being ftrangers, may be 
 Catholicks, and fliall have a decent place appointed for all 
 Divine Service, according to the ufe of the Church of Rome , 
 and the Ecclefialticks and Religious perfons may wear their 
 proper Habits. 
 
 4. That the marriage fhall be celebrated in Spain by a 
 Procurator, according to the inftru£tions of the Council of 
 Trent ; and after the Infanta’s arrival in England , fuch a 
 folemnization fhall be ufed, as may make the marriage va¬ 
 lid, according to the Laws of this Kingdom. 
 
 That ftie fliall have a competent number of Chaplains, 
 and a Confeflor, being ftrangers, one whereof fliall have 
 power to govern the family in religious matters. 
 
 Thefe Articles being tranfmitted to England , the King The A'.--® 
 in allowing and figning them, thus exprefled himfelf: 
 
 “ Seeing this marriage is to be with a Lady of a difte- 
 “ rent Religion from us, it becometh us to be tender, as 
 “ on the one part, to give them all fatisfadlion convenient, 
 
 “ fo on the other, to admit nothing that may blemilh our 
 “ confcience, or detradl from the Religion here eftablifli- 
 “ ed.” I confefs I do not fee how this maxim agreed 
 with the fecond Article. For the firft, he fuppofed as pre¬ 
 vious, the Pope’s difpenfation, which was expe&ed feveral 
 
 (1) IFildon obferves, That he wae executed without all precedent, without any juft caufe, and even againft Kin® Janet's will ; who in many things 
 was over-awed by his timorous difpofitioll. But the Spanijh Fadtion, and Spanijh Gold betrayed his Life, as they had done the Kingdom brfoie ; and it was 
 one of Gondemar's greateft Mafter-pieces to purchale Raleigh's head ; yet, had not the Earl of Brifol, who was poflVlTci of Sberhorn Caftle, formerly Sir 
 
 ff'alter's, co operated, the King would never have confented, p. 28, 20.-This year, on May 7. died the learned Jacobus Augujlus fhuanus, called o- 
 
 tbtrwilo Le Preftdent dc 'Thou. Camden's Ann. 
 
 (fl Camden fays, that the Spaniard's aim in this Negotiation was to disjoin and feparate England from the United-Provinces, that he-might the more 
 calily reduce them to Obedience. Annals . 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 24. JAMES I. jgy 
 
 61S. years, and at hit came clogged with additions and limita- the States of that Kingdom, But as thefc Countries were 1618. 
 
 •twos Which I flnU have occalion to fpeak of hereafter. Proteftant, their Deputies very probably would join with 
 • Phi. Hitherto the Spaniard in prolonging the negotiation had thofe of Bohemia, of the fame Religion, and fruftrate the p ' +1, 
 
 «"■* thc SuccelEon of Clean in view. But this year the Emperor’s delign. Wherefore he convened the States of 
 dftairs ol German) and Bohemia began to give occalion to Bohemia without fummoning the others. The Protellants 
 fe>r, » religious war would be kindled in thofe Countries, complained of this innovation, and not to authorize it "re- 
 This was a frefh realbn for the Spaniard's amufing King fufed, for the molt part, to fend Deputies to the States 
 James, left he fliould fide with the Proteftants, and fend This was what the Emperor forefaw and wifhed ■ for the F rdin.rs 
 them a powerful aid. For the better undemanding of the Catholick Deputies being the Majority, Ferdinand was tie- 
 fepucl, it will be abfolutely neceffary to know in what ft- dared Matthias's prefumptive Succeffur, anti (hortly after il W 
 matron the affairs of Germany and Bohemia then were. crowned at Prague-, alter which he refided at Gratz in’th" 
 
 ■in As (w Germany, it fuffices to fay in two words, that The Defenders, for fo were called a certain number of s- Rntaun'lt, 
 for fome time ‘here hail been great jealoufies and mutual minent perfons, chofen and appointed by the States to fee T,L p ' 6 ' 
 f,ir P‘ clons hetween the Catholicks and Proteftants. Thefe the Edicfts put in execution, perceiving the defigns of the 
 laft complained, That they could not have juftice either Imperial Court, fummoned the States purfuant to their 
 d<- from the Emperor or the imperial Chamber. The Catho- power, and forgot not to call the incorporated Provinces 
 licks complained in their turn. That the Proteftants were This Affembly only drew a Petition to be prefented to the 
 continually endeavouring to extend their privileges beyond Emperor, wherein the States demanded the execution of 
 what the Laws of the Empire allowed: That after pre- the Laws of the Kingdom, and a juft reparation for the i," 
 tending to be fatisfied with a bare Toleration, they had af- injuries done them. Mean while, as they could come ke,„u. 
 pired to ail equality, and not content with that,, had plot- to no refolution before the Emperor's anfwer was received 
 ted to smith the Catholick Religion out of all Germany . they adjourned to the Monday alter Rotation-[Feet in 
 On this pretence it was that the Catholicks had entered the year 161S. 
 
 into a confederacy, which occafioned the like among the The Emperor inftead of being inclined to fend a favo ““»■ P 7- 
 Proteftants. The Proteftants being affembled at Hailbrun, rabie anfwer to the States Petition, ordered his Lieutenant 
 the Emperor Matthias wiote to exhort them to diflolve in Bohemia to hinder the next Seffion of tiie Affembly ca ] 
 their League. But they thought not proper to fubmit to led without his licenfe. But the Lieutenant was’ not 
 his exhortations, by reafon their League was only defenfive ftrong enough to execute the order. His oppofition fer- <taw 
 and the Catholicks did not oiler to break their confedera- ving only to exafperate the States who weie afiembled on ,h Z‘ U ‘ 
 cv. This was a motive lor the Spaniard to amufe King the day appointed in the College of Charles IV they went IfiST 
 James, and hinder him from uniting with the Proteftants in a body to the Chancery, and feizing the Emperor’s 
 ol Germany. But the troubles this year in Bohemia, fur- Officers, pitched upon three, and threw them out of the 
 n: bed him with a motive of much greater confequence, Caftle-window (3). After that, they drove the Tefuits 
 ■winch I mult explain here as briefly as poflible, becaufe this out of Prague. J 
 
 "*" r cam '"^ l 'y i-tfluences all the reft of this Reign. ..Thing, being come to thefe extremities, the States pub- th, refit* 
 
 { nt'-u I A 1. to _.1 1 1 • • . T . .. 
 
 affair 
 
 t T> t or .i-n TV *';•&••• , *"**&'' '• wmc LIJCIC extremities, the States pub- 'ibtynMvi 
 
 In Bohemia were two Religions eltablifhed by Law; the lifted an Apology to acquaint the Publick why they had ,c tjie ‘f 
 one was called fit and, and the other utrique. The puniihed thefe Officers. But as they believed the Emperor wu'lba 
 n r was profeffed by the Catholicks, who communica- would not hear their reafons, they fivned a Confederacy Ratal th, 
 ,v . in one kind only, the latter by the Hufftes, who recei- promifing mutual affiftance agaillft all oppofers In the T ’P 7- 
 ,. , v .“ l the Luc ' ,anft ,n bot £ T’ aad > £ "“ th ? Reforms -on time, hearing the Emperor was making preparations 
 non, were become true Proteftants. I have fpoken elfe- to attack them, they chofe four and twenty Proteflors 
 where of the religious wars which affixed that Kingdom tmpowering them to raife forces, and lay upon the Kina’ 
 under the Emperor Stgifmund. It fuffices therefore to add dom and the incorporated Countries what Taxes they" 
 here, that this Emperor was forced in order to be owned fliould judge neceffary. Thus, a war being unavoidable 7 
 for King of B,henna to grant the Huffs,,! an Edidt, every one took fuch meafures as he deemed requifire whe 
 whereby, among other privileges, it was decreed there thcr to attack or defend ’ 
 
 fhould be no Magiftrate o,(Inhabitant in Prague but what At the time, the Bohemian States were taking thefe re- W 
 was of their Religion This Ed,eft granted m the year Muttons, the Cardinal Infant was preparing an army in ? l “»- 
 1+3S wasobferved ttn 1570, when, by order of Maseimi- the Low-Countries to affift the Emperor Whilft this army 
 
 ( ,1 f R 7! h “TV c An0_ ' eVyln& *» fcnt Charlls * B %aoy t Count de Longue- T 
 
 ther of the fame Religion obtained the fame favour ,11 val to the Emperor, who made him General of the Army uf ,° f, , h ' 
 
 t S99, and wrthal a place m the Magtftracy. From that deflgned againft Bohemia. The States chofe for them Bah™”, 
 
 ‘ m ’/?/T/ SEd,a "T > ,eT >; frteqtrent'y violated, and Generals Count Ernejl of Mansfield,, and Count de la Ton ,• 
 at laft the Jefutts were “Emitted into Prague, and built This war was of fo great moment to the Houfe of Aufiria “g T* .'** 
 here a (lately College Thus, by degrees the number of that it is not very ftrange the Spaniard Arnold dill cominue cj'l ‘ 
 the Catholicks was confidently augmented ,n the City, ay to amufe King James with the hopes of feeing the pro J‘"'> " *• 
 means of the Governors and the Emperor s other Officers jefled Marriage fpeedily concluded. Very likely this war ff-djibe 
 who were all of the fame Religion. The more they in- would at laft become a Religious War, and in Vhat cafe t-C 
 creafed the htgher they carried their pretenfions and at England could very much (Lengthen the Proteftant party’ 
 aft ft we may believe the Apology publiflxcd afterwards Afterwards, the King of Spain hail Hill farther mothTo 
 by Bohemians, the Edict of Stgtfmund was comtnually continue this management. But the wonder is, though 
 tranfgrefled. However, in the Reign of Rodolphus II. James had very Rrone reafons to fufoet^ t hp 
 the Proteftants by the intetceffion of Prince Matthias, artifice, he ftill obftinately relied on his fimferitft 
 obtained of the Emperor a fecund Edifl, which under cn- Jcemeth unto us here in England, (fays one of hi, Mi„if T ' '■ r- »■ 
 lour of confirming their privileges, put them upon a fort ter. in a Letter to Coiling,,,,) that Conde Gondemar hath 
 of equality w,til the Catholicks, though they had enjoyed go,„ bn, very Jlowly in his journey : and divers (feeing hi 1 - 39- 
 the fuperiority for one hundred and fifty years. Neverthe- long tmte he hath (pen, i„ ,h, urn,) do make confellur, 
 left, this equality was as much as they could expeft, con- That it proceeded from the Jmall Million that behudretb 
 fidermg the prefont juncture o tune. Bur, though it was to he there, towards the effelting of the main lufmefi Bar 
 far fltort of them ant,cnt prtvilegesq the Emperor’s Officers if the Spaniards alt unfi.merely, I/ball judge thenUhe mod ■ 
 n hohemta thinking fuch an Edtft prejudtctal .0 the Ca- unworthy and perfidious people of tho wild, and the n or 
 tholick Religion refufed to publtlh ,t, affirming, it was for ,ha, his Majeffy hath given ,bom fo man, te/liLls of 
 extorted from the Emperor whilft at war with the Turk, hss fincere intentions towards them, which he daily col 
 Very likely they were pnvately countenanced by the Court tinueth, a, now of late, by the coifing Sir WaitedRaw- 
 
 Rodolphus II. dying in 1 6_t + (,), his Brother Matthias fibhson, ills 'by‘ 'pi,filing Hi ^h, ‘llhlhileltlellH 
 fucceeded him, both m the Kingdom, of Bohemia, and the fatisfaBion to his fuljeHs, and had at Immand Ipon lllZ- 
 tmp-nal dignny. Under this nevy King the privileges of cafims as ufeful a saass as ferved an, Prime in Chriflcn- 
 the Proteftants were violated much more openly, and with dom (y). ’Tis certain however the King was amufed by 
 greater haughtmefs than under the laft, ,f any credit is to the Spanijh Court. Count Gondemar undertaking To ^y 
 be given to their Apology. But this was not all, Matthias into Spans the Articles figned by the King w°s fo very 
 having adopted Ins Nephew (a). Ft,d,stand of Au/lria, long on the road, that ’twas evident he fought only'to il 
 had a mind alfo to focure bum the Crown of Bohemia, lay the time. Notwithftanding this King James continued 
 The executton of this prq,e£t would doubtlefs have been wilfully to (hut his eyes, which will ap^GIill plainer ,, 
 very difficult, had not the Emperor ufed artifice. Silcfia, the fequel. 1 prat plainer in 
 
 Moravia, Upper and Lower Lssfatia, being annexed to Though the People of England were not informed of 
 Bohemia, had a right to fond Deputies to the Affembly of the contents of the A rticles agreed upon by Jhe two Courts, 
 
 <3) off j«»■«. “ hi ’ F ’ ,h " 
 
 The Author ot the^bWj ir.finuaces, that this Let-er might be an invention of Ki.itsu ul\ ! „ r . 
 
 t.. cr is to take njuce that th.i Le.ier, as to its value ajid reputation, muil refl foJei'y upon RiJhyjo,ib\ Credit/^p. '40!' 
 
 No. 53. Vol. II, 
 
 D d d 
 
 they 
 
Vo], If. 
 
 ! 9 8 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGL A N D. 
 
 t6i8. they knew however, the marriage was going to he con¬ 
 cluded, and thought it could not but be prejudicial to Religion. 
 ' • P'nrtf- This occafioned many complaints and murmurs amongft the 
 England Proteftants (i), whiltt the Catholicks triumphed, knowing 
 murmur, the King of Spain would not give his daughter to Prince 
 and the Ca- Chari \-, without procuring them great advantages. At the 
 ‘um 'pb! tr ' they were fure of having in this Princefs a power- 
 
 Ruihworth, ful protedlrefs, who would never forfake the intereft of her 
 
 Religion. We fhall fee in the following years how artful¬ 
 ly the Spaniard prolonged the negotiation, till lie had 
 
 1619. 
 Tht Ear! of 
 Northur 
 berland 
 
 Willon. 
 Williai 
 
 made 
 
 The EJuee 
 Death. 
 Howes. 
 Weldon, 
 
 p- 119. 
 
 The States of that Kingdonj protefted againft the Sum- j6i 
 mons faying, Ferdinand could not be received a'. Ele£tor in 
 quality of the King of Bohemia, fir.ee he was not in poi- 
 leflion of the Kingdom. But their oppofition was indhc r. ; -. ■ 
 
 tual. Ferdinand was not only acknowledged for the Km ’ ‘ 
 of Bohemia and Elector, but was alfo chofen Emperor tlic . - .. . 
 
 T s x -of Augujl 1619 (5). Then the States of Bt. hernia , fee- Ku.i .-. m 
 inn they had not been able to hinder Ferdinand from be- 11 
 
 ing Emperor, took an oath never to own him fur their 
 Sovereign, and at the fame time, namely, on the 5th of 
 drawn from it all poffiblc advantages, as well for the Houfe September (6j, chofe for their King, Frederic Eieci r Pala- 
 of Aujlria , as for the Catholick Religion. line , and fent deputies to acquaint him with his election. 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1619, the Earl of Nor- and pray him to repair to Prague (7J Frederic did not Ike Bohe 
 
 thumberland who had been in the Tower ever fince the want much follicitation to accept of a Crown offered him JjJ 1 
 
 Gun-powder Plot, obtained his liberty at laft by means by tliofe who, in his opinion, had a right to difpofe of it. F 
 
 of the Lord Hay his Son-in-law, lately made Vifcount He difpatched however Baron d' Aulnf (S) to the Kn 
 
 Doncajler (?.). his father-in-law, for his advice, but it was a mere com- ' 
 
 About the fame time, Doiftor Williams Dean of IVeJl- pliment. As he knew him to be a Prim c not very ready c.w.. 
 minjler was made Privy-Counfellor, and fliortly after Bilhop to engage in great undertaking 1 :, lie did not ftav for his Wiifon. 
 of Lincoln (j). I purpofely mention this Prelate’s promo- anfwer, but aflembling fome droop 1 , came to Prague, 
 tion, becaufe he will often occur in the Hiftory of this, as where he was crowned the .|th of A: : •' 1 
 well as of the next Reign. Before Fredaic\ Envoy reached Fnglanei , James hearing 
 
 In March this year (4) the King loft his Queen, in the the news of his Son-in-law’s election, called a Council to 
 forty-fixth year of her Age. Shortly after he was himfelf debate whether the Elector ought to accept or refufe the jij 
 
 Crown of Bohemia. The Archbifhop of Canterbury not ‘lbeArcb 
 :afon of the Gout which confined him / "l h d“ 
 
 U< Ku: 
 Ulneji. 
 
 feized with a great illnefs, which brought him, as I may 
 fay, to the brink of the grave. It would have been well 
 for his reputation, had he died at this time, fince the reft 
 of his Reign, which lafted fix years longer, was not much 
 to his honour. In this fpace he more plainly difeovered 
 his fettled defign to ftretch the Prerogative-Royal as high 
 as poilible. Belides, he gave very convincing proofs, that 
 though he defended the Proteftant Religion by his Writ¬ 
 ings, he had not its intereft much at heart. In fine. L 
 
 his 
 
 being prefent, by reafon of the Gout which confined him 
 0 his bed, writ to Secretary Naunton , “ That it was his Ruftiworth, 
 c opinion the Elector ftiould accept of the Crown, and Eng- T - 1- 0.12. 
 1 land openly fupport him. And therefore as foon as there p ’ 
 
 ‘ ftiould be certain news of his Coronation, the bells ought Cabala, 
 
 ‘ to be rung, guns fired, and bonfires made, to let all?- 110 - 
 ‘ Europe fee the King was determined to countenance 
 c him.” But this advice was not followed. The King 
 
 eager defire to conclude the Spanijh match, difplayed all maintained in the Council Ferdinand's caufe againft the 
 his weaknefs, and the affair of Bohemia , in which- he could States of Bohemia , and without knowing any thing of fhei: 
 not but be concerned, fully fatisfied the world of his lien- Privileges, as he afterwards owned, decided that the Bohe- 
 
 ' the affa 
 
 der capacity. 
 
 m The Emperor Matthias dying the 20th of March 1619, 
 rl Ferdinand his Coufin and adopted Son, was proclaimed 
 
 King of 
 
 mian States were in adtual rebellion (9). As for the reafons 
 with which the Archbifhop fupported his opinion, in his 
 Letter to Naunton , the King rejected them, as built upon 
 Puritan-principles (to). For, as I have elfewhere ohferved, 
 there were in this Reign State-Puritans as well as Church- 
 Puritans, whom the Court took great care to confound 
 one with another, and this confufion of ideas has been pre- 
 ferved to this day. Hence the obfeurity which ftill occurs 
 in the notion of the two Parties of Whigs and Tories. It 
 was therefore refolvcd, the King ftiould admonilli the 
 
 Hiftory ..1 King of Bohemia , as well in confequence of his Election, 
 the Rebell, as in virtue of his pretended hereditary Right to that 
 M iuh’* m a Crown. Mean while, as his chief aim was to obtain the 
 dui and Imperial dignity, and as he flood in need for that purpofe 
 Ferdinand n of the Proteftant Electors, he feigned a wiilingnefs to end 
 proclaimed am j ca b]y t h e war now begun in Bohemia , by giving the 
 
 States a reafonable fatisfa&ion with refpedt to their Privi- „ 
 
 leges. But the States thought not fit to truft to his pro- Elector to refufe the offered Crown, not only becaufe it 
 inifes. In the mean time, he endeavoured to gain the was agreeable to the King’s Principles, but for another and 
 Electors, and make Alliances v/ith the Catholick Princes no lefs ftrong, reafon, namely, the King rightly judged Ann * 1 '* 
 James inter- of Germany. James , who gloried in being ftiled the that the Electors acceptance could not but be extremely 
 pofeitomaie Pacifick King, thought himfelf obliged as fuch, to try to prejudicial to the negotiation of the Spanijh match, confi- 
 r/ft appeafe, by his mediation, the troubles of Bohemia. To dering the ftri£t union between the Princes of the Houfe of 
 
 this end, he chofe the Vifcount Doncajler to go and en- Aujlria. 
 
 deavour to procure a peace between Ferdinand and the Bo- But the Elector Palatine had broken thefe rneafures by 97,, g-, 
 
 1 . . ... . ... 'r-u..-„ ... .. D, L‘. O, 
 
 Ti e States 
 refufe to on- 
 
 Ruftiworth, 
 T. I. p.U 
 
 Willon. 
 p. 7 *o- 
 
 hemian States. There was not a Prince in Europe fo im- accepting the Crown, without expending the Council of angry wab 
 proper as he for a mediation of this nature, confidering his England’s refolution. 1 he King was fo angry, that he rc- 
 Principles, with refpetft to Monarchy. This Embafly was fufed to give Baron d’Aulni audience, who, fince his de- T . i, ,, 
 very expenfive, the Ambaflador, who was a fort of Fa- parturc, had received orders to excufe the Ele&or from the wiifon, 
 voritc, and extremely profufe, having been very lavifh of neceffity he was under of proceeding with all pofiible ex- 
 his Matter’s money. Meanwhile, I know not whether pedition. If the States of Bohemia had defigned to gain p . 42 .’ 
 he could obtain fo much as a fingle audience of Ferdinand , King James, by electing his Son-in-law, they were very 
 who ftill removed as the Ambaflador approached. I hus much deceived, fince they were never aflilted by him. 
 much is certain, the Embafly was entirely fruitlefs, and The very AmbafFadors, fent by King James on this oc- 
 ferved only to lhow the little account Ferdinand made of cafion to the Emperor, and feveral German Princes, did 
 the King of England’s mediation, great injury to the States; for thefe Ambafladors had ex- 
 
 Fcidinand 
 
 vited l 
 
 the Diet 
 King of 
 Bohemia, 
 and Elector. 
 Hiftoty of 
 the Ri bell, 
 of Bohemia. 
 
 proaching, the Elector of Ment% fummoned the reft of the the Proteftant Princes, James alone never gave him the T. 1. P . r 
 Electors, and particularly Ferdinand as King of Bohemia, title of King. 
 
 iuId have bought oft this match at the dcareft r 
 
 i they durft, opp fed it by Speeches, Counfels, Willies, Prayers, v 
 
 0 ) They v 
 
 / 2 j J„mei Lord Hay it Teems had married, on November 6. >617, Lucy the Duke's youngeft Daughter, without his ronfent, and he war fo much difpleafc.i 
 with the match, that he could hardly be brought to accept of hia Liberty from the hands of his Son-in-law. The line of 30,000/- which he had been con¬ 
 demned to, was compounded at 11000. State of the Revenue, p. 11. His Daughcer was the fame Lady, who under the title of Countefs ot Carti/le, made 
 the mult 'ftiming Figure in the Court of Charles l, as a Beauty, Wit, and Politician, The old Duke, when he came out of the Tower, hearing that Bud- 
 1 ngbam was drawn about with fix Horfcs in his Coach, ( being tiic fiift that was fo, ) put on eight to his, and in that manner was drawn through the City, iti 
 his way to the Bath. H'l/fjn, p. 0 - 0 . 
 
 (;. Dodlor IVilhams was nor made Dean of JV.JiminJttr till July the 12th, 1620. Nor Bilhpof Lincoln till July 1621. Philips, p. 57, 6S, 7'’,-He 
 
 was reported to be married to Buckingham's Mother. bKeldcn, p. 13S. 
 
 4, Rufbiuortb places the Queen's death on the 17th of November 1619. Raptn. - Camden fays, (he died March the ill. 1M9. of a Drop'y in the 
 
 ].'i 4 ht. Annuls. Howes, p, 1031. The Chandler of this Queen is varioufly drawn. Some reprefent her as a vicious, lewd, and luxurious Woman ; but 
 this, upon the bell enquiry, feems to be only calumny. IV: Jon more juftly affirms, that Ihe was a good Woman, and may have engraven upon her Monu¬ 
 ment, a Chandler of Virtue. See Sir E. Peyton, p. 27,28. IVilfon, p. 719, &c. 
 
 r h c was eledled by the Archbifhop of Mentis, the Duke of Saxony, and the E'eflors of Rrandenburgh, Co/en, and Trim. RuJb’Ui ill', Tom. 1. p. 11. 
 
 (6) The 26th of Augujl. Rapin makes ufe fiimetimes of the New btile, which in the laft Cenluty svas ten days before our reckoning, and is now eleven. 
 The Eledtor Palatine was crowned November 4. tVilpn, p. 721. 
 
 7) They c tie red the Crown firil to the Duke of Saxony, who refufed it. The Eleflor Palatine accepted it, through the perfwafion of hrs two Uncles, 
 Miurice Prince of Orange, and the Duke of Bouillon. Burnet's lift. p. J3. 
 
 ,8) Some fay, it was the Baron of Dbona. 1 own. lam not certain, whether it was d' Aulne', or Dbona. Rapin 
 (hat I’crfon the Baron Done, as the Anna/s, p. 42. iTilfon, p. 721, £fc. In Rymrr 
 
 -Mod of 0 
 
 , II,J). , 
 
 n of a divine Right in all Kings, that he c 
 
 ;„) Hew.; 
 
 a-llion by hi- —,— , 
 
 (roi The Archbilhop fays in his Letter, “ It is a great honour to his Maicfty, to have Inch 
 work of God, that by degrees the Kings of the Earth lhall now leave the White to dcfolation, 
 w act, honour the Paljgrave, ftrengthen the Union, bring on the Dutch, ltir up Denmark, Sec. 
 1 -jv- fortune, and for money and means to fupport the war, prcviJebic Deus. This from my h- 
 . 1619 . The Letter in Rujhwortb is fomething difleient from this, particularly, he 
 
 eledliv 
 
 and limited King fhou’d be called i 
 
 ; St. ;/-. 
 
 1 King ; 
 
 1 fays. 
 
 0 forefee 
 
 marable way <-f raifrng Money, and ail that may be fpared it to be turned this 
 .. Tower by the Mother for the preservation of the Daughter. Certainly, if ra 
 Tom. 1. p> *2. 
 
 methinks I d 
 
 ilriking in will comfort the Bobe. 
 , and Hungary 1 hope will tun the 
 nd when 1 can Hand, 1 hope to on better l.rvice, S<p 
 he Archbilhop fay, “ The- Parliament 1 the old and 
 
 vay. 
 
 And perhaps God hat provided the Jewels whic 
 be given to tbi-. adtion. many brave Spirits •• 
 
 Mean 
 
Book xvur. 
 
 24. JAMES I. 
 
 1619. 
 
 He thinks to 
 perfwaJe 
 
 the C,Jwn. 
 Ruih worth. 
 
 amufe the 
 
 K, n£ . 
 
 Rtifli worth. 
 
 T.I. p. 13 
 
 j 1620. 
 
 Jires to be 
 Umpire be¬ 
 tween Fer¬ 
 dinand and 
 Frederic, but 
 
 Ferdinand i 
 
 embaraffed. 
 
 Wilfon. 
 
 Annals. 
 
 Ruthworth, 
 
 r. 1. p. 14. 
 
 Philip or- 
 
 to hr raifed 
 in the Nu 
 therlands to 
 invade tbe 
 Pilatinate. 
 WiJfon. 
 
 P’ 7 a S" 
 Rufhworth, 
 T. I. P . ,4. 
 Cabala. 
 
 Mean while, though the Ele&or was now crowned, the 
 King his Father-in-law fancied, he could perfwade him to 
 quit the Crown, and induce the States of Bohemia to ac-‘ 
 knowledge Ferdinand. To that purpofe, he fent two Am- 
 bartadors to Prague , namely, Rochard IVeJlon a Papift, 
 and Sir Edivard Conway a Proteftant. Conway being after¬ 
 wards made Secretary of State, the King ufed to fay to 
 him merrily, that never Prince had fuch a Secretary, who 
 could neither read nor write (1). This Embafiy was very 
 fruitlefs, as it was eafy to forefee. 
 
 Mean time, the King of Spain did not forget to do the 
 Emperor good fervice, keeping King 'James in his paci- 
 fick difpofition. Nothing was talked of at the Court of 
 Madrid , but the King of England's generofity, juftice, and 
 equity. In fine, to amufe him the better, the negotiation 
 of the marriage was renewed, having been interrupted, in 
 expectation of the Pope’s difpenfation. Nay, it was inti¬ 
 mated to Cottington , that if the difpenfation did not quickly 
 arrive, the marriage fhould be concluded without it, or 
 means found to force the Pope to grant it. Cottington, 
 who knew the Spani/h Court, fell not into the fnare. He 
 fent word to England , that nothing more was to be ex¬ 
 pected concerning the marriage ; that the King of Spain’s 
 intent was only to amufe his Majefty, and therefore he 
 believed, the negotiation ought to be broke off. But inftead 
 of feeing his advice followed, he received orders to declare 
 to the King of Spain, that his mafter was not concerned 
 in the acceptance of the Crown of Bohemia: That his 
 Son-in-law had proceeded without his approbation and 
 knowledge, and therefore he entirely difowned him. Philip 
 anfwered, he was glad to find the King his Brother in fo 
 equitable a difpofition, and that nothing could fooner gain 
 his efteem and affedtion, than the continuance of this ex- 
 prefs difowning an adtion fo repugnant to juftice (2). 
 
 The affair of Bohemia put feveral of the Princes of Eu¬ 
 rope in motion, and held the reft in fufpence. Ferdinand 
 and Frederic had each their friends and allies, who were 
 preparing to affift them, whilft James ftood neuter, imagi¬ 
 ning, that by making a fhow of neutrality, he fhould in¬ 
 duce the two competitors to make him arbiter of their dif¬ 
 ference. But both were jealous of him, the one becaufe 
 he was a Proteftant, and Father-in-law of his adverfary ; 
 the other, becaufe he had openly declared, he difapproved 
 of his conduit. So, without much regarding his follicita- 
 tions, both fides prepared to decide the quarrel by arms. 
 
 Had England efpoufed Frederic's caufe, and with a good 
 Fleet kept Spain and the Netherland's in awe, the Eledtor, 
 very probably, would have preferved his Crown, in fo good 
 a fituation were his affairs the beginning of the year 1620. 
 Several Princes of Germany had formed a League to fupport 
 him, and were now levying an army, to be commanded 
 by the Prince of Anfpach (3). On the other hand, Beth- 
 lem Gabor Prince of Tranfilvania , had excited the Hunga¬ 
 rians to rebel againft Ferdinand , and moft part of Aujlria 
 had followed the example of Hungary and Bohemia. All 
 this confounded the Emperor, and would have confounded 
 him more, if the Eledtor of Saxony had ftill remained 
 neuter, according to his firft refolution. But the Emperor 
 offering him Upper Lufatia, on condition he would conquer 
 it, he could not withftand the temptation of acquiring a 
 Country which lay fo convenient for him. Moreover, the 
 Duke of Bavaria , and the three Ecclefiaftical Eledtors (4), 
 declared for the Emperor : the Pope fupplied him with 
 money, and the King of Spain ordered his forces at Naples 
 and in the Milanefe to march to his affiftance. 
 
 But this was not all the aid, the Spaniard gave the Em¬ 
 peror. He aflifted him ftill more coniiderably, in hindering 
 James from aiding his Daughter and Son-in-law, and keep¬ 
 ing him immoveable, and, as it were, enchanted, with the 
 hopes of the marriage and dowry of two millions. To 
 hold him the farter in his chains, Philip fent back Count 
 Gondemar , under colour of finifhing the affair. He difiem- 
 bled fo artfully, that James , who had recalled Digby (5) from 
 Spam, lent thither Sir IValter Ajlon, to endeavour with 
 Cottington to finifti the Treaty, which he thought very 
 near a conclufion. Gondemar being returned to England 
 
 199 
 
 with great fums of money, laid them out fo pertinently, 1620. 
 and made fuch good ufe of his talents and knowledge of the 
 Court, that he became as mafter of the King, the Favo¬ 
 rite, and the Minifters, and governed them as he pleafed. 
 
 To this aid, which was not inconfiderable, Philip was Wilfon. 
 preparing to add another more effectual, to enable the Em¬ 
 peror to get the advantage of his enemy. Frederic had 
 drawn ten thoufand men out of the Palatinate, and fent 
 them into Bohemia. This infpired the Emperor with the 
 thoughts of invading him on that fide, and to execute this 
 project, Philip and the Archduke Albert levied in the Low- 
 Countries an army of twenty fix thoufand Foot, and four 
 thoufand Horfe, to be commanded by Ambrofe Spinola. The 
 truce between Spain and the United Provinces not being yet 
 near expired, it was evident thefe forces could be defigned 
 only againft the Palatinate. The Hollanders warned King 
 James of it, and fuch of the Courtiers as were not bribed 
 with Spanijh Gold, never ceafed to reprefent to him the 
 danger to which the Elector's dominions would be expofed, 
 if he did not fuddenly refolve to prepare for their defence. 
 
 But James could not think of taking fuch meafures on k. James'* 
 bare fufpicions. He contented himfelf, with ordering Sir w'tcbed 
 Thomas Edmonds, his Ambartador at Brujfels, to ask the 
 Archduke the reafon of fo confiderable an armament. The Hid. d'Aug, 
 Archduke anfwered, It was by the King of Spain's order, Wilfon - 
 and the reafon might be known of Spinola, who had the 
 command of the army. Spinola being asked the fame T. I. p. 14, 
 queftion, replied. That indeed he was ordered by the King 
 of Spain to raife forces, but did not know for what pur¬ 
 pofe : that his orders being fealed, he could not open them 
 till his march, and if the Ambaflador would follow him, 
 he might then be refolvcd. A man muft have been wil¬ 
 fully blind, not to fee what this myftery tended to, and 
 yet James ftill continued immoveable, relying on the Spa¬ 
 niard’s friendlhip, and Gondemar' s fair pronaifes. 
 
 The whole Kingdom was extremely furprized at the 7i ‘^' r ^ is 
 King’s infenfibility for his Son-in-law, his Daughter, and d ‘ a 
 their Children : but for his part, he looked upon the quar- Englifh be 
 rel between the Emperor and Frederic in quite another f en \ t0 . tbe 
 light. He was juft going to be ftridtly united with the wilfon. 3 ''* 
 Houfe of Aujlria, by his Son’s marriage with the Infanta p- 722- 
 of Spain , and at this very time, the Elector his Son-in- worth 
 law had broken all his meafures by a rafh, unjuft, and in- t. i. p. i$, 
 confiderate adtion ; for fo he termed the acceptance of the 
 Crown of Bohemia. <£ Is it reafonable, faid he, I fhould 
 tc fuffer my felf to be drawn by a Son-in-law’s ambition 
 “ and humour, into a war againft the Houfe of Aujlria , 
 
 “ who have done me no wrong ? Muft I alter all my pro- 
 “ jedts, all my meafures, becaufe the Elector Palatine has 
 “ been pleafed to accept the Crown of Bohemia, without 
 <c fo much as asking my advice ” (6) ? However, by much 
 perfuafion, he was prevailed with at length to fuffer a Re¬ 
 giment of two thoufand two hundred men to be raifed, 
 which was done moftly at the charge of fome Lords. Sir Clhe ' } are . 
 Horatio Vere , who had long ferved in Holland, where he ‘byS^rHo- 
 had acquired great reputation, commanded this Regiment, ratio Vere, 
 having under him Burroughs and Herbert for Major-Ge¬ 
 nerals. The Earls of Oxford and Effex accompanied him, 
 and commanded each a company of Gentlemen Volun¬ 
 teers (7). 
 
 This Regiment being raifed with extreme fpeed, was 
 tranfported to Holland. Then they parted the Rhine below {T^c'n^ 
 Wezcl, to avoid Spinola, who was at Aix la Chapelle. It federated' 
 was not without danger, that the Englijh crofted fo many Augaft 3 t. 
 Countries to reach the Palatinate: nay, they durft not 'y ilfon * 
 have attempted it, if Prince Frederic Henry of Najfau,. with Annah*, 
 two thoufand Horfe, and fome Foot, had not conducted 
 them to Francfort, and deceived Spinola' s vigilance, who 
 expedted them on another road. It was the jft of Oftober 
 before they joined the army of the King of Bohemia’s al¬ 
 lies (8), commanded by the Markgrave of Anfpacb. 
 
 Spinola, who departed from Brujfels the 8th of Augujl, ^“palat^ 
 being come to Coblentz, opened his orders in the prefence of Wilfon. a ' me 
 the Englijh Ambartador, who had accompanied him thus Annals, 
 far. The orders were, to make war upon all who Ihould 
 declare for the Eledtor Palatine. This was all Edmonds 
 
 0 ) It wis a pleafant remark of the King's : That Stenny had given him three notable Servants : A Centleman of the Bed-chamber {Clark) who could 
 not help him to untrufs a Point, for he had but one hand. A Chaplain, ( Dr. Prefton) who could not fay Prayers, for he fcrupled the ufe of our Liturgy : 
 and a Secretary of State, ( Conway) who could neither write nor read. Conway had been bred a Soldier, being Governor of the Brie!, when England gave 
 up the cautionary Towns. * E 
 
 (2) Th s year, /lugufl 2, Robert Sidney Vifcount Lif.e, was created Earl of Leicejier, Wiliam Lord Compton Earl of Northampton, IVilliam Cavendi/h 
 
 Earl of Devonshire, and Robert Loid Rich Earl of Warwick. Hewn, p. 1019. Dugda/e, Vol. II-On July 17. one Bernard Calvert fetting out of 
 
 Southwark abiut three o’Clock in the Morning, embarked at Dover about eight, went to Calait, and returned to Southwark again the fame day, about eight 
 in the Evening. Howes, p. 1032- 
 
 (3 1 Ibe p.cference given to this Prince before the Counts Mansfelit, and de la Tour, occafioned fome difeontent in the two latter, which \ 
 dicial to the Eleilor Palatine'': affairs. Wilfon, p. 722. 
 
 (4) The Archbilhops of Mentx, {who only has Power to fumraon the reft to an Eleflion when the Empire is vacant, ) Triers, and Cologne. 
 
 (5) He was created Lord Digby ot Sherborne, Nivcmber 25, 1618. Howes, p. 1031. 
 
 (6) The King ufed to fay, Tbe Bohemians made ufe of the Palfgrave, as tbe Fox did of tbe Cat’s Tail, to pull tbe Apple out of tbe fire for bis enun eatinv. 
 Rufhworth. Tom. 1. p. 12. 
 
 (7) Confiding of two hundred and fifty. There were among them, Sir Edward Sackvill, Sir Gerard Herbert, Sir Robert Knolles, Captain Stafford, Wil- 
 Kc! , Burroughs, Knightly, William Fairfax, Sec. Rufhworth, p- 15. So many flocked to Effex, that befides the two hundred and fifty in his Company, 
 he paid titty himfelf. Wilfon, p. 722. This Hiftorian attended the Earl of Effex in this Expedition, See p. 723. 
 
 (8) They only joined then part of it, confiding of fix thoufand Foot, and four thoufand Horfe. Idem. p. 723. 
 
 5 very preju. 
 
 could 
 
200 
 
 1620, 
 
 jan^/W, 
 
 *« 
 
 to Germany. 
 Annals. 
 
 He HISTORY of ENGLAND. Vol. II. 
 
 coulJ know of Spinola 's defigns. The reft was eafy to be known, the Memorial was never prefen ted, at which the 
 guefted, confidering which way he was marching. Hear- Emperor was much difpleafed. Thus ended this embaiE. 
 rived in the Palatinate before the Englijh had joined the The Elector of Saxo a ,, the Duke of Havana, and the 
 confederate army, and took feveral fmall places. The Marquifs of Spinola , commiftioned to cxccuic tlie impernt! 
 two armies tried one another for fome time, and were once Ban, began all three to :.A in S<Y-'mbir. 1 have . v 
 in fight of each other, ready to engage, but no action of fpoken of what Spinola did ii: the Palatinate, during this firli 
 moment enfued (1). The feafon, which daily grew worfe, campaln. The El< 1 .. at th< 
 
 obliging them at lalt to retire to winter quartejs, the con- thoufand men, entered Ltjatin, and by the l. I f f/,-.v 
 federate Princes led home their Troops, leaving the Englijh her conquered the whole Count! y, which hr kept U i inm- 
 •••’ • -> -■ "■ Manbeim , and Frankendal. feif, a cording to his agreement with 
 
 ’ year the King of France fent to the Em- Whilft the Elc£bt 
 per-or and feveral German Princes, the Duke of Angouleme, of iria dued 
 
 the Duke of ! , endeavouj f n< . . j 
 
 deric had all his force:. 
 
 Sueeefs of 
 the Embajfy. 
 
 p. 43. 
 
 Hlft.oFReb. 
 of Bohem, 
 
 to appeafe the Bohemian and Hungarian troubles. At the 
 fame time James difpatched Sir Henry JVotton (2) on the 
 fame errand, and to exhort to Peace all the Princes enga¬ 
 ged in the quarrel between the Emperor §nd the Pal/grave. 
 If, whilft he fent this Ambaftador, he had armed by land 
 and fea, and put himfelf in a condition to ftrike terror, his 
 remonftranees doubtlefs would have been hearkened to, and 
 his mediation perhaps accepteJ (3). But JVotton having 
 traverfed moft part of Germany , and talked with feveral 
 Princes of both parties, brought back only general expref- 
 fions, which fhowed how little the King Ins Mafter 
 
 imperial army in Bohemia. As Fit 
 
 there, the Emperor’s two (.. >s were obliged to take ' ‘ 
 fome places, before they could ^av u .._e to Prague. At 
 length, having opened a paflitge, they came ike begin - 
 1 ■ of A rurnt ir within 1 it of that M :ti p , and < f 
 
 the enemy’s army polled between them and the Cup. A Xovemb. 
 few days after (8) was fought the famous battle of Prague , Ba " ,c A 
 
 wh< rein l ■ 1 ic* s arm) was enfii.ute I. i'his P 7 
 
 I rince, who flayed at Pn iring the battle, haftily re- 1 dVr .. 
 tired with his Wife and Children, leaving all ids baggage 
 and money in the City, whioh on the m irrow opened . ei /•' 
 
 :garded. At laft he came to henna (4;, where he found Gates to the Imperiaiifts and Bavarians. JVeJlon and Con- Wjjlbn. 
 
 the French Ambaffadors. In the audience he had of the 
 Emperor, he made two propofitions, each divided into 
 three Articles, according to the King’s ufual cuflom, who 
 was very fond of divifions and fubdivifions. It mult be 
 obferved, the Emperor had now publifhed a Ban againft 
 
 },,c Annals. 
 
 Coke, p. 1 
 
 way the Englijh Ambafndors followed rhe’ King 
 flight. But finding lie intended to withdraw into H,IB 
 they obtained a Pals-port to return t" Prague , where they 
 remained not long, their ftay being ent.rCy iitc-llefs (9). 
 
 v . 0 . The victory lately gained by the Emperor’s aims pro- Ift ., j 
 
 the Elector Palatine (5), wherein he had fully fet forth duced great effefls; the firft whereof was, that the Palf-jela.i i‘;,t 
 
 inv reafons moving him to come to fuch extremities: gra wa forfaken in moft of rhe 
 
 th.it Spinola was marching to the Palatinate : that the The Prince of Anhalt himfelf, who commanded his army, , ‘ 
 
 Duke of Bavaria was leading his T roops to Bohemia to entered into the Emperor’s fervice. Count Alansfiat alone •• 
 
 1 :n the Emperor’s forces (6), and the Eleftoi of Saxony remained faithful, and was ftill fcrviceable to him (10). 
 
 going to mvzdeLufatia (7). In this jun£ture JVotton made This fame year the Huguenots of France being vigo- James 
 
 his two propolitions to the Emperor. roufly pufhed by Lewis XIII, Jan.es fent Sir Edward her - 11,1 L • s 
 
 hart (11) to feilicit him in their behalf. Nay, he had orders 
 
 The firft: general propofition was, that the Emperor to ufe menaces, if the Court of France reiufed to regard Huguenots, * 
 might truft the King, as it appeared by the three following his remonftrances. Herbert difeharged his commiflion fo F L ’ ke, P - lc 9 
 reafons. bluntly, that the Conftable Luynes being offended at it, Zbi*.’" 
 
 caufed him to be recalled. Herbert would have afterwards 
 
 1. The King was never concerned in the acceptance of fent a challenge to the Conftable for mifreprefenting his 
 
 the Crown of Bohemia. words, but the King would not fuft'er it. The \ ilcuunc 
 
 2. 1 he Elector Palatine did not impart the affair to DcncaJJcr , lately made Earl of Car/ijle , was fent to France 
 
 him before his eIc£lion, and he had difapproved of it. in Herbert’s room. He fpent immenfe fums, without ef- 
 
 T his was evident from the King’s never fuffering him to fe£ting any thing for the Huguenots. This is not furpri- 
 
 be filled King of Bohemia, or to be prayed for as fuch in fing, ftnee the French Court knew King James was nei- 
 the Churches. then able nor willing to aflift them. 
 
 3. The King never aflifted the Elector with men or The Campain of the Palatinate was no fooner ended. He takes 
 
 mone y- than the Earl of EJJex polled away, to reprefent to the/" 7 / 4 me ‘- 
 
 King the impofflbility of faving that Country, without a ^PaUu- * 
 
 T he fecond propofition was concerning the means of fpcedy and powerful aid (12). But it was nut by way of nhr. 
 procuring a Peace, and contained thefe three Articles. arms that James meant to fupport his Son-in-law’s inteieft. Wllfo "* 
 
 Count Gondemar ruled him as he pleafed, by feeding him l ’‘ 7S5 ‘ 
 
 1. He defired the Emperor to let him know, whether with continual hopes of the good fuccefs of the manage, 
 he was content to treat of an accommodation by his maf- provided he would not difturb the negotiation by proceed- 
 ttrE and the French King’s mediation : adding, if his im- ings offenfive to the King of Spain. Nay he told him, jvd- 
 perial Majefty expedted the affairs of Bohemia fhould be that flioulJ the Emperor become mafter of the Palatinate, 
 reftored to their former ftate, he conceived that his ftay at it would only be a furer means to put an end to the war, 
 
 Vienna , and the King his mailer’s mediation would be becaufe then it would be given to the Infanta, for a prefent 
 fruitlefs. to the Prince her Spoufe, who might reftore it to the Count 
 
 2. He prayed the Emperor to inform him of the ftate Palatine. All this palled current with the King. He 
 
 of affairs in Bohemia. was fb poftelfed with the projecl of ending the war bv 
 
 3. And that he would be pleafed to grant a ceflation of means of this match, that nothing was capable of altering 
 
 arms, and let the roads be open between henna and Prague his belief. Count Gondemar had bribed with prefents and ibid, 
 during the negotiation. penfions all thofe who had the King’s ear (13), and who Kufhworih, 
 
 took care to cherifh him in this vain projedl (1 4). The T ’*' p ' lS ' 
 
 The Emperor furprized to hear fuch propofitions in the reft of the World were allonifhed to fee the King take 
 prefent ftate of affairs, told the ambaftador, he did nor fuch wrong mcafures: but no man duilt prefs him upon 
 fully underftand his difeourfe, and defired a clearer and that head, knowing he did not care any but his Minifters 
 more circumftantial Memorial, that he might be able to fhould fpeak to him of State-affairs. He verily believed 
 give him a finable anfwer. Whether the Ambaftador there was no other way to favc the Palatinate, than to 
 could explain the King’s mind concerning the firft article preferve a good underftanding with the King of Spain and 
 of the fecond propofition, or for fome other reafon un- the Emperor by Handing neuter. i bis he declared him- Ru( j ]W0 lb 
 
 : April the 3 
 
 (1) There was a 'Icirmi/h, on the 10th of March, between the two Armicr, 
 
 (-) Rapm |,y miftake lays, .'ir Edward. See Ann air, p. 43. 
 
 (3) Had he, as PPeidm rightly obferves, fpent half the Money in Swords, inftead of Words, for which he 
 his own Inheritance, and laved much Chriftian Blend fince fhed, p. S3. 
 
 (4) The 1 ft of September, Rapin. (5) Ever (ir 
 
 (6) Count Baeju.y joined the Duke of Bavaria the 6th, or ylh of September. Rap,,-. 
 
 (7) He began the Siege 1 f Baudrcn, September the Sth. Rapin. 
 
 (8) On the Sth of November. There were fix thoufand Bohemians (lain, and more taken Prifoners. Coke, p. 
 
 (9) It is flid, that Prul.-n.'i ill Succcfs, was owing in fume meafire to his niggardlinef, ; for th ug.ii lie had gi 
 fi flow in payiii) h •, Soldi, is that ihcy were ncccflirated to take free quarters up >n the Hot.-mi.ir: 1. ' fhe jc 
 Cendant llu- CaivinUts might gain by this Acccflion, had an unhappy lhare in the co,duels which all the Pi 
 though Saxony only declared againft him. Coke, p. 108. IViifon, p. 714 Burnet, p. 13. 
 
 (10) He had an Army of between fourteen ar.d fifteen thoulami Men. Wijon, p. 725. 
 
 (12) King James lent the Filed!..r Palatine 30,00c/. to keep the Princes ol the Union in An 
 
 (13) Part'tuhir'y the Earls ot 11'wijer and Arundel, the Loid Drgby, Sir G '.orge C.river', 
 ilh Bst.--.rn •ham and his numerous train. But the Duke ot Lem a, the Maiquils or Hamilton, 
 
 the Eicdtor Palatine's got the Vidlory. J Yitfan, p. 724. 
 
 fcorned, it had kept his Son-in 
 
 08. 
 
 
 fums of Mnne 
 lo that the Lut 
 of ihat Canf.ihon 
 
 («' 
 
 natch. W.i 
 
 ' 1 . 
 
 726. 
 
 ('4; l: • 1 the ' i Li dies, < f| 1 illy th fe w 1 idn 
 
 too i n re in •••■ > Exprefli ms, and flop them if they run an too fafl B il ii 
 in his Chair, iuil.ad of anfwering his 'alutation as ufual, only gaped with 1 
 , That I t til tbm Ladies, p 
 
 
 ach Cornu ri 
 • i >‘- : 
 
 reforted, that 
 cobs, who up 
 
 pnpilhiy atlc .d ; t. geih-r 
 •, were againft the bpan-jA 
 
 hey m : ght allay fuch as were 
 his pall n; by her indow 
 to kn.w tnc jcalon ; fhe ie- 
 
Book xvm. 
 
 201 
 
 24. JAMES I. 
 
 i 620 . 
 
 Buckinj- ' 
 Ji.im's Letter , 
 to Gonde- 
 
 he explain! 1 
 the King's , 
 ^Thoughts 
 upon the 
 Palatinate. 1 
 Du Chefne. , 
 p. 1144 
 Hift. of the 
 Rebellion of 1 
 Bohemia. . 
 
 felf to the Council, adding however, if his inftances were 
 rejected he would have recourfe to arms at laft. Not that 
 he had any intent to go to war with the Houfe of Aujlria 
 let what would happen, but hoped, this would be a good 
 pretence to get money, which he wanted very much. 
 To this end likewife it was debated in Council, how to 
 make preparations for the defence of the Palatinate , in cafe 
 the King s mediation was rejected. Gondemar having no¬ 
 tice of what had palled at the Board, writ to the Marquifs 
 of Buckingham , defiring to know what was the King’s in¬ 
 tention. Here is the favorite’s anfwer, which plainly dif- 
 covers the King’s thoughts. 
 
 SIR, , 
 
 I Showed your Letter to the King, who thinks your 
 requeft reafonable. He has ordered me to tell you, 
 that the Speech he lately made to the Council, contained 
 ‘ two principal points: Firft, whereas the World talked 
 fo varioufly of him, he declared, he was fo far from ad- 
 ‘ vifing the Ele&or Palatine to accept the Crown of Bo¬ 
 hemia, that he ufed his utmoft endeavours to di/Tuade 
 1 b'j 71 from it. For the particulars of what he faid upon 
 this fubjedt, he refers to the Lord Digby, who being pre- 
 ‘ Pent > can inform your Excellency. His Majefty declared 
 moreover, he was refolved to continue neuter for three 
 ‘ reafons. Firft, becaufe his Confcience obliged him 
 • to it. Secondly, becaufe his honour was concerned. 
 
 • Thirdly, not to give an ill example. Upon the firft 
 reafon he faid, he was fure the Religion he profeffed did 
 not allow that Crowns fhould be removed from one 
 ' bead to another on account of Religion: That our 
 
 * tnia an d Aujlria: That your ExCellencv faid the farrre 
 “ thin g> which was confirmed by his Ambafladors: That 
 “ the invafion being really made, nature obliged him to 
 ‘ provide for the defence of his Grandchildren by all pof- 
 t ‘ < ' lble and lawful ways: That the approaching winter al- 
 ‘ lowed him to ma ke two forts of preparations: Firft, to 
 endeavour, that a Peace may be concluded before furn- 
 mer 5 and as he hoped, the Eletftor his Son-in-law 
 t ‘ W0U,cJ be g uic, ed by him, and the Emperor be willing 
 t0 hearken to the overtures which would be made him* 
 “ he did not queftion but a Peace Would enfue, and the 
 <t ^ ,ammes Chriftendom was threatened with, both by a 
 Turkijh invafion and an inteftine war, would be happily 
 ‘‘ prevented. But if the Eledtor would be willing to yield 
 tt to reafonable terms, and the Emperor refufe to comply, 
 ^ in that cafe he would not lofe the opportunity of the 
 <t Wlr >ter, to prepare for the defence of the Palatinate : 
 and if, on the contrary, the Elcdtor remained obllinatc, 
 he would then leave him to his own counfels. 
 
 « A After the K ' ng liad thus r P oken > k w as debated in 
 Council concerning the means of defending the Pala- 
 “ tinate, as the Lord Digby could have informed your Ex- 
 „ celle ” c >'- To conclude this Letter, his Majefty com¬ 
 mands me to allure you, upon the honour of a Chriftian 
 King, that this is all that has palled in this affair either 
 ‘ m publick or private. He is perfuaded, not only your 
 Excellency but the King of Spain alfo will believe it, 
 t( * 00ner fhan all the informations which thro’ ignorance 
 or malice may be given you from any other place.” 
 
 The King’s whole condudt, whether at the time this 72* Kin? 
 ocau to anocner on account or KeJ.gion : That our Letter was writ, or afterwards, agrees fo exadtlv with * 
 
 «< C -V Cry JUR l y ° PP ° fed P nnci P le of th e Jefuits, fentiments therein exprelTed, that it would be m vain to B / ni TT 
 who take upon them to inthrone and dethrone Kings queftion its being genuinefi) It is certain the LTl™ Jftbede- 
 
 “ h r V"’ rTTl a "i. : ? over ' l g" s > *h°ugh they fhould any hopes of concluding the Prince his Son's Marriace An "* 1 ■ 
 
 „ be Tur p or Infid =! s ; That the world was inclined to with the Infanta. He ufed however this pretence to draw Rufcmth 
 « ™ , h,S “ a r ellg'Ous war, to which his Majefty is money from his Subjefts, and to fend a Letter fwn-d bv 11 P- 
 
 “ fai H Th fir °f Hon °“ r d ,be Km S thc Council to all the Nobility, and to the Lord” Msyor 
 
 «, fald ’ That bam E follrared b / King of Spam to ule of Lmdan, for a Benevolence (a). But probably tVs me 
 “ ' t0 P c 0CUrC 3 5T e haw . cm thc Emperor thod was unfuccefsful, fo much were the people diflhtis- 
 
 and the Bah,man : States, and this accident, of accepting fied with the Government. At thc very timeV feemed Oaim,, 
 the Crown of Bohemia, happening whilft h,s AmbaH'a- def.rous to defend the Palatinate, invaded byThe sJZa-Je 
 d0r f l a " accommodMio ". hr Count Goad,mar properly governed England by'hT tt Cm : 
 
 was obliged to make known his innocence, in order to ence over the Kino- (•») All who had mu T " '"'"o' 
 
 :: : Tbat if now he ailifted his Son-in-law from the Court, we^extremdyoreful n« ^Xtd him " 
 
 h!. nn h,S 3C T' : ' n r. S W0U u b f d,r oftly contrary to in any thing whatever, knowing how much it was in his 
 
 his proteftation, which would be very dilhonorable. power to prejudice fuch as he was difoleafe 1 .ufth c n 
 Upon the third reafon, his Majefty declared, It was a Ly NaJJ failing, on feme occaZ o t ak 'ute ofthi's 
 very dangerous precedent agamft all Chriftian Princes, policy, loft his place, which was nivel to Cmwa ‘ * 
 
 to allow of the tranflation of a Crow,, by the People’s On the other hand, the Marouifs of Part 7 ' 1 a T"' 
 
 “ Rilht r ' ty 1 V r e ffi W3S f ing b / h ' red -“ r r King’s name, without bearing^J 
 
 Right, yet it could not be fufficently confidered, how He abfolutely difpofed of all Offices, or rather his Mother' 
 
 far this mifchief might reach, if once it took root, and ftnee he could not deny her any hin.1,1 7l 
 
 “ ft iSht T ry ren( l bl f a p ea the Klng 0f extreme1 )' g^y of money, and \ grit blott *'e ™ 
 
 t tL Bm'^-m-Iaw whofe Crown was elec- mjb Religion, none were preferred but fuel, L could make 
 “ hll ' rh ,h f K he >. pnvl eges might large prefents to the Favorite’s mother, and were well in 
 
 “ the a , n ;r and ^•■"“talLaws dined to Ram,, or at lead indiftirent in point of Religion 
 
 of the Kingdom, it would be neceffary to turnover Nay, Places were frequently taken frnm l J 
 
 many Volumes, read abu ndance of Hiftories, and care- paid dear for them, in order to difpofe of them to new 
 ^ fully examine what their Rights are before this point pu,chafers. Maatagu, having given twenty thoufand Cr» Bt « 
 
 “ nit hri eter m ,ned > Wlth w *?‘ ch bas nothing to do, pounds for the office of Lord-Treafurer, was removed ” 
 
 «> b S de J ud S e of the dlfpute. The fecond before the year expired (5), and Sir Limit CranRclJ Dur in L ,’ r ' L - 
 „ tllin g. oonomning which the king declared himfelf, his place, and created foon after Earl of MddUCrt 6 \ iii"’'' 
 
 « Zhrmlfr'c 1 T T\ U , P °" tbis ,P° int b,: ‘ irft Craaficld had been a Merchant inZ»J a „, and aftlrwial WM «" 
 
 “ w!h hll. C °r U n CI i b k at n- h j e h “ d °r"'w J nothm ?> as a Cuftom-houfe officer, from whence he was introduced f ' 
 
 « . b y mein s of his Ambafladors, as by his own mouth, into Court as a Projeaor : a name viven to fuch as fun ' 
 
 “ h./ P r a ^" S a u°m ? XCellen ^ U That moreovcr . be gefted to the Minifters expedients touring money into the 
 .. h d f “ AmbafTador to the Gtrman Princes, who King’s Exchequer, when there was no Paftiame/t ' 
 
 « were concerned in the affair, to remonftrate to them. The Ma,quiff of Buckingham, about the end of the vear B.cki™ 
 that fmee he had with fo much fincerity and candor married the Earl of Rutland's only daughter the richeft ' K- 
 
 .. rn" U . T- he v had u great rcafon ’ ontbe otber heire6 'ho Kingdom. Some fay, he debauched her ir-'' 
 hand, to reprefent to them how much he was concerned before Marriage, and the Earl of rL land fent him word T's? 
 
 “ n a, b h! n r V f 0 "S f ‘if % la T,“'- fmce r he hld giVC ' 1 his if he did not ' f P“ lb b ". ' b = Kind’s Favour ffioffid no? 
 t, 5 “| bt ' be E * r Palatinate, bum fide, whilft fereen him from his revenge. Budimham readily com 
 “ hef r lh C f T 3S M P ° nc *°" of his dominions, and long plied, fince it was a very advanta-ious match fir him 
 “ h s r ranthdd ! C ° Uld , be ’’ Tha M But as tba yo“"g Lady L bred a Papffi by her moth"’ 
 
 nefth?r ft b d aWf j h"'" 1 ° 3nd “ was B 1 " muft i for form fakc , b = inftrufted by Dr. IVhite who’ 
 
 heriMne ft f ftf f ° nab C d u Pr ' V ' th ™ of their in_ as if is P rm " d 'd, made her a good Proteftant However’ 
 
 eerity oT’th^Ki^ a^Iin^ br0 “ ght ^ *“ m “ h — la - ' ba «' d ^ 
 
 The affairs of the Proteftant Religion in Germany and Tb- Kin? 
 France were in a very ill fituation. On the other hand, t° tab 
 the King of Bohemia being driven out of his Kingdom, njicZhL 
 
 (2) This circular Letter is to be fees in Rujbwortb. ibid. Ru^wwtb, 
 
 Ambaffador from a foreign Prince. Tom. J, p. 18. 'f. 1 . p. 20. 
 
 mey nor guucy, conndermg the 1 
 cerit y of the King their Grandfather: That indeed, ic 
 ** cannot be denied, there was notice given from Spain, 
 
 J tbat the Emperor would be forced to make this diverlion, 
 
 “ to free himfelf from the oppreftion he endured in Bohe- 
 
 (1) Th; fubibnre of this Letter is in Rupwortb, Tom. I. p. 16 
 (3) Ru/bwtrtb _obfcms, that he hadjhe accefs of a Favorite,’ rather than of 
 
 :re made to her firft, and by her conveyed to her Son, among other his w.lty Pranks' w 
 hope of England s Con-uerfion to Rome than now J for there are more Prayers ojjcrcd here 1 
 
 (4) Gondemar perceiving molt AddrelTes v 
 patches to .Spai, : That never was there mor 
 the bon. IVilfon, p. 72S. 
 
 (6) He had married Ann Daughter tfjaml°JBrT'^ °i L ° rd ' Treafurer > he WJS mai!,: Breliuent of thc Council. How, 
 
 From the Heircfs of his Family 8 ;. defrenZt rh n l L r “ ce fl er l h,re E ‘S» b y Ann his W.fe, Sifter to Mary Beaumont Counts 
 
 No LIV Vo l iT 7 h Duke of k)ugdalt'% Baron, VoJ. IJ. ^ 446. 
 
 the Moth 
 
 if K,mbc/ton, and Vilcount 
 1034. 
 
 Buckingham, 
 
 hvr 
 
Vo]. II. 
 
 Tie HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 f.uv liimfelf upon the point of lofing alfo the Palatinate. 
 Ail the world murmured to behold the King’s extreme in¬ 
 dolence with refped to thefe two affairs, wherein he was 
 particularly concerned as a Father, as a King ot England , 
 a and as a Proteftant. Thefe murmurs produced at length a 
 ' Parliament. Not that the Court’s intent was to fatisfy the 
 ‘ ^ people : but it was judged, ffnee they were fo defirous, 
 i. i. p. 21. that proper meafures fliould be taken for the defence of 
 1 ' Religion and the Palatinate, the Houfe of Commons would 
 
 be ready to grant the King an aid anfwerable to fo impor¬ 
 ts uffi worth, tant a defign. A Parliament was therefore fummoned to 
 i- r- »7- meet on the 20th of January 1621 (1). But the better 
 to perfuade the publick, the King was really bent upon a 
 war, the Council nominated, a few days before the Par¬ 
 liament met, a certain number of the molt noted Lords 
 and Officers, who had orders to meet and give their Opi¬ 
 nion concerning the means of vigorouily carrying on the 
 ■ • f tan nm v . .:r. Mean while, as the People talked too freely of the 
 ‘it.tV'k'f King’s and his Miniftry’s conduit, they were forbid by 
 Jj'n. Proclamation to difeourfe of State-affairs. But this pro- 
 L- : in hibition produced a quite contrary effeit, it being hardly 
 --- poffible to flop people’s tongues by fuch means. 
 
 ' ' The King, no doubt, w ifhed to preferve the Palatinate 
 
 Tii, !<■ > •. f for his Son-in-law. All he could be blamed for was, his 
 thr a. i taking a wrong courfe to that end. Amufed, or as it 
 Alor -T”"' were bewitched by Gondemar' s charm, he believed the 
 fa -' lv Prince’s Marriage with the Infanta was the moil proper 
 inmate. means, not perceiving that this marriage was only a de¬ 
 coy to deceive and hinder him from taking better meafures. 
 It will doubtlefs be thought Grange, that James fhould 
 fufter liimfelf to be thus managed by a Spanijb Ambaffa- 
 dor, in an affair, which fo much concerned the Houfe of 
 Aujlria: but it will be the lefs fuprizing, if his fituation 
 be conffdered. Firft, he had an averfion to War, and 
 tho’ he would have made believe, it was out of reafon 
 and choice, it is certain however, this averfion was fo na¬ 
 tural, that it was almofl impoffible for him to overcome 
 it. In the next place, his opinion concerning the extent 
 of the Royal Power, made him dread all occaiions of cauf- 
 ing his Prerogative to be queftioned. If he ingaged in a 
 War, he muff: call a Parliament, and the Parliament had 
 already convinced him, they were not of his fentiment 
 concerning the extent of the Prerogative Royal, of which 
 he was fo jealous. It is therefore no wonder, that of the 
 two ways which offered to preferve the Palatinate , name¬ 
 ly, War, and the Prince’s Marriage, he fhould chufe that 
 which was molt agreeable to his temper and inclination. 
 What is more ft range, is, that in comparing thefe two 
 ways, he fhould be fo blind as to think the Marriage the 
 eafieft and moll: proper, and would not fee that it was 
 only a fnarc to deceive him. On the other hand, he was 
 not fatisfied with refolving to take this method rather than 
 the other, but even affected to intimate to the Houfe of 
 Aujlria , that he fhould not, till the laft extremity, think 
 of having rccourfe to arms, and thereby marred all his 
 affairs. The Emperor and King of Spain knew how to 
 improve thefe wrong proceedings. Gondemar having eaffly 
 difeovered the King’s Scheme, failed not to incourage him 
 to purfue it fteddily, by putting him in hopes of fuccefs. 
 There was another and very ftrong reafon for Gondemar’ s 
 keeping the King in this fituation. The Truce between 
 Spain and Holland being like to end quickly, if the King 
 fhould refolve to fupport his Son-in-law by arms, he would 
 be able to make fuch a diverlion in the Law-Countries, as 
 would render the conqucft of the Palatinate dear to the 
 Houfe of Aujlria. For this reafon chiefly the Courts of 
 Vienna and ’Madrid flattered him with the hopes of ob¬ 
 taining an honorable Peace for the Prince Palatine. But 
 thefe were only words, which James , too credulous, took 
 for deeds. 
 
 Though the King did not intend to declare War with 
 Spain , he was very glad however that the people were 
 inclined to fupport by arms the Ele£lor’s intereft. He 
 hoped the Parliament would grant him large Sums to en¬ 
 able him to make liimfelf feared, and then he fancied, it 
 would be eafy for him to determine his Son-in-law’s af¬ 
 fairs, without drawing the fword, and confequently with¬ 
 out employing the Money which fhould be given him by 
 the Parliament. Herein he meant to imitate his Great- 
 Grandfather Henry VII, who often ufed this expedient to 
 fill his coffers. But he fhould alfo have imitated his ad- 
 drefs in concealing his defigns, whereas on the contrary, 
 James' s intentions were known to all. 
 
 ... ‘ The Parliament being aflembled, the King made a 
 
 Jr: Speech to both ploufes, which he divided into three heads. 
 
 )-'• • r jr 30. j [T c j ie he told them what a Parliament was, under 
 
 colour of reminding them of fo necefiary and fundamental i 6 zt. 
 a point. The fecond contained the reafonsof their meet¬ 
 ing. In the third, he fpoke of the Grievances which the 
 People thought to have caufe to complain of, and endea¬ 
 voured to juftify his conduit. As this Speech is very long, 
 
 I fhall only cite fuch paflages as may ferve to difeover both 
 the King’s principles and defigns. He begins thus: 
 
 My Lords Spiritual and T empo- 
 ral, and You the Commons. 
 
 “ T N multiloquio non deejl peccatum , faith the wife ft The r: ■ 
 
 “ J Man that ever was; and this experience I have 
 “ found in mine own perfon* for ’tis true there have been Annals at 
 “ many feffions of Parliament before this, wherein I have Jimn 1. 
 
 “ made many difeourfes to the Gentlemen ot the Lower ^ u ^‘ vorr |, 
 “ Houfe, and in them delivered a true mirror ot my t. 1. 1- ei 
 “ heart; but as no Man’s aitions are free from cenfure, 
 
 “ in regard of the excellency of perfeilion, fo, it may 
 “ be, it pleafed God, feeing fome vanity in me, to fend 
 “ back my words as wine fpit into my own face, fo as I 
 “ may truly fay, I have piped unto you, and you have not 
 “ daneed ; I have mourned , and you have not lamented , 
 
 Concerning the Conjlitution of a Parliament. 
 
 “ What is a Parliament ? It is an aflembly compofed 
 tc of a head and a body; the Monarch is the head, and 
 “ the three Eftates (2) the Body, which are called in a 
 <c Monarchy a Parliament, whieh was ufed and created by 
 “ Monarchs ; For Kings were before Parliaments, who as 
 “ foon as they had fettled a form of Government, and were 
 “ willing that the People fhould be governed by Laws, called 
 
 “ their Parliaments , See. -Only this I would have 
 
 “ you to obferve, that it is a vain thing for a Parliament 
 tc to prefs to be popular; there is in no State a Parliament 
 
 “ without a Monarchy.-This I put you in mind of 
 
 <c that you ferve under a Monarchy, and that we muff 
 tc ftand and fall with it : Now conlider, Firft, Who 
 “ called you? Your King. Secondly, Whom he calls? 
 
 “ The) Peers, who in refpect of the eminency of their 
 tc places and highnefs have an intereft therein by birth and 
 “ inheritance, becaufe they are to affift the King in his 
 “ great Affairs. In the next, the Church, the Clergy, 
 
 “ not all, but the principal heads thereof, the Bifhops. 
 
 ec -The Knights ftand for the Shires, and the other 
 
 “ Gentlemen for the Burroughs: of thefe is the whole 
 “ body compact. 
 
 “ Thirdly, Why ye are called? To give the King your 
 “ advice in fuch errands as he fhall ask of you, or you 
 “ fhall think fit to ask his advice in. 
 
 “ The King makes Laws, and ye are to advife him 
 “ to make fuch as will be belt for the Common-wealth. 
 
 “ There is another caufe for which the Houfe of Com- 
 “ mons is called, for that they beft know the particular 
 “ eftate of their Country ; and if the King fhall a..k their 
 “ advice, they can beft tell what is amifs, as being moll 
 “ fenfible. And alfo petition him to redrefs and amend 
 “ it; they are the authors of fuftenance alfo to him, to 
 “ fupply his neceffities, and that the proper ufe of a 
 “ Parliament. Here they are to offer what they think 
 “ fit to fupply his wants, and he is in lieu thereof to 
 “ afford them mercy and juftice. 
 
 “ And this I dare boldly fay, and I am not afhamed to 
 “ fpcak it, that all people owe a kind of tribute to their 
 “ King, as a thankfulnefs, for his love to them ; and 
 “ where there is this fympathy between a King and Iris 
 “ People, it breeds a happy Parliament.-- 
 
 Concerning Religion. 
 
 <c As for Religion there are Laws enough, fo as the true 
 “ intent and execution follow.- 
 
 “ As touching the rumour which is fpread, that I 
 “ fhould tolerate Religion in refpe£t to the Match which 
 “ hath been long in treaty with Spain for my Son ; I 
 “ profefs I will do nothing therein which fhall not be 
 “ honorable and for the good of Religion, elfe am I not 
 “ worthy to be your King; and if any thing break off 
 “ this match, it fhall be the caufe of Religion. The 
 “ tryal which you have had of my words and writings, 
 
 “ wherein I have been a Martyr, tortured in the mouths 
 “ of many idle Fellows, may give you ample teftimony 
 “ of my integrity, in fuch fort, as I hope you will truft 
 
 fummoned to meet on January 16. Joarr. Pr::tr. The King ilTued a Proclamation, on November 6, wherein he ordered, That the Knights 
 
 fhould be chofen of the graved, ableft, and beft afFc£t d Myndes that could be found,-Perfons approved far their linceryty in Religion, and 
 
 ther for fuperflitious blindnefs, or turbulent humours- Rymer's Feed. Tom. XVII- p- 270. 
 
 if. mlb w ie Reign there were great d-mutes, whether the Bifhops were a State or a Body apart by themfelves in the Parliament, each fide grounded 
 , n ,i , on rhtfe'W nrds of this Sp ech, the one affirming the Kingfaid, the ThreeEJlatc:, and the other maintaining, he mentioned only Two Fjiatet. 
 hull oft h. diflcrri.ie whxh occurs in the feveral Copies. Rujhworib and IVifon have Two Efatn. iranktyn, Nafn. etc. Three Eflatei 
 
 “ the 
 
*621. 
 
 Book XVIII. 
 
 24. J A M E S t 
 
 “ the wifdom of your King fo far, as I will never do one 
 “ thing in private and another in publick; but if after 
 “ this my Declaration any Jhall tranfgrefs, blame me not if 
 “ / fee them feverely punifhed. 
 
 Concerning the Reafons of calling the Parliament. 
 
 iC Now the major errand (I fpeak truth) for which 1 
 <£ have called you, is for a fupply of my urgent neceflities 
 “ in urgent caufes; ye can all bear me witnefs, that I 
 “ have reigned above eighteen years among you; if it 
 “ hath been a fault in me that you have been at peace all 
 “ this time, I pray you pardon it; for I took it for an ho- 
 “ nour unto me, that you fhould live quietly under your 
 “ vines and fig-trees, reaping the fruits of your own labours, 
 
 “ and myfelf to be a juft and merciful King among you. 
 
 “ You have not been troubled with prefling of men, nor 
 “ with other inconveniences which the difafters of war 
 “ produce, and yet in thefe eighteen years have I hadlefs 
 <c fupplies than any King before me. The late Queen of 
 “ famous memory was fo far fupplied in her time, that it 
 “ grew to an annual contribution of one hundred thirty 
 “ five thoufand pounds a year : I had never above four 
 “ Subfidies and fix Fifteenths. I challenge not more of 
 “ defert than fhe; but fure I am, I have governed as 
 “ peaceably. The time fince my fupply hath been as the 
 “ time of Women with Child, £hi<s decern tulcrint fajlidia 
 “ menfes , who after ten months longings, are delivered of 
 “ their burthens ; but I have travailed ten years, and there- 
 “ fore full time to be delivered of my wants. 
 
 “ Now you have feen a trial of my late care in di- 
 “ vers years laft paft in looking into the particulars of my 
 ‘ c Eftate, wherein I muft confefs I have found my reve- 
 “ nue (as Job’ s friends) forfaking me. [In my houfhold 
 “ expences I have abated ten thoufand pounds per Annum , 
 
 “ in my Navy I have abated twenty five thoufand pounds, 
 
 “ and fhortly I hope to abate ten thoufand pounds more. 
 
 * c In my Ordinary I have brought the expence from thirty 
 “ four thoufand to fourteen thoufand pounds,] and yet 
 “ I was loth to believe at firft that thefe were fo much 
 “ out of order ; but at laft, by the information of fome 
 “ private Gentlemen, I was induced to enter into a parti’ 
 
 48 cular furvey; and herein was the Love of my young 
 “ Admiral to me, as he took the envy of all upon him- 
 88 felf for my fake: And though he be but young, yet I 
 88 find him true in faith, and an honeft man, and hath 
 88 had the beft fuccefs in all he hath taken in hand : He 
 88 appointed under himfelf divers Commiflioners, as a young 
 ,c Commander fhould do, the better to preferve himfelf 
 88 from errors, and yet fought no reward but my good and 
 “ fervice, neverthelefs went through with great diligence 
 88 and good fuccefs: And therefore I hope the Kingdom 
 “ fhall fay I have now a true care of my eftate, not taking 
 88 fi° m others by violence, houfe or land, but governing 
 “ my own with good husbandry.” 
 
 Concerning the affair of Bohemia, he faid much the fame 
 
 things as the Marquifs of Buckingham writ in his Letter 
 
 to Count Gondemar, after which he added: 
 
 88 I am now to take for a worfe danger again!! next 
 “ fummer, albeit I will leave no travel untried to obtain a 
 88 happy Peace; but I thought good to be armed againft 
 “ the woife time, it being beft to treat of Peace with the 
 88 fword in my hand: Now I fhall labour to preferve the 
 88 reft of the Palatinate , wherein I declare, That if by 
 “ fair means I cannot get it, my Crown, my Blood, and 
 88 all fhall be fpent, with my Son’s Blood alfo, but I will 
 “ g et it for him; and this is the caufe of all, that the 
 “ caufe of Religion is involved in it, for they will alter 
 88 Religion where they conquer, and fo perhaps my Grand- 
 “ child may fuft'er who hath committed no fault at all. 
 
 88 But this is nothing without a fpeedy fupply, Bis dat qui 
 “ cit'o dat. 
 
 88 Confider who it is that moves you ? your King: and 
 tc the care of the Reformation, and the charges which he 
 88 hath disburfed, befides forty thoufand pounds upon the 
 88 pyratical wars; and confider if I deferve not your re- 
 “ fpedls? 
 
 88 It is ftrange that my Mint hath not gone this eight 
 “ or nine years, but I think the fault of the want of mo- 
 “ ney is in the uneven ballancing of Trade; for other 
 “ things I confefs I have been liberal, but the main caufe 
 “ of my wants has been the ill Government of thofe 
 88 whom I have trufted under me, for I will not make 
 “ every day a Cbriflmafs ; and yet it may be in fome 
 “ grants I have hurt myfelf, and in others my Subjects; 
 
 ( T | were C ^ C Som-rfet, and fome others, who undertook to procure the King a Parliament at his Devotion. 
 
 H' , •' *’ is t ^ ccrl out the rtnna/s of King James I. For the Author pretends, that in Wilfon is not the true one. Ropin 
 
 nor l, .Ij-.r. s, nor Franklyn't feems to be the true Speech; but that in Nalfon 's Introduftion. 
 
 (3) See the King s Speech to the Lords and Commons at Whitehall. March ai, 1600, in his own Works, p. 531. 
 
 (4) And the Clergy Three. Coke, p. lit. 
 
 20 S 
 
 but if I be truly informed, I will rightly reform i6,t. 
 them. 
 
 “ But for you to hunt after grievances to the prejudice of 
 the King and yourfelves, is not the errand: Deal with 
 me as I Jhall deferve it at your hands: I will not leave 
 any thing undone that becomes a jujl King , if you deal ac¬ 
 cordingly. 
 
 “ I know this Parliament hath been of great expecta¬ 
 tion, and fo was that at my firft coming: You I knew, 
 but not the Laws and cuftoms of this land. I was led 
 by the old Counfellors I found, which the old Queen 
 left, and it may be there was a miftaking and mifun- 
 derftanding between us which bred an abruption. And 
 at the laft Parliament there came up a ftrange kind of 
 Beaft called Undertakers (1), a name, which in my na¬ 
 ture I abhor, which caufed a difl'olution. 
 
 “ Now you have that advantage that I call you out of 
 my own free motion, and my truft is in your good of¬ 
 fices: For my good States, even all and every one fhall 
 find an honeft King of me. 
 
 “ How happy a fame will that be, that he is reve¬ 
 renced and loved of all his people, and he reciprocally 
 loves them. So fhall I then be honoured by my neigh¬ 
 bour Princes, and peradventure my Government be 
 made an example for pofterity to follow (2).” 
 
 Many remarks and reflections might be made upon this Remarks on 
 Speech; but as that would lead me too far, I fhall content ,bis SfMb * 
 myfelf with making one Tingle obfervation. This Speech 
 contained fome maxims concerning the Regal Power 
 which certainly the Englijh in general did not then admit’ 
 as they do not even at this day. If fince King James’ s ac- 
 ceflion, the Parliament, or the Commons in particular, 
 had endeavoured to incroach upon his Prerogative, it might 
 not be thought ftrange that he fhould let them know his 
 refolution to maintain it, and mark out the bounds they 
 were not to exceed. But if we confider what palled in 
 the two firft Parliaments of this Reign, the Commons did 
 not begin to attack the King, but the King himfelf gave 
 the Parliament caufe to complain. And fuppofing the 
 Grievances complained of by the Lower-Houfe were 
 groundlefs, to reprefent them to the King was no attempt 
 upon the Prerogative-Royal; and yet this was the only 
 reafon of diffolving the two firft Parliaments. It appears 
 moreover, not only in this to the prefent Parliament, but 
 alfo in his former Speeches, that he made his Prerogative to 
 confift in an unlimited Power, fince lie faid in exprefs 
 terms, That as to difpute what God may do , is Blafpbemy ; 
 fo is it fedition in Subjects to dijpute what a King may do in 
 the height of his Power [ 3). Hence it was eafy to infer, 
 he fet no bounds to the Prerogative-Royal. 
 
 The occafionof calling the Parliament was fo plaufible, The Portia. 
 that the Commons eafily perceived, if they began, accord- ": ent V an,t 
 ing to cuftom, with the confideration of the°Grievances, % 
 before they gave the King money, he would not fail to fay, CokcTp.ii* 
 that a delay in fo important a juncture was the fame as a 
 denial. The people were extremely incenfed againft Spain 
 for invading tfie Palatinate. They dreaded the Prince’s 
 marriage with the Infanta, and the deftrudtion of the Pro- 
 teftant Religion abroad. So to deny the King money on 
 this occafion, would be juftifying his indolence. Some 
 Members, however, believing the King had no defign to 
 make war, were defirous to fpare the people’s purfes. But 
 the reft demonftrated to them, the neceffity of facrificing a 
 fum of money, whether the King employed it in defence 
 of the Palatinate , or put it to other ufes. In the firft cafe, 
 the Publick would have what they wilhed, and the money 
 given the King, would be only a fmall part of what was 
 farther to be expended in fupport of the war. In the fe- 
 cond cafe, the King’s intentions would be manifeftly known, 
 and that would afford a juft motive to refufe him money 
 hereafter for imaginary undertakings. So, without any fol- 
 licitation, the Commons granted the King two entire Sub¬ 
 fidies (4), with which he was fatisfied, in expectation of 
 obtaining much more hereafter on the fame account. 
 
 Not long after, the King fent the Lord Digby to Vienna, Dig b y j s f eflt 
 to endeavour to adjuft the Elector Palatine’s affair, or at 10 Vienna, 
 leaf!, to obtain a Truce, which fhould fecure the Palati- Wilfo "* 
 note from the danger it was threatened with in the next P ' 7J ' 
 campain. I fhall fpeak of this negotiation, after the recital 
 of what pafled in the Parliament. 
 
 The Subfidy ACt was no fooner pafled, but many Pe- Complaints to 
 titions were received by the Houfe of Commons, as well ,he f 
 againft the increafe of Popery, and impunity of Recufants, "Monopolies. 
 as againft Monopolies, Informers, or Projectors. Of the ibid. 
 Monopolies, three were chiefly complained of. The firft 
 was concerning Inns, which no man could keep without a 
 
 —Neither Rujkwcrtb's. 
 
 Licence 
 
Vol II. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1621. Licence from certain perfons, to whom the King had 
 c ' k granted a Patent. The fecond was of the fame nature 
 I-: rvwhci w ‘th refped to Ale-houfes. The third was the mod enor- 
 ,■«n mous. It was a patent granted by the King to Sir Giles 
 '[■ './ Monpejfon , and Sir Francis Michel , for the foie making 
 
 and felling of Gold and Silver Lace. Bythismeans, they 
 fold great quantities of counterfeit Gold Lace inftead of 
 real, and if any perfon prefumed to make or fell any other, 
 and imj 1 - } ie wa; thrown into goal, and fined feverely (1). The two 
 Patentees being informed againft in the Houfe of Commons, 
 Minpcir.n v.eie immediately committed to prilbn : but Monpejfon, 
 t! : Buckingham's creature, found means to make his efcape. 
 
 Ru'iV,worth. As foon as he was fafe, the King publilhed a Proclama¬ 
 tion, promillng a reward to any perfon that fhould take 
 him. 
 
 Wilfon. Mean while, the two Houfes applied themfelves clofely 
 p 73 1 * to the affair of Monopolies. The Commons would know 
 how thefe two perfons obtained their Patent, whilft the 
 Lords were diligently forming their procel’s. In the mean 
 time, the King was very uneafy. He faw, this affair was 
 examining in fuch a manner, that the odium could not but 
 ’the Kirgi fall upon himfelf or favorite. Wherefore, to prevent the 
 Wj 1 '' c infequences, he came to the Houfe ofLords, and made a 
 Ruihwcrth, Speech full of tender and aftedionate expreffions. He af- 
 p 24. firmed, he was ignorant of the ill efteds his Patent had 
 
 Annals caufed, and charged them to bring the offenders to fpeedy 
 
 i 11113 5 ’ and fevere juftite : adding, his intention was to revoke all 
 his Patents which had been fo injurious to the people, and 
 particularly that of Gold and Silver Lace, which was a 
 kind of lalfe coin. He exhorted them, moreover, todif- 
 patch the Bill they were preparing againft Informers and 
 Projedors, faying, he had [before in the Star-Chamber ] 
 firewn his diflike of fuch people, and to be rid of them, 
 would be the greateft eafe to himfelf, [and all thofe about 
 him.] “ For, continued he, Buckingham told me he 
 ** never found fuch quiet and reft as in this time of Par- 
 <c liament from Projedors and Informers, who at other 
 “ times miferably vexed him at all hours.” In fhort, he 
 told them, he thought till then the People had never been 
 fo happy as in his Reign : but now he was afhamed to con- 
 fider how his People had been vexed and polled, by the 
 vile execution of Projeds, Patents, Bills of Conformity, 
 and the like, which have moreexhaufted their purfes than 
 Subfidies would have done. Having thus obviated the 
 complaints which could be made againft him, by condemn¬ 
 ing fir ft the occafion of them, he taught the Lords how 
 they were to proceed in equitably judging the matters be¬ 
 fore them, namely, not to fuller themfelves to be carried 
 away with an inconfiderate zeal for juftice, in hearkening 
 to thofe who 2ccufed the innocent as w'ell as the guilty. 
 n .Every one knew that he meant to hinder the Marquifs 
 J n,r. Buck- of Buckingham from being attacked, who was reckoned the 
 w Vr chief autl ^ or of tlie Monopolies. He had indeed the fatif- 
 
 р . - 34.' fadion to fee that the Parliament did not carry this affair 
 Cabala. very far. But though he had ordered his Speech to be 
 
 printed, and difperfed, he could not hinder refledions to 
 hisdifadvantage. For inftance, he faid in his Speech, that 
 he ajfured them in the heart of an honejl man , and by the faith 
 of a Chrijlian King , if thefe Grievances had been complained 
 of to him before the Parliament , he would have puni/hed them 
 snore feverely than perhaps the Parliament intended to do ; 
 and yet he was contented with abandoning Monpejfon and 
 Michel , whilft he defined the perfon who procured them 
 their Patent fhould be left unmolefted. 
 
 M r ir< n’s However thisbe, the Lords were fatisfied with punifhing 
 a ,:d m CIk. J Monpcjjcn and Michel. They confifcated MonpcJJbn s eftate, 
 .Seance. w h 0 had made his efcape, and degraded him of his Knight- 
 hood (z). Michel was likewife degraded, fined a thoufand 
 r . ’ pounds, imprifoned for life, and carried on horfeback with 
 Rulhworth. jq s f ace t0 t hc tail, through the publick ftreets in Lon- 
 ‘ p ' don. 
 
 с . ... ... r Shortly after, the King hearing, complaints were brought 
 
 Br n 1 before the Peers againft Chancellor came to the 
 
 Jj Houfe of Lords, and fending for the Commons, made a 
 'vX'ij'I Speech, wherein he chiefly infifted upon the neceflity of 
 L’.r is to do punifhing corruption and bribery in Judges. Then he 
 j' : ;‘ <■ thanked the Commons for the two Subfidies, but faid, the 
 f money had been employed before-hand for the defence of 
 RuiVvorth, the Palatinate , and maintenance of his Children, who 
 p- were fled to Holland for refuge: That he had procured a 
 
 fhort truce, and hoped foon to obtain a general peace ; but 1621, 
 the great charges of fending Ambafladors over all Europe , 
 or an army into the Palatinate in cafe his negotiations be¬ 
 came fruitlefs, required a much larger Cum than what had 
 been granted him. He concluded, with protefting before Ht prcn- ’ a 
 God, he would not diilolve the Parliament till the affairs r ; *, - • :JI 
 in agitation were finifhed. r f r , 
 
 Mean while, the Houfe of Commons having demanded 1 - c • n 
 a conference of the Lords, reprefented to them, that the 1 a ” 
 Chancellor being accufed of feveral ciimes, it was not fit 
 he fhould continue any longer in fo eminent a poft if he • -34. 
 was guilty, or beexpofed to calumny if innocent. Where- An,3 : - 
 upon the Lords fent the Chancellor to the Tower, and pre- P ’ ' 3- 
 pared for his trial. He ufed all poflible endeavours to avoid 
 the fhame of a particular and full confdlion. To that end, It- ” r tTs 
 he prefented an humble fubmiflion to the Houfe, confefling ' ; ' b 
 
 himfelf guilty in general, and imploring pardon, oratleaft, iLniworth 
 that his pumfhment might not extend farther than the T. i. p. 29. 
 taking from him the Great Seal. But the Lords were in¬ 
 exorable. They required him to confefs the particulars of " r r ud 
 the Charge, which confifted in the enumeration of feveral ’ f L 'f 
 bribes he had taken. He was fo very exprefs, that he con- Conj'jfon. 
 felled, one of his fervants took a dozen of buttons as a gift, 
 in a caufe depending before him (3). But this confeftion. He is turned, 
 however full and plain it was, did not hinder him from 
 being declared unworthy, not only of the office of Chan- //', . ^ 
 
 cellor, but even of having a place for the future in the l ‘Ks. 
 Houfe of Peers (4), though he had been created Baron of 
 Verulasn , and Vifcount of St. Albans (5): Nay, he was p , 
 like to have been deprived of this dignity (6). He was a ,,:s c : j- 
 very great Genius, and one of the moft learned men in 
 Europe , but a fervile flatterer, extremely haughty whilft p . T" 
 fortune fmiled upon him, and cringing when Ihe frowned. 
 
 Alter his difgrace, he compofed leveral Works, and Remark 0* 
 amongft others, the Hiilory of King Henry VII, to whom 
 certainly he has not given a juft character. This is not ' n > 
 furpriling; fur as Ins eftate was forfeited by the fentence 
 palled upon him, and as he lived only on a penfion from 
 the King, who always fpoke of Henry V II. his Great- 
 Grandfather with high commendations, he made his court 
 to the King, by reprefenting that Prince as a pattern of 
 wildom and virtue (7). 
 
 It was properly in this third Parliament that two Parties Ori. in >r t b, 
 were formed, the one for the Court, the other for the ‘ff 
 People, who began from this time to oppofe one another on iy*le wma 
 all occafions. The People had the ftrongeft party among */Toric* 
 the Commons, and the King in the Houfe of Lords. Not wlu 6** 
 but that the Kings had always their adherents in both 
 Houfes, and the Minifters and Favorites their enemies and 
 enviers. But till this Parliament, there were not properly 
 any formed parties, or, if any, they were not long-lived. 
 
 But thofe that began to be formed this year, continually 
 increafed. Thefe are the fame parties which ftill fublift, 
 under the names of Tories and Whigs ; the firlt of which 
 labours inceflantly to ftretch the Prerogative Royal as high 
 as poflible, when favoured by the King; and the other is 
 always infilling on the rights and privileges of the People. 
 
 The mutual animoiity of thefe two parties, when firft they 
 were formed, was nothing in comparifon of what it is at 
 this day. When all parliamentary affairs came to be tranf- 
 atfted with a fpiritot Party, every thing tended by degrees 
 to confufion. As one of the parties was always ready to 
 increafe the King’s power, the others ufed their utmoft en¬ 
 deavours, not only to keep it within due bounds, but allb 
 to leflen it, for fear the King’s Prerogatives might ferve 
 him for fteps to mount higher. Thus both went too far. 
 
 James l. gave birth to thefe two parties, (vvhooccafioned 
 fo many calamities to England and his own family) by 
 haughtily eftablilhing Prerogatives, which perhaps would 
 never have been queftioned, had he not founded them upon 
 principles that opened a door to arbitrary power. He met 
 however, with great oppoiition, not only in the Houfe of 
 Commons, but among the Peers themfelves, feveral of 
 whom did not fcruple to contradict him openly. Of this Wiifon. 
 number were the Earls of Effex , Oxford , Southampton , [and P- 73 6 * 
 Warwick ,] the Lord Say and Seal, the Lord Spenfer , and 
 fome others. It was then become cuftomary, that when 
 one Lord had fpoken for or againft the Government, he 
 was anfwered by another of the oppoiite party, and very 
 often with a heat and paflion unbecoming the dignity of 
 
 (1) The Lace was made of Copper, and other foph ill icated Materials, which 
 ...r.ri.ds and Blindnefs upon thole that wrought this Compofiticn. Wtlpn, p. . , 
 
 2) And a lit) out-laweJ, and condemned him to perpetual Banifhment- See Rujbwertb, Tom. I. p. 27- 
 (Vi That d :cn of Buttons was valued at 50 /. The Reader may fee an account of the Proceedings againft h 
 
 T. n 
 
 of fo poifonous a nature, that they rotted the Hands and Arms, and bre 
 (which continued from Mircb 
 
 ■ 353 . 
 
 M*Jl) 
 
 e-Tnals. 
 
 he com 
 e generally made 
 
 (41 He w.15 ill., condemned in a Pine of 40,000/■ to be imrriloned during the King’s pleafurc ; and declared forever incapable of any OfficeorPlai 
 (3) He was created lb July 11, 1617. Rymer s Fttd. Tom. XVII. p. 17. 
 
 (6) T heighten his Mifcry the more, many others were crulhed by his Fall, for he was vaftly in debt, and notwithftand ng h> Penfion, he' 
 
 •>* ty't-Inn. Wilfon, p. 735-His too greit Indulgence to his.Servants, was thi 
 
 ,t 1 heir takn and thry were profile and ^xpenfive, and had at command whatever he was mailer of. His Decrees in Chai 
 fo much Equity, that never was any one of them reverled as unjuft. Rujbwortb, Tom. I. p- 31. 
 
 t-\ He was uf a middling -Stature, his Countenance indented with age, before he was old ; his Prefence grave and comely, of a high i.ymg and lively Wit, 
 I n ng in fome things to be rather admired than underlined j yet 1b quick and eafy where he would cXprels hijnfoU. and his Memory lo ftrungand adlive, that 
 ae appeared the mailer of a laige and plenteous ftore-houfc of knowledge. Wilfon, p. 736. 
 
 , the 
 
Book XVIIL 
 
 24. J A M E S I, 
 
 The Corn- 
 granting the 
 
 1621 the Houfe. One day, as the Lord Spenfer was fpeaking fame Sejfion in courfe of Adjournment. That as for the 
 £ w a u Ut the Government, and alledging feveral examples of Grievances, they were fuch' as he needed not the affiflance 
 dri and their great Anceftors, Arundel fuddenly interrupted him, of Parliament to reform the fame, and would have redrcf- 
 
 %nfer. faying My Lord, when tbefe things you fpeak of were doing, fed them himfelf, had they been fooner made known to 
 
 p “3"’ y° ur Anc eft or s were keeping Sheep (1). Spenfer inftantly re- him. Adding, that by his own Re^al Authority lie an 
 
 plied, men my Ancejlors ( as you fay ) were keeping Sheep , nulled and revoked the Patent for gold and Live/ thread 
 y° urs we plotting Treajon. Whereupon the Houfe orde- and fome others mentioned in the Proclamation At the a, 
 
 ring them both to withdraw, it was refolved, in fpite of fame time a fecond Proclamation was publifhed again ft fuch 
 
 the molt zealous Courtiers that the Earl of Arundel, as as were Co bold as to talk of State-affairs, notwuhftand 
 
 aggrellor, lhould give the Lord Spenfer fatisfa&ion, which ' ' *.. 
 
 he refuling, was fent to the Tower, and not releafed till 
 he had fubrnitted to the commands of the Houfe. 
 
 Mean while, the Commons finding the King made no 
 r 0e P re P aracions *° r war > but on ly fent Digby to the Emperor, 
 g Ki"gMoney. were not forward to give him a frefh fupply, efpecially as 
 Wilfon, they knew the two Subsidies already granted had been put 
 P- 737* toother ufes. They were not ignorant, moreover, that the 
 King built all his hopes upon the Spanif match, and con- 
 fequently would not eafily refolve to take arms againft the 
 Houfe of Aujlria , and the more, becaufe Gondemar had ftiil 
 a great influence over him. The truth is, had the King 
 really intended to wreft from the Spaniard what was taken 
 from the Palatinate , it was not natural for the Spanijh Am- 
 baflador to have lb much power at Court. The people 
 were extremely difpleafed with it, and looked upon the 
 Spanijh marriage as a very great misfortune to the Nation, 
 
 ££T and the Proteftant Re l'gfon. Of this they gave Gondemar 
 the People, himfelf a fenfible proof, who was reviled and infulted by 
 Rufh worth. the populace in London ftreets (2). The King hearing of 
 
 T. 1. p. 34. it } ordered one of the infolent mob to be publickly whipt 
 
 by the hangman. 
 
 The King The King perceiving the Commons would never think 
 order 1 the of granting him a frelh aid, before it was more certainly 
 ^bc ad! known whether there would be peace or war, ordered the 
 jeumtd. Lord-Tre; or to go in his name, [ on June 4. J and ad- 
 
 Annals. journ the Parliament to the 14th of November. The fpirit preparing to invade the Upper'Patatinate, caufcd MansfAdt 
 ‘Tie Con,, ol jealoufy, which then reigned among the Commons, to march his Army thither, having obtained of the /*/- 
 
 moo, think earned them to confider this adjournment as an incroach- landers a hundred and fifty thoufand Florins to nav his 
 
 J W ' ,r Prlv,le 8 es ' T S e i'.; raen J ed ’p ,i ! C Ki " S J™ ps ' Manfridt was not however in condition to with- 
 
 Coke. ' J ad indeed power to prorogue and diffolve the Parliament, ftand Tilly , who being entered the Upper Palatinate w th 
 but that Adjournment was the peculiar privilege of each twenty five thoufand men, had taken R'nulurgh and fome 
 
 ing his Majefty’s former command, with threats of fevere t . . 
 punifhment, as well againft the concealers of fuch dif- Kuihwortl 
 courfes, as againft audacious tongues and pens. T ‘ 1 p ‘ 3 
 
 On the 20th of July , John Williams Dean of If.-/:- 
 minjler was fworn Lord-Keeper of the Great-Seal of Eng- 
 land, ^the Chancellorlhip having been vacant ever lince Hackct. 
 Bacon’s condemnation. 
 
 I muft now briefly relate what paffed in Bohemia and 
 the Palatinate , after the Battle of Prague. This know¬ 
 ledge is abfolutely neceflary for the clear underllanding of 
 the affairs of England. 
 
 The day afrer the battle, the City of Prague furren- °f 
 dered at diferetion, and the Duke of Bavaria returned to 
 Munich, leaving his Army in Bohemia under the com- Rebellion i 
 mand of Count Tilly his Geneial. On the other hand, Dulum,:i - 
 Count Bucquoy departed the 1 2th of December for Moravia 
 which voluntarily iubmitted, as defpairing of afliftance. 
 
 After Bucquoy hud fpent part of the winter in Moravia 
 and at / ienna, he went and commanded the imperial ar¬ 
 my in Hungary , where he was flain, afrer fomeprogrefi. 
 
 A little belore, Silefia had likewife fubmittc-d to tire Em¬ 
 peror. 
 
 Mean while, Count Mansfcldt had fortified himfelf inM.m'dt 
 Bohemia, from whence the Imperialifts would have round it ' 1 ,n; 
 difficult to drive him. But the King of Bohemia, who /'/// 
 was ftiil in Holland , hearing the Duke of Bavaria w:n 
 
 T. I. p. 35. 
 
 The Lords 
 refufe to 
 join -with 
 
 r>nh. Ho U f ei So they defired a conference with the Lords, 
 
 other places. Mean while, as Mansfcldt had intrenched Her, 
 
 , ... « himfelf behind a Moraf-, where it was impracticable to at- Treaty with 
 
 " . 1 1 lL ;- K ‘"E “P°" *18 ^100. But the King ac- tack him, Count Till,, to make him quit the Country 
 
 q,.aiming the Lords, that fuch a Petition would be very concluded a Treaty with him, by winci, he promifed to tern', i f 
 
 ‘ perfwade them to concur with them, in preferring a Pe- 
 
 tbeCommons, difplealing to him, and that he would not fuffer his power 
 to call, adjourn, prorogue, and diffolve the Parliament, to 
 be difputed, the Lords refufed to join with the Commons. 
 Whereupon the Commons declared, That they were ex¬ 
 tremely concerned at the King’s refolution, becaufe it de¬ 
 prived them of the means of finifhing what was begun for 
 the publick good. 
 
 n iucm This declaration brought the King to the Houfe of 
 leave to jit Peers, and after thanking their Lordfhips for acknowledg- 
 Fortnight j n g his Prerogative, and refufing to join with the Com- 
 Rufh worth. mons > told them, if they defired it. 
 
 F his Buh ' raia ' 
 i, llf P- »aj- 
 
 The King 
 
 fupply him with two hundred thoufand Florins 
 Treaty was concluded the 27th of September 1621 
 fome difficulty ariling, it was not executed. So Mansfeldtpl'rjje 
 kept his poft till the Lord Digby ’s arrival, who palling 
 tliat way in his return from Vienna, prevailed with him 
 to march into the Leaver Palatinate, which was in tx- ,, 
 treme danger. By this means the Upper Palatinate was i'/su 
 really loft and fubdued by the Duke of Bavaria. n 
 
 In the year 1620, Spinola, as I faid, began his conquefts a~j - 
 in the Lower Palatinate. Since the lubmillion of the Kirn* t,; - '-? 
 he would grant of Bohemia’s Allies to the Emperor, after the Battle of ^'u.' 
 
 a de,a y. of . c, S ht “ Kn da y s ; T but not do ,t Prague, Spinola bud continued hi, conqucil, with rapidity, 
 
 at the requeftof the Commons Upon this offer, the for there was no army to flop him, aid the Eng/i/h were 
 Lords, after a conference with the Commons, moved the too weak to oppofe his progrefs. However on the ad of 
 Ktng to continue their fitting for fourteen days which was Auguft 16,0, a five weeks Truce wa. concluded at Ha- 
 granted. Some days after, a Committee of both Houfes at- guenau which was .he Truce mentioned by King Jamei in 
 tending the King, he took occafion to tell them, how ill his Speech to the Parliament. The Archduke had made 
 he took it that the Commons lhould dlfpute his undoubted him believe he agreed to this Truce purely on his ac- 
 nght to adjourn the Parliament. Probably, this power count; but in reality it was only to give the Emceror r ,0 , 
 was not confirmed by coftom, fmee the Commons confi- time to fend forces into the Lower Pah,dnate in the room T ,J 1 
 dered it as an mvafion of then privileges, whereas they never of thofe, Spinola was leading back to the Kelberlauii be¬ 
 thought of qucftionmghis right to prorogue and diffolve the caufe of the expiration of the twelve year. Tre e between 
 Parliament. Be this as it will, the Commons feeing the Spain and HManJ. Spinola leaving hut very few Troops 
 Lords, who were equally concerned in the affair, refufe with Dm Golf da de Cordova, who was to command 
 iX/a t clr , co " c “ rre " ce > proceeded no farther Neverthelefs, on the PalatinaU, the Truce was as much for the Spamarte 
 i/f ^eday they were to break up, they drew ti.e following advantage as for the King of Bobenddo. Shortly after c * te 
 Uecla-ation, [hat takmg mto moji fmms confederation th, the Spanijh Army being grown ten thoufand ftrong I'cre 
 
 of tb e [>a- prefent Jlate of the King s Children abroad, and the generally «■»•><• fes-r-^A m rts. _ « r 
 
 wiiibn.' a ffi l£ted *ft ate °f ihe true ProfeJJors of the fame Chrijlian Reli - 
 p. 73/. S 10n -> profejfed by the Church of England in foreign Parts . 
 
 Rulhwoith. and being touched with ‘ ' r ’ "" “ " 
 
 36. ^ r# -- 
 
 p. 36. 
 
 unanimous confent declare¬ 
 
 rs forced to retire to IVormcs. Mean while, the 'Spanijh Siege 
 General became mafter of Stein, Ladcnburg, and Refers- ^-'nkcadd- 
 , - , - „ . Lantern, and in October befieged Frankenial, where 
 
 Mb ar, f Mata feel,ng of Fin had retired. There was no other way to fave this M .n feldt 
 
 Member! of th, fame body, they do wtth important Place, than, as I faid, by caufing' Man,feldt 
 
 come froni the Upper Palatinate. Upon Mans feldt’s an-•/!'/ 
 
 of the fame body, they do with 
 -they fall be ready to the ut 
 
 n r .1 ■ i , . , - ,c,.. v ... tut ut- tome irom cue upper Palatinate. Upon Ai.-insfeldt’ s an--' ■ ' 
 
 Tm'ioM-T er r both ™ ,ih , t,mr ^es and Fortunes, to proach, Gonfales railed the Siege of Frankendal. But nre- // 
 ffrf d^fUi’ OI ha 'B ma B‘f k “ t ,M W ‘ ,h fentl y after Tilly arrived in tbe Lower Palatinate with'the tildvt 
 hn few rd which by a peaceable courfe, feall no, be ,ffiCUd. Bavarian army, and fome Troops of Men,-, and IFirtZ 
 
 S“i'. l/f ft *tt- burgh, Man feldt was foiced to retire into Alfatia. Tills 
 
 vtjbtstivers “ let forth » / hat as many great affairs debated in Campain ended with the lofs of all the Towns in the 
 RuZo/h n /° u d n0t , be / OUght t0 P erfea,on in . fo ftort Lower Palatinate, except Manheim , Hcideibngh, and 
 
 T. I. p. 36. ’ S ommons bought it convenient to continue the Frankendal, which were the molt important. Vere conti- 
 
 JplbJ^hZ] L&JVlTl’ t0 ° k I'"* dd fc ight 3 ?° Untr * Lifc ’ and efprclally in Flocks of Sheep, which m;.de Wilton fay. He vn, more vigil,u.t « 
 p 737. * f g a y 10 ,nCr0acb "’S r™” A Monarchy, fan hi, barmhfs and Under Lambs fen Fo.cn, and ravJus Creator's, 
 
 fuini111/ tfspani/b^A ,fen/ls lTlb AnT^ W ? k L n ' h;s Nation. For he ciufed Ordnance, and other wailike Provifions, to be conveyed from England, to 
 ScantIh Cr,. pr0C J Ur ' d underhand, the lending of Sir Robert Mantel into the Mediterranean, to defir. y the Abertis, which fecu.ed the 
 worth, Tom*i. p. j lpplng ’ an ,vc,Ced to another ufe, that Money and Strength which lhould.have been eroploytd for the d-.ti.nce of the Palatinate. Rujk- 
 
 No.-54, V 0 t. II. F f f 4 
 
 F f f 
 
206 
 
 Yol II 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 MarJ.c, 
 
 Philip III. 
 
 
 Obila. 
 p. 240. 
 °/ 
 
 J jn 
 
 a-:J by the 
 Empar, 
 Annals. 
 
 
 Dgby'i 
 
 Hmbjjfy. 
 
 Du Chefn 
 Rulhwor! 
 
 
 nued at Frankendal, Herbert commanded 
 and Burroughs in Heidclbergh. 
 
 Philip III. King of Spain died the 31ft of March this 
 year, and was fucceeded by his Son Philip IV. 
 
 In France , Lewis XIII. vigoroufiy prefted the Hugue¬ 
 nots , and inverted Alontauban , but the long refiftance ot 
 the Befieged, compelled him to defift. 
 
 The twelve years Truce between Spain and the United 
 Provinces being about to expire, the Archduke wa3 afraid, 
 'James would fend a ftrong aid to the States, in order to 
 oblige the Spaniards to reftore what was taken in the 
 Palatinate. To divert him from fuch a thought, he inti¬ 
 mated to him, that a Peace between the Elector Pala¬ 
 tine and the Emperor was not fo difficult as was imagined, 
 and the Emperor doubtlefs would agree to it upon reafon- 
 able Terms. Nav, he fent the Emperor in the Elector’s 
 behalf a very preffing Letter, which was fliown to the 
 King. This was attacking him on his weak fide : for he 
 was ever of opinion, that juftice, honefty, and the regard 
 the World had for him, were fufficient to determine this 
 affair. To infnare him the more eafily, the Emperor 
 writ to the Archduke, that at his inftances, and out of his 
 great refpe£t to the King of England , he was ready to em¬ 
 brace all proper methods for a Peace with the Eledtor 
 Palatine. On the other hand, the King of Spain told the 
 Emperor, that if he gave the upper Palatinate to the Duke 
 of Bavaria , as was reported, he muft expedt no farther 
 afliftance from Spain. All thefc Letters were communi¬ 
 cated to the King, or his Ambafladors, which confirmed 
 him in his opinion, that there would be no occafion for 
 War, and to fhow the leaft miftruft would fpoil all. Thus 
 the Princes of the Houle of Aujlria amufed the King, to in¬ 
 duce him to remain in his fatal neutrality. Upon thele 
 hopes therefore, without queftioning in the leaft their fin- 
 cerity, he difpatched the Lord Digby to Henna , the luc- 
 cefs of whole Negotiation I muft now relate. 
 
 This Ambaflador having an audience of the Emperor 
 the 15th of July , confined his demands to thefe two 
 heads. Firft, That the Eledlor Palatine fhould be re- 
 ' rtored to the dime ftate he was in before he was chofen 
 King of Bohemia. Secondly, That the imperial ban fhould 
 be revoked, or at leaft fufpended ; for which the King his 
 Father-in-law would undertake to oblige him to give the 
 Emperor due fatisfadtion. 
 
 The Emperor, who only fought to gain time, anfwered 
 in writing, that at the requeft of the King of England, 
 and fome other Princes who had writ to him in the Palf- 
 grave’s behalf, he was ready to pardon him. That the 
 difficulty of this affair confifted in two principal points, 
 the firft whereof was, that the Palfgrave fhould pay him 
 the obedience due to the Head of the Empire ; the fecond, 
 that he fhould give him a reafonable fatisfadtion. As this 
 was exadtly James' s fcheme for an accommodation, a 
 Peace feemed not to be very remote. But the term, Satif- 
 fadtion, being capable of a more or lefs extenfive mean¬ 
 ing, it was ealy for the Fmperor to prolong the negotia¬ 
 tion, as he pleafed. However, for fear he fhould be taken 
 at his word, he added in his anfwer, that, as he had under¬ 
 taken the war with the advice and alfiftance of divers 
 Princes, he could do nothing without their confent ; but 
 had called a Diet at Ratisbon , the refolutions whereof 
 fhould be communicated to the King of England. It muft 
 be obferved, this Diet did not meet till January 1623. 
 
 A few days after the Emperor had delivered this an¬ 
 fwer to the Ambaftador, he received a Letter from the 
 Infanta Ifabrlla , notifying the death of her Husband the 
 Archduke, at Bruffels the 13th of July , and repeating withal 
 her inftances in the Eledtor’s behalf. Whereupon Digby 
 prefented a frefh Memorial, demanding a Truce for the 
 Lower Palatinate on three conditions. 1. That Count 
 Mansfeldt fhould obferve the Truce, otherwife the Elector 
 Palatine fhould revoke his commiffion. z. That the 
 comnnffion of John-George de Brandenburg Marquifs of 
 fogerndorf who ferved the Elcdtor, fhould be likcwife re¬ 
 voked. 3. That as foon as the Truce was publifhed, the 
 Elector fhould deliver to the Emperor, Tabor and lPi tig aw, 
 the only Places he ftill held in Bohemia. 
 
 The Emperor receiving thele propofals, communicated 
 them to the Elcdtor of Saxony and the Duke of Bavaria, 
 who returned both the fame anfwer, as if they had given 
 each other the word, namely, they advifed him to omit 
 nothing to reftore Peace to Germany : loofe expreffions 
 without any meaning, but which however gave occafion 
 to believe they wore inclined to Peace. After this the Em- 
 pcor writ a Letter to the Infanta, which was imparted to 
 Digby , telling her, that at her requeft, and out of his great 
 regard for the King of England , who had fliown fo much 
 11 iidence, fincerity, and moderation, he was refolved to 
 treat of a Truce, on the conditions propofed by the Eng- 
 -jh Amballador himfeif. Adding, that during the Truce, 
 conferences might be held, to try to come to a Peace. 
 Thus Jam: r w i obhged either to fit ftiJl and expert the 
 
 event of thefe corife 
 peror and Spain , whe 
 point of conclufion, 1 
 not eafily be determined. 
 
 Some Mile after, the Fmperor, whe 
 or, to be freed from Di/b; - importur. 
 intended to grant a Truce for the Pala 
 of Bavaria would confent to it. Nav, 
 
 nee . or to break with the Em- 
 thc Peace feenvd to be upon the 
 which it was well known he v. oald 
 
 her to earn tune, iv.ihw 
 fics, told him, he T’ 1 , l 
 mate, if the Duke 
 he advifed him to 
 
 go and negotiate the Truce with the Duke Digby leav¬ 
 ing Vienna the 11th of September , came into the Upper - 
 Palatinate , where the Duke of Bavaria then was, at the 
 time Mansfeldt was concluding the lbrementioned Tn: :e 
 with Tilly. When Digby talked of a i'niee, the Duke 
 told him. There was no need to labour fir a Truce, (r the 
 >■ ars weri it a? nd, in that l. 
 
 Mansfeldt; nor did be ,io.,bt of ih.ping lab Palatinates in 
 Peace, till the Emperor and Palfgrave were agreed. The 
 Lmperor hearing by Digby this anfwer, wiit him word, 
 that the face of affairs being altered in the Upper-Palati¬ 
 nate, by Mansfeldt' s fault, who had entered that Country 
 with his Troops, the Duke of Bavaria was under a 
 neceffi.ty of raifing an Army to drive him thence, and it 
 was not reafonabie he fhould be at that charge to no pui- 
 pofe. Then it was that Digby, having informed the King 
 flat ■ . ffaii n G n , ught 
 the Lower-Palatinate, where his coming laved Frankendal. 
 
 After that, he borrowed, upon his own ciedit, ten thou- 
 fand pounds Sterling, to pay the Englijh Troops, who had 
 for a long time received nothing. 
 
 The King being informed, by his Ambafiador’s Letter, 
 of the Duke of Bavaria's anfwer, wrote to the Emperor, 
 to complain of the invafion of the Palatinate, and to tell eie Kirgin 
 him, in what manner he conceived, the Elector Palatine r /'U' 
 was to give him fuisfadtion, in order to fix the fenfe of D . j P. 
 the word. 1. That he fhould renounce the Crown o! 
 
 Bohemia, z. That as Prince of the Empire lie fhould fub- 
 mit to Iiis Imperial Majefty. 3. That he fhould a^k par 
 t n 01 k ’ t for the fut ;, he 
 
 main quiet, and raife r.o difturbance in tl\e Empire. 
 
 5. That he fhould be reconciled to all the Princes. 
 
 6. That if this was not fufficient, he would undertake to 
 procure what other terms fhould he deemed reafonable. 
 
 Laftly, He told him, that if lie could not obtain his Son- 
 in-law’s pardon bv fair means, he was refolved to have 
 recourfe to arms. The Emperor, without being frighted TheEmf-rcr 
 at this menace, ftill continued to amufe him, and the better fadsanAm- 
 to perfuade him he W2S inclined to Peace, he difpatched 
 
 Count Sch tzenbu fettle with him the conditions of 
 a Truce. The Count was very magnificently received at 
 London. But before I fpeak of the fuccefs of his Em- 
 bally, I muft relate what palled in England till the end of 
 the \ear. 
 
 The King had farther adjourned the two Houfes from The Kmg 
 the 14th of November to the 8th of February 1622. 
 
 Digby s return occafioned his ordering them to meet the Dlgby’i * 
 zoth of November. As he was a little indifpofed, he com- r «u-r,. 
 manded the Lord Keeper, the Lord Treafurcr, and the RufllW0rt ^* 
 Lord Digby , to acquaint the Parliament with his inten¬ 
 tions. The Lord Keeper faid, that fince the laft adjourn- The Keeper's 
 inent the King had taken great care of the nation, re- 
 forming by his Proclamations thirty-feven feveral grievan- R U (| 1W o,tb, 
 ces complained of by the People, without demanding any t. 1. p. 39. 
 thing in return for thefe Favours, as was ufual in former ■ 
 times. That he had reaftembled the Parliament, upon the 
 declaration of the Commons to affift him powerfully in the 
 recovery of the Palatinate. That he had ufed his endea¬ 
 vours to procure a goed Peace, but with little fuccefs, a; 
 the Lord Digby would inform them. Then, he put them 
 in mind, that the King had advanced forty thouf.md pounds 
 to keep together an army in the Lcrwer-Palatinate: But, 
 continued he, unlej's the Parliament take further Rejolution, 
 and imitate rather antient than modern Principles, and be 
 more expeditious in what they do, his Majejly's endeavours 
 will fall to the ground. He concluded with faying, the 
 King had refolved to continue the Seffion til! feven or 
 eight days before Chrjlmafs, and renew it the Sth of 
 February. 
 
 The Lord Digby, fpeaking next, gave a brief account Digby’* \ 
 of his Embafi'v to Vienna, and faid, he plainly d.fcovered, 
 it was the Emperor’s intent to give the Upper-Palatinate p . -.g". 
 to the Duke of Bavaria. Adding, that a good l'um of Rufhw rth, 
 Money was abfolutely neceffary, both to keep Count Mans- 39- 
 
 feldt's army together, and to fend a ftrong fupply of Eng- 
 lijh Troops to the Palatinate. 
 
 The Lord-Trealurer faid, the King 
 his Treafure being exhaufted by the 
 defence of the Palatinate. Nevertnc 
 declared for War, he was refolved tf 
 Marriage, hoping by that means to heal 
 
 s coffers were empty, n e ir,a 
 ■urn employed in the purer’s 
 , tl u;gh the King 
 conclude the Spanijh 
 ■ breach. 
 
 Tis certain, the King had no defign to go to War, qh, Kir.gi 
 fince it could be only with the Spaniard, whom he confi- 
 dered as id-, belt rr,end, 2nd w: r h whom he was going t 
 
 _ R'.fnwi 
 
Book XVIli. 
 
 20 
 
 24. J A 
 
 1621. be allied by his Son’s marriage with the Infanta. But 
 he made as if he intended to take arms, in cafe he was 
 obliged to it. To that end, it was necefi'ary, in his opi¬ 
 nion, to prepare betimes, and begin with fending money 
 to Mamfeldt , to pay his Troops and continue the war in 
 the Palatinate., till the fuccefsof the Negotiations at Vienna 
 and Madrid fhould be known. The King would there¬ 
 fore have it fuppofed, as a thing certain, that in cafe thefe 
 Negotiations were fruitlefs, he was bent to begin the War, 
 and vigorously fupport it. Confequently, he demanded 
 money to enable him to make the necefi'ary preparations, 
 and, in a word, required, that the affair fhould be left en- 
 tirelyto his management. Indeed, Parliaments are wont 
 th, mjjiou. tQ a( c^ t h USj when they think the King is undertaking a 
 juft and necefi'ary War. So James proceeded upon the 
 ufual cuftom and method of the Parliament. There was 
 only one obje&ion to be made, on which however no man 
 durft (peak his mind freely, namely, that the conduct of 
 former Parliaments was grounded upon their good opinion 
 of their Kings, and their confidence in them. But the 
 Commons had no fuch confidence in James I. He de¬ 
 manded money for a War, to which they were perfwaded, 
 he had no inclination. And therefore they could not 
 help fearing, that the money which fhould be granted him, 
 would be employed otherways than in a War with Spain. 
 On the other hand, the Commons were taken in their 
 own nets. To fhow that the delay of a War, deemed 
 necefi'ary by all the world, did not proceed from them, 
 they had promifed to put the King in condition to begin 
 and purfue it vigoroufly. But when this promife came to 
 be performed, their little confidence in the King, made 
 them very referved. It was necefi'ary however to fatisfy 
 the publick, and fhow, they meant to keep their promife, 
 provided they could be certain, it would be for the advan- 
 1b' Cor:, tage of the State. To this end, they refolved to make a 
 Remonftrance to the King, and reprefent to him what 
 Remonflranee they thought requifite in the prefent jun&ure. Not that 
 to King, they expected the King would grant their requefts, but to 
 leave him without excufe, in cafe he refufed them,! which 
 was fcarce to be doubted. Such were the effects, the dif- 
 truft between the King and Parliament began to produce. 
 Inftead of ufing their joint endeavours for the publick 
 good, each ftrove to take advantage of the other. For the 
 better underftanding the events of this Reign, which were 
 the origin and fpring of the troubles in the next, it will 
 not be improper to infert the whole Remonftrance, not- 
 withftanding its length. 
 
 Mojl Gracious and Dread Sovereign , 
 
 Cm. “ your Majefty’s moft humble and loyal Sub- 
 
 ZZ'flmnc CC - j e( T-> ,lie Knights, Citizens, and Burgefles, now 
 5 S»w."Vh. “ aflembled in Parliament, who reprefent the Commons 
 T 1 p. 40. “ of your Realm, full of hearty forrow, to be deprived of 
 Anii .i’ of 14 t,1C comf ° rt ot }' our Royal prefence, or the rather, for 
 Jam 's B “ tllat !t proceeds from the want of your health, wherein 
 p jS- “ we all unfeignedly do fuffer ; in all humble manner, 
 “ calling to mind your gracious anfwer to our former 
 “ petition concerning Religion, which, notwithftanding 
 “ your Majefty’s pious and princely intentions, hath not 
 “ produced that good effect, which the danger of thefe 
 “ times doth feem to us to require: and finding how ill 
 “ your Majefty’s goodnefs hath been requited by Princes 
 “ of different Religion, who, even in time of Treaty, 
 “ have taken opportunity to advance their own ends, 
 “ tending to the fubverfion of Religion, and difadvantage 
 “ of your affairs, and the eftate of your Children ; by 
 “ reafon whereof, your ill-affeaed Subje&s at home, the 
 “ Popifh Recufants, have taken too much encourage- 
 “ ment, and are dangeroufly incrcafed in their number, 
 
 “ in their infolencies. W e cannot but be fenfible 
 “ thereof, and therefore humbly reprefent what we con- 
 “ cei\-e to be the caufes of fo great and growing aiifchiefs, 
 “ and what be the remedies. 
 
 “ I. The vigilancy and ambition of the Pope of Rome, 
 
 “ and his deareft Son, the one aiming at as large a tem- 
 “ poral Monarchy, as the other at a fpiritual Supremacy. 
 
 “ II- The devilifh pofitions and doctrines, whereon 
 “ Popery is built, and taught with Authority to their Fol- 
 “ lowers, for advancement of their temporal ends. 
 
 “ III. The diftrefied and iniferable eftate of the Pro- 
 “ fefiors of true Religion in foreign parts. 
 
 ‘- 1 - IV. The difaffrous accidents to your Majefty’s Chil- 
 “ dren abroad, expreffed with rejoicing, and even with 
 “ contempt of their perfons. 
 
 “ The ftrange confederacy of the Princes of the 
 popilF Religion, aiming mainly at the advancement of 
 theirs, and fubverting of ours, and taking the advan- 
 “ tages conducing to that end upon all occafions. 
 
 VI. The great and many Armies raifed, and main- 
 
 M E S 1 . 
 
 “ tained at the charge of the King of Spain , tijc cm. f of - * 
 “ that League. 
 
 “ VII. The expe&ation of the popiih Recufants of tire 
 “ match with Spain , and feeding themfelves with grejt 
 <c hopes of the confcquences thereof. 
 
 “ VIII. The interpofing of foreign Princes, and the.« 
 
 “ Agents, in the behalf of popifh Recufants, for conn; • 
 tc vance and favour unto them. 
 
 “ IX. The open and ufual refort to the Houfes, and, 
 
 “ which is worfc, to the Chapels of foreign AmbafTador. 
 
 <c X. Their more than ufual concourfe to the City, 
 tc and their frequent conventicles and conferences there. 
 
 “ XI. The education of their Children in many feve- 
 “ ral Seminaries and Houfes of their Religion in foreign 
 “ parts, appropriated to the Englijh Fugitives. 
 
 “ XII. The grants of their juft forfeitures intended by 
 “ your Majefty, as a reward of fcrvice to the Grantees 
 “ but, beyond your Majefty’s intention, transferred or 
 “ compounded lor, at fuch mean rates, as will amount to 
 “ lefs than a toleration. 
 
 “ XIII. The licentious printing and difperfing of po- 
 “ pilb and feditious Books, even in the time of Pariia 
 “ ment. 
 
 “ XIV. The fwarms of Priefts and Jefuits, the com- 
 “ mon incendiaries of all Chriftendom, difperft in all 
 “ parts of your Kingdom. 
 
 “ And from thefe caufes, as hitter roots, we humbly 
 offer to your Majefty, that we forefee and fear there 
 “ W| ff neceiiarily lollow very dangerous effects both to 
 “ Church and State. For, 
 
 “ I. The popiih Religion is incompatible with our-, ; . 
 
 “ refpe£t of their pofitions. 
 
 “ II- It draweth with it an inviolable dependency on 
 “ foreign Princes. 
 
 tc Ilf. It openeth too wide a gap for popularity, to 
 “ any who fhall draw too great a party. 
 
 “ IV. It hath a reftlefs Spirit, and will ftrive by thefe 
 “ gradations ; if it once get but a connivance, it will 
 prefs for a 1 oleration ; if that Ihould be obtained, 
 
 “ f hey muff; have an equality ; from thence they will 
 “ afpire to Superiority, and will never reft till they get a 
 “ fubverfion of the true Religion. 
 
 “ The remedies againft thefe growing Evils, which, 
 
 “ in all humility we offer unto your moft excellent Ma- 
 “ jefty, are thefe, 
 
 “ I. That feeing this inevitable necefiity is fallen upon 
 “ your Majefty, which no wifdom or Providence of a 
 “ peaceful and pious King can avoid, your Majefty would 
 not omit this juft occafion, fpeedily and effeilually to 
 “ take your fword into your hand. 
 
 “ II- That once undertaken upon fo honorable and juft 
 “ grounds, your Majefty would refolve to purfue, and 
 “ more publickly avow the aiding of thofe of our Reli- 
 “ g‘ on m foreign Parts, which, doubtlefs, would re-unite 
 “ the Princes and States of the Union, by thefe difafters 
 “ dilheartned and disbanded. 
 
 “ III. That your Majefty would propofe to your felf 
 “ to manage this war with the beft advantage, by a di- 
 “ verfion or otherwile, as in your deep Judgment fhall 
 “ be found fitteft, and not to reft upon a war in thefe 
 “ Parts only, which will confume your Treafure, and 
 “ difeourage your people. 
 
 “ IV. That the bent of this war, and point of your 
 “ fword, may be againft that Prince, ( whatfoever opinion 
 tc of potency he hath) whofe Armies and Treafures, have 
 “ firft diverted, and fince maintained the war in the Pa- 
 “ latinate. 
 
 “ V. That for fecuring of our Peace at home, your 
 “ Majefty would be pleafed to review the parts of our 
 “ petition, formerly delivered unto your Majefty, and 
 “ hereunto annexed, and to put in execution, 'by the 
 “■ care of choice Commifiioners to be thereunto efpecially 
 “ appointed, the Laws already, and hereafter to be made, 
 
 “ for preventing of dangers by popifh Recufants, and their 
 “ wonted evaiions. 
 
 “ VI. That to fruftrate their hopes for a future age, 
 
 “ our moft noble Prince may be timely and happily ir.ar- 
 “ ried to one of our own Religion. 
 
 “ VII. That the Children of the Nobility and Gentry 
 “ of this Kingdom, and of others ill-affe&ed and fufpe&e'd 
 “ in their Religion now beyond the Seas, may be forth- 
 “ with called home by your means, and at the charge of 
 “ their parents or governors. 
 
 “ VIII. That the Children of popifh Recufants, or 
 “ fuch whofe wives are popifii Recufants, be brought up, 
 
 “ during their minority, with Proteftant School-mafters 
 “ and 'I'eachers, who may fow, in their tender years, 
 
 “ the feeds of true Religion. 
 
 “ IX. That your Majefty will be pleafed fpeedily to 
 
 “ revoke 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 , 0 8 Ehe HISTORY (/ENGLAND. 
 
 :i: Ki'r.gjnd 
 
 ■The Km- ■. 
 
 Fbt manner 
 
 cf tbe Re- 
 r e-prance, 
 
 ■ re.-oke ill former Licences for fuch Children and Youth welfare of Religion and the Nation ; with tolerating Ren 
 
 t. trie ■! Vyood the Seas, and not grant any fuch Li- fants j with having no defign to engage m a war lor the n- 
 < cem c hereafter. covery of the Palatinate, though he defired money lor that 
 
 “ X. ! hit your Majefty’s learned Council may receive purpofe ; with granting Licences prejudicial to the Kmg- 
 nmr.i .ndment from your Highnefs, carefully to look dom ; and tartly, with having little or no concern for the 
 into I,. liner grants i.l Recufants lands, and to avoid them, interert of Religion, in marrying the Frmce h,- Son with a 
 
 ■ 1 bv 1 . ,w tilev can , and that your Majefty will flay Spanijh Princefs. The Commons not daring to fpe.ik their 
 
 ■ Visit hand from paffing any fuch grants hereafter. thoughts freely on this occafion. were contented with giving 
 
 intimations. T he King perceived it, but forbore, in his 
 -i Tins i the him and efFe£t of our humble Declaration, own vindication, to enter into particulars, wind: would no* 
 
 ■ , ; h . wa intending to prefs upon your Ma- 
 
 • jofty’s undoubted and regal Prerogative ) do, with the 
 
 ■ ?nliicfs of our duty and obedience, humbly fubmit to 
 
 ■ vour mod princely confideration: The glory of God, 
 wt. !: caufe it is; the zeal of our true Religion, in which 
 
 • wv have been :-orn, and wherein (by God’s grace ) we 
 l - an- i ;bi\ ed to die; the fafety of your Majefty’s perfon, 
 
 vvb.i i the very life of your People; the happinefs of 
 •• in chi! iic:i and pofterity ; the honour and good of the 
 
 ■ Church and State, dearer unto us than our own lives, 
 •• having kindled thefe affeftions, truly devoted to your 
 ■ v Majefty. 
 
 “ And feeing, out of our duty to your Majefty, we 
 have already refolved to give, at the end of this Seffion, 
 •• one entire Subfidy, for the prefent relief of the Palati- 
 “ nale only, to be paid in the end of February next, which 
 “ cannot well be effected, but by palling a Bill in a par- 
 ntary courfe before Chrijlmafs ; we mod humbly 
 befcoch your Majeftv, ( as our allured hope is ) that you 
 will then alfo vouchfafe to give life by your royal all'ent, 
 41 to fuch Bills, as before that time lhall be prepared for 
 - your Majefty’s honour, and the general good of your 
 r opIe: And that fuch Bills may be alfo accompanied 
 ( as hath been accuftomed ) with your Majefty’s gracious 
 
 • pardon, which proceeding from your own mere grace, 
 “ niav, by your Highnefs’s direction, be drawn to that lati- 
 
 - i i.'e and extent, as may belt fort with your Majefty s 
 14 bounty and goodnefs. And that not only felons and 
 “ criminal offenders may take benefit thereof, but that 
 y<> ir good fubjects may receive eafe thereby. And if it 
 “ ihall fo ftand with your good pleafure, that it may ex- 
 «* tend to the relief of the old debts and duties to the 
 “ Crown, before tbe firft year of your Majefty’s Reign, 
 “ to the diichargc of Alienations without licence, and mif- 
 ** tiling of Liveries, and OuJIre le Maine , before the firft 
 fimmons of this Parliament, and of concealed ward- 
 "■ i'jips, and not fuing of liveries, and Ouflre le Maines , 
 -• bciore the twelfth year of your Majefty’s Reign : Which 
 *'■ gracious favour would much comfort your good lub- 
 “ Eds, and eafe them from vexation, with little lofs 
 “ or prejudice to your own profit. 
 
 tc And we by our daily and devout prayers to the Al- 
 “ mighty, the great King of Kings, fhall contend for a 
 •• bluffing upon our endeavours ; and for your Majefty’s 
 “ long ,.nd happy Reign over us; and for your children’s 
 tc children after you, for many and many generations.” 
 
 have been for his advantage. Jt was much more agreeao.e 
 to his intereft and dignity, to hinder fo ungrateful a Re- 
 monftrance from being prefented to him. And that \va 
 the courfe he took. As foon as he heard the Remonftrance 
 was ready, he fent the following letter to the Speaker. 
 
 To our T’rujly and Well-beloved Sir Thomas 
 Richardfon, Knight , Speaker of the Houfe 
 of Commons. 
 
 Mr. Speaker , 
 
 “ WJ E have heai .i by divers r 
 
 *« W that our diftance fjrom the Houle of Pari 
 
 * e 1 by our indifpt>fiti< n >1 healtb, hatl 
 
 “ fume fiery and popular fpirits of fome of the Houfe of c.. 
 
 “ Commons, to argue and debate publickly of the matters 
 “ far above their reach and capacity, tending to our high \_, ni . ,,<■ 
 
 “ difhonour, and breach of Prerogative Royal. Thefe are j, m . i. 
 
 <c therefore to command you, to make known, :u our g y • 
 
 “ name, unto the Houle, That none therein fhall pre- ^ U1 j ivv 
 <c fume henceforth to meddle with any thing concerning t- !• p- +3. 
 “ our Government, or deep matters of State ; and namely, 
 
 “ not to deal with our deareft Son’s match with the Daugh- 
 “ ter of Spain, nor to touch the honour of that King, or any 
 “ other our friends and confederates ; and alfo not to med- 
 “ die with any man's particular:', which have their due 
 te motion in our ordinary Courts ot Juftice. And where- 
 “ as, we hear they have fent .1 meflage to Hr Edtvard 
 “ Sandys , to know the reafonS of his late reftraint, you 
 “ fliall in our name refolve them, That it was not for any 
 “ mifdemeanor of his in Parliament; but to put them out 
 “ of doubt of any queftion of that nature that may arife 
 “ among them hereafter, you fhajl refolve them in our 
 « name, that we think our felf veiy free and able to 
 “ punifh any man’s mifdemeanors in Parliament, as well 
 “ during their fitting, as afeer : which we mean net to 
 “ fpare hereafter, upon any occafion of any man s infolent 
 “ behaviour there that fhall be miniftred unto us : And it 
 “ they have already touched any of thefe points, wliich we 
 “ have forbidden, in any Petition of theirs, which is to be 
 “ fent unto us, it is our pleafure that you fliall tell them, 
 
 “ That except they reform it before it come to our hands, 
 
 « we will not deign the hearing, nor anfwering of it.” 
 
 Dated at New-Market, Dec. 3. 1621. 
 
 The King had taken great care, at the opening of this 
 Pailiamenr, to mark out the bounds which the Commons 
 were not to exceed. Above all things, he intimated to 
 them, that the) ught not to give him advice without be¬ 
 ing asked. They neglected this charge very much in their 
 Remonftrance, and plainly fhowed, they did not believe it 
 belonged to he King to determine, how far the duty of the 
 •ailiament reich<d. The King’s 
 principles were io different from thofe of the Commons, 
 that it i no wonder their inferences were dircdly contrary. 
 The King did not expert, the Commons fhould advife 
 him ; and tfie Commons pretended, it was their indifpen- 
 fable dutv to reprefent to him the dangers of the Church 
 or State, with the propereft remedies. The King refted 
 up'in the Prerogative Royal, but the Commons did not 
 agree to the extent, he gave this Prerogative, by virtue 
 whereof he pretended to hinder them from taking care of 
 tile Church and State when they were in danger, or their 
 concerns neglected. It is very difficult, not to fay impof- 
 fible, tu mark out the bounds of the Royal Prerogative, as 
 well as of the privilege and duty of the Nation’s Repre- 
 fentatives, in all cafes which may occur. So, without un¬ 
 dertaking to decide this point, I fhall only lay, the Com¬ 
 mons diftruft made them take an extraordinary courfe, 
 which doubtlefs they would not have followed, had they 
 been to deal with a Prince more efteemed. On the other 
 hand, it cannot be denied, the King gave great occafions 
 of fufpicion and jealoufy, in affecting to eftablifh his Prero¬ 
 gative upon general principles, which will never be received 
 in England, without the proper rellridtions to the nature of 
 the Englijb Conftitution. 
 
 But the attempt upon the Royal Prerogative was not the 
 only thing that offended the King. The Remonftrance 
 contained, what could not but be very dilagreeable to him, 
 fince, in obfeure terms, he was taxed with negledting the 
 
 This Letter being read and examined in the Houfe, the 
 Commons did not think proper to keep filencc, but to let 
 the King fee, his threats fhould not deter them from doing 
 their duty, as they pretended. They drew therefore a Pe¬ 
 tition, which was prefented to the King with the foreg ling 
 Remonftrance. The Petition ran thus : 
 
 Mojl Dread and Gracious Sovn eign. 
 tc WJ E your moft humbl 
 
 <c W Knights, Citizens, and Burgefl aflembled in 
 14 the Commons Houl ; full of grief and . 
 
 “ unfpeakable forrow, through the true fenfe of your Ma- T 1 ! 
 “ jefty’s difplcafure, expreffed by your Letter lately fent j <n j 
 tc to our Speaker, and by him related and read unto us : P . 60. 
 tt Yet comfurted again with the aflurar.ee of j our grace 
 te an d goodnefs, and of the fincerity of our own inten- 
 “ tions and proceedings, whereon with confidence we 
 tc cjn rc ly 7 in all humblenefs befeech your moft excel- 
 tt j ent Majefty, that the loyalty and dutifulnefs of as 
 tc faithful and loving Subjedts as ever ferved, or lived un- 
 cc Jer a gracious Sovereign, may not undefervedly fuficr by 
 «e t h e mif-information of partial and uncertain reports, 
 cc which are ever unfaithful intelligencers: But that your 
 cc Majefty would, in the clearnefs of your own judgment, 
 cc h r ft vouchfafe to underftand from our Lives, and not 
 cc from others, what our humble Declaration and Petition 
 tc (refolved upon by the univerfal voice of the Houfe, and 
 tc propofed with your gracious favour to be prefented unto 
 “ your facred Majefty) doth contain. Upon what occafion 
 “ we entered into confideration of thofe things which aie 
 “ therein contained, with what dutiful refped to your 
 cc Majefty, and your fervice, we did confider theieof, and 
 “ what was our true intention thereby. Agd that when 
 
 “ your 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 24. JAMES I. 
 
 “ your Majefty fhall thereby truly difeern our dutiful af- 
 44 fe&ions, you will, in your royal judgment, free us from 
 “ thofe heavy charges, wherewith fome of our Members 
 44 are burthened, and wherein the whole houfe is involved. 
 
 44 And we humbly befeech your Majefty, that you 
 44 would not hereafter give credit to private reports, againft: 
 44 all or any of the Members of our houfe, whom the 
 “ whole have not cenfured, until your Majefty have been 
 “ truly informed thereof from our felves : And that in 
 44 the mean time, and ever, we may ftand upright in your 
 4C Majefty’s grace and good opinion, than which no world- 
 44 ly confideration is or can be dearer unto us. 
 
 44 When your Majefty had reaflembled us in Parliament 
 44 by your royal commandment, fooner than we expe&ed, 
 44 ar >d did vouchfafe, by the mouths of three honourable 
 44 Lords, to impart unto us the weighty occafions moving 
 44 your Majefty thereunto, and from them we did under- 
 44 ftand thefe particulars, 
 
 44 That notwithftanding your princely and pious en- 
 “ deavours to procure peace, the time is now come, that 
 44 Janus’ s Temple muft be opened. 
 
 44 That the voice of Bellona muft be heard, and not 
 44 the voice of a turtle. 
 
 44 That there was no hope of peace, nor any truce to 
 “ be obtained, no not for a few days. 
 
 44 That your Majefty muft either abandon your own 
 <c Children, or engage yourfelf in a war, wherein confide- 
 44 ration is to be had, what foot, what horfe, what mo- 
 44 ney will be fufficient. 
 
 44 That the Lower Palatinate was feized upon by the 
 44 army of the King of Spain as executor of the Ban 
 44 there in quality of Duke of Burgundy , as the Upper 
 44 Palatinate was by the Duke of Bavaria. 
 
 44 That the King of Spain, at his own charge, had 
 44 now at leaft five armies on foot. 
 
 44 T hat the Princes of the union were disbanded, but 
 44 the Catholick League remained firm, whereby thofe 
 44 Princes fo difievered, were in danger, one by one, to 
 44 be ruined. 
 
 That the eftate of thofe of the Religion in foreign 
 44 parts was miferable; and that out of thefe confidcrations 
 44 we were called to a war, and forthwith to advife for a 
 44 fu PPly of keeping the forces in the Palatinate from dif- 
 44 banding, and to forefee the means for railing and main- 
 44 taining the body of an army, for the war againft the 
 44 Spring. We therefore, put of our zeal to your Majefty 
 44 and your pofterity, with more alacrity and celerity than 
 44 ever was precedented in Parliament, did addrefs our 
 44 felves to the fervice commended unto us. And although 
 44 we cannot conceive that the honour and fafety of your 
 44 Majefty and your pofterity, the patrimony of your 
 44 Children invaded, and poftefied by their enemies, the 
 44 welfare of Religion and ftate of your Kingdoms, arc 
 44 matters at any time unfit for the deepeft confideration, 
 
 44 in time of Parliament: And although before this time 
 44 we were in fome of thefe points filent, and yet being 
 44 now invited thereunto, and led on by fo juft an occa- 
 44 fion, we thought it our duties to provide for the prefent 
 44 fupply thereof, and not only to turn our eyes on a war 
 44 abroad, but to take care for the fecuring of our Peace 
 44 at home, which the dangerous increafe and infolency of 
 44 Popifh Recufants, apparently, vifibly, and fenfibly did 
 44 lead us unto. 1 he confideration whereof did neceflarily 
 44 draw us truly to reprefent unto your Majefty, what we 
 44 conceive to be the caufes, what we feared would be 
 the efteCts, and what we hoped might be the remedies 
 44 of thefe growing evils ; among which, as incident and 
 44 unavoidable, we fell upon fome things which feem to 
 44 touch upon the King of Spain, as they have relation to 
 44 Popifh Recufants at home, to the wars by him main¬ 
 tained in the. Palatinate againft your Majefty’s Children, 
 
 44 and to his feveral armies now on foot; yet, as we 
 conceived, without touch of difhonour to that King, or 
 44 any other Prince your Majefty’s confederate. 
 
 44 In the difeourfe whereof, we did not afl'ume to our 
 felves any power, to determine of any part thereof, 
 nor intend to encroach or intrude upon the facred 
 44 bounds of your royal authority, to whom, and to 
 44 whom only we acknowledge it doth belong to refolveof 
 44 Peace and War, and of the marriage of the moft noble 
 Prince your Son: But as your moft loyal and humble 
 44 Subjects and Servants, reprefenting the whole Com¬ 
 mons of your Kingdom (who have a large intcreft in 
 44 the happy and profperous Eftate of your Majefty, and 
 44 your royal Pofterity, and of the flourifhing Eftate of 
 44 our Church and Commonwealth) did refolve, out of 
 44 our cares and fears, truly and plainly to demonftrate 
 thefe things to your Majefty, which we were not af- 
 44 fured could otherwife come fo fully and clearly to your 
 44 knowledge; and that being done, to lay the fame down 
 44 at your Majefty’s feet, without expectation of any other 
 No, 54. Vol. II. 
 
 209 
 
 44 anfwer of your Majefty, touching thefe higher points, 1621. 
 44 than what at your good pleafure, and in your own time 
 44 fhould be held fit. 
 
 44 This being the effect of that we had formerly re- 
 44 folved upon, and thefe the occafions and reafons induc- 
 44 ing the fame, our humble fuit to your Majefty and con- 
 44 fidence is, That your Majefty will be gracioufly pleafed 
 44 to receive, at the hands of thefe our Mefiengers, our 
 44 former humble Declaration and Petition, and vouchfafe 
 44 to read, and favorably to interpret the fame: and that 
 44 to fo much thereof as containeth our humble Petition 
 “ concerning Jefuits, Priefts, and Popifh Recufants, the 
 44 paflage of Bills, and granting your royal pardon, you 
 44 will vouchfafe an anfwer unto us. 
 
 44 And whereas your Majefty, by the general words of 
 44 your Letter, feemeth to reftrain us from intermeddling 
 44 with matters of Government, or particulars which have 
 44 their motion in the Courts of Juftice, the generality of 
 44 which words, in the largenefs of the extent thereof (as 
 44 we hope beyond your Majefty’s intention) might involve 
 44 thofe things, which are the proper fubjeCt of Parliamen- 
 44 tary occafions and difeourfe. 
 
 44 And whereas your Majefty doth feem to abridge us 
 44 of the antient liberty of Parliament, for freedom of 
 44 Speech, jurifdi&ion, and juft cenfure of the houfe, and 
 44 other proceedings there, (wherein, we truft in God, we 
 44 fhall never tranfgrefs the bounds of loyal, and dutiful 
 44 SubjeCIs) a liberty which we allure ourfelves, fo wife 
 44 and fo juft a King will not infringe, the fame being our 
 44 antient and undoubted Right and inheritance received 
 44 from our Anceftors; without which we cannot freely 
 44 debate, nor clearly difeern of things in queftion before 
 44 us, nor truly inform your Majefty; in which we have 
 44 been confirmed by your Majefty’s moft gracious former 
 44 Speeches and Meflages. We are therefore now again 
 44 in forced in all humblenefs to pray your Majefty to allow 
 44 _^he fame, and thereby to take away the doubts and 
 44 fcruples, your Majefty’s late Letter to our Speaker hath 
 44 wrought upon us. 
 
 44 So fhall we your loyal and loving SubjeCts ever ac- 
 44 knowledge your Majefty’s juftice, grace and goodnefs, 
 
 44 and be ready to perform that fervice to your Majefty, 
 
 44 which in the true affeCHon of our hearts we profefs, and 
 44 pour out our daily and devout Prayers to the Almighty 
 44 for your Majefty’s long life, happy and religious Reign, 
 
 44 and profperous Eftate, and for your royal Pofterity after 
 44 you for ever.” 
 
 This Petition, with the Remonftrance annexed, was 
 fent to the King by twelve Members, at the head of 
 whom the Houfe affeCted to fet Sir Richard IVeJlon, a 
 Privy-Counfellor, a known Papift, and thought to be the 
 perfon that moft incenfed the King againft the Commons. 
 
 1 hen the Houfe refolved to proceed to no other affair, till 
 they had an anfwer to their Petition. The King received W.lf n. 
 the twelve Members very roughly. Some fay, he called P* 743- 
 for twelve chairs for them, faying, Here are twelve Kings 
 come to me. He received from them the laft Petition, but 
 rejeded the Remonftrance, with the copy of the Petition 
 already prefented to him againft the Recufants. Some days 
 after he fent the Commons an anfwer in writing. As no¬ 
 thing can better difeover that Prince’s deligns and character 
 than his Speeches, though generally very long, the Reader 
 perhaps will be glad to fee the anfwer at length. 
 
 W E muft herE beg ' n ‘ n the *" ame fa ^ ,on that n ' 
 
 1 VV we would have done, if your firft Petition had An H cr !0 
 
 come to our hands, before we had made a ftay thereof; \ 
 
 4 which is to repeat the firft words of the late Queen of lb. i . '74, 
 
 4 famous memory, ufed by her, in an anfwer to an info- A n, ' s of 
 4 lent proportion made by a Polonian Ambaffador unto L 
 her; that is, Legatum expedtabamus , Heraldum accipi- Rulhworth, 
 4 mus. For we had great reafon to expeCt, that the T ' L p ' 4& ' 
 4 firft meflage from your houfe Ihould have been a mef- 
 ' fage of thankfgiving, for our continued gracious beha- 
 4 viour towards our people, fince your laft recefs, not 
 only by our Proclamation of grace, wherein were con- 
 : tained fix or feven and thirty Articles, all of feveral 
 ' points of grace to the people, but alfo by the labour we 
 took for the fatisfa&ion of both Houfes, in thofe three 
 Articles recommended unto us in both their names, by 
 ' the right reverend Father in God, the Archbifhop of 
 Canterbury ; and likewife for the good Government of 
 Ireland , we are now in hand with at your requeft; 
 
 But not only have we heard no news of all this, but 
 contrary, great complaints of the danger of Rdigion 
 within this Kingdom, tacitly implying our ill-Govern¬ 
 ment in this point. And we leave you to judge, whe¬ 
 ther it be your duties, that are the reprefentative body of 
 ; our people, fo to diftafte them with our Government; 
 
 4 whereas by the contrary it is your duty, with all your 
 G g g endeavours. 
 
S I o 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 The HIS TO RY 
 
 1621, « endeavours, to kindle more and more a dutiful and 
 
 “ thankful love in the people’s hearts towards us, for our 
 “ juft and gracious Government. 
 
 “ Now whereas, in the very beginning of this your 
 <c apology, you tax us in fair terms of trufting uncertain 
 “ reports, and partial informations concerning your pro- 
 “ ceedings, we wifti you to remember, that we are an 
 “ old and experienced King, needing no fuch leiTons, 
 
 “ being in our confidence freeft of any King alive, from 
 “ hearing or trufting idle reports, which fo many of your 
 “ Houfe as are neareft us can bear witnefs unto you, if 
 “ you would give as good ear to them, as you do to fome 
 “ tribunitial orators among you: And for proof in this 
 “ particular, we have made your own Meflengers confer 
 “ your other petitions fent by you, with the copy there- 
 “ of, which was fent us before: Between which there is 
 “ no difference at ail; butfhat fince our receiving the firft 
 “ copy, you added a conclufion unto it, which could not 
 “ come to our hands till it was done by you, and your 
 “ mefl'enger fent, which was all at one time. And if 
 “ we had no copy of it beforehand, we muft have re- 
 “ ceived your firft Petition, to our great difhonour, be- 
 “ fore we had known what it contained, which would 
 “ have enforced us to return you a far worfe anfwer than 
 “ now we do; for then your meftengers had returned 
 
 with nothing, but that we have judged your Petition 
 “ unlawful and unworthy of an anfwer: For as to your 
 “ conclufion thereof, it is nothing but Piotcjlatio contraria 
 “ faflo ; for in the body of your Petition, you ufurp upon 
 “ our Prerogative royal, and meddle with things far above 
 “ your reach; and then in the conclufion you proteft the 
 “ contrary; as if a robber would take a man’s purfe and 
 “ then proteft he meant not to rob him. For firft, you 
 “ prefume to give us your advice concerning the match 
 “ of our deareft Son with fome Proteftant (we cannot lay 
 “ Princefs, for we know none of thefe fit for him) and 
 “ difluade us from his match with Spain ; urging us to 
 “ prefent War with that King: and yet in the conclufion, 
 “ forfooth, ye proteft ye intend not to prefs upon our moft 
 “ undoubted and regal Prerogative ; as if the petitioning of 
 “ us in matters that yourfelves confefs ye ought not to 
 “ meddle with, were not a meddling with them. 
 
 “ And whereas ye pretend, that ye were invited to 
 <e this courfe by the Speeches of three honourable Lords; 
 “ yet by fo much as yourfelves repeat of the Speeches, 
 “ nothing can be concluded, but that we were refolved by 
 “ War to regain the Palatinate , if otherwife we could 
 “ not attain unto it. And you are invited to advife forth- 
 “ with upon a fupply, for keeping the forces in the Pala- 
 “ unate from disbanding, and to forefee the means for the 
 “ raifing, and maintenance of the body of an army for 
 “ that War againft the fpring. Now, what inference 
 “ can be made upon this, that therefore we muft pre- 
 “ fently denounce War againft the King o (Spain, break 
 “ our deareft Son’s match, and match him to one of 
 “ our Religion, let the world judge. The difference is 
 tc no greater, than if we would tell a Merchant, that we 
 “ had great need to borrow money from him for raifing 
 “ an army ; that thereupon it would follow, that we were 
 tc bound to follow his advice in the direction of the War, 
 “ and all things depending thereupon : But yet not con- 
 “ tenting yourfelves with this excufe of yours, which in- 
 “ deed cannot hold water, ye come after to a direct con- 
 “ tradiclion to the conclufion of your former Petition, 
 “ faying, that the honour and fafety of us and our po- 
 “ fterity, and the patrimony of our Children, invaded and 
 “ poffelTed by their enemies, the welfare of religion, and 
 “ State of our Kingdome, are matters at any time not 
 “ unfit for your deepeft confiderations in Parliament. T o 
 “ this generality, we anfwere with the Logicians, that 
 “ where all things are contained, nothing is omitted. 
 “ So as this plenipotencie of yours, inverts you in all 
 “ power upon earth, lacking nothing but the Pope’s to 
 “ have the keyes alfo both of heaven and purgatory : And 
 “ to this vafte generality of yours, we can give no other 
 “ anfwer ; for it will trouble all the belt Lawyers in the 
 “ Houfe to make a good commentary upon it: For fo 
 “ did the Puritan minifters in Scotland bring all kinde of 
 “ caufes within thecompafle of their jurifdidtion, faying, 
 “ that it was the Church’s office to judge of flander, and 
 “ there could no kinde of crime or fault be committed, 
 “ but there was a flander in it, either againft God, the 
 “ King, or their Neighbour; and by this meanes they 
 “ hooked in to themfelves the cognizance of all caufes: 
 “ or like Bellarmine’s diftindtion of the Pope’s power over 
 “ all Kings, in ordine ad Spiritualia, whereby he gives 
 “ them all temporal jurifdiction over them. 
 
 “ But to give you a direct anfwere to the matter of 
 tc War for which you are fo earneft. We confefs, we 
 rather expedt you fhould have given us great and heartie 
 “ thankesj for the fo long maintaining a fettled Peace in all 
 
 3 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 “ our Dominion-, when as all our neighbours about are in 1 
 “ a miferable combuftion of War; but, Dnlce helium in- 
 “ expertis. And we indeed find by experience, that a 
 “ number of our Subjects are fo pampered with Peace, .is 
 “ they aredefirous of change, though they know not what. 
 
 “ It is true, that we have ever profefl'cd, and in :ha,t 
 cc minde with God’s grace, we will live and die, that we 
 “ will labour by all meanes poffible, either by treaty or by 
 “ force to reftore our Children to their ancient digni y 
 “ and inheritance: And wliatfoevcr chriftian Prince^ r 
 “ Potentates will fet themfelves againft it, we will 1 _>t 
 “ fpare any lawful means to bring our fo juft and hoi: 1 - 
 “ able purpofe to a good end ; neither fhall them.tch 
 “ of our Son, or any other worldly refpedt, be pre .red 
 “ to this our refolution. For by our credit and inter • ■ u- 
 “ tion with the King of Spain, and the Arch-Dueh< .s 
 “ and her Husband, now with God, we preferve he 
 “ Lower Palatinate one whole year from any further c >n- 
 “ quering in it, which in eight days fpace, in that time 
 “ might have ealily been fwallowed up by Spinola’s a;mv 
 “ without any refiftance. And in no better cafe was ir 
 “ now at our Ambaflador the Lord Digby’s coming thro’ 
 
 “ Hcidelburgh , if he had not extraordinarily fuccoured 
 “ it. 
 
 “ But becaufe we conceive that ye couple this War of 
 “ the Palatinate with the caufe of Religion, we muft a 
 “ little unfold your eyes heiein. 
 
 “ The beginning of this miferable War, which hath 
 “ fet all Chriftendom on fire, was not for Religion, but 
 “ only caufed by our Son-in-law his hafty and harih refo- 
 “ lution, following evil counfel, to take to himfelf the 
 “ Crown of Bohemia. 
 
 “ And that this is true, himfelf wrote Letters unto us 
 “ at that time, defiring to give aflurance both to the 
 “ French King, and State of Venice , that his accepting of 
 “ the Crown of Bohemia had no reference to the caufe 
 “ of Religion, but only by reafon of his Right of Elec- 
 “ tion, (as he called it.) And we would be furry that 
 “ that afperfion fhould come upon our Religion, as to 
 “ make it a good pretext for dethroning of Kings, and 
 “ ufurping their Crowns; and we would be loth that our 
 “ People here fhould be taught that ftrange doctrine: 
 
 “ No, let us not fo far wrong the Jefuits, as to rob 
 “ them of their fweet pofitionsand pra&ice in that very 
 “ point. 
 
 “ And upon the other part, we allure ourfelf fo far 
 “ of your charitable thoughts of us, that we would never 
 “ have conltantly denied our Son-in-law both the title and 
 “ affiftance in that point, if we had been well perfuaded 
 “ of the juftice of his quarrel. But to conclude ; this un- 
 “ juft ufurpation of the Crowns of Bohemia and Hungaria 
 “ from the Emperor, hath given the Pope and all that 
 “ Party too fair a ground, and opened them too wide a 
 “ gate for curbing and oppreffing of many thoufands of our 
 tc Religion, in divers parts of Chriftendom. 
 
 tl And whereas you excufe your touching upon the 
 “ King of Spain, upon occafion of the incidents by you 
 “ repeated in that place, and yet affirm, that it is with- 
 “ out any touch to his honour ; we cannot wonder enough 
 “ that you are fo forgetful both of your words and writs: 
 
 “ For in your former Petition ye plainly affirm, that he 
 “ affedts the temporal monarchy of the whole earth ; 
 
 “ than which there can be no more malice uttered againft 
 “ any gieat King, to make all other Princes and Potentates 
 “ both envy and hate him; but if ye lift it may eafily 
 “ be tried, whether that Speech touched him in honour 
 tc or not, if ye lhall ask him the queftion, whether he 
 “ means to afl'ume to himfelf that title or no, for every 
 “ King can beft judge of his own honour. We omit 
 “ the particular ejaculations of fome foul-mouthed orators 
 “ in your Houfe, againft the honour of that King’s crown 
 u and ftate. 
 
 “ And touching your excufe of not determining any 
 “ thing concerning the match of our deareft Son, but 
 “ only to tell your opinion, and lay it down at our feet. 
 
 “ Firft, we defire to know, how you could have pre- 
 “ fumed to determine in that point, without committing 
 “ of High-Treafon. And next you cannot deny but 
 “ your talking of his match after that manner, was a 
 “ diredt breach of our commandment, and declaration out 
 “ of our own mouth, at the firft fetting down of this 
 “ Parliament, where we plainly profefled that we were 
 “ in treaty of this match with Spain ; and wifhed you to 
 “ have that confidence in our religion and wifdom, that 
 “ we would fo manage it, as our religion Ihouid receive 
 “ no prejudice by it: And the fame we now repeat un 
 “ to you, profeffing that we are fo far engaged in that 
 <c match, as we cannot in honour go back, except the 
 “ King of Spain perform not fuch things as we expedt at 
 “ his hands. And therefore we are forry, that ye ftiould 
 “ Ihew to have fo great diftruft in us, as to conceive that 
 
 “ we 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 !+. JAMES I. 
 
 ii i 
 
 cc we fhould be cold in our religion, otherwife we can- 
 “ not imagine how our former publick Declaration fhould 
 “ not have flopped your mouths in this point. 
 
 “ And as to your requeft, that we would now receive 
 “ your former Petition ; we wonder what could make 
 “ you prefume that we would receive it, whereas in our 
 “ former Letter we plainly declared the contrary unto 
 *•* you. 
 
 “ And therefore we have juftly rejected that fuit of 
 “ yours : For what have you left unattempted in the 
 “ higheft points of Sovereignty, in that Petition of yours, 
 
 “ except the (hiking of Coin ? For it contains the vio- 
 “ lation of leagues, the particular way how to govern a 
 “ War, and the marriage of our deareft Son, both nega- 
 “ tive with Spain, nav, with any other Popifh Princefs: 
 
 “ and alfo affirmatively, as to the matching with one of 
 “ our Religion; which we confefs is a drain beyond any 
 “ providence or wifdom God hath given us, as things now 
 “ ftand. 
 
 “ Thefe are unfit things to be handled in Parliament, 
 
 “ except your King fhall require it of you: For who can 
 “ have wifdom to judge of things of that nature, but fuch 
 “ as are daily acquainted with the particulars of Treaties, 
 
 “ and of the variable and fixed connexion of affairs of 
 “ State, together with the knowledge of the fecrct ways, 
 
 “ ends, and intentions of Princes in their feveral Negoti- 
 “ ations? Otherwife, a fmall miftaking of matters of this 
 “ nature may produce more effe&s than can be imagined : 
 
 <c and therefore, Ne futor ultra crepidam. And befides, 
 
 “ the intermeddling in Parliament with matters of Peace 
 t{ or War, and marriage of our deareft Son, would be fuch 
 “ a diminution to us, to our Crown in foreign Countries, 
 
 “ as would make any Prince negledt to treat with us, either 
 “ in matters of Peace or Marriage, excepting they might 
 “ be affured by the affent of the Parliament. And fo it 
 “ proved long ago with the King of France (i), who 
 “ upon a tiick procuring his State to diffent from fome 
 “ Treaty which before he had made, was after refufed 
 “ treating with any other Princes, to his great reproach, 
 
 “ unlefs he would firft procure the affent of his Eftates to 
 “ their propofition. And will you caft your eyes upon the 
 “ late times, you fhall find that the late Queen of famous 
 “ memory, was humbly petitioned by a Parliament to be 
 “ pleafed to marry : But her anfwer was, That (he liked 
 “ their Petition well, becaufe it was fimple, not limiting 
 “ her to place or perfon, as not befitting her liking to their 
 “ fancies ; and if they had done otherwife, (he would 
 “ have thought it a high prefumption in them. Judge 
 tc then what we may do in fuch a cafe, having made our 
 “ publick declaration already (as we faid before) dire&ly 
 “ contrary to that which you have now petitioned. 
 
 “ Now to the points in your Petition, whereof you de- 
 “ fire an anfwer, as properly belonging to the Parliament: 
 
 “ The firft and the greateft point is that of Religion; 
 
 “ concerning which, at this time, we can give you no 
 “ other anfwer than in general; which is. That you may 
 “ reft fecure, that we will never be weary to do all we 
 “ can for the propagation of our Religion, and repreffing 
 <c of Popery: But the manner and form you mult remit 
 “ to our care and providence, who can beft confider of 
 
 “ times and feafons, not by undertaking a publick war of . . r _.. „ I11M i(j 
 
 “ Religion thro’ all the world at once, (which how hard want no explication. He had contented himfelf hitherto 
 “ and dangerous a task it may prove, you may judge.) with infinuating certain Principles, the confequences where- 
 “ But t * 1 ' s P uts us * n mind, how all the world complained of he had carefully concealed, and thereby feemed to re- 
 “ the laft year of plenty of Corn ; and God fent us a cool- ferve to himfelf the power either of admitting thefe con- 
 <c ing-card this year for that heat: And fo we pray God, fequences, in their utmoft extent, or with reftrictions or 
 “ t ^ iat l ^‘ s defire among you of kindling wars ((hewing of denying them according as occafion fhould requite. But 
 “ your wearinefs of peace and plenty) may not make God now, whether he gave way to his paffion, or was glad at 
 “ permit us to fall into the miferies of both. But as we laft to fpeak his thoughts clearly, not to be conftrained any 
 “ already faid, our care of Religion muft be fuch, as on longer to ufe doubtful expreffions, which very often were 
 
 the one part we muft not, by the hot perfection of our pretended not to be underftood, he put the Commons under 
 “ Recufants at home, irritate foreign Princes of contrary a neceffity either of granting his pretenfions, or oppofino- 
 
 Religion, and teach them the way to plague the Pro- them openly. But, if I may venture to fay it, he com- 
 “ teftants in their Dominions, with whom we daily in- mitted an inexcufable error, in not diflolving the Parlia- 
 “ tercede, and at this time principally, for eafe to them ment, before the Commons had time to debate uoon his 
 
 of our profeffion that live under them; yet upon the anfwer. He would thereby have eftabliflied his pretenfions 
 “ other part, we never mean to fpare from due and fevere without incurring the vexation of an open and publick op- 
 “ punifhment any Papiftthat will grow infolent for living pofition, which he muft have expected, unlefs he was wil- 
 “ under our fo mild Government. And you may alfo be fully blind. The Commons having read the anfwer, the 
 “ affured, we will leave no care untaken, as well for the confequences whereof they plainly perceived, and know- 
 c£ education of the youth at home, efpecially the children ing the Parliament was going to bedilfolved or prorogued, 
 “ of Papifts, as alfo for preferving at all times hereafter the drew up the following Proteftation. C 
 
 “ youth that are or fhall be abroad, from being bred in 
 
 c proofs, both in this Kingdom and in Ireland , fo will we be 1621 
 ‘ well pleafed to pafs any good Laws that Shall be made, 
 
 ‘ either now, or at any time hereafter to this purpofe. 
 
 “ And as to your requeft of making this a Seffion, and 
 ‘ granting a general Pardon ; it fhall be in your defaults, 
 
 ‘ if we make not this a Seffion before Chriftmaft. 
 
 “ But for the Pardon, ye crave fuch particulars in it, 
 
 ‘ as we muft be well advifed upon, left otherwife we 
 ‘ give you back the double or treble of that we are to 
 ‘ receive by your entire Subfidy, without fifteens. But 
 the ordinary courfe we hold fitteft to be ufed ftill in 
 £ this cafe, is, That we fhould of our free grace fend you 
 down a Pardon from the Higher-Houfe, containing fuch 
 ‘ points as we fhall think fitteft, wherein, we hope, ye 
 ‘ fhall receive good fatisfa&ion. 
 
 “ But we cannot omit to fhew you, how ftrange we 
 ‘ think it, that ye fhould make fo bad and unjuft a com- 
 ‘ mentary upon fome words of our former Letter, as if we 
 meant to reftrain you thereby of your antient Privileges 
 c and Liberties in Parliament. Truly, a fcholar would 
 c be afhamed foto mifplace and misjudge any fentences in 
 another man’s book. For, whereas" in the end of our 
 ‘ former Letter, we difeharge you to meddle with matters 
 ‘ of Government, and myfteries of State, namely, mat¬ 
 ters of war or peace, or our deareft Son’s match with 
 ‘ Spain ; by which particular denominations we interpret 
 ‘ and reftrain our former words: And then, after we 
 ‘ forbid you to meddle with fuch things as have their or¬ 
 dinary courfe in Courts of Juftice; ye couple together 
 1 thofe two diftindl fentences, and plainly leave out thofe 
 ' words, Of myfteries of State ; fo as ye err, a bene divifis 
 1 ad male conjunct a : For of the former part concerning 
 c myfteries of State, we plainly reftrain our meaning to 
 ' the particulars that were after mentioned ; and in the 
 1 latter, we confefs we meant it by Sir Edward Coke’s 
 '■ foolifh bufjnefs (2). And therefore it had well become 
 : him, efpecially being our fervant, and one of our Coun- 
 ; cil, to have complained unto us, which he never did, 
 
 : though he was ordinarily at Court fince, and never had 
 : accefs refufed unto him. 
 
 “ And although we cannot allow of the ftile, calling it 
 ; Tour antient and undoubted Right and Inheritance ; but 
 could rather have wilhed, that ye had faid, That your 
 ; Privileges were derived from the grace and permijfton of 
 our Ancefors and us ; (for mo/l of them grow from Pre- 
 1 cedents, which rather JIjciu a Toleration than Inheritance:) 
 
 ■ yet we are pleafed to give you our royal ajfurance , that as 
 ’• long as you contain yourfelves within the limits of your duty, 
 
 ■ we will be as careful to maintain and preferveyour laivful 
 ’ Liberties and Privileges , as ever any of our Predecejfors 
 \ were ; nay, as to preferve our own Royal Prerogative, fo 
 
 as your Houfe Jhall only have need to beware to trench up¬ 
 on the Prerogative of the Crown ; which would enforce us, 
 
 ■ or any juft King, to retrench them of their Privileges, 
 
 • that would pare his Prerogative , and flowers of the Crown : 
 
 But of this , we hope, there Jhall never be caufe given." 
 
 Dated at New-market the eleventh day of 
 December, 1621 (3). 
 
 The laft part of the King’s anfwer was fo clear, as to 
 
 “ dangerous places, and fo poifoned in Popilh Seminaries. 
 ‘ l And as in this point, namely, the good education of 
 “ popifh youth at home, we have already given fome good 
 
 (.) Francis I. 
 
 (1) This fooli/h bufinefs w: 
 being Chief Juftice, namely, I 
 Huufe <'t Commons. Coke, p. 
 
 (?) The Lord Keeper Williams advifed, that the harOiDcfs of this anfwer might be mitigated and foftned, for he could 
 miiundcrftanding between the King and his People, if it were pofiible to prevent it. Philips, p. 9S. 
 
 “ '“T'HE Commons now affembled in Parliament, be- rh, c.omm-.nt 
 “ JL ing juftly occafioned thereunto, concerning fun- 
 “ dry liberties, franchifes, and privileges of Parliament, 
 
 Annals of 
 
 1 a defign formed by Chancellor Bacon, 
 
 1 exhibit an Information againft him ir 
 
 ne Lepton, and GoUfmitb, againft Sir Eihuard Coke, after he v 
 the Star-Chamber, or fend him into Ireland, This Bufuiefs 
 
 Jan 
 
 5 I. 
 
 difeharged from p 65. 
 s debated in the O’ke. 
 
 Rulh worth, 
 that there fhould be a T. 1. p. 55. 
 
 amongft 
 
2 r 2 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 The H ISTO RT of ENGLA N D. 
 
 162 u 
 
 The King 
 
 £r : - 
 
 <c amongft others here mentioned, do make this pro- 
 44 tellation following, that the liberties, franchifes, pri- 
 44 vileges, and jurifeidtion of Parliament, are the anci- 
 44 ent and undoubted birth-right and inheritance of the 
 “ Subjects of England ; and that the arduous and urgent 
 44 affairs concerning the King, State, and defence of the 
 “ Realm, and of the Church of England , and the main- 
 “ tcnance and making of Laws, and redrfifs of mifehiefs 
 “ and grievances which daily happen within this Realm, 
 44 are proper fubjedts and matter of counfel and debate in 
 “ Parli ■■ tdlin 1 rocee 
 
 “ thofe bufmefies,every Member ot the Houfe of Parliament 
 “ hath, and, of right, ought to have, freedom of fpeech, 
 “ to propound, treat, rcafon, and bring to conclulion the 
 tc fame; and that the Commons in Parliament have like 
 “ liberty and freedom to treat of thefe matters in fuch 
 44 order, as in their judgments (hull fee in- litteff; and that 
 * 4 every Member of the faid Houfe hath like freedom from 
 <c all impeachment, imprifonment, and moleftation (other 
 “ than by cenfure of the Houfe itfelf) for, or concerning, 
 “ any fpeaking, realoning, or declaring of any matter or 
 “ matters touching the Parliament or Pari iament-bu line Is : 
 “ And that if any of the faid Members be complained of, 
 “ and queftioned for any thing done or faid in Parliament, 
 “ the fame is to be fhewed to the King by the advice and 
 “ affent of all the Commons aflembled in Parliament, 
 “ before the King give credence to any private informa- 
 ct tion.” 
 
 The King being informed of this Proteftation, called a 
 Council, and came in perfon, to caufe what is contained 
 in the following Memorial, to be ordered. 
 
 Jl ' hiichall , Dec. 3 o 7 1 6 2 r. 
 
 44 TT 1 S moll excellent Majefty coming this day to 
 i 1 the Council, the Prince his Highnefs, and all the 
 44 Lords, and others ot his Majefty’s Privy-Council fit- 
 “ ting about him, and all the Judges then in London , 
 “ which were fix in number, there attending upon his 
 “ Majefty ; the Clerk of the Commons Houfe of Parlia- 
 “ ment was called for, and commanded to produce his 
 “ Journal-Book, wherein was noted, and entries made 
 “ of mo ft patTages that were in the Commons Houfe of 
 44 Parliament j and amongft other things, there was writ- 
 “ ten down, the form of a Proteftation, concerning fun- 
 44 dry liberties, privileges, and franchifes of Parliament; 
 “ with which form of Proteftation his Majefty was juftly 
 “ offended. Neverthelefs, his Majefty, in a moft graci- 
 “ ous manner, there exprefled, that he never meant to 
 44 deny that Houfe of Commons any lawful Privileges 
 “ that ever they had enjoyed ; but whatfoever Privileges 
 “ or Liberties they had by any Law or Statute, the fame 
 “ fhould be inviolably preferved unto them ; and whatfo- 
 44 ever Privileges they enjoyed by cuftom, or uncontrolled 
 44 and lawful precedent, his Majefty would be careful to 
 44 preferve. But this Proteftation of the Commons Houfe, 
 “ fo contrived and carried as it was, his Majefty thought 
 44 fir to be razed out of all Memorials, and utterly to be 
 44 annihilated, both in refpedt of the manner by which it 
 44 was gained, and the matter therein contained. For the 
 “ manner of getting it, firft in refpedl of the time: tor, 
 44 after fuch time as his Majefty, out of his Princely 
 “ grace, and to take away all miftakings, had diredted 
 4,1 his Letter to Secretary Calvert, dated at Royjlon , 16 
 “ Decembris , and therein had fo explained himfelf in the 
 “ point of maintaining the Privileges of the Houfe of 
 44 Commons, as that moft of the faid Houfe refted fully 
 44 fatisfied, and freed from any fcruple of having their 
 44 Liberties impeached; and after that, by his Majefty’s 
 “ Letters, directed to the Speaker, dated 1 8th December, 
 44 being TueJ'day , his Majefty, at the humble fuit ot the 
 44 Iioufe of Commons, condefcended to make this meet- 
 44 ing a Seffion before Chri/lmafs , and for that purpofe 
 44 had afligned Saturday following. Now upon this very 
 44 Tuefday , and while the meflengers from the Houfe of 
 44 Commons were with his Majefty at Theobalds , to re- 
 “ turn thanks unto his Majefty, and therewith an excufe 
 “ from them not to make it a Seffion, in rcfpeCl of the 
 44 ftrait of time whereunto they were driven ; which de- 
 44 ferment his Majefty admitted of at their defires, and 
 “ thereupon gave orders for the adjournment of the Par- 
 
 44 liament until the Sth of February next, which was the if::. 
 
 44 firft day formerly appointed by his Majefty for the 
 44 meeting together of the Parliament: and whilft their 
 44 mcllcngers were with his Majeftv, and had received a 
 44 gracious anfwer to return unto their Houfes; even that 
 44 afternoon, a Committee was procured to be made for 
 44 taking their Liberties intoconfideration ; and this after- 
 44 noon a Proteftation was made (to whom, appears not) 
 
 44 concerning their Liberties ; and at fix a clock at night, 
 
 44 by Candle-light, the fame Proteftation was brought into 
 44 the Houfe by the Committee, and at that time of night 
 44 it was called upon to be put to the queftion, there not 
 44 being the third part of the Houfe then prefent; whereas 
 44 in all matters of weight, their ufual cuftom is, to put 
 44 nothing of importance to the queftion, till the Houfe be 
 44 lull: and at this time many of them that were prefent, 
 
 44 expedted the queftion would have been deferred to an- 
 44 other day, and a fuller Houfe ; and fome then prefent 
 44 ftood up to have fpoken to it, but could not be feen or 
 44 heard in that darknefs and confufion. Now for the 
 44 matter of the Proteftation, it is penned in fuch ambiguous 
 44 and general words, as may ferve for future times to in- 
 44 vade moft of the Rights and Prerogatives annexed to 
 44 the Imperial Crown; the claim of fome Privileges being 
 44 grounded upon the words of the Writ for aft’embling the 
 44 Parliament, wherein fome words, viz. Arduis Regni , 
 
 44 are cunningly mentioned ; but the word quibufdam , 
 
 44 which reftraineth the generality to fuch particular cafes, 
 
 44 as his Majefty pleafeth to confult with them upon, is 
 44 purpofely omitted (1). 
 
 44 Thefe things coniidcred, his Majefty did, this prefent 
 44 day, in full aflembly of his Council, and in the pre- 
 44 fence of the Judges, declare the faid Proteftation, to be 
 44 invalid, annulled, void, and of no effect: and did fur- 
 44 ther, manu fud propria , take the faid Proteftation out of 
 44 the Journal-Book of the Clerk of the Commons Houfe 
 44 ol Parliament, and commanded an Act of Council to 
 44 be made thereupon, and this Adt to be entered in the 
 44 Regifter of Council Caufes.” 
 
 Six days after, the King diflolved the Parliament by Tu i\.-- -,~ 
 Proclamation, declaring, he was not obliged to give an j" “ 
 account thereof to any, iince the dilfolving of the Parlia- | 
 ment, when he pleafed, was confefiedly in his power (a). R>"'i'w nh* 
 That however, he was willing to inform the publick, it ! Vn !.\ 1 
 was becaufe the Commons took the liberty not only to P . , ’ 
 
 treat of his High Prerogatives which belonged not to them, 
 but alfo to fpeak difrefpedf fully of foreign Princes : that , 
 they fpent the time in difputing about their PriviJegs, with¬ 
 out regarding the publick wants: that fome ill-tempered 
 fpirits lowed tares among the corn, and by their cunning 
 devices, had impofed upon him a necelfity of difeontinu- 
 ing the prefent Parliament, without putting it to the name 
 or period of a Seffion. Then, he declared, that though 
 the Parliament was broken off, he intended to govern well, 
 and Ihould gladly embrace the firft occafion to call another 
 at a proper feafon. 
 
 This Proclamation was followed by another, forbidding . n - b 
 under fevere penalties, to talk of State-affairs, and charging 
 the Judges in their Circuits, to put the Laws in force againft 
 licentious tongues. WilH.n. 
 
 But the King’s refentment did not end here. Some of j j ; 
 the Commons, who had appeared moftzeaious to maintain u, , i rt 
 the Privileges of the Houfe, as Sir Edward Coke (3), Sir 
 Robert Philips, Mr. Selden , Mr. Pym> Mr. Mailery, were ‘ 
 
 committed to prifon. Likewife Sir Dudley Diggs , Sir Wiifon. I 
 Thomas Crew, Sir Nathaniel Rich , and Sir 'James Per rot, ^ok-,; 
 were ordered into Ireland, to execute a certain Commiffion, Ku w0 ‘ 
 the King intending thereby to remove them from their 
 homes, and punifh them with a fort of banilhment. On 
 the other hand, the Earls of Oxford and Southampton were 
 fent to the Tower on fome ftudied pretence (4): but it was 
 eafy to fee, it was for fpeaking too freely in the Houfe of 
 Peers, of the King’s conduft. 
 
 TUI the laft Parliament, the King and Commons had Caufe -f 
 only mutually tried each other, the one to enlarge his ' J ie 
 Prerogative, the other to preferve Privileges, which they ^ A r 
 looked upon as inconteftable. But on the prefent occafion, Cun.-y.rj. | 
 there was a neceffity of declaring and aifting openly. The 
 King pretended, as appears by his anfwer to the Petition of 
 the Commons, that their Privileges having no other foun¬ 
 
 dation 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 2+. JAMES I. 
 
 2 I 
 
 dation than the conceffion of the Kings his predeceffors, it 
 was in his power to revoke them if they gave juft occafion. 
 The Commons, on their fide, pretended, they enjoyed 
 thefe Privileges by antient and undoubted Right, had re¬ 
 ceived them by inheritance from their anceftors, and the 
 King had no power to take them away. I pals over in 
 filence the confequences which may be drawn from both 
 thefe Principles, if carried as far as the general terms will 
 allow : they are obvious to the meaneft capacity. I beg 
 leave, not to determine fo difficult a point, but only to 
 make fome remarks, which, I hope, will be of ufe for the 
 fequel of the Hiftory. 
 
 Fir ft, it is very difficult, in my opinion, and perhaps 
 impoffible, to eftablilh upon fixt principles, as well the 
 Royal Prerogatives of the Kings of England, as the Privi¬ 
 leges of the Parliament, and of the Houfe of Commons in 
 particular. We mull: except fuch as are allowed on both 
 iides, iince this mutual confent is of no lei's force than a 
 Law. Cuftom therefore and Precedent are the only foun¬ 
 dation on which to eftabiifh their refpedtive Rights. 
 
 The Anglo-Saxons, who conquered Britain , had no 
 Kings in tiiofe parts of Germany, where they inhabited be¬ 
 fore their coming into England. Their Government was 
 Ariftocratical. Seven of their Chiefs, by whom Britain 
 was conquered, affumed the title of Kings, which was ne¬ 
 ver before in ufe among them. 
 
 It muft be obferved, as a very neceffiary point. That the 
 dominion of thefe new Kings did not properly extend over 
 the conquered People, namely, the Britons, who were al- 
 moft all driven into Wales and Cornwal, but over the 
 Conquerors themfelves, among whom the fubdued Country 
 was divided. Hence it is evident, that the Right of Con- 
 queft which might be alledged in favour of thefe firft Kings 
 and their Succelfors, is wholly excluded. 
 
 It is very likely, not to fay certain, that the Parliament 
 n( England is as antient as the Monarchy, though fomedif- 
 pute it, but, in my opinion, without any foundation (i). 
 At leaft, the time cannot be afeertained, when the Parlia¬ 
 ment firft begun. But it is very difficult to prove, the 
 Commons were fummoned to Parliament, and voted there. 
 
 On the other hand, it cannot be doubted, thefe firft 
 Kings had great Prerogatives, which were much increafed 
 by their Succeffors. But I believe it may be taken for 
 granted, that in general, neither the King’s Prerogatives, 
 nor the People’s Privileges, owe their original to the Laws. 
 Confequently, they can naither be limited nor enlarged, 
 but as warranted by Examples and Precedents. Now thefe 
 Precedents are fo contrary one to another, that there is no 
 forming any fixed and certain rules. And what caufes 
 molt difficulty in this matter, is the ambiguity of the terms, 
 and firft, in the word Parliament. 
 
 If the Parliament is confidered as compofed of the King 
 and the two Houfes, an unlimited power, with refpedt to 
 the affairs of the Kingdom, may, without fear, be aferibed 
 to it. But if the Parliament is fuppofed to confift only of 
 the two Houfes without the King, it cannot be denied, that 
 its Rights are limited. The two Houfes are properly the 
 whole nation, exclufive of the King. They have their 
 Privileges : but it belongs not to them to extend them as 
 they pleafe: the King’s confent is neceffary to that end. 
 This is ftill more true, when one of the Houfes adts alone, 
 without the concurrence of the other: For then it repre- 
 fents but part of the Nation, who cannot lawfully claim 
 any other rights than thofe which are granted either by 
 fome Law, or by the tacit confent of the King and the 
 other Houfe. It is very certain, that to each of the two 
 Houfes belong leparatc Rights and Privileges ; and that the 
 two Houfes together, though parted from the King, have 
 alfo their Privileges. But the queftion is, to know how far 
 they reach, and whether the King alane ought to be 
 judge. 
 
 The term Prerogative Royal is liable to no lefs ambi¬ 
 guity than the word Parliament. It is a loofe and general 
 term, which gives only a very confufed idea of the thing 
 fignified. If it is a Right common to all that bear the 
 title of King, the Prerogative Royal muft be the fame 
 every where, and the Kings of England and Poland will 
 be as abfolute as the King of Perfia. If it has bounds, by 
 whom were they fet ? Or, what are the bounds which it 
 cannot exceed ? I believe it is no lefs difficult to refolve thefe 
 queftions, than thofe concerning the Privileges of the Par¬ 
 liament. But as the Prerogative Royal includes many par¬ 
 ticular Rights, let us examine, lor inftance, the Power 
 challenged by James of revoking the Privileges of the 
 Houfe of Commons. From whence had he this particular 
 Prerogative ? Was it a right common to all Kings? But 
 there are in the world Kingdoms without Parliaments or a 
 Houfe of Commons. Was this Prerogative as antient as 
 the Englijh Monarchy ? But he himfelf would not grant, 
 the Houfe of Commons to be fo antient. Was it from 
 
 fome Law? But he produced none. Was it by a tacit 1621 
 confent, or by ufurpation r But the thing had never hap¬ 
 pened before. Was it, in fine, upon this general maxim, 
 that whatever is granted by one King, may be revoked by 
 another ? But, befides that this is no undeniable Principle, 
 efpecially after an uninterrupted poffeffion for many ages, 
 the King would have been very much puzzled to name ti.e 
 Kings who had granted the Commons their Privilege'. 
 
 Thus King James fuppofed, that the Prerogative was . 
 thing fixed, inconteftable, known to all the world, though 
 nothing was more indeterminate, or of lefs known extei 
 and limits. 
 
 Let us confider now what were thofe Rights, Liber cie 
 Privileges, claimed by the Commons as their antient ar.d 
 undoubted birth-right and inheritance. Thefe are all u: 
 certain and genera.-! terms, of which we cannot have a clear 
 and diftindl idea, without applying them to particular cafe-. 
 
 But what was fuid concerning the Royal Prerogative, may 
 be applied here. How came the Commons by thefe Right:. ■ 
 
 How far did they reach? Where were their bounds? This 
 would be very difficult to fix. James perhaps went too far, 
 when he would have entirely deprived the Commons of the 
 right of reprefenting to him the nation’s Grievances, and 
 of the liberty to debate, reafon, and fay in the Houfe what 
 was thought proper. But if, under colour of thefe Rights, 
 the Commons would take upon them to advife the King 
 upon all occafions, and fpcak injurioufly of his Majefty in 
 their Houfe, upon what would they ground fuch Privileges ? 
 
 Since therefore it is fo difficult to decide the queftions 
 concerning the Prerogative Royal, and the Privileges of 
 both Houfes, or of each in particular, prudence and good 
 policy require, that Kings and Parliaments avoid as a rock 
 the engaging in fuch difputes. Accordingly, we may have 
 obferved in the perufal of this Hiftory, that the wifeft, the 
 moft illuftrious Kings, thofe whofe merit is moft univerfal- 
 ly acknowledged, as Edward I, Edward III, Henry V, 
 
 Edward IV, Henry VIII, Elizabeth , never had any con- 
 tefts of this nature with their Parliaments. On the con¬ 
 trary, thofe that were leaft eminent for their prudence and 
 capacity, fuch as Henry III, Edward II, Richard II, were 
 ruined, for railing fuch forts of difputes. James is the 
 firft, who in thofe latter days engaged in this quarrel. He 
 was followed by his Son and Grandfons, and thefe Princes, 
 inftead of fucceeding in their projects, only rendered them- 
 fclves moft unhappy. A wife and prudent King of Eng¬ 
 land, who knows his own intereft, will never quarrel with 
 his Parliament; and a Parliament, whofe foie view is the 
 Kingdom’s welfare, will take care never to queftion the 
 King’s juft Prerogative : Nay, they will rather chufe to fee 
 it ftretchcd a little too far, than run the risk of breaking an 
 union, which is the foie foundation of the publick huppi- 
 nefs. I hope I fhall be forgiven this digreffion, which to 
 me feems of ufe to inform the Reader, and help him to 
 judge impartially of the differences which arofe in this, 
 and produced fo many calamities in the following Reign. 
 
 The diffolution of the Parliament, and the little !!ke!i- 
 hood of the King’s ever calling another, could not but be m c '-J- 
 attended with ill confequences. The King forfeited, by r jtrcn d 
 this proceeding, not only the love and efteem of great part fjfj'pji 
 of his Subjedts, but alfo the regard of Foreigners. When mine. 
 he was thus embroiled with his people, it was univerfally 
 concluded he could be no longer either a friend to be relied 
 on, or an enemy to be feared. On the other hand, the 
 Nation could not refledt without terror, that they were 
 going to be expofed to an arbitrary power, fince there were 
 to be no more Parliaments to keep the Prerogative-Royal 
 within due bounds. But the worft effedt produced by the 
 rupture between the King and Parliament, was the divi- 
 fion among the Subjedts, who continually joined with the 
 two oppofite parties, which fubfift to this day, with fome 
 difference, under the names ofToryes and Whigs. 
 
 Thefe two parties, which began to be formed, were 
 contented at firft with mutual difputes, in defence of tfie 
 King’s or the People’s rights, in refpect of what had , 0 . *,C. 
 caufed the diffolution of the Parliament. The Rcyalifts 
 faid, the Commons meant to make the Englijh Monarchy 
 a Republick. That in meddling with State-affairs, and advi- 
 fing the King concerning the management of the King¬ 
 dom and his own family, they fhowed they afpired to no 
 lefs than governing the State, iince they woulJ never want 
 pretences to give the King counfel; which if he refufed to 
 comply with, he would, by that very thing, be deprived 
 of the neceffary aids for defence of the Realm, and con- 
 ftrained to receive law from foreign Princes. That Eng¬ 
 land was originally a Monarchy, and had ever continued 
 upon the fame foot: but the foundations were going to be 
 undermined, by making the King fubjedt to the Parlia¬ 
 ment. That at firft Remonftrances only were made to the 
 King ; afterwards, Counfels were added ; but thefe Ccun- 
 fels would foon be converted into Inftrudtions, and the 
 
 (0 See the DilTertation, Vol. I. p. 152, &c. of this Hiftory. Rapin. 
 
 No 54. Vol II. 
 
 H ft ft 
 
 J nftrudtiopi 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 r+ The HISTORY 
 
 62:. Tnftriu£B<Ji 1 s into Orders and Commands : In a word, if the 
 Commons were fuftered to proceed, the King would quickly 
 become a meer Doge. That the Commons had the left right 
 to pretend to the Government of the State, as the State 
 had f.h'fifted five hundred years without them, fince it was 
 about the end of Henry Ill’s Reign, and during the Earl 
 of LeicrJIer’s ufurpation, that the Reprefentatives of the 
 People were firft admitted into the Parliament. In fliort, 
 that it was a ftrange thing, that under a monarchical Go¬ 
 vernment, the People, or their Reprefentatives, fhould tell 
 the King how he was to govern his Kingdom: that fup- 
 pofing the People had fuch a right, it would be neceffary to 
 impart to them all the fecrets of the State, and con- 
 fult them about Alliances and Treaties, Peace and War. 
 But as this had never been praflifed, it followed of courfe 
 that the fuppofition was falfe, and the People were called 
 to Parliament only to fupply the King’s wants, and to fettle 
 the taxes and impofitions in a manner the leaft burthenfome 
 to the Subjctfs. That indeed, as to the Laws concerning 
 the internal Government of the State, it was thought pro¬ 
 per to ena£t them with the confent of the People who 
 were to be fubjefl to them, that they might be the better 
 executed : but no confequence could thence be drawn, ei¬ 
 ther for foreign affairs, or for the execution of thefe laws 
 which was left to the King alone, or for the general Go¬ 
 vernment of the Realm. 
 
 The favourers of the People faid in their turn, that the 
 King was not fatisfied with England's being a Monarchy, 
 but would make it an abfolute Monarchy. That he af¬ 
 fected to confound the feveral kinds of Monarchies, where¬ 
 of fome were more, others lefs abfolute, in order to ac¬ 
 knowledge but one fort, to which he aferibed an unlimited 
 power. “That the Englijh Monarchy was not of this kind, 
 but began with the Parliament, which being as antient as 
 the Royalty, formed, together with the Sovereign, the ab¬ 
 folute power, the King would aflame to himfelf alone. 
 That the Parliament had their privileges, as the King had 
 his, nor could be deprived of them, without deftroying 
 the nature and conftitution of the Englijh Government. 
 That the Parliament reprefented the whole Nation, who 
 were as much or more concerned in the welfare of the State 
 than the King himfelf. That indeed, the King had his un¬ 
 doubted prerogatives : But they were intended foi the wel¬ 
 fare and prefervation, and not for the ruin, of the State. 
 That, whilft he kept within thefe bounds, and adled only 
 for the benefit of the Kingdom, he anfwered the end and in¬ 
 tent of his prerogatives: but it was deftroying the conftitu¬ 
 tion, to pretend that his Prerogative Royal gave him power 
 to fubvert the Laws, to make Alliances repugnant to the 
 good of the Realm, to render the Nation contemptible in 
 the eyes of Foreigners, to expofe Religion to the danger 
 of being ruined, through an extreme carelefthefs and 
 condefcenfion for its enemies. That in fuch a cafe, as 
 he fwerved from the end and defign of his prerogative, it 
 was the people’s or their Reprefentatives bufinefs, to fhow 
 him the inconveniences of his conduft, propound means to 
 prevent them, and give him proper advice for their cure. 
 That if this were not fo, it would follow the King would 
 be abfolute and arbitrary : might ruin and deftroy the 
 Kingdom at his pleafure, trample upon the eftablifhed 
 Laws, opprefs the Subjefts, take away their Lives and for¬ 
 tunes, which was direCIly contrary to the conftitution of 
 England. That as to the reft, it evidently appeared, the 
 King was labouring to reduce the privileges of the Parlia¬ 
 ment to little or nothing. Does the Parliament reprefent 
 to him the people’s Grievances ? It may, fays he, from 
 thence be inferred, that the King governs ill, and this 
 tends to alienate from him the love of his SubjeCb. Is he 
 defired to put the Laws againft Recufants in execution? 
 He anfwers, Tnat affair mull be left to his care, he knows 
 what is proper to be done: He is an old experienced King, 
 who has no need to be taught, and yet he is not feen to 
 do the leaft thing towards redreffing the grievances com¬ 
 plained of. Do the Commons reprefent to him that the 
 Prince his Son’s marriage with the Spanijh Infanta may be 
 of very ill confequence to Religion ? He replies, They 
 have no bufinefs to meddle with his family-concerns. Do 
 they ftrive to make him fenfible that the Proteftant Religion 
 is in danger of being deftroy ed throughout zWEurope, for want 
 of a Alliance, and that the King of Spain amufes him with 
 fair promiles, whilft he is over-running the Palatinate ? 
 He anfwers, Thefe are matters of State too high for the 
 People’s Reprefentatives, who have neither wifdom nor 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 capacity enough to comprehend the myfteries of Govern- 1622. 
 ment : Ne futor ultra trepidant. In a word, he reduces 
 the privileges of the Commons to adufing the King, 
 when he ihall do them the honour to ask it, and to fup- 
 plying him with money when he demands it on any pre¬ 
 tence, though the pretence be evidently tulle, fince he will 
 not 1 ufter his reafons to be examined. But this is not all. 
 
 He plainly tells the Commons, their pr, leges are only 
 conceflions of himfelf and Predeceffors, and intimates that 
 they ihall keep them no longer than their fubmiflion 
 makes them worthy of them. Is it poifible, fay they, to 
 give plainer mark tt 1 lefxgn to ufurp an arbitrary 
 
 power r Suppofing the Commons were not called to Parlia¬ 
 ment till the Reign of Henry III, whicli however cannot 
 be proved, have they not been, ever fince, an effential part 
 of Parliament, and confequently have they not an undoubt¬ 
 ed right to all parliamentary privileges ? 
 
 This is part of what was then faid on both fides, and The Pun. 
 is what ferved to cherifh divifion between the two parties, t ^ n ' t "‘ Pat 
 who have not ever fince ceafed to revile one another. lt^ /( 
 is eafy to guefs which of the two parties the Puritans join¬ 
 ed with. They loved not the King, who, on his part, 
 difeovered on all occafions that he was their mortal enemy. 
 
 But, as I faid, there were two forts of Puritans, namely. 
 
 State-Puritans and Church-Puritans. Before the King 
 declared himfelf fo openly with refpett to his Prerogative- 
 Royal, the State-Puritans were few, becaufe the King ha¬ 
 ving gone no great lengths, his intention was yet only luf- 
 pedted. But after the diftblution of the third Parliament, 
 their number greatly increafed, and the King, through a 
 policy very deiirudtive of his interefts, always affe&ed to 
 confound thefe two forts of Puritans. He thereby forced 
 them to make but one party, though they were united 
 only in a (ingle point, namely, in oppofing the maxims 
 of the Court. So the Church-Puritans, who before made 
 but a little figure in the Kingdom, fuddenly formed a very 
 confiderable party, by the juntftion of the State-Puritans. 
 
 This party grew in the end fo powerful, that they over¬ 
 threw the Ecclefiaftical Hierarchy, and the Monarchy it- 
 felf : but this happened not till the following Reign. 
 
 On the other hand, the King’s party was ftrengthned Tie Arml- 
 by the junction of the Arminians , who were very numer- 
 ous. Ar minims Doctrine had bred difputes in England, 
 tho’ with lefs noife than in Holland. Many Clergymen p. 7S 1 * 
 had embraced this Dodtrine, though condemned by the 
 Synod of Dort, whofe authority they did not acknowledge, 
 and notwithftanding the King’s open profeftion to rejedt 
 Arminius ’s tenets. Thefe men improving the opportunity 
 arifing from the difeord between the two Parties, readily 
 joined with the Royalifts, and from that time were as much 
 careffed at Court as they were hated before. By this Coke, 
 means IVilliam Laud, a Clergyman of great parts and 
 learning, was qualified, though Arminian, to be promoted 
 to the See of St. David's by the Marquifs of Buckingham’s 
 intcreft, who defired the Bifhop of Lincoln (1) to recom¬ 
 mend him to the King. It was however with fome difti- 
 culty that the King agreed to his preferment, being pre-Lite of 
 judiced againft him on account of his proud and turbulent 
 fpirit(z). After the Arminians had lifted themfelves in the ” 
 King’s party, they were in the height of profperity, favour¬ 
 ed by the Courtiers, who were labouring to hinder the 
 growth of Puritanifm. On the other hand, the Papifts ‘the Papljt, 
 alfo declared openly for the King, becaufe it was by an 
 abfolute power alone that they could obtain their defires, )am ‘ y ’ 
 whereas the Parliament was their profclled enemy. In do the 
 fine, moft of the Clergy efpoufed likewife the King’s fide, Clergy aifi, 
 looking upon him as the only per fan capable of fupporting 
 them againft the attempts of the Puritans, whole number 
 continually increafed. 
 
 The two Parties being thus compofed of men of dif- R J: 
 ferent kinds and fentiments, mutually upbraided one ano-^ 
 ther with what was moft odious in each party. The Parties. 
 Royalifts confounded under the name of Puritans, all who CJarend °n. 
 oppofed the King, and the Puritans taxed all the Royalifts 
 with being Papifts or Arminians (3). 
 
 This divifion, which began to be remarkable in England , The King „ 
 did not ferve to eftablifh the King’s reputation abroad. It e ~ 
 was now two years fince his Son-in-law’s dominions were/ >road _ 
 invaded by the Spaniard and Duke of Bavaria, and he Wiifon. 
 was not feen to take any effe&ual courfe for their recovery. Ru ^«orth, 
 Embaffies and follicitations were the only arms he em¬ 
 ployed for that end (4). The King of Spain had amufed 
 him four or five years with the hopes of a marriage which 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 24. JAMES I. 
 
 Mr'- 
 
 na.le vt 
 
 21 
 
 advanced not, and by that means tied up his hands, whilft this was his defign, manifeilly appears in his Inftructio'> 16- 
 h- iawd the Palatinate In ihort when all Europe ex- to the Lord Digby, before hi departure for where- 
 
 p'-viL-u he would lee the intereffs or his Kingdom, his in he was exprefilv ordered, not to make the affair of the 
 family and his own, and take Tome vigorous refoiution, Palatinate one of the Marriage-Articles The Rh - how- 
 ,r was heard that lie was irreconcileably fallen out with his ever would have the publick believe, that his chief aim in 
 Parliament. Whereupon he was defpifed abroad, and in- the Spanijh match was to procure his Son-in-law the refti- 
 lults quickly followed contempt. In the Netherlands he tution of the Palatinate. This doubtlefs was one of thofe 
 was pubhckly ridiculed on their Stages. Comedies were niyfteries of State which could not be comprehended by the 
 ztted With Myilengers haft.ly bringing news that the Pa la- Commons. Perhaps he really hoped, the reftitution would 
 t,nate was 6 oin o t0 be ]oft > confidermg the numerous immediately follow upon the'Marriage : but this hope was 
 p. 749. forces that were fending thither by the King of Spain's built on a very weak foundation. 0 In all appearance 
 p iz6. C . nen ? leS , : D - , ,, „ ,n S. ot Den ™fk was to find a hundred Gondemar infpired him with fo chimerical an expedition. ’ 
 
 thoufand Pickled Herrings; the Hollanders a hundred thou- However this be, James, being in tirely bent upon this * 
 fand Butter-Boxes ; and the King of England , a hundred projeft, fent Digby Ambaflador extraordinary to Spain, to 
 thoufand Ambaffadors. In one place, King James was conclude the Marriage-treaty jointly with Sir Walter Ajlon , a,. P ub . 
 pictured with a fcabbard without a fword, in another with who had been fome time at the Court of Philip IV (c) XVJ1 - 3°o 
 
 a fword which could not be drawn, though divers perfons The articles concerning Religion were already fettled, but wuion 
 
 flood pulling at it (1). In England itfelf the almoft-for- the reft were not to be talked of, till the Pope’s difpen- p- 749- 
 
 gotten itory of David Rizzo was revived. But what fation was obtained, for fear of labouring in vain This Rufl,wo,th * 
 
 moft troubled the contrary party to the King, was to fee was an artifice of the Spanijh Court, to prolong the affair fa L P ‘ ** 
 Buckingham govern fo abfolutely, that the King feemed to to have time to finifh the conqueft of the Palatmate Annal,. 
 have made his Favorite his Mafter. None were admitted whilft the difpenfation was expedied, which to haften or 
 to Places but Papiils, Armimans , or fuch as were reckoned delay was, probably, in the King of Spain’s breaft Mean 
 
 to have little or no Religion. In fliort, fuch only pa/Ted while, the hopes of a fpeedy feonclufion of the marriage, 
 
 for Proteftants with the Court, as were for the Royal of the dowry of two millions, and of the reftitution of the 
 
 Tb-Arch Pr , er °? atlve ;? lts A1 J tl ? oft * xtent » ’ et their Reli g ion be Palatinate , fo tied up the King’s hands, that he durft not 
 
 Vjbofof 7 . h r a C JR?’ r , efl WCre Puritans> Abbot him uke the !eaft fte P ^ offend the Spaniard, for fear of de- 
 
 Canterbury ^If, Archbilhop of Canterbury, was reckoned among the feating fo noble a projed. Therefore, when ever he talked 
 'run!jn‘ d a becaufe he approved not of the Court-maxims, of ingaging in a war for the recovery of the Palatinate it 
 
 Wilfon.* . , d t,)e m ‘Stottune in the year 1622, to kill a Man was always with this reftridion, if he could not obtain 
 P- 75 *. ™. th a n arrow as he was (hooting at a Buck (2), and it by fair means, becaufe he thought himfelf lure of the 
 Man acci- thls accldent °«rafioned h.s being deemed uncapable of fuccefs of his negotiations. It is therefore certain, that 
 dentally,and P erf °r m ‘ng any fonger the fund 10ns of a Bifhop. Where- when he demanded money of the Parliament, or ex^fted 
 
 «/«« 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 Rufhworth. 
 
 Cabala. 
 
 fore he relolved alfo to fave himfelf the trouble of going to 
 the Council, where his advice was little regarded, as com¬ 
 ing from a perfon of Puritan-Principles. 
 
 Whilft the people were in this fort of fermentation, the 
 King wanted money. He had a mind to fend Digby to 
 Spain, and IVeJion to Brujfels (3), to finifh at once the 
 marriage and the affair of the Palatinate. Befides, Buck¬ 
 ingham and his relations were a gulph which could not be 
 filled. There was no likelihood of a new Parliament, 
 after the King’s late Proceedings. Though a Parlia¬ 
 ment could have been perfwaded to give the King money, 
 it would not have been till after their Privileges were fe- 
 cured at the expence of the Prerogative-Royal, and the 
 King thought the remedy worfe than the difeafe. Re- 
 
 the Benevolence on the people, it was not with defign to 
 prepare for war, though that was the pretence, fince a 
 breach with the Houfe of Aujlria was inconliftent with his 
 projeift. 
 
 When Digby , who was this year created Earl of Di 6 b y mjde 
 Brijlol (6), fet out for Spain, the King fent Gage to Rome, f 
 to foliicite the difpatch of the difpenfation, without whicii Wilibn, 
 the new Ambaflador could not proceed at Madrid. But Ru^worth. 
 to render Gage’s inftances more effectual, it was nccefiary SXm/”/ 
 to fliow the Pope, the King was not a perfecutor of the forward the 
 Catholicks. Not but that he had already given very con- 
 vincmg proofs : however he thought lie fliould on this oc- T.'oTo 
 calion give a ftill ftronger one, by releafing all the im- tbt ,mp r i- 
 - - . - . , • — pnfoned Recufants (7). This was done publicklv and Rlcu - 
 
 rourie therefore was to be had to extraordinary methods, openly, by Writs under the Great-Seal to the Juftices 
 - 7 he fpeedieft and moll Cure feemed to be the exaftmg Affize, with a Letter from the Lord-Keeper //','Warns hit, th. 
 ;"„ h fro . m tl,e P“P l = a contribution under the name of Bene- exhorting them punflually to obey the King’s orders T 'f 6a ' 
 • TOlenee. As the Court knew, if fome conftramt were not I hefe Writs, contrary to the Law, to the Commons 
 
 ufed, the peoples liberality would not go very far, the Remonllrance, and to the King's own anfwer to their 
 Cot*' Jl | dgeS WLr j r ler£d 111 thc,r , C ; lrc “ ,ts to * mar ' d a Petition, occafioned many feycre cenfures upon the King's 
 
 r rJeTfi 7 TTll W u tha J’ ,h f the King would not conduft As this affair made a noife amo P „g the Peopfe u, M 
 be fatlsfied with wha Ihould be voluntarily offered, if it the Lord Keeper was ordered to vindicate the King by a K "t" ‘ 
 was not proportionable to the Giver's abilities. To that publick writing. This vindication begins with this® noble '?!."?"■ 
 
 Ron,wrath. P . Ur J 0e wQ^rlNdirra" with’rhef tlle companion ; As tht fun in the firmament appears to us no R-..lhvraou 
 
 T ' L p ' 6 °' ,7 Z h ^ Zrt-l P emrt j?¥’ '/ an 1 b 'ih‘ r ,han a plotter, uni th, Jletrs but us Jb muny nails in T ' '■ P- 6 J- 
 
 pcrfin jhall, out of cbjtsnaey or Jtjuff,it,on, refufe to contn- the pummel of a fuddle, beeuufe of the enlargement and dif- / 'To 
 hute herein, proportionably to their e/Iates and means, you tsmortion ht-ween our , y , and the object : Sois there fuch an’’ 
 
 7hr King 
 ex a SI 1 " 
 
 nrvolei 
 Rulhwi 
 T. I. p. 60 . 
 Annals. 
 
 7 hr King. 
 Prcjcii. 
 
 , P r f r,lmabl l l <° ,h «r ani , y™ proportion between ,j, ana „„ octycc, : o« 11 were luel, an 
 
 ZLdLr M g rr ‘“ m " um ! h ‘ s IS “ rd - , A " d fi unmeafurablt dijlanc, between the deep refoiution of a Prince, 
 
 mending this fireuce to your bejl ear, and endeavour, and and the Jhallow apprehenfms of common and ordinary People 
 p aying you to return un , us note, of the names of fuel, as that as they will ever be judjing and cenfuring, f they lufi 
 Jhtell contribute, and of the Sums ojjerei by them (f). The needs be obnoxious to errlr and miflajg- Thin he S 
 excisfe for this levy of money was the King’s pretended two reafons, both very falfe, of this cfndudt. The 6 firft 
 refoiution to recover the Palatinate by arms, after having is, that as the King was now folliciting very zealoufly for 
 in vain tried gentle means It will hereafter appear how fome eafe to all the Proteftants in Eunpl it would be 
 this rdiiluhon was executed. unreafonable to execute at the fame time the Laws againft 
 
 I he King s project was to conclude tile Prince his Son’s the Roman Catholicks. The fecond, that the Engli/h JUuits 
 marriage and receive the dowry ol two millions, before had publilhed a Book to excite the French Kino to execute 
 he demanded he reftitution of the Palatinate, for fear the in his Kingdom againft the Huguenots, the fame Laws as 
 Spaniard Ihould pretend that this reftitution was to be in thofe enafled in England againft the Papiils. But, added the 
 
 “ f 't“ f d r Wry i'n, AfKr N’ he h °P ed the Bi(h °P> “ "">clude, fromth, favour ^done to the Englilh 
 their^aSe w™ U ld°f and m confideratlon of Papijts, that the King favours the Romilh Religion, % a 
 
 Ziifz w ° ul ? t-^tr Pula,mate to his eompofttion of fill, and malic,, little iefervei hy a gracious 
 
 con-tn-.aw, and oblige the Emperor and the Duke of Prince, who b, word, writing, euerefe of Religion, and Aits 
 Ibis was all he in- ofParliament hath demnjlratei himfelfforeflved a Protcjlant. 
 cun-in-law. That I obferved that about the latter end ot the laft year, the ificofCount 
 
 billrap . Pud,,, fo!M, Nm fH thi ,“ %Zri£7\om. to ! ?! ^ “ ' P S ' ^ “* P"** U " **>•■ 
 
 *i ” aEHS^rr'fa? r thi ^ 
 
 II X. „ °’. d 5 anlfd Letters from King Jamt i and Prince Cbar/ei, 
 
 Bavaria to reffore him the Upper. _ __ 
 
 tended to do for his Daughter and Son-in-law** 
 
 which the Reader may fee in Rujhwortb, Tom'fi 
 as the Reader may fee in tVilJon, p. 749, 730. 
 
 (6) He was created n September 15. and at the far 
 Denbigh 3nd Lionel Lord Crar.fi,td Earl of hi id- /, 
 
 (7) Gondemar ufed to bead, that tour thoufand 
 
 3 
 
 S 7 , 1 
 
 , to the King of Spa, 
 
 e from the 
 
 , - c 1 ■ - — .- s-j the Lori Bj/tbazar of Zvnigj, 
 
 I he Lord Dtgly, upon his arrival into Spain, was ltrangely negledted ty th e Spantjb Court, 
 
 ■e. Jjme, Hay Vi'cAint Dcncifitr, w 
 lug da it, Vol. If. p. 437, th 
 
 ulir: n.nj been releafed through his Interceii 
 
 rd Earl of Car!jl, l William Vifcount Fielding Earl 
 JC34. 
 
 7 'itjon, p. -50. 
 
 Emperor 
 
VoL Si 
 
 ■The H 1 sro RT of E N GL A N D. 
 
 22. Count Schwartzemhurg to the King., to 
 
 treat «.'l the .affair of the Palatinate. This Ambaflador 
 o- jos.ij , Uv received at London, as witnefling the Em- 
 r r.| 'j jcgard lor the King, could produce no Powers when 
 he came "to talk of affairs? ft was the Archduchefs Ifabella 
 thu was on powered by the Emperor to conclude the truce 
 defined by the King. There was a neceffity therefore of 
 !>oijig to negotiate at Brujjils with the Archduchefs and 
 Envovs of fo me P rote ft ant Princes. The King chole for 
 this employ. Sir Richard JVeJlon, [Chancellor ot the Fx- 
 y ; chequer] probably becaufc he thought his Religion would 
 v ,x- it advance the negotiation. But, to gain the Infanta’s favour, 
 rj he made ulc of another means alfo. He permitted the 
 'J' Lord Id r, a Papift, to raife two thoufand men (i) in 
 
 t ■■ £,<.jlr.n.l, to f-rve the Infanta againft the United-Provinces, 
 
 Ul -Vtkt' and the Protcftant Princes their allies. By fuch means as 
 .... thefe the King hoped to fucceed in his negotiations. We 
 
 Uu ihefne. i) la |i fee prefently the event, but it will be necelfary firft 
 
 to mention what paired in Germany during the year 1622. 
 .j-Titn Of The King of Bohemia , plainly perceiving the King his 
 Bohemia. Father-in-law made ufe of very ineffectual methods to re- 
 
 Mhi oi the: ftore hirn to his Dominions, believed it advifeable to pro- 
 Bohemia! °* ceed feme other way. Be was ftill matter of Manheim , 
 Heidelberg , and Frankendal , and Count Mansfeldt, thougli 
 Wllfon ' withdrawn into jflfatia , had it ftill in his power to re¬ 
 enter the Lower-Palatinate. In order to improve this laft 
 remedy, he agreed with Prince Chrijlian of Brunfwick, 
 Adminiftrator of the Bittioprick of Halberjladt , who had 
 accompanied him t® the Hague, to raife an army in JVejl- 
 phalia , and join Mandsfeldt. At the fame time he made 
 the like agreement with the Prince of Baden-Durlach , who 
 promifed alfo to levy an army for the fame purpofe. ’Tis 
 likelv, the Hollanders fupplied the money for thefe Levies, 
 on account of the advantage they Ihould reap from this 
 powerful diverfion. Thefe two Princes kept promiie with 
 che King of Bohemia , and each headed ten or twelve 
 thoufand men. The difficulty was how to enter the Lowcr- 
 Peliminate, where the Spaniards were very ttrong. How¬ 
 ever. the thing not appearing impracticable, the Prince 
 of Brunfwick took the field in JVeJlphalia , and l’eized fome 
 Places in the County of March This drew upon him 
 a detachment of the Spanjh army from the Low-Countries , 
 commanded by Count Henry de Bergh , who was joined by 
 the Count of Anhalt with another detachment of the army 
 of Bavaria , commanded by Count Tilly in the Palatinate. 
 By this means. Prince Chrijlian faw himfelf detained iome 
 time in Wejlphalia. But at length, the Count of Bergh 
 being recalled, he was at liberty to advance. On the o- 
 ther hand, it was not eafy for the Prince of Baden to enter 
 the Palatinate , all the callages being ftopt up by Count 
 Tilly and G on [ales of Cordova. 
 
 In the mean while, the King of Bohemia departing pri¬ 
 vately from the Hague, on board a fmall veil'd, and land¬ 
 ing at Calais , travels through France and fafely arrived at 
 Mansfeldt'?. army, who was advanced to Germerjhctm. 
 Here they impatiently expected the approach of the two 
 armies coming to their aiiittance. It would be needlefs to 
 give a particular account of the march of thefe two armies, 
 and the obftacles thev met with from the Spaniards and 
 Bavarian-. It will fuffice to fay, the Prince of Baden was 
 defeated the fixth of May : that afterwards the King of 
 Bohemia and Mansfeldt marching to Prince Chrijlian , met 
 Count Tilly , who put them to rout, and forced them to 
 retire to Manbeim. This battle was fought the 12th of 
 June. Eight days after, Tilly alfo attacked Prince Chrij¬ 
 lian, who was advanced to the borders of the Palatinate , 
 and though he gained fome advantage over him, could not 
 however prevent his patting to Manbeim with good part of 
 his troops. 
 
 Some time after, the Spaniards and Bavarians were fo 
 ftrongly recruited, that their army confifted of above fifty 
 thoufand men, with which they almoft furrounded their 
 enemies, who were encamped between Manbeim and Hei¬ 
 delberg. Wherefore the King of Bohemia defpairing ever 
 to recover what he had loft, returned to Holland. After 
 his departure, the Prince of Brunfwick and Count Manf- 
 f/dt, refulved to join Prince Maurice in the Law-Countries, 
 and ’marched through Lorrain. As they were obliged to 
 take a compafs, Gonfales de Cordova parting from Tilly, 
 went and expefted them at Brabant , to hinder their paf- 
 f age . The two armies meeting between Namur and 
 Brujfels, fought with equal fuccefs ; but the Prince of 
 Brunfwick loft an arm bv a cannon ball. After the battle, 
 Mansfeldt continued his march towards Holland. 
 
 Mean while, Count Tilly having no enemy to oppofe 
 " fSS him in the Lower Palatinate, carried Heidelberg by ftorm (2), 
 
 took Manbeim by a long blockade, and then befieged 1;. 
 Frankendal( 3}, 
 
 Whilft the King of Bohemia was in the Palatinate. , ( . 
 conferences were held at BruJJcL , to procure a truce for o u Ch-: - 
 that unfortunate Country, according to the King of kng- jj 1 ' 
 land’s deft re, though he was not impowered by the King JJ 
 his Son-in-law, for whom, at this jun&ure, a truce was r, 
 not convenient. In this negotiation two u-iiiculties imme¬ 
 diately occurred, which ferved to prolong it. T he firft 
 was, the Englijh Ambaflador had not l'ufficient Power 
 from the King of Bohemia and his allies. Jama had 
 doubtlefs imagined, that fince this truce was negotiating m 
 his account, it fufficed to treat with him. But the Spa¬ 
 niards gave to underftand, they could treat only with the 
 principal parties. ■ There was occafion therefore to lend to 
 the P 
 
 who was not in hafte to difpatch them, whilll: he had any ^ ? v 
 hopes of fucceeding in his enterprise. Bulat laft, fending 
 thefe Powers when he faw his affairs declining, another 
 difficulty of the fame nature occurred at Brujfeh. The 
 Archduchefs had no other power than the Emperor’s bare 
 Letter, defiring her to confult with the Englijh Amballa- 
 dor concerning a truce for the Lower Palatinate (4). I rum 
 that time the King 01 Bohemia’s flairs daily growing wot fc, 
 the Archduchefs and Count Schwartzemburg prolonged the 
 affair on divers pretences, till Heidelberg was taken, and 
 Manheim clol’ely blocked up. Then James writ to the Sept. 1 
 King of Spain, to defire him to order that the affairs ot 
 the Palatinate might remain in their prefont ttate, till the 
 condufion of the “truce, and the blockade of Manheim was 
 raifed. Philip feigned to have this condefcenfion for him, 
 but before his Letter to the Archduchefs was received, 
 
 Manheim was taken. Nay, it did not hinder Count Tilly Naxem. 4. 
 from befieging Frankendal , which he would have alio taken 
 without fcruple, had not the overflowing of the rivers forced ^ 
 him to raife the liege. Thus was the King amufed with 
 vain hopes, whilft the conqueft of the Palatinate was 
 compleating. He perceived it at laft, but at the fame time 
 was told, the Prince his Son’s marriage was fo near a con¬ 
 dufion, that he could not think of hazarding a mifearnage 
 in that affair, by infilling too ftrenuoufly on the reftitution 
 of the Ele&or’s dominions. This may be clearly feen in 
 his Letters to the Earl of Brijhl , his Ambaflador in Spain , 
 of which I (hall here give fome extradts. 
 
 Srpt. 9. 1622. 
 
 Right trujly, and well-beloved, 
 
 “ Y OUR difpatch of the 9 th of Auguft, gave us fo 
 41 JL much contentment, and fo great hopes of fatisfac- f'J, J 
 “ tion in all thofe bulinefles, which you have there to treat Briftoi. 
 
 “ with that King, as we could not expect any further 
 “ difficulties i notwithftanding by that which has come to T , j. p. 63 *. 
 “ our hands immediately after, as well by George Gage 
 tc from Rome, as by our Ambaflador Sir Richard JVejlon 
 “ at Brujfels , and our Minifters in the Palatinate ; we 
 “ find that neither the difpenfation is granted for the match, 
 
 « nor the treaty of ceflation fo near a condufion, as we 
 “ conceived it would have been, now that the auxiliaries, 
 
 “ and all other obftacles are removed. But on the con¬ 
 ic trary fide, that new delays and excufes are invented, 
 
 “ our Garrifons in the Palatinate in the mean time blocked 
 
 “ up, Heidelberg itfelf adtually befieged.- 
 
 “ Therefore our pleafure is, that you fhall immediately, 
 
 “ and with as much fpeed as you may, crave audience of 
 “ that King, and reprefent unto him the merit which we 
 “ mav juftfy challenge unto our felf, for our fincere pro- 
 ic ceedings with the Emperor and him in all the courfe ot 
 “ this bufinefs, notwithftanding the many invitations and 
 “ temptations which we have had, to engage our felf on 
 “ our Son-in-law’s part. That we have had both from 
 “ the Emperor and him hopes given us from time to time 
 “ of extraordinary refped, howfoever our Son-in-law 
 “ had deferved, which we have attended and expedted 
 « even to the very laft, with much patience, and in def- 
 “ pight (as it were) of all the oppofition that hath been 
 “ made to fhake our refolution in that behalf. If now 
 “ when all impediments are removed, and that the way is 
 “ fo prepared, as that the Emperor may give an end unto 
 « the war, and make fome prefent demonftraticn of his 
 “ refpedls towards us, in leaving us the honour of holding 
 ‘ c thofe poor places which yet remain, quietly and peaces- 
 tc bly, until the general accommodation, the fame (hall 
 “ nevertheless be violently taken from us, what can we 
 “ look for, when the whole fliall be in his hands and pof- 
 tt feffion ? who amufing us with a treaty of ceflation. 
 
 im taken, 
 d Fran- 
 ■ndal t/e- 
 
 (1) Four thoufand, fays W'ti.n, p. 75 3. 
 
 (2) The tamnui Library there was carried to 
 
 j Horatio Vert was t E a 1 
 
 Herbert was Haiti, after breaking three I’lkes w n 1 
 All that obtained, was only Letters 0 
 
 • in Mjr.be:, 
 
 j the Vatican. tVel-wooi, p. 27- 
 
 F Heidethet 
 
 in reoulftne the Enemies from the AtTault. tVilJ.r., p. 7:7. 
 
 . the infanta to the Emperor's Generals to proceed no farther. 
 
 Ruf .; 
 
 ■cogbt of Frsokendj!. 
 •orlb, Tom. I- p- 66. 
 
 ** and 
 
Book XVIII. 24, J A 
 
 1622. “ and protraCting it induftrioufly, (as we have reafori to 
 
 “ believe, ) doth in the mean time feize himfelf of the 
 “ whole Country ; which being done, our Ambaflador 
 “ /hall return with (corn, and vve remain with difhonour. 
 
 “ I /hall not need to furniffi you with arguments for the 
 “ unfolding and laying open this unfriendly dealing more 
 “ plainly unto them ; your own reafon and oblervatiori 
 “ will find enough out of the Difpatches, whereof copies 
 “ are fent unto you ; as namely, the withdrawing of the 
 “ Spanifh forces, and leaving the bufinefs wholly in the 
 “ hands of the Emperor and the Duke of Bavaria ; the ftile 
 “ of the Infanta, in anfwering our Ambaflador with recri- 
 “ minationsj which was not her manner heretofore ; the 
 “ flight and frivolous anfwer given by the Marquifs of Bcd- 
 “ mar unto our Ambaflador, when he acquainted him with 
 “ the fiege ot Heidelberg ; the quarrellous occafion taken 
 “ by the Emperor for calling the Diet at Ratisloh , con- 
 “ trary to his own promife, which, in his difpatch to us, 
 “ he confefleth to have broken, as you will fee by the co- 
 “ py : All which, and many more, which your own judg- 
 “ ment (in the perufalof the difpatches) will fuggeft unto 
 <l you, do minifter unto us caufe fufficient of jealoufy on 
 “ the Emperor’s part, as you /hall plainly tell that King ; 
 “ although we will not do him that wrong, as to miltruft 
 “ that he gives the leaf! confent to it. In this confidence, 
 <c with much earneftnefs, we /hall /till follicite him, that 
 “ for the afteCtion he bears us, and the defire which we 
 “ fuppofe he hath, that there may continue for ever a per- 
 “ fedt amity betwixt us and the whole Houfe of Aujlria , 
 “ he will not ceafe to do all good offices herein ; letting 
 u him know directly, that in thefe terms we cannot /land 
 ti with the Emperor ; but that if Heidelberg be won, or 
 il the fiege continue, or the ceflation be long unneceflarily 
 “ delayed, we muft recall our Ambaflador from Bruffielt, 
 “ and treat no more, as we have already given order 5 
 “ hoping, that whatfoever unkindnefs we /hall conceive a- 
 <c gainft the Emperor upon thefe occafions, it /hall not be 
 <c interpreted to refledt in any fort upon the entire affedtion 
 “ that is at this prefent, and as we hope /hall always con- 
 “ tinue, betwixt us and the Crown of Spain. And there- 
 “ fore, as we have heretofore fundry times promifed, in 
 “ teftimony of the fincerity of our proceedings, and of our 
 “ great defire to preferve the amity inviolable between us 
 “ and the whole Houfe of Aujlria , That in cafe our Son- 
 “ in-law would not be governed by us, that then we would 
 “ not only forfake him, but take part, and join our forces 
 “ with the Emperor againft him ; fo you may fairly repre- 
 “ ^ ent onto that King, That in like manner we have rea- 
 “ fon to expedt the fame meafure from him, that (upon'the 
 ic Emperor’s averfenefs to a ceflation and accommodation ) 
 “ he will likewife adtually aflift us for the recovery of the 
 “ Palatinate , and Electoral dignity, unto our Son-in-law, 
 <{ as it hath been oftentimes intimated from Spain (1). 
 
 “To conclude, we /hall not need to fay any more unto 
 <c you touching this point, but to let you fee that our mcan- 
 ing is, to carry all things fair with that King, and not 
 to give him any caufe of diftruft or jealoufy, if you per- 
 “ ceivc that they intend to go really and roundTy on with 
 “ the match.” 
 
 Notwithftanding all this, Heidelberg and Manheim were 
 taken by the Emperor’s forces, and Frankendal befieged. 
 
 ttllfon. In another Letter to the fame Ambaflador, dated Odlo- 
 p- 756. her 3, the King /aid, “ That while he was amufed with 
 Treaties at Madrid and Brujfels, Heidelberg had been 
 “ taken by force, the Engli/h Garrifons put to the fword, 
 “ and Manbeim befieged : That the Infanta, ( having an 
 “ abfolute Commiflion to conclude a ceflation and fufpenfion 
 “ of arms) when all objedtions were anfwered, did not 
 only delay the conclufion of the Treaty, but refufe to 
 lay her command upon the Emperor’s Generals to abftain 
 “ from the fiege of his Garrifons during the Treaty, up- 
 “ on a pretext of want of authority. And therefore, for 
 “ avoiding of further di/honour, he had been forced to re- 
 “ ca!l both his Ambafladors, as alfo the Lord Chichejler{ 2), 
 “ whom he intended to have fent unto the Emperor to 
 “ the Diet at Ratisbon.” After which he added : 
 
 Seeing therefore, that merely out of our extraordinary re- 
 fpefi to the King of Spain, and the firm confidence we ever 
 put m the hopes and promifes which he did give us , ( defiring 
 nothing more than for his caufe principally to avoid all occafions 
 that might put us in ill undemanding with any of the Houfe 
 cf Auftria )we have hitherto proceeded with a JledfaJl pa- 
 ‘icncec trUfimg to the Treaties, and neglecting all other means, 
 which probably might have fecured the remainder of our Chil¬ 
 drens inheritance , and by this confidence and fecurity of ours , 
 
 M E a I. 217 
 
 are now rxpofed fe difhonour find reproach. You fhall tell that i6zi. 
 King , That feeing all thofe endeavours and good offices zvhich he 
 hath ufed towards the Emperor in this bufinefs , on the behalf of 
 our Son-in-law, have not fit ted to any other ij'ue , than to a 
 plain abufe , both of his truji and ours ; we hope and defire , that 
 he willfaithfully promife and undertake upon his honour , [con¬ 
 firming the fame alfi under his hand and feat ) either that the 
 Town and Cajlle of Heidelberg Jhall, within threefcore and 
 ten days after your audience , and demand made, hr rendered 
 into our hands , with all things therein belonging . and the 
 like for Manheim and Frankendal, if both or either u; 
 
 Jhall be taken by the enemy while thefe things are m treaty . 
 
 As dlfo , that there fhall be within the mid term of fiventy day s. 
 a ceffiation and fufpenfion of arms in :he Palatinate for the fa - 
 lure, upon the fevcral Articles and Conditions la/t propounded 
 by our Ambaffiador Sir Richard Wefton ; and that the ge¬ 
 neral Treaty fhall be Jet a foot again : Or rife, in cap: all 
 thefe particulars be not yielded unto , and performed by the 
 Emperor, that the King of Spain do join his forces with ours . 
 
 Or if fo be his forces be other-wife employed, yet that at the 
 leaf he will permit us a free and friendly pajfagc through his 
 Territories and Dominions, for fuch forces as we Jhall fend and 
 employ in Germany for his fervice. Of all which, if yen 
 receive not from the King of Spain ( within ten days at the 
 farthejl after your audience ) a direct affiurance under his bar i 
 and feal without delay , that then you take your leave , and 
 return to our prefence , without further Jlay ; other-wife to 
 proceed in the Negotiation for the marriage of our Son, ac¬ 
 cording to the Injlruftions we have given you . 
 
 This Letter plainly /hows, the King was convinced, 
 he had hitherto been only amufed. And yet he writ the 
 next day, to the Earl of Brijlol, to this eftedl. “ Tho’ Wilibr.. 
 
 “ you have order to come away without farther delay, in p * 7i7 ‘ 
 
 “ cafe you receive not fatisfadlion to your demands from 
 “ the King of Spain ; yet we would not have you inltanc- 
 “ ly come away upon it, but advertife us firff, letting us 
 “ know privately (if you find fuch caufe) that there is 
 “ no good to be done, nor fatisfadtion, as you judge, in- 
 “ tended us, (though publickly and outwardly you give 
 “ out to the contrary) that we may make ufe thereof with 
 “ our people in Parliament, as we fhall hold bejl for our 
 “ fervice 
 
 It is evident by thefe Letters how much the King was rbt King'i 
 miftaken, in expecting to adjuft his Son-in-law’s affairs, by fjfi 
 the method he had followed, and how he had been trifled l urt '' 
 with in his feveral negotiations : That he himfelf knew it, 
 and all the vengeance he took was to recall his Ambafla- 
 dor from Brujfels. It is true, he Teemed to intend to be 
 revenged by arms : but he would have the King of Spain 
 join with him, to oblige the Emperor and Duke of 
 Bovaria to reftore a country which he had himfelf deli¬ 
 vered to them. At Icaff, he hoped, the King of Spain 
 would grant him a paflage through his Territories, projects 
 as chimerical as that of recovering the Palatinate by fair 
 means and follicitations alone. In /hort, it is vilible in 
 thefe Letters, that the King made the reftitution of the 
 Palatinate and conclufion of the marriage two diffinft af¬ 
 fairs, and did not confider the lall as dependent of the 
 other. Indeed, though there was manifeftly acollufion be¬ 
 tween the Ertiperor, Philip IV, and the Infanta, James 
 ordered his Ambaflador to do nothing offenfive to the King 
 of Spain , for fear of prejudicing the Marriage which he 
 was alwaysjnadc to regard as upon the point of conclufion. 
 
 In fine, after a long expectation. Gage was fent back 
 from Rome, where he had been folliciting the difpenfation, 
 with nineteen Articles, to each of which the Pope had put a 
 Poftil or /hort note, after the manner praCtifed in the ca¬ 
 pitulations of places. Probably, the fenfe of the three 
 material articles which were agreed on, was explained, and 
 the nineteen following ones were formed by common con¬ 
 fent. 
 
 I. That the Pope’s difpenfation /hall be firft obtained at ’Tbt Mar. 
 
 the foie inftance of his Catholick Majelly. [1^wtb 
 
 Note. The two Parties are agreed on this point. the 'Pope's 
 
 II. That the marriage /hall be celebrated in Spain ac- Du , ( j5o. nt ’ 
 cording to the Rites praCtifed in the Church ot Rome ; 
 
 and afterwards in England, with fuch ceremonies as /hall 
 tend molt to the advantage of the King of Great-Britain ; 
 yet fo, as that nothing be done contrary to the Religion 
 profeiled by the molt excellent Infanta. But as to this 
 point, they /hall agree about the ceremonies to be per¬ 
 formed in both Kingdoms. 
 
 Note. The Marriage ought to be celebrated but once in 
 
 (») It was Count Gon.!cn:ar that : i 
 Papin. 
 
 (2) Arthur Ci. {better was create I B 
 ai d is, in the Co n n'ffi n, ia : d o bc- 
 JSjmer's Feed. T >m. I? . p . j 
 
 No. 5-f. V 01.. Ii. 
 
 imated it to him, but without giving him a pofitive Prorm. r e, 
 
 Cbicbefttr of BtfaJ in the County 0 f Antrir. 
 — Sp.-CLu: Prudent!* luduflri.t & Imegiiutis 
 
 «, Febru 
 Virum, 
 
 and yet the King looked upan 
 1612. He was ac this time 
 
 Engagement, 
 r Of Ireland, 
 
 I i i 
 
 Spam, 
 
2l8 
 
 The HI STO RT of ENG L 
 
 A N D. 
 
 II. 
 
 - l j. r j TTnalnml liVk: Religion in England, fhall not extend to the Servants 
 
 agreed on. 
 
 from the faid Laws, and the Penalties annexed, and of 
 this a Declaration fhall be made. 
 
 Note. The Laws already made or to he made 'in England 
 concerning Religion fhall not extend to the Servants, who 
 fhall he exempted from them as well as from the PfalUes, 
 & c . and for this reafn the Ecclefiajhcks fhall not be liable 
 IV. That all the domefticks and fervants belonging to f« any but their EeclefinJItcal Laws. 
 
 the moft gracious Infanta, fhall be appointed by his Ca- 
 . .. <• . v: c v Ava 11 nr>f have 
 
 HI That the moft gracious Infanta fhall have free ex 
 ercife of the Roman Catholick Religion. 
 
 Note. This Article is granted. 
 
 tnc molt graeiuus “rr“-- ' 
 
 tholick Majefty, fo as the King of England fhall not have 
 the liberty of nominating any one. 
 
 Note. Granted. 
 
 V. That the moft gracious Infanta fhall have an Ora- 
 toryi where Divine Service (hall be celebrated in Inch 
 manner as fhe fhall appoint. 
 
 Note. This Article is granted. 
 
 XVII. That the Children of the moft illuftrious Prince, 
 and the moft gracious Infanta, lhall not be conffrained in^point 
 of confcience, and in that cafe, the Laws made againft Catho- 
 licks in England fhall not extend to them ; and (ho’ anv of 
 them be Catholicks, they fhall not lofe the Right ot Suc- 
 ceftion to the Kingdom and Dominions of Gua:-Bm:c.. ;. 
 
 Note. This Article is granted by his Holinejs. 
 
 VI. That this Oratory fhall be in her Palace, and there 
 Malles to be celebrated at the pleafure of the Infanta. 
 
 Note. A Church fhall-be built in London, befides that 
 in the Palace , and Divine Service fhall be celebrated in each , 
 and the Word of God preached , and the Sacraments admi- 
 nijlred. 
 
 XVIII. That the nurfes which fhall give fuck to the 
 Children of the Lady Infanta, fhall be chofen by the La¬ 
 dy Infanta, and accounted part of her family. 
 
 Note. The Nurfes fhall be Catholicks , chofen by the mojl 
 ferene Infanta , and reckoned among her Dorn flicks. 
 
 fent at Divine Offices. 
 
 Note. All the Servants mujl conform to this. 
 
 IX. That the Chapel may be beautified with decent 
 ornaments, and other things neceffary for Divine Service, 
 
 XIX. That the Reaor or fuperior Minifter, and other 
 - Eccleliaftical and religious perfons of the family of the 
 
 VII That all the officers and domefticks belonging to Lady Infanta (hall wear their nfual veftments and habits, 
 the Infanta of what fort foever, as alfo her fervants and Note. Granted. 
 
 family, may be freely and publickly Catholickswhich is ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ which wcrc ]ong dcba(ed 
 
 fo to be uuderftood, as that each o t em P and canva fTed by the Congregation of the propagation of 
 
 «<», Oe Congregation fubjomed their opinion in the fob 
 Infanta, their children and pljlerity, with their whale fa- lowing terms. 
 
 «?">, w hat office faever they bear, fhall ham the free am- ^ ^ , r of E: ' ,„d, m CW. 
 
 etfe of the Catholick Reltgtan. „ , hiy m Jffi^d Jy „ feme t he man js- «':J. 
 
 VIII. That the exercife of the Raman CatholickReli- rear "ffifff.-i'C. 
 
 gion fhall be in form following : The moft S'' f ' a fj M/ y ar , ,/„ R 0 „ ian Cathah.k AV 
 
 ta lhall have in her Palace a Chapel fo fpacous, that her prv * . J’ t fc JU tht , mJt f „.„„ 
 
 fervants and family may enter and flay therein ji in which l.g. . J ^ conftder whether, upon fitch of- 
 
 there lhall be an ordinary and publick door for them, and King, .„f n T, r „ 
 
 another inward door, by which the Infanta may have a fees, he can gran, the djpenfanm. 
 
 paftage into the^Chapel, where fhe and others may be pre- ^ ^ ftej (he Pope , s Poftils tende[1 not only to 
 
 the benefit of the Raman Catholick Religion, but alfo to 
 caufe the affair to be prolonged, purfuant to the Court of 
 Spain's intentions. Befides that James was not expefted 
 n- r is tr , tn the contents of the Notes, another expedient 
 
 ornaments, and other things neceffary or ivm r ‘ » g read t0 ftop the conclufion of the marriage, namely, 
 according to the cuftom of the holy Rtman Cihurch , amd F offers for fhe advancemeilt 0 f 
 
 that it fhall be lawful for the fervants and others to go to with which the Pope , if be pleafed 
 
 the faid Chapel at all hours. m ; ht nwer be fatisfied . Thus, after a fix years expefla- 
 
 Note. Granted. t ; on) J amtj was no farther advanced than when the affair 
 
 X. That the Keeper and Guardians of the Chapel fhall was’begun, except that t” 
 
 be appointed by the Lady Intanta, and they fhall take cate t e ope of { con f ecl , lence 
 
 nobody may enter into tt to do any undecent thing. the h '„, hich he haJ been made t0 fi g „. 
 
 Note. The Keeper and Guard,ant of the Chape and jte tG ^ ftouU be firft procur ed by the en- 
 
 Church fhall be Spaniards. deavours of the King of Spain : for by this means, the 
 
 XI. That to ferve in the Chapel, there fha .1 be a con SgM ^"auftngt fo d'eLy mT- 
 
 vcment number of Pr.efts as to the Infanta fhall fern . H D;f r nfation . j, is certain, as I faid, the Court Wilfo„, 
 
 And if any of them be natives of Great-Bntatn, they tut P fi ft waJ on| to make ufe of the pr0 - P . 7 SS- 
 
 lhall not be admrtted to ferve, without her confent firft Marriagej James into their fnare, for 
 
 ° b 7ote; H,s Hollnef, wills and means that this be a true fo^he King 
 
 Church. 7 , 
 
 of Bohemia. . , 
 
 XII. That among the Priefts, there ffiall be one fuperi- When ai- ^ 
 
 or Minifter or Reftor, with authority to decide the cafes K^g ^ ^ h( . Neg0tiat ; 0 „ at Brujfels did not ad- Ann ,t 
 
 of Religion and contcience . , mthatt vance and he could not but perceive, he was impofed up- 
 
 Note. His Hohnefs will have th„ Safer,or to be a Btjhof. Ejnperor and Kin P g of Spain: fo that he faw 
 
 XIII. That this Superior Minifter may exercife Eccle- no other way to P™"'W 
 
 fiaftical Iurifdi£fion upon all who lhall offend in the Infan- Princes Marriage , h Houfe of Aiflria ; 
 
 ta’s family: And moreover, the Lady Infanta lhall have was fufficently powerful tc^moleft 
 
 power to turn them out of her fervice, whenfoever ,t fhall but a « n h (he 0 b ther band ; thc Pope a „„exed 
 
 teem expedient to her Marriage fuch terms as the King could not grant. 
 
 Note. He mujl b, a Btjhap. '° it “ out iving 6 0cca f, 0 n to his domed,ck enemies, to re- 
 
 XIV That it may be lawful for the Lady Infanta to prefent him as a Prince regardlefs of the mterells o ne 
 orccure' fTom As,«"indulgences and Jubili, and all 
 
 Graces, as fhall feem fit to her Religion and confcience. hut <oo I h p Pj J ^ ^ milhons, with 
 
 Note. This Art,el, « granted. 1 hope" of recoVerfog the Palatinate, he chofe to he ex - 
 
 XV. That the Servants and family of the Lady Infan- pofed to the reproaches ofta 
 
 ,a fhall take the oath of Allegiance to the King of Great- fcem ™“ r ^. hU owll bandi containing Ins offers 
 Britain; provided there be no claufe therein contrary to which he llgne Religion, and fent it to the 
 
 their conferences and the A»™» Catholick Religion, and in fivei f t ^ Le(tcr g of thc 9 , h 0 f September, of 
 
 that the form of the oath be firft approved of. T c V f ^ i,„Hv eiven an extraft Thc conclufion of 
 
 Note. The Men and Women Servants fhall be Spamard, occafion, becaufe the 
 
 XVI. That tile Laws made againft the Roman Catho- Marriage is there mentioned, was a, follows^ 
 
Book XVill 
 
 24. JAMES I. 
 
 219 
 
 162:. 
 The King's 
 Letter to to 
 Earl of 
 
 Kiohwoith, 
 T- 1. p. 68. 
 
 Hr King 
 
 cfFib' 
 
 Marriage. 
 Rulhworth, 
 T. 1. p. 69 
 
 “ Nevertbelefs wc muft tell you, that we have no great 
 
 • caufe to be well plcafcd with the diligences ufed on that 
 : part, when we obferve, that after fo long an expe&ance 
 
 • of the Difpenfation, upon which the whole bufinefs (as 
 : they will have it) Jepends, there is nothing yet returned 
 L but queries and objedtions. Yet becaufe we will not 
 ‘ give over our patience a while longer, until we under- 
 ‘ ftand more certainly what the eftedl thereof is like to 
 ‘ be, wherein we require you to be very wary and watch- 
 c ful, conlidering how our honour is therein engaged ; 
 ‘ we have thought fit to let you know, how far we are 
 
 “ pleafed to enlarge our felf, concerning thofe points de- 
 “ manded by the Pope, and fet down by way of poftil un- 
 ‘ to the Articles agreed upon betwixt Spain and us, as you 
 44 fliall fee by the power which Gage brought us from 
 “ Rome , whereof we have fent you a copy, and our refo- 
 “ lutions thereupon figned with our own hand, for your 
 <c warrant and inftrudtion. And further than that, fince 
 “ we cannot go without much prejudice, inconveniency, 
 “ and difhonour to our felf and our Son, we hope and ex- 
 “ pect the King of Spain will bring it inftantly to an ifi'ue, 
 “ without farther delay, which you are to prefs with all 
 44 diligence and earneftnefs, that you may prefently know 
 46 their final refolution, and what we may expert there- 
 44 upon. But if any refpite of time be earneftly demand- 
 44 ed, and that you perceive it not poffible for them to 
 4 ‘ refolve until an anfwer come from Rome , we then think 
 44 it fit that you give them two months time after your 
 44 audience, that we may underftand that King’s final re- 
 ‘ c Solution before Chri/Imafs next at the farthelt.” 
 
 Though the King affirmed he could go no farther, yet 
 means were found to perfuade him to a greater compliance, 
 as will hereafter appear. 
 
 Hitherto the Spaniard had fed the King’s hopes concern¬ 
 ing the Marriage, only to. amufe him. But fince he 
 plainly faw, by the Articles and offers figned with his own 
 hand, that 'Jama was refolved to conclude at any rate. 
 
 “ reftitution of the Palatinate. Suppofmg then, added the 
 “ Condi, that the marriage be made, we mint come '0 the 
 “ other a®*, and then your Majefty will find yourfelf 
 engaged with the King of England in a war againlt 
 “ the Emperor, and the Catholick League: A thine; 
 “ which » bear, will offend your ears ; or if you declare 
 “ your felf for the Emperor, then you will find your feif 
 “ engaged in a war againlf the King of England, and 
 “ y° ur Sifter married with his Son. ’ If your Majeftv 
 11 fhould flow your felf neutral, what a great fcandal will 
 “ £ <*». f °r Spain to ftand neuter, in a bufinefs wherein 
 “ Religion is fo much concerned ? 
 
 On the other hand, laid the Condi , fuppofing we 
 41 could fatisfy the King of England , by having the Pala 
 tmate reftored to his Son-in-law, yet we muft confider 
 whether it is in our power to have it reftored ; fince the 
 Duke of Bavarm is poflefled of all thofe dominions, and 
 the Emperor, who hath promifed to transfer to him the 
 “ U Pper Palatinate, with the Electoral dignity, is now m 
 “ the Diet, where that tranflatiun is to be made. Bel-des, 
 the Emperor hath given us to underftand, how difficult 
 “ ir wil] to wreft the Palatinate out of the Duke ot 
 ** Bavaria’s hands, fince it appears by the memorial, 
 which was yefterday prefented to your Majefty by the 
 “ Emperor’s Ambaflador, that the Duke of Bavaria alone 
 “ 5 an maintain more troops, than all the reft of the allies 
 “ joined together. 
 
 Upon thefe difficulties, the Condi propofed irt the fame 
 Letter, “ to fet on loot two other marriages, namely, be- 
 “ tween the Emperor's eldeft Daughter, and the Prince of 
 <c Wales, and between the Prince Palatine's Son, and the 
 Emperor’s fecond Daughter ; by which means the bu- 
 “ finefs ( fays he ) may be accommodated, and afterwards 
 “ 1 wouId re duce the Prince Eleftor to the obedience of the 
 Church, by breeding his Sons in the Emperor’s Court 
 with Catholick Dodtrine.” 
 
 623. 
 
 Jor 
 
 Rulhworth. 
 T. I. p. 71 
 
 , , . - r f • .-.mu If . ft L be “ n fi*red, that the King of Spain’s Letter is 
 
 lie thought, fo fair an opportunity fhould not be miffed to dated the 5 th of November , and that probably the anfwer 
 reftore the Catholick Religion in England, which very pro- was made within a few days, it will be eafy to perceive 
 hably might be accomplilhed by means of this match. So that till then the Spaniard never intended to conclude the 
 Philip fuddenly altering his mind, appeared as eager to marriage. But prefently after, as I have obferved became 
 conclude, as he had feemed unwilling before (1). From to another refolution. 
 
 that time, that is, from the end of the year 1622, the The late alteration in the projeas of the Spani/h Court 
 Marriage was refolved at the Court of Madrid. The bufi- procured the Earl of Bri/lol a Letter from Philip IV to r.„ 
 nefs was only to extort from the King fuch terms as the Infanta Ifabella, to defire her to raife the fiegeof Fran f""' 
 fhould lead to what was intended. All the King of Spain’s kemlal, and renew at London the conferences fo? a Truce 7 ’Jj 
 proceedings, from the time I am fpeaking of, evidently which were broken off at Bruffels. This requeft was a real London" 
 ilrow, that he was inclined to the Marriage, m cafe he order which the Infanta obeyed, and the negotiation of the D “ ch ' r "'' ! 
 could obtain what he promifed himfelf for the advance- Truce was begun at London , where it ended the 27th of ? i ”" > a° f 
 mentof the Amo* Religion in England, and which James’s March 1625 (2). The foie point was to hinder by means M.'m. 
 impatience gave him room to expefl. But it is no Iefs of this Truce, Frankenial, the only place in the Pala" x ™' t 61 ’ 
 certain, that before this, he was entirely averfe to it. rate where was an Englijh Garrifon, from falling into the 47 * m ~ 
 This mamfeffly appears in King Philip the Fourth’s letter Emperor’s hands. But on the other fide the Emperor 
 to the Condi d’ Olivarez, and from that Minifter’s an- had reafon to fear, if James remained mailer of this place 
 fwer. The letters were as follows : he would make ufe of it to carry war into the Palatinate', 
 
 and the more, as he had fometimes threatened to have re- 
 
 cn v r e courfe in the end to arms. To adjuft the different interefts w.lwooJ. 
 
 The King of Spains Letter to the Conde of the Emperor and the King, this rare expedient was dc- c “ ke 
 d’Olivarez. fifed. Frankenial was to be delivered to the Infanta lfa- 
 
 hclla, and a Truce made for fifteen or eighteen months, 
 after which, the Infanta was to reftore the place to the En<r- 
 
 T tju v yy * . . . ,. "jh. withal, the Eledtor was to break his alliance 
 
 HE King my Father declared at his death. That with the Prince of Brunfwick and Count Mansfeldt 
 h,s intent was never to marry my Sifter, the In- This Treaty gives no peat idea of the capacity of King 
 
 James and his Council. Not only was Frankendal delive- ■>/England’* 
 red to the Infanta, as if fhe had been a third perfon en- c " vt,figkt m 
 „ .. • • , , . , , * - . , tirely difinterefted, though (he had fhown the contrary in Wy * 
 
 (landing, it is now fo far advanced, that confider,ng all this very Treaty j but the Eleflor was alfo deprived of i"l 
 the averfenefs of the Infanta unto it, it is time to take Ennoo — u:_ ^ _ 311 
 
 The Conde’; 
 toe King. 
 
 Rulhworth. 
 T.l. p. 7 i. 
 
 Nov. 5. 1622. 
 
 H E King my Father declared at his death, That 
 his intent was never to marry my Sifter, the In¬ 
 fanta Donna Maria with the Prince of Wales , which 
 “ your Uncle Don Balthazar underftood, and fo treated 
 this match ever with intention to delay it j notwith- 
 
 this very 
 
 r ,• , -t’ ‘ 1 ■ 1 t hopes of re-entering his Country. Moreover the Emne- 
 
 fome means to divert the Treaty, which I would have ror and Duke of Bavaria were at liberty J'r^r 
 
 “ y°“ h “ d out > and 1 Wl| l ma ^ e ft good whatfoever it be. their troops, or to aft,ft the Kine of Lain fa'riJt & 
 :: t - lU other things, procure the fatisfafflon of the Countries?Lee there was noSer da^ fwfr Tn 
 ," ho tahfteforved much ) and the Palatinate. But what advantage accrued to jZ,s bv 
 rt fhall content me, fo ,t be not in the match.” this Treaty ? Indeed, he hindered the Emperor fromSing 
 
 tl j>n/’ 1 • r 1 r-rn 1 Frankendal , but at the lame time, the place was delivered 
 
 The Conit i Ohvarez m h,s anfwer agreed, That the to Spain. On the other hand, the Truce, which wrtti 
 late King never ,n.ended to conclude this marriage, but have been for his advantage, had he kept Frankenial turned 
 only to amufe the King of England, by reafon of the fi- to his prejudice, fince it deprived him of the oow-r’to 
 matron of affairs m the Palatinate and Netherlands. He ry the war into the Palatinate, in favour of hks Son-in-law 
 fe,d moreover the Infanta was determined to retire to a It is true, upon fuppofition of the Infanta’s fincerky he 
 Convent, as foon as (he (hould be preffed upon that head. was to have the place again when the Truce was ex ji’red 
 
 “ K?ngof at Lwn»5 >r f fe nd C h t0 nf “ 'Ji hat the was entirely guided 5 " by rte'direSt'™’the"'Coura "Put 
 
 King of England found himfelf equally engaged in two enna and Madrid. 
 
 “ bufinefles at that time, namely, the marriage, and the 
 
 Before the Truce was concluded at London, the Emp e-ike Duhe of 
 
 (t) The EjtI of Brifiol fen' word to King ft 
 deeper Oaths and Protelhtions of Sincerity could 
 (2' The Engli/h CommilTioners 
 
 the Match, they were falfer than all the Devils ii 
 
 made Elec. 
 Hell, for tor. 
 
 tet, That if the Spanijh Court intended n 
 : be made. Ruftnoortb, Tom. 1. p. 69. 
 
 cbejltr, Ti 
 p. 461. 
 
 fbomat Earl of Arundel and Surrey, Earl Marlhal William Earl of P,n-h ,l i j r-t. u i • ‘eh .... 1 c "uu'uO'O. James Marquils ofWjlfon. 
 
 ,vr., .1 UUi, Si, dU. Z‘ 
 
2 20 
 
 Vol. 11, 
 
 Ihe 
 
 HI STO R Y cf ENG L A N D 
 
 to the 
 
 K>«g 
 
 the fer' r, 
 
 the Catbu 
 Itch. 
 
 Ruth worth 
 
 T.I. p.*8 
 
 
 the M:r 
 
 „ fix, 
 
 the Earl of 
 Biill'il in 
 Ruth worth' 
 T.I. p.2»I 
 290. 
 
 Ibe Tempo 
 
 t’tlton «/ 
 
 be Palati 
 
 p. 763. 
 Clarendon. 
 
 Diet of Ratisbon, inverted the Duke of 
 1 wiu v. ... Electoral dignity and the Upper Palati- 
 notwithf’.m-.hna the oppolition of feveral Princes who 
 ivtit .v he-editary Dominions, and to whom fuch 
 
 3 on..' E nt was a juft: cccafion of tear. Such was the vi- 
 f c £t ol Kme 'famed:- three years negotiations, in favour of 
 j,;, Son-in-law", who was length Itript of his dominions 
 ..cl dignities (id. But the Spani/b match was to recover 
 a ]j. We mil low the fuccef: of that tedious n< ".1 
 tion, the only remarkable event of the year 1023. 
 
 ['he only obllacle of the marriage, were the articles con- 
 cenrny Religion. The Earl of Brijiol had been difputing 
 inch, ev fince his arrival in Spain , 
 
 . ; ' IV va ... ifed with it, bet aufe it gave 
 
 him an opportunity to gain time. In Augujl 1622, the 
 Spaniard demanded certain Articles in favour of the tng- 
 Ujh Catholicks, to which the AmballaJor only anfwcred, 
 
 He would acquaint the King his marter therewith. At the 
 fame time, the Pope put his Portils or Notes to the Articles 
 that were agreed on. Hence, it is cafy to perceive, that 
 the Courts of Rome and Spain acted in concert, both tend¬ 
 ing to the fame end. The King received, about the fame 
 time, the Pope’s Portils, and the Court of Madrid's de¬ 
 mands in favour of the Catholicks. He kept thefe laft, 
 out of Geremonv, fome months, without giving an anfwer, 
 
 . but at length iigned all the 5th of January 1623, and 
 ing m . le the prince fign them alfo, lent the lame Arti¬ 
 cles to the Earl of Brijiol, who received them the 25th of 
 the fame month. I believe the full and entire refolution of 
 • the Spanhh Court to conclude the marriage, may be fixed 
 to this time. From the year 1616, to November 1622, 
 ti e Spaniard's foie intent was to amufe King James. From 
 thence, to the 25th of January 1623, he feems to have 
 refolved upon the marriage, provided certain advantages 
 could be obtained for the Roman Religion. In fine, atter 
 the Articles, figned by the King and Prince, had fecured 
 him what he defired, his refolution was fixed. Thefe 
 three epocha’s are to be carefully obferved and diftinguifhed, 
 for want of which, raoft Hiftorians are very obfeure in 
 their recital of this affair. 
 
 The Spaniard being fatisfied with the Articles fent from 
 England, which were much more advantagious to the Ca- 
 tliolicks than thofe agreed upon with the Earl ol Brijiol, 
 demanded time to fend them to Rome , and obtain the Pope s 
 difpenfation. It was thought, the difpenfation might come 
 in March ox April at fartheft, and it was agreed, the nup¬ 
 tials fliould be folemnized four days (2) atter his arrival, 
 that the Infanta fhould fet out within twenty days after the 
 celebration of the marriage, and whilft the difpenfation 
 was expeCled, the other Articles which were called tem¬ 
 pura!, to diftinguifh them from thofe concerning Religion, 
 mould be fettled. Purfuant to tliis agreement, the Earl of 
 Brijiol and Sir Walter Aft on jointly with the Spanijh Mi- 
 niiters prepared thefe Articles'by the beginning of March, 
 to. the mutual fatisfaCtion of both Parties. 1 he azd of 
 March, the Condi d Olivarez and Gondcmar came to the 
 Englijh Ambafladors, and fhowed them a writing with 
 the" King of Spain’s hand to it, whereby he approved of 
 the Temporal Articles, and ordered them to finith the af- 
 • fair. Thefe Articles concerned only the portion and dow¬ 
 ry, without any mention of the Palatinate. Befides 
 that he had commanded the Earl of Brijiol, in his in- 
 ftru&ions not to make the reftitution of the Palatinate 
 one of the marriage-articles, this command was repeated 
 in the King’s letter to him of the 30th of December 1622, 
 that i-, two or three months before. Moreover, at this 
 very time, the truce and fequeftration of Frankendal were 
 negotiating at London, _ 
 
 The affair of the marriage being in this fituation, and 
 - very probably, near a concluiion, the end of April was to 
 be expected with patience, to fee whether any new diffi¬ 
 culty would occur, for thus far every thing feemed to be 
 fettled to the King’s fatisfaCtion. But the face of this 
 . affair was fuddenly changed by a very odd and moft ex¬ 
 traordinary adventure. The Marquifs of Buckingham per- 
 fwaded the Prince of Wales, to go to Spain and fetch 
 home his Miftrefs the Infanta himfelf. He told him, 
 “ the more uncommon fuch a gallantry was among 
 “ Princes, the more it would redound to his honour : 
 “ The Infanta herfelf would be charmed with it : His 
 “ prefence would immediately put an end to all formali- 
 
 “ ties, and remove whatever difficulties might yet cccur : 1623. 
 
 “ As after the marriage, there was an affair of moment 
 to be negotiated, namely, the reftitution of the Palati 
 « nate, an^ Interceffor like him, would do no more m 
 « tl ree days than Ambaflad 1 ■ a ul 1 do in ;; many 
 “ months.’’ In a word, he fo artfully reprefented this ^ 
 
 projeCt, that the Prince, tranfported with the thoughts of 
 fo noble an adventure, never refted till he had accomplilh- 
 ed it. The difficulty was to obtain the King’s content (3). 
 
 The Prince asked it before Buckingham , and cx prefled fo 
 earneft a defire to make the Journey, that the King 
 granted his requeft without much hefttation, and put off 
 till next day to coniider of means to effect it. But after p> , 3 . 
 he had more feriourty reflected on this affair, hi. mind 
 was quite changed on the morrow, when the i rince and 
 Buckingham came to him. He reprefented to ti.em, how 
 fruitlefs fuch a Journey would be in the prefent fituation 
 of the marriage-affair, and the inconveniences it might be 
 attended with. But inftead of anfwering his reafons, 
 
 Buckingham rudely told him, he had given his word, and 
 if he broke it, would be never more credited (4). The p ■ 1 3 _; - - 1 5 • 
 Reader may fee in the Lord Clarendon's Hiftory this con- 
 verfation at large, which ended with the King’s permiffion, 
 extorted by the Prince and Buckingham , for this ftrange, 
 rarti, and very dangerous journey. It was refolved, that 
 Buckingham fhould accompany the Prince, with two more 
 onlv, namely, Sir Francis Cottington , who had been the 
 King’s Agent in Spain , and came from thence in Septem¬ 
 ber,\nA Endymion Porter Gentleman of the Bed-chamber 
 to the Prince, who had been bred at Madrid: That they 
 fhould go port: through France, and the fecret be kept, that 
 they might be at 'a diftance before their departure was 
 known. This refolution being taken, the Prince and 
 Buckingham defired only two days to piepare. 
 
 The motives of this journey are varioufly related, ac¬ 
 cording to the intereft and prejudices of the feveral Wri¬ 
 ters. Some fay, the Court of England ftill doubting the Weldon 
 Spanijlo Court’s fincerity, thought proper, the Prince and p- * + ?•• 
 Buckingham fhould be "fatisfied with their own eyes in or¬ 
 der to know what could be depended upon. But fuppofing 
 this doubt, was it not extremely imprudent to put the 
 King’s only Son into the hands of a Prince, whole fince¬ 
 rity was believed to be juftly fufpcCled ? The King, Prince, 
 and Favorite, muft have been all three void of underftand- 
 ing, to be guilty of fuch an Error. This therefore feems 
 to be altogether improbable. _ 1 
 
 The Lord Clarendon fays, Buckingham , out of envy 
 that the Earl of Brijiol fliould have the foie management 
 of fo great an affair, had a mind to have the glory of end¬ 
 ing it. But he fhould have thought of it fooner, fince 
 every thing was now concluded in Spain, at or about 
 the time of the Prince’s departure for Madrid. So the 
 Marquifs could not acquire much honour. Befides, the 
 event fhowed, this was not his motive, fince inftead of 
 promoting, he was the foie caufe of the unexpected diffi¬ 
 culties, and final breach, of the Marriage. 
 
 Others pretend, Buckingham's aim was infenfibly to in- Ruihwonh. 
 duce the Prince to change his Religion, by expofing him T. i.p.i6s. 
 to all the temptations which of courfe he would meet at 
 the Court of Madrid. Of this he was afterwards accufed 
 before the Parliament, by the Earl of Brijiol , who faid, 
 the proieCt was formed feveral months before the Prince’s 
 departure, between Buckingham and Gondemar , by means 
 of Endymion Porter , who had been fent to Spain for that 
 purpofe. But the proofs on which the Earl of Brijiol 
 grounded his accufation, were but prefumptions^ at moft, 
 and as lie was a profeffed enemy to the Marquifs of Buck¬ 
 ingham, I do not know whether his teftimony may be re¬ 
 lied on. 
 
 But whatever were the Favorite’s real motives with re- 
 fpeCt to this journey, it can hardly be denied, that it was 
 a fign of great levity in the Prince, and of no lefs weak- 
 nefs and imprudence in the King. The affair of the 
 Marriage was in fuch a fituation, that it was entirely 
 needlefs to follicite a-frefh the Court of Spain with whom 
 every thing was agreed. Two months patience would 
 have fhown the King, whether he could rely on them, 
 without expofing his only Son and heir apparent to fo im¬ 
 minent danger, by fuffenng him to execute a Romantics 
 projeCt, which could procure no advantage. But the King s 
 condefccnfion for the Prince and Buckingham prevailed a- 
 
 (>' Thus iy Kin, Jan 
 
 it 'of Bibtm, 
 
 , the Eleftoral Dignity t 
 nagement, who writ in on 
 of his Daughter, nor her Children, n 
 
 amazinz negligence, was the Protefhnt Religion entirely rooted 
 
 . , ■ R.J. v \ erthi uwn. And all this chiefly through Gcndemar s artful 
 
 in ivillrd K.'V.g Jatr.es !o fall alleep, as he hoped neither the Cries o. 
 
 -,o SobietU ro their behalf fhould be able to awaken him- lUhty.od p. , - 
 
 l, 
 
 ■ m With Siehs and Tears nut to purfue their refolution. But Buckingham told his 
 
 .. he had fo folemnly made ; that he plainly di 
 
 cret) in communicating with fome Rafcal, who had turn 
 r know who his Counielior had been." C/artndon, 1 'vm 
 
 sferred from the 
 
 i he retracted the Prom 
 
 .. i; thofe pittyful Reafor 
 
 io body cculd believe ar.e 
 ih of hi.- word, ( for he 
 he had alledged, ar.d he 
 
 bovc 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 22 ) 
 
 24. j A M ESI. 
 
 ! i'623. bove all thefe confidcrations. They fet out port the 17th of 
 .’11. : , ^ February (1), and camti to Paris, where they ventured to 
 
 appear at Court, and be prefent at a ball, where, though 
 l 1.1 in. ° difguifed, they were in fome danger of being difeovered. 
 
 | \v.Ji. However, they arrived fafely at Madrid the 7 th of March, 
 LSr 1 2 3 ' and alighted at the Earl of Brijiol' s, who was not a little 
 | ll n t:, / furprized to fee the Prince (2). I fhall not itay to deferibe 
 m t | lc njagnjficent reception of the Prince by the Court of 
 I \\ Ki'jn. Spain, when lie made himfelf known. I fhall only fay, 
 
 : v 7^4. he met with all the refpedt due to his birth j and all poffi- 
 
 ble carefles to teftify the fatisfa&ion at his gallantry to the 
 Infanta, and his candour in confiding in the King’s gene- 
 Jt.r r.«Juf. rofity. The only thing in which great ceremony was 
 1^17 /' t iin u ^» was his not being permitted to vifit the Infanta in 
 I in p-iiau. private. The Spanijl: way did not admit of fuch a fami- 
 An" , liarity, and the more becaufe the difpenfation not being yet 
 ?; 7 come, he could not in ftritStnefs beconiidered as the Infanta’s 
 I future fpoufe, 
 
 I Will n. No fooner was the Prince arrived in Spain, but all the 
 I ~ [t]) Spaniard j thought he was come to change his Religion be- 
 
 | p.’ fore he efpoulcd the Infanta, no one imagining there could 
 be any other motive of his journey. Nay, Count Gondcmar 
 very ferioufly defired the Earl of Brijiol, not to oppofe fo 
 pious a delign, and if the Earl is to be credited, the Count 
 intimated to him, that the Marquifs of Buckingham was 
 it Rufhwortli, not againft it (3). The Earl of Brijiol perceiving, if the 
 1 U.I. ?. 291. Court of Spain had any fuch hopes, it would be apt to re¬ 
 tard the Marriage, fpoke of it to the Prince, and conjured 
 him to impart the fecret to him, if there was really any 
 thing in it. But the Prince firmly denied it, and expof- 
 tulated with the Ambaflador for having fo ill an opinion of 
 him (4). Whereupon the Earl of Brijiol intreated him, 
 neither to do nor fay any thing whatever that might feed 
 the hopes of the Spanijh Court in that refpetft, for fear 
 of obftruifting the Marriage. Neverthelefs he was attacked 
 feveral times, one while by Eccleftajlicks , who took all 
 occafions to difpute with him about Religion, another while 
 by Courtiers, who reprefented to him how powerful Eng¬ 
 land would grow, if lhe would return to the obedience of 
 the Pope. He even received a long Letter from Gregory'KW , 
 exhorting him to come into thebofom of the Church, and 
 imitate his glorious anceftors, who had done fo great things 
 for the defence of Religion. The Prince anfwered this 
 Letter the 20th of June. But becaufe the two printed 
 copies of this anfwer are very different, it will not beamifs 
 to infert them both. 
 
 Prince Charles to Pope Gregory XV. 
 
 Mojl Holy Father , 
 
 tv P " , - ! “ | Received the difpatch from your Holinefs with great 
 
 til U content* and with that refpedl which the piety and 
 
 w 1 lion. “ care wherewith your Holinefs writes doth require. It 
 
 !’• 7 6 7- “ was an unfpeakable pleafure to me to read the generous 
 
 “ exploits of the Kings my predeceffors* to whofe memory 
 “ pofterity hath not given thofe praifes and elogies of 
 44 honour that were due to them. I do believe that your 
 “ Holinefs hath fet their example before my eyes, to the 
 “ end that I might imitate them in all my atftions ; for in 
 “ truth they have often expoled their eftates and lives for 
 44 the exaltation of the Holy Chair. And the courage 
 44 with which they have affaulted the enemies of the 
 44 crols of JcJus Chrijl , hath not been lefs than the care 
 “ and thought which I have, to the end that the peace 
 44 and intelligence, which hath hitherto been wanting in 
 “ Chrijlendom, might be bound with a bond of true con- 
 “ cord : For like as the common enemy of peace watch- 
 44 eth always to put hatred and diffenfion between Chri- 
 44 ftian Princes, fo I believe that the glory of God re- 
 “ quires that we Ihould endeavour to unite them. And I 
 “ do not efleem it a greater honour to bedefeended from 
 44 fo great Princes, than to imitate them in the zeal of 
 44 their piety : In which it helps me very much to have 
 44 known the mind and will of our thrice honoured Lord 
 44 and Father, and the holy intentions of his Catholick 
 44 Majefty, to give a happy concurrence to fo laudable a 
 44 defign: for it grieves him extremely to fee the great 
 44 evil that grows from the divifion of Chriftian Princes, 
 44 which the wifdom of your Holinefs forefaw, when it 
 
 tc judged the marriage, which yoii pleafed to defign be- 162 V. 
 44 tween the Infanta of Spain and myfelf, to be necef- 
 “ fary to procure fo great a good : for ’tis very certain, 
 
 44 that I fhall never be fo extremely affectionate to any 
 44 thing in the world, as to endeavour alliance with a 
 44 Prince that hath the fame apprehenfions of the true 
 “ Religion with myfelf. Therefore I entreat your Holi- 
 44 nefs to believe, that I have been always far from en- 
 44 couraging novelties, or to be a partifan of any faction 
 “ againlt the Catholick, Apoftolick, Roman Religion : 
 
 44 But on the contrary, I have fought all occafions to take 
 44 away the fufpicion that might reft upon me; and that 
 “ I vvill employ myfelf for the time to come to have 
 44 but one Religion, and one Faith, feeing that we all 
 44 believe in one JeJus Chrijl: Having refolved in my 
 44 felf to fpare nothing that I may have in the woiki, 
 
 “ and to fuffer all manner of difeommodities, even to the 
 “ hazarding of my eftate and life, for a thing fo pleadng 
 “ unto God. It refts only, that I thank your Hohnc/s 
 “ for the permiflion which you have been pleaded to afford 
 44 me, and that I may pray God to give you a bleffed 
 44 health here, and his glory, after fo much travel which 
 “ your Holinefs takes within his Church. 
 
 Madrid, June 
 
 Charles Stuart. 
 
 The other Copy of the fame Letter, is as follows. 
 
 Prince Charles to Pope Gregory XV. 
 
 Mojl Holy Father , 
 
 ‘ VJT7 E have received your Letter, with no lefs thank- Arm':. 
 
 1 \V fulnefs and refpcdft than is due to the fingular Vwr.rti 
 4 good will and godly affection wherewith we know it t. 1. p. 82’. 
 ‘ was written. It was moft acceptable unto us, that the 
 4 never-enough renowned examples of our anceftors were 
 1 propofed to us by your Holinefs for our infpe£tion and 
 ; imitation ; who though they often hazarded their lives 
 4 and fortunes to propagate the Chriftian Faith, yet did 
 4 they never more chearfully difplay the banners of the 
 c crofs ofChrift againft his moft bitter enemies, than we 
 4 will endeavour to the utmoft, that the peace and union 
 4 which fo long triumphed, may be reduced into the 
 ‘ Chriftian world, after a kind of elimination or exile. 
 c For fince the malice of the father of difeords hath fowed 
 ‘ fuch unhappy divifions amongft thofe who profefs the 
 4 Chriftian Religion, we account this moft neceflary,there- 
 c by to promote with better fuccefs the glory of God, and 
 4 Chrift our Saviour, nor fhall we efteem it lefs honour 
 4 to tread in their footfteps, and to have been their rivals 
 4 and imitators in holy undertakings, than to have been 
 4 defeended of them. And we are very much encouraged 
 4 to this as well by the known inclination of our Lord and 
 4 father, and his ardent defire to lend a helping hand to 
 4 fo pious a work, as by the anguifh that gnaws his royal 
 4 brcaft, when he confiders what cruel definitions, what 
 4 deplorable calamities arife out of the diffenfions of Chri- 
 4 ftian Princes. Your Holinefs’s conjecture of our defire 
 4 to contraCt an alliance and marriage with a Catholick 
 4 Family and Princefs, is agreeable both to your wifdom 
 4 and charity ; for we wotild never defire fo vehemently 
 4 to be joined in a ftriCt and indiffoluble bond with any 
 ,4 mortal whatfoever, whofe Religion we hated. There- 
 4 fore your Holinefs may be aftured, that we are, and 
 4 always will be of that moderation* as to abftain from 
 :c fuch aCtions, which may teftify our hatred againft the 
 ■ 4 * Roman Catholick Religion; we will rather embrace all 
 4 occafions whereby through a gentle and fair procedure, 
 
 ;c all finifter fufpiejons may be taken away ; that as we 
 4 all confefs one individual Trinity, and one Chrift cru- 
 4 cified, we may unanimoufly grow up into one Faith. 
 
 4 Which that we may compafs, we little value all labour 
 4 and watchings, yea, the very hazard of our lives. It 
 ' 4 remains that we render thanks to your Holinefs for your 
 4 Letter, which we efteem as a fingular prefent, and 
 4 wifh your Holinefs all profperity and eternal happi- 
 4 nefs. 
 
 Dated at Madrid, 20 Junij 1623. 
 
 (1) They went privately, on February 17, from the Court, which was then at Neumarket, tv Nrwhallin EJJix, a IT.ufe d Buckingham's, purc'mfed by him 
 from Robert Earl ot Suffix ; and from thence the next day to Gravejcnd, and fo to Dover ; attended only by Sir Ricbatd Graham, Mailer of the Horfc to the 
 Marquifs. M't/fon, p. 763. Hackef, p. i J4. 
 
 (2) The Prince and Marquifs of Buckrngbam put on falfe Beards, to cover their fmooth Faces, and travelled under the borrowed names of'Jack and T:m 
 Smith. The Mayor of Dover llcpped them, thinking they were going to France to light, fo that Buckingham was forced to difeover himfelf; pretend.ng he 
 was going to vifit the Fleet, as Admiral. The lame day they embarked, they landed at Boulogne, and from thence rid poll to Pmis. At Paris, they both 
 •.vne large bulhy Ptrriwigs that lhadowed their Faces. Here the Prince law, at a malking Dance, the Princefs Henrietta Maria, whom he aftci wards married. 
 Wilj-sn, p. 763. They narrowly elcaped beirg feiaed in France. See Rujhivorth, Tom- I. p. 7;. H'eldon, p. 144. 
 
 (3) The Conde d'O/ivanZ fpeaking to the Prince about this, in his firll vilit, the Prince replied, That he carne not thither for Religion, but for a Wife. 
 
 Rujbnvuitb, Tom. I. p. 78. 
 
 '4) He feemed to be much difpleafed,’ that any Ihould have fo unworthy an Opinion of him, as to think he frould, for a Wife or any ether earthly rcfpccl 
 
 whatfoever, fo much as waver in his Religion. Ibid. p. 291. 
 
 No. LV. Vol. II. 
 
 Kkk 
 
 7 
 
 It 
 
2 2 2 
 
 Vol II. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Engla. 
 
 Ntabit 
 
 Die, y 
 1‘ibtlr. 
 Wiifor 
 
 . If muft be obferved of thefe two Letters, which are 
 very different, that as they did not appear till after the 
 Civil Wars, it is equally probable that one of the Parties 
 qua! hed, whilft the other aggravated, the expreflions. And 
 therefore't is need lets to make any reflection upon them. 
 
 Mean while, fince the Prince’s arrival in Spain, the 
 ilate oi the marriage-treaty v/as fomewhat altered. The 
 '•/- difpenfation arrived about fix weeks after, that is, about 
 the beginning of May, But the Pope had annexed cer¬ 
 tain conditions, without which it was to be of no force. 
 
 V cry probably, had not the Prince been in Spain, the dif- 
 pcnlation would have come fooner, and without any re- 
 ilnction : but it is not very furpriflng, that the Pope, 
 knowing the Prince was in Spain, fhould defire to make 
 an advantage of that imprudence. He fent therefore the 
 dffpenfatiun, but it was to be delivered only on thefe term,-, 
 r i hat the Infanta fhould have a Church in London : That 
 the Children by this marriage fhould be left to their mo¬ 
 thers care til! they were ten years old: That the nurfes 
 fhould be CatJioiieks, and appointed by the mother: That 
 the King ol England fhould give fecurity for the per¬ 
 formance of the Articles agreed upon concerning Reli¬ 
 gion. 
 
 ■‘ e The article relating to the education of the Children 
 had been debated in November, and the Pope and King of 
 •1 Spain had infilled that the Children fhould be educated by 
 their mother till marriageable. The King at firft offered 
 feven years, and the Courts of Rome and Spain came to 
 twelve. Then the King allowed nine, and the Pope ten. 
 At la ft, the Pari of Brijlol received the King’s orders, 
 not to difpute for a year more or lefs. 
 
 Alter the Prince and Marquifs of Buckingham came to 
 ’ Madrid , they managed the affair of the marriage exclufive 
 ie, of the Earl of Brijlol. There was fume debate upon the 
 articles annexed to the Pope’s difpenfation. The Prince of 
 l! ales Arid, he had no power to make the lealt addition 
 to the articles iigned by the King his Father, and the 
 Spanijh Minifters maintained, his Catholick Majefty could 
 not rejeft the conditions on which the Pope had granted 
 the difpenfation : That it lay in the Pope’s breaft to grant 
 his favors on what terms he pleafed, and that the difpen¬ 
 fation was void without thefe conditions. In fhort, it was 
 thought proper to confult the King of England by letter, 1 
 and to ask withal, what fecurity he would give for the 
 performance ol the articles, 'fames made no fcruple con- 
 (i cerning the time of the education of the children, or about 
 ; the nurfes, bccaufe thefe things were now fettled. As to 1 
 the fecuritv, he replied, he could give no other than his ‘ 
 own, and the Prince’s Royal Words and Oaths, confirmed ‘ 
 by his Council of State, and exemplified under the Great 
 Seal of England. All this not fatisfying the Pope’s Nuntio, 
 who pretended to have particular orders upon that point, 
 the King of Spain offered to become fecurity himfelf: but 
 it was firft to be determined by a Committee of Eccleli- 
 afticks, that Philip might lawfully fwear for the King of 
 •England. Some believe this to be a [Spanijh ] device, to 
 make the King of Spain Guarantee of the articles granted 
 to the Catholicks. This difficulty being removed, the 
 Prince fent Cottington to England with the articles con¬ 
 cerning Religion, newly drawn according to the Pope’s 
 - intentions, and with fome other fecret articles which were 
 not to be publifhed fo loon. 
 
 It muff: be remarked, that hitherto there was no other 
 writing concerning the Infanta’s dowry, than a rough 
 draught, approved indeed by the King of Spain in a fore- 
 mentioned Letter directed to his Minifters, but which re¬ 
 mained in the hands of Olivarez. Much lefs had there been 
 any cate taken about the reftitution of the Palatinate, James 
 being unwilling to make this one of the marriage-article'-', 
 for fear it fhould he in recompence of the two millions 
 promifed him for the Infanta’s dowry. But he was very 
 willing to receive the Palatinate from the King of Spains 
 bounty, when the marriage ftiould be confummated. This 
 at lea ft was his project, and, no doubt, at the time the 
 Court of Spain fought only to amufe him, he was made 
 to expeft the reftitution of the Palatinate , though without 
 any written engagement. Mean while, James depended 
 upon this verbal promile, as if it had been a Treaty figned 
 with the Spaniard's own hand(i). 
 
 Cot ting ton being come to England with the Articles both 
 publick and private, it was rumoured, that the Pope and 
 King ol Spain demanded a Toleration for the Englifh 
 Pupil!;-. The King himfelf occafioned this rumour, by 
 \ • hether it would be convenient to 
 giant lucii a toleration ? Whereupon, Abbot Archbifhop of 
 Cantainay, w ho had withdrawn to his own houfe ever 
 fince the fatal accident of killing the Park-keeper, and 
 came no more to the Council, thought it his duty to 
 write the following Letter to the King. 
 
 May it pleafe your Majefty , 
 
 Have been too long filent, and I am afraid by mv 7 
 “ »- iilence I have negle£led the duty of the place it 
 44 hath pleafed God to call me unto, and your Majefty to k 
 44 place me in : But I now humbly crave leave I maydif- ; 
 “ charge my confcience towards God, and my duty to your \ 
 44 Majefty ; and therefore I befeech \ ou freely to give me p 
 14 leave to deliver my f el f, and then let your Majefty do 'j, 
 “ with me what you pleafe. Your Majefty hath pro- \ 
 44 pounded a toleration of Religion, I befeech vou take it 
 “ into your confideration what your aft is, what the con- 
 44 feuuenee may be. By your act you labour to fee up 
 44 the moil damnable and heretical doctrine of the Church 
 44 of Rome, the whore of Babylon : How hateful it will 
 “ be to God, and grievous to your good Subjects, the pro- 
 “ fefiors of the Gofpel, That your Majefty who hath of- 
 “ ten difputed, and learnedly written againft thofe hcrefies, 
 
 “ fhould now fhew yourfelf a patron of thofe wicked 
 “ doftrines, which your pen hath told the World, and 
 “ your confcience tells your felf, are fuperftirious, idola- 
 “ trous, and deteftable. And hereunto I add what you 
 “ have done in fending the Prince into Spain without 
 “ confent of your Council, the privity and approbation 
 “ of your people: And although you have a charge and 
 ‘‘ intereft in the Prince, as Son of vourflefh; vet have the 
 “ people a greater, as Son of the Kingdom, upon whom 
 44 next after your Majefty are their eyes fixed, and wel- 
 44 fare depends; and fo tenderly is his going apprehended, 
 
 44 as (believe it) however his return may be fafe, yet the 
 “ drawers of him into this action, fo dangerous to him- 
 “ felf, fo defperate to the Kingdom, will not pafs away 
 44 unqueftioned, unpunifhed. Belides, this toleration which 
 “ you endeavour to fet up by your Proclamation, cannot 
 44 be done without a Parliament, unlefs your Majefty will 
 44 let your Subjects fee that you will take unto vour felf 
 44 ability to throw down the laws of your land at your 
 44 pleafure. What dread confequence thefe things may 
 44 draw afterwards, I befeech your Majefty to con fide r ; 
 
 44 and above all, left by this toleration and difeonnte- 
 44 nancing of the true profeflion of the Gofpel, wherewith 
 44 God hath blefled us, and this Kingdom hath fo long 
 44 flourifhed under, your Majefty do not draw upon tbi. 
 
 44 Kingdom in general, and your felf in particular, God’s 
 44 heavy wrath and indignation. 
 
 44 Thus in difeharge of my duty towards God, to your 
 44 Majefty, and the place of my calling, I have taken 
 44 humble leave to deliver my confcience. Now, Sir, do 
 44 what you pleafe with me.” 
 
 It may be feen by this Letter, it was not without reafon 
 that the Archbifhop patted for a Puritan, at leaf!, according 
 to the notions of the Court, where all were confidered as 
 Puritans, who refufed to aferibe to the King an unlimited 
 power. Wherefore his Counfels were not regarded. 
 
 The King did not long detain Cottington in England. 
 
 As it was not now time to difpute, and he was required to 
 fign the Articles as brought by Cottington, without anv al¬ 
 terations, he chofe to do it rather than hazard a breach of 
 the marriage, when the Prince his Son was in the hands of 
 the Spaniard. He figned them therefore, and folemnly 
 fwore to them. As thefe Articles were new drawn, ex¬ 
 plained, and increafed to twenty-three, befides four fecret 
 Articles, the Reader, perhaps, will be clad to view them 
 here in their new lorm, and fee withal how far the Kin"' 
 carried his compliance. 
 
 I. 1 hat the marriage be made bv difpenfation of the 
 Pope, but that to be procured by the endeavour of the ; 
 King of Spain. 
 
 II. That the marriage be once only celebrated in Spain, 
 and ratified in England , in form following: In the morning, 
 after the moft gracious Infanta hath ended her devotions in 
 the Chapel, ihe, and the moft excellent Prince Charley 
 Ihall meet in the King’s Chapel, or in fome other room of 
 the Palace, where it ihall feem moft expedient; and there 
 ihall be read all the Procurations, by virtue whereof the 
 marriage was celebrated in Spain ; and as well the mod; 
 excellent Prince, as the moft excellent Infanta, ihall ratify 
 the faid marriage celebrated in Spain, with all folemnity 
 neceflary for fuch an acl: So as no ceremony, or other 
 thing intervene, which ihall be contrary to the Reman Ca¬ 
 tholick Apoftolick Religion. 
 
 III. That the molt gracious Infanta ihall take with her 
 fuch Servants and Family as are convenient for her fervice ; 
 which Family, and all perfons to her belonging, fhall be 
 chofen and nominated by the Catholick King : fo as he 
 nominate no Servant which is vafliil to the King of Great 
 Britain, without his will and confent. 
 
 Tlt 
 
 Wiifcn. 
 
 J.mLi.' 
 
 iil Jjmts'i Inftructions to the Earl of Brijht , and the Earl' in R:f-e 
 
 IV. That 
 
 -V 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 24. JAMES I. 
 
 1623. IV. That as wfell the moft gracious Infanta, as all her 
 Servants and Family, fhall have free ufe and publick cxer- 
 cifeof the Roman Catholick Religion, in manner and form 
 as is beneath capitulated. 
 
 V. That fhe fhall have an Oratory and decent Chapel 
 in her Palace, where, at the pleafure of the moll gracious 
 Infanta, Malles may be celebrated ; and in like manner, 
 Ihe fhall have in London , or wherefoever fhe fhall make her 
 abode, a publick and capacious Church near her Palace, 
 wherein all duties may be folemnly celebrated, and all other 
 things necefiary for the publick preaching of God’s word, 
 the celebration and adminiltration of all the Sacraments of 
 the Catholick Roman Church, and for burial of the dead, 
 and baptizing of children. That the faid Oratory, Chapel, 
 and Church, fhall be adorned with fuch decency, as fhall 
 l'eem convenient to the moft gracious Infanta. 
 
 VI. That the men-fervants and maid-fervants of the 
 moft gracious Infanta, and their Servants, Children, and 
 Defcendants, and all their Families, of what fort foever, 
 ferving her Highnefs, may be freely and publickly Ca- 
 tholicks. 
 
 VII. That the moft gracious Infanta, her Servants and 
 Family, may live as Catholicks in form following: That 
 the moft gracious Infanta fhall have in her Palace, her 
 Oratory and Chapel fo fpacious, that her faid Servants and 
 Family may enter and ftay therein ; in which there fhall 
 be an ordinary and publick door for them, and another in¬ 
 ward door, by which the Infanta may have apaflage into 
 the faid Chapel, where fhe and others, as abovefaid, may 
 be prefent at divine offices. 
 
 VIII. That the Chapel, Church and Oratory, maybe 
 beautified with decent ornaments of Altars, and other things 
 necefiary for divine fervice, which is to be celebrated in 
 them, according to the cuftom of the Holy Roman Church ; 
 and that it fhall be lawful for the faid Servants and others, 
 to go to the faid Chapel and Church at all hours, as to them 
 fhall feem expedient. 
 
 IX. That the care and cuftody of the faid Chapel and 
 Church, fhall be committed to fuch as the Lady Infanta 
 fhall appoint, to whom it fhall be lawful to appoint keepers, 
 that no body may enter into them to do any undecent 
 thing. 
 
 X. That to the adminiftration of the Sacraments, and to 
 ferve in Chapel and Church aforefaid, there fhall be four 
 and twenty Priefts and affiftants, who fhall ferve weekly or 
 monthly, as to the Infanta fhall feem fit 5 and the election 
 of them fhall belong to the Lady Infanta, and the Catho¬ 
 lick King, provided that they be none of the VafTals of the 
 King of Great-Britain ; and if they be, his will and con- 
 fent is to be firft obtained. 
 
 XI. That there be one fuperior Minifter or Bifhop, with 
 necefiary authority upon all occafions which fhall happen 
 belonging to Religion ; and for want of a Bifhop, that his 
 Vicar may have his authority and jurifdidtion. 
 
 XII. That this Bifhop or fuperior Minifter may cor¬ 
 rect and chaftife all Roman Catholicks who fhall offend, and 
 fhall exercife upon them all jurifdiclion Ecclefiaftical: And 
 moreover alfo, the Lady Infanta fhall have power to put 
 them out of her fervice, whenfoever it fhall feem expedient 
 to her. 
 
 XIII. That it may be lawful for the Lady Infanta and 
 her Servants to procure from Rome difpenfations, indul¬ 
 gences, jubilees, and all graces, as fhall feem fit to their 
 Religion and Confidences, and to get and make ufe of any 
 manner of Catholick Books whatfoever. 
 
 XIV. That the fervants and family of the Lady Infanta, 
 who fhall come into England , fhall take the Oath of alle¬ 
 giance to the King of Great Britain: Provided, That 
 there be no claufe therein which fhall be contrary to their 
 confciences, and the Roman Catholick Religion; and if 
 they happen to be vaflals to the King of Great Britain , 
 they fhall take the fame oath that the Spaniards do. 
 
 XV. That the Laws which are or fhall be in England 
 againft Religion, fhall not take hold of the faid Servants; 
 and only the forefaid fuperior ecclefiaftical Catholick may 
 proceed againft ecclefiaftical perfons, as hath been accuftom- 
 ed by Catholicks: And if any fecular Judge fhall apprehend 
 any ecclefiaftical perfon for any offence, he fhall forthwith 
 caufe him to be delivered to the aforefaid fuperior Ecclefiaf- 
 tick who fhall proceed againft him according to the Canon 
 L3W. 
 
 XVI. That the Laws made againft Catholicks in Eng¬ 
 land, or in any other Kingdom of the King of Great 
 Britain, fhall not extend to the children of this marriage; 
 and though they be Catholicks, they fhall not lofe the right 
 of Succeffion to the Kingdom and Dominions of Great 
 Britain. 
 
 XVII. That the Nurfes which fhall give fuck to the 
 children of the Lady Infanta , (whether they be of the 
 Kingdom of Great Britain , or of any other Nation what¬ 
 
 foever) fhall bechofen by the Lady Infanta, as fhe pleafeth, 1623. 
 and fhall be accounted of her family, and enjoy the privi¬ 
 leges thereof. 
 
 XVIII. That the Bifhop, ecclefiaftical and religious per¬ 
 fons of the family of the Lady Infanta, fhall wear the veft- 
 ments and habit of their Dignity, Profeffion, and Reli -on, 
 after the cuftom of Rome. 
 
 XIX. For fecurity that the faid matrimony be not di!- 
 folved for any caufe whatfoever, the King and Prince arc 
 equally to pals the word and honour of a King ; and more¬ 
 over, that they will perform whatfoever fhall be propound¬ 
 ed by the Catholick King for further confirmation, if it 
 may be done decently and fitly. 
 
 XX. 1 hat the Sons and Daughters which filial] be born 
 of this marriage, fhall be brought up in the company of the 
 moft excellent Infanta, at the leaft, until the age of ten 
 years, and fhall freely enjoy the right of Succeffion to the 
 Kingdoms, as aforefaid. 
 
 XXL That whenfoever any place of either man-fervant 
 or maid-fervant, which the Lady Infanta filial! bring with 
 her, (nominated by the Catholick King her Brother) fhall 
 happen to be void, whether by death, or by other caufe or 
 accident, all the faid fervants of her family are to be fup- 
 plied by the Catholick King, as aforefaid. 
 
 XXII. For fecurity that whatfoever is capitulated may 
 be fulfilled, the King of Great Britain and Prince Charles 
 are to be bound by oath; and all the King’s Council fhall 
 confirm the faid Treaty under their hands: Moreover, the 
 find King and Prince aie to give their faiths in the word of 
 a King, to endeavour, if poffible, that whatfoever is capi¬ 
 tulated may be eftablifhed by Parliament. 
 
 XXIII. That conformable to this Treaty, all thefe 
 things propofed, are to be allowed and approved of by the 
 rope, that he may give an apoftolical benediction, and a 
 ddpenfation necefiary to effect the marriage. 
 
 The King ratified thefe Articles in the ufual form, and Difficui? 
 fwore to obferve them, before the two Spanifj Ambafladors ‘ ' 7 I 
 and twenty (1) Privy-Counfellors, who alfo figned the TitC f “ 
 Treaty. When the King came to take the Oath," he had 
 fome difpute with the AmbafTadors. His Majefty would n- K,„ z 
 not give the Pope the title of Holy Father, or His Holinefs, >' 
 faying, he had writ againft this Title, and it was unreafon- ^ hefee * 
 able to make him retradh But the Ambafladors infilling wife 
 upon ir, the King yielded at laft, not thinking he ought, Ru ‘ hw '"'!' 
 for fuch a trifle, retard a Treaty, which had now been T', '', p ‘ 
 feven years on foot. 
 
 After publickly taking this Oath, he withdrew into his 
 clofet, where, in prefence of the fame Ambafladors, and 
 fome Privy-Counfellors, he ratified and fwore to thele four 
 fecret Articles. 
 
 I. That particular Laws made againft Roman Catholicks, Private 
 under which other vaflals of our Realms are not compre- 
 hended, and to whofe obfervation all generally are not 
 obliged; as likewife general Laws, under which all areequally A.,n;-l’s of 
 comprized, if fo be they are fuch which are repugnant to I nnu:s i- 
 the Romi/b Religion, fhall not at any time hereafter, by it u 7 (hworth, 
 any means or chance whatfoever, diredtly or indircclly, be T. I. p. S9. 
 commanded to be put in execution againft the faid Roman 
 Catholicks; and we will caufe that our Council fhall take 
 
 the fame Oath, as far as it pertains to them, and belongs 
 to the execution, which by the hands of them and their 
 Minifters, is to be exercifed. 
 
 II. That no other Laws fhall hereafter be made anew 
 againft the faid Roman Catholicks, but that there fhall be a 
 perpetual toleration of the Rojnan Catholick Religion, with¬ 
 in private houfes throughout all our Realms and Dominions, 
 which we will have to be underftood as well of our King¬ 
 doms of Scotland and Ireland, as in England ; which fhall 
 be granted to them in manner and form, as is capitulated, 
 decreed, and granted in the article of the Treaty concern¬ 
 ing the marriage. 
 
 III. That neither by us nor any other interpofed perfon 
 whatfoever, directly or indirectly, privately or publickly, 
 will we treat (or attempt) any thing with the moft re¬ 
 nowned Lady Infanta Donna Maria, which fhall be re¬ 
 pugnant to the RomiJJj Catholick Religion ; neither will we 
 by any means perfuade her, that fhe fhould ever renounce 
 or relinquifh the fame in fubftance or form, or that fhe 
 fhould do any thing repugnant or contrary to thofe things 
 which are contained in the Treaty of matrimony. 
 
 IV. That we and the Prince of Wales will interpofe our 
 authority, and will do as much as in us fhall lie, that the 
 Parliament fhall approve, confirm, and ratify all and lin¬ 
 gular Articles in favour of the Roman Catholicks, capitu¬ 
 lated between the moft renowned Kings by reafon of this 
 marriage: And that the faid Parliament fhall revoke and 
 abrogate particular Laws made againft the faid Roman Ca¬ 
 tholicks, to whofe obfervance alfo the reft of our fubjedts 
 
 (0 There are but nineteen named in tVilfon, p. 769. 
 
 and 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 ! 2 A 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAN D 
 
 6*3. And vaflaks are not oL-Med : a; likewife the general Laws 
 under which all are equally comprehended, to wit, as to 
 tlie Reman Catholicity if tl,ev be fuch as is afoiclaid, which 
 are repugnant to the Roman Catholick Religion : And that 
 hereafter, we will rot confent that the faid Parliament 
 fhould ever, at any time, enact or write any other new 
 Laws againft the Reman Cutholicks (i). 
 
 Tliefe are the four Articles which ferved for foundation 
 to the Pope’s difpenfation : lor, as the Congregation tic pro- 
 pagar.di laid, “ The other Articles are only to fecuie the 
 “ Infanta's Religion: but there rnnft be fomething more 
 cc for the Catholicks in general, before the difpenfation can 
 iC be granted.” NalJ'on and others pretend, thefe four fc- 
 cret Articles are fictitious, groundlefs, and even improbable. 
 But, befidcs that they follow very naturally from what 
 was demanded by the Congregation de prof,/gaud i, and 
 are manifeftly a'luded to in the Archuifiiojvs Letter to the 
 King, we fhall fee prefently a Paper which leaves no room 
 to doubt, that the King had engaged to perform the con¬ 
 tents of the four Articles. 
 
 It is pretended, all thefe Articles, as well publick as 
 private, figned by the King and Privy-Council, with the 
 Great Seal annexed, being brought to Spain, the Prince of 
 H ales made the following additions. But I confefs, I do 
 not find fo firrong proofs of thefe additions, as of the fore¬ 
 going Articles. This depends upon the degree of credit, 
 which the Reader is willing to give the fir ft publifhers. 
 
 tholicks, and their efftx - niigh* l-e affured. Up this the 
 Spanijb Ambaliiulors in England had orders to deli re the 
 King to begin to execute his em igements in favour of the 
 Catholicks. 'I'his demand emb:urafted him. V/hat lie had 
 promifed was feerct, and not to be pet formed til! after the 
 marriage, and he wm pieiled to make it pubiick by the 
 execution, whilft the Prince was Hill in Spain. This was ... 
 fort of menace that the marriage fhould not he fo'emnized. 
 before he had given pubiick marks o ’ hi? fnicerity. He 
 I 11 ranting t 
 
 might be attended with ill confequenccs; that tr.eie con 
 fequences might break off the marriage, and the Prince h *, 
 Son would be in danger of being detained in Stein. To 
 free himfelf from this perplexity, he refolved to give the 
 Ambailadors fomc fatisfaClion, by putting into their hands 
 a Declaration of his Council, containing hi-, intention con¬ 
 cerning this affair. In all appearance, the Ambailadors 
 were pievailed with to confent, that the performance of 
 it fhould be deferred, by reafon of the accidents that might 
 follow, i he Declaration was thus; 
 
 Salisburv, Aug. 162;. 
 
 A DECLARATION touching the Par¬ 
 dons, Sufpcnjions , and DifpenJations of the 
 Roman Catholicks. 
 
 u Moreover, I Charles Prince of Hides engage my felf, 
 
 ; (and promife, that the molt illuftrious King of Great 
 c Britain , my moft honoured Lord and Father, fhall do 
 ‘ the fame both by word 2nd writing,) That all thole 
 c things which are contained in the foregoing Articles, 
 c and concern as well the fufpeniion as the abrogation of 
 ‘ all Laws made againft the Roma-; Catholicks, fhall 
 ‘ within three years infallibly take effect, and fooner, if 
 1 it be pofTible, which we will have to lie upon our con- 
 ‘ fcience and royal honour: That I will intercede with 
 ‘ the moft illuftrious King of Great Britain my Father, 
 ‘ that the ten years of the education of the children which 
 c fhall be born of this marriage, with the moft illuftrious 
 ; Lady Infanta their mother, accorded in the 23d Art. 
 
 1 (which term the Pope of Rome defires to have pro- 
 : rogued to twelve years) may be lengthened to the faid 
 
 ■ term: And I promife freely and of my own accord, and 
 
 ; fvvear. That if it fo happen, that the entire power of 
 ‘ difpofing of this matter be devolved to me, I will alfo 
 c grant and approve the faid term. Furthermore, I Prince 
 1 of Wales oblige my felf, upon my faith to the Catho- 
 1 lick King, That as often as the moft illuftrious Lady 
 : Infanta fhall require, that f fhould give ear to Divines 
 ; or others, whom her Highnefs fhall be pleafed to em- 
 : ploy in matter of the Roman Catholick Religion, I will 
 ; hearken to them willingly without all difficulty, and 
 ; laying afide all excufe. And for further caution in point 
 ; of the fiee exercife of the Catholick Religion, and the 
 : fufpenfion of the Law above-named, I Charles Prince 
 ; of Wales, promife and take upon me in the word of a 
 
 ■ King, that the things above promifed and treated con- 
 ; cernihg thole matters, fhall take effect, and be put in 
 
 execution, as well in the Kingdoms of Scotland and 
 ; Ireland , as of England .” 
 
 The Cc 
 
 This is what occaftoned the Prince’s and Buckingham's 
 journey to Spain , a journey not only needlefs, but even per- “ 
 nicious, as may ealily be feen by all the additions made to “ 
 1. the Articles fettlcJ by the Earl of Br'flol. The King was “ 
 
 • fo glad be haJ finifhed the affair of the marriage, that he tc 
 cl Mn , defied all the devils in hell to break it (2). As a grateful “ 
 ■1 acknowledgment for his Favorite’s great fervices, he fent “ 
 him a Patent creating him Duke of Buckingham. There “ 
 .jo;, was no other Duke at that time in England { 3). “ 
 
 The King’s compliance in every thing he had figned and “ 
 
 ' ' ratified was fo great, that the Spaniards could hardly be- “ 
 lieve it fincere. Some who knew the Englijh Conftitution, “ 
 maintained, it was not in the King’s power to perform his “ 
 promiles, or in cafe he attempted it, a Rebellion would “ 
 infallibly follow. Wherefore the King of Spain appointed “ 
 r , a committee to take this matter into confideration. The iC 
 
 ■ refult of the debate was, that it was not proper to fend the “ 
 
 ■ Infanta to England before the next fpring, that in this in- “ 
 terval the performance of the Articles granted to the Ca- “ 
 
 l’’ 'Jy (1) The Am: hrr of the Ar.nals f.iyf.-ir Ar'id.-s m-j'l betaken entirely u 
 (z) One llut i.rird King 'Janes fay this, told the Standcrs-by, That there was n 
 the Match. tVu))n, p. 770. 
 
 F ’OR the fatisfa&ion of their Excellencies, the Mar- D,il.:r.u'net\ 
 quis Tnojofa and Don Carolus de Colonia, the Lords , h 
 
 Ambailadors tor the King of Spain ; and to the end it cm.i ts. 
 may appear that his Majefty of Great Britain will pre- Wrihw (r th, 
 fently and really put in execution the grace promifed "E ! ‘ "r 
 and intended to the Roman Catholicks his Majcfty’s Ch-.r!e-. 1. 
 Subjcdh, and of ins own grace more than he is tied to P- . 
 by the Articles of Treaty of Marriage (4). p. U u6S 
 
 “ We do declare in his Majefty’s name, that his r »1:.' .-f 
 Majefty’s will and pleafure i?, that a legal and authen- r ' rift ' ; 
 tical Pardon fhall be palled under the Great-Seal, where- LVJ 
 in fhall be freely pardoned all thofe penalties, forfeitures 
 and feizures, indidlments, conviclments and incum¬ 
 brances whatfoever, whereunto the Roman Catholicks 
 are liable, or have been proceeded againft, or might Ire, 
 as well Priefts, as other for matters of Con fcience on¬ 
 ly, and to which the reft of his Majefty’s Subjects are 
 not liable. And to tire end his Majefty may make 
 himfelf clearly underllood, where it fhall happen that 
 any of thofe forfeitures and pecuniary muldl 3 have been 
 given away under his Majefty’s Great-Seal ; ills 
 Majefty will not hide that it is not in his power fo to 
 make void thofe Lctcers-Pattents, except they be void¬ 
 able by Law; and then his Majefty is well pleafed that 
 all Roman Catholicks may in tliofc cafes plead in Law, 
 it they find it good, and fhall have equal and legal trial. 
 
 And his Majefty is likewife pleafed, that his general 
 Pardon fhall remain in being five years, to the end all 
 that will may in that time take it out; and bis Majefty 
 will give order for the comfort of the poorer fort, that 
 the Pardon fhall not be coftly, but fuch like courfe 
 fhall be taken as was in a like occafion at his Ma¬ 
 jefty’s coming into England ; and that it fhall be 
 lawful to put as many as can be poilible into one Par¬ 
 don. 
 
 “ And we do farther declare, that his Majefty’s will 
 and pleafure is, to the end the Roman Catholicks, his 
 Majefty’s fubjecP, may have a prelent and a Iree Iru- 
 ition of as much as is intended them by the articles of 
 Freaty of marriage, to caufe a prefent Sufpenfion under 
 his Majefty’s feal of all thofe penal laws, charger, and 
 forieituier, whereunto the Roman Catholick Subjects of 
 his Majefty have heretofore been fubject, and to whioh 
 the reft of his Majefty’s Subjects have not been liable; 
 and in the fame giant, and under the fame feal, to give 
 a difpenfation and toleration to all the Roman Catholicks 
 his Majefty’s Subject?, as well Priefts, as temporal per- 
 fons and others, of and from all the penalties, forfeitures, 
 troubles, and incumbrances, which they have been or 
 may be fubject to, by reafon of any ftatute or law 
 whatfoever, to the obfervation whereof the reft of his 
 Majefty’s Subjects are not bound. We do likewife de¬ 
 clare, that his Majefty hath promifed his royal word, 
 that the execution lhall be no ways burthenforne or pe- 
 
 ipon Rua-.osrttfi Crelit, p. So. Rap in . 
 
 lever a Devil now left in Hell, for they were all gone to Spain to make up 
 
 (3) He w 15 created Earl of Coventry, and Dote ot rngham : His Patent bear; d-:e May iS. See Ry user's FxJ. Tom. XVII. p. 49-. James Hay 
 
 • ' C Guard, cat l Den 
 
 Ei{ward Sun and Heir to Henry AJ r-tague Vilcount MarJ-.-vR'e, the Vikou.it Rut'f.rd, and divers others of the Nobility ; and the Prince wa; fo m- 
 elided with a fp lend id Retinue ot his own Nation, that it might be laid, There was ail Englijh Court in the King of Spain 3 Palate. //'.( n, p. 765. 
 Annals, p. 73. 
 
 (4) The Treaty of th: Twenty-three Articles conta'ncl ns G/mt at all in favour of the Cathjlitki in ge teral. Coni' 1 •er.tly thij nvaR relate to the fircre; 
 Articles of the lame Treaty. Rajin, 
 
Book XVIII 
 
 24. JAMES I. 
 
 1623. “ nal to the Roman Catholicks, but that for the manner 
 
 “ of privilegeing and freeing them from that, he muft confer 
 “ with Bi/hops and Advocates, into which he will pre- 
 “ fently enter and expedite by all means. 
 
 “ And we do further declare; That his Majefty’s in- 
 “ tention, is, prefently to purfue his former directions 
 “ (which had been before executed if their excellencies 
 “ had fo thought good ) to put under his feal feverally the 
 “ laid pardon, and fufpenfion, and difpenfation ; and that 
 “ his Majefty’s Attorney, and learned Council fhall have 
 “ referred to them the charge to pen them with all thole 
 “ effectual words, claufes, expreffions, and refervations, 
 “ which may prefently give fruition to the Roman Ca- 
 “ tholicks his Majefty’s Subjects, and make them invio- 
 “ laole in the fruition of all that is intended and promifed 
 “ by his Majefty in the Articles of marriage, and his 
 “ Majefty’s further grace. 
 
 “ And we do declare, That his Majefty’s further will 
 “ and pleafure is, for the better fatisfaCtion and difeharge 
 “ of the care and endeavour of their excellencies the 
 “ Ambaftadors, that it fhall be lawful to them to aftign 
 “ a difereet perfon to entertain fuch fufficient Lawyers 
 “ as fhall be thought fit to take care to the ftrength, 
 “ validity, and fecurity of the laid grants : And his Ma- 
 “ jefty’s Attorney fhall have charge to receive and admit 
 “ the faid Lawyers to the fight and judgment of the laid 
 “ draughts, and in any doubts to give them fatisfaCtion, 
 “ or to ufe fuch legal, neceflary and pertinent words and 
 “ phrafes, as he the faid Lawyer fhall propound for the 
 “ fecurity of the Roman Catholicks, and fure making of 
 “ the faid grants. 
 
 “ And we do further declare, That his Majefty’s plea- 
 tc fure is, to make a difpatch into Ireland unto his Deputy 
 “ there, by the hands of the Lord Treafurer and Secreta- 
 “ ry of State Sir George Calvert, for the prefent confirm- 
 “ ing and fealing the things concerning the Roman Catho- 
 “ licks, anfwerable to the articles of Treaty, his royal 
 u prOmife and proceedings here : And for Scotland, that 
 “ his Majefty according to the conftitution of his affairs 
 “ there, and regard to the publick good, and peace of 
 “ that Kingdom, and as foon as poffible, will do all that 
 “ fhall be convenient for the accomplifhment of his pro- 
 “ mife in grace and favour of the Roman Catholicks his 
 u SubjeCts, conformable to the articles of treaty of mar- 
 “ riage.” 
 
 liulhwurih. This Declaration, figned by Secretary Conway and fomc 
 T. i. p.290. Privy-Counfellors, who were moft trufted by the King, 
 was very probably fent to Spain as a pledge of the King’s 
 intention to perform his engagements. There it was that 
 the Earl of Brijlol found means to have either the original 
 itfelf, or a copy, which he produced before the Parliament 
 in 1626, to fhow what the Duke of Buckingham had ne¬ 
 gotiated in Spain without his privity. It is manifeft, firft, 
 That this declaration fuppofes the fecret Articles; fecondly. 
 That the Earl of Brijlol would not have ventured to pro¬ 
 duce it before the Parliament, had he not been able to 
 prove it no forgery (1). 
 
 Whilft thefe things paffed in England, news came to 
 Madrid of Pope Gregory XV’s death, which was a frefh 
 obftacle to the conclufion of the marriage. When Cotting- 
 ton arrived from England with the ratification of the ar¬ 
 ticles, the Nuntio refufed to deliver the difpenfation, af¬ 
 firming, as the marriage was not vet celebrated, the dead 
 Pope’s difpenfation was of no force, and therefore it was 
 neceflary to flay till there was a new Pope, wh > might 
 grant a valid difpenfation. By this accident the Prince of 
 IValcs faw himfelf detained in Spain till the election of a 
 new Pope. The 29th of Augujl however was appointed 
 for the celebration of the marriage, in a fuppofition, that 
 before that time there would be a Pope and a new difpen- 
 fation. 
 
 Mean while, the reftitution of the Palatinate was not 
 talked of, or if mentioned, it was only by way of con- 
 verfation, without anv politive demand on the King of 
 Spain, 0/ his Minifters. I have already fhown the reafon. 
 As to the temporal articles, they were in the fame ftate as 
 when the Prince came to Madrid, and nothing figned on 
 either fide ; fo that if the difpenfation arrived before the 
 29th of Augujl, the marriage muft have been either defer¬ 
 red, or folcmnized before thefe articles were fettled. 
 
 But the Court of Spain was intent upon a projeCt of 
 greater confequencc, namely, to endeavour to perfwade the 
 Prince of IVales to turn Catholick ; and it is not very 
 ftrange, they fhould hope to fucceed, after what had palLd. 
 Befidcs, if we may believe the Earl of Brijlol in the im- 
 
 225 
 
 6 * 3 . 
 
 Death of 
 Gregory XV 
 
 den the Dip 
 
 sir- 
 
 Wilfon. 
 
 Annals. 
 
 They are 
 forced to 
 fay Jor a 
 nha Differ,- 
 Jatien. 
 Wilfon. 
 
 Projdl to 
 
 ferfwa.lt 
 the prince 
 to turn Pa. 
 
 f'fi- 
 
 Ru/h worth, 
 
 T. J. p.z6a 
 
 peachmcnt he brought before the Parliament againft Buck¬ 
 ingham, that Duke gave the Spaniards too much reafon to 
 expert this pretended converfion. And to this alone is to 
 be aferibed the delay of the difpenfation. Urban VIII, Urban vi T 
 who was chofen the 6rh of Augujl would not have faded ’ v 
 to fend it, had he not waited for this happy event, whicii 
 he ftrove to advance by his Letters to the Prince and, /..■ , 
 Duke of Buckingham. This occafioned at laft the breach 
 of the marriage, after having been fo Jong deferred. 
 
 I have very carefully L-arched after the real came of this . 
 breach, but could never meet with anv thing fatisiaCtory. 
 
 All agiee, it was the Duke of Buckitgjain that firft infpi- 
 red the Prince, and afterwards the King with the thought, 
 but it is difficult to guefs his motive, and what caufed him 
 to break his firft meafures, and purfue a contrary courier, 
 fo obfeurely is this point explained by the Hiftcriars. Some R’-Bi.-.t.-*, 
 fay, the Duke rendered himfelf contemptible arni odious to cxu-uo'rT 
 the Court of Spain , by affecting to fellow the French hub- 
 ions in almoft everything oppolite to the Span Jh: That 
 tor this reafon, foreleei .g the Infanta and the Spaniard 3 
 would have great power at the Court of England, he 
 thought they might in the end do him iome ill-turn, and 
 therefore refolved to break off the match. Others fay, 
 
 Olivarez, Favorite of Philip IV', reminding the Duke of Annalt." 
 his promife that the Prince fhould turn Catholick, the 
 Duke gave him the lye to his face, and from that time 
 fought means to retire from the SpaniJJj Court, lor fear of 
 the Conde’s revenge. Some fay, the Queen of Bohemia, DuChe’he. 
 perceiving there was no likelihood of recovering the Prda- ^,jj r ' n 9 ' 
 tinate by this marriage, and having much more reafon to p. 773. 
 expert great advantages from a rupture between England Run,wui:h : 
 and Spain, fent a trully meflenger (2) to the Duke, with 1 ■ ? A ^*- 
 certain offers, in cafe he would procure a breach. This is 
 not improbable, and the Hollanders, to whom the union 
 between Spain and England muft have been prejudicial, 
 might well be concerned in the project. In fine, the 
 Duke of Buckingham’ s greaieft Favourers pretend, the 
 Duke having founded the King of Spain's intentions con¬ 
 cerning the reftitution of the Palatinate, found there was 
 nothing to be expected, and therefore refolved to break off 
 a marriage, which was intended for no other purpofe. It 
 is certain at leaft, the King, Prince, and Duke made ufe of 
 this pretence to juftify the breach. 
 
 However this be, the Duke of Buckingham having ta- Pr-r.rt 
 ken this refolution, foon prevailed with the Prince to agree 
 to it, over whom he had now a very great alcendant. Spain/ 0 
 There were two difficulties to be furmounted in the exe¬ 
 cution of this defign. The firft was to obtain the King’s 
 confent. The fecond, to get the Prince out of Spain. 
 
 The Duke muft have been fully perlwadcd of his power 
 over the King, to hope to incline him at once to defift 
 from a defign, fie had fo conflantly purfued for feven years, 
 at the very time all was concluded, and nothing wanting 
 but the nuptial ceremonies. He defpaired not however of I,f s ,,: r ' e 
 fucceeding, and therefore fent him word, he had at laft tcan ' 
 difeovered the King of Spain’s infincerity : That not Only, R,.ihwortfi. 
 he had no inclination to caufe the Palatinate to be reftorcu, T. J p uj. 
 but alfo was far from having the leaft thought of accom- Cokl: ' 
 plifhing the marriage, and the Prince was in danger of 
 being detained in Spain all his life. To fupport what the 
 Duke faid, the Prince himfelf writ to the King his Father, 
 telling him, He mujl now look upon his Sijler and her Chil- Weldcn, 
 dren, never thinking more of him, and forgetting he ever q 0 i!^ S ' 
 had fuch a Son. The King fell, or rather, threw himfelf p . if, 
 into this fnare, without the leaft reflection, and immedi¬ 
 ately writ to Buckingham, to bring away the Prince by all 
 means. At the fame time, he fent fome Ships to St, An- 
 dcro in BiJcay to take them on board. 
 
 The firft difficulty being overcome, means were to be M<am fd 
 devifed to quit Spain, and not give the Court anv fufpicion, b J 
 which could not be done without wounding the Prince’s 
 honour and confidence. Happily for them, Urban VIII. ■without eau- 
 had not yet fent the difpenfiuion, nor even fixed any timeJ'Q'"^ 
 for it. So Buckingham notified to his Catholick Majefly V.fciurt. 
 the order lie had received to bring back the Prince to Rifluv, r h. 
 England, his return being ablolutely r.eceflary to remove T ‘ 1- P- 10 ^ 
 the Nation’s jealoufy of his fo-long flay in Spain. Adding, 
 his departure would caufe no confidcrable alteration, fince 
 he would leave a proxy in the hands of any perfon, his 
 Majefly fhould pleafe to appoint, to efpoufe the Infanta in 
 his name, as foon as the difpenfation fhould come. The 
 King of Spain was a little furprized at the Prince’s defign. 
 
 However, as he did not defiie the Infanta his Siller 
 Ihould go before Spring, he imagined, that after the Ef- 
 poufals, it would be more eafy to detain her, than if 
 the Pi nice of JVales was aCiually in Spain, and there- 
 
 (1) In purfuance of this Declaration, thcie wvs n fcneial Pardon dr 
 nrral Commands were iflued rut, one to ail judges, Jufticcsof Peace, 
 
 Statute again!! Kecufanls. I ut to this fome ft p was put, by the adv: 
 
 The R Ih"p o Chakedon came alfo into Envlar.d to exerc fe Jurifd'.dtion 
 the In'ama. rtnnjt ,, p St. 
 
 (;) The El< £tor I olutine\ Srcretiry ; under tuetesce of defirine the Dulic to be GodUil, 
 
 No. 54. Vo L. II. 
 
 in as full .'>nd ample a m.n.r.cr a- the Paplds il'rmfe'v 
 ■; ?nd the 1 thci o• .>11 Bithops, Cha.itrllors, aid C m 
 f the L, id-Ko«ptr M'tlh-.n.i. See Rujhur-nb, Trm. 
 
 :r the C.thoiicks ul that ICingdom, a„d a Chapel bega, 
 
 x o' the EledKr‘ 
 
 L 1 J 
 
 
 buiit sic St. 'Jw 
 Ri.jh-w.ah, Tim- i - 
 
 fore. 
 
226 
 
 The H I STO R Y of E N G L A N D. 
 
 voi 
 
 II. 
 
 1623. fore, he very readily conferred to the Prince’s depar¬ 
 ture (1). 
 
 1 it leaves The only point therefore was to be allured of the cele- 
 1 Proxy to bration of the marriage, and the King himfelf defired to 
 nit-r'a 0 “ b e the Prince’s Proxy, jointly with Princ e Edward of 
 Ku/liwofth. Po/tugal. The Proxy was drawn by the King’s Secre- 
 *; p->°3' tary, and the Prince of Wales figning it in the prefence of 
 
 ' 1 a.i n. r nMnvM i ... i,/Ta. i„r» a a. fka V. 0 r, 4.. nf t-Isarl nf Jdrillnl 
 Annals. 
 
 • 774 ‘ 
 
 The Pi 
 depart! 
 
 feveral witnefles, left it in the hands of the Earl of Brijhl, 
 with orders to deliver it to the King of Spain , ten days 
 after the difpenfation fhould be received, 't his done, the 
 ham jets out of Buckingham departed firft, under colour of pre- 
 
 v'.-iiparing for the Prince’s reception on board the Englifh fleet 
 at St. Andero. The Court faw him depart without any 
 concern, or rather with a fatisfa&ion equal to his impatience 
 to be in a place of fecurity. After his departure all ima- 
 McncWs ginable honours were paid to the Prince. 1 he King him- 
 Reiat. P . 7, f e If conduced him to the Efcurial (2), where he received 
 and feaited him as a Prince that was to be very fhortly his 
 Brother-in-law. I {hall not give a particular account of 
 RniHworth. all the civilities that were fhown him. It will fuffice to 
 Vi 'p P lSl ' ra V, that on the very day of his departure, he folemnly 
 fmeart "to fwore again to the articles of the marriage, and then left 
 tie Article* the Proxy with the Earl of Brijhl, of which one of the 
 a l a,n ‘ Secretaries of State made an authentick a£t, which was 
 figned by feveral witnefles. 
 
 The Prince went away, loaded with honours, caref- 
 fes, prefents, and attended by feveral Lords of the 
 He fends an Court, who waited upon him to the fleet (3). He was 
 Order to the no fooner come there, but he difpatched to the Earl of 
 Briftof » Brijhl Mr. Edward Clarke , one of Buckingham’s creatures, 
 
 to'deliver with pofltive orders not to deliver the Proxy till fecurity 
 
 the Proxy, was given him that the Infanta, after the efpoufals, would 
 wilfon, n(Jt Retake herfelf to a Cloifter, and to fend him word be- 
 Defencecf fore the delivery of the Proxy what fecurity was offered, 
 the Earl of that he might be judge himfelf, whether it was proper to 
 accept it. This was the firft artifice ufed by the Prince 
 to gain time, in the fear that the difpenfation would come, 
 and the marriage be folemnized before the King his Father 
 was determined to break it. The Earl of Brijhl not yet 
 perceiving the Intent of the order he had received, was 
 afraid if he fhould Hay to the laft, it might be an obftacle 
 to the confummation of the marriage. He thought proper 
 therefore to take care before the difpenfation fhould arrive, 
 to know what fecurity the Court of Spain would give con¬ 
 cerning the Prince’s fcruple. He received as fatisfa&ory an 
 anfwer as he could wifh, which he conveyed to the King 
 and Prince by a Letter. 
 
 He arrives The Prince and Duke arrived on the 5th of Ofiober at 
 England. p or tf n outh, and from thence polled to Royflon , where the 
 Ru ill worth. King was. It feems they duril not immediately difeover 
 Howes. ’ their defign to the King about the breach of the marriage, 
 but thought fit to take fome precautions, to render it lefs 
 He defers ftrange to him What makes me think this, is that the 
 acquainting g ar ] p r \lhl'% Letter coming foon after, the King writ 
 
 the Kmsr n 1 ... Hu-. . C~V.~C n A ....*1, • 
 
 Eriftol 
 Ru/hworih. 
 T I.D.2Q- 
 
 xoitb b 1 
 
 D'Jigt 
 
 to him the 8th of Oflober, that he was fatisfied with the 
 fecurity offered by the Court of Spain. The Prince, who 
 Ruftiworth. p r0 bably had not yet prepared all his batteries, concealing 
 P ' 197 ’ his defign, writ likewife to the Earl of Brijhl the follow¬ 
 ing letter, which no doubt was to be feen by the King his 
 Father. 
 
 ihworth. your Letter to the King and me, concerning that doubt / 
 
 ! p.297. m ade after I came from St. Laurence, hath fo fatisfied us 
 both, that we think it fit no longer to flick upon it, but 
 leave it to your diferetion to take what fecurity you Jhall think 
 
 fitting. 
 
 The Prince however was in danger of the difpenfation’s 
 arriving at Madrid, before the Earl of Brijhl fhould have 
 received a pofitive order not to deliver the Proxy, fincc in 
 that cafe, he would have been forced to execute what was 
 
 left 
 
 enjoined him by the Prince himfelf when he 
 Efiuiial. But tiiis risk was to be run, tberj being 
 avoiding it, before the King was determined to a i.-e. 
 
 It is true, himfelf and the Duke had now h . m t i hi! ■ 
 
 King with doubts concerning the reflituti ■ : • ‘ the P 
 tinatc. Wherefore the King in his Letter uf the cli of." 
 Oftoher, writ to the Earl of B/jhl, that lie hoped to 1‘ 
 ceive before Cbrijlmafs the agreeable news both 1 r i, - bon s 
 marriage, and Son-in-law’s refloration (4 i. Though th;.; 
 was not an exprels order to demand th c Palatinate before R ' ! ‘ 
 the efpoufals, the Earl of Brijhl thought proper however J. 
 to take fome care of an affair, fo much neglected during - 9 s 
 the Pi inc e’ flay tin, and even ti 
 articles were fettled. He mentioned it therefore to Oiivar, 4, ,, 
 and made him ingage, the Pioxv fhould not be demanded, 
 till a written promife was put into his hands that rire 
 Palatinate fhould be reftored. Of thi he n( 1 
 King in a Letter of t 
 him, he hoped by Chrt/imeip, lie fhould 
 Prince lus Son, and the Princefs his D.u; 
 upon his marriage, the other upon the 
 
 
 7 be Ki ng ;j 
 
 1, 11 1 bfei 1 , the Prince . he left J 
 
 Spain, had ufed an artifice to gain time, knowing he n'e pl'r.f 
 could not break off the marriage without the King's con- •/' v *' 
 fent. He bad caufed it to be inferted in the Proxy, that | 
 
 it fhould remain in force only till Cbrijlmafs. He hoped Rnihwoiih.j 
 the difpenfation would not arrive before that time, or ifT. i.p.io6. 
 it came but a few days before, the Proxy would be ufelefs. 
 
 And indeed, as the Earl of Brijhl was not to deliver it till 
 ten days after the arrival of the difpenfation at Madrid, if 
 the tenth day was after Cbrijlmafs-Day, the Proxy would 
 be of no force, by virtue of the inferted claufe. But this 
 precaution was not fufficient, becaufe the difpenfation might pZ 
 happen to be at Madrid above ten days before Chi i/Imafs. - h the 
 This obliged the Prince and Duke at length to difeover n'N ar,d 
 their minds to the King. Whether James yielded to their ham. 1 ” 8 * 
 reafons, or, out of an exceffive condefcenfion for his Son and 
 Favorite, would not grieve them by a denial, he writ to 
 the Earl of Brijhl the 13til of November exprefsly ordering 
 him not to deliver the Proxy till after Cbrijlmafs : that is, f, 
 when it was no longer valid. Moreover, he enjoined him p, :; v if 
 not to difeover this order to the Court of Spain till the vi ry ‘ 
 laft. This Letter was fent to the Earl bv three (3) feve- 
 ral meffengers, two by land, and one bv fea, for fear ofp. 
 accidents. It came in a critical time, for the difpenfation Guihvonh. 
 arrived at Madrid the beginning of December , new Stile (0), r ” '' 1 ' x * 
 and the King’s Letter the 13th of November old Stile. 
 
 Upon the receit of the difpenfation, Philip immediately 
 ordered all the neceffary preparations for the efpoufals to 
 be made (7). But when the ten days were expired, and 
 the marriage was expedited to be folemnized, the Earl of 
 Brijlol notified to him the King his Matter's orders, not to 
 deliver the Proxy till after Cbrijlmafs. He ealily per¬ 
 ceived the King of England’s intention, fince the Proxy 
 would then be invalid. That very day he fent to the Earl 
 of Brijlol to demand no more audience, and gave com- | u Chell,r ‘ 
 mand that the Infanta fhould be no longer called the Prince!'. .. 
 of Wales, as file had been ever fince the arrival of the 
 difpenfation, and caufed all preparations for the marriage to 
 ceafe. Meanwhile, to caft all the blame on the King of R ,. , 
 England, he fent the Earl of Brijtol on the Sth of January t. 1 ! 
 1624, a written promife, figned with his own hand, 
 whereby he ingaged to caufe the Palatinate to be reftored 
 to the Elector Palatine. This the Earl of Brijlol, in the 
 following Reign, affirmed before the Parliament in his de¬ 
 fence. 
 
 There js fcarce an Englijh Hiftorian but what affures, Wiir “ n * ‘ 
 
 the want of this reftitution was the caufe of the breach p ‘ ) 
 
 r to hive kept h:n 
 
 (,■ |t ha 5 by fome been wondered at, that the King of fliould be fo willing to let the Prince go, when it was in his pov 
 
 lone ai he plea fed, and make what advantage of it lie had a mind to. But this point is cleared by the temark with which Spanbemms turns up what relates 
 
 to the Sperajh affair, That never Prince was wire obliged to a Sifter, than King Charles the Firjl was to the Queer. r,f Bohemia j June it was only the Cor.. 
 
 fiderat.cn of her and ber Children, tub. were then the next Hen after him to the Crown of England, that prevailed nut lb the Corn! of Spain r, fe- -at bin ,-o 
 
 'fee England again- Wei wood, p. all There is to this porpofe a plcafant Jell in Cote's Reign of King James 1. His Majefty, a little after thi Pi 
 
 nurture for Spam, being in one of hi; penfive Moods, Aicby his Buffoon comes in, and tells him, he mult change Caps with him : Why J f. ; ; the King, 
 
 Why, who ( replies At thy ) fent the Prince into Spain ■■ But what (answered the King,) wilt thou lay if the Prince conus bnc!c again ’ Why then laid 
 
 At-by) 1 will take my Cap from thy Head, and lend it to the King of Spain ; which 'tis laid troubled the King It 
 
 care to do any thing that ihould help the Eleftor Palatine or his Heirs to the Crown of England. Cole, p. 131. 
 
 {2) The Efim at lies about eighteen Miles fium Madrid. 'Tis reckoned one of the mol) magnificent Structures in Europe. 
 
 But his CathoHck Maieffy 
 
 s reckoned c 
 
 eighth wonder of the world. This mighty Fabrick was built by Philip II in the form of a Gridiron, (the Emblem and Inilrument cf .St. Lawrence '; Mar. 
 tvrdom, to whom it is dedicated) the handle whereof, is the King's Palace, and the Jquare of the Gi tdtton is divided into t\.--\ e fpad-u: angles, in 
 
 which are arched Cloyffers, one above, the other below, all dedicated to religious Orders, who live like Princes ratlia than Krielis, with each his Man and 
 iais Mule. In the middle of the fquare Hands a magnificent Cathedral, to v.htch Philip IV. added a Ch3pel for the Sepulchre of fuch King, and (Queens as 
 
 leave Ilfue behind them, who lye in curious Coffins of black Marble, which arc placed in Arches round the Marble V, all. The Chapel is built in farm a 
 
 rhe Pantheon. See JVtlfon, p. 77 =;• 
 
 - The Prince departed from Madrid, September 9. and came to Sr. Andero the nth. The Fleet, (fent fo convoy him over to England, and which 
 confided 0 f cigfn Mtn of War and two Pinnaces, whereof Edward Earl of Rutland was Admiral ) failed from St. Andero the iX'.h, and put into the Sally 
 I/lands the 29th. Relat. of the Prince's Journey, p. 7-46. Rymer s Feed. Tom. 17. p. 4S6. 
 
 4) Kin? James commanded the Earl of Bnftjl, to procure inthndy from the King ot Spain, a punctual anfwer; and, before he delivered the Powers, 
 or moved the ContraCt, to obtain from that Kicg, either by a publick Aft, or by an anfwer under his Hand and Seal, a diicft cr.gigement for the refUlu'ion 
 
 of the Palatinate, and the Eleftoral Dignity. S es Rujbwortb, Tom. 1. p. ic6* ic-. 
 
 ,, H'ltfn fays four, Mr . Kill.grew, Grejley , IVcod, and Davies, p. 7-6. 
 
 ‘ o’ In a Letter from Sir Walter AJion to the Duke of Buckingham, it is laid. Tha# the Difpenfation came to Madrid, November 12. Cabala . p. 3. 
 
 -j The King of Spain had fent into England, Den Mendofa de Alcorcana, to congratulate the Prince's fate return, and from thence he had Inductions to 
 gja Vnd make known to all Princes and Potentates, Allies to Spam, how near the Marriage was. When the Difpenfition came, Bonfires were made through- 
 
 all Spain, tile l 9 th of Dumber 
 ^ginning of March appointed for her 
 
 C for 
 
 Wedding-day, Prefei 
 into England, ice. W<• 
 
 s were provided for our King and Prince, the Infant* 
 
 :t:!»d, 
 
 -? 6 . 
 
 r.d the 
 
 Of 
 
Book XVIII. 24. J A 
 
 162;. of the marriage, and that the Earl of Briflol having de¬ 
 manded it of his Catholick Majefty, as a condition with¬ 
 out which the marriage could not be accomplished, Philip 
 coldly anfwered. The Palatinate was none of his to give, 
 Riifhworth, and the Emperor might be applied to. But this is dire&ly 
 ar c . P '* 9 * contrary to the Earl of Brtjlol ’s own account, who doubt- 
 Clarcndon. lefs knew more of this affair than any other. The Earl 
 T - 1 of Clarendon took care not to fpeak like the reft. He 
 contents himfelf with afcribing the breach to fome fecret 
 defign of Buckingham. 
 
 Thus ended the affair of the Spaniflj marriage, which 
 had wholly employed King James for feven years. Du¬ 
 ring all that time, he moft earneffly follicited the conclufion 
 of it, and, to fucceed, fcrupled not to facrifice the inte- 
 refts of his Son-in-law, his own reputation, the religion 
 he profefled, the good of his people, and the laws of his 
 realm. But when, at laft, it was juft going to be concluded, 
 he fuddenly broke it off, for reafons which were never yet 
 clearly known. It can only be afcribed to his weaknefs 
 for his favorite. The Earl of Clarendon fays pofitively, 
 the King was compelled to it by the Duke of Buckingham , 
 tT' : ,o C w h°> breaking the marriage, relumed the fame im- 
 * “ petuofity, he had indulged to himfelf in the debate of 
 
 “ the journey into Spain." He adds, “ the King plainly 
 “ found the Prince and Duke were refolved upon a breach, 
 “ with or without his approbation, and that he never for- 
 “ gave the Duke what he had done, but retained as fbarp 
 “ a memory of it as his nature could contain.” It is to be 
 prefumed, the Earl of Clarendon was well acquainted with 
 this affair, and the more, as he is not the only Writer 
 that intimates, the King had neither the power nor the 
 courage to withftand the Prince and Duke, who were 
 ftri&ly united, fince their journey to Spain { 1). 
 
 • 162^ Mean time, for fear the Earl of Briflol fhould by fome 
 Annnis. means renew a Treaty broken with fo little reafon, they 
 p. 86. caufed him to be recalled. The King confented the more 
 T i. P . 18. rea(J,1 y t0 1115 return, as he faw no perfon in his Court 
 Rufhworth. able to give him good counfels, to free himfelf from the 
 Cokc. P I 13 flavcr y was under > but the Earl of Briflol , who never 
 P . 140. yielded to Buckingham’s haughtinefs. This had drawn up¬ 
 on him the favorite’s enmity to fuch a degree, that ever 
 after he was continually expofed to his perfections, and the 
 Prince’s indignation, who following Buckingham's fuggef- 
 tions, forgot nothing to ruin him, even when he had mount¬ 
 ed the Throne, though without being able to fucceed. 
 Rufliworth. Since the return of the Prince and Duke, the King no 
 Clarendon. 7 ’ ^ on g er ru,ed > ad bis affairs were managed by them, and he 
 T. 1. F . zo. only executed their counfels. The King faw about him 
 none he could truft. All his Officers, all his Courtiers, 
 were the Duke’s creatures, and the more attached to him, 
 as they faw him ftritftly united with the Prince. In this 
 fituation, the King faw no other remedy, than to furrender 
 himfelf entirely to them, and do whatever they pleafed, 
 whether he feared an increafe of their boldnefs by refinance, 
 or waited for fome favorable opportunity to throw off their 
 yoke. Not only the breach of the marriage had been re¬ 
 folved between them, but alfo a war with Spain , and the 
 King durft not contradid them, notwithftanding his aver- 
 fion to arms. Their firft project, was to demand for this 
 war a Benevolence of every Subject: nay, they made the 
 King fign an order to levy it. Baker fays in his Chronicle , 
 he himfelf paid fifty pounds on this occafion. But on a 
 fudden, the King, by advice of the Prince and Buckingham , 
 gave over this projetft, and refolved to call a Parliament. 
 That was indeed the moft proper way to juftify the breach 
 of the Treaty with Spain, and to procure money, which 
 he wanted extremely. 
 
 There was not one good Englijhman but what had ever 
 coniidered the Spanifl) match as very prejudicial to the 
 Kingdom. It was known in general, that the King, in 
 favour of this marriage, had made large conceffions with 
 refpedl to Religion, though the particulars, and efpecially 
 the fecret articles, were known to very few. But the 
 King’s condefcenfion to the Roman Catholicks, was a plain 
 indication, the Court of Spain had greatly prevailed with 
 Rufliw°rth. him. The Duke of Buckingham not being ignorant of the 
 p ~ people s averfion to the marriage, the breach whereof was 
 
 M E S I. 22- 
 
 not yet well known, doubted not to gain their affe&Ion, 162a, 
 by caufing a Parliament to be called, and declaring himfelf 
 the author of this happy breach, fo paffionately defired by 
 all true Englijhmen. To compafs his ends, he rendered H ,,. 
 himfelf popular, and affetfed to carefs both the Church and P . 203.' 
 otatc-Puritans : Nay, he confulted with [Dr John Preflon] Cokr - 
 head of the Puritan Party, how the King might feize the p ' * 39 ' 
 Dean and Chapter Lands. Nothing could be more proper 
 to procure him the love of the people, moft of the Clergy 
 having rendered themfelves odious, by their zeal in main- 
 taming the Prerogative Royal (a). So, thejunaurc bem» „ 
 very favorable, the Duke caufed the King to call a Parlia- ,1 . 
 ment, notwithftanding his refolution never to fummon ana - 1 “-a 
 ther . Nay, fuch was his power over the King, that he 
 made him lpeak to the Parliament in a manner the moft 
 repugnant to his opinions and principles. 
 
 Mean while, the Prince and Duke had contrived another 0 f a 
 piojedt, namely, the Prince's marriage with Henrietta Match be 
 Maria, the King of France’s Sifter, to which his Majeftv tbe 
 readily confented. He was fo proud of his grandeur, that hZIZ 
 he could not think of marrying his Son to any but a Prin- Mira of 
 cefs of royal extraction, and the third Daughter of Hen- Fra,ire - 
 if IV. was the only Princefs then in Europe of that cha- 
 rafter. It is very probable, the perfon fent by the Queen Rulhworh.; 
 of Bohemia to Buckingham in Spain , made him the firft T * L p * ‘ 1 
 overture of this match, and that the Duke thereupon re¬ 
 folved to break the marriage, the Prince was going to con- 
 fummate with the Infanta. However this be, the Kino- np- Coke 
 proving the project, Henry Rich Baron of Kcnfington, was, t- H7- 
 on fome pretence, fent to France , in order to found the 
 Court concerning this marriage; and before his departure, 
 he was created Earl of Holland. I fhall fpeak prefently of Aft. Pub. 
 the lucceis of this negotiation ; but mult firft fee what xvij. 5,2, 
 paffed in the Parliament which met the 19th of Febru- ® e ‘ 
 ary (3). The King made a Speech to both Houfes fo dif¬ 
 ferent from thofe to the two former Parliaments, that fuch 
 oppofite expreffions could hardly be thought to come from 
 the mouth of the fame Prince, if it was not known how 
 great an afeendant Buckingham had over him, and how ne- 
 ceffary it was to the favorite’s defigns, that the Kinglhould 
 talk m this manner. As the Speech is not fo long as the 
 others, the Reader perhaps will be glad to fee it. 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen , 
 
 I Have affembled you at this time, to impart to you a Tbt King, 
 fecret, and matter of as great importance, as can be s P eecb t0 
 “ to my ftate, and the ftate of my children ; wherein I 
 “ crave your beft and fafeft advice and counfel, according Annals of 
 e ^ the Writ whereby you were affembled, imports, That J ame5 1 * 
 
 “ the King would advife with you in matters concerning his 
 “ eflate and dignity. And as I have ever endeavoured, by Rufhworth. 
 
 ‘ this and the like ways, to procure and cherilh the love of T - **P- 1I S- 
 “ my people towards me, fo I do hope, and my hope is 
 exceeded by faith ; for I fully now believe, that never 
 “ an y King was more beloved of his people ; whom as 
 you, my Lords and Gentlemen, do here reprefent, fo 
 “ WouJd * have you truly to reprefent all their loves to me ; 
 
 “ tllat ‘n you, as in a true mirror or glafs, I may perfectly 
 behold it, and not as in a falfe glafs that reprefents it not 
 “ at all, or otherwife than it is"indeed. Give me your 
 “ free and faithful counfels in the matter I propofe, of 
 “ which y° u have often heard, the match of my Son : 
 
 “ wherein, as you may know, I have fpent much time 
 “ with great coft in long Treaties, defiring always therein 
 ( and not without reafon hoping to have efteCted my de- 
 “ fires) the advancement of my State and Children, and 
 “ the general Peace of Chriftendom, wherein I have al¬ 
 ways conftantly laboured, depending upon fair hopes 
 “ and promifes. At the earned infiance of my Son, I 
 “ was contented ( although it was of an extraordinary na- 
 “ ture ) to fend him to profecute his defires in Spain ; and 
 “ for his more fafety, fent Buckingham (in whom I ever 
 “ repofed moft truft of my perfon ) with him, with this 
 “ command, continually to be prefent with him , and never 
 “ to leave him , till he had returned again fafely unto me. 
 
 “ Which he performed, though not with that effeCt in 
 
 (1) In February this year, a cruel Scene v 
 
 • ., P ■ ' r -™- Jt Amb °y” a in the Eaf-Indies, of which this account is given. A Treaty was concluded 
 
 1 bngtand and the United-Provinces, whereby, among other things, it was agreed, That ■ - . . 
 
 itowed by the Hollanderi, in winning the Trade of the Hies of the Moduli . 
 
 1619, be- 
 
 egard of the great blood fhed and coft, pretended to be be- 
 Banda, and Amboyna, from the Spaniards and Portuguefe, the Hollanden fhould 
 
 FaWnriM „,k"V V"- "7 .; “‘‘V rrjmer't Feed. Tom. 17. p. 170, &c.) In purfuance of this Agreement, Erahpb 
 
 factories were placed at the Motuccaes, and at Banda, and Amboyna. This laft Ille is the principal Place in the E aft- Indies, were Nutmegs, Mace , Cinna. 
 
 ittled but about two years, when the Dutch, in order to deprive them of their ftiare of the Spice- 
 thc Natives, to get pofleffion of the Dutch Fort at Amboyna. Whereupon the Englijh were tor- 
 
 ~ r • . ueI and barbarous manner: And, on February 27, Captain Gabriel Tower [on, and nine other 
 
 salt For this inlolenrTfl"' ™ ^ ™ n . , g r ‘ omin '®“ 1 y executed for this pretended Confpir.ny, though they protefted their Innocency to the 
 
 “ made thc Du,cb p - ,y 3 °°' ooo/ - upon thats “ 
 ^/U^\nda^rlfl 7 taft remaindCr ° f Cr -n-Lands, but this Projea was ftrenuoully oppofed by the Lord. Keep.r 
 
 A/av\T h in Ae a*r“j- et ^F **} 1 P f f ein * r J/> but thc King that Morning miffing Lod-swtck Stenuart Duke of Richmond, (created fo 
 
 - 11 ; }'l *1 fendln ! J ,n f ° r ^ im ’. his Duchefs B° e5ro hia Bed fide t0 him, and drawing the Curta.n, found him dead 
 
 Upon News whereof the King would not adorn himfelf that day, and put oft the Parliament till the 16th. and afterwards till the 19th. His 
 ~ Iflue, his Eftate and Honours defeended to his Brother Efme Stuart. Howes, p. 1035. Dugda/e's 
 
 . * 1 o - ..... ..... ... ..it .. 1 -.i... .jet, rr^ftuu, .mu sim 1 
 
 enjoy two thirds of that Trade, and the Englijh the other third. (See Rymcr's Feed. Tom. 
 Factories were placed at the Moluccaes, and at Banda, and Ami — ....... 
 
 mon, Cloves, and Spice grow- Here the Englijh had been fettl 
 Trade, pretended a Plot was formed between ihe Er.gliJlj and tl 
 
 tured by the Dutch, both with Fire and Water, in a moft cruel and barbarous manner: 
 •CngliJh, with nine Japonefe. and one Portumeh v 
 For this infolent Aftron 
 
 in his bed, 
 
 Body was interred 
 Barcn, Vol 
 
 Henry Vll’s Chapel, ar.d leaving n 
 426. mifoa. 
 
235 The HISTORY 
 
 1654. the: bufwielb diat 1 expedited, yet not altogether without 
 “ prolit ; for it taught me this point of wifdom, Qui ver- 
 “ Jatur in gemralibus , is eafilv deceived, and that Gene- 
 “ rality brings nothing to good ill’ue ; but that before any 
 “ matter can be fully finifhed, it muft be brought to par- 
 “ ticulars: For, when, as I thought, the affair had been, 
 
 “ before their going, produced to a narrow point, relying 
 “ upon their general propofftions, I found, when they 
 “ came there, the matter proved to be fo raw, as if it had 
 “ never been treated off"; the generals giving them eafy 
 “ way to invade, and affording them means to avoid the 
 “ effecting of any thing fi). 
 
 “ The particulars that palled in the Treaty, I mean not 
 “ now to difeover to you, the time being too fhort; I re- 
 “ fer you to Charles and Buckingham, and the Secretaries 
 “ reports, who lhall relate unto you all the particulars. 
 44 And after that, Super totam materiam , I defire your belt 
 “ afliftance to advife me what is beft and fitteft for me to 
 44 do, for the good of the Commonwealth, and the ad- 
 ct vancement of Religion, and the good of my Son, and 
 “ my Grandchildren of the Palatinate. And of our 
 “ effate, I know you cannot but be fenfible, confidering 
 “ that your welfare conlifts in ours, and you fliall be lure 
 “ to have your fhare in what mifery fhall belal us : And 
 “ therefore I need to urge no other argument to you in 
 “ this behalf, in offering me your wifeft and fureft counfel 
 “ and furtherance. And 1 allure you in the faith of a 
 “ Chrirtian King, that it is res Integra , prefented unto 
 “ you, and that I ftand not bound, nor either way en- 
 “ gaged, but remain free to follow what fhall be beft ad- 
 “ vifed. 
 
 “To plant is not fufficient, unlefs like good gardeners, 
 “ you pluck up the weeds that will choak your labours : 
 “ And the greateft weeds among you are jealouffes, root 
 “ them out. For my adtions, 1 dare avow them before 
 “ God ; but jealoulies are of a ftrange depth. I am the 
 “ husband, and you the wife, and it is fubjedt to the wife 
 “ to be jealous of her husband : Let this be far from you. 
 “ I can truly fay, and will avouch it before the feat of 
 « God and Angels, that never King governed with a 
 “ purer, ffneerer, and more uncorrupt heart, than I have 
 “ done, far from all will and meaning of the leaf! error 
 “ or imperfedtion of my Reign. 
 
 “ It hath been talked of my remiflhefs in maintenance 
 “ of Religion, and fufpicion of a Toleration : But as God 
 “ fhall judge me, I never thought nor meant, nor ever in 
 “ word exprefled any thing that favoured of it (2). It is 
 “ true, that at times, for reafons beft known to my felf, 
 “ I did not fo fully put thofe Laws in execution, but did 
 “ wink and connive at fome things, which might have 
 “ hindered more weighty affairs ; but I never in all my 
 “ Treaties ever agreed to any thing to the overthrow and 
 “ difagreeing of thofe Laws, but had in all a chid pre- 
 “ fervation of that truth which I have ever profeffed : 
 “ And as in that refpedt I have a charitable conceit of you, 
 “ I would have you have the like of me alfo, in which I 
 “ did not tranfgrefs : For it is a good horfeman’s part, 
 “ not always to ufe his fpurs, and keep ftrait the reins, 
 “ but fometime to ufe the fpurs, and fuller the reins more 
 “ remifs ; fo it is the part of a wife King, and my age 
 “ and experience in Government hath informed me, fome- 
 “ time to quicken the Laws with flreight executions, and 
 “ at other times, upon juft occafions, to be more remils. 
 “ And I would alfo remove from your thoughts all jea- 
 “ loufies, that I might or ever did queftion or infringe any 
 “ of your lawful Liberties or Privileges ; but I proteft bc- 
 “ fore God, I ever intended you fhould enj»y the fulnefs 
 “ of all thofe that former times give good warrant and 
 “ teftimony of, which, if need be, I will enlarge and 
 “ amplify. 
 
 “ Therefore I would have you, as I have in this place 
 “ heretofore told you, as St. Paul did Timothy , avoid ge- 
 “ nealo^ies and curious queftions, and nice querks and 
 “ jerks of Law’, and idle innovations ; and if you ininifter 
 “ me no juft occafion, I never yet was, nor ever lhall be 
 “ curious or captious to quarrel with you : But I deftre 
 
 you to avoid all doubts and hindrances, and to compofe 
 “ your felves fpeedily and quietly to this weighty affair I 
 “ have propofed ; for that I have found already, delays 
 « have proved dangerous, and have bred diltradtion of this 
 “ bufinefs ; and I would not have you by other occafions 
 “ to negledt or protrad it. God is my judge, I fpeak it 
 “ as a Chriftian King, never any wayfaring man, that 
 “ was in the deferts of Arabia, and in danger of death for 
 14 want of water to quench his thirft, more defired water, 
 44 than I thirft and delire the good and comfortable fuccels 
 44 of this Parliament, and bleifing of your Councils, that 
 
 of ENGLAND. Vo! H 
 
 “ the good iffiie of this may expiate and acquit the Irmt- iu: v 
 “ lefs iffue of the former, And I pray God, your toun- 
 “ fels may advance Religion, and the publick w■...!, n.l 
 44 the good of me and my children.” 
 
 This Speech like the reft made by the Km;- ■ u < *>•■ — h 
 
 liament, was liable to many confutes which rot!'. ■ on . 
 
 hi i fincerity. It coul In nceived tl : - 
 
 lieved he was moic helove.l bv hi.; pcv-le than an} ol his 
 Predecellbrs, fihee no King hath I ■ frequently quartered 
 with his Parliament, winch furcly is :ipit per way to gun 
 the People's affection. Tho f e who were acquainted with 
 the ftate of affairs, thought it very ftrange, the King 
 fhould tell the Parliament, that at the Prince’s arr.va! in 
 Spain, the affair was fo raw as if it had been never treated 
 of, ffnee he had already fumed the marriage nicies, and 
 as to the Palatinate , would not have ;t mentioned bclure 
 the marriage was accompli fired. The fame perfons could 
 not forbear wondring, he fhould take God to witrieft. Ire 
 never fo much as thought or intended to grant a tolera¬ 
 tion to the Papifts, ftnee it was one of the fecret articles 
 of the marriage, and iince without being inlorme.l ol fuch 
 an article, it was eafy to perceive, Pliiip gave his Siller to 
 the Prince of Wales, folely with that view. In fine, 
 fome malicious perfons obferved, that when the King laid, 
 he never intended to invade the people’s lilmtie , the Ji- 
 mile miglit very juftly be applied to him, which himfelt 
 had ufed on another occafion, of the perfon who took a 
 man’s purfe, affuring him he had no defign to rob him. ^ ^ 
 
 A lew days after the King bad delivered his Speech, 
 the two Houfes refolving upon a conference, to examineyj,,,. /fe 
 the affair recommended by the King, the Prince and 
 Buckingham came and informed them ol all paiticu- u , : 
 lars. After the Prince had laid a few words, the Duke / t,.e Mir¬ 
 a's Buckingham begin and made a long Speech, which "‘p'f 
 he divided into fix heads, under colour ol mot*, clearly p^. 
 explaining the affair, but in reality to confound it, and XVil. 5;,6. 
 conceal the mutual coherence of the particulars he was 
 to relate. Under the firft head, he let forth the mo- T , p.119. 
 tives of the Prince’s journey to Spam. In the fecond, Anna!-, 
 he fpoke of the Treaty of the marriage apart by it- P- s 9 ' 
 felf. In the third, he joined together the two aiiaiis of 
 the marriage and Palatinate. In the fourth, he declared 
 the reafons of the Prince’s return. In the filth, he in¬ 
 formed the Parliament of his Majefty’s fubfequent proceed¬ 
 ings in the affairs of the marriage and Palatinate iince the 
 Prince’s return. In the fixth and laft, be fhted the quef- 
 lion, wherein both Houles were to offer to Lis Majefty 
 their advice and Council. Whilft lie was fpeaking, lie Wt . !lloi) . 
 turned, at the end of every point, to the Prince, asking p. 163. 
 him whether what he was fa) ing was not true, to which 
 the Prince did not fail to anlwer. Yes, it is true, or to 
 the like effedl. The intent of this whole Speech was to 
 fhow, the King had been unadvifediy ingaged in the neaty 
 
 of the marriage, by the falfe hopes given him ’ '.I.rl 
 
 of Brijlol: That the Court of Spain new ; ' i.. ! (ins 
 marriage, much lefs the reftitution of the Paiatmatr, tho’ 
 the Lari of Briftol allured cne contrary : Tnat the Prince 
 had been ill ufed in Spain, and m .ch prefed t t :••• Cacho- 
 lick : In a word, lie intimated th.-.t .lie Lari of Brijtal was 
 only to blame, who had abufed his Majefty’s confidence. 
 
 Nothing is more eafy than to accufe an abfent perfon. It Remark on 
 is only concealing what makes for him, giving an ill turn rb “ sp“ cb * 
 to his moft innocent actions, aggravating the faults he may 
 have committed, and loading him with crimes he is not 
 guilty of. This is precifely what the Duke of Bucking¬ 
 ham did in refpedt of the Earl oi Brijlol , with the Prince’s 
 approbation and aid (3). This is fo true, that two years Ruthwonh. 
 alter, the Prince being in the throne, and having hin-lelf T.i.p.2+9, 
 acculed die Earl of high trealon, the Earl in his defence 3 ° 2- 
 to the Parliament, gave a quite different narrative ol the 
 Spanijh negotiation from that of the Duke of Bnrk'mg‘u.m. 
 
 He proved what be laid by unexceptionable Papers, and 
 defied the Duke to anfwer them. He not only affirmed, is. p . 24C. 
 that the Duke’s whole narration was falle, but alio im¬ 
 peached him in form, and trave in his impeachment u> die 
 Houfe of Lords, which remained unanlwered. I lus is 
 fufficient to fhow the fallcnefs of the Duke of Bucking¬ 
 ham’s narrative. So, I think it needlefs to enlarge any 
 more upon this fabject 
 
 The Duke of Buckingham's Speech was received how- The Pa-Us. 
 ever with applaufe, for feveral reafons. birft, He had p/ au t i 
 made a parly in die two Houfes. Secondly, He had pie- Duh. 
 vented the confummation of the marriage in Spam , which V'i'-yj- 
 was verv grateful to the Nation and Parliament. In the R,,rh -v o, 
 third place, he had brought home the Prince, contrary t. 1. p i:6» 
 to all expedfation, and fo removed the juft lears of the • nnr ‘ ! ■ 
 
 l 1 VI • his -an rc'ate only to the PaUtiaate, for the Treaty of Marriage was really concluded before the Prince’s Voyage to '■.fain. Ra P : *- 
 .. 1.11, .p’s Letter to the King, and the Counci.’s Declaration to the Spam lb Ambafl dors, not to. mention 
 . ■ -n:Iv ihow the contrary. But the King had this bole to creep out at h-.re, that he coiiitdercd what he rad. da-v -'no s it ne .. 
 f me Catholic ^-1 only nSitpenli n ol the Penalties, and not as a real Toleration. Pif :n. 
 
 . - The Duke's whole Narr*;i u will be inlorted in this Volume, at the end of Book XIX. 
 
 -rded ti 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 2+. JAMES r. 
 
 . 6 * 4 . 
 
 The Spanilh 
 Ambajfador 
 complaint of 
 the Duke. 
 March 4.. 
 Amuls, 
 
 ?• 93 - 
 
 The Parlia¬ 
 ment take1 
 
 the King 1 
 
 fart. 
 
 Rulhworth. 
 T. 1. p.126. 
 
 229 
 
 be well informed of but in Parliament , and maintaining the 1624, 
 good Government of the Common-wealth. 
 
 How different is this Speech from thofe the King made T£« Cen¬ 
 to the former Parliaments ' But the King’s thoughts are mon> °ff' r 
 not fo vifible in thele expre/fions as the Duke of Bucking- 
 ham s policy, who, after breaking the Prince’s marriage, WillJn, 
 had a mind to pufh his point, and proclaim war with p ‘ 
 
 Spain. To fucceed, a Parliament muft be called, and to 
 
 gain their affedtion, the King muft talk after this manner. Annals. 5 
 
 Some days after, the Commons prefented an addrefs to P 1 9 *‘ 
 the King, offering to grant him three entire Subfidies, and 
 three p ifteenths, upon his publick declaration for difiblving 
 the Treaties of the marriage and the Palatinate. But they 
 took him at his word, concerning his offer that the money 
 fliould be difpofed of by CommiJJioners of their own chu- 
 fing. The King thanked them for their affedtionatc ex- 
 prefiions, and told them, he was relolved for the future 
 folely to confide in his Parliament. After which, he dif- Wilfon, 
 patcheJ a melfenger to the Court of Spain , with his laft p ‘ 7 * 0 ' 
 refolution to break off the Treaty. But upon notice that I,( bai n0 - 
 a [fharp] Petition againft the Popifh Recufants framed by 'n'fiJjp.. 
 the Commons, was going to be prefented to him, he writ tutnagaJjt 
 the following Letter [with his own hand] to Secretary lbc Recu - 
 
 Tie Parlia- 
 
 tbe King to 
 break the 
 Spanifti 
 Match. 
 Will’on. 
 
 Englijh. Finally, the Duke of Buckingham's, narrative be¬ 
 ing attefted by the Prince himfelf, it could not be thought 
 falfe. As the publick was not informed of the fecret cir- 
 cumftances of the negotiation, it is no wonder the Par¬ 
 liament fhould believe what they were told by the King, 
 
 Prince and Duke. But afterwards, when all was difeo- 
 vered, people were of another fentiment. 
 
 The Spanijh Ambaffador being informed of what paffed 
 at the conference between the two Houfes, demanded an 
 audience of the King, and boldly complained, that the 
 Duke had reflected on the King of Spain’s honour (i). 
 
 Adding, if a fubjeft of his Mafter had fpoken thus of the 
 King of England, it would coft him his head. Probably, 
 the Ambaffador had been mif-informed, fince the Duke had 
 not ufed any offenfive expreflions againft the King of Spain. 
 
 He had only infinuated, that Philip’s intention was always 
 to amufe the King and Prince. As the Duke of Bucking¬ 
 ham was now the Parliament’s Favorite, as well as the 
 King’s and Prince’s, both Houfes openly took his part, and 
 prefented an addrefs to his Majefty, declaring, the Duke had 
 laid nothing which could give offence to the King of Spain , 
 and thanked the Duke for his faithful relation attefted by 
 the Prince. The King was fo pleafed with this addrefs, 
 that he went and thanked the two Houfes in a Speech, 
 where he forgot not to proclaim the praifes of his Favo¬ 
 rite. He faid, he could not doubt the truth of his narra¬ 
 tive, becaufe he made the fame to himfelf at his return 
 from Spain. But the King muft have been wilfully 
 blind not to fee the falfenefs of the Duke’s relation, or 
 been ftrangely kept under by the Favorite, if he was 
 made to atteft before the Parliament what he knew to be 
 falfe. 
 
 The Parliament was extremely pleafed to fee the King 
 difpofed to break the Spanijh match, not knowing, or 
 feigning not to know, it was really broken, by the affront 
 put upon the King of Spain. But the King having af¬ 
 firmed, it was yet Res Integra, the two Houfes could not 
 p. 780. f a y otherwife. So forgetting all former occafions of dif- 
 content, and applying themfelves wholly to the affair pro- 
 Rufliworth, pofed by the King, they jointly prefented an addrefs to 
 T. 1 [p. 12.8• Majefty, to advife him to difeontinue the Treaty, be¬ 
 
 gun with Spain , as well for the reftitution of the Palatinate 
 as for the marriage. They grounded their advice upon 
 four principal reafons; the firft was, that in the beginning 
 of the Treaty, the Spaniards infilled only upon Liberty 
 of Confcience to the Infanta and her Family, with the 
 free exercife of their Religion. But that afterwards, taking 
 advantage of the Prince’s being in their power, they im¬ 
 portuned a general Toleration, contrary to the ufage of 
 other Catholick Princes in the like Treaties. That be- 
 lides, the Popilh Fa£lion had increafed to fuch a degree, 
 during the negotiation, that there was no way to fupprefs 
 them as long as the Treaty continued. 
 
 The fecond reafon was, that, during the Treaty, the 
 Protcftant Party in Germany was opprefted, and the Pala¬ 
 tinate invaded : that the Spaniards had deluded the King, 
 and offered indignity to the Prince, by importuning him 
 to change his Religion, contrary to the law of hofpitality 
 and the Privilege of Princes. 
 
 The third was grounded upon the infincerity of the 
 Spaniards , as well in the former overture of marriage for the 
 late Prince Henry as in this ; upon the fcornful propolition 
 made to the King, of the Prince’s turning Catholick ; and 
 upon the deceit ufed in the Treaty of Brujfels , the foie 
 end whereof was to caufe Heidelberg to be taken. 
 
 Laftly, The Parliament added as a fourth reafon, the 
 franfiacion of the Ele&orate to the Duke of Bavaria ; the 
 King of Spain's letter to Condi Olivarez , with the Condi’ s 
 anfwer, which plainly imported, that the Spaniards never 
 intended to accomplifh the marriage ; the fhift devifed 
 by a Junto of Divines, to fend home the Prince without 
 the Lady. 
 
 Tte Kmg All thefe reafons were fo many indirect reproaches to 
 the King for fuffering himfelf to be fo long amufed. But 
 his Majefty, feigning not to perceive it, came to the Par¬ 
 liament, and made a Speech to fhow he could not break 
 off the Treaties, without knowing how to maintain the 
 war which would'unavoidably follow, fince the Palatinate 
 was to be recovered by arms. He declared therefore, if 
 they thought proper to ingage in a war with Spain , he 
 would readily confent, the fupply to be granted fhould be 
 managed by commiffioners appointed by the Parliament. 
 
 Moreover, he promifed the two Houfes, he would not 
 make a Peace without, their advice. He concluded with 
 faying : I am fo defirous to forget all rents in former Par¬ 
 liaments, that it f hall not be my default , if I am not in love 
 with Parliaments , and call them often , and defire to end my 
 Lfe in that entercourfe between me and my People, for the 
 making of good Laws , reforming of fuch abitfes as 1 cannot 
 
 (1) And demanded his Head for fatisfaftion. Rujbiuortb, Tom. I. p. la6. 
 
 j 2 ) 'J{ le ft ; n S in S Petition, which was framed hy the Commpns, and lent to the Lords, was afterwards reduced to another form, and prefented to the Kin?. 
 This which follows here feems to be an Extraft of the firft before it was reduced, the other being reduced to two Petitions. £ec H’ll'en, 0, -784.. 
 
 N055. V01. II, M m ir. ' ‘'take 
 
 the Breach, 
 and demands 
 
 I Doubt not but you have heard what a flinging Petition a- " g V ng10 
 gainjl the Papifis the Ltnuer-Houfe have fent to the April' 3. 
 Higher-Houf this day , that they may jointly prefent it unto Wilfon. 
 me. You know my firm refolution, not to make this a zvar 
 Religion ; and feeing I would be loth to be Cony-catched by p .""oo. 
 my People, I pray you flay the pojl that is going to Spain, Rulhworth. 
 till I meet with my Son, who will be here to-morrow morn- T ‘ I- P ,, 4 - 0< 
 ing : Do it upon pretext of fame more Letters ye are to fend by 
 him ; and if he fhould be gone, bajlen after him to fay him 
 upon fome fuch pretext ; and let none living know of this, as 
 you love me. Sind before two in the afternoon to-tnorrcw t 
 you Jhall without fail hear from me. Farewel. 
 
 Probably, the King imagined, the Parliament in this 
 Petition would have demanded things he had no intention 
 to grant. And therefore, foj fear of t-’ing forced to dif- 
 folve the Parliament, he would not haften the rupture with 
 Spain. But afterwards, being told the Petition (2) con¬ 
 tained nothing of what he dreaded, he fitffered the mef- 
 fenger to depart. As focn as tiic People knew the breach The 
 with Spain was refolved, the whole City of London fhone 'gprej,great 
 with bonfires, which denoted the publick diflike of the breach 
 Spanijh match, and the danger to which Religion had been tbeM^ri. 
 eaepofed. It was not yet known, that another and no lefs agc ’ 
 dangerous marriage was now treating in France. Coke ' 
 
 The Petition, prefented to his Majefty by both Houfes, 
 contained the feven following articles : 
 
 “ F That all Jcfuits and Seminary Priefts may be com- Tie Puition 
 “ manded forthwith to depart out ot the Realm, and not 
 “ to return or come hither again, upon peril of the fevereft King t ' * 
 
 “ penalty of the Laws now in force againft them. Rulhworth. 
 
 “ II. That his Majefty would be pleafed to give charge wilfon. 141 * 
 “ to the Juftices of the Peace, that they take from all AnnaTs’of 
 “ Popilh Recufants all fuch armour, gun-powder and J ames *• 
 
 “ munition of any kind, as any of them have. p ' ,0 °* 
 
 “ III. That all Popilh Recufants be commanded forth- 
 “ with to retire themfelves from or about London, to their 
 “ feveral dwellings, or places by the Laws appointed, and 
 
 “ there to remain confined within five miles of their 
 
 “ dwelling-places : And for that purpofe to difeharge all 
 
 “ by-paft Licences granted unto them ; and that they pre- 
 “ fume not any time thereafter to repair to London, or 
 “ within ten miles of London, or to the King’s Court, or 
 “ to the Prince’s Court wherefoever. 
 
 “ IV. That his Majefty would forbid and reftrain the 
 “ great refort of his own Subjects, for the hearing of Mafs, 
 
 “ to the houfes of foreign Ambailadors. 
 
 “ V. That his Majefty would be pleafed to difeharge 
 “ Popilh Recufants from thofe places of truft, [as Lords 
 “ Lieutenants, Juftices of Peace, CuV.] by which they 
 “ have that power in the Country where they live as is 
 <c not fit to be put into the hands of perfons fo af- 
 “ fe&ed. 
 
 “ VI. That his Majefty' would be pleafed generally to 
 “ P ut the Laws in due execution againft Popilh Recufants; 
 
 “ and that all his Judges, Juftices, &c. may be com- 
 “ manded to do their Duty therein. 
 
 “ VII. That feeing they were happily delivered from 
 “ that danger which the Treaties with Spain would cer- 
 “ tainly have drawn upon England, his Majefty would be 
 “ pleafed to engage his royal word, that upon no occafion 
 “ of marriage or treaty, or other requeft in that behalf 
 “ from any foreign Prince or States whatfoever, he will 
 
2 3 0 
 
 |624. 
 
 Vol. If. 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 <c take off, or flacken the execution of the Laws againft 
 “ the Popilh Recufants (z).” 
 
 To which Petition his Majefty returned this anfwer 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen of both HouJ'es , 
 
 w’ni'wer^ ’ “ T ^ annot I iut commend your zeal in offering this Peti- 
 Rufhworth, “ - 1 - tion to me ; vet on the other fide, I cannot but hold 
 T.i. p.143. ‘ l 2 my felf unfortuiiate, that I fhould be thought to need a 
 Annals' of “ fp ur t0 l h at w ^' c h m Y conference and duty binds me 
 James 1. “ unto. What Religion I am of, my books do declare, 
 
 p. joi. “ my profeffion and behaviour doth fhew ; and I hope in 
 
 “ God I fhall never live to be thought otherwife ; fureiy 
 “ I lhall never deferve it; and for my part, I wifh it may 
 “ be written in Marble, and remain to pofterity as a 
 “ mark upon me, when I fhall fwerve from my Religion 
 “ for he that doth diffemble with God, is not to be trufted 
 “ with men. 
 
 “ My Lords, for my part I proteft before God, that 
 c my heart hath bled when I have heard of the encreafe 
 “ of Popery ; God is my Judge, it hath been fuch a great 
 “ grief to me, that it hath been as thorns in my eyes, and 
 “ pricks in my Tides ; and fo far have I been, and fhall 
 * l be from turning another way. And, my Lords and 
 “ Gentlemen, you fhall be my ConfefTors, that one way 
 “ or other it hath been my defire to hinder the growth 
 “ of Popery ; and I could not bean honeft man if I fhould 
 “ have done otherwife. And this I may fay further, that 
 “ if I be not a Martyr, I am fure I am a Confeffor ; and 
 “ in fome fenfe I may be called a Martyr, as in the Scrip- 
 “ ture Ifaac was perfecuted bv IJhmael by mocking words : 
 “ for never King fullered more ill Tongues than I have 
 “ done, and I am fure for no caufe ; yet I have been far 
 “ from perlecution ; for I have ever thought that no way 
 
 more cncreafed any Religion than perfecution, accord- 
 tc ing to that faying, Sanguis Martyrum ejl Jemcn ecclefitz. 
 
 “ Now, my Lords and Gentlemen, for your Petition, 
 “ I will not only grant the fubftance of what you crave, 
 “ but add fomewhat more of my own ; for the two Trea- 
 “ ties being already annulled, ( as I have declared them 
 “ to be) it necelfarily follows of itfelf, that which you de- 
 “ fire, and therefore it needs no more ; but that I do de- 
 “ clare by Proclamation, (which I am ready to do ) that 
 “ all Jefuits and Triefls do depart by a day; but it cannot 
 “ be as you delire by our Proclamation, to be out of all 
 “ iny dominions; for a Proclamation here extends but to 
 “ this Kingdom. 
 
 “ This I will do and more, I will command all my 
 “ Judges when they go their circuits to keep the fame 
 “ courles, for putting all the Laws in execution againft 
 “ Recufants, as they were wont to do before thefe Trea- 
 “ ties, for the Laws are ftill in force, and were never dif- 
 “ penfed with by me : God is my judge, they wei'c never 
 “ fo intended by me, but as I told you in the beginning of 
 “ the Parliament, you muft give me leave, as a good 
 “ horfeman, fometimes to ufe the reins,- and not always 
 “ to ufe the fpurs : So now there needs nothing but my 
 tl Declaration for the difarming of them ; that is ready 
 <c done by the Laws, and fhall be done as you defired : 
 “ and more, I will take order for the fhameful diforder of 
 “ the reforting of my fubjeifts to all foreign Ambaifadors; 
 “ for this I will advife with my Council how it may be 
 11 heft reformed. It is true, that the houfes of Ambafl'a- 
 “ dors are privileged places; and though they cannot take 
 tc them out of their houfes, yet the Lord Mayor, and Mr. 
 “ Recorder of London , may take fome of them as they 
 “ come from thence, and make them examples: Another 
 “ Point I will add concerning the education of their chil- 
 <c dren, of which I have had a principal care, as the Lord 
 “ of Canterbury , and the Bilhop of Winehejler , and other 
 <c Lords of my Council can bear me witnefs, with whom 
 <c I have advifed about this bufinefs; for in good faith it is 
 <c a fhame, their children fhould be bred here as if they 
 “ were at Rome. So I do grant not only your defire, but 
 tc more. I am forty I was not the firft mover of it to 
 “ you, but had you not done it, I would have done it my 
 “ felf. 
 
 c< Now for the fecond part of your Petition, you have 
 £C here given me the beft advice in the world ; for it is 
 cc againft the rule of wifdom, that a King fhould fuffer 
 “ any of his Subjects to tranfgrefs the Laws, by the in- 
 “ terceffion of other Princes ; and therefore allure your 
 “ felves, that (by the Grace of God) I will be careful 
 ‘ c that no fuch conditions be foifted in upon any other 
 “ Yreaty whatfoever; for it is fit my fubje&s fhould ftand 
 <: and fall to their own Laws.” 
 
 (1) This Petition, after it was reduced to another form, and fo prefented to 
 three firft and the laft nt thefe. 
 
 (2) This Obfervation is built upon Otir Authors miftake, in imagining the 
 was nrw modelled, and the 1 1 Id. and Vth. Articles, Gfc. left out. So it is 11 
 as it was prelented to the King, is to be leen in If'ilfon, p. 7S4. 
 
 of E N G L A N I). 
 
 What a happy harmony is here between the King and 1614. 
 his Parliaznent! Nothing can be more affable, more obliging 
 than this anfwer, and the free and eafy manner wherewith 
 he came into the meafures of the two Houfes. To render 
 their happinefs compleat, nothing was wanting, but the 
 performance of the King's promifes, which, how carefully 
 lie obferved, will prefently appear. 
 
 The King had artfully avoided to anfwer the two prin- TbiF.i’\s- 
 cipa! Articles of the Petition, namely, the Hid and Vth, r ff.iff 
 where the Parliament required, that all Papiits fhouid be „ Hjt f ■ 
 removed from London and the Court, and difeharged from 
 all places of truft. Had he confentcd to thefe two zequefts, 
 the face of the Court would have been entirely changed. P . 
 
 The Duke of Buckinghams mother, who, by her Sun's 
 means, difpofed of all the Offices, muft have been removed. 
 
 His Duchefs would alfo have been of this number, as well 
 as one of the Secretaries of State, with many others who 
 had confiderable places at Court, and in the Country (2). 
 
 The King’s filence on this head, caufed the Parliament to 
 draw a lift of fifty feven popifh Lords and Knights, who 
 were in publick Offices, and prelent it to the King. But 
 it does not appear that he took much notice of it. As if 
 nearly concerned the Duke of Buckingham , very probahlv, 
 he hindered the King from giving the Parliament anv la 
 tisfadfion in this point, and the Houfes did not much in¬ 
 fill upon it, that they might not too openly offend a Lord, 
 whofe credit was fo great both with the King and Prince. 
 
 But though no Englijhman dared to attack the favorite The Spanilh 
 diredlly, a foreigner however undertook to ruin him in the Amkiffador 
 King’s favour, namely, the Marquifs of Inoiofa the Spanijh 
 Ambaffador, who being enraged at the unworthy manner - < '/ ? B-ack- 
 of the Duke’s breaking off the marriage, burned with de- ,3 
 fire to revenge the King his Mafter and the Infanta. One cokc.”^" 
 day, as the King had few about him, he to< an oppor n • ... 
 tunity to give him a Paper, with a wink to , aceal ic. :j.'y 
 The King put it into his pocket, and withdrew to hi-. ' pI44 ’ 
 clofet to read it. He was exceedingly furprized to fee the 
 following particulars. 
 
 c< I. That he was kept from all faithful fervants, that Coke- 
 lt would inform him, by the Minifters of the Prince and p- «S4- 
 <c Duke, and was a prifoner as much as King John of 
 
 France in England, or King Francis at Madrid, and n. ; , ket, 
 
 “ could not be fpoken with, hut before fuch as watched p- 1 
 “ him. 
 
 “ II. That there was a ftrong and violent machination 
 “ in hand, which had turned the Prince, a mod obedi- 
 “ ent Son, to a quite contrary courfe to his Majefty’s in- 
 tc tentions. 
 
 “ III. That the Council began laft fummer at Madrid , 
 
 <c but was lately refolved on in England , to reftrain his 
 “ Majefty from the exercife of the Government of his 
 <c Kingdoms ; and that the Prince and Duke had defigned 
 “ fuch Commiffioners under themfelves, as fhould intend 
 “ great affairs, and the publick good. 
 
 “ IV. That this fhould be etfe&cd by beginning of a 
 “ war, and keeping fome companies on foot in this Land, 
 
 “ whereby to conftrain his Majefty to yield to any thing, 
 tc chiefly being brought into ftraits for want of monies to 
 “ pay the Soldiers. 
 
 “ V. That the Prince and Duke’s enclofing his Ma- 
 “ jefty from tire faid Ambaifadors, and others of bis own 
 “ loyal People, that they might not come near him in pri 
 “ vate, did argue in them a fear and diftruft of a good con- 
 “ fcience. 
 
 “ VI. That the eniiffarics of the Duke had brought his 
 tc Majefty into contempt with the potent men of this 
 “ Realm, traducing him for flothful and unadfive, for ad- 
 ec diction to an inglorious Peace, while the inheritance of 
 “ his Daughter and her Children is in the hands of his 
 “ foes ; and this appeared by a Letter which the Duke had 
 “ writ into Holland, and they had intercepted. 
 
 “ VII. That his Majefty’s honour, nay, his Crown and 
 “ Safety, did depend upon a fudden dillolution of the Par- 
 “ liament. 
 
 <c VIII. They loaded the Duke with fundry mifde 
 “ meanors in Spain , and his violent oppofition to the 
 “ match. 
 
 “ IX. That the Duke had divulged the King’s fccrets, 
 
 “ and the clofe defigns between his Majefty and theiz 
 “ mafter King Philip, about the States of Holland, and 
 “ their Provinces, and laboured to put his Majefty out of 
 <c the good opinion of the Hollanders. 
 
 “ X. That the Duke was guilty of moft corrupt dealing 
 <l with the Ambaffadors of divers Princes. 
 
 “ XI. That all thefe things were carried on in the 
 “ Parliament with an head-ftrong violence, and that the 
 
 us Majefty, confift/d on'y of two Articles, which were much the fame with the 
 
 V.ition containing the feven Articles, was prefented to the King ; whereas ir 
 wander the King Ihould not take notice ot them in his Spwch. The Petition. 
 
 Duke 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 24. JAMES I. 
 
 *3* 
 
 1624. 
 
 n. k., s 
 
 yntertain 1 
 
 '■a/'i/? fit 
 iiPf.nct and 
 Duke. 
 
 Tbe Duke 11 
 tpon the 
 Ipo/nf 0/ 
 
 Me 
 
 xatdtd. 
 
 Backet, 
 
 ». 196. 
 liVilfon. 
 Coke, 
 ■Weldon. 
 
 ;>• >S3»»S4‘ 
 
 Hacket. 
 
 •'pite of tbe 
 
 Wilfon. 
 
 B>- 7 8 7- 
 (Clarendon. 
 
 IT. I. P . 19i 
 
 iWeldon. 
 
 I*- 142,166. 
 
 friowes. 
 
 Coke. 
 
 7 be King i 
 
 1 kept under 
 by tbe I'rim 
 land Duke. 
 
 c< Duke was the caufe of it, who courted them only that 
 “ were of troubled humouis. 
 
 “ XII. That fuch bitternefs and ignominies were vent- 
 “ ed in Parliament againft the King of Spain , as were 
 <c againft all good manners and honour of the Englijh 
 “ Nation. 
 
 “ XIII. That the Puritans (of whom the Duke was 
 “ head ) did wifh they could bring it about, that the 
 “ Succeffion of the Kingdom might come to the Prince 
 “ Palatine and his Children, in right of the Lady Eli- 
 “ zabeth .” 
 
 In a Poftfcript, the Paper prayed the King, That the 
 Secretary to the Marquifs Inoiofa , might be brought to the 
 King, when the Prince and Duke were fitting in the 
 Lords Houfe, to fatisfy fuch doubts as the King might 
 raife. 
 
 The King talked with the Secretary, and difeourfed like- 
 wife in private with Padre Maejlro a SpaniJ') Jefuit. It 
 is not known what thefe men told him (i) ; but the King 
 was perceived, after thefe converfations, to grow very me¬ 
 lancholy, and his temper to be entirely altered. He affec¬ 
 ted, in fpeaking to the Prince and Duke, to ufe broken 
 and myfterious expreffions, which fhowed that fomething 
 ‘ lay heavy upon his mind (2). At laft, the King going one 
 day to iVindfor , and taking Coach at St. James’ s, ordered 
 the Duke (3), on fume flight pretence, to ftay behind. 
 Then the Duke no longer doubting his difgrace, befought 
 him for God’s fake, to tell him what was laid to his charge. 
 The King only anfwered, he was the unhappieft man alive, 
 to be forfaken of thofe who were moft dear to him (4), and 
 taking the Prince his Soft with him, left Buckingham at 
 London. The Duke retired to his own houfe, overwhelmed 
 witli grief, and thinking himfelf irrecoverably ruined. But 
 by the advice of the Lord-Keeper Williams , he went im¬ 
 mediately to IVindfor ■, where he found means to remove the 
 King’s fufpicions. At leaft, the King feigned to be cured 
 of them. But the Earl of Clarendon confirms in his Hif- 
 tory, what is affured by others, that the Duke had entirely 
 loft the King’s favour. Mean while, James was naturally 
 fo timorous, that, inftead of freeing himfelf from a favo¬ 
 rite, whom he might eafily have difcarded, he gave himfelf 
 up more and more to him, fo apprehenfive was he of his 
 union with the Prince. He impatiently expetfted the Earl 
 of Brijlol’s arrival, to ufe his advice : but means were found 
 to prevent him from declaring his mind to him, and even 
 of fpeaking to him. 
 
 Before the Parliament broke up, the King received a 
 frefh mortification from the Prince and Duke. Whilft 
 they were in Spain , Lionel Cranfield , Lord-Treafurer, 
 lately created Earl of Middlefex , having the courage to re- 
 fufe them fometimes the exorbitant fums they demanded, 
 they refolved to ruin him at their return. They made ufe 
 for that purpofe of their credit with the Parliament, and 
 caufed him to be accufed by their creatures, of mifmanage- 
 ment in the difeharge of his office. The King knowing 
 this came from them, defired them for God’s fake, to ufe 
 their intereft with the two Houfes to drop the impeach¬ 
 ment : but they remained inflexible and unmoved at all 
 the King’s intreaties. So the Lord-Treafurer was con¬ 
 demned in a Fine of fifty thoufand pounds, and declared 
 uncapable of ever fitting in the Houfe of Peers. All the 
 Hiftorians agree, he did not deferve fo rigorous a treat¬ 
 ment. But the Duke who had raifed him from the 
 duft, had a mind to fhow he was powerful enough to re¬ 
 duce him to his primitive ftate, for an example to all who 
 fhould dare to refill him. After this it muft not be 
 .thought ftrange, if the King, when he fpoke to this Par¬ 
 liament, appeared fo different from what he was with re- 
 fpe£t to the two former. Not that he had changed his fen- 
 timents and maxims, but durft not do any tiling without 
 the dire&ion of the Prince and Duke, who had formed 
 projects to which a Parliament was necefl'ary. The Earl 
 of Clarendon affirms, the King was extremely furprized in 
 the beginning of this Parliament, when he was informed 
 oi the contents of the Duke of Buckingham's narration, 
 
 concerning the Treaty of marriage: 2 narration, fays that 1624 
 famous Hiftorian, which, for the moft part, the King 
 himfelf knew to be untrue. Mean while, he had the 
 weaknefs, as I faid, to atteft the truth of it, and to affure, 
 the Duke had faid the fame things to him. There cannot 
 be a clearer evidence of his fubjection to the Prince and 
 Favorite. 
 
 Here is alfo another remarkable proof of the Kind’s He it f^-i 
 weaknefs or fears. He faw no remedy but in the Earl of ro l!:rn ,bt 
 Brijlol's counfels, whofe return he impatiently expe&ed BruLKut 
 And yet, nofooner was this Lord arrived in England , but */ Fa-v-ur. 
 the King was conftrained to fend him exprefs orders at f la j end ™;, 
 Dover , not to come to Court, but remain at his own wiifon. 
 houfe till he had anfwered certain queftions, which fhould be 
 put to him by fome of the Council. The Parliament May 29- 
 being prorogued fhortly after, the Earl frequently writ to 
 the King, to defire he might be examined. The King 
 wilhed it; but it was not the Prince’s or Buckingham's in¬ 
 tereft, who ftill found frelh excufes to defer the examina¬ 
 tion. The Earl was however examined at laft, after much The tar) 
 follicitation, and returned fuch anfwers, that his examiners ° n r J? rift ° r * 
 could not help declaring, his conduit was unblameable. Ruih worth. 
 But this could not procure him his liberty or admittance T - p-*57- 
 into the King’s prefence. Some time after, the Duke fent ® c ‘ 
 him word, he was much miftaken, if he imagined his 
 anfwers were fatisfaitory to the King, the Prince, or to 
 him the Duke; but his only way to come into favour 
 again, was to make the confeffion he had fent him. The 
 Earl refufed it, and the King told Buckingham , it was 
 horrible tyranny to make an innocent perfon confefs faults 
 of which he was not guilty. Notwithftanding all this, it 
 was not in his power to fpeak with the Earl, becaufe the 
 Prince and Duke did not think it proper. 
 
 The Parliament being prorogued (5), it was necefl'ary The King 
 to think of the war. 7 he aid granted the King was very f tnd ‘ f ,x 
 confiderable (6). It was computed that with this money Mnlnto 
 he might fend twenty five thoufand men into the Pa la- Holland. 
 tinate, under the command of an Englijh General. But Wilfon » 
 the Court had already taken other meafures. Six thoufand Lffiwordi 
 men only were therefore fent into Holland (7), to ferve in T. 1. p.151’. 
 the army of the States, under the command of the Prince Annals ’ 
 of Orange , and other troops were levied for Count Mans- P ' X ° 3 ’ 
 feldt^ who was during the winter to open himfelf a paffage 
 into the Palatinate. 
 
 Mean while, [Henry Earl of Holland, who had t.«, .) 
 
 been difpatched into France , having fent word that tbc Pr,nce ' t 
 Lewis XIII. was inclined to liften to°the overture of a w,>Th£- 
 marriage between the Prince of Wales and his Sifter the rietta 
 Princefs Henrietta Maria, the King appointed f James F ' anct - 
 Hay] Earl of Carlifie to go and negotiate the affair jointly xviif60*6. 
 with him. The two Ambaffadors repairing to Compiegnc, Wilfon. 
 where the Court of France was, Commiffioners were no- £ 
 minated to treat with them, of whom the Marquifs de la Coke. ’ 
 VieuviUe Super-intendant of the Finances was the firft. 
 
 The conferences began a few days after the prorogation Of Tbe King 
 the Parliament, when the King, according to his promife, executcl f be 
 was putting the Laws in execution againft Popijh Recufants, r (C u . 
 particularly againft Friers and Priefts, fome of whom were %*ti. 
 thrown into prifon. Aft. Pub. 
 
 This feverity canfed the Catholicks to exclaim, who ex- 
 pc&ed a very different treatment a few months before, pi am to da 
 T hey could not forbear complaining, that whereas the ne- Kjr ' i ' 
 gotiation of the Spanijh match had procured them great 
 eafe, this with France feemed on the contrary to ferve on¬ 
 ly to increafe their miferies. Several writ to France in that 
 ftrain, intimating they had nothing to truft to but the pi¬ 
 ety, zeal, and protection of Lewis. Among others, a 
 Scotch Francifcan wrote upon this fubjett to Hugo Archbi- 
 fhop of Arnbrun , who had been General of the Order, 
 and to whom he was known. The Archbifbop fhowed 
 the Letter to the King; and aggravated the fufferings of 
 the Englijh Catholicks, who expected relief only from his 
 interceffion. The King of France had already done his utmoft 
 to pacify the Englijh Catholicks, alluring them by Tillieri 
 his Ambaflador at London, that he would not forget them. 
 
 But their repeated complaints obliged him at length to take 
 
 or h n d U ,T tk O,nfcir,0 r* * h . at th ' K i?e or his procurement, to be killed, but whether by Poifon, Fiftoi, 
 
 aftrWrtfert’J th- V* T ’ 53 ' j • t0 i Buck,n & bam « 'he next Interview, Ah, Steiny, Steiny, wi It tbou kill me ? The Duke 
 
 nfton/hed at th,s Expseffion Measured with the ftrongeftProteftat.ons, to juftify hi, integrity, which the King readily believed. Wilfon, p . 7 g, ’ 
 
 - examined upon Oath; but nothing was difeovered. Rujbtoortb, Tom. I. 
 
 the King’s Pri 
 p. 144. 
 
 (3) As L he ” as putting hit Foot in the Coach, which drew Tears from him. See Hacket, p. 106. 
 
 (4) This the King uttered with Tears in his Eyes, which was received in the fame manner by the Prince and Duke. Hacket, p. to 7 . 
 
 (5) It was prorogued on May 29, to November 1. Journ. Part. > r y/ 
 
 ^(6) It was three entire Subfidies, and three Fifteenths and Tenths from the Laity ; and four entire Subfidiea from the Clergy. Of the Laity’s Aid ‘ciaht 
 
 appointed to be TreafUrers, and teno.her Ptofcni to^teof hi. M.jeftyj. Council for the War ; without whofe Warrant no Money was 
 
 ere to be accountable to the Commons in Parliament. See 
 . One concerning Monopolies, and Difpenfations with penal 
 
 per Cent. InterefUfcall be given for Monefi. 4. For the relief of cTeditt.. **"” "* ' **. ^ 
 
 J long t 
 
 f London w 
 
 to be ill'ued out by the Tr'eafurers, 
 
 „ 2 --» —'' upon any o'her account, but for the War : And both v 
 
 Rotul. Part, and Statut. 21. Jac. c- 34.--—The Adis made in this Parliament were thefe 1 
 
 - ,h = - *1 w *..***f sss ;-si TiZTzrzri. 
 
 for everv Oath , ,1 , f r 4 ' '"i J C, jf Uors a g ainfl Bankrupts. 5. That prophane Swearers and Curfers (hall pay twelve hence 
 
 lor every Oath, to the ufe of the poor. 6. For making the River name: navigable as far as Oxford. The reft being t ' ' '■ 
 
 n the Statute-Book, 
 il) Their Commanders wet 
 Willoughby. Wilfon, p. 7 8 7 . 
 
 be infer ted here, may be 
 
 : Henry de Vert Earl of Oxford, Hlr.ry Wrhtbefy Earl of Southampton, Robert Devertitx Earl 0 f EJftx, and Robert B.rt'le 1 
 
 fome 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 232 
 
 The BISTORT of E NGLAND, 
 
 . 6 H . 
 
 Lewis lends 
 etc Arch, 
 bjhop of 
 
 James. 
 
 Deageant’a 
 
 James re- 
 
 gr.crf'y. 
 
 Conference) 
 
 between the 
 
 King and 
 tbe Arcb- 
 bifbop of 
 Ambrun. 
 De.igeant’1 
 Mem. 
 
 Wei wood. 
 Notes on 
 Wilfon. 
 p. 7S6. 
 
 Deageant'a 
 
 Mem. 
 
 Tbe Kings 
 Engagement 
 according to 
 
 fome ftep in their favour, and the rather, as he was afraid, 
 they would obftrudt the Pope’s difpenfation, which would 
 foon be wanted. He refolved therefore to fend to James 
 a fecret agent to intercede for the Catholicks, and chofe 
 for that purpofe the Archbifhop of Ambrun , who came to 
 London in difguife, and palled for a Counfellor of the Par¬ 
 liament of Grenoble. At his arrival, he waited upon Buc¬ 
 kingham, who feemed very much inclined to countenance 
 his negotiation. The Countefs of Buckingham the Duke’s 
 Mother, the Earl of Rutland , and fome other Catholicks 
 did the Archbifhop great fervices, and acquainted him with 
 many things, neceilary to be known, in order to fucceed 
 in his deligns. The King being informed that the Arch¬ 
 bifhop defired to fpeak with him, fent for him to Royjlon , 
 where he then was, confined to his bed with the gout. 
 The Archbifhop’s firft conference with the King, was fol¬ 
 lowed by the releafe of feveral Popijh Recufants, imprifon- 
 ed fince the Parliament’s Petition. Moreover, the King 
 gave the Archbifhop leave to adminifter Confirmation in 
 the French Ambaflador’s houfe, to all that fhould apply 
 for it. This was done in fo publick a manner, that not 
 only the houfe, but the ftreet itfelf, was crowded with peo¬ 
 ple. If the Archbifhop’s own narrative may be credited, 
 he confirmed above ten thoufand perfons, which feems to me a 
 little exaggerated. However this be, the number mull have 
 been great, fince the Magiftrates of London complained ot 
 it to the King, who owned, it was done with his leave. 
 And yet he had very lately told the Parliament, it was a 
 fliame to fuffer fuch crowds of Papifts at Ambafladors 
 houfes. 
 
 From that time, the King had feveral conferences with 
 this Prelate, and one day as he was expreffing his earneft 
 defire to live in find! union with the King of France , the 
 Archbifhop took occafion to tell him, that one of the belt 
 means to that end, was to grant a full toleration to the 
 Catholicks. Whereupon the King fqueezing him by the 
 hand, faid thele words to him : I perceive you are the Alan 
 fent me from God , to whom / may freely open my mind. 
 Adding, “ He had always a good opinion of the Catho- 
 “ lick Religion, and for it had often been in danger of af- 
 “ faffination during his Minority: He intended to grant 
 “ a full toleration to the Catholicks; and in order to fuc- 
 “ ceed, meant to caufe an Afl'embly of Divines, as well 
 
 foreign as Englijh , to be held, and therein to be decided, 
 “ that it was neceflary to grant an univerfal Liberty of 
 “ Confcience : and he had already call his eyes on the 
 “ Englijh Divines to be fent thither : If the Aflembly 
 “ could not be held at Dover , he would agree it fhould be 
 tc at Boulogne , as foon as his Son’s marriage fecured him 
 “ the afliftance of France : He thought proper that the 
 “ Archbifhop fhould now return to France , under colour 
 “ of waiting on the Princefs, and he would fend him two 
 “ Letters under his own hand, one for the Pope, the 0- 
 <c ther for the King of France, wherein his project fhould 
 “ be more fully explained : He would alfo give him a 
 “ Memorial on the fame fubjeft, that being armed with 
 “ thefe two Papers, he might go and negotiate at Rome 
 “ with the Pope, for whom he had a very great refpedt, 
 “ being obliged to him fora copy of verfes lie had for- 
 “ merly [when Cardinal ] made upon the Queen his 
 “ mother and the houfe of Stewart.’' At the fame time 
 he fhowed the verfes to the Archbifhop, and then faid, 
 “ If he returned from Rome, with the Pope’s approbation, 
 “ concerning the Aflembly, it fhould be immediately held, 
 “ and he did not queftion, it would be very advantagious to 
 “ the Catholick Religion. In the mean time, he intend- 
 “ ed to negotiate with the Proteftant Princes of Germany , 
 ‘ l and endeavour to gain fome of the chief Puritan Lords 
 “ in England and Scotland. 1 ’ 
 
 On fuppofition of the truth of this extract from the 
 Archbifhop of Ambrun’ s narrative, at the end of Deageant’s 
 Memoirs , all that can be inferred from it, is, that James 
 had formed a chimerical project of a mutual Toleration 
 throughout Chriftendom, and thought himfelf qualified to 
 efte£t it, with the afliftance of France. But Deagcant fays 
 fomething more. He affirms, James writ a Letter to the 
 Pope, and fent it by an Englijh Roman Catholick Gentle¬ 
 man. In this Letter, according to that Author, “ He 
 ct owns the Pope for Chrift’s Vicar upon earth, and Head 
 “ of the Church Univerfal. He afTures him he intends to 
 “ declare himfelf a Catholick, as foon as he has provided 
 “ againft fome inconveniences which he forefees his decla- 
 ration may caufe. He promifes, the Priefts fhall not be 
 “ difturbed who are fent into England by his Holinefs or 
 “ the King of France, unlefs they are Jefuits. More- 
 “ over, defires the Pope not to think of caufing to be 
 “ reftored to the Church, the Abbey-Lands granted or 
 tc fold to the principal Families in the Kingdom, for fear 
 “ of ruining the whole projedh He fays further, nothing 
 “ hinders him from openly profeffing the Catholick Reli- 
 “ gion, but his hopes of gaining firft his Brother-in-law 
 3 
 
 “ the King of Denmark, to whom he had fent to defire 1624. 
 
 “ him, on fome other pretence, to come to England. And 
 “ when they two fhall be clofely united in the fame de- 
 “ fign, he does not doubt but they fhall prevail upon moft 
 “ of the other Proteftant Princes.” 
 
 Deageant afTures, no-body knew of this Letter but Buck¬ 
 ingham and the bearer: however does not fay how he him¬ 
 felf came to know the contents. To fpeak the truth, I 
 can hardly believe, James really intended to declare himfelf 
 a Catholick : or if he did intend it, would write fuch a 
 Letlei to the Pope, in his prefent circumfiances. In 
 fhort, I think it very unlikely th: Letter fhould fall into 
 Deageant’s hands. So, I fufpedl, this Author’s relation 
 was only communicated to him by fome Englijh Catho¬ 
 lick, on whole Tcftimony whether we may rely, cannot be 
 known. 
 
 The Archbifhop of Ambrun’ s narrative is much more Remark on 
 probable ; firft, becaufe that Prelate relates only what he tbit Subject. 
 had himfelf from the King’s own mouth : Secondly, be¬ 
 caufe he fays nothing but what is agreeable to that Prince’s 
 conduit through the whole courfe of his life. His religious 
 notions were very particular, and not embraced by the 
 Proteftants. He believed that difference of opinion, with 
 refpeit to the doflrir.es of Tranfubftantiation, Invocation 
 of Saints, and the otiv.r Tenets which diftinguifhed the 
 two Religions, and were by him confidered as School-Quef- 
 tions, was not fufficient to juftify a Schifm. Confequent- 
 ly the Roman and Prolefant Churches were one and the 
 fame Church, from whence he inferred, it was incumbent 
 upon all Chriftians mutually to fupport one another, and 
 live like brethren. It followed equally from this principle, 
 that the Proteftants ought not to perfecute or moleft the 
 Catholicks, nor the Catholicks the Proteftants. He ob- 
 ferved this rule himfelf very punctually, but without any 
 juft foundation that the Catholick Princes would follow the 
 fame maxim. So, the fcheme of an univerfal Toleration, 
 which 'he meant to eftablifh among all Chriftians, was 
 properly but a chimera, fince he had not fufficient autho¬ 
 rity to make all the world come into his meafures. Mean 
 while, as his maxims obliged him to look upon the Ca¬ 
 tholicks with a different eye from what other Proteftants 
 did, it is no wonder that be pafied, with the Proteftants 
 and the Papifts themfelves, for a Prince wcll-aftefled to 
 the Catholick Religion. And indeed, fo far was lie from 
 having any averfion to that Religion, that he confidered 
 the Church of Rome as the Mother-Church, from whence 
 the Proteftant-Church was fprung, and doubtlefs, had it 
 been in his power to unite them, he would have given 
 the preference to the firft, leaving every one free to believe 
 what he pleafed concerning the Doflrines. There was 
 but one thing that embarafled him, namely, the exorbi¬ 
 tant power aferibed to the Pope, and the damnable maxim 
 of the lawfulnefs of murdering Kings on account of Reli¬ 
 gion. To free himfelf from this embaraftment, he en¬ 
 deavoured to deceive himfelf, by imagining, there were 
 but very few Catholicks, who were poffefTed with the 
 Pope’s unlimited power, and that the King-killing deflrine 
 was peculiar to the Jefuits. On the other hand, Purita- 
 nifm in the Proteftant Religion was fo odious to him, 
 that, probably, lie would, if he could, have excluded the 
 Puritans from the general Toleration he a. willing to 
 grant to all other Chriftians. King Jan.cs ha ! the misfor¬ 
 tune to govern himfelf by general maxims, without con- 
 fidering, fuch maxims could not bo always adapted to par- 
 ticular cafes. H 1 ... n were of 
 
 the fame nature with his opinions about Monarchy, the 
 general principles whereof he applied to the Government 
 of England , contrary to the particular Conftitution of that 
 Kingdom. 
 
 Whilft the Archbilhop of Ambrun was in England , the 77■ Treaty 
 negotiation of the marriage was continued in France, be- •/ !bt 
 tween the Englijh Ambafladors and the French Commif- f;fj,g e it 
 fioners. The Englijh propofed at firft the continuation of earned on i* 
 the Treaty, formerly begun for Prince Henry's marriage I '‘ Jnce ‘ 
 with the Princefs Chrjlina, who efpoufed the Duke of 
 Savoy. But this motion was rejected by the French Com- 
 mifiioners; firft, becaufe that negotiation was properly but 
 juft fet on foot: Secondly, becaufe France would not be 
 contented with lefs than was offered by the King <. f 
 England , for the Prince of Haled s marriage wnii the In¬ 
 fanta of Spain. So, the French Commiffioners demanded 
 in their turn, that the Articles c cerning I 
 to Spain, fhould ferve for foundation to the prefer; t Trea' v ‘ a 
 The Ambafladors expedied this demand, and by tin ir p: 
 vate inftruflions knew how to proceed, but pretend , 
 they could not grant what was demanded, without frei • 
 orders. They fent thereft re a Courier to London, but tl.e 
 Court of France knew it was not upon that account, f>>, 
 thev were prefled the more earneftly, to declare what th y 
 would grant with refpefl to Religion. At laft, after foir.e 
 follicitation, they offered the Articles agreed upon wu.o 
 Spain , except four, naruciv liberty of Confciewr to 
 
Book XVIIi. 
 
 24- JAMES I, 
 
 1624. 
 
 Lift of 
 Cardinal 
 Richelieu. 
 
 Catholicks : A Church in London : The education of the unfcafonrblv erOofe hie nmhnn'ng t a 1 • 
 
 ch,ldr e „ by the Queen till ten years old : A Bifhop with fttion.a'fS <S££l whK£ tav e'^Jid 
 
 ecclefiafltcal Authority over the Princefs's family. Theft longer had it been the (’»,rt rf P ■ n d 
 
 four Articles were much debated, and at length, the Am- lonf it But Sinai A C l , T T' 
 
 bait; 
 
 cles U6h The frU, 'I efS “ '"T* I 7 T UP ° n ** 7 ° Ar,i ‘ ,be b ‘ l ” e ad ™'ages were ftipula’ted for the CathohcltT" as 
 * The portion was fettled without much trouble. The in thofe of Madrid. The articles of the Treaty wer ' 
 France offered eight-hundred-thoufand crowns, on I. Hk PhriUkn i\/r‘ 
 
 t“ttivu wiuiuui iiiucii uuuoie. i ne 
 K-ing of France offered eight-hundred-thoufand crowns, on 
 condition the Prince affigned a jointure of fixty-thoufand 
 crowns a year ; which offer with the condition was ac¬ 
 cepted. So, in all appearance, this affair was to be ended 
 in a very fliort fpace, but two things retarded the con- 
 clulion. 
 
 In the firff place, the Pope did not approve of this mar 
 
 „ o r P ft“ tsfizp'sn - ■w*- 
 
 propofed a League to the King of Franc, he was afraid, in the d ll 7 it TTTi “ ,he •» 
 
 o v , LiJHt vuc. A-.rigiiju .rvi.iiiiWldUUIS lid* 
 
 propofed a League to the King of France , he was afraid, 
 the defign of it might be to difpofl'efs the Duke of Bavaria 
 of the Palatinate and Electoral Dignity. For which rea- 
 fon he endeavoured at firft to diifuade Lewis XIII. from 
 giving his Sifter to an Heretical Prince. But finding 
 Lewis did not much regard his arguments, he declared he 
 would not grant a difpenfation, unlefs the marriage was 
 made upon the fame terms as were granted to Spain 
 
 Whprhtlnnn f-Isc V 1o* n C 77__ _ r 1 I r i 1 -* i 
 
 I. His moft Chriftian Majefty, to difeharge what his • 
 dignity and piety oblige Jnm to, and that he nuv treat of' 
 this marriage with a fafe confcience, undertakes to pro- l 
 cure the Pope’s difpenfation, within two months at farthelt. p 
 if. The articles and conditions of the marriage being' 
 figned, the King of Great-Britain fhall appoint fuch per" s 
 fons of quality as lie ftiall think proper, to efpoufe Madame 
 in f Ilf* Prmru LI__ i* . .... 
 
 in the Roman CatJioliek-Apoftolick-Church 
 
 III. I he nuptials fhall be celebrated in France , after 
 the manner obferved in the marriage of the late Kill** 
 wnh Queen Margaret , and in that of the Duchcfs of 
 Bar. 
 
 IV. After the celebration of the marriage, Madame ftiall 
 be conducted at his moft Chriftian Majelty’s charge, as far 
 as Ca/a,s, where fhe ftiall be delivered to the perfbn com- 
 
 ----- as wcie grantee to opam. as Lalats, where fhe ftiall be delivered to the nerlon con 
 
 Whereupon the King of Franc, refolved to feud Father rniffioned by the King of Graat-Britam to recLi her 
 Berulle , General of the Fathers of the Oratory to follicit V From Calais tr> Fr,nln„l i,, r „ ,1 n i i 
 
 the difpenfation. His infWhions figned the 3 7 l of July, hy thet 
 imported among other things, “ that by the articles al- done on both fides as is f, ;„M* Z 7 p g re , 
 
 “ the Printers, as well L all her Domef- Royal 7 am“y „ JW oin d fo ma nje 77 b '7 
 
 t,cks were very fecure as to Religion r (he had a Bifhop CrLZS J 8 he ’ r ° f 
 
 with twenty-eight Priefts or Monks : and a Chapel in VI. The marrhve heincr celebrated F. . , 
 
 erarptee vine <he <WI rttole: She was to educate Madame arrived in England, a day fhall be’fixed ’on 
 5 ? 2 h, l C a ■ “ a F °f thlrte ™/ ears ’ wherea » ln which the King of Grm-Briub, life Prince his Son ’ and 
 
 In fine fhe w^welMV'JJd”^ 7 ■ y T “T 2 ™ Ws Wife l,ein ? in hmc convenient room of tl,d 
 
 In fine, fhe was well mftrudted and very firm ,n the Palace, drelTed in their royal robes, the contrail and au 
 
 Faith and indeed of having any thing to fear for her, tbemick Inftrument of the celebration ot the martian. 
 
 KfogTf fotfrfi" 8 Tl T’L inC „ lined ‘7 ,ha11 bt P^U-V >«d, together with the Procurations, L’ 
 King of England was to be a Catholick, fire would virtue whereof the marriage was celebrated Which done 
 
 examnl of m i S r^he Pence her fponfe, after the the faid comrafl fhall be'ratified anew by the Kinnand 
 Kta 7 E,Ml,rF ’ W * COnVert ° f *“* P ;. lnre J" S S0 " ! the of fuch as the “moll 
 
 The Marnuifs /■/» In V 'll * jt i • u i j ^^ ri ^ ,an I^ in g fhall commiftlon to that end, and of the 
 
 I he Marquifs de la J teuville s difgrace winch happened Lords of Great-Britain who fhall te prefent on this occa 
 t this time, was the other caufe of the delay of this af- f,„„, without the intervention of any Church Ceremot ' 
 for and flopped Father BeruU, who was about to depart. VII. The free cxercife of the Rnwn Catholick Annf 
 Cardina ^,rW,» who was comm,ffioned to treat with tolick-Religion fhall be granted to Madame as likewifo to 
 
 fitefie ‘ t Amba J a 7 rS ’ tbe ™ ,m the dlfgraced Super- all the children that fhall be born of this marriage 
 intendenr, pretended, that la l teuville had adted without VIII To that <*nH Mirlom,* n n k i • << 
 
 orders ot at leaf! without the approbation of the King or the Royal pl'c^ Trfi’ 
 
 Ifived 'the^&ult oft ' “77 ,1 ‘ S nCW 0b 7 ClC ; b 7 Bn ‘ ai "' S domini ™ s wl "re 1 foal! he, or refitfe. 
 
 1,7 , C °“ ' 0f / r *“' ufcd '7 P rctencc t0 break off IX- The faid Chapel fhall be beautified w„h decent 
 
 JjrT /’ and made great complaints to the Marquifs d' ornaments, and the care and cuftody thereof fhall be com 
 
 ITftPjTl , t0 b,S C f 0U J in ; te P ,a “ m '"" d » fuch as Madame fhall appoint. The preach,W 
 
 a neJobtlon fo d 7 ''“'“ T ' U ° m breakm 8 off of God ’ s word . a " d lh e adminiftration of the SacramenS 
 
 a negotiation fo advantagious to From, upon many ac- (hail be entirely free, and the Mats, and the other parts of 
 
 Sbv thbaccuftFo" 8 !, 7 th , d, JP ara B in S ,a «'*- Divine Service, (hall he celebrated according to the cultom 
 
 The ate chant ’ 7 7 T 7 ' x, ° f ,he H ° l >' R "' m " Chur ^ with J" b ^« a " d lndnU 
 
 with frefo hot 6 H n the ¥ ,n '* ry "J p,r 7 JcNu"' 10 gences which Madame fhall procure from R,mr. There 
 hi ottnS fo P • re P refented M to 57 . &rd '" al . 'hat fhall be alfo a Church-yard allowed in the Citv of Undo, 
 
 his own and the Popes honour obliged him not to abate where, according to the cuftom of the Roman Church 
 
 dlfpenfatfontould^Tf Art ' C ‘ eS ,’ 2nd d,at the fuch of Madame’s attendants (hall be buried, as (hall hap’ 
 
 The Ca 1 U u b be b S 7 d To ‘7 °‘ ber terms ' pen to dic ’ wbich (hal1 be do "= in a modeft marine. 
 
 ZnvdL had d r '7 -7 K b g E 7 md and Pri " ce The flid Church-yard fhall be enclofed, that it mav not 
 of Iraki had complied with whatever they really intended be profaned. it may not 
 
 '“torted ft K Z,° f J : S»Il, 1 p ,,Sh With W 7 ‘ Was m X - Madam ' fta11 bave a Bi(llo P fo'her Almoner, who 
 Madrid 77 b h ft he 1 T“ was “ a P nfoner at fhall have all necelTary authority and iurifdiition in ajl 
 
 Madr.d, and what was no. m their power. Moreover, things belonging to Religion, and ftall hive power te pro' 
 
 orrnr,! Iirrr to ♦lie. fo o.... i.. /L f _ L n >. , , 
 
 a - ** uj nut in men jjuwcr. ivioreover, 
 
 he intimated to him, that there was no abfolute occafion 
 for a difpenfation, and though it was defired, ’twas not fo 
 much out of neceffity as refpeift for the Pope’s perfon. So, 
 Father Berulle departed with his inftru&ions, notwithftand- 
 ing the Nuntio’s oppofition. 
 
 If the Court of France had ftiown Iefs refolution, this 
 
 .t>-' a-vt-ngiuu, aim mail nave power to pro¬ 
 ceed according to the Canons againft fuch as fhall be under 
 his charge. And in cafe the Civil-Court ftiall lay hold oil 
 any the faid Ecclefiafticks, for fome State-crime, and in¬ 
 formation be made againft him, he ftiall be lent to the la-d 
 Bilhop, with the informations and proceedings, and the fa d 
 Bilhop, after degrading him, fhall put him again into the 
 
 ,,r r „,r i mown els relolution, this Bilhop, after degrading him, fhall put himVain into the 
 
 affair would never have been accomplifoed. The Pope's hands of rhe fecular Court. For any other 7 mes the 
 77 etence°to refufe CC foeHT^fonly flowed, he only wanted Civil-Court fhall fend back the faid Ecclefiaftick to the 
 t, L i“"“ Ibf the dllp mfa ion, or at lead, to delay Bifhop, who fhall proceed againft him according to the 
 
 before , fn P ° 1 ' b "“77 ^ ^ i{ Ca "“" a - And in cafe of abfence or ficknefs, the^ifoop's 
 
 before a congreganon where frefh difficulties were con- Vicar fhall have the fame authority. P 
 
 ■ Tb 7 TJ’f T 7 ,sbed Iil2t tbe King 0f XI - Madan ’0 ftall have in her houfe twenty-eight Priefls 
 wild hfle n a C r 7 °rF^'^ ar articles!, or Ecclefiafticks, Almoners and Chaplains included, « 
 
 like 7 the Kinn lf 7 h K ‘"S of Frmcl “ ha guarantee, ferve in her chapel, and if there are any Regulars, they 
 
 like the King of Spam, and Low:, was forced at laft to fhall wear the habit of their order. I » > > 
 
 Dubilk Church be7 ; nfi J cd pathoularly-upon demanding a XII. The King and Prince fhall oblige themfelves by 
 were told 777“ ?b tba Caftohcks though they oath not to attempt by any means whatever, to peTwade 
 
 to nerfnrm r h l K '" g ° f E "Z ,md s P° w " Madame to change her Religion, or to engage her in any 
 
 to perform fuch an article, if ,t was granted. In a word, thing repugnant to it 7 
 
 the Po 7 aS , 7 ° de „ a7 ; im 7 ° a 7 fiCe ’, 7 t ’r ba ‘ Was , P ra 7 ifed b >' . XIII. Madame's houfoold fhall be fettled with as much 
 
 had orders to derla ’( rb at ap rbe Anihsllud 0 ' dignity, and confift of as many officers as any Princefs of 
 
 deferred the ,7 b b d,f P e 7S'°a n "f mUch Io,1 « er lVal " ever had > a " d ^ ""nner as was agreed 
 
 menace’m.tinffo 7 ‘ 8 ,ranraaed , w ' tb ™' !'• This upon for the marriage of the moil ferene Prince with the 
 menace making the Pope apprehenfive that he might very Infanta of Spain 
 No- J! Vo L. II. N n n ' 
 
 XIV. AU 
 
3 i4 
 
 l6u. 
 
 \'ol. II, 
 
 The HISTORY (/ENGLAND, 
 
 XIV', All the domefticks Madame fhall bring into Eng- care of the French and Spanifh Courts for the intereft of 
 land fhall be French Catholicks, chofen by the moft Chrif- the Catholick Religion, and the little zeal of King James, 
 tian King, and in the room of thofe that fhall die, fhe the Prince, and the Duke of Buckingham for the Protef 
 i . take other French Catholicks, with the confent how- tant. The XIXth Article concerning the education ot 
 ever of the King of Great-Britain. the Children was of very ill confequence to England. It 
 
 XV. Madame’s domefticks fhall take the following oath almoft proved the ruin of Church and State, 
 to the King, Prince and Madame: If it is asked what could induce the King to purchafe 
 
 1 promife and fuear to be faithful to the King of Great- this marriage with fuch hard terms to the Religion pro- 
 Britain, t, the moft Serene Prince Charles, and to Madame felled by himfelf, and almoft the whole Kingdom, there 
 Henriecta-Maria Daughter of France, and to keep truly and can be, in my opinion, but two motives afligned. The 
 inviolably this my promife. And if 1 know of any thing to firft was, to give the Prince his Son, a wife of Royal ex- 
 h-s attempted againft the perfons of the faid King , Prince , tra&ion, thinking any other Princefs beneath him. The 
 and Madame, or again'ft the State, or public Good of the fecond was, the portion of eight hundred thoufand Crowns, 
 
 laid Kirs'; Realms. I will dijeover the fame to the faid 
 King, Pnr.ce, and Madame , or to thofe who Jball have 
 
 charge, thereof 
 
 XVI. Madame’s portion fhall be eight hundred thou¬ 
 fand French Crowns, one half to be paid in London bv his 
 moft Chriftian Majefty on the day before the efpoufals, 
 and the other half within a year after the firft payment. 
 
 XVII. If the Prince die before Madame, without iflue, 
 the whole portion fhall be reftored to Madame, to be dif- 
 pofed of as fhe pleafes, whether fhe flays in England, or 
 returns to France, in which lall cafe, it fhall be in her 
 power to b.ing the money with her. 
 
 XVIII. But in cafe there are children, only two thirds 
 of the portion fhall be reftored, the other third remaining 
 for the children, whether Madame goes back to France, or 
 ft. 1 in England: But in this cafe, fhe fhall be paid the 
 intereft at five per Cent. 
 
 XIX. The children which fhall be born of this mar¬ 
 riage, fhall be brought up by Madame their Mother, till 
 the age of thirteen years. 
 
 XX. The children fhall inherit alfo the two thirds ref¬ 
 tored to their Mother, unlefs fhe marries again : and then, 
 the children of the fecond bed, fhall have an equal fhare 
 with thofe of the firft. 
 
 XXL It Madame die firft without children, his moft 
 Chriftian Majefty grants, that in fuch cafe, only half of 
 the portion fhall be paid back to him, but if there are 
 children, the whole fhall go to them. 
 
 XXII. Madame’s jointure fhall be fixty thoufand French 
 Crowns, which fhall be afligned her by the King of Great- 
 Britain. 
 
 XXIII. The King of Great-Britain fhall prefent Ma¬ 
 dame on account of the marriage, with fifty thoufand 
 Crowns worth of jewels and diamonds, which fhall be 
 Madame’s own property, as well as thofe fhe has now, or 
 which fhall be given her hereafter. 
 
 XXIV. The King of Great-Britain fhall be obliged 
 to maintain Madame and her houfhold ; and in cafe fhe 
 becomes a widow, fhe fhall enjoy her portion and jointure 
 with all other things to her granted. 
 
 XXV. In cafe the Prince die firft without iflue, Ma¬ 
 dame fhall freely enjoy, where-ever file pleafes to live, her 
 jointure which fhall be afligned her in lands, caftles or 
 houfes, whereof one fhall be fit for her to refide in, and 
 furnifhed futably to a Princefs of her quality. 
 
 XXVI. Madame fhall have the free difpofal of the of¬ 
 fices and benefices of the faid lands, part of which fhall 
 have the title of Duchy or Earldom. 
 
 XXVII. Madame fhall beat liberty, whether fhe have 
 children or not, to return to France with her houfhold- 
 goods, jewels, diamonds, and portion, as fpecified in the 
 articles above. And in this cafe, the King of England 
 fhall be obliged to conduit her at his charge to Calais, in 
 a manner futable to her quality. 
 
 XXVIII. Madame fhall renounce all paternal, mater¬ 
 nal, and collateral inheritance, as to the lands of the royal 
 Domain fubjeCl to Reverfion, by Appennage, or otherwife. 
 
 XXIX. The contrail of marriage fhall be enrolled in 
 the Court of the Parliament at Paris, and ratified by the 
 Parliament of England, and regiftred in the ufual Courts. 
 And the faid King and Prince fhall promife not to ait con¬ 
 trary to any claufe or condition of the fame. 
 
 XXX. Moreover, it is agreed, that he of the two 
 Kings which fhall refufe to accomplifh the prefent Treaty, 
 fhall be obliged to pay the other the fum of four hundred 
 thoufand Crowns, as a penalty for the faid refufaj. 
 
 Private or Secret Articles. 
 
 Ru(hworth. 1 • That the Catholicks, as well Ecclefiafticks as Tem- 
 
 T. 1. p.169. poral, imprifoned fince the laft Proclamation, which fol¬ 
 lowed the breach with Spain, fhould all be fet at liberty. 
 
 2. That the Englijh Catholicks fhould be no more 
 fearched after, nor molefted for their Religion. 
 
 3. That the Goods of the Catholicks, as well Ecclefi- 
 aftical as Temporal, that were feized fince the fore-men¬ 
 tioned Proclamation, fhould be reftored to them. 
 
 In this, as well as the Madrid T reaty, we fee the great 
 
 which might excite his defire. As to the prejudice this 
 Treaty might bring to the Proteftant Religion, it tioubled 
 him not, for he never had the intereft of that Religion 
 much at heart. 
 
 The Treaty being figned at Paris , Mr. dc Lomcnie, Tbi Rnu- 
 Secretary of State, was lent to London to fee it fworn by l:’""" arc n0 
 the King and Prince. Immediately after, all the profecu- Tfffff 0 ' 
 tions again ft the Papifts ceai’ed, and the King promifed all” 
 the prifoners fhould be releafed, as foon as the marriage 
 was confummated. 
 
 When the Earl of Carlife was fent to France to haften Corrupt 0/ 
 the treaty of marriage, he had orders to propofe to that'*' K^^and 
 Court a League again ft the Houfe of Auftria. This was 
 the Prince’s and Buckingham's, grand aim. There was 
 then a difpute about the Kaltdine, between the Kings of 
 France and Spain, which nude the Court of England ima¬ 
 gine Lewis would readily liften to fuch a propofal. And 
 indeed he did fo : but it was only to frighten the Pope and 
 the Spaniard, and not with defign to conclude the League. 
 
 The Duke of Bavaria had friends in the French Court, 
 who caufed him to be much more regarded than the Elec¬ 
 tor Palatine, expelled his Dominions, and fheltercd in 
 Holland. So Lewis's Minifters told the Engl ft) Ambafla- 
 dors, that the League and Marriage were two diftinCt af¬ 
 fairs, which could not be negotiated together : but after 
 the conclufion of the marriage, the League fhould be treat¬ 
 ed of. By this anfwer, they kept the Englijh in hope, and 
 the Spaniards in fear. On the other hand, the Count of 
 Mansfeldt flayed at or near Paris, and the Spaniards knew 
 he had frequent conferences with the Minifters. 
 
 Some time after, Mansfeldt came to England, where T .- Kir* 
 he was received with extraordinary carefles, and lodged by 
 Jhe Prince in his Palace at St. James's. Here, after fome f.'.J :c 
 
 conferences, he agreed with the King, the Prince, and the tb e P.lati- 
 Duke, that he fhould have twelve thoufand Men, to carry 
 the war into the Lower Palatinate. This projeCt being p . - ss.’-gg. 
 formed, the King prefled the Court of France with refpeCt Rufhword. 
 to the League : but his propofal was artfully evaded on di- r 1 p 1 ‘ 2 > 
 vers pretences, though without an abfolute denial. He A VnaJs, 
 was forced therefore to be contented, till the League was Howes, 
 concluded, with demanding of the French King, a paflage 
 through his Dominions for Mansfeldt' s army. Letvis in 
 general or ambiguous terms, made him hope, not only that 
 he would grant a paflage, but alfo flrengthen this army 
 with a body of his own Troops. The event fhowed, he 
 meant after the conclufion of the League, whereas the 
 Englijh took it for a pofitive promife, whether the League 
 fhould be concluded or not. Purfuant to this project, the 
 forces to be commanded by Mansfeldt were levied in 
 England. 
 
 Whilft this army was preparing to march, James cau- Hedcmondt 
 fed a memorial to be prefented to the Infanta Ifabella , de- 
 manding the City of Frankendal, which fhe held in fe- fn j. 
 queftration, and, by the treaty of London, was to keep Sept- 3 «• 
 but till the end of the Truce, which was to expire the ^^'p 0 ' 1 ^' 
 26th of October. Moreover, he demanded in the fame w a paj- 
 memorial, a free paflage for the Garrilon he was to fend to A" J 
 Frankendal, not only through the Infanta’s, and his Ca- 
 tholick Majefty’s Dominions, but alfo through the terri- E^.f.,,. 
 tories of their friends and allies. The Infanta anfwered,/ 
 fhe would order the Governor of Frankendal to furrender 
 the place on the day appointed, to fuch as fhould produce 
 a power from the King of England : That fhe would 
 grant a paflage through her own, and the King of Spain's 
 Dominions, to the fifteen hundred Foot, and two hundred 
 Horfe, which, according to the treaty of London, were to 
 take pofteffion of Frankendal , and, in general, would 
 punctually execute the Treaty. But as to the King’s far- 7-^ 
 ther demand, to procure him a paflage for his Troops t**--.-■. i-j 
 through the Empire, file declared, it was not in her power, 0 ■ 
 
 neither was fhe obliged to it. Thus the Court of Eng- £ m f .,. 
 land found by experience their error, in not inferting in 
 the treaty of London, what they were afterwards forced to 
 demand, and what the Infanta might juftly deny. It is 
 very true, in withdrawing the Eng/ift) Garrifon from 
 Frankendal , James met with no obftacle ; but he could 
 not expedt the fame thing when he fhould come to fend 
 them back. Some fay, that on the 25th of October, the Ru/j.ut,fch, 
 
 Governor T ' 1 P 1 * 1 ’ 
 
 jb. p. x 5= 
 
Book XVIII. 
 
 24. JAMES 1 , 
 
 2 35 
 
 1624. Governor of Frankendal marched out of the City with his 
 Garrifon, but finding none of the King of England's forces 
 ready to take poffeffion, inftantly re-entered. 
 
 Mansfcldt ;i This was not the only error of the Court of England , 
 ‘faffage t ^ ie mo ^ impolitick then in Europe. The twelve thoufand 
 
 through Men to be conducted by Mansfcldt to the Palatinate , were 
 
 France. embarked in December, in extreme cold weather, without 
 
 Wjgg' the leaft doubt of their paflage through France. Never- 
 
 Cokc. thelefs, when the army came before Calais , the French 
 
 Ruftwmth. would not fuller them to land. Much time was fpent in 
 
 " going from Calais to the Court, and from the Court to 
 
 Calais , even feveral times, and all to no purpofe. The 
 King of France conftantly aflerted, he had never pofitive- 
 ly promifed to grant thefe Troops a paflage. The En- 
 glijl) Authors call this a real breach of faith. I don’t know 
 whether they are in the right, and whether the Court of 
 England is not rather to be blamed, for not taking better 
 meafurcs, and fecuring a paflage through France , before 
 the embarkation of the army. However this be, the ar¬ 
 my buffering greatly on board the (hips where the Soldiers 
 were clofely pent up, Mansfeldt was forced to fail for Zea¬ 
 land^ where he met with the fame difficulties. The Zea¬ 
 landers faid, they had not provisions for fuch a number of 
 Troops, having had no notice of their coming. Much 
 time was employed in negotiating. Meffengers were fent 
 to the Hague , and afterwards to London. In the mean 
 while, the peftilence raging among the Soldiers, above two 
 thirds perifhed before they were buffered to land. Moft 
 of thofe that efcaped, either deferted, or lifted among the 
 fix thoufand Englijh which were in the fervice of the 
 States. Thus, by the Court’s wrong meafurcs, this army 
 became ufelefs, and the money fpent in railing it, was 
 loft (1). 
 
 1625. ^ was February 1625, before Pope Urban's Difpenfa- 
 Difficultia tion arrived. When it came to Paris, two new condi- 
 “d'r'n/ation t‘ ons ’ not ment i° ne d in the Treaty, were been in it with 
 
 jfenjjtion. f ur p r j ze ^ nam ely, 1. That the Domefticks of the Chil¬ 
 dren, born of this marriage, fhould be Catholicks. 2. That 
 the Princefs fhould appoint them, and the Pope abfolutely 
 required the King of England , and the Prince his Son, 
 to fwear thefe two Articles, otherwife the Difpenfation 
 was invalid. The King of France was very angry with 
 Father Berulle for accepting fuch a Difpenfation. But the 
 Father was fo far from thinking it a fault, that he himfelf, 
 as it is faid, infinuated to the Pope, that it would be proper 
 to add thefe two Articles, as having been forgotten in the 
 Treaty. The Court of France therefore was under a 
 frefh concern, fearing King fames would rejetfl thefe 
 new conditions. But he was far from breaking for fuch 
 a trifle. He accepted them without being much impor¬ 
 tuned, and only refufed to fwear again, faying, his word 
 was fufficient. But without the oath, the Difpenfation 
 was not valid. To fatisfy the Pope therefore, the King of 
 France , and the Princefs his Sifter, were forced to write to 
 him, that they would warrant the performance of the two 
 A newdif* laft Articles. Notvvithftanding this, a new Difpenfation 
 ^demanded ‘ was to which was fome months in coming, 
 
 and in this interval, died King fames , without having the 
 pleafure of feeing the marriage confummated. 
 
 Death of About the middle of March he was feized with a Ter- 
 K. James. f ' ian ague, of which he had fome fits. But though com- 
 ^ 790! monly fuch agues are not dangerous in the fpring, this 
 brought him to his grave. He died [at Theobalds , ] the 
 27th of March , in the fifty-ninth year of his age, after a 
 reign of two and twenty years in England. 
 
 Sufficient His death happening, as I may fay, fuddenly, and un- 
 againji expeftedly, caufed many fufpicions, which fell on the Duke 
 Buckmg- Q f Buckingham. When one of the King’s fits was going 
 Wilfon. off, the Duke caufed certain Plaifters to be applied to his 
 
 Weldon. fide and wrifts, and gave him twice with his own hands 
 
 Cok 7 *' a M e d> c ’ ne to drink, in the abfence of the Phyficians. 
 p. 175,176. Nay, he would have given it a third time, but could not 
 perfwade him to take it. The King finding himfelf much 
 worfe, fent for the Phyficians, who faid pofitively, they 
 would not preferibe, if the Plaifters were not immediately 
 removed. However, the King died within a few days. 
 The Duke was afterwards impeached by the Commons, 
 not directly for poifoning the King, but for daring to ap¬ 
 ply remedies without the advice of his Phyficians (z). 
 
 fames left only a Son and a Daughter. His Daughter 16 
 was married to a Prince who had now loft his Dominions, 
 and was fled for refuge to Rcenen , in the Province of U- 
 trecht, where he kept his little Court very poorly. King 
 fames , who was fo liberal, is accufed of having but mo¬ 
 derately contributed to the maintenance of this diftonfo- 
 late Family. I don’t know whether there be any ground 
 for this accufation. Charles, Prince of IVales , who fuc- 
 ceeded his Father, was ftill more unfortunate than his 
 Sifter. 
 
 fames I. as I have elfewhere obferved, has had lor wind:, 
 Hiftorians, Men very much prepoflefled in his favour, or Co1 - 
 extremely prejudiced againft him. This naturally followed 
 from the divifions to which he himfelf had given birth. Sandeubd. 
 Some reprefent him as a perfect pattern of a good Kin- 
 Others blacken his reputation as much as poffible, by ag¬ 
 gravating his failings. The reafon of this diverfity proceed.: 
 from the Hiftory of his Reign, being penned at a time when 
 the animofity of the two parties was at the height, whence 
 both have happened to leave in their writings evident mark- 
 of their paffion. Therefore the Chara&er of this Prince 
 muft not be formed, either upon the praifes of the one, 
 or the invedtives of the other, but upon his manner of to* 
 verning, upon his fpeeches and adtions. This misfit be 
 done by recolle&ing the principal circumftances of hisTer-m 
 But to fave the Reader the pains, I fhall briefly relate, 
 what is faid on both Aides, of which he will be able to 
 judge. 
 
 The principal ingredients in King fames' s panegvrick is 
 the conftant Peace he caufed his Subjedts to enjoy. This 
 cannot be faid to be the effea of chance, fince it clearlv 
 appears to have been his foie, or, at leaft, chief aim in his 
 Admimftration. Nothing, fay his friends, is more noble 
 or more worthy a great King than fuch a defign. But 
 this defign lofes all its merit, if the Prince is dilcovered 
 by his conduit, to preferve Peace only out of fear, fupine- 
 nefs, exceffive love of eafe and repofe, and King fames's 
 whole behaviour Ihows he ailed by thefe motives, though 
 he coloured it with the pretence of aft'edtion for his 
 people. 
 
 If fome take care to extol his knowledge in Philofophy, B ,c 0n . 
 Divinity, Hiftory, polite Learning, others affirm, it was 
 but real Pedantry, and that from all his acquired know- c " t '.P 07 l > 
 ledge he learnt only to talk very impertinently on every 
 fubjea, inftead of framing folid and hire rules for the 
 government of his Dominions. 
 
 His liberality, which fome praife, is exclaimed againft Cokt.p. i8d 
 by others as prodigality, Thefe pretend, he gave without 
 meafure and difcretion, without any regard to his own 
 wants, or the merits of thofe on whom he heaped his 
 r avours. r 
 
 The fame contrariety occurs between King JWs Willt.„,. 
 Hiftorians with refpea to h,s capacity. Some call him for 
 his wifdom, the Solomon of the age. Others endeavour to c.k., p.,,6 
 ddplay all h,s errors, particularly in the two foie important 
 affairs of his Reign, wherein he came off very ill, namely 
 the Prince his Son’s marriage, and his Son-in-law's elec¬ 
 tion to the Kingdom of Bohemia. 
 
 Some extol him for maintaining the Prerogative Royal 
 in its full luftre, in fpite of the efforts of thofe who wets 
 continually attacking it. Others prelend, he had con¬ 
 ceived very wrong Ideas of the Evgti/h Conftitution, and 
 by aiming to carry the regal authority too high, and m- 
 ltilhng the fame principles into his fuccel&r, he was the 
 firft caufe of his Family’s ruin. 
 
 As to his manners, writers are no lefs divided. Some F h - 
 defcr.be him as a very wife and virtuous Prince, whilft Weldon, 
 others fpeak of him as a Prince of a diffolute life, given n- >79,186, 
 to drinking, and fwearing in common converfation elpe- Coke »^ 7 ,i 
 aally when he was in a paffion. He is likew.fe reproach- B»,«. 
 ed for diflolving the Earl of EJJix's marriage, pardoning p- ‘7- 
 the Earl and Countcfs of Somerfet , for the death of Sir 
 Walter Raleigh, and for confidently calling God to wit- 
 nels, in full Parliament, that he never had any thoughts 
 of granting the Papifts a Toleration, which he could 
 affirm but by means of fome mental refervation. 
 
 . fi " e >, w . hl j ft fon ? e P raife h ‘S moderation and equity Coke, 
 to the Catholicks, others pretend to demonftrate he was a B!lrncc * 
 rapift in his heart, and only profeffed the Proteftant Re- 
 
 s ztft&frsiisrjsisrs L r‘- *1- ^ ^ 
 
 • - * *?». - “<=»». * «&■« -"i ;L b r,: 
 
 118 lerV! “ : one of wh,rh wa ' ‘•""un.nded by the Earl of Lincoln, and the other by one Gunter. Ruthtuortb Tom , n , ' 
 ”’ d :. h,S l 0n the , Lord ! yn ; ,be J ]f y'. were With burning 7 Fevers! The Son died’ 
 
 England, but died of a Lethargy at Bergb en op Zome, 
 
 and aftefled to wear Buft 
 
 two Troops of Horfe raifed for this lervice ; one of which was 
 At their winter quarters at Rofendate , the Earl of Southampton, 
 
 and the FatlSer overcoming the Fever, departed from Rofendate, with intention to bring his Son’s body 
 So were both in one fmall Bark brought to Southampton, and buried at Tichfietd. Wtlfia, p. 789. 
 
 (a) IVitfon fays, one of Buckingham’s chief motives was thought to be his fear the Kin? wnul 
 down. And if what Burnet fays be true, he had reafon likewife to fear -he King’s old favorite Somerfec 7 He’fayV^the^King be^e rflblved ^ £ 
 cl Somerfet into favour again, met him in the night in the Gardens at Theobald « .- Two Bed chamber Men We^o’nlyfo IK « " E 
 
 tender'y and with many tears: the Earl of Somerfet believed the fecret was not well kept, for foon after, the King 7 was SakL jil ’ ^ 
 
 ‘Theobald,. Burnet fays, he had this from fome who were told it by the Earl himfelf. Dr. Craig the King’s Phyfician 
 
 the King was poifoned. Burnet, p. 17, 
 
 „ the Earl 
 King embraced him 
 in Ague, and died ac 
 difgraced, for laying, he believed. 
 
 figiorf 
 
Voi n 
 
 He H 1 sro RT of ENGLAND. 
 
 236 
 
 1625. ligioii out of fear of what might follow, in cafe he openly 
 declared for the Catholick. If fome fa/, in proof ot his 
 being a good Proteftant, that he made conftant profeffion of 
 the eftabli fried religion, perfevered in it to his death., and 
 when dying, charged the Prince ins Son to protect the 
 Church and Clergy ; others anfwer, this is far from a 
 demonfcration. They pretend, the point is not to know 
 what he would appear to be, but what he was in reality, 
 and that his actions belied hi-s outward profeffion : that the 
 fame thing had happened to him in Scotland, where till the 
 age of thirty-fix years, he had profeffed a Religion which 
 he mortally hated, as plainly appeared afterwards (1). 
 That when he came to England, he declared himfelf 
 openly the protector of the Papifts : took their part on 
 all occafions : promoted them to honours, dignities, pub- 
 lick offices : that in his reign the Laws againft them were 
 never duly executed, of which he boafteti to the Catholick 
 Princes in his Apology concerning the oath of Allegiance : 
 That in all his Speeches, whether in the Parliament or the 
 Star-Chamber, his conitant aim was to move his Subjects 
 to confent to a full Toleration for the Catholicks : but not 
 finding the Parliament inclined as he wifried, he granted, 
 by his" foie authority, a Toleration in effe£t, by hindering 
 the execution of the Laws, and difcharging the condemned 
 Reeufants from Fines, and other penalties: that in his con¬ 
 ventions with Spain and France, he pofitively promifed to 
 caufe no more Laws to he enabled againft the Papifts, and 
 thofe already in force not to be executed : that on all occa¬ 
 fions, he affe&ed to flow he found nothing amif's in the 
 Roman Religion, but the Pope’s exorbitant power over 
 Princes . that by giving the Pope the titles of Holy bather, 
 his Holinefs, ancT by contenting that his Son’s children 
 fnould be educated :n the Roman Religion till the age of 
 thirteen years, he plainly difeovered lie flrould not be forry 
 for their continuance in that Religion : Laftiy, his en¬ 
 gagements with the Archbifhop of An.brun is a frefh and 
 maiiifeft proof of his being a true Papift. To this the 
 others reply, it is not poffible to conceive, that if Ring 
 James had been a Papift in his heart, he would have fpent 
 d. confiderable part of his time in writing Books againft the 
 Popifti Religion, and combating the arguments of Bcllar- 
 mine and Du Perron (2). 
 
 Having related what is faid for and againft King James, 
 with refpe& to his Religion, I fliall take'the liberty to offer 
 my opinion or conjecture, which is, that this Prince was truly 
 neither a found Proteftant, nor a good Catholick. One can 
 hardly help owning, that he had never much at heart the 
 mtereft of the Proteftant Religion, as on the other hand, it 
 cannot be denied, he made publick arul conftant profeffion 
 
 of the fame to his dying dav. This induces me to think 
 he had formed a feheme of Religion different from that of 
 others, according to which he counted of no moment, 
 what the Proteftant-. and Catholicks looked upon as effen- 
 tial. The difference between the two Religions, with rci- 
 pecl to the Tenets, was not what affebled hi-ni in oft. He 
 believed, probably, that every Religion was good, pro¬ 
 vided it taught obedience to Sovereigns and preferr ed the 
 Hierarchy, which he conftuered as a fundamenta" Article. 
 It is therefore no- wonder, that, agreeably to this feheme, 
 he friould reiufe to enter into the meafures of the Englifh 
 Proteftants, to hinder the growth of the Rcmijh Religion 
 in England, or icruple to continue in the Religion he 
 profefied, frnce, according to his Notions, the two Reli¬ 
 gions were equally good, provided the Pope’s defpotick 
 power was abolifhed. I fcarce doubt that in his conferences 
 ‘with the Archbifhop of Ambrun, he had in view the chi¬ 
 merical project of reconciling the two Religions, without 
 troubling himfelf about the Tenets which divided them, 
 and which, in one of his fpeeches, he called fcholaftick 
 queftions. But, very probably, if he could have executed 
 this project, according to his Ideas, all the advantage 
 would have been on the fide of the Romijh Religion. 
 This, in my opinion, is the only way to excufe his con- 
 defcenlion to the Catholicks, and hi- veal to protect them. 
 Otherwise, I don’t fee how his doubtful behaviour, with 
 regard to Religion, can well be accounted for. This may 
 alfo ferve to difcover the reafon of his rejecting with fo much 
 animofity, the Religion of the Puritans, whole principles 
 he believed direcilv contrary to the feheme he had formed. 
 
 But whatever may be faid for and againft King Jama's 
 perfon, it is certain, England never flourifhed lefs than in 
 his Reign, and the Engl-jh law themfelves ex poled to tlie 
 infults and railleries of other Nations, whilft the blame 
 W'as generally caft on the King. The following Epigram 
 made in France in his time, is a clear evidence in what ef- 
 teeni he was with his neighbours : 
 
 Tandis <ju' Elizabeth fid Rev, 
 
 L’ Anglois fut A Elpagne C ejffrvy. 
 
 Alaintenant , deiije et coquette, 
 
 Rrgi par la Reine Jaquette. 
 
 That is literally in Englijh. 
 
 IVbilJl Elizabeth was King, 
 
 The Englifh were of Spain the Terror. 
 
 But now, governed by Queen Jaquet, 
 
 They only tali and prattle. 
 
 THE 
 
 (y- Of King Janus's diffimulation in point of Religion, there 1; a clear evidence 2 Speech of hie mthe Kirk of Scotland, which he is faid ro fpeak fnnd- 
 jnz with his b.nnet off, and his hand, lined up to Heaven, wherein, among other things, He hlef/ed God that bad honoured bin: to be King over fad a Kirk, 
 the fir.cerejl Kirk in the IVirld. 1 he Church of Geneva, IVbat are /bey:’ lief keep Palche and Yule, [ i. e. F.after and Cbrjlmafi.] ft'bat A ether tty bav 
 
 thy ,n God's word, and where it their Injittutr.n f As for our neighbour Cbur.b m England, their Service is an evil Mafs, fa r '- ,n • ’ -.~ - 
 
 ef the Mats but the Liftings, See. CalJerwood, Hjl of Cb.of Scot. p. 246. 
 
 (2) A-to this King’s Perfon, though his Father and Mother were eflcemed the handfumefi couple of the age they lived in, yet he 
 nor in any of his Features was to be found the leaft refemblance of the beautiful Mary Stewart, or Lord Darr.ly. fVclwood, p. 17. 
 
 Englifh ; ibey want nothing 
 himfelf but homely. 
 
 allay 
 
 
 By an Indenture of the 2d of James I, a pound weight of Cold, of twenty two Carats fine, and two Cant- 
 lamely into Unites going for 201, double Crowns at 10 1, Britain Crowns at 51, Thiftle Crowns ac + ., and Half-Crowns at 2 1. 6 , 1 . a-| 
 veight of Silver of the faid old Standard into 621. by tale ; namely, into Shillings, Six-penccs. Two-pence., Pence, Half-pence Crowns, 
 
 _In ,f, - 3d year of (his Reign, a pound weight of Gold of the old Standard, of twenty three Carats, three Crains and a halt hne, v 
 
 ;o 1. by talc, umely into Rofe-Rialls at 30 1. *-piece, Spur-Rialls at ifs, and Angels at 101. a piece-In the 9th, thei 
 
 •ailing Gold 2 1. in every 20 s. -In the loth, a pound weight of the old Standard Gold was coined into 44 /. by taie ; n; 
 
 ,no Angels -. and a pound weight of Gold of twenty two Carats fine, was coinsd into 40/. iS i. and 4 d ; namely, intoUnites 
 Bnti/ij Crowns at 5 x. 6 d, Thillle Crowns at 4 s. $d. three Farthings, or Half Brtttfb Crowns at 2 1. 9 d. a-piece. 
 
 it. 4 r by tale ; 
 ice : And a pound 
 nd Half-Crowns, 
 s coined into 40/, 
 Proclamation for 
 :ly, Rofe-Rials, Spur-Rials, 
 22 r, Double Crowns at 11 r» 
 
 The Gold Coins of this King (as appears from the Indentures above) are Rcfe-Rials . and Spur-Rials, Angels, Unites, Crowns, and Half-C, iwns. .. 
 Several denominations. The Rofe-Rial has on one fide the King upon his Throne, in his Robe-, with Crown, Scepter, and Bail, at his feet a R rtc. 
 IACOBUS. D. G. MAG. BRIT. FRAN. ET. H1BER. REX. Reverie, the Rofe and Arm., which are Quarterly, France and England in the ririt ana 
 fourth Quarters; fecond, the Lion within the double TrelTure fleury, for Scotland ; third, the Harp for Ireland, A- DNO- FACTVM. EST. 1ST l D- hi’, 
 EST. MJRAB. IN. OCV. NRIS. The Unite has on one fide the King’s Figure, IACOBVS. DEI. GRA. MAG. BRIT. FRAN. ET. HiSER. REX 
 Reverfe, FACIAM. EOS. IN. GENTEM. VNAM. Of thefe Unites there art feveral forts, a^ may be Icen in Nummi Britain. Uifiona, p. S4. 
 
A Genealo gi cal Table or the Posterity of James I. King of England . 
 
 d/yrrtncej A- 
 •ntondtercA via. 
 
 ‘Hi Live intAu^Ayenea/oyeca/l/iA/c,. 
 
 ccuvfdo/dace on fame Aon&mta/fi 
 fnneefee equally dutantfvm ,/same 
 jtvnvJfil/uim jllcn sjueror-, ‘d’Auxfameoyfl'eeeny ^ _ r 
 qtke, qfj/tnf,AiJ0eae.ndane/ arefdacedenyf/lonlnffnej,. 
 
 infreficrdon as tAeyare mart or /yfremoved. --—- 
 
 fUcAave car fully dutenyiesjled tAe d/ferent'SmneAej — 
 tAadareformed /ydie^/oftcrecyoffameifyi'-Je f/tat cAc- 
 ffadw/asuLi'lertAew are/i/acedm tAefm aAmre tfecr fid 3 
 
 drm.as ruaAen rlenudsl/csajytfrill - 
 
 iJi tAe-f/a/eJ ore, on tAe/Prder of Jurefton,/vrefrrea 
 dteifemale, ivcAanre/daceed(Aestales lefore their fute 
 
 tAo'y loot n~ere oldei-, tAacy/leader mzyAet metre-eajily— 
 
 discern nrAat/fetenfioiv eacAeft/iem may Aa-vero yfonn 
 of d>ny/eon,l.LBu{ laany thee me ha ve/i /aced (ctA^lhljjf 
 
 dema/es, or, on Any Co (Ac done oft/tet-rl/LoreA. _ - 
 
 li/AaC tAiedaH- nuy/iC curt-Ac carried to an,- ecccefei-e, _ 
 
 InycA.on Aod dideo t n’e AiaAresinoemie-fUacce Aeen-erllu 
 Co/aeC tAesdAiA/remoflAer same idaeAer-a.nds'Mirc/ien 
 erne alenre aiurtAe-r, ej/iectadly letnreeoufmes 13.4-94 
 MrA/za-e Jet edonm imJmal/ CAa-raecemr, zander eacA 
 ifrmcetAe naone-ofhie A/flcmd unda. 
 name ofAer J/ufAamd, tayet/iesr ndeAe the, terncef 
 cAieir J&ortA-yfDeatdezj far ezj nrax necef/i-ry-. 
 
 H SHORT TABLE 
 which, fliews atone -view how the Branches are formed,and contains like wife 
 the Names of the fever alHonfes defeended tom King JAMES the I . 
 
 { 'Charles II 
 
 Junes II {aS 
 
 Mary William III 
 
 J r T Charles Em. f<Savo_y 
 
 Henrietta -MiuiaMma -j ManaAdel . -< Trance 
 
 i h t Maria Lon. ( Spain 
 
 CharlesLewis {TilizabediCh/Philip f Orleans 
 
 (Elizabeth 1 Lorrain 
 
 LouJlkMaria l Lev ™ Otko / Sllm 
 
 fames I-< 
 
 __—Elizabeth. 
 
 Srrrrtsried 7 CA/e,nor A/otme 
 SC ofjdioAe/ma 
 d.^d/x . 
 
 Ehzaheth~{ Edward - Ann 
 
 v >Sophu 
 
 I George I 
 [Sophia 
 
 (Eleonor Chr. f Uriel 
 
 { Lewis (Bourbon 
 
 Maria Ther . -JConty 
 AnnaLouifa (Maine 
 f Charlotte Fel. (Mod ena 
 |WIlhelininaAiii 1 Imperial 
 
 ^ orge Aug. (Hannover 
 romea Soph (Prussia 
 jFrederickWill .{Prufsi 
 
 j ^CHARLESTT. JakeS H -Henry:_Mary_Elizab eth_Hennetta_ 
 
 f define: dlofSny-' A/s. of //’USuimlC d.xdgo . d/U/t/cA. 
 
 [ Cuhirine xdiin, \-io11aru^e- f/Arccstc-t' flSofOra/wes. Ann , 0 / C/rtea-nX 
 
 I /fertoyat. Hg/ofJdde-na,. * daddo. d.xde/o . d.jdfo. d.xdpo. 
 
 dini/cg. 
 
 - -Ihmp_ 
 
 ann-ofA^ntu^ d-idjo. 
 
 -Guftavus—Elizabeth-LouilaHollandmaJlermettaMaria^. 5 oDhia 
 
 d.J-640 added 0/ Added nS . .y ^. i ,r 
 
 uMart 
 
 - Louifa_ 
 
 darns tnddrai 
 %%:. ■ 
 
 — WlLLIAMM—ho uifaM _ Anna Maria. 
 
 sSptS n&rxddt 
 
 d.jdsy. JfJd.ofj’atsvy. 
 
 —Charles—Elizabeth Charlotta— 
 
 SieoCtrrXUtadne add/indS. of 
 
 
 —lector Am—Charles Em. ManaAdel Maria Lou. Gab Ehilii 
 
 d-orn^Spe). A.offtedr. o ■ sx 
 
 dj;JS- d°rn,i 
 
 S. s>/„. 
 
 A,ds. 
 
 l. -x'ioj a*jLaxianou. v»aD_IJiilip 
 
 5 a.fs**. cfJ/iain.. n d&zdeAsan, 
 
 J&nry f<a/UJ 
 
 ^/fadde 
 
 —^Aor Amadeus Theo. 
 
 f-cfdo'oar 
 
 Elizab ethCharl _LewisOtho _Louila_L ewisiS^ -MariaTherefe. 
 
 Ayn jJ/q. <3. o/dSoun den, tor/ V 06 'd 
 
 , tAefmaSxa.ae>utt.iArancouedrranc..Semu 
 
 A . ^ ideumCJJonodecr d Br of’<S>W. 
 
 Oflfe-n'/ssSjr ' 1 
 
 dt/rf. 
 
 - B ene d 1 rt aHen ri e tta^_ 
 
 Si A n SreederuA 
 
 ofj&nnover . 
 
 dornxSj^ ■ 
 
 ■ i£.'i£d 
 
 d-a/s 
 
 sG eorg1 
 
 yi/memd 
 
 0/ Xz?i7efo. 
 
 . I Sophia: 
 
 Z_Erederick_MaximiKarLEharlo«a 
 
 i/idoo. dornldSd CdrecCencAJ. 
 
 Cbafles Earn eft 
 
 eAxff X ■ . 2). of-for,. 
 
 C hr i fti an. dornofye ' 
 
 edf/j>3 ei-x/ts. 
 
 dx/oj. 
 
 AnnLouifaB_MaiyAnn_GiarlotteEelJWdhe.lminaAm.el —GEOROEjr ^SopluaDorothea FiederWiJIiaim 
 
 
 A ” 71 k , , ■fi'd't'i.. dornx/J4 ^ofACm. otLryAnm dornsjoo. LouifaElifi. / ^ oS*' Aont deS fTTd°li , MariaAmel .Corn,/or i ? _jy . Jornfst. ' Tre<fenc/~ ‘ 
 
 ilupujut. LouifaAdel. 
 
 ,ilarto dom./0g8. 
 
 S'”** --ddded ofOieddeo 
 
 ‘JeUaOe charlotte 
 
 StraffAffiioJona. 
 
 Louila Maria 
 
 AroA. 
 
 HiilippinaElis • 
 
 dornmc 
 
 Eliz. P. SAsvrcreJ 
 
 fioAoliS. 
 
 of/aSm oiLryAdn, dorn/Joo. LouifaEllS. 
 
 MpST- 1 *** 
 
 tauJe^ntoroC CdermonC dornj&gj. 
 
 Oaudej/tm, 
 
 ■25fc 
 
 Cb riflia na An. 
 
 Maryan 
 
 TherefaAlex.. 
 
 drmx/oj. 
 
 bourdon, 
 
 LouiiaAdel. 
 
 domxdod 
 
 
 6. of 6a. 
 
 LcmifadddA'Anfna 
 
 oftfrAanX. 
 
 u,™"s^y* S7j‘0 ■ dmvisrss 
 
 Wll:Aug: Amelia 
 dorne/ix dornxtxx. 
 
 Eliz; (ar ; 
 
 Marra^ 
 
 feifa"' 
 
 dornx/9 g. 
 
 Thilippma Char. 
 
 Com/7x6. 
 
 Dorothea Sophia 
 
 Lonffflgf 
 
 domx/go. 
 CliarlottaAm elia 
 domxyiy. 
 
 ■ died 
 
 SSdc/UuxdaeAdgrv 
 
HISTORY 
 
 THE 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 BOOK XIX. 
 
 Containing the firfi fifteen Tears of the Reign of Charles I. 
 
 25. C HA R L E S I. 
 
 HARL E S I. Son and Succeflor 
 of James I. was tinctured from his 
 infancy with the principles con¬ 
 cerning the Regal Authority, and 
 Prerogative Royal, which were fo 
 much improved by the deceafed 
 King, during his life. He had the 
 fame Favorite, the fame Council, 
 the fame Minifters, and all the 
 Places at Court, and in the Kingdom, continued in the 
 ! Buckingham hands of the Duke of Buckingham's creatures. So, there 
 i "/tDn'Z WaS nothin S new but th e King’s perfon. Charles's jour- 
 I K-- . nc y to Spain had fo indeared the Duke of Buckingham to 
 Id. p. 165, him, that King James's affedion for that Favorite was 
 Annals. not hing, as I may fay, in comparifon of the new King’s, 
 i Jteafer.s of ’Twas thought, and ’tis not unlikely, if James had lived, 
 
 I f wou ^ have difcarded the Duke, with whom he was 
 aJaTnfl difpleafed for feveral reafons. 1. Becaufe of the journey 
 Bucking- to Spain , of which he was the foie advifer, and which 
 CuTendo ex P 0 ^ the King to the cenfure of al \ Europe. 2. On 
 
 j T. l.p.20. f ccount of the breach of the Spanijh match without any 
 juft caufe. 3. For the Duke’s ingaging him, as it were 
 againft his will, to break with Spain. 4. For caufing, by 
 the Prince’s credit, and his intereft with the Parliament, 
 the Lord-Treafurer Middlesex to be condemned, in fpite 
 of the King himfelf, who did his utmoft to fave him, and 
 even fued to the Prince and Duke for his pardon, without 
 being able to obtain it. Thus James died very feafonably 
 
 for the Favorite, who, probably, to fupport himfelf, muft 1625^ 
 have fet the Prince at variance with his Father, which 
 might have had terrible confequences. This raifed ftrong The Duke it 
 fufpicions of the Duke, which were farther confirmed by MP e J ed f 
 his prefuming to apply a Plaifter to the King’s fide, and giJb™*** 
 giving him, with his own hand, a Potion to drink, with¬ 
 out the advice of his Phyficians. Indeed, the Duke could 
 not be diredly accufed of haftening the King his bene- 
 fador’s death, by the remedies he gave him. But when 
 the time and circumftances of this unexpeded death, cau- 
 fed by a Tertian Ague, not ufually very dangerous in the 
 Spring, were jointly confidered, with the embaraflments it 
 delivered the Favorite from, and the advantages it procur¬ 
 ed him, it was difficult not to fufped him. And yet, on 
 the other hand, when the new King was feen to have an 
 entire affedion for the Duke, it could not be imagined that 
 he doubted his innocence in that refped. However this be, 
 the Duke of Buckingham was the Son’s Favorite, as he 
 had been the Father’s, with ftill greater power and credit 
 than he had enjoyed in the foregoing Reign. 
 
 Charles I. at his acceffion to the Throne, formed two Charles’/ 
 Projeds equally difficult to be executed. The firft was, Pr: i ,Si ' con ; 
 to wreft from the Emperor, and the Duke of Bavaria , 
 both the Palatinates which had been taken from his Bro- set tle Pa-’ 
 ther-in-law the Eledor Palatine. The fecond, to carry l atinatc * 
 the Regal Authority much higher than the King his Fa¬ 
 ther, or any of his Predeceffors had done. Thefe two 
 projeds, which feparately would, in all appearance, meet 
 
 d'c™ 6 * 0n ° ne f,Je ’ 3nd XX - behmd the Hcad> a Scarf crofs the Shoulder, Infcriprions and Arms as the former Unites, 
 
 Arri! ; There iS 3 Halr * with X - b ‘ hind tl* Head, and a Quarter with V. The Cr, w e, have on the reverfe the 
 
 K'R’-R nd Rrv N n IC y S ‘ 1 L E l G „ NA 1 AC0BV '>' The TbiJUe-Crtnun has on one fide a Role crowned, and IA D. ORA. MAG. BR. FR. £T 
 
 V,' ' ,^ X ‘ V" thc <:,h l r f,de 3 rhiftle-flower crowned, TVEATVR. VN 1 TA. DEVS. (F.-g. 1.) Th- HLf.Cr-.rv,, have, on one fide, the Rinas 
 
 1. rt, and I A. D. G. ROoA. SINE. SPINA. Reverfe, the Arms, and TVEATVR. efr-The Silver Coin i of this King are Crmum, Half- 
 
 Sex-gence:, -Twopence, Pence, and Half-pence. The Cr-.wn reprefents the King o n Horfe-back in Armour, and'crowned, holding a 
 WvRnaT nrlrr T^°r and C i ‘ ,V ' ,n " p0n lhe o’ the Horfe. IACOBVS. D. G. ANG. SCO- FRA. ET. H1B. REX. Reverie, the Anns, 
 
 “ V *£ A VR. INIMICI. Another Crown is inferred, IACOBVS. D. G. ANG. SCO. FRA. ET. HIB. REX- 
 
 .1 . ... xiiiuniei v.iown 15 interneo, 1/u.uisvj. u. u. Also. set./. MCA. E l . HIB. HEX- Reverfe. 
 
 cmwmd / S- COMV.MXIT. NEMO. SEPARET. The Shilling: have XII. {Fig. 2.) and the Six-pence, VI. behmd the King’s head 
 
 hr .(I rrmj Ta rn-\ “n"" e C [ owns - The P ‘" ce and ‘Two.ptnce J are infetibed I. D. G. ROSA. SINE. SPINA, w th I. or II. behind the King’s 
 
 /lead crowned, (/rj. 4.) Reverie, the Arms fill up the whole Area. The Irjh Monies ape in all re. ' ~ 
 
 n e reverie. {Fig. 3.) The Copper Money of I; cl And has two Scepten through the Crown. 
 
 No. j j. Vol. II. o o o 
 
 reipefis like thc Itrgli/b, only have a Harp c 
 
 with 
 
The H 1ST0 RT of ENGLA N D 
 
 Voi. 
 
 ii. 
 
 16-5. 
 
 He feiottd 
 Pry,a -Wi 
 rejpea to 
 
 with great obftades, became almoft impradli ;al!e* when 
 joined together. Neverthelels, Charles believed they mu¬ 
 tually fupported each other: i hat under colour > i the 
 Palatinate War, he fliould put the Parliament upon loot 
 not to refufe him any thilig: That in time, he Ihoyid 
 have both Houfes at command, arid alter render ing lvmlelf 
 independent, difpofe as He pleafed ot the richesoi the . .ing- 
 dom, in executing his defigns in favour of tha Tmg of 
 Bohemia. As tbefe two projects aie the fubjeft ol the 
 firft fifteen years of this Reign, it will be neceliary to let 
 them in a clear light, that the fequel may be the better 
 underftood. 
 
 As to the firft, I mean that of wrefting the two Pala¬ 
 tinates from the Emperor and the Duke of Bavaria, I 
 think it needlefs to repeat what has been Paid in the Reign 
 of James!. It will be fufficient to put the ReaJer in 
 mind, that it was by the intrigues of the Prince and the 
 Duke of Buckingham, arid by the Duke':, wrong informa¬ 
 tion of what palled in Spain , that the Parliament was in¬ 
 duced to advife the King to break the! reader, which 
 were in effedt broken already, and proiniie to fupport the 
 war, which this breach would probably caufe. This was 
 the Prince’s and the Duke’s real aim in diiguk.ug the truth. 
 Afterwards, the Prince, when King, milled no opportu¬ 
 nity to take advantage of the Parliament's han\ _e and 
 promife, as if the Parliament had really been the *..!•; au¬ 
 thor of the breach, and prime caufe of the war I n the re¬ 
 covery of the Palatinate. King James was the firft vic¬ 
 tim of thefe artifices. He was made to break, a 'I reaty 
 which he had been labouring feven years, and to lofe the 
 portion he had reafon to expcdl for the Prince’s marriage 
 with the Infanta. He was engaged, againll his will and 
 inclination, in a war with the Houfe of Aujlria (1), and, 
 what he deemed the greatell misfortune, compelled to have 
 recourfe to a Parliament, he that was fo diflatisfied with 
 the two former, that, probably, he would never have called 
 another, had it not been for this breach. The Duke ot 
 Buckingham was the fccond vidtim. As foon as the truth 
 was known, he became the objedt of the publick hatred, 
 though, before his contrivances were dilcovered, he had 
 been confidercd as a guardian-angel, for breaking the in¬ 
 tended match. Finally, the Prince having mounted the 
 Throne, refolved to fupport the war, in which the Parlia¬ 
 ment had unadvifedly engaged. But becaufe he found not 
 in the Houfe of Commons, that readinefs to aflill him 
 which he expedited, he diflolved fcveral Parliaments merely 
 for that very reafon. This bred in the minds of his Sub- 
 jedts jealoufy and difeontent, which being inflamed by 
 other caufes, brought him in the end to the greatell mis¬ 
 fortune that can befal a King. Hitherto the Prince’s and 
 Duke’s real motive in breaking the Treaty with Spain is 
 unknown. ’Tis not conceived how, after the lofs of the 
 Palatinate , they could imagine it moreeafy to recover that 
 Country from the Emperor and Duke of Bavaria, by 
 force of arms, than by managing the King of Spain s 
 friendfhip, by means of the marriage already concluded. 
 But the ufe the Prince, now become King, intended to 
 make of this war, advifed by the Parliament, can be no 
 fecret, namely, to accuftom the Houfe of Commons, un¬ 
 der pretence of the urgent neceffity of the war, to fupply 
 him in a few days, with the money he demandeJ, without 
 confidering any other affair. This will evidently appear 
 in the fequel. But before I defeend to the particulars of 
 this fecond projedt, ’tis neceffary to premife fume remarks 
 on this fubjecl. 
 
 I have ihewn in the Reign of James I, that this firft 
 ' b Monarch of Great-Britain, laboured, as long as his Mo¬ 
 narchy lafted, that is, while he was King of England, to 
 extend the Prerogative-Royal. This was not only in fume 
 points, and on certain occafions, but by general principles, 
 which being once admitted, would, by neceffary confe¬ 
 rences, cloath the Sovereign with an unlimited authority. 
 Whatever had been faid by the molt furious fticklers for 
 the abfolute power of Sovereigns, he readily applied to the 
 Kings of England , without ever examining whether the 
 power of a King admitted of degrees, according to the fe- 
 veral States, or the Conftitution of the Government, 
 whereof he was head. And yet this was the point in 
 queftion, Otherwife, it followed from his principles, that 
 the Regal Power was the fame every where, and a King 
 of Poland, for inftance, ought to be as abfolute as a King 
 of Pcrfia. This was in effedt what he always fuppofed in 
 the affair of Bohemia, and what hindered him to efpoufe 
 liis Son-in-law’s quarrel. So long as he was fatisfied with 
 infinuating fuch maxims, by certain expreflions in his pub- 
 lick Speeches, the people, and even the Parliament, took 
 no great notice of them. But when he meant to practife 
 the various confequences which might thence be naturally 
 drawn, he met with ltrong oppofition, which obliged him 
 to diflblve feveral Parliaments, becaufe they were not fo 
 
 (i King Jjmrs, upon his death- bed, exhorted his Srn rhe Prince, i uk; 
 ,v fit.vc rid dignities of their Father. RujhwnrtL, Tom. 1. 1 
 
 This . 
 
 ■ • 
 
 apt as ho wiffied to jrnlfflc Iff 1 
 fition provoked him. Nav, he hesar 
 
 Concefiicfl), and that c!, •, C : r ff 
 when they became unworthy of'ir, ;i 
 ed to a Corporation on certain 
 taken a wav; if the terms were nyi; 
 the Parliament would ::e\ affn.v ... 
 was readily agreed, that ?! .• Ktntt .ka fpjwer to <: , 1 !. pro¬ 
 rogue, and diili . ■ 
 
 forbear fumntuning it for fon:e ti.ne. :;u c.-. ;• .ff 
 
 might, or outfit to be governed v. alien:! P.r k:/.,, ;;.o 
 
 King thought proper, is what could n„t 1 e w \.' i; . 1 
 Ids that the King could difpsnfe vfiffi ■»; a. : > *rv n» 
 
 1 
 
 carried hi. Pre.ogative, an amlug i'.ii. \.\ wl.ii.fi ! : s 
 
 meant an abi. kite Power, or fjm :■ • • jr 
 
 the Englijh, lor the moll: put, unJenlood oy that word, 
 only a p.v.vei in .the per fun ol tlie S to command 
 
 or .id m mailers no: repugnant to the Law, or lor which 
 the Law had not provided, .»nd certain A els of Grace .-is! 
 favour, which tne King might exert i.e wuii regard t > 
 fome private perfun , provided thefe Adis were not wtv 
 prejudicial to the reft of the Nation, 'i his was the co.i- 
 ffant occasion ot the quarrels between 'fares I. and the 
 Parliament. It could not be faid exadlly, wi --T, con fil¬ 
 ed the King’s Prerogatives, and the Pee; !e’s If .' ! • be¬ 
 caufe there had never been an exprefs determination on 
 that fubjedl. Tiiofc Kings, who were iec kuned ifi,. v.fdl 
 and melt prudent, avoided as roc!:: , fuch fort of ff: Toes, 
 which can only breed hatred and animnfity bet\.v; ,1 :hu 
 King and People. On the other hand, firmer Parlia¬ 
 ments chofe rather, to fee the Prerocaiivc.--Ruv.il ihetched 
 fometimes beyond its due bounds, than debate fuch difficult 
 points, which in cafe of obftinacy on botli lidos, muff liave 
 been decided by arms, iince there was no higher ti tbunal 
 to appeal to. Befides, fince Richard II. whole attempt 
 coll him his Crown and Life, there had been no King 
 who had endeavoured to carry the Prerogative-Royal fo 
 far as to claim a power to acl diredlly contrary to the 
 Laws. It there were any who, on fome occafions, at¬ 
 tempted to go beyond bounds, the Parliaments were under 
 no concern, for one ot thefe three reafons : i. Becaufe it 
 in t of li importance. 2. Bee tuft, bat• a 
 : . it their Soverei n, they believ ed he 
 
 would not make an ill ufe of their indulgence. 3. Becaufe 
 they faw the King’s aim and motive were advantagious, 
 or at leuft not very prejudicial, to the Nation. 
 
 But James I. was no fooner on the throne of England, 
 but queilions about the Pierogative-Royal became frequent 
 and abfqlutcly neceffary. This Monarch was continually 
 endeavouring to eltablilh principles, the confequences 
 whereof tended to no lets than to fubvert the Conllitution 
 of the Government. I /hall relate fome that have already- 
 appeared in the ,Hiftory of his Reign, but which it is the 
 more neceffary to repeat here, as Charles I. exactly fol¬ 
 lowed his Father’s Heps, and as ’tis not pofiible to have 
 too clear an Idea of thefe things, fince they are the chief 
 fubjecl of this Reign. 
 
 From the principle that the Pailiament owed its being 
 to the conceflion of the Kings, and that this coneeffion 
 mi'J-ht.be revoked, it followed of courier that the King 
 might govern without a Parliament, and confequently, ta'x 
 the People 2S he thought proper, for the fupport of the 
 Government. From the principle, that the King was 
 above the Laws, it neceflarily followed, that there was no 
 fecurity fur the fubjedls, and their honour, fortunes, liber¬ 
 ty, and life itfelf were at the King’s difpofal. From the 
 principle, that the Parliament had no right to concern them- 
 il-lves with the King’s affairs when their advice was not 
 asked, it could not but be inferred, that the King was to be 
 fuft'eied to do whatever he pleafed, even tilings moll dellruc- 
 tive to the nation. From the principle, that to complain 
 of the adm.inillration, was want of telpedl to the King, 
 it neceflarily followed, that the Parliament could take nu 
 Grievances into con Iteration, nor make any complaints, 
 fince Grievances are generally adls of injuftice committed, 
 by the King cr his Minifters. From the principle, that 
 the Parliament had at moil but a Right to reprefent the 
 Grievances to the King, after which, the redrefs was 
 paffemiv to be expedled from the King himfclf, it follow¬ 
 ed, that the King might plague his Subjects at hispleafure, 
 without being obliged to redrefs their fufferings, anv far¬ 
 ther than he thought convenient. From the principle, 
 that to difpute the extent of his Prerogative was woundiiv* 
 the King in the mod fenfible part, the conlequencc mull 
 have been, that the Prerogative was without bounds, cr 
 that it could be limitted only by the King’s wifdom and 
 goodnefs. All thefe principles, as it is eafy to peiceive, 
 tended to eftabliih a delpotick Power. Had the King been 
 
 /peeu; . ae of the Elector Pa/atir.t's Childten, rnd to ende.vour to refloie them 
 
 fatb.vvi 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 *625. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 239 
 
 fatisfied with granting now and then fome Favor, founded the Parliament met. The King made the following Speech 162J. 
 upon any of thefe Principles, it might have been thought to both Houfes at the opening of this firft Parliament. '• 
 
 ”een, unon all occalions. 
 
 of no confequence. But he was feen, upon all occafions, 
 to endeavour to inftil tiiefe Principles into the minds of his 
 Subjects, and to eftablilh them upon inftances taken here 
 and there, of tile conduit of his PredecefTors. He himfelf 
 v/as feen to draw from thence, by his actions/the in oft ex- 
 tenfive conferences, to fill the Kingdom with Monopolies, 
 to compel his Subjects to lend or give him money, to 
 diffolve the Parliaments for not allowing his Principles, to 
 imprifon fuch Members as ventured to fpeak freely, and 
 even to declare publickly, he would call no more Parlia¬ 
 ments. There was therefore no medium : his pretenfions 
 were either to be complied with, or oppofed with open force. 
 
 James I. had the happinefs to die before this divifion 
 was carried any farther. The breach of th eSpani/h match 
 ferved to reconcile the King and Parliament to each other. 
 The King perceived, he could not proceed without Par¬ 
 liaments, and the People judged, that while the King was 
 engaged in a war with the Houfe of Jujlria, he would be 
 forced to have a regard to the liberties of the Nation and 
 the Privileges of the Parliament. Thus both fides feemed 
 Inclined to a reconciliation, and to forget all occafions of 
 complaint. 
 
 James being dead, Charles T. his Son and Succeflor, who 
 had greatly improved by his in ft ructions, mounted the 
 throne, poftelled with the fame principles. But as he was 
 young, and his pafiions ftrong, he could put no conftraint 
 upon himfelf, nor think of managing the affection of the 
 Parliament. Fie foon difeovered by what maxims he meant 
 to proceed in the government of his Dominions. He not 
 only refufed to redrefs the Grievances introduced during his 
 Father s reign, but alfo added others more intolerable. He 
 affected to let his fubjeefts fee, not only that their Grievan¬ 
 ces touched him not, but that it was an offence to petition 
 a redrefs. In a word, he very plainly intimated, both in 
 Jus Speeches and conduit, that he looked upon Parliaments, 
 only as aft'emblies folely defigned to fupply him with money, 
 and in cafe of refufal, he could proceed without their aftift- 
 ance. Accordingly, he diff'olved feveral Parliaments, be- 
 caufe they did not readily grant the Sums he demanded ; 
 offered violence to many members; and extorted from his 
 fubje&s what money he wanted, by forced Loans, orTaxcs 
 impofed by his own authority. This ought not to feem 
 ft range, fince befides the leil'ons taught him by his Father, 
 he had the fame Favorite, the fame Minifters, and the 
 fame Council. 
 
 ^ is m y defi gn to fhew all thefe things clearly and di- 
 ftinctly, not by reafonings and confequences, but by un¬ 
 deniable Facts, by authentick vouchers of what I fball 
 advance, and laftly, by the King’s own conduit, which 
 his molt zealous friends have no otherwife undertaken to 
 juftify, than by an affe&ed filence, or at leaft, by a very 
 flight account of the firft fifteen years of his reign. My 
 foie aim in thus inlarging on thele things is, to enable the 
 reader to underftand the true caufes of the war which af¬ 
 terwards affliited the Kingdom. 
 
 As foon as the deceafed King’s funeral was folem 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen , 
 
 June iS. 
 
 Si Co, 
 
 f LZ 
 
 Fn-rai ■ j , * iving 5 iuncrai was loiem- 
 
 'Troo/»fc*ti, n ' zed ( 0 * Charles fpeedily fent eight thoufand men to 
 Plymomh at Plymouth (2), to be embarked for an expedition to Spain, 
 it As he liad but monc 7 in his colters, the charge of 
 
 Rnihworrh, ^ oat and Conduct was ordered to be disburfed by the Coun- 
 T.l. ,,.i6S. try, and the Country to be repaid out of the Exchequer at 
 AnnaJs. a more convenient feafon. This was done after the pre¬ 
 cedent of former times, though the cuftom had now been 
 "rtijl" I° n ° dirurcJ - Thefe troops having committed great dif- 
 orders in their march, the King granted a Commiflion for 
 Martial-Law, to punilh the offenders (3). This was 
 looked upon as an innovation, which took from the ufual 
 Judges the cognizance of crimes committed by the foldiery, 
 and yet, in general, it was not much conlidered. 
 
 1 r The , Kin g’ s marriage having been concluded in his 
 th, father s life-time, was folemnized at Paris with great 
 169, magnificence, on a threatre erected before the Church of 
 Notre-Dame , the Duke of Chcvreufe performing the office 
 of Proxy for the King of England. Prefently after, the 
 Duke of Buckingham was fent into France to conduct 
 the Queen to the King her fpoufe. She arrived June 12, 
 at Dover, where the King met her the next morning, and 
 that evening the marriage was confummated at Canter- 
 (+)• I he 16th of the fame month the King and 
 Queen made their entry into London , and two days after 
 
 Tie Kin 
 
 Rufhw 
 T I.p. 
 
 “ J Thank God, that the bufinefs to be treated on at ' T,,f King's 
 “ A this time is of fuch a nature, that it needs noelo-j^V 0 
 “ quence to let it forth ; for I am neither able to do it, pjiumni. 
 “ neither doth it ftand with my nature to fpend much Rl,i,1W0rth - 
 “ time in words. It is no new bufinefs, being already r 'h. p>1 :" 
 “ happily begun by my Father of blefied memory, who 
 “ is with God j therefore it needeth no narrative: I hope 
 “ in God you will go on to maintain it, as freely as you 
 “ advifed my Father to do it. It is true, he may feem 
 “ to fome to have been flack to begin fo juft and fo glorl- 
 “ ous a work j but it was his wifdom that made him loth 
 “ to begin a work, until he might find a means to main- 
 “ tain it: But after that he fawhow much hewasabufed 
 “ in the confidence he had with other States, and was 
 “ confirmed by your advice to run the courfewe are in, 
 
 “ with your engagement to maintain it, I need not prefs 
 “ to prove how willingly he took your advice; for the 
 “ preparations that are made are better able to declare it, 
 
 “ than I to fpeak it. The affiftance of thofe in Germany , 
 
 “ the fleet that is ready for action, with the reft of the 
 “ preparations, which I have only followed my l'ather 
 “ in, do fufficiently prove, that he entered into this 
 “ action. 
 
 “ My Lords and Gentlemen, I hope that you do re- 
 tc member, that you were pleafed to employ me to ad- 
 “ vife my Father to break olF thofe two Treaties that 
 “ were on foot; fo that I cannot fay, that I came hither 
 * C a f rce unengaged man. It is true, I came into this 
 “ bufinefs willingly and freely, like a young man, and 
 “ confequently ralhly; but it was by your intereft, your 
 “ engagement: So that though it were done like a young 
 “ man, vet I cannot repent me of it, and I think none 
 “ can blame me for it, knowing the love and fidelity you 
 “ have born Jo your King, having my felf like wife fome 
 “ little experience of your affe&ions. I pray you remem- 
 “ ber, that this being my firft action, and begun by your 
 “ advice and entreaty, what a great dilhonour it were to 
 “ you and me, if this action, fo begun, fhould fail, for 
 “ £ bat affiftance you are able to give me. Yet knowing 
 “ the conftancy of your love both to me and this bufinels^ 
 
 “ I needed not to have faid this, but only to fhow what 
 “ «ire and fenfe I have of your honours and mine own. 
 
 “ 1 entreat you iikewife to confider of the times we 
 “ are in, how that I muft adventure your lives (5), (which 
 
 I Ihould be loth to do) Ihould I continue you here 
 “ long ; and you muft venture the bufinefs, if you be flow 
 “ in your refolutions. Wherefore I hope you will take 
 “ f uch g rave counfel, as you will expedite what you have 
 “ i n hand t0 do: Which will do me and your fdves an 
 “ infinite deal of honour; you, in flicwing your love to 
 “ me J and me, that I may perfeeft that work which my 
 “ Father hath fo happily begun. 
 
 t “ Laft of all, bccaufe fome malicious men may, and 
 “ as I hear, have given out, that I am not fo true a 
 “ keeper and maintainer of the true Religion that I pro- 
 “ fers 5 1 afliire you, that I may with St. Paul fay, that 
 “ 1 have been trained up at Gamaliel’s feet: and although 
 “ I Ihall never be fo arrogant as to afl'ume unto my felf 
 “ the reft, I Ihall fo far Ihew the end of it, that all the 
 “ world may fee, that none hath been, nor ever Ihall be 
 “ more defirous to maintain the Religion I profefs, than I 
 <c Ihall be. 
 
 “ Now becaufe I am unfit for much fpeaking, I mean 
 “ to bring up the fafhion of my predeceifors, to have my 
 “ Lord Keeper fpeak for me in moft things: Therefore 
 “ I hav ;e commanded him to fpeak fomething unto you 
 “ at this time, which is more for formality, than any great 
 “ matter he hath to fay unto you.” 
 
 Then the Lord Keeper Williams (6) declared, ‘ c That Rufliwortfc, 
 “ tbe King’s main reafon of calling the Parliament, be- £ I . 1p> ' 73 ~ 
 <f fldes the beholding of his Subjeds faces, was to mind Parc 2%. 9 . 
 “ them of the great engagements for the recovery of the 
 “ Palatinate , impofed on his Majefty by the late King 
 “ his Father, and by themfelves, who broke off the two 
 “ Treaties with Spain. Alfo to let them underftand, that 
 “ the fucceeding Treaties and Alliances, the armies fent 
 “ into the Lenu-Countries, the repairing of the forts and 
 
 He was removed on April 23. from Theobalds to London, and buried May 7. in Henry VII's Chapel. His Son and SuecelTor 
 
 mourner be.ng fuppo.ted by the Earls of Arundel and Pembroke. Sandf. p. 560. Ljh-.uorth, Tom. I. p ,67. 
 
 T, „ Aut J Pr ’ fays Porrjmoutb. There were twelve thoufand raifcd in all. Two thoufand were fent to Holland. Idem 
 
 th f r CommUl.on was not fo much the diforders of thefe Troops, as thofe committed by the Army King James fe n 
 
 Z ZZ, , V'l remCmb,an “ eaufe of King Charles' s appointing now the martial Law ,0 be in 
 
 °J Loat and Money, occaftoned grc3t debates among rhe Judges. White!, *, p. 1. 
 
 .Marriage wT, tnfummated' Tom! T “T' ^ ^ m ° rr ° W ’ ^ ^ b - n -d.fpofed at Sea. So it was not till 
 
 (i) By reafon of the Plague. Rapin'. ' P ’ ? 
 
 f. s^ P 'l‘bu!p?, p.'fpTr82. nd FnuUl *' fays k W " thc J- ord - Kcc P cr C ™ nlr J> but V'XLmt was not difpl; 
 
 i t::: 0 .7 
 
 ’• p. 16s. 
 
 it to Calais, under 
 1 foice. lc feems, 
 
 next day that the 
 a Hac/tel, Part 2. 
 
 “ an 
 
240 
 
 The H1 ST 0 RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 VoL II. 
 
 «« the fortifying of Ireland, do all meet in one centre, the means, that he might employ them where he pleafed, nnd i6zj, 
 “ Palatinate ; and that the Subfidies granted in the lalt accordingly they were Tent to Dieppe,^ unde: the command 
 cc Parliament are herein already {bent, whereof the ac- of Vice-Admiral Penn:/’ ■' The inadi-rs or com- 
 
 xprefs order, 
 
 Parliament are herein already fpent, whereof the ac- of Vice-Ad 
 44 count is ready, together with as much more of the mandcrj of thefe fhij 
 44 King’s own Revenue.” His Lordfhip further commend- Rocbcl, weighed anc, 
 ed three circumftances. 
 
 “ Fir ft. The time ; all Europe being at this day at the 
 44 Pool of Bethefda , the firft ftirring of the waters mud be 
 “ laid hold on: Wherefore his Majefty defires them to 
 “ beftow this meeting on him, or rather on their a£tions; 
 
 14 and the next (hall be theirs, as foon, and as long as they 
 44 pleafe, for domeftick bufmels. 
 
 “ Secondly, Supply, it Subfidies be thought too long 
 tc and backward, his Majefty defires to h 
 44 propound the way. 
 
 “ Thirdly, The Ifliie of Action; which being the firft, 
 
 “ doth highly concern his Majefty’s honour and reputation, 
 
 “ for which he relies upon their loves, with the greateft 
 “ confidence that ever King had in his t uhircc; witnefs 
 “ his royal poefy, Amor Civium Regis Munutu r.tum : And 
 “ he doubts not, but as foon as he lha'l he known in Eu- 
 44 rope to be their King, fo foon (hall they be known to be 
 44 a loving and loyal Nation to him.” 
 
 avering they 
 1 failed hack t 
 the Duke of Euckiv-h, 
 
 med 
 
 DLppe 
 
 c to to ajaiiift 
 '.nghrui 
 
 ■king! am ol it, received 
 another fiom the King 
 the {hips, and put them 
 
 the hands of the Punchy which was done accordingly. . 
 
 But the mariners all deferred, utterly refufing to ferve 
 againlt Roc he!. 
 
 This affair made great noife at Oxford, where the Par- Com} 
 liament was re-afli*ml)!ed. Buckingham’ s ill conduit in this )ia 
 and not to and other rcfpech was loudly complained of in the Houfe a,,.,, V 
 
 of Commons. It was faid, the money granted by the Ruihwi-irf 
 Parliament to the la:e King had been mifapplied, and put 
 toufes very different from thofe it was intended for. That 
 the Seas were fo neglected, that the Co-pairs had done 
 great damage to the Engli/h Merchants. I hat Popery and 
 Arminianilin were countenanced by a ftrong party in the 
 Kingdom. Nolle Bifnop of JVinchtjler, and Laud Bifhop a-A tie P: 
 of St. David’s were chiefly looked upon as the heads and A 
 proteitors of the Armmians (5), nay, as favourers of Popery, J “ 
 by reafon of their ri :id and pafiionate zeal for all the Ce- 
 
 >fte- 
 
 'lhe King's 
 
 anfive 
 
 *7, r,.,/.;. Though the King affirmed in his Speech, that no Prince remonies of the Chuich of England, even for fuchas feemed 
 mcr.t p-nuin was ever more defirous to maintain the Religion heprofef- 
 'effc fed, the Parliament does not feem to have fully believed it, 
 
 R,-a.jOr.n. fince, at the very firft, both Houfes joined in prefentingto 
 him a Petition again ft Recufants. The King returned a 
 very gracious anfwcr, faying, he was very glad to fee their 
 itu 1I1 worth, zeal lor Religion, and was ready to concur with them in 
 T.l.p. 173. whatever they ftiould propofe on that head. He deferred 
 however anfwcring each particular article of the Petition, 
 till he had examined it. 
 
 Montague it Mr. Richard Montague, a Clergyman, had lately printed 
 a Book, entitled, An Appeal to Cafar , wherein were feve- 
 lal propofitions tending to the dilturbance of Church and 
 Ruth worth. State(i). It was complained of to the Commons, who 
 ^vn l bringing the author to the Bar of their Houfe, and exa- 
 jsTog.’ mining him, thought proper to refer him to the Archbi- 
 
 tojc 
 
 the leaft nectifiry. T ins zeal appeared to many as n 
 rious as uncommon, and cauled them to fiiipect, that ti.e 
 two Prelates, under colour of maintaining Religion, had 
 formed a prejedt tc reftoie Popery. They could not ima¬ 
 gine, that men fhould have fo ftrong an attachment to 
 thin f fo little m \ l 
 
 hidden defign. Wherefore Mr. Montague was fumm med M 
 a fecond time before the Houfe of Commons (6), and feverely ' : 
 reprimanded. 
 
 Mean while, the King feeing the Parliament had fpent ■Ti¬ 
 the three or four firft days of their Seffion in talking of ;_ 
 grievances, without any mention of the money he expedit¬ 
 ed for fupporiing the war, lent for both Houfes, and in 
 Chrijl- Church - Hall {poke to them in the following man¬ 
 ner : 
 
 L\>kc,p.199. {hop of Canterbury. The Archbifhop, who was looked 
 upon with no good eye at Court, bccaufe he was lufpedt- 
 ed of being a friend to the Puritans, contented himfelf 
 with exhorting him to write no more upon fuch fubjects. 
 The proceedings of the Commons difpleafed the King, for 
 Montague being one of his Chaplains, he pretended the 
 bringing him to their Bar was an incroachment upon his 
 ‘rb; King Prerogative. He ex prefled his difpleafure with the Com- 
 krir -g} mons, and took occafion to bring the caufe before the 
 fbdCotfefl! Council. Every one fufpefted, that as Montague’s book 
 Ruth worth, contained an Arminian dodtrine, Laud , Biftiop of St. Da- 
 T-L p. 174 -aid’s (2) the King’s molt intimate Counfelior for religious 
 Liud rcik-'n- affairs, had done this, to ftop the prolecution. Laud was 
 titbt bead of confidered by many as the head and protector of the Armi- 
 ans. rmin ’ mans, who were now very numerous in the Kingdom. He 
 Coke. had infinuated himfelf into Buckingham’s favour, and by 
 that means into the King’s, who readily followed his Cuun- 
 fels, in the affairs of Religion. 
 
 Tbi Ccmmons The difpleafure exprelled by the King againft the Com- 
 gram two mons, hindered not the Houfe from granting him two 
 Rufhworth Subfidies. The King accepted them gracioufl) 1 , but withal 
 T.i.p°i 7 4, intimated, this fupply was far fhort of what was neceflary 
 for the war (3) to which his Father was advifed by the 
 Parliament. The Adi for the two Subfidies was no fooner 
 palled, than the King adjourned the Parliament to Oxford, 
 to meet again the firft of Augujl following, by reafon of 
 the Plague which raged in London. 
 
 Six Ships King James, a little before his death, promifed to lend 
 lent the the King of France five or fix {hips to be employed againft 
 French King t h e Genoefe. At leaft they were borrowed on that pretence. 
 
 But afterwards, Lewis XIII. wanting thefe fhips for the 
 fiege of Rocbcl, prevailed with Charles 1 . by Buckingham's 
 
 My Lords, and you of the Commons , 
 
 44 % \ ' E all remember, that from your defires and ad- Tie K 
 
 “ vV .. . 1 
 
 cLt 
 
 Rnchel. 
 
 vice, my Father, now with God, brake off ,0 bott * 
 4 thofe two Treaties with Spain that were then in hand: 4. 
 
 4 Well you then forefaw, that as well for regaining my Ruftwonh, 
 
 4 difpoflefted Brother’s inheritance, as home defence, a LI’X '" 7 * 
 4 war was likely to fuccced ; and that as your Counfels p . n u, 
 
 4 had led my Father into ir^ fo your ailiftance in a Par- 
 4 liamentary way to puxfue it, lhould not be wanting. 
 
 4 That aid you gave him by advice, was for fuccour of 
 4 his allies, the guarding of Ireland, and the home part, 
 
 4 fupply of munition, preparing and fetting forth of his 
 4 navy. A council you thought of, and appointed lor 
 4 the war, and treafurers for ifluing of the monies: and 
 4 to begin this work of your advice, you gave thteeSub- 
 4 fidies, and as many Fifteens, which with fpeed were 
 4 levied, and by direction of that council of war (in which 
 4 the preparation of this navy was not the leaft) dif- 
 4 burfed. 
 
 44 It pleafed God at the entrance of this preparation 
 4 (by your advice begun) to call my b ather to his mercy, 
 
 4 whereby I entered as well to the care of yourdefign, as 
 4 his Crown. I did not then, as Princes do of cuitom 
 4 and formality, re-aflemble you, but that by your fur- 
 4 ther advice and aid, I might be able to proceed in that 
 4 which by your counfels my Father was engaged in. 
 
 ;c Your love to me, and forwardnefs to further thofe af- 
 ;< fairs, you exprelled by a grant of two Subfidies yet un- 
 14 gathered; although I mult allure you, by my (elf and 
 44 others upon credit taken up, and aforehand disburfed. 
 
 Annals, 
 
 Coke, 
 
 
 Party confultinj; 
 it sited by their 
 knife appointed 
 
 killed. A r.enu Gag fir an. eld Cofe, 
 by the Parliament, and committed 
 the Propagation of the live Ailicic* 
 joint Authjritics, which they after ■ 
 1 Committee to examine the error* 
 the Aitides cftablilhsd by the P.t- 
 
 (t) Our Author feems here to confound two diftinfl things- Montague (in 21 Lac.) publi/hcd a Cook, which hi 
 being an anfwer to a popifh Book, entitled, A Gag jor the new Gnfpet ; and lor this Book it was that he was qucftinili 
 to the Archbilhop, who difmilTed him with an Admonition. Afterwards the Bi/hops ot the At 
 condemned at the Synod of Dcr;, concluded, that Montague dhould publilh his Appeal to Cajar, . 
 wards withdrew by fubtilty. However, the Book was printed and dedicated to King Char/e- 
 therein, and thanked the Archbilhop fur his admonition formerly to the Author, and voted 
 liament, and took Bond for hisappearar.ee. Rujhwortb, Tom. 1. p. 173. 
 
 (;) Rjpm, by miltake, fays Bath and fVetls, which he was not yet. 
 
 (3) The charges of which, by computation, amounted to 700,000/. a year. Rujbu . ■ 
 
 (4) The Kantguard, a large Man of War, with • •! chant-Ships of great i 1 - Cote, p. 
 
 U) Rapin, as well as moll of oar Write.s, efpecially thofe of the Puritan Parly, feem to confound two things, which have r.o manner of relation to 
 
 Other, w. A-mimanifrr. and Itigb-Cbureb-Principles. The Arminian Doctrine, condemned by the Synod of Dert, held in lulu, was -11 fubtbnce ..duo 
 .K. 1. r,,; Articles. 1 . God does not in an arbitrary manner predeftinate any Perfun to be faced or damned- II. Chrilt died tor ill men, that is, a! 
 f the benefit: C 0 .-.I n, who fmcerely pc: k :m lli- G a-.i ■ I K . • ' '• 11 : : . 
 
 t irrefiftible, that is, we are (bill Free-Agents; conlequcntiy, V. The faithful m-y many iail away, or c 
 be more evident, than that a man may embrace all thefe opin.ons, without being one jot tile mote a F. cr 
 re, though the firft affcrtuis of Armtntamjm happened likewife to be zealous Sticklers tor ly.naclmg hke 1 dele 
 , confequence at all of the other, as abundance of our Hiftorian* would infinuate. Duu'ot.cf;, Laud, A<.7«, Mint 
 
 . Tom. I. p. i - 4. 
 
 partakers c 
 towards our good adlions, yet, IV. It is 
 from a ftate of Grace. Now nothing ci 
 Popery or Arbitrary Po 1 
 • in the Kin' 
 
 that 
 
 hether they had been Arm 
 lelieved by thoulands, who ar_- 
 n the Reigns of Jam 
 
 and the reft, who were for lotting the King above the Laws, would have bee 
 the five Articles above, which arc now generally received in the Church ot Engl- i-.-.i, .ire 
 the King or Church beyond its due bounds. The reafon why ArminianJnt was condemned 
 r.J Homilies (in the points above-mentioned) were generally uuderftooa in a Calvinilt.i I 
 (6) According to the condition of his Rand. Montague's caufe was recommended to the Duke of Buchngh, 
 Billiop of Oxford, and Laud of St. Dan-id' s, who obferved, That learned men ought to be lett to abound 
 Council of Trent, to require a fubfciiDtion to School-opinions, Sc c. See Rujbiujitb, Tom. !• p 
 
 C 
 
 Charles I. \ 
 
 n at this 1 
 carrying the Aitr. : 
 
 , beca 
 
 by Budtridi 
 their own Scnfe, 
 
 B./h'ip of Reci fe.-, 
 beir-i the great faul 
 
 44 ani 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 25. CHARLES! 
 
 *6=5- 
 
 r. C.m 
 
 to li: ■ 
 
 I id- p 1 
 
 Jd. r 1 
 
 hi,ion of 
 
 both II uf.s 
 
 j - Rtcu- 
 [ fiotifn- ' 
 
 Weftmin- 
 
 •d by him at 
 Oxford. 
 
 I Rulliwcrth, 
 T. X. p. 181. 
 
 44 as and far fliort, as yet to fet forth that navy now pre- 
 44 paring; as I have lately the eftimate of thofe of care, 
 
 44 and who are Hill employed about it, whofe particular of 
 44 all expences about this preparation fhall be given you* 
 
 44 when you pleafe to take an account of it.” 
 
 When the King had done fpeaking, [the Lord Conway 
 
 • and Sir John Coke] Secretaries of State made Speeches, the 
 . defign whereof, like that of the King’s, was to demon - 
 
 Urate the abfolute neceffity the Commons were under, to 
 grant his Majefty a large fum for the war wherein he was 
 engaged. They forgot not to repeat that the war was be¬ 
 gun by the lateKing, by the advice of both Houfes of Par¬ 
 liament, for this was what the King confidcred as an un- 
 anfwerable reafon. But the Parliament being now better 
 informed how the King and Duke procured that advice 
 lrom the former Parliament, thefe two Speeches produced 
 1 no great effect. The Commons being returned to their 
 Houfe, proceeded to examine Grievances, and in this exa¬ 
 mination divers complaints were made againft the Duke of 
 Buckingham. It was alfo complained, that Popery was not 
 only tolerated, but even countenanced, contrary to the 
 ■ King’s exprefs promife: That pardons were granted to 
 Recufants, figned by the Lord Conway Secretary of State, 
 who pretended to be authorized by the King, and that 
 thefe pardons flopped the courfe of juftice, and the execu¬ 
 tion of the Laws. Whereupon the King thought himfelf 
 obliged to return pofltive anfwers to the Petition prefented 
 to him at London by the two Houfes, to which he had 
 hitherto only anfwered in general. It is abfolutely necef- 
 fary to infert here the Petition, with the King’s Anfwers 
 to each article, that the Reader may the better judge how 
 the King’s promifes were afterwards perform’d. 
 
 ‘Petition againft Recufants , with the King's 
 Anfwers to each Article. 
 
 Mojl Gracious Sovereign, 
 
 “ TT being infallibly true, that nothing can more efla- 
 44 I blifh the throne, and allure the peace and profperity 
 44 of the people, than the unity and fincerity of Religion ; 
 44 we your moft humble and loyal Subjedts, the Lords 
 44 Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons of this prefent 
 44 Parliament aflembled, hold ourfelves bound in confcience 
 and duty to reprefent the fame to your facred Majefty, 
 together with the dangerous confequences of theincreafe 
 • of Popery in this land, and what we conceive to be 
 
 • “ the principal caufes thereof, and what may be the rc- 
 44 medies. 
 
 The Dangers appear in thefe particulars. 
 
 44 I. In their defperate ends, being, both the fubverfion 
 “ of the Church and State, and the reftleflnefs of their 
 44 fpirits to attain thefe ends ; the dodtrine of their teachers 
 44 and leaders, perfuading them that therein they do God 
 44 good fervice. 
 
 44 II. Their evident and ftridt dependency upon fuch 
 “ foreign Princes, as no way afFedt the good of your 
 “ Majefty and this State. 
 
 44 III. The opening a way of popularity to the ambi- 
 44 tion of any who fhall adventure to make himfelf head 
 44 of fo great a Party. 
 
 The principal caufe of the incrcafe of Papijls, 
 
 44 I. The want of the due execution of the Laws 
 tc againft Jefuits, Seminary-Priefts, and Popifh Recufants ; 
 44 occafioned partly by the connivency of the State, partly 
 44 by defedts in the Laws themfelvcs, and partly by the 
 44 manifold abufe of officers. 
 
 44 II. The interpofing of foreign Princes by their Am- 
 44 bafiadors and Agents in favour of them. 
 
 44 III. Their great concourfe to the City, and frequent 
 44 conferences and conventicles there. 
 
 44 IV. The open and ufual refort to the houfes and 
 44 chapels of foreign Ambafladors. 
 
 44 V. The education of their children in feminaries, 
 44 and houfes of their Religion in foreign parts, which of 
 44 late have been greatly multiplied and enlarged for the 
 44 entertainment of the Englijh. 
 
 44 VI. That in fome places of your Realm, your Peo- 
 44 pie be not fufficiently inftrudted in the knowledge of 
 44 true religion. 
 
 44 VII. The licentious printing and difperfing of Popifh 
 44 and feditious Books. 
 
 44 VIII. The employment of men ill-aftedted in Reli- 
 44 gion in places of government, who do, fhall, or may, 
 44 countenance the Popifh-Party. 
 
 The Remedies againjl this outragious and dangerous difeafe 
 we conceive to be thefe enfuing. 
 
 44 I. That the youth of this Realm be carefully educated 
 No. LVI. Vol. II. 
 
 24t 
 
 44 by able and religious School-mafters, and they to be 1625. 
 44 enjoined to catechize and inftrudt their Scholars in the 
 44 grounds and principles of true Religion. And whereas 
 44 by many complaints from divers parts of the Kingdom, 
 
 44 it doth plainly appear, that fundiv Popifh Scholars, dif- 
 44 fembling their Religion, have craftily crept in, and ob- 
 44 tained the places of teaching in divers Counties, and 
 44 thereby infedted and perverted their Scholars, and fo 
 44 fitted them to be tranfported to the Popifh Seminaries 
 44 beyond the feas; that therefore there be great care in 
 44 choice and admitting School-mafters, and that the ordi- 
 44 naries make diligent enquiries of their demeanors, and 
 44 proceed to the removing of fuch as fhall be faulty^ or 
 44 juftly fufpedted. 
 
 11 is Majejlf s Anfwer. 
 
 This is well allowed of ; and for the better performance of 
 what is defined , Letters Jhall be written to the two Arch- 
 bijhops , and from them, Letters to go to all the ordinaries 
 of thiir fevcralProvinces to fee this done ; the feveral ordi¬ 
 naries to give account of their doings herein to the Arcbbijhcps 
 refpeflively , and they to give account to his Majejly of their 
 proceedings herein. 
 
 44 II. That the antient Difcipline of the Univerfities be 
 44 reftored, being the famous nurferies of literature and 
 44 virtue. 
 
 Anfwer. This is approved by his Majejly, and the Chan¬ 
 cellor of each Univerfty /hall be required to caufe due execu¬ 
 tion of it. 
 
 44 III. That fpecial care betaken to enlarge the word 
 44 of God, throughout all the parts of your Majefty’s Do- 
 44 minions, as being the moft powerful means for planting 
 44 of true Religion, and rooting out of the contrary : To 
 44 which end, among other things, let it pleafe your Ma- 
 44 jefty to advife your Bifhops, by fatherly intrcaty and ten- 
 44 der ufage, to reduce to the peaceable and orderly fervice 
 44 of the Church, fuch ableMinifters as have been former- 
 44 ly filenced, that there may be a profitable ufe of their 
 44 Miniftry in thefe needful and dangerous times; and that 
 44 Non-refidency, Pluralities, and Commendams, may be 
 44 moderated. Where we cannot forbear, moft humbly 
 44 to thank your Majefty for diminifhing the number of 
 44 your own Chaplains; not doubting of the like princely 
 44 care for the well-beftowing of the reft of your benefices, 
 
 44 both to the comfort of the People, and the encourage- 
 44 ment of the Univerfities; being full of grave and able 
 44 Minifters unfurnifhed of Livings. 
 
 Anfwer. This his Majejly likes well , fo as it be applied to 
 fuch Minijlcrs as are peaceable , orderly, and comformable to 
 the Church-Government. For Pluralities and Non-refiden- 
 cies, they are now fo moderated, that the Archbifixps affirm, 
 there be now no dijpi nfation for Pluralities granted ; nor no 
 tnan now is allowed above two Benefices , and thofe not a!>:,ve 
 thirty miles difiant: And for avoiding non-refidcnce, the Ca¬ 
 non in that cafe provided, Jhall be duly put in execution. For 
 Commendams, they Jhall be fparingly granted, only in fuch 
 cafe where the exility and fnallnefs of the Bijhoprick requir- 
 cth. Alfo bis Majejly will caufe that the Benefices belonging 
 to him Jhall be well bejlowed. And for the better propagating 
 of Religion , his Majejly recommendetb to the HouJe of Par¬ 
 liament, that care may be taken , and provifion made, that 
 every Parijl) Jhall allow a competent maintenance for an 
 able Minijlcr-, and that the Owners of Parfimages Impro¬ 
 priate ivould allow to the Vicars, Curates , and Minijlcrs in 
 Villages and Places belonging to their Parj'orage, Jifficient 
 Stipend and Allowance for Preaching Minijlcrs. 
 
 44 IV. That there may be ftridt provifion againft tran- 
 44 fporting of Englijh Children to the Seminaries beyond 
 44 the Seas, and for the recalling of them who are alreadv 
 44 there placed, and for the puniftiment of fuch your Sub- 
 44 jedts as are maintainers of thofe Seminaries, or of the 
 44 Scholars; confidering, that befides the feducing of your' 
 
 44 people, great funis of Money are yearly expended upon 
 44 them, to the impoveriihing of this Kingdom. 
 
 Anfwer. The Lavj in this caje Jhall be put in execution: 
 
 And farther , there Jhall be Letters written to the Lord-Trea- 
 furer , and alfo to the Lord-Admiral , That all the Ports of 
 this Realm, and the creeks and members thereof be Jlriftiy 
 kept, and Jlrait fearches made to this end: A Proclamation 
 Jhall be, to recal both the Children of hoblemen , and the 
 Children of any other men, and they to return by a day ; 
 alfo maintainers of Seminaries cf Scholars there , Jhall be 
 punijhed according to Law. 
 
 44 V. That no popifh Recufant be permitted to come 
 44 within the Court, unlefs your Majefty be pleafed to call 
 44 him upon fpecial occafion, agreeable ro the Statute of 
 44 3 Jac. And whereas your Majefty for the preventing 
 44 of apparent mifehiefs both to your Majefty and the State, 
 
 44 hath in your Princely wifdom taken order, that none 
 44 of your natural-born Subjects, not profeffing the true 
 44 Religion, as by Lav/ eftabliflied, be admitted into the 
 44 fervice of your Royal-Confoit the Queen. We give 
 P p p “ your 
 
Vol II. 
 
 The HI ST 0 RY of E N G L A N D. 
 
 625, c “ your Majefty moft humble thanks, and defire that your 
 “ order heiein may be obferved. 
 
 Anfwer. If bis Alajejly fhall fuel, or be informed of any 
 concourfe of Ran fonts to the Court, the Law fhall beJlriet.'v 
 followed: And his Alajejly is plea fed, that by Proclamation 
 the Britifh and Irilh Sub/eils Jhall be put in the fame cafe. 
 And as his Majejly hath provided in his 'Treaty with France, 
 fo his purpofe is to keep it. That none of his Subjet Is Jhall be 
 admitted into his fervice , or into the fervicc of his Royal Con- 
 fort the Jjiiecn, that are. popijh Rccufants. 
 
 “ VI. That all the Laws now Handing in force againft 
 41 Jefuits, feminary Priefts^ and others, having taken or- 
 “ ders by authority derived from the See of Rome, be put 
 44 in due execution. And to the intent they may not 
 44 pretend to be furprized, that a fpeedy and certain day 
 “ be prefixed by your Majefty’s Proclamation, for their 
 “ departure out of this Realm, and all other your D<?mi- 
 44 nions, and not to return upon the fevereft penalties of 
 “ the Laws now in force againft them; and that all your 
 44 Majefty’s Subjects may be thereby admonifhed, not to 
 44 receive, comfort, entertain, or conceal, any of them, 
 44 upon the penalties which may be lawfully in fluffed: 
 “ And that all fuch Papifts, Jefuits, and Recufants, who 
 “ are and fhall be imprifoned for recufancy, or any other 
 44 caufe, may be fo ftriCtly reftrained, as that none fhall 
 44 have conference with them, thereby to avoid the conta- 
 “ gion of their corrupt Religion: And that no man that 
 “ fhall be fufpeCtedof Popery, be fuffered to be a Keeper 
 “ of any of his Majefty’s prifons. 
 
 Anfwer. The Law in this cafe floall be put in execution, 
 and a Proclamation Jhall be to the effect defred ; and fuch 
 rejlraint Jhall be made, as is defred, and no man that is 
 jujlly fufpected of Popery, fall be fuffered to be a Keeper of 
 any of his Majejly s Prifons. 
 
 44 VII. That your Majefty be pleafed to take fuch or- 
 44 dcr as to your Princely wifdom fhall be expedient, that 
 44 no natural born Subject, or ftrange Bifhops, nor any 
 44 other by authority from the See of Rome, confer any 
 44 Ecclefiaftical orders,to exercife any Ecclefiaftical function 
 44 whatfoever, toward or upon your Majefty’s natural Sub- 
 44 jeCts within your Dominions. 
 
 Anfwer. This is ft to be ordered according as is provided, 
 and it Jhall be fo publifed by Proclamation. 
 
 44 VIII. That your Majefty’s learned Council may re- 
 “ ceive order and commandment, to confider of all for- 
 44 mer Grants of Recufants Lands, that fuch of them may 
 “ be avoided as are made to the Recufants ufe or intereft, 
 44 out of which the Recufant receiveth any benefit, which 
 44 are either void, or voidable by the Law. 
 
 Anfwer. The King will give order to his learned Council 
 to confider of the Grants, and will do according as is defred. 
 
 " IX. That your Majefty will be likewife pleafed 
 “ ftridtly to command all your Judges and Miniftcrs of 
 44 Juftice, Lcclefiaftical and Temporal, to fee the Laws 
 “ of this Realm againft Popifh Recufants, to bte duly exc- 
 44 cuted ; and namely, that the ccnfure of excommunica- 
 44 tion be declared and certified againft them ; and that 
 44 they be not ablolved upon publick fatisfadfion by yielding 
 44 to conformity. 
 
 Anfwer. His Majejly leaves the Laws to their courfc, and 
 will order in the point of excommunication as is defred. 
 
 44 X. That your Majefty will be pleafed to remove 
 44 from places of authority and government, all fuch per- 
 “ fons, as are either popifh Recufants, or according to 
 44 diredlion of former Acts of State, to be juftly fuf- 
 44 peCtcd. 
 
 Anfwer. This his Alajejly thinks fit, and will give order 
 for it. 
 
 1,4 XI. That prefent order be taken for difarming all 
 ‘ c popifh Recufants, legally conviCted, or juftly fufpedted, 
 
 44 according to the Laws in that behalf, and the orders 
 44 taken by his late Majefty’s Privy-Council upon reafon 
 44 of State. 
 
 Anfwer. The Laws and Adis in this cafe Jhall be followed, 
 and put in due execution. 
 
 44 XII. That your Majefty be alfo pleafed in refpedt to 
 44 the great refort of Recufants, to and about London, to 
 44 command forthwith, upon pain of your indignation, 
 
 44 andfevere execution of the Laws, that they retire them- 
 44 felves to their feveral Countries, there to remain con- 
 44 fined within five miles of their places. 
 
 Anfwer. For this the Laws in force fall be forthwith 
 executed. 
 
 44 XIII. And whereas your Majefty hath ftridlly com- 
 “ manded and taken order, that none of the natural born 
 44 Subjects repair to the hearing of mafles, or other fuperrti- 
 4 4 tious fervice at the Chapels,or Houfes of foreign Ambafla- 
 44 dors, or in any other places whatfoever; we give your 
 44 Majefty moft humble thanks, and defire that your or- 
 44 der and commandment therein may be continued and 
 
 They tefolved, that Religion ftioufd have the firfl pin.- in their Deb.i’r: 
 
 s herein may bepunifhed 1623. 
 
 44 obferved, and that the oft'ei 
 44 according to the Laws. 
 
 Anfwer. The King gives ajfetit thereto, and uid Jee that 
 obferved which herein hath been commanded by him." 
 
 44 XIV. ’1 hat all fuch infolencies, as any that arc Po- 
 44 piAlly aftedled, have lately committed, or fhall hereafter 
 44 commit, to the difhonour of our Religion, or to the 
 44 wrong of the true profeflbrs thereof, be cxemplarilv pu- 
 44 ntfiied. 
 
 Anlwcr. This fall be done as is defred. 
 
 XV. 1 hat the Statute of 1 Eliz. for the payment of 
 “ twelve pence every Sunday, by fuch as fhall be abfenc 
 “ from divine fervice in the Church, without a lawful 
 “ excufe, may be put in due execution, the rather, for 
 44 that the penalty by Law is given to the poor, and there- 
 44 fore not to be difpenfed withal. 
 
 Anfwer. It is fit that this Statute be executed, and the 
 penalties Jhall not be difpenfed withal. 
 
 44 XVI. Laftly, That your Majefty would be pleafed 
 44 to extend your Princely care alfo over the Kingdom of 
 “ Jrcland, that the likecourfes may be there taken for the 
 44 reftoring and cftablifhing of true Religion. 
 
 Anfwer. His Majejly* s cures are, and fall be, extended 
 over the Kingdom of Ireland ; and he ivill do all that a reli¬ 
 gious King Jhould do for the r flaring and ejlablijhing of true 
 Religion there. 
 
 And thus (moft gracious Sovereign) according to our 
 44 duty and zeal to God and Religion, to your Majefty 
 44 and your fafety, to the Church and commonwealth, 
 
 44 and their Peace and piofperity, we have made a faithful 
 44 Declaration of the prefent eftate, the caufes and remedies 
 44 of this encrealing difeaie of Popery; humbly offering 
 the fame to your princely care and wifdom. 'Fhe an- 
 (wer of your Majefty’s Father, our late Sovereign of 
 famous memory upon the like petition, did give us great 
 44 comfort of reformation ; but your Majefty’s moft gra¬ 
 cious promifes made in that kind, do give us confidence 
 44 and afturancc of the continual performance thereof. In 
 which comfort and confidence repofing ourfelvcs, we 
 moft humbly pray for your Majefty’s long continuance 
 “ in all princely felicity.” 
 
 Thele gracious anfwers of the King to the feveral Arti- The fC>r R -- 
 cles of the Petition of both Houfes, wanted only the per- ' ■ - 1 
 
 formance of the promifes. But if it may be judged by 
 the continual complaints of the Parliaments throughout this 
 whole reign, concerning thefe fame ai tides, on which the 
 King feems to have given entire fatisfaefion, it will ea- 
 fiiv be feen that Charles's promifes were no better performed 
 than his Father’s. The King expected, that his anfwers Or-.ifimf 
 to the Petition would gain him the affection of the Com- :ii ' Vy* 
 nions. But thefe anfwers, though fo gracious and pofitive, 
 could not engage them to do what he defired, that is, t 
 lay afide all other bufinefs, and think only of granting him 
 money. He was engaged in a war, to which he pretend¬ 
 ed the Parliament had induced his late Majefty, from 
 whence he inferred, it was great injuftice not to enable 
 him fpeedily to fupport it. This was true in one fenle. 
 
 The Parliament auvifed King 'James to break oft" the 
 Treaties with Spain, and promiled to a/Iift him in cafe 
 the breach Ihould occaiion a war, as it was very likely. 
 
 But, on the other fide, it was now no-lunger a fecret in Rearm ■ 
 England, that the former Parliament was moved to give tl >‘ 
 fuch advice to the King, by the Duke of Buckingham's 
 narrative, a narrative falfe in every particular, though at- 
 tefted by the late King and the Prince. So the former Parlia¬ 
 ment’s advice being grounded on a wrong foundation, and 
 as I may fay, extorted by a mere artifice, the prefent Par¬ 
 liament did not think thcmfelves obliged to perform very 
 punctually a promife which the Court had obtained rather 
 by art, than fairly ftating the cafe. Neverthelefs, this pro- 
 mife ltdl fubfifted ; and if the Commons had fhewn the 
 publick they were not obliged to keep it, they could not 
 have done it without grievoully affronting the King, by 
 the difeovery of the artifices he had ufed to procure it. 
 
 They were willing to avoid this extremity. And there¬ 
 fore, letting the promife fubfift without any difobliging 
 reflection on the King, their aim was to excufe themfelves 
 from granting him frelh fupplies for a war ralhlv under¬ 
 taken, and without any likelihood of fuccefs. At leaft, R : /)iwon : . 
 il they fliould be forced to give any more money, rather 1 • p- 
 than enter into a difeuflion of caufes which had ingaged 
 the Kingdom in this war, they intended the King Ihould r. 1. ... 
 purchafe them, in fome meafure, with the red refs of the 
 grievances, the Nation groaned under. Wherefore, in- 
 ftead of the Money-Bill, as the King defired, they began 
 with examining and even inquiring altei the grievances of 
 the Nation, and the ftate of Religion (1). In this exami¬ 
 nation, the Duke of Buckingham and the reft of the Mi- 
 nifters were not fpared. 
 
 'Fhe King feeing what courfe the Commons were ta- v. r. ■ 
 
 n Supplies 
 
 M'lf-T 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 
 243 
 
 .625. king was Ktremely offended. Firfll. As by their flow- had taken feme meafaes tending to a war, there had been .62c 
 
 nek, hey broke all his meafures for the prefent Campain. however no aflion fince the breach of the Treaty The 
 Secondly, He deemed it a mamfeft affront and contempt fending of Count Mansfeldt into thr I 
 of his perfon, to prefume openly to attack his Favorite and order fo march h,tothe* pL ! JZ 7 T' !" 
 Minifters, or rather himfelf under their name. So, per- thin" tha“ ™uld be confide \ n r ™ cl 
 
 cemng no likelihood of a fpeedy fupply, which was the Sp.&, though the projefl had mifearried CWr, rffol" «'»'■ 
 
 71, (W ,1 nr "\° f the Parliament, he was determined to tng therefore to undertake this war, of which be was the 
 
 i'fy ,f - 1 he Commons having fome notice of it, ha- principal author and promoter, lent the Duke of .Bar fray 
 
 “ Ss n , ^ 
 
 thod to raife it, than by borrowing of perfons able to lend, Ru 'hworth. 
 
 The Commons Declaration, 
 
 “i “ W C the Kni ff tS ’r C i- d p en , S “* *?*** 0f ** ”“'- W Tl'ere fi iomefltnt t'cS“by feme Ki^s'of 
 
 “ , C ° ra ™" s Houle of Parliament, being the Re- England, have ever been considered as great grievances 
 
 « P efcntanve Eody of the whole Oim.mens of t&s Realm, and tending to render Parliaments ufelef It“will here- 
 „ anr"‘ a 1 7 h*!' r d m h j s late gracious after appear, that the next Parliament did not fuffer thele 
 
 „ a " fwer “uuhmg Religion, and his melfage for the care to pafs uncomplained of. However, to loften peoDle’s 
 <1 of ° ur t h ^l th ’ do P roteft and vow brfo ' e G°d minds, and induce them to lend their money nior/lrceiy I','•tic" 
 
 and the World with one heart and vo.ee, that we are a Proclamation was publifhed, to call home all fuch chtl- xvin. . 
 
 “ a refolved, and do hereby declare, that we will ever dren as were not/educating l 
 continue moll loyal and obedient Subjects to our moll well as all the Envhth. 
 
 ,,Ui v-uiivcnienc time, ana in a rarliamen- 
 
 “ tary w y> f red y and dutifully to do our utmoft endea- don't know whether thefe^Warrants^rTSlV 3 
 “ “ ■ “ difeover and reform the abufes and grievances cured : but it is certain however, th«^ afterwards^ ” e 
 
 of the Realm and State, and in like fort to afford all Houfe of Commons frequently required the dilarmiiw of 
 neceffary (apply to his mod excellent Majefty, upon his thePapiils S y required the dtlatming of 
 
 mons aim was to intimate ,0 the People, that they intended other reafon cached him to neglea th"s advantage He 
 heved ,0 h'ave a fi'glf TSand ™ oT^f ***** 
 
 fatisfaiffion, with refpetff to^heir oHeva^ F° PlC ^ C J ntag J? n f P read,n .? among the Troops, the Fleet le -“ 
 
 i3aF'Si=E;SSI““ 
 
 the only inducement to tile Coure o dlfiR f ° mnlonl> ' Kln 6’ as wel1 as "> Buckingham, who was looked upon 
 the Peonle Of th s th, r defl<l tr T ,n J“ rm g as th = contriver and diredlor of the Court-projefts. 
 
 1 if qu fr bl tg- 
 
 -safe?* 
 
 fupnlics and hL p„ J ? em t0 , t 1 he S rantln g fons were made Sheriffs, and fo could not be chofen Mem- 
 
 roll? rim U uT r f ? ar,iament - Sir Edward C ° k ‘ ™ of thb nul 
 ... counted a grievance Thi“firft Skmtm w 7 Z c ^ = bu ‘ , ’ owc '" : r he and fome others were chofen, prefer- 
 
 y,. ?, diffolved for this fo real Vhe flh TjZ 7 It? “ g Z IT Z Y °* ed thdr Countr y “ P»lS»»t 
 
 £; p . ; np . f., t Ho K.ifintcfc, .1 1 , " th , 1 , , 1 hav ' to that whlch the y could render it as Sheriffs fc) 7 ’he 
 
 bdlratt // t r and 0,/-w abo ^ e - hr “ j? ParIiam ™t was therefore fummoned to meet on the 6th 
 
 f/fo Hague T '; n(r r n r . 1 . r ralJ ' a ment hindered not the Williams^ who, through the KinTs disi 
 
 pSI beginning the war with 4^ Kmg had'fotlpffos ^ 
 
 a year Ru/hwor 
 
 hiiH " 'f. A°n Acffo^he ruhfreftrainfoft? Vrts and Pa (limes, fuch as Bearer Bull-baiting, Plays, or other un- Annals.' 
 
 King three entire Subfidiesf and the Laity two. S^rlr! ° f t,ppll " S ‘ n Inn5> Alchouf «» a '‘<* Vidkualling-houfes-The Clergy granted the 
 
 furni/h him with money, and what fums'they Thought they^oidC "'/“ll^ h T ' 1 th ' nameS ° f ruch Perfons as were of ability to 
 Letters in the King's name, under the Privy-Seal, fo the iera PeTrL r™a f' f K , °'r' hC K,n B s » oufl ‘ old * b > the C °“^il's Order, i.Fued torch 
 Having objerved in the Cu/hms of former time r that all n,^ ** th ' Loa " of mone y. «« form as follows: Trujty and -well-beloved, & c . 
 
 =;k“" rpfc j. df* > 
 
 y nam e of Us, our Heirs, ic. » r^oy /pyp u or your AJJigns, within eighteen months after payment thereof, & c 7 ' 
 
 Privy-Seal, the monies r 
 
 ” ' ■ - ■ ZfZ,lSZ"<. fUy ‘ ** 15 '■ C**- K« »'• * *4 3»>. Sir 3M. sSZZtifit. 
 
 Wentworth, 10/. &c. Rufbwertb, Tom. l! 
 
 l-a:i X , and ^tndTor Ea » / CaJ> ' ch Z V!n ' , the Vifc 0“»B Cclcbefer 5 the Lords Pr/rr, ^r/ey, 
 
 Uga,, f' h = f a / ifts b / Excommunication, and other CenflreT W™. p^X ’ m ' P ' ’ 9 +- The Bliho P s were likewife Cum raanded to proceed 
 
 14J f hird Son ot the Earl of Exeter. a 
 
 Torkfbirc. Coke, 'sir^ifcW CeAe^kine n* u^V and Sir ^mas Wentworth, made Sheriffs of Bucks, Somcrfct, and 
 
 diligence to demand make to 1 \ fY^ll ^ ^ ^ W ' re T “ 0Ut = »*« P* * aliyoZ^n W 
 
 fanes and Commi/fioners of the Holv Church ™/f, J 1 ■ ’ c ? mmon b cal!ctl Lollardics, within your Bayhwick from time to time, and alfili all Ordi- 
 
 (b).Bilhop W had The^7hffta5^^Vmpi/rth e ^ « “ X M * RAworthT Tom. I. p. , 9 8. M 
 
 &>* Y miftake. The Abbots of H'edmm'ier it f« ms , had furmTlXr' 0 "' '‘"I otl ’ cia “ d as Dean ot but did not crown the King, as Rapin 
 
 . -t leems, hadforme.lv, and afterwards the Deans, a conf.deraUe Share iu the Solemnities of the Corona,b a . 
 
 They 
 
244 
 
 HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 4625. 
 
 1625-6, 
 
 lit Kins'1 
 
 a year or more, and were not yet Knights, to come and 
 receive the order of Knighthood. This was confidered as 
 a new grievance, of which I {hall fpealc herealter. It 
 fuffices to fay at prefenr, that when this cullom was fir(1 au¬ 
 thorized by an Act of Parliament, with regard to fuch as 
 had twenty pounds a year in land, twenty pounds then 
 were equal to three hundred at. the time I am (peaking of. 
 But the King thought it a favour to his Subjects to in¬ 
 clude fuch only in his order as had forty pounds a year. 
 
 The Coronation was performed with the ulual ceremo- 
 But when all was over, the King being feated on 
 
 Kufhwor 
 
 T.I.p-s 
 
 his Throne ready to receive the Homages of the Lords ; 
 
 C. Laud approached him, and read an extraordinary paflage, 
 of which there appeared no inftance in former Coronations. 
 It contained the following words : 
 
 Stand and bold fajl , from henceforth , the place to which 
 you have been Heir by the Succejfion of your Forefathers, be¬ 
 ing now delivered to you by the authority of Almighty God , 
 and by the hands of us , and all the Bi/hops and Servants of 
 God: And as you fee the Clergy to come nearer to the Altar 
 than others , fo remember that (in all places convenient) you 
 give them greater honour , that the mediator of God and Alan 
 may ejlablijh you in the kingly Throne to be a mediator be¬ 
 twixt the Clergy and the Laity , and that you may reign for 
 ever with Jefus chri/l, the King of Kings , and Lord of 
 Lords. 
 
 The Parliament being aflembled on the 6th of February , 
 the Lord Keeper Williams fpoke thus Vo both Houles in the 
 King’s name. 
 
 My Lords , and you the Knights, Citizens , and Burgeffes of 
 the Houfe of Commons. 
 
 Ilufh worth, 
 'I I. p. 2CI. 
 
 Spucb. 
 
 Rufh worth, 
 T. I. p. 202. 
 
 OU are here aflembled by his Majefty’s Writs 
 1 and Royal Authority to hold a new Parliament, 
 the general, ancient and powerful Council of this re¬ 
 nowned Kingdom ; whereof if we confider aright, and 
 : think of that incomparable diftance between the fu- 
 : preme height and majefty of a mighty Monarch, and 
 : the fubmiffive awe and lowlinefs of a loyal Subjedl, we 
 ; cannot but receive exceeding comfort and contentment 
 in the frame and conftitution of tiiis higheft Court; 
 wherein not only the Prelates, Nobles, and Grandees, 
 
 : but the Commons of all degrees have their part, and 
 wherein that high Majefty doth defeend to admit, or 
 rather to invite the humbleft of his Subjcdls to con- 
 1 feience and council with him, of the great, weighty, 
 
 ; and difficult affairs of the King and Kingdom ; a be- 
 : nefit and favour whereof we cannot be too fenfible and 
 : thankful ; for fure I am, that all good hearts would be 
 : both fenfible and forrowful, if we did want it; and 
 : therefore it behoveth all, with united hearts and minds, 
 
 : free from diffraction and diverffon, to fix their thoughts 
 ; upon counfels and confultations worthy of fuch an Af- 
 : fembly ; remembring, that in it is prefented the ma- 
 : jefty and greatnefs, the authority and power, the wif- 
 : dom and knowledge of this great and famous nation ; 
 
 ; and it behoveth us to magnify and blefs God, that hath 
 ; put the power of aflembling Parliaments in the hands of 
 
 “ ment; and looking into the danger, and the fpreading 
 44 of that late mortaiitv, and weighing the multitude of 
 “ his Majefty’s preffing occaftons, and urging affairs cf 
 “ State, both at home and abroad, much importing the 
 44 fafety and ftate of this Kingdom; the fame affection 
 “ that moved him to call it, doth forbid him to prolong 
 “ the fitting of this Parliament: And therefore his Ma- 
 44 jefty refolving to confine this meeting to a fhort tin.:', 
 44 hath confined me to a fhort errand ; and that is, that 
 4t as a thing moft agreeable to the kingly office, to the 
 44 example of the belt time:, and to the frame of mode.-.'* 
 44 affairs, his Majefty hath called you together to confulr 
 44 and to advife of provident and good Laws, profitable 
 44 for the Publick, and fitting for the prefent times and 
 44 actions; for upon fuch depends the affitrance of Reli- 
 “ gion, and of Juftice, which are the fureft pillars and 
 “ butterefies of good Government in a Kingdom: Per 
 “ his Majefty doth confider, that the royal Throne, on 
 c ’ which God out of his mercy to us hath lit him, is 
 44 the fountain of all Juftice, and that good Laws arc the 
 44 ftreams and quits by which the benefit and ufe of this 
 “ Fountain is difperfed to his people; and it is his Ma- 
 44 jefty’seareand ftuuy, that his people may fee with com - 
 “ fort and joy of heart, that this Fountain is not dry, 
 44 but they and their poiiciity may reft allured and con!:- 
 44 dent in his time, to receive as ample benefit from this 
 “ Fountain, by his Majefty’s mercy and juftice, as ever 
 “ Subjects did in the time of the moft eminent Princes 
 44 am 1 
 
 41 fliews himfelf moft fenfible of the good of the Publick, 
 44 fo were it an injury to this great and honorable Aflein- 
 bly, if it fhould be but doubted, that they fhall not bo 
 that may add to his Majefty’s 
 it but receive a high degree of 
 . Majefty J'uccceding fo many 
 ovv .. Princes, Ihould begin his 
 
 as fenfible of any thi 
 honour; which car 
 love and affedtion, 11 
 religious, wife, and r 
 
 Reign with fome addition.-' n. thofe good Laws which 
 their happy and g]. lio i> t;.-e afforded. And this 
 his Majefty hath caufeJ .e to deirre, at this time efpe- 
 cially above others ; for his Majefty having at hi; Royal 
 Coronation lately folemivizcd the (acred Rights of that 
 blefl'ed marriage between his people and him ; and there¬ 
 in by a moft holy Oath vowed the protection of the 
 Laws, and maintenance of Peace, both to Church and 
 People, no time can be fo fit for his Majefty to advife 
 and confult at large with his people, as at this prefent 
 time, wherein fo lately hi; Majefty hath vowed protec¬ 
 tion to his people, and they have protefted their allegi¬ 
 ance and fervice to him. 
 
 44 This is the fum of that charge which I have r eceived 
 from his Majefty to deliver unto you ; wherein you fee 
 his Majefty’s intent to the Publick: And therefore his 
 defire is, that according to that conveuiency of time 
 which his affairs may afford, you may apply yourfclves 
 to difpatch the bufinefs of this Parliament.” 
 
 Though it did not appear in this Speech, that the King Y, trirgf. 
 
 r-n.fprl in i.l- -i limnll'ui :!.r ( ammaiV: rhar W H. 1 1 ’ t* 
 
 intended to ask a Supply of the Commons, that was, how 
 ever, as was afterwards lcen, the real motive of calling the 
 Parliament. But the Commons did not think themfelves 
 him, the virtue of whofe perfon doth ftrive with the obliged to guefs the King’s intention, or prevent his de- 
 greatnefs of his princely lineage and defeent, whether he mand. So, after chufing their Speaker, the firft care was 
 Ihould be accounted major or mclior, a greater King, or to thank the King for. his gracious anfwer to the Petition 
 a better man ; and of whom you have had fo much againft Rccufants, prefented to him at Oxford. Then they 
 trial and experience, that he doth as afte&ionately love, fpent fome days in examining the publick Grievances, 
 
 amongft which were reckoned, the mifearriage of the Fleet 
 ~ about the King, and the mif- 
 
 44 as he doth exactly know and underftand the true ufe of 
 “ Parliaments; witnefs his daily and unwearied accefs to 
 “ this Houfe, before his accefs to the Crown ; his gracious 
 “ readinefs to all conferences of importance ; his frequent 
 “ and effe&ual interceffion to his blefled Father of never- 
 “ dying memory, for the good of the Kingdom, with fo 
 44 happy fuccefs, that both this and future generations fhall 
 41 feel it, and have cuufe to rejoice at the fuccefs of his 
 44 Majefty’s interceffion. And when the Royal diadem 
 44 defeended upon himfelf, prefently, in the midft of his 
 44 tears and fighs for the departure of his moft dear and 
 “ royal Father, in the very firft confultation with his 
 41 Piivy-Council, was refolved to meet his people in Par- 
 41 lament: And no fooner did the heavy hand of that de- 
 “ ltroying Angel forbear thofe deadly ftrokes, which for 
 44 fome time did make this place inacceffible(1), but his 
 44 Majefty prefently refolved to recal it, and hath now 
 “ brought you together, and in a happy time I truft, to 
 treat and confult, with uniform defires and united af- 
 “ fictions, of thofe things that concern the general good. 
 
 44 And now being thus aflembled, his Majefty hath 
 44 commanded me tu let you know, that his love and af- 
 4 ‘ fedtion to the Publick, moved him to call this Parlia- 
 
 to Cadiz , evil Counfellors 
 employment of the three Subfidies, and three Fifteenths, 
 granted to the late King, for the recovery of the Palati¬ 
 nate. To examine the Grievances with more order and Com - "fa 
 clearnefs. Committees were appointed, one for fecret al-'T ; - 
 lair^, an tl foi n. 
 
 This laft, whereof Mr. Pym was Chairman, called in 
 queftion again, .Montagues Books, intitled. An Anfwer to ,f 
 the late Gagg cf Protejlants , An Appeal to Cajar, and A Ruihworth 
 Treatife of the Invocation of Saints , and reported to the “° 
 Houfe, the falfe, erroneous, Papiftical, Arminian, opinions cokc,p.i»' 
 found therein, repugnant to the Articles cf the Church of 
 England. For inftance, That the Church of Rome hath 
 ever remained firm upon the fame foundation of Sacraments 
 and Doctrines inftituted by God. That the controverted point 1 
 
 [between the Church of England, and the Church of Rome] 
 are of a Itffer and inferior nature , of which a man may be 
 ignorant without any danger of his Soul at all. That Images 
 may be ufed for the infraction of the ignorant , and excita¬ 
 tion of devotion. That there are tutelar Saints as well as 
 Angels. That men jufified may fall away and depart from 
 the fate of grace , and fome other Arminian tenets. 
 
 1 
 
 They had, among other thii- j-. th; cuftody of the old Regalia, that is, the Crown, the Sword, the Scepter, the Spi 
 'i'iiclc things it was the Dean' Ivulinefs to prepare and fet in order. Laud finding an old Cn:c nx a 
 Ctliier'tEtcl. Hi/i. p Tom. II. p. 736.-- .He was afterwards charged of having made fome Alt 
 makes to this, in State-Trials, Tnm. I. p. S66. Sec. 
 
 (*) He means the Piaguc, yi waich there died, this year, in London and the Cut-parlilies, thirty 
 k.i, p. J. 
 
 7 
 
 i King Ed-. 
 
 the Coronation Oath, but lee v, 
 
 hundred and ievcntcen p-ri 
 
 The 
 
Book XiX. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 1(5 25-6. The King feeing the Commons bent upon the examina- 
 •jlt tion 0 f Religious matters, ordered his Attorney-General 
 judges /- to acquaint the Judges [of the Circuits] that it was his 
 
 frocteda- plcafure they fhould proceed with rigour againft Recufants. 
 gam/! Rt- j-j e f, a( j promifed this fix months before, in his anfwer to 
 Rnfnworth, the former Parliament’s Petition : but, in all appearance, 
 T-j. p.112. this article had been negledted, by the Court, or by thofe 
 who were commiflioned to execute the orders. ’Tis cer¬ 
 tain, during this reign, fuch kind of orders were never 
 pun&ually executed. 
 
 ’TtiCorr.- ^ The King had demanded a fupply of Money to carry 
 the'King's on the War , but the Commons were in no hafte to grant 
 affairand it. On the contrary, they flill proceeded in the examina¬ 
 tion of grievances, and, among others, of certain reprifals 
 made upon France , with too much precipitation, to the 
 great damage of the Englijh Merchants (1). The Council 
 of War, appointed by the Parliament to manage the three 
 Subfidies granted to King James, were alfo obliged to give 
 an account of their conduct. 
 
 c Tb c Hoff, of The King bearing this delay very impatiently, prelfed 
 the Commons to confider of the fupply. The Lords alfo 
 vam. endeavoured to perfwade them to it, in a conference which 
 they defired on this occafion, but it was to no purpofe. 
 
 fund only 
 
 “ without prefent fupply of money, cannot be let forth z&z 
 “ and kept together. 
 
 “ 3 - That the army which is appointed in every coift, 
 
 “ muft prefently be disbanded, if they be not prefend y 
 “ fupplied with vitftuals and clothes. 
 
 “ 4 - That if the companies of Ireland, lately font thither, 
 cc be not provided for, inftead of defending that Country. 
 
 “ they will prove the authors of Rebellion. 
 
 “ 5. T hat the fealon ot providing health; 
 
 “ he part, if this month be neglected. 
 
 And therefore his Mqjcjiy commanded) me .. 
 he defired to know , without further delaying or’ 
 
 Supply you will give him for thefe his preltut t 
 he may accordingly frame his courj'e and count'd. 
 
 The Commons were not very well pleafed with the Tit c«« 
 Letter or Meflage, wherein were feveral things they could " - 
 not approve. 1. The maimer of den 
 
 which fhowed it to be nor lb much a fiee-aift .’i. ; il.'i? 
 their part as an obligation. 2. The King fet them a time, 
 by ordering it to be done without delay, and before all other 
 things. 3. He would not accept of'lefs than was need 
 fary, and this could relate only ro the five Articles cf ex¬ 
 pence, which was properly fpecifying to them the furn they 
 
 1 vuffuals will 
 
 that 
 what 
 cajions, that 
 
 The Kings 
 Letter ti tbt 
 Speaker. 
 Rulhwoith, 
 T. 1. p.114. 
 Annuls, 
 p. 115. 
 
 On the contrary, they heard the Report of the Committee were ro give. 4. The King demanded money with 7 n 
 concerning the Nation’s Grievances, wherein they had al- extraordinary and unprecedented haughtinefs . Th- 
 ways the Duke of Buckingham in view, and even caufed King grounded his demands upon King 7 w/promi!~ 
 him to be informed of the articles on which the com- to the laft Parliament, a promiie fraudulently obtained Lv 
 plaints againft him were grounded. Whereupon the King the Duke of Buckingham’s falfe na ration 6 The w - 
 fent a Letter to the Speaker, with a meflage to the Houfe for which, fo much money was to be 'riven had been 
 by Sir Richard IViJlm. raftlly undertaken, at a time when there was’no profpect 
 
 of fuccefs, and the King, and Duke of Buckingham were 
 Trujiy and IVcll-belmti, known to be the authors of it, though tile ‘'King per- 
 
 .. _ , . . . petually inftfted upon the Parliament’s advice to his Fa- 
 
 LJ Avmg afiembled the Parliament early in the be- ther. Had it been undertaken, at the beginning of the 
 ginning of the year, for the more timely help and quarrel between the King of Bchnnia and the Emperour 
 “ aJvlcl; ° f our Pco P le ■" “ ur great and important affairs ; or even before the lofs of'the Palatinate , when there w-s 
 “ and having of late, not only, by mel&gc, but alfo of room to hope for the affiftance of the Protettant Prmces 
 “ ourfelf, put our Houfe of Commons in mind of our it might have been expefted to be crowned with focceli’ 
 preffing occafions, and of the prefent efiate of Chriften- But it was begun at a time, when all the Princes of Gcr- 
 “ dom < wherein they have equal intereft with us, as well many were either fubdued by, or united with the Emperor 
 “ ln rcl P' a <,f thclr own former engagements, as of the at a t ; me when there was nut a Tingle place left that might 
 “ common caufe; we fhall not need to tell them with a ff or d the Englijh entrance into the Palatinate or cow’d 
 “ what care and patience we have m the midft of our ne- poffibly be approached by tiiem. How then c’ou'J V 
 “ ceffities attended their refolutions ; but becaufe their un- expefted to wreft the two Palatinates from the Eni-e-o- 
 “ feafonable llownefs may produce at home as ill effeds as and Duke cf Bavaria ? The whole therefore wdd -i 
 “ a denial - and hazard the "bole eftate of things abroad ; to the attacking of the Spaniard. Upon what "at- 
 “ we have thought fit by you the Speaker, to let them It was either to oblige him to ule his intereft fur ti e rcifi 
 “ —now, that without more lofs of time, we look for a full tution of the Palatinate, in which cafe , war was nerd 
 “ and perfea anfwer of what they will give for our fupply, left, fince he had promifed his mediation an i even',- j 
 according to our expectation, and their promifesj where- to render it effeflual, before the breach of the 'n-ftrale 
 “ in, as we prefs for nothing beyond the prefent ftate and Or elfe, to conftrain him to employ Ins arms in wreftirg 
 “ condltlon Of our fubjeas, fo we accept no lefs than is the Palatinates from the two Princes in poiliffton cs mo 
 “ proportionable to the greatnefs and goodnefs of the caufe : jed which appeared extravagant, and would have’drained 
 “ Neither do we prefs them to a prefent refolution in this, England of men and money to no purpofe Befide- 'the 
 “ with a purpofe to ptecijiitate their counfels, much lefs to late expedition of the fleet was no great encouragement to 
 “ enter upon their privileges, but to fhew that it is unfit profecute this undertaking. Finally thou-h 'the Com 
 “ to depend any longer upon uncertainties, whereby the mons did not care openly to filter into all thefo difeufliun ■ 
 
 * " hoIe weight of the affairs of Chnftendom may break they were willing however to (how the King thev ' i 
 
 “ u P on us upon the fudden, to our difhonour, and the not'mean to be amufed with a promife extorted bv m--- 
 “ ihameof this nation. And for the bufinefs at home, artifice, and, if they granted him money would 7 reap at 
 “ we c °ftimand you to promife them in our name, that leaft the advantage of procuring the rtdrefi of the national 
 “ aft< V i^ have <atisfied us in this our reafonable demand, grievances. But the King took caie tu flint that door a 
 4 we fhall not only continue them together at this time, gainft them, by deferring the redrefs of the grievaores t, 
 
 ‘ fo long as the feafon will permit, but call them fhortly another time. As they perceived, and the King himfe'f 
 again to perfect thofe neceflary bufinefles which fhall be intimated to them, that the defired fupply would not be i!.- 
 ct n °jr r u ', one ’ ant * now we w >lhngly apply fit laft, they could not be fure, but in the next Seflion of 
 and feafonable remedies, to fuch juft grievances which liament the King would again expeft the money-bill Y> 
 they ihall prefent unto us in a dutiful and mannerly pafs before the grievances, and fo there would be no cn ! 
 way, without throwing an ill odour upon our prefent Thefe were the true reafons of the tardinefs of the Com' 
 
 government, or upon the government of our late blefled mons, and their little ardor for the Kind’s affairs the,,oh 
 
 *! ^ at n er '„ */. the [ e be >' ec w ho defire to find fault, they would not openly declare then for fear of in^ ffia.'? 
 we lliflll think him the wifeft reprehender of errors part, debates oftenfive to his Majefty. ? ° S 
 
 “ who, without reflecting backward, can give us counfel 
 how to fettle the prefent eftate of things, and, to pro- 
 “ vide for the future fafety and honour of the King- 
 “ dom.” 
 
 The meflage brought at the fame time and delivered to 
 
 , Neverchelefs they were 
 willing to intimate them to him, and, very likeiv, he 
 perceived them well enough, though it was thought proper 
 on both fides to conceal them from the publick. For this 
 caufe the Commons refolved to fend an anfwer to the 
 King’s meflage, full of refpe&, fubmiflion, expreflions of 
 
 He jdi of the 
 
 providedfir. 
 Rulbtvonh- 
 T. I. p.., s . 
 
 the Houle by Itcjhn contained five articles of expence to them zeal for his fervice, anfl even promifes of aiding him 
 be provide for, namely in his wants, though in a general manner. But withal 
 
 a n 1 ' ,at h,s Aflaj=ftv S fleet being returned, and the they artfully intimated to him, that redrefs of grievance; 
 victuals (pent, the men muft of neceifity be difeharged, ought to precede the fupply they intended to -rant him 
 and their wages paid, or elfe an allured mutiny will 001 ‘ 
 
 “ follow, which may be many ways dangerous at this 
 “ time. 
 
 t “ 2 - That his Majefty hath made ready about forty 
 “ fhips, to be fet forth on a fecond voyage, to hinder the 
 enemy, which want only victuals and Come men, which 
 
 Their anfwer was as follows ; 
 
 Mof gracious Sovereign, 
 
 Y OUR Majefty’s dutiful and loyal Subjects. 
 Commons now afiem-bied in Parliament 
 1 humility, prefent unto your royal wildom, tiffs their Hull, 
 
 the Com- 
 
 the 
 
 (i) I; fceys a Rep rt was 
 Vice- Admiral for Cornwal, i 
 
 ° c rder ' af ‘« ‘he King and Council hud ordered the Ship 
 Sir Franc “ Steward delivered to the Duke, who fiid, he would 
 
 - 1 3- 
 
 the Houle, That the reafon why our Merchants Ships and Goods were fsized in France, was becau'e Sir 7 a,-. 
 had fetzed up;.„ the G. odsof the French in our Pons, particularly a Ship called the^ Rctcr ot xlbLn y 1 % 
 ftnied upon a juft Claim. That twenty three bags of Silver, and eight , f Gelc 
 . . Kinfc nfjbvnrll] Torn.' , 
 
 
 i juft Clain 
 juftify the ftay of the Ship by order 
 
 N» S 6. Vol. II. 
 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 246 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND 
 
 1625-6.“ loyal anfwer to the meflage, which your Majefty was 
 « pleafed by the Chancellor of your Exchequer to fend 
 “ unto them, defiring to know, without any further de- 
 “ ferring of time, what fupply they would give to your 
 “ Majefty, for your prefent and extraordinary occaftons, 
 “ that you might accordingly frame your courfes and coun- 
 “ fels. Firft of all, they moft humbly befeech your Ma- 
 “ jefty, to know and reft aflured, that no King was ever 
 “ dearer to his People than your Majefty ; no People 
 * c more zealous to maintain and advance the honor and 
 “ greatnefs of their King than they ; which, as upon all 
 “ occaftons they Avail be ready to exprefs, fo efpecially in 
 “ the fupport of that caufe, wherein your Majefty and 
 “ your Allies are now juftly engaged. And becaufe they 
 “ cannot doubt, but your Majefty in your great wifdom, 
 “ even out of juftice, and according to the example of your 
 “ moft famous predeceft'ors, will be pleafed gracioufly to 
 “ accept the faithful and neceflary information and advice 
 « of your Parliament, which can have no end but the fer- 
 « vice of your Majefty, and fafety of your realm, in dif- 
 fC covering the caufes, and propoftng the remedies of thefe 
 “ great evils, which have occafioned your Majefty’s wants, 
 “ and your People’s grief. 
 
 “ They therefore in confidence and full afl'urance of 
 “ redrefs therein, do with one confent propofe (though in 
 “ former time fuch courfe hath been unufed) that they 
 “ really intend to aflift and fupply your Majefty in fuch 
 “ a way, and in fo ample a meafure, as may make you 
 “ fafe at home, and feared abroad ; for the difpatch 
 “ whereof they will ufe fuch diligence as your Majefty’s 
 “ preffing and prefent occaftons (hall require.” 
 
 The King fully perceived the intention of the Houfe in 
 fending him this anfwer. But he had not the fame rea- 
 fons as the Commons to be referved in his expreflions. It 
 was rather his intereft to fpeak freely, for fear, by dif- 
 fembling his principles and pretenfions, he Ihould encourage 
 the Commons to attack the Duke of Buckingham , who 
 was counted the prime author of the grievances. His 
 Majefty therefore makes this reply to the Commons an¬ 
 fwer : 
 
 Mr. Speaker , 
 
 The King's u r | ' h E anfwer of the Commons delivered by you, I 
 Ruihworth “ like well of, and do take it for a full and fatis- 
 
 X.i, p.2.16. “ fa&ory anfwer, and I thank them for it, and I hope 
 “ you will with all expedition take a courfe for perform- 
 “ ance thereof, the which will turn to your own good as 
 “ well as mine ; but for your claufe therein, of prefenting 
 “ of grievances, I take that but for a parenthefts in your 
 “ Speech, and not a condition ; and yet for anfwer to that 
 ct part, I will tell you, I will be as willing to hear your 
 “ grievances, as my predeceft’ors have been, fo that you 
 “ will apply yourfelves to redrefs grievances, and not to 
 u enquire after grievances. I muft let you know, that I 
 “ will not allow any of my Servants to be queftioned 
 “ amongft you, much lefs fuch as are of eminent place, 
 “ and near unto me. The old queftion was, What Jhall 
 “ be done to the man whom the King will honour ? But now 
 “ it hath been the labour of fome, to feek what may be 
 if done againft him whom the King thinks fit to honour. 
 “ I fee you fpecially aim at the Duke of Buckingham ; I 
 “ wonder what hath fo altered your affe&ions towards him. 
 “ I do well remember, that in the laft Parliament in my 
 “ Father’s time, when he was the inftrument to break 
 £t the Treaties, all of you (and yet I cannot fay all, for I 
 “ know fome of you are changed, but yet the Houfe of 
 “ Commons is always the fame) did fo much honour and 
 refpedt him, that all the honour conferred on him was 
 “ too little ; and what he hath done fince to alter and 
 “ change your minds, I wot not ; but can allure you, 
 “ he hath not meddled, or done any thing concerning the 
 “ Publick or Commonwealth, but by fpecial directions and 
 “ appointment, and as my fervant ; and is fo far from 
 “ gaining or improving his eftate thereby, that I verily 
 “ think he hath rather impaired the fame. I would you 
 would hallen for my Supply, or elfe it will be worfe for 
 “ yourfelves; for if any ill happen, I think I Ihall be the 
 “ laft (hall feel it.” 
 
 Bucking- This Letter hindered not the Commons from proceed- 
 twin -• ccn- j n g in the examination of the Duke of Buckingham’s con- 
 duCt, it being refolved to impeach him in form. The 
 h queftion was moved by Dr. "Turner [a Phyfician,] Whether 
 
 11 F- 21 /• common Fame be a good ground of proceeding for the Houfe ? 
 
 This queftion was decided in the affirmative, after con- 
 ,:p. fulting fome Lawyers (1), at which the King was extreme- 
 pl-vii. \y offended, and fhowed his difpleafure to the Commons, 
 
 demanding withal, that Tumn- might be punilhed for 1625-6. 
 moving fuch a queftion (2). But tins meflage fignified 
 but little, and the Houfe fti : ! continuing to proceed againft 
 the Duke, it was the general opinion of the Members that, 
 in granting the King money, the redrefs of the grievances 
 was not to be neglected. 
 
 Mean while, to take from the King the pretence, which 
 all thefe delays might furnifti him with, the Commons 
 unanimoufly voted him three Sublidies and three Fifteenths, Ruihworth, 
 to which, a month after, was added a fourth Subfidy. 
 
 Moreover they fixed the payment of the firft to the laft p . ,-w’ 1 
 
 day of June (3). Nothing is a clearer evidence of the tn-.r jo- 
 defign aferibed by me to the Commons, namely, that in C: ' tx 
 granting money to the King, they meant to render their 
 liberality fubfervient to the redrefs of grievances. By this 
 expedient they flrowed the publick, how ready thev were 
 to affift the King in his neceffities ; but withal referved to 
 themfelves the liberty of palling this vote into an aCI, 
 
 (without which it was of no ufe to the Kim:) when they 
 
 Ihould think fit. Now, according to their intention, this 
 
 Aft was not to pafs till grievances were prefented to, and 
 
 anfwercd bv the King. Thus he was deprived of the pro 
 
 tence to complain of their delays, though indeed what they 
 
 did for him could be advantagious to him, but on luppoft- 
 
 tion he would regard their defires. This greatly einbarafled 
 
 the King. He plainly law the Commons deiign, and was j .i 
 
 the more offended, as all their proceedings were levelled at 
 
 the Duke of Buckingham , or rather at the King himfelf, ' 
 
 who had publickly declared, the Duke had only followed 
 
 his orders, without being able to prevail for his being left 
 
 unmolefted. As he found they afted with too little refpeft, 
 
 he refolved to let them know how much he was difpleafed 
 
 with their proceedings, doubtlefs, to frighten them into 
 
 another courfe. He fent therefore for both Houfes to 
 
 Whitehall, where he made the following Speech : 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen, 
 
 “ T Have called you hither to day, J mean both Houfes 1 6z6. 
 
 “ A of Parliament ; but it is for fevcral and diftinft rea- 
 “ fons : My Lords, you of the Upper-Houl’e, to give March29. 
 
 “ you thanlcs for the care of the ftate of the Kingdom Rufbwonh. 
 
 “ now ; and not only for the care of your own proceed- J 1 F 2JI - 
 
 cc ings, but enticing your Fellow-Houfe of the Commons, 
 
 {C to take that into their confideration. Therefore, ( mv 
 “ Lords) I muft not only give you thanks, but I muft 
 tc alfo avow, that if this Parliament do not redound to the 
 “ good of this Kingdom, (which I pray God it may, ) 
 
 “ it is not your faults. And you, Gentlemen of the 
 “ Houfe of Commons, I am forry that I may not juftly 
 “ give the fame thanks to you ; but that I muft tell you, 
 
 « c that I am come here to {hew you your errors, and, as 
 
 “ I may call it, unparliamentary proceedings in this Par- 
 “ liament. But I do not defpair, becaufe you fhall fee 
 “ your faults fo clearly by the Lord-Keeper, that you 
 “ may fo amend your proceeding, that this Parliament 
 “ Ihall end comfortably and happily, though at the he- 
 “ ginning it hath had fome rubs.” 
 
 Then the Lord-Keeper, by the King’s command fpoke 
 next. 
 
 My Lords , and you the Knights , Citizens , and Burgejfcs of 
 the Houfe of Commons. 
 
 “ \ 7 OU are here affembled by his Majefty’s com-^^y* 
 
 “ A. mandment, to receive a Declaration of his Royal spucb* I 
 “ Pleafure ; which although it be intended only to the 
 “ Houfe of Commons, yet his Majefty hath thought meet, 
 
 “ the matter being of great weight and importance, it 
 “ Ihould be delivered in the prefence of both Houfes, and 
 “ both Houfes make one general Council : And his Ma- 
 “ jefty is willing, that the Lords Ihould be witneffes of 
 “ the honour and juftice of his refolutions. And therefore 
 “ the errand, which by his Majefty’s direftion I muft de- 
 “ liver, hath relation to the Houfe of Commons. I muft 
 “ addrefs my felf therefore to you, Mr. Speaker, and the 
 “ reft of that Houfe. 
 
 “ And firft, his Majefty would have you to underftand, 
 
 “ That there was never any King more loving to his 
 “ people, or better affe&ioned to the right ufe of Parlia- 
 “ ments, than his Majefty hath approved himfelf to be, 
 
 <c not only by his long patience fince the fitting down of 
 “ this Parliament, but by thofe mild and calm directions 
 “ which from time to time that Houfe hath received by 
 “ meflage and letter, and from his royal mouth ; when 
 “ the irregular humours of fome particular perfons wrought 
 “ diverfions and diftradtions there, to the difturbance of 
 
 ! Sir ih’.m.n ‘-.lioirtb, Mr- 2Vj y, Mr- iseldtn, and others. Whitlock, p. 3. ...... 
 
 The K.in, . in this meffage, demanded juftice alfo againft Mr. Clcmtr.t Coke, Sir Edward 's S03, and Member tor A:tilbury. \vi;j . -id ;r. the Houfe. .0.. 
 ht-r n Hit r.y enemy, than 1: fujjtr at borne, RuJhvjortb, Tom. I. p. 2i8> 
 
 Ard the Olkb,r.^ Idem. P T jar. 
 
 thofe 
 
1626. 
 
 Book XIX, 
 
 25. C H A R L E S I. 
 
 247 
 
 tc thofe great and weighty affairs, which the neceffity of 
 « the times, the honour and fafety of the King and King- 
 “ dom, called upon. And therefore his Majefty doth af- 
 « fure you , that when thefe great affairs are fettled, 
 “ and that his Majefty hath received fatisfadlion of his 
 “ reafonable demands, he will, as a juft King, hear and 
 “ anfwer your juft Grievances, which in a dutiful way 
 « fhall be prefented unto him; and this his Majefty doth 
 “ avow. 
 
 “ Next his Majefty would have you know of a furety, 
 “ That as never any King was more loving to his peo- 
 44 pie, nor better affe&ioned to the right ufe of Parlia- 
 44 ments, fo never King more jealous of his honour, nor 
 44 more fenfible of the neglebt and contempt of his Royal 
 44 Rights-, which his Majefty will by no means fuffer to 
 44 be violated by any pretended colour of parliamentary 
 44 liberty j wherein his Majefty doth not forget, that the 
 44 Parliament is his Council, and therefore ought to have 
 44 the liberty of a Council; but his Majefty underftands 
 44 the difference betwixt Council and controlling, and be- 
 44 tween liberty, and the abufe of liberty. 
 
 44 This being fet down in general, his Majefty hath 
 44 commanded me to relate fome particular paifages and 
 “ proceedings, whereat he finds himfelf aggrieved. 
 
 44 Firft, Whereas a feditious Speech was uttered a- 
 44 mongft you by Mr. Coke , the Houfe did not, as they 
 44 ought to do, cenfure and correct him. And when his 
 44 Majefty underftanding it, did, by a mefl’age by Mr. 
 44 Chancellor of the Exchequer, delivered to the Houfe, 
 44 require juftice of you, his Majefty hath fince found no- 
 44 thing but protracting and delays. This his Majefty 
 44 holds not agreeable to the wifdom and the duty which 
 “ he expeCted from the Houfe of Commons. 
 
 Secondly, Whereas DoCtor Turner, in a ftrange un- 
 44 parliamentary way, without any ground of knowledge 
 44 in himfelf, or offering any particular proof of the Houfe, 
 44 did take upon him to advife the Houfe to enquire upon 
 “ fundry Articles againft the Duke of Buckingham, as he 
 44 pretended, but in truth, to wound the honour and go- 
 44 vernment of his Majefty, and of his renowned Father ; 
 44 and his Majefty, .firft by a meflage, and after by his 
 “ own royal mouth, did declare, That that courfe of en- 
 “ quiry was an example which by no way he could fuffer, 
 44 though it were againft his meaneft fervant, much lefs 
 “ againft one fo near him ; and that his Majefty did much 
 44 wonder at the foolifh infolcncy of any man, that can 
 44 think, that his Majefty fhould be drawn out of any end 
 44 to offer fuch a facrifice, fo unworthy of a King, or a 
 44 good mafter ; yet for all this, you have been fo far from 
 44 correcting the infolency of Turner, that ever fince that 
 44 time your Committees have walked in the fteps of Tur- 
 44 ner, and proceeded in an unparliamentary inquifition, 
 44 running upon generals, and repeating that whereof you 
 44 have made fame the ground-work. Here his Majefty 
 
 44 hath caufe to be exceeding fenfible, that upon every 
 
 “ particular he finds the honour of his Father ftained and 
 44 blemifhed, and his own no lefs ; and withal you have 
 44 manifefted a great forwardnefs, rather to pluck out of 
 44 his bofom thofe who are near about him, and whom 
 
 44 his Majefty hath caufe to afteCt, than to truft his Ma- 
 
 44 jefty with the future reformation of thefe things which 
 44 you feem to aim at : And yet you cannot deny but his 
 “ Majefty hath wrought a greater reformation in matters 
 44 of Religion, execution of the Laws, and concerning 
 44 things of great importance, than the fhortnefs of his 
 “ Reign (in which he hath been hindered, partly through 
 44 ficknefs, and the diftraCtion of things, which we could 
 “ have wifhed had been otherwife ) could produce. 
 
 44 Concerning the Duke of Buckingham, his Majefty 
 41 hath commanded me to tell you. That himfelf doth 
 44 better know than any man living, the fincerity of the 
 “ Duke’s proceedings; with what cautions of weight and 
 41 difcretion he hath been guided in his publick employ- 
 ments, from his Majefty and his blefl'ed Father ; what 
 44 enemies he hath procured at home and abroad 5 what 
 “ peril of his perfon, and hazard of his eftate, he ran in- 
 44 to, for the fervice of his Majefty, and his ever-blefled 
 44 Father; and how forward he hath been in the fervice 
 • 44 of this Houfe, many times fince his return from Spain. 
 44 And therefore his Majefty cannot believe, that the aim 
 44 is at the Duke of Buckingham, but findeth that thefe 
 44 proceedings do direCtly wound the honour and judgment 
 44 of himfelf, and of his Father. It is therefore his Ma- 
 44 jefty’s exprefs and final commandment, that you yield 
 44 obedience unto thofe directions which you have formerly 
 “ received, and ceafe this unparliamentary inquifition, and 
 “ commit unto his Majefty’s care, and wifdom, and juf- 
 44 tice, the future reformation of thefe things which you 
 il fuppofe to be otherwife than they fhould be : And his 
 44 Majefty is refolved, that before the end of this Seflion, 
 
 ‘ 4 he will fet fuch a courfe, both for the amending of any 
 ' f thing that may be fpund amifs, and for the fettling of 
 
 4 his own eftate, as he doubteth not but will give you 1C26, 
 4 ample fatisfaCtion and comfort. 
 
 “ Next to this, his Majefty takes notice, that you have 
 4 fuffered the greateft Council of State to be cenfurcd and 
 e traduced in the Houfe, by men whofe years and educa- 
 4 tion cannot attain to that depth : That foreign bufinefles 
 4 have been entertained in the Houfe, to the hinderance 
 4 and di fad vantage of his Majefty’s Negotiations : That 
 4 the fame year, yea, the firft day of his Majefty’s in- 
 4 auguration, you fuffered his Council, Government, 
 
 4 and Servants, to be parallelled with the times of moft 
 4 exception : That your Committees have prefumed to 
 4 examine the Letters of Secretaries of State, nay, his 
 4 own ; and fent a general warrant to bis Signet-office, 
 
 4 and commanded his officers, not only to produce am! 
 
 4 fhew the Records, but their Books and private Note?, 
 
 4 which they made for his Majefty’s fervice. This his 
 4 Majefty holds as unfufferable, and it was in former times 
 4 unufual. 
 
 44 Next I am to fpeak concerning your Supply of three 
 4 Subfidies, and three Fifteenths, which you have agreed 
 c to tender to his Majefty. You have been made ae- 
 4 quainted with the greatnefs of his affairs, both at home 
 4 and abroad, with the ftrong preparation of the enemy, 
 
 : with the importance of upholding bis Allies, ftrengthning 
 4 and fecuring both England and Ireland ; befides the 
 ; encountering and annoying the enemy by a powerful 
 ; fleet at Sea, and the charge of all : This having been 
 4 calculated unto you, you have profefled unto his Ma- 
 4 jefty, by the mouth of your Speaker, your carefulnefs 
 4 to fupport the caufe wherein his Majefty and his Al- 
 4 lies are juftly engaged ; your unanimous confent and 
 4 real intention to fupply his Majefty in fuch a meafure 
 ; as fhould make him fafe at home, and feared abroad 
 4 and that in the difpatch hereof, you would ufe fuch di- 
 4 ligence as his Majefty’s preffing and prefent occafions 
 4 did require. 
 
 44 And now his Majefty having ereCted a proceeding 
 
 futable to this engagement, he doth obferve, that in 
 4 two days only of twelve, this bufinefs was thought of, 
 
 4 and not begun till his Majefty by a meflage put you in 
 4 mind of it, whilft your inquifition againft his Majefty’s 
 4 direction proceeded day by day. 
 
 44 And for the meafure of this fupply, his Majefty find- 
 4 eth it fo far from making himfelf fafe at home, and 
 4 feared abroad; as contrariwife it expofeth him both to 
 4 danger and difefteem ; for his Majefty cannot expeCt, 
 
 4 without better help, but that his Allies muft prefently 
 4 disband, and leave him alone to bear the fury of a pro- 
 4 voked and powerful enemy: So as both he and you 
 4 fhall be unfafe at home, and afhamed and defpifed a- 
 4 broad. And for the manner of the fupply, it is in it- 
 4 felf very difhonourable, and full of diftruft; for al- 
 4 though you have avoided the literal word of a condition, 
 
 4 whereof his Majefty himfelf did warn you, when he 
 4 told you of your parenthefis; yet you have put to it 
 4 the effeCt of a condition, fince the Bill is not come into 
 4 your Houfe untill your grievances be both preferred and 
 4 anfwered. No fuch thing was in that expreffion and 
 4 engagement delivered by your Speaker, for which his 
 4 Majefty holdeth, that you have receded both in matter and 
 4 manner, to his great difadvantage and difhonour. And 
 4 therefore his Majefty commandeth, that you go together, 
 
 4 and by Saturday next return your final anfwer, what fur- 
 4 ther fupply you will add to this you have already agreed 
 4 on, and that to be without condition, either direCtly or 
 4 indirectly, for the fupply of thefe great and important 
 4 affairs of his Majefty ; which for the reafons formerly 
 4 made known unto you, can endure no longer delay ; and 
 4 if you fhall not by that time refolve on a more ample fup- 
 4 ply, his Majefty cannot expeCt a fupply this way, nor 
 4 promifeyou to fit longer together ; otherwife, if you do it, 
 
 4 his Majefty is well content that you fhould fit fo long as 
 4 the feafon of the year will permit ; and doth afliire you, 
 
 4 that the prefent addition to your fupply to fet forward 
 4 the work, fhall be no hinderance to your fpeedy accefs 
 4 again. 
 
 44 His Majefty hath commanded me to add this, That 
 4 therein he doth expeCt your chearful obedience, which 
 4 will put a happy iflue to this meeting, and will enable 
 4 his Majefty, not only to a defenfive war, but to em- 
 4 ploy his Subjects in foreign actions, whereby will be 
 4 added to them both experience, fafety, and honour. 
 
 44 Laft of all, his Majefty hath commanded me, in ex- 
 4 planation of the gracious goodnefs of his royal intention, 
 
 4 to fay unto you. That he doth well know, that th;re 
 4 are among you many wife and well tempered men, 
 
 4 well affeCted to the publick, and to his Majefty’s fer- 
 4 vice; and that thofe that are willingly faulty are not 
 4 many : And for the reft his Majefty doubteth not, but 
 4 after his gracious admonition, they will, in due time, 
 
 4 obferve and follow the better fort * which if they ftiall 
 
 44 do 
 
I *■ .’-6. “ do, his Majefty is moft ready to forget whatfcever is 
 “ part. 
 
 Then his Majejly fpeke again. 
 
 14 I mu ft withal put you in mind a little of times p.ift; 
 !< you nuy remember, that in the time of my blefTed Fa- 
 “ ther, you did with your counfel and perfuafion per- 
 “ fwade both my Father and me to break off the Trea- 
 “ ties: I confefs I was your inftrument, for two rcafons ; 
 44 one was, th? r.tnefs ot the time j the other was becaufe 
 “ I was fecondeJ by fu great and worthy a body, as the 
 “ whole body of Parliament : Then there was no body 
 44 in fo great favour with you as this man, whom you 
 44 feem now to touch, but indeed my Father’s Govern- 
 44 mentar.d mine. Now that you have all things according 
 44 to your wifhes, and that I am fo far engaged, that you 
 “ think there is no retreat; now you begin to fet the dice, 
 44 and make your own game : But I pray you be not de- 
 44 ceived, it is not a parliamentary way, nor it is not a 
 “ way to deal with a King. 
 
 44 Mr. Coke told you, It was better to be eaten up by a 
 44 foreign enemy, than to be dcjlroyed at home. Indeed I 
 44 think it more honour for a King to be invaded, and al- 
 44 moft deftroyed by a foreign enemy, than to be defpifed 
 44 by his own Subjedls. 
 
 44 Remember, that Parliaments are altogether in my 
 44 power for their calling, fitting, and diffolution; there- 
 44 fore as I find the fruits of them good or evil, they are 
 44 to continue, or not to be: And remember, that if in this 
 44 time, in {lead of mending your errors, by delay you per- 
 44 fifl in your errors, you make them greater and irrecon- 
 44 cileable: Whereas, on the other fide, if you do go on 
 44 chearfully to mend them, and look to the diftreffed ftate of 
 “ Chriftendom, and the affairs of the Kingdom, as it lieth 
 44 now by this great engagement; you will do your felves 
 14 honour,you (hall encourage me to go on with Parliaments, 
 “ and, I hope, all Chriftendom {hall feel the good of it.” 
 Tit Common The King’s and Keeper’s Speeches were fo plain, that 
 tjh eftnee t h e y cou ]d not be mifunderftood. The King’s aim in ge- 
 spn'bet. nera l was t0 intimate to the Parliament, they were only 
 his Council, whofe advice he might follow or reject, and 
 he could either not affemble this Council, or govern 
 Ru/hworth w ‘tri°ut it. The Commons immediately turned the Houfe 
 T i p 12;. into a grand Committee, ordering the doors to be locked, 
 A ' iM b and no Member to depart till the Houfe came to a refolu- 
 p ' llS ’ tion concerning thefe Speeches. His Majefty having no¬ 
 tice thereof, and perceiving this could not but retard his af¬ 
 fairs, ordered a conference bet wen the two Houfes, and 
 commanded the Duke of Buckingham to explain his inten¬ 
 tions, and give his words a fenfe lefs offensive than what 
 they obvioufly bore. The Duke fpoke in the manner 
 following. 
 
 The Duke if “ 
 Bucking- “ 
 ham’. tc 
 Speech, t< 
 
 Zp'u'nUhc « 
 
 K,ng' t . tt 
 
 Rulh worth, 
 
 W Hereas it is objected by fome, who wifii good 
 correfpondency betwixt the King and people, 
 that to prefix a day to give or to break was an unufual 
 thing, and might exprefs an inclination to the King to 
 break ; to remove this, as his Majefty was free from 
 fuch thoughts, he hath defeended to make this explana¬ 
 tion. 
 
 44 That as his Majefty would not have you condition 
 with him diredtly or indirectly, fo he will not lie to a 
 day, for giving farther fupply ; but it was the prefling 
 occafion of Chriftendom that made him to pitch upon 
 a day. 
 
 44 His Majefty hath here a fervant of the King of Den¬ 
 mark., and another from the Duke of IVeymer , and yef- 
 terday received a Letter from his Sifter the Queen of 
 Bohemia ; who fignified, that the King of Denmark 
 hath fent an Ambaffador, with power to perfedt the 
 contract which was made at the Hague ; fo it was not 
 the King, but time, and the things themfelves that 
 prefled a time. 
 
 44 Therefore his Majefty is pleafed to give longer time, 
 hoping you will not give him caufe to put you in mind 
 of it again ; fo that you have a greater latitude, if the 
 bufinefs require to think further of it. 
 
 44 I am commanded further to tell you, That if his 
 Majeftv fhould accept of a lefs fum than will fuffice, it 
 will deceive your expeditions, difappoint his Allies, and 
 confume the Treafure of the Kingdom: Whereas, if 
 you give largely now, the bufinefs being at the crifis, 
 it comes fo l'eafonably, it may give a turn to the affairs 
 of Chriftendom. 
 
 44 But while we delay and fuffer the time to pafs, others 
 abroad will take advantage of it, as the King of Spain 
 hath done, by concluding a Peace, as it is thought, in 
 Italy, for the I'altcline, whereby our work is become 
 
 44 the greater, becaufe there can be no diverfion that t 6 z 6 , 
 44 way. 
 
 “ As it was a good rule to fear all tilings and nothing, 
 
 Cc and to be liberal was fometimes to be thrift’ , ib in this 
 44 particular, if you give largely, you fh. 1 1 c.irr\ : >.. Jr 
 
 44 to the enemy’s door, and keep that Pe... ■ Jmme that 
 44 hath been : Whereas, on the contrary; i loni.'raw ;he 
 44 war at home, it brings with it nothing b :t eftft • mce 
 44 and fear, all courfes of j Alice ftopt, and euu. 
 
 44 venue leflehed, and nothing that can be profitable. 
 
 44 Another explanation I am commanded to make, 
 
 “ touching the grievances ; wherein iiis M ijcfty means no 
 44 way to interrupt your proceedings, but hopes you will 
 44 proceed in the anlient way of your predecefli-.rs; and 
 44 not fo much feek faults, as the means to redrefs them. 
 
 44 I am farther commanded to tell you, That his Ma- 
 44 jefty intends to elect a Committee of both Houles* 
 
 44 whom he will truft, to take the view of his eftate, the 
 “ defedts of which are not fit for the eyes of a multitude; 
 
 44 and this Committee will be for your eafe, and may fa- 
 44 tisfy you, without calling any ill odour on his Go- 
 44 vernment, or laying open any weaknefs that may bring 
 “ ftiame upon us abroad. That which is propofed is lo 
 “ little, that when the payment comes, it will bring him 
 “ to a worfe eftate than now he is in ; therefore wifhes 
 “ you to enlarge it, but leaves the augmentation to your 
 “ felves ; but is forry, and touched in confcience, that 
 44 the burthen fhould lie on the pooreft, who want too 
 44 much already ; yet he will not preferibe, but wifh that 
 “ you, who were the abettors and counfellors of this war, 
 
 44 would take a greater part of the burthen to your felves ; 
 
 44 and any man that can find out that way, {hall {hew 
 41 himfelf beft aftedled , and do the beft iervice to the 
 “ King and State. 
 
 After the Duke had thus fpoken for the King, he made Rufli.-.-or-h 
 his addrefs to them in his own behalf, taking this occafion TJ. p.ny 
 to vindicate his conduit, or rather to extol the fen ices he 
 had done the State. T he Lord Conway, Secretary of p- 
 State, fpoke next, and pretended, among other things, 
 to {how, that the three Suhfidies and three Fifteenths 
 granted to the late King had been employed according to 
 the Parliament’s intention, becaufe nothing was disbar fed 
 but by the King’s exprefs orders, a reafon which mull have 
 appeared frivolous to the Houfe of Commons (i). 
 
 The explanation of the King’s intentions feemed to pa¬ 
 cify the Commons a little. How great fuever their dil'con- 
 tent was, at what the King faid about Parliaments, they 
 did not think proper to cenfure it, whether they feared to 
 enter into fo dangerous a difeuflion, or expected that the 
 Lords would take the affair in hand, lince they were no lefs 
 concerned. The Commons contented themfelves therefore 
 with prefenting to the King a Remonftiance, to juftify 
 their proceedings. This Remonftrance was preceded by AnnaIj> 
 an Addrefs on the fame fukjcCh But as the Addrefs was p. no.* 
 only an abftract of the Remonftrance they were preparing, 
 
 I fhall pafs it over in lilence, and infert only the Remon¬ 
 ftrance, which was thus worded : 
 
 Mojl Gracious Sovereign , 
 
 £w WHEREAS your Ma n 
 
 “ VY late, at fundry I 1 by 1 
 
 44 impart unto us your ro . jafu e, . luching fome paf- • 
 
 44 fages and proceedings in this prefent Parliament: We T ‘1^0243’ 
 44 do firft, with unfpeakable joy and comfort, acknowledge 
 44 your Majefty’s grace and favour, in that it hath pleafed 
 44 you to caufe it to be delivered unto us by the Lord 
 44 Keeper of your Great Seal, in your own royal prefence, 
 
 44 and before both Houfes of Parliament, That never King 
 44 was more loving to his People, nor better affe&ed to 
 44 the right ufe of Parliaments ; withal, profefling your 
 44 moft gracious refolution, to hear and redrefs our juft 
 44 Grievances. And with like comfort we acknowledge 
 44 your Majefty’s goodnefs Ihining at the very entrance of 
 44 your glorious Reign, in commanding the execution of 
 44 the Laws eftablifhed to preferve the true Religion of Al- 
 44 mighty God, in whofe fervice confifteth the happinefs 
 44 of all Kings and Kingdom. 
 
 “ Yet let it not difpleafe your Majefty, that, we alfo 
 44 exprefs fome fenfe of juft grief, intermixed with that 
 44 great joy, to fee the careful proceedings of our fincere 
 44 intentions fo mifreported, as to have wrought effects un- 
 “ expedted, and, we hope, undelerved. 
 
 “ Firft, Touching the charge againft us in the matter 
 44 concerning Mr. Coke. We all iincerely proteft. That , 
 
 44 neither the words mentioned in your Majefty’s mefl'age, j^. p 
 44 nor any other of feditious effedt were fpoken by him, as 
 44 hath been relolved by the Houfe, without one negative 
 
 (1 He (Lowed, that there had been paid, for the four Regiments in th; Low-Couvrnet ; for the Navy ; for the Ordnance and Ferts in Eo-Lir 
 I'-tioJ, and for the fervice under Ccunt Mjmfcldt ; in ail, 278,497/. Rufhv.ortb , T-m 1 p. 132- 
 
 ■d and 
 
i 5 z 6 . 
 
 Book XIX. 25. C H A R L E S I. 
 
 “ voice. Howfoever, in a Speech occafionally uttered, 
 “ he let fall fome few words, which might admit an ill 
 “ conftru£tion whereat the Houfe being difpleafed at the 
 “ delivery of them, as was expreffed by a general and in- 
 “ ftant check, he forthwith fo explained himfelf and his 
 “ intention, that, for the prefent, we did forbear to take 
 “ them into confideration, which fince we have done : 
 4t And the eftedl thereof had before this appeared, if by 
 ** importunate bufinefs of your Majefty’s fervice we had 
 “ not been interrupted. 
 
 “ The like interruption did alfo befal us in the cafe of 
 “ Dr. Turner ; wherein the queftion being formerly ftated, 
 “ a refolution was ordered to have been taken that very 
 “ day, on which we received your Majefty’s command to 
 “ attend you. 
 
 “ But for our own proceedings, we humbly befeech 
 “ your Majefty to be truly informed, That before the 
 “ overture from Dr. Turner , (out of our great and ne- 
 “ cefTary care for your honour, and welfare of your 
 “ Realm ) we had taken into ferious confideration, the 
 “ evils which now afflidt your people, and the caufes of 
 “ them, that we might apply our felves unto the fitteft 
 “ remedies : In the purfuit whereof, our Committees 
 <c ( whatfoever they might have done ) have in no parti* 
 “ cular proceeded otherwife, than either upon ground of 
 “ knowledge in themfelves, or proof by examination of 
 “ witnefles, or other evidence. In which courfe of fer- 
 “ vice for the publick good, as we have not fwerved from 
 “ the parliamentary ways of our predecefi'ors, fo we con* 
 “ ceive, that the difcovery, and reforming of errors, is fo 
 “ far from laying an afperfion upon the prefent time and 
 “ government, that it is rather a great honour and hap- 
 “ pinefs to both, yielding matter to great Princes, where- 
 tc in to exercife and illuftrate their nobleft virtues. 
 
 “ And although the grievous complaints of the Mer- 
 “ chants from all parts, together with the common fer- 
 “ vice of the Subjects well affedted to thofe who profefs 
 “ our Religion, gave us occafion to debate fome bulineffes 
 “ that were partly foreign, and had relation to affairs of 
 “ State ; yet we befeech your Majefty to reft allured, it 
 “ was exceeding far from our intention, either to traduce 
 “ your Counfellors, or difadvantage your Negotiations. 
 “ And though fome examples of great and potent Mi- 
 “ nifters of Princes, heretofore queftioned in Parliament, 
 “ have been alledged, yet was it without parallelling your 
 “ Majefty’s Government or Councils, to any times at all, 
 
 much lefs to times of exception. 
 
 “ Touching the letter of your Majefty’s Secretary, it 
 “ was firft alledged by your advocate for his own juftifica- 
 “ tion, and after by direction of the Committee, pradu- 
 <e ced to make good his allegation. 
 
 “ And for the fearch at the Signet-office, the copy of 
 “ a Letter being divulged, as in your Majefty’s name, 
 “ with pregnant caufe of fufpicion, both in the body and 
 “ direction thereof to be fuppofititious, the Committee, 
 “ out of defire to be cleared therein, did by their order 
 “ fend fome of themfelves to the Signet-office, to fearch 
 “ whether there were any Records of Letters of that na- 
 “ ture, without warrant to the officer for any, much lefs 
 “ for a general, fearch. 
 
 “ But touching publick Records, we have not forborn, 
 “ ^ often as our bulinefies have required, to make fearch 
 “ into them, wherein we have done nothing unwar- 
 “ ranted bj the Laws of your Realm, and the conftant 
 “ ul " a g e ol Parliaments. And if for the eafe of their la- 
 “ hours any of our Committees have defired the help of 
 “ the Officers, Repertories, or Breviats of direction, we 
 “ conceive it is no more than any Subject in his own af- 
 ** fairs might have obtained lor ordinary fees. 
 
 “ Now concerning your Majefty’s bervants, and name- 
 <c ly, the Duke of Buckingham , we humbly befeech your 
 “ Majefty to be informed by us your faithful Commons ; 
 “ who can have no private end but your Majefty’s fervice, 
 “ an d the good of your Country, that it hath been the 
 “ ancient, conftant, and undoubted right and ufage of 
 
 Parliaments, to queftion and complain of all perfons of 
 “■ wbat degree foever, found grievous to the Common- 
 “ wealth, in abufing the power and truft committed to 
 <c them by their Sovereign. A courfe approved not only 
 “ by the examples in your Father’s days, of famous me- 
 “ mory, but by frequent precedents in the beft and moft 
 t( glorious Reigns of your noble progenitors, appearing 
 st both in Records and Hiftories ; without which liberty 
 “ Parliament, no private man, no fervant to a King, 
 “ perhaps no Counfellor, without expofing himfelf to the 
 “ hazard of great enmity and prejudice, can be a means 
 “ to caI1 g reat Officers into queftion for their mifdemea- 
 “ nors, but the Common-wealth might languifli under 
 
 “ their preffures without tedrefs and whatfoever we iGzf\ 
 “ fhall do accordingly in this Parliament, we doubt not 
 “ but it fhall redound to the honour of the Crown, and 
 " welfare of your Subjects. 
 
 “ Laftly, We moft humbly befeech your Majefty gra- 
 “ cioufly to conceive, that though it hath been the long 
 “ cuftom of Parliaments to handle the matter of Supply 
 “ with the laft of their bufinefles, yet at this time, out 
 “ of extraordinary refpedt to your perfbn, and care of 
 “ your affairs, we have taken the fame into more fpeedy 
 “ confideration, and moft happily, on the very day of 
 “ your Majefty’s inauguration, with great alacrity and 
 “ unanimous confent : After a fhort debate we grew to 
 “ the refolution for a prefent Supply, well known to your 
 “ Majefty. 
 
 “ To which, if addition may be made of other great 
 “ things for your fervice, yet in confutation amongft us, 
 
 “ we doubt not but it will appear, that we have not re- 
 “ ceded from the truth of our firft intention, fo to fupply 
 “ you, as to make you fafe at home, and feared abroad, 
 
 “ efpecially if your Majefty fhall be pleafed to look upon 
 “ the way intended in our promife, as well as to the mea- 
 “ fure of the gift agreed. 
 
 “ With like humility we befeech your Majefty, not to 
 “ give ear to the officious reports of private peifons for 
 “ their own ends, which hath occafioned fo much lofs of 
 “ time, nor to judge our proceedings whilft they are in 
 “ agitation, but to be pleafed to expedt the iffue and con- 
 te clufion of oar labours, which we are confident will ma- 
 “ nifeft and juftify to your Majefty the fincerity and loy- 
 “ alty of our hearts, who fhall ever place in a high de- 
 “ gree of happinefs, the performing of that duty and fer- 
 “ vice in Parliament, which may molt tend to your Ma- 
 “ jefty’s honour, and the good of your Kingdom.” 
 
 By this Remonftrance it appears, the Commons did not theCommemt 
 look upon Coke's, offence as a crime deferving fo fevere a Intenti™ <r. 
 punifhment as the King imagined, efpecially as the King's- 
 had been milinformed. Moreover, in fhowing relent men t mnfiranct, 
 againft Coke, they were afraid of difeouraging their Mem¬ 
 bers, and hindering them from freely fpeaking their minds, 
 befides that they fhould thereby authorize the King to 
 make continual complaints on the like pretences. But on 
 the other hand, if they declared Coke entirely innocent, 
 they were apprehenfive of ingaging in a difeuffion they 
 were willing to avoid. As for Turner , they could not 
 condemn him, fince his motion was approved by the Houfe. 
 
 So, they only evaded the King’s demand, for fear of of¬ 
 fending him by a refufal, imagining, the King would u:i- 
 derftand them. But as to the Duke of Buckingham , the 
 cafe was different. The King having eftablifheu for a prin¬ 
 ciple, that the Commons had not power to accufe any of 
 his fervants without his permiffion, they could not fpeak 
 too plainly, by rcafon of the importance of the King’s 
 pretenfions, which tended to deprive the Houfe of one of 
 their greateft privileges. As to the Supply, it is very vifi- 
 ble, the Commons did not intend the King fhould have it 
 in his power to preferibe them terms, but were refolved 
 to preferve the right of granting what they thought pro¬ 
 per, and when they law fit. Indeed, it is of fo great con- 
 fequence to the Commons not to lofe this Right, that 
 fhould they fuffer the leaft incroachment upon it, they 
 would aff’uredly become an empty name without authority. 
 
 The King did not think proper to anfwer this Remon- rheParlia. 
 ftrance, or at leaft required time to examine it. Mean j./- 
 while, he defired the Commons to adjourn for a week, P u,n/J - 
 as the Lords had done ; and they did fo accordingly. t'l p°2+6. 
 
 The King was extremely embaraffed. He wanted mo- 7 b e King 
 ney, and the Commons had voted him three Subfidies and 
 three Fifteenths, to which they had lately added a fourth ’r'onof'bn 
 Sublidy. But it evidently appeared they meant not to Favorite. 
 pafs the Bill, till the Duke of Buckingham's affair was 
 finifhed. So, the King not being able to divert the charge 
 againft the Duke, without hindering at the fame time the 
 Subfidy-Bill, confenced at length, that the Houfe fhould 
 proceed in the examination of his Favourite’s condudl, but 
 it was with intention to put a flop to it, if the affair was 
 carried too far (1). 
 
 A few days after, the Commons fent word to the Duke TbeCommmt 
 of Buckingham , that they were paffing Articles of accufation acquaint the 
 againft him, of which he might be informed by the Clerk’s 
 Book [and take a copy thereof] and that they expedied ‘ r J>& "' 
 his anfwer, if he pleafed 10 fend any (2). Whereupon, H eaviidt 
 the Duke applied to the Lords for leave to anfwer. But a-.jnoenng. 
 the Lords did not think it convenient to permit him, under Ru fliwortii« 
 colour, that he would thereby give the Commons occafion 
 to defer theSubfidy Bill, which they were prefently to take P . m.' 
 into confideration. But the Commons, without regarding 
 the reafon alledged by the Lords, which was fignified to 
 
 thiir ) rWri«J , T- the |! C - ne fcnt f ° r L thc and fourtee n of them repairing to him, he charged them, That in the caufe of Brijlol and Buckingham, 
 
 tan, .h„, 6 W.,, thi-y ftnli follow ool, oof jUw* Tom. I. A.,/,, ,d. 
 
 ^ or no e s than fourteen Lords, which being found of ill confequence, it was ordered, That for the future no Lord ihould be capable of 
 •. See 3 ’oum. Pmrrr. and Rujbw. Tom. I. p. 269. 
 
 
 receiving above two Proxies. See Jcu 
 
 No, 56. V o L. II. 
 
 R r r 
 
 them 
 
Vol. I!. 
 
 2 5 ° 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 them by me Duke, continued their proceedings. Nay, 
 fj ft ,; ey refolved to annex to the charge, an article concerning 
 cblr~- the Plaifter and Potion applied and given by the Duke to 
 
 •■•A P. no • man m his laft fjeknefs, without the advice of the 
 
 ; t , v Pin lit I'he King hearing of this, fent a meflage to 
 
 i. i. p 24J. ^ ie Commons, “ That he having confenteu to their pro- 
 ■ K: ~. “ ceedings againft the Duke of Buckingham , and hearing 
 
 ; '■ “ there is new matter intended to be brought againft 
 Gw- . “ 01:11, neverthelefs leaves the Houfe to their own way to 
 
 b 11 prclen: the bufinefs to him, or to the Lords, withal ad- 
 
 “ vifing them to confider of the fcafon of the year, and 
 to avoid all lofs of time.” He would probably have been 
 glad, as he was chiefly concerned in the article relating to 
 the Kina Ins Father’s life, the Commons would have left 
 it to his Determination. But they feigned not to under¬ 
 hand him, and only thanked him for his meflage. 
 
 BriiDi i Some interruption was given to the Duke of Bucking- 
 jf.i.r. hum’a a a. u(ation, and confequently to the Subfidy Bill, by 
 Rufliwonh. a new affair which unexpectedly arofe, and which it will 
 _L_ p 3 ’ ' ' be nect flary briefly to mention, though I defign not here 
 Franiiij: ■_ to defeend to particulars. The Earl of Briftol , who had 
 Annj.., been Ambaflador in Spain for the affair of the marriage, 
 
 1 ■" which he had at length almoft brought to a conclufion, 
 
 according to King 'James’s defire, had however the misfor¬ 
 tune to difpleafe the Prince and Duke. As their aim 
 was to hinder the Earl from giving the Parliament an 
 exact account of what pafled in Spain, they fo managed, 
 that at h:s return he was confined to his Houfe, and after¬ 
 wards fent to the Tower. King James was fully fatisfied 
 id the Earl’s innocence, but was fo little mafter of his ac¬ 
 tions the two lalt years of his life, that he dared not open¬ 
 ly proteit him. So, the Prince and Duke conftrained him, 
 on divers pretences, to keep him in prifon, that he might 
 not Apeak with him. After King James’s death, the Earl’s 
 cafe became fo much the worfe, as the new King and 
 favorite, his profelied enemies, were no longer obliged to 
 ufean y ceremony. He remained therefore in prifon till this 
 fecond Parliament, that is, about two years, without being 
 brought to a trial, or even any charge entered againft him. 
 At la.:, knowing how the Commons flood affeCled to the 
 Duke, he refolved to embrace this opportunity, and try to 
 recover his liberty. lie wiftied alfo to be in a condition to 
 juftifv his conduit, which the Duke had afperfed, in order 
 to call on him the whole blame of what had palled in the 
 negotiation of the Prince’s marriage with the Infanta of 
 Rufl.W'irth, Spam. He prefented therefore a petition to the Houfe of 
 T. n p .26c. L 0 nh s {flowing, that being Peer of the Realm, he had 
 received no fummons to the Parliament, defiririg them to 
 intercede for him , that he might enjoy his privilege, 
 Whereupon the Lords prayed his Majefty, to fend a writ 
 of fummons as well to the Earl of BriJlol as to fome other 
 Peers, whole writs were alfo flopped, which the King 
 granted. A lummons was therefore fent to the Earl, but 
 withal, he received a letter from the Lord Keeper (1), ac¬ 
 quainting him, that his Majefty would have him forbear 
 his perl'onal attendance. Upon this, the Earl fent a fecond 
 Petition to the Lords with the Keeper's Letter, telling 
 them, it was done by the Duke of Buckingham’s credit, 
 whole aim was to prevent him from difeovering his 
 crimes. Moreover, he befought the Lords to permit him 
 to bring an accufation againft the Duke, wherein he would 
 demonftrate how much the Duke had abufed the late King, 
 his prefent Majefty, the State, and the Parliament. The 
 King was fo offended with the Earl of Bri/lol 's boldnefs, 
 that he fent a meflage to the Lords, declaring, he was de¬ 
 termined to exhibit before them a charge of High-Treafon 
 againft the Earl of BriJlol. After this declaration, the 
 Lords could not avoid putting the Earl into the cuftody of 
 k ?• 2 49> the Black-Rod. Some days after, the Earl being brought 
 to the Bar of the Houfe, the Attorney-General read the 
 charge againft him in the King’s name, who had corrected 
 May 1 ft in feveral places with his own hand. Neverthelefs, the 
 p.2,4. - 66: Lords received alfo the accufation entered by the Earl of 
 Brijhl againft the Duke of Buckingham, and the Lord Con- 
 Sec lva y Secretary of State. The King’s charge againft the 
 Earl was divided into three heads; namely, his offences, 
 Annals. before the Prince’s going to Spain . during the Prince’s 
 '•' 1 3 ’ &c ' being in Spain: and after the Prince’s return. But the 
 Karl made fuch a defence, as covered his accufers with con- 
 fulion. He plainly fhowed, how much the Duke of Buck¬ 
 ingham had deceived the Parliament in his narrative of 
 what pafled in Spain. This reflected on the King himfelf, 
 who had not only attefted the relation, but perfifted ftill to 
 atteft it as true. Wherefore he did not think fit to pro- 
 fecutc a fentence againft the Earl. As the charge againft 
 the Earl of BriJlol, his defence, and his accufation againft 
 the Duke of Buckingham and the Lord Conway , relate ra¬ 
 ther to the reign of King James, than to that of King 
 
 Charles , I think it unneceflary to infill any farther upon i 6 zC^ 
 this affair, which would lead me too far. However, as 
 this is a curious point ; as in the Earl’s defence there is’ an 
 exadl account of what paired in Spain in the negotiation 
 of the projected marriage ; and as the characters of James I, 
 
 Charles I, and the Duke of Buckingham may be there clear¬ 
 ly feen, I {hall infert at the end of this Book feveral Papers 
 upon this fubjedt, which to me feem worthy the curiolity 
 of the publick. 
 
 Some days after the Earl of BriJlol had given his anfwer, The Comment 
 and prefented his charge againft'the Duke 2nd the Lord 
 Conway , the Commons brought up to the Lords their de- g UuL‘, '' ■ 
 claration and impeachment againft the Duke of Buckingham. Buckiiig- 
 It contained thirteen articles, which were explained and 
 aggravated by the Managers appointed by the Commons. RufL.inh, 
 It is cuftomary for the Commons on fuch occafions, to T 1 
 divide the task among feveral of their Members, each of An 1 '' a ^’ & j 
 whom prepares to fpeak to the article affigned him (2). P ‘* 
 Sir Dudley Diggs , who was appointed to explain and fup- 
 port the beginning of the charge, [after a fhort prologue] 
 read the following preamble: 
 
 For the fpeedy redrefs of great evils and mi [chiefs, and of Comment 
 the chief cauje of thefe evils and mifchiefs which this King- 
 dom of England now grievoujly fuffereth, and of late years “pejthZnt 
 hath fujfered ; and to the honour and fafety of cur Sovereign '°t 
 Lord the King, and of his crown and dignity-, and to the . 1 
 
 good and welfare of his People , The Commons in this prefent ham. 1 " 6 ; 
 
 Parliament , by the authority of our faid Sovereign Lord the , . 
 
 King, ajfemblcd , do, by this their Bill , Jbeiv and declare a- 
 gainjl George, Duke, Marquifs, and Earl of Buckingham, ’ “ 
 
 Earl of Coventry, / fount Villers, Baron of Whaddon, 
 
 Great Admiral of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, 
 and of the Principality of Wales, and of the Dominions and 
 IJlands of the fame, of the Town of Calais, and of the 
 Marches of the fame, and of Normandy, Gafcoign and 
 Guienne, Gen era l-Cover neur of the Seas and Ships of the 
 faid Kingdom , Lieutenant General-Admiral, Captain-Gene¬ 
 ral and Governour of his Majejly’s Royal Fleet and Army 
 lately fet forth, Majier of the Horfe of our Sovereign Lord 
 the King, Lord Warden, Chancellor, and Admiral of the 
 Cinque-Ports, and of the Members thereof, Conjlable of 
 Dover Cajlle, JuJhce in Eyre of the Forejls and l.races on 
 this fide the River Trent, Conjlable of the Ca/lie of Wind- 
 fur, Gentleman of his Majejly’s Bed-Chamber, one of his 
 Majefty’s mojl Honourable Privy Council in his Realms , 
 both in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and Knight of the 
 mojl Honourable Order of the Garter : The Mijdemcanours , 
 
 Mjpriftons, Offences , Crimes, and other matters, comprized 
 in the Articles following ; and him the faid Duke do accuft 
 and impeach of the faid Mif demeanors, Mifpriftons , Offen¬ 
 ces and Crimes. 
 
 This preamble being read, Sir Dudley Diggs gave a Diggs ex- 
 general knowledge of the impeachment, without infilling J,,rf 
 upon any particular article. He only reduced the charge to tbfpriami 
 four principal heads. In the fir ft, he {flowed the grievan- bit. 
 ces which fprung from fo many offices conferred on a Angle 
 perfon, and pretended it was one of the chief caufes of 
 the evils which afflicted England, as decay of trade, Ioffes 
 at Sea, and the contempt, the Nation was fallen into. In 
 the fecond, he fpoke in general of Honours being fold or 
 procured by the Duke for undeferving perfons. In the 
 third, he faid, as the Duke had raifed all his poor Kindred 
 to Honours, fo he had exhaufted and mif-employed his 
 Majefty’s lands and revenues. In the fourth, he fpoke of 
 the remedies applied and given to the late King in his laft 
 ficknefs, but he only juft mentioned them, "becaufe that 
 Article was to be enlarged upon by another manager. 
 
 As this charge was never decided, I think it needlefs to 
 relate the particulars, or give an account of what was laid 
 by each of the managers on the feveral Articles. But that 
 the Reader may fee in general what the Duke was accufed 
 of, I {flail infert an abftradt of each Article. 
 
 I. He was accufed of ingroffing into his hands a great ^bJlraSi of 
 number of offices, fome whereof could hardly be executed 'of fmu-'b- 
 by a Angle perfon : and of procuring them by ill means. mere. 
 
 II. Of purchafing the office of High Admiral of the Ruftwprth * 
 
 Earl of Nottingham, [for the fum of 3000 /. and an 2nnu- AnnaU. 3 °°* 
 ity of 1000 /.] p . gee, 
 
 III. Of buying the office of Lord Warden of the 
 Cinque-Ports, of the late Lord Z ouch, [for the fum of 
 1000 l. and an annuity of 500 /. ] 
 
 IV. Of having negledted to guard the Seas and protect 
 the Merchants. 
 
 V. Of confifcating a French Ship, called the St. Peter 
 of Newhaven worth 40,000/. Sterling: Of detaining the 
 faid Ship, after the King’s order to reftore her to the 
 owner, and of taking out feveral things for his pfe. 
 
 VI. Of opprefling the Eajl-India Company, by detain- 
 
 t 1 ) Rjpi”, by miftake, fays, under the Great Seal. See Rujbwortb, Tom. x. p. 260, 261. 
 
 2: It was managed oy eight Member;, and fixteen more as Afiiftams. The eight chid Managers 
 Mr. Glanwle, Mr. Pyrn, M 1. Shetland, Mr. War.de tftrd, and Sir John Elliot. Idem. p. ;c2. 
 
 were, Sir Dudley Diggi, Mr. Hebert, Mr. St Idea, 
 
 4 
 
 mg 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 25. C H A R L E S I. 
 
 j 1626, ing under falfe pretences their Ships which were ready to 
 fail, and of compelling them to give him ten thoufand 
 pounds, that they might not lofe their voyage. 
 
 VII, and VIII. Of delivering feveral Merchant-Ships 
 and a Man of war into the hands of the French King, 
 againft the will of the owners, to ferve at the fiege of 
 Rochcl. 
 
 IX. Of conftraining feveral perfons to purchafe Titles 
 of Honour (1). 
 
 X. Of felling the office of High-Treafurer [to Henry 
 Montague Vifcount Mandeville ] for twenty thoufand 
 pounds, and the office of Mafter of the Wards and Live¬ 
 ries [ to Sir Lionel Cranfield ] for fix thoufand. 
 
 XI. Of procuring to his kindred and allies titles of Ba¬ 
 ron, Vifcount, Earl, without their having done the State 
 anv fervice. 
 
 XII. Of embezzling and ingroffing the King’s money 
 and lands. 
 
 XIII. Of applying a plaifter to the late King’s fide in 
 his laft licknefs, and of giving him a Potion with his own 
 hand at feveral tmes, in the abfence, and without the or¬ 
 der of the Phyficians. 
 
 .Sc-John Thefe Articles were enlarged upon by the feveral mana- 
 j 'fb'E/Jlague. S ers ( 2 )> and Sir John Elliot was appointed to make the 
 Ruihworth. Epilogue to the impeachment, wherein he fummed up 
 T 1> P-353- what had been faid againft the Duke, and fpoke of him 
 in very offenfive terms, but however mentioned not the plaif¬ 
 ter or potion. 
 
 EiHot “far to f amc or t ^ ie next day, Diggs and Elliot were by 
 
 the Tower, ^e King’s command fent to the Tower (3) : and two 
 Id. p.356. days after the King went to the Houfe of Lords, and 
 Annah. fp 0 ke to them after the following manner. 
 
 My Lords, 
 
 j ike K ‘T‘ ' H E caufe and only cauje of my coming to you this day , 
 tfouji 'of' ‘ ls t0 ex P re f s l ^ e f e rf e I " ave °f y° ur honours ; for he 
 
 Lords. that toucheth any of you , toucheth me in a very great meajure. 
 Ruihw'rth ^ ^ aVl ' t h° I, ght fit to take order for the puivfihing fame in- 
 T.x. p. 3 5 j’. felcnt Speeches lately fipoken. I have been too remifis heretofore 
 in punijhhig fiuch Speeches as concern my felf ; not that I was 
 greedy of their monies , but that Buckingham, through his 
 importunity, would not fufificr me to take notice of them , lefi 
 he might be thought to have fet me on , and that he might 
 come the forwarder to his tryal. And to approve his innocen- 
 cy as touching the matters againji him , 1 my felf can be a 
 witnefs to clear him in every one of them. 
 
 I Jpeak not this to take any thing out of your hands ; but to 
 fihew the reafion why I have not hitherto punijhed thofe infolent 
 Speeches againji my felf. And now l hope you will be as 
 tender of my honour , when time Jhall ferve , as I have been 
 fenfible of yours. 
 
 hr bcinrenrof The King’s aim in this Speech was, firft, to perfwade 
 
 UbuSp'tcb. the L or cl s ., they were all concerned in the difrefpe&ful 
 things fpoken by the managers againft the Duke of Buck¬ 
 ingham and fome other Members of their Houfe, and that 
 he had committed Diggs and Elliot to the Tower on pur- 
 pofe to vindicate their injured honour. But he fucceeded 
 not in his defign. Secondly, by offering to be a witnefs 
 for the Duke of Buckingham , and to clear his innocence in 
 every article of his impeachment, he propofed to the Lords, 
 a kind of dilemma, which he thought they would not be 
 able to get clear of. For they were either to declare the 
 Duke innocent upon the King’s evidence, or, by condem¬ 
 ning him, openly reje£t his royal teftimony, to which 
 he imagined they would not eafily be perfwaded. But 
 they were not impofed upon by this artifice, as will here¬ 
 after appear. 
 
 !‘TheCommons The King was no fooner departed from the Houfe but 
 YouZmlybe^ Commons fent a meffage to the Lords, to defire the 
 \cenmrtud. Duke of Buckingham might be taken into fafe cuftody : 
 
 but the Lords durft not commit him for fear of offending 
 the King. 
 
 Mean while, the imprifonment of Diggs and Elliot 
 made a terrible impreffion in the Houfe of Commons, who 
 confidered it as an exprefs breach of their privileges. [ Sir 
 fonrr.tr.' Cf Dudley Carleton] one of the Court-Party, obferving the 
 I 'hers M ‘ m ' unu ^ uaI C and 351 he termed it, fullenj filence of the Houfe, 
 Ruth worth. flood up and juftified the King faying, “ his Majefty con- 
 T-i. p 35 8 -“ ceived that Diggs went beyond his Commiffion, when 
 I Anna's “ fpeaking of the plaifter and potion given to KingJ<3;«w, 
 
 I * /9 ' “he faid. That he did forbear to fpeak further in regard 
 
 Tbe Common 
 make a great 
 
 tbe Impr: - 
 
 25! 
 
 “ of the King's honour. And as for Sir John L/liot, he 1626. 
 
 “ affedled to fpeak of the Duke with great contempt, and 
 “ in very injurious terms. What difpleafed the King 
 “ m °ft was, that Elliot in fpeaking of the Plaifter and IV 
 “ tion, ufed expreffions intimating as if there was fome 
 “ thing hidden , which it was not proper to reveal , and in 
 “ fo doing, exceeded the Commiffion he had received from 
 “ the Houfe.” 
 
 Unhappily, there was nothing of truth in what was af- 
 cribed to thefe two Members, except the iittle refpeci 
 they had fhown for the Duke of Buckingham. For Elliot 
 had not mentioned the Plaifter or Potion, and D'ggs had 
 faid nothing like what he was accufed of. Wherefore, the 
 Houfe of Commons taking advantage of thefe falfe charges, 
 ordered that all the Members there prefent /hould fign the 
 following Proteftation. 
 
 / protejl before Almighty God , and this Houfe of Parlia- Profit,on 
 ment, that I never gave confent that Sir Dudley Diggs "J ,bcC ™- 
 Jhould fpeak thefe words that he is now charged withal, or Rurti Wo rth 
 any vjords to that effie£t ; and / have not affirmed to any that T.l. P .° 3 6c- 
 he did fpeak fiuch words , or any to that efificSl. 
 
 Befides this, thirty fix Lords who were prefent at the p . 3 e,. 
 conference, where the impeachment of the Duke was pro- Annals, 
 fented, attefted under their hands, that they did not hear P- ,8 °* 
 
 Sir Dudley Diggs fpeak any fuch words. It followed there¬ 
 fore from the teftimony of the Lords, and the Protefta¬ 
 tion of the Commons, either that the King was falfely .uid 
 malicioufiy informed, or that the charge againft Diggs 
 was invented, to have an opportunity of punching him tor 
 fpeaking of the Duke in fo difrefpedtful a manner. 
 
 Elliot' s crime was of the fame nature, that is, he had P- barren 
 fpoken of the Duke in uncivil terms, though he was 'J ame 
 falfely accufed of mentioning the Plaifter in terms injurious RJWortb, 
 to the King. But the Commons took care to clear their 1 • I p 563. 
 two Members, by declaring publickly, that neither had 
 exceeded his Commiffion. All this was not for the King’s ^ two 
 honour, who feeing no way to fupport what he had done, 
 caufed the two imprifoned Members to be releafed. In all ‘ 
 appearance, his defign was to terrify the Commons, but 
 he was difappointed. 
 
 The King’s condefcenfion to the Commons, drew upon 77,, j 0rdt 
 him an affair of the like nature from the Lords. He had dmand'tbe 
 fent the Earl of Arundel to the Tower for much the fame Earl fi A * 
 crime as that of Diggs and Elliot , and the Lords had not w*'’* 
 complained of it. But when they faw the Commons had ibid, 
 obtained the releafe of their Members, by infilling upon Ar - Bals * 
 their privileges, they thought proper to take this occafion 
 to maintain their rights all'o. They prefented therefore a 
 petition to the King, praying him to releafe the Earl of 
 Arundel , according to the tenor of their privileges. The 
 King perceived how prejudicial to him this petition was, 
 the Lords pretending by means of their privileges, to limit 
 the Prerogative Royal. For which reafen he long refilled The King 
 before he granted the Lords requeft. There were feveral dtniri " a 
 remonftrances from the Lords to the King, and feveral &0ld 
 meffages from the King to the Lords. Nay, the Pecis 
 went fo far, as to declare it was an exprefs bread, of their 
 privileges, toimprifon any of their Members, rhe Parliament Ti .p°36s\ 
 fitting, without fentence or order of the Hou!e'(4), and ,S;c - 
 to refolvc to take no other bufinefs into confiderarion A ""^ x s ‘ &r< 
 till they had received fatisfa£lion. At laft the King was F * *’ 
 
 forced to releafe the prifoner, though againft his will. 
 
 As by the cuftom of England , Members of Parliament 
 are not privileged from an eft in cafes of Treafon and 
 Felony, the King pretended the Houfe of Lords ought not 
 to take exception at his having committed one of their 
 Members. His reafon was, becaufe the prifoner mi”he 
 poffibly be guilty of Felony or Treafon, and confequently 
 the Houfe ought to wait till it ftiould pleafe the King 
 to declare the caufe of his imprifonment. But as under 
 colour of this poffibility , the King had fent, the Earl 
 of Arundel to the Tower, and had not yet declared the 
 caufe, the Lords plainly faw the poffibility alledged by the 
 King, was but an artifice to evade their moft undoubted 
 privileges. So, the King affirmed, that as the untimely 
 difeovery of a Treafon might happen to be extremely pre¬ 
 judicial to the State, he could not allow to this pretended 
 privilege of the Members of Parliament, all the extent re¬ 
 quired by the Lords, becaufe there were cafes, wherein for 
 the good of the State, it was absolutely neceffitry to'limit 
 it. But the Lords replied, if, on pretence of fueff cafes 
 which were very rare, the King could impnloif. a Teer 
 
 (1; Particularly the Lord Roberts of Truro, whom he forced to pay ten thoufand Pounds for the Title <,f Baton. Rufiwmh. Tom- 1. p. 
 
 (i) I, II, III, were enlarged upon by Mr. Herbert. IV, V, by Mr. Selden. VI, VII, VIII, by Mr. Gbwi/e. IX, X, XI, by M,. 'Punt. ' XII hv 
 Mr- Sberland. XHI, by Mr. IVandcsford. Ru/bwortb, Tom. i. p 304, fsY ' 1 * 
 
 (3) Upon the impeachment of the Duke, a Paper was privately conveyed to the King, importing, That this great oppnfition againft the Duk-, was ftirred 
 up and maintained by fuch, as feck the deftiuaion of this free Monarchy. That ftnee the time of Henry VI, thefe parliamentaty dVcourfings nr i,t revet 
 be fufiered, as being fymptoms of Rebellions, and dethroning our Kng, and no one Patriot daring to opp..fe them, leatt he incur the reputation of a Fool or 
 Coward in his Country's caule. His Majefty therefore ftrengthened himfelf ever With fome favorite, as whom he might better truft than many of the Nobi- 
 hty, tainted with this Oligarchy. It behoveth his Majefty to uphold the Duke, who, if he be decourted, it will be the Corner ftone, on which the d-moHh- 
 ing cl his Monarchy will be built. For if they prevail injhis, they will pull ihe other feathers of Royalty. They will appo ; n: him Councilors, Servants, 
 
 rufation ; and if he fuffers for obeying his Sovereign, the next attempt will be to call th« 
 
 That the King and hie Father are concerned in the Duke's ; 
 
 King to an account, G\r. Idem. p. 356. 
 
 (*.' Unlefs it be tor Treafon or Felony, or refilling to give furety of the Peace. Ruprwortb, Tom- 
 
 p. 365. 
 
 without 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 -S 4 
 
 with® 1 * 
 
 caufe 
 
 ife’ 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 the confent of the Houfe, and declaration of the 
 , it would follow, that in all lorts of cafes, he might 
 .ain a Peer in cuftody as long as he pleafed, and thereby 
 abridge the Lords of their privileges. If it is asked, why 
 this difpute was never railed in the former Reigns, the 
 queltion is eafily anfwered. For if a King happened to fend a 
 Peer to the Tower, the Parliament fitting, either the 
 caufe was known, or, if a fecret, the Houle took 
 no offence, becaufe the Lords not miftrufting the 
 Kine, did not fear he would draw it into a prece¬ 
 dent" to abolifh their Privilege. But it was not the fame 
 in the Reign of Charles 1 . Befides that the Earl of 
 Arundel was known to be fent to the Tower only for 
 (peaking too freely in the Houfe (i), what the King’s prin¬ 
 ciples were concerning the Privileges of the People, was 
 no fecret, and it was manifeft, that upon a bare poflibility, 
 he was endeavouring to efhblifh a principle which tended to 
 render the Privilege in queftion entirely ufelefs. And 
 therefore the Lords being warranted by the example of the 
 Commons, would not omit this opportunity to maintain 
 their Privilege. 
 
 Buckingham Before the Duke of Buckingham had given in his an- 
 t0 t * ie Commons impeachment, the Chancellorfhip of 
 tbfu'niZr- the Univerfity of Cambridge becoming void by the Earl 
 fey Of Cam- 0 f Suffolk's death, the King caufed the Duke his Favorite 
 Rulhworth to be eleCIed in the room of the late Chancellor. The 
 T U l. W p°37«. Houfe of Commons were extremely offended at this elec- 
 T6eCommons t j on5 confidering as a manifeft contempt, that the Duke 
 ajcoff'ided k e c hof en whilft under an impeachment, and when 
 
 one of the Articles againft him was plurality of Offices. 
 Befides, they maintained, there was a fort of contradiction 
 in this choice, fince the Univerfity themfelves, by their 
 Reprefentatives in Parliament, had given their confent to 
 XuttbcfCtr.g the Duke’s Impeachment. But the King openly fupported 
 ffporrs the t j, e e i e #ion in fpite of the Commons. 
 
 At length, on the 8th of June , the Duke gave in his 
 grz:s:nbn anfwer to the impeachment of the Houfe of Commons. 
 
 As I have not given the particulars of the accufation, it 
 would be necdlefs to infert here the anfwers, which had a 
 neceflary reference to what was alledged againft the Duke. 
 This affair having never been decided, ’tis eafy to judge, 
 that as the accufation was very much aggravated, (b the 
 anfwers were palliated with great care. The proof:- and 
 evidences of the fads produced for or againft, would be 
 the only means to inform us of the truth ; but the affair 
 was not carried fo far. It will fuffice therefore to fey, that 
 the Commons defiring a copy of the anfwer, the next 
 day the King writ the following letter to the Speaker. 
 
 Rufhworth. 
 T. I.p 375 : 
 
 Trufly and Hcil-belovcd , &c. 
 
 7 be Kibg! a u R Houfe of Commons cannot forget, how often 
 Lceur to tkt (< and hoW earn eftly we have called upon them for 
 
 £ llouiof" the fpeeding of that aid which they intended us for our 
 Comrrcre. g rcat aM d weighty affairs, concerning the fafety and ho- 
 
 RMthworili, nour ug and Qur Kingdoms : And now the time bc- 
 
 " P ' 39 °’“ ing fo far fpent, that unlefs it be prefently concluded, 
 “ it can neither bring us money nor credit by the time 
 “ which themfelves have fixed, which is the laft of this 
 “ month, and being further deferred would be of little ufe, 
 “ we being daily advertifed from all parts, of the great 
 “ preparations of the enemy ready to affail us ; we hold 
 “ it neceflary by the 'e our Letters, to give them our laft 
 “ and final admonition, and to let them know that we 
 « fhall account all further delays and excufes to be exprefs 
 “ denials. And therefore we will and require you to fig- 
 “ nify unto them, that we do expeft that they forthwith 
 “ bring in their bill of Subfidy to be pafled without delay 
 “ or condition, fo as it may fully pafs the Houfe by the end 
 « of the next week at the furtheft : which if they do not, 
 « it will force us to take qther refolutions. But let them 
 t£ know, if they finifh this according to our defire, that 
 “ we are refolved to let them fit together for the dif- 
 
 “ patch of their other affairs fo long as the feafon will per- 
 
 “ mit, and after their recefs, to bring them together again 
 “ the next winter. And if by their denial or delay, any 
 
 “ thing of ill confequence fhall fall out either at home or 
 
 “ abroad, we call God and Man to witnefs, that we have 
 « done our part to prevent it, by calling our people toge- 
 “ ther to advife with us, by opening the weight of our 
 “ occafions unto them, and by requiring their timely help 
 « and afliftance in thefe atffions wherein we ftand en- 
 gaged by their own counfels. And we will and com- 
 « mand you, that this Letter be read publickly in the 
 “ Houfe.” 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 It was manifeft, this Letter, written at the time the 16:6. 
 Duke of Buckingham was going to be tried, was but an ar- 7h: ft r / s 
 tifice to evade it. For it was not poflible, that if the 'fitter* | 
 Subfidy-bill was pafled by the time fixed by the King, the 
 Duke’s affair could be difpatched by the fame time. Tis 
 true, the King promifed to let the Parliament lit, fo long 
 as the Seafon luould permit. But by that very thing he re- 
 ferved to himfelf the liberty of proroguing it when he plea- 
 fed, on pretence, the feafon was too far advanced to fit 
 any longer, efpecially as he feigned to prefs the Subfidy- 
 bill, purely out of fear of a pretended invafion, which, he 
 faid, the Kingdom was threatened with. It was therefore 
 to be expected, that the Duke of Buckingham’s affair 
 would be dropped, and be forced to be revived in the next 
 Seflion, fince a prorogation puts an end to all affairs. 
 
 The Commons not thinking fit to c unply with the 
 King's will, prefented a frefh petition m him againft po- 
 pifh Recufants. This was to fhow the Publick, the King’s 
 anfwer to the petition of the Oxford Parliament, contained 
 only empty promifes, without being followed by any ef- 
 fetffs. They had a mind alfo to fhow, that the Duke of 
 Buckingham's ill adminiftration was not the only Grie¬ 
 vance they defired to be redrefl’ed. The Petition was as 
 follows : 
 
 To the King’s mofl excellent Majejly , 
 
 £C 'XT OUR Majefty’s moft obedient and loyal Subjects TbeCimmm 
 ££ X the Commons, in this prelent Parliament allem- 10 
 
 ££ bled, do with great comfort remember the many telti- :o „ rer '„”f g 
 t£ monies which your Majefty hath given of your fincerity Rtcufantt. 
 
 “ and zeal of the true Religion eftablifhcd in this King- Jtu/hwonh. 
 “ dom, and in particular your gracious anfwer to both Ann!. 9 , 39 *’ 
 “ Houfes of Parliament at Oxford , upon their petition p. 195. '1 
 
 tc concerning the caufes and remedies of the increafe of Po- 
 “ pery ; that your Majefty thought lit, and would give 
 « order to remove from all places of authority and go- 
 “ vernment, all fuch perfons, as are either popifti Recufants, 
 t£ or, according to direction of foimer A«ffs of State, juftlv 
 “ t■< be fufpected ; which was then prefented as a great and 
 ££ principal caufe of that mifehief. But not having re- 
 £t ceived fo full redrefs herein as may conduce to the 
 
 “ peace of this Church, and fafety of this Regal State, 
 
 “ they hold it their duty, once more to refort to your 
 ££ facred Majefty, humbly to inform you, that upon exa- 
 “ murati&n, they find the perfons under-written, to beei- 
 “ ther Recufants, Papifts, or juftly fufpetffed according to 
 “ the foimer Ads of State, who now do, or, fince the 
 “ fitting of the Parliament, did remain in places of go- 
 
 “ vernment and authority, and truft, in your feveral 
 
 “ Counties of this your Realm of England , and Dominion 
 “ of I Kales. 
 
 Then followed a Lijl of fifty-nine Recufants , and fufpefled 
 Papifts , who Wire in places ft trujl and authority in feveral 
 Counties (ft. 
 
 “ Wherefore they humbly befeech your Majefty, not 
 ££ to fuffer your loving Subjects to continue any longer 
 “ difeouraged, by the apparent fenfe of that increafe both 
 “ in number and power, which by the favour and coun- 
 “ tcnance of fuch like ill-afte&ed Governors accrueth to 
 “ the popifh Party ; but that, according to your own 
 “ wifdoin, goodnefs, and piety, (whereofthey reft affured ) 
 
 “ you will be gracioufly pleafed to command that anfwer 
 “ of your Majefty’s to be effectually obferved, and the 
 ,£ parties above-named, and all fuch others to be put out 
 “ of fuch commiffions and places of authority wherein 
 ££ they now are in your Majefty’s Realm of England ; 
 
 “ contrary to the Atffs and Laws of States in that be- 
 “ half.” 
 
 It was not for the King’s honour to be preffed fo often 
 to perform what he had fo pofitively promifed. But it 
 muft be confidered, it was not eafy for him to withftand 
 the follicitations and intrigues of the Queen, of the Duke 
 of Buckingham , whofe mother was a profeffed Papift, of 
 Sir Richard IKeJlon his chief Counfellor, and of the Lord 
 Conway Secretary of State, both likewife Papifts, fince 
 thefe were the men that were neareft his perfon, and by 
 whom he was in a manner befet. 
 
 A few days after, the Commons refolved to wait upon 
 the King, and prefent to him, by their Speaker, a de¬ 
 claration of their condutff, ferving for anfwer to his Letter, 
 and a petition to remove the Duke of Buckingham from his 
 perfon. The audience they had defired being granted, 
 the Speaker, before he prefented the anfwer, made the 
 following Speech to him (3) : 
 
 i» doe , no t appear that the Earl of Arundel was committed for any thing faid in the Houfe, but, as it is thought for his Son’s carrying the Duke 
 of lLL’s 7 Z, whom the King defined for the Lord Lorm The Earl of Arundel had five Proxies, whrch were loft by hi, Imprrfonmcnt. Rvfh^rtb, 
 
 e and Dunbar, the Lords Eure, Abtrgj-ic 
 
 , Tenhjm, Wat. 
 
 , M.'l 
 
 Wordin', 
 
 Tom. 1. p. 363, 364. 
 
 (2) Among whom were the Earl of Rutland, the VifcounU Montague 
 
 "\l)RWin B X 3 ”j TS Sptech d | Th °d b h y \ h hc V^t hi ln 1 u^ 0 F^ ng Lfiu W 
 
 doi wd Petition, is not to be found, it was ingrofftd and allowed gf, and the lubftance w»i delivered by the Sieaker, on Outage tm*. Ru}»-» , 
 
 Tan.* p. 396. JpJrft 
 
 6 
 

 i6z6. 
 
 T>e Speak- 
 rt Speech 
 s the X 7 »g, 
 •/>&« bis pre- 
 
 be Petition 
 \wd Decla- 
 
 \aticn. 
 
 Kufhworlh, 
 
 jr. I. p. 397 
 L198. 
 
 The King 
 \refohes to 
 1 diff'lnc the 
 1 Parliament. 
 
 The Leeds 
 
 from it. 
 
 !Ru(h worth, 
 T.J.p. 398. 
 
 Book XIX. 
 
 2 5 - 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 
 Moji gracious and dread Sovereign, 
 
 ,c A Ccording to that liberty of acccfs, and liberty of 
 “ fpeech which your Majefty and your Royal pro- 
 “ genitors have ever vouchfafed to your Houfe of Com- 
 “ mons, your Majefty’s moft humble and loyal Subjects, 
 cc the Commons now aflembled in Parliament, have been 
 “ fuitors for this accefs to your royal throne. 
 
 “ And out of their confideration of the nature, and of 
 • “ the weight and importance of the bufinefs, they have 
 “ thought the attendance of the whole Houfe, with their 
 “ Speaker, not too folemn ; and yet they have not thought 
 “ fit barely to commit thofe words which exprefs their 
 “ thoughts, to the truft of any man’s fpeech, but are bold 
 <c to prefent them in writing to your gracious hands that 
 “ they may not vanifh, but be more lafting than the moft 
 “ powerful words of a more able fpeaker like to be. 
 
 “ I have much to read, and {hall therefore, as little as 
 “ I can, weary your Majefty with fpeeches. 
 
 “ This parchment contains two things, the one byway 
 “ of declaration, to give your Majefty an account, and 
 “ humble fatisfaction of their clear and fincere endeavours 
 “ and intentions in your Majefty’s fervice ; and the other 
 “ an humble petition to your Majefty, for the removal of 
 “ that great perfon the Duke oi Buckingham, from accefs 
 “ to your royal prefence. 
 
 “ For the firft, they befeech your moft excellent Majefty 
 “ to believe, that no earthly thing is fo dear and precious 
 “ to them, as that your Majefty fhould retain them in 
 tc your grace and good opinion; and it is grief to them, 
 “ beyond my expreffion, that any mifinformation or mif- 
 tc interpretation, .fliould at any time render their words or 
 “ proceedings offenfive to your Majefty. 
 
 “ It is not proper for any one to hear the eccho of a 
 11 voice, that hears not the voice; and if eccho’s be fome- 
 cc times heard to double and redouble, the eccho of the 
 “ eccho is ftill fainter, and founds not louder. 
 
 “ I need not make the application, words mif-reported, 
 <c though by an eccho, or but an eccho of an eccho, at a 
 “ third or fourth hand, have oft a louder found than the 
 “ voice it felf, and may found difloyalty, though the voice 
 “ had nothing undutiful or illoyal in it. 
 
 “ Such miimformations, they fear, have begot thofe in- 
 “ terruptions and diverfions which have delayed the ripen- 
 “ ing and expediting of thofe great counfels, which con- 
 “ cern your Majefty's important fervice, and have en- 
 “ forced this declaration. 
 
 “ I pafs from that to the petition, in which my purpofe 
 “ is not to urge thofe reafons, which your Majefty may 
 “ hear exprefled in their own words in the language of the 
 41 People. 
 
 “ I am only directed to offer to your great wifdom, 
 <e and deep judgment, that this petition of theirs is fuch, 
 “ as may ftand with your Majefty’s honour and juftice to 
 “ grant. 
 
 “ Your Majefty hath been pleafed to give many Royal 
 <c teftimonies and arguments to the world, how good and 
 “ gracious a Mafter you are; and that which the Queen 
 “ of Sheba once faid to the wifeft King, may without 
 “ flattery be faid to your Majefty, Happy are thofe fervants 
 “ which Jiand continually before you. 
 
 “ But the relations by which your Majefty ftands in a 
 cc gracious afpedl towards your People, do far tranfeend, 
 “ and are more prevalent and binding, than any relation 
 il of a Mafter towards a Servant; and to hear and fatisfy 
 “ the juft and neceflary defires of your People, is more ho- 
 “ nourable than any expreflion of grace to a Servant.’ 
 
 “ To be a mafter to a fervant is communicable to many 
 t£ of your Subjects; to be a King of People, is regal and 
 “ incommunicable to Subjedts. 
 
 “ Your Majefty is truly ftiled with that name, which 
 “ the greateft Emperors, though they borrowed names and 
 tc titles from thofe Countries, which they gained by con- 
 “ queft, moft delighted in, Pater Patrice. And defires of 
 tc children are preferred before thofe of fervants, and the 
 <c fervant abideth not in the houfe for ever, but the fon 
 “ abideth ever. 
 
 “ The government of a King was truly termed by your 
 “ Royal Father, a politick marriage betwixt him and his 
 “ People; and I may fafely fay, there was never a better 
 “ union between a married pair, than is between your 
 “ Majefty and your People.” 
 
 Having ended his Speech, the Speaker put into the 
 King’s hands the declaration and petition, which his 
 Majefty was fo difpleafed with, that he determined to dif- 
 folve the Parliament. The Commons having intimation 
 of it, refolved to prefent a Remonftrance to him, of which 
 every Member was ordered to have a copy. Whilft this 
 ( Remonftrance was preparing, the Lords being informed by 
 1 the King himfelf of his refolution, prefented a Petition to 
 
 253 
 
 1626. 
 
 diffdv.d. 
 
 June IS- 
 
 him to divert him from his purpofe. But he would 
 hearken to nothing, and, on the 1 5th of June , caufed the 
 Parliament to be dilfolved by a Commiflion under the Great 
 Seal. 
 
 It was not doubted that the Duke of Buckingham's inte- 
 reft was the foie caufe of this diffolution. The Commons 
 were fo perfuaded of it, that they chiefly infifted upon 
 the great prejudice the Duke’s credit occafioned to the 
 Kingdom, in the Remonftrance they had prepared, but 
 were hindered from prefenting by the diffolution of the 
 Parliament. It will not be amifs however to infert here 
 this Remonftrance. 
 
 Mofl gracious Sovereign , 
 
 VTjE your loyal and faithful Subjects, the Commons A f -™'' 
 
 • vY aflembled by your Majefty’s moft Royal autho- w.Z 4, 
 
 rity in this prefent Parliament, having with all dutiful^ Commons. 
 
 aftedtion, from the time of our firft meeting, earneftly R "^ wort ^‘ 
 
 • endeavoured to proceed fpeedily in thofe aftairs, that ^n^ 4,00 * 
 ' might belt and fooneft conduce to our difpatch of the P . 199.’ 
 
 : intended Supply, of your Majefty’s great defigns, to the 
 ; enlargement of your fupport, and to the enabling of our 
 1 felves, and them whom we reprefent, to the full and 
 1 timely performance of the fame; have, notwithftanding, 
 c by reafon of divers informations, interruptions, and other 
 c preventions, been hitherto fo retarded in the profecution 
 c of thefe aftairs, that we now thought it a neceflary part 
 c of our moft humble duties, thus to declare, both thofe 
 1 interruptions and preventions, with the true original and 
 : continual caufe of them ; as alfo our moft earned: devo- 
 1 tion of the Parliamentary fervice of your moft excellent 
 
 Majefty, and of the careful fafety and defence of your 
 : Dominions, Crown and Dignity: And wc moft humbly 
 : therefore befeech your moft excellent Majefty, to be 
 ; gracioufly pleafed here to caft your eye on lome particu • 
 
 : Jars, that have relation as well to your firft Parliament 
 ‘ as to this; out of which we cannot doubt, but that your 
 £ great good.nefs may receive an ample fatisfa&ion, 
 
 1 touching our moft loyal and faithful intentions. 
 
 “ In the firft Parliament of the firft year of your Ma~ 
 
 ‘ jefty’s moft happy Reign over us, the Commons then 
 ‘ aflembled, alter they had chearfully prefented to your 
 c Majefty, as the firft-fruits of their affeiftions, two entire 
 ‘ Subfidies, were exceedingly preffed by the means of the 
 c Duke of Buckingham , and for his own ends, as we con- 
 ‘ ceive, to enlarge that Supply : which when he conceived 
 ‘ would not be there effected, he procured, for the fame 
 ‘ ends, from your Majefty, an adjournment of the Par- 
 ‘ liament to the City of Oxford ; where the Commons 
 ‘ then taking into juft confideration the great mifehiefe 
 ‘ which this Kingdom varioufly hath fullered, and that 
 c chiefly by reafon of the exorbitant power and frequent 
 ‘ mifdoings of the faid Duke, were entring into a Parlia- 
 ‘ mentary courfe of examination of thofe mifehiefs, power, 
 c and mifdoings : But no feoner was there any mention 
 ‘ made of his name to this purpofe, but that he, fearing 
 ‘ left his a&ions might fo have been too much laid open 
 ‘ to the view of your moft excellent Majefty, and to the 
 ‘ juft cenfure that might have then followed, prefently, 
 
 ‘ through his misinformations to your Majefty, of the 
 c intentions of your faid Commons, (as we have juft caufe 
 ‘ to believe) procured a diffolution of the faid Parliament-, 
 c And afterwards alfo in the fame year, through divers 
 ‘ mifreports made to your Majefty in his behalf, touching 
 1 feme Members of the faid Commons, who had more 
 ‘ particularly drawn his name into jultqueftion, and juftly 
 ‘ profeffed themfelves averfe to his ends there, procured 
 ‘ (as we cannot but conceive) the faid Members to be 
 c made the Sheriffs of feveral Counties for this year that 
 £ followed, to the end that they might have all been pre- 
 ‘ eluded from being chofen Members of the prefent Par- 
 ‘ liament, left they fhould again have there queftioned 
 ‘ him ; and by the like practice alfo (as we are perfuaded) 
 
 ‘ he procured, foon alter the faid diffolution, another 
 c Member of the faid Houfe (1), becaufe he had juftly pro- 
 ‘ fefled himfelf againlt his ends, to be fent as Secretary of 
 ‘ your Majefty’s laft fleet, hereby indeed to punilh him, 
 
 ‘ by fuch drawing him from his practice of the Law, 
 
 ‘ which was his profeflion, under colour of an honourable 
 ‘ employment. 
 
 “ It pleafed your Majefty afterwards, in February laft, 
 
 1 to call this prefent Parliament, wherein though none of 
 1 thofe whom the faid Duke had fo procured to be made 
 ; High-Sheriffs have fat as Members; yet we finding in 
 ‘ our felves the like affection, firft to the fervice of your 
 ‘ Majefty, and next to the good of the Commonwealth, 
 c we took into ferious confideration feveral Propolitions, 
 
 ‘ how for the fafety and happinefs of your Majefty’s 
 1 Kingdoms and Allies, we might enlarge your fupports, 
 c and add to the military ftrength without charge to the 
 
 No. 56, Vol. II, 
 
 (1) Mr. Glanvilt. 
 
 S f f 
 
 poorer 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 2 5 + 
 
 l6z6. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLA N D. 
 
 c poorer fort of your Subjefts, and give a larger Supply 
 1 to your Majefty for your inftant and prefling occafions, 
 
 * than hath ever yet but once been given in Parliament: 
 
 ‘ Whereupon, for the enabling of our felves, and thofe 
 ■* whom we reprefent, we conceive it firft neceirary to 
 ■ £ fearch into the caufesof thofe mifchiefs which this your 
 ;t Kingdom fuftereth, and divers of the Grievances that 
 overburden your Subjects; without doing of which, we 
 ;c could neither be faithful to your Majefty, nor to the 
 ;t Country that doth truft and employ us, as your Royal 
 Father alfo, of blefled memory, admonifhed the Houfe 
 ;£ of Commons in the fourth Seflion of his firlt Parlia- 
 ment. In this confideration we found, that the moil 
 ;t prefling and comprehenfive mifchief and grievance that 
 “ he fufFered, was fundamentally fettled in the vaft power 
 ;£ and enormous actions of the faid Duke, being fuch, that 
 I£ by reafon of his plurality of Oflices, all gotten by am- 
 “ bition, and feme for money, exprefsly againft the laws 
 i£ of your Realm; his breach of truft in not guarding the 
 “ Seas; his high injultice in the Admiralty, his extor- 
 tc tion; his delivering over the fhips of this Kingdom into 
 £C the hands of a foreign Prince; his procuring of the 
 tl compulfory buying of Honour for his own gain; his 
 “ unexampled exhaufting of theTreafures and Revenues 
 u of the Kingdom ; his tranfeendent prefumption of that 
 “ unhappy applying of phyfick to your Royal Father of 
 “ blefled memory, few days before his death; and fome 
 “ other his offences carefully and maturely examined by 
 tc us, we made a Parliamentary charge of the fame mat- 
 tc ters and offences againft him, to the Lords, by your 
 (t Majefty aflembled in Parliament, there expecting fome 
 “ remedy by a fpeedy proceeding againft him : But, may 
 ££ it pleafe your molt excellent Majefty, not only during 
 t£ the time of our examination of the matters and offences 
 “ of the fame charge, we were diverfly interrupted and 
 tc diverted by meflages procured through mifinformation 
 tc from your Majefty, which with moft humbleduty and 
 ct reverence we did ever receive; whence it firft fell out, 
 “ that fo not only much time was (pent amongft us, before 
 “ the fame charge was perfedted; but alfo within two 
 “ days next after the fame charge was tranfmitted by us to 
 tc the Lords, upon untrue and malicious mifinformations, 
 “ privately and againft the privilege of Parliaments, given 
 “ to your Majefty, of certain words fuppofed to have been 
 tc fpoken by Sir Dudley Diggs and Sir John Elliot , Knights, 
 t£ two of the Members of our Houfe, in their fervice of 
 “ the tranfmitting of the faid charge, both of them having 
 “ been efpecially employed in the chairs of Committees 
 cc with us, about the examination of the faid matters and 
 ct offences, they were both by your Majefty’s command 
 <c committed to clofc imprifonment in the Tower of 
 “ London , and their lodgings prefently fearched, and their 
 “ papers there found, prefently taken away; by reafon 
 “ whereof, not only our known Privileges of Parliament 
 “ were infringed, but we our felves, that, upon full hope 
 “ of fpeedy courfe of juftice againft the faid Duke, were 
 “ preparing with all dutiful affedtion to proceed to the 
 “ difpatch of the fupply, and other fervices to your Ma- 
 “ jefty, were wholly, as the courfe and privilege of Parlia- 
 “ ment binds us, diverted for divers days, to the taking 
 C£ only into confideration fome courfes for the ratifying 
 * £ and prefervation of the Privileges fo infringed ; and 
 “ we think it our duties, moft gracious Sovereign, moft 
 “ rightly to inform hereby your moft excellent Majefty, 
 “ of the courfe held in the commitment of the two Mem- 
 <£ bers : For, whereas by your Majefty’s warrant to your 
 <£ meflengers for the arrefting of them, you were pleafed 
 “ to command, that they ftiould repair to their lodgings, 
 “ and there take them; your Majefty’s principal Secretary, 
 “ the Lord Conway , gave the faid meflengers (as they 
 “ affirmed) an exprefs command, contrary to the faid 
 “ warrants, that they ftiould not go to their lodgings, but 
 “ to the Houfe of Commons, and there take them ; and 
 “ if they found them not there, they fhould ftay until 
 “ they were come into the Houfe, and apprehend them 
 “ wherefoever elfe they fhould find them. Which, be- 
 “ fides that it is contrary to your Majefty’s command, is 
 “ an apparent teftimony of fome mifehievous intention 
 “ there had againft the whole Houfe of Commons, and 
 “ againft the fervice intended to your Majefty. All 
 <c which, with the feveral interruptions that preceded it, 
 s£ and the mifinformation that hath caufed all of them, 
 <£ we cannot doubt but that they were wrought and pro- 
 tc cured by the Duke, to his own behoof, and for his ad- 
 “ vantage, efpecially becaufe the faid interruptions have, 
 “ through mifinformation, come amongft us, only at fuch 
 et times wherein we have had the matters 3 nd offences 
 “ charged againft him in agitation; but your Majefty, out 
 “ of your great goodnefs and juftice, being afterwards 
 “ informed truly of our privilege, and the demerit of the 
 “ caufe that concerned our two Members, gracioufly com- 
 
 <£ manded the delivery of them out of the Tower, for if’ 
 “ which we render unto your Majefty moft humble 
 C£ thanks; and were then again, by reafon of our hopes 
 “ of the difpatch of proceedings with the Lords upon our 
 “ charge againft him the faid Duke, in a chearful pur- 
 “ pofe to go on with the matter of Supply, and other 
 “ fervices to your Majefty, when again thefe hopes 
 “ failed in us, by reafon of fome new exorbitances now 
 “ lately {hewed in the exercife of his fo great power and 
 “ ambition ; for by fuch his power and ambition, not- 
 “ withftanding our declaration againft him for his fo great 
 t£ plurality of Office?, he alfo procured to himfelf, by the 
 “ follicitation of his Agents, and of fuch as depended upon 
 “ him, the office of Chancellor of the Univcrlity of 
 “ Cambridge ; whereas the fame Univerfity having two 
 ££ Burgefles in Parliament, did, by the fame Burgefles, 
 
 “ a few weeks before, confent with us in the charge againft 
 “ him for his ambition, for procuring fuch a plurality of 
 “ Offices; fuch was his ambition to fue for it, fuch was 
 “ his power to make them give it him, contrary to what 
 “ themfelves had agreed in Parliament with all theCom- 
 “ mons of England. And he procured alfo the fame 
 ££ Office, by the fpecial labours and endeavour (as we are 
 “ informed) of a factious party, who adhereth to that 
 “ dangerous innovation of Religion, publilhed in the fe- 
 ££ ditious Writings of one Richard Alontague Clerk ; of 
 “ whom it is thence alfo, and heretofore upon other rea- 
 t£ fons it hath been, conceived, that the laid Duke is, and 
 “ long hath been an abettor and protector. 
 
 “ Thefe actions of the faid Duke have thus among us 
 ££ hindered the fervice of your Majefty, by reafon both 
 ££ of the interruptions that have fo neceflarily accompa- 
 ££ nied them, and of the prevention of our chearfulnefs, 
 
 <£ which otherwife had long fince been moft effectually 
 “ {hewed in us, that having nothing elfe in our cares, 
 
 “ next to our duty to God, but the loyal fervice of your 
 “ Majefty, the lafety of your Kingdom, and the fubfiftence 
 ££ of our felves, and thofe whom we reprefent, for the 
 “ continuance of that fervice and fafety which we can- 
 “ not hope for : And we befeech your moft excellent Ma- 
 ££ jefty, gracioufly to receive this our humble and free Pro- 
 t£ teftation, that we cannot hope for it, fo long as we 
 “ thus fuffer under the preflures of the power and ambi- 
 “ tion of the faid Duke, and the divers and falfe infor- 
 “ mations fo given to your Majefty on his behalf, and 
 “ for his advantage; efpecially when we obferve alfo, that 
 ££ in fuch his greatnefs, he preventeth the giving of true 
 “ information to your Majefty, in all things that may 
 ££ any ways reflect to his own mifdoings, to {hew unto 
 “ your Majefty, the true ftate of your Subjects and King- 
 “ doms, otherwife than as it may be reprefented for his 
 ££ own ends. And to that purpofe alfo hath lie procured 
 ££ fo many perfons depending on him, either by alliance 
 <c or advancement, to places of eminency near your fa- 
 ££ cred perfon. Through his mifinformations of that kind 
 “ alfo, and power, we have feen, to our great grief, both 
 ££ in the time of your Majefty’s Royal Father of blefled 
 “ memory, and of your Majefty, divers Officers of the 
 “ Kingdom, fo often by him difplaced and altered, that 
 “ within thefe few years paft, (incc tlie beginning of his 
 ££ greatnefs, more fuch difplacings and alterations have by 
 “ his means happened, than in many years before them: 
 
 ££ Neither was there in the time of your Royal Father of 
 “ blefled memory, any fuch courfe held, before it was by 
 <£ the practice of the faid Duke thus induced. And fince 
 ££ that time, divers Officers of the Crown, not only in this 
 ££ your Kingdom of England , but alfo in Ireland , as they 
 “ have been made friends, or adverfe to the faid Duke, 
 
 <£ have been either fo commended, or mifreprefented by 
 “ him to his Sovereign, and by his procurement fo placed 
 “ or difplaced, that he hath always herein, as much as in 
 t£ him lay, made his own ends and advantage the meafure 
 <£ of the good or ill of your Majefty’s Kingdoms. 
 
 “ But now at length, may it pleafe your moft excellent 
 “ Majefty, we have received from the Lords, a copy of 
 “ the faid Duke’s anfwer to our charge tranfmitted againft 
 “ him; whereunto we {hall prefently in fuch fort reply, 
 
 “ according to the Laws of Parliament, that unlefs his 
 “ power and practice again undermine our proceedings, we 
 ‘ £ do not doubt, but we {hall upon the fame have judg- 
 <£ ment againft him. 
 
 “ In the times alfo (moft gracious Sovereign) of thefe 
 ££ interruptions which came amongft us, by reafon of the 
 t£ procurement of two oi our Members committed, a gra- 
 ££ cious meflage was formerly received from your Majefty, 
 
 ££ wherein you had been pleafed to let us know, That if 
 “ you had not a timely Supply, your Majefty would be- 
 “ take yourfelf to new counfels; which we cannot doubt 
 t£ were intended by your moft excellent Majefty to be 
 “ fuch as flood with juftice and the laws of this Realm. 
 
 “ But thefe word?, New Counfels , were remembred in a 
 2 “ Speech 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 1626, 
 
 Speech made amongft us, by one of your Majefty’s 
 Privy-Council, and lately a Member of us (1), who in 
 the fame Speech told us. He had often thought of thofe 
 ; words. New CounJ'els ; that in his confideration of them, 
 
 ; he remembred, that there were luch kinds of Parlia- 
 ; ments anciently among other nations, as are now in 
 ; England ; That in England he faw the Country-people 
 ; live in happinefs and plenty, but in thefe other nations 
 1 he faw them poor both in perfons and habit, or to that 
 4 effect} which ftate and condition happened (as he faid) 
 4 to them, where fuch New Counfels were taken, as that 
 4 the ufe of their Parliaments ended. 
 
 44 This intimation, may it pleafe your Majefty, was 
 ‘ fuch, as alfo gave juft caufe to fear, there were fome 
 4 ill Minifters near your Majefty, that in behalf of the 
 ‘ faid Duke, and together with him, who is fo ftrangely 
 4 powerful, were fo much againft the Parliamentary 
 c courfe of this Kingdom, as they might perhaps advife 
 4 your moft excellent Majefty fuch new counfels as thefe, 
 4 that fell under the memory and confideration of that 
 4 Privy-Counfellor. And one efpecial reafon among 
 4 others hath increafed that fear among us, for that whereas 
 4 the Subfidies of Tonnage and Poundage, which deter- 
 4 mined upon the death of your moft Royal Father, our 
 4 late Sovereign, and were never payable to any of your 
 4 Majefty’s anceftors, but only by a fpecial A£t of Par- 
 4 liament, and ought not to be levied without fuch an 
 4 Adt; yet ever fince the beginning of your Majefty’s 
 4 happy reign over us, the faid Subfidies have been levied 
 4 by fome of your Majefty’s Minifters, as if they were 
 4 ftill duej although alfo one Parliament hath been fince 
 4 then begun, and dilfolved by procurement of the faid 
 4 Duke, as is before fhewed, wherein no Adi palled for 
 4 the fame Subfidies. Which example is fo much againft 
 4 the conftant ufe of former times, and the known right 
 4 and liberty of your Subjedts, that it is an apparent effedl 
 4 of fome new counfels given againft the ancient fettled 
 4 courfe of government of this your Majefty’s Kingdom, 
 4 and chiefly againft the right of your Commons} as if 
 4 there might be any fubfidy, tax, or aid, levied upon 
 4 them, without their confent in Parliament, or contrary 
 4 to the fettled Laws of this Kingdom. But if any fuch 
 4 do fo ill an office, as by the mif-reprefentation of the 
 4 State, and right of your Majefty’s loyal Subjedts, advife 
 1 any fuch new counfels, as the levying any aid, tax, or 
 4 fubfidy, among your people, contrary to the fettled 
 4 Laws of your Kingdom, we cannot, moft gracious So- 
 4 vereign, but efteem them that lhall fo advife, not only 
 4 as vipers, but pelts to their King and Commonwealth, 
 
 4 (as all fuch were to both Houfes of Parliament, exprelly 
 
 ■ ltiled by your moft Royal Father) but alfo capital enc- 
 4 mies, as well to your Crown and Dignity, as to the 
 ' Commonwealth. And we lhall, for our parts, in Parlia- 
 ’ ment Ihew, as occafion lhall require, and be ready to de¬ 
 clare their offences of this kind, fuch as that may be 
 
 4 rewarded with the higheft punilhment, as your Laws 
 4 inflidt on any offenders. 
 
 44 Thefe and fome of thefe things, amongft many other, 
 
 ’ (moft gracious Sovereign,) are thofe which have fo 
 ‘ much prevented a right underftanding between your 
 
 ■ Majefty and us, and which have poffefled the hearts of 
 your People and loyal Commons with unfpeakable for- 
 
 4 row and grief, finding apparently all humble and hearty 
 4 endeavours mifinterpreted, hindered, and now at lalt 
 4 almoft fruftrated utterly, by the interpofition of the ex- 
 ceffive and abufive power of one man} againft whom 
 4 we have juft caufe to proteft, not only in regard of the 
 particulars wherewith he hath been charged, which Par- 
 ‘ liamentary way we are enforced to infill upon, as mat- 
 • ters which lie in our notice and proof, but alfo becaufe 
 we apprehend him of fo unbridled ambition, and fo 
 4 averfe to the good and tranquillity of the Church and 
 ‘ State, that we verily believe him to be an enemy to 
 ’ both: And therefore unlefs we would betray our own 
 duties to your Majefty, and thofe from whom we are 
 ' trufted, we cannot but exprefs our infinite grief, that 
 ’ he ftiould have fo great power and intereft in your 
 Princely aftettions, and under your Majefty, wholly in a 
 manner to engrofs to himfelf the adminiftration of your 
 ’ affairs of the Kingdom, which by that means is drawn 
 into a condition moft miferable and hazardous. 
 
 44 Give us then leave, moft dear Sovereign, in the name 
 
 ■ of all the Commons of this your Kingdom, prollrate at 
 the feet of your facred Majefty, moft humbly to be- 
 
 1 feech you, even for the honour of Almighty God, 
 
 ' whofe Religion is directiy undermined by the pradtice of 
 that Party whom this Duke fupports; for your honour, 
 
 ' which will be much advanced in the relieving of your 
 ; People, in this their great and general grievance} for 
 the honour, fafety, and welfare of your Kingdom, 
 
 44 which by this means is threatned with almoft unavoid- 1626. 
 
 44 able dangers, and for the love which your Majefty, as 
 44 a good and loving Father, bears unto your good people, 
 
 44 to whom we profefs, in the prefence of Almighty God, 
 
 44 (the fearcher of all hearts,) you aie as highly efteemed 
 44 and beloved as ever any of your Predeceilors were, that 
 44 you would be gracioufly pleafed to remove this perfon 
 44 from accefs to your facred prefence, and that you would 
 44 not balance this one man with all thefe things, and 
 “ with the affairs of the Chriftiarr world, which do all 
 44 fuffer fo far as they have relation to this Kingdom, 
 
 44 chiefly by his means. For we proteft to your Majefty, 
 
 44 and to the whole world, that until this great perfon be 
 44 removed from intermeddling with the great affairs of 
 44 State, we are out of hope of any good fuccefs } and do 
 44 fear that any money we (hall or can give, will through 
 44 his mif-employment, be turned rather to the hurt and 
 44 prejudice of your Kingdom, than otherwife, as by la- 
 44 men'able experience we have found, in thofe large Sup- 
 44 plies we have formerly and lately given. 
 
 44 But no fooner fhall we receive redrefs and relief in 
 44 this, (which of all others, is our moft infupportable 
 44 grievance,) but we fhall forthwith proceed to accom- 
 44 plifh your Majefty’s own defire, for fupply, and like— 
 
 44 wife with all chcarfulnefs apply ourfelves to the perfect- 
 44 ing of divers other great things, fuch as we think no one 
 44 Parliament in one age can parallel, tending to the ftabi- 
 44 lity, wealth, and itrength, and honour of this your 
 44 Kingdom, and the fupport of your friends and allies 
 44 abroad : And we doubt not but through God’s bleffing, 
 
 44 as you are the bell, fo fhall you ever be the bell beloved, 
 
 44 and greateft Monarch that ever fat on the royal Throne - 
 44 of this famous Kingdom.” 
 
 Having thus feen the complaints of the Houfe of Com¬ 
 mons againft the Duke of Buckingham , or rather againft 
 the King himfelf, who was governed by his Favorite, and 
 had feveral times declared, that the Duke did nothing with¬ 
 out his orders, it is but juft, we fhould now fee the King’s 
 complaints againft the Commons, and the grounds and 
 caufes of his diflolving this, and the former Parliament. 
 
 Though his Declaration publifhed on this occafion be very 
 long, as well as the foregoing Remonftrance, I believed it 
 neceffary to infert the whole, that the Reader, by comparing 
 them together, may be able to form a clearer Idea of the 
 caufes and origin of the divifions between the King and the 
 Parliament, through the whole courfe of this Reign. 
 
 The King's Declaration , Notifying the caufes of ajfembling 
 and dijfolving the two lajl Parliaments. 
 
 44 ^ y ' H E King’s moft excellent Majefty, fince his June 13. 
 
 44 J_ happy accefs to the imperial Crown of this Realm, ^ u ^ wtr h » 
 44 having by his royal authority fummoned and aftembled Annuf s , + ° ' 
 44 two feveral Parliaments} the firft whereof was xnAuguJl'e • 20 2* 
 
 44 laft, by adjournment held at Oxford , and there dilfolved ; 
 
 44 and the other begun in February laft, and continued un- 
 44 til the fifteenth day of this prefent month of June, and 
 44 then, to the unfpeakable grief of himfelf, and (as he 
 44 believeth) of all his good and well affedled Subjedts, dif- 
 44 folved alfo: Although he well knoweth that the calling, 
 
 44 adjourning, proroguing, and diffolving of Parliaments, 
 
 44 being his great Council of the Kingdom, do peculiarly 
 44 belong unto himfelf by an undoubted prerogative infe- 
 44 parably united to his imperial Crown ; of which, as of 
 44 his other royal adlions, he is not bound to give an ac- 
 44 count to any but to God only, whofe immediate Lieu- 
 44 tenant and Vicegerent he is in thefe Realms andDomi- 
 44 nions, by the divine Providence committed to his charge 
 44 and government: yet forafmuch as by the affiftance of 
 44 the Almighty, his purpofe is fo to order himfelf and 
 44 all his adlions, efpecially in the great and publick adlions 
 44 of State, concerning the weal of his Kingdoms, as may 
 44 juftify themfelves, not only to his own confcience, and 
 44 to his own people, but to the whole world } his Ma- 
 44 jefty hath thought it fit and neceffary, as the affairs 
 44 now Hand both at home and abroad, to make a true, 
 
 44 plain, and clear Declaration of the caufes which moved 
 44 his Majefty to aflemble, and after enforced him to dif- 
 44 folve thefe Parliaments, that fo the mouth of malice 
 44 itfelf may be flopped, and the doubts and fears of his 
 44 own good Subjects at home, and of his friends and al- 
 44 lies abroad may be fatisfied, and the deferved blame of 
 44 fo unhappy accidents may juftly light upon the authors 
 44 thereof. 
 
 “ When his Majefty, by the death of his dear and 
 44 royal Father of ever blefled memory, firft came to the 
 44 Crown, he found himfelf engaged in a war with a po- 
 44 tent enemy} not undertaken rafhly, nor without juft 
 44 and honourable grounds, but enforced for the neceffary 
 44 defence of himfelf and his Dominions, for the fupport 
 44 of his friends and allies, for the redeeming of the ancient 
 
 (1) Sir Daily Carlatn j who was, on May j 626, created Baron Carkun of I^ltrcwrtf, Py»icr } Toni' XVIII' p- 715* 
 
 honour 
 
256 
 
 Vo!. II. 
 
 He HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 626, tc honour of this Nation, for the recovery of the patri- 
 “ mony of his dear Sifter, her confort, and their children, 
 44 injuriouflyj and, under colour of treaties and friendfhip, 
 “ taken from them, and for the maintenance of the true 
 44 Religion, and invited thereunto, and encouraged therein 
 “ by the humble advice of both the Houfes of Parliament 
 44 and by the large promifes and proteftations to his late 
 44 Majefty, to give him full and real afliftance in thofeen- 
 44 terprizes, which were of fo great importance to this 
 44 Realm, and to the general peace and fafety of all his 
 44 friends and allies: but when his Majefty entered into a 
 “ view of his treafure, he found how ill provided he was 
 44 to proceed efte&ually with fo great an a£tion, unlefs he 
 44 might be allured to receive fuch fupplies from his loving 
 44 Subje&s, as might enable him to manage the fame. 
 
 44 Hereupon his Majefty, being willing to tread in the 
 “ fteps of his royal progenitors, for the making of good 
 “ and wholfome Laws, for the better government of his 
 “ people, for the right underftanding of their true grie- 
 44 vances, and for the fupply of moneys to be employed 
 44 for thofe publick fervices, he did refolve to fummon a 
 44 Parliament with all convenient fpeed he might, and 
 44 finding a former Parliament already called in the life of 
 44 his Father, he was deftrous, for the fpeedier difpatch ot 
 44 his weighty affairs, and gaining time, to have continued 
 ct the fame without any alteration of the Members ther.e- 
 “ of, had he not been advifed to the contrary by his 
 “ Judges and Council at Law, which he defired to avoid. 
 44 But as foon as poflible he could, he fummoned a new 
 44 Parliament, which he did with much confidence and 
 44 alluranee of the love of his people, that thofe (who had 
 44 not long before, with fume importunity won his bather 
 44 to break off his former Treaties wiiii Spain, and to 
 44 eft'edt it, had ufed mediation of his now Majefty, being 
 44 then Prince, and a Member of the Parliament, and had 
 44 promiled in Parliament their utmoll: alfiftance, for the 
 44 enabling of his late Majefty to undergo the war, which 
 “ they then forefaw might follow,) would afluredly have 
 “ performed it to his now Pvlajefty, and would not have 
 “ (offered him, in his firft enterprife of fo great an expec- 
 44 tation, to have run the lealt hazard through their de- 
 “ faults. 
 
 “ This Parliament (after fome adjournment, by reafon 
 44 of his Majefty’s unavoidable occafions interpofing) being 
 
 affembled on the eighteenth day of June, it is true, 
 44 that his Commons in Parliament taking into their due 
 44 and feriousconfideration the manifold occafions, which 
 44 at his fiift entry did prefs his Majefty, and his moll im- 
 44 portant affairs, which both at home and abroad were 
 44 then inaction, did with great readinefs and alacrity, as 
 44 a pledge of their moft bounden duty, and thankfulnefs^ 
 44 and as the fiift-fruits of the moft dutiful affections of 
 44 his loving and loyal Subjects, devoted to his fervice, pre- 
 “ font his Majefty with the free and chearlul gift of two 
 44 entile Sublidies : which their gift, and much more the 
 44 freenefs and heartinefs expreffed in the giving thereof, 
 44 his Majefty did thankfully and lovingly accept: But 
 “ when he had more narrowly entered into the confidera- 
 44 tion of his great affairs, wherein he was embarqued, 
 44 and from which he could not, without much diihonour 
 “ and difadvantage, withdraw his hand, he found that this 
 44 fum of money was much (hort of that which of necef- 
 44 fitv muft be prefently expended, for the fetting forward 
 44 of thofe great actions, which by advied of his Council, 
 44 he had undertaken, and were that Cummer to be purfued. 
 44 This his Majefty imparted to his Commons Houfe of 
 “ Parliament; but before the fame could receive that de- 
 44 bate and due confidcration which was fit, the fearful vi- 
 “ ('nation of the plague in and about the Cities of London 
 44 and JVeJlminJlcr , where the Lords and the principal 
 44 Gentlemen of quality of his whole Kingdom were, for 
 44 the time of this their fervice, lodged and abiding, did 
 “ fo much increafe, that his Majefty, without extreme 
 44 peril to the lives of his good Subjedts, which were dear 
 44 unto him, could not continue the Parliament any longer 
 44 in that place. 
 
 “ His Majefty therefore on the eleventh day of July 
 44 then following, adjourned the Parliament from Wejlmin- 
 44 jlcr, until the firft day of Augujl then following, at the 
 44 City of Oxford. And his Highnefs was fo careful to 
 “ accommodate his Lords and Commons there, that as he 
 “ made choice of that place, being then the freed of all 
 “ others from the danger of that grievous licknefs, fo he 
 “ there fitted the Parliament-men with all things conve- 
 “ nient for their entertainment: and his Majefty himfelf 
 44 being in his owrn heart fincere and free from all ends 
 “ upon his people, which the fearcher of hearts beft knovv- 
 “ eth, he little expedted that any mifconftrudlion of his 
 44 adtions would have been made as he there found. But 
 44 when the Parliament had been a while affembled, and 
 “ his Majefty’s affairs opened umo them, and a further 
 6 
 
 44 fupply defired as neceflity required, he found them fo 16:0. 
 44 flow, and fo full of delays and diverlions in their refo- 
 <c lutions, that before any thing could be determined, the 
 44 fearful contagion daily increafcd, and was difperfed into 
 44 all parts of this Kingdom, and came home even to their 
 44 doors where they affembled. His Majefty therefore ra- 
 44 ther preferred the fafety of his people from that prefent 
 44 and viiible danger, than the providing for that which 
 44 was more remote, but no left, dangerous to the date of 
 44 this Kingdom, and of the affairs of that part of Chri- 
 “ ftendom which then were, and yet are in friendfhip 
 44 and alliance with his Majefty. And thereupon his Ma- 
 44 jefty, not being then able to difeern v.hen it might plea fa 
 44 God to ftay his hand of vifitation, nor what place might 
 “ be more fccure than other, at a time convenient for their 
 44 re-affembling, his Majefty dillblvcd that Parliament. 
 
 “ That Parliament being now ended, his Majefty did 
 44 not therewith caft off his royal care of his great and 
 44 important affairs; but by the advice of his Privy Coun- 
 44 cil, and of his Council of War, he continued his pre- 
 “ parations and (ormer refutations; and therein not only 
 “ expended thofe monies, which by the twoSubfidies afore- 
 44 faid weregiven untohim for his own piivate ufe, where- 
 44 ot he had coo much occalion, as he found theftatcof his 
 44 Exchequer at his firft entrance, but added much more 
 “ of his own, as by his credit, and the credit of fome of 
 “ his fervants, he was able tocompafs the fame. Atlaft, 
 
 44 by much difadvantage, by the retarding of provifions, 
 
 “ and uncertainty of die means, his Navy was prepared 
 44 and fet to fea, and the deligns unto which they were 
 44 fent, and efpeciaiiy directed, were fo probable, and fo 
 44 well advifed, that had they not mifearried in the execu- 
 44 tion, his Majefty is well allured, they would have given 
 44 good fatisfact.cn, not only to his own people, but to all 
 44 the world, that they were not lightly or unadvifedly un- 
 44 dertaken and purfued. But it pleafed God, who is the 
 44 Lord of Hofts, and unto whole Providence and good 
 44 pleafure his Majefty doth, and fliall fubmit himfelf, and 
 44 all his endeavours, not to give that fuccefs which was 
 44 defired : and yet were thofe attempts not altogether fo 
 44 fruitlefs, as the envy of the times hath apprehended, 
 
 44 the enemy receiving thereby no fmall lofs, nor our party 
 44 no little advantage. And it would much avail to fur-- 
 44 ther his Majefty’s great affairs, and the peace of Chri- 
 44 ftendom, which ought to be the true end of all hofti- 
 44 lity, were thefe firft beginnings, which are moft fub^ 
 
 44 jedt to mifearry, well feconded and purfued, as hisMa- 
 44 jefty intended, and as in the judgment of all men, con- 
 “ verfant in his atftions of this nature, were fit not to 
 44 have been neglerftcd. 
 
 44 Thefe things being thus acted, and God of his infi- 
 44 r.itegoodnc-fs, beyond expectation, affwaging the rage of 
 44 the peftilence, and, in a manner, of a fudden reftoi ing 
 44 health and fafety to the Cities of London and IVeJlmin- 
 44 Jier , which are the litteft places for the refort of his 
 44 Majefty, his Lords and Commons to meet in Parlia- 
 44 ment; his Majefty, in the depth of winter, no fooner 
 44 deferied the probability of a fafe afl'embling of his Peo- 
 44 pie, and in his princely wifdom and providence forefaw, 
 
 44 that if the opportunity of fcafon (hould be omitted, pre- 
 44 parations both defenfive and oft'enfive could not be made 
 44 in fuch fort, as was requifite (br their common fafety, 
 
 44 but he advifed and refolved of the fummoning of a new 
 44 Parliament, where he might freely communicate the 
 44 neceflities of the State, and the counfcl and advice of the 
 44 Lords and Commons in Parliament, who were the re- 
 44 prelentative body of the whole Kingdom, and the great 
 44 counfcl of the Realm, might proceed in thefe enterprifes, 
 
 44 and be enabled thereunto, which concern the common 
 “ good, fafety and honour both of Prince and People ; and 
 44 accordingly the 6th of February laft, a new Parliament 
 44 was begun. At the firft meeting, his Majefty did for- 
 44 bear to prefs them with any thing which might have the 
 44 lead: appearance of his own intereft, but recommended 
 44 unto them the care of making good Laws, which are the 
 44 ordinary fubjeift for a Parliament. 
 
 44 His Majefty believing, that they could not have fuf- 
 44 fered many days, much lefs many weeks, to have paf- 
 44 fed by, before the apprehenlion and care of the common 
 44 fafety of this Kingdom, and the true Religion profeli'ed 
 44 and maintained therein, and of our friends and allies, 
 
 44 who muft profper, or luffer with us, would have led 
 44 them to a due and timely conlideration of all the means 
 44 which might beft conduce to thofe ends ; which the 
 44 Lords of the higher Houfe, by a Committee of that 
 44 Houfe, did timely and feafonably confider of, and in- 
 44 vited the Commons to a conference concerning that 
 44 great bufinefi: At which conference, there were opened 
 44 unto them the great occafions which prelied his Majefty, 
 
 44 which making no imprelfion with them, his Majefty 
 “ did, firft by meffage, and after by letters, put the Houfe 
 
 “ of 
 
25. CHARLES I. 
 
 Look XiX. 
 
 “ of Commons in mind of that which was moft neceftary, 
 “ the defence of the Kingdom, and due and timely pre- 
 44 parations for the fame. 
 
 44 The Commons Houfe after this, upon the 27th of 
 44 March laft, with one unanimous confent at firft, agreed 
 “ to give unto his Majefty three entire Subfidies, and 
 44 three Fifteens, for a prefent fupply unto him ; and up- 
 44 on the 26th of April after, upon fecond cogitations, they 
 “ added a fourth Subfidy, and ordered the days of payment 
 “ for them all, whereof the firft fhould have been .on the 
 “ laft day of this prefent June. Upon this, the King of 
 “ Denmark , and other Princes and States, being engaged 
 “ with his Majefty in this common caufe, his Majefty fit- 
 “ ted his occalions according to the times which were ap- 
 “ poihted for the payment of thofe Subfidies and Fifteens, 
 “ and hafted on the Lords Committees, and his Council 
 “ of War, to perfect their refolutions for the ordering and 
 “ fettling of his defigns ; which they accordingly did, 
 “ and brought them to that maturity, that they found 
 44 no impediment to a final conclufion of their counfels, 
 44 but want of money to pat things into action. His Ma- 
 “ jefty hereupon, who had with much patience expeded 
 44 the real performance of that which the Commons had 
 44 promifed, finding the time of the year porting away, 
 44 and having intelligence not only from his own Minif- 
 44 ters and Subjects in foreign parts, but from all parts of 
 “ Chriftendnm, and of the great and powerful prepara- 
 44 tions of the King of Spain , and that his defign was 
 “ upon this Kingdom, or the Kingdom of Ireland , or 
 44 both, (and it is hard to determine which of them would 
 44 be of worfe confequence) he acquainted the Houfe of 
 44 Commons therewith, and laid open unto them truly and 
 44 clearly, how the ftate of things then flood, and yet 
 44 ftand, and at feveral times, and upon feveral occafions 
 44 reiterated the fame : But that Houfe being abufed by the 
 i4 violent and ill-advifed paffions of a few Members of the 
 44 Houfe, for private and perfonal ends, ill befeeming pub- 
 “ lick Perfons, trufted by their country, as then they 
 44 were, not only ncgle&ed, but wilfully refufed to hearken 
 44 to all the gentle admonitions which his Majefty could 
 “ give them, and neither did nor would intend any thing, 
 “ but the profecution of one of the Peers of this Realm, 
 “ and that in fuch a difordered manner, as being fet at 
 “ their own inftance into a legal way, wherein the proofs 
 44 on either part would have ruled the caufe, which his 
 “ Majefty allowed, they were not therewith content, but 
 “ in their intemperate paffions and defires to feek for 
 41 errours in another, fell into a greater errour themfelves, 
 44 and not only negle&ed to give juft fatisfa&ion to his Ma- 
 “ jefty in feveral cafes which happened concerning his Re- 
 “ gality, but wholly forgot their engagements to his Ma- 
 “ jefty for the publick defence of the Realm : Where- 
 44 upon his Majefty wrote the forementioned letter to the 
 44 Speaker, dated the ninth dzyofjune 1626. 
 
 “ Notwithftanding which letter read in the Houfe, 
 “ being a clear and gracious manifeft of his Majefty’s re- 
 “ folutions, they never fo much as admitted one reading to 
 44 the bill of Subfidies, but inftead thereof, they prepared 
 44 and voted a remonftrance or declaration, which they in- 
 44 tended to prefer to his Majefty, containing (though pal- 
 44 liated with gloffing terms) as well difhonourable afper- 
 44 lions upon his Majefty, and upon the facred memory 
 44 of his deceafed Father, as alfo dilatory excufes for their 
 44 not proceeding with the Subfidies, adding thereto alfo 
 44 coloured conditions, crofting thereby his Majefty’s direc- 
 44 tion ; which his Majefty underftanding, and efteeming 
 44 (as he had caufe) to be a denial of the promifed Supply, 
 44 and finding that no admonitions could move, no reafons 
 44 or perfuafiuns could prevail, when the time was fo far 
 44 fpent, that they had put an impoftibility upon themfelves 
 44 to perform their promifes, which they efteemed all graci- 
 44 ous meflages unto them to be but interruptions : His 
 44 Majefty, upon mature advifement, difeerning that all 
 “ further patience would prove fruitlefs, on the fifteenth 
 44 day of this prefent month he hath difiblved this unhap- 
 44 py Parliament : the a&ing whereof, as it was to his 
 44 Majefty an unexpreflible grief, fo the memory thereof 
 44 doth renew the hearty forrow, which all his good and 
 44 well-affedtad Subje&s will compaftionate with him. 
 
 44 Thefe pafiages his Majefty hath at the more length, 
 “ and with the true drawnftances thereof, exprdfed and 
 “ pitblifhed to the world, left that which hath been unfor- 
 44 tunate in itf'elf, through the malice of the author of fo 
 •“ great a mifehief, and the malevolent report of fuch as 
 44 are il!-arte£led to this State, or the true Religion here 
 44 profelled, or the fears or jealoufies of Friends and dutiful 
 44 Subjects, might be made more unfortunate in the con- 
 “ fequences of it, u'hich may be of worft effedl than at 
 “ the firft ran he well apprehended ; and his Majefty be- 
 44 i»g bert privy to the integrity of his own heart, for 
 44 the conftant maintaining ot the hncerity and unity of 
 44 the true Religion proleffed in the Church of England, 
 
 No. 56. Vul. II. 
 
 44 and to free it from the open contagion of Popery, and 1626, 
 
 44 fecrct infedion of Schifm, of both which, by his pub- 
 44 lick adls and actions, he hath given good teftimony, 
 
 44 and with a fingle heart, as in the prefence of God, who 
 44 can belt judge thereof, purpofeth refolutelv and con- 
 44 ftantly to proceed in the due execution of either ; and 
 44 obferving the fubtilty of the adverfe party, he cannot 
 44 but believe, that the hand of Joab hath been in this dil- 
 44 after, that the common incendiaries of Chriftendonj 
 44 have fubtilly and fecretly infinuated thofe things, which 
 44 unhappily (and, as his Majefty hopeth,. beyond the in-] 
 
 44 teiitions of the adtors) have caufed thefe diverlions and 
 44 diffractions : And yet notwithftanding, his moft excel- 
 44 lent Majefty, for the comfort of his good and well-af- 
 “ fedted Subjedts, in whofe loves he doth repofc himfelf 
 44 with confidence, and efteemeth it as his greateft riches; 
 
 44 for the afturing of his friends and Allies, with whom, 
 
 44 by God s affiftance, he will not break in the fubftance ot 
 44 what he hath undertaken ; /or the difeouraging of his 
 44 adverfaries, and the adverfaries of his caufe; and of his 
 “ Dominions, and Religion, hath put on this refolution, 
 
 44 which he doth hereby publilh to all the world, that as 
 44 God hath made him King of this great People, and 
 “ large Dominions, famous in former ages both by land 
 and fea, and trufted him to be a father and protedku; 
 both of their perfons and fortunes, and a defender of 
 the faith and true Religion ; fo he will go on chear- 
 44 fully and conftantly in the defence thereof, and (not-. 
 
 withftanding fo many difficulties and difeouragements) 
 
 “ will take his feeptre and fword into his hand, °and mot 
 44 expofe the perfons of the People committed to his charge, 
 
 “ to the unfatiable defires of the King of Spain, who hath 
 long thirfted after the univerfal Monarchy, nor their 
 44 confciences to the yoke of the Pope of Rome : And that 
 44 at home he will take that care to redrefs the juft grievan- 
 44 ces of.his good Subjedts, as fhall be every way lit for a 
 44 good King. 
 
 “ And in the mran 'ime his Majefty doth publifh this 
 “ t0 . al1 his loving SubjeSs, that they may know what to 
 “ th| nk wlth truth, and fpeak <with doty of his Majefty’s 
 “ jtfl'ons 2nd proceedings ,n thefe two laft diffolved Par- 
 44 liaments.” 
 
 Given at bis Majejly's Palace at Whitehall, this Thir¬ 
 teenth Day of June, in the fecond Year of his Majejly's 
 Reign of Great-Britain, France and Ireland. 
 
 This Declaration, which feems to be in the fame ftile Semdrh <,« 
 With the Lord-Keeper Coventry's Speeches* full of j on cr lbt Deda,i- 
 periods, and parenthefis’s, contained, under a vaft heap 
 words, but two things to the purpofe, namely, the two 
 reafons wh.ch obliged the King to diftblve the two laft 
 Parliaments. It is Laid there, the plague which approached 
 Oxford, occafioned the diffiolution of the firft. But this 
 reafon, which feems plaulible, proves at moft but a necef- 
 fity to difeontinue the Parliament, which might have been 
 done by prorogation, as eafily as by an entire dilTolution. 
 
 In the fecond place, when this declaration was publifhtd, 
 every one knew what the Commons had laid in their Re¬ 
 monftrance, that the end of diilblving the firft, was to pre¬ 
 clude from the following Parliament fuch Members as had 
 been againft the Duke of Buckingham, by cauling them to 
 be made Sheriffs of their feveral Counties. As to the Jif- 
 folution of the fecond, it is wholly grounded in the Decla¬ 
 ration, upon the King’s being pleated to confider as an ab- 
 lolute denial the Commons delay to i'uppiy him with 
 money, though they affirmed the contrary. But none 
 were /o blind as not to fee that the Commons demand, that 
 the King would be pleafed to remove the Duke of Buck¬ 
 ingham from his prefence, and the lear of the ill fuccels of 
 the impeachment againft the Duke, were the true caufes or 
 this diflolution. So, the Declaration had no great eft'etf a- 
 mong the People, who, befiJes, were not apprehenfive of the 
 pretended invafion of England ox Ireland by ihc Spaniards, 
 though the King did his utmoft to infpire them with (u h 
 a dread. It was fomething extraordinary, that within lit¬ 
 tle more than a year, the war which was undertaken for 
 the recovery of the Palatinate, fliould be changed into a 
 defensive war, for the prefervation of the King’s Domi¬ 
 nions, and fupport of the Church of England, Though the ProcIam ‘ , f- 
 Englifh had not yet received any check. toeRe- 
 
 A few days alter the Declaration was publifhed, two 
 Proclamations appeared, which afforded ample matter of £ u,hworth - 
 dilcourle to fuch as were not of the Court-party. By the Aft. Hut!*" 
 firft, the King commanded all perfons who had any copies XVUI - 
 of the Commons Remonftrance to burn the fame, on pain 
 of his higheft dilbleafuie. But fuch precautions ferve gene- Frociama< 
 rally only to caufe the prohibited writings to be more care- t,ln na t0 
 fully preierved. The King’s injundiw could not hinder tKl'.tfi 
 this remonftrance from being traiifmitted to pofterity. .■irmmid- 
 The fecond Proclamation contained very exprefs com- 
 mauds, not to pi each or difpute upon the controverted points 
 of Arrnimanijm, either for or againft. them, under colour Act. p„b, ‘ 
 that fuch live vf difputes ferved only to breed contention xv,li - 
 
 t 11 h u ; 
 
2S 8 
 
 The HISTO R Y of E 
 
 NG L A N D. 
 
 II. 
 
 i iz 6. 
 
 But many were of opinion, that Laud Bifhop of London , of the Iaft Subfidy. It i> true t-:e King ravr hi- row: 
 and Neil Bifhop of JVincheJler , had procured this injunc- word, that all the money fhould be repaid without fee or 
 tion, to opprefs the Orthodox Minifters, who fhould take charge: but the performance or his promife, as_afterwards 
 the liberty to break it, whilft the difobedience of the con- appeared, was not relied on. 1 he King himfell as vveil 
 trary party fhould be connived at. It is certain, the next as his Council expected to meet with many obflacles in 
 Parliament complained to the King, that the Orthodox Mi- executing this proied. Inch fcrceu loans not being agreeable 
 nifters were filenced for difobeying the Proclamation, and to the Nation. It was (eared befides, that this way of 
 the Arminians tolerated and countenanced. Thefe matters raifing money upon the Subjed, would in the end render 
 belonged to the High-Commiflion, almoft wholly compofed Parliaments ufelefs. for this reafon the Council judged 
 of Laud's and Neil's creatures, the heads and protedors of it proper to make ufe of three methods to fucceed in their 
 the Arminians, or at leaft they were reputed as fuch. defign : i. Of fome a r ::fice to ob.ige the people a- much 
 
 „ K , r .. ■ Mean while, an information was preferred by the King’s as pofiible to lend freely : z. Oi uv.r, to terrify ti e nr-:! - 
 be fpecial command in the Star-Chamber againft 'the Duke of lute : 3. Of rigour to compel the nwft obftinate. There 
 • _■ .Buckingham, for applying the plaifler to the late King, were the grounds ofthe inftrudioi 
 
 "ifStar- But withal, it was fo ordered, that the cauf'e came not to Com mi (boners, who were appointed in the (ever, 
 
 Gb&mber. a hearing. 
 
 Meansufed The King receiving no aid from the Parliament, becaufe 
 oy :be King he was unwilling to piirchafe it at the rate let by the Com- 
 mons, was in great ftraits (1). He was to maintain a war 
 Rufhworth. againft the Houfe of Aujlria , to fupply his allies with the 
 T.I.p.413, promiled Succours, and to put his Kingdom in aperture of 
 Annals. defence. As all this could not be done by his ordinary re¬ 
 venues, recourfe was to be had to expedients to raife mo¬ 
 ney. I fhail mention fome of them here, though they 
 were not all ufed at the fame time. 
 
 Rufhworth, The firft was a Proclamation forbidding all perfons [for 
 ibid. two years] to prelent or follicite any fuit for any thing, 
 tending to the diminution of the King’s revenues. 
 lb;d The fecond was a Commirtion directed to the Archbi- 
 
 Aft! Pub. fhop of York and others, to compound with Popifh Recu- 
 xviii. fonts, not only for all forfeitures (2), due (nice the tenth 
 p^7-9.Ss‘» year of King James, but alfo for fuch as (hall become due 
 Annals. hereafter. This Commirtion was direCtly contrary to his 
 p. 206. promife to the Parliament at Oxford. But, as he could 
 not obtain money of the late Parliament, only upon fuch 
 conditions as lie did not think fit to comply with, he 
 thought himfelf authorized to fupply his occafions fome 
 other way. 
 
 Aa Pub The vv>as a P roc ^ amat ' on ’ declaring the King’s re- 
 xviu. U folution to make his revenue certain, by granting his lands, 
 P'739»74 i > as well holden in Copy as otherwiie, to be holden in tee¬ 
 
 the 
 
 The 
 
 Conn - 
 
 ftru&ions were to this ef- 
 
 Rufh worth. 
 T.I. p-4 1 5 
 
 78j ' farm. 
 
 The fourth was a loan from every Peer of a certain fum 
 v for the defence of the Kingdom. But his attempt to bor¬ 
 row a hundred thoufand pounds of the City of London did 
 not fucceed, the City defiring to be excufed. 
 
 The fifth was an impofition upon the feveral Ports and 
 • maritime Counties, to furnifh and fet out a certain num- 
 3 - her of Ships to protect the trade. The City of London 
 having refufed to lend the King money, was appointed to 
 equip twenty Ships, or at leaft to find a fum furticient for 
 that purpofe. As this tax was peculiar to the maritime 
 Towns, many of the inhabitants of luch places retired 
 elfewhere: but they were commanded by Proclamation to 
 return to their refpe&ive Towns. 
 
 Laftly, the Council ordered very ftridtly that the payment 
 1> ofTonnageand Poundage fhould be continued, tho’theKing 
 had yet no grant from the Parliament, though he had ne¬ 
 ver demanded any fuch thing, and though the Commons 
 had complained of the levying thefe impoits as a grievance, 
 in the Remonftrance they had prepared. 
 
 But to let the people fee, it was purely out of neceflity 
 that the King made ufe of thefe extraordinary methods to 
 ’■ raife money," his Majefty ordered a general fart: [ to be 
 held on the 5th of July, ] to divert the judgments of God 
 h ; ready to fall on the Kingdom, by the pretended invafion it 
 was threatened with. This afforded him alfo a pretence to 
 ind require the Lords-Lieutenants of the feveral Counties to 
 mufter and arm the Militia, and put them in condition to 
 withftand the invafions of enemies from abroad, and quell 
 the rebellions of Subjects at home, if any fhould hap¬ 
 pen (3)- For the Court was under fome fears of commo¬ 
 tions (4). 
 
 The means hitherto ufed by the King to raife money, 
 v were not fufficient to free him from a frefh incumbrance 
 caufed by an unexpected event. The King of Denmark 
 his Uncle, whom he had engaged in a war with the Em- 
 uihwortb. peror, was defeated the 27th of Augujl by Count Tilly, 
 p- 4 ' 7 -with the lofo of all his baggage and train of Artillery. 
 This accident obliged Charles to find money to fupport his 
 Uncle, who was in a very ill fituation, and could not avoid 
 making a Peace with the Emperor, unlefs fpeedily relieved. 
 The way which was thought moft proper to raife money 
 on this urgent occafion, was by a general loan from the 
 Rufhworth. according as every man was affeffed in the Rolls 
 
 T. I. p-4 lS * 
 
 ties to levy 
 fe£t: 
 
 “ I. That they fhould thcmfelves, for a good example 
 “ toothers, lend unto his Majefty the feveral fumsof mo- f 
 “ ney required of them, teftifying it by their names, ti 
 “ with their own hands, that when they fhail in his Ma- 
 “ jefty’s name require others to lend, they may difeern 
 “ the faid Gommiliioners forwardnefo. 
 
 “ II. To take for their guide thofc rates, at wh’ch men 
 “ were a (felled in the Book of the laft Subfidy, and to re- 
 “ quire the loan of" fo much money, as the entire rate 
 “ and value comes to, at which they arc rated and fet ; 
 
 “ as ( namely,) he that is fet an hundred pounds in goods, 
 
 “ to lend a hundred marks ; and he that is fet an hun- 
 “ tired pounds in land, to lend a hundred pounds in mo- 
 “ ney ; and fo per rata for a greater or lefl’er fum. 
 
 “ III. To ufe all poffible endeavours to caufe every 
 “ man willingly and cheaffully to lend, opening 1 nto 
 “ them, the neceflity and unavoiJablcnefs of this courf'e j 
 “ the honour and reputation of the nation ; the true Reli- 
 “ gion, and common fafety of Prince and People, of 
 “ our Friends and Allies engaged in the common caufe ; 
 
 “ that there is no time now of difputing but ot aciing. 
 
 “ IV. That they appoint the days of payment to be 
 “ within fourteen days, and perfwade iuch as fhail be able 
 «« to pay i: at one entire payment, the better to accommo- 
 “ date his Majefty’s occaiion ; otherwiie to accept of the 
 “ one half at fourteen days, and the other to be paid before 
 “ the twentieth of December now next coming. 
 
 “ V. [.That they treat apart with every one of tiiofe 
 “ that are to lend, and not in the prefence or hearing of 
 “ any other, unlefs they fee caufe to the contrary. And 
 “ if any rtiall refufe to lend, and fhail make delays or 
 “ excufes, and perfift in their obftinacy, that they ex- 
 “ amine fuch perfons upon oath, whether they have been 
 ct d ea |t withal to deny or refufe to lend, or make an ex¬ 
 it cufe for not lending? Who hath dealt fo with him, 
 
 “ and what fpeeches or perfwafions he- or they have ufed 
 “ to him, tending to that purpofe ? And that they fhnli 
 “ alfo charge every fuch perfon in his Majefty’s name, 
 “ upon his allegiance, not to difclofe to any other, wliar 
 “ his anfwer was. 
 
 “ VI. That they Ihew their diferetion and affections, by 
 “ making choice of fuch to begin with, who are likely to 
 “ give the beft examples ; and when they have a com- 
 “ petent number of hands to the roll or lift of the leaders 
 “ that they fhew the fome to others to lead them i 
 
 like 
 
 Rufhwc 
 T. I. p. 
 
 Dj c 
 
 .3ger.tr 
 
 “ VII. That they endeavour to difeover, whether any, 
 publickly or underhand, be workers or perfwaders of 
 others to diffent from, or diflike of this courfe, or hin¬ 
 der the good difpofition of others. And that as much 
 as they may, they hinder all difeourfe about it, and 
 certlfv to the Privy-Council in writing, the names, 
 qualities, and dwelling-places, of all fuch refractory per- 
 ; fons, with all fpeed, and efpecially it they fhail difeover 
 any combination or confederacy againft thefe proceedings. 
 “ VIII. That they let all men know whom it may 
 1 concern, that his Majefty is well pleafed upon lending 
 ; thefe fums required, to remit all that which by Letter -, 
 
 ; in his name, was defired upon the late Benevolence for 
 : free-grant ; and whatever hath been already paid upon 
 C that account, fhail be accepted for part of this Iona ; and 
 1 if it exceed the fum defired, tha" the overplus fhail be 
 ‘ repaid without fee or charge ; fo likewife for Privy- 
 < Seals, if any have been already paid out if not, that 
 4 the agreeing of the loan of the fum required, be excufed 
 c of the payment of the Privy-Seal. 
 
 CC JX. That they admit of no fuit to be made, or rea- 
 ‘ fons to be given, for the abating of any fom, the time 
 
 Art. ! J irb. 
 XVIII. 
 
 ally dilTolutioncf the Parliament, he loft four Subfiles, and three Fifteen;!!?, which had hem 
 ten .nonhern Counties fp.-eilicd in the Ccmmifiion. Rufliivc-rtb, Tom. I. p- 
 .r the Ring raifed the Sailors Wages, from fourteen to twenty Shillings a mol 
 this year. G.orgc Lord Car civ was created Ear! of dctrrji, P ' -■ ' 
 l.ord Sheffield Earl of Mulgra-vt, ‘fborr.js Howard Vilcount Ar.df. 
 lar.dcvile Earl ot Manebcjicr, and Jama Lord Ley Earl of Marker 
 n th- le« nied Lancelot Andrew! Bifljop of tVor-chefier, and Y a nr., i 
 
 1 
 
 Earl o 
 
 voted him 
 
 By me r' 1 Feed. Tom. |S 
 .ary Earl of Monmouth, Tb< 
 p.-rijbire, H ■-y Lard Da 
 <tr-i Fad. Tom. 1: 
 t':r ijjn, t chard. 
 
 178- 
 
 1 Lord ff'entwortb Earl of C/ci 
 Earl of Dar.by , Henry Mon. 
 —jno -*-■ Within th: cou 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 25 - 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 
 259 
 
 I <Ut. Pub. 
 IKVJK 
 798. 
 
 ^ and inftant occafion not admitting any fuch difpute, and Liberties, but that bis Royal will and command in imps- 
 41 which would but difturb and protraft the Sheriff. fing loans and taxes, without common confent in Parliament, 
 
 “ Laltly, The Commlflioners were required and com- doth oblige the Subjects conscience upon pain of eternal dam- 
 “ manded, upon theyr faith and allegiance to his Majefty, nation. That thofe who refufed to pay this Loan, offended 
 “ to keep fecret-to thcmfelves, and not impart or difclofe againjl the Law of God, and the King's fupretne authority, 
 “ thefe inftru&ions to others.” and became guilty of impiety, difloyalty , and rebellion. And 
 
 For the advancement of the loan, care was taken to that the authority of Parliament is not nttejjary for the ra: 
 publilh a. lift of fuoh as had freely fubferibed, for a good fag of Aids and Subfulies ; and that the flow proceeding: 0: 
 example toothers, and all the Peers and Gentlemen were fuch great Affemblies , were not fitted for the fupply of tL 
 ordered to repair to their Country-feats, that their abfence States urgent r.cceffties, but would rather produceJ'undry 
 
 d Chief might caufe no delay 6r obftacle to the fubferiptions. Si 
 juflue Ciew Randolph Crew, Lord Chief Juftice, Ihowing no zeal for 
 advancing the loan, was removed from his place, which 
 ,iven to Sir Nicholas Hide (1). The King believed it 
 
 Rulhworth. 
 
 T.I.p+19 
 
 162 
 
 I Such a 
 
 pediments to the juft defigns of Princes. 
 
 It can hardly be thought, that fuch a do&rine was pub- 77 
 lickly preached in England, or at leaft, it is apt to be ima- " / 
 
 Vil w „„ x , K .j. *. __ & _ gined, that thefe preachers were men of no name, who-' 1 . 
 
 heceflary to Ihow by this example, that he would admit fought to pleafe the Court, and were not openly approved. a pp,,A. 
 of IIO excufe (2) Rm- this belief miift hr* rhnnffpd. when it is coniidfereu. Sibthorp / 
 
 P,elides this example, the Court ufed, to promote the 
 loan, feme other ways, which, probably, would not be 
 Ids efte&ual. The firft was, the billeting of Soldiers upon 
 private houfes, contrary to the conftant cuftom of Eng¬ 
 land, where all, but fuch as keep publick houfes, have the 
 privilege of not being obliged to lodge Soldiers againft their 
 wills. It is eafy to perceive, that thofe who Ihowed any 
 reluctance to lend the King money, were not fpared on this 
 occafion, arid that the Soldiers quartered upon them took 
 care to let them fee, what they expofed thcmfelves to by 
 difobeying the King. Moreover, fuch as were CufFerers by 
 thefe troublefome guefts, could not fummon them before 
 the ufual Judges ; but by the King’s exprefs orders, they 
 were obliged to apply to a Council of war, fo that the 
 Officers were the foie Judges of their Soldiers. This is 
 never pra&ifed in England, where Councils ot war have no 
 jurifdi&ion but what the Parliament allows them by an Adt 
 on puFpofe, limiting both the time and the occafions. In 
 fliort, it evidently appeared, that the King would not be 
 contradicted, and was refoTved to raife money upon the 
 Subject as he pleafed. It is true, he grounded his proceed¬ 
 ings upon former precedents. But that fome of his pre- 
 decefiors had, many ages before, pradtifed thefe methods, 
 whether out of neceffity or other wife, was fufficient for 
 him to confider fuch a precedent as the foundation of his 
 Right, and a prerogative of the Crown. Notwithftand- 
 ing all this, the people in general were fo averfe to the 
 loan, that the money flowed but flowly into the King’s 
 Exchequer. The Court therefore was obliged to ufe a 
 more violent remedy to force the mod obftinate. And 
 that was, to order fuch of the common fort as refufed to 
 
 , 0 h‘ b ' fubferibe to the lopn, to be enrolled as Soldiers to ferve in 
 
 But this belief mull be changed, when it is copfidered, ■' 
 that Archbilhop Abbot wa» fuvpended from all his Archie- 
 pifcopal functions, and confined to one of his Country-Ar< hi.. An- 
 houfes (4), for refilling to licenfe Sib thorp's Sermon . that - h ^ r . 
 Manviaring, after having been fentenced by the Lords in';, j “f'. : 
 the next Parliament, to pay a thbufand pounds fine, to&,. 
 make a p.ubfjck fubmiffion at the Bars of the two Houfes, 
 and to be iirrprifbned [ during the pleafure of the Lords, J 
 after having been fufpended for three years, and declared 
 incapable of holding any Ecckfiaftical dignity, or fecular 
 office, obtained neverthelefs the King’s pardon, with a good 
 Benefice, and afterwards a Biihoprick. One cannot therefore 
 help thinking, that the dodtrine preached by thefe Mini 
 fters, was approved, favored, and countenanced by the 
 Court. Indeed, the King’s, and his Minifter’s conduct: 
 plainly Ihowed, it was their intention to eftablilh an arbi¬ 
 trary Power, and let the King above the Laws. Of this 
 we Ihall fee farther proofs in the fequel. 
 
 Notwithftanding the King’s hopes to fucceed at length $, a[r 
 in his projedt, he was not eafy : the war he had undjr- Kings a/- 
 taken for the recovery of the Palatinate , was fo flowly ancl-v^' f. 
 unfuccefsfully carried on, that it was evident he would he- abroad. 
 ver compafs his ends by continuing it in fuch a manner. 
 
 Hitherto, every thing had mifearried. The twelve thou- 
 fand men intended for the Palatinate , under the command 
 of Count Mansfcldt, were loft for want of proper mca- 
 fures for their paflage, as was Ihown in the Reign of King 
 fames. The projected expedition againft Cadiz and the 
 Spanifto TVcJl-India Fleet, had met with no better fuccefs. 
 
 The King of Denmark beginning a war with the Empe¬ 
 ror, at the inftance of his Nephew the King of England , 
 was entirely defeated. The United Provinces of the Lcew- 
 Countries in alliance with England , were rather in want 
 
 his Majefty’s Tr/ips. As for perfons of birth and rank, of afliftance, than able to give any. Lewis XIII. had 
 they were fummoned to appear before the Council, and flattered the King of England with hopes of a League a- 
 upon a fecond refufal to lend money, were confined to pla- gainft the Houfe of Aujiria, only to obtain the better terms 
 ces at a great diftance from their habitations, and fuch as from the Spaniards in Italy , and fince he had concluded 
 refufed to be thus confined, were committed to the feveral a peace in that Country, did not Ihow the leaft inclination 
 irifons in London. Sir Thomas Wentworth, afterwards Earl to join with England for the recovery of the Palatinate. 
 
 Thus Charles faw himfelf farther than ever from the exe¬ 
 cution of his grand projects. To this may be added, that 
 the diflolution of his two firft Parliaments, without ob- 
 
 K,ngs 
 fent away, 
 
 4 ulhworth, P™ 1 
 
 T.l.p*4«*of Strafford, and a zealous adherent of the King, was a- 
 4 lS - mong the imprifoned (3). 
 
 fihe Doctrine Befides thefe means, the Court pra&ifed another, from 
 
 of Poj/ivc whence they expected great advantages, but which proved tabling the expected Supplies, rendered him contemptible 
 ubcdi'tut m ore detrimental than beneficial to the King. And that to his neighbours. There was no State defirous to enter 
 ^preached by was, to caufe Minifters, gained for that purpofe, to preach into a ftridt alliance with a Prince who had imprudently 
 sibthorp and as a Scripture-doctrine, that SubjeiSts were obliged to obey quarrelled with his Subjects, when he moft wanted their 
 M»mvaring. King’s commands, without examination. Two of afliftance. Lii fliort, though he had intended to free him- 
 Annal^” thefe Minifters diftinguilhed themfelves by their Sermons felf from the yoke of Parliaments, and put himfelf in a 
 
 Welwotd. on this fubje£t. Dr. Sibthorp , who was one, lays, among condition to raife what money he pleafed upon his oubjeffts, 
 
 other things, in a Sermon [preached at Northampton, at by the methods he had devifed, he daily perceived he had 
 Lent aflizes : ] taken wrong meafures. The Loan-money came in but 
 
 That the Prince , who is the Head , and makes his Court very flowly. To raife it, he was obliged continually to 
 and Council , it is his duty to direct and make Laws , Ecclef. ufe rigour and violence, the Englifh for the moft part re- 
 viii. 3, 4. He doth whatfoever pleafes him. Where the fufing voluntarily to fubmit to a Power, they believed 
 word of a King is, there is power, and who may fay unto contrary to their Liberties and Laws. I he Court there- 
 
 him , What dofl thou ? If Princes command any thing fore was forced to be cautious in the examples of rigour 
 
 which Subjects may not perform, becaufe it is againjl the againft the difobedient, that it might not caufe an open 
 . laws of God , or of nature , or impofjible , yet Subjects are Rebellion, for fear if a flame broke out in any part, it 
 
 bound to undergo the punifhment, without either reftfVuig , or would fpread over the whole Kingdom. 
 railing, or reviling , and fo to yield a paffive obedience where The King in his prefent fituation, feems to have had 
 
 they cannot exhibit an aiiive one -1 know no other cafe, but one of thefe two courles to take, either to agree with 
 
 but one of thofe three , wherein a Subject may excufe himfelf his People, or make peace with Spain. By the firft courfe, 
 with pajjiiv obedience ; but in all other be is bound to atlive he would have been enabled to pulh the war he had under- 
 obedience. taken more vigoroufly. By the fecond, he would have 
 
 But Dr. Manwaring fpoke ftill more plainly in one of been freed from the trouble of demanding extraordinary 
 his Sermons. He faid, Thcit the King is not bound to ob- Supplies of his Parliament, or ot raifing money by unufual 
 ferve the Latvs of the Realm concerning the Subjects Rights methods, which gained him the hatred of his people. But Tie rcr.fr 
 
 condubl. 
 
 (1) He drew the Duke's Anfwer in Parliament. Ru/hwortb, Tom. I. p 410. . . 
 
 (a) The Papilla conrributed very freely in the Loan, but the Puritans were very backward in it. IVbitehck, p. 8- This did beget in the K ng a 
 tendernefs towards the Papifts, and afterwards a trull and confidence in them ; which was unhappily millakcn by his other Subjedls, 
 
 Religion. Welwood, p. 37. 
 
 (3) T he following Gentlemen were appointed to feveral confinements, not in their own but diftinfl Counties. George Ratclijfe ,, Efq; Sir Walur Ear! Sir 
 John Strangnvays, Sir TbMa, Grantbom, Sir John tirvingbam, Sir Nathan:'! Bernard,pon, ITil/iam Cor, ion, Efq; Richard Knightly, EM; S u Harbor tie 
 Griw.fltne, Sir Robert Points, John Hampden. Thefe, with many others, were fecured in foreign Counties for refilling the Loan. Many ot thofe Gentlemt n 
 were afterwards fent for by Porluivants out of the Counties where they were confined by order ot the Council, and committed to feveral Prilom, 1 me to 1 e 
 Fleet, fome to the Marjbalfea and Gete-boi.fe. Ftom which lall place. Sir John Elliot fends a Petition to his Majefiy, which the Reader may lee in Hugo- 
 •worth, Tom. 1. p. 429. 
 
 (4; At Ford, a moori/h, unhealthy place, five.miles beyond Cmterbuy, Cok-, p. 239, 
 
 both 
 
26c 
 
 1 he H isro RT of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 both thefe courfes were contrary to his temper, his cha- imagined that all thefe men who were the Kind’s moll in- 
 
 ratter, his projetts, the intercfts of his Favorite and Mini- timate Counlellors, fhould combine to fupport in France a 
 
 Hers. As to the firrt, I believe I may affirm, he had Religion for which they had the utmoft contempt: It is r ' 
 
 formed the project of eftabliftiing in England a delpotick much more probable, that the King’s Mlnilters feeing little a 
 
 Power. I /hall not lofe time in proving it. I had rather likelihood of recovering the Palatinate by arms, and i 
 
 the Reader would judge for himfelf, by the King’s own ing the King would at length be tired of a fruitlefs war 
 
 Speeches, by his Meflhges to the Houfe of Commons, by 
 his conduct, and by that of hisMiniflers anil Council. What 
 has been hitherto feen may ferve to give fome idea of it, 
 but what will appear hereafter, will, as I think, afford un¬ 
 deniable proofs. This being fuppofed, Charles could not 
 divert himfelf of the principles imbibed from his infancy, 
 
 Fra 
 
 with Spain , induced him to carry his arms in 
 in order ffill to keep him under a ncceflity of railing money 
 by extraordinary methods, and thereby perpetuating his 
 mifunderftanding with his Subjetts, cn which tlie conti¬ 
 nuance of their credit entirely depended. But I own this 
 is only conjetture. Another caufe is alleJged of this war £ ! " cndon - 
 
 and deeply rooted in him by his Father’s inftruttions and with France , namely, the Duke of Buckingham's pride, 
 examples, without relinquishing his projetts, and forming who being fent to Paris to condutt the Queen into Eng- 
 a new Plan of Government, direttly contrary to his tern- land , became amorous of Ann of Aujlria Wife to Lew- 
 per and inclination. In a reconciliation with his people, is XIII, and had the confidence to difclofe his paffion. It 
 he muft have fubmitted to the maxims of the Parliament, is faid, the Court of France threatened him with a punifh- 
 who were continually urging the Laws of the Land, and rnent fuitable to his infolence, and refufed to let him fee 
 the Liberties of the People, and been obliged to become, the Queen any more, but that he fwore, he would fee 
 
 T. 1. p. j 
 
 if I may fo fay, lefs a King than he had hitherto been, 
 and than he thought he had right to be. The fuffering 
 the extent of the Prerogative Royal to be queftioned on 
 all occalions, was a thing too eppofite to his temper. This 
 was a point of which he was no lefs, or rather more, ten¬ 
 der than his Father. Befides, the Duke of Buckingham, 
 who had a great influence over him, plainly faw, that an 
 
 her in fpite of them all. To this oath is aferibed the refd- 
 lution inftilled into the King his mafter to make war upon 
 France , in hopes it would give him an opportunity to per¬ 
 form his oath I own, I fee very little probability in this kid. 
 pretended projett, which however the Lord Clarendon has 
 thought fit to mention (3). 
 
 The war with France being refolved, the King declared The King 
 agreement between the King and People, would infallibly the grounds of it to his Council, namely, dc.hrtt the 
 
 be followed with his own ruin. The reft of the Mini- I. That the Houfe of Auftria had fuch an influence upon Jf/"C oJh 
 fters, who were all his creatures, perceived likewife, that the Council of France, as to prevail with them to objlrufl at. “ 
 their welfare depended on the Favorite’s, and that the Fa- the landing of Count Mansfield h army , contrary to promife, 
 vorite’s credit could not fubfift with a good underftanding with whom the French Jhould have joined Forces , for /h^ Wirl , k: 
 L ~‘- the King ^and his Parliament. It was neceHary relief of the Palatinate, and the Germ an Princes ; which ' P ’ + * 4 
 
 bet 
 
 of perfor 
 
 them. 
 
 proved the ruin of that 
 
 Rulhworth. 
 T. I. p.423 
 
 p. 209. 
 
 'T' 
 
 b Franc. 
 
 therefore, that the King, to extricate himfelf out of this failu 
 
 labyrinth, ftiould become, as I may fay, quite another Ar 
 
 man, fhould alter his principles, fhould have ftrength of I have fpoken of this affair in the Reign of Kinir obfervasm 
 mind fufficient to difeern clearly his true interefts, from James I, and fhowed that it was an error of the Coun- 
 thofe of his Favorites and Minifters, and refolution to cil of England to depend upon a genera! promife as upon a 
 proceed without their aftiftance, and follow counfels more Treaty. Befides, it was too late for the King to think of 
 agreeable to his Subjetts. But this was a thing impoffible, revenging this pretended affront, which had not prevented 
 confidering the King’s character, who feemed then of an his efpouling the French King’s fifter. 
 
 inflexible temper. He perceived in the end, he had taken II. That having bv his mediation prevailed for a Pdace Ciu f t - 
 a wrong courfe, but not till it was too late to forfake it. between the French King and his Protcjlant Subjefis, and 
 As to the other courfe, which was to make Peace with engaged his word, that the Proiejlants Jhould obfeive the arti- 
 Spain, befides that the King thought himfelf bound in ho- clcs of agreement : Nevertheless the King of France, con- 
 nour to fupport a war of which he was the foie author, trary to the faid articles, blocked up their towns, garrfons 
 though he always affetted to impute it to the Parliament, and forts, and had committed many Jpoils upon them when 
 
 this Peace was entirely contrary to his private intereft. they had done nothing in violation of the edifi of Peace. 
 
 How little fuccefs foever he had reafon to expect from ’Tis very true, it was the intereft of England to fupport Ohjuvitm 
 the continuance of the war, in his prefent circumftances, the Huguenots, who were unjuftly oppreffed. But by 
 it ferved him for pretence to levy money upon his people, what law is a Prince, who procures a peace between two 
 and afforded him means to put in prattice his projetts to enemies, but is not guarantee for performance of articles 
 
 eftablifti an abfolute power. On the other hand, it being empowered to go to war with one of the parties that 
 
 the intereft of his Favorite and Minifters to keep him at breaks it. ? Had the King been fktisfied with faying, the 
 variance with his people, to whom they were all very odi- intereft of England would not fuffer the Huguenots to be 
 ous, they could not do it better than by putting him un- oppreffed, this political reafon might have been allowed, 
 der an indifpenfable neceffity of railing money upon the But in fuch cafes there is a wide difference between intereft 
 Subjett, without confent of Parliament. and right. 
 
 The effett of this policy evidently appeared at the very III. That the King of France had committed an example 3- Cau f" 
 l time I am fpeaking of. Inftead of perfwading the King to of great injuftice in full peace, to feize upon one hundred and 
 
 make Peace with Spain, they engaged him by degrees to twenty Englifh Ships, with all their mtrehandife and ar- 
 
 • proclaim war with France, at a time when he knew not tillery. 
 
 ’ how to continue the war he had begun with the Houfe of The King paffes over in filence, that the French atted Obfervatin, 
 Aujlria. To ingage France to afford fome pretence for the only byway of reprifal, and that the Englijh were the 
 rupture which was meditating in England , the King upon aggreffors, as the Parliament had complained to the King 
 fome difguft concerning the Queen’s French Chaplains and himfelf. It is evident therefore, that the grounds of this 
 Domeftieks (1), difmiffed them all, having firft paid what war could not be more frivolous. 
 
 was due for wages or falaries. The King of France high- The King’s defign was to fend a Fleet to Rachel un- n r 
 Jy refented this manifeftbreach of the marriage-treaty ; but der colour of relieving that place, which was threatened eufn”/{b t 
 however, did nothing that fhowed a defign to be revenged with a fiege. This affair had been managed at the Court En ^‘ h '» 
 by way of arms. So the difguft received from the Queen’s of England by the Duke of Soubize, and Monfieur Sc, WT'-' f 
 Domeftieks, who were efficiently puniihed, could not Blancard a Gentleman of Languedoc, without the know’ SuSworth, 
 ferve for pretence of a rupture on the fide of England, ledge of th t Rochellers. This gives occafion to fufpett that T ‘ 1 P4-*4< 
 fince on the contrary, France^ had Reafon to complain of their intention was to deliver the town to the Englijh, 
 
 0,1 Pretence of relieving it. However this be, the affair 
 was kept very private, and ever fince April a fleet had 
 been equipping with all expedition, without any poflibi- 
 licy of guefling for what it was intended. When it was 
 ready, the King gave the Duke of Buckingham a commif- A&.'p’ll 
 lion, which plainly fhowed, the affkir was to be a fecret. xvln - 
 By this commiflion, the Duke was made Admiral of the p ‘ S92 ' 
 fleet, and Commander in chief of the land-forces, which 
 fhould be imbarked for the recovery of the Palatinate, ac- 
 
 the breach of the Treaty. Neverthelefs, it was intended 
 to make war upon France, under colour of fupporting the 
 Huguenots who were oppreffed, and threatened with utter 
 deftruttion (2). But when the charatter of the King, of 
 the Favorite, and of the Minirtry is confidered, it can 
 hardly he thought, that the defire of maintaining the Pro- 
 teftant Religion, fuch as it was in France, was the real 
 motive of this war. The King and his whole Court mor¬ 
 tally hated the Presbyterians. The Duke of Buckingham 
 had p: ‘ ~ .. 
 
 perly no Religion at all. ICrJhn and Ccmuay were cording to fuch private inftruaions as he Ihould receive from 
 Catholicks. Laud and Ncile thought it impoffible to be fa- his Majelty 
 ved out of the Church of England. How then can it be This fle 
 
 fleet confifting of above a hundred fhi 
 
 1 They m» 
 
 the Queen - 
 
 • to intermcddlt 
 Rujb’Wtrtk, 
 
 wi;h his Queen's Family, becau'c 
 424. 
 
 retained, That King Charlei had r 
 ■ ik to Tyburn in devotion to pray there. 
 
 was managed and promoted by an Abbot, related to the Duke of OrUani, who had been difobliged by Cardin 
 : ol Buckingham ir reafonably fuppofed to have been the Author of this War ; either out of rev. * ‘ 
 
 -- appointed to go Amballador to France, or on accoun' of fome affronts pur upon him by that Court, 
 rays he could tr- - 
 
 ips, having n e Rochd- 
 
 ck . And befides, they had Engii/h. * 
 Ricbe'ieu U e Rulhworth, 
 
 eiagainft F,a 
 
 
 
 again!! his Queen j and beh.’v 
 
 bee dor<nd, Tji 
 
 Ofl • 
 
R 
 
 -.1 
 
 XIX. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 261 
 
 Rufliworth, 
 
 X. 1. P-4'2.0. J 
 
 7 b, Duke' j 
 
 1627. on board feven thoufand foldiers, failed from Portfmouth 
 the 7th of June , and on the 20th of July appeared before 
 Rocbcl. At the Duke’s approach, the Rochcllers fhut their 
 gates for fear of a furprize, as having no notice that an 
 Englijh fleet was to come fo near them. Prefently after 
 were feen to arrive the Duke of Soubize , with Sir JVilliam 
 Beecher , who told them from the Duke of Buckingham , 
 that the King of England , out of Compaflion to their 
 fufferings, had fent a Fleet and Army to their affiftance, 
 and if they refufed his aid, he declared he was fully quit 
 of his engagement of honour and confcience for their relief. 
 The Mayor replied in the name of the inhabitants, that 
 they moll humbly thanked his Majefty for the care he 
 had of them Kbut that being in ftrict union with all the 
 reft of the Proteftants in the Kingdom, they could not re¬ 
 ceive into the city the offered fuccours, without confulting 
 their friends, and without the previous confent of the whole 
 The Dui, body of the Huguenots. The Duke of Buckingham finding 
 u.Jn i,t» by this anfwer, it would not be eafy to get his troops into 
 Rochel, directed his courfe to the Ifle of Rbee, where Toiras 
 commanded. Toiras endeavoured at firft to hinder the 
 landing of the Englijh ; but as his forces were few, he 
 was obliged to retreat to his citadel at St. Martin s, which 
 was in a good ftate of defence. Had the Duke underftood 
 the art of war, he would, without lofing a moment, 
 have marched to the fort, and thereby hindered Toiras 
 from getting in provifions. But he fpent fo much time in 
 landing, and in preparing to march, that Toiras had leifure 
 to ftore the place with ammunition. At laft he marched 
 l{ “ to St. Martin % , and befieged it in form, but with little fuc- 
 
 cefs. He had to deal with one more expert than himfelf, 
 and who found means to keep him employed in the liege 
 till November , though he had fent the King word he fhould 
 be mailer of the place in eight days. Mean while, the 
 King of France , who had not expe£led this invaflon, or¬ 
 dered his troops to march with all fpeed towards the fea, 
 and came in perfon to haften the relief of the Ifle of Rbee. 
 
 “ ^ben every thing was ready, Count Schombcrg parted in- 
 HRufliworth, to *b e w bh fix or feven thoufand men, without any 
 T.J. v . 463. oppofition from the Englijh fleet. Then he marched to 
 $^240 St. Martin' s, the fiege whereof the Duke of Buckingham 
 1 Nmmb. 9 . raifed with precipitation, being vigoroufly pufhed by the 
 French to the very fea-fide, fo that it was with great diffi- 
 \ 7 b, Enpii/h culty that lie re-imbarked his remaining troops. ’Tis faid, 
 \feme °f the feven thoufand men he brought from England , near 
 five thoufand perilhed in this unfortunate expedition. It 
 was rumoured however in England , that not above fifteen 
 hundred were loft, and fome even fay, the King was made 
 to believe it. 
 
 Puition of WJiilft the Duke of Buckingham was employed in this 
 expedition. Sir John Elliot , imprifoned for refufing to lend 
 Li .7 the King money, prefented to his Majefty a petition for 
 mtelconccn;- his liberty, which he did not ask as a favour, but as juftice. 
 jtufliworth? grounded his requeft upon feveral Statutes which he 
 Jr. 1. p.429. cited, and by which he pretended to fhew, that the King 
 hnnjJs. could not exadt money from the Subject by way of loan, 
 nor were the Subjects bound to fubmit to it. As the King 
 then flood difpofed, this petition could be of no fervice to 
 the perfon that prefented it. In November following, fome 
 other Gentlemen (1), committed for the fame reafon, 
 brought their Habeas Corpus , that is, defired to be dif- 
 charged upon bail, a privilege enjoyed by all Englijbmcn (2). 
 This caufe was pleaded very folemnly before all the Judges 
 of the Realm. There were two points to be decided. The 
 mwortn whether the prifoners were committed by the fpecial 
 
 r.i. P . ; -s. command of the King, fince the Warden faid only, that 
 the prifoners were detained by command of the King, fignifed 
 to him by warrant of feveral of the Privy‘Council. Now 
 the prifoners pleaded, that, according to law, the King’s 
 order fhould be produced, not barely for detaining them, 
 but for committing them; and that befides, the fignifying 
 of the order by the Lords of the Council, fhewed, it was 
 not by fpecial command of his Majefty. The fecond point 
 was, whether the King could imprifon any fubjedt without 
 declaring the caufe of the commitment, and whether in fuch 
 cafe, the prifoners ought not to have the benefit of a Ha¬ 
 beas Corpus , that is, to be difeharged upon Bail. The 
 counfel for the prifoners reprefented the terrible confequen- 
 ces of fuch a power in the King, fince thereby the liberty 
 of every Subject would be at the King’s mercy, who could 
 detain them in prifon as long as he pleafed, and there would ' 
 be no remedy by law. But the Judges unanimoufly decided ‘ 
 
 againft the prifoners, who were all remanded to their feve- 1 62 7. 
 ral prifons. 
 
 7 he ill fuccefs of the Ifle of Rbee expedition raifed num- Complaints 
 berlefs complaints and murmurs againft the Duke of Buck- a ffff tbe 
 ingham , who had many enemies. Multitudes were loft in aZd'rTh of 
 that unfortunate undertaking, and among the reft, Major- Eucking- 
 general Burroughs , one of the beft officers in England ; £ a u fo' worth 
 and thefe misfortunes were imputed to the Duke of Buck- tm.^465. 
 mgham’s incapacity, who had never been in the wars, and Anm.'s. 
 knew nothing of the fea-fervice, though the King had ci^tndon 
 made him both Admiral and Captain-general. To thefe t.'l". 0 "*, 
 complaints were added others upon other accounts. The 31 * 
 mariners complained, they had received no wages for three 
 years paft, and deferted in great numbers, not to be forced 
 to ferve any longer without pay. The merchants made 
 bitter complaints, that the feas were negledted, that with-^ 
 in three years they had loft a great number of fhips, and 
 that the fifhermen were taken almoft in the very har¬ 
 bours. In a word, no one ventured to build any new 
 fhips, becaufe as foon as they were ready the King feized 
 them for his fervice, againft the will of the owners. 
 
 Though the King did not much regard all thefe com- L H> e - 
 plaints, which perhaps reached him not; he was however 
 very attentive to the petition which the Roche/lers, upon 
 the point of being befieged, fent him by their Deputies, for T 1 
 relief. He had ingaged in a war with France , upon his good An 2 n 2 g 5 .' 
 opinion of his Fleet, and of his Favorite’s ability, and tho’ P 
 experience fnewed him this opinion was ill-grounded, he 
 Would proceed, let what would be the confequence. Mean 
 while, lie faw himfelf without money, and the oppofition 
 he met with in the affair of the Loan, made him fenfible 
 how difficult it would be to raife it by fuch methods. For 
 this reafon he confulted Sir Robert Cotton , upon the prefent 
 fituation of his affairs. Cotton advifed him to call a Parlia- Cotton ai- 
 ment, as the beft means to free himfelf from all difficul- fj ‘ 5,brKin 2 
 ties. But as Sir Robert forefaw the Houfe of Commons Parinmtn:. 
 would attack the Duke of Buckingham , he advifed withal, J- 1 ". 29. 
 that the Duke might be the firft, who, in full Council, ^ u j hworth j 
 fhould move the calling of a Parliament. This advice A Pari a 7 
 was followed, and the Duke having acted his part, the mru is called. 
 Parliament was fummoned by the unanimous refolution of 
 the Council, to meet the 17th of March 1628. Imme- 7 Z Prifon. 
 diately after, warrants were fent to all parts to releafe the ‘fff 
 imprifoned and confined Gentlemen for the affair of the difn M,m. 
 Loan money, and the King had the mortification to fee bcri °f Par - 
 almoft all of them, to the number of twenty-feven, chofen I ff ntnt - 
 to ferve for Reprefentatives in the enfuing Parliament (3). 4 7 4r 473 ' 
 He fent writs of fummons alfo to the Archbifhop of Can- a™*'*. 
 terbury, who was confined to one of his houfes, to the p ‘ 23lf 
 Bifhop of Lincoln prifoner in the Tower, and to the Earl 
 of Brijlol. At the fame time, the Council ordered th e 7b, Loan it 
 Lord-Mayor of London to ufe moderation in demanding H c ™ t,nuui ' 
 the Loan-money. This fhews that there were ftill fome 
 people who flood out, and that violence was hitherto ufed 
 to compel them. 
 
 The Parliament being affembled the 17th of March , the 1627-8. 
 King made the following Speech to both Houfes. 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen , 
 
 “ THESE times are for adlion : Wherefore, fox The King's 
 “ I example fake, I mean not to fpend much time in 
 “ words; expecting accordingly, that your (as I hope) 0 f parl’/a- 
 “ good refolutions will be fpeedy, not fpending time unne- ww. 
 
 “ ceflarily, or (that I may better fay) dangeroufly: For ?; u J" vorth ^ 
 
 “ tedious confutations at this conjundture of time are as ‘ P ' 47 
 “ hurtful as ill refolutions. 
 
 “ I am fure you now expert from me, both to know 
 “ the caufe of your meeting, and what to refolve on: 
 
 “ Yet I think that there is none here but knows, that 
 tc common danger is the caufe of this Parliament, and that 
 “ Supply at this time is the chief end of it: So that I 
 “ need but point to you what to do. I will ufe but few 
 “ perfuafions: For if to maintain your own advices, and 
 “ as now the cafe ftands for the following thereof, the 
 “ true Religion, Laws, and Liberties of this State, and the 
 “ juft defence of our true friends and allies, be not fuffici- 
 “ ent, then no eloquence of men or angels will prevail. 
 
 “ Only let me remember you, that my duty mod of 
 “ all, and every one of yours according to his degree, is 
 “ to feek the maintenance of this Church and Common- 
 wealth: And certainly, there never was a time in which 
 “ this duty was more neceffarily required than now. 
 
 (1) Sir 7 b,me' Darnel, Sir John Corlet, Sir Walter Earl , Sir John Hc-vingham, Sir Edward Ilampden. Rujhwortb, Tom. I. p. 4:8. 
 
 _ r °c u undl ' rftandl,1 P of wliat follows, it mud be oblerved, that when any perfon is committed (unlels for Treafon or Felony) upon his fendintr 
 
 a Copy of the Mittimus to the Chancellor, or any one of the Judges of the Exchequer, they are obliged to grant him a Writ called Habeas Corpus upon the 
 , , Hc r ai |I Coaler or Keeper mult carry up the Prifoner, and return the caufes of his Commitment and Detain.,ur to the Court,’to which 
 „. e j - S , ret, ‘ r , nable * rh " n tllc J ud ge determines whether the cafe be bailable. If not, the Prifoner is remanded back to Prifon. In the prefent ca/e the 
 Warden ot the Fl,et made this Return: “ That Sir IValler Earl, Kt. named in the Writ, is detained in the Prifon of the Fleet in his cultodv bv fo’-ci.j 
 command of the Kong, to him figned by Warrant of feveral of the Privy-Council.” Now it was pleaded in behalf of the Prifoners, that the form of the 
 Returns was not good, the caufe of the Commitment not being fpecified, as the Writ requires. And therefore, if the Prifoners were not bailed, bu: remanded. 
 , x U ^- 1 l tS °‘ <hc K,n gdom may be retrained of the Liberty for ever, and by law there can be no remedy. See Ru/lwortb, Torn. I. p. aeq, 
 n feventy-eight. See RuJIru/orth, Tom. I. p. 473, where they are all earned. 
 
 (3) There v 
 
 releafed ii 
 
 No. LVII. Vol. II, 
 
 Uu u 
 
 I there- 
 
Vol II. 
 
 262 
 
 1627-8. 
 
 TIt Lord 
 Krtper's 
 Speech. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 cc I therefore judging a Parliament to be the ancient. 
 44 fpeedieft, and beft way in this time of common danger, 
 44 to give fuch Supply as to fecure ourfelves, and to fave 
 44 our friends from imminent ruin, have called you toge- 
 “ ther. Every man now muft do according to his con- 
 44 fcience : wherefore if you (as God forbid) fhould not do 
 “ your duties, in contributing what the State at this time 
 44 needs, I muft, in dilcharge of my confcience, ufe thofe 
 44 other means which God hath put into my hands, to 
 44 fave that, which the follies of particular men may other- 
 “ wife hazard to lofe. 
 
 “ Take not this as a threatning, for I fcorn to threaten 
 “ any but my equals, but an admonition from him, that 
 44 both out of nature and duty, hath moft care of your 
 “ prefervations and profperities: And (though I thus fpeak) 
 “ I hope that your demeanours at this time will be fuch, 
 “ as fhall not only make me approve your former Coun- 
 “ fels, but lay on me fuch obligations, as (hall tie me by 
 44 way of thankfulncfs to meet often with you: For be 
 “ allured, that nothing can be more pleafing unto me, than 
 “ to keep a good correfpondence with you. 
 
 “ I will only add one thing more, and then leave my 
 “ Lord Keeper to make a ftiort paraphrafe upon the text 
 44 I have delivered you, which is To remember a thing , to 
 44 the end we may forget it. You may imagine that I came 
 “ here with a doubt of fuccefs of what I delire, remem- 
 44 bring the diftradtions of the laft meeting: But I allure 
 44 you, that I fhall very eafily and gladly forget and for- 
 “ give what is paft, fo that you will at this prefenttime 
 44 leave the former ways of diftradlions, and follow the 
 “ counfel late given you. To maintain the unity of thefpirit 
 “ in the bond of peace. 
 
 The Lord Keeper feconded his Majefty in this manner. 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen , 
 
 44 W E are here in Parliament by his Majefty’s writ and 
 44 I royal command, to confult and conclude of the 
 44 weighty and urgent bufinefs of this Kingdom. Weighty 
 44 it is and great, as great as the honour, fafety, and pro- 
 “ teclion of Religion, King, and Country: and what 
 44 can be greater? Urgent it is; it is little pleafure to tell 
 44 or think how urgent: And to tell it with circumftances, 
 44 were a long work : I will but touch the fum of it in few 
 44 words. 
 
 44 The Pope and Houfe of Aujlria have long affe&ed, 
 44 the one a fpiritual, the other a temporal Monarchy : 
 44 And to effect their ends, to ferve each other’s turn, the 
 44 Houfe of Aujlria , befides the rich and vaft territories of 
 44 both the Indies, and in Africa , joined together, are be- 
 44 come mafters of Spain and Italy , and the great Country 
 44 of Germany. And although France be not under their 
 “ fubjection, yet they have environed all about it; the 
 44 very bowels of the Kingdom fwayed by the Popifh 
 44 faction: They have gotten fuch a part, and fuch in- 
 44 terceflion in the Government, that under pretence of 
 44 Religion, to root out the Proteftants and our Religion, 
 44 they have drawn the King to their adherence, fo far, 
 44 that albeit upon his Majefty's interpolition by his am- 
 “ bafladors, and his engagement of his Royal word, there 
 <c was between the King and his Subjects articles of agree- 
 “ ment, and the Subjects weie quiet; whereof his Majefty, 
 44 interefted in that great Treaty, was bound to fee a true 
 44 accomplifhment; yet againft that ftrict alliance, that 
 44 Treaty hath been broken, and thofe of the Religion 
 44 have been put to all extremity, and undoubtedly will 
 44 be ruined without prefent help. So as that King is 
 44 not only diverted from aflifting the common C2ufe, but 
 44 hath been milled to engage himfelf in hoftile a£ts againft 
 44 our King and other Princes, making w'ay thereby for 
 44 the Houle of Aujlria , to the ruin of his own and other 
 44 Kingdoms. 
 
 44 Other Potentates, that in former time did ballance 
 cc and interrupt the growing greatnefs of the Houfe of 
 “ Aujlria , are now removed and diverted. The Turk 
 44 hath made peace with the Emperor, and turned himfelf 
 44 wholly into wars with Afia: The King of Sweden is 
 44 embroiled in a war with Poland , which is invented by 
 44 Spanijh pra&ices, to keep that King from luccouring our 
 “ part: The King of Denmark is chaced out of his King- 
 44 dom, on this and on that fide the Zound-, fo as the 
 44 Houfe of Aujlria is on the point to command all the fea- 
 44 coafts, from Dantzick to Embden, and all the rivers fal- 
 44 ling into the Sea in that great extent: So, as befides the 
 44 power by land, they begin to threaten our part by fea, 
 44 to the fubverlion of all our State. 
 
 44 In the Baltick fea, they are providing and arming all 
 44 the Ships they can build or hire; and have at this time 
 “ their Ambaftadors treating at Lubeck, to draw into their 
 44 fervice the Hanfe Towns, whereby taking from us and 
 44 our neighbours the eaft-land trade, by which our Ihipping 
 
 is fupplied, they expeft, without any blow given, to 
 
 44 make themfelvcs mafters of that fea. In thefe weftern 16 
 “ parts, by the Dunkirkers , and by the now French and 
 44 Spanijh Admiral, to the ruin of hilling (of infinite con- 
 44 fequence both to us and the Loiv-Coun/ries) they infeft 
 “ all our coaft, fo as we pals not fafely from Port to Port. 
 
 44 And that fleet w T hich lately allifted the French at the Jfe 
 44 of Rhee , is now preparing at St. Andrews , with other 
 44 Ships built in the coaft of Bifcay to re-inforce it, and a 
 44 great fleet is making ready at Lisbon ; where, befides 
 44 their own, they do ferve themfelves upon all ftrangers 
 “ bottoms coming to that coaft for trade : And thefe great 
 44 preparations are, no doubt, toaflault us in England or 
 44 Ireland , as they fhall find advantage, and a place fit for 
 44 their turn. 
 
 “ Our friends of the Netherlands , befides the fear that 
 “ juftly troubles them, left the whole force of the Emperor 
 “ may fall down upon them, are diftrafted by their voyages 
 44 into theEaft, which hath carried both men and money 
 44 into another world, and much weakened them at home. 
 
 44 Thus are we even ready on all lides to be fwallowed 
 44 up; the Emperor, France , and Spain, being in open war 
 44 againft us ; Germany over-run ; the King of Denmark 
 44 diftrelfed ; the King of Sweden diverted ; and the Low- 
 44 Country men difabled to give us afliftance. 
 
 “ I fpeak not this to increafe fear, unworthy of Englijh 
 44 courages, but to prefs to provifion worthy the wifdomof 
 44 a Parliament: And for that caufe his Majefty hath called 
 44 you hither, that by a timely provifion againft thofe great 
 “ imminent dangers, ourfelves may be ftrengthened at 
 44 home, our friends and allies encouraged abroad, and 
 44 thofe great caufes of fear lcattered and difpelled. 
 
 “ And becaufe, in all warlike preparations, Treafure 
 44 bears the name, and holds the lemblance of the nerves 
 44 and finews; *nd if a finew be too Ihort or too weak, 
 
 “ if it be either fhrunk or ftrained, the part becomes un- 
 44 ufeful: It is needful, that you make a good and timely 
 “ fupply of Treafure, without which all counfels will prove 
 “ fruitlefs. I might prefs many reafons to this end, but 
 44 I will name but few. 
 
 44 Firft, For his Majefty’s fake, who requires it. Great 
 “ is the duty which we owe him by the law of God ; 
 
 44 great by the law of nature, and our own allegiance ; 
 
 44 great for his own merit, and the memory of his ever 
 “ blelfed Father. I do but point at them: but methinks 
 44 our thoughts cannot but recoil on one confideration 
 44 touched by his Majefty, which to me feems fo found, 
 
 44 like a parliamentary pa£t or covenant. 
 
 “ A war was deviled here, afliftance profefled, yea, and 
 44 protefted here : I do but touch it, I know you will 
 44 deeply think on it; and the more, for the example the 
 “ King hath fet you; his lands, his plate, his jewels, he 
 “ hath not fpared, to fupply the war: What the People 
 44 hath protefted, the King, for his part, hath willingly 
 44 performed. 
 
 “ Secondly, For the caufe fake. It concerns us in 
 44 Chriftian charity, to tender the diftreftesof our friends 
 “ abroad; it concerns us in honour not to abandon them, 
 
 44 who have flood tor us. And if this come not clofe 
 44 enough, you lhall find our interell fo woven and involv- 
 44 ed with theirs, that the caufe is more ours than theirs. 
 
 “ If Religion be in peril, we have the moft flourilhing 
 44 and oithodox Church. If Honour be in queftion, the 
 44 llories and monuments in former ages will Ihew, that 
 “ our anceftors have left us as much as any nation : If 
 44 Trade and Commerce be in danger, we are Iflanders, 
 
 “ it is our file. All tbefe at once fie at flake, and fo doth 
 “ our fafety and being. 
 
 “ Laltly, In refpect of the manner of his Majefty’s de- 
 “ mand, which is in Parliament, the way that hath ever 
 “ beft pleafed the Subjects of England. And good caufe 
 “ for it: For, aids granted in Parliament work good ef- 
 “ fe£ts for the PeopL ; they be commonly accompanied 
 “ with wholfome laws, gracious pardons, and the like. 
 
 “ Befides, juft and good Kings finding the love of their 
 “ People, and the readinefs of their Supplies, may the bet- 
 “ ter forbear the ufe of their Prerogatives, and moderate 
 “ the rigour of the laws towards their Subjects. 
 
 “ This way, as his Majefty hath told you, he hath 
 tc chofen ; not as the only way, but as the fittelt; not as 
 
 deftitute of others, but as moft agreeable to the good- 
 tc nefs of his own moft gracious difpofition, and to the de- 
 “ fire and weal of his People. If this be deferred, necef- 
 “ fity and the fword of the enemy make way to the 
 “ others. Remember his Majefty’s admonition, I fay, 
 
 “ remember it. 
 
 “ Let me but add, and obferve God’s mercy towards 
 44 this land above all others. The torrent of war hath 
 44 overwhelmed other Churches and Countries; but God 
 44 hath hitherto reltrained it from us, and Hill gives us 
 44 warning of every approaching danger, to fave us from. 
 
 44 furprize. And our gracious Sovereign, in a true fenle 
 ** of it, calls together his high Court oi Parliament, the 
 y 44 lively 
 
Book XiX. 
 
 25. CHARLES! 
 
 263 
 
 i 1627-8.“ lively reprefentation of the wifdom, wealth and power 
 “ of the whole Kingdom, to join together to repel thofe 
 “ hoftile attempts, which diftrefll-d our friends and allies, 
 “ and threatned ourfelves. 
 
 “ And therefore it behoves all to apply their thoughts 
 “ unto counfel and confultations, worthy the greatnefs and 
 “ wifdom of this Aflembly ; to avoid difcontents and di- 
 “ vifions, which may either diftemper or delay ; and to 
 “ attend that Unum necc/farium, the common caufe ; pro- 
 “ pounding for the fcope and work of all the debates, the 
 “ general good of the King and Kingdom, whom God 
 “ hath joined together with an indifloluble knot, which 
 “ none mull attempt to cut or untie. And let all, by 
 “ unity and good accord, endeavour to pattern this Parlia- 
 “ ment by the belt that have been, that it may be a pat- 
 “ tern to future Parliaments, and may infufe into Parlia- 
 “ ments a kind of multiplying power and faculty, whereby 
 “ they may be more frequent, and the King our Sovereign 
 “ may delight to fit on his throne, and from thence to 
 “ diftribute his graces and favours amonglt his People. 
 
 “ His Majelly hath given you caufe to be confident of 
 “ this, you have heard from his royal mouth ; which ne- 
 “ verthelefs he hath given me exprefs command to redou- 
 “ ble: If this Parliament, by their dutiful and wife pro- 
 “ ceedings, lhall but give this occafion, his Majelly will 
 “ be ready, not only to manifell his gracious acceptation, 
 “ but to put out all memory of thofe dillaftes that have 
 11 troubled former Parliaments. 
 
 “ I have but one thing more to add, and that is, as your 
 “ confultations be ferious, fo let them be fpeedy. The 
 “ enemy is beforehand with us, and flies on the wings of 
 “ fucceis. We may dally and play with the hour-glafs that 
 “ is in our power, but the hour will not flay for us -, and 
 “ an opportunity once loll, cannot be regained. 
 
 “ And therefore refolve of your Supplies, that they 
 “ may be timely and fufficient, ferving the occafion: your 
 “ counfel, your aid, all is but loll, if your aid be either 
 “ too little, or too late: And his Majelly is refolved, 
 “ that his affairs cannot permit him to expedl it over 
 “ long.” 
 
 ! xjng't Thefe two Speeches need no comment, fince they plainly 
 
 , intent in tbife fpeak both the King’s principles concerning the ufe of Par- 
 I twSpeeches, fiaments, and his intention, in cafe he received not from 
 j \\ mar * the prefent Parliament the iatisfadlion he expe&ed. The 
 King does not feem to have made ufe of a proper means to 
 gain the good-will of the Commons. But it muff be obferved, 
 that nothing was more oppofite to his temper, than to Hoop 
 to court his Parliament. He thought it great condefcenfion 
 to declare, that though he had other ways of railing mo¬ 
 ney, he was very willing to follow the old method of de¬ 
 manding a fupply from the Parliament. But lor fear the 
 Commons Ihould think he was forced to it by a kind of 
 neceflity, he took care to intimate, that in cafe the money 
 he demanded was not granted, he could raife it other ways. 
 This was the foie aim of thefe two Speeches. 
 
 As to the arguments alledged by the-Lord-Keeper to ex¬ 
 cite the Commons to give a plentiful fupply to the King, 
 they were too much exaggerated to produce a great effedt. 
 The pretended preparations of the Spaniards to invade 
 England were a groundlefs chimera. Indeed, during this 
 whole war, the Spaniards made no attempt upon Great- 
 Britain or Ireland. Nay, it was in the King’s power to 
 make peace with the Spaniard, who had no demands upon 
 him, and yet, he would make believe that England was 
 in imminent danger. As to the argument fo often repeat¬ 
 ed, that the Parliament advifed the war, it was fo worn- 
 out, that it could not make the leall impreflion. There 
 was not then a man in England, but what was perfectly in¬ 
 formed, that the King and Duke of Buckingham were the 
 real authors of the Spani/h war, and had fraudulently ob¬ 
 tained from the Parliament the advice continually infilled 
 upon by the King. 
 
 A Letter Before the Commons had entered into any debates, there 
 ' called the was a long letter communicated to them, directed, To my 
 tut'pcn'ub wble Friends of the Lower Houfe ofParliament, and difperled 
 ! Lfiedl’fdv under the title of A Speech without doors. T he author who 
 : beginning of was unknown, pretended to have been formerly a Member 
 'mem a, “ a ' the Lower Houfe, though he was not chofen to ferve 
 1 Rulhworth, in the prefent Parliament. His aim was to advife the Com- 
 T.i. P . 4 g 9 . mons how they were to proceed, and to lay before them 
 £ n ” a g s * the fundry grievances complained of by the people. This 
 
 J ’ writing made a great noife at that time, but I do not think 
 
 it neceflary to infert the contents, fince they were only 
 the fentiments of a private perfon. 
 
 Spn'tes i After l ^ e tW0 ^ ou ^ es h ac * prefented a petition to the 
 tbe“ C n"fe n King for a fall, the Commons began to examine thegrie- 
 car.cerr.ing vances of the Nation, and feemed determined to grant no 
 1 Man-T"' - fu PP ! y thefe g r > evan ces were redrefled. The full they 
 Ruihworth* took int0 confideration were, billetting of Soldiers, loans 
 t.]. p . 49 8 , 
 
 499 . (1) MV. Secretary Coke in particular made two Speeches, on March 22. and 3+ 
 
 Annals, Houle to let Supplies take the precedency. Rujbmrtb, Tom. I. p. 501, ™ 
 
 by bencvolerice and privy-feals, imprifonmfcnt of Gentle- 1627-S. 
 men refufing to lend, denial of releaie upon a Habeas Cor¬ 
 pus ; and fevferal Speeches were made upon thefe ocgafions. 
 
 Sir Francis Seymour among other things faid- How 
 
 can we think of giving of Subfidies , till ws know whether we 
 have any thing to give or no ? For if his Majcjly be perfuad- 
 ed by any to take from his Subjects what .he will, and 
 where it pleafeth him ; I would gladly know what we have to 
 give ? Hath it not been preached in our Pulpits, that 
 
 all we have is the King's JURE DIVING? _ 
 
 Sir Thomas Wentworth, afterwards fo well known by the 
 name of Earl of Strafford, di/linguilbed himfelf by a 
 Speech againll the Government. He faid truly, thefe 
 things were not to be imputed to the King but to the Pro- 
 jeflors, that is, to the Minillers or others who had formed 
 the defign of llretching the Prerogative beyond its due 
 bounds, of whom he fpoke in this manner: They have RuThworth, 
 brought the Crown into greater want than ever, by anticipa- 1 - J -P , S UU 
 ting the Revenues : And can the fnepherd be thus fmitten , and 
 the Jheep not fcattered ? They have introduced a Privy- Coun¬ 
 cil, ravijhing at once the fpberes of all ancient Government , 
 imprifoning us without either bail or bond-, they have taken 
 from us, what ? What /hall I fay indeed, what have they 
 left us ? All means of fupplying the King and ingratiating 
 
 ourfelves with him, taking up the root of all propriety. -- 
 
 Sir Edward Coke, a great Lawyer, fpoke chiefly to the •*> Edward 
 grievance of the loans, and faid among other things: JVho Coke ''- 
 tuill give Subfidies, if the King may impofe what he will ? 1U ‘ P ‘ 5 °'' 
 And if after Parliament, the King may inhance what he 
 
 pleafeth ? The King cannot tax any by way of loans -- 
 
 Thereupon he quoted the Statute of 2 5 Edward III, where¬ 
 in it is faid. That loans againjl the will of the Subject, are 
 
 againjl reafon, and the franchifes of the land-, --and 
 
 concluded with this paragraph out of Magna Charta - 
 
 Nullus liber homo capiatur vel imprifonctur aut diffeifietur de 
 libero tenemento Juo, See. nip per legale judicium parium fuo- 
 rum, vel per legem terra. Another fpeaking of the im- Sir Robert 
 prrfonment of thofe who had refufed to lend the King Phil 'P s - 
 
 money, faid, - O improvident Ancejhrs ! O unwife Id ‘ P ' 5 ° 4 ' 
 
 Forefathers ! to be fo curious in providing for the quiet pof- 
 fejponof our lands, and liberties of Parliament, and to negledi 
 our perfons and bodies, and to let them die in prifon, and that 
 durante beneplacito, remedilefs: If this be Law, what do 
 we talk of our liberties ? Why do we trouble ourfelves with the 
 difpute of law, franchifes, propriety of goods ? What may a 
 man call his, if not liberty? 
 
 I intend not to inlarge any farther upon what was faid 
 in the Houfe of Commons upon thefe points. This fuf- 
 fices to Ihew how the Majority were difpofed. All their 
 arguments tended to dcniunffrate, that if the King had 
 power to take the goods of his Subje&s by a bare a£t of his 
 will, whether by way of loan or otherwife, and to impri- 
 fon fuch as refufed to obey his orders without being admit¬ 
 ted to bail, they were either to be entirely fubjedl to the 
 King’s pleafure, or to begin with firmly ellablilhing the 
 rights of the people, to the prevention of tyranny. The Tbc Coanicri 
 Court-party durlt not dire«SHy oppofe this general fentimenr, '? ,0 /”" "A 
 but endeavoured by feveral arguments, to intimate, that to 'iT-nefcne- 
 gain his Majelty’s good will, fupplies were in the full place 
 to be granted. Then, they gave hopes, that the King, R ,llllW0r >h, 
 moved with fuch a mark of aftedlion for his perfon, would T o6 '‘ r ‘ 
 not be againll redrdfing the grievances (1). But this made Annals, 
 little impreflion upon the reit, who were by far the majo¬ 
 rity, and who verily believed, that to begin with thefub- 
 fidies was the ready way to have the grievances un-redrefled. 
 Meanwhile, to make a diverfion, Secretary Coke prefented Prelum 
 to the Houfe certain propofitions from the King, concern-/""'^ Kin £ 
 ing fupply : but it was refolved, that the reading thereof 
 lhall be deferred till the Houfe had taken fome refolution March 25?* 
 with refpect to the grievances, efpecially the imprifonment Ru^n/'h, 
 of the Subjects, and denial of bail. There were very great p " s ° 6> 
 debates upon thefe points, and the Judges themfelves were 
 heard. At lift, the Houfe came to the following refuta¬ 
 tions, directly contrary to the King’s pretenfions, and the 
 Judges determinations: That is, they eltablilhed maxims 
 oppofite to thofe of the King; namely, 
 
 “ I. T hat no freeman ought to be detained or kept in The Ccthm-.m 
 “ prifon, or otherwife rellrained by the command of the "f 
 “ King or Privy-Council, or any other, unlefs fome caufe Id> p ’ 51 
 “ of the commitment, detainer, or relfraint beexprefled, 
 
 “ for which by law he ought to be committed, detained, or 
 “ rellrained. 
 
 “ II. That the writ of Habeas Corpus may not be de- 
 t£ nied, but ought to be granted to every man that is com- 
 “ mined or detained in prifon, or otherwife rellrained, 
 
 “ though it be by the command of the King, the Privy- 
 “ Council, or any other, he praying the fame. 
 
 “ HI. That if a freeman be committed or detained in 
 “ prifon, or otherwife rellrained by the command of the 
 
 wherein he allowed that Grievances ought to be redreiTed, but advilad th« 
 
 “ King, 
 
Vo!. II. 
 
 264 
 
 The HI S TO RY of ENGLAN D. 
 
 1628. 
 
 Tit K;rr'r 
 
 Rulhworih, 
 T. I-p. 513. 
 
 Rulhworth, 
 T.I. p- 5 »*. 
 
 p. 264-279. 
 
 Rfohtkn *J 
 lit Houfe. 
 
 Mtfa?t Iror 
 lie King 
 about the 
 Dube of 
 Euckinghar 
 April 3. 
 -Rulhworth, 
 T. I. p. 523 
 
 “ King, the Privy-Council, or any other, no caufe of 
 “ fuch commitment, detainer, or rcftraint being exprefled, 
 “ for which by law he ought to be committed, detained, 
 “ or reftrained, and the fame be returned upon a Habeas 
 “ Corpus , granted for the faid party, then he ought to be 
 “ delivered or bailed. 
 
 “ IV. That it is the ancient and undubitable right of 
 “■ every freeman, that he hath a full and abfolute property 
 4 ' - in his goods and eilate; that no tax, tallage, loan, be- 
 “ nevolence, or other like charge ought to be commanded 
 “ or levied by the King, or any of his Minifters, without 
 tc common confent by aft of Parliament (1).” 
 
 'The proportions tendered the day before by Secretary 
 Coke from his Majefty, were now received and read, but 
 the debate thereof was referred to another day. The pro¬ 
 portions were thefe: 
 
 “ 1. To furnifh with men and viftuals thirty fbips to 
 “ guard the narrow Teas, and along the coafts. 
 
 “ 2. To fet out ten other fhips for relief of the Town 
 44 of Rocbel. 
 
 44 3. To fet out ten other fhips for the prefervation of 
 44 the j Elbe, the Sound, and the Baltick lea. 
 
 “ 4. To levy arms, cloth, viftual, pay, and tranfport 
 “ an army of tenthoufand Horfe, and ten thoufand Foot, 
 “ for foreign fervice. 
 
 44 5. To pay and fupply fix thoufand more for the fervice 
 44 of Denmark. 
 
 44 6. To fupply the forts of the office of ordnance. 
 
 44 7. To fupply the ftores of the Navy. 
 
 44 8. To build twenty fhips yearly for the increafe of 
 44 the Navy. 
 
 44 9. To repair the forts within the land. 
 
 “ 10. To pay the arrears of the office of ordnance. 
 
 44 11. To pay the arrears of the viftuallers office. 
 
 44 12. To pay the arrears of the treafure of the Navy. 
 
 4t 13. To pay the arrears due fur the freight of divers 
 ct Merchant-fhips employed in his Majefty’s fervice. 
 
 44 14. To provide a magazine for viftuals for Land and 
 w Sea-fervice. 
 
 The Houfe eafily perceived by the reading of thefe Ar¬ 
 ticles, that it would be a work of infinite labour, to exa¬ 
 mine the neceffity and juftice of each, and as there were 
 no eftimates made, they plainly faw, if they fhould take 
 the particulars into confideration, the Court would mount 
 the expence very high. Wherefore, without entering in¬ 
 to any difeuflion, they refolved in general to grant the King 
 a large Supply (2), 
 
 After that, they returned to the examination of this par¬ 
 ticular grievance, that the King’s Council, by their bare au¬ 
 thority, had confined to their houfes, fome that refufed 
 to lend money ; had fent away others to diftant places 
 from their homes; and conftraincd fome on the fame 
 account, to go and ferve the King in foreign Countries (3). 
 Upon this point, Sir Thomas Wentworth faid, If any man 
 owes a man a dtfpleafure, and Jkall procure him to be put into 
 foreign employment, it will be a matter of high concernment 
 to the Suljeft: We know the honour and jujlice of the King , 
 but we know not what his Minijlers, or the mediation of Am- 
 b a (fa dors may do, to work their own wrath upon any man, 
 Thefe debates produced this refolution : 
 
 “ That no freeman ought to be confined by anycom- 
 “ mand from the King, or Privy-Council, or any other, 
 “ unlefs it be by Aft of Parliament, or by other due courfe, 
 “ or warrant of law.” 
 
 All thefe determinations promifed the King no good 
 with refpeft to his Prerogative; and as he feared the Com¬ 
 mons would again attack the Duke of Buckingham, he 
 , tried to divert them from it by a meflage delivered to the 
 Houfe by Secretary Coke. It was upon a rumour, that 
 the Duke had fpoken ill of the Parliament at the Council- 
 board. The King allured, it was not true, and the Se¬ 
 cretary added, if the Duke had fo fpoken, he would have 
 contradifted himfelf, for the whole Council could bear 
 him witnefs, he was the firft mover of calling the Parlia¬ 
 ment. But he took care not to tell them, it was merely 
 out of policy, purfuant to Cottons advice. 
 
 The next day the King fent another meflage to the Com¬ 
 mon', defiring them to take the affair of Supply into con- 
 lideration. He told them likewife, that as to the freedom 
 of perfons, and propriety of goods, he was willing to come 
 into any expedients which fhould be judged convenient, by 
 way of Bill, or otherwife; and that the more confidence 
 they fhould fhew in his grace and goodnefs, the more they 
 lhould prevail to obtain their defires. 
 
 fro 
 
 Upon this meflage, the Houfe unar.imouflv voted five 
 Subfidies to the King (4), but returned immediately to the F - h J> 
 examination of Grievances, and held a confeience with the J p f J \ 
 Lords upon that fubjeft. 
 
 Eafier Holidays approaching, the King fent and defired The K-r.g 
 the Commons not to adjourn, that affairs might be the more , (f J f'f l}t 
 fpeedily difpatched. This meflage occaHoned a debate, fome ‘Ijf. 
 members fearing fuch a precedent might be a prejudice to 1J •• 
 the privileges of the Houle, and the King for the future ^’ ril IO ;_ 
 think he had power to hinder an adjournment when he ' ’ p ~ 
 pleafed. But at length it was refolved to do as the King 
 defired. 
 
 'I he i ith of April, Secretary Coke moved thedifpatch I s pr,jr. u 
 of the Subfidies, faying, the votes to grant the King mo- f 
 ney were nothing till turned into a Bill. But being oppo- Vef TrTfl 
 fed by feveral, it was refolved, that grievances and Supply •'>%'// an 
 fhould go hand in hand. 
 
 1 he day following, Coke brought another meflage from 
 the King to the Houfe, to this effect: “ That his Majefty 
 k had long fince expected fome fruit of that which was fo jtCmwo-rh 
 
 happily begun; but finding a flop beyond all expefta- t.i. p. 53! 
 ‘ tion, his command was, that without any further de- Annals, 
 
 lay, they fhould proceed in the affair of Supply. For p ‘ aSo ‘ 
 
 ‘ notwithffanding his confenting that Supply and Grie- 
 ‘ vances fhould go together, his meaning was not, that 
 ‘ the one fhould give interruption to the other, nor the 
 ‘ time be fpun out on any pretence. And therefore bid 
 4 them take heed, that they did not force him to make 
 1 an unpleafing end of what was fo well begun.” 
 
 This meflage did the King great injury, i. Becaufe of It &*t the 
 the threatening. 2. By realbn of his inftances, that the 
 affair of Supply fhould be difpatched before that of Grie- " jUr *' 
 vances: for it was not doubted, that if the firft were 
 finifhed, the Parliament would be immediately prorogued. 
 
 3. Laflly, The King’s unwillingnefs to redrefs the GrieJ 
 vances, was a clear evidence, he would never be brought 
 to it of his own accord, and confequently it was nccellary 
 to conftrain him thereto. This was the more probable, 
 as Coke, when he delivered the meflage, added, kC That 
 “ the King would willingly hear any thing concerning the 
 “ abufes of Power, but nut about Power itfelf.” Thefe 
 expreffions were liable to many cavils, and plain intimati¬ 
 ons, that the King referved to himfelf, by this reftriftion, 
 a means to evade the Grievances. And indeed, Coke be¬ 
 ing moved to explain what he meant by the word [Power,] 
 refufed it (5). 
 
 I wo days after, the Secretary delivered another meflage .■JnthrMe 
 from the King, to haften the affair of Supply. Thefe •" 
 
 meflages, which came thus one upon another, gave fr e- fmeacemm 
 quent occafions to the Court-party to prefs the Houfe to Rulhworth 
 content his Majefty. All their Speeches upon this head, ^ *• £535 
 met in one point, namely, to infpire the Houfe with a * 
 dread, that a quarrel between them and the King, would 
 be fatal to Parliaments, and give the King occaflon to pro¬ 
 ceed without them for the future. As the King himfelf, 
 and the Lord Keeper (by his order,) had frequently made 
 ufe of the fame means to frighten the Commons, it could 
 not be doubted, that thefe men fpoke purfuant to the in¬ 
 tentions, and perhaps by the order, of the Court. A Privy- 
 Counfellor’s Speech in the Lower-Houfe laft Parliament 
 was not yet forgot, and of which the Commons had 
 thought fit to take notice, in the Remonftrance they would 
 have prefented to the King. The deflgn of that Speech 
 was to intimate to the Commons, that if they did not con¬ 
 tent the King, they would run the rifque of being the 
 caufe of no more Parliaments in England. This threat fo 
 often infinuated by the King himfelf, by the Lord Keeper, 
 by Members of the Houfe, known to be devoted to the 
 Court, fometimes in dark, fometimes in plain terms, had 
 a quite contrary effeft to what the King expefted. In- 
 ftead of terrifying the Commons, it convinced them, how 
 watchful they ought to be of the King’s proceedings, left 
 their condefcenfion, or even their filence, fhould authorize 
 fome things very prejudicial to the liberties of the nation, 
 whom they reprelented. What ! faid moll of the Mem¬ 
 bers among themfelves, weave threatened, that if we don't 
 grant the King whatever he requires, and when he pleafes , 
 if we oppofe his pleafure, even when contrary to the Laws, he 
 will govern without a Parliament, that is, with an unlimit¬ 
 ed power ; he will imprifon our perfons, feize our ejlates , 
 and confidcr the whole Kingdom as his property ! But he does 
 not only threaten us, he has put his threats in execution al¬ 
 ready. Which then is heft, either for him to ufurp an abfo¬ 
 lute Power againjl our will, or for us to ftffer it, nay, ap- 
 
 I'll v. In; Creations. Mi-.I n, John L'r.I M -lanf was created Earl of Piterlurgb. March 14, Wt' ! um Maynard. Esron Maynard 
 i nn H .Bin Fa... \ V -. The 26th, Henry Lard Cr lyetti Groby Earl of Stanford. ju-.cz-„ J-bn 1 ‘vwUtt Biro tii'.-wuu 
 
 Jr.rge. And the 29th, Robert Pit Baron J \ Ry Tom 
 
 (2, March 31, the Common* indented a Petition to the King a gain ft Kxculants, which, together with the King’s Anfwets, is tu be feen in Rujhzuortb, 
 l , m. 1. p ;i6, itc. 
 
 ;3] Sir Pc: r liiyman. who was fent into the Palatinate for refuting to lend money, opened his own cafe. 1 in: p. 522. 
 
 4) The Kina thankfully received them, acknowledging it the greaicft gift that ever was given in Park iment. Hi- a<!! d, that lie liked Parliaments at the 
 l.-ii. tbnu B h, lince, he was grown to . d liifte of then; but now he lov:< tham, and Ih ill rejoice t ■ m w.rli his People often. Janit. p. 523. 
 ii. infwered, 1 . amit d-j.erd u ■ 1 ::.u!ars, or g: fun that bis Mayfly game me H’arrjr.i or Power 10 dciimsr, idem- p. 539. 
 
 prove 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 lilt. 
 
 prove It 4 y our filence, end'ftrmll fears ? Of the two, cer¬ 
 tainly the firJt is leaf dangerous. A time may come, when the 
 King Jhall have oecafion for Parliaments, and then we Jbesll 
 he able to recover the ground we Jhall have lojl. But if we 
 betray the interefi of our Country , by lamely yielding to the 
 king the Power he would affume, our Liberty will be irre¬ 
 coverably lift. We jhall lay upon ourfelves and pofterity, a 
 yoke which our forefathers could never bear, and be held in 
 abhorrence by the whole Nation. And after all, what Jhall 
 me gain by our ctmdefcenftm ? Why, the King will continue 
 the ufe of Parliaments, provided he Jhall be abjblute majter ; 
 order them to give him fuels a funs, and by fuels a time ■, for¬ 
 bid them to examine Grievances; in a word, manage them 
 entirely as he pleafes. Thus we Jhall prevent the King’s go¬ 
 verning without a Parliament, but Jhall ejlabtjh a precedent 
 which will render Parliaments for ever Jlaves to the King 
 and his Minijlers. 
 
 Such were the reafonings of the greafeft part of the 
 Commons, and though they did not openly fay thefe very 
 v/ords, the Houfe fliowed by their whole conduct, that 
 thefe confiderations were the real foundation of all their 
 proceedings. For this reafon it was, they refolved to defire 
 an audience, in order to anfwer all his Majefty’s mefl'ages, 
 and to prefent to him withal a petition concerning billet¬ 
 ing of Soldiers upon the Subject. Their reprefen ration to 
 the King by the mouth of their Speaker, was as follows: 
 
 25- CHARLES I. 
 
 lit Speik- 
 
 to the King, 
 e! tbedih- 
 very of tbe 
 I’elttionfor 
 
 billeting 
 
 mfduri. 
 
 Rulliworth. 
 T. I. p.540. 
 
 Mojl gracious and dread Sovereign , 
 
 V" OUR dutiful and loyal Commons here aflembled 
 1 were lately humble Suitors to his Majefty for accefs 
 to your Royal prefence ; the oecafion that moved their 
 defires herein, was a particular of importance, worthy 
 your princely confideration ; which, as it well deferves^ 
 Ihould have been the only fubjea of my Speech at this 
 time. 
 
 “ But fince your gracious anfwer for this accefs, ob¬ 
 tained by a meflage from your Majefty, they have had 
 “ f° me caufe to doubt, that your Majefty is not fo well 
 “ fatisfied with the manner of their proceedings, as their 
 “ hearty delire is you fhould be, efpecially in that part 
 “ which concerns your Majefty’s prefent Supply, as if in 
 “ the Pfexecution thereof, they had of late ufed fome flack- 
 “ nefs or delay. 
 
 “ And becaufe no unhappinefs of theirs can parallel with 
 “ that which may proceed from a mi funder ftandin^ i n 
 “ y° ur Majefty, of their clear and loyal intentions, they 
 “ have commanded me to attend your Majefty, with an 
 “ ,1umble and fummary declaration of their proceedings 
 fince this fliort time of their fitting, which they kTpe 
 “ S lve your Majefty abundant fatisfa&ion, that never 
 “ People did more truly defire to be endeared in the favour 
 and gracious opinion of their Sovereign ; and withal to 
 let you fee, that as you can have no where more faith- 
 “ ful Counfel, fo your great defigns and occafions can no 
 * wa / be /° Speedily or heartily fupported, as in this old 
 “ and antient way of Parliament. 
 
 “ F " r ? his purpofe they humbly befeech your Majefty 
 “ to take into your Royal confideration, that although by 
 “ antient Ri S hc of Parliament, the matters there debated 
 “ are to be difpofed in their true method and order, and 
 “ that the!r . conftant cuftom hath been to take into their 
 “ confiderations the common grievances of the Kingdom 
 “ before the y enter upon the matter of Supply ; yet to 
 “ make a full expreffion of that zeal and affedtion which 
 ‘ they bear to your Royal Majefty, equalling at lead, if 
 4 not exceeding the beft afFedions of their predece/Tors 
 to the beft of your progenitors j they have in this Af- 
 “ fembly, contrary to the ordinary proceedings of Parlia- 
 “ rnent, given your Majefty’s Supply precedence, before 1 
 the common grievance of the Subjed, how preffing fo- ' 
 “ ever, joining with it only thofe fundamental and vital ' 
 “ liberties of the Kingdom, which give fubfiftence and ( 
 ability to your Subjeds. 
 
 This was their original order and refolution, and was 
 “ grounded upon a true difeerning, that thefe two confi- 
 ‘ derations could not be fevered, but did both of them en¬ 
 tirely concern your Majefty’s fervice, confifting no left 
 in enabling and encouraging the Subjed, than in pro- 
 ‘ P ortIonin g a prefent fuiting to your Majefty’s occafions 
 “ and their abilities ; nay, fo far have they been from 
 4 ufin g ai, y unneceflary delays, as though, of the two 
 that of Supply were the latter propofition amongft them’ 
 the grand Committee to which both were referred hath 
 “ n ? a J e that of your Majefty’s Supply fir ft ready for con- 
 clulion. 
 
 “ And, to be fare your Majefty’s Supply might receive 
 no interruption by the other, differing from ufage and 
 „ cuibm v* n cafes of this nature ) fent up of thofe that 
 - concern the Suhjtfls by parcels, fome to your Maiefty 
 and fome to the Lords, to the end your Maiefty might 
 receive fuch fpeedy content, as fuited with the lurgeft 
 and beft: extent of their firft order, 6 
 
 N®. C7. Vo L. II. 
 
 “ Sir, you are the breath of our noftrils, and the light 
 
 uLer eyK ’/" d nrany comforts whfch 
 
 “ Cove y °" and r r R °' Val pnogonitots, in this frame of 
 „ government, this nation hath enjoyed, the Religion we 
 
 “ do all moft rtf "h, 7 h f in, age you are ; and wc 
 “ w h br befeech Majefty to believe 
 
 “ SlT 0 ! 1 « «n be more dear untol, ,h“The 
 “ fisn d nghts .? nd P rer0 ? at ‘ves of your Crown , „ 0 per . 
 
 “ tmly cTrel t C “ bc grcater , lovers o( Y‘^ nor be more 
 •i ! r r f nMlntam ‘hem ; and the preferving of 
 “ of L r f ibcrtics Whicb “ncern the freed™ 
 “ on 7 Pe ',°" S ’ a " J P r °P™‘)' of goods and eftates To 
 “ mrchy “ e<bbIilh thc true g lo 0 ' of a Mo- 
 
 “ f ^t? r nCb and / r “ Subjefls, as they are beft governed 
 e, { ,he f are m °ft able to do vour Majefty fervfce eithel 
 “ cauftof the" h War ’ Wh ^" eXt Under God ha ' h been the 
 “ Svond other Via ° ncs of this " a 'ion. 
 
 “ number ^ 5 ^“ ^ tCrril °' ieS a, ’ d S™" 
 
 “’bat information foever contrary to this fliall be 
 
 “.h r a°ntch Un rr ,Jr b Majefty ' Can ™ fromno other 
 
 .. vandne the P “""’u'" 115 ’ “ ndcr of ad- 
 
 rd ken h Roy M Irz/aT 
 
 “ abfcm ^“rMa^y! gl ° r “ S ’ a " d ' tho P “P l£ 
 
 i ty thi “ that hath been fa ' J ) cleared our hearts 
 
 « yo„r P Rov C a , " ? d'° y0Ur », ‘tain 
 
 your Royal judgment we (hall be free from the leaft 
 
 “ ,Tr;r g r anyn “ drar f 
 
 “ will h ma,te r r ,o f four Supply, and that your Majefty 
 
 ;; che^nSt 1 ^^ 
 
 “ fny , b hi“. US> n ’ ir “ nde '‘ l00d b f four 
 
 “ nnTr a11 moft hum L b 'f tereech your Majefty, to receive 
 “ “ forma “ on m ,hls any other bufinefs from private 
 “ tb r ri b “ t “ we ' sh and j ud S e of our proceedings by 
 “from our feiv". 0fthC H0Ufe fta " be re P‘ rf? ‘>“ d 
 « ‘iJ„T S ’r r, ’ Eht 'y a ” d gnaoloufty underftood, we are con- 
 “ ot hear ' he f K-o^ge of your good'nefs =„j“ur 
 “ m*ch m “ be e " dln £ of this Parliament (hall be 
 
 “ ages ftTed the'P ' be b ' gin "' r - a: - and ^ to all 
 « S S lt L lled the bIcir ^ Parliament, for making nerfed 
 
 “ vou 0 r n M ef 7 en ‘ bC b ' ft Ki " S and ‘'’O l«ft People? to 
 “ S «c aJ m y ,h may C 7 dei,gbt in caPin g together. 
 
 “ wardHs C ° m °' tS ° f y ° Ur graC ‘0“ a fav ou‘ to¬ 
 rs TJ" tb ‘ S h ? pe I rc ‘u rn to my firft errand, which will 
 rr be " hich 1 fta " humbly defne you io 
 
 hear, and being an humble petition from the fWc of 
 
 “ r l dre f“ ,g ° f ,h “ re ma "f inconveniencias 
 
 « ® n I 8 .. that . have ^fallen your Subjefts by the 
 
 “ wills 8 0 “ S m pnvatc mens houfes againft their 
 
 “ y our Royal progenitors have ever held your Subiects 
 hearts the beft garrifon of this Kingdom, and Lr hum 
 “ f r to your Majefty is, that our faith and Uahy 
 may have fuchi place ,n your Royal thoughts, as to reft 
 : s £ re ’ tba ;. al1 your Subjefls will be ready ,o lay down 
 
 ‘ this KinTdo ” ““ ° f y0 “ r &Cred pErf ‘ ;n ' and 
 
 u i S u"l ^°!' r ■ (iI '' eS int0 our countries this Eafter, 
 
 . " <h ?, U “ ' h, " k 11 a great happinefs to us, as we know 
 ‘ !LT°rfi TT* Angular comfort and encouragement to 
 , t e that m ’ US . hUher ’ if »= might but "fend them 
 , b "'V 5 °f a gnueious anfwer from your Majefty in this 
 particular, which the reafons of the petition we hope will 
 s m0ft £xcelle "t Majefty gracioufly to voucit- 
 
 6 5 
 
 •/ 
 
 The Petition concerning the billeting f Soldiers prefented to 
 the King s moft excellent Majefty. 
 
 “ T 1 ? 211 humility complaining, (heweth unto your moft T,tt, . 
 .. A Oljcelldt Majefty your loyal and dutiful Commons T r ' 
 .. yt m l^riiamrat afleniMed, that whereas by the fun- xZld. 
 
 dam.ntal laws ot this realm, every freeman hath, and of 
 „ ,,g h‘ ou §ht to have, a full and abfolulo propriety in his T ’ 1 
 goods and eftate, and that therefore the billeto and 
 , plucmg f he foldiers in the houfe of any fuch freeman a- 
 gainlt his will, is diredly contrary to the faid laws, un- 
 der which we and our anceftors have been fo long and 
 ; happily governed ; yet in apparent violatiort of th^ f a ,d 
 
 ■ antient and undoubted right of all your Majefty’s loyal 
 Subje&s of this your Kingdom in general, and" to die 
 grievous and mfupportable vexation and detriment of 
 
 ■ many counties and perfons in particular, a new and al- 
 moft unheard of way hath been invented and put in 
 practice, to lay foldiers upon them, Mattered in com. 
 panics here and there, even in the heart and bowels of 
 
 A X X .. , . 
 
 ‘ this 
 
g66 
 
 i6iS, 
 
 The BISTORT of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 this .Kingdom ; and to compel many of your Majefty’s 
 Subjedfts to receive and lodge them in their own houfes, 
 
 ; and both themfelves and others to contribute towards 
 : the maintenance of them, to the exceeding great dif- 
 t fervice of your Majefty, the general terror of all, and 
 c utter undoing of many of your people, infomuch as we 
 ‘ cannot fufficiently recount, nor in any way proportion- 
 ‘ able to the lively fenfe that we have of our miferies 
 ‘ herein, are we able to reprefent unto your Majefty, the 
 ‘ ianumerous mifchiefs and moft grievous vexations that 
 ‘ by this means alone we do now fuft'er, whereof we will 
 1 not prefume to trouble your facred ears with particular 
 14 inftances ; only, moft gracious Sovereign, we beg leave 
 ‘ to offer to your moft gracious view, a compaflionate con- 
 ftderation of a view of them in particular. 
 
 “ i. The fervice of Almighty God is hereby greatly 
 hindered., the People in many places not daring to repair 
 :c to the Church, leaft in the mean time the foldiers fhould 
 ;t rifle their houfes. 
 
 “ z. The antient and good government of the coun- 
 “ try is hereby neglected, and almoft contemned. 
 
 3. Your Officers of Juftice in performance of their evafi 
 
 ‘ be alledged, moft weighty and important reafons, j C: 
 1 grounded on the maintenance of the worfhip and fervice 
 ‘ of Almighty God, the continuance and advancement of 
 c your Majefty’s high honour and profit, the preferva- 
 tion of the antient and undoubted liberties of your peo- 
 pie, and therein of juftice, induftry, valour, which 
 nearlv concern the glory and happincfs of your Ma- 
 jetty and all your Subjects, and the preventing of ca- 
 4‘ Jamity and ruin both of Church and Commonwealth : 
 
 “ We your Majefty’s moft humble and loyal Sub- 
 £C jefts, the Knights, Citizens, and Burgeffes of 
 “ your Houfe of Commons, in the name of all 
 cc the Commonalty of your Kingdom, who are 
 “ upon this occafion moft miferably difconfolate 
 “ and afflidted, proftrate at the throne of your grace 
 i( and juftice, do moft ardently beg a prefent re- 
 “ move of this infupportable burden, and that your 
 “ Majefty would be gracioufly pleafed to fecure us 
 tc from the like preflure in the time to come.” 
 
 The manner in which the King and Commons tranf- 
 adted together is very pleafant. There was nothing but 
 and artifice on both Tides. 
 
 of tbe 
 
 They ex prefled not King and 
 
 duties have been refitted and endangered. their real thoughts, when they fpoke to each other, and c 
 
 a. The rents and revenues of your gentry greatly yet, underfeed one another perfeaiy, though they made 
 
 . . .. . . rt . r 1 r I... _ A'.A ..of 'T' U rt f* h rt 1 1 ' th,f »K,* 1,0 
 
 if they did not. The Commons knew, that the re.ff ns 
 to juftify the delay of Supply, alledged in rheir leprefen- 
 tation, were not valid, and that the King was periwaded 
 of the fame. But they thought he would feem to be 
 fatisfied with them, in order not to oblige them to tell 
 him to his face they could not rely on his promifes, and 
 ■ country, U corrupted’by ill example of the foldiers, and ennfidered this delay as the only way to have their grie- 
 ; encouraged to idle life, give over work, and rather feck vances redrafted. The King feigned to be ignorant of 
 to live idly at another man’s charges, than by their own this motive, and took advantage of the Commons uhng 
 
 obfeure in (intuitions, infiend of (peaking plainly. On the 
 other hand, tho’ the King had no defign to redrefs Grievan¬ 
 ces, he would however have it thought, he intended it as 
 foon as the affair of Sur-ply was difpatched. The Com- 
 
 : and generally diminifhed ; farmers to fecure themfelves 
 ; from the foldiers infolence, being by the clamour of folli- 
 ; citation of their fearful and injured wives and children, 
 ■ enforced to give up their wonted dwellings, and to re- 
 • tire themfelves into places of more fecure habitation. 
 
 5. Husbandmen, that are as it were the hands of the 
 
 labours. 
 
 ‘4 6. Tradefmen and artificers almoft difeouraged, and 
 : being inforced to leave their trades, and to employ their 
 ; time in preferving themfelves and thar families from 
 ; cruelty. 
 
 “ 7. Markets unfrequented, and our ways grown fo 
 ‘ dangerous, that the people dare not pafs to and fro upon 
 • their ufual occafions. 
 
 c< 8. Frequent robberies, aflaults, batteries, burglaries, 
 1 rapes, rapines, murders, barbarous cruelties, and other 
 
 mons on rheir part, feigning not to know his intention, 
 had a mind jo make believe, that the delay of Supply pro- 
 reeded from quite another caufe, though they were furc, 
 the King could not miftake. But ?.s the King diJ not 
 think himfelf obliged to ufe the fame ceremony with the 
 Commons, as they ought to ufe with him, h<* talked to 
 moft abominable vices and outrages, are generally com- them in a higher tone, knowing, they would not without 
 plained of from all parts, where thefe companies have neceflity, be induced to (peak more clearly. To their re- 
 been and had their abode, few of which infolences have presentation therefore he made this reply. 
 
 been fo much as queftioned, and fewer according to thei 
 demerit punifhed. 
 
 “ Thefe, and many other lamentable effeiT (moft dread 
 
 ■ and dear Sovereign) have by the billeting of foldiers al- 
 
 ; ready fallen upon us your loyal Subjects, tending no left 
 ; to the diflerviee of your Majefty, than to their impo- 
 verifhing and dcftruiftion, fo that thereby they are ex¬ 
 ceedingly difabled to yield to your Majefty thofe Sup- 
 1 plies for your urgent occafions, which they heartily de- 
 ; fire ; and yet they are further perplexed with apprehen- 
 ; fion of more approaching danger, one in regard of your 
 1 Subjects at home, the other of enemies from abroad, in 
 ; both which reipeefts it feems to threaten no fmall cala- 
 ‘ mity to the meaner lbrt of your people, being ex- 
 1 cecding poor, whereof in many places are great multi- 
 i tudes, and therefore in times of more fettled and moft 
 
 ■ conftant adminiftration of juftice, not eafily ruled, are 
 ‘ moft apt upon this occafion to caft off the reins of 
 ‘ Government, and by joining themfelves with thofe dif- 
 ‘ ordered foldiers, arc very like to fall into mutiny and 
 ‘ rebellion ; which in faithful difeharge of our duties we 
 c cannot forbear moft humbly to prefent to your high 
 ‘ and excellent wildom, being preffed with probable fears 
 ‘ that fome fuch mifehief will fhortly enfue, if an eftec- 
 ‘ tual and fpeedy courfe be not taken to remove out of 
 ‘ the land, or otherwife to disband, thofe unruly com- 
 
 Mr. SptO^er, an el Gentlemen , 
 
 N I Cent you my laft meftage, I did not ex- Tu 
 
 W HE 
 
 peift: a replv, for I intended it to haften you : 
 
 pames. 
 
 For the fecond, we do moft humbly befeech your 
 Majefty to take into your Princely confideration, that 
 many of thofe companies, befides their diflolute difpofi- 
 tions and carriages, are fuch as do openly profeft tliem- 
 ; felves Papifts, and therefore to be fufpetted, that if nc- 
 
 „ 1 • • ' Rufhworth 
 
 1 told you at your hrft meeting, this time was not to t. i. p .c 4 
 be (pent in words, and I am fure it is lefs fit for dif- 
 putes, which if I had a defire to entertain, Mr. Speaker’s 
 preamble might have given me ground enough : The 
 queftion is not now what liberty you have in difpofing 
 of matters handled in your Houfe, but rather at this 
 time what is fit to be done. 
 
 “ Wherefore I hope you will follow my example, in 
 efehewing deputations, and fall to your important bufi- 
 nefs. You make a proteftation of your attention and 
 zeal to my Prerogative, grounded upon luch good and 
 juft reafons, that I mull believe you : But I look that 
 you ufe me with the like charity, to believe what I 
 have declared more than once, (ince your meeting with 
 us, that I am as forward as you for the neceflary pre- 
 fervation of your true Liberties. Let us not fpend fo 
 much time in this, that may hazard both my prerogative 
 and your liberties to our enemies. 
 
 “ To be fliort, go on fpeedily with your bufineft, 
 without any more apologies, for time calls faft on you, 
 which will neither (lay for you nor me : Wherefore 
 it is my duty to haften, as knowing the neceflity of it, 
 and yours to give credit to what I fay, as to him that 
 fits at the helm. 
 
 “ For what concerns your petition, I fhall make anfwer 
 ■ in a convenient time.” 
 
 The Commons, as I faid, meant to reap fome advan- p ra j e a « 
 lU) „ „ v . tage by the five fubfidies, they were willing to grant th e the Petit 
 
 <4 ca fion ferve, they will rather adhere to a foreign enemy King ; and this was a neceflary condition, which they con- ^ p re J c ‘ t 
 “ of that Religion, than to your Majefty, their liege Lord tinually infinuated, though they avoided ufing that expref- t o re, Ki 
 and Sovereign, efpecially fome of their captains and fion (i). To this end, they had prepared a Petition to 
 “ commanders, being as popifhly affetfted as themfelves, be prefented to the King in the name of both Houfes, to Kulhwor 
 4 ‘ and having ferved in the wars on the part of the King which they deflred the concurrence of the Lords. This T . i. P .« 
 44 of Spain, and Arch-duchefs againft your Majefty’s al- Petition was termed the Petition of Right, becaufc.it was 
 •< lies; which of what pernicious confequence it may pretended not to defire of the King any grace or fatour, 
 
 *4 prove, and how prejudicial to the fafety of your King- but only the maintenance of the liberties ot the Subject. 
 
 4 * dom, we leave to your Majefty’s high and princely For this reafon it was to be folemnly prefented to the King 
 u w ifdom. on his Throne by way of Bill, and the King was to re- 
 
 “ And now upon thefe, and many more which might ply to it in a parliamentary manner. A draught of it had 
 
 (1) Frcir. the J 
 Right, Rujhuirt 
 
 25th of -rtpril) 
 1. p. 545. 
 
 1 grand Committee, they fpent moft of their time in debate about miTtial Law, and about the Pemi 
 
 6 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 25. C H A R L E S I. 
 
 367 
 
 I 628. 
 The King 
 
 Propojitions 
 mailt by tbe 
 Lords, touch¬ 
 ing the Peti¬ 
 tion of Right 
 Rulhworth. 
 T. J.,.546. 
 
 p. 282. 
 
 Xtjtfied by 
 tbe Commons 
 Rtl/hworth, 
 T. I. P . S4 3 
 Annals. 
 
 The King 
 fends for 
 both Houfes 
 to White¬ 
 hall. 
 
 April 28. 
 
 The Lord 
 Keefer's 
 Speech 10 
 b,th Houfes. 
 Rulhworth, 
 T^I. p.549. 
 
 been fent te the Lords for their concurrence (1). The 
 King was alarmed at it, He was defirous to avoid receiv¬ 
 ing Rich a Petition, which too plainly eftablifhed the rights 
 of the people, becaufe he faw, if he rejedted it, he fliould 
 lofe the five Subfidies, the Bill not being yet paffed. On 
 the other hand, in granting the contents of the Petition, 
 he himfelf tied up his hands for the future, and confefled 
 withal, that the adls of authority he had hitherto excrcifed, 
 were contrary to law. Into this ftreight precifely it was 
 that the Commons rrfeant to draw him bv the Petition of 
 Right. Wherefore he omitted nothing in his power to di¬ 
 vert this blow. As he had a great influence in the Upper 
 Houfe, he fo managed, that the Lords, by pretending to 
 agree with the Commons upon the fubftance of the Peti¬ 
 tion, moved the praying his Majefty to make the follow¬ 
 ing declarations, 
 
 “ 1, That the good old law called Magna Charta , 
 “ and the fix Statutes, conceived to be declarations and 
 explanations of that law, do ftill ftand in force to all 
 intents and purpofes. 
 
 “ 2. That his Majefty would be pleafed gracioufiy to 
 “ declare, That according to Magna Charta , and the 
 “ Statutes afore-named, .as alfo according to the molt an- 
 “ tient cuftoms and laws of this land, every free Subject 
 “ of this Realm hath a fundamental propriety in his goods, 
 “ and a fundamental liberty of his perfon. 
 
 “ 3. That his Majefty would be gracioufiy pleafed to 
 tc declare, that it is his royal pleafure to ratify and confirm 
 unto all and every his loyal and faithful Subjects, all their 
 “ antient, feveral, juft liberties, privileges, and rights, in 
 “ as ample and beneficial manner, to all intents and pur- 
 kl pofes, as their anceftors did enjoy the fame under the 
 “ beft of his moft noble progenitors. 
 
 “ 4. That his Majefty would be further pleafed graci- 
 “ oufiv to declare, for the good content of his loyal Sub- 
 “ jedfs-, and for the fecuring them from future fear , 
 “ That in all cafes within the cognizances of the com- 
 “ mon law, concerning the liberties of the fubject, his 
 “ Majeftv would proceed according to the common law 
 “ of this land, and according to the laws eftablifhed in 
 “ the Kingdom, and in no other manner or wife. 
 
 “ 5. As touching his Majefty’s royal prerogative, in- 
 “ trinfical to his Sovereignty, and betrufted him withal 
 from God, ail annmunem totius populi falutcm, Cs’ non 
 '*■ ad dejlrufiionem, That his Majefty would refolve, not 
 to ufe or divert the fame, to the prejudice of any his 
 his loyal people in the propriety of their goods, or Jiber- 
 “ tv of their perfons : And in cafe for the fecurity of his 
 “ Majefty’s royal perfon, the common fafety of his people, 
 “ or the peaceable government of this Kingdom, his Ma- 
 tefty fhall find juft caufe, for reafon of State, to im- 
 “ prilon or reftrain any man’s perfons his Majefty would 
 “ gracioufiy declare, Th2t within a convenient time he 
 “ (nail, and will exprefs the caufe of the commitment or 
 “ reftraihti either general or fpecial j and upon a caufe fo 
 “ exprefied, will leave him immediately fo be tried accord- 
 “ ing to the common juftice of the Kingdom.” 
 
 But the Commons avoided this fnare, plainly perceiving 
 it was only an artifice to evade the Petition of Right, which 
 would become as ufelefs, after thefe declarations. Indeed, 
 there was a great difference, as we fhall fee prefently, be¬ 
 tween thefe declarations, and what was required in the Pe¬ 
 tition. The declarations were all expreffed in general 
 terms, which gave the King room to cavil upon the perfor¬ 
 mance of each article, as he had done in the aftair of the loans, 
 and the imprifonment of thofe that refufed to comply. In 
 thofe cafes, the King did not pretend to adt contrary to 
 the laws, but rather thought himfelf authorized by the 
 law ; and the Judges of the Realm had countenanced his 
 pretenfions. But the Petition of Right was more full and 
 exprefs, and left but little room for Cavils. On the other 
 hand the difference was not lefs, between the direct and 
 parliamentary reply demanded by the Commons, and the 
 bare and general declarations which were not capable of 
 contenting the people. So, the Commons entirely rejedded 
 the propofition of the Lords. 
 
 The King not fucceeding in his defign, by means of the 
 Upper-Houfe, tried to fatisly the Commons, by making 
 them, of his own accord, the fame offers the Lords had feemed 
 only to defire of him. To that purpofe, having fent for 
 both Houfes to IVhitchall, the Lord-Keeper, in his pre¬ 
 fence, fpoke to them in the following manner : 
 
 My Lords , and ye the Knights , Citizens and Burgcjfes of the 
 Houfe of Commons. 
 
 “ E cannot but remember the great and important 
 “ affairs, concerning the fafety both of State and Re¬ 
 ligion, declared firft from bis Majefty’s own mouth, to 
 be the caufes of the affembiing of this Parliament ; the 
 
 (1) The King's Serjeant AJhley fa:d in his difeourfe. that the Propofiliens ir.a, 
 tl\iotbc King to govern by Afh of State. For which the Lords committed hi 
 [2.) During the Debates Come laid, That the King’s word was to be taken in 
 
 “ fenfe whereof, as it doth daily mcreafe with his Ma- 1628. 
 “ jefty, fo it ought to do, and his Majefty doubts not but 
 cc it doth fo with you, fince the danger increafeth every 
 “ day, both by effluxion of time, and preparations of the 
 “ enemy. 
 
 u Yet his Majefty doth well weigh, that this expence 
 “ of time hath been occafioned by the debate which hath 
 “ arifen in both Houfes, touching the liberty of the fub- 
 “ jedt; in which, as his Majefty takes in good part the 
 tc purpofe and intent of the Houfes, fo clearly and fre- 
 “ quently profefied, that they would not diminifh or ble- 
 “ mifh his juft prerogative ; lo he prefumes that ye will all 
 “ confefs it a point of extraordinary grace and juftice in 
 “ him, to fuft’et it to reft fo long in difpute without in- 
 “ terruption : But now his Majefty confidcring the length 
 “ of time which it hath taken, and fearing nothing fo 
 “ much as any future lofs of that, whereof every hour 
 “ and minute is fo precious; and forefeeing that the ordi- 
 “ nary way of debate, though never fo carefully husband- 
 “ ed, in regard of the form of both Houfes, neceflarilv 
 “ takes more time than the affairs of Chriftendom can 
 “ permit; his Majefty out of gieat princely care, hath 
 “ thought of this expedient to fhorten the bufinefs, by de- 
 “ daring the clearnefs of his own heart and intention : 
 
 “ And therefore hath commanded me to let you know-, 
 
 “ That he holdeth the Statute of Magna Charta, and the 
 “ other fix Statutes infifled upon for the Subjects liberty , to 
 “ be all in force , and ajfures you, that he will maintain all 
 “ his Suujefis in the jujl freedom of tlxir perfons , and fafe- 
 “ ty of their ejlates ; and that he will govern according to 
 “ the laws and Jlatutes of this Realm ; and that ye fhall 
 
 “ find as much Jecurity in his Majejly’s royal word and 
 
 “ promife , as in the Jircngth of any latu ye can make ; fo 
 “ that hereafter ye fhall never have caufe to complain. The 
 £C conclufion is. That his Majefty prayeth God, who 
 
 “ hath hitherto bleftcd this Kingdom, and put into his 
 
 “ heart' to come to you this day, to make the fuccefs 
 “ thereof happy both to King and people: And therefore 
 “ he defires that no doubt or diftruft may poffefs any man 
 “ but that ye will all proceed unanimoufiy to the bufinefs.” 
 
 The Commons avoided this fnare, as the former, and The King's 
 firmly adhered to the Petition of Right. A few days alter •'■ieffagt to 
 Secretary Coke brings then a fieih mefiage from the King, 
 to know whether the Houfe will reft on his royal word, Rufliworth. 
 declared to them by the Lord-Keeper j which if they do, T L P-55 2 * 
 he affures them, it fhall be royally performed. 
 
 This meffage occafioned great debates (2), becaufe Coke 
 and the reft of the Court-party ufed their utmoft endea¬ 
 vours, to perfwade the Houfe to what the King propofed, 
 that is to lay afide the Petition of Right, and reft upon his 
 Majefty’s promife. Sir Thomas IVentworth concluded the 
 debate, faying, That never Houfe of Parliament trujlcd 
 more in the goodnefs of their King , for their ovm private , 
 than the prefent , but we are ambitious that his Majefty s good¬ 
 nefs may remain to pojlerity , and we are accountable to a 
 publick trujt: And therefore feeing there hath been a publick 
 violation of the Laws by his Minijlers , nothing will Jatisfy 
 him but a publick amends ; and our dejire to vindicate the 
 Subjects Right by Bill, are no more than arc laid down in 
 former Laws with fome modejl provifion for injlruflion , per¬ 
 formance and execution. This fo well agreed with the fenfe 
 of the Houfe, that they made it the fubjedt of a meflage to 
 be delivered by the Speaker, to his Majefty. 
 
 Amidft thofe deliberations, another meffage was delivered Another 
 from his Majefty by Secretary Ccke, to this effedt: “ That Mejjage 
 u howfoever we proceed in this bufinefs we have in hand, Lf.™ tb ‘ 
 
 “ which his Majefty will not doubt, but to be according to Rufhivorth, 
 “ our conftant proiefflon, and lb as he may have caufe to T. I- p- 554 - 
 
 “ give us thanks ; yet his refolution is, that both his royal AnnaIs- 
 
 “ care, and hearty and tender aftedtion towards all his loving 
 “ Subjedts, fhall appear to the whole Kingdom, and all the 
 “ world, that he will govern us according to the laws and 
 “ cuftoms of this Realm ; that he will maintain us in the 
 
 “ liberties of our perfons, and properties of our goods, fo 
 
 “ as we may-enjoy as much happinefs as our fdrelatbers in 
 “ their beft times ; and that he will rectify what hath 
 “ been, or may be found amifs amongft us, fo that here- 
 “ after there may be no juft caufe to. complain. Wherein, 
 
 “ as his Majefty will rank himfelf amongft the beft ot 
 ‘ c Kings, and fhow he hath no intention 10 invade or im- 
 “ peach our lawful liberties, or right; fo he will have us to 
 “ match ourfelves with t,.e beft Subjedts, not by incroach- 
 ‘ ing upon that Sovereignty or Prerogative, which God 
 “ hath put into his hands for our good, but by containing 
 “ ourfelves within the bounds and laws of our forefathersj 
 " without reftraining them, or enlarging them by new ex- 
 “ planations, interpretations, cxpolitions, or additions in 
 “ any fort, which, he telieth us, he will not give way 
 “ unto. 
 
 e by the Commons tended rather to Ar.archy than Monarchy, and that they mujl 
 1, and he recanted. Rujhnuortb, Tom. I- p. 545. JVbitelcck, p. 10. 
 
 IVbitclock, p^ 10. 
 
 i parliamcnia: 
 
 “ That 
 
a68 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 II. 
 
 The Com, 
 
 ft 
 
 ci That the weight of the affairs of the Kingdom and 
 ‘ Chriftendom do prefs him more and more, and that the 
 1 time is now grown to that point of maturity, that it 
 cannot endure long debate or delay ; fo as this Seflion of 
 : Parliament muft continue no longer than Tuefday come 
 
 ■ (evennight at the furtheft: In which time his Majefty, 
 
 ■ for his part, will be ready to perform what he promifed ; 
 
 ■ and if the Houfe be not as ready to do that is fit for 
 
 ■ themlelves, it fhall be their own faults. 
 
 “ And upon afiurance of our good difpatch and corref- 
 p.indencc, his Majefty declareth, that his royal intention 
 is to have another feffion of Parliament at Michaelmafs 
 : next, for the perfe&ing of fuch things as cannot now 
 be done.” 
 
 All this was not able to divert the Commons from their 
 
 wifbed for end : whereas by the contrary, if you feek 162? 
 tie your King by new, and Jndeed impofiible, 
 
 ; bonds, you mult be accountable to God and the Coun 
 1 try for the ill fuccefs of this meeting. His Majefty hath, 
 
 E given his royal word, that ye (hall have no caufe to 
 ; complain hereafter ; lefs than which hath been enough 
 1 to reconcile great Princes, and therefore ought much 
 ; more to prevail between a King and his Subjects. 
 
 “ Laftly, I am commanded to tell you, that his Ma- 
 ■ jefty’s pleafure is, that without further replies or mefTa- 
 : ges, or other unnecelfary delays, ye do what ye mean 
 ; to do fpeedily, remembring the lait meftage that Secre- 
 ; tary Coke brought you in point of time ; his Majefty 
 ; always intending to perform his promife to his power.” 
 
 To this anfwer the King prefently after adds the follow- * W 
 
 '^'Ln'rf purpofe of turning the Petition of Right into an Acf of ing meftage, brought by Secretary Coke, to prefs the Houfe ^ ru ‘ 
 
 ''tenung Parliament. The threat of putting an end to the Seflion to rely on the King’s word, notwithftanding the intimation it"y 6. 
 
 of his good pleafure for a Bill. “ That he had rather 
 
 frightened them not, the King having gone too far to re- 
 Ru/hworth. ce de. The only point was to know, whether he would 
 T. 1. p.555. grant by Bill, what he was willing to grant any other 
 way ; and he could not break with the Parliament on that 
 account, without forfeiting entirely the love of his People, 
 and lofing the five Subfidies. So the Commons would not 
 mils this opportunity of firmly eftabliftnng the Rights 
 of the Subjects. Here follows what the Speaker faid to the 
 King, in the name of the Commons, having firft thanked 
 him for his gracious afiurance, that he would govern ac¬ 
 cording to the Laws, and told him, that the Commons 
 greateft confidence was in his gootlnefs. 
 
 TbeSp-ak- “ - True it is, they cannot but remember the 
 
 n '• Sfeab “ publick truft, for which they are accountable to pre- 
 'iJt K ”' S ' “ ^ ent an ^ f uture times ; and their defires are, that your 
 Anr.’ijj. “ Majefty’s goodnefs might, in fruit and memory, be the 
 “ blelling and joy of poilerity. 
 
 44 They fay alfo, that of late there hath been publick 
 44 violation of the Laws, and the Subjects Liberties, by 
 44 fome of your Majefty’s Minifters, and thence conceive. 
 
 follow others, than begin to enter into this bufmef. 
 
 “ lofs of time hath been the greateft complaint; the mat- 
 “ ter fallen now into confideration, is what way to take 
 “ whether to rely on his Majefty’s word, or on a bill ; 
 “ If we will conlider die advantage we have in taking his 
 “ Majefty’s word, it will be of the Jargeft extent, and we 
 “ (hail chufe That that hath mod afiurance ; an Act of 
 “ Parliament is by the confent of the Kino- and ParJia- 
 “ m ent ; but this afiurance by word, is, that he will go- 
 “ vern us by the Laws ; the King promifes that, and 
 tc a lf°» that they fhall be fo executed, that we fhall enj- y 
 <c as much freedom as ever : This contains many Laws, 
 u and a grant of all good Laws ; nay, it contains a con- 
 firmation of thofe very Laws, afiurance, which binds 
 “ the King further than the Law can : Firfi, it binds his 
 kt affection, which is the greateft bond between Kino- and 
 “ SubjeCt, and that binds his judgment alfo, nay, his' ho- 
 “ nour, and that not at home, ^but abroad ; 'the Royal 
 “ word of a King, is the ground of all Treaty ; 
 
 that no lefs than a publick remedy will raife the dejeCted <c binds his confcience : This confirmation between both 
 
 4 hearts of your loving SubjeCls, to a chearful Supply of 
 4 your Majefty, or make them receive content in the 
 L proceedings of this Houfe. 
 
 44 From thofe confiderations, they moft humbly beg 
 • your Majefty’s leave, to lay hold of that gracious offer 
 ; of yours, which gave them afiurance, that if they 
 thought fit to fecure themfelves in their Rights and L 
 
 Rufhwnfth. 
 
 Annals. 
 
 “ Houfes, is in nature of a vow ; for my part, I think 
 “ is the greateft advantage to rely on his Majefty’s word. 
 
 “ He further added, this debate was fitter to be done 
 “ before the Houfe, and not before the Committee, and 
 “ that it was a new courfe to go to a Committee of the 
 “ whole Houfe (1). 
 
 This anfwer and meftage clearly (how, how much the Remark 
 berties, by way of Bill, or otherwife, fo it might be King dreaded the Petition of Right, which was preparing ,b f 
 44 provided with due refpedt to God’s honour, and the for him. He juftly fuppofed, it would contain not only An ' wr ' 
 “ publick good, you would be gracioufly pleafed to give the fubftance of Magna Chart a ^ and the fix Statutes but 
 11 way unto it. Far from their intentions it is, any way alfo explanations which would prevent all cavils concerning 
 44 to incroach upon your Sovereignty or Prerogative ; nor the true meaning of thefe Laws, which was what he 
 44 have they the leaft thought of ftretching or enlarging the would have avoided to approve, for fear of tying up his 
 “ former Laws in any fort, by any new interpretations or hands. The Great Charter and the fix Statutes had Jonf 
 44 additions ; the bounds of their defires extend no far- been in force ; but that had not prevented his exaCtin^ 
 
 44 ther, than to fome neceflary explanation of that which money from his Subjects by way of loan, and imprilbned 
 44 is truly comprehended within the juft fenfe and meaning fuch a3 refuted to comply. He was fo far from owning 
 44 of thofe Laws, with fome moderate provifion for exe- he had aCted contrary to the Laws, that he had caufed 
 “ cution and performance, as in times paft upon like oc- his proceedings to be approved by the Judges of the Realm 
 4 ‘ cafion hath been ufed. In offering therefore to confirm Magna Charta by a Bill 
 
 “ The way how to accomplifh thefe their humble de- he left things in their prefect ftate, and the people would 
 “ fires, is now in ferious confideration with them, where- have reaped no benefit from the new Bill. This is what 
 “ in they humbly allure your Majefty, they will neither the Lord Keeper could not forbear intimating, when he 
 “ loie time, nor feek any thing of your Majefty, but that faid, he did not fee any occafion for a new Law to con- 
 tc they hope may be fit for dutiful and loyal SubjeCls to firm an old. By that he would have infinuated that the 
 “ ask, and for a gracious and juft King to grant.” ^ old Law was not infringed, and therefore the King was 
 
 His Majefty’s anfwer was delivered by the Lord Keeper, very willing to confirm it, provided there were no additi- 
 •as follows : ons, explanations, and interpretations. But nothing was 
 
 more apt to (how the Commons the neceflity of thefe ex- 
 ftlr. Speaker , and you Gentlemen of the Houfe of Commons, planations, than the King’s endeavours to avoid them. His 
 “ ITT I S Majefty hath commanded me to tell you, that extreme defire, that his word (hould be relied on, was a 
 IC i 1 he expected an anfwer by your aClions, and not very ftrong realon to fecure the liberties of the SubjeCl, by 
 “ delay by your difeourfe : Ye acknowledge this truft and fomething more binding. It is true indeed, the words of 
 “ confidence in your proceedings, but his Majefty fees not Princes are capable of reconciling them, when at variance ; 
 
 “ how you requite him, by your confidence of his word but this fuppofes a mutual confidence, without which the 
 “ and a&ions : For what need explanations, if ye doubted bare word cannot beget a perfect reconcilacion. Now 
 “ not the performance of the true meaning ? For expla- the point was to know, whether the King’s word might 
 “ nations will hazard an incroachment upon his preroga- fafely be taken, which the Commons did not believe, tli• 
 
 “ live. And it may well be faid, what need a new law they durft not openly declare it. Beiides, their having 
 44 to confirm an old, if you repofe confidence in the de- been told, that the King’s promife to govern according to 
 44 claration his Majefty made by me to both Houfes ? And Law, was a greater fecurity than the Laws themfelves, 
 
 44 our felves acknowledge, that your greateft truft and was a plain indication, that the King did not think it im- 
 
 44 confidence muft be in his Majefty’s grace and goodnefs, practicable to evade the Law. Hence therefore they drew 
 
 44 without which nothing ye can frame will be of fafety, a frefh argument for binding the King by a more exprefs 
 44 or avail to you : Yet, to (how clearly the fincerity of and pofitive Law than thofe hitherto enaCled. 
 
 44 his Majefty’s intentions, he is content that a Bill be VVe may further obferve, that ’tis very furprifing, the 
 
 44 drawn for a confirmation of Afagna Charta , and the Secretary, in the conclulion of the meftage, (hould" teach 
 
 44 other fix Statutes, infilled upon for the Subjects liberties, the Commons how this matter ought to be debated in the 
 44 if ye (hall chufe that as the heft way, but fo as it may Houfe, infinuating, that to go to a Committee of the 
 44 be without additions, paraphrafes, or explanations. whole Houfe was a new courfe. For the better under- 
 
 44 Thus if you pleafe you may be fecured from your (landing the defign of this infinuation, the Reader muft 
 « 4 need lefs fears, and this Parliament may have a happy know, that before the Houfe a Member cannot fpeak but 
 
 [i; Rjyin hs« con r oundcd this Aruwer and MeiTage, as if delivered at the fame time by the Lord Keeper. See Rufiwrtb, Tom. I. p. 557. 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 
 26c) 
 
 P- iS 7- 
 
 i6i8. once upon the fame point, and having aflerted his opi¬ 
 nion, is not allowed to anfwer or reply. But when the 
 Houfe is turned into a Committee, theie is greater free¬ 
 dom. Every one may argue, anfwer, reply, as he thinks 
 fit. By this means the points in debate are fully clea':-u, 
 fo that ’tis eafy for each to form his opinion upon the 
 arguments, anfwers, and replies he has heard. It teems 
 therefore, by what the Secretary infinuated to the Com¬ 
 mons, the King feared all explanations that might arife 
 & from this way of debating. But they did not think pro¬ 
 
 per to receive his inftrudtions, or alter their ufual me¬ 
 thod (1). The Houfe therefore was turned into a Com¬ 
 mittee, to take into confideration, all that could be (aid 
 for cr againft what the King defired. The general fenle 
 of the Houfe was exprefl'ed as follows, by one of the 
 Members, with whom the majority agreed. 
 
 Sir F.tward Was it ever known (faid lie) that general words were a 
 c l( ' fufficient fatisfaftion to particular Grievances ? IVas ever a 
 •! v. rth. vtfbol declaration of the King., .Verbum Regni ? When Grie- 
 '1 .1. p. j a. vances be , the Parliament is to redrefs them. Did ever Par¬ 
 liament rely on mejfages ? They put up Petitions of their 
 Grievances , and the King never anfwered them: The King’s 
 anfwer is very gracious ; but what is the law of the Realm ? 
 that is the queflion. I put no diffidence in his Majrfty , the 
 King mujl /peak by a record , and in particulars , and not in 
 general. Did you ever know the King’s meffage come into a 
 bill of Subftdics ? All fucceeding Kings will fay , Ye mujl 
 trujl me as well as ye did my predecejfors , and trujl my 
 mejfages ; but mejfages of love never came into a Parliament. 
 Let us put up a petition of Right: Not that I dijlrufl the 
 King , but that I cannot take his trujl, but in a Parliamen¬ 
 tary way. 
 
 As the Commons had refolved, that Supply and Grie¬ 
 vances fhould go hand in hand, the Petition of Right was 
 J*the **0 fooner ready, but they made a farther progrefs in the 
 Subj.ihes be- affair of the Sublidies, ordering that the two firft fhould 
 JpnTtf‘ B ‘ l> k e P a ‘^ the i°th of "July , one more the 12th of Oftobcr, 
 ERmhuorth, another the 20th of December , and the laft the ill of 
 T - 5 s8 . March. This was done to take from the King all pre- 
 *""" tence of complaining, that the affair of Supply was neg¬ 
 lected ; but this did not fatisfy him. He wifhed the Sub- 
 fidy-bill to be drawn and palled, before the Petition of 
 Right was prefented to him, which the Common? were 
 fully refolved not to do, being perfuaded, that as foon as 
 the Subfidy-bill fhould be pafled, the Parliament would be 
 prorogued or difTolved. So, that fame day, they fent the 
 Petition of Right to the Lords for their concurrence (2). 
 But, before it was obtained, the Commons faw themfelves 
 obliged to fuflain two frefh attacks, one from the King, the 
 other from the Houfe of Lords, where the Court-party 
 was very ftrong. 
 
 The Lords being employed in examining the Petition 
 Rurtiwi rth, of Right, defired a conference with the Commons, where 
 Annak. 5 ^ 9 ' Lord Keeper faid, he had propofed to the Houfe fome 
 alterations in the Petition, to render it lefs harfh, and 
 more agreeable to his Majefty, to the end, what was de¬ 
 fired might be the more readily obtained. That whilft 
 the Lords were debating upon the commitments, they re¬ 
 ceived a Letter from his Majefty, which they defired to 
 communicate to the Commons; and it was read to them 
 accordingly. 
 
 Th’- C--ir.no 
 Jx the tim, 
 
 oj the j, y. 
 
 p. 1S7. 
 
 I May 
 ~ - 
 
 Tbf King's 
 Letter to the 
 Lords, com- 
 
 rbe Cornuns, 
 
 RuJh worth, 
 
 1T. I. p, 56c. 
 J-Annai.;.' 
 
 To the Right Trujly and Right IVtil-beloved, the Lords Spi¬ 
 ritual and Temporal, of the Higher-Houfe of Parliament. 
 
 Carolus Rex , 
 
 44 ^YyE being defirous of nothing more than the ad- 
 44 W vancement of the peace and profperity of our 
 44 People, have given leave to free debate upon the higheft 
 . 44 points of our Prerogative Royal, which in the time of 
 “ our predeceffors, Kings and Queens of this Realm, were 
 “ ever reftrained as matters that they would not havedif- 
 “ cuffed ; and in other things we have been willing fo tar 
 44 to defeend to the defires of our good-Subje£ls, as might 
 44 fully fatisfy all moderate minds, and free them from all 
 “ juft: feats and jealoufies, which thofe meflages we have 
 44 hitherto fent into the Commons Houfe, will well de- 
 44 monftrate unto the world ; yet we find it ftill infilled 
 “ upon, that in no cafe whatfoever, fhould it never fo 
 44 nearly concern matters of State or Government, we, 
 44 or our Privy-Council, have no power to commit any 
 “ man without the caufe fhewed j whereas it often hap- 
 44 pens, that fhould the caufe be fhewed, the fcrvice itfelf 
 “ would thereby be deftroyed and defeated, and the caufe 
 44 allcdged muft be fuch as may be determined by our 
 
 14 Judges of our Courts of We/lminjler, in a legal and or- i6zS, 
 “ dinary way ofjuflice; whereas the caufcs may be fuch, 
 
 “ as thofe Judges have not capacity of judicature, nor 
 “ rules of Law to direct and guide their judgment in cafes 
 “ of that tranfeendent nature ; which happening fo often, 
 
 “ the very incroaching on that conftant rule of Govern- 
 tc ment, for fo many ages within this Kingdom prablifed. 
 
 “ would foon diilolve the very foundation and frame of 
 “ our Monarchy. Wherefore as to our Commons, wc- 
 “ made fair propofitions, which might equally preserve 
 “ the juft Liberty of the Subject : So, my Lords, v.e 
 “ have thought good to let you know, that without the 
 “ overthrow of Sovereignty, we cannot fuftrr this power 
 “ to be impeached ; notwithftanding, to clear our con- 
 “ jcience and juft intentions, this wc publifh, that it is not 
 “ in our heart, nor will we ever extend our Royal Power, 
 
 “ lent unto us from God, beyond the juft rule of modt- 
 “ ration, in any thing v. Mich fhall be contrary to our 
 . 44 Laws and Cuftoms, where n the fafetv of our People 
 44 fhall be our only aim. And we do heytby decl ire our 
 44 Royal pltafure and rcfolution to be, which, God vvil ■ 
 
 “ ling, v.e ft,all ever con flan tly continue and main; ,n, 
 
 44 that neither wc nor our Privy-Council fhall, or will, 
 
 44 at any time hereafter, commit, or command to prifun, 
 
 “ or otherwife refit ain the per foil of any, for not lending 
 44 Money to us, nor for any juft caufe, which in our con- 
 44 fcience doth not concern the publick good and fafety of 
 “ us and our People, we will not be drawn to pretend any 
 44 caufe, wherein our judgment and confciencc is not fatk- 
 44 fied with; bafe thoughts, we hope, no man can ima- 
 44 gine will fall into our Royal bread ; and that in all 
 “ cafes of this natuie, which fhall hereafter happen, we 
 44 fhall, upon the humble petition of the party, or addrefs 
 44 of our Judges unto us, readily and really exprefs the 
 44 true caufe of their commitment or reftrainr, fo foon as 
 44 with conveniency and fafety the fame is fit to be dif- 
 44 clofed and exprefl'ed ; and that in all caufes criminal, 
 
 44 of ordinary jurifdidion, our Judges fhall proceed to the 
 44 deliverance or bailment of the pnfoner, according to the 
 44 known and ordinary rules of the laws of this land, and 
 44 according to the Statutes of Magna Charts , and thofe 
 44 other fix Statutes infilled upon, which we do take 
 44 knowledge, ftand in full force, and which wc intend 
 44 not to abrogate and weaken againft the true intention 
 “ thereof. This we have thought fit to fignify, the rather 
 “ toftioiten any long debate upon this great queflion, the 
 44 fcafon of the year being fo far advanced, and our great 
 “ occafions of State, not lending any more days for longer 
 44 continuance of this Scflion of Parliament.” 
 
 Given under our Signet , at our Palace at Weflminfter, 
 zo Maii, the fourth year of our Reign. 
 
 The Commons took no notice of this Letter, or rather, Tie Commons 
 difiembled their vexation at the King’s artifices, who by r " r f in 
 obfeute and doubtful exprefiions, and by fundry reftridli- R^w^th, 
 ons, was preparing means to evade his promifes, at the very T- l p. 561, 
 time he would have them to be received as folcmn, authen- &c ’ 
 tick, and fatisfa£lory. This may be plainly fecn, if the 
 terms of this Letter be carefully confidered, as well as the 
 King’s intent in writing it: which v.as to evade the Peti¬ 
 tion of Right, and be left at liberty to uf’e his Prerogative 
 as he had hitherto done. 
 
 The fecond attack the Commons had to fuftain, came ’the Lents 
 from the Lords. They moved, [at a conference] the ad- /"' / U " J ,r » 
 ding to the Petition of Right, a claufe which would have c/,,l}e urlr 
 rendered it ufelefs, at leafl, accoiding to the Court’s in- fv-v■.* of 
 tention, by whom, very probably, the Houfe of Lords was 
 directed. The additional claufe was as follows: 
 
 We prefent this our humble Petition to your Majcjly, with -He Cl.nfe. 
 the care not only of preferving our own Liberties , but with Kufhwonh, 
 due regard to leave entire that Sovereign Power wherewith Annals 
 your Majcjly is trifled for the protection, fafety, and happi- p. 2S9/&C. 
 tiefs of the People. 
 
 This addition was examined and debated with great Ru/hwonh, 
 exa£tnefs in (he Houfe of Commons (3), and the general 1 L 566 
 opinion was, that it ought to be rejected, chiefly for three Amwis, " 
 Reafons. The fir 11 , becaufe of the ambiguity of the t>- =89, &c. 
 words Servereign Power, which the Parliaments had never 
 ufed in fpeaking of the King’s Prerogatives. The fe¬ 
 cond, becaufe this addition was in the nature of a faving 
 of the King's Sovereignty, which rendered the Petition of 
 no force. It was aliedged, that in the Reign of Edward I. 
 the Parliament having prefented the like Petition to the 
 King, he would have added thefe words, faving the King’s 
 Right and Sovereignty, but the Parliament would not con- 
 fent to it, becaufe fuch livings render ufelefs whatever they 
 
 (0 Sir J’.hn EUiot replied to the King’s McfTage, That the proceeding in a Comm.ttc’, is more honourable an ! advantages to the King .soil the Houfe, 
 for that way leads moll to truth, at .1 it : s a m re open way, and where every man may add his rcafon, and make anfwer Uwn the hearing of ether man’s 
 reafons and arguments. Rujljwartb, Tom. I. p. ^57. 
 
 (2) It v o, carried up by Sir Edioard Coke, Sit Dudley Diggs, and Mr. Littleton. Six weeks were fpen.t in bearing the K'nj’s Council -• • hi t the Peti¬ 
 tion, and the Commons defence of it. The managers for liie Petition were, Sir Eduijrd Coke, Mr. ld;n, Sir Dudley Digss, Seijeam GIjkiiIc, sir Henry 
 Marlin, and Mr- Mafon. Coke, p. 207. Edit. 1697. 
 
 (3) By Mr. jUfird, Mr. Pimm, Mr. HackwtU, Sir Edward Coke , Sir Thomas Wentworth, Mr. Nty, Mr. Sehlen, Mr. Maf.n, Mr. GLr. oue, anl Sir 
 Henry Martin, Sec Rufhioottb, Tom. 1 . p. 562, 
 
 No. 57. Vol. II. Y y y &r; 
 
270 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Rufhworth, 
 T.I. P-585- 
 
 p. 58S. 
 
 are annexed to. It was faid likewife, that for the fame 
 reafon the Kings would never fufter the Clergy to infert 
 in any of their afts, faving the honour cf God and. the 
 Church. The third reafon was, that it this addition was 
 general, and had no reference to the Petition, there was 
 no need of admitting it. But if, on the contrary, it did 
 refer to the Petition, it evidently rendered the Petition ot 
 no effeft. 
 
 This claufe being thus rejected by the Commons, the 
 Lords durft not throw out the Petition (1), on account ot 
 this addition, which, in truth, was not abfolutely neceflary. 
 So, being fatisfied with giving the King this teftimony of 
 their aft'eftion for his lervice, they infilled no longer upon 
 the additional claufe. Then the two Houles lefolved to 
 prefent the Petition to the King, and to pray his Majefty 
 to give his anfwer in full Parliament, that it might be en¬ 
 rolled and ferve hereafter for rule to the Courts of J uftice, 
 as an aft of Parliament. The 2d of June the King came 
 to the Parliament to give the Royal alTent to the Petition 
 of Right, and fpoke thus to both Houfes. 
 
 Gentlemen , 
 
 44 T Am come hither to perform my duty. I think no 
 44 i man can think it long, fince I have not taken fo 
 44 many days in anfwering the Petition, as ye fpent weeks 
 “ in framing it: And I am come hither to Ihew you, 
 44 that as well in formal things as in efl'entiai, I defire to 
 44 give you as much content as in me lies. 
 
 The Lord-Keeper added fomething farther ; but, as 
 there is nothing very material in his Speech, I do not 
 think it neceflary to infert it. After he had done fpcak- 
 ing, the Petition was read aloud, being exprell'ed in thefe 
 words (2) : 
 
 Rtilh worth, 
 T.I. p.588. 
 .Annals, 
 
 7 ‘0 the King's mojl excellent Majcjly , 
 
 J Ujnbly Ihew unto our Sovereign Lord the King, 
 the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Com- 
 s in Parliament aflembled, that, whereas it is de¬ 
 clared and enafted by a Statute, made in the time ot 
 the Raigne of King Edward the flrft, commonly called 
 ; Statutum de Tallagio non concedendo , that no T ullage or 
 ■ Aide fhould be laid or levied, by the King or his heires, 
 in this realme; without the good-will and aflent ot the 
 Atchbithopps, Bifhopps, Earles, Barons, Knights, Bur- 
 gefl’es, and other the freemen of the cominalty of this 
 realme: And by authority of Parliament houlden in the 
 five and twentieth yere of the Raigne of King Edward 
 <■ the third, it is declared and enacted, that from thence- 
 ‘ forth noe perfon fhould be compelled to make any 
 ‘ loancs to the King againft his will, becaufe fuch loanes 
 • were a^ainft reafon, and the franchife of the land ; and 
 ; by other lawes of this realme it is provided, that none 
 ; fhould be charged by any charge or impofition, called a 
 • Benevolence, nor by fuch like charge, by which the 
 ■ Statuts before-mentioned, and other the good lawes and 
 c ftatuts of this Realme, your Subjects have inherited this 
 k freedom, that they fhould not be compelled to contri- 
 c bute to any Tax, Tallage, Aide, or other like charge, 
 e not fett by common content in Parliament. 
 
 “ Yet nevertheless of late divers commiflions, direfted 
 C to fundrie commiflioners in feverall Counties, with in- 
 < ftruftions, have been ifl'ued, by means whereof your Peo- 
 1 pie have bene in divers places aflembled, and required 
 1 to lend certain fommes of money unto your Majeftie, 
 
 1 and many of them upon their refufall foe to doe, have 
 ‘ had an oath adminiflred unto them, not warrantable by 
 ‘ the lawes or ftatuts of this Realme, and have bene con- 
 ‘ ftrained to become bound to make appearance, and give 
 ‘ attendance before your Privie-Councell, and in other 
 t places, and others of them have bene therefore impri- 
 C f onei j 5 confined, and fundrie other wayes moiefted and 
 4 difquieted : And divers other charges have been laide and 
 ‘ lea vied upon your People in feverall Counties, by Lord- 
 s lieutenants, Deputie-lieutenants, commiflioners for mu- 
 ,c flers, Jultices of peace, and others, by commaunde or 
 • i clireftton from your Majeftie, or your Privie-counceJl, 
 
 ‘ againft the lawes and free cuftomes of the realme. 
 
 And where alfoe by the Statute called, The greate 
 it Charier of the Liberties of England, it is declared and 
 ennafted, that noe freeman may be taken or imprifoned, 
 ic C1 - be difleized of his freehold or liberties, or his free 
 “ cuftomes, or be outlawed or exiled, or in any manner 
 deftroyed, but by the lawfull judgment of his Peeres, or 
 tl e land: 
 
 And in the eight and twentith yere of the Reigne of 
 ;t King Edward the Third, it was declared and enacted 
 :c by authorise of Parliament, that no man of whateftate 
 
 or condition that lie be, fhould be put out of his Lands iGz8. ' 
 or Tenements, nor taken, nor imprifoned, nor dif- 
 hcrited, nor putt to death, without being brought to 
 anlV er by due proccfs of Law. 
 
 44 Neverthelefs againft the tenor of the faid ftatuts, and r E >- 3. 
 
 ; other the good lawes and ftatuts of your Realme, to l^ EdWi J 
 '■ that end provided, divers of your Subjects have of late f,. 
 
 ; beene imprifoned, without any caufe fhewed ; and when 4 - Edw. 3. 
 
 ■ for their deliverance they were brought before your Ju- f R; . ^ 
 
 ■ flices, by your Majefties writs of Habeas Corpus , there 0. 
 
 : to undergoe and receive as the Court fhould order, and 
 
 : their Keepers commaunded to certify the caufes of their 
 c detayner ; noe caufe was certified, but that they were 
 c detayned by your Majefties fpecial commaund, lignified 
 4 by the Lords of your Privie-Council, and yett were 
 ; retorned back to feverall prifons without being charged 
 • with any thinge to which they might make anfweare 
 4 according to the law. 
 
 “ And whereas of late gteate companies of fouldiersand 
 ‘ marriners have been difperfed intQ divers Counties of 
 4 the realme, and the inhabitants againft their wills have 
 c beene compelled to receive them into their houfes, and 
 4 there to fuller them to fojorne, againft the lawes and 
 4 cuftomes of this realme, and to the great grievance and 
 4 vexation of the People. 
 
 “ And whereas alfoe by authority of Parliament in the 2 5 E<: ' r 
 c 25th yere of the raigne of King Edward III, it is de- p 
 .« clared and enacted, that noe man fhould be fore-judged : 9 . 
 
 4 of life or lymbe, againft the forme of the great Charter, *5 E ‘ Uv ' * 
 • 4 and the law of the land, and by the faid great Charter, Ti ej*. 3 
 4 and other the lawes and ftatuts of this your realme, no 3. 
 
 4 man ought to be adjudged to death, but by the lawes 
 4 eftablifhed in this your realme, either by the cuftomes 
 4 of the fame realme, or by Afts of Parliament: And 
 4 whereas noe offender of what kind foever, is exempted 
 14 from the proceedings to be ufed, and punifhments to 
 ■ 4 be inflicted by the lawes and ftatuts of this your realme* 
 
 ;4 neverthelefs of late time, divers commiflions under your 
 ;4 Majefties Greate-Scale have iflued forth, by which cer- 
 4 taine perfons have been affigned and appointed commif- 
 ;t fioners, with power and authoiitie to proceede within 
 the land, according to the jufticeof martiall lawe againft 
 14 fuch fouldicrs and marriners, or other diflolute perfons 
 “ joyningewith them, as fhould commit any murder, rob- 
 14 bery, telonie, mutiny, or other outrage or rcifdemeanor 
 14 whatfoever; and by fuch fummarie courfe and order as 
 44 is agreeable to martiall Lawe, and as is ufed in armies 
 14 in tyme of war, to proceed to the tryall and condemna- 
 44 tion of fuch offenders, and them to caufe to be executed 
 44 and putt to death according to the Lawc-martiall. 
 
 44 By pretext whereof, fome of your Majefties Subjects 
 44 have bene by fome of the faid commiflioners put to 
 44 death, when and where, if by the lawes and ftatuts of 
 44 the Land they had deferved death, by the fame lawes 
 44 and ftatuts alfoe they might, and by noe other ought, to 
 44 have been judged and executed. 
 
 44 And alfoe fundrie grievous offendors by colour thereof, 
 
 44 clayming an exemption, have efcaped the punifhments 
 44 due to them by the’lawes and ftatuts of this your realme, 
 
 44 by reafon that divers of your officers and minifters of 
 44 juftice have unjufty refufed, or forborne to proceed 
 44 againft fuch offenders according to the fame lawes and 
 44 fhtuts, upon pretence that the faid offenders were pun- 
 44 ifliable only by martiall Lawe, and by authority of fuch 
 44 commiflions as aforefaid; which commiflions, and all 
 44 others of like nature, are wholely and direfthe contrary 
 44 to the faid lawes and ftatuts of this your realm. 
 
 “ They doe therefore humbly pray your molt excellent T* Pain 
 44 Majeftie, That noe man hereafter be compelled to make 
 44 or yeilde any guifte, loane, benevolence, tax, or fuch 
 44 like charge, without common confent by Aft of Par- 
 44 liament; and that none be called to make anfweare, or 
 44 take fuch oath, or to give attendance, or be confyned, 
 
 44 or otherwife moiefted or difquieted concerning the fame, 
 
 44 or for refufall thereof; And that noe freeman, in any 
 44 fuch manner as is before-mentioned, be impnloned or 
 44 detayned: And that your Majeftie would be pleafed to 
 44 remove the laid fouldiers and marriners, and that your 
 44 People may not be fo burthenc J in the tyme to come. 
 
 44 And that the aforefaid commiflions for pioceedmge by 
 ; 
 
 44 hereafter,noe commiflions ot like nature may iflue forth 
 44 to any perfon or perfons whatfoever, to be executed as 
 44 aforefaid, lcaft by colour of them, any of your Majefties 
 44 Subjects be deftroyed or putt to death, contrary t > the 
 44 lawes and franchife of the Land. 
 
 44 All which they moft humbly pray of your moft ex- 
 
 1 , That thofe Lord; 
 and that the oppofite Party lhould. with their name;, cny 
 ,'u.bly betrayed the t’reedjm of our Nation. This (truck l> 
 
 a Committee of the whole Houfe, the Lotd & 
 a upon 
 
 > flood for the liberties of the Nstion, nvph 
 : 'ir reafon:, to remain upon record; that i'•!! 
 l damp upon the other Pany, that n»t one 
 
 P 'j This Petition wa. drawn up by Sir Edward C:L, C. p. 207. Edit. 1C071 
 
 cel lent 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 
 271 
 
 n King', 
 
 dlljkl’ei. 
 
 fifjbworth, 
 
 Mi P- SS°' 
 
 
 k 
 
 lie Grid- 
 Rnlhworth, 
 
 It. 1. p. -91 
 
 Km'err r 
 KWH., 
 Bitftw'.i' 
 
 Wil; 
 
 II#"- 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 Buck nigh* 
 
 ?/ "i ltd 
 \lbujd. 
 
 “ cellent Majeflie, as their Rights and Liberties, accord- 
 “ inge to the lawes and flatuts of this Realme: And that 
 “ your Majeftie would a I foe vouchfafe to declare, That the 
 “ awardes, doeings, and proceedings, to the prejudice of 
 “ your People in any of the premilTes, {hall not bedrawne 
 “ hereafter into confequence or example : And that your 
 “ Majcfty would be alfo gracioufly pleafed, for the further 
 “ comfort and fafetie of your Peopie, to declare your royal 
 “ will and pleafure, That in the things aforefaid, all your 
 “ officers and minifters {hall ferve you, according to the 
 “ lawes and ftatuts of this Realme, as they tender the ho- 
 “ nour of your Majeftie, and the profperity of this King- 
 “ dom.” 
 
 The King, 3S hath been fecn, had ufed all poffible en¬ 
 deavours to hinder this Petition from being prefcnted, and 
 to fatisfy the Commons with general promifes, which pro¬ 
 perly bound him to nothing, and did not deftroy his fyf- 
 tem of Government. So, though he feigned to come to 
 the Parliament on purpofe to pafs the Petition of Right, 
 and give a fatisfaclory anfwer, he purfued however his plan, 
 and Shewed by his anfwer, how much he dreaded to pro- 
 mife. Here follows his anfwer, wherein may be eafily 
 perceived the fame general promifes, and the fame reflec¬ 
 tions as in what he had offered already. 
 
 The King’s anfwer to the Petition of Rights. 
 
 H E King willcth that Right be done according to the 
 I laws and cujlms of the Realm ; and that the Statutes 
 be put in due execution, that his Subjefis may have no caufe to 
 complain of any wroJig or oppreffiom, contrary to their juji 
 Rights and Liberties , to the prefervation whereof he holds 
 himfelf in confcicncc as well obliged , as of his Prerogative. 
 
 It would be needlefs to make any remarks on this anfwer, 
 fince the King’s intention appears fo very plainly. It fuffices 
 only to obferve, the King had endeavoured to content the 
 Parliament with general promifes, and the Commons not 
 thinking that fufficient, had infilled upon the Petition of 
 Right, where feveral particular cafes were fpecified. Now 
 the King iiiflead of giving the Parliament the fatisfadtion 
 they delired, kept in his anfwer to his general promifes, 
 without touching upon any of the particular cafes fpecified 
 in the Petition. 
 
 The Commons not being fatisfied with the King’s An¬ 
 fwer, made no hafle to finilh the affair of Supply. On the 
 contrary, they defired a conference with the Lords, where 
 the point of commitments was thoroughly difeufled (1). 
 The Thing in queftion was, the power afliimed by the King 
 toimprifon the Subjects, without declaring the caufe, which 
 the King had not leffenedby his anfwer, though it was one 
 of the chief motives of the Pctition of Right. Wherefore 
 the Commons willing to fhew the King their diffatisfadlion, 
 inlfead of proceeding with the Subfidy-Bill, returned to 
 the conlideration of Grievances. On this occafion, and at 
 the inftance of the Commons, the Lords palled upon Dr. 
 Manwarmg, the fentence I have mentioned in another 
 place. 
 
 The King feeing the Commons other ways employed than 
 in the bufinefs of Subfidies, fent them the following Mef- 
 fage by their own Speaker. 
 
 “ That his Majefty having, upon the Petition exhibited 
 ? “ by both Houfcs, given an anlwer full of juftice and 
 n “ grace, for which we and our pofterity have juft caufe to 
 , “ blcfs his Majefty, it is now time to grow to a conclufion 
 - “ of the Seffion; and therefore his Majefty thinks fit to 
 “ let you know. That as he doth refolveto abide by that 
 “ anfwer, wiihout further change or alteration, fo he will 
 “ royally and really perform unto you what he hath there- 
 “ by promifed : And further, that he refolves to end this 
 tc leffion upon JVcdnefday the iithof this month ; and 
 “ therefore wilheth, that the Houfe will ferioufly attend 
 “ thofe buiineffes which may belt bring the feffion to a 
 “ happy conclufion, without entertaining new matters, and 
 “ fo husband the time, that his Majefty may with the 
 
 more comfort bring us fpeedily together again: At 
 “ which time, if there be any further Grievances not con- 
 tc tained or expreiled in the Petition, they may be more 
 ct maturely confidered, th 3 n the time will now permit.” 
 
 1 This mefl'age made the Commons believe (2), the Duke 
 1 of Buckingham had done them ill offices with the King. 
 This was mentioned in the Houfe, and Sir John Elliot 
 Handing up, and beginning to fpeak in fuch manner that 
 
 it was thought he was going to fall upon the Favorite and 1628. 
 Miniftry, the Speaker ftarted from the chair and faid, 
 
 “ There is a command laid upon me, that I muft com- The speaker 
 “ mand you not to proceed.” Whereupon Elliot fat down. 
 
 But others more bold propofed to go and {hew their dangers RuAorth 
 to the Lords, and then carry their complaints together to the T. 1. P . 60S. 
 King. Some of the Court-party faying, That the Speech 
 lately fpoken by Sir John Elliot (3) had given offence to his Xf t' '/.L, 
 Majefty, the Houfe declared : That every Member is freefrom Do-'.iron:-, 
 any undutful Speech, from the beginning of the Parliament 
 to that day, and ordered, that the Houfe be turned into a 
 Committee, to confider what is ft to be done for the fafety of 
 the Kingdom ; and that no man go out upon pain of going to 
 the Tower. But Sir John Finch the Speaker, deliring leave The Ppeaht 
 to go out, obtained it, and immediately informed the King ‘ 
 of what was palling in the Houfe. In his abfence it was Refill* ccn- 
 debated, and going to be voted by a majority, to make a 
 Remonftrance to the King, wherein it lhould be faid that 
 the Duke of Buckingham was the chief caufe of all the mi- 
 feries of the Kingdom. But before the debate was cndeJ, Tie 
 the Speaker returned with a mefl'age from the King, com- , ] :v 
 manding the Houfe to adjourn till next day, and all Com- a j. ,‘,y 
 mittees to ceafe in the mean time. The Lords received n<xt day. 
 the fame order. On the morrow the Speaker brings the J une 6 ‘ 
 following mefl'age from the King. 
 
 “ Whereas his Majefty underllanding, that yedidcon- AnuberMtp 
 “ ceive his laft mefl'age to reftrain you in your juft privi- f. m . ,ka 
 “ leges, to complain of any of his Minifters ; thefe are to cLL -1 
 “ declare his intentions, That he had no meaning of bar-/f»f ly the 
 “ ring you from what hath been your right, but only to g > u ^ r ‘ rt j ) 
 
 “ avoid all fcandals on his Council and adlions pall, and Ti j ol l t 
 <c that his Minifters might not be, nor himfelf, under their Aim..:.. 
 
 “ names, taxed for their counfel unto his Majefty, and 
 “ that no fuch particulars lhould be taken in hand, as 
 “ would ask a longer time of confideration than what he 
 “ hath prefixed, and ftill refolves to hold, that fo for this 
 “ time all Chriftendom might take notice of a fweet part- 
 “ ing between him and his people: Which if it fall out, 
 
 “ his Majefty will not be long from another meeting, when 
 “ fuch (if there be any) at their leifure and convenience 
 <c may be confidered.” 
 
 It may have been hitherto obferved, in King Charles’s R.n-.jrh .1 
 whole conduct, that he was fo firm in his principles con- ,!j:i 
 cerning government, that he could not relolve to recede 
 from any thing, or if he feemed to make any conceffion, 
 he immediately rendered it ufelefs by fome reftriclicn. 
 
 This may be feen in his anfwer to the Petition of Right, 
 but ftill more particularly in this laft mefl'age to the Com¬ 
 mons. He would not (as he faid) bar them from the pri¬ 
 vilege to complain of his Minifters, but would not have 
 them call any blame on their counfels. That is, properly 
 fpeaking, he would not have them attacked, or at moft, 
 would only fuffer them, to be profecuted for private offences 
 which they might be guilty of, like all the reft of the Sub¬ 
 jects, but not for State-affairs, as Minifters and Counfellors. 
 
 The Commons not being more fatisfied with this mefl'age r u Worth, 
 than the former, the Houfe was again turned into a Com- T,l.?.6u. 
 mittee, and confidered of fome more heads to be inferted 
 in the Remonftrance, particularly the King’s defign to bring 
 intotheNation foreign forces. This complaint was ground¬ 
 ed upon a difeovery the Houfe had made of a Privy-Seal, 
 exprefl'ed in thefe words (4.). 
 
 CHARLES by the Grace of God, &c. 
 
 To the Treafurcr, and under-Treafurer for our Exche- rt, King's 
 quer for the tune being, greeting: IVe do hereby will and Order to 
 command you, out of our treafury, remaining in the receipt of 
 our faid Exchequer, fort/nvith to pay, or caufe to be paiddm. 
 unto Philip Burlemack of London, Merchant, the fum of^^ 
 thirty thoufand pounds, to be paid by him over by Bill of Ex- Coikp.s^z', 
 change into the Low-Countries, and Germany, unto our Anna’h. 
 trttjly and well-beloved Sir William Balfour, Knight , and 
 John Dolbier, Efq\ or cither of them, for levying and pro¬ 
 viding certain numbers of horfes, with arms for horfe andfoot , 
 to be brought over into this Kingdom for ourJervice, viz. &c. 
 
 At the fame time the Commons fent a mefl'age to the Ruiworth, 
 Lords, to defire their concurrence in an humble Petition ibid, 
 to the King, that a clear and fatisfadlory anfwer be given 
 by his Majefty in full Parliament to the Petition of Right; 
 to which the Lords confented. The King knew then, 
 it was not poffible for him to avoid giving fuch an 
 
 (1) The King's Anfwer being read in the Hcufc of Commons, and feeming too fcanty, Sir John Elliot Tofe up, and in a long Speech, fet forth a full an' 
 lively 1 eprefenutiun of all Grievances; winch done, Sir Edward Coke moved, That an humble Remonllrance be prefented to his M,'jelly, touching the d.ingns 
 and means of lafety of King and Kingdom. Whereupon they turned themlelves into a grand Committee, and the Committee for the hill ot Subiidics w. s or- 
 d. rol to expedite the fjid Remonlb.nice. Mean while comes the Mefl'age from the King by the Speaker, and alter reading the MelTage, the Houic proceeded^ 
 wnh a dee la r. lion aeainft Man-waring, which was the fame day prefcnted to the Lords, at a conference managed by Mr. Pym, betwixt the Committee, i i both 
 I-ioufcs. After Mdinvarihg s lenience, the King fent another MelTage of the fame import by the Speaker. RuJIj-tocrtb, Tom- I- P 9 1 . 605. 
 
 ( z/ It was not this Meliagc, but another, lent 'June 5, wherein the Kipg required tile Commons, “ not to enter into, or proceed with any new bufincf?, 
 « which might fpend greater time, or lay any feandal or afperfion upon the State, Government, or Minifters thereof. Idem. p. 605. 
 
 (3) The Speech (a.ter the reading of the King’s Anfwer to the Petition) concerning Grievances, mentioned in the Note above. 
 
 (4) Burhnnuk was called into tl.e Houfe, and confeflcd, he received thirty thoufand Pounds by Privy-Scat for the buying of Horfes ; that one thoufard of 
 them were levied j that thole Horfes and their Ridas wets to come oyer, and Aims provided lor them in Holland; But that he heard a Countermand was 
 jjomc to ltay them. RuJhvjortb, Tom. h p. 6ia. 
 
 anfweF 
 

 272 
 
 Tot HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vo!. II. 
 
 Rufh worth 
 
 T.l. p.6u 
 
 an Aver as the Parliament dcfired, and therefore refolved at 
 Jail to do it with a good grace, otherwife he faw plainly 
 the affair of fupply would be for ever delayed. So coming 
 1 to the Parliament the 7th of June, both Houfes prefented 
 the following Petition to him: 
 
 T->< Priit;:n 
 ofMbtkuJn. 
 
 SutitfiifJ&y 
 
 fee Pi firiov. 
 Tie K>m 
 
 a* lb. 
 
 Ruth worth, 
 
 T* 1, ' ' 
 
 Rurtiworrh 
 T.l. p.61 
 614. 
 
 Z'M-t' *r 
 
 tie llcufe 
 Bucking- 
 
 . Lau 
 
 Rufhworth. 
 T.l. p. 616 
 
 p. 617. 
 
 p. 61S. 
 •Aiin.tis- 
 
 “ A /f AY it pleafe your mod excellent Majefty, The 
 “ 'T X Lords fpiritual and temporal,andCommonsin Par- 
 “ linment ailembled, taking in confideration, that the good 
 “ intelligence between your Majefty and your people c'oth 
 “ much depend upon your Majefty’s anfwcr upon their Pe- 
 “ tition of Right formerly prefented ; with unanimous con- 
 l< fent do now become moil humble fuitors unto your 
 “ Majefty, that you would be pleafed to give a dear and 
 tc fatibfaciory anfwer thereunto in full,Parliament.” 
 
 To which the King replied. “ The anfwer Ihaveal- 
 “ ready given you was made with fo good deliberation, 
 “ and approved by the judgments of fo many wife men, 
 “ that I could not have imagined but it fhould have given 
 “ you full fatisfaction: But to avoid all ambiguous inter- 
 ec pretations, and to fhew you there is no double; efs in my 
 <s meaning, I am willing to pleafure you as well in words 
 “ as in fubftance; Read your Petition, and you dial 1 have 
 “ an anfwer that I am fure will pleafe you.” 
 
 Here the Petition was rea/J, and this anfwer was returned: 
 Soic droit fait comn.e il eft deljrc. C. R. 
 
 Then faid his Majefty, “ This I am fure is full, yet no 
 cc more than I granted you in my fir ft anfwer, for the 
 “ meaning of that was to confirm your liberties, knowing, 
 “ according to your own proteftations, that you neither 
 “ mean nor can hurt my prerogative. And I allure you 
 “ my maxim is, that the people’s liberties ftrengthen the 
 “ King’s prerogative, and the King’s prerogative is to de- 
 “ fend the people’s liberties. 
 
 “ You fee how ready I have (hewed myfelf to fatisfy 
 “ your demands, fo that I have done my pait; wherefore 
 “ if this Parliament have not a happy conclufion, the fin 
 “ is yours, I am free from it.” 
 
 ; The Commons being fatisfied upon this point, began fe- 
 ' rioufly to proceed with the bill ol fubfidies, but in fuch a 
 manner however, that they made the confideration of grie- 
 , vances go hand in hand with it(i), knowing, as foon as 
 the money-bill was palled, the King would put an end to 
 the Seffion. They began therefore with examining a corn- 
 million, whereby the King had authorized and required a 
 certain number of Lords and Gentlemen to confider of the 
 beft and fpeedieft means for n upon the peo¬ 
 
 ple by win oi impofition or otherwife(2). Thi.commif- 
 fion had been granted after thefummons to the Parliament, 
 but before the meeting. Probably, the King fearing he 
 fliould be obliged to diflolve this Parliament for tire fame 
 reafons he had diflolvcd the former, was willing to be fe- 
 cured beforehand of means to raife money in cale the Par¬ 
 liament refufed to grant a fupply. Be this as it will, the 
 Commons, after a conference with the Lords, voted that 
 the commiftion (hould be inferted in the Remonftrance they 
 were to prefent to the King. 
 
 Then they entered upon the examination of Bucking¬ 
 hams conduct, examination by no means favorable to the 
 Duke. He was charged with being the caufe of all the 
 evils to the Kingdom, of the lodes at fea, of the decay of 
 trade, of the difafters to the Armies, and of countenancing 
 Arminianifm and Popery. Upon this article, it was ob- 
 ferved, that the Duke’s mother was a Papift, anJ had a 
 great influence over her Son, who had himlelf an abfolute 
 fway over the King, and that Dr. Montague , who was 
 reckoned a zealous Arminian , made his court to him with 
 great diligence. In (hort, the Houfe came to this refo- 
 lution, that the cxceffive power of the Duke of Bueking- 
 “ ham is the caufe of the evils anil dangers to the King 
 “ and Kingdom, and that this be added to the remon- 
 
 ft ranee;” and [a few days after] voted u that Dr. Nt i/e, 
 “ Biftiop of llinchejler, and Dr. Laud, Bifhop of Bath 
 “ anu (falls, be named : be thofc about the King, who 
 “ are fufpeffted to be Armenians.” As this Remonftrance 
 dearly and diftmCtly di (covets tfie occalions of the Com- 
 inor.s complaint againft the Government, I think it 11c- 
 cellit: y to infert it. 
 
 Rufliwcirh, 
 T.l. p.613. 
 
 Mjl Dread Sovereign , 
 
 A S with humble thankfulnels we, your dutiful Com- 
 ts jix mons no w ailembled in Parliament, do acknow- 
 “ ledge the great comfort which we have in your Majefty’s 
 “ poius and gracious difpofition, fo we think it a meet and 
 “ moil neceff'ary duty, being called by your Majefty, to 
 
 “ confult and advife of the great and urgent affairs of this 
 te Church and Commonwealth, finding them at this time 
 “ in apparent danger of ruin and deftrudtion, faithfully 
 “ and dutifully to inform your Majefty thereof, and with 
 “ bleeding hearts and bended knees, to crave your fpeedy 
 “ redrcls therein, as to your own wifdom (unto which we 
 “ moft humbly fiibtnit ourdlvanu ourdefiires) (hall feem 
 “ nioft meet and convenient. What the multitude and 
 “ potency of your Majefty’s enemies are abroad ; what be 
 “ their malicious and ambitious ends; and how vigilant 
 “ and conftantly induftricus they are in pur firing the I'.une, 
 “ is well known to your Majefty ; together with thedan- 
 tc gers threatned thereby to your facred perfon and vour 
 “ Kingdom-, and the calamities which have already fallen 
 “ and do daily incrcafe upon your friends and al'lier, of 
 “ which we are well allured your Majefty is moft fcnfible, 
 “ and will accordingly, in your great wifi:cm, and with 
 “ the graved and molt mature Council, according to the 
 “ exigency of the times and occafions, provide to prevent 
 “ and help the fame. 
 
 “ To which end wc moft humbly intreat your Ma- 
 “ jefty, fir ft, and efpecially, to call our eyes upon the nii- 
 “ lerable condition of this your own Kingdom, of late fo 
 “ Itrangely weakened and dejected, that unlcfi, through 
 “ your Majefty’s moft gracious wifJom, goodnefs, and 
 “ juftice, it be fpeedily raifed to a better condition, it is 
 “ in no little danger to become a Hidden prey to the ene- 
 “ mies thereof; and of the moft happy and flourifhing, 
 “ to be the moft miferable and contemptible nation in the 
 “ world. In the dilcoverics of which dangers, mifehiefs, 
 “ and inconveniencies lying upon us, we do freely pro- 
 
 teft, that it is far from our thoughts to lay the leaft 
 “ aiperfion upon your facred perfon, or the leaft fcandal 
 
 upon your government; for we do in all fincerity of 
 “ our hearts, not only for ourfelves, but in the name of 
 “ all the Commons of the Realm, (whom we reprefent) 
 “ aferibe as much duty, as a moft loyal and affcdlionate 
 “ People can do unto the beft King, (for fo yc are, and 
 “ fo have been pleafed abundantly to exprefs yourfelf this 
 “ prefent Parliament, by your Majefty’s clear and fatis- 
 “ factory anfwer to our Petition of Right: For which, 
 “ both ourfelves and our pofterity (hall bids Goci for you, 
 “ and ever prtfeyve a thankful memory for your great 
 “ goodnefs and juftice therein ;) and we do verily believe, 
 “ that ali, or mult of thefe things, which we (hall now 
 “ prefent unto your Majefty, are either unknown unto 
 “ you, or die by fomc of your Majefty’s Mi.niters offered 
 “ under fuch fpcciuus pretences, as may hide their own ill 
 “ intentions, and ill confequences of them from your Ma- 
 “ jefty : But we allure ourfelves, according to the good 
 “ example of your Majefty’s predcccftbrs, nothing can 
 “ make your Majefty, (being a wile and judicious Prince, 
 “ and above ail things defirousof the wdlaieof your Peo- 
 “ pic) more in love with Parliaments than thi-, which is 
 “ one oi the principal ends of calling them, that therein 
 “ your Majelty may be truly informed of the ftate of all 
 
 the fcveral parts of your Kingdom,and how your Officers 
 “ and Mmilters do behave themlelves in the truft repoied 
 “ in them by your Majefty, which is fcarce able to be 
 “ made known unto you but in Parliament, as was declared 
 “ by your blelled Father, when he was pleafed to put the 
 “ Commons in Parliament ailembled, in mind, That it. 
 “ would be the grcatejl unfaithfulnefs and breach of duty to 
 “ bis Majejly , and of the trujl committed to them by the 
 “ Country that could be, fin Jetting forth the grievances of 
 “ the People , and the condition of all the parts of this King- 
 ‘ dom f cm whence they come , they did not deal clearly with 
 “ him , without Jparbig any , how near and dear foever they 
 * were unto him , if they were hurtful or dangerous to the 
 “ Commonwealth . 
 
 “ la confidence therefore of your Majefty’s gracious 
 “ acceptation in a matter of fo high importance, and in 
 “ faithful difeharge of our duties; we do firfl of all moft 
 “ humbly befeech your Majefty to take notice, that how- 
 “ foevet we know your Majefty, doth with) our foul ah- 
 “ hor, that any fuch thing fhould be imagined or atterr.pt- 
 “ ed: Yet there is a general fear conceived in your Peo- 
 “ pie, of fecret working and combination, to introduce 
 “ into their Kingdom, innovation, and change of our holy 
 “ Religion, mure piccious unto us than our Lives, and 
 “ whatever this world can afford. And our fears and 
 “ jealoufies herein are not merely conjectural, but ariling 
 “ out of fuch certain and vifible eftedts, as may demon- 
 “ ftrate a true and real caule: For notwithllanding the 
 i( many good and wholfome Laws, and the provifions 
 
 
 (1) The Houle ordereS, Th.;f t!ic C .n,'niue« for Religion, Trade, Grievances, and Courts of Juftice, fliould fit no longer; 3nd that only the Grievances 
 of nioft nviment fli'.uid he oicen into c- lifidcntiim. Rujhvf.nb, Tom. I. p. 613. 
 
 The C ininvr. lending - ir i C mm ili mi . ;i.. Lo:.i-Ke. per, he returned anfwer, he received a Warrant at the Council-TaLle for the feeling thereof; 
 and when it was le. led, h; cen.id it ba. k t > the C uncil-Table: H wever, it was fent and read. It was dated the laft day of Fil.iujiy, and directed io all the 
 
 Court Lords and m.h G:ni|.- nen . • thongiit wdl-afftcted to the Miniftry. The Reader may lie it in Rnjbu^ u, Torn- 1. p. 614-- 
 
 . g for foreign f;.. from Germany, u mentioned ftbOYe, wu in older to fupj&rt itut ComiftilKoo, la cafe of refinance, See 
 
 Tem. 1 . p- 474 - 
 
 7 
 
 made 
 
16 *3. 
 
 Book XJX. 2C. CHARLES I 
 
 44 male to prevent the increafe of Popery within this King- 
 44 dom ; and notwithstanding your Majefty’s mod gracious 
 44 and fatisfadtory anfwer to the Petition of both Houfes 
 “ in that behalf, pre'cnted to your Majefty at Oxford-, we 
 44 find there hath followed no good execution nor effedf, 
 44 but on the contrary, ( at which your Majefty out of the 
 44 quick fcnfe of your own religious heart, cannot but be 
 in the higheft meafure difpleafed ) thofe of that Religion 
 ‘ c do find extraordinary favours and refpedt in Court from 
 44 perfons of great quality and power, whom they conti- 
 44 nually refort unto, and in particular to the Countefs of 
 44 Buckingham , who herfelf openly profeffing that Reli- 
 44 gion, is a known favorer and fupporter of them that 
 tc do the fame ; which we well hoped, upon your Ma- 
 44 jefty’s anfwer to the aforefaid Petition at Oxford-, fhould 
 “ hot have been permitted, nor that any of your Ma- 
 “ jefty’s Subje&s of that Religion juftly to be fufpe&ed, 
 44 fhould be entertained in the fervice of your Majefty, or 
 44 your Royal Confort the Queen. Some likewife of that 
 “ Religion have had honours, offices, and places of com- 
 44 mand and authority lately conferred upon them. But 
 “ that which ftriketh the greateft terror into the hearts of 
 44 your loyal Subje&s concerning this, is, that letters of 
 44 ftay of legal proceedings againft them have been procu- 
 44 red from your Majefty, ( by what indirect means wa 
 44 know not :) And Commiffions under the Great Seal, 
 44 granted and executed for compofition to be made with 
 44 Popifh Recufants, with inhibitions, and reftrairit, both 
 44 to the ecclefiaftical and temporal Courts, and Officers 
 44 to intermeddle with them ; which is conceived to a- 
 44 mount to no lefs than a Toleration, odious to God, full 
 44 of difhonour, and extreme difprofit to your Majefty, 
 44 of extreme fcandal and grief to your good People, and 
 44 of apparent danger to the prefent ftate of your Ma- 
 44 jefty, and of this Kingdom ; their numbers, power, and 
 44 infolency, daily increafing in all parts of your King- 
 44 dom, and efpecially about London , and the Suburbs there- 
 44 of, where exceeding many Families do make their abode 
 44 publickly, frequent mafs at Denmark Houfe, and other 
 44 places ; and by their often meetings and conferences, 
 “ have opportunities of combining their counfels and 
 44 ftrength together, and to the hazard of your Majefty’s 
 44 fafety, and the State, and moft efpecially in thefe doubt- 
 “ ful and calamitous times. And as our fear concerning 
 44 change or fubverfion of Religion, is grounded upon the 
 44 daily increafe of Papifts, the open and profefled enemies 
 44 thereof, for the reafons formerly mentioned ; fo are the 
 44 hearts of your good Subje&s no lefs perplexed, when 
 44 with forrow they behold a daily growth and fpreading 
 44 of the Faction of the Arminians , that being, as your 
 44 Majefty well knows, but a cunning way to bring in Po- 
 44 pery, and the profefl'ors of thofe opinions, the common 
 44 difturbers of the Proteftant Churches, and incendiaries 
 44 in thofe States, wherein they have gotten any head, be- 
 44 ing Proteftants in fhew, but Jefuits in opinion ; which 
 44 caufed your Royal Father, with fo much pious wifdom, 
 44 and ardent zeal, to endeavour the fuppreffing of them, 
 44 as well at home, as in the neighbour Countries. And 
 44 your gracious Majefty, imitating his moft worthy ex- 
 “ ample, ha:h openly, and by your Proclamation dedared 
 44 your miflike of thofe perfons, and of their opinions ; 
 44 who, notwithftanding, are much favoured and advanced, 
 44 not wanting friends even of the Clergy, near to your 
 '• 4 Majefty ; namely, Dr. Kale Bifliop of Il'incbejler , and 
 44 Dr. Laud Bifhop of Bath and IL'ells , who are juftly 
 44 fufpe&ed to be unfound in their opinions that way. 
 44 And it being now generally held the way to preferment 
 44 and promotion in the Church, many fcholars do bend 
 44 the courfe ot their Studies to maintain thofe errors ; 
 44 their Books and opinions are fuftered to be printed and 
 44 publifhed ; and on the other fide, the imprinting of fuch 
 * 4 as are written againft them, and in defence of the 
 “ orthodox Church, are hindered and prohibited ; and 
 “ (which is a boldnefs almoft incredible) this reftraint of 
 44 orthodox Books, is made under colour of your Majefty’s 
 44 formerly mentioned Proclamation, the intent and mean- 
 44 ing whereof, wc know was quite contrary. And fur- 
 44 ther, to increafe our fears concerning innovation of Re- 
 44 ligion, we find, that there hath been no fmall labouring 
 44 to remove that which is the moft powerful means to 
 “ ftrengthen and encreafe our own Religion, and to op- 
 “ pofe both thofe, which is the diligent teaching and in- 
 44 ftrutftion of the people in the true knowledge and wor- 
 “ fliip of Almighty God. And therefore means hath been 
 44 fought out to deprefs and difeountenance pious, and 
 44 painful, and orthodox Preachers ; and how conformable 
 44 foever, and peaceable in their difpofition and carriage 
 44 they be, yet the preferment of fuch is oppofed, and in- 
 ftead of being encouraged, they are molefted with vexa¬ 
 tious courfes and purfuits, and hardly permitted to lec¬ 
 ture. And in thofe places where are no conftant 
 “ preaching Minifters, whereby many of your good people 
 No. 57. Vo I.. II. 
 
 44 ( whofe fouls, in this cafe, we befeech your Majefty to x 
 “ commiferate) are kept in ignorance, and are apt to be 
 44 eafily feduced to error and fuperftition. It doth not a 
 44 little alfo increafe our dangers and fears this way, to un- 
 44 derftand the miferable condition of your jCingdom of 
 44 Ireland , where, without ctmtroul, the popifh Religion 
 “ is openly profefled, and pra&ifed in every part thereof, 
 
 “ popifh jurifdidtion being there generally exercifed and 
 44 avowed, monafteries, nunneries, and other fuperftitious 
 44 houfes newly ere&ed, re-edified,'and replenifhed with 
 44 men and women of feveral orders, and in a plentiful 
 
 manner maintained at Dublin , and moft of the great 
 44 towns, and divers other places of the Kingdom ; which 
 44 of what ill confequence it may prove, if not feafonably 
 44 reprefled, we leave to your Majefty’s wifdom to judge : 
 
 44 But moft humbly befeech you," (as we allure ourfelves 
 “ you will ) to lay the ferious confideration thereof to your 
 “ royal and pious heart, and that fome fpeedy courfe may 
 44 be taken for redrefs therein. 
 
 44 And if now to all thefe your Majefty will be pleafed 
 44 to add the confideration of the circumftances of time, 
 
 44 wherein thefe courfes, tending to the deftrudlion of true 
 “ Religion, within thefe your Kingdoms, have been taken 
 “ here, even then when the fame is with open force and 
 44 violence profecuted in other Countries, and all the re- 
 44 formed Churches in Chriftendom, either deprefted, or 
 44 miferably diftrefted : We do humbly appeal unto your 
 44 Majefty’s princely judgment, whether there be not juft 
 44 ground of fear, that there is fome fecret and ftrong co- 
 44 operating here with the enemies of our Religion abroad, 
 
 44 for the utter extirpation thereof? And whether, if thole 
 44 courfes be not fpeedily redrefied, and the profeffion of 
 44 true Religion more encouraged, we can expedt any o- 
 44 ther but mifery and ruin fpeedily to fall upon us ? Hfpe- 
 44 dally, if befides the vifible and apparent dangers where- 
 44 with we are compafted about, you would be pleafed to 
 44 remember the difpleafure of Almighty God, always 
 44 bent againft the negledt of his holy Religion, the ftrokes 
 44 of whofe divine juftice we have already felt, and do ftill 
 44 feel with fmart and forrow in great meafure. 
 
 44 And befides this fear of innovation in Religion, we 
 “ do in like faithful difeharge of our duties, moft humbly 
 44 declare to your Majefty, that the hearts of your people 
 44 are full of fear of innovation and change of Govern- 
 44 ment, and accordingly poftefted with extreme grief and 
 44 forrow ; yet in this point, by your Majefty’s late an- 
 44 fwer to our Petition of Right touching 'our Liberties, 
 
 44 much comforted, and raifed again out of that fadnefs and 
 44 difeontent, which they generally had conceived through- 
 44 out the w'hole Kingdom, for the undue courfes which 
 44 were the laft year taken for raifing of moneys by loans, 
 
 44 than which (whatever your Majefty hath been inform- 
 44 ed to the contrary ) there were never any moneys de- 
 44 manded nor paid with greater grief, and general diflike 
 44 of all your faithful Subjects ; though many, partly out 
 44 of fear, partly out of other refpedts, (yet moft unwillingly) 
 
 44 were drawn to yield to what was required. 
 
 44 The billeting of foldiers did much augment both their 
 44 fears and grief, wherein likewife they find much com- 
 44 fort upon your gracious anfwer to our Petition of Right, 
 
 44 and to that we prefented to your Majefty concerning 
 44 this particular. Yet we moft humbly befeech your 
 44 Majefty, that we may inform you, that the ftill con- 
 44 tinuance and late re-inforcing of thofe foldiers, the con- 
 44 ditions of their perfons, (many of them not being natives 
 44 of this Kingdom, nor-of the fame, but of an oppofite 
 44 Religion) the placing them upon the fea-coaft, where 
 44 making head amongft themfelvcs, they may unite with 
 44 the Popifh party at home, if occafion ferve, and join 
 44 with an invading enemy to do extreme mifehief; "and 
 44 that they are not yet difmifled, both ftill minifter 
 44 caufe of jealoufy in your loving Subjedfs; for that the 
 44 foldiers cannot be continued without exceeding great 
 44 danger of the peace and fafety of your Kingdom. 
 
 44 The report of the ftrange and dangerous purpofe of 
 44 bringing in German Horfe, and Riders, W'ould have 
 44 turned our doubts into defpair, and our fears into a cer- 
 44 tainty of confufion, had not your Majefty’s gracious 
 44 meflage (for which we humbly give you thanks) corn- 
 44 forted us by the affurance of your Royal word, that thet 
 44 neither are, nor were intended by your Majefty for any 
 44 fervice in England-, but that they were defigned for fome 
 44 other foreign employment. Yet the fight of the Privy- 
 “ Seal, by which, it feemeth, they were to be levied ; the 
 “ great fum of money, which, upon examinations, w-e 
 44 found to be paid for that purpofe, gave us juft caufe ot 
 44 fear, that much about the fame time there was a com- 
 44 million under the Great-Seal granted unto the Lords, 
 
 44 and others of the Privy-Council, to confider of othot 
 44 ways for raifing of moneys, fo particularly by impofi- 
 44 tions, gave us juft caufe to fufpeift, that whatfoever wa 1 
 44 your Majefty’s gracious intention, yet there wanted not 
 Z z z 44 thofe 
 
The 
 
 t.uie, that under fome colourable pretence, might fecret- 
 '- v tb ' s ’ a ' ; b y otbe r ways contrive to chance the 
 li ame both of Religion and government, and thereby 
 undermine the fafety of your Majefty and your King- 
 
 HISTORY (/ENGLAND. Vol. 
 
 II. 
 
 1 hefe men could not be ignorant, that the bring- 
 * n S 1,1 Grangers for aid, hath been pernicious to molt 
 States, where they have been admitted, but to England 
 “ fatai ;. U ’e do bid's God that hath given your Majefty 
 ( a wile underloading heart to difcern of thofe courfes, 
 :i:ui that fuch power produceth nothing but weaknefs and 
 “ calamity. And we befeech your Majeftv to pardon the 
 " vchemency of our cxprefllon, if in the loyal and zealous 
 .meefions \ve bear to your Majefty and your fervice, 
 we are bold to declare to your’Majefty and the whole 
 I! tbat we b °ld lar beneath the heart of any free 
 
 '"g'’lhman. to think, that this victorious nation fhould 
 ny w hand in need of German foldiers to defend their now 
 “ King ami Kingdom. 
 
 £t “ when we confider the courfe formerly men- 
 { L, J >lie d’ '“id thefe things tending to an apparent change 
 ‘ of Government, the often breaches of Parliament, 
 “ whereby your Majefty hath been deprived of the faith- 
 <£ counfel, and free aids of your People, by taking 
 * »f Tonnage and Poundage, without grant thereof by 
 T ivr • n 1 ■ * ,Jr !' ament ’ ever lince the beginning of your 
 Majefty s reign to this prefent, the Handing commiffion 
 “ g 1 anted to the Duke of Buckingham to be General of 
 an army’ in the land in the time of peace, the difeharg- 
 mg of faithful and fufficicnt officers and minifters, fome 
 “ fr " m judicial places, and others from the offices and au- 
 “ lhorifies which they formerly held in. the Common¬ 
 wealth ; we cannot hut at the fight of fuch an apparent 
 “ deflation as muff neceflarily follow thefe courfes, out 
 ‘ of the depth of forrow, lift up our cries to heaven for 
 help, and next, under God, apply our felves unto your 
 lacred Majefty, who, if you could hear fo manv thou- 
 “ lands fpeaking together, do jointly implore fpeedv help 
 “ and. reformation. r 
 
 And if your Majefty' would be plea fed to take a fur¬ 
 ther view of the prefent ftate of your Realm, we do 
 humbly pray you to confider, whether the miferablc 
 difafters and ill fuccefs that hath accompanied all vour 
 •• late defig ns and actions, particularly thofe of Ca!es‘ and 
 the Ifle of R/’,e, and the laft expedition to Roche! ■, have 
 tk " nt exticmelv wafted that flock of honour that was 
 left unto this Kingdom, fometimes terrible to all other 
 nations, and now declining to contempt beneath the 
 “ meaneft. 
 
 t i \ 1 °£ etber w ‘th our honours, we there loft thofe (and 
 fiat not a few) who had they lived, we might have 
 fome better hope of recovering it again ; our valiant 
 nnd cx P ert Colonels, Captains and Commanders, and 
 many thoufand common foldiers and mariners : though 
 we have . fome caufe to think, that your Majefty is not 
 as yet rightly imfornied thereof; and that of fix or 
 * t ,L *ven thoufand of your Subjects loft at the Ifle of Rhee, 
 
 ‘‘ vour Majefty received information but of a few hundreds. 
 And this difhonour and lofs hath been purchafed with 
 ^J-fumption of above a million of treafure. 
 
 “ Many of the torts are exceeding weak and decayed, 
 and want both men and munition. And here we can¬ 
 not but with grief confider and complain of a ftrange 
 “ ‘inproMdcjice, (we think your Majefty will rather calf it 
 t treac h<-'yv) that your ftore of Powder, which by order 
 “ of your P“vy-Council, dated the tenth of December 1626, 
 
 ‘ f,)0uId he conftantly three hundred Laft, befides a con- 
 ‘ tim,al (u PP 1 . v uf twenty Laft a month for ordinary ex- 
 “ pences, and were now fit (as we conceive) to be double 
 the proportion, is at this time in the Tower (the pre- 
 ‘ lent warrants being ferved) hut nine Lafts and forty-eight 
 pounds in all ; which we tremble to think of. And 
 ‘ that, not with ftanding this extreme fcarcity of Powder, 
 great quantities have been permitted to be fold out of 
 “ v,Hir Majefty’s ftore to particular perfons for private 
 gam ; whereof we have feen a certificate, fix Laft fold 
 “ ! ,l h e p ce the fourteenth of January laft, and vour Ma- 
 jefty s ftore being unfurnifhed of Powder, which by a 
 ‘I c r ont [“^ ™ ade with Mr- Evelyn, by advice of vour 
 J.ords in Parliament, ought to be fupplied monthly 
 Wuh twenty Laft, at the rate of three pounds ten fhil- 
 J ny an- ten-peace a barrel ; your Majefty hath been 
 foiml to pay- above feven pounds a barrel for Powder, 
 
 “ to be brought in from beyond feas ; for which purpofe, 
 twelve thr.uf.md four hundred pounds was imprefted to 
 - Ix.Rnrlcmack the laft year, and that Powder not fo 
 good as that by con trail your Majeftv fliould have by 
 " une t *i ,rt| -part ; all which are moll fearful and danger- 
 J °’ 1S . what the poverty, weaknefs, and 
 
 mifeiy of our Kingdom is now grown unto bv de- 
 ,,f traJe y and deftruclion, and lofs of Ships and 
 -Tinners, within thefe three years, we are almoft afraid 
 
 “ Jo declare: And could we bv anv other means i.ave 
 “ been fure, that your Majefty fhould any other way 
 “ have had a true information thereof, we fhould have 
 “ been doubtful to have made our weaknefs and extre- 
 “ mity of misfortune in this kind to appear : Rut the im- 
 “ portunate and moll pitiful complaints from all parts of 
 the Kingdom near adjoining to the f'ea in this kind, 
 
 41 would rend, as we think, the ftonieft heart in the 
 “ world with forrow ; and the fenfe we have of the mifer- 
 “ able condition your Kingdom is in by reafon thereof. 
 
 “ ef pe( dly for tl • ■■ ■ n< poffifele means (bpin5 1 
 
 ‘‘ fhortly to end this feffion) how to. help the fame? add- 
 “ fuch a weight of grief unto our lad thouchts, as we 
 “ have not words to expief, it : Rut for vour Majeftv \ 
 more ex .cl information th we 1 ,. h y ( 
 
 “ p'eafed to perufe the kalendar of particulars, which with 
 “ the Remonftrance, we nml! hvmhlv pi dint unto your 
 “ Majeftv. 
 
 “■ ()ne reafon, among ft many, of this decay of Trade, 
 and lofs of Ships and Mariners is, the not guarding ojf 
 “ the narrow feas, the regality whereof vour Majefty 
 “ ha th now hi a manner wholly loft, being that wherein 
 “ a principal part of the honour and fafety of this Kiiw- 
 “ dom heretofore confifted ; and now having abfoluteTv 
 “ “eglefled it, the town of Dunkirk doth fo continually 
 “ rob and fpoil your Subjects, that we can allure your 
 ‘‘ Majefty (if fome prefent and efte< 5 tual reined, he’’not 
 ” forthwith provided) the whole trade of this I 
 “ the flapping, mariners, and all belonging thereunto’ 
 
 “ will be utterly loft and confumed. The prTncipal caido 
 “ of which evils and dangers we conceive to be the e\- 
 “ ceffive power of the Duke of Buckingham, and the abide 
 “ of that power : And we humbly fubirit unto vour Ma- 
 “ jefty’s excellent wif'dom, whether it be fate for • o-urfelr, 
 
 “ or >'0“r Kingdoms, that fo great power a.-, refts in him 
 “ b y ^‘ a and land, ftiould be in the hands of any oneSub- 
 tc jedl whatfoever. 
 
 And as it is not fafe, fo fure we arc, it cannot be for 
 your fervice, it being impoftiBle for one man to manage 
 “ fo n,an >' and weighty a flairs of the Kingdom as he hath 
 “ undertaken, befides the ordinary duties" of thofe offices 
 which he holds, fome of which well performed, would 
 “ require the time and induftry of the ableft men hotl) 
 
 “ of counfel and adlion, that your whole Kingdom will 
 “ aftord, efpeciallv in thefe fimes of common danger. 
 
 “ Ar| d our humble defire is further, that your inoft ex- 
 “ ce, J ent Majeftv will be pleafed to take into your moft 
 “ prmeely confideration, whetherj in refpedt the laid 
 “ Duke hath fo abufed his power, it be fafe for your 
 Majefty and your Kingdoms to continue him, either 
 in his great offices, or in his place of nearnefs and coun- 
 “ fel about your facred perfon. 
 
 “ Al *d thi- in all humility, aiming at nothing hut the 
 honour of Almighty God, and the maintenance of his 
 “ ^uc Religion, the fafety and happinefs of your moll 
 “ excellent Majefty, and the prefervation and profperity of 
 “ this Church and Commonwealth; we have endeavoured 
 “ wiT faithful hearts and intentions, and in difeharge of 
 “ the duty we owe to your Majefty and our Connin', to 
 “ give your Majefty a true reprefentation of our piefent 
 “ danger, and prefling calamities, which we humbly bc- 
 “ ( eech your Majefty graciouflv tu accept, and to take the 
 “ fame to heart, accounting the fafet\ and profperity of 
 “ . vour People, your greateft happinefs, and their love, 
 
 “ your richeit treafure. A rueful and lamentable fpedlacle 
 “ u- e confefs it muft needs be, to behold thofe ruins in fo 
 fair an houfc, fo many difeafes, and almoft every one 
 of them deadly, in fb ftrong and well-tempered a body 
 “ as this Kingdom lately was. But yet we will not doubt, 
 
 “ but that God hath referved this honour for vour Ma¬ 
 jefty, to reftore the fafety and happinefs thereof, as a 
 “ work worthy fo excellent a Prince, for whole long 
 “ life and true felicity we daily pray, and that vour fame 
 “ and never-dying glory may be continued to all fucceed- 
 “ ing generations.” 
 
 This Remonftrance, delivered by the Speaker, (who 
 much defired to be excufed) made no great impreffion 
 upon the King : though it did upon the People. All the 
 facts therein alledged were known and indifpiitable truths. 
 
 As to the Right, the People readily believed, the King and 
 his Minifters meant to eftablifh a defpotick power, be- 
 caufe all their proceedings plainly fhowed it. Rut they 
 could not believe that the Parliament had purpofely formed 
 a projedt to rob the King of his Prerogatives. They were 7/ 
 the more confirmed in this opinion, as after the diHblution 
 of this very Parliament, the King, in the reaforis he nave r ' 
 for the diffolution, complained not of the Rempnfliance. 
 
 I he fame day the Remonftrance was prelented to the 
 King, the Commons fent the Subfidy-bill to the Lords for r \ ! " 
 their concurrence. Soon after the King acquaints them by Z?, 
 meflage, that he meant to end the feffion the 26th of June : > J - ■■ 
 whereupon the Commons began to prepare a particular 
 
 .Remonftrance 028, 
 
Book 
 
 25- CHARL'E 
 
 I. 
 
 1628. Remonftrance of the undue talcing of Tunnage and 
 Poundage (1 j. 1 his was an antieilt import upon mer¬ 
 chants Goods exported and imported, which the Parlia¬ 
 ment ufually granted to the Kings, to enable?, them ro 
 guard the feas and proicft the trade.' This import had 
 long been granted to every King, and it happened fome- 
 times, that after the death of a King, IT SucCelTor had 
 continued to levy it, till the Parliament had given it by an 
 Airt. As in the Reign of Charles I, the Court was much 
 guided by precedents favorable to the Prerogative-royal, and 
 as they took advantage 6f fuch precedents, as if they had 
 been fo many laws, it happened that fince King "James 's 
 death, Charles h:\cl levied' Tunnage and Poundage, with¬ 
 out debring 3n ASt of Parliament for that purpofe, un¬ 
 der colour that fome of his predecdlors had pjaftifed it 
 fome time till an A,rt was palled. This is what the Com¬ 
 mons found fault with, maintaining, the Right was a pure 
 grant of the People, and confequently the King had not 
 power to levy it without the confent of Parliament ; and 
 the more as the feas had never been well guarded, nor the 
 trade Ids protected than in the firft years of this Reign. ’ 
 To maintain therefore the People's Rights,- and hinder 
 the Crown from ufurping by degrees the'Import of Ton¬ 
 nage and Poundage, as a right independant of the Parlia¬ 
 ment, the Commons prepared a Remonftrance to the Kin" 
 upon that fubjejft. 
 
 Whilft thd Remonftrance was drawing, the King ac¬ 
 quainted the Lords, that the CommiffionYor finding means 
 to raife money, was- hut a warrant of advice, agreeable to 
 file time and occalions; but that now having received a to¬ 
 ken of his people’s love, by: the Subfidy-bill ready to be 
 palled, the com million was become ufelefs, and therefore 
 • he had commanded it to be cancelled'. As if he had (aid, 
 in cafe the Parliament had not granted a fupply, he fhuuld 
 have found wsjys to raife money. As to his faying the 
 com million was but a warrant of advice, it is ftrange that 
 in fpeaking to men of fenfe, fuch wretched excufes fhould 
 be 11 fed. The day following, the Commons were inform¬ 
 ed alfo, that the commiffion was cancelled. As the affair 
 of Tunnage and Poundage made a great noife, it is necef- 
 fary to infert the Commons Remonftrance on that fubjedt. 
 
 75 
 
 Th, K,ng 
 
 Hu, . ri„ 
 
 CimnijJio. 
 
 Rn,lhworth. 
 T. I. [).6 ’ S. 
 
 Mofi Gracious Sovereign, 
 
 Y O U R Majefty’s 1110ft loyal and dutiful Subjects, 
 the Commons in this prefent Parliament alfembled, 
 “ being in nothing more careful, than of the honour and’ 
 “ profperity of your Majefty, and the Kingdom, which 
 “ tbe . v know dt) much depend upon that happy union and 
 “ relation betwixt your Majefty and your people, do with 
 “ much forrow apprehend, that by reafon of the incer- 
 ■“ tamty of their continuance together, the unexpected in- 
 “ terruptions wliich have been caft upon theru, and the 
 “ ftiortnefs of time in which your Majefty hath determi- 
 “ lied to end this felfton, they cannot bring to maturity 
 and perfection, divers bufinefles of weight, which they 
 “ have taken into their confidcration and refutation, as 
 moft important for the common good : Amongft other 
 things, they have taken into efpecial care the preparing 
 “ of a bill, for the granting of your Majefty fuch a fubfi- 
 “ d y of Tonnage and Poundage, as might uphold your 
 profit and revenue in as ample' a manner as their juft 
 care and rclpedt of trade (wherein not only the profperi- 
 “ T’ even the life of the Kingdom doth confift ) 
 :c would permit: But being a work which will require 
 much time and preparation by conference with your 
 Majefty’s officers, and with the Merchants, not only of 
 ‘ London, but of other remote parts, they find it not pof- 
 hble to be accomplifhed at this time: Wherefore confi- 
 dering it will be much more prejudicial to the right of 
 the lubjedt, it your Majefty fhould continue to receive 
 ‘ the fame without authority'of law, after the determina- 
 1 tion of a feffion, than if there had been a recefs by ad- 
 ‘ j°urnment only, in which cafe, that intended grant 
 ‘ wouId have related to the firft dav of the Parliament ; 
 
 ‘ and alluring themfelves, that your Majefty is refolvcd to 
 obferve that your royal anfwer, which you have lately 
 made to the Petition of Right of both Houfes of Par- 
 ‘ bament : Yet doubting left your Majefty may be mifin- 
 ‘ formed concerning this particular cafe, as if you might 
 continue to take thofe fubfidies of Tunnage and Poun¬ 
 dage, and other impofitions upon Merchants, without 
 breaking that anfwer, they are forced by that duty 
 ■ which they owe to your Majefty, and to thofe whom 
 • they reprefent, to declare, That there ought not any impo- 
 ■ fit ion to he laid upon the goods of Merchants-, exported or 
 imported, without common confent by Atl of Parliament ; 
 which is the right and inheritance of your Subjects, found - 
 cel not only upon the mojl antient and original conjiitution 
 of this Kingdom , but often confirmed and declared in di¬ 
 vers Statute-laws. 
 
 “ And for the better manifefhtion thereof, may it i 6 r 3 . 
 pleale tour Majefty to underftand, That although your 
 King, of this Realm, have often 
 had fuch fubfidies and impofitions granted unto them ■ 
 upon divers occations, efpccially for the guarding of the 
 leas, and the falegurad of Merchants : Yet the Sublet's 
 t . . en e y er careful to ufc fuch cautions and limita- 
 
 , tl0n , s *" 0 ! e g ra "'Si as might prevent any claim to be 
 , " lade ’ . tl,at fuch fubfidies do proceed from duty, and not 
 , r m ‘ hc of the Subjefls. And that they have 
 
 1 fi. era0 '?i re Ufei f t0 llmic 3 time in foch grants, and for 
 , le lni,| d part but Ihort, as for a year or two, and if it 
 . y m ' nu = d lo "S cr ’ 'h'y have fometimes diredled a certain 
 mr “ f “ fli “ lnl1 or fntermiffion, that fo the right of 
 the fubjcct might be more evident. At other times it 
 hath been granted upon occafion of war, for a certain 
 number of years, with Prraifi, That if the war were 
 ended in the mean tune, then the grant fhould ceafe : 
 
 And of collide it hath been fequeftred into the hands of 
 lome Subjects, to be employed for the guarding of the 
 Teas. And it is acknowledged by the ordinary anfwers 
 0 your Majefty's PrcdeceTors, their affect to the 
 bills of fubfidies of 1 unnage and Poundage, that it is 
 of the nature of other fubfidies, proceeding from the 
 good will of the Subject : Very few of your predeceffiors 
 had it for life, until the Reign of Henry VII, who was 
 fo far from conceiving he had any right thereunto, that 
 although he granted commiffions for colle&ing certain 
 duties and cuftoms due by law, yet he made no commif- 
 hons for receiving the fubfidy of Tunnage and Prxm- 
 dage, until the fame was granted unto him in Parlia- 
 ment bmee his time all the Kings and Queens of 
 , s ^ ea in b“Ve had the like grants for life, by the free 
 ove and good-will of the Subjects. And whenfoever 
 fhe people have been grieved, by laying any impofitions, 
 or other charges upon their goods and ' merchandifes 
 without authority of law ( which hath been very fd- 
 dom) yet upon complaint in Parliament, they have 
 been forthwith relieved ; faving in the time of your 
 royal bather, who having, through ill count'd, raifed the 
 rates and charges upon merchandifes to that height at 
 t ‘ ™ h thc J now are, yet he was pleafed fo far forth to 
 yield to the complaint of his people, as to offer. That 
 if the value of thofe impofitions which he had fet nv"ht 
 “ „ made g° od unt ° him, he would bind himfelf and his 
 «C wu rS u by a^ a ° f Par,iament > **ver to lay any other: 
 
 Which offer, the Commons at that time, in regard of the 
 great burden, did not think fit to yield unto. Neverthe- 
 * e ‘ s y° ur Commons in this Parliament, out of their 
 ‘ cfpc ^ ,aJ zeal y° ur f erv ice, and efpecial regard of yuur 
 <£ P reffi ”8 occafions, have taken into their confiderat.cn, 
 lo to frame a grant of fubfidy of Tunnage or Poundage 
 ‘ to your Majefty, that both you might have been the 
 « J e ! tcr cl enabled r ° r t,le defence of your Realm, and vour 
 subjects, by being-focure from all undue charges, be the 
 “ more encouraged chearfully to proceed in thefr courfe of 
 ‘ trade ,i b y the increafe whereof, your Majefty’s profit, 
 and hkewife the ftrength of the Kingdom, would be 
 ‘ v ery much augmented. 
 
 , “ Sit not being now able to accpmplilh this their defire 
 there is no courfe left unto them, without manifeft 
 breich of their duty, both to your Majefty and their 
 “ ^“nitry, fave only to make this humble declaration 
 “ r , lmt the receiving of Tunnage and Poundage, anil 
 “ other impofitions, not granted by Parliament, is a breach 
 “ of the fundamental liberties of this Kingdom, and con- 
 “ 1 ™" Ma .i eft y’ s ro )'al anfwer to the f'aid Petition 
 
 ot Right. And therefore they do moft humbly befeech 
 “ your Majefty to forbear any further receiving of the 
 , i and not to take it in ill part from thofe of your 
 Majefty’s loving Subjefts, who flail refufe to make pay¬ 
 ment ol any fuch charges, without warrant of law de- 
 “ manded. 
 
 ‘‘And as by this forbearance, your moll excellent Ma- 
 “ J e % manifell unto the world your royal jufticc in 
 the obfervation of your laws: So they doubt not but 
 T h , erea j5 er ’ at tbe t,me appointed for their coming again, 
 they lhall have occafion to exprefs their great defire to 
 “ advance your Majefty’s honour and profit.” 
 
 The King being informed of the contents of this re¬ 
 monftrance, on the 26th of June fent for the Speaker, 
 who returned fome time after to the Houfe, whilft the re¬ 
 monftrance was reading. He was no fooner come, but 
 the King, who was now at the Houfe of Lords, fent for 
 the Commons, and thus fpoke to both Houfes. 
 
 (1) The Com 
 -ihat a Committc 
 
 fell immediately upon the Bill of Tunnage and Poundage 
 appointed to draw up a Remcoflrance, of the undue taking 
 
 I T may feem ftrange that I came fo fuddenly to end 
 
 this feffion; before I give my aflent to the Bills, la/™*,, 
 wnl ' 1 ; vu the cauie, though I mull avow, that I owe kub 
 the account of my aflions to God alone. It is known ZZ"g„i 
 
 • *« tnlli "8 lhc r « I “ M hi to ramplilh tbt Dm, it m 0 ,d rlc i 
 Ol Tinnagc ond Poundigs with ntottt ol Pirii.imcnt. As/J,-Tom. i. &-V 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 276 The HISTORY 
 
 i6zR. “to every one, that a while ago the Houfe of Commons 
 “ gave me a Remonftrance, how acceptable every man 
 “ may judge ; and for the merit ot ir, I will not call that 
 “ in queftion, for 1 am fure no wife man can juftifv it. 
 
 “ Now fince I am truly informed, that a fecond Remon- 
 t; ftrance is preparing for me to take away the profit of 
 “ my Tunnage and Poundage, one of the chief mainte- 
 “ nances of my Crown, by alledging, I have given away 
 “ my Right thereto by my anfwer to your Petition : 
 
 “ This is fo prejudicial unto me, that I am forced to 
 “ end this feflion fome few hours before I meant, being 
 “ not willing to receive any more Remonftrances, to which 
 “ 1 muff give a harfh anfwer. And fince I fee, that even 
 “ the Ploufe of Commons begins already to make falfe 
 “ conftru&ions of what I granted in your Petition, left it 
 “ be worfe interpreted in the Country, I will now make 
 «* a declaration concerning the true intent thereof. 
 
 “ The profeffionof both Houfes in the timeof hammering 
 “ this Petition, was no way to trench upon my prerogative, 
 “ faying, they had neither intention or power to hurt it. 
 
 Therefore it muft needs be conceived, that I have grant- 
 “ ed no new, but only confirmed the antient liberties of 
 “ my Subje£ts. Yet to ftiew the clearnefs of my inten- 
 £ ‘ tions, that I neither repent, nor mean to recede from 
 “ any thing I have promifed you, I do here declare my 
 “ felf, That thofe things which have been done, whereby 
 ‘ k many have had fome caufc to expetft the liberties of the 
 “ Subjects to be trenched upon, which indeed was the firft 
 “ and true ground of the Petition, {hall not hereafter be 
 “ drawn into example for your prejudice, and from time 
 “ to time, in the word of a King, ye fhall not have the 
 “ like caufe to complain. But as for Tunnage and Poun- 
 “ dage, it is a thing I cannot want, and was never in- 
 “ tended by you to ask, nor meant by me I am fure, to 
 “ grant. 
 
 “To conclude, I command you all that are here to 
 “ take notice of what I have fpoken at this time, to be 
 “ the true intent and meaning of what I granted you in 
 “ your Petition ; but efpecially you, my Lords the Judges, 
 “ for to you only, under me, belongs the interpretation 
 “ of Laws ; for none of the Houfes of Parliament, either 
 “ joint or feparate, ( what new doctrine foever may be 
 “ raifed) have any power either to make or declare a 
 “ Law without my confent.” 
 
 Sabjiiy BRi After this Speech, the Subfidy-bill was pa {fed, the Lords 
 11 Tthfpar having already given their confent, and the Parliament was 
 Lament pro- prorogued to the 20th of October. 
 
 regutd. The King’s Speech to the Parliament before the proro- 
 
 R btKin °'i g at ' un > was dark, that it was hard to conceive upon 
 
 Speech what grounds he complained of the Remonftrance the 
 
 Commons had prepared. He feems to have confidered 
 Tunnage and Poundage as a Right annexed to his Prero¬ 
 gative Royal. Otherwifc, there was no need to obferve, 
 that both Houfes whilft they were preparing the Petition 
 of Right, had declared, they meant not to incroach upon 
 his Prerogative. This argument, on fuppolition of that 
 principle, would have been unanfwerable, and the reft very 
 luperfluous. But as the King knew he could never prove 
 this Right to belong to him independently of the Parlia¬ 
 ment, he proceeded to other arguments, the weaknefs 
 whereof is evident. He laid, the two Houfes by their Pe¬ 
 tition of Right, did not intend to take from him Tunnage 
 and Poundage, from whence he inferred, that fince they 
 had no fuch particular view, he could not with juftice be 
 defired to defift from it. But firft, though the Petition of 
 Right contained fome particular articles, thefe articles did not 
 exclude whatever was implied in the general article, found¬ 
 ed upon the antient Statutes : That no Tax, Tallage , Loan, 
 Benevolence, or other charge ought to be levied by the King, 
 without the confent of Parliament. Now Tunnage and 
 Poundage being of this nature, it necelTarily followed, that 
 it was included in the general article, or elfe, it was to be 
 proved to belong to the Crown, independently of the com¬ 
 mon confent of the People. In the fecond place, the two 
 Houfes had no intention to deprive him of Tunnage and 
 Poundage in particular, becaufe they defigned to grant it 
 bv an Act. He could not therefore conclude from thence, 
 that he had a Right to levy it without their confent. He 
 llledged as another argument, that he never meant to grant 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 them this article, making his anfwer to depend upon his id.- 
 intention. But his anfwer. Suit fait comrne il ejl defire, 
 manifeftly referred to the contents of the Petition, anu not 
 to the King’s intention in granting it. His third argu¬ 
 ment was taken from Tunnage and Poundage being one 
 of the. heft Revenues of the Crown, and his chief fupport. 
 
 This was an excellent argument to demonllrate to the Par¬ 
 liament the neceflity of granting him this Right, and to 
 induce him to continue the Seflion till the Act was parted ; 
 but he could not thence infer, that he had power to levy 
 it againft the Parliament’s will, efpecially as it was in his 
 breaft to have it in a legal way. Moreover, he continu¬ 
 ally inculcated, that his anfwer depended upon his inten¬ 
 tion, dire&ly contrary to the clear and exprefs terms of 
 the anfwer itfelf, which could refer only to the Petition, 
 finally, in taking from the Houfes the power of declaring 
 what was, or what was not, Law, he aferibed it folely to 
 the Judges who were under him ; that is to fay, as he could 
 make or unmake the Judges as he pleafed, he put himfclf 
 properly in pofleffion of this fame power, independently of 
 the two Houfes. This intention appeared but too plainly 
 afterwards. 
 
 This Seftion was worth to the King five Subfidies (1), 
 a very confiderable aid, with which the Parliament pur- 
 chafed the King’s anfwer to the Petition of Right, that is, 
 the confirmation of the Laws, which till then had palled 
 for inconteftable. On the other fide, the King thought he 
 had no Jefs dearly bought the five Subfidies by his conde- 
 feenfion to tie up his hands, in giving his confent to the 
 Petition of Right, contrary to his own principles, and the 
 projects he had formed with refpect to Government. But 
 he afterwards {howed, that in granting the Petition of 
 Right, he had only amufed the Parliament, fince he never 
 regulated his conduit by what was contained in the Peti¬ 
 tion. Prefently after the prorogation of the Parliament, 
 the King pubiilhed feveral Proclamations. The firft was Manwa- 
 to fupprefs Dr. Ala tnvari rig's Sermons, [entitled, Religion, " n% \ Ser ' 
 and Allegiance . ] But this fupprehion confifted only in an fdby^ro. 
 order to fuch as had any copies of thefe Sermons, to de- tisman-n. 
 liver them to the Secretary of State, or fome other Magi- xvii| Ub ' 
 ftrate (2). The fequel will fliow whether the Court was p. 1024. 
 defirous this order lhould be pundlually executed. But the Rufhworth, 
 King’s appearing publickly not to approve of thefe Ser- Ann*?* 633 
 mons, was fufficient to fatisfy the people. 
 
 By another Proclamation, Richard Smith, titular Birtiop Another a. 
 of Chalcedon , was ordered to be apprehended, with all other £“"'/* < h ‘ 
 Priefts and Jefuits that had taken Orders by authority ctort«don« 
 from the See of Rome, and [ after conviilionj to be com- Rufhworth, 
 mitted to the Caftle of Wisbich [3). Some Jefuits having T ; 
 been taken and fent to Newgate (4), the King ordered, xvin. Ub * 
 that if they were found guilty, they {hould be carried to p- 1037. 
 the fame Caftle of Wisbich in the Ifie of Ely. Thefe were 
 all the proceedings of the Court againft the Papifts. 
 
 But on the other hand, the King took a courfe which Commifjionee 
 gave a much worfe opinion of his own, or his Minifters [" ijd ,nd 
 zeal for Religion. Firft, he appointed Commiftioners to ' 
 compound with Recufants. Secondlv, Sir Richard IVeJlon, Wc ;'-n 
 a known Papift, was made Lord Treafuicr, and alter- ff r ’ff 
 wards Earl of Portland. Thirdly, Dr. Land, who was y.aflof 
 confidered as head of th z Armenians, in the judgment of Pl r lnd - 
 the Houfe of Commons, was t ran fated from Bath ami ' - 
 
 [fells, to the Biftioprick of London. Fourthly, Dr. Mon- Julv 15. * 
 tague, who had given fo great offence by his Book, en- and Mo “- 
 t it led. Appeal to Cafar, was promoted to the See of Chi- c'hijjfter. 
 chejler (5). Annals, 
 
 The town of Rachel being at this time clofely befieged P "’T 
 by the King of France , the King had prepared a Fleet h 
 to relieve it, and the Duke of Buckingham , who was to dtredby 
 have the command, was now at Poi tfmouth. But when he pelt0 “ - 
 was going to imbark, he was ftabbed to the heart with a chfendon. 
 knife, and immediately died (6). The artaftin was one T. '■ p- 
 John Felton , a Lieutenant, who owned, that after the De- t[l 
 claration of the Commons againft the Duke, he had looked t.i. p.635 
 upon him as an enemy to his country, and been thereby Howes, 
 induced to commit the deed. It appeared by his trial, that Annal • 
 he had no complice, and was led to this wicked adtion P 3 
 by an excefs of zeal. The King [being then at Sir 
 Daniel Norton's near Portfmouth] feemed extremely con¬ 
 cerned for the Duke’s death, and to give him, even after 
 
 f 1 ) The Clergy granted alfn five Subfidies. ■ The Ails made in this Sefiion were, I. An A£I forbidding Carriers, Waggoners, and Drovers, travel ing 
 
 ;-n Sunday ; or Buichers killing or felling meat on that day. 2. To reftrain the palling or fending any to be popilhly bred beyond the Seas. 3. For the belter 
 lupprelling'if unlieenfed Ale- hnufe Keepers. 4- For eilablilhing Sutton's Hofpital. 5. For reftitution in blond of Sir Carenu Raleigh. 
 
 (2) Ru/hv-rtb lays, t hey were wholly fupprell'ed, and that it was Montague's Books that were ordered to be delivered to the Bilh'p of the Diccefe, .A. 
 Rujbnco’tb, T. 1. p.633, 635. 
 
 ; 3) Thcv were firft to be committed to the County Coals, but if after Conviflion there fliou!.l be caufe to refpitc Execution, they were to be removal to 
 Wtibicb. 'Idem. p. 633. 
 
 4) Thefe were a Neft of Jefuits difeovered in Clerkenvie’l, and formerly apprehended, who were alfo after Conviftion to be removed from Newgate to 
 tf’ubicb- Ibid. 
 
 (5) Man-waring alfo ( having with Montague procured a Royal Pardon of all errors ) war, notwithftanding hi: bang difabled by the Houfe of Lotds from 
 all future preferments, immediately prefented to the P.eflory of Stamjord Rimers, with a dilpenlation to hold St. Giles's mtbe Fields. Ibid. 
 
 6) As the Duke was going out - f hi: Cr.amber, Felton ftepped to the door, and made a< r he had held up the Hangings. In the paftage, the Duke turning 
 
 r fpeak to Sir lhomai Fiyar, and hooping becaute Sir Thomas was very Ihort, Feltor. came behind the Duke, and reaching ever Sir Thomas's ShouJu.-r. ftrucic 
 
 him to the heart. Ctarend. Tom. 1. p. 24, 25. The Doke was buried at Wejlmvsjler. S-ftemh iS. His whole Eftate was net quite coco a yeir ; but 
 
 he lad 300,000/. in Jesses; and owed fco.cco /. Hey/tn or. H.Lefir.. p, 67. 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 277 
 
 6 2 S- 9 . 
 
 25. C IT A 
 
 i6zS. his death, continual marks of his affection, his creatures re¬ 
 mained in the fame favour and pofts they had enjoyed in 
 the life-time of their protetftor. 
 
 7Le fi- ft Mean while, as the relief of Rachel could not he delay- 
 
 A-pnrt'J'ut e j arJ y longer, the King fent away the Fleet deligned for 
 ‘lirnt Ro- 'hat purpofe (1). But Cardinal Richelieu had ufed fo great 
 th l. diligence, that the Barricado he was making to hinder the 
 R.'Biwor'h, of the Englijh Ships, was finifhed, fo that the 
 
 35 ‘Fleet was forced to return without effecting any thing, 
 after having feen Rachel taken (2). 
 
 TLkParlia- The meeting of the Parliament appointed to be the 
 mtn n fur- 2 oth of Oflober, was by proclamation prorogued to the 
 ,b, Jk!Tio tit ,ot * 1 of January. In this interval, certain cafes happened 
 7 c”r r * which fuppiied the Parliament with a frefh occalion of 
 Jjmr v. complaint, and in the end caufed their diffolution. Tho’ 
 jd. P . 6 3 3 . the R emon ft rance concerning Tunnage and Poundage was 
 not prefented to the King, it was however publick, and 
 fufficient to fhow the People what was the fenfe of the 
 Some Mer- Houfeof Commons. Upon this foundation three mer- 
 f b-mn rrfufe chants among others, refufed to pay this duty to the King. 
 
 ,e M Tu ”- Rolls , one of the three, merchant of London , and Member 
 PwJagi. of the Houfe of Commons, having refufed it, as contrary 
 id p.64.1. to law, the Cuftomers feized his Goods, and upon his al¬ 
 ledging the authority of Parliament, one of the Officers 
 7b f :r pWi Jnfolently told him. If all the Parliament were in you , we 
 iTp' ft/j. would take your goods. ' Chambers and Vaffal the other two 
 Annals. merchants of London , the firft of whom was Aklerman, 
 were condemned to pay T unnage and Poundage by the 
 Barons of the Exchequer, who ordered their Goods to be 
 detained. 
 
 162S-9. The Parliament meeting the 10th of January 162-*, 
 7be Par ha- Ro/ls's affair was immediately laid before the Houfe, and 
 referred to a Committee. Whilft the Committee were in 
 ftniifoAetb debate, the King fent a meffage to the Houfe, willing them 
 Houje 1. t 0 defiff till next day in the afternoon, at which time he 
 
 would fpeak with them at Whitehall. The Lords having 
 alfo received orders to be prefent, the King made the fol¬ 
 lowing Speech to both Houfes. 
 
 lit King's tc r T‘~' H E care I have to remove all obftacles that may 
 ftrnin C °Tun “ hinder the good correfpondency between me and 
 
 “ this Parliament, is the caufe I have called you together 
 PoanPa <■. n at t hj, time, the particular occafion being a complaint 
 T. J p.644. “ made in the lower Houfe. And for you, my Lords, I 
 * “ am glad to take this, and all other occafions, whereby 
 
 “ you may clearly underftand both my words, and ac- 
 « tions, for as you are neareft in degree, fo you are the 
 “ fitteft witneffes unto Kings. 
 
 “ The complaint I fpeak of is, for flaying men’s Goods 
 “ that deny Tunnage and Poundage ; this may have an 
 “ eafy and fhort conclufion, if my words and a&ions be 
 lc rightly underftood : For by palling the Bill, as my An- 
 tc ceftors have had it, my by-paft actions will be included, 
 
 “ and my future proceedings authorifed, which certainly 
 “ would not have been ftuck on, if men had not imagined 
 “ that I had taken thefe duties as appertaining to my 
 
 <c hereditary Prerogative, in which they are much de- 
 
 “ ceived, for it ever was and ftill is my meaning, by the 
 
 « gift of my People to enjoy it, and my intention in my 
 
 “ Speech at the ending of the laft Seffion concerning this 
 
 “ point, was not to challenge Tun .age and Poundage as 
 “ of right, but de bene effe , fhewing you the neceffity, 
 
 “ not the right by which I was to take it, until you had 
 “ granted it to me, affuring my felf, according to your 
 “ general profeffions, you wanted time, not will to give 
 “ it me. 
 
 “ Wherefore now having opportunity, I expe£t that 
 
 without lofs of time you make good your profeffions, 
 
 “ and fo by paffing of a Bill, put an end to all the quef- 
 “ tions arifing from this fubjedft ; efpecially fince I have 
 “ cleared the only fcruple that can trouble you in this bufi- 
 <« nef^: To conclude, let us not be jealous one of the 
 tc other’s actions ; for if I had been ealily moved at every 
 “ occafmn, the order you made on IVcdnefday laft might 
 “ have made me ftartlc, there being fome fhew to fufpedft 
 “ that vou had given your felves the liberty to be the in- 
 “ quifit’ors after complaints (the words of your order being 
 “ fomewhat too largely penned) but looking into your 
 <« adlions, I find you only hear complainers, not feeking 
 “ complaints : For I am certain you neither pretend, nor 
 * c defire the liberty to be inquilitors of mens actions before 
 “ particular complaint be made. 
 
 “ This I have fpoken to fhew you how flow I am to 
 « believe harfhly of your proceedings, likewife to afl'ure 
 “ you, that the Houfes refolutions, not particular mens 
 “ Speeches, fhall make me judge well or ill, not doubting, 
 
 “ but according to my example, you will be deaf to ill 
 
 'r' On 8, under the command of Robert Bert it Ear] of Lutdfey. 
 
 Materials- Rufiw'h. Tom. «. p 636. 
 
 fi I; had hem om C) long, that prodig ous numbers had died of the Fami 
 cut of fifteen thouland. Ibid. 
 
 No. 57- VoL. II. 
 
 R L E S I. 
 
 “ reports concerning me, till my words and a&ions fpeak i 
 “ for themfelves, that fo this Seffion beginning with con- 
 “ fidence one towards another, it may end with a per- 
 “ fe£l good underftanding between us : Which God 
 “ grant.” 
 
 Some days after the Kinc fent a meffage to the Com - Tb? Comment 
 mons, that the Bill for Tunnage and Poundage might be 
 fpeedily taken into confideration, and no time loft But 
 the Commons not thinking the King had power to pre- 
 feribe the time to them, fell upon matters of Religion, f.'f 
 particularly with regard to Armir.ianijm : and finding ihaxffc.-i.ogo 
 Laud , Montague , and Manwaring had been preferred fince 
 the laft feffion, feveral Members made great complaints, jff,. 
 Though the King prefied them again by meffage to pro- J*n. 26. 
 ceed with the Bill for Tunnage and Poundage, they pre- ^ u | hw ™ t h. 
 tended that Religion ought to have the precedency of all 
 other affairs. Wherefore tliey began to inquire how the Annals, 
 execution of the laws againft Papifts came to ceafe, and 
 wiience it was that Papifts were employed and countenanced, 
 and new ceremonies continually introduced, efpecially at 
 Durham , by Dr. Cojins , as Angels, Saints, Crucifixes, agafnji"" 1 
 Altars, Candles on Candlemafs-day , and laftly, from Cofins, 
 whence proceeded the increafe of Arminianifm. 
 
 This inquiry was interrupted by a frefh meffage from The King 
 the King, requiring them to give the preference to the b\\{f° rb,d ‘ ,be 
 for Tunnage and Poundage. Neverthelefs he declared, 
 that he meant not to interrupt their debates upon matters of rthgiout 
 Religion, provided the Houfe would not meddle with what 
 did not belong to them. By that, he took away with R^Worth. 
 one hand what he gave with the other, fince he believed, T. 1 P 64$'. 
 the Commons had no right to meddle with Religion. 
 
 This meffage hindered them not from continuing their de- ibey regard 
 bates. The Proclamation forbidding all difputes for and^ r *" 0, “ 
 againft: Arminianifm was complained of particularly, where- *^49. 
 in it was laid, If there be any difference of opinion concern¬ 
 ing the feafonable interpretation of the Thirty-nine Articles , the 
 Bi/loops have power to order which way they pleafe. But as 
 fome of the Bifhops were fufpected, it was concluded, 
 that by the terms of the Proclamation, the Kingdom 
 would be obliged to receive Popery or Arminianifm , by 
 following the determinations of the Bifhops. Thefe Suf- 
 picions fell chiefly upon Laud and Neile, who being the 
 King’s counfellors for matters of Religion, governed almoft 
 all the other Bifhops. Upon this account, the Houfe, to 
 prevent the dangers they feared, thought fit to enter into 
 this vow : 
 
 We the Commons in Parliament ajfembled , do claim , pro- The Vow <f 
 tejl, and avow for truth , the fenfe of-the Articles of Religion, 
 which were ejlabltjhed by Parliament in the thirteenth year co^rlZg 
 of our late Afteen Elizabeth, which by the publick AM of the Re/igion. 
 Church of England, and by the general and current expofi- ?; ufhw T h ‘ 
 tions of the writers of cur Church , have been delivered unto T ' P 49 ' 
 us. And we rejeft the fenfe of the Jcfuits and Arminians, 
 atsd all others , wherein they differ from us. 
 
 As the intention of the Commons was to perfwade the Both Houfes 
 people that Religion was in danger, they defired the con- 
 currence of the Lords to petition the King far a Faft, ’ 
 which they obtained with fome difficulty. The King The Ktr.g 
 plainly perceived the delign of this Petition, and, though S ranU "• 
 he did not think fit to rejedft it, anfwered, that the cuftom /jp'. 
 of falling every Seffion was but lately begun ; that he Anr.ais! 
 granted it however for this time, though Tie did not fee 
 the neceffity of it ; but for the future would not grant a 
 Faft, except on extraordinary occafions. Adding, that as 
 for the defence of the reformed Churches abroad, Fighting 
 would do them more good than Falling. 
 
 As the King had frequently prefled the Commons to 
 proceed with the Bill for Tunnage and Poundage, and give 
 it the precedency of matters of Religion, they thought 
 themfelves obliged to prefent a Declaration to the King to 
 juftify their Conduit. 
 
 This Declaration, which was a fort of apology, con- Dtdaration 
 taining nothing material, I do not think it neceffary to in- Co ff' 
 fert it at length. It fuffices to fay, the Commons excufed x,„g, ‘ 
 
 themfelves two ways, for not giving precedency to the Rufltworth, 
 Bill for Tunnage and Poundage. The firft was, bccaufe T,1 ‘ P^i 1 * 
 matters of Religion having been firft propofed, the conftant 
 order of the Houfe required, they fhould have the prefe¬ 
 rence. The fecorvd was, the weight and importance of 
 the concerns of Religion. They concluded with thanking 
 the King for his promifes, to maintain Religion, thereby 
 tacitly reproaching him for not performing them. 
 
 'I’he King anfwered this Declaration, riot particularly, p 653. 
 but with fome fhort notes. He told them, he thought it A nn a l»> 
 Jlrange they Jhould have an ill opinion of him with rejpecl to 
 Religion. He allured them, that he ivotdd never flop his 
 cars to the complaints that Jhould be brought to him upon that 
 
 But the vi£tuals of the Fleet flunk, and it wanted proper Tackling and other 
 ne, Co that at the taking of if. there were r.ot four thouf/nd remaining alive. 
 
 A a a a 
 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 The HISTO RY of ENGLAN D. 
 
 270 
 
 1628-9 . fubjekJ, provided that in form and matter the Commons did 
 not tranfgrefs their limits. Concluding with thefe words : 
 
 / mujljlill be infant with you , that you proceed with Tan¬ 
 nage and Poundage with diligence ; (not looking to be denied 
 in fo juft a defire) that you mujl .. -t think it ji range, j /, 
 finding you flacky give you fuch farther quickmng as I Jhall 
 find caufe. 
 
 Religious After this, the Commons continued their debates upon 
 Grievances. mat ters of Religion, and particularly on the Proclamation, 
 Ruliiworth. t0 prohibit difputing for or againft Arminianifm. This was 
 T. I. p.655, pretended to be a fnare to fupprefs the Puritan-party, and 
 Annals. gj ve t h e jfrminians more liberty, and that Laud and Mon¬ 
 tague had given the King this advice. It was alfo com¬ 
 plained, that the enemies of Religion had procured a Royal 
 pardon under the Great Seal for four Ecclefiafticks, the 
 mod fufpected in England , namely, Montague, Cofins , 
 Sibthorp, and Man-waring, and that, in contempt of the 
 Parliament, they were even promoted to Bifhopricks, or 
 other good Benefices (1). I confefs I cannot conceive how 
 it is poffible to juftify the King’s condefcenfion for thofe, 
 who advifed him to protect fo openly, nay, to prefer men 
 fo odious to the Parliament, fince he could not be ignorant 
 how much he rendered himfelf fufpected by fuch a con¬ 
 duit. At leaft it cannot be denied that he gave his ene¬ 
 mies an advantage. But befides that it was the genius of 
 the King and Court to look upon the Parliament, and ei- 
 pecially the Commons, with extreme contempt, the King 
 could refufe nothing to Dr. Laud, who was his prime 
 ftufn worth. Counfellor in Ecclefiaftical affairs. To confirm the Com- 
 r. 1.p.655. mons in their fufpicions of Laudy the Printers and Book- 
 fellers of London prefented feveral petitions, complaining of 
 the reftraint of Books written againft Popery and Armini- 
 anifirn , whilft a licenfe was never refufed to fuch as were 
 compofed in favour of Popifh and Arminian doctrines. 
 They even inftanced in certain Books againft Popery, 
 which were denied to be licenfed. They affirmed, this 
 was done by the Bifhop of London, or his Chaplains, to 
 whom the examination of the Books was committed. 
 
 As Dr. Laudy afterwards Archbifhop of Canterbury , 
 C " a,,< ' made a very great figure in England during the firft fifteen 
 years of this reign, I do not think it improper to relate 
 here part of what is laid for and againft him. Not that I 
 pretend fully to make known his genius, his character, his 
 religion : This to me feems impra&icable, confidering 
 what oppofite opinions there are concerning him, it being 
 almoft impoflible to affirm any thing of him, good or bad, 
 upon the teftimony of fome, but what is contradi&ed and 
 rejected as falfe by others. This is the common effect of 
 Parties. Hardly can any thing be added to the encomiums 
 which thofe who profefs what they call High-Churchy that 
 is, the rigid Epifcopalians, beftow on this famous Bifhop. 
 The Lord Clarendon , in his Hiftory, expreffes, on all oc- 
 cafions, a great efteem for Laudy and finds no other fault 
 in him, but a little too much eagernefs to accomplifh his 
 undertakings. All the reft of the fame Party extol him 
 to the skies. They fee no imperfection in him ; and every 
 where praife his wifdom, his good fenfe, his learning, his 
 piety, and above all, his zeal for the Church of England, 
 for which he at laft died a Martyr. The Presbyterians, 
 on the contrary, without denying his fenfe and learning, 
 affirm, he was a rank Arminiany and almoft a Papift. 
 They fay, that under the colour of a great zeal for the 
 Ceremonies of the Church, he carried them to the borders 
 of Popery, and juftly rendered himfelf fufpeCted of defign- 
 ing by degrees to reftore the Romijh Religion in England. 
 That to this end he made even the leaft trifles, fuch as 
 the Reformer? had not meddled with, bccaufe they thought 
 them indifferent, to be confidered as eflential to Religion. 
 They inferred from thence, that it was impoflible for a 
 man of his fenfe, to be attached to things of fo little mo¬ 
 ment, had he not entertained fome ill defign againft the 
 reformed Religion. That he u r as a mortal enemy of the 
 Presbyterians and Puritans, becaufe from them he met with 
 1110ft oppofition to the execution of his projefts. For my 
 part, I own, that in all that has been faid againft him, I 
 have found no convincing proof of his intention to re-efta- 
 blifh the Roman Catholick Religion in England , unlefs we 
 confound, as many did in thofe days. Popery with High- 
 Church, through a fpirit of Party. But it is very cer¬ 
 tain, he mortally hated the Presbyterians, and would have 
 utterly extirpated Puritanifm, had it been in his power. 
 
 As far Arminianifm, it is very probable, i:? was greatly 102'-;, 
 inclined to it. See his Character given bv his predeceflbr 
 Archbifhop Abbot , in the Narrative which he drew in his 
 own vindication in the year 1627. 
 
 44 Thir man is the only inward counfellor with Buck- ,?• 1 ■' .> 
 44 ingham, fitting with him fometimes privately whole e 
 
 44 hours, and feeding his humour with malice and lpight. J 
 
 44 His life in 0 ra was to pick quart 
 “ of the publick Readers, and to advertife them to the !*" ■'' r fi- 
 “ then Bifhop of Durham , that he might fill the ears of 
 44 King James with difeontents, againft the honeft men 
 44 that took pains in their places, and fettled the truth 
 44 (which he called Puritanifm ) in their auditors. 
 
 44 He made it his work to fee what Books were in the 
 44 prefs, and to look over Epiftles Dedicatory, and Pre- 
 “ faces to the Reader, to fee what faults might be found. 
 
 41 It was an obfervation what a fweet man this was like 
 tc to be, that the firft obfervable act that he did, was the 
 44 marrying of the Earl of D. to the Lady R (2), when 
 44 it was notorious to the world, that fhe had another huf- 
 “ band, and the fame a nobleman, who had divers chil 
 44 dren then living by her. King James did for man. 
 
 44 years take this fo ill, that he would never hear of any 
 44 great preferment of him ; infomuch that the Bifhop of 
 44 Lincoln, Dr. IVilliams, who taketh upon him to be the 
 44 firft promoter of him, hath many times faid, that when 
 44 he made mention of Laud to the King, his Majeftv 
 44 was fo averfe from it, that he was conftrained often- 
 44 times to fay, that he would never defire to ferve that 
 44 mafter, which could not remit one fault unto his fer- 
 44 vant. Well, in the end he did conquer it, to get him 
 44 to the Bifhop rick of St. David's ; which he had not 
 44 long enjoyed, but he began to undermine his benefactor, 
 
 44 as at this day it appeareth. 'The Countels of Bucking- 
 44 ham told Lincoln , that St. David's was the man that 
 44 undermined him with her Son : And verily, fuch is 
 44 his afpiring nature, that he will underwork any man in 
 44 the world, fo that he may gain by it.” 
 
 This character is not to Laud's advantage ; but it muft 
 be obferved, that the Archbifhop aferibed his own difgrace 
 to the fecret counfels given by that Prelate to the Duke of 
 Buckingham. 
 
 Whilft the Commons were in debate concerning Reli- Fre f h i“ ar - 
 gion, the ware-houfe of Mr. Rolls Merchant and Member 
 of Parliament, was locked up by a Purfuivant, and him- c.mm.K a . 
 felf called forth and ferved with a Subpccna (3). This put 
 the Houfe in a flame, and occafioned the fending for the yffT-i. 
 officers of the cuftoms, to know upon what account they Ruihworth, 
 had feized the merchants eftedts, and carried them to the T. *. p.653. 
 King’s Store-houfe (4). They replied, it was for refufing Annals- 
 to pay Tunnage and Poundage, and other duties. But be- p. 3+4. &e > 
 caufe there was an information already preferred againft 
 the merchants in the Exchequer and Star-Chamber, the 
 Commons mfolved not to proceed with the Bill of Tun¬ 
 nage and Poundage, till the goods were reftored to the 
 owners, and ordered that the Barons of the Exchequer 
 fhould be told, to make void their injunction concerning 
 the detaining of the merchant’s eftedts (5). 'I'he Barons 
 returned anfwer, that they did not, by their injunctions, 
 determine, or any way touch upon the right of Tunnage 
 and Poundage ; neither did they by their orders, bar the 
 owners from fuing for their goods in a lawful courfe ; but 
 whereas the merchants endeavoured to take their goods out 
 of the King’s pofleffion by writs of Replevin, which was 
 no lawful courfe in the King’s cafe, nor agreeable to his 
 Prerogative Royal, therefore the Court of Exchequer did 
 ltay thofe fuits, and declare, that the owners, if they con¬ 
 ceived themfclves wronged, might take fuch remedy as the 
 Law allows. This anfwer, which fignified nothing, not R ; ,fhwoith. 
 being fatisfadlory to the Commons, a motion was madep- 6 SS* 
 to confider, whether ever the Court of Exchequer held this 
 courfe before, for ftaying of Replevins ; and whether this 
 had been done by Prerogative of the King in his Court of 
 Exchequer. 
 
 This affair having been long debated in the Houfe, the Febr. ig, 
 officers of the cuftoms were fent for again, and anfwered, Ruihworth^ 
 that they adted by virtue of a enmmiffion under the Great- ^' nful P s _ 3 
 Seal. One of them faid, He had Jeized the Goods for du¬ 
 ties that were due in the time of King James, and that his 
 Majejiy had fent for him , and commanded him to make no 
 ether anfwer. Whereupon the Houfe being turned into a 
 
 (1) G/.'trr Cronwel, who was of this Committee, complained, That Dr. Neite Bi/hop of Wmcbtflir countenanced Perfons who preached Popery; a- I, 
 that Dr- Mjr.wanng had been made Bifhop. Adding, if thefe be the Heps to Church-preferment, what may we expe£l. Ru/hiuortb , Tom. I. p. 655. 
 
 (?) Laud it feems had married Charles Blour.t Earl of Dcvonjhtre to the Lady Rub, Wife of the Earl of IVarivu.k, who w.'; then alive. 
 
 (3j Th- Auih r 1.1 \ , thr Purfuivant lent for Mr. Rolls out, to order him not to touch what was locked up. Bu: this, and l.mt other little miilakes in this 
 and the following Paiagraphs, are corrected in the Tranflation, it not being fo ealy to do it by way of Note. 
 
 ;4‘, It v at i.' • d. th.,: 1 he !' Man that lerved the Subpccna might be fent for and examined by what procurement it was taken forth. Sir Humphrey May, 
 Privy-Countell r . .• ... r . r • H. h, that this neither proceeded from King nor Council, and therefore de fired it might be learched ta the bottom, And after- 
 wiidr, the Attorn . Central writa Letter to Mr. Rills, telling him, the ferving a Subpoena upon him was a mii'.ake. And yet Report was made to the 
 Ho,ifc by the Commi <- i, r Tunnage and Poundage, that the Attorney General, notwithftanding his Letter, did give order for the Proceis againft Mr- Roth. 
 - 
 
 , Cbarrlers, it (cent:. i. , .. fued out a Writ of Replevin, the proper remedy in Law to regain the pofleflbn of hit Good; ; the Barons of the Exche 
 did - an Injunction nnuer the Seals of the faid Court, directed to the Sheriffs of Ltmt.a, commanding them not to execute the laid Writ, or an;, the 
 •iicc. and declaring the Go c. were not replevablc. Idem, p. 642, 
 
 Grand- 
 
Book XIX. 25. CHARLES!. 
 
 279 
 
 1528-9. Grand-Committee, a motion was made and feconded, 
 whether the officers of the cuflom fhould be proceeded a- 
 gainft, by feparating their interell from that of the King. 
 Ru/hworth, After feveral Speeches pro and con, a report was made from 
 T'l'P ,6 59 ‘the Grand-Committee, that they had at laft rcfolved, that 
 Mr. Rolls ought to have privilege of perfon and goods ; 
 7beShaker which being voted, the Speaker was moved to put the 
 ref uftt to put queftion, but he refufed to do it, faying, the King had 
 Id* ? 660”" commanc led the contrary. Such a command could not but 
 1 Annals, ' furprife the Houfe : they adjourned to the 25 th of February, 
 p- 3+ 6 - and then were farther adjourned by his Majefty’s order till 
 Be adjourn 1 the 2d of March. On that day the Commons being met, 
 
 ' Heufe. and requiring the Speaker to put the queftion, he faid, / 
 have a coinmand from the King to adjourn the Houfe till the 
 Be would ro th of March. And endeavouring to go out of the chair, 
 
 ■ he was held down by force [ and the doors were locked ] 
 
 1 detained by till Sir John Elliot had drawn the following Proteftation, 
 
 1 /*"“■• which was approved by the majority, though not without 
 great tumult and confufion, and even fome blows. 
 
 The Comment 
 Proteftation, 
 Rulhworth, 
 T. I.p.66o. 
 
 1 Proclamati- 
 on to notify 
 j tbc diffolu- 
 j lion of the 
 j Parliament, 
 
 1 March z- 
 . Id. p. 660. 
 
 1 Annals. 
 
 1 Nine Mem- 
 j ben cited 
 I before the 
 I Council. 
 
 | Four appear, 
 1 and are fent 
 | to tbclliver. 
 
 The Commons Protejlation. 
 
 “ 1. Whofoever fhall bring in innovation of Religion, 
 t( or by favour or countenance feem to extend or intro- 
 “ duce Popery or Arminianifm, or other opinion difagree- 
 “ ing from the truth and orthodox Church, fhall be repu- 
 “ ted a capital enemy to this Kingdom and Coinmon- 
 <e wealth. 
 
 “ z. Whofoever (hall counfel or advife the taking and 
 “ levying of the fubfidies of Tunnage and Poundage, not 
 “ being granted by Parliament, or fhall be an a£tor or in- 
 “ ftrument therein, fhall be likewife reputed an innovator 
 <c in the Government, and a capital enemy to the King- 
 “ dom and Commonwealth. 
 
 “ 3. If any Merchant or perfon whatfoever, fhall vo- 
 <c luntarily yield or pay the faid fubficfies of Tunnage and 
 ti Poundage, not being granted by Parliament, he fhall 
 “ likewife be reputed a betrayer of the liberties of Eng- 
 “ land, and an enemy to the fame.” 
 
 As the King expelled no money from this fecond feftion, 
 he was very glad to have, as he thought, a plaufible pre¬ 
 tence to diflblve the Parliament. So, that very day a 
 Proclamation was drawn up (1), to give notice of his de- 
 fign to diflblve the Parliament on the 10th of March, and 
 that the Members might depart about their own affairs. 
 
 The next day, warrants were directed from the Council 
 to Denzil Hollis , Sir Miles Hobart, Sir John Elliot , Sir Pe¬ 
 ter Hay man, John Selden, William Coriton, JValtcr Long , 
 William Stroud, Benjamin Valentine, Efqs; commanding 
 their perfonal appearance on the morrow. Four of them, 
 Hollis, Elliot, Coriton , and Valentine, appeared : and refil¬ 
 ling to anfwer out of Parliament, for what was faid and 
 clone in the Houfe, were committed clofe prifoners to the 
 Tower. The Council ordered at the fame time, the ftu- 
 dies of Hollis, Elliot, and Selden to be fealed up; and a 
 Proclamation was publifhed to apprehend them. It mull be 
 obferved that the Parliament not being yet diflolved, thefe 
 men were ftill a&ually Members of Parliament. 
 
 On the 10th of March the King coming to the Parlia¬ 
 ment-Houfe, made the following Speech, addrefting him- 
 felf only to the Lords, there being but few Commons pre- 
 fent, [ the Speaker and Houfe of Commons not having 
 been called.] 
 
 My Lords, 
 
 • c rbe Kinfs “ T Never came here upon fo unpleafant an occafion, it 
 | -1 being the diftolution of a Parliament; therefore men 
 
 | (St Portia- tc ™y have f° me caufe to wonder, why I fhould not ra- 
 t inert. “ ther chufe to do this by commiflion, it being rather a 
 
 Run.worth^ “ general maxim of Kings, to leave harfh commands to 
 AnnX their Minifters, themfelves only executing pleafing things: 
 
 “ yet considering that juftice as well confifts in reward 
 “ and praife of virtue, as punifhing of vice, I thought it 
 “ neceflary to come here to day, and to declare to you and 
 “ all the world-, that it was merely the undutiful and fedi- 
 “ tious carriage in the Lower-Houfe that hath made the 
 “ diAblution of this Parliament; and you, My Lords, are 
 “ fo far from being any caufers of it, that I take as much 
 “ comfort in your dutiful demeanour, as I am juftly diftaf- 
 “ ted with their proceedings; yet to avoid their mifta- 
 “ kings, let me tell you, that it is fo far from me to ad- 
 “ judge all the Houfe alike guilty, that I know that there 
 “ are many there as dutiful Subje&s as any in the world, 
 “ it being but fome few vipers among them that did caft 
 “ this mill of undutifulnefs over molt of their eyes: Yet, 
 <c to fay truth, there was a good number there, that could 
 “ not be infedled with this contagion; infomuch that fome 
 did exprefs their duties in fpcaking, which was the ge- 
 “ neral fault of the Houfe the laft day. To conclude, as 
 “ thofe vipers mull look for their reward of punifliment, 
 “ lb you, My Lords, xnuft: juftly expedl from me that fa- 
 
 “ vour and prote&ion, that a good King oweth to his lo- 162^-9* 
 cc ving and faithful Nobility. And now, my Lord-Keeper, 
 
 “ do what I have commanded you.” 
 
 1 hen the Lord-Keeper laid, My Lords, and Gentlemen 
 of the Houfe of Commons, [ though the Commons were not 
 called J the King's Majejly doth dijfolve this Parliament. 
 
 The diftolution of the Parliament was caufed by the in- f. crKar t <h . 
 foler.ee of the Houfe of Commons, as the King had juft 'f fftlT" 
 told the Lords: and this infolence, this feditious carriage PorhomirJ. 
 con filled only in keeping the Speaker in his chair by force; 
 after he had notified that the Houfe was adjourned by his 
 Majefty’s order, till a Proteftation of three very Ihort arti¬ 
 cles was fet down in writing. This was the Commons 
 offence. And here it mull be remarked, that there was a 
 great difference between the adjourning and the proroguing 
 or diflolving of the Parliament. The King’s power to pro¬ 
 rogue and diflblve was never called in queftion ; before 
 the time of James I. I believe no King had ever thought 
 of adjourning the Parliament. King James was the full 
 that did it. The Commons complained of it as a breach 
 of their privileges; but not finding the Lords inclined to 
 difpute this power with the King, they were forced to give 
 way, though they forefaw the ill confequences. Thefe 
 confequences fhowed themfelves in the prefent Reign. 
 
 Charles I. taking advantage of this only precedent ella- 
 blilhed by the King his Father, was not fatisfied with hin¬ 
 dering the Parliament from adjourning themfelves at Eajler , 
 as hath been feen, but even adjourned the Houfes twice at a 
 time when the Commons were debating upon matters 
 which were not agreeable to him, and alfo prevented the 
 Speaker, by his foie authority, to put the queftion when 
 required. It is eafy to fee the confequences of this power, 
 to adjourn the Houfes. The King could put a Hop to all 
 the debates of either Houfe, by adjourning them whenever 
 they took into confideration any matters difpleafing to him. 
 
 On the other hand, upon fuppofition that the King’s right 
 Was unqueftionable, the Houfe of Commons had difobeyed 
 his orders, and violated his prerogative,' which might be at¬ 
 tended with no lefs ill confequences. But the King, fup- 
 pofing his right as fully eftablifhed, without giving himfelf 
 any farther trouble to prove it, refolved to punifh the Houfe 
 of Commons, not only by the diftolution of the Parlia¬ 
 ment, a punifhment which concerned the whole Nation 
 rather than their Reprefentatives, but alfo in caufing fome 
 of their moll adlive and ftirring Members, to be condem¬ 
 ned as rebellious and feditious. 
 
 To that end, he commanded the Judges of the Realrrt t629, 
 
 to meet and give their opinions upon the queftions he had 
 to propofe to them, in order to be guided by their deter¬ 
 minations, left he fhould be accufed of proceeding too arbi¬ 
 trarily. The queftions, with the Judges anfwcrs, were as 
 follows : 
 
 1. JVhcthcr if any Subject hath received probable tnforma- ^„,/j 
 tion of any Treafon , or treacherous attempt, or intention a-pi , . 
 gainjl the King or State, that Subject ought not to make 
 known to the King, or his Majejly s Commijfuntrs, when [-'f'ffff- 
 thereunto be fall be required, what information he hath re- the impn- 
 ceived, and the grounds . thereof ; to the end, the King being ‘‘‘ m ‘ 
 truly informed, may prevent the danger P And if the faid A -'l *5. 
 Subject , in fetch cafe fhall refufe to be examined, or to anfwer Ruihworth, 
 the questions which fhall be demanded of him for farther in- 
 
 quiry and difeovery of the truth, whether it be not a high 
 contempt in him, punifhable in the Star-Chamber, as ar. of¬ 
 fence ugainjl the general juftice and government of the King¬ 
 dom P 
 
 Sol. The refolution and anfwer of all the Juftices was, 
 
 “ That it is an offence punifhable as aforefaid, fo that this 
 “ do not concern himfelf, but another, nor draw him to 
 “ danger of treafon or contempt by his anfwer.” 
 
 2. Whether it be a good anfwer or excufee, being thus inter¬ 
 
 rogated , and refufeng to anfwer , to fay. That he was a Par¬ 
 liament man when he received this information, and that he 
 fpake thereof in the Parliament Houfe ; and therefore the 
 Parliament being now ended, he refufed to anfwer to any 
 fetch fhtejlions but in the Parliament Houfe , and not in any 
 other place P ' 
 
 Sol. The Judges did not venture to decide publickly this 
 queftion. But they gave this anfwer by advice privately to 
 the Attorney General, “ That this excufe being in na- 
 tc ture of a plea, and an error in judgment, was not pu- 
 “ nifhable, until he were over-ruled in an orderly manner, 
 
 “ to make another anfwer; and whether the party were 
 “ brought in Ore tenus, or by information, for this plea 
 “ he was not to be punifhed.” 
 
 3. Whether a Parliament man, committing an offence a- 
 gainfl the King or Council, not in a Parliament way, mighty 
 after the Parliament ended, be punifued or not P 
 
 Sol. All the Judges unanimoufly anfwered, “ He might, 
 
 “ if he be not punifhed for it in Parliament ; for the Par- 
 “ liament fhall not give privilege to any, contra morem 
 
 (1) The Author fays, publi/hcd j but it 
 
 publilhed till after the 10th of Rfanb, Rujbwortb, Tom, i, p. 661. 
 
 P arUamentarium^ 
 
Vo], II. 
 
 280 
 
 I&29» 
 
 The H IS f 0 R 7' of ENGLAND. 
 
 imprtfoned 
 
 A embers. 
 
 Rufhwnrlh, 
 T. I. p.665. 
 Chambers 
 
 for ‘nfufing 
 
 ■Tur.r, 
 
 e,Sc, 
 
 May 6- 
 Id. p, 670, 
 
 Long it 
 
 fitted, 
 
 Ruftl worth, 
 T. I. P.6S4. 
 &c. 
 
 Append, 
 
 Annals. 
 
 Tbeimfri. 
 
 fined Mem- 
 
 Rudiworth, 
 T. I p.679, 
 680, &c. 
 Append. 
 
 jone 
 
 uls. 
 
 Rufhwnrtb, 
 T. i. p.662 
 
 “ Parliameiilarium, to exceed the bounds and limits of his 
 “ place and duty. And all agreed, That regularly he 
 
 cannot be <:o vpelled out of Parliament to anfwer things 
 ** done in Parliament, in a Parliamentary courfe ; bur it 
 “ is otherwife where things are done exorbitantly, for thofe 
 tl are not the a&s of a Court.” 
 
 4. Whether, if otic Parliament man alone flail re five, 
 or two or three Jhall covertly confpire to raije falfc flanders and 
 rumours again ft the Lords of the Council and Judges, not 
 with intent to quell ion them in a legal courfe , or In a Por¬ 
 tia .wv.’urv was, but to blajl them, and to bring them to ha¬ 
 tred of the People, and the Government in contempt , be pit- 
 nijhable in the Star-Chamber after the Parliament is ended? 
 
 S. 1 . The Judges refolve, “ That the fame was punifli- 
 “ able c .:r of Parliament, as an offence exorbitant com- 
 “ netted in Parliament, beyond the office, and befides the 
 “ duty of a Parliament man.” 
 
 The artifice of tfiefe queftions confided, 1. In the King’s 
 propofing them in a general manner, as if they related not 
 to any particular perfo.i. 2. In his aferibing to one, two, 
 or three Members of the Houfe, what was done by a great 
 majority. 3. In fuppofing offences, outrages, treafons a- 
 gainft himfelf or Council, and in deciding queftions of Law 
 before the fa&s were dated (1). 
 
 By virtue of thefe determinations, the Attorney Gene¬ 
 ral exhibited in the Star-Chamber an information againft 
 the imprifoned Members, wherein he greatly aggravated 
 what had paffed in the Lower Houfe, when the Speaker 
 was kept by force in the chair, but without the lead men¬ 
 tion of the occafion. 
 
 At the fame time Alderman Chambers , one of thofe that 
 refufed to pay Tunnage and Poundage, was alfo profecuted 
 in the Star-Chamber, for fa\ ing, That the Merchants were 
 more jlrcwcd up and wrung in England, than in Turkey. 
 He was condemned in an exorbitant fine [ of 2000 /. ] by 
 which [ and fome other oppredionsj he was reduced to a 
 very low condition. 
 
 I have already mentioned the artifice ufed by the Court, 
 to remove from the Parliament fuch Gentlemen as they 
 fufpe&ed, by making them Sheriffs of their refpe&ive 
 Counties, which obliged them to l'wear to the due execu¬ 
 tion of their office. Walter Long Efq; of JViliJhir'e, being 
 made Sherid’ of the County a little before the calling of the 
 lad Parliament, was however eleCted [ for Bath, ] and he 
 preferred this fet vice to that which his office obliged him to. 
 During the fitting of the Parliament, Long was left undif- 
 turbed, but after the dfflblution, the Court entered an in¬ 
 formation againd him in the Star-Chamber for breaking his 
 oath, [by abfenting himfelf from his County] and he 
 was fined two thoufand marks. 
 
 The other Members that were in feveral prifons, having 
 petitioned the Judges to be relcafed upon bail, by virtue of 
 the Habeas Corpus , when the Judges were met, and ready 
 to deliver their opinions, the prifoners were not brought to 
 the Bar according to the rule of Court. Whereupon, Pro¬ 
 clamation being made for the bringing them in, the Court 
 was informed, that they were removed to the Tower by 
 the King’s own warrant. Then there came a Letter to 
 the Judges from the King, fignifving to the Court, that 
 the prifoners were not fuffered to appear before them, by 
 reafon of their infolent carriage towards him. That is, 
 indead of applying themfelves to the King for pardon, they 
 had add relied themfelves to the Judges to be releafed upon 
 bail, according to Law. Not to infid too long upon this 
 affair, I (hall content my felf with faying, that they were 
 kept in prifon from March till Ofiober, without being tried, 
 or obtaining the benefit of the Habeas Corpus. In fine, 
 the Court of King's-Bcneh having agreed with one voice. 
 That the Court, as this cafe is, Jhall have jurifdiftion, though 
 the 'fences were committed in Parliament, and that the im¬ 
 prifoned Members ought to plead, judgment was given againd 
 them upon a Nihil Dicit (2). They were to be impri¬ 
 foned during the King’s pleafure, and moreover, Elliot 
 was fined two thoufand pounds, Hollis a thoufand marks, 
 and Valentine five hundred pounds. 
 
 The King’s conduft, as well in diffolving the Parlia¬ 
 ment, as in what was done afterwards, could not but breed 
 difeontent among the People. Murmurs were every where 
 heard : Libels were difperfcd about London againd the King’s 
 Counfellors, and particularly againd Bifhop Laud (3), and 
 the Lord Treafurcr IVeJlon, who were accufed of putting 
 the King upon thefe violent proceedings. For this reafon, 
 the King, to prevent greater complaints, publiflied a Decla¬ 
 ration to notify to the People the caufes of the diffolution 
 
 of the lad Parliament. Though this declaration be very 16:9. 
 long, I think it necefiary to infert the whole in this place, 
 led I fliould be accufed of having either paffed over in 
 filcnce, or too much abridged what may ferve to juftify 
 the Kinz. It mud be obferved that it was dated the 
 1 :h of ALarch , the very day the Parliament was dif¬ 
 fered, though it was not publiflied that day, but fomc 
 time after. 
 
 The King's Declaration , to all his SubieHs, notifying the 
 
 Caufes which moved him to dijfolve the lajl Parliament 
 “ J TQwfoever Princes are not bound to give account 
 “ JLJ- of their aCtions, but to God alone; yet for the pendiit.pTi. 
 “ fatisla&ion of the minds and affe&ions of our loving 
 “ SubjeCts, we have thought good to fet down thus much 
 “ by way of declaration, that we may appear to the 
 “ world in the truth and fincerity of our aCtions, and 
 “ not in thofe colours in which we know fome turbu- 
 “ lent and ill-affcCted fpirits (to mafque and difguife their 
 “ wicked intentions, dangerous to the State) would repre- 
 “ fent us to the publick view. 
 
 “ We affembled our Parliament the 1 7th day of March , 
 
 “ in the third year of our reign, for the fafety of Religion, 
 
 “ for fecuring our Kingdoms and SubjeCts at home, and 
 “ our Friends and Allies abroad. And therefore at the 
 “ firft fitting down of it, we declared the miferable af- 
 “ Aided efiate of thofe of the reformed Religion in Gcr- 
 “ many , France, and other parts of Chrtflendom ; the dif- 
 “ trefled extremities of our deareft uncle, the King of 
 “ Denmark, chafed out of a great part of his Dominions; 
 
 “ the ftrength of that party which was united againft us; 
 
 “ That (belides the Pope and the Houfe of Aujlria, and 
 “ their antient Confederates) the French King profeffed 
 “ the rooting out of the Proteftant Religion : That of the 
 “ Princes and States on our party, Lme were over-run, 
 
 “ others diverted, and fomedifabled to give affiftance. For 
 “ which, and other important motives, we propounded a 
 “ fpeedy fupply of treafure, anfwerable to the neceffity of 
 “ the caufe. 
 
 “ Thefe things in the beginning were well refented by 
 “ the Houfe of Commons, and with fo much alacrity and 
 “ rcadinefs, that they agreed to grant a liberal aid : but 
 “ before it was brought to any perfection, they were di- 
 “ verted by a multitude of queftions raifed amongft them, 
 
 “ touching their liberties and privileges, and by other long 
 “ difputes, that the Bill did not pafs in a long time ; and 
 “ by that delay, our affairs were put into a far w©ife cafe 
 “ than at the firft ; our foreign aCtions then in hand, he- 
 “ ing thereby difgraced and ruined for want of timely 
 “ help. 
 
 “ In this, as we are not willing to derogate from the 
 “ merit and good intentions of thofe wife and moderate 
 tc men of that Houfe, (to whole forwardnefs we attribute 
 “ it, that it was propounded and refolved fo foon) fo we 
 “ mu ft needs fa}', that the delay of palling it when ic was 
 “ refolved, occalioned by caufelefs jealouiics, ftirred up by 
 “ men of another temper, did much Jefien both the repu- 
 “ tation and reality of that Supply. And their fpiiit, in- 
 “ fufed into many of the com mi Alone rs and affeftors in 
 “ the Country, hath returned up the Subfidies m fuch a 
 “ fcanty proportion, as is infinitely Ihort, not only of our 
 cc great occalions, but of the precedent-, of former Subfidie;, 
 
 “ and of the intentions of all well-affcCted men in that 
 “ Houfe. 
 
 “ In thofe large difputes, as we permitted many of our 
 * c high Prerogatives to be debated, which in the heft times 
 “ of our predeceflbrs had never been quefiioned, without 
 ** punifhment or fharp reproof ; fo we did endeavour to 
 “ have Ihortned thofe debates, for winning of time, winch 
 ‘‘ would have much advantaged our great affairs, both at 
 “ home and abroad. And therefore both by fpceches and 
 “ meffages, we did often declare our gracious and dear 
 “ refolution to maintain, not only the Parliament, but 
 “ all our People, in their antient and juft liberties, without 
 “ either violation or diminution, and in the end, ftheir 
 “ full fatisfaction and fecurity did bv an anfwer, framed in 
 “ the form by themfelves defired to their Parliamentary 
 “ Petition, confirm their antient and juft liberties and 
 “ rights, which we refolve with all conftancy and iuftice 
 “ to maintain. 
 
 “ This Parliament howfoever, befides the fettling our 
 “ necefiary Supply, and their own Liberties, they w.ifted 
 “ much time in fuch proceedings, (blafting our go. 1-1 n- 
 “ ment, as we are unwilling to remember) yet we umi-red 
 
 (1) Judge Wb.tel.ik o r teu highly 
 
 n in ibis Wtsi, hi wiuld kindle s ft i 
 
 ti) They refu td tn pur Other Plea th: 
 (3 The Libel again!! Bi/hop L< 
 
 onfli 
 o^her wa 
 lament. 
 
 us Jins, btfjrc rbau be fjten "u 
 as b.d igunft the Lora Trc 
 Echoed, Tofn. 2. p. 79 
 
 plained againd this way of fending to the Judges for tlic'r opinions 
 n the Nation. IVbilelock, p. 13. 
 
 denying the Jurifdiftion ot the Court :n this cafe. 
 
 efledt: Laud, took to tby fetf, be aJ/jreJ lly hfc.s fug't 
 
 beforehand, and faid, lla' if Eijir.p L .d tie 
 
 -/ cb t n. 
 
 W 
 
 rid-, and affure tby ff, nutberGodn, 
 fh)r.. Ruthxuoxtb, Tom- I p. 662. 
 
 ■ the ".v-rlA a 
 They • 
 
 c-du-e fib a -J'le C:u 
 
 them 
 
Boole XIX. 
 
 1629. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 281 
 
 44 them to fit, until themfelves defired us to appoint a time 
 44 for their recefs, not naming cither adjournment or pro- 
 “ rogation. 
 
 44 Whereupon by advice of our Council, we refolvcd to 
 44 prorogue and make a feflion ; and to that end prefixed 
 “ a day, by which they mightj(as was meet in fo long a 
 “ fitting) finifh fome profitable and good Laws; and withal 
 “ gave order for a gracious pardon to all our Subje<Sts; 
 “ which, according to the ufeof formerParliaments, palled 
 44 the higher Houfe, and was fent down to the Com- 
 44 mons. All which being gracioufly intended by us, was 
 44 ill-entertained by fome difaffefted perfonsof that Houfe, 
 44 who by their artifices, in a fiiort time raifed fo much 
 44 heat and diftemper in the Houfe, for no other vifible 
 “ caufe, but becaufe we had declared our refolution to 
 “ prorogue, as our Council advifed, and not to adjourn, 
 44 as fome of that Houfe (after our refolution declared, 
 44 and not before) did manifeft themfelves to affe£l; that 
 “ leldom liath greater palfion been feen in that Houfe, 
 44 upon the greateft occafions. And fome glances in the 
 44 Houfe, but upon open rumours abroad were fpread. 
 44 That by the anfwer to the petition we had given away, 
 44 not only our impofitions upon Goods exported and im- 
 “ ported, but the Tunnage and Poundage, (whereas in the 
 “ debate and hammering of that Petition, there was no 
 44 fpcech or mention in either Houfe concerning thole im- 
 44 pofitions, but concerning taxes and other charges within 
 44 the land: much lefs was there any thought thereby 
 44 to debar us of Tunnage and Poundage, which, both be- 
 44 fore and after the anfwer to that petition, the Houfe of 
 44 Commons in all their fpeeches and treaties, did profefs 
 44 they were willing to grant.) And at the fame time 
 44 many other m^interpretations were raifed of that peti- 
 44 tion and anfwer, by men not well-diftinguifhing be- 
 “ tween well-ordered liberty and licentioufnefs; as if by 
 44 our anfwer to that petition, we had Jet loofe the reins of 
 44 our Government. And in this diftemper the Houfe of 
 44 Commons, laying alide the pardon (a thing never done 
 “ in any former Parliament) and other bufinefs, fit to have 
 44 been concluded in that feflion, fome of them went about 
 44 to frame and contrive a Remonftrance againft our re- 
 44 ceiving of Tunnage and Poundage, which was fo far pro- 
 “ ceeded in, the night before the prefixed time, for con- 
 44 eluding the feflion, and fo haftened by the contrivers 
 “ thereof, that they meant to have put it to the vote of the 
 44 Houfe the next morning, before we ftiould prorogue 
 44 that feflion. And therefore, finding our gracious favours 
 44 in the feflion, afforded to our people, fo ill requited, 
 
 44 and fiich liniller firains made upon our anfwer to that 
 “ petition, to the diminution of our profit, and (which 
 44 was more) to the danger of our government : We 
 44 refolved to prevent the finilhing of that Remonftrance, 
 
 44 and other dangerous intentions of fome ill-affe&ed per- 
 “ fons, by ending the feflion the next morning, fome few 
 44 hours fooner than was expecled ; and by our own mouth 
 “ to declare to both Houfes the caufe thereof: and for 
 “ hindering the fpreading of thofe finifter interpretations 
 “ of that petition and anfwer, to give fome neceflary direc- 
 44 tions, for fettling and quieting our government, until 
 “ another meeting ; which we performed accordingly the 
 14 fix and twentieth of June laft. 
 
 44 The Seflion thus ended, and the Parliament rifen, 
 
 44 that intended Remonftrance gave us occafion to look 
 44 into the bufinefs of Tunnage and Poundage. And 
 44 therefore, though our neceflities pleaded ftrongly for 
 44 us, yet we were not apt to ftrain that point too far, 
 
 44 but refolved to guide our felf by the practice of former 
 44 ages, and examples of our moft noble predecefl'ors, think- 
 44 ing thofe Counfels beft warranted, which the wifdomof 
 44 former ages, concurring with the prefent occafions, did 
 44 approve ; and therefore gave order for a diligent fearch 
 44 of Records : Upon which it was found, that although 
 44 in the Parliament holden in the firft year of the reign of 
 44 King Edward, the fourth, the Subfidy of Tunnage and 
 44 Poundage was not granted unto that King, but was firft 
 K granted unto him by Parliament in the third year of 
 :4 his reign; yet the fame was accounted and anfwered to 
 14 that King, from the firft day of his reign, all the firft 
 44 and fecond years of his reign, and until it was granted 
 14 by Parliament. And that in the lucceeding times of 
 44 King Richard the third, King Henry the feventh. King 
 44 Henry the eighth, King Edward the fixth, Queen 
 44 Mary and Queen Elizabeth , the Subfidy of Tunnage 
 44 and Poundage was not only enjoyed by every of thofe 
 :4 Kings and Queens, from the death of each of them 
 44 deccaling, until it was granted by Parliament unto the 
 44 fucceflor ; but in all thofe times, being for the moft 
 44 part peaceable, and not burdened with like charges and 
 44 neceflities, as thefe modern times,) the Parliament did 
 • 4 moft readily and chearfully, in the beginning of every 
 ;£ of thofe reigns, grant the fame, as a thing moft necef- 
 ;t fary for the guarding of the Teas, fafety and defence of 
 No. LVIII. Vol. II. 
 
 the realm, and fupportation of the Royal dignity. And 1629. 
 in the time of our Royal Father of blefled memory, he 
 “ enjoyed the fame a full year, wanting very few days, 
 
 44 before his Parliament began; and above a year before 
 44 the Aft of Parliament for the grant of it was palled. 
 
 44 And yet when the Parliament was aflembled, it was 
 44 granted without difficulty. And in our own time, we 
 44 quietly received the fame three years and more, expeft- 
 44 ing with patience in feveral Parliaments the like grant 
 44 thereof, as had been made to fo many of our predecef- 
 44 fors; the Houfe of Commons ftill profeffing, that mul- 
 “ titude of other bufinefles, and not want of willingnefs 
 44 on their part, had caufed the fettling thereof to be fo 
 44 long deferred. And therefore finding fo much reafon 
 44 and neceflity for the receiving of the ordinary duties in 
 44 the Cuftom-houfe, to concur with the praftice of fuch 
 44 a fucceflion of Kings and Queens, famous for wifdom, 
 
 “ juftice and government, and nothing to the contrary, 
 
 44 but that intended Remonftrance, hatched out of the paf- 
 44 fionate brains of a few particular perfons; we thought 
 44 it was fo far from the wifdom and duty of a Houfe of 
 44 Parliament, as we could not think that any moderate 
 44 and difereet man (upon compofed thoughts, fetting afide 
 44 paflion and diftemper) could be againft receiving of 
 44 Tunnage and Poundage ; efpecially fince we do, and 
 44 ftill mull purfue thofe ends, and undergo that charge 
 44 for which it was firft granted to the Crown; it having 
 44 been fo long and conftantly continued to our predeceflors, 
 
 44 as that in four feveral Acts of Parliament, for the grant- 
 44 ing thereof to King Edward the fixth, Queen Mary , 
 
 44 Queen Elizabeth , and our blefled Father, it is in ex- 
 44 profs terms mentioned, to have been had and enjoyed 
 44 by the feveral Kings, named in thofe Afts, time out of 
 44 mind, by authority of Parliament. And therefore upon 
 44 thefe reafons we held it agreeable to our Kingly honour, 
 
 44 and neceflary for the fafety and good of our Kingdom, 
 
 44 to continue the receipt thereof, as fo many of our pre- 
 44 decefl'ors had done. Wherefore when a few merchants 
 44 (being at firft but one or two) fomented, as it is well 
 44 known, by thofe evil fpirits that would have hatched 
 44 that undutiful Remonftrance, began to oppofe the pay- 
 44 ment of our accuftomed duties in the Cuftom-houfe, 
 
 44 we gave order to the officers of our Cuftoms to go on, 
 
 44 notwithftanding that oppofition, in the receiving of the 
 44 ufual duties, and caufed thofe that refufed to be warned 
 44 to attend at the Council-board, that by the wifdom 
 44 and authority of our Council, they might be reduced to 
 44 obedience and duty; where fome of them, without 
 44 reverence or refpeft to the honour and dignity of that 
 44 prefence, behaved themfelves with fuch boldnefs and 
 44 infolency of fpeech, as was not to be endured by a far 
 44 meaner aflembly, much lefs to be countenanced by a 
 44 Houfe of Parliament, againft the body of our Privy- 
 44 Council. 
 
 “ And as in this we did, what in reafon and honour 
 44 was fit for the prefent, fo our thoughts were daily in- 
 44 tentive upon the re-aflembling of our Parliament, with 
 44 full intention on our part, to take away all ill-under- 
 44 {landing between us, and our people ; whofe loves, as 
 44 we defire to continue and preferve, fo we ufed our beft 
 44 endeavours to prepare and facilitate the way to it. And 
 44 to this end, having taken a ftrift and exaft furvey of 
 44 our Government, both in the Church and Common- 
 44 wealth, and what things were moft fit and neceflary to 
 44 be reformed : We found in the firft place, that much 
 44 exception had been taken at a Book, entitled, Appella 
 44 Cafarem , or. An Appeal to Cafar ; and publifhed in 
 44 the year 1625, by Richard Montague^ then Batchelor 
 44 of Divinity, and now Bifhop of Chiche/ler ; and becaufe 
 44 it did open the way to thofe fchifmsand divifions, which 
 44 have fince enfued in the Church, we did for remedy and 
 44 redrefs thereof, and for the fatisfaftion of the confci- 
 44 ences of our good people, not only by our publick Pro- 
 44 clamation, call in that Book, which miniftred matter 
 44 of offence; but to prevent the like danger for hereafter, 
 
 44 re-printed the Articles of Religion, eftablifhed in the 
 t{ time of Queen Elizabeth of famous memory ; and by a 
 44 declaration before thofe Articles, we did tie and reftrain 
 44 all opinions to the fenfe of thofe Articles, that nothing 
 “ might be left for private fancies and innovations. For 
 44 we call God to record, before whom we Hand, that it 
 14 is, and always hath been our heart’s defire, to be found 
 14 worthy of that title, which we account the moft glo- 
 rious in all our Crown, Defender of the Faith. Neither 
 fhall we ever give way to the authorifing of anything, 
 
 14 whereby any innovation may fleal or creep into the 
 Church ; but to preferve that unity of do&rine and 
 difeipline eftablifhed in the time of Queen Elizabeth , 
 
 ;4 whereby the Church of England hath flood and flouriflv 
 14 ed ever fince. 
 
 44 And as we were careful to make up all breaches and 
 ;c rents in Religion at home, fg did w? by our Proclama- 
 13 b b b ‘‘ tion 
 
Vol II. 
 
 282 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1629. 44 tion and Commandment, for the execution of Laws 
 
 “ againft Priefts and poprfh Recufants, fortify all ways and 
 44 approaches againft that foreign enemy ; which if it hath 
 4; not fucceeded according to our intention, we muft lay 
 44 the fault where it is, in the fubordinatc officers and mi- 
 44 nilters in the Country, by whofe remiflhefs, Jefuitsand 
 44 Priefts efcape without apprehenfion ; and Recufants, 
 
 44 from thofe convictions and penalties which the Law and 
 44 our Commandment would have inflidled on them. I'or 
 44 we do profefs, that as it is our duty, fo it fliall be our 
 44 care to command and direct well ; but it is the part of 
 44 others to perform the minillerial office. And when we 
 “ have done our office, we fliall account ourfelf, and all 
 44 charitable men will account us innocent, both to God and 
 44 Men. And thofe that are negligent, we will efteem as 
 “ culpable both to God and us ; and therefore will expert 
 “ that hereafter they give us a better account. 
 
 “ And as we have been careful for the fettling of Reli- 
 “ gion, and quieting the Church ; fo were wc nut unmind- 
 44 ful of the prefervation of the juft and ancient Liberties 
 44 of our SubjeCts, which we fecured to them by ourgra- 
 44 cious anfvver to the Petition in Parliament, having not 
 “ fince that time done any act whereby to infringe them. 
 
 44 But our care is, and hereafter fhall be, to keep them 
 44 intire and inviolable, as we would do our own Right 
 “ and Sovereignty, having for that purpofe enrolled the 
 “ petition and anfwer in our Courts of Juftice. 
 
 “ Next to the ca:c of Religion, and of our SubjeCls 
 “ rights, we did our beft for the provident and well-order- 
 “ ing of that aid and fupply, which was granted us the 
 “ lalt Seffion, whereof no part hath been waftfully fpent, 
 
 44 nor put to any other ufe, than thofe for which it was 
 44 defired and glanced ; as upon payment of our Meet and 
 44 Army; wherein our care hath been fucli, as we chofe 
 44 rather to difeontent our deareft Friends and Allies, and 
 44 our neareft Servants, than to leave our Soldiers and Ma- 
 “ riners unfatisfted, whereby any vexation or difquiet 
 44 might a rife to our people. Wehavealfo, with part 
 44 of thofe moneys, begun to fupply our Magazines, and 
 44 Stores of munition, and to put our Navy into a con- 
 41 ftant form and order. Our Fleet likewife is fitting, 
 44 and almoft in a readinefs, whereby the narrow Seas may 
 “ be guarded, Commerce maintained, and our Kingdom 
 “ fecured from all foreign attempts. Thefe acts of ours 
 “ might have made this impreffion in all good minds, that 
 44 we were careful to direCt our counfels, and difpofe our 
 “ aCtions, as might moft conduce to the maintenance of 
 “ Religion, honour of our Government, and fafety of our 
 “ People. But with mifehievous men once ill-affeCted, 
 44 feu bene , feu male fail a premunt ; and whatfoever once 
 “ feemed amifs, is ever remembred ; but good endeavours 
 44 are never regarded. 
 
 44 Now all thefe things, that were the chief complaints 
 44 the laft Seffion, being by our princely care fo ferioufly 
 44 reformed, the Parliament re-alicmbled the 20th olja- 
 44 nuary laft. We expeCted, according to the candour and 
 44 fincerity of our own thoughts, that men would have 
 44 framed themfelves for the afteCting of a right under- 
 44 ftanding between us and our people. But fome few 
 44 malevolent perfons, like empericks and leud artifts, did 
 44 ftrive to make new work, and to have fome difeafe on 
 44 foot, to keep themfelves in requeft, and to be employed 
 44 and entertained in the cure. And yet to manifeft how 
 44 much offences have been diminifhed, the Committees 
 44 for Grievances, Committees for Courts of Juftice, and 
 44 Committees for Trade, have, fince the fitting down of 
 44 the Parliament, received few complaints, and thofe fuch 
 44 as they themfelves have not thought to be of that mo- 
 44 mentor importance, with which our ears fhould be ac- 
 44 quainted. 
 
 44 No fooner therefore was the Parliament fet down, but 
 44 thefe ill-affe&ed men began tofowand difperfe their jea- 
 44 loufies, by calling out fome glances and doubtful fpeeches, 
 44 as if the Subject had not been fo clearly and well dealt 
 44 with, touching their Liberties, and touching the Peti- 
 44 tion anfwered the laft Parliament. This being a plau- 
 44 fible theme, thought on for an ill purpofe, eafily took 
 44 hold on the minds of many, that knew not the prac- 
 44 tice. And thereupon the i'econd day of the Parliament, 
 44 a Commit!te was appointed to fearch, whether the peli- 
 44 tion and our anfwer thereunto were enrolled in thePar- 
 44 liament-roll, and in the Courts at IVeJlminJler , and in 
 44 what manner the fame was done. And a day alfo was 
 44 then appointed, on which, the Houfe being refolved 
 44 into a Committee, fhould take into confideration thofe 
 44 things, wherein the Liberty of the Subject had been in- 
 44 vaded, againft the Petition of Right. This, though it 
 44 produced no other effetStof moment or importance, yet 
 44 was fufficient to raile a jealoufy againft our proceedings, 
 44 in fuch as were not well acquainted with the fincerity 
 44 and clearnefs of them. There followed another of no 
 44 lefs skill; for although our proceeding before the Parlia- 
 
 :4 mentj about matters of Religion, might have fatisfied 16 
 :c any moderate men, of our zealous care thereof, (as 
 44 we are fure it did the moft) yet, as bad ftomachs turn 
 44 the beft things into their own nature, for want of good 
 44 digeftion; fo thefe diftempered perfons have done the 
 44 like of our good intents, by a bad and finifter interpre- 
 44 ration: For, when the/did obferve, that many honeft 
 44 and religious minds in that Houfe did complain of thefe 
 44 dangers that did threaten the Church ; they hkewife 
 44 took the fame word in their mouth, and their erv like- 
 44 wife was, Templujn Domini , 'Tcmplum Domini, when 
 44 the true care of the Chuich never came into their 
 44 hearts : And what the one did out of zeal unto Religion, 
 
 44 the other took up as a plaufible theme, to deprave our 
 44 Government, as if v/e, ourCieigyand Counc!. : , were 
 44 either fcnfelefs or carelefs of Religion, and this wicked 
 44 practice hath been, to make us feem to walk before our 
 44 people, as if we halted before God. 
 
 44 Having, by thefe artifices, made a jealous impreffion 
 44 in the hearts of many ; and a day being appointed to 
 44 treat of the grant of Tunnage and Poundage, at the 
 44 time prefixed, all expiefs great willingnefs to grant it. 
 
 44 But a new ftrain is found out, that it could not be done 
 44 without great peril to the right of the Subje£l, unlefs 
 44 we fhould difclaim any right therein, but by grant in 
 44 Parliament; and fhould caufe all thofe goods to be re- 
 “ ftored, which, upon commandment from us, or our 
 44 Council, were flayed by our officers until thofe duties 
 44 were paid, and confcquently fhould put ourfelves out of 
 44 the pofleffion of the T untiage and Poundage, before they 
 44 were granted ; for elfe, it was pretended, the Subject 
 44 flood not in fit cafe to grant it. A fancy and cavil 
 44 raifed of purpofe to trouble the bufinefs ; it being evident, 
 
 44 that all the Kings before named did receive that duty, 
 
 44 and were in adlual pofleffion of it, before, and at the 
 44 very time when it was granted to them by Parliament. 
 
 44 And although wc, to remove all difficulties, did from 
 44 our own mouth, in Jhofe clear and open terms, that 
 44 might have fatisfied any moderate and well-difpofed 
 44 minds, declare, that it was our meaning, by the gift of 
 44 our people, to enjoy it; and that we did not challenge 
 44 it of right, but took it de bene effe, fhewing thereby, 
 
 44 not the right, but the neceffity by which we were to 
 44 take it, (wherein we defcended, for their fatisfaclion, 
 
 44 fo far beneath ourfelt, as we are confident never any of 
 44 our predeceffors did the like, or was the like ever re- 
 44 quired or expected from them.) Yet for all this, the 
 44 Bill of Tunnage and Poundage was laid alide, upon pre- 
 44 tence, they muft firft clear the right of the Subject thcre- 
 44 in ; under colour whereof, they entertain the complaints, 
 
 44 not only 'John Relies , a Member of their Houfe, but 
 44 alfo of Richard Chambers., John Feukcs , and Bartbolo- 
 44 mew Gilman, againft the officers of our Cuftoms, for 
 44 detaining their goods, upon refufal to pay the ordinary 
 44 duty, accuftomed to be paid for the fame. And upon 
 44 thefe complaints, they fend for the officers of the Cuf- 
 44 toms, enforcing them to attend day after day, by the 
 44 fpace of a month together; they caufe them to produce 
 44 their Letters Patents under our Great Seal, and the 
 44 warrants made by our Privy-Council, for levying of 
 44 thofe duties. They examine the officers upon what 
 44 queftions they pleafe, thereby to entrap them for doing 
 “ our fervice and commandment. In thefe and other their 
 44 proceedings, becaufe we would not give the Ieaft ftiew 
 “ of interruption, we endured long with much patience, 
 
 44 both thefe and fundry other ftrange and exorbitant in- 
 44 croachments and ufurpations, fuch as were never before 
 44 attempted in that Houfe. 
 
 44 We are not ignorant how much that Houfe hath of 
 44 late years endeavoured toextend their privileges, by fet- 
 44 ting up general Committees for Religion, for Courts ot 
 44 Juftice, for Trade, and the like; a courfe never had 
 44 until of late: So as, where in former times the Knights 
 44 and Burgeffes were wont to communicate to the Houfe 
 “ fuch bufip.efs as they brought from their Countries; now . 
 
 “ there arc fo many chairs eretfted, to make enquiry upon 
 “ all forts of men, where complaints of all forts are en- 
 “ tertained, to the unfufterable difturbance and fcandal of 
 44 Juftice and Government, which having been tolerated 
 44 a while by our Father and ourfelf, hath daily grown to 
 44 more and more height; infomuch that young Lawyers 
 41 fitting there, cake upon them to decry the opinions o£ 
 
 44 the Judges; and fome have not doubted to maintain, 
 
 44 That the refolutions of that Houfe mutt bind the Judges; 
 
 44 a thing never heard of in ages paft. But, in this lalt 
 44 affembly of Parliament, they have taken on them much 
 44 more than ever before. 
 
 44 They fent meflengers to examine our Attorney Ge- 
 44 neral, (who is an officer of truft and fecrecy) touching 
 44 the execution of fomeo n m 
 
 44 without our leave firft obtained, he was not to give ac- 
 44 count tQ any but ourlvlf* T hex lent ^ captious and di- 
 
 “ reftorv 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 1629. 
 
 23 . CHARLES I. 
 
 283 
 
 tc 
 
 tc 
 
 «c 
 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 
 redory meflage to the Lord-Treafurer, Chancellor, and 
 Barons of the Exchequer, touching fome judicial pro¬ 
 ceedings of theirs in our Court of Exchequer. 
 
 “ They fent meflengers to examine upon fundry que- 
 ftions, our two Chief-Juftices, and three other of our 
 Judges, touching their judicial proceedings at the goal- 
 delivery at Newgate, of which they are not accountable 
 to the Houfe of Commons. 
 
 <c And whereas fuits were commenced in our Court of 
 Star-Chamber, again {k Richard Chambers , John Foukes, 
 Bartholomew Gilman, and Richard Philips, by our At¬ 
 torney-General, for great mifdemeanors; they refolved 
 that they were to have privilege of Parliament againft 
 us for their perfons, for no other caufe, but becaufe 
 they had petitions depending in that Houfe; and (which 
 is more ftrange) they refolved that a fignification fhould 
 be made from that Houfe by a letter, to ifTue under the 
 hand of their Speaker, unto the Lord-Keeper of our 
 Great-Seal, that no attachment fhould be granted out 
 againft the faid Chambers, Foukes, Gilman, or Philips, 
 during their faid privilege of Parliament. Whereas it 
 is far above the power of that Houfe, to give directions 
 to any of our Courts at IVeJhninJler, to flop attachments 
 againft any man, though never fo ftrongly privileged; 
 the breach of privilege being not in the Court that 
 grants, but in the party or miniftcr that puts in execu¬ 
 tion fuch attachments. And therefore, if any fuch let¬ 
 ter had come to the Lord-Keeper, as it did not, he 
 fhould have highly offended us if he had obeyed it. 
 Nay, they went fo far, as they fpared not the honour 
 of our Council-board, but examined their proceedings in 
 the cafe of our Cuftomers, interrogating what this or 
 that man of our Council faid, in direction of them in 
 the bufinefs committed to their charge. And when one 
 of the Members of that Houfe, fpeaking of our Coun- 
 fellors, faid, we had wicked Counfel; and another faid. 
 That the Council and Judges fought to trample under 
 feet the liberty of the SubjeCt; and a third traduced 
 our Court of Star-Chamber, for the fentence given 
 againft Savage, they pafled without check or cenfure by 
 the Houfe. By which may appear how far the Mem¬ 
 bers of that Houfe have of late fwollen beyond the rules 
 of moderation, and the modefty of former times; and 
 this under pretence of privilege and freedom of Speech, 
 whereby they take liberty to declare againft all autho¬ 
 rity of Council and Courts at their pleafure. 
 
 “ They fent for our Sheriff of London, to examine 
 him in a caufe whereof they had no jurifdiCtion : their 
 true and antient jurifdiCtion extending only to their own 
 Members, and to the confervation of their privileges, 
 and not to the cenfure of foreign perfons and caufes, 
 which have no relation to their privileges, the fame be¬ 
 ing but a late innovation. And yet upon an enforced 
 ftrain of a contempt for not anfwering to their fatisfac- 
 tion, they commit him to the Tower of London , ufing 
 that outward pretext for a caufe of committing him, 
 the true and inward caufe being, for that he had fhewed 
 himfelf dutiful to us and our commandments, in the 
 matter concerning our cuftoms. 
 
 <c In thefe innovations (which we will never permit 
 again) they pretended indeed our fervice ; but their drift 
 was, to break, by this means, thro’ all refpeCts and li¬ 
 gaments of Government, and to erect an univerfal over- 
 fwaying power to themfelves, which belongs only to us, 
 and not to them. 
 
 “ Laftly, In their proceedings againft our Cuftomers ; 
 they went about to cenfure them as delinquents, and to 
 punifh them, for flaying fome goods of fome factious 
 Merchants, in our ftore-houfe, for not paying thofe du¬ 
 ties which themfelves had formerly paid, and which the 
 Cuftomers, without interruption, had received of all 
 other Merchants, many years before, and to which they 
 were authorized, both by our Great-Seal, and by feve- 
 ral directions and commandments from us and our Pri¬ 
 vy-Council. 
 
 “ To give fome colour to their proceedings herein, 
 they went about to create a new privilege, (which we 
 will never admit) That a Parliament-man hath privi¬ 
 lege for his goods againft the King; the confequence 
 whereof would be, That he may not be conftrained to 
 pay any duties to the King, during the time of privi¬ 
 lege of Parliament. It is true, they would have this 
 cafe to have been between the Merchants, and our Far¬ 
 mers of our cuftoms, and have fevered them from our 
 intereft and commandment, thereby the rather to make 
 them liable to the cenfure and punifhmentof that Houfe. 
 But on the other fide, we holding it both unjuft and dif- 
 honourable, to withdraw our felf from our officers, in 
 any thing they did by our commandment, or to dif- 
 avow any thing that we had enjoined to be done; upon 
 Monday the 23d Of February, fent a meffage unto them 
 by Secretary Coke, thanking him for the refpeCt they 
 
 <c had Ihewed, in fevering the intereft of our Farmers 1629. 
 “ from our own intereft and commandment. Nevcrthe- 
 “ lefs, we were bound in honour to acknowledge a truth, 
 
 “ that, what was done by them, was done by our exprefs 
 “ commandment and direction; and if for doing thereof 
 “ our p'armers fhould fuffer, it would highly concern us in 
 “ honour. Which meflage was no fooner delivered unto 
 “ them, but in a tumultuous and difeontented manner they 
 “ called, adjourn, adjourn ; and thereupon, without any 
 tc caufe given on our part, in a very unufual manner, ad- 
 “ journed until the Wednefday foliowing. 
 
 “ On which day, by the uniform wifdom of ourPrivy- 
 “ Council, we caufed hoth Houfes to be adjourned until 
 “ the fecond day of March ; hoping that in the mean time, 
 
 “ a better and more right understanding might be begot- 
 “ ten between us and the Members of that Houfe, where- 
 “ by the Parliament might come to an happy iflue. 
 
 “ But understanding by good advertifement, that their 
 “ difconlent did not in that time digeft and pafs away; 
 
 “ we refolved to make a fecond adjournment until the 
 “ tenth of March-, which was done, as well to take time 
 ** t0 our felf, to think of fome means to accommodate 
 tc thofe difficulties, as to give them time to advife better; 
 
 <c and accordingly, we gave commandment for a fecond 
 “ adjournment in both Houfes, and for ceflation of all bu- 
 “ finefs till the day appointed; which was very dutifully 
 “ obeyed in the Higher-Houfe, no man contradicting or 
 “ queftioning it. But when the fame'commandment was 
 “ delivered in the Houfe of Commons by their Speaker, 
 
 “ it was ftraitways contradicted, and although the Speaker 
 “ declared unto them, it was an abfolute right and power 
 <c in us to adjourn, as well as to prorogue or diflolve; and 
 “ declared and read unto them divers precedents of that 
 “ Houfe, to warrant the fame ; yet our commandment 
 “ was moft contemptuoufly difobeyed ; and fome rifing 
 “ up to fpeak, faid, They had bufinefs to do before the 
 “ Houfe fhould be adjourned. 
 
 Here the King inferted a long account of what paffed in 
 the Houfe, when the Speaker was kept by force in the chair, 
 whiljl the Remonjlrancc was drawing. This account is much 
 aggravated, being taken word for word from the Attorney- 
 General n .s information againjl Elliot. But it contains in fub- 
 Jlance no more than what hath been faid before. 
 
 “ Whilft the Duke of Buckingham lived, he was enti- 
 “ tuled to all the diftempers and ill-events of former Par- 
 “ liaments; and therefore much endeavour was ufed to 
 “ demolifh him, as the only wall of feparation between us 
 “ and our people. But now he is dead, no alteration was 
 <c found among thofe envenomed fpirits, which troubled 
 “ then the bleffed harmony between us and our Subjects, 
 
 “ and continue ftill to trouble it. For now, under the 
 “ pretence of publick care of the Common-wealth, they 
 ct fuggeft new and caufelefs fears, which in their own 
 “ hearts they know to be falfe ; and devife new engines of 
 “ mifehief, fo to caft a blindnefs upon the good affeCtions 
 “ of our people, that they may not fee the truth and 
 “ largenefs of our heait towards them. So that now it is 
 ct manifeft, the Duke was not alone the mark thefe men 
 “ fhot at, but was only as a near minifter of ours, taken 
 “ up, on the bye, and in their paffage to their more fecret 
 <£ defigns; which were only to caft our affairs into a def- 
 “ perate condition, to abate the powers of our Crown, 
 
 “ and to bring our Government into obloquy ; that in 
 “ the end all things may be overwhelmed with anarchy 
 “ and confufion. 
 
 “ We do not impute thefe difafters to the whole Houfe 
 “ of Commons, knowing that there were amongft them 
 “ many religious, grave, and well-minded men ; but the 
 “ fincerer and better part of the Houfe was overborn, by 
 “ the practices and clamours of the other, who careleis 
 “ of their duties, and taking advantage of the times, and 
 <c our neceffities, have enforced us to break off this meet- 
 tc ing; which had it been anfwered with like duty on their 
 “ parts, as it was invited and begun with love on ours, 
 
 “ might have proved happy and glorious, both to us and 
 <c this whole Nation. 
 
 “ We have thus declared the manifold caufes we had to 
 “ diffolve this Parliament, whereby all the world may fee 
 <c how much they have forgotten their former engage- 
 ** ments at the entry into the war, themfelves being per- 
 “ fuaders to it; promifmg to make us feared by our ene- 
 “ mies, and efteemed by our friends. And how they turned 
 “ the neceffities grown by that war, to enforce us to yield 
 “ to conditions incompatible with Monarchy. 
 
 “ And now that our people may difeern that thefe pro- 
 tc vocations of evil men (whole punilhments we referveto 
 “ a due time) have not changed our good intentions to 
 “ our SubjeCls, we do here profefs to maintain the true 
 “ Religion and DoCtrine eftablifhed in the Church of Eng - 
 “ land, without admitting or conniving at any back-fhd- 
 “ ing, either to Popery or Schifm. We do alfo declare, 
 
 “ That we will maintain the antient and juft rights and 
 
 “ liberties 
 
Vol. II, 
 
 284 
 
 He HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1629. 
 
 this Dccla- 
 
 Rafhworth. 
 
 T.ILp. 3- 
 
 p. 361. 
 
 " liberties of our Subject', with fo much conftancy anj 
 <■ jullice, that they Hull have caufe to acknowledge, That 
 ■ i under our Government and gracious protection, they 
 c. live in a more happy and tree eftate than any Subjects in 
 “ theChriftian world. Yet let no man hereby take the 
 “ boldnefs to abufethat liberty, turning it to licentioufnefs, 
 “ nor milinterpret the petition, by perverting it to a law- 
 il [ c f, liberty, wantonly or frowardly, under that or any 
 “ other colour, to refill lawful and neceflary authority. 
 <i F or as we will maintain our Subject in their juft libcr- 
 “ ties, fo we do and will expefl, that they yield as much 
 “ fubmiffion and duty to our royal prerogatives, and as 
 “ ready obedience to our authority and commandments, 
 “ as hath been performed to the greateft of our prede- 
 
 *' celfors. , . , 
 
 “ And for our minifters, we will not that they be ter- 
 “ rifted by thole harfh proceedings, that have been ftramed 
 “ anainll fomeof them. For as we will not command any 
 “ thinn unjuft or dilhonourable, but (hall ufe our Autho- 
 “ rity and Prerogatives for the good of our people ; fo we 
 “ will expeeft, that our minifters obey us, and they (hall 
 
 “ aflirre themfelves we will protefi them. 
 
 “ As for our Merchants, we let them know, we (hall 
 <• always endeavour to chcn(h and enlarge the Trade ot 
 “ fuch ibe dutiful. Without burthenirrg them beyond wltat 
 “ is fitting; But the duty offive in the hundred, for 
 “ euardinn of the Seas, and defence of the Realm, to 
 “ which we hold ourfelves ftill obliged, (and whtch duty 
 “ hath continued without interruption fo many fucceffions 
 “ of ages) we hold no good or dutitul Subjefl will deny It, 
 “ being fo necefl'ary for the good of the whole Kingdom. 
 
 11 And if any faaious Merchant willaftront us, in a thing 
 “ fo teafonable, and wherein we require no more, norm 
 “ no other manner, than fo many of our predeceflors 
 Ci 1 MVC done, and have been dutifully obeyed : Let them 
 <> „ ot deceive themfelves, but be alfured, that we (hall 
 
 “ find honorable and juft means to fupport our eftate, vm- 
 
 “ dicate our Sovereignty,and preferve the authority which 
 “ God hath put into our hands. 
 
 “ And now having laid down the truth and clearnefs 
 
 of our proceedings, all wife and difereet men may 
 “ eaffly judge of thole rumours, and jealous fears, thatare 
 “ malicioufly and wickedly bruited abroad, and may dif- 
 “ ccrn by examination of their own hearts, whether (in 
 “ refpeft of the free pafl'age of the Gofpel, indifferent 
 “ and equal admmiftration of juftice, freedom from op¬ 
 's preffion, and the great peace and quietncfs which every 
 “ man enjoyeth under his own vine and hg tree) the 
 “ happinefs of this Nation can be paralleled by any of our 
 “ neighbour-Counmes; and if not, then to acknowledge 
 “ their own bleffednefs, and for the fame be thankful to 
 “ God, the author of all goodnefs.” 
 
 This Declaration, 01 rather Apology, produced not the 
 effefl, the King cxpeBed. It was very difficult for the 
 King to perfuade the People, that a dozen Members of 
 Parliament had formed a projefl to fubvert the Govern¬ 
 ment, to introduce Anarchy, to ufurp the Royal Authority, 
 without any appearance of the lead advantage to them¬ 
 felves or others. It would have been (till mote ftrange, 
 that fuppofing the King fo juft a Prince, and fo tender of 
 his People, as he defiled to be thought, thefe men fhouIJ 
 have had fufficicnt credit, to bring over the majority of the 
 Commons to their fentiments. On the other hand, the 
 King defended himfelf very weakly, in his Declaration, on 
 the articles concerningRecufants, Tunnage and Poundage, 
 and in general, on the caufas of the dlffolutton of the 1 ar- 
 liament. For in aggravating the Commons fault, in not 
 inllantly obeying the adjournment, he not only fuppofed his 
 power incon tellable, though it was not lo, but alfo omitted 
 
 the immediate caufe of their non-compliance; namely, the 
 
 Speaker’s reiufal, by hisexprefs command, to put the quef- 
 tion, which was a manifeft breach ot the treedom ot 1 ar- 
 liament. Complaints therefore and murmurs continued 
 more than ever, notwithftanding this apology. It was 
 publickly raid, the King intended utterly to deftroy the 
 privileges of the Parliament, and the liberties of the Peo- 
 n'c ■ and what was done afterwards agamti the imprifoned 
 Members, helped not to undeceive the Nation. It was 
 added, that Tiade was ruined, and Religion in danger, and 
 that the Kingdom was going to be inllaved, if thefe mif- 
 chiefs were not redrelTed by a new Parliament. 1 he King 
 being informed of thefe rumours, publiihed a Proclamation 
 to this effedt: 
 
 p HAT, notwithfta.vding his Majefty’slate De- 
 
 M.rch 2-. 
 Rufh worth, 
 T. II. p. 3. 
 A ft. Pub. 
 
 XIX. p. 6:, 
 
 « yHA'l, . ....» . —J—J . 
 
 « 1 claration, for fatisfying the minds and attentions ot 
 
 “ his loving fubje&s, feme ill-difpofed perfons do fpread 
 tt f A if e a nd pernicious rumours abroad, as if the fcandalous 
 
 <c and feditious propofit*iun in the IToufe of Commons, 1629 
 “ made by an outlawed man, defperate in mind and for- 
 “ tune, and tumukuoufly taken up by feme few, after that, 
 
 “ by his Majefty’s royal authority, be had commanded 
 “ their adjournment, had been the vote of the whole 
 ■ ■ 
 
 “ then decried by the wifeft and bell affcCte.l, and fir.ee 
 “ dilavowed, upon examination, by fuch as were fufpeCted 
 “ to have confented thereunto, and aftkmeJ, as well by 
 “ them,, as others who ferve i in the Home :h it day, to be 
 “ .t thi 
 e th 
 
 “ be fo, by thofe impreflion- which this f.ilfj rumour hath 
 “ made in mens minds, whereby, out of cau kiefs fears, 
 
 “ the Trade of the Kingdom i, difturbed, and Merchants 
 “ difeouraged to continue their wonted ti .kick. His Ma- 
 “ jelly hath thought it expedient, not only to manifeft the 
 lf truth thereof, but to make known his royal plcafurc ; 
 
 “ that thofe who raife or nourilh falfe reports, (hull be fc- 
 “ verely punilhed ; and fuch as chearfuly goon with their 
 “ Trade, have all good encouragement; not purpoiing to 
 “ over-charge his fubjedls by any new burthens, but to fa - 
 “ tisfy himfelf with thofe duties that were received by the 
 “ King his Father of blefled memory, which his now 
 “ Majefty neither can, nor will difpenfe withal; butlhall 
 tc efteem them unworthy of his protection who fliall deny 
 “ the fame, his Majefty intending to imploy it for the de- 
 “ fence of his Kingdom, dominion of the Seas, and fal’c- 
 “ guard of the Merchants, efpedally by fuch flapping as 
 “ aie now making ready, and fuch further preparations for 
 “ aid of his friends and allies, as need fliall require. And 
 “ whereas for feveral ill ends, the calling again of a Par- 
 “ liament is divulged, howfoever his Majefty hath (hewed 
 “ by his frequent meeting with his People, his love to the 
 “ ufe of Parliaments; yet the late abufe having for the 
 “ prelent driven his Majefty unwillingly out of that courfc, 
 
 <c he (Fall account it preemption for any to preferibeany 
 te time to his Majefty for Parliaments; the calling, con- 
 “ tinuing, and diflblving of which, is always in the King’s 
 “ own power. And his Majefty fhall be more inclinable 
 “ to meet in Parliament again, when his People fliall fee 
 “ more clearly into his intents and a&ions ; when fuch as 
 “ have bred this interruption fhall receive their condign 
 “ punilhment, and thofe who are milled by them, and 
 “ by fuch ill reports as are raifed upon this occafion, fliall 
 “ come to a better underftanding of Jus Majefty and them- 
 “ felves.” 
 
 About this time appeared a Writing, entitled, A Propo- a n'rid 
 fill on for bis Majejly's fervice , to bridle the impertinency of » 
 Parliaments. Very probably, if this writing had been pre- 
 fented to the King, it would never have been publiihed. R u n, WO i 
 Accordingly, it was afterwards declared in the Star-Cham- T. I- ^ 
 ber to be a feditious libel (1). It ferves, however, to Ihew, p p fj 
 that many people thought, the King was taking meafures AnnaJad 
 to throw off the yoke of Parliaments, fince he evidently 
 followed fome of the maxims propofed in this Writing. 
 
 There was even no likelihood of his intending to call an¬ 
 other Parliament, till he had found means of having the 
 Commons more at command, as he had plainly intimated 
 in his laft Proclamation. 
 
 Rocbel being taken, the King did not think proper to con- 71 - Kiq 
 tinue a war with France, which could bring him noadvan- r f' e k f ( s e f )! 
 tage, nor ferve him for pretence to ask money of the Par- j.- rJn:e . 
 liament, fince he was determined not to call one. As Ru/hwor 
 France had no quarrel with him, but concerning the Queen’s 
 domefticks, which was not a fufficient motive to continue p> 
 the war, a peace was quickly concluded between the two S —8: 
 Crowns, by the mediation of the Republick of Venice. It A ‘ 1IU 
 was figned the 1+th of April, about a month after the dif- 
 folution of the Parliament. France fo little cared for what 
 had palled concerning the Queen’s domefticks, that fhe 
 was fatisfied with inlerting this article in the Treaty of 
 Peace : The articles and contract of the marriage of the Queen 
 of Great-Britain are to be confirmed faithfully. And as for 
 the faid Queen's houjhold , if there be any thing to be added or 
 diminijhed , it Jhall be done by a mutual confent freely and wil¬ 
 lingly > as it may be judged fit and convenient for the fervice S-pvmte 
 of the faid Queen. 'Phis Peace was fworn in September 
 following. 
 
 The King had now freed himfelf from the yoke of the ' 
 Parliament, and intended not to refume it. But withal, 
 he had deprived himfelf of the fupplies ot money, wh ch mi 
 the Parliaments were wont to grant to tlie Kings, not only 
 on urgent and extraordinary occahons, but alio as marks of 
 affection and zeal, when the People were pleated with the 
 Government. One may ventuie to fay, no Prince in 
 Europe equals in riches a King of England, who is beloved 
 by his Subjects. Not only his ordinary revenues, if well 
 
 1613- by Sir Riber 
 
 t,\ Th" Proieil contained in this V.'iitim. was fintn • 
 
 and 'c/,rV. Sir C-ti.n, Mr. S^cn, and Mr . S'. J ** were comm: 
 
 ' fe/o upv.n ua;h difeoverod the Author, and lo cadud this bulmcfs. Annals, p. 
 
 Dudley, Son of the E-rl of Leiceuer. However, the E.v 
 :ted for difaerfing it, and quefticncd ill tnc SUt-Cmmo. 
 361. Wb.uUk, p. 14. 
 
 8 Ij d, So 
 oat r iW 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 2 $. CHARLES 1. 
 
 285 
 
 I 1629. managed, are more than fufficient to enable him to keep a 
 fplendid and magnificent Court ; but it is properly the So¬ 
 vereign alone who has never any need to heap up money 
 againft any future extraordinary emergencies. He finds, at 
 all times, in the purfes of his fubjetfts, and by a free gift, 
 whatever is neceftary to fupport the honour of his State. 
 There is no potentate in Europe that can, like him, be 
 fure of never wanting money. But what muft he do to 
 gain the love of his People ? Why, a thing the moft prac¬ 
 ticable and eafy, the moft juft, the moft adapted to the 
 welfare of his Kingdom, and to his own intereft. In a 
 word, he muft obferve the Laws to which himfelf and pre- 
 decellbrs have confented, and which were deemed neceftary 
 for King and People. The pride therefore and infatiable 
 avarice of Favorites and Minifters, are the only things that 
 make him fometimes lofe the advantages naturally flowing 
 from the conftitution of the Government. Thefe men, 
 impatient of any bounds to their unlawful ambition of go¬ 
 verning with an abfolute fway, feek all polflble means to 
 inftill into their Mafter a delire to fet himfelf above the 
 Laws, and to become like other Monarchs. That is, 
 they do all that lies in their power to change the King’s 
 true and folid happinefs into real mifery. For though a 
 King of England ftiould render himfelf abfolute, he could 
 never, by oppreflion and violence, obtain from his People 
 what he may freely receive, by fubmitting to the Laws and 
 Conftitution of the Government. We have feen in the 
 two late Reigns of William III, and Queen Anne, and wc 
 daily fee in that of the Prince on the Throne, fuch un¬ 
 deniable proofs of what I advance, that I think it need- 
 lefs to fay any thing more. I fliall only obferve, that the 
 Kings of England, who were moft famous and moft 
 efteemed, as Edward I, Edward III, Henry V, Henry VIII, 
 and Elizabeth, conftantly followed the fame maxim, and 
 thereby rendered their Reigns profperous and happy. Where¬ 
 as, James I, Charles I, Charles II, James II, who took 
 a contrary courfe, became mil'erable, and performed nothing 
 either for their own or the Nation’s glory. 
 
 (Cm/fic/ Charles I, like the King his Father, was very fond of 
 art,it:rar >' P ower > and had no favorites or minifters, but 
 ] ' what were of the fame principles. His Privy-Council be¬ 
 
 came by degrees an abfolute Court, which thought itfelf 
 above the Laws. The Star-Chamber was another Court, 
 the moft rigorous that ever was, the feverity whereof fell 
 chiefly upon thofe who pretended to difpute the Preroga¬ 
 tive-royal. The High-Commiflion perfetftly feconded the 
 Council and Star-Chamber, and under colour of putting a 
 flop to Schifm, opprefled, as Puritans, thofe that refufed to 
 fubinit to a defpotick power. In fhort, the Judges of the 
 realm being all chofen by the Court, and devoted to the 
 King, omitted no opportunity to fupport the Prerogative- 
 royal, and raife it as high as the King defired. The Par¬ 
 liament only could cure thefe diforders, but the King was 
 determined to call no more, the maxims of the Parliament 
 being diametrically oppofite to his. He thought the Par¬ 
 liament had much incroached upon the Prerogative-royal, 
 in the foregoing Reigns, and the Parliament could not help 
 dreading the confequences of the general maxims, which 
 the King was endeavouring to introduce into the Govern¬ 
 ment ; and the rather, as they faw plainly, thefe confe- 
 quences were not bare (peculations, but were put in prac¬ 
 tice. T his dread induced them to deny the King fome 
 things readily granted by former Parliaments to his pre- 
 deceflors, becaufe they were free from any fuch fears. But 
 as the Nation in general was more inclined to be ruled 
 by the Parliament, than by the Court, thefe contrails 
 bred in the minds of the People a diftafte to the Court, 
 the fatal effects whereof the King afterwards experienced. 
 jLtffimr.gof By the diflolution of the late Parliament, and by his 
 rcfolution never t0 ca *l another, which was univerfally 
 H tv,nueu known, the King had not only deprived himfelf of the 
 extraordinary Supplies he might have expedled from the 
 Commons, but had alfo done himfelf great prejudice with 
 refpebl to his Treafury. The five Subfidies granted by the 
 Parliament fell very Ihort of what was expected. As every 
 man’s quota towards a Subfidy is fettled by comniiffioners in 
 each county, and by afliftants belonging to the towns and 
 villages, in proportion to his poffelfions, either poverty, or 
 decay of trade, or fome fuch excufe was pleaded to leffen 
 the tax. On the other hand, the commiflioners and 
 afliftants not being inclined to the Court, allowed very 
 readily thefe excufes, and appeared much more apt to favour 
 their countrymen than the King. This occafioned a great 
 diminution of the ufual value of the Subfidies. Moreover 
 Tunnage and Poundage were not paid without force. 
 
 There was continual occafion to ufe violence, to feize the 1629, 
 effects, and imprifon the merchants, to oblige them to pay 
 what the Houfe of Commons had declared illegal. Be- 
 fides, they praeftifed a thoufand artifices to defraud the King 
 of a duty, which they, thought was unjuftly laid upon 
 them. To cure thefe inconveniencies, the Council was Avery n,;a 
 forced to give very ftrieft orders, even to the impowering ‘T*! * 
 the officers of the Cuftoms to enter into any Ihip, ve/Tel, RufliZ.X 
 or houfe, and to fearch in any trunk or cheft, and break T. jl. p. 8, 
 any bulk whatfoever, in default of the payment of Cuftoms. 9 . , 
 
 But befides, that this had never been praftifed before, anu- p^S-’ 
 ther inconvenience arofe. Thefe officers, under colour of 
 fearchmg, ufed many oppreffions and rogueries, which 
 caufed the People ftill the more to exclaim. In a word, 
 the King had not half the profit from Tunnage and Pound¬ 
 age that he received before his quarrel with the Parliament, 
 and the People were much more diflatisfied than ever. But 
 to hinder their difeontent from turning into rebellion, the Si!** 
 Council gave ftridt orders to have the Militia, both Horfe Rufhwo'rth. 
 and Foot, compleated, armed, and inftrucled in the exer- ibid ‘ 
 cife of arms (1). It was thereby intended to intimidate 
 the People, and keep them in awe, whilft on the other 
 hand, they were amufed with orders for the rigorous exe¬ 
 cution of the Laws againft Recufants. But thefe orders P . u. 
 muft have been negledled, fince the People’s Complaints Annals, 
 upon that Subjedt never ceafed during the whole couife of 
 this Reign. 
 
 Mean while, as the King wanted money, and it was Several Mo. 
 eafy to forefee, that his ordinary revenues would not be 
 fufficient to fupply his expences, the Minifters found no 
 better way to increafe the King’s revenue, than by grant- tie fcZ?. 
 ing Monopolies. That is, the King, by his Letters- worth. 
 Patents, formed Companies, to whom" alone he gave the T n ' p ' ,a * 
 privilege of felling certain goods or wares, and who were * 03 ‘ 
 to pay him for it fuch a yearly revenue. I his was diredt- 
 ly contrary to the rights of the People, and very deftrudlive 
 to trade: but in thofe days, the good of the Nation was 
 what the Court had lead in view. This abufe went fo 
 far, that in a manner all fort of (/ommodities were mono¬ 
 polized, and the fale engrofled by fome Company, even to 
 old Rags. I Ihall not here fpecify thefe Monopolies, be¬ 
 caufe, not having been all eftablilhed at once, they will 
 perhaps be mentioned hereafter (2). 
 
 Since the King had undertaken to make war upon 16,0 
 France, the Spanijh war was no more talked of than if Treaty a- * 
 there had been no fuch thing, though in all the fpeeches bcut a r ' aci 
 to the foregoing Parliaments, and in all the meffiiges to the 
 Commons, he had endeavoured to Ihow how neceftary this xix.p ai'g, 
 war was, for the welfare of all Europe, and efpecially of 1 - 6 ’ 
 England. He had frequently infinuated, that England anA 5 “} I W p rth * 
 Ireland were in fo great danger of being invaded by the ’ ? ' 5 
 
 Spaniards, that it was not poffible to be too fpeedy in apply¬ 
 ing a remedy to fo urgent an evil. And yet, the Spaniards 
 never made any attempt that might confirm the fears, the 
 King 'would have infpired the Parliament with. The 
 King of Spain, contented with not being attacked, under¬ 
 took nothing againft England, knowing he was in no danger 
 from that quarter. However, after the conclufion of the 
 Peace between France and England, he thought proper to 
 end the war with the Englijjs, to which he met with no 
 obftacle, Charles not being in condition to continue it. So Conclufion ef 
 a peace between the two Crowns, after fome negotiations, tk e i\ace. 
 was concluded in November 1630. Novcmb. 5. 
 
 Presbyterianifm had lately gained ground in England, 7 be firing', 
 notwithftanding the ftrong oppofition of the Bifhops, and 
 particularly of Laud Bifhop of London, fworn enemy to 
 the Puritans. This Prelate feldom milled any opportunity tbeprtby- 
 to Ihow his hatred to them, and fuch opportunities very trr,an '■ 
 frequently offered. Befides that he was the King’s moft n.^’o. 
 intimate counfellor, efpecially for ecclefiaftical matters, he Rulhworth.* 
 had almoft the foie direction of the High-Commiffion, T ' n ’P' 7 » 
 after the Archbilhop of Canterbury was excluded on ac- Annals, 
 count of Sib thorp's fermon. He fo managed therefore, to p- 364. 
 prevent.the growth of Presbyterianifm, that the King fent £ n Ji itr ’ s Ee * 
 certain inftrutftions to the Archbilhops, with a command to 
 impart them to the Bilhops of their Provinces, in order to 
 their being obferved. The chief end of thefe inftrudlions 
 was to hinder any Presbyterian minifter from creeping into 
 the Church of England, and to difeover the carelefs obfer- 
 vers of the Rites preferibed by the Canons. Laud himfelf 
 was the author of thefe inftru£tions which were agree¬ 
 able to fome confiderations [ for the better fettling of the 
 Church-government ] prefemed by him to the King fome 
 time before. As the Presbyterians were not ignorant 
 from whence the evil fprung, they entertained an implacable 
 
 ’ A /A f ?n l ^ e exerclfin E> anrf keeping the Militia in goed order, each County was aflefled at a certain rate for the entertainment of a Mutter matter. 
 ■u/Dwortb, loro. 2. d. 10-An order was aifo made for railing money, by compounding with Recufants. Idem. p. ij. -And a Commifiion tut 
 
 Rtejb worth, Tom. 2. p. 
 confirming defective Titles, p. 49. 
 
 (2) Thus, as the Lord Clarendon obferves, “ unjuft Proje£ts of all kindc, many ridiculous, many fcandalous, alive 
 and reproacn of which came to the King the profit to ether men ; infomuch that of 200,000/. drawn by thefe in one yea 
 
 • to the King Tom. I. p. '3 -This year died Sir John E/tice ; George Carew Earl of 7 otnefs, a commander in the In/!,-* 
 
 Ratetb j and John Speed the Hlilonan. Ecbard. - - May 7, bit Edward Herbert was created Baron Herbert of Cbirbury, 
 
 V grievous, v 
 
 No. 58. V ol, II. 
 
 C c c c 
 
 'et on foot; the envy 
 
 s under Qjieen Eh- 
 ■'i Feed. Tom. 19. 
 
 enmity 
 
88 
 
 Vol. Ii, 
 
 The HISTO RT of ENGLAND. 
 
 1632, t'hs glazier what was to be altered, and that the Hidory of 
 the creation might dill be plainly difeovered. That the 
 painting was fo far from being fine, that when it was done, 
 it did not cod above forty {hillings. Then he fet forth the 
 grofs blunders of the painter, and proved by Ads of Par¬ 
 liament made in the Reigns of Edward VI. and Elizabeth , 
 that all pictures fhall be removed out of the Churches. 
 Finally, he denied that he was ill-affeded to the Govern¬ 
 ment of the Church under Bifhops, or had aded in con¬ 
 tempt of the King, or ever received a letter from the Bi- 
 fltop of Salisbury upon this fubjed. Whereupon the Bi- 
 fhop of London faid, that he did not pretend to juflify the 
 errors of the painter, but only to obferve to the Court, that 
 » iod being called in Scripture, the Antient of Days, might 
 be the occafion of the painter’s reprefenting God the Fa¬ 
 ther like an old man(i). But that Sherfeld was much 
 more to blame than the painter for daring to make altera¬ 
 tions without licence. In fhort, Sherfiehl was fined five 
 hundred Pounds, contrary to the opinion of fome of his 
 Judges, who would have mounted his fine to a thoufand, 
 and condemned to make a publick acknowledgement of his 
 fault, before fuch perfons as the Bifhop Ihould pleafe to 
 name (2). I thought my felf obliged to relate this in- 
 ftance, in order to fhow what methods were taken to ruin 
 Presbyterianifm, It is eafy to perceive, that fuch feverities 
 could not but produce very ill effe£ts aniongd the people, 
 and alienate them from, indead of reconciling them to, the 
 Church of England. 
 
 7it King In the account, I have given of the third Parliament 
 
 gj.m Sir j n this R.eign, I had fometimes occafion to fpeak of 
 
 Wentworth. Sir Thomas Wentworth, Knight of the Shire for the Coun¬ 
 tv of York. This Gentleman feveral times in the Houfe 
 of Commons, gave proofs of his zeal for the maintenance of 
 the liberties of the people, and the privileges of the Par¬ 
 liament. By that he became formidable to the Court, 
 though he took care not to run into any excefs with re¬ 
 gard to the King and his Minifter. On the contrary, he 
 always foftened his opinions with fome honorable and ref- 
 pecliul expreflions, but however feldom failed to oppofb the 
 pretenfions of the Court. As he was one of the greateft 
 geniufes then in England , the King foon perceived tnat his 
 parts and capacity might be very ferviceable to him, if he 
 could gain him to his intereft. He endeavoured it there¬ 
 fore, after, or perhaps before, the difl'olution of the Parlia¬ 
 ment, and fucceeded fo well, that JVentwortb became one 
 of the moft zealous promoters of the royal authority, or 
 rather of the defpotick power the King had a mind to ef- 
 /Wi ™nt% ta Uifb (3)- Upon this account, the King thought him the 
 tb'Cc-jnal fitted perfon to be intruded with the Prefidentfhip of the 
 of voik. Council in the North. As this is one of the greateft grie- 
 xix. P p. 'g t vances complained of by the Engl/fh againft Charles I, and 
 to, 410. one of the moft noted cccallons wherein that Prince difeo- 
 Rnfhworth. vered his defign to fet up an unlimited power, it will be 
 " *” " neceflary briefly to fhow what this Council in the North 
 
 was, and the ufe the King would have made of it to fub- 
 je£t his people to a defpotick power. 
 
 Upon the fuppredion of the IcfTcr Monafteries in the 
 tb, Council 27th year of the Reign of Henry VIII, there were, for 
 ef York, two or three vears together, feveral infurredlions in the 
 
 North. Mean while, as Henry VIII. did not intend to 
 flop there, but meant alfo to fupprefs all the red of the 
 Monad.uies, he thought proper to take fome care to pre¬ 
 vent the like infurre&ions in thofe parts. To that end, he 
 edablifhed at Y>k a Court of Juftice, under the fpecious 
 pretence of ealing his poor Subjects, who had not where¬ 
 withal to profecute their fuits in the Courts of Wejlminjler. 
 But his real intent was, that this Court fhould have an eye 
 upon the proceedings of the northern Lords and Gentle¬ 
 men, who were fufpe&ed, in order to punifh them imme¬ 
 diately, in cafe it was perceived they were endeavouring to 
 r o. 162. ra '^ e an y f re di infurredfions. A commiflion therefore was 
 granted to the Bifhop of Landajf, the fird Prefident, and 
 others, by virtue whereof was edablifhed this new Council 
 in the North, otherwife called the Court of York. The 
 jurifdidlion of this Court extended over Yorkjhire , Nor¬ 
 thumberland, Cumberland , JVeJlmoreland, the Bifhoprick of 
 Durham , the County of the Cities of York , Kingjlon upon 
 
 Hull , and Newcajlle upon Tine. The King’s commiflion iCi 
 was no other than a commiflion of Oyer and Terminer , 
 with an additional claufe, whereby the Council was im- 
 powered to hear all caufes, real and perfonal, when one or 
 both of the parties, by reafon of their poverty, could not 
 profecute their rights, according to the laws of the land. 
 
 This claufe, though illegal, produced no ill efledt, nor 
 any complaint, whether the new Court exercifed that part 
 of the commiflion at all, or only fo fparingly, that the 
 poor found eafe and benefit by it. 
 
 In the fird year of the Reign of King fames I, a com- 
 miflion was granted to the Lord Sheffield Prefident of the 
 Court of York , which varied not from the former, only it 
 had reference to indru£tions which the King was to fend 
 him. It is not known whether thefe inftru&ions were 
 fent; but it is evident, that in making the power of the 
 Court to depend on the King’s inftrutdions, the intent was, 
 that its decifions fhould not be made fo much according to 
 the laws, as according to his Majedy’s private orders. And 
 indeed, King James in the feventh year of his Reign 
 granted a new commiflion to the fame Lord Sheffield, omit¬ 
 ting thefe two claufes, which were in the fird, That they 
 fhould inquire per facramentum bonortim et legaliurn hominun :, 
 and hear and determine, fecundum leges Anglia, Thus the 
 power of the Court was limited only by the particular in- 
 Arudtions, which were the fird that appear to have been 
 fent thither. 
 
 From that time, whenever the commiflion was renew¬ 
 ed, which was upon every change of Prefident or Coun- 
 felior, the King fent new indrudfions, tending to render 
 rlie Court of York independent, not only of the Courts of 
 TVeJlminJler , which are the Courts of the whole King¬ 
 dom, but even of all forts of laws. Charles I. renewed March??, 
 this commiflion in favour of the Lord Wentworth, with a ^ ee 
 more ample power than any of his predeceflors had been & C . P ’ 5 ’ 
 inveded with. In 1632. a claufe was added, whereby a- 
 mong other things, authority was committed to him to 
 hear and determine all oflences and mifdemeanours, fuits, 
 debates, controverfies and demands, caufes, things and 
 matters whatfoever contained in the inflrudlions annexed to 
 the commiflion. But what were there indrudlions (4) ? 
 
 In the Parliament of 1640. Mr. Edward Hyde , then Id- p. ifiz. 
 Member of the Houfe of Commons, and afterward, Earl 
 of Clarendon , being fent by the Houfe to the Lords con¬ 
 cerning the Court of York, faid in his Speech to them, that 
 in the inflru&ions of 1632 and 1637, containing fifty-eight 
 Articles, there was fcarce one that ivas not egainji or he fide 
 the Law. From w'hence he took occafion to a> k, IP hat 
 have the good northern People done, that they only mujl be dif- 
 franchifrd of all their Privileges , and be governed according 
 to the diferetion of the Court of York ? Nay, though this 
 Court might proceed according to its diferetion, fpecial pro- 
 vifion was made in the King’s inftriuEh’tw, that no fine, no 
 punifhment fhould be lefs than by law appointed (5). This 
 Court was aboliflied afterwards by the lame Parliament of 
 1640. 
 
 The King having governed three or four years with- <rhe ^ 
 out a Pailiament, was very much at eafe. His will, by 7- ir „ v "., 
 degrees, began to pafs for Jaw ; there was no Houfe of xc thud. 
 Commons to complain publickly, and he faw none about ^ unw " rl,,< 
 him but fuch as were always ready to flatter him, and &c. P 7S< 
 cherifh his principles concerning Government. On the clarendon, 
 other hand, he was (reed from the incumbrance and ex- p ' 60 
 pence of a war, which had created him great trouble, and Cuthry’s 
 rendered him too dependent on the Parliament. In fhort, M*™* 
 though he was not ignorant that in general the people were 
 difeontented, he did not fee any appearance of a rebellion, 
 the great men of the Kingdom and the neighbouring Prin¬ 
 ces being fo difpofed, as to give no encouragement to thofe 
 who fhould attempt to didurb the State. His affairs being 
 in this fituation, he believed he could not take a properer 
 time to go into Scotland, where three important affairs re¬ 
 quired his prefence, Fird, he had a mind to be crowned. 
 
 2. He intended to hold a Parliament for procuring of 
 money. 3. He defigned to take fome meafures there for 
 the execution of a projeft long fince formed, to reduce the 
 Kirk of Scotland to a perfect conformity with the Church 
 
 (i) Upon wh : ch Edward Earl of Dorjet obferved, That by that Text was meant, The Eternity of God, and n-.t God to be pictured at an .'l mar. ere.:' rg 
 the -world w tb a pair of compaffei. But 1 luijb, added he , there -were no Image of tbe Father , neither in tie Cburcb, nor out oj the Clunb ; Jor at tie btjl 
 they a-e but vanities, and tea,ben of lyti . Rujhwortb, Tom- 2. p. 156- State Try att. 
 
 g) He was likewife committed 10 the Fleet, removed from his Recjrderfhip, and bound to his good behaviour. Ibid. 
 
 g) About the fame time were gained alfo. Sir John Sa-viltc, who was made a Lord, and Controller of the Hon/hold ; Sir Dudley Diggs, who was pro¬ 
 moted to the Mallerfh'p of the Roll i; A toy, who was made Attorney General; and Sir Edward Littleton, who was made Sollici'.or. Sir Join El!..I was, 
 I'iitnt time before his death, tampered with, but he was proof again!! ail temptation. 
 
 '4 Among other matters in the Inductions, the faid PrefiJcn: was to near and determine, according to the courfe of Proceedings in the Star-Chamber, 
 d vti, If nets, deceits, and falftties, whether the fame wc . provided by A6! of Parliament, or not. Likewife to hear and determine, accm.iing to the courfe 
 of Proceedings in the Couit of Chancery, all manner of Complaints, as well concerning Lands, Tenements, and Heredit.-men-s, f Sc and t 1 -y Pr 1; r.gs 
 in th; Courts of Common Law by Injunflion, or otherwife, js is ul'ed in the Courts of Chancery. And that no Prohibition fhall be granted at ali. but 
 ■ 1es where - he Prefident exceeded the limits of the faid Inflruflinns. And that if a habeas Corpus be granted, the Party was not to be di.'charg,d tu! he prr- 
 formed the Decree of the Council. Rufbwortb, Tom. 2. p. 13S. 
 
 (;) “ Hut, added Mr. Hyde, as much greater as your Diferetion fhall think fit. And indeed, ( fays he ) in this improvement wc find arbitrary Cm. rtf arc 
 egnant. It the Law require my good behaviour, this Diferetion makes me clofe Prisoner: 1 ' the Law feta me ii the Pillory, this Difci 
 • l ' .1 nts me to leave my Ears there. And fuch confufton h3th this Diferetion in thefe Inflruftions produced, as if Diferetion were only to aft with ri^e 
 " and fury." See chc whole Speech in Rufbvnnb, Tam. z. p. 162. where the Reader will find a Narrative of the foundajio: , y g- u, - C - w:h or 
 thsa Court, 
 
 cf 
 
rook xix. 
 
 25. 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 
 2R9 
 
 i6 3 j. 
 
 Knfhworth, 
 
 T II. P-«7 5 • 
 
 . tepary ,l6o6i 
 d Burner. 
 
 1 Sahnvncu 
 
 U. p. 133 . 
 
 Opp^t •• . 
 Aiu ' 
 
 of England, and entirely rtiin Presbyterianifm. To this 
 end it was, that he took with him Laud, Bifhop of London, 
 and at his arrival in Scotland, made him Privy-Counfellor 
 of that Kingdom. He departed therefore from London the 
 13 th of May 1633, and being come to Edinburgh, was 
 crowned with the ufual foiemnities. Alter that he held a 
 Parliament, which gave him the largelt Subfidy that had 
 ever been granted to any King of Scotland before him(i). 
 The third point concerning Religion, iequiies fome ex¬ 
 plication. But as I intend to fpeak more fully of it here¬ 
 after, I {hall only fay here what is abfolutely necefl'aiy to 
 fhew the King’s delign. 
 
 The Reformation was eftablifhed in Scotland in the 
 reign of Queen Mary, mother of James I, upon the plan 
 of the Churches of Geneva and Switzerland. The Hierar¬ 
 chy was entirely fuppreffed, and the government of the 
 Church committed to Presbyters, and national Synods, 
 called in Scotland , General- Aflemblies. But however, the 
 Bifhops were ftill continued, though diverted of all eccle- 
 iiaftical Jurifdi&ion. They retained only theit revenues, 
 lands, hbufes, feat in Parliament, and all the temporal ad¬ 
 vantages in genesal, that were annexed to the Epifcopal 
 dignity. From the beginning of the Reformation, that 
 is, from the year 1561, to the end of the fixteenth Cen¬ 
 tury, the rtate of the Bifhops underwent feveral revolu¬ 
 tions, of which I lhall fay nothing here, becaufe I defign 
 to fpeak of them elfewhere. It fuffices to fay at prefent, 
 that James I, becoming King of England, found means 
 to caufe the Parliament of Scotland to reftore Epilcopacy 
 to its former luftre, and give the Bifhops their ancient 
 jurifdirfli ' over the Church. This was the firft ftep to 
 lead the Kirk of it:; ■-d to the defi red point, that is, to a 
 perfect conformity with ft.o C; u.ch of England. Butthe 
 tedious treaty of the Prince his Son’s marriage with the 
 Spanijh Infanta, and the affairs of Bohemia and the Pala¬ 
 tinate, hindered him from fully executing his project. 
 Charles I, had this work no lefs at heart than the King 
 his Faiher. But as in the beginning of his reign he was 
 ingaged in a war with Spain, and afterwards with France , 
 ane moreover his difputes with his Parliaments affording 
 him little leifuie to think of other matters, he could not 
 ferioufly fet about this affair, till after the others were 
 ended. In the Parliament at Edinburgh in the year 1633, 
 among other Acts (hat were prefented to be parted, theie 
 were two, namely, the third and fourth, the one entitled, 
 An Act anent [;;■ ec. ce. ning] his Majejlfs royal Prerogative 
 and apparel of Kirkmen: ! lie othei. An Adt of ratifica¬ 
 
 tion if ihe Acts touching Religion. Thelc were the only 
 Acts that met witi. any oppolition, on account of the 
 confequences which li.ine fearttl Li.e King w,,uld hereafter 
 draw from them. The h .■ 01 thefe Acts was properly but 
 a confirmation of a like A£t palled in the Reign of King 
 Janus Vt, impowering his Majelty to order the Veftments 
 of the Clergy as he plea fed. Now as :,om that time, the 
 delign of altering the difeipline of the Kiik of Scotland , had 
 fliewed itfelf mote and more, fome of the Members of 
 this Pailiament fufpeited the King would make ufe of 
 this Adi to introduce the Surplice. And indeed, being 
 asked whether he intended it, he made no anfwer; but 
 taking a lift of the whole Members out of his pocket, faid, 
 Gentlemen, I have all your names here, and I'll know who 
 will do me fervice, and who will not, this day. However 
 about thirteen Noblemen, and as many Barons and Bur- 
 gefles declared, that they agreed to the Adi for his Majefty’s 
 Prerogative, but difiented from that part of it, as to the 
 apparel of Kiikmen. 
 
 The other Act which I mentioned, was exprerted in the 
 fo'lowing manner: “ Our Sovereign Lord, with the ad- 
 “ vice and confent of the Eftates, ratifies and approves all 
 “ and whatfoever Adts and Statutes made before, anent the 
 “ liberty and freedom of the true Kirk of God, and Re- 
 “ ligion prefently profefled within this realm, and ordains 
 “ the fame to ftand in their full force and eftedt, as if they 
 “ were fpecially mentioned and fet down herein.” 
 
 I have already faid, that in the Reign of James VI, and 
 efpecially after his acceftion to England, he made feveral in¬ 
 novations in the Kirk of Scotland , particularly withrefpedl 
 to the Epifcopal Jurifd i£t ion which had been reftored. The 
 whole artifice of this Adi confifted therefore in thefe words, 
 the Religion at prefent prof effect . for thereby were confirmed 
 all the innovations in the difc.pline of the Kirk of Scotland, 
 to which theoppofers of the Act would not agree. They 
 were very willing to ratify the Adis made in favour of Re¬ 
 ligion, as eftablifhed by an Adi parted in the 6th year of 
 James VI, when the Bifhops had no power or jurifdidlion ; 
 but would not admit thefe words, at prefent profejfcd. 
 During thefe contefts, the King faid with fome emotion, 
 / will have no diftindlion, but command you to fay, I or No. 
 
 Whereupon the diflenting Lords and Gentlemen faid, No . *633. 
 However the two Adis parted by a majority of voies. Some 
 affirmed afterwards that fraud was ufed in gathering the 
 votes. However that be, the King’s eagernefs to have 
 thefe two Adis parted, convinced the people of Scotland that 
 the project of making greater innovations in the Kirk ftill 
 lublilted, and that the two Adis were a fort of preparative 
 to accomplifh it. On the other hand, the oppolition the 
 King met with, fhewed him, it was not yet time to adt 
 openly, and that it was neceftary to take other meafures 
 to facilitate the fuccefs of his deftgns(2). 
 
 If it was endeavoured in Scotland to ruin Presbyterianifm 7 ‘" punr ‘f r 
 by indirect ways, it was thought proper to proceed in En- ^England. 
 gland with lefs caution. Accordingly, all poflible efforts 
 were ufed todeftroyit utterly, by perfecting the Puritans, 
 for whom theie was not the leafl condelcenfion. The 
 Court and the Bifhops laid it down for a rule, not to de¬ 
 part, on their account, from one tittle of what was prac- 
 tiled in the Church of England , for fear they fhould grow 
 too powerful, and the indulgence fhewn them prove de¬ 
 trimental to the Church. But there was aflronger reafon, 
 namely, the implacable hatred conceived of them by the 
 King, his Minirters, and above all, by the Bifhops of 
 London and Winchejler , which made them earneftly feekall 
 occaiions to opprefs them. And thefe occartons were eafy 
 to be found. They had only to prefs the obfervation of 
 the Canons without difpenrtng with one article, in order to 
 caufe the Presbyterians to commit offences, which expofed 
 them to the rigour of the Ecclertallical and Civil Laws. 
 
 But as the Bifhops could not be every where, and wanted 
 people to inform them of what paffed, [Walter Curie ] 
 
 Bilnop of Winchejler bethought himlelf, in his primary 
 Viiitaiion, to oblige by oath the Church-wardens, and 
 fworn-men, to tui n tnformei s, that none might efcape their 
 inquiry. The Oath was as follows : 
 
 You Jhallfwear, that you and every of you, without all i" nf - 
 affedliun, favour, hatred, hope of reward and gain, or fear , u 
 
 oj itifpLuj !,. or malice of any p erf on, Jhall prefent all and BJhy of 
 every juujperfon and ferfons, of or within your Par if), who w >ncheftsr. 
 hath committed any offence, fault or crime, or omitted any part r. 
 oj duty, which be enjoined to perform : wherein you Jhall deal Annals. 
 uprightly, and according to truth j neither of malice p> fint- 
 iug any contrary to truth , nor of corrupt affedlion fpanng to 
 piejent any, and to conceal the truth ; having in this adt ion 
 God before your eyes, with an earnejl zeal to maintain truth , 
 andJuppreJs vice. So help you God, and the contents of this Book, 
 
 With this oath were dehvereu ceiiain inftrudtions, ac¬ 
 cording to which they were to proceed. 
 
 “ 1. As to the articles concerning the Church, they are 
 “ to enquire, whethei they have the book 01 Conftitutions, 
 
 “ or Canons ecclertallical, and a parchment Regiftcr-book, 
 
 “ book ol Common-Prayer, and book of Homilies, & 'c? 
 
 “ And whether the Communion-table be placed in fuch 
 convenient fort within the faid chancel or church, as 
 “ that the miniiter may be bell heard in his prayer and 
 “ adminiflration ? 
 
 4 ‘ z * As to the articles concerning the Clergy, whether 
 “ doth the miniiter read the Conftitutions fet forth by his 
 “ Majerty once every year? 
 
 “ 3. Whether the Minifter or Preacher ufed to pray for 
 “ the King’s Majefty with his whole title, as King of 
 “ Great-Biitain s' And doth he in like manner pray for 
 “ the Archbifhops, and Bifhops? And doth he obferve all 
 “ the orders, rites and ceremonies preferibed in the Com- 
 “ mon Prayer, and adminiltring the Sacrament? And 
 “ whether doth the miniiter leceive the Sacrament, kneel- 
 “ ing at the fame, and adminiftreth to none but fuch as 
 “ do kneel, as by the 1 zth Canon is directed ? 
 
 “ 4. Whether hath the Miniiter admitted to theCom- 
 “ munion any notorious offenders or fchifmaticks ? Con- 
 “ trary to the 26th and 27th Conftitution. And whe- 
 “ ther ftrangers of any other parifh do come often and 
 “ commonly to your Church, from their own Parifh- 
 “ church? Contrary to the 28th Canon. And whether 
 “ doth the Minifter ufe to fign the children with the rtgn 
 “ of the Crofs, when they are baptized ? And whether is 
 “ your Minifter a licenfed Miniiter ? If yea, then by 
 “ whom? And whether doth tfie Miniiter wear theSur- 
 “ plice whilft he is faying the publick Prayers, and ad- 
 “ miniftering the Sacraments ? Whether doth the Minifter 
 tc catechife and inftrudt the Youth of ignorant perfons of 
 “ your parifh in the ten Commandments, kAc? And whe¬ 
 ther he doth folemnize marriage, the banes not being 
 three feveral fundays and holidays firft publilhed in time 
 of divine Service ? And whether doth your Minifter in 
 the Rogation-days ufe the perambulation of the circuit 
 of the Parifh? Whether doth the Minifter every fix 
 months denounce in the parifh all fuch as do perfevere 
 
 (1) Tl.is Subfidy v 
 ix vears as the fin nit 
 fi) The King arri 
 
 No. 58. Vo l. II. 
 
 30 i. of every Pound worth of Land, for fix years • and alfo thc fifteenth o{ aU annual Rents > or Inteteft of Money, and for 
 
 Rujbwartb. Tjm.il. |> 182. 
 
 I ac Greenwich irom Scotland, July 20. Laud's Diary. 
 
 D d d d 
 
 
Vo]. II. 
 
 290 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 if'O. 
 
 7b' K" S 
 
 &:■-* 
 Jtruets, 
 Rulhwonh, 
 T. Il.p.jyl. 
 
 Id. p. 193. 
 
 Annuls. 
 
 Heyim. 
 
 Land fue- 
 
 Auguft 4. 
 Diary. 
 Welwood. 
 p. 51, 52. 
 
 “ in the fentence of excommunication, not feeking to be 
 “ abfulved? Or hath he admitted any excommunicated 
 “ perfon into the Church, without certificate and abfolu- 
 “ tion ? Whether is vour Minifter a favourer of Recufants, 
 “ whereby he may be fufpected not to be fincere in Re- 
 tc ligion ? Whether is your Minifter noted to be an incon- 
 “ tinent perfon, a fiequenter of taverns, ale-houfes, a com- 
 “ mon gamefter, or player of dice, With divers 
 
 other articles of enquiry. 
 
 Hence may be feen, how very careful the Riftiop of 
 TVinchjler was to hinder any Presbyterian Minifters from 
 getting into the Church of England. But though the oath 
 injoined by this Prelate, was a real outrage upon the laws, 
 the Parliament alone having power to preferibe fuch oath'-, 
 none dared to attack him directly. The Presbyterians 
 were fure to meet with no encouragement from the Court. 
 On the contrary, their diflike of a thing was a fufficient 
 reafon with the Court ftrenuoufly to fupport it. Of this I 
 Dull give two very remarkable proofs. The Presbyterians 
 were offended at the feafts of the dedications of Churches 
 [commonly called Wakes or Ales ,] becaufe they were only 
 derations of riot and debauchery, and becaufe thefe days 
 feldom palled without fonre diforders. In Scmcrjejhire , 
 where thefe Revels abounded, the Lord Chicf-Juftice 
 Ricbardfm and Baron Denham, in their circuits made an 
 order, with the general confent of the whole Bench, that 
 thefe Revels Ihould be fuppreffed (1). But the Chief-Jufticc 
 being commanded to attend the Council-board wasfeverely 
 reprimanded, and injoined to revoke the order made at tire 
 Affizes. A fccond proof of what I advanced is this. 
 
 The Presbyterians, notwithftanding the late King’s Pro¬ 
 clamation, affecting ftill to forbid their feivants to be pre- 
 fent at thefe Revels, or to ufe any recreations publickly on 
 Sundays after Divine Service, the King renewed and con¬ 
 firmed the Proclamation publilhed by his Father, com¬ 
 manding that the people fhould not be troubled or molefted 
 in their recreations. The Court was afraid that by degrees 
 a maxim deemed by them prejudicial to their intereft would 
 he dtablifhed, namely, that when a cuftom, not ill in it 
 leif, occafioned abufes, it ought to be aboliftied. This 
 maxim leeming to them too general, becaufe it might be 
 applied to things of great conlequence, they oppofed it to 
 the utmoft of their power. 
 
 George Abbot , Archbifhop of Canterbury dying this year 
 1633, li’uiiam Laudy Bilhop of London, fucceeded him in 
 that digniry (a). 
 
 This fame year the Queen was delivered of a fecond 
 Son, i nOflober, who was called James, and created Duke 
 of York. 
 
 The Presbyterians were poffeffed, that a projeft was 
 formed to re-eftablifti the Romifl) Religion in England. 
 'Phis notion in general ought not to feem ftrange, fince it 
 is certain, that Irom the Reformation, this project had ne¬ 
 ver been interrupted. But the authors of it mull be care¬ 
 fully diftinguilhed. Had the Presbyterians been fatisfied 
 with believing that fome private Roman Cathulicks had 
 formed fuch a defign, it may be affirmed, they would not 
 have been miftaken ; but they went much farther. They 
 imagined that the King’s Minifters, the Council, Bifhops, 
 and particularly the new Archbilhop of Canterbury, were 
 the authors of this projeft. If they did not directly 
 charge the King with it, at lead they were perfuaded, ei¬ 
 ther that he encouiaged it, or buffered himfelf to be carried 
 farther than he intended, by perfons who concealed their 
 defign from him. The Catholicks themfelves gave occa- 
 fton for thele fufpicions, in Ihewing openly their hopes of 
 quickly feeing a change in favour of their Religion. We 
 find in a Diary kept by Laud , of what happened to him 
 every da)’, that this very year 1633 he had the offer of a 
 Cardinal’s Cap, if he would help to reftorc the Roman Re¬ 
 ligion. For my part, I verily believe, neither the King, 
 nor the Archbifhop (3), nor the Minifters, for the molt 
 part, ever formed fuch a defign. At lead in all that has 
 been faid upon this fubjedl, I have not met with any proof 
 which appeared, I will not fay, fufficient to convince me, 
 but even to have the leaft probability. Neverthelefs it is 
 certain this opinion was fpread among the people, and the 
 Presbyterians ufed all their endeavours to gain it belief. I 
 do not know whether they believed it themfelves, or only 
 thought it for their advantage to call this reproach upon 
 the Church 0 (England, in order to ftrengthen their party, 
 in which they fucceeded at laft beyond their expectations. 
 
 But fince this opinion produced in time furprifing effe£ls, I 1633. 
 cannot forbear {hewing upon what it was grounded. 
 
 z. Whilft Jamesl. was only King of Scotland , before Gm„-. an, 
 the death of Queen Elizabeth , he was fufpedled to fa- 
 vour the Papifts (4). Elizabeth herfelf was not free from “ * 
 fuch a fufpicion, as appeared in the Hiftory of her Reign. 
 
 After James's acceffion to the Throne of England, he al¬ 
 ways exprefled great tendernefs for the Catholicks. This 
 he fhewed on feveral occafions, as in the Gunpowder-Plot; 
 by his expreffions in favour of the Catholicks in all his 
 Speeches to the Parliament; by the places of truft, which 
 he gave indifferently to Papifts and Proteftants, as he own¬ 
 ed himfelf in his famous Apology ; by his continual refufal 
 to execute the laws againft Recufants; and laftly, by the 
 little zeal and affedlion he exprefled for the Proteftant Re¬ 
 ligion, in the two negotiations with Spain and France con¬ 
 cerning his Son’s marriage. I fay nothing here of his con¬ 
 ferences with the Archbifhop of Embrun , becaufe they 
 were not known in his life-time, nor can be affirmed to 
 be faithfully related. All this gave fome caufe to fufpeifl 
 that King James had fome ill defign with regard to Reli¬ 
 gion, and had left the execution to the care of his Suc- 
 cefl'or. 
 
 а. Charles I. when Prince and at Madrid , fent a letter 
 to the Pope, which might have rendered him fufpedted. 
 
 This fufpicion might be confirmed by the fecret articles, 
 he is faid to have figned on occafion of his marriage with 
 the Infanta. 
 
 3. After Charles was on the Throne, he always fhewed 
 a very great condefcenfion for the Catholicks, feveral 
 whereof were raifed to the higheft polls. Conway, Secre- 
 
 State, was a Paj ft: 1 who was m; lei rl 
 
 of Portland and Lord Treafurer, was fo likewife. Indeed 
 the Duke of Buckingham profeffed the Reformed Religion, 
 but it was generally believed, he would have made no dif¬ 
 ficulty to change it for the Roman. Befides, hb Mother 
 and his Duchefs were Papifts. The Parliament, as I have 
 faid, prefented to the King a lift of many Rec ounts, to 
 whom were committed the places of truft in their re- 
 fpe&ive Counties. In fhort, though the King had pofitively 
 promifed to proceed with vigour againft the Recufants, lie 
 feems not to have performed hispromife, fince the follow¬ 
 ing Parliaments were frequently obliged to renew their in- 
 ftances, and always in vain. If the King gave any orders 
 upon that fubjedl, they were never executed, and every 
 one believed, the Court connived at the ncglcft of thofe 
 who were charged with the execution, fo that this was a 
 perpetual caufe of complaint during this whole Reign. 
 
 4. The King had an exceffivecomplaifancefor his Queen, 
 ard the Queen was not only a Papiit, but alfo very zea¬ 
 lous for her Religion. This gave occafion to fear, {he had 
 formed the project of reftoring it in England , and would 
 at laft draw the King into her fentiraents. 
 
 5. The Presbyterians, who were looked upon as the 
 greatefl enemies to Popery, were furioufly opprefied and 
 perfecuted, whilft the Arminians and Papifts were fullered 
 to live unmolefled. Hence it was inferred, that the Court 
 adled with fuch warmth againft that Se£t, only to make 
 way by their deflrudtion to the reftoration of Popery. 
 
 б . Arminianifm was fo openly countenanced by the 
 Court, and fome of the principal Bifhops, that many be¬ 
 lieved, there was a defign to make ufe of it as a means to 
 effedl the more cafily a change of Religion. 
 
 7. As this notion of a defign to re do re Popery fpread it clarendon, 
 felf over the Kingdom, the heads of the Church of En- T ‘ I K f’ 73 ' 
 gland were more attached to all the Rites and Ceremonies C ° '* 
 which gave moft offence to tender confciences. Kneeling 
 
 at the Sacrament, wearing the Surplice, Confirmation, 
 keeping of Saints-days, Proceffions, bowing to the Altar, 
 and the like, which offended the Presbyterians, as being 
 relicks of Popery ; thefe things, I fay, were preffed by 
 the Bifhops with the fame eagernefs as if Religion mull 
 have fallen with them, and as if they were abfolutely ne- 
 ceffary to Salvation. This caufed many to fufpect, that 
 the obfervance of all thefe points was preffed, with defign 
 to pave the way for the more eafy reception of the popilh 
 tenets hereafter. 
 
 8. The heads of the Church of England were not fatif- 
 fied, with zealoufly maintaining the ceremonies and rites 
 ufed in their Church fince the Reformation, but made 
 certain additions to them from time to time, which could 
 not be juftified by the Canons. This occafioned thefe things 
 
 (1) On Sunday. Rujbiuortb, Turn IT. p. 191. 
 
 12) Archbifhoi' Abbot died A:s;r/! 4, and Laud fucceeded him Immediately aftrr. His Con?'' d'ejlire is dated Aug-aft 12, the Royal AlTent, September 4. an J 
 the rcft'.tution of the Temporal me,. , Stpter:i-er 23. See Rymer's Feed. Tom. XIX. f. 525. Clarendon, Tom. I. p. 68, 69 
 
 3) Jt r itf;n'% oliierv.ition about him feems to be juil; “ Laud, fays he, would never bring his neck under the obedience of the Roman yoke, though he 
 11 might luck for the grandeur t f the Clergy, p. 7; 3. Comp/. Htfl. 
 
 4) It would have been thought fom^thing more than fufpicion, had they known of his fecret Treaty with the King of Spain in 1596, managed by J < . 
 Ogirby, a Oi no Baron, who declared to hit Catholick Maje/ly, that King James would turn C uholick, and enter into a Confederacy with his Holin: f, and ins 
 C uholick Majeltv, againft the Queen of England, and produced a Letter of Credence of t he laid King James, prefen ting a Memorial of the reafons that induced 
 
 r . Apoflolick. This tranfa&ion is mentioned by none of our Hiftorians. The Papers relating to this afhur were 
 
 ■ ,ond among Sir Raip ! ' which the Reader may fee in the Collect an f State-Papers, publilhed by Edmund Sawyer, Elq; Tom. !• p. 1. 
 
 6 
 
 to 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 Wallin, 
 IT. I. p. 
 
 T.L p. 63. 
 
 warttclts 
 fcr bis Ml- 
 Jf fly'1K ya/ 
 
 tlEdmburgh. 
 (bftoh 8. 
 litulhv. orth. 
 »'• P-'-oj. 
 
 hin.il , 
 
 I* 442. 
 
 25. CHARLES 1 . 
 
 2 C)t 
 
 to be confidered as innovations tending to Popery. What 
 Laud had done in confecrating St. Catberine-Creed Church, 
 and in adminiftring the Sacrament, was of this kind. When 
 fome complained of thefe things, the Bifhops that counte¬ 
 nanced them, alledged a Statute, which impowered Queen 
 Elizabeth and her SuccefTors, in cafe of any abufes and in¬ 
 decencies in the divine Service, to prefcribe fuch ceremo¬ 
 nies as they fhould judge proper for the glory of God, and 
 the decency of his worfhip. Now as the King never failed 
 to approve of what was injoined by the Bifhops, many fuf- 
 pected, that the King’s authority was made ufeof to fupport 
 thefe feemingly inconfiderable innovations, with defign to 
 take advantage of the fame authority to juftify alterations 
 ot much greater confequence. 
 
 9. Lafily ,l he Church’s little regard to tender confiden¬ 
 ces* and her obftinacy in refufing to relax in any the moft 
 jnfignificant point, as for inftance, the Surplice, gaveocca- 
 Inmi to believe, thefe things would not be fo zealoufly ad¬ 
 hered to, were there not fome more hidden deiigns. 
 
 Thefe were the grounds, as far as I have been able to 
 obferve, on which was founded the people’s belief of a fet¬ 
 tled defign to introduce Popery. However, thefe are only 
 preemptions, from whence, as I laid, it cannot be juftly 
 inferred, that this opinion was well-grounded. But on the 
 other hand, it muft be confefled, that the principal Bifliops, 
 who were not ignorant of the confequences drawn from, 
 their conduct, were extremely careleis in clearing thern- 
 fel ves, or in taking meafures to remove, or at leaft, to 
 weaken thefe fufpicions. They regarded the Presbyterians 
 with the utmoft contempt, as a fett of ftubborn, obftinate, 
 people, who ought to be humbled, inftead of being indulg¬ 
 ed. But it was not with refpeiSl to Religion only that the 
 ruin of the Puritans was thought neceflary. They were 
 nlfo confidered as perfons, who by the principles of their 
 Religion, were inclined tooppofe all authority in the State, 
 as well as in the Church, and confequently they could not 
 be kept too low. This bred between the two parties, an 
 implacable enmity, which is not yet extinguifhed. The 
 Presbyterians, whoweie under oppreffion at the time I am 
 fpeaking of, had their turn afterwards, and opprefled, nay 
 utterly deftroyed, the Church of England. In the violent 
 motions caufed by this enmity, the Bifhops fufFered firft. 
 Laud loft his head on the fcaftold. The Monarchy was 
 overthrown, and in the fall the King himfelf came to a 
 tragical end. T he Church of England difappeared for fome 
 time, and was, as it were, buried in the ruins of the State. 
 And it was not without a wonderful providence that the 
 Monarchy and Church were at laft leftoied to their for¬ 
 mer fplendor. 
 
 1 he King, as I faid, intended to introduce the rites of 
 the Church of England, into the Kirk of Scotland. This 
 project was formed b) the King his Father, who had even 
 ordered that Divine Service fhould be celebrated in his 
 Royai Chapel at Edinburgh , in the fame manner as in his 
 Chapei at Whitehall. But whether this order was neg¬ 
 lected, or the Scots would not frequent the Chapel, Charles 
 thought proper not only to renew it, but to add feveral 
 things to hinder the Chapel from being deferted for the 
 future. On the Sth of Ottobcr, he fent the following Ar¬ 
 ticles to the Bifhop of Dunblane , Dean of his Chapel at 
 Edinburgh. 
 
 “ AUR exprefs will and pleafure is, that the Dean 
 “ J of our Chapel, that now is, and his Succeflors, 
 tk fhall be afliftant to the Right Reverend Father in God, 
 the Archbifhop of St. Andrews , at the Coronation, fo 
 <c often as it fhall happen. 
 
 “ 2. That the book of the form of our Coronation 
 tc lately ufed, be put in a little box, and laid into a ftand- 
 “ ard, and committed to the cate of the Dean of the 
 “ Chapel fucceffively. 
 
 The Coronation of King Charles I, it mujl be obferued , 
 had been performed according to the riies of the Church of 
 England. 
 
 “ 3 - That there be Prayers twice a day, with the 
 “ Choir, as well in our abfence, as otherwife, according 
 “ to the Englif} Liturgy, till fome courfe be taken for 
 “ making one, that may fit the cuftom and conftitution 
 “ of that Church. 
 
 “4. 1 hat the Dean of the Chapel look carefully, that 
 “ all that receive the blefled Sacrament there, receive it 
 kneeling; and that there be a Communion held in that 
 <c our Chapel, the firft Sunday of every month. 
 
 “ 5. 1 hat the Dean of our Chapel, that now is, and 
 fo fucceffively, come duly thither to Prayers upon Sun¬ 
 days, and fuch Holy-days as that Church obferves, in his 
 tc Whites, add preach fo, whenever he preacheth there. 
 “ And that lie be not ablent from thence, but upon ne- 
 
 cc cefiary occafion of his Diocefe, or otherwife, according 163 
 “ to the courfe of his preferment. 
 
 <e 6. That thefe orders fhall be our warrant to the 
 “ Dean of our Chapel. That the Lords of our Privy- 
 “ Council, the Lords of the Seflions, the Advocate, Clerks, 
 
 “ writers to the Signet, and members of our College of 
 “ Juftice, be commanded to receive the holy Communion 
 “ once every year at leaft, in that our Chapel Royal, and 
 “ kneeling for example-fake to the Kingdom. And we 
 “ likewife command the Dean aforefaid, to make report 
 “ yearly to us, how we are obeyed therein, and by whom ; 
 
 “ as alfo if any man fhall refufe, in what manner he doth 
 <c fo, and why. 
 
 ct 7 ’ That the copies which are confecrated to our ufe, 
 
 be delivered to the Dean, to be kept upon inventory bv 
 “ him, and in a ftandard provided for that purpofe; and 
 tc to be ufed at the celebration of the Sacrament in our 
 “ Chapel Royal (1).” 
 
 Befides thefe Articles, the King writ a Letter to the 
 Dean, ordering him to certify to the Lords of the Privy- 
 Council, if any of thofe appointed to communicate in his 
 Chapel Royal, did not perform thefe Articles, to the end, 
 fuch order might be taken, as his Majefty had apppointed 
 by his former Letters. 
 
 Hence ’ns vilible, that not only the whole Council of 
 Scotland , but alfo thofe who were in publick employments, 
 and Court-places, we;e prepared to conform to the Church 
 of England, otherwife they would not have been employed, 
 or continued in their ports. It was with them the King 
 intended to begin, that, as lie faid himfelf, they might 
 ferve for example to the reft. We fhall fee prefently what 
 happened when the King would have obliged the whole 
 Scotch nation to the fame condefcenfion. 
 
 Whilft the King was feeking means to engage the Scots ’ r f ,e ptwjt 
 to conform to the Church of England , pains were taking n TMe 
 on the contrary to alienate from her, the Presbyterians in rfttar-wife 
 England , by affecting fuch ufages and cuftoms as were moft 
 apt to offend them. At that time the heads of the Church pVffiworthy 
 of England, inftead of undeceiving thofe who prepofter- n.;. 107. 
 oufiy imagined fhe was leaning to Popery, feem to have • Anna ^ s * 
 taken all poflible care to confirm their fufpicions, by in- 
 duftrioufiy conforming to the Church of Rome , in matters 
 of little moment, and without any neceffity, as if it was 
 done on purpofe to brave them. In Oflober 1633, the 
 Dean and Chapter of St. Paul’s, as Ordinaries of St. Gre¬ 
 gory’s Church, which flood near the Cathedral, removed 
 the Communion-Fable from the middle of the Chancel, 
 to the upper-end, placing it there Altar-wife. For which 
 they alledged two reafons. The firft, that in the King’s 
 Chapel, and all Cathedrals, the Communion-Tables were 
 placed in that manner, and therefore it was fit other 
 Churches fhould conform to the fame cuftom. The fe- C;m P f. 
 cond, that when the Tables ftood in the middle of the 
 Chancel, feveral fcandalous indecencies were committed, 
 
 1 eople leaning thereon in Sermon-time, or puiting their 
 hats on it. I his laft reafon, added to the great care that Clarendon, 
 was taken about kneeling at the Sacrament, caufed many T ; 11 P‘73* 
 to believe, that the endeavouring to infpire fuch an extra- 7 ^* 
 ordinary refpecl for the Communion-Table, and the giv¬ 
 ing it always the name of Altar, was not without defign. 
 
 And therefore fome of the Parifhioners of St. Gregory’s com¬ 
 plained of this removal, by appeal to the Court of the 
 Arches (2). But the Council having notice of it, prevent¬ 
 ed the Sentence, by ordering the Dean of the Arches, to 
 confirm by his authority, what had been done in St. Gre¬ 
 gorys Church. A few days after, the King being prefent No ember 
 in Council, caufed this affair to be debated, and approving 
 the a£t of the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's, gave com¬ 
 mandment, that if thofe Parifhioners did proceed in their 
 appeal, the Dean of the Arches, [who was then attending 
 at the hearing of the caufej fhould caft them, and confirm 
 the removal. 1 his Sentence given by the King’s Sovereign 
 Authority, without flaying for the judgment of the Court, 
 to whole cognizance this matter properly belonged, was a 
 fountain of oppreflions to many Minifters and Congregati¬ 
 ons, who were not willing to comply with it. There was 
 fcarce a Church in England , except the Cathedrals, and 
 the King’s Chapel, where the Communion-Table was placed 
 Altar-wife, at the upper-end of the Chancel. But after It becomes tbs 
 the King had confirmed the removal in St. Gregory’s Church, 0 :ia f‘°” °f 
 the like difputes arofe in numberlefs places, and the High- ma ” y U '“‘ 
 Commiftion had frequent occafions to punifh the Minifters, 
 who were fufpe&ed of too little zeal for the Church 
 of England. As fince the Reformation, the Altars were 
 changed into Communion-Tables, and placed in the mid¬ 
 dle of the Chancel, to avoid fuperftition, many imagined, 
 the Tables were again turned into Altars, with intent to 
 revive a fuperllitious worlhip. 
 
 (1) King Char 
 
 ■ M.iry le Bcnu, fro .... 
 , from his having jurifdiftit 
 
 [’ ^ retu rn from -WW, erefted Edinburgh into a Bilhnprick. Clarendon, Tom. I. p. 67. 
 
 !!!n ant * • rn ' L li a ! it ‘ ent Conliftoiy belonging to the Archbifhop of Canterbury, for debating feveral Caufes. It was held in the Church 
 Its Jui ifdiftion is ordinary, and reaches through the whole Province of Canterbury. The Judge is called 
 infilling of thirteen Churches in London, exempted from the jurifdidtion of the Bifhop of London. 
 
 England 
 
 a Deanerv, 
 
ag a 
 
 1634. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 The H IS TO RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 rtur. 7. 
 Rufli worth, 
 
 Icq. 
 
 State Tiials. 
 T. 1 . 
 Annals, 
 p. 446. 
 
 SHp-M:nty 
 
 England being then in profound peace, and almoft wholly 
 unconcerned in what patted abroad, I can fpeak here only 
 of domeftick affairs, ’Tis true, that each taken iiagly, 
 may feem of little confequence, but all together may ferve 
 to fhew tiie character of the King, the genius of the Court, 
 the conduct of the Magiftrates, and in general, the caufes 
 of that terrible Revolution, of which the Lord Clarendon 
 has given the Hiftory. 
 
 In February 1634, came to a folemn hearing in the 
 Star-Chamber, a caufe which made a great noife, and 
 which fhewed the extreme fcverity of that Court againft 
 fuch as were fufpeXed not to be fubmiffive enough to the 
 Government. The cafe was this. Mr. William Prynn 
 [Barretter of Lincoln s-Inn] had compiled and pinted a 
 large volume in quarto, of above a thoufand pages, en¬ 
 titled, Hl/lrio-Majlix. The Author’s main defign was to 
 fhew, that Stage-plays, Balls, Mafques, were unlawful 
 and antichnIlian. But in treating his fubjeX, he had in- 
 terfperfed fundry reflexions, applicable to the King, the 
 Queen, and the Church, who approved or tolerated thefe 
 abufes. It was prerended, his aim in general was to fhew, 
 there was a defign to reduce Religion to a kind of Paga- 
 nifm, in order to make way for Popery. This outrage 
 was reprefented by the King’s Council in the blacked co¬ 
 lours they could poffibly give it. At lad, after a folemn 
 hearing of three days, the Book was condemned to be 
 burnt by the common hangman, a thing till then unufual 
 in England. As for the Author, Sentence pafled upon him, 
 that hefhould be expelled Lincoln's Inn, difabled to praXife, 
 degraded of his degree in the Univerfity [of Oxford ,] fet 
 on the pilli ry, have his ears cutoff, imprifoned during ihe, 
 and fin’d five thoufand pounds. The Publifher, [ Michael 
 T lei] v ho was alfo the printer of the Book, was fin’d 
 in e hundred pounds, and [Mr. Buckner] the Chaplain who 
 licerried it, fifty pounds. 
 
 Th. fen fence denied too fevere to difintereded perfons. 
 I: mortifed the Pie byterians efpecially, mod of whom 
 were of the fame princ.ples with Prynn. They could not 
 help per coning, in the ft verity exercifed upon this author, 
 a mallei.iiiv ifiliyn to dilL": -*e their SeX, and npprefs them 
 on all occafotis. 'I he truth is, the Presbyterian party, 
 though ver \ numerous, as plainly appeared afterwards, la¬ 
 in,1 [d then under opprelfion. 1‘hcy had againd them, the 
 Kir the Minifteio, the Couno , the Star-Chamber, the 
 H in ii-Com million, the principal heads of the Church of 
 England , the Arminiam^ the Papids, the Lord-Lieute¬ 
 nants of the Counties, the Judges of the Realm, and all 
 the Mag.diates in general. Notwithdanding all this, they 
 daily gained ground. 'Phis would feem incredible, if it 
 was not conf;deed, that the Court themfelves were the 
 chief caufe of their increafe. The Court looked upon as 
 Puritans, all who did not fhew fubmiflion enough to the 
 King, or would not allow diffident extent to the Proroga¬ 
 te e royal, and by oppreffing them as fuch, or by reiufing 
 them all kinds of employments, engaged them unavoidably 
 to turn to the Presbyterians. As rhe King’s pretentions, 
 with regard to Government, were not apptoved by the 
 majority of the Nation, it happened by degiees, that aim. d 
 ail England became Presbyter : an, according to the lenfe 
 given by the Court to that term. For bolides, it is cer¬ 
 tain, there were in the Presbyterian party, multitudes who 
 were verv v. ell-afttXed to the Church of England , but 
 could not allow of the King’s principles concerning Go¬ 
 vernment. So, this party, though continually opprefled, 
 grew daily mot numerous, waiting with impatience fora 
 Parliament, where they were almod fure ol finding pro- 
 teXors. But at the time 1 am fpeaking of there was no 
 appearance of the King’s intention to call a Parliament. 
 As nothing forced him to it, he took care not to expofe 
 liimfelf to the ill-humours of a Houfe of Commons, and 
 run the ri k of feeing revived the complaints which had 
 obliged him to diflulve the three foregoing Parliaments. 
 
 It is very true, that in governing without a Parliament, 
 the Kin" debarred himfelf of the extraordinary Supplies 
 which the Sovereigns ufually received from tfience: but he 
 did not believe, that the only way to have extraordinary 
 Supplies was to apply to the Houfe of Commons. He 
 had exprefsly told the Parliament, by the Lord-Keeper, 
 and frequently intimated himfelf, that he could find money 
 without the affiftance of Parliaments. And yet, the Peti¬ 
 tion of Right having intervened ft nee that time, and the 
 Kino having bound himfelf, by his anfwer, not to raife 
 anv tax without t e confent of both Houfes, he feemed to 
 be deprived, by that anfwer, of all methods which he 
 thought he might lawful.) ufe before the Petition was 
 prefented. But expedients to evade the molt folemn pro- 
 mifes arc feldom wanting to men in power. On thefe oc- 
 
 cafions, there are mirifters and counfellors who infinuate 16 
 to their matters, th: promifes made by Sovereigns bind 
 them no farther than they think proper. Uilliam A'ay, R. ft 
 Attorney-generai, who was one of thefe bold counfellors, j ’ " 
 had, the laft ye: r. furnifhed the King with a way to raife \ n . 
 an extraordinary Supply without the concurrence of the kt 
 Parliament: namely, by the impofition of a tax upon the 
 People, under colour of maintaining a certain numoc of 
 Ships to guard the feas(i). But this bold counfellor d ed 
 before he had feen the effeXs of his advice (2), after hav¬ 
 ing however ingaged his Matter in an affair which made 
 him for ever lofe his People’s confidence, and was one of 
 the prindpal caufes of his ruin. 
 
 The death of the Attorney-General hindered not the 
 King from putting his advice in praXice. To that pur- 
 pofe he direXed to the Mayors and Head-Officers of the 
 maritime Towns, Writs to much the fame effeX, with the 
 following directed to the Mayor of London ( 3). 
 
 Carolus Rex, &c. 
 
 Ct 'HP O the Mayor, Commonalty and Citizens of our 7 '/ 
 “ X City of London , and to the Sheriffs of the fame N 
 “ City, and good men ir. the faid City, and in the liber- / 
 
 “ ties and Members of the fame, greeting. Becaufe we 7 '■ 
 “ are given to underftand. That certain tliieves, pi rates, i",, 
 “ and robbers of the fea, as well Turks , enemies of the a .-. 
 “ Chriftian name, as others, being gathered together, 1 -e 
 “ wickedly taking by force, and fpoiling the flaps, and 
 “ goods, and merchandizes, not only of our SubjeXs, but 
 “ alfoof the SubjeXs of our friends in tiieS- w' 1 ha h 
 “ been accuftomed antiently to be defended by t \.e£r- yh 
 “ nation; and the fame, at their plcafure, have cair>.J 
 “ awry, delivering the men in the fame into miferable 
 “ captivity : And forafmuch us we fee them daily preyar- 
 “ ing all manner of fuip^ng, farther to molctt our mer- 
 “ chants, and to grieve the K. -n, unlefs remedy be 
 “ not f cner applied, and their eucu .vouis be not more 
 “ manly met withal; alfo the dangers c.uificc -d, which 
 “ on every lide, in thefe times of war, do hang . r our 
 “ heads, that it behoveth u , and our SubjeXs, to Iten 
 “ the defence of the fea and Kingdom with al' expedition 
 “ or fpeed that we can; we v filing, by the nelp of God, 
 
 “ chiefly to provide for thi- defence of the Kingdom, 
 
 “ fafe-guard of the Sea, fecurity of our SubjeXs, iafe-con- 
 “ duX of Ships and Merchandizes to our Kingdom of 
 “ England coming, and front the fame Kingdom to fo- 
 “ reign parts palling ; forafmuch as we and our progeni- 
 <c tors. Kings of England, have bee . always heretofore 
 “ matters 01 the aforefaid Sea, and it would be very irk- 
 “ fome unto us, if that Princely honour in our times 
 “ fbould be loft, or in any tiling diminifhed. At.d ai- 
 “ though that charge of defence, which coucerneth all 
 “ men, ought to be fupported by all, as bv :i.e laws a..d 
 “ cult, ms of the Kingdom of England hath been ac- 
 “ cuttomed to be done. Nutwithfta ding, weconffi ering 
 “ that you, conftituted in the fea-coalb, to whom oy fid 
 “ as well great dangers are imminent, and who by the 
 “ fame do qc more plentiful gains for the defence of the 
 “ fea, and confervation of our princely honour in that be- 
 “ half, according to the duty of your Allegiance againft 
 “ fuch attempts, are chiefly bound to fet to your helping 
 “ hand ; we command firmly, eijoining you the aforefaid 
 “ Major, Commonalty and Citizens, and Sheriff's of the 
 “ find city, and the good men in the fame city, and in 
 “ the liberties and members of the fame, in the faith and 
 “ allegiance wherein ye are bound unto us, and as ye do 
 “ love us, and oar honour, and under the forfeiture of all 
 “ which ye can forfeit to us, tha. , e caufe to be prepared 
 “ and brought to the -port of Portfmouth , before the firft 
 “ day of March now next enfuing, one Ship of War of 
 “ the burthen of nine hundred tuns, with three hundred 
 “ and fifty men at the leaft, as well expert matters, as 
 tc very able and skilful mariners: one other Ship of war 
 “ of the burthen of eight hundred tuns, with two hundred 
 “ and iixty men at tbe leafr, as well skilful matters, as 
 “ very able and expert mariners : four other Ships of 
 “ war, every of them of the burthen of five hundred 
 “ tuns, and every of them with two hundred men at tha 
 “ leaft, as well expert matters, as very able and skilful 
 “ mariners : And one other Ship of war, of the burthen of 
 “ three hundred tuns, with a hundred and fifty men, as 
 “ well expert matters, as very able and skilful mariners: 
 
 “ And alfo every of the faid fhips with ordnance, as well 
 “ greater as letter, gun-powder, and fpears, and weapons, 
 
 “ and other neceflary arms fufficient for war, and with 
 “ double tackling, and with viXuals, until the faid firft 
 “ of March , competent for fo many men; and from that 
 
 ■ 1 ) H- d..d .l-y-P 9. I.J'id'i Diary. This year alfo died Pit b ird IVcfljn Eirluf Pmlard ; and Sir Edward Ceic. Ecbard, 
 
 1:. The Loj<!-i-->': rer C-ir: v was alfo an adwler and prom- .ter of this pn-jcit. Wbitehtk, p. 22. 
 
 Si- !_■: Ibiith be.na imhlenly remnved, Sir John Fincb was, on Ofiober ih, iw'.rn Lord Chief-Jutt.ce of the Cnmmm-Pleas in his room. Great 
 •r-.. u;v n. • the occ.iiiori thonid be of th.-. ludden advancement. T.-.i' four days alter the Writ for Ship Money coming forth, it was conceived, 
 
 i.; v.ai to be ii.llrumental in advancing that fcufinefs. Rujhwirtb, Tom. II. p. 253 
 
 5 tc time, 
 
Iiook XIX. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 2 93 
 
 163.1.. 
 
 : Tie Cry ef 
 
 mUron to 
 }V6r King. 
 KJeceni. 2. 
 |lRufliwi.rili. 
 ■L p. :65. 
 
 Mu-S. 
 
 I .'nd'i In. 
 
 itriMon, 10 
 |i!>r Will|i 11 n 
 1 nd Freni -I 
 yburctics. 
 Ilhlfhworlh, 
 f •- P- sob, 
 I ' 2 » 293 . 
 
 “ time for tu-enty fix weeks, at your charges, as well in 
 “ viciL'... s j: 3 mem. wage?, and other things neceflary for 
 “ ' vai 'j during that hue, upon defence of the fea in our 
 “ fervice, in command of the Admiral of the fea, to 
 whom we fhal! commit the cuftody of the fea, before 
 “ the aforefaid fir ft day of March, and as he on our behalf, 
 “ fhall command them to continue; fo that they may be 
 “ there the fame day, at the fartheft, to go from thence 
 “ with our fhips, and the fhips of other faithful Subjects, 
 “ for the fafe-guard of the fea, and defence of you 
 “ a «d yours, and repulfe and vanquifhing of whomfoever 
 “ bufying themfelvcs to moled or trouble upon the fea 
 “ our Merchants, and other Subjects and faithful people 
 ‘ c coming into our dominions for caufe of merchandize, or 
 11 from thence returning to their own Countries. Alfo 
 “ we have afligned you, the aforefaid M.j.ir and Alder- 
 “ men of the City aforefaid, or any thirt.x ,, or more of 
 “ you, within thirty days af c-r the receipt 01 c'.iswritj 
 “ to affefs all men in the faid City, and in the Vrties, 
 “ and members of the fame, and the iand-holdei.. in the 
 fame, not having a fhip, or any part of the afb-eftid 
 “ fhips, not ferving in the fame, to contribute to t : 
 
 “ psuces, about the necelfary provifion of the premium; 
 “ and to aftefs and lay upon the aforefaid City, wich the 
 ‘ c liberties and members thereof, viz. upon every of them 
 “■ according to their eftate and fubftanecs, and the portion 
 “ affeffed upon them ; and to nominate and appuinc col- 
 “ ledlors in this behalf. Alfo we have aftigned you, the 
 “ aforefaid Major, and alfo the Sheriffs of the City afore- 
 “ ,a iJ> to l- v y the portions' fo as aforefaid affeffed upon 
 “ the aforefaid men and land-holders, and every of them 
 “ :n the aforefaid City, with the liberties and members of 
 “ the tame, bv diftiels and other due means; and to com- 
 “ mit to prifen ali thofe whom you fhall find rebellious, 
 
 “ and contrary in the preniilles, there to remain until we 
 1,4 /hall give further order for their delivery. And more- 
 “ over wc command you, that about the premiffes yc dili- 
 “ gently attend, and execute thofe things with effedt, 
 
 “ upon pen! that fhall fall thereon : But we will not that 
 “ under colour of our aforefaid command, more ft ould be 
 “ levied of the faid men, than fhall fuffice for the neceffa- 
 “ ry expences of the premiffes; or that any, who have 
 “ levied money for contribution, to raife the aforefaid 
 “ charges, fhould by him detain the fame, or any part 
 “ thereof; or fhould prefume, by any manner of colour, 
 tc to appropriate the fame to other ufes; willing, that if 
 ‘‘ more than may be fufficicnt fnall be colle&cd, the fame 
 “ may be paid out among the contributes, ior the rate of 
 “ the part to them belonging.” 
 
 Witnefs _ my tclf.\ at Weftminfter the 20 th day of Odto- 
 ber, in the tenth year of our Reign. 
 
 The Lord Mayor of London having received this writ 
 affembled the Common-Council, who agreed to prefent 
 the following petition to the King. 
 
 To the King’s moft excellent Majefty. 
 
 The Humble Petition of your faithful Subjects-, the Major , 
 and Commonalty, and Citizens of your City of London, 
 mof humbly foewing, 
 
 “ HT' HAT where your Majefty by writ, bearing 
 - L tijlr 20 OShbrh laft, commanded your Petitioners 
 “ « «**»r charge, to provide feven flnps of war, furniftr- 
 e.i with men, victual, and ail warlike provifrons, to be 
 “ « Portfmouth by the firft of March next, and to con- 
 “ tmuc from thence by the fpace of twenty fix weeks in 
 your Majeir, . fervice, upon the defence of the feas and 
 <c other caufes in the faid writ contained : 
 
 1 our petitioners do, in all fubmiffive humblenefs, and 
 “ wi!i ' acknowledgement of your facred Majefty's many 
 favours umu tour faid City, inform your Majefty, that 
 they conceive, that by ancient privileges, grants, and 
 “ Afls of Parliament (which they are teady humbly to 
 “ i1lc, w forth ) they are exempt, and are to be freeed 
 “ from that charge, &c.” 
 
 ■Jut the pietenfions of the City of London were not ca- 
 pable of caufmg the King to defift from his refolution. 
 V/e lhaiI fee on the contrary, that in time this tax, which 
 was at firft peculiar to the maritime towns, was impofed 
 upon the whole Kingdom (1). 
 
 After Laud's promotion to the Archbi/hoprick of Can¬ 
 terbury, his zeal for the Church of England and againft 
 the Presbyterians, feemed to be much increafed. He°kept 
 by the King’s order a private correfpondence with the Bi- 
 /hops of Scotland, concerning the Liturgy and Canons de¬ 
 fined to be introduced into the Kirk, and of which I ftiall 
 fpeak. more fully prefently. It fuffices to fay here, that it 
 
 was he that was charged with the conduct and execution of 16’.;. 
 this proje&. But he did not confine his labours to the 
 converfion of the Scots, nor even of the Englifh Presby te¬ 
 rians. Tbe Dutch, the Wall,on:, the French, who had 
 taken refuge in England, fince the Reign of Edward VI, 
 had obtained fundry privileges from the former Kings, and 
 particularly the liberty of celebrating divine fervice after 
 their manner, that is, the Presbyterian, and formed feveral 
 congregations, both in London and other parts of the King¬ 
 dom. But Laud could not bear they fhould enjoy this pri- Aft. Put’, 
 vilege any longer. And therefore fent them thefe two in- x,x - V' 3 - 
 jun&ions, having firft fecured the King’s approbation; 
 
 ‘‘ '• That all the natives of the'Dutch and Walloon 
 “ Congregations, in his Grace's Diocefe, fhould repair to 
 4 t ‘*eii feveral Parifh-Churches of thofe feveral Parifhes 
 “ where they inhabited, to hear Divine Service and Ser- 
 “ mons, and perform all duties and payments required in 
 “ that behalf. H 
 
 ft 2 • That the Minifters, and all other of the Dutch 
 “ and Walloon congregations, which were not natives and 
 c ^ orn Subjects to the King’s Majefty, or any other 
 “ Strangers that fliould come over to them, while they 
 “ remained Strangers, might have and ufe their own difei- 
 “ pline, as formerly they have done; yet it was thought 
 “ ht, that the Englijh Liturg}- fhould be tranflated into 
 “ French and Dutch, for the belter fettling of their chil- 
 “ dren to the Englijh Government.” 
 
 Befides that, by thefe injuntftions, he impofed upon thefe 
 foreign Churches a Liturgy which they did not approve, 
 he reduced thefe Congregations almoft to nothing, fince he 
 excluded all that were born in the Kingdom, that is, all 
 the defendants of fuch as had fled hither in the Reign of 
 Edward VT, and confequcntl v there could be but very few 
 left of thofe born out of the Kingdom. 
 
 Upon this, the Dutch [and Walloon ] Churches at Nor- Feb. 2r. 
 wich prefented a Petition to the Bifhop cf that Diocefe, R uf ^"orth, 
 remonftrating, that the Archbifhop's injunctions were con- Annals 
 trary, not only to feveral orders of the Council heretofore 
 given in favour of their Congregations, but alfo to the pri¬ 
 vileges granted them when they firft fettled in England, 
 and continued to them during the Reigns of Edward VI, 
 
 Queen Elizabeth, and fames I, and confirmed alfo by his 
 prefent Majefty’s royal word. The Bi/hop of Norwich 
 not returning a favorable anfwer to their Petition, they ap¬ 
 plied to the Archbifliop himfelf, who anfwered them by 
 letter, That his Majefty was refolved, his inftru&ions Au S- i9» 
 fliould hold, and that obedience fhould be yielded to them 
 by all the natives, after the firft defeent; Concluding his 
 lettei with thefe words : chid thus I have given you anfwer 
 Jairly in all your particulars, and do expert all obedience and 
 conformity to my injlrurtions, which if you fall perform, the 
 State will have occafion to fee how ready you are to prartife 
 the obedience which you teach : And for my part, / doubt not 
 but your felves , or your pojlerity at leaf, fall have caufc to 
 thank both the State and the Church "for this care taken of 
 you ; but if you refufe, (as you have no caufe to do, and I 
 hope you will not) I Jhall then proceed againf the natives, ac¬ 
 cording to the laws and Canons ecclefiaf icsl (z). 
 
 Thus the Archbifhop alledged, in vindication of the 1635, 
 breach of the privileges granted to thefe Congregations, and 
 confirmed by four Kings, of whom his prefent Majefty 
 was one* the King’s foie will, or rather his own. It was 
 evident, that the King’s good pleafure on which lie laid fo 
 much ftrefs, was rather an approbation of what the Arcli- 
 bifhop had undertaken, than a warrant to undertake it. 
 
 The Presbyterians having no other way to be revenged of R'P rca y'-'‘ 
 the Archbifhop, publifhed feveral libels againft him, taking X 2 L&SL 
 notice of all the innovations he had brought into the RulWoS) 
 Church, pretending they were fo many fteps towards Po- M -P-V> 
 pery. They forgot not to upbraid him with the pictures 
 he had placed in the windows of his chapel at Lambeth , 
 particularly that of God the Father in the form of a little 
 old man. T hey obferved feveral other things, of which 
 the Archbifhop was afterwards accufed by the Houfe of 
 Commons. But this is not the proper place to fpeak of this 
 impeachment, or of the Archbifhop's defence. 
 
 The King being always in want, his Minifters were 
 continually employed in devifing means to raife money, agamjt fuch 
 In the beginning of the Year 1635, the Attorney-General "> e in 
 prefented an information in the Star-Chamber againft ^Tr'y to 
 feveral hundreds of perfons. Lords, Knights, Gentlemen, tie King-1 
 Ladies, and others, for difobeying hi; Majefty’s prcclama- J j rochma ' 
 tion, by which they were commanded not to refide in R u "jhworth. 
 London. I do not find the fentcnce given upon this infer- II. p. a8S. 
 mation, but, very probably, confidering the Star-Chamber’s Annals * 
 zeal to fupport the King’s authority, the parties accufed 
 were punifhed by fine. 
 
 (1) This year, Sir 5 , 
 (1' About one hundi 
 H W, k,u ■( van yc 
 Thouiiflds of Families 1 
 
 niters Buncombe brought into 
 cd and forty Fxmi it: of thefe 
 •rs : They taught the Dutch 
 stired ai!■ ■ .. ; 
 
 EnghnJ the ufe of Chairs carried by two Men. Rymr't Feed. 
 People went into Holland, where they were kindiy received, : 
 (he way of managing the woollen Manufafture, which ha; 
 Cik, P . 311, 3i2. 
 
 T. 
 
 and - 
 been 
 
 »tcd from Ex ife, and paying of 
 bad confe rence to Er.glarui, 
 
 No. 58. Vol. II. 
 
 E e e e 
 
 The 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 * 9 + 
 
 The HISTORY of EN G L A N D. 
 
 r6?j. The tax to provide and maintain a certain number of fion, or whenever they gave their enemies an advantage, t'-tS 
 hip-Minty Ships to guard the Teas, was impofed in 1634, for the year through an excefs of zeal which was not always well regu- 
 / Otd upm only upon the maritime towns. But in 1635, the lated. Samuel JVard a Minifter in Ipfwich, boldly preached 
 
 Ki-'idzm. King fent his Writs for Ship-money all over the Kingdom againft tire King’s Book of Sports, and alfo faid, That toe 
 a -.. Pub. for the year 1636(1). The reafon or rather pretence of Church of England was ready to ring changes in Religion. 
 
 XJX. 65S, thjs g enera ] tax waSj that the Kingdom was in great For which he was fufpended by the High-Com million, and 
 lluiliworth, danger, on account of the league lately concluded between afterwards committed to prifon for refufing to make a pub- 
 11 P- 335 * France and the Low-Countries. Though it did not appear lick recantation. The Church-wardens of Be, king ton in 
 how this league, which was not againft England, could Somerfetjhire refufing to place the Communion- I able other - 
 put the Kingdom in danger, the King however inferred, wife than it had been for fixty years, were excommur 
 that the two moft powerful States in naval forces being cated by the Bifhop of Bath and IVells. They appea 
 united, it was abfolutely neceflary that England fhould have to the Arches, hut their appe. 
 a ftrong fleet to preferve the dominion of the fea, other- 
 wife flic might be infulted, and her trade difturbed. This 
 tax being impofed by vertue of the Prerogative royal, feve- 
 ral private perfons refufed to pay the fums they were rated 
 at. Nay fome there were who ftied the Magiftrates and 
 other officers appointed to levy the money, aflerting, that 
 
 -36,03; 
 
 appealed 
 
 was rejected. Then they 
 petitioned the King, but with no better fuccefs. So the 
 Church-wardens ftood excommunicated a whole year, and 
 were afterwards thrown into the Common-Goal, Jrom 
 whence at length they were releafed by the Bifhop, upon 
 their publick fubmiflion and Penance. It would be too 
 tedious to relate all the Actions which were entered in the 
 the Subject could be taxed only by a£l of Parliament. This High-Commiffion upon the two Articles I have been ipe. u- 
 oppofition was the reafon, that in the year 1 636 Ship-money ing of. It fufficesj to obferve, that the numner was very 
 amounted to not above two hundred thoufand pounds, great, and the High-Commiflion always puniihed very 
 though the King had expetTed a much larger fum. Mean feverely fuch as dared to fwerve from what was preferibed 
 while, the King confidering, that by means of this tax he by the Church. 
 
 fhould have a fettled revenue, befides that it would be a On the other hand, the Archbifliop of Canterbury , ever f'f. r - n ‘ 
 precedent to make ufe of his Prerogative on other occafion?, zealous for the Church of England , confidered as Puritans lendl t0 
 refolved to fupport his projedt at any rate. But to guard all who negledted the leaft rite or ceremony of that Church, vijit the 
 it againft all objections of being illegal, and contrary to his T his Prelate being informed of fome remiflhefs in that re- 
 anfvver to the Petition of Right , he'had a mind to fhow he fpett in the two Univerfities, could not fuffer fuch an abufe. j,. ^ 
 was authorized on this occafion to exert his Prerogative. There were at Cambridge three Chapels where Divine Laim , D.ar. 
 
 Service was daily celebrated, though they had never been An " als - 
 confecrated. This negledt, w hich to him feemed fo blame- 
 able, exciting his zeal, he refolved to vilit the Univerfities 
 as Metropolitan. He met with fome oppofition, the Uni- Oppafunn. 
 
 To that end lie fent to the Judges of the realm, and re¬ 
 quired their opinion concerning his right to levy this tax. 
 As the Judges wholly depended upon the Court, they very 
 readily decided in favour of the King, and gave him thei 
 
 opinion in writing (2). But the King thought not proper verfities maintaining that he had not the right of vifuing as 
 to publifti their determination, being fatisfied with keeping Archbifliop, though they did not deny he might vilit by 
 it niivate till there fhould be occafion to ufe it. This the King’s commiflion, if his Majefty was pleafed to ap- 
 
 10 f r ‘ 
 
 Rulhwoi 
 
 H-P-V 
 
 Mufe 
 
 Infirm 
 
 /rev, 
 
 Sept .0 
 
 lb. p. 633. 
 
 private till tnere inouia De occanon to uie it. 1 ms me iving s _ . 
 
 will hereafter appear. But I mult firft fpeak of fome other point him. But not being fatisfied with a borrowed power, ,,, 
 things which palled in this interval. he brought the cafe before the King, who decided it in bis ,r J cr 
 
 r.. n to This year 1635 the King renewed a former commiflion favour, after having himfelf fupported the Archbifliops rea- pub. 
 rj for to confirm their defective Titles, to fuch as held lands of fons with arguments, and anfwered the objections ol the xix. s-H* 
 v£ the Crown. He pretended it was an a£t of grace, and Univerlities. The Archbifliop being fo well fuppor.eJ, 
 
 ’ub. that his only aim was to fecure the pofleflion of Lands to could not fail of obtaining the victory (5). 
 
 670, thofe who held them by difputable titles. But notwith- The King being determined, as I faid, lo * 
 
 ftancing this, the commiflion was looked upon as a manifeft tax for the maintenance of the Ships defigned to guard the hld F , re , L 
 oppreflion. For, under colour of examining defective Titles, feas, and having the laft year given orders for levying it en tofijb 
 all the proprietors were obliged to produce their titles, to this Year 1636, was obliged to feek a pretence for a fleet. 
 w hich, how valid foever they might be, the commiflioners This tax, called by the Englijh, Ship-money, and which n r ; t jin. 
 
 made objections. So, to avoid a law-fuit with the King, for fhortnefs I fliall term fo for the future, was grounded May 10. 
 
 wherein they were fure to be caft, confidering the difpofi- upon the neceflity of guarding the feas. But none could 
 tion of the Judges, the proprietors were forced to com- perceive the danger, which, according to the King, Eng- Annals, 
 
 pound, and give money to fecure their lands, which were land was expofed to by the alliance between France, and p. 4-7 6 * 
 
 otherwife in danger of being re-united to the Crown. Holland. To this pretence therefore was to be added that 
 Shortly after, the King publifhed a proclamation, com- of preferving the Dominion of the narrow Seas. To this 
 
 manding all perfons, except foldiers, mariners, merchants, end he publifhes a proclamation, declaring, “ Whereas 
 
 ’ "• ’ ’’ 1 ' King 'James did, in the feventh year of his reign, fet 
 
 forth a proclamation touching fifhing ; whereby all per¬ 
 fons of what nation or quality foever (being not his 
 natural-born Subjects) were reftrained from fifhing upon 
 any of the coafts and feas of Great-Britain, Ireland, 
 and the reft of the Ifles adjacent, until they had orderly 
 obtained licences in that behalf. Since which time, nei¬ 
 ther the King his Father, nor himfelf have made any 
 
 and their fadtors, not to depart the Kingdom without his 
 licence. Several Kings of England had ordered the fame 
 Km thin s on fome particular occalions, but it was doubted whe- 
 xix. 646. ther fuch a prohibition was neceflary when the proclamation 
 *> 99 - was publifhed. 
 
 The abufes of the Informers, that is, perfons who 
 watched people’s adtions, in order to accufe them, in cafe 
 they infringed the Laws, were grown fo exceflive, that the 
 King was forced, if not to abolifh them entirely, at leaft, 
 Rulhw’.th. to qualify them by certain diredtions which he ordered to 
 T - **• be obferved. 
 
 Juxton made The office of Lord-Treafurer, which had been executed 
 lcri- irea. by commiflioners, fince the death of the Earl of Portland , 
 March 6. was conferred on Dr. IVilliam Juxton Bifhop of London, 
 Laud s Diar. who difeharged it worthily. No Churchman had enjoyed 
 
 Annals. this poft fince Henry Vllth’s time (3). 
 
 Parr 151 The fame year was prefen ted to the King [by the Earl 
 Tfi " of Arundel ] an old man called Parr , who was a hundred 
 
 Annals . 9 and fifty-two years of age, and in perfedt health. He 
 
 was born the laft year of the Reign of Edward IV. 
 
 The hicR'-r The Eledtor Palatine and Prince Rupert, [or Robert ] his 
 Palatine brother arrived in England about this time, and were lodged 
 London. j n t | ie King [their uncle’s] Palace (4). 
 
 The Presbyterians were ftill moleftcd upon every occa- 
 
 1636. 
 
 Divers 
 Suite about 
 
 “ confiderable execution of the faid Proclamation, but 
 “ have expedted a voluntary conformity thereto. But 
 “ now finding by experience, that all the inconvenien- 
 tc cies which occafioned that Proclamation, are rather in- 
 “ creafed than abated j and his Majefty well knowing 
 « how far he is obliged in Honour to maintain the Rights 
 “ of his Crown, has thought it neceflary to renew the 
 “ aforefaid reftraint of Fifhing, and to declare, that his 
 “ refolution is to keep fuch a competent ftrength of fliip- 
 “ ping upon his feas, as may be fufficient both to hinder 
 “ farther encroachments upon his Regalities, and affift and 
 “ protedl thofe his good Friends and allies, who fhali 
 “ henceforth with licenfe endeavour to take benefit of fifh- 
 “ ing upon his coafts.” 
 
 Thefe friends were the Hollanders , who came every 7be King 
 year and fifhed for Herrings on the Coaft of Scotland. It 
 
 Rulh worth, 
 
 II. p.300, 
 
 [I) The Reader rr 
 the corporate Tow 
 
 e in Rujhwrtb, Tom. 2. | 
 each County. For example, 
 
 1 of Ships, [ in all forty-five ] to the fcveral Shires, together with the fum fet 
 
 pound 
 
 tb, 
 
 Eire. 
 
 attack give 
 
 c one Ship of.- - - 
 
 r— Borough of Tbaxttd -— 
 
 X Town and Puifh of fVaMtn - 
 
 ■orate Towns. J Town of Colcbrjier - - 
 
 J Borough of Malden - 
 
 Borough of Hartvicb • 
 
 r.uch Sol! c tatlor. ..7 the Chief Jutl cc Finch, prom 
 :r c. the King's Ler.rr _nd Cafe, their Opinions, 
 hi; Cl::ra£ter, Ho was a petfon ol great Part. 
 
 Ruihv.ort 
 H.‘ p. 32 
 An nali. 
 
 v ill be fern hcreaftei 
 
 ) Claries 
 
 i About this time the Net 
 
 and willin 
 
 U good li 
 
 me to follicit h:s Unt 
 
 s for the Univerfity of Oxford were fiiiihed, and publifhed in Con 
 
 V.AS 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 Aa. Pub. 
 XIX. 76; 
 Warwick’ 
 Mem. 
 
 1636. was therefore manifeft, that after thirty years forbearance he 
 fought a quarrel with the Dutch, only to have occafion to 
 fit out a fleet, which ferved for pretence to impofe the tax 
 of Ship-Money. This quarrel produced the two famous 
 Treatifes, entitled Mare Liberum, and Mare Claufum, the 
 former penned by Grotius, the latter by Selden. But the 
 King regarded not arguments drawn from Hiftory, or an- 
 tient treaties between the two Nations ; he made ufe of a 
 more effectual method, namely, a fleet under the command 
 of Algernoon Earl of Northumberland. This fleet attacking 
 the difperfed fifhermen, who little expeded it, and finking 
 fome, compelled the reft to retire into the Englijh Harbours 
 as the fafeft retreat, and in fhort, to give the King thirty 
 thoufand Florins, for permiflion to continue their fifhing 
 that fummer (1). 
 
 A Ccntmijji- Soon after, the King raifed thirty thoufand pounds by a 
 on about L)e~ Commiflion, to enquire concerning depopulations and con- 
 Jaiy^/gT’ verfions of arable Lands to pafture, fince the 1 oth year of 
 R'llhworth. Queen Elizabeth (2). There were many offenders of this 
 333- kind, and fo heavy a fine was impofed in the Star-Chamber 
 nna 5 ’ on Sir Anthony Roper , that the reft, to avoid the fame 
 treatment, fpeedily compounded with the King. 
 
 <ibc Kmg But Ship-Money was the molt important thing, and as 
 will not fuch regarded by the Court. The King neither would 
 “ktoney nor could depart from it, for three principal reafons. fi'irft, 
 becaufe he fhould be deprived of a very confiderable aid, 
 which he meant to render fixt and cuftomary. Secondly, 
 in defifting from this tax, after levying it two years fuccef- 
 fively, he would have given caufe to believe he had no 
 power to impofe it, and confequently had aded contrary to 
 Law. Thirdly, having refolved never more to call a Par¬ 
 liament, it highly concerned him to eftablifh his prerogative 
 •The Petition in fuch a manner, that none fhould dare to conteft it. So 
 of tbe City the City of London having petitioned the Board, that the 
 »°^ on twenty Ships they were rated at, might be reduced to ten, 
 Ru/hworth, received a very (harp anfwer to this effect: 
 
 “ That the tax of Ship-Money was neceflary for the 
 “ prefervation of the State ; and the charge was not im- 
 “ moderate : That his Majefty would admit of no excufe, 
 “ but expeded a ready compliance: That the precedents 
 “ allcdged in favour of the City, ought to induce them 
 “ to obey , rather than to contradid and dired the King.” 
 
 Notwitbftanding all this, there were fome that obftinate- 
 ly refufed to pay their ftiare of this tax, imagining, no Court 
 of Juftice would be fo bold as to compel them. As thefe 
 examples were of dangerous confequence, the King thought 
 proper to publifh the opinions of the Judges. To that 
 end, the Lord-Keeper having aflembled all the Judges in 
 Sworih. the Star-Chamber, told them, the King was very well 
 H. p. 352. plea fed with their endeavours in their .feveral Circuits, to 
 perfwade his Subjects to pay Ship-Money ; but however, his 
 Majefty hearing that fome refufed to pay this tax, had 
 thought fit to have recourfe to their advice for his diredion 
 in this cafe, and had commanded him to publifh their opi¬ 
 nions for the fatisfadion of his Subjects. Then he caufed 
 the King’s Letter to the Judges on this fubjed to be read 
 as follows : 
 
 ji. P . 334. 
 
 Lano.Juit, 
 el ui Ship. 
 
 Toe \.ng 
 fubli/bct 
 
 tbe fudge 1 
 
 Op: 
 
 Toe King' 
 
 Letter ij 
 
 tbe fudgi 
 Rulhs 
 H. p. 354, 
 Annals. 
 
 >rth. 
 
 T RUSTY and well-beloved, we greet you well. 
 
 Taking into our princely confideration, that the 
 honour and fafety of this our realm of England , (the 
 prefervation whereof is only entrufted in our care ) was, 
 as is now more nearly concerned than in former times, 
 as well by divers counfels and attempts, to take from 
 us the dominion of the Sea, of which we are the foie 
 Lords, and rightful owners, the lofs whereof would be 
 of great danger and peril to this Kingdom, and other our 
 dominions; We, for the avoiding of thefe and the like 
 dangers, well weighing with our felves, that where the 
 good and fafety of the Kingdom in general is concerned, 
 and the whole Kingdom in danger, there the charge and 
 defence ought to be borne by all the Realm in general ; 
 did, for prevention of fo publick a mifehief, refolve with 
 our felves to have a royal navy provided, that might be 
 of force and power, with Almighty God’s blefling and 
 afliftance, to protect and defend this our realm, and our 
 Subjects therein, from all fuch perils and dangers ; and 
 for that purpofe we ilTued forth Writs under our Great 
 Seal of England , direded to all our Sheriffs of all our 
 feveral Counties of England and Wales, commanding 
 thereby all our faid Subjects in every City, Town, and 
 Village, to provide fuch a number of Ships well furnifhed 
 as might ferve for this our royal purpofe, and which 
 might be done with the greateft equality that could be 
 in performance whereof, though generally throughout all 
 the Counties of this our Realm, we have found in our 
 
 “ Subjeds great chearfulnefs and alacrity, which we gra- 
 “ eioufly interpret, as a teftimony as well of their dutiful 
 “ affedions to us and our fervice, as of the refped they 
 4C have to the publick, which well becometh every good 
 “ Subjed. Neverthelefs, finding that fome few, haply out 
 “ of ignorance what the laws and cuftoms of this our 
 “ Realm are, or out of a defire to be eafed, and freed in 
 “ their particulars, ( how general foever the charge ought 
 “ to be ) have not yet paid and contributed the feveral 
 “ rates and afleflments that were fet upon them, and fore- 
 “ feeing in our princely wifdom, that from hence divers 
 tc fuits and adions are not unlikely to be commenced and 
 “ profecuted in our feveral Courts at Wejiminjler: We, 
 
 “ defirous to avoid fuch inconvenience, and out of our 
 
 princely love and affedion to all our People, being wil- 
 “ ling to prevent fuch errors as any of our loving Subjeds 
 “ may happen to run into, have thought fit, in a cafe of 
 “ this nature, to advife with you our Judges, who we 
 “ doubt not are all well ftudied and informed in the right 
 “ of our Sovereignty ; and becaufe the trials of our feveral 
 “ Courts, by the formality of pleading, will require a long 
 “ protradion, we have thought expedient by this our Let- 
 “ ter, direded to you all, to require your Judgment in this 
 “ cafe, as it is fet down in the inclcfed paper, which will 
 “ not only gain time, but alfo be of more authority to 
 “ over-rule any prejudicate opinions of others in the point.” 
 
 Given under our Signet, at our Court at Whitehall, the 
 fecond day of February, in the twelfth year of our 
 Reign, 1636. 
 
 The King’s Letter being read, the Lord-Keeper com¬ 
 manded the cafe inclofed to be read, being as follows. 
 
 Carolus Rex, 
 
 W HEN the good and fafety of the Kingdom in general f Spok'd l 
 is concerned, and the whole Kingdom in danger, vihe- the King Z 
 ther may not the King, by Writ under the Great Seal cf'^J^l"' 
 England, command all the Subjects of our Kingdom , at their ^ { uftw0! ' h - 
 charge, to provide and furnijh fuch a number of Ships, with Annals* 55 ’ 
 men , victuals, and munition , and for fuch time as we Jhall 
 think fit for the defence and fafe-guard of the Kingdom from 
 fuch danger and peril, and by Laiv compel the doing thereof, 
 in cafe of refufal and refrattorinefi ? And whether, in fuch 
 a cafe , is not the King the foie Judge both of the danger, 
 and when, and how the fame is to be prevented and a- 
 voided ? 
 
 The Judges Anfwer. 
 
 May it pleafe your mojl excellent Majejly, 
 
 W E have, according to your Majefty’s command, Tb e juj gt > 
 every man by himfelf, and all of us together, 
 
 “ taken into ferious confideration, the cafe and queftion 
 “ figned by your Majefty, and inclofed in your royal let- 
 “ ter; and we are of opinion, that when the good and 
 “ fafety of the Kingdom in general is concerned, and the 
 “ Kingdom in danger, your Majefty may, by Writ under 
 “ the Great Seal of England, command all your Subjedts 
 “ of this your Kingdom, at their charge, to provide and 
 “ furnifh fuch a number of Ships, with men, viduals, and 
 “ munition, and for fuch time as your Majefty fhall think 
 “ fit? for the defence and fafeguard of this Kingdom from 
 “ fuch danger and peril: And that by Law your Majefty 
 “ may compel the doing thereof, in cafe of refufal or 
 “ refradorinefs : And we are alfo of opinion, that in fuch 
 “ cafe your Majefty is the foie judge, both of the dan- 
 “ ger, and when, and how the fame is to be prevented and 
 " avoided” (3). 
 
 * George Crooke, 
 
 Thomas Trevor, 
 
 George Vernon, 
 
 Francis Crawley , 
 
 Robert Berkly, 
 
 Richard Wejlon. 
 
 After the reading of the cafe and anfwer, the Lord- ‘Phcjudges 
 Keeper faid, “ The King had commanded him to publifh ^Jfd‘tnZbe 
 “ f be Judges determination, and to give order that it fhould Courts of “ 
 “ be entered in all the Courts of Wejiminjler. That 
 tC moreover, his Majefty enjoined the Judges to declare 
 “ the fame in their circuits throughout the Kingdom, that ’ P ’ 33 
 “ no man might plead ignorance. That however, it was 
 “ not his Majefty’s purpofe to ftop the adions or fuits 
 cc which have been, or fhould be brought concerning this 
 “ matter, but only to prevent fuch as fhould bring their 
 <c adion, from being furprized.” He concluded with 
 faying, “ If any contrary opinion fhould yet remain a- 
 “ mong men, it muft proceed from thofe that are Sons of 
 “ the Law, or from fome not towards the Law. Of the 
 
 John Bramjlon , 
 
 John Finch , 
 Humphrey Davenport , 
 John Denham, 
 
 ! Richard Hutton, 
 William Jones, 
 
 Rullmiarrh t,t, - C'mm.Ilians were granted lor other Counties. This was llrenuoufly promoted by Archbifhop Laud, 
 
 Rujbuuorth, To 
 
 (3) The King’s Lett* 
 
 C/arendan, Tom. I. p. 76. 
 
 «u iodifpoitd m «hi. H«ii c .w. - c “"- i-- f * n .»•»«. 
 
The HISTORY 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 1635. “ latter I v.iil f y, Felices donum effettt tirosji de lilts jo- 
 
 «« lum jit.':: ear cut artifices. And as to the former, you, 
 
 “ the Judges of the Realm, are and ever have been ac- 
 “ counted ihe Fathers of the Law, then will it ill become 
 “ trie Son to difpute againlt, or take upon him to be wifer 
 “ than the Father.” 
 
 Relriait It is eafy to perceive, that the artifice of the queflion 
 ri.i propafed to tiie Judges, lay in the fuppofition of fome im¬ 
 
 minent danger to the Kingdom, for in (lanee, a fudden and 
 unexpected invafion, which moft certainly was not the cafe 
 then. And yet, upon the bare poffibility of fuch an ex¬ 
 traordinary cafe, the King eilablifhed a principle, which 
 cave him power to impofe not only Ship-Money, but any 
 other tax he fhould pleafe for the future. The prevarica¬ 
 tion of the Judges conlifted in that, feigning not to fee the 
 artif.ee of the queflion, they admitted, without examina¬ 
 tion, the King’s fuppofition, and decided the prefent cafe, 
 upon the foundation of an extraordinary and unforefeen e- 
 H'jfliworth, mergency, which was not impoflible Two of the Judges 
 11. p. 364. however, namely, Hutton and Crooke, were not of the 
 fame opinion : but they were perfwaded to fign, like the 
 reft, by the conlideration, that it was the opinion of the 
 Body. Let it be further obferved, that the order to en¬ 
 ter the Judges determination in the Courts of Juftice, and 
 to publifh it through all parts of the Kingdom, was very 
 extraordinary, fince thereby the King pretended to make 
 it a fort of Law, by which the Courts were to proceed in 
 judging the fuits, which might afterwards be brought upon 
 this affair. This had never been p radii fed, but with re¬ 
 gard to Adis of Parliament. 
 
 Hampden’1 After thefe precautions, the King thought himfelf fuf- 
 
 prcfxumn. fluently authorized to order fuch to be profecuted, as re- 
 Rufhwcoh. t0 p ay Ship-Money. He imagined, none would be 
 
 tyv. P ' * fo hardy and obftinate as to maintain a refufal before Judges, 
 State Trials. t i iat had already declared their opinion, and could not give 
 ^a contrary judgment, without making themfelves ridiculous. 
 [>■ 4X2,60S. Neverthelefs, there was a Gentleman, who being perfuaded, 
 notwithftanding the Judges determination, that Ship-Mo¬ 
 ney was illegal, and contrary to the Petition of Right, re- 
 lolved to Hand the fliock, and refufe to pay the tax. Mr. 
 Hampden of Buckinghamjhire was the man, who being 
 rated at twentv (i) Shillings, chofe rather to be condemned 
 than pay voluntary. This cafe was argued in the Exche¬ 
 quer Chamber, before all the Judges of England , who 
 were fent for to render the judgment more folemn and au¬ 
 thentic^. Though the point was only to decide, whether 
 Mr. Hampden fhould pay twenty Shillings or not, it was, 
 however, the moft important cafe that had ever been argued 
 in any Court of Juftice. The thing in queflion was, to 
 determine, whether the King had power to tax the Sub¬ 
 ject, without the concurrence of the Parliament, and whe¬ 
 ther the people were obliged to pay taxes impofed in that 
 manner. Accordingly Mr. Hampden s and the King’s 
 Counfel difplayed on this occafion, all that wit, learning, 
 knowledge of the Laws, folidity of reafoning, fubtlety, 
 cbicanry, are able to produce. There were fome who 
 pleaded four days together. I do not fuppofe it is expeCted, 
 I fhould infert here all the arguments alledged on both tides, 
 in this famous cafe. I fhall content my felf therefore with 
 briefly giving a general Idea of the thing. 
 
 Summary of The King's Counfel maintained, That the King was 
 lb, Ar;u- ' the h ea d 0 f the State, and obliged to protect it when in 
 mt*! O’l both ( ] an g er • That this danger might be fuch as required an 
 immediate remedy. From whence they inferred, that what 
 was alledged in favour of the Laws was not to the purpofe, 
 fince cafes might happen where it was impracticable to ob- 
 ferve them : confequently their execution wa, reftrained by 
 neceflity, and in thefe cafes of neceflity, the King had an 
 abfolutc power to impofe taxes for the defence of the Realm, 
 f,, r which they urged fundry precedents in former Reigns. 
 Tnev added, "as the People were not called to the King’s 
 Council to give their opinion, whether there was a necef¬ 
 lity or not, to impofe taxes for the defence of the King¬ 
 dom, it followed, that the King, by the advice of his 
 Council, was the foie judge : That his Majefty having 
 deemed it necellary in the prefent cafe, he might lawfully 
 impofe Ship Money, and his Subjects could not refufe to 
 pay it, without incurring the guilt of difobedience. 
 
 The Counfel for Mr. Hampden owned the King was 
 head of the State, and that it was incumbent on him to 
 defend ft, but withal maintained, that the law had provided 
 the means to put the Kingdom in a ftate of fafety, by in- 
 vefling the perfon of his Majefty with feveral privileges 
 which were intended for that purpofe. For inftance, the 
 mht of being Tilled by the pofleffors of the fees of the 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 Crown, of arming the Cinque-ports, fines, confifentions, 1636. 
 Tunnage and Poundage, and other cuftoms of which he 
 was actually in poiielHon, and which he had himfelf decla¬ 
 red to be defigned for the defenfe of the feas. Lafllv, 'up- 
 poling and allowing all thefe means to be exbaufled the 
 King had another infallible way, which was to call a Par¬ 
 liament, and demand a fupply for all extraordinary occa- 
 fions. 
 
 But the King’s Counfel chiefly infilled upon the poflibi- 
 lity of fuch fudden and unforefeen cafes as would not afford 
 time to cali a Parliament. This was their main argument, 
 and the foie foundation of the advantages they pretended to 
 draw from the precedents of former Reigns. Though the 
 principles they would have eftablifhed tended to put it in 
 the King’s power to impofe taxes whenever he pleafed, 
 they durll not however aflert it in plain terms, but li¬ 
 mited his power to cafes of neceflity, of which however 
 they would have the King to be the foie judge, which came 
 to the fame thing. 
 
 To this Mr. Hampden’s counfel replied : 1. Thefe cafes 
 were very rare, and granting the King had a power in fuck 
 cafes to impofe extraordinary taxes, this neceflity ought to 
 be very evident. 2. The King, upon fuch a fuppoiiticn, 
 having exacted loans from his SubjeCts, the Parliament had 
 declared them void, and the King in his anfwer to the Pe¬ 
 tition ol Right, acknowledged he had no power to demand 
 them. 3. At this prefent time, there was no reafon to 
 fear any fudden invafion, fince his Majefty was in peace 
 with all his neighbours. 4. The King himfelf did not 
 think the danger to be imminent, fince the writs fent to 
 the Counties to fit out (hips being dated the 71h of Attgujl, 
 thefe fhips were not to be at Portfmouth lill the firft of 
 March following, and confequently the King himfelf was 
 of opinion, that there was feven months time to prevent 
 the danger, in which fpacc a Parliament might eafily be 
 called. 
 
 I fhall infill no longer upon this fubjeCt which would lead 
 me too far, if I fhould relate the objections, anfwers, 
 and replies of both fides. It fuffices to make this general 
 remark, that the Counfel for Mr. Hampden pleaded exprefs 
 laws, Magna Cbarta, the lubfequent Statutes, and the Pe¬ 
 tition of Right. The King’s Counfel infifted chiefly upon 
 precedents and inftances taken from fome of the former 
 Reigns, and upon the impoflibility in certain cafes, of 
 ftriclly obferving the laws. From whence they inferred, 
 that the laws were not fo general, but that they were limi¬ 
 ted by extraordinary cafes, and the King being bound to 
 defend the State, ought to be the foie judge of fuch cafes. 
 
 I don’t find they endeavoured to prove that the Kingdom 
 was aClually in one of thefe extraordinary cafes, or in im¬ 
 minent danger. 
 
 After the caufe had been argued many days, from the Hampden 
 beginning of November till Chrtjlmafs , and in the following it iajt. 
 terms, till Way and June, udgment was irei . infl Mr. 
 
 Hampden, and he was condemned to pay the fum he was 
 taxed at. From thenceforth no one would have recourfe 
 to the Law, fince it would have been in vain after fo fo¬ 
 lemn a Judgment (2). 
 
 Whillt endeavours were ufing in England to carry the 7 bt Kir A,' 
 Prerogative-Rovdl higher than ever, the King revived to 
 execute at laft the project he had formed with regard to 'Mil! ? I 
 Scotland , namely, to reduce the Kirk to a perfect Confor¬ 
 mity with tiie Church of England. This projeCt was 
 formed by King 'James, at his acceflion to the Crown of 
 England. Nay, he had found means before he left Scotland 
 to reftore Epifcopacy, as will prefently appear. From that 
 time, the Bifhops were always protected and countenanced 
 by 'Jama I, and Charles I, who gained the Parliaments to 
 their interell, and moreover exerted their Prcrogati'.e in 
 favour of the Prelates ; for with them the execution of 
 their delign was to begin. As the troubles this affair oc- 
 cafioned in Scotland, were the principal caufe of the mif- 
 fortunes and ruin of Charles I, I think it indifpenfabiy 
 neceiiary to trace them to their origin, and the rather, as 
 they had great influence upon the affairs of England. Be- 
 fides, though many foreign Authors have fpoken of the 
 differences between Charles I, and his SubjeCts of Scotland , 
 
 I dont know any that has undertaken to explain this mat¬ 
 ter clearly, or fpoken of it impartially. 
 
 The Reformation was received in Scotland by publick 7^ stated 
 authority, in the reign of Queen Alary 1 560, juft before Ep:j .pay 
 the death of Francis II, and whillt the Queen his widow ,r ; Scotland 
 was yet in France. The firft that embraced the reformed J R t f or m.::icit 
 Religion in Scotland under the former reigns, were much t. 5637. I 
 pcrfecuted, even to the time I have been fpeaking of, and 
 
 («) S.jm byn. 
 (2 This Caufe 
 and Cr-rk,) arguet 
 the King, and to 
 Bufine s, and be n 
 
 aiftilce fays ten- 
 
 v. n. • -:ily argued by the King's, and Mr. Hampden's Counfel, but afterwards by the Judges at the Bench, and a’.i of tiiasn, (except Ilutt r 
 . , and gave their judgment f.r the King. Judge C- •" 1 ved/to deliver h nion 
 
 that end had prepared his Argument : But a few days before, uprn difeourfe with fome of hi: Relations, and moll ie ous thiu his of t! • 
 , ■ be.itlmd b\ his Lady, who t.-id her Husband upon this occafion, that (be biped be •would do nothing again]i Cenjaen.e, f.r jean ,J ■ v 
 • / :,.J or / 5 Family ; and that Jheovoutd be contented to fujtir Want, or ary Atijcry with him, latter ’ban he an oceajim foe vim to d: 
 
 id meat. Up o thefe, I fay, and the like Enct ir.'g . ... ... . hit bet tt hougt . 1 uddei j . red hi 
 
 hi- (, t ir.ion againii the King. (KbitehA-'t Man. p. 24. 
 
 yet 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 ‘ lldr “ 1 1,ot . fail to increafe. The By the Benefice, I mean the revenues, land-, honour 
 
 Ihfi.ops thought chemfelves bound .n confcience topi, privileges, in a Word, all the Temporalities annexed to the 
 cute lire Reformed. They were at once their adverfaries quality of Biihop. By the Office, I underlined the Sn'rituai 
 and judges, and conlcquently it was almoft impoffible, but jurifdiaion and Ain&ions of the Bifhops T this diftir.aimi 
 uns condua fhould draw on them the enmity of the fuf- is not continually remembered, it will’be impoffible to ur. 
 tcicrs. Accordingly, the decree of the States to admit the derftand the difputcs concerning this matter 
 Reformation, was no /boner made, than the Bifhops loft all It is certain that from the year r _< 6 o, when the Pefor 
 their credit and authority. ’Tis certain, the plan on which mation was eftablifhed in Scotland, to the year i 6 ca tfie 
 the Government of the new Church was at firft fettled, Church of that Kingdom was governed by PresbyterV 
 was not favorable to Epifcopacy, but it was refolved to Diocefan and Provincial Synods, General Affemblies a- J 
 conform to the Difcipline of the Churches of Switzerland, that even Super!ntendants were appointed who continued 
 . he Reformed had too great an averfion for the Bifhops, till the year . 575. It is no left certain, that tfte genera' 
 to remain under their yoke, efpeually as there were but Affemblies condemned and reie&cd Epifcopal Government 
 very few Prelates that agreed to the late change in Reli- above thirty years, and, during that time cortftantlv de 
 gion. All that was done in their favour was, that the "landed and earneftly follicited the abolition of En.fconacv 
 Council ordered, fuch as would embrace the Reformation With refpea both to Temporals and Spirituals NV <•> 
 fhould enjoy their revenues, on condition they would main- thelefs, from the beginning of the Reform-tion till 1 - 
 tam Mmifters. This plainly fhows, that though their re- no exprefs A& of Parliament could be obtained whether 
 venues were left them, there was no intention to continue for or againft Epifcopacy, or to approve or reject’the p r e- 
 the Government of the Church in their hands. It was not byterian Government, if we except the interval between 
 the fame in England, when the Reformation was received the years 1571 and 1575, of which I fhall foeak here¬ 
 in the reign of Edward VI. Far from being prejudiced a- after (1). 
 
 pinll the Biftiops, the Englijh, on the contrary, could not Had the general afTemblies confined their demands to the 
 but own it was by means of the pnnc.pal Prelates that the abolifhing of epifcopacy as to the fp,ritual funflions very 
 Reformation was eftablifhed. 1 here was therefore no mo- likely, they would have eafily obtained it But after the 
 five either of hatred or policy to incline the Englijh to abolition of the epifcopal office as far as in them lay the- 
 throw oft Lpucopal Government, though they fhould be were not contented with defiring that their Aft- mfoht be 
 fuppofed to confider it as a thing indifferent. But in Sett- confirmed by the Parliament, but demanded alfo that the 
 land, paflions, policy and reafon it felf required a deliver- name of Bifhop might be abolifhed, and the Billions de 
 ance from the yoke of the Bifhops, who, for the moll prived of all forts of temporal honours and privileges as the 
 part oppofed the Reformation to the utmoft of their power, right of fitting in Parliament and the like. Ii ; the Court 
 ho Presbyteries, National Synods, or General Affemblies, always oppofed it ftrenuoufly, bccaufe the Bifhonricks and 
 were eftablifhed, to whofe care the fettling of the Difcipline Abbies being filled by the King, lie could almoft depend 
 was committed , , upon as many votes in Parliament as there were Bifhops 
 
 Thefe general Affemblies at firft had, or, perhaps, and Abbots. For the fame reafon, the Court bv fi-cret 
 tifurped, a very great authority. ’Twas even ncceffary praaices, hindered the Parliament from paffing any Afl'tt 
 their power fhould be great, to enable them to defend the eftablifh Presbytery, and to abrogate the fpiritual iurif.hefion 
 Reformation againft the perpetual attacks of its enemies, of Bifhops, becaufe it was perceived that this would tend 
 thieen Mary, who arrived foon after in Scotland, was a to deprive them of their temporal honours. Not but tint 
 zealous Catholick, and many of the principal Lords were in the aflual prafliceof the Church, Epifcopacy was redly’ 
 111 the fame fenliments. So, the Popifh-Party was ftill abolifhed, and Presbytery eftablifhed ; but however as Ions' 
 very ftrong, and in condition toobftruift the progrefs of the as there was no exprefs Act to abolifh Epifcopacy ’ the Bi- 
 Reformation. On the other hand, the general AfTcnbly, fhops and Abbots could not be prevented from voting in 
 which then confided wholly of Mmifters, vigoroufly fup- Parliament, which was a great advantage to the Court 
 ported the new Religion, notwithftandmg the efforts of the So the name and title of Bifhops and Abbots ftill fubfifted 
 Catholick-party Mean while, though they ardently They held the lands annexed to their benefices, and en-’ 
 laboured to abolifh Epifcopacy by publick authority, they joyed the fame temporal privileges with their predeceffors 
 could not obtain of the Parliament an. exprefs Aft for that though the office was ceafed. This is fo true with refneft 
 purpofe At laft m ,566, the general Affembly folemnly to the Abbots, as to admit of no difpute The Abbies 
 approved of the Difcipline of the Church of Switzerland, were in the poffeffion of Laymen, who fat in Parliament 
 and of a parity among the Mmifters. 1 his was fufficient by the name and title of Ablits. As to the Bifhoiv the 
 to overthrow at once the fpiritual Power of the Bifhops, thing is not fo clear, becaufe the title of Bifhop was confer 
 but not to deprive them of their temporal privileges. So, red on Churchmen. Had the Court bellowed the Bifhon- 
 from the year 1561 to the depofing of Queen Mary in ricks upon Laymen, it would have given the general Af- 
 1 567, th= ftate of the Bifhops was very uncertain. They fembly too great an advantage, who defiled nothin^ more 
 enjoyed their revenues, fat in Parliaments, but their fpiritual than a plaufible pretence to prefs the abolition of the tem- 
 Junfd.dion was acknowledged by few, though they (trove poralities of the Prelates. This demonftrates that a mai- 
 to preface it The general Aflembly had declared for the may juftly fay, there were, and there were not at the fame 
 Presbyterian Government, but the Parliament had not yet time Bifhops in Scotland. There were Bifhops if it ,! 
 made any decifion. Mean while the Bifhops were in a confidered that there were perfons fo called, who ’held tht- 
 very melaneholly fituation, fince the People, who had a lands and revenues of the Sees, and who as fuch had 
 great veneration for the general Aflembly, could not, after feat in Parliament. There were none, with refpefl to the 
 they had been condemned there, acknowledge them for fpiritual fun&ions, which were really abolifhed by the de- 
 1 alrors. bo, though their fpiritual Authority was not ex- crees of the general Affembly, aftd by atfual oracTce 
 prcfsly abrogated by the Parliament, it was, as I may fay, though the Parliament had not exprefsly repealed them’ 
 reduced to nothing, fince they could not exercife it, the Upon the confufion of the fpiritual and temporal States of 
 Bencral Aflembly d.reflmg all the affairs of the Church, the Bifhops, all the objeflions and anfwers in trim difnute 
 This has occafioned warm difputes concerning Epifcopacy, wholly turn. Some prove very plainly that Epifcooacy 
 Tome affirming, it was entirely abolifhed in Scotland, and fubfifted in Scotland, provided they confine the mranine tff 
 others, that it was always continued. One cannot but that word to temporals : but their'proofs are very defective 
 >. wonder at a difpute about a fafl of this nature, and it is with regard to Spirituals. Others evidently (how, tin, Enif- 
 n° left furprizing that the I arliament of Scotland fhould de- copacy was abolifhed as to the fpiritual funflions by vet‘[u- 
 lay above thirty years to fette the Government of the of the Afls of the general Affembly. But they cannot 
 Church by their authority. Wherefore it is abfolutely ne- prove, it was abolifhed with refpefl to the temporal privi- 
 ceffary to explain the reafons. Otherwife ,t would be dif- leges, fince the Parliament I,ad not yet made any decifion 
 ficult to underftand the caufes of the troubles of Scotland, As neither can produce any exprefs Afl of Parliament, at 
 of which we muft neceffanly fpeak. But before I defend leaft till fuch a time, they alledge forne from whence they 
 P ? n' Cl i " r u b n T t0 °k fc " c ’ that we endeavour to draw inferences to their advantage But this 
 
 carefully d,ft,nguifh the BenehcefromtheOff.ee of a Bifhop. requires a further explication. For the better underftand! 
 
 2 97 
 
 brief account of the prefent Government of the K’rk of 
 particular didrifts, and every didrift 
 "” l ’~ l "‘ * " ipetency, and is of a 
 
 (1) For the better nnderdanding of the Sequel of the Scorch affairs, it will not be amifs to giv, 
 
 Scotland. In Scotland arc eight hundred and ninety Parilhes, each of which is divided in proportion to its extent 
 
 olV' 5 K° W V U, ! ng Eld " S ' {th J " “i ^ en ,° f the pri/lcipal 1 ualk y and iatm&t in the Pari/h ) and Deacon, (that is. one'who has a competency and i, , 
 mrv ll! " .i" minnCrS ar u undcrfta " dlr >S- ) A Confiftory of Minifters, Elders, and Deacons, is called a Kirk-Seffion, the lowed EccSical r d"ca- 
 tory. which meets once a week, to confider the aftarrs of .he Parilh- The Min.der is always Moderator, but without a negative. Appefl ^from 
 
 which ; re the next higher judicatories. Scotland is divided into Sixty-nine Presbyteries, each confiding of, from tweke to twent - 
 " T . h . “ ' n ?' er ’, r / ! hcfe P,,ri ( hes wllh one rulln 8 Elder > chofen half-yearly out ol every Kirk. Sefli-n, compofe a Presbytery. ThL 
 Town, ard chu e their Moderator, who mud be a Minider, half-yearly, he is only Prolocutor. From hence Aooeal lie n ij . i • 
 
 '«• “ sisfoA Th„c i„ . 11 . Ths 
 
 every Par Ih Thcic Synods meet iw.ee a year, at the principal Town of its bounds. They chufe a Moderator, who is their Pro’locuror 
 fubictl to the review of the Genera Aflembly, the dernier refort of the Kirk of Scotland. It ennfids of Comtniflioners from Pref- 
 A Presbytery of twelve Mintders, lends two Mimders, and one ruling Elder. Of be'ween twelve and eighte-.n t 
 ruling Elders. Of twenty-four, fends ' 
 
 wn Presl yte 
 
 ruling Elder. ....... 
 
 The Adts of the Synod 
 byteries, Rvyal Burghs, and V 
 lends three, and one tuling ' 
 
 Of between eighteen and twenty-four, (ends four, and 
 
 vp R 1 R . 0 - “ -- -'e. ” -uu imiiiy.iuur, icnu 5 tour, anu iwo ruling r.iaers. ur rwen'y-tour lends eve 
 
 tvery Koyai Burgh lends one Elder, and Edinburgh two, Every Univerfity fends one Conymiflioner, ufuajly a Minider. The Affemblv meets 
 
 No. 58. V 01.. II. 
 
 F f f f 
 
 mg, 
 
Vo], II. 
 
 ■■li e HISTORY Of i N G L A N D. 
 
 1 6:. mg this matter we muft ncceflarilv dittinguiih the Various 
 ciremnftances of Scotland , from the beginning of the Re¬ 
 form .tion ; namely, in the Reign of Mary ; in that of 
 Ja-\ss VI. (firing his minority ; under the fame Prince 
 a r tt;i alTuming tne Governmcnu according to the fever.il 
 Mml.k-r. or Favorites, by whole advice he was directed ; 
 and laftly, under the fame Prince after his accelfion to 
 England. The flute of the Bifhops depended ail this time 
 on the iaterefts of tin fe who were in the adminiilration. 
 
 The P.-.-ign of Mary laded till the year it 7. This 
 Queen v. a. a zealous Catholick, and vet, fo long as 
 ti e Earl of Murray her natural brother had any credit with 
 her, the R-i mmulion was not attacked. But towards the 
 end of her Reign under Bothwef- adminiilration, the ge¬ 
 neral Aflembly loft ground. However, in 1 50(1, they 
 lie. !e the ton mentioned iF-csee, to approve of the difeipline 
 of the Churches of Switzerland , and of a parity among 
 the Minilters, which entirely deltrnyed Epifcopacy. But 
 the Queen regai dlefs of this decree, openly reitored the 
 Archbifhoprick of St. Andruc' s, notwithltanding the oppo- 
 fitiun of the Aflembly. 
 
 The interval from the depoflng of Queen Man in 
 1567 to 1573, was a time of troubles and difeord, under 
 the adminiftration of feveiai Regent-, whofc authority was 
 not firmly cftibhfhed : fo that it was very difficult for the 
 Parliament cifhclually to fettle the difeipline of the Church. 
 All that can be faid is, that they ujedled not what was 
 eflablifhed by the general Aflembly, though they gave not 
 their actual confent to it. On the other hand, in 1572 
 and 1 , - 3 the R.egent, fur fume private views, caufed fome 
 Adis to be p.woJ in favour of Fp.kopacy, but which were 
 afterwards repealed. '! hefe Acts were as follows : 
 
 N1H00, By the full, which is the iii of the Parliament holden 
 
 T> I p-'s i- in 1572, it i.> declared, The Archbifhops and Bijhops have 
 tie aUthsrit , and are ordained , to conveen and deprive all 
 info lor perfons being Minijlers , who Jhall net Jubfcribe the 
 Articles of Religion, and give their oath for acknowledging 
 and recogmlcmg of our Sovereign Lord and his authority, 
 and bring a u limonial in writing thereupon, within a month 
 after their admijjion. 
 
 By the 4 Ah Adi of the fame Parliament, it is declared. 
 That Archlijheps and Bijhops have authority at their vifita- 
 tions to defign Minijlers glebes. 
 
 By the 54th of the faid Parliament, Archbifhops and 
 Bijhops U'c-c authorized to nominate and appoint at their vi- 
 fitations , pirfns in every Parocbin for making and Jetting 
 of the taxation , far upholding and repairing of Kirks and 
 Kirk-yards, and to conveen, try, and ccnfurc all perfons that 
 Jhall be found to have applied to their own ufe the Stones, 
 Timber, or any thing efe pertaining to Kirks demolijhed. 
 
 By the 55th of the Parliament in 1573, Arehhijbops and 
 Bijhops were authorized to admonijh perfons married, m cafe 
 of dejection, to adhere , and in cafe of dfobedience, to direil 
 charges to the Minijler of the Parocbin to proceed to the fen- 
 tence of Excommunication. 
 
 There appears in thefe four Adis fome figns of the 
 Epifcopal jurifdidlion, or at lead, that the Parliament did 
 not look upon epifcopacy as entirely abolifhed. But on the 
 other hand, if the Bifhops adlually exercifed their func¬ 
 tions at that time, where was the necefiity of the Parlia¬ 
 ment’s authorizing them to adt in moft of the things fpe- 
 cified in thefe Statutes? But there is here a ftronger objec¬ 
 tion Hill againft the Bifhops. And that is, they who have 
 thus cited thefe Adis, have curtailed them, and pafled over 
 in filence the Superintendants who were joined with the 
 Bifhops, from whence it is inferred, that the Bifhops were 
 impoweicd only as commiflioners of the Parliament. 
 
 I proceed now to the time of King fames 's majority, 
 or at F ill, of his afluming the Government, though he 
 was not really of age. The Earl of Morton having loft 
 his head in 1581, the Duke of Lenox and Earl of Arran 
 ruled the young King as they pleafed. They were expel¬ 
 led afterwards by the Rut hens, but the King recalled the 
 Earl of Arran , who became more powerful than ever. It 
 is certain, this Favorite’s defign was to difingage the King 
 his mafter from the intereft of England , and to counte 
 nance the Duke of Gulf’s project to invade Elizabeth by 
 Scotland. It was the Favorite’s bufinefs therefore to curb 
 the too great power of the general Aflembly, who ftrongly 
 oppofed the execution of this projedt. The beft way to 
 fucceed, was, not only to protect the Bifhops, but alfo to 
 give them authority over the Minilters, that thefe might 
 be more humble, To that end, he procured the four fol¬ 
 lowing Adis in the Parliament of t 384. 
 
 Nilfon The 1 30th ran : That none of his Majejlf s Lieges and 
 
 T. !. p-ras- Subjects prefume or take upon hand to impugn the dignity and 
 authority of the three Ejlatcs of this Kingdom, whereby the 
 honour and authority of the King’s Majefly's fupreme Court 
 of Parliament, pajl all memory oj' man, hath been continued , 
 or to j'eek or procure the innovation or diminution of the power 
 and authority of the fame three Ejlates , ir any of them in 
 time coming) under the pain of Treafon. 
 
 By the 1 u il, All judgments and jurfdiilions, as well in 16:6 
 fptritual as temporal caufes , in praEhce and cujlorn , during 
 the twenty-'our years by-pajl, not approved by the King and 
 three Ejlates in Parliament, are difebarged ; and it is de- 
 f Kiled, That none of his Uigbnejs Subjects of wbatfoevi r 
 quality, ejlate or function they be of, fpiritual or temporal , 
 prejume, or take upon hand to convocate, convene, or ajfen.ile 
 themjflves together for holding of Councils , Conventions, ■ 
 
 Afiemblies , : - meat, cou/u/t, or determinate in any mat to 0! 
 
 Ejlate, civil :r ecdej't.jiical , •' except in the ordinary judg¬ 
 ments . with, (t bis Alajejly s Ipeciai command’, eat, or ex pin ■$ 
 uce ice had a id obtained to that ejfefl. 
 
 IS/ the 1 ;2d, Bijhops are authorized to try and judge 
 Mmjiers gunty of crimes meriting deprivation. 
 
 1 he 133d ordains, That Minijlers excrciftng any off.ee, 
 bejule their calling , be tried and adjudged culpable by their 
 Ordinaries. 
 
 it is manifeft, that the intent of thefe four Adis was to 
 aboiifh the general Afiemblies with the Presbytery, and re- 
 ftore the Epifcopal Government. But it rnuft be obferved, 
 
 1. Thefe Adis were made during the tyranny of the 
 F.arl of Arran, who had formed the project of admitting 
 into Scotland a popifh army, and it is no credit to the Bi¬ 
 lhops, that he fliould think them proper to countenance 
 that defign. 2. The general Aflembly folemnly protefted 
 againft thefe Adis, maintaining, it was not in the power of 
 the King and Parliament to fettle or alter the Government 
 of the Church, without the Church’s content ; that it 
 could not be juflly pretended, that four Bifhops, who were 
 prefent in tins Parliament, and whofe fpiritual power was 
 long fince abolifhed, and four Laymen, under the name of 
 Abbots, were lawful Rc-prefentatives of the whole Church, 
 or that their confent to thefe Adis fhould be confidered as 
 the confent of the national Church. 3. Thefe four Adts 
 were repealed by the Parliament of 1592. 
 
 1 mu ft proceed now to another jundlure, when King 
 James , freed from the Earl of Arran's, tyranny, having re- 
 linquifhed the chimerical projedls fuggefted by that favorite, 
 was better acquainted with his true interefts. 1 mean the 
 year 1587. Though, at the beginning of this year, Eli¬ 
 zabeth had beheaded Mary, King's Janus's mother, he 
 was foon comforted by the hopes of pofleffing one day the 
 Crown of England, which he was afraid of lofing, in cafe 
 lie continued to form projedls againft Religion, as he had 
 done during the Kail of Arran's minii'try. This fame year K,ir jn , 
 therefore he gave the royal afl’ent to the Adi of Aanexa-T. 1. p.i6r 
 tion, whereby were annexed to the Crown, all Lordjhips 
 and Baronies pertaining to wbatjover Archbifoops, or Bijhops , 
 
 Abbots , Pi iors , Nuns and Monies ; refiervlng always to Arch¬ 
 bijhops, be. and others poffeffors of great benefices of the ejlate 
 of Prelates , and which before had or hath vote in Parlia¬ 
 ment, the principal cajllcs and fortalices. 
 
 It may be inferred from ibis Adt, that the depriving 
 the Bifhops of their Lands, was depriving them withal of 
 the right of fitting in Parliament, fince that right was 
 founded entirely upon the pofleffion of the Baronies. Nay, 
 it feems that the title of Bifhop begun now to be conferred 
 on Laymen, which gave them only the pofleffion 4 the 
 chief Caflle belonging to the See. At leaft we find, that 
 Ihortly after, the Bifhoprick of Cathnefs becoming vacant, 
 by the death of Robert Kail of March, the King’s Uncle, 
 the general Aflembly prayed his Majefly to give that See 
 to a Clergyman. 
 
 At laft, in 1392, the Parliament repealed and annulled id. p. 163, 
 not only the fore-mentioned Adis of 1583, but alfo fuch 
 as were contrary to the Difeipline eflablifhed, approving , 
 ratifying, and confirming the Ajfemblies, Presbytei ie, and Sy¬ 
 nods, with the dijeipline and jur jdiklion of the Kirk, as mojl 
 jujl and godly, notwithjlanding whatfoever Statutes, Aits, 
 
 Canons , civil or municipal Laws made in the contrary. Fur¬ 
 ther, they abrogated all Ails, granting commiffion to Bijhops , 
 and other Judges conjlitute in eccleftajlical Caufes ; and or¬ 
 dained prefentation to Benefices, to be directed to Presbyteries , 
 with poiuer to give Collation thereupon. 
 
 This Adi was confirmed in 1593, and the power of 
 Presbyteries folemnly acknowledged by the Parliament in 
 1594, Adt 129. 
 
 Was not this fufficient to aboiifh Epifcopacy entirely ? ism 
 B y the Adt of z 387, the Bifhops were dil'poflefl’ed of their 
 Lands; and by that of 1592, they loft all manner of ju- 
 rifdidlion. For how could the power of the Presbyteries 
 and general Afiemblies, be confident with the Epifcopal 
 jurifdidtion ? And yet, there were perfons who ftill bore 
 the name of Bifhop, by reafon of their holding Caftles for¬ 
 merly belonging to the Sees: for it does not appear, upon 
 what other account they could be called Bifhops : Nay, 
 very likely, feveral of thefe forts of Sees were in Lay- 
 hands ; at leaft, the Abbies and Priories were certainly fo. 
 
 But things remained not long upon the fame foot. Whe¬ 
 ther the general Aflemblies ufurped too much authority, al¬ 
 ter they were freed from the Bifhops, or for fome other 
 reafons, the King formed new nrojedls, and rcfolved to rc- 
 
 ftorv 
 
Book X'Y 
 
 25. C H A 
 
 flrore the Bifhops. At that lime, as at many other junc¬ 
 tures, the Court had fo great an influence over the Par¬ 
 liament, that almoft whatever was deflred, was enaded. 
 
 The King therefore fo ordered it, ix>. 1597, that the pri- 
 vUrge of a voice in Parliament was granted, to the whole 
 Park ■, and under that name to Bijhops and Abbots, even as in 
 ■ivies of Papijiry. As to the office and fpiritual Government 
 cf Bijhops , the Parliament remitted them, to the King and the 
 Ajfembly , intending not to derogate from the provincial and 
 general Affemblies, and other whatfoever Presbyteries and 
 Seffions , nor from the Difcipline ejlablijhcd in the Kirk. 
 
 The Adi fhows, the Bifhcps had loft their right of feat 
 in Parliament, fince there was occafion to give it them 
 again. By virtue of this Ad, they refumed their places in 
 Parliament, and even Sir Robert Spotifwood a Layman took 
 his feat there, as Abbot of New-Abbey. The King deflred 
 nothing more at that time, than to introduce the Bifhops 
 and Abbots again into the Parliament. But he did not 
 ftop there, as will be feen prefently. 
 
 Mean while, as the general Aflembly ftill continued to 
 oppofe ftrenuoufly the promotion of Churchmen to pofts of 
 authority in the State, and as the People feemed more in¬ 
 clined to follow the determinations of the general Aflembly, 
 than thofe of the Parliament, it was to be feared, this dif- 
 fention would at laft raife difturbances in the Kingdom. 
 To prevent this inconvenience, the King caufed the gene¬ 
 ral Aflembly, held at Montrofs, in the year 1600, to be 
 prefled fo earncflly to content to what the Parliament of 
 < 597 had granted lo the Bifhops, that they were obliged 
 either to comply, or break entirely with him. They ap¬ 
 proved this Ad therefore, but upon certain conditions, the 
 fubftance whereof was, that the Bifhops fhould ad in 
 Parliament only as Commtihoners or Deputies of the Kirk, 
 and fhould be fubjed to the general Aflembly. The con¬ 
 ditions laid upon them were thefe: 
 
 They (had obtain a commiflion from the general Aflem¬ 
 bly, to ad in their name in Parliament, and fhall Lvear 
 to obferve the following articles. 
 
 They fhall move nothing, without having an exprefs 
 order from the Kirk, on pain of being deprived of their 
 office. 
 
 They fhall not confent, no not by their filencc, to any 
 thing again ft the liberties of the Kirk, under the fame 
 penalty. 
 
 They fhall be accountable to each general Aflembly, for 
 their behaviour in the difeharge of their commiflion, (ince 
 the laft Aflembly ; be obliged to demand the approbation, 
 and fubmit to the determination and cenfure of the Aflem¬ 
 bly without any appeal, on pain of being pronounced infa¬ 
 mous and excommunicated. 
 
 They fhall be fatisfied with that portion of their Bene¬ 
 fices, the King fhall pleafe to allot them for their fubfif- 
 tence, that they may not be a burden to the Minifters 
 that are already, or fhall be hereafter fettled in their Be¬ 
 nefices. 
 
 f hey fhall not fuffer their Benefices to go to decay, or 
 difpofe of any thing belonging thereto, without the'con- 
 ient of the King and the general Aflembly, and fhall al¬ 
 low that inhibitions be direded to them for that purpofe. 
 
 They fhall exercife the fundions of Paftors in their own 
 Congregations, and be fubjed to the cenfure of their own 
 Presbyteries and the general Alftmbly, like the reft of the 
 Minifters that are not commiflioned. 
 
 In the adminiftration of Difcipline, and in every thing 
 relating to the Government of the Kirk, they fhall ufurp 
 no power or jurifdidion beyond what is adjudged to other 
 Minifters, on pain of forfeiting their office. 
 
 , ty teries and general and provincial AfTemblies, 
 
 T 3 dcmean themfelves in the fame manner as other 
 Minifters, and fhall .be liable to their cenfure. 
 
 None of thofe that fit in Parliament fhall be members 
 of the general AfTemblies, unlefs they be expreisly deputed 
 by their Presbyteries. 
 
 It is plain from thefe conditions, inferred in the Ad of 
 1 arltament made to confirm that of 1597, what was the 
 intention of the Montrofs Aflembly, in agreeing out of 
 compliance to the King, that the Bifhops fhould lit in 
 I arliament. 'The Bifhcps embraced what was for their 
 advantage, namely, the AfTembly’s confent to the privilege 
 that was granted them: but never performed any of the 
 conditions. The Court was then favorable to them, hut 
 it was full more fo, after the King’s acceflion to the Crown 
 of England. 
 
 As focm as James I. became King of England , he fori 
 as I find, the projedof eftablifhing in the Kirk of , 
 land, the Difcipline and Hierarchy of the Church of j 
 a l :om P lifh chis defign, it was neceflary to 
 fro re the Bifhops to all the rights they had enjoyed hi 
 the Reformation, and accordingly lie refolved to beo-in 
 this re brat,on. Hi, power in the Parliament was ■ 
 great, during the laft years of hi, being in Scotland ; 
 it was nothing in companion of what it was after his at 
 
 rles i. 299 
 
 fion to the throne of England. It fuffices to fay, that this 1 '636. 
 influence was in proportion to the means he had of difpen- 
 fing to his, Scotch Subjeds favours, which he had Mot been 
 able to grant them in their Country. We have f c en, in 
 the Hiftory of his reign, how he {flowered liis bounties 
 upon them, which the Engl'Jh could not, forbear <0 com¬ 
 plain of.. It is not therefore very flrange, that; the Mem¬ 
 bers of the Parliament of Scotland fhould be at. his devo¬ 
 tion. He made ufe of his credit in-the year 1 606, and 
 obtained the following Ad of Parliament ; 
 
 “ The antient and fundamental policy, confiding in the N’atf'n, ' 
 ** maintenance of. the tliiee EluM.es of Pa. iiainer.ty beiiur 1 
 “ of late, greatly impaired, and .almoft fuuvcried, elpeciaily 
 ‘‘ by the indited abolifhing of the Eflate . of Bifhops by 
 “ the Ad of Annexation ; albeit it was never meaned by 
 “ his Majefty, nor by his Eftates, that the Lid Elfale of ■ 
 
 “ Bifhops, being a neceflary Eftate of the Pailuinent, 
 
 “ fhould any way be fupprefled ; yet by difmembring and 
 “ abftrading from them of their Livings, being bought in 
 “ contempt and poyertyj the fajd Eflate ofBifhops is herc- 
 “ by reftored, and redintegrate to their antient and ac- 
 “ c.uftomed honour, dignities, prerogatives, privileges, 
 
 “ la p d s, teindes, rents, as the fame was in the reformed 
 “ Kirk, moft amply and free, at any time before the Ad 
 “ of Annexation ; refunding and annulling all Ads of 
 “ Parliament nude in prejudice, of the faid Bifhops in the 
 “ premifles, or any of them, with ail that hath followed, 
 
 “ or may follow thereupon, to the eft'ed they may peace- 
 “ ably enjoy the honours, dignities, privileges and prero- 
 “ gatives competent to them or their Eflate fince the Rc- 
 “ formation of Religion.” 
 
 Thus, far however it concerned only the Temporalities, 
 there not being in the Ad a Angle word fiom whence it 
 might be inferred that the Parliament reftored the Bifhops 
 to their Spiritual fundions, or antient jurifdidion. The 
 general Aflembly pretended indeed, that the King and Par¬ 
 liament could make no alterations in the Spirituals, with¬ 
 out the Kirk’s confent : but they had no power to hinder 
 the King and Parliament from giving the Lands of the 
 Crown to whom they pleafed, and from admitting into the 
 Parliament fuch as they thought proper. But the King 
 did not intend to ftop there. 
 
 In 1609 the King, under colour of confirming the Ad NUion. 
 of 1606, obtained of the Parliament another Ad, which l* P-'+j. 
 in confirming the other, added a ciaufe, wherebv the Bi¬ 
 fhops were reflored to all their former Authority, Privi¬ 
 leges and Jurifdidions. By virtue of this laft Act it was 
 that the Bdhops took pofleflion of the Government of the 
 Kirk, notwithflanding the conditions of the Montrofs 
 Aflembly, which they little regarded, and fuppofed to be 
 annulled by this Ad. But the general Aflembly protefled 
 in form againft this Ad, affirming the Parliament had not 
 power without the Kirk’s confent, to reftorc a Spiritual 
 office that had been ahol.fhed. They protefled alfo againft 
 the promotion of Churchmen to civil Pofts, as pernicious 
 to Religion. Their protefiation was rejeded ; hut how¬ 
 ever^ it was printed and dilperfed throughout the Kingdom. 
 
 T he general Aflembly’s oppofition had a great efi'ed 
 upon the people, who loved not the Bifhops, and for fifty 
 years had been ufed to the Presbyterian Government. 
 
 They complained, the Parliament had been gained to im- 
 pofe upon them Epifcopal Government, which was odious 
 to the whole nation, not only without confulting the Kirk, 
 biit even againft her will. This oppofition convinced the 
 King, that notwithflanding the authority of the Parliament, 
 he fhould find it very difficult to reduce the people of 
 Scotland to obedience, fo long as the general Aflembly op- 
 pufed the reftoration of the Bifhops. He refolved therefore 
 to caufe a general Aflembly to be held at Glafgnv in 1610, 
 where he took care to gain a majority of votes, and of 
 which the Bifhops were the chief Diredors. The Aflem- 
 blv thus difpofed, agreed that the Bifhops fhould rafume all 
 their Spiritual fundions, with the Government of the 
 Church. After that, in 1612, the King called a Parlia¬ 
 ment, who, upon the confent of the Glafgow Aflembly, 
 palled an Ad, whereby the Bifhops were reftored to all 
 their Spiritual rights. 
 
 The adverfaries of the Bifhops, aftonifhed at this pro¬ 
 ceeding, were forced to be file.it, the torrent being top 
 ltrong, to be oppefed. Befides, the general AfTemblies be¬ 
 ing grown lefs neceflary, fince the Bifhops had the Govern¬ 
 ment or the Church, the King very fddomgave them leave 
 to meet, and when he did, it was after he had taken all 
 neceflary precautions to be aflhred that the Bifhops would 
 be the diredors and managers. In 161; , he moreover 
 obtained of the Parliament an AQ, whereby it was 01- 
 damed, that the Bifhop fhould he eleded by the Chapie, S 
 and confecrated wuh the accufturned rites, that is with 
 thole introduced of late years. As during die troubles in 
 Scotland on account of Religion, the people, as will pr- 
 Andy appear, loudly complained of the reftoration of tfle 
 Bifhops, the co u fa nr of the Glafgow Aflembly ip 16. o 
 
500 
 
 The H I S TO R Y of E N G L A N D. 
 
 II 
 
 wag continually objected to them. For this reafon the fir ft 
 general Aflembly that King Char Us was obliged to grant in 
 i6-,S, found no better method to evade this objection, 
 than to declare the Glafgow Aflembly void from the be¬ 
 ginning. 
 
 Such was the ftate of Epifcopacy in Scotland, from the 
 beginning of the Reformation to the reign of Charles i, 
 who, at his acceftion to the throne, found it fully eftab- 
 lifhed, though contrary to the bent of the Nation in ge¬ 
 neral, as it plainly appeared afterwards. James I, as I ob- 
 ferved, had formed the defign of putting the Kirk of Scot¬ 
 land upon the fame foot with the Church of England. He 
 had made great prugrefs therein, and Charles I. purfued 
 the fame defign with ftill more ardor than his Father. 
 But as hitherto I have related only what concerns the Bi- 
 fhops, it is necefl'ary, before we fpeak of the troubles of 
 that Kingdom, which firft commenced in i 6 7, to mention 
 the meafures fucceffively taken by the two Kings to accom- 
 plifh their Defign. 
 
 After James I. had entirely rcftoied Epifcopacy in Scot¬ 
 land, he refolved to finifti his work by degrees. To that 
 purpofe, he began with the five articles mentioned in the 
 Hiftory of his Reign, which he caufed to be approved by 
 the general Aflembly of Perth, by means as illegal perhaps 
 as violent (i). The Bifhops governed the Presbyteries, by 
 making themfelves Moderators, fo that it was not poflibie 
 to chufe any for Commiffioners to the Aflembly general, 
 but fuch as they thought proper. However this be, the 
 five articles being approved, the King, who by long ex¬ 
 perience was well acquainted with the genius and charac¬ 
 ter of the Scots, thought it necefl'ary, before all things, to 
 curb the petulancy and boldnefs of the Minifters, for fear 
 they fhould raife difturbances in the Kingdom. The Peo¬ 
 ple had for them a great veneration, which was even in- 
 creafed after the reftoration of the Biftiops, becaufe thefe 
 laft were more careful to maintain their grandeur and pow¬ 
 er, than gain the love of their Flocks. To compafs his 
 ends, the King fet up in Scotland a High-CommiftiOn, like 
 that in England, but which, till then, was unheard-of in 
 Scotland. As the Scots had never given their King the 
 title of fupreme head of the Church, as was done in Eng¬ 
 land, there had been no occation to eftablifn a High- 
 Commi-fion in Scotland, to exercife the Supremacy in the 
 King’s name. But James I, who was very apt to ftretch 
 his Prerogative, readily believed, he had no lefs right to 
 exercife the Supremacy in Scotland than in England, though 
 till now he had never thought of any fuch thing. Be 
 this as it will, by means of this new Court, which was 
 at firft very fevere, and excommunicated and deprived the 
 Minifters for the leaft offence, he kept them fo in awe, that 
 not a man dared to ftir. This, with the favours beitowed 
 upon fuch as fhowed a readinefs to countenance his uc- 
 figns, made him almoft fecure of fuccefs in his undertaking, 
 which daily advanced. Nothing was wanting to compleat 
 it, but the caufing the Englijh Liturgy and Canons to be 
 received in Scotland, after which, there would be no dif¬ 
 ference between the Churches of the two Kingdoms. This 
 was as eafy to be accomplifhed, as what had been done al¬ 
 ready. So the King having convened a general Aflembly 
 at Aberdeen , it was reprefented to them, that divine fervice 
 was performed in the Kirk of Scotland after an indecent 
 manner, every Minifter having liberty to compofe publick 
 prayers, and ufe what expreflions they pleafed, which 
 was liable to great inconveniencies: That it would there¬ 
 fore be proper to compile a Liturgy to be ufed in every 
 Church in Scotland, to the end the people might every 
 where pray with one heart and one mouth. It muft be 
 obferved, that it was not moved to receive the Englijh 
 Liturgy, but only to compofe one proper for the Kirk of 
 Scotland. Whereupon feveral members of the Aflembly 
 believed, they might without danger agree, that a Com¬ 
 mon-Prayer-Book fhould be ufed, and the rather, as the 
 reformed Churches of Geneva, Switzerland , France and 
 Germany, had their feveral Liturgies, though very different 
 from that of the Englijh. This motion being approved, 
 the Al'l'emblv appointed Commiffioners to compofe the new 
 Liturgy, and it may well be imagined, this nomination 
 was agreeable to the King’s defire. Thefe Commiffioners, 
 mold of whom were Bifhops, after fpending a confiderable 
 time in framing this Liturgy, only copied that which was 
 
 fet forth in England in the reign ol Edward, \ I, and font i 
 it to tne King for his approbation. 
 
 The affairs of the Palatinate, and the Spanifi marriage 
 fo ingrolied King James during the laft jc.ns o! hi; : - 
 
 that he could not effectually ilnrix finifiring the work 
 
 had undertaken in Scotland. A • r.e knew the S.ots pcucct- 
 ly, and their ffrong prejudice fm Presbytcriarnfm, he doubt- 
 lefs thought proper to defer tne execution of 1 is defign t !i 
 he had ended ins two prim affairs, lie was apprc-Hn.- 
 five, that it any troubles fhould unfortunate!'.- happen in 
 Scotland on account of the Liturgy, tl.ev might divert 
 him from what was then the principal objedt of his care. 
 
 I have related dh the hiftory of his rei, u, how he was 
 amufed lor many years, and therefore .he could not, be¬ 
 fore his death, finifh what he had begun, but left it to tne 
 care of bis fucceflor. 
 
 Charh < I. was n> lef, eager than his Father, to eft V 
 Iifh in Scotland the Difciplirie of the Church of ’ ,.unu “ ,:m1 
 But his circumftances in the bc-inniiiy ul his Reign, c a 
 not allow him to apply himfelf to the fiuifhing of th . .u- 
 fair with all the fpeed lie denied. His wars with Spain, and 
 afterwards with France, his projects with regard to his Pre¬ 
 rogative, his continual quarrels with the Parliaments, re¬ 
 quired his whole application. Be tides, it was not proper 
 in thefe junctures to rouze the Scots, who indeed, feemed 
 quiet and fubmiffive, but however were very difeatueiUed 
 as the King well knew. He flayed therefore till he had 
 concluded a peace with France and Spain, and rendered 
 himfelf as it were, abfolute by the diffolution of three Par¬ 
 liaments, by his refulution never to call any more, and by 
 eltablifhing his Prerogative concerning taxes, without the 
 concurrence of the Parliament. Then it was that he fen- 
 oufly thought of compleating the reduction of the Kirk of 
 Scotland to a perfeefl: conformity with the Church of Eng¬ 
 land. He had not however been idle with refpecl to Scot- Rr( ‘ ,w ' 
 land during thefe firft vears of his reign. Though, he had i, 
 delayed the execution of his defign, it was ever in hi- 3.014, 
 thoughts, and he had taken fome meafures which feemed 
 to warrant fuccefs. 1. He had either continued or renewed 
 the High-Commiffion, introduced by the King hisFatfiei. 
 
 -. He had almoft abolifhed the general Affemblies, by not 
 allowing any fince his acceftion t" the throne. 5. He bad 
 fo fupported and countenanced the Bifhops, that they hah 
 the Clergy entirely in their power, whom they ruled with 
 a very heavy hand. 4. He had gained a great number of 
 the Minifters by means of Benefices and eccleliaftical Of¬ 
 fices or Dignities, which were granted only to thofo whole 
 compliance fie could depend upon. 5. He had fo tilled the 
 Council of Scotland , in whofe hands the adminiilration of 
 affairs is lodged in the King’s abfence, that there was icarcc 
 a Privy-Counfellor but what was engaged to promote his 
 deligns. 6. There was in this Council feveral lfii.iop.., ciar-ni 
 and the Archbifhop of St. Andrews was vetted with the j 
 Chancellorfhip, the prime office ol the Kingdom (2). n. . -5 
 7. He had fecured the Lords of Sefflon, that is, of the Col¬ 
 lege of Juttice (3), and in a word, ail who had places de¬ 
 pending upon the Court. S. He had charged Laud Arch¬ 
 bifhop of Canterbury, to hold continual c j; icfpondence w; 
 the Bifhops and Council of Scotland, and take with them the 
 neceflary meafures to accomplifh the deiign. It feemed 
 theiefore impoifible, that the King fhould meet with any 
 oppofition from a difperfed people, without leaders, with¬ 
 out fupport, and deftitute of the affiftancc ot their Ma- 
 giftrates. 
 
 With all thefe advantages, Charles undertook to finifh 
 what ftill remained to be done in Scotland. To th • t end, d,/.,,- „ 
 after a revifal of the Liturgy tranfmitted to the late King, • -” 
 he fent it back into Scollatid , with orders to have it re- 
 ceived in the Kirk. But upon the objection, that this Li -put -7. 
 turgy being word for word the fame with that of the Rail,.,, r 
 Church of England, the Scots might take offence at the 3SC 
 impofing upon them the Liturgy of another Kingdom, he Annals, 
 thought proper to make fome alterations, and ordered, that Nj:i - n - 
 inftead of the Englijh Verfion of the PJalms, and of the uarL ' K 
 Epijlles and Gojpels, the Scotch tranflation fhould be inferr¬ 
 ed in the Liturgy of Scotland. After that, he believed it 
 could not be complained of, with the leaft fhadow of rea¬ 
 fon, that he had a mind to impofe the Englijh Liturgy up¬ 
 on the Kirk of Scotland, though there was no other diffe¬ 
 rence between them, than what I have mentioned (4 ’. 
 
 1' See p. 193, where Rap in culls them four. The Artie! 
 
 Keeping ome Feltivals. Many Scotijh Presbyterians, it teems 
 -See the live Articles of Dart. p. 140. 
 
 z\ This Office had never been in the hands of a Churchman fince the Reformation 
 .'r-r.d-n, Tom. I. p. 67. Ruthwartb, Tom. 2. p. 386. 
 
 51 This C-.urt was instituted by James V. ( after the lorm of the fiipreme S..verei{ 
 muniries. The Lnrd Chancellor c aimed a right to prefide in this as, in all the King'* ' 
 f re he feld m came there. This Court fits from the firft of November, to the l»(i r.j 
 |i.*s r.o Appeal. It conlifts of fifteen Members. 
 
 4: See a particular account of the dilferences between the two Liturgies an C r' 1 
 
 ration about the Scotijh Liturgy, fays, 11 That it was compofed in fubftance not d:li re 
 nv 1 Nations with any differences ir: their Liturgies, and yet in Inme few alterations 
 Cnurch's own compofing." Rufbwortb, Tom. 2. p }8y. 
 
 lunicating the Sick, Pi 
 lade likewife nine Bifhops Lord; of 
 
 But 
 
 lift Of Jun 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 2 5- CHARLES I 
 
 i(f 7 - 
 
 lbe king 
 Jends (be 
 Bock of Can 
 
 Scotland. 
 Clarendon, 
 t. I. p. 84 
 
 301 
 
 wndafcr. 
 klpardi (be 
 y'.iturgy. 
 
 p. 86. 
 r.luflworlh, 
 i. p. 387. 
 
 ; 'fallen. 
 
 | *■ I. p. 6, 
 
 l 6 ‘S • 
 
 be Liturgy 
 
 tiered t bt 
 
 ■ id in tbe 
 i‘urcbes of 
 
 j: nbuigh. 
 ilrendon. 
 ,I.p. 87 
 Klhworth- 
 
 ||p. 3 38 . 
 
 ..1. p, 6, 
 
 S^p\ tZi&t tfc M T ^ 0feJ “ * ^ ^ i637 . 
 
 Kirk, and thefe Canons enjoined a conformity to the Li- tbeAituri^anothm'ti'm' 1 * W j° fl '8“ ld be a PP omttd to read A»rn» 
 turgy, though it was not yet publilhed, nor fo much as CantJZZ, an ° ther ‘ lme ’ and writ to the Archbifhop of *“*»”*. 
 
 known to the people. This was fo grofs an ermr that iC , clear 'b^ives, deiiring him to reprefent P ' 39! ‘ 
 
 be guilty d 7 ^.TinTroduce^denL'ct wem 7do ^ “ E ^urgh, a " d 
 
 nons, was, that the Afts of the general Affemblies not the CIiTLv. A 7 7 ' ., Maan wh,le ’ the Magiftrates of 
 being printed, but contained in manv larar> man r • , y P ra y e ^ the Council that the Liturgy might not he T umu,t ’ 
 
 lumeVremained unknown<0 bad -he peopfj wefe" P 
 
 the King imagined, they would be obliged to h m for hh r eat a e 7 Z f B , Ut i" ° M,r ' after barved/ib 
 care in extruding the mot materia] and n ™d 7 ,'i°- " E 1 2 “ncourfe of people flocked to Edinburgh that it 
 
 in a little Book which might be i„ every o^tnd^”^ ™ C loot ™ Wire a 6 „ 
 
 feftan'airs.'sSit Wi^^J^awsaa 
 
 would have them believe, that the book of Canorts is onlv to the Cn | ing ^ Blfll . 0 P of Calloway as he was going Edi " bu 'gb. 
 an abftrait of the A£s of their general AlTemhS l { . C ’ 3 great multltude followed him all the way “T * 0i ' 
 
 as; f ,esr 7 
 
 poled, m every article, the ecclefiaftical Hierarchy^ d^ . rr0 “ n ed ln their Town-houfe by their own Citizens, who 
 
 pifeopa] Government. How Then wTs 3.0 s ' v Sn" p‘° "" ZZ" if thep did *>« ^mediate! 
 
 fwade theft*, that this book of Canons was anabftS o da TkZ'’ wh ' chfcr S«of their lives they wete forced 
 
 of the Ad-, of their general AITemblk, This was m The SiJftrSTtClT^ That 
 
 pofmg upon them in a ftrange manner I,) “ • Arnold join with the people in petitioning it.,o 3 , 
 
 ther coniideration, this order was revolt The Khg oneS^ That they fhould reftore to his place 
 
 was told, it might be dangerous to fororize the Pool a? r a fi,enced , Reader - Upon this the Earls of 
 
 the reading of the Liturgy before they were nrenarP ? f quaire and IV ^ to ^ the firft whom was Lord-Trea-- 
 
 it was more proper 10 defer it fome months ? in n rl ^ tnt* Can ? t0 the L ^ 0Wn ho “fe to advife with the Ma^if. 
 fee whether, in that interval the Male e L m ° r fj r t0 ^ ates '. what Was t0 he done for the fafety of the Ri 
 mpt ro oppofe it. Kfcat^ mighaeTpp e£d ^ ^2* 
 
 • " they had time to take lull meam-e- ,l ,?5 r n a \ h t E3r S rcturmn S t0 'be Council were in- 
 
 cefs of their attempt would J onfo fTrve nr T d Z ^ i>I ' pula “' The Earl of Traquair, £7 
 
 King’s uefign. Thfe reafon appeared fo plaufible that ^ ha '’ Cl ° ak ’ and W bite-Staff taken from 
 
 King ordered the reading of the Liturzv P to hi dr h 2 th n 5 ?’mS“ pfe cr / m g out . G«d dfmi all th,f, W U wi u 
 S„',d„, the a 3 d of 7 „/y 6 ,he fame y %‘ur ng hT/whn II ^ ‘ ^ m ^ d > h ‘ “Z 
 
 interval, there was no unufoal SnSlt «*-»«./ " Prcfendy after the Provoft came 
 the lead appearance that the King’s orders would m . " n !, th ft C j" C ' ’ and dccIareii . 'bat though he had ufed his 
 oppofltion (z). To be (fill more fecure thfr l utmoft endeavours it was not poffible to appeafe the people, 
 caufed it to be publifhed eight days before t Si the fomanf AmS ° f '*?, £ 0lmdl applied 'hemfelves ta 
 Churches of the City, that the Liturgy would be read the now a IT f, N ° b ; llty an ll Gentr r and °tbers who were 
 Sunday following. No perfon dined the while “w adiimbled to fign the Petition againd the Service-book, 
 
 and all was fo ofoet in , he Citv ,h r whole week, Thefe men had more credit with the populace than tte 
 
 no. of fuccefs. ’ ^’ tbat ' he Coun<al d »“b' ad Magnates, and prevailed with them at fength to retire 
 
 Neverthelefs, the next Sunday the I nrd rh.ne.li tUmu, , t ’ wh srein no perfon was killed or 
 
 mod of the Lords of the Council, fome Bifhobs the 7 °d’ n ° m ° rC ‘a*? “ the feemed however to be 
 
 of Seffion, or Judges of the Realm and th e P 1 * hi! !h' mP °i! 5 nt and dan S erous > becaufe in the fird, none 
 
 of Edinburgh, repairing to St. Giles’s Church d! E p .1 “ 1 ‘ bE j 7 * e were ooncerned, whereas in this it plainly 
 
 deal of the City, when the Dean opendthe Roll P he T !! 5 e n ed ’i' he mutraeers were countenanced by feveral Lards 
 
 the Liturgy, the meaner fort of Pellle „lh H r i Gentlemen as well as by the better fort of Citizens, 
 
 hands, execrations and outcries, raifed fo hideou d ppmg ° f T h 5 . !“ mult bcm g appeafed, a Proclamation was publifh- ^b„ 
 
 that it was not poffible to hear a word m [ e ’ d fo . rb ' dd !"g an y meetings in the dreets or eifewhere : a f dm - 
 
 BHhop of Edinburgh, who wL ,7 preach fell!' 50 "' 1 ’" Pr ° < ^ n ? at,on ° f ”» ^ a ' a <im= when the Council 
 the pulpit, with thoughts to appeafe the o-o’ole wl S h“ ,! e r' gn °i. rant h ? W ™“ ch the,r authori 'y was contemned lk - r-*H- 
 ved with the fame clamours ; P'°P le > was recei- by thofe whom they would have infpired with fear Ac 2 * r “' 
 
 ftool, thrown at his ZTbJ „o TelUT'’ I"u ^ f ° hr WePe the Male-conrents tarn befog tertH TuLl '"• 
 
 hand of one prefent, would have been in ,‘ VOTed f ?b e Eed ’. 'bat they fent their Commiffioners to the board, to 
 
 killed. The Lord-Chancellor and ^fudges found' beIn ® ^“‘ re >b« the f,kneed Minidets might he redored £ 
 
 reverence. At Iaft, the Provoft and BailiftV nf th ^T’ ^ that they m,ght have afrurance for the pundual 
 
 came from their places, and with much diffic.dfffh^R^ 7 £? fo {? ance 0 Ln What had been Jate, X promifed them by the 
 of the Church the imaged popSafe * 12 , ^ T The Cou ' ml «“' d «•% fat by this conduft, 
 
 doors, the Dean read the Liturgy thouRh com! # ' ha ‘ tha Malc - con " n ' s bad no defign to dop here. And in¬ 
 terrupted by the noife without, and the Itona thlown ' n " ih ° r ‘! ) ' “I"’ ' he Lord * C b a "“Uor received two Fed- 
 
 at the windows. There were the . i th . row " t,ons ’ one lf i the name of all the men, women, children 
 red of the Churches o 7 t* 1 S Z T ’ M ,be Z rervants of £dM '«i h a g a i"« 'be Liturgy: The othlr’ 
 killed or wounded. Only the Bifhop o fEdMuZl *” f™" 1 ‘r' nobleme "’ g entr y’ [miniders] and burgeffes of the 
 --- Book of Canons. 
 
 the Conned to ufe their endeavours to difeove; and puS the 
 
 The firft alledged, “ That they had a long time wink- <n erf r 
 ed at fome alterations, being put in hope that no farther w Cb"i* 
 “ innovations ftiould follow. But now feeing that they drc ”' Peti - 
 “ were like to be conftrained to embrace another Service c°” t0 '■?* 
 “ °ot approved by Church and Kingdom, and which had &$£ 
 
 401. .... ~ a "“‘ and afKl much vex«ion to Dundee, But the Council ftt often at Da/keiib. $ ee 
 
 f Norwich, who 
 ( 2 ) Nor (Lys the Lord C/a 
 of "nconcernednefj a; ir w , t he 
 tor Confde 
 
 < 3 J The f.me a, the Tern 
 14 ) The Council and Seffi in 
 
 d 1 ' I’rrclamatio.i in Kufbivortb, Tom/a^n .. or P re ^ ent 1 0 Lin/ilbgi 
 
 --ui s'-ujoivorto, t 
 
 No. L1X. Vo l. II. 
 
 ' neither 
 
302 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 Tbr PtH'i, 
 
 neither been agitated nor received either by general Af- th.mfelves front the King S refcntme.nr but alfo to omfe all 1637. 
 
 fernbly or Parliament s they therefore defired that they the innovations complained of to be abolilhed (a). 
 
 might have the happinefs of enjoying their Religion, as home time after, the Council ba/mg removed the Sef- 
 
 I reformed m that land . id authorized he lion toSttrhng, the King lent them another Proclamation, ^ 
 
 . . r} with orders to have it publicity read in the principal Ftb , 
 
 ' In the' fecund the petitioners complained. “ That Towns of the Kingdom. The Proclamation was to this 
 ■ whereas they weie attending a gracious anfwer to their effect: 
 
 c former fuDDlicutions againft: the Service-Book, they , . • , r u,r 
 
 - ™ ■ . . ° . . . 1-1_ i—... ^ 1 T 7 E find our Royal authonty much injured [by ,^ g< 
 
 “ VV fome late petitions and declarations given in to Rufhworth. 
 ; our Council againft the Book of Common-Prayer, and 
 
 were furorized and charged by publick proclamation, to 
 depart out of the Town within twenty four hours there¬ 
 after under pain of rebellion ; by which their fears of a 
 more fevere and ftritft courfe of proceeding were aug¬ 
 mented. Wherefore they were con drained to remon- 
 
 • drate, that in the book of Common-Prayer, drawn up 
 ■ and fet forth by the Archbifhops and Bifhops, were fown 
 : the feeds of divers fuperditions, idolatry, and falfe-doc- 
 
 • trine, contrary to the Religion eftablifhed in the Realm 
 : by divers Ads of Parliament. That in the Book of 
 i Canons, &c. it was ordained, That whomever jhall af- 
 <■ firm, that the form of worjhip inferted in the book of Com- 
 <■ mon-Prayer, and adminijlration of the Sacraments , doth 
 4 contain any thing repugnant to the Scriptures, or arc cor- 
 4 rupt, fiperfitioHS, or unlawful in the fervice and worfiip 
 t D f Qod, / hall be excommunicated, and not be rejlored , but 
 4 by the Bi/hop of the place or Archbifhop of the Province. 
 ‘ That befides it is ordained, that where in any of the Ca- 
 4 nous there is no penalty exprefsly fet down , the punifhmcnt 
 
 Jhall be arbitrary , as the Bijhop Jhall think fittejl. All 
 :« which Canons were never feen or allowed in any general 
 
 • Aflembly, but were impofed contrary to order of law 
 ;4 appointed in the Realm for eftablifhing conditions ec- 
 - clefiadical. Ladly, that the Bidiops had not only be- 
 “ gun to urge the acceptance of thofe things, by injunc- 
 “• cions given in provincial AfTcmblies, but alfo by open 
 “ Proclamation and charge of Horning ( i). Wherefore 
 “ the Petitioners craved, that this matter might be put to 
 
 the trial, and the Prelates be taken order .with according 
 44 to the Laws of the Realm, and not fudered to fit any 
 
 44 Canons of the Church,] both in the matter and in the p 6 ^} 
 
 “ carriage thereof; whereby we conceive thefe of our Nalfon. 
 
 44 Nobility, Gentry, and others, who kept and aflifted T - L P* 16 
 44 thefe meetings, for contriving and forming the faid Pcti- 
 44 tions, to deferve and be liable to our high cenfure, both 
 44 in their perfons and fortunes ; yet becaufe we believe, 
 
 44 that what they have done herein is out of a prepoder- 
 c* ous zeal, we are gracioufly pleafed to difpenfe therewith, 
 
 44 and with what may be their fault or error therein, to 
 “ all fuch as, upon fignification or declaration of our plea- 
 14 fure, fhall retire themfelves as becometh good and duti- 
 44 ful Subjects : To which purpofe our will and pleafure 
 44 is, that you difeharge all fuch convocations-and meetings 
 44 in time coming, under the pain ofTrCafon. And alfo 
 44 that you command, charge, and inhioit all our Lieges 
 44 and Subje&s, that none of them prefume, nor take in 
 44 hand, to refort nor repair to our burgh of Sterling, nor 
 44 to no other burgh where our Council and Seflion fits, 
 
 44 till fird they declare their caufe of coming to our 
 44 Council, and procure their warrant to that effect. 
 
 44 And as concerning any petitions th2t fhall hereafter be 
 44 given us, upon this or any other fubjeft, we are likewife 
 44 pleafed to declare, we will not {hut cur ears therefrom, 
 
 44 fo that neither the form nor matter be prejudicial to our 
 44 Regal authority.” 
 
 I tisf) ihg the 
 
 male-contents, b ird, there was not a word concerning the Prod 
 
 more as Judges until the caufe were tried end deeded fu*a of their Petition, and by ihar they could perceive, ’ 
 d - .ki. k mrr ktjv) nnrlpfityn tn fiinnrefs the Liturgy and Canons. 
 
 fends a Pro¬ 
 clamation of 
 doubtful 
 
 Rulhworth. 
 
 I), p 4.08 
 Nalfon. 
 
 T. I. p. it 
 
 p. 623. 
 
 the King had nodefignto fupprefs the Liturgy and Canons. 
 Secondly, the King reprefented as a great condcfcenfion, 
 the Pardon he was pleafed to grant for their fault in pre- 
 fenting a Petition without his leave. This (bowed them, 
 that, according to the King’s intention, obedience was their 
 only courfc for the future. Thirdly, the King clearly in¬ 
 timated to them, he would receive no more Petitions, iince 
 " His he declared, he would rejea fuch as fhould by the matter 
 . Was not this fay- 
 
 44 according to Juftice.” 
 
 The King thought not fit to anfwer thefe Petitions, be¬ 
 ing on the contrary determined to punifh feverely the au¬ 
 thors *of the late tumults. However he commanded the 
 Privy-Council to publilh a Proclamation on this occafion, 
 fuppofing, though without any foundation, it would be ca¬ 
 pable of fatisfying the people. After mention in the^Pro- 
 
 “ a Maiefty°in aju^refemment of that foul indignity, [the or form be prejudicial to his authority. not this fay- 
 
 “ late infurredtions at Edinburgh,] hath been moved to Je- ing, he would reject a I ? In fliort they faw plainly, the 
 
 “ lav the bonification of his Maielly’s gracious intentions. King, in forbidding all meetings, fought only to difumte 
 
 i/giving'to his Subjects fuch fatisfaflory anfwers to their and hinder them from concerting meafures to ob, j" n 
 netftionf as in equity might be expefied from fo juft delires. I own, I don e fee how the King could flatter 
 
 .< Ld relioious a Prince : But yet his Majefty being un- himfelf that fuch a proclamation fhould produce the effeft 
 
 ..V that his loyal and faithful Subjeas fhould be pof- 
 
 feffed with groundlefs and unneceflary doubts and fears, 
 ■ hie Majefty is pleafed out of his goodnefs to declare. 
 
 That as he abhorreth all fuperftition of Popery, fo he 
 • will be moft careful, that nothing be allowed within his 
 
 ■ Majefty’s Dominions, but that which fhall tend to the 
 : advancement of true Religion, as it is at prelent profef- 
 : fed within his moft antient Kingdom of Scotland j and 
 
 ■ that nothing is or was intended to be done therein, againft 
 
 ■ the laudable Laws of this his Majefty’s native Kingdom.” 
 It niuft be obferved, that according to the King, the 
 
 himfelf that fuch a proclamation fhould produce I 
 he expedited, and the rather, as there were not in Scot¬ 
 land forces fufficient to fupport his au:hority. T he rnale- 
 contents were not fo ftupid as to be ignorant of the King s 
 defign. So, on the morrow, the Earls of Hume and Prott jj a , 
 Lindfcy , accompanied with a great croud of Nobles and f f 
 People, came and publick ly read in Sterling a proteftatinn A 
 againft the proclamation, the prefence and authority of the y, hi te lo 
 Council not being capable of hindering it. The fame pro- P- 2 7 - 
 teftation was publickly read at Litbgow and Edinburgh, 
 immediately after the proclamation had been publifhed 
 there. 
 
 That In' this probation the male— raid « They had 
 . ;; rr.rr.,.i nnlv thar “ nrefented a Supplication on the 23d of September, and , al 
 
 II Ut. ....j -- - — . , 
 
 by the Religion at prefent pojfcffcd, he meant, only that 
 which contained the Hierarchy and Epifcopacy ; and by 
 the Laws of the Kingdom, he underftood thofe that were 
 enacted after the King his Father’s acceftion to the Crown 
 of England, and of which I have fpoken above. It is at 
 leaft certain the Male-contents gave this fenfe to his gene¬ 
 ral expreftions, from whence they inferred, he was very far 
 from defifting from what he had undertaken, aud ftill far¬ 
 ther from pardoning the late diforders at Edinburgh. Where¬ 
 fore, they refolved, to take meafures, not only to fecure 
 
 prefented a Supplication on the 23d of September, arm Ann * a « 
 another upon the 1 8th of OP.slcr ; as alio a Rernon- Nilion, 
 ft ranee December the igth, againft the Service-Book, T. I. p. 
 and the Canons, as well as againft the Archbifhops and 
 the Bifhops, as their Parties, having the fame day pre¬ 
 fented a Declinator againft them, to prevent their being 
 Judges in their own caufe. But the Council having re- 
 fufed to admit of this Declinator, they found themfelves 
 obliged to make the following proteftation. 
 
 i = . That they might have immediate recourfe to the 
 
 much to incenfe the 
 cio.Coal, News from 
 
 g! fm* Proceedings in the Si«c Onto P" 1 "”' “ ^ J™* 
 
 1 ' . / ^-i-fci’mirt i Iyilium Prvnn tur writing, in his Confinement in the Tower, Books called the ' 
 
 .tfLgtfrSZS! Titus. . jJ. B.fiwl, M. D. thorn « m,,,U in EJ„ brough. up ... V Hess, 
 
 ip.s.ish, ler ,.r mje i J S , Bo , k „u,i, fUfUm fit 1."u'»*. und another .gu 
 
 „ r ! r , . . •* ..l anrl fnrmprlv Plnfpt- leeeocr to the ICing, 101 -- -- . 
 
 ce. Prynn, condemned to lole the relt of 
 0 lofe only their Eats ; and all to be im- 
 
 his Ears, end to h. Ilignu.i.ed on hull. uneeKs■ “j cT Trem’whence ihs, were .Ire,ward, rrmo.ed, P,J.» to 
 
 who profclTed Phyfick a 
 
 Lstultum, and another againl! the High-CommilTi m, entitled, 
 
 s Tnany. Henry Burton, IP D. Reftor ot Sr. Ma,t bow's in Fnday-Jlreet ^i f'otmedy C‘ofet-keeper to the King, for » S " mon P reachtd 0n 
 all which Booled were contained fevere Inveftives againft .he Bilhops. For this they were a three fined S ooc,/. a piece. Pry** 
 l.e ftigmarized on both Checks with the Letters, S. L. for a Seditious Libeller; and_the oiherti 
 
 
 ot the 
 
 
 . id ids, 
 
 MlTdfind Z£Z"£.~«h7'TkTli ** » 'jj'" fj, 
 
 which had^the me,ft influence upon the People, though they had formerly been looked upon under chara.iers ot r p^ - . y- . . » 
 
 1 ,,j r,., n ,i Kfipurs to have their Ears cut til, and Faces branded with hot lronv, Men I c -.i no m 
 
 «„ hut III- Mrn'i ‘and e.eh Prnfeffinn. with snge, ,nd indlgimion enough, thought ,h=i, Edu..to , and Degrees, and Qn.hty.^ 
 
 Mfct in'a.nous Judgments, and matured up wrath fo. the nine lo coma Vol- I- + 1*— C |„ . hc l-illory. He 
 
 =■£ ■ . si ■■ 
 
 tlaOeape. Bilhnp Miriam, was inri Soon/, upon ur.s account, e.u.c-7r... 
 
 Vol. 1. Fuller. Cottier. Rufljwortb. 
 
 ild have fecured them 
 'obn Lliburr., for writing in 
 
 King, 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 25. 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 
 .633. 
 
 Kino, to prefent their grievance", and in a legal way 
 to |ir.:fjcu:c the fame before the ordinary competent 
 
 • Judges. 
 
 “ 2T That the Archbifhops and Bilhops could not be 
 reputed or eftcemed lawful Judges, till they had purged 
 : themfelves of fuch crimes as were laid to their charge. 
 
 3. That no proclamation, nor any aft of Council, 
 
 • pail in prefence of the Archbifhops and Bifhops, could 
 ; any ways be prejudicial to the Supplicants. 
 
 “ 4. That neither they, nor any that had joined, or 
 
 • fhould join with them againft innovations, fhould incur 
 ' any danger in life, lands, or any political or ecclefiafti- 
 '• cal pains, for not obferving fuch a£ts, books, canon 1 , 
 
 • rites, judicatures, proclamation, introduced without or 
 1 againft the afts of general-A ilemblies, or a£ls of Parlia- 
 1 ir.ent, and the ftatutes of the Kingdom. 
 
 5, That if any inconveniences fhould fall out there- 
 1 upon, they could not be imputed to them, fince the 
 
 • Council refufed to hear their juft remonftranccs. 
 
 “ 6. That their requefts tended to no other end, but to 
 ■ the prefervation of the true reformed Religion, and the 
 c laws and liberties of his Majefty’s Kingdom?” 
 
 Hitherto the King and the Council of Scotland had flat- 
 1 tered themfelves that the male-contents might be curbed 
 
 « before and efpecially at this time, the danger of the true 
 “ Reformed Religion, of the King’s honour, and of the 
 “ publick peace of the Kingdom, by the manifold innova- 
 “ tions and evils generally contained, and particularly 
 “ mentioned in our late applications, complaints, and 
 «* proteftations, do hereby profefs, and before God, his 
 “ an:>;Is, and the world, folemnly declare, that with our 
 “ wh .de hearts we agree and refolve all the days of our 
 “ lif- coniiantly to adhere unto, and to defend the fore- 
 “ faid tiue Religion, and forbearing the pradice of all 
 “ novations, already introduced in the matters of the 
 «* worfhip of God, or approbation of the corruptions of 
 “ the publick government of the Kirk, or civil places and 
 <( power of Kirkmen, till they be tried and allowed in 
 «« free Affemblies, and in Parliaments, to labour by all 
 “ means lawful to recover the purity and liberty of the 
 lt Gofpel, as it was eftablifhed and profefled before the 
 “ forefaid novations : And becaufe after due examination 
 il we plainly perceive, and undoubtedly believe, that the 
 “ innovations and evils contained in our fupplications, ccm- 
 “ plaints and proteftations, have no warrant of the word 
 “ of God, are contrary to the articles of the aforefaid 
 “ confefEons, to the intention and meaning of the blefled 
 “ Reformers of Religion in this land, to the above-written 
 
 163 s, 
 
 ■ bv afls of authorin'. But this proteftation plainly fhowed “ Afls of Parliament, and do fenfibly tend to the re-efta- 
 
 ' • . 1 -.i_i _ U,, KlifKin.T r\C Pmm.fl-i Polimnn and fvrannv. and to the 
 
 they were too powerful to be compelled to obedience, by 
 orders of the Council, or by Proclamations. They were 
 perfwaded, the King fought’only to furprize them, and in¬ 
 tended not to defift from his undertaking. On the other 
 hand, they had conceived an extreme averfton to the Bi¬ 
 fhops, looking upon them as the authors of the Evils, the 
 Church laboured under. The more they faw the King was 
 againft their aflembling themfelves to confult in common 
 about their affairs, the more they perceived the neceftity of 
 their union, without which they would be infallibly op- 
 p re fled one after another. So, before they could know the 
 Ndfm. eflFedt of their proteftation upon the King, as they ex- 
 T ‘- P- »°* pe&ed no good from the Court, they ere&ed at Edinburgh , 
 iV'v- VsV* w h' c h was at their devotion, feveral Tables (as they called 
 3 them) to manage their affairs. There were four principal 
 ones : The firft of the Lords ; the fecond of the Gentry; 
 the third of the Burroughs ; and the fourth of the Minif- 
 ters. [And the Gentry had many fubordinate Tables, ac¬ 
 cording to their feveral Shires.] Thefe Tables confulted 
 of what they thought fit to be propofed at the General 
 
 blifhing of the Popifh Religion and tyranny, and to the 
 fubverfioa and ruin of the true Reformed Religion, and 
 “ of our liberties, laws and eftates ; we alfo declare, that 
 “ the a orefaid confeffions are to be interpreted, and ought 
 <c to be aidcrftood of the forefaid novations and evils, no 
 “ lefs than if every one of them had been exprefied in the 
 “ forefai confeffions; and that we are obliged to deteft 
 “ and abhor them, amongft other particular heads of Pa- 
 “ piftry abjured therein : And therefore from the know- 
 Cc ledge and confcience of our duty to God, to our King 
 “ and Country, without any worldly rcfpedl or induce- 
 “ ment, fo far as human infirmity will fuffer, wifhing a 
 “ further meifure of the grace of God for this effe&, we 
 “ promife and fwear by the great name of the Lord our 
 “ God, to continue in the profeflion and obedience of the 
 “ forefaid Religion ; that we fhall defend the fame, and 
 “ relilt all thefe contrary errors and corruptions, according 
 “ to our vocation, and to the utmoft of that power that 
 “ God hath put into our hands all the days of our life. 
 " And in like manner, with the fame heart wc declare be- 
 
 WU4L lllt-y UlV/uglJl - - - , . _ . . ' . . - , r 
 
 Table, conlifting of Commiffioners chofen from the other “ fore God and men, that we have no intention or delire 
 
 _ . . . . (T 11 _. _ Cc ... ...... »Umrr f-Uv m itr furn f hru fliInnnnur r\f 
 
 Tley jub. 
 Jcribe the 
 
 Covenant. 
 Rulhworth, 
 II. p. 734. 
 ■Nalfon. 
 
 T. I. p. 20. 
 
 Jour Tables. Never was Sovereign more punctually obey¬ 
 ed than this General Table, by all who difapproved the in¬ 
 novations introduced into the Church for thirty or lorty 
 years paft, that is, by almoft the whole Kingdom. 
 
 The firft thing that proceeded from thefe Tables, was 
 the famous Covenant, or general Band taken by the Soots, 
 for maintenance of their Religion from all innovations. 
 For the better underftanding what this Covenant was, it 
 muft be obferved, that in 1580, whilft the Duke of Lenox 
 and Earl of Arran, the King’s favorites, were fufpe&ed of 
 ill dqllgns againft the Proteftant Religion, the general Af- 
 fembly thought it neceflary to draw up a Confeflion of 
 Faith, and caufed it to be fubferibed by all the Subjefts, 
 and by the King himfelf, to whom they prefented a very 
 humble Petition on that occafion. As James could not re¬ 
 ject this requeft, without confirming the People’s fufpicions, 
 which might have been of dangeious confequence, fubferib- 
 ed the Confeflion of Faith himfelf, and ordered it to be 
 fubferibed by perfons of all ranks. This was done in the 
 
 to attempt any thing that may turn to the difhonour of 
 God, or the diminution of the King’s greatnefs and 
 “ authority ; but on the contrary, we promife and fwear, 
 “ that we fhall to the utmoft of our power, with our 
 “ means and lives, ftand to the defence of our dread 
 ‘‘ Sovereign the King’s Majefty, his perfon and authority 
 “ in the defence and prefervation of the forefaid true Re~ 
 “ ligion, Liberties and Laws of the Kingdom ; as alfo 
 « to the mutual defence and afiiftance, every one of us of 
 “ another, in the fame caufe of maintaining the true Re- 
 « ligion, and his Majefty’s authority, with our beft coun- 
 “ fds, our bodies, means, and whole power, againft all 
 “ forts of perfons whatfoever, & c.” 
 
 This Covenant, like an alarm-bell, brought all the 
 Scots together that were diffatisfied with the Government, 
 that is, almoft the whole nation. It was fubferibed by the 
 great men and the people, except the Privy-Counfellors, 
 the Judges, the Bilhops, and fuch Minifters as were dig¬ 
 nitaries in the Church. Thefe were, a little before it. 
 
 years 1 eSo and 1 581* and the fubferiptions were renewed in veiled with all the authority both in Church end State, 
 1 coo, with an additional claufe, whereby the fubferibers en- the King verily believing, that to have thofe for him, who 
 (raced to maintain the true Religion and the King’s Perfon. were in the publick places and offices, was Efficient to awe 
 It was this Confeflion of Faith of 15So that was revived the people. But when the breach was once made, by the 
 this ., rc f e:u year 11 3 S, by order of the General Table, publication of the Covenant, the number, not the quality 
 and offered to all forts of perfons to iign. Hitherto, there of adherents, was to be confidcred, and then the Royalills 
 was nothing that could give the King juft caufe of com- were not above one in a thoufand; fo that the King, Coun¬ 
 
 plaint, at lead, as to the matter, fince it was the fame Con- 
 feffion that the King his Father, and the whole Kingdom 
 had figned in 1 580 and 1581. It is true, as to the form, 
 he could juftly complain, that his approbation had not been 
 
 cil. Judges, and Bilhops, were on a fudden without au¬ 
 thority and power. To urge the Laws was in vain : the 
 Covenant was the foie Law, the people would follow with 
 refpeft to Religion, as being bound by a folemn oath. 
 
 demanded. But tic Tables were not f.tisfied with the Thus, the King’s authority being no longer regarded, and 
 hire Confeflion of Faith, they added alfo an obligation, his promifes miftrufted by the People, as tending, in their 
 whereby the fubferibers bound themfelves by oath, to opinion, only to deceive them, it is not ftrange, that the 
 maintain Religion as it was in 1580, and to rejetft all the King’s after-endeavours to extinguilh the flame fliould 
 innovations introduced fince into the Church. This was prove fruitlefs. I have dwelt the longer upon the rife of 
 directly contrary to the King’s defigns. Part of the Oath the Scotch troubles, becaufe it feemed to me absolutely ne- 
 which beina; annexed to the Cunfeffion of Faith, was called ceffary to the underftanding of what palied afterwards in 
 the Covenant, that is, con trail, agreement, or league a- England.^ T * ,r " ^ 
 
 _ For the fame reafon, I am alfo obliged to fpeak 
 
 of the effeits produced by the Covenant in Scotland: but I 
 fhall endeavour to be as brief as poffible. 
 
 Though the ftandard of Rebellion was, as it were, erec¬ 
 ted in Scotland , and the King did not well fee how he 
 ~ i„ e generations in this larni are bound to keep the fliould free himfelf from thefe difficulties, he could not yet 
 - forcf.ud national oath and fubfeription inviolable. We defift from his projea. He ftUl hoped the gathering flora. 
 Noblemen, Barons, Gentlemen, Burgefles, Minifters might, by fome artifice, be difpelled. So prepol efied was 
 .4 an d Commons under fubferibing, confidering divers times he in favour of the ro )’ a l authority, that, though he faw 
 
 mong the fubferibers, was as follows 
 
 “ In»%■» being convinced in our minds, and confef- 
 “ JL fing with our mouths, that the prefent and fuc- 
 
 rejfea to 
 Scotland* 
 
3 ®+ 
 
 163s. 
 
 He 
 
 Annals- 
 p. 660, fifCi 
 NaJfon, 
 
 T. 1. p.174. 
 &c. 
 
 P 6 3 j « 1 
 Nalfon. 
 
 it little regarded, he imagined, his declarations and procla¬ 
 mations, worded, for the moft part, in ambiguous terms, 
 would be fufficient to reduce the Scots to their duty. But 
 he did notconfider, that before the breach, the People were 
 in a manner obliged to Ihut their eyes, and feem not to fee 
 what they faw: but that, when the breach was once made, 
 the Male-contents were too wife to be taken in his fnares, 
 and too bold or infolent to refrain from publilhing the ar¬ 
 tifices that were intended to amufe them. The Kin"' de¬ 
 ceived himfelf all'o in another thing. As the Scots perpe¬ 
 tually pleaded their Laws, he thought to filence them, by 
 alledging on his fide, the Laws ena&ed within forty years, 
 not confidering that thefe fame Laws were the principal 
 caufe of their complaints, and what they delired to be an¬ 
 nulled. So, in producing thefe Ads of Parliament, whereby 
 the innovations had been approved, he only confirmed their 
 belief, that he defigned to fupport them, and confequently, 
 it was neceffary to ufe fome violent means to make him 
 defift. The King had for him the Laws in force, fince 
 they were never repealed ; and the People believed, they 
 might rightfully caufe to be abolilhed thofe Laws, impofed 
 on them by corruption, artifice, and violence, complaining, 
 that thefe new Laws were enaded in violation of the old. 
 Thus, both Tides complained of the breach of the Laws. 
 
 The Male-contents faid, “ James and Charles had efta- 
 “ blifhed Epifcopal Government in the Kirk, contrary to 
 “ her confent, who ought to have been confulted in fuch 
 “ an affair, which concerned Religion alone, and could be 
 cc decided only by the general Affembly. But inftead of 
 “ following the fettled rules of the Kirk, the Bilhops were 
 “ firft introduced into the Parliament, and then, by means 
 “ of the Bilhops, whatever was defired, was enaded, 
 <c though the King and Parliament had no right to appoint 
 “ new offices, and new jurifdidions in the Kirk, without 
 “ the confent of the Kirk herfelf, reprefented by the ge- 
 “ neral Affembly, and not by five or fix Bilhops, with as 
 “ many Lay-abbots, who were allowed a feat in Parlia- 
 “ ment. To accomplilh this defign, feveral other artifices 
 “ were ufed, as bribing the Glafgow Affembly, abolilhing 
 “ general Afiemblies, ereding a'High-Commiffion, incon- 
 ‘ c liffent with the liberties of the Kingdom. In a word, 
 “ the King had exercifed, and ftill did exercife a power 
 “ repugnant to the privileges of the Subjeds, in impofing 
 “ upon them a Liturgy and Canons, detefted by almoft the 
 “ whole nation, without asking the confent of Kirk or 
 “ Parliament. By this management, no lefs violent than 
 “ artful, the Government of the Kirk was entirely alte- 
 “ red, not only without the People’s advice, but againff 
 “ their will, as plainly appeared by the great number of 
 <c fubferibers to the Covenant, and the few that refufed 
 “ to fignit. They thought themfelves therefore authorized, 
 c ‘ by virtue of their privileges, to demand the reftoration 
 “ of Religion in its purity, fuch as it was in 1580, and the 
 “ abolition of all innovations. If the King complained 
 that this Covenant was made without his participation 
 “ and confent, he ought to blame none but himfelf, fince 
 “ he had reduced them to this neceffity, by refufino- to 
 “ hearken to their moft humble Petitions. This Cove- 
 ct nant feemed contrary to Law, only becaufe it was fup- 
 “ pofed, the People's privileges were not invaded, though 
 “ the contrary was evident. Scotland was a Monarchy, 
 
 ‘‘ confifting of a happy mixture of the King’s prerogatives 
 “ and the People’s privileges. This union was fo abfo- 
 “ lutely neceffary, that it was not poffible to feparate thefe 
 “ two things, without deftroying the conftitution of the 
 “ Government. It was very true, if the People would 
 “ enjoy their privileges, they were to pay all due obedi- 
 ence to the King: but it was no lefs true, that the 
 51 King could require this obedience, only as he prote&ed 
 the People in their liberties. If they Ihould be fo fenfe- 
 “ lefs, as to pay a pun&ual obedience to Laws advanta- 
 “ gious to the Crown, whilft the King made no fcruple 
 “ to fubvert the Conftitution, by affuming an abfolute 
 “ power, they Ihould only fupply him continually with 
 “ arms, to reduce them to perfed flavery. In Ihort, the 
 “ defign of their Covenant was not, as it was induftrioufly 
 “ intimated, to rob the King of his juft rights, but to hin- 
 4£ der him from ftretching his Prerogative beyond the limits 
 * c of the Law. ” 
 
 The King alledged on his fide, “ The Scots , under the 
 “ lalfe pretence that their privileges were violated, were 
 “ running into open rebellion, by refufing to pay the King 
 “ due obedience. In figning a League dire&ly contrary 
 “ to the rights of the Crown, they ufurped a power which 
 “ wa s fo far from being legal, that it was even repugnant 
 “ to the Laws. Their complaints in general about the 
 “ breach of their privileges were groundlefs, fince there 
 “ was but one article in queftion concerning Religion, that 
 “ is, not the Do&rine, but only the Difcipline of the 
 “ Church. Epifcopacy had been immemorially eftabliflned 
 4 ‘ in the Church of Scotland. It had indeed been under a 
 “ f?rt of eclipfe lijice the Reformation, at a time >yhen the 
 6 
 
 HI STO R Y of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. IL 
 
 “ regulation of the Difcipline was more corifidered, than t6r! 
 , lhi: reformation of the Doflrinc. Presbyterian Gorem- 
 . r " cnt had bccn eftablilbcd in the Church of Scotland by 
 .. ‘ he au ' horl ty general Afl'emblies only, who were not 
 (c sovereigns, and whofe decrees were of no force, till 
 a PP rov ed and confirmed by Parliament. From 1561 
 .. 'u n 592 ’ the f’ arIiamel >t never approved of it, and if 
 „ “e Parliament, held that year, had their reafons to coil- 
 n fl" lt ’ '" C followm g Parliaments had ftronger tn abo- 
 , orn It. and reftore Epifcopal Government. Herein 
 „ nothing was done contrary to law or cuftom, fince no 
 tt ma o cuyld he Ignorant that the Parliament, which re- 
 ^iir ntS w h°le nation, has power to annul and repeal 
 (e a [\ former A£ts. The Male-contents could not queftion 
 <t " 1IS maxim > without grofsly contradi&ing themfelves, 
 fince their Presbyterian Government could be founded 
 only on the Aft: of Parliament made in 1592, whereby 
 were repealed all the antient Laws in favour of Epifco- 
 (( P ac y* How then was it poffible to Ihow, that the Par- 
 e lament of 1592 had power to abolifh Epifcopacy, and 
 ‘ that of 1612 no right to abolifh Presbyterian Govern- 
 tc ment? As to the general Afiemblies, to which was 
 ‘ afcnbed an abfolute power in matters of Religion, this 
 <t P ower was either natural or acquired. If natural, whence 
 ‘ was that before the Reformation, fuch Afiemblies, 
 
 * Con ftft'ng of Presbyters only without Bifhops, were ne- 
 ‘ ver heard ol ? It it was an acquired power, they muft 
 
 * hy ve received it from the Nation, that is, from the 
 King and Parliament. Confequently they were fubjeift to 
 
 ‘ the Parliament, and their Afts could be valid but as con¬ 
 firmed by the Parliament. If they had received the 
 unlimited power aferibed to them, where was the Act 
 “ that granted it, and why was it not produced ? Nay, 
 
 ‘‘ though fuch an Atft Ihould be produced, that would not 
 “ be fufficient, unlefs it was Ihown withal to be irrepeal- 
 “ able; otherwife it would ftill be evident, they depended 
 “ upon the Parliament, and confequently their Acts had 
 “ not the force the y pretended to give them, unlefs ap¬ 
 proved by the Parliament, and the approbation unrepeal- 
 “ ed - Thefc general Afiemblies were firft inftituted at 
 “ the Reformation, for the direction of affairs, and the 
 “ eafe of the Kin g »n d Parliament, in the examination of 
 “ what was to be changed or altered with refpedt to Re- 
 ** ligion. But it was too true, they had ufurped by de- 
 “ grees an authority very prejudicial to the Crown, and 
 “ improper for Subjeas. As to the Liturgy, mentioned 
 by the iVIale-contents in fo contemptuous a manner, as 
 “ lf " was intended to be introduced on purpofe to lead 
 “ tbe People gradually to Popery, he had but one thing to 
 “ P lcad m ' ts favour, namely, that it was compofied by 
 “ li(hop.., who buffered martyrdom for the Proteffant Re- 
 “ aml therefore it was very impertinent to fay, fuch 
 
 “ pmfnns had a mind to reftore Popery, when they were 
 “ mamfeftly ufing their utmoft endeavours to purge the 
 ‘| publick worfhip of every thing tending that way. If the 
 “ K |ng his Father and himfelf had defired to introduce the 
 “ Liturgy into the Church of Scotland, it was becaufe 
 “ they believed it conducive to the edification of the Faith- 
 “ ful ’ arai to the banifhing of the indecency with which 
 “ divine Service was performed in that Church, where 
 “ evcr )' Minifter made what prayers he pieafed, and often 
 “ without any premeditation, which was liable to great in- 
 “ convemencies. Herein he had nothing in view but the 
 “ good and benefit of his Subjefls of Scotland, and it was 
 “ injuring him in the higheft degree, to impute to him a 
 “ dcr 'g n of introducing Popery, which on the contrary 
 “ ne abhorred." As to the book of Canons, he defended 
 himfelf, in the manner before-mentioned, and therefore it 
 is need lefs to repeat it. 
 
 After feeing the reafons of both parties, it will not be 
 difficult to conceive the motives of their condu^, without 
 my being obliged hereafter to difplay them. I fhall on!v 
 add that the Male-contents having refolved to improve the 
 weaknefs of the King’s party, and the advantage given 
 them by their Covenant, to abolifh the innovations com¬ 
 plained of, ufed not fo much the moft juft and legal mean , 
 as thofe they believed moft proper for their ends. On the 
 other hand, the King conftantly adhered to the A<fts of 
 Parliament, by which thefe pretended innovations wee 
 eftablilbcd, feigning not to fee, in that refpeft, the Icaft 
 caufe of complaint againft himfelf, or the King his Father 
 Thmgs being come to the point above-mentioned, by*; 
 the almoft umverfal fubfeription of the Covenant, the King (W. 
 refolved to fend the Marquifs of Hamilton into Scotland , u-) Mar 1 U! t r f, 
 reprefent his perfon under the title of his High-Coinmif- Hjmi,rcn 
 fioner. He imagined thi beinginve v . 
 
 fo eminent a character, would by his credit and induftry M3 y 
 reduce the people to obedience, without g'.viivr ' Burn « t ’* 
 
 real fatisfadlion, being ftill very unwilling to 1 < from 
 h:s projea. The Tables havi . of this, ted *'• 
 not but the King’s aim was to ,-m.fie and farpri?e them 11 
 and therefore they ufed all poffible means to divert ;r.c .m- ^ 
 
Book XIX. 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 305 
 
 >635, 
 
 Id. p. 752, 
 t 753 - 
 
 fc 7 be King', 
 Declaration. 
 Rufli worth, 
 II. p. 755. 
 M Annals- 
 p. G39. 
 
 Probation 
 agamjt the 
 1 Declaration, 
 
 Rufh worth. 
 II. p. 758. 
 Annals, 
 p. 641. 
 Nalfon. 
 T-I. p. 39. 
 
 pending danger. I fhall not defcend to particulars, but con¬ 
 tent my felf with faying, that the High-Commiffioner was 
 received by the inale-contents with great coldnefs and little 
 refpeft, and that they prepared, on the contrary, to with- 
 fland him vigoroufly, in cafe he offered to affert his autho¬ 
 rity. 
 
 Mean while, the King having fent to Scotland a (hip 
 laden with arms (1) for Edinburgh Caftle, the Tables refol¬ 
 ved to feizc them, fearing, the King intended to furprize 
 them, vvhilil he fhould amufe them with negotiations. 
 This Refolution could not be executed, becaufe the King’s 
 party, having notice, inftantly unladed the veffel, and car¬ 
 ried the arms to Dalkeith, where the Council then was. 
 For this rcafon the Tables fet a guard near the gate of 
 the Caftle, to prevent thefe arms from being carried in. 
 At the fame time, the male-contents received two fhips 
 freighted with arms for their fervice. The King would 
 hardly digeft this affront. But the male-contents did not 
 think it prudent to be expofed to a furprize, on pretence 
 that the rupture between the King and them was not yet 
 in tine. 
 
 The High-Commiffioner being come to Edinburgh , of¬ 
 fered thefe three propofitions to the confideration of the 
 Male-contents. 
 
 t. What they fhould expert to hear in the King’s name 
 for accommodating their grievances ? 
 
 2. What might be expected from them for returning to 
 their former obedience ? 
 
 3. That they fhould renounce and deliver up their late 
 Covenant. 
 
 To which they anfwered, 
 
 1 . That they infilled upon a general Affembly, and a 
 Parliament. 
 
 2. That they could not return to his Majefty’s obedience, 
 fince they had never departed from it. 
 
 3. That they would fooner renounce their Baptifm than 
 the Covenant (2). 
 
 The Marquifs had brought with him a Declaration, 
 which however he was to make ufe of but in cafe of ne- 
 ceffity, becaufe the King was unwilling to promife the lead 
 condefcenfion to the Scots, unlefs forced. But the Mar¬ 
 quifs foon perceived it was not poflible to bring the male- 
 contents to obedience, without amufing them at leafl with 
 the hopes that the King would have fome regard to their 
 grievances. He therefore thought proper to publifh the 
 Declaration, though it evidently appeared by the very ex- 
 preffions, that the King would not properly be obliged to 
 any thing. What follows is the moll material part of the 
 Declaration, and fhows wherein confided the King’s con¬ 
 defcenfion : 
 
 “ And for further clearing of fcruples, we do hereby af- 
 “ fure all men. That we will neither now, nor here- 
 “ after, prefs the practice of the Service-Book, or the 
 “ forefaid Canons, nor any thing of that nature, but in 
 “ fuch a fair and legal way, as Jhall fatisfy all our loving 
 <£ Subjects, that we neither intend innovations in Reli- 
 “ gion or laws; and to this effect have given order to dif- 
 tc charge all A6ls of Council there anent. And for the 
 “ High-Commiffion, we fhall fo redlify it, vjith the help 
 “ and advice of our Privy-Council, that it fhall never im- 
 tC pugn the Laws, nor be a jud grievance to our loyal 
 “ Subjects; and what is further fitting to be agitated in ge- 
 “ neral Affemblies and Parliament, for the good and peace 
 “ of the Kirk, and peaceable government of the fame, in 
 “ edablifhing of the Religion at prefent pojfejfed, fhall 
 “ likewife be taken into our royal confideration, in a free 
 “ AfTembly and Parliament, which fhall be indidled and 
 “ called with our bed convenience.” 
 
 The King mud have been ill-informed of the difpofition 
 of the Scots, to imagine that a Declaration with fo many 
 rcdridlions and ambiguous expreffions fhould be capable of 
 contenting them. This Declaration was no fooner pro¬ 
 claimed at the market-crofs of Edinburgh, but the Tables 
 caufed an anfwer in form of a Protedation to be publickly 
 read in the fame place, the fubdance whereof was: 
 
 1. That no Proclamation or Declaration could fettle 
 their fears, nor fecure them from the re-entry of any evil 
 or innovation. 
 
 2. That they pofitively infided upon a general Affem- 
 bly and a Parliament, which the King did not promife to 
 call. 
 
 3. That the Proclamation did not mention their com¬ 
 plaints and grievances, but under the name of diforders, 
 faults, and mifdemeanours, fsV. 
 
 4- That the King took it for granted he had abundant¬ 
 ly and fufficiently fatisfied their fears, by his two former 
 Proclamations, and by his prefent Declaration. 
 
 5. That this Proclamation fuppofed them guilty of an 1638. 
 unlawful combination, or rebellion. 
 
 6. That it did not difallow nor difeharge any of the in¬ 
 novations complained of, but left liberty to any Prelate or 
 perfon to pradlife the fame. 
 
 7. That it plainly evidenced his Majefty’s intentions of 
 preffing the pradiice of thofe innovations in a legal way, 
 that is, according to thofe Laws which were the fubject of 
 their complaints. 
 
 8. That his Majeffy did not promife to abolifh, but 
 only to rectify the High-Commiffion, with the advice of 
 his Privy-Council, implying the King’s power, with con 
 fent of his Council, to eftablifh any judicatory within his 
 Kingdom, without confcnt of the three Eftates convened 
 in Parliament. 
 
 The High-Commiffioner being better informed of the The Mar. 
 affairs of Scotland, by what he had feen with his own eyes, rtra,r - 
 thought it neceflary to go himfelf and acquaint the King. 'h, «/«/««- 
 He made therefore a journey to Court, and returned fhort- d, .\ -iriijiu, 
 1 y after, with a power to call a general AfTembly, and a 
 Parliament. But as for the Affembly, he would know be- the Mute- 
 forehand what perfons it fhould be compofed of, and what coriint, ‘ 
 was to be debated. The Tables rejedted this limitation, as Mem'* 6r 
 tending to render the Affembly ufelefs. They likewife Ruihworth. 
 told him, if the King refufed to convene a general Aflem- 7 6 *- 
 bly, they believed they were fufficiently authorized to call t?*l p". 4 <;. 
 one themfelves. 
 
 Probably, the King’s High-Commiffioner had orders to °ff"' 
 grant a general Affembly, if it could not be avoided, but’ 
 however to ufe his utmoll endeavours, either that the Ta- nvL'eb are 
 bles fhould defifl from their demand, or at lead, if he re i e Hed. 
 granted an Affembly, to clog the favour with conditions 
 that fhould prevent the King’s defigns receiving any pre¬ 
 judice. It was doubtlefs in obedience to this order, that he Rufhwjnb. 
 prefented to the Tables eleven (3) Articles, as fo many **• ?■ 7 6 -- 
 conditions on which he was willing to call an Affembly. T^Lp'. 45 , 
 As he had very likely good fpies, he knew pretty well 
 what the Tables intended to do in order to reap great ad¬ 
 vantages by a general Affembly, and thefe eleven conditions 
 folely tended to render their meafures ineffectual. The ibid. 
 Tables being compofed of the mod able perfons in Scot¬ 
 land, eafily difeovered the High- Commiffioncr’s aim. They 
 replied therefore to thefe eleven Articles, fo as to fhow him 
 it would be very difficult to furprife them. Neverthelefs He reducer 
 he was not difeouraged, and under colour of complying then: ta ,w0 ' 
 with the male-contents, reduced the eleven conditions to 
 thefe two, which however contained the fubftance of the 
 eleven, and tended to the fame end. 
 
 “ 1. That no Laymen fhould have voices in chufing Rll!]lW0rth * 
 “ the Minifters to be fent from the feveral Presbyteries to Nalfon 76 ”" 
 “ the general Affembly, nor any but the Minifters of the Lp’ 48. 
 “ fame Presbytery. 
 
 “ 2. That the Affembly fhould not go about to determine 
 tc things eftablifhed by ACl of Parliament, otherwife than 
 “ by remonftrance or petition to the Parliament.” 
 
 To underftand the end and motive of the firft of thefe Explication 
 conditions, it muff be obferved, that it was very plainly 
 perceived in Scotland, fince the Glafgow Affembly in 1610, 
 how eafily the King could fecure a majority of votes a- 
 mong the Minifters, whether by fears or hopes, or by pre¬ 
 fent and real favours. For this reafon the Male-contents 
 had refolved not to let the Minifters have the foie direction 
 of the Affairs of Religion, and therefore had ere&ed four 
 Tables, whereof that of the Minifters which was but the 
 third, could not determine of any thing without the con¬ 
 currence of the other three, and the approbation of the 
 General-Table. Moreover when the Tables had demand¬ 
 ed a general Affembly, they had at the fame time refolved, 
 that this Affembly lhould be compofed not only of the 
 Minifters, but alfo of Lay-Elders, who fhould be perfons 
 of authority, and whofe number fhould exceed that of the 
 Minifters. In fhort, they defigned the Minifters who 
 were to be fent to the Affembly, fhould be eledled not only 
 by the Minifters themfelves of each Presbytery, but alfo 
 by the Lay-Elders. The Marquifs of Hamilton, who had 
 intelligence of their intention, laid therefore a double fnare 
 for them in the former of his two conditions. The firft fnare 
 confifted in that, feigning to be ignorant of their defign to 
 fend Lay-Elders to the general affembly, he fuppofed it was 
 to be compofed of Minifters only. The fecond confifted 
 in that he pretended, the nomination of thefe Minifters 
 for the Affembly fhould be made by the Minifters alone 
 without the participation of the Lay-Elders. He thereby 
 endeavoured to break the meafures, the Tables had judged 
 neceflary to fecure themfelves from the Articles of the 
 Court. 
 
 As to the fecond condition, it was evident that by things 
 
 (>) Two hundred Muskets, and fo many Pikes, with a fmall quantity of Powder. Annali, p. 635. 
 
 \z) Alter tins, they fet new Guards upon the Caftle of Edinburgh, doubled the Watch ; and hearing that the Lord Commiflioner was to hive the next 
 Sunday, Divine Service in the King's Palace at Holy-rude Houfe, they fent him word. That whofoevor fliould read iVsEnghJb Service in that Chapel, fhjuld 
 never read more, and that there were a thoufand Men ready to difturb it. Hid, p. G36. 
 
 ( 3 ) Ten fays Wbitelock, and Ru/hwortb, p. 28. 762. 
 
 No. 59. V o l. II. 
 
 H h h h 
 
 already 
 
?c6 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vo!. II. 
 
 163B. already eftabUfhed’by A£b of Parliament, he underftood all 
 the innovations complained of, which had been introduced 
 fince the year 1606, and which for the molt part were, as 
 I laid, founded upon A£ts of Parliament. So; by this fe- 
 cond condition, he broke ftill more directly than by the 
 firft, the meafures the Tables might take, to caufc thefe in¬ 
 novations to be examined and deedared fuch by the general 
 Tbr rAl.-t Afl'embly. Wherefore the Tables rejected thefe two 
 conditions, regarding them as fo many fnares to furprize 
 them, hnce they could not accept them without being at 
 I the Kind’s mercy. This affair was come to that point, 
 ScuHaod." 1 ^ c * ,e tables were fatisHed, the innovations complained 
 of were really innovation. 1 , and of their right to require 
 their abolition. The thing was only to devife the propereft 
 means to procure the fatisia&ion they demanded. On the 
 other hand, the King did not in the lealt doubt the validity 
 of the Aiffs of Parliament, whereby thefe pretended inno¬ 
 vations were elfablifhed. And perhaps he {fill lefs quefti- 
 oned his power to introduce the Liturgy and Canons. 
 But his concern was to find the propereft means to main¬ 
 tain his own and the Parliament’s authority, and to difpel 
 the (form that was gathering in Scotland. 
 
 'ibtMay The High-Commiffioner clearly perceiving, he had to 
 ti.gUHd. deal with men who were upon their guard, and that it 
 Au. L; would be difficult to furprize them, refolved to take a fe- 
 R".-:. -a., rh. Cl)nt ] journey to England , to inform the King of the (fate 
 : 3 ’ of affairs. By putting the male contents in hopes the 
 
 Nairn. King would grant fuch a general Afl’embly, as they de- 
 
 T. 1 p- 4 s - 1', r ed, he obtained with great difficulty, that the cleftion 
 of Commiffioners (hould be delayed till his return, which 
 was fixed to the 21 ft of September. During his abfence, 
 the Tables expecting only new fnares, or frefh delays from 
 the Court (1), refolved that a general Afl'embly fhould be 
 held, either with the King’s permiffion, if he would grant 
 it, or without his content, and that the election of Com- 
 Ibid. miffioners fhould be the 22d of September. In this interval, 
 thev feat to ail the Presbyteries, directions in eight Arti¬ 
 cles, not to chufe any fufpected Minilter, and to elect every 
 where Lay-Elders, who fhould be perfons of authority, 
 and more numerous than the Minilters. In a word, they 
 took all p ffible meafures to have an Aflembly at their de¬ 
 votion, wherein they perfectly fucccedcd, the King’s party 
 being every where lb weak, that they were not in condi¬ 
 tion to oppofe it fuccefsfully. 
 
 N-.w Fro. The High-Commiffioner being returned to Scotland with 
 -new inftnidlions, immediately ordered a Proclamation to 
 s !’' be publifhed, containing in fubltance thefe three principal 
 
 R1.H1.vtn■ h. “ 1. Tint his Majefty revoked the Service-boook, the 
 11 i' -39. cc book of Canons, the High-Cummiffion, and the five 
 X*i . *p “ Articles of Perth. 
 
 “ 2. That for the future none of his Subjects, whether 
 ecclefialtical or civil, fhould be liable to the tryal and 
 “ cenfure of the Paili.iment, or general Afl’embly. 
 
 “ 3. That perfons of all ranks fhould be required to 
 c ‘ flgn the Confeffion of E’aith of 15 Bo, with the oath he 
 “ had annexed, but very different from that of the 
 “ Covenant.” 
 
 The High. After publifhing this Proclamation, the High-Commif- 
 i .I r floner fummoned a general afl’embly to meet at Glafgow 
 t he 2 1 ft of November this year 1O3X, and a Parliament at 
 t,'d 1 ‘wUj- Edinburgh the 15th of May the next year 1639. 
 
 ’ l’was not without reafoii that the male-contents ex- 
 ! . rl* pcCted fome new fnare from the King. Though the Con- 
 x ,;'i c.- feffion of Kaith which the King ordered to be iigned, was 
 ^ ard exaCtly the fame with that prefixed to the Covenant, the 
 \iak \ n- ‘ 0at ^ [or General-Band] annexed by the King, imported, 
 ums. that they fwore to maintain the Religion at prefent pro- 
 Kuihw.'ri’n. felled, which was utterly deftroying the oath of the Cove- 
 762^ ji!'. nanr ’ whereby the fubferibers were bound, to rejeCt all 
 the innovations introduced fince 15B0. This fnare was fo 
 palpable, and fo very injurious to the King’s affairs, that 
 the Council, to prevent its ill effeCls, were forced to pub- 
 lifh a Declaration, that the meaning of the oath was, that 
 they fwore to maintain the Religion profefled in 15 So. 
 id p 7-2. But notwithftanding this, the Tables caufed a proteftation 
 i^.ir' n, ^ again If the Proclamation to be publickly read, to Ihow, as 
 5 they pretended, that the King aCled not with fincerity ; 
 ■.:m. u t that by certain ambiguous claufes, reftriCtions, and addi- 
 tions, he took away with one hand, what he gave with 
 the other ; and referved to himfelf a liberty to maintain at 
 a more convenient feafon, the innovations he feemed to de¬ 
 part from. 
 
 /r, urt During the interval between the publifhing of the Pro- 
 • v clam it ion, and the general Afl’embly, the High-Commif- 
 
 fioner and Council ufed all poffible endeavours to make all 165S. 
 forts of people fign the Confeffion of Faith as fent L>\* the 
 King, and the 'Fables on their part forgot nothin^ to op¬ 
 pofe it. But there palled at this time, a thing of great im- 
 portance, which muff not be omitted. Many Lords, J / tbc 
 Barons, Gentlemen, Minifters, Burgefl’es, who were not /. J 
 Commiffioners to the general Aflembly, prefented to the fus-y 
 Presbytery uf Edinburgh , an information againft David'''-'- £ “ ;f 
 Lindfey Bifhop of Edinburgh , and at the fame time againft -s 7 . 
 all the reft of the Bilhnps. The fubftance of this informa- r "i.in. 
 tion, which contained feveral articles, fome whereof doubt- 1 1 7- 
 lefs were much aggravated, was, that Lir.dpy and his bre- i,v-’ 
 thren had not performed the conditions rtquired of them »t 
 by the Montrofs Afl'embly. The deflgn of this informa- 
 tion was to prevail with the Presbytery to fl/mmon, as thev 
 did accordingly, the Bifhops to appear before the Aflem- 
 bly which was to be held at Glafg-nv. For as the aboli- 1 ‘ ‘ 
 tion of Epifcopacy was now refolved, ic wa- necell'ary that ' J 
 the genetal Aflembly fhould have fome ground or pre¬ 
 tence to profecute and try the Bifliops. And for this the 
 imformation was intended. 
 
 The general Afl'embly met at Glafgcnb on the day ap- Aa 
 pointed, confifting of fuch members as the Tables had de- f-‘,M 
 
 fired or rather preferibed (2). The King's party was fo ‘ / C JJ 
 
 weak that they durft not make any oppofition, and the T -- ciaj 
 matters to be debated had been directed by the Tables, 
 who had fent their inftru&ions to the CommiffioneiS. In , g 
 a word, as in the Afl'embly of 1610, and the following ^ 
 ones, King 'James had fo managed as to have every tliii g Ru '‘ luv ° r ' b 
 tranfacted as he pleafed, the Tables had now taken the csy. P 42 ' 
 fame precautions to caufe whatever they did not approve Bi "-net’s 
 to be annulled. Wherefore the Marquifs of Hamilton's ^ em ' of 
 grand aim, was vifibly to laife contefts and dif’putes which ' UI1 
 fhould afford him occafion to diflblve the Aflembly. 
 
 The firft day was fpent in reading the King’s Com- Na f 01 , 
 miffion. The fecond day, a Letter from the King con- 1 ' h r- 
 taining nothing extraordinary was read (3). Then the BurBet* 1 ’* 3 
 Afl'embly proceeded to the choice of a Moderator : hut at Mem \i 
 the fame time Dr. Hamilton prefented from the Bifhops, 
 a Declinator, that is, a Proteftation againft the legality of Annals, 
 the Afl’embly, and the High-Commiffioner would have this 
 Declinator read firft. But it was obje&ed, there v/as no 
 Afl’embly without a Moderator, and confequcntly it was 
 neceflary to begin with his ele&ion. The High-Commif¬ 
 fioner feeing he could not prevail, protefted"againft the 
 refufal to read the Declinator before the choice of a Mode¬ 
 rator, and ordered his proteftation to be entered. Before Ruffiwnrth 
 the Moderator was chofen, the High-Commiffioner enter- n - P s +7' 
 ed a fecond proteftation, that this choice fliould prejudice 
 neither the King’s Prerogative, nor any Law of the King¬ 
 dom, nor bar the King from taking legal exceptions, either 
 againft the perfon eledted, or the election it felf. After 
 that, they umyiimoufly chofe Mr. Alexander Henderfcn a 
 Minifter for Moderator. 
 
 The third day, the High-Commiffioner urged, that the Nov. 23. 
 Bifhops Declinator might be read. But be was told, the 
 Afl’embly was not formed till the Commiflions of Eledtions 
 were examined, and the Commiffioners that were prefent, 
 known to be duly authorized. This affair was of more 
 importance than it feems at firft fight. As the Declinator 
 contained rcafons to fhow that the eledtion of all the Com¬ 
 miffioners, or at leaft of the greateft part, was null, it 
 was eafy to perceive, that thefe reafons would come too late 
 after the power of the Commiffioners fhould be allowed, 
 and they admitted for members of the Aflembly. The R u <j, wnrt h( 
 High-Commiffioner not being able to obtain his defire, p- 847' 
 entered a third proteftation on that head, and a fourth, the 
 fame day, againft the choice of Mr. Archibald John/}on , 
 for Clerk-Regifter of the Afl’embly (4), becaufe he had "been 
 Clerk of the General Table at Edinburgh. 
 
 The fourth day, the Commiffions of ele&ions were ex- Nov. 24. 
 amined. But the High-Commiffioner firft entered a filth 
 proteftation, to take exception againft their elections in his 
 own due time. 
 
 The examination of the Commiffions not being ended the Nov. a;, 26 
 fourth day, was continued the fifth. It may be imagined, 
 that the elections which were agreeable to the inltrudions 
 of the Tables, were generally approved, and that means 
 were not wanting to weaken or entirely rejedt thofe which 
 were otherwife. 
 
 The lixth day, the zrth of November , was read at luff N a K; )n 
 the Bifhops Declinator, wherein they pretended to prove t 1. 1’. 99. 
 by feveral reafons the illegality of the Aflembly. After 1 '*• 
 the reading of the Declinator, the High-Commiffioner Ann ‘‘ 5 " 
 caufed to be read fome other proteftations, fent him from 
 
 1 vtnjntjg*■ 
 Kulh worth, 
 
 c i. 
 
 1’ This'll feems was the grand defign of the Court, as appears by one of the King’s Letters to the High-CommilTioner, “ In a word, fays his Majedy to 
 n.m, gd‘ n t ,r r- by all the h >neft means you can, without torlaking your ground. ” Burnet'i Mem. tj Hamit, p. 56. 
 
 2) It t'lnfifted of «bi ut two hundied and lixty Commiffioners. Some of thcle Members c,.uld neither read nor wiite, and yet thefe were to Judge of H.:e y, 
 condemn Armmsus hi. Tenets. Burnt's Mtm of Hamit, p. 98. 
 
 ■}' And then the M.nquifs or Hamilton made a Speech, and arter that, tendred to the AfTemblv, the King’s ConceiTions, which were much the f.me with 
 ic heady m--> ".ned above. See Rs/hioortb, Tom. 2. p. S44, 845. 
 
 4 Upon his E •:,!i m he made a /hor; Speech, declaring his unwillingnefs to accept the charge, yet would not be wanting to cent ibute his part towaid the 
 the t t 'gat.Ki ftbc Son of Gid. Rujbtuortb, Tom 2. p- 8j -. 
 
 5 feveral 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 Ajev-.tly. 
 
 Book XIX. 25. CHARLES I. 3 o 7 
 
 feveral places, againft the Lay-Elders right of voting in the even excellent, the point is to know, whether the Church 
 general AHemblies, and Elections of the Minifters by Lay- of Scotland could not be without it, and whether Charles I, 
 me ' ! ; .... had fufficient reafon to hazard the Peace of that Kingdom 
 
 I he leventh day, the afith of November , it Was moved and his own, in order to fupport a defi^n the execution 
 In the Aflembly, to debate, whether the Bilhops caufe whereof was not abfoluteiy neceffary. & ’ 
 
 thouU be judged, notwithftanding .their Declinator. As The general AlTembly, having'continued their feffion 4a,cf,i t 
 alter feveral Speeches on this fubjeft, the Moderator was themfelves, contrary to the King’s order, loft no time to tydh 
 going to put the queltion, the High-Commillioner rofe up begin and finifh what had been refolved in the Tables. ar '" 
 and /aid, Juice they pretended to allume a right to judge the Here follows a /hort lift of fomc of their A&s, which will 
 Bifhops, he could not give his confent, nor ftay any longer fliow how much they endeavoured to abolilh, as far as in 
 with them. Then after a long Speech, wherein he repre- them lay, all innovations. 
 
 “ An A 61 bearing the AHemblies Proteftation againft Rufliwonh. 
 the difiolution thereof. H- p- 873. 
 
 fen ted his Majefty’s gracious conceflions in his laft Decla¬ 
 ration, he diilolved the AfTembly in the name, and by 
 rhe authority ot the King, alledging thefe four principal 
 reafons. 
 
 Hi Rtof-nt. 1. Lay-Elders were introduced into the AfTembly to vote 
 Ruifiwoitii, t h ere [which was not warranted by the Laws, pradlice or 
 p- °49. cu ft om 0 f t | ie Church or Kingdom, and] which fuppofing 
 N.U1. n, there were fuch a law, or cuftom, had been difeontinued 
 r. 1. p.117. f 0 r above forty years. 
 
 2. '1 lie Minifters chofen Commiffioncrs, were elected by 
 Lay-Elders, contrary to cuftom and practice. 
 
 t,. T he few Commiffioners chofen contrary to the in- 
 ftruCtions of the Tables, had been thrown out by mere 
 cavils. 
 
 4. The cited Bifhops were to be tried by perfons who 
 had already declared againft them. 
 
 ma y k e obferved concerning thefe reafons, that the 
 ’ " High-Commiftioner was not ignorant, before the meeting 
 
 of the Aflembly, of the manner of electing the Commif- 
 fioners, or that the Bifhops caufe was to be brought before 
 the general AfTembly. Confequently thefe reafons would 
 have been as ftrong to hinder the Allembly from meeting, 
 as they were to diflolvfe it the feventh day. But he was 
 unwilling to give the male-contents the advantage of juftly 
 complaining, that he had amufed them with the hopes of 
 an Allembly, which he intended not to hold. He ex- 
 pe&ed to find in the proceedings of the AfTembly, caufes or 
 pretences to difiolve it, and his frequent Proteftations were 
 fb many expedients to ufe, which he intended at a pro¬ 
 per feafoil. But as, in all appearance, he had the Kind’s 
 pofitive order to diffolve the AfTembly, in cafe they fhould 
 take upon them to try the Bifhops, and as this was pro¬ 
 perly the firft thing that was moved, it was not in his 
 power to ftay for other pretences. He was forced therefore 
 to ufe the lame reafons for diftblving, as might have ferved 
 to hinder the meeting, of the AfTembly. 
 
 The King found not in the AfTembly the obedience he 
 expc&ed, though with little reafon, confidering how the 
 7/, nut Scots flood affefted. It was eafy to forefee, that the Cove- 
 b tbSZjn nanters ' v *'° had re f° lved to hold an Allembly, though the 
 JL'tb"™" King fhould-not have given his confent, were not difpofed 
 to break up after a feven-days-feffion, without having 
 finifiled any affair. They had a mind to abolilh Epifco- 
 pacy entirely, with all the innovations introduced into the 
 Kirk fince the laft forty years, and after all the fteps they 
 had taken, it was not likely they would fuddenly relin- 
 quifh their projects, and return to Petitions and Supplica¬ 
 tions which hitherto had proved fruitlefs. They faw more¬ 
 over, that the King ufed all forts of means to prevent his 
 confenting to their defires, or if he feigned to have any 
 condefcenlion for them, it was only to gain rime, and 
 that he referved to himfelf the power of maintaining the 
 
 tbeAiJimbly 
 ?/* « 
 
 Nall. 
 
 T. I. v . iic 
 Rufluvoril), 
 II. p. 865 . 
 Burnci’s 
 
 An A£t annulling the fix AfTemblies holden at Lin- t^d.’ii 
 “ lithgow 1606, and 16c8, at Glafgow 1610, at Aberdi en Annals, 
 
 <c 16/6, at St. Andrews 1617, at Perth 1618. 
 
 “ An A£t declaring the nullity of the Oath, exacted 
 “ by Prelates, from fuch as are inftituted to Benefices. 
 
 “ An AiSl condemning the Service Book. 
 
 “An AdT condemning the Book of Canons. 
 
 “ An Ad condemning the High-Commiffion. 
 
 “ Two A bis containing the Depofition and Excommu- 
 “ nication of fourteen Bifhops. 
 
 “ Adi clearing the meaning of the Confeffion of Faith, 
 
 “ made Anno 1580, as abjuring and removing Epifco- 
 “ pacy. 
 
 “ An Acl declaring the five Articles of Perth to have 
 “ been abjured, and to be removed. 
 
 “ Adi reftoring Presbyteries, provincial and general 
 “ AfTemblies to their conftitution of Minifters and Elders, 
 
 “ and their power and jurifdidlicn contained in the Book 
 tc of Policy, 
 
 “ Adi concerning the power of Presbyteries, admiffion of 
 “ Minifters, and chufing of their Moderators. 
 
 “ Ad againft the prophanation of the Sabbath, for want 
 “ of afternoon’s exercife. 
 
 “ Ad againft thofe who fpeak or write againft the Go- 
 “ venartt, or the Aflembly. 
 
 “ Ad condemning Chapters, Arch-deans, preaching 
 “ Deacons, and fuch like popifh trafh. 
 
 “ Ad condemning all civil Offices in the perfons of 
 “ Minifters feparate to the Gofpel, as to be Juft ices of 
 
 Peace, fit in Seffion or Council, to vote or ride in Par- 
 “ liament. 
 
 “ Ad appointing the Commiffioners to attend the Par- 
 ‘ liament, and Articles, which they are to reprefent in the 
 :i name of the Kirk to the Eftates. 
 
 “ An Ad difeharging Printers to print any thing anent 
 ‘ the Ads of the proceedings of the AfTembly, without 
 “ a warrant under the Secretary’s hand. 
 
 “ Ad ordaining the Covenant to be fubferibed, with 
 
 the AfTemblies declaration. 
 
 “ Ad difeharging all fubfeription to the Covenant, fub¬ 
 feribed by his Majefty’s Commifiioner, and the Lords 
 ‘ of the Council. 
 
 “ Ad renewing the privileges of yearly general Aflem- 
 ‘ blies, and oftner ( pro re nata ) and appointing the third 
 ‘ IVtdnefday in July 1639, in Edinburgh , for the next 
 ‘ general AfTembly. 
 
 “ Ad that none be chofen Ruling-Elders to fit in Pref- 
 ‘ byteries provincial, or general AHemblies, but thofe who 
 * fubferibe the Covenant.” 
 
 Thefe Ads (how, the King was not in the wrong when 
 
 Nalfon, 
 
 "Options at a more tavorable opportunity. This" was he faid, the general Affembfa of Scotland 'had'ufifrped a 
 their belief at lead, and the fudden diffolution of an Af- kind of fovereignty in religious affairs, fince this is feen 
 lembly fo earneflly deflred, confirmed them in it. Where- boldly to annul, by their authority, things eftablifhed hv 
 ore they were unwilling to negleB fo fair an opportunity. Afls of Parliament. But, as I faid, in the difputc between 
 hey had the whole kingdom on their fide, and knew the King and his Scotch Subjefls, the concern was not to 
 l ,at the great d,foments which reigned in England, would examine the right of the parties, but to ufe the mod effec- 
 
 n ° ,/e r , J r," 8 t0 make anv confiderable efforts a- tua! means to attain their refpeflive ends. This was the 
 
 gamlt Gotland. Upon thefe accounts it was that the Af- courfe taken by the general Affembly of Gtaiaw. As the 
 
 0l G c ° ntln,JcJ 'heir feflion by their own au- Parliament was to meet the next May, and they knew 
 
 1 uotwithfiandini>; their difiolution in thp Kino-’* rhpv fbnnW L - r . .. .- 1 -* 
 
 and 
 
 which they were contented to anfwer as ufual by protef- 
 Thus the King had the mortification to fee his 
 
 nTme 7 ’ thor in the Ktng’a they fhould be fupported, they were willing to give' the 
 
 name, and a Proclamation pubbfhed the next day (i), to Parliament an occalion to abolilh all the innovations com 
 
 Rufliwt-ith. nation. ^ ___ ___ 
 
 m P . 8 i+ . authority contemned, and the Ads of Parliament procured 
 e ' b J llls Lather to introduce the Hierarchy into the Kirk, 
 ferve for foundation to a Scotijh rebellion. Hence Sove¬ 
 reigns fhould learn not to introduce any innovations but 
 ■what are abfoluteiy neceilary. ’Tis certain, the Reforma¬ 
 tion had been eftablifhed in Scotland upon the Presbyterian 
 plan, in the lame manner as i n Switzerland, Geneva , France , 
 Germany , the Low Countries : that this fame Government 
 iubfifted there till James V I, became King of England : 
 that this Prince was pofiefled with the defign of introduc¬ 
 ing cpifcopal Government, and that Charles his fon and 
 fuccelTor was no lefs eager to purfue the fame project. 
 
 I he queftion is not to know, whether epifcopal Govern¬ 
 ment be good or bad in itfclf; but fuppofing it good and 
 
 tO Which “wd* their fitting any longer Treafon. Naijov, p. 
 
 plained of, upon the foundation of its being the general fen - 
 timent ol the Kirk. It muft be farther remarked con¬ 
 cerning this Aflembly, that before the Sellions began, the 
 Tables had ufed their utmoft endeavours to hinder the lien- 
 ing the confeffion of Faith of 1580, with the obligatory 
 claufe annexed by the King. But as this did not prevent Tb,A/? e .r>b h 
 its being fubferibed by many, the Aflembly of Glefgow d “ ar “ & 3 
 thought proper to explain the Confeffion, and decide/tnat &/ l T‘ y 
 it virtually contained the abolition of Epifcopacv, though by“ 
 the Bifhops were not mentioned. So by this explication, J e F un <f ' 
 they who had figned the Confeffion by the King’s order, 'J*®'. 
 had fubferibed to the abolition of Epifcopal Government. E*fbcZ?n 
 The High- Com miftioner, hearing the Aflembly of Glafgow b 
 
 were upon this explication, made halle and publifhed a quite cL«, g -~ 
 different one, wherein he endeavoured to prove, that Epil- niZiT* 
 copacy fubfilted in 1580, and confequently, the figning of T 'V'n, 
 
 Che 
 
A 
 
 ;o8 
 
 7 he H ISTO RT of ENGL 
 
 A N D. 
 
 Vol i! 
 
 the Confeflion of that year, could not be deemed an abju¬ 
 ration of Epifcopacy. A very long and particular anfwer 
 was made to this explication. But without entering into a 
 difcuffion of the fa£ts alledged on both hdes, I fhall only 
 obferve, that what I faid heretofore, concerning the ambi- tenants of 
 -uity in the name of Bifhops, muft be chiefly applied to bound to lurndh troops for the uefe 
 thefe two Papers. The Marquifs proved very well, that borders again It the Scots-, or tl.e tcnai 
 the name, title, temporal rights of the Bifhops, were not 
 abolifhed by the Parliament, till the year 1580 ; but he 
 very lamely proved, that till then the Kirk of Scotland had 
 been governed by Bifhops. The Benefice had fublifted till 
 that vcar, but the Office was abolifhed, if not by A£t of 
 Parliament, at lead by the cuftom and practice of the Kirk. 
 
 On the other hand, the authors of the anfwer evidently 
 fhowed, that Epifcopacy, as to the Office, was abolifhed _ _ 
 
 by the general Aflemblies, as far as lay in their power, and claimed, and judged 
 
 . . v 1 t r- 1 , .1 1 1 _.... k inrrHnm T-tnf 
 
 d ' 
 
 lecaulc of 
 111v place : 
 
 cording to the frontiers that were like to be , 
 of thefe lands lay in the northern Counties., 
 neighbourhood of Scotland , which was rh^ < 
 whence invafions were to be feared by land. But 
 
 lands lying in A Sir'-..*, were n<*. 
 
 V the northern 
 the North, to 
 
 defend the fouthsrn frontiers when threatened by the 
 French. Whereas Charles 1 , without making any diftinc- 
 tion of Counties, or putting any difference between thofe 
 that did, and thefe that did not hold thefe Crown-lands, 
 dire&ed his fummons to all the Nobles in general. A- 
 gain, this method of railing troops was anciently ufed, 
 only when the Kingdom was actually invaded, or in dan¬ 
 ger of being fo, or at leaft, when there was a war pro- 
 neceflary for the defence of the 
 
 by the praffice of the Kirk : but they could not prove that Kingdom. But Chari,s I. was contented to fiippof 
 
 / . ,..0, 1 1 ■ n 1 ■ 1, .1 .. tKnntrli rranf-rortr tn 11 3 nnp^r:inrp fnif 11 if Srr.t f :i 
 
 ,61 39 " 
 
 Jwo P 
 
 the order of Bifhops was abolifhed till the year 1592. 
 Hitherto I have endeavoured to fhow the rife of the 
 
 _ troubles of Scotland, to the end it may be the better con- 
 
 n England. ce ived, how far the Englijl) ought to have been concerned 
 in the war which broke out prefently after, between the 
 King and his Subjects of Scotland. There were two par¬ 
 ties in " 
 
 though contrary to all appearance, that the Scots intended 
 to invade England , and under colour of defending the 
 Kingdom, his real defign was to attack the Scots, on ac¬ 
 count of his own jnterefts. 
 
 But, as having troops was not fufficient without money ti-i 
 to fublift them, the King ufed two ways, befides thole al- 
 
 being 
 
 and his Subjects or ocouana. x nere woe .” -“ p . , y ' , . Mr.e,,ftbt 
 
 England , the Courtiers and rigid Epifcopalians, who ready m practice, as Ship-Money and others, to increafe 
 relieioufly attached to the Hierarchy, verily believed, his revenues The firft was to demand voluntary contri- 
 
 0 ■ .1 ... ..n. 1- ,k;.. kutinns nf the (derpv. bv means of the Archbi non m ; • ' ’ 
 
 the °Sat° were' in the wrong to ,«a fo obftinately this butions of the Clergy, by means ot the Ardiblfilop of, ; eft. 
 Hierarchy, eftablifhed thirty years by Afts of Parliament. Canterbury. Laud writ lor that pu-pofe a circular Letter A m u,. 
 Thefe looked upon the Scat, as rebels, and wiihed to fee to the B.ihops and all the Uergy, to exhort them to con- P- 73 *. 7 « 7 d 
 
 them punifhed as fitch. The other party confided of Pu- tribute liberally for the defence ol the Kingdom which was 
 
 titans under which name were included not only the in extreme danger of a Search ’ mvaf,on. He added by way 
 Church-Puritans, but alfo the State-Puritans, that is, all of poftfcnpt, that his Majefty expended from the Clergy a 
 thofe that were difl'atisfied with the Government, and larger film than what they were wont to give in the ufual 
 
 thought the King affirmed a power which belonged not to way. The fecond means ufed by the King w, to put -n, „ 
 
 b — ■ - ° ■ - 1 n. ...-1-- (he Queen upon writing to the Catholicks, to incite them !oe 
 
 to aid the King on this urgent occafion. Thefe two means 
 brought in very near what the King expedfed. c A.-. 
 
 Befides the Horfe to be brought by the Nobility to York, R uftuv “ ,h> 
 
 him. This party, though without polls or employments, 
 and continually opprefled, was however much fuperior in 
 number to the other, as plainly appeared afterwards. Thefe, 
 far from difapproving the condudb of the Scots, (aid, that 
 
 the Kings, James and Charles , having manifelfly intro- all the 
 1 _ 1 »k.. VirU flip R.-,-,tc rntilrl not he boot. 
 
 Counties were obliged to find fuch a number of j 
 
 wil 7 blamed'foAefiringl things might be reftored to [heir quantity of Ammunition. The whole amounted to nine- ' <•;; 
 c _A,t. WKon fkprpfnre the hiftorv of thefe trou- teen thoufand four hundred and eighty three hoot, twelve-:,.,),,,. 
 
 former ftate. When, therefore, the hiftory of thefe trou¬ 
 bles is read, the Authors are to be drftinguifhed. Somi 
 reprefent the conduit of the Scots as a real rebellion, flow 
 ing from a fettled defign of breaking all the bands of lub- 
 jedtion and obedience to the King, and of utterly deftroy- 
 ing monarchical Government. Others, on the contrary, 
 fpeak of the King’s behaviour to the Scots as really tyran- 
 
 Thi Ktng 
 
 rcfducs vpo. 
 
 Clarendon* 
 Warwick’« 
 
 teen thoufand I 
 
 hundred and thirty three Hoife (:), helides the troops of H 
 the Nobility, and thirteen hundred and fifty Horfes for the 
 carriages. Moreover, the King equipped a Fleet of fixtecn c,;-.,. 1 
 men of war, the command whereof was given to the Mar- N - 1: ••■•* 
 quifs of Hamilton , who was come back to his Majefty. J, S' ,> ' z ° 7> 
 The King departed for York the 27th of March , [ his Burnet, 
 rial, and pretend he had no left defign'to render' himfelf Coronation.day J and on the ,,tb of April paid,(lied a Prc- ™ 
 abfolute iu taWthanin England. clamation, to revoke fondly monopolies licences, and , 
 
 The King’s party in Scotland was extremely weak, and commiffions, which he had granted by his Tetters -1 atents. Pr:...-1,1,0, 
 
 confidently he had no other wav left, than to ale the But very likely, tins was only to amufe the 1 eople, and 
 
 forces of England to reduce the Scats to obedience. Ac- the Proclamation was not executed l.nce, the next year Ru . h „„ h . 
 rnrdinplv he took this courfe (i ) As foon as he heard he publifhed another, to revoke the lame monopol.es, which lil. P . sS6 
 
 SS genetdtkllyrf GlljJ continued their feflkm ftooki have been aboluhed by this. On the t 9 ,h of May ; 
 
 by their own authority, and that the people approved of the King reviewed h.s army, which confirted of nineteen T ., ? . ll6 
 their condua, he refolded to levy an army in England, to thoufand fix hundred and fourteen men, befides five thou- 
 reduce the Male-contents of Scotland to their duty. But fend on board the fleet, ins own guards, and the garnfons 
 as the Engli/h might naturally ask, by what reafon were of Berwick zn&t arlfle. 
 they bound to venture their lives, in defence of the interefts ' n 
 
 Whilft the King was making his preparations, the Scots The 
 
 of~the'King"in Scotland, he thought this objeftion fhould be were not idle. They had alfodrawn forces together (3), 
 
 R-- h-pF* 
 
 
 obviated, by fuppofing the Scots to have already levied an but their hopes were not (o much built on the.r army as on , 
 army for the invahon of England. From thence he in- their friends in England and even at Court Some have / ^ 
 
 fetred, it was incumbent upon him to provide lor the de- fuf^lnd the Mfrqutfs ol Hamtltan one of the King a- , . 
 
 fence of the Kingdom, by Ending fufficient forces to repel von.es, of not having at this junctuic faithfully ferved It,- k a.,, . „ 
 
 the attacks of his enemies. There was -little probability mafter As it was the Kings imereft to exafperate It 
 
 that the Scat, fhould think of invading England, if they E„ s hjh a^ntc the .Car, and perfwade them that thefe left a 
 
 were left unmolefted, but it was neceffary to excite the were in manlfeft rebellion ; it was the Si.t, lnte-clt on the , , 
 
 EM with the dread of an imaginary danger. contrary to fhow, they had never any ll defign attune, ■ 
 
 The King thought not proper to call a Parliament to England , and ,f they took arms, ,t was only m .heir own 
 
 enable him to raife the forces he wanted. Experience had defence They knew the fuccefs of the war depended upon 
 
 "ff i-f taught him, that he was not to cxpeil any great aff,fiance the ailiftance Eng.and fhould freely give the King, and not 
 
 Lll ,: from the Parliament, unlefs he would alter hi, maxims, upon the aid he fllould extort by force in virtue of his prc- 
 
 1 y - - - - . . . - . 1 i*i .... And therefore their friends in England had x■ " ■ 
 
 larendon. 
 
 . I. p- 911 
 
 and redrefs the People’s grievances, which he did not in- rogative. . - 
 
 ■ tend. On the contrary, he flattered himfelf that he fllould fed them to mind two things efpecially. t irft, to clear 
 Sh»«h. eafily reduce the Sea ,r and then be ftill more abfolute in themfelves as fully as poffible from the crime ot rebellion 
 
 m. P . pm- EnJlani He chofe therefore to fuppofe a defenfive war, which the King laid to them charge. Secondly, to avoid 
 
 and on that fuppofition fummoned the Nobility to attend every thing that might excite the Enyljh to engage ,n the 
 him at York the tft of April following, each with as many war, for fear of giving the Kin the idvantage of btjng 
 
 Horfe as he could raife, and to inform the Court within a able to fay, they were underr. .:r.g an oflenfive war. 
 
 W*- fortnight, of the number that could be brought. In this They punctually followed theft two advices, the former, K.,f„ 
 tfcf.s™. manner, the Kings of England formerly prepared to with- by difperfmg in England i ■ s of their emiffatics 
 
 (land the invafions with which they were threatned. But great number ol Papers, wherein they fet forth with ad 
 the antient manner and this differed very much in two poffible clearnefs «te cwfe« «f tfcnr the 
 
 refpe^fs. Firft, there were certain Crown-lands, the pof- King’s intentions. The;' 
 fgffors whereof were oMiged to find the King Troops, -ac- concerned England no lei: 
 
 aj.i-i 
 
 Annals. 
 
 They forgot not to infinuate, that it Ruftwortl 
 than Scotland , to oppofe the arbi- 9j 
 
 Cake. 
 
 .•n Th-s was the eonrle -he Marquifs of Hamilton had from the beginning advif«d. him to take , namely. T' i• F ; ' j ' ;:h l ."° 
 
 Land*Soldiers in it, and l>n.e i.-.v.n Arms to the Northern Counties ot Er.?. :-.. , ; i : ' erwte wit en 
 
 _e himfelf in peiion with a Royal Army. Burnt 
 
 ' 1'. Upon the review taken afterwards by the King, the Foot were 
 Eail of .Jrundt! was General. Robert Dmereux Earl of E//ex, Lien! 
 
 Tonw t P- E'alf:n, Tom- t. p* 207. 
 
 ..... ,.. Edinl rgl , id Dunbarton Cafties ; and »\ theK a 
 
 1. of Hamil. p- , - 
 
 e found to be in all 19614. The Horfe 18c--. and the Dragon. 146c 
 -General, and Hmry Rich Earl of Gener.l of the Hor 
 
 See Rujbvj: 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 309 
 
 Nalfon, 
 
 T.Lp. 31 
 
 The Scots 
 \(u'fo, Peace. 
 
 ■June 6. 
 
 nNalfon. 
 
 .Ibid. 
 
 i Clarendon. 
 T. I. p.9 7 . 
 ■Rufliwoith, 
 
 ; III. p. 938. 
 pLnnals. 
 
 ijur.e - 
 
 VTbeir 
 
 ylhmar.Js, 
 
 ilRulhworth, 
 
 ! HI. 940. 
 INalfon, 
 
 Lp.23. 
 
 trary power aflumed by the King, as well in ecclefiaftical 
 as civil affairs. They followed the fecund advice, by obey¬ 
 ing with entire fubmifiion a Proclamation publiftied by the 
 King in Scotland , to forbid the Scotch army to approach 
 within ten miles of the borders of England. By this obe¬ 
 dience they evidently {hewed, the war was not offenfive 
 on their fide. It is not unlikely, that fome of their friends 
 had counfelled the King to publifli this Proclamation, on 
 purpofe to afford them an opportunity to give this proof 
 of it. 
 
 But this was not the only advantage the Scots reaped 
 from the counfels given the King by their lecret friends. 
 He was perfuaded, that their obedience to his Proclamation 
 was the effedt of their fear ; and was thereby induced to 
 fend another Proclamation to Edinburgh , commanding the 
 Scots to lay down their arms on pain of being declared 
 guilty of Treafon, offering lioweve. pardon to all who 
 lhould comply with his orders, and return to their duty. 
 Nothing could be m >re prejudicial to him in Scotland, 
 than fuch a Proclamation, which fnewed he required a 
 fpeedy obedience without any conditions; but the IV: ay ill rates 
 of Edinburgh would not fufter it to be publifhed. The 
 fame notion, that the Scots were intimidated, caufed him 
 to comrr.it another error, in detaching the Earl of Holland 
 with three thoufand foot and a hundred horfe into Scot¬ 
 land by way of Krlfey. Lefley , General of the Scots, being 
 in termed of the Earl or Holland's march, fent five or fix 
 thoufand foot and five hundred horfe againft him, who 
 made him ha.ton a fudden. He fent however a Trumpet 
 to command them to retire accordin' to their promife. It 
 was anfv. eied, he would do much batter to withdraw him- 
 feii ; and indeed, he ! und it proper to take their advice. 
 The Earl of Holland's mai v.ii, which came to nothing, 
 freed the Scots from their promife. of not approaching the 
 borders, and on the morrow, Lejley marched towards Kel- 
 fey , with about twelve thoufat.d men. 
 
 I he King began then to perceive that the obedience of 
 tire Scots W2s not owing to their fear, and that hitherto he 
 had followed wrong counfels. Whetefore he took a fudden 
 refolution to Hand upon the defenfive, and that very day 
 writ to the Marquifs of Hamilton , who was in the Frith 
 with the fleet, to order him not to begin hofliitties, tho’ 
 he had been fent there to take all po/Eble advantages upon 
 the Scots. But tl.is 1 lolution was taken a little too late, 
 after what he had juft done, at leaft if he had no other de- 
 fign than to make the pubi.'ck believe he had undertaken 
 the war oidy in Jus own defence. Bur he had a ftronger 
 reafon not to engage too far. For, upon notice of the 
 ' Scots approach, mull d his Generals had advifed him not 
 to give battle, though he was much fuperior in number 
 ol Troops, which he could aferibe only to their unwil- 
 lingnefs to venture their lives in his fervice. 
 
 The two armies were fo near one another, that a battle 
 was expected every day, though, in truth, both fides were 
 alike refolved to ltand upon the defenfive. But when it 
 was leaft expected, the Lord Dumfcrmling, a Scotchman, 
 came to the King’s camp with a Trumpet, and prefented 
 to his Majefty, in the name of the Scots, a very humble 
 Petition, intreating him to appoint Commiflioners to ne¬ 
 gotiate a Peace. The King anfwered, he had fent a Pro¬ 
 clamation to Edinburgh , whereby he offered his Subjects of 
 Scotland the free enjoyment of their Religion and Laws, 
 with a pardon to fuch as fhould return to their duty: that 
 this Proclamation had been rejected with contempt; but he 
 defired it might be publifhed in the Scotch army, after 
 which, he would be gracioufly pleafed to hear their Peti¬ 
 tions. The Lord Dumfermling returning with this anfwer, 
 the Scotch General ordered the Proclamation to be publick- 
 ]y read in the army, which done, the King appointed fix 
 Commiflioners to treat with the Scots { 1). 
 
 In the conference held the 11 th of 'June, between the 
 Commiflioners of both parties, the Scots defired three 
 things ; namely, 
 
 “ 1. That the A£ts of the late Aflembly at Glafgovj 
 '' “ fhould be ratified in the enfuing Parliament. 
 
 “ 2. T hat all matters ecclefiaftical might be determined 
 “ by the Aflemblies of the Kirk, and matters civil by 
 “ Parliament. 
 
 “ 3. That his Majefty’s fhips and forces by land be re- 
 “ called; that all perfons, {hips, and goods arrefted be re- 
 “ fiored : And that all excommunicate perfons, incendia- 
 “ ries and informers againft the Kingdom, who had caufed 
 “ thefe commotions for their own private ends, might be 
 tc returned to fuller their deferved cenfure and punifhment.” 
 
 Upon this the King defil ing the Scots to give in writing 
 the reafons and grounds of their demands, the Lord Low- 
 dou, one of the Scottijl) Deputies, faid, Their defires were 
 
 only to enjoy their Religion and Liberties according to the 1639. 
 ecclenallical and civil Laws of the Kingdom, and that they 
 would not infift upon any point that was not fo warrant¬ 
 ed ; humbly offering all civil and temporal obedience to his 
 Majefty, which could be required or expected of loyal Sub¬ 
 jects. The King replied, If this was all that was defired, 
 the Peace would foon be concluded: And indeed, he granted 
 immediately what the Lord Lowdon demanded, in the very 
 lame words, and on the fame terms. 
 
 Then the Scottijl) Deputies gave in writing the reafons Il ’ !l P- 2 3 ff * 
 and grounds of their three demands, and added, it wasalfo 
 defired that Parliaments might be held at fet times, once Annals, 
 at leaft in two or three years, by reafon of his Majefty’s 
 abfence, which hindered his Subjeds in their complaints 
 and grievances to have immediate accefs to his Majefty. 
 
 They took occafion likewife to declare in this paper, that 
 ic had always been far from their thoughts to refufe due 
 obedience to their native King, or to make an invafion 
 upon England. They faid, thefe were calumnies, the au¬ 
 thors whereof they molt humbly defired might be made a 
 publick example. 
 
 It was the 15th of June before the King returned his Nalfeii, 
 anfwer. which muft have embarraffed him. " He had filled p- 237 ‘ 
 all England with complaints concerning the horrible rebel¬ 
 lion of the Scots, and yet thefe fame people whom he 
 would ha 1 , c it) uc deemed Rebels, defired only to enjoy their 
 Religion and Liberties. On the other hand, he had levied 
 a great army, and prepared a fleet on pretence to defend 
 England againft the invafion the Scots were meditating: 
 but they folemnly declared, they never intended any fuch 
 thing. At laft, he gave his anfwer to this effeft. J une 
 
 “ 1. That he could not ratify or approve the A&s of Tn 
 “ the general Aflembly at Glafgow. ^ 
 
 “ 2. That notwithftanding he was pleafed to confirm t. Lp’sig. 
 “ and make good whatfoever his Commiflioncr had granted Ruft,worth, 
 “ and promifed in his name. Anna!’* 944 * 
 
 “ 3 - That according to the Petitioners defire, all matters Burn,’ 
 
 “ ecclefiaflical fhould be determined by the Kirk, and of 
 “ matters civil by the Parliament. Harm1, 
 
 “ 4. That a free general Aflembly fhould he held at F ' ' 
 
 “ Edinburgh the 6th day of Auguji, and a Parliament at 
 “ the fame place the 20th of Auguji next enfuing. 
 
 <e 5 * That upon the Scots difarming and disbanding their 
 “ forces, diflolving and dif'charging all their pretended Ta- 
 <l bles and Conventions, and reftoring to every one what- 
 “ foever had been taken and detained from them fince 
 “ the late pretended general Aflembly, his Majefty would 
 “ prefently after recal his fleer, and retire his land-forces, 
 
 “ and caufe reftitution to be made to all perfons of their 
 “ fhips and goods, detained and arrefted fince the aforefaid 
 “ Aflembly.” 
 
 Upon this anfwer the feven following Articles were at 
 laft agreed on, the 17th of June, wherein however there 
 was no mention of the principal reafons of the quarrel 
 becaufe thefe matters were to be examined by the general 
 Aflembly and Parliament of Scotland. So, though thefe 
 Articles were called Articles of Pacification, it could not 
 but be a very doubtful Peace, fince there was nothing yet 
 decided concerning the grounds of the war. 
 
 Articles agreed upon. 
 
 “ 1. The forces of Scotland to be disbanded and diflolv- 
 “ ed > within eight and forty hours after the publication N a |fon“* 
 
 “ of his Majefty’s Declaration being agreed upon. T. I°p'. 239. 
 
 “ 2. His Majefty’s Caftles, Forts, Ammunitions of all Ru(luvorlh : 
 ec forts, and Royal Honours to be delivered after the faid IU ' p ' 
 
 “ publication, fo foon as his Majefty can fend to receive 
 <c them. 
 
 “ 3. His Majefty’s {hips to depart prefently after the 
 “ delivery of the Caftles, with the firft fair wind, and in 
 “ the mean time no interruption of trade or filhing. 
 
 “ 4 - His Majefty is gracioufly pleafed to caufe to be re- 
 “ Gored all perfons, goods and {hips, detained and arreft- 
 “ ed fince the firft day of November laft part. 
 
 “ 5. There {hall be no meetings, treatings, confulta- 
 “ tions, or convocations of his Majefty’s Lieges, but fuch 
 “ as are warranted by Act of Parliament. 
 
 “ 6. All fortifications to defift, and no farther work- 
 “ ing therein, and they to be remitted to his Majefty’s 
 “ pleafure. 7 
 
 “ 7 - To reftore to every one of his Majefty’s good 
 “ Subje&s their liberties, lands, houfes, goods and means 
 “ whatfoever, taken or detained from them by whatfoever 
 “ means fince the aforefaid time.” 
 
 Purfuant to thefe Articles the Scots difbanded their troops, June iS. 
 but in fuch a manner, if we may believe the King’s friends* ' 11 " ■ 
 that they could eafily reafiembie them in cafe of necefli- p ‘ H °’ 
 
 Whitelock, 
 
 ,, T h = King’s Commiflioners were, the Earl of Arundel Lord-General, the Earl of Efftx Lieutenant-General, the Earl df Holland General of the Hov p ' 3 ‘* 
 he Earls of bahjbury and Berkjb.re, and Mr. Secretary Coke, and Sir Henry Vane. Th eScU.b Depuu* were, the £,,rk of Rule,, and DuLtml ,! 
 
 Loid Lowdon, Sir Wiliam Douglaft Sheriff of TividaU, Mr. Alexander Henderfen, and Archibald J-.Lnpn. Nalfon, Tom. L p. 233, 234, J 
 
 No. 59. Vol. II. I i i i 
 
5*5 f? 4 
 
 Vol. II, 
 
 31° 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 i6 39 . 
 
 Hit i Com- 
 •t-jjiincr 
 
 ty (1). This Teems to me very probable, fince it is certain, 
 the readincfs (hewn by the two parties to conclude a Peace, 
 was an occafion of miftrult to both (2). 
 
 As the general Aflembly and Parliament were to meet 
 : in Augujl, the King appointed the Earl of Traqualr to re- 
 •j prefent his perfon in quality of High-Commiflioner. 1 his 
 Lord, who was Treafuter of Scotland , was entirely devot¬ 
 ed to him, and it was with him that the Scotijh Bifhops 
 and Archbifhop of Canterbury held, before the war, a 
 ftriift correfpondence, in order to accomplifh the King’s 
 defigns. The King gave him the following Inftrudtions, 
 iigned with his own hand. 
 
 inflruftions given to the Earl of T raquair, Lord High-Com- 
 mifftoner for Scotland. 
 
 Iwi Tra- “AT the firft meeting of the Aflembly, before it be 
 “'ll 1 In ' tc il brought in difpute who fhall prefide, you fhall ap¬ 
 point him who was Moderator in the lalt Aflembly, to 
 
 1. p- 24.5.* c prefide in this till a new Moderator be chofen. 
 
 “ We allow that Lay-elders (hall be admitted members 
 
 am worth, -- , • - .- n 
 
 ... ,. ; of this Aflembly; but in cafe of the election of Com- 
 
 ■A finals. ct mifiioners for Presbyteries, the Lay-elders have had 
 p ' “ voice, you fhall declare againft the informality thereof; 
 
 “ as alfo again A Lay-elders having voice in fundamental 
 “ points ot Religion. 
 
 “ At the firft opening of the Aflembly, you {hall ftrive 
 tc to make the Aflembly fenflblcof our goodnefs, that not- 
 “ withftanding all that is paft, whereby we might have 
 <c been juftly moved not to hearken to their Petitions, yet 
 “ we have been gracioufly pleafed to grant a free general 
 “ Aflembly ; and for great and weighty confiderations, 
 1C have commanded the Archbifhops and Bifhops not to 
 
 appear at this Aflembly. 
 
 You fhall not make ufe of the affeffors in publick. 
 
 « except you find you fliall be able to carry their having 
 vote in the Aflembly. 
 
 “ You fhall labour to your utmoft, that there be no 
 « queftions made about the laft Aflembly ; and in cafe it 
 “ come to the worft, whatever fhall be done in ratifica- 
 “ tion, or with relation to the former Aflembly, our will 
 “ is, that you declare the fame to be done as an aft of this 
 <c Aflembly, and that youconfent thereto only upon thefe 
 terms, and no ways as having any relation to the former 
 lt Aflembly. 
 
 « You fhall by all means fhun the difpute about our 
 KC power in Afl'emblies ; and if it fhall be urged or offered 
 “ to be difputed, whether we have the negative voice, or 
 “ the foie power of indicting, and confequently of dif- 
 6C folving, except you fee clearly that you can carry the 
 ec fame in our favour, flop the difpute; and rather than 
 “ it be decided againft us, flop the courfe of the Aflembly 
 « c until we be advertifed. 
 
 “ For the better facilitating of our other fervices, and 
 “ the more peaceable and plaufible progrefsin all buiinefles 
 « recommended to you, we allow you at any time you 
 sc fliall find moft convenient, after the opening of the Af- 
 “ fembly, to declare, that notwithftanding our own in- 
 < c dination, or any other confiderations, we are contented, 
 for our People’s full fatisfadion, to remit Epifcopacy, 
 “ and the eftate of Bifhops to the freedom of theAfl'em- 
 “ bly; but fo, as no refped be had to the determination of 
 « the point in the laft Aflembly. 
 
 <c But in giving way to the abolifhing of Eifcopacy, be 
 “ careful that it be done without the appearing of any war- 
 “ rant from the Bifhops; and if any offer to appear for 
 « them, you are to enquire for their warrant, and carry 
 “ the difpute fo, as the conclufion feem not to be made in 
 “ prejudice of Epifcopacy as unlawful, but only in fatis- 
 “ fadion to the People for fettling the prefent diforders, 
 “ and fuch other reafons of State: But herein you muft 
 “ be careful that our intentions appear not to any. 
 
 “ You fhall labour, that Ministers depofed by the laft 
 “ Aflembly, or commiflions flowing from them, for no 
 <£ other caufe but the fubferibing the Petition or Declina- 
 “ tor againft the laft Aflembly, be upon their fubmiflion 
 “ to the determination of this Aflembly, reponed in their 
 “ own places; and fuch other Minifters as are depofed for 
 * c no other faults, that they be tried of new ; and if that 
 “ cannot be, ftrive that commiflions may be direded from 
 “ this Aflembly, for trying and cenfuring them, according 
 “ to the nature of their procefs. 
 
 “ That immediately upon the conclufion of this Affem- 
 « bly, you indid another at fome convenient time, as 
 “ near the expiring of the year as you can, and if you find 
 “ that Aberdeen be not a place agreeable, let Glafgow be 
 « the place ; and if that cannot give content, let it be 
 “ elfewhere. 
 
 “ The general Aflembly is not to meddle with any 
 
 thing that is civil, or which formerly hath been efla- 1659. 
 blifhed by Ad of Parliament, but upon his Majefty’s fpe- 
 “ cial command or warrant. 
 
 “ We will not allow of any Commiflioner from the Af- 
 “ fembly, nor no fuch ad as may give ground for the con- 
 “ tinuing of the Tables or Conventicles. 
 
 “ In cafe Epifcopacy be aboliflied at this Aflembly, you 
 “ are to labour that we may have the power of chufing 
 “ of fo many Minifters, as may reprefent the fourteen 
 “ Bifhops in Parliament; or if that cannot be, that four- 
 t£ teen others whom we fhall prefent be agreed to, with a 
 “ power to chufe the Lords of the Articles for the Nobi- 
 “ lity for this time, until the bufinefs be further confidercd 
 “ upon. 
 
 “ We allow that Epifcopacy be aboliflied, for the rea- 
 “ Tons contained in the Articles; and the Covenant 1580, 
 
 “ for fatisfadion of our People be fubferibed, provided it 
 <c be fo conceived, that thereby our Subjeds be not forced 
 “ to abjure Epifcopacy, as a point of Popery, or contrary 
 “ to God’s Law, or the Proteftant Religion ; but if they 
 “ require it to be abjured, as contrary to the conftitution 
 “ of the Church of Scotland, you are to give way to it ra- 
 “ ther than to make a breach. 
 
 “ After all Aflembly-bufinefs is ended, and immediately 
 “ before Prayers, you fhall in the faireft way that you 
 “ can, proteft, that in refped of his Majefty’s refolution 
 “ of not coming in perfon, and that his inftrudions to you 
 “ were upon fhort advertifement, whereupon many things 
 tc may have occurred, wherein you have not had his Ma- 
 “ jefty’s pleafure; and for fuch other reafons as occafion 
 “ may furnifh, you are to proteft, that in cafe any thing 
 “ hath efcaped you, or hath been condefcended upon in 
 “ this prefent aflembly, prejudicial to his Majefty’s fervice, 
 tc that his Majefty may be heard for redrefs thereof in his 
 “ own time and place (3). 
 
 At Berwick the zjth of July 1639. 
 
 Further Injlrufliom to the Earl of Traquair. 
 
 Right Trujly , 
 
 : E have hitherto commanded Hamilton to anfwer Rufhwor 
 
 W 
 
 feveral of your Letters, but t.iat of the 16th of 1 , 11 p ; 9 
 
 r J , r Annals, 
 
 “ Augujl being of more weight than any ot your iormer, r . 7 g 4 . 
 “ we have thought fit to anfwer it ourfelf. NalLn, 
 
 te And whereas you fay, that nothing will fatisfy them, T -'' F * J 
 tc except in ter minis, the laft Aflembly be named and ra- 
 “ tified, or that way be given to the difeharging ofEpif- 
 “ copacy, as abjured in that Church, as contrary to the 
 “ Confcffion of Faith 1 580, and the Conftitutions of the 
 “ fame, you being yet in fome hope that the word ab- 
 “ jured may be got changed, and that in drawing up the 
 “ words of the Adf, it be only condemned as contrary to 
 “ the Conftitution of the Church: We in this point leave 
 you to your inftruiftions, they being full, if you con- 
 ‘ c fider what we have faid concerning Epifcopacy, and fub- 
 cc feribingthe Confeflion of Faith 1 580, we thinking it fit 
 “ to declare hereupon unto you, that let their madnefs be 
 <c what it will, further than we have declared in our in- 
 “ ftruclions, in thefe points we will not go. 
 
 “ For the Service-Book, and Book of Canons, though 
 “ we have been and are content they be difeharged, yet 
 “ we will never give our voice nor affent that they be 
 “ condemned, as containing divers heads of Popery and 
 “ Superftition; in like manner, though we have been and 
 “ are content that the High-Commiflion be difeharged, 
 
 “ yet we will never acknowledge that it is without Law, 
 
 “ or deftructive to the civil and ecclefiaftical judicatories of 
 “ that our Kingdom : Nor that the five Articles o (Perth, 
 
 “ though difeharged with our approbation, be condemned, 
 
 “ as contrary to the aforefaid Confeflion. As concerning 
 “ the late Affemblies, we cannot give our confent to have 
 “ them declared null, fince they were fo notorioufly our 
 “ Father (of happy memory) his Acts; it Teeming ftrange 
 “ that we having condefcended to the taking a way of 
 <c thefe things that they complained of, which were done 
 ‘ c in thofe Affemblies, they will not be content therewith, 
 
 “ without laying an afperfion on our father’s actions. 
 
 “ Wherefore if the Aflembly will, in defpite of your en- 
 “ deavour, conclude contrary to this, you arc to proteft 
 “ againft their proceedings in thefe points, and be fure 
 £C not to ratify them in Parliament. 
 
 “ Concerning the yearly Indiction of general Affem- 
 e{ biles, and the Confeflion of Faith, we commanded 
 “ Hamilton , in his of the 16th, to anfwer that Point to 
 “ this effect, that we think it infinitely to our prejudice 
 “ that we fhould confent to tie ourfelf for the keeping 
 “ yearly of their Afl'emblies, noc needing to repeat the rea- 
 “ Tons, they being well enough known to you ; feeing at 
 
 (0 The Ring iullly performed the Articles on his part; but the Scots kept part of their Forces in body, and all their Offii 
 
 - ^ the King gained James Earl of Montnjs to his fide, and much lemhed the Earls ot Lswion and L. 
 
 (1) During bis Hay 
 >. 244- 
 
 -) Hence 'tis plain, the Ring had a mind to referve 
 
 n pay. Wb.t:lo:k, p. 31. 
 
 Hatj n, Tom 
 
 v his CommilVioner. Ra 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 
 1639. 44 Berwick it was conceived upon debate of that point, 
 
 44 that your having Power to indidt a new one within 
 44 the year, would fave that difpute, which you are by 
 U all means to efchew. But if this will riot give fatisfac- 
 44 tion, you are by no means to give your affent to ariy 
 4:4 fuch Act, nor to ratify the fame in Parliament. 
 
 44 The article in your Inftructions, which is only that 
 44 the Covenant 1 5 80, (hall be fubfcribed, you mult have an 
 44 efpecial care of, and how you proceed therein ; that the 
 “ bond be the fame which was in our Father’s time, mu- 
 44 tatis mutandis ; and that you give your affent no other 
 44 ways to the interpretations thereof, than may Jiand with 
 “ our future intentions well known to you ; nor is the fame 
 “ otherwife to bo ratified in Parliament. 
 
 “ Thus you have our pleafurc fully fignified in every 
 44 particular of your Letter ; which you will find no ways 
 44 contrary to our refolution taken at Berwick., and our in- 
 “ ftruftions given to you there. But if the madnefs of 
 44 our Subjects be fuch, that they will, not reft fatisfied 
 “ with what we have given you power and authority to 
 “ condefcend to, which notwithftanding all their infolen- 
 “ cies we fliall allow you to make good to them, we take 
 44 God to witnefs, that what mifery foever lhall tall to that 
 44 Country hereafter, it is no fault of ours, but their own 
 44 procurement. And hereupon we do command you, 
 “ that if you cannot compote this bufinefs according to 
 
 44 into confideration, as becometh a Prince fenfible of his 1639. 
 44 own intereft and honour, joined with the equity of your 
 44 defires; and you may reft fecure, that though perhaps 
 44 we may give way for the prefent, to that which will be 
 44 prejudicial both to the Church and our own Govern- 
 44 ment, yet we fhall not leave thinking in time how to 
 44 remedy both. 
 
 “ We muft likewife intimate unto you, that we are fo 
 44 far from conceiving it expedient for you, or any of my 
 44 Lords of the Clergy to be prefent at this meeting, as 
 44 we do abfolutely difeharge your going thither; and for 
 “ your abfence, this lhall be to you, and every of you, a 
 44 fufficient warrant: In the interim, your belt courfe will 
 44 be to remain in our Kingdom of England, till fuch time 
 44 as you receive our farther order, where we lhall provide 
 44 for your fubfiftence ; though not in that meafure as 
 44 we could willi, yet in fuch a way as you lhall not be 
 “ in want. 
 
 “ Thus you have our pleafurc briefly fignified unto you* 
 
 44 which we doubt not but you will take in good part: 
 
 “ You cannot but know, that what we do in this, we 
 44 are necellitated to ; fo we bid you farewell.” 
 
 Whitehall, Aug. 6. 1639. C. R. 
 
 I have already obferved, that the late peace between the 
 King and his Subjects of Scotland , did not properly confift uncertain. 
 in the feven articles of Pacification, fince there was no 
 
 our inftructions, and what we have now written, that mention there of the true ground of the quarrel, but only 
 
 “ you prorogue the Parliament till the next fpring; and of what pafl'ed after the breach. Indeed both parties agreed 
 
 44 that you think upon fome courfe how you may make to lay down their arms; but the Peace could not be faid 
 
 “ publickly known to all our Subjefts, what we had given to be concluded, fo long as the motives of rupture ftill fub- 
 
 .. , .* 1. ,11 r *. ’ I. ftprl TC flip rip m Anrli. A C llip C rr.tr , nA flip K I n (T C CX fi IWfl f 
 
 “ you power to condefcend to. And becaule it is not 
 44 improbable, that this way may produce a prefent rup- 
 44 ture, you are to warn and affirt Rutbven for the de- 
 44 fence of the Caftle.of Edinburgh ; and to take in gene- 
 44 ral the like care of all our houfes and forts in that King- 
 
 lifted. If the demands of the Scots, and the King’s anfwer Clarendon,, 
 be confidered, fuch ambiguity on both Tides will appear, pg ’ p ‘ 9 '’ 
 that the Peace muft have been deemed very doubtful. The Rurtiwonh, 
 Scots reduced their demands to this, That they might enjoy 11 P- ,0 ' 9 * 
 their Religion and Liberties, according to the ecclefiajtical and 
 
 dom ; and likewife to advertife all fuch who are affeded civil Laws of the Kingdom, offering in return ad obedience 
 
 n RuOnvortL 
 111. p. 951. 
 | Nalfi n, 
 
 , T. I. p.a<i8. 
 
 ' P- 7^5* 
 
 to his Majcjly, which could be required or expefted of loyal 
 Subjefis. The King granted this their defire in the fiune 
 words, and on the fame conditions. But theie w as a pal¬ 
 pable ambiguity as well in the demand, as in the aniwer. 
 The Scots underftood by the Laws of the Kingdom, ti-.fe 
 that were in force before King James ’s acceflion to Lag- 
 land, and all the innovations by them complained of; but 
 the King meant fuch as were er.a&ed fince that time. The 
 condition was no lefs equivocal, for the obedi-j. ee promifed 
 by the Scots, related to the obfervance of the antic ' Laws, 
 Right trufly, and well-beloved Counfellor, and Reverend but that expeded by the King, was founded upon l. late 
 Father in God, we greet you well. Laws. Both parties muft have perceived the equivoca- n 
 
 \7 OURLetter, and the reft of the Bilhops (fent in what was to be the foundation of the Peace, fince neither 
 l by the Elefl of Cathnefi) to my Lord of Can- of the parties could be ignorant of. the occafion of the 
 
 ' breach. But however, both fides feigned not to perceive 
 it, in order to be freed from their embaraflment in taking 
 arms. The Scots had flattered themfelves, that confidcring 
 
 44 to our fervice, that timoufly they may fecure them- 
 44 felves; and fo we bid you heartily farewell.” 
 
 It is plain from thefe inftrudions, that the King had 
 fome private intentions, but which were known to the 
 Earl of Traquair. The following Letter may help todif- 
 cover part of thefe intentions, at leaft with refped to the 
 Bilhops. 
 
 His Majefty’s Letter to the Archbilhop of St. Andrews. 
 
 by the Eled of Cathnefs) to my Lord of Can¬ 
 terbury, hath been by him communicated to us: And 
 : after ferious confideration of the contents thereof, we 
 have thought fit our felf to return this anfwer to you 
 
 for direflion according to our promife, which you arc to 'he difeontents which reigned in England , the King would 
 
 communicate to the reft of your brethren. 
 
 44 We do in part approve of what you have advifed, 
 ; concerning the prorogating of the Aflembly and Par- 
 ; liament, and muft acknowlcge it to be grounded upon 
 ; reafon enough, were reafon only to be thought on in 
 ; this bufinefs: but confidering the prefent ftate of our 
 ; affairs, and what we have promifed in the articles of Pa- 
 
 not be able to raife an army to reduce them to obedience. 
 But contrary to their expedation, they faw him near their 
 borders, at the head of twenty thoufand men, whilft they 
 had not above twelve thoufand, without reckoning his fleet, 
 which interrupted their Trade. It was therefore their in¬ 
 tereft, to endeavour by all means to avoid a decifion of the 
 
 ..w ....... __ quarrel by arms; The lofs of a battle would have certainly 
 
 cification, we may not'(as we'conceive)'without''great reduced them to flavery. Befides, their friends in England 
 prejudice to our felf and fervice, condefcend thereunto; diiluaded them from running any hazard, and made diem 
 wherefore we arc refolved (rather neceflitated) to hold hope, they Ihould, very fhortly, put it out of the king s 
 the Aflembly and Parliament at the time and place ap- power to hurt them. For thefe reafons, they were con- 
 pointed ; and for that end we have nominated the Earl tented with the general demand of their Religion and Li- 
 of Traquair our Commiftioner, to whom we have given berties, in order to gam time, knowing, that when mat- 
 inftrudtions, not only how to carry himfelf at the fame, ters came to be d,Ruffed, they fhould find means to m- 
 - ■ • - T elude all their pretenfions in this general demand. I he 
 
 King, on his fide, was no lefs embaraffed. Tho’ he had 
 an army fuperlor in number of troops, he was apprehenfive 
 of treacheries, or at leaft, that his Englijb Subjects would 
 not chearfully venture their lives for his fake: So that the 
 
 but a charge alfo to have a fpecial care of your Lord- 
 fhips, and thofe of the inferior Clergy, who have fuf- 
 ; fered for their duty to God, and obedience to our com- 
 : mands. And we do hereby allure you, that it fliall be 
 : ftill one of our chiefeft ftudies, how to rediify and efta- 
 : blifh the government of that Church aright, and to re- 
 1 pair your lofles, which we defire you to be moft con- 
 ; fident of. 
 
 As for your meeting to treat of the affairs of the 
 
 lofs of a battle would not only have occafioned the lofs 
 of Scotland , but even put his affairs in England in a very 
 ill fituation. Therefore, though he could not poffibly be 
 
 uui iin-v-wng, nw... ..... -__ ignorant of what the Scots meant by their Religion and 
 
 Church, we do not fee at this time how that can be Laws, finding they did not explain themfelves more clearly, 
 
 44 done ; for within our Kingdom of Scotland we cannot he took them at their word, in a belief, that at a more con- 
 44 promife you any place of fafety ; and in any other of venient feafon, it would be in his power to give thefe terms 
 44 our Dominions we cannot hold it convenient, all things the fenfe that to him feemed moft natural. It may there- 
 44 confidered; wherefore we conceive, that the beft way fore be affirmed, that this peace, which yet decided nothing, 
 
 44 would be for your Lordlhips to give in, by way of pro- was concluded upon very uncertain foundations, and that 
 44 teftation or remonftrance, your exceptions againft this both parties, when they laid down, were in much the fame 
 
 44 Aflembly and Parliament to our Commiffioner, which ftate as when they took up their arms. But it was ealy 
 
 44 may be fent by any mean man, fo he be trufty, and to forefee, a time would come, when it would be necellary 
 44 deliver it at his entring into the Church; but we would to explain what hitherto remained in obfcurity. ^ 
 
 «• not have it to he either read or argued in this meeting, The Bilhops failed not, according to the King .advice, v. mfr* 
 “ where nothing but partiality is to be ex peeled, but to be to prefent a Declinator or Protettation to theHigh-Jem- - - ’“ o J iu 
 
 “ reprefented to us by him; which we promife to take fo miffioner li), who receiving it publickly as he was going muion, 
 
 (.) The Earl of Tr.p.ir, The Kir. 8 is Jmji prefent in the Oene.nl Afltmb!)., hy timHf ot Commiffione.. 
 
 1 I 
 
 
 
Tie HISTORY of ENGLAND. Vo!. II. 
 
 Church, 
 
 i'-ing, without communicating it to the Aflembly (I). 
 1 he Iving was defirous to have fuch a Paper in his hands, 
 that he might ufe it upon occaiion, or at a more proper 
 time. 
 
 RnJhworth. 
 III. p. 9i S. 
 
 lo. p. 960. 
 Nalfhn, 
 
 T.I.p.2S3. 
 
 In this general Aflembly held at Edinburgh by the King’s 
 older, the High-Commiflioner had fufficient intcreft to 
 hinder any mention of the former AiTembly at Glafgcw. 
 Neverthelefs, there pafled feveral Acts very difagiceable 
 to the King, to which however the High- Commiflioner 
 gave his confent. 
 
 * c The firft contained the caufes of the evils that had 
 <c lately happened in the Kirk of Scotland:' Thefe caufl j, 
 : . TJ 
 
 “ of the Service-book, the books of Canons and of Con- 
 “ fecration and Ordination, and the High-Commiflion. 
 “ 2. The five articles of Perth. 3. The changing the 
 “ Government of the Kirk into epifcopal Government. 
 “ 4. The civil places conferred on Kirkmcn. 5. The 
 “ keeping and authorizing the Affemblies in 1606, 1608, 
 “ 1610, 1616, 1617, t6r8. 6. The want of lawful and 
 
 “ free general Aflemblies.” It was therefore ordained by 
 this Aft, that all thel'c things (hnuH be abolifhed, and the 
 Kirk reftored to its former ft ate. To this Aft theHigh- 
 Commiflioner confented verbally, and promifed to have it 
 ratified in the enfuing Parliament. “ Another Aft alfo 
 • ed for t he Loi cPs-d ly.” 
 
 After which followed a fupplication of the general Af- 
 fembly to the Commiflioner, defiring that a Book called. 
 The large Declaration ; and written by [Dr. Balcanquel J 
 Dean of Durham , a Scotchman , againft his Countrymen, 
 might be called in. To this the Commiflioner gave no 
 other anlwer, but that he would impart the fame to his 
 
 MajeJIy. 
 
 iG'iEv -n. Then was prefented to the High-Commiflioner another 
 vk p- 901, fuppheation from the Aflembly, and the Lords of the 
 Annals. Privy-Council, wherein they petitioned, that it might be 
 enjoined by Act of Council, that the Confeflion and Co¬ 
 venant fhoirid be fubferibed by ali bis Majefty’s Subjects in 
 Scotland , of what rank and quality foevtr. The High- 
 Commiflio.ier anfwered, by advice of the Council, That 
 he thought himfelf bound in confcience to approve of the 
 Covenant, and as Earl of Traquair , would fubferibe it as 
 heartily as any fubjecl in the Kingdom : but as the King’s 
 Commiflioner he could not do it, unlefs a claufe was added, 
 that this Covenant was the fame with that fublcribed by 
 King ’James VI, in the years 1580, 158?, and 1590. 
 Whereupon the Aflembly made a new Aft, enjoining all 
 the members of the Kirk to fign the Covenant, with this 
 claufe prefixed to the names of the fubferibers: 
 
 Ri:lhworth, IVe fubferibe this Covenant according to the explanation it 
 
 Ill. p. 964. bath received from the general Affembly, that is, as declaring 
 the five Articles of Perth, the Government of the Kirk by Bi- 
 Jhops , and the be/lowing of civil places on Kirkmcn , to be un¬ 
 lawful within this Kirk. 
 
 Rufhworth. After that, the Aflembly refolved to prefent a Petition 
 
 ^ id ' j to the King, to pray him to caufe thefe Afts to be rati- 
 ncas ' fied by the Parliament. That done, they appointed the 
 laft Tuefday in 'July 1640, for holding another general 
 Aflembly at Aberdeen, without confulting the High-Com¬ 
 miflioner. 
 
 1 ■' ••'/-■The Afts pafled in this Aflembly plainly fhew what the 
 
 . f‘ : ' Scots meant by their Religion, namely, that profefled in 
 T. I. p’ 255. 1580. The Aflembly had alfo determined, contrary to 
 the King’s pretenfions, that Epifcopacy was abolifhed (2) 
 by the Confeflion of Faith of the year 1580, though the 
 Bifhops were not fo much as mentioned. Whereas, the 
 King pretended, the Religion of the Kingdom was that 
 which was aftually profefled flnce the year 1606, and fincc 
 eftablifhed by feveral Afts of Parliament, and general Af¬ 
 femblies. On the contrary, the Aflembly of Edinburgh 
 declared, that the Aflemblies held from 1606, to 1618, 
 .RuiWorth, were void, and thereby annulled the Afts of Parliament by 
 in. . 955. which they were confirmed and ratified. As to the Cove¬ 
 nant, the fame Aflembly, in pretending to admit of the 
 claufe annexed by the Earl of Traquair , had rendered it of 
 no effeft, by an additional explication. The Earl was 
 much blamed for not ftolrtly oppofing this interpretation; 
 An- nay, when he came to give the King an account of his 
 i- ' 9 °’ Commiflion, a Scotch Bifliop (3) accufed him of Treafon, 
 and offered to fuller as a traitor, if he did not make good 
 his accufation. 
 
 . : had pafled in th \;7 . , . the King I w id 
 
 P V tl e I arJranient, which ' 
 
 i 1 ration of rhe AiTembly. Be .10 ' 
 
 1 I n ol the . .It; v Afli m Ij wa prop fed, ' ' 
 
 they ptdented tothe High-Commiluoner ionic Act., winch 
 flic wed they were no lei's bent to maintain the privileges of 
 the People,and guard aga : n(l the artifices by which the Court 
 :d theParlian I what they 
 pleafed. I hat e mentioned elfewhere the manner of thirl n-' 
 tlie Lords of the Articles in the l'arliamcntol Satiaxl, but 
 it IS necelTary to explain it a little mote fuliv. tor the better 
 underfbndmg how advantaglous to the K'inu this method 
 * ' ' 1 ™ fince the 1 Z rj ...... that inn . 
 
 1-, lor about three hundred years, it had been cuftomary r- ; s »- 
 I" SVj;W, that when the Parliament met, there were 
 eiceted a certain number of Noblemen, Bilhops Barons 
 and Burgclics, who were called Lords of the- Ai tides. 
 
 I he buhncls ol this ftloci Committee was to examine and 
 prepare the Hills which were 10 be moved in Parliament; 
 ana as they had power 10 reject fuels as they did not judge 
 
 admitted were ever thrown out. The manner of Elec- Rufh worth] 
 tntit, fettled at a time \ h n the inconveni u 1 
 
 e ■ i ft ’ litvn mi 1 ■ ' 
 
 J " iifh ps :■ . Lords, the 1 
 
 lixteen cleft Bilhops and Lords chofe cr>ht Barons (4) 
 
 •• •■ I h uftom 
 
 lublifted without many inconveniencies, till James VI 
 attempted to reftore Epifcopacy. That Prince, as we 
 have Icen, began with refturing the Bilhops and Lay-Ab¬ 
 bots, to their feats 111 Parliament; and thereby had the 
 votes ol all the reprefentatives of the Church at his com¬ 
 mand. So the Nobility, in chufmg eight Bifhops, could 
 name none but what were devoted to the King, from 
 whom they received their Benefices. Thefe eight Bifhops 
 made it their cmel care to name eight LorJs, on whom the 
 King could depend. Thefe iixteen never failed to ebufe 
 t'giit Barons of the fame party, and confcquentlv, the 
 eight Burgefk^elefted by the twenty four, were Iikewife 
 friends of the Court. By this means, the King obtained 
 or the Parliament the fore-mentioned Afts, to reftore 
 epfleopai Government in the Kirk, notwithftandina all the 
 endeavours 01 the general Aflemblies. This gave o°ccalion 
 V -be complaint pubiickly difperfed in writing, that 
 Claries I, in his journey to Scotland , had ufed unlawful me¬ 
 thods to obtain the two Afts concerning Religion, of which 
 I have fpoken. It is fa;d, that among the ei^ht Lords 
 then chofen by the Bifhops, there were three fufpefted of 
 Popery. 
 
 As fince that time tile face of affairs had been much R*,,4 
 changed in Scotland , and the King had no longer any power 1,1 P* 
 there, the Parliament, which met by his Majefty’s order at 
 Edinburgh in the year 1639, refolved to prevent the in¬ 
 conveniences flowing from the eleftion of the Lords of the 
 Articles. To that purpofe they prefented to the High- 
 Commiflioner an Aft, declaring null and void whatever 
 fliould be done in Parliament, before the ancient way of 
 elefting the Lords of the Articles fliould be altered. This 
 Aft was founded not only upon the fore-mentioned incon¬ 
 veniences, but chiefly upon the Parliament’s difpofition 
 to abolrfh entirely the order of Bifhops, from whence fol¬ 
 lowed an abfolute neceflity to alter the manner of chiding 
 the Lords of the Articles. Befides, in all appearance, the whltclcck* 
 Parliament was willing to obviate thereby the King’s de- P- 3 >> 
 mand, that fourteen Mimfters or Lay-Abbots of his chuiino- 
 might fupply the place of the Bifhops (6). 0 
 
 Befides this Aft, which was very material at this junfture, 
 the Parliament prefented alfo feveral others, all tending to 
 leflen the King’s prerogative. 
 
 “ 2. By the fecond it was enacted, that the Coin fliould R„rwortb, 
 not be meddled with, but by advice of Parliament. ill. p. 1027. 
 “ 3 - By the third, that no Stranger fhould be entrufted AnnaJs ‘ 
 
 “ Wlth keeping of any caftles, nor other perfon put in 
 “ th 5 m > but by advice of theEftates.” This was becaufe 
 the King had lately made two Englijhmen Governours of 
 the Caftles of Edinburgh and Dunbarton. 
 
 “4. I hat no patent of honour be granted to any 
 “ danger, but fuch as have a competency of Land-rent 
 “ in Scotland. 
 
 “ 5. 1 hat no commiflion of Jufticiary or Lieutenancy 
 “ may be granted but for a limited time. 
 
 “ 6. They protefted againft the precedency of the 
 
 (1) The King in his Letter to Archbi/hop Spu fzaod, ordered him to give in a Proteibtion cpinft the Afferobiy, but that it flic.i 
 in the meeting, where, as he fays, nothing but partiality w JS to be expected. Rujh-.u ,tu, T ,m. HI. p. 9:;. 
 
 12 j They not only abolilhed it, but alio determined, that it wa unlawful in the C.’.urch of .V .in i. Rujhw rib, Tom. LT. n 
 
 (3) It was the Archbiihop of St. Andrews, and the Bi/hops of Rofs , and Bricben. Aar. At, •. -90. 
 
 (4.) Or Lairds- 
 
 o) Thefe thirty two, with the eight Officers of the Crown, made up the fcledl Committee, called, Lords of the Articles. H'L ' 
 fjys, the King chofe the eight Noblemen. 
 
 (6) The Parliament allowed the High-Commiffioner to name the eight Lords, wh iht old hive be n ns med • e l . . 
 
 cedent for lire tuture; and they went on roundly to take away the Lords of the Aim •. ntn \\ hen it ujs i Si ... 
 lien of the Bilhops, The Commiflioner urged for the King to have fourteen L;.y-Ah u to rear nr the third Pi >, . tf J,ul it 
 fliould be complected by lmall Barcas, who were to rcprelcnt the Commonality. Ruf iu.nr 1'.:... r;i. p. 935. 
 
 net be read or argued 
 
 nd after him E-hard, 
 A it f, old be nop- - 
 th 
 
 ‘ 4 Loru- 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 25. C H A R L E S I. 
 
 1659. 
 
 3 1 3 
 
 “ miU,i P'-i^-Scal becaufc, as they the tranfaffions in Scotland-, for that was the foie motive ,610 
 
 “ alla, g ed > 'he fame was not warranted by a poiitive of the deputation. But the King feigning to believe, and 
 ‘ if w ‘ ,, r , . ,, . , h' ,n S vel 7 willing to fuppofe they were come to treat’with 
 
 There were others of the fame nature, all prejudicial h.mof an agreement, objefied to them, that their Power, 
 
 „ ll T H k r " m “ TT V r r Were ! " f “ ffi 'i“t, ftnee they could neither offer nor accent 
 
 well be thought, the High-Commiffioner did not believe any terms. A few days after, the Council of i„w 
 himfdf fufficently author, fed to give his confent to all declared, that the Scut deputies had power only to hdi.fv 
 K „ r th ± Aa 4 '- W ‘‘ ,nf ° h r T' ng ^ ^ lJ fT- , . . ‘ h = P'oce'ding' of their Countrymen. And indeed,' they 
 
 ££?,(. rh = King feeing what courfe hls affairs were taking m had been fent only for that purpofc, and not ,0 treat with 
 Parliament the Parliament of Scotland, plainly perceived by thefe firft the King (i) 
 
 pooo=ecljngs, that his Commiffioner would be little able to It was relblved, as I Paid, in the Council of £»U, ,0 
 P 955 follow h,s inftruaions, and therefore, ordered him by Let- reduce the Sea, to obedience by force It is neceffarv 
 ter only, to prorogue the Parliament til] the ad of June therefore to (how upon what this refolution was founded 
 the nex year 1640, .and if he met with oppofttion to Though the King was by no means pleafed with the Ail, 
 declare that the Members who Ihould continue to affemble, of the general Affembly of Edinburgh, he had no reafon 
 were guilty of Hlgh -1 reafon. This order being ilgmfied however to complain, (ince they were approved bv his 
 
 to the Parliament, met not with that compliance, the High-Commiffioner, authorized for that purpofe by acom - 
 
 King perhaps had expefted. They broke up however, miffion under the Great-Seal. Wherefore being delirous 
 
 but ln fuch a manncr as was n° bfs difagreeable to the to hinder thefe Afts from being ratified bv the Parli-menr 
 
 “a 1 *"* tha ? Y C Tr d thd r fcffion - Btdbre he thought it more proper to ground the brwchoccaficmed 
 
 956, .04 4 . they parted, they made a declaration, importing that the by the prorogation of the Parliament of Scotland, upon the 
 
 Annal, Lari of Traquair had not power to prorogue the Parliament proceedings of the Parliament than upon thofe of the Afl'em- 
 
 upon the King s letter, without the confent of the Parlia- bly. He complained therefore 
 
 ment itfelf. That this order was owin E to mifinforma- “ i. That under pretence of his having promifed a free Reafon, dt- 
 
 “ Parliament, they had carried that freedom fo far as to ‘ h ,u 
 imagine, that it was not to be limited with their own f,' r Jkma b '’ 
 conditions, lubfcribed by the Lord Lowdon, which v/ere with uot- 
 to enjoy their Religion and Liberties, according to the Jjnd- 
 eccleliaftical and civil Law* nf thr'.r tfin.v *? fl,wonh ' 
 
 difgujh 
 
 Dcc/tir 
 
 They hcak 
 up, but t ill 
 
 Tit King 
 
 ment itfelf. That this order was owing to mifinforma- 
 tions, the Parliament not having given the King any of¬ 
 fence, or caufe of complaint. That hitherto the Parlia¬ 
 ments were never prorogued without their own confent, 
 and confequently this prorogation was contrary to the ufage 
 of the Kingdom. They complained moreover, that the 
 Earl of Traquair and the Council had feveral ways viola¬ 
 ted the privileges of Parliament, during this prefent feflion. 
 In fhort, they declared, that though they might lawfully re¬ 
 main aflembled, notwithftanding the prorogation, they 
 were willing to break up, in order to give the King a proof 
 of their obedience ; but however thought proper to leave a 
 committee of fome of each Eftate, to prefent a Remon- 
 ftrance to his Majefty, and attend his gracious anfwer, and 
 to allure the King on all occafions of the Parliament’s fin- 
 cere intention to pay him all due obedience. The decla¬ 
 ration concluded with a proteftation, that if any outrages 
 and infolcncies fhould be commitred, they could not be im¬ 
 puted to them, fince they were conftrained to ufe the pro- 
 pereft means to fecure the Kirk and State from the im¬ 
 pending mifery and confufton. 
 
 Purfuant to the power given them by the Parliament, 
 
 ff % mem uy tne rarnament, 
 
 I dSStfth the cc,mmitteefent the Earl ° f Dunfermling and the Lord 
 D Dtpuiici f Lovidon to prefent a remonllranee to his Majefty. But 
 j tbt c m the King refufed to give thefe deputies audience, as com- 
 I Rufliwonh. in r without warrant from the High-Commiflioner, and 
 III. p. 956, without communicating to him tlie occafion of their jour- 
 E *°3«- ney. After their departure, the King fent for the Earl of 
 Traquair, and ordered him to report to the Council what 
 •, Tbt Council Jlad P afi ed in Scotland fince the Pacification. It was upon 
 1 f Engand this Lord’s report, and without hearing what the Scots had 
 WfrJrwtTb t0 fa ? in their defence ’ that ^e Council of England una- 
 ScotUnd. nimoufiy declared, it was abfolutely neceflary to reduce the 
 Scots to their duty by force of arms. Mean while, as this 
 refolution feemed a little too hafty, fince it was not yet 
 known what the Scots might plead in their vindication, 
 the King, perceiving how prejudicial this precipitation 
 might be to him, gave the committee of Edinburgh leave 
 to fend their deputies. But this was more for decency, 
 than to fee whether there would be any reafon to alter the 
 refolution already taken, the King not being ignorant of 
 what could be faid on this occafion.. 
 
 • Purfuant to the King’s permiflion, four deputies came 
 
 °tutitt am prefently ufter ’ name] y> the Earl of Dunfermling, the Lord 
 • JTsT Lowdon, Sir William Douglafs, and Mr. Robert Berkley , 
 li land. and prefented to him two Petitions. The firft was from 
 1 KfT/i the ,ate £ eneral A(lemb ly held at Edinburgh, who, after 
 l vmpttithn, thanking him for being pleafed to confent that ecclefiaftical 
 ; totbe King, affairs fhould be determined in the Affembly of the Kirk 
 .iibid. prayed him to ratify their conftitutions by the Parliament! 
 
 By the other Petition, the four deputies defired to be heard 
 before fome of the counfellors of both Kingdoms, and that 
 the Earl of Traquair' s report to the Council of England 
 might be given them in writing under his hand. The 
 King thought not proper to grant either of thefe articles. 
 However, he appointed a committee of the Council to hear 
 them, to which the deputies would not agree, faying, 
 they were fent to his Majefty to juftify the proceedings 
 of the Parliament of Scotland, and not to the Council of 
 England, who had no jurifdidtion over the Scots. To re¬ 
 move this objeftion, the King was pleafed to hear them 
 7b, Km in the P r efence of the committee he had appointed. 
 
 uj/sWrtfcc Thc Lord Lowdon made a long Speech in vindication of 
 
 Ruflnvnith, 
 HI. p 992. 
 
 1640. 
 
 cajior. to go During thefe Comm'fiViners flay in England rr,a\y fecret Counfeli w—e 
 
 2rr*2y** ,h f r 
 
 Ri.n, .(, * m and ut hcrs of great interdi and quality, were deco in 
 
 111 . p °nq’ P ' C f l L etl fc them “^ en f'\ gC 1 ncw War - Bnd araon g olher motives, bn 
 
 P with them, and all.lt them when they Ihnuld come into England vv 
 
 33. been a bale forgery. Burnet', Mem. of Haunt, p. ,65. Hill, of h. 
 
 No. 59. V o L. II. 
 
 j : — *ca juiui-i iiLj, 
 
 - eccleliaftical and civil Laws of their Kingdom. “For it mTima' 
 was evident, that the Parliament had far exceeded the ’ 
 
 “ bounds eftablifhed by the Laws. Nalfon, 
 
 <t Z- the y °bje£t, that they affume this liberty by our P -2 73* 
 ‘ allowing of the Covenant, and commanding our former Annals. 
 
 “ High-Commiffioner the Lord Marquifs of Hamilton , 
 
 “ and other our Subjetfts to fubferibe it ; the anfwer is 
 “ very ready, that there is a great difference between the 
 Covenant and Band fubferibed by our commandment, 
 
 “ and their Band ; for that Covenant and Band was made 
 “ b / our ,ate Father King James of hlefi'ed memory, 
 
 Anno 1580, and obligeth thofe that fwear to it, that 
 “ the y f^ ou ld mutually affift one another, as they ftiould 
 ‘‘ be commanded by the King, or any authorized by him. 
 
 C£ But this new Band was made without our confent, 
 c ‘ and by it they fwear, mutually to affift one another, 
 c not excepting the King. Neither can the Earl of Tra- 
 1 ua ‘ r s fubfeription or allowance of the Covenant be any 
 warrant for their rebellious courfes, feeing they did 
 “ humb ly fupplicate, that they might be allowed and war- 
 ranted to fubferibe it : Which clearly evinces, that what 
 !* tbe y d ‘ d before, and of themfelves, without warrant ol 
 “ authority, was neither laudable nor warrantable. Be- 
 ffdes,^ it appears by what is prefixt to the Earl of Tra¬ 
 quair s fubfeription, that by the Covenant he meant the 
 “ fame with that of 1580. 
 
 3. Since the Parliament, they have, without any au- 
 thority or commiffion from us, taken upon them to levy 
 and raife forces in feveral parts of the Kingdom ; and 
 have affigned them a rendezvous, and a day to be in a 
 readinefs to march. 
 
 “ 4. They have made provifions of great quantities of 
 artillery, munition and arms, from foreign parts, which 
 ‘ they have ready in magazine to make ufe of againft us 
 ‘ their Sovereign. 
 
 ‘‘ 5 - They have of themfelves laid taxes and impofi- 
 ‘ tions of ten marks in every hundred upon all and every 
 ‘ our Subjects, according to their feveral revenues ; and 
 ‘ this they haveexa&ed with the greateft rigour and tyran- 
 ‘ ny that can be imagined. 
 
 “ 6. They have caufed to be framed and publifhed, fun- 
 ‘ dry falfe, feditious and fcandalous Papers and Pamphlets; 
 
 ‘ and amongft others, one entituled. An Information from 
 the EJlates of the Kingdom of Scotland, to the Kingdom of 
 ‘ England, &c. which we have caufed to be burnt by the 
 ‘ hand of the hangman. 
 
 “ 7. They have refufed the Lord Ejlrick, Governor 
 4 of our Caffle at Edinburgh, timber, and other materials 
 ‘ neceflary for reparation of the works lately fallen down 
 ‘ there, notwithftanding our exprefs commandment by 
 ‘ our letters to them, upon their allegiance to furnifh 
 ‘ them, 
 
 “ 8 - They have committed fundry outrages and vio- 
 ‘ lences upon the perfons of fome of the Garrifon at E- 
 ‘ dinburgh, that came out of the Caftle to buy vi&uals. 
 
 9. They have begun to raife works and fortifications 
 4 againft the faid Caftle, thereby to block up that our 
 4 royal fort, and to render it unufeful. And they have 
 
 held w th them by the difeontented Englijb ; chiefly by the favorers of Presby- 
 The Eirli ot EjJex, Bedford, and Holland ; the Lord Say, Mr. llampdcn 
 /.th them. JVbttihck, p. 31. The Lord Sa-vi/t in particular, with great vehemence' 
 'J g ht .hem engagements in writing from moil of the greateft Peers in England, to j in 
 th an Army, but thefe engagements were discovered at thc Treaty of R ep.r. to h ve 
 
 ' p\ 37- Uifl. of tbt Stuart s , I+I) * 
 
 K k k k 
 
 44 fortified 
 
3 1 4- 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 1640. 
 
 (< fortified fundry other places in that our Kingdom, and 
 “ particularly Infgarvy , where they have mounted divers 
 “ pieces of ordnance. 
 
 “ 10. They have lately imprifoned the Lord of Southesk, 
 “ and fundry others of quality, for not adhering to them, 
 “ and for their fidelity to us. 
 
 “ 11. The Magiftrates of Edinburgh have upon fundry 
 “ occafions refufed to yield us due obedience, alledging, 
 “ That they have delivered up the power of governing the 
 “ town into the hands of the Committee of the pretended Ta- 
 “ bles, by which they have not only voluntarily dil'abled 
 “ themfelves to ferve us, but have incurred the guilt of 
 “ High-Treafon, by conferring upon any that power of 
 “ Government which they derive and hold from us alone.” 
 
 Of thefe eleven articles, nine were inconfiderable. As 
 after the prorogation of the Parliament, the Scots had great 
 reafon to fear the King intended to renew the war, the 
 precautions they took for their defence, could not be deemed 
 a juft caufe of invading them, though their fears had been 
 vain. At leaft, all thefe proceedings could have been eafily 
 repaired by the conclufion of a good peace. But the molt 
 material article, on which the King chiefly infilled was. 
 
 “ 12. A Letter communicated to him by the Earl of 
 “ Traquair , and which had been intercepted by his Lord- 
 “ fhip. It was written to the King of France by the 
 “ chief of the male-contents to defire his affiftance. The 
 “ Letter follows, with this endorfement, Au Roy , which, 
 as his Majefly obferved, is in France always underllood 
 “ from thole Subjects only to their natural Prince. 
 
 1640, 
 
 eip-Mom 
 
 S I R, 
 
 Y OUR Majejly being the refuge and Jan Hilary of af¬ 
 fined Princes and States , we have found it neeeffary 
 
 to fnul this Gentleman , Mr. Colvil, to reprefent unto your 
 Majffy the candour and ingenuity, as well of our a ft ions ar.,1 
 ■ ( rs.ceilings, as of our intentions, which we defre to be engra¬ 
 ven and written to the whole world with a beam (1 ) of the 
 ' Sun , as well as to your Majejly. We therefore mof humbly 
 befeech you (Sir) to give faith and credit to him , and to ail 
 that he fall Jay on our part, touching us and our affairs ; 
 being inf offured (Sir) of an affiance equal to your wonted 
 clemency heretofore, and fo often fthewed to this Nation, 
 which will not yield the Glory to any other ivbatfocvcr to be 
 eternally , 
 
 SIR, 
 
 Your Majrffy T s mof humble , 
 
 Mof obedient, and 
 
 Alyl affectionate Servants. 
 
 Rothes. 
 
 Montrofe, Lefly. 
 
 Montgomery. 
 
 Loudoun. Forrefler. 
 
 Marre. 
 
 
 This Letter, though no date appears, was writ before 
 the peace. At leaf!, the Lord Law don , who was commit- 
 ' ted to the 'Lower on that account, affirmed it, and I don’t 
 find he was ever contradicted. On the other hand, the 
 King who pretended to receive great advantages from this 
 letter, never laid it was penned fince the figning of the ar¬ 
 ticles of pacification. From whence it may be inferred, 
 cither the fubferibers forgot to date it, or the date was not 
 l! nice-able to the King who produced it. However this 
 be, though the letter was never lent to France, fince it was 
 put into the hands of the Earl of Traquair in Scotland, the 
 King, who had refolved to renew the war, made great ufe 
 of it to vindicate his conduct. He pretended, the Scots de¬ 
 fined to introduce a foreign army into their country to in¬ 
 vade England, and therefore he was indifpenfably obliged 
 to defend his Englijh Subjects. But it will be feen hereaf¬ 
 ter, that he reaped not from it all the advantages he ex¬ 
 pedited. 
 
 Upon this foundation however he refolved to renew the 
 J war with Scotland. But though he alledged many reafons, 
 as we have feen, it is certain, the chief motive was the 
 abolition of Epifcopacy, to which he could not confent. 
 If this fingle point could have been adjufted, the reft were 
 not conftdcrable enough to oblige the two parties to take 
 arms again. So, the whole queftion of right between 
 Charles and the Scots was reduced to this : Whether fames 
 and Charles could alter the Government of the Kirk of 
 
 Scotland, notwithftanding the oppofition of the Kirk it- 
 felf; and whether the Scots might demand the abolition of 
 Epifcopacy, eftablilhed upon the ruins of Presbytery, on 
 pretenfe of the artifices pradtifed by the Court to get thefe 
 Adds palled. 
 
 The war being refolved, the King took all poffible meafures ; 
 to have a numerous army, by taxing, as ufual, each Coup.- |,^“' otlb 
 ty to find a certain number of troops. On the other m. v . 9 6S 
 hand, a Sea-fight between the Spaniards and Dutch, near 9 s 
 the coaft of England , furnifhed the King with a pretence .g 
 
 to renew his warrants for the payment of Ship-money, isc. 
 
 As on this occalion the Dutch, who were the aggrell'ors, Anna's, 
 had fhown little regard to the Sovereignty of the Sea aflii- 
 med by the King, his Majefty loudly complained of the al- 
 front he had received, and upon this foundation feemed 
 bent to equip a powerful fleet to preferve the dominion of 
 the fea, and defend the Kingdom. Wherefore he ordered clarendon. 
 Ship-money, as well as the arrears of that tax, to be levied T j, 1 '; 
 with great feverity. The Sheriff of Northampton fire ha- 
 ving fent to Court a Petition of the County again!! Ship- 
 money (2), the Council reprimanded him very fharplv, 
 commanding him to do his office on pain of exemplary pu- 
 nifhment. On the other hand, Sir John Finch being made N jfon, 
 Lord Keeper (3) upon the death of the Loid Coventry, T. i-p iSi 
 made a Speech to the Judges, to exhort them to ufe in 
 their circuits all their authority to promote this tax. So, Annals, 
 it was evident the King was refolved to compafs his ends, 
 let what would be the confequencc, and that this impoli- 
 tion was grown by degrees a ftanding tax upon the people. 
 
 At laft, the King appointed [ Alger noon Percy j Earl of North.m.- 
 for General of the army again & Scotland,^ 
 and gave him for Lieutenant-General Thomas Lord Went- "j f : ) 
 worth , Deputy of Ireland, lately made Earl of Strafford, i ui, d 
 As he always dreaded the correspondents the Scots had in 
 England , and for that reafon durft not truft his Council jJiiiT 
 with all his affairs, he appointed a lecret Council, conlill- i.t. 0. 
 ing of three perfons only, namely, the Archbilhop of Can Al j‘ "y 
 terbury, the Marquifs of Hamilton, and the Ea 1 of Stiff- ■ 
 
 ford (4). Thefe three entire!', directed the King’s null Council. 
 important affairs, and were the perfons, that after mature u g' cl clc; 
 delibeiation, advifed him to call a Parliament. But as the p J 
 King objedled to them, that before the Sublidie', which the 
 Parliament fhould grant, could be payed, he fhould be re¬ 
 duced to great ffraiis; the fccrec Council provided againft 
 this inconvenience, by advifmg him to borrow of each of 
 his Counfellors or others, who fhould be willing to iend, 
 the fums he ftiould want to fupply his prefent occafions. 
 
 The Earl of Str •' i al< e fubfc ibc " enty 1’ ufand NUft-n, 
 pounds. The example of the Counfeii being followed £ l8t 
 by fome other Lords, die King was enabled to make pre¬ 
 parations for the war, before he had received any aid tiom 
 the Pailiament. So, the Parlianiei.t was called for the 1 3th The King > 
 of April, and a few days after the King publilLed a Pro- 
 clamation, to revoke the fame Patents which had ferved to Koih W o r ,fc 
 eftabhlh Monopolies, though they had been revoked once in. paio 
 before without anv effect. 
 
 The Parliament being aflembled at Wefi differ, on the The Pa,lid 
 day appointed, the King went to the H.iulc ol Lords, ; 
 made the following Speech to both Houfes. 
 
 April 1 J. 
 
 Aly Lords and Gentlemen , 
 
 ‘ r 9 ^ HERE was never a King that had a more great rh King':, 
 c A. and wei. hty caufe to call his People together than S r a.b to 
 c my fclf: I will not trouble you with the particulars-, I ar 
 1 haz'd informed my Lord-Keeper, and commanded him to R.jihwortfc 
 ‘ fpeak, and defre your attention .” 111 p‘i«i 
 
 'I’hen Sir John Finch Lord-Keeper, fpoke thus : 
 
 t ■ 1 p 3°: 
 
 Aly Lords, and you the Knights , Citizens, and Burgejfes 
 of the Houfe of Commons, 
 
 “ You are here this day ailemblcd by his Majefty’s gra- 
 : cious writ and royal command, to hold a Parliament, 
 
 ‘ the general, antient, and greateft Council of this re- 
 c nowned Kincdom. By vou, as by a fclect choice and 
 ‘ abftracf, the whole Kingdom is prefented to his Ma- 
 ‘ jelly’s royal view, and made happy in the beholding of 
 ‘ his excellent and facred perfon. All of you, not only 
 ‘ the Prelates, Nobles and Grandees, but in your perfons 
 ‘ that are of the Houfe of Commons, every one, even the 
 ‘ meaneft of his Majefty’s Subjects, are gracioufly allowed 
 
 (1) It is in the Original Raye, (which fignihei a Tbornbacb) inflead of Reis or Rayon, for which reT n it Lem;, after the Letter was (igned by file r 
 he covenanting Lord;, it was rrjeded by the Lord Maitland. becaule it wis falfe French j a,.d f, ic was laid afidr, and never attain taken into curiliacnriun 
 
 rut one taking up the Letter brought it to Irajuatr. Mem. of Dube rf Hamit, p. 161-It was faid, however, that the S.iti were encouraged til: 
 
 ft. ms from Catdinal Richelieu, by his Chaplains, Chamberlain and Cm, Scots j and by Letters which a Pige of his brought to leveia in Er.yand and Seotiur,e. 
 
 , V- 3*: 
 
 Han 
 
 r Chrijtifiber Ytluertm High-Sheriff of Ksrtbarr.ptonjbirc ( Rapin by miftake fays of Nortbu 
 ! the C.c.k of the Peace) of a Prefcntment made by the Grand Jury, at a Qjiarier-Selfions 
 
 midland ) fent, inclofed in a Letter, 
 tonceining Ship-Money. Rujbnvortb, 
 
 Copy (ui 
 
 99 
 
 ( 3 ) He was 
 
 treated Baron of Fordioicb in Kent, Jlprily. Ru[bnuortb , Tom. 3. p. tlo2. 
 
 its of State were principally managed by the Archbifhnp of Canterbury . the Earl of Strajjcrd, and the Lord C.ttingt: 
 th'- Earl of A .rtburr.berhnd, for ornament, the B lh p of London, for his Place, being Lord-Trealurer, the two Secretaries Vatu, an. 
 and Intelligence j only the Marquifs of Hamilton by his Skill a..d Interell meddled jull fo far, and no farther, than he had a m.nd. 
 etc Committee of State, reproachfully after called the Junto, and envioufly then in the Court, the Cabinet Council. Clarendon, Ton 
 
i64°- 
 
 Book XIX. 25. C H A 
 
 44 to participate and {hare in the honour of thofe counfels, 
 “ that concern the great and weighty affairs of the King 
 44 and Kingdom. You come all armed with the votes 
 44 and fuffrages of the whole Nation : and I affure my felf, 
 44 your hearts are filled with that zealous and humble af- 
 44 fedtion to his Majefty’s perfon and government, that fo 
 44 juft, fo pious, and fo gracious a King, hath reafon to 
 44 expe£l from all his Subjects. I doubt not, but you re- 
 “ joice at this day’s meeting, and mcthinks you fhould 
 44 do fo too; and good reafon you have to do fo, and 
 44 with all humblenefs of heart to acknowledge, the great 
 44 goodnefs of his Majefty, who lequeftring the memory of 
 4,4 all former difcouragemcnts in preceding Affemblies, is 
 44 now of a fatherly affe&ion to his People, and a confi- 
 44 dence that they will not be failing in their duty to him, 
 44 who is {.leafed gracioufiy to invite you and all his loving 
 44 Subjects to a facred unity of hearts and affections, in 
 44 the fervices of him and of the Commonwealth, and in 
 44 the execution of thofe counfels that tend only to the 
 “ honour of his Majefty, and to the good prefervation of 
 44 you all. His Majefty’s kingly refolutions are feated in 
 44 the ark of his facred bread, and it were a prefumption 
 44 of too high a nature, for any Uzzah uncalled to touch it: 
 44 Yet his Majefty is now pleafed to lay by the {tuning 
 44 beams of Majefty, as Phtsbus did to Phaeton , that the 
 44 diftance between fovereignty and fubjeCtion {hould not bar 
 44 you of that filial freedom of accefs to his perfon and 
 
 44 counfels, only let us beware how, with the Son of 
 
 44 Clymene , we aim not at the guiding of the Chariot, as 
 44 if that were the only teftimony of fatherly affeCtion : and 
 44 let us ever remember, that though the King fometimes 
 44 lays by the beams and rays of Majefty, he nevers lays by 
 44 Majefty itfelf. 
 
 44 In former Parliaments you have been advifed with, for 
 44 the preventing and diverting of thofe dangers, which by 
 44 foreign and more remote counfels, might have tended 
 
 “ to the difhonour and ruin of this nation ; therein his 
 
 “ Majefty’s great wifdom and providence hath for many 
 44 years eafed you of that trouble, his Majefty having with 
 44 great judgment and prudence, not only feen and pre- 
 44 vented our danger, but kept up the honour and fplendor 
 “ of the Englijh Crown, of which at this day we find the 
 44 happy and comfortable experience. Almighty God ha- 
 ‘ c ving vouchfafed fuch fuccefs to his Majefty’s counfels, 
 “ that our Fleece is dry, when it raineth blood in all the 
 “ neighbour States. But what availeth this the Kingdom? 
 44 Si for as bnjiem non invemat , fi modo domi inveniet. You 
 “ are now fummoned to counfels and refolutions that more 
 “ nearly concern you, to prevent a danger and a diftio- 
 44 nour that knocks at our gates, and that moves from 
 “ fuch, from whom we had little reafon to fufpeCt it. It 
 44 is well known upon what happy and foil'd counfels one 
 44 of our wifeft Kings made a match with Scotland for his 
 “ eldelt daughter. We cannot forget (I am lure we (hould 
 “ not) the bleffed fuccefsohat waited upon thofe counfels, 
 44 when the Crown of England defeended upon King James 
 “ of ever blefied and famous memory, who with the ful- 
 “ nefs of joy to all true Englif) hearts, made his entry 
 4 4 riot by bloodfhcd. The wall of feparation was thereby 
 “ taken away; and that glorious King, to make his 
 44 word good, faciam eos in Gentem unam , made all Eng- 
 “ land rejoice, and Scotland I am fure had no reafon to be 
 44 forry for it: They participated of Englijh honours, the 
 44 wealth and revenue of this Nation they {hared in, and 
 “ no good thing was with-holden from them, fuch was the 
 “ largenefs of heart in that moll excellent King, and fuch 
 44 was the comfort we took in this fraternity, or rather 
 “ unity: When both of us had but one brazen wall of 
 “ fortification to look unto, the fea, and all things fo e- 
 44 qually and evenly carried between us, that Tros Tyriuf- 
 44 1 ue aullo diferimine habentur. His Majefty, our moft 
 44 gracious Sovereign, became heir, as well to his Father’s 
 virtues as to his Kingdoms, Pacatumque regit , See. and 
 “ in h ‘s gracious and tender affe&ion to that Nation, hath 
 44 given as many indulgent teftimonies of love ,and benig- 
 44 oity, as they could expert. Thus became we both like 
 44 a Land flowing with milk and honey ; peace and plenty 
 “ dwelt in our ftreets, and we have had all our bleflings 
 14 crowned with the fweet hopes of perpetuity. God found 
 44 out for my Lord the King a companion meet for him, 
 44 his royal confort, our moft gracious Queen, who, as Ihe 
 44 is not to be parallelled for her perfon and virtue, fo hath 
 44 Ihe made his Majefty and the whole Kingdom moft 
 44 happy and bleffed in the fweeteft pledges of their love, 
 
 44 and our hopes, which ever flood like olive-branches a- 
 44 bout the throne or table : But which I forrow for, Ci- 
 44 yiles furores patria nimia infelieitas , and when his Ma- 
 44 jefty had moft reafon to expert a grateful return of loy- 
 44 alty and obedience from all the Scot'tjh Nation, fome men 
 44 of Belial , fome Zeba t hath blown the trumpet there, 
 
 and by their infolencies and rebellious ablions draw many 
 44 aftef them, to the utter defertion of his Majefty’s go- 
 + 
 
 R L E S I. 3l 
 
 44 vernment; his Majefty’s and his kingly Father's love 1640. 
 44 and bounty to that Nation quite forgotten, his goodnefs 
 44 and piety unremembred. 
 
 44 They have led a multitude after them into a courfe 
 44 of difloyalty and rebellious Treafon, fuch as former times 
 44 have not left in mention, nor this prefent age can any 
 44 where equal ; they have taken up arms againft the 
 44 Lord’s anointed, their rightful Prince, and undoubted 
 44 Sovereign, and following the wicked counfels of fome 
 44 Acbitophcl, they have feized on the trophies of honour, 
 
 44 and inverted themfelves with regal power and authority: 
 
 44 Such, and fo many ails of difloyalty and difobedience, 
 
 44 as ( let their pretences be what they will be, ) no true 
 44 Englijh or Chriftian heart, but muft acknowledge them 
 44 to be the cffedls of foul and horrid treafon. 
 
 44 7 he laft fummer his Majefty, at his own charge, and 
 44 at the vaft expence of many of his faithful and loving 
 44 Subjects of England^ went with an army, and then they 
 44 took upon them the boldnefs to outface and brave his 
 44 royal army, with another of their own railing ; yet for 
 44 all this, his Majefty’s goodnefs was not leffened by that, 
 
 44 nor could his gracious nature forget what he was to them, 
 
 44 nor what they were to hrm ; buLConfidering with him- 
 44 felf they were fuch quos nee vincere, ncc , vincigloriojum 
 44 fucrat , out of his piety and clemency, chofc rather to 
 44 pafs by their former mifearriages, upon their humble pro- 
 44 teftations of future loyalty and obedience, than by juft 
 44 vengeance to punifh their rebellions. 
 
 44 But his Majefty ( who is ever awake for the good 
 44 and fafety of all his Subjedls) hath lince too plainly dif- 
 44 covered, that they did but prevaricate with him to di- 
 44 vert the ftorm which hung over their heads, and by 
 44 gaining time to purchafe themfelves more advantage, fur 
 44 purfuing their rebellious purpoles. 
 
 44 For fince his Majefty came from Berwick , it is 
 44 come to his certain knowledge, that inftead of perform- 
 44 ing that loyalty and obedience, which by the laws of 
 44 God, of Nature, and Nations, they owe unto him, 
 
 44 they have addreffed themfelves to foreign States, and 
 44 treated with them to deliver themfelves up to their pro- 
 44 te£lion and power ( as by God’s great providence and 
 44 goodnefs, his gracious A-Iajefty is able to fhew under the 
 44 hands of the prime ring-leaders of that fadlion ) than 
 44 which nothing could be of more dangerous confequence 
 44 to this and his Majefty’s other Kingdoms. Whofoever 
 44 they be that do, or (hall wi(h England ill, they may 
 44 know it to be of too tough a complexion and courage, 
 
 44 to be affailed in the face, or to be fet upon at the fore- 
 44 door : And therefore it is not unlikely, but they may 
 44 (as in former times ) find out a poftern-gate. 
 
 “ There were heretofore two of them, Scotland and Ire- 
 44 land , and both of them had their feveral defences. 
 
 44 Ireland , through his Majefty’s juft and p/udent Go- 
 44 vernment, is not only reduced from the diftemper of 
 44 former times, but fettled in fuch a condition of Peace, 
 
 44 and during his Majefty’s happy reign fo altered and ci- 
 44 vilized, that inftead of being a charge to him ( as it was 
 44 to his predeceflors) hath yielded to him f me revenue, 
 
 44 and his Subje£ls there do daily give very acceptable tef- 
 44 timonies of their loyal and dutiful affection, both to his 
 44 perfon and government. And now lately at the Par- 
 44 liament affembled, they have not only with full and free 
 44 confent, made his Majefty a chearful aid towards his 
 44 prefent preparations, to reduce his difaffetfted Subjects 
 44 in Scotland to their due obedience, but they have alio 
 44 profelled and promifed, that they will be ready with 
 44 their perfons and eftates, to the uttermoft of their ability, 
 
 44 for his Majefty’s future fupply, as his great occafions, by 
 44 the continuance of his forces againft that diftemper, {hall 
 44 require; fo that the hopes of hurting England that way, 
 
 44 are quite extindl. 
 
 44 Scotland then only remains, whither (as to a weak 
 44 and diftempered part of the body ) all the rheums and 
 44 fluxes of factious and feditious humours make way. 
 
 44 His Majefty hath taken all thefe and much more in- 
 44 to his princely confideration, and to avoid a manifell 
 44 and apparent mifehief, threatned to this and his other 
 44 Kingdoms, hath refolved, by the means of a powerful 
 44 army, to reduce them to the juft and modeft conditions 
 44 of obedience. 
 
 44 It is a courfe his Majefty takes no delight in, but is 
 44 forced unto it; for fuch is his Majefty’s grace and good- 
 44 nefs to all his fubjedts, and fuch it is and will be to 
 44 them (how undutiful and rebellious foever they now are) 
 
 44 that if they put themfelves into a way of humility be- 
 44 coming them, his Majefty’s piety and clemency will 
 <4 foon appear to all the world : But his Majefty will not 
 44 endure to have his honour weighed at the common 
 44 beam: nor admit any to Hep between him and his vir- 
 44 tue : and therefore as he will upon no terms, admit the 
 44 mediation of any perfon whatfoever ; fo he fhall judge 
 44 it as high prefumption in any perfon to offer it, and as 
 
•2 1 6 
 
 The H 1 SrO RT of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vo!. II. 
 
 1643. 
 
 lc that which he mufr account moft dangerous to his ho- 
 “ nour, to have any conceit, that the Pollicitation ot o- 
 « thers can, by any poftibility, better incline him to his 
 “ people than he is, and ever will be, out of his own 
 “ grace and goodnefs. 
 
 “ The charge of fuch an Army hath been thoroughly 
 “ advifed, and muft needs amount to a very great fum, 
 
 “ fuch as cannot be imagined to be found in his Majefty’s 
 “ coffers, which, how empty foever, have neither yet 
 “ been exhaufted by unnecelfary triumphs, or fumptuous 
 “ buildings, or other magnificence whatfoever, but moft 
 “ of his own revenue, and whatfoever hath come from 
 his ' hath 1 sen by him employed, for tl c m 
 “ mon good and prefervation of the Kingdom. And like 
 “ vapours arifing out of the earth and gathered into a cloud, 
 “ are fallen in fweet and refrefhing fhowers upon the fame 
 “ ground. Wherefore his Majeffy hath now at this time 
 “ called this Parliament, the fecond me;,ns under God’s 
 “ blefling to avert thefe publick calamities threatned to all 
 “ his Kingdoms, by the mutinous behaviour o’ mem. 
 
 “ And as his Majefty’s predeceffors have ccuftomed to 
 tc do with your fore fathers, fo his Majefty now ofters 
 “ you the honour of working together w. ii himfelf, tor 
 “ the good of him and his, and tor the common preferva- 
 “ tion of your felves and your pofterity. 
 
 “ Gounfels and deliberations that tend to benefit or pro- 
 <c fit, may endure difputes and debates, becaufe they feem 
 “ only accompanied with perfwafions ; but deliberations 
 that tend to prefervation are waited upon by neceflity, 
 “ and cannot endure either debate or delay ; of fuch nature 
 “ are the bleeding evils, that are now to be provided a- 
 “ gainft. 
 
 This fummer muft not be loft, nor any minute of 
 « time foreifowed, to reduce them of Scotland , left by 
 <‘ protra£lion here they gain time and advantage, to frame 
 “ their panics with foreign States. 
 
 “ His Majefty doth therefore defire, upon thefe prefting 
 “ and urgent occafions, that you will for a while lay afide 
 “ all other debates, and that you would pafs an Aft for 
 
 “ fuch and fo many Subfidies, as you in your hearty af- 
 
 “ feftion to him, and to your common good, (hall think 
 “ fit and convenient for fo great an aftion, and withal 
 cC that you would haften the payment of it, as foon as may 
 “ be : And his Majefty allures you all, that he would not 
 “ have propofed any thing out of the ordinary way, but 
 “ that fuch is the ftraitnefs of time, that unlefs the Syb¬ 
 il ftdies be forthwith paft, it is not poflible for him to put 
 
 “ in order fuch things, as muft be prepared before fo great 
 
 an army can be brought into the field. 
 
 “ And indeed bad not his Majefty upon the credit of 
 “ his Servants, and fecurity out of his own Eftate, taken 
 <c U p and iffued between three and four hundred thoufand 
 pounds, it had not been pofiible for his Majefty, to have 
 “ provided thofe things to begin with, which were necef- 
 “ fary for fo great an enterprize, and without which we 
 “ could not have fecured Berwick and Carlijle , or avoided 
 “ thofe affronts, which the infolency of that faftion 
 n might have put upon us, by injuring the perfons and 
 “ fortunes of his loyal Subjefts, in the northern parts. 
 
 “ To avoid all queftion and difpute that may arife, 
 “ touching his Majefty’s taking of Tunnage and Poundage, 
 “ his Majefty hath commanded me to declare unto you, 
 “ that he hath taken it only de fotlo , according to the 
 “ example of former Kings, from the death of their paft 
 “ predeceffors, until the Parliament had paffed an Aft for 
 “ it themfelves. That in like manner, his Majefty defires 
 “ not to claim it, but by grant of Parliament; for this 
 «« purpofe his Majefty hath caufed a bill to be prepared in 
 “ the fame form as it palled to his Royal Father of blef- 
 “ fed memory, adding only words to give it him, from the 
 “ firft of his Majefty’s reign. 
 
 “ This and the bill of Subfidies his Majefty expefts (for 
 “ the prefting reafons before delivered unto you) may be 
 “ di("patched with all fpeed, which his Majefty com- 
 “ manded me to tell you he {hall gracioufly accept, as 
 “ the welcome pledges of your loving, happy, and duti- 
 “ ful afteftion to him, his perfon, and government. 
 
 “ And his Majefty is gracioufly pleafed to give you his 
 “ royal word, that afterwards he will give you time, for 
 “ confidering of fuch petitions, as you {hall conceive to be 
 “ good for the Common-wealth, even now before you 
 “ part, according as the feafon of the year, and the great 
 “ affairs in hand will permit ; and what is now omitted, 
 “ his Majefty will give you time to perfeft towards win- 
 “ ter, when your own leifure and convenieney may better 
 “ attend it, he knowing well that thefe Subfidies can be 
 “ of little ufe, without that more ample Supply which his 
 tl Majefty expefts upon the happy conclulion of this 
 c - feftion, and therein his Majefty is gracioufly pleafed (ac- 
 
 cording to the antient way of Parliaments) to ftav till 
 “ your juft grievances be heard and redrefled. 
 
 “ And his Majefty affures you, that he will go along 
 iC with you for your advantage, through all the gracious 
 “ expreflions of a juft, a pious, and gracious King, to the 
 “ end there may be fuch a happy conclufion of this Par- 
 “ liament, that it may be a caufe of many more meetings 
 t£ with you. I have now delivered what I have in com- 
 “ mand from his Majefty.” 
 
 When the Lord-Keeper had ended his Speech, the King 
 Paid, 
 
 My Lords , 
 
 Y O U Jhall fee be bath fpoken nothing hyperbiUcallv , or 
 nothing but what I Jhall make good one way or other. 
 And becaufe he did mention a Letter by my Subjeiis in 
 Scotland, who did feek to draw in foreign Power for aid-, 
 here is the original letter, which I Jhall command him to read 
 unto you. 
 
 And becaufe it may touch a Neighbour of mine, whom *f 
 will fay nothing of, but that which is jujl (God forbid I 
 Jhould ;) for my part , I think it was never accepted of by 
 him ; Indeed it was a Letter to the French King, but / 
 know not that ever he had it ; for by chance I intercepted it, 
 as it was going unto him ; and therefore I hope you will un- 
 derjland me right in that. 
 
 His Majefty delivering the Letter to the Lord Keeper, 
 his Lordfhip began to read it, and obferved as follows. 
 
 “ The fuperfeription of the Letter is this, AV ROY. 
 “ For the nature of which fuperfeription, it is well known 
 “ to all that know the ftyle of France, that it is never 
 “ written by any French-man to any, but to their own 
 “ King ; and therefore being directed (AU ROY) it is 
 “ to their own King, for fo in eft’edt they do by that fuper- 
 “ feription acknowledge. 
 
 Then his Lordfliip having read the letter both in French 
 and Englijh , the King added as follows. 
 
 Of thefe Gentlemen that have fet their hands to this let¬ 
 ter, here is one, and / believe you would think it very Jlrange 
 if I Jhould not lay him fajl ; and therefore / have Jigncd a 
 warrant to lay him clofe prifoner in the Power. 
 
 My Lords, 1 think (but that I will not fay poftivrly, le- 
 caufe I will not fay any thing here, but what I am Jure of) 
 I think I have the Gentleman, that Jhould have carried the 
 letter , fajl enough ; but 1 know not, I may be mijlaken. 
 
 The King being withdrawn, the Commons returned to 
 their Houfe, and chofe Serjeant Glanvile for their Speaker. 
 
 The King imagined the Parliament would take fire at 
 hearing the letter written by the Scot if) Lords to the King 
 of France. And therefore immediately after the Com¬ 
 mons had prefented their Speaker, and appointed their Com¬ 
 mittees, the Lord Cottington reported to the Upper-Houfe, 
 that by his Majefty’s command, he and Secretary Windebank, 
 with the Attorney-General, had examined the Lord Low don 
 in the Tower, and that Lcwdon owned the Letter to be his 
 hand-writing, but alledged, it was penned before the pacifi¬ 
 cation and never fent(i). However, neither the Lords nor 
 Commons would interpofe in this affair. Some days after the 
 King fent a meflage to the Commons by Secretary JVindc- 
 bank, reprefenting to them the affronts and indignities he had 
 received from the Scots: but the Secretary’s fpecch was heard 
 with great coldnefs, without producing any apparent effe£t. 
 Inftead of concerning themfelves with the affairs of Scotland, 
 the Commons eagerly received a Petition from the County 
 of Hertford , complaining of fundry grievances, as Ship- 
 money, Monopolies, Star-Chamber, High-Com million. 
 Several Speeches not very favorable to the King were made 
 on this occafion. The next day were read Petitions from 
 divers Counties upon the fame fiibjedt; after which Mr. 
 Pym rofe up, and reducing the Grievances of the People to 
 three heads, namely, the privileges of Parliament, innova¬ 
 tions in Religion, propriety of Goods and Lftates, made a 
 long Speech to fhow, that in all thefe things the Nation’s 
 Rights had been violated. 
 
 On the 18 th, it wjs moved to fend for the Rolls of the 
 Star-Chamber, to examine the procefs againft Sir John 
 Elliot and others. Then, it was ordered that the Court- 
 rolls, containing Mr. Hampden's tryal for refilling to pay 
 Ship-money, lhould be laid before the Houfe. On the 
 20th, the Speaker being examined, anfwered, that he had 
 refilled to put the queftion by his Majefty’s exprefs com¬ 
 mand ; whereupon it was immediately voted to be a breach 
 of privilege. On the 21ft, both Houfes were ordered to 
 attend the King at Whitehall, where the Lord-Keeper 
 fpoke to them in this manner, in the King’s prefence. 
 
 The Lsrd. 
 Ketfer goes 
 
 Reads the 
 Scotch 
 Lord's Lee- 
 
 Speaker. 
 Rufhwcrth, . 
 
 The Parha 
 
 d es nr t -with . 
 c t Scotch . 
 W'rs. 
 Whitekick, 
 
 
 April t6. 
 Rulh worth, . 
 HI. p.1127. 
 
 T. 1 p.319, , 
 Cite. r 
 
 Aptil 17. ' 
 
 Roffiwcr h, 
 HI. p 11 36# 
 
 Aly Lords and Gentlemen, 
 
 Y O U may well remember, upon the beirhinfng of Tie Lord. 
 this Parliament, his Majefty commanded me tn Je- f-T rr j 
 
 1) There 
 
 vere ( lays Burnet) fome il! Inftruments about the King, who adv.lcd him 
 
 ..the Maujuili ot Hamilton, with the King';. Permillion tiled t-> gain London t 
 
 mint, and L' ccd.r. was enlarged, and permi:led to go oown to Scotland, having pron.ilcd t 
 
 6 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 25 
 
 C FI A R L E S I. 
 
 3 r 7 
 
 1640. 44 liver unto you the caufes of oalling of it, which was 
 
 “ for the affiftance and fupply of his Majefty in fo great, 
 
 “ weighty, and important affairs, as ever King of Eng- 
 “ land had to require at his SubjeCts hands. 
 
 „ “ I am now to put you in mind what I then faid unto 
 
 <c you, and withal to let you know that fuch and fo great 
 “ are his Majefty’s occaffons at this time, that if the Sup- 
 “ ply be not fpeedy, it will be of no ufe at all : For the 
 4 ‘ army is now marching, and doth ftand his Majefty in 
 “ at leaft one hundred thoufand pounds a month, and if 
 <c there be not means ufed to go on with this as is fitting, 
 
 “ his Majefty’s defign will be loft, and the charge all caff: ' 
 il away. It is not a great and ample Supply for the per- 
 “ fe&ing of the work, that his Majefty doth now expcCt, ' 
 44 but it is fuch a Supply, as without which, the charge ‘ 
 “ will be loft, and the defign fruftrated, being built upon 1 
 “ thofe weighty reafons which tend to the infinite good of 1 
 44 the Kingdom, and prefervation of you all. 
 
 “ This done, his Majefty will give you fcope and liberty < 
 “ to prefent your juft Grievances unto him, and he will ‘ 
 “ hear them with a gracious ear, and give them fuch an ‘ 
 44 anfwer, as you and all the Kingdom fhall have reafun 1 
 44 to joy therein. 
 
 “ His Majefty taketh notice of one particular, and tliat ‘ 
 “ is concerning Ship-money ; wherein his Majefty hath 
 “ commanded me to declare thus much unto you : I irft, 1 
 5 ‘ his Majefty never had it in his Royal heait to make an 1 
 44 annual revenue of it, nor ever had a thought to make ‘ 
 44 the leaft benefit or profit of it : But whatfoever he did ‘ 
 44 or intended in it, it was for the common good of you 1 
 “ all ; for the honour, glory and fplendor of this Nation, 1 
 44 and that every one of us are made fharers and partakers 
 44 in the. benefits, fruits, and fuccefles of it, which other- 
 44 wife you would have felt the woes of it. He hath been 
 44 fo far from making the leaft benefit of it, that he hath 
 44 expended great fums of money out of his own cof- 
 44 fers to work with, to thofe neceflary ends I have named 
 44 unto you. 
 
 44 The accompts of fuch moneys fo received, have been 
 44 brought to the Council- table, th$; moneys delivered to 
 44 Sir IVilliam Rujfel the Treafurer the Navy, and by 
 44 them all it may appear, whether'tPlcre hath been a fu£- 
 i4 nefs and clearnefs of truth in th'e (ffsburfements thereof, 
 
 44 for the good and fafety of the Kingdom. 
 
 44 It is true, his Majefty had once intended this year 
 44 not to have taken that courfe, but an Army, which his 
 44 Majefty, fo juft a King, for the prefervation of the King- 
 44 dom, hath now taken into confideration ; and I mull 
 44 tell you, that his Majefty priieth nothing more than his 
 44 honour, and he will not lofe for any earthly thing, his 
 44 honour in the leaft ; they cannot make thofe expreffions 
 44 of love, duty and afteCfion to him, which the graciouf- 
 44 nefs of his nature will not exceed in. 
 
 44 Of all his Kingdoms this ought to be the neareft and 
 44 deareft unto him ; yet for his Kingdom of Ireland , the 
 44 laft Parliament before this, the very fecond day of the 
 44 Parliament they gave him fix Subfidies, they relied upon 
 44 his gracious words, the fuccefs was that before the end 
 44 of the Parliament they had all that they defired granted, 
 
 44 and had it with an advantage. This laft Parliament 
 44 there, it is well known unto you all, what a chearful 
 44 Supply they have given unto his Majefty, for their 
 44 hearts went with it ; and let it not be apprehended, 
 
 44 that Subfidies there are of a fmall value ; there is not 
 44 a Subfidy that is granted, but it is worth fifty or fixty 
 44 thoufand pounds at the leaft : Confider that Kingdom, 
 
 44 what proportion it holdeth with this of England , and 
 44 you will find that it is a confiderable gift, as hath been 
 44 given in many years. It hath wrought this effeCt, that 
 44 certainly his Majefty will make it apparent to all the 
 44 world, what a good conftruCtion, and how gracioufly 
 44 he doth efteem and interpret this a£t of theirs. I have 
 44 directed hitherto my fpeech to you that are of the 
 44 Houfe of Commons ; now I fhall ‘ 2 ddrefs myfelf to your 
 44 Lordfhips. ’^ 3 ‘ 
 
 44 It is true, the proper and natural fupply proceeds 
 44 from the Houfe of Commons, yet in aid at this time, 
 
 44 his Majefty hath called you hither, and hopeth he fhall 
 44 not find the Houfe of Commons backward to his defires, 
 
 44 nor your Lordlhips to concur with them. 
 
 44 To you of the Houfe of Commons, I did forget one 
 44 thing of an objection that might perhaps be made ; 
 
 44 that Tunnage and Poundage is given towards the rnain- 
 44 tenance of a Fleet at Sea, let me tell you that Tunnage 
 w and Poundage was never intended but for ordinary pre- 
 44 lervation of the Sea, not that that fhould be to defend 
 44 the Dominion of the narrow Seas, when the navies of 
 44 all the Princes of Chrijlendom , are fo increafed as they 
 44 are. It is fit for his Majefty (as things now ftand) to 
 
 (1) So high a Breach (“'ays the Lord Clarendon ) that they could not piocted 
 furs. Clarendon, Totn. 1- p. I06. 
 
 ' No. 59. V o L.. II. 
 
 44 have fuch a ftrength at fea, as may be a terror to o- 1640, 
 
 44 thers abroad. 
 
 44 His Majefty was once refolved, that no Shipping- 
 44 Writs fhould have iflued out this year, but he was en- 
 44 forced for your good, and the good of the Kingdom, 
 
 44 and for his honour, upon ncccilary and weighty reafons 
 44 to fend forth Writs, and thofe reafons were thefe. 
 
 44 It was of neceffify for his Majefty to prepare an 
 44 army to reduce his difaffeCted SubjeCts of Scotland to 
 44 their due obedience. This very year all the neighbouf- 
 44 ing Princes are preparing with great Fleets of fhips, fo 
 44 as it is time for his Majefty to put hinifelf into a 
 44 ftreng'h that he may be able to preferve the Dominion 
 44 of the narrow feas, without which this Kingdom will be 
 44 loft, he not able to maintain his right of being the 
 44 moderator of the fea, whereby there may be freedom 
 44 and commerce of Trade, which adds exceedingly to the 
 44 flourifhing of this Kingdom. Another reafon for Ship- 
 44 ping-Writs this year is, that thofe of Argier are grown 
 44 to that infolence, that they are provided of a Fleet of 
 44 fixty fail of fhips, and have taken divers fhips, and one 
 44 called the Rebecca of London (well known to the mer 
 44 chants upon the Exchange,) taken upon the coaft of 
 44 Spain, worth at the leaft two hundred and fixty thou- 
 44 fund pounds. And therefore the Writ having gone out 
 44 upon thofe weighty reafons, before it was poifible the 
 44 Parliament could give any Supply to provide for thofe 
 44 things, his Majefty cannot this year forbear it, but he 
 44 doth expect your concurrence in the levying of it for 
 44 the future. I fhall fpeak that unto you by his Ma- 
 44 jefty’s command, which may comfort any Eng/ijh heart: 
 
 44 His Majefty hath no thoughts of inriching himfelr by 
 44 the moneys coming in upon thefe Writs ; he doth de- 
 44 fire but to live as it behoves a King of England , able to 
 44 defend you and this nation in honour and in luftre^ 
 
 44 which is famous abroad, and glorious at home, and to 
 44 live but like fuch a King, as every true Englijh heart 
 44 defireth their King fhould be. 
 
 44 Be mafters of your own way, fettle it fo fecure and 
 44 fo fafe, that it may never come to the leaft benefit and 
 44 advantage to himfelf, but for the common good and thofe 
 44 neceilary ends wherein you fhall all fhare in your plenty, 
 
 44 peace, honour, and whatfoever any Englifiman can 
 44 glory in. His Majefty commands me to tell you, you 
 44 lhall propound nothing wherein you may receive all 
 44 fecurity for the property of your goods, and nothing 
 44 for fecuring your own liberties, wherein he will not 
 44 mod readily liften unto you ; and be as willing to grant, 
 
 44 as you to ask. His Majefty doth now offer unto you 
 44 the reafons, occafions, and the way to make this the 
 44 moft blefied and ir.oft happy Parliament that ever was* 
 
 44 and that may produce fuch effects, that the King may 
 44 delight in his People, and the People in their King. 
 
 44 And he layeth before you not only the counfel to do 
 44 fo; but he will tell you the way, and that is, by put- 
 44 ting an obligation of truft and confidence upon him, 
 
 44 which fhall more fecure you than all that you can in- 
 44 vent, or fears or jealoufies can imagine to be provided 
 44 for ; it is a courfe that good manners, duty, and reafon 
 44 fhould require of you, to take into confideration.” 
 
 This Speech was not capable of hindering the Commons r rhe King 
 from proceeding in the examination of the Grievances, 0 jfmdtd at 
 and thereby they perverted the order preferibed them by \ b f 
 the King. He was extremely troubled to fee the time ComiLm! 
 pafs away to no purpofe, and that the Commons fhould fo 
 little regard him, as not to rely on his promife, to hearken 
 to their Grievances, when the affair of Supply fhould be 
 ended. In fliort, perceiving, the Commons weje not jj e eau j t , ^ 
 much moved by whatever he could reprefent to them, he Lord, ro dr. 
 fo managed, that the Lords demanded a conference, where mandaCon. 
 they endeavoured to fhow, that the affair of Supply ought R Xworth, 
 to precede that of Grievances. This conference ferved hi. p.i 144, 
 only to retard the King’s affairs. The Commons taking £|* 7 v, on 
 offence, that the Lords fhould meddle with what did not T a | 7 p.io 6 , 
 belong to them, voted it to be a breach of privilege (1). April 17. 
 Several days were fpent in this conteft, and many confe¬ 
 rences held, in which, contrary to the King’s expectation, 
 much time was loft. Wherefore, on the zd of May , the Ru(hworth . 
 King lent a meflage to the Commons for a pofitive anfwer m. 
 concerning the Supply he expeCted. But as they made no 
 hafte to anfwer, on the 4th of May his Majefty font Sir 
 Henry Vane Secretary of State with the following mef- 
 fage : 
 
 His Majejly ( the better to facilitate your refolutions ) this The Kinft 
 day has thought fit to let you know,, that of his grace and M 'Pg'- 
 favour he is pleafed, upon your granting tiue'lve Subfidies to be 
 prefently pafjed,- and to be paid in three years, with a pro- t. 1. p.34.1. 
 vijo, that it JhtAl not determine the Sejfions , his Majejly will Condon, 
 not only for the prefent forbear the levying any Ship-Money, 
 
 ill. p.1154. 
 
 upon in/ other matter, until they fir ft reocived fatisfaftion from the Houfe cf 
 
 L 1 1 1 
 
 but 
 
Vol, II- 
 
 3< 8 
 
 1640. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Ibe , 
 
 T.'l. p 3 + 
 Annals. 
 
 May 5. 
 
 The Ki «■ 
 
 Parluim--' 
 
 b'it will je way to the utter abolijhing of it. by any courfc 
 that your fclves Jhall like bejl. 
 
 • Jit* Commons having taken this offer intoconfideration, 
 great donates enfued, many thinking the King’s demand ex¬ 
 orbitant [ 1). However, the Lord Clarendon , who was 
 then a Member of the Houle, affirms, that notwithstand¬ 
 ing the clamours of thofe who oppofed the Court, the Houfe 
 •was inclined by degrees to give'the King feme fatisfa&ion. 
 But as the Houfe could not come to a refolution the firft 
 day. Sir Henry Kant was defired to acquaint his M -jetty, 
 
 :1 r ' . ■ ■' . .urn him an anfwet on thi next. 
 
 Meanwhile, the King was malicioufly informed, that tJie 
 Commons fought only to gain time, in order to vote on 
 the morrow againft ihe war with Scaland (2). The Kiny, 
 umortunately, gave entire credit to this information, the 
 falsehood whereof he perceived not till it was too late to re- 
 P air his err< r. So, the next d . going to the 1 j. - fe ■ f 
 J.ord-;, and fending for the Commons, he made the follow¬ 
 ing Speech, addreffing himfelf only to the Lords : 
 
 My Lords , 
 
 r H L R E can no occafion of my coming to this 
 Houfe be 1 • unpfeafing to me, a; this at this 
 time. The fear of doing that which I am to do this 
 lc dav, made me not long fince come into this Houfe, 
 
 “ whcrc 1 expreft as well my fears, as the remedy which 
 “ I thought necefiary for the efehewing of what is to 
 ' 44 follow. 
 
 “ I muft confefs and acknowledge, that you my Lords 
 “ of the higher Houfe, did give me fo willing an ear, and 
 “ whh f'ich an afteCtion did fhew your felves, that cer- 
 “ tainly I may fat, that if there had been any means to 
 “ have given an happy end to this Parliament, you took 
 “ it ; lo that it was neither your Lordfhips fault n’or mine, 
 
 4£ that it is not fo. Therefore, in the firff place, I muft 
 ** thank you my Lords for your good endeavours. 
 
 ,c My Lords, I hope you remember what, the firft day 
 “ ^e Parliament, my Lord-Keeper faid to you in 
 <l my name, and what likewife he faid in the Banquetting- 
 l< houfe in IVhitehall , and what lately I faid unto you in 
 this place my felf. I name all this unto you, not 
 doubting that you do not well remember it, but to fhew 
 '* y° u that I never faid any thing in way of favour to my 
 “ People, but ( by the grace of"God )'l will punctually 
 “ and really perform it. 
 
 “ ^ know that they have infilled very much on Grie- 
 “ vances ; I will not fay but there may be fome, though 
 “ 1 wi, I confidently affirm, that there are not by many 
 “ degrees fo many as the publick voice doth make them. 
 
 “ Wherefore I defire you to take notice, now efpecially at 
 “ this time, that out of Parliament I fhall be as ready (if 
 “ n °t more willing ) to hear and redrefs any juft Grie- 
 “ vances, as in Parliament. 
 
 I here is one thing much fpoken of, I mean as to 
 1,1 matters of Religion. Concerning which, albeit I ex- 
 “ prefTed my felf fully thelaftdaj place, vet I think 
 
 “ fit again, on this occafion to tell you, that as I am 
 concerned, fo I fhall be moft careful to preferve that pu- 
 rity of Religion, which I thank God is fo well efta- 1 
 tc blilhed in the Church of England , and that, as well out 1 
 “ of as in Parliament. < 
 
 “ My Lords, I fhall not trouble you long with words, ‘ 
 lc it being not my fafhion ; wherefore to conclude, what I ‘ 
 11 offered the laft day to the Houfe of Commons, I think 
 it is very well known to you all ; as likewife how they 
 accepted it, which I defire not to remember, but wifh 
 ' ^ey had remembred, how it firft they were t< 1 
 :f my Lord-Keeper, that delay was the' worft kind of 
 denial; yet 1 will nut lay this fault on the whole 
 4 Houfe of Commons ; I will not judge fo uncharitably 
 of theii', wh • 10ft part, I take to be loyal 
 
 ‘ and well-affected Suhieds, but it hath been the mali- 
 1 cious cunning of fome few feditioullv affeCted men, chat 
 c Hath been the caufe of this mifunderftanding. 
 
 1 fhall now end as I have begun, in giving you 
 thanks lor your affections fhewn to me at~this"tlme 
 delirmg you to go on and affift me in the maintaining 
 of that regal power that is truly mine. As for the li- 
 • berty of tl People, that they now 1 mucl ft 3 t e .a . 
 my Lords, that no King 1 the v 
 more careful in tipropriety ol their goods, libeity of 
 1 their perfins, and true Religion, than I fhall. 
 
 And now, my Lord-Keeper, do as I have command¬ 
 ed you.’’. 
 
 The Lord-Keeper then added, 
 
 “ My Lords, and you the Gentlemen of the Houfe 
 “ of Commons, The King’s Majefty doth diflolve tbi„ 
 
 “ Parliament." 
 
 Next dav Officers were fent by the Council to fe r! 
 the Lord Brook’s pockets and ftudy for Papers, he ■ Tbt 
 
 fufpeCted -I* holding intelligence with the Scots. Hor's l! 
 BclLifij, [Knight of the Shire for the County of y-.rh 
 a ' ■' ’ • were examined in COui : ' 
 
 comm-tred to the Fleet, for refufing to anfwer to queftiom 
 
 ng things d ne in Parlian nt Joh ■ C ■ Ef< ; ' 
 
 [ afterwards Lord Crew J who had been Chairman uf the 1 - 1 f • 
 Committee for the affairs of Religion, refufing to deliver 
 to the Clerk of the Houfe of Commons, fuch Petiti¬ 
 on- and Papers as he had received, was fent to the 
 1 ower. 
 
 The r.nrd CJanndm owns, the King had no fooner dif- r 
 fdved the Parliament, but he was heartily forry for it (;) 1.1V 
 NevcrtheleN, he publilhed the following Declaration to 
 juftify his conduCt. 
 
 His Majejhf s Declaration to all his loving Subjects, of the 
 caujes which moved him to dijjolve the lajl Parliament. 
 
 ;; H E Kin S’ s excellent Majefty well knoweth, Nalfon, 
 
 R that the calling, adjourning, proroguing and dif- T - '• p-34>. 
 ‘ folvin ? of Parliaments, are undoubted Prerogatives infe- Rufhwuith - 
 44 pa.ably annexed to his Imperial Crown ; of which he is H, ‘ P ‘ ‘ 
 
 not bound to render any account, but to God alone, no 
 “ more than of his other regal aCtions. 
 
 “ Xeverthelefs, his Majefty, { whofe piety and good, 
 nels have made him ever fo order and govern all things 
 14 that the clearnefs and candour of his royal heart may 
 appear to all his fubjeCts, efpecially in thofe great and 
 publick matters of State, that have relation to the weale 
 1 or <a ^ et - v ^ ,s P eo ple, and the honour of his royal 
 “ 1 erfon and Government, ) hath thought fit ( for avoid- 
 44 ing and preventing all finifter conftrudions and mifin- 
 terpretation, which the malice of fome ill-afleCted per- 
 44 fons to his Crown and Sovereignty, hath or may prac- 
 tife, to infufe into the minds and ears of his good and 
 “ faithful Subjects) to fet down by way of Declaration, 
 
 “ the true caufes, as well of his affembling, as of his dif- 
 “ folving the late Parliament. 
 
 “ is not unknown to moft of his Majefty’s loving 
 44 Subjects, what difeouragements he hath lormerly had° 
 
 44 by the undutiful and feditious carriage of divers of the 
 lower Houfe, in preceding afiemblies of Parliaments, 
 
 “ enough to have made him averfe to thofe antient and 
 44 accuftomed ways of calling his People together j when 
 44 inftead of dutiful expreffions towards his perfon and 
 “ government, they vented their own malice and difaf- 
 feclions to the State, and by their fubtle and malignant 
 “ courfes, endeavourod nothing more than to bring" into 
 “ contempt and diforder all Government and Magiftracy. 
 
 “ T ct his Majefty well confidering, that but few were 
 44 guilty of that feditious and undutiful behaviour, and 
 44 hoping that time and experience had made his loving 
 44 Subjects fenfible of the diftemper the whole Kingdom 
 44 was like to be put into, by the ill-governed adlions of 
 thofe men; and his Majefty being over-defirous to tread 
 44 in the fteps of his moft noble progenitors, was pleafed 
 44 to iftue forth his Writs under the Great Seal of Eng- 
 44 land for a Parliament, to be holden the 13th dav of A- 
 44 pril laft. At which day his Majefty, by the Lord-Keeper 
 44 of his Great Seal, was gracioufly pleafed to let both 
 w4 Houfes of Parliament know how defirous he was, That 
 all his People would unite their hearts and affections in 
 44 the execution of thofe counfels that might tend to the 
 44 honour ot his Adajefty, the fafety of his Kingdoms, and 
 14 the good and prefervation of all his People. And withal, 
 
 44 how confident he was, that they would not be failing 
 “ in their duties and afteCtions to him and to the pub- 
 44 lick. 
 
 44 He had lain open to them the manifeft and apparent 
 44 mifehiefs threatned to this and all his other Kingdoms, 
 
 44 by the mutinous and rebellious behaviour of divers of 
 44 the Scotijh Nation, who had by their examples drawn 
 44 many of his Subjects there into acourfeof difioyalty and 
 “ difobedience, not fit for his Majefty in honour, fafety, or 
 44 wifliom to endure. 
 
 44 How (to itrengthen themfelves in theirdifloyal cour- 
 4 ‘ fes) they had addreft themfelves to foreign States, 
 
 44 a ”d treated with them to deliver themfelves up to 
 44 their protection and defence, as was made apparent un- 
 
 •- Vol. I. p. 
 n< 
 
 i 'f.e nl.-mr or >n 
 
 -:r: n-jtion it" the Hismou 
 '; 3£v.;i!t Ship-Money, a 
 
 coil thrm to fit sgain. Chr 
 • ■ ■ ■ rd the t ( 
 
 '• 7 b: Trou' t-, p. 61. 
 
 and Afteflion of (he Hnufe (ha- 
 would blaH that Revenue, ana 01 
 
 in. Turn. 1. p. in. Though 
 adv ct, that the Parliament was 
 
Book XIX. 25. CHAR 
 
 ‘‘ tier the hands of the prime ringleaders of that rebellious “ 
 4C faction. “ 
 
 44 Thefe courfcs of theirs tending fo much to the ruin et 
 “ and overthrow of this famous Monarchy, united by the “ 
 “ defcent of the Crown of England upon his Majefty and “ 
 44 his Father of blcfted memory : His Majefty ( in his 
 44 great wifdom, and in difcharge of the truft repofed in “ 
 44 him by God, and by the fundamental laws of both “ 
 44 Kingdoms, for the protection and government of them ) 44 
 
 44 refolved to 1 'upprefs, and thereby to vindicate that So- “ 
 44 vercign power intrufted to him. 
 
 “ He had by the laft Summer’s tryal found, that his ‘ 4 
 “ grace and goodnefs w-as abufed, and that, contrary to “ 
 44 his expectation and their faithful promifes, they had “ 
 44 (fince his being at Beriuick , and the pacification there 
 * c made) purfued their former rebellious defigns: And 44 
 “ therefore it was necefiary now for his Majefty by power “ 
 44 to reduce them, to the juft and modeft condition of their 44 
 “ obedience and fubjeftion, which whenever they fhould <c 
 “ be brought unto, or feeing their own errors, fhould put “ 
 
 “ themfelves into a way of humility and obedience beco- “ 
 
 44 ming them, his Majefty fhould need no other mediator “ 
 
 “ for clemency and mercy to them, than his own piety “ 
 
 44 and goodnefs, and the tender affcdtion he hath ever born “ 
 
 44 to that his native Kingdom. “ 
 
 4 ‘ This being of fo great weight and confequence to the “ 
 
 “ whole Kingdom, and the charge of an army fit to maf- “ 
 
 «« ter fuch a bufinefs amounting to fuch a fum as his Ma- “ 
 
 44 jefty hath no means to raife, having not only emptied ‘‘ 
 
 “ his own Coffers, but ifiued between three and four thou- “ 
 
 44 fand pounds, which he borrowed of his Servants upon 44 
 44 fecurity out of his own Eftate, to provide fuch things 
 44 as were necefiary to begin fuch an adlion with; his “ 
 
 44 Majefty after the example of his predeceflbrs, reforted “ 
 
 “ to his people in their reprefentative body the Parliament, “ 
 
 “ whom he defired (with all the exprefiions of grace and “ 
 
 ‘‘ goodnefs which could poftibly come from him) that ta- “ 
 
 “ king into ferious and dutiful confideration the nature of “ 
 
 “ thefe bleeding evils, and how dangerous it was to lofe “ 
 
 44 the leaft minute of time, left thereby thofe of Scotland 
 “ fhould gain the opportunity to frame their parties with “ 
 
 “ foreign States ; that they would for a while lay afide all “ 
 
 “ other debates, and pafs an A£t for the fpeedy payment 44 
 44 of fo many Subfidies, as might enable his Majefty to “ 
 
 “ put in readinefs for this Summer’s expedition thofe things “ 
 
 “ which were to be prepared before fo great an army could “ 
 
 “ be brought into the field. “ 
 
 “ For further fupply necefiary for fo great undertaking, “ 
 
 44 his Majefty declared, that he expe&ed it not till there 
 44 might be a happy conclufion of that fefllon, and till “ 
 
 “ their juft grievances might be firft gracioufly heard and “ 
 
 “ relieved. « 
 
 44 Wherein as his Majefty would moft willingly have “ 
 
 44 given them the precedence before matter of fupply, if “ 
 
 44 the great nccefiity of his occafions could have permitted ; 
 
 “ fo he was gracioully plcafed for their full aflurance and 44 
 44 fatisfadion therein, to give them his royal word, that 44 
 44 without determining the feflion (upon granting of the 44 
 44 Subfidies,) he would give them, before they parted, as “ 
 
 “ much time as the feafon of the year, and the great af- 
 “ fairs in hand would permit, for confidering all fuch Pe- “ 
 
 44 . titions as they conceived to be good for the Common- 44 
 44 wealth, and what they would not now finifli, they 44 
 44 fhould have full time to perfect towards winter: His 44 
 44 Majefty gracioufly alluring them, that he would go along “ 
 
 44 with them for their advantage, through all the expref- 44 
 44 hens of a gracious and pious King, to the end there 
 “ might be fuch a happy conclufion of that, as might be “ 
 
 “ the catife of many more meetings with them in Parlia- 44 
 
 “ ment. “ 
 
 “ From their firft aflembling until the 21ft of April , “ 
 
 44 the Houfe of Commons did nothing that could give his “ 
 
 41 Majefty any content or confidence in their fpeedy fup- “ 
 
 *- plying of him : Whereupon he commanded both the “ 
 Houles to attend him in the Banquetting-Houfe at “ 
 
 “ Whitehall in the afternoon of that 2ill of April , where “ 
 
 “ (by the Lord--Keeper) his Majefty put them in mind of 44 
 “ the end for which they were allembled, which was for “ 
 
 14 his Majefty*s fuppiies ; That if it were not fpeedy it “ 
 
 44 would he of no ufe unto him, part of the army then 44 
 “ marching at the charge of above a hundred thoufand 44 
 44 pounds a month ; which would all be loft if his Ma- 
 44 jvfty we- e not prefently fupplied, fo as it was not poflible 44 
 
 44 to be longer forborn. « 
 
 44 Yet Ins Maietiy then expreft, that the fupply he for “ 
 
 1,4 th? preirnt defired was only to enable him to go on 44 
 44 with l, s dehgns for three or four months, and that he ‘‘ 
 
 “ expe< 3 «l no further fupply till ail their juft grievances “ 
 
 ‘ 4 were lelitved. ' 
 
 14 And becaufe hi-. Majefty h;al taken notice of fome “ 
 
 “ m : f-upprehenfinns about rhe levying of Ship-money, his “ 
 
 “ Majefty commanded the Lord-Keeper to let them know 44 
 
 L E S I. 319 
 
 that he never had any intention to make any revenue of 16^0, 
 it, nor had ever made any, but that all the money col¬ 
 lected had been paid to the Treafurer of the Navy, and 
 by him expended, befides great fums of money every 
 year out of his Majefty’s own purfe. 
 
 “ That his Majefty had once refolved this year to have 
 levied none, but that he was forced to alter his refolu- 
 tion, in regard he was of neceflity to fend an army 
 for reducing thofe of Scotland , during which time it was 
 requifite the Seas Ihould be well-guarded. 
 
 14 And befides, his Majefty had knowledge of the great 
 Fleets prepared by all neighbouring Princes this year, 
 and of the infolencies committed by thofe of Algiers, 
 with the ftore of fhips they had in readinefs. 
 
 “ And therefore though his Majefty for this prefent 
 year could not forbear it, but expe£ted their concur¬ 
 rence in the levying of it, yet for the future, to give all 
 his Subjects afturance, how juft and royal his intentions 
 were, and that all his aim was, but to live like their 
 King, able to defend himfelf and them ; to be ufeful to' 
 his friends, and confiderable to his enemies ; to maintain 
 the Sovereignty of the Seas, and fo make the King¬ 
 dom flourifh in trade and commerce; He was gracioufly 
 plcafed to let them know, that the ordinary revenue 
 now taken by the Crown, could not ferve the turn 
 and therefore that it mult be by Ship-money, or fome 
 other way, wherein he was willing to leave it to their 
 confiderations, what better courfe to find out, and to 
 fettle it how they would (fo the thing were done) which 
 fo much imported the honour and fafety of the King¬ 
 dom. 
 
 “ And his Majefty for his part, would moft readily 
 and chearfully grant any thing they could defire, for fe- 
 curing them in the propriety of their goods and eftates, 
 and in the liberty of their perfons. His Majefty telling 
 them, it was in their power to make this as happy a 
 Parliament as ever was, and to be the caufe of the 
 King’s delighting to meet with his People, and his Peo¬ 
 ple with him. 
 
 ‘‘ That there was no fuch way to effect this, as by put¬ 
 ting obligations of truft and confidence upon him, 
 which as it was the w r ay of good manners with a King, 
 fo it was a furer and fafer courfe for themfelves, 
 than any their own jealoufies and fears could invent ; 
 his Majefty being a Prince that deferved their truft, and 
 could not lofe the honour of it ; and a Prince of fuch a 
 gracious nature, that difdained his People fhould over¬ 
 come him by kindnefs. 
 
 “ He had made this good to fome other SubjeCts of his, 
 and if they followed his counfel, they fhould be fure 
 not to repent it, being the people that were neareft and 
 deareft unto him, and Subjects v/hom he did and had 
 reafon to value more than the Subjedts of any his other 
 Kingdoms. 
 
 “ His Majefty having thus gracioufly exprefied himfelf 
 unto them, he expected the Houfe of Commons would 
 have the next day taken into confideration the matter 
 of fupply, and laid afide all other debates, till that was 
 refolved of, according to his defire. 
 t{ But inftead of giving an anfwer therein, fuch as the 
 prefling and urgent occafions required, they fell into 
 difeourfes and debates about their pretended grievances, 
 and raifed up fo many and of fo feveral natures, that in 
 a Parliamentary way they could not but fpend more 
 time than his Majefty’s great and weighty affairs could 
 poflibly afford. 
 
 “ His Majefty forefeeing in his great wifdom, that they 
 were not in the way to make this a happy Parliament, 
 
 (which he fo much defired and hoped) that nothing 
 might be wanting on his part to bring them into the 
 right way, for his honour, the fafety of the Kingdom, 
 and their own good, he refolved to defire the afliftance- 
 of the Lords of the Higher-Houfe, as perfons in rank 
 and degree neareft to the royal throne; and who having 
 received honour from him and his royal progenitors, he 
 doubted not would, for thofe and many other reafons, 
 be moved in honour and dutiful afte£tion to his Perfon 
 and Crown, to difpofe the Houfe of Commons to ex- 
 prefs their duties to his Majefty, in expediting the mat¬ 
 ter of Supply for which they were called together, and 
 which required fo prefent a difpatch. 
 
 “ For this purpofe, his Majefty in his royal perfon 
 came again to the Lords Houfe on IVcdnefday the 24th 
 day of April, where himfeif declared to the Lords the 
 caufe of his coming, which was to put them in mind 
 of what had been by the Lord-Keeper in his name de¬ 
 livered to both the Houfes the fiift day of the Parlia¬ 
 ment, and after at Il'biteball: how contrary to his ex¬ 
 pectation, the Houfe of Commons having held conful- 
 tation of matter of Religion, property of Goods, and 
 liberty ol Parliament, and voted fome things concern¬ 
 ing thofe three heads, had thereby given them the pre- 
 
 “ cedenca 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 320 
 
 1640, 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLA N D. 
 
 <c cedence before the matter of his fupply. That his 
 “ neceffitics were fuch, they could not hear delay ■, that 
 “ whatever he had by the Lord-Keeper promifed he 
 “ would perform, if the Houfe of Commons would truft 
 him. 
 
 “ For Religion, that his heart and confcience went to- 
 “ gether with the Religion eilablifhed in the Church of 
 “ England : and he would give order to his Archbifhops 
 “ and Bifhops, that no innovation in matter of Religion 
 “ fhould creep in. 
 
 “ For the Ship-money, that he never made, nor in- 
 “ tended to make any profit to himfelf of it, but only 
 “ to preferve the Dominion of the Seas ; which was fo 
 “ neceflary, that without it the Kingdom could not fub- 
 “ fill. But for the way and means by Ship-money or 0- 
 “ therwife he left it to them. 
 
 “ For property of Goods and liberty of Parliament, he 
 “ ever intended his People fhould enjoy them ; holding no 
 ‘‘ King fo great, as he that was King of a rich and free 
 “ People ; and if they had not property of Goods and 
 “ liberty of Perfons, they would be neither rich nor free. 
 
 “ That, if the Houfe of Commons would not firft 
 “ trull him, all his affairs would be difordcred, and his 
 “ bufinefs loll. That though they trufted him in part at 
 ‘‘ firft, yet before the Parliament ended he mull totally 
 “ trull them ; and in conclufion, they mull for execution 
 “ of all things wholly trull him. 
 
 “ Therefore fince the matter was no more, than who 
 “ fhould be firft trufted ; and that the truft of him firft, 
 was but a truft in part, his Majefty delired the Lords 
 ‘‘ to take into their confiderations his and their own ho- 
 “ nour, the fafety and welfare of this Kingdom, with the 
 great danger it was in, and that they w'ould by their 
 advice difpofe the Houfe of Commons, to give his Sup- 
 “ ply the precedence before the grievances. 
 
 “ His Majefty being departed, the Lords took into feri- 
 “ ous confideration what his Majefty had commended to 
 “ their care, and forthwith laying afide all other debates, 
 “ their Lordfhips delivered their votes in thefe words : 
 “ IVe are of opinion , that the matter of his Majtjlf s Sup- 
 “ ply Jhould have precedence, and be refolved of before any 
 “ other matter whatfoevcr. And we think fit, there Jhall be 
 “ a conference defired with the Houfe of Commons , to dif- 
 “ pofe them thereunto. 
 
 “ Accordingly, the next day being Saturday, the 25 th 
 t‘ day of April , a conference was had in the Paintcd- 
 “ Chamber by a committee of both Houfes, where the 
 “ Lord-Keeper (by the Lords command) told the Houfe 
 “ of Commons of his Majefty’s being the day before in 
 “ perfon in the Higher-Houfe, how gracioufly he had ex- 
 ‘‘ preft himfelf in matter of Religion, property of Goods, 
 “ and liberty of Parliament ; and that he would therein 
 “ gracioufly hear and relieve them, and give them what 
 *<• in reafon could be delired, with the effect of what elfe 
 “ had been gracioufly delivered unto them by his Majefty ; 
 “ as well touching his conftant zeal and affeflion to the 
 “ Religion eilablifhed in the Church of England , as 
 “ touching the Ship-money. 
 
 ‘‘ By all the proceedings herein declared, it is evident 
 “ to all men, how willing and defirous his Majefty hath 
 « been to make ufe of the antient and noble way of Par- 
 “ liaments ufed and inllituted by his Royal predeceflors, 
 “ for the prefervation and honour of this famous Monar- 
 “ chy : And that on his Majefty’s part nothing was 
 “ wanting, that could be expe£led from a King, whereby 
 “ this Parliament might have had a happy conclufion, for 
 “ the comfort and content of his Majefty’s Subjects, and 
 “ for the good and fafety of this Kingdom. 
 
 '• On the contrary it is apparent, how thofe of the 
 ,v Houfe of Commons, (whofe finifter and malicious 
 « courfes enforced his Majefty to dillolve this Parliament) 
 have vitiated and abufed that antient and noble way of 
 Parliament, perverting the fame to their own unworthy 
 “ ends, and forgetting the true ufe and inftitution of Par- 
 “ liaments. 
 
 “ For whereas, thefe meetings and aflemblies of his 
 11 Majefty, with the Peers and Commons of this realm, 
 were in their firft original, and in the pra£lice of all 
 *• lucceeding ages, ordained and held as pledges and tefti- 
 “■ monies of affection between rhe King and his People ; 
 “ the King for his part gr. cioufly hearing and redrefling 
 -• fuch griei pie in humble and dutiful 
 
 “ manner fhould reprefent unto him; and the Subjects on 
 “ theii part, (as tellimonies of their duty) fupplying his 
 w Majefty upon all extraordinary occaiions, for lupport of 
 his honour and fovereignty, and for preferving the 
 “ Kingdom in glory and fafety. 
 
 “ Thofe ill-atfedted Members of the Houfe of Com- 
 
 <c mons, inftead of an humble and dutiful wav of pre- 
 “ fenting their grievances to hi, Majefty, have taken upon 
 “ them to be the guiders and directors in all matters that 
 <l concern his Majefty’s government, b< th temporal rind 
 “ eccleliaftical : and (as if Kings were bound to give an 
 “ account of their regal action-, and of their manner of 
 “ government to their Subjects aflembled in Parliament 1 
 “ they have, in a very audacious and in!i.>!<-nt way, entred 
 “ into examination and cenfuring of the prefent Govern 
 “ ment, traduced his Majefty *s admirin'! rat ion i.f I illiiir. 
 
 “ rendered, as much as in them lav, odious to the roll ot 
 “ his Majefty’s Subjedts, not only the oflii.er* and miniile;-. 
 
 “ of State, but even his Majefty’s very Government, which 
 “ hath been fo juft and gracious, that never did this, <>1 
 “ any other nation, enjoy more bleflings and happinc!-, 
 
 “ than hath been by all his Majefty’s Subjefls enjoved c, ••• 
 
 “ fince his Majefty’s accefs to the Crown . Nor did tins 
 “ Kingdom ever lo flourifh in trade and commerce, as . ' 
 
 “ this prefent, or partake of more peace and plents in .f 
 “ kinds whatfoever. 
 
 “ And whereas, the ordinary revenues of the Crown 
 “ not fufficing to defray extraordinary charge-, it hath ev, 
 
 “ been the ufage in all Parliaments, to aid and affift the 
 “ Kings of this realm with free and fitting fupplv, towards 
 “ the maintenance of their wars, and for making good 
 “ their royal undertakings; whereby the Kingdom, in- 
 “ trufted to their protection, might be held up in fplendour 
 “ and greatnefs. 
 
 “ Thefe ill-affedted perfons of the Houfe of Commons, 
 
 “ have been fo far from treading in the fteps of their an- 
 “ ceftors, by their dutiful expreflions in this kind, that 
 “ contrarily they have introduced a way of bargaining and 
 “ contracting with the King ; as if nothing ought to be 
 “ given him bv them, but what he fhould buv or purchafe 
 “ of them, either by quitting fomewhat of his royal pre- 
 ‘‘ rogative, or by diminifhing and leflening his revenues; 
 
 “ which courfes of theirs, how repugnant they are to the 
 
 duty of Subjedls, how unfit for his Majefty in honour 
 “ to permit and fuller, and what hazard and dishonour they 
 “ fubjeift this Kingdom to, ail men may ealily judge, that 
 “ will but equally and impartially weigh them. 
 
 “ His Majefty hath been by this means reduced to fuch 
 “ ftrairs and extremities, that were not his care of the 
 “ publick good and fafety the greater, -hefe men (as much 
 “ as in them lies ) would quickly bring ruin and confufion 
 “ to the State, and render contemptible this glorious Mo- 
 “ narchy. 
 
 “ But this frowardnefs and undutiful behaviour of theirs, 
 
 “ cannot leflen his Majefty’s care of preferving the King- 
 “ doms entrufted to his protection and government, nor 
 “ his gracious and tender affeClion to his People, for whofe 
 “ good and comfort his Majefty, by God’s gracious af- 
 “ fiftance, will fo provide, that all his loving Subjects may 
 <c ftill enjoy the happinefs of living under the bleiled fhade 
 “ and protection of his royal Scepter. 
 
 “ In the mean time, to the end all his Majefty’s loving 
 “ SubjeCls may know how gracioufly his Maicfty is in— 
 
 “ dined to hear and redrefs all the juft grievances of his 
 ‘ c People, as well out of Parliament as in Parliament, his 
 “ Majefty doth hereby further declare his royal will and 
 ‘ c pleafure, that all his loving Subjects, who have any juft 
 “ caufe to prefent, or complain of any grievances or op- 
 ‘‘ preffions, may freely addrefs themfelves by their humble 
 “ Petitions to his facred Majefty, who will gracioufly hear 
 “ their complaints, and give fuch fitting redrefs therein, 
 
 “ that all his People fhall have juft caufe to acknowledge 
 ** his grace and goodnefs towards them ; and to be fully 
 “ fatisfied, that no perfons or aflemblies can more prevail 
 “ with his Majefty, than the piety and juftice of his own 
 “ royal nature, and the tender afleCtion lie doth and fhall 
 “ ever bear to all his People and loving Subjects.” 
 
 After the reading of this Declaration, the inferting it 
 here at length will perhaps be thought needlefs, fince it con¬ 
 tains nothing but what was related before. However, it is 
 of ufe to fhow, that the King and his adverfaries agreed a • 
 to faCts, and dil'puted only upon the eonfequences and 
 right. 
 
 Though the Parliament was diflblved, the King how- 7 
 ever continued the Convocation, under the title of Synod. c 
 Since the time of the Reformation, it had been always t 
 cuftomary to aflemble the Clergy, at the fame (ime with 1 
 the Parliament, and this Aflembly of the Clery,', was cal- 
 led the Convocation, and always begun and ended with the > 
 Parliament. The King not thinking himfelf hound to a 1 
 llrid obfervance of this cuftom, dillolved the Parliament, 
 and continued the Convocation, contrary to the opinion of 
 feveral (1), who believed that he thereby exceeded his 
 power. But the Judges of the Realm determined, that 
 
 r) Ur. B'-r: -g. Dr. Hacket, ar. 1 other Members of this Convocation, (in all thirty fix;,) protefled again!! the continuance of its Sedion. Fulltr, B. XI 
 
 • '> 9 • 
 
 not with (landing 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 CHARLES X. 
 
 321 
 
 6.1.0. notwithftanding the diffolution of the Parliament, the Con- 
 | vocation fubfifted, unlefs diffolved by the King’s Writ (i). 
 
 The Convocation therefore continued a month longer, and 
 in that time did two things which gave occafton to great 
 .iron, complaints in the enfuing Parliament. Fir ft, they made 
 i-g>37*j certain Canons, whereby all Clergymen and Graduates in 
 p &t ' the Univerfities, were enjoined to take the following 
 Oath (2). 
 
 lb ap- 
 rtc'l by the 
 
 ' P- 3 
 
 difcipline, or Government eftablifhed in the Church 
 r “ of England, as containing all things necefl'ary to fai¬ 
 th, “ vation: And that I will not endeavour, by my felf or 
 8o- “ any other, dircttly or indiredly, to bring in any po- 
 “ pifli-dodrine, contrary to that which is fo eftablifhed: 
 
 “ Nor will I ever give my confent to alter the govern- 
 « rucnt of this Church, by Archbifhops, Biftiops, Deans, 
 “ and Archdeacons, b'c. as it now ftands eftablifhed, and 
 “ as by right it ought to ttand; nor yet ever to fubjed it 
 “ to the ufurpations and fuperftitions of the See of Rome. 
 “ And all thefe things I do plainly and fincerely acknow- 
 “ ledge and fwear, according to the plain and common 
 “ fenfe and undemanding of the fame words, without any 
 “ equivocation, or mental evafion, or fecret refervation 
 “ whatfoever. And this 1 do heartily, willingly, and truly 
 “ upon the faith of a Chriftian. So help me God in Je- 
 “ fus Chrijl .” 
 
 -• This Oath was thought very ftrange, for feveral reafons. 
 U: r. It was not liked that the Clergy fhould take upon them 
 to enjoin Oaths, which, according to the general opinion, 
 SO 6 - belonged to the Parliament only. 1. The et cat era atter 
 ilh the word Archdeacons, offended many, becaule thofe that 
 .205, fwore could not tell what they were to underftand by this 
 abbreviation. 3. The preferibing fuch an oath was affirm¬ 
 ed to be a confinement, and tying down of the civil Le- 
 giflature, fince thereby the Government was deprived of 
 the liberty of making any alteration in the difcipline of the 
 Church, which nevertheless might be altered without any 
 danger to falvation. 4. ’Twas objected, that the perl m 
 was to declare, be took the Oath mojl willingly , though he 
 was conftramed thereto under very fevere penalties. 
 
 7 l- Chrgy The fecond thing the Convocation did before they broke 
 up, was the granting the King, for the Scotch war, a Sub- 
 fidy of four Shillings in the pound for hx years (3). This 
 
 cf Nuntio, and by that, as well as by the avowed protect 1640, 
 tion fhe afforded thofe of her Religion, fhe fo drew uporl 
 herfelf the people’s hatred, that they were even wanting iri 
 that outward refpecl they ought to have paid her. 
 
 All thefe difeontents were fomented by the Scots , who ^Srota 
 feeing themfelves upon the point of being attacked, were e 
 extremely diligent by means of their emillaries, to incenfo tU 
 the People againft the King. In juftifying their own con- 
 duff, they forgot not to infinuate to the Englijh, that the 
 tyranny which was intended to be eftablifhed in Scotland , 
 was in order to introduce the like into England. And that 
 if the King laboured to fupport the Hierarchy ereded iit 
 the Kirk of Scotland by his Father and himfelf, it was not 
 fo much for the lake of epifcopal Government, as in otdef 
 to eftablifh in that Kingdom an arbitrary powdr, which 
 would be one day fatal to the Englijh. Nay, that there 
 was great danger, that after the accomplifhmcnt of his de- 
 figns, he would reftore Popery in his Kingdoms, fince he 
 could refufe nothing to the Queen, to Laud, and the other 
 enemies of the Proteftant Religion. The King himfelf, 
 by his conduit, rendered thofe infinuations fo plaufible, 
 that befides the Presbyterians, who were very numerous, 
 there were many Church of England men, who could not 
 forbear dreading, that the King’s zeal for rhe Church was 
 only to engage them to be fubfervient to his more hidden 
 defigns. Be this 2s it will, the Kingdom was full of fuf- 
 picions, fears, jealoufies, divifions, fo that if the King had 
 been well-informed, he might eal'ily have feen there were 
 but very few that ferved him willingly and chearfully, in 
 the war he was going to wage with Scotland. This lie 
 had caufe to know prefently after. 
 
 The King being engaged in a war with Scotland, with- <r! :‘ I'JZ 
 out having received any fupply from the Parliament, was \ „ji 
 in great ftraits. He even torefaw, that it would not be Ahnty. 
 poftible for him to maintain his army, unlefs lie had re- .L 
 
 courfe to extraordinary methods to raife money. Accord- . s ’ g . p J ' ’ 
 ingly, he made ufe of the following expedients, to fupply 
 in part what he had expected from the Parliament. 1. He 
 ordered that the Counties Ihould advance Coat and Conduct 
 money for their refpeCVve troops (4). 2. He bought upon ^^39 
 
 credit of the Eajl-lndin meichants all their Pepper, and nj.p.mj, 
 fold it again lor ready money. 3. He took forty thoufand 
 pounds worth of the Bullion, which the merchants had 
 brought into the mint to be coined, which fum was after- 
 
 Sul'l'!)' liuy 111 RJUl HI IIIC [IUU1IU 1VI I1A \ !/• * - o . .. . ' . 
 
 ,N.'i'k"ii", proceeding, which tended to diminifti the Parliament’s wards punftually repaid (5). 4. He would have borrowed ^“o,’ 
 
 Ki 1 c . .. . r ■ ..... 1.1. 1 .1_1 ..1_r *1— f’l... r. 
 
 ’ power, Mas no lefs difliked than the former. It is true, 
 that to juftify it, a precedent was allcdgcd ; for it muft be 
 obferved, that in this Reign, examples or precedents in 
 favour of the Crown, were looked upon as fo many Laws. 
 'Fhe Clergy, it feems, in the year 15X5, after having grant- 
 
 two hundred thoufand pounds of the City of London , but 
 had the mortification to meet with a denial. He was io 
 dilpleafed at it, that he refolved to be revenged in this man¬ 
 ner. The City, having fome time before fettled a Colony 
 at Londonderry in Ireland, had obtained a Patent from the p ‘ 
 
 cd Elizabeth a Subfkly approved by the Parliament, made King for certain Lands in that Country. I he Londoners 
 
 • .. ’ had no fooner refufed to lend the King money, but the 
 
 Lord-Mayor and the Sheriffs were cited before the Star- 
 Chamber, to anfwer to the charge of having abufed the 
 Patent, by ufurping more Lands than the King laid grant¬ 
 ed to the City. Upon this charge, whether well or ill- 
 grounded, the Londoners were condemned to forfeit their 
 rights, and grievoufly fined, but upon payment of the fine, 
 their Patent was rcftoicd(6). They had but too many 
 
 of themfelves an addition of two Shillings in the pound 
 which the Queen accepted without confulting the Parlia¬ 
 ment. But, befides that this was a fingle precedent, there 
 was a great difference between the time of Elizabeth , and 
 that of Charles I. I11 Elizabeth's days, every one was 
 plcafed with the Government. It was believed the Queen 
 was not capable of making an ill ufe of thefe unufual fa¬ 
 vours, but employed the money given her folely for the 
 
 good of the Kingdom. It was not the fame in the time of opportunities afterwards to be revenged of the King in 
 1 1 t 'i-i t- • . . .. j _. _ 11 ..... 1_ tlw-.tr turn (An thf* nr her hand, the Wnr to levv hhin- 
 
 'T - P, ;ph 
 
 Charles I. The King was not trufted at all; it was known 
 by experience, that he would draw from the leaft precedent, 
 conl’equences dcftru&ive of the liberties of Parliaments, and 
 in fine, the number of the male-contents was infinite: 
 Nay, the King feemed to do all that lay in his power to 
 increafe it, or at leaft, not to regard it. And what ftill 
 ‘ n more inflamed the People’s difconccnt, was the feeing the 
 
 popifli Recufants not only tolerated, but moreover protec¬ 
 ted, countenanced, and confidered as the beft Subjects. 
 They reforted publickly to mafs to Somerjct-houfe, and re¬ 
 turned from thence in great multitudes, as if their Churches 
 7 % p.ipjis had been allowed by authority. A publick Agent from 
 art c.;,r.u- Rome refided at London, Count Rozetti by name, who 
 Pliren'on °P en ly went to Court in great pomp, and whofe Houfe was 
 T. 1.1'. 116, the general rendezvous of the Catholicks. The Queen 
 ,l 7- had prevailed with the King to receive this Agent as a fort 
 
 T. l-p. 3S». 
 “ ' h. 
 
 their turn. On the other hand, the Writ to levy Ship- 
 Money having been lent to the City of London, as well as '' 
 to all the other towns in the Kingdom, it appeared that in.■ 1. « 
 the Lord-Mayor and City Council had negle&ed to levy 1182,12.;. 
 this tax, or at leaft, they had not diftrained any one per- 
 fon for non-payment, according to the tenor of the Writ. 
 
 For this reafon, the Council feat the following order to the 
 Attorney-General* 
 
 At Whitehall, July 5. 1640. Prefent, &c. 
 e< \\1 HE REAS the Lord-Mayor oi London, and the 
 “ \\ two Sheriffs did this day appear before his Ma- clZdl 
 “ jefty and the Board, to give 2n account of their pro- .v.-a-rft the 
 “ ceedings upon the Writ for the Ship-bufinels this prefent £'CV & 
 
 “ year: Forafmuch as it did appear, that befides all former Ruihwortl^ 
 “ neglects in the execution of thatWrit, his Majefty having III. P . 120;’. 
 
 fetJ, 
 
 (1) This \v3s the opinion of the Loid-Keepe. Finch, the E;rl of Mancbtjler, Sir Jcbn Bnmfi-.n. Sir Edward Lif.hm, S] T Rebut llutb. Sir RalpbtVb,:- 
 IJ . ami Sir 7 -:bn Bank,. Hnwever, Hie King gnnted a new CommiUion to continue the fitting of the Convocation, wh.ch lailcd till May 29. Aaljcr., 
 
 King giar 
 
 1 uni. i. p. cn-. RuJInuortb, Tom. 111. p.H72. Wbitihck. . ... 
 
 (a) The Civr.ns, fevemem in all, wiiii the O.tli, were voted, r.miiu contradictmt, except G.dfrty Gco:Vi,-.n Bnhop o! Gttuccfrr, who did not rehfli the 
 Oath. Whe.eh re be was k,lpend c -i : hut aftcrw.mls he fub.nitted, took the Oath, and in a Letter to Arehb.lhop Laud he was incouraged to d.lTent 
 by Bifhi: Montague, th nigh at ih-t i"(i..nt h could have proved that Montague did vifit, and hold correfpnndence, with the Hope s Agent, tr-. Rujmmttb, 
 
 1 °(3) Tin C»nvocation med’iix 1 Subfidies,’ pl'vahle in fix years. Their Subf.dies were rated according to the valuation of the Livings in the King’s Books. Nalfon, 
 To n. I n. -,6h A Subfiiiy of I, or Shill'ngs in the pound, amounted to above twenty thoufand pounds. So the whole l.x cinie- to 110,000/. 
 
 V : - :■ , of each County. Their allowance was eight pence a day ; and their wnale number amounted W »u,3oo. 
 
 .iled ,he fmie rn.nnCr to go by Sea. What number of thefe were furmlhcd by each County, fee in Natjm, Tom. I. p, 3S1, ;S j. 
 Ej/cx and ;-.V« 7 co a piece, &c. In all 10,000. The firlt were to be at the Rendezvous the 10th of May, and the latter the 25th, 
 
 (4) Thcle Tro 
 
 hr 27th- 
 
 IS i The Bullion of the Mint ’ 
 M.'ieily’r. Honour, Repui.if.on am 
 Mint, 11 ion ciedit of the Culh.ms 
 at the Council-Table, fo j'fm, ’ 
 Cent ein-n, br-ught the King in 
 {>■) They clFcred, by w/y of c 
 way v th- ’tames fide. Unit fir 
 
 No. LX. Vo l. II, 
 
 700 a piece, 
 
 ordered ro be Teired; bet the MereHnrO reprefentinf io hii Mrjelby end Council the grot piejndjce it wonid be to hie 
 rtrrrli. both nr home end nbroad. the defi.n wre • id slide, .nd 40,000 1 - taken up or the Merchants concerned in the 
 There was iitewife a *%, to debate the Coin, but at was laid slide by the remarks oi or. -Urnm, Rm>, 01 
 n. I p. 391_Thefe feveral methods, and particularly a voluntary Loan or tome Lords of the Council, and other 
 
 I'Ttui ifbSffcr ttoKbt'. 1 "a’tely Palate >" St- >»“'■ Pa ,k - lnd » P“U UHuUl, »»k' ■ 
 
 Lburwg-Crofi to fVtjhninfltr-Hall, fVbitehck, p. 35. 
 
 M m m m 
 
 refpited 
 
^22 
 
 1640. 
 
 Tie H1STO RY of E N G LAN D, 
 
 Vo 
 
 ‘ refpiied the information againft them for the fame ; yet 
 ‘ they have not fince diltrained any one peih'n according to 
 1 the faid Writ. It was this day ordered by his Majeffy, 
 c with the advice of the Board, that his Mujalv’s Attor- 
 ‘ ney-General fhall forthwith prefer an information in the 
 ‘ Star-Chamber againft the Lord-Mayor, and Sheriffs of 
 London and Middlefex , for their contempt and default 
 c in the execution ol the faid Writ; and fhall forthwith 
 ‘ proceed againft them, Dc dir in diem, until the caufe 
 c be ready lor hearing: And if upon examination of the 
 
 ‘ laid caufe, hisMajefty’s Attorney-Generallhali find fuf- nameu as tne principal, the haii 
 ‘ ficient caufe againft any of the Aldermen, that then he bilhop of Canterbury. ’ They Vv 
 \ Jo P refer one other information againft the faid Alder- tion, their Country be.no blockei 
 
 men 
 ‘ apart.’ 
 
 and in like manner do proceed againft the 
 
 King had till now imagined, but he perceived it 
 his affairs began to decline. They had .i.I' cried' 
 ndeftoV, or which one was entitled, Si . C:>id. 
 ,bt 1 ‘ w f ub ' 1 6 <f •>> ir 1 rfediti n i ml 
 other. Intentions j the Scots and their 
 their Brethren of b ngland. In thefe two Pape'<, t 
 extremely careful to ihew, that the motive of \h, 
 ment and entry into England, was not to in-. 
 K n d n, but only odefend th . .. ,,'nft . 
 ticiiiar perfons, their fworn < eni 
 named as the principal, the Earl of Straj'-rd a 
 ■'d, in their prefe 
 try being blocked up bv 
 
 not, till 
 
 and 
 
 then trade inter; .ipted, ft was not'poffilile to expect any 
 ■ 
 
 out being expofetl to cerium ruin. They compared t!,d n _ 
 leives to a man who, when his Houle'is be!c» 2 nd h's 
 - n ■ r« l> to aflault it, fal ! out j m fejf a 1 a t- 
 tueks them in hopes « averting, bp a vi torous rfto-t the 
 impending rum. They maintained, ir was the KirLi'-- 
 
 Thus the King, inftead of rclinquiftung this odious tax, 
 continued to exact it with great rigour, though Jiis affairs 
 were then at a crifis, which fhould have infpired him with 
 a dread, that in cafe the fuccefs of the Scotch war did not 
 anl’wer his expectations, he ftiould be little able to fupport impen 
 
 liimfelf. But in all appearance, he thought himfelf fecure had brok? the peace, and having granted that the Gen "i- 
 ^ X' bry. aflcmbly Ihouicl regji.i'e ihe t f..—r . i - , . ■ 
 
 w P y‘ °| ,hc arn, y tiefigned againft Scotland was nowupon regulations be ratified in Parhamem l,'-d v' -l ," d “* 
 the frontiers, under the command ol the Lord CewLy, lawful caufe, prorogued"he PJ mclr Xf ' T 
 ... General of the Horfe, whilrt the reft lay incamped rffr general AflhmblyW judged nS tLZfLiT 
 laL TheEarlof Northumberland, who was to command Nay, hchadd. d 
 
 E!! 5 d!? ««l df Earl of ft.l.amem, and though he had agreed, other Defies 
 
 cm, fin re 
 
 - u;iu U.e r.ari oi 1 at.lament, and tfiouji he had n reed, 
 
 , who was ] 1 ant-General, had not Id be t 
 
 to depart foon enough, bccaule he was a verv n<r, (i.irv th- war wnl> S.-r.t 1,...1 L,__i. 1 . 
 
 to depart foon enough, becaufe he was a very ncceflary 
 Member of the King’s 1 'ecret Council. The Loru Camay 
 being advanced as far as Ncwcajlle, with three thou land 
 Foot, and fifteen hundred Horfe, was informed that L, dry 
 General of the Scots (1), was preparing 10 maich at he 
 head of two and twenty thoufanJ men, in order to enter 
 England. And indeed, he palled the Tweed the 20th of 
 Augujl, the very day the King departed from London for 
 Nalfon, York, where he arrived on the 23d. Lefley pur f, ip r his 
 TN. P .4 1 1 , march, came the 27th to Newburn, on the north-fide of 
 the Line, four miles from A rwcaJlL. At his arrival, he 
 found the Lord Conway ported wit ft his troops on the louth- 
 fide of the river, where he had railed breaft-works over 
 againft the two fords, to oppofe his pallage. It is needlef;: to 
 give a particular account of this adlion. It fuffices to fay, 
 the Scots forced the pallage of the Tine, after a fight very 
 faintly maintained by the Englijh. The Lord Conway was 
 
 Chrendt 
 
 T. 1. P . 
 
 •Ruflnvor 
 
 Jil.p 
 
 -Amu Is. 
 
 NcwcaAIe 
 
 "»« h 
 
 ,, , ' , . . 11 ’ amine mem, Mice 
 
 the m with fal.. bad been already deteimincd in tile 
 Council, and Uie Parliaments of Ireland and E•■■■!.-,1 c „ n - 
 veued in order tor fupplies. They carefully ,Wfemcd 
 the juftice and equity ot the late Parliament < ft; 
 m denying the King m.ney for a war fonotorioi.il, unjurt! 
 *" , rt ’ l,l; * "“uld be Wo tedious to relate all the par¬ 
 ticulars contained ,n thefo two Papers, their aim was to 
 dcmoniL.ite to the People ol England, i. The ; , . ,,f 
 
 tiitii- caufe. _ a. The aitifices ot their enemies, to fur ,ae 
 tnam. 3. I he ncceflity, thej were under, ofraUif arms 
 them own lawful defence, and to prevent their ruin 
 4 - I hey laid, notwitiillanding their entry into lin-Lmd 
 the war was defensive on their part, and 5. That they 
 intended not to offer any injury or violence, or inrich 
 thenilclves with the fpoils of the Englijh, but , nly to pro¬ 
 cure accels to his Majefty, to prefent their grievances 
 
 r ", . v -‘'wtuiuodOTfljwas which was denied them, unlefs they would eniire'v- iU ■* 
 
 feizcd with fo great terror that he left t\« the next liver thcmfelves to the mercy of the,r enemies 6 They 
 day , and retreated to Zlariu",, where not thinking himfelf called God to witnefs, this ’was their intention and the 
 f h . l', 7 ld JOined t L e , K '"?' i f ln . v > whlch WM lOfo- » giun belief, they made ufc of the ftrowrett ex 
 advanced to Aor tbamptin The King s troops had no preffions and moft folemn oaths. 7, Laftlv they lie-or 
 fo,her quitted W 4 , but the ScM entered, and found not to intinuate to the Unglijb, that they had the fame 
 
 ,lx Kin & au(e 0 h...m..n, fince fhe Liberties if Ev S dnJ vL ; 
 
 equally in danger with thofc of Scotland. 
 
 I hefe Manifcfto’s, which were doubtlefs owing to the 
 counlels of fome of the Englijh male-contents, produced 
 fuch an effect upon the People, the Army, and the Lords 
 thcmfelves who were not wholly devoted to the Court, 
 
 ,n, ‘■'Cl'- ‘■‘•v- UIUC1 
 
 T I. o'4--. who defigned that place for the magazine of his army. 
 
 Grt.nain- The entrance ot the Scots into England , and the taking 
 
 q{ Ncwcajlle, broke all the King’s meafures. Though in 
 jJ: / J ' this fiilt adtion he had not loft above three or four hundred 
 .R11 ihworth, men, this inconliderable lofs produced however o- re at ef- 
 : * ' . the f K “ ®’ s •- Thenar! of 
 
 ». Slr f-fu- k f rpoken a little too roughly tbe cers 1 to fiipj rt the war, and to what dam the 1 be 
 
 r. I P .,, t . and fold,ers, who were returned from the defeat of Nm,- expofed, ifhe hazarded a battle at fuch a L 
 
 hur Z’ '•’ e "' holc 2nd thereby put the van- thing w,s m ,te di advantagiou to the King than 'the ex 
 
 quilhed upon magnifying in their own vindication, the ' ' - - • . cx 
 
 valour and number of the Scotch troops. This could not 
 but produce a very ill eftedt in the King’s army, which 
 before was not very well-inclined. 2. The Englijh male- 
 contents were more at cafe, and fpoke more boldly againft 
 the Government, knowing it was no proper fcafon to fiience 
 
 treine defiie expreJled by the Scots to encTthe quarrel by 
 an agreement, which fhewed their aim was not to make 
 war upon the Englijh, whereas it was the King’s imereti 
 to engage them both in a national quarrel. Wherefore the 
 Scots «id n t fail to improve tne advantage of their mode 
 rate condudl. As foon as they were mailers of Ncwcajlle, 
 
 - -n o ; - r- .- — iuicii uiiviiu- rate c auuct. As loon as they were malters of NeivcaEU r 
 
 ^7- 3 j 1 lie Scots miffed not this opportunity tofhevv the they fent a very humble Pet,non to the Kins, befeechin- / • 
 k„.hA byasmoderatcacondua as the juuaure could al- him to give ear to their Complaints, and cure their cv f 
 
 ™ x f “ r " g£ ”' f c a ” rf , V- .. . bv « 1 » >f the Parliament ol E . i r c S ! 
 
 tliv /iicvVv, but only to procure acccfi to the King in older who was prefled on all biles, had alridy fummuned he S. 
 to lay their Grievances before him. By this means they Nobility to meet him at Hrfth« + th of L,. ,, r.r togive ' 
 
 grated, as much as they could the Kmg-S caufe from that their advice upon the prefent fituation of his art rs S He 
 
 ° j P “P Ieo1 W j h dld ^ King an unlpcak- therefore told ,l,e that their Petition was exn- llcd ' 
 
 able prejudice. 4 - The confte,nation cauled by the A.te- in fuel, general term-, that he could not give them a pT 1 •' 
 ^. Defeat and on the other hand, the moderation of ,ive anfSer. But if they would fpeak mote plainly d 
 
 whonotwthftandmg the fuccefs of their arms, declare theparticularsof theirDemlSs, he would fu"h “ 
 aflcd cJ to del,re only an accommodation inclined the anfwers as the Peers who were to meet at Hr! ftould ‘ J 
 whole Nation to a peace. None but the Court-party ufed think proper. Upon this they fent their demands to ti e T i 
 Iheir utmoft endeavours, though in vain, to mfpire the King, the Sth of Sepimbcr, namely ■ 
 
 Englijh With a denre of revenge. 5. As in the King’s pre- ' T " ' * * - •' 
 
 ft-nt circumffanccs, with an army of enemies before him, 
 and numberlefs male-contents in all the reft of the King- 
 dem, as well as in his own army, it was not pofiible (or 
 him to raife money, by the fame methods he had till then 
 r- v L/'./V praeftifed, there refulted a general opinion that a Parliament 
 V,'/ wa$ abfolutely neceffary. To this it was that the Scots and 
 iwMsTKh’ tf ‘ c Englijh male-contents defued to lead him, though 
 Ji/. i>. 1:25. againft ins will, knowing it was hardly poffible that a ne & w 
 Parliament Ihould be difpofed in his favour. 
 
 N.tiii.n, The Scots had in England more correlpondents than the 
 
 T. I. p.412, 
 
 Amah, T ° miintaiD thelr Arm y’ the StD “ im P ofed a Tax ° f the tenth penny upon all 
 
 1. I hat his Majefty would be gracioufly pleafed to 77 • 
 command, that the laft Acts of Parliament may bv pub- [ 
 lifned in his Highnefs’s name, as our Sovereign Lord h 
 with the Ertates of Parliament convened by his Majefty’s N... 
 authoiity. ' r. 
 
 “ 2 - That the Caftles of Edinburgh and other Strengths 
 ; ■ Kii ; , md n , . ig t e fir ft 
 
 foundation, be furnilhed and ufed for our defence and 
 fecurity. 
 
 “ 3 - That our Countrymen in his Majefty’s Domi¬ 
 nions of England and Inland may be ireeJ from cen- 
 
 : Rents uf 'jiJ. A’...’ 
 
 ‘ fare 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 CHARLES 1. 
 
 1640. 
 
 Tty E ain 
 
 tie G 'id- 
 ‘ kuiH of the 
 i. ndnners. 
 Sept. 9. 
 Nilfon, 
 
 T. 1. p. 435 
 Kufhworth, 
 111. p. 1259, 
 
 tt fore tor lubfcribing the Covenant, and be no more pref- 
 ‘ c fed with oaths and fubferiptions unwarrantable by your tner rr< 
 Laws, and contrary to their national oath and covenant others. 
 “ approved by his Majefty. 
 
 “4. I hat the common incendiaries which have been 
 the authors of this combuftion, may receive their juft 
 “ cenfure. 
 
 “ *• That aI! cur flu’ps and goods, with all the damage 
 c thereof, may be reftored. 
 
 c 6. 1 hat the wrongs, lolles, and charges which all 
 “ this time we have fuftained, may be repaired. 
 
 7. That the Declarations made againft us as traitors, 
 ma y be recalled in the end, by the advice and counfel 
 * c of the States of jEngland convened in Parliament. His 
 “ Majefty may be pleafed to remove the garrifons from 
 the Borders, and any impediments which may ftop free 
 “ trade/’ 1 v 
 
 It appears by this laft article, how careful the Scots were 
 to lofe no opportunity to gain the people of England to 
 their intereft. Of this they alfo gave the following in- 
 ltance. As the Londoners had all their coals from New- 
 caftle, and could by no means be without that trade, the 
 Scots were no fooner mafters of Newcafle, but they writ 
 to the Lord-Mayor and Aldermen of London , That kww- 
 ir.g bow nccej/ary the free traffic,k of Coals 'was for their 
 City, and nthrv iJ,,,-. ' rf .. / _ 1 J . ... 
 
 Within a few day., this Petition was followed by ano¬ 
 ther from twelve Lords, in behalf of themfelvcs and divers 
 
 3*3 
 
 I G4O, 
 
 ir T.I. p.4'37. 
 Rufh worth, 
 
 •' j j, cc 1 /uijitx 0 i^oais 'was tor War “ 0-,.- - , 
 
 Ct/y, and other plaoor f England, the, bad, as a tflimony .< of fti r ,Tdr'niT V 
 of great ft refpcCt and good-will to the Cits, ^London. J, ,7 d ' fc ,° me "'' 
 
 Kalfan, 
 T.I. p.436 
 
 t A Petition 
 1 ‘ of the Lon- 
 |l done is to ti t 
 King t call 
 Rc Par ha- 
 
 H N.illiin, 
 
 I T. I. p. 436. 
 hRulhworth, 
 
 I III. p. 1263 
 nAnuaJs. 
 
 ■ ’ iviigidnu, wey naa, as a tejtimom 
 
 of greatef refpeft and good-will to the City a/ 1 London, fait 
 two Noblemen to declare to the majlcrs of Jhips, who, pojfefed 
 with needlefs fears , were hafening out of the River, that 
 their purpofe was not to fop, but to ufe their bf means to 
 continue that trade. 
 
 Tins Letter anfwered the expectations of the Scots. 
 Prefently after it was publicity talked at London ofprefent- 
 ing a 1 etition to the King, to pray him to fummon a Par¬ 
 liament 7 he Privy-Council, left by the King at London, 
 laving ome notice of this deiign, endeavoured to prevent 
 jt by a letter directed to the Lord-Mayor and Aldermen: 
 but they could not fucceed. So a Petition was refolved, 
 and font to h,s Majefty at York by fume of the Aldermen 
 and Common-Council, which was as follows: 
 
 Mof gracious Sovereign , 
 
 “ P 4 E , IN , G T moved with the duty and obedience which 
 fr. b J thc Laws your Petitioners owe unto yourfacred 
 « ytajeffy , they humbly prefent unto your princely and 
 pious wifdom, the fevera] prelling grievances follow- 
 mg; viz. 
 
 cc ,T be P re ® n g and unufual impofitions upon mer- 
 t{ , and,ze ’ ^Porting and exporting, and the urging and 
 « y ,n u g of Ship-money, notwithftanding both which, 
 « Mei chants fhips and goods have been taken and de¬ 
 stroyed both by Turk Jh and other Pyrates. 
 t{ Zw 1 he multitude of monopolies. Patents and war- 
 tt ;. nts ’ w hereby trade in the City and other parts of the 
 Kingdom is much decayed. 
 
 “ 3 ‘ ^he fundry innovations in matter of Religion. 
 tc T I he Oath and Canons lately enjoined by the late 
 « ~ onvoc ation, whereby your petitioners are in danger to 
 be deprived of their Minifters. 
 
 Ci * ye gieat concourfe of Papifts, and their inhabi- 
 
 [e tat,ons 111 London, and the fuburbs, whereby they have 
 nioi e means and opportunity of plotting and executing 
 their deiigns ngainft the Religion eftablifhed. 
 cc p 6 r The fe,dom cal] mg, and fudden dilutions, of 
 rarhaments, without the redrefs of your Subjects grie¬ 
 vances. j S3 
 
 a ' ^ h^imprifonment of divers Citizens for non-pay- 
 
 e mcnt ot Ship-money and impofitions, and the profecu- 
 tc J 10 " ? f man y ot hers in the Star-Chamber, for not con- 
 miming themfelves to Committees in Patents of mono¬ 
 polies,^ whereby trade is reftrained. 
 
 S. The great danger your facred perfon is expofed 
 
 in fnp nrpfpnf -1 .1 ■ c . 1 - . 
 
 Mof gracious Sovereign, 
 
 T H E fenfe of that duty and fervice which we owe As - 
 unto your facred Majefty, and our earneft afK-c- ’’' w --c 
 non to the good and welfare of this your realm of silt, 
 land have moved us in all humility to befeech , „ ' 
 
 royal Majefty, to give us leave to offer unto your u it 
 princely wifdom, the appreheniion which we and other 51 j." 
 your faithful SubjeAs have conceived of the great diftem- 
 pers and dangers now threatning the Church and State 
 of your royal petfon, and the fitteft means by which 
 they may be prevented.” ’ 
 
 “ Jt c 7 ' 1 ? f d da ,"6 e « whereof your Majefty may 
 be pleafed to take notice are thefe : ’ 1 
 
 ‘ !’. That J °7 facrcd Ma i'% expofed to hazard 
 and danger m the prefent expedition againft the Sooth 1 , 
 army, and by the occafion of the war your revenue is 
 much wafted, your Subjefts burthened with coat and 
 condufl-money, billeting of Soldiers, and other military 
 charges, and divers rapines and diforders committed in 
 fevera! parts in this your Realm, by the Soldiers raifed 
 for that fervice, and your whole Kingdom become full 
 
 of ear ant n.lt'nntpr.r 
 
 “ then// r “"g r y innovations in matters of Religion; 
 the Oath and Canons lately impofed upon the Clergy 
 and other your Majefty’s Subj L As. 
 
 .. p 3 l n 'k he f eat inc ? afe of Popery, and employing of 
 „ PoP'fhKf^nts and others ill-affeaed to the Religion 
 by law eftabiifhed in places of power and trull, and ef- 
 „ P cclall y commanding of men and arms both in the field 
 and other Counties in this Realm; whereas by the laws 
 they are not permitted to have arms in their own houfes 
 
 « lr- + 'j m ' fchicf wh ' :ch m *y fal1 u P on this 
 
 Kingdom, if the intentions wiiich have been credibly 
 reports of bringing in of Irijh forces fhall take effeft. 
 
 0, r S ' J. “ r 8"’S °f Ship-money, and profecution of 
 f° 7 c oh= nffs the Star-Chamber for not levying of it. 
 
 6. The heavy charges of merchandize to the difeou- 
 ragement of trade, the multitude of monopolies or other 
 patentees, whereby the commodities and manufa&uies 
 of the Kingdom are much burthened, to the great and 
 “ univerfal grievance of your people. 
 
 tc r 7 ‘ 7n le ,^ reat gr ' ef ° f J uur Sub i e ^ s b y the intermif- 
 10n of Parliaments, in the late former di/rolving offuch 
 “ as have been called, with the hoped effeds which other- 
 ‘ wife they might have procured. 
 
 For a remedy whereof, and prevention of the dan- 
 ger that may enfue to your royal perfon, and to the 
 whole State, we do in all humility and faithfulnefs be- 
 feech your moft excellent Majefty, that you would be 
 pleafed to fummon a Parliament within feme Ihortand 
 convenient time, whereby the caufe of thefe, and other 
 “ great grievances which your poor petitioners now lie 
 under, may be taken away, and the authors and Coun- 
 ^ fellors of them may be there brought to fuch legal trial 
 and condign punishment, as the nature of the offence 
 “ does require; and that the prefbnt war may be compo- 
 cc J. ed by V our Majefty’s wifdom without blood-flied, in 
 fuch manner as may conduce to the honour and fafety 
 1 of your Majefty’s perfon, and content of your people 
 ana continuance of both of your Kingdoms againft the 
 ‘ common enemy of the Reformed Religion (ij. 
 
 Francis Bedford. 
 Ro. Ejfex. 
 
 William Hartford. 
 
 Warwick. 
 Earl of Brifol. 
 Mulgrave. 
 
 Say and Seal. 
 Ed. Howard. 
 Bullingbrook. 
 Mandevile. 
 Brook. 
 
 Pagett. 
 
 “V rniirlp nr ,1 — *L- C _ n 1 . 1 ... 
 
 I he King perceiving by the Petitions which were pre- Tie King 
 fented to him, that it was the Nation’s fervent defire, a yt H vei 
 Parliament ftiould be called, did not doubt it would be the 
 lirft advice, the Peers, when afTembled, would give him. Chrenlt 
 He refolved therefore to prevent this advice, by fummoning T '• p- 1J 
 
 ..j uiac iney are not redrelt by the 
 
 t “urfe of Juftice, do therefore moft humbly 
 
 £ befeech your moft facred Majefty, to caufe a Parliament 
 to je fummoned with all convenient fpeed, whereby they 
 ‘ may be relieved in the premifes.” 
 
 And your Petitioners, Sic. 
 
 ' fori i2^^*S£^ ,D Ahe^IShi he weU fojpfaw the danger that threatned himfelfand Crown, andthere- 
 
 ’ nour, a„d the fafety of the king^ wh er { ■ ?Z oner s 4 »•"? thern '° C ‘' nf " ,t ’ . what ij ? ,his '> - be done’for hi, Ho- 
 
 aerc tr.e fetiuoncrs, w.th tut reft, might ofter any thing conducing to thefe ends." Wbittlnk's Memoir,, p. 36. 
 
 “ a Pariia- 
 
 4 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 24 
 
 ± oe 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 
 ENGLAND. 
 
 1640, a Parliament to meet on the 3d of November , for fear, if 
 he delayed ic any longer, he might be thought to be lorced 
 to it. The great Council of the Peers being aflembled at 
 York the 24th of September , the King fpoke to them as fol¬ 
 lows : 
 
 RufliW'iith, , 
 III. p. 1275. 
 Annals. 
 
 . . My Lords , 
 
 7 77 “ 7 7 PON fudden inVifions where the dangers are 
 G- ;/1' ■ . 44 near and inftant, it hath been the cultom of my 
 
 '! 7 7 ■' “ predeceflors to aiieinble the great Council ol the Peers, 
 
 v I;" u! “ and by their advice and affiftance, to give a timely re- 
 
 N.iifiin, “ medy to fuch evils, which could not admit a delay lb 
 
 long as mull of neceffity be allowed for the allembling 
 of the Parliament. 
 
 44 This be:ng our condition at this time, and an army 
 “ of Rebels lodged within this Kingdom, I thought it 
 44 moll fit to conform myfelf to the practice of my pre- 
 44 deceflbrs in like cafes ; that with your advice and aflif- 
 44 tance we might juftly proceed to the ehaftifement of 
 44 thefe infolencies, and fecuring ol my good Subjects. 
 
 44 In the firft place, I mult let you know, that I de- 
 44 fire nothing more than to be rightly underftood of my 
 44 People. And to that end, I have of myfelf refolved 
 44 to call a Parliament ; having already given order to my 
 “ Lord-Keeper to ifl'ue the Writs inltantly, fo that the 
 <k Parliament may be aflembled by the 3d ui November 
 “ next: Whither if my Subjects bring thofe good aftec- 
 44 nons which become them towards me, it lhall not fail 
 44 on my part to make it a happy meeting. In the mean 
 “ time there are two points wnerein I lhall delire your 
 “ advice, wiiicli indeed were the chief caufe of your 
 
 “ meeting. 
 
 Firft, V. F.r.t anfwer to give to the Petition of the 
 44 Rebels, and in what manner to treat with them. Of 
 44 wliich, that you may give a lure judgment, 1 have or- 
 44 dered that your Loidfhips fhall be clearly and truly in- 
 “ formed of the flate of the whole buiinefs, and upon what 
 “ ieafons the advices that my Privy-Council unammoully 
 44 gave me, wcie giounded. 
 
 “ The lecond is, How my army fhall be kept on foot 
 44 and maintained, until the Supplies ol a Parliament may 
 44 be had. For fo long as the Scotch army lemams in Eng- 
 44 haul, 1 think no man willcountel me to disband mine: 
 1 ‘ for tliat would be an unlpeakable lofs to all this pait of 
 44 the Kmgdc m, by fubjectm 0 them to the greedy appe- 
 44 tite of the Rebc s, bcluies tiic unlpeakable Jilhonour that 
 44 would thereby Jail upon tins nation.” 
 
 /• /,, •/ t When the King had thus fpoken to the Lords, hecom- 
 t. mauded 10 be rca.i the reafuns which had induced his 
 
 1 ‘- ■, Council to advire the levying an army again ft the Scots, and 
 [ 1'.' ‘ 7 7 the Petition of the Scots prefented to tiie King ftnee their 
 
 Annals. ' taking of New . . , as.alfo the King’s anfwer, and their 
 
 particular demands. Then, the Earl of Traquair by the 
 King’s order explained thefe demands to the Peers, and 
 endeavoured to fhew, i.ow fome of them fubverted the fun¬ 
 damental Laws of the Kingdom of Scotland, others the jult 
 Prerogative and Dignity ol his Majelty, and of which many 
 were to the detriment of the King’s proiit, and prejudice 
 of divers good Subjects theie. 1 he rclult of the delibera¬ 
 tions of the Peers v as, tliat certain of themfelves fhould 
 be lent as commiflioners to treat with the Scots, and en- 
 :/j deavour to conclude a Peace. Purfuant to this refolulion, 
 v; fixteen Peers were chol'en for commiflioners (1), to whom 
 
 N.'ui’n, were added by the King as afliflants, the Earls of Tra- 
 
 T. 1. p’44:. quair, Morton, and Lanerick Secretary of Scotland, [Sir 
 Henry Vane ] Sir Lewis Steward , and Sir John Bur rough. 
 It was farther agreed, that the Treaty lliould begin at 
 Rippon (2) the ill of October , and that the Earl of Lane¬ 
 rick fhould fignify this refolulion to the Scots. 
 
 Another Re- This article being difpatched, the King defired the 
 Lords to confuler of means to maintain the army during 
 '_ ' r 7 the Treaty. it is ftrange, the King fhould undertake this 
 of tie L. :i- war. Without having any Supply from the Parliament, 
 iionu!. and fhould be fo ill-provided for the payment of his army, 
 that within a month after the opening of thecampain, he 
 12 .J, 13.2. was unable to maintain it. For my part, I cannotdevife 
 any other leaf, n of this conduct, except that, forthefup- 
 port of tliis war, he had depended upon fuch means as were 
 no longer in his power to employ. However this be, the 
 Earl ol Strap;in! having informed the Peers of the number 
 of troops the King had on foot, namely, about four and 
 twenty thouland men, declared that the payment of this 
 army amounted to thrcefcore thoufand pounds a month, 
 and that to keep the armv together for three months, no 
 lefs would fetve than the lam of two hundred thoufand 
 
 pounds. He added, if the army fhould disband, all York- 1640. 
 Jhtrc would be loft in two days, and the whole Kingdom 
 endangered. Whereupon it was refolved, that a Letter, ib-d. j 
 fubferibed by all the Peers prefent, fhould be lent to the ' l" i1 * 
 City o (London for lending the two hundred thoufand pound?, ‘ ‘ ^ 
 
 upon fuch fecurity as fhould be agreed on, each of the Peers 
 offering to become bound. 
 
 T he Scots having appointed their Commiflioners to treat Tie r- uy 
 with the Englijh , the negotiation began at Rippon the j ft of' 
 
 October ( 3). But before the principal point of the Treaty 
 was coniidered, certain preliminary Articles were to be let- T - 1 p 
 tied, which the Scots propofed as abfolutely neceflary to 7 .. J 
 a happy conclufion. 'T hey reprefented therefore, that their / , ■■ ; * 
 army had flopped at NewcaJUe by his Majefty’s exprefs or- '<■ t: - ” 
 der: That they fubfifled by means of thecontributions raifed | 7 ' 7 -$ 
 i pon Cumbi rlan f, N wt 1 11 an 1 Durham, 
 gotiation might lall fome time, it was neceflary, before all ‘ . 45' 
 
 things, to provide for the fubfiftence of their troops during 
 the Treaty. This was the principal Art Lie on wliich thev 
 infilled, as a preliminary to the Treaty. There were alfo 
 other articles, which I do not think abfblutelv neceflary to 
 be mentioned, fmee it will appear prefently what was the 
 principal thing, by the preliminaries that were agreed on. 
 
 1 fhall only add, that the K v/s would never fuffei the Earl RuWrtjj. 
 of Traquair to affill at the Treaty, becaufe he was one of 7 p ' ‘ :ii 
 thofe they called Incendiaries, againil whom they demanded p.'s. 7 .’ ] 
 ievere jullice. After many debates, the Commiflioners of 
 the two nat 1 the 16th of 0 , < . 
 
 following preliminaries. 
 
 “ 1. I hat the Scotch army fhall have for a competent /’■ ■ 
 
 “ maintenance, the lum of 850 J. per diem ; and that the .' ' • 1 ,lr 
 “ payment thereof lhall continue lor two months, in cafe ' 
 
 “ the 7 ’reaty fhall fo long lall; which payment to be made :.h 
 “ weekly upon the Friday of every week. • 1 
 
 “ 2. 1 lie days ol the returning of the army to be j-. 1 7- 
 “ numbered within the days of the allowed maintenance. R. , ,7 
 
 “ 3. That the Scotch army fhall content them I elves ?l1 ' P f iz Y. 
 “ with the aforefaid maintenance, and fhall ncici:cr molcft 
 “ Papifts, Prelates, nor their adherents, nor any other 
 “ perfons of whatloevcr quality. 
 
 “ 4. That the inhabitants of the faid Counties fhall 
 “ alfo have liberty to return peaceably to their own dwel- 
 “ lings, and fhail be refufed no courcefy, it being alw r ays 
 “ preliippoled, that the fit lodging of their army fhall be 
 “ allowed. 
 
 “ 5. That the army be furnifhed with coals in a regular 
 “ way, and not at the plcafure of the Soldiers. 
 
 “ 0. That there be a piovifton of Forage, at the prices 
 “ to be fet do wn in a 'Fable, which mull alfo contain the 
 “ particular prices of ail forts oi vidtuals, and other necef- 
 “ faries ior the army, to be indifferently agreed upon by 
 “ perfons nominated on both iides. 
 
 7. That free trade and commerce between both nations 
 “ be reitored, and not to be interrupted, but upon tire 
 “ warning of thiee months. But no victuals, arms, nor 
 “ ammunition, to De imported into Newcajiie, &c. 
 
 “ 8. That vidtuals and other necellaries lor the army 
 “ be free of cullom; and that his Majefty’s cuftom of 
 “ coals and other ware beielt lice to be levied by his ov.n 
 “ officers. 
 
 “ 9. That there be a freedom to furnifh necdlaries for 
 “ both armies, and liberty be granted for nulling, brew- 
 “ ing, &c. 
 
 “ 10. That the arrears of the contributions due to the 
 “ Scotch army, be completely paid to Oftober 16. 
 
 “ 11. That there be a collation of aims, according to 
 “ the particulars to be agreed upon. 
 
 “ 12. As for fecuring the fum of 830 /. per diem above 
 44 fpecified, there is a committee appointed, who have power 
 44 to treat with Nor thumb erla t he Bifhoprick of Durham , 
 
 44 Ncwcajlle , and (if need require) with Cumberland and 
 44 IVjttnoreland, about the payment of it. 
 
 44 13. The Lords will, before their going from York, 
 
 44 fettle a committee, who fhall have charge to fee the 
 44 contribution orderly railed and paid ; and that there fhall 
 44 likewife be a committee nominated, to whom either the 
 44 Scotch commiflioners, or the committees of the country, 
 
 44 may weekly give an account of the carriage of the bu- 
 “ fmeffi.” 
 
 The Scots had the addrefs to prolong the figningof thefe 7 L- Teat) 
 preliminaries till the 16th of October, after which, it flill -■ Jli 
 remained to agree on the conditions of the 'Truce. It was ,, 
 therefore almofl impoflible to enter into a difeuffion of ti._- , .13. 
 
 articles, which were to be the chief fubjedt of the Treaty, ,y 
 before the 3d of November, the day appointed for the meet- , 7 >’ 4 
 
 (.) The Ear 
 
 (=) ? 
 
 •im, Di 
 s named firft, but the Sect: 
 
 Bed/i'd, Ptr-.hnG, Solijkurf, 
 r-y,k, Sd -iti, Pdulet, an I H .u 
 
 Effix, UT.I.J, n’,r- 
 \rd ol Efcn.i, were cl 
 
 1, Bnjht, and / • 
 n by tn: King, e 
 
 'jr :r: ; the Laid ViLount Mundcv 
 Tom. I. p. 122. Rujhvj’, 
 
 :e feeureJo, tier Cm 
 n England. This « 
 
 ) The St.ujb Con 
 
 fufed to treat there, fli 
 , I' 1 • - the Hing ojii ihte it 
 e 1 :!. H-'i tel.ck, p. 36. 
 
 . ilc Earl of Dunt.railing, Lord Lnudm, Sir Pah llefh 
 Tom. Hi. p. 1282, 
 
 •ijjiort'rs, f> Png as the Earl of Straffc 
 : the firft putiick aiipcarance ol the 
 
 mmanded to, 
 1 Enmity ; 
 
 r.e, Sit U'ti’iam D-tuGif , Mr. S-r.-.tb, Mi. //' L’.tlam, Mr. 
 
 ’112 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 1640. ing of the Parliament. The Lords, as well thofe at Rip- 
 port as thofe at York, being indifpenfably obliged to repair to 
 London , it would have been needlefs to begin the negotiati¬ 
 on at Rippon, where the time would fcarce have allowed it 
 to be opened. Wherefore the Englijh Commiflioners, whe¬ 
 ther of themfelves, or by the fuggeftion of the Scots, pro- 
 pofed to the King the removal of the Treaty from Rippon 
 to London ; and the King was forced to confent to it, though 
 he plainly perceived the Scots expected to find many friends 
 at London , and even in the Parliament, as indeed was the 
 I! , , cafe. One may venture to fay, that on occafion of this 
 i ltr ‘ cri ' ' g> Treaty, the King committed three capital errors. Firft, 
 in fummoning the Parliament to meet at iVeJlminJler, fince 
 he could not be ignorant how much the City of London 
 was diflatisfied with the Government, and confequently, 
 ready to countenance fuch refolutions as the Parliament 
 f Nalfcn, might take againft it. Whereas, had he fummoned the 
 .it. J. p.461. Parliament to meet at York, or in any other place at a 
 diftance from London, he would thereby have broken in 
 part the meafures of the Scots and Englijb male-contents. 
 He had but too much caufe afterwards to be fenfible of this 
 hCisr'ndon. error The f ec o n d was, the removal of the Treaty to 
 ' ’ p ' 129 ' London , where the Scots had their principal correfpondents. 
 
 The third, in taking fo fhort a time for the meeting of 
 the Parliament, fo that he had only the month of Ottober 
 to conclude a Peace with the Scots, a fpace hardly fufficient 
 to agree with them on the preliminaries and terms of the 
 
 325 
 
 ceflation, before the King and Peers would be obliged to 1640, 
 leave York and go to London. If he had not been in fuch 
 hafte to fix the meeting of the Parliament to the 3d of 
 November, he might have either concluded the Treaty with 
 the Scots , by granting what he could not have helped, or 
 at leaft, left them without excufe, if they had obftinately 
 perfifted in any unreafonable demands. Whereas, not be¬ 
 ing able to finifh the negotiation at Rippon, he was forced 
 to remove the conferences to London, a City well-affe< 3 ed to 
 the Scots , and where they could better than any where 
 elfe, take iWI meafures, whether with the chief inhabitants, 
 or with thqb,. friends in the Parliament. The King was 
 fufficiently ccMvinced of thefe errors, when it was too late 
 to retrieve them. 
 
 Not to omit any thing, which to me feems material in 
 this Hiftory, I thought proper to add here the Earl of Brij 
 tol’s Procefs at the beginning of King Charles's reign. For, 
 it is not foreign to the purpofe. On the contrary, this 
 Procefs, with the Earl’s Anfwers, may be of great Yervice 
 to clear the latter part of the reign of James I, as to the 
 negotiation of the marriage of Prince Charles with the 
 Spanijh Infanta, and the reftitution of the Palatinate. Jt 
 may alfo give an idea of the character of Charles I, and 
 the Duke of Buckingham. But it could not be inferted in 
 any other place, without a too great interruption of the 
 thread of the Hiftory. 
 
 Proceedings againft the Earl of Bristol. 
 
 T H E Earl of Briflol, who had been Ambaftador 
 in Spain , to negotiate Prince Charles's, marriage 
 with the Spanith Infanta, was confined at his 
 return to England , without being ever fuffered 
 to come into the King’s prefence. As long as King James 
 lived, the Duke of Buckingham, who was the caufe of the 
 Earl's difgrace, pretended however to be willing to adjuft 
 his affair, if he would but anfwer to fome queftions or ob- 
 je&ions, before Commiflioners appointed by the King. The 
 Earl anfwered thofe queftions, but his reconciliation was not 
 advanced by it. On the contrary, he found himfelf much 
 farther from it by the death of King James , and the ac- 
 cefiion of Charles I. to the Crown. The Earl of Brijlol 
 finding himfelf on very ill terms, wifhed to come oft' if 
 poflible, without injuring his honour. To this end, he 
 applied to the Lord Conway Secretary of State, to defire 
 him to intercede for him with his Majefty. There parted 
 fome Letters between thefe two Lords upon that fubjedl, 
 and at laft, during the fecond Parliament of King Charles 
 in i6z6, the Earl received from the Lord Conway, the fol¬ 
 lowing Letter. 
 
 My Lord , 
 
 T Received a Letter from your Lordfhip, dated the fourth 
 Ja_ of this month, written in anfwer to a former Letter, 
 which I diredled to your Lordfhip by his Majcfty’s com¬ 
 mandment. This laft Letter, according to my duty, I 
 have (hewed unto his Majefty, who hath perufed it, and 
 hath commanded me to write back to you again, that he 
 finds himfelf nothing fatisfied therewith. The queftion 
 propounded to your Lordfhip from his Majefty, was plain 
 and clear, Whether you did rather chufe to fit (till, with¬ 
 out being queftioned for any errors part in your negotiation 
 in Spam , and enjoy the benefit of the late gracious pardon 
 granted in Parliament, whereof you may have the benefit: 
 Or whether, for the clearing of your innocency, ( whereof 
 your felf, and your friends and followers are fo confident) 
 you will be content to wave the advantage of that pardon, 
 and put your felf into a legal way of examination for the 
 tryal thereof? His Majefty’s purpofe thereby, is not to 
 prevent you of anv favours the Law hath given you ; but 
 if your afturance be fuch as your words and letters im¬ 
 port, he conceives it (lands not with that publick and re- 
 folute profeftion of your integrity to decline your tryal. 
 His Majefty leaves the choice to your felf, and requires 
 from you a diredt anfwer, without circumlocution, or 
 bargaining with him for future favours beforehand ; but if 
 you have a defire to make ufe of that pardon, which can¬ 
 not be denied you, nor is any way defired to be taken 
 from you, his Majefty ex pedis you (hould at the leaft for¬ 
 bear to magnify your fervice, and out of an opinion of your 
 innocency, caft an afperfion upon his Majefty’s juftice, in 
 not affording you that prefent fulnefs of liberty and favour, 
 which cannot be drawn from him, but in his good time, 
 and according to his good pleafure. 
 
 No. 60. VuL. II. 
 
 Thus much I have in commandment to write to your 
 Lordfhip, and to require your anfwer clearly and plainly, by 
 this meflenger fent on purpofe for it, and lb remain, 
 
 , „ Your Lord/hip's humble Servant , 
 
 fWntrball, 24. J 1 
 
 March, 1626. Edw. Conway- 
 
 The Earl of Brijlol's Anfwer. 
 
 My Lord , 
 
 I Have received your Letter of the 24th of March , the 
 twenty eighth, and I am infinitely grieved to under- 
 ltand, that my former anfwer to yours of the 4th of 
 March, hath not fatisfied his Majefty, which I will endea¬ 
 vour to do this, to the beft of my underftanding j and to 
 that end, (hall anfwer to the particular points of your pre¬ 
 fen t Letter, with the greateft clearnefs I am able. 
 
 Firft, Whereas you fay in your Letter, that the quef¬ 
 tion propounded to me was plain and clear, viz. Whether 
 I would chufe to fit ftill, without being queftioned for any 
 errors part in my negotiation with Spain, and enjoy the 
 benefit of the late gracious pardon, whereof I may take 
 the benefit ? Or whether, being content to wave the ad¬ 
 vantage of that pardon, I (hall put my felf into a legal 
 way of examination for the tryal thereof, tl?c ? 
 
 Firft, Your Lordfhip may be pleafed to remember, your 
 laft Propofition was, Whether I defired to reft in the _ fe- 
 curity I was in, which you now exprefs, whether I will 
 chufe to fit ftill ? 
 
 Secondly, Your Propofition was, Whether I would ac¬ 
 knowledge the gracious favour of his Majefty that now is, 
 who had been pleafed not to queftion my actions, when it 
 is beft known to your Lordfhip, That by a Commiftion of 
 the Lords, I was queftioned upon twenty articles, divers 
 involving felony and treafon. Although it be true, that 
 when I had fo anfwered, (as lam confident their Lord- 
 fhips would have cleared me) I was fo unhappy, as their 
 Lordfhips never met more about that bufinefs. 
 
 But now your propofition is, whether I will now chufe 
 to fit ftill without being further queftioned for errors paft, 
 whereas before it was requiied I (hould acknowledge that I 
 have not been queftioned at all, which is a different thing ? 
 But conferring both jour letters together, and gathering 
 the fenfe and meaning, by making the latter an explana¬ 
 tion of the former, which I could have wifhed your Lord¬ 
 fhip would have more clearly explained, I return unto 
 your Lordfhip this plain and direct anfwer. 
 
 That underftanding by the fecurity I am in, and fit¬ 
 ting ftill, and not being further queftioned, I am reftored 
 to the bare freedom and liberty of a Subject and Peer (for 
 a man being called in queftion by his Majefty, if after his 
 Majefty fhall be pleafed out of his goodnefs, that he reft 
 quiet and fecure, and that he fhall not be farther queftion¬ 
 ed, I conceive that it is not apparent that his liberty natu¬ 
 rally revolveth unto him, when by his Majefty’s grace he 
 Nana 
 
 
. 26 
 
 The HISTORY of E N G L A N D. 
 
 Vol. II 
 
 is plea fed to dc-ck-re, he (hull not be farther queftioned, but 
 may live in further lecuritv ) So that uoderilanding your 
 letter in this fort (Dr no direct anfwer can be made, untill 
 the i'enfe of the quelli >n be truly flared, ) I moft humbly 
 acknowledge and accept his Max fly'; grace and favour, 
 ana fhall not wave any thing that fhall c me to me by the 
 pardon of the 21 Jac. Regis, nor by the pardon of his 
 Majefty’s Coronation ; and am fo far from bargaining, as 
 you are ple.ifed to exprefs it, for future favour ( though I 
 hope mv humble and fubmiflive courfes ot pet it ion b g his 
 Majefts, neithei Lrh, nor (hail defer\e fo hard.an cxprel- 
 fioii ) that I fhall not prefume fo much as to prefs for any 
 favour, until! my dutiful and loyal behaviour may move his 
 M :jefty\; .oval ’and gracious heart thereunto, but receive 
 with all humhknefs, this my freedom and liberty; the 
 which I fhall only make ufeofin fuch fort, as I (lull judge 
 may be moft agreeable to his Majefty’s pleafure. 
 
 As for the fecond part of your letter, wherein you fay, 
 that if I del:re to make ufe of that pardon, his Majefty 
 experts that I fliouid at leall forbear to magnify my fer- 
 vices • or out of an opinion of my own innocency caft an 
 afperlion upon his Majefty’s juftice. 1 o this point I an¬ 
 fwer, That as 1 hope l (hall never err in that fort of im- 
 modefty of valuing my fervices, which I acknowledge to 
 have been accompanied with infinite weaknefs and difabi- 
 lities ; fo I truft it (hall not difpleafe, that I make ufe to 
 mine own comfort, and the honour of my pofteriry, of 
 thofe many written teftimonies which my late moft blcfled 
 matter hath left me, of hr, gracious acceptance of my fer¬ 
 vices for the (pace of twenty years. So likewife I hope 
 the modeft avowing of mine innocency will not be thought 
 to caft anv afperfion upon his Majefty’s honour or juftice. 
 
 I muft freely confefs unto your Lord (hip, I am much af- 
 ■ ■ of tiii, nature nude, both in your 
 Lord (hip’s laft letter and in this. For if it fhall be infer¬ 
 red as a thing reflecting upon the King’s honour, that a 
 man questioned, (hall not endeavour to defend his own in¬ 
 nocency before lie be conviefted, it will be impoflible for 
 any man to be Cafe; for the honour of his Majefty is too 
 jacred a thing for any Subject, how innocent foever to con- 
 te ft a aainft. So likewife, God forbid that it (hould be 
 c ; 1 ces, is in your former letter as a 
 tax upon the Government and Juftice of his late Majefty, 
 and M-jelly that now is, that'l (hould have fuffered fo 
 long time, not being guilty. For as I never have been 
 heard fo much as to repine of injuftice in their Majefties 
 in all my fufterings, fo I well know. That the long con¬ 
 tinuance of my troubles may well be attributed unto other 
 caufes; as to my own errors of paflion, or other accidents; 
 for your Lordfhip may well remember. That my affairs 
 were altnoft two years ftnee upon the point of a happy ac¬ 
 commodation, had it not been interrupted by the unfortu¬ 
 nate miftaking of the Speeches I ufed to Mr. Clark. 
 
 I (hall conclude by intreating your Lordfllip’s favour. 
 That I may underftand from you, as I hope for my com¬ 
 fort, that this letter hath given his Majefty fatisfaftion ; or 
 if there (hould yet remain any fcruple, that I may have 
 a clear and plain fignification of the King’s pleafure, which 
 I (hall obey with all humility. 
 
 Tour Lot dfhip’s humble Servant, 
 
 Bristol- 
 
 Not long after, the Earl of Brijloi being informed that 
 the Houfe of Commons were ill-affe&ed to the Duke of 
 Buckingham, believed lie ought to improve that juncture. 
 For which purpofe he petitioned the Houfe of Lords, 
 die wing that he be.ng a Peer of this Realm, had not re¬ 
 ceived a luminous to Parliament, and dehred their Lord (hips 
 to mediate with his Majefty, that he might enjoy the liber¬ 
 ty of a Subject, and the privilege of his Peerage, after al- 
 ;nn ft two years reftraint, without being brought to a tryal. 
 And if any charge be brought in againft him, he prayed 
 that he might be tryed by Parliament. 
 
 U?on which petition, it was refolved in a Committee 
 of the Upper-Houfe. That their Lordfhips (hould humbly 
 befeech his Majefty, that a Writ of fummons might be 
 fent to the Earl of Brijloi. 
 
 Hereupon the Duke of Buckingham figmfied to the 
 Houfe, That upon the Earl of Brijtof s petition to the 
 King, his Majefty had fent him his writ of fummons : 
 And"withal, (bowed the Lords a copy of a letter written 
 from the King unto the faid Earl, being as followeth : 
 
 li'e have received pur Letter addreffed unto us by Bucking¬ 
 ham, and cannot but'wonder that you Jhould through forgetful- 
 nefs , 'make requejl to us of favour, or ifyou Jlood evenly capable 
 ,i it, -when you know what your behaviour in Spain deferved 
 tf us, which you are to examine by the obfervations we made, 
 and 'know you well remember ; how at our firjl coming into 
 Spain," taking upon you to be fo wife as to forefee our intention 
 f c !). in , c our Religion, you were fo far from dijfwading us, 
 
 ,fered your advice and fecrecy to concur in it ; and 
 
 in mam other conferences preffing to Jheui low convenient it 
 was to be a Roman Catholick ; it being impojftble in your 
 opinion to a: any great a than otberwije: .and how 
 •wrong, ilijddvantage, and difference \ou did to the Treaty , 
 and to the 1 ight and inter eft of our dear Brother and Si/hr, 
 and. their Children-, what dfadvantage, inconvenience, and 
 hazard you entangled us in by year art.fees, putting off and 
 
 delaying t 
 
 rur return 
 
 home ; the gr, 
 
 uit ejiim.atnn u 
 
 u made of 
 
 that Stat, 
 
 and the 
 
 l™ price you 
 
 fet this Kingdom at-, fill 
 
 maintain: 
 
 ’■g that ic 
 
 ■e under colour 
 
 of friendJhip to 
 
 Spain, did 
 
 ; 
 
 is in our 
 
 power again/! 
 
 them, which 
 
 they faid. 
 
 you very 1 
 
 well knew 
 
 : And lajl of t 
 
 ’ll, yiur appro) 
 
 ••g ‘/ ihji 
 
 conditions 
 
 , that our 
 
 Nephew jhould 
 
 be brought up . 
 
 in the Em- 
 
 perors Court, to which Sir VVLlter A flu on then faid. That 
 he durjl no: give his confent for fear of his head : You reply¬ 
 ing unto him. That without fome fuch great afiion, neither 
 marriage nor peace could be had. 
 
 The Lord-Keeper to the Earl of Brijloi. 
 
 M) very good Lord, 
 
 B Y his Majefty’s commandment, I herewith fend unto 
 your Lordflnp your Writ of Summons for the Par¬ 
 liament ; but withal to flgnify his Majefty’s pleafure herein 
 further, that howfoever he gives way to the awarding of 
 the Writ; yet his meaning is thereby, not to difeharge any 
 former dire£tions for reftraint of your Lordfhip’s coming 
 hither, but that you continue under the fame reftri&ion as 
 you did before; fo as your Lordfhip’s perfonal attendance 
 is to be forborn, and therein I doubt not but your Lord¬ 
 fhip will readily give his Majefty fatisfadtion. And fo I 
 commend my fervice very heartily unto your Lordfhip, 
 and remain, 
 
 Tour Lordfhip’s affured Friend and Servant, 
 
 Tho. Coventry, C. S. 
 
 Darfet Court. 
 March 31. l6i6. 
 
 The Earl of Brijloi ’s anfwer to the Lord-Keeper. 
 
 May it pleafe your Lordfhip, 
 
 I Have received your Lordftiip’s Letter of the 31ft of 
 March, and with it his Majefty’s Writ of Summons 
 for the Parliament ; in the one his Majefty commandeth 
 me, that all excufes fet afide, upon my faith and allegiance, 
 
 I fail not to come and attend his Majefty ; and this under 
 the Great-Seal of England. In the other, as in a Letter 
 miflive, his Majefty’s pleafure is intimated by your Lord¬ 
 fhip, that my perfonal attendance fhould be forborn : I muft 
 crave leave ingenuoudy to confefs unto your Lordftlip, that 
 I want judgment rightly to direct my feIf in this cafe ; 
 as likewife that I am ignorant how far this may trench 
 upon the privileges of the Peers of this land, and upon 
 mine and their fafety hereafter : For if the Writ be not 
 obeyed, the Law calleth it a Mifprifion, and highly fine- 
 able, whereof we have had late examples ; and a miflive 
 letter being avowed or not, is to be doubted would not be 
 adjudged a diffident difeharge againft the Great-Seal of 
 England. On the other fide, if the Letter be not obeyed, 
 a Peer may, de fafto, be committed upon a contempt, in 
 the interim, and the queftion cleared afterwards ; fo that 
 in this cafe it is above mine abilities. I can only anfwer 
 your Lordfhip, that I will moft exactly obey ; and to the 
 end I may underftand which obedience will be, in all kinds, 
 moft fuitable to my duty, I will prefently repair to my 
 private lodging at London , and there remain until in this, 
 and other caufes, I (hall have petitioned his Majefty, and 
 underftand his further pleafure. For the fecond part of 
 your Lordfhip’s Letter, where vour Lordftlip faith, That 
 his Majejiy’s meaning is not thereby to difeharge any former 
 directions, for rejlraint of your Lordfhip’s coming hither , but 
 that you continue under the fame rejlriciion as before ; fo that 
 your Lordfhip’s perfonal attendance here is to be forborn : I 
 conceive your Lordftlip intendeth this touching my coin¬ 
 ing to Parliament only ; for as touching my coming to 
 London, I never had at any time one word of prohibition, 
 or colourable pretence of reftraint ; but on the contrary, 
 having his late Majefty’s exprefs leave to come to London, 
 to follow my affairs ; out ofjmy refpeft to his Majeflv, 
 then Prince, and to the Duke of Buckingham, I forbore to 
 come untill I might know, whether my coming would not 
 be difagreeable unto them. Whereunto his Majefty w. - 
 pleafed to anfwer, both under the hand of the Duke, and 
 of Mr. Secretary Conway, that he took my refpect unto 
 him herein in verv good part, and would wilh me to make 
 ufe of the leave the King had given me : Since which 
 time I never received any letter or meflage of reft 
 only his Majefty by his Letter, bearing date June the . .. 
 commandeth me to remain as I was in the time of the 
 King his Father, which was with liberty to com: to 
 London to follow my own affairs as I pleafed, as will ap¬ 
 pear 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 25. C H 
 
 pear unto your Lordfhip, if you will afford me fo much 
 favour as to perufe them. I have writ this much unto your 
 Lordfhip, becaufe I would not, through mifunderftanding, 
 fall into difpleafure by my coming up, and to intreat your 
 Lordfhip to inform his Majefty thereof: And that my 
 Lord Conway , by whofe Warrant I was only reftrained in 
 the late King’s time of famous memory, may produce any 
 one word, that may have fo much as any colourable pre¬ 
 tence of debarring my coming up to London. I befeech 
 your Lordfhip to pardon my defire to have things clearly 
 undcrftood ; for the want of that formerly hath caufed all 
 my troubles ; and when any thing is mifinformed con¬ 
 cerning me, I have little or no means to clear it ; fo that 
 my chief labour is to avoid mifunderftanding. I fhall con¬ 
 clude with befeeching your Lordfhip to do me this favour, 
 to let his Majefty underftand, that my coming up is only 
 rightly to underftand his pleafure, whereunto I fhall in all 
 things moft dutifully and humbly conform my felf. And 
 fo with my humble fervice to your Lordfhip, I recommend 
 you to God’s holy protection, and remain, 
 
 Tour Lordjhip's mofl bumble Servant , 
 
 Sherborn, April 
 
 i2, 1626. Bristol. 
 
 The Earl of BrfloFs fecond Petition prefented to the 
 Houfe of Lords, April 19, 1626. 
 
 The bumble Petition of John Earl of Briftol. 
 
 Humbly floewing unto your Lordjhips , 
 
 Hj^HAT' he hath lately received his Writ of Parlia- 
 
 JL merit, for which he returneth unto your Lordfhips 
 moft humble thanks, but jointly with it a Letter from my 
 Lord-Keeper, commanding him in his Majefty’s name to 
 forbear his perfonal attendance ; and although he fhall ever 
 obey the leaft intimation of his Majefty’s pleafure, yet he 
 moft humbly offereth unto your Lordfhips wife conlidera- 
 tions as too high a point for him, how far this may trench 
 upon the liberty and fafety of the Peers, and the autho¬ 
 rity of their Letters Patents, to be in this fort difeharged 
 by a Letter miftive of any Subjeft, without the King’s 
 hand ; and for your Lordfhips due information, he hath 
 annexed a copy of the faid Lord-Keeper’s letter, and his 
 anfwer thereunto. 
 
 He further humbly petitioneth your Lordfhips, That 
 having been, for the fpace of two years, highly wronged 
 in point of his liberty, and of his honour, by many finifter 
 afperfions which have been caft upon him, without being 
 permitted to anfwer for himfelf ; which hath been done by 
 the power and induftry of the Duke of Buckingham , to 
 keep him from the prefence of his Majefty and the Par¬ 
 liament, lead: he fliould difeover many crimes concerning 
 the faid Duke. 
 
 He therefore moft humbly befeecheth, That he may be 
 heard both in the point of his wrong, and of his accufa- 
 tion of the faid Duke ; wherein he will make it appear, 
 how infinitely the faid Duke hath both abufed their Ma- 
 jefties, the State, and both the Houfes of Parliament. And 
 this he is moft confident will not be denied, fince the Court 
 of Parliament never refufeth to hear the pooreft Subject 
 Peeking for redrefs of wrongs, nor the accufation againft 
 any, be he never fo powerful : And herein he befeecheth 
 your Lordfhips to mediate to his Majefty, for the fuppli- 
 ant’s coming to the Houfe, in fuch fort as you fhall think 
 fitting ; a flu ring his Majefty, that all he 'fhall fay, fhall 
 not only tend to the fervice of his Majefty and the State, 
 but highly to the honour of his Majefty’s royal perfon, and 
 (4 his princely virtues : And your fuppliant fhall ever pray 
 lor your Loidfhips profperity. 
 
 Hereupon the Lord Keeper delivered this meffage from 
 the King to the Houfe of Lords. 
 
 I hat his Majefty hath heard of a petition preferred unto 
 this Houfe by the Earl of Briflol, fo void of duty and re¬ 
 fits to his Majefty, that he hath great caufe to punifh 
 him ; That he hath alfo heard with what duty and ref- 
 peCtfuInefs to his Majefty their Lordfhips have proceeded 
 therein, which his Majefty conceiveth to have been upon 
 the knowledge they have, that he hath been reftrained for 
 matters of State ; and his Majefty doth therefore give 
 their Lordfhips thanks for the fame, and is refolved to put 
 the caufe upon the honour and juftice of their Lordfhips 
 and this Houfe. And thereupon his Majefty commanded 
 him (the Lord-Keeper) to fignify to their Lordfhips his 
 roval pleafure, that the Earl of Briflol be fent for as a De¬ 
 linquent, to anfwer in this Houfe his offences, committed 
 in his negotiations before his Majefty’s being in Spain , 
 and his offences fince his Adajefty’s coming from Spain , and 
 his fcandaJizing the Duke of Buckingham immediately, and 
 his Majefty by reflexion, with whofe privity, and by 
 whofe directions the Duke did guide his aCtions, and with¬ 
 out which he did nothing. All which his Majefty will 
 
 ARLES. 
 
 caufe to be charged againft him before their Lordfhips in 
 this Houfe. 
 
 The Lords appointed a Committee to attend the Kr >_■. 
 and to prefent their humble thanks to h’s Majeftv, for 1 .c 
 truft and confidence he had placed in the honour and jutti- <• 
 of their Houfe. 
 
 O N Monday the fir ft of May, the Gentlcman-Uflirr 
 brought the Earl of Brflcl to the Bar, acavding 
 to their Lordfhips order . and the Lord-Keeper acip.: :U .! 
 
 him, that the King had commanded his Attorney -1 . 
 
 ral, to charge the Earl of Briflol before their Lcrufir; 
 w-ith high-Treafon, and other offences and inifdemejiiours 
 of a very high nature, that they might proceed in a legal 
 courfe againft him, according to the juftice and ufual pro¬ 
 ceedings of Parliament. 
 
 Articles of accufation againft the Earl of Briflol , prefented 
 to the Upper-Houfe by the King’s Attorney-General. 
 
 I. Offences done and committed by the Earl of Briftol, be¬ 
 fore his Majefly's going into Spain, when be was Prince. 
 
 I- HAT the faid Earl being trufted and employed 
 JL by the faid late King as his Ambaffador to Ferdi- 
 nando , then and now Emperor of Germany ; and to Philip 
 the IVth, then and now King of Spain , in Ann's s’ 16z 1, 
 22, 23. And having commiftion, and particular and fpe- 
 cia! direction, to treat with the faid Emperor and the King 
 of Spain., lor the plenary reftoring of fuch parts of the 
 Dominions, Territories, and Pofleftions of the Count Pa¬ 
 latine of Rhine , who married with the moft excellent 
 Lady Elizabeth his now royal confort, the only daughter 
 of the faid late King fames ; which were then wrongfully 
 and in hoftile manner taken, and pofleffed with and by the 
 armies of the faid Emperor and King of Spain , or any o- 
 ther ; and for the preferving and keeping fuch other part., 
 thereof as were nut then loft, but were then in the pro¬ 
 tection of the faid late King fames ; and to the life of the 
 faid Count Palatine and his Children : And alfo to treat 
 with the laid King of Spain for a marriage to be had be¬ 
 tween the moft high and excellent Prince Charles, then 
 Prince of Wales, the only Son and Ileu-appaient of the 
 faid King fames, and now our moft Sovereign Lord, and 
 the moft illuftrious Lady Donna Maria the Infanta of Spain, 
 Sifter to the now King of Spain : He the faid Earl, con¬ 
 trary to his duty and allegiance, and contrary to the truft 
 and duty of an Ambaffador, at Madrid in the Kingdom of 
 Spain , to advance and further the defigns of the faid King 
 of Spain againft our faid fovereign Lord, his children, 
 friends, and allies ; falfely, willingly, and traiteroufly, an i 
 as a traitor to our faid late Sovereign Lord the King, by 
 fundry letters and other meflages fent by the laid Earl from 
 Madrid , in the year aforefaid, unto King fames and his 
 Minifters of State of England , did confidently and reio- 
 lutely inform, advife, and allure the faid late King, that 
 the faid Emperor and King of Spain , would really, fully 
 and eft'eftually make reftitution and plenary reftauration to 
 the faid Count Palatine , and his children of the faid Do 
 minions, Territories and PofTeflionsof the faid Count Pala¬ 
 tine , and ol the faid Electoral Dignity : And that the laid 
 King of Spain did really, fully and effectually intend the 
 faid Marriage between the faid Lady his Siiter, and the 
 faid Prince our now Sovereign Lord, according to articles 
 formerly propounded between the faid Kings : Whereas 
 in truth, the faid Emperor and King of Spain , or either 
 of them, never really intended fuch reftitution as aiore- 
 faid ; and whereas the faid King of Spain never really in¬ 
 tended the marriage according to thole Articles propounded, 
 but the faid Emperor and the King of Spain , intended only 
 by thofe treaties, to gain time to compafs their own ends 
 and purpofes, to the detriment of this Kingdom, (of all 
 which, the faid Earl of Briflol neither was nor could be 
 ignorant) the faid late King fames by entertaining thofe 
 Treaties, and continuing them upon thofe falfe affurances 
 given unto him by the faid Earl, as aforefaid, was made 
 fecure, and loft the opportunity of time, and thereby the 
 faid Dominions, Territories and Pofleftions of the faid Count 
 Palatine , and the Ele&oral Dignity become utterly loft ; 
 and fome parts thereof were taken out of the aCtual pof- 
 fellion of the faid King fames , unto whofe protection and 
 fafe-keeping they were put, and committed to the faid 
 Count Palatine ; and the moft excellent Lady Elizabeth 
 his wife, and their children, are now utterly difpoffeffed 
 and bereaved thereof, to the high difhonour of our laid late 
 Sovereign Lord King fames, to the difherifon of the faid 
 late King’s children, and their pofterity, of their antient 
 patrimony, 2nd to the difadvantage and tlifeouraging of the 
 reft of the Princes of Germany , and other Kings and Prin¬ 
 ces in amity and league with his Majefty. 
 
 II. That the faid Earl of Briflol beir.c, Ambaffador for 
 his late Majefty King fames as atoiefaid, in Ann is fnpru- 
 diilis, and having received perfed, plain, and particular 
 
 inftruCth >nt> 
 
328 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 inftructions and directions from his faid late Majefty, that 
 he fhould put the King of Spain to a fpeedy and punctual 
 anfwer, touching the treaties aforefaid : And the faid Earl 
 well underftanding the eftet of thofe inftruflions and di¬ 
 rections fo given unto him, and taking precife knowledge 
 thereof; and alfo knowing how much it concerned his late 
 Majefty in honour and fafety (as his great affairs then 
 ftood) to put thefe Treaties to a fpeedy conclufion : Yet 
 neverthelefs, he the faid Earl, falfely, willingly and traiter- 
 oufly, contrary to his allegiance, and contrary to the truft 
 and duty of an Ambaffador, continued thofe treaties upon 
 generalities, without effectual prefllng the faid King of 
 Spain unto particular conclufions, according to his Majefty’s 
 dire&ions as aforefaid ; and fo the faid Earl intended to 
 have continued the faid Treaties upon generalities, and 
 without reducing them to certainties and to diredt con¬ 
 clufions, to the high difhonour of his faid late Majefty, 
 and to the extreme danger and detriment of his Majefty’s 
 perfon, his crown and dominions, confederates and allies. 
 
 III. That the faid Earl of Brijlol , being Ambaflador for 
 his faid late Majefty as aforefaid, in the years aforefaid, to 
 the intent to difcour2ge the faid late King James , for the 
 taking up of arms, entering into hoftility with the faid 
 King of Spain , and for refilling him and his forces, from 
 attempting the invafion of his faid late Majefty’s Domini¬ 
 ons, and the Dominions of his faid late Majefty’s Confede¬ 
 rates, Friends, and Allies ; the faid King of Spain h..ving 
 long thirfted after an univerfal Monarchy in thefe weftern 
 parts of the world, hath many times, both by words and 
 letters, to the faid late King and his Minifters, extolled 
 and magnified the greatnefs and power of the faid King of 
 Spain, and reprefented unto his faid late Majefty, the fup- 
 pofed dangers which would enfue unto him, if a war 
 fhould happen between them ; and affirmed, and infinuated 
 unto his faid late Majefty, that it fuch a war fhould enfue, 
 his faid late Majefty, during the reft of his life, mull ex- 
 pedt neither to hunt, nor hawk, nor eat his meat in quiet : 
 Whereby the faid Earl of Bri/lol did cunningly and traite- 
 roufly ftrive to retard the refolulions of the faid late King, 
 to declare hiinfelf an enemy to the faid King of Spain , 
 (who, under colour of Treaties and Alliances, had fo 
 much abufed him ) and to refift his arms and forces, to the 
 lofs of opportunity of time, which cannot be recalled, or 
 regained, and to the extreme danger, difhonour, and de¬ 
 triment of this Kingdom. 
 
 IV. The faid Earl of Brijlol , upon his difpatch out of 
 this Realm of England , in his ambaffage aforefaid, having 
 communication with divers perfons of London , within this 
 Realm of England , before his going into Spain , in and 
 about his ambaffage concerning the faid Treaty, for the 
 negotiation whereof, the faid Earl purpofely was lent ; and 
 he the faid Earl being then told, that there was little pro¬ 
 bability, that thefe Treaties would or could have any good 
 fuccefs, he the faid Earl acknowledged as much ; and yet 
 neverthelefs, contrary to his duty and allegiance, and to 
 the faith and truth of an Ambaffador, he the faid Earl faid 
 and affirmed, that he cared not what the fuccefs thereof 
 would be ; for he would take care to have his Inftruiftions, 
 and purfue them punctually ; and howfoever the bufinefs 
 went, he would make his fortune thereby, or ufed words 
 at that time to fuch effect ; whereby it plainly appeareth, 
 that the faid Earl, from the beginning herein, intended not 
 the fervice or honour of hi- late Majefty, but his own cor¬ 
 rupt and finifter ends, and for his own advancement. 
 
 V. That from the beginning of his Negotiation, and 
 throughout the whole management thereof, by the faid 
 Earl of Brijlol, and during his faid ambaffage, he the faid 
 Ear), contrary to his faith, and duty to God, the true Re¬ 
 ligion profeffed by the Church of England , and the Peace 
 of this Church and State, did intend and refolve, that if the 
 faid Marriage fo treated of as aforefaid, fhould by his mi- 
 niftrv be effeCled, that thereby the Romijh Religion, and 
 Profefiors thereof, fhould be advanced within this Realm, 
 and other his Majefty’-. Realms and Dominions, and the 
 :rue Religion and Profeil'ors thereof, difeouraged and dif- 
 uountenanced. And to that end and purpofe, the faid 
 Earl, during the time aforefaid, by Letters unto his late 
 Majefty, and other wife, often cnunfelled and perfwaded his 
 faid late Majefty to fet at liberty the Jefuits and Priefts of 
 the Romijh Religion ; which, according to the good, reli¬ 
 gious, and publick Laws of this Kingdom, were imprifoned 
 >r reftrained, and to grant, and to allow unto the Papifts, 
 and profeffors of the Romijh Religion, free toleration, and 
 filencing of all the Laws made, and ftanding in force 
 againft them. 
 
 VI. That by the falfe informations and intelligence of 
 the faid Earl of Brijlol, during the time aforefaid, unto his 
 :aid late Majefty, and to his Majefty that now is, ( being 
 hen Prince } concerning the faid Treaties; and by the 
 diurances aforefaid given by the faid Earl, his faid late 
 vlajeftv, and the Prince, his now Majefty, being put in 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 hopes, and by the faid long delav ufed, with at pro ucirg 
 any efteCt, their Majefties being put into jcaloufic-, d 
 juft fufpicion, that there was no fuch fij-.reri: ufed tow-iff 
 them as they expe£ed ; and with !b irarv anfwer.-' from 
 the Earl, had on their part been •mdern-ken, the faid 
 Prince, our now gracious Sovereign, was .iff.reed, out of 
 his love to his Country, to his Allies, } i end-, and Con¬ 
 federates, and to the peace of Chriftendom, who all fullered 
 by thofe intolerable delays, in his own perfon to underrak.- 
 his long and dangerous journey into Spain , that thereby he 
 might either fpeedily conclude thofe Treaties, or perfectly 
 difeover, that on the Emperor’s, and il..- Kmo- of S'-a:n'\ 
 part, there was no true and real intention to bring the 
 fame to conclufion, upon any fit and honorable terms and 
 conditions, and did absolutely and fpeedily break them off. 
 By which journey, the perfon of the laid Prince, hein? 
 then Heir-apparent to the Crown of this Realm, and m his 
 perfon, the peace and fafety of this Kingdom, did under v 
 fuch apparent, and fuch inevitable danger, as at the ver. 
 remembrance thereof, the hearts of all good SutffcL A; 
 even tremble. 
 
 II. Offences done and committed by the faid Earl, during t> i 
 time of the Prince’s being in Spain. 
 
 VII. np H A T at the Pr ince’s coming into Spain, du- 
 JL ring the time aforefaid, the" Earl of Brijlol , 
 cunningly, falfely, and traiteroufty, moved and perfwaded 
 the Prince, being then in the power of a foreign Kina' of 
 the Romijh Religion, to change his Religion, which was 
 done in this manner. At the Prince’s firft coming to the 
 faid Earl, he asked the Prince, for what he came thither ? 
 The Prince at firft not conceiving the Earl's meaning, an- 
 fwered, You know as well as I. The Earl replied, Sir, 
 Servants can never ferve their Mafters induftrioufly, al¬ 
 though they may do it faithfully, unlefs they know’ their 
 meanings fully. Give me leave therefore to tell you what 
 they fay in the Town, i., the caufe of your coming, that 
 you mean to change your Religion, and to declare fc here, 
 and yet cunningly to difguife it. The Earl added further : 
 Sir, I do not fpeak this, that I will perfwade you to do it, 
 or that I will promife you to follow your example, though 
 you will do it ; but as your faithful Servant, if you will 
 truft me with fo great fecret, I will endeavour to carry it 
 the difereeteft way I can. The Prince being moved at this 
 unexpected motion, again faid unto him, I wonder whar 
 you have ever found in me, that you fhould conceive I 
 would be fo bafe and unworthy, as for a wife to change mv 
 Religion. The faid Earl replying, he defired the Prince 
 to pardon him if he had offended him, it was but out of 
 his defire to ferve him. Which perfwafions of the faid 
 Earl was the more dangerous, becaufe the more fubtle ; 
 whereas it had been the duty of a faithful Servant, to Gca 
 and his Mafter, if he had found the Prince ftaggering in 
 his Religion, to have prevented fo great an error, and to 
 have perfwaded againft ir, fo to have avoided the danger¬ 
 ous confequence thereof to the true Religion, and to the 
 State, if fuch a thing fhould have hapned. 
 
 VIII. That afterwards, during the Prince’s beina in 
 Spain, the faid Earl having conference with the faid Pnnce 
 about the Romijh Religion, he endeavoured falfely and trai - 
 teroufiy to perfwade the Prince to change his Religion, and 
 to become a Roman Catholick, and to become obedient to 
 the ufurped authority of the Pope of Rome : And to that 
 end and purpofe, the faid Earl traiteroufly ufed thefe words 
 unto the faid Prince, that the State of England never did 
 any great thing, but when they were under the obedience 
 of the Pope of Rome, and that it was impoffible they could 
 do any thing of note otherwife. 
 
 IX. That during the time of the Prince’s being in Spain, 
 the Prince confuting and advifing with the faid Earl, and 
 others, about a new offer made by the King of Spain , 
 touching the Palatinate’s eldeft Son, to marry with the 
 Emperor’s Daughter, but then he muff be bred up in the 
 Emperor’s Court ; the faid Earl delivered his opinion, that 
 the propofition was reafonable ; whereat, when Sir Walter 
 fjlon then prefent, falling into fume paffion, faid, that he 
 durft not for his head confent to it ; the Earl of Bri/lci 
 replied, that he faw no fuch great inconvenience in it ; tin 
 that he might be bred up in the Emperor’s Court in our 
 Religion. But when the extreme danger, and, in a man¬ 
 ner, the impoffibility thereof was preffed unto the faid Lari, 
 he faid again, that without fome great adion, the peace of 
 Chriftendom would never be had ; which was fo dangerous-, 
 and fo defperate a Counfel, that one near the Crown of 
 England fhould be poifoned in his Religion, and become an 
 unfriend to our State, that the confequences thereof, both 
 for the prefent and future times, were infinitely dangerous, 
 and yet hereunto did his difaffection to our Religion, the 
 blindnefs in his Judgment, milled by his finifter refpe&s, 
 and the too much regard he had to the Houfe of Aujlria , 
 lead him 
 
 HI. Offence: 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 2$. CHARLES 1 
 
 3Z9 
 
 III. Offences dene and committed by the[aid Earl, after the 
 Prince's coming from Spain. 
 
 X. r "jT'' HAT when the Prince had clearly found him 
 jL felf and his Father deluded in thefe Treaties, 
 and hereupon refolved to return from the Court of Spain 5 
 yet becaufe it behoved him to part freely, he left the pow¬ 
 ers of the Defponfories with the Earl of Brijlol , to be de¬ 
 livered upon the return of the difpenfation from Rome , 
 which the King of Spain infilled upon ; and without which, 
 as he pretended, he would not conclude the marriage. The 
 Prince forefeeing and fearing, left after the Defponfories, 
 the Infanta that fhould then be his wife might be put into 
 a Monaftery, wrote a Letter back to the faid Earl from 
 Segovia , thereby commanding him not to make ufe of the 
 laid powers, until he could give him affurance, that a Mo¬ 
 naftery fhould not rob him of his wife ; which Letter the 
 faid Earl received, and with fpecd returned an anfwer there¬ 
 to in England , perfuading againft this direction, yet pro- 
 mifing obedience thereunto. Shortly after which, the Prince 
 lent another Letter to the faid Earl into Spain, difeharging 
 him of his Father’s command. But his late Majefty, by 
 the farrte mefl'enger, lent him a more exprefs diredtion, not 
 to difpatch the Defponfories, until a full conclufion were had 
 of the other Treaty of the Palatinate with this of the 
 marriage; for his Majefty faid, That he would not have 
 one Daughter to laugh, and leave the other Daughter weep¬ 
 ing. In which difpatch, although there were fome mif- 
 takino, yet in the next following, the fame was correc¬ 
 ted, and the Earl of Brijlol tied to the fame reftridtion, 
 which himfelf confefled in one of his difpatches afterwards, 
 and promifed to obey pundtually the King’s command 
 therein ; yet nevertheless, contrary to his duty and alle¬ 
 giance, in another Letter fent immediately after, he de- 
 fclared* That he had fet a day for the Defponfories, without 
 any affurance, or fo much as treating of thofe things which 
 were commanded to him as reftridtions; and that fo fhort a 
 day, that if extraordinary diligence, with good fuccefs in 
 the journey, had not concurred, the Prince’s hands might 
 have been bound up ; and yet he neither fure of a wife, nor 
 any affurance given of the temporal Articles. All which, 
 in his high prefumption, he adventured to do, being an 
 exprefs breach of his inflrudlions; and if the fame had 
 not been prevented by his late Majefty’s vigilancy, it might 
 have turned to the infinite difhonour and prejudice of his 
 Majefty. „ 
 
 XI. Laftly, That he hath offended in a high and con¬ 
 temptuous manner, in preferring a fcandalous Petition to 
 this honourable Houfe, to the difhonour of his Majefty of 
 blefled memory deceafed, and of his facred Majefty that 
 now is, which are noway fufferable in a fubjedt towards his 
 Sovereign ; and in one article of that Petition fpecially, 
 wherein he gives his now Majefty the lie, in denying and 
 offering to falfify that relation which his Majefty affirmed, 
 and thereunto added many things of his own remembrance 
 to both Houfes of Parliament. 
 
 Robert Heath , [Attorney-General.] 
 
 The Earl of Brijlol , upon the Attorney-General’s ac- 
 cufing him of High-Treafon, thus expreft himfelf: 
 
 « That he had exhibited his Petition to the Houfe, 
 “ April 19, that he might come up and be heard in his 
 « accufation of the Duke of Buckingham, and that there- 
 “ upon, he being a Peer of this realm, is now charged 
 “ with Treafon: That he had heretofore informed the 
 “ late King of the Duke’s unfaithful fervice, and thereupon 
 “ the Duke laboured that he might be clapt up in the 
 “ Tower, prefcntly upon his return out of Spain : That 
 “ he importuned the late King, that he might be heard 
 “ before himfelf, and his Majefty .promifed it; I pray God , 
 ‘‘ ( faid he ) that that promife did him no hurt , for he died 
 *< Jhortly after. And for the King’s promife, he vouched 
 “ the Lord-Chamberlain for a witnefs ; and he defired 
 “ the Lords to take notice, that their Houfe was poffefted 
 “ already of his faid Petition, and of his accufation of the 
 “ faid Duke; Aad therefore defired firft, that they would 
 “ receive his charge againft the Duke and the Lord Con- 
 “ way, and not to invalid his teftimony againft him by the 
 ‘‘ King’s charge againft him; and that he might not be 
 “ impeached, till his charge of fo high a nature be firft 
 “ heard. 
 
 “ So he tendred to the Houfe the Articles againft the 
 “ Duke, which the Clerk received, and he withdrew, 
 “ and his Petition exhibited the 1 9th of April was read ; 
 “ and the Lords refolved upon the queftion, That the faid 
 «* Earl’s charge againft the Duke of Buckingham and the 
 “ Lord Conway fhould be prefently read.” 
 
 The Earl being fhortly after called in again to the Bar 
 of the Lord’s Houfe, concerning his Articles againft 
 the Duke, made this Speech. 
 
 Firft, He cravedpardon of their Lordfhips for his earneft 
 Speeches the other day, confeffing them to have been in 
 paffion, faying, That unexpedted accufation of Treafon - 
 would warm any honeft heart, but would hereafter amend 
 it. Then he rendered their Lordfhips humble thanks for 
 their manner of proceeding againft him ; and defired to 
 know, from Mr. Attorney, whether that was his whole 
 charge or not. Mr. Attorney anfwered. That he had 
 commandment to open no more againft him ; peradventure, 
 •upon the opening of the charge, fome particulars might 
 aiife, and be urged, but no new matter fhould. 
 
 Then the Earl defired to know of Mr. Attorney, who 
 was the relator to his charge, and that he might underftand 
 who was his accufer. Mf. Attorney anfwered, That 
 the King himfelf, out of his own mouth, had given him 
 aired ions for his own relation againft him, and corredled 
 many things that were added. Unto which the Earl an¬ 
 fwered, that he would not conteft with the King, neither 
 did it hefeem him fo to do ; neither efteemed he his life or 
 his fortunes fo much, as to fave them by contefting with 
 his Sovereign ; and therefore would make no reply or an- 
 fwer, were it not that his Religion and Honour were 
 jointly queftioned with his life ; but this being to defeend 
 to his pofterity, for their fakes he was an humble fuitor 
 unto his Majefty, that he would not take indignation at 
 his own juft defence, yet would he be ready to make 
 any humble fubmiffion to his Majefty ; and heartily defired 
 fome means might be made, that he might make it perfb- 
 nally to himfelf, wherein he would fubmit himfelf moll 
 willingly to fome fuch adl of humiliation and fubmiffion, 
 
 ( not wronging his innocency ) that never fubjedt did to¬ 
 wards his Sovereign : And alfo that his Majefty would be 
 pleafed to fet himfelf in his throne of Juftice, and declare 
 out of his royal Juftice, that he would have the Duke and 
 him upon equal terms, and that neither of their caufes 
 fhould be advanced before the other’s. 
 
 Thefe were his humble Petitions, which he befought 
 their Lordfhips to prefent unto his Majefty, and to take it 
 into their confiderations, of how dangerous a confequence 
 it would be, if the King fhould be accufer, judge, wit¬ 
 nefs, and fhould have the confifcation. As touching tha 
 charge againft him, he faid, He had once anfwered it all, 
 except that of his Petition ; and he doubted not but to clear 
 himfelf before their Lordfhips, of every particular of it. 
 He faid, He expected not to have heard of this agjin, 
 having once anfwered it: He rather expedled to have been 
 charged with fome practice with Spain againft the State ; or 
 the receipt of ten or twenty thoufand pounds, for the per¬ 
 fuading and procuring of the delivery up of fome Town, 
 of which the Crown was in pofleffion, as might be the 
 town of Fluffing , the Brill, or the like ; or for being 
 the means of lending the King’s fhips to a foreign nation, 
 and that againft thole of our own Religion ; or for reveal¬ 
 ing his Majcfly’s higheft fecrets, which none above two 
 or three dares know ; or for treating the greateft affairs (1), 
 as it were by his own authority, without formal inftruc- 
 tions in the points ; for having taken rewards, or been cor¬ 
 rupted by a foreign Prince; or to have broken his inftruc- 
 tions ineny ecclefiaflical point; or, as the Law calleth it, 
 to have committed an overt a£l of difloyalty ; and not to 
 be charged, after feven ambaftages, with difeourfes and ‘in¬ 
 ferences. 
 
 Then he defired their Lordfhips, that he might have a. 
 copy of his charge in writing, and time allowed him for his 
 anfwer, and counfel affigned him to plead his caufe ; and 
 faid. There was a great difference between the Duke of 
 Buckingham and him ; for the Duke was accufed of treafon, 
 and yet at large, and in the King’s favour ; and he being 
 accufed but of that which he had long fince anfwered, was 
 a prifoncr: And therefore he moved, that they might be 
 put in equal condition. 
 
 And as touching the Lord Conway , inafmuch as he had 
 given in Articles againft him, he defired his Lordfhip, he 
 might not meddle in that particular bufinefs, or ufe the 
 King’s name againft him, ex officio ; he alfo befought their 
 Lordfhips to be fuitors to his Majefty on his behalf, that all 
 the particular difpatches of his own ambaftages, and Sir 
 Walter AJlon's, might be brought thither, and that he 
 might make ufe of them for his defence, as his evidence: 
 Then he defired their Lordfhips, not to think it tedious 
 for him to proceed, and lay open his cafe unto them: 
 Which being granted, he began as followeth. 
 
 He faid. That he had the honour to ferve the late King 
 his Matter, of happy memory, for the fpace of twenty 
 years, and a long time as a counfellor, and in feven foreign 
 ambaftages: In all which time, in point of his negotiation, 
 he had never received one check or rebuke, until the re¬ 
 turn of the Duke of Buckingham out of Spain ; and 
 therefore, from thence he would begin bis pTefent nar¬ 
 ration. 
 
 (1) Of all thefe things was the Duke of Buckingham accufed by the Publick- Rafin. 
 
 No. 60. VO L. II. O O O * 
 
 The 
 
330 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 The very day that his Majefty departed from Spain, 
 he was plea fed to tell him, That he had no ways offend¬ 
 ed him, but did him the honour to truft him with the cuf- 
 tody of the powers for his marriage ; and after his return 
 into England, wrote unto him fome Letters, which did 
 in no kind exprefs any diftruit or dilpleafure againft him. 
 About the fame time, he wrote unto his Majefty feveral 
 letters, as in duty he was bound, not for any earthly re- 
 fpc£t whatfoever, to conceal from him the true eftate of 
 his affairs ; in which Letters he fet down truly and honeftlv, 
 That he conceived, that the diftaftes grown there betwixt 
 the King of Spain and his Minifters, and the Duke of 
 Buckingham, would diforder and utterly overthrow all his 
 affairs, if his wildom prevented Jt not; hinc ilia • lachrymcv : 
 The Duke of Buckingham got a fight and knowledge of 
 the Letters; and fearing,' left the Earl at his return fhould 
 difcover unto his faid late Majefty, his practices and mif- 
 denteanors in Spain, he refolved, That his accefs to the 
 Kin;: was no ways to be admitted, and therefore laboured 
 and endeavoured, that he might be committed to the Tower 
 prefently upon his arrival; and conceiving that the Lord 
 Marquifs Hamilton , in regard of his friendftiip with the 
 Earl, and the alliance which was then intended between 
 them, might oppofe his courfe, he earneftly prefled him 
 therein, and moved him to deal with my Lord-Chamber¬ 
 lain to the fame purpofe, vowing, That there was no hurt 
 intended to the Earl, but only that he feared, that if he 
 fhould be admitted to the King, he would crofs and dif- 
 tuib the courfe of affairs. But they were fo honourable, 
 that neither of them would condefcend thereunto ; and fo 
 that intention of his took no effect. 
 
 This defign of the Duke not taking, he fell upon other 
 thinns indeed to have frightned the Earl out of his country 
 and honour ; and thereupon laid fome great and fmifter 
 afperfions upon him in both Houfes of Parliament, thinking 
 thereby to have terrified him, that he fhould not return, 
 faying. That if he kept not himfelf where he was, and 
 laid hold of thofe great offers which he heard were made 
 unto him in Spain, it would be worfe with him. 
 
 Here the Earl defined my Lord Chamberlain, that he would 
 be pleafed upon his honour , to deliver what he knew' of the 
 matter'. Whereupon the Lord Chamberlain attefed the truth 
 of what the Earl had faid concerning the Duke of Bucking¬ 
 ham, the Marquifs of Hamilton, and himfelf. 
 
 Then the Earl of Brijlol proceeded and laid, That the 
 knowledge of thefe afperlions caft upon him in the Par¬ 
 liament, came firft unto him at Bourdeaux in France , 
 where he was coming home at leifure, in the company of 
 his wife and family,"having formerly fent a port of purpofe 
 to the Lord Conway, to know if his fpeedy return would 
 be any way ufeful to his Majefty’s fervice : Who anfwered 
 him, 'That he might very well return at leifure with his 
 family. And in the mean time, he was fallen upon by 
 the Duke of Buckingham in Parliament, in fuch fort as your 
 Lord fit ips well remember ; of whofe declaration, he laid, 
 he would boldly affirm unto their Lordfhips, that there 
 was fcarce any one thing concerning him in it, which was 
 not contrary to, or different from the truth. 
 
 From Bourdeaux the Earl took poft, making hafte, for 
 that he hoped to clear his honour in Parliament before it 
 fhould break up; and being arrived at Calais , he fent over 
 to have one of the King’s fhips, for which there was pub- 
 lick order given : But although both wind and weather 
 were as fair as could be, and the King’s fhips lay at Bo- 
 loigne , having carried over Count Mansfield , and might every 
 day within three hours have been with him, yet the fhip 
 came not in eight days expectance ; fo that the Earl, 
 fearing the Parliament would be diflblved, was enforced to 
 pafs the fea in a boat with fix oars, as he did, having with 
 him thirtv or forty thoufand pounds of the King’s Jewels. 
 
 Upon his landing at Dover, hoping that il his arreft 
 fhould have been deferred till his coming to London , he 
 might have gotten directly to the King’s prefence, which 
 the Duke refolved was by no means to be admitted : The 
 Earl was there, by a letter of the Lord Conway’s, delivered 
 unto him by a fervant of his, in his Majefty’s name, com¬ 
 manded to retire himfelf to his houfe, and not to come to 
 the Court, or the King’s prefence, untill he fhould have 
 anfwered unto certain queftions, which his Majefty would 
 appoint fome of the Lords of the Council to ask him. 
 Hereupon he fent prefently to his Majefty, who fent him 
 word, That his reftraint was neither for any ill meaning 
 unto him, nor that it fhould laft long, but was intended tor 
 his good, to keep the Parliament from falling violently 
 upon him. And the fame reafon the Duke allcdged to fome 
 of his friends ; and all thofe his troubles, which have fol¬ 
 lowed upon his firft reftraint, have been procured by the 
 s art, i • ir of favour. But the Earl having 
 received his mellage Hum the King, became a-moft hum¬ 
 ble fuitor unto his Majefty, that he would expofe him to 
 the Parliament; for that if he had not ferved him ho- 
 neftly in all things, he deferved no favour, but to be pro- 
 
 of ENGLAND. Vol. II. 
 
 ceeded againft with all feveritv. And in this particular lie 
 prefled the King, as far as could Hand with dutv.and 
 good manners ; but received anfwer from hi:. Majeftv, 
 I hat there fhould but few more days pah, before he would 
 put an end to his affairs. And about this time the Failia- 
 ment was diii’olved. 
 
 He ftili continued his follicitation to be admitted to the 
 King’s prefence, who fent him word, and confirmed it bv 
 oath : That as foon as he fhould have anfwered the ques¬ 
 tions which the Coinmiffioners were to propound to him, 
 he would both fee him and hear him, and wondred that he 
 fhould fo much doubt thereof. He then lollicited with all 
 earneftnefs to have the queftions fent unto him, which was 
 promifed fhould be within few days. In the interim, his 
 Majefty being defirous that the bufinefs fhould have been ac¬ 
 commodated, lent fecretly to him bv a Gentleman (who 
 is ready to depofe it,) this meffage ; That he fhould tunte a 
 fair Letter to the Duke, and leave the tejl to him. Here¬ 
 upon the Duke fent a Gentleman (one Mr. Clark) with 
 fair propofitions, offering to procure him whatever he 
 could realonably pretend ; only he muft not he admitted to 
 the King’s prefence for fome time; and that the Duke 
 would have the difpoiing of his Vice-Chamberlain’s , 
 having been therein formerly engaged. The 7 
 Gentleman, That to condefcend to any fuch u jp \> : 
 
 jointly to confefs himfelf faulty in fome kind, which t 
 would not do for any refpedf in the world; and let him 
 know the great wrong that the Duke had already done him ; 
 and therefore it woald be more honorable for him to pro¬ 
 cure him fome reparation, than to prefs him farther. 
 Moreover, not by way of meffage, but by way of infor¬ 
 mation of the faid Mr. Clark, he let him know, how fit 
 it Wcie tor the Duke not to prefs thefe things, who could 
 not but be confcious of his own faults, and knew his inno- 
 cency ; and withal {hewed him a Paper that he had made 
 ready for the King, containing the particulars wherein the 
 Duke had difparaged him. 
 
 Mr. Clark making the Duke acquainted herewith, the 
 Duke wrote a letter the next day to the Earl, bearing 
 date 7 fulij , telling him, that he had willingly intended 
 the accommodation of hrs affairs ; but by what he had now 
 faid to Mr. Clark, he was dffobliged, unlefs he fhould bo 
 pleafed to relent ir. AVhereupon the Earl anfwered with 
 that diredhiefs he thought befitting him in point of honour. 
 7 he courfe of mediation was interrupted, and the Duke fo 
 far incenfed, that he fwore he would have him queftioned 
 for his life. In the interim, (which the Earl defiled might 
 be known to the Lords) his late Majefty was fo far from 
 thinking bint a delinquent, or any way difhoneft, that he 
 was often heard to fay and fwear. That he held him an 
 honeft man, and that he would anfwer for him that he had 
 neither committed felony nor treafon. And this divers 
 are ready to depofe. The which he well confirmed, for 
 that he gave general leave to all Gentlemen of the Court, 
 Privy-Counfellors, and to his Secretary of State, to 
 have free accefs unto him ; yea, even fo far as to admit of 
 vifits and entercourfes with Spanijh ambaffadors, and the 
 Faedre Macfirc, as is beft known to my Lord Conway, by 
 whofe letter he received his Majefty’s leave in that par¬ 
 ticular. 
 
 Then he refumed the ftate of his bufinefs where he left 
 it, which was in the hands of the Commilfioners, and 
 they were to frame interrogatories for him ; the which, al¬ 
 though they had promifed fhould be fent within a few days, 
 yet fuch art was ufed, that fix or feven weeks werejpent 
 in the framing of them, to the end that his Majefty’s pro- 
 grefs beginning, there might be no means for ihe further 
 clearing of the bufinefs : And fo fuppofing that for the an- 
 fwering of the twenty interrogatories of fo high a nature, 
 the Earl would take fome time, they caufed the faid inter¬ 
 rogatories to be delivered unto him within a few days before 
 the beginning of the progrefs; but he ufed fo much dili¬ 
 gence, that he made ready to anfwar in Perfona, though it 
 were in the nature of a delinquent. Unto which his Ma¬ 
 jefty anfwered moft gracioufly, I hat out of his favour, and 
 for that he would not do him wrong, he would not admit 
 of it, but that he Ihould fend his anfwer, and he would 
 inftantly put an end to his bufineftes ; as will appear by 
 letters. Hereupon tire Duke was put into a great ftrait 
 how to keep him any longer from his Majefty, bat defiled 
 that only a few quell ions more might be asked of him ; 
 which the King upon great urging and inftance, conde- 
 feended unto, fo that the queftions might be pidently fer.t 
 him : But herein were fuch artifices ufed, that the bringing 
 of any was delayed until the King had begun his progrefs; 
 and then within a day ot two, the Lord Conway fent him 
 word. That 1 i t t of him 
 
 fome more queftions, but out of his sffeflion to him he 
 forbore the fending of them, unlefs he Ihould prefs for 
 them. Whereupon the Earl inftantly wrote unto him, 
 that tl cy might be fent unto him My Lord Conway 
 made him anfwer by his letter, That he wifhed rather the 
 
 courfe 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 25. CHARLES! 
 
 courfe of mediation might be purfued, for that would but 
 further exafperate ; but if he would needs have the queftions 
 they fhould be fent to him. Whereupon he fent to fol- 
 licite his Lordfhip for them with all earneftnefs, infomuch 
 as to petition his late Majefty twice, that the faid queftions 
 might be fent: But when the turn was ferved of keeping 
 him from the King’s prefence, the faid queftions were never 
 more heard of till this day. 
 
 So likewife the Earl having fent his anfwer to all the 
 Commiffioners, who moft of them made not nice to de¬ 
 clare, that they were fully fatisfied; and when it was per¬ 
 ceived that the Commiffioners would certainly clear him 
 and that he thereby fhould be reftored unto his Majefty’s 
 favour, they were never more permitted to meet: A pro¬ 
 ceeding, which, as he conceived, their Lordfhips would 
 think hardly to be parallelled, that a commiflion fhould be 
 appointed to condemn, if there had been caufe, but not to 
 clear. 
 
 After the progrefs was ended, he began again to follicite 
 his Majefty, and wrote particularly unto the Duke of 
 Buckingham. Whereupon the Duke was pleafed to lend 
 four or five propofitions, which he defired he fhould ac¬ 
 knowledge ; the which propofitions contained nothing but 
 what hath been already propounded and fatisfied in the for¬ 
 mer interrogatories : And if he would make his acknow¬ 
 ledgment, he then promifed to imploy his force and power 
 with the King and Prince, that he fhould be admitted to 
 kifs their hands, and be received into their gracious favour ; 
 but otherwife, in a menacing fort, that he fhould lay his 
 hands upon his breaft, and fo that would be belt for him. 
 And in the preface of the faid propofitions, he writetli * 
 thefe words which follow. It is an ajfertion not granted , that 
 the Earl of Briftol, by his anfwer hath fatisfied either the 
 King, the Prince , or me of his innoccncy. A prefumptuous 
 commination for any Subject. 
 
 But thefe propofitions were fo unjuft, that he wrote un¬ 
 to the Duke, that inftead of an acknowledgment, he had 
 fent him an anfwer unto them j unto which, if either him- 
 felf, or any man living was able to reply, he would fub- 
 nnt himfelf to any thing that fhould be demanded. But 
 this no way fatisfied the Duke, although it did his late Ma¬ 
 jefty, who, in the Duke's prefence faid, / were to be ac¬ 
 counted a tyrant , to enjoin an innocent man to confefs fault0 
 of which he was not guilty. And thereupon fent him word) 
 that he fhould make his anfwer, but acknowledge nothing 
 he was not faulty in. And although he had received this 
 menage from the King’s own mouth, as will be depofed, 
 yet the Duke at the fame time wrote unto him, that the 
 eonclufion of all that has been treated witir his Majefty, 
 was, that he fhould make the acknowledgment in fuch man¬ 
 ner, as was fet down in this paper. And at this time like¬ 
 wife it was that his Majefty fent him word, that he would 
 hear him concerning the Duke of Buckingham , as well as 
 he had heard the Duke concerning him. And this was 
 not long before his Majefty’s ficknefs ; And in the in¬ 
 terim, as he had heard by reveral ways the King fuffirred 
 much, and was infinitely prefled by the Duke concerning 
 the faid Earl and his affairs ; and this he faid, was the fuf- 
 fering he had fpoken of to their Lordfhips the other 
 day. 
 
 The Earl craved leave of their Lordfhips to fpecify 
 fome other particulars, whereby it fhould appear, that his 
 Majefty was in no kind ill-opinioned of him till his dying 
 day, vtz. That feveral perfons will depofe, that they have 
 heard his Majefty fay, that he efteemed him an honeft 
 man ; and that he was pleafed to accept of toys by way 
 of prefent from him, gracioufly, and in good part , and 
 at iaft was likewife pleafed to give him leave to come to 
 London, and to follow his own affairs ; and that his plea- 
 fure was fignified unto him by the Duke his own letter 
 Whereupon he determined to come to London, intimating 
 to the Duke his intention of going to his lodgings in ll'hitc- 
 hall ; but the Duke was therewith incenfed again, and 
 find, he miftook the King’s meaning, which was, that he 
 might privately follow his own bufinefs. And this he faid, 
 was the true ftate and condition, when ft pleafed God to 
 take unto his mercy his late moft gracious Majefty. 
 
 Upon his Majefty’s coming to the Crown, he faid, he 
 wrote a moft humble letter unto his Majefty, imploring 
 his grace and goodnefs, and defiring the Duke’s mediation. 
 
 But he was pleafed to anfwer by his Letter of 7 May 
 16a,-. That the refolution was to proceed againft him 
 without a plain and direift: confeflion of the point which 
 he had formerly required him to acknowledge ; and in a 
 courtly manner of menace tclleth him, that he would take 
 the freedom to advife him, to bethink himfelf in time 
 what wouid be moft for his good. But in the interim, 
 his Majefty was gracioufly pleafed that his Writ of Parlia- 
 ment fhould be fent him ; and thereupon he wrote unto 
 the Duke of the receipt of the faid Writ, but that he fhould 
 do nothing but what he fhould underhand to be moft agree¬ 
 able to his Majefty’s pleafure. Whereunto the Duke an- 
 
 fwered h, s letter of May, in this manner; 1 have ac- 
 ina‘1 d r" r‘ h , ° Ur riqulJ} '° ward ‘ him ’ 
 
 Zll aJtTZ f Ptmatncnt, which he taketh very 
 well, and would have you rather make exettfe for your ab- 
 
 ■fe mk > ,hm l ° yottrfef hi 
 
 perfon. Whereupon he fent humbly to defire a Letter of 
 
 thereof "^h 1 ^ ^ hand for his warrant; but inftead 
 
 thereof, he received from the Lord Conway an abfolute 
 
 fflTteS’l anJ “ r f ftr , ain * nd confine him in fuch fort, 
 wJ i„ h cI h A e r n , m , tl! V ate king ’ s time : A,,d ahhough he 
 was indeed abfoiuteiy Cot free, he could never get cleared 
 
 by the Lord Conway, though he fent him all the papers to 
 examine; and when he could make no farther reply, he 
 aid, he conceived lie was under reftraint, and that his 
 
 reSnr P ‘ red W ' th ‘I® kte Kin S’ s d ™h i “hen indeed 
 reftraint may expire, but liberty is natural. Alter this he 
 continued for die fpace of three quarters of a year in the 
 
 from 7b “T®’ in Whid ’ tin,c '’a “'as removed 
 
 from thefe places and offices he held during his late Ma- 
 jdty s lifeand the greateft part of his Eftate beine laid 
 
 ment n he ' r ,Y ajeft h\ fer \'i re > hy their particular appoint¬ 
 ment, he could never be admitted (o much as to the de ir- 
 !" g 1 • aCC °mP t5 ' Y? hereof he never made the ieaft 
 complaint : But againft the time of his Majefty’.- corona 
 £ S y ht to lay hold of that ohation, when 
 
 Primes do A. 3 s of grace and Favour, to be a molt hum- 
 Majefty for his grace and goodnefs ; and 
 aiidreffed Ins Letters unto the Duke of Buckingham, from 
 whom he received a Letter all written in his own I,and, 
 and therein a Letter jnciofed from Itis Majefty, fo different 
 .from fome gracious meffage which lie had received from 
 his Majefty fince the faid Earl returned into England, 
 upon the occafion of a great ficknefs ; and likewife from 
 fits Speeches feveral times delivered to his wife, to wit, 
 that he had never offended him, and that for his faults he 
 no ways held them criminal, but to be expiated bv any eafy 
 acknowledgment 1 that he confeffed he knew not what 
 judgment to make of the laid Letter, neither hath pre¬ 
 fumed hitherto to make any anfwer thereto , although by 
 reducing the occafion of fpeeches and circumflances to his 
 Majelt)/ s memory, he no ways doubteth but he fliall bo 
 able to give unto his Majefty fuch fatis/aftion to every par¬ 
 ticular, that Ins Majefty would not remain with tlie leaii 
 lcruple in any one point. 
 
 After this he faid, that his Writ of Parliament was de¬ 
 tained 1 whereupon he addreffed himfelf to the Lord-Keeper, 
 that hewoold b afuitor (0 hisMajcfty forWm jn P |ia > 
 behalf, which diligences not taking effeS, by petition he 
 became a (tutor to their Lordfhips for their honourable medi¬ 
 ation to his Majefty, and thereupon his Writ of Parlia¬ 
 ment was awarded: But the Duke of Buckingham upon 
 that took occafion, as he had publifhed copies of the faid 
 Letter over all the Kingdom, to read it likewife unto 
 that honourable Houfe, as was beft known unto their 
 .Lordfhips, and the Writ was accompanied with a prohi- 
 bition from the Lord-Keeper ; whereupon he addrefTed 
 himielf for Juftice to that honourable Houfe, (being pof- 
 lelled of his caufe by his petition) for both red refs of his 
 own wrongs, and likewife of complaints againft the Duke 
 for many enmes. And that honourable Houfe being pof- 
 Jf. °[ hls ca . ufe b y bis petition, there is preferred againft 
 him a fucceeding complaint, amounting as high as treafon, 
 
 (as it is pretended) although he for divers years hath not 
 been quelhoned ; yet fince his complaint againft the Duke 
 he hath been fetcht up like a prifoner, and brought into 
 the Houfe as a delinquent; and the Duke, of whom he 
 hath complained for his great crimes, is admitted ftill to 
 * h , e ^ ou , fe r as one of ’ his Judges. The which, with 
 all that he hath formerly faid, together with his life, for¬ 
 tunes and honour, he did with all willingnefs, humility and 
 duty, fubmit to the juftice and honour of that Houfe. 
 
 1 hen the Lords asked him, when he would bring in his 
 anlwer . He promifed to anfwer as foon as might be, but 
 knew not how far he fhould have occafion to ufe his an- 
 tient difpatches. The Lord-Keeper told him, that Mr. 
 Attorney might help him by letting him know it. The 
 Attorney faid, that his charge fhould in nothing look fur¬ 
 ther back than to the year 1621, which he defired might 
 be recorded. 6 
 
 Whereupon the Earl thanking their Lordfhips for their 
 patience, he was carried away by Mr. Maxwell the Gen- 
 tleman-Ufher, in whofe houfe and cuftody he remained. 
 
 I lien were read the Earl’s Articles againft the Duke 
 and tiie Lord Conway ; viz. 
 
 3 ji 
 
 ^ rt } C l eS °f- 1, ' e °f whereby he chargeth the Duke 
 
 oj Buckingham, bearing date the firfi day of May, 1626. 
 
 b A I the Duke of Buckingham did fecretly 
 , ^ combine with the Conde of Gondomar, AmbafTa- 
 
 dor for the King of Spain, before his, the faid AmbafTa- 
 dor s, laft return into Spain , in the Summer, Anno 1622, 
 to carry h:s Majefty, (then Prince) into Spain, to the end 
 
 li* 
 
33* 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 he might he informed and inftru&ed in the Reman Reli¬ 
 gion, and thereby have perverted the Prince, and fubvert- 
 ed the true Religion eftablifhed in England : From which 
 miferv this Kingdom, ( next under God’s mercy, ) hath 
 by the wife, religious, and conftant carriage of his Ma¬ 
 jefty, been almoft miraculoufly delivered, conf.dering the 
 many bold and fab tie attempts of the faid Duke in that 
 kind". 
 
 II. That Mr. Porter was made acquainted therewith* 
 and fent into Spain j and luch meflages at his return fram¬ 
 ed, as might ferve for a ground to fet on foot this Confpi- 
 racy : The which was done accordingly, and thereby the 
 King and Prince highly abufed, and their confents thereby 
 fir if gotten to the faid journey, that is to fay, after the re¬ 
 turn ol the faid Mr. Pa ter , which was about the end of 
 D.r.rd r, or the bettinniivz of "January 1622, Whereas the 
 laid Duke had plotted it many months before. 
 
 III. That the faid Duke, at his arrival in Spain-, nou- 
 riftied the Spari/i; Miniiters, not oniy in the belief of his 
 own being popilhly afte&ed, but did, (both by abfenting 
 himfelf from all exerciles of Religion, conftantly ufed in 
 the Earl of Brijiol's houfe, and frequented by all other 
 Proteftant Englijh , and by conforming himfelf to pleafe the 
 Spaniards in divers rites of their Religion, even fo far as to 
 kneel and adore their Sacrament) from time to time give 
 the Spaniards hope of the Prince his converlion : The 
 which converiion, he endeavoured to procure by all means 
 poflible; and thereby caufe the Spanijh Mini Hers to pro¬ 
 pound far worfe conditions lor Religion, than had been for¬ 
 merly by the Earl of Brijiol , and Sir tValter Ajlton, fettled 
 and figned under their Majefty’s hands, witn a claufe in 
 the King of Spain's anfwer of December 12, 1622, that 
 they held the Articles agreed upon fufficient, and fuch as 
 ought to induce the Pope to the granting of the Difpen- 
 fation. 
 
 IV. That the Duke of Buckingham having fevcral times, 
 in the prefence of the Earl of Brijiol , moved and prefled 
 his late Majefty ; at the inftance of the Conde of Gondomar, 
 to write a Letter unto the Pope, and to that purpofe hav¬ 
 ing once brought a Letter ready drawn, wherewith the 
 Earl of Brijiol , by his Majefty being made acquainted, 
 did fo ftrongly oppofe the writing of any fuch Letter, that 
 during the abode of the faid Earl of Brijiol in England , 
 the laid Duke could not obtain it ; yet not long after the 
 Earl was gone, he procured fuch a Letter to be written 
 from his faid late Majefty unto the Pope, and to have him 
 llilcd [ Sancijfime Paler, j 
 
 V. That the Pope being informed of the Duke of Buck¬ 
 ingham's, inclination and intention in point of Religion, fent 
 unto the faid Duke a particular Bull in parchment, for to 
 perfwade and encourage him in the perverfion of his Ma- 
 jefty, then Prince. 
 
 \'A. That the faid Duke’s behaviour in Spain was fuch, 
 that he thereby fo incenfed the King of Spain and his Mi- 
 nifters, as they would admit of no reconciliation, nor fur¬ 
 ther dealing with him. Whereupon the faid Duke feeing 
 that the match would be now to his difadvantage, he en¬ 
 deavoured to break it, not for any fervice to the Kingdom, 
 nor diflike of the match in itfelf, nor for that he found, ( as 
 lince he had pretended ) that the Spaniards did not really 
 intend the laid match, but out of his particular ends, and 
 his indignation. 
 
 VII. That after he intended to crofs the Marriage, he 
 put in pra&ife divers undue courfes ; as namely, making 
 ufe of the Letters of his Majefty (then Prince ) to his own 
 ■ends, and not to what they were intended ; as likewife 
 concealing divers things of high importance from his late 
 Majefty, and thereby overthrew his Majefty’s purpofes, 
 and advanced his own ends. 
 
 VIII. That the faid Duke, as he had with his skill and 
 artifices formerly abufed their Majefties, fo to the fame end 
 he afterwards abufed both Houfes of Parliament, by his 
 ilnifter relation of the carriage of affairs, as fhall be made 
 appear almoft in every particular, that he fpake unto the 
 faid Houfes. 
 
 IX. As for fcandal given by his perfonal behaviour, as 
 alfo the employing of his power with the King of Spain for 
 the procuring of favours and offices which he bellowed up¬ 
 on bafe and unworthv perfons, for the recompence and heir 
 of his lull : Thefe things, as neither fit for the Earl of 
 Brijiol to fpeak, nor indeed for the Houfe to hear, he 
 leaveth to your Lordlhips wifdom, how far you will be 
 pleafed to have them examined ; it having been indeed a 
 great infamy and difhonour to this nation, that a perfon of 
 the Duke’s great quality and employments, a Privy-Coun- 
 fellor, and Ambaflador, eminent in his Mailer*s favour, 
 and folelv trufted with the perfon of the Prince, fhould 
 leave behind him in a foreign Court fo mugh lcandal, as 
 he did by his ill-behaviour. 
 
 X. That the Duke hath been in great part th? caufe of 
 the ruin and misfortune of the Prince Palatinate , and his 
 
 of ENGLAND. Vol. If. 
 
 Eftates, inafmuch as thofe affairs had relation unto tins 
 Kingdom. 
 
 XI. That the Duke of Buckingham hath in his relation. 1 ' 
 to both Houfes of Parliament, wronged the Earl of Brfi.! 
 in point of his honour, by many finifler afperfions which 
 he hath laid upon him, and in point of his liberty by manv 
 undue courfes, through his power and practices. 
 
 XII. That the Earl of Brijiol did reveal unto his late 
 Majefty, both by word and letter, in what fort the faid 
 Duke had diflerved him, and abufed his truft : And that 
 the King by feveral ways fent him word, that he Ihould 
 reft allured, he would hear the faid Earl, but that lie flioula 
 leave it to him to take his own time. And thereupon, few 
 days before his ficknefs, he fent the Earl word, that lie 
 would hear him againft the Lid Duke, as well as he had 
 heard the faid Duke againft him. Which the Duke him¬ 
 felf heard ; and not long alter his blefled Majefty fickned 
 and died, having been in the interim much vexed and 
 prefled by the laid Duke. 
 
 Articles of the Earl of Brifiol againjl tie Lord Conway t 
 hearing dale 1 Maij 1620. 
 
 I. H A T the Lord Conway is fo great a Servant of. 
 
 H the Duke of Buckingham's , that he hath not ftuck 
 to fend the Earl of Brijiol plain word, that if bufinefles 
 could not be accommodated betwixt him and the Duke, 
 he mufl then adhere and declare himfelf for the faid Duke ; 
 and therefore unfit to be a judge in any tiling that con- 
 cerneth the Duke or the Earl. 
 
 II. That the faid Lord Conway profefleth himfelf to he a 
 Secretary of the Duke of Buckingham’s creation, and fo 
 acknowiedgeth it under his own hand : And although that 
 he be the King’s Secretary of State, and a Privy-Coun- 
 fellor, he ufually beginneth his Letters to the Duke, [ Mojl 
 gracious Patron.] 
 
 III. That as a creature of the faid Duke’s, the faid 
 Lord Conway hath been made the Inftrument of keeping 
 the Earl of Brijiol from the King’s prefence, and of im- 
 prifoning of him by Warrants only under his own hand ; 
 for which he cannot ( as the Earl conceiveth ) produce any 
 fufficient Warrant. 
 
 IV. That by the fpace of twelve months lad paft, the 
 faid Lord Conway hath been the caufe of the Earl’s re- 
 ftraint, only by mif-informing his Majefty, and procuring 
 a Letter of reftraint upon undue grounds : And when 
 it was made apparent unto him, that the faid Eutl was re- 
 ftored to his liberty, freely to follow his own affairs, by 
 his late Majefty of blefled memory, he replied, that that 
 liberty given him by his Majefty expired with the King's 
 death. 
 
 V. That the Earl of Brijiol' s mother lying lick upon 
 her death-bed, defired for her comfort to fee her Son, and 
 to give him her laft bleffing : Wliereupon the Earl writ 
 to the Lord Conway , to defire him to move the King for 
 his leave ; which he putting oft’ from day to day, told the 
 perfon employed, that by reafon of the Duke’s ficknefs, he 
 could not find opportunity to get the Duke’s leave to 
 move the King : And having fpoken with the Duke, he 
 made a negative anfwer in the King’s name. Whereupon 
 when the Earl acquainted the King by iome of his Bed¬ 
 chamber, his Majefty was in a very great anger, (wearing the 
 Secretary had never moved him, and that to deny the faid 
 Earl leave, was a barbarous part ; and thereupon fent him 
 prefently free leave, which the Secretary hearing of, fent 
 afterwards a Letter of leave, but with divers claufes and 
 limitations, differing from the leave fent him from the 
 King’s own mouth. 
 
 VI. That the having the bufinefles of the Earl of Brif- 
 tol in his own hands, and the Earl being commanded by 
 the King to addrefs himfelf in his occafions unto his Lord- 
 fhip, he would never deliver any meflage from the faid 
 Earl, without acquainting the faid Duke, and receiving his 
 directions, and in a noble manner of freenefs, ftuck not to 
 fend him word. 
 
 VII. That the Earl of Brijiol having received from the 
 Lord Conway twenty interrogatories in his late Majefty’s 
 name, drawn up by a commiffion of the Lords appointed 
 to fearch into the proceedings and employments of the faid 
 Earl, in which fearch there was more than two months 
 fpent, divers of the faid interrogatories involving felony 
 and treafon ; and his Majefty having been pleafed to aflure 
 the faid Earl, both by meflage and letters, that upon fatil- 
 faClion given to himfelf and the commiffioners by his an- 
 fwers, he would prefently put ail end to the Earl of Br.j- 
 tol’s bufinefs. The Earl of Brijiol having fo fully anfweicd, 
 as would admit of no reply ; and that many of the cum- 
 miffioners declared themfelves to be fully latisfied : I he faid 
 Lord Conway , ( being the Secretary in the commiffion, to 
 whom it properly belonged to call the Lords to affcmble ) 
 perceiving the Earl of Brijiol was like to be cleared, never 
 moved for any further meeting, neither have they ever 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 333 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 been permitted to meet until this day, whereby the trou¬ 
 bles of the Earl of Brijlol have been kept on foot till this 
 prefent, and the faid Earl’s imprifonment hath been enlarged 
 twenty months. And by the artifices of the faid Duke of 
 Buckingham , and the faid Lord Conway , (as fliall be made 
 appear) the faid Earl hath been infenfibly involved and 
 ftaulked into the troubles he is now in, which lie doubteth 
 not but your Lordfhips will judge to be a very confiderable 
 cafe. 
 
 VIII. That for a colour of keeping the Earl from his 
 late Majefty’s prefence, it being pretended, after the anlwer 
 to the twenty interrogatories, that there were fome few 
 queftions more to be added, whereunto when he fhould 
 have anfwered, his Majefty fwore folemnly, that without 
 any delay he fhould be admitted to his prefence, and that 
 within two or three days he fhould have the faid queftions 
 fent unto him ; the Lord Conway , notwithftanding he ac¬ 
 knowledged under his hand, that he had received his Ma¬ 
 jefty’s directions for the fending of the faid Articles, and 
 was often thereunto follicited on the behalf of the faid 
 Earl, would never fend the faid queftions, and at laft an- 
 fwered, That he had, no more to do with the Earl’s bu- 
 fineftes. 
 
 IX. That the Earl of Brijlol being fet free by his late 
 Majefty to come to London , to follow his own affairs as he 
 pleafed, and thereupon having his Writ of Parliament fent 
 unto him, without any letter of prohibition; but the Earl 
 of Brijlol, out of his great defire to conform all his actions 
 to that which he fhould underftand would belt pleafe his 
 Majefty, fent to know, whether his going or ftay would 
 be moft agreeable unto his Majefty ? Who was pleafed to 
 anfwer by a letter from my Lord Duke of Buckingham * 
 That he took in very good part the faid Earl’s refpedt unto 
 him ; but wifhed him to make fome excufe for the pre¬ 
 fent: The which accordingly he did, and moved. That 
 be might have a Letter under the King’s hand to warrant 
 his abfence; but under colour of this Letter of leave, upon 
 the Earl of Brijlol' s own motion and defire, the Lord Con¬ 
 way fent a Letter from his Majefty, abfolutely forbidding 
 his coming to Parliament, and therein likewife was in¬ 
 ferred a claufe, That the Earl fhould remain reftrained as 
 he was in the time of his late Majefty ; and fo thereby a 
 colour of reftraint under his Majefty’s hand was gotten, 
 which could never be procured in his late Majefty’s time; 
 whereby the Earl of Brijlol hath been unduly reftrained 
 ever fince, without being able to procure any redrefs, or 
 to make the Lord Conway willing to underftand his cafe, 
 although he fent him all the Papers, whereby he might 
 clearly fee that the Earl was not under reftraint in his late 
 Majefty’s time; but never other anfwer could be procured 
 from him, but that he judged the faid Earl to be under 
 reftraint, and that his liberty was expired by the late King’s 
 death, as is aforefaid. 
 
 X. That the Lord Comvay , knowing that the match 
 for the marrying of the King of Bohemia's eldeft Son with 
 the Emperor’s Daughter, and being bred in the Emperor’s 
 Court, was allowed and propounded by his late Majefty : 
 And that his Majefty, by his Letters unto his Son-in-iaw, 
 declareth. That he thinketh it the faireft and cleareft way 
 for the accommodation of his affairs, and that he will take 
 fufficient care for his breeding in true Religion. And not¬ 
 withftanding that the faid Earl received a copy of the faid 
 Letter by the faid late King’s order, with other Papers, 
 Letting down all that had been done in the faid bufinefs, and 
 his Majefty’s aflent thereunto from the Lord Conway him- 
 felf; yet hath he fuftered all to be charged, as a crime 
 againft the Earl of Brijlol , both in the twentieth interroga¬ 
 tory, and in his Majefty’s laft Letter, that he fhould con- 
 fent to the bleeding of the young Prince in the Emperot’s 
 Court. And further, in the interrogatory he alledgeth, it 
 is an aggravation againft the faid Earl, That the breeding 
 of the faid Prince in the Emperor’s Court, inferred to the 
 perverlion of his Religion, when he knew that the faid 
 breeding was never thought nor fpoken of by the King, nor 
 any other, but with that exprefs claufe and condition, That 
 he fhould be bred in his own Religion, and have fuch tu¬ 
 tors and fervants as his Father fhould appoint. 
 
 XI. That the Lord Conway had been the caufe of all the 
 Earl of Brijlol's troubles, by his dubious and intrapping dif- 
 patches, and inferring, That the faid Earl hath lailcd in 
 his directions, when it fliall be made appear, that his dif- 
 patches contained no fuch directions as he hath alledged 
 were given. 
 
 The Houfe not being fatisfied to commit the Earl to the 
 Tower, let him remain where he was before, with the 
 Gentleman-Ufhcr; and further ordered. That the King’s 
 charge againft the Earl of Brijlol be firft heard, and then 
 the charge of the faid Earl againft the Duke; yet fo, that 
 the Earl’s teftimony againft the Duke be not prevented, 
 prejudiced, or impeached. 
 
 The day following, the Lord-Keeper delivered a meffage 
 from the King to the Houfe of Lords, 
 
 No. 60. Vol. II, 
 
 A Mejfagifrom the King to fht Houfe of Lords. 
 
 ' ^A I his Majefty taketh notice of the articles ex- 
 .1 hibited againft the Duke of Buckingham by ; i;c Earl 
 “ °f Brijlol ; and he obferveth, that many of them are 
 fuch, as himfelf is able to fay more of his own know¬ 
 ledge than any man, for the Duke’s linccre carriage in 
 them: I hat one of them, touching the narrative 
 “ made in Parliament in the one and twentieth « > King 
 “ James , trencheth as far upon himfelf as the Duke ; for 
 “ that his Majefty went as far as the Duke in that decla¬ 
 ration ; and that all of them have been doled in the 
 Earls own breaft now for thefe two years, contrary (O 
 “ lu's duty, if he had known any crime of that nature by 
 the Duke ; and now he vents it by way of recrimina¬ 
 tion againft the Duke, whom he knows to be a princi- 
 “ pal witnefs to prove his Majefty’s charge. 
 
 And therefore, that his Majefty gave them thanks, 
 “ that they gave no way to the Earl of 5 r^/’s unreafon- 
 able motion, ol putting the Duke under the fame re- 
 “ ftraint that they had put the Earl, thereby efehewing 
 “ what the Earl aimeth at, to alter their dutiful proceed- 
 “ ings towards his Majefty : That thereby they had made 
 “ his Majefty confident, that as they have, fo they will 
 “ put a difference between his Majefty’s charge, againft 
 one that appeareth as a delinquent, and the recrimina- 
 “ tion of the Earl of Brijlol againft his Majefty’s witnefs; 
 
 “ and they will not equal them by a proceeding pari 
 “ poJfu. n 
 
 In the mean time, the King not being very fare of the 
 Loids, endeavoured to take the Earl’s caufe out of the Up 
 per-houfe, and to proceed by way of indictment in the 
 King s-Bench: But the Lords would not confent to it, for 
 which they alledged fcveral reafons, that were confirmed by 
 the Judges, who declared. That a Peer of the Realm, im¬ 
 peached for Treafon , was to be tried in Parliament. 
 
 The Upper-houfe being willing to fecure the Earl of 
 Brijlol from being over-powered by the Duke of Bucking¬ 
 ham's exorbitant authority, asked the Judges opinion upon 
 the two following queftions: 
 
 1. Whether the King could be a witnefs in cafe of Trea¬ 
 fon ? 
 
 2. Admitting that he could , yet whether he might be fo 
 in the prefent cafe , i. e. when the K mg is the mfbrmer ? 
 
 Before the judges brought in their anl wer, this meffage 
 and command came from the King to them, that in this 
 general queltion they fhould not deliver any opinion, but 
 if any point came in particular, they, upon mature delibe¬ 
 ration, might give their advice. 
 
 About the middle of May , the Earl of Brijlol gave in his 
 anfwer to the articles biought againft him ; upon the deliver¬ 
 ing ol which, he made the following Speech. 
 
 The Earl of Briftol’r Speech , by way of Introduction, before 
 he gave in his Anfwer. 
 
 AM not imenlible upon whatdifvantages I come to 
 trial in this caufe: For firft, I am fain into his Ma- 
 “ jefty’i heavy difpleafure, and am to encounter with a 
 “ potent adverfary, highly in favour, and am accufed for 
 “ treafon; for which all counlel and friends abandon me, 
 
 “ as a man inleCted with the plague; I am becomebound 
 “ ami under reftraint; whereas a min who is to encounter 
 “ lor his life and honour, an with a ftrong adverfary, had 
 “ need to come upon equal terms. 
 
 “ But as to the matter, I find myfelf charged with 
 “ divers articles of High-Treafon; but looking into them 
 “ with the eyes of my beft underftanding, with the opi- 
 “ nion alfo of my counfel lateiy aligned me, and taking 
 “ them apart one article from another, I fina not any 
 “ thing in them like treafon, or that hath fo much as 
 i( the Ihew or countenance of a fault, erthei in act or 
 “ words; only by laying all things together, and by wreft- 
 “ ing the wrelts with a ltrained conftruCtion, directly con- 
 “ trary to the true fenfe and meaning of them, and the 
 “ occafion whereupon they were fpo«cen, 11 is informed 
 “ and that by way of inference only, that the intent was 
 “ evil, and the matter to prove the inteni to be evil, de- 
 “ pends upon two props, viz. ill-afteCtion to Religion* and 
 “ too much affeCtion to Spain-, which if I fhall clear, the 
 “ inference grounded upon thefe props, will fall of it lei f. 
 
 “ Therefore I crave leave of your Lordlhips, before I 
 “ give my anfwer to the charge, that 1 may give you an 
 “ account of thefe two particulars 3 and I humbly befeech 
 “ you that what I Ihall fpeak in my jail defence, may 
 “ not be conceived to proceed of vain oftentation. 
 
 “ And firft for Religion : I was in my childhood bred 
 “ in the Proteftant Religion, and rather after the Itridter 
 “ manner than otherwile. When I grew in years fit, I 
 “ travelled into France, Italy, and Rome itielf: In all 
 “ which travels, I can produce fome that I conforted 
 “ withal, who will witnefs with me, that I ever conftantly 
 “ uled the Religion I prolefled without the leaft prevau- 
 p p p p <s cation 
 
334- 
 
 Vol. II 
 
 Toe H I STO RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 <c cation, no man being able to charge me that fo much 
 11 as out of curiofity I ever was prefent at any of the ex- 
 “ crcifes belonging to the Roman Religion, or did the lead 
 “ aft of conformity to any their rites or ceremonies. 
 
 “ Secondly, after my return home, I was received into 
 “ the fervice of his late Majefty, of bleffed memory, whom 
 “ I ferved fomeyears as a Gentleman of his Privy-Cham- 
 “ ber, and Carver, in which time none of his MajeHy’s 
 tc fervants received the Holy Sacrament, frequented Ser- 
 “ mons, and other exercifesof our Religion more than I. 
 
 “ Thirdly, in that time of my youth, not to avoid 
 “ idlenefs, but out of affection to Religion, I tranflated that 
 “ excellent book of our Faith, and great points of our 
 “ Religion, written by Monfieur Moulim ; which his late 
 “ Majeftv having fometimes after feen, approved fo well, 
 “ that he would needs have it printed ; which accordingly 
 “ was printed in the name of Mr. Sampford my Chaplain, 
 44 to whom I gave the honour: But it was my own aft, 
 “ as Mr. Sampford will not deny, though to this Hour I 
 41 never had before fpoken it. 
 
 44 Fourthly, about feven or eight and twenty years of 
 “ my age, I was employed Ambaflador into Spain, in that 
 “ great bufinefs of the treaty of the marriage ; and where- 
 44 as others before me carried with them but one Chaplain, 
 4,4 I had two, viz. Mr. Sampford and Mr. BoJ'wel ; and at 
 44 my arrival at the Court of Spain , I caufed it to be pub- 
 44 liihed, that fuch a day (God willing) I purpofed to 
 44 have a communion, to the end that fuch Englijh as were 
 “ in the town, might refort thither. Whereas the Duke 
 44 <!t Lerma , and other the great Minifters of Spain , took 
 44 offence, and told me, they might well perceive I brought 
 44 no good affeftion to the buiinefs I came about, that 
 44 would fo publickly and avowedly in that Court, where 
 44 never the like was done, proclaim there a Communion; 
 44 and with high exprellions perfuaded me to decline it. 
 
 44 Whereunto I anfwered, I came to do my Mailer’s 
 44 fervice, which I would heartily and effeftually endea- 
 44 vour, but would not omit my fervice to God, no tho’ by 
 44 my Mailer commanded. And at the Communion there 
 44 were prefent one hundred perfons, fome of them bro- 
 44 thers, kinfmen, and near dependants upon fome of their 
 44 Lordlhips, whom I fee there in my eye. This I did 
 44 in Spain ; the like I did in Germany , in the Emperor’s 
 44 Courts, in my ambaffage thither. 
 
 44 Fifthly, I had in my feveral employments into Spain 
 44 and Germany , above live hundred perfons of all qualities 
 44 attending upon me, and never one perverted in Re- 
 44 ligion : my children carefully inllrufted and bred in the 
 44 fame Religion. I had conflantly every Sabbath a fer- 
 44 mon in my houfe; and Sacraments, and other exercifes 
 44 of our Religion frequented. 
 
 44 Sixthly, a foul-mouthed Shivici railed againll our late 
 44 King and Religion in Spain ; how I caufed that to be 
 44 revenged by a near kinfinan of my own, is well known. 
 
 44 Seventhly, one of the Englijh dying in the town of 
 44 Madrid, of whofe Religion there was fome quellion 
 44 made; and the King’s Chaplains telling me, that they 
 44 at the day of his death had been with him, and taken 
 44 an account of his faith, and that he died a Protellant: 
 44 I caufed him to be brought home to my houfe, and 
 44 there buried according to our rites ; whereat much ado 
 44 was made, and it was thi eatned, that the inquifitors and 
 44 other officers, would come and fetch him out, and bury 
 44 him after their manner: I Hood upon it, and that it was 
 44 the King of England's houfe, and openly protelled, that 
 44 whofoever Ihould come thither with fuch intent, I would 
 44 fhoot at him with a piece; and exhorted all my People, 
 44 that if fuch an attempt Ihould be, they Ihould rather, 
 44 than fuffer fuch a dilhonour to our Religion, die with 
 44 me in that quarrel, and hoped fuch Englijh as were in 
 44 the town would do the like. 
 
 44 Eighthly, there having been a Monallery for Englijh 
 44 Jefuits founded and fettled at Madrid before my com- 
 44 ing thither, and the Englijh arms fet up, I laboured to 
 44 fupprefs it, and having written thereof to the late King, 
 44 his Majelty advifed me not to run my head againll the 
 44 rock, for it was an impoffible thing for me to do: Yet 
 44 I undertook it, and it pleafed God fo to blefs my en- 
 44 deavours, that I abfolutely diffolved and overthrew it. 
 44 For which the Bilhop of JVincheJler , Montague , (now 
 44 with God) wrote unto me by his Majelly’s direftion, 
 44 a Letter of his Majelly’s gracious acceptance of fo great 
 44 a fervice; teiling me, befides the fervice I had done to 
 44 the Church and Commonwealth, it fhould remain a 
 44 trophy of Honour to me and my pollerity for ever: And 
 “ the King himfelf, with his own hand, wrote unto me, 
 44 beginning his Letter, Good Fortune Digby, your good 
 44 luck in your fervice well dej'erves that Jlyle. 
 
 44 Ninthly, in all negotiations in Spain , in point of 
 44 Religion, I ever llraitned my inllruftions. 
 
 44 Tenthly, the match with Spain was not moved by 
 “ me; I ever advifed a Protellant Match, and Ihewed 
 
 44 many reafons both of confcience and Hate ; but if with 
 44 a Catholick, then rather with Spain than Eran.r, fo as 
 44 good conditions might be made lor Religion, as appears 
 44 by a letter I wrote, and delivered to the Pi nice, at his 
 “ fiift going upon the employment ; for which I had 
 44 like then to have been ruined for being a Puritan, as I 
 44 am now for being aPapill, and all by one and the fame 
 44 hand. 
 
 44 Eleventhly, and I appeal to the teftimony of Dr. 
 44 Mafon and Dr. Wren, the King’s Chaplains With me 
 44 in Spain ; and to Mr. Sampford, Mr. E fieri, and Mr. 
 “ Frewin my own Chaplains there. And that fuch Papilla 
 44 as have been my antient acquaintance and friends, be- 
 44 ing men of worth, well known to many of their Lord- 
 44 fhips, may be examined upon oath, whether I have not 
 44 in all places, as well in Spain as in England, and at all 
 44 times upon fit occafions, avowed my f'elf a Proteftant, 
 44 without the leail prevarication ? Or whether I did ever 
 44 any the lealt aft that was not fuitable to the fame pro- 
 “ feffion? And that Mr. Frewin , Mr. Wake, my own 
 44 Chaplains, may give their tellimonies, whether in the 
 44 time of feveral dangerous lickneffes, which I had of late 
 44 years fain into, I have nor in the time of fuch my lick- 
 44 neiies (w'hen no man can be fuppofed todiffemble with 
 44 the world, being ready to leave it,) made before them 
 44 aconfeffion of my Faitb, and made my peace with God,. 
 44 refolving to die as befitted a Protellant, and good 
 “ Chriflian. This I tell your Lordlhips, was my Reli- 
 44 gion I was bred in, have ever profefled and lived in, 
 44 and was refolved by God’s grace to die in ; and yet 
 44 was fo unhappy, by reafon of employment, to be dif— 
 44 taffeful to many good men, that I have been fufpefted 
 44 even by them, not well knowing me: And this hath 
 “ been the rife the Duke hath now taken againll me. 
 “ I hen for my love to Spain, I wonder from whence 
 44 that opinion Ihould grow, lince I was there hated and 
 44 fhamed, as the man whom, of all others, they delired 
 “ to have the leaf! to do withal, having flood ever drifter 
 44 in point of Religion, than by my inllruftions 1 might 
 “ have done ; as alter the capitulation concluded on, they 
 44 underffood by fome intelligence, which cauled their ha- 
 44 tred towards me. 
 
 “ Sure I am, I fhewed it not by the fervice I did 
 “ them ; for divers years together there was not a letter 
 “ fent by that King to any other State, that the King 
 44 my Maftcr had not a copy of before, or by that time 
 44 it came to the place whither it was direfted. There 
 “ was not any great aftion on foot, whereof I had not 
 44 the private inffruftions, and fent them hither : not any 
 44 expedition by feaor land, wherein I had nut (bme mmi- 
 44 Hers or intelligencers, that gave me from time to time 
 “ advertifements of their aftions, and moll private inten- 
 “ tions, whereof I advertifed his Majefty from time to 
 
 time. I ufed fuch induftry, as to get all the Papers 
 44 of that King’s private cabinet into my hands; took. 
 44 copies and notes of fuch of them as I thought ufeful; 
 
 44 and upon every of them fet my private mark before 
 44 they were conveyed back again, to the end, that if J, 
 
 44 Ihould have had an occafion to have charged him with 
 44 any thing mentioned in the fame Papers, I might have 
 44 let him fee I knew it, by telling him in what Paper it 
 “ was, and mark’d with fuch a mark. 
 
 44 There was net a pore in Spain, that I had not caufed 
 44 the depth of it to be founded, nut a fort whereof I 
 44 knew not the Hrength, both for the garrifon, munition, 
 44 and other matters of advantage and d i fad vantage ; infu- 
 44 much as if it Ihould pleafe the King to appoint a Com- 
 44 mittee of the Lords to take an account ot me, I Ihould, 
 44 by the Hores I gathered there, and brought with me, 
 “ make it appear, I was as ufeful a fervant to his Majelty 
 44 in a war, as in a peace. Whereas at his Majefty’s com - 
 44 ing out of Spain, the powers of the defponfories were 
 44 to be depofited in fome man’s hands; and the Duke, 
 44 upon pretence of doing me honour, but intending to 
 “ break my neck by it, moved they might be left with 
 44 me, and the King of Spain was contented ; and fo they 
 “ were put into my hands, not as an Attorney only for 
 44 the Prince : But the King of Spain having taken the 
 44 fubllitution of them by his Secretary of State, entred in- 
 44 legal form ; whereby that King was then become inte- 
 44 relied in them by their occupation, as well as the Prince 
 44 by granting ot them. And becoming the Injlrumentum 
 “ Jlipulatum, wherein they were both interefted, they 
 44 were depofited into my hands,, as an indifferent perfon, 
 44 trufted between the King of Spain and the Piince with 
 44 a declaration of the truft. And now the Duke was. 
 44 returned out of Spain , he plotted my ruin, and put it 
 44 in execution in this manner. He concealeu mat the 
 44 powers were to expire at Chrijimajs, and procured his 
 “ Majelly to wrice a letter, (not a i.n oft command) but 
 “ expielfing a defire. N ih-.«i.J not be 
 
 “ till one oi u.v •.. A ■ •. 
 
 44 djeaw 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 33 5 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 <c forced againft me, as a breach of inftruilions: If I had 
 “ not proceeded, then I had broken my truft between the 
 “ Prince and King of Spain , overthrown the marriage fo 
 “ long fought and laboured, it being the main fcope of 
 “ my ambaflage, contrary to exprefs warrant, and that 
 “ upon a letter I mull needs know to be a miftake. And 
 when I had written into England , to have a dire<St 
 
 Rurturorth, 
 T. l.p. 113. 
 
 “ draw me into a dilemma, That if I proceeded in the prove the lejl argument we can ufe for the reftituiion of the 
 ‘ match, this letter lhould, as now it is, have been en- Palatinate. 
 
 And this his advice, he faith, was wholly intended by 
 his adtions, by being the caufe, as he returned homeward 
 out of Germany, to bring down Count Mansf.iU , where¬ 
 by the town of Frankendale was relieved, bv fuppiyinn of 
 his Majefty’s army, when in great diftrefs/with moneys 
 and plate, to the value of ten thoufand pounds merely out 
 , . , , of his zeal and aftetftion to the good of the King and his 
 
 warrant m the point, the Duke then feeing that plot Children, having no warrant or order, but that his heart 
 would not take, he dealt with d,vets great Lords, as was ever really bent in effects more than in (hews, ,0 ferve 
 was well known to fome of their Lordfhips there pre- the King’s Son-in-law and his caufe, as by the difeourfe ol 
 fent, to have me uponmy amva in England, commit- this bufmefs will appear. And how acceptable thefe fer- 
 “ the rower, before I ftlould ever come to fpeak vices were, will more appear, by the letters of the Queen 
 with the King; which the Spamjh ambaflador here in of Bohemia , in thefe words following : 
 
 England , having gotten private notice of, gave adver- 0 ’ 
 
 tifement thereof to that King ; who thereupon forefee- My Lord, 
 
 ing my danger, and confuking with his Council and TJ Aving uni,rftooi from Heidelburgh, horn L huv, 
 Divines, what were fit for him in honour and confci- fl fimueiyour uffea.on „ the Kin.- uud me,,, III 
 ence to do in that cafe, they refolved, I hat feeing my and m the help of mmey you have lenten, Sol,her ,;' / eufifi 
 fufterings grew by being an honeft man, and endeavour- let fi great obligations p„fs, salt hen, giving man r thanks fori, 
 
 by thefe tines , fate, 1 have no other means to Jhtsus my era te- 
 fulnejs unto you : Knfimr, ajfurt your f,f that l will 
 never be forgetful of the tejlimonies you give me of your love, 
 
 , r f . • a * ... which I intreat you to continue, in doing the Kim’ and me all 
 
 by occafion of the truft : Whereupon at his departure good offices you can to his Majejly. Yen lav i r an - 
 going to Court to take his leave, the Gonde Olwares told suite,ji of the inferable ejlatc our'CourvY a; In ■ l,r’rn,t 
 
 ..“ -*- J ■" f~ Hmfir. to film,, bis .Unis;/: is,-sue Up. You having 
 
 given me anaffieranc, of year affection ; / retreat i on now to 
 Jhew it, in helping of us by your good endeavours to his Ma- 
 jejly, and you fall ever bind me to continue, as l am al¬ 
 ready. 
 
 ing to perform the trult repofed in me by that King as 
 well as the Prince; That King was bound boch in ho¬ 
 nour and confcience, not only to preferve me from ruin, 
 but to make me a reparation for any lofs I lhould fultain 
 
 “ me, what was plotted againft me in England ; and in 
 * c refpe£l of the danger, by reafon of the greatncls of my 
 “ adverfary, perfuaded me to llay there, and in his ma- 
 tc fter’s name made an offer, notinfecret, but in the pre- 
 “ fence of Sir Walter Afon.” 
 
 Here the Earl of Brijlol explained wherein thofe offers 
 >■ con filled, namely, in a blank ligned by the King of Spain , 
 wherein the Earl might fet down his own conditions, both 
 in point of title and fortune. But all this he refufed, as 
 well as a large fum of money offered by the King. Then 
 the Earl concluded in the following manner. 
 
 “ Upon what grounds and hope came I to encounter 
 “ with thofe dangers ? Not upon hope of my greatnefs in 
 “ Court, and ftrength of friends there to boulltcr out an ill 
 “ caufe; no lure, my ftrength was too weak, and my ad- 
 “ verfarics too powerful. But I knew my confcience was 
 “ clear, and my caufe good, and truft in God Almighty. 
 <c And to him now, and to their Lordfhips judgments, 
 * c recommend myfelf and my caufe.” 
 
 The Anfwer of the Earl of Briftol, to the Articles of Accu- 
 fation brought againjl him by his Majejly's Attorney-Ge¬ 
 neral. 
 
 I. T' H E firft Article he denieth; and becaufe the 
 -1 matters contained in the faid Article coniift of fe- 
 veral parts; viz. the lofs of the faid Palatinate , and the 
 match with the faid Lady of Spain, and of the feveral em¬ 
 ployments, as of one extraordinary ambaflage to the Em¬ 
 peror, and another to the King o(Spain, in the years 1621, 
 22, and 23. He humbly craves leave of this moft honor¬ 
 able Court to feparate the bufineffes, and diftinguilh the 
 times. 
 
 And beginning with the Palatinate firft, to give an ac¬ 
 count of his ambaflage to the Emperor, and fo to make as 
 
 Your very affeclionate Friend, 
 
 ELIZABETH. 
 
 Which Letters were feconded with others about the fame 
 time, both from the King of Bohemia and Council of Hei¬ 
 delburgh, to the lame efteef, and how much fatishiclriin Ins 
 late Majefty received in that behalf, and touching that bu- 
 finefs, will plainly appear feveral ways, and particularly by 
 his Speech m Parliament. And the faid Earl likewife ap- 
 pealeth to both Houfes of Parliament, to whom, by his 
 late Majefty’s order, he gave a juft and Hue account of 
 that employment, with what true zeal he proceeded • and 
 how he prefted that Tingle treaty, and promiTes no longer 
 to be relied on, but that a fitting preparation for war mi4t 
 go along hand in hand with any treaty of accommodation. 
 And, lor a conclufion, among many of his iace Majefty’s 
 approbations of his carriage in this emplovment, he hum¬ 
 bly defired that a Letter of the Duke of Buckingham's under 
 his own hand, bearing date the eleventh of UChbtr 16a i 
 may be produced, being as followeth: 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 | Am exceeding glad that your Lordjhip hath carried your 
 fif fi wc, l m tint employment , that his Majejly is 'infi¬ 
 nitely pleafed with your fervice you have done, for which he 
 commanded me to give your Lordfhip thanks in his name un¬ 
 til he fee you bimfelf You, of all men, have caufe u com- 
 
 hric A 7 r e "T T 1 i'T ,0r n . ° 1 “ mmi his tinia of fuch a man, that 'uni,ft Z r 
 
 burner' 1 7 I s COuld f °‘ the W , hole COT “8 e ,“> that hear, had gone with,he bufjefs, you.could never have brought 
 
 he eft ; T b ?r ng “> “*«»* “ to fo good a faf. Atmmffother Yungs, his MujeflyXl 
 
 II ,h r 1 " I ,' S t0 «<* Emperor, he propounded Vlry wtU tht , m ,f dlan % hi, honour, whereof L will ad 
 
 all things faithfully according to his mftruaions, and the vfc further with your Lordfhip, a, your next coming over 
 anfwers which he returned to his late Majefty of blcfled / b / pt ylu m ill ml find your Negotiation with the InfanTa of 
 memory, were the very fame, and no other, than fuch fuch difficulty as you feem to fear in your Letter, left 
 as were given by the Emperor under h,s hand and imperial Brother Ed ward hath brought with him a Letter front hi 
 
 n ’ 1 r W M ’• r I t' S , fh t fuU l Ma i’fiy' S Son-in-luw, whereby he putteth himfilf f lely ,o h s 
 
 unto his faid Majefty and withal did honeftly and truly Majejif r advice and pleafur, for hit fubmidn. Is f ull 
 advert,f= h,s faid Majefty, what he underftood and thought perceive by the cop, of,he Letter itfef which 1 Ire feltdZur 
 then upon the place ; but was fo far from giving to Ins Ma- Lordjhip ; wherein, though there be many thing, mlrtileZ 
 
 26 July 1624, in fuch fort ns followeth. 
 
 T Am further to move your Lordfips, that there may be a 
 difpateh made prefently into Spain to his Majejly's ambaf- 
 fador Mr. Cottington, that they deal effectually for the re- 
 
 of the bufmefs, wherein I have written to the Spanflh Am- 
 baffador to uj'e his means and credit likewife ; which I af- 
 fure myfelf he will effectually do, efpecially feeing the impe¬ 
 diments are taken away by Count Mansfield’* compoftion, and 
 the conformity of bis Majejly's Son-in-law to this Jubmiffon. 
 ... , . - r , , r'r n ' J ■ , -for the money your Lordjhip hath Jo Jeafonably laid forth hil 
 
 pairing and ripening of the bufmefs againjl my coming ; that Majejly will fee you Jhull Main nobs, holding it very un 
 they uje fome plain and d,rea language letting the Minifers confcienable you lhould fuffer by the cafe of his fervice ; llnch 
 t mt the f° te letter fent by the King flfbpam to you have Jhcwed fo much to his contentment, to the «reat joy of 
 the Emperor, ivas colder and more referved than bis Majler your Lordjhip's faithful fervant , 
 had r cajon to expea. 1 fhall conclude with telling your Lord- n i- 1 
 
 flips. That although I defpair not of good fuccefs in that Buckingham. 
 
 y “ l h fJ’" Ma fifi> fin* your Lordfhips lay Having given this account of his employment with the 
 c jt u b ‘ C “ re f T “ W “ r ’ “ Emperor, he humbly craveth leave to make it known in 
 
 ttLs P 7 Lr m ] And amougji other what fort, before this his employment, he endeavoured to 
 
 l i M m ’fi‘ a ™ft l yj’™ mm * m, °y mrL ° r dJhips.byymr ferve the Prince Palatine, and his caufe, which will beft 
 th \T“Z, mi n y “ abr ° ad ' f° r b * his Majefty’s own teffimony, upon the going of 
 
 Wr. Tw r'°L i - er n s fljet upon the Coajls Sir Francis Nctherfole to the Prince Palatine ; at whicli 
 
 J pain; which, m cafe his Majejly Jkould be ill ufecl , will time his Majefty being, out 0/ his royal and juft heart, 
 
 1 delirous 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 ; -,6 
 
 The H 1ST 0 R T of E N G L 
 
 A N D. 
 
 defirous to do a faithful fervant rtolit, commanded Sir/ftwz- 
 a. Netherfie to let the Prince Palatine underftand, how 
 good a fervant the faid Earl had been unto him, and how 
 active in his affairs, as will be ft appear by a difpatch of 
 Sir Francis Nctherfole, written ail with his own hand to 
 Sir George Calvert-, dated in Prague, Aug. i i. 1620, and 
 fent by his late Majefty to the (aid Earl for his comfort, 
 being as followeth: 
 
 Right Honourable, 
 
 T JI/l T \ou may be the better affured that I have nci- 
 thcr forgotten nor negledled the commandments received 
 from his Majejly by your honour ; you will be pleafed to have 
 the patience to hear me report what I faid to this King upon 
 the delivery of my Lord Deputy's Letters to his Majejly ; 
 which was. That the King my Majler , whofe jujlice is fo 
 r, nowned over the u arid, did ufe to Jhew it in nothing more, 
 than in vindicating his fervants from wrongful opinions 
 whereof he knew noble hearts more fenftblc , than of injuries 
 done to their perf ns or fortunes ; That out of his royal 
 difpojition , his Ada]efly having found my Lord Digby mijlaken 
 by Jome of his even people at home , by occafion of his being by 
 him employed in the affairs with Spain, having thereupon re¬ 
 ceived a jei.l.uty, that the Jam: noble Lord might be alfo mij- 
 reported; kith Id ■ fly's hands in that refpeSl gave 
 
 me a particular commandment, to affure his Majejly, he had 
 not a more truly affectionate fervant in England : And for 
 pro f thereof to let his Majejly underfand, That whereas 
 the Farm e.f Doncafter, now his Majejly's Ambaffador for 
 Rrland, load, face his coming hither , obtained but three great 
 . loons for his Majejly's J'ervicc ; viz. the loan of money from 
 the King of Denmark, the contribution in England of the 
 City and Countries , and the fending Ambaffadors to the con¬ 
 trary parties, that my Lord Digby had been the firf pro- 
 f sunder of all thofe to the King my Majler , before his Ma- 
 je/ly's Ambaffador, or any other of his Majejly's Servants in 
 England ; although his Lordfuip were contented, that others, 
 wan were but Jet on, fhould carry away the thanks and 
 prayers, becuufe his Lordfuip, being known to be the frjl 
 mover therein, might poffbly zveakcti the credit he hath m 
 Spain, and to render himftlf the more valuable to ferve both 
 his own Maficr and his Majejly ; in which refpefl I humbly 
 prayed his late Majejly to keep this to himjelf. 
 
 By which teftimony it may appear, as the laid Earl con- 
 ceiveth, how he, the faid Ear], bellowed i.mifelf before 
 his ambaflage, and in his faid ambaffage with his faid late 
 Majefty’s approbation thereof. Now he humbly craved 
 leave to give your Lordfhips account how he proceeded 
 after his return from the Emperor’s Court. 
 
 As foon as he came into England, he difeoven uto 
 his Majefty, and the Lords of the Council, in v* i • 
 want he had left the forces in the Palatinate , and 
 cited the prefent fending away of money ; then. 
 thirty thoufand pounds was borrowed of S:r Peter Vanlo. <, 
 Sir Baptifl Hicks, and Sir William Cortine , and prefently 
 fent unto the Palatinate , befides the ten thoufand pounds 
 which he lent, for which lie paid the intereft out of his 
 purfe for fix months, having alfo given, not long be¬ 
 fore, five hundred pounds, by way of benevolence, to the 
 fervice of the faid Palatinate. 
 
 Now in the interim, betwixt Lis return from th cEng- 
 lijh Confts, which was in November 1621, and his going 
 in to Spain in May 1622, he firft ga^e his account as afore- 
 f.iid, of his ambaffage to both Houles of Parliament, and 
 moved them cffe&ually, as was poflible, for the fupplying 
 ot iris Majefty, and that the money might wholly be em- 
 ploved for the fuccour of the Palatinate. 
 
 The Parliament being diffolved, he follicitcd with great 
 care and induftry the fettling of Come courfe for the fup¬ 
 plying of the Palatinate, and his Majefty was perfuaded to 
 maintain eight thoufand foot, and Jixteen hundred horfe, 
 under his own ftandard, and at his own purfe, in the/M- 
 h.senate, to eftablifh a certain courfe for due payment of 
 the faid Army: The Lord Chic he/hr was, upon the faid 
 Earl’s motion, fent for out of Ireland , and the faid Earl, 
 by his Majefty's command, took order for his difpatch. 
 In this eftate the faid Earl left his affairs at his departure 
 towards Spain in May 1622, nothing doubting but that 
 all thinys would have effectually and conftantly been pur- 
 fucd, according to the order which was fettled and refolved 
 on at his departuie. 
 
 At his ariival at the Court of Spain, he prefently pro¬ 
 ceeded according to his inftrudtiuiis, preffing the bufinefs 
 of the Palatinate as effectually as he could, and faithfully 
 laboured and effected from tune to time (as far as to the 
 point of negotiation) all particulars that were given him in 
 charge, as it will appear by his late Majefty’s letter upon 
 every particular occafion ; and if by the accidents of war 
 for that Rimmer, the Marquifs of Baden, the Count Manf- 
 fi.dd, and the Duke of Brunfuick, received each of them 
 an overthrow, (the ordering of whofe affairs h.s Majefty 
 to Jar compiaiiied of to his ton-in-Lw, as to give order 
 
 for the withdrawing of his forces, as will appear by hi* 
 Majefty’s letters on the third of June 1622, and alfo bv 
 his letters unto Sir Horace ! ere, and the Lord Cliche!: er 
 of the fame date, if there was not a fpeedy redrefs) 11 be¬ 
 any of thofe accidents thofe bufineftes have mifearried, the 
 faid Earl hopes he (hall net be liable to the blame, it hav¬ 
 ing no relation to him, or to his employment, having io 
 far and fo honeftly, with his beft affedtions, employed his 
 caie and utmoft Cervices in the bufinelfes, as his Majefty 
 was pleafed, by many feveral letters upon feveral occafions, 
 to fignify his gracious receptancc of his fervice, as in his 
 letters of November 24. 1622, written as followeth, viz. 
 
 Tour dijpatches are in all points Jo full, and in them we 
 receive f good fatisfaflion , as in this zee Jhall not need to en¬ 
 large any farther, but only tell you, are we well pleafed with 
 this diligent and dferect employment of your endeavours , and 
 all that concernetb our fervice \ fo we are likewife with the 
 whole proceedings of our Ambaffador, Sir Walter Afton. 
 
 Ncsv Marker, Thus we bid you heartily farezvel. 
 
 And afterwards his Majefty was likewife pleafed in his 
 letters of January 8, 1622, a little before our gracious 
 Sovereign Lord the King, then Prince, his coming into 
 Spain ; as followeth, 
 
 Concerning that knotty and unfortunate affair of the Palati¬ 
 nate, to fay the truth , as things fand, I know not what you 
 could have done more than you have done already. 
 
 And whereas it is objedfed, the Palatinate fhould be loft 
 by the hopes, he, the faid Earl, gave, by his letters out 
 of Spain, it is an objection of knpoflibility ; but there was 
 nothing left but Manheim and Frankendale , when his firft 
 letters out of Spain could poftibly come to his late Majefty’s 
 hands ; for he did not begin to negotiate that buhnefs until 
 Augujl 1622, and about that time Heidelburgb , and all but 
 Manheim and Frank endale was loft ; and Manheim he had 
 faved by his induftry, had it not been fo fuddenly delivered, 
 as is by his Majefty acknowledged by letter of 24 Novem¬ 
 ber 1622, written thus ; viz. 
 
 And hewfoever the order given to the Infanta , for the re¬ 
 lief of Manheim, arrived too late, and after the town was 
 yielded to Tilly; yet muff we acknowledge it to be a good 
 effect of your negotiation, and an argument of that King's 
 jinccrc and found intention. 
 
 And Frankendale being by the faid Earl’s means once 
 faved, was again the fecond rime faved merely by the faid 
 Earl’s induftry; and procuring a letter from the King of 
 Spain, dated the 2d A February 1623. Whereupon fol¬ 
 lowed the treaty of Sequeftration, which hath fince con¬ 
 tinued. And lie, the faid Earl, was fo far from hinder¬ 
 ing fuccours by any letter or counfel of his, that he was 
 the follicitor, and in great part the procurer of moft of the 
 ■ urs that had been fent thither, as is formerly fet 
 .own. And when his Royal Majefty that now is, anti 
 the V. ike of Buckingham arrived at the Court of Spain , 
 iound the bufinefs of the Palatinate in fo fair a way, 
 ■at the Span Jo Miuifters told them, the King fhould give 
 his Jars M.yJ.y a blank, in which we might frame our 
 own conditions ; and ‘he fame he confirmeth unto us 
 now; and the like touching this blank was likewife ac¬ 
 knowledged by the JjTk. of Buckingham, in his Speech in 
 Parliament, after the return cf his Majefty out of Spain. 
 And it will appear by the teftimony of Sir Walter Ajlon , 
 and by his, and the faid Earl’s difpatche?, that the laid 
 Earl wanted net induftry and zeal in the buhnefs: Info- 
 much as the laft anfwcr the faid Earl procured herein 
 from the King of Spain , was fuller than he the faid Earl 
 was ordered by his late Majefty’s latcft Letters to infift 
 upon. So, as by that which hath been alledged, the faid 
 Earl hopeth your Lordfhips will be fatisfied, not only that 
 he wanted neither wiil nor induftry, but that he hath, 
 with all true zeai and aftedlion, and with his own means, 
 faithfully ferved their Majeffies, and the Prince Palatine in 
 this caufe : And for affurance in that affair, he had all 
 that could be between Chriftian Princes; and if in the laid 
 aft'urances there hath been any deceit, as by the faid Arti¬ 
 cles is intimated, which he never knew nor believed, he 
 referred it to God to punifh their wickednefs; for betwixt 
 Princes there can be no greater tie, than their words, their 
 hands and feals, ail which he procured in that behalf; and 
 both the faid Earl, and Sir Walter Ajlon were fo confident 
 that the bufinefs would be ended to his late Majefty’s fafis- 
 fadlion, that in a joint difpatch to his late Majefty of 24 
 November 1623, after his own Majefty’s return into Eng¬ 
 land, they wrote as followeth, viz. 
 
 We hope that your Majefy may , according to your defire 
 fgnified to me the Earl of riftol, by the letters of OiXob. 8. 
 give to your Majefy's Royal Daughter this Chriftmafs the 
 comfortable nexus of the mar expiring of her great troubles 
 and Offerings , as unto the Prince your Son in the congratu¬ 
 lation of being arrived to a mof excellent Princefs. 
 
 And having thus given your Lordfhips an account of 
 his proceedings touching the Palatinate, he will, by your 
 
 Lordfhips 
 
33? 
 
 Eook XIX. 25. C H A 
 
 Loriilhips good favours, proceed to the other part of that 
 charge concerning the marriage. 
 
 And firft, touching his hopes and aflurances, that he is 
 charged to have given to his late Majefty, and his Minifters 
 of State here in England, of the Spaniards real proceed¬ 
 ings in the faid match, when, he fnid, he knew he ne¬ 
 ver meant it : He faith, he never gave any hopes of their 
 real proceedings, but fuch, and the very fame that were 
 firft given to him, without adding or diminiftiing ; neither 
 could he have done otherwife, either with honelty or fafe- 
 ty. And he further faith, that the hopes he gave were not 
 upon any intelligence ; but as well in that of the match, as 
 the other of the Palatinate, his advertifements were ground¬ 
 ed upon all the aflurances both of word and writing, that 
 could poflibly pafs between Chriftians, as will be made evi¬ 
 dently appear by his difpatch of 9 September 1623, which 
 he humbly defires may be read, if the length of it may 
 not difpleafe. The fubftance being to fhew ail the engage¬ 
 ments and promifes of the King of Spain , that he really 
 intended the match. And the caufes why the Conde Oli¬ 
 vares pretended to the Duke of Buckingham , that the 
 match was not formerly meant, was only thereby to Iree 
 himfelf from treating any longer with the faid Earl, to the 
 end that he might treat for larger conditions, in point of 
 Religion with the faid Duke : The faid Conde Olivares 
 taking advantage of having the perfon of his Majefty, then 
 Prince, in his hands. And with this difpatch the faid Earl 
 acquainted his Majefty that now is, in Spain, before he 
 fent it. 
 
 And by this difpatch the Earl doubted not, but that it 
 will appear to this honourable Court, that whilft the treat¬ 
 ing of this bufinefs was in hand, he proceeded in that, not 
 only with care and induftry, but with fome meafure of vi- 
 gilancy. And for clearing an obje£tion that hath been al- 
 ledged, that the match was never meant before the Duke’s 
 coming into Spain , nor after 5 the Earl craveth leave to 
 fet down fome few reafons of many, which caufed him to 
 believe that the faid match was, and hath been really meant, 
 and that it was fo conceived by both their Majefties, and 
 the King of Spain, and their Minifters on both fides. 
 
 For 1 ft, The Duke of Buckingham certified his late 
 Majefty, that the bufinefs of the marriage was brought to 
 a happy conclufion ; whereupon his late Majefty was plea- 
 fed to give order to the Duke and Earl, to proceed in the 
 bufinefs 3 which his faid Majefty would not have treated 
 till the faid marriage was concluded, as will appear by a 
 Letter of his faid late Majefty, jointly to the Duke ol Buck¬ 
 ingham, and the faid Earl, of the 23 July 1623. 
 
 zdly, It will appear by Letters of the faid Lord Conway 
 to the Duke of Buckingham , bearing date September 4, 
 1623. That the faid Duke had good aflurance of the con¬ 
 clufion of the faid match ; and upon this confidence were 
 all things put in due execution in England , as had been 
 capitulated ; and the Lord Conway and others faithfully 
 agreed and fettled all the points of immunity and liberty 
 for the Roman Catholicks, and for the ufe of their Religion, 
 as was fet down in their Declaration, Augujl 9, 1623. 
 hereafter mentioned in the anfwer to the fifth Article of 
 this charge. 
 
 3dly, The very day his now Majefty and the Duke of 
 Buckingham departed from the Efcurial in Spain , towards 
 England, the faid Duke folemnly fwore to the Treaty of 
 the faid Marriage, and the furtherance of it all that fhould 
 he in his power, upon the holy Evangelifts, in the prefence 
 of the faid Earl and Sir Walter Ajlon. 
 
 4thly, The treaty of the faid Marriage had been for¬ 
 merly figned, fealed, and folemnly fworn by the King of 
 Spain : And when his Majefty, and that King took their 
 leaves, he did folemnly, in the words of a King, faithfully 
 and punctually proteft to perform all that had been capi¬ 
 tulated in the treaty of Marriage3 and thereupon embraced 
 his Majefty at his departure, and fent the very next day 
 a Letter, written all with his own hand to his Majefty, 
 vowing and protefting to make all good that he had capitu¬ 
 lated or promifed unto his Majefty at his departure the day 
 before. So that if there were no true meaning on the 
 part of Spain to make the Marriage, as by Mr. Attorney 
 is pretended, yet certainly the Earl hath not been fiightly 
 deceived 3 neither can it be, at he conceiveth, any fault in 
 him, fince not only his late Majefty, but alfo his Majefty 
 that now is, and the Duke of Buckingham, being then both 
 upon the place, did confidently believe, and that upon o- 
 ther grounds than mif-informations, fuggeftions, and per- 
 fwafions of the faid Earl, that the Marriage was really in¬ 
 tended : And to that effect, both his late Majefty of blefled 
 memory, and his moft excellent Majefty that now is, af¬ 
 ter his return into England , wrote unto him, the faid Earl, 
 feveral Letters, alluring him, that their intents and plea- 
 fures, were to have the laid match proceeded in, and there¬ 
 upon the proxies of his Majefty, then Prince, were again 
 
 R L E S I. 
 
 inrolled and fent unto the faid Earl. So that the faid 
 Earl having fo many and fo great caufes to be aftiircd, that 
 the match was really intended on both fides, he conceiveth 
 it will be hard for Mr. Attorney to make good that part 
 of his charge, wherein he affirmed-), that the Ear] fhould 
 know the contrary, or the aflurance to be upon falfe 
 grounds, as in the find Artie e is alledgc-d. 
 
 II. To the fecond article, he diiedllv denieth all the 
 fuppofed offences wherewith he {lauds charged bv the faid 
 article. And for a clear declaration and maniieiiation of 
 the truth and manner ot hi; proceedings, he faith, 
 
 Firft, As to the continuing the treaties upon generali¬ 
 ties, that the temporal Articles were by agreements on 
 both fides not to be treated or fettled until fuch time as 
 the articles of Religion were fully agreed on ; for that it 
 was held moft proper and honourable for both fides, firft, 
 to fee if the difficulty of Religion might be removed, be¬ 
 fore they parted to any further engagements. And the faid 
 articles of Religion, by reafon of tne Pope’s new demands 
 fent into England by Mr. Gage , were not figned nor con- 
 defeended to by his late Majefty, nor his Majefty that 
 now is, then Prince, till January 5, 1612, and were then 
 fent away in poft out of England to the faid Earl by 
 Mr. Simon Digby, who arrived with them at Madrid in 
 Spain, about the 25th of the fame month. But the Earl's 
 care was fuch, to have no time fpent in the fettling of 
 the temporal Articles, that before he would condefcend fo 
 much as de bene ejje unto the articles of Religion, that they 
 fhould be fent back to Rome, he procured the King of 
 Spain to promife, that within the lime limited for pro¬ 
 curing the Delponfories, which was by March or April 
 following at the furtheft, all temporal Articles fhould be 
 fettled and agreed, to the end that the Inlanta might be 
 delivered at the fprin •, as by the King of Spain Hs anfwer 
 in writing was declared to be the King’s intension 3 and 
 accordingly Sir Walter Ajlcn a d the faid Earl did not deal 
 in general, but did moft iiiduftrioufty labour to fettle ail in 
 particular, viz. That the portion fhould be two millions, 
 it appearing, that it was fo agreed by the late King of 
 Spain { 1)3 that the difpenfation coming, the Ue r pnnfories 
 fhould be within forty days after 5 and that Don Duarte 
 de Portugal fhould be the man that fhould attend the In¬ 
 fanta in the journey. And all other particulars nereflary 
 for the conclufion of the laid treaties, were, by Sir Walter 
 Ajlon and the faid Earl, and the Spanijh commiffione’S, 
 drawn up into heads, in writing, and after many debate*, 
 they were confulted with that Rin.g3 and 2 Marti] 1623 
 Jlilo vet. the Conde Gondomar, and the Secretary Don 
 Andreas de Praia, were appointed to come home to the 
 houfe of the faid Earl, to fignify unto Sir Walter Ajlon and 
 himfelf, as they did, that the King of Spain had declared 
 his refolution in all the particulars, and given them order 
 to come to a fpcedy conclufion with them in all things : 
 And that King’s anfwer to that conclufion, the Earl faw, 
 and read, all written with the King of Spain’s own hand. 
 
 On the feventh day of the faid month of March 1623, 
 the King’s Majefty, then Prince, and the Duke of Buck¬ 
 ingham, arrived at Aladrid ; and the Spaniards took new 
 laws, and the negotiation was put into a new form. So 
 that whereas it is obje&ed again ft die Earl, that he enter¬ 
 tained and continued the treaties fo long upon generalities, 
 he conceives it is not meant upon the fpiritual Articles j 
 for they were fuch as were fent from Rome into Eng¬ 
 land, from thence they came to the Earl : And for the 
 temporal Articles, they were not to be fettled and treated 
 till the articles of Religion were concluded. He conceiveth 
 it cannot be alledged with any colour, that his Majefty 
 was entertained with generalities, fince the time that the 
 faid articles of Religion were brought unto the fid Earl 
 by Mr. Simon Digby, being about the 25th of January, 
 there were but fix weeks until March 7 following, when 
 his Majefty, then Prince, arrived in Aladrid 3 and in the 
 interim, all the above-mentioned particulars were fettled : 
 And the time that hath been fpent in this treaty, hath 
 not been through his, the faid Earl’s, de'aup, in con¬ 
 tinuing upon generalities, without preffing to particulars, 
 but hath been caufed, as well by difficulties w hich the buii- 
 nefs brought with it, as alfo with exterior accidents, viz. 
 The wars ol Bohemia, the death of two i opes, and the late 
 King of Spain, without the lead fault of the faid Earl, as 
 is acknowledged by die la re King of blefled mem ay, in 
 the faid Earl his inHiudH 11s, on the 14th ot March 1621. 
 
 Neither could any delay therein, be attributed to h.m 
 the laid Earl 5 for he was employe-; in thofe times into 
 Germany and Flanders, and Sir spatter Ajlon and Sir 
 Francis Cottington , for the fpace of three or four yea s, 
 were refident in Spain ; from whence the hopes they gave 
 were upon all the diferee: grounds that minifters can ex¬ 
 pect from a State : But the Earl re-affirmed nis bufinefs fix 
 months before his Majority's coming, into Spain , and he 
 
 (r) Philip in. 
 
 No 60. Vol II. 
 
 Q.q q q 
 
 was 
 
33 
 
 Vol. If. 
 
 8 The BISTORT 
 
 Was fo defirous to fee his Majefty, then Prince, beftowed, 
 that he prefl'ed nothing fo much, both to the King and 
 Prince, as that the Prince might lofe no more time, and 
 rather to break the match with Spain, than fuffer any fur¬ 
 ther delays ; as will appear by his difpatches from his firft 
 arrival at the Court of Spain, until his Majefty, then 
 Prince, his coming. For in his letters of June 20, i6zz, 
 being the firft he wrote after his firft audience, he was fo 
 defirous that no time might be loft, that in them he craved 
 leave of his Majefty, that in cafe he fhould find any delays 
 in Spain, he might without expetfting any order, take his 
 leave, and come home. 
 
 Upon the return of Sir Francis Cottington , in September 
 following, he wrote both to the King, and his Majefty 
 then Prince. To the King, as followeth : 
 
 1 Jball prefume to add to that which Mr. Cottington 
 Jhall deliver unto your Majcjly by word oj mouth, of the pre- 
 fent cflate of the match, what I conceive to be the right way 
 to bring it to a fpeedy iffue : That your Majejly will be 
 plea fed pojitively to declare, what you will do in point of Re- 
 ligion, and that you will appoint me a certain limited time, 
 by which this King Jhould procure the difpenfation, or con¬ 
 clude the match without it ; and in cafe there jhall be any far¬ 
 ther delay therein , that I may then declare your Majejly to be 
 free and dfengaged, to be/low the Prince in fuch fort as you 
 Jhall judge mojl convenient. 
 
 And to the Prince, at the fame time wrote in thefe fub- 
 fequent words, viz. 
 
 That which will be necefjary for his Majejly prefently to 
 do on his Majejly's part, is, to declare himfelf, hoiu far he 
 will be pleafed to yield in point of Religion, as Air. Cot¬ 
 tington will approve unto your Highnefs : And that he fet 
 a prefixed time to break or conclude the match, either with 
 the dij'penfation, or without the fame. And for the rejl, it 
 may be left to my negotiation. But your Highnefs may be 
 pleafed to hajlen his Majjly's refolution with all poffible 
 fpeed. 
 
 And the faid Earl faith, that having received from his 
 faid late Majefty his refolution in point of Religion, and a 
 limited time according to his defire, he was fo precife and 
 pun&ual therein, that although the making or breaking 
 of the marriage depended upon it, he would not give one 
 month’s refpite longer time for the procuring of the dif¬ 
 penfation, untill he had firft acquainted his late Majefty 
 therein, and received his directions under his own hand ; 
 as will appear by his Majefty’s letters of October 25, 1622, 
 as followeth: 
 
 Right trujly and ivcll-belovcd Coufin and Counfellor, we 
 greet you heartily well. Whereas by your lajl Letter written 
 to our Secretary, dated September 29, you are defirous to 
 have our pleafure fignified unto you under our own hand : 
 whether we will be content or not to grant a month's time 
 longer, for the coming of the difpenfation from Rome, than 
 we have already limited unto you, in caje they Jhall there 
 conclude all things elfe for our contentment, with a refolution 
 to fend the Infanta hither the next fpring : we do hereby de¬ 
 clare unto you, that in that cafe you Jhall not break with 
 them for a month's longer delay. JVe alj'o wifi you not to 
 trouble yourfelf with the rajh cenjure of other men, in cafe your 
 bufinefs Jhould not fucceed ; rejling in that full ajfiurance of 
 our jujhce and wifdorn, that we will never judge a good and 
 faithful fervant by the ejfcfi of things Jo contingent and va¬ 
 riable. And with this ajfiurance we bid you heartily fare¬ 
 well. 
 
 And he further faith, That when he had agreed to the 
 articles of Religion, and that a certain time was fet for 
 the coming of the difpenfation, and a conclufion of the 
 match, although he would bind himfelf to nothing, with¬ 
 out his Majefty’s approbation, yet for that no time might 
 be loft, he agreed to the propohtions, dc bene ejfie, fent by 
 Mr. Porter, December 10. 1622, to the end the articles 
 might be immediately fent to Rome, without lofing fo 
 much time as to hear firft from England: And humbly mo¬ 
 ved, that in cafe his Majefty thould like of the (aid arti¬ 
 cles, he would fend his approbation directly to Rome for the 
 gaining of time; which his Majefty was pleafed to do. 
 And at the fame time he wrote both to his faid late Majef- 
 IV, and his M.jefty then Prince, as followeth, viz. to his 
 Majefty, 
 
 This is the true Jlate of the bufinefs as it now fiandeth. 
 If your Alajcjly approve of what is done, I hope it will be a 
 happy and a Jhort conclufion: If jour Majejly think it not 
 fit to allow and condefcend to the faid Articles, / have done 
 the uttermojl of my endeavours, and Jhall humbly perfwade 
 your Majejly not to lofe a day longer in the Treaty ; Jo much 
 :t import,', h your Alajefly and your Kingdoms that the Prince 
 were bflowed. 
 
 And to the Prince, in letters of the like date, in this fort. 
 
 I have prefumed to write to his Majejly, that which I 
 think my duty to Jay to your Highnefs, That in cafe you Jhall 
 not approve of what is row conditionally agreed, you permit 
 ■>.i a day more to be lojl in this Treaty ; For it is of fo great 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 eonfeqtience that your Highnefs were be flowed, that it import- 
 las much that you wet 
 
 But l hope his Maiefiy, and your Highnefs, will in fuch / rt 
 approve of this lajl agreement, as \ou will fpredily brinr this 
 long Treaty to a happy conclufion. / am out f hope of brit - 
 ing things to any better Terms ; therefor l / deal d. arly with 
 your Highnefs , and do not only mod humid perfwade but on 
 my knee* beg it of you, that you eithei efolve , nclud 
 this match as you may, or fpeedily to break it, and bjiy.u 
 yourfelf eljewhere ; for no lefi than the kappinefs of your King¬ 
 dom^ and the fecurity of the King your Fath'.r, andyottrfcij 
 depend upon it. 
 
 All which things being confidered, the Earl moft hum¬ 
 bly fubmitteth himfelf to the judgment of that moft high 
 and honorable Court, whether the delays which accidents 
 have brought forth in this bufinefs, can be attributed to his 
 fault ; fince on the one fide it will evidently appear to your 
 Lordfhips, that he never moved his Majefty and the Prince 
 to admit of delays, but rather to think of fome other 
 courfe; and it will on the other fide appear by all the dll- 
 patches, that he prefled things with the Minifters of Spain 
 to as fpeedy a conclufion, as the uttermoft terms 0/ fair 
 negotiation and good manners would bear. And whereas 
 it is pretended, that the Spaniards fhould take occafion, by 
 entertaining the faid Treaties, to abufe his faid late Ma¬ 
 jefty (which he knoweth not) yet, he faith, he ufed all the 
 vigibney and indurtry that a careful Minifter could do, 
 and haJ from the Spaniards, all the affuiances by oaths, 
 words, and writing-, which could be expe&cd from. 
 Chriftians ; the which, without adding or diminifhing, 
 he faithfully prefented unto his faid late Majefty ; and his 
 faid late Majefty was pleafed in thofe times, to conceive 
 upon thofe aflurances, that they dealt really with him : 
 And he conceiveth that his Majefty that now is, then 
 Prince, and the Duke of Buckingham, were pleafed to 
 write as much to the late King’s Majefty, at their fitft 
 coming into Spain, and that all which the Earl had writ¬ 
 ten touching that employment, was there avowed by the 
 Conde Olivares and Conde Gondomar, to the faid Prince and 
 Duke, at their arrival at Madrid ; and he hopeth, that if 
 that d:(patch may be perufed, it will as well appear and 
 be adjudged, that he ferved his Majefty with fome mea- 
 fure of vigiancy, as well as fulnefs of hdelity. 
 
 III. To the third article the faid Earl faith, That he did 
 not either by words or by letters to his late Majefty or his 
 Minifters, extol, or magnify the greatnefs and power of 
 the King of Spain, nor reprefented to his late Majefty the 
 fuppofed danger that might enfue unto him if a war fhould 
 happen between him and the King of Spain , nor affirmed 
 nor infuuiated the fame, as in the faid article is mention¬ 
 ed ; but it he did at any time fpeak or write of the power 
 and greatnefs of the King of Spain, or reprefent any dan¬ 
 ger to his faid late Majefty that might enfue by enter¬ 
 ing into hoftility with the faid King of Spain, it was as a 
 faithful Counfellor and fervant to hts Majefty, by way of 
 his advice and opinion, which he ever delivered lincerely, 
 faithfully and truly, according to the prefent occafion, and 
 in no wife with fuch an intent as in the faid articles is 
 mentioned, nor to any other evil intent or purpofe what- 
 foever. 
 
 But he hath been fo far from diftuading his late Ma¬ 
 jefty to take arms, that he hath upon all juft occafions 
 advifed, that all fitting preparations for war might be made, 
 as beginning with the year 1621, from which time he 
 is only charged, will appear by his Speech in Parliament 
 prefently after his return out of Germany ; and that he ho¬ 
 ped his Majefty would no longer rely upon (ingle treaties, 
 but make all fitting preparations for war ; and that the 
 Parliament would enable his Majefty thereunto; and by 
 the care he took before his going again upon his ambaflage 
 into Spain, that the eftablifhment of an army under his 
 Majefty’s own ftandard of horfe and foot, and under his 
 own pay, might be fettled and provided for; as likewife 
 his advice to the Lords of the Council, that his Majefty 
 might have a curb upon the King of Spain upon all occa- 
 fions, by continuing of Sir Robert Manfcl’s fleet on the coafls 
 of Spain, as will appear by his letter written from Henna, 
 26 July 1621, mentioned in the anfwer to the firft article. 
 By all which it appeareth, that he laboured and endeavour¬ 
 ed as much as in him lay, that his Majefty might be well 
 prepared for any occafions of war that fhould happen. And 
 he no way remembred to have difeouraged, or to have Ipo- 
 ken or written any thing, that might have been under- 
 ftuod to have tended to the dilcouraging of his faid late 
 Majefty for the taking of arms, and entering into hoftility 
 with Spain, or for refilling of him and his forces, from 
 attempting the invafions of his late Majefty’s Dominions, or 
 the Dominions of his late Majefty’s confederates, friends 
 or allies, as by the faid articles is charged againft him ; 
 neither remembreth that he had any caul’e fo to do. But 
 if he have in any kind fpoken or written of Spain , or the 
 power thereof, it may have been to his late Majefty, or to 
 
 hie 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 339 
 
 25. C H A 
 
 his Majefty that now is, by way of difcourfe, fpeaking of 
 the folidnefs of the Spanif) proceeding, of their ferious and 
 deliberate debating of bulineffes before they refolve on them, 
 of the conftant purfuing of them when they are once re- 
 folved, wifhed that England and other Nations would 
 therein imitate them: For he fuppofeth the right way to 
 impeach their greatnefs was to grow as wife as they, and 
 to beat them at their own weapons. But otherwise he is 
 confident never to have been heard to (peak or write any 
 thing, that might have any terror or difcouragement to his 
 late Majefty or his chief Minifters, knowing that England 
 well ordered, need to take little terror at the power of Spain', 
 having almoft in all attempts and enterprizes won honour 
 upon them. And as for the preventing of dangers that might 
 enfue upon a war, though he knew not what is aimed at 
 in that particular: Yet he is moft confident, out of the 
 integrity of his own confcience, that he neither faid, nor 
 advifed any thing but what befitted a faithful Counfellor 
 and Ambaflador, which was truly to deliver his opinion as 
 he underftood it upon the prefent occafion : AnjJ as for af¬ 
 firming that his Majefty’s quiet fhould be difturbed, and he 
 not be permitted to hawk or to hunt, he remembreth not 
 what difcourfe he may have had, or written to any perfon, 
 how fit it might be upon the being broiled in a great war, 
 ferioufly to intend it, and make it our whole work. But 
 as he is confident will it appear, that what difcourfe fo- 
 ever it might have been, it wanted not true zeal and af¬ 
 fection which he hath ever born to the King’s fervice, and 
 hehopeth it will not be found to want due refpedt and reve¬ 
 rence on his part, which he ought to fhew to fo gracious 
 a mafter. Neither can it be conceived, that the confidera- 
 tions of hunting and fowling, fhould be confiderations 
 worthy fo great and prudent a King, to with-hold from 
 a war for the good of Chriftendom, and his Kingdom, if 
 he fhould have been juftly provoked thereunto. 
 
 IV. To the fourth Article the faid Earl faith, That he did 
 not any thing contrary to his duty or allegiance, or con¬ 
 trary to the faith and duty of an Ambaflador, as by this 
 article is alledged ; but did intend the fervice and honour of 
 his late Majefty ; and no corrupt and finifter ends of his 
 own advancement, as by this article is fo alledged. And 
 as for the conference, which is pretended he fhould hold con¬ 
 cerning the Treaty, that being told there was little proba¬ 
 bility that the faid treaties would or could have good fuc- 
 cefs, he fhould acknowledge as much ; and yet faid, he 
 cared not what the fuccefs thereof might be, but that he 
 would take care to have his inftru&ions perfeft, and to pur- 
 fue them punftually, and would make his fortune thereby, 
 or words to that effect; he doth not ever remember to have 
 held fuch difcourfe. Though it be true, the time hath 
 been many years fince, when he thought the match very 
 unlike to be cffe&ed, in regard unequal anfwers were given 
 in Prince Henry’ s days, and of the unlikelihood of accom¬ 
 modating the differences of Religion ; and faith further, 
 That the reviving of the Treaty of the faid match for his 
 Majefty that now is, was not by his means, for he ever 
 declared his opinion clearly, both to his late Majefty, and 
 to his Majefty that now is. That in the firft place, he 
 wifhed and advifed a Proteftant match, but in the duty of 
 a fervant, underftanding, that both their Majefties deiired 
 the match really with Spain , he did really and faithfully 
 intend the fervice and honour of their Majefties, and effec¬ 
 tually endeavoured to procure their ends. And it is very 
 likely he might fay, he would get his inftru&ions perfect, 
 and pu:fue them punctually, as he conceiveth was lawful 
 and fit for him ; but the latter part of this conference, that 
 he fhould fay he would make his fortune by it, or any 
 other words to that effeCt, he was" in Anno 1621, and ever 
 fince, of that rank and quality, both in regard of his em¬ 
 ployments, fortunes, and his Majefty’s favour, that he af- 
 fureth himfelf he did not, and dares anfwer fo far for his 
 difcretion, that it was impoflible for him to hold fo mean 
 and unworthy difcourfe. 
 
 V. To the fifth article he faith, That what is therein 
 alledged, is fo far from being fo, that contrarily upon all 
 cccafions to the uttermoft of his power, he did labour to 
 prevent all the inconveniencies in point of Religion, that 
 might come by matching with a Princefs of a different Re¬ 
 ligion, as well appeareth by the Paper of his opinion, that 
 his Majefty fhould marry with a Lady of his own Religion, 
 hereafter mentioned in his anfwer to the feventh article. 
 And for further proof thereof, he faith, That in the whole 
 treaty with Spain , he flood more ftriCt in points of Reli¬ 
 gion, than by his inftru&ions he needed to have done, as 
 will appear by the teftimony of Sir Walter Ajlon , and his 
 difpatches of the twelfth of December 1622, and other dif- 
 patches, which he defireth may be read. And as for con¬ 
 cealing or perfuading to fet at liberty the Priefts or Jefuits, 
 he utterly denieth to have done any fuch thing, as before 
 he hath anfwered. Although it be true, that the ambaf- 
 fage in Spain be far different lrom the employment of other 
 places, where there is a body of our reformed Religion, and 
 
 R L E S I. 
 
 where his Majefty hath kindred and allies; whereby his 
 Majefty’s Minifters may be informed of the neceffary oc¬ 
 currences of State, without the helps of Priefts or Jefuits. 
 But in Spain there being none but Roman Catholicks, nor 
 any manner of correfpondency or intelligence but by them, 
 the Ambafladors muft make ufe of all forts of people, efpe- 
 cially of Jefuits and Priefts, and to that end Ambafladors lent 
 thither have a large and particular Warrant under th« 
 King’s hand, to treat and make ufe of Priefts and Jefuits, 
 and all other forts of men, unlefs it be fuch as are proclaim¬ 
 ed rebels. And divers times the Minifters employed in 
 Spain , to gratify fome whom there they employed for the 
 King’s fervice, have, as he believeth, at their particular 
 fuit, moved his Majefty to extend grace and favour to fume 
 particular friend and kinfman of his, being a Roman Ca- 
 tholick, and imprifoned in England ; and that he remem¬ 
 breth to have hapned to others, but doth not remember 
 himfelf to have written to his late Majefty in that kind : 
 And as concerning his advice and counfel, to fet at liberty 
 Jefuits and Priefts, and the granting to the Papifts a tole¬ 
 ration, or the filencing of the Laws againft them, he faid. 
 That his late Majefty was engaged by the treaty of Ma¬ 
 drid 1617, in divers matters concerning Religion; likewife 
 by promife to Conde Gondcmar , and his letters to the King 
 of Spain, April 1620, wherein he is pleafed to promife 
 fome particulars in favour of Roman. Catholicks, as by the 
 faid letters will appear : And underftanding the faid Earl 
 had fufficient warrant under the King’s own hand, to af- 
 fure the King of Spain , whatfoever was agreed in the find 
 article, or in the faid letters, his Majefty “would fincerely 
 perform ; yet the faid Earl was fo cautious in that point, that 
 when, for the conclufion of the match, the other articles 
 of Religion being allowed, it was prefled by the Spanijh 
 Minifters, that a claufe of convenience might be inferted, 
 with proteftation, That the form and wa y thereof fhould 
 be wholly left to his Majefty’s wifdom and clemency, and 
 that his Majefty’s Roman Catholick fubje&s fhould acknow¬ 
 ledge this grace to have come from the King’s Majefty’s 
 mercy and goodnefs: Yet the faid Earl would not condef- 
 cend hereunto, de bene ejfe, as by his letters to Mafler Se¬ 
 cretary Calvert , 8 Oitober 1622 , will appear, hereby to 
 give his Majefty time to have recourfe unto his fecond con- 
 fu I tat ion, and to take it into confideration before he would 
 engage or bind himfelf in this point : But his late Majefty, 
 and his Majefty that now is, were pleafed to conde’fcend 
 hereunto, by figningthe faid articles with their own hands, 
 and likewife by writing their private letters of the 8th of 
 January 1622, to that effedl to the King of Spain, as by 
 the faid letters will appear. Neither did the faid Earl, by 
 letters or otherwife, ever counfel or perfuade his late Ma¬ 
 jefty, to grant or allow unto the Papifts or profeffors of the 
 RorniJh Religion a free toleration, and filencing of the 
 Laws made and {handing in force againft them, but ever 
 protefted againft any fuch toleration ; and when any fuch 
 provilion hath been offered to be made in Spain, he ever 
 refufed fo much, as to give ear to it, or to fuffer it to be 
 propounded ; although it be true, that he hath fince feen a 
 paper touching pardons, fufpenfions, and difpenfations for 
 the Roman Catholicks, bearing date the 7th o 1 Augujl 1623, 
 figned by the Lord Conway and others, which in effeft is 
 little lefs than a Toleration; which paper is that which fol- 
 lov/eth. 
 
 Salisbury, 7 Augujl 1623. 
 
 The Declaration touching the Pardons, Sufpenfions, and 
 Difpenfations of the Roman Catholicks. 
 
 This Declaration having been inferted, in the Reign of King 
 
 James I, under the year 1623, there is, 1 think, no oc¬ 
 cafion of repeating it here. 
 
 But this declaration, the faid Earl faith and affirmeth, 
 was the effedt of the Duke of Buckingham’s negotiation, 
 and treated and concluded by the Lord Conway, with the 
 Spanijh Ambaflador here, whilft the Prince was in Spain ; 
 neither was his privity or advice in it: For if he had known 
 it, he fhould have protefted againft it. All which, toge¬ 
 ther with the difference betwixt the conditions of Religion 
 agreed at the treaty of Madrid, 12 Decemb. 1622, by 
 the faid Earl, and the faid Sir Halter Afon, being by their 
 Lordfhips confidered, the faid Earl doubteth not but that 
 it will manifeftly appear, whofe endeavour it was to advance 
 the RorniJh Religion, and the profeffors thereof ; and judges 
 the faid Earl moft unfortunate to be charged with an arti¬ 
 cle of this kind. 
 
 VI. To the fixth article the Earl faith, That the affu- 
 ranees which he gave his late Majefty, and his Majefty that 
 now is, concerning the treaties, were fuch, That it had 
 been difhonefty and breach of his duty and truft for him 
 to have held them back, being the fame that were given 
 him by the Emperor, and the King of Spain , and their 
 Minifters, upon as great aflurances as can pafs between 
 Minifters of Princes in the like cafe. And lor the delays 
 
 of 
 
34 ° 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 2 he HI ST OR T 
 
 of Spain , they cou d never be fo ill, and with To little 
 colour complained of, as at the time of his Majeltv s 
 ; , for that .t certa l ime w 
 
 prefixed for the coming of the difpenfation, viz. in April 
 1623, at the furtheft, which was next month alter the 
 . ..... fa dr id •, the « : : 
 
 within four days following, and the Infanta begin her jour¬ 
 ney into England twenty days after : So as three months 
 patience longer would have (hewed the ifluc of the buuncfs 
 without putting of the pcrfon of the I’liiu-e, being heir- 
 apparent to the Crown, in fo eminent a hazard for the tiy- 
 ing of an experiment. And it is an argument of great luf- 
 pici n, bccaufe the Spaniards were fufptcted to have dealt 
 ; • truftt i the :rfon of the 
 Prince, to be put into their bauds to try conclufions: But 
 the truth is, though that were made the pictended ground, 
 and tbeoccafion of the journey, it was neither the allbran- 
 ces of the faid Earl, nor the jealoufies of Spain , but other 
 motives that were the original caufe of h-s Majefty’s faid 
 journey, as (hall he fufficiently made apparent in due time. 
 And the faid Earl having got an inkling of it by fomething 
 that was let fall fiom the Conde Gondomar to that pur- 
 pofe, inflantly difpatched away by Mr. Grijly to his late 
 Majefty, to have his journey prevented ; who upon the con¬ 
 fines ol France , n.ct with his Majefty and the Duke of Buck¬ 
 ingham on his journey towards Spain , and told them as 
 much. So that although he confelleth what is laid in the 
 charge to be true, viz. That by the laid journey the per- 
 fon of the Prince, the peace and fafety of the Kingdom 
 did undergo further danger, ( at the remembrance thereof 
 the hearts of all good iubjeCls do tremble) yet the blame 
 is due to the authors and advifers of the fame journey, and 
 not to the faid Earl ; and although it pleated God, to the 
 exceeding great joy and comfort of the faid Ear!, and of 
 all good men, to fend his gracious Majefty home with 
 fafety, yet never was the perfon of any Prince, upon fuch 
 grounds, expofed to fo great an hazard ; and in fuch cafes, 
 not the fuccels, but the counfeliors are cunfiderable. 
 
 VII. To the feventh Article the faid Earl faith, that he 
 did not move or perfwade his Majefty, then Prince, to 
 change his Religion, neither in the manner in the faid Ar¬ 
 ticle mentioned, nor in any other manner whatfoever : 
 Neither doth he conceive, that the charge in itfelf as it is 
 laid, will in any reafonable conftruction bear any fuch in¬ 
 ference as is made therein ; fo as he conceiveth, he needeth 
 not make any further or other anfwer thereunto. Yet 
 that it may appear, that the manner he ufed to the fame 
 Prince was not traiteroufly, falfely, or cunningly, nor with¬ 
 out ground, or to any fuch intent, as in the faid Article 
 is fuppofed. And to manifeft unto this moft high and ho¬ 
 nourable Court, how far he was from all fuch intention, 
 he faith, that he doth acknowledge, that within few days 
 after his Majefty’s coming into Spain, whilft he had the 
 great honour to have his Majefty lodged at his Houfe, and 
 to have fo Royal a gueft, finding by the Spanijh Minifters, 
 that there was a general opinion, that his Majefty’s com¬ 
 ing thither was with an intention to become a Roman Ca- 
 thulick ; and the Conde Gondomar having that very morn¬ 
 ing prefled the Earl not to hinder fo pious a work ( as he 
 termed it) of his Majefty’s converfion, and feeming to be 
 allured of the Duke of Buckingham's abidance therein, his 
 Majefty being all alone in a withdrawing room in the faid 
 Earl’s Houfe, the faid Earl kneeled unto him, and told 
 him, that he had a bufmefs to impart unto him, which 
 highly imported his Majefty to know, fo that he might be 
 allured his boltlncfs therein might be pardoned ; which ins 
 Majefty gracioufly promifed. And thereupon the laid Earl 
 told his Majefty, that the general opinion of the Court 
 was, that his Majefty’s coming into Spain was with an in¬ 
 tention to be a Roman Catholick, and there to declare it. 
 And he confelTeth, that at the fame time, in regard of 
 thofe things he had heard, he humbly befought his Majefty 
 to deal freely with him as a fervant, of whofe fidelity he 
 might be confident, or words to that effect : But he was 
 fo far from perfwading his Majefty to be a Roman Catho¬ 
 lick, that without refpedting his Majefty’s anlwer, he de¬ 
 clared himfelf to be a Proteftant, and fo fhould always 
 continue ; yet he faid, he fhould always ferve ins Majefty, 
 and labour to advance his, and the King his Father s, affairs 
 with as much fidelity and honefty, as any Catholick what¬ 
 foever : And his Majefty was plea fed then to make unto 
 the faid Earl a full and clear declaration of his Religion, and 
 of his conftant refolution therein ; and feemed to be much 
 difpleafed, that any fhould have fo unworthy an opinion of 
 him, as to think he would for a wife, or any other earthly 
 refpe£t whatfoever, fo much as waver in his Religion. 
 Whereupon the faid Earl befought his Majefty to pardon 
 his bi.ldnefs, and then intreated him not to fufter his buii- 
 nefs to be overthrown, by permitting that conceit ol his 
 converfion any longer to remain in the Spaniards , nor to 
 any thing that might give them hope therein, alledging, 
 that it was impoflible the marriage could be without a Dil- 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 pen fat ion ; and fo long as the Spaniards , who were r pro- 
 ctnc r■D'l r 'lation, fhould have hope of hi; M.fifty’s 
 converfion, tfii v would never content themfelvcs with a 
 par; , to which they were tied by the Articles agreed upon 
 with the faid riarl and Sir Halter Ajlon. At which tune 
 his Maj.ftv was pleafed to approve of his opinion, and laid, . 
 he would expect tin- Dd’.cnfation, and did thereupon a'tc-i- 
 wards fend Mr. Andrews to Rone to halien it . ami the 
 next day the faid Earl dealt very roundly with the Conde 
 Ol vara, and Gondomar-, tellim/ them it was a dilcourteuus 
 manner of proceeding, to profs hi Majefty to further con¬ 
 dition, than weie loi merlv a: ted upon in point of Religion, 
 and to make his conditions the Wolfe for the great obliga¬ 
 tion he had put upon them, by putting himfelf into their 
 h.,nds ; whereat they took fuch great offence, that they e- 
 ftranged them'elves fiom him for a long time after. And 
 that the faid Earl did thus proceed with the faid Conde , 
 and ‘hat n was not a new-framed anfwer to fatisfy prefent 
 objections ; but that which really and indeed palled, will 
 ically appear by his difpatches unto his late Majefty of 
 blelfed mem ry ; and before his Majefty that now is, 
 came out of Spain , they were there (hewed unto his Ma¬ 
 jefty, bearing date the nth of September 1623. So that 
 although it be true, that he the faid Earl did not difluade 
 his Majefty, for that there was no caufe for it ; yet with¬ 
 out expe&ing his Majefty’s anfwer, he firft made a clear 
 and true profeflion of his own Religion ; and when his 
 Majefty had declared to him his zeal and conflancy, he 
 humbly befought him, that the Spaniards might not for 
 any refpeft be longer held in hopes of that point. And 
 becaufe point of Religion is that which all men of honour 
 and honefty would chiefly defire to clear, efpecially having 
 an imputation of that nature laid upon them, as the faid 
 Earl hath in the faid article ; he humbly befeecheth your 
 Lordfhips, that he may not feem to digrefs from his charge ; 
 intending your Lordfhips fatisfa< 5 tion in that particular, not 
 by the aforefaid verbal difeourfe only, which he profeffeth 
 was in mucli zeal to Religion and dutiful care to the Prince 
 in that kind, but by fume written teftimony of his far¬ 
 mer opinion both of the Match and Religion. When 
 he was firft employed into Spain for the treaty of his 
 Marriage 1617, his late Majefty having commanded him 
 to give an account thereof unto his Majefty that now is, 
 he at his departure towards Spain, prefumed to give unto 
 his Majefty that now is, his opinion in writing figned with 
 his own hand, to be kept as a teftimony ot luiure action, 
 the copy whereof is this as followed). 
 
 SIR, 
 
 ''" I H E opinion which I have ever prefumed humbly to 
 JL offer unto his Majejly concerning your HighnejYs mar¬ 
 riage, hath been-, that both in regard of cor jiience and j'atij- 
 fa £1 ion unto his Majejly's people and a Hies ; likewiji for the 
 fecurity and quiet of your Majejly's cflutes, your High refs 
 might take for wife j'orne Protjlant Priucej's, although Jhe nei¬ 
 ther were daughter to a King, nor had Jo ample a portion as 
 might relieve the King’s pnjcr.i neeeffities and wants ; for 
 then there might be many ways found to help the Ring's 
 wants, either by mt u years 
 
 or by winning the ajjediisns of the Peop.e, t- ’ J : -plj- r S f 
 his Majejly by way of Subfiles in Par Ham, m . wl.r-.as 
 contrari-wife , if the nun.ha Papjls 
 
 be increajcd, as undoubtedly they will be by your High riffs's 
 matching with any Catholick Pnacej:, through the . ejjion 
 which mujl be of neceffity for the exerefe of her Religion 
 for herfelf and Family, within your Highne/i’s Courts, and 
 thereby by degrees thefe two different Religions frail grow 10 
 an equality of power ; it will be great hazard and djqui- t 
 to the State, and not to be redrejfed without g cat danger, 
 and courjes of more violence than is ulual for this Slate to 
 put in practice But in cafe his Majejly, out f his wijdom 
 and -onfiderali n bt ' kn an to him if, h Id it f ttejl i 1 1 
 your Highnefs match with France, 0 Spain, or any it r 
 Catholick, either for that the prefent time affordeth no Prc- 
 tejlant Princefs, who is for years or blood juliable for your 
 Highnefs, or that can in any confulerabie inn jure by the por¬ 
 tion, f/pply his Majejly s fiffent wants, l then cancelw ; v: 
 the match by which this State Jr all ftfjcr leajl incanvenir. 
 and cumbers, and whr.nby his Mayfly's Kcojjilics fra i by 
 greatnffs of the portion be the jnojl relieved, is with Spain, 
 if fuch a match may be made with jttch conditions of a>- 
 iigion , as other Catholick Pi mens will writ! all then- 
 withal. 
 
 Thus much I thought fit humbly to pm,wit unto your H r '• - 
 nffs, for that I Jte my employment liable to toe cenfure of 
 many worthy perfons, with whom though 1 concur in r. y opi¬ 
 nion, yet 1 feem much to differ from them w ; tp 
 
 that it is more proper to me to be true to /. 
 
 and Jervices, than by the declaring this, i r r> ir j 
 
 tisj.'action t Only to your Highnejs I th'i.y .' j. . : ■ns'.e r a, 
 declaration, and frail be a ft.iter to you cor , urfavcir, ut 
 you Jhall fee me really labour to put this in - . 7 . And 
 
 Hu 
 

 Book XIX. 25. C H A 
 
 bis MajeJIy Jhall, either upon motion of Parliament, or any 
 other propofition that can be made unto him, think fit to pro- 
 ' cced with a Protefiant Match, as / Jhall wijh as well unto 
 it as any man living, fo I hope in fuel) fort to manage the 
 prefent bufinefs that I have in hand , that it Jhall rather 
 much further , than any zvay crofs or hinder it. But in 
 cafe his MajeJIy Jhall not be drawn to any propofition for 
 a Protefiant Match, 1 then conceived, that your Highnefs 
 both doth, and will approve, that I really and effectually 
 labour to procure a Match for your Highnefs in Spain, up¬ 
 on fuchconditions, in point of Religion and Portion, as to 
 his Majefiy Jhall fieem fit. 
 
 Befides which declaration of his opinion, he hath all the 
 days of his life, and in all places, lived and allowed him- 
 felf to be a Protefiant, never having done any the leafl 
 ait that was not fuitable to that profeffion : And in all his 
 former employments, for the fpace of fourteen years, of 
 more than five hundred perfons of all qualities that attended 
 on hinn, there was never one perverted in his Religion, 
 faving two Irijh footmen, who in Ireland had been bred 
 Papills. And he humbly defired the teftimony of Doitor 
 Mafon , and Doitor JVren, his Majefty’s Chaplains, who 
 were with his Majefiy in Spain ; and of Mr. Sampford , 
 one of the Prebends of Canterbury, Mr. Bofwell , Parfon 
 of St. Lawrence in London, and Mr. Frewcn , Divinity- 
 Reader in Magdalen College in Oxford, and now one of 
 his Majefly’s Chaplains, who were his Majefly’s Chaplains 
 in Spain ; as well for the frequent ufe of the Sacrament, 
 as conflant profeffion and exercifes of Religion, and the 
 teftimony of filch Catholicks as arc known to have been his 
 antient acquaintance and friends, to examine them upon 
 oath, whether publickly or privately, in Spain or in Eng¬ 
 land, they had known him in any kind to make fhew, or 
 fo much as to forbear, upon all occdfions, to declare the 
 Religion he profefieth. And that the faid Mr. Frewen and 
 Mr. Wake may be alfo examined, whether in extremity of 
 feveral ficknefies, whereinto he hath of late years fallen, 
 he hath not ever fettled his confidence with them towards 
 God, and made a confeflion of his Faith ; refolvine, as 
 befitting a Protefiant or good Chriflian. 
 
 VIII. To the eighth article the Earl faith, That he 
 did not at any time, or in any place, endeavour to per- 
 fwade the Prince, touching his Religion, to become a Ro¬ 
 man Catholick, and to be obedient to the ufurped authority 
 of Rome ; neither-did the faid Earl, to that end, and pur¬ 
 pofe, or otherwife, ufe unto his Majefiy, then Prince, the 
 words in the article mentioned. But the faid Earl ac¬ 
 knowledged, That upon occafion of a Letter that came 
 to his Majefiy, then Prince, putting his Majefiy in mind 
 of the great a&ions of his royal progenitors in the Holy 
 War, that the great Kings of thofe times did not only 
 employ their forces, but in their perfons went into the 
 Holy Land ; the Earl believeth, that by way of difeourfe 
 only, and not otherwife, he may have faid. That in re¬ 
 gard of the difference in Religion, it was of more difficul¬ 
 ty to undertake fuch great adions now, than in former 
 ages ; and it might well be inflanced in the prefent treaty 
 of the marriage, wherein the Pope’s confent was to be ob¬ 
 tained. And to this effed, and upon the like grounds, he 
 is confident there was very many that have, nay, few of 
 nearnefs about his late Majefiy, that have not often heard 
 his Majefiy fay. That he'was the true martyr, that fuf- 
 fered more for his Religion than all the Princes of Chriften- 
 dom befides ; inffancing in divers particulars, but cfpecially 
 in this, That he could not match his Children with Kings 
 of his own rank, without the Pope’s leave. 
 
 But the faid Earl faith. He never alledged any fuch 
 thing to any other purpofe, than to fhew, that only con¬ 
 fidence, and love to truth, ( in which regard Proteflants 
 fiuffered much ) not any temporal refpeds, made men con¬ 
 flant and zealous to the profeffion of our Religion. By 
 which difeourfe he ever attributed much to the honour and 
 fecurity of the Protefiant Religion ; but never ufed it as 
 an argument to perfwade to the contrary, as in the accu- 
 fiation is infinuated. 
 
 Befides, he conceiveth, by way of anfwer thereunto, 
 the faid queftion may be asked, which his Majefiy was 
 pleafed to ask of the Earl in the feventh article, viz. What 
 the faid Earl faw in his Majefiy, that he fijould think him fo 
 unworthy, as to change his Religion for a wife , or any earthly 
 refpett whatfoever ? So why fhould it be thought, that 
 being more fit to undertake great adions in the world, 
 
 ( being a mere moral and temporal refped) fnould be an 
 argument to perfwade in confcience fo religious and wife a 
 Prince, and fo well inllruded as his Majefiy is, as though 
 the foul of a Chriflian Prince was to be wrought up¬ 
 on, in point of truth and belief, by temporal and world¬ 
 ly refpeds of conveniencies and greatnefs ? It were ne- 
 ceflary, for the proving, that the faid Earl perfwaded 
 his Majefiy touching Religion, to produce fome arguments 
 that he ufed out of Scripture, to fetisfy him in point of 
 confcience in fome tenets of the Roman Church, or that 
 No. LXI. Vou II. 
 
 R L E S I. 
 
 he produced any conference with learned - men for his U- 
 tisfadien in point of Religion : Otherwife, the articles 
 ufed in this againfl the faid Earl, do (a; he conceiveth) 
 carry little llrength to prove the charge of perfwading his 
 Majefiy. either in regard of itfelf, or in regard of his'Ma- 
 jefly’s piety. 
 
 IX. To the ninth article, the faid Earl faith. That 
 there was a difeourfe in Spain of the way of accommoda¬ 
 ting the Prince Palatine his affairs ; and by way of difeourfe 
 it was moved, That the marriage of his eldeft Son, wi'h 
 a Daughter of the Emperor, and his Son to be bred in the 
 Emperor’s Court, would be the fairefl way for the pacify¬ 
 ing of, and accommodating thofe bufineffes. And the Earl, 
 byway of difeourfe, and not otherwife, did fay, That he 
 thought his late Majefiy could not be adverfe, either to the 
 faid match, or to the breeding of the Prince Palatine his 
 Son with the Emperor ; fo as thereby, the whole patri¬ 
 monial eflate of the Prince Palatine, and the Dignity E- 
 ledoral might be fully reflored, and that his Son might be 
 bred in his own Religion, and have fuch preceptors, and 
 fuch a family, as his late Majefiy and his Father, meaning 
 the Prince Palatine , fhould appoint; and they to have free 
 exercife of Religion: For fo his late Majefiy hath often 
 declared himfelf to the faid Earl, and wifhed him to lav 
 hold on any occafion for the entertaining of any fuch pro¬ 
 pofition. And otherwife than fo, and upon the terms afore- 
 faid, and by that way of conference and difeourfe only, 
 he delivered not any opinion to his Majefiy, at his Ma¬ 
 jefly’s being in Spain : For the faid Earl is very confident^ 
 that his Majefiy was returned out of Spain before any pro¬ 
 pofition was made for the faid marriage, other than by way 
 of difeourfe, as aforefaid ; the fame as the faid Earl be¬ 
 lieveth, being firff moved and debated on by way of pro¬ 
 pofition, between Mr. Secretary Calvert, and the Ambaf- 
 fiador of the King of Spain , October 2. 1623. His late Ma- 
 jefty, upon a relation made unto him by a letter of Mr. 
 Secretary Calvert , approved of the faid propofition, and de¬ 
 clared the fame to be the only way, as he conceived, to 
 accommodate with honour thofe great bufineffes: And 
 wrote to that purpofe to his Son-in-law the Prince Pala¬ 
 tine, by his letters dated 9 November 1623, a copy of which 
 he, together with Mr. Secretary Calvert's relation, and 
 the Lord Conway, by his late Majefly’s commandment, 
 fent unto the faid Earl, the tenor of which tranflated out 
 of French, is as followeth. 
 
 We have thought good , that we may provide befi and rnofi 
 foundly for your affairs, not only to procure, but afo to afiure 
 your peace, were to cut up by the very roots that evil, which 
 hath been fettled in the heart of the Emperor , by the great dif- 
 pleafiurc and enmity he hath conceived againfi you. For the 
 removing and quite extinguijhing of which, it fcen.eth to us no 
 better or more powerful means can be ufed, than a good alli¬ 
 ance, zvhich may be propofed by us, between your etdefi Son, 
 and the Daughter of the faid Emperor, upon the ajfurance 
 we have, we Jhall not be ref ufed in this matter, if you on 
 your part will give your confent. And for the more fiurety of 
 the good fuccefs thereof, we are determined, before any fuch 
 propofition be made to the Emperor , to interefi the King of 
 Spain with us in the bufinefs, who, wetrufi, will lend us his 
 helping hand, as well for the effecting of it, and bringing it 
 to a good conclufion, as in procuring likewife , that the condi¬ 
 tion be duly obferved. Amongfi which conditions, if it happen 
 that the Emperor Jhould demand, that your Son, dm ing his 
 minority, Jhould be brought up in his Court, we Jhall tell you , 
 that we, for our own part, fee no reafon why you Jhould fiick 
 at it, upon fuch conditions as he might be tied unto , to wit , 
 j? hat the young Prince Jhould have with him fuch Governor as 
 you Jhall pleaj'e to appoint him , although he be no Roman Ca¬ 
 tholick ; and that neither he, nor any of his, Jhould be any 
 way forced in matter of their confcience. And our meaning is, 
 fo to order our proceeding in this treaty, that before your faid 
 Son be put into the hands of the E super or, we will have a 
 clear and certain ajfurance of an honourable, entire, and 
 punctual refiitution of all whatfoever belonging to you : As 
 alfo we will take care to provide accordingly, as fully and ex¬ 
 actly for the ajfurances requifite for the liberty of confcience , 
 for him and his Domejlicks, as they have done here with us, 
 touching thofe that have been granted them for the Infanta. 
 And therefore feeing there is no inconveniency at all , that may 
 c a ufe your averfenefs or backwardnrfs in this bufinefs, which 
 rue for our parts think to be the bejt, JhorteJl , and mojl hono¬ 
 rable way that you can take, for the comj affing of the entire 
 refiitution, and making your peace fare with the Emperor, we 
 hope your opinion will concur with us therein , and Jhall intreat 
 you, by the firjl, to fend us your anfwer. 
 
 By which letters, after his Majefly’s coming out of 
 Spain, it appeareth to your Lordfhips, that theie was no 
 propofition of the marriage betwixt the Son of the Piince 
 Palatine, and the Emperor’s Daughter, when that letter 
 was written ; for therein his Majefiy faith, he was deter¬ 
 mined to interefi the King of Spain in the bufinefs, before 
 any fuch propofition fhould be made to the Emperor. And 
 
 Rrrt it 
 
 
Tire HISTORY 
 
 it wi 1 air ' appear, tii.it his late Majefty’s inclina¬ 
 
 tion v.'.v. of il.e conveniencv thereof, which the find Earl 
 hopeth will acquit him, if by way of difeourfe only he de- 
 c hi red ’Ah.it i/.MvI •iefty’a opinion was, which, with honefty 
 i, < ild n it I ve concealed. And the faid Earl Hath, he 
 doth not remember what anfwer Sir Walter Ajlon made up¬ 
 on th.it difeourfe which he then delivered, nor what replies 
 tire laid Earl made ; but fore be is, whalfoever the faid 
 Earl laid, or what anfwer or reply foever was made, as it 
 was by way of dilcourfe, and not otherwise, fo it was ac- 
 coiding to that which he truly conceived to be the belt and 
 calk-ll wav t.> accommodate the bufinefs and to be his 
 MA-lh’s pleafure, { which the faid Sir Walter Ajlon may 
 be ignorant of, a. lie is confident that be was ) and not out 
 of anv (iifafFeCYion to our Religion, or for any finifter re- 
 fpcct or regard to the Houle of Aullria , as by the faid ar¬ 
 ticle is intimated: For he did conceive the breeding of the 
 Prince /\//W,.r\ Soil with the Emperor, having a Gover¬ 
 nor appointed by bis late AHjefty and his Father, and he 
 and Jus Domefticks to have free ufe of their own Religion, 
 to be a matter of impoflibility, or fuch dangerous confe- 
 qwer.ee in point of Religion, as to imply his converfion, as 
 by the article it is intimated ; well knowing that in the 
 Emperor’s Court, all Princes there, though his prifoners, 
 and others his Counfellors and Servants about his perfon, 
 and lb great command in his armies, being avowed Protef- 
 tants, have the free ufe of their Religion : And it is not to 
 be f.ippofcd, the Son of the Prince Palatine, Grandchild to 
 the King of Great-Britain, fhould be matched, and no 
 care taken to capitulate for the ufe of his Religion, being 
 ever granted to the meaneft Prince that is beftowed. And 
 bis Majcft)' fpecial care in this point, is fully feen in the 
 faid letter. 
 
 X. To the tenth article he faith, That by comparing 
 of this article of his too much for ward neft, with the fecond 
 article, whereby he is charged with continuing the Treaty 
 upon generalities, without reducing them to certainties, 
 and ilirciif conduiions, your Lordfliips will perceive how 
 imroffible it was for him to avoid an exception. But for 
 direct anfwer to the prefent charge, he faith he did not 
 prefumptuouflv, nor yet to his knowledge, break his in- 
 ftru&ions nor fet a day at all for the Defponfories ; but 
 was therein merely paUive, in admitting the day nomina¬ 
 ted by the King of Spain , according to the Capitulation be¬ 
 fore made : Nor did he prefumptuouflv, wilfully, or wil¬ 
 lingly difobey any commandment or dire&ion of his Ma¬ 
 jcft y that now is, then Prince, which he could underftand 
 not to be countermanded, either by prefent or future in- 
 rtructions otherwife explained. 
 
 And for the better manifeftation of the truth of his pro¬ 
 ceedings in, and concerning the fame, he faith. That on 
 the day of the departure of his Majcfty, then Prince, from 
 the 5 delivered unto him, in 
 
 prefence of the Commiflioners, his proxies powers, with 
 publick Declaration, taken in writing by the Secretary, to 
 the King of Spain, of the Prince his pleafure, and how 
 the faid F.irl flu/.ild ufe them, via. That he fhould deliver 
 them to the King of Spain , upon the coming of the dif- 
 penfation cleared from Rome, according to that which hath 
 been agreed, which was to be within ten days after the 
 coming of the difpenfation. And he further faith. That it 
 is true, that the Prince afterwards by his letters fent by 
 one Mr. Clark, commanded him the faid Earl not to de¬ 
 liver the (aid proxies till he fhould have received fecurity, 
 that the Inlanta, after her being betrothed, fhould not en¬ 
 ter into anv religious order, and that before he proceed- 
 then Prince, fuch fecu- 
 rities as flu aid be cite red, that he might judge whether it 
 Were lufficient or not. 
 
 Whereupon the faid Earl, as became a faithful fervant, 
 prelented unto his Majefty that now is, then Prince, fuch 
 aiiurances as were offered unto him, for fecuring of that 
 point, tngciner with fuch reafons as he conceived were fit 
 to he offered to their considerations; which gave unto his 
 late Majeftv, and his Majefty that now is, then Prince, 
 f uC h fatisf.idion, as they were pleafed to difpatch a Poft 
 preientlv unto him, ahfolutely difeharging him of that com¬ 
 mandment, as by their fevcral letters, dated Ottober 8. 
 1623, will appear as followeth : 
 
 li 'e have received your letters by Grifley, and the copy of 
 them to our dear Son ; and we cannot forbear to let you know 
 . 1 
 
 thu and hund-l. a J idee to our Son : Whereupon-, having ful¬ 
 ls deliberated ui.h our felf, and communicated with our dear 
 Sou we have re halve l ’ -with the good liking of our Son , to 
 re/l upon that fee'nritv in print of doubt, for the Infanta's ta- 
 kin n a reli -ioui order, which you in your judgment Jhall think 
 meet. 
 
 And bv that other letter of his Majefty that now is, 
 then Prince, as followeth, viz. 
 
 jour letter tr the Kng and tie, concerning that doubt I 
 n.adc a;ie, I came from St. Laurence, hath fo fatisfed us 
 
 of ENGLAND, Vol. 11. 
 
 both, that itte think it ft no longer to Jlitk upon it, but /«.?: • 
 it to your diferetion to take what Jecurity you Jhall think fitting. 
 
 Whereby he was ahfolutely freed of that command . 
 feed there if, he then remaii 
 
 der which his Majefty, then Prince, had left with him at 
 his departure, which was to proceed according to the capi¬ 
 tulations, and his HighiiclVs declaration, when lie deliver¬ 
 ed the faid proxies unto him: And fo he intended to have 
 done, till by his Highnefs’s letters, November i~. j6,. •. 
 he was dire&ly commanded the contrary, which com¬ 
 mandment he dire&ly and punctually obeyed. 
 
 And for fuch his intentions, till he was countermanded, 
 he conceived he had not only fufficient warrant, but had 
 highly offended if he had done otherwife. For firft, for 
 his proceedings to confummate the match he had warrant 
 and inftruCtion under his late Majefty’s hand. Secondly, 
 it was the main fcope of his ambalfage. Thirdly, he was 
 enjoined by the King and Prince his Commiflion, under 
 the Great-Seal. Fourthly, he had pofitive order under his 
 Majefty’s hand, by letters fince. Fifthly, It was agreed 
 by capitulation, that it fhould be within fo many days 
 after the coming of the difpenfation. Sixthly, his late 
 Majefty, and his Majefty that now is, then Prince, figni- 
 fied by their letters unto him, at the fame time, when they 
 difeharged him of his commandment touching the Infanta's 
 entring into Religion, that they intended to proceed in the 
 marriage, as by his Majefty’s letters, 0 cider S. tuz 
 will appear. Seventhly, The proxies were to that end 
 left in his hands, and after again renewed, after his Ma¬ 
 jefty’s return into England. Eighthly, He had overthrown 
 the marriage without order: For although Sir IValter Ad- 
 ton and himfelf ufed all poflible means for the gaming of 
 time, and deferring the Defponfories ; yet the King of 
 Spain caufed it to he protefted, That in cafe he the laid 
 Earl, fhould infift upon the deferring of the Defponfories, 
 he would free himfelf from the Treaty by the faid Earl’s 
 infringing of the capitulations: And in truth, although the 
 King of Spain Ihould have condefcended to have prolonged 
 the Defponfories, untill one of the days of Cl." thnajs, as 
 by the letter was required ; yet the Prince’s proxies had 
 been before that time expired, and he durft not, without 
 predfe warrant, put fuch a fcorn upon fo noble a Lady, 
 whom he then conceived was likely to have been the Prince 
 his Wile, as to nominate a day of marriage when the proxies 
 were out of date, and he was himfelf fworn to the Treaty. 
 And Jaftly, he could not in honour and honefty, but endea¬ 
 vour to perform that publick truft repofed in him, when 
 the proxies were depofited in his hands, with publick and 
 legal declaration, with an inftrument by a Secretary of 
 State to the King of Spain , leading and directing the ufe of 
 them, and the fame being then Injlrumentum Jtipulatum, 
 wherein as well the King of Spain was interefled by the 
 acceptation of the fubftitution, as the Prince by granting 
 of the proxies, he could not in honefty fail the pubiicic 
 truft, without clear and undoubted warrant; which as foon 
 as he had, he obeyed. So a3 the cafe ftanding thus, the 
 faid Earl is very confident, that the fuppofed countermands, 
 directions, and reftriCtions, when they Ihould be perufed 
 and confidered of, will appear to have been very flender 
 and infufficient warrant again ft the aforefaid orders and 
 reafons before fpecified: And is alfo as confident, That 
 what is allured out of his, the faid Earl’s difpatchcs, will 
 alfo appear to be mifunderftood ; and that if he had pro¬ 
 ceeded to the execution of the Defponfories, before he re¬ 
 ceived direCt and exprefs commandment to the contrary by 
 the aforefaid Letters, November 13. 1623, which he re>- 
 dily and punctually obeyed, he had not, under favour, 
 broken his inftruCtions, or deferved any blame for lack of 
 aflurance of the reftitution of the Palatinate , and tempo¬ 
 ral articles. 
 
 And firft, of the Palatinate , his faid Majefty did not 
 fend to the laid Earl exprefs directions not to difpatch the 
 defponfories, until a-full conclulion were had of the other 
 treaty of the Palatinate , together with that of the mar¬ 
 riage, as by the faid article is alledged ; only his late Ma¬ 
 jefty, by the aforefaid letters of October 8, required the faid 
 Earl fo to endeavour, that his Majefty might have the joy 
 of both at Chrijimaf. Whereas his inftruCtionsof May 1 .j, 
 1621. were exprefs, that he Ihould not make the bufi¬ 
 nefs of the Palatinate a condition of the marriage. And 
 his late Majefty’s letters of December 30, 1623, were fullv 
 to the fame effeCt. Yet did the faid Earl, according to 
 what was intimated by the faid letter of Odlober 8 , fo 
 carefully provide therein, as that before the proxies were 
 to be executed, he had an abfolute anfwer in the bufinefs 
 of the Palatinate , the fame Ihould be really reftored accord¬ 
 ing to his late Majefty’s defire ; and the Conde Olivares, 
 both in his Majefty’s name and in his own, defired the 
 faid Earl and Sir Walter Ajlon , that they would affure his 
 Majefty of the real performance of the fame, and intreated, 
 if need were, they Ihould engage their honour and life for 
 it, as by their joint difpatches of November 23, 1623. will 
 
 appear ; 
 
.3+3 
 
 Book XIX. 
 
 25. C. H A R L E Si. 
 
 appear; and fo much the faid Sir Walter Afton and the for him tn tpkr ■ urW r 
 
 laid Earl agreed iliould be delivered to them in writing, to have overthrown fn cr P on ‘ n J^ re j} ces and conjectures, 
 before they would have delivered: their proxies, and fo the fide, firft, to have preffnted untn^^V-V" ^ other 
 faid Earl declared it ; the which anfwer in writing fhould and fincerity as he did th t unt ° b,s M-'jefty the truth 
 have been the (Slue, which fince wa, given Ln of his LZ 7 ol io n LeanZZ ^ " i,h 
 
 ST*?—' i3 ’ wrote to 1,b lite mU as folbw - ?SS 
 
 Thai bis Majejly might , according to bis defire y Signified jeftv would ^ reat a caufe, his Ma- 
 
 *<*>. fiU.Ear//,byhisi/tersofolbotS, aw/fsS preLTr (whic^h haLtl d° S." ^ a " d e - 
 te&i Majejly 1 s daughter that Chriftmals, ffe comfortable his Majefty might take info ciuM I" 1 ' 1 ™’ whdli: 
 
 news of the expiring of her great troubles and fuferlngs, as veniencies fh af mill, „V 7 f ld “ 0n the great incon- 
 ” his Sm tbr Prince, the costgratulation of being married to be fiifpended and Ihe "bufmefA *' lnconv ‘: niencles mi S ht 
 « ™j> ™rth} <»>d excellent Prmcefs. his Sh/’i h ’“I*, Up “" h,r tcrms ’ that 
 
 By which it will evidently appear, he meant not to leave foiled before him. ^ ls Wa ^ ant c k° ice clear and un- 
 the bufinefs of the Palatinate loofe, when he intended to And as to the »«;i , - , 
 
 proceed to the marriage; but he confeffed, that he was would have followed, if the^Earl'had'b “* ?" tcnd H 
 ever of opinion, that the beft pawn and afibrance his late confummation of the match fJgE >! 1 P ' 0cecde r d t0 \ hc 
 Majefty could have of the real proceeding of the Palatinate , and warrant to the contrary • h/ had ex P re J °. r ^ er 
 was, that they proceeded really to the effixting of the fhould fpeedily have feen th/ m fu PP°[cd his Majefty 
 match ; and of the fame opinion was his late Majefty alfo, fought to h a/e effected • fh^P^’ W fe C \. he L f ° io,, £ 
 and the Lords Commiffioners here in England , as appear- a worthy Lady whom he 1 / e ^ ince fll01l,d hav e had 
 eth by his infractions, dated March ,4, .6zt, which much g^ J - that the P°™°" 
 
 opinion ftill continued in them, as appeareth by his late dom -Shat the King of L S ‘ VC !I If mone y ln Chnften- 
 Majefty's letters of January 7 , , 6 22 . And as for the tem- reft tutionff the »T, Sp 'c" had . f"PS cd h -mfelf for 
 poral articles, the faid Earl faith, when the defponfories ceived a Daughter of %'tain and/™ ^-i? 6 ?? rJ COn " 
 were formerly appointed to have been, as he remembreth 5 pawn befides manv ddv m '' '°T’ had b “ n n0 
 
 on Friday, Augtjl a 9 , before the departure of his Majefty, Crown of &L itl '“T ° f advanta « e t0 the 
 then Prince, out' of Spain, which wL only hindered by ,te foreftw .haffhe PrincewouH heY f “""“7 be 
 not coming of the difpenfation, the Prince appointed him married, a thing that fn h'M ^ a >'“ r lon g er ™- 
 and Sir Walter AJlon to meet with the Spalijh commif- doms he doubte h that hi 7 COncern «'’ King- 
 
 honers, and they drew up the heads of the temporal ar- from the Emperor a’nd Duke of fi”" 7 '7 Pal ‘"”‘ ,,e 
 
 tides, wherewilh the Prince and the Duke of Buckingham pZe a gleTdifeuW ,Slr cfT’ , b} ' f ” Ce > 
 were acquainted ; and in cafe the difpenfation had come, hall into I general combuftinn^*“ 7 ke “ 
 and the defponfories being performed on that day, there Majefty fhould have obtained ° , that ^ efi , ring 5 hat his 
 hud been no other provil.on made for them before the 'f ’ " ^ “ ' h ' 
 
 marriage; but prefently, upon the Prince his departure, he, ty, and increafe urfto hh own d P 
 
 the faid Lari, caufed them to be drawn into form, and fent to have DroDounded the „ Tft mlf'* 2nd Lrowns > but 
 them to his late Majefty, September ty, ,6a,, defidng fo JLfe many ffars in PhT a d,lfir /"“ s had been 
 underftand his Majefty's pleafure with all fpeed, efpecially wifdom, to Le preyen ttf“ffifed ding of fo m 
 if he disapproved any thing in them ; but never received tian blood, as he feared would erlhe S if ih 7“'? S' ^’7 f ' 
 
 nonce of any d (like thereof, until the aforefaid letters of were difordered. Thefc t J f O ITl” 
 
 November, 3 , I 6.3, which put off the defponfories, Soas zeal unto his Maieftv’s fervS- , = “ nfe ‘ I “ ) > a " d ' he 
 
 it appeareth, the faid Earl was fo far from breaking his fire the effefling of this h r’ f JC 7'" fo ear " eftl . v lle ' 
 
 mftructions, or from having any intention to haveVo- himfelf an unforfunate man teMaM?”"#' 7 ' hl "r k 
 ceeded to the executton of the defponfories, before his Ma- near fettling to his Maieftvf’r 7 , J ^ s aff “ r! be,n & fo 
 
 jefty and the Prince were fatisfied of this point of the In- were and fffinf to h f 7 b 7 ^ ' b 'y 
 
 fanta entring into Religion or before convenient aft.,ranee, faithful fovant, “but a fucceftful fcyalnTo 7 T “"h 7 7 
 as well for the reftitut.on of the Palatinate , as performances eftate of his affairs turnM mfiV 7 ) ! tbc whde 
 
 of the temporal articles, that he deferveth, as^he conceiv- leaft fault of hi, . u ° ' J P fidc down, without any the 
 
 eth under favour, no blame, fo much as in intention ■ but EmlHh and Itsan rh 7 r. f bC ’ ' ° n y M,nlfler on the 
 if he had erred in intention only, (as he did not) Ihe fame XITostZt .tf’a "I re ™'"= d und « d ifgrace. 
 being never reduced into a 3 , the fault (as he conceive*) Article is ground / h Artlc,e .* c laid Earl faith, that the 
 was removed by his obedience before the intention was put honourable Houfc. fu^r^ote^ir'trV 0 
 into execution : For fo it is in cafes towards God And I m-rlft,;™ ( PP u,ea t0 De Icandalou^, which your 
 
 ^ btach^ tKrfoZg betWn 
 
 laboured in, and lo much deftred ; yet he and Sir Walter For a nlain , j j- A ‘ l ‘ b . examlncd and found falfc. 
 
 kZy be there ; h'e “he" M E^aT't T“ P T 'l" 63 '°. thC hon “ ur a " d <*** « ^s Mejia" by 
 great a caufe, he might have a clear and undoubted under- beforeTim ^divers clrc V mftances > and laying 
 
 Sl k maT;ia^'r? r"d^ e .. " liS bi ^ a " d b “ Court, 
 
 the breaking, fo?which he had 5 wa 'rtt ^ .. ^ h ,° Ped fta “’. “ ^ 0Ur L “ d ' 
 
 |?» “ "7? » «’T re,blu,i °". »» -he King « ,allrime ™ ^tS,^L ”3.^. 
 
 will 
 6z 3. 
 
 _ IVIUIUIIUH, *1U1 U1C 
 
 lo ltraitned in time, as by the faid article is pretended 
 appear by the laid Earl’s difpatch of September 28, 1&23. 
 in which, upon ferupie that was then made of the Infanta’s 
 entring into Religion, he wrote to the fame effeft, viz. 
 That if the difpenfation Jhould come , he knew no means how 
 to detain ihe Proxies above twenty or twenty four days. So 
 that although no difficulty happened until the midlt of No- 
 
 Htpmhpr r V, ' a i. i — /'- ^t n _ 
 
 t ,ember ,6?. vet i, wi forefVen ,ha „ muft f “ T ‘ La ? f° r * hIn g P ard O"o d in the general Pardon, 
 happen whenfnever rhe difpenfat’ion Ihould come ; -d «. « ^JlminJler, Anno 
 
 then was warning of two months given thereof ; 
 
 * —- j-* j jimi ui any capi¬ 
 
 tal crime, or wilful offence ; if it (hall appear, that out 
 t u- e ^ ror . s j uc ^g n j ent > too much ferventnefs of zeal to 
 ■ his Majefty’s fervice, or the ignorance of the Laws of 
 ‘ thls Realm, ( wherewith he hath not been able to be fo 
 ! we " acquainted as be ought, by reafon of foreign em- 
 ‘ ployments by the fpace of many years ) or by any other 
 ways or means he hath fallen into the danger of the 
 Laws for any thing pardoned in the general Pardon, 
 
 and 
 
 from September 24, until November 29, which was the time 
 appointed tor the defponfories. 
 
 So as he moft humbly fubmits himfelf unto your Lord- 
 fh.ps, wrnch of the two ways was the fafer or dutifulle 
 
 ... n • “ <11 '' ejtminjier , stnno 
 
 /' iceftmo Prtmo Regni Imp. Jacobi Anglic p, See. of blelled 
 memory, he humbly prayeth allowance of the Pardons, 
 and the benefit thereof, ( with this claufe, that he doth 
 and will aver, that he is none of the perfons excepted 
 out of the fame ) although he is very confident, he lha!i 
 not need the help ol any Pardon, having received many 
 
 “ fignifiga- 
 
34+ 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. Vol. II. 
 
 “ fign,fx.it om, as veil from his Majefty’s own mouth, 
 “ that he had ne’er offended his Majefty, as lately, by 
 “ fcveral letters of the Lord Conway , that he might reft 
 ’• in the fecurity he was in, and fit If ill, and fhould be no 
 '• further queftioned. But he hopes your Lordfhips will 
 not only find him fo far from blame, but that he hath 
 *' f-r• d jar-.- A; jeftv of bleffed memory, and his moft 
 ** gr clous Sun, t ;e Kin;:.’ Majefty that now is, with that 
 “ fidelity, c; re, and indaftry, that your Lordfhips will 
 “ take c.-urfe, as you, in your wifdoms, fhall think fit, 
 “ nor only for upholding the honour and reputation of a 
 “ Peer in this Realm, after fo many employments, but 
 “ liktv.'ife become humble and earneft fuitors to his Ma- 
 “ jeftv on his behalf which he humbly prayeth ) that he 
 “ may be reftored tu his Majefty’s good favour, which, 
 “ above all worldly things, he moft defireth.” 
 
 This defenfe of the Earl of Brijiol feemed to me wor¬ 
 thy to be tranlmitted to pofterity, in a Language more ge¬ 
 nerally known than the Englijh. Truth is vifible through¬ 
 out - the whole is perfe&ly coherent : nothing appears dif- 
 guifed, and the Earl’s innocence is fo clearly fecn, as to 
 be altnoft beyond doubt. But on the other hand, there 
 appears a furious perfection againft this Lord, from thofe 
 who mu ft have been convinced of his innocence. In this 
 perfection is feen the extreme weaknefs of 'James I. who, 
 contrary to his own knowledge, not only permitted the 
 Earl of Brijiol to be opprefied, who had ferved him very 
 faithfully, but alfo was induced to tell the Parliament, in 
 t :.4, two things equally diftant from the truth. The 
 firft, that when the Prince and Duke of Buckingham came 
 to .Madrid, they found the affair with which the Earl of 
 Brithl was charged, as untouched, as if it had never been 
 mentioned before. And yet, he had himfelf figned the 
 Articles of the Treaty, and nothing was wanting but the 
 Pope’s Difpenfation to celebrate the marriage, as manifeftly 
 appears in the Earl of Bri/loPs anfwer. The lecond, that 
 the affair upon which he confulted the Parliament, namely, 
 whether he fhould break the Treaties with Spain , was yet 
 Res integra , though thefe Treaties had been entirely broken 
 two months before. But Charles the firft’s prejudice a- 
 gainft the Earl of Brijiol is fo furprizing, that after hav¬ 
 ing feen the Earl’s defence, one can hardly believe, a 
 Prince, fo judicious in other refpetfts, could be induced to 
 didlate to his Attorney-General, an accufation fo full of ca¬ 
 lumnies againft a Lord, whom certainly he could not 
 think guilty, fince no man knew more of the affair than 
 himfelf. This is a chara&er which does not redound to 
 his honour. He would have been more excufable, if he 
 had caufed the Duke of Buckingham to a£l alone, whole 
 reputation ought not ro have been more dear to him than 
 his own. In fhort, we fee in the Earl of Brijiol’ s defenfe, 
 a clear and full explication of what paft'ed in Spain , in the 
 negotiation of the two Treaties for the marriage, and for 
 the reftitution of the Palatinate, which is the principal fub- 
 jeeft of the Reign of James I. The Earl’s defenfe unde¬ 
 niably fhows alfo, wbat all the good writers affirm, that 
 the Duke of Buckingham’s narrative to the Parliament in 
 1624, was all falfe. And therefore I thought, this narra¬ 
 tive of the Duke’s would not be ill placed after the Earl of 
 Brijiol' s defenfe, that the Reader, by comparing the one 
 with the other, may be fatisfied with his own eyes, how 
 unworthily King James , the Prince his Son, and the Duke 
 of Buckingham , aifted with the Parliament, in order to 
 caufe them to advife a rupture with Spain , on which ad¬ 
 vice King Charles afterwards fo ftrenuoufly infilled. 
 
 The Duke of Buckingham’* Narrative (1) of the Tranf- 
 attions in Spain, delivered to both Houfes of Parliament-, 
 by order of King James I. in the year 1624. 
 
 XVH Pul> 6 T"'' ^ ^ Duke in his narration, obferved fix diftinift 
 Kufhworth. A and feveral parts I. The motives of the Prince’s 
 
 t. I. p.119, journey to Spain. II. The treaty of the marriage fet on 
 ^s ' t • foot in Spain, feverally and by itfelf. III. The treaty of 
 the marriage and reftitution, united together by a recipro¬ 
 cal fubordination. IV. The Prince’s return from Spain. 
 V. His Majefty’s fubfequent proceedings in both Treaties, 
 fince the return. VI. The ftating of the queftion, fuper 
 tot am materiam , wherein both the Houfes were to offer to 
 his Majefty, their advice and counfel. 
 
 ARTICLE I. 
 
 The Motives of the Prince’s Journey to Spain. 
 
 The negotiation of Sir Richard JNeJlcn Chancellor of 
 
 the Exchequer, with the Archduchefs of Bruffels , miniftred 
 unto his Majefty the firft occafion of jealoufy, and made 
 a kind of difeovery of the Spaniards indiredl dealing with 
 this State. 
 
 After the Duke had fpoken thefe few words, there wo-, 
 read a letter of the third of October 1622, from the Kio ¬ 
 to the Earl of Briftol, wherein Briftol was require A 1 to let 
 the King of Spain know, hotu fenfible King James was of 
 the Emperor’s proceeding towards him ; and that he jhuld 
 demand of the King of Spam a promife , under hand and 
 feal, that Heidelbergh Jhould be delivered within feventy daft 
 after audience, and the like for Manheim and Frankendale, 
 if they be taken ; and if this be denied, to prefs to have leave 
 to march through the King of Spain’r territories with are 
 army, for the recovering of his Children’s patrimony ; and 
 that the King o/"Spain fhould ajfijl us with his force:. 
 
 Then the Duke defired the Houfes to take for truth 
 whatever he fhould fay, granted and attefted by the Prince’s 
 prefence ; and (hewed, that this Letter was not put home 
 to the utmoft by the Earl ot Brijiol. Hereupon a dif- 
 patch was fent away to my Lord of Brijiol, exprefsly 
 commanding him to prefs his dire£licns more home than 
 yet he had done, and in cafe he fhould be denied or de¬ 
 layed by' the King of Spain , then to take his leave and 
 come away : This was not fo fully exacted by my Lord 
 of Brijiol. 
 
 Porter, that carried thefe letters, was commanded not to 
 flay above ten days, who after he had been there fomc 
 four or five days, and law nothing towards a difpatch, 
 went himfelf to the Condc Olivares , (having been his 
 creature) and defired him that be would fpeed his difpatch. 
 Olivares asked him what he would have? Who replied, 
 no more than what had been formerly promifed, that in 
 cafe the Emperor fhould deny the reftitution of the Pala¬ 
 tinate, the King of Spain fhould alliit our King by arms to 
 recover it, or elfe give way to our forces to march thither 
 through his country. Olivares replied, that this was a 
 prepoflerous demand; wbat, to afliit with arms againft the 
 King’s uncle, and the Catholick League \ Porter fpeaking 
 to him of the marriage of our Prince with the Infai ta 
 of Spain, he told him, that he underftood not a word 
 of it (2). 
 
 Porter acquainted Brijiol herewith : he Laid, he would 
 call Olivares to an account, if he held this language with 
 him, and would make him underftand, that an Earl of 
 England was as good a man, as a Conde of Spain. But 
 fending for Porter the next morning, he changed his re- 
 fulution, and concluded to carry the bufinefs more calm¬ 
 ly, and faid, the Conde was fo referved, becaufe he was 
 fhy and dainty to report thofe myfteries with that freedom 
 to him, who was not qualified as a publick Minifter. The 
 Conde was angry with Porter for communicating what he 
 faid to Brijiol. Mr. Porter returned with a difpatch 
 fraught with generalities, and without any one particular 
 or certainty at all, made his relation to the Prince’s High- 
 nefs ; who thereupon took his refolution to go in perfon 
 to Spain, and gave himfelf thefe reafons for the enter- 
 prize. 
 
 He faw his Father’s negotiation plainly deluded ; mat¬ 
 ters of Religion gained upon, and extorted (3) ; his Sifter’s 
 caufe more and more defperate ; and that this was the way 
 to put things off or on ; and that in this particular, delay 
 was worfe than a plain denial ; and that according to the 
 ufual proverb, Adejperate difeafe mujl have a defperale Rc- 
 medy (4). 
 
 Hereupon the King commanded the Duke to accom¬ 
 pany his Highnefs in his journey. 
 
 ARTICLE II. 
 
 The Treaty of the Marriage fevered, and by it felf. 
 
 When the Prince had arrived at Madrid, the Conde 
 gave him a vifit; magnified exceedingly the Prince’s jour¬ 
 ney j amplified the obligations his Highnefs had put upon 
 that King ; and faid, that now without all peradventure 
 it muff be a match, and we muft part and divide the whole 
 world betwixt us. 
 
 The next day the Condc taking the Duke into his 
 coach, and Mr. Porter for his interpreter, falling into dif- 
 courfe of the match, he faid unto the Duke, let us dif¬ 
 patch this match out of hand, and ftrike it up without the 
 Pope : The Duke anfwered, he liked the manner very 
 well, but defired to underftand the means. The means, 
 quoth the Conde, is very eafy ; it is but the converfion of 
 the Prince ; which we cannot conceive but his Highnefs in¬ 
 tended upon his refolution for this journey. 
 
 (1) This Narrative has been collated with the Record in Rymer, Tom. 17. p. 536, &e. bv means whereof, feveral miftakes that were in Rufhwrth 
 are re£lified. 1 * 
 
 /z The Marr’age had been now fix years negotiating at Madrid. There were fome Articles fignvd. which Gregory XV. h2d fent back with his anfwers. 
 fcirher Picrct .re C.ndc Olivares, or Porter, or the Duke of Buckingham, did not fpeak the truth. Rapin. 
 
 (3) Thefe matters became much w'-rfe after the Prince was in Spain. Rapin. 
 
 (4 All thele Realms are extremely weak. For fuppoGng them to be true, they only prove at moft the neeefiity of a Rupture with Stain, but not of the 
 Prince’s Journey thither. Rapin, 
 
 4 ’ The 
 
Book XIX. 25, C H 
 
 The Duke anfwered forthwith, that with freedom they 
 came thither, and with freedom they would return again : 
 they were no juglers, neither came they to Spain to make 
 new bargains (1): that the Prince was fettled in his Re¬ 
 ligion ; his confcience was troubled with no fcruples in 
 that kind : If they ftruck any more upon that firing, 
 they would mar all the harmony. Then faid the Conde, 
 there is no way but to fend to Rome to haften the difpenfa- 
 tion ; to which the Duke a {Tented. Hereupon the Conde 
 wrote his Letter to the Cardinal Ludovicio the Pope’s 
 nephew ; which being {hewed, to the Duke, Teemed to him 
 to be very heavy ; the Duke therefore defired to quicken it 
 with this poftfcript, That now the Prince being arrived, 
 muji not be fent back without a wife ; That delay to a fuitor 
 is a kind of refufal ; that clogging injlrubtions would amount 
 to a denial, and new conditions , to an abfolute breach. The 
 Conde fell into choler, and faid dire&ly it could not be 
 done. This the Prince affirmed to beaded in his pre¬ 
 fence : But the Earl of Brijlol made a more benign con- 
 ftru&ion thereof, the Duke a right down conclufion, that 
 this people never intended either match or reftitution ; and 
 fo wi{hed his Highnefs fairly at home again : However 
 the mefienger was difpatched to Rome. 
 
 Four or five days after his Highnefs was placed to fee 
 his Miftrefs in her paflage through the ftreets, as fhe made 
 her vifits from church to church : But preffing for accefs 
 he was delayed, but at laft obtained a vifit ■, but a very 
 ftrange one. He was not fuffered to fpeak unto her, but 
 as they had fet it down in words and fyllables in writing, 
 faying, they were no aftrologers, and could not forefee the 
 event of this marriage : And therefore they refolved to 
 admit him as a Prince only, and not as a fuitor. But 
 the Conde falved this up with a complement, That if the 
 difpenfation were once returned, he fhould lye with her 
 even that very night; nay, have her he fhould upon any 
 terms. If he could not be qualified to enjoy her as a wile, 
 yet he fhould have her as a miftrefs. 
 
 Soon after, riding in a coach, it was urged by the Conde , 
 That the Infanta was of a tender confcience, and if fhe 
 fhould come into England, and find the Prince an enemy 
 to her Religion, it would quite dilhearten her. His High¬ 
 nefs confented to hear her upon this fubjetft, becaufe he was 
 as like to convert her, as fhe was to pervert him. A con¬ 
 ference with Divines was prefled upon his Highnefs, which 
 he refufed, and faid, If after deputation with them, they 
 fhould not prevail againft a young man, they would remain 
 much difgufted, and ill-afFe&ed to the whole negotiation ; 
 this kind of importunity was ftill ufed towards the Prince 
 till the return of the difpenfati6n. 
 
 Six weeks after the Prince’s arrival came the difpenfa¬ 
 tion ; but his Highnefs underftood from Rome, by Mr. 
 Gage, that the difpenfation was returned, much clogged in 
 matter and manner, efpecially with the annexed new con¬ 
 dition. The King of Spain, before the receiving of the 
 difpenfation, was to take an oath to fee all the articles per¬ 
 formed ; whereupon faculty was iflued, really performed, 
 or elfe to make war, in cafe of any failure, upon the King 
 of England. 
 
 His Highnefs fignified his refolution unto them, that he 
 neither could nor would add or alter any thing of the firft 
 articles fent to England. 
 
 A J unbio of Divines are appointed to meet and confider, 
 whether the King might fafely take the oath. By this 
 time the Prince had gone through all the articles, fitting in 
 perfon with the Committee ; only leaving three undecided, 
 That of the Church, that of the Nurfe, and that of the 
 education of the Children ; which his Highnefs referved till 
 he fhould fpeak with the King. Then faid the Conde, 
 Now bufinefs is in a better way than ever it was, a match, 
 and without more ado fhe was his wife. 
 
 But the next day came Gondomar , and fpake unto the 
 Prince of the fame match, as of a new thing, and told 
 him plainly, That unlefs his Highnefs came to all the con¬ 
 ditions of the difpenfation as they were fent from Rome, 
 dearly and entirely, nothing would be done ; for they had 
 no power to remove or altera word of falfe Latin. Where¬ 
 upon his Highnefs was juftly diftafted, and offered to break. 
 Then they prefled the Prince, that he would be pleafed to 
 flay twenty days, until the King of Spain might receive 
 an anfwer from England. The Prince refolved to flay, 
 upon condition that Sir Francis Cottington might be difpatch- 
 t'd away withir^ two days, and fome meflenger that might 
 overtake him with the articles that fhould be fent after, as 
 foon as ever they could be made ready: But the two days 
 of their hammering fpun out to twenty -, at the end thereof 
 they brought them with new additions. 
 
 The articles being at laft fent to England, the J unbio 
 of Divines delivered their opinions, that the Infanta could 
 
 ARLES I. 
 
 not be fent over before the fpring ; at which his Highnefs 
 was offended, but the Conde prevailed with him to ftay, 
 until their Ambaflador fhould certify out of England, that 
 the articles were afl'ented unto by Kine James, and put in 
 execution, and then the Lady fhould go with the Prince. 
 
 I'he Bifhop of Segovia was pleafed to fay to the Duke, 
 That he had heard fomething of the eftate of our King¬ 
 dom, and had received it from good hands ; that our King 
 could not make a Toleration without a rebellion, and he 
 eahly believed it ; becaufe the King of Spain is not able, 
 m his Dominions, to efFea the like enterprize, without 
 incurring the like danger ; therefore he concluded, it was 
 unfafe to fend the Lady thither at this time, becaufe we 
 having granted as much in eftetft as a Toleration, it was 
 very probable fhe fhould be welcomed with a riling and 
 rebellion. To which the Duke replied, That if the fa¬ 
 vours which the King his Marter had exhibited to his CV 
 thoncks, at the mediation of that King, and the advice of 
 that very Committee, of which that Bifhop was one, be 
 of fo dangerous a confequence ; it feems their Lordfhips, 
 who gave the advice for that article, though they pretended 
 Religion, intended plain and open rebellion. But you muff 
 know, quoth the Duke, if his Highnefs had been of nr. 
 Lord Bifhop’s opinion, That thele connivances had u- 
 mounted to a Toleration ; he had never accepted of thefe 
 articles to have gained any alliance : For what was agreed 
 unto, was but a temporary fufpenfion of penal Laws, but 
 no Toleration ; for that could not be done, but by confem 
 of Parliament. Then Gondomar hereupon faid, that for 
 his part, he did not hold it fit to fend the Infanta thither, 
 before the articles be perfe&ly put in execution. And Gon- 
 domar privately infilled to the Prince his Highnefs, being 
 incenfed againft the Duke, That the Duke Was in heart 
 ( as he faid all his kindred were ) a Roman Catholick ; and 
 he faid to a Jefuit of great account and zeal in thole parts, 
 
 I hat the Duke was a molt obftinate, perverfe, and refrac¬ 
 tory Puritan. 
 
 About this time it was reported, that the Prince intend¬ 
 ed to fteal away; whereupon they laid wait to intercept 
 him : Hereupon the Duke was fent to tell them, That 
 although they had ftolen thither out of love, they would ne¬ 
 ver fteal thence out of fear. 
 
 About this time the Prince fent a meflage to his Father, 
 That if he fhould receive any advertifement, that he was 
 detained by that State as a prifoner, he would be pleafed, 
 for his fake, never to think upon him any longer as a Son’ 
 but reflea upon the good of his Sifter, and the fafety of his 
 own Kingdoms. 
 
 ARTICLE III. 
 
 lhe Treaty of the Match and Rejlitution reciprocally fub- 
 ordinated. 
 
 It is fit to obferve this paflage, which is the hinge where¬ 
 upon all his Highnefs’s fubfequent a&ions are turned and 
 moved. He had never ftaid a fevennit>ht longer in Spain 
 he had never left any proxy with Brijlol-, he had never 
 taken any oath at the Efcurial ; or fo much as ever written 
 a letter of complement to the Lady ; but that he had ftill 
 before his eyes, as his cynofure (2), the promife made by 
 the Conde, for the reftitution of the Palatinate. 
 
 To haften the delivery of the Lady, the Duke prefent- 
 ed unto the Conde, how his Mafter was now in years; the 
 Prince his only Son ; and he would fuffer in honour’ and 
 reputation, to return home without his wife. The Conde 
 confented hereunto, and defired the Prince would name a 
 day for his departure. 
 
 This news came to the Infanta, who feemed to be ap- 
 prehenfive of the Prince’s going away, and prevailed with 
 his Highnefs to return this complement unto her, I hat 
 rather than he would give her Alteza any difguft, he would 
 ftay for feven years. 
 
 By this time Sir Francis Cottington is arrived with all 
 things perfected by the King, and letters from theAmbaf- 
 fadors of good fatisfadtion, and a command from the King 
 to his Highnefs, to make his return within one month. 
 
 Now began the Conde to enter into the treaty for the 
 reftitution of the Palatinate, faying, The Lady fhould by 
 no means go to England, before that bufinefs was accom¬ 
 modated. And it was projected. That there fliould be a 
 reftitution of the Land to the Prince Palatine , upon a con¬ 
 dition of marriage with the Emperor’s Daughter, and that 
 he fhould be bred in the Emperor’s Couit (3). The Prince 
 demanded of the Conde , whether, in cafe the Emperor 
 proved refradlory, the King his Mafter would affift him 
 with arms, to reduce him to reafonable terms ? The Conde 
 anfwered negatively (4), becaufe they had a maxim of 
 State, that the King of Spain muft never fight againft the 
 
 (1) They however made new terms. Rafin. (*) That is, Pole-Star. 
 
 Prince’s departure from Madnd ^Raph! dc,ence ’ which !i confijmed b y a Letter fr ' irn King Jan", that this propofal was not atfually nude till after the 
 (4) Either the Earl of Brijlol, or the Duke of Buckingham, mull in this point not have fpoken the truth, Rutin. 
 
 No. 61, Vo l. II. S f f f 
 
 345 
 
 Emperor ; 
 
34 & 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 Emperor: Tor they would n't employ their forces again ft 
 the Houfe of J.-Jh ta. 
 
 Hereupon hi- Holme's made 1 .;- proteftation to the 
 Condt : Look to it. Sir, bol tut f to that , there 
 
 is an end of ell\ for without this you may not rely upon either 
 marriage or friemljhip. 
 
 J 3 v this d me the Prince is grown cheap and vuiirar in the 
 Court of Spain, fo that they will fcarce bellow a vilit upon 
 him, and the Conde came ver) feidom to him : and two 
 letters came to the Duke’s Iiands, which {hewed. that ail 
 that the Conde did, was nothing but flafhes and lightning ; 
 notwithftandimr, he feemed .it thi time to be in a good hu¬ 
 mour, and told the Duke, That now certainly it muft be 
 a matchj and the devil could not break it : The Duke re¬ 
 plied, He thought fo, and the match hail need be very firm 
 and ftrong, it had been (even years in foadering. The 
 Conde denied ir, and faid plainly, It had not been really 
 intended feven months ; and faid, I will fetch that cut of 
 my desk, that fhali affine you thereof; and fo produced two 
 letters ; the firft wa, written with the King of Spain’s own 
 hand, dated the fifth of November 1622, and the other 
 from the Conde Olivares , of the eighth of November 1622, 
 being an anfwcr to that letter ( '). 
 
 Thefe Letters having been irjerted in the Hi/lory of King 
 James I, page 219, there is no need of repeating them here 
 c.ter again. 
 
 ARTICLE IV. 
 
 The Prince s return from Spain. 
 
 And now the Prince returning for England , being en¬ 
 gaged to leave his proxy, did depofite the fame in the hands 
 of the Earl of Brijlol , who was to keep it, and ufe it as 
 his procurator; that is, as he fhould receive his Highnefs’s 
 directions from time to time: His order for the prefent 
 was, (faid the Duke ) That if the confirmation came 
 from Rome clear and entire (2), ( which it did not ) then 
 within fo many days he fhould deliver it to the King of 
 Spain. 
 
 The fecond direction fent to him, was by a letter which 
 his Highnefs fent him between his departure from the Efcu- 
 rial, and coming to the Sea-fide, to this effeX: That for 
 fear a Monaftery fhould rob him of his wife, he fhould 
 ftav the delivery of the-powers until the doubts were cleared; 
 and that his Highnefs would fend him in the premifles fome 
 further directions : Here hecaufe my Lord of Brijlol in his 
 letter of the firft of November 1623, doth prefs fo vehe¬ 
 mently the Prince his Highnefs concerning this proxy, and 
 the Prince vowed openly before both Houfes (3), that he 
 had never hv oath or honour engaged himfelf not to revoke 
 the powers more than by the claufe, De non revocanda 
 Procurations , in felted in the inftrument itfelf, and that he 
 conceived the claufe to be matter of form ; and although 
 efientially of no binding power, yet ufually thruft into every 
 fuch inftrument ; and that the Civilians do hold, That it 
 is lawful by the civil and canon Law, for any man to re¬ 
 voke his proxy of marriage, notwithHanding it hath the 
 claufe, De non revocanda Procuration inferted in it: There¬ 
 fore as to this point the Duke concluded. That the Earl of 
 Brijlol in charging this matter fo highly on the Prince, 
 had much forgot himfelf (4). 
 
 ARTICLE V. 
 
 The fuhfequent Proceedings of his Majefty in both the Treaties , 
 fince the return of his Highnefs. 
 
 The Prince, bv the mercy of God, came to Royjlon , 
 and made his relation to the King of all that had palled. 
 His Majefty was glad, and told him, That he had aXed 
 well the part of a Son ; and now the part of a Father 
 muft come upon the ftage, which was to provide with all 
 circumfpeXion, That his only Son fhould not be married 
 with a portion of tears to his only daughter. And there- 
 fore his Majefty commanded by an exprefs difpatch, the 
 ftay of the proxy in the Earl of Brijlol' s hands, until he 
 
 of ENGLAND. Vol. II. 
 
 had fome better aflurance of die reftitution of the Pala¬ 
 tinate. 
 
 Then was read his Majefty’s letter to the Earl of Brif- 
 tol, dated the 8th of 0 Holer 1623, wherein the Earl of 
 Brijlol was required by the King, fo to endeavour, that he 
 might have the joy of both Treaties at ChrillmaN: .amcly, 
 
 thofe about the marriage, and the reftitution ol the Palati¬ 
 nate. This the Duke would have had lookt upon as 3 
 pofitive order, not to deliver up the procuration, till the 
 reftitution of the Palatinate was .’.dually promi: . , con¬ 
 cerning which matter, fee the Earl of Brijlol' s anfwer to 
 the tenth Article of his accufation. 
 
 Alter that the Duke went on in the following manner : 
 You would perceive that by this difpatch, Brijld would 
 lay hold on all hints and emergent occafions, to put off 
 the Defponfories without this required aflurance by arms 
 firft obtained ; but the truth is, he did not fo. 
 
 For iff, the confirmation came from Rome , clogged and 
 mangled ; and inftead of challenging thereupon, he labours 
 with no fmall ftrength of wit, to hide and palliate the 
 fame (5). 
 
 z. In the temporal Articles the portion was altered, 
 from fix hundred thoufand pounds in ready cafti, to fome 
 eighty thoufand pounds in money, and a few jewels, and 
 a penfion of twenty thoufand pounds per Annum. Inftead 
 of quarrelling with this main alteration, he feems to ap¬ 
 prove and applaud the payment (6). 
 
 3. For the aflurance of reftitution of the Palatinate , the 
 main foundation, both of match and friendfhjp, he is fo 
 far from providing for it before, (which was the method 
 preferibed by the King ) that he leaves it to be mediated 
 by the Infanta after the marriage. 
 
 Laftly, Inftead of putting off the contraX, as any man 
 in the world ( upon the difpatch from Royjlon ) would have 
 done, he comes to prefix a precife day for the Defponfories. 
 
 Now from this rafh fixing of the day for the Defporlfo- 
 ries in Spain , which was controlled again by an exprels^), 
 from hence iflued an unneceflary difeourtefy put upon the 
 King, and in a manner upon the Infanta, by the Earl of 
 Brijlol : From that proceeded a greater affront put upon 
 the Prince, the taking away the title La Princejfa from 
 the Infanta, and the debarring of our Ambalfadors from 
 any further accefs to her perfon. 
 
 Then was produced an anfwer of the King of Spain, t* 
 the memorial of the Englifti Ambajfador , implying a refufal 
 to affijl by arms for the recovery of the Palatinate, in cafe the 
 Emperor confented not to a rejlitution. 
 
 ARTICLE VI. 
 
 The Jlating of the PjJ/tflion, fuper totam matcriam. 
 
 This queftion the Duke ftated after this manner : Whe¬ 
 ther this being the full effect and produX of all the nego¬ 
 tiation, which I have opened unto you, be fufficicnt fuper 
 totam matcriam , for his Majefty to rely upon with any 
 fafety ; as well for the marriage of his only Son, as for 
 the relief of his only Daughter ? Or, that thefe treaties fet 
 afide, his Majefty were beft to truft to his own ftrength, 
 and to ftand upon his own feet ? So the Duke ended with 
 this conclufion, that if the bringing us from darknefs to 
 light, did deferve any thanks, we owe it, and muft wholly 
 aferibe it to the Prince his Highnefs. 
 
 It is needlefs, I think, to make upon this narrative, re¬ 
 flexions which may occur to every Reader, after having 
 feen the Earl of Brijlol’ s defenfe. I (hall content my felf 
 therefore with obferving, how little proper this narrative 
 was to afford fufficient information to the two Houfes of 
 Parliament, to enable them, upon good grounds, to form 
 their refolutions concerning the queftion propofed to them 
 by the King. And yet upon this alone it was that they 
 refolved to advife the King to break with Spain , and this 
 hafty advice was the principal caufe of the differences after¬ 
 wards between Charles I, and hig Parliaments. 
 
 (1 The Earl of BrifA pretended, thefe Letters were written with no other intent but to get the Negotiation out #f his hands, becaufe the Court of Spam. 
 WJ! in hopes of < b'aining better Conditions from the Duke ot Buckingham. Rapin. 
 
 (•’ It i very d'lub’ful, whether this Condition was inferted in the Prince's Declaration. Rapin. 
 
 Al' ut live months after Rapin. 
 
 I4.) Sec the Earl ol Brijiol't Defence, Article X. Rapin. 
 
 (;) Thi.. iu i d not be true. For tne D p.-nfation did not come from Rome till the beginning of December 1623, and the King’s abfolute Order not to deli¬ 
 ver the Difpeolation, was dated November 23. Therefore the Earl of Brjtol had not time to write to England, to palliate the dele' s of the Dilpenfation, 
 foppofing it t.i have had any. Rapin. 
 
 (6 This mud be mifreprefented : For if the Earl of Brijlol had been guilty of fuch prevarication, the King would not have failed ta bring it as an Artie!* 
 of Accufition a grind him, which alone would have been Sufficient to condemn him. Rapin. 
 
 (-.) It was the Prince himfelf, and the Duke, who hud agreed with the King ol Spam on the day the Marriage Ihould be foletnnizcd, vip. Ten days after 
 she coming of the Diipenfation, which the Earl of Brjtol altered not, Rapin, 
 
 Confederations 
 
Vol. II, 
 
 3+ 8 
 
 The H I STO RY of ENGLAND, 
 
 by the contrary party. ’Tis pretended, i. That he has 
 given falfe Papers. 2. That he has curtailed others, under 
 colour of abridging them. 3. That he has affected to 
 give all thofe that are favorable to the Parliament, and to 
 omit feveral which might ferve to fhow the King’s inno¬ 
 cence. 4. Laftly, that not declaring, from whence he 
 received his materials, we have only his authority for what 
 he relates. This is a general accufation, which, were it 
 well proved upon any important and decifive facts, is fuf- 
 ficient to fhake the credit of the colle£tor. The Reader 
 will judge, whether this charge is made good with regard to 
 the particular cafes on which he is accufed, and whether 
 thefe cafes are of fuch a nature, that they ought to deter¬ 
 mine the difinterefted to negledt the generality of his Col¬ 
 lections. I fhall take thefe particular accufations from 
 Nalfon' s Introduction, wherein his chief aim was to dif- 
 credit Rujhworth , and perfwade his Readers that they ought 
 not to believe any thing he advances. ’Tis very likely, 
 Nalfon has forgot nothing upon this fubjeCt. I (hall begin 
 with the falfe Papers he accufes Rujhworth of inferting in 
 his Collections. 
 
 The firft Paper forged by Rujhworth , according to 
 Nalfon , is a Speech of King James to the Parliament, the 
 30th of January 1620. Inftead of giving this Speech en¬ 
 tire, Rujhworth inferts only an abftraCt. And therefore 
 Nalfon takes care to print the true Speech, and Rujh- 
 worth’s abltraCt in feparate columns, that they may be 
 more eafily compared. He adds, that the whole Speech 
 was communicated by William Bancroft Archbifhop of 
 Canterbury. Upon comparing Rujhworth' s abftraCt with 
 the entire Speech, there appears but one material paffage 
 which could give occafion to charge Rujhworth with un- 
 faithfulnefs. And that is where ’tis faid in the Speech, 
 A Parliament is an AJfembly cotnpofed of a Head and a 
 Body-, the Monarch is the Head , and the three Ejlates the 
 Body. Whereas it is faid in the abltraCt, the Parliament 
 is a thing cotnpofed of a Head and a Body , the Monarch 
 and the two Ejlates. This induces Nalfon to exclaim a- 
 gainft Rujhworth , for reducing by his own authority the 
 three Eftates, namely, the Lords Spiritual, the Lords 
 Temporal, and the Commons, to two Eftates, meaning 
 thereby, that the Houfe of Peers made but one Eftate. 
 
 This queltion was debated with great warmth, when 
 the excluiion of the Bilhops out of the Upper-Houfe was 
 in agitation. For if the Bifhops were one of the three 
 Eftates of Parliament, it was evident they could not be 
 excluded without altering the conftitution. But this opi¬ 
 nion was not generally received. The Commons pre¬ 
 tended, that the Bifhops with the Peers made but one 
 Eftate. Nalfon pretends therefore, that Rujhworth to 
 countenance the Commons opinion, and juftity the ex- 
 clufton of the Bifhops, makes King James fay what he 
 did not. To prove this, befides the whole Speech, 
 communicated by the Archbifhop of Canterbury , he al¬ 
 ledges feveral things to fhow, there have always been three 
 Eftates acknowledged in the Parliament befides the King. 
 He anfwers the objection drawn from Charles the firft’s 
 confeifion, after the excluiion of the Bifhops, that himfelf 
 was one of the three Eftates of Parliament, and concludes 
 that James I. could net fpeak in his Speech of two, but of 
 three Eftates. 
 
 A fecond inftanceof Rufjworth's unfaithfulnefs is, that he 
 gives only an abftraCt of a Letter to the King from an un¬ 
 known hand, tending to fhow, that the Parliament attacked 
 the King himfelf, in attacking the Duke of Buckingham. 
 This charge coniifts wholly in the Suppofition that Rujh¬ 
 worth abridged this Letter to hinder his Readers Irom per¬ 
 ceiving all its force. 
 
 The third inftance of Rujhworth' s unfaithfulnefs, is, 
 that he has publifhed in his Appendix a fcandalous Paper, 
 called, A Propofition for his Majejly's fervice to bridle the 
 impertinence of Parliaments. ’Tis true Rujhworth fays, 
 this Paper was queftioned in the Star-Chamber. But 
 Nalfon pretends, this is not fufficient to excufe Rujhworth, 
 who, he fays, ought to have fhown upon what grounds it 
 was queftioned, which he does himfelf very largely. 
 
 A fourth inftance of Rujhworth' s unfaithfulnefs, is, that 
 he inferts in his Collections, a pretended letter of Arch¬ 
 bifhop Abbot to James I, to diffwade him from granting 
 .1 Toleration to the Papifts, when he was upon the point 
 of concluding the Prince his Son’s marriage with the 
 Spanijh Infanta. Nalfon fays upon this fubjeCt, that the 
 Archbifhop being then out of favour, and having nothing 
 to do with the management of counfels, could have no 
 other foundation, but either his own conjecture, or the 
 common rumour, both equally liable to deceive and to be 
 deceived. He does not pofitively fay however, that the 
 Letter is forged, but contents himfelf with infinuating it, 
 becaufe Rufjworth not having faid how he came by the 
 letter, the credit of it refts folely upon his fidelity. 
 
 But the fifth and moft crying unfaithfulnefs of Rufh- 
 corth, according to Nalfon , are the private articles of 
 
 Prince Charles's marriage with the Infanta of Spain. He 
 pretends they are all forged, on purpofe to blacken the 
 King and Prince, by intimating that their dciign was to 
 .reftore the Catholick Religion in England , and alledges 
 feveral arguments to prove the forgery. 
 
 r. It is not probable, the King and Prince fhou Id pro - 
 mile what they knew was not in their power to perform, 
 confidering the ftrcngth and conftitution of the Erglif- 
 Laws againft Popery, and that the Englijh nation would 
 never have fuffered it. This is not one of the moft con¬ 
 vincing arguments. 
 
 2. The Parliament never taxed Charles I. with thefe 
 private articles, not even in the declaration, where they 
 colleCIed all the reafons which could juftify their refolu- 
 tiun of not prefenting any more addrefles to his Majefty. 
 This is a much (Longer argument than the former. 
 
 3. In the Memoirs ot Deageant it is laid, the King of 
 France hearing of King James's death, fays to the Arch¬ 
 bifhop of Ambrun , All our hopes of England arelojl. Which 
 fhows, that Charles had no intention to reftore the Catho¬ 
 lick Religion. One would think Nalfon fhould not have al- 
 ledged this reafon, which, in clearing this Prince, cafts a 
 great blemifh on James I. 
 
 4. He fays, Rujhworth , by infinuating that Charles I. 
 intended to reftore the Catholick Religion, contradicts him¬ 
 felf, fince he tells us in another place, that the Prince be¬ 
 ing in Spain, remained ftedfaft in his Religion, what en¬ 
 deavours foever were ufed to feduce him. 
 
 5. Rujhworth produces no other authority for the truth of 
 thefe private articles, but his own, and, in all appearance, 
 the French Mercury is his author. 
 
 The fixth inftance of unfaithfulnefs laid by A alfon to 
 Rujhworth’ s charge, is, the Pope’s letter to the Prince 
 when in Spain , and the Prince’s anfwer. 1. Becaufe it was 
 a thing ol mere ceremony. 2. In his circumftances it was 
 no more than what common prudence and policy obliged 
 him to, in order to get out of the King of Spain’s hands. 
 This excufe fhows Nalfon wa 3 not thoroughly convinced 
 of the forgery of thefe letters. He infinuates, however, 
 that they might be counterfeit, by reafon Rujhworth al¬ 
 ledges no other authority than his own. It is true, he fays 
 the copies of thefe letters were preferved by foine who 
 were then at Madrid, but names no body. This made 
 Nalfon believe, Rujhworth took the letters out of the French 
 Mercury. 
 
 I come now to the charge againft Rujhworth , -of infert¬ 
 ing in his Collections only what was advantagious to the 
 Parliament, omitting whatever was favorable tu the King. 
 Nalfon gives three inftances in three particular cafes. 
 
 The firft is, that in the affair of imprifoning the Mem¬ 
 bers of Parliament, feveral of the Judges gave their opini¬ 
 ons, to fhow that the King’s conduCt was not againft 
 Law. Nalfon fays, Rujhworth is contented to mention the 
 Speeches of two Judges, namely, Whitelock's and Dode- 
 rige’s, which were in favour of the King, and to fay that 
 Hide and Jones delivered their opinions to the fame pur¬ 
 pofe. This charge therefore confifts, in that Rujhworth, 
 after giving the Speeches of two of the Judges, thought 
 not proper to infert thofe of the reft who were for the 
 King upon the fame principles. But Nalfon pretends, he 
 fhould likewife have given Hide' sand Jones’s Speeches, and 
 does it himfelf. Indeed Rujhworth may be guilty of fome 
 partiality in omitting the two laft, if it be true that they 
 are ftronger, and better lupported than the others, of which 
 I cannot judge. 
 
 The fecond cafe is, that Rufjworth , fpeaking of Ser¬ 
 jeant Ajhley’s Speech in the Houfe of Lords, fays, he ad¬ 
 vanced the following propofition, for which he was com¬ 
 mitted tocuftody, and afterwards recanted : That the Lords 
 mujl allow the King to govern by a As of State , otherwife he 
 is a King without a Council, or a Council without power. 
 Nalfon makes it a crime in Rujhworth, not to have given 
 Ajhley's whole difeourfe, which would have fhown that the 
 Serjeant’s fault was rather ftemming the popular tide, than 
 any other offence ; that is, according to Nalfon, Afjley very 
 juftly maintained this maxim, that the King mult be al¬ 
 lowed to govern by aCts of State. Such a charge can do 
 no great injury to Rufjworth. 
 
 The third cafe relates to the famous Sir Edward Coke, 
 who, when Judge, was of opinion, that il the Privy 
 Council commit a man, he is not bailable by any Court of 
 Juftice. But afterwards, being turned out of his office, 
 and chofen Member of Parliament, he maintained the con¬ 
 trary opinion. Nalfon accufes Rujhworth of concealing this 
 change in Coke, by caftrating and abridging his Speeches, 
 for fear his Readers fhould perceive that Coke , who was 
 odious to the Court, aCted out of revenge, in maintaining 
 an opinion contrary to his affertion when Judge. 
 
 This is all Rujhworth has been charged with. But I 
 queftion whether the equitable and difinterefted will be 
 convinced, that thefe particular accufations ought to make 
 him forfeit all his credit. His work is in eight volumes in 
 
 folio. 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 CHARLES 
 
 folio, and contains lb mat 3 number of faSs,. votes, pub- 
 lick fpecchc:,, and papers of all kinds, tbat-it would be a 
 fort of miracle, to meet with nothing to cenfure. flcvcr- 
 thclei-, all p .fable endeavours have been uferl'r to diferedit 
 him, by general cta-p: 1,1 partiality, imfaithfulnefs, and 
 inltnccniv. And it wo this tint induced me .to lay what 
 r hav lav], in on! if yd dhow what tkyfe general accubpions 
 any i eJ lo, wh n '.fdiial to putti^ar cafes. 
 
 J [ - l: ,v 11 'I wrMuT that /68a-"vV aim andele- 
 nctn, n. 1 HU':'auig bis'QAWHo.nr; was to -<|il'paragenlfie 
 King*! cohdufl, and favour the ParlknnSpt's 'caufe. Bat 
 *•?>«*•/«. intention figuil.re nothing, tbilthe icnoaitin 
 
 ; t ' her *!'-'■] w "' lift')■ make ufe of his Coileflions. I lie 
 rtrii, cuciliiin is whether hi:. Papers are true or falfe. ! If 
 I i:;n . trite, however injf'riotls they be to the King’s caufe 
 vvn . v/ kvme 3n rrhrrrrtial Hiftory of, this reigh”Ts 
 ww. bare! to -gift them !,.rrh.it rcafon. This is fo true, 
 tint even to- mod! devoted Hii’rerians to Citri.t U h : ivc 
 been forced t.. make ufe of thefc Papers (,), and take them 
 tor granted, bccaufe otherwile it would be impoffible’ to 
 compcle the Hiftory of this Reign, which confifts only of 
 the Materials tumiflled hy Rsslvsorlb. Had he begun .his 
 Calhaions no higher than with the afftirs of tho Parifa- 
 ment, of Nsssmhr the 3 d ih 4 o, l* Xing's friends would 
 doubt!.<s have readily forgiven bini. But the Papers of 
 toe twenty ftmgoing years are too hard of digeflion, !, - 
 came toey ii! agree with the hypotheiis of the royal party, 
 of which (ha! (peak prcfently, and too clearly difcov* 
 that Charles J. defigned to introduce arbitrary power, and 
 consequently, the long Pa.liamcnt had (trong reafons to 
 hinder the entire execution of fuch a deHgn. 
 
 I do not fee therefore any reafon for rejeahig the Papers 
 infested by Rnjhmh in his CollecW, efpecially as both 
 Parties have equally made ufe of them, though in a very 
 different manner. Some produce them in favour of the Par¬ 
 liament, and others, to fupport the King's caufe. But 
 
 even in this, both have owned, they were not only ufeful, 
 but abfolutely necelTary. Id there are any pailaga com¬ 
 bated as forged, they are very few ; and it is (Irange, that 
 after fo many exclamations againft Rajhworth' s Conceal¬ 
 ments and omiffions, there appear in the writings of the 
 King s favorers, lo few material Papers, that are not in 
 his Colledtions. 
 
 I proceed now to thofe who writ in vindication of the 
 Kings caufe, as Franklin , Nalfon , and the Earl of Cla- 
 rcruhn, omitting the other authors of lefs note, to avoid 
 Deina; tedious. 
 
 Thefe, in compiling the Hiftory of this reign, have 
 formed two Syftems, diredly comrary to thofe of "he 
 friend, of tne Parliament, though they have made ufe of 
 Rnjbmtth s materials. As thefe books were compofed at a 
 time when the regal authority was higher than ever, they 
 have not letup,ed to build upon the fuppofition of the King’s 
 having an anlulute power. Though they ufe not the word 
 there is hardly a page in their writings where this principle 
 “ ™ a, , ntalnKi r dPPt>W- Hence it follows, that 
 on the Parliament s hde, the civil War was a manifeft re¬ 
 bellion. bo, the proceedings of the Parliament which 
 (lime reprefer,t as abfolutely neceftary for the prefervation 
 l™ 11 ”"'' counted by others as rebellions 
 and trejfons, and tending to the fubverfion of the confti- 
 
 theMs 1 the W “ hout necellity of difeovering 
 
 triT^ S , yli r m ° f ‘ IlC Kin S’ ! P art y is no Ws con- 
 
 trai) to that of the favorers of the Parliament. Thefe laft 
 pretend, that the Parliament being fuffiriently convinced 
 by undeniable proofs of the King's delign to eftablilh ar- 
 b. , ary power, and alter the Conftitution, thought them- 
 lcl.es obliged lo ufe their utmoft endeavours to prevent the 
 execution of teat projecT This was their Syftem. The 
 King s Adherents form another entirely different. They 
 call the Kings pretended effort, to eftablilh an arbitrary 
 Governn.tnt, a chimera, affirming what was termed abfo- 
 lute power, was prec,fitly what the Laws allowed the King 
 Indeed this was the principle ol Jams I. Charles i. Charles II. 
 
 der d theT' n V CoJ1 fcc l l,e l“ 1 y, they pretended, that to hin¬ 
 der the King from exercifing fuch a power, was oppofinw 
 the Laws of the Land. But as it evidently appeared in 
 the reign at Charles I. that the Parliament and the people 
 were not of this opinion, it was necelTary to give feme 
 
 fomred, to alter’d.eCnftitutmn rfj"^ 
 
 ,h:m by rum.hg the King, and dcpiivin 
 rift, tfnj 0ns • ln ' 1 they took care re che- 
 
 S ss 
 
 the whole “trulh Th W p’ ,,Ht ncittKr “ntains 
 
 noie truth, rhe Parliament’s Syftem aferibes p 
 
 prticecdmgs of both Houfes, fole.y to the defig?S ^ 
 
 ■ng pair grievances, and preventing an arbitmry Govern- 
 
 h rh H r “ ho "' ever certain, that fever..! Members of 
 
 e'lablil.ung of abfolute Power, they pre,e ®3 It " a 
 contrivance, or etcufit, to arrive with more cafe re ,h= 
 prmcipal end, winch was to eftablilh Presbyterian Govern- 
 
 thffih'T, haV m 1 1 thus thcfc two <,iffcrc " t Syftems I 
 
 ciples of the Parliament, or to imnute to tlv*m 
 entirely different from thofe they P ^aTbT 
 Herein their aim was to hinder the£ Readers fmm h • ' ‘ 
 prepofleffed with a belief, that the 
 
 ?h°e°y ^c^'to^em 5 ” " ,,3d ^ 0thcr *a„ thofe 
 
 It is eafy to perceive by what has been laid, how the 
 Hiftonans of the Reign of Charles I. may be different 
 nay contrary, accord,ng as the authors have clofely fol’ 
 lowed one or other of thefe two Svliems And ,1 • • 
 what has aftually happened. The Hiftories of d t he h two 
 Parties, though founded upon the fame Ms, are fo onpofite 
 to one another, that a Reader, who is not very attentive 
 or wants leifure to examine what is propofed to him knows 
 not where he is, when he fees this difagreement 
 
 k or my part, who am not engaged in either of the 
 
 hlfeed S w an d| aim c°n y at tr “ th > 1 dm ’ c khink my fclf o- 
 bhged bimdly to follow one or other of the two Syftems . 
 
 ■ b “ b ? vc a third, compofed of both, by' fepph-I 
 
 ng them delefts. I leavei it re the Reader to judge, wh c - 
 ther it be fufficiently coherent, to cive him a ^ 
 knowledge of the affairs of this Rcign, If I ftmetlmra 
 feem to incline to one fide, it is bccaufe I have no reafon 
 to fwerve from the truth, and am perfwaded, that the 
 King and the Parliament were both very much in the 
 wrong, though not always, nor on the faml occafions 
 
 this 1 Re- has e' !CCd me t0 citc > Shrougho.1t the Hiftory of 
 
 this Reign, frame any author but Rujbtwrtb, thouv^no 
 Reign has remote wnters. My reafon was, becaufejLs. 
 Wv has formed no Syftem, but contented hinrfelf whh 
 furmlhmg materials common to both parties, and of which 
 both have made great ufe. But though I have carefulfr 
 read and col,evred the works of Franklin, Nalfon , and thl 
 Earl of Clarendon , I did not think proper to quote them 
 becaufetheyfrarceletfaift or paper pafs, without applS 
 It to their byftem, which is not always agreeable to mint- 
 It would therefore very much embarafiAhe Reader to 
 quote, proof ot what I advance, fafls or papers ,ha a “ 
 
 mTsvfte 1 T 1 eir0 " ingS ’ ° rKn dire iSy P contrary re 
 my Syftem. f thought proper to fay thus much in ; u( L_ 
 
 of ihisRetnTeT" “ Whid ’ 1 ^ COmPOfed ^ i ‘ tory 
 
 d 1 - nil sn,"j ":‘ W of ” h “ re is taken out of Hu/bworeb. 
 
 .vtfcv. ,hi. S . othcLviri U "' J-« -»r temptation, 3*^*- - 
 
 . .. ' a Pa,,v His Bo "lc -s entiil:d, Moriah 0/rbe Enrllh'j/fJn ? more l! ^ e,y 10 by (he truth, than the truth L) have any tlol" 
 
 " •■ ! E m “ Ib - * A ” th01 •»» *• ^ f ■«». '«££ VZszfxzs, 
 
 , Kaos Ch.r 
 
 ,. - l ' 1 ", IV ary, thooch 
 
 toward, . polled! Hills,y ol thofe time,: 
 
 No. 61. Vol. II. 
 
 T t t t 
 
 THE 
 
THE 
 
 HISTORY of ENG LAND. 
 
 BOOK XX. 
 
 The Second Part of the Reign of Charles I. 
 
 1640. 
 No®. 3- 
 
 State of the 
 K.ng.Af- 
 fa:r,. 
 
 H E King’s affairs, at the meeting 
 of the Parliament, were in a very ill 
 fituation. Inftead of fubduing the 
 Scots , as he flattered himfelf, he had 
 the mortification to fee them enter 
 England , force the paflage of the 
 Tine , defeat a confiderable body of 
 his army, and render themfelves 
 matters of Ncwcajlle. Moreover, he 
 faw his own troops not very ready to ferve him. They 
 confifted, for the moft part, of foldiers lifted againft their 
 wills, in the feveral Counties, and prejudiced, like the reft 
 of the nation, againft the Government. Befides, the va¬ 
 lour of the Scots being magnified by thofe who had been 
 routed, and by the King’s private enemies, infpired the 
 Englijh troops with fome terror. Moreover, the King 
 wanted money to pay them. His whole refource was 
 the two hundred thoufand pounds borrowed of the city of 
 London , till it fhould plcafe the Parliament to furnifti him 
 with the neceftary fupplies. But he could hardly expert 
 that the Parliament would be favorable to him. It was 
 univerially believed, he had called it againft his inclination, 
 and becaufe he could find no other way to free himfelf 
 from his prefent circumftanccs. Whatr had palled in the 
 four Parliaments held fince the beginning of his reign, the 
 diflolutions of thefe parliaments, with heat and animofity, 
 the imprifonment of their Members, the difcontinuance 
 of Parliaments for &velve years, the taxes impofed by the 
 King’s foie authority during that fpace, the monopolies 
 upon all forts of goods and commodities, the decay of 
 trade ; the open protedion granted by the King to the 
 Papifts and Arminians , the feverities exercifed upon the 
 Presbyterians, the innovations in Religion, the almoft uni- 
 verfal fufpicion of a defign to introduce Popery, the ex- 
 ceflive authority ufurped by the Council and Star-Chamber, 
 the corruption of the Judges, in a word, the principles of 
 
 arbitrary Power after ted by the Court, bred a general , g 
 difeontent. The King was not ignorant of it, and till 
 now had difregarded it. But he began to dread the con- 
 fequences, when he faw himfelf upon the point of being 
 expofed to the ill humour of a new Parliament, who, pro¬ 
 bably, would not lofe the opportunity of labouring the re- 
 drefs of grievances, which the tormer Parliaments had in 
 vain demanded. Neverthelefs, he was fo prejudiced and 
 exafperated againft the Scots , that he ftill hoped the new 
 Parliament would look upon their entrance into England 
 as an invafion, as a war made, not upon the King, but the 
 Kingdom, and would furnifh the means to drive them 
 into their country, and chaftife their audacioufnefs. But 
 it was not long before he perceived his hopes were ill 
 grounded. 
 
 The Parliament met the ;d of November , according to qi/ 
 the King’s writs. There had never been a more numer- m!nC mutt. . 
 ous aflembly, very few Members being abfent (1). Every cure.,dun, ■ 
 one looked upon this as the faireft opportunity that could j^ l p p , , j 7 V‘ 
 poflibly otter, to cure the evils of the Kingdom ; and all 
 the Members, except fuch as - were entirely devoted to the 
 King, were ready to contribute to the reftoring of the 
 Government to its true and antient conftitution Ac¬ 
 cordingly this was what the People expelled. On the 
 firft day, the King made the following Speech to both 
 Houfes. 
 
 My Lords , 
 
 “ r T'' H E knowledge I had of the defires of my Scottifh Tvt Kit g t , 
 “ JL Subjects, was the caufe of my calling the laft speech at 
 “ aflembly of Parliament : wherein had I been believed, 
 
 “ I fincerely think that things had not fallen out as now 
 “ wc fee. But it is no wonder, that men are fo flow to Ruihwotth.i 
 “ believe that fo great a fedition fhould be railed on fo 
 “ little ground. But now, my Lords and Gentlemen, N 
 <c the honour and fafety of this Kingdom lying fo near at T. 1. p 4 Si > 
 
 (1) Dr. Welwocd afnrms. That no Age ever produced greater Men than thofe that lat in this Parliament Memoirs, 
 
 p. 879. 
 
 flake 
 
 P . 41. 
 
Book XIX, 
 
 25. CHARLES. I. 
 
 1640 
 
 uSe Lord- 
 
 Kiefer's 
 
 tocteb to 
 
 ■1 Parlies ■ 
 
 ■ulhworrh. 
 
 jenthall 
 
 "beaker. 
 
 Bit Com. 
 Ins fettle 
 
 '■ I.p «5 5 
 
 •iment iv 11 
 
 Vbs « 
 
 “ flake, 1 am refolved to put my felf freely and clearly 
 “ on the love and affection of my Englijh Subjects, as 
 “ thefe of my Lords that did wait on me at York, very 
 “ well remember I there declared. 
 
 “ Therefore, my Lords, 1 fliall not mention my own 
 “ interell, or that fupport I might juftly expect from you, 
 ** till the common fafety be fecured ; though I muft tell 
 “ you, I am not afhamed to fay, thofe charges I have 
 “ been at have been merely for the fecurity and good of 
 w this Kingdom ; though the fuccefs hath not been an- 
 “ fwerable to my defires : Therefore I fhall only defire 
 “ you to confider the beft way both for the fafety and 
 fecurity of this Kingdom ; wherein there are two parts 
 “ chiefly confiderable. Firft, the chafing out of Rebels (i). 
 “ And fecondly, that other, in fatisfying your juft grievan- 
 4‘ ces, wherein I promife you to concur fo heartily and 
 “ clearly with you, that all the world may fee my inten- 
 “ tions have ever been and fhall be to make this a glori- 
 « our and flourifhing Kingdom. There are only two 
 « things that I fhall mention to you : The one is to tell 
 you, that the loan of money which I lately had from the 
 “ city of London , wherein the Lords that waited on me 
 “ at York aifitted me, will only maintain my army for 
 two months, from the beginning of that time it was 
 granted. Now, my Lords and Gentlemen, I leave it 
 “ to your confiderations, what diflionour and mifehief it 
 “ might be, in cafe for want of money my army be 
 “ disbanded before the rebels be put out of this King- 
 dom. Secondly, the fecuring againft the Calamities the 
 4C northern people endure at this time, and fo long as the 
 « treaty is on foot : And in this, I fay, not only they, 
 
 “ but all this Kingdom will fuffer the harm : Therefore I 
 « leave this alfo to your confrderation, for the ordering of 
 thofe great affairs, whereof you are to treat at this 
 Time. I am fo confident of your love to me, and 
 “ that your care is for the honour and fafety of the 
 “ Kingdom, that I fhall freely and willingly leave to you 
 where to begin. Only this, that you may the better 
 know the ftate of all the affairs, I have commanded 
 “ my Lord-Keeper to give you a fhort and free account 
 “ of thofe things that have happened in this interim, with 
 this proteftation, that if this account be not fatisfa£lory 
 *« as it ought to be, I fhall, whenfoever you defire, give 
 «« you a full and perfe£t account of fcvery particular. One 
 “ thing more I defire of you, as one of the greateft means 
 “ to make this a happy Parliament, that you on your 
 ‘‘ parts, as I on mine, lay afide all fufpicion one of ano- 
 v ther ; for, as I promifed my Lords at York, it fhall 
 “ not be my fault, if this be not a happy and good Par- 
 <c liament.” 
 
 After the King had done fpeaking, the Lord-Keeper 
 Pinch made his Speech. He began with encomiums of 
 the King and Queen* and then endeavoured to perfuade 
 the two Houfes, that the calling of the Parliament was 
 wholly owing to his Majefty, who had refolved it, before 
 he received ahy Petition on that fubjedt ( z ). After that, 
 he ftrove to fhow, though in a very general manner, that 
 the Scots had violated the late treaty, and the King, a- 
 gainft his will, taken arms by the unanimous advice of his 
 Council, to reduce them to obedience. He concluded with 
 informing both Houfes, of what had palled as well in the 
 beginning of the war as in the conferences at Rippon. 
 
 The Commons being returned to their Houfe, chofe 
 for Speaker William Lenlhall a Bencher of Lincolns-Inn , 
 who was propofed by Sir Henry Vane Secretary of State (3). 
 This choice being approved by the King, they appointed, 
 according to cuftom, a committee to examine all queftions 
 that might drife about elections, returns, or other Privi¬ 
 leges of the Houfe. Then it was refolved, that a Com¬ 
 mittee of the whole Houfe fhould meet on certain days of 
 the week, for thefe five principal heads, namely, for Re¬ 
 ligion, Grievances, Courts of Juftice, Trade, and Ireland. 
 Thefe were the articles which chiefly occafioned the Na¬ 
 tion’s complaints and murmurs, and the Commons thereby 
 evidently difeovered their intentions. 
 
 As from the 3d of November 1640, to the 25th of 
 Augujl 1642, the Hiftory of this Reign wholly confifts 
 Of Parliamentary tranfadions, I think it ncceflary before all 
 things to give a defeription of this Parliament, and of the 
 different Parties into which it was divided. It will after¬ 
 wards be more eafy to perceive the motives of its ads and 
 refolves, and withal, the true grounds of the Civil War 
 that affli&ed England. 
 
 Firft, it is certain there was hardly a Member of either 
 Houfe but what was difpofed to procure the redraft of the 
 grievances fo long complained of. Thefe grievances were 
 
 fo manifell, that it was almoft impoflible, without fub- 
 verting the conftitution of the Government, to find plaufible 
 reafons to juftify the King’s and the Miniftry’s conduit, 
 during the fifteen foregoing years. They were of fuch a 
 nature, that no man was free from them, not even thofe 
 who ferved for inftruments to impofe them on the peopie* 
 though they were in great meafure indemnified fome other 
 way. In ihort, they were of fuch conference, that ad¬ 
 mitting the principles whereon they were founded, the 
 neceftary refult was a total fubverfion of the Government, 
 and an arbitrary Power unknown to the Englijh for many 
 ages. It may therefore be affirmed, that from the. very 
 beginning of this Parliament, the general fentiment of 
 both Houfes was, that the prefent opportunity of applying 
 proper remedies to the evils of the Kingdom was not robe 
 ncgle&ed. 
 
 But the Members were divided upon a principal point, 
 which however flowed from the general difpofltion. Some 
 were of opinion, that after all the grievances were re- 
 drefled, the Government fhould be reftored to its natural 
 ftate, fuch as it was before the reigns of James and Charles , 
 without any additions or alterations. Others, on the con¬ 
 trary, thought, that after the redrefs of grievances it would 
 be neceftary to ufe fome effectual method, to put it out of 
 the King’s power ever to invade the liberties of the Peo¬ 
 ple, and the Privileges of the Parliament But thefe care¬ 
 fully concealed their intentions, leaft they fhould give oc- 
 cafion to the others to fufpedt a defign to alter the eftab- 
 lifhed Government, and caufe them to oppofe even ;V 
 moft reafonable things, out of fear of the confequcnccs. 
 
 They hoped to find or ftart in time opportunities enough 
 to infpire the whole Nation with a diftruft of the King 
 and by that means to accompli fh their ends. 
 
 Such being the general difpofltion of the Parliament, ii 
 is evident, tiie entrance of the Scots into England was :r» 
 be deemed a very confiderable advantage, grant: to ihr 
 Englijl) by Providence, to hinder the King from breaking 
 the meafures which might be taken againft him. The 
 King was under an abfolute neceffity to maintain an army 
 for his defence againft the Scotsi without having for that 
 purpofe other means than the afliftance of the Parliament. 
 
 For the times being changed, the impofing of arbitrary 
 taxes could not be pradtifed any longer, upon which, pro¬ 
 bably, he had depended in the beginning of the war, fince, 
 in a month after taking the field, he was deftitute of money 
 to pay his troops. So, it was the Parliament’s intereft to 
 keep the King in this neceifity, that he might not be able 
 to oppofe the refolutions of the two Houfes. It is not 
 therefore to be thought ftrange, that the Parliament did not 
 much attend to what the King moft defired, namely, to 
 be enabled to drive the Scots out of the Kingdom, fince, on 
 the contrary, the prefence of the Scots gave the two Houfes 
 a fuperiority they were unwilling to lofe. 
 
 The fentiments of the Parliament were alfo very various H'stb - 
 with refpedl to Religion. There were in the Houfes rigid 
 Epifcopalians, who believed Bifhops eflential ro Religion, g ' 
 and that without them there was no lawful Ordination, 
 nor confequently any valid adminiftration of die Sacra¬ 
 ments. Of this number were the Bifhops, and almoft all 
 the King’s party. There were moderate Epifcopalians, 
 who being fincercly attached to the Church of England , 
 had however different ideas of Epifcopacy. They had a 
 veneration for Epifcopal Government, as being very antient 
 in the Church, and what they moft liked. But though 
 they had no defign to alter it, they did not think it, how¬ 
 ever, fo abfolutely neceftary, but that Religion might well 
 fublift under any other kind of Government. This was 
 the prevailing opinion* and efpoufed by a majority in. both 
 Houfes. Wherefore it may be faid, that in the beginning 
 of this Parliament, the Members in general had no inten¬ 
 tion to attack the government of the Church, eftablifhed 
 in England fince the Reformation. 
 
 But there was in the two Houfes another party more 
 powerful by the ability of their Leaders than by their 
 number. I mean that of the Presbyterians, who were di¬ 
 vided alfo into moderate and rigid. The former had ho 
 other view, than to obtain fome liberty and fecurity a- 
 gainft perfection. The latter were of a different ftamp. 
 
 They confidered Epifcopal Government as repugnant to 
 the word of God, and the jurifdi&ion of the Bifhops as a 
 real tyranny. Thefe were the particular objects of the ha¬ 
 tred of the King, Miniftry, Bifhops, and moft of the 
 Clergy, becaufe their principles tended to the utter ruin of 
 the Church of England. For that reafon, they believed 
 there was no fafety for them, but in an entire change of 
 Epifcopal into Presbyterian Government. But they eafily 
 
 |.ufhworth, 
 
 ii.p.1356. 
 
 (r) That is, the Scots. Some exception being taken at the King’s calling them Rebels, he explained and juftitied that expreflion in a Speech to the Lords,' 
 November 5. See Ru/hnuOrtb, Tom. 4. p. 17 iVb’telock, p. 38. 
 
 (2) And yet the Lord Clsrer.don aferibes th> railing 'L- Pailiament to the advice of the great Council of Peers at fork. Rafin. 
 
 (3) The Loro Clarendon fays, the King delk’in J S i lbomas Gardiner, Recorder of London, to be speaker. Bnt he could nut get bimfelf defied for London, 
 inr any other Bunnugh. And no w nder, it 11 be title as H'httel ck fays, that Inch a fpirit of rppofition to the Court proceedings, was in the Hea-- J A " 
 ionc of moft of the People, rh u veiy few of that Party fud 'he f'vovr to be cholen Members i f this Par'iamt'nt- Clarendon Tom. 1. p. 13 
 
 l!'bit clock 
 
 perceived, 
 
The H I STO R Y of ENGLA N D, 
 
 perceived, that to attain their ends, the King was to be 
 difableJ to oppofe them, knowing, that as long as it was in 
 his power, he would never confent to this change. Their 
 •lumber was however fo inconftderable, that they would 
 hoe made no figure in the Parliament, had they not been 
 Supported by the Scots, whofe aid they could not be with¬ 
 out. Moreover, among thefe rigid Presbyterians, lay con- 
 cealed a ceitain fet of men, known afterwards by the name 
 .’f Independents, who held concerning civil, as well as ec- 
 iidiadic.il, Government, nnneommon opinions, which 
 they took care not to explain, till they found occafion to 
 publifh them. They were contented for fome years, to 
 conceal themfelves among the rigid Presbyterians, in order, 
 at a proper time, to accomplifh their defigns more effectu¬ 
 ally. It was the particular intereft of thefe men fo to 
 manage, that the government of the State fhould be changed, 
 
 i .ii 1 to r rover thrown, well knowing their party could ne¬ 
 ver fubhd but in anarchy. And therefore, without difeo- 
 vering their intentions, they improved all occafions to fow 
 and cherifti dilcord between the King and the Parliament. 
 I*he whole Presbyterian party was directed by the heads of 
 the Rigids and Independents, men of great parts, who, 
 without difcovering themfelves more than was neceflary, 
 fee med to confine their defigns to the redrefs of grievances, 
 which was the general aim of the Parliament, and wherein 
 almoft all were united. They found a double advantage in 
 this conduct. Fiill, they removed all fufpicion of their 
 intending to change the government of Church or State, 
 ami withal preventing the union of the other Members, 
 who Would n r >t have failed to unite, in order to oppofe fuch 
 \ change. The fecond advantage was, that by being folely 
 intent a: firft upon the redrefs of grievances, they had fre¬ 
 quent occafions of exclaiming again ft the King’s former ad- 
 miniftration, and fomenting the Parliament’s diftruft and 
 jealouly of him. For it was by that chiefly they hoped 
 to be able to execute their projects. 
 
 Such being the difpofition or the Parliament, it is eafy to 
 perceive the reafon why the Commons were fo intent at firft 
 upon the redrefs of grievances, as well publick as private. 
 A great number of Petitions upon that fubjeCt were pre- 
 6i fented to them, within a few days after their meeting. 
 Many Members were likewife charged with the like Peti¬ 
 tions from their Burroughs and Shires, and fevcral very 
 11 ‘ mortifying Speeches to the King and his Minifters were 
 made in the Houfe(i). Of all thefe Speeches, I Hull in- 
 fert only one, wherein are enumerated all the publick grie¬ 
 vances, of which the People thought to have reafon to 
 romp.i.iin. It is that of Mr. Pym, Member of Parliament 
 fur Tavi/lock in the County of Devon (2). 
 
 Air. Speaker, 
 
 44 O redrefs grievances will not hinder, hut fur- 
 44 ii ther the fervice of the King : To take away 
 44 the weights, does as much advantage motion, as to add 
 h > “ wings. 
 
 “ I fhall, 1. inftance feveral heads of thofe grievances 
 44 we labour under. 2. Demonftrate them to be as hurtful 
 “ to the King, as to the People. 3. That the remedies 
 14 will prove equally good to both of them. 
 
 44 The King can do no wrong ; the Law calls all mif- 
 “ carriages upon the Minifters : Thus the influence of 
 “ heaven conveycth vigour into fublunarv creatures; but 
 44 the malignity of all epidemical difeafes, proceedeth from 
 “ the ill-afFeCted qualities of the earth or air. 
 
 44 There are a threefold fort of grievances : t. Some 
 “ againft the privilege of Parliament: 2. Others to the 
 44 prejudice of Religion : 3. Some againft the liberty of 
 “ the Subject. For the firft, the Members are free from 
 44 arrefts ; to have liberty of Speech ; a legiflative, judici- 
 44 ary, and conciliary Power j being the fame td the body 
 44 politick, as the faculties of the foul to a man. 
 
 44 Thefe privileges have been broken : 1. In reftraining 
 44 the Members from fpeaking. 2. In forbidding the 
 “ Speaker to p it a queftion ; both of thefe pradtifed in the 
 44 Lift Par!!.;: cut. :. By imprifoning divers Members 
 44 : r matters done in Parliament. 4. By proceedings a- 
 41 tii 1 it than for the fame in the inferior Courts. 3. £n- 
 “ j -.vnir.g them to give fecurity for their good behaviour, 
 “ and continuing them in prifon, even to the death. 6. In 
 “ abrupt diflblutions of Parliament : the great giievance ; 
 44 like the ex cution of a man, without being heard : It 
 “ receives a being by the fummons, and a civil death by 
 44 dilibiution ; not only thereby to die, but to be made 
 4 4 inte/lcli'a, uncapable of making their wills, the good 
 “ act-, that they were about. 
 
 • The fecond is, encouragement of Popery : 1. By 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 fufpenfion of Laws againft them : Now it is certain, 
 there can be no fecurity Irom Papifls, but in their difa- 
 bility ; their principles are incompatible with any other 
 Religion ; Laws will not reftrain them, nor Oaths ; 
 for the Pope difpenfeth with both ; and his command 
 ; ads them againft the realm in fpirituals and temporal.-, 
 
 ; in online ad Spiritualia. Henry the Third, and Henry 
 '■ the Fourth of France , were no Proteftants, yet were 
 
 ■ murthered becaufe they tolerated Reformation. 2. By 
 ; allowing them places of truft and honour in ihe Com 
 
 ; monwealth. 3. Their free refert to London, and to 
 
 ■ the Court; to communicate their counfels and defigns, 
 
 1 diving into the fecrets of State. 4. That as they have 
 ; a congregation of Cardinals at Rome, for advancing the 
 1 Pope’s authority in England ; fo have they a Nuntio 
 1 here, for the execution thereof. 
 
 44 Then as to Innovations of Religion introduced 
 c 1. Maintenance of popilh Tenets, in books, fermons, 
 
 £ and deputations. 2. Pradice of popifti Ceremonies 
 1 countenanced and enjoined, as altars, images, crucifixes, 
 
 1 bowings, £sV. Thefe I may in fome refped compare to 
 ; the dry bones in Ezekiel ; which firft came together, 
 
 1 then finews and flelh came upon them, afterwards the 
 1 skin covered them, and then breath and life was put 
 4 into them, fo firft the form, then the fpirit and lift 
 1 of Popery was to come amongft us. 3. Preferment cf 
 ‘ perfons popilhly afFeded. 4. The dil'couragements of 
 4 Proteftants, by over-rigid profecutinns of the fcrupulous 
 4 for things indifferent: No vice made fo great as Incon- 
 4 formity ; by punifhing without law, lor not reading 
 4 the Book fur Sunds.y recreations ; for not removing the 
 4 Communion-table orlierwife ; for not coming to the 
 4 Rails to receive the Communion ; for preaching on the 
 4 Lord’s-day in the afternoon ; for Catechifing otherwife 
 4 than as in the fhort Catechifm in the Commoii-Praycr- 
 4 Book. 5. By incrcachment of eccleliaftical Jurifdidion ; 
 
 4 particularly, r. In fining and imprifoning without law. 
 
 4 2. Challenging their jurifdidion to be appropriated to 
 4 their order Jure tlivino. 3. Contriving and publifhing 
 4 new articles of vifitat new < .... he bold- 
 
 4 nefs of Bilhops, and their fubordinate cflicers and of- 
 4 ficials. 
 
 44 As to the third fort of grievances, I fhall obferve 
 4 rather the order of time when they were a£ted, than 
 4 the confequence ; but when we come to the cure, it 
 4 will be belt to begin with the molt important. 
 
 44 There is firft, Tunnageand Poundage, and the late 
 4 new book of Rates taken by prerogative, without grant 
 4 of Parli - . from 1 e thefe iconven 
 
 4 follow : 1. Mens goods are feized, their fuits ftept. 
 
 4 z. Mifemployment of the fums of money impofed ; for 
 4 though intended for the guard of the Seas, they ate dif- 
 4 pofed to other ufes, and a new tax raifed for the (lime 
 4 purpofe. 3. The burthen exceflive, trade hindered, 
 
 4 home-commodities abafed, and foreign inhanfed ; by 
 4 which means the ftock of the Kingdom is diminifhed, 
 
 4 efpecially infupportable to the poor planters in America , 
 
 4 by the tax upon Tobacco. 
 
 “ There is Compofuion for Knighthood; which though 
 4 it refers to a former cuilom, yet upon the fame go- mu's, 
 
 4 the King may renew it bv a new fine, immodi ate 
 4 multiplication of diftrefs and iflues, and enforce tiiem 
 4 to compound with the commiflxoners. An inundation 
 4 of Monopolies undertaken by Papifls, and full of mif- 
 4 chief. 1 ft. By impairing the good nefs, and inhaniing 
 4 the price of Salt, Soap, Beer, Coals, &c. adly, under 
 4 colour of which, trade was reft rained to a few hands. 
 
 4 3dly r , Many perfons thereupon illegally imprifoned. 
 
 44 But the and ui 1 ce is the Ship- 
 
 ‘ Money, being aggravated, not ftpported bv the judg- 
 4 ment, which is not grounded "pon l.uv, cuilom, prcce- 
 4 dent or authority : It being improper for a cafe of ne- 
 4 ceflity ; and abounding in v.uiety of m Thief. As 
 4 ill. The general extent to all perfons, all times, ami 
 1 the Subject left remedilcls. :dlv, The arbitrary pio- 
 ;4 portion without limits, idly, Impofed by writ, and 
 ■ 4 difpofed by inftructions. Improper, fur the office oi .1 
 14 Sheriff in the Inland Counties, and inconvenient for the 
 ■ c inhabitants ; without rule or fuitable means for the Icvy- 
 ing or managing of it. 
 
 44 The enlargements of Forefts, beyond the bounds of 
 the Statutes, 27 and 28 Edw. 1. which perambulations 
 44 then were the caufe of that famous Cbarta dc Forejla ; 
 44 And now reviving thefe old queftion*, new tliffunpcrs 
 44 may follow, and particular obliquities we may already 
 44 obferve, and lurreptiiious proceeding?, in Ef'-x ; yet 
 
 'll Arthur Capet (aft'-riv’rds Lord Capet, ) pre tented a Pe"i:.>n for lUrtfaripurr , Sir J.'bn PtE.rgr., f.r It' ’■•fit'Ji.-re, Sir J-.hr. C 
 ir PI: :p Air. ft’ .it fi>: If /. nr r eland, S c Fran..: Seymiur f. r IV. '-t. ( rhe-e turners Jl'rerwards !,.r ;he K. II 17 Relia/i t, ard Fcrdir.an.it !. 
 rk;bfe, sir Edmund M.untfrd for Norfttk, Sir Tbomai Barnr.gr.n for F.j’ex, IV dan turf mi lor p,'-'."e, Sir Or ry Palmer /ji Rut !j t 
 Tom 4. p. i>. 
 
 (2} R tptn Hy nriif’lce has : ntrted in his Hiftory Mr. Pyn'i Speech, 
 ude *bove, p- 316. Wherefore the Tranflicor h’s inferted nerc the 
 
 , Aluch he fpoke the 17th of Apr I 
 true Speech, as it is feund in Rujhw.rt 
 
 ;he I-fl r 
 
 that 
 
 1630, 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 1640, “ that verduSt was enforced in other Counties, and a 
 “ judgment upon the matter after three or four hundred 
 “ years quiet poileffion of the Subject, who thereupon is 
 “ forced to compound for great fines. 
 
 ■ “ The felling of nufance : The King as a father of the 
 <c Commonwealth, is to take care of the publick com- 
 “ modities and advantages of the Subje&s, as rivers, high- 
 “ ways, and common-fewers, by ordinary writs. Ad quod 
 “ damnum : But now by a courfe extrajudicial, by in- 
 “ forcing compofitions: fo then, if really it be a nufance 
 “ that is compounded for, ’tis an hurt to the People ; if 
 “ no nufance, then ’tis a grand prejudice to the party. 
 
 “ The Commiflion for Buildings about London , was 
 * c prefen ted as a grievance in the time of King James 
 “ now much more increafed, and much more prejudi- 
 ** cial. 
 
 “ The commiflion for Depopulations began fome few 
 “ years fince ; by both thefe commiflions, the Subject is 
 “ reftrained from difpofing of his own j demolifhing their 
 “ houfes, punching and fining their perfons for that, for 
 “ which they are ftill liable by law ; for the King cannot 
 “ licence a nufance 5 and although thefe are nufances, 
 “ yet it is of ill confequence to be compounded for, and 
 “ make a precedent for Kings to licence fuch things as are 
 “ nufances indeed. 
 
 “ Military charges ought not to be laid upon the Peo- 
 
 Mem. 
 
 rji- 
 of the 
 
 ‘‘ hnme diminifh the King’s Reputation abroad ; and dif- 
 advantage in’s treaties, and weaken his party beyond fea ; 
 
 “ by encouraging Popery ; by forcing the Subje&s to leave 
 ‘‘ the Kingdom, to the prejudice of the King’s cuftoms 
 ‘‘ ancl fubfidies. As for inftance, divers Clothiers forced 
 “ awa y» w ^o f et up their manufa&ure abroad to the hurt 
 ,c of the Kingdom. 
 
 “ The King hath received upon the monopoly of 
 Wines, thirty thoufand pounds per Ann. The vint- 
 ner pays forty fhillings per tun, which comes to nine¬ 
 ty thoufand pounds ; the price upon the Subjedt by re- 
 ’* tad ,s increafed two-pence a quart, which comes to 
 ‘ e, ght pounds a tun, and fo forty five thoufand tun 
 ‘ brought in yearly, amounts to three hundred iixty thou- 
 ‘ fand pounds ; which is three hundred and thirty thou¬ 
 fand pounds loft to the Kingdom, above the King’s 
 c receipt. 
 
 Now the remedies, and removing thefe grievances, 
 confift of two main branches, in declaring the Law 
 ‘ where ’tis doubtful, and in providing for the execution 
 ‘ of lhe Law where it is clear. But thefe I refer to a 
 further time, and for the prefent advife fpeedily to 
 ‘ defire a conference with the Lords touching grievan¬ 
 ces ; and always to humble our felves for God’s aflift- 
 ‘ ance.” 
 
 1 , - - c , p-. , - . , * . . Mr. Pym, who fpoke this Speech, was one of the 
 
 pie by warrant of the King 5 hand nor by letters of the leading men in the Houfe of Commons, he was extrerae- 
 Council-table, nor by order of the Lords Lieutenants ly applauded, and the more, .that in giving a fummary of 
 ot Count,es nor their depot,es. It began to be prad.fed all the publick grievances, he had not ofed any difrefpea- 
 as a loan for (apply of Coat and Condufl Money ,n ful terms again# the King or his Miniflers. This Speech 
 Queen Ebzabeths time, with prom,ft to be rc-pa,d it, was followed with another by Sir U, 1 ludyard who 
 > as appears by a Conftat-warrant in the Exchequer, and to intimate that there was a fettled defign to Introduce 
 certain payments : But now a-days never re-paid The Popery and arbitrary Power into England, expteffed him- 
 firft particular brought into a Tax was, the Mufter- felf after this manner • V 
 
 “ MMc, ’ s wl k cb ^>'/“ (um ’ was D % have fo trough, it ,o p,,/,, that under the nun,, ofE, 
 
 generally dlgefted : Yet m the laft Parliament, it was Pur,June, all our Religion „ bjnded; and under a few bari’f - V 
 defigned to he remedied But now there follows pref- word, again/l JeJuit,, all Paper, i r countenanced. Whofo-Zt, 
 of men agamft then wtUs, or to find others, ever f q uar„ hi, ad ion, b, an, rule either divine or bumln , 
 
 ™ V 0,18 fcr P“ bb >* magazines for powder, by, a Puritan ■ whofiever would be governed b, ,be Kina', 
 fpades, and ptekaxes. 3 <% Salary of officers, cart- Law,, he i, a Puritan; be that will not do whatfoLr^U, 
 
 other men would have him do, he is a Puritan : their great ,v - P- 2 4- 
 worj, their majhr-piece, now, is to maie all thofe of the Re- V'"’ 
 Ltgion, to be the fufpetled party of the Kingdom. P ' 49 
 
 t A . .. , , . .. ,, , Thefe Speeches were feconded with fo great a Number Run,wor,h * 
 
 -Monopolies countenanced by the Counc, 1 -table, and of Complaints and Petitions concerning grievances both 11 ' l8 ’ 
 
 “ Se Iuftits m of Peace r e Vn 7 n0p0ll< ?’ “ m ™ nd '»g P“ bb ck and private, that the Houfe was divided into above 
 the Juft,ces of Peace to affift them ; whereby the great lorry Committees upon this fmgle article, according to the 
 
 “ f h tleS ,°, f that r ?°“ Board ’- rec . e ‘ ve n a ftam b >" di#erent na,ure of complaints. But before thf parti- A Fej, 
 
 .. P “ ch matters of f c'mean a report in the eftimatton of cular examination of thefe grievances was begun ? the?" w - 
 
 'The’High Court' TsJ" rT °L n °5 ■ u I Con ’ mons ““gHt fit to delire the concurrence of the 
 „ pi'„ g R S ° f St r C amber ’ ” D the Lords 10 mov = Ki n& that he would be pleafed to an- u f W 
 
 Parliament Rolls Magnum Cone,bum, to which the Par- point a Faft, which met with no oppofition either from the 
 
 “ ioTfime ro'deteTmi™ t r “ l had ^ ° r th<! Kin S (')• Then they appointed a Com- C-rf,™ 
 
 „ not “ mc to determine. A court crefled agamft op- mittee to examine what number of Papilts were in and 
 « P reffio ". a court °> councils, and a court of yultice, now about London, and how they were armed. As the King 
 “ tn ;f r T Cnt f IT J" S a 1 drfe " dln 8 ■nnnnppiie. a meffa ge] had acquainted them with his defign to 
 to fet a face of pubhek good on things pernicious. publifh a Proclamation againft Recufams, this Committee 
 
 « in FAA. gr d a P a, '1 m ° ft em '“ n j P° wer “ f the Kmg was empowered to examine the fame after the publication, 
 in Ldidts and Proclamations, called Leges Temports, ufed and fee how it was executed. 
 
 “ l 2 ^ br mT f h"r Unt y n r !th ., ruddc ; a " d “"“Pf ted Two days after, on the 9 th of November, the Houfe A M.ri.a 
 ilUd ’ tl,l tl ’= Great Cbuncil of the King could be going upon the grievances, the Lord Digby, fun of the '■ 
 
 „ d ’. hath of latt , been cxcccifed for injotning and Earl of BriJM, made on that fubjefl a Speech which he , , 
 
 “ ^evlnrT | m0n0p ? 1,es - ^ ut thc Ja ft a nd greateft concluded with this motion. That a f,led Committee maf t,' 
 “ S the rh d Tn d ep h hlgber, a “ hl S h 28 hcaven > bt “Ppd’tted to draw out of all that L been complained of, K J’^” 
 
 „ f J h thr °" e of G ^> hls word a " d truth - Tbe am- fuch a Retnon/lrame a, may be a faithful and lively ret/e- R°a 9 ', h 
 bilious and corrupt Clergy, preaching down the laws of [entation to ills Majejl, of the deplorable ejlate of the King- ?v ”3^ 
 :: v C L 0 d ’ a h d t l ' bert fh°r , the Kmgdom ; pretending dt- dm (a). Very probably/ this motion had been refolvfd SL 
 
 « I ,1 ? u d abfolute , P° wer m the King, to do among the Leaders, becaufe they were apprehenfive of the ?i 
 
 “ wav m 5 W f W h t US ! and P reachln § ,s the high- King’s oppofing the redrefs of grievances, and becaule in 
 „ T y P refbrment i as one Manwanng fentenced in the that cafe it was requifite to fhow the People the neceffitv 
 « i ™Teef ar lam R”n. f ° r th L S t d ° anne l thena Doftor . is of this redrefi, by informing them wherein conlifted the 
 „ n °w become a Btftiop. The intermiffion of Parliaments grievances of the Nation. The Lord Digby's motion being tw„ 
 
 “ once’T Yar fh' U “’ ■ V ' beK ^ tbe J. a , rc '° be called a PP'Ov= d . the Houfe appointed a Committee of twenty-four » 
 
 « ITc f , , S’ 2 !" Caufe ° f “ th ' re and otbcr *° P re P are ,he Remonftrance. But becaufe the King?™' " 
 mifchiefs, to winch Parliaments give remedy. fhowed greater condefcenfion than was expedted, this R e S jv P ”T- ’ 
 
 “ tn Th t g h n T nC T arC as We ■ burtful . t0 the King as monftrance was not diawn till above a yearafter, and up- 
 
 u ^ u °J e< -^ s » vy interrupting their communion ; on another occafion r,d ‘ 
 
 “ from ProXrs and h Info™t! f Sir ^ 3 ° f tba Mcmba - ^ had 
 
 <4 I( ,JV J f d U ?? I \ be freed from obfo " f p° ken U P 011 the grievances, having chiefly infilled on mo- 
 « “ A \*"p fr0m ,lle Subtle devices of fuch who feek nopolies, it was voted, that all fuch Members as dirtflly 
 “ Md ft ?hr , b, k er h° ga ,V ' 'a tbc,r ,, 0Wn P r,vatc advantage, or indireflly had any Ihare in, or benefit from, any pro’- 
 .< fc r d fS,?„td b f„r h f ’ and * e Kmg hath need of them jeft or monopoly, fhould be difabled to fit in the Houfe, T ' p h- 
 “ ateemots f wero T l^ leCn v,a ° rious and that Mr. Speaker ihould illiie out writs to chufe others ZT?‘ 
 
 “ sS o,M f m Pa T “ rn ° n c Up0n the ,n the,r r0Om ' T he re were afterwards four expelled thelhwS ' 
 
 „ bub J eils panes, and not upon her own ; though the Houfe upon that account (,). P I«v», 
 
 honour and profit weie hers. Thefe difeoments at During the four or five firft days, the Houfe of Com- nT 7 . 
 
 Pithed on tha, day before the Houlcdf Common. 5 .nd prooohod ond ptoyod at lc.lt fee, hows be. 
 
 <■ '." d *!»• “ tP.-e*** o«h u. * 
 
 horfes, carrs, and fuch like. 
 
 “ The extrajudicial declarations of Judges without hear¬ 
 ing of counfel or argument : A teeming grievance, pro¬ 
 ductive of many others. 
 
 ‘ fiaftical Affairs, and we are fworn 
 (3) IVbitclcck lays, many Members thereupon 
 
 No. 59. V o L. II. 
 
 pinft thc King and Bilhops, only fo much worfe'than the Scenjh, 
 Rujhiionb , Tom. 4. p. 31. IVbitthck, p. 38. 
 
 thdrevv thomlelvcs, and new Elections were made in their roc 
 
 . —.. - Covenant againft the King „ 
 
 s they admit not of the Supremacy in Eecle- J-- a ‘ e na c n' 
 
 mons 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 354 
 
 Toe HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 if,A.o. mens was almoft wholly employed in receiving Petitions ed, and the outward room cleared of ftrangers, informed j 
 
 n and Complaints, as well from private perfons, as from bur- them, that there were feveral complaints againft the Earl of 
 
 T ' ' 499- rol ,ir| ls and (hires. Amongft the private Petitions, the moft Strafford, which afforded good ground to accufe him of 
 
 ■ 4 ' remarkable were thofe of Bajlwick, Burton, Pryn(i), Lil- High-Treafon. Upon this information, the Houfc imme- 
 
 i> •>< burn, Leighton, 'Jennings , Smart (2). Thele men com- diately appointed a Committee of feven (a), who with-' 
 plained of the exorbitant pains and penalties inflicted on drawing into another room, and conferring together, rc- 
 them by the Star-Chamber and High-Com million. As I ported, prefently after, that it was their opinion, there was 
 intend not to dwell upon the affairs oi’ private perfons, I juft caufe to impeach the Earl of Strafford. Then Mr. 
 
 fhall only fay, that within the fpace of about a year, the Pym was ordered to go to the Houfe of Lords, and accufe 
 
 Commons found time to examine all thefe fentences one the Earl of High-Treafon, in the name of all the Corn- 
 after another, and to punifh the Members of the Star- mons. He had orders likewife to tell the Lords, that in 
 Chamber, who had given their votes, by condemning them due time the Common* would produce the articles of ac- 
 / to pay all the colls and damages to the parties. The repa- cufation, and in the mean time, defired the accufed might 
 
 j rf ' rations to Bajlwick , Pryn, and Burton, were fixed to above be put into fafe cuftody. The Eail of Strafford was that 
 
 U "" r four thoufand pounds each (3). All the other complaints very day come from the army, and had taken his place 
 
 of private perfons, whether againft the Courts of Juftice, in the Houfe of Lords. Before his departure from the ar- 
 or the Star Chamber and High-Commillion, or certain Bi- 
 Ihops and Deans, who laboured more than the left, to in¬ 
 troduce innovations in Religion, were heard. The Com¬ 
 mons took a pleafure to mortify in their turn, thofe who 
 had ftretched the Prerogative Royal, in perfecuting the Pu 
 
 tie publick 
 
 my, he had received notice that there was a defign to at¬ 
 tack him. But whether through pride, or a belief that 
 having done nothing without the King’s warrant, he was 
 fecure, he flighted the advice, and would be prefent in the 
 Parliament. Indeed, fome months be:ore, the King’s pro- 
 , or rather fuch as did not bear the yoke patiently, who tedlion was more than fufKcient to fcreen him (rom all 
 were confounded, under that name, with the Presbyterians, danger. But the face of affairs was altered, and it is ftrange f ■» 
 
 If the Commons endeavoured to do juftice to private a perfon of fo great a genius, and li> good fenfe, coul! ima- j 
 
 perfons, who had fuffered any injury during the firft fifteen gine the King was able to protect him in fuch a junc- iv. P . 60S ■ 
 years of this Reign, it may well be imagined, they neglec- ture (5). However this be, upon the Commons impe. 
 ted not to redrefs the grievances of the whole Nation. This ment, the Lords committed him to the cuftody of the J 
 was their principal bufinefs during the firft year of their Black-Rod, and fome days after fent him to the Tower. 
 
 Seflion. Though the Parliament was compofed of feveral As this affair was prolonged till May the next year, I (hall 
 parties, who had not all the fame views, they were, howe- not fpeak of it, till I come to the time of this famous trial, 
 ver, united with refpedl to the redrefs of grievances. Even and fhall continue to relate, without interruption, what 
 thofe Members who were moft devoted to the King, durll concerns the redrefs of grievances, and the punif! "lent or 
 not oppofe the general fentiment, fome becaufe they thought accufation of their authors. 
 
 the thing juft, others, not to lofe their labour, and for fear Secretary IVindebank was attacked next. Several Feti- w!nd 
 of rendering themfelves too fufpe&ed. tions were prefented againft him to the Houfe, whereof he 
 
 Among thofe who had moft contributed to the publick was Member, complaining, that as Secretary of State, he iv. P 44,1 
 mifehiefs, the Archbifhop of Canterbury was confidered as had ill'ued out warrants under his own hand, for the dif- 5 2 - 
 
 GlaieiuLn, - 
 
 . T - l - P-'4°» 
 
 jf inm.llil-13, lilt. UI .. ..- .. -.., --- - 
 
 - one of the chief and moft worthy of punilhment, as being charge of profecutions againft Priefts, and for their releafe Gallon’. 1 
 author of the innovations in the Church, promoter of the out of prifon. All thefe Petitions tended to fhow, that he T. i.p.jz,; 
 war with Scotland , perfecutor of the Presbyterians, and loft no opportunity to countenance the Papifts, and gloried . 
 
 head of the Arminians. The Earl of Strafford was like- in being reckoned their patron. I do not know whether 
 wife of this number becaufe he had fo entirely devoted he profeffed the Roman Catholick Religion. Be this as it 
 himfelf to the King, that in his two great offices of Pre- will, he was fummoned feveral times to come to the Houfe, 
 lident of the Court of York, and Lord-Lieutenant of Ire- and anfwer what was laid to his charge. But he believed 
 laud, he had no other view than to ftrettch the Prerogative it more proper to avoid the impending ftorm, and with- Ra(h*orth.-l 
 Royal, and increafe the King’s revenues. His proud and draw into France. When he was out of danger, he fent iv. P . 91.1 
 haughty carriage had no lefs offended the publick than his the Earl of Pembroke , Lord-Chamberlain, a letter, lament- J 1 "' “• 
 actions, whereby he ftrove to ellablifti an arbitrary power, ing his misfortune, and intimating, that if he wasgmhy, it 
 He was accufed of advifing the King to tranfport his Irijh was only for having ferved the King faithfully, and obeyed 
 army into England, to fubdue the oppofers of his will, his orders (6). 
 
 Though he was highly in the King’s favour, he had ne- The Convocation, their Canons, Oath, and the Tax Debates ups 
 
 verthelefs made himfelf many enemies at Court, and in they had laid upon the Clergy to aid the King in his war 
 
 the Kingdom, who earneitly fought occafions to ruin him. with Scotland, were next taken into conlideration by the ^^ th([ 
 
 The Lord-Keeper Finch, was looked upon alfo as a per- Houfe. This affair was debated with great warmth. Se-iv. P . s 8 f J 
 
 nicious Counfellor, wholly devoted to the King, and ready veral Members made, on this occafion, Speecnes, tending 
 
 for any attempt, to eftablifh a defpotick Government. It to fhow, the King could not, by his authority, turn the N»if on , 1 
 
 was not doubted, but he was the man that had corrupted Convocation kuo a Synod. Thev alledgcd (or reafon, that T. 1 , P .33 
 
 ( ik the Judges in the bufinefs of Ship-Money. Sir Francis the Clergy who compofed it, could a<St but as members bo6 > 
 IVindebank, Secretar.’ of State, was reckoned the patron of 
 
 of the Convocation, becaufe to act as Members of a Sv- J 
 
 nod, they ought to have been cletfted by the People, and Occur, 
 it did not belong to the King to make this election as he £ ,a j r<nd ^'j 
 pleafed. That the Convocation or Synod had net power to ' ? 
 make Canons for the whole Nation, without the confent ot 
 the People themfelves, nor confequently without the inter¬ 
 vention of the Parliament. That moft of the Canons were 
 
 the Catholieks, and it was by his means that the condem 
 ned Priefts and jefuits efcaped one way or other the fen- 
 tence palled upon them. In fhurt, the Judges of the 
 realm had rendered themfelves extremely odious to the 
 People, as well by the judgment they had given in Mr. 
 
 Harnfden’s affair, as by numberlefs other a6ls of injuftice 
 Si. Judges. to private perfons. Thefe were the principal authors of unjuft in themfelves, and tended to increafe the Clergy’s 
 ’ the grievances, whom the Commons intended to bring to power, to the prejudice of the King’s authority, and the 
 exemplary punifhment. People’s liberties. That by thefe Canons the Convocation 
 
 The Earl of Strafford was the firft on whom the ftorm fell, aflumed a power above the Parliament. That the Oath 
 The 11 th of November, eight days after the opening of the they had impofed was ftrange, doubtful, contrary to the 
 Parliament, Mr .Pym, having defired, and obtained his defire privileges of the Parliament, and the rights of the People, 
 of the Commons, that the doors of the Houfe might be lock- and obliged men to fwear as neceflary, things that wereal- 
 
 Tbe Ear! f 
 Strafford ii 
 accufed of 
 
 (I) See 
 
 
 I V people] 
 
 (a) lighten a 
 
 it of the fevere punilhment of thefe three Perfons above, p, noz. Note (2). They were now, by order of Parliament, brought from their fe- 
 ent to London. Prynn and Burton landing at the fame -.;me, -viz. Hcnicmbcr 28, at Southampton, were received with extraoidinary de- 
 iad their Charges bore, and liberal prelents given them. This Method and Ceremony kept them Company all their Journey, and fo ma- 
 their apprrach to London , that they were tarried into the City by above ten thoufand perfons, with Boughs and Flowers in their hand,. 
 160. Blalfon, Tom. I. p. 570. 
 
 a Phyiician, Father ei Dr. Leighton Atchbifhi p of Glafg.-w, for writing a Book called Sion's Plea again/l Pietacy, (wherein he advifed the Par- 
 
 ,,, ,. all tee B‘fh>ps, by fmiring them under the fifth rib, ana tailed againft .he Queen, calling her a Canaamte and Idolatrefi ,) was thrown into a noi- 
 
 j- m ivtn i, tired ten rh.iul.nd pounds, (food in the Pillory twice, having one Ear cut oft, one Noftril (lit, and one Chectt fired, with thirty fix Lalhes each time. 
 
 tf'biieloik, p. 1- _ Alexander Jennings of Bucktngbam/b're, lor reluling to pay bhip-Money, was impriloned in the Fleet, by Warrant of the Council, 
 
 without any Caufe exprefied, and the Court ot King's Bench had refufed to difeharge or bail him when brought thither by Habeas Corpus - -Peter Smart 
 
 Canon of Durham, having in 1628, printed two Sermons againft Innovations in the Chutch of Durham, by Dr- Cofint, was by the High CommifTion of York 
 deprived of his Precend and Living, fined 500/. and imprif-ned many years. Rujhwortb. 
 
 3' Half n pretend,, (hat the Sentence in the Star-Chamber agunft Bjjt wick was not only juft, but that he deferred even death, if he had not had to do 
 with the moft mercitul of Kings. Rapir.. 
 
 4 Mr. Pym. Ml. Strode, Mr. St John, the Lord Digby, Sir John Clot-worthy, Sir Walter Earl, and Mr. Hampden. Rujhwortb, Tom- 4. p. 4V 
 J Wv.tr !.i 1" vi, it was confidered at York, whether the Eiri fte-nld repair to the Houfe, or continue in the North with the Army. The Earl humbly de- 
 find Ins Maiefty to excufe his going to the Parliament, alitdgirg, He Jhculd net be able to do him ary ftrvice there, but rather be a means to hinder bis Affairs, 
 and lefides. in \a, r e they ihould fall ufn hm, be being at adtfiance, might the better retire from danger, gcc. The King, notwithibnding all h- coula lay, 
 infilled up:.n the Eari's coming up to Parliament, and told h.m, As he -was Ring of England, be was able to fecure him Jrom any danger, and the Parliament 
 Do::.ii not trail; -.e hair -.J an bead■ S-i in obedience to the King's Comminds, the Earl came to Lord n, but not, as Rap’.n fay,, the fame day he was im¬ 
 peached, but a few day, ten,re, WbttrUk, p. 37. The Lord Clarendon fays, it w.i believed he came to the Houfe that day, to accufe the Lord Say, and fome 
 others, 01 having indue-d the 5cor. to invade the Kingdom. Vol. 1. p. 139, Htjhnt Obfer-v. p. 2tr. 
 
 • o i -u hi a’. -, IVindebank had been Laud s Pupil, and was by his reenmmendat on. made Secretary on June 15, 1632. Laud s Diar. In I,is Letter to 
 the E r! or P: ’-.ie are thefe words. What I am guilty of none knows fo well as bis Majefiy, whom I have fervid faithfully, diligently, painfully, and with 
 as true n-.a . yai a heart, according to my poor abihta, a 1 any other ■wbotfotvtr. Hafon, Tom. I. p. 652. 
 
 terable, 
 
aook 
 
 25 - CHARLES I, 
 
 t6 4 °. wit out ;,iy to Religion. For inftance, that all thole who were concerned In the evils of the State 1640 
 
 *I ir l el tie 1 'Mho[.< aie '.re divino, which the is the Earl of Strafford, the Biihops of Chiller Oxford ft). 
 
 C , C4n-.t ■ ged (1), it could not El ,, and We//., bad been raided by his means, and 
 
 and Archdeacons, are that there was not a fmgle grievance but what flowed from 
 
 <* ' ., and yet people were made him. Whereupon the Commons impeached f by Mr Dm- Cool * 
 
 to ' '■ < ■■■■’ • the altering of the govern- hr'/ Hollis] the Archbilhop of High-I'reafon and the Lords "i"* 
 
 ™ 1 y Archbtfliops, Biftops, Deans, Arch- committed him to the cultody of the Gentleman-Ufter tU„"” 
 
 ** ’ 1 <>.* 'h's oath, the repref.-ntatices of Some time after he was f.-nt to the Tower ' M p. Uj. 
 
 the Nat). .11 would be fo tied up, that though the Par- Then, the Commons Cent a mefTage to the Lords, to let ~‘ ,u ’ 
 liament Ihould hare power to alter the government of them know, they had received informations of a very high L‘ P ' 69 '' 
 
 th : (-hutch, they could not even debate upon that fub- nature againft Matthew tVren Bifltop of El, • and having Ctati.ta, 
 
 r, jeer, by reafon of their oath. UponTWe and many o- heard that he intended to make an efcape out if the King- T - 
 
 5 .™ tllcr reafons ' whlch 1 to avoid tedioufnefs, the Com- dom, Ihey defired them to think of fume way to prevent 
 
 mens voted unammoufly, 1. That the Clergy of England it. Whereupon, the Lords ordered the ijifhop to give 
 
 convened m a Convocation or Synod, or othetwife, have ten thoufand pounds bail for his forth-coming to which he 
 
 no power to make any Conftitutions, Canons, or Afts what- confented. 
 
 fuever, in matters oi Doftrine or Difcipline, or otherwife. Of thofe whom the Commons eonfidered as the chief Lord 
 to bind the Clergy or Laity of the land, without common Authors of the publick grievances, there remained only the F ‘£ h 
 
 confent in Parliament. 2. That the Canons treated upon Lord-Keeper Finch, and the Judges. The hr if was declared “andfiZ'Into 
 
 by the late Convocation, do contain matters contrary to a traitor by a vote of the Houfe of Commons notwith- H °“ and - 
 
 the King’s prerogative, to the fundamental Laws and Sta- ftanding the [eloquent J Speech he was permitted to make “ r ‘ th 
 
 at the Bar of the Houfe in his vindication. But before he iv. P "24.’ 
 was accufed in form, he fled into Holland. However, he 
 was impeached afterwards, though abfent. Prefcntly after his L 
 
 Corrv.vuton. 
 
 ftulhwuith. 
 
 IV. p. iia. 
 Nalfon, 
 
 T. I. (• 678, 
 
 Diurn. 
 
 Occur. 
 
 tutes of the realm, to the rights of Parliament, to the 
 property and liberty of the Subjeft, tending to fedition, 
 and of dangerous confequence (z). 
 
 Jt.awwth, Immediately after thefe refolutions, the Houfe appointed flight, the King made Sir Edward Littleton Lord-Keeper, 
 iv. p. 113. a Committee of thirty fix, to examine, who were the chief T ~ c ~~ ‘ L - / ~' ■" ..... 
 
 Littleton 
 
 - ---- . trade Lorii- 
 
 KaKon ' ~ . . ’ ” *”"V ---v.c. M.w In fine, the Commons fent word to the Lords, that they K "P tr - 
 
 T. 1. pW Promoters of thefe Canons, and how they had been exe- had received informations againft three Judges, Sir John nr “Z mfl! ? 
 cuted: to confider how lar, in particular, the Archbilhop Bramjlon , Lord Chief-Juftice of the King's-Bench Sir 
 of Canterbury had been concerned, in the great defign of Humphrey Davenport , Lord Chief-Baron ; and Juftice RmWth.’ 
 fubvertmg the Laws of the Land and Religion : and to Crawley (4); and defired the Houfe, that they might put j/; f p- ,3 °‘ 
 drav/up a charge againft him andjuch others,^a.s Ihould ap- in good fecurity for their appearance. Whereupon, the T.i ’ 
 
 pear guilty of the fame crime. The Scotijh Commiffioners 
 who were fent to London to continue the treaty, begun at 
 Rippon , were, as I faid, in good tmderftanding with the 
 leading Members of the Commons, and in all appearance, 
 had been informed of the defign to profecute th* Archbi¬ 
 lhop. And therefore, to make the blow fall the heavier on 
 this Prelate, by joining their complaints with thofe of the 
 
 Lords obliged thefe three Judges, each, to give ten thou- Diurn 
 fand pounds bail. The other Judges were alfo accufed af- ° ccur 
 terwards. 
 
 Thus they who were eonfidered by the Commons as 
 the principal authors of the publick grievances, were disa¬ 
 bled not only to continue to advife the King, but alfo to 
 efcape punifhment, except the Lord Finch and Sir Francis 
 
 Commons, they prefented next day to the Lords, a charge IVindebank , who laved their perfons," by leaving*their 
 « 4, , 2ga A n Vu' m ’, t0 thiS u eftea r , „ Hates in England. IihaO not flay to fpeak of mtny othe'rs 
 
 afjZrl , h . at iie was the caufe of ai1 the troubles in Scotland , of an inferior rank, who were varioufly punilhed, whether 
 
 hon againft “ and the author and urger of introducing into Scotland the for exercifing monopolies, or inventing means to raife the 
 !"■ . ‘‘ book , of Canons, and the Liturgy, as appeared by four- King money, whether for introducing or countenancing 
 
 fvT.Tu ’ o eCn Which the y oftered t0 P roducc : That the innovations in Religion, or laftly, for prevaricating in the 
 
 Nalfon, Scettb Prelates having fent to him a book of Canons, exercife of their offices. 
 
 T. 1. p.6Si. “ written upon the one fide only, with the other fide blank, 
 “ he had made feveral interlinings, and filled up the blank 
 “ pages with feveral directions; which changes and fupple- 
 “ ments were taken from the Romijh Rituals, that varied 
 
 Whilft the Commons were employed in fecuring thofe, Method rf 
 they intended to punifh, they alfo prepared whatever was tbe Cor:n,mt 
 neceflary to free the nation from all their grievances. The cZtlL,. 
 fame method was ufed to this end, as had been employed 
 
 “ from u book of England: That they were contrary againft the perfons. That is, Petitions from all quarters 
 to the Kings intentions, who in his large declarations were prefented to the Houfe upon Grievances Thefe Pcti- 
 “ had profefled, T hat all the variations in the Scotch fer- tions being read, feveral Speeches were made in the Houfe 
 ‘ vice from that of England , Ihould be only in fuch things to Ihow how prejudicial thefe grievances were to the Publick • 
 4 th f Sc ° t '^ hunimi* would better comply^ with, and^the principles which gave them birth, we: ■ , micularly 
 
 “ But that the Archbilhop had no regard to this. On the 
 “ contrary, the Scotijh Prelates having petitioned the fup- 
 “ preffion of fome of the Englijh Ceremonies, as the 
 “ Crofs in Baptifm, the Ring in Marriage, and fome 
 “ other things, lie was fo far from confenting, that he 
 “ ba ^ added feveral others : That in the order of the ad- 
 “ miniftration of the Communion in the book of England , 
 he had made feveral alterations, which plainly Ihowed 
 
 infilled on, as being dire&ly contrary to the Confiitution, 
 and tending to the fubverlion ol the Government. Where¬ 
 upon, it was voted that fuch a thing vv $ illegal, and ordered 
 that a Bill Ihould be urep .:-d to abol.dh it. This was the 
 fubie& of divers a£ts, which were prefented to the King for 
 the Royal alfent from the 3d of November 1 640, to the iotii 
 of Augujl 164r. The principal were thefe : 
 
 "T "T. 'I «*>-wauuii S , wim.ii piduuy muwcu An Aft for a Triennial Parliament : That is, fo Or- * n-j 
 
 his uefign of introducing Popery into Scotland : That dain that a Parliament Ihould be held, at leaft every three tn'iblo 
 ‘‘ " e ," ad k,n ^ ed war between the King and the Scots ; years, though the King Ihould negleft to call it, in order and ,6 V> 
 and been one of the chief caufes of breaking the laft to prevent the inconveniences arifing from a too-long ^ 
 
 li P a omcation, and renewing the war: That he had in- termiffion of parliaments. 3 st»uue” f ' 
 
 “ fer ted into the divine fervice a prayer againft their Na- An Aft to aboliih the Star-Chamber and High-Corn- Po °K " 
 
 Cc tion, by name of traitorous fubjefts , having cajl off all million. Cterendtin, 
 
 “ u ,h “ r Sovereign, and coming in a re- An Afl to reduce the Forefts to the fame Hate as under Iok 2 ““ 
 
 bcLliaus manner to invade England ; that Jhamt might co- Edward I. 
 
 “ y? « •ntmits to God and the King" An AS to repeal the Statutes made in the reign of 
 
 1 have very much abridged thefe articles, which are very Edward II. concerning Knighthood. 
 
 rtii'nlur • hue uilinf- ie Koto C ,',,I f. r\ _ n nr. ° eP . . „ 
 
 Ctimfton’i 
 Speech a- 
 
 An Aft to permit any Subjeft to make Salt-petre and 
 Gun-powder throughout the Kingdom. 
 
 An Aft to aboliih Ship-money (5). 
 
 7 he neceffity of thefe Afts was fo rtianifeft, that the 
 
 particular : but what is here faid, fuffices to Ihow their 
 defign. 
 
 On the morrow, Sir Harbottle Gnmjlon made in the 
 [g^i’uui. ^ ou ^ e a Speech againft the Archbilhop, pretending to Ihow, 
 
 SftU: » *!« banid Sp J ch * r '’ “ Whcther P’ be 7 «re Divine, we know is a difpute among the Pipifts, and never did any Pro- 
 
 ' “ Sr- h a i 1 r " ut . ,hat Archb.(hop. S Deans, Archdeacons, &t. fli mid be Jure Drvino, \ do not know that ever any Chrifti.n held it 
 
 hisefteA • ' Thpt fiK tk n^iwear n" Rujhnvonb, Tom. 4. p. .09-Sir Edouard Deering began his Speech ab/ut the Canons to 
 
 ‘ ,1,- c ! u P k ( ^ y) ha5 J t" P e L , r0Wn ’ an ' werab e hereto he pretends to a threefold Law : The firft is , jut divinam, and this he " 
 « have you think to be the Coronet next h.s head, that which fecurcs his power. The fecond is, ju, bumanum, Ccrftanune\ Donation, A. 
 
 Te . m P2 ral Power ; th-s is his middle Crown : Out of thefe two the Pope frames his third Crown himfelf, and fets it ubon the .. „ , lllul „ 
 
 ufe toh« Popelhip than both the other-Juft fo our Prelates from the pretended Divinity of their Epi copacy, 
 
 Canon- Law upon us." He concludes with faying, “ No Canons'can bind 
 who do found them, nor alfent in the Sufception of them after they are 
 -Mr. Bagjhaiu, in his Speech, affirmed, that the Clergy who 
 
 s gift af indulgent 
 
 , the Canon Law, 
 
 “ and the Temporal Power granted by our Princes, would now obtxnde a new 
 “ the Laity, where we have no voice of our own, nor choice of the Clergy Perf n 
 “ framed; $u?d omnes tangit, ah omnibui traHari dele:. Raft-worth, Tom. 4 p. 
 had held tbe late Synod, were'fallen into a Prtmuntre upon that account. Diurn. 
 
 ) it V 
 
 C ergy it 
 
 
 ■ P- 3 - 
 
 is voted likewife, Aemine Contradict 
 n their late Convocation, are contrary to the Laws, and ought n 
 •.injuft ; if fo, it is ftrange no one Member Ihould oppofe them, 
 more favorab e Seafon. Tom- 1. p. 161. Raptn. 
 
 {■},) John Bancroft Bifhop of Oxjord was poflefled with fuch fear of this Parliament, that he died about this time with little 
 fhops here fpoken of, were Join Bridgman A Chtfter, Matt hen, ir„n of Ely, and IVtlham P-.erce of Bath and Belli. 
 
 (4) As alio againft Juftice Berkley. Ruftwortb, Tom. 4 -. • ,0. 
 
 *JpBnk. thC f * me time Tunnage and Pounda E e - and other (um > •' Money upon Merchandizes imported and exported, were granted t® (lie Kin* See Sta. 
 
 S of the Benevolence or Contrilsutton granted to his moft excellent Majefty by the 
 
 obind the Clergy. Ruftwortb, Tom. 4. p. 112-Some pretend thefe votes 
 
 The Lord Clarendon freely owns, that the Canons were unwarrantable, even in a 
 
 r Jno licknefs. The other Bi- 
 
 K; 
 
 mg 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 35 6 
 
 1640. 
 
 Clarendon, 
 T.I. P-22- 
 
 of the C:-. 
 
 """ h 
 
 rb'mfc/w 
 formidable, 
 ■lie King n 
 
 tb,rg. 
 
 Another Me 
 tbod to de- 
 ehre Pe'fc 
 Delinquent t. 
 Rulhworth, 
 JV. P . £8, 
 
 T. I. p-141 
 
 144 - 
 
 Coke. 
 
 The HISTO RT of ENGLAND. 
 
 Kins; mult have either con fen ted to them, or plainly de¬ 
 clared he would govern with an abfolute power. But he 
 was not fa unwiTe as to oppofe them in his prefent circum- 
 flances. An illuftrious Hiltorian makes no fcruple to fay* 
 that tbefe Acts will he acknowledged by an incorrupted Pof¬ 
 fer ity, to be cverlafling monuments of the King s fatherly 
 affection to his People ; and fucb an obligation of repofe and 
 trujl from his Majejly in the hearts of his Subjects, that 
 no expreffions of duty and confidence from them could have 
 been more than a fujfident return on their parts. I he King 
 himfelf afterwards would frequently have had thefe con- 
 ceflions to be confidered as A&s of pure grace, for which 
 the Publick ought to have been thankful. But unhap¬ 
 pily for him, neither Parliament nor People believed them 
 to be the eftedt of his juftice or afie&ion to them, but ra¬ 
 ther of the neceflity he was under, of giving his aflent. 
 
 Befides thefe Adis, the Commons palled many general 
 Votes upon fet*eral other articles. Indeed, thefe Votes are 
 not coniidered, as Laws, neither do the Judges proceed by 
 them in their determinations. Neverthelefs, fuch is their 
 eftedl, that few perfons are fo hardy as to adt diredlly con¬ 
 trary to thefe decifions of the Commons, lince it is in 
 fome meafure to oppofe the fentiment of the People whom 
 they reprefent. Befides, an adtion directly contrary to a 
 vote of the Houfe, is liable to be queftioned, when leaft 
 expedted, and draws upon the adtor the indignation of the 
 Houfe, w'ho have but too many opportunities to make him 
 feel the effedts of their refentment. 
 
 The defign of the Commons was not only to flop the 
 evil by means of thefe Votes, but alfo to terrify all thofe 
 who had been concerned in the grievances, in order to 
 take from the King all hopes of fupport in his People. For 
 after the Houfe had voted, for inltance, that fuch a mono¬ 
 poly was illegal, if any perfon concerned in that monopoly, 
 behaved in a manner difagreeable to the Commons, or ap¬ 
 peared too much attached to the King, an accufation a- 
 gainft him was the certain confequence of fuch a beha¬ 
 viour. By that means, the King’s molt devoted friends 
 chofe rather to relinquifh his intereft than be liable to a 
 charge, from which, they plainly law, it was not in the 
 King’s power to fecure them. This had very clearly ap¬ 
 peared by the great examples of the Earl ot Strafford , 
 Archbifhop Laud , Lord-Keeper Finch , and Secretary 
 JVindebank , after whom no private perfon could hope for 
 any protedtion from the King. Thus the Commons 
 rendered themfelves fo formidable at the very beginning of 
 the Parliament, that the King was fuddenly deferted by 
 1 all, without having other refuge than to confent to what- 
 ‘ ever was propofed by the Parliament. He hoped however, 
 y that when all the grievances were redreiled, he fhould be, 
 if not in the fame Hate he had been for fifteen years, at 
 leaft in the natural ftate of a King of England , accord¬ 
 ing to the Laws and the Conftitution of the Government. 
 But it will hereafter appear, how much he was miftaken 
 in his conjedture. His former adminiftration had made too 
 deep impreftions in the minds of his Subjects, for the ma¬ 
 jority ever to believe, he would for the future be con¬ 
 tented with the power allowed him by the Law. This 
 diftruft was the immediate caufe of the war between the 
 King and the Parliament. But it is not yet time to de- 
 feend to thefe particulars. 
 
 The Commons ufed alfo another expedient to make 
 themfelves feared. As there were many people who, in 
 conformity to the intentions of the Court, had been con- 
 , cerned in the monopolies, or countenanced the innova¬ 
 tions, or been fubfervient to introduce and fupport the oc- 
 cafion of any grievance, the Commons, upon the Petitions 
 prefented to them againft thefe men, fent for them to 
 London , and examining them by a Committee, declared 
 them Delinquents. As much as to fay, that according to 
 the opinion of the Houfe, they were guilty of faults or of¬ 
 fences for which they deferved to be profecuted and punilhcd 
 according to law. This word Delinquent, was very much 
 in ufe during this Parliament. Thus, a great number of thofe 
 who had been moft noted for their adherence to the 
 maxims of the Court, or the principles of the Archbifhop, 
 were voted Delinquents, and thereby kept in awE by the 
 Commons, who according as they behaved well or ill to 
 them, could profecute or leave them unmolefted. But the 
 number of thofe who were declared Delinquents was no¬ 
 thing in comparifon of fuch as had reafon to fear the like 
 declaration, upon the leaft Petition againft them. From 
 hence there followed an unanimous approbation of what¬ 
 ever was done by the Houfe ; fome confenting becaufe 
 thev thought the things juft, and others out of fear of 
 thaftifement. This is what rendered the redrefs of grievan¬ 
 ces very eafy to the Commons, and would have made it 
 impracticable for the King to oppofe it, though he fhould 
 
 have had fuch a thought. The King reaped at leaft this 1^40. 
 advantage from his confent to the redrefs ot grievances, 
 that he gave occafion to many to believe he fincerelv con¬ 
 curred in that work. But his enemies drew from thence 
 a very different confequence. They laid, as the Parlia¬ 
 ment's meafures were fo well laid, that it would have been 
 in vain for the King to oppofe them, he was not to be 
 thanked for a confent, to which neceftity forced him, lince, 
 whilft it was in his power to hinder the redreis ot grievan¬ 
 ces, he had always refilled to hearken to the inftant de¬ 
 fires of his Parliaments. 
 
 I am now to warn my Readers, that we are come to a nr-^nlng 
 time wherein they muft be very much upon the guard -. - •? 
 with refpc£t to the partiality of the Hiftorians, each 0 
 whom does his utmoft to prejudice his Readers in favour 
 either of the King, or the Parliament. This partiality 
 confifts not fo much in difguifing the fadts, (wherein both 
 parties are agreed ;) as in the principles they eftablilh. 
 
 Thofe for the King, exalt, as high as poflible, the Prero¬ 
 gative Royal. Nay fome ftretch it even to a fort of de- 
 fpotick power, as we have feen inftances in the writings 
 and lermons of Sib thorp, Mountague, Manwaring, men¬ 
 tioned in the firft part of this reign. According to this 
 principle, they think and maintain, that the Parliament’s 
 aim was not to reftore the Government to its natural ftate, 
 as was pretended, but rather to overturn the Conftitution 
 both of Church and State. That therefore the objefts were 
 fo much magnified, by aggravating fome a£ts of authority 
 done by the King, as tending to fubvert the Government, 
 though they might have been juftified by the Prerogative 
 Royal, if any but the Commons had been judges. But 
 though they manifeftly declared themfelves parties againft 
 the King, they however made themfelves judges, voting 
 fuch and fuch a&ions of the King, to be contrary to the 
 laws. Nothing fhows more plainly, according to thefe 
 men, che Parliament’s fecret defign to overthrow the 
 Government, nor a ftronger proof of it can be defired than 
 the experience of what afterwards happened, when the 
 Government of the State and Church were adtually 
 changed. 
 
 The favorers of the Parliament fay, that without ex¬ 
 amining the extent of the Prerogative Royal, it may at 
 leaft be" affirmed, that it cannot be contrary to the laws: 
 that if the King hhs his Prerogatives, the Parliament have 
 their Privileges, and the People their Liberties, which the 
 Prerogative cannot invade without deftroying the conftitu¬ 
 tion of the government, which confifts in a happy mix¬ 
 ture of the rights of King and People. That, before this 
 Parliament, the King had manifeftly ftretched his Prero¬ 
 gative to the prejudice of the nation’s rights, which the 
 moft attached to his interefts did not dare to deny. That 
 this being the cafe, nothing was more juft, nothing more 
 neceflary, than to reftore the Government to its natural 
 ftate. That it is therefore prcpoftcrous to have recourfe to 
 a fecret defign of fubverting the Church and State, fince 
 the neceflity of redrefling the grievances is undeniably evi¬ 
 dent : That fuppofing it true, that the Commons ufeil 
 fundry artifices to render themfelves formidable, and more 
 eafily accomplifh their defign, namely, the redrefs of 
 grievances, thefe artifices were not blameable, confidering 
 how impradlicable the former Parliaments had found it to 
 execute the fame defign. 
 
 I am perfuaded, that moft of the Readers for whom I 
 write this Hiftory, fuch, I mean, as are not Englijhmen, 
 would not require of me a particular account of all that nbtp.Mo- 
 pafled in the Houfe of Commons, concerning the redrefs of "O’* 
 grievances. It would be too tedious a work, which, after 
 all, would inform them of nothing more material than 
 what has hitherto been faid. Neverthelefs, for the fatisfac- 
 tion of thofe who are unacquainted with the manner of 
 Parliamentary proceedings, I fhall give here a brief relacion 
 of what was done with regard to Ship-money, the grie¬ 
 vance moft complained of, and by that will be feen the 
 method taken with refpeft to the reft. 
 
 During the firft whole month of this Seffion, fcarce a Rulhworth. 
 day pafted, but the Houfe received Petitions from divers 
 Counties, concerning grievances, amongft which, that of oiuin'. 
 Ship-money was never forgotten. At laic, on the 7th of Occur. ( 
 December , the day appointed to debate upon that afl.ur, the 
 Lord Falkland (t), afterwards Secretary of State, made the 
 following Speech to the Houle. 
 
 Mr. Speaker , 
 
 << T Rejoice very much to fee this day; and the want WFalk- 
 “ 1 hath not lain in my affedlion but my lungs, if to all 
 “ that hath been paft, I have rot been as loud with my Rul Kwouh. 
 <c voice as any man in the Hou.l ; vet truly my opinion iv. p- 86. 
 “ is, we have yet done nothing, if we do no morej I £*^'654. 
 
 1) There are Lords who are not Peers, 
 nicnt, as may nuo Info and Hatch PccrSi 
 
 a-, all (he Sons of a Duke and Marquifs, and the eldeft Son of an Earl, 
 The Vifcount Falkland was a Seotjh Petr, and Member for Newfcrt in 
 
 whi may be choOn Members of Parlia- 
 thc lfleot Wight, I a fir.. 
 
 6 
 
 « fhall 
 

 Book XIX. 2j. C H A R L E S I. 
 
 (640. “ fhall add what I humbly conceive ought to be added, as 
 
 * 4 foon as I have faid fomething with reference to him 
 44 that fays it. 
 
 “ I will firft defire the forgivenefs of the Houfe, if 
 “ ought I fay feem to intrench upon another’s profeffion, 
 44 and enter upon the work of another robe. Since I 
 “ have been intruded by the report of a learned Commit- 
 “ tee, and confirmed by the uncontradi&ed rule of the 
 “ Houfe ; fince I fhall nothing of this kind, but in order 
 “ to fomething further, and, ( which moves me mod to 
 “ venture my opinion, and to expert your pardon ) fince 
 “ I am confident, that Hidory alone is diffident to fhew 
 
 this judgment contrary to our laws, and Logick alone 
 “ fufficient to prove it deftrudtive to our property, which 
 “ every free and noble perfon values more than his pro- 
 “ feffion. I will not profefs I know my felf, but all thofe 
 “ who know me, know that my natural difpofition is to 
 f ' c decline from feverity, much more from cruelty. That 
 “ I have no particular provocation from their perfons, and 
 “ have particular obligations to their calling, againd whom 
 “ I am to fpeak ; and though I have not fo much know- 
 “ ledge in Law, yet far more than I have ufe for; fo I 
 “ hope it will be believed, that only publick intered hath 
 “ extorted this from me, and that which I would not fay, 
 “ if I conceived it not fo true, and fo neceflary, that no 
 kt undigeded meat can lie heavier upon the domach, than 
 “ this unfaid would have Iain upon my confcience. Mr. 
 “ Speaker, the conditution of this Commonwealth hath 
 tc edablifhed, or rather endeavoured to eftablifh te us the 
 “ fecurity of our goods, and the fecurity of thofe Laws 
 “ which would fecure us and our goods, by appointing for 
 “ u s Judges fo fettled, fo fworn, that there can be no op- 
 “ preffion, but they of neceffity mud be accedary ; fince 
 44 if they neither deny, nor delay us judice, which neither 
 “ for the great nor little Seal they ought to do, the greated 
 “ perfons in this Kingdom cannot continue the lead vio- 
 “ lence upon the meaneft; but this fecurity, Mr. Speaker, 
 
 “ hath been almod our ruin, for it hath been turned, or 
 44 rather turned itfelf into a battery againd us: And thofe 
 44 perfons who fhould have been as dogs to defend the 
 44 dieep, have been as wolves to worry them. Thefe 
 “ Judges, Mr. Speaker, to indance not them only, but 
 44 their greated crime, have delivered an opinion and judg- 
 44 nient in an extrajudicial manner, that is, fuch as came 
 44 not within their cognizance, they being Judges, and 
 44 neither Philofophers nor Politicians; in which, when 
 ‘ 4 that which they would have fo abfolute and evident takes 
 44 pLce, the Law of the land ceafes, and that of general 
 44 reafon and equity, by which particular Laws at fird 
 * 4 were framed, returns to his throne and government, 
 
 ** where falus populi becomes not only fupreme, but fola 
 '' lex-, at which, and to which end, whatfoever lhould dif- 
 4< penfe with the King to make ufe of any money, difpen- 
 44 fes with us, to make ufe of his, and one another’s. In 
 44 this judgment they contradi&ed both many and learned 
 44 a &s> and declarations of Parliament; and thofe in this 
 44 very cafe, in this very reign, fo that for them they 
 44 needed to have confulted with no other record, but with 
 44 their memories. 
 
 44 2. They have contradicted apparent evidences, by 
 44 fuppofing mighty and imminent dangers in the mod fe- 
 44 rene » quiet, and halcion days, that could poflibly be 
 44 imagined, a few contemptible pyrates being our mod 
 44 formidable enemies, and there being neither Prince nor 
 State, with whom we had not either alliance, or amity, 
 
 44 or both. 
 
 14 3. They contradict the Writ itfelf, by fuppofing that 
 44 fupofed danger to be fo fudden, that it would not day 
 44 for a Parliament, which required but forty days day ; 
 
 44 and the Writ being in no fuch hade, but being content 
 44 to day forty days feven times over. 
 
 44 Mr. Speaker, it feemed generally drange, that they 
 44 faw not the Law, which all men elfe faw, but them- 
 44 felves ; yet though this begot the more general wonder, 
 
 44 three other particulars begot the more general indigna- 
 44 tion. The fird of all the reafons for this judgment was 
 “ fuch, That,there needed not any from the adverfe party 
 44 to help them to convert thofe few, who before had not 
 44 the lead fufpicion of the legality of that mod illegal 
 “ Writ, there being fewer that approved of the judgment, 
 
 44 than there were that judged it legal, for I am confident 
 44 they did not that themfelves. 
 
 44 Secondly, when they had allowed to the King the 
 44 fo’e power in neceffity, the foie judgment of neceffity, 
 
 44 and by that enabled him to take both from us, what he 
 44 would, when he would, and how he would, they yet 
 44 continued to perfwade us, that they had left us our Li- 
 44 berties and Properties. 
 
 44 The third and lad is, and which I confefs moved 
 44 mod, that by the transformation of us from the date of 
 44 free Subjects (a good phrafe, Mr. Speaker, under Dr. 
 
 44 Heylin’s favour) unto that of Villains, they difable us 
 
 No. 61 . V o l. 11., 
 
 44 by legal and voluntary fupplies to exprefs our affections 
 “ to his Majedy, and by that to cherifh his to us, that is, 
 “ by Parliaments. Mr. Speaker, the caufe of all the mi- 
 44 feries we have differed, and the caufe of all our jealoulies 
 44 we have had, that we diould yet fufFer, is, that a mod 
 44 excellent Prince hath been mod infinitely abufed by his 
 “ J ut, ‘g es > telling him, that by policy he might do what 
 he pieafed ; with the fird of thefe we are now to deal, 
 44 which may be a leading to the red. And fince in pro- 
 “ viding of thefe Laws, upon which thefe men have 
 44 trampled, our ancedors have fhewn their utmod care and 
 “ wifdom for our undoubted fecurity, words having done 
 44 nothing) and yet they have done all that words can do, 
 44 we mud now be forced to think of abolifhing of our 
 44 grievances, and of taking away this judgment, and thefe 
 44 Judges together, and of regulating their fuccelfors by 
 44 their exemplary punifhment. 
 
 44 I will not fpeak much ; I will only fay we have ac- 
 44 cufed a great perfon of High-Treafon, for intending to 
 44 fubvert our fundamental Laws, and to introduce arbi- 
 44 trary Government; which we fuppofe he meant to do,- 
 44 we are fure thefe have done it, there being no Law 
 44 more fundamental than that they have already fubverted, 
 44 and no Government more abfolute, than that they have 
 44 really introduced. 
 
 44 Mr, Speaker, not only the fevere punifhment, but the 
 44 fudden removal of thefe men, will have a fudden effect 
 44 in one very confiderable confideration, we only accufe, 
 44 and the Houfe of Lords condemn ; in which condem- 
 44 nation they ufually receive advice (though not direction ) 
 44 from the Judges; and I leave it to every man to ima- 
 44 gine, how prejudicial to us, that is, to the Common¬ 
 wealth, and how partial to their fellow malefactors, the 
 44 advice of fuch Judges is like to be. How undoubtedly 
 44 for their own fakes, they will think it may conduce to 
 44 their power, that every adtion be judged to be a lefs 
 44 fault, and every perfon to be lefs faulty, than in juflice 
 44 they ought to do : Amongft thefe, Mr. Speaker, there 
 44 is one I muff not lofe in the croud, whom I doubt not 
 44 but we fliall find, when we examine the reft of them, 
 
 44 with what hopes they have been tempted, by what fears 
 “ they have been affay’d, and bv what, and by whofe im- 
 44 portunity they have been purfued, before they confented 
 44 to what they did ; I doubt not, I fay, but we fhall 
 44 find him to have been a moft admirable Sollicitor, but a 
 44 moft abominable Judge; he it is, who not only gave 
 44 away with his breath, what our anceftors had purchafed 
 44 for us by fo large an expence of their time, their care, 
 
 44 their treafure, and their blood; and employed his induftry, 
 
 44 as great as his injuftice, to perfwade others to join with 
 44 him in that deed of gift: But ftrove to root up thofe 
 44 Liberties which they had cut down, and to make our 
 44 grievances immortal, and our flavery irreparable, leaft 
 44 any part of our poftcrity might want occafion to curfe 
 44 him ; he declared that power to be fo inherent to the 
 44 Crown, as that it was not in the power even of Par- 
 44 liaments to divide them. 
 
 44 I have heard, Mr. Speaker, and I think here that 
 44 common fame is ground enough for this Houfe to ac- 
 44 cufe upon ; and then undoubtedly there is enough to 
 44 be accufed upon in this Houfe ; he hath reported this 
 44 fo generally, that I expedt not that you fhall bid me 
 44 name him whom you all know, nor do I look to tell 
 44 you news, when I tell you it is my Lord-Keeper; but 
 44 this I think fit to put you in mind of, that his place 
 44 admits him to his Majefty, and trufts him with his 
 44 Majefty’s confcience; and how pernicious every mo- 
 44 ment muft be, which gives him means to infufe fuch 
 44 unjuft opinions of this Houfe, as are expreft in a libel, 
 
 44 rather than a declaration, of which many believe him to 
 44 be the principal Secretary, and the other puts the moft 
 44 vaft and unlimited power of the Chancery into his hands, 
 
 44 the fafell of which will be dangerous : For my part, I 
 44 think no man fecure, that he fhall think himfelf worth 
 44 any thing when he rifes, whilft all our eftates are in 
 44 his breaft, who hath facrificed his Country to his ambi- 
 44 tion, whilft he who hath proftrated his own confcience, 
 
 44 hath the keeping of the King’s, and he who hath un- 
 44 done us already by wholefale, hath a power left in him 
 44 by retale. 
 
 44 Mr. Speaker, in the beginning of the Parliament he 
 44 told us, and 1 am confident every man here believes it 
 44 before he told it, and never the more for his telling, 
 
 44 though a forry witnefs is a good leftimony againft him* 
 
 44 felf, that his Majefty never required any thing from 
 44 any of his Minifters but juftice and integrity. Againft 
 44 which, if any of them have tranfgrels’d, upon their 
 44 heads, and that defervedly, it all ought to fall; it was 
 44 full and truly Lid, but he hath in this faying pronounced 
 44 his own condemnation ; we fhall be more partial to him 
 44 than he is to himfelf, if we be flow to purfue it. 
 
 44 It is therefore my juft and humble motion, that we 
 X x x x may 
 
 357 
 
 1640, 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 j J 
 
 The HISTO RY of E N G L A N D. 
 
 1640. “ mav chufe a fcleft Committee to draw up his arid their 
 
 “ charge, and to examine their carriage in this particular, 
 “ to make ufe of it in the charge, and if Ire Hull he found 
 “ guilty of tampering with Judges againft the publick fe- 
 “ curit].. wh<> thougl t witnei in a pri- 
 
 *-* vate caufe worthy of fo great a fine ( 1), it he fhould 
 ** be found to have gone before the reft to this judgment, 
 “ and to have gone beyond the reft in this judgment, that 
 “■ in the punifl n nt of it, the juft ice ■ 1 : : 
 
 “ not deny him the due honour both to precede and ex- 
 “ ceed the reft.” 
 
 After this Speech, the affair of Ship-money having been 
 debated, it was refolved upon the queftion nemine contra- 
 dicente 
 
 particular explication of what paflwkjjn’ the Parliament. 164 
 I Avail therefore fhow in the firft place, the difpofiticn of 
 the Parliament, with refpeft to Religion, and then relate 
 what palled concerning this fubjeft. 
 
 Since the beginning of the reign of James I. the Bi- Difpofi: 
 Ihops had rendered themfelves much more powerful than ‘f "'■ 
 be:ore. f be oppofrtion of the Presbyterians, who never 'JJ, 
 ceafed to exclaim againft the Hierarchy, Ji thiy were rdigi* 
 not in condition to overthrow it, had greatly conbuted 
 to the increafe of the Epi.'copal power. Their impetuous 
 zeal caufed the King to think it proper to humble them, 
 leaft in the end they fhould occaiicn fomc diilurbance in 
 the Church, and the Bifhops were charged with the care 
 
 of executing this refolution. The endeavours to reduce 
 Shp Morey , Vhat the charge impofed upon the Subjefts for the them to obedience, ferved only to inflame the evil. In- 
 RuftwS 7 ' P r,A Jilh - and ^rniTing of Ships, and the afleflments for ftead of trying to convince them by arguments, they were 
 iv. ?. S 3 , raifing of money for that purpofe, commonly called Ship- treated without moderation, and, il I may venture to fay 
 Nation, nioneVj are againft the laws of the realm, the Subjefts it, without charity. It was refolved at any rate to com- 
 T.I.p.660. rjwh . - ((f an d contrary to former refolutions in pel them to conform to the Church o( England, not only 
 
 Parliament, and to the Petition of Right. in things confidered as necefiary, but alio in others re- 
 
 2 That the extra udicial opinions of the Judges pub- garded by moft people as > indifferent. Moreover, divers 
 liftied in the Star-Chamber, and enrolled in the Couits of 
 
 Wejlminjler in thefe words,-in the whole, and in 
 
 every part of them, are againft the laws of the realm, the 
 Subjefts right of property, and contrary to former refolu¬ 
 tions in Parliament, and to the Petition of Right. 
 
 3. That the writ following-and the other writs 
 
 commonly called the Ship-Writs, are againft: the Laws of 
 the realm, the right of Property, and the liberty of the 
 Subjects, and contrary to former refolutions in Parliament, 
 and to the Petition of Right. 
 
 Committee ta After thefe refolutions, the Houfe appointed a Commit- 
 * the tee of fixteen, at the head of whom was the Lord Falk 
 
 7 »<k‘ L 
 
 R11 fh worth, 
 IV. p. 88. 
 
 ceremonies were added to the Divine Service, which many 
 perfons well affefted to the Church thought too near al 
 lied to Popery. William Laud Archbifhop of Canterbury 
 was the principal author of thefe Ceremonies, as well be 
 fore, as after, he was Archbifiiop. His chief aim was to 
 mortify the Puritans. But in proceeding too briskly or 
 rather too rigoroufly, he gave them room to accufe him 
 that his delign was to favour Popery, on pretence of 
 forcing the Puritans to conform to the worfhip of the 
 Church of England. No man was ever more wedded to 
 ceremonies, and the more he was reproached with it, the 
 more he urged them as necefiary. This chiefly gave oc- 
 
 land, to go forthwith to the ftveral Judges, to know in cafion to the Puritans, and even to fome Church of Eng- 
 
 hat manner, and by whom they were follicited or threat- 
 ned to give their extrajudicial opinion concerning Ship- 
 monev. It was ordered, that every one of the Judges 
 fhould be examined at the fame time by two of the 
 Committee, and be told what had been voted in the Houfe 
 
 land men to fufpeft he had a defign to introduce the 
 Romijb Religion ; this extreme attachment to ceremonies 
 feeming to them as a means whereby he intended to com- 
 pafs his ends. As for Armir.innifm, all agree that Laud 
 was not only Arminian, but alfo head of that party in 
 
 concerning’Ship-money, and that the Committee {houlil England, from the time he was received into favour by 
 ask fuch queftions as they fhould think material, to the King Jam,, I. through the Duke of Buckingham^ means. 
 
 the Kings 
 
 As the knowledge of what palled in the reign of James I. 
 may be of great fervice to the underftanding the affairs of 
 Religion, which I have undertaken to explain, I fhall 
 briefly relate what I think moft necefiary, though men¬ 
 tioned before in King James's reign. 
 
 When the difputes concerning grace arofe in Holland , Prcg 
 
 ■/■refer, a 
 
 Charge a- 
 oirjt 
 
 execution of this order. 
 
 Next day, the Houfe ordered that the Committee ap¬ 
 pointed to confider of the Property of the Subjefts in their 
 Goods, fhould take into confederation fume way of feeing 
 the entering upon record, the King’s feveral commiflions 
 Ruihworth, f or L oans and Excife, and the refolutions of former Parlia- . - ~ . 
 
 3V,p 9 ’ merits thereon, and the addition that was offered by the James I. efpoufed theoppofite party to Armtmus, and ufed 
 
 I ords to the Petition of right, with the refolution of the even threats to oblige the States of Holland to condemn 
 
 Houfe; and alfo the refolutions of the queftions propofed Vvjlius his fucceflor. After that, he lent Bifhops and 
 
 in the Houfe concerning Ship-Money, that they might re- Divines to the fynod of Don, to ftrengthen the Contra- 
 
 main fair to pofteritv. It was alfo'referred to the fame Remonftrants. Mean while the Armimans in England 
 
 Committee to make a preparation of the vote pafTed about were forced to lye dormant, becaufe the Court was not 
 'J Shin-money, to be fent to the Lords ; to draw up a charge their friend. Laud, then only a private Defter in the 
 
 i'VFuch againft the Lord Fmcb, and the reft of the Judges that TJtahrerfitr of Oufiri, had yet no credit^ ta h lhortly 
 
 gave their opinion upon that text and likewife to take after the Duke of Buckingham procured him the >■- 
 into confideration their extrajudicial opinions and the judg¬ 
 ments in the cafe of Ship-money ; to inquire of the feve¬ 
 ral denials of Habeas Corpus , and prohibitions, their ex¬ 
 trajudicial Proceedings and opinions concerning ecclefiafti- 
 cal Jurifdiftions, and the Court of Admiralty ; their de¬ 
 nial of legal and ordinary proceedings in cafes of Juftice, 
 and the binding of the whole Kingdom by any one man’s 
 particular cafe. The fame Committee had power to fend 
 for parties, witnefles, papers, records, or any thing elfe that 
 might conduce to this bufinefs, and were to prefent the 
 ftate of the whole matter to the Houfe. 
 
 •The Letts On the other hand, the 26th of February 1640-41, 
 
 • ■ ' the ! rds ordered to be brought to their Hoiife there- . - ,11 
 
 cord in the Exchequer of the Judgment in Mr. Hampden's mom. They improved thru advantage to ftrengthen 
 : ' cafe, ami alfo the Rolls in 'the Star-Chamber and other their party, by promoting to the Benefices fuch as were 
 Courts, wherein the extrajudicial opinions of the Judges moft averfe to the Calmmjh, for fo thefe began now to be 
 were entered, and caufed them to be annulled in their pre- 
 fence. They ordered moreover, that a copy of what they 
 had done fhould be delivered to the Judges to be publiftied 
 at the AlTizes in every county within their circuits, and 
 that an Aft of Pailiament ftiould be prepared concerning 
 this matter. 
 
 R . ; , All this produced at length charges againft the Lord- 
 
 Sb'P-M rey Keeper, and each of the Judges, with an Aft to abolifh 
 b al'^-ent 0y ' Ship-money, to which the King gave the royal aflent the 
 Ruflnvorth, 7th Of Aitgujl 164I. 
 
 IV. p. 15c. Much the fame method was taken with regard to the 
 l?*; n other grievances, and in the end, there was not one, pub- 
 
 V. Vp 699, lick or private, but what was redrefied within the nine firft 
 
 months of this feflion. 
 
 I intend not to include in thefe grievances, thofe con¬ 
 cerning; Religion. Befides that thefe were not generally 
 acknowledged for grievances, this matter requires a more 
 
 Rufhw 
 IV. p, 
 
 fhoprick of St. David's in Wales. At the fame time King 
 James was vigoroufly puftiing his defign to ftretch the Pie- 
 r gative royal, to which he met with fit 1, 
 
 chiefly from the Purtans, who concerning Grace were 
 direftly contrary to the Arminians. For this reafen the 
 King and Duke thought fit to carefs and fupport the Ar¬ 
 minians , in order to oppofe them to the Puritans, the 
 Kine’s grand aim being to weaken that party, which was 
 always ready to obliruft the execution of his defigns. 
 From that time the Arminian party became powerful. 
 The heads were Neil Biftiop of Winchejler, and Laud Bi- 
 fiiop of St. David's, who found means to gain the King’s 
 confidence, and to have the difpofal of the Church-prefer- 
 
 called who embraced Calvin ’s opinion concerning Grace, 
 whether Presbyterians or Church of England men. There ? 
 were therefore three principal caufes of the animofity of .the u 
 Court and its friends, againft the Presbyterians 
 
 The firft was, that they rejected the Ecclefiaftieal “ 
 Hierarchy. 
 
 The fecond, that they were entirely againft the King's 
 defign to ftretch his Prerogative, knowing the more power 
 he had, the more they ftiould be perfecuted. 
 
 The third, that they were all CalviniJls as to the no¬ 
 tions of Grace. Though the King had not, perhaps, 
 altered his opinion concerning that point, he deferted how¬ 
 ever the CalviniJls, becaufe they were in other refpecL, 
 for the moft part, Presbyterians and Puritans. From that 
 time tlie Court and their agents counted among the Puri¬ 
 tans, thofe whorefufed to conform to the Church of Eng¬ 
 land ; all the CalviniJls Presbyterians or other: ; all who 
 
 o/. which )\ ill,ami Bilhop of Lincoln was condemned to pay for tampering with a Witnt 
 
 r ppofei 
 
Book XIX. 25. CHARLES. I. 
 
 35 9 
 
 , it pcrfccuted. 
 
 7be Perjeeu 
 
 King'1 
 
 iC + o, oppofed the King’s defigns with regard to the Prerogative; 
 and they were all, under the name of Puritans, equally 
 obnoxious to the hatred of thg King and his Minifters. 
 So, by this policy, many people who had no inclination 
 for Presbyterianifm, were made to become Puritans. At 
 Jealt, they were forced to join with the Puritan-party, to 
 hinder the Court, on pretence of deftroying Puritanifm, 
 from eftabliflling by degrees an arbitrary Power, which 
 would have been fatal to the whole Nation. For the King 
 pretended, his will could be oppofed but upon puritanical 
 principles. 
 
 Tie Presiy. The reign of Charles I. was ftill more violent in this 
 ■party refpoSt, than that of James-, as has been fhown in the fir ft 
 part. Laud being made Bifhop of London, and afterwards, 
 Archbifhop of Canterbury , and one of the King’s prime 
 Minifters, ufed all his induftry and credit to humble the 
 Puritan-party, that is, not only the Presbyterians, but alfo 
 the Calvinijh , and f'uch who would not patiently bear the 
 yoke of fervitude. Matthew Wren Bifhop of Norwich , 
 and afterwards of Ely , the Bifhop of Bath and Wells , Co- 
 Jins Prebendary of Durham (1), being all of the fame prin¬ 
 ciples, feconded him in this defign. And as it the diffe¬ 
 rence between the Church of England and Presbytery, had 
 not been fufficiently marked, they added to the worfhip 
 fundry innovations, and reprefented as abfolutely neceflary, 
 things indifferent, which Religion might well have difpen- 
 fed with. Hence pretences were found to perfecute the 
 Puritans, by reckoning among that party, all whom the 
 Court was pleafed to call by that name. 
 
 The wifeft part of the Nation had long fince perceived 
 rumor,, 1, the King’s and the Court’s policy, and their artifices to 
 faked up™ pave the way to arbitrary power. But it had not been pof- 
 at an Ani- t0 aV oid the effects of it, becaufe the King had dif- 
 
 f tbe folved the Parliaments, the moment they were bent to ex¬ 
 amine the Grievances. Thus the regal power had gained 
 defpotick ground by degrees, no one being in a capacity to hinder its 
 
 F ° wcr ' progrefs. But as foon as the King’s affairs had taken a 
 
 new turn, by the entrance of the Scots into England , and 
 the taking of Newcajllc , and when the King faw himfelf 
 under an abfolute neceflily of calling a Parliament, moft of 
 the Members refolved not to lofe the opportunity of abo- 
 lifhing the perfecution, introduced under the fpecious pre¬ 
 tence of flopping the progrefs of Puritanifm, but in reality 
 for the better advancement of arbitrary power. Above all, 
 the Houfe of Commons confidered the innovations, and the 
 rigour wherewith people were made to obferve them, as fo 
 many artifices of the Court-party, for the more eafy at¬ 
 tainment of their end. It muft not therefore be thought 
 ftrange, if moft of the Members being united with regard 
 to the Grievances, were fo likewife for the abolifhing of 
 innovations, and punifhing the authors, as having ferved 
 for inftruments to the King in the execution of defigns, 
 wherein Religion was not folely concerned. 1 his is what 
 produced the charges againft the Archbifhop of Canterbury , 
 the Bifhops of Ely-, Bath and Wells , and againft Cofins, 
 befides the brand of Delinquents given by the Commons 
 to a great number of Minifters and others, who had coun¬ 
 tenanced the innovations. 
 
 View, Of tbe Moft of the Members, as I faid, were united as to this 
 true Presby- p 0 j nt ^ becaufe there- was not one but what conlidered it as 
 ter,an,. ^ branch of the defign to fubjefl the Realm to the King’s 
 
 will and pleafure. But among this great number, there 
 were real Presbyterians, who had more extenfive views, and 
 thought, no doubt, of altering the Government of the 
 Church, on pretence of the ill ufe, the Bifhops had made 
 of their power. Thefe, though not very numerous in the 
 Parliament, were fupportcd by a great party in the King¬ 
 dom, and particularly by the Scots, whole afliftance was 
 then abfolutely neceffary. But they took care not to dif- 
 cover their intentions. They were contented at firft to 
 join with thofe who only intended the redrefs of Grievan¬ 
 ces and to reflore the Government to its natural ftate. 
 They hoped, as it happened indeed, that the ftri£l exami¬ 
 nation of the grievances and innovations, would convince 
 0,0ft of the Members of the neceffity to abolifh the Hier¬ 
 archy, of which the Court had made fo great ufe in the 
 execution of their defigns. They propofed to fhow on all 
 occafions, that it was almoft impoffible to reftore the Civil 
 Government, whillt the King had in the Clergy of the 
 Church of England, a fupport capable of raifing infuperable 
 obftacles to the reformation of the Government. For this 
 reafon, on all occafions, the Leaders of the Presbyterians 
 were the moft forward to fpeak againft the Grievances. 
 They aggravated chiefly thofe that concerned the innovati¬ 
 ons in Religion, which they openly afcribed to the defign of 
 introducing the Romijh Religion All this was done with 
 a view to caft upon the Hierarchy, and the Bifhops in ge¬ 
 neral, the faults and ill conduct of fome particular perfons. 
 
 The other Members who were of the Church of Eng¬ 
 
 land, though very oppofite to the King, faw what was the i 
 intention of the Presbyterians. But they were kept in awe 
 by the fear of lofing the afliftance of the Scots, who fup- 
 ported this party, and rendered it very confiderable. Where¬ 
 fore they durft nor difpleafe the Presbyterian-party, for fear 
 of caufing in the Parliament a divifion, which muft be fa 
 tal to the common caufe, and confequently very advan- 
 gious to the King. Befides, the men I am fpeaking of, 
 d.d not believe the Hierarchy to be abfolutely neceffary in 
 the Church, or that Religion could not fubfiit without Bi¬ 
 fhops. Only the rigid Epifcopalians, and the King’s party 
 were of this opinion, but they made not a majority. T hole 
 therefore who had only in view the reformation of the State, 
 and not that of the Church, could not however, without 
 great inconveniences, help having fome condefcenfion for 
 the Presbyterians, lor the reafons juft mentioned. Perhaps 
 they had no other view in their policy, than to gain time, 
 till the Civil Grievances were redrefl’ed, without any de¬ 
 fign to go farther. But they had to deal with very able 
 heads, who artfully led them beyond their firft refolu¬ 
 tions. 
 
 On the other hand, the Bifhops perfectly knew the in- TbcBt/bcp: 
 tention of the Presbyterians, and that in Jeficning the a J‘ a " o ae ^ ci 
 King’s power, their defign was to render him unable to more l0 
 oppofe the change they were meditating. Wherefore they. King. 
 adhered the more firmly to the King’s intereft, and often, 
 by the number of their Voices, fo managed it, that the 
 Upper Houfe voted directly contrary to the refolutions of 
 the Lower. But thereby they procured the Presbyterians 
 a confiderable advantage. For thefe laft took occafion from 
 thence, to reprefent how advantagious it was for the King 
 to have at his devotion fo great a number of Voices a- 
 mong the Lords, and confequently, how impoffible it 
 would be to fucceed in the intended reformation, fo long 
 as the Bifhops had votes in the Upper-Houfe. This led 
 them at length to bring in a Bill for the exclufion of all 
 Ecclefiafticks from civil employments, and the Bifhops in 
 particular, from a right of fitting in the Houfe of Lords. 
 
 Thofe who had only in view to reftore the Civil Go- VUvnoftbt 
 vernment, without meddling with the Hierarchy, and Politicians 
 whom I ffiall call the Politicians, though I don’t know, 
 they were ever fo termed, were greatly embaraffed. They 
 plainly faw, that fundry abufes had crept into the Church, 
 and would have readily agreed to their abolition, provided 
 nothing more had been required. But it was propofed to 
 go one ftep farther, and exclude the Bifhops from the 
 Upper-houfe, in which they faw feveral inconveniences, 
 with regard to the intereft of the Church of England, to 
 which they were attached. Though the Presbyterian party 
 did not entirely difcover themfelves, ajid feemed to have 
 no other view than to facilitate the redrefs of all abufes af¬ 
 ter the exclufion of the Bifhops, it was eafy to perceive, 
 their proje&s reached farther, and that their aim was to un¬ 
 dermine the Hierarchy. It is certain, there was no lefs incon¬ 
 veniencies in rejecting than confenting to, the Bill. By 
 leaving the Bifhops in the Upper-houfe, the King would 
 be always fecure of fo many votes. As the Lords were not 
 then fo numerous as at prefent, as fome were abfent or o- 
 therwife employed, and fome alfo were Roman Catholicks, 
 the Bifhops and the reft of the King’s party greatly influ¬ 
 enced the refolutions of the Upper-houfe, as was daily ex¬ 
 perienced. Confequently the work of the reformation of 
 the Government could not but meet with great obftacles. 
 
 On the other hand, by rejecting the Bill propofed, the 
 Presbyterian party would be difpleafed, which was very 
 confiderable in the Kingdom, chiefly by the fupport of the 
 Scots, of whom there was great occafion, fince it was by 
 their means that the Parliament was enabled to labour ef- 
 fedtually the redrefs of the grievances. 
 
 Then began to be debated the famous queftion, By'what SNeftion by 
 title do Bifhops fit in Parliament ? It was not denied, they nvbat /. vy 
 had enjoyed this privilege from the beginning of the Mo- 
 narchy ; but fome pretended, they fat in Parliament as mem. j 
 Barons only, on account of the Crown-lands granted them 
 by the Anglo-Saxon Kings, for which they did homage to 
 the King like the reft of the Barons. Others maintained, Rta f ons f cr 
 they had a Seat there as Reprefentatives of the Clergy, who ,b e BjUpt. 
 could not be bound by the Laws made in Parliament, with¬ 
 out giving their confent to them, according to the conllant 
 maxim of the Kingdom, and the undeniable privilege which 
 all Englijh Subjects had ever enjoyed. That the Lords gave 
 their confent to the Laws, for themfelves, and the Com-' 
 mons for all the Commons of the Kingdom, and there¬ 
 fore it was neceffary, there fhould be in tbe Parliament 
 Reprefentatives of the Church and Clergy, otherwife the 
 maxim would be falfe, that no man can be bound by the 
 Laws to which he has not confented. They added far¬ 
 ther, that the Parliament had always been thought to con- 
 fift of three Eftates, of which the Clergy had been always 
 
 Dean of Durham, as Rap in by miflake calls him. He was P.ebendary of Durham, and Dean of Peterborough. 
 
 (0 Co/ins was n« 
 
 confidered 
 
3 6o 
 
 I 64a. 
 
 X'Pty ta 
 tbeje Rea- 
 
 Iona. 
 
 A'/’ 
 
 »f,b. 
 
 1‘rethyt.n- 
 
 Tbe HISTORY 
 
 confidered as one, whence they inferred, that to exclude 
 from the Parliament one of its three Eftates, would be to 
 fubvert the conftitution of the Government. 
 
 To thefe arguments it was anfwered : Though it Ihould 
 be true, that the Clergy were an Eftate of Parliament dif- 
 tin«£t from the reft of the People, which was contefted, it 
 did not follow, that the Bilhops reprefented the whole 
 Church: That there were in the Parliament two Houfes, 
 one of the Lords, and the other of the Commons ; and 
 two Houies in the Convocation, the upper of the Bifhops, 
 and the lower of the inferior Clergy ; and therefore, ac¬ 
 cording to this rule, the inferior Clergy fhould likewile 
 have Reprefentativcs in the Parliament, that they might be 
 deemed to give their confent to the Laws, which huwever, 
 was never pretended. Hence it was inferred, the Bilhops 
 did not reprefent the Clergy, and added, that this fuppoled 
 Reprefentation was a new thing, unheard of before, and 
 that a few months ft nee, the Bifhops would have been very 
 angry to be counted only bare Reprefentatives : That 
 though it was neceftary, the Clergy fhould be reprefented 
 in the Parliament, it would not follow, that they ought to 
 be reprefented by the Bifhops, as all the people of England 
 were not reprefented by the Lords. That the Abbots had 
 formerly a feat in Parliament, not as Reprefentatives, but 
 as being Tenants in chief \ and when they were excluded, 
 it was not faid, that a breach was made in the conftitution of 
 the Parliament, either by the exclufion of the Abbots, or 
 diflblution of the Monafteries. 
 
 Thefe, if I am not miftaken, are the principal argu¬ 
 ments alledged for and againft the Bifhops, with regard to 
 their feat in Parliament. This queftion was the more dif¬ 
 ficult, as it had been never determined by what right the 
 Bifhops fate in Parliament. Very probably, from the be¬ 
 ginning of the Monarchy, till about the end of the reign 
 of Henry III, the Parliaments confifted onlv of Lords, 
 who were in pofleffion of all the Lands of the Kingdom, 
 for which they did homage to the King. And indeed it 
 appears, the Lords, before that time, granted the King the 
 money neceftary for the fupportof the Government, with¬ 
 out any mention of the Commons. It may therefore be 
 faid, that the Lords fat in Parliament by a double title, 
 namely, for themfelves, and as Reprefentatives of the Na¬ 
 tion. But after the Commons were introduced into Par¬ 
 liament, and had a feparate Houfe, the Lords loft the laft 
 of thefe titles, and fate only for themfelves, the reft of the 
 People having other Reprefentatives. The Bifhops and 
 Abbots, who belonged to the body of the Lords, had pro¬ 
 bably their feat too by a double title, as pofleftors of Baro¬ 
 nies, and as Reprefentatives of the Clergy, fecular and re¬ 
 gular. But as in introducing Reprefentatives of the Com¬ 
 mons into the Parliament, Reprefentatives of the inferior 
 Clergy were not alfo introduced, the Bilhops and Abbots 
 may be faid to preferve their double title to fit there, as 
 pofleftors of Baronies, and as Reprefentatives of the Clergy. 
 The diflolution of the Monafteries in the reign of Henry 
 VIII, rendered needlefs the reprefentation of the Regulars, 
 who no longer fubfifted ; but it made no alteration in the 
 Bilhops right, who, according to this fuppoiition, repre¬ 
 fented the fecular Clergy, and continued to fit in Parlia¬ 
 ment, though the Abbots were abolilhed. But after all, it 
 muft be owned, this reprefentation of the fecular Clergy by 
 Bilhops, is only a fuppoiition, which, though probable, can¬ 
 not be faid to be fo evident as not to be oppofed (1). But 
 it feldom happens, that in difputes of this nature, juftice 
 and right are folely regarded. Though the reafons which 
 may be drawn from the thing itfclf aie not negle&ed, yet 
 thofe are much more ftrenuoufly urged, which are founded 
 in intcreft and policy. 
 
 The heads of the Presbyterians never ceafed to repre¬ 
 fent to the Politicians the impoflibility of reftoring the 
 Government to its natural ftate, fo long as the Bilhops 
 Ihould fit in the Houle of Peers ; that the King had 
 found means to gain the Clergy to his intereft, by ex- 
 prelling a great zeal for the Church of England, and an 
 extreme averfion to the Presbyterians ; that the Clergy, 
 and efpeeially the Bilhops, were entirely devoted to the 
 King, in the belief that he was their prote&or and only 
 fupport ; that therefore they were perfuaded he could not 
 be too powerful, fince this power would be fo advantagious 
 to the Clergy ; that there were convincing proofs of this 
 truth in the conduct of Laud, Wren, and other Clergy- 
 
 of ENGLAND. Vo!. II. 
 
 men, particularly Sibthorpe , Montague , Manwarit-r, who 16.to. 
 
 had ufed their utmoft endeavours to precure the King an 
 unlimited power ; that the Clergy in general were ftill in 
 the fame difpofitions, and could do lor the future as much 
 mifehief as formerly, if care w-s not taken to humble their 
 pride and power, by confining them wi’.hin the bounds of 
 their calling. 
 
 The Politicians granted all thefe things, and befides, 
 were not very well pleafed with the Bilhops and t!»e reft ol ‘ ir ‘ J / r ' e 
 the Clergy. But they were loth to yield, lur fear the A- 'f*,- 
 teration propofed might produce others in Church and State, ! -D 
 which they did not care to meddle with. Mean while, 
 after long weighing the inconveniencies which might 
 flow from their acceptation or refill*], they refolved at ...it 
 to facrifice the Bilhops Right, rather than run the risk 
 of feeing all their projefts fall to the ground, by the ob- 
 ftacles which the Bilhops might raife. Whether this re- q, r 
 folution was taken by the Leaders at the beginning of the / : v ■.[. 
 Parliament, which I think not unlikely, or whether i i'enan. 
 was neceftary to ufe fome time to prevail with the Poli¬ 
 ticians, thofe who follicited the thing, judged that before 
 it came to be publickly debated, it was convenient to breed 
 prejudices againft the Bilhops in the minds of the People, 
 and to cherilh thofe already entertained. The Ho i e 
 wanted not opportunities to execute this defign. The B i 
 to lake from the Bilhops their feat in Parliament wi.snut 
 voted in the Houfe of Commons till the 1 1 th of March 
 1640-1, and palled not the Houfe of Peers till the 2 ;th of 
 May following. But before the moving of this Bill, the 
 Lower-Houfe had taken feveral fteps tending to incenfe the 
 People againft the 1 ifhops. The great number of Peti- N? ir on> 
 tions againft the Bilhrps in general, againft Epifccpal T.! p.’jij. 
 Government, againft fome particular Prelates and Clemy- 
 men, againft innovations, againft the late Convocation, u wor> 
 ferved them for foundation to examine the conduct of the 
 Bilhops with all the Rigour, their defign required. Seve¬ 
 ral pretend, all thefe Petitions were begged, and I won’t 
 affirm the contrary, though I know nothing particular con¬ 
 cerning it (2). There is no clearer evidence of the Com- Artifice f 
 mons defign with regard to the Biftit ps, than their ref j- 
 lution on the 20th of November, feventeen days after the 
 opening of the Parliament, namely, that on Sunday the Nalfon, v 
 2 2d of the fame month (3) every member Ihould le obliged Ti p -5 J 7 * 
 to receive the Communion, and bring with him a ticket 
 of his name and the place for which he ferved, and that 
 after the Communion-day none Ihould fit in the Houfe but 
 thofe that had firft received the Sacrament. This refolu- 
 tion could be with no other view, than to prevent the 
 Commons from being efteemed Presbyterians, and their 
 refolutions difparaged on that pretence. Thus in the reign 
 of Henry V, the Houfe of Commons intending to give a 
 mortal Blow to the Clergy, began with piffing an AiSt lor 
 burning Hereticks, ieaft the Clergy Ihould pretend that the 
 Houfe confifted only of fuch. 
 
 To Ihow now all the preparations that were made in the p roatt j, r . t 
 Houfe of Commons, before they proceeded in the Bill I of the cw 
 have been fpeaking of, I fhall only briefly mention the m f r ' n f n ~ a 
 Petitions that were prefimed, the Speeches that were 
 made on this fubjedl, and the feveral resolutions that were >6+0, ani 
 taken. ^ 
 
 On the 10th of November, feven days after the opening jv. p -9. 
 of the Parliament, Sir Edward Decring made a fpecch in Nalfon, 
 the Houfe, to perfuade them to enter upon matters of Re- T - 1 P 5 |6 * 
 ligion. He took occafion to prelent a Petition from one 
 If-llfon a Minifter againft the Archbifhop w ho had fufpend- 
 eJ him, and concluded with faying, Our manifold Grief 
 do fll a nighty and vajl circurnfere/ ce, jet fo that from evry 
 part our lines of Jorrow do lead unto him, and point at him 
 the Centre, from whence our miferies in this Church, and 
 many of them in the Commonwealth do flow. 
 
 The fame day was read the Petition of Peter Smart, 
 prifoner in the King’s Bench, complaining of Dr. Coftns’s ,y. 
 innovations in the Church of Durham, and his prufccu- NalDn, 
 tion of the prifoner in the High-Commiffion at York, where Tl l p , f * 
 he was fentenced and deprived of his Living, and Prebend 
 of Durham. Whereupon it was ordered that he fhould 
 have liberty to go abroad in fafe-cuftoJv, to profecute his 
 Petition, which was referred to a Committee who were 
 to coufider by whofe motion and means Dr. Cojins 
 was preferred to his late dignity (4). It was Archbi¬ 
 fhop Land they had a mind to meet with. On the 
 
 ,1) It feerns to be plain, that the Clergy never thought themfelves reprefented by the Biih'-pr, feeing that after the Refutation, when the Convocation drop- 
 p;d the Privilege of taxing them reiver, the inferior Clergy had in lieu of thac Privi.ege, a right to vote for Members of Parliament, and fo have, ever li c: 
 the year 16 5 , been ieprefented by the Commons, like the reft of the Freeholders. However, Mr. Hyd-, { afterwaids Lord C!drcn.i:n ) .;.d other', made u.- 
 of th : s Argument, ot the B (hops being the Repiefentatives of the Clergy, in their Speeches againft the takirg away the Bilhops Voices in the Houfe of 
 Peers ; which certain 1 )' was no Argument at all, the Prelates, doubtlefs, at well as m tred Aobuts, fitting in Parliament on account of their Baronie', like the 
 reft c.t the Nobiiity- 
 
 c. i The Lor". CLi'cndor. fay-, their w. y was to prepare a Petition very modeft and dutiful for the Form ; and for the Mat er, n .t very unrea finable ; and to 
 mm'in.cate t at fume public k meeting, where care was taken it fhould be received with approbation : the Subfciiption of v iy few hanss fillrj the Paper il- 
 felf, where the Pet tion was written, and iheretoie m.ny more Sheets were annexed, lor tfie recepii >n ot the number, wh ch gav: a .1 the Cr.dit, and pro¬ 
 cured all the Countenance to the ui deriakirig. When a multitude of hands was pr* cured, the Petition it felt was cut oft, and a new one framed luitable to 
 the defign n hand, and annexed to the long Lift of Names which were fob cribed to the foimcr. Tom I. p. iui. 
 
 (3) Rr.pin fays, on the dry appointed t. r the Faft, but he forgot that the Faft wis on the Tvtjdiy before, namely, the X7th, ii he had noted in '.he M?ry - 
 if) The Deanry of Feterbonu^b, and nut Durham. Rujhwrtb, Tom. 4. p. 64. 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 25 . CHARLES I. 
 
 361 
 
 1640. 
 
 Rufliworth. 
 ]V. p. 55. 
 Nalfon, 
 T.I- p-538- 
 
 Rufliworth 
 IV. p. 64. 
 
 i The London- 
 rt Petition a- 
 r.gatnft Bi- 
 \Jbcpt, con. 
 
 I -jar.cn. 
 
 II Ruflnvorth, 
 ,1V. p. 39. 
 
 I) Nalfon- 
 
 1 T.I. p.666. 
 
 21 ft, Dr. Coftns was fent for as a Delinquent by the Ser¬ 
 jeant at arms. 
 
 The fame day Sir Edward Decring made a Speech, 
 complaining, that there was a fevere High-Commiflion 
 eftablifhed in England, worfe than the Popifh Inquifition ; 
 that the Archbifhop of Canterbury affedted the title and 
 power of a Patriarch, and adled like a fovereign ; that he 
 allowed of the impreflion of books in favour of Popery, of 
 which he named feveral, and refufed the fame licenfe for 
 printing orthodox writings. He moved that there might 
 be a Committee to inquire into the great number of op- 
 prefled Minifters under the Bifhops tyranny, [for ten years 
 laft part,] and to examine the licences granted for bad 
 books, and refufed for good books. 
 
 On the 28th the Town of Banbury prefented a Peti¬ 
 tion againft innovations. 
 
 On the 30th it was reported from the Committee for 
 Mr. Wiljm *s petition, that he had been fequeftred four 
 years from his Living, only for not reading the Book of 
 Sports on the Lord’s-day : That after he was abfolved, he 
 was profecuted for not reading the prayer commanded to 
 be read by the Archbilhop againft the Scots. 
 
 On the i ft of December was read a Bill for reformation 
 of abufes in Ecclefiaftical Courts. 
 
 Three days after, the Houfe received a Petition from two 
 of, the inhabitants of Chejler, complaining of their having 
 been inhumanly treated by the High-Commiflion at York, 
 for vifiting Mr. Pryn when he was going to his prifon in 
 Caernarvon Caftle. Upon this Petition the Houfe ap¬ 
 pointed a numerous Committee to examine the jurifdi&ion 
 of the two Commiflions of Canterbury and York, and the 
 abufes committed in the Courts. 
 
 On the 9th a Committee was appointed to examine the 
 proceedings of the late Convocation, as well as the Convo¬ 
 cation-Writs, whether they were the fame with the Writs 
 of former times, and the opinions of the Judges in that 
 affair, and enquire how and by whom the Commifllon 
 that enabled the Clergy to give and take the new oath was 
 withdrawn. 
 
 On the tith, the Houfe received a Petition fubfcribed 
 by a great number of the inhabitants of London { 1) and 
 feveral Counties, containing twenty-eight grievances a- 
 gainft Epifcopal Government, the fubftance whereof was 
 as follows : 
 
 1. Grievance. The Bifhops fubjedling and enthrall¬ 
 ing all Minifters under them and their authority, and fo 
 by degrees exempting them from the temporal power. 
 
 2. The faint-heartednefs of Minifters to preach the 
 truth of God, and oppofe the progrefs of Arminianifm, left 
 they fhould difpleafe the Prelates. 
 
 3. The encouragement of Minifters to defpife the tem¬ 
 poral Magiftracy, and to live contentioufly with their 
 neighbours, knowing that they, being the Bifhops crea¬ 
 tures, fhall be fupported. 
 
 4. The reftraint of many godly and able men from the 
 Miniftry, and thrufting out of many congregations their 
 Minifters, becaufe they could not in confcience fubmit un¬ 
 to, and maintain the Bifhops needlefs devices. 
 
 5 ; The fupprefling of the buying of impropriations, and 
 placing of able Minifters in them. 
 
 6. The great increafe of fcandalous men in the mi¬ 
 niftry, who, if they but wear a canonical coat, a furplice, 
 a hood, and bow at the name of Jefus, think they have 
 fully difchargcd their duty. 
 
 7. The difcouragement of many from bringing up their 
 children in learning ; the many errors and ftrange opi¬ 
 nions which were in the Church ; great corruptions in the 
 Univerfities ; the want of preaching Minifters in many 
 places ; the loathing of the Miniftry, and the general de¬ 
 fection to all manner of profanenefs. 
 
 8. The fwarming of lafcivious and unprofitable books, 
 in difgrace of Religion ; as namely, Ovid's Fits of Love, 
 
 'The Parliament of Women , &c. 
 
 9. The hindering of godly books to be printed ; the 
 blotting out or perverting in thofe which they fuffer, 
 whatever ftrikes either at Popery or Arminianifm ; the 
 adding of what pleafeth them, and the reftraint of re¬ 
 printing Books formerly licenfed, without re-licenfing. 
 
 10. The publifhing of Popifh, Arminian , and other 
 dangerous books and tenets 5 as namely, That the Church 
 of Rome is a true Church, and in the worjl tunes never er¬ 
 red in fundamentals ; that the Subjects have no propriety in 
 their Ejlates ; but that the King may take from them what 
 he pleafeth ; that all is the King's , and that he is bound by no 
 
 Law , &c. 
 
 ir. The growth of Popery, and increafe of Papift , 1640, 
 
 Priefts and Jefuits ; the frequent venting of crucifixes ami 
 popifh Pictures both engraven and printed, and the placing 
 of fuch in Bibles. 
 
 12. The multitude of Monopolies, and impofitions upon 
 all kinds of commodities, (Ac (2). 
 
 13. That the Church-government in England was up¬ 
 held the fame way as in the Romijh Church. Hence it 
 was that the Prelates maintained, that the Pope is not 
 Antichrift, and forbad praying in the Church for the con- 
 verfion of the Queen. 
 
 14. The great conformity of veftures and ceremonies 
 with thofe of the Church of Rome. 
 
 15. The {landing up at the Gloria Patri, and at the 
 reading of the Gofpel ; praying towards the Eaft ; the 
 bowing at the name of Jefus ; the bowing to the altar 
 towards the Eaft ; crofs in Baptifm ; the kneeling at the 
 Communion. 
 
 t6. The turning of the Communion-table altarwife , 
 the fetting images and tapers upon them ; the reading of 
 the l'econd Service at the altar, which is termed^the 
 Mercy-Seat; the forcing people to come up thither to re¬ 
 ceive the Sacrament. 
 
 17. The confccrating of Churches, Chapels, Fonts 
 fsV. and the re-confecrating of them upon pretended pol¬ 
 lution. 
 
 18. The Liturgy for the moft part taken out of the 
 Romijh Breviary, and the book of Ordination framed out 
 of the Roman Pontifical. 
 
 19. The multitude of Canons ; abufe of excommuni¬ 
 cation ; denying of appeals ; the Canons of the laft Synod. 
 
 20. Plurality of Benefices ; prohibiting of marriages 
 without licence at certain times, and licenfing of marriages 
 without bans asking. 
 
 21. Profanation of the Lord’s-day, the fufpending and 
 depriving Minifters for not reading a declaration for tolera¬ 
 ting fports on that day. 
 
 22. The prefling of the ftridt obfervation of the Saints 
 days, and drawing great fums of money out of mens 
 purfes for giving them leave to work on them. 
 
 23. The great increafe of adulteries, (Ac. occafioned 
 by the Prelates corrupt adminiftration of Juftice in fuch 
 cafes, who taking upon them the punifhment of it, do turn 
 all into moneys for the filling of their purfes. 
 
 24. The general abufe of Excommunication, which was 
 inflidled for trivial matters ; and the abfolution whereof 
 could not be obtained without money, (Ac. 
 
 25. The Prelates claiming their office and jtirifditftion 
 to be Jure Divino ; their taking upon them temporal 
 dignities, (Ac. 
 
 26. The forcing people to take Commiflions out of their 
 own Courts. 
 
 27. The impofing of oaths upon Church-Wardens and 
 Sidefmen, which they cannot take without penury (3). 
 
 28. The great abufe of Ecclefiaftical Courts, and the 
 Bifhops Ufurpations. 
 
 This Petition ended with fome confiderations, the laft 
 whereof was, that the Bifhops having occafioned tiie war 
 with Scotland, this war could be terminated only by the 
 fuppreflion of Epifcopacy. 
 
 The next day, feveral Minifters (4) were declared De- Rufliworth, 
 linquents, for introducing innovations into the Church, Iv - P- 97* 
 and a Committee was appointed to examine the complaints 
 exhibited againft the Bifhop of Bath and Wells. 
 
 On the 15th, the Houfe proceeded to take into confider- 
 ation the new Canons of the late Convocation, and voted 113/123/ 
 what has been related. After that, Laud was accufed, and 
 Wren obliged to give bail. 
 
 On the 12th of January 1640-1, Petitions were pre- 1640-1. 
 fen ted from four feveral Counties againft the Hierarchy. P- *35* 
 
 On the 1 6th, a complaint was brought to the Lords (5), P 1 ! 43 « 
 againft a Conventicle held in the Parilh of St. Saviour’s in 
 Southwark, where at leaft fixty perfons were feized, who 
 upon being asked why they did not refort to their Parifh- 
 church, according to the Law of the 35th of Elizabeth, 
 anfwered, that the Law of Elizabeth was not a true Law, 
 for that it was made by the Bifhops (6). The Lords con¬ 
 tented themfelves with ordering, that Divine Service fhould 
 be performed as appointed by the Ads of Parliament ; and 
 that the Minifters fhould forbear to introduce any inno¬ 
 vations. 
 
 On the 19th, the city of Glocejler prefented a Petition P’ T 4 S* 
 againft the Bifhops. 
 
 On the 23d was read a Petition of feveral Minifters, in p ' lsz ' 
 behalf of themfelves and many others their brethren. 
 
 (1) Twenty thou and, fays Loti Clarendon, Tom- 1. p. r6r. 
 
 (2) How could Monopolies be a C iifeqnence of Epifcopal Government ? 
 
 (3) This refers to an Oath appointed by the lsilhop of IVmcbtfter. Rapm. S 
 
 (4) Thofe of Becking/. -r, Melts, and hemington in Smerfet/kire. Njlfo’i, Tom. I. p. 66* 
 
 (5) The Paper was firft delivered to .he King, a n d recommended by him to the Confideration and Juftice of the Houfe of Poets. Nalfon, Torn, i 
 They faul like wife, “That the King could not make a perfeft Law, for that he was not a perfeft Min; That they ought not to obey bin 
 
 144. 
 
 Civil thing”, 
 
 Ri/tbviortb, Tom, 
 
 No. LXII. V O L. II. 
 
 y y y 
 
 j? raying 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 36 2 
 
 1640-1 
 
 The King', 
 Rpeccb to 
 the Parlia 
 
 Rufh worth 
 IV. p. 15. 
 K11 Ton. 
 
 T. I. p.73 
 
 rbe III S T 0 R T of ENG LAN D. 
 
 T 1 
 
 praying a red refs of certain irregularities in the government 
 of the Church. To which was annexed a remonftrance, 
 letting forth thefe pretended irregularities, and the great 
 revenues and the little ufe, of Deans and Chapters. 
 
 All thefe Petitions, which were very graciouflv re¬ 
 ceived by the Houfe of Commons, being plain indica¬ 
 tions that the Houfe had l'ome ill delign againft the Bifhops, 
 his Majeftv lent for both Houfes to attend him at the Ban- 
 quetting-Houfe at Whitehall, where he made the following 
 Speech. 
 
 My Lords , and you the Knights, Citizens , end Burgeffcs, 
 
 A H E principal caufe of my coming here at this 
 time, is by realon of the flow proceedings in Par- 
 ‘‘ liament, touching which is a great deal of inconvenience. 
 “ Therefore I think it very neceilary to lay before you the 
 r. “ ftate of my affairs as now they ftand, thereby to haften 
 “ ( not to interrupt) your proceedings. 
 
 5 ’ “ Firft, I mult remember you, that there are two ar- 
 
 “ mies in the Kingdom, in a manner maintained by you, 
 “ the very naming of which doth more clearly fhew the 
 “ inconvenience thereof, than a better tongue than mine 
 “ can exprefs. Therefore, in the firft place, I fhall re- 
 “ commend unto you the quick difpatch of that bufinefs. 
 ‘‘ In the next place, I mull recommend unto you the 
 “ ftate of my Navy and Forts; the condition of both 
 “ which is fo well known unto you, that I need not tell 
 “ you the particulars, only thus much ; they are the walls 
 “ and defence of this Kingdom, which if out of order, 
 “ all men may eafily judge what encouragement it will be 
 “ to our enemies, and what difheartening to our friends. 
 “ Laft of all ( and not the leaft to be confidered ) I muft 
 “ lay before you the diftra&ions that are at this prefent oc- 
 “ cafloned through the connivance of Parliament ; for 
 “ there are fume men that more malicioufly, than igno- 
 “ randy, will put no difference between reformation, and 
 “ alteration of Government. Hence it cometh, that di- 
 vine fervice is irreverently interrupted, and Petitions in 
 “ an ill way given in, neither difputed nor denied. 
 
 “ But 1 will enter into no more particulars, but fhew 
 “ you a way of remedy, by /hewing you my clear in- 
 “ tentions, and fome rocks that may hinder this good 
 “ work. 
 
 “ I fhall willingly and chearfully concur with you for 
 tc the reformation of all innovations both in Church and 
 <l Commonwealth, and confequently that all Courts of 
 “ Julfice may be reformed according to Law. For my 
 “ intention is clearly to reduce all things to the beft and 
 “ pureft times, as they were in the time of Queen Eliza- 
 “ both. Moreover, whatfoever part of my revenue /hall 
 “ be found illegal, or heavy to my Subjects, I fhall be 
 “ willing to lay it down, trufting in their affections. 
 
 Having thus clearly and fhortly let down my in ten- 
 “ tions, I will fhew you fome rubs, and muft needs take 
 “ notice of fome very ftrange ( I know not what term 
 “ to give them, ) Petitions given in the name of divers 
 “ Counties, againft the prefent eflabliflied Government, 
 ‘‘ and of the great threatnings againft the Bifhops, that 
 “ they will make them to be but cypher:, or at leaft their 
 “ voices to be taken away. Now I muft tell you, that I 
 “■ make a great difference between reformation and altera- 
 “ tion of Government ; though I am for the firft, I can- 
 “ not give way to the latter. 
 
 If fome of them have overftretched their power, and 
 “ incroachcd too much upon the temporality, if it be fo, 
 “ I fhall not be unwilling thefe things fhould be redrcfled 
 “ and reformed, as all other abufes, according to the wif- 
 “ dom of former times; fo far I fhall go with you, nay 
 farther, if upon ferious debate you fhall fhow me, that 
 “ Bifhops have fome temporal authority, inconvenient to 
 “ the State, and not fo neceilary for the government of the 
 “ Church, and upholding epifcopal jurifdi&ion ; I fhall 
 “ not be unwilling to defire them to lay it down ; but 
 “ this muft not be underftood, that I fhall any way con- 
 “ fent that their voices in Parliament fhall be taken away ; 
 “ for in all the times of my predecefTors fince the Con- 
 “ quell, and before, they have enjoyed it ; I am bound 
 “ to maintain them in it, as one of the fundamental con- 
 “ ftitutions of this Kingdom. There is another rock you 
 “ are on, not in fubllance but in form ; yet the form is 
 “ fo effential, that unlefs it be reformed, it will marr the 
 “ fubftance. 
 
 “ There is a Bill lately put in concerning Parliaments. 
 “ The thing I like well, to have frequent Parliaments, but 
 “ to give power to Sheriffs and Conftables, and I know 
 “ not whom, to ufe my authority, that I cannot yield 
 “ unto. But to fhew you, that I am defirous to give you 
 “ content in forms which deftroy nut the fubftance, you 
 “ Ill all have a Bill for this purpofe ; fo that it trench nei- 
 
 c ‘ ther againft my honour, nor againft the antient Frero- 16.30-1. 
 
 “ gative of the Crown, concerning Parliaments, to 
 “ which purpofe I have commanded my learned Coun- 
 “ cil to wait upon you, my Lords, with fuch propofi- 
 “ tions as I hope will give you content, for I ingenu- 
 “ oufly confefs, that frequent Parliaments are ti c beft 
 “ means to keep a right underftanding between me and 
 “ my People, which I fo much deiire. 
 
 “To conclude, I have now fhewn you the ftate of 
 “ my affairs, my own clear intentions, and the rocks I 
 “ wifh you to efehew ; in all which you may perceive 
 “ the defire I have to give you content, as vou fhall find 
 “ alfo by thofe Minifters I have, or fhall have, about me 
 “ for the effe£ling of thefe rr.v grid intentions, which, I 
 “ doubt not, will bring peace and happinefs to my fub- 
 “ je&s, and contentment to you all, 
 
 “ Concerning the conference, you fhall have a dire* 5 l 
 “ anfwer, which fhall give you fatisfadlion.” 
 
 This Speech produced not the effedf, the King expedled 
 Firft, becaufe probably the exclufion of the B if bon-, was 
 already refolved, and there was nothing in the King's 
 Speech capable of altering that refolution. Second I v, the 
 great concern expreffed by the King for the Bifhops right, 
 was precifely the principal caufe that made their exclufion 
 to be deiired. Thirdly, the King feemed to banter the 
 Parliament, when he faid, “ if they would fhow him than 
 “ the Bifhops have any temporal authority inconvenient to 
 “ the State, he fhould not be unwilling to defire them to 
 “ lay it down.” As if the Parliament ought to have ex¬ 
 pected, from the pure condefcenfion of the Bifhops, the re¬ 
 formation of an authority prejudicial to the State, a maxim 
 directly contrary to the principles, the Parliament was 
 then of. 
 
 The next day, a complaint was brought to the Com- CcnpUim 
 mons againft Matthew ITren , for having, whilft Bifhop of p. 
 Norwich , by oppreflions, innovations, and requiring cer-p-.p cf Ely. 
 tain oaths, compelled above fifty families of that City to z6 j J 
 withdraw out of England. iV. 'pTi 58. 
 
 On the 1 ft of February , the Commons examined [part 
 of] the London Minifters Remonftrance againft the Bi¬ 
 fhops. In the debate upon this fubjedt, fome fmart repartees 
 pafl'ed between Mr. Grimjlon and Mr. Selden. Mr. Grim¬ 
 jlon argued thus : That Bijhcps are Jure divino, is a quef Grimfton'i 
 tion ; That Archbijhops are not Jure divino, is out of quejiion. 
 
 Now that Bijhops which are quejlioncd whether Jure divino, puiWirh, ’ 
 or Archbijhops , which out of quejiion are not Jure divino, >v. p. 1C5. ■ 
 Jhouldfufpend Minijlers that are Jure divino, / leave to .)'$« [ n ", 
 
 to be confidered. To which Mr. Selden anfwered, That 1 1 ■ A J 
 the Convocation is Jure divino, is a quejiion ; That Parlia¬ 
 ments are not Jure divino, is out of quejiion : That Religion 
 is Jure divino, there is no quejiion. Now, Sir , 7 hat the 
 Convocation, which is quejlionable whether Jure divino, and 
 Parliaments, which out of quejiion are not Jure di• ino, fncuid 
 meddle with Religion , which quejlionlefs is Jure divino, / 
 leave to your conftderation. 
 
 I own thefe two arguments do not feem to me of equal 
 force. The firft fuppofes, that for the particular adl of 
 fufpending a Minifter, there mult be an authority derived 
 from God, a fuppofition feemingly very natural. The o- 
 ther fuppofes, that there is occafion for the like authority, 
 to meddle with the affairs of Religion, a fuppohtion which 
 to me appears a little too general, and which fhould be re¬ 
 duced to particular adts, to render this argument like the 
 firft. 
 
 On the 5th, upon the complaint of the inhabitants of Rufhworth. 
 Wood-Church in Kent, againft Mr. Bowen their Minifter, lv - ?• *° 9 * 
 who being alfo a Jtuftice of Peace, had, by colour of that 
 office, done feveral things contrary to the Laws, the Houfe 
 ordered, that the Lord-Keeper fhould be defired to leave 
 out the Clergy of England and H ales, at the renewing of 
 the Commiffion of the Peace. 
 
 On the 8th and 9th, the Houfe refumed the debates Naifon. 
 cencerning the Bifhops, and many Speeches were made for J 1 P-.7 S +* 
 and againft them (1), but they are too long to be inferred. Kuiluvonh 
 I fhall content my felf with obferving, that though the i v. p . , 7tf ’ 
 point in queftion feemed to be only to know, whether the ,s 7 ' 
 Bifhops ought to be excluded from the Houfe of Peers, yet 
 the arguments againft them tended much farther, even to 
 the entire abolition of Epifcopacy. 
 
 I fhall alfo remark, that among thofe who fpoke for the 
 Bifhops, there was not one that denied, the Prelates had 
 abufed their power. But they maintained, that thefe were 
 perfonal faults, which might be punifhed and prevented for 
 the future, without any neceffity of attacking Epifcopacy 
 itfelf. The adverfaries of the Bifhops intimated on the 
 contrary, that there was no reforming Epifcopacy, but by 
 changing the government of the Church. They faid, 
 whilft there were Bifhops there would be fo many tyrants, 
 who would think more of eftablifhing their grandeur, than 
 
 r (he Bifhi’P' 
 
 were, (he Lord Digby, Sir Benjamin Rudyard, the Lord Falkland, Mr. P/ydell, and Mo Grii-Jf. 
 ■ F r.r fI> M r- Bagjbaw, tcc. See RuJh-wo'tb, Tom. 4- p. 176—187. 
 
Book XIX. 
 
 25. CHARLES L 
 
 640-1. of the People’s falvatioiu Unhappily, they had but too great reformation in the ecclefiaftical State, and probably, 1640-1. 
 many inftances to confirm their opinion. '1 lie Lord Falk- the Deans and Chapters were firft to be attacked, bcceuie 
 land, who fpoke that day againft the Bifhops, faid, among their ufe did not appear fo manifeft. For this reafon, 
 other things. Dr. Hacket defired leave to lpeak before the Houfe, on the 
 
 1 Par, IVejhall find them to have tythed mint and anife, and have behalf of Deans and Chapters, which was tr,-anted him. 
 l?Urd le P e,,d " ne the weightier works of the Law \\ to have been But after he had done, Dr . Burgefs was permitted alio to 
 
 up eager up 0 " *kofe who damn our Church, than upon thofe , anfwer his reafons. The two Univeriities prefented like- R-.-Vmh. 
 tx'-ba- who upon weak conpience, and perhaps as weak reafon , ( the wife Petitions to the Houfe on the fame act. unt, but to no ‘-Y P- 
 “opt 1 dipike of fame commanded garment , or fame uncommanded manner of purpofe. 
 
 fV 9 - pojlure ) only abjlained from it. Nay, it hath been more At laft, the Bill againft the Bifhops and Clergy exer- M y 
 
 jjtuthworih, dangerous for men to go tofame neighbour’s par ip, when they - ;r '— *-' a -rr< , ,, ■ — a., a 
 
 l8+ " } JtJ d 110 P rmon tn their own, than to be ob/iinate and perpe- 
 l;M. p.690. tual Recufants ; while maffes have been faid in J'ecurity , a 
 conventicle hath been a crime ; and which is yet more , the 
 conforming to ceremonies bath been more exalted, than the con¬ 
 forming to Chrifiianity ; and whilji men for fcruplcs have been 
 undone, for attempts upon fodomy they have only been ad- 
 moniped. 
 
 The oppofition which the enemies of Epifcopacy then 
 met with in the execution of their defigns, was ftrong e- 
 nough to retard it, but not capable to make them defift. 
 
 What they had juft done was properly but an effort, in 
 order to take more effectual meafures hereafter. They 
 were contented, therefore, with having prevailed with the 
 Houfe, that the Petition of the inhabitants of London fhould 
 
 cifing temporal jurifdi&ion, palled in the Houfe of Com- ! y e ’' ’ 
 mons, and was lent up to the Lords for their concurrence. * ** 
 
 But this Bill meeting with great oppofition in the Houfe of P . 278. 
 Peers, who put oft the debate from day to day, the Com¬ 
 mons caufed a new Bill to be brought into theirf Houfe, 
 for the taking away of Archbilbops, BilhopsDeans, 
 Archdeacons, fsV. which was read the firft time. Whilft 
 they were debating whether it fhould be read again or laid 
 alide, a meffage came from the Lords, fignifying, that they 
 were ready to concur with them as to the former Bill, 
 except only taking away the Bifhops votes in Parliament! 
 
 But the Commons, without taking any notice of this of¬ 
 fer, ordered the new Bill to be read a fecond time. 
 
 I he fecond of June, at a conference between the Ruflwyorth. 
 two Houfes, the Lords gave reafons why they did not lv - P* 2So * 
 
 be taken into confutation, contrary to the opinion of thofe judge it unlawful for the^Bifhops to fit in' Parliament "aL 
 who would have it rejected without reading. Befides, what ledging, that for their right to vote there, they conceived 
 had been faid on this occafion againft the Bilhops, promoted by the Common and Statute Law, and antient pratfice 
 the execution of the projed, to take away their votes in the there was no queftion of it. As for any inconveniencies, 
 Houfe of Lords, which moft of the Commons had already they did not yet underftand any fuch as might induce them 
 refolved in private. They continued therefore to receive to deprive the Bilhops and their Succeffors°of their right 
 
 Put- n.- .j .. c _ .1 n. /, 1 , 
 
 Petitions againft Epifcopacy, and to take feveral fteps tend 
 ing to infpire the People with an averfion for the Bilhops. 
 and the reft of the Clergy. 
 
 ,;Mfon. The i 3th of February, a Bill was brought in for abo- 
 
 But for removing them from the Star-Chamber, Council- 
 table, or any office in fecular affairs, they would fully con¬ 
 cur with the Commons. 
 
 Next day, heads for a conference with the Lord, were H. p. z8i. 
 
 limn”' lin,in 8 fu P erftition > » «■* fuppof.tion, that Bifliops had in- reported, containing nine reafons why Bifliops oiwht not 
 
 frnHnrr»il infn fhw* Thnrrh fnnrlrv riinnrftiiinne t-r. :.. .. . / \ 
 
 V. P . 188. Produced into the Church fundry fuperftitious practices. 
 
 P . 202. The 1 ft of March the Commons appointed a Committee 
 to prepare reafons to be offered to the Lords, that all Cler¬ 
 gymen in England and Wales , Uiould be put out of the 
 Com million of the Peace. 
 
 : 206. The 9th, it was moved in the Houfe, that a Bill be 
 drawn againft Pluralifts [and Non-refidents. ] 
 
 The fame day were prefented from the Committee, for 
 the Minifters Remonftrance againft the Bilhops, three heads 
 for the debate and confideration of the Houfe The firft 
 
 (I OtUofthc 
 
 hinft the 
 ■> 
 
 R ilfon, 
 
 | . 1. p.786. 
 
 uibwouh. concerned their fecular employments, namely, their legifla- 
 i » - tj v e and judicial power in Parliament ; their judicial power 
 
 in the Star-Chamber, and Commiffions for the Peace; their 
 employment as Privy-Counfellors, and temporal Offices. 
 R The fecond related to their foie power in ecclefiaftical things, 
 
 as ordination and cenfures. The third concerned the great- 
 nefs of the revenues of Deans and Chaptersj the little ufe 
 of them, and the inconveniencies thence arifing. The 
 Houfe having debated upon the firft of thefe heads, came to 
 thefe refolutions : 
 
 Nniiiworth. h That the legiflative and judicial power of Bilhops in 
 q«r. P . 212. the Houfe of Peers, is a great hindrance to the difeharge 
 of their fpiritual function, prejudicial to the Commonwealth, 
 and fit to be taken away by Bill, and that a Bill be drawn 
 to that purpofe. 
 
 II. That for Bifliops, or any other Clergymen, to be 
 in the Commiffion of the Peace, or to have any judicial 
 power, in the Star-Chamber, or in any civil Court, is a 
 great hindrance to the difeharge of their fpiritual function, 
 prejudicial to the Commonwealth, and fit to be taken away ; 
 and that a Bill be brought in to that purpofe. 
 
 •.Honor T'he fame day, the Lords ordered to be burnt two books, 
 
 ockling- written by Dr. Pocklington, entitled, Sunday no Sabbath, 
 /' an ^ ^ iare Chrifianum. 
 
 IZ ‘ The '5 c h, the Commons fent up to the Lords articles 
 i.aifun. againft Dr. Coftns, who was accufed of introducing into 
 • J-p-774- the Church of Durham divers innovations, tending to re- 
 
 -- ulhworth u__ q_ ° 
 
 <jg. p. 208. 
 
 to have votes in Parliament (2). 
 
 “ 1. Becaufe it is a great hindrance to their minifterial Pta ! on ' 
 
 “ fun&ion. Bi/bop » 
 
 “ 2. Becaufe they do vow and undertake at their ordi- "bat 
 “ nation, when they enter into holy orders, that they Parlia - 
 “ w ‘ll give themfelves wholly to that vocation. id.”p. 281. 
 
 “ 3 - Becaufe Councils and Canons in feveral ages, do Nalfon, 
 
 “ forbid them to meddle in fecular affairs. T. I. p 2604 
 
 “ 4. Becaufe the twenty-four Bilhops have dependance 
 “ °n the two Archbilhops* and.take their oath of cancni- 
 “ cal obedience unto them. 
 
 “ 5 - Becaufe they are but for their lives, and therefore 
 “ are not fit to have legiflative Power over the honours, 
 
 “ inheritances, perfons, and liberties of others. 
 
 “ 6. Becaufe of Bilhops dependency and experftanev of 
 “ tranflation to places of greater profit. 
 
 ** 7 - That the feveral Bifhops have of late much en- 
 “ croached upon the confciences and liberties of the Sub- 
 “ je£t ; and they and their fucceftbrs will be much en- 
 “ couraged Hill to encroach; and the Subjeift will be much 
 “ difeouraged from complaining againft fuch encroachment, 
 
 “ if twenty-fix of that order be to be judges upon that com- 
 “ plaint. The fame reafon extends to their legiflative 
 “ Power in any Bill to pafs for the regulation of that 
 “ power, upon any emergent inconveniency hy it. 
 
 “ 8. Becaufe the whole number of them are interefted 
 “ to maintain the jurifdiclion of Bilhops ; Dibich hath 
 “ been found fo grievous to the three Kingdoms, that 
 “ Scotland hath utterly abolilhed it. 
 
 “ 9- Becaufe the Bilhops, being Lords of Parliament, 
 
 “ it fettleth too great a diftance between them and the 
 “ reft of their brethren in the Miniftry ; which occafion- 
 “ eth pride in them, difeontent in others, and difquiet in 
 ** the Church. 
 
 “ And as to their having votes a long time, the anfwef 
 “ is, if it be inconvenient, time and ufage are not to be 
 ‘‘ confidered with Law-makers : Some Abbots voted as 
 ‘‘ antiently in Parliament as Bilhops, yet are taken a- 
 “ way.” 
 
 Among thefe reafons the Commons only infinuated 
 the principal in the 6th article, which however was u- 
 niverfally known, namely, that the Bifhops had been 
 
 The ziftof April, Petitions againft the Hierarchy were 
 prefented by Nottmghamfnre and Lanafhire. 
 
 *35- The z6th of the fame month was read [a fecond time] 
 
 *l.°j>.So6. a for punifhing and fining the Members of the late ... .. y ._ j 
 
 Convocation. The Archbifltop’s of Canterbury's, fine was too much devoted to the King, and countenanced arbitrary 
 of twenty thoufand pounds. There were others of ten thou- power. 
 
 fund pounds, of five thoufand, three thoufand, two thou- Mean while the Commons ordered a BUI to be prepared 
 faad, and the leaf! of a Bifhop was of a thoufand. The againft the late Convocation, and another to abobfh the 
 reft of the Members were rated, each in proportion to his High-Commiffion. 
 
 ecclefiaftical revenues (1). The 7th of June the Lords voted for maintaining the Rl '® wcrrfl * 
 
 ulhwonh, The fame day was read a Bill, for regulating abufes in ec- Bifhops right to fit in Parliament. lv ' p- 
 
 v.f. * 3 S -clefiaftical Courts. The 11th, the affair of Epifcopacy coming again into Pr ‘ aml '^ « 
 
 alCon. L was evident, that the Commons were projefting fome debate, lafted from feven in the morning, till night (3), and g‘^ U E a p f 
 
 it Crpacy , 
 
 Id p. 285, 
 
 It) The Reader may lee the Draught of the intended Fines at large in Rufnworth, Tom. 4. p. 235, &c. 
 
 fa) To thefe Rcafous there was foon an Anfwer in print, called, Ar. Abfiran, &c. ( faid to be done by the Archbilhap of York, ) and to that prefently came 
 forth a Reply. To which the curious Rtoder is referred. Rujhivonb, Tom. 1. p. 282. 
 
 (3j in this long debate, the Authority of that very ancient Pdrchment-Manufcript-Copy of the Bible in his Majefly’s Library at Sr-Jtmu's, and feit to 
 
 Kina 
 
 Ml. P.24C. 
 
Vol. If. 
 
 3 6 4 The HIST0R7 “ 
 
 1640-1. it was refolved by the Commons, that the preamble to 
 the Bill fhould be exprefied in thefe words : 
 
 Whereas the government of the Church of England by 
 Archbifhops anil Bifhops, their Chancellors and Commijfarus, 
 Deans , Archdeacons, and other Ecclefiafiical Officers, hath 
 been found by long experience to be a great impediment to 
 i u c perfect reformation and growth of Religion, and very 
 prejudicial to the State and Government of this Kingdom, See. 
 
 1 .. ,rrrjt The 15th, the Commons voted that all Deans, Deans 
 t- therjr- 2n j Chapters, Archdeacons, Prebendaries, Chanters, Canons, 
 and Petty-Canonand their Officers, fhall be utterly 
 abolifhed : That ail the Lands taken from Deans and 
 Chapters ih'.!l be employed to the advancement of learn¬ 
 ing and piety, provision being made that his Majefty be 
 no lofer in his rents, firft-fruits, and other duties ; and 
 that a competent maintenance fhall be made to the feveral 
 perfons concerned, if fuch perfons appear not to be delin¬ 
 quents. Several Speeches too long to be inferted, were 
 made upon this occafion. 
 
 P :93. The 21ft, the Houfe being refolved into a grand Com¬ 
 mittee to debate the Bill for abolifhing Epifcopacy, Sir 
 : ’ Edward Deering propofed, in a Speech, that there fhould 
 
 be in every Shire twelve Divines and a Prefident, to 
 whom might be given what title they pleafed, whether 
 that of Bilhop or any other : but nothing was refolved 
 thereupon. 
 
 It is eafy to perceive by what palled in the Parlia¬ 
 ment, during the hrff months, with regard to the Church, 
 that the Commons confidered this affair as a capital point, 
 though they afteited to let it pafs as dependent on the de- 
 fign of reforming the civil Government. For fcarce a 
 dav palled without fome debate directly or indirectly on this 
 fubjeCt. B’.'t as this was not the only affair then in agitation 
 in the Parliament, it will be neceflary to break off the nar¬ 
 ration, in order to (peak of fome other matters of no lefs 
 importance. 
 
 The King could not but be very much difpleafed with 
 the proceedings of the Commons, as well in the affair of 
 grievances, as in that of Epifcopacy. The two things he 
 had molt at heart, fince the beginning of his reign, were 
 the ftretching his Prerogative, and maintaining the Church 
 of England in its full luftre, and the Bifhops in all their au¬ 
 thority. Neverthelefs, upon thefe two points it was that 
 the Commons feemed to affect to give him daily mortifi¬ 
 cations, not only by their Speeches, but alfo by their Votes 
 and the Bills they fent up to the Lords. 
 
 But befides Grievances and Epifcopacy, there was ano- 
 ther Article, wherein the Commons fliowed no great com- 
 ’ 1 ' * plaifance to the King; and that was the affair of the Ca- 
 
 " ' tholicks. Charles followed the King his Father’s method, 
 
 that is, he appeared to be entirely attached to the Proteftant 
 Religion and Church of England ; whilft on the other 
 hand, he protected and countenanced the Papilts. But 
 there was this difference between the Father and Son ; 
 King 'James's, Religion was always very doubtful, notwith- 
 ftanding his outward profelfion of the Proteftant Religion ; 
 whereas King Charles was never accufed of being a Papilt, 
 but by men ot very warm and paffionate tempers. How¬ 
 ever, feveral things induced him to favour the Catholicks, 
 R . , which gave his enemies fome advantage. 1. The example 
 
 y °f the King his Father, who, throughout his whole reign, 
 /.i-v urrd ibe could never be prevailed with to execute the Laws againft 
 Poyji. them. 2. Though the Papifts would not take the oath of 
 Supremacy, they refufed not to fwear Allegiance, and that 
 was fufficient for him to reckon them good SubjeCts. 3. In 
 his projed of humbling the Parliament, and reducing the 
 Commons to the foie affair of Supply, the Parliament’s de¬ 
 ft ring the execution of the Laws againft the Papifts, fuf- 
 ficed to throw him upon a contrary courfe, in order to de¬ 
 prive them by degrees, of the cuftom of obtaining every 
 thing by importunity. 4. The Catholicks having no other 
 rcluge but the King’s protection, it was natural for them 
 firmly to adhere to his perfon and intereft, and the King 
 thought himlelf obliged to grant them an extraordinary 
 protection, in reward of their fidelity. 5. Nothing was 
 more grating to the Puritans, than to fee the Papifts well 
 received at Court ; and as the King hated the Puritans, 
 he took a pleafure in mortifying them, by careffing their 
 enemies. 6. The Queen, for whom the King had a very 
 great condefcenfion, did not a little contribute to inlpire 
 him with a good opinion, if not of her Religion, at leaft 
 01 the profeftors. 7. Archbilhop Laud , who was Armi- 
 nian, took care not to ftrengthen the Calviniftical-party, 
 by incenfing the King againft the Papifts. 8. Laftl'y, 
 Charles I. was naturally of an inflexible temper, and this 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 quality, added to his maxims of Government, made him 16} ?-1. 
 impatient of whatever tended to curb his will. Thefe arc 
 probably, the reafons that induced the Kino; to countenance 
 the Catholicks, during the firft fifteen yeais of his reign. 
 
 He carried his regard for them fo far, that not only the 
 penal Laws enaCIed againft: them, were never executed, 
 but the Papifts were alfo confidered at Court as the beft 
 SubjeCfs, whereas the Puritans were regarded as enemies to 
 the King and State. 
 
 The face of affairs being changed by the calling of the 
 Parliament, and the King unable to protect the Papifts, 
 they were treated fomewhat roughly. It was fuppofed, 
 there was a fettled defign to introduce Popery, and that fe¬ 
 veral Bifhops and other Clergymen were in the plot. The 
 Archbifhop of Canterbury , the Bifhops of Ely, and of Bath 
 and Wells , Dr. Cofins, Secretary Windebank, and fome 0- 
 thers, were accufed of being chiefly concerned in this affair, 
 which was openly faid to be managed bv the Queen and 
 her Confidents. Though this charge was perhaps carried 
 too far, with refpect to the private perfons, it can hardly 
 be denied, that they gave fome caufe for it by their pro¬ 
 ceedings. Their hatred to the Presbyterians made them 
 not fcruple to make too near approaches to Popery, in or¬ 
 der to be at a greater diftance from Presbyterianifm. This, 
 if I am not miftaken, was the true caufe of all the inno¬ 
 vations introduced into the publick worfhip, and of the 
 inviolable attachment to the obfervance of certain indiffe¬ 
 rent or needlefs cuftoms and ceremonies. The chief aim of 
 the Governors of the Church was to widen continually the 
 diftance between Presbyterianifm and the Church of Eng¬ 
 land. But this policy, which was advantagious to the ene¬ 
 mies of the Puritans, whlift the King ruled with an abfolute 
 power, turned to their prejudice entirely, becaufe in this 
 Parliament they were accufed of having had more fecret de- 
 figns ; in a word, of having intended to introduce Popery, 
 and the punifhmcntof the faults committed by fome hot and 
 paffionate perfons, was made to fall on the whole Church. 
 
 In all the proceedings of the Parliament againft the Pa¬ 
 pifts, the King had properly nothing to fay. He could not 
 deny that there were Laws againft Recufants, and that 
 thefe Laws had not been executed, though he had feveral 
 times folenrnly promifed it. It was no longer a proper 
 Seafon to protect them openly, and therefore he publifhed 
 Proclamations, enjoining the execution of the Laws, in 
 order to content the Parliament. But thefe Proclamations 
 were fo artfully drawn, that they properly granted nothing 
 of what they feemed to promife. Efpecially, the Parlia¬ 
 ment could never prevail with the King to let the con¬ 
 demned Priefts be executed, whether the King believed 
 thefe fentences too rigorous, or the Queen’s Sollicitations had 
 a greater influence upon him than thofe of the Parliament. 
 
 I fhall now proceed to the moft material tranfa&ions con¬ 
 cerning the Catholicks, during the firft feven or eight 
 months of this Seffion. 
 
 In the beginning of the Parliament, the King having Report <f 
 publifhed a Proclamation againft Recufants, the Com- 
 mittee, charged with examining it, reported, it was not wing the 
 according to [his Majefty’s intentions, or] the expedlation Pyodama-' 
 of the Houfe, for the following reafons : ‘to-uiaJtf 
 
 1. In the claufc wherein the Proclamation commands all Rufliworth, 
 Pbpifh Recufants within fifteen days to depart the City, Iv - P- 6 S*. 
 Etc. it is added, Without fpecial licence had thereunto : So 56m 
 that if by any means they can obtain any licence from his 
 Majefty ( which the Committee thinks they cannot) or 
 
 from the Lords of the Council, Bifhop, Lieutenanr, or 
 Deputy-Lieutenant, then they are not within that claufe. 
 
 2. The order to difarm all Recufants, is limited to Re¬ 
 cufants Convift, and being fo reftrained, if any be armed 
 and not convicted, a Juftice of Peace cannot dilarm them. 
 
 3. Recufants are commanded to depart to their own 
 dwelling Houies ; but as of late days there is great refort 
 of Recufants to London and Wejhninfter, and places adja¬ 
 cent, there is no urging them from thence by Law. 
 
 The Committee added, that many Recufants had Let¬ 
 ters of Grace to protect their perfons and eftates. 
 
 In the continuation of this report, a few days afrer, the Ru/hwonh. 
 Committee laid, 1 hat upon the examination of the Keepers 1V- l 63 * 
 of two Prifons only, Newgate and the Clink, they found xa}fbn°" 
 fixty-foui Priefts and Jefi t. dif t ed in-one year, fome t.i. olim 
 by Privy-fignct, others by Warrants from the Lords of 
 the Council, but moft of them by Warrants from Secre¬ 
 tary Windebank, without any mention of the King’s 
 pleafure (1) : That upon examination of the Clerk of the 
 Peace tor Middlefex , and the Clerk of the Crown in the 
 King’s-Bench, it was found, that within the compafs of 
 
 King Cbirlti I. by Cyr: 
 l cat Antiquary where 
 
 r 
 
 -.he firft Bilhop of Crete, 
 Drum. Occur, p. IZ3. 
 
 (1) In the Report it is 
 and the Queen mother, 
 
 [•’“ Puriarchof A lex undr, a, being all written in great Capital Greek Letters, was vouched and afferted by Sir -.-did' Evict 
 in the Pofticript to the Epiftles to timothy and Titui are only thus : The Firft to Timothy, -written Jrom Laodicea • the Sec*-. 
 
 I Titus, virittea from Nicopolis Whence he interred, that the (tiling or Timothy the firft Biflnp Ot EpbeftU, and / 
 were the ipurious Additions of fome Eaftern Biftup or Monk, at leaft five hundred years alter Chrift. Rujhwirn Tom. 4. p- a 
 
 s added, That very few appeared to be undet the King’s own hand, a Q J of them not any on; but at the requeft of foreign An bair.d 
 Ruftmjirtb, Tom. 4. p. 6S. 
 
 id to 
 
 *84. 
 
 dor*. 
 
 feven 
 
 6 
 
Book XX. 
 
 25. CHARLES I, 
 
 1640-1. feven or eight years there had been feventy four Letters of 
 Grace (r). Then they defcended to particular circum- 
 ftances, concerning the difcharge of feveral perfons con¬ 
 demned for treafon, all by the order of Windebank: They 
 faid moreover, that they had difcovered fixty four Letters 
 of Grace to flay the profecution againft Papifts, directed to 
 feveral Counties and Judges. It was added, that indeed 
 the King had power to pardon the condemned : but to com¬ 
 mand no further profecution, was contrary to Law. 
 Ruihworth, The 30th of November, the Commons defired the Ge- 
 IV. p. 67. nera j Q f t ^ e arm y t0 difmifs all popifh officers (2); and 
 moved his Majefty, that all commanders and other officers 
 in any town or garrifon that were Papifts, might be re- 
 p 73. moved. The King anfwered, he knew of no Papift that 
 had the command of any place, but however, had given 
 orders to be more particularly informed. 
 
 P- 7 1, The 1 ft of December , the Houfe ordered the preparing 
 
 of a Remonftrance to his Majefty, concerning the Pope’s 
 [pretended] Nuntio. This was Count Rofetti, who ex - 
 ercifed in England the function of Nuntio, under colour, 
 that it was neceflary to the Queen for matters of con- 
 fcience. 
 
 p- 73- The 5th, the Houfe fent an order to all the Juftices of 
 
 Peace of Wejlminjler , London and Middlefex , enjoining 
 them to proceed againft Recufants according to Law, not- 
 withftanding any inhibition or reftraint. 
 
 Buf.ncfi of 'J anU ary following, there was a fort of difpute be- 
 
 tL tween the King and Commons, on account of ‘John Good- 
 
 Ruihworth. man a Jefuit, who had been condemned to die, but was 
 iv. p. 153. re pn'e V ed by the King. The Houfes had feveral confe- 
 165! fences upon this fubjecl, and at laft agreed to join in a Re- 
 Naifon. monftrance to his Majefty, to move him, that the Laws 
 T-1. p 739 .’ might be executed againft Priefts and Jefuits, and parti- 
 74,6 " cularly againft Goodman. The King, who defired to fave 
 this Jefuit, alledged, That he had been condemned merely 
 for being in orders of a Prieft, and had never been con¬ 
 demned or banifhed before. But the two Houfes repre- 
 fented to him, that this Prieft and Jefuit had been a Mi- 
 nifter in the Church of England, and had been formerly 
 twice committed and difeharged. In fhort, the King re¬ 
 plied, That if Goodman were put to death, the Proteftants 
 abroad, in Caiholick Countries, might fuffer for it ; but 
 however, would leave it to both Houfes to do as they 
 thought fit. Next day, Goodman fent a Petition to the 
 King, which was immediately communicated to the Houfe 
 of Lords, wherein he faid, That he was content to die, 
 rather than live the fubjedl of fo great difeontent between 
 him and his People. As it does not appear that the Par¬ 
 liament infilled any more upon this matter, it is likely, the 
 King obtained his defire, and faved the Jefuit’s life. But 
 this fort of vi£tory failed not to do him fome prejudice, in 
 that his enemies took occafmn from thence to reprefen t, 
 that there was no depending upon his proclamations or pro- 
 mifes, with refpcil to the Papifts, fince they were never 
 executed. It is not doubted but the Queen follicited ftrongly 
 in Goodman's behalf. 
 
 Ruihworth, The 11 th of February 1640-1, notice was given to the 
 iLura ,l8 Commons, that the Papifts were preparing to execute fome 
 Occur.' great defign (3), and that by the Queen’s order, all Roman 
 Catholicks failed every Saturday , for the profperous fuccefs 
 of the fame. Whereupon an order was made, that all 
 Judges in their Circuits Ihould effectually put the Laws in 
 execution againft Priefts and Jefuits (4). 
 p. 275. The 17th of May, the Commons ordered the Lord- 
 Mayor of London , [and the Juftices of Peace for London , 
 Wejlminjler, and Southwark ] to prevent Papifts from re¬ 
 ferring to Ambaffadors houfes, and the Queen’s Chapels, 
 p. 276. The 24th, the Members of the Houfe had orders to 
 bring in, by fuch a time, the names of all Recufants con¬ 
 vict in each County. 
 
 p. 2S0. The 2d of June, was read in the Houfe of Commons 
 a Bill, for difarming all the Papifts in the Kingdom. 
 Preceding, j n January laft, the Commons had begun to take into 
 “morii con^~ confideration the contribution raifed among the Roman 
 eernirj; ib, Catholicks, for carrying on the late war againft the Scots, 
 S 'a‘ r ' at ' n ^ ance °f Queen, who wrote a circular letter 
 pytsfer tbt t0 exhort them to it. Walter Montague and Sir Kenelm 
 War wub Digby , [ who had writ on the fame occafion to fome of the 
 Roih*\ d th P r ‘ n cipal c ^ ie popifh party ] were fent for and examined, 
 IV. p . 'ijs, and ( he Commons feemed refolved vigoroully to pufh this 
 iso, 169. affair. But the Queen found means to appeafe them by a 
 meflage, wherein Ihe faid, That fhe was moved to raife 
 the Com - money in that manner lor the King’s affillance, merely 
 
 »wi. out of her tender affection to him, and if it were illegal, 
 
 p.^69. was jg norant 0 f the Law, but promifed to be more 
 
 Na'.on, cautious for the future. She faid moreover, That under- 
 
 t. i'. p.747. 
 
 3 e ii 
 
 Handing, the having one fent to her from the Pope was 1640-1. 
 diftaftful to the Kingdom, Ihe was delirous to give the Par¬ 
 liament farisfadtion, and in convenient time would remove 
 him. This convenient time was not yet come in June fol- j^fliwnnh. 
 lowing, when the Nuntio Rofetli was Hill with the Queen. ' 
 
 But at laft, the Commons having ordered him to be brought 
 to the Bar o.‘ their Houfe to be examined, he hid himfelf, 
 and on the morrow departed for Rome. Montague-, Win ¬ 
 ter-, and Sir Kenelm Digby, withdrew into France. 
 
 Father Philips , the Queen’s Confeffor, was alfo exami- The stueio: 
 ned by the Commons, who afterwards brought an aecufa- Canfejjor ,< 
 tion againft him to the Lords, and againft the fuperior of worth, 
 the Capuchins belonging to the Queen. Probably, this iv. p. 3c., 
 accufation was only to frighten, and oblige tnem to 
 
 rctire - . occu": 
 
 Thefe are all the material tranfadlions concerning the 
 Catholicks, before the King’s journey to Scotland, which 
 will be mentioned hereafter. It is time to return to the 
 Scotch army, which we left at Newcajlle. 
 
 The King had flattered himfelf, that the Parliament ..f 
 
 would efpoufe his caufe againft Scotland, and furnifh him Co: 
 with means to drive the Scots out of the Kingdom. This 
 was the firft, or rather the only thing he recommended in 
 his firft Speech to both Houfes. But to perceive how vain 
 this hope was, ft needs only to be confidered, that the lead¬ 
 ing men of the party againft the King, were the per fens 
 that encouraged the Scots to enter England, and that this 
 party was fe fuperior in the Parliament, that but few of 
 the King’s triends durll open their mouth to fupport his in- 
 tereft. It was this Scotch invafion that compelled the King 
 to call a Parliament, and enabled the Parliament to break, 
 all the King’s measures, and oblige him to fuffer the redrefs 
 of grievances. In a word, it was folely by means of the 
 Scots, that the Parliament had it in their power to reftore the 
 Government to its antient and natural Hate. They would 
 therefore have aCled againft their own interefl, and direCtly 
 contrary to the end they propofed, if they had fupplied 
 the King with means to drive the Scots out of the King¬ 
 dom. Accordingly, they took not one ftep tending to that 
 purpofe. On the contrary, it evidently appeared, that they 
 confidered the Scots as brethren, who, having the fame in- 
 tereft as the Englijh, were come to affift them, and a£l m 
 concert with them. 
 
 The 9th of November, fix days after the opening of the 
 Parliament, Sir William Widdrington, Knight of the Shire 
 for Northumberland, fpeaking concerning the matter of a 
 Petition, prefented by that County, on account of the op- 
 preffions they laboured under from the Scotch army, called 
 the Scots, invading rebels. The Houfe was fo offended at 
 the expreffion, that Widdnngton efcapcd imprifonment only 
 by recanting, and promifing to call them rebels no more. 
 
 Nothing was more capable to fhow the King, how averfe 
 the Commons were from aiding him againft the Scots. But 
 this was not the only mark they gave of their intention. 
 
 In the firft place, they thought proper to give the Scots Rufhworth.j 
 the fum of three hundred thoufand pounds, in reward for P -160 > 
 their brotherly affiftance to England. In the fecond place, jjahon 
 they found means to prolong the negotiation of Peace till T. 1. p.74.7. 
 the 7th of Augujl 1641, that is, till almoft all the gric- wh “ eloclt * 
 vances were redreffed, the Triennial Bill pafled, and ano- Diurn', 
 ther, that the Parliament fhould not be diftblved, but by Occur, 
 an A <£1 for that purpofe. All this was very remote from 
 the hopes the King had flattered himfelf with, that he 
 fhould have a fufficient fupply to compel the Scots to re¬ 
 turn home. As the troubles of Scotland were the fountain 
 and origin of all that pafled in this Parliament, I am per- 
 fuaded, the Reader will not take it ill, to fee here a brief 
 account of the negotiation of Peace between the King and 
 the Scots, and between Scotland and England. What fol¬ 
 lows is the fubftance of the Earl of Brijlol’ s Speech to both 
 Houfes, when he was chofen by the Lords Commiffio- 
 ners, to give them an account of what had pafled hitherto 
 in that affair. 
 
 “ The Commiffioners employed by his Majefty in- 
 “ tend not to look further back into the bufinefs, than the 7 
 “ a£ts of their own employments ; they intend to give Negotiation 
 “ no account of the pacification interrupted, nor war re- tbc 
 “ newed ; no account how the armies in England, Ireland , Ru( j,^ or th, 
 “ and by fea were defigned ; they purpofe not to lay fault iv. p 46 ■ 
 “ upon any man, nor to enquire into the caufe why the 
 “ Scots (as they pretended from neceffity) were drawn to 
 ‘‘ enter this Kingdom ; nor why the King’s army, when 
 “ fervice was to be done, was out of the way* - ; but that 
 “ thofe through whofe hands thefe have palled, may 
 “ hereafter give their own account. 
 
 “ His Majefty having called his Great Council at 
 
 (1) The Author having made fome m'tftakes 
 of thel'e Letters of Grace was this, they were ( 
 
 Perfons therein n-tned. See the Report befrre 
 
 (2) The General's Anl’wer was, That as fuon as polTiblc he c 
 (3^ Particularly that there were fifteen hundred in Lancafbir. 
 
 with Arms, and well paid and provided for. Rufhwortb, 'lorn. 
 (4) March 16, both Houfes agreed to petition the King to te 
 
 No. 62. Vol. II. 
 
 this Paragraph, they are correfled from the Report at large in Ruihworth, Tom. 4.. p. 68. The natu 
 ited to Archbtlhops, Bilhops, Judges, and all other the King's Officers, to ftay all Proceedings againft 1 
 ntioned. 
 
 tld, he would return an Anfwer in writing. Ruihworth, Tom. 4. p. 7 j - 
 eight thouDnd in Irttar.d, and feveral th.ulands in South and North Welti, well furnilh 
 
 e the Papifts from Court- Ibid. p. 
 
 Z z z z 
 
 York , 
 
366 
 
 ‘640-1. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 cc York, made to them two proportions. The fir ft was, 
 ‘‘ how his army fhould be relieved and maintained ? To 
 “ this the Lords refolved to engage themfelves, and to 
 “ fend deputies to London to negotiate a fupply. T. he 
 “ fecond propofition was, that after the Scots had palled 
 “ Northumberland , taken Newca/ile , and poffeiled the 
 “ Biftioprick of Durrjin, they fent a petition to his Ma- 
 “ jelly, which contained in general terms a defire to have 
 <c their grievances taken into confideration. Upon receipt 
 “ of his Majefty’s anfwer, the Scotijh Lords fent his 
 “ Majelly a fecond petition, in which they made their 
 “ particular demands, and declared, that according to his 
 “ Majefty’s command they would advance no further in- 
 “ to England. So his Majefty asked the Lords what an- 
 “ fwer fhould be made to that petitionary letter ? The 
 “ Lords replied, that it was impofTible for them to give 
 “ any well-grounded advice, unlefs the true ftate of his 
 “ affairs, and the condition of his army were laid before 
 “ them. Whereupon his Majefty commanded the Earl 
 “ of Traquair to make the narration of the Scotijl) buh- 
 “ nefs, and their late Adis of Parliament, and the [Earl 
 “ of Strafford J Lord-Lieutenant-General to give an ac- 
 il count in what condition the army flood. 
 
 “ The Scots army had paffed Northumberland without 
 “ refiftance. They had difputed the paffage of the River 
 “ Tyne at Ncwburn, where the Englijh Horfe retired in 
 
 diforder. His Majefty’s Foot Army confiding of twelve 
 “ or fourteen thoufand men in Newcaffle , likewife retired 
 “ to York, whereby the town of Nevjcaffle , a place of 
 “ great confideration, w’as fallen into the Scots hands, 
 “ and the Biftioprick of Durejm brought under contri- 
 “ bution. 
 
 “ In this ftate the Gentry of the Biftioprick repaired 
 tc to his Majefty ; from whom they were referred to the 
 “ Earl of Strafford , who gave them this anfwer pofitive- 
 Cl ly, that they could look for no help nor protedlion from 
 “ the King, and therefore they might ufe the beft means 
 “ they could to preferve their lives and eftates. Where- 
 “ by they were forced to confent to a very heavy con- 
 “ tribution, though fuch without which the Scotijh army 
 “ could not fublift. This contribution was eight hundred 
 “ and fifty Pounds a day for the Biftioprick of Durham, 
 “ Northumberland, and Newca/lle. Thefe Gentlemen 
 “ much lamented their Eftates, that the Scots fhould be 
 
 irritated by being proclaimed traytors. 
 
 “ The Scots on the other hand reprefented to the King’s 
 “ Commiffioners, that being threatned with an army of 
 “ thirty or forty thoufand men, another of ten thoufand 
 “ out of Ireland , and by proclamation declared Traytors 
 “ and Rebels 3 and having heard of another army pro- 
 “ viding, of eight or ten thoufand by fhipping to hinder 
 “ their trade, at leaf! their commerce with England, that 
 “ they were drawn together by neceffity, as they pre- 
 “ tended, of defence. They further alledged, that it was 
 “ a common difeourfe, of which they had feen Papers 
 “ that they ftiould be reduced into a Province, which 
 “ would be but one fummer’s work. Therefore they had 
 “ drawn their power together, and being affembled, and 
 “ their Country poor 3 taking advantage of the time, 
 “ while all thofe armies that fhould oppofe them were 
 “ out of the way, they were forced to enter into Eng- 
 “ land. 
 
 4 ‘ Thus the Great Council of the Lords found that 
 “ the Scots had increafed their confines near fourfeore 
 “ miles in England, and had paffed the rivers of Tweed 
 “ and Tyne ; and that the river of Tees , the boundary 
 “ of Yorkjhire , was not to be defended, being fordable in 
 “ many places by forty Horfe a front. That if the Scots 
 tl fhould pafs that river, there was no poftlbility to hinder 
 “ them from coming to York, without hazarding a bat- 
 “ tie, which the Earl of Strafford declared unto them he 
 “ would not advife, becaufe the King’s army confilled of 
 *‘ troops that were untrained, and unufed to arms. 
 
 “ This being the cafe, the Lords advifed his Majefty 
 “ that the Scots, and their grievances might be heard. 
 te And whereas their complaint had been, that their Peti- 
 “ tions to his Majefty had been conveyed by conduits 
 “ of an evil relifh, that there might be chofen fuch Lords 
 “ Commiffioners, of whofe integrity they could not doubt. 
 
 “ The King was pleafed to refer the choice of thefe Com- 
 “ miffioners to the Great Council : And to them power 
 “ was given, under the Great-Seal of England , to hear 
 “ whatfoever the Scots could lay before them, and to en- 
 ** ter into treaty with them. 
 
 “ When this was propofed to the Scots Commiffioners, 
 cC they reprefented, that the countries where they lay were 
 “ become poor 3 that they could not think, as their affairs 
 “ flood, of returning home ; that his Majefty had reftrain- 
 “ ed them from palling further into England 3 fo that a 
 
 ii to the King t 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 “ treaty in this exigent was werfe than a war, unlefs 
 “ means might be thought upon how they might fubfifl, 
 
 ‘‘ while the treaty was on foot 3 otherwife they fhould 
 “ be obliged to plunder the country. 
 
 “ The Commiffioners having difpatcbed fome of their 
 “ company to acquaint his Majefty with the Scots de- 
 “ mands, a commiffion was given them by the King to 
 “ treat with the Scots for a maintenance, and the Com- 
 “ miffioners thought, that inftead of giving them any al- 
 “ lowance, they fhould be left to their proportion of that 
 “ contribution of eight hundred and fifty Pounds a day, 
 
 “ already agreed upon by the Counties, as lefs difhonour- 
 “ able than to affign them maintenance. Accordingly 
 <c the preliminaries were agreed upon ; the treaty of cell'a- 
 “ tion concluded, and the Commiffioners advifed his Ma- 
 “ jelly to ratify it, which was accordingly done. The 
 “ Parliament approaching, their Lordfhips advifed his P 4 a- 
 “ jefty to transfer the treaty from Rippon to London, to 
 “ which his Majefty confented. 
 
 “To excufe the preliminaries agreed on at Rippon, the 
 “ Earl of Briffol added, that it was indeed hard to pay 
 “ the Scots a contribution of eight hundred and fifty Pounds 
 “ a day, and that there was already fome doubt that the 
 “ Countries were not able to bear it: But that on the 
 ‘‘ other fide it was objedted by the Scots, that it was im- 
 “ poffible, if the payment fhould fail, to keep their pro- 
 “ mife, or to obey his Majefty, but that they fhould be 
 “ neceffitated againft their will to plunder the country. 
 
 “ For which reafons the Earl of Strafford had declared, 
 
 “ that the Counties of Cumberland and 1 Neffmoreland be- 
 “ ing under the Scots power, it was reasonable that in 
 “ Subffdium they fhould contribute fome help to their 
 “ neighbours : But he added, that the Commiffioners left 
 “ at Dureftn had written, that it was impoffible for them 
 “ to proceed in the agreement 5 which if it were broken 
 “ on their part, the Scots would alledge an impoffibility 
 “ to confent to ftarve 3 fo that if fome means were not 
 “ found, by which thofe Counties engaged might be re- 
 “ lieved, he was afraid all their labour and treaty would 
 “ come to nothing. Therefore the Commiffioners, and 
 “ all the Lords, engaged themfelves faithfully and truly, 
 
 ‘‘ to declare all thefe things to the Parliament. 
 
 “ The Earl of Briffol declared further, that it was far 
 “ from the Lord-Commiffioncrs purpofe to move any fup- 
 “ ply of money from the Houfe of Commons, but to lay 
 ‘ c the caufe before them. Averring certainly, that if 
 “ fome courfe were not taken, the whole Kingdom would 
 11 be put into diforder. Armies would not ftarve 3 re- 
 “ tiring was not yet in the thoughts of the Scots ; there- 
 “ fore they muff plunder and deftroy, or advance into 
 “ Yorkjhire, and fo farther into England, to feek fubfift- 
 
 ance 3 the prevention whereof did highly import the 
 “ King and Kingdom. 
 
 “ Laftly, the Earl propofed to the Parliament another 
 <c thing, no lefs worthy of confideration, viz. That if 
 “ the Scots army were provided of a competency, it were 
 “ very ftrange there ftiould not an equal care be had for 
 “ maintaining the King’s army. He faid the Scots army 
 “ w.is ftrong and powerful, and little other refiftance a- 
 “ gainft it, but the impediments of an army marching in 
 “ winter ; but whether it were fit for a Kingdom to be 
 “ trufted to accidents of frofts, with a people bred in 
 “ Swedeland ( 1), and cold countries, he left to their dif- 
 “ cretion. He confeffed, that the Scots had made great 
 “ proteilations, and with great execrations, averred, that 
 “ they had no intent to advance forward, but return when 
 “ they fhall have received fatisfadlion : vet the Com mi f- 
 “ fioners did not conceive that the Kingdom fhould rely 
 “ upon promifes and proteilations. Manv accidents might 
 “ happen, when a nation come from a far country to a 
 “ better, fhould be told, the bulinefs they came about was 
 “ juft, and their quarrel good ; who finding themfilvcs in 
 “ a fat pafture, may pick quarrels with their leaders, if 
 “ they fhould go ^bout to prevent them. Upon thefe 
 “ grounds his Lordfhip prefented to the general confider- 
 “ ation, the fupply of his Majefty’s armv, that it be not 
 “ disbanded ; which if it fhould come to pafs, YcrkJiSre, 
 
 “ and other spares of England were left to the SlOU d.f- 
 “ cretion. His Lordfhip faid, he diirft not fay the S.jts 
 “ would not come forward, but that it was in their power 
 “ if they would 3 2nd therefore he recommended this re- 
 <c prefentation to the whole body of the Kingdom, to pre- 
 “ vent future dangers.” 
 
 There was no occafion to ufe many arguments to in¬ 
 duce the Parliament to allow that the Scotijh army fhould 
 be maintained in England. Upon the Earl of BYi/lol's re- R 
 port, it was refolved, “ that the Commons approve of iv 
 “ the perfons of the Lords that were Commiffioners in the 
 tC late Treaty, to be Commiffioners now to treat with 
 
 f Sweden, under the Command of the Marquifs of Uav- '.tan, 
 
 f 1) This alUidet to the fix thoufand Scon fent by King Cbarle 
 ierved in Germany, and ne er in Sweden, Rafm. 
 
 3 
 
 Tbe'e T:oopi 
 
Book XX. 
 
 25. CHARLES L 
 
 • “ the Scots Commiflioners in this declaration, that 1 no 
 “ concluiion of theirs fhould bind the Commons, with- 
 “ out their confenc in Parliament.”. Though the Scotch 
 army was very expenfive to England , the negotiation 
 however lafted till the 7th of Augujl 1641, when the 
 treaty was at length figned. I fhall infert here a fummary 
 of the articles, that it may be feen, firft, wherein con¬ 
 fined the differences between the King and the Scots, and 
 the difficulties of the Peace ; and fecondly what the King’s 
 grand proje& came to, of reducing the Kirk of Scotland 
 to a perfe£t conformity with the Church of England, and 
 perhaps of rendering himfelf abfolute in Scotland , as he was 
 almoft in England , when he formed this Enterprize. 
 
 The Subjlance of the Treaty concluded between England and 
 Scotland, the yth Day of Auguft 1641. 
 
 7-r-jfy -with “ f^lRST, the Scots declare, that by their treating 
 KlZtth. “ ^ with the Er, S lifh Parliament, they do not acknow- 
 iv. p. 362, “ ledge any dependence of Scotland upon England, &c. 
 
 (Sc. 
 
 fourfcorc thoufandpounds, with the whole arrears due to the 1640- a 
 army, before the disbanding thereof And for paying the 
 remnant of the faid J'um, an Aft of Parliament of publick 
 faith, Jhall pajs for fecurity thereof; and that one moiety /hall 
 be paid at Midfummer 1642, and the other moiety a year 
 after, in 1643. ' 
 
 And in like manner , whereas it was defired by the Scotifh 
 Commijfioners, that they might know to whom they Jhould ad- 
 drefs themfelves for payment of the forementioned fans, the 
 
 l arliament hath appointed Commijfioners - and rejolvcd that 
 
 the place of payment fall be the Chamber of London. And 
 lajlly, that a Jafe condufl Jhall be granted for the fecure tranf- 
 portwg of the monies to Scotland. 
 
 yth Demand. tc That all fuch Declarations, Proclama- 
 * t ! ons ’ , °°k s > Libels, tdc. as have been made againft 
 ‘ the Subjeds of Scotland, may be fuppreffed and de- 
 “ ftroyed. 
 
 Anfwer. It is agreed, that all fuch Declarations, See. be 
 reciprocally fuppreffed in England, Ireland, and Scotland. 
 
 r. The Scots firfl Demand. 
 
 “ That his Majefty would begracioufly pleafed to com- 
 “ mand that the Adis of the late Parliament of Scotland, 
 “ may be publilhed in his Majefty’s name, with confent 
 ci of the Eftates of Parliament convened by his Majefty's 
 ct authority, the 2d of June 1640. 
 
 Anfwer. His Majefly doth in the word of a King, pro- 
 mi fe the publijhing of the faid Alls, with the Arts to be made 
 in the next feffion of the fame Parliament ; and that all the 
 J'a'td Ails have in all time coming the Jlrcngth of Laws, See. 
 
 zd Demand. “ That the caftle of Edinburgh , and o- 
 “ ther (Lengths of the Kingdom fhould be furnifhed, and 
 t£ ufed for defence and fecurity of the Kingdom. 
 
 Anfwer. Agreed unto. 
 
 3 d Demand. “ That Scotijh men within his Majefty’s 
 “ dominions of England and Ireland , may be freed from 
 “ cenfure for fubferibing the Covenant, and be no more 
 tc preffed with oaths, and fubferiptions, unwarranted by 
 “ their Laws, and contrary to their national Oath, and 
 “ Covenant approved by his Majefty. 
 
 Anfwer. Granted with regard to the Subjects of Scotland, 
 who Jhall be Sojourners only in England or Ireland. But 
 fuch Jhall be excepted as are fettled Inhabitants in either of 
 the two Kingdoms. The Englifh and Irifh Jhall have the 
 like Privilege in Scotland. 
 
 4 th\ Demand. “ That whofoever fhall be found, upon 
 “ tryal and examination, by the Eftates of either of the two 
 “ Parliaments, to have been the authors and caufers of the 
 “ late and prefent troubles and combuftion ; whether by 
 tC labouring to make and foment divifion betwixt the Kin°- 
 “ and his People, or betwixt the two nations, or any o- 
 “ ther way, fhall be liable to the cenfure and fentence of 
 “ the f id Parliaments refpedlively, the Englijh to the Par- 
 “ liament of England , and the Scots to that of Scotland. 
 
 A nfwer. His Majefly believeth he hath none fuch, as in¬ 
 cendiaries ., about him ; and therefore he can make no other 
 declaration, than that all his Courts of Juflice arc free end 
 open to all men. His Parliament in this Kingdom [ of Eng¬ 
 land ] is now fitting , and the current Parliament of Scot¬ 
 land near approaching the time of their meeting. To either 
 of which, he doth not prohibit any of his fubjeSls to prefent 
 their juft grievances and complaints, of whatfoever nature. 
 
 And whereas it was further demanded, that his Majefly 
 would be pleafed not to employ any per fan or perfons in office or 
 place, that Jhall be judged incapable by fentence of P arliament, 
 his Majefly agreeth thereto ; nor ivill he make ufe of their 
 fervice, without ^ the confent of Parliament , nor grant them 
 accefs to his per fan. 
 
 Ah Demand. “ That their Ships and Goods, and all 
 “ damage' thereof may be reftored. 
 
 Anfwer. This is condefeended unto, on condition it be re¬ 
 ciprocal. And the Scotilh Commijfioners having informed, 
 that about fourj'core Ships of Scotland are yet flayed in the 
 Englifh Ports, and are like to fuffier much further lofs and 
 damage , /V is agreed. That warrants Jhall be prefently granted 
 for the delivery of them, and that four thoufand pounds be 
 prefently advanced, for helping the prefent fetting forth of the 
 faid Jhips. 
 
 6 th Demand. {£ That for the Ioffes which the King- 
 “ dom of Scotland hath fuftained, and for the vaft charges 
 “ they have been put unto, reparation be made. 
 
 Anfwer. The Parliament of England grants to the Scots 
 for this purpofe , theJum of three hundred thoufand pounds. 
 
 And whereas it was dcf.red by the Scotifh Commijfioners , 
 thot the Englifh Commijfioners would let them know the fecu¬ 
 rity, manner, and terms of payment, of the aforefaid fum, 
 and of the arrears due for relief of the northern Counties-, It 
 was agreed by order of the Parliament, that they Jhould have 
 
 Sth Demand, 
 
 Containing fever a l Articles. 
 
 * 1 • That all tokens and fhews of hoftility upon the 
 borders of the two Kingdoms may be taken away • and 
 “ particularly, that not only the Garrifons of Berwick and 
 ‘ Carhfle may be removed, but that the works may be 
 flighted, and the places difmantled (1). 
 
 Anfwer. His Majefly is defirous , that all things between 
 the Kingdoms of England and Scotland, be reduced into the 
 Jameflate they were in before the beginning of the late trou¬ 
 bles. 
 
 ,, “roT 1 ?' ,here bc “""r ln Region, and uniformity 
 ol Uiurch-governmcnt between the two nations. 
 
 Anfwer. Hit MajcJIy, with the advice of k i: h 0 r 
 
 Parliament , detb apprm, ttf th, affitlim if hit Subjects If 
 bcotland, ,n thttr deftre f having a conformity of Church- 
 government between the two Nations ; and as the Pariia 
 ment hath already taken into eonf,deration, th, reformation of 
 Church-government, fo they will proceed in due time, as /hall 
 beji conduce to the glory of God, the peace of the Church, and 
 of both Kingdoms. 
 
 .0 “ ?• Tj B *' the King ’ s Ma i e ®r and the Prince come 
 and rehde fometimes in Scotland, 
 
 Anfwer. Hi, Mcjejty will repair thither, as hr fhall find 
 the urgency of their affairs require his p r ,fence, and his other 
 conveniences here permit. 
 
 “ 4 - That the offic ers of State, Counfellors and Seff- 
 “ oners W| thin the Kingdom of Scotland, be placed by ad- 
 “ vice of Parliament. 3 
 
 Anfwer. His Majejiy pnmifes to give ear fo far to the in¬ 
 formations of his Parliament, and when the Parliament is 
 "f filing of his Council and College f Jujiiee, as that he 
 Jhall neither make choice f fuch as they fhaU recommend unit, 
 him ; or if he thinks another perfon Jitter than any of doofe 
 recommended, he Jhall make the fame known to the Parlia¬ 
 ment, or in the time between Parliament, to the Council and 
 Seffion, that if there is jujt eruption againji th, life and nua- 
 l,peat,on of the fa,d party, he may timely nominate feme other 
 againji whom there Jhall be no juji exception. His Mai,ft\ 
 declares aljo, that the places in th. College of JuJilce ’jhall 
 be provided unto the Judges, Quamdiu fe bene geircrint Jf 
 this anfwer cannot content the Scotiil Commiffeners, his Ma¬ 
 jefty remits the whole anfwer to be conftdered by him, or his 
 Commifftoners, at the Parliament, at th, next fitting ’thereof 
 “ 5 - Tha t bis Majefty would be pleafed to place about 
 “ his own perfon, in places of greateft nearnefs and truft, 
 “ fome of his Scotifh Subjects. 
 
 Anfwer., His Majefly Jhall continue the fame care which 
 hitherto he hath done for their fatisfaffion in thU particular ■ 
 and not only fo, but fhall alfo recommend the fame to the Prince 
 his Sort. 
 
 “ 6. That none may have place about his Majefty, 
 
 “ and the Prince, but fuch as are of the reformed Reli- 
 “ gion. 
 
 Anfwer. His Majefty doth conceive, that his Subjells of 
 Scotland have no intention by this proportion, (efpecially by 
 way of demand ) to limit, or preferibe unto him the choice of 
 his Servants , but rather to Jhew their zeal to Religion- 
 wherein his own piety will make him do therein, that which 
 may give jufl fatisfaftion to his people. 
 
 “ 7. That the Copper-coin, which hath paffed in Scot- 
 “ land this long time, for feven times, and above as much 
 “ as the _true value and worth thereof, be newly regu- 
 “ lated • and that no Copper-money be coined hereafter 
 “ without confent of the Eftates convened in Parliament. 
 
 Anfwer. His Majefly recommends this matter to the cn - 
 fuing Parliament /Scotland, not only concerning the Coppcr- 
 
 ( J ) This Claufe was ufuaily inferted i: 
 
 ‘jit. R.ijJtn, 
 
 Treaties between England and Scotland, that neither of the two Nations fhould * 
 
 e poTcilion of Et-wlck or Car- 
 
Voi. ir. 
 
 ’68 
 
 The III ST 0 RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1 640- 1, 
 
 coin to he coim 
 coined, how 1 
 
 ' hereafter, hut aIfo the Coffer-money already 
 ie Janie jhall pafs in payment for the time to 
 
 Rufhworth. After thefe Article?, there was added to the Treaty, the 
 1V ‘ p ‘ J draught of an A<£t of Oblivion, the molt ample that could 
 be, which was to pafs in all the Parliaments ot the three 
 Kingdoms, but of which the benefit was not to extend to 
 the Scotijh Prelates, the Earl of Traquair, Sir Robert Spo- 
 tjwood, Sir 'John Hay , and Mr. IVliter Balcanqual. 
 
 The Lord Lozudon having carried this Treaty to Scot¬ 
 land ', to communicate it to the Parliament of that King¬ 
 dom, now aflembled, returned fume time after with twelve 
 Articles, explaining certain paflages of the Treaty, and to 
 which the Englijh Commiffioners returned anfwers that 
 were approved. Thefe Articles with the anfwers were ad¬ 
 ded to the Treaty. In fine, the Treaty was confirmed 
 and ratified by an Act of Parliament inferted at the end, 
 to this effect : 
 
 P . y 4. “ Be it therefore eria&ed by his Majelty, with the af- 
 
 tc fent of the Lords and the Commons in this prefent Par- 
 “ liament aflembled, that the faid Treaty, and all the Ar- 
 “ tides thereof afl'ented to, as aforefaid, be and Hand for 
 “ ever ratified and eftablifhed, and have the force, vigour, 
 
 ftrength, and authority of a Law, Statute, and Adi of 
 “ Parliament. 
 
 ( The fame thing for Scotland. ) 
 
 “ And his Majeily for himfelf, and his SuccclTors, doth 
 “ promife in verbo Principle-, never to come in the coa- 
 “ trair of this Statute and Sandlion, or any thing therein 
 “ contained ; but to hold the fame in all points firm and 
 “ liable, and {hall caufe it to be truly obferved by all his 
 “ Majelly’s leiges, according to the tenor and intent there- 
 “ of, for now and ever. Like as the Parliament of both 
 “ Kingdoms give full afTurance, and do make publick 
 ' 1 faith in the name of both Kingdoms refpedlively, for 
 ll the true and faithful obfervance of this Treaty, and 
 “ whole Articles thereof inviolably, bine inde, in all times 
 “ to come.’' 
 
 As afterwards the King thought he had reafon to com¬ 
 plain, that the Scots had violated this Treaty in two of the 
 principal Articles, I imagine the Reader will be glad to fee 
 thefe two Articles at large, on which this complaint was 
 grounded. They are contained in the A£t of Oblivion in 
 thefe words : 
 
 A pjir!-:,- It is agreed , that an Adi be pajfed in the Parliament of 
 .’a- cUu.c England ; That the Kingdoms cf England or Ireland, Jhall 
 fd if'jr U- denounce nor make war upon the Kingdom of Scotland, 
 noun tie without conftnt of the Parliament of England : As, on the 
 Klr g- other part , it Jhall be enatiled there , That the Kingdom of 
 U _3_, Scotland fall not denounce nor make war again// the King¬ 
 dom of England, or Ireland, without confent of the Parlia¬ 
 ment of Scotland. 
 
 And in cafe any of the Subjells of any of the Kingdoms 
 fall rife in Arms , or make war againjl any of the Kingdoms 
 and Subjects thereof, without confent of the Parliament of that 
 Kingdom whereof they are Subjedls , or upon which they do 
 depend. That they Jhall be held , reputed , and demeaned, as 
 Traitors to the States whereof they are Subjells. 
 
 It happened afterwards, that the King and Parliament 
 making war upon each other, the Scots fent an Army to 
 the affiftance of the Parliament of England , againll the 
 King, from whence he inferred, that to make war againll 
 him, was to make war againft England. The Scots on 
 the contrary pretended, that very far from making war 
 againll England , they fent their Troops thither on purpofe 
 to aflift that Kingdom. It is eafy to perceive, that from 
 the diverfity of the principles, proceeds the diverlitv of the 
 confequences. 
 
 'jbe Kmg To finilh in a word what relates to Scotland, I fhall 
 ibc only fay, that the King went thither in AuguJl 1641, 
 TT-Tw. rtayed there till the 19th of November, alTilled in perfon at 
 Rnlhv.'i.tth. the Parliament, and gave the Royal afient to all the Adis 
 JV. p. 375- prefented to him. To this came the projects he had 
 l. 3 ' formed with regard to Scotland, from the beginning of his 
 
 N.iion, c ° = 
 
 T. II. 439 - reign l 1 )- 
 
 What has hitherto been faid of the Parliament’s beha- 
 frmtrrfi- v ‘ our t0 the King, is fufficient to fhow, how fenfible the 
 cat.-nijivtn King mull have been of the mortifications he daily re- 
 b:m :n fry. ce j V eJ. He had paffionately defired to be revenged of the 
 1,1 ” u ' Scots, or at leall to drive them out of the Kingdom ; and 
 lie faw that the Parliament made them a prefent of three 
 hundred thoufand pounds, to reward them for their com¬ 
 ing. He hated the Presbyterians, and would have been 
 glad to have had it in his power to root out Presbyteria- 
 nifm : but he faw, that on the contrary, the Houle of 
 Commons openly took their part, and laboured to deftroy 
 Ep:fcopacy. Hi two principal Miniflers in whom he moll 
 ' confided, were in the Tower, and he eafily perceived the 
 Commons intended not to flop there, fince with regard to 
 
 the Earl of Strafford, they were daily fed:ing to 1640-1 
 
 make good their charge. Two other of his Minilters had 
 been forced to fly, and the appearing to be fill: well affedt- 
 ed to him, was fufficient to render anv perfon the object of 
 the perfection of the Commons. 
 
 It has already been feeu after what manner the Kmc; y i 
 verned for fifteen years, and the Reader mull be convinced, 
 that he intended to alter the Government, and procure for 
 himfelf and Succellors, a power much more exteniive than 
 what was allowed him by the Laws, and to which none 
 of his PrcdecelTors, except Richard II, had ever pretended. 
 
 I except not even Henry VIII, the moll abfolute of all the 
 Kings of England, lince William the Conquer or. But there 
 was this difference between Henry Vill. and Charles l. 
 
 Henry did whatever he pleafed bv way of Parliament ; Dt> 
 whereas Charles pretended to rule without Parliaments, 
 looking upon them as little necelfary to the Conftitutinn of 
 the Government. Since the meeting of this Parliament, r > vni. 
 fcarce a day had palled, but the Commons attacked the 
 King’s projedl, by declaring illegal, what he had done du¬ 
 ring fifteen years, or by rigoroufly prol'ecuting the inllru- 
 ments he had ufed to execute his defigns. It is therefore 
 ealy to fee, how much all thefe mortifications mull have 
 touched the King, and with what impatience he bore the 
 haughty manner in which the Parliament ailed with him. 
 
 Nothing was more contrary to his indexible temper, than 
 to be forced to {loop to a Houfe of Commons, lor whom 
 he had before fhown the utmoll contempt. It is therefore 
 no wonder, that in his fad lituation, he fhould think of 
 forne way to free himfelf from this bondage. But a fl ght 
 attempt to compafs this end, ferved only to throw him into 
 irretrievable ruin. 
 
 I mean the pn jedt o' ga r the Army, and caufing pi-.t t?get 
 them to declare - the King ipproved oi he' 
 
 projedl, without perceiving the conic,,.... having no 
 Miniller about him, that had cither the inclination or abi- ClarendVn, 
 lity to give him good ccunfel, I am fenfible, this is a place T: ? ' 9 *< 
 full of dangerous rocks, on which a Hillorian can very Von'°* 
 hardly efcape fplitting. This plot to gain the Army, is T. i 1 a 7 r. 
 by fome looked upon as a chimera, a mere fidlion, to ren- M . Jnc r ^ ef ' 
 der the King odious. But on the other hand, the Parlia- Warwick!* 
 ment confidered it as a very real Confpiracy, and pretend¬ 
 ed to draw from thence an evident proof, that the King’s 
 compliance with refpedl to the redrefs of Grievances, was 
 all .diffimulation, in expedition of an opportunity to re- 
 ftore himfelf by force, to the Hate he was in before this 
 Parliament. This bred in the Parliament an invincible ir „. , h , 
 dillrull of the King, and a refolution to put it out of his cn . .7 
 
 power to break his word, and the means they ufed to exe-/ ;r b 
 cute this refolution, occafioned the Civil Wars, of which 
 
 I fhall fpcak hereafter. It is therefore abfolutely neceffary Niu-ffuy oj 
 
 to examine this Confpiracy, in order to know, whether it exa:n: 
 was real or invented ; for from hence flow all the enfuing 
 proceedings of the King and Parliament, and upon this it 7 ‘‘ 
 
 is that the judicious and diiinterelled Reader may blame the 
 
 one or the other. But before I proceed to this plot, it Its Ccnmxi 
 will be requifite to fay foinething of the Earl of Strafford’s 0 " w " b lb ‘ 
 affair, with which this has fome connexion. Strafford’* 
 
 The Earl had been impeached by the Commons the Affair. 
 
 II th ot November 1 640; but his procefs could not be 11,11 r J 
 
 ready to be tried till the 2ad of March 1640-1. This ,If 
 
 tryal lafted till the 12th of April , and then the Commons, Earl •/ 
 who had been always prefent, perceiving, doubtlefs, that 
 
 the fentence would not be fo rigorous as they wifhed, re- ^uoujt 1/ 
 folved to proceed againft the Earl by way of Bill of At- Cowmms. 
 tainder. They voted therefore, on the 16th and 19th of 
 April, that it was Efficiently proved, that the Earl of clarendon? 
 Strafford had endeavoured to fubvert the fundamental Laws T. 1. p-i 7S 
 of the Kingdom, and introduce an arbitrary and tyranni¬ 
 cal Government into the Realms of England and Ireland, 
 
 and that this was High-'Freafon. On the 21ft of the fame „ . . 
 
 . 1 ra il 1- \ • rr ■ ■ - I'Uihwortn. 
 
 month, the Bui o{ Attainder palled, with the majority of iv. p.225. 
 204 againft 59. 
 
 The Bill met with fo great oppofition in the Houfe of ,, ,, 
 Peers, that it was very doubtful whether it would pafs, or Petimh a- 
 be thrown out. For which reafon, on the 2 th was pre- g ai ”fl ,be 
 fented to both Houfcs a Petition, fubferibed by above 
 lorty (2) thoufand inhabitants of London, fetting foith the iv. p.233, 
 caufes of their fufpicions and fears. And amongft others, 
 that Jullice was not yet executed upon the Earl of Straf¬ 
 ford, and that there was reafon to dread feme fecret plot 
 againft the Parliament. The zSth of April, the Com¬ 
 mons fent [ by Mr. Hyde J a mellage to the Lords, that J 
 they had received information, that the Earl of Strafford 
 had a delign to make an efcape out of the Tower : that 
 the guard about him was weak, and therefore they defired 
 he might be clofe Prifoner, and his guards llrengthned, to 
 which the Lords confented. The ill of May the King p , 
 came to the Parliament, and in a Speech to both Houfcs, 
 
 rail the Marriage, between If'i.'/iam Prince uf Ora 
 
 I : \ May 2. w.,'. 1’. !cmn2.d 
 a-’lb, Tom. 4- P- 2+0. 
 
 RujbKjriL U;i, tventy ihouland, Lid to be of good u,ik aud <juali(y, fabiciibed this fr:i: 
 
 r.d the Lady Mary Kin^ CL. 
 
 0B> Tom. 4- p■ 
 
Book XX. 
 
 2J. C H A R L E S I. 
 
 p. *40. 
 
 K-,*- + V. ^ t0 t1 '-' CIJC ^ ' ' " cc That having been prefent at the 
 • Sfirch t )* ll " tr . val t(1L ' ^Arl °* Strafford , he could not in confcience 
 nbt La-iit. “ condemn him of High- I reafon, though he thought 
 “ him guilty of mifdemeanors. Therefore he defired the 
 “ HorJ. to find fome way to bring him out of this great 
 “ {freight.” 
 
 Jet f-lt'/h-. 1 he C m'. mony, were much troubled and difcontented 
 
 fl/Wciitn i.- with this Speech, and immediately adjourned till May the 
 flo. ’,d, on which day great multitudes of people (i) repairing 
 Dirt to H'lylwmfer, in fulled and threatned the Lords, as they 
 Occur. were going to their Houfe, crying out, Juftice, Juftice. 
 
 •_ • / he: lame day Mr. Pym made known to the Houfe, 
 
 C j,. ‘ [y “ / bat tbere wei ' e divers informations given of defperate 
 
 c . «. a “ he fig ns both at home and abroad, againft the Parliament, 
 
 j'-tUb/* 14 2nd t,iie peace of the Nat, °" > and that the perfons en- 
 “ » 3 g cd therein were under an oath of fecrecy : That 
 
 . u “ there was an endeavour to difaffeft the army, not only 
 
 againft the Parliament’s proceedings, but to bring them 
 T, i, p.jgC. U P againft the Parliament to over-awe them: That 
 “ there was alfo a defign upon the Tower; and endea- 
 c ‘ v °urs ufed for the Earl of Strafford to efcape: That 
 “ thefe combinations at home, had a correfpondency with 
 pra(Slices abroad ; and that the French were drawing 
 “ down their forces amain to the fea-fide ; and there was 
 “ a caufe to fear, their intent was upon Portfmouth : That 
 “ divers perfons of cminency about the Queen were deeply 
 “ engaged in thefe plots: 1'hat it was neccflary that the 
 “ ports fliould be flopped; and his Majefty defired to com- 
 “ niand, That noperfon attending upon the King, Queen, 
 
 11 or Prince, fhould depart without leave of his Majefty, 
 
 “ with the humble advice of his Parliament.” 
 
 Whereupon the Houfe fell into a ferious debate of this 
 matter, and were generally of opinion, that it was necef- 
 f.:rv to enter into a common resolution for the fafety of 
 the Kingdom. 
 
 When it is confidcrcd in what juncture this confpiracy 
 was difeovered to the Houfe, though Mr. Pym was informed 
 ("•rendm of ic lo . n G before; that it was at a time, when the Peers 
 T.Tu iio, were » in Pome meafure, to be compelled to pafs the Bill of 
 an- ’ Attainder againft the Earl of Strafford, and when the rab¬ 
 ble were alfo ufing violence for that puipofe, there feems to 
 be ground to fufpeft, that it was qply an artifice to ftir up 
 the People, and induce the Lords to do as the Commons 
 defired, from a fear of the imminent danger the Kingdom 
 was threatned with. At leaft, there is reafon to believe, 
 this confpiracy was greatly aggravated. But this is only a 
 conje&ure, which ought not to be relied on, till the argu¬ 
 ments pro and con are examined. However this be, the 
 Commons, after a debate, came to a refolution of taking 
 the following Proteftation. 
 
 I A. B. do in the prefence of Almighty God, primife, now 
 
 n dir/iff/r in mm sine/ „, r . I nut 
 
 369 
 
 Pr-Ujat, 
 
 lull {/ C and protfff, to maintain and defend , as far as lawfully 1 
 Commit::. may, with my life , pnver , and eftate, the true reformed 
 bRulhw.-Tih, Protejlant Religion , cxprrffcd in the Doftrinc of the Church 
 Chrcndon*. ^ England, againft all Popery and Popifh innovation within 
 rr. I. p ,yi. this realm , contrary to the fid doftrin.r ; and according to 
 the duty of my allegiance, I will maintain and defend his Ada- 
 jfly’s royal perfon, honour, and rjlate. 
 
 Alfo the power and privilege of Parliaments, the lawful 
 nghts and liberties of the Subjefts, and every perfon that Jhall 
 make this Proteftation , in whatfoever he Jhall do in the law- 
 ful purfuance of the fame ; and to my power , as far as law¬ 
 fully I may, I will oppofe, and by all good ways and means, 
 endeavour to bring condign punijhmcnt on allfuch, as Jhall by 
 force, prafttce, counfels, plots , confpiracies, or otherwife, do 
 any thing to the contrary , in this prefent Protejlation contained: 
 And father, That I Jhall, in all jujl and honourable ways , 
 endeavour to preferve the union and peace betivixt the three 
 Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland : And neither 
 for hope, fear , or any other reficfts , Jhall relinquijh this 
 Promijc, / ow, and Protejlation. 
 
 { „ It mu ft beobferved, this Proteftation was taken on Mr. 
 bMiBrijrS. P, m's bare aflurance of the difeovery of a plot, and before 
 there was any proof of it. Hence it may be conjetfured, 
 
 1 that the thing had been determined among the leading men 
 
 jv in tliC Houfc - After that, the Commons came to feveral 
 " refolutions, to provide for the fafety of the Kingdom, and 
 the town of Portfmouth in particular. They communica¬ 
 ted to the Lords the informations they had received, the 
 votes they had palled, and their Proteftation, defiring’ that 
 every Peer might be ordered to take it. 
 
 I “JtlbL h W3S VCry dlfficuk for Lords to refufe the Com- 
 
 iZ'us. ,nons defire. In the firft place, they had infpired the Na- 
 rOiihworth tion with fuch a terror, that no man durft oppofe their 
 : v p, = 49 -refolves, for fear of being looked upon as having ill de- 
 figns, and expofed to inevitable ruin. Secondly, the Peo¬ 
 ple ftill continued to flock to JVcfminffer, and openly 
 
 (4 
 
 threatned the Lords. Thirdly, the multitude prefented the 1641. 
 Wday 3 Petition to the Lords, demanding Juftice upon 
 the Earl of Strafford, and that their Lordfhips would pleafe 
 to free them from the fears of the confpir.cy. Fourthly, ,4, st „„ ll 
 on the morrow, bong the fourth of May, the people re- ' 
 pairing to mjbmnjhr in greater numbers than the day he- 2 ' 7 ’ 
 tore, lome incendiaries -polled up againft a wall h, the Old tTP\ 
 Palace-yard, the names of fifty fix Members, calling them 
 fttajjordians, and betrayers of their Country. Laftfy, the 0 , M ' v 
 fame day the multitudes prefented to the Lords another Pc- uuL'J P ‘~ 
 tition, faying, “ That they underftood the Tower was K"<J>worth. 
 tc g° ln g to receive a garrifon of men, not of the Hamlets, IV p 1491 
 „ ^ ^ u ' ua,I 7 ) hut confifting of other perfons under the 
 C< C ? m c mai ^ a Cj P ta ''n. a great confident of the Ea.l 
 of Strafford s , and that this was done to make wav for 
 the Earl s efcape.” 
 
 Sir U /?^- th, % Pe /r ti0n, T thC H ° Ufe fent fix Peers t0 exam:iie 
 2 r ZJ lliam fW Lieutenant of the Tower, concerning 
 
 had - a ‘ S fa ?' Bal f our anfwered, it was true, he °Hf ]l ,b ’ 
 
 had h.s Majefty s order to receive one hundred men (:) in- 
 to the 1 ower, and Captain Billingfly to command them, 
 and to receive only fuch men as the Captain fhould bring 
 0 him ; but underftanding now their Lordfhips pleafure! 
 he would receive no other guard into the Tower but the 
 Hamlet men. 
 
 The Lords did further declare, at a conference with the 7 bcL.-.t, 
 Commons, that they were drawing to a conclulion of the 
 c p ^ tta, "der, but were fo encompafled with multitudes 
 of People, that they might be conceived not to be free, r.,t <o jy. 
 and therefore defired the Commons to join with them, to M 
 find out feme way to fend the people to their homes. " 
 hen they debated the Proteftalion, palled ir, and took uf- 'b. 
 the fame. It was taken by four hundred and thi:;y three ' ' • 
 
 Commoners, and one hundred and fix Lords, including the F !" 
 
 Bilhops arid Judges. The Commons having ordered Lr. c’-. 
 
 l C ?r' dm Z the mijltitude with the Proteftation 7 ' 
 
 , “ n .by both Houfes, and that they were defiled to return v\ '■ 
 to their homes, they forthwith departed. c c ,u t '. 
 
 f , ^i ere a '?. thtn two things which irr.nifcfllv appear in 
 this affair The: firft, that there was a projeeft cn foot to fa- 
 our the Eail of Strafford's efcape, which will be leen more 
 clearly hereafter. The fecond, that the concourfe of the 
 people was privately procured, by fome of the leading men 
 of the Commons, hnce, the day before, the Houfe had 
 taken no fte P rowans difperfing the nv.i’tiiudt . thouah 
 they were defired by the Lords, and fince they found means 
 to caufe the people to retire, as foan as they knew the 
 Lords had refolved to take the Proteftation 
 
 But the Proteftation was not the only efiea of the con- B,u r. r ■ - 
 1 pi racy. j he fame day, the Commons ordered a Bill to , 
 
 be prepared for the continuance of this prefent Parliament, / ,h ‘ l ‘ ar ' 
 u‘ U ' ,oc be diflolved without the confent of both Ruihworih. 
 
 Houfes. They ordered likewife the Proteftation to be ten- 1V - P- a,c. 
 dered to the whole Kingdom. 
 
 I he fame day, May the 4th, the Houfe was informed, 
 tbat , r or c 'S ht of the confpirators were fled, of whom 
 Mr. A enry fermin, and Mr. Henry Percy, Members of"" - 
 the Houfe, were two, and that they were gone towards 
 Portfmouth. At the fame time, information came that the P , 
 
 Qiieen was preparing to go to the fame place. Thefe two f'rV,n f. 
 iucceffive informations caufing flrong fufpicions, the Houfes mou:h ’ 
 di(patched to Portfmouth one Lord and two Commoners, 
 to propole certain queries to the Governor, and take care 
 for the fecurity of the town and haven. They a.trced P . ’-60. 
 withal, to move the Qiieen to defer her journey to Pouf- 
 mouth, alledging feveral reafons which were not the true 
 [particularly the fafety of her Majefty’s perfoji.] They p. *<2. 
 delired alfo the King to publifh a proclamation, for cal- 
 hng in Jermtn, Percy, and other fugitives, which the 
 King promiled to do. The fame day, the Speaker fent, 
 by order of the Houfe, the following letter to Sir Jacob*' 
 
 AJhly, with a charge to communicate it to the army. 
 
 SIR, . • 
 
 W E have had caufe to doubt, that fome ill- affe Sled per- Ibt Spa- 
 fons have endeavoured to make a mijunderjlandi::g lcr '‘ L '"‘ r 
 in the army , of the intentions of the Parliament towards 
 them. Jo take away all mifunderflanding in that kind, the N.I'nn," 
 
 Houfe of Commons have commanded me to affure you, that Tl 2zS ‘ 
 they have taken the affairs of the army into their ferious care : 
 
 And though, for the prefent, their monies have not come in 
 as they wijhed, and as was due, by reafon of the many dif- 
 traftions, and other impediments, which this Houfe could no 
 ways avoid ; yet they ref moft affured, that they Jhall not 
 only have their full pay, but the Houfe will take their merits 
 into their further confederation, in regard they take notice, 
 that notwithjlandbig their want, and endeavours of th j'c ili- 
 
 1-jrpft, was*twj 1 hurd Ut H 0 M he % 'i! th o W ^ S * Cud £ els > and Staves, pretending dec;v rf Trade, and want of hrcid. Wb 
 I h!t this d i n v r s K ,K vi- an tYa \ Ba, fi*r contef-d two thoufand pounds had been , riered him, ,o confent to the Earl. ...... 
 
 j.. Jfi. , 0 cic ) tee \ l inen, who hearkned at the Key.hole of the Earl’s door, and heard his d.lrourlc with Captain Bub 
 
 No £2. Vol. II. . . 
 
 
 affe fted 
 
 A 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 I to, fa , thj ben Ml Stemmed thmfthiis mmmje 
 i„« M of tmour, and w'll afflBid to the Ccmmm- 
 niallh i which this Hsitfe takes in fa good part , that we 
 krot ali.a-l, {sand ml a way ti get mine) for a gmd part 
 „,<• that ft-, end will tail Ot rmjl jpuiy aerfi v» tV *9 
 may fir the rejt. So 1 remain. 
 
 Tour very loving Friend, 
 
 William Lenthall. 
 
 Mean while, the Committee, appointed to enquire in¬ 
 to the confpiracy, made their report in the following 
 
 • .'""'‘ I’hat this plot confifteth of three heads : The firft 
 n was the deftgn upon the Tower. '1 he lecond, to 
 “ eir'age the army. The third, to bring in foreign for- 
 ct ces ° For the 'l ower, it appeared to be thus : Captain 
 i. If,If being examined upon oath, ccmfefled, that he 
 .. W» Sqiuinted With Sir John Suckling : That the Cud 
 n Si’- 7 Am lately offered him employment in one ot tiie 
 u Ti.v'i fhips, then at Portfmouth ; aftei wards employ- 
 “ mcnt for Partug.il: Thar this deponent having notice 
 .. to meet at the priv; Loti ngs at Whstt-Hall, ti 
 there receive orders to get an hundred men to lerve m 
 n the Tower, under him. And it he did fad, he mould 
 n anfwer it with his life. And afterwards meeting with 
 
 a 3l r John Sidling, and acquainting him therewith, he 
 a t ,,ij him he would furnifh him with the faid number. 
 t( Sir in Ilium Balfour, Lieutenant of the Tower, being 
 n examined, faid, that he had command to receive Cap- 
 “ tain Bi'linuJJy with an hundred men into the 1 ower, ‘ 
 “ who fhould be under his command. That the Earl 
 Strai 1 ' at that time expoftulating with him about 
 el cape, told him, he would attempt nothing in that ‘ 
 n !. :„d without his privity ; and that he fhould have the * 
 cc Kang's warrant for his indemnity; and that the warrant ‘ 
 ‘ fhould be to command him to remove the Earl of 
 <c Sit afford from the Tower, to fome other caftle ; and ‘ 
 he would then take his opportunity to efcape ; that the | 
 “ Lieutenant of the Tower not giving any complying 
 “ anfwer thereunto, the faid Earl fent again to intreat 
 “ him to come to him, and would have perfuaded him to 1 
 “ k-t him make an efcape ; faying. Without your concur- ‘ 
 t* rence it cannot be done ; and if you will confent there¬ 
 to unl ,, I will make you prefent payment of twenty-two 
 “ thou [and pounds, beftdes you Jhall have a good marriage for ' 
 « your Son. To which the Lieutenant of the 'Tower re¬ 
 el pii c d, he was fo far from concurring therein, that he 
 “■ was not to be further moved in fuch a thing. Tims 
 “ much the Lieutenant of the Tower delivered upon his 
 
 a C.donel CV.-ufT, upon his examination in the Houle 
 n of Commons, did confcfs, that Sir John Suckling was 
 *t the farlt perfon that ever made any overture unto him, 
 
 “ concerning the army’s marching towards London : After- 
 “ wards being in the Queen’s Lodgings, he met with 
 “ Mr H. Percy, which was about the beginning, or 
 middle of Lent laft, and Mr. Percy told him, there was 
 “ a confutation of Officers to be had, concerning the 
 « cou( j of the army ; and defired him to go along with 
 
 • • |;i s chamber, where the meeting was to be. 
 were prefent at the fame meeting, Commiflary 
 
 Colonel Ajhburnham, Captain Pollard , Sir John 
 Daniel U Neal, Mr. Jermin, and himfelf : 
 
 ( c That" Mr. Percy faid, there were propofitions to be 
 “ made which were of great concernment ; and that it 
 n w.s nee ell ary there fhould be an oath of fecrecy taken 
 ‘‘ before anv thing was propounded : That the oath 
 Cl fhould be" to this purpofe : 'That we fhould neither di¬ 
 ce redly nor indirectly dilcover any part of the confulta- 
 cc t jon, n0 r ever to think our felves dilTolved from that 
 C. oat h’ by any other oath which might be impofed upon 
 “ us hereafter . Which oath was read out of q Paper, when 
 cc j t was tendered unto them ; and thereupon they were 
 cc fworn, bv laying their hands upon the bible ; that he 
 cc anc i Jermin were fworn together ; for the reft had taken 
 “ the oath before.” 
 
 cc '['hen three propofitions were made to them, name- 
 
 “ ly : . 
 
 As thefe Propofitions are exprejfed in a Letter which 
 will be Jccn prcfcntly, they are omitted here for brevity's 
 fake. 
 
 ci He further faid, that the whole number there met, 
 cc were of opinion, that the army fhould not march to- 
 cw wards London, till a declaration had been firft fent up 
 cc to the Parliament : That he the faid Goring anfwered, 
 cc h was a nice point to interpofe in the proceeding of 
 « the Parliament ; and did propound fome difficulties to 
 ,i aiLy ihe bufinefs, to divert Commiflary Wilmot, and 
 ,c thole other perfons from fo dangerous a bufinefs : And 
 
 • Lid, that he did think it was a deflgn of folly te un- 
 
 i through with it, or let 
 ammunition 
 
 him to 
 ; There 
 
 • IV 
 
 Berkly, 
 
 ■ dertake it ; for they muft think the Scots would take 
 : the advantage upon the army’s removal Southwano, 
 c whofe correfpondency was fo great with the city ; anu 
 ‘ for them to begin to {hew their teeth, and not be able 
 : to bite, would argue little prudence ; that they fhould 
 1 either undertake it fo as to go th 
 
 it alone : 'That he did ask* them what 
 they had to accommodate fo great an ar 
 *i whether they could command the ammunition in toe 
 “ Tower: That Wilmot, Pollard , and Ajhburnhim, then 
 ic made anfwer, they had no purpofe to go to London ; 
 
 “ for to furprife the Tower, was to conquer the K-ing- 
 “ dom : That this amongft other paflages, was part ot 
 “ the difeourfe at the firft meeting. 
 
 “ That fhortiy after there was another meeting of the 
 “ fame perfons, and in the fame place, in Mr. Percy s 
 “ chamber, where there were propofitions of another nature, 
 
 “ defperate and impious on the one hand, and l'">h!h <n 
 “ the other; and that he endeavoured by argument to 
 « divert them, by propounding an impoffibiiity to eheuf 
 ** the fame: For how could the army, lodged in fevcial 
 “ quarters, unpaid, and at fuch a diftance, mart i t 
 “ fudden to London, and furprize what they had in cie- 
 “ fign ? 
 
 “ That Mr. Jermin was the perfon that firft propped 
 « the marching of the army towards London : that for 
 « his part he declared himfelf abfolutely againft it. '1 hat 
 “ Mr. Jermin replied to him in priv ate. Ton do not dif- 
 “ like ihe deflgn, for you are as ready for any wild, mad 
 “ undertaking, as any man I know ; but you dijhke the tein- 
 “ per of thofe perfons who are engaged in the h jinefs. 
 
 “ He did further confefs, that lie propounded that Suck- 
 « ling might be admitted to the confultation : But IVn- 
 “ mot, Ajhburnham, and Pollard, would not hear of it. 
 cc And they three did then declare themfelves againft the 
 “ army’s marching towards London. 
 
 “ Then he took occafton to fay, that he did acquaint 
 “ fome Members of both Houles, whom lie could name, 
 
 “ that there were fome of the army whom they did not 
 “ think fo well of, were more faithful and ferviceable to 
 “ the Parliament than they were aware of, which time 
 “ would produce ; an# n.imcd them And they did ac- 
 “ cordingly give teftimony of his integrity, fo far as 
 1 difeover the deflgn. He c< nf 
 “ that Mr. Jermin did make fome offers unto him, to 
 “ relinquifli the Government of Portfmouth upon fome 
 “ terms of advance : But he faid, he did not conclude 
 “ any thing, for he would firft fee the performance of 
 “ what was offered ; fo had no further difeourfe with him 
 “ concerning that bufinefs. But he ‘loth believe that 
 “ Suckling and Jermin did confer together about the de- 
 “ fign. °He faid they did defirc his opinion about a Gene- 
 lc ral ; fome were for EJfex, fome for Holland ; but he, 
 
 “ with Mr. Jermin, were for Ncwcaflle. 
 
 t( Being again examined upon his oath before the 
 “ Committee of Lords and Commons, and prefled more 
 “ particularly to anfwer queftions not belore propofed un- 
 “ to him, he did confefs, that meeting with Mr. Jermin 
 “ in the Queen’s withdrawing Chamber, her M;jefty 
 ct came and told him, the King would fpeak with him ; 
 
 “ and meeting with his Majefly, lie told him ; he was 
 “ minded to fet his army in a good pofture, being ad- 
 ct vifed thereto by the Earl of Brijlol (as he faid) and his 
 “ Majefly then commanded h:m to join with Mr. Percy, 
 “ and fome others in that bufinefs. 
 
 “ As for the defigns from beyond the feas, the Com- 
 “ mittee did make report to the Houfe, that it was 
 “ cleared unto them, that Jermin endeavoured to have 
 ct got the pofleffion of Portfmouth ; that the King of 
 “ France had drawn down great forces to the fea-fide ; 
 “ that the Governor of Calice hail examined fome Eng- 
 “ lijh men, whether the Earl of Strafords head was cut 
 
 -.in point of time, t 
 
 “ according to the Englif) Stile, and Sir Philip Catt- 
 “ wright, Governour of Gucrnfey, wrote letters alfo, 
 “ which came in great haftc, that he underftood the 
 “ French had a deflgn upon that Ifland, or fame part of 
 “ England. It alfo appeared to the Committee, by divers 
 “ of the letters which were opened coming from beyond 
 “ fea, that they expected the Earl of Strafford there ; and 
 “ that they hoped the Horfe-Leeches ffiouid be ftarved for 
 « want of blood : and in fome of thofe letters there was 
 “ advice to the Cardinal to beftir himfelf be-ime:, to m- 
 “ terrupt the heighth of the proceedings here i n England. 
 “ Alfo examinations of fome Priells were ta.cen in Lanca- 
 ct Jhire, and fent up to London, which were there taken 
 “ the third of May, which did teftifv, that ti.c Pr ell 
 “ did fay, the Parliament fhould be Suddenly dilTolved 
 “ For the army was to march up thither with all fpeed 
 “ and they would be feconded by forces out of France 
 “ and that Montague did write out of France to Mr 
 
 P eT 0 
 
 .64-. 
 
Book XX. 
 
 25 - 
 
 CHAR L E S I. 
 
 “ Percy (which was alfo intercepted) that if he did perform 
 ct what lie had undertaken, he would be made a Knight 
 “ of the Garter.” 
 
 Upon thefe depofitions, the Houfe of Commons patted 
 the following totes againg Percy, Jermm, anil Suckling. 
 
 H *‘ i. That in the months ot March and April lult, 
 
 • “ they did confpire to draw the army together, and em- 
 
 • « n'ov the fame againft: the Parliament, and by force and 
 it dread tliereof, to compel the Parii;iment to agree to cer- 
 
 ?• 11 tain propolitions by them contrived, and to hinder and 
 «t interrupt the proceedings of the Parliament. 
 
 z. That in purfuance of the Paid defign, they did 
 <c endeavour to perfwade divers Members of the Houfe 
 tt 0 f Commons, and others, being Officers of the faid 
 CC iiripy, that is to fay, JVilmot , Ajhburnham, Berkley , 
 
 “ Pollard , and 0 Neal, that they were difobliged by the 
 cc Parliament, thereby to incenfe them againlt the Par¬ 
 es li-ment ; and did hold divers confutations with the fa.d 
 cc Parties, to efteA the faid wicked defign •, and to that 
 cc p., rp „f c did fet down in writing, certain propnlitions 
 cc to t h e e ffeA as followeth, viz. i. The preferving of 
 n Billiops in their funAions and votes, a. The not dif- 
 cc banding of the Irijh army, until the Scots were dif- 
 «i bandecL 3. And the endeavouring to fettle the King’s 
 cc reV enue to the proportion it was formerly. 
 
 cc , That for the more fecret carriage of this Plot, 
 cc they did adminifter to the faid parties a wicked and 
 “ unlawful oath, whereby they did fwear upon the holy 
 cc Evangelifls, not to reveal any thing that was fpoken 
 c‘ concerning the bufinefs. 
 
 cc ^ That they did propound and endeavour to per- 
 cc {\ va de the perfons before-named, and other officers of 
 cc the army, to put the faid army into a warlike pofture, 
 cc to bring them up to London , to make themfelves fuie 
 “ of the 'Tower, and fo by force to compel the Parlia- 
 cc m ent to conform to their will : 'And they did endea- 
 ce vour to work a belief in the faid army, that the King 
 it and Parliament would difagree ; and that all the French 
 CC about the city of London would affift them : And to the 
 “ great (caudal of the King, that the Prince and the Earl 
 cc uf Newcajile were to meet the army at Nottingham with 
 “ a thoufand Horfe ; that Suckling , to compafs the defign 
 “ of gaining the Tower, did ftontrive that an hundred 
 cc men, under Captain Billingfly , fhould be deligned lor 
 cc that purpofe, when the opportunity was offered, to the 
 cc gmJ the city of Loiidon fhould not be able to make any 
 cc r e lift an ce, when the faid'army fhould come up , and 
 tc Suckling , by the means and plot aforefaid did thereby 
 CC endeavour, that the Earl of Strafford , then prifoner in 
 tc the Tower, might the better compafs his efcape.” 
 
 Betides the fore-mentioned depofitions, here is a tefti- 
 mony of c.ne of the chief confpirators, of which the Par- 
 liament made great ufe. It is Percy' s Letter after his 
 flight into France, to his Brother the Bari of Northum- 
 berland. 
 
 Rufljworth, 
 IV. p. 
 
 RHn'. 
 
 T. H.3S6 
 
 W HAT with my own innocency, and the violence 
 I hear is againft me, I find my felf much dif- 
 “ traded. I will not ask your counfel, becaufe it may 
 cc bring prejudice upon you ; but I will with all faithful- 
 cc lie f s and truth tell you what my part hath been, that 
 ' cc at lea ft it may be declaied by you, whatfoever becomes 
 
 “ of me. . , , 
 
 cc When there was fifty thoufand pounds ready, de- 
 ce fjtrned by' the Parliament for the Englijh army, there 
 cc w ^ Sj as 1 take it, a fudden demand by the Scots at the 
 cc fame time of twenty-five thoufand pounds, of which 
 cc' there was fifteen thoufand pounds ready ; this they 
 cc prelfed with fuch neceffity, as the Parliament, after an 
 c« order made, did think it fit for them to deduA ten 
 cc thoufand pounds out of the fifty thoufand pounds for¬ 
 ce merly granted : Upon which the Soldiers in our Houfe 
 ‘c were much fcandulized ; amongft which I was one, 
 c. ant ) fitting by IVilrnot and Jjhburnham, JVilmot flood 
 ‘c un and told them, if that the Scots could thus procure 
 cc money, he doubted not but the Officers of the Englijh 
 cc army might eaf.ly do the like. But the firft order 
 cc was reverfed notwithflanding, and ten thoufand pounds 
 cc g iv en to the Scots. This was the caufe of many d.f- 
 “ courfes of diftike amongft us, and came to this purpofe, 
 ^ that they were difobliged by the Parliament, and not 
 c‘ by the King : This being faid often to one another, 
 cc we did refolve, JVilmot, AJhburnham, Pollard , 0 Neal, 
 “ and my felf, to make fome expreffions of fervmg the 
 “ Kin"- in all things he would command us, that were 
 “ honourable for him and us, being hkewite agreeing to 
 c‘ the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, that io far we 
 cc wou ld live and dye with him ; this was agreed upon 
 cc with us, not having any communication with others, 
 cc that 1 am coupled now withal : And further, by their 
 
 “ joint confent, I was to tell his Majeftf thus much from 
 “ them ; but withal, I was to order the matter fo as the 
 “ King might apprehend this as a great Service done un- 
 cc to him at this time, when his affairs were in fo ill a 
 “ condition, and they were moll confident, that they 
 <c would engage the whole army thus far ; but further 
 “ they would undertake nothing, becaufe they would nei- 
 “ ther infringe the liberties of the SubjeAs, nor deftroy 
 “ the Laws ; to which I and every one confentcd ; and 
 “ having their fenfe, I drew the heads up in a Paper, 
 
 “ which they all approved when I read it j and then we 
 “ did, by an oath, promife one another to be con ft a nc 
 ‘‘ and fecret in all this, and did all of us take that oath 
 “ together : Then, I faid, well) Sirs, I mull now be in- 
 l< formed what your particular defires are, that fo I may 
 “ be the better able to ferve you ; which they were pleated 
 cc to d 0 . an d fo I did very faithfully ferve them therein 
 “ as far as I could. This is the truth, and all the truth 
 “ upon my foul, in particular difeourfes. 
 
 “ After that we did fall upon the petitioning to the 
 “ King and Parliament for moneys, there being fo great 
 “ arrears due to us, and fo much delays made in the pro- 
 «« curing of them ; but that was never done. 
 
 c* 1. Concerning the Bifhops funAions and votes. 
 
 “ z. The not disbanding of the Irijh army, until the 
 “ Scots were disbanded too. 
 
 “ 3. The endeavouring to fettle his Majefty’s revenue 
 cc to that proportion it w-s formerly (1). 
 
 “ And it was refolved by us all) it the King fhould 
 cc require our affiftance in thefe things, that far as we 
 “ could, we might contribute thereunto, without break- 
 ing the Laws of the Kingdom ; and in cafe the King 
 ‘ c fhould be denied thefe things being put to them, w ; e 
 “ would not fly from him : All thefe perfons did aA and 
 t{ concur in this as well as I. This being all imparted to 
 cc the King by me from them, I perceived he had been 
 tc treated with by others, concerning fome things of our 
 “ army ; which agreed not with what was purpofed by 
 “ me, but Inclined a way more fharp and high, not ha- 
 “ ving limits either of honour or law. I told the King, 
 c« he might be pleafed to confider with himfelf, which 
 cc W ay it was fit for him to hearken unto ; for us, we 
 cc were refolved not to depart Irom our grounds; we 
 “ fhould not be difpleafed, whofoever they were, but the 
 ct particular of the defigns, or the perform we defired not 
 <c to know ; though it was no hard matter to guefs at 
 cc them. In the end, I believe the danger of the ene, 
 
 “ the juftice of the other, made the King tell me, he 
 “ would leave all thoughts of other propofitions but ours, 
 
 “ as things r.ot praAicable; but defired, notwithflanding, 
 that Goring and Jermin , who were acquainted with the 
 < c other proceedings, fhould be admitted amongft u.->. I 
 CC told him, I thought the other gentry would never con- 
 c« fent to it, but I would propofe it ; which 1 did, and 
 “ we were all much againft it : But the King did prefs 
 cc fo much, as at the laft it was contented unto ; and 
 tc Goring and Jermin came to my chamber; there I was 
 “ appointed to tell them, after they had fworn to tecrecy, 
 
 <‘ what we had propofed ; which I did. But before I go 
 «c into the debate of the way, I . muft tell you, Jenun 
 cc and Goring were very earneft Suckling fhould be adniit- 
 «c ted ; which we did all decline, and I was defired by all 
 “ our men to be refolute in it, which I was, and gave 
 cc many rerffons : Whereupon Mr. Goring made anfwer, 
 cc {, e W as engaged with Air. Suckling his being employed 
 “ in the army; but for his meeting with us, they were 
 cc contented to pafs it by : Then we took up again ti e 
 “ ways which were propofed ; which took great debate, 
 tc an£ j theirs differed from ours in violence and heat ; 
 “ which we all protefted againft, and parted, diftgreeing 
 “ totally, yet remitted it to be fpoken of by me and Jcr- 
 cc m [ n to the King, w'hich we both d:d ; and the King, 
 “ conftaru to his former refolutions, told him, thefe ways 
 “ were all vain and foolifh, and he would think of them 
 c‘ no more. I omit orJe thing of Mr. Coring, he aefirtd 
 “ to know how the chief Commanders were to oe dit- 
 cc pofed of; for if te had not a condition worthy ot him, 
 “ he would not go along with us. We made anfwer, 
 “ That no body thought of that ; we intended, if we 
 cc were fent down, to go all in the fame capacity we were 
 “ in He did not like that by any means, and by that 
 cc di d work fo with Mr. Chudlcigh , that there was a lec- 
 “ ter fent by fome of the Commanders to make him Lieu- 
 “ tenant-general: And when he had ordered this at Lon- 
 “ don, and Mr. Chudlcigh had his inftruAions, then did 
 “ he go to Portjmouth, pretendii g to be abfent when this 
 ‘c was working : We all defired my Lords of Jlfcx and 
 cc Holland ; but they faid, if there were a Genera,, they 
 cc were for Newcajile: They were pleafc,-! to gnu; re- 
 “ port, that I (hould be General -of the Horle. but I 
 
 37 1 
 
 1641. 
 
 (0 The wcid font 
 
 
 „ . f„ it fignif, either it. Kins'. Rmno, « ** h ' •» 
 
 Rapin. 
 
 proteft. 
 
372 
 
 1641. 
 
 The 
 
 *■! 
 
 pro-.c-ft, neither to the King, or any e]fe, did I ever fo 
 “ ® uch » 'hint Oi it. My Lord of Holland was made 
 
 ** y. were laid afide. And this is 
 
 ( the tiuth, and all the truth I know of thefe proceed- 
 
 * In S s; -^ nd £ h:b I will and do proteft unto you upon 
 J “V faich - And lTil mot, djkburnham , and 0 AW, 
 “ ™ve at Several times confefled and fworn, I never faid 
 “ any thing in the bulinefs, which they did not every 
 “ one agree unto and jollify. This relation I fent you, 
 (i lather to inform \ ou of the truth of the matter, that 
 
 you may the better know how to do me good ; but I 
 “ Ihould think my fell very unhappy to be made a be- 
 
 * tra >’ er an y body. What concerned the Tower or any 
 ^ thing el/e, I never meddled withal, nor ever fpoke with 
 tc Gonn S bu t that night before them all ; and I faid no¬ 
 thing but what was confented unto by every party : I 
 
 “ never f P ake one word with Suckling , Carnarvon , Da- 
 or any other creature. Methinks, if my friends 
 and kindred knew the truth and juftice of the matter, it 
 “ ™ ere no hard ,na t cer to ferve me in fume meafure ” (11. 
 
 I his letter fliows plainly, there was really a project to 
 gain the army, and engage them to ferve the' King againft 
 the Parliament, and that the King knew and approved of 
 p n ^ f the lame. 
 
 iv. p.291. . * be 16th of June, the Committee appointed to exa- 
 
 ,• urn. mine the affair of the plot to feduce the army, made a fe- 
 ?T/o. , cond re P° rt t0 the H °ule, and caufed fevcral depofitions to 
 be read. 
 
 I he ill, was Captain Billing fly' s, who confefled, that 
 Sir John Suckling had invited him, to take upon him the 
 command of the hundred men that were to be fent to guard 
 the l ower. 
 
 I he 2d, Mr. Nutt's-, whereby it appeared, that the Earl 
 of Strafford's, efcape was projected. 
 
 The 3d, Lieutenant Colonel Ballard's , who faid, That 
 Captain Chudleigh brought down to the army many propo- 
 iition:;; fume of which were, that Colonel Goring Ihould 
 be Lieutenant-general, and that the Prince and the Eat] of 
 Nauca/iU would be in _\ aUnghamjhire with a thoufand 
 Horfe ready to join with the army. 
 
 The 4 th was mills' s, who declared, That the French 
 were to favour the enterprize ; that the Clergy would, at 
 their own charge, fend two thoufand Horfe, "and that the 
 Prince was to come down to the army. 
 
 Yi "&L Thc Hotfe was further informed. That the officers who 
 
 f tbr o./i. had undertaken to ferve the Kins, had communicated to 
 him the draught of a Petition, which was to fe dirccUJ 
 " to the King tt i Parliament from the army : that they 
 h°P«j “ it ful ■ : h) n (I oi the officers, and that 
 
 the King, after reading it, had approved of the limit 
 and writ at the bottom thefe two Letters, C. R. in token 
 of his approbation. 
 
 7 iiele arc the grounds whereon was built the reality of 
 this plot, winch was extremely injurious to the King, by 
 the diftruft it bred in the minds of moil of the Mt 
 "1 Parliament, and oi the Nation in general. But it muft 
 be added, that King Charles' s favorers call it a mere chi¬ 
 mera, even to this day. For my part, I cannot help fly¬ 
 ing, that I believe tiiere was fome truth in it ; but I am 
 of opinion, that the heads of die contrary party to the 
 King, greatly aggravated the circumftances and confequen- 
 c > . i (1 or der to cjufc to pafs the more eaftiy, the Bill of 
 Attainder of thc Karl of Strafford, and the Aft for the 
 continuance of the Parliament, to which the King gave 
 the royal afient the lame day, and in this fame juncture. 
 And what confirms me the more in this opinion, is, the 
 verv arguments themfelves alledged by the Kings iriends, 
 to ihow that it was a fidlion to render the King odious. 
 l 1 or they cannot help owning, there was a proiedt to en¬ 
 gage the army to declare for the King. Thev fay only 
 that the end propofed by the Authors of this projea, wa] 
 to hinder the army from being feduced to efpoufe the inte- 
 rell of the Parliament. But firft, there appears not the 
 leaft lign of this pretended foie end, either in the tlepofi- 
 tions of tile witneffes, or in Percy's letter, or in the re¬ 
 ports of the Committee appointed to examine this affair. 
 Secondly, the King, whom the Parliament fo often re¬ 
 proached afterwards with this plot, never ufed.this reafon 
 to exenfe the Authors. In the third place, it is not pro- 1 
 b.ibie, the officers ihould have any fiich purpofe, (ince at • 
 that time tile army was too much difpleafed with the Par- ' 
 liamenr, to afford any ground to fear, they fhould be fe- < 
 
 duccd to declare againft the King. The mod plaufible thing ' 
 the, lav, is, that there was never any exprefs defign to ■ 
 match the army to London, upon which however the Com- ‘ 
 mom chiefly infilled. The denial of this circumftance wai * 
 wh-t til-' King foleiy adhered to, as will hereafter appear 
 tie called God to witnefs, he never knew of any fuch de- ‘ 
 hen. But he never denied pofitively his having been in- < 
 
 HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 the Ktng. 
 H< af p,«u 
 
 Clarendon. 
 T. J. p .2oS 
 
 Voi. If, 
 
 formed of a defign to engage the army to his fide We 
 muii therefore carefully diftinguiih two rhinos o' .. ... 
 fpiracv, namely, the defign of gainii g . . rm „ w ; 
 clearly appears, and the defign of marcl - tl 
 London It appears by the depofitions, that this licffm v 
 propofed in the aflembly of Officers, but was not approvt 1 
 bo lie Kmg could affirm he knew not of ! u 
 deed it was never refolved, though ! e was n : 
 its having been propofed. 
 
 Ill . Letter there is a circumftance which m 
 very much conduce to clear this affair. There were 
 he lays, two lets of people, who formed at the f. re tit- 
 a defign to engage the Army for the King, without h „ 
 communicated their thoughts to one another. rhe 
 'Were, Percy, IViltr.ot, eih’onrnham, and r'\ , '] i,. . 
 
 conJ, Jermin and Goring, whofe views reached ranch fa?- 
 t-n, and who propofed to march the Arm] : 
 for though Goring m hi. depofition affirmed, lie had d, 
 his utmoft to d.lfuade the reft from lids dawn he i, f id 
 however to be the firrt mover of it If ]. t , • 
 
 becreu.ted, the King had at fi Iiftened to 
 nroieft ‘ ^ “'’TL? 7 ’" re Prcfentalion, had rq fled tliei, 
 
 prnjaft as impraatcable, and laid afid 
 
 ine Kings friends confound thefe two priijedts ,t 
 
 their proofs are direfled againft that of J ■ 
 
 without meddling with Percy's. And becaufe t i 
 ment couldi not fully prove, there was an exprefs refuiuti 
 to bring the Army to London, thev conclude, that thc 
 
 Pm?h riC h !? ee 'r er , al Was “'X » fia™ end in,pollute. 
 But though there had never been a fettled defian tomai I, 
 tlie Army to London , it may be true hotvc.er,°th t us: ", . 
 vours were ufed to gain them, and that thc Kim- a -! '’ ' 
 or the defign. In (hort, thc King's friends Car V d ,‘- 
 that the draught of the Petition waS communicated to I 
 before it wi.s recommended to the Officers of tile 
 for thqr fubfcription. Of this Petition 1 am fhi! c 
 in order to clear this point fully. 
 
 it is ftrange, this Petition,' which has made (i, n 
 node, Ihould never be produced, either by the ,,,,,.. . 
 
 m foppnrt of their charge, or by the Kin", for' Iff,' 
 vindication. It is true, the King afterwards prctci\'«l 1 - 
 had recovered a copy, but thought not fit to preduv ' 
 though he affirmed it to be very innocent. ThL '•iv,, c 
 calion to fufpea, tiicrc v.a, f.mething prejudicial to him. 
 
 ! he “ r i 01 Ctmi ml. inferted in his Hiftor) i Peri- 
 i , which li. afl ires I 1 the I 
 
 musd by tl s Kin; with t !. But it i 
 cannot be the Petition in cjueltiui!, a a the Reader will’ ne , 
 
 the Lon 
 , and B: 
 
 To the King's mojl excellent Maicfly 
 and Temporal ; the Knights , Citizen, 
 affembled in the High-Court of Pari 
 Petition the Officers d 
 
 jLTUmbly fheweth, that although our wants b ’ 
 A A been very preffing, and the burthen v.u - ■ ' 
 
 ‘ ““ unto thefe parts 
 
 £ grievous unto us , yet fo have we demeaned our feiq 
 that your Majefty’s great and weighty affairs in t'.i’s 
 
 ■ prelent Parliament have hitherto lecq.cd i , 
 
 ’ tion, by an}- com] laint, either from us or 
 
 a temper not ufual in armies; efpeciaiiy 
 ' tine not only of pay, but alio of .: ttt . 
 
 ; and many of its principal officers ; that v.; C qmJ- !,d 
 attribute it to a parti, lar Well , 
 
 ' on our mod hearty affections and /.,..i t„ , A- . 
 
 Good, in the happy fuccefs of this Parliament, to whici 
 
 ■ as we fhould have been ready hourly to com, ibute ■ u ’ 
 deamft blood, fo now that it hath pleafed God t„ 
 mamteft his bleffing fo evidently therein, we q 
 but acknowledge it with thanklulnefs ■ m Ip 
 
 great mercy, u, that he . i inclined y, „ M 
 viV.il heart fo to co-operate i h t 
 Itament, as to effedl | ] 
 
 upon the for Chu i Com 
 
 monwealth : as firft, in , „ M j 
 
 fcendtng to the many important demands 
 
 hours ol the S. t ion . 
 
 tree a courle of fuilice .tjainfl Jl dclmos-cru < *’ \ \ 
 
 : 
 
 grievances, therewith the Subjetfs did conceive either 
 then- liberty of perfons, property, or eflate, or ficcdoni 
 0 confcience, prejudiced: And lafllv, in thc yreaicir 
 ' 1 ; f> ■ trit) that ever th Su 
 received from their Sovereign, the JJiil t .|' JYc 
 Parliament. ^ *“ 
 
 ' 
 
 more than expedlation or hope c ::kl extend t . r 
 
 the Gdic- 1 : 
 
 ' Vp the reading of this Lett, 
 
 ni/Tuy Wthnct was comini-t-.d :g the T. w;r, Cj. 
 
 • B:; 
 
 4 
 
 now 
 
Book XX. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 “ now they are certainly fuch, as all loyal hearts ought to 
 “ acquiefce in with thankfulnefs; which we do with all 
 ct humility, and do at this time, with as much earneftnefs 
 “ as any, pray and with, that the Kingdom may be fet- 
 “ tied in peace and quietnefs, and that all men may, at 
 “ their own homes, enjoy the bleffed fruits of your v/if- 
 “ dom and juftice. 
 
 “ But it may pleafe your excellent Majefty, and this 
 <c High Court of Parliament, to give us leave, with grief 
 “ and anguifh of heart, to represent unto you, that we 
 “ hear that there are certain perfons ftirring and pragma- 
 “ tical, who inftead of rendering glory to God, thanks to 
 “ your Majefty, and acknowledgment to the Parliament, 
 ic remain vet as unfatisfied and mutinous as ever ; who, 
 “ whilft all the reft of the Kingdom are arrived even be- 
 “ yond their wilhes, ar daily forging new and unreafon- 
 “ able demands; who, whilft all men of reafon, loyalty 
 and moderation, are thinking how they may provide 
 “ for your Majefty’s honour and plenty, in return of fo 
 “ many graces to the Subject, are ftili attempting new 
 “ diminutions of your Majefty’s juft regalities, which ever 
 “ muft be no lefs dear to all honeft men, than our owh 
 freedoms; in fine, men of fuch turbulent Spirits, as are 
 <e ready to facrifice the honour and welfare of the whole 
 “ Kingdom to their private fancies, whom nothing elfe 
 “ than a fubverfion of the whole frame of Government 
 <c will fatisfy: Far be it from our thoughts to believe, that 
 “ the violence and unreafonablcnels of fuch kind of per- 
 <c fons can have any influence upon the prudence and juftice 
 “ of the Parliament. But that which begets the trouble 
 <c and difquiet of our loyal hearts, at this prefent, is, that 
 “ we hear thofe ill-affected perfons are backed in their 
 “ violence, by the multitude and the power of 1 ailing tu- 
 “ mults ; that thoufands flock at their call, and befet the 
 “ Parliament, and Whitehall itfelf; not only to the pre- 
 “ judice of that freedom which is neceffary to great Coun- 
 <c cilsand Judicatories, but poflibly to fome perlonal Ganger 
 “ of your facred Majefty, and the Peers. 
 
 “ Thevaft confequences of thefe peifons malignity, and 
 tc of the Licentioufnefs of thofe multitudes that follow 
 “ them, confideied in moftdeep care and zealous affection 
 “ for the fafety of your facred Majefty, and the Parlia- 
 “ ment; our humble petition is, that in your wifdom you 
 <c would he pleafed to remove fuch dangers, by punilhing 
 <l the Ringleaders of thefe tumults, that your Majefty and 
 “ the Parliament may be fecured from fuch infolencies 
 “ hereafter. For the fupprelfing of which, in all humility 
 “ we offer our felves to wait upon you (if you pleafe) 
 “ hoping we ihall appear as confiderable in the way of 
 “ defence to our gracious Sovereign, the Parliament, our 
 “ Religion, and the eftablifhed Laws of the Kingdom, as 
 “ what number foever Ihall audacioufly prefume to violate 
 “ them : So (hall we, by the wifdom of your Majefty and 
 “ the Parliament, not only be vindicated from precedent 
 tc innovations, but be fecured from the future, that are 
 “ threatned, and likely to produce more dangerous effects 
 than the former. 
 
 And w Jhall pray , &c. 
 
 Give me leave to make fome remarks on this Petition, 
 in order to thew, that it cannot be the fame that was 
 communicated to the King, and fubferibed by him with 
 the letters C. R. in token of his approbation. 
 
 In the firft place, it evidently appears, this was drawn 
 up at London., at the very time when the multitudes repair¬ 
 ed to IVcJlminJler , which happened not till the third and 
 fourth ot May , there having been no fuch concourfe of 
 people before, and this lafting only two days. But it will 
 be feen hereafter, that the King himfelf laid, that this 
 Petition, which he figned with C. R. was brought to him 
 from the army, and that after having read it* he approved 
 of it, as being very innocent. If the Petition communi¬ 
 cated to the King, had been prepared in the army, it can¬ 
 not be this, fince thofe that penned it, could not forefee 
 the riotous aflemblies at Wejhninjler on the third and fourth 
 of May y which however they (peak of as then in being. 
 And if it was drawn at London, as ’tis very likely, it can¬ 
 not be that which was communicated to the King, fince 
 he affirmed, it was brought to him from the army* 
 
 It will be faid perhaps, that this Petition might be pre¬ 
 pared at London the third or fourth of May t at the time of 
 the concourfe, that it was fent to the army, and then 
 brought back to London to be communicated to the King. 
 
 But allowing only a fortnight for thofe Journies from 16.fr. 
 London to 2 ork, and from York to London, and for com¬ 
 municating it to the officers difperfed in different quarters 
 about the country, the Petition would have come too late 
 to the King, and have been entirely ufelefs, lince the riots 
 were ceafed, the Lari of Strafford dead, and the King had 
 palled the Bill for the continuance of the Parliament. It 
 would have been therefore very prepofterous for the King 
 to approve of this Petition at fuch a junffure. 
 
 Secondly, the Earl of Clarendon intimates, this Petition T.I. p.19;' 
 was projeffed and drawn long before the third and fourth 
 of May, b) the very officers who were afterwards accufed 
 of the conlpiracy. He fays, after the King had fubferibed 
 it, it was carried down to the army, and figned by fome 
 officers, but was iuddenly quafhed, and no more heard of 
 till the difeovery of the pretended plot, of which more in 
 its place. This is a clear evidence, that the Petition the 
 King fubferibed with C. R. had been communicated long 
 before the third or fourth of May , the day of the difeovery 
 of the plot. But if this be fo, how could the authors of 
 the Petition fpeak of the riots on the third and fourth of 
 May ,,as actually in being? The Petition fubferibed by 
 the King cannot therelore be the fame that the Lord 
 Clarendon has infei ted in his Hiftory. T.I.p.iji. 
 
 In the third place, the officers who intended to gain 
 the army to the King, and who, according to the Lord 
 Clarendon , piojcffed hkewile the Petition to the King and 
 Parliament which was approved by his Majefty, propofed 
 as their end, to preserve the Bijhops votes and junctions , to 
 Joinder the disbanding the Irilh army till that of the Scots 
 voas disbanded too , and to fettle the King's revenues. But 
 in the petition above, there is no mention of any of thefe 
 articles (1). 
 
 Laftly, it will hereafter be feen, that the King to juftify 
 his figning the Petition, faid, nothing more was required 
 in it, than the fettling of the Government upon the fame 
 foot as under Queen Elizabeth. But in the Petition given 
 us by the Lord Clarendon as fubferibed by the King, there 
 is nothing like it, Elizabeth not being named in it (2). 
 
 Before I conclude this matter, I muft not forget what Doubts cen- 
 has been faid concerning Percy’s letter to his brother the"""”' 8 Fer ~ 
 Earl of Northumberland. ’Tis pretended that Percy, en- clarendon? 
 deavouring to efcape into France , was known at the fea-T.i. p. no, 
 fide, and wounded by fome perfons who would have 2l2> 
 flopped him: That getting from them,’ and flying to the 
 Earl of Northumberland's , that Lord prevailed with fome 
 of the leading Men ol the Commons, [particularly Mr. 
 
 Pym] that his brother’s efcape fhould be connived at, on 
 condition he would write the letter above-mentioned, as if 
 it was writ in France. It is ea(y to perceive, that hereby 
 the relation in that letter is deiigned to be rendered fuf- 
 peffed of falfhood. But I don’t find, it is poiiuvcly af¬ 
 firmed, or that any proofs are produced to difeover the 
 forgery. 7 he whole amounts to a bare affertion, that the 
 Plot in queftion was a fiction, a chimera, an impofture: 
 
 That the Parliament curtailed the depoiitions of the witnef- 
 fes, omitting every thing that ferved to juftify the King: 
 
 That the conferences in Percy's chamber, weiefreecon- 
 verfations between friends, of whom fome were Members 
 of Parliament: That the depofitions of the witneffes were 
 fitter to demonftrate there was never any confpiracy to 
 feduce the army, than to prove there was really any fuch 
 thing. But upon the whole, we muft take, as good proofs 
 the bare affertion of thofe who relate thefe faffs, which 
 they have not cleared in the leaft(3). 
 
 As the King was frequently reproached with this con¬ 
 fpiracy afterwards, I thought it neceffary to give a juft 
 idea of the thing, that the Reader may be the better able 
 to judge of the objections and anf-.veis I fhall have fre¬ 
 quent occafion to mention. It is time now to proceed to 
 the Lord Strafford's Trial. 
 
 If it is not tuppofed, that Charles I. from the beginning The Earl of 
 of his reign to the time of this laft Parliament, had formed straijord'i 
 a delign to eftablifh in England an arbitrary Government, ’ 7 ‘ , ’ 
 it will be almoft impoifibie to underftand his Hiftory, and 
 particularly this fecond pait. But, upon this fiippofition, 
 which to me appears inconteftable, all difficulties vanifti. 
 
 It is not furprizing to fee the King’s Council, his Mini- 
 fters, Favorites, the Star-Chamber, High-Commiflion, 
 
 Judges of the realm, in a word, all perfons in publiclc 
 employments, intent upon one Angle point, I mean, the 
 ftretching of the Royal authority as far as lay in their 
 power. It is not furprizing to fee the implacable hatred 
 
 (1) Uhltrloch’s account of this matter is chus: The Officers put themfelves into a Junto of fworn Secrecy, drew up fome heads by way of Petition 
 to the King and Parliament, For Money for the Army. Not to dlfb.md before the Scots. To preferve 'Bijhops Votes and Functions. To fettle the lying's Re¬ 
 venues. The Army being tainted I rum hence, met, and drew up a Letter, or Petition, which was the wed to the King, and approved and hgned by 
 him with C. R. and a direction to Captain Leg, that none fhould fee it but Sir Jacob Ajhley, the maindrut was, Th.it the Army might be called up to attend 
 the ftfety of the KJng's Ferjon, and FafCament's Security, or that both Armies might be disbanded. Memorials, p. 46. 
 
 (1) The Lora Clarendon fays, That Coring, who propofed the marching of the Army to London, being dilgufted at hav'ng that propofal rejefled and 
 ridiculed, diJ, the fame, or the next day, whereon he had propofed it, difeover all, and more than had palled, to the Earl ot 'Bedford, and the Lords 
 Say, and Kjrnbohon \ but as dangerous as the defign was afterw ards alledged to be, it was not however communicated to the Parliament till abouc three 
 Months after. Clarendon , Tom. I. p. 19f. 
 
 (3) Mr. Naifon, who took upon h.m to juftify the King againft the falfe Accufations of his Enemies, as he fays himfelf in his Introduction, paffes 
 over this Article very llightly. See the end of Vol. I. of his Collections. Repin. 
 
 No, 6z. Vol, II. 5 B of 
 
Vol. II.- 
 
 374 
 
 164 r. 
 
 HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 ftuthwortb, 
 T. VIII. of 
 
 Edition. 
 
 Nalfon, 
 
 T. II. p. i^, 
 
 Clarendon, 
 T.I. p. 169, 
 
 .f 
 
 jlccttfathn 
 againft the 
 Eurlof 
 
 Scrafrord. 
 January 30. 
 
 1640-1 
 
 Rulh'.vorth, 
 T. VIII. 
 Nalfon, 
 
 T. II. p. 10 
 
 oftheHoufeof Commons to the King’s Minifters, and ' 
 particularly to thofe who were moft trufted by his Ma- 
 jefty, and believed the chief authors of the publick evils. 
 Among thefe, the Earl of Stratford was confidered as the 
 moft dangerous, becaufe the moft able, and becaufe his 
 two high pofts of Prefident of the Court of York, and 
 Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland , afforded him frequent occa- 
 fions to ferve the King effectually, and aflift him to exe¬ 
 cute his defigns. Accordingly he was the firft the Com¬ 
 mons attacked, eight days after the opening of the Parlia¬ 
 ment. The impeachment and trial of this Lord, con¬ 
 tains many remarkable things, fome whereof are, as I 
 may fay, above the comprehenfion of foreigners,^ by reafon 
 of the great difference between the Laws and Cuftoms of 
 England, and thofe of other States. It would therefore be 
 too difficult a task for me to undertake to give a particular 
 account of all the circumftances of this famous Trial, 
 which have been collected in a large volume in Folio. For 
 this reafon I fhall content myfelf with giving a general 
 idea of it, fuch as I Ihall think proper to fatisfy the Rea¬ 
 der’s curiofity. 
 
 There is, no doubt, when the Commons impeached the 
 Earl of Stratford, his ruin was refolved by the leading 
 men of that Houfe. The Earl being looked upon as the 
 molt powerful, and moft in favour of all the King’s Mi- 
 n i(ters', and as the principal author of the miferies of the 
 Kingdom, this was fufficicnt to make it thought requisite 
 to facrifice him to the publick. I do not think itneceilaty 
 to feck other motives of this refolution, or to aferibe it to 
 more fecret caufes. Since the Parliament undertook to re- 
 drefs grievances, and reftore the Government to its an¬ 
 cient (fate, nothing was more natural than to punifh fuch 
 as had helped to unhinge it, and among thefe the Ear! of 
 Strafford was the principal, and confequently, the fitteft to 
 ferve for example to thofe, who lhould in time to come, 
 engage in the like enterprize. But bciides this, he had 
 made himfelf many enemies, by his imperious behaviour, 
 to which great Minifters, who are fecure of their malter’s 
 favour, are generally but too liable. Moreover, he had de- 
 ferted the People’s intereft, aftei having^ftrongly fupported 
 , M< mber ol the i i >ufe of Con ; and de¬ 
 voted himfelf entirely to the King. I his iulficed to ren¬ 
 der him odious, and the Commons, when they impeached 
 him, knew they could not do any ill.ng more grateful to 
 the People. He was therefore acculld of H; gh-Treafon, 
 not that in the fhort time, fince the opening or the Parlia¬ 
 ment, the Commons could have any certainty of his be¬ 
 ing guilty of that crime, but upon a certain publick evi- 
 m the 1 mo| t ol the Mem¬ 
 
 bers. After his being lent to the Tower upon this im¬ 
 peachment, the Houfe confidered of the articles on which 
 they were to ground his accufation, and when they wire 
 brought to che Lords, pi oofs were fought to fupport 
 them (1). 
 
 Thefe articles, to the number of twenty eight, tended 
 to prove in general, that the Earl of Stratford had endea¬ 
 voured to fubvert the fundamental Laws of the State, and 
 eftablifh an arbitrary power. So, though each of the pre¬ 
 tended crimes, whereof he was accufed, could not be ac¬ 
 counted Pligh-Treafon, the H iufe pretended, that all to¬ 
 gether manifeftly (hewed his defign, and the means he had 
 employed to accompliffi it. The fubltance of the twenty 
 eight articles, is as follows (z): 
 
 “ I. That he being Prefident of the King’s Council in 
 “ the north parts of England , had procured to himfelf a 
 “ commilfion, with inftrudtions annexed, whereby power 
 « was given to him, to determine all offences, fuits, &c, 
 
 “ within certain preempts therein fpecified, and in fuch 
 
 • “ manner as the faid inftruftions did appoint, according 
 “ to the proceedings of the Star-Chamber. By vertue of 
 “ which commilfion, he had exercifed an exorbitant and 
 
 • “ unlawful jurifoiction over the perlons and eftates of his 
 “ Majefty’s fubjefts in thofe parts, to their ruin. 
 
 “ II. That at the Alfizes heid for the County of York, 
 “ he did publickly declare and publfth before the people, 
 “ that fome of the Juftices were all for law, and nothing 
 “ would pleafe them but law ; but they (hould find. That 
 “ the King's little finger Jhould be heavier than the loyns of 
 “ the law. 
 
 “ III. That being Lord-deputy of Ireland, he did fay 
 “ in a publick Speech, That Ireland was a conquered na- 
 “ tion, and that the King might do with them what he 
 46 pleated : And fpeaking of the Charters of former Kings 
 “ of England , made to the City of Dublin , he further then 
 
 e ("aid, That their Charters were nothing worth, and did 1641. 
 ‘ bind the King no farther than he pleafed. 
 
 “ IV. Thai Richard, Earl of Cork, a Peer of Ireland, 
 
 ‘ having fued out procefs in courfe of Law, for recovery 
 ,c of his poifelfions, from which he was put, by colour of 
 ,c an order made by the Lord Stratford, and the Council ; 
 
 11 he, the faid Lord Strafford, threatned the faid Earl to 
 “ imprifon him, unlefs he would furceafe his fuit, and 
 “ faid, that he would have neither law nor lawyers dif- 
 “ pute or queftion his orders. 
 
 “ That the faid Earl of Cork having contefted the va- 
 “ lidity of an order of Council made in Ireland, in the 
 “ time of King fames I, the Lord Strafford had faid, 
 
 “ That he would make the faid Earl and all Ireland 
 “ know, that fo long as he had the government of that 
 “ Kingdom, any at! of State there made, or to be made, 
 
 “ (hould be as binding to the Subjects of that Kingdom, 
 
 “ as an act of Parliament. And that he did fundry other 
 “ times, and upon fundry other occafions, by his words 
 “ and fpeeclies, arrogate to himfelf a power above the fun- 
 “ damental laws, and eftablifhed government of that 
 “ Kingdom, and fcorned the faid laws and eftablifhed go- 
 *® vernment. 
 
 “ V. 'I hat he did give, and procure to be given, againft: 
 cc the Lord Mountnorris, (then a Peer of Ireland, Vice- 
 “ Treafurer, and Receiver-general of that Kingdom, and 
 “ 1 reafurer at war, and one of the principal Secretaries 
 tc of State, and keeper of the Privy-Signet of the faid 
 “ Kingdom,) a fcntence of death by a Council of war, 
 
 “ called together by the faid Earl of Stratford, without 
 “ any warrant, or authority of law, or offence deferving 
 “ any fuch punifhment. 
 
 And he the faid Earl, did alfo at Dublin, without any 
 “ legal or due proceedings, or trial, give, and caufe to be 
 given, a fcntence of death again!! one other oi his Ma- 
 jelty’s fubjeifts; and caufed him to be put to death in 
 “ execution of the fame fentence. 
 
 “ VI. That without any legal proceedings, and upon a 
 4k Paper-petition, he did caufe the faid Lord Mountnorris 
 “ to be ddfeized and put out of his manor of Tymore in 
 “ the Kingdom of Ireland \ the faid Lord Mountnorris 
 having been eighteen years before in quiet poffeifion 
 “ thereof. 
 
 “ VII. That he did caufe a cafe, commonly called the 
 “ cafe of Tenures upon defective Titles , to be made and 
 “ drawn up, without any jury or trial, or other legal 
 “ procefs, and without the confent of parties, and did then 
 “ procure the Judges of the realm of Ireland to deliver 
 “ their opinions and refolutions to that cafe, and by colour 
 “ of fuch opinion, did, without any legal proceeding, caufe 
 “ Thomas Lord Dillon, and many other 1 , to be put out of 
 “ the pofleffion of divers Lands and Tenements, whereby 
 “ many of his Majefty's fubjedls, and their families, were 
 “ utterly undone. 
 
 “ VIII. That without any legal procefs, he had made 
 “ a decree or order againft Adam Vifcount Loftus, a Peer, 
 
 “ and Lord-Chancellor of Ireland , and did caufe the faid 
 “ Vifcount to be imprifoned, on pretence of difobedience 
 “ to the faid decree or order. That afterwards, without 
 “ any authority, he required and commanded the faid 
 “ Lord Vifcount to yield up unto him the Great Seal of 
 “ the realm of Ireland , which was then in his cuftody, 
 
 “ by his A'lajefty’s command, and imprifoned the laid 
 “ Chancellor for not obeying fuch his command. 
 
 ** That he did imprifon George, Earl of Kildare, thereby 
 “ to enforce him to fubmit his title to the manor and 
 “ lordfhip of Cajlle-leigh in the Queen's County , being of 
 “ great yearly value, to the faid Earl of Stratford’s will and 
 “ pleafure, and kept him a year prifoner for the faid caufe; 
 
 “ and refufed to enlarge him, notwithftanding his Ma- 
 “ jefty’s letters for his enlargement to the laid Earl 0 fStraf- 
 “ ford directed. 
 
 “ That upon a Petition exhibited to him againft Dame 
 tc Alary Hibbots , Widow ; the faid Earl of Strafford re- 
 “ commended the faid Petition to the Council-table of 
 “ Ireland, where the moft part of the Council gave their 
 “ vote and opinion for the faid Lady ; but the faid Earl 
 “ finding fault herewith, caufed an order to be entered 
 “ againft the faid Lady, and threatned her, that if (he re- 
 “ fufed to fubmit thereunto, he would imprifon her, and 
 “ fine her five hundred pounds ; that if (he continued ob- 
 “ ftinate, he would continue her imprifonment, and dou- 
 “ ble her fine every munth ; by means whereof (he was 
 “ enforced to relinquish her eftate in the lands queftioned 
 
 (1) The Committee appo nted to draw the Articles of Accufation agamft him, were, bAt.Whitciud the Ch 
 Mr. Pym, Hamp.ir,:, Hflii, Stroud, St Lien, St.John, Maynard, Palmer, G.'yn. U hit doc It, p. yJ . 
 
 (a) Thefe Articles filled two hundred Sheets of Paper. As fome of tue Trcafons charged upon 
 three months time to make h.s a.-Ivor, Lur was allowed only t.ll the , . [February. Whittled 
 Trial was Mr .Pym, of m Dr. U-'el wood, tells the following ftory. When the Earl, then only S.r 
 the Court, he gave Pym fome obfeure intimation of it. Pym underftandir.g his dr.ft, lh.pt lii.n i! 
 art to tell me, that you have a mind to leave us. Cut remember what I tell you, you are go.n- 
 “ us now, I will never leave you while your Head is upon your Shoulders.'’ Memoirs, p. f. 
 
 , the Lord Digby, Sir Walter Earl, 
 
 of fourteen years (landing, the Earl defired 
 — The chief manager during the whole 
 'i'cntmrth, was upon making his peace with 
 th:s expreTion, - You need not ufe all this 
 me: and remember, that though you leave 
 
16 4 f . 
 
 Book XX. 
 
 25. CHARLES! 
 
 37S 
 
 “ in the faid Petition, which fhortly after were conveyed 
 “ to Sir Robert Meredith , to the ufe of the faid Earl of 
 “ Strafford. 
 
 “ That the faid Earl, in like manner, did imprifondi- 
 “ vers others of his Majefty’s fubjeds, upon the like pre- 
 ££ fences, C9V. 
 
 ££ IX. That the faid Earl, afluming to himfelf a power 
 ££ above and againft law, took upon him, by a general war- 
 £c rant under his hand, to give power to the Lord Bilhop 
 “ of Down and Connor , his Chancellor, &c. to attach and 
 “ arreft the bodies of all fuch of the meaner and poorer 
 “ fort, who after citation fhould either refufe to appear 
 tc before them, or appearing, fhould omit or deny to per- 
 “ form, or undergo all lawful decrees, fentences, and orders 
 u impofed, or given out againtt them, and them to com- 
 ££ mit and keep in the next goal, until they fhould either 
 “ perform fuch fentences, or put in fufficient bail, tofliew 
 “ fome reafon before the Council-table, of fuch their con- 
 “ tempt and negledt. 
 
 “ X. That he had procured the cuftoms of the mer- 
 “ chandize exported out, and imported into Ireland , to be 
 ££ farmed to his own ufe. And, to advance his own gain 
 ££ and lucre, did caufe and procure the native commodities 
 “ of that Kingdom, to be rated in the book of rates for the 
 “ cuftoms, according to which the cuftoms were ufually 
 “ gathered, at far greater values and prices than in truth 
 “ they were worth ; that is to fay, every hide at twenty 
 ££ Shillings, which in truth was worth but five Shillings, 
 “ every Itone of wool at thirteen Shillings and four-pence, 
 ££ tiro’ the fame were really worth but five Shillings, at the 
 ££ utmoft nine; by which means the cuftom, which before 
 “ was but a twentieth part of the true value of the com- 
 “ modify, was enhanced fometimes a fifth part, and fome- 
 “ times to a fourth, and fometimes to a third part of the 
 “ true value. 
 
 “ XI. That the faid Earl did reftrain the exportation 
 t£ of the commodities of the Kingdom of Ireland , with- 
 “ out his licence; and then raifed great fums of money 
 “ for licences of exportation of thul'e commodities, and 
 ££ difpenfation of the faid reftraint. impofed on them, by 
 t£ which means tnofe commodities were raifed above half 
 “ in half. 
 
 “ XII. That under colour to regulate the importation 
 K of Tobacco into Ireland , he did lflue a Proclamation, 
 
 “ prohibiting the importation of Tobacco into that King- 
 “ dom ; after which reftraint, the faid Earl caufed divers 
 t£ great quantities of Tobacco to be imp u ted to his own 
 t£ ufe: That if any Ship brought Tobacco into any port 
 [£ there, the faid Earl and his agents ufed to buy the fame 
 t£ to his own ufe, at their own price; and if the owners 
 C£ refufed to let him have the fame at undue values, then 
 t£ they were not permitted to vent the fame there; by 
 C£ which undue means, the faid Earl having gotten the 
 li whole trade of Tobacco into his own hands, he fold it 
 t£ at great and exceffive prices. 
 
 “ That by a Proclamation he commanded, that none 
 f£ fhould put to l'ale any Tobacco by wholefale, but what 
 ££ fhould be made up into rolls, and the fame fealed with 
 ££ two feals by himfelf appointed, one at each end of the 
 “ roll: And fuch as was not fealed to be feized, appointing 
 ££ fix-pence the pound for a reward to fuch perfoni as 
 ££ fhould feize the fame. Which Proclamation was rigo- 
 ££ roufly put in execution, by feizing the goods, fining, 
 
 ££ imprifoning, whipping, and putting the offenders in the 
 ££ pillory. And though he enhanced the cuftoms, where 
 ££ it concerned the merchants in general, yet he drew down 
 ££ the impofl formerly taken on Tobacco, from fix-pence 
 ££ to three-pence the pound, it being for his own profit fo 
 “ to do. 
 
 “ That he raifed feveral other monopolies and unlawful 
 t£ exactions for his own gain, viz. on ftarch, iron-pots, 
 
 £t glafles, tobacco-pipes, &c. 
 
 “ XIII. That flax being one of the principal and na- 
 <£ tive commodities of Ireland , the faid Earl having gotten 
 u great quantities thereof into his hands, and growing on 
 “ his own lands, did ifliie out feveral Proclamations, pre- 
 “ feribing and enjoining the working of flax into yarn 
 ££ and thread, and the ordering of the fame in fuch ways 
 £c wherein the natives of that Kingdom were unpra&ifed, 
 t£ and unskilful; and the flax wrought or ordered in other 
 “ manner than as the faid Proclamation preferibed, was 
 ££ feized and employed to the ufe of him and his agents, 
 
 ££ and thereby the faid Earl did gain, in effedl, the foie 
 l£ fale of that native commodity. 
 
 “ XIV. That the faid Earl, by Proclamation, did im- 
 t£ pofe upon the owners, matters, purlers, and boatfwains 
 c ‘ of every {hip, a new and unlawful oath, viz. That they, 
 
 “ immediately after the arrival of any fhip within any 
 t£ port or creek in the Kingdom of Ireland , fhould give 
 “ in a true invoice of the outward bulk of wares and mer- 
 “ chandizes firft laden aboard them, together with the 
 
 feveral marks and number of goods, and their qualities 
 6 
 
 ££ and condition, the names of the feveral merchants, pro- 164c 
 prietors of the faid goods, and the place from whence 
 ££ they were fraughted, and whither they were bound, &c. 
 
 ££ XV. That by his own authority, without any war¬ 
 rant or colour of Law, he did tax and impofe great 
 £ ‘ fums of money upon divers towns and places in Ireland-, 
 
 ££ and did caufe the fame to be levied upon the inhabitants 
 ££ of thofe towns by troops of foldiers, with force of arms, 
 
 ££ in a warlike manner; and fent fuch numbers of foldi- 
 “ ers to lie on the lands and houfes of fuch as would not 
 “ conform to his orders, until they fhould render obedience 
 ££ to his faid orders; and this he did at feveral times, and • 
 
 ££ in divers places, by which means he levied war within 
 ££ the faid realm againtt his Majefty and his liege people 
 ££ of that Kingdom. 
 
 “ XVI. That the faid Earl did make a propofition, and 
 “ obtained from his Majefty an allowance thereof. That 
 “ no complaint of injuftice or oppreflion done in Ireland , 
 
 “ fhould be received in England againtt any, unlefs it ap- 
 “ peared, that the party made firft his addrefs to him the 
 £< faid Earl. And to prevent the fubje&s of that realm of 
 “ all means of complaints to his Majefty, and of red refs 
 “ againft him and his agents, he did ifTue a Proclamation, 
 
 “ thereby commanding all the nobility, undertakers and 
 “ others, who held elfates and offices in the faid King- 
 “ dom, to make their perfonal refidence in the faid 
 “ Kingdom of Ireland , and not to depart thence without 
 “ licence of himfelf; which Proclamation the faid Earl 
 “ had by feveral rigorous ways, as by fine, imprifonmentj 
 “ and otherwife, put in execution ; by means whereof 
 “ the fubjedls of that realm were reftraired from feekino- 
 “ relief againft the oppreflbns of the faid Earl. 
 
 “ XVII. That fpealcing of the army in Ireland , he did 
 £t declare, That his Majefty was fo well pleafed with the 
 “ army of Ireland , and the confequences thereof, that 
 “ his Majefty would certainly make the fame a pattern 
 ££ for all his three Kingdoms. 
 
 “ XVIII. That, in order to draw dependency upon 
 ££ himfelf, of the Papifts in both Kingdonfc of England 
 “ and Ireland, during the time of his Government in 
 “ Ireland , he reftored divers Frieries and Mafs-houfes, 
 
 £ ‘ (which had been formerly fuppreffed by the precedent 
 “ Deputies of that Kingdom; two of which houfes are 
 ££ in the City of Dublin , and had been affigned to the 
 “ ufe of the Univerfity there) to the pretended owners 
 “ thereof. 
 
 “ That in the months of May and June laft, the faid 
 “ Earl did raife an army in Ireland , confiding q£ eight 
 ££ thoufand foot, all of which, except one [thoufand] or 
 “ thereabouts were Papifts; and the faid one thoufand 
 ££ were drawn out of the old army there, and in their 
 “ places there were a thoufand Papifts put into the faid old 
 “ army by the faid Earl. 
 
 “ That the more to engage and tie the faid new army 
 “ of Papifts to himfelf, and to encourage them, he did fo 
 ££ provide, That the faid new army of Papifts were duly. 
 
 “ paid, l 3 'c. but the faid old army were, for the fpace of 
 ££ one whole year and upwards, unpaid. 
 
 ££ That being appointed a Commiflioner within eleven 
 ££ feveral Counties of the northern parts of England , for 
 ££ compounding with Recufants for their forfeitures due to 
 £C his Majefty ; and being alfo receiver of the compofitiori 
 £C money thereby arifing, he did compound with them at 
 “ low and under rates, and provided. That they fhould 
 t£ be difeharged of all proceedings againft them in all his 
 t£ Majefty’s Courts, both temporal and ecclefiaftical, con- 
 “ trary to the laws and ftatutes of this realm. 
 
 “ XIX. That he Jid of his own authority contrive and 
 £< frame a new and unufual oath, by the purport whereof, 
 
 £ ‘ the party taking the faid oath, was to fwear that he 
 ££ fhould not protett againft any of his Majefty’s royal com- 
 ££ mands, but fubmit himfelf in all due obedience thereunto. 
 
 ££ Which oath lie enforced on the fubjetSls of the Scotijb 
 “ nation, inhabiting in Ireland ; and compelled divers of his 
 “ Majefty’s faid fubje&s there, to take the faid oath againft 
 “ their wills; and of fuch as refufed to take it, fome he 
 “ grievoufly fined and imprifoned, and others hedeftroyed 
 “ and exded; namely, he fined Henry Steward and his 
 ££ wife, who refufed to take the faid oath, five thoufand 
 “ pounds a-piece, and their two daughters and James 
 “ Gray, three thoufand pounds a-piece, and imprifoned 
 “ them for not paying the faid fines. 
 
 £t That he did upon that occalion declare. That the 
 ££ faid oath did not only oblige them in point of Allegiance 
 “ to his Majefty, and acknowledgment of his Supremacy 
 “ only, but to the ceremonies and government of the 
 “ Church eftablifhed, and to beeftablifhed by his Majefty’s 
 “ royal authority, and faid, That the refufers to obey he 
 £C would profecute to the blood. 
 
 “ XX. That he was the chief incendiary of the laft: . 
 
 ££ war againft the Scotijb nation, by inciting and provoking 
 ££ his Majefty againft his fubjetts of Scotland, and had de- 
 
 “ dared 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 37 6 'll! HI STORY 
 
 (641. u claret and advifed his Majefty, that the demands made 
 u hv the Scots in their Parliament, were a fufficient caufe 
 tc nf war again ft them : That he faid, that the nation ot 
 4< the Scots were rebels and traytors; and he being then 
 <c about to come to j England? further faid, 1 hat if it 
 “ nfeafedhis Majefty to fend him back again, he would 
 “ root cut of the Kingdom of Ireland the Scotijh nation 
 “ both root and branch : That he had caufed divers of the 
 “ {hips and goods of the Scots to be flayed, feized, and 
 “ molcfted, to the intent to fet on the war between the 
 “ two nations. 
 
 “ XXI. That at his arrival into England; finding that 
 mj :d the troubles it No 
 * m 1 n pac ification with his fubje«£fs of Scotian:!., he 
 -• | ,ured by all means to procure his Majefty to break 
 “ rh.n pacification. And having incited his Majefty to an 
 “ „:tln:;ve war againft his Scotijh fubjefts, he counfelied 
 “ his Majefty to cal! a Parliament in England, yet he in-' 
 *•* tended, that if the proceedings of that Parliament fhould 
 ‘d 1! tnd with his mifehievous 
 
 il he would tl-.en procure his Majefty to break the fame; and 
 «< by V v;:\ s of force and power, to raife monies upon the 
 « Subje&s i»f this Kingdom. And for the encouragement 
 « ol iiis M.i,efty to hearken to his advice, he did before 
 “ his Majefty and his Privy-Council,' then fitting in Coun- 
 “ til, make a large declaration, that lie would ferve his 
 “ Majefty in any other way, in cafe the Parliament fhould 
 “ not fupplv him. 
 
 “ XAil. i ii it before the beginning of the laft Parlia- 
 .... . w ei 1 n /, an 1 
 
 rocui f that I re tl r 
 
 * c nffiftance in a war againft the Scots, and gave directions 
 « for the raifing of an army there, conlifting of eight 
 “ thoufand Foot, and one thoufand Horfe, being lor the 
 rtP is An 1 c >nf< 
 
 « one Sir George Kate Iff, did together with him traite- 
 “ roufly confpire to employ the laid army, for the :uin 
 “ and deftrudtion of the Kingdom of England, and of al- 
 “ tering and fubverting of the fundamental Laws, and 
 “ eftabliflicd Government of that Kingdom. 
 
 “ Shortly after, the laid Earl returned into England, 
 “ and to fundry perfons declared his opinion to be, tl; t 
 “ his 
 
 “ that did not fupply him according to his occaiions, he 
 “ might ufe then his Prerogative as he pleafed, t. ev) 
 
 “ what he needed ; and that he fhould be acquitted mb 
 “ of God and Man, if he took fome other courfcs to 
 fupply himfelf, though it faere againft the wills of his 
 “ Subjects. 
 
 “ a XIII. That upon the thirteenth day of April laft, 
 * c the Parliament of England met, and the Commons 
 Iloufe did enter into debate and confederation of the 
 “ grievances of this Kingdom ; he the faid Earl of Straff 
 L - lord, and the Archbilhop of Canterbury, did procure his 
 <l Majeftv, bv fii.ii'n fpeeches and mciiages, to urge the 
 “ faid Commons Houfe, to enter into fome refolution for 
 “ his Majeftv’s Supply, for maintenance of his war againft 
 “ his Subjects 01 Scotland, before any courl’e taken lor the 
 41 relief of the grievances wherewith this Kingdom was 
 “ then ; 1 iBicb:d ; whereupon a demand " ns then made 
 “ from Ins Majefty of twelve Subfidies, for the relcafe of 
 “ Ship-money only. And while the faid Commons were 
 “ in debate and confideration concerning fin Supply, 
 “ before any refolution by them made, the faid Eari of 
 “ Straff'd, with the help and affiltance of the faid Ar h- 
 bifbop, did procure his Majefty to diftblve ; he faid Par- 
 ,l liament; and upon the fame day, the faid Earl did en- 
 “ deavour to-incenfe his Majefty againft his Subjedts, who 
 <( had been Members of the laid Houfe of Commons, by 
 “ telling hi.s Maje-Hy, they had denied to fupply him ; and 
 “ afterwards upon tfie fame day, did advife his Majefty to 
 “ this effect, that having tried the affections of his People, 
 “ he was loofe and abhlved from all rules of Govern- 
 “ ment ; and that he was to do every thing that power 
 “ would admit; and that his Majefty had tried all ways, 
 “ and was refufed, and fhould be acquitted towards God 
 “ and man ; and that he had an army in Ireland, which 
 “ he might employ to reduce this Kingdom. 
 
 XXIV. That in the fame month of May, he de- 
 “ elated before others of his Majefty’s Privy-Council, 
 “ That the P.. 1 1 lament of England had forfaken the 
 “ King, and that in denying to fupply the King, they 
 “ had given him advantage to fupply himfelf by other 
 “ ways; .11 d that he was not to fiiffer himfelf to be 
 “ maftered by the frowardnefs and undutifulnefs of the 
 “ People 
 
 “ And having fo malicioufly fiandered the faid late 
 “ Houfe of Commons, he did, with the help and advice 
 “ of the laid Archbifhop of Canterbury , and the Lord 
 . “ Finch, late Lord-Keeper of the Great-Seal of England, 
 -t caufe to be printed and publifhed in his Majefty’s name, 
 “ a fade and fcandalous book, full of bitter and malicious 
 4 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 “ inve&ives, entitled. His Majeftfs Declaration of the ifigr. 
 
 “ Caufes that removed him to diffolve the laft Parliament. 
 
 “ XXV. That not long alter, he the faid Earl of 
 “ Strafford did advife the King to go on vigoroufly in lc- 
 “ vying the Ship-money, and did procure the Sheriffs of 
 “ feveral Counties to be lent for, for not levying the Ship- 
 “ money, divers of which were thre itned by him, to be 
 “ fued in the Star-Chamber. 
 
 “ And a great loan of one hundred thoufand pounds 
 “ was demanded of the city of L ncion, and the Lord- 
 “ Mayor, and Sheriffs, and Aldermen of the faid city, 
 
 “ were often fent for by his advice to the Council-table, 
 
 “ and required to certify the names of fuch inhabitants of 
 “ the city as were fit to lend; which they with much 
 “ humility refuiing to do, he the faid Earl of Strafford 
 “ did ule thefe and the like Speeches, viz. That they 
 <c deferved to be put to fine and ranfom ; and that no good 
 “ would be done with them, till an example were made 
 51 of them, and that they were laid by the heels, and fome 
 “ of the Aldermen hanged up. 
 
 ” XXVI. That the laid Earl having brought his Ma- 
 “ jelly into exceffive charge, without any juft caufe, did 
 “ counfel and approve the two following dangerous and 
 “ wicked projedts, viz. 
 
 “ To feize upon the bullion, and the money in the 
 “ mint: And to imbafe his Majefty’s coin, with the mix- 
 “ ture of brafs. 
 
 lt And accordingly he procured one hundred and thirty 
 lC thoufand pounds, which was then in the mint, and 
 
 belonging to divers merchants, ft rangers, and others ejj 
 “ be Idized on, and ftaid to his Majefty’s ufe. And- 
 “ when divers merchants of London, owners of the faid 
 
 bul.ion and money, came to his houfe, to let him un- 
 “ derltand the great mi (chief that courfe would produce 
 “ he;e and in other parts, he the faid Earl told them, ■» 
 
 That the city ot London dealt undutifully and unthank- 
 “ fully with his Maje.n , and that they were more ready 
 “ to oe.p the Rebels ,>n to help hia Majefty: and that 
 “ 11 any huit came to them they may thank themfelvesr, 
 
 “ ami that it was the courle cf other Princes to make ufe 
 “ of fuch moneys to ferve their occasions; 
 
 Au.1 when the Officers ot his Majefty s mint came 
 c ‘ to mm, and gave him diners reafons againft the imbafing- 
 “ tlie I aid money; he told them, That the French King 
 1,1 tlid ule to lend Commiftionersof horfe, with commilfion 
 “ to learch into men’s Eltates, and to perufe their accounts, 
 
 “ that to they may know what to levy of them by force, 
 
 “ which they did accordingly levy; and turning to the 
 “ Lord Cottington then prelent, faid, That this was a 
 “ point worthy of his Lordfhip's confideration. 
 
 “ XXVII. That he was made Lieutenant-general of all 
 “ his Majefty’s forces in the North ; and being at York* 
 
 “ did, by his own authority, impofe a tax on his Ma- 
 “ jelly’s Subjefts in the County of York of eight pence 
 “ per diem, tor maintenance of every foldier of the trained- 
 “ Bands ot that County ; which fums of money he caufed 
 “ to be levied by force. And to compel his Majefty’s 
 “ Subjects out of ;ear to pay the fame; he did declare, 
 
 “ that lie would commit them that refufed the payment 
 tha 1 it, were in very little 
 
 .'.'bn. 
 
 “ XX \ ii 1 . 1 hat oemg Lieutenant-general of his Ma- 
 “ jcfry army, he did not provide for the defence of the 
 “ town o. NcvjcajUc as fie ought to have done, but fuf- 
 “ fered the fame to be loft, that fo he might the more in- 
 “ cenfe the Engi’jb againft the Scots. 
 
 “ And for the fame purpofe he did write to the Lord 
 “ Conway, the General ol the horfe, that he fhould fight 
 “ with the Scottijh army at the paffage over the Tyne, 
 
 “ whatfoever lnould follow ; notwithftanding that the faid 
 “ Lord Conway had formerly by Letters informed the faid 
 “ Earl, that his Majefty’s army, then under his command, 
 
 “ was not of force fufficient to .encounter the Scots.” 
 
 The Parliament of Ireland hearing’the Earl of Strafford Commutes 
 was in the Tower, immediately fent a Committee of both f' ‘■\ ,bc 
 Houfes to England, to lay before the Parliament Remon- f'f'und * 
 ftrances concerning the grievances! endured by the Ir'fh, complain f 
 under that Lord's admimftration. But as thefe Remon- 
 ftrances contained little but what is mentioned in the r , a , r ’ : h, 
 twenty eight articles, I do not think it necellary to infert* v - 
 them. 
 
 i his procefs was not ready to be tried till the 22d Realm for 
 of Match 1640-1, and lafted till the 12th of April. It t"c Eni"^ 
 would be too tedious to give a particular account of the 
 proofs, depofitions of the evidences, anfwers of the party 
 accufed upon each article, and replies of the Commons. 
 
 To give a general idea of the thing, it will fuffice to fay 
 in two words, that the impeachment running wholly upon 
 the Earl of Sn off aid's pretended intention to fubvert the 
 fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, the greateft part of 
 the crimes he was accufed of, could be accounted High- 
 Treafon but on fuppofition of this fame intention. And 
 
 therefore 
 
Book XX. 
 
 25 . C H A R L E S I. 
 
 1641. 
 
 Volts of the 
 
 Rulhworth, 
 IV- p. 224, 
 
 VIII. p. 30. 
 
 "Bill of At. 
 
 ' the Lords. 
 
 I T.I.p. 54 - 
 
 • Ibe Lord 
 I] Digby'i 
 u Speech a 
 ■ gtstnfl the 
 1 Bi.l . 
 
 I Rulhworth. 
 
 IV. p. 225. 
 : vin. p. SO; 
 55 - 
 
 therefore the managers (1) infilled upon every one of the 
 articles in order to prove this intention, maintaining that 
 though each fingly was not capable of proving it, they 
 were however, when joined together, of the utmoft evL 
 dence. But befides, that each of thefe articles was not e- 
 qually well proved, it remained alfo to decide, whether the 
 intention could render a man guilty of treafon The 
 Counfel for the Earl of Strafford maintained that although 
 by the Law, the bare intention of killing the King was 
 High-Treafon, it did not follow that the intention could 
 be confidered upon the fame foot, with refpert to other 
 Treafons, which the Law had not explained in the 
 fame manner. On the other hand the Earl of Strafford 
 fhowed that none of the particular crimes he was charged 
 with could be deemed Treafon, and that a hundred Felo¬ 
 nies could never make one trcafonable crime. But this 
 difpute concerned only the Nature of the offence, in 
 which the accufed had a great advantage, efpecially if it be 
 confidered that in England , in criminal cafes, the Judges 
 are extremely careful not to miftake, and to attend only to 
 what proves diredly the Nature of the offence contained 
 in the indidment. If the Commons had been fatisfied 
 with accufing the Earl of Strafford of Felony, or mifde- 
 meanours, very probably they would have obtained a fpee- 
 dy fentence againft him. But having folcly impeached him 
 of High-Treafon, it belonged to the Peers to condemn or 
 acquit him folely upon that fort of offence. In the Reign 
 of Edward VI, the Duke of Somerfet was accufed of High 
 Treafon and Felony. He was acquitted as to the firft, 
 but condemned for the lad. 
 
 The Earl of Strafford defended himfelf with all the abi¬ 
 lity, prefence of mind, judgment and temper that could be 
 expeded from a perfon of his parts (2). Accordingly the 
 Commons eafily found that the Lords would hardly be in¬ 
 duced to condemn him. And therefore they thought fit 
 to take another courfe to accomplifh their ends. 
 
 The 19th of April it was voted by the Commons, that 
 the endeavour of the Earl of Strafford to fubvert the fun¬ 
 damental Laws of the Realms of England and Ireland , and 
 to introduce an arbitrary and tyrannical Government in 
 both thofe Kingdoms, was High-Treafon. Two days af¬ 
 ter a Bill of Attainder was brought in againft the Earl. 
 The Bill was read twice in the morning, and the third 
 time in the afternoon, and palled with the majority of Z04 
 againft 59, after which it was fent up to the Lords. 
 
 Among the oppofers of the Bill, the Lord Digby diftin- 
 guilhed himfelf by a very eloquent Speech, wherein he 
 
 377 
 
 Earl of Strafford, kecaufe I would do nothing that 
 { might ferve to hinder your occafions: But now it comes 
 ‘ fo to pafs, that feeing of neceftity I mull have part in 
 c the judgment, I think it moll necelfiiry (or me to de- 
 ‘ clare my confcience therein. I am lure you all know, 
 ‘ that I have been prefent at the hearing of this ercat 
 
 * ca fe, from the one end to the other (4), and I mull tell 
 c y ou 5 That i cannot in mv confcience condemn him of 
 
 High-Treafon ; it is not fit for me to argue the hufi- 
 c nefs ; I am fure you wiil not expert that. A pofithe 
 1 Doftrine bejl A. ernes the mouth of a Pan,-: Yet I mull 
 tell you three great truths, which I am fare no body 
 knows fo well as my fell. 1. That I never had any 
 c intention of bringing over the Irijh army into England-, 
 
 ‘ nor ever was advifed by any body fo to do. 2. That 
 ‘ there was never any debate before me, neither in pub- 
 ‘ hek Council, nor at private Committee, of the difloyal- 
 ‘ ty of my Englijh Subjects, nor ever had I any fufpicion 
 ‘ of them. 3. I was never counfellcd by any to alter the 
 ‘ l ea ft of any of the Laws of England, much lefs to al- 
 E ter all the laws. Nay, I mull tell you this, I think no 
 ‘ body durlt ever be fo impudent to move me in it; for if 
 1 they had, I Ihould have put fuch a mark upon them, 
 c ar >d made them fuch an example, that all pofterity 
 : Ihould know my intentions by it ; for my intention was 
 ‘ ever to govern according to Law, and no otherwife (5^ 
 “ I defire to be rightly underftood. I told you in mv 
 1 confcience I cannot condemn him of High Treafon'; 
 
 ■ yet I cannot fay I can clear him of mifdemeanours ! 
 
 • Therefore I hope you may find a way to fatisfy juftice,- 
 ; and your own fears, and not prefs upon my confcience. 
 
 ; My Lords, I hope you know what a tender thing 
 
 Confcience is : Yet I muft declare unto you, that to 
 ’ Ltisfy my People I would do great matters : But this of 
 ; confcience, no fear, no refpert whatfoever, Ihall ever 
 ; make me go againft it. Certainly I have not fo ill de- 
 
 ■ ferved of the Parliament at this time, that they Ihould 
 ' prefs me in this tender point ; and therefore I cannot 
 ’ expert that you will go about it. 
 
 “ Nay, I muft confefs for matters of mifdemeanours, 
 
 ; I am fo clear in that, that though I will not chalk out 
 ; the way, yet let me tell you, that I do think my 
 c Lord Strafford is not fit hereafter to ferve me, or the 
 1 commonwealth, in any place of trull, no, not fo much 
 as that of a Conftable. Therefore I leave it to you, 
 
 ; my Lords, to find fome fuch way as may bring me out 
 ' of this great ftreight, and keep our feIves,” and the King- 
 _. r..„L ■ _ ... .® 
 
 galr.jl the 
 the Earl. 
 
 )i Rulhworth. 
 
 IV. p. 333. 
 I VIII. p. 56. 
 I 742. 
 
 St. Jnhn’t 
 " Speech for 
 the Bill. 
 
 Id. p. 675. 
 
 Tie King's 
 Speech m 
 favour of 
 the Earl »/ 
 Strafford- 
 Rulhworth, 
 
 IV P . 139 
 VIII. 734 - 
 
 endeavoured to (how, that to condemn the Ear] of Straf- “ dom from fuch great inconveniences ; certainly he"that 
 ferd in that manner wasa real murder ( 3 ). Great excep- “ thinks him guilty of High-Treafon in Ids confcience 
 
 t,ons were taken at that Speech, and though the Houfe “ may condemS him of mifdemeanours.” 
 
 feemed at firft not much to regard it, they ordered, after- This Speech produced a quite contrary eflia to what Til, s ,.„s 
 mi f fll a u db 5 pub ' c j k > 'a u ' nt fc y *■“ hangman. the King had expefled. Accordingly, the Earl of Clarta- b “ ‘ 
 
 I he Bill of Attainder produced not the effeft the Com- dm intimates that the Lord Say advifed the King to it ‘Td’’ , 
 
 mons dell red. The Lords were in no haife to examine it, in order to draw him into a fnare, and render the Earl of xtruV,-' 
 
 or to anfwer the impatience of the Commons. They had a Strafford's ruin more certain (6). The Commons were “ " 
 mind hrlt to confider the arguments for and againft the Bill, highly offended with it, faying, it was an unprecedented S'V" d ”' 
 In this interval the Peers caufed Sir William Balfour to be thing! that the King (hould meddle with Silk before they 
 ermine concerning the projert of letting the Earl of were prefented to him, and a means to take away the vm - 7*5- 
 Strafford elcape Several thoufands of the inhabitants of freedom of votes, and immediately adjourned till Monday 
 London prefented to both Houfes a petition againft the Earl, the 3 d of May 
 
 XTj* <TVr rn T my 0f th r ? ity - Thc z 9 th of On that day it was that the rabble of Union flocked to IS. L.rJ, 
 April Mr. St. John, in the name of the Commons, made Wejlminjler: And on the fame day the Houfe of Com- ? J -f‘ tbcB ‘“ 
 a ong peech to the Lords to prove that the Bill of At- mons drew the Proteftation before-mentioned, and on the °a yllta " ! ' 
 tamder was not contrary to Law May the iff, the King morrow, the 4 th of May, the Lords approved of the fame! tn: 755- 
 came to the Parliament, and made the following Speech to and [on the 7 th] palled the Bill of Attainder of the Earl of 
 
 M °L Strafford, there being not above forty-fix Lords m the 
 
 tc 1 /j S \ ■ ■ , v , Houfe, of the fourfeore who had conftantlv attended the 
 
 <c T ur "?* L 0y ! ntentl ° n *° , have f Poken to you of this tryal (7). It is pretended that thofe who abfented tbem- 
 
 JS. bulinels this day, which is the great bulinefs of the felves, were terrified by the threats of the populace. 
 
 Hampden, John Pym, Oliver Sr. John, Sir Walter Earl, Jeoffery Palmer, John Ma.nard, John Glynn. Tbo. 
 
 . . - d . J. ‘ _ “ 'v' wa; ' Lord High-Steward upon this ocrafion. The olace of ihr Trial w.-,< Mm,.,;!,,. . 't-i... c-. 
 
 ■ Clarer.Jar 
 T. 1 . p.2 C 
 
 ;rerted for both Hoi 
 
 s fat uncovered : And the Lords in their Robes. 
 
 1 Parliament, and for the Judges. The Members of the Houfe of Comm 
 
 worth, lorn. 8. p. 40, 41. Wbiteloci, p. 41. 
 
 _(i) Dr. ffeltuood obferves, that he exprelled in his Defenfe, fuch nervous and moving flights of Eloquence, as came nothing (hurt of the mod celebrated piece* 
 r 'Ta r L P r h 'j S lon S 3nU ’ ei ‘>t‘ m E--re, with this pathetick conclufion : My Lords, I have troubled you Ln Z er than I 
 
 T ' ‘ ‘ wl P T td , 4 S 6 “r a r a,nt ln Aj :a ’ ven bai l, f‘ - - M this hc topped, painting to his Children that flood 
 
 „t on- -What l forfeit for my jclj u nothing, but that my Ind'fcretion Jhould extend to my Foflenry, nu.und, me to 
 
 e added, but am n t able, thereje.re let it pafs. And now, my Lordi, for.my fe/f / have 
 compared Co that eternal weight of Glory which poll he revealed bere- 
 ■ - tbcLfec 
 
 pou la have done 
 
 by him, and dropt iome Tears, then w 
 
 the a ery f ul You will pardon my Infirmity ;Jomethmg I Ihould ban. -., 
 
 bee" by toe bLJmg of God, taught, that the Ajjhaiom of thi 1 prefect l.:/e, are 
 
 flancy, and eloquence, wuh greater reafon, judgment, and temper, and with a bett.r grace in 1 •••• r • - ’ 
 
 s (fome few excepted ) to rernorfe and pity." 
 
 jn my Opinions and_ Affeftions as to the Earl of Strafford ■ I confidently 
 _ 7 ^ ' .7. s High, 
 
 h grea 
 
 Aud 
 
 >rd Digby in his Speech has thefe 1 
 
 to b; the ni ft dangerous Minifltr, the moft infupportable to free ‘■ubjedfs that can be charaftcred 1 bei 
 .. as any Suejett fter ventured upon, and the Malignity of them hugely aggravated by thofe 
 u . ,, be Dev; l the apphcation In a word, i believe him ftill that grand Apoftate to the Cornu 
 
 this World, till he be difpatchcd to the other : And yet, let me te I you, Mr- Speaker, my hand muft not be t 
 who for his Zeal to the 1 <. >aj Caufe, became the moft obnoxious to the Parliament. Rupwonh. Tom. 4. p 
 , '7 Bl °J A!Ii ’ ;nQcr . ^s, becaule he believed the Earl's advifng the King to bring ever the Army f, 
 
 to . c rngtl m of Sen land, and nut to England, the thing then under debate, being h..w to jedocc Scotland. 
 
 ill his words and geftures, than this great and excellent Perfon 
 
 Abilities 
 
 ( 4 ) <he Tiyal there 
 J rince to be privare. In thi 
 
 P) Jt very hard to rec. 
 
 (6) When ' ~ 
 
 iftifes it o _ 
 
 lis, whereof God has giver. 
 .llh, who muft ntit expc£l to be pardoned 
 to that difpaich.” Thus far a Noble- 
 
 5 -The Reaftn, it leerr.t, of 
 
 fie land to reduce this Kingdom, did 
 
 is on the Suge, a Chair and Cloth of State for thc King, 
 place his Majefty remained all the time of thc Tryal. Whitt 
 this Aflertion of 1 - 
 
 ither fide whereul v 
 , p. 41. 
 
 » clofc Gallery for the King, Queen, and 
 
 f the King’s with his Government the firft fifteen years of h : s Reign. Repin■ 
 a 'old with Joy by his Friends, ihat the King haa made a warm Speech in h.s favour to bo-h Houfes, he received it as 
 
 ( . - The S H r > V 1 r f ‘ “ TU '"‘ d blm - — ■*« ‘‘ w Huh ,//, .1. *» to r.r l,„l. WJmm ; nU 
 
 v Pi f ■». *»• <*> Urn. i. p. VO,. According to -LUl,d, ,h„c w.« b« fo„,-fife, \f .boo, 
 
 Alticlo, For l„f, M . loZ'lfn .ut^i ZT’tit PP ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 
 
 No. 6 2 . Vo,. II. s C The 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 37 8 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1641, The King; was then in the moft uneafy fituation. He 
 loved the Earl of Strafford , and was convinced the Earl 
 had done nothing but what was agreeable to his intentions 
 and his maxims of Government. He might be guilty 
 with regard to the People on many accounts, but certain¬ 
 ly he was not fo with refpeil to the King, who had 
 always approved of his conduct. Befides, the King had 
 proteftetl in full Parliament, that he neither could nor 
 would do any thing againft his confcience, and that he 
 did not believe in his confcience, the Earl was guilty. 
 On the other hand, if he confented to the Bill of attainder, 
 after fuch a declaration, he would fhow that he was re¬ 
 duced to this extremity by the neceflity of his affairs, fo 
 would not be thanked for it, and for the future would have 
 nothing more to deny his Parliament. But in cafe he re¬ 
 jected the Bill, he plainly perceived the confequences of his 
 refufal, and that at leaft he fhould be accufed of denying 
 his People juftice, contrary to the advice of both Houfes 
 of Parliament. 
 
 rbeConn- It is not unlikely that in this extremity fome one ad- 
 vifed the King to diffolve the Parliament. At leaft, the 
 The Lordi. Commons imagined he had no other way to free himfelf 
 Rulhworth, from his prefent embaraffment. And therefore to deprive 
 clarendon*' ^ re ^ u g e alfo, the fame day, the 4th of May , 
 
 T. I. p. 204. they ordered the bringing in of a Bill for the continuance 
 of the Parliament, that it might not be diftolved without 
 the confent of both Houfes, which Bill was read thrice 
 in two days (1), and palled three days after in the Upper- 
 Houfe, with the Bill of attainder of the Earl of Strafford. 
 In thefe two or three days the Commons, as hath be«n 
 faid, vigoroufiy pulhed the aftair of the Plot, to fill the 
 People with lears, and force the Lords to pafs the two 
 
 Cmfultarisn i 
 cf the Kmg 
 about the 
 
 B’U of At- 
 
 Bll 
 
 Rnfhworth, 
 IV p. 262 
 
 Lttt/r fro 
 Strafford 1 
 tce King. 
 
 The Bill of attainder having paffed the Houfe of Lords, 
 the King affembled his Privy-Council, and fent for his 
 Lawyers. He laid before them his fcruples and rcafons 
 for not confenting to the Bill. But Juxon Bifhop of 
 London was the only perfon that ventured to advife the 
 King, to rejeCt a Bill prefented to him by^both Houfes. 
 All the reft endeavoured to perfwade him to fatisfy his 
 People, and that the life of any one perfon ought not to be 
 Naiidn. put in the balance with the fafety of the Kingdom. As 
 T.u.p.192. to ^j s fcruples, they told him, he might confult his 
 Bifhops, who would give him the propereft advice. The 
 King not meeting with the fatisfaCtion he expeCted from 
 Clarendon, his Council, fent for fome Bifhops to advife with. It is 
 T-1. p. 2d. affirmed, that [ Williams j Archbifhop of York faid to him 
 on this occafion, ‘ l That there was a private and a pub- 
 “ lick Confcience ; that his publick Confcience as a King, 
 “ might not only difpenfe with, but oblige him to do that 
 “ which was anainft his private Confcience as a man.” 
 And therefore in plain terms advifed him, “ even for 
 “ confcience fake to pals the ACt (z).” But what con¬ 
 tributed moft to determine him, was a letter from the Earl 
 of Strafford , who hearing of the ftreights the King was 
 Rulhworrh. in, humbly befougbt him himfelf to pafs the Bill , to remove 
 iv. p.251. ijj m out 0 f t fj e WO y towards a blejfed agreement , which he 
 Nalf.m, 743 ' doubted not God would for ever efablijh betwixt him and 
 T. I. p’190. his Subjefis. Adding, That his confent would more acquit 
 his Majefy therein to God , than all the world could do be- 
 J'ides. To a willing man there is no injury. At laft the 
 King no longer able to withftand the prelling inftances of 
 the Parliament and his own counfellors, or rather the fear 
 of the calamities he forefaw would befal both himfelf and 
 pofterity, if he refufed to confent to the Bill, figned a 
 Commiflion to four Lords (3) to pafs it in his name (4). 
 By the fame commiffion he impowered thefe Lords to 
 give the Royal affent to the Bill for the continuance of 
 the Parliament, which was of much greater importance 
 to him than the Earl of Strafford's life, but which how- 
 ' ' J;i ' ever it does not appear that he much regarded, fo full was 
 he of the other. This Bill, which was of fuch confe- 
 quence to the King, was brought in the 6th of May , and 
 in five days paffed both Houfes, and received the King’s 
 approbation, [on the icth] as if it had been but a trifle. 
 
 -..■ Earlif On the 12th of May , the fecond day after the Royal 
 S’t.’i'- rd be- affent to the Bill of Attainder, the Earl of Strafford was 
 executed, and fuffered death with great conftancy. It was 
 then, and is ftill at this time a fubjetft of difpute, whether 
 
 The Kmg 
 
 Rulhv 
 IV. p. 
 
 *"/•« <- 
 
 he deferved to lofe his head or not. Thofe who are for 
 him, fay there needs only to examine the articles of accu¬ 
 fation, the evidences produced againft him, and his an- 
 fwers, to be convinced that he was not guilty of High - 
 Treafon. That the conviction of his accufers themfelves 
 is a further proof, who perceiving they could not expect 
 from the Lords a fentence according to their wifh, ufed 
 fo many extraordinary means, to compals their end 
 Firft, the change of the judicial accufation into a Bill ol 
 Attainder. Secondly, the tumultuous cencourfe of tin- 
 people. Thirdlv, the difeovery made to the Houfe of 
 Commons of the pretended confpiracy, precifely at this 
 juncture, though it had been long negledled (5). In the 
 fourth place, the Proteftation, the foie defign whereof was 
 to terrify the people, and incenfe them againft the King 
 and his party. Laftly, the violence ufed to the Lords, to 
 extort their confent to the Bill, and which obliged many 
 to abfent themfelves, to avoid being expofed to the furv 
 of the people. It is pretended, all this fhows that the 
 Commons themfelves did not believe him guilt}-, fince 
 they ufed fo many artifices to take away his life. 
 
 They who are againft him, fay, It cannot be denied, 
 that the King had formed a defign to eftablifh an arbi- 
 trary Government, and affumed to himfelf a power con 
 trary to law. That he had made choice of fuch Mmifler 
 and Counfellors as he thought moft proper to ferve him 
 in the execution of his defign. That from the King's 
 Council had proceeded all the oppreilions fo long com 
 plained of by the People, and confequently the King’s 
 Minifters and Counfellors could not be innocent, unlefs 
 thefe oppreilions, which were as clear as the fun, were de¬ 
 nied. That the Earl of Strafford was univerfally known 
 to be the chief of thefe Minifters, ; nd the paifon iri whom 
 the King moft confided, and to hold the firft place in the 
 fccret Council, called the 'Junto , confifting of four or five 
 perfons only, where all the refolutions were taken for the 
 oppreflion of the Subjects. That he could not be fuppofed 
 to be againft all thefe refolutions, fince his arriving to (o 
 high a degree of favour, was entirely owing to his attach¬ 
 ment to the King’s will. That it was no lefs evident, 
 that in his three great pofts of Privy-Counfelbr, Prefident 
 of the North , and Lord Deputy of Ireland , he had always 
 carried himfelf agreeably to the King’s principles and max¬ 
 ims, though he knew thefe principles were contrary to 
 the law. That all his endeavours tended to increafe the 
 King’s revenues, and extend his Prerogative, by all me¬ 
 thods, even the moft irregular. That in England , obedi¬ 
 ence to the King’s orders does not excufe the'Minifters 
 in illegal proceedings. That therefore it mull either be 
 deny’d that the King ever did any thing contrary to law, 
 or be confefl'ed, that his Adinifters, and elpecially the 
 chief, were not innocent of thefe violations. That the 
 ftrefs of the Commons accufation did not lye fo much 
 upon each particular article, as upon all together, to fhow 
 that the Earl of Strafford really intended to eflablifti an ar¬ 
 bitrary Government. That every article was a proof of 
 this intention, and it was a delulion to reprefent them as 
 being each fingly a feparate charge of fome particular 
 crime. That this intention, joined to the manner of ex- 
 ercifing the power given him by the King, was an unpar¬ 
 donable crime, fince it tended to fubvert all the Laws, 
 and alter the Conftitution. That it was not the fame 
 with the intention of fubverting the laws, as with the inten¬ 
 tion of committing any other offence, even Treafon it- 
 felf. That thefe laft, when committed, may be punifhed 
 by the Laws : but if the intention of fubverting the Laws 
 be not punifhable till put in execution, there is no re¬ 
 medy ; abolifhed Laws not being of any ufe. That upon 
 thefe grounds, Parliaments had at all times, punifhed 
 feveral Minifters for this reafon. In fhort, that an ex¬ 
 ample being neceffary to deter Minifters for the future 
 from devoting themfelves fo entirely to the King’s will, to 
 opprefs the Subject, there could not be a fitter for that pur¬ 
 pose than the Earl of Strafford , whofe power had made 
 every one tremble, and who befides was the object of the 
 publick hatred, the whole nation confidering him as the 
 chief author of their miferies. 
 
 I fhall add here, to finilh what relates to the Earl of 
 Strafford , that not long after his death, this fame Par- 
 
 ’ d agairjl , ; , -phis B jj| was b r0 ,,ght into the Houfe of Cimmans, the next Morning after it was propounded, and the fame day it was perfefted, and pais d the Houfe. 
 
 The firft motion for this Bill was made by a Lancajhire Knight, who offered to procure the King 650,000 /. till the Subfidies (houid be railed, it he woulj 
 pus fuch a Bill. IVbitcloci, p. 4;. The pretended reaf.nof making fuch a Law was, That the great Sums of Money which the ico.-t were to have, *>uid 
 not fuddenly be rai‘Id ; and that being to be borrowed tor their prefent riddance, lenders would hardly be found, unlefs they law a certain way to lecure their 
 
 Monevs. which the danger of d ; lfnlving this Parliament would hazard. Dugdalt 1 View, p. 70. Clarendon, Tom. 1. p. 204- 
 
 12/ Bifhop Hacker gives ad fferent account of th s particular. See Part H. p. 161.- Williamt was not made Atchbiflvp of York till lome mon-ht 
 
 To the Earl of Arundel, the Lord Privy-Seal, and two other Lords. Rujb-wortb, Tom. 4- p. 261. Tom. 8. p. 755 ' Half.n fayi, that it was to 
 the Lord Privy-Seal, the Lord Chamberlain, Lord Steward, or any two of them. Tom. p. 195- 
 
 (4' Xotwithff«nding I .is, Letter to the King, when his Maieffy lent Secretary Car/etm to the Earl, to acquaint him with wfat was done, and the Motive:- f 
 it, the Earl fcrioully asked the Secretary, Whether his Majefty had paffed the Bill or not > As not bel ving, without ft me aft -ni hrrent, that the Kir.g 
 
 would hase done it. And being again allured that it was paft, he rofe from his Chair, lift up his Eyes to Heaven, laid his Ham o-i his Heart, and !>• !, Bur 
 
 -r your Irujl in Primes, nor in the Horn f Men, for in them there it no Salnatton. IVbitelock, p. 46- Tie lame Author ards, it was reported, tint in ora-' 
 'o bring the King to fign ih- Bill, he was promifed, the Earl’s life fh u:d be Ip'red. 
 
 , From the middle of April, till May 3. Set Clarendon, Tom. 1. p. 196. 
 
 1641 
 
 liament 
 
379 
 
 16.41. 
 
 Book XX 25 . G H A R L E S I. 
 
 1641. liament pafled an A£t for reftoring his children in blood and 
 honour, and for fettling his eflate upon his heirs (1), and 
 that the A6t of Attainder was repealed in the reign of 
 Charles II. I do not believe that ever any Englijh Subject 
 has had fo many praifes bellowed «*n him as the Earl of 
 Strafford. Several, in fpeaking of him, have not been 
 able to forbear adding always to his name, fome honorable 
 epithet, to fhow their efteem for him. In a word, he is 
 reprefented as one of the greateft men, one of the molt 
 accompli (lied Minifters England ever produced. I do not 
 pretend by any means to queltion his natural or acquired 
 abilities. But I own, when I confider his life and actions, 
 
 I do not fee what can ferve for foundation to fuch exalted 
 encomiums. In the firft place, after he was in favour, 
 the King had no quarrel with any foreign State. So, he 
 had no opportunity to difplay his talents in negotiations and 
 embaflies. As to war, he was employed but once, in the 
 late war with Scotland , in quality of Lieutenant-general, 
 commanding the army in the abfence of the General. On 
 this occafion he may be faid, to commit a very great error, 
 in not being ready to oppofe theScc/r paflage of the Tine , and 
 in foflering them to take Newcajlle , if perhaps it was not de- 
 fignedly done, to engage inevitably the two nations in a war, 
 which certainly can be matter of no great commendation. 
 
 It mult therefore be owned, that his talents were confined 
 to the difcharge of his Polls or Employments. As to that 
 I find he was accufed of having prevaricated, and entirely 
 devoted himfelf to accomplilh the King’s defign of fetting 
 up an arbitrary Government. Suppofe this were a Han¬ 
 der, and he had never any fuch thought, I do not fee, 
 however, that his innocence can be matter of praife to him, 
 any more than to many others who had been in the fame 
 polls before him. What then did he perform in the ad- 
 minillration of his offices, to deferve the character of an 
 accomplifhed Minifter, and the name of a great Man, 
 which is generally given him ? If it is faid, that he made 
 ufe of his great talents to ferve the King faithfully, and 
 promote his defigns, which doubtlefs is the foie foundation 
 of the encomiums bellowed on him, it is to be feared, 
 many will not allow that he ought to have ferved the King 
 in that manner, or that he did him any real fervice, as the 
 event has fhown. The great praifes therefore given to the 
 Earl of Strafford , mud be confidered only as a fenfible 
 proof of the principles of his panegyrifts, who perhaps are 
 very forry he fucceeded no better. 
 
 The King ’The death of the Earl of Strafford was a great, though 
 tne1 in vain not the only, mortification to the King. After the Com- 
 th ‘ mons had made this tryal of their ftrength, they refolved 
 cUenHon, tocompleat the reformation of the Government, which till 
 T-1. p 166, now was but commenced. The King, on his part, endca- 
 Whi’telcck voure ^5 though in vain, to cool the great ardour of the 
 p. 46. ’ Commons, by granting or promifing places to fuch as were 
 
 moll agreeable to them. He had made Sir Edward Lit¬ 
 tleton Lord-Keeper, in the room of the Lord Finch , who 
 was forced to fly. For the fame reafon. Dr. Juxon Bi- 
 fhop of London refigned his Treafurer’s Staff, which was 
 to be given to the Earl of Bedford. But the Earl died, 
 whilll he was earnellly labouring to procure an agreement 
 between the King and Commons. Oliver St. John , a 
 leading man in the Houfe of Commons, had been made 
 Sollicitor-general. The Lord Cottington was to furrender 
 the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer in favour of Mr. 
 Pym , and the place of Mailer of the IVards in favour of 
 the Lord Say. The office of Secretary of State exercifed 
 bv JVlndebank , was defigned for Den 7 .il Hollis. The 
 Earl of Effx, the Lord Kimbolton , and Mr. Hampden , 
 were likewife to have places (z). But the Earl of Bed¬ 
 ford's death put an end to moll of thefe projects. The King 
 ceafed not, however, after the death of the Earl of Straf¬ 
 ford , to gratify the Commons, by making the Earl of 
 Effex Lord Chamberlain, having firll removed the Earl of 
 Pembroke ; for the Earl of Effex was a great favorite of 
 
 the Commons. But all this produced not the great alte¬ 
 
 rations expected by the King. The wound was too deep 
 to be cured by fuch lenitives. 
 
 The Portia- The general aim of the Parliament was not only to re- 
 ‘ a,m ■ drefs pall grievances, but alfo to free the Kingdom from the 
 fear of being expofed hereafter to the like calamities. The 
 King, on the contrary, imagined, that by giving or pro¬ 
 mifing good places to the Leaders of the oppofite party, 
 he Ihould Hop their mouths, and render them dumb dogs. 
 But they were too wifi? to fall into the fnare. They 
 
 were very fenfible, thefe places which the King gave or 
 
 offered to give them, would be always at his difpolal, and 
 that when the motive of his giving them Ihould ceafe, it 
 would be ever in his power to turn them out. Befides, 
 many of them were too confeientious to facrifice the good 
 Tie Parti a • °f their Country ip their private interell. This difpoiiti- 
 mr.t'i on of the Leaders manifellly appeared, in that the King's 
 
 ^ ^fbe 
 
 ’Jf 1 (i‘ The BUI was brought in June the lath this year. Rujhunrtb, Tom. 4- 
 
 (2) The E»rl of F.j/ex was to be Governor, and Mr. Hamgdtn Tutor to the Prii 
 Clarendon, Tom !• p. zoo. 
 
 favours v/ere not able to caufe them to relinquilh their 
 project, fo great was their dillrufl of him. They could 
 not believe that a Prince, who had fo openly difeovered 
 an intention to eflablilh an arbitrary Government, had 
 fuddenly changed his principles and maxims. Nay, what 
 he did in their favour, convinced them of the necelfity of 
 firmly adhering to their projedl, perceiving his aim was to 
 divide them. 
 
 This projedl confiiled, as I faid, firft, in redrefling all 
 the grievances: Secondly, in taking meafores to prevent 
 the King from returning to his former courfes. This they 
 laboured with great diligence, after the Earl of Strafford V 
 death. Hitherto, they had only prepared matters by votes, 
 which plainly fhowed their defign, and by the Proteflation 
 fubferibed by both Houfes. But they expelled to meet in 
 the Houfe of Peers, with obftacles fo much the greater, as 
 the King had there a ftrong party. 
 
 The Houfe of Peers coniifted of one hundred and twenty OLfervau.- 
 Lords, the two Archbifhops, and twenty four Bifhops . e * 
 
 Among the firft, the two Princes Charles and James- the J 
 Duke of Buckingham , and feven or eight others, were yet 
 minors ; and there were fome, whofe age, or infirmities, 
 or affairs, hindered them from being prefent in this Parlia¬ 
 ment. The Archbifhop of Canterbury , the Lord Finch , 
 the Earl of Strafford , were no longer there at the time I 
 am fpeaking of: fo that the Bifhops would have made a 
 fifth part of the Houfe, had it been complete. But as, ac- T. I. p.zci. 
 cording to the Lord Clarendon , there were not above four- 
 fcore Peers at the Earl of Strafford's tryal, a third part 
 may be reckoned abfent ; and as, on the other hand, there 
 were vacant Sees, the Bifhops and popifh Lords may , 
 without a very wrong calculation, be counted about a quar¬ 
 ter part of the Upper-houfe. As they were all devoted to 
 the King, it is eafy to perceive, they rendered the King’s 
 party very powerful among the Lords. Accordingly, this Political 
 was the reafon which obliged the Commons to ufe their 
 utmoft endeavours to take away their votes in Parliament .f,. mo /ib$ 
 Mod of them had now made themfelves odious, by pro tii/hops. 
 moting the King’s defigns with all their power, and per- 
 fecuting the Puritans, and they flili continued to obftru£l 
 the defign of redrefling the grievances, by the number of 
 their voices in the Houfe of Peers, 
 
 This was the reafon made ufe of by the leading Presby¬ 
 terians, who had more fecret and extenfive defigns, to in¬ 
 duce fuch Members of the Church of England as were a- 
 gainft the King, to facrifice the Bifhops privilege of fitting 
 in Parliament. They intimated to them, that whilft the 
 King had fo many votes in the Upper-houfe, it would be 
 almoft impoffibie effectually to labour the red refs of grie¬ 
 vances. That after all, to deprive the Bifhops of this 
 privilege, would, inftead of being detrimental, be rather 
 advantagious to Religion, fince they would thereby be more 
 attached to their fpiritual fun&ions. That it would be no 
 lefs beneficial to the State, fince the King would be de¬ 
 prived of a means he had always ufed with fuccefs, to 
 break the Parliament’s meafores. 
 
 The oppofite party to the King in the Parliament, con- Difernee 
 fifted indeed of Puritans, but there were two forts, as I between tbe 
 obferved. Some were true Presbyterians. Others were l ‘ un,an '- 
 State-Puritans, that is, perfons whom the Court had al¬ 
 ways confidered as Puritans ; not that they were enemies 
 to the Church of England , but becaufe their maxims con¬ 
 cerning civil Government were thought to be founded up¬ 
 on Puritan principles. Thefe two forts of Puritans had been 
 equally opprefled the firft fifteen years of this reign, as well 
 by the Court as by the Clergy, lb that the Hierarchy was 
 become very odious to the one, and very fufpicious to the 
 other. The true Presbyterians earnellly defired the utter 
 extirpation of Epifcopacy. The other Puritans were ex¬ 
 tremely incenfed againfl the Bifhops and the reft of the 
 Clergy, who had always fopported and countenanced the 
 King’s defigns. Wherefore they were eafily perfoaded, 
 that it would be a great fervice to the State, to clip the 
 wings of the Clergy, to the end they might be lefs ufeful 
 to the King. Befides, though Church of England men, 
 they were not of the opinion of thofe who believed that 
 Religion could not fob lift without Bifhops, and that Epif¬ 
 copacy was fo clofely united with the Monarchy, that the 
 one could not be abolifhed without the deftrubtion of the 
 other. So far was the Hierarchy from giving them any 
 uneafinefs, that they would have been very glad to preferve 
 it, provided the Clergy could have been confined to their 
 fpiritual fon«£lions. But they were grieved to fee the Clergy 
 in veiled with a fecular power, which they abufed. It mu ft 
 be further added, that being thus dilpofed, they faw the 
 Presbyterians, who were numerous in the Kingdom, and 
 fopported by the Scots, ftrenuoufly infill upon taking away 
 the Bifhops votes in the Houfe of Lords. It was dange¬ 
 rous to difpleafe them, for a very ftrong reafon. Fur 
 
 p. 284. 
 
 ncs of yyjln. And the Lord Kimbo'.toi Privy -Seal. HeyUn'i Obftrv. p. 226. 
 
 though 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 iSo 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 **.eh ' 
 
 tff 
 
 Tb: Kir? 
 
 btlpi to U'l f l 
 
 Ruihworr h, 
 IV. p. zgj 
 484, zoo. 
 
 Nalfon, 
 T.1I p.iS 
 
 Mai Ton. 
 Trip 
 
 - Prcv'v terians afi’e&ed to fpeakof the State only, 
 - 1 ' known, that Religion wis the principal thing 
 : i view, and that their tranfaftions concerning the 
 civil Government, tended only to dilable the King from 
 oppreiFng them, if" he remained too powerful. Had the 
 King therefore tried to gain the Presbyterians, by ottering 
 them reafonable terms, they might have accepted them, 
 and relinquifhed the delign of reforming the civil Govern¬ 
 ment, and then the State-Puritans would have been at the 
 King’s mercy. Union between the Puritans was therefore 
 abfolutely neceflarv. For, it was no lefs dangerous for the 
 Presbyterians, that the King fhould content the Stale-Pu¬ 
 ritans, in which cafe they would have infallibly abandoned 
 the Presbyterians. 
 
 Both thefe parties therefore flood in great need of each 
 other, and it was their incereft to fupport one another, for 
 fear the King (hould take advantage of their diviflon. But 
 he could never refolve either to grant any terms to the 
 Presbyterian party, or to fatisfy the Politicians. He there¬ 
 by formed, himfelf, fo ftri£l an union between thefe two 
 paries, that they became one and the fame. The Politi¬ 
 cians chofe rather, out of condefcenfion to the Presbyteri¬ 
 ans, to facrilice the Bifhops prrivilege, than be expofed to 
 the danger of feeing themfelves again fubject to an arbi¬ 
 trary Government. 
 
 According to thefe difpofitions, and the confequent refo- 
 lutions, the Houfe of Commons equally laboured the re- 
 drefs of grievances, and the execution of the deflgn againft 
 the Bifhops. Thus the affairs of Church and State went 
 hand in hand, fo that fcarce a day palled, but the Com¬ 
 mons gave the King fome mortification, one while by paf- 
 fing Bills or Votes againft: the King’s former proceedings, 
 another while by profecuting the authors of the grievances 
 or innovations ; fometimes by exclaiming againft the fore- 
 mentioned confpiracy, and fometimes by increafing the 
 yoke of the Papifts. 
 
 All this tended to the end propofed by the oppofite party 
 to the King. It was fuppofed as a thing publickly known, 
 that there had been a fettled defign to introduce Popery, and 
 thot fome of the Bifhops were concerned in the plot. Thus, 
 by accufing the Papifts of having ill defigns, and by rigo- 
 roufly profecuting them, this accufation was made, in fome 
 meafure, to reflect on the Bifhops and Clergy. It was 
 pretended, that the innovations introduced into the divine 
 fervice, were a confequence of this defign, and for that 
 reafon, by condemning them, the Clergy, who had coun¬ 
 tenanced them, were rendered odious to the People. The 
 accufations againft particular perfons, who had been moll 
 zealous to fupport thefe innovations, produced alfo the fame 
 effect. In fhort, nothing was omitted that could contri¬ 
 bute to fhow the people the neceflity of reftoring the Go¬ 
 vernment to its natural ftate, and convince them, that the 
 Ecclefuftical Hierarchy was more prejudicial than neccffary 
 to the Church and State. With thefe two things the Com¬ 
 mons were taken up for the fpace of three months, from 
 the death of the Earl of Strafford, to the King’s journey 
 to Scotland. 
 
 Firft, with refpe£l to the State, in this interval it was, 
 
 1 that Bills were brought in to abolifh the Star-Chamber and 
 Court of York , to regulate the Council-table, to abolifh 
 Ship-money, and prevent vexatious proceedings concerning 
 Knighthood, againft illegal imprifonments, and for afeer- 
 taining the bounds and limits of Forefts. Each Judge in 
 particular was accufed. The tax impofed by the King 
 on the Shires, for the wages of the Mufter-mafter, was 
 declared contrary to Law. The confpiracy to feduce the 
 • army was likewife examined, and IVilmot, Ajhburnham, 
 and Pollard , were expelled the Houfe, and committed to 
 prifon. All the Patents for monopolies, of which moil 
 were fupprefled, were brought before the Houfe. It was 
 alfo examined, by what means a certain claufe had been in- 
 ferted in the Petition of Right, concerning Tunnage and 
 Poundage, and care was taken to regifter a declaration on 
 that head, to hinder pofterity from being deceived by that 
 furreptitious claufe. I pafs over in filence feveral votes 
 flowing from all thefe articles, or which concerned particu¬ 
 lar perfons. 
 
 As to Religion, befides what was done with refpettt to 
 . the Papifts, and of which I have already fpoken, the Com¬ 
 mons declared illegal the oath by which Minifters were 
 boi/nd to maintain the Hierarchy in the Church. A Bill 
 was brought in againft Pluralifts. The Canons made by 
 the late Convocation were condemned. A Bill was palled 
 to abolifh the Htgh-CommilTion. The fuppreflion of Deans 
 and Chapters was voted. Matthew IVren Bifhop of Ely 
 
 1641, 
 
 was impeached. The Proteftation was ordered to be fub- 
 feribed bv the whole Nation. An accufation was brought 
 to the Lords againft thirteen Bifliops, who had aflifted at 
 the Convocation. 
 
 I have but juft mentioned thefe Articles, becaufe a pa 1 -* n T „rce 
 ti lar s < nt ol each feemed to me needlefs. I ; 1 all ■" ' • 1 : y 1 
 only add, that :ie w; . the two 
 
 Houfes concerning the Pr«.:diution. The la rib would Prctejhrien< 
 have e er) man at liberty to fign it : but did not 1 ; * r ' • 
 
 t nk pr per to ufe c.p 111 m "1 he ; . n ins, on the .. ' ' 7 ’ 
 
 contrary, looked upon the Proteftation as a Shibolcth , 10 
 diftinguilh the Ephraimites ' ;, and at laft the Lords agreed 
 to what the Commons defired. 
 
 One of the articles of the Proteftation occafioning fome TbeC m- 
 difputes, the Commons explained more fully that Article, m r, explain 
 wmch was thus worded: I fwear to defend the true reform- a C, f 'p 
 ed Protejlant Religion, exprejfed in the Doctrine of the 
 Church of England, againft all Popery and Popijh innova- R".>w nth,. 
 lions within this Realm, contrary to the fume Dotlrine. 
 
 Some perfons infilling upon the firft part of this claufe, t 11.p.241,; 
 pretended, that there was no other Do&rine of the Church clarendon, , 
 of England than what is contained in the thirty nine Arti- ' 99,i 
 e’es drawn up in the Reign of Elizabeth , of which one is occur. 
 to prejerve the Government of the Church by Archbifhops, Bi- P- 101 - 
 Jhops , Deans , See. Hence they inferred, that thofe who 
 fhould take the Protellation were bound to maintain Epifix - 
 pacy. But the Commons confidering the whole claufe as e.\- 
 prelled in the Proteftation, declared, “ That by thefe 
 “ words was, and is meant, only the publick Dodlrinc pro- 
 “ felfed in the ("aid Church, fo far as it is oppofite to Po- 
 “ pery and Popifh innovations ; and that the laid words 
 “ are not to be extended to the maintaining of any form 
 “ of worfhip, difeipline or government, nor of any rites 
 “ or ceremonies of the faid Church of England ." This 
 clearly Ihowed what was their intention with regard to the 
 Hierarchy. 
 
 There was alfo another difpute between the two Houfes, Another 
 concerning the Star-Chamber. The Lords were willing Dl f‘ re ” ct 
 to agree, it fhould be reformed, but refufed to confent to ,be“star. 
 its abolition. Mean while, the Commons vigoroufly fup- Chamber. 
 porting the Bill, they had fent up to the Peers, it pafTed at 
 laft, and the King gave his alient the 5th of July. 
 
 In this fame interval, I mean, from the death of the 
 Karl of Strafford , to the King's journey to Scotland, there 
 were fome other tranfa£tions which it is neceflary to 
 mention. 
 
 TheCuftomers, who had colle£ied the duties impofed on TbeCuflo.] 
 Mercbandifes by the King’s foie authority without confent mt f ,t ff tr 
 of Parliament, finding they were like to be attacked, of- wb°b°,,’ 
 fered of their own accord one hundred and fifty thoufand accepted. 
 pounds for an A£t ot oblivion, and their offer was ae- 
 cepted (z). ^. P ‘ 77 ’ 
 
 The Lord Dlgby, fon of the Earl of Brijlol , and Mem- lh ‘ Lord 
 ber of the Houfe of Commons, was called by Wfitto^**J'* 
 the Houfe ot Lords the 10th of June (3). In the begin- Houfe of * 
 ning of this Parliament, he had uillinguifhed himfelf by Peer,. 
 hjs zeal for the redrefs of grievances : but his Speech a- 
 gainft the Bill of Attainder of the Earl of Strafford , made v ' p '* 3 ' 
 him forfeit the good will of the Commons. Whether he 
 was already gained by the King, or on this occafion firft 
 joned his party, his Majefty thought proper to fereen him 
 from the refentment of the Commons, by calling him to 
 the Houfe of Peers. He will hereafter appear the King’s 
 chief Minifter and Counfellor, great enemy to the Com¬ 
 mons, as they on their part never forgave his defection. 
 
 The Irifh army ought to have been long fince disbanded, T4< King 
 as there was no occafion to keep it on foot, and the Com- bat a 
 mons had frequently defired it of the King. Neverthe- 
 lefs, this army fubfifted the laft, though the Commons had irilh Army. 
 taken care for their payment. When they came to be 1 R ^ lhwotth * 
 disbanded, the King acquainted both Houfes, that the iCo.^sV. 7 ’ 
 Spaniard having defired to take this army into his fervice, Naifon, 
 and intimated the fame by his Ambaflador, he had pro- 9 * ir » 
 mifed to fend him four thoufand men. The Lords made ’ ^ v 
 no fcruple to agree to the King’s engagement. But th c rbe Com- 
 Commons, ever full of fears and fufpicions, thought not are 
 proper, that the King fhould keep thefe troops in the King 
 of Spain’s name, who would make them ferve in the iv. p. 38/. 
 Low Countries, from whence the King might draw them 
 whenever he pleafed. Befides, the French Ambafliidor 
 had defired the reft of the army for h;s Matter, to wlrc’.i 
 the King had alfo confented. They thought it was an ar¬ 
 tifice of the King’s, to keep this Popifh army which was 
 devoted to him, and on which he could much better rely 
 than on that of England. Wherefore they prayed the King 
 
 Tiirv declared, That whofoever fli'uld not take the Piotedaiion, was unfit to bear i.i Church or Commonwealth ; and ordered this Vo 
 
 1. jud font down to every County, City, and Burrongh. Rujkwortb , Tom. 4 p- 357- 
 This P-iiiinn was d-iivered to the Houle by the great Farmirs ol Tunnage and Poundage, namely, Sir Paul Pindar, Sir .-fi/rahem Dare,, ri 
 • rm-’m, and Sir J >bn 'Jac.b. The petty CuIIomers had the liberty likewife to come in upon Composition, and then have the benefit of the Afro 
 
 II 
 
 2 < 6 . 
 
 ) Tile King rilled lie Lord Digby ro the Houfe of Lords, at the time the Cm 
 our oi the Houfe ihe 10th. Upon his cjming to the Houfe of Lords, he was 
 
 nnns expellod him their H-ufe. His Writ was dated the 9th, and he 
 iddrd to all the Banding Committees. Na!fn y Tom. IL z- 
 
XX. 
 
 «$■ CHARLES I. 
 
 [] i(fj.< c?.ll in his word. They had on this occafion feveral 
 
 "fences v. ,'th the Lords, where they alledged fundry 
 to fupport their opinion, without exprefling the 
 Li uc one: but it was eafily perceived. The King was 
 r-.-ich difpleafed with the Commons oppofition, whether 
 he thought himfelf bound in honour to keep his promife, 
 or really intended to preferve this army, by lending it to 
 the Kings of Frame and Spain, in order to ufe it him¬ 
 felf in cafe of neceflity. What gives caufe to fufpecl he 
 had formed fuch a projeft is, that it does not appear the 
 Kings of France and Spain had then any great occafion for 
 I Tie Kjng thefe troops. Be this as it will, the King, without re- 
 garding the Commons oppofition, fhewed that his inten- 
 IlK.ifon, ' tion was to perform his promife, and this affair was not 
 Ht.ii. p.457* yet ended when the King departed for Scotland. Some 
 • ?v Ul p! *381 t ‘ me a f ter i he ^ ent a nieflage to the Lords dated from 
 , ' 5 Edinburgh , wherein he appeared refolved to ftand to his 
 
 h Ordm.ntcr engagement, let what would be the confequence. But the 
 two ^ ou ^ es hiund means to render his refolution ineffec- 
 I at info f»- tual, by publifhing an Ordinance, declaring, that whoever 
 •rehn Parts, fhould aflift in tranfpoiting thefe Irijh troops into any fo- 
 BNa'ifon* reign Country, fhould be deemed an enemy to the State. 
 T.li.]M77 This Ordinance broke all the King’s meafures, notone 
 4S1. owner of fliips being willing to hazard inevitable ruin for 
 his fake. 
 
 TbiKing . The King, as I faid, expefted that the Parliament 
 Vnfoives to vi’ould grant him an aid capable of enabling him to drive 
 •!? bhltto'the the Scots out of the Kingdom. He quickly found his mi- 
 ! : Scots. ftake, and clearly perceived, that the Scots were come into 
 England at the follicitation of the Englijh male-conients, 
 and that thefe male-contents were the very perfons who 
 H!s Rr,ifons had moll credit and authority in the two Houfes. He 
 i]f»r fo dung. j u Jg et } therefore, that inftead of thinking any longer of 
 expelling the Scots by arms, he fhould rather endeavour to 
 agree with them, in order to disjoin their intereft from 
 that of the Englijh , and induce them to disband their 
 army, which was always ready to fupport the Parlia¬ 
 ment. When therefore the commiflioners of the two 
 Kingdoms met at London , to continue the Treaty of Rip- 
 pon, they found no reliftance from the King, who by 
 granting the&r<tf.r firft demand, plainly fhewed he was dif- 
 kulhworrh, pofed to refufe them nothing. This demand was, that 
 W p ’ 3&4 ' the King fhould caufe to be publifhed in his name, the 
 Ads of the Parliament of Scotland , as well thofe which 
 were already palled in the firft feflion, as thofe which 
 fhould be pafled in the fecond. So great a condefcenfion 
 on this point, which had been properly the caufe of the 
 fecond war, convinced the Commons, that the King’s aim 
 was fpeedily to get rid of the Scoti/l) army, which to him 
 was an incumbrance, but to them was very necefTary for 
 the execution of their projects. And therefore as the Scotch 
 Commiflioners had a good underftanding with the Com¬ 
 mons, they fo managed, that the Negotiation of Peace was 
 prolonged till the 7 th of Augujl 1641, though the King, 
 by granting whatever was required, removed all difficulties 
 as far as lay in his power. 
 
 >'he KJng At laft, the negotiation being about to end, and no- 
 to° 7 »to t0 ^ in s more wanting to conclude the Treaty, but to agree 
 Scotland. u P on fome articles of little importance, the King per- 
 I ' mitted the Parliament of Scotland to meet, and promifed 
 to be there in perfon, to pafs fuch Ads as fhould be judged 
 Me Commons requifite. The Commons having knowledge of the King’s 
 )prc jc.u<ms of refolution, entertained fome fufpicion of this journey, and 
 I were apprehenfive, that the King’s defign was to put him¬ 
 
 felf at the head of his army in the north, under colour of 
 rbeymove going to Scotland. They defired therefore a conference 
 Uh'W the with the Lords, and moved, that the armies might be dif- 
 banded before the King’s departure, and that both Houfes 
 Jluihworch, fhould prefent a petition to the King, to pray him to de- 
 Malfon 361 ’ ^ er journey. They fupported their motion with feveral 
 ,r.n. p.’ 320. arguments, and amongft others with this, that it was necef- 
 r Jiurn. fury to prevent the fufpicions of the People, and the defigns 
 
 fome might have, to make ufe of the army to raife diftur- 
 bances in the Kingdom. That befides, feveral Bills were 
 fent up to the Lords and not yet pafled. That others 
 were now under confideration in the Lower-Houfe, and 
 it was necefTary the King fhould give his aflent to them, 
 ntulhworth, before his departure (1). In fhort, after divers conferences, 
 PjaUon 37r ’ was re f°lved, with the King’s confent, that he fhouki 
 ,.MI. p’430, defer his journey till the 10th of Augujl , and that the two 
 ■ 33 > 439- armies fhould be disbanded by that time (2). Neverthelefs, 
 as the Englijh army could not be entirely disbanded before 
 the King’s departure, for- want of money, the Commons 
 
 defired a farther delay of a fortnight, alledging ftill the 1641. 
 People’s jealoufies. But the Lords refufed to concur with The ^'tsr 
 them, and the King departed the 10th of Augujl, as had Scotland^ 
 been agreed (3). 
 
 The Commons diftruft of the King ftill fubfifting, they The Pariia- 
 defired the concurrence of the Peers, that a Committee n f^Jitu 7 * 
 of Lords and Commoners might be fent to the Parliament lia Scotland 
 of Scotland to remain there, and inform them from time •'?. tht 
 to time of their proceedings, to which the Lords con- 4fIj 
 fented. The perfons named to go Commiflioners into -;f. 
 Scotland, were the Earl of Bedford , the Lord Howard of 
 E[crick, Nathaniel Fiennes , Sir lVilli am Armync, Sir Philip Diarpi 37 * 
 Stapleton , and John Hampden , and a draught of a Com- Occur, 
 miffion was fent by an exprefs to the King to fign. But tTp^io,' 
 the King refufed it, becaufe he faw no neceflity for fuch a 2.3 J. '*~ 0> 
 Commiflion. He confented however, that the Committee l ^ 0lworth * 
 fhould come and attend him in Scotland, to fee the rati- 1 ' ** 3y6 ’ 
 fication of the Treaty. As the Committee were properly 
 defigned only for fpies upon the King’s a&ions, both Hou¬ 
 fes thought fit to fend them into Scotland, on fome other 
 pretence. But the Earl of Bedford did not go on this fer- 
 vice. 
 
 Some days after, the Houfe of Commons came to feve- Votesagainft 
 ral refolutions, againft the monopoly of foap, which was the Monopclj 
 declared illegal. Moreover they voted, that the fentence in u. S ^ 77t 
 the Star-Chamber againft certain foap-boilers of London , 378. 
 fhould be reverfed, and the Judges of that Court, who had , 
 
 given their votes in the fentence, fhould pay the parties 
 cofts and damages. It was ordered alfo, that inquiry 
 fhould be made what Members of the Privy-Council had 
 given their confent to the illegal orders made at the Coun¬ 
 cil-table, about the foap-monopoly. 
 
 As the Commons had undertaken to redrefs all grievan- totes about 
 ces, that of the city of London , concerning the Plantation ^London- 
 of Londonderry was likewife conlidered, whilft the King derry. 
 was in Scotland. The Houfe pafled feveral votes upon Au S; 
 this Subjeft, and declaring illegal all the proceedings of the xjLp.Vt 
 Star-Chamber, reverfed the fentence againft the City of Ruihworth,* 
 London , as unjuft and given by incompetent Judges. They rv ‘ P- 379* 
 declared, that when the King fhould be pleafed to repay 
 to the city the money he had received, the Patent there¬ 
 upon granted fhould be cancelled or furrendered. 
 
 After that, both Houfes refolved to adjourn from the Rifiive of 
 9th of September , to the 20th of October, that the Mem- TeaMstm 
 bers might go to their homes, from whence they had been for fome 
 abfent ten months. As loon as this refolution was taken, r((j 
 •a great number of both Houfes retired into the country, to jy. ^ 385-, 
 gain a little more time to repofe themfelves, fo that there 388. 
 remained but twenty-two Lords in the Upper, and a hun- 
 dred and fifteen Members in the Lower-Houfe. Then P 4 * 
 fome one, who was doubtlefs Presbyterian, willing to 
 improve fo favourable an opportunity, moved, that it was 
 necefTary to make fome alterations in the Common-Prayer- 
 Book. This motion occafioned a very warm debate. Debate Mint 
 Mr. Hyde, afterwards Earl of Clarendon, ftrenuoufly de- Ruihwonh", 
 fended the Liturgy, fo that, contrary to the expectation iv. p. sSy* 
 of the perfon who had raifed the debate, nothing was £ a H‘ ,n * 
 refolved. T,u.p. t 8. 
 
 But fome days after, the affair of Innovation in the tout againft 
 Church was debated, and the Houfe pafled feveral votes, j^hworthl 
 declaring, that certain innovations ought to be abolifhed. iv. p. 383-. 
 At the fame time, the Lords feeing, that in the Lower- Votes of the 
 Houfe, the authenticknefs of the Common-Prayer-Book f'Jnrur"] 
 was queftioned, voted, that it fhould be obferved as be-Nation," * 
 fore in all the Churches, without any omiflion or altera- T.H.p.4Sl> 
 tion. This begot a conference between both Houfes, 
 wherein the Commons defired the Lords to confent to the 
 following Declaration, and join with them in the publica¬ 
 tion thereof. 
 
 t 
 
 Declaration of September 8. 1641. 
 
 ITT Hereas divers innovations , in or about the worjhip of The Common t 
 v » God, have been lately praftifed in this Kingdom , by 
 enjoining fome things , and prohibiting others, without war- hmovationt$ 
 rant tf Law , to the great grievance and difeontent of his Rulhworrh, 
 Majejly s Subjects. For the fupprejfion of fuch innovations. Naif m, 3 * 
 and for prefervation of the publick peace, it is this day or- T.u.p.+Sa, 
 dered by the Commons in Parliament ajfembled, that the 
 church-wardens of every parijh-church and chapel refpeSiively, 
 do forthwith remove the Communion-table from the eajl-end 
 of the church, chapel, or chancel, into fome other convenient 
 place, and that they take away the rails, and level the chan¬ 
 cels as heretofore they were before the late innovations. 
 
 (1) There were four Reafons delivered ro Mr .Hollis to move the King to ftay his Journey into Scotland. The third of which is that referred to here 
 by our Author, namely, The Diftempers <m.i Jc.ilouJics of the Kingdom are fuch, that they cannot he compofed by faffing fome Alts, unlefs his Majejly ftay the 
 defired Time. Which words do not feem to imply fo much as our Author expreffes. Ruflsaorth, Tom. IV. p. 361.—Befides this, the Commons moved. 
 That the King might be defired to appoint a Cuftos regni, becaufe many emergent occa&uns might happen in Parliament, where ufe mull be made of 
 the King’s Authority. Ibid. p. 36c. 
 
 (2) They were both disbanded together , Augujl 6. Whiteloch, p. 47. The coming of the Scots into England, coft the Nation 1 100,000 /. befde. da¬ 
 mages. Rujhtoorth, Tom. IV. p. 360. 
 
 (3) And came to Scotland,Mug. 14. Guthry’s Mem. p. 84. Before his departure he pafled feveral Bills; particularly one for the Judges ho'd.ng cte'.f 
 
 places during life, which was before during pleafure, Dhirn. Ocm. 
 
 5 D 
 
 Tht 
 
 No. LXIII. Vol, If. 
 
3S2 The HISTORY of ENGLAND, Vol II. 
 
 i 6 \\. Tfoat all crucifixes, fcandalous pi,lures of anyone or more 
 per Jons of the Trinity, and all images of the Virgin Mary, 
 Jhall he taken away and abolifhed-, and that all tapers, can- 
 
 ■ 
 
 That all corporal bowing at the name (Jelus) towards the 
 eafl-cnd of the Church, Chapel , or Chancel, or towards the 
 Communion-tabic, be henceforth for born. 
 
 That the orders aj'orfaid be obferved in all the fever al 
 Cathedral Churches oj tins A- •/, ism, and all the Collegiate 
 Churches or Chapels in the two Univcrftics, or any other part 
 of the Kingdom : aid in the Temple- Church, and the Cha¬ 
 pels of the other Inns of Court, by the Deans of the faid Ca¬ 
 thedral Churches, by the Vice-Chancellor of the faid Univer- 
 flties, and by the Heads and Governors of the feveral Colleges 
 and Halls aforefaid, and by the Benchers and Readers in the 
 faid Inns of Court refptCiively. 
 
 That the Lord’s-day Jhall be duly obferved and fanCtified: 
 All dancing, or other fports, either before or after divine fer- 
 i nee, be forlorn and refrained and that the preaching of 
 God's word be permitted in the afternoon, in the feveral 
 Churches and Chapels of this Kingdom, and that Ad infers 
 and Preachers be encouraged thereunto. 
 
 That in cafe tbefe orders be not obferved , complaints thereof 
 Jhall be delivered in Parliament before the 30 th of October 
 next. 
 
 T-r Lot The Lords regarded not the defire of the Commons. 
 r 'of ‘the ^ ut on the morrow, September the 9th, the day appointed 
 i "th of j. ( - for the adjournment, they communicated tu the Commons, 
 nuary, in a conference, an order dated January the 10th, 1640-1, 
 V-/ ‘ • cn j°‘ n ing that divine fervice fhould be performed without 
 r ;rh, any alteration, as appointed by Adts of Parliament, and a 
 iv. p. 337. confirmation of the fame order, purfuant to a rdblution 
 taken on the prefent 9th of September, defiring the Com¬ 
 mons to concur with them in the publifhing thereof. 
 
 T 'ommons The Commons abfolutely refufed to join in the publica- 
 tion of this order, thinking it unfeafonable at fuch a junc- 
 Ibid. ture, to prefs the rigorous obfeivanceof the Laws concern¬ 
 ing divine fervice, when a great part of the People called 
 for a reformation. Befidcs, they knew, this lalt order, 
 which confirmed that of the i 6th of January, was made 
 when there were but twenty Lords in the Houfe, and by a 
 D;;.,- majority of two voices only, eleven agair.ft nine. Then 
 '* ,e y ^ rew U P a declaration, inferring that of the day be- 
 ihe i.„rih fore, to which the Lords had returned no anfwer, with the 
 Co.un-.ai.r. order of the Peers of the 16th of January, and the confir- 
 1 pt<.9. ma [i on 0 f tj ie fame order of the 9th of September, with the 
 refufal of the Commons to concur with them, and or¬ 
 dered, that their declaration fhould be printed and pub- 
 lifhed. 
 
 T? -" . L t., ; I imagine it will not be amifs to remark, concerning this 
 diflention between the two Houfes, firft, that paffion reigned 
 on both fides, fince the time of making thele two motions 
 was by no means convenient, there not being above the 
 fifth part of the Members prefent in each Houle. 
 
 Secondly, That there was a great difference in the two 
 points in queffion, with refpedt to their importance. One 
 concerned the prefervation of the publtck worfhip, and 
 book of Common-Prayer, appointed by the laws fince the 
 Reformation, but wherein, however, many people ardently 
 wifhed great alterations might be made ; nay, defined they 
 might be entirely fiupprefled, whilft the reft of the nation 
 believed them abfolutely neceffary. This was a thing of 
 fuch confequence, that, it feems, nothing ought to have 
 been decided for or againlt it, but upon macure deliberation, 
 and when both Houles had their ufual number of Members. 
 I - or this reafon, if the motion for making alterations in 
 the Liturgy had been approved in the Lower-houfe, doubt- 
 lefs the Lords would have juftly oppofed it, and refufed their 
 concurrence. But on the other hand, as the Comptons 
 had taken no refoJution, there does not feem to have been 
 any neceffity for the Lords to renew their order of the 16th 
 of January, which remained in force, and wanted not 
 this confirmation : Nay, it appeared that this order was 
 renewed only out of fpleen, becaufe the Commons had made 
 a declaration againft innovations. Had the Lords been fa- 
 tisfied with refufing their confent to the Commons declara¬ 
 tion of the 8 th of September, there would have been nothing 
 to objetft. But in refufing to return any anfwer to the 
 Commons, and renewing withal their order of the 16th of 
 January, they difeovered that they a£ted out of fpleen and 
 revenge, and it was not doubted, but the Bilhops were the 
 chief authors of the renewal of this order. 
 
 1 he fecond point, which concerned the innovations, 
 was not of the fame importance. The queffion was only 
 to know, whether they were really innovations, and if 
 fo, whether illegal 01 dangerous to Religion. But this was 
 a thing not to be debated in fuch a juncture, when both 
 Houles were going to he adjourned, and moftof the Mem¬ 
 bers already retired into the Country. So the Lords might 
 have refufed their confent tv th? votes of the Commons, 
 
 though it had been only on pretence of the tLinnefs of 164r*' 
 both Houfes. But in returning no anfwer to the Com¬ 
 mons, they {hewed in fome meafure that they approved of 
 thele innovations, which had fo long been an occafion of 
 complaints and murmurs in the Kingdom. 
 
 The fame day, before the adjournment, the Commons 2c: re¬ 
 appointed a Committee of forty three (1), to take care, •VP' 1 ''" 
 during the recefs, of the moft weigh tv an.; 
 
 The Lords appointed a Committee alfo, o ,.,hng but of «•-« ; v . ” 
 feven Peers, which done, both Houfes adjourned to the i: ""° n 
 20th of October. ' JJj* 5 3 : 
 
 During the recefs, the Committee, which had followed . 
 
 the King into Scotland, fent word to the Committee of the !j n ' p ‘ 41 
 Houfe of Commons, that there was a fort of confpiracy in .v ,; .- 0 f .. 
 Scotland, and that the aim of the parties concerned, feemed 
 to be, to interrupt the proceedings of the Parliament of nuIC.?™' 
 that Kingdom, and to deffroy the Marquifs of Hamilton , t.!I. p ! 4 s 
 the Earl o (Argyll, and the Earl o i Lanerick. As the j R v Ulh "f‘ 
 Committee received this notice but two days before the 39 i. P ’ 3? ' 
 meeting of the Parliament, they only ordered the Lord- D.urn. 
 Mayor of London to place convenient guards in feveral 0ccur ‘ 
 places of the City, fearing that the confpirators of Scotland 
 might have correfpondents in England, to difturb at the 
 fame time the peace of the Kingdom. 
 
 The Parliament being met the 20th of October, Mr. Ltporutj 
 Pym made a report to the Houfe, of what the Committee : 
 had done during the recefs. Whereupon the Commons Naifon, . 
 defined a conference with the Lords, where they reprefented Ib,j - 
 to them: Ruflworr 
 
 “ 1. That a letter from the Committee in Scotland, t >,f!>eud 
 “ gave ground to think, that when there was a defign in J he 
 “ England, to fedike the King’s army, and interrupt the aL 
 “ Parliament, that there was the like defign at that time 
 “ in Scotland. 
 
 “ 2. That the principal party named in that defign in 
 “ Scotland, the Lord Crawford, is a perfon fufpedted to be 
 “ popilhly affected ; and therefore may have conefpondence 
 “ with the like party in England. 
 
 “ 3- That it has been lately publilhed in England, that 
 “ fome things were to be done in Scotland before it broke 
 “ out there. Therefore we may fufpect fome correfpcm- 
 “ dence here.” 
 
 Upon thefe grounds the Commons propounded to the Rufliwott 
 Lords, that a ltrong guard fhould be kept in the Cities !v * P- ) 9 ; 
 of London and IVjhninjler, and care taken for the defence 
 of the whole Kingdom, and that an exprefs meflenger be 
 fent to the Committee of both Houfes in Scotland , to ac¬ 
 quaint them, that the Parliament of England was ready to 
 give tire Scots all neceffary alliffance againlt thofe who 
 lhould dilturb the peace. 
 
 The Lords approving of thefe propofals, inftrudtions u. P . 331 
 were fent to the Committee agreeable to the Commons 
 defires. 
 
 The fame day, the 20th of October, both Houfes defired The v.,rr,, 
 the Earl o { Ejfex, whom the King had made General on 
 the South of the Trent, to place a guard at IVefminfer, e.,'; "of 
 for the fecurity of the Parliament, which wae accordingly Eli; '• 
 done. This Seotijh confpiracy made a great noife at that 
 time: but it was not poffible to difeover it fully. See what T.n.p.’^ 
 Mr. Burnet fays of it, in his Memoirs of the Duke of Ha- p. 1S6. 
 milton. 
 
 “ A Gentleman, not known to the Marquifs of Ha- Auomtv, 
 tc milton, brought him and the Earl of Argyle , the difeovery ,he 
 “ of a Plot; which, he faid, was laid for their lives, and T' f'J 
 “ the Earl of Lanerick’ s, which he faid he could juftify 
 “ by one witnefs who was invited to the execution of it: 
 
 <c He told alfo a long formal ftory of the perfons to be ac- 
 “ tors, of the time, place, and manner ; And laid it was 
 “ to be executed that very night. This the Marquifs car- 
 “ ried to the King, without naming particulars ; which 
 “ could not be done fafely by the law of Scotland, fince 
 “ he had but one witnefs to prove them by. The King 
 “ defined him to examine the thing to the bottom, and 
 “ bring him what further evidence he could find : In the 
 “ evening other preemptions were brought to the Mar- 
 “ quifs, but no clear evidence : However, the matter was 
 “ got abroad, and in every body’s mouth, fo that all who 
 “ depended on thefe Lords, came about them in great 
 “ numbers: And thofe on whom the defign was faftned, 
 
 “ gave out, it was a forgery to make them odious, and 
 “ gathered alfo together. The Marquifs hearing this did 
 “ not ftir out of doors, left fome of their too officious 
 “ followers fhould raife tumults; and next day in tiie 
 “ evening, he, with the Earl of Argyle, and his Brother the 
 “ Earl of Lanerick , and half a dozen Servants went out 
 tc of town to his houfe of Kernel, twelve miles from Edin - 
 “ burgh, and fent his excul’e to his Majelty, with an ac- 
 “ count of the reafons. Upon this many dil’courfes went 
 <c about, people of all fides paffing conftrudfion as they 
 “ were affected : But the Parliament took the whole mat- 
 
 ■1 
 
 (ij RuflwQTt)] furry-fevea. Toai. IV. p. 385. 
 
Book XX. 
 
 25 . CHARLES I. 
 
 3 8 3 
 
 164 r. cc ter into confideration. Thofe who had given the infor- 
 (i mation, owned what they had faiJ, and thofe on whom 
 <c the Plot was fixed, did as pofitively deny all ; fo that 
 tc no clear proof being brought, the Parliament could come 
 “ to no other deciiton, but that the Lords had good rea- 
 41 fon to withdraw themfelves; and fo they were invited 
 44 to return to their place in Parliament (1).” 
 
 Rnr.:rt c>i There is however in the Lord Clarendon's Hiftorv a 
 this Coiifpi- particular, which may give fome light to thi affair. The 
 i< Clarendon, Earl of Montrofs told the King, tiiat the Marquifs of Ha- 
 r.l.p. 3 z 6 .milton was falfe to him, and even offered to rid him of this 
 fecret enemy ; but the King abhorred the expedient. Per¬ 
 haps the Earl of Montrofs thought he Ihould do the King 
 a pleafure in having the Marquifi afiallinated, and mention¬ 
 ing it to fome perfun, the fecret was divulged. However this 
 be, the Commons of England , it feems, were extremely 
 jealous of the King, or at 'earl they did their utmoll to in- 
 fpire the people with diffruff. For their fear was grounded 
 but upon very flight prefumptions, and a bare poffibility, 
 that this pretended plot againft three Scotch Lords, could 
 have any influence in England. 
 
 I \Compr.,;>n to The next day, a complaint was made to the Commons 
 • the Commons againft fome perfons for not obeying the Declaration of the 
 It’hcNou-lb- ninth °f September , publilhed by order of the Houfe. As 
 \finw.it of this affair was debated with great warmth, Sir Edward 
 \fjji 0 „ Dtcla ~ Meeting made a Speech, which I think proper to infert, 
 ilRi-ihworth, to ftew that it was not without ground that the Com- 
 U* P- 393 - mons were accufed of exceeding their power, in publifhing 
 j>occur! t * ie ‘ r Declaration, without obtaining the concurrence of the 
 Lords. 
 
 Mr. Speaker , 
 
 ' Deerin''' 3 ™ 1 " 1 ^ ' s ver y true ( as ‘ s in ^ ance ^ unto you) that your 
 ' “ -E- ^ ate order and declaration of the 8th and 9th of Sep- 
 
 Utufliworth. “ tember , are much debated and difputed abroad ; perhaps 
 ilNakm ** ma y be a g° od occa fi° n for us to re-difpute them here. 
 iTJLp.gio. “ The intent of your order to me feems doubtful, and 
 “ therefore I am bold, for my own inftru&ion, to pro- 
 tf pound two queries. 
 
 44 1. How far an order of this Houfe is binding ? 
 
 44 2. Whether this particular order be continuant, or 
 “ expired? 
 
 44 Your orders (I am out of doubt) are powerful, if 
 * c they be grounded upon the Laws of the Land: Upon 
 44 that warrant we may, by an order, enforce any tiling 
 “ that is undoubtedly fo grounded, and by the fame rule 
 “ we may abrogate whaefrever is introduced contrary to 
 4t the undoubted foundation of our laws. But, Sir, this 
 44 order is of another nature, another temper, efpecially in 
 “ one part of it, of which (in particular) at fome ot.ier 
 “ time. 
 
 44 Sir, There want not fome abroad, men of birth, 
 “ quality and fortune, fuch as know' the ftrength ol our 
 4C Votes here as well as fome of us, (I fpeak my own in- 
 44 firmities) men of the belt worth, and of good afliftance 
 44 in us, and no way obnoxious to us: They know they 
 44 fent us hither as their mdtees, to make and unmake 
 “ Laws; they know they did not fend us hither to rule 
 “ and govern them by arbitrary, revokable, and difputable 
 “ orders, efpecially in Religion. No time is fit for that, 
 “ and this time as unfit as any : I defire to be mftiuded 
 “ herein. 
 
 “ Mr. Speaker, in the fecond place there is a queftion, 
 “ whether this order (whereupon the prefent complaint 
 44 is grounded) be permanent and binding, or elfe expired, 
 44 and by our felves deferted ? I obferve, that the order 
 <e being made the 8th of September , in hope then of con- 
 “ currence therein by the Lords; that failing, you did 
 44 illue forth y»ur lait relolution by way of declaration, 
 “ wherein thus you exprefs your felf; That it may well 
 44 be hoped , when both Houfes Jhull meet again , that the 
 “ good proportions and preparations in the Houfe of Com- 
 “ mons, for preventing the like grievances, and reforming the 
 “ diforders and abnfes in matters of Religion , may be brought 
 44 to perfection ; wherefore you do expert that the Commons 
 44 of this realm do in the mean time (what, obey and per- 
 44 form your order made the day before? No fuch thing, 
 44 but in the mean time) quietly attend the reformation in - 
 “ tended. 
 
 44 Thefe ar” your words, and this my doubt upon them, 
 44 whether by ihefe w^rds you have not fuperfeded your 
 “ own order ? Sure I am, the words do bear this fenfe, 
 “ and good men may think and hope it was your mean- 
 “ in g- 
 
 “ My humble motion therefore is this, I befeech you 
 14 to declare, that upon this our reconvcntion, your Older 
 44 of the 8th of September is out ot date: and that the 
 64 Commons ot England mull (as you fay) quietly attend 
 
 “ ‘f e rtfomatlon IntmdeJ-, which certainly is intended to i6|l. 
 
 be peifeded up into Ads of Parliament. And in the 
 te ™ e3n time » tbat 'bey mufr patiently endure the pre- 
 fcnt Laws, until you can make new, or mend the 
 “ old. 
 
 I he 2 2d of October , the Bill for difabling perfons in The Commons 
 Holy Orders to exercife temporal jurifdidion was again f " "" 
 debated, and feve.i., Speeches made pro and con. At laft, it the r r%‘ps. 
 was refolved to profecute the Bilhops who had affirted at RHhworth, 
 the late Convocation, and to pulh the Bill for excluding IV ' p ‘ 39+ * 
 the Bilhops from their Votes in Parliament. To that end, 
 the Houfe delired a conference with the Lords, where 
 Mr. Pym and Mr. St. John explained the demands of the 
 Commons, with the reafons to fupport them. Mr. Pym 
 fpoke firil in this manner: 
 
 My Lords , 
 
 j bE Parliament, the fountain of juftice, ought to I, y m ' 1 
 “ . be preserved pure from corruption and free from 
 
 P artla hty» which will add not only luftre, reputation againft the 
 and honour, but authority to what is done in Parlia- 
 “ mcnl: All mens eftates and liberties are preferved un- 
 tier the fafe-cuffody of Parliament; this moveth us to Diuin - 
 “ be careful of any thing that may prejudice the Parlia- 0c ^g 
 “ ment in point of freedom and integrity. Nalfon, 
 
 ( ^ herefore, the Knights, Citizens, and Burgeffes of T.U.p.yoo, 
 tne Houle of Commons have commanded me, with my 
 ‘‘ coilegue, to rep; -fent unto your Lordlhips two propo- 
 “ litiuir., which they hold of very great importance and 
 4 nec liity to oe put in execution at this time. 
 
 “ Pirlt, that thofe thirceen Bdhops which lland accufed 
 44 before your Lordlhips, for making the late book of Ca- 
 44 nuns, and putting them in execution, may be excluded 
 “ ^oin their Votes in Parliament. 
 
 44 Secondly, that all the Bilhops maybe excluded from 
 44 having any vote in that act, come from the Houfe of 
 “ Commons to your Lordlhips, entitled, An Art to take 
 44 oway the Ejhops votes in Parliament , &c. 
 
 # 44 J h a ' which concerneth the thirteen Bilhops falleth 
 <c to my charge to open, as I am commanded to tell your 
 44 Lordlhips, that it ftandeth not with honour and with 
 44 juftice, that thefe Bilhops Ihould have votes, Handing 
 44 'bus charged with the breach of truft, and of the high- 
 44 e ft 'ruftj againft the prerogative of the King, againftlhe 
 u privilege of the Parliament, againft the property of the 
 44 Subject, and againft the peace of the Kingdom; thefe 
 “ are the jewels that are depoftd under the truft and fafe- 
 44 guard of Pailiamenr, and all thefe have been broken j 
 “ and this appeareth by the making of the new Canons 
 44 voted by your Lordlhips to be againft all thefe trufts. 
 
 “ That thefe perfons have been parties to the brea- h of 
 44 'hi’ truft, that wiil appear by the journals of the Con- 
 44 vocation, which are now in the country, and may be 
 “ fent for; the entry of the Book is, that all the thirteen 
 44 B Ihops were parties, and did confirm and fubferibe thefe 
 44 Canons ; therefore it is hoped by thefe Canons, that 
 44 thofe that have affirmed to themfc-lves a legiflative power, 
 
 44 whereby they have, as much as in them lies, rooted out 
 44 the foundation of Parliament, that they Ihould have no 
 44 inteieft in the legiflative Power at all in Parliament. 
 
 “ Next, that thofe that have deprived the Subjects of 
 <c thofe good Laws that are already made for them, that 
 “ they Ihould have no intereft or part of making future 
 “ Laws for the Subject; this they conceive ftandeth with 
 tc a great deal ot equity and juftice, which is one reafon 
 “ to defire they Ihould be excluded from their votes in 
 “ Parliament. 
 
 “ Next is, the heinoufnefs of their offence. It is very 
 “ fit they Ihould be innocent men, and faithful men, that 
 “ Ihould have the exercife of fo great a thing as it is ; 
 
 “ much lets then fhould they be Delinquents of fo high 
 a nature, adlors in the fubverting of the Laws of the 
 “ realm, that they Ihould continue their votes and places 
 “ in Parliament : And that their delinquency may the 
 <e better appear, you are defired to read the votes palled 
 <c in the Houfe of Commons, (Nullo Contradicentc) and 
 “ with which the Lords have concurred and ag.ecd.” 
 
 Then the votes concerning the making ot the faid 
 Canons, were read by Mr. Goodwin. 
 
 And then Mr. Sulhcitor St. John proceeded to this effedl: 
 
 “ That he was in the next place to prefent fome rea- 
 1C fons and precedents concerning the Bilhops not having 
 “ their votes touching the Bill, entitled, An Art to taks 
 “ away the Bifops votes in Parliament , &c. 
 
 “ 1. Becaufe they have no fuch innerent right and II- 
 “ berty of being there, as the Lords temporal, and Peers 
 “ of the realm have ; for they aie not there reprelentative 
 “ of any body elfe; No, not of the Clergy; for if fo. 
 
 11 Gtttbry fays. That this was but a pretended Plot; and that the defign of the Earls of drgyle, Hamilton, and Lanerick, was only to mike a 
 
 pu.'iii k R ipture; preiu.ning, that, upon their removal, the Parliament ihould presently have broken up, wai;h cherelore the King took care to prevent it. 
 
 Aicmcirt. MX. 1 1 
 
 “ then 
 
Vol. II, 
 
 584 
 
 The H IS TO RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 16414 
 
 <£ then the Clergy were twice reprefented by them, viz. 
 tc in the Lords-Houfe, and in the Convocation: For their 
 « writ of election is to fend two Clerk?, Ad Confentien- 
 “ dum, &c. Befides, none are there reprefentative of 
 “ others, but thofe that have their fuffrages from others; 
 
 and therefore only the Clerks in the Convocation do 
 t( reprefent them. 
 
 ct 2 . They have not the inherent right of Peerage as 
 « the Lords have, becaufe in fome things they cannot do 
 ac that there, which the Lords may do in cafe of Treafon 
 “ and matter of Blood. Upon trial of any Peer they 
 ec have no liberty of vote, which could not be taken away 
 »c by any Canon, if their right of voting there were in- 
 tc herent. 
 
 “ If they were reprefentative of the Clergy, as a 
 tc third Eftate and degree, no Aft of Parliament could be 
 <c good, if they did wholly dif-aflent; and yet they have 
 tc dif-aflented and the Law good and in force, as in the 
 tc Aft for eftablifhing the Book of Common-Prayer in 
 tc Queen Elizabeth's time; they did dif-aflent from the 
 <c confirming of that Law, which could not have been 
 tc g 00t ] 5 if they had been a third eftate and dif-ailented. 
 
 tc 4 _ The King may hold his Parliament without cal- 
 cc ling the Bifhops at all to it, as hath been adjudged by all 
 tc the Judges of England, j Henry V III, occaiioned by the 
 “ Convocation’s citing one Dr. Standijh , for (peaking ol 
 14 words againft their power and privilege, as they conceived: 
 “ In that cafe all the Judges of England, in the prefence 
 «‘ 0 f the King, declared, That the King might hold his 
 <« Parliament without calling them at all. 
 
 cc So 2 s Edward 1 , in refpeft the Prelacy would not 
 «c agree with the reft of the Kingdom, in granting a rea- 
 cc fonable and neceflary aid and fupply, they were excluded 
 «c in the Parliament at Carlijle: And before that Parlia- 
 tc mentj an Adi palled againft feveral opprellions of the 
 “ Abbots, Priors, and Bilhops, upon the inferior Clergy 
 “ of the Kingdom, by purveyance, and fetting of high 
 “ prices, &c. to be collected ; and fix or {even Acts more, 
 “ all to this purpofe, concerning the carriage ol the Pre- 
 ct lates to the inferior Clergy; fo that when themfelves 
 <‘ were concerned, they w'ere excluded their votes. 
 
 41 In all thefe lecords of the matter concerning the 
 “ Clergy, the entry is, That the King, habito traclatu , 
 tc with the Earls, the Barons, and others the Nobles, 
 «c £5Y. hath agreed to this Aft, or by the affentof the Earls, 
 tc Barons, and other Lay-People: which (hews, that the 
 tc Bjfhops did r.ot confent, for if they had, they fnould 
 <c have been firft named before the Earls and Barons: for 
 «‘ the order of naming the degrees of Nobility in all an- 
 tc cient records, is Prelates, Earls, and Barons. 
 
 “ Thus 3 Richardll. there being provifion, the Pope 
 «c fhould not make prefentaticn, (Ac. it is faid, that the 
 <c petition of the Commons was aflented unto by the King, 
 “ and the Lords temporal, and was always efteemed a 
 tc fi rm Ad of Parliament, notwithftanding the Bifliops 
 “ oppofed the fame.” 
 
 t This affair was carried no farther at that time, doubtlefs, 
 
 ■ s by reafon of the obftaclcs which occured in the Upper- 
 houfe, where the Bifhops gave their voices, to decide whe¬ 
 ther they w’ere to vote or not. But it was referved for 
 another time (1). 
 
 The grievances being almoft redrefled, the Parliament 
 feemed to have little more to do. But the diltruft with 
 regard to the King being very great, the leaders of the 
 oppolite party to the King believed, the redreff.ng of paft 
 grievances was not fufficient. They had a mind alfo to 
 prevent the like for the future, by dilabling the King to 
 abufe his power. It can hardly be denied, that this de- 
 fign was founded upon reafons very plaufible, and apt to 
 o-ain the confent of thofe who had only the welfare of 
 their Country in view. For if the King, whilft he was in¬ 
 verted with all the Prerogatives allowed him by the Laws, 
 had abufed his power to eftablifh an arbitrary Government; 
 if he had purfued the execution of this delign fifteen years 
 together; if he had defifted but by a fuperior force obliging 
 him to call this Parliament, how could it be thought that 
 he W'ould change his principles and maxims, if left in pof- 
 feffion of the fame power which had ferved him to execute 
 his projefl ? Now there W'ere fcarce any of the Members of 
 both Houfes, I fay, even of thofe who were moft attached 
 to the King, but what were convinced, that thcconftitu- 
 tion had been greatly endangered of late years. See what 
 the Lord Clarendon fays on this occafion, in his Hiftory of 
 the civil Wars: 
 
 For the better fupport of thefe extraordinary ways , and to 
 
 T. I. p. y 3. proteft the agents and inf raments, who mujl he employed in 
 them, and to di[countenance and fupprefs all bold enquiries and 
 oppofers, the Council-table and Star-Chamber enlarge their 
 
 jurfdiBions te a vaji extent. The Council-table by Procla- 1941. 
 motions , enjoyning to the People what was not enjoined by the 
 Law , and prohibiting that which was not prohibited ; and 
 the Star-Chamber cenfuring the breach and dij.bedunce to 
 thofe Proclamations by very great fines and imbrifsnment ; fo 
 that any difrefpedt to any ails of State, or to the perfons of 
 Statefmen , was in no time more penal ; and thofe foundations 
 of Right, by which men valued their fecurity, to the appre- 
 benfson and under/landing of wife men, never more in danger 
 to be defrayed. 
 
 If the perfons moft devoted to the King, as was the 
 Earl of Clarendon , had fuch fentiments, we may eafily 
 judge what others thought, and whether they had reafon 
 to believe, that the red refs of paft grievances was a fufficient 
 fecurity for the time to come. 
 
 But on the other hand, it cannot be denied, that there 
 were in tlie Parliament, men, who were brooding fecret de- 
 figns againft the Government of the Church, and that 
 thefe men thought, the diminution of the regal power was 
 abfolutely neceilary to the execution of their defigns, know¬ 
 ing the King would ever oppofe them, as long as he was 
 cloathed with his ufual authority. But it cannot be in¬ 
 ferred, from their ufing the forementioned reafons, to in¬ 
 flame the Parliament’s diftrult of the King, for a private 
 end of their own, that therefore thefe reafons were bad. 
 
 On the contrary, we may venture to aflert, it was folely 
 by the weight of thefe reafons, that the Presbyterians, whofe 
 number was inconfiderable in the Parliament and King¬ 
 dom, prevailed at laft to perfuade the reft of the Parliament, 
 of the neceffity to reftrain the King’s power. If thefe 
 reafons had not been capable of convincing the leaf! pre¬ 
 judiced minds, they would never have fucceeded in caufing 
 the Parliament to take the refolutions that will hereafter 
 appear. For what intereft could the major part of the 
 Members of Parliament have, to alter the conftitution of 
 Church and State, if the paft had not afforded them a juft 
 occalion to fear for the future ? 
 
 F rom what has been faid, there refult two opinions, r>m oppafi 
 which have divided, and ftill do divide all England. The 0 P' l f ’ ls eot 
 firft aferibes to the Commons in general, and to feveral 2 /w 
 Peers, the private end defigned by the Presbyterians. The Parliament 
 followers of this opinion will not allow, th..t moft of the 
 Members propofed to themfelves a jufter end in all their 
 proceeding againft the King. Thofe who embrace the 
 fecond opinion, refufe alfo to admit of this diftinftion of 
 ends and principles. They pretend, that the oppolite party 
 to the King always afted upon motives of equity, juftice, 
 and love ol their Country. For my part, I fhall make no 
 fcruple to fay, that I think both thefe opinions very ground- 
 lefs. I can never believe, that the greateft part of the 
 Members of this Parliament, who, even by the confeffioit 
 of the King’s friends, had at firft no defire to make any 
 alterations in the conftitution of the Church or State, 
 fhould fuffer themfelves to be corrupted by a fmall number 
 of other Members, whofe views and defigns they were not 
 fo ignorant of, as to be wholly guided by their directions. 
 
 Neither can I think that they run into the project of fub- 
 veiting Church and State, out of lazinefs, ignoiance, ftu- 
 pidity, or that they fell into all the fnares the others were 
 plealed to lay for them, as the Lord Clarendon infinuates. t. I. p.2; 
 I rather believe, they weighed the reafons which were to 
 ingage them to maintain the civil and ccclefiaftical Con¬ 
 ftitution, with the danger of leaving it in its natural ftate, 
 and that this danger appeared to them fo great, that, to 
 prevent it, they rcfolved to agree to the alterations intend¬ 
 ed by the Presbyterians. 
 
 On the other hand, I can as hardly believe, that they 
 who took fo much care to cherifh diftruft between the 
 King and Parliament, who were always ready to give an 
 id turn to all the King’s words and actions, who inftead 
 of healing, inflamed the wound ; that thefe men, I fay, 
 fhould have in view only juftice and the good of their Coun¬ 
 try. Efpecially as they were feen to praftife all methods 
 to accomplifh their priv ate end, I mean, the change of the 
 Government of the Church, in whifh the reft of the Par¬ 
 liament had no intereft. Nay rather, it would have been 
 their intereft to oppofe it, had they nut dreaded a greater 
 mifehief. 
 
 If therefore a man blindly follows either of thefe two 
 opinions, without any limitation, he will never be able to 
 give a juft notion of this Parliament’s conduct. It is as 
 uifficult to believe, that a whole Parliament, or at leaf!, the 
 greateft part of the Members, may combine together to 
 fubvert the Government of the Church and State, as it is 
 to conceive, that all thefe fame Members may have acted 
 only upon difinterefted motives, and with the iole view 
 of procuring the welfare of the State in fuch a juncture. 
 
 This, however, is the error into which almoft ail the 
 
 (1) July 9. it was propof.d by fome of the Commons. That theB'.fhops LanJs might be put into the hands of Feoffees, nine o: the I.aity, ar.d three 
 of the Clere.y in every Diocefe; ami the reft of the Lands belonging to Qeans, c~>. to be employed for the advancement of Learning, and the Bifliops 
 to have a liberal allowance during life. Rufhveorih, Tom. IV. p. 
 
 3 Etigli/h, 
 
Book XX. 
 
 25. C H A R L E S I. 
 
 1641. EngVijh Hiftorians have fallen. They have all embraced 
 one or other of the two opinions, the fpirit of party not 
 fuffering them fairly to confider the feveral motives, on 
 ■which the Members of this Parliament proceeded, and this 
 has begot great obfeurity in all they have faid upon this 
 fubjedl. The trueft and moil probable Hypothefis, in my 
 opinion, is briefly this : 
 
 Hi Author's The King had given great occafions of complaints to his 
 
 Hjfttbjn. f u bjecb, during the firft fifteen years of his reign. It is 
 no wonder, therefore, that he had made himfelf many e- 
 nemies, who earneftly wifhed to have the Government re- 
 ftored to its natural ftate. Among thefe enemies, the Pref- 
 byterians, who, befides the common, had their private, 
 grievances, were the moft eager. They defired not only to 
 diminilh the King’s power, that he might not be able to 
 hurt them, but alfo to fubvert the Ecclefiaftical Hierarchy, 
 and eftablifh the Presbyterian Government in its place, in 
 which they were fupported by the Scots. The King being 
 obliged to call this Parliament againft his will, there were 
 few Members but what were difpofed to redrefs paft grie¬ 
 vances, and prevent the like for the future. Even they 
 who were not enemies to the King, were in this difpofiti- 
 on, and it may be affirmed, that this was the general fen- 
 timent of the Members at the beginning of the Parliament. 
 But even, among thofe who defired the redrefs of grievan¬ 
 ces, there were two different fentiments. Some were for 
 flopping at the redrefs of grievances, without proceeding 
 any farther, believing, that would be fufficient to hinder 
 the King from attempting a fecond time fo unfuccefsful 
 an enterprize. This was the King’s fentiment, as well as 
 of many Members of both Houfes. Others were not 
 only for redreffing grievances, but alfo for taking proper 
 meafures to prevent the like mifehiefs for the future. The 
 Presbyterians were of this number : but they had alfo more 
 extenffve views, and more hidden defigns, namely, to in¬ 
 troduce the Presbyterian Government into the Church. 
 To accomplifh this end, it was neceffary to deprive the 
 King of a power, which they forefaw he would not fail 
 to exert, in oppofition to their defign; and there was no 
 better way, than by cherifhing the Parliament’s diftruft, 
 to which the Members, for the moft part, were already but 
 too much inclined. They had therefore only to gain a 
 fufficient number of thofe, who were willing to ftop at the 
 redrefs of grievances, and nothing was more proper to obtain 
 their concurrence than to fill them with fears and fufpicions. 
 This was the reafon that fuch care was taken to aggravate 
 the plot for feducing the army, to dwell continually upon the 
 pretended defign of bringing them to London, to fpread a re¬ 
 port, that a French army was going to land and feize Portf- 
 mouth with the King’s confent, and I know not how many 
 other rumours, equally improbable. This was thecaufeof fo 
 many efforts to exclude the Bifhops from the Upper-houfe, 
 in order to leffen, as much as poffible, the party of thofe 
 who were for flopping at the redrefs of grievances. This 
 likewife was the reafon, that fo many mortifications were 
 given the King, to induce him to take fome meafures, 
 which fhould give an advantage againft him, and be apt 
 to convince the more moderate, that it was dangerous to 
 leave him in poffeffion of his whole power. It is not 
 therefore very ftrange, that many of thofe who were a- 
 gainft carrying things to extremities, fhould in the end be 
 prevailed on, by the fears and fufpicions they were conti¬ 
 nually infpired with. To confirm themfelves in their fen¬ 
 timent, they had no other ground than their confidence in 
 the King’s word, againft which there were unanfwerable 
 objections, as for inftance, the violation of the Petition of 
 Right. 
 
 By thefe direCt and indirect means, the Presbyterians at 
 length fucceeded in gaining a fufficient number of votes to 
 give them the fuperiority in the Houfe of Commons, at 
 leaft, as to the defign of diminilhing the King’s power. 
 
 . When this party was grown fuperior, their oppofers endea¬ 
 voured in vain to curb their fury. On the other hand, 
 the King himfelf fell into the fnares laid for him, and 
 took meafures, which, as will hereafter appear, made him 
 lofe a great number of thofe who had hitherto appeared the 
 moft moderate. 'I'he following paffage of the Lord Cla¬ 
 rendon's Hiftory, will ferve to illuftrate this matter. 
 
 ..i.p.j--. I know not how thefe men have already anfwered it to 
 their own confciences, who having ajfumed their Country's trujl , 
 and it may he, with great carnejlnefs laboured to procure that 
 trujl , by their fupine lazinefs, negligence , and abfence, zvere 
 the f.rjl inlets to thofe inundations ; and fo contributed to thofe 
 licences which have overwhelmed us. For by this means a 
 handful of men, much inferior in the beginning , in number 
 and interefi, came to give Laws to the major part ; and to 
 fhow that three diligent perfons are really a greater and more 
 Jignificant Jiumber than ten unconcerned , they, by plurality of 
 voices, in the end , converted or reduced the whole body to 
 their opinions. It is true, men of activity and faftion in any 
 defign, have many advantages that a compofed and fettled 
 No. 63. V 0L . II. 
 
 385 
 
 Council, though indufirious enough , ufually have not ; and 1641, 
 fame that gallant men cannot give themfelves leave to enter¬ 
 tain, even for the prevention of all the mfehief the ethers 
 intend. 
 
 The Earl of Clarendon grants, that a handful of men, 
 at firft much inferior in number and credit, converted in 
 the end the whole Houfis to their opinions. But as he was 
 a zealous advocate for the King, he took care not to aferibe 
 the fuccefs of this handful of men, to the weight of the 
 reafons which they alledged to the others to reduce them to 
 their fentiments. It was requifite, however, to give fome 
 reafon of it, and he found no better, than the lazinefs, 
 negligence, and unconcernednefs of the King’s friends, and 
 the vigilance of the others. I do not know whether this 
 reafon will be capable to fatisfy the impartial. 
 
 This, as I verily believe, is the true hypothefis which 
 ought to be eftablifhed, in order to give a clear idea of the 
 conduft of this Parliament ; and I hope this digreffion 
 will not be unferviceable for the better underftanding of 
 the fequel. 
 
 The Parliament feemed to have nothing more to do, all Tie Com. 
 the grievances being in a manner redreffed, and the armies mor, ‘ f"“ 
 disbanded. But after what has been faid, it will not doubt- f 
 
 lefs be thought ftrange, that the Houfe of Commons fhould the State J 
 order the Committee, which, at the beginning of the Par- 
 liament, was charged with preparing a Remonftrance of R° t 7fhwrrth, 
 the ftate of the Kingdom, to refume and finilh that work. iv. P 415, 
 Nothing would have been more needlefs than fuch a Re- 
 monftrance, after the grievances were redreffed, if it had 
 not been intended on purpofe to quarrel with the King, 
 and afford a pretence to defer to another time the fettling 
 his revenues, which was the only thing that remained to 
 be done, and which the King expeded. I have already 
 obferved, there was a party in the Parliament, who meant 
 not to ftop at the redrefs of grievances. It was this party 
 that caufed the Remonftrance to be refumed, in expecta¬ 
 tion the King would be difpleafed with it, and take fome 
 ftep that fhould promote the execution of their projeCl. 
 
 But whilft this Remonftrance was preparing, an affair The irith 
 of fuch confequence unexpectedly happened, that the Com- tteMtun. 
 mons were obliged for a time to lay afide all other bufinefs. fv^T’^S. 
 
 I mean the Irijh Rebellion, the news whereof came to Sir John 
 London the ift of November 1641. Temple 
 
 Since the end of Queen Elizabeth's reign, when Tir- Bor * a ^ e ' 
 Oen’s rebellion was happily quelled, the Irijh had lived 
 peaceably under the dominion of James I, and Charles I. 
 
 Not but that the Lords Deputies had always an eye over 
 them, confidering them as men, whofe fidelity was very 
 fufpicious: however, they had at leaft no occafion to com¬ 
 plain, that they were worfe ufed than in the former reigns. 
 
 As to their Religion, it is eafy to imagine, they had fuffered 
 no new troubles under thefe two Princes, who thought of 
 nothing lefs, than of perfecting the Catholicks. Never- 
 thelefs , in March or April this year 1641, the Irijh 
 formed the projeCt of calling off the Englijh yoke, of 
 feizing upon all the fortified places, and of cutting the 
 throats of all the Englijh throughout the whole Kingdom. 
 
 The day appointed for executing this bloody defign, was 
 the 23d of OSlober, on which day, they were to rife all 
 over the Ifland. This defign was really executed, as pro- 
 je&ed, and it is faid, on that and the following days, above 
 forty thoufand Englijh Proteftants were maffacred by the 
 IrijF. But the projeCt of feizing the fame day upon the 
 caftle of Dublin, where was a great magazine of provifi- 
 ons and flores, was djfcovered [ by Owen 0 Conally ] the 
 night before, and prevented by the diligence of the Lords 
 Juftices of Ireland, who governed in the abfence of [ Ro¬ 
 bert Sidney ] Earl of Leicefier, who had been appointed 
 Lord-Lieutenant fome months before, and was yet in 
 England. 
 
 This news being communicated to the Commons by the n ot . t. 
 Lords of the Privy-Council, filled the Houfe with confter- Rufhworth. 
 nation and terror, and at the fame time with indignation Z4 ^’ 
 
 againft the Rebels. They immediately turned themfelves t. 13. 
 
 into a grand Committee, and paffed the following refolves: 
 
 That 50,000 /. fhall be forthwith provided for the fer- ite Votn of 
 vice of Ireland. the Comm at 
 
 That a conference be had with the Lords to move them, “fjff Ire ~ 
 that a feleCt Committee of the Members of both Houfes Sir John 
 may be appointed to go to the City of London, and pro- T emok, 
 pofe unto them the loan of that fum. Rufhworth 
 
 That a feleCl Committee of both Houfes may be named iv. [404. 
 to confider of the affairs of Ireland, and of the fending of Duri1 - 
 men and ammunition from hence into that Kingdom. Nairn 
 
 That Owen O Conally, who difeovered this great Trea- T.H.p'524. 
 fon in Ireland, fhall have 500 /. prefently paid him, and 
 200 /. per Annum penfion, untill provifion be made for an 
 inheritance of greater value. 
 
 That the cuftody of the Ifle of Height be taken for the 
 prefent from the Lord IVcfion, fufpedted of being a Catho- 
 lick, and fequeftered into another hand. 
 
 5 E 
 
 That 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 386 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1641. That the Perfons of Papifts of quality in the feveral 
 Counties of this Kingdom, where ever they refide, may 
 be fecirred. 
 
 That the Lords be defired to join concerning the diflolu- 
 tion of the Houfe of Capuchins , and the fpeedy fending 
 them away, according to the former defires of this Houfe. 
 
 That the Ambafiadors may be fent to from both Houfes 
 to deliver up fuch Priefts of the King’s Subje&s as are in 
 their Houfes. 
 
 That a lift be brought in of the Queen’s Priefts, and 
 other her fervants. 
 
 That a Proclamation be ilfued forth, commanding all 
 ftrangers that are not of the Proteftant Religion, to deliver 
 in tickets of their names, and an account of their ftay 
 here, within two days after the ifluing forth of the faid Pro¬ 
 clamation, or elfe to depart the Kingdom forthwith, &c. 
 Rufoworth. The Lords agreed to the propofed loan, and named fome 
 IV. [+05.] 0 f t heir Members to form a Committee of both Houfes. 
 
 Whereupon the Commons appointed fifty two to meet the 
 Lords, and to be a ftanding Committee for the affairs of 
 Ireland. 
 
 Two days after the Commons voted again, 
 
 That the Houfe holds fit that 20,000 /. be forthwith 
 fupplied for the prefent occafions of Ireland. 
 
 That a convenient number of Ships fhall be provided for 
 the guarding of the Sea-Coaft of Ireland. 
 
 That fix thoufand foot, and two thoufand horfe fhall be 
 raifed with all convenient fpeed for the prefent expedition 
 into Ireland. And that the Lord-Lieutenant fhall prefent 
 to both Houfes of Parliament, fuch officers as he fhall 
 think fit to fend into Ireland, to command any forces to ba 
 tranfported thither. 
 
 That the Magazines of victuals fhall be forthwith pro¬ 
 vided at IVeJl-CheJler , to be fent over to Dublin , as the 
 occafions of that Kingdom fhall require. 
 
 That the Magazines of arms, ammunition, powder, 
 now in Carlifle , fhall be forthwith fent over to Knockfergus 
 in Ireland. 
 
 That it be referred to the King’s Council to confider of 
 fome fit way, and to prefent it to the Houfe, for a pub¬ 
 lication to be made of rewards to be given to fuch as 
 fhall do fervice in this expedition into Ireland , and for a 
 pardon of fuch of the rebels as fhall come in by a time li¬ 
 mited, and of a fum of money to be appointed for a re¬ 
 ward of fuch as fhall bring in the heads of fuch principal 
 rebels as fhall be nominated. 
 
 That letters fhall be forthwith fent to the Juft ices in 
 Ir eland , to acquaint them how fenfible this Houfe is of the 
 affairs of Ireland. 
 
 Other Vo 
 Nov. 4, 
 
 J. Temple. 
 
 Nalfon, 
 
 T.II.p'S*4' 
 
 That the Committee of Irijh affairs fhall confider how, 
 and in what manner this Kingdom fhall make ufe of the 
 friendfhip and affiftance of Scotland in the bufinefs of Ire¬ 
 land. 
 
 That directions fhall be given For the drawing of a Bill 
 for the prefling of men, for this particular of Ireland. 
 
 Ruth worth. Some days after both Houfes publifhed a Declaration, to 
 
 lv. [406.] acquaint the publick that they had refolved to aflift the King 
 with all their power to reduce the Irijh Rebels. 
 
 The Kmg The King, who was ftill in Scotland , had received in- 
 .iemanj, aid telligence of what had parted in the North of Ireland (1), 
 ^ Ut did not know that the Irijh had mifearried in their de- 
 Scotland / fign upon the Caftle of Dublin. He immediately commu¬ 
 nicated his intelligence to the Parliament of Scotland , and 
 Then An- demanded their affiftance. The Parliament replied, “ that 
 Oflob aS ct Ireland being dependent on the Crown of England , and 
 Nalfon, “ his Majefty having already writ to the Parliament of 
 T.M.p.604. “ England , and fent to Ireland for farther information, no 
 iv[407!] other courfe could be taken, and the rather as the Par- 
 “ liament of England might conceive jealoufies; but that 
 “ after fuller information, if the Englijh fhould think the 
 ‘‘ affiftance of Scotland neceftary, it fhould be ready, as 
 “ foon as England.” 
 
 Ireland The Rebellion daily increafed. The Englijh themfelves 
 P a ”j‘ o ,n a of the Pale joined with the Irijh , having pretended for 
 ’powerful fome time to be attached to the intereft of England. Thefe 
 
 .did. Englijh of the Pale were defeendents of the antient Con- 
 
 Ruftuvorth. q uerors 0 f Ireland , who fettled there in the Reign of Hen- 
 c.ix'a Hift. r >' IK and who at the time of the Reformation continued 
 ot Ireland, in the Roman Catholick Religion. It was therefore necef- 
 *’• * Ip ' 77, fary to fend a ftrong force into Ireland to reduce the rebels 
 to obedience. And yet, though the letters from the Lords 
 Juftices for affiftance were frequent and prerting, though 
 the rebels continually increafed in number and ftrength, 
 though the King moft earneftly prefled both Houfes to fend 
 
 men, money, and ammunition to Ireland , though the >641. 
 Parliament fliowed an extreme defire to reduce that King- H ' rak Su . 
 dom, it is certain that the fuccours fent thither, were but ere ^ 
 fmall and fitter to continue than end the war. It would 
 doubtlefs be thought ftrange to fee fo much ardour in words, 
 and fo little defire to fhow it in deeds, if the reafon of this 
 condutft was not known. And therefore it will be requifite 
 to explain it. 
 
 The difpofition of the Houfe of Commons, whilft the R ea r 0 „ 0 j 
 King was in Scotland has been before fhown. A refolution 
 was taken to diveft him of part of his power. The 
 views of fome were only to hinder him from abufing it for 
 the future. Others added to this motive, the defign of 
 rendering him unable to oppofe the change they were medi¬ 
 tating, with refpeit to the Government of the Church. 
 
 The order of the Houfe to the Committee to prepare the 
 Remonftrance of the ftate of the Kingdom, was a clear 
 evidence, they had fome fecret defign which would Ihow 
 it felf in due time. Whilft meafures are taking to exe¬ 
 cute this defign, the Irijh rife in rebellion, at a time when 
 they feemed to have the leaft reafon, fince the government 
 had never been more gentle to them than in the prefent 
 Reign. They mafiacre in cold blood above forty thoufand The ird 
 Englijh Proteftants (2), and unfortunately for the King, f’ rer,nJ r 
 fpread a report that they had his authority for what they did. “xing'ek 
 They call themfelves the Queen’s army, and difperfe all dm 7 
 over the Kingdom, copies of a fuppofed Commiffion under Rulhwnr 
 the Great-Seal, which they pretend to have from the King Borkui. 4 
 to authorize them to take arms. It cannot be denied that 
 all this was capable of making impreffions on the minds of 
 thofe who were already ill-affedted to the King, and be¬ 
 lieved him capable of any thing to avoid the fervitude that 
 was preparing for him. Indeed, the fober and moft con- 
 fiderate did not think it poffible, or even probable, that the 
 King fhould be willing to have his Proteftant Subjedls of 
 Ireland mafiacred. But they fufpcdled however that this 
 Rebellion, raifed at fuch a juncture, was not wholly owing 
 to the difeontent of the Irijh, and that very pofiibly the 
 King had excited it, to find the Parliament employment, 
 and divert them from the project they had formed. As to Burn , t 
 the mafiacre of the Proteftants, they did not believe the 
 King had any hand in it, but imagined it very poffible, 
 that after railing the Rebellion, it was not in his power to 
 reftrain the Irijh. The King on his part not knowing what 
 was faid againft him in England , ufed his utmoft endeavours 
 to clear himfelf from this black imputation, by preffing the 
 Parliament to fend a fpeedy aid into Ireland. But thefe 
 follicitations had a quite contrary effect, becaufe it was be¬ 
 lieved that his aim was to leave England unprovided with 
 troops, and to ingage the Parliament in an Irijh war, 
 which muft have been very expenfive. This was the rea¬ 
 fon that the Commons proceeded with deliberation, and 
 fent but inconfiderable fuccours into Ireland , being appre- 
 henfive, the Irijh Rebellion was a fnare laid for them by 
 the King, to caufe them to confumc the Englijh troops 
 and money. 
 
 As feveral have fpoken of this pretended Commiffion Orden f 
 from the King to the Papifts of Ireland to authorize them the Head 
 to take arms, and as fome have reprefented it as true, o- ,b \f’ r !’ e 
 thers, as doubtful, but moft as an evident forgery, I %„g', f 
 thought it would not be unacceptable to infert it. I fhall tended C 
 add a circular letter fent with the copy of the pretended 
 Commiffion from the leaders of the rebels, to thofe of their 
 party. 
 
 From our Camp at the Newry, this 4th of November, 
 
 1641. 
 
 Phelim 0 Neal , Rory Mac Guire , &c (3). 
 
 To all Catholicks of the Roman party, both Englijh and R„fhwo: 
 Irijh, within the Kingdom of Ireland , we wifh all ,v - P- ‘ 
 happinefs, freedom of confcience, and victory over the 
 Englijh hereticks, who have for a long time tyran¬ 
 nized over our bodies, and ufurped by extortion our 
 eftates. 
 
 “ L) E it hereby made known unto you all, our friends 
 “ and countrymen, that the King’s moft excellent 
 “ Majefty, for many great and urgent caufes thereunto 
 “ moving, repofing truft and confidence in our fidelity, 
 
 “ has fignified unto us, by his Commiffion under the 
 “ Great-Seal of Scotland, bearing date at Edinburgh the 
 “ firft day of this inftant Ofiober 1641, and alfo by Let- 
 “ ters under his Sign manual, bearing date with the faid 
 * l 2 Commiffion, of divers great and heinous affronts, that 
 
 (1) The Lo;di Juftices fent bitn an account of it, by Sir Henry Sporiiwood, who went by Sea dire.tly to Scotland ; but, before that, the King received n«- 
 'ice of it by a Letter from the Lord Cbicbefier , from Belfaft, dated OBoher 24. Rufh-wortb, Tom. 4. p. 407. 
 
 (2) Above one hundred and fifty four thoufand Proteftants, were malfacred in that Kingdom, from the 23d of OBober 1641, to the iftof March follow, 
 ing, according to the computation of the Priefts themfelves that were prefent. Rujbwortb, Tom. 5. p. 355, 734- But. according to Sir J. demple, there 
 were, fince the Rebellion firft broke out, unto the CelTation made September I 5, 1643, above three hundred th-ofand Brit'/h and Proteftants cruelly mur - 
 
 dered in cold blood, deftroyed fome other way, or expelled out of their habitations. Irijb Rebel, p. 6. See Cox. p. 73-It feema Cardinal Rubdieu waa 
 
 deeply concerned in this Mafiacre. See R. Coke, Tom. 1. p. 340, and Tom. 2. p. 5. 
 
 (3 ) The reft of the Confederates were, Turhgb 0 Nut, Fbihp 0 Rely, Mulmore 0 Rely, Sir Count Mac-gennii, Colonel Mac Brian , Mac-mabon, Temple, 
 p. 39. 
 
 i “ the 
 
Book XX. 
 
 ■r 54 i. 
 
 3 8 7 
 
 1641. 
 
 Arguments 
 that tbt 
 King canmt 
 banc given 
 this Com. 
 mijfion. 
 
 2 S- CHARLES I. 
 
 ::K:“2rJ ,ddaio r (h ^^' and 
 :: zlt TTrt ho,ick ™ hi - 
 
 dom of England -, the copy of which Commiffion we therefore the news came th.r .L » o 7 
 
 ‘‘ have here font unto you to be publifhed with all fpeed arms, and bad malTacred ’the Proteftantf kw^ve^.” 
 
 :: SSSSSSrHSv" 
 
 the Faith, We. To all Catholick Subjeas within our land without troops, money, and ammunition i^order"^ 
 
 KTafi”d fe and h^e ^fattl “ £** ^ “ <* 
 
 “ been forced to make our aboad and refidence in our tereft of the leadine "men"in the*’Pair* 7 ’ 11 was the ,n ' 
 
 “ Kingdom of Scotland, for a long feafon, occafioned by greater diftruft than they really had, 't^ftrengthen 8 the 
 
 reafon of the obftinate and difobedient carnage of our fufnicions and fear * nf r,„-h ml engtnen tne 
 
 “ Miantentof ^Wagainft us, who hav/ not only 
 
 “ prefumed to take upon them the government, and dif- was to curh rhe K'Jnn-'c . " ecenar > IC 
 
 “ Piling of thofe princely rights and prerogatives that have to execute his defigns 8 P Cr ’ ’ m ‘ “ nca P able 
 
 “ j“% defeended unto us from our predeceffors, both But though the Dartv of thnf, wt,„ ... r i rr • 
 
 “ Kings and Queens of the laid Kingdom, for many the regal power was numerous in the Parliament Thef 
 
 f n i , IT/ ’ Ut r allb u T -"'«= not yet in condition to proceed as they p “foci Mat T/tZ 
 , of the whole ftrength of the fatd Kingdom, ,n ap- ters were to be prepared by degrees, one while by cherifll JJf&t 
 ‘ P°' nt 7E g»;«nours, commanders, officers in all parts ing fufpicions and fears, another while by injagffig ihe 
 \ T P' aC=S tberCln - « ‘heir own will and pleafure with- Houfe to take proper fleps to lead then, to thfir end 
 
 ‘ out our confent ; whereby we are deprived of our Sove- which was not known to all the Members 
 
 ‘ reignty, and left naked without defenfe: And for as With this view ir wee ,r . a V r . , 
 
 I! ™ ch “ we arein our felves very fenfible that thefe the Sens for their promifed affiftance'to'fopprefs the"Re® 
 
 ‘ ftorms blow aloft, and are very likely to be carried by bellion in In,land and of trearim, wbh u K ’’ 
 
 ;; ' he vehemency oftheProteftant party into our King- they ingaged the Houfe to fend m the CommktTe in£ 2 S*» 
 dom of Ireland, and endanger our royal power and au- Sc,land new inffruflions very mortifying to the King "" At- 
 
 The Houfe faid, in thefe inftrudtions. 
 
 «< f C - That th ® y had caufe to believe, that the con- Rufh worth, 
 ipiracies and commotions in Ireland , were but the ef- Iv - P 4 2 -* 
 ‘‘ fects of the counfels of thofe who continued in credit, ? 1 j? n, fil6 
 authority and employment about his Majefty ; there- P< 
 c fore they feared that the great aids which fhould be 
 / rai ‘f d for Subduing the rebellion in Ireland, would be 
 ‘ applied to the fomenting of it there, and encouraging 
 fome fuch like attempt in England. And therefore the 
 Commons befought his Majefty to change thofe Coun¬ 
 cils, from which fuch ill courfes had proceeded, and to 
 « 5 ) m P.°y Minifters as fhould be approved of by his 
 Parliament, who were his greateft and mod faithful 
 cc V 0U ? cd \ ^ ut lf b‘ s Majefty did not condefcend to their 
 fupplications, they fhould be forced to refolve upon 
 fome way of defending Ireland from the rebels, and of 
 tt *. ecunn g themfelves from mifehievous counfels and de- 
 “S" 8 » and command thofe aids and contributions 
 wh'ch fhould be raifed for the reducing of Ireland to 
 the cuftody and difpofing of fuch perfons of honour and 
 fidelity, as they had caufe to confide in.” 
 
 Thefe inftru&ions conclude with the following article. 
 lou Jhall reprefent to bis mojl excellent Majefty this our 
 humble and faithful Declaration , that we cannot without 
 rr, , f , ■ , , , ,, much gnef remember the great mferies , burthens , and dif- 
 
 Though for many reafons it be more than probable that tempers, which have for divers years affliHed all bislKini- 
 the King never granted a Commiffion to the Irijh to take dms and Dominions ,, and brought them to the loft point of 
 arms, it is however certain they boafted of having fuch a ruin and dejlruttion • all which have i/Tued from the cunniJ 
 thing. But it is no lefs certain, that it canot be the fame falfe , and malicious practices of fome of thefe who have been 
 
 with what has been juft read, nor can this be the Com- **- J *—•- - ■» ■> - • J ■ 
 
 million publifhed by the leaders of the Irijh rebels. My 
 reafon is, becaufe in this Commiffion, the King is made to 
 fay things which happened not till feveral months after the 
 day of the date, and which thofe who are fuppofed to 
 have publifhed it the 4th of November could not forefee. 
 
 The King is made to fay^on the ift of October 1641 
 
 “ thority there alfo ; Know ye therefore, that we, re 
 “ pofing much care and truft in your duty and obedience, 
 “ which we have for many years paft found, do hereby 
 “ give unto you full power and authority to aftemble and 
 tC meet together, with all the fpeed and diligence that a 
 “ bufinefs of fo great a confequence doth require, and to 
 “ advife and confult together by a fufficient and difereet 
 “ number, at all times, days, and places, which you fhall 
 “ in your judgment hold moft convenient and material for 
 “ the ordering, fettling, and effecting of this great work, 
 “ mentioned and direiled to you in our letters, and to ufe 
 “ all politick ways and means poffible topoflefs your felves, 
 “ for our ufe and fafety, of all the forts, caftles, and pla- 
 “ ces of ftrength and defence within the faid Kingdom, 
 “ except the places, perfons and eftates of our loyal and 
 “ loving Subjects the Scots : And alfo to arreft and feize 
 “ the goods, eftates, and perfons, of all the Englijh Pro- 
 “ teftants within the faid Kingdom to our ufe ; and in 
 tc your care and fpeedy performance of this our will and 
 “ pleafure, we Ihall perceive your wonted duty and alle- 
 “ giance unto us, which we fttall acknowledge and reward 
 “ in due time. 
 
 IVitnefs our (elf at Edinburgh, the \Jl day of Octo¬ 
 ber, in the 1 7 th Tear of our Reign. 
 
 Rulhworth. 
 IV. p- 40*. 
 Nalfon, 
 T-Il.p.519. 
 The tffeSt of 
 this Rumour 
 to the King. 
 Nalfon, 
 T.fl.p.526 
 tSfc. 
 
 Clarsndon. 
 
 T.I.paj 7 . 
 
 admitted into very near places of counfel and authority about 
 him, who have been favourers of Popery , fuperjlition and in¬ 
 novation ; fubverters of Religion , honour , and jujlice ; fac¬ 
 tors for promoting the defigns of foreign Princes and States, 
 to the great apparent danger of his Royal perfon , crown , 
 and dignity , and of all his people ; authors of falfe fcandals 
 - , , * rr cr* , 1 . • > and jealoufies betwixt his Majejly and his loyal Subjects : 
 
 that the Parliament had pofiefled themfelves of his Sove- enemies to the peace , union and confidence betwixt him and his 
 reignty, and appointed governors, commanders and officers, Parliament , which is the fur eft foundation of profberity and 
 in all places, which certainly was not done before the greatnefs to his Majejly, of comfort and hope to them • that 
 month of Oaober 1641 It muft be therefore that Rujh- by their counfels and endeavours, thofe great fans which 
 worth, who has mferted this Commiffion in his Colleftions, have been lately drawn from the People , have been either 
 had bad memoirs and little judgment, not to fee in this confumed unprofitably, or in the maintenance of fuch defigns 
 pretended Commiffion of the .ft of October .641, things as have been mifehievous and dejlrutlive to the State ; and 
 which happened not till the next year 1642. However it whilfl we have been labouring to fupport his Majefty, to 
 is true, the Irijh. boafted of having the King’s Commif- purge out the corruption, and refiorc the decay's both of 
 
 fion. But it is pretended they forged it themfelves, and 
 faftned to it an impreffion of the Great-Seal, taken from 
 fome grant or patent (1). 
 
 Be this as it will, the pretenfion of the Irijh that they 
 had the King’s and Queen’s authority, was of very ill con 
 
 Church and State, others of their fadiion and party have 
 been contriving by violence and force to fupprefs the liberty of 
 Parliament (2), and endanger the fafety of thofe who have 
 oppofed fuch wicked and pernicious courfes. 
 
 - - ■ y This was properly a preparative to the Remonftrance of Great De- 
 
 lequence to the King. I here were but too many who the ftate of the Kingdom, which was to be brought into ^ a,C{ touc 
 had an ill opinion of his zeal for the Proteftant Religion, the Houfe the firft opportunity, and which v/as indeed read Z S 
 
 and thought him capable of being induced by the Queen’s the zzdof November. It met with fo ftrong oppofition, RuftwoTth. 
 
 follicitations to reftore the Catholick Religion in England, that the debates lafted from three in the afternoon till three lv P- 4*5* 
 
 Nation- 
 
 (1) It was an ImptefTton of the Broad Seal, which hung to a Patent, found by 0 Neat, in theCaflle of CbarUmount, at the taking of it. Nc/fin, Tom. II. ^* 
 
 ~ ^afons to prove the torgery of this Commiffion, may be added another, which Teems demonftrative The Commilfion is fuppolcd to be 
 
 j .... t jj e enumeration of the King's Titles, England is named before Scoiland, which doubtlefs, 
 
 ■To thefe 
 
 under the Great Seal of Scitland, and 
 
 writings publifhed by Authority in that Kingdom. Bef re the late Union in Queen Ann\ Reign, the King's conftanl Title in all the Smlcb Publick Ads 
 
 . . . .. England, See. King. This Obfervation was communicated by Mr. ArbuJie of Dub/m. - Rujbwcib obferves, That the words of the 
 
 fhew the villainous pradice of the Authors, and its bare recital a fufficient refutation and detedion of the unparallclled Forg-ry. 
 
 Commilfion are enough 
 Tom. 4. p- 400. Sec Bcrlajc 
 
 (2) Alluding to the Confpiracy to feduce the Army. Papin. 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 0S8 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1641. 
 
 ii, the morning (r). Many thought it needlefs to reproach 
 the King with grievances, to the redrefs whereof he had 
 without follicitation given a full confent, and that befides 
 the ufelefliiefs of the Remonftrance, it would ferve only to 
 open old wounds, to which a cure had been applied, and 
 infallibly make the breach wider between the King and 
 Parliament. But this very reafon was precifely that which 
 excited the others to catife the Remonftrance to be ap¬ 
 proved, becaufe they wanted a difiention between the King 
 and Parliament, in order to obtain the confent of both 
 Houfes to the diminution of the Regal Power. I do not 
 pretend to determine, whether the defign of difabling the 
 King from governing for the future as he had done during 
 fifteen years, was in itfelf juft, or neceffary for the wel¬ 
 fare of the Kingdom. But it can hardly be denied that 
 the reafons by which it was fupported were very plaufible. 
 I will not affirm that they who formed it or prefled the 
 execution had only in view their Country’s good ; as on 
 the other hand, I do not fee what fecurity they could have, 
 who were for leaving the King in pofteffion ot the fame 
 power he had before enjoyed. However this be, the 
 Remonftrance was as a fort of criterion which was to 
 fhow which of the two parties fhould prevail, and withal 
 to decide in fome meafure the fate of the King’s affairs. 
 It pa/Tei by In fhort, after a debate of twelve hours, it was carried by a 
 plurality of nine voices only that the Remonftrance fhould 
 
 1 , it OT&T'd 
 
 *» he pnn- 
 
 Tre K.ng 
 Scotland, 
 
 Ihc Earl of 
 EfleX re. 
 
 Cmmijfion, 
 
 641 
 
 prefented a memorial to the King, containing the reafons 
 why they defired a Guard, adding, they would not have 
 it under the command of any perfon not oliofen by them- 
 felves. But as their reafons were founded upon very im¬ 
 probable fuppofttions, they were ineffectual. 
 
 The Commons infilled no farther on this fubjeCt, but c t 
 within a few days, fent a Committee, to prelent to the f'-ff. 
 King, then at Hampton-Court, the Remonftrance, with a ,, . t 
 
 Petition. This was, as it were, the Alarm of the difeord R»(W 
 between the King and the Parliament, as his enemies had 
 plainly forefeen. I think it neceffary to infert here what i-.ii - 
 pafled with refpeCt to this Remonftance, which was attend¬ 
 ed with fuch confequcnces, the Report of the Committee 
 fent to the King, the Petition of the Houfe, with the Re¬ 
 monftrance itfelf, on which I (hall make fome remarks, 
 to enable the Reader to judge of what is juft and true, 
 and what difguifed or aggravated. 
 
 T.'i 0.147. b e prefented to his Majefty. The Lord Clarendon fays, 
 “ It was carried by the hour of the night, which drove a- 
 
 way a greater number of old and infirm oppofers than 
 “ would have made thofe of the Negative fuperior in num- 
 “ ber.” But this reafon to me appears weak. For it 
 might be alledged to fhow the Remonftrance would have 
 paffed by more than nine voices, if ieveral of thofe who 
 were for it had not left the Houfe. For how could in¬ 
 firmity or fatigue produce a greater efteCt upon one party 
 than upon the other (2) ? 
 
 This refolution was no fooner taken but Mr. Hampden, 
 who was of the victorious party, moved for the immediate 
 •ndoii, printing of the Remonftrance, not thinking it neceftary 
 0 :+G to communicate it to the Lords, fince it ran only in the 
 name of the Commons. His defign was, that it fhould 
 be difperfed among the People to excite them againft the 
 King, which was alfo the intention of his whole party. 
 This motion, which was contrary to cuftom, fince the 
 Remonftrance fhould have been at leaft prefented to the 
 King, before the publication was deliberated, produced a 
 violent debate in the Houfe, every one plainly perceiving 
 the confequencc. But at laft, the fame party that pre¬ 
 vailed in the firft, prevailed likewife in the fecond queftion, 
 
 , 9 and the Remonftrance was ordered to be printed. Some 
 woithl of the oppofers offered to enter a proteftation againft it, 
 p. 41S. 5 u t as it was not the cuftom of the Houfe to admit of pro- 
 teftations, Mr. Palmer , who firft cried, I do protejl , was 
 fent to the Tower, but was releafed within a few days, 
 and took his place again in the Houfe. 
 
 Three days after, namely, the 25th of November , the 
 m King being returned from Scotland { 3), palled through the 
 city of London , and dined at Guild-Hall. He was re- 
 edwitb ceived in his capital with the fame demonftrations of joy, 
 y refpeSt refpedt and fubmiffion as were given on the like occaftons 
 hworth t0 his moft popular predecefiors j and had all reafon to be 
 p W 42g’, pleafed with the manner wherein every one ftrove to do 
 him honour. But the fatisfaCtion he received from thefe 
 i°p’ 6 - 5 . publick demonftrations of the affe&ion of the Londoners , 
 lafted not long. 
 
 As foon as the King came to Whitehall, the Earl of EJ/ix 
 furrendered his Conimiffion of Captain-General of the South 
 part of the Kingdom into his hands ; and the next day the 
 King difmifl'ed the Guards given by the Earl to both Hou- 
 7 be Com- fes at their requeft. The Commons appeared difpleafed at 
 r: dej:rt i tj anc j defired the Lords to concur with them in petitioning 
 ’ll: the King, that the Guards might be continued till they 
 Cuurdt ' had fausfied his Majefty of the reafons, why a Guard was 
 neceffary. The Lords confented to it, and the Earl of 
 If ’arvjick, and the Lord Digby , were ordered to move his 
 the Ki rt . Majefty accordingly, but they could net prevail. The 
 fdfei it. King anfwered, he faw no reafon to continue the Guard ; 
 Kuihworth, tlut however, he would command the Earl of Dorfet, to 
 NVfon, 43+ ' appoint fome of the Train-Bands, only for a few days, to 
 T.n.p.GS4, wait on both Houfes, and if in that time he fhould be fa- 
 63 i- t.sfied there was juft reafon, he would continue them. He 
 ’ S perceived, that the aim of thofe who defired the continu¬ 
 ed. ance of the Guards, was only to cherifh the fears and 
 
 rjte Com- fufpicions of the people. Upon this anYwer, the Commons 
 
 Sir Ralph Hopton’r Report to the Houfe of Commons , of 
 
 what paffed at his prefenting the Petition and Remonjlrance 
 
 to the King. Dec. 1. 1641. 
 
 “ T T E faid, that the laft night, in the evening, he, sir Ralph 
 “ X X and thofe that accompanied him, came into Hamp- Hopton'i 
 “ ton-Court, where meeting with Sir Richard Wynn , he worth. 
 “ went in to his Majefty, 2nd gave him notice of our be- iy. p . 436, 
 “ ing there ; and within a quarter of an hour, the King 
 “ fent a Gentleman Ufher to call us in, with directions 
 « c for none to come in but ourfelves ; whereupon I did, 
 
 “ according to your order, and the reft with me, upon 
 “ our knees, prefent the Petition and Remonftrance, and 
 “ begun to read it kneeling, but his Majefty would not 
 “ permit that, but commanded us ail to rife, and fo I 
 “ read it. 
 
 “ The firft thing that his Majefty fpake at the reading 
 “ thereof, was to that part of the Petition, that charges a 
 “ malignant party to be about his Majefty, with a defign 
 “ to change Religion ; to which his Majefty with a hearty 
 “ fervency faid, The Devil take him, whofoever he be, that 
 “ has a defign to change Religion. Then I proceeded to 
 <c read on ; and when I came to that part of the Remon- 
 “ ftrance, of referving the Lands of the Rebels in Ire- 
 “ land toward the fuppreffing them : His Majefty fpake 
 “ and faid. We mujl not difpofe of the Bears-skin, till the 
 t( Bear be dead. 
 
 “ After the Petition was read, his Majefty faid, he de- 
 <c fired to ask us fome queftions ; but I anfwered, We 
 “ had no power to fpeak to any thing, but wherein we 
 “ had Commiffion ; then faid his Majefty, Doth the 
 
 tl Houfe intend to publifh this Declaration ? We faid, 
 
 “ we could not anfwer to it : Well then, faid his Ma- 
 “ jefty, I fuppofe you do not expefl a prefent anfwer to fo 
 “ long a Petition ; but this let me tell you , 1 have left 
 
 “ Scotland well in peace ; they are well fatisfed with me , 
 
 “ and I with them ; and though I fluid longer than 1 ex- 
 tc pc fled, I think if I had not gone, you had not been fo fort 
 “ rid of the Army : I fhall give you an anfwer to this buft - 
 tc nefs, with as much fpeed as the weight thereof will permit. 
 
 “ And fo was pleafed to give us his hand to kifs ; and 
 “ thereupon we took our leave, and afterwards Mr. Comp- 
 “ troller came to us with this meffage, that the King de- 
 fi fired there fhould be no publifhing of this Declaration, 
 
 “ till we had received his anfwer : We were all that 
 « night treated by Mr. Comptroller at fupper, and enter- 
 “ tained with great refpedt, and lodged by the King’s har- 
 “ binger.” 
 
 The Petition of the Houfe of Commons , which accompanies 
 the Remonjlrance of the 'State of the Kingdom, when it 
 ivas prefented to his Majejly at Hampton-Court. Dec. i. 
 1641. 
 
 Mofl gracious Sovereign , 
 
 <c \ T OUR Majefty’s moft humble and faithful Sub- 7 - Petition 
 “ X. je&s, the Commons in this prefent Parliament af- 
 “ fembled, do, with much thankfulnefs and joy, ac 
 “ knowledge, the great mercy and favour of God, in Jl’ u-e. 
 
 “ giving your Majefty a fafe and peaceable return out of j^hworth, 
 “ Scotland, into your Kingdom of England, where the k.,,,.., 
 
 “ preffing dangers and diftempers of the State, have cau- T.H 
 « fed us with much earneftnefs to defire the comfort of 
 “ your gracious prefence, and likewife the unity and juf- 
 cc tice of your Royal authority, to give more life and 
 “ power to the dutiful and loyal counfels and endeavours 
 “ of your Parliament, for the prevention of that imminent 
 
 ; The D?baif, fays si .K \. >ed till ten » 
 - 1 ill Ni , cauled 
 ha’, it the Remon Ilia nee had been rejected, he 
 
 next Morning. The Lord Clarendon fays, 
 the Verdin f * ftar-jed Jury, IVbtleloc 
 : ibid all he b d the next Morning, and n 
 
 m nine in the Morn : ng, till after twelve at NigH 
 p. 5 ( , Oliver Croimvell told the Lord Falkland 
 :r have feen England more." Clarendon, Tom. 1 
 
 nts; a.id Andrew '• 
 
 g up all Night caufed many through weaknefs c 
 rred the following Honours! 
 
 wearinefs to leave the Houfe; but does not fay they were of this or 
 
 •hr; K.ingJ'-m, hr con 1 
 
 :rd. Guitry'1 Mem p. 90. 
 
 Archibald Ciamfbel was C' 
 Jer Lm-ngflcn, Earl of C. 
 Cla endon, Tont, 1, p. 244. 
 
 e ted Marquifs of Argyle ; General LeJI/y 
 e: ar : the Laiids of l udo ... d Arh;. Imi, 
 
Book XX. 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 389 
 
 “ ruin and definition wherein your Kingdoms of Eng- 
 “ land and Scotland a'e threatned. The duty which we 
 “ owe to your Majefty, and our Country, cannot but 
 “ make us very fenliblc and apprehenfive, that the mul- 
 “ tiplicity, (harpnefs, and malignity of thofe evils under 
 “ which we have now many years fuffered, are fomented 
 “ and cherifhed by a corrupt and ill-affefted Party, who, 
 “ amongft other their mifchievous devices for the alteration 
 « e of Religion and Government, have fought by many 
 “ falfe fcandals and imputations, cunningly infinuated and 
 “ difperfed among the People, to blcmifh and difgrace our 
 “ proceedings in this Parliament, and to get themfelves a 
 tc party and faftion amongft your Subjects, for the better 
 “ ftrcngthning themfelves in their wicked courfes, and 
 “ hindering thofe provifions and remedies, which might 
 “ by the wifdom of your Majefty, and counfel of your 
 “ Parliament, be oppofed againft them. 
 
 “ For preventing whereof, and the better information 
 “ of your Majefty, your Peers, and all other your loyal 
 ‘1 Subjects, we have been neceflitated to make a declaration 
 *« of the ftate of the Kingdom, both before and ftnee the 
 “ affembly of this Parliament, unto this time, which we 
 “ do humbly prefent to your Majefty, without the leaft 
 “ intention to lay any blemifh upon your Royal perfon, 
 “ but only to reprefent how your Royal authority and truft 
 « have been abufed, to the great prejudice and danger of 
 <c your Majefty, and all your good Subjedts. (1.) 
 
 Remark (1.) The defign of this Declaration or Re- 
 monftrance was not to inform the King, as the Commons 
 allured him, but folely to make their apology, and exafpe- 
 rate the People againft him. Firft, the Remonftrance is 
 not diredted to the King, and he is always mentioned in 
 the third perfon. Secondly, the Commons voted that the 
 Remonftrance fhould be printed, before they had received 
 :iny anfwer from the King, and publifhed it againft his 
 will. So what they fay at the dofe of this article is all 
 a flourifh, without one word of truth. 
 
 14 And becaufe we have reafon to believe, that thofe 
 <c malignant parties, whofe proceedings evidently appear to 
 “ be mainly for the advantage and increafe of Popery, are 
 “ compofed, fet up and adted by the fubtle practice of the 
 tc Jefuits, and other engineers and fadtors for Rome, to 
 11 the great danger of this Kingdom, and moft grievous 
 “ affliction of your loyal Subjects, have fo far prevailed, 
 “ as to corrupt divers of your Biftiops and others in prime 
 “ places of the Church, (2.) and alfo to bring divers of 
 “ thefe Inftruments to be of your Privy-Council, (3.) and 
 “ other employments of truft and nearnefs about your 
 “ Majefty, the Prince, and the reft of your Royal 
 <c children. 
 
 Rem. (2.) The Commons pointed at Laud Archbi- 
 fhop of Canterbury, Neil (a) Bifiiop of IVincheJler, IVrcn 
 Bifhop of Ely, Cojins Dean of Peterborough. 
 
 Rem. (3.) As IVindebank Secretary of State, and fome 
 others. 
 
 “ And by this means have had fuch an operation in 
 tc your Council, and the moft important affairs and pro- 
 “ ceedings of your Government, that a moft dangerous 
 “ divifion, and chargeable preparation for war betwixt your 
 “ Kingdoms of England and Scotland, the increafe of jea- 
 44 loufies betwixt your Majefty and your moft obedient 
 £t Subjects, the violent diftradtion and interruption of this 
 “ Parliament, the infurredtion of the Papifts in your 
 “ Kingdom of Ireland, and bloody maffacre of your Peo- 
 ct pie, have been not only endeavoured and attempted, but 
 et in a great meafure compaffed and effedted. 
 
 44 For preventing the final accomplifhment whereof, 
 44 your poor fubjedts are enforced to engage their perfons 
 
 and eftates, to the maintaining of a very expenceful and 
 “ dangerous war, notwithftanding they have already, fince 
 “ the beginning of this Parliament, undergone the charge 
 44 of 150000 /. Sterling, or thereabouts, for the necef- 
 4t fary fupport and fupply of your Majefty in thefe prefent 
 44 and perilous defigns. And becaufe all our moft faithful 
 44 endeavours and engagements will be ineffectual for the 
 44 peace, fafety, and prefervation of your Majefty and 
 44 your People, if fome prefent, real, and effectual courfe 
 tc be not taken, for fupprefflng this wicked and malignant 
 
 “ P art y- 
 
 “ We your Majefty’s moft humble and obedient Sub- 
 44 jeCts, do with all faithfulnefs and humility befeech your 
 44 Majefty : 1. That you would be gracioufly pleafed to 
 44 concur with the humble defires of your People in a 
 44 parliamentary way, (4) for the preferving the peace and 
 44 fafety of the Kingdom from the malicious defigns of the 
 44 popifh party. 
 
 Rem. (4.; That is to fay, by confenting to the Bills 
 which fhould be prefented to him. 
 
 44 P'or depriving the Bifhops of their votes in Parlia- 
 
 “ ment, (5.) and abridging their immoderate power ufur- 
 “ ped over the Clergy, and other your good SubjeCts, 
 “ which they have pernicioufly abufed, to the hazard of 
 “ Religion, and great prejudice and opprefflon of the Laws 
 “ of the Kingdom, and juft liberty of your People. 
 
 Rem. (5.) The Commons were not fatisfied with de¬ 
 firing that the Bifhops, whom they fuppofed guilty of the 
 defign to countenance Popeiy, fhould be punifhed, but 
 took occafion from thence to inflidt a penalty on the whole 
 Bench, by depriving them of the privilege of fitting in 
 Parliament. 
 
 “ For the taking away fuch opprefflons in Religion, 
 “ Church-Government and difeipline, as have been brought 
 “ in and fomented by them. For uniting all fuch your 
 “ loyal SubjeCfs together, as join in the fame fundamental 
 “ truths againft the Papifts, by removing fome opprefflons 
 “ and unneceffary ceremonies, by which divers weak 
 44 confciences have been fcrupled, and feem to be divided 
 “ from the reft, (6.) and for the due execution of thofe 
 “ good laws, which have been made for fecuring the liberty 
 “ of your SubjeCts. 
 
 Rem. (6.) The meaning of which was, in the lan¬ 
 guage of the Commons or of their leaders, that he fhould 
 abolifh the Hierarchy and Book of Common-Prayer j but 
 they did not yet dare to fpeak out, and therefore covered 
 their intention under this exprefflon, by removing unnecejjary 
 ceremonies. 
 
 “ 2. That your Majefty will likewife be pleafed to 
 “ remove from your Council, all fuch as perfift to favour 
 “ and promote any of thofe preflures and corruptions 
 “ wherewith your People have been grieved; and that for 
 “ the future, your Majefty will vouchfafe to employ fuch 
 “ perfons in your great and publick affairs, and to take 
 44 fuch to be near you in places of truft, as your Parlia- 
 “ ment may have caufe to confide in ; that in your 
 “ princely goodnefs to your People, you will rejedt and 
 “ refufe all mediation and follicitation to the contrary, how 
 “ powerful and near foever. (7.) 
 
 Rem. (7.) Meaning the Queen. 
 
 44 That you will be pleafed to forbear to alienate any 
 “ of the forfeited and efeheated Lands in Ireland, which 
 “ fhall accrew to your Crown by reafon of this rebellion ; 
 “ that out of them the Crown may be the better fup- 
 44 ported, and fome fatisfaClion made to your Subjedts of 
 “ this Kingdom, for the great expcnces they are like to 
 44 undergo this war. 
 
 44 Which humble defires of ours being gracioufly fulfilled 
 “ by your Majefty, we will, by the blefflng and favour of 
 “ God, moft chearfully undergo the hazard and expences 
 44 of this War, and apply our felves to fuch other courfes 
 44 and counfels, as may fupport your royal eftate with 
 44 honour and plenty at home, with power and reputation 
 “ abroad, and by our loyal affeCtions, obedience, and fer- 
 “ vice, lay a fure and lafting foundation of the greatnefs 
 “ and profperity of your Majefty, and your royal pofterity 
 44 in future times. 
 
 A Remonjlrance of the State of the Kingdom, prefented to the 
 King from the Houfe of Commons, the firjl of December, 
 1641. 
 
 44 ^ | ' H E Commons in this prefent Parliament aflem- 
 44 A bled, having with much earneftnef; and faithful- 
 44 nefs of affedtion and zeal to the publick good of this 
 44 Kingdom, and his Majefty’s honour and fervice, for 
 44 the fpace of twelve months, wreftled with great dangers 
 44 and fears, the preffing miferies and calamities, the vari- 
 44 ous diftempers and diforders which had not only aflaulted, 
 “ but even overwhelmed and extinguifhed the liberty, 
 44 peace, and profperity of this Kingdom, the comfort and 
 “ hopes of all his Majefty’s good Subjects, and exceedingly 
 “ weakened and undermined the foundation and ftrength 
 “ of his own royal throne, 
 
 “ Do yet find an abounding malignity and oppofition in 
 <£ thofe parties and fa&ions who have been the caufe ot 
 “ thofe evils, and do ftill labour to caft afperfions upon 
 “ that which hath been done, and to raife many difficul- 
 <c ties for the hindrance of that which remains yet undone, 
 “ and to foment jealoufies betwixt the King and Parlia- 
 “ ment, that fo they may deprive him and his People of 
 “ the fruit of his own gracious intentions, and their hum- 
 “ ble defires of procuring the publick peace, fafety, and 
 “ happinefs of this realm : For the preventing of thofe mi- 
 “ ferable effedts, which fuch malicious endeavours may pr»- 
 “ duce, we have thought good to declare : (1.) 
 
 Remark (i.) This was all flourifh, and a pretence 
 ufed by the Commons, to have an occafion to publifh this 
 Remonftrance, which was refolved upon at the very be - 
 ginning of the Parliament, before any one thought of 
 blaming their condudt. 
 
 1641 
 
 ^,7) A'ft/was trandattd from IP'incbt/ler to Tori in 163*, in which honour he died, three days before the Long-Parliament was opened- 
 
 No. 63. Vo l. II. 5 F 
 
 “ The 
 
16,,!, 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 '1 :ie root and growth of thefe mifchievous deftgns. 
 
 “ The maturity and ripenefs to which they have at- 
 “ t.jiiif'd bcfote the beginning of the Parliament. 
 
 l - The effectual means which have been ufed for the ex- 
 “ tirpat ion of thofe dangerous evils, and the progrefs which 
 
 hath therein been made by his Majeffy’s goodnefs, and 
 44 the widiom of the Parliament. 
 
 “ The wavs of obftruction and oppofition, by which 
 44 that progrefs hath been interrupted. 
 
 “ The courfe* to be taken for the removing thofe obfta- 
 “ cies, and for the accomplifhing of our moil: dutiful and 
 44 faithful intentions and endeavours of reftoring and efta- 
 “ blif’iing the antient honour, greatnefs, and fecurity of 
 44 this Crown and Nation. 
 
 44 The root of all this mifehief we find to be a malig- 
 *- mt and pernicious defign of fubverting the fundamen- 
 4 ‘ : .1 laws and principles of Government, upon which the 
 “ Religion and Juftice of this Kingdom are firmly efta- 
 “ bli filed. The a&ors and promoters hereof have been, 
 
 “ i. The Jefuited Papifts, who hate the laws, as they 
 44 are the obftacles of that change and fubverfion of Reli- 
 44 gion, which they fo much long for. 
 
 “ 2. The Bifhops, and the corrupt part of the Clergy, 
 “ who cherifh formality and fuperftition, as the natural 
 44 efteeb, and more probable fupports of their own eccle- 
 44 ibftical tyranny and ufurpation. 
 
 “ 3. Such counfellors and courtiers, as, for private ends, 
 44 have engaged theml’elves to further the interefts of fome 
 44 foreign Princes, or States, to the prejudice of his Ma- 
 tC jelly, and the State at home. 
 
 “ The common principles by which they moulded and 
 X( governed all their particular counfels and actions were 
 u thefe. 
 
 Firft, to maintain continual differences and difeontents 
 “ betwixt the King and the people, upon queftions of pre- 
 “ rogative and liberty, that fo they might have the ad- 
 4w vantage of fiding with him, and under the notions of 
 u men aJdiCted to his fervice, gain to thcmfelves and their 
 “ parties the places of the greatell truft and power in the 
 44 Kingdom, (a.) 
 
 R i M. (a,) It is certain, this was the way Archbilhop 
 Laud-, and the Arminian Party grew powerful at Court. 
 
 “ A lecond, to fupprefs the purity and power of Reli- 
 44 gion, and luch perlbns as were beft afteCted to it, as be- 
 “ ing contrary to their own ends, and the greateft impe- 
 “ dime or to that change which they thought to introduce. 
 
 “ A third, to conjoin thofe parties of the Kingdom 
 • 4 which were moft propitious to their own ends, and to 
 14 divide thofe who were moft oppofite, which confifted in 
 44 many particular obfervations. 
 
 “ To cherifh the Arminian party in thofe points, where- 
 44 in they agree with the Papifts to multiply and enlarge 
 44 the difference between the common Proteftants, and 
 44 thofe whom they call Puritans, to introduce and coun- 
 “ tenance fuch opinions and ceremonies as are fitteft for 
 14 accommodation with Popery, to increafe and maintain 
 44 ignorance, loofenefs, and prophanenefs in the people. 
 
 44 That of thofe three parties, Papifts, Arminians , and 
 ‘ 4 Libertines, they might compofe a body fit to aCt fuch 
 44 counfels and refolutio.ns, as were moft conducible to their 
 44 own ends. 
 
 A fourth, to difaffeCl the King to Parliaments by flan- 
 tc ders and falfe imputations, and bv putting them upon 
 44 other ways of fupply, which in fhew and appearance 
 ct were fuller of advantage than the ordinary courfe of fub- 
 44 fidies, though in truth they brought more lofs than gain 
 “ both to the King and people, and have caufed the great 
 “ diftra&ions under which we both fuffer. 
 
 44 As in all compounded bodies the operations are qualifi- 
 44 ed according to the predominant element, fo in this 
 44 mixt party, the jefuited counfels being moft active and 
 44 prevailing, may eafily be difeovered to have had the 
 “ greateft fway in all their determinations, and if they 
 ‘ 4 be not prevented, are likely to devour the reft, or to 
 u turn them into their own nature. 
 
 “ In the beginning of his Majefty’s Reign, the Party 
 14 begun to revive and flourilh again, having been fome- 
 “ what dampt by the breach with Spain in the laft year of 
 44 King "James , and by his Majefty’s marriage with France ; 
 
 44 the interefts and counfels of that ftate being not fo con- 
 44 trary to the good of Religion, and the profperity of this 
 “ Kingdom, as thofe of Spain ; and the Papifts of Eng- 
 44 land having been ever more addicted to Spain than 
 44 France , yet they ftill retained a purpofe and refolution 
 ‘ c to weaken the Proteftant parties in all parts, and even 
 et in France , whereby to make way for the change of Re- 
 “ ligion, which they intended at home. 
 
 44 i. The firft effeCl and evidence of their recovery and 
 41 ftrength, was the diffolution of the Parliament at Ox - 
 44 ford . after there had been given two Subfidies to his Ma- 
 “ jeftv, and before they received relief in any one grie- 
 44 vanev, many other more miferable effects followed. 
 
 of ENGL A N D. Vol. If. 
 
 44 2. The lofs of the R-uhd fleet, by the I,alp of our flfip- 14 
 “ ping, fet forth and delivered over to the l rencl\ in op- 
 “ pofition to the advice of Parliament, (3.) which left that 
 44 town without defence by fea, and made wav, not on I \ 
 
 ‘ c to the lofs of that impurtant place, but likewife to the 
 “ lofs of all the ftrength and fecurity of the Proteftant Re 
 “ ligion in France. 
 
 Rem. (3.) It cannot properly be laid that the fever*. 
 
 Ihips lent by Charles I. to the King of France were deli 
 vered to the French , in oppofition to the advice of Parlia¬ 
 ment, fince the thing was done before the Parliament v\a, 
 acquainted with it. It is likewife a great aggravation, to 
 impute the lofs of the Rachel fleet, and of Rac'd itlclf, to 
 the aid of the feven Englijh Ihips, which the Mariners of 
 that Nation had deferted. 
 
 “ 3. The diverting his Majefty’s courfe of wars from 
 c< the JVeJt-Indies-, which was the moft facile and hopeful 
 44 way for this Kingdom to prevail againft the Spaniard, , 
 
 44 to an expenceful and unfuccefsful attempt upon Ca!, , 
 
 44 which was fo ordered as if it had rather been intended to 
 44 make us weary of war, than to profper if. (4.) 
 
 R e m. (4.) This Accufation feems a little too far-fetch 
 ed, fince Elizabeth had taken both courfes with fuccef- 
 
 44 4. The precipitate breach with France , bv taking il 1; 
 
 44 Ihips to a great value, without making recompence :< 
 
 44 the Englijh , whofe goods were thereupon unbarred, and 
 44 confifcate in that Kingdom. 
 
 44 5. The peace with Spain , without confent of Parlia- 
 44 ment, contrary to the promife of King James to both 
 44 Houfes, whereby the Palatine's caufewas deferted and left 
 44 to chargeable and hopelefs treaties, which, for the moft 
 44 part, were managed by thofe, who might juftly be fuf- 
 44 pe&ed to be no friends to that caufe. (5.) 
 
 R e M. (5.) This Article contains three Accufations a- 
 gainft the King, 1. of making peace with Spain without 
 confent of Parliament; 2. of negle&ing, in this peace, the 
 intereft of the EleClor Palatine. 3. of treating of that 
 Prince’s affairs by fufpected perfons. As to the firft, it is 
 true, King James had promifed not to make peace with 
 Spain without the Parliament’s approbation : But it was at 
 a time when the Parliament began to fupply him with mo 
 ney for the war, and ingaged to enable him to continue it 
 But the face of affairs was changed, when Charles I. made 
 peace. As to the fecond charge of neglecting the caufe of 
 the Elector Palatine, it is properly a cavil, for the King, 
 having no money to continue the war againft Spain , was 
 not in condition to fupport the Elector’s caufe. All that 
 can be faid, is, that he would have had money from the 
 Parliament, had he been willing to redrefs the grievance*. 
 
 I am ignorant of the foundation of the third accufation. 
 
 44 6. The charging of the Kingdom with billeted So!- 
 44 diers in all parts of it, and that concomitant deiign of 
 44 German Horfe, that the Land might either fubmit with 
 44 fear, or be enforced with rigour to fuch arbitrary con- 
 44 tributions as Ihould be required of them. (6.) 
 
 R E M. (6.) Thefe two accufations are unanfwerable. 
 
 There was but too much reafon to believe, that this was 
 done on purpolc to eftablilh an arbitrary Government. 
 
 44 7. The diffolving of the Parliament in the fecond 
 44 year of his Majefty’s reign, after a declaration of their 
 44 intent to grant five fubfidies. (7.) 
 
 Rem. (7.) This Parliament was diffolved to fave the 
 Duke of Buckingham. 
 
 44 8. The exaCIing of the like proportion of five fubfi- 
 44 dies after the Parliament was diffolved, by commilfion 
 44 of Loan; and divers Gentlemen and others imprifoned 
 44 for not yielding to pay that Loan, whereby many of 
 44 them contracted fuch iickneffes as coft them their live*;. 
 
 41 9. Great fums of money required and railed by Pii- 
 44 vy-Seals. (8.) 
 
 Rem. (8.) Thefe articles were notorioufly true. There 
 is no juftifying them, but by afferting, the King had a 
 right to do whatever he did. But that is a great quef- 
 tion. 
 
 44 ro. An unjuft and pernicious attempt to extort great 
 44 payments from the SubjeCt by way of Excife, and a 
 44 commilfion iffued under the Seal for that purpofe. 
 
 44 11. The Petition of Right, which was granted in 
 44 full Parliament, blafted, with an illegal declaration to 
 44 make it deftruClive to itfelf, to the power of Parliament, 
 
 44 to the liberty of the SubjeCt, and to that purpofe print- 
 44 ed with it; and the Petition made of no ufe but to Ihew 
 44 the bold and prefumptuous injufticc of fuch Minifters as 
 44 durft break the Laws, and fupprefs the liberties of the 
 44 Kingdom, after they had beep fo folemnly and evident- 
 44 ly declared. 
 
 44 12. Another Parliament diffolved 4. Car. ; the pri- 
 44 vilege of Parliament broken, by imprifoning divers 
 4 ‘ Members of the Houfe, detaining them clofe prifoners 
 44 for many months together, without the liberty of ufing 
 44 books, pen, ink, or paper, denying them all the com- 
 44 forts of life, all means of prefervation of health, not 
 
 • 4 permitting 
 
Book XX. 
 
 |j, tc permitting their wives to come to them, even in time 
 “ of tbeir ficknefs. 
 
 “ 13. And for the compleating that cruelty, after ma¬ 
 lt ny years fpent in fuch miferable durance, depriving 
 “ them of the neceflary means of fpiritual confolation ; not 
 “ fuffering them to go abroad to enjoy God’s ordinances 
 “ in God’s houfe, or God’s Minifters to come to them to 
 “ minifter comfort to them in their private chambers. 
 
 “ 14. And to keep them ftill in this opprefted condition, 
 “ not admitting them to be bailed according to law, yet 
 ,c vexing them with informations in inferior Courts, fen- 
 “ fencing and fining fome of them for matters done in 
 “ Parliament ; and extorting the payments of thofe fines 
 “ from them, enforcing others to put in fecurity of good 
 “ behaviour before they could be releafed. 
 
 “ 15. The imprifonment of the reft, which refufed to 
 “ be bound, ftill continued, which might have beeen per- 
 “ petual, if neceftity had not the laft year brought another 
 “ Parliament to relieve them, of whom one («) died, by 
 “ the cruelty and harfhnefs of his imprifonment, which 
 ‘ c would admit of no relaxation, notwithftanding the emi- 
 “ nent danger of his life did fufficiently appear by the decla- 
 “ ration of his Phyfician. And his releafe, or at leaft his 
 tC refreftmient, was fought by many humble Petitions. 
 “ And his blood ftill cries either for vengeance or repent- 
 ance, of thofe Adinifters of ftate who have at once ob- 
 “ ftrudted the courfe both of his Majefty’s juftice and rner- 
 
 “ <r- (9 ) 
 
 R e m. (9.) The rigour exercifed upon thefe Members 
 of Parliament is one of the ftrongeft proofs of the defign 
 to eftablil’n arbitrary power. And therefore the Commons 
 largely infift upon this article. 
 
 “ 16. Upon the diflblution of both thefe Parliaments, 
 “ untrue and fcandalous declarations were publifhed to af- 
 “ pe'rfe their proceedings, and fome of their Members, 
 “ unjuftly ; to make them odious, and colour the violence 
 “ which was ufed againft them. (10.) Proclamations fet 
 ‘ e out to the fame purpofe ; and to the great dejecting the 
 “ hearts of the people, forbidding them even to fpeak of 
 <c Parliaments. 
 
 Rf.m. (10.) If by thefe Declarations are meant, thofe 
 publifhed to fignify the caufes of the diflblution of thefe 
 Parliaments, it may be faid, that the Commons fwerved 
 from the refpedt due to the King, by terming them untrue 
 and fcandalous, fince they were publifhed in his name. 
 
 “ 17. After the breach of the Parliament in the fourth of 
 <c his Majefty, injuftice, oppreffion and violence, broke in 
 tl upon us, without any reftraint or moderation, and yet 
 “ the firft project was the great fums exacted through the 
 “ whole Kingdom, for default of Knighthood, which feem- 
 <c ed to have fome colour and fhadow of a Law, yet if it 
 “ be rightly examined by that obfolete Law which was 
 <c pretended for it, it will be found to be againft all the 
 “ rules of juftice, both in refpedt of the perfons charged, 
 tC the proportion of the fines demanded, and the abfurd 
 “ and unreafonable manner of their proceedings. 
 
 t; 18. Tunnage and Poundage hath been received with- 
 out colour or pretence of Law : Many other heavy 
 “ impofitions continued againft Law; and fome fo unrea- 
 “ fonable, that the fum of the charge exceeds the value of 
 “ the goods. 
 
 “ 19. The book of Rates lately inhanced to a high 
 portion ; and luch merchants that would not fubmit to 
 ‘ £ their illegal and unreafonable payments, were vexed and 
 ‘ £ opprefled above meafure ; and the ordinary courfe of 
 <c juftice, the common birth-right of the Subjedb of Eng- 
 <c land , wholly obftrudled and taken from them. 
 
 “ 20. And although this was taken on pretence of 
 tc guarding the feas, yet a new and unheard of tax of 
 tc Ship-money was devifed, and upon the fame pretence. 
 “ By both which there was charged upon the Subject near 
 tC 700,000 /. fome years ; and yet the Merchants have been 
 “ left fo naked to the violence of the Turkijh pyrates, 
 “ that many great fliips of value, and thoufands of his 
 “ Majefty’s Subjects, have been taken by them, and do ftill 
 “ remain in miferable flavery. 
 
 “21. The enlargement of Forefts, contrary to Charta 
 “ de Forejla , and the compofition thereupon. 
 
 tc 22. The exadlions of Coat and Conduit money, and 
 <c divers other military charges. (11.) 
 
 Rem. (ii.) The King being engaged in a war againft 
 Scotland , ordered that every County fliould find a certain 
 number of foldiers, and cloath and pay them, till they 
 came to the place of the general rendezvous, on condition 
 of being repaid another time. On this pretence it was 
 agreed with the Counties, that they fhduld fupply the King 
 with a certain fum proportionable to the number of foldiers 
 each County was to cloath and pay, for which the King 
 took the whole charge upon himfelf. This was called 
 Coat and Condudl-monev, that is to fay, money for cloath- 
 
 39 1 
 
 ing and conducing the Troops. But this money was never 1641. 
 reftored. 
 
 “ 23- The taking away the arms of the Trained- 
 “ bands of divers Counties. (12.) 
 
 R E M. (i z.) The King intending to make a magazine 
 of arms in the Caftle of Edinburgh , found no fpeedier 
 way than to take, in fome Counties, the arms of the Mi¬ 
 litia, and fend them to Scotland. But it was pretended, 
 that at the fame time, his defign was to difarm, under that 
 pretence, fuch perfons as were not well-affedted to him. 
 Accordingly, this is infinuated by the Remonftrance, in the 
 following article concerning Powder. 
 
 “ 24. The defperate defign of engrofling all the Gun- 
 “ powder into one hand, keeping it in the Tower of 
 “ London , and Jetting fo high a rate upon it, that the 
 <c poorer fort were not able to buy it; nor could any have 
 “ it without licence ; thereby to leave the feveral parts of 
 “ the Kingdom deftitute of their neceflary defence ; and 
 “ by felling fo dear that which was fold, to make an un- 
 “ lawful advantage of it, to the great charge and detriment 
 “ of the Subjeft. 
 
 “ 25. The general deftrudion of the King’s Timber, 
 
 “ efpecially that in the Foreft of Dean , fold to Papifts, 
 
 “ which was the beft ftore-houfe of this Kingdom for the 
 “ maintenance of our {hipping. (13.) 
 
 Rem. (13.) Thefe points are perhaps a little aggra¬ 
 vated, at leaft in refpedt to the mptives and confequences. 
 
 ct 26. The taking away of men’s right under colour of 
 tc the King’s title to Land, between high and low water 
 “ marks. 
 
 “ 27. The monopolies of foap, fait, wine, leather, 
 
 “ fea-coal, and in a manner, of all things of moft ccm- 
 ** mon and neceflary ufe. 
 
 “ 28. The reftraint of the liberties of the Subjedts in 
 “ their habitations, trades, and other interefts. 
 
 “ 29. Their vexation and oppreflion by purveyors, 
 
 “ clerks of the market, and fait petre men. 
 
 “ 3 °- The fale of pretended nufances, buildings in and 
 {C about London. 
 
 “ 31. Converfion of arable into pafture, continuance of 
 “ pafture, under the name of Depopulation, have driven 
 “ many millions out of the Subjects purfes, without any 
 “ confiderable profit to his Majefty. (14.) 
 
 Rem. (14.) The woollen trade being the great fource 
 of the riches of England, the Subjects were enjoined by 
 feveral Statutes, not to change pafture into arable land, 
 for fear of leflening the flocks, and confequcntly the wool. 
 
 In King Charles' s reign, the offenders againft thefe Sta¬ 
 tutes were ftridtly inquired after, not with a view to hin¬ 
 der the abufes, but to authorize them by a compofition 
 with the King. 
 
 “ 32. Large quantities of common and feveral grounds 
 “ hath been taken from the Subject, by colour of the 
 “ Statute of improvement, and by abu’fe of the Com- 
 <e million of Sewers, without their confent, and aeair.ft 
 
 “ ('50 
 
 Rem. (15.) Commiflioners of Sewers arc- fuch as bv 
 authority under the Great Seal, fee drains and ditches well 
 kept and maintained in marfhy and fennv Countries, for 
 the better conveyance of the water into the fca, and pre- 
 ferving grafs upon the land for the feeding of flocks arid 
 herds. The Commons complain that this Commifliuri 
 was abufed. 
 
 ce 33. And not only private intereft, but alfo publick 
 tC faith hath been broken, in feizing of the money and 
 “ bullion in the mint, and the whole Kingdom like to be 
 “ robbed at once, in that abominable projedi of brais 
 tc money. (16.) 
 
 R E m. (16.) The King took but forty thoufand pounds 
 out of the Mint, which fum was afterwards repaid to the 
 Proprietors. 
 
 “ 34. Great numbers of his Majefty’s Subjedls; for re- 
 <c fufing thofe unlawful charges, have been vexed with 
 “ long and expenflve fuits ; fome fined and cer.l’ured, o- 
 <c thers committed to long and hard imprifonments and 
 “ confinements, to the lofs of health in many, of file in 
 ‘‘ fome; and others have had their houfes broken up, their 
 <c goods feized, fome have been reftrained from their law- 
 “ ful callings. 
 
 “ 35. Ships have been interrupted in their voyages, 
 
 “ furprized at fea in hoftile manner by projedtors, as by a 
 “ common enemy. 
 
 “ 36. Aderchants prohibited to unlade their goods in fuch 
 “ ports as were for their own advantage, and forced to 
 <c bring them to thofe places which were much for the 
 “ advantage of the monopolizers and proiedlors. 
 
 u 37. The Court of Star-Chamber hath abounded in 
 C( extravagant cenfures, not only for the maintenance 
 <c and improvement of monopolies, and other unlawful 
 “ taxes, but for divers other caufes, where there hath 
 
 25. CHARLES i. 
 
 It) Sir J(bn EMc\ 
 
 bfiJli 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 “ h ft offence, or very fmall ; whereby his Majefty’s 
 “ fubjech have been opprefled by grievous fines, impri- 
 “ fonments, ftigmatizing, mutilations, whippings, pillo- 
 “ ries, gag-, confinements, baniftimem-. ; after fc rigid a 
 “ manner, as hath not only deprived men of the fociety of 
 “ their friends, exercife of their profeffions, comfort of 
 “ books, ufe of paper and ink, but even violated that 
 “ near union which God hath eftablifhed betwixt men and 
 “ their wives by forced and conftrained reparation, whereby 
 “ they have been bereaved of the comfort and converfa- 
 “ tion one of another for many years together, without 
 “ hope of relief, if God had not, by his over-ruling Pro- 
 ** viJence, given fome interruption to the prevailing power 
 “ and counfel of thofe, who were the authors and promoters 
 “ of fuch peremptory and heady courfes. (17.) 
 
 Rem. (>“■) This whole article relates to the rigorous 
 treatment of Prynn , Bajhvick , and Burton , by the Star- 
 Chamber. 
 
 “ 38. Judges have been put out of their places for re- 
 “ fufing to do againft their oaths and confidences : others 
 lt have been fo awed that they durft not do their duties, 
 ct and the better to hold a rod over them, the claufe, 
 £htam diu fe bene gejferit , was left out of their Patents, 
 “ and a new claufe, Durante bene placito, inferted. 
 
 “ 39. Lawyers have been checked for being faithful to 
 “ their clients: follicitors and attorneys have been threatned, 
 “ and fome punifhed for following lawful fuits. And by 
 “ this means all the approaches to juftice were interrupted 
 and forecluded. 
 
 “ 40. New oaths have been forced upon the Subje£t a- 
 <c gainft law. 
 
 41. New judicatories ereifted without law. The 
 “ Council-table have by their orders offered to bind the 
 “ Subjects in their freeholds, eftates, fuits and actions. 
 
 “ 42. The pietended court of the Earl Marjbal was 
 “ arbitrary and illegal in its being and proceedings. 
 
 “ 43. The Chancery, Exchequer-Chamber, Court of 
 “ Wards, and other Englifh Courts, have been grievous in 
 “ exceeding their jurifilidtion. 
 
 “ 44. The eftate of many farmlies weakened, and fome 
 “ ruined by exceffive Fines, exadled from them for com- 
 “ pofitions of Wardfhips. 
 
 “ 45. All leafes of above one hundred years made to 
 “ draw on Watdfhip contrary to law. 
 
 “ 46. UnJue proceedings ufed in the finding of offices, 
 “ to make the Jury find for the King. 
 
 “ 47. The Common-Law Courts, feeing all men more 
 “ inclined to feek juftice there, where it may be fitted to 
 “ their own liefires, are known frequently to forfake the 
 “ rules of the Common-Law, and ftraying beyond their 
 “ bounds, under pretence of equity, to do injuftice. (18) 
 Rem. (18.) The Laws of England are divided into 
 Common-Law, and Statute-Law ; the firft is founded on 
 ancient cuftom, £sY. and the other on A£ls of Parliament . 
 From thefe Laws the Judges are not allowed to fwerve 
 either to the right or left (a) The Court of Chancery 
 only may in fome cafes judge according to equity. Now 
 the King’s Courts in taking upon them to judge according 
 to equitv, and not according to ftriift I/aw, had exceeded 
 their jurifdi&ion, in order to favour the Court. 
 
 “ 48. Titles of honour, judicial places, ferjeantfhips at 
 “ laws and other offices have been fold for great fums of 
 <l money ; whereby the common juftice of the Kingdom 
 “ hath been much endangered, not only by opening a 
 “ way of employment, in places of great truft and advan- 
 “ tage to men of weak parts, but alfo by giving occa- 
 “ lion to bribery, extortion, partiality ; it feldom hap- 
 kf pening that places ill-gotten are well ufed. (19.) 
 
 R f. \l. (19.) A Serjeant at Law [or of the Coif,] Ser- 
 viens ad legem-, is the higheft degree taken in that profef- 
 ifion, as that of Doctor is in the Civil Law. One Court 
 is peculiar to them, namely, the Court of Common-Pleas, 
 though they are nut reftrained from pleading in any other 
 Court. Out of thefe are chofen one or more King’s Ser¬ 
 jeants, to plead for him in all caufes, efpecially in thofe of 
 treafon {!>). 
 
 “ 49. Commiffions have been granted for examining 
 “ the exc.fs of Fees : And when great exa£tions have 
 “ been difeovered, compofitions have been made with De- 
 “ linquents, not only for the time paft, but likewife for 
 “ immunity, and fecurity in offending for the time to 
 come, which under colour of remedy, hath but con- 
 “ firmed and encreafed the Grievance to the Subjeft. 
 
 “ 50. The ufual courfe of pricking Sheriffs, not ob- 
 “ ferved, but many times Sheriffs made in an extraordi- 
 “ nary way, fometimes as a punilhment and charge unto 
 ti; them, (20.) fometimes fuch were pricked out as would 
 “ be inftruments to execute whatfoever they would have 
 “ to be done. 
 
 Rem. (20). To hinder them from being chofen to 16 
 ferve in Parliament, as Sir Edward Coke , [Sir Robert Phi¬ 
 lips-, and Sir Thomas Wentworth .] 
 
 “ 51. The Bifhops and the reft: of the Clergy, did 
 “ triumph in the fufpenfions, excommunications, depriva- 
 “ tions, and degradations of divers painful, learned, and 
 “ pious Minifters, in the vexation and grievous oppreffions 
 “ of great numbers of his Majefty’s good Subjects. 
 
 “ 52- The High-Commiffion grew to fuch excels of 
 “ Ibarpnefs and feverity, as was not much lefs than the 
 “ Rotnijh Inquifition, and yet in many cafes, by the Arch- 
 “ bilhop’s power, was made much more heavy, bein» 
 
 “ affifted and ftrengthened by authority of the Council- 
 4 ‘ table. 
 
 “ 53. The Bilhops and their Courts were as eager in 
 “ the country ; although their jurifdicfion could not reach 
 “ fo high in rigour and extremity of punilhment, yet 
 “ were they no lefs grievous in refpe£t of the generality 
 “ and multiplicity of vexations, which lighting upon the 
 “ meaner fort of tradefmen and artificers, did impoverifh 
 “ many thoufands ; 
 
 “ 54. And fo affli<ft and trouble others, that great num- 
 “ bers, to avoid their miferies, departed out of the King- 
 “ dom ; fome into New-England-, and other parts of Ante- 
 “ rica , others into Holland : 
 
 “ 5;. Where they have tranfported their manufa&ures 
 “ of cloth ; which is not only a lofs by diminilhing the 
 “ prefent ftock of the Kingdom, but a great mifehief by 
 “ impairing and endangering the lofs of that peculiar trade 
 “ of clothing, which hath been a plentiful fountain of 
 “ wealth and honour to this nation. 
 
 “ 36. Thofe were fitteft for Ecclefiaftical preferments, 
 
 “ and fooneft obtained it, who were moft officious in pro- 
 “ moting Superftition, moft virulent in railing againft god- 
 “ linefs and honefty. (21). 
 
 Rem. (21.) By thefe are to beunderftood fuch as were 
 moft incenfed againft Presbyterianifm. 
 
 “ 57. The moft publick and folemn fermons before his 
 “ Majefty, were, either to advance prerogative above 
 “ Law, and decry the property of the Subjecft, or full of 
 “ fuch kind of inve&ives ; 
 
 “ 5 8 - Whereby they might make thofe odious who 
 ic fought to maintain the Religion, Laws, and Liberties 
 “ of the Kingdom ; and fuch men were fure to be weeded 
 “ out of the Commiffion of the Peace, and out of all o- 
 “ ther employments of power in the government of the 
 “ Country. 
 
 “ 59. Many noble perfons were Counfellors in name, 
 
 “ but the power and authority remained in a few of fuch 
 ‘ c as were moft addicted to this party : whofe refolutions 
 “ and determinations were brought to the Table for coun- 
 “ tenance and execution, and not for debate and delibe- 
 “ ration ; and no man could offer to oppofe them without 
 ** difgrace and hazard to himfelf. 
 
 “ 60. Nay, all thofe that did not wholly concur, and 
 “ actively contribute to the furtherance of their defier ns, 
 
 “ though, otherwife, perfons of never fo great honour and 
 “ abilities, were fo lar from being employed in any place 
 “ of truft and power, that they were negle&ed, difeoun- 
 “ tenanced, and upon all occafions injured and oppreffed. 
 
 “ 6:. This faction was grown to that height and entire- 
 “ nefs of power, that now they began to think of finilh- 
 “ ing of their work, which confifted of thefe three parts. 
 
 “ 62. I. The Government muft be fet free from all 
 “ reftraint of Laws concerning our perfons and eftates. 
 
 “ 63. II. There muft be a conjunction betwixt Papifts 
 “ and Proteftants in do&rine, difeipline, and ceremonies, 
 
 “ only it muft not yet be called Poperw 
 
 lt 64. III. The Puritans, under which name they in- 
 “ elude all thofe that defire to preferve the Laws and 
 “ Liberties of the Kingdom, and to maintain Religion in 
 “ the power of it, muft be either rooted out of the" Kin^- 
 “ dom with force, or driven out with fear. 
 
 “ 65. For the effecting of this, it was thought neeef- 
 “ fary to reduce Scotland to fuch Popifh fuperftitions and 
 “ innovations, as might make them apt to join with E//c 
 “ land in that great change which w'as intended. 
 
 “ 66. Whereupon new Canons and a new Liturgy 
 <c were preft upon them ; and when they refufed to ad- 
 “ mit ol them, an army was railed to force them to it, 
 
 “ towards which the Clergy and the Papifts were very for- 
 “ ward in their contribution. 
 
 “ 67. The Scots likewife raifed an army for their de 
 <c fence. 
 
 “ 68. And when both armies were come together, and 
 “ ready for a bloody encounter, his Majefty’s own gracious 
 “ difpofition, and the counfel of the Englijh Kobililv, 2nd 
 “ dutiful fubmiffion of the Scots , did fo iar prevail againft 
 “ the evil counfel of others, that a Pacification was made. 
 
 (a) The Author in this Remark has confounded, in the Original, the Common and Statute Law, rrak.ng them to be the ;'/rr.:- 
 The Author has committed likewife fome mifiakca in this Remark, which are coite^Ind in the Ti-inlLciuu. 
 
 3 
 
Book XX. 
 
 1641. 
 
 2 5- 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 
 and Ills Majefty returned with peace and much honour 
 
 to London. 
 
 tk 69. The unexpe&ed reconciliation was molt accept- 
 ; able to all the Kingdom except to the malignant party j 
 1 whereof the Archbilhop and the Earl of Strafford being 
 1 heads, they and their fa&ion began to inveigh again It 
 ‘ the peace,’ and to aggravate the proceedings of the 
 ‘ States, which foincenfed his Majefty, that he forthwith 
 1 prepared again for war. 
 
 “ 70. And fuch was their confidence, that having cor- 
 ‘ rupted and diftempered the whole frame and government 
 « of the Kingdom, they did now hope to corrupt that 
 £ which was the only means to reftorealltoa rightframe 
 ‘ and temper again. 
 
 ■ “ 71. To which end they perfuaded his Majefty to call 
 ‘ a Parliament, not to feek counfel and advice of them, 
 
 4 but to draw countenance and fupply from them, and 
 4 to engage the whole Kingdom in their quarrel. 
 
 “ -z'. And in the mean time, continued all their un- 
 ‘ juft levies of money, refolving either to make the Par- 
 ‘ Jiament pliant to’their will, and to eftablilh mifehief 
 ‘ by a law, or elfe to break it, and with more colour to 
 ‘ go on by violence, to take what they could not obtain 
 * by confent. The ground alledged for the juftification of 
 4 this war was this : 
 
 “ 73. That the undutiful demands of the Parliaments 
 ‘ in Scotland was a fufficientreafon for his Majefty to take 
 ;t arms againft them, without hearing the reafon of thofe 
 
 I demands,and thereupon a new army was prepared againft 
 ‘ them ; their Ihips were feized in all parts both of Lng- 
 
 land and Ireland , and at fea ; their Petitions rejected, 
 14 their commilfioncrs refufed audience. 
 
 “ 74. This whole Kingdom moft miferably diftempered 
 u with levies of men and money ; and imprifonments of 
 44 thofe who denied to fubmit to thofe levies. 
 
 “75. The Earl of Strafford palled into Ireland, caufed 
 “ the Parliament there to declare againft the Scots, to give 
 14 four fublidies towards that war; and to engage themfelves, 
 
 II their lives and fortunes for the profecution of it; and 
 
 ; to manifeft the impudence of thofe who were authors 
 of it. 
 
 “ 83. A forced loan of money was attempted in the city 
 of London. 
 
 44 84. The Lord-mayor and Aldermen in their feveral 
 Wards, enjoined to bring in a lift of the names of fuch 
 perfons as they judged fit to lend, and of the fum they 
 lhould lend, and fuch Aldermen as refufed fo to do were 
 committed to prifon. 
 
 “ 85. The Archbifhop, and the other Bifliops and 
 Clergy continued the Convocation, and by a new com - 
 million turned it into a Provincial Synod, in which, 
 
 ' by an unheard-of preemption, they made Canons that 
 contain in them many matters, contrary to the King’s 
 ; Prerogative; to the fundamental Laws and Statutes of 
 ; the realm ; to the right of Parliaments ; to the property 
 and liberty of the Subject; and matters tending to fedi- 
 tion, and of dangerous confequence ; thereby ellablifli- 
 : ing their own ufurpations, juftifying their Altar-wor- 
 ; fhip, and thofe other fuperftitious innovations, which 
 ; they formerly introduced without warrant of Law. 
 
 “ 86. They impofed a new oath upon divers of his 
 : Majefty’s Subjects both Ecclefiaftical and Lay, for main-. 
 ; tenance of their own tyranny, and laid a great tax 
 c upon the Clergy for fupply of his Majefty, and gene- 
 ‘ rally they fhewed themfelves very affedtionate to the 
 ‘ war with Scotland , which was by fome of them ftiled 
 : Bellum Epifcopale, and a prayer compofed, and enjoined 
 4 to be read in Churches, calling the Scots rebels, to 
 4 put the two nations in blood, and make them irrecon- 
 4 cileable. 
 
 “ 87. All thofe pretended Canons and Conftitutions 
 4 were armed with the feveral cenfures of fufpenfion, cx- 
 4 communication, deprivation, by which they would have 
 4 thrulf out all the good Minilters, and moft of the 
 4 well-affedted people of the Kingdom, and left an eafy 
 4 paflage to their own defign of reconciliation with 
 4 Rome. (23). 
 
 Rem. (23). The Commons go doubtlefs too far, when 
 
 393 
 
 1641. 
 
 gave directions for an army of eight thoufand foot, and they impute to Lite whole Convocation of 16+0, the de- 
 one thoufand Hurfe, to be levied there, which were for fig" of reftoring Popery. This is not at all likely, Tup- 
 the moft part Papifts. pofing it were true, that fome of the Bifhops had formed 
 
 “ 76 The Parliament met upon the 13th of Jfril fuchaprojeft, which was never well proved (a). 
 
 1 640’ The Earl of Strafford, and Archbifhopof Cart- “ 8IJ._The Popifh party enjoyed fuch exemptions from 
 with their party, fo prevailed with his Majelty 
 
 . erbury, , ,. - . 
 
 44 that tne Houfe of Commons was prelied to yield aiup- 
 “ ply for maintenance of the war with Scotland, before 
 44 they had provided any relief for the great and prelfing 
 44 grievances ot tlie People ; which being againft the fun- 
 44 da mental privilege and proceeding of Parliament, was 
 44 yet in humble refpe&to his Majefty fo far admitted, as 
 44 that they agreed to take the matter of fupply into con- 
 44 lideration, and two feveral days it was debated. 
 
 44 77. Twelve Subfidies were demanded for the releafe 
 44 of Ship-money alone : A third day was appointed for 
 44 conclufion, when the heads of that party began to lear, 
 44 the People might clofe with the King, in fadsfying his 
 44 defires ot money : But that withal, they were like to 
 44 blaft their malicious defigns againft Scotland, finding 
 44 them very much indifpofed to give any countenance to 
 44 that war. 
 
 44 78. Thereupon they wickedly advifed the King to 
 44 break oft' the Parliament, and to return to the ways of 
 44 confufion, in which their own evil intentions were moft 
 44 like to profper and lucceed. (22). 
 
 Rem. (22). The Lord Clarendon, then a member of 
 the Houfe of Commons, affirms, that the Huufe was very 
 well inclined to fatisfy the King, it’ he would have had a 
 little patience, and that he repented afterwards his precipi¬ 
 tation. This confirms what is laid here, that the Parlia- 
 ment was diH'olved, for fome private ends of thofe who 
 moft influenced the King’s Council. 
 
 41 79. After the Parliament ended, the 5th of May 
 44 1640, this party grew fo bold, as to counlel the Kang 
 44 to fupply himfelf out of his Subje&s eftates, by his own 
 44 power, at his own will, without their confent. 
 
 44 80/The very next day, fome Members of both 
 44 Houfes had their ftudies and cabinets, yea their pockets 
 44 fearchcd : Another of them not long after was com- 
 44 mitted clofe prifoner, for not delivering fome Petitions 
 44 which he received by authority of that Houfe. 
 
 44 81. And if harfher courfes weie intended (as was rc- 
 44 ported) ic is very probable, that the licknefs of the Earl 
 44 of Strafford, and the tumultuous rifing in Soutlmmrk and 
 44 about Lambeth, were the caufes that luch violent inten- 
 44 tions were not brought to execution. 
 
 44 82. A lalfe and fcandalous declaration againft the 
 44 Houfe of Commons was publilhed in his Majefty’s name, 
 44 which yet wrought little effect with the People, but only 
 
 Penal Laws, as amounted to a Toleration, befides many 
 other encouragements and court-favours. 
 
 44 89. They had a Secretary of State, Sir Francis 
 IVindebank, a powerful agent for fpeeding all their de¬ 
 fires. 
 
 44 90. A Pope’s Nuncio refiding here, to a£t and go¬ 
 vern them according to fuch influences as he received 
 from Rome, and to intercede for them with the moft 
 powerful concurrence of the foreign Princes of that Re¬ 
 ligion. 
 
 44 91. By his authority the Papifts of all forts. Nobility, 
 Gentry, and Clergy were, convocated after the manner 
 of a Parliament. 
 
 44 92. New jurifdidlions were erected of Romijh Arch- 
 bifhops, taxes levied, another ftate moulded within this 
 ftate independent in Government, contrary in intereft 
 and affection, lecretly corrupting the ignorant or neg¬ 
 ligent profeftors of our Religion, and clofely uniting and 
 combining themfelves againlt luch as were found in this 
 pofture, waiting for an opportunity by force to deftroy 
 thofe whom they could not hope to feduce. 
 
 44 93. For the etfedting whereof, they were ftrength- 
 ned with arms and munition, encouraged by fuperfti¬ 
 tious prayers, enjoined by the Nuncio, to be weekly 
 made for the profperity of fome great delign. 
 
 44 94. And luch power had they at Court, that fecretly 
 a commiffion was iflued out, or intended to be iifued 
 to fome great man of that profellion, for the levying 
 of foldiers, and to command and employ them accord¬ 
 ing to private inflections, which we doubt were framed 
 for the advantage of thole who were the contrivers of 
 them. 
 
 44 93. His Majefty’s treafure wasconfumed, his revenue 
 anticipated. 
 
 44 96. His fervants and officers compelled to lend great 
 fums of money. 
 
 44 97. Multitudes were called to the Council-table, who 
 weie tiied with long attendances there for refilling ille¬ 
 gal payments. 
 
 44 98. The priions were filled with their commitments : 
 many of the Sheriffs fummoned into the Star-Cham¬ 
 ber ; and lume imprifoned for not being quick enough 
 in levying the Ship-money ; the peuple languilhed un¬ 
 der grief and fear 3 no vdible hope being left but in 
 defperation. 
 
 (a) It is obfervable, that this very Convocation confined Goodman, Bilhop of Ghcrjltr, for favouring Popery. 
 
 No. 63. Vol.IL 
 
 5 G 
 
 1 99. They 
 
Vol. II: 
 
 394 
 
 1641. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 tc 99. The Nobility began to be weary of their filence 
 “ and patience, and fenfible of the duty and tiuft which 
 “ belongs to them; and thereupon fome of the moft an- 
 “ tient of them did petition his Majefty at fuch a t.me, 
 44 when evil counfellors were fo ftrong, that they had oc- 
 “ cafion to expcCl more hazard to themfelves, than re- 
 “ drefc of thofe public!: evils for which they interceded. 
 
 “ 100. Whilft the Kingdom was in this agitation and 
 tc diftemper, the Scots reftrained in their trades, impo- 
 “ verifhcd by the lofs of many of their {nips, bereaved of 
 “ all poffibility of fatisfying his Majefty by any naked fup- 
 “ plications, entered with a powerful army into the King- 
 “ dom, and without any hoftileact or fpoil in the country 
 “ they palled, more than forcing a paffage over the Tyne 
 “ at Newburne near Ncwcajlle ; poffelfed themfelves of 
 “ Ncwcajlle ; and had a fair opportunity to prefs on farther 
 44 upon the King’s army. 
 
 44 101. But duty and reverence to his Majefty, and 
 44 brotherly love to the Engl'ijh Nation, made them ftay 
 44 there, whereby the King had leifure to entertain better 
 44 counfels. 
 
 44 102. Wherein God foblefi'ed and dire&ed him, that he 
 44 fummoned the great Council of Peers to meet at York 
 “ upon the 24th of September , and there declared a Parlia- 
 “ ment, to betzjn the third of November then following. 
 
 “ 103. The Scots, the firft day of the great Council, 
 44 prefented an humble Petition to his Majefty, whereupon 
 “ the treaty was appointed at Rippon. 
 
 44 104. A prefent ceifition of arms agreed upon, and the 
 44 full conclufion of all differences referred to the wifdom 
 44 and care of the Parliament. (24.) 
 
 Rem. (24.) The Commons fuppofe, that as the Scots 
 had petitioned the King to redrefs their Grievances with 
 the advice of the Parliament of England ; and as on that 
 occafron the King had called a Parliament, this was a 
 tacit confent of both Parties to leave things to the 
 Parliament of England. But this is only a fuppofition; 
 for there was no agreement to refer matters to the Parlia¬ 
 ment. 
 
 44 10 At our firft meeting, all oppofition feemed to 
 44 vanifh, the mifehiefs were fo evident, which thofe evil 
 44 counfellors produced, that no man durft ftand up to de- 
 44 fend them, yet the work itfelf afforded difficulty enough. 
 
 44 106. The multiplied evils and corruptions of fixteen 
 44 years, ftrengthened by cuftom and authority, and the 
 44 concurrent Intereft of many powerful Delinquents, were 
 44 now to be brought to judgment and reformation. 
 
 44 107. The King’s houfehold was to be provided for; 
 44 they had brought him to that want, that he could not 
 44 fupply his ordinary and neceffary expences without the 
 44 afliftance of his People. 
 
 44 108. Two armies were to be paid, which amounted 
 44 very near to eighty thoufand pounds a month. 
 
 4t 1 09. The People were to be tenderly charged, having 
 44 been formerly exhaufted with many burthenfome pro- 
 44 jects. 
 
 44 1 1The difficulties feemed to be infuperable, which 
 44 by the divine Providence we have overcome. The con- 
 44 tiarieties incompatible, which yet in a great meafurewe 
 44 xtave rccoriciled. 
 
 44 in. Six fubfidies have been granted, and a Bill of 
 44 Poll-money («), which if it be duly levied, may equal 
 44 fix fubfidies more, in all fix hundred thoufand pounds. 
 
 44 11 2. Befides, we have contracted a debt to the Scots 
 44 of two hundred and twenty thoufand pounds; yet God 
 44 hath fo bleffed the endeavours of this Parliament, that 
 44 the Kingdom is a great gainer by all tbefe charges. 
 
 44 11 3. The Ship-money is aboliftied, which coft the 
 44 Kingdom above two hundred thoufand pounds a year. 
 
 44 114. The Coat and ConduCt-money, and other mi- 
 44 litary charges are taken away, which in many Counties 
 44 amounted to little lefs than the Ship-money. 
 
 44 1 1 5. The Monopolies are all fuppreft, whereof fome 
 44 few did prejudice the SubjeCi above a mdlion yearly. 
 
 44 116. The Soap, an hundred thoufand pounds. 
 
 44 1 17. The Wine, three hundred thoufand pounds. 
 
 44 11 8. The Leather muft needs exceed both, and Salt 
 44 could be no lefs than that. 
 
 44 119. Befides the inferior Monopolies, which if they 
 44 could be exa&ly computed, would make up a great fum. 
 
 44 1 20. That which is more beneficial than all this, is, 
 44 that the root of thefe evils is taken away, which was the 
 44 arbitrary power pretended to be in his Majefty, of taxing 
 44 the Subject, or charging their eftates without confent in 
 44 Parliament, which is now declared to be again!! Law, by 
 44 the judgment of both Houfes, and likewife by an Atct 
 44 of Parliament. 
 
 44 121. Another ftep of great advantage is this, the liv— 
 
 44 ing grievances, the evil counfellors and aCtors of thefe 1641! 
 44 mifehiefs have been fo quelled. 
 
 “ 1 22. By the juftice done upon the Earl of Strafford, 
 
 4! the flight of the Lord Finch, and Secretary IVindcbank. 
 
 44 123. The accufation and imprifonment of theArch- 
 44 bilhop of Canterbury , of Judne Berkley ; And, 
 
 44 124. The impeachment of divers other Bifhops and 
 44 Judges, that it is like not only to be an eafe to the pre- 
 44 lent times, but a prefervation to the future. 
 
 44 125. The difcontinuance of Parliaments is prevented 
 44 by tne Bill for a Triennial Parliament, and the abrupt 
 44 dilfolution of this Parliament by another Bill, by which 
 44 it is provided, it (hall not be diffolved or adjourned with- 
 44 out the confent of both Houfes. 
 
 44 ico. Which two Laws well confidered, may be 
 44 thought more advantagious than all the former, becaufe 
 44 they lecure a full operation of the prefent remedy, and 
 44 afford a perpetual fpring of remedies for the future. 
 
 44 127. The Star-Chamber; 
 
 44 I 28. The High-Commiffion ; 
 
 44 1 29. The Courts of the Prefident and Council in the 
 44 North, were fo many forges of mifery, and oppreffion, 
 
 44 and violence, and arc all taken away, whereby men are 
 44 more fecured in their perfons, liberties, and eftates, than 
 44 they could by any law or example, for the regulation of 
 44 thofe Courts of terror of the Judges. 
 
 44 130. The immoderate power of the Council-fable, 
 
 44 and the cxceffive abufe of that power is fo ordered and 
 44 reftrained, that we may well hope, that no fuch thincs 
 44 as were frequently done by them, to the prejudice of the 
 44 publick Liberty, will appear in future times but only in 
 “ ftories, to give us anu our pofterity more occafion to 
 44 praife God for his Majefty’s goodnefs, and the faithful 
 44 endeavours of this Parliament. 
 
 44 1 3 1. The Canons and power of Canon-making are 
 44 blafted by the votes of both Houfes. 
 
 44 132. The exorbitant power of Bilhops and their 
 44 Courts are much abated, by fome provifions in the Bill 
 44 againft the High-Commiffion Courts, the authors of the 
 44 many innovations in DoCtrine and Ceremonies. 
 
 44 133. The Minifters that have been Icandalous in their 
 44 lives, have been fo terrified by juft complaints and ac- 
 44 cufations, that we may well hope they will be more 
 44 modeft for the time to come; either inwardly convicted 
 44 by the fight of their own folly, or outwardly reftrained 
 44 by the fear of punifhment. 
 
 44 134. The Forefts are by a good Law reduced to 
 44 their right bounds. 
 
 44 135. The encroachments and oppreffions of the 
 44 Stannery Courts (b), the extortions of the Clerk of the 
 44 market. 
 
 44 136. And the compulfion of the Subjeft, to receive 
 44 the order of Knighthood againft his will, paying of 
 44 fines for not receiving it; and the vexatious proceedings 
 44 thereupon for levying of thofe fines, are by other bene- 
 44 ficial laws reformed and prevented. 
 
 44 137. Many excellent laws and provifions are in pre- 
 44 paration for removing the inordinate power, vexation 
 44 and ufurpations of Bifhops; for reforming the pride and 
 44 idlenefs of many of the Clergy ; for eafing the people of 
 44 unneceffary ceremonies in Religion ; for cenfuring and 
 44 removing unworthy and unprofitable Minifters, and for 
 44 maintaining godly and diligent preachers through the 
 44 Kingdom. 
 
 44 138. Other things of main importance for the good 
 44 of this Kingdom are in propofition, though little could 
 44 hitherto be done in regard of the many other morepref- 
 44 fing buiineffes, which yet before the end of this Seffion 
 44 we hope may receive feme progrefs and perfection. 
 
 44 139. The eftabliflling and ordering the King’s Re- 
 44 venue, that fo the abufe of officers, and fuperfluity of 
 44 expences may be cut off, and the neceffary difburfements 
 44 for his Majefty’s honour, the defence and government of 
 44 the Kingdom, may more certainly be provided for. 
 
 44 140. The regulating of Courts of Juftice, and 
 44 abridging both the delays and charges cf Lav-fuits. 
 
 44 1 4 1. The fettling of fome good courfes for prevent- 
 44 ing the exportation of gold and fijver, and the inequality 
 44 of exchanges betwixt us and other nations, for the ad- 
 44 vancing of native commodities, encreafe of our manu- 
 44 facluries, and well-ballancing of trade, whereby the 
 44 ftock of the Kingdom may be increafed, or at leaft kept 
 44 from impairing, as through negleCt hereof it hath dons 
 44 for many years Iaft part: 
 
 44 142. Improving the Herring-fiftiing upon our own 
 44 coafts, whicn will be of mighty ufe in the employment 
 44 of the poor, and a plentiful nurfery of mariners, for 
 44 enabling the Kingdom in any great action. 
 
 . ' rt'.on. A D 103/. a Marqu'J 
 
 . ■ n!. Efqiiires 10/. . . . . 
 
 (i ,j c our;s, wb.ii.a ASiair. w the Ti: ner:, and Tin-mines, are dee de!. £0 0 l;d (rum d.c L.ain word Stjnmsm, Tin. 
 
 “ 143- They 
 
Book XX. 
 
 1641. 
 
 25. CHARLES!. 
 
 “ 143. The oppofitions, obftruclions, and other diffi- 
 ec culties wherewith we have been encountered, and which 
 “ ftill lie in our way with fome ftrength, and much ob- 
 “ ftinacy, are thefe; the malignant party, whom we have 
 “ formerly defcribed to be the aCtors and promoters of all 
 “ our mifery, that have taken heart again: 
 
 cc 144. They have been able to prefer fome of their 
 “ own fa&ors and agents to degrees of honour, to places 
 “ of truft and employment, even during the Parliament: 
 
 “ 145. They have endeavoured to work in his Majefty 
 “ ill impreflions and opinions of our proceedings, as if we 
 “ had altogether done our own work, and not his; and 
 “ had obtained from him many things very prejudicial to 
 “ the Crown, both in refpeCt of prerogative and profit. 
 
 “ 146. To wipe out this llander, we think good only 
 “ to fay thus much ; that all that we have done is for his 
 “ Majefty, his greatnefs, honour, and fupport, when we 
 tc yield to give twenty five thoufand pounds a month for 
 “ the relief of the northern counties; this was given to 
 “ the King, for he was bound to proteCI his Subjects. 
 
 “ 147. They were his Majefty’s evil counfellors, and 
 “ their ill inftruments, that were a&ors in thofe grievances 
 “ which brought in the Scots. 
 
 “ 148. And if his Majefty pleafe to force thofe who 
 “ were the authors of this war, to make fatisfa&ion, as 
 “ he might juftly and eafily do, it feems very reafonable, 
 “ that the people might well be excufed from taking upon 
 “ them this burden, being altogether innocent, and free 
 <c from being any caufe of it. 
 
 “ 149. Whe« we undertook the charge of the army, 
 “ which coft above 50,000 /. a month, was not this given 
 “ to the King? Was it not his Majefty’s army? Were 
 “ not all the commanders under contract with his Majefty 
 “ at higher rates, and greater wages than ordinary : 
 
 “ 150. And have not we taken upon us to difeharge 
 <c all the brotherly afiiftance of three hundred thoufand 
 “ pounds, which we gave the Scots P Was it not toward 
 “ repair of thofe damages and lofles which they received 
 “ from the King’s Ships, and from his Minifters? 
 
 “ 151. Thefe three particulars amount to above eleven 
 “ hundred thoufand pounds. 
 
 “ 152. Befides his Majefty hath received, by impofi- 
 “ tions upon merchandife, at leaft four hundred thoufand 
 “ pounds. 
 
 “ 153. So that his Majefty hath had out of the Subjects 
 * c purfe, fince the Parliament began, one million and a 
 “ half; and yet thefe men can be fo impudent, as to tell 
 “ his Majefty, that we have done nothing for him. 
 
 44 154. As to the fecond branch of this flander, we ac- 
 “ knowledge with much thankfulnefs, that his Majefty 
 “ hath palled more good Bills to the advantage of the Sub- 
 “ jeCts, than have been in many ages. 
 
 “ 155. But withal, we cannot forget that thofe veno- 
 <c mous counfels did manifeft themfelves in fome endeavours 
 “ to hinder thefe good ACts. 
 
 “ 156. And for both Houfes of Parliament we may 
 “ with truth and modefty fay thus much: That we 
 “ have ever been careful not to defire any thing that 
 “ Ihould weaken the Crown, either in juft profit or ufeful 
 tc power. 
 
 “ 157. The Triennial Parliament for the matter of it, 
 <c doth not extend to fo much, asby Law we ought to have 
 “ required, there being two Statutes ftill in force for a 
 “ Parliament to be once a year (25.), and for the manner 
 “ of it, it is in the King’s power, that it {hall never take 
 “ effect, if he, by a timely fummons, Ihall prevent any 
 “ other way of aflembling. (26). 
 
 Rem. (25). But thefe Statutes, by difufe, were grown 
 obfolete, like that of Edward II, on which the King pro¬ 
 ceeded to compel People to receive the order of Knight¬ 
 hood. 
 
 Rf.m. (26). The Commons might have faid, that he 
 was himfelf the caufe of this ACt, for not calling a Parlia¬ 
 ment in twelve years. 
 
 “ 158. In the Bill for continuance of this prefentPar- 
 “ liament, there feems to be fome reftraint of the royal 
 “ power in dill'olvingof Parliaments, not’to take it out of 
 “ the Crown, but to fufpend the execution of it for this 
 “ time and occalion only; which was fo neceflary for the 
 “ King’s own fecuiity, and the publick peace, that with- 
 “ out it we could not have undertaken any of thefe great 
 <c charges, but muft have left both the armies to diforder, 
 “ and confufion, and the whole Kingdom to blood and 
 “ rapine. (27). 
 
 Rem. (27). The Commons underftand here more than 
 they exprefs. Their aim is to fhew, that without this ACt, 
 the King would not have failed to difiblve the Parliament; 
 confequently the Peace with Scotland would not have been 
 concluded, and the two armies would have ravaged the 
 Kingdom. 
 
 159. The Star-Chamber W2S much more fruitful in 
 
 395 
 
 £C oppreflion than in profit, the great fines being for the 1641. 
 “ moft part given away, and the reftftalled at long times. 
 
 169. The fines of the High-Commiflion were in 
 “ themfelves unjuft, and feldom or never came into the 
 “ King’s purfe. Thefe four Bills are particularly and 
 “ more fpecially inftanced. 
 
 “ 161. In the reft there will not be found fomuch as a 
 “ Ihadow of prejudice to the Crown. 
 
 “■162. I hey have fought to diminilh our reputation 
 “ with the People, and to bring them out of love with 
 “ Parliaments. 
 
 “ 163. The afperfions which they have attempted this 
 “ way have been fuch as thefe; 
 
 164. That we have fpent much time and done little, 
 
 * especially in thofe grievances which concern Religion. . 
 
 <e “ i{5 5 - That the Parliament is a burthen to the King- 
 “ dom, by the abundance of protections which hinder juf- 
 ‘‘ tice and trade (28.), and by many fubfidies granted, 
 
 “ much more heavy than any formerly endured. 
 
 Rem. (28). Every Member of Parliament had a right 
 to grant protections to his fervants and dependents, fo that 
 they cannot be profecuted in any Courts. It is certain, 
 this right was abufed by many Members, in granting pro¬ 
 tections toperfons without any lawful foundation, nay, (bme 
 even fold them. 
 
 “ 166. 7 o which there is a ready anfwer, if the time 
 fpent in this Parliament, be confidered in relation back¬ 
 ward to the long growth and deep root of thofe grievan¬ 
 ces which we have removed, to the powerful fupports 
 “ of thofe Delinquents which we have purfued, to the 
 great neceflities and other charges of the Commonwealth, 
 
 “ for which we have provided ; 
 
 “ 167- Or if it be confidered in relation forward to 
 “ many advantages, which not only the prefent, but future 
 ages are like to reap by the good Laws, and other pro- 
 “ ceedings in this Parliament; we doubt not but it will 
 “ be thought by all indifferent judgments, that our time 
 hath been much better employed, than in a far greater 
 “ proportion of time in many former Parliaments put to¬ 
 gether, and the charges which have been laid upon the 
 “ SubjeCls, and the other inconveniencies which they have 
 “ born, will feem very light in refpeCtof the benefit they 
 “ have and may receive. 
 
 “ 168. And for the matter of protection, the Parlia- 
 “ ment is fo fenfible of it, that therein they intended to 
 “ give them whatfoever eafe may Hand with honour and 
 “ juftice, and are in a way of parting a Bill to give them 
 “ fatisfaCtion. 
 
 “ 169. They have fought by many fubtle praftices to 
 “ cau f e jealoufics and divifions betwixt us and our brethren 
 “ of Scotland , by flandering their proceedings and inten- 
 <c tions toward us, and by fecret endeavours to inftigate 
 “ and incenfe them and us one againft another. 
 
 “ t 7 °‘ They have had fuch a party of Bilhops and 
 “ Popilh Lords in the Houfe of Peers, as hath caufed 
 “ much oppofuion and delay in the profecution of Delin- 
 “ quents, hindered the proceedings of divers good Bills 
 palled in the Commons Houfe, concerning the reforma- 
 “ tion of fundry great abufes and corruptions both in Church 
 “ and State, 
 
 “ 171. They have laboured to feduce and corrupt fome 
 “ of the Commons Houfe, to draw them into confpira- 
 “ cies and combinations againft the liberty of the Parlia- 
 “ ment. 
 
 “ 172. And by their inftruments and agents, they have 
 “ attempt to difaffeCt and difeontent his Majelly’s army; 
 
 “ and to engage it for the maintenance of their wicked and 
 “ trayterous defigns; the keeping up of Bilhops in votes 
 “ and functions, and by force to compel the Parliament tQ 
 “ order, limit and difpofe their proceedings, in fuch man- 
 “ ner, as might beft concur with the intentions of this dan- 
 “ gerous and potent faCtion. 
 
 “ 173 - And when one mifehievous defign and attempt 
 “ of theirs, to bring on the army againft the Parliament, 
 
 “ and the City of London , hath been difeovered and pre- 
 “ vented ; 
 
 “ 174. They prefently undertook another of the fame 
 “ damnable nature, with this addition to it, to endeavour 
 “ to make the Scotijh army neutral, whiift the Engl'ifh 
 “ army, which they had laboured to corrupt and invenom 
 “ againft us, by their falfe and flanderous fuggeftions, Ihould 
 “ execute their malice, to the fubveriion of our Religion, 
 
 “ and the diftolution of our Government. 
 
 “ 175. Thus they have been continually praCtifing to 
 “ difturb the peace, and plotting the deihuCtion even of 
 “ all the King’s dominions; and have employed their 
 “ emiflaries, and agents in them, all lor the promoting 
 “ their devililh defigns, which the vigilancy of thofe who 
 “ were well afteCted, hath ftill difeovered and defeated, 
 
 <c before they were ripe for execution in England and 
 “ Scotland. 
 
 “ 176. Only 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 The IIIS TO RY cf ENGLAND. 
 
 .cS 
 
 641 ‘176. Only in Ireland , which was farther off, they 
 
 }.;ive had time and opportunity to mould and prepare 
 their work, and had brought it to that perfection, that 
 “ they had pi.Helled themfeTves of that whole Kingdom, 
 
 1 1 ted the root 
 
 “ ligion, and deftroyed ail the Proteftants, v/hom the con- 
 4 ‘ Ic ence ol their duty to God, their King and Country, 
 
 “ would not have permitted to join with them, if by Goa’s 
 “ wonderful providence, their main enterprize upon the 
 “ City and Caftle of Dublin had not been detected and 
 “ prevented upon the very eve before it ftiould have been 
 “ executed. 
 
 “ 177. Notwithftanding they have, in other parts of 
 <e that Kingdom, broken out into open rebellion, furprifing 
 “ towns and cafiles, committed murders, and rapes, and 
 “ other vilkmies, and' fhaken off all bounds of obedience to 
 “ iris Majelty and the Laws of the realm. (29.) 
 
 Rem. (29.) The Commons, in thefe two laft Articles, 
 confider 1 }.e malignant party ot England as the principal 
 authors of the Irijh Rebellion, and artfully confound what¬ 
 ever had been done in England for fifteen years, and the 
 mafl'acre of Ireland in 1641, under the fame idea, as pro¬ 
 ceeding' from the fame fource, which was never well 
 proved. 
 
 “ 1 7S. And in general have kindled fuch a fire, as no- 
 <c thing but God’s infinite blcfling upon the wifdom and 
 “ endeavours of this State will be able to quench. 
 
 “ 1 79. And certainly had not God, in his great mercy 
 “ unto this Land, difeovered and confounded their former 
 tc defigns, we had been the prologue to this tragedy in 
 “ Ireland , and had by this been made the lamentable fpec- 
 “ tacle of inifery and confufion. 
 
 “ 180. And "now what hope have we but in God, when, 
 “ a r . the only means of our fubhltence and power ol Refor- 
 “ mation is under him in the Parliament ? 
 
 “ 11. Put what can we the Commons, without the 
 “ conjunction of the Houfe of Lords ; and what con- 
 “ junction can w'e expedt there, when the Bifhops and re- 
 “ cufant Lords are fo numerous, and prevalent, that they 
 “ are able to crofs, and interrupt our belt endeavours lor 
 “ Reformation, and by that means give advantage to this 
 “ malignant paity, to traduce our proceedings? 
 
 “ 182. They infufe into the People, that we mean to 
 “ abolifh all Church-government, and leave every man to 
 “ his own fancy, for the fervice and worfhip of God, 
 “ abfolving him of that obedience which he owes under 
 “ God unto his Majelty; whom we know to be imrulted 
 “ with the Ecclefiaflical Law, as well as with the Tem- 
 “ poral, to regulate all the A-lembers of the Cliurch of 
 “ England , by fuch rule of order and difeipline , as are ejla- 
 “ blijhed by Parliament -, which is his great Council , in all 
 “ affairs both in Church and State. (30.) 
 
 Rem. (30.) It is true, the Commons declare here, that 
 their intention is not to fet up an independency rn matter 
 of Religion. But as to what concerns the government of 
 the Church they fpeak obfeurely, becaufe it was not yet 
 t.me to declare themfelves more upenly. They are con¬ 
 tented with aliening, that the King ought to take the Par¬ 
 liament's advice in the affairs of the Church, a maxim they 
 intended to make great ule of. 
 
 “ 183. We confcIs our intention is, and our endeavours 
 4 - have been,to reduce within bounds that exorbitant power, 
 “ which the Prelates have afl'umed unto themfelves, fo con- 
 “ trary both to the word of God, and to the Laws of the 
 land; to which end we palled the Bill for the remov- 
 “ ing them from their temporal power and employments; 
 
 that fo the better they might with meeknefs apply them- 
 “ felves to the difeharge of their functions; which Bill 
 “ themfelves oppofe, and were the principal inltruments 
 “ of crolling it. 
 
 “ 1 84. And w r e do here declare, That it is far from our 
 “ purpole or deftre, to let loofe the golden reins of difei- 
 “ pline and government in the Church, to leave private 
 “ perfons, or particular congregations, to take up what 
 “ form of divine fervice they pleafe ; for we hold it re- 
 “ quiiite, that there lhould be throughout the whole realm 
 “ a conformity to that older which the Law's enjoin ac- 
 cording to the word of God. (31.) And we defire tee 
 ts unburthen the confciences of men of needlefs and fuper- 
 “ llitious ceremonies, fuppxefs innovations, and take away 
 “ the monuments of idolatry. 
 
 Rem. (31.) Great ufc was afterwards made of this re- 
 ftri&ion, according to the word of Cod, to introduce greater 
 alterations than thole mentioned in this article. 
 
 “ 1 85. And the better to efteft the intended Reforma- 
 “ tion, we deliie there may be a general Synod of the muff 
 grave, pious, learned, and judicious Divines of this 
 <c ifland; alibied with fume from foreign parts, profeffing 
 “ the fame Religion with us; who may confider of all 
 “ things neceilary for the peace and good government of 
 “ the Church, and reprefent the refults of their confulta- 
 tions unto the Parliament, to be there allowed ol and 
 
 “ confirmed, and receive the ftamp of authority, thereby 1641. 
 “ to find pallage and obedience throughout the King- 
 “ dom. (32.) 
 
 Rem. (32.) The Commons difeover here more clearly 
 their intentions, in that, 1. It does not appear that they 
 would admit Bifhops into this Synod. 2. In that they 
 would have it toconfill of Divines of the Ifland, and con- 
 fequently of Scots, who were all Presbyterians, and of fome 
 foreign Minilters who were fo too. 
 
 “ 186. They have malicioufiy charged us, that we in- 
 “ tend to deftroy and difeourage learning; whereas it is 
 “ our chiefeftcare and delire to advance it; and to provide 
 “ a competent maintenance for confcionable and preach- 
 “ ing Minifters throughout the Kingdom, which will be 
 “ a great encouragement to fcholars, and a certain means, 
 
 “ whereby the want, meannefs, and ignorance, to which 
 “ a great part of the Clergy is now fubjedl, will be pre- 
 “ vented. 
 
 “ 1 87. And we intended likewife to reform and purge 
 “ the fountains of learning, the two Univerfities, that the 
 “ ftreams flowing from thence may be clear and pure, and 
 
 an honour and comfort to the whole land. (33.) 
 
 Rem. (33.) It is certain, at the time this Remonftrance 
 was publilhed, the refolution of abolifhing the Ecclefiaflical 
 Hierarchy was already taken, though it was not yet openly 
 declared. Accordingly, the defign to purge the two Uni¬ 
 verfities was executed, by turning out the Heads and Pro- 
 feilors of the Church of England, and putting in Presby¬ 
 terians. 
 
 “ 1 88. They have drained to blaft our proceedings in 
 “ Parliament, by wrelting the interpretations of our orders 
 “ from their genuine intention. 
 
 “ 1 89. They tell the people, that our meddling with 
 “ the power of Epifcopacy, hath caufed fedlaries and con- 
 “ venticles, when idolatry and popifhceremonies introduced 
 M into the Church by the command of the Bifhops, have 
 “ not only debarred the People from thence, but expelled 
 “ them from the Kingdom. 
 
 “ 1 90. Thus with Eliaby we are called by this malig- 
 “ nant party the troublers of the State, and flill while we 
 “ endeavour to reform their abufes, they make us the au- 
 “ thors of thofe mifehiefs we lludy to prevent. 
 
 “ 1 9 1. For the perfecting of the work begun, and re- 
 “ moving all future impediments, we conceive thefe courfes 
 “ will be very effectual, feeing the Religion of the Papifts 
 “ hath fuch principles as do certainly tend to the deftruc- 
 “ tion and extirpation of all Protelfants, when they (hall 
 “ have opportunity to efteCt it. 
 
 “ 192. It is neceflary in the firft place to keep them in 
 “ fuch condition, as that they may not be able to do us 
 “ any hurt, and for avoiding of fuch connivance and fa- 
 “ vour us hath heretofore been Ihewed unto them. 
 
 “ 193. That his Majefly be pleafed to grant a ltanding 
 “ commilfion to fome choice men named in Parliament, 
 
 “ who may take notice of their increafe, their counfels 
 “ and proceedings, and ufe all due means by execution of 
 “ the Laws, to prevent all milchievous defigns againlfc 
 “ the peace and faiety of this Kingdom. 
 
 “ 194. That fome good courfe be taken to difeover 
 “ the counterfeit and falle conformity of Papilts to the 
 “ Church, by colour whereof, perfons very much difaf- 
 “ fcCted to the true Religion, have been admitted into 
 “ places of greateft trull and authority in the Kingdom. 
 
 “ 195. t or the better prefervation of the Laws ani 
 “ liberties of the Kingdom, that all the illegal grievances 
 “ and exactions be prel’ented and punifhed at the Seflions 
 “ and Aflizes. 
 
 “ 196. And that Judges and Jultices be very careful to 
 “ give this in charge to the Grand Juries, and both the 
 “ Sheriff and Juftices to he fworn to the due execution of 
 “ the Petition of Right, and other Laws. 
 
 “ 197. That hisMajefty be humbly petitioned by both 
 “ Houfes, to employ fuch counfellors, ambafladors, and 
 “ other Minillers in managing his bulinefs at home and 
 “ abroad, as the Parliament may have caufe to confide in, 
 
 “ without winch we cannot give his Majelty fuch fupplies 
 “ for fupport of his own eftate, nor fuch affiftance to the 
 “ Proteftant party beyond the fea, as is defired. 
 
 “ 198. It may often fall out, that the Commons may 
 
 have juft caufe to take exceptions at fome men for being 
 “ Counfellors, and yet not charge thofe men with crimes, 
 
 “ for there be grounds of diffidence which lie not in 
 u proof. 
 
 “ 199. There are others, which though they may be 
 proved, yet are not legally criminal. 
 
 “ 200. To be a known favourer of Papifts, or to have 
 “ been very forward in defending or countenancing fome 
 “ great offenders queftioned in Parliament; or to fpeak 
 “ contemptuoufly of either Houfes ot Parliament, or par- 
 “ liamentary proceedings: (34.) 
 
 Rem. (34.) It is noc unlikely the Commons meant 
 here the Lord Digby , Son to the Earl of Bri/hl. 
 
 c “ “ zor. Or 
 
Book XX. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 1641. 
 
 Rufh worth, 
 IV. p. 45*. 
 Nation, 
 
 T. II. 7+4- 
 
 “ 201. Or fuch as are fa&ors or agents for any foreign 
 “ Prince of another Religion ; fuch as are juftly fufpe&ed 
 “ to get Counfellors places, or any other of truft, con- 
 “ cerning publick employment for money ; for all thefe 
 “ and divers others, we may have great reafon to be earneft 
 “ with his Majefty, not to put his great affairs into fuch 
 “ hands, though we may be unwilling to proceed againft 
 “ them in any legal way of charge or impeachment. 
 
 “ Z02. That all Counfellors of State may be fworn to 
 “ obferve thofe laws which concern the Subjedt in his li- 
 “ berty, that they may likewife take an oath not to re- 
 “ ceive, or give reward or penfion from any foreign 
 “ Prince, but fuch as they fhall within fome reafonable 
 “ time difcover to the Lords of his Majefty’s Council. 
 
 “ 203. And although they fhould wickedly forfwear 
 “ themfelves, yet it may herein do good to make them 
 “ known to be falfe and perjured to thofe who employed 
 “ them, and thereby bring them into as little credit with 
 “ them as with us. 
 
 “ 204. That his Majefty may have caufe to be in love 
 “ with good counfel and good men, by fhewinghim, in 
 “ an humble and dutiful manner, how full of advantage it 
 “ would be to himfelf, to fee his own eftate fettled in a 
 “ plentiful condition to fupport his honour; to fee his peo- 
 “ pie united in ways of duty to him, and endeavours of 
 “ the publick good ; to fee happinefs, wealth, peace and 
 “ fafety derived to his own Kingdom, and procured to his 
 “ allies by the influence of his own power and Govern- 
 “ ment.” 
 
 It is eafy to perceive, after reading this Remonftrance or 
 Declaration, that it was a real Manifefto againft the Kincr, 
 under the name of the Counfellors, Minifters, and M.a- 
 lignants. And therefore, before we proceed, it is reafona 
 ble to fhow the Reader the King’s anfwer to the Petition, 
 which accompanied the Remonftrance, and then to the Re¬ 
 monftrance itfelf. 
 
 His Majefty’s Anfwer to the Petition, which accompanied the 
 Declaration prefented to him at Hampton-Court, De¬ 
 cember 1. 1641. 
 
 “ \T J E having received from you, foon after our re- 
 4< W turn out of Scotland , a long Petition, confifting 
 “ of many deiires of great moment, together with a De- 
 “ claration of a very unufual nature annexed thereunto, 
 
 “ we had taken fome time to confider of it, as befitted us 
 “ in a matter of that confequencc, being confident that 
 “ your own reafon and regard to us, as well as our exprefs 
 “ intimation, by our Controller, to that purpofe, would 
 “ have reftrained you from the publifhing of it, till fuch 
 “ time as you fhould have received our anfwer to it j but 
 “ much againft our expedition, finding the contrary, 
 
 “ that the faid Declaration is already abroad in print, by 
 “ directions from your Houfe, as appears by the printed 
 copy, we muft let you know, that we are very ienfible 
 “ of the difrefpeCt. 
 
 “ Notwithftanding it is our intention, that no failing 
 on your part fhall make us fail in ours, of giving all due 
 4t fatisfaCtion to the defires of our people in a parliamenta- 
 “ ry way; and therefore we fend you this anfwer to your 
 “ Petition, referving our felf in point of the Declaration, 
 
 “ which we think unparliamentary, and fhall take a courfe 
 to do that which we fhall think fit in prudence and ho- 
 “ nour. 
 
 “To the Petition we fay. That although there are di- 
 “ y ers things in the preamble of it, which we are fo far 
 <l from admitting, that we profefs we cannot at all under- 
 ftand them, as of a wicked and malignant party prevalent 
 ‘ l in the Government ; of fome of that party admitted to our 
 14 Privy-Council , and to other employments of truft, and near- 
 " 4 eft to us and our children ; of endeavours to fow among 
 “ the people falfe fcandals and imputations , to blemijh and 
 “ dfgrace the proceedings of the Parliament : All, or 
 “ any of which, did we know of, we fhould be as ready 
 “ to remedy and punifh, as you to complain of; fo that 
 tC the prayers of your Petition are grounded upon fuch pre- 
 “ mifes, as we muft in no wife admits yet notwithftand- 
 <c ing, we are pleafed to give this anfwer to you. (1.) 
 
 Rem. (1.) This fo general anfwer of the King was 
 not capable of combating the particular fads, whereby the 
 Commons pretended to prove, in the Remonftrance, that for 
 feveral years paft, the Court or malignant party had endea¬ 
 voured to eftablifh an arbitrary Government. 
 
 “To the firft, concerning Religion, confifting of feve- 
 “ ral branches, we fay, that for preferving the peace and 
 “ fafety of this Kingdom from the defigns of the Popifh 
 “ party, we have, and will ftill concur with all the juft 
 “ defires of our people in a parliamentary way :(2.) That 
 “ for the depriving of the Bifhops of their Votes in Par- 
 “ liament, we would have you confider, that their right 
 “ is grounded upon the fundamental law of the Kingdom, 
 
 “ and Conftitution of Parliament: This we would have 
 “ y°u confider; but fince you defire our concurrence 
 N6 63. Vol. II. 
 
 397 
 
 “ herein in a Parliamentary way, we will give no further 
 “ anfwer at this time. 
 
 Rem, (2.) It is true, the King had never rejedled the 
 Petitions prefented to him on this occaiion by the Parlia¬ 
 ment, but had always granted whatever was defired. But 
 then it is no lefs true, that his promifes in this refpedt had 
 never been executed. Wherefore the Parliament did not 
 complain of want of concurrence, but of want of perfor¬ 
 mance. So the King’s anfwer as to his concurrence was 
 not properly to the purpofe. 
 
 “ As for the abridging of the inordinate power of the 
 “ Clergy, we conceive that the taking away of the High- 
 “ Com million-Court hath well moderated that; but if 
 “ there continue any ufurpations or excefles in their jurif- 
 “ didtions, we therein neither have, nor will, nrotedf 
 “ them. (3.) v 
 
 Rem. (3.) It would have been very difficult to agree 
 with the King upon what fhould be confidercd as ufurpa 
 tions or excefles in the jurifdidion of the Clergy. So the 
 King properly bound himfelf to nothing by this genera: 
 promife. 
 
 “ Unto that claufe which concerneth corruptions (as 
 “ you ftile them ) in Religion, in Church-Government, 
 “ and in difcipline, and the removing of fuch neceflary 
 “ Ceremonies as weak confciences might check; that for 
 “ any illegal innovations which may have crept in, we 
 “ willingly concur in the removal of them : That if 
 “ our Parliament fhall advife us to call a National Synod, 
 
 “ which may duly examine fuch ceremonies as give iuft 
 “ caufe of offence to any, we fhall take into confideration, 
 
 “ and a Pply ourfelf to give due fatisfadlion therein ; (4.) 
 
 “ but we are very forry to hear in fuch general terms, 
 
 ** Corruption in Religion objedfcd, fince we are perfwaded 
 “ in our confcience, that no Church can be found upon 
 the Earth that profefleth the true Religion with more 
 “ P urit y of doarine than the Church of England doth, 
 nor where the government and difcipline are jointly 
 more beautiful, and free from fuperftition, than as they 
 “ are here eftablifhed by law ; which by the grace of God 
 “ we will with conftancy maintain ( while we live) in 
 “ their purity and glory, not only againft all invafions of 
 “ Popery, but alfo from the irreverence of thofe many 
 “ Scbifmaticks and Separates, wherewith of late this 
 “ Kingdom 3nd this City abounds, to the great difhonour 
 “ and hazard both of Church and State, for the fuppref- 
 “ ^ ,on whom we require your timely aid and adtive 
 “ affiftance. 
 
 R e M. (4.) Another general anfwer which fignifies no¬ 
 thing. 
 
 “To the fecond prayer of the Petition, concerning 
 the removal and choice of Counfellors, we know not 
 any of our Council to whom the character fet forth in 
 the Petition can belong : That by thofe whom we had 
 “ expofed to trial, we have already given you fufficient 
 teftimony, that there is no man fo near unto us in place 
 or affedtion, whom we will not leave to the juftice of the 
 “ law, if you fhall bring a particular charge, and fufficient 
 “ proofs againft him; and of this we do again allure you, 
 
 “ but in the mean time we wifh you to forbear fuch gene- 
 “ raI afperfions, as may refledt upon all our Council, fince 
 “ you name none in particular. 
 
 “ That for the choice of our Counfellors and Minifters 
 “ of State, it were to debar us that natural liberty all 
 “ Freemen have j and as it is the undoubted right of the 
 “ Crown of England , to call fuch perfons to our fecret 
 “ Councils, to publick employment, and our particular 
 “ fervice, as we fhall think fit; fo we are, and ever fhall 
 “ be very careful, to make eledfion of fuch perfons in thofe 
 “ places of truft, as fhall have given good teftimonies of 
 “ their abilities and integrity, and againft whom there 
 “ can be no juft caufe of exception, whereon reafonably 
 “ to ground a diffidence ; and to choices of this nature, 
 
 “ we allure you that the mediation of the neareft unto us 
 ‘‘ hath always concurred. (5.) 
 
 Rem. (5.) He means the Queen. 
 
 “To the third prayer of your Petition concerning 
 “ Ireland , we underftand your defire of not alienating the 
 
 “ forfeited Lands thereof, to proceed from much care and 
 
 “ love, and likewife that it may be a refolution very fit 
 “ for us to take; but whether it be feafonable to declare 
 “ refolutions of that nature, before the events of a war 
 “ be feen, that we much doubt of. Howfoever we can- 
 
 “ not but thank you for this care, and your chearful en- 
 
 “ gagement for the fuppreffion of that Rebellion ; upon the 
 “ fpeedy effe&ing whereof, the glory of God in the Pro- 
 “ teftant profeffion, the fafety of the Britijh there, our 
 “ honour, and that of the Nation fo much depends ; all 
 “ the interefts of this Kingdom being fo involved in that 
 “ bufinefs, we cannot but quicken your affediions therein, 
 
 “ and fhall defire you to frame your counfels to give fuch 
 “ expedition to the work, as the nature thereof, and the 
 “ preffures in point of time require; and whereof you are 
 5 H put 
 
,58 
 
 i6+r. 
 
 The HI ST 0 RY of ENGLAND, 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 tc put in mind by the daily infolcnce and increafe of thofe 
 “ Rebels. 
 
 “ For conclufion ; your promile to apply your fclves to 
 “ fuch courfes as may fupport our Royal eftate with 
 “ honour and plenty at home, and with power and repu- 
 “ tation abroad, is that which wc he.’, e ever promiled 
 t( our felf, both from your loyalties and affe£tiu::s, and 
 “ alfo for what we have already done, and {hall daily go 
 ** adding unto, for the < fort and 
 “ People.” 
 
 The anfwer to the Remonftrance did not appear till 
 feme time alter ; for as far a: I can conjecture, it was not 
 fent to the Commons before ''January 1641-;. I {hall 
 however infert it in this place, as weil not to divide this 
 matter, as that the anfwer may be read before the Remon- 
 {trance is forgot. 
 
 The King's Declaration in anfzvsr to the Rsmonjlrance of the 
 State of the Kingdom. 
 
 “ A Lthough we do not believe that our Houfe of 
 •* i i. Commons intended, by their Remonftrance of the 
 “ State of the Kingdom, to put us to any apology, either 
 “ for our paft or prefent actions : notwnhftanding fincc 
 “ they have thought it fo very neceflary (upon their ob- 
 44 fervation of the prefent di{tempers) to publifh the fame, 
 44 for the fatisfadlion of all our loving Subjects, we have 
 44 thought it very fuitable to the duty of our place (with 
 * c which God hath fruited us) to do our part to fo good 
 “ a work, in which we {hall not think it below our 
 44 kingly dignity to defeend to any particular, which 
 “ may compofe and fettle the affections of our meaneft 
 e ‘ Subjects, fince we are fo confcious to our (elf of fuch 
 
 upright intentions and endeavours, and only of fuch (for 
 “ which we give God thanks) for the peace and happinefs 
 14 of our Kingdom, in which the profperity of our SubjeCts 
 
 mult be included, that we wiih from our heart, that 
 44 even our mod fecret thoughts were publifhed to their 
 <c view and examination : Though we mutt confels, we 
 44 cannot but be very forry in this conjuncture of time, 
 “ (when the unhappineis of this Kingdom is fo generally 
 “ underffood abroad) there fhould be fuch a neceflity of 
 tc publifhing fo many particulars, from which we pray, 
 “ no inconveniencies may enfue, that were not intended. 
 
 44 We {hall in few words pafs over that part of the 
 44 narrative, wherein the misfortunes of this Kingdom, 
 11 from our firft entering to the Crown to the beginning 
 “ of this Parliament, aie remembered in fo fenfible expref- 
 44 fions. (1.) And that other which acknowledgeth the 
 44 many good Laws patted by our grace and favour this 
 44 Parliament, for the fecurity of our People ; of which 
 44 we {hall only fay thus much, that as we have not re- 
 44 fufed to pafs any Bill prefented to us by our Parliament, 
 “ for redrefs of thofe grievances mentioned in the Remon- 
 44 ftrance ; fo we have not had a greater motive for the 
 44 patting thofe Laws than our own refolution (grounded 
 14 upon our obfervation, and undemanding the date of our 
 “ Kingdom) to have freed our Subjects, for the future, 
 44 from thofe prefl'ures which were grievous to them if 
 44 thofe Laws had not been propounded, (z.) which thcre- 
 44 fore we lhall as inviolably maintain, as we look to have 
 44 our own rights picferved, not doubting but that all our 
 44 loving SubjeCts will look on thofe remedies, with that 
 14 full gratitude and affeCtion, that even the memory of 
 44 what they have formerly undergone, by the accidents 
 44 and necettities of thofe times, will not be unpleafant 
 44 to them : And poflibly in a pious fenfe of God’s blefling 
 44 upon this nation (how little {hare foever we {hall have 
 44 of the acknowledgment) they will confefs they have 
 44 enjoyed a great mcafure of happinefs (even thefe laft 
 44 fixteen years) both in peace and plenty, not only com- 
 44 paratively in refpeCl of their neighbours, but even of 
 44 thofe times which were juftly accounted fortunate. The 
 44 fears and jealoufies which may make fome impreflion 
 44 in the minds of our People, we will fuppofe may be 
 44 of two forts ; either for Religion, or Liberty and their 
 44 civil intereft. The fears for Religion may haply be, 
 “ not only as ours here eftablifhed may be invaded by the 
 41 Romijh Party, but as it is accompanied with fome cere- 
 44 monies, at which fome tender confciences really are, 
 44 or pretend to be fcandalized ■> for of any other which 
 44 have been ufed, without any legal warrant or injunction, 
 44 and already are, or fpeedily may be, abolifhed, we {hall 
 44 not fpeak. 
 
 8. F. M \ R K (1.) The King could not more ingenuoufiy 
 own what is faid in the Remonftranee, concerning the 
 firft fifteen years ot his Reign, than by entirely patting 
 it over without anfwer. 
 
 R £ M. (.’,) This is alfo a confeflion that grievances were 
 juftly complained of. The King fays, his refolution was 
 to redrefs them, and it was not pottible to convict him 
 of the contrary. But after all, he was believed but by few 
 perfons. 
 
 44 Concerning Religion, as there may be any fufpicion 
 44 of favour or inclination to the Papifts, we are willing 
 44 to declare to all the world, that as we have been from 
 44 our childhood brought up in, and praCtifed the Religion 
 44 now eftabhfhed in this Kingdom, fo it is well known, 
 44 we have (not con cured limply with the principles of our 
 44 education) given a good proportion or our time and pains, 
 44 to .he examination of the grounds of this Rciigion, as 
 44 it is different from that of Rome , and are from our foul 
 44 (o tuliy fatisfied and afl'ured that it is the moft pure and 
 44 agreeable to the facred word of God, of any Religion 
 44 now pra&ifed in the chriftian world : that as we believe 
 44 we can maintain the fame by unanfwcrable reafons, fo 
 44 we hope we fhould readily leal to it by the eftufion of 
 44 our blood, if it pleafed God to call us to that (acrificc. 
 44 And therefore nothing can be fo acceptable unto us, aS 
 44 any propofition which may contribute to the advance- 
 44 merit of it here, or the propagation of it abroad, being 
 44 the only means to draw down a blefling from God upon 
 44 our feives and this nation. And we have been extreme- 
 44 ly unfortunate, if this profeflion of ours be wanting to 
 44 our People : our conftant practice in our own perfon, 
 44 having always been (without oftentation) as much to the 
 44 evidence of our care and duty herein, as we could pof- 
 44 fibly tell how to exprefs. (3). 
 
 R E m. (3.) The Remonftranee [did not accufe the King 
 of being a Papift in his heart, but of having countenanced 
 the Catholicks, by not executing the Laws againft them. 
 He clears himfelf here from being inclined to the Romijh 
 Religion, and leaves the confequence to be drawn, that 
 fince he is perfwaded of the truth of the Proteftant Reli¬ 
 gion, it is not poflible he fhould erfeourage the Roman. But 
 his condudl had fhovvn that this confequence did not necef- 
 farily follow, fince it was notorious, he had countenanced 
 the Papifts’, from the beginning of his reign, whether out 
 of complaifance to the Queen, or from fome political 
 views. 
 
 44 For differences among our feives, for matters indif- 
 “ fereni in their own nature concerning Religion, we {hall, 
 44 in tendernefs to any number of our loving Subjects, 
 44 very willingly comply with the advice of our Parliament, 
 44 that fome Law may be made for the exemption »t 
 44 tender confciences from punifhment, or profecution to, 
 44 fuch ceremonies, jnd in fuch cafes, which by the judg 
 14 ment of moft men, are held to be matters indifferent, 
 “ and of fome to be abfolutely unlawful. Provided that 
 44 this cafe be attempted and purfued with that modefty, 
 44 temper and fubmiffion, that in the mean time the peace 
 44 and quiet of the Kingdom be not difturbed, the decency 
 44 and comelinefs of God’s lervicc difcountenanced, nor 
 44 the pious, fobtr, and devout a&ions of thofe reverend 
 44 Perfons who were the firft labourers in the bleflsd Re- 
 44 formation, or of that time, be fcancalfid and defamed, (4). 
 44 for we cannot, without gnef of heart, and without 
 44 fome tax upon our felf, and our minifters, for the not 
 44 execution of our Laws, look upon the bold iicer.ce of 
 44 fome men, in printing pan.pi.icis, in preaching and 
 44 printing of fernions, fo full of bitternefs and malice a- 
 44 gainft the prefent Government, againft the Laws 
 “ eilabliflieJ, fo full of (edition againft our felf, and the 
 44 peace of the Kingdom, that we are many times amazed 
 44 to confider by wnat eyes thefe things are feen, and by 
 44 what ears they are heard. And therefore we have good 
 44 caufe to command, as we have done, and hereby do, all 
 44 our Judges and Minifters of Juftice, our Attorney and 
 44 Sollicitor-General, and the reft of our learned Council, to 
 44 proceed with all fpeed againft fuch, and their abettors, 
 44 who either by writing or words, have fo boldly and 
 44 malicioufly violated the Laws, difturbed the Peace of 
 44 the Common-wealth, and as much as in them lies, 
 44 fhaken the very foundation upon which that peace and 
 44 happinefs is founded and conftituted. And we doubt 
 44 not but all our loving Subjects will be very fenfible, 
 44 that this bulie, virulent demeanour, is a fit prologue to 
 44 nothing but confufion ; and if not very feafonably 
 “ punifhed and prevented, will not only be a blcmifli to 
 “ that wholfome accommodation we intend, but an 
 44 unfpeakable fcandal and imputation, even upon tl c 
 44 profeflion and Religion of this our Kingdom of Eng- 
 44 land. 
 
 Rem. (4.) The King was not in the wrong to fup¬ 
 port the eftablifhed worlhip, and to regard as an indul¬ 
 gence whatever fhould be granted to tender confciences. 
 But after all, this indulgence was reduced to a very fmalt 
 matter, if we confider ail the limitations contained in this 
 article. 
 
 44 Concerning the civil Liberties and Interefts of our 
 44 Subjects, we lhall need to fay the lefs, having erected 
 44 lb many lafting monuments of our princely and father- 
 44 ly care of our People, in thofe many excellent Lawr, 
 44 patted by us this Parliament, which in truth (with very 
 “ much content to our felf,) we conceive to be fo large 
 
 44 and 
 
Book XX. 
 
 25. CHARLES! 
 
 and anrple, that very many Ibber men have very little Rem. (5.) Unhappily far the King, thefe general pro- 
 left to wtfh for. imfes, to which he could give what Tenfe he thought pro- 
 
 ,,.7 e underitood well the Rtght, and pretences of per, produced not the effeft upon the Commons he exnec- 
 R'ght, we departed from, in the confent.ng to the Bills ted, or rather they produced the quite contrary and' in 
 of the Triennial Parliament, for the continuance of this creafed their diftruft. This the Reader will be convino ‘ 
 prefers Parliament, and in the preamble to the Bill of of, when he comes to fee what had paflld, probal lv ' be- 
 Tunnage and Poundage. The matter of which having fore this Declaration was publifhed. ' 
 
 begot fo many difturbances in late Parliaments, we were ' 
 willing to remove, that no intereft of ours might here¬ 
 after break that correfpondence, abundantly contenting 
 our felf, with an aflurance (which we ftill have) that 
 
 3 98 
 
 “ we fhould be repaired and fupplied by a juft proportion 
 “ of confidence, bounty and obedience of our People. 
 “ In the Bills for the taking away the High-Commiffion 
 “ and Star-Chamber Courts, we believe we had given that 
 “ real fatisfa&ion, that all jealoufies and apprehenficms of 
 “ arbitrary preffures under the civil or ecclefiaftical State* 
 “ would eafily have been abandoned, efpecially when they 
 “ faw all poUible doubts fecured by the vifitation of a 
 “ Triennial Parliament. 
 
 tc Thefe and others of no mean confideration, we had 
 “ rather fhould be valued in the hearts and affe&ions of 
 “ our Feople, than in any mention of our own ; not 
 doubting, but as we have taken ail thefe occafions to 
 “ render their condition moft comfortable and happy, fo 
 “ they will always, in a grateful and dutiful relation, be 
 “ ready with equal tendernefs and alacrity to advance bur 
 <c rights, and preferve our honour, upon which their own 
 “ fecurity and fubfiftance fo much depends. And we will 
 “ be fo careful, that no particular fhall be prefentcd unto 
 “ us, for the compleating and eftablifhing that fecurity, to 
 “ which we will not with the fame readinefs contribute 
 “ our bcft affiftance. 
 
 “ If thefe refolutions be the effetfts of our prefent coun- 
 fels (and we take God to witnefs, that they are fuch, 
 tC and that all our losing Subjects may confidently ex- 
 <c ,pe6l the benefit of them from us,) certainly no ill de- 
 fign upon the publick can accompany fuch refolution* 
 “ neither will there be greater caufe of fufpicion of any 
 “ Perfons preferred by us to degrees of honour, and places 
 < c of truft and employment fince this Parliament. And 
 <c we muft confefs, that amongft crur misfortunes, we 
 “ reckon it not the leaft, that having not retained in our 
 fervice, nor prote£ted any one perfon, againft whom our 
 “ Parliament hath excepted during the whole fitting of it, 
 “ and having in all that time fcarce vouchfafed to any 
 
 And our hope is, that not only the loyalty and few 
 “ affe&ions of all our loving Subjects, will concur wi.fi us 
 “ in the conftant preferving a good underftairdrng between 
 “ us and our People, but at this time, their own ;.:.d v.r 
 “ intereft, and companion of the lamentable condition r.f 
 our poor Proteftant Subje&s in Ireland, will invite them 
 “ to a fair intelligence and unity amongft themfelves, that 
 fo we may with one heart, intend the relieving and re- 
 “ covering that unhappy Kingdom, where thofe barbarous 
 rebels pradtife fuch inhuman and unheard of outrages 
 “ upon our miferable People, that no Chriftian ear c^an 
 ‘ hear without horror, nor ftory parallell. And as we look 
 “ upon this as the greateft affliction it hath pleafed God to 
 “ lay upon us, fo our unhappinefs is incrcafed, in that, by 
 * tbe diftempers at home, fo early remedies have not been 
 “ applied to thofe growing evils, as the expedition and 
 “ neceifity there requires, though for our part, as we did 
 “ upon the firft notice acquaint our Parliament of Scotland , 
 “ ( wh ere we then were) with that rebellion, requiring 
 their aid and affiftance, and gave like fpeedy intimation 
 “ and recommendation to our Parliament here } fo fince 
 ‘‘ our return hither, we have been forward to all things 
 “ which have been propofed to us towards that work, 
 “ and have lately our fell offered ( by a rrieflagfe to our 
 “ Houfe of Peers, and communicated to our Houfe of Com¬ 
 mons ) to take upon us the care to raife fpeedijy ten 
 “ thoufand Englijh Volunteers for that fervice, if the Houfe 
 “ °f Commons fhall declare, that they will pay them (6); 
 “ which particulars we are ( in a manner ) neceffitated to 
 “ publifh, fince we are informed, that the malice of feme 
 “ perfons have whifpered it abroad, that no fpeedier ad- 
 “ vancing of the bufinfcfs, hath proceeded from fome want 
 “ alacrity in us to this great work, whereas we ac- 
 “ knowledge it a high crime againft Almighty God, and 
 ce inexcufablc to our good Subjects of our three Kingdoms, 
 tc if we did not to the ytmoft employ all our powers and 
 “ faculties to the fpeedieft and moft effe&ual affiftance and 
 “ prote&ion of that diftrefied People. 
 
 Rem. (6 .) It appears by this pillage, that this anfwer 
 
 man an inftance of our grace and favour, but to fifth was not pu'blifhed till' after the King’s offer’of levying ten 
 who were under fome eminent character of eftimation rv,.„ r~_ .l-. ~ 1 ° 
 
 ‘ among our People, there fhould fo foon be any mif- 
 c underftanding or jealoufy of their fidelity and upright- 
 c neft, efpecially in a time when we take all occafions to 
 c declare, that we conceive our felf only capable of being 
 ; ferved by honeft "men, and in honeft ways. However, 
 ; if in truth we have been miftaken in fuch our election, 
 : the particular fhall be no fooner difeovered to us, either 
 : by our own obfervation, or other certain information, 
 ; tfian wc will leave them to publick juftice, under the 
 : marks of our difpleafure. 
 
 “ If notwithftanding this* any malignant party fhall 
 take heart, and be willing to facrifice the peace and 
 happinefs of their country to their own finifter ends 
 
 thoufand men for Ireldnd , that is to fay, in January 1641-. 
 
 “ And we fhall now conjure all our good Subjects ( of 
 “ what degree foever ) by all the bonds of love,' 'dutt*,' or 
 “ obedience, that are precious to gooTl me*), to join wftli 
 “ us for the recovery of the peace of that Kingdom, and 
 “ the prefervation of the peace of this, to remove a!! their 
 “ doubts and fears, which may interrupt their affeSion to 
 45 us, and all their jealoufies and 3 pprebenfions, which may 
 “ leflen thfeir charity to each other, and then (if the fins 
 <c of this nation have not prepared an inevitable judgrnenc 
 “ for us all) God will yet make us a great and glorious 
 “ King, over a free and happy People.” 
 
 The bare reading of this Declaration fufficiently fhow 4 
 the King had no intention to give a particular anfwer to the 
 
 “ and ambitions, under what pretence of Religion and Remonftrancc of the State of the Kingdom, which con- 
 “ confcience foever ; if they fhall endeavour to leflen our tained fo many different articles, untouched by the Kino’s 
 “ reputation and intereft, and to weaken Our lawful power declaration. And perhaps; he would never have given any 
 “ and authority with our good Subjects ; if they fhall go anfwer, if his enemies had not triumphed on his., ft lenci-, 
 
 “ about b 7 ^countenancing the prefent Laws to loofen He thought proper therefore to publifh this Declaration, 
 
 “ the bands of Government, that all diforder and confu- that he might fay he had anfwered the Remonftrance, and 
 fion may break in upon us, we doubt not, but God in not with defign to anfwer it indeed ; and befides, he pub- 
 “ b 's good time will difeover them unto us ; and the lifhed it not till long after the Remonftrance was received. 
 
 *' wifdom and courage of our High-Court of Parliament; Mean while, the Commons publifhing this Paper againft 
 “ j°> n with us in their fuppreffion and punifhment. his will, made a deep impreffion on his mind, and convin- 
 
 Having now faid all that we can to exprefs the clear- ced him; they had fonfie grand defign, fince they had fo 
 “ nefs and uprightnefs of our intentions to our People, and little regard for him. 
 
 41 done all we can to manifeft thofe intentions, we cannot It was not very flrangc; that the King fhould be highly Ffr:} 
 
 “ but confidently believe, all our good Subje&s will ac- difpleafed with fuch a Remonftrance, which was properly ,h t R,l-c 
 “ knowledge our part to be fully performed, both in deeds but a feries of reproaches for h s pall condatf, and againft 
 paft, and prefent refolutions, to do whatfoever with juf- his Government; with a Remonftrance, not directed to 
 “ tic c ma y he required of us, and that their quiet and prof- himfelf, but to the publick, the authors whereof only meant 
 “ perjty depends now wholly upon themfelves, and is in to incenfe the People againft hi . , and v.. v as made 
 “ their own power, by yielding all obedience and due reve- at a time, when it feemed to oe mou unneceffaiy. Ac- 
 fence to the Law, which is the inheritance of every cordingly, the begriming of the breach b .vo cn the King 
 “ Subject, and the only fecurity he can have for his life, and the Parliament is properly to be dated from this time, 
 
 <c liberty, or eftate, and the which being negledfted or dif- though, on both fides, fome meafures were yet kept. 
 
 efteemed (under what fpecious ftiews foever) a very Next day; the fecond of December, the Kin^ coming „ o .. 
 
 to the rarliament, the bpeaker prefented to him the Bill IV. p.452* 
 for Tunnage and Poundage lorfome months only, wherein 
 the King exprefsly owned, he had till then levied tiiefe 
 King can make to his fubjeefts, that for our part, we are Duties without a legal power. He made, on this occafion, 
 reiolved not only duly to obferve the Laws our felf, but a fine Speech, full of his Majefty’s praifes for his goodnefs 
 to maintain them againft what oppohtton foever, though and affedlion to. his People. After which, the King fpake 
 with the hazard of our Being. (5.) in the following manner to both Houfes, 
 
 M 4 
 
 great meafure cf infelicity, if not an irreparabie confu- 
 fion, muft without doubt fall upon them. And 
 doubt not, it will be the moft acceptable declaration a 
 
400 
 1641. 
 
 Tbe King'/ 
 Speech to 
 both Houfet. 
 Dec. z. 
 Rufhworth. 
 IV. p. 454 
 Nalfon. 
 
 T. II. 708 
 
 J Commit 
 
 bout the 
 Scotch Su: 
 
 Rulhworth 
 IV. p. 45. 
 Nalfon, 
 T.H.p 711 
 ’- 9 > 73 z< 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen , 
 
 Think it fit, after fo long abfencc, at this firft oc- 
 cafion to fpeak a few words unto you : But it is in 
 tc no wap in anfwer to Mr. Speaker’s learned Speech. 
 
 “ Albeit I have ftaid longer than I expected to have 
 ' “ done when I went away, yet in this I have kept my 
 . “ promife with you, that I have made all the hafte back 
 “ again, that the fettling of my Scotch affairs could anyways 
 “ permit. In which I have had fo good fuccefs, that I 
 “ will confidently affirm to you, that I have left that na- 
 <* tion a moft peaceable and contented People ; fo that al- 
 “ though I have a little mifreckoned in time, yet I was 
 “ not deceived in my end. 
 
 “ But if I have deceived your expe£lations a little in the 
 “ time of my return, I am allured, that my expedition 
 “ is as much and more deceived, in the condition wherein 
 “ I hoped to have found fome bufinefles at my return. 
 “ For that fince before my going I fettled the liberties of 
 “ my Subjedls, and gave the Laws a free and orderly 
 “ courfe, I expedled to have found my People reaping the 
 fruits of thefe benefits, by living in quietnefs and fatif- 
 “ fadlion of mind : But inftead of this, I find them dif- 
 “ turbed with jealoufies, frights, and alarms of dangerous 
 “ defigns and plots ; in confequence of which, guards have 
 * c been fet to defend both Houles. I fay not this as in 
 “ doubt, that my Subjedfs affections are any way lefiened 
 ‘‘ unto me in this time of my abfence, for I cannot but 
 “ remember, to my great comfort, the joyful reception I 
 “ had now at my entry into London ; but rather, as I 
 “ hope, that my prefence will eafily difperfe thefe fears: 
 “ For I bring as perfedt and true aff’edtions to my People, 
 “ as ever Prince did, or as good Subjects can polfibly defire. 
 ,c And I am fo far from repenting me of any adt I have 
 “ done in this felfion for the good of my People, that I 
 proteft, if it were to do again, I would do it ; and 
 “ will yet grant what elfe can be juftly defired, for fatif- 
 “ fadlion in point of Liberties, or in maintenance of the 
 “ true Religion that is here eftablilhed. 
 
 “ Now I have but one particular to recommend unto 
 “ you at this time, it is Ireland ; for which, though I 
 “ doubt not your care, yet methinks the preparations for it 
 “ go but flowly on. The occafion is the fitter for me 
 “ now to mention, becaufe of the arrival of two Lords 
 “ from Scotland , who come inftrudled from my Council 
 “ there ( who now by Adt of Parliament have full power 
 “ for that purpofe ) to anfwer that demand, which it pleafed 
 “ both Houfes to make me by way of Petition, that met 
 “ me at Berwick ; and which the Duke of Richmond fent 
 “ back by my command, to my Scotijh Council. There- 
 “ fore my defire is, that both Houfes would appoint a fe- 
 “ led! Committee to end this bufinefs with thefe Noble- 
 “ men. 
 
 “ I muff conclude in telling you, that I feek my Peo- 
 “ pie’s happinefs: For their flourifhing is my greateft 
 “ glory, and their affections my greateft ftrength.” 
 
 It was not without great reafon that the King refolved to 
 teffify an extreme zeal for the publick good, lince the Re¬ 
 monstrance of the Commons plainly taught him, that en¬ 
 deavours were ufing to make him forfeit the love of the 
 people. It was therefore neceflary to countermine the de¬ 
 figns of his enemies, by repeated afiurances of a great af- 
 fedtion for his people, and by intimating, he had entirely 
 changed his principles and maxims. But herein he had 
 one great difadvantage, in that, for his future behaviour, he 
 could give no other fecurity than his word, which, his 
 enemies pretended to demonftrate, was not to be relied on. 
 They chiefly urged, that though the King had folemnly 
 given his aflent to the Petition of Right, he had never ex¬ 
 ecuted what he promifed. The confequence they drew 
 from this non-performance was fo much the ftronger, as 
 the King had nothing to oppofe to it but bare promifes, 
 which were of no more force than thofe he had made with 
 regard to that Petition. 
 
 ft As the King had earneftly recommended to the Parlia¬ 
 ment, the confideration of the affairs of Ireland , both 
 Houfes immediately appointed a Committee to treat with 
 the Scots about fuccours (1). The Commons in particular 
 - paflionately defired to negotiate with Scotland. In their pre- 
 fent belief, that the King was willing to engage them to 
 i- fend an army into Ireland , in order to be more at eafe in 
 England , they could not find a more effectual way to break 
 his meafures, than to employ Scotijh Troops in the relief 
 of that Kingdom. As they had already taken the refla¬ 
 tion, though fecretly, of devefting the King of great part 
 of his power, they eafily forefaw, that a breach would in- 
 
 oj ENGLAND. Voi. II. 
 
 fallibly follow, and then they fhould want the Troops, the 1641. 
 King had a mind to engage them to fend into Ireland. 
 
 After the Remoriftrance, every thing manifeftly tended t 
 to a rupture between the King and the Parliament, and ‘ 1 a - 
 the Commons loft no opportunity to infufe fufpicions into t e - ct ' 
 the people againft the King. To this end, Daniel O Neal- Vat ogol . 
 who was concerned in the plot to feduce the army, was o Neal. . 
 voted guilty of a fecond attempt, in [June, or j July laff, Njl '" n > 
 to perfwade the chief officers of the army to declare for ev- 
 the King, againft the Parliament. This tended to fhow, Rufowoitl 
 that the King had not relinquifhed his project, to make ule 1V ‘ p ‘ ^ 
 of force to awe the Parliament. 
 
 On the other hand, the Rebels of Ireland having [b y Tte l,i/h; 
 the Lord Cojlelough J prefented to the Lords Juftices of that ‘ nd a 
 Kingdom, a Letter in the nature of a Remonftranee, ff ~ " 
 wherein they demanded the free exercife of their Religion , 
 and a repeal of all Laws to the contrary , the Commons 
 made a great noife about it. They knew the Lord Cojle- 
 lough , with the Lord Taajf, were on their way to Eng¬ 
 land , with propofitions to be offered to the King concern¬ 
 ing means for procuring the peace of Ireland. So, fear r °' e : D-e 
 ing, or pretending to fear, the King would grant liberty .f 
 of confcience to the Irijh Papifts, they defired a conference h, n . 
 with the Lords. After which, it was lolemnlv declared Reword 
 by both Houfes, That they would never conlcnt to any * 
 
 toleration of the Popijh Religion in Ireland , [or any ocher T. a. 72 
 his Majefty’s Dominions. ] It is eafy to lee how much ~n> TV: 
 this tended to breed fufpicions of the King. 
 
 If ’tis fuppofed, as I have infinuated, that the aim of Maivei » 
 the Commons, or at leaft of the greateft part of the Houfe , ,bc CaM ' 
 was to put it out of the King’s power to govern for the ' 
 
 future, as he had governed before this Parliament, and 
 that, to prepare the people for this change, it was neceflary 
 to fill them with fears and fufpicions, the motives of all 
 their proceedings, and the King’s fad fuuation, will be 
 perfectly underftood. His Subjects were prejudiced againft 
 him, and he had given but too much occafion. Every ficp 
 taken by the Commons tended to increaie this prejudice, 
 and the King, to remove it, could allcdge only the fince- 
 rity of his intentions, of which many people were not 
 convinced. This gave his enemies an advantage, which 
 they did not fail on all occafions to improve. Nay, they rl . 
 defeended even to the meaneft trifles, to cherifh the peo- r ,l ' ?r 
 pie’s fears. Fcr upon information, that amongft fume 
 barrels of Soap, fent by a Merchant of London to Dor- 
 chejler , there was found a barrel of Gun-powder, the 
 Houle appointed a Committee (2) to make a ftridt inquifi- 
 tion, as into a thing of the greateft confequence. 
 
 About the fame time, another affair happened, whicii 
 gave fome advantage againft the King. The Sth o (Sjjf 
 December , he fent to acquaint both Houfes, that (even tighten'-. 
 Priefts (3) having been condemned that week, the French 
 Ambaflador had defired him to change the fen fence ol 
 death, into that of banifhment, upon which he defired toTu.pVu 
 have their advice, borne days after, the Common, voted, 73 1 . i'% 
 that the (even Priefts Ihould be executed, and the Lords 74 °’ r+ ‘ 
 concurring with this vote, both Houfes petitioned the King 
 to order the execution. The King replied, he would ba- 
 nilh the feven Priefts, if both Houfes would give their con- 
 fent. As they did not think proper to anfwer, the King 
 took occafion from their filence, to fufpend the execution. 
 
 Two months after, the King communicated a letter to 
 them, which Secretary Nicholas had received from Venice , 
 wherein he was told, that the Pope threatned to fend an 
 army into Ireland , if the Priefts were executed. Upon 
 this menace, both Houfes prayed the King once more to 
 execute the feven Priefts. But he thought not proper to 
 grant their delire. His reafon was, the fear of reprifals, ib. p . 7 w 
 and that this rigour might be extremely prejudicial to the 
 Englijh Proteftants in Ireland , who Ihould fall into the 
 hands of the rebels. This reafon was fo much the weaker, 
 as it ferved not only for the prefent cafe, but alfu for all 
 that Ihould offer hereafter, and tended to render the Laws 
 of no effedt. Befides, the Irijh having already maftacred 
 above forty thoufand Englijh Proteftants without any caufe, 
 the fear of reprifals from them feems to have been a weak 
 motive for pard®ning thefe Priefts. Accordingly, it was 
 generally thought to be owing to the follicitations of the 
 Queen. Be this as it will, the Priefts were not executed, 
 for though, afterwards, the King left it to both Houfes to 
 fave or put them to death, they did not think fit either to 
 pardon or execute. All this was extremely prejudicial to 
 the King, fince, at the very time that he folemnly pro- 
 tefted, he was refolved to execute the Laws, he granted his 
 prote£tion to thefe feven Priefts, legally convidled, and had 
 no regard to the inftances of both Houfes. 
 
 ■ t) That ir, with fome Sccr.jh CommilDoners, who were come f'om Scotland to treat with the Pariiamea*, about Succours fer Ireland. The Committee 
 Jppointed by the Parliament, were, the Earls of Bedford, and Leicefter, the Lord Howard of Efcrjek ; and Nathaniel Fienntt, Sir im Army*, Sit Philip 
 UopUtcn, and John Hampden. Nalfm, Tom- II. p. 711, 716. 
 
 2) They fent down an order to the Juftices of Peace of Dcrcbcjler, to malce diligent fearch for a barrel of Powder fent thither for a barrel of Soap. Halprt, 
 Tom. H. P , 719- 
 
 1) Rapm fays fix, but Nalpn makes them to be eight io one place, and io another feven. See Na/J', Tom. II. p. 710, 740. 
 
 At 
 
Book XX 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 1641. 
 
 W« f 
 
 tbe back- 
 VJti’dnrf « to 
 
 off,ft IreU, d. 
 Clarendon. 
 
 T. I. p 157* 
 
 , Naif>n 
 1 T.H.p. 73 a« 
 
 Kalfon, 
 T. 1 I. p.761 
 
 1 Pole 1 of tbe 
 
 Peer! too- 
 Meriting Ire- 
 land. 
 [INalfon. 
 T.U.p.763. 
 
 '1 Sharp An. 
 
 1 liver 1 of tbe 
 kCommom. 
 lb. p. 771. 
 
 401 
 
 Commons would engage to pay them, was a clear evi- 1641. 
 dence, that the obftructions did not proceed from him. His 
 enemies, on the contrary, affirmed, that the refufal of the 
 Lords, or rather of the King who directed them, to ac¬ 
 cept of the aid of ten thousand Scots, on a frivolous pre¬ 
 tence, plainly fhowed, that the difficulties did not come 
 from the Houfe of Commons, fince they were wry ready 
 to promife to pay thefe auxiliaries, l or my part, { am oi RrW on 
 opinion, that both King and Commons thought lefs feri- ,h " Sui j- a ' 
 cully of affifting Ireland, than of drawing from the I, 
 rebellion private advantages, with regaid to their differenc. 
 
 The King wilhed the Parliament would fend a ftrong ar¬ 
 my into Ireland, that they might find it more difficult to 
 raife forces in cafe of a breach with him, of which there 
 was but too much appearance. The Commons, on their 
 part, had prevailed with the Scots to offer ten thoufand 
 men, in the belief, that if they were accepted, they fliould 
 be freed from the trouble and danger of fending an Er.g- 
 lij!) army into Ireland , and if they were refufed, the delay 
 of relief would be imputed to the King. 
 
 ^ However this be, the Houfe, upon the report of the [6 
 Committee, found that one great obftru&ion of relief to j' n . i.**’ 
 Ireland , was, that the Irijh had not been declared rebels by 
 Proclamation. Wherefore, on the t ft of January 164:- z, f 
 the King publifhed a Proclamation, wherein the Irijh were i/'-rm, 
 exprefsly called traitors and rebels. But there were only orJ 
 forty copies printed, which were all fent to Secretary N-- £'',j- on 
 cholas , according to an order received by the Printer, to v iw’sog. 
 this effed: 
 
 It is bis Mayfly's pleafure. That you forthwith prion rv, 
 very good Pape , and fend unto me, for his Majeflfs jervite, j 
 forty copies of the Proclamation inclofcd, leaving convenient Knlf >' v ""h. 
 Jpace for his Mayfly to flgn above , and to affix the Privy lV ' p 4;2 ' 
 Signet underneath. And his Mayfly's exprefs command is. 
 
 That you print not above the faid number of forty copies, and 
 forbear to make any further publication of them till his pUa- 
 fure be further fignifed. 
 
 For his Majefty’s 
 Printer (3), 
 
 t on tbe two 
 I \Lordt fent 
 from l,c- 
 
 Rufh worth, 
 IV. [+i 3.] 
 Tbe King 
 
 1 V" tblufand 
 
 T. II-p- 757 , 
 
 761, 768. 
 
 769. 771. 
 bEUrenilon. 
 T-I.p. * 59 . 
 
 be Caufe of 
 be delay of 
 be aid. 
 tulhworth,| 
 V. p. 466. 
 Nalfon. 
 r.II.p.761, 
 
 At this time, I mean in December 1641, two affairs 
 fucceffively employed the Houfe of Comfnons, namely, 
 the fuccours for Ireland , and the accufation prefented to 
 the Lords again ft the Bi drops. I fhall only fpeak of the 
 firff at prefent. 
 
 The King and Parliament equally granted the neceffity 
 of relieving Ireland , and all the advices from thence were a 
 demonftration of it. The Irijh army was at the gates of 
 Dublin , and had cut in pieces a body of troops fent to 
 Drogheda. So, in all likelihood, the Lords-Juftices, with 
 their few troops, could not long redd: the rebels. The 
 Scotch Commiffioners that were come to London to treat 
 with the Parliament, had offered an aid of five thoufand 
 men, who could eafily be fent from Scotland into the 
 North of Ireland, to make a diverfion, and the Commons 
 had prevailed with them to treat for ten thoufand. The 
 defign of the Commons was to employ only Scotch troops 
 in the redudion of Ireland, that England might not be un¬ 
 provided. The King did not refufe the affiftance of Scot¬ 
 land, but would have England fend into Ireland the like 
 number of Englijh forces, on pretence, that there was dan¬ 
 ger of the Scots feizing upon Ireland when the Irijh fhould 
 be fubdued. He had found means to gain the Peers, fo 
 that when the motiort was made to the Lords, for fending 
 ten thoufand Scots into Ireland, they confented to it, pro¬ 
 vided the fame number of Englijh were alfo fent thither. 
 
 The Scotch Commiffioners complaining by a rhemorial, 
 that in a fortnight they had no pofitive anfwer to their of¬ 
 fers, the Commons preffed the Lords to difpatch the af¬ 
 fair, declaring, if they neglected it, the whole blame would 
 fall upon them. They farther declared, that unlefs the 
 Bill for preffing of foldiers parted, it was impoffible for Eng¬ 
 land to raife troops for this fervice. Whereupon the Lords 
 debated the three following queftions, which were all re- 
 folved in the negative. 
 
 1. Whether this Houfe fhall conferit to' fend ten thou¬ 
 fand Scots into Ireland , before it can be afcertained that 
 ten thoufand Englijh will be fent thither alfo? 
 
 2. Whether this Houfe fhall confent to fend ten thou¬ 
 fand Scots before the Bill for preffing be parted ? 
 
 3. Whether this Houfe fhall join with the Commons, in 
 fending now ten thoufand Scots into Ireland ? 
 
 The Commons replied to thefe votes in a conference, that 
 for the certainty their Lordfhips defire of fending ten thou¬ 
 fand Englijh into Ireland, the Commons were not ufed to 
 be capitulated with : That their adions are free, as well 
 without conditions as capitulations, and defire it may be fo 
 no more: That they had already given fufficient certainty 
 by a vote communicated to their Lordfhips, and fee no ne¬ 
 ceffity of voting it again : That they defire their Lordfhips 
 would vote the fending ten thoufand Scots, without any 
 relation to the ten thoufand Englijh , and that fpeedily, the 
 prefervation of Ireland depending upon it: That they have 
 the more reafon to defire this, as the Englijn troops cannot 
 go, unlefs the Bill for preffing partes. But this was not 
 capable of making the Lords depart from their former re- 
 folutions. 
 
 Mean time, the Commons, who had already committed 
 to prifon the Lords Coflelough and Taajf, ( fent to the 
 King with proportions about procuring the peace of Ireland) 
 caufed all their Papers to be examined, in their diftruft of 
 the King, and no doubt, in expedation of finding feme 
 thing which might do him a prejudice (1). 
 
 At the fame time, the King acquainted the Lords, that 
 he would engage to raife ten thoufand men for Ireland , if 
 the Commons would promife to pay them (2). But they 
 were fo far from accepting this proportion, knowing the 
 King meant to grant the commiffions, and would give them 
 to fuch officers only as fhould be at his devotion. So the 
 Commons chofe rather to hazard the entire lofs of Ireland, 
 than fend thither ten thoufand Englijh in fuch a juncture ; 
 and the Lords chofe rather to run the risk of feeing all the 
 Englijh driven out of that Kingdom, than of feeing the 
 Scots in condition to feize it. The King perfedly knew 
 the motive of the Commons proceedings, whilft they were 
 not ignorant, that the Lords aded wholly by the King’s 
 diredion. 0 
 
 * Mean time, the affiftance for Ireland being ftill retarded 
 by thefe quarrels, the Commons appointed a Committee 
 to examine, from whence came the obftacles that occurred 
 in this affair. It was really difficult for thofe who were 
 not acquainted with the fecret motives of the King and 
 Commons, to know where the blame lay, that Ireland was 
 not relieved, fince they feemed equallv defirous that a 
 fpeedy aid fhould be fent thither. The King’s friends faid, 
 his Majefty’s offer to raife ten thoufand men, provided the 
 
 r [V o h f ^ Dilh " - f Ct f dough was pitched upon by the Irifh Lord; to carry 
 
 rhr r PM' b •' 0n ' Accordingly he embarked, in company with the Lord Taajf, and at , ..... ..... ....... ...... 
 
 f afterwards they found means to efcape, and waittd upon his Majefly. Rojhworth Tom. 4. [p. 413 ] 
 
 * *'■ ™ made by the Scotijb Commiffioners. Tom. * 
 
 (3) Naljon ha, omitted this Order to the Printer, though the King denied it not. Refit, 
 
 No. LXIV. V o l. IL 
 
 Ed. Nicholas. 
 
 It will hereafter be Teen, what ufe the Commons made 
 of this order, the original whereof they had in their hands, 
 and the King’s anfwer. 
 
 I have already obferved, that fince the King’s return p rm :d;ngt 
 from Scotland , there were between him and the Commons of tbe King 
 feeds of divifion, which threatned an approaching rupture. and . 1 "~' i ‘ a - 
 This appeared on all occaiions, and the mutual diftruft con- 
 tinually increafed ; but with this difference, that the Com¬ 
 mons did not take the leaft ftep, but what tended to their 
 end of filling the People with fears and jealoufies ; whereas 
 the King having yet formed no project, managed accord¬ 
 ing to the prefent emergencies, without propofing to hkn- 
 felf a fixed and certain end, which was a great difadvan- 
 tage to him. Shortly after his return from Scotland, upon 7 . King 
 notice that there was to be a tumultuous concourfe of Pea u Guard 
 pie at Wefltninfler, he fent a writ to the Sheriff to let a , ' ... 
 
 guard near the Parliament. The Commons took offence r s 
 at it, and after fome inquiry to fhow it was done by the 7,:t ‘ . 
 
 King’s order, difmifted the guard. 
 
 Two days after, the King publifhed a Proclamation, Ruffiworth, 
 ftridly commanding, that divine fervice fhould be perform- '/ "• 1 - 
 ed in all the Churches of England and Hales, according to ' p ',-e 
 
 the Laws and Statutes of the realm. This Proclamation, 729, 
 
 which indeed contained nothing contrary to Law^ was f z J 
 however unfeafhnable, when the Commons publickly hlf c ™u~ii. 
 fhowed, that in the Laws concerning divine fervice, there ”’g Divmt 
 were things offenfive to the confcienccs of many people. , 
 
 But the King had the misfortune td forget fometimes the i„jd. * ‘ ’ 
 fituation of his affairs, and remember only his former ftate, Nalfon. 
 when his Proclamations met with a ready compliance. He cij r endon°' 
 could eafily fee, that this would be at leaft of no ufe, and T. 1. p.ssj. 
 confequently he fhould not have publifhed it at fuch a junc¬ 
 ture. But he gave his enemies a much greater advantage 
 againft him, in another affair, which Created him no fmall 
 mortification. 
 
 The Commons had voted, as I faid, that a body of Bit: for 
 troops fhould be fent into Ireland. But as they were ex- °f 
 tremely jealous of the King, they fought an expedient to Va ion 
 hinder him from being concerned in the railing of thefe T-ii.p.750, 
 forces. They were apprehenfive, if thefe levies were c~' -don 
 rfiade in the ufual manner, that is, by lilting volunteers, 
 tkefe trobps would be too much at the King’s devotion. 
 
 This expedient was to levy foldiers by way of compulfion, 
 called in England4 preffing, and to pafs an A£t for that 
 pufpofe, A Bill was accordingly brought in, and fent up 
 to the Lords. Very likely, there was fome claufe in this 
 
 er their defires to his Majefty concerning the means of quenching the fLrr.c; 
 i at IVare their Pjfer. were feized by direftions from the Parliamci and 
 n hii Mnirflv. RoJbtVorth. Tom. A. To. Alt*"! 
 
 • lio b ' 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 402 
 
 The HIS TO R T of ENGLAND. 
 
 Rill contrary tC the Prerogative Royal, to hinder the King 
 from being concerned in levying thefe troops (1). The 
 King having notice of it, came to the Parliament, and 
 
 made the following Speech to both Houfes. 
 
 TbeKmgt 
 Speech to tbi 
 Parliament. 
 
 Dec. +• 
 Rulhworth. 
 IV. P . 4.57. 
 
 T.Hp- 
 
 Jtap Lords and Gentlemen , 
 
 ‘ rjp'HE laft time I was in this place, and the laft 
 c thing that I recommended unto you was the 
 
 ‘ buiinefs of Ireland ; whereby I was in good hope that 
 ‘ I Ihould not have needed again to have put you in 
 “ mind of that bufinefs. But ftill feeing the (low proceed- 
 ‘ ings therein, and the daily difpatches that I have out of 
 1 Ireland , of the lamentable eftate of my Proteftant Sub- 
 C j e £ts there, I cannot but again earneftly recommend 
 * the difpatch of that expedition unto you ; for it is the 
 ‘ chief bufinefs that at this time I take to heart, and 
 ‘ there cannot almoft be any bufinefs that I can have 
 “ more care of. 
 
 “ I might now take up fome of your time in exprefling 
 my deteftation of rebellions in general, and of this in 
 particular ; but knowing that deeds and not declara¬ 
 nt tions muft fupprefs this great infolency, I do here in a 
 « word offer you whatfoever my power, pains or induilry 
 n can contribute to this good and neceflary work of re¬ 
 ts ducing the Irijh nation to their true and wonted obc- 
 “ dience. 
 
 “ And that nothing may be omitted on my part, I 
 « muft here take notice of the Bill for prefling of foldiers, 
 “ now depending among you, my Lords ; concerning 
 “ which, I here declare, that in cafe it come fo to me, 
 “ as it may not infringe or diminifh my Prerogative, I 
 tt will pafs it. And further, feeing there is a difpute railed, 
 <* (I being little beholding to him whofoever at this time 
 “ began it) concerning the bounds of this antient and un- 
 “ doubted Prerogative ; to avoid further debate at this 
 time, I offer that the Bill may pafs with a Salvo Jure 
 44 both for King and People, leaving fuch debates to 
 44 a time that may better bear them. If this be not ac- 
 44 cepted, the fault is not mine that this Bill pafs not, but 
 “ theirs that refufe fo fair an offer. 
 
 44 To conclude, I conjure you by all that is or can be 
 44 dear to you or me, that laying afide all difputes, you 
 44 go on chearfully and fpeedily for the reducing of Ire- 
 44 land." 
 
 Though it clearly appeared, that in this Speech the 
 King had no intention to violate the privilege of Parlia¬ 
 ment, but only to remove the obftacles which occurred 
 on account of this Bill, both Houfes were equally offended. 
 They appointed a joint Committee to examine the King’s 
 Speech, and upon their report, the Houfe of Lords unani- 
 nioufly voted, 
 
 1. That the privileges of Parliament were broken by 
 his Majefty’s taking notice of the Bill for prefling of 
 foldiers, being in agitation in both Houfes, and not a- 
 greed on. 
 
 2. That his Majefty in propounding a limitation and 
 provifional claufe to be added to the Bill, before it was pre- 
 iented unto him by the confent of both Houfes, was a 
 breach of the privilege of Parliament. 
 
 3. That his Majefty exprefling his difpleafure againft 
 fome perfons, for matters moved in the Parliament, during 
 the debate and preparation of that Bill, was a breaeh of 
 the privilege of Parliament. 
 
 Thefe votes were alfo readily pafTed in the Houfe of 
 Commons, after which, both Houfes united in a folemn 
 
 .. Declaration, importing, 44 That the King ought not to 
 
 cf both tlou- *< take notice of any matter in agitation or debate in either 
 44 Houfe of Parliament, but by their information and 
 44 agreement : And that his Majefty ought not to pro- 
 44 pound any condition, provifion, or limitation to any 
 44 Bill or A<£t in debate, or preparation in either Houfes of 
 44 Parliament ; or to manifeft or declare his confent or 
 4 4 diflent, approbation or diflike of the fame, before it be 
 44 prefented to his Majefty in due courfe of Parliament ; 
 44 and that every particular Member of either Houfe hath 
 44 free liberty of fpeech to propound or debate any matter 
 44 according to the order and courfe of Parliament : And 
 44 that his Majefty ought not to conceive difpleafure a- 
 44 gainft any man for fuch opinions and propofitions as 
 44 Ihall be delivered in fuch debate, it belonging to the 
 44 feveral Houfes of Parliament refpe&ively to judge and 
 44 determine fuch errors and offences in words or adlions, 
 44 as fhall be committed by any of their Members, in the 
 44 handling or debating any matters depending : And that 
 44 his Majefty will be pleafed to declare the authors of this 
 44 mif-information and evil counfel (z).” 
 
 Lcrdt 
 
 Nalfon 
 T.Il p. 
 
 
 2)ecla< 
 
 Rulhworth. 
 IV. P . 458. 
 Nalfon, 
 
 T.II.p- 75 °‘ 
 
 Purfuant to this Declaration, both Houfes prefented to 1641-2. 
 the King a more extenfive Petition, which the KingJ"'"™' 4 ! 
 within few days anfwered in writing. The ftrength of his ond 
 anfwer confifted in, that he had no intention to infringe/w«-. 
 the privilege of Parliament, and meant only to haften the 
 relief of Ireland. Both Houfes were fatisfied with this expit- 7 6,.' p ‘ 3 
 cation, and the affair was carried no farther. But there ftill clarendon,- 
 remained upon the King, a blemifh for violating the privi- T - 1 -P , *S®: 
 lege of Parliament, which was then of great confequence. 
 
 This fhows, the King had not then about him any very Fauln of r£ 
 able counfellors. For if they had perceived the Com- *'"*"*'* 
 mons intention, fince the re-affembling of the Parliament, 
 they would have been careful not to advife the King to 
 take fo many not only unnecelfary fteps, but fuch as gave 
 his enemies great advantages. Of this nature was the Pro¬ 
 clamation concerning divine fervice. In the fame rank I 
 place alfo the great zeal he expreffed for the Church of 
 England , which ferved only to alienate ftill farther from 
 him all the adherents of the Commons, and to fhow them 
 what they were to expedft, if he Ihould be reftored to his 
 former ftate. In a word, nothing could be more unfea- 
 fonable than this laft Speech to both Houfes, as if the bare 
 threat of not palling the Bill was fufficient to awe them, 
 whereas, at leaft in regard to the Commons, it was a vary 
 ftrong argument to caufe them to infift upon their demand. 
 
 Befides, the breach of Privilege muft have been evident, 
 fince there was not a fingle Member in both Houfes, but 
 what thought the King had violated it by his propofition. 
 
 Six or feven days after, the King gave a frefh occafion The King ■ 
 of complaint, by removing Sir William Balfour Lieutenant Bail 
 of the Tower from his place, with whom he had no Zlmojib.: 
 reafon to be pleafed, on account of his evidence concern- Tower. 
 ing the defign of promoting the Earl of Strafford” s efcape. 
 
 Every one faw, this was the foie caufe of Balfour's difgrace. iv. p . 
 
 But perhaps his removal would not have been of fo ill Clarendon/ 
 confequence to the King, had he not trufted that important 
 place to Colonel Lunsford , known to be a man of profli- bt',p/ oeet( 
 gate manners, and fit for any purpofe. This change made Lunsford ; 
 the Commons believe, the King defigned to fecure the 
 Tower, in order to awe the City and Parliament. As agjmjt bin 
 their jealoufy of him was very great, and as, befides, it is 
 certain, they fought occafions to perfuade the People, the 
 King had ill defigns, they failed not to improve the prefent. 
 
 The fame day that Lunsford was put in pofleffion of the 7 be P,eitiu 
 Tower, a great number of Londoners , fome of whom were 
 Common-Council-men, prefented a Petition to the Lower- London. 
 Houfe, reprefenting, 44 That the whole State is deeply 23. . 
 44 interefled in the fafe-cuftody of the Tower, but more 
 44 efpccially the City of London : That Colonel Lunsford Naifon, ' 
 44 is a man outlawed, and moft notorious for outrages, T.il.p.771 
 44 and therefore fit for any dangerous attempt. For which 
 44 reafon the Petitioners, and many more who have intel- 
 44 ligence of his having the office of Lieutenant beftowed 
 44 on him, are put into fuch a height of fear and jealoufy, 
 
 44 as makes them reftlefs till they have reprefented the 
 44 fame to the Houfe of Commons, humbly defiring them 
 44 to take this affair into fuch consideration as may fecure 
 44 both the City and Kingdom.” 
 
 It cannot be denied, that the King made a very ill choice 
 in bellowing this poll on Lunsford , and thereby gave occa¬ 
 fion for difadvantagious fufpicions. Befides, it feems to be 
 almoft inexcufable, to give the command of the Tower to 
 a perfon of fo ill a character, at a time when his enemies 
 loft no opportunity to infpire the People with jealoufies. 
 
 The moft favorable thing that can be faid for the King 
 is, that there being but few perfons who would be at his 
 devotion, for fear of the indignation of the Commons, he 
 thought himfelf obliged to chufe for Lieutenant of the 
 Tower, one lefs fcrupulous, and of a defperate fortune, who 
 would depend on him, and it was not eafy to find many 
 fuch. 
 
 The Commons having taken into confideration the The Com. 
 Petition prefented to them, defired a conference with the 
 Lords, where they reprefented, 44 That Colonel Lunsford concurrence 
 44 is an unfit perfon for fo great a truft, as the Lieutenancy pr tb, rt . 
 44 of the Tower. But if his Majefty think caufe that 
 44 there Ihould be a Lieutenant of the Tower, the fame D '£ 5 
 44 being already under the command of the Earl of New- Ru/Wurth 
 44 port (3), who is Conftable thereof by his Majefty’s ap- 4 a 9 
 44 pointment, then that Sir John Corners may be recom- NUfon, 
 
 44 mended to his Majefty for that place. T fie Lords an- T.u.p.774 
 fwered, they could not concur with the Commons in an 
 addrefs to the King to remove Colonel Lunsford , becaufe D e: . 
 they conceived the fame would be an intrenchment upon 
 his Majefty’s Prerogative. 
 
 The Commons, vexed at the refufal of the Lords, una. iVn a- 
 
 (t) In the Preamble of the Bill it w: 
 ei born Subjeft, which cuuld not coafift \ 
 
 (2) The L >rd Clarendon lays, that when the Ch 
 Mr. St. Join, the Ring's Sollicitor, went privates 
 relating to the Salvo Jure, as an expedient to r 
 fhanifeli Breach Ihould be repaired b j palling the 1 
 
 ( 3 ) Meuntjiy Bioun:, 
 
 , That the King had in no cafe, but the Invifion from a foreign Power, Authority to prefa the free- Kuihworrh 
 
 .. Bill lor prelfiog, 
 
 to h s Majefty, and per uadefl him to g 
 m..ve the ruth in the way of the Irijh 
 , 11 , the King was compelled to pafs it, 1 
 
 1 he Note above, put a ftop to the Bill 
 to the Parliament-Houfe, and fay the 
 
 Upon wh:ch both Hoi 
 they had prepared it. Tom. 1 
 
 folving to do nothing till thi. 
 
 fc of Lords, N^|,o n> * 6 
 l ' S P e = c . fl X.II.P.77S 
 
 nimoufly 
 
Book XX. 
 
 25. CHARLES L 
 
 1641-2. nimoufly voted, “ That Colonel Lunsford was unfit to be 
 “ Lieutenant of the Tower, as being a perfon the Com- 
 ibe Com- “ mons could not confide in.” At the fame time they 
 ma( * e a declaration, fhowing their reafons of fear and 
 diftruft, as the confpiracy to feduce the army, a former 
 plot of pofleffing the Tower, the Irijh Rebellion, and the 
 continual delays and interruptions they received in the 
 Houle of Peers, by reafon of the great number of Bifhops 
 and Popifh Lords ; and therefore they held themfelves 
 bound in confidence to proteft, that they were innocent of 
 the blood which was like to be fpilt, and the confufions 
 which might overwhelm the State, if Lunsford were con- 
 jin/ to the tinued in his charge. Moreover, they hoped that fuch of 
 iC \'’ Tb,° k° r< k as had the fame apprehenfions, would likewife 
 “otbuit cf't. take fome courfe to make the fame known to his Ma¬ 
 jefty. This Declaration being communicated to the Lords, 
 it was refolved by the majority of votes, that the debate 
 7v.tr.ty. thereof fhould be adjourned till next Monday. But two 
 an< ^ twent y Lords entered their Proteft againft that vote, 
 ftuftwoith, The fame day the Commons fent and defired the Earl 
 jv. P . 461. of Newport , to refide within the Tower as Conftable, and 
 v’c'vf'ort to ta ^ e cuft °dy of that place. 
 
 dtfrtd to Befides the inhabitants of London , whofe Petition had 
 rtpd, m fifi occafioned the Commons declaration, the Apprentices had 
 jZ'nnon of flocked together in great numbers, and prefented a Petition 
 theAfprcn- to the King, praying him to concur with the Commons 
 tied. j n rooting out Papifts, Innovators, Bifhops, as having all 
 
 iv. *°462. combined to fubvert the Government, and introduce 
 Nalfon, Popery. 
 
 ubeL^d*' ( k e morrow, the 26th of December, being Sunday , 
 
 Mayor in- the Lord-Mayor, [Sir Richard Gurney] feeing the Appren- 
 formi the ticcs begin to re-nfl'emble, and knowing they intended to 
 Kmg of the g Q t j lc n ext day to Whitehall , for an aniwer to their Peti- 
 tftbtPtople. tion, waited upon the King to inform him of it. He re- 
 Kulhwiirih. p-efented withal, that great mifehiefs might enfue if Lunf- 
 IV. p- 4 (3X 'f or d was not removed, adding, the people of London were 
 refolved to attempt the Tower, to put him out. Where- 
 reminjtd as upon the King that fame evening took the keys from Lunf- 
 totii a> the ford , but at the fame time difeharged the Earl of Newport 
 Earl of 0 f rhg Conftablefhip of the Tower. 
 
 Euur.ee a. The reafon, or perhaps the pretence of that Earl’s aif- 
 gamfl New- grace was, that the King had been told, that at a meeting 
 Rurtiworth at Kenfngton, whilft he was in Scotland , the Earl of New- 
 IV. p. 463. port, upon difeourfe of fome plots in that Kingdom fhould 
 Naifun, fay, if there be fuch a plot , yet there are his wife and chil- 
 T.il.p.78o- ( / ren But t h e £ ar i hearing fuch a rumour had reached the 
 Queen, waited upon her Majefty, and with many pro- 
 teftations allured her, that never any fuch words were 
 fpoken, nor the leaft thought conceived of any fuch thing, 
 with which the Queen feemed to reft fatisfied. Never- 
 D*. 23. thelefs, feveral months after, and the fame day Sir IVilliam 
 Balfour was removed from the Lieutenancy of the Tower, 
 the King asked him, whether he had heard any debate at 
 Kenfngton, about feizing upon the Queen and her Children. 
 The Earl ftrongly denied it ; to which the King replied, 
 That he was forry for his Lordjhip's memory. This is what 
 the Earl of Newport pofitively affirmed himfelf in the 
 Houfe of Peers. 
 
 petition of The Lords being convinced, that the King, upon a 
 the Lordt. felfe rumour, had entertained fufpiciorvs of the Earl of 
 Ruth worth. Newport (i), efpoufed his caufe, and prefented a Petition 
 IV. p. 465. t0 King, praying him to declare the reporter of thofe 
 words. The Earl of Bath, the 30th of December , report¬ 
 ed his Majefty’s anfwer as follows : 
 
 ^ “ It is true, that I have heard rumours of fome propo- 
 
 jSnfwe”? ‘ “ A 1 ’ 011 that fhould have been made at Kenfngton, for the 
 id. p. 465. “ feizing of the perfons of my wife and children ; and in 
 things of fo high a nature, it may be fit for any Prince 
 to enquire, even where he hath no belief nor perfuafion 
 “ of the thing ; fo I have asked Newport fome queftions 
 “ concerning that bufinefs, but far from that way of ex- 
 “ preffing a belief of the thing, which Newport hath had 
 “ the boldnefs and confidence to affirm ; which I could 
 “ eafily make appear, but that I think it beneath me, 
 “ to conteft with any particular perfon. But let this fuf- 
 * ( fice, that I allure you, I neither did nor do give credit 
 “ to any fuch rumour. As for telling the name of him 
 “ who informed me, I db flick to the anfwer which I 
 “ gave to your laft Petition upon the like particular. 
 
 What colour foever the King put upon his behaviour to 
 the Earl of Newport, it plainly appeared, that he had quar¬ 
 relled with that Lord, on purpofe to remove him from the 
 Conftablefhip of the Tower, at the very time he was de¬ 
 fired by the Commons to refide there. This did not help 
 to cure the Commons fufpicions. 
 
 Nalior 
 T.Il.p- 796 - 
 
 403 
 
 I have already mentioned the Project formed by the 1 641-2. 
 leaders and managers of the Houfe of Commons againft N ‘ ,,u l R: ;“- 
 the King, namely, the devefting him of great part of his clmnL’e ' 
 power. To compafs this end, it was neceflkry to remove 
 the obftacles which inceflantly occurred in the Houfe of 
 Peers, where the Bifhops and Popifh Lords were always 
 able, by the number of their Voices, to oppofe the exe¬ 
 cution of this defign. Hitherto the Commons had endea¬ 
 voured in vain to exclude the Bifhops from the Upper- 
 Houfe, and there was no likelihood that their follicitations 
 would produce any greater effedl for the future. They 
 were therefore, either to relinquifh their proje£l, or take 
 more effaftual methods to obtain by force what would never 
 have been obtained by fair means. I am very fenfible, 
 fome will take it ill that I pofitively affirm, the tumults I 
 am going to fpeak of, were the effedl of the intrigues of 
 the contrary party to the King, and that feveial pretend it 
 was all owing to accident, and the difeontents of the Peo¬ 
 ple. The Reader will be able to judge, when he has feen 
 what palled in the latter end of December. 
 
 On Monday the 27th of this month, there Was a great Comourfecf 
 concourfe of people at IVefminfer, where they who had 
 prefented the Petition of the Londoners, the Apprentices, ih,. 
 and an infinite number of others, flocked on pretence of Rufhworth, 
 waiting for the King’s and the Parliament’s anfwer. A- clarendon 3 " 
 mong thefe multitudes, many were heard to cry aloud. No T. i.p.ecj 
 Bijhops / No Bifjops f This correfponded with the Petition z6C - 
 of the Apprentices. The Bifhop of Lincoln [ Dr. Willi- 7 amu'.:, 
 ams, ] lately nominated to the See of York ( 2), coming 
 with the Earl of Dover to the Houfe of Peers, and ob- 
 ferving a youth to cry out louder than the reft againft 
 Bifhops, flept to him and feized him, in order to have 
 him committed to prifon. But the people refeued the 
 youth, and gathering about the Bifhop, hemmed him in, 
 that he could not ftir, fo that he was like to be prefled to 
 death. But at laft, they let him go, ftill crying out as 
 loud as they could, No Bijhops l 
 
 At the fame time, three or four officers, who had ferved origin of ■ 
 in the late army againft the Scots, walking near TVtJlmin- the Nameaf 
 fer-Hall, one of them, Captain David Hide, drew his R^w^rth'" 
 fword, faying, he would cut the throats of thofe Round- iv. P . 463. 
 headed cropp’d-ear’d Drgs that bawled againf the Bijhops. Clarendon. 
 But the other officers refufing to fecond him, he was ap- T,1 -P- 26 7 * 
 prehended by the Citizens, and brought before the Houfe 
 of Commons and fent to prifon. There is no other known 
 origin of the name of Roundheads, which from that time 
 was given to the Parliamentarians (3). 
 
 The fame day Colonel Lunsford, with thirty or forty T„ ns f or j 
 officers coming through IVefminfer- Hall, and meeting the and cthrrt, 
 multitudes, drew their fwords and wounded fome twenty ™-“ n J l fn l l be 
 Apprentices and Citizens. The News being carried into R U( },wonh, 
 the City, great numbers of Apprentices and others, ran to iv. p. 464* 
 IVefminfer with fwords and ftaves, which caufed a dread¬ 
 ful uproar both in London and IVefminfer. The Lord 
 Mayor, to prevent any farther diforders, commanded the 
 City gates to be fhut, and put the trained-bands in arms, 
 whilft, on the other hand, the King ordered fome of the 
 Militia of Middlefex and IVefminfer to come by turns 
 and guard his perfon. 
 
 The Lords feeing fo great a tumult, ordered the Gen- fa Lcr J c 
 tleman Ufher of the Black Rod, to command the people try in ran 
 to depart to their homes. But the people anfwered they 
 could not, becaufe Lunsford, with other fwordfmen, lay Nalfon, 
 in wait for them in IVefminfer-Hall, and had already T.H.p.781. 
 wounded feveral. Whereupon the Lords appointed a Com- 
 mittee to examine, what warrant Lunsford and the other of- p 
 ficers had to come to IVefminfer, and likewife what no¬ 
 tice had been given to any others to come in multitudes 
 about the Parliament-Houfe. They tried once more to 
 fend away the people, but not l’ucceeding, defired the 
 Commons to join with them in publilhing a Declaration 
 againft tumults, and in petitioning the King for a guard. 
 
 The Commons anfwered, it was now fo late, that they ^ ^ 
 had not time to take this requeft into confide rat ion. mon! 
 
 Mean while, upon information that fome of the people coldly. 
 were fent to prifon, they appointed a Committee to ex "^j| 0p ’ g ' 
 amine by whofe authority they were imprifoned, wiih_ 92 ' P/ 
 power to releafe them, if it was thought proper. A clear 
 evidence that this tumult was not difagreeable to the Com¬ 
 mons (4). 
 
 On the morrow, the 28th, the tumult continued in fa Tum/t ] 
 the fame manner as the day before, and the Commons 
 made no more hafle to appeale it On the contrary, they ft worthy 
 
 adjourned the debate of the Lords requeft till next day. ' p ' 4 
 
 At laft, on the 29th, the populace being again aflembled. 
 
 (1) Upon the Earl of Newport's Information, the Houfe of Lords thinking it to be a matter of great confcquence, and becaufe fome Members of the Com. 
 mons, (as being prefent at the meeting at Kenfington) were concerned, had a Conference with them, and deiired them to join with them in fearching this 
 Bufir.els to the bottom. Whereupon they agreed to concur in a Petition to the King, &c. Ru/hworth, Tom. 4. p- 463- 
 
 (2. He was reflored to his Place in the Houfe of Lords, at the beginning ot this Parliament, November 16, 1640. Nalfon, Tom. 1. p. 529. 
 
 (3) The Apprentices it feems woic the hair of their head cut round, and the Q^een obferving out of a window, Samuel Rarnardijlon among them, cryed 
 but : See what a handlome young Roundhead is there ! And the name came from thence, and perhaps was firft pubiickly ufed by Captiin H:d/. 
 
 ( 4 J Cornet:u\ Burgcft a Puritan fdiniiler, ufed to fay of the Rabble, 2 belt art my Bandogt, l can [it tbtm on, and 1 can fetch them off again. 
 
 they 
 

 the H 1 STO R T of ENGLAND. 
 
 ,ng, of 
 
 Common! 
 
 Nalton, 
 
 T.U.p- 
 
 O'lgd lie 
 
 View, p 
 
 Clarendoi 
 T. I.p 2. 
 
 they acqua mt the Lords that they were ready to join in all 
 lawful ways and means to appcale the tumults, but for 
 printing a Declaration, it was a matter that would require 
 fome farther deliberation (i). 
 
 It is very evident, the Commons did not defire thefe tu- 
 mults fhould be fo foon ended, elpecially if what is laid of 
 Mr. Pym, one of the leading Members, be true. For it is 
 affirmed, he anfwered to one that perfwaded him to endea- 
 s - vour to prevent thefe tumultuous ailemblies, God forbid 
 ; 0i the people Jhould be hindered from obtaining their jnjl defires. 
 Indeed the Houfe in general cannot be accufed of taking 
 any refolution to encourage thefe tumults. However it is 
 but too probable, not to fay certain, that they were cau- 
 fed by the intrigues and direction of fome of the Leaders 
 of the nppofite party to the King. 
 
 To be finished of this truth, a man need only confider, 
 what was the fituation of affairs at the end of December 
 1641 . The redrefs of grievances was no longer the point, 
 that was now compleated without any oppofition from the 
 King. He could therefore affirm, that his confent to the 
 Ads paffed in this Parliament, was the effed of his love 
 for his people, with as much realbn as his enemies could 
 fay, it was only by compulfion and diffimulation. It is 
 certain, that after the King’s return from Scotland , there 
 were in the Parliament many Members who wifhed the 
 reform might be carried no farther, perfwaded as they were, 
 that what was already done fufficed for the fafety of the 
 Kingdom, and prevention of an arbitrary Government for 
 the future. This was the prevailing opinion in the Houle 
 of Peers, chiefly becaufe of the Bifhops and Popifh Lords, 
 who always made the ballance incline to the King’s fide, 
 when this capital point was diredly or indiredly in quef- 
 tion. 
 
 It was otherwife in the Houfe of Commons. Moft of 
 the Members, not,contenting theinfelves with having re- 
 dreffed the grievances, were alfo for lelfening the royal au¬ 
 thority, and putting it out of the King’s power to govern 
 for the future, as he had done before this Parliament. 
 Some aded out of pure diftruft of the King’s fincerity : 
 Others out of fear of being expofed to his refentment, if 
 he fhould ever be in a condition to make them feel the ef- 
 feds of it. Befldes thefe two motives, the Presbyterians, 
 had a third, namely, to alter the Government of the 
 Church, which they plainly faw could be never effeded, 
 but by difabling the King to oppofe it. All thefe Members 
 were united in the projed of depriving the King of good 
 part of his power. But there was a great difference be¬ 
 tween them with refped to the animoflty againft the King, 
 and the zeal wherewith they purfued the execution of their 
 defign. The Presbyterians were the moft paffionate ; 
 whilft the others, who aded only from motives of diftruft 
 and jealoufy, behaved with lefs warmth. They could not 
 without a fort of remorfe, contribute to the throwing of 
 the whole Kingdom into confufion, upon the foundati¬ 
 on of a bare diltruit, or of a fear, to which it was im- 
 poffible to apply any remedy. This had caufed great de¬ 
 bates in the Houfe about the Remonftrance of the" State of 
 the Kingdom. Many confidered it as unneceflarv, and 
 others fupported it, becaufe they faw no furer means to be¬ 
 get a rupture between the King and Parliament ; rupture 
 without which they looked upon themfelves as undone, for 
 without it, they could not hope to execute their projeds. 
 
 . Oliver Cromwell, who as yet made no figure in the Houfe, 
 
 '• told the Lord Faulkland , “ That if the Remonftrance 
 “ had been rejeded, he would have fold all he had the 
 “ next morning and never feen England more.” 
 
 After this Remonftrance was prefented to the King, his 
 enemies loft no opportunity to cherifh the fears and jealoufies 
 of the People, in which they had a double view. Firft, 
 they prepared them for the change they were meditating, 
 by intimating, the abfolute neceffity of diminifhing the 
 King’s power. Secondly, by provoking the King, they 
 hoped to engage him in fome violent meafures, proper to 
 confirm the fufpicions they were ftriving to infufe into the 
 People, in which they fucceeded but too well, the King 
 being fo unfortunate, as not to have any able Council about 
 him, who might warn him of the fnares that were laid for 
 him. However, they were ftill very far from their end, 
 by reafon of the obliacles they met with in the Houfe of 
 Peers, where the Bifhops and popifh Lords broke all their 
 meafures. 
 
 Probably, this fort of conteft between the two Houfes 
 would have lafted much longer, if the tumultuous concourfe 
 of the Londoners about IVeJlminJler , had not come very fea- 
 fonably to frighten the Bifhops and popifh Lords, as will 
 
 Voi. 11. 
 
 be feen prefently. When therefore fuch r. dtittides are feen 
 flocking to Wed ■■■:<■'r, c:cc! 1 m jg agai - ' • fl 
 Catholick Lords, intuiting the Peers c>r the Kin»\ nartv, in 
 a word, acting to agreeably to the defires and intentions of 
 the Commons, one can hardly help thinking, thev were 
 countenanced and encouraged by fome of the Members of 
 that Houfe; and the rather, a: there can be no other pro¬ 
 bable reafon affigned of fo Hidden a commotion/ 
 
 As to the |ufries of the projeift, formed by the Com¬ 
 mons, to difable the King from doing ior the future, what 
 he had done for fifteen years, it is a "queftion not eaflly to 
 be decided. The point is to know, whether, at the time 
 I am fpeaking of, in reftoring the King to all his rights, 
 there was Juft ground to confide in him, without’-any fear 
 of his abufing his power for the future. But there is fo 
 much to be laid, on both fides of the queftion, that the im¬ 
 partial mu ft be at a lofs, and the more, as the thing is to 
 know perfectly what the King’s intention was, which no 
 man can difeover. It is therefore upon bare conjectures 
 that fome decide, that, after the King’s conceffions in this 
 Parliament, in favour of his Subjects,' it waSf reafonable to 
 rely on his word ; and that others affirm, it was imprudent 
 to confider the King’s aflent to the Acts, as a proof of his 
 intention to govern according to Law, fince this affent was 
 not altogether voluntary. On this queftion run all the Pa¬ 
 pers which were afterwards published, either bv the King 
 or the Parliament. 
 
 The tumults ftill continuing about the Parliament-houfe, 
 and the Commons not appearing very urgent to appeafe 
 them, twelve Biftiops met at the Archbifhop of Toil's, to 
 confult together upon what was to be done. Here, by the 
 advice of the Archbifhop, they refolved to go no more to 
 the Houfe of Peers, but prefent to the King" and the Lonb 
 the following Proteftation (2). 
 
 To the King’s mojl excellent Majefly, and the Lords and 
 Peers, now affembled in Parliament ; The humble Petition 
 and Protejlation of all the Bifhops and Prelates now called 
 by his Maj,fly's IP r its to attend the Parliament, and pre- 
 fent a bout London and Weftmtrifter for that Jervice. 
 
 “ r 1 'HAT whereas the Petitioners are called up by 
 
 “ A feveral and refpective Writs, and under great pe¬ 
 nalties, to attend in Parliament, and have a clear and i:i- 
 “ dubitate right to vote in Bills, and other matters what- 
 “ foever, debateable in Parliament, by the antient cufloms, 
 “ laws and ftatutes of this realm, and ought to be pro- 
 “ te ^ ed by your Majefty, quietly to attend and profecute 
 “ that great fervice. 
 
 “ They humbly remonftrate and proteft before God, 
 “ your Majefty, and the noble Lords and Peers, now af- 
 “ fembled in Parliament, that as they have an indubitate 
 “ ri ght to fit and vote in the Houfe of the Lords, fo are 
 “ they (if they may be protected from force and violence ) 
 moft ready and willing to perform their duties accord- 
 ingly. And that they do abominate all actions and opi- 
 “ tiions tending to Popery, and the maintenance thereof . as 
 “ alfo all propenfion and inclination to any malignant par- 
 “ tv, or any other fide or party whatfoever, to the which 
 “ their own reafon and confciences fhull not move them to 
 “ adhere. 
 
 “ But whereas they have been at feveral times violently 
 “ menaced, affronted, and aflaulted by multitude-; o( pro- 
 “ pie, in their coming to perform their fervices in that ho- 
 “ nourable Houfe; and lately chafed away, and put in 
 “ danger of their lives, and can find no redrefs or protcc- 
 “ tio ” ? upon fundry complaints made to both Houfes in 
 “ thefe particulars. 
 
 “ 'I‘hey likewife humbly proteft before your Majefty, 
 u and the noble Houfe of Peers, That faving unto them- 
 “ felves all their rights and intereft of fitting and voting in 
 the Houfe at other times, they dare not lit or vote" 111 
 the Houfe of Peers, until your Majefty ftiall further fe- 
 cure them from all affronts, indignities, and dangers in 
 ,t the premifes. 
 
 “ Laftly, whereas their fears are not built upon phan- 
 ‘ talics and conceits, but upon fuch grounds and objedls, 
 
 ‘ as may well terrify men of good relblutions, and much 
 ‘ conftancy, they do in all duty and humility, proteft be- 
 ‘ fore your Majefty, and the Peers of that moft honoura- 
 ‘ ble Houfe of Parliament, againft all laws, orders, votes, 
 
 ‘ refolutions, and determinations, as in themfelves null, 
 c and of none effetft; which in their abfence, fince the 
 ‘ 27th of this inftant month of December 1641, have al¬ 
 ready palled ; as likewife, againft all fuch as fhall 
 ‘ hereafter pafs in that moft honourable Houfe, during ti e 
 
 (1) This Anfwert 
 (2 j This Proteftat 
 others, and, without deh 
 could not do it themfelves, 
 Jicving ii drawn by 
 
 the Lords was on the 8th. Rujlrwortb, Tom. 4. p. 465. 
 
 ’ n j vas P cn " ed io hcaI . and hafte, by Will,ami Archbilhop of York, juft after .he treatment he had met with fr , 
 prefented by him to the King, with an humble delire, that his Majefty would fend it to the Hjufe of . 
 
 command, it Ihould be entered into the Journal cf the Houfe. His Ma ; cfty iult call hi 
 the Keeper, who unfortunately happened to be prefent, commanding himV 
 
 and that he wot 
 e, delivered it 
 
 J3ui 
 
 • p ' , 27 °' fa y.’ that jr 0 " 1 Kee P er was orde «d not to read it. till the King, at the Bifnops'infhnce, came i.n-o the H. ufe o: r 
 
 ingratute himlel^with the Parliament, to whom he was become obnoxious, he communicated the Petition to fome unfri-.noly Memo-. j oi t 
 
 Houfes- Collier't Eccl, Hijl. Torn. 2. p. Sii 
 
 time 
 
Book XX 
 
 25 . CHARLES I. 
 
 1641-2. ** time of this their forced and violent abfence from the 
 “ faid mofl honourable Houfe ; not denying, but if their 
 abfenting themfelves were wilful and voluntary, that 
 “ moft honourable Houfe might proceed in all thefe pre- 
 “ mifes, their abfence, or this their Proteftation not- 
 “ withftanding. 
 
 “ And humbly befecching your moft excellent Majefty 
 “ t0 command the Cleric of that Houfe of Peers, to en¬ 
 ter this their Petition and Proteftation amongft his Re- 
 “ cords,” 
 
 405 
 
 Remark on 
 Sit Bi/hopi 
 Protefia 
 
 HR»(Tiwor(h, 
 
 r./ip 79 s . 
 
 ■ The Com- 
 tt Bifkipi 
 
 V %*- 
 
 (ilufhworth, 
 1 v - P- 467 
 gallon, 
 r.H.p.796 
 
 ‘larentiou, 
 
 r.i. pi 77 
 
 
 ulhworth. 
 y■ p. 468. 
 
 alfon. 
 
 Ml.p.800, 
 
 6 e Com. 
 =». defir, 
 Guard, 
 
 ■ Mlon, 
 .H.p.793 
 
 ■nft Worth 
 r . p. 47 J 
 
 Tbty will ever pray to God to blefs and prefrrve, Sic. 
 
 Job. Eberac: Tbo. Durefme : Rob. Co. 0 Lich ■ 
 
 Jo/. Norwich : Ja.AJapbttt : Gull. Ba. Id Well, ; 
 
 Geo. Hereford: Rob. Oxon : Mat. Ely: Godfr 
 Glocejl: Jo. Peterburg : Morg. Landaff. 
 
 It mud be obferved, that among thefe twelve Bifhops 
 there were mne of the thirteen accufed by the Commons, 
 on account of the Canons of the late Convocation. 
 
 It is manifell, this Proteftation tended to di/Tolve the 
 Parliament, without the King’s interpofmg. For if, ac¬ 
 cording to the Proteftation, the Houfe of Peers could do 
 nothing but what in its felf was null, without the concur- 
 rence of the Bifhops, it was no lefs certain, that the Houfe 
 of Commons could do nothing valid without the concur¬ 
 rence of the Peers ; whence it followed, that the Parlia¬ 
 ment was become ufelefs, or fufpended, in the intention 
 of the Bifhops by this Proteftation. It appears alfo, that 
 the King had the fame thought, by his hafte to communi¬ 
 cate the Proteftation to the Lords, probably, before his 
 Council had examined it. Very likely, he imagined, the 
 Lords would efpoufe the caufe of the Bilhops, as making, 
 according to his notion, a third Eftate of Parliament, and 
 mat this affair might occafton the diflolution of the Pailia- 
 ment. But he found that this Houfe of Peers, hitherto 
 fo favourable to him, was no longer in the fame difpoft- 
 t.ons, fince the Bi/hops and popifh Lords were frightened 
 away by the tumults. The majority of voices not bein'* 
 now for the King, the Houfe looked upon this Proteftation 
 with a very different eye from what the King expeded. 
 
 I hey defired a conference with the Commons, where the 
 Lord-Keeper told them in the name of all the Peers, “ That 
 this Proteftation containing matters of dangerous confe- 
 quence, extending to the deep intrenching upon the fun¬ 
 damental privileges and being of Parliaments, the Lords 
 had thought fit to communicate it to the Commons, as 
 “ a thing of great and general concernment.” 
 
 I he Commons had no fooner received the report of this 
 conference, but they immediately refolved to accufe the 
 twelve Bifhops of High-Treafon, for endeavouring to fub- 
 vert the fundamental laws and the very being of Parlia- 
 ments. This refolution ought not to idem ftrange, after 
 having feen how the Commons ftood affeded to the Bi- 
 » ^°P S - ^ he y to ok care not to lofe fo fair an opportunity 
 
 of freeing themfelves from the obftacles they continually 
 , Jf et Wlth f rom the Bifhops in the Upper-houfe, and be- 
 fides, the Lords feemed dif'pofed to come into their mea¬ 
 sures. So, that very moment, Mr. Glyn was fent to the 
 Houfe of Peers, to accufe in form the twelve Bifhops of 
 High- I reafon, and to defire they might be put into fafe 
 cuitody (i_). Whereupon, the Lords ordered the Black- 
 Rod to bring the twelve Bifhops to the Bar of their Houfe, 
 which was done by eight a-dock at night, and ten of them 
 . " cre committed to the Tower, Moreton B.fhop of Dur- 
 " ham ] aid Wright Bifhop of Coventry and Lichfield , in re¬ 
 gard of their age, remaining with the Black-Rod 
 
 On the morrow, the 3 ,ft of December , the Commons 
 fent and defired the Lords to take into confideration the 
 Hill fent up fome months fince for taking away the Bifhops 
 votes, to which the Lords anfwered, They would take the 
 lame into confideration in convenient time (z). 
 
 I he fame day the Commons fent a Committee to the 
 King, to reprefent to him, “ That the Houfe was under 
 ‘ great apprehenfions, by reafon of a malignant party, 
 who were continually forming pernicious defigns : Nay, 
 
 ‘ f hat fome of them had imbrued their hands in the blood 
 of his fubjeds, at the gates of his Palace, and in the 
 face, and at the doors of the Parliament. That there¬ 
 fore they humbly befought his Majefty, that they might 
 
 ihey had no compaflion or regard'of Mnrom tf ” t thoi ' 8 h the X defi ^ d "> preferve their FunRico, 
 
 in their behalf, and laid, •< He did not believe hey ^,c a uil vTf llhT Vl k, "l whal « D 'ba,e, there was only one Gentleman who ipoke 
 
 “ Bcdhm. Tom. p . 2?9 . ‘ nty W£ ' e 6 ulI ‘y ° f High-Trcafon j but that they were Hark mad, and therefore defired they might be fent to 
 
 T£nZ^c\Tr’ % ^ — — Dr. was made Biftop 0' Won*, Dr. ^ 
 
 Jrd. that, at a time when tSy\ e % d’to tajf away hi J a"! M f ^ The Common, were, it feems, thereupon much tS. 
 
 Vifdount Falkland was made Secretary of Mate, i„ ,he room of Si H l r ^ “" 1 ' *° ™ BiA °P s - Aho,,r th = !jme time, L„c,.., Carry, 
 
 lor of the Exchequer ; they were alJfworn of the Privv Comcfl H A {a Tt A Co-'prpper, one ot the Kn ghts of the Shire tor fu: t. Chancel- 
 
 Favour. Chrenln, Tom! ,. p, *““9 SS p . jg^'^ ***> ahe,Wa,ds Earl ° f Clarendon, was now admitted into the King’, 
 
 "'kwhif.r 7? *f* “ rT? i “ *” p “ blitk Aa '’ D " J ’' Hi«»- 
 
 ncr- 1041-2. that is, the year 1641 accoidine 10 the Old and Styles w fet down from the iftet January, to the 25th ot March, in ciiis man- 
 
 15 , n da y of 'he year according to the*New Style 6 Rat n 1 ' d h ' * 64 * accord,n 6 'o the New Style. So the til of January is acknowledged for the 
 
 No. 6-f. Vol,, XI, ' 1 ' „ 
 
 5 K 
 
 : F.rf If S Z d [ °? °[ ,he Ch y 1 bv the 1641-2. 
 
 (tftjicion ° f whole there could be no 
 
 Sr pro tin p ° pu,acc of were diTperlbd, and the of- ® 5 -/- 
 
 hcers ft,I! kept about Hejlmmjler, the Houfe was under» ' 
 
 fome apprehenfion of infults from tbele reibrmadoes, and 
 particularly Lumfird, who was a dc-fperaio- man. So, the 
 King defiring to have this mellage in wrl inn w j.; | ,a lv - P 
 been delivered by word of mouth only, and not reu rrinv 
 an anfwer the fame day, the Commons ordered, that thirty 
 or forty Halberts fhould be brought into tlie Hui,<i for 
 their better fecurity. ’ 
 
 Their fear was farther increafed, upon notice, that the </ 
 }oung Gentlemen of the Inns of Court were afibmblc- 4 ‘" c "‘ 
 
 wh , ‘ fil ' r tileir fcn-« '0 'he Kir.-,’ T 
 
 who had received them very gracioufty, and ordered them * u ^ 3 
 
 be liandfomely entertained at tables provided for them. S' 
 
 1 he King cn his part, was not without uneafinefs. He TMi.p 80*. 
 was afraid the tumultuous concourfe of the People would T4 " 
 be renewed on New-year’s day ; and therefore lent orders V'Vm" 
 to the Common Council of Load,a, to take good mea- '"mllT 
 fures for prevention of the like diforders, as had happened 
 on the foregoing days, in which he was puniftually o^-ed R .al th 
 
 he Parliament having adjourned from Friday till Mon- lv - p 469’ 
 day, becaufe the morrow was New-year’s day (3), and the 
 next day, Sunday , it was the 3d of January before the 
 King returned an anfwer to the Commons meflage concern- 
 ing a guard, which was to this cited : 
 
 “ 4 t L 1 Cnmm WaS W f g , rCat grier ° f heart ’ that he found The Kikg't 
 
 , t ' 2 r " mor;S > Inl foaJ Of reaping the fruits of his grace «»- 
 t< and afFc<a '°n to Jiis People, fhould fuffer jealouft-.y, di,- V-' irg . ,cr 
 
 “ ind ^ a, f d fearS, ei t0 i be fo P reva!enC among them, as to Nai'. 
 induce 1 hem to declare them unto him in fb high a mei - ' r -' i r-Soj. 
 fure as they nad done : That he was wholly ignorant of^ Wh ; 
 the grounds of their apprehenlions j but if he h. d anv P ‘ ” * 
 knowledge or belief of the leaft deftgn in a r , of vi l 
 Jence again ft them, he would purfue them with the fame 
 leverity and deteffation, as he would c’ the grea - f at 
 !! t f m P t u P, on . his Crown, And he en aged foleir,..; v' C n 
 the word of a King, that the fecurity of a, 1 ! and every 
 ‘ 01 tn u em > fro,n violence, was, and ihouid eve: be, as 
 Tu hlS ? r( ? - as the P re forvation of himfelf and his 
 children. And if this general afTurance ihouid not fuf- 
 {t [? ce , to femovc their apprehenfions, he would command 
 <c ru 3 - § uard to wait u Pon them, as he would be refpon- 
 iible tor to him, who had charged him with the fafety 
 and protection of his fubjeas.” 
 
 Before we proceed, it will be neceflary to fhow exaCtlv 
 the utuation of die King’s affairs, in the beginning of the 
 year 1641-2. There was in the Houfe of Commons a 
 ltrong party, who were labouring to deprive the King of 
 good part of his prerogatives, fome through fear or diftruft, 
 others for more hidden deftgns. But thefe Jaft took care’ 
 not to d.fcover their intentions. They pretended to aCt 
 k £ P a° - thC fame inotIves of diftruft, which influenced 
 the nrft, in expedation of engaging them by degrees to 
 lecond them in their projects. For this reafon, they loft 
 no opportunity to inflame this diftruft of the Kip'*, t y a£ . 
 gravating whatever could be blamed in his Government, 
 during the hrft fifteen years of his Reign, and by referring 
 all his actions, fince the beginning of this Parliament, to 
 the fame principles by which he had governed before In 
 a word, their aim was to fhow, that the King was itili the 
 fame, and had not altered his maxims: That his condc-f- 
 cenfion for the Parliament had been forced, and full of 
 diffimulation : That he only wailed for a proper feafon to 
 return to his old courfes, and when once he was refiored to 
 his authority, he would ufe it, to be revenged of ihofe by 
 whom he thought himfelf injured, and to take jufter mea¬ 
 sures to eftablifh an arbitrary Government. 
 
 Indeed, as all thefe things depended upon the Kind’s fe- 
 cret intention, they could not be evidently proved but 
 however, fuch indications were given, as ferved to make 
 impreftion on many people. It wasebferved, that the King; 
 always talked of his afTent to the Ads of this Parliament 
 as being of pure grace and not of juftice ; from whence it 
 was eafy to infer, that he referved to himfelf the power of 
 revoking them when he fhould find occafion : That there 
 was but too much reafon to fufped he was concerned in the 
 Irijh Rebellion, conlidering in what jundure of time it 
 
 borke 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 164 t- 
 
 The 
 
 HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 . broke out, and the rebels declaration, that they had the 
 King’s and Queen’s authority for what they ,d.d That t 
 was very probable, he Ihowed a regard to the P-, s, 
 
 SSte S of them on occafion: That he could not relol e 
 ,0 execute the feven Priells legally condemned then# he 
 had been earneftly def.red by both Houfes of 
 That notwithftanding his conftam promlfo to 
 in execution againft Recufants, it had never been Pgf°™ 
 ed j but, on the contrary, he trolled Recufants Wllth h 
 moft important polls: That the confptracy to Muce the 
 army, plainly difeovered his deltgns : I hat very lately’ h 
 had violated\he privileges of Parliament tn fo eudent a 
 manner, that there was not a Angle Member in both 
 Houfes, but what was perfuaded of the reality of this vio¬ 
 lation' That neverthelefs, mftead of latisfaftion, he had 
 nfwered « That he himfelf did not believe he had v.o- 
 re lated the privileges of Parliament, nor ever intended it. 
 That therefore it was abfolutely necelPary to limit his pow¬ 
 er and difable him to govern for the future according to 
 his oleafute, as he had done for fifteen years. ... 
 
 Thefe reafons produced various eMs in the mindsi of 
 people, according to the temper, underfeeding, and p m- 
 ciples of thofe to whom they were addrefled. 1 o fome 
 tfey appeared too uncertain to ground thereon the projeft 
 of dltmnUhing the regal power, and confequently of alte¬ 
 ring the conftitution of the Government. Others thought 
 them unanfwerable. But there were many Members who 
 wavered between their diftruft of the king, and their fear 
 of involving the Kingdom in troubles, on a doubtful foun¬ 
 dation Thefe however were eafily perfwaded to join m 
 proceedings, which were represented to them as necefTary 
 precautions, without being told their real defign t as for 
 fit fiance, to content to the Bill for excluding the Blfhops 
 If the leaders of the Presbyterian party had difeovered to 
 them that it was their intention to dimmilh the royal 
 power, in order more eafily .0 efabllfh Presbytery’ upon 
 the ruins of Epifcopacy, they would never have fucceeded. 
 Nay, they would have grown fo fufpefled, that their credit 
 would have been entirely forfeited. For it muft be obfer- 
 ved, that the Heads of the oppofite party to the king, 
 though nroftly Presbyterians, had not yet afted as fuch, 
 but only as zealous alfiertors of the Peoples rights, and as 
 enemies to tyranny, in which the whole party were per- 
 fefllv united. When therefore they moved any thing a- 
 gainft the Bifltops, they intimated, that it wg not in hatred 
 of Epifcopacy, but to lcffen the credit of the Blfhops, which 
 they had abufed, in fupporting arbitrary power, and to hin¬ 
 der them from doing fo any more. Unfortunately, there 
 were Bifhops who had given too much caule ol complaint, 
 and by their conduft, engaged many Church o! England 
 men themfelves to concur with the others, Ul the dehgn 
 of limiting the authority of the whole Body 
 
 Before the Bifhops and Popifh Lords had abfented 
 themfelves from the Houfe of Peers, the party I have juft 
 mentioned, met with infuperable obflacles in that Houle. 
 Nay, even after that, thofe that remained were not equally 
 invaged in this party. There were ftill many Lords 
 who though oppofite to the king, and extremely jealous of 
 hint, could not however refolve to do any thing that 
 
 ' . . .. -f tl.n Pkurr-K -and Mbfp. Or 
 
 him, coulu not nuwcvu -- 
 
 ftruck at the government of the Church and State, or at 
 
 lead that tended to alter the Conftitution. So, ever lince 
 
 leait tnat tenaeu iuiiio o'- -- . 
 
 the re-afiembling of the Parliament, the Presbyterians had 
 
 yet been only ftruggling, as I may fay, with the reft of 
 the oppofite party to the King, to induce them by degrees 
 to concur in humbling the Regal Power They had 
 caufed to be palled the Remonftrance of the State of the 
 Kingdom, fpread fufpicioiis of the King concerning the 
 Rebellion of Ireland, and hindred the lending of an Eng- 
 li[h army thither. Their intrigues had bred great diftrult 
 concerning the Popifh Party countenanced and protefled 
 by the King, and produced mortifying addrelles to the 
 King upon The breach of the Privileges of Parliament, and 
 the Lieutenancy of the Tower j tumultuous allembhes of 
 the People at Wejlminjhr ; the Petition for a guard as it 
 the Houfe of Commons was in great danger from the King s 
 party In a word, the Bifhops, their principal enemies, 
 were in the Tower. In all this Presbytenamfm hardly 
 appeared, and if feme funded it to be the chief caufe of 
 thd troubles, at lead, it was not eafy to prove it. 
 
 Notwithftanding all thefe advantages, the Presbyterians 
 ftill faw themfelves very far from their end. They had 
 fufficient credit to caufe to pafs in the Houfe of Commons 
 votes agreeable to the general defign of the whole party : 
 but were themfelves very fenfible, they durft not yet ven¬ 
 ture openly to difeover their particular end, I "lean the 
 deftruction of the Church of England , and the eftablim- 
 
 ment of Presbyterianifin. It was neceffary before all things 1641-2.- 
 to difable the King to oppofe it. For that purpole, the 
 members of both Houfes were to be gained, who ftill 
 wavered between their oiftruft of the King, and the tear 
 of involving the Kingdom 1:1 great troubles, if the Couftl- 
 tution fhould be attacked. Thefe members were numer¬ 
 ous enough to raife invincible obftacles to this project, by 
 joining with the King’s p.rty. Fur it muft not be ima¬ 
 gined^ that all who oppofed the Ki-g were ot the lame 
 characier, and aded upon the fame principles and motives. 
 
 They were only united in this Uncle point, namely, that 
 tyranny being equally odious to tl cm, they wifhed with 
 
 the fame ardor to be entirely freed from .:. 
 
 Things being in this iituatn , the King, by the Lord r„ !.., e . 
 DigW s advice, who was then his thief Counfellor, took 
 a ftep the moft imprudent and muft fatal to lie. affairs c n „ onertT 
 that he could poffibly take in fuch a junaure ( 1). The s. a 
 ,d of January 1641-2, Sir Edward HrrUrt Attorney- ’ 
 
 eeneral coming to the Houfe of Peers, acquainted them that K^^worth 
 the KinT had commanded him to accufe of High-Treafon iv P . 47- 
 the Lord Kimbdton (2), and five Commoners, namely, 
 
 Denzil Hollis , Sir Arthur HaJJerig, John Pym , John Annals> 
 Hampden, and William Stroud. At the lame time he de- P . 906. 
 livered the general articles of impeachment, given him by T \ p , a& 
 the King with his own hand, viz. 
 
 i That they had traiteroufly endeavoured to fubvert Tit Artie. 
 the fundamental Laws and Government of the Kingdom w"j>M 
 of England , to deprive the King of his Royal power, and 
 to place in Subjefts an arbitrary and tyrannical power 
 over the lives, liberties, and eftates of his Majefty s leige 
 
 ^z^That they had traiteroufly endeavoured, by many 
 foul afperfions upon his Majefty and his Government, to 
 alienate the affedtions of his People, and to make his Ma¬ 
 jefty odious unto them. . 
 
 That they had endeavoured to draw his Majelty s 
 late 1 army to difobedience to his Majefty’s command, and 
 to fide with them in their traiterous defigns. 
 
 4. That they had traiteroufly invited and encouraged 
 a foreign Power to invade his Majefty’s Kingdom of Eng- 
 
 That they had traiteroufly endeavoured to fubvert the 
 rights, and the very being of Parliaments. 
 
 6 That for the competing of their traiterous defigns, 
 thev had endeavoured, fo far as in them lay, by force and 
 terror to compel the Parliament to join with them in their 
 traiterous defigns ; and to that end had actually raifed and 
 countenanced tumults againft the King and Parliament. 
 
 7. That they had traiteroufly confpired to levy, and 
 actually had levied, war againft the King. 
 
 Then Mr. Attorney faid, that he was further charged 
 to defire on his Majefty’s behalf : 
 
 1 That a feleiSt committee, under a command of fecrecy, 
 may be appointed to take the examination of fuch wit¬ 
 ness as the King will produce in this bufinefs, as for¬ 
 merly hath been done in cafes of like nature, according to 
 the juftice of this Houfe. 
 
 2 Liberty to add and alter, if there lhould be caule. 
 
 3] That their Lordfhips would take care for the fecuring 
 of the perfons as in juftice there fhould be caufe. 
 
 It is very hard to conceive what the King’s aim could be Confider 1 
 in this extraordinary accufation, and what he could expefl ... 
 from it, confidering the numberlefs difficulties which pre- 
 rented themfelves, and which it was hardly poffible not to 
 
 In the firft place, the King demanded juftice of the 
 Lords againft five Members of the Houfe of Commons, the 
 Parliament fitting, which was a very manifeft ir.egulantv, 
 fince the Peers were not the proper Judges of the Mem¬ 
 bers of the Lower-Houfe, whilft the parliament was af- 
 femhled, without the confent of that Houfe, which the 
 King could not be ignorant ok Confequently they had 
 no power to commit the five Members. Why then was 
 
 " Secondly, In this accufation the King attacked five 
 Members of the Commons, who were the leading men 
 in that Houfe. How therefore could he expert, m inch 
 junctures that the Commons would deliver up their leaders, 
 on pretenfe of a general accufation which defeended not to 
 
 an Thhdl C y U The King, in accufing thefe five Members, 
 properly accufcd the whole Houfe of Treafon, as it was 
 eafy to perceive bv the bare reading of the articles. 
 
 Laftlv How could he expert, that the Parliament who 
 had presented the Scat, with three hundred thoufand 
 pounds, as a reward for their brotherly alliftance, would 
 
 r= of SfcJSX-t is*—* *■» «• —- “ —*" - ■* 
 
 Ktl« dill dive, tad thi. UN, * “'lid » *. W »f *» " 
 
 hiniif afiuwaids Esrl of MankJhr. Rof in. 
 
 3 
 
 confider 
 
Book XX. 
 
 2 5 - 
 
 CHARLES.-!. 
 
 1641-2. confider as Hieh-Trealbn, the inviting them into the 
 Kingdom.! fuppofing he had been able to prove his af- 
 fertion ? 
 
 All this IhowF, the King had been very ill-advifed when 
 he undertook this affair at fuch a junaure. Accordingly 
 there is not a Tingle Hiftorian, even among thole that are 
 mod devoted to him, but what owns at leaft, it was a 
 mod imprudent and unfcafonable ftep. 
 
 •Tic P«r, After the reading of the articles of accufation, the Lord 
 exLinl'tbc KiwMtan ftood up and prayed, that as he had a publick 
 Regularity charge, he might have a publick clearing. But the Peers 
 VmeSS' proceeded not fo haftily as the King expe&ed. The firft 
 Ru/hwoith. thing they did, was to appoint a committee to examine the 
 ly. y. 474. re g u j ar ity of this accufation, and to fearch the records, 
 Xju.'gi*. whether there ever had been any fuch proceeding before, 
 and whether an accufation againft a Peer might be brought 
 into their Houfe by the Attorney-general. As to the ac¬ 
 cufation againft the five Commoners, they did not fo much 
 as take it into coniideration, whether they ftiould receive 
 it, but contented themfclves with acquainting that Houfe, 
 that fome of their Members were accufed of High-Trea- 
 l'un by the Attorney-general. 
 
 1 ■ r. At the fame time the Commons were informed, that 
 
 &c. / (be ’ feveral perfons (1) were at Mr. Hollis's and Mr. Pym s, 
 Parties ac. f ca ij n g up their trunks, doors, and papers. The fame 
 ‘(Jatdup by thing was done in the houfes of the three other parties 
 the King, accufed. Whereupon the Commons ordered their Serjeant 
 The Com. t0 break 0 p en the feals, and apprehend thofe that put 
 
 7b?' Seats, them on. Moreover they paffed an order, “ that if any 
 
 Order if the ‘ c perfon-s whatever ftiould come to the lodgings of any 
 
 Ct i\4 em b er 0 f the Houfe, and there offer to feal the doors, 
 t!h°p!8t 3 . “ trunks, or papers, that then fuch Member ftiould require 
 Rufhworth. « the affiftance of the Conftable to keep fuch perfons in fafe 
 iv. P 474. cu ftody, till the Houfe ftiould give further order. That 
 4761 “ if any perfon ftiould offer to arreft or detain any 
 
 u Member, without firft acquainting the Houfe therewith, 
 “ it was lawful for fuch Member to ftand upon his guard 
 “ of defence, and for any perfon to affift him, according 
 “ to the Proteftation taken to defend the Privileges of 
 E ec Parliament. 
 
 cinference Prefently after, the Commons reprefented to the Lords 
 
 bcizoeen ibe Jn a con f erence , that the King had ordered the trunks, 
 chambers, and fhidies of feveral of their Members to be 
 ibid. f ea led up, and had fet a guard in a warlike manner at 
 White-Hall. And therefore they defired, that fuch a 
 guard might be placed about the Parliament alfo as ftiould 
 be approved by both Houfes, or elfe to join with them to 
 . adjourn to a place of fafety. During this conference, a 
 
 fendi anddc- Serjeant at Arms came to the Houfe of Commons from 
 viandt the tbe King, and required the five Members, accufed by his 
 fine Mem- Majefty.^ The Serjeant being ordered to withdraw, the 
 ibid. Commons appointed fome of their Members (2) to wait 
 Rulhworth. upori the King, and acquaint him, “ That his Meffage 
 SrcndM 5 ' “ was a macter of & reat confequence, that it concerns 
 T i.p.i8i. “ the privilege of Parliament, and of all the Commons 
 “ of England : That they will take it into confideration, 
 “ and attend his Majefty with an anfwer, with as much 
 fpeed as the greatnefs of the bufinefs will permit : And 
 “ in the mean time the five Members ftiall be ready to 
 « anfwer any legal charge made againft them.” 1 hen 
 they difmifled the Serjeant who had brought the meffage. 
 7be Parties At the fame time they enjoined the five Members to give 
 [ fCC jf td d are their daily attendance on the Houfe. 
 
 Ttund daily Mean while, the Peers had made an order, to open the 
 or. the Hcujc. doors and trunks of the Members of both Houfes which 
 Rejotution of wcre fealed, and refolved to join with the Commons in a 
 ^agreeable to Petition to the King, for fuch a guard as both Houfes 
 toe Com- ftiould approve of. They had ordered moreover, that two 
 mons reejuefi. their bod y ? f 0I ^ e Members of the Commons, 
 
 jv! p. 475', ftiould go and, reprefent to the King, that the privileges 
 of Parliament had been violated. 
 
 Report of The next morning, January the 4th, the Lord Falk- 
 tbe King's land reported the King’s anfwer to the meffage of the 
 jinfwer. Commons concerning the breach of Privilege. He faid, the 
 p ‘ 47 ' King asked him, whether the Houfe did expetft an an¬ 
 fwer ? and before the Lord Falkland replied, told him, he 
 would fend an anfwer to morrow as foon as the Houfe was 
 fet. In the mean time he bid him acquaint the Houfe, 
 that the Serjeant had done nothing but what he had di- 
 re&ions from himfelf to do. 
 
 Demand of Prefently after this report, the Commons fent and de- 
 tbe Commons fired a conference with the Lords, to acquaint them, that 
 10 'L L ° rd “ there was a Scandalous Paper publifhed, containing Arti- 
 
 4O7 
 
 1641-2. 
 
 The Gentle¬ 
 men of the 
 I'ns f Court 
 
 Id. p. 476. 
 Nalfon, 
 T.n.p.SiS, 
 817. 
 
 The 'King 
 bimfe/f goes 
 to (be Houfe 
 of Commons. 
 Id. p. 477. 
 
 cles of High-Treafon againft: the Lord Kimbclion , See. 
 and to defire that they would concur in punilhing the au¬ 
 thors and publi/hers thereof. 
 
 Then the Gentlemen of the Inns of Court, who offer¬ 
 ed themfelves to be a guard to his Majefty, were fent to 
 and examined, upon a rumour that they were bid to be 
 ready the 4th of January. Thofe of Lincoln's-Inn an- 
 fwered, “ That laft week they went to White-hall to offer 
 “ their fervice to the King, upon hearing that his perfon 
 “ was in danger. That yefter-night, they had received 
 “ a meffage from his Majefty by Sir William Killigrew 
 “ and Sir William Flemming, that they ftiould keep with- 
 “ in to morrow, and be ready at an hour’s warning if the 
 “ King ftiould have occafion to ufe them. That they 
 “ brought to them likewife a paper of articles of accufation 
 “ againft the Lord Kimbolton and five Members of the 
 “ Houfe of Commons. That they had only an intent to 
 “ defend the King’s perfon, and would do their utmoftalfo 
 “ to defend the Parliament ; being not able to make any 
 “ diftin&ion between the King and his Parliament.” The 
 Gentlemen of the other Inns anfwered to the fame effetft (3). 
 
 In the afternoon the five accufed Members came into 
 the Houfe according as they were enjoined. They were 
 no fooner in their places, but one Captain Langrijh in¬ 
 formed the Houfe, that the King was coming with a 
 guard of military men, commanders and foldiers (4). As 
 there was room to believe, the King intended to leize the 
 five Members, they were immediately ordered to depart 
 the Houfe. They were hardly gone out when the King 
 appeared, and going up to the chair he faid, By your leave , 
 
 Mr. Speaker , I mufl borrow your chair a little. When he 
 was in the chair he looked round to fee if he could difeem 
 any of the five Members, and then made the following 
 Speech to the Houfe, his guard waiting at the door. 
 
 Gentlemen, 
 
 I Am jorry for this occafion of coming unto you : Yejler- ‘Ite King's 
 day I fent a Serjeant at Arms upon a very important oc- 1 
 
 cafion, to apprehend fome that by my command were accufed Commons, 
 of High-Treafon ; whereunto I did expeft obedience , and not Rulhworth, 
 a meffage. And I muf declare unto you here, that albeit no {^ f( £ J 11 ' 
 King that ever was in England, fhall be more careful of your T.Up.8ze. 
 Privileges, to maintain them to the utiermofl of his power, 
 than I Jhall be ; yet you mujl know, that in cafes of Treafon, 
 no perfon hath a privilege. And therefore / am come to know 
 if any of thefe perfons that were accufed are here : For I 
 mujt tell you. Gentlemen, that fo long as thefe perfons that I 
 have accufed (for no fight crime, but for Treafon) are here , 
 
 / cannot expetl that this Houfe will be in the right way that 
 I do heartily wijh it : Therefore I am come to tell you , that 
 I mujl have them wherefoever 1 find them. Well, fince L 
 fee all the birds are flown, I do expeft from )ou, that you 
 Jhall fend them unto me, as foon as they return hither. But 
 I afi'ure you, on the word of a King, I never did intend any 
 force, but I Jhall proceed againfl them in a legal and fair 
 way, for I never meant any other. 
 
 And now fince /fee I cannot do what I came for, I think 
 this no unfit occafion to repeat what I have faid formerly, 
 that wbatfoever I have done in favour , and to the good of my 
 Subjects, I do mean to maintain it. 
 
 I will trouble you no more , but tell you I do expeft as foon 
 as they come to the Houfe, you will fend them to me ; other- 
 wife I mujl take my own courfe to find them. 
 
 The King was no fooner gone, but many members cri- ne ff ou j- e 
 ed out aloud, fo as he might hear them, Privilege ! Pri- aJjourns. ; 
 vilege ! and forthwith the Houfe adjourned till the next 
 day at one o’ Clock. 
 
 The Commons affembling on the morrow, the 5 th of v<xt that 
 January, at the appointed hour, immediately voted, that tbeKingbai 
 the King had violated the privileges of the Houfe, and 
 that they could not fit any longer there, without a full Parliament. 
 vindication of fo high a breach, and a guard for the fafety 
 of their perfons. Then it was refolved to adjourn till the The Cm. 
 
 11 th of the fame Month, and a Committee of twenty four 
 was appointed, during the adjournment to fit at Guild- t0 j- It a[ ‘ 
 Hall, and to confider of all things concerning the good Guild-Hall, 
 and fafety of the City and Kingdom, and particularly how 
 their privileges might be vindicated, and their perfons fecu- Naffon, 
 red (5). The Committee for the Irijh affairs was ordered T.n.p 8zz, 
 likewife to fit at the fame place during the adjourment. ^ a 3 r ' endoD 
 That done, a meffage was fent to the Lords, to acquaint T#i>p , aS ^ 
 them with what had palled the day before, with their ad¬ 
 journment and Committee appointed to fit at Guild-Hall. 
 
 Sir rrilliam Hemming, sir triuiam n.iuigrciv, aim uuitr -- - - - -„ T. r ‘' _ „ . „ 
 
 the Queen, perluaded ihe King to this ralh aftion- p. 5a. ._,, _ „ _ 
 
 (i) Befides the Twenty four, all that would come were to have Voices it this Committee. Rufiwtrib, Tom. 4' P- 479- 
 
40 8 
 
 He il I STD RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 1641 
 
 'Ibt Ki 
 
 Council 
 
 London. 
 
 Clirendi 
 T. I. p. 
 
 s. The tame day the King, having ordered the Lord- 
 S Mayor to afl'emble the Common-Council, came to Guild- 
 ,e Hall. As he palled along the llreets, he had the mortifi- 
 of cation to hear people cry. Privileges of Parliament ! Pri¬ 
 vileges of Parliament ! Nay, one Henry Walker [an Iron- 
 monger and Pamphleteer, ] was fo infolent as to throw into 
 183. his coach a Paper, wherein was written, To your Tents , 0 
 Jfrael. His Majefty being come to Guild-Hall, made the 
 following Speech to the Common-Council. 
 
 ocufed 
 
 Gentlemen, 
 
 Speech "fo‘ T come t0 ^ eman ^ f uc ' } perfons as I have already 
 the C-mr-.w. f High Treafon, and do believe are fhrowded in the Ci- 
 Council. ty. I hope no good man will keep them from me ; their of- 
 Rufl>worth j- ences are Treafon , and mifdemeanours of an high nature. I 
 9 deftre your loving affijlance herein , that they may be brought 
 to a legal tryal. 
 
 And whereas there are divers fufpicions railed, that I am 
 a favourer f the Popijh Religion ; I do proff, in the name 
 of a King, that I did and ever will , and that to the utmojl 
 of my power , be a profecutor of all fuch as Jhall any ways 
 oppofe the Laius and Statutes of this Kingdom , either Papijls 
 or Separatijls ; and not only fo, but I will maintain and de¬ 
 fend that true Protejlant Religion which my Father did pro- 
 fejs , and l will continue in it during my life. 
 
 Bn The King Teems to have forgot the Tituation of his af- 
 
 tbiispetc . f a j rs? and tQ j ma gj ne h e was ftj]| j n t j ie f ame ft ate ag before 
 
 the war with Scotland. Certainly he could not be ignorant 
 that the City of London was not very well aftedled to him, 
 nor had reafon to be fo. He believed however they would 
 efpoufe his caufe againft the Parliament, and deliver up the 
 five Members, of which there was not the leaf! probabili¬ 
 ty. On the other hand, lie could be ftill Jefs ignorant, 
 that it was chiefly in London that the Presbyterians were 
 numerous and powerful, and yet he affediled to fay, he 
 would maintain and defend the Proteftant Religion which 
 the King his Father had profeffed, and profecute to the ut- 
 moft of his power as well Separatifts as Papills. I own I 
 cannot fee the neceflity or ufe of fuch a declaration, before 
 the Common-Council of a Citv much more inclined to 
 Presbyterianifm than to the Church of England, as it ma- 
 nifeftly appeared fbortly after. 
 
 The Com. Mean while, the Committee which fat at Guild-Hall, 
 were diligently taking informations of what palled the 
 J»n. 6/7, 4th of January , and preparing matters for their report to 
 Ri'iihworth - the ** oul * e a s ain . ft tb< -' ir meeting. The Committee was 
 fv! p T* 5 *o mfotmed, that Sir John Byron-, who was made Lieutenant 
 Clarendon, * of the Tower, in the room of Lunsford, had lent to 
 T. 1, p is, Whitehall one hundred arm?, and two Barrels of powder. 
 
 Rujhworth, who relates this particular, affirms, that the 
 matter being farther inquired into, was found to be true. 
 Bat I cannot tell whether we may give entire credit to his 
 teftimony, though what he fays is not improbable. 
 
 Pet. emu of On the 7tli, the City of Lonelon prefented a Petition to 
 London? the Kin g> whicl > pl-inly fhowed they were more inclined 
 Rnfhworih. to the Parliament than to him. “ They reprefented their 
 lv. P . 480. “ great fears and diftraaions, by reafon of the progrefs 
 T?lLp.48i. “ of the Rebels in Inland, fomented by the Papills in 
 “ England, and their adherents : The want of aid to 
 “ fupprefs them, and the intimations received from a- 
 “ broad and at home, of a defign to extirpate the Pro- 
 “ teftants: The putting out perfons of honour and trull 
 “ from being Conftable and Lieutenant of the Tower : 
 “ The preparations there lately made : The fortifying of 
 White- Hall in an unufual manner: The endeavours 
 ufed to the Inns of Court: The calling divers Canno- 
 “ neers into the Tower : The difeovery of divers fire- 
 “ works in the hands of a Papift: The mifunderftanding 
 “ betwixt his Majefty and Parliament, by reafon of mif- 
 “ information : His Majefty’s late going to the Houle of 
 Commons, attended with a great multitude of armed 
 “ men, befides his ordinary guard, for the apprehending 
 “ of divers Members, contrary to the privileges of Par- 
 u liament.” 
 
 'Phis Petition was very capable to /how the King, how 
 much he was miftaken in his opinion, that the City of 
 London was well difpofed in his favour. He returned how¬ 
 ever a very mild anfwer to each of the articles, to this ef- 
 fefl. 
 
 “ ever preparations were there made, it was with as great 1641-2,; 
 c ‘ an eye ol iafety and advantage to the City as to his 
 “ own perfon. 
 
 “ hor the fortifying of Whitehall with men and muni¬ 
 tion; he doubted no:, but the petitioners l ad obferved 
 “ the ftrange provocation he had received to entertain that 
 “ guard; and il any Citizens were wounded or ill treated, 
 
 “ he was confidently allured, that it happened by their 
 “ own evil and corrupt demeanours. 
 
 That lie knew no other endeavours to the Inns of 
 “ Court than a gracious intention ; that he received the 
 “ tender of their loyal and dutiful affections, with vciy 
 1 g°od approbation and acceptance, and an encouragement 
 ** given them to continue the fame upon all occafions. 
 
 ‘‘ For his going to the Houfe of Commons ; he was ve- 
 "ily perluaded, that if the petitioners knew the clear 
 
 “ grounds upon which thofe perfons flood accufed of High- 
 “ Treafon, they would believe his going thither w r as an 
 
 ‘ * 4 " Rbat as ^ or bufinefs of Ireland , there was nothing 
 
 Ruihworth. “ on hl3 P art unoftered or undone ; and he hoped, by the 
 IV. p. 4S1. “ fpeedy advice and affillance of his Parliament, that great 
 “ and neceffary work would be put in a fore forwardnefs, 
 tc to which he would contribute all his power. 
 
 “ For the Tower ; lie wondred, that having removed a 
 “ fervant of good trull and reputation from that charge, 
 “ onI y t0 Satisfy the fears of the City, and put in ano- 
 “ ther of unqueltionable reputation and known ability, the 
 “ petitioners fhould ftill entertain thofe fears: And what- 
 
 a£l of grace and favour to that Houfe, and the nioft 
 “ peaceable way of having that neceflary fervice, for the 
 “ apprehenfion of thofe perfons, performed ; efpecially, if 
 “ fuch orders had been made, which he was not willing 
 “ to believe, for the refiftance of all lawful authority as 
 “ were difeourfed of. And lor the proceedings againft thofe 
 “ perfons, he ever intended the fame fh u!d be with all 
 “ juftice and favour, according to the Laws of the realm. 
 
 He concluded with thefe word-, “ And this extraordi- 
 “ »ary way of fatisfying a 1 : n of fo unufual a na- 
 
 “ ture, his Majefty is con 
 
 “ the greateft inftance can be given of his Majefty’s clear 
 “ intentions to his Subje£b, ai 1 >f the Angular eftimation 
 “ he hath of the good affedtions of this City, which he 
 “ believes in gratitude will never be wanting to his jail 
 “ commands and fervice.” 
 
 On the morrow, the 8 th of January, the King publi/hed Jin. 8. 
 a Proclamation, comma:, ing 11 Wlagii ates and Officers^ 
 of juftice, to apprehend the accufed Members, and carry y °_ , 
 
 them to the Tower. v five Mem- • 
 
 Whilll the Committee was affembled at Guild- 1 all, ^uft wor ,h 
 they took the information of two witnefles, who depofed, iv! p^Sz*. 
 1 hat they heard Captain Hide fay things, which flowed, 
 he had fome ill defign againft the Houle of Commons. 
 
 Then it was refolved, that the Sheriffs of London and Rtflution of 
 Middlefex fhould raife the PJfe Comitatus for their fafe ,b \ Cjn ' 
 coming to WeJhninJler, the day the Parliament fliould meet. 
 Whereupon the Watermen (i)came and tendered theft fer¬ 
 vice, to guard the Committee by water to the Parliament- 
 houfe, which was accepted of. But the offer of the Ap¬ 
 prentices to accompany them by land was refufed. 
 
 Mean while, the Committee of twenty four having ap- Rcfluttom 
 pointed a Sub-committee to examine the affairs in cjuellion, f ,heL -"“ ■ 
 they made their report, January the ioth, of what refolu- Ruihworth, 
 tions had been taken ; namely, IV. p-4S> . 
 
 I hat the publi/hing feveral articles of High-Treafon a- 
 gainft the Lord Kimbolton, and the five Members of the 
 Houfe of Commons, was a high breach of .a. privileges 
 of Parliament, a feditious Ail, tending to the fubverfion°of 
 the peace of the Kingdom. 
 
 That the privileges of Parliament, fo violated and broken, 
 could not Ire fully and fufficiently vindicated, uillefs his Ma¬ 
 jefty would be pleafed to difeover the names of thofe per¬ 
 fons who advifed him to feal the chambers and ffudies of 
 the accufed Members ; to fend a Serjeant at arms to the 
 Houfe of Commons to demand them; to iffue warrants 
 under his own hand to apprehend them ; to come in per¬ 
 fon to the Houfe ; to publifh the articles of accufation in the 
 form of a Proclamation, to the end fuch pernicious coun¬ 
 sellors might receive condign punifhment. 
 
 The Committee of twenty four refolving to return on j^ in 
 the morrow to the Parliament with a numerous guard, the ntmi inn 
 King thought not proper to be expofed to the danger of Londorl - 
 receiving fome affront from the populace; and therefore fy.^gL 
 chofe to withdraw to Hampton-Court, and two days after 
 to Windfor. 
 
 January the i ith, the Commons being affembled at WeJl- ^ Com . 
 minjler , the Committee of twenty four came thither b y mutee return 
 water, conducted by great numbers of feamen and others , t0 ,h f lUu I u 
 v/hilft the train’d-bands of London marched through the 
 City in arms, to guard them alfo by land. 
 
 Then it was that the King found he had taken wrong The King 
 meafures, and that his imprudent proceedings could not buL r, ?‘ nr ' °f 
 grieve him, and ruin his affairs. He repented of what he h f^ roc:e ^ 
 had done, and wifhed he could appeafe the diforder rafted ^ 
 by himfelf. To this end, the next day, January the 
 i 2th, he fent the following meffage to both Houles : Jb f K:r d’ 
 
 His MajeJly taking notice , that fome conceive it difput ddr, X T' ft ”,, 
 whether his proceedings againjl the Lord Kimbohor 
 Hollis, Sir Arthur Haflerig, Mr. Pym, .i 'r. if, 
 
 Mr. Strode, be legal and agreeable to the prlv'.l-:i. 
 
 . Ruihworth, 
 ). 4S4. 
 
 (i) Rujtnuortb s, it was divers Mariners and Seamen, who brought a Petition, figned b y , .faoufand handj. Tim- 4- p. 4 Sr. 
 
 6 
 
Book XX. 
 
 25. C H A R L E S I. 
 
 1641-2. liament ; and being Very defirous to give fatisfafiidn to all men, 
 in all matters that may feem to have relation to privilege, is 
 pleafed to wave his former proceedings, and all doubts by this 
 means being fettled, when the minds of men are compofed, his 
 Majejly will proceed thereupon in an unquejlionable way, and 
 affures his Parliament, that upon all occafions he will be as 
 careful of their privileges, as of his life or his Crown. 
 'onfiderAU- Had there not been a fettled deiign againft the Kin», 
 mpruden! , ,s me % e W01 ^ have been capable to pacify all, fince he 
 itafithn plainly fhewed, he repented of what he had done, and in 
 fome . meafure confefl'ed his fault. But he had given his 
 tfieiTto 'the enern ‘ es t0 ° g re at an advantage, for them to negledl to 
 W. improve it. I have obferved, there were many Members in 
 both Houfes, not yet determined to join with thofe who 
 fought only to throw all into diforder and confufion. Some 
 began to difeover the defigns of the Presbyterians. Others 
 had fcruples, which they could not overcome, when they 
 confidered, that the deftrueftion of the Kingdom would 
 be endangered, by a bare diftruft which could not be well- 
 grounded. But their doubts were changed into certainty, 
 after what the King had lately done. Before the accufati- 
 on of the fix Members, it was doubtful, whether the King 
 thought of being revenged of thofe who had offended him : 
 but this accufation rendered this intention very probable. It 
 was doubtful whether his condefcenfion for the Parliament 
 was conftrained : but this accufation difeovered, that he be¬ 
 lieved himfelf deprived of part of his lawful authority, and 
 confidered what the Parliament had done with refpe£l to 
 himfelf, as High-Treafo.n. For if the depriving him of 
 part of his authority was treafon, thofe who had voted for 
 triennial Parliaments, and the continuance of this, could 
 not be innocent. If the endeavouring to render the King 
 odious to his people was treafon, certainly the fix Members 
 were not alone guilty. If the inviting the Scotch army 
 into England was treafon, how could the Houfe of Com¬ 
 mons clear themfelves after having rewarded the Scots for 
 their invafion, with a prefent of three hundred thoufand 
 pounds ? If it was treafon to endeavour to fubvert the 
 rights, and the very being of Parliaments, both Houfes 
 were guilty of this crime, when they affumed by an Act, 
 the power of not being diffolved or prorogued without their 
 own confent, fince this was altering the nature of Parlia¬ 
 ments. If raifing tumults was treafon, the countenancing 
 and encouraging thefe fame tumults was no lefs fo, and of 
 this the whole Houfe of Commons was guilty. In fhort, 
 the charge againft thefe particular Members for confpiring 
 to levy, and for actually levying, war againft the King, ne- 
 ceffarily aimed at the whole Houfe, who had countenanced 
 the tumultuous aflemblies, fet themfelves a guard, and pro¬ 
 vided themfelves with arms. 
 
 Thefe things put thofe upon confidering, who till then 
 had preferved fome good-will for the King, and entertained 
 equitable thoughts of him. They plainly faw what judg¬ 
 ment the King made of the Parliament’s actions, tho’ he at¬ 
 tacked but fix Members. The fhallow artifice of throwing 
 upon a few the fault of the whole Houfe, had been proper 
 with regard to former Parliaments, whilft the King was 
 mafter. But it was ineffectual with the prefent Parlia¬ 
 ment, and at fuch a juncture. After the red refs of paft Grie¬ 
 vances, the point was to know, whether the King’s word 
 was to be relied on, and he reftored to his natural ftate. 
 Many were of this fentiment, as they could not imagine, 
 that after what had paffed in this Parliament, the Kin°- would 
 endeavour to govern for the future as he had done°before. 
 r/a n C0U d not rel ° Jve ’ from a bare motive of fear and 
 diftriift, to alter the conftitution of the Government, by 
 abridging the King’s power. Others maintained, that the 
 Kings condefcenfion was all diffimulation, and his word 
 not to be relied on. Thefe men, to bring the reft to their 
 opinion, were forced to ufe various artifices, to ao-o-ravate 
 and mifinterpret the King’s adtions, and neve°rthelefs, 
 were not yet able to compafs their ends. But by the ac¬ 
 cufation of the fix Members, the King himfelf fupplied 
 them with arguments, which were not eafy to anfwer. 
 
 J hey had no more occafion to ufe figns and conjectures to 
 prove what they advanced, fince the King gave them him- 
 fe f fuch evident proofs. So it may be faid, the King never 
 loll owed more pernicious advice, than that lately given 
 him. If the Lord Digby, as it is faid, was his Counfellor, 
 
 K may be affirmed, that he threw him into a precipice, 
 from whence it was not poffible ever to extricate himfelf. 
 
 From that time, the queftion was not to know, Whe¬ 
 ther it was neceffary to limit the regal power, but to know 
 within what bounds it fhould be confin’d; they who had 
 hitherto been moft moderate, having entirely loft their 
 doubts concerning the King’s fincerity. So the party which 
 was moft oppoiite to him, being grown very fuperior in 
 .b Houfes, and meeting with little oppofition, they who 
 wifhed to do the King fervice, thought it fafeft, either to 
 abfent themfelves from the Parliament, or to keep filence, 
 in the expectation of an opportunity to ferve him effedtu- 
 No. 64. Vol, II, 
 
 409 
 
 ally, if affairs fhould take a new turn, and thereby the 1641-2, 
 oppofite party became ftill more powerful. 
 
 It is therefore evident, that in the prefent difpofitionof 
 the Parliament, the King’s laft meffage was not a fufficient 
 means to oblige his enemies to alter their meafures. Efpe- 
 cially, as by this mefiage he did not defift from the accufa¬ 
 tion, but only from the manner of proceeding, though it 
 was eafy to perceive, he took this method onlv'to come oft’ 
 with the lefs difhonour. Accordingly, the Commons did 
 not much regard it. The 17th of 'January, they came 
 the like refolutions with thofe taken by the Committee in fj‘’; Ci ‘ n ' 
 London, and digefted them into a declaration. They only Rmhv/orth, 
 added, the depofitions of fome witnelles concerning the Iv - P- 4H4- 
 number of armed men, who attended the King when he T.Tp?a86 
 came to the Houfe, and who, according to thefe depofiti- 29-1. 
 ons, were about five hundred ; concerning the infolent be¬ 
 haviour of fome of the officers who accompanied his Ma- 
 jefty ; and the words they ufed at the door of the Houfe, 
 which feemed to denote, that they waited only for a fignal 
 to fall upon the Members. There is no queftion, all thefe 
 things were highly aggravated : but thefe aggravations were 
 fubfervient to the end propofed by the Commons. They 
 declared, however, “ That they meant not to fereen 
 “ their Members, when accufed of treafon or mifdemean- 
 
 our, and profecuted according to law and the privileges 
 
 of Parliament: On the contrary, they fhould be always 
 “ ready to bring them to a fpeedy and due trial; being 
 “ fenfible, that it equally imported them, as well to fee 
 “ juftice done againft criminals, as to defend the juft 
 “ rights and liberties of the Subjects and Parliament of 
 “ England .” 
 
 Before this declaration was publifhed, the King had fent 
 the following meffage to both Houfes, which fhewed how 
 defirous he was of giving them content, and ending this 
 unfortunate affair: 
 
 His Majejly being no lefs tender of the privileges of Par- The Id;'; 
 
 liament, and thinking himfelf no lefs concerned that they be T. . 
 
 not broken, and that they be ajfcrted and vindicated when- p'.ntumcnt. 
 foever they are fo, than the Parliament itfelf, hath thought if ■ '4- 
 ft to add to his lajl meffage this profeffon ; That in all his |\ , lh ^ "^3. 
 proceedings againf the Lord Kimbolton, and the rejl of the ' 
 
 accufed Members, he had never the leaf intention of violating T,11 ‘ P* 8 J 8, 
 the leaf privilege of Parliament: And in cafe any doubt of 
 breach of privilege remains, will be willing to clear that, and 
 affert thofe by any reafonablc way that his Parliament fall 
 advife him to-, upon confidence of which, he no way doubts 
 his Parliament will fort/rwith lay by all jealoufies, and 
 apply themfelves to the publick and preffing affairs, and 
 efpecially to thofe 0/Treland, wherein the good of this King¬ 
 dom and the true Religion (which fall ever be bis Majefy's 
 firfi care) are fo highly and fo nearly concerned. And his 
 Majejly affures himfelf, that his care of the privileges will 
 encreafe their tendernefs of his lawful prerogative, which are 
 fo neceffary to the mutual defence of each other ; and both 
 which will be the foundation of a perpetual perfect intelli¬ 
 gence between his Majejly and Parliament, and of the happi- 
 nefs and profperity of his people. 
 
 This meffage (for the reafon before given) was not ca- The Comma* 
 pable of fatisfying the Commons. On the contrary, the i,n Pf ch ,he 
 next day they caufed Sir Edward Herbert the Attorney- CmnZ 
 General to be examined at the Bar of the Houfe of Lords. Ruihworth, 
 His anfwers being fent to the Commons, they ordered^ p- 4881 
 him to be accufed of feveral high crimes and mifdemea- Nalfon, 
 nours, that is to fay, of having violated the privileges 0 f T.n.p.8j-o, 
 Parliament, in exhibiting to the Houfe of Lords the articles 875 ‘ 
 he received from the King’s own hand, wall an exprefs 
 command to exhibit them. 
 
 Two days after, both Houfes petitioned his Majefty, Petitionsh»t 
 that they might be informed what proof there was againft !he 
 the fix Members, to the end they might fpeedily be pro -ZTjfprl 7 f 
 ceeded againft [in a parliamentary way ] The Kino- an- theT - 
 fwered, “ he thought it unufual or unfit to difeover what J 
 “ proof was againft them, before he was certain of the Jan. 21/™* 
 “ way he was to proceed, left a new miftake fhould The W* 
 
 “ breed more delays. That it fhould therefore be refolved, Rufhwouh 
 “ whether his Majefty was bound in refpect of privilege, iv. p. 
 
 ,£ to proceed againft them by impeachment in Parliament; J an- * 4- 
 “ or whether he was at liberty to prefer an indidlment 
 “ at common law, in the ufual way, or have his choice 
 “ of either.” 
 
 This anfwer could not but embarrafs the two Houfes The PArt !a - 
 fince the King was willing to follow their directions in the ,n f " c /•' 
 profecution of the fix Members. Accordingly, they De'manJ.' 
 thought not proper to refolve upon either of the ways pro- Feb - 2 - 
 pofed by the King. They contented themfelves with re-. h ‘ 
 plying in a fecond Petition, “ that finding there was ftill 1- “ ” 
 
 “ no legal and parliamentary proceedings againft the ae- 
 “ cufed Members, they thought it their duty, once more 
 “ to befeech his Majefty, to inform the Parliament what 
 “ proof theie was againft them, that they might be called 
 “ to a legal trial, it being the undoubted right and pri- 
 5 L “ vilege 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 410 
 
 1641-2. 
 
 The Kj”£‘ 
 
 Sw- 
 
 RUhworsh, 
 IV. p. 491- 
 
 jP.j ill.iment 
 
 Terfint nho 
 tdviftd the 
 Ki»Z- 
 
 Rufnworth, 
 IV. p. 492. 
 Feb. 14. 
 
 Remarts cn 
 
 the L'mdud 
 
 Clarendon, 
 T. I. p. 284. 
 
 1he H I S T 0 RT of ENGLAND. 
 
 “ vilege of Parliament, that m Member car. be proceeded 
 “ again!} without the confent of Parliament. 
 
 The King plainly perceiving, there would he no end, 
 and that new difficulties would be perpetually ilaited, en¬ 
 deavoured to terminate the affair at once by the following 
 anfwer. . 
 
 That as he once conceived that he had ground enough to 
 accufc them, fo now his Majrfly jinds as good caufe wholly 
 to defer t any profecution of them. And for a farther tfhmony 
 of his Majejiy's real intention towards all his loving Subjects, 
 (fame of whom haply may be involved in fine unknowing 
 and unwilling errors) for the letter compofmg and fettling of 
 all fears and jealouftcs of what kind foever , his Mayfly is 
 ready to grant as free and general a pardon for the full 
 contentment of all his loving Subjects , as Jhall by the appro¬ 
 bation of both Houfes of Parliament be thought convenient for 
 that purpofe. n . , . . 
 
 It was not difficult to perceive, the king^ offered this 
 general pardon only to have it faid, that the iix Members 
 were exempted from the rigour of the law by virtue of 
 the pardon. But the Parliament not being fatisfied with 
 the King’s offer, addrelled a third petition to him, dcfiring, 
 'that, according to two Adis of the 37th and 38th years 
 of the reign of Edward III (i), his Majeily would be 
 pleafed to" fend the perfons, that had made fuggefhon or 
 information to him of the crimes of the Six Members to 
 the Parliament, that fo the rights and privileges of Par¬ 
 liament might be vindicated, which of juilice ought not to 
 be denied. 
 
 The King returning no anfwer to this petition, the af¬ 
 fair refled here, except that in April following, the Houfe 
 of Peeis gave fentence againit the Attorney-General, de¬ 
 claring him uncapable of all offices, but that of Attorney- 
 General, and committing him to the prifon of the Fleet 
 (hiring the pleafure of the Houfe. 
 
 Tho’ this affair feemed to be ended, the King was up¬ 
 braided with it afterwards a thoufand times. But before 
 I finifh it entirely, I believe it will not be amiis to make 
 fume remarks on this fubjedt, that I may not be obliged 
 to refume it hereafter. 
 
 , Though the Commons made a great noife about the 
 breach of their privileges, that was not the thing which 
 moil incenfcd them. Their great grievance was, that the 
 King had chofen, to accufe of High -1 rcafon, five Mem¬ 
 bers of the Houfe, who were the chief leaders and direc¬ 
 tors. So, to accufe thefe five Members was, as I obferved, 
 to accufe the whole Houfe. Now if the King did believe 
 the Houfe guilty of treafon, for having done what he ac- 
 cufed but five Members of, what affurance could there be, 
 that he would religiouily obferve his promifes, which, 111 
 his opinion, weie extorted from him by traitors? There 
 was reafon therefore to fufpedl, that the King had fome 
 grand defign, and before the execution, was willing to 
 fecurc thofe who were moll capable to obftrudl it, as well 
 bv their abilities as by their great credit in the Parliament 
 and with the people. This is the impreffion made by 
 this unfeafonable accufation on the Members of the Par¬ 
 liament. And to this contributed alfo the King’s zeal to 
 • feize the five Members, even to his coming in perfon to 
 the Houfe of Commons to apprehend them, which no 
 King of England had ever done before him. Nay, very 
 likely, had they been in the Houfe, and made any refin¬ 
 ance, he would have employed armed men, who attended 
 him to the number of about five hundred, to carry them 
 away. This wasfufficient to incenfe againfl him thofe who 
 had hitherto confidered as a doubtful point, whether his 
 promifes were to be relied on. It could not be conceived, 
 that at a time when the moderate Members began to unite 
 in his favour, to eftablifh a folid peace, he fhould.be in¬ 
 duced to an adlion fo odious, and fo deflrudlive of it, had 
 he not intended to fubdue the Parliament by force. Thus 
 the complaints of both Houfes about the breach of their 
 privileges, was properly only a pretence to cover the true 
 reafon of their fears. As this reafon was not of fuffiqent 
 evidence to convince the People, who could regard it but 
 as a bare fufpicion, they infilled only upon their privileges, 
 till they fhould engage the King to declare himfelf more 
 openly. Their real aim was therefore to oblige the King 
 to take fome new Hep, that might fhew the People, it was 
 rot without caufe that the King was acculed of having ill* 
 defigns. This certainly was the motive of the Parliament’s 
 petition, to be informed of the proofs before the way of 
 proceeding Ihould be refolved. 'Phis was a fnare laid for 
 the King, to ingage him to produce proofs of a crime, 
 whereof"the whole Parliament was no lefs guilty than the 
 Members accufed, and thereby the people would have been 
 convinced, that he aimed at the Parliament itfelf. But 
 
 the King avoided the fnare, by dropping the profccunon 1641-2,':; 
 
 rather than he obliged to produce proofs, which mull have 
 
 been prejudicial to him, after miffing his aim. It was not 
 
 the breach of privilege, but the King’s fecret intention, 
 
 that was chiefly in quell ion. By hi- late proceedings he 
 
 had given occafion to think, that a rupture between him 
 
 and the Parliament was not very remote, fince he had de- 
 
 llroyed the confidence, on which alone peace and a good 
 
 underllanding could be founded. In this light mull theac- 
 
 cufation of the fix Members be viewed, and not 2s a feparate 
 
 facl relating only to the privileges of Parliament. 
 
 It is therefore very needlefs, in my opinion, that fome 
 have undertaken to difeufs exactly this queftion, whether 
 the two Houfes could lawfully refufe lending to pi i on 
 their Members accufed of Higb-Treafon ? Hov.ever, I fliall 
 briefly fpeak tu this point for the Reader’s information. 
 
 It is certain, the Privileges of Parliament do not extend 
 to crimes of High-Treafon, and in fuch cafes the Com¬ 
 mons have no more right than the Peers. But it is alfo 
 an undoubted maxim, that no Member can be proceeded 
 againfl without the confent of his Houfe. When a Peer 
 is accufed, it belongs to the Houfe of Lords to examine, 
 whether the profecution ought to be conferred to, and in 
 cafe of confent, whether the Party accufed is to be con¬ 
 fined or left fiee to anfwer the accufation. The Lords are 
 determined to one or other, by the nature or circumflanccs 
 of the Crime. It is the fame with refpedt to the Mem¬ 
 bers of the Lower-Houfe. In the prefent cafe, the Com¬ 
 mons thought there was no reafon to fend the Members 
 accufed to prifon, becaufe the accufation was too general. 
 
 The King pretended, on the contrary, that upon a bare 
 accufation, under colour that it was for High-Treafon, he 
 had power to apprehend the accufed, without the confent 
 of their Houfe, and to commit them to the Tower. It 
 is cafy to perceive, the King carried this principle a little 
 too far, that the Privileges of Parliament take not place in 
 cafes ot High-T reafon, fincc he extended it to a bare ac¬ 
 cufation of Treafon. But a bare accufation cannot deprive 
 the Houfes of Parliament, of the right to examine, if there 
 be reafon to confent to the profecution, whether by direct 
 proof, probable figns, or publick evidence. Otherwife, the 
 King might have pitched upon, not only five, but a hun¬ 
 dred Members of the Lower-Houfe, and fent them to pri ¬ 
 fon, upon the bare accufation 01 Treafon, which would 
 render the privileges of Parliament entirely ufelefs. Never- 
 thelefs the King adled as if his right had been undeniable, 
 tho’ that was, at leaft, the point in queftion. I fliall not 
 undertake to illullrate this point any farther, which has 
 difficulties, the folution whereof depends on the know¬ 
 ledge of the laws and cufloms of England. I fliall only- 
 add, that the King did himfelf a very great injury by 
 this unfeafonable ftep, and that his enemies received by it 
 advantages, which in the end occalioned his ruin. 
 
 Whilfl the affair of the accufed Members was in hand, TV-Cmm. 
 the Commons continued to exprefs an extreme diftrull oif’ffffj 
 the King. This diftrull daily increafed, till at lafl it pro- 1,;„ x -> 
 dueed an entire rupture. S;nu-:ty.- 
 
 January the r2th, the Commons fent an order to Sir 
 John Byron , Lieutenant of the Tower, to come and an- ’! „ /W . 
 lwer to fuch queffions as fhould be put to him, concern- mme 
 ing the arms and ammunition fent to Whitehall , the day 
 the King came to the Houfe of Commons. But lie ex- r 
 cufed himfelf, for that he had the King’s exprefs warrant g .on 
 not to go out of the Tower, 
 
 The King had anfwered the Petition of both Houfes G*- 
 concerning a guard, that he would appoint one or two ffffi VC: 
 hundred men out of the trained-bands of the City (fuch as .i cl ird. 
 the Lord-Mayor fhould be anfwerable for to him) under Ryihwor 
 the command of [Robert Bertie ] Earl of Lindfey. But the xC.fm, 
 Commons refufed this offer, and ordered, that two com- T.n.p.E 
 panies of the trained-bands fhould every day attend upon 
 the Houfe as a guard, under the command of Serjeant 
 Major Skippon. 
 
 The Parliament’s dillrufl of the King was daily in- 
 flamed by fucceffive accidents, which the King’s enemies ( f, 
 knew how to improve. Whilfl things were in this Hate, j . 12. 
 the Parliament received information, that the Lord Dig by , ,n > g 
 
 Colonel Lunsford , and other disbanded officers were at ; 
 Kingflon upon Thames, with about two hundred Horfe. 
 Whereupon it was ordered by both Houfes, that the 
 Sheriffs, calling to their affiltance the trained-bands of the , '.-.d? 
 
 fcveral Counties of England and Wales, fhould fupprefs T.i.p -3 
 all unlawful affemblies gathered together to the diilurbance 
 of the peace of the Kingdom. They were afraid, the 
 King intended to fecure Portfnouth , and perhaps, their 
 fears were not groundlefs. However that be, they fent an 
 order to Colonel Goring, Governor of Portfnouth, requiiing 
 
 (1) By thefe Afls : 
 « lame Perfon ought 
 “ Surety to purfue his 
 “ and made hne and 
 
 t was enacted, that. “ If any Perfon whatfoever make Suggcflion 
 •o be fent with the Sugiefho.i oefore the Chancellor or Keeper <n t: 
 Su«gellior.; which it he cannot prove, he .s to be impr.foned t.ll 
 rai-fom to the King." R*}!h, by abridging this Paragraph too mi 
 
 1 the King himfelf of any Crime committed by an 
 Great-Seal, the Treafurer or the Great Council, tin 
 ; hath Pitched the Parry accufed oi his damages ar 
 b, bad rendered it obfeure. 
 
 
 him 
 
Book XX. 
 
 2 5 - 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 
 4 11 
 
 ' The 
 Digbv 
 
 Bp— 
 
 1641-2. him not to deliver up the town, nor receive any forces liament, Ireland remained unaffifted. The Commons 1641-2. 
 into it, but by his Majefty’s authority fignified by both would not pay ten thoufand men, who fhould be levied by 
 Houfes of Parliament. At the fame time the Lords fent the King’s commiffions. They pretended, thefe troops 
 an exprefs order to the Lord Digby, to give his attendance fhould be raifed by way of preffing, in order tochufe fuch 
 in the Houfe. But he thought fit to withdraw out of the for foldiers as fhould be leaft attached to the King, and 
 
 Kingdom (1). There had now been information, that he that the King {hould not be concerned in the levies. The 
 
 was the pcrfon who advifcd the King to accufe the Six Bill for preffing had been fent up to the Lords, who had 
 Members of Parliament. Befides, the Commons were not yet parted it, of which the Commons very much com- 
 exafperatcd againft him, on account of his Speech againft plained. At laft, the Scotch Commiflioners feeing, that the rh ' Scotch 
 the Bill of Attainder of the Earl of Strafford , whilft he differences between the King and the Parliament retarded 
 was member of that Houfe j fothat the leaft pretence was the conclufion of the treaty for which they were fent, be- . diation. 
 fufficicnt to draw their refentment upon him. thought themfelves of offering their mediation to the King 
 
 The Commons made great noife about the Kingjion af- and both Houfes, to procure an agreement. But the King r,ii.p!874. 
 fair, to perfuade the People his Majefty intended to fecure was offended at their offer, becaufe they had not firft com- The iff 
 ! Run a. Portfmoutb. Nay, they caufed feveral witneffes to be ex- municated their intentions to him in private. The two worth 
 
 iv. p. 501, amine d > but this affair was carried no farther. They Houfes on the contrary, thanked them for this mark of their rv. P . 459. 
 
 I* 3 ’ were contented with fending for Admiral Pennington, who affection. ThePartia- 
 
 reported that the Lord Digby had ftiown him a warrant Meanwhile, the Committee forth t Irijh affairs find- aac A t 
 under the King’s own hand, to convey him fafely into ing, that Kingdom wanted a fpeedy affiftance, and that p. joi. 
 France or Holland, and that he durft not difobey the the treaty for the ten thoufand Scots was not likely to t> e P^‘^° ts 
 order. concluded foon enough, made a propofal to the Scotch five 
 
 • T.'eCcmmom The Parliament’s fears about Portfmoutb made them Commiflioners, that the Scots fhould fend into Ireland two hundred Men 
 j/fniHoth;iin jbink 0 f Hull, a very important place in the County of thoufand five hundred men, who were ready, till the Ire,and * 
 j January T.'’ Fork. The Commons inftead ofconcealing, affedted rather treaty for the ten thoufand fhould be ended j to which the Nalfon, 
 
 1 Rufhwonh, to difeover, their fears. Wherefore they fent a meffage to Commiflioners of Scotland agreed. To that purpofe, they T.n.p.869. 
 Niifon l ^ e Lords, that there was at Hull a magazine of arms for propounded certain conditions, which were approved by f v . 
 TALpIsjj. fixteen thoufand men, and ammunition proportionable, both Houfes. But the King objected to one of the con- 
 i ciar.'iiJon, That the town being weakly garrifoned [and the adjacent ditions, which was, that Carrick Fergus, a fea-port in the 
 1 .I' P ‘> 01 -country full of Papilts and difaftedled perfons] they defined north of Ireland, fhould be delivered to the Scots. He 
 
 their concurrence in an order, that fome of the trained- 
 bands of Yorkjhire {hould be put into Hull, under the com¬ 
 mand of Sir John Hot ham , Member of the Houfe of Com¬ 
 mons, with orders not to deliver up the place, or maga¬ 
 zine, without the King’s authority fignified by both Houfes. 
 To this the Lords readily confenting, young Hot ham , foil 
 to Sir John , was fent immediately to Hull to execute this 
 order, till his Father fhould be ready to take the Govern¬ 
 ment of that place. 
 
 Nothing fhows more clearly the Parliament’s diftruft, 
 than this order about Hull, fincc it could not be but upon 
 the fuppofition of an urgent neceflity, that they could pre¬ 
 tend to place Governours in the towns, and it was alfo 
 this neceflity that they defired to infinuate to the People. 
 However, the fequel {hewed, the Parliament had reafon to 
 
 laid, it was too great a truft for auxiliary forces. Never- 
 thelefs, feeing the Parliament willing to confide in the 
 Scots, lie thought he fhould not refufe his confidence to 
 his native Subjects. It mull be obferved, that the King Different 
 and Commons expreffed an equal defire to aflift Ireland, ff" 
 but each would have it in their own way. The King p'Jiu'ment 
 wifhed to have an Englijh army fent thither, and blamed velth regard 
 the Commons for not flattening the levies. The Com- ,0 Irmnd * 
 mons, on their fide, fufpe&ed, that the King’s aim was to 
 leave England unprovided of men, 2rms and ammunition, 
 and therefore infifted upon the Treaty of Scotland for ten 
 thoufand men ; and charged the King with being the lole 
 caufe of the obftacles to the conclufion of the treaty. Nay, 
 they plainly intimated, that though the King feemed to 
 prels the relief of Ireland , he had no real intention that 
 Kingdom fhould be relieved. Neceflity however obliged 
 
 •Bin for the 
 
 tarli.ii 
 
 take this precaution (2). - 
 
 Since the accufation of the Six Members, fcarce a day the King and both Houfes to accept at length of the two 
 had patted but the Parliament expreffed their fufpicions of thoufand five hundred Scots , who were fent into the north 
 u^tajoitrnment J^big, fo that every thing manifeftly tended to a rupture, of Ireland, where they did good fervice. 
 
 \tt 7 ce. 0 ‘ her The better to perfuade the People that both Houfes were The Commons ceafed not to fhew openly their diftruft Remark on 
 E Ruth worth, apprehenfive of fome violence from the King, and not fafe of the King. This was abfolutely neceflary to the execu- c **" tvl 
 
 I EV’- 4y: * at IVeJlminJler , a Bill was palled to enable them to adjourn tion of the defigns of thole who had then the chief manage- J T " J * 
 
 1T ir p , 8j4 to any place they plealed. ment ol the affairs of the Houle. But it does not lollow, 
 
 Gnardfet They ordered likewife the Earl of Newport, Matter of becaufe it was neceflary to make known trus diftruft, that 
 " the Ordnance, and the Lieutenant of the 'Power, not to therefore it was not real. The leading men of this party 
 
 : Ruth worth, fuffer any cannon or ammunition to be carried from thence, did not believe indeed they had reafon to truft the King, 
 
 P Ibld : And for the better fafe-guard of the Tower, the Sheriffs of and withal, it was their intereft to fhew the publick the 
 
 ITJLp!844. London and Middlefex were ordered to fet a fufficicnt guard grounds of their diftruft. This they did in a folemn man- 
 ’ both by land and water about it. The fame day the Com- ner by means of a Speech Jpoken by Mr. Pym at a con- 
 mons caufed fome great faddles to be feized, that were to 
 be fent to Kingjion. 
 
 r.Jfe Infer- Moreover, Mr. Bagjhaw of Windfor, Member of the 
 
 I mat ion ffven Houfe of Commons, informed them, that laft night as he 
 ro the Houfe. was g 0 j n g t0 jyindfor (where the King then was) he faw 
 
 II p< f9 ’ divers troops of Horfe, and that there came thither a 
 
 ference with the Lords. This Speech delei ves to be in- 
 ferted at length, becaufe it Ihews by wnat tteps the Com¬ 
 mons endeavoured to compals their ends. 
 
 My Lords, 
 
 I Am commanded by the Knights, Citizens, and Burgrffes, Mr. Pym’i 
 affembled for the Commons in Parliament, to prefent to your s P eech t0 
 
 .... .. Lord/hips divers Petitions, which they have received from fe- Ruihwonb 
 
 Adding, there were at Windfor four hundred Horfe, with veral parts concerning the fate of the Kingdom: Whereunto IV. p. yo 3 ’. 
 about forty officers. Whereupon Skippon was ordered to they are chiefy moved by that confant cffeblion which they 
 detach fome Horfemen towards Windfor for intelligence, have always expreffed, of maintaining afirm union and good ‘ 5 
 But in all appearance there was no great difeovery made, correfpondence with your Lordjhips ; wherein they have ever 
 
 L Rulhworth, wa gg 0n loaded with ammunition, and another waggon 
 ,IV ‘ P- 497 - ] oa d et j with the fame, was fent from thence to Portfmoutb. 
 
 fince nothing more was faid of it. 
 
 The Lords After that, the Commons defired the Lords to join with 
 1 declineperiii- them in a petition to the King, for the removal of Sir 
 errnz againft J 0 fj n Byron from the Lieutenancy of the Tower, and 
 I January iy. offered their reafons. But the Lords thought fit to de¬ 
 li Ibid. cline 
 
 The Peers Mean while, the Lords being informed by the Earl of 
 forbid ElTex Effex, that the King had laid his commands upon him and 
 ■ r: 1 :: 11 ^ the Earl of Holland, to attend his Majefty at Hampton- 
 
 | ££> 1 !° Court as Lord-Chamberlain, and Groom of the Stole, . . . . . 
 
 NaTon. t hey would not difpenfe with their abfence, alledging that that fo likewife we may be united in the fame intentions and 
 1 Ruilnvonl 6, their attendance in Parliament about the high affairs of the endeavours of improving all to the fervice of his Majejty , 
 lv. P . .,v?. realm, was truer fervice to his Majefty, than any they and the common good of the Kingdom 
 could do him at Court. The King foon after removed 
 both thefe Lords from their places (3). 
 
 , Differences During thefe differences between the King and the Par- 
 
 found much advantage, and contentment; but never held it 
 more important and neccjfary, than at this time, wherein the 
 wifdom and refolution of Parliament have as many great 
 dangers and difficulties to pafs through, as ever heretofore. 
 
 We are united in the publick trujl, which is derived from 
 the Commonwealth, in the common duty and obligation whereby 
 God doth bind us to the difeharge of that trujl ; and the Com- 
 mons defire to impart to your Lordjhips, whatfoever informa¬ 
 tion or intelligence, whatfoever encouragement or afffance they 
 have received from thofe Jeveral Counties which they re prefent , 
 
 The petitions which I am directed to communicate to your 
 Lordjhips, are four-, from London, Middlelex, Ellex, and 
 Hertfordlhire. We have received many more, but it would 
 
 (1) And Sir Thomas Lunsford was committed to the Tower. Uhiukck, p. 74. , , . r 
 
 (•) a Committee was alfo appointed to draw up a Letter, or other Declarat.on, to be prefented to the Lords, and by bot.i Houles to be publilhed ir 
 print, and f.-n; into all parts ol the Kingdom, advifing them with all expedition to be in a readinefs, and good pollute of defence, upon ail occahons, to 
 defend their feveral Counties from Invalion by Pap ill", or other ill-affefted Perfons. Nalfon, Tom. II. p.847, 8yo, drc. 
 
 (5) The Lord Clarendon Lys, That the Earl of Effex refah eJ to go, and was for that purpofe making himfelt ready, when the Earl 0. Holland earns 
 to him, and privately difluaded him; that if they went, they Ihould be both murdered at Hamptori-Conrt. Tom. L l>. 197* 
 
 2 take 
 
 Rulhworth, 
 IV. p. 498. 
 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 412 The HI ST 0 RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 16.1 r -2. take up too much time , and be too great a trouble to perufe 
 ell: And in thefe four , you may perceive the effect and fetfe 
 of all: Firjl, I am to defire your Lordjhips to hear them 
 read, and then IJhall purfue my injlruftions in propounding 
 feme obfervations out of them. 
 
 The Petition of the Lord-Mayor and Aldermen of London. 
 
 Sh civet/:, 
 
 “ '"l" H A T the Committee of this honourable Houfe, 
 “ X upon Saturday the 22d of this inftant 'January, 
 “ fent a mefiage to the petitioners, for the loan of one 
 “ hundred thoufand pounds, or of fo much thereof as could 
 tc conveniently be forthwith railed, for levying of forces 
 “ to fupprefs the rebels in Ireland: To which meflage 
 “ fomething was then anfwered, and a further anfwer in 
 “ writing promifed. 
 
 “ In performance whereof, they humbly prefent the 
 “ anfwer following, together with the reafon thereof, de- 
 “ firing that the fame (being the belt that for the pre- 
 “ fent they are able to give) may favourably be ac- 
 “ cepted.” 
 
 As this anfwer is very long, and contains feveral parti¬ 
 culars not abfolutely neceffary, I (hall content myfelf with 
 inferting here what is moft material. 
 
 “ That how fenfible foever they were of the great mi- 
 “ ferics of their brethren in Ireland , and of the imminent 
 “ danger, not only of the total lofs of that Kingdom, but 
 “ of the ruin of this alfo, if that of Ireland Ihould be 
 “ loft ; yet they are compelled to declare, That they have 
 “ no power to raife any fums by way of tax for any foreign 
 11 ufe \ and that they have no means to do it, otherwife 
 “ than by the immediate perfonal confent of every parti- 
 “ cular lender, which they cannot hope to obtain, in rc- 
 “ gard of thefe Obftructions following. 
 
 tl 1. That immediately before the Parliament, and 
 “ fince, divers great fums for the fervice of the King and 
 “ Kingdom, have been already lent by the Citizens of 
 “ London , befides 50,000/. for the fupply of Ireland in 
 “ particular; a great part whereof fome of the lenders 
 “ were compelled to borrow, and cannot to this day re- 
 
 “ pay. 
 
 “ 2. That fuch part of tliofe moneys as Ihould have 
 * c been repaid out of the Poll-money and Subfidies, is not 
 tc yet done. 
 
 “■ 3. That the faid fum of fifty thoufand pounds, lent 
 “ for Ireland , was haftened and fpeedily paid, upon ac- 
 “ count of the urgent necefiitiesof that Kingdom; and yet 
 “ no confiderable forces are fent thither to this day'. 
 
 “ 4. The general with-holding of very great fums of 
 “ money from the petitioners, and many others, doth ren- 
 “ der divers perfons of good eftatc and credit, hardly able 
 “ to go on with trade, or to pay their debts, and maintain 
 “ their charge. 
 
 “ 5. The refufing to accept the offers of Scotland, to 
 <c fend ten thoufand men into Ireland , difeourageth moft 
 “ men from lending any money, were they never fo 
 “ able. 
 
 “ 6. The not paffing the Bill for preffing of Soldiers 
 *• puts many men into fears, that there may be fome delign 
 tc there to lolc Ireland , and to confume this Kingdom in 
 “ the lofing of Ireland, than to preferve either the one or 
 “ the other; for that it cannot be conceived, that the 
 “ rebels (being grown fo powerful) will be fupprefled by 
 “ volunteers (1). 
 
 “ 7. The flow iftiiing of Commiflions to thofe, who 
 “ being in Ireland, or going thither, are willing to enter 
 “ the field againft the rebels, dilables them from doing any 
 “ effectual execution upon the enemy', unlefs in their own 
 “ defence; and fo all the monies that have been, or may 
 “ be fent thither, are exhaufted to maintain our forces, 
 “ to do little or nothing worthy of them, rather than em- 
 “ ployed to chaftife the rebels: By means whereof, thofe 
 “ rebels arc fo much emboldened, that they boaft they will 
 “ extirpate the Brit if: nation there, and then make Eng- 
 “ land the feat of war. 
 
 tc 8. The not difarming of Papifts here in England, 
 “ after many difeoveries of their treacheries and bloody 
 “ defigns; the great decays of fortifications, block-houfes, 
 “ and other fea-forts; the not managing of them, norfur- 
 “ nifhing them with ordnance and ammunition ; the not 
 “ placing all of them in fuch hands, in whom the Par- 
 t( liament may confide ; and the not fettling this King- 
 “ dom in a pofture of defence, in times of fo many fears 
 “ and jealouties of foreign invafions, and inteftine confpi- 
 “ racies; the not removing the prefent Lieutenant of the 
 “ Tower, and putting fuch a perfon into that place, as 
 “ may be well approved of by the Parliament, nutwith- 
 
 “ ftanding the earneft Petitions exhibited to the Houfe of 164.--2. : 
 “ Commons for that purpofe, which hath produced a for- 
 “ bearance to bring bullion into the Tower, in this time 
 “ of fcarcity of monies; all which cannot but overthrow 
 “ Trading more and more, and make monies yet mor* 
 
 “ fcarce in the City and Kingdom. 
 
 “ 9. The King’s Ihips are not fitted and employed, as 
 “ the prefent condition of this Kingdom and Ireland re- 
 “ quires, but fome of them for conveying away of dclin- 
 “ quents(2). 
 
 “ IO - The not queftioning thofe many thoufands of un- 
 “ known perfons, who are fheltered in Covent-Car den, 
 
 “■ and thereabouts, which do not employ themfelves in any 
 lawful calling, and it is very probable, lie in a readincls 
 “ to adventure upon fome defperate attempt. 
 
 “ 11. The milunderftanding between the King and the 
 Parliament; the not vindicating the privileges of Par- 
 “ liament; the not fupprefling of prote&ions; the not 
 “ pundhing of delinquents; and the not executing of ail 
 “ Prieftsand Jefuits legally condemned, while others, con¬ 
 trary to privilege of Parliament, have been charged with 
 “ treafon. 
 
 “ 12. By means of the premifles, there is fuch decay of 
 “ trading, and fuch fcarciiy of money, as it is likely, in 
 very Ihort time, to caft innumerable multitudes of poor 
 artificers into fuch a depth of poverty and extremity, as 
 may enforce them upon fome dangerous and defperate 
 “ attempts. 
 
 “ I hefe are the evils under which the Petitioners do ex¬ 
 ceedingly labour and languilh, which they humbly con- 
 “ ceive to have fprung from the employing of ill-affeded 
 perfons in places of truft and honour in the State, and 
 “ near ^ the facred perfon of his Majefty; and that thefe 
 “ evils are ftill continued by means of the votes of Bilhops 
 “ and popilh Lords in the Houfe of Peers.” 
 
 The Petitioners of the County of Ejfrx thanked the Ruthwcri^ 
 Commons for their extraordinary care, reprefenting to them lv - P* > :i - : 
 withal, that they were ftill apprehenfive of a great flop of 
 reformation in matters of Religion, and of the whole King¬ 
 dom’s being in great danger from the Papifts: nor oouTd 
 they expedt any redrefs, unlefs the Bilhops and popifti Lords 
 were removed out of the Houfe of Peers. 
 
 The Petitioners of the County of Her for derived, that P- P7. ■ 
 the Papifts might be [fully] difarmed ; the Kingdom put 
 into a pofture of defence; the forts and ftrong places com¬ 
 mitted to (uch hands, as the Parliament might confide in ; 
 the privileges ol Parliament repaired ; endeavours ufed to 
 take away the votes of popifti Lords and Bifhops; Ireland 
 fpeedily relieved ; Delinquents brought to further pumfh- 
 ment; preftiires and grievances in Church and State re¬ 
 moved ; and whatever lhall be amifs reformed. 
 
 Thefe Petitions being read, Mr. Pym continued his Speech 
 in this manner: 
 
 My Lords, 
 
 I N thefe four Petitions you may hear the voice, or 
 rather the cry of all England, and you cannot won- 
 CC d er if the urgency, the extremity, of the condition where- 
 “ we are, do produce fome earneftnefs and vehemency 
 “ ofexpreftion more than ordinary ; the agony, terror, 
 
 “ and perplexity in which the Kingdom labours is univerf.il, 
 
 “ all parts are affefled with :t; and therefore in thefe, you 
 cc may obferve the groans and miferable complaints of all. 
 
 “ Divers reafons may be given, why thofe dileafes which 
 “ are epidemical, are more dangerous than others: The 
 “ caufe of fuch difeafes is univerfal and fupernatural, not 
 “ from an evil conftitution, or evil diet, or anv other ac- 
 “ cident; and fuch caufes work with more v igour and 
 “ efficacy, than thofe which are particular and inferior. 
 
 “ 2. In fuch difeafes there is a communicative quality, 
 
 “ whereby the malignity of them is multiplied and enforced. 
 
 “ 3 - They have a converting, transforming power, that 
 “ turns other difeafes and evil affections of mens bodies 
 “ into their own nature. 
 
 “ The common and epidemical difeafe wherein this 
 “ Commonwealth lies now gafping, hath a fuperior and 
 “ univerfal caufe from the evil counfels and defigns of thofe, 
 
 “ who under his Majefty bear the greateft fvvay ip Go- 
 “ vernment. 2. It hath a contagious and infectious qua- 
 “ lity, whereby it is diftufed and difperft through all parts 
 “ of the Kingdom. 3. It is apt to take in the difcon- 
 “ tents, evil afteftions and defigns of particular perfons, to 
 “ encreafe and fortify itferf. 
 
 “ I fliall take occafion, from feveral branches of thofe 
 “ Petitions which your Lordfhips have heard, to ob- 
 “ ferve : 
 
 “ 1. The variety of dangers to which this Kingdom is 
 “ now fubjedt. 
 
 (1) They would infinuate bjr this, chat an Army raifed in the ufu^l manner by the King's CommiHiyns, would be very ur.fi: t , reduce bel.mi, be- 
 caufe :he King did no: with the Rebels to be fubdued. Rflfin. 
 
 (z) They mean the Lord Di^bj. R*yin. 
 
 2. The 
 
Book XX. 
 
 *641- 
 
 2 5- CHARLES I. 
 
 2. “ 2 The manifold diftcmpers which are the caufe of 
 
 “ thofe dangers. 
 
 “ 3 - he m.i'fiplii'itv of thofe evil influences, which 
 “ are the caufe. o thole diflempers. 
 
 “ 1 he firlt danger from enemies abroad: This may 
 “ heeni a earn'defi and impertinent obfervatiOn at this 
 “ t,me » '"ig we are r.t peace with all nations about us • 
 “ But (my Lords) you may be pleafed to confider, that 
 “ the fdtety of the Kingdom ought not to depend upon the 
 “ will and difpofition of our neighbours, but upon our 
 “ own ; length and provilion : Betwixt States there are 
 “ often fudden changes trom peace to war, according to oc- 
 “ cafion iind advantage: All the States of Chriftendom 
 “ are now armed, and we have no reafon to believe, but 
 “ that thofe of greateft power have an evil eye upon us in 
 “ ref;.eft oi our Religion: And if their private differences 
 ^°uld be compofed, how dangeroufly, how fpeedily 
 “ n,i ght thofe great armies, and other preparations now 
 “ ready, be applied to fome enterprize and attempt again!* 
 us ? And if there were no other caufe, this were fuffici- 
 ent to make us ftand upon our guard ; but there are divers 
 “ mure efpecial fymptoms of dangers of this kind. We 
 “ may perceive, by feveral advertifements from abroad, that 
 “ they did forefee our dangers many months before they 
 “ broke 0u -j they could foretell the time and manner of 
 “ them, which is a clear evidence, they held intelligence 
 “ w ‘th thofe which were the contrivers and workers of 
 “ the prefent troubles. We have many dangerous tray- 
 “ tors and fugitives now in other parts, who can difeover 
 “ the weaknefs and diflemper of the Kingdom; who hold 
 “ intelligence with the ill-afFefted party here, and by all 
 “ cunning and fubtle praftices, endeavour to incite and 
 “ provoke other Princes again ft us. Some of the Minif- 
 “ ters ou r neighbour Princes, may be juftly fufpefted to 
 “ have had a more immediate hand and operation in the 
 “ infurreftion and rebellion of Ireland ; many of the Com- 
 ‘‘ manders, and moll of the Soldiers levied for the fervice 
 “ of Spain , are now joined with the rebels there ; and 
 “ thofe Irijb Friers which were employed by the Spanijh 
 “ AmbafTador, for the making of thofe levies, are known 
 “ to have been the chief incendiaries of this rebellion, and 
 “ are fthl very aftive in the profecution and encourage-. 
 
 “ ment of it. The rebels have a ready and fpeedy fupply 
 “ from fome of our neighbours. Two convoys of muni- 
 “ tion and arms we are certainly informed of; one from 
 “ Dunkirk , the other from Kants in Britany ; and cer¬ 
 tainly thofe that are fo forward to enable others to hurt 
 “ us > W ' JI not forbear to hurt us themfelves, as foonasthey 
 “ /hall have means and opportunity to do it. 
 
 “ Another danger is from the Papift and ill-afFefted party 
 “ at home. The Papifts here are afted by the fame prin- 
 “ ciples with thofe in Ireland , many of the mod aftive of 
 “ have lately been there ; which argues an intercourfe 
 “ a| iJ communication of Council. They have ftiil ftore of 
 “ arms a nd munition at their difpoflng, notwithftanding all 
 “ our endeavours to di farm them; they • have a free refort 
 to the Cuy and to the Court; they want no opportunity 
 “ to confult together ; they have die fame or greater en- 
 “ couragement from above, and from about (1), than ever, 
 
 “ in refpeft of the example and fuccefs of the rebels in 
 “ Inland, and the great confufions and diviflons which by 
 “ their cunning and fubtle praftices are raifed and fomen- 
 “ ted amongft our felves at home. 
 
 “ A third danger is of tumults and infurreftions of the 
 £t meaner fort of people, by reafon of their ill vent of 
 “ cloth and other manufactures, whereby great multitudes 1 
 “ arc fet on work, who live for the moft part by their 1 
 “ daily gettings, and will, in a very fhort time, be brought 
 to great extiemity, if not employed : Nothing is more 
 fliarp and prefling than neceifity and want ; what they 1 
 “ cannoC huy they will take, and from them the like ne- 1 
 “ celfity will quickly be derived to the farmers and huf- • 
 “ handmen ; and fo grow higher, and involve all in an 
 “ equality of mifery and diftrefs, if it be not prevented. 
 
 “ And at this time fuch tumults will be dangerous, becaufe 
 “ the Kingdom is full of disbanded foldiers and officers, 
 
 “ w h |C h will be ready to head and to animate the multitude 
 “ to commit violence with more ftrength and advantage ; 
 
 “ and lf . tbe y on ce grow into a body, it will be much 
 “ n)ore difficult to reduce them into order again, becaufe 
 “ neceffity and want, which are the caufe of this diftur- 
 “ hance, will ftiil encreafe as the effefts do encreafe. 
 
 “ A fourth danger is from the rebels in Ireland , not 
 “ on *y in the refpeft of thac Kingdom, but in refpeft of 
 this. They have feized upon the body of that Kingdom 
 ‘‘ already .they abound in men of very able bodies; they 
 ‘‘ encreafe in arms and munition ; they have great hopes 
 “ of fupplies from abroad, of encouragement here, and are 
 
 l 1 ' T!' a, / S *? fr . 0m , theKingl and Miniftry. Rati„ 
 
 (- i Th ■ L-rd t> . by is chiefly Rapin, 
 
 No 6 ; V O L. 11. 
 
 <. fh ? ? S ? d emerfai " raEd ' fmm tbe P“pl«h party, fo , 
 „ ? ‘ ! b T hygrn to fpeak already there of ttanfportina 
 themfelves hither, and making this Kingdom tl./fc t o[ 
 wa r, The diflemper which hath^mduced thefe 
 tt dan 6 ers . is various and exceeding violent. Whenfocver 
 
 “ nprsw'N h ' n<Je f f ed ,“Prions and faculties, dtilem- 
 pers will neceffarily follow. 
 
 « “ Tbe obfth,ai °ns which have brought us into this dif- 
 “ ftrenvrh are 7 ery t ma " y ’ fo that we cannot wonder at the 
 “ IhS"E* and mahgmty of it. Some of the chieleft of 
 ^thefe ohfiriiettons I lhall endeavour to remember. 
 
 „ ! Tbc obftruftion of Reformation in matters of Re. 
 
 « " E '° n No grievances are fharper than thofe that prels 
 “ JerTh 'h " Q COnfcie,,ces ° ( i and thete wa ne- 
 >< rh' < r hu j ch , or State , affltfled with more grievances 
 this kind, than we have been. And though they are' 
 by the wtfdom of this Parliament, partly eafed and di-’ 
 
 “ an |n,fl aed, yet many dill remain . and as long as the B . 
 
 „ ' hops an ‘ J , the co ;, r, ;P t part of the Clergy continue in their 
 P ow y> 'Irare will be little hopes of freedom, either from 
 « f u nfe tb ° fe Whld ’ continue . °r the fear of thofe 
 , t t ar f re '” ov f‘ l - And of this obftruaion, (my 
 
 “ v h S ’ r’ m e ft C ear the Comrn °ns, we are in no pan 
 „ gul,ty of " 1 feme S°°d Bills have paired us, and others 
 « are ln Preparation, which might have been pallid before 
 « *** We had '« found ffich ill fuccefs in the other. 
 
 „ ‘’ hatfoever mifehtef this obflrucllon lhall produce, we 
 „ are fl “ [ rom “I we ma y Irave our part in the mifery, 
 we can have no part in the guilt or dilhonour. 
 
 “ k ' = ' obl,rua ' on >n Trade: It is the trade that 
 „ br ' ng a and nourilhment to the Kingdom : It is that 
 « whrcb Preforves and encreafes the flock of the whole, 
 
 .. “ odmbutes a convenient portion of maintenance to 
 " 7 pa 7 ? f '.'i therefore fuch an obftruaion as this 
 muft needs be dangerous) the freedom of trade being fo 
 [( , ' ece,rar )'> the benefit fo important, as that it gives life, 
 
 „ “tength, and beauty to the whole body of the Com- 
 „ "'“"wealth 1 but I mu# prated, the Houfeof Commons 
 .. r v , e gl f ven 7 ufc t0 this “hftruaion ; we have eafed 
 « of t"any burthens and heavy taxes, which are taken 
 « , 0lti We , have fteetl it from many hard reftraints by pa- 
 tents and monopolies; we have been willing to part 
 „ with our own privileges to give encouragement! we have 
 ■■ ;r g r » put ‘^ e .'" crcha "t s into fecurity and confidence 
 in refpea to the Tower of Undm, that fo they mieht 
 
 “ raf‘ nV, 'n d t0 u m tl,cir bulllnn (0 thc m: "t. aa here- 
 .. u the y have done; and we are no way guilty of the 
 “ ™ ,b cS ’. * be fears ! and , publlck dangers which make 
 men withdraw.then flocks, and to keep their money by 
 
 “f”’,.” « rcady f °J fuCh fo d *" «igents, as in thefc 
 great diftraaions we have too much caufe to expea. 
 
 3. 1 he obftruaions in the relief of Ireland. It mud 
 „ " eeJs bc acc “ u " ttd a grrat (hame and dilhonour to this 
 Kingdom, that our neighbours have Ihewed themlelves 
 « morl ;. forward to fupply the rebels, than we have been 
 l£ t0 re ‘*f v ® our a 1 ft re fled brethren and fellow fub : efts. But 
 tc 1 muft declare, that we are altogether innocent of anv 
 „ p e S ,e<a herein. As foon as the firft news of the Rebel- 
 lion came over, we undertook the war, not by way of 
 c t u ^ a 'f’ 3S in ft ,rmer Rebellions the Subiefts 
 have ufed to do, but we undertook the whole charge of 
 it, and we fufFered not twenty four hours to pafs, be- 
 fore we agreed to a great levy of money and men, to be 
 t( !, mp oy k ed ? gai " ft T th ® rebeIs » even in a larger proportion 
 than the Lords Juftices and Council there did defire • 
 and from time to time we have done all for the furthe- 
 4C ranc e hereof, though in the midft of many diftraftions 
 tt a " d d,ver 5 ons 5 hut the want of commiffion for levyina; 
 
 ol men, for ifluing arms, and divers other impediments, 
 
 „ been the caufes of that obftruftion ; and I wifh we 
 had not only found impediments to our felves, but alfo 
 encouragements to them. Many of the chief Com- 
 manders, now in the head of the Rebels, after we had, 
 
 ‘ with your Lordfhips concurrence, ftopt the ports againft 
 the Irtjb Papifts, have been fufFered to pafs by his^Ma- 
 “ '^mediate warrant, much to the difeouragement • 
 
 ‘ of the Lords Juftices and the Council there, and this 
 procured, as we believe, by fome evil inftrument too 
 near his regal perfon, without his Majefty’s knowledge 
 “ and intentions. . b 
 
 . »/• T,le Obftruaio " i" Profecution of Delinquents • 
 
 ‘ y' la "y wc bave already brought unto your Lordlhips - 
 ^ d'vers others we have been difeouraged to tranfmit ; 
 
 “ fuch difficult proceedings have we met withal ; fuch 
 ‘ terrors and difcountenance have been caft upon our felves 
 and our wttnefles, and thofe who have (hewed them- 
 “ re,ves tb eir friends and patrons, have found it the moft 
 “ read y wa y fo preferment (a) ; yea his Majefty’s own 
 
 S M 
 
 * hand 
 
Vo!. II. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAN D. 
 
 « hand hath been obtained, his Majefty’s (hips been em- 
 “ ployed for the tranfporting of divers of thofe who have 
 “ fled from thejuftice of the Parliament (t ). 
 
 “ 5. A general obftruClion and interruption of the pro- 
 tc ceedings of Parliament, bv thofe manifold deiigns ot 
 violence (which through God’s mercy we have efcaped) 
 
 “ bv the great and frequent breaches of Privilege, by the 
 “ fubtle endeavours to raife parties in our Houfe, and 
 “ jealoufies betwixt the two Houfes. 
 
 “ 6. The obftruClion in providing for the Defence of 
 “ the Kingdom, that we might be enabled to relift a 
 “ foreign enemy, to fupprefs all civil infurreCtions ; and 
 “ what a preffing neceffity there is of this, the exceeding 
 “ great decays in the navy, in the forts, in the power of 
 “ ordering the Militia of the Kingdom, and means of 
 “ furnifhing them with munition, are fufficient evidences, 
 
 “ known to none better than to your Lordfhips; and what 
 “ endeavour we have ufed to remove them (but hitherto 
 “ without the fuccefs and concurrence which we expedf,') 
 
 “ and where the ftop hath been, and upon what good 
 grounds, we may claim our own innocency and faith- 
 “ fulnefs in this, we defire no other witneiles but your 
 “ felves. 
 
 “ Laftly, I come to the evil influences which have 
 “ caufed this diftemper, and I fhall content my felf to 
 “ mention fome few of thofe which are moft apparent and 
 “ important. 
 
 ‘‘ 1. In the firft place, I fhall remember the evil coun- 
 “ fels about the King, whereof we have often complained. 
 
 Difeafes of the brain are moft dangerous ; becaufe from 
 “ thence fenfe and motion are derived to the whole body. 
 
 “ The malignity of evil counfels will quickly be infufed 
 “ into all parts of the State. None can doubt but we 
 “ have exceedingly laboured under moft dangerous and 
 “ mifehievous counfels. This evil influence hath been the 
 “ caufe of the preparation of war with Scotland-, of the 
 “ procuring a rebellion in Ireland , of corrupting Religion, 
 
 “ fupprefling the liberty of this Kingdom, and of many 
 “ fearful and horrid attempts, to the fubverting the very 
 “ being of Parliaments, which was the only hopeful means 
 “ of oppofing and preventing all the reft : And this doth 
 “ appear to be a moft predominant evil of the time ; 
 
 “ whereat we need not wonder, when we confider how 
 “ counfellors have been preferred and prepared. And I 
 “ appeal to your Lordfhips own confciences, whether the 
 “ giving, and the countenancing of evil counfels, hath 
 “ not been almoft the only way to further advancement. 
 
 “ 2. The Difcouragement of good Counfels. Divers 
 “ honeft and approved counfellors have been put from 
 « their places ; others fo difcountenanced, as that the way 
 “ of favour hath been fhut againft them, and that of 
 “ danger and deftru&ion only open to them. 
 
 “ 3. The great power that an interefted and fa&ious 
 “ party hath in the Parliament, by the continuance of 
 “ the votes of the Bifhops and Popifh Lords in your 
 « Lordfhips Houfe i and the taking in of others both out 
 “ of the Houfe of Commons, and otherwife, to increafe their 
 “ ftrength. 
 
 4 ‘ 4. The fomenting and cherifhing of a malignant 
 “ party throughout the whole Kingdom. 
 
 “ 5. The manifold Jealoufies betwixt the King, his 
 “ Parliament, and good Subjects, whereby his protection 
 “ and favour hath in a great meafurc been with-held 
 “ from them ■, their inclinations and refolution to ferve 
 “ and aftift him, hath been very much hindered and in- 
 “ terrupted : we have often fuffered under the mifinter- 
 “ pretatiun of good aCtions, and falfe imputation of evil, 
 
 “ which we never intended. So that we may juftly 
 “ purge our felves from all guilt of being authors of this 
 “ jealoufy and mifunderftanding : We have been and are 
 ftill ready to ferve his Majeftv with our lives and for- 
 “ tunes, with as much chear.ulnefs and earneftnefs of af- 
 <l feCtion, as ever any fubje&s were, and we doubt not 
 ** but our proceedings will fo manifeft this, that we fhall 
 “ be as clear in the apprehenfion of the world, as we are 
 “ in the teftimony of our own confciences. 
 
 “Iam now come to a concluflon, and I have nothing 
 “ to propound to your Lordfhips by way of requeft or 
 “ defire from the Houfe of Commons. I doubt not but 
 “ your judgments will tell you what is to be done ; your 
 “ confciences, your honours, your intereft will call upon 
 “ you for the doing of it ; the Commons will he glad 
 “ to have your help and concurrence in faving of the 
 “ Kingdom ; but if they fhould fail of it, it fhould not 
 “ difeou'rage them in doing their duty. And whether the 
 “ Kingdom be loft or faved (as through God’s blefling I 
 “ hope it will be) they fhall be forry, that the ftory of 
 “ this prefent Parliament fhould tell pofterity, that in fo 
 “ great a danger and extremity, the Houfe of Commons 
 “ fliould be inforced to fave the Kingdom alone, and that 
 
 “ the Houfe of Peers fhould have no part in the Honour 164 r-z,: 
 “ of the prefervation of it, you having fo great an intereft 
 “ in the good fuccefs of thofe endeavours, in refpeCi of your 
 “ great eftates, and high degrees of Nobility. 
 
 “ My Lords, Confider what the prefent neceflities and 
 “ dangers of the Commonwealth require, what the Com- 
 “ mons have reafon to expeCt, to what endeavours and 
 “ counfels the concurrent defires of all the People do in - 
 tc vite you : So that applying your felves to the preferva- 
 « tion of the King and Kingdom, I may be bold to ,:fi :r:: 
 
 “ you, in the name of all the Commons o {England, that 
 “ you fhall be bravely feconded.” 
 
 I thought proper to infert this whole Speech, becaufe c -. 
 
 the refolution taken by the Commons to diveft the King 
 of great part of his Prerogatives, which they termed faving 
 the Kingdom, manifeftly appears in it. In the next place, 
 is feen here the plan they were forming, under colour of 
 applying a cure to the epidemical difeafe, whofe dangers 
 caufes and evils influences were methodically deferibed by 
 Mr. Pym. Though he did not explain the manner of 
 curing it, ’twas eafy to infer from his Speech, that it was 
 neceflary to prevent the dangers, remove the caufes, and 
 apply ftrong antidotes againft the evil influences which in¬ 
 flamed the difeafe. 
 
 The hrft remark I fhall make on this Speech, is, that 
 it was a preparative to difpofe the People to lee, without 
 furprife, the violent remedies which were intended to be 
 ufed to remove a difeafe, that was induftrioufly reprefented 
 as almoft incurable. It would be eafy to fhow, that all the 
 fubfequent proceedings of the Commons were intimated in 
 this long Speech, if I was not apprehenfive it would lead 
 me too far. 
 
 I fhall add another remark, no lefs important and re- 
 quifite : And that is, if the projects of the Commons had 
 been founded only upon idle notions and chimaera’s, they 
 would never have met with fo many adherents ready and 
 eager to accomplifh them. Had the people of England 
 been never opprefled, vain would have been the endeavours 
 to perfwade them to think fo. Had not the King at¬ 
 tempted to eftablifh an arbitrary power, had not his Minif- 
 ters, his Counfeilors, all perfons in publick offices, helped 
 to execute this defign, how would it have been poffible to 
 convince the people of its reality ? If the Bifhops and 
 High-Commiffion had not abufed their power, if in order 
 to be farther removed from the Presbyterians, they had 
 not introduced ceremonies and innovations, w'herein there 
 was but too much affectation of imitating the Rond/}') Reli¬ 
 gion, never could the people have been perlwaded that there 
 was a defign to introduce Popery. Had the King always 
 ftridtly kept his word, how w-ould it have been practicable 
 to infpire the People with fo great a diftruft ol him r By 
 what band would the Members of Parliament have been 
 united togethe , in the defign ofleflening the King’s power? 
 
 How fhould fucli a thought have come into their minds ? 
 
 It may therefore be affirmed, that thefe projects were 
 founded on very real and true faCts, but w'hich the Presby¬ 
 terians artfully improved, to the accomplifhment of their 
 private ends. Neverthelels it mull be owned, that moft of 
 thefe faCts were aggravated, mifinterpreted, and even in¬ 
 flamed with groundlefs infinuations. 
 
 I fhall further obferve, that they who fay, thefe Peti- Na)fjn) 
 tions, prefented to the Houfe of Commons, were all beg- T.n.p.888 
 ged, feem to fay it very juftly, or at leaft, with great pro- &c ’ 
 bability. It is difficult to believe, that the people to whom 
 thefe petitions were aferibed, could have uled a language fo 
 agreeable to the aim and intentions of the Commons, if 
 they had not been drawn up by perfons fully informed of 
 their defigns. Indeed, in anfwer to this objection, it is al- 
 ledged, that thefe Petitions were not formed upon the views 
 of the Commons, but that the Houfe framed their resolu¬ 
 tions upon thefe Petitions, which informed them of the 
 Nation’s defnes. But we do not find they ever framed 
 their refolutions upon other Petitions, direCtly contrary to 
 thefe, which were alfo prefented to them from time to time, 
 and which agreed not with their principles. On the con¬ 
 trary, we fee that for the moft part thefe laft were rejected 7 b- 
 or not regarded by the Houfe. Mr‘l‘)Z. 
 
 The Commons were fo pleafed with Mr. Pym s Speech, j 4n . T. 
 that Mr. Speaker was ordered to give him thanks for it. n-, Kng 
 and delire him to print it, that it might be difperfed among /f 
 the People. But the King took great offence at it, part 
 cularly, at what Mr. Pvni faid concerning Pafles granted Feb- -• 
 for Ireland, That fince 'the Jlop upon the Ports ayainji all 
 Irifh Papi/Is, by both Houfes, many of the chief Command-f L 
 ers, now in the head of the Rebels, have been fuffered to pafs T. l-p-33 
 by .his MajeJIys immediate warrant. The King faid, it '^fJ'/'/j 
 was a black calumny, and demanded by a mefiage, that . ;f p_ vn 
 the Houfe fhould make him a folemn reparation, and c.f- f d f ,d - 
 avow what Pym had aflerted ; but the Commons, who f v l“ z 
 were not then difpofed to oblige the King, anfwered, that ©\. 
 
 C.irendon 
 
 T.I.p -33 
 
 (s; Jtrrr.yn and Digty- Rj» «. 
 
Book XX. 
 
 1641-2. what Mr. Pym had (aid was agreeable to the fenfe of the 
 Houfe. That it was true, fince the flop upon the ports 
 by both Houles, feveral perfons who were now command¬ 
 ers among the rebels, had palled into Ireland with his Ma- 
 jefty’s immediate warrant, Come of whom they named. 
 The King replied, that thefe Partes were obtained whilft 
 he was in Scotland , and before he knew of the order of 
 Parliament, and infilled upon the vindication he had already 
 required. The Commons anfwered by a declaration, main¬ 
 taining what they had advanced, and adding that his Ma- 
 jefty’s Partes were not only for thofe they had before na¬ 
 med, but alfo for fuch a one (1) and his Company , for fuel) 
 a one (2) and four other perfons. The King replied, thefe 
 were only inferences drawn from the Pafs-ports, which 
 could not ferve for foundation to Pym’ s artertion in his 
 Speech. He infilled again upon reparation : but the Com¬ 
 mons thought not proper to return any anfwer. 
 
 'Difference But this difpute between the King and the Parliament 
 between ike was 0 f ]jttle importance, in comparifon of another at the 
 Parliament ^ ame concerning the Militia and command of the 
 
 about the forts. But for the better underftanding this affair, which 
 Mihtia. i s one of the principal of the prefent Reign, it is abfolute- 
 Rnfli worth, nece fl' ar y t0 know what had already parted about it. 
 
 gfc P 5 After the King’s return from Scotland , it was eafy for him 
 1 Clarendon, t0 perceive, that the Commons intended to deprive him of 
 T.i. p s° 4 - g re at part of his authority. The Remonftrance of the State 
 of the Kingdom, prefented to him at a time, when, without 
 fuch a defign, it feemed very needlefs, was as the rtgnal of 
 the war preparing againft him. Whatever had been fince 
 done, tended to the fame end, that is, to diferedit the King’s 
 Government, and to impute to him fundry defigns, under 
 the name of his Counfellors, of the Papifts, and of an ill- 
 affefted party. It is not very ftrange, that finding himfelf 
 in this ill fituation, he thought betimes of providing againft 
 the attacks to which he was likely to be foon expofed. 
 But who can affirm, that if he had fucceeded in putting 
 himfelf in a condition to refill, he would have remained 
 upon the defenfive ? However this be, the precautions he 
 would have taken againft his enemies, ferved but to render 
 their accufations more plaufible. 
 
 In January 1641-2, when the affair of the Members 
 accufed, and the breach of privileges, was warmly debating, 
 the King, not knowing how it might end, formed the de- 
 Rothwortb, lign of fecuring Hull. This place was very confiderable, 
 iv. p. 564. as we ]j by it s fituation, as a large magazine of arms and 
 T'Y. e p d 3°4- ammun ‘ t ‘ on (3)» w h* c h could procure a great advantage to 
 J him, that Ihould have it in his power, in cafe of a rupture. 
 To this end, [, William Cavendifo] Earl of Newcajlle , by 
 the King’s order, came to Hull under a counterfeit 
 name (4), to confult with fome of the King’s friends, and 
 amongil others with Captain Leggy how to oblige the 
 Mayor to deliver to him the Town and Magazine, or to 
 obtain it by force, if the Mayor would not give his con- 
 fent. The fecret being diTcovered, the Peers ordered the 
 Earl of Newcajlle to attend the fervice of the Houfe, which 
 he did, after receiving the King’s pleafure, without being 
 J ,n \ 1,1 asked at his return, where he had been. But fome days 
 
 T.i I-p.'$ iv after, the Comrhons, as I have faid, moved that Sir John 
 r 11 (Worth, Hotham might be lent to Hull, to which the Lords agreed 
 iv. p. 496, t b e more readily, as they were not ignorant upon what de- 
 * 1 * 3 4 fign the Earl of Newcajlle had been difpatched thither. 
 
 The order was therefore given to Hotham by both Houfes, 
 to command in Hull , without the King’s being acquainted 
 with it. 
 
 Shortly after, the affair of the Militia being now com¬ 
 menced, the King formed once more the deiign of l'ecu- 
 Rulhworth, ring Hull and Portfnoutb To that purpofe. Colonel Go- 
 iv. p- 496, rin „ Qovernour of Portfmuth , whom the King had fecret- 
 T.Ip.316. ly gained, was to receive the Queen into Portfnoutb , after 
 which, he had orders to go and take the command of Hull. 
 Probably, there was fome courfe taken for the furrender of 
 that place to him. '1'his defign was difeovered, though it 
 -was communicated but to three perfons, and the King 
 thought not proper to purfue it, for fear of a difappoint- 
 ment. 
 
 If to this be added the fufpicions entertained by the 
 Parliament, that the late Artembly at KingJlon was in or¬ 
 der to furprize Portfnoutb , and the Queen’s intended jour¬ 
 ney thither had the fame motive : that the Lieutenancy of 
 the Tower given to Lunsford, might be in purfuance of 
 the King’s deiign to fecure at once the three itrongeft pla¬ 
 ces in the Kingdom, it will not be furprifing hereafter, to 
 fee the Parliament full of fears and jealoufies. For though 
 
 4*5 
 
 the Commons had given the King but too much reafon to 1641-2 
 take precautions for his defence, thefe very precautions, had 
 they fucceeded, would have been no lefs prejudicial to the 
 publick, than if they had been without a plaufible foundation. 
 
 So, as the King had reafon to fear that the Parliament in¬ 
 tended to deprive him of his authority, the Parliament had 
 no lefs caufe to fufpedl that the King was privately labouring 
 to fubdue them. In this difpofition, neither the one nor the 
 other took any ftep which was not fufpedted to cover fome ill 
 defign. Confequently every thing tended to a rupture. The 
 foie concern of both parties was to gain the people to their 
 intereft. The Parliament ftrenuourty endeavoured it by 
 rendering the King odious, and cherifhing the fears and 
 fufpicions already infufed into the people: Their aim was 
 to convince the Nation of the neceffity of extraordinary 
 proceedings, in a cafe fo uncommon. The King, on Ins 
 part, carefully reprefented that the Parliament did nothing 
 but violate the Laws, and fubvert the court itutioh of the 
 Government, under colour of maintaining them. Thus 
 much it was necefl*ary to premife, before I entered upon 
 the affair of the Militia, that the Reader may underftand 
 the motives of the King’s and the Parliament’s proceed 
 ings. 
 
 Eight days after young Hotham' s departure for Hull, 
 where his Father Sir John came within a few weeks, the 
 King Tent a meflage to both Houfes, with the following 
 propofal : 
 
 “ That they will with all fpeed fall into a ferious confi- The King't 
 “ deration of all thofe particulars, which they Ihould hold Mffage to 
 “ neceflary, as well for the upholding and maintaining of 
 “ his Majefty’s juft and regal authority, and for the fett- Rulhworth, 
 
 “ ling of his Revenue, as for the prefent and future ella- 1V -P- S' 6 * 
 
 <c blifhment of their privileges ; the free and quiet enjoy- xTp^og. 
 “ ing of their eftates and fortunes; the liberties of their 
 “ perfons ; the fecurity of the true Religion now profefled 
 <c in the Church of England , and the fettling of ceremo- 
 “ nies in fuch a manner, as may take away all juft of- 
 “ ence ; which, when they fhall have digefted, and com- 
 “ pofed one entire body, that fo his Majefty and themfelves 
 “ may be able to make the more clear judgment of them, 
 
 “ it fhall then appear by what his Majefty Ihall do, how' 
 
 “ far he hath been from intending, or defigning any of 
 “ thofe things, which the too great fears and jealoufies of 
 “ fome perfons feem to apprehend, and how ready he 
 “ will be to exceed the greateil examples of the moft in- 
 ‘ c dulgent Princes in their a£ts of grace and favour to their 
 <c people.” 
 
 It is evident the King had three views in making this jbe King's 
 propofition. The firft, to find the Houfes employment, in 
 and procure himfelf time to prepare. The fecond was, to lbn Mff a S r * 
 know at once how far the defigns of his enemies reached, 
 which could not but be advantagious to him and injurious to 
 them, with regard to the people. His third view was, to 
 Ihow his Subje£ls, how willing he was to confent to what¬ 
 ever Ihould be capable of procuring a perfedl reconciliation 
 between him and his Pafliament. As to his faying, How 
 ready he Jhould be , &c. it was only a general proinife, liable 
 to numberlels reftridtions and explications, and which pro¬ 
 perly bound him to nothing. 
 
 The Commons fully perceived the fnare laid for them 
 by the King ; but they perplexed him no lefs by their 
 anfwer to his propofition. They told him in a Peti¬ 
 tion, “ That they returned to ! his Majefty their moft 7 bcAnf-wet 
 “ humble thanks, refolving to take this meflage into fpee- of the Houfe 
 “ dy and ferious confideration; and, to enable them with 
 « e fecurity to difeharge their duties therein, they defired the Iv * 
 
 “ Peers to join with them, in humbly befceching his fa- Nalf :n , 
 
 “ cred Majefty to raife up unto them a fure ground of fafe- 
 “ ty and confidence, by putting the Tower and other ciarendoh, 
 “ principal forts of the Kingdom, and the whole Militia T. 1. p 31*, 
 “ thereof, into the hands of fuch perfons as the Parliament 
 “ might confide in, and as Ihould be recommended unto 
 “ his Majefty by both Houfes of Parliament (5).” 
 
 By this anfwer, the Commons made a preliminary of lhe 
 the moft important point, to be fettled between the King mom Hievsi-, 
 and the Parliament, and which being granted, would have 
 put it in the Parliaments power to do whatever they 
 pleafed. In the fecond place, they infinuated to the peo¬ 
 ple, that the Parliament’s diftruft of the King, mull have 
 been grounded upon ftrong preemptions, fince there was 
 no way to labour a feconciliation, and fettle the rights of 
 the nation, fo long as the King Ihould be mailer of the 
 forts and militia. 
 
 25. CHARLES 1 
 
 (1) Namely, Colonel Butter, whofe Brother was General of the Rebels in Muntier. He was Uncle to the Earl of Ormond- 
 
 (a) Cbrijicpoer Nugent Lord Dei-vin, and four Perfons unnamed, of whom Plun/sct was one.--There were alfo Pafies granted to a Son of the Lord Nit- 
 
 terville, and to ;ir George Hamilton. Rujhwortb, Tom. 4. p. 514 
 
 (3) Upon the disbanding the late Army in the North, all the Artillery, Arms, and Ammunition, that was provided for that fervice, had bern, by the 
 King's command, fent to Hull, where it (fill remained ; and the King intended it Ihould be kept there tor a Magazine upon all occafions* Clarendon, Tom. z, 
 p, 304. 
 
 (4) He took the name of Sir ‘Join Savage. Rufiiwortb, Tom. 4- p. 564. 
 
 (0 The Petition goes on, “ Wherein the Peers having refuted to join with them, they, notwithftanding, no way difeouraged but confiding in h:s Ma- 
 “ jelly’s goodnels, humbly befecch him, that tho: Tower ot London, Sc e." Rujhwortb, Tom. 4- p. 517. Rafun takes no notice of this diffent ot ihe 
 Loros. 
 
 Th* 
 
LI 6 
 
 The HISTORY ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. If, 
 
 the Kiy\ 
 /injwer. 
 
 e K.rs. 
 
 Feb- 
 
 Rnflr 
 IV. p. 518. 
 Clarendon, 
 T. I. p. 3 ’S 
 
 The King anfwered, concerning the Tower of London ; all, their fuppofition was founded only upon conjectures, of 1641-2 
 That having preferred a perfon of a known fortune, and which the King had given fome occalion, by en leavouriii"- T ' 
 
 “ unc|ueftionablc reputation to that truft, he did not ex- to fecure Hull, as the Houfe had been well informed. The 
 
 pe<Sfc he fhould be prelled to remove him, without any King’s anfwer to this Petition was as follows: 
 
 • k particular charge againft him : That notwithftanding, if HisMajeJly having well conftdered of this Peti'ion, and being R«flw-rthi 
 n due examination any particular ihould be prefented defirms to exprefsh&tu willing ht ' 
 
 “ his Majefty, whereby it might appear, that he was to your dangers, but even to your doubts, 'and fans, he there- T.'l'p'jaj! 
 
 “ miftaken in his opinion of Byron, and that he was unfit fore returns this anjiver , That when he (hall know the cx- 
 
 '■ ior the truft committed to him, he would make no tent of power , which is intended to be ejlabiijhed in thofc per- 
 
 4 fcruple of difeharging him. But otherwife, he was ob- fons whom you defire to be commanders of the Milr.ia in the 
 
 hged in juftice to himfelf, to preferve his own work, feveral Counties, and likewife to what time it Jhall be limi•■■■!, 
 
 4 left his favour and good opinion might prove a difadvan- that no power Jhall be executed by his Mtjejly alone, without 
 
 “ cage and misfortune to his Servants, without any other the advice of Parliament , then he will declare. That ( fr 
 “Ccufation. the fecuring you from all dangers or jealouftes 'of any ) his 
 
 “ T or the Forts and Caftles of the Kingdom ; he was Majejly will be content to put in all the places, b: h of Forts 
 
 ■ f< ed they fhould always be in fuch hands, (and and Milr.ia in the federal Counties, at bod the 
 
 ' 'i-ly fuch ) as the Parliament might fafely confide in : Houfes of Parliament Jhall cither approve or reco uuend unto 
 but the nomination of any perfons to thofe places ( being him , fo that you declare before unto his Alajejly the nanus cf 
 
 fo principal and infeparable a flower of his Crown, the perfons whom you approve or recommend, unlrfs fuch per- 
 
 vclleJ in him, and derived unto him from his anceftors, Jons Jhall be name', agawjl whom he Jhall have j/Jf and un- 
 “ by the fundamental laws of the Kingdom ) he would quejlionable exception. 
 
 referve to himfelf: and in bellowing of them, he fhould The King feemed, by this anfwer, to grant entirely the Obt-ri-atm 
 
 not be induced to exprefs that favour fo foon to any defire of both Houfes, and yet the fequel fhowed it was ,b “ 
 
 ” perfon, as to thofe whofe good demeanour fhould be neither his intention nor thought-. For the better under- ^ otr% 
 
 eminent in, or to his Parliament ; and if he fhould at ftanding this anfwer, it will be neceflary to know how the 
 “ an y time confer fuch a truft upon an undeferving per- King then flood difpoled. His delign was to withdraw 
 ** ton, he would always he ready to leave him to the wif- to Fork and levy troops in thofe parts, in order to faze 
 dom and juftice of his Parliament. Hull , with the magazine there. So that, very likelv. 
 
 As for the Militia of the Kingdom, which by the from that time he thought of war, whether defenfive i.r 
 ‘ c Law was fubjedl to no command, but of his Majefty, offenftve. And therefore he h. d determined to fend the Ann?v, 
 
 4 ‘ and of authority lawfully derived from him, when any Queen into Holland, under colour of conducing thiiher ?■ 1)1 
 “ particular courfe for the ordering the fame fhould be con- the Princefs Alary her Daughter, who hid elj-oufed the Whi . ? ck,: 
 4 4 hdered and digefted by his Parliament, and propofed to Prince of Orange, and ol g' mg to the Sja. Jj withal, ; , 5 ’ 
 
 him, he would return fuch an anfwer, as fhould be he Jiad put into hci hands the crown-jeueis which ueie ‘ : on >‘ 
 
 “ agreeable to his honour, and the fafety of his People, afterwards ufed in bu\ing arn.s ar.il ammunition (a) I-i ' i r_7: 
 <: being refolved only to deny thofe things, the granting When the Parliament preTented chi- Petition to him, he 
 “ whereof would alter the fundamental Laws.” was upon the point of fending away the Queen, ll.cr 
 
 So general an anfwer was not capable of fatisfying the which he intended to retire to York. It was no:*thete- 
 Commons. Nay, it feemed to intimate very clearly, that fore his interell abfoluteiy to re;edt the Parliament’s raiuc-ft 
 the King would not grant what was intended to be asked, in fuch a jundluie, for fear of railing a ftorm too fuon 
 
 which might have obftrudled the execution of his two de- 
 figns, and efpecialiy that relating t > Hull. For this reafbn, 
 he returned the Parliament feemingly fo fatisfa£l ay an an¬ 
 swer, but which however was not an abfolute confent, 
 becaufe of-fome additional reltrictions, from whence he 
 meant to draw afterwards a pretenj'e to render h::; engage- 
 ment ineffe£tual. Neverthelefs the terms of this engage- 
 / 0 the King's mrfl excellent Alajejly, The humble Petition of ment were fo well chofen, that though of inemfeives, 
 the Lords and Commons ajfemblcd in Parliament. they fignified not that the King referved to himfelf a power 
 
 3 . . to recede from his word, fuch a fenfe however might by 
 
 AIoJl gracious Sovereign, inference be fixt upon them. So in the King’s intention, 
 
 H E pre-fent evils and calamities wherewith your this anfwer was folely defigned to gain time. A few davs 
 «- Kingdoms are mod miferably entangled, the im- after, he gave the Lieutenancy of the Tower to Sir join 
 “ minent dangers which thi eaten your royal perfon, and all Conyers (3), the better to perfwade both Houfes, he in- 
 
 “ your People, have caufed us, your moll faithful and obe- tended to fatisfy them. 
 
 “ ^‘ enc Subje&s, the Lords and Commons in this prefent The Parliament did not doubt, the King was refolved T( r . , 
 
 “ Parliament, with thankfulnefs to entertain, and with all to put the Militia into the hands of fuch as fhould be ie- 
 
 44 earneftnefs of affection and endeavours to. purfue, the gra- commended to him. And therefore they ordered the ”•' ' 
 
 “ cious propofition and direction, which not long imee draught of an ordinance for regulating the Mihtia, on 'J q "f 
 
 ‘ c we h‘ iv e received from your Majefty. And we have prepared, witli the names ol the commanders in each - 
 
 thereupon taken into our moft ferious confideration the County, on a feparate paper, and prclented it to his Mu- 
 
 “ w ays and means of fecuring the fafety of your royal jelly, with a Petition to delire his confent. fj [\ h ‘ 
 
 Perfon, preferving the honour and authority of your The King anfwered, the Queen and Princefs being up- 1 9 * 
 
 “ Crown, removing all jealoufies betwixt your Majefty on the,r departure fox Holland, lie had ne t time to °con- ' ' 1 
 
 and your People, fupprefling the rebellion in Ireland, fidcrof fo important an affair, but w'ould fend an anfwer at *;■ ; 521. 
 
 “ preventing the fears and dangers of this Kingdom, and his return. He was then upon the road accompan) i,:g the 
 
 ‘‘ the mifehievous defigns of thofe who are enemies to the Queen to Dover. 
 
 ‘‘ peace of it. Arid that we may with more comfort and Mean while, the Parliament believing to have reafon fo 
 lt fecurity accompliflr our duties herein, we moft humbly fufpedl, the King only fought to amine them, anti I,ji - 
 
 ‘‘ befeech your Majefty, That you will be pleafed forth- ing he had formed fome private dei’ign, which l.e intended 
 
 with to put the Tower of London, and all other Forts, to execute belore the regulation of the Militia, prclented 
 
 this other petition to him : 
 
 “ May it pleafe your moft excellent Majefty, your hum- /v\m« • 
 
 11 ble and loyal Subjetfts, the Lords and Commons, have " !r '. 
 
 “ w <fh a great deal of grief received your Majefty’s anfwer 
 “ to their juft and neceflary petitior., concerning the 'ibirf. 
 
 “ Militia of this Kingdom ; which your Majefty, by a c,J ' f '‘ Jon . 
 
 gracious meflage lormerly fent unto them, was pleafed T ' *' P 3J9 ‘ 
 
 “ to promile fhould be put into fuch hands as your Par- 
 ‘‘ liament fhould approve of, or recommend unto you ; 
 
 “ the extent of their power, and the time of their con- 
 “ tinuance being likewife declared. That being done, and 
 “ the perfons by both Houfes nominated, your Majefty, 
 
 “ neverthelefs, refers your refolution herein to a longer and 
 tC a very uncertain time, which (the prefent dangers and 
 “ diftra&ions fo great and prefflng) is as unlaiisfactory and 
 “ deftruiftive as an abfolute denial. 
 
 “ Therefore we once again befeech your Majefty, to 
 
 and yet he removed Sir ‘John Byron from the Lieutenancy 
 of the Tower, and gave it to Sir John Conyers, recom¬ 
 mended to him by the Commons. I 3 ut this was a favour 
 he readily granted, as it did not prejudice his rights. Ne¬ 
 vertheless a few days after, the following Petition was pre¬ 
 fented to him by both Houfes. 
 
 T 
 
 “ and the whole M.litia of the Kingdom, into the hands 
 “ of fuch pcrfuiis as fit all be recommended to your Majefty 
 “ by both Homes of Pailiament (1). Which they allure 
 “ thcmfelves, will be a hopeful entrance into thofe courfes, 
 “ which ( through God’s bleffing ) fhall be effectual for 
 the removing of all diffidence and mifapprehenlion be- 
 “ twixt your M jefty and your People, and for eftablifli- 
 ** |n g and enlarging the honour, greatnefs and power of 
 tC your A'lajefly and royal pollerity, and for the reftoring 
 “ an, J confirming the peace and happinefs of your loyal 
 oubjetfts in all ) our Dominions. And to this our moll 
 <c neceflary Petition, we in all humility expedl your Ma- 
 je: 1 .fpeedy and gracious anfwer, the great diftratftions 
 “ al “d dntempers of the Kingdom not admitting any delay.” 
 
 1 he Parliament always Tppofed the Kingdom to be in 
 extreme danger, and the Papills and difaffecled party, or 
 r^tneV the King himfelf, to have ill defigns j though, after 
 
 (1 The Lieutenancy cf the T - 
 , 2; She was reduced to fo great - 
 
 was not yet given to Sir John Conyers. 
 
 , that (h: was compiled ti coin, or fell, her Chamber-plate, for the fupp’y of her 
 
 February nth, as appears by a Ihort MefTage that day from the King to the Houfe of Peers, RuJ/rwonb, Tom. 4 p. 519. 
 
 “ take 
 
Book XX. 
 
 25. C H A 
 
 (641-2. 44 take our defire into your royal thoughts, and to give 
 “ us fuch an anfwer, as may raife in us a confidence that 
 “ we fhall not be expofed to the praftices of thofe, who 
 “ thirft after the ruin of this Kingdom, and the kindling 
 44 of that combuftion in England , which they have in fo 
 “ great a meal'ure eft'efted in Ireland; from whence (as we 
 “ are daily informed,) they intend and endeavour to in- 
 44 vade us, with the affiftance of the Papifts here amongft 
 44 us. 
 
 “ Nothing can prevent thefe evils, nor enable us to 
 44 fupprefs the rebellion in Ireland , and fecure ourfelves, 
 ‘ 4 but the inftant granting of that humble Petition, which 
 “ we hope your Majefty will not deny to thofe, who 
 “ muft in the difcharge of their duties both to your Ma- 
 “ jcfty and the Commonwealth, reprefent unto your 
 14 Majefty what they find fo abfolutely neceftary for the 
 44 preiervation of both, which the'Laws both of God and 
 44 Man enjoyn them to fee put in execution, as feveral 
 44 Counties by their daily petitions have defired of us, and 
 44 in fome places begun already to do it of themfelves.” 
 -..Rcnaii. The Parliament wifhed to have the King’s confent to 
 this regulation of the Militia. This would have been ad - 
 vantagious to them upon all accounts. But however, in 
 the cafe they fuppofed the Kingdom to be, they did not 
 mean, that the King’s confent was fo abfolutely neceffary 
 that this regulation could not be done and executed, with¬ 
 out his approbation. And therefore to fhow the King, it 
 would be in vain to oppofe it, they had fo ordered it, 
 that in fome places the People had, of their own accord, 
 divided themfelves into companies, chofen officers ; in a 
 word, had began to regulate the Militia, without flaying 
 for the King’s orders. It is not likely, the People would 
 have ventured upon fuch an undertaking, had they not been 
 fure of the Parliament’s approbation. 
 
 The King feeing himfelf thus preiled, fought other eva- 
 fions to amufe the Parliament, without openly declaring 
 however that his intention was to deny the defire of both 
 Houfes. His anfwer to the laft petition was as follows (1): 
 \Tbe King't 44 His Majefty having, with his beft care and under- 
 'frifTs Ct ftandin S> P eru ^ d and confidered, that which was fent 
 Blufljworih. “ him from both Houfes, for the ordering of the Militia, 
 
 1 iv. p . 5 i,.“ prefented unto him to be made an ordinance of Parlia- 
 gClawndom cc men t, by the giving of his Royal afient; as he can by 
 P ' 3+, ’“ no means do it for the reafons hereafter mentioned, fo 
 44 he doth not conceive himfelf obliged, by any promife 
 44 made in his anfwer of the fecond of this month to the 
 44 petition of both Houfes, to yield the fame. 
 
 44 His Majefty finds great caufe to except againft the 
 44 preface or introduction to that order, which confeffeth 
 44 a moll dangerous and defperate defign upon the Houfe 
 44 of Commons, of late fuppofed to be an eft'eft of the 
 44 bloody counfels of Papifts and other ill-affefted perfons, 
 44 by which many may underftand (looking upon other 
 44 printed Papers to that purpofe,) his coming in perfon to 
 44 the Houfe of Commons on the 4th of January , which 
 * 4 begat fo unhappy a mifunderftanding between him and 
 44 his People ; and for that, though he believes it upon the 
 44 information fince given, to be an apparent breach of 
 44 their Privilege, and hath offered to repair the fame for 
 44 the future, by any aft that fhall be defired of his Ma- 
 44 jefty, yet he muft declare, and require to be believed, 
 44 that he had no other defign upon that Houfe, or any 
 44 Member of it, than to require (as he did) the perfons 
 44 of thofe five Gentlemen his Majefty had the day before 
 44 accufed of High-Treafon ; and to declare, that he meant 
 44 to proceed againft them legally and fpeedily, upon which 
 44 he believes that Houfe would have delivered them up ; 
 44 and his Majefty calls the Almighty God to witnefs, that 
 44 he was fo far from any intention or thought of force or 
 44 violence ; although that Houfe had not delivered them 
 44 according to his demand, or in any cafe whatfoever, 
 44 that he gave thofe his Servants, and others, that waited 
 44 on his Majefty, eyprefs charge and command, that they 
 44 ihould give no offence to any man ; nay, if they re- 
 
 44 ceived any provocation or injury, that they fliould bear 
 
 44 it without return ; and his Majefty neither faw or 
 
 44 knew, that any perfon of his train had any other 
 
 44 weapons, but his penfioners and guards thofe with 
 44 which they ufually attend his Majefty, and the other 
 44 Gentlemen, fwords. And therefore his Majefty doubts 
 44 not, but his Parliament will be regardful of his honour 
 44 herein, that he {hall not undergo any imputation, by the 
 44 rafh or indifereet expreffions of any young men then 
 44 in his train, or by any defperate words uttered by others, 
 44 who might mingle with them without his confent or 
 44 approbation. 
 
 44 For the perfons nominated to be Lieutenants of the 
 44 feveral Counties of England and Wales , his Majefty is 
 44 contented to allow that recommendation ; only concern- 
 44 ing the City of London , and fuch corporations, as by 
 
 R L E S I. 417 
 
 “ antient charters have granted unto them the power of the 1 0*1-7. 
 44 Militia, his Majefty doth not conceive, that it can ftand 
 44 with juftice or polity to alter their Government in that 
 44 particular. 
 
 44 And his Majefty is willing forthwith to grant every 
 “ of them, (that of London , and thofe other corporations 
 44 excepted,) fuch commiffions, as he hath done during this 
 44 Parliament, to fame Lord-Lieutenants by your advice ■> 
 
 44 but if that power be not thought enough, but that more 
 44 fhall be thought fit to be granted to thofe perfons named, 
 
 44 than by the law is in the Crown it felf; His Majefty 
 44 holds it reafonable, that the fame be by law firft veiled 
 44 in him, with power to transfer it to thofe perlbns, 
 
 44 which he will willingly do ; and whatever that power 
 44 fhall be, to avoid all future doubts and queftions, his 
 44 Majefty defires, it may be digefted into an Aft of Par 
 44 liament rather than an ordinance ; fo that ail his loving 
 44 Subjects may thereby particularly know, both what they 
 44 are to fuffer, and what they are not to fuller, for 
 44 their negleft, that there be not the leaft latitude for his 
 44 good Subjects to fuffer under any arbitrary power what- 
 44 ever. 
 
 44 As to the time defired for the continuance of the 
 44 powers to be granted, his Majefty giveth this anfwer, 
 
 44 that he cannot confent to deveft himfelf of the juft 
 44 power, which God and the Laws of this Kingdom have 
 44 placed in him for the defence of his People, and to put 
 44 it into the hands of any other for any indefinite time. 
 
 44 And fince the ground of this requeft horn his Pailiament, 
 
 44 was to fecure their prefent fears and jealoufies, that 
 44 they might with fafety apply themfelves to the matter 
 44 of his meffage of the 20th of January : His Majefty 
 44 hopeth, that his grace to them, fince that time, in 
 44 yielding to fo many of their defires, and in agreeing to 
 44 the perfons now recommended to him by his Parliament, 
 
 44 and the power before exprefied to be placed in them, 
 
 44 will wholly difpel thofe fears and jealoufies ; and affureth 
 44 them, that as his Majefty hath now applied this unufual 
 44 remedy to their doubts, fo (if there fhall be caufe) 
 
 44 he will continue the fame, to fuch time as fhall be 
 44 agreeable to the fame care he now expreffeth toward 
 44 them. 
 
 44 And in this anfwer, his Majefty is fo far from re- 
 44 ceding from any thing he piomifed, or intended to 
 44 grant in his anfwer to the tormcr petition ; that his 
 44 Majefty hath hereby confented to all was then asked of 
 44 them by that petition concerning the Militia of the 
 44 Kingdom, (except that of London , and thofe other cor- 
 44 porations) which was to put the fame into the hands of 
 44 fuch perfons as fhould be recommended unto him by 
 44 both Houfes of Parliament : And his Majefty doubts not, 
 
 44 but the Parliament upon well weighing the particulars 
 44 ol this his anfwer, will find the fame more fatisfaftory 
 44 to their ends, and the peace and welfare of all his good 
 44 Subjects, than the way propofed by this intended ordi- 
 44 nance, to which, for thefe reafons his Majefty cannot 
 44 confent. 
 
 44 And whereas his Majefty obferves by the petition of 
 44 both Houfes, prefented to him by the Earl of Portland , 
 
 44 Sir Thomas Heal , and Sir William Savile , that in fome 
 44 places fome perfons begin already to intermeddle of 
 44 themfelves with the Militia, his Majefty expefteth that 
 44 his Parliament fhould examine the particulars thereof, 
 
 44 it being a matter of high concernment and very great 
 44 confequence. 
 
 44 And his Majefty requireth, that if it fhall appear 
 44 to his Parliament, that any perfons whatfoever have 
 44 prefumed to command the Militia without lawful au- 
 44 thority, they may be proceeded againft according to 
 44 law.” 
 
 There were in this anfwer, feveral things which could 
 not but difpleafe the • Parliament. 1. The exception of 
 London and fuch other corporations, as by Charters had 
 the power of the Militia, which was taking away with 
 one hand, what he feemed to give with the other, fince • 
 there were very few Towns of any note, but what had 
 the like Charters. Befides, it did not appear that either 
 London or any other Corporation delued to be maintained 
 in this privilege. The King fuppofed it without confut¬ 
 ing them. 2. The King, in complaining there was no 
 fixed time for the continuance of the powers of the Lieu¬ 
 tenants, offered none himfelf. So it was a point to be de¬ 
 bated which might long amufe. 3. As to his promifing to 
 prolong the time, if there fhould be caufe, it was properly 
 nothing, fince it is certain his general promifes were not re¬ 
 lied on, efpecially when attended with fuch reftriftions. 
 
 4. The King did not mention the Government of the 
 forts, which was however a point of great moment. 5. 
 
 He abfolutely rejected the ordinance, and in perfwading the 
 Parliament to change it into an Aft, he would have indi- 
 
 (j) Th ? Anfwer the King fent from Greenwich, where he came and refided fome time »fter the Queen's departure. C/jrtndun, Tom. : p. 34-0, 341. 
 
 No. 64. Vo l . II. 5 N reftly 
 
4 i § 
 
 Toe HISTORY of ENGLAND, Vol. il. 
 
 *641*2. reftly obliged them to own, they had no power to make 
 it, which was entirely contrary to the pretcnlions ot both 
 Houfes. 6. In fupprefling the ordinance and turning it 
 into an Aft, the Bill mull have been drawn his own way, 
 otherwifc, he tacitely refcrved to himfelf the power of re- 
 Jefting it, a power that hitherto had been indifputable. It 
 was therefore very eafy to perceive, that by all thefe re- 
 ftriftions the King fought only to gain time, and put r ft 
 the Parliament with bare words. Accordingly both H- ufes 
 havino' taken his anfwer into confideration, voted that it 
 was not fatisfaftory, and prefented a third Petition to him 
 2t Tkeobald :, where he then was, 
 
 Mofl gracious Sovereign, 
 
 F'«/ “ \f OUR Majefty’s mod: loyal and obedient Subjefts, 
 uibtK?:'- tC the Lords and Commons in Parliamen , do find 
 March ri “ their iuft apprehenfions of forrow and fear, in refpeft of 
 Ruihsorth. t ^ e p U 51 ick dangers and miferies like to fall upon your 
 - -- “ Majefty and the Kingdom, to be much increafed, upon 
 T. i. [> 34.3- “ the receipt of your unexpefted denial of their moll hum- 
 “ ble and neceflkry Petition, concerning the Militia of 
 “ the Kingdom, efpecially grieving, that wicked and 
 £ - mifehievous Counfellors fhould ftill have that power with 
 ** your Majefty, as in this time of imminent and approach- 
 “ ing ruin, rather to incline your refolutions to that which 
 “ is apt to further the accomplifhment of the defires of the 
 “ moil malignant enemies of God’s true Religion, and 
 £1 the peace and fafety of your (elf and your Kingdom, than 
 £ - to the dutiful and faithful Counfel of your Parliament: 
 “ Wherefore they are enforced in all humility to proteft,. 
 “ that if your Majefty fhall perlilt in that denial, the 
 “ dangers and diftempers of the Kingdom are fuch as will 
 “ endure no longer delay : But unlcfs you fhall be graciouf- 
 “ ly pleafed to allure them by thefe meffengers, that you. 
 ££ will fpeedily apply your royal allent to the fatisfaftion of 
 “ their former delires, they fhall be inforced, for the fafe- 
 “ ty of your Majefty and your Kingdom, to difpofe of 
 “ the Militia by the authority of both Houfes, in fuch 
 “ manner as hath been propounded to your Majefty, and 
 “ they refolvc to do it accordingly. 
 
 ££ They likewife moll: humbly befeech your Majefty to 
 <£ believe, that the dangerous and defperate defign upon 
 “ the Houfe of Commons, mentioned in their preamble, 
 “ was not inferted with any intention to call the leaft af- 
 il perfion upon your Majefty, but herein they reflected 
 l£ upon that malignant party, of whofe bloody and mali- 
 “ cious practices they have had fo often experience, and 
 ££ from which they can never be fecure, unlefs your Ma- 
 “ jefty wiil be pleafed to put from you thofe wicked and 
 “ unfaithfol Counfellors, who interpofe their own corrupt 
 and malicious defigns betwixt your Majefty’s goodnefs 
 ££ and wifdorrr, and the profperity and contentment of 
 “ your felf, and of your people : And that for the difpatch 
 t£ of the great affairs of the Kingdom, the fafety of your 
 £C perfon, the proteftion and comfort of your Subjefts, you 
 will be pleafed to continue your abode near to London, 
 c '- and the Parliament, and not to withdraw your felf to 
 “ any the remoter parts : which if your Majefty fhould do, 
 ‘ c muft needs be a caufe of great danger and diftrac- 
 * £ tion (1). 
 
 “ That your Majefty will likewife bs gracioufly pleaf- 
 “ ed to continue the Prince his Highnefs in thefe parts at St. 
 “ 'James’s, or any other of your Houfes near London (2), 
 “ whereby the defitrns which the enemies of the Religion 
 “ and Peace of this Kingdom may have upon his perfon, 
 ** and the jealoufies and fears of your people, may be pre- 
 “ vented. And they, befeech your Majefty to be inform- 
 “ ed by them, that by the Laws of the Kingdom, the 
 “ power of railing, ordering, and difpofing of the Militia, 
 “ within any City, Town, or other place, cannot be 
 <£ granted to any Corporation by Charter, or otherwife, 
 “ without the authority and confent of Parliament; and 
 tl that thofe parts of the Kingdom which have put them- 
 felves in a pofture of defence againft the common dan- 
 • “ ger, have therein done nothing but according to the Dc- 
 ‘‘ claration and dueftion of both Houfes, and what is juf- 
 tifiable by the Laws of the Kingdom. 
 
 “ Aii which, their moft humble Counfel and defires, 
 Li they pray your Majefty to accept, as the effeft? of that 
 * duty and allegiance which they owe unto you, and 
 “ which will not fuffer them to admit of any thoughts, 
 •' intentions, or endeavours, but fuch as are necefiary and 
 “ advantagious for your Majefty’s greatnefs and honour, 
 Kt and the fafety and profperity of the Kingdom, accord- 
 “ ing to that truft and power which the Laws have repo- 
 ** fed in them.” 
 
 Before I relate the King’s anfwer, it will not be im¬ 
 
 proper to make fome remarks on this Petition. My de- 1641-2 
 lign being in this fecond part of the Reign of Charles I, to 
 give the Readers a true idea of the diffidences between the 
 King and the Parliament, that they may the better per¬ 
 ceive the real grounds of the enfuing Civil Wars, I hope 
 it will not be taken amifs, that by lemarks on the Papers 
 of both fides, I point out fome things which perhaps would 
 not be generally obierved. 
 
 In the firlt place, the imminent danger, the approaching p tm jrhu 
 ruin fo much talked of by the Parliament, was not fo evi -tbiiPetiiiei 
 dent as they pretended. But they always fuppofed, there 
 was a Popifh and malignant party, who had formed a de¬ 
 fign to ruin the Kingdom and the Proteftant Religion, and 
 that the King’s evil Counfellors advifed him to whatever 
 could be advantagious to that party. I do not fay this fup- 
 pofition was entirely falfe: But it may be faid at leaft to 
 be grounded upon bare conjeftures. Befides, thefe were 
 only Generals, under which the Parliament concealed the 
 true caufe of their fears. They were apprehenlive, that 
 the King by fecret praftices, would fecure the forts and 
 magazines, as it was well known he intended it, and raife 
 an army. Nay, it could not be doubted, that conlidering 
 his prefeiit ftate, he would have done it, had it been in his 
 power. It will be feen hereafter that he had thought of it, 
 before the time I am fpeaking of. But when this Peti¬ 
 tion was prefented to him,, he was only fufpefted to have 
 fome great defign in hand. He was therefore to be pre¬ 
 vented bv difpoling of the Militia, by the authority of both. 
 
 Houfes, in order to be ready to opprefs fuch as fhould de¬ 
 clare for him, or to hinder them from declaring. But all 
 this was coloured with the pretence of putting the King¬ 
 dom in a pofture of defence againft the plots of the malig- 
 nants. For this reafon, the pretended defign of this ma¬ 
 lignant party was always ex prefled in general terms, with¬ 
 out mention of any particulars, and great care was taken 
 to refer to it all the King’s aftions, and all the events 
 which could have any relation thereto. But it muft be re- 
 membred, as I have often faid, that the Parliament’s in¬ 
 tention was to diveft the King of the greateft part of his au¬ 
 thority, and that the King’s defign was to fereen himfelf 
 from the impending misfortunes, and in fo doing, he would 
 have put himfelf alfo in a ftate of attacking, had he been 
 fuffered to do it. This is properly the Key to the Papers 
 which were publifhed on both fides, concerning the Mili¬ 
 tia, though the King and Parliament endeavoured to vJtrnifh 
 their refpeftive proceedings with pretences capable of daz¬ 
 zling the people. 
 
 I fhall remark in the fecond place, that the Parliament 
 in this Petition, took no notice ©f the rcafons alledged by 
 the King in his former anfwer. They were contented 
 with always fuppofing the delign of fubverting Religion 
 and the Laws, and with referring to that defign the remo¬ 
 val of the Prince of Wales, and the abfence of the King, 
 from his Parliament, to infinuate, that the King’s rcftric- 
 tions to his promife, were intended only to gain time, in 
 order to favour the malignants. 
 
 Thirdly, the Parliament’s fears, that the King’s abfence 
 concealed fome hidden defign, were not g :. 1 as I 
 faid, and as will appear hereafter. 
 
 All this fhows, that the King ami the Parliament had 
 but too much caufe to miftruft one an (Her. It the Parlia¬ 
 ment, under colour of imminent danger to the Kingdom, 
 thought it incumbent on them to require, that the Militia 
 fhould be put into fuch hands as they could confide in, the 
 King had no lefs reafon to endeavour to hinder both 
 Houfes from ufurping a power, which was to ferve to- op¬ 
 prefs him. 
 
 The King returned the following anfwer to the Parlia¬ 
 ment’s laft Petition : 
 
 “ I am fo much amazed at this meffage, that I know n e King 
 ££ not what to anfwer : You fpeak of jealoufies and fears: H’nfwer. 
 “ Lay your hands to your hearts, and ask your felves, 
 
 “ whether I may not likewife be difturbed with fears and iv: P . 51 
 t£ jealoufies : And if fo, I a flare you this meflage fikh no- Clarendon 
 “ thing leffsned them. T.l.p.34- 
 
 “ For the Militia, I thought fo much of it before I 
 t£ fent that anfwer, and am fo much allured, that the an- 
 “ fwer is agreeable to what in jultice or reafon you can 
 ££ ask, or I in honour grant, that I lhall not alter it in 
 “ any point. 
 
 ££ For my refidence near you, I wifh it might be fo 
 ££ fafe and honourable, that I had no caufe to abfent my 
 £C felf from Whitehall ; ask your felves whether I have 
 “ not. 
 
 “ For my Son, I fhall take that care of him, which 
 “ fhall juftify me to God as a Father, and to. my Domi- 
 “ nions as a King. 
 
 (i) Before the King left I : idsrr, Sir Richard Gurm 
 -o guard him with ten fh. n’and Men. il occafiun were 
 that they weie lure to be lirlf undone ; the K.ing told tl 
 (a , The King, upon his coming tu Greenwich, had 
 {tie kiri of PSwcafthf } to bring the L’.incc to him,, at 
 
 ley Lnrd-Mayor, and fome of .‘he 
 e ; and told him, if he went, he 
 hem, he was refolved. R ■ Cote, 
 lent to William Seymour, Marqu 
 c which the Parliament it ieem* - 
 
 princ'pal Citizens, waited upon him, and engaged, if he would Hay, 
 would leave ihe City open lor the Members to ao as they pleafed, and 
 . P- 3 d 1 ' 
 
 if, of Hertford ( 'ately made Governor to tbc Piiftcr, in the room of 
 00k exception- Clarmdtr., T> m. I. p. 3^*, 
 
1641-2. 
 
 flttnail on 
 tbitAnjwcr. 
 
 Vote 1 of the 
 Common!. 
 Ruftiworth. 
 IV. p. 524. 
 Clarendon, 
 T.I.p. 343. 
 
 Rulh worth, 
 IV. p. 5*6 
 
 Tie Parlia¬ 
 ment'! Or. 
 dinonce for 
 the Mil tta. 
 March 5. 
 Rufhwrrth. 
 IV. p. ,26 
 Clarend n, 
 T. 1 p.336. 
 
 Book XX. 25. C H A 
 
 “ To conclude, I allure you upon my Honour, that I 
 “ have no thought but of peace and juftice to my Peo- 
 “ pie, which I fhall by all fair means feek to preferve and 
 “ maintain, relying upon the goodnefs and providence of 
 “ God, for the prefervation of my felf and rights.” 
 
 It muft be obferved upon this anfwer, that the reafon 
 ailedcred by the King to juftify his abfence from Ik'hitelxtll, 
 namely, the riotous aflemblies of the people of London-, 
 was plaufible. But it was extremely weak, to prove the 
 neccffity of his refiding at York. However, he artfully 
 confounded, under one and the fame reafon, his removal 
 to York , and his abfence from London. We fhall fee pre- 
 fently the true reafon of his retiring to York. 
 
 2. It is very likely, the King wifhed for peace, pro¬ 
 vided his Prerogatives were untouched. But the Parliament 
 thought, in order to a lafting peace, the King’s power was 
 to be curbed. 
 
 Upon this anfwer, it was refolved by the Houfe of 
 Commons : 
 
 “ 1. That this anfwer of his Majefty is a denial to the 
 “ defires of both Houfes of Parliament concerning the 
 “ Militia. 
 
 “ 2. That thofe that advifed his Majefly to give this 
 “ anfwer, are enemies to the State,.and mifehievous pro- 
 “ jeftors againft the defence of the Kingdom. 
 
 “ 3. That this denial is of that dangerous confequence, 
 “ that if his Majefty fhall perfift in it, it will hazard the 
 “ peace and fafety of all his Kingdoms, unlefs fome fpeedy 
 “ remedy be applied by the wifdom and authority of both 
 “ Houfes of Parliament. 
 
 “ 4. That fuch parts of this Kingdom as have put 
 “ themfelves into a pofture of defence againft the common 
 “ danger, have done nothing but what is juftifiable, and 
 “ is approved by the Houfe 
 
 “ 5. That if his Majefty fhall remove into any remote 
 “ parts from his Parliament, it will be a great hazard to 
 “ the Kingdom, and a great prejudice to the proceedings 
 “ of the Parliament. 
 
 “ 6. That this Houfe holds it neceflary, that his Ma- 
 “ jelly may be defired, that the Prince may come unto 
 “ St. James' s, or to fome other convenient place near or 
 “ about London , and there to continue. 
 
 “ 7. That the Lords be defired to join with this Houfe 
 “ in an humble requeft unto his Majefty, that he will be 
 “ pleafed to refide near his Parliament, that both Houfes 
 “ may have a convenience of accefs unto him upon all 
 “ occafions. 
 
 “ 8. That the Lords be moved to join with this Houfe 
 “ in fome fit courfe of examination, to find who were 
 “ the perfons that gave his Majefty this advice, that they 
 “ may be removed from his Majefty, and brought to con- 
 “ dign punifhment. 
 
 “ 9. That no Charter can be granted by the King, to 
 “ create a power in any Corporation over the Militia of 
 “ that place, without confent of Parliament. 
 
 “ to. That the Lords fhall be moved to join with this 
 “ Houfe in thefe votes. 
 
 tC 11. That the Lords fhall be defired to appoint a fe- 
 “ le£I Committee, that may join with a Committee of a 
 “ proportionable number of this Houfe, to confider and 
 “ prepare what is fit to be done upon thefe votes, or up- 
 “ on any thing elfe that may arife upon this anfwer of his 
 “ Majefty concerning the Militia, and concerning the 
 “ Prince. 
 
 The fame day it was refolved in the Houfe of Com- 
 ■ mons, 
 
 “ That the Kingdom be forthwith put into a pofture 
 
 of defence, by authority of both Houfes, in fuch a 
 “ way as is already agreed upon by both Houfes of Par- 
 “ liament.” 
 
 lnpurfu.ince of this refolution, both Houfes publifhed the 
 following Ordinance for fettling the Militia . 
 
 “ Whereas there hath been of late a moft dangerous and 
 “ defperate delign upon the Houfe of Commons, which 
 “ we have juft caufe to believe to be an effedt of the 
 “ bloody counfels of Papifts, and other ill-afFe&ed perfons, 
 “ who have already raifed a rebellion in the Kingdom of 
 
 Ireland , and by reafon of many difeoveries, we cannot 
 “ but fear they will proceed not only to ftir up the like 
 
 “ rebellion and infurredfiore in this Kingdom of Eng- 
 
 “ land, but alfo to back them with forces from abroad. 
 
 “ For the fafety therefore of his Majefty’s perfon, the 
 “ Parliament and Kingdom, in this time of imminent 
 “ danger ; It is ordained by the Lords and Commons now 
 “ in Parliament ailembled, That Henry Earl of Holland 
 “ fhall be Lieutenant of the County of Berks , Oliver 
 “ Earl of Bullingbreoke fhall be Lieutenant of the County 
 “ of Bedford, &c. and the faid Lord Lieutenants fhall 
 tC feverally and refpedlively have power to afiemble and 
 
 « call together all and fingular his Majefty’s Subjedls, 
 
 “ within the faid feveral and refpedfive counties and places, 
 “ as well within liberties as without, that are meet and fit 
 
 4 < 
 
 “ for the wars, and them to train and exercife, and put in 1641-2. 
 cC readinefs, and them, after their abilities ana faculties, 
 
 “ well and fufficiently from time to time, to caufe to be 
 “ arrayed and weaponed, and to take the mufter of them 
 “ in places fit for. that purpofe. And that thev Jhall le- 
 “ ver,ally and refpedlively liave power, within the feveral 
 “ and refpedtive counties and places aforefaid, to nominate 
 “ and appoint fuch perfons of quality, as to them fhall feem 
 ‘ c meet, to be their Deputy-Lieutenants, to be approved 
 “ of by both Houfes of Parliament. And be it furrhet* 
 
 “ ordained, That Sir John Cayrc, Sir Jacob Garret. 
 cl Knights, fcsV. fhall have fuch power and authority within 
 “ the City of London, as any of the Lieutenants before- 
 “ named, are authorized to have by thi%ordinance, within 
 “ the faid feveral and refpe&ive Counties, ( the nomination 
 “ and appointment of Deputy-Lieutenants only excepted.) 
 
 “ And it is further ordained, That fuch perfons as fhall 
 “ not obey in any of the premiffes, fhall anfwer their 
 cc negleit and contempt to the Lords and Commons in a 
 “ parliamentary way, and not otherwile, nor elfewhere , 
 
 “ and that every the powers granted as aforefaid, fhall 
 “ continue, until it be otherwile ordered or declared by 
 “ both Houfes of Parliament, and no longer.” 
 
 Thefe forces from abroad, mentioned in the ordinance, 
 were a chimera, framed to amufe the People, and make 
 them believe, the King would caufe the Kingdom to be 
 invaded by foreigners. For though, very probably, the R- Coke’s 
 Pope and Cardinal Richlieu countenanced the Irijh Rebel- Detea * 
 lion, it could not however be affirmed, they had formed a 
 defign to invade England in favour of the King. 
 
 March the 9th, the King being at Newmarket, both 
 Houfes prefented the following Declaration to him, which 
 ferved for reply to his anfwer. 
 
 Declaration of both Houfes preferred to the King at New¬ 
 market, March 9. 1641-2. 
 
 May it pleafe your Majefly , 
 
 ‘‘ A Lthough the expreffions in your Majefty’s meflage, Rufoworth.' 
 “ d\. of the 2d of this inftant March, do give juft caufe p n f z *' 
 “ of forrow to us, your faithful Subje&s, the Lords and x.T-p. 345* 
 “ Commons in Parliament, yet it is not without fome 
 “ mixture of confidence and hope, confidering they pro- 
 “ ceeded from the mif-apprehenfion of our a&ions and in- 
 “ tentions, which having no ground of truth or reality, 
 
 “ may, by your Majefty’s juftice and wifdom, be remo- 
 “ ved, when your Majefty IhalJ be fully informed, that 
 “ thofe fears and jealoufies of ours, which your Majefty 
 “ thinks to be caufelefs, and without any juft ground, do 
 “ neceflarily and clearly arife from thofe dangers and dif- 
 <c tempers, into which the mifehievous and evil councils 
 “ about you have brought this Kingdom j and that thofe 
 
 other fears and jealoufies, by which your favour, your 
 “ royal prefence and confidence have been withdrawn from 
 “ your Parliament, have no foundation or fubfiftance in 
 “ any adfion, intention, or mifearriage of ours, but are 
 “ merely grounded upon the falfhood and malice of thofe, 
 
 “ who, for the fupporting and fomenting their own wieked 
 “ defigns againft the religion and peace of the Kingdom, 
 
 “ do feek to deprive your Majefty of the ftrength and af- 
 “ feftion of your People, them of your grace and protec- 
 “ tion, and thereby to fubjeift both your royal perfon and 
 “ the whole Kingdom to ruin and deftru<ftion. 
 
 “To fatisfy your Majefty’s judgment and confcierure 
 “ in both thefe points, we delire to make a clear and free 
 “ declaration of the caufes of our fears and jealoufies, which 
 “ we offer to your Majefty in thefe particulars : 
 
 “ 1. That the defign of altering Religion in this, and 
 “ in your other Kingdoms, Hath been potently carried on 
 “ by thofe in greateft authority about you, for divers years 
 “ together : the Queen’s agent at Rome, and the Pope’s 
 “ agent or nuncio here, are not only evidences of this de- 
 “ fign, but have been great adfors in it. 
 
 “ 2. That the war with Scotland was procured to make 
 “ way for this intent, and chiefly invited and fomented by 
 “ the Papifts, and others popifhly affetfted, whereof we 
 “ have many evidences, efpecially their tree and general 
 “ contribution to it. 
 
 “ 3. That the rebellion in Ireland was framed and con- 
 “ trived here in England, and that the Englijh Papifts 
 . “ fhould have rifen about the fame time, we have feveral 
 “ testimonies and advertifements from Ireland ; and that 
 “ it is a common fpeech amongft the rebels, wherewith 
 “ concur other evidences and oblervations of the fufpicious 
 “ meetings and confultations, the tumultuary and feditious 
 “ carriage of thofe of that Religion, in divers parts of this 
 “ Kingdom, about the time of the breaking out of the 
 “ Irijh rebellion ; the depofition of O Conelly ; the infor- 
 “ mation of Mr. Cole, Minifter ; the letter of Trijlram 
 “ IVhitecombe ; the depofition of Thomas Grant , and many 
 “ others, which we may produce, do a!! agree in this;' 
 
 “ The publick declarations of the Lords, Gentlemen. and 
 
 R L E S 1. 
 
 CQS 
 
Vol II- 
 
 420 
 
 1 641-2. 
 
 The HISTO RT 
 
 44 others of the Pale, that they would join with the rebels, 
 “ whom they call the Irijh army, or any other, to reco- 
 “ ver unto his Majefty his royal prerogative, wrefted from 
 “ him by the Puritan faction in the Houfes of Parliament 
 44 in England , and to maintain the fame againft all others, 
 “ as alfo to maintain Epifcopal JurifdiCtion, and the iaw- 
 “ fulnefs thereof: Thefe two being quarrels, upon which 
 “ his Majefty’s late army in the North fhould be incenfed 
 “ againft us. 
 
 “ The great caufe we have to doubt, that that late de- 
 44 fign, (tiled the Queen's pious intention, was for the al - 
 44 tcration of Religion in this Kingdom ; for fuccefs where- 
 “ of, the Pope’s Nuncio, the Count Rofetti, enjoyned faft- 
 “ ing and praying to be obferved every week by the Eng- 
 “ lip) Papifts, which appeared to us, by one of the ori- 
 “ ginal letters, directed by him to a Prieft in Lancafl)ire. 
 
 44 The boldnefs of the Irifi rebels in affirming they do 
 “ nothing but by authority from the King ; that they call 
 “ themfelves the Queen’s army ; that the prey or booty 
 44 which they take from the Englijh they mark with the 
 44 Queen’s mark ; that their purpofe was to come to 
 44 England after they had done in Ireland , and fundry other 
 44 things of this kind, proved by O Conelly , and divers 
 44 other--, efpecially in the fore-mentioned letters from 
 44 Tr'tjlram Whitccombc, the Mayor of Kingfale, to his 
 “ brother Benjamin Whitecomh, wherein there is this paf- 
 44 fage, that many other Jlrange Speeches they utter about 
 44 Religion and our Court of England, luhich he dares not 
 44 commit to paper. 
 
 “ The manifold attempts to provoke your Majefty’s late 
 44 army, and the army of the Scots, and to raife a faCtion 
 44 in the city of London, and other parts of the King- 
 “ dom ; that thofe who have been aCtors in thofe bufi- 
 “ neifes, have had their dependance, their countenance 
 44 and encouragement from the Court ; witnefs the treafon 
 “ whereof Mr. Jermin and others ftand accufcd, who was 
 44 Lranfported beyond Sea, by warrant under your Majefty’s 
 44 hand, after your Majefty had given affurance to your 
 44 Parliament, that your Majefty had laid a ftriCt com- 
 44 mand upon all your fervants, that none of them ftiould 
 “ depart from Court ; and that dangerous Petition delivered 
 “ to Captain Legg by your Majefty’s own hand, accom- 
 “ panied with a direction figned with C. R. 
 
 44 The falfe and fcandalous accufation againft the Lord 
 “ Kimbolton , and the five Members of the Houfe of Com- 
 44 mons, tendered to the Parliament by your Majefty’s 
 44 own command, endeavoured to be juftified in the city 
 44 by your own prefence and perfuafion, and to be put in 
 “ execution upon their perfons by your Majefty’s demand 
 44 of them in the Houfe of Commons, in fo terrible and 
 44 violent a manner, as far exceeded all former breaches of 
 “ privileges of Parliament aCted by your Majefty or anv 
 44 of your predecellbrs ; and whatloever your intentions 
 44 were, divers bloody and defperate perfons which at- 
 44 tended your Majefty, difeovered their affeCtions and re- 
 “ folutions to have maifacred and deftroyed the Members 
 “ of that Houfe, if the abfence of thofe perfons accufed, 
 44 had not, by God’s providence, flopped the giving of 
 “ that word which they expeCted, for the fetting them 
 44 upon that barbarous and bloody aCt ; the lifting of fo 
 44 many officers and foldiers, and others, putting them in- 
 “ to pay, and under command of Colonels ; feafting and 
 44 careffing them in an'unufual manner at JVhitehall, 
 44 thereby maintaining them in the violent aflaults and 
 44 other injuries which they offered to divers of your Sub- 
 “ jedts, coming that way in a lawful and peaceable man- 
 “ ner ; the carrying them out of town, after which they 
 44 were told by the Lord Digby , that the King removed 
 “ on purpofe that they might not be trampled in the dirt ; 
 “ and keeping them fo Jong in pay, endeavouring to en- 
 “ gage the Gentlemen of the Inns of Court in the fame 
 “ courfe ; the plotting and deligning of a perpetual guard 
 “ about your Majefty ; the labouring to infufe into your 
 “ Majefty’s SubjeCts an evil opinion of the Parliament 
 ‘‘ through the whole Kingdom, and other fymptoms of a 
 “ difpofuion of railing arms, and dividing your people by 
 44 a civil War ; in which combuftion Ireland muff needs 
 “ be loft, and this Kingdom miferably wafted and con- 
 “ fumed, if not wholly ruined and deftroyed. 
 
 44 That after a vote had palled in the Houfe of Com- 
 44 mons, declaring, that the Lord Digby had appeared in 
 • l a warlike manner at Kingjlon upon Thames, to the terror 
 “ and fright of your Majelty’s good Subjedts, and diftur- 
 44 bance of the publick peace of the Kingdom ; and that 
 44 therefore the Lords ftiould be moved to require his at- 
 44 tendance, he fhould neverthelefs be of that credit with 
 44 your Majefty, as to be lent away by your own warrant 
 “ to Sir John Pennington, to land him beyond the fea, 
 “ from whence he vented his own traiterous conceptions, 
 “ that your Majefty ftiould declare your felf, and retire 
 44 to a place of ftrength in this Kingdom, as if your Ma- 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 “ jefty could not be fafe among your people ; and withal 
 “ took that tranfeendent boldnefs to write to the Queen, 
 “ offering to entertain correfpondence with her Majefty 
 “ by cyphers, intimating fiome fervi'ce which he might 
 44 do in thole parts, for which he defired your Majeflv’s 
 “ inftruCtions, whereby in probability he intended the pro- 
 “ curing of fome foreign force to (Lengthen your Ma- 
 44 jefty in that condition, into which he would have brought 
 “ you ; which falle and malicious counfel and advice, we 
 44 have great caufe to doubr, made too deep an impreftjon 
 ‘‘ in your Majefty, conlidering the courfe you are pleafed 
 ‘ 4 to take of abfenting your felf from your Parliament, and 
 44 carrying the Prince with you, which feems to exprefs 
 “ a purpofe in your Majefty, to keep your felf in a read;- 
 “ nefs for the adfing of it. 
 
 44 The manifold advertifements which we have had 
 44 from Rome, Venice , Paris , and other parts, that thev 
 “ ltill expeCt, that your Majefty has fome great defign in 
 “ hand, for the altering of Religion, the breaking the 
 “ neck of your Parliament, that you will yet find means 
 44 to compafs that delign ; that the Pope’s Nuncio hath 
 44 follicited the Kings of France , and Spain , to lend your 
 “ Afajefty four thoufand men a-piece, to help to main- 
 “ tain your Royalty againft the Parliament : and this fo- 
 44 reign force, as it is the mod pernicious and malignant 
 “ delign of all the reft, fo we hope it is, and fhall always 
 44 be fartheft from your Majefty’s thoughts, becaufe no 
 “ man can believe, you will give up your People and 
 “ Kingdom, to be fpoiled by ltrangers, if you did not 
 44 likewife intend to change both your own profeffion in 
 “ Religion, and the publick profeftioii of the Kingdom, 
 “ that fo you might (till be more aflured of thofe foreign 
 “ States of the popifh Religion, for your future fupport 
 44 and defence. 
 
 “ I hefe are fome of the grounds of our fears and jealou- 
 “ lies, which make us fo earncftly to implore your Royal 
 4t authority and protection for our defence and fecurity, in 
 “ all the ways of humility and fubmiffion, which being 
 “ denied by your Majefty, feduced by evil Counfel, we 
 “ do with forrow, for the great and unavoidable mifery 
 “ and danger, which thereby is like to fall upon your own 
 
 perfon, and your Kingdoms, apply our felves to the life 
 “ of that power, for the fecurity and defence of both, 
 “ which by the fundamental laws and conftitutions of this 
 “ Kingdom telides in us ; yet ltill refolving to keep our 
 “ felves within the bounds of faithfulnefs and allegiance to 
 44 your facred perfon, and your Crown ; fo as to the fe- 
 ‘ 4 cond fort of jealoufies and fears of us exprefled by your 
 “ Majefty, we ftiall give a fhurter, but as true and as 
 “ faithful an anfwer. 
 
 ‘ k Whereas your Majefty is pleafed to fay, that for your 
 “ refidence near the Parliament, you wif'n it may be fo 
 “ fafe and honourable, that you had no caufe to abfent 
 44 your felf from IPhitehell ; this we take as the greateft 
 44 breach of privilege of Parliament that can be offered, 
 44 as the heavieft mifeiy 'to your felf, and imputation 
 44 upon us, that can be imagined, and the molt mifehie- 
 44 vous eiFetfts of evil counfels : It roots up the ftrongeft 
 44 foundation of the fafety and honour which your Crown 
 44 affords ; it feems as much as may be to call upon the 
 44 Parliament fuch a charge, as is inconfiftent with -^the 
 44 nature of that great Council, being the body, whereof 
 44 your Majefty is the head ; it ftrikes at the very being 
 44 both of King and Parliament, depriving your Majeftv, 
 “ in your own apprehenfions, of their fidelity, and them 
 44 of your protection, which are the mutual bands and 
 14 fupports of Government and SubjeCtion. 
 
 44 We have, according to your Adajelty’s defire, laid our 
 44 hands upon our hearts ; we have asked our felves in 
 44 the ftridteft examination of our confciences ; we have 
 44 fearched our affections, our thoughts ; cunlidered our 
 44 adtions, and we find none that can give your Majefty 
 44 any juft occaiion to abfent your felf from Whitehall, 
 44 and the Parliament ; but that you may with more ho- 
 “ nour arid fafety, continue there than in any other place. 
 
 44 Tour Majefty lays a general tax upon us ; if you 
 4fc will be gracioufly pleafed to let us know the particulars, 
 44 we fhall give a clear and fatisfaCtorv anfwer ; but what 
 44 hope can we have of ever giving your Majefty fatisfacti- 
 44 on, when thofe particulars which you have been made 
 44 to believe were true, yet being produced, and made 
 44 known to us, appeared to be falle, anri your Majeftv 
 44 notwithftanding, will neither punifh, nor produce the 
 44 authors, but go on to contract new jealoufes and fears up 
 44 on general and uncertain grounds, affording us no means 
 44 or poffibility of particular an! wet, to the clearing of our 
 “ felves? For proof whereof, we be leech your Majefty to 
 44 confider thefe inftances: 
 
 44 The Speeches alledged to be fpoken in a meeting of 
 “ divers Members of both Houfes at Kenfngton, concern* 
 “ ing a purpofe of reftraining the Qi‘ sen and Prince, 
 
 44 which 
 
Book XX. 
 
 25 - 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 
 421 
 
 64.r-2. <c which after it was denied and difavowed, yet your Ma¬ 
 te jefty refufed to name the authors, though humbly de- 
 « fired by both Houfes. 
 
 “ The report of Articles framed againft the Queen’s 
 <i Majefty, given out by fome of near relation to the 
 “ Court ; but when it was publickly and conftantly dif- 
 «« claimed, the credit feemed to be withdrawn from it ; 
 
 <c but the authors being kept fafe, will always be ready for 
 « exploits of the fame kind, wherewith your Majefty and 
 « t he Queen will be often troubled, if this courfe be taken 
 “ to cherifh and fecure them in fuch wicked and malicious 
 “ flanders. 
 
 “ The heavy charge and accufation of the Lord Kim- 
 * e bolton , and the five Members of the Houfe of Com¬ 
 te mons, who refufed no tryal or examination, which might 
 “ ftand with the privilege of Parliament; yet no authors, 
 
 “ no witnefles produced, againft whom they may have re- 
 “ paration, for the great injury and infamy caft upon 
 “ them ; notwithftanding three feveral petitions of both 
 “ Houfes, and the authority of two ACts of Parliament, 
 
 “ vouched in the laft of thole Petitions. 
 
 tc We befeech your Majefty to confider in what State 
 « you are, how eafy and fair a way you have to happinefs, 
 
 « honour, greatnefs, plenty, and fecurity if you will 
 “ join with the Parliament, and your faithful Subjeds, in 
 “ defence of the Religion and publick good of the King- 
 <* dom. This is all we expeCt from you, and for this we 
 fhall return to you our lives, fortunes, and uttermoft en- 
 “ deavours to fupport your Majefty, your juft fovereignly 
 ' “ and power over us; but it is not words that can fecure 
 “ us in thefe our humble defires : We cannot but too well, 
 
 “ and forrowlully remember, what gracious meflages we 
 « had from you this fummer, when with your privity, the 
 “ bringing up the army was in agitation ; we cannot but 
 “ with the like afte&ions recall to your minds, how, not 
 »< two days before you gave direClions for the above-men- 
 “ tioned accufation, and your own coming to the Com¬ 
 te mons Houfe ; that Houfe received from your Majefty a 
 “ gracious mefl'age, that you would always have a care of 
 “ their privileges, as of your own prerogative, of the fafety 
 “ of their perfons, as of your own children. That which 
 tc we expeCl, which will give us affurance that you have 
 no thought but of peace and juftice to your People, muft 
 “ be fome'real efteCl of your goodnefs to them, in granting 
 « thofe things, which the prefent neceflity of the King- 
 dom doth enforce us to delire : And in the firft place, 
 
 << that your Majefty will be gracioufly pleafed to put from 
 “ you thofe wicked and mifehievous counfellors, which 
 “ have caufed all thefe dangers and diftra&ions, and to 
 tc continue your own refidence, and the Prince s, near 
 “ London, and the Parliament, which we hope will be a 
 “ happy beginning of contentment q,nd confidence betwixt 
 “ your Majefty and your People, and be followed with 
 “ many fucceeding bleflings of honour and greatnefs to your 
 “ Majefty, and of fecurity and prolperity to them. 
 
 “ The Lords and Commons have commanded us to pre- 
 ct fent unto your Majefty, this farther addition to their for-- 
 “ mer declaration. 
 
 cc That your Majefty’s return and continuance near the 
 tc Parliament, is a matter in their apprehenfion of fo great 
 “ necelfity and importance, toward the prefervation of 
 “ your royal perfon and your Kingdoms, that they cannot 
 tc think they have difeharged their duties, in the fingle 
 “ expreflion of their defire, unlefs they add fome farther 
 c‘ reafons to back it with. , 
 
 cc i. Your Majefty’s abfence will caufe men to believe, 
 cc t h at it is out of defignto difeourage the undertakers, and 
 “ hinder the other provisions for railing money for defence 
 « of Ireland. 
 
 cc 2. It will very much hearten the rebels there, and du¬ 
 ct affeaed perfons in this Kingdom, as being an evidence 
 “ and eft'e-a of the jealoufics and divifions betwixt your 
 c‘ Majefty and your People. 
 
 . «« 3. That it will much weaken and withdraw the af- 
 
 cc fe£tionof the Subjeas from your Majefty, without which 
 cc a Prince is deprived of his chiefeft ftrength and luftre, 
 “ and left naked to the greateft dangers and miferies, that 
 can be imagined. 
 
 That it will invite and encourage the enemies of 
 “ our Religion, and the States in foreign parts, to the at- 
 « tempting and aaing their evil defigns and intentions 
 4t towards us. 
 
 «c That it caufeth a great interruption in the pro- 
 ceedings of Parliament. 
 
 “ Thefe confiderations threaten fo great danger to your 
 si Majefty’s perfon, and to all your Dominions, that, as 
 cc your Majefty’s great Council, they hold it neceflary to 
 «« reprefent to you this their faithful advice, that fo what- 
 
 tc foever followeth, they may be excufed before God and 1641-2, 
 tC man.” 
 
 It is needlefs to make any particular remarks on this De¬ 
 claration. The following anlwers and replies, will beft ex¬ 
 plain the nature of the quarrel between the King and the 
 Parliament, and the arguments of both. 
 
 It muft only be obferved in general, that, according to 
 the cuftomof contending Parties, each infilled largely upon 
 the points that were favorable, and lightly touched upon 
 fuch as were difadvantagious, or even palled them over en¬ 
 tirely in their anfwers and replies. 
 
 Thus much is certain, that in the prefent fituation of 
 affairs, the King and the Parliament had but too much 
 caufe to miftruft one another, and that each laboured to 
 procure fuch advantages, as might enable them to attack 
 or defend. As for the declarations, meffages, anfwers, re¬ 
 plies, thefe were only for the people, it being the intereft 
 of each to gain and amufe them. But herein the Parlia¬ 
 ment had a great advantage, by reafon of the People’s 
 prejudice againft the King, to which he oppofed only ge¬ 
 neral promifes, whereof he could give no affurance. This 
 was very advantagious to the Parliament, who pretended, 
 that in^ordervto truft in fuch promifes, it was neceflary 
 the King Ihould begin with diverting himfelf of what ena¬ 
 bled him to break them. Hence may be feen, how per¬ 
 plexed this affair was. 
 
 When the Committees of both Houfes prefented to the 
 King the foregoing' Declaration, and after it was read in 
 his prefence, he returned this extempore general anfwer. 
 
 <e "BT Am confident that you expedl not I fhould give you 7 be King*i 
 “ 1 a fpeedy anfwer to this ftrange and unexpected De- ■ / * r f' ui ' r 
 “ claration ; and I am forry (in the diffraction of this 
 “ Kingdom ) you fhould think this way of addiefs to be M^rh 9. 
 
 “ more convenient, than that propofed by my mefl’age of 2^ un p WO s r 3i’ 
 
 “ the 20th of January laft, to both Houfes. Clarendon,' 
 
 “ As concerning the grounds of your fears and jealoufies, T. I P 3;x* 
 
 “ I will take time to anfwer particularly, and doubt not 
 “ but I fhall do it to the fatisfadlion of all the world. God 
 “ in his good time, will, I hope, difeover the fecrets and 
 “ bottoms of all plots and treafons; and then I fhall ftand 
 li right in the eyes of my people ; in the mean time I 
 “ muft tell you, that I rather expected a vindication for 
 “ the imputation laid on me in Mr. Pym’s Speech, than 
 “ that any more general rumours and difeourfes fhould get 
 “ credit with you. 
 
 “ For my fears and doubts, I did not think they fhould 
 tc have been thought fogroundlefs or trivial, while fo many 
 “ feditious pamphlets and fermons are looked upon, and fo 
 “ great tumults are remembred, unpunifhed, uninquired 
 “ into: I ftill confefs my fears, and call God to witnefs, 
 
 “ that they are greater for the true Proteftant profef- 
 “ fion (1), my people, and laws, than for my own rights 
 “ or fafety ; though I muft tell you, I conceive that none 
 “ of thefe are free from danger. 
 
 “ What would you have? Have I violated your Laws? 
 
 “ Have I denied to p a fs any Bill for the eafe and fecurity 
 “ of my Subjedts ? 1 do not ask you, what you have done 
 <c for me. 
 
 “ Have any of my People been tranfported with fears 
 “ and apprehenfions ? I have offered as free and general 
 « pardon, as your felves can devife. All this confidered, 
 
 “ there is a judgment from Heaven upon this nation, if 
 “ thefe diftradtions continue. 
 
 “ God fo deal with me and mine, as all my thoughts and 
 “ intentions are upright, for the maintainance of the true 
 “ Proteftant profeflion, and for the obfervation and prefer- 
 “ vation of the Laws of this land; and I hope God will 
 “ blefs and affift thofe Laws for my prefervation. 
 
 “ As for the additional Declaration, you are to expeCt 
 tc an anfwer to it, when you fhall receive the anfwer to 
 “ the Declaration itfelf.” 
 
 On the morrow, the King gave the general anfwer to 'The King 
 the Committee in writing, which he had delivered by 
 word of mouth the day before. this Anf. w ,r 
 
 After that, the Earl of Pembroke , one of the Committee, "> n>r,r,r S . 
 asking him, whether he would grant the Militia, as was fy[ h p°" h * 
 defired by the Parliament, for a time ? No, anfwered the jbt Kir/, 
 King, by God , not for an hour (2). This anfwer did him Ta P> Anj-wtr 
 great injury. His principal concern was to fatisfy the Peo- ^ 
 pie, that his word might be relied upon, and yet he fhowed, 
 he had no intention to keep his promife to the Parliament, lofd. 
 to grant the Militia, when he fhould know for how long 
 a term, fince he refufed to grant it even for an hour. 
 
 If the Parliament had hitherto placed but little confi¬ 
 dence in the King’s promifes, this did not help to increafe 
 it. On the other hand, the harfh and difrefpeCtful treat¬ 
 ment of the King by both Houfes, in their Declaration, 
 
 (1) He me»iV the Church of England, in 
 (a) Adding, Teu have aikcd that of me in C 
 
 533- ,r TT 
 
 I'lo. 64. V o l, II, 
 
 ver ailed of any King, and with which I will not trufi my Wife and Children. Rojhwcrtb, Tom. 4. 
 
 5 O 
 
 very 
 
The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. I!. 
 
 very much incenfed. him, and rendered a rupture unavoida¬ 
 ble. For my part, I verily believe, that the hard things 
 laid by the Parliament to the King, in the Declaration, 
 were inferred by the direftion of lome of the leaders of the 
 party, on purpofe to widen the breach, and make a re¬ 
 conciliation impracticable. For, it is to be prefumed, if 
 the King had then granted the Militia for two or three 
 months, both Houfes would have fcarce known what ufe 
 to have made of it. They would have had no pretence to 
 employ it againft him, fince he would have clearly Ihowed, 
 it was not his fault that their fears were not removed. But 
 it is rertain, he had to deal with abler heads than himfelf, 
 and his Council. Bcfides, he was then full of his defign 
 to fei/.c Hull-, which hindered him, doubtlefs, from ferioufly 
 attending to what was moft for his advantage. 
 
 7 , ..* ” 1 . ' tbe '5th, the King being at Huntington^ fent a 
 
 a . mefiage to both Houfes, to inform them, that he intended 
 
 Dc . ■ .•? to refide at Isrk for fome time. He recommended to them 
 \ ‘ox\i “ withal the affairs of Ireland. As to the Militia, he told 
 R'Whworth, them, “ That as he had always been fo tender of the pri- 
 iv. ;>• <133. ‘1 vileges of Parliament, that he had been ready and for- 
 T.Tp^;'-. ** war ^ t0 retraft any aft of his own, which he had been 
 “ informed had trencht upon their privileges ; fo he expec- 
 “ ted an equal tendernefs in them, of his known and un- 
 “ queftionable privileges 5 amongft which, he was allured 
 “ it is a fundamental one, that his Subjefts cannot he obliged 
 “ to obey any Ad, Order , or Injunction-, to which his Ma- 
 “ jejly hath not given his confent : That therefore, he ex- 
 “ pefted and required obedience from all his Subjefts, to 
 the Laws eftablilhed, being refolved to keep the Laws 
 “ himfelf, and to require obedience to them from all his 
 “ Subjefts.” 
 
 Next day, the Commons palTed the following Votes, 
 which were approved by the Lords. 
 
 1 That the Houfe Ihould infill upon their former Votes 
 
 ( ‘ , 7 . “ concerning the Militia. 
 
 Mj .-h o'. “ That the King’s abfence, fo far remote from his Par- 
 
 RmiIi voy h, c< liament, was not only an obftruftion, but might be a 
 
 ■ P’ tc ddfruftion t0 the affairs of Ireland. 
 
 “ That when the Parliament (a), which is the fupream 
 “ Court of Judicature in the Kingdom, ftiall declare what 
 “ the Law of the Land is, to have this not only queftion- 
 tc ed and controverted, but contradifted ; and a command, 
 “ that it Ihould not be obeyed, is a high breach of the 
 “ piivilegeof Parliament. (1.) 
 
 R 1 \i a r K (1.) The Commons ufe here the equivocal 
 Word [Parliament] in an improper fenfe. It is true, the 
 Parliament which confifts of the K : ng and the two Houfes, 
 has a right to declare what is Law; to make New and re¬ 
 peal Old Laws, becaufe the Authority of both Houfes, 
 with the royal aflent, is deemed the authority of the 
 whole Kingdom. But before now, the two Houfes alone 
 had never enjoyed thi. Right. Nay, in ftriftnefs, the two 
 Ho iles cannot be called the Parliament, becaufe the Par¬ 
 liament is a body compofed of three Members, and not 
 two only, [namelv, King, Lords, and Commons. ] 
 
 “ That a Committee fhall be appointed by the Houfe 
 “ to join with a Committee of Lords, to enquire where 
 “ this meflage was framed. 
 
 “ That thofe perfons, that did advife his Majefty to ab- 
 “ fent himfelf from the Parliament, are enemies to the 
 41 peace of this Kingdom, and juftly fufpefted to be fa- 
 “ vourers of the rebellion in Ireland , as are alfo thofe that 
 “ advifed his Majefty to this meflage. 
 
 It was at the fame time unanimoufly refolved upon the 
 queftion by the Lords in Parliament, 
 
 / " “ That the ordinance of the Lords and Commons in 
 
 hd. Parliament, for the lafety and defence of the Kingdom of 
 
 C'arenHon. “ England and Dominions of Wales , is not any way a- 
 r ! 'P'c< gai n ft th e oath of allegiance. 
 
 “ T hat the feveral commiftions granted under the Great- 
 “ Seal to the Lieutenants of the feveral Counties, are ille- 
 “ gal and void. 
 
 “ That whofoever fliall execute any power over the 
 “ Militia of this Kingdom and Dominion of Wales , by 
 “ colour of any commiftion of Lieutenancy, without con- 
 “ fent of both Houfes of Parliament, fhall be accounted 
 “ a difturber of the peace of this Kingdom. 
 
 “ Moreover, both Houfes voted with one common con- 
 “ fent. That the Kingdom hath been of late, and ftill is 
 “ in fo evident and imminent danger, both from enemies 
 “ abroad, and a Popifh party at home, that there is an 
 “ urgent and inevitable neceftity of putting his Majefty’s 
 tC Subjefts into a pofture of defence, for the fafeguard both 
 “ of his Majefty and his people. 
 
 That the Lords and Commons fully apprehending 
 “ this danger, and being fenfible of their own duty, to 
 
 “ provide a fuitable prevention, have in feveral Petitions r 4 r-, 
 “ addrefled themfelves to his Majefty, for the ordering and 
 “ difpofing of the Militia of the Kingdom, in fuch a wav, 
 
 “ as was agreed upon by the wifdom of both Houfes to 
 “ be moft efFeftual and proper for the prefent exigents of 
 “ the Kingdom ; yet could not obtain it, but his Majefty 
 “ did feveral times refufe to give his royal aflent thereunto. 
 
 “ That in this cafe of extreme danger, and of his Ma- 
 (r ‘ jelly’s refufal, the ordinance agreed on by both Houfes 
 ‘ c for the Militia, doth oblige the people, and ought to be 
 “ obeyed by the fundamental Laws of this Kingdom. 
 
 “ That fuch perfons as fliall be nominated Deputy-Lieu- 
 “ tenants, and approved of by both Houfes, fliall‘receive 
 the commands of both Houfes to take upon them to ex- 
 c< ecute their offices ( b ).” 
 
 Thefe refolutions were taken with great precipitation, 
 for the two Houfes had not yet received the Kind’s anfwer 
 to their Declaration of the 9th of March. But°as by his 
 laft meflage the King had fufficiently fhown, he intended 
 not to depart from his right concerning the Militia, they 
 .thought it needlefs to wait for a more particular notification. 
 
 Some time alter, the King fent them this anfwer in form 
 of Declaration. 
 
 The King's Declaration to both Houfes of Parliament , in 
 Anfiuer to that prefent:d to him at Newmarket, March o. 
 ibyi-z (c). 
 
 r T"' Hough the Declaration lately prefented to us at r 
 “ * Newmarket from both our Houfes of Parliament, 1 
 
 “ be of fo Grange a nature, in refpeft of what we expeft- \ 
 ed, (after fo many Afts of grace and favour to our 
 “ people) and fome expreffions in it fo different from 
 “ the ufual language to Princes, that we might well take 
 “ a very long time to confider it : Yet the clearnds 
 “ and upnghtnefs of our confcience to God, and love to 
 “ our Subjefts, hath fupplied us with a fpeedy anfwer, 
 and our unalterable afteftion to our people prevailed with 
 c us to fupprefs that paffion, which might well enough 
 “ become us upon fuch an invitation. 
 
 “ We have reconfidered our anfwer of the flrft of this 
 tc month at Theobalds , which is urged to have given juft 
 “ caufe of forrow to our Subjefts. Whofoever looks over 
 “ that melTage, (which was in effeft to tell us, that if 
 “ we would not join with them in an A ft we conceived 
 “ prejudicial and dangerous to us and the whole Kingdom, 
 
 “ they would make a law without us, and impofe it upon 
 “ our People) will not think that fudden anfwer can be 
 “ excepted to. 
 
 “ Wc have Iil!lc Encouragement t» replies of this nature, 
 
 “ when we are told, of how little value our words are like 
 “ to be with you ; though they come accompanied with 
 “ all the actions of love and juftice, ( where there is room 
 tc for aftions to accompany them ) yet we cannot but dif- 
 “ avow the having any fuch evil Council and Counfellors 
 “ to our knowledge, as are mentioned ; and if any fuch 
 “ be difeovered, we will leave them to the cenfuie and 
 “ judgment of our Parliament: In the mean time we 
 “ couIt] that our own immediate aftions which we 
 
 “ avow, and our honour might not be fo roughly cenfu- 
 “ red and wounded, under that common ftile of evil 
 “ Counfellors. 
 
 “ For our faithful aqd zealous affeftion for the true Pro- 
 teftant profeffion, and our refolution to concur with our 
 “ Parliament in any poffible courfe for the propagation of 
 <c it, and the fuppreffion of Popery, we can fay no more 
 “ th 311 we have already exprefled in our Declaration to 
 “ all our loving Subjefts, publilhcd in Ireland by the ad¬ 
 vice of our Privy-Council, in which we endeavoured to 
 “ make as lively a confeffion of our felf in this point, as we 
 “ were able, being moft afl'ured, that the conftant praftice 
 of our lile hath been anfwerable thereunto; and there- 
 “ fore we did ra ther expeft a teftimony and acknowledg¬ 
 ment of fuch our zeal and piety, than thofe expreffions 
 “ we met with in this Declaration of any defign of alter- 
 “ j n S Religion in this Kingdom ; and we do (out of the 
 “ innocence of our Soul) wifh, that the judgments of 
 <c Heaven may be manifefted upon thofe who have, or had 
 “ any fuch defign. (1.) 
 
 Remark (i.) This Article of the King’s anfwer 
 feems very weak. For the Parliament having fet forth, in 
 their Declaration, the reafons why they believed there was 
 a fettled defign to alter Religion in England , and that the 
 King encouraged the authors, his Majefty only anfwer:, in 
 generals. 
 
 “ As for the Scotch troubles, we had well thought, that 
 “ thofe unhappy differences had been wrapt up in perpe- 
 “ tual filence, by the Aft of oblivion, whicii being folemn- 
 
 (^) In R u jh 
 (h 
 
 o-tb the words are, When the L:rds and Ccrr.rr.i 
 Commons received great < 
 
 n Parltamt 
 
 Rujtituorlb, Tom. 4. p. 534. 
 
 o, ~ . r , , " c .. ' '■•.wJuragement and confirmation from the opinions of Mr. Fyn. Hampden, H.!: i, Sratldo 
 
 St. JJn, C'rbct, LJIe, &C. and chiefly from the confident opinion of the Lord-Keeper LtuUun .—- : .1 7 rtn.-/, , . ’ b 
 
 i c ) Thls Declaration is without date, it was fent from York a few days after the King’s, 
 
 5 
 
 icurriog with them, fyhiut-.i, p. j 7t 
 coming thither. C:j’tnd:n, Tom, I. p. 361’. 
 
Book XX. 
 
 
 25. C H A R L E S 1 . 
 
 ■ 2. <c ly parted in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms, flops 
 “ our mouth from any other reply, than to fhew our great 
 “ dirtike for reviving the memory thereof. (2.) 
 
 R EM. (2.) It is very vifible, the King avoids entering 
 into particulars upon this head, though being attacked by 
 the Parliament, he might have vindicated himfelf, without 
 infringing the peace between the two Kingdoms, or the 
 A6t of oblivion. 
 
 “ If the Rebellion in Ireland , ( fo odious to all Chrif- 
 “ tians ) feems to have been framed and maintained in 
 “ England, or to have any countenance from hence, we 
 “ conjure both our Houfes of Parliament, and all our lo- 
 “ v jng Subjects whatfoever, to ufe all poflible means to 
 “ difcover and find fuch out, that we may join in the moft 
 “ exemplary vengeance upon them that can be imagined ; 
 
 but we muft think our felves highly and caufelefly inju- 
 “ red in our reputation, if any Declaration, aflion’orex- 
 “ prertion of the IriJJ) Rebels, any letters from Count Ro- 
 “ f etit to the Papifts for farting and praying, or from Trif- 
 “ tram IVbitecombe , of ftrange Speeches uttered in Ireland, 
 “ fliall beget any jealoufy or mifapprehenfion in our Sub- 
 “ jefls, of our juftice, piety and affe&ion, it being evident 
 “ to all underftandings, that thofe mifchievous and wick- 
 “ ed Rebels are not fo capable of great advantaee, as by 
 tc having their falfe difcourfes fo far believed, as to raife 
 <c fears and jealoufies to the diftra&ion of this Kingdom, 
 
 “ the only way to their fecurity : And we cannot exprefs 
 “ a deeper fenfe of the fuffering of our poor Proteflant 
 <l Subjeds in that Kingdom, than we have done in our 
 “ °hen me/Tages to both Houfes, by which we have offer- 
 “ ed > and af e ftill ready to venture our royal perfon for 
 their redemption ; Well knowing, that as we are (in 
 “ our own intereft ) more concerned in them, fo we are 
 “ to m ake a ftri£t account to Almighty God, for any neo-- 
 “ Ie<fl of our duty, or their prefervation. (3.) 
 
 Rk M. (3.) The King continues here to clear himfelf 
 from the fufpicions conceived of him with regard to Ireland, 
 by generals and his own teftimony. But thefe proofs ta¬ 
 ken from his word, and his other outward demonftrations, 
 were not fufficient to fatisfy every one. The Parliament 
 did not accufe him of being wanting in exprefiions of zeal 
 for the reducing of Ireland , but of really negle&ing it. 
 
 “ For the manifold attempts to provoke our late army, 
 
 ** and the army of the Scots, and to raife the fadfion in 
 “ the City of London, and other parts of the Kingdom; if 
 “ it be faid, as relating to us, we cannot without great in- 
 “ dignation fuft'er our felves to be reproached, to have in- 
 “ tended the leaft force or threatning to our Parliament, as 
 “ f ,ie being P riv y to the bringing up of the army would 
 “ imply; whereas we call God to witnefs, we never had 
 “ any fuch thought, or knew of any fuch refolution con- 
 “ cerning our late army. (4.) 
 
 Rem. (4.) We have feen in the account of that con¬ 
 spiracy, what were the feveral projeds of the confpirators, 
 and that indeed they came to no refolution, particularly as 
 to the bringing up the army to London. The King cer¬ 
 tainly knew all the circumftances of the plot, but as°there 
 was nothing refolved, he artfully confines himfelf here to 
 the denying that he was privy to any refolution, which is 
 very true, for there was no refolution taken. But how¬ 
 ever, he knew of the defign in general to gain the army, 
 of which he fays not a word. 
 
 “ for the petition fhewed to us by Captain Legg, we 
 well remember the fame, and the occafion of that con- 
 “ ference: Captain Legg being lately come out of the 
 “ North, and repairing to us at Whitehall-, we asked him 
 “ 01 the ftate of our army, and (after fome relation made 
 “ of it) be told us, that the commanders and officers of 
 “ the army had a mind to petition the Parliament, as 
 ‘ c ot hers of our people had done, and fliewed us the copy 
 c ‘ of a petition, which we read, and finding it to be very 
 “ humble, defiring the Parliament might receive no in- 
 “ terruption in the reformation of the Church and State, 
 
 “ to the model of Queen Elizabeth’ s days ; we told him, 
 
 <s we faw no harm in it ; whereupon he replied, that he 
 “ believed all the officers in the army would like it, only 
 “ he thought Sir Jacob AJhly would be unwilling to fign it, 
 
 “ out of fear that it might difpleafe us. We then read the 
 “ petition over again, and then obferving, that neither in 
 “ matter or form, we conceived it could poffibly give juft 
 “ caufe of offence, we delivered it to him again, bidding 
 “ him g»ye it to Sir Jacob AJhly , for whofe fatisfa&ion we 
 had written C. R. upon it, to teftify our approbation : 
 
 “ And w e wifh that the petition might be feen and pub- 
 “ lilhed, and then we believe it will appear no dangerous 
 one, nor a juft ground for the leaft jealoufies or mifappre- 
 “ henfion. (3). 
 
 Rem. (s). If we compare what the King fays here of 
 the contents of this Petition, with that inferted by the Lord 
 Clarendon in his Hirtory, we fliall find the Lord Clarendon’s 
 Petition cannot be the fame as that figned by the King 
 with C. R. The King’s word muft be taken, to believe 
 
 that this Petition had nothing in it prejudicial to the Par- 164 
 liament. For hitherto it has never appeared. 
 
 „ V For ,,^ r ' 7 nT: “ is We " known that was gone 
 
 ,« V? m H'buelMlI, before we received the Jefires of both 
 « "oufes for the reftraint of our Servants, neither returned 
 he thither, or palled over hy any warrant granted by vs 
 “ after that time. (6.) } 
 
 Re m. (6 .) It is certain, Jermm went beyond fea bv the 
 Kings warrant It may be, the King had granted the 
 warrant before he received the Parliament's petition : but 
 tne / arl| ament pretended the warrant was antedated, 
 r , breach of PrlVilc B e in the accufation of the 
 
 cvord KtmMtm, and the five Members of the Houfe of 
 Commons, we thought we had given fo ample fatisfac- 
 « pon ,J" ° Ur feVeral me(ra S es t0 'hat purpofe, that it 
 Ihould be no more prefled againft us; being confident, 
 
 „ “ breach of Privilege had been greater than ever he’ 
 lore ottered, our acknowledgment and retraftation bath 
 „ been § reater t,la n tver King hath given ; befides the 
 „ n0t taaminmg how many of our privileges have been 
 t< '? Vi “V ed 1,1 de f<mce and vindication of the other; and 
 „ tllerefore we hoped our true and earned proteftation in 
 « ™ r an'wtr to your order concerning the Militia, would 
 1° far have fatishcd you of our intentions then, that you 
 « W ° uld , n ° more have entertained any imagination of any 
 other defign than we there exprefled. (7.) 
 
 • The Kin S was much miftaken in imagin¬ 
 
 ing that bare proteftations were capable of fatisfyin»°the 
 1 arhament of the fincerity of his intentions. Nay, the 
 very Declaration he was anfwering, might have convin¬ 
 ced him of the contrary, fince it was there faid in plain 
 terms, his word was not to be relied upon. 
 
 “ But why the lifting of fo many officers, and enter- 
 taming them at Whitehall, fcoulrf be mifconftnied, wc 
 « n ' arv 'y 1 ’ wJlca Jt is notoriourty known, the tumults 
 
 at Wejlm-.njler were fo great, and their demeanors fo 
 ^ Scandalous and feditious, that we had go' d caufe to fuo- 
 ‘ P 0 "- our °' vn p-rfon, and thofe of our "wife and children 
 to be in apparent danger, and therefore we had great 
 reafon to appoint a guard about us, and to accept the 
 dutiful fender of the fervices of any of our lovine Sub- 
 jedts, which was all we did to the Gentlemen of the 
 Inns of Court. 
 
 . <C ^ or tbe Lord Digby, we affure you in the word of 
 „ a tbat he ^ ad not our warrant to pafs the feae, 
 
 and had left our Court before we ever heard of the vote 
 « th *\ Houre of Commons, or had any caufe to imagine, 
 that Ins abfence would have been excepted againft 
 cc ‘‘ Whac y° ur advertifements are from Rome, Venice, 
 f ans, and other parts, or what the Pope’s Nuncio folli- 
 “ cits the Kings of France or Spain to do, or from whac 
 C( P er *°ns fuch informations come to you, or how the 
 “ credit and reputation of fuch perfons have been fifted and 
 examined, we know not; but are confident, no fober 
 ? 0 " eft man ,n our ^mg d °ms can believe, that we are 
 fo defperate, or fo fenfelefs to entertain fuch defigns, as 
 ‘ W0 “ Id not °hly bury this our Kingdom in fudden dif- 
 traction and ruin, but our own name and pofteritv in 
 perpetual fcorn and infamy ; and therefore we could 
 “ have wi/hed, that in matters of fo high and tender a 
 t nac, ire (wherewith the minds of our good Subjects muft 
 { needs be ftartled) all the expreffions were fo plain and 
 ‘‘ eafy, that nothing might ftick with them with reflec- 
 ‘ tton upon us, fince you thought fit to publifh it all. 
 
 ( <C And having now dealt thus plainly and freely with 
 “ you, by way of anfwer to the particular grounds of your 
 ^ fears ; we hope (upon a due confideration, and weigh- 
 both together) you will find not the grounds to be 
 of that moment to beget, or longer to continue a mif- 
 “ underftanding betwixt us, or force you to apply your 
 | |" e ^ ves t° the ufe of any other power than what the Law 
 hath given you, the which we always intend fliall be 
 the meafure of our own power, and expe£t it fliall be 
 “ the rule of our Subje&s obedience. 
 tt / Concerning our fears and jealoufies; as we had no 
 intention of accufing you, fo are we fure no words 
 “ fpoken by us (on the ludden) at Theobalds, will bear that 
 interpretation. We faid, for our refidence near you, 
 
 “ we wifti it might be fo fafe and honourable, that we 
 “ had no caufe to abfent our felf from Whitehall-, and 
 “ how this can be a breach of Privilege of Parliament we 
 cannot underftand. We explained our meaning in our 
 “ anfwer at Newmarket, at the prefentation of this Decla- 
 “ ration, concerning the printed feditious pamphlets and 
 “ fermons, and the great tumults at Wejlminjler ; and we 
 “ muft appeal to you and all the world, whether we might 
 “ not juftly fuppofe our felf in danger of either: And if 
 “ we were now at Whitehall, what fecurity have we that 
 “ the like £hall not be again, efpecially if any Delinquents 
 “ of that nature have been apprehended by the minifters 
 “ of juftice, and been refeued by the People, and fo as yet 
 “ efcape unpuniftied ? If you have not been informed of 
 
 “ the 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 424. 
 
 '6+1-Z- 
 
 ‘The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 •s the feditious words ufed m, andI the f 
 
 “ thofe tumults, and will appoint feme way for the exa 
 “ mination of them, we will require Come of our learned 
 is Council to attend with fuch evidence as may fatisfy 
 you, and 'till that be done, or feme other “urfe be 
 “ taken for our fecurity, you cannot (with reafon ) 
 
 .. wonder that we intend not to be, where we molt delire 
 
 s‘<° And can there yet want evidence of our hearty and 
 st importunate delire to join with our Par lament and al 
 “ our faithful Subjeas, in defence of the religion and pub- 
 ss lick rood of the Kingdom ? Have wc given you no 
 “ otlier^earneft but words, to fecure you of theft defires . 
 ‘-The very Remonftrance of the Houfe of Commons 
 .. (publifhed in Number laft,) of the State of the Kmg- 
 “ dom, allows us a more real teffimony of our good affec¬ 
 ts tions than words : That Remonftrance valued our aUs 
 .. of grace and juftice (8) at fo high a rate, that it de¬ 
 ss dared the Kingdom to be then a gainer hough it ^ 
 “ charged it felf by Bills of Sublidies, and Poll-money, 
 s. with the levy of fix hundred thoufand pounds, l.ef.des ^ 
 ss the contrafllng of a debt to our Scotch Subjeds of two ^ 
 ss hundred and twenty thoufand pounds. (9 ) CI 
 
 r .,1 (s' ) Hitherto the King had Ipoken of his allent ^ 
 to the ads of this Parliament, but as acts of Grace. He ^ 
 bewail in this Paper to add, of Juftice. . „ tt 
 
 d F M (q ) It is true the nation had beeH great gainer. 
 
 b- thefe ads of grace and juftice. But the king could ‘ 
 
 ■ it ..dent as a convincing proof of .his love for his 
 
 People' his content that the illegal taxes of his own nnpo- ^ 
 , (houldbe abolifhed, and the monopolies authorized 
 by'himfelf, fupprefled. Efpecially as it was not entirely in ^ 
 ills cower to rel'ufe his affent. ( 
 
 Are the Bills for the Triennial Parliament, relin- 
 ss pu,filing our title of impofing upon Merchandize, and ^ 
 .< power of preffing fiddlers, for the taking away the Star- ^ 
 <‘ Chamber, and High-Commiffion-Courts, for the^regu- ^ 
 “ lating of the Council-table, but words ? Are the Bills t( 
 “ for the Forefts, the Stannery-Courts, the Clerk of the 
 s‘ Market, and the taking away the votes of the B.lhops ^ 
 *s out of the Lords Houfe, but words ! Laftly, what ^ 
 « ureater earnell of our truft and reliance on our Pallia- ^ 
 “ ment, could or can we give, than the palling of a Bill _ 
 *s for the continuance of this prefect Parliament . 1 
 
 “ length of which we hope will never alter the nature of 
 Parliaments, and the conftitution of this Kingdom, or 
 ss invite our Subjeas fo much to abufe our confidence as ( 
 » to efteem any thing fit for this Parliament to do, winch _ 
 ss were not, if’it were in our power to difiolve it to mor ^ 
 is row And after all thefe, and many other acts of ^ 
 
 ss „ r ,ce on our part (that we might be lure of a perfedt ^ 
 
 “ reconciliation betwixt us and all our Subjeds) we have ^ 
 “ offered, and are (1111 ready to grant, a free and gene- ^ 
 ral pardon, as ample as your felves (hall think fit No. ^ 
 
 “ if thefe be not real expredions of the affedion of out ^ 
 
 - foul, for the publick good of our Kingdom ; we mult ^ 
 «< confer- that we want skill to mamfeft them ( 10 J 
 
 ra 1 M ’(,0.) A fort of fophiftty runs quite through this 
 article, confuting in the fuppofition that the King had con- 
 fe„,ed to all thefe ads, out of love and affedion for his > 
 p< ipfc, which fe -v perfons believed. Befides, all thefe ads 
 having been made only to fupprefs the abufes introduced by 
 the King himfelf, there was no occafion, it feeros, to talJc 
 
 i'o much of them. . 
 
 “ To conclude, (although we think our anfwer al- 
 « ready full to that point) concerning our return to 
 ■s loud v- ■ we are willing to declare, that we look upon 
 ss it as a matter of ft great weight, as with reference to 
 .. the affairs of this Kingdom, and our own inclinations 
 .- ind defines, that if all we can fay or do, can rade a 
 << mutual confidence (the only way with Gods bleffing 
 s. to make us all happy) and by your encouragement the 
 ss l aW s of the Land, and the government of the Guy o 
 “■ London , may recover fome life for our fecurity, we will 
 s. overtake your defines, and be as foon with you as you 
 
 tc cai1 with : and in the mean time we will be lure that 
 
 ■ s neither the bufinefs of Ireland, or any other advantage 
 si for this Kingdom Ihall fuffer through out default, or 
 ■s by our abfence ; we being fo far from repenting the ads 
 
 “ of our juftice and grace, which wc have already per- 
 
 ss formed to our people, that we ft all with the fame alacrt- 
 s. tv be ftill ready to add fuch new ones, as may belt ad- 
 s. vance the peace, honour, and profperity of this Nation . 
 
 Before the Parliament received this anfwer, they lent 
 another Petition to the King, in reply to hts fuddeit an¬ 
 fwer to the Declaration delivered at New-Market. 1 ho 
 theft anfwers and replies be long and full of repetitions, 
 vet I think it neceflary to infert them at large, that the 
 Reader may be able to pafs an impartial judgment upon 
 this quarrel. For in affairs of this nature, and efpecially 
 in this which has given birth to two parties ftill fiabfiftln| 
 in Inland, there is great danger of being milled, if the 
 
 honetty and prejudices of the Hiftorians, who are all of one 1641-2. 
 or other party, 'be relied on. It will be better therefore to 
 leave the Reader at liberty to judge upon the parties own 
 Papers. Here follows the Parliament’s Petition. 
 
 May it pleafe your Majejly, 
 
 Y OUR Majefty’s loyal Subjeds, the Lords and J „-U- 
 Commons in Parliament, cannot conceive, that 
 the Declaration, which your Majelty received from us/, „ ,h. 
 at New-market, was fuch as did deferve that confine, '■ -i ' - 
 
 your Majcfty was pieafed to lay upon us in that Speech, „ u ‘. 0; _ 
 which your Majelty made to our Committees there, 
 and fent in writing to both Hnufcs , our addrefs therein j°;_ 
 being accompanied with plainnefs, humility, and faith- iv. , - -s, 
 fulnefs, we thought more proper for the removing the CUnuJon. 
 diftradion of the Kingdom, than if we had then pro- *• 
 ceeded according to your Majefty's meflige of the 20th 
 of January, by which your Majelty was pieafed to de¬ 
 fire, that we would declare, what we intended to do 
 for your Majelty, and what we expected to be done for 
 our felves ; in both which we have been very much 
 hindered by your Majefty's denial to fecure us, and the 
 whole Kingdom, by difpofing the Militia, as we had 
 ' divers times molt humbly petitioned ; and yet we have 
 not been altogether negligent o( either, having lately 
 made good proceedings, in preparing a bbok of rates, 
 
 1 to be palled in a bill of Tonnage and Poundage ; and 
 I iikesvife the moll material heads of thofe humble defiles, 
 
 1 which we intended to make to your Majelty, for the 
 s good and contentment of your Majelty, and your peo- 
 ‘ pie ; but none of thefe could be perfefled before the 
 1 Kingdom be put nto fafetv, by fettling the Militia, 
 t An,! until you: Majelty Ihall be pieafed to concur with 
 ‘ your Parliament in thefe neceflary things, we hold it 
 s impoffible for you to give the world, or your people, 
 
 ‘ fuch fatislaftinn concerning the fears and jealoufies winch 
 s we have expreffed, as we hope your Majelty hath ai- 
 ,t ready received, touching that exception, which you 
 ‘ were pieafed to make to Mr. Pym's Speech. 
 
 St As lor your Majefty’s fears and doubts, the ground 
 ,t whereof is in-m feditious pamphlets and fermons, we 
 is [C;li he as careful to endeavour the removal, as I (n as 
 is we filial] underftand what pamphlets and fei moils ate by 
 “ your Majelty intended, as we have been to prevent all . 
 si dangerous tumults. And if any extraordinary concourfe 
 “ of people out of the City of IVtJlminJler, had the f.,cc 
 is and ftiew of tumult and danger, in your Majeltl s up¬ 
 's prehenfion, it will appear to be caufed by your Majefty’s 
 is denial of fuch a guard to your Parliament, as they 
 “ might have caufe to confide in ; and by taking into 
 ss Whitehall, fuch a guard for your felf, as gave juft caufe 
 s' of jealoufy to the Parliament, and of terror and offence 
 “ to your people ; we feek nothing but your Majefty's 
 “ honour, and the peace and profperity of your King- 
 ss d 0 ms ; and we are heartily forty we have fuch plentiful 
 “ matter of an anfwer to that qutftion, \V lietlier you had 
 “ violated our Laws ? 
 
 “ We befeech your Majefty to remember, that tr.c go- 
 “ vernment of this Kingdom, as it was in a great part 
 ss managed by your Minifters, before the beginning of 
 “ this Parliament, confided of many continued and mul 
 “ tiplied adts of violation of the Laws ; the wounds 
 ss whereof weie fcarcely healed, when the extremity 01 
 ss all thofe violations was far exceeded, by the late fttange 
 ss and unheard-of breach of our Laws, in the a cufatioll 
 <‘ of the Lord Kmboltm, and five Members of the Coin¬ 
 s' mons Houfe, and in the proceedings thereupun, lor 
 ss which we have received no full fucisfu£tion, 
 
 ss To your Majefty’s next queftion. Whether you had 
 ss denied any bill, for the eafe and fecurity of your Sub¬ 
 s' jedts > We wiftl we could flop in the midlt of our an- • 
 ss fwer, that with much thankfulnefs we acknowledge, 
 
 ‘t that your Majefty hath palled many good Bilk, lull 
 ss of contentment and advantage to your People ; but 
 s‘ truth and necefficy inforccth us to add this. That even in 
 ss or about the time of palling thofe Bills, fonie defign or 
 ‘s other hath been on foot ; which If it had taken effect, 
 ss would not only have deprived us of the fruit of thofe 
 s‘ Bills but have reduced us to a worfe condition of con¬ 
 s' fufion, than that wherein the Parliament found us. 
 
 s‘ And if your Majefty had asked us the third queftion, 
 ss intim-ted in that Speech, What we had done for your 
 ss felf? Our anfwer would have been much more cafy, 
 ss That we had paid two armies, wherewith the Kingdom 
 ss was burthened laft year ; and have undergone the charge 
 of the war in Ireland, at this time, when through many 
 other exceflive charges and preffures, your Subjeds have- 
 been exhaufted, and the ftock of the Kingdom very 
 much diminifhed ; which gloat mifchiefs, and the charges 
 thereupon enfurng, have been occalior.ed by the eul 
 counfels fo powerfully with your Majefty, which have, 
 and will, colt this Kingdom more than two millions, 
 
 ' all 
 
Book XX. 
 
 25- CHARLES 5. 
 
 |6<J all which, in juftlce, ought to have been borne bv your 
 ‘ Majefty. 
 
 “ As for tbat and general pardon your Majefty has 
 “ been pleated to offer, it can be no fecurity to our fears 
 “ and iealoufies, for which your Majefty feems to pro- 
 “ P°u nd becaufe they arife not from any guilt of our 
 ‘‘ own aiijons, but from the evil defigns and attempts of 
 “ others. 
 
 “To this our humble anfwer to that Speech, we defire 
 “ to add an information, which we lately received from 
 “ thc Deputy-Governor of the Merchant-Adventurers at 
 Rotterdam in Holland , that an unknown perfon, apper- 
 “ taining to the Lord Digby, did lately foliicite one James 
 “ Henely, a manner, to go to Elefnore, and to take charge 
 “ of a fhip in the fleet of the King of Denmark , there 
 “ prepared, which he (hould condu& to Hull-, in which 
 fleet likewife, he (aid, a great aimy was to be tranf- 
 “ ported : And although we are not apt to give credit to 
 “ informations of this nature ; yet we cannot altogether 
 “ think: if fit to b e negle&ed, but that it mav juftly add 
 “ fomewhat to the weight of our fears and jealoufies, con- 
 “ fidenng with what circumftances it is accompanied, with 
 “ the Lord £>igtys preceding expreftions in h.s letter to 
 “ her Majefty and Sir Lewis Dives , and your Majefty’s 
 “ Succeeding courfe of withdrawing your felf northwards 
 
 ** from vmir Parliampnr. in -i _ _ r. :..u i 
 
 preface, as we can neither with juflice to our honour of 
 „ oonfent to: You exclude u, from any p „ wer 
 
 l( ,n ™sditpofioon, or execution of ft, together with you, 
 „ and ,“ r , a t,mE ““"ly unlimited. We tell you, we 
 would have the thing done ; allow the perfon, ( with 
 „ ““ exc 'P"™ ) d =fire a Bill, ( the only good old wav 
 of impofing on our fubjeas) we are extremely unfatii- 
 „ " ed w ba'an ordinance is; but well fatisfied, that with, 
 out our conlent it is nothing, not binding; and it i, 
 
 « 7 ; V'f bng ‘ ime fpe,U . in tbis argument, the 
 
 ceihty and danger was not fo imminent, but a Bill 
 might have well been prepared; which, if it (hall yet 
 „ , do, ' e * ,tl ?. lhat due regard to US, am) care of our neo- 
 
 t< r> m thc l-ntlOtion of the power, and other circvm- 
 „ .we (hall recede irom nothing we formerly ex 
 
 <C pr ri T lhat a " (wer to yout order ; otherwiie, we 
 muft declare to all the world, that we are not fatisfied 
 „ mth ’ or (lial1 cver Jl ” our fubjedfs, to be bound bv 
 „ ymr prmted vote s of the fifteenth or fixteenth of this 
 „ I” ont “’ , or ; hat undcl ' pretence of declaring what thc 
 „ , aW of th ' , land ls ’ y“ u ftull without us make a new 
 „ aW ’, W , h ' S P ! a,ni y Ihe cafe of 'be Militia ; and what 
 is this but to introduce an arbitrary way of Govern 
 ment r (2.) J 
 
 h • - wd " d " «* King and rhe Parity. 
 
 correfpondent to that evil council, which we doubt will „ed upon diffcrenfp"^^ 
 
 make much deeper .mpreffion in the generality of your ordering ot the Millie, df i! t ! u PP “ fcd ’ 'hat the 
 People; and therefore, we moll humbly advife and be- he don/ after .hr r i ^ J by b t uth Houfcs ’ ought to 
 feech your Majefty, for the procuringLnd fettling the pretended lL L tlTT 1 ' h - Parlianyeirt 
 
 confidence of your Parliament, and all your Subje&,, which the King w* "he aife Th WaS,n ’. a ; ,J " f 
 
 and for the other important reafons concerning the re- demand ev,r I “ ? - 8 ' m a n 8 ht tu 
 
 covery of IrvW and feet,ring this Kingdom 8 , whS, ^ Ki ^ 
 
 have been formerly prefented to your Maieftv • vou felf fhe rP /i r ;A' , ‘ V the ° tbcr _ hand, it is mam- 
 
 will be gracioufly pleafed ( with all convenient ipeed ) left’him at liberty to^Tuf ^ ‘^i K ' nB ' h ' S araClc - 
 “r th !i P S. a '' d fiounfcl Bdpchfto^drptSS to^'^n^ 
 
 ineffedfual for the deligns of the Parliament. 
 
 Concerning Pym 's Speech, you will have found, by 
 
 Rtiftworlh, 
 IV. p. 539. 
 
 “ and delire of your Parliament, where you (hall find 
 “ their dutiful attentions and endeavours ready to attend 
 “ y° ur Majefty with fuch entertainment, as fhali not only 
 “ give your Majefty juft caufe of fecurity in their faith- 
 “ fulnefs, but other manifold evidences of their earneft 
 intentions and endeavours to advance your Majefty’s 
 “ fcrvice, honour, and contentment, and to eftablifh it 
 “ u P° n lhc fure foundation of the peace and profperity of 
 “ all your Kingdoms." 
 
 This Petition was prefented to the King at York, the 
 26th of March. He had now fent his anfwex to the De¬ 
 claration of both Houfes, and therefore mentions it in his 
 anfwer to this laft Petition. 
 
 The King s Anfwer ( a). 
 
 I F you would have had the patience to have expected 
 our anfwer to your laft Declaration, ( which confide- 
 nng the nature of it, hath not been long in coming) 
 
 ‘ we believe you would have faved your felves the labour 
 “ of ' la y ,n S much °f tbj s meffage ; and we could wifli, 
 
 ‘ that our privileges in all parts were fo ftated, that this 
 4 way of correfpondence might be preferved with that 
 ‘ freedom which hath been ufed of old ; for we muft tell 
 ‘ you, that if you may ask any thing of us by meffage 
 or petition, and in what language f how unufual foever ) 
 
 4 you think fit, and we muft neither deny the thing you 
 ask, nor give a reafon why we cannot grant i,t, without 
 being taxed with breaking your privileges, or being 
 counfelled by thofe who are enemies of the peace of the 
 Kingdom, and favourers of the Irijh rebellion (for we 
 have feen your printed votes, upon our meffage from 
 
 “ into a very little room : In plain Engiijh, it is to take 
 1 awa y tbe fr eed °m of our vote, which were we but a 
 Subjeft were high injuftice; but being your King, we 
 “ leave all the world to judge what it is. (i.) 
 
 Remark ( I .) The Parliament fuppofed an imminent 
 danger, which obliged them to a£t in an unufual manner, 
 and the King fuppofed the Government to be in its ufual 
 and natural ftate. This mif-underftanding continually re¬ 
 turns in the Papers of both Tides. 
 
 “ Is f hls the wa y t0 compofe all mif-underftandings ? 
 We thought we (hewed you one by your me/lage of the 
 “ 20th of January ; if you have a better, or a readier, 
 “ we (hall willingly hearken to it, for hitherto you have 
 “ (hewed us none: But why the refufal to confent to 
 
 «< S >U u < f der » ( Wh ‘ ch y ° U Cal1 3 denial of the Militia ) 
 (hould be any interruption to it, we cannot underftand; 
 for the Militia, ( which we always thought neceffary to 
 be fettled ) we never denied the thing, ( as we told you 
 
 lf r »°K Ur °/A h ® z8th ° f J anuar y> to the petition 
 
 of the Houfeof Commons) for we accepted the per- 
 ‘ f° ns » (except for Corporations ) we only denied the 
 way : You ask it by way of ordinance, and with fuch a 
 
 « ,,,1- . .1 1 1 .1 * nave iound, bv 
 
 what the Lord Compton, and Mr. Bainton brought from 
 us, in anfwer to that meffage they brought to us, th 
 as yet we reft nothing fatisfied in that particular, 
 cc u ur the , fcdlt!0u s pamphlets and fermons, we are 
 tt b ° th a ^ d aftiamed in fo great variety, and in which 
 
 “ ffJhre| htS H h Tr!i’ and . auth °rity, are fo infolentiy 
 ^ (lighted and vilified, and in which tJie dignity and free- 
 
 <t nT,? f u Par , ia 'V Cn r t 1S r ° much invaded and violated, it 
 “ US a ? ' ,3me ^ ’ the 'nentioning of 
 
 <4 tbe ProteJIatwn frotefted, the Apprentices Protejlation, To 
 your Tents, 0 Ijrael / or any other, would be too great 
 an excufe for the reft : If y OU think them not worth 
 your inquiry, we have done: But we think it moft 
 ltrange to be told, that our denial of a guard, ( which 
 we yet never denied, but granted in another manner, and 
 under a command at that lime moft accuftomed in the 
 ‘ Kingdom ) or the denial of any thing elfe, ( which is 
 ‘ In ou / P°wer legally to deny) which in our underftand- 
 ing ( of which God hath furely given us fome ufe ) « 
 4 not fit to be granted, (hould be any excufe for fo dan¬ 
 gerous a con courfe of people; which, not only in our 
 “ apprehenfion, but ( we believe) in the interpretation of 
 ‘ tbe , Law ufelf, hath been always held moft tumultuous 
 and feditious. And we moft wonder what, and from 
 “ whence come thc inftruilions and informati.,ns that thofe 
 “ people have, who can fo eafijy think themfelves oblieed 
 ‘ by the Proteftation, to affentble in finch a manner, 'for 
 ‘ ! he defen “ nr.v.lcges, which cannot be fo clearly 
 known to any of the-:., and fo negligently paf, over the 
 
 «-*<“ wil! reduce * all our anfwtrs hereafter J 
 
 mo a very, little room : In plain £,M. it is to take .. and ^r, ’o, °LT, fo bc " afiaia ' 
 
 (a) Without date. It 
 
 No. 65. V O 1 
 
 rat lent back by the fame hands that brought the Petition. Clarendon, Tom. 1. p. 36a. 
 
 LL 5 P 
 
 a " *V L -V ju: lo bcnehcial 
 
 and neceffary for themfelves, and force unknown to any 
 of them, which by .belt oaths of allegiance and fupre- 
 macy, ( and even by t e lame Protection ) they are at 
 leaft equally obliged to defend. And what interruptions 
 fuch kind of aflcmbl.e> may be to the freedom of future 
 Parliaments, ( it not feafonably difcountenanced and fup- 
 prefled) we muft advife you to confider, as likewife 
 whether both our powers may not by fuch means he 
 ufurped, by hands not trufted by the conftitution of this 
 Kingdom. For our guard, we refer you to our anfwer 
 to that Declaration. 
 
 “ By that queftion of violating your Laws ; by which 
 we endeavoured to exprefs our care and refolution to 
 obferve them ; we did not expect you would have been 
 invited to have looked back fo many years, for which 
 you have had fo ample reparation : Neither looked we 
 to be reproached with the adlions of our Minifters ( then 
 againft the Laws) whilff we exprefs fo great a' zeal 
 for the prefent defence of them, it being our refolution 
 upon obfervation of the milchief which then grew by 
 arbitrary power, ( though made plaufible to us by the 
 fuggefhons of neceffity and imminent danger; and take 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 The III S TO Hr of ENGL A E 
 
 n 
 
 ou |-. £j vcu fail not info the fame error upon the lame 
 fugged ions ) hereafter-to keep ihe rule our !elf, and to 
 ; our power require i 
 1 bovc all 
 1 upoi 
 ' ny. 
 
 1642. 
 
 • the fame from all others (3.) : But a- 
 ,ovc ail, we muft be moft fenfible of what you cad 
 ipon us, for requital of thofe good Bills you cannot de- 
 We have denied any fuch defign, and as God 
 -• Almighty mulh judge in that point between us, who 
 “ knows our upright intentions at the palling thofe Laws : 
 cc So in the mean time, we defy the devil to prove, that 
 “ there was any defign (with our knowledge or privity) 
 “ in or about the time of palling thofe Bills, that had it 
 «C ta ken effed, could have deprived our fubjeds of the fruit 
 cc D f them : And therefore we demand full reparation in 
 cc this point, that we may be cleared in the fight ot all the 
 “ woi Id, and chiefly in the eyes of our loving fubjeds, from 
 *c f 0 notoiious and falfe an imputation as this is. 
 
 R f. M. (3.) Thofe that undertake to vindicate King 
 Charles’s Government, during the firft fifteen years of his 
 reicn, do more than ever he pretended to do himfelf, as 
 aoocars by this claufe of his anfwer. 
 
 ‘L We are far from denying what you have done ; for 
 “ we acknowledge the charge our People have fuflamed in 
 “ keeping the two armies, and in relieving Ireland^ of the 
 “ which we are fo knfible, that in regard of thofe great 
 “ burthens our People have undergone, we have, and do 
 “ patiently fuffer thofe extreme pcrfonal wants, as ourpre- 
 << deceftbrs have been feldom put to, rather than we would 
 <« prefs upon them ; which we hope ( in time ) will be 
 “ conftdered on your parts. (4.) 
 
 R e m. (4.) The King gloried in having fuftered pati¬ 
 ently, ftnee this Parliament, perfonal wants, which it had 
 not been in his power to help. 
 
 “ In our offer of a general pardon, our intent was to 
 “ compofe and fecurc the general condition of our fubjeds. 
 
 conceiving, that in thefc times of gieat diftradions, the 
 good Laws of the Land have not been enough obferved: 
 But it is a ftrange world, when Princes proffered fa- 
 ; vours arc accounted reproaches : Yet if you like not 
 this our offer, we have done. 
 
 “ Concerning any difeourfes of foreign forces, though 
 we have given you a full anfwer in ours to your laft Dc- 
 | claration, yet we muft tell you, we have neither fo ill 
 ; a;i opinion of our own merit, or the affections of our 
 • good fubjeds as to think our felf in need of any foreign 
 1 force to preferve us from opprcflion, ( and we fhail not 
 1 need for any other purpofe ) but are confident ( through 
 c God’s Providence ) not to want the good wifhesand a(- 
 ‘ fiftance of the whole Kingdom, being refolved to build 
 c upon that fure foundation, the law of the land. We 
 C take it very ill, that any general difeourfes between an 
 ‘ unknown perfon and a mariner, or inferences upon let- 
 ‘ ters, fhould be able to prevail in matters fo improbable 
 1 in themfeives, and fcandalous to us ; for whi«h we can- 
 1 not but likewife ask reparation, not only for the vindi- 
 c eating of our own honour, but alfo thereby to fettle the 
 .< minds of our fubjeds, whofe fears and jealoufies would 
 ‘ foon vanifh, were they not fed and maintained by fuch 
 ‘ falfe and malicious rumours as thefe. 
 
 “ For our return to our Parliament, we have given you 
 e a full anfwer in ours to your Declaration, and you ought 
 ;c to look on us as not gone, but driven ( we fay not by 
 lC you, yet) from you. And if it be not fo eafy for you 
 “ to make our refidence in London fo fafe as we could de- 
 ‘‘ lire, we are, and will be contented, that our Parliament 
 “ be adjourned to fuch a place, where we may be fitly 
 “ and fafely with you. For although we are not pleafed 
 
 to be at this diftance, yet ye are not to exped our pre- 
 “ fence, until ye fhail both fecure us, concerning our juft 
 «■ apprehcnlions of tumultuary infolencies; and likewife 
 ‘‘ give us fatisfadion for thofe infupportable and infolent 
 “ fcandals that are raifed upon us, (5.) 
 
 Rem. (5.) The King took care not to return to Lon- 
 d»n, at a time when he was going to try to fecure Hull. 
 The terms he required for his return were fo undeterminate, 
 that they would have afforded room for a long difpute. 
 
 “ To conclude, as we have, or fhail not refufe any 
 “ wav agreeable to juftice or honour, which fhail be oft'er- 
 “ ed to us for the begetting a right underftanding between 
 “ us; fo we are refolved, that no ftraits or neceffities ( to 
 “ which we may be driven ) fhail ever compel us to do 
 “ that, which the reafon and underftanding that God 
 “ hath given us, and our honour and intereft, with which 
 “ God hath trufted us for the good of our pofterity and 
 “ Kingdom, fball render unpleafant and grievous unto us. 
 
 “ And.we affure you that (how meanly foever you are 
 ‘c pleafed to value the dificharge of our publick duty ) we 
 “ are fo confcious to our felf of having done our part fince 
 this Parliament, that in whatfoever condition we now 
 ftaud, we are confident of the continued protection of 
 “ Ahnightv God, and the conftant gratitude, obedience 
 “ and af fecit ion of our people, and we fhail truft God 
 “ with all.” 
 
 All thefe Papers were not capable of obliging the King 
 or the Parliament to al'.cr their meafures. The Parliament 
 was refolved to divert the King of the command of the 
 Militia, and the King was as fully determined not to give 
 up that point. 
 
 After this anfwer, both Houfej (ent a meffage to the subHuufn 
 Kins, directing the I orcl-Keeper to inclofe it in a letter to the 
 the Secretary attending his Majefty at Yak-, to inform ^ 
 
 him that the Lord Admiral's indifpMWton diLbling him for cmma „d u ., 
 commanding the fleet in his own perfon, they had iteem- Fla. 
 mended to his Lordfhip the Earl of Warwick to fupply his 
 place. But underftanding fince that 1 M-ielty had ap- JV . P . S4 ». 
 pointed for that employment Sir John Pennington, they be- ci»«ndon, 
 fought him not to prefer this laft to the Earl of Warwick. ' ' P ' 3;S * 
 The King was very angry at this meffage, which was He u re- 
 not by way of petition cr declaration, and fent the 
 Lord-Keeper word, that his refolution was not to alter the Kmg, 
 perfon whom he had appointed. But he was not mailer : Maichji. 
 for, by the connivance of [ Algtrnoon Percy\ Earl of A or- 
 t hum her land, who was Lord-Admiral, [Robert Rich] Earl 
 of Warwick was acknowledged commander of the fleet, 
 again ft the King’s will. 
 
 About the fame time a Paper was difperfed, wherein p a p t rpub- 
 the Author examined, “ How Laws are to be underftood, 1'ihtd.^tb* 
 “ and obedience yielded ? A queftion neceffary for the pre- 
 “ fent ftate of things touching the Militia. His Majefty R U ft, Wv , r ;h» 
 “ (fays he) is intruded by Law with the Militia; but it lbid * 
 cc is for the good and prcfervation of the people, and not 
 “ againft them. So that when there is a well-grounded fuf- 
 “ pTcion that the King intends to employ the Militia a- 
 “ gainft the people, he is not to be obeyed, for it is not 
 “ likely that the intent of the Law is to invert the King 
 “ with a power to be ufed again!I his Subjects.” I his is 
 the fum of the Author’s reafomng, which was properly that 
 of both Houfes. The King having perufed this paper, Apt|1 22- 
 fent a meffage to the Lords to require them to find out the id. P . 5->j» 
 Author of fo pernicious a dodrine, and punifh him accord¬ 
 ing to his deferts. But he objected nothing in particular 
 againft the Author’s principles and arguments. 
 
 VVhilft the affair of the Militia was in agitation, rfie ib. p, 567. 
 King came to the gates of Hull with fome troops: but 
 Sir John Hotham denied him admittance, as will be feen 
 prefently. It is eafy to judge, this proceeding of the King 
 lerved not to remove the Parliament’s fears and fufpicions, 
 and the rather as having paffed a Bill for fettling the Mili¬ 
 tia, as the King defired, this Bill had been rejeded. The 
 affair of Hull happening fhortly after, the Parliament 
 thought there was no more ceremony to be ufed, imagining 
 the King fought only to amufe them, and make them lofc 
 time. Mean while the King five or fix days after his dif- ^ 
 appointment at Hull , fent a meffage to the Parliament, „j tB , 
 dated April the 28th, containing his reafons for not con- MiUtia- 
 fenting to the Militia-Bill, which had been prefented to BllL 
 him. The meffage was expreffed in the following manner : 
 
 ’ E have with great deliberation and patience 7*, fc,„£, 
 
 W ] 
 
 weighed and conftdered ( it concerning us much M'Jfegt 
 
 to weigh the confequenees of every Law before we pafs 
 it) your Bill lately Cent to us, tor the fettling of the 
 tc Militia ; and though it hath not been ufual to give any April iS. 
 
 “ reafons for our refufal to pafs any Bill (it being abfolute- 
 cc ]y i n our power to pafs or not pafs, any Ad fent unto clarendon, 
 cc us by you, if we conceive it prejudicial to our felf, or T.I. p- 394 * 
 Cc inconvenient for our Subjeds, for whom we are trufted, 
 
 “ and muft one day give an account;) yet in this bufinefs 
 cc 0 f t be Militia, which being mifunderftood amongft our 
 “ good Subjeds, hath been ufed as an argument, as if we 
 CC were not vigilant enough for the publick fafety : And 
 cc ] ea ft we fhould be thought lefs conftant in our refolu- 
 cc t j on s 5 and this Bill to be the fame we fent unto you; 
 cc we have thought fit to give you and all the world parti- 
 c‘ cular fatisfadion, why we muft not, ought not, cannot 
 cc p a f s t his Bill, being the firft publick Bill, to our remem- 
 “ brance, we have refufed this Parliament; and therefore 
 “ we muft complain, that having expreffed our felf fo 
 cc clearly and particularly to you in this point, you fhould 
 c« p rc f s ‘any thing upon us, which you could not but fore- 
 cc f ee t hat we muft refufe, except we departed from thofe 
 cc refolutions, grounded upon fb much reafon, which we 
 cc had fo earneftly before acquainted you with, and again ft 
 cc which you have not given one argument to fatisfy our 
 “ judgment. 
 
 cc We are pleafed that you have declined the tfnwar- 
 “ ran table courfe of your ordinance, ( to the which wc 
 “ are confident our good Subjeds would never have yielded 
 ‘c confent)and chofen this only right way ol impofing on 
 cc our people, which we would have allowed, but for the 
 “ reafons hereafter mentioned. 
 
 “ We refufed to confent to your ordinance, as for other 
 things, fo, for that the power was put into the perfor.s 
 “ nominated therein by direction of both Houfes ot Parlia- 
 “ naent, excluding us from any power in the difpofition 
 
 c‘ nr 
 
l6*2. 
 
 .Clarendon, 
 T. I. p. 393 . 
 
 Bo'ok XX. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 127 ' 
 
 ‘ c or execution of it together with you. We then advifed 
 “ you for many reafons, that a Bill fhould be prepared, 
 “ and after, in our anfwer of the 26th of March lall to 
 “ the petition of both Houfes, we told you, if fuch a Bill 
 “ fhould be prepared with that due regard to us, and care 
 ‘ k of our people in the limitation of the power, and other 
 4 ‘ circumftance.-., we fhould fecede from nothing we Jor- 
 “ merly exprefled. (1.) 
 
 Remark (1.) Whether the King was in the right or 
 in the wrong concerning the affair of the Militia, it is 
 certain his defign at firft was only to amufe the Parliament, 
 and this is what he ftrives to conceal in this Article. 
 
 “ What paffed ( enough to have difcouraged us from 
 “ being farther follicitous in that argument) after our full 
 “ and gracious anfwers, we are content to forget. When 
 “ we refolved of our journey into Ireland , ( fo that by 
 ** reafon of our abfence there might be no want of fett- 
 “ ling that power) befides complying with your fears, we 
 “ fertit, together with a meffage of that our purpofe, a Bill 
 “ for the fettling that power for a year, hoping in that 
 “ time to return to you; and being fure that in much lefs 
 “ time you might do the bufinefs for which you feemed 
 “ at firft to defire this, which was, that you might fecure- 
 “ ly confider our meffage of the zoth of January laft. 
 
 By that Bill we confented to thofe names which were 
 “ propofed in your ordinance, and in the limitation of the 
 “ power, provided that our felf fhould not be able to ex- 
 “ ecute any thing but by your advice; and when we 
 “ fhould be out ot the Kingdom, the foie execution to be 
 “ * n you; with many other things of fo arbi'rary and un- 
 “ circumfcribed a power, that we fhould not have confent- 
 <c ed to, but with reference to the abfence of our own per- 
 “ fon out of the Kingdom, and thought it the more fuf- 
 “ ferable, in refped the time was but for a year. Whe- 
 “ tber this be the Bill you have now fent to us to pafs, 
 “ let all the world judge, (z.) 
 
 Rem. (2.) The Lord Clarendon freely owns, that the 
 King’s offer to go into Ireland was all a ftratagem. Since 
 therefore the King had no defign to go thi.her, it follows, 
 that the Bill he had fent to both Houfes, and which he 
 pretended he fhould not have confented to, but with refe¬ 
 rence to his abfence, was no m re than an amufement. 
 We fee here, that the general limitations he had annexed 
 to his firft engagement, were not without defign. He 
 knew how to particularize them in the Bill, he fent to the 
 Parliament, and was very fenfible it would not be received 
 with all thefe reftridions. Thus his aim in this claufe was 
 only to colour the pretence he had ufed in his firft promife 
 concerning the Militia. 
 
 “ You have by this bill now tendered to us, (without 
 “ takin g notice of us ) put-trhe power of the whole King- 
 41 dom, the life and liberties of the Subjeds of all degrees 
 “ and qualities, into the hands of particular men for two 
 years. Can you imagine we will truft fuch an abfolute 
 * e power in the hands of particular perfons, which we re- 
 “ fhfed to commit to both Houfes of Parliament ? Nay, 
 is not the power itfelf too abfolute, too unlimited to 
 “ be committed to any private hands ? Hath not Sir John 
 “ Hotham' s high infolence fhewcd us, what we may ex- 
 pedt from an exorbitant legal power, when he by a 
 * C power not warranted by law, dares venture upon a trea- 
 “ finable difobedience (3) ? But we would willingly 
 * £ know, (and indeed fuch an account in ordinary civility 
 “ mi g ht bave expend ) why we are by this ad abfo- 
 vt lutely excluded from any power or authority in the 
 execution of this Militia. Sure your fears and jealoufies 
 ‘ c are not of fuch a nature, as are capable of no other re¬ 
 medy, than by leaving us no power in a point of the 
 greateft importance, in which God and the Law hath 
 trufled us folely, and which we are contented to fhare 
 with you by our bill, by putting it, and a greater, into 
 “ thc bands of particular Subjeds ? What would all Chrif- 
 “ tlan Pences think of us, after we had palled fuch a bill ? 
 
 “ How would they value our Sovereignty ? And yet fure 
 “ our reputation with foreign Princes, is fome ground of 
 “ y° ur Security ; nay, we are confident, by that time 
 ‘‘ you have thoroughly confidered the poffible confcq uence 
 4 o. the bill upon your felves, and the reft of our good 
 “ Subjcas, you and they will give us thanks for not con- 
 “ fe.uting to it, finding their condition (had it palled ) not 
 “ t0 have been fo plealing unto them. We hope this ani- 
 “ madverfion will be no breach ot your privileges in this 
 ‘‘ throng ot bufinefs, and diftemper of affections ; it is 
 “ P°ffiblc that fecond thoughts may prefent fomething to 
 “ your coniideration, which efcaped you before. ° 
 
 Re m (3.) It was but five or ux days fincc Sir John 
 Hotham^ denied him entrance into Hull [a). 
 
 We palled this Parliament, at your entreaty, a bill 
 ‘ c °" cefnm g the Captives ot Jlgier, and waved many ob¬ 
 jections ot our own to the contrary, upon information. 
 
 that the bufinefs had been many months confidered by ; ba¬ 
 you. Whether it prove fuitable to your intentions, or 
 whether you have not by fofce private order fufpended 
 that ad of Parliament, upon view of the miftakings, 
 you beft know ; as likewife, what other great alterathuis 
 you have made in other Bills palled this feffon. We 
 cannot pafs over the putting their names out of this Bill, 
 
 “ whom before you recommended to us in your ordinance, 
 it feems, not thinking fit to truft thofe who would obey 
 no guide but the Law of the Land, (we imagine you 
 “ would not wifh we fhould in our eftimation of others 
 follow that your rule ;) and the leaving out by fpecial 
 “ P rovillon the prefent Lord-Mayor of London, as a perfou 
 “ in y° ur disfavour ; whereas. we muft tell you, his de- 
 “ rr.eanour hath been fuch, that the city and the whole 
 “ Kingdom is beholding to him for his example, (h.) 
 
 P - (40 It was Sir Richard Gurney that was then 
 Lord-Mayor ol London , and entirely devoted to the King. 
 
 “ To conclude, we do not find our felf poffeffcd will* 
 
 “ fuch an excels of power, that it is fit to transfer, or 
 confent it Ihould be in other perfons, (as is direded by 
 “ the bill ;) and therefore we fhall rely upon that Royal 
 “ right and jurifdidiion which God and the Law hath 
 “ given us, for the fuppreffing of rebellion, and refilling 
 “ foreign invafion, which hath preferved this Kingdom in 
 “ the time of all our anceftors, and which, we doubt not, 
 
 “ but we fhall be able to execute ; and, not more for our 
 “ own honour and right, than for the liberty and fafety of 
 “ our People, we cannot confent to pafs this bill. 
 
 The Declaration of the Lords and Commons concerning his 
 Majejly s lajl meffage about the Militia. 
 
 T HE Lords and Commons holding it ncceffiry for Rufhworth, 
 the peace and fafety of this Kingdom, to fettle IT; p 5 * 5 ‘ 
 the Militia thereof, did, for that purpofe, prepare an Curendnn, 
 “ ordinance of Parliament, and with all humility did pre- P .+o6. 
 “ fent the fame to his Majefty for his Royal affent ; 
 
 “ who, notwithftanding the faithful advice of his Parlia- 
 “ ment, and the fcveral reafons offered by them ol the 
 “ neceftity thereof, for the fecuring of his Majefty’s per- 
 “ fon V and the peace and fafety of his People, did refufe 
 “ to give his confent; and thereupon they were necefftated, 
 
 “ difeharge of the truft repofed in them, as the reprefen- 
 “ tative bod y of the Kingdom, to make an ordinance by 
 “ authority of both Houfes, to fettle the Militia warranted 
 “ thereunto by the fundamental Laws of the Land : (,.) 
 
 Remark (i.) This fundamental Law was no other 
 than the Law of Nature, which allows every man to 
 provide for his own defence when he fees himfelf expofed to 
 danger, and fuch was the cafe the Parliament fuppofed 
 themfelves in. For otherwjfe there was no poiitive Law 
 which gave this power to the two Houfes of Parliament. 
 
 “ H‘s Majefty taking notice thereof, did by feveral 
 “ meffages invite them to fettle thc fame by Ad of Par- 
 “ liament ; affirming, in his Majefty’s meflage fent in an- 
 “ fwer to the petition of both Houfes prefented to his 
 “ Majefty at York , March 26, that he alwa\s thought it 
 “ neceffary the fame ihould be fettled, and that he never 
 “ denied the thing, only denied the way ; and for the 
 “ matter of it, took exceptions only to the preface, as a 
 “ thing not Handing with his honour to confent to, and 
 “ that himfelf was excluded in the execution, and for a 
 “ time unlimited : Whereupon the Lords and Commons, 
 
 “ bem g defirous to give his Majefty all finis faction that 
 “ might be, even to the leaft tittle of form and circum- 
 “ ilance ; and when his Majefty was pleafpd to oft'er them 
 “ a Bill ready drawn, did, for no other caufe, than to 
 “ manifeft their hearty affedion to comply with his Ma- 
 “ j e fty’s defires, and obtain his confent, entertain the 
 “ ^ anie j in the mean time no way declining their ordi¬ 
 nance, and to exprefs their earneft zeal to correfpond 
 “ with his Majefty’s defire, (in all things that mighc 
 “ conlift with the peace and fafety of the Kingdom, and 
 “ the truft repofed in them) did pafs that Bill,°and there- 
 “ in omitted the preamble inferted before the or>iinance, 
 
 “ limited the time to lefs than two years, and confined the 
 “ authority of the Lieutenants to thefe three particulars, 
 
 “ namely. Rebellion, Infurredion and foreign Invafion, 
 
 “ and returned the fame to his Majefty for his roy,J 
 “ affent : But all thefe expreffions of afl'edion and loyalty, 
 
 “ ail thofe defires and earneft endeavours to comply with 
 “ In's Majefty, hath (to their great grief and forrow) pro- 
 “ duced no better afied than an abfolute denial, even of 
 “ that which his Majefty by his former meffages, as we 
 “ conceive, had promifed ; the advice of evil and wicked 
 “ councils receiving Hill more credit with him than that 
 “ ol his great Council of Parliament, in a matter of lb 
 “ High importance, that the fa'ety of his Kingdom, and 
 “ the peace of his People depends upon it. (z.) 
 
 Rem. (2.) If the King on his part fuppofed the 
 
 (-) Th: Lari CW™ P I. C[S th i, before lhs Ki „ ei ^ „ mu ^ , 
 
 p. 396 . 
 
 Goycrnment 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 428 The H 1 STO RT 
 
 1642. Government to be in its natural ftate, and that confe- 
 quently he ought to enjoy all hi? Prerogatives, the Parlia¬ 
 ment made here a fuppofition which was not liable to 
 fewer objections. That is, in the prefent juncture, the 
 King ought to confider them as his great Council, and be 
 guided by their directions. 
 
 “ But now what mud be the exceptions to this Bill ? 
 
 £ ‘ Not any, fure, that were to the ordinance ; for a care 
 “ was taken to give fatisfaCtion in all thefe particulars. 
 
 “ Then the exception was, becaufe that th# difpofing and 
 <c execution thereof was referred to both Houfes of Parlia- 
 “ ment, and his Majefty excluded ; and now that by the 
 tc Bill the power and execution is afeertained, and re- 
 “ duced to particulars, and the Law of the realm made 
 “ the rule thereof, his Majefty will not truft the Per- 
 “ Tons. The power is too great, too unlimited to truft 
 “ them with. (3.) 
 
 Rem. (3.) The Parliament pretends to fhow here that 
 they had regarded the King’s complaints, and yet the King 
 had refufed to pafs the Bill. They own that one of his 
 Majefty’s complaints againft the ordinance was his being 
 wholly excluded from having any thing to do in fettling 
 the Militia. To ftrow therefore that the King had reafon 
 to be fatisfied with the Bill, it fhould have been faid. And 
 now that by the Bill he is joined in the execution with the 
 two Houfes. But inftead of this, they fay, And now that 
 the execution is afeertained , and the Law of the Realm made 
 the rule It is eafy to fee that this is not the direCt con¬ 
 trary to the King’s complaint. 
 
 “ But what is that power? Is it any other, but in ex- 
 “ prefs terms to fupprefs rebellion, infurreCtion, and 
 “ foreign invafion ? And who are thofe perfons ? Are 
 “ they not fuch as were nominated by the great Council 
 “ of the Kingdom, and alien ted to by his Majefty ? And 
 “ is it too great a power to truft thofe perfons with the 
 “ fuppreffion of rebellion, infurreCtion, and foreign in- 
 “ vafion ? Surely the moft wicked of them that advifed 
 “ his Majefty to this airfwer, cannot fuggeft, but that it 
 “ is neceflary for the fafety of his Majefty’s Royal perfon, 
 <£ and the peace of the Kingdom, fuch a power fhould be 
 “ put in fome hands, and there is no pretence of excep- 
 “ tion to the perfons : His Majefty, for the fpace of above 
 “ fifteen years together, thought not a power far exceed- 
 “ ing this to be too great to intruft particular perfons 
 
 “ with, to whole will the lives and liberties of his People 
 
 “ by martial Laws were made fubjeCt; for fuch was the 
 “ Power given to Lord-Lieutenants and Deputy-Lieuten- 
 “ ants in every county of this Kingdom, and that with- 
 “ out the confent of his People, or authority of Law : 
 
 “ but now in cafe of extreme neceffity, upon advice of 
 
 “ both Houfes of Parliament, for no longer fpace than 
 “ two years, a lefier power, and that for the fafety of the 
 “ King and People, is thought too great to truft particular 
 “ perfons with, though named by both Houfes of Parlia- 
 “ ment, and approved of by his Majefty himfelf. And 
 “ furely, if there be a neceffity to fettle the Militia (which 
 “ his Majefty was pleafed to confefs) the perfons cannot 
 “ be trufted with lefe power than this, to have it at all 
 
 “ effectual : And the precedents of former ages, when 
 
 “ there hjppened a neceffity to raife fuch a power, never 
 “ ftraitned that power to a narrow compafs ; witnefs the 
 “ Commiffions of Array in feveral Kings reigns, and often 
 “ iffued out by the confent and authority of Parliament. 
 “ The Lords and Commons therefore, intruded with the 
 “ fafety of the Kingdom, and peace of the People (which 
 11 they call God to witnefs is their only aim) finding 
 themfelves denied thefe their fo neceflary and juft de- 
 ‘‘ mands, and that they can never be difeharged before 
 “ God and man, if they fhould fuller the fafety of the 
 
 “ Kingdom, and peace of the People, to be expofed to the 
 
 “ malice of the malignant party at home, or the fury of 
 “ enemies from abroad ; and knowing no other way 
 “ to encounter the imminent and approaching danger, 
 « but by putting the people into a fit pofture of defence, 
 «« do refolve to put their faid ordinance in prefent execu- 
 tion, and do require all perfons in authority, by virtue of 
 “ the faid ordinance, forthwith to pat the fame in execu- 
 tion, and all others to obey it, according to the funda- 
 c ‘ mental Laws of the Kingdom in fuch caies, as they 
 1 ‘ tender the upholding of the true Proteftant Religion, 
 ’• the fafety of his Majefty’s perfon, and his royal pofte- 
 « r ity, the peace of the Kingdom, and the being of 
 •* this Common-wealth. 
 
 His Mayfly's Anfwer to the Parliament's Declaration (a). 
 •tuinworth' “ \\T £ very well underftand how much it is below 
 iv. ;■ 14:•W the high and royal dignity, ( wherein God hath 
 u pl a ced us) to take notice, much more to trouble our 
 ' .< f e ]f w ith anfwering thofe many fcandalous, feditious, 
 
 : < pamphlets, and printed papers, which are fcattered with 
 
 0 / ENGLAND. 
 
 fuch great licence throughout the Kingdom, ( notwith- 
 “ Handing our earneft defire, fo often in vain prelfed lor 
 ‘ c a reformation) though we find it evident, riut the 
 “ minds of m.my of our weak Subjects have been, and 
 “ ftill are, poifoned bv thofe means, and that fo general .1 
 “ terror hath poll cfled the minds and hearts ol all men, 
 “ that while the P re lies fwarm, ( and every clay pro- 
 “ duceth new Trails againft the eftablifhed Government of 
 “ the Church and State) moft men want the courage, or 
 “ the confcience, to write, or the opportunity and encou- 
 “ rageinent to publifh, fuch compofed, fober animadver- 
 “ fions, as might either preferve the minds of our good 
 “ Subjects from fuch infection, or reftore and recover 
 “ them when they are fo infeited ■, but we are contented 
 
 “ to let our lelf fall to any office, that may undeceive our 
 
 <c people, and to take more pains this way by our own 
 “ pen, than ever King hath done, when we find anv 
 
 “ thing chat feems to carry the authority or reputation ot 
 
 ‘ c either, or butli Houfes of Parliament, and will not i jo- 
 “ the fame refuted, or difputed, by common and \ 
 
 “ pens, till we are thoroughly informed, whether thofe 
 “ aits have in truth, that countenance and warrant they 
 tc pretend ; w’hich regard of ours, we doubt not but in 
 “ time, will recover that due reverence, (the abfence 
 “ whereof we have too much reafon to complain of) to 
 “ our perfon, and our meflages, which in all ages hath 
 “ been paid, (and no doubt is due) to the Crown of 
 “ England. 
 
 “ We have therefore taken notice of a printed paper, 
 “ intituled, A Declaration of both Houfes of Parliament , 
 “ in anfwer to our lajl meffage concerning the Militia , pub- 
 “ lifhed by command ; the which we are unwilling to be- 
 “ lieve, (both for the matter of it, the expreffions in it, 
 “ and the manner of publifhing it, ) can refult from the 
 “ confent of both Houfes j neither do we know, by what 
 “ lawful command fuch uncomely, iireverent mention of 
 “ us, can be publilhed to tlie world. And though De- 
 “ clarations of this kind have of late, (with too much 
 “ boldnefs) broken in upon us, and the whole Kingdom, 
 ‘‘ when one, or both Houfes, have thought fit to commu- 
 “ nicate their counfcls and refolutions to the people ; yot 
 “ we are unwilling to believe, that fuch a Declaration ax 
 “ this, fhould be publiihed in anfwer to our niellaae, 
 “ without vouchfafing at leaft 10 fend it to us as their an- 
 “ fwer. Their bufinefs, for which they are met by our 
 “ writ and authority, being to counfel us, for the good of 
 “ our peoplr, not to write againft us to our people, and 
 “ no confent of ours for their long continuing together, 
 “ enabling them to do any thing, but what they were 
 “ firft fummoned by our writ to do : At leaft we will btr- 
 “ lieve, though mif-underftaniiing and jealoulie, (the juf- 
 “ tice of ,God will overtake the fomentei of that jealouly, 
 “ and the promoters and contrivers of that mif-under- 
 “ Handing) might produce, ( to fay no worle) thole very 
 “ untoward expreffions, that il thofe Houfes had contrived 
 “ that Declaration, as an anfwer to our meffage, thev 
 “ would have vouchfafed fome anfwer to the queftion pro- 
 “ pofed in ours ; which we proiefled did, and muff: evi- 
 “ dently, prevail over our underftanding; and in their 
 “ wifdom and gravity, they would have been fure to have 
 “ ftated the matters of faft, as ( at leaft to ordinary 
 “ underftandings) might be unqueftionable j neither of 
 “ which is done by that Declaration. 
 
 “We defire to know, why we were by that act abfo- 
 “ lutely excluded from any power or authority in the exe- 
 “ cution of the Militia ; and we muft appeal to all the 
 “ world, whether fuch an attempt be not a greater and 
 “ jufter ground for fear and jealoufy in us, than any one 
 “ that is avowed for thofe deftruflive fears and jealoufies, 
 “ which are fo publickly owned, almoft to the ruin of the 
 “ Kingdom. But we have been told. That we mujl not 
 “ be jealous of our great Council of both Houfes of Parlia- 
 “ ment ; we are not, no more than they are of us, their 
 ‘‘ King ; and as hitherto they have not avowed any jea- 
 “ loufy of, or difaffection to, our perfon ; imputed ail to 
 “ our evil Counfellors, to a malignant party, that are 
 “ not of their minds ; fo we do (and we do it from our 
 “ foul) profefs no jealoufy of our Parliament, but fome 
 “ turbulent, feditious, and ambitious natures, which ( be- 
 “ ing not fo clearly difeerned) may have an influence, 
 “ even upon the adtions of both Houfes. And if this De- 
 “ claration hath paffed by fuch confent ( which we are 
 “ not willing to believe ) it is not impoffible, but that the 
 “ apprehenfion of fuch tumults, which have driven us 
 “ from the City of London, for the fafety of our perfon, 
 “ may make fuch an impreffion in other men, ( not able 
 “ to remove from the danger) to make their confent, or 
 “ not to own a diflent in matters not agreeable to their 
 “ confcience or underftanding. 
 
 “ We mentioned, in that our anfwer, our diflike of 
 
 h 
 
 Without date* 
 
 “ the 
 
1642. 
 
 Book XX. 
 
 25 ' 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 
 429 
 
 “ the putting their names out of the bill) whom before 
 “ they recommended to us, in their pretended Ordinance; 
 ‘‘ and the leaving out, by fpecial provifion, the prefent 
 “ Lord-Mayor of London ; to all which, the Declaration 
 “ affords rio anfwer to that our meflage, and therefore we 
 <c cannot fuppofe it was intended for an anfwer to that 
 “ our meflage ; which, whofoever looks upon, will find 
 “ to be in no degree anfwered by that Declaration. 
 
 “ But it informs all our Subjeifs, after the mention with 
 “ what humility the Ordinance was prepared, and pre- 
 “ fented to us, (a matter very evident in the petitions and 
 “ meflages concerning it ) and our refufal to give our con- 
 “ fent, notwithftanding the feveral reafons offered of the 
 “ neceflity thereof, for the fecuring of our perfon, and the 
 “ peace and fafety of our people, ( whether any fuch rea- 
 ‘‘ fons were given, the weight of them, and whether they 
 “ were not clearly and candidly anfwered by us, the 
 “ world will eafily judge ) and that they were at laft ne- 
 “ ceflitated to make an Ordinance by authority of both 
 “ Houfes to fettle the Militia, warranted thereunto by the 
 
 fundamental Laws of the Land : But if that Declara- 
 “ tion had indeed intended to have anfwered us, it would 
 <c have told our good Subjefts what thofe fundamental 
 “ Laws of the Land are, and where to be found ; and 
 <c would at leaft have mentioned one ordinance, from the 
 “ firft beginning of Parliaments to this prefent Parliament, 
 “ which endeavoured to impofe any thing upon the Subjc&s 
 <{ without the King’s confent; for of fuch, all the inquiry 
 “ we can make could never produce us one inftance (1): 
 
 Remark (1.) The King and the Parliament equally 
 abufed the Term, fundamental Law. The Parliament 
 gave the name of fundamental Law to the truft placed in 
 them by the People, which obliged the two Houfes to take 
 care of the publick fafety, when the Kingdom was in 
 danger, which was not properly a Law. The King, on 
 his fide, would own none for fundamental, but pofitive, 
 exprefs, and particular Laws upon the cafe in queftion, and 
 required fuch to be produced. It is eafy for unbiafled per- 
 fons to folve this difficulty. If it is fuppofed with the Par¬ 
 liament, that the King intended to eftablilh an arbitrary 
 Government, it is certain the Parliament had a right to 
 oppofe it, by vertue of the truft put in them by the People, 
 and as the reprefentative body of the Nation ; and in fuch 
 cafe it might be faid, they were fupported by a fundamen¬ 
 tal Law, or fomething equivalent. But if it is fuppofed 
 with the King, that the Government was in its ordinary 
 and natural ftate, and there was no reafon to fufpedl him, 
 It is certain, the Parliament had no right to meddle with 
 the Militia, without the King’s confcnt. The whole con- 
 filts therefore in the truth or falfehood of thefe two fup- 
 pofitions. 
 
 “ And if there be fuch a fecret of the Law, which 
 “ hath lain hid from the beginning of the world to this 
 “ time, and now is difcovered, to take away the juft, legal 
 “ power of the King, we wifh there be not fome other 
 “ fecret (to be difcovered when they pleafe) for the ruin 
 “ and deftrudlion of the liberty of the Subject : For, no 
 “ doubt, if the votes of both Houfes have any fuch autho- 
 “ rity to make a new Law, it hath the fame authority 
 “ to repeal the old, and then what will become of the long 
 
 eftablifhed rights and liberties of the King and Subject, 
 <c and particularly of Magna Charta, will be eafily dif- 
 “ cerned by the moft ordinary underftanding. (2.) 
 
 Rem. (2.) Never were the Liberties of the People in 
 more danger of being deftroyed than in the reign oi 
 Charles I, notwithftanding Magna-Charta, and the Laws 
 of the Land. So, whatever the King faid againft the 
 Parliament, was no lefs ftrong againft himfelf. Befides, 
 his reafoning could, fubfift but in virtue of the fuppofition 
 mentioned in the foregoing article, which was very far 
 from being proved. 
 
 “ It it true, we did (out of the tendernefs of the Con- 
 “ ftitution of the Kingdom, and care of the Law which 
 “ we are bound to defend, and being moft aflured of the 
 <c unjuftifiablenefs ot the pretended ordinance) invite and 
 “ delire both our Houfes of Parliament, to fettle whatfo- 
 “ ever fhould be fit of that nature by A£t of Parliament; 
 “ but were we therefore obliged to pafs whatfoever fhould 
 “ be brought to us of that kind ? We did fay, in our an- 
 “ fwer to the Petition of both Houfes, prefented to us at 
 “ York the 26th of March\zVt, (and we have faid the fame 
 “ in other meflages before) that we always thought it necef- 
 “ fary, the bufinefs of the Militia fhould be fettled, and 
 “ that we never denied the thing, only denied the way ; 
 “ and we fay the fame ftill, fince the many difputes and 
 “ votes upon Lord-Lieutenants and their commiffions 
 “ (which were begun bv us or our Father) had fo dif- 
 “ countenanced that authority; which for many years to- 
 “ gether was happily looked upon with reverence and obe- 
 “ dience for the People. We did, and do think it very 
 tc necefl'ary, that fome wholfome Law be provided for that 
 4t bufinefs ; but we declared, in our anfwer to the nre- 
 
 No. 65. V O L, If. 
 
 “ tended ordinance, we expelled that that neceflary power 
 “ fhould be firft invelted in us, before we contented to 
 “ transfer it to other men (3) : Neither could it ever be 
 “ imagined, that we could confent, that a greater power 
 tc fhould be in the hands of a Subjedl, than we wore 
 “ thought worthy to be trufted with our felf. And if i: 
 “ fhall not be thought fit to make a new a£l or declaration 
 “ in this point, we doubt not but we fhall be able to grant 
 “ fuch commiffions, which fhall very legally enable thofe 
 “ we truft, to do all offices for the peace and quiet of the 
 “ Kingdom, if any difturbance fhall happen. 
 
 R E M. (3.) There was no occafion to invert the King 
 with power to fupprefs rebellions and infurredtions, and 
 repel invafions, in order to his transferring that power to 
 others, fince he was of courfe inverted with it. But the 
 King endeavours to colour his denial by reprefenting that 
 power as exorbitant. 
 
 “ But that Declaration faith, we were pleafed to offer 
 “ them a Bill ready drawn ; and that they, (to exprefs 
 “ their earneft zeal to correfpond with our defire) did pafs 
 “ that Bill ; yet all that exprefjion of ajfeffion and Loyalty , 
 “ all that carnejl defire of theirs to comply with us, pro- 
 “ duced no better effect than an abfolute denial , even of what 
 (( by our former mejfages (as that Declaration conceives ) we 
 “ had promifed ; and fo proceeds (under the pretence of 
 “ mentioning evil and wicked councils) to cenfure and re- 
 (t proach us, in a dialedl, that we are confident our good 
 “ fubjedts will read with much indignation on our behalf. 
 “ But fure, if that Declaration had paffcd the examina- 
 ‘ c tion of both Houfes of Parliament, they would never 
 tc have affirmed, that the Bill we refufed to pafs was the 
 lt fame we fent to them, or have thought that our mef- 
 “ fage, wherein the difference and contrariety between the 
 “ two Bills is fo particularly fet down, would be anfwered 
 “ with the bare averring them to be one and the fame 
 “ Bill ; no more would they have declared (when our 
 “ exceptions to the ordinance and the Bill are fo notorioufly 
 “ known to all our people) that care being taken to give 
 “ fadsfadtion in all the particulars we hud excepted againft 
 “ in the ordinance, we had found new Exceptions to the 
 “ Bill : And yet this very Declaration confefles, that our 
 “ exception to the ordinance was, that in the difpofinj 
 “ and execution thereof, we were excluded ; and was not 
 “ this an exprefs reafon in our anfwer for refufal of the 
 “ Bill, which this Declaration will needs confute ? But the 
 “ power was no other than to fupprefs rebellion, infur- 
 “ redlion, and foreign invafion; and the perfons trufted no 
 “ other than fuch as were nominated by the great Coun- 
 “ cil of the Kingdom, and affented to by us ; and that 
 “ Declaration asks, if that be too great a power to truft 
 c< thefe perfons with ? Indeed, while fo great liberty is 
 “ ufed in voting and declaring men to be enemies to the 
 
 Commonwealth, (an Englijh phrafc we fcarcely under- 
 “ ftand) and in cenfuring men for their fervice and at- 
 “ tendance upon our perfon, and in our lawful commands, 
 ci great heed rnuft be taken into what hands we commit 
 “ fuch a power to fupprefs infurrecftion and rebellion; and 
 “ if infurredlion and rebellion have found other definitions, 
 “ than what the Law hath given them, we muft be fure 
 “ that no lawful power fhall juftify thofe definitions ; and if 
 “ there be learning found out to make Sir John Hotham’ s 
 “ taking arms againft us, and keeping our town and fort 
 “ from us, no Treafon and Rebellion, we know not whe- 
 “ ther a new difcovery may not find it rebellion in us to 
 “ defend ourfelves from fuch arms, and fo endeavour to 
 “ recover what is fo taken from us (4) ; and therefore it 
 “ concerns us, (till the known Law of the Land be al- 
 “ lowed to be judge between us) to take heed into what 
 “ hands we commit fuch power. 
 
 R E M. (4.) The King always reafoned upon the fuppo¬ 
 fition that the Government was in its natural ftate, and 
 that there was no caufe to fufpedt him, a fuppofition which 
 was not granted. 
 
 “ Befides, can it be thought, that becaufe we are wil- 
 “ ling to truft certain perfons, that we are obliged to truft 
 “ them in whatfoever they are willing to be trufted ? 
 “ We fay, no private hands are fit for fuch a truft ; nei- 
 “ ther have we departed from any thing (in the leaft de- 
 “ gree) we offered, pr promifed before; though we might 
 “ with as much reafon have withdrawn our truft from fome 
 “ perfons we before had excepted, as they did from others 
 “ whom they recommended. For the power which we 
 ct are charged to have committed to particular perfons, for 
 “ the fpace of fifteen years by our commiffions of Lieu- 
 “ tenancy, it is notorioufly known, that it was not a 
 “ power created by us, but continued very many years, 
 “ and in the moft happy times this Kingdom hath en- 
 “ joyed ; even thofe of our renowned predeceffors Queen 
 “ Elizabeth , and our Father of happy memory (5), and 
 “ whatever authority was granted by thofe Commiffions, 
 “ which were kept in the old forms, the fame was de- 
 “ termined at our pleafure, and we know nor, that they 
 5 Q_ “ produced 
 
43° ‘The HISTORY 
 
 1642. “ produced any of thofe calamities, which might give our 
 “ good Subjects caufe to be fo weary of them, as to run the 
 “ hazard of fo much mifchief, as that Bill we refufed 
 “ might poHlbly have produced. 
 
 R e M. (5). The example of King Jair.es I. is no good 
 evidence. I very much queftion that in times of Peace, 
 Queen Elizabeth ever made her Subjects liable to be tried 
 by martial Law. 
 
 “ For the precedents of former ages in the commiffions 
 “ of Array, we doubt not, but when any fuch are iffued 
 “ out, that the King’s confent was always obtained, and 
 “ tiie commiffions determinable at his pleafure, and then 
 “ what the extent of power was, will be nothing appli- 
 “ cable to this cafe of the ordinance. 
 
 “ But whether that Declaration hath refuted our reafons 
 “ for our reiufal to pafs the Bill, or no, it hath refolved 
 and inquired all perfons in authority, thereby to put the 
 “ Ordinance in prefent execution, and all others to obey 
 “ it according to the fundamental Laws of the Land. 
 “ But we, whom God hath trufted to maintain and de- 
 “ fend thofe fundamental Laws (which, we hope, he will 
 ‘ l bief to fecure us,) do declare, that there is no legal 
 “ Power in either, or both Houfes, upon any pretence 
 whatfoever, without our confent, to command any part 
 “ of the Militia of this Kingdom ; nor hath the like ever 
 “ been commanded by either or both Houfes, fince the 
 “ firft foundation of the Laws of the Land ; and that the 
 “ execution of, or the obedience to, that pretended ordi- 
 “ nance, is againlf the fundamental Laws of the Land, a- 
 ‘‘ gainft the liberty of the Subject, and the right of Par- 
 “ liaments, and a high crime in any that fha'il henceforth 
 “ execute the fame, And we do therefore charge and 
 “ command ail our loving Subjects, of what degree or 
 “ quality focvei, upon their allegiance, and as they tender 
 ‘ the peace of this Kingdom, from henceforth, not to 
 “ niufter, levy, array, fummon, or warn any of our 
 “ train’d-bands to life, mufter, or march, by virtue, or 
 “ undci coloiu of that pretended Ordinance. And to this 
 “ Declaration and Command of ours, we expedt and re- 
 “ quire full fubmilnon and obedience from all our loving 
 ■• £ Subjects, upon their allegiance, as they will anfwer the 
 > ontrary at their perils ; and as they tender the uphold- 
 11 ing of the true Proteftant Religion, the fafety of our 
 “ Pcrfon, and our Royal Poflerity, the peace and being 
 “ of this Kingdom.” 
 
 Having given moft of the Papers, publifhed on both 
 Tides, concerning the Militia, I fhall endeavour, for the 
 Reader’s better information, to illuftrate a littie more fully, 
 the ground of the quarrel between the King and the Par¬ 
 liament, which could be done but very briefly, in my fhort 
 remarks on feveral pafTages of thefe Papers. 
 
 Jb $u'/lnn ^ f >ar *‘ amt rnt did not deny, that in the ordinary 
 
 befiuler. tbe courfe of the Government, the right of fettling the Militia, 
 Kmg arj and appointing thofe who were to command it under him, 
 mt f ar! ‘ J WJS fo!eI y ‘ n K' n g (')■ Bit they affirmed, that in the 
 prefent extraordinary cafe, it was incumbent on them to 
 take care the Kingdom perifhed not by the King’s fault. 
 The cafe they fuppofed was this, the King, for the fpace 
 of fifteen years, had endeavoured to eftablifh an abfolute 
 Government, and had adtually eftablifhed it on divers oc- 
 cafions: He had pretended, that he might govern without 
 Parliaments, and accordingly, had called none for twelve 
 years together ; during which interval, he had violated fun- 
 dry Laws, and ruled after an arbitrary manner. Being 
 forced by the neceffity of his affairs to call this prefent Par¬ 
 liament, he had feemed to acknowledge the injuftice of his 
 former conduit, by giving his confent to the good Aits 
 made for the redrefs of pa ft, .md the prevention of future, 
 grievances. But at the very time that he expreffed fo great 
 condefcenfion for his Subjeits, and an outward repentance 
 for his faults, he ceafed not to devife means to become ab¬ 
 folute as before. The Parliament inferred from this his 
 conduit, that li e King’s condefcenfion was only apparent ; 
 that at the firft opportunity, he would revoke the Aits he 
 had confented to, and which he affeited to term always, 
 Aits of grace, though they were really Aits of juftice. 
 Confequentlv, it was neceflary to put it out of his power 
 to recede from what he had done, if he fhould defire it. 
 'The only way to hinder fuch a defign, was to put the 
 Militia of the Kingdom into fafe hands, who fhould not 
 depend upon the King, and prevent him from having any 
 power over the Militia, for fear this power, either in him 
 alone, or jointly with the two Houfes, might enable him 
 to break all the meafures which fhould be taken, to hinder 
 the execution of his defigns. 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 It is manifeft, the Parliament was in the right or th: 1 
 
 wrong, according as their fuppolition was true or Life. Let 
 it be granted for 2: moment, that their fuppofition was well- 
 grounded, and that the King had really a defign to ren¬ 
 der himfelf abfolute ; ought the Parliament, out of pure 
 refpeft to the antient Laws, leave the King a power which 
 enabled him to alter the conftitution of the Government, 
 and fubvert once more thefe very Laws, wherein the fafety 
 of the People entirely conllfted ? Is it not evident, that in 
 fuch a cale, it was necelfary to violate thefe Laws, in or¬ 
 der to eftablifh them more firmly ? When therefore the 
 King objected to the Parliament, the Laws which gave 
 the Kings of England certain Prerogatives, he manifeftly 
 fuppofed the Government to be in its natural ftate ; but the 
 Parliament fuppofed the contrary. Confequently, the King’s 
 arguments could not make any imprellion, bccaufe they 
 were not applicable to the cafe fuppofed by the Parliament. 
 Unfortunately, the King was forced to ufe againft the 
 Parliament, the very reafons alledged formerly by the Par¬ 
 liament and People againft him, when he ulurped an abfe- 
 lute power. He complained, that the Parliament founded 
 their right upon a pretended neccility which was never 
 proved, and himfelf had formerly made ufe of a neceifity 
 ftill more imaginary, to impofe arbitrary taxes without the 
 confent of Parliament, contrary to the laws of the land. 
 
 But if, on the other hand, we fuppofe the Parliament’s 
 fufpicions to be chimerical, and that the King never gave 
 any room for them, at Icaft, fince the beginning of this 
 Parliament, and that his intention to govern according to 
 law, was fincere, it is certain, his arguments from the 
 laws, cuftoms, royal prerogatives, were invincible, becaufe 
 in that cafe, there would not have been any the leaft juft 
 pretence to diveft him of his rights. The whole queftion 
 therefore was reduced to this fingle point, Whether the 
 King was fincere, and his word to be relied on ? But un¬ 
 happily for him, a fifteen years experience had convinced 
 moft of his fubjedds, that he would have eftablifhed an ar¬ 
 bitrary Government; the motives of his condefcenfion in 
 the Adts palled this Parliament, were dubious, and his pro- 
 teftations with regard fo the future, uncertain. Thus the 
 Parliament had a great advantage over him, becaufe they 
 had for warrant of their fufpicions, the paft, which was but 
 too certain, whereas the King could only offer the future, 
 which had not the fame certainty. 
 
 It was time for the declarations, anfwers, and replies con- rroc/ama- 
 cerning the Militia, to end, fince there was nothing new tian n g a ‘”fi 
 to be laid on that fubjedt. Befides, the Parliament’s ordi- 
 nance was now executing in all places, where the People Rufhworth, 
 were willing to obey it. At laft, May the 27th, the King Iv - P-S5°* 
 publifhed a Proclamation, forbidding to execute the ordi¬ 
 nance of the Parliament, on pain to offenders, of being de¬ 
 clared difturbersoJ the publitk peace (2). The Parliament, Declaration 
 on their part, publifhed a declaration, forbidding all perfons °f bo,b Hou -‘ 
 to obey the King’s proclamation, as being contrary to the-”/. 
 laws. As this might appear very ftrange, both Houfes ib. p. 551. 
 grounded their prohibition upon reafons, of which I fhall 
 only relate the fubftance, becaufe, flowing from the princi¬ 
 ples above-mentioned, it is eafy to conceive them. They 
 laid therefore : 
 
 That the queftion is not, whether it belong to the 
 “ King or no, to reftrain the levying of the Militia; but 
 “ if the King fhall refufe to difeharge that duty and truft, 
 
 <c whether there be not a power in the two Houfes to 
 “ provide for the fafety of the Parliament, and peace of 
 ‘‘ the Kingdom ? That though the law affirms that power 
 tC to be in the King, it does not exclude thofe in whom 
 “ the law hath placed a power for that purpofe, as in the 
 “ Courts of Juftice; yet can it not be reftrained by his 
 “ Majefty’s command, by his Great Seal, or otherwife ; 
 
 “ much lefs can the power of Parliament be concluded by 
 “ his Majefty’s command. 
 
 “ That though the King is the fountain of juftice and 
 “ prote&ion, yet the a£ts of juftice and protection are not 
 t£ exercifed in his own perfon, but by his courts and his 
 “ minifters ; who muft do their duty therein, though the 
 tc King, in his own perfon, fhould forbid them ; and 
 “ therefore, if judgments fhould be given by them againft 
 “ the King’s will, and perfonal command, yet are they the 
 ‘‘ King’s judgments. Thus alfo, the High-Court of Par- 
 “ liament declares the King’s pleafure in thofe things that 
 “ are requifite thereunto, and what they do herein hath 
 “ the ftamp of royal authority, although his Majefty do 
 “ in his own perfon oppofe or interrupt the fame : For the 
 “ King’s fupreme and royal pleafure, is exercifed and de- 
 “ dared in this High-Court of Law and Council, after a 
 
 (1) The Commons were divided in their Opinions about this point : Some affirming, “ That the power of the Miiitia was folely in the King, a’;d ought to 
 be left to him, and that the Parliament never did, nor ought, to meddle with the fame." And olhers, “ That the King had not this power ir. him, but 
 that it was lolel? in the Parliament, and that if the King refufed to order the fame according to the advice of the Parliament, that then they by the Law 
 might do it without him " Wh itlock, p. 55. 
 
 n j The King grounded this Proclamation on a Statute, made in the 7th of Edward I. whereby it was cnadled, “ That to the King it belongcth, by h’« 
 Royal Seigniory, flraightly to defend wearing nf Armour, and all other force, againfl the Peace, at all times, when it Hull pieafe him, and ta funiih t urn 
 which Ilia 11 do contrary." See Rojowortb, Tom. 4. p. 550. 
 
 mor.- 
 

 Book XX. 
 
 25. CHARLES J. 
 
 12 )efefl in 
 tbe reafort- 
 I ing of tbe 
 two Houfes, 
 
 within twenty days to depart the Kingdom ; and if any 
 hall be apprehended after that time, his Majefty allures 
 ‘ both Houfes, on the word of a King, that he will grant 
 no pardon to any fuch, without confcnt of his Parlia- 
 “ ment. 
 
 4 “ And becaufe great and different troubles are obferved 
 ‘ to arife, concerning the Government and Liturgy of 
 £ tbe Church ’ his Majefty declares. That he will re#, 
 
 ‘ that whole confideration to his Parliament: But defires 
 “ not to be preffed to any Angle Acft on his part, till the 
 ‘ ™^ be digefted and fettled by both Houfes, that his 
 tt Ma J e «X ' lia y dearly fee what is fit to be left, as well as 
 Wiiat is fit to be taken away. 
 
 For Ireland, he will not refufe to venture his own 
 perfon in that war, if his Parliament fhall think it con¬ 
 venient, for the reduction of that Kingdom. 
 
 .. * 7 batbe wd * m °ft readily concur in any refolution 
 their wifdoms fhall find out, which may conduce to pro¬ 
 mote the trade of the Kingdom.” 
 
 The two Houfes contented themfelves with thanking his 
 
 /laieftv fnr nnfTinrr fl-,,. D ll ... 0 
 
 vitliout returning any 
 
 43 1 
 
 tujed 
 
 1642. “ more eminent and obligatory manner, than it can be by 
 “ any perfonal adt or refolution of his own. 
 
 “ That by the conftitution and policy of this Kingdom, 
 
 “ the King by his proclamation cannot declare the Law, 
 
 “ contrary to the judgment and refolution of any of the in- 
 “ ferior Courts of Juftice, much lefs againft the High-Court 
 “ °f Parliament; for if it were admitted, that the King by 
 “ his proclamation may declare a law, thereby his Procla- 
 “ nations will in efiedt become Laws, which would turn 
 “ to the fubverting of the law of the land, and the rights 
 “ and liberties of the fubje&s.” 
 
 Thefe are the principal arguments alledged by the Par¬ 
 liament, to fhow, that the King’s proclamation was con¬ 
 trary to the laws. But there was a very manifeft defefl: in 
 this reafoning. They reprefented the two Houfes as alone 
 compofing the Parliament, whereas it is certain, the Par¬ 
 liament is compofed of the King and both Houfes, joined 
 together and making but one body. What the Parliament 
 Lid is therefore ftritftly true, if the word Parliament be 
 
 undertook in the fenfe I have mentioned, as a body con- I he two Houfes contented tt 
 lilting of the King and the two Houfes. For, the King Majefty for palling the two B 
 cannot, by his foie will, fubvert what has been ordained anfwer upon the other points 
 by the Parliament, becaufe himfelf making a part, and the The Queen beino- mifinfnrm^ 
 
 nobleft part of the Parliament, he would con trad i£t him- to accufe her of Hfgh-Treafon the Pari hmenTh^ c '? n 
 fe!f, m forbidding a thing he had already ordained. But if of it, and fent [the Earl o {Newport and the J o rdlmrl r ^‘ V " 
 
 nnr fhl R- iament be mC u nt / th ? t l wo ^°; ufe j alone > Wlth ~ to vindicate themfelves from this afperfion The Queen fnnac' 
 
 out the King, it cannot be faid that their declarations are anfwered, it was true there was 1 eh a renr t Ut 1 - ^ 
 
 the King’s, or that they are more folemn and obligatory Ihe gave little credit to it ‘ ’ lhal ->- 
 
 than the King’s private will. For if they were, the con- Some letters of the Lord Difbv din ^d m th* n j^ ,fcww,h - 
 
 ftitution of the Government would be entirely overthrown, to Sir Lewis Dives his Brother in ! 1 . h o ( ^' ecn ’ 
 
 This is fo true, that by retorting the argument alledged by Nicholas (z) being interccoted the P^i n r Secretary tbf L , r { 
 
 bo,h Houfes againft the King, it mighttedemonftnSed by to be opined I, was hed' tt h ' , nt “T “5 T 
 
 the fame reafon, that they have power to make laws with- was then at A/MU ,rgh in 'zra'land, adviled th* King m 11 r S«. 
 out the concurrence of the King, which would be full as betake himfelf to a /ale place and dellrel the O S S'"'" 1 ”' 
 true, as their faying that the King’s proclamations would fend him a cypher, to tti^boW f 
 
 be fo many laws. It is therefore certain, that by the ar- with her. Thcie werr a'l,, t| 1P ]., rrprQ f, , » <1- p* 
 
 AeTffh'd a " edgC i d , aga ' n r ft the K | ng ’f ptoclamation, preffions againft the Parliament. The two' Houfes IVnt 
 
 they furmfhed invincible reafons againft their own ordi- copies of thefe letter to ih. ir IV? p • ir 
 
 nance. Never,helefs, upon this fophiftry it was that they that they were fbr' from' refleiftiiif anv „ S ' 
 
 grounded all the authority they affumed to themfelves after- Queen, only they befuught J.er notin'^ 
 
 wards. They did themfelves therefore great injury, by Sd DmI Some dais r ^ 
 
 relying on fuch weak arguments. Their right folely con- Commons, that the Lord Digby i hould be accufed ofhigh- rfm&b- 
 
 fifled m the fuppofition, that the King would have altered treafon. 1 *>«/£. 
 
 the conftitution of the Government, which they had a February t hi* ■? , f h .. re , , „ . 
 
 lawful power to oppofe by extraordinary methods, Lee the to his Majefty, L’acauainfhim’ifth aT ^ H °“, r “ £& “ 
 laws ol the land, inftead of aftording them cffedtlral reme- they def.red that tbe Prince of u ) A 
 
 dies countenanced rather the King's deftgns. The King, uLp.m-Eur ,chLf was, thL 2 ?Pri^f “ 
 
 on Ins part, founded his right upon the contrary fuppofrti- moval might be a caufe to promole jealoufics and fears in 
 
 ~’ h -■- —*■ B?rP 
 
 litia h wh'c r h a ] e ft d'h OUt ' nter f rUP 'T ,hcaffairof thc Mi - with «g»d to the Princo'iiisLonT and 
 
 r h w J aflc ? h ?T er u k™ toonths, that I might faying, “ He could not inragine from what grounds tTefe P ' “ 6 
 
 not be obliged to break the thread of the narration, this af- “ fears and jealoufies proceeded , but ,f any^nformation 
 
 bur being of the utmoft importance, iince It was the moll “ had been given to that purpofe he dehred the fame 
 
 immediate caufe of the evil wars which quickly enfued : “ might be examined to the bottim ■ and then hoZ 
 
 but it was not the only affair during that time. Where- “ their fears would be hereaftei continued only with re- 
 
 fore, it will be neceffary to go back to the time when I “ fcrence to his righls and honour " 
 
 began to fpeak of the Mil,fa, to fee other affairs, no lefs About the fame time, propofals were made to the Par , . r, 
 Tonne’ WhCre0ff0me COntnb “ ted n0 kfs “ th<: liam ™ t ’ hir die fpeedy rafting’ of money for the r<LLo„ 23 ft 
 
 *,*L rr ■ I . it , • n i ® Ireland. riie/e propofkls were, that to fuch Derfons as 
 
 rhe Kmg having paffed in February the two ASs, fo ear- fhould be willing to advance money for that fervice, fhould ci P ’ 'I 7 ' 
 
 '**»&■ AS f C rr nS ’ m amely f ’o f u thC £ c XCl “ ri0n tC ;,ll °" Cd ’ aC “ rfi "S » certain 7 proportion, the ReWs ?■L S, 
 
 followLgm^e!o a ^Hou?e r s effinS S ° ld ‘ erS ’ ^ ^ S Hon^^ 
 
 ^ - “ That his having paffed thefe two Bills, being of fo King gatle royaTafffnt' f aCC ° rd ‘" gly ’ “ wh ' ch the 
 
 wSVTTt'Taffure 1 ’h- f ° p’^ bo ' h r H ° Ufe ’ . Thc 0 -““" dc P arted for Holland about the end of Fe- it, a„„„ 
 win lerve to ailuie his Parliament, that he defires no- bruary, 
 
 thing more than the fatisfadtion of his Kingdom : yet, March the 16th the Kino-bpinn- it a • i • land. 
 
 „ < bac t h h c may t f r?L r ifeft r°i, both “V iw 
 
 .. c h . J n he L d 0Ut , a L rn r ‘ edy t0 com P° fe the Laws againft Papifts. This Proclamation Las very need-'Lam a. 
 preftnt diftempers, he is pleafed fignify: lefs, and feryedLnly to fhow, thaThftherL LI Lei‘7 7 '^ 
 
 “ male elcem L’-ReTf ? 3t r ’T'L that ^ ^ ^ 111 Cxecl - ted But Ki "S bad * Lhere'SLch, 
 
 “ Ld e ferrLLpLt“Lon ^ °h «* “ S ' 
 
 .. LIft at ftTh Je ' ,y " f r n C ° ndemMd mMg *>» “P k - ^hi's n pm eaT'wL r p £ mZ?hh 
 
 Pnefts (hall be immediately bamlhed, if his Parliament defign to introduce Popery (J P 
 
 (hall confent thereunto : And he will give prefent order. The King, as I faid, intended to fecute Hull, with the It, 
 thae a Proclamation iffue to require aU Ramijb Priefls Magazine there j bu, his intention was y« , fecret, £S$Zm%e 
 
 Tbe Ki "‘ nE “ J l-W «. « Caeeertmj, .. u. --- - Z* **• 
 
 (2) They were all inclofed in a Cover, fo Secretary Nubola,. Rujhwortb, Tom. 4. p. CC4. 
 
 ( 5 ) It was propofed, that two millions and a half of thofe Acres might be afligned, and divided an 
 
 5 200^ 1000 Acres in Ulflcr. 
 
 300 C 1000 Acres in Conaugbt. 
 
 1 45° r 1000 Acres in Munjier. 
 
 . . u, „ ov „ „a sbnve 
 
 tL‘K ii" Tin*""" V" " T„“ 4. *“55 1 *** “' h A "' Vf "' ^ hjl ' W-V 
 
 granted., was cxpiW^^S^wc^^Tom^^.’ P88 > Proclamation fur th « payment of Tonnage and Poundage, though ;he Aft, whereby they • 
 
 1 Bi/ltfo. 
 il txcluding 
 
 ‘Ibc King's 
 l >cilb Houfes, 
 
 1641-2 
 Ruih worth, 
 
 in his way to Dover, wheic 
 
 nengft the Adventurers after this proportion j • 
 
 Ireland, 
 and of rai. 
 fmg a 
 Guard. 
 April 8. 
 Rulhworih. 
 Jv - p. 560# 
 Clarendon, 
 to T. 1. p-385* 
 
 in ears 
 
Vo!. If- 
 
 43 a 
 
 1642. means were devifing to put it in practice. To this end, 
 very probably, he fent a meflage to the Parliament, to ac¬ 
 quaint them, that he had firmly refolved to go into Ire¬ 
 land , anil head the Eng/ijh Troops. That therefore he in¬ 
 tended to raife by his Commiffions, in the Counties near 
 JVeJl-Chrfler, a guard for his own perfon, ( when he fhould 
 co.-ne into Ireland ) confiding of two thoufand Foot, and 
 two hundred Hoife, [to be armed from his Magazine of 
 Hull-, ] the charge of paying whereof he defiled them to 
 take upon them. It was eafy to forefee, that this propofi- 
 tion would not be accepted, in the prefent juncture ; for it 
 was at the very time that the affair of the Militia was 
 fnoft warmly debating. But the King hoped to reap fome 
 advantage, either from the approbation, or the denial. If 
 the Parliament contented to it, the King found he fhould 
 be able to employ this pretended guard of two thoufand 
 two hundred men, to render himfelf mafter of Hull. At 
 lead, one can hardly help thinking he had fuch an inten¬ 
 tion, confidering what pafl'ed very fhortly after. It his 
 propofition was rejected, he flattered himfelf, at lead, that 
 lie fhould thereby convince the people of his fincere defire 
 to reduce Ireland , and difpel the rumours that were fpread 
 on that head, which would afford him opportunity to throw 
 all the blame on the Parliament. Accordingly this was 
 the only ufe he afterwards made of this offer, which was 
 but a flratagem, as the Earl of Clarendon owns in his 
 Clarendon, Hidory. But whether both Houfes confidered this pro- 
 p-39v portion of the King, as a fnare, or as a real and fincere 
 offer, they thought not fit to content to it. Indeed, as 
 things then flood, it was by no means proper to let the 
 King at the head of an army in Ireland , and dill lefs, that 
 he fhould raife in England , a guard of two thoufand two 
 hundred men, when they were labouring with all their 
 power to take from him the command of the Militia, up¬ 
 on the foundation of the jealoufies conceived of him. For 
 though hitherto they had been contented to accufe only 
 his Counfellors, and a malignant party, of contriving plots 
 againd the State, it was however but an artifice to accufe 
 him himfelf. So, as they neither could nor would approve 
 of the King’s pap lition, they prefented a Petition to him, 
 fetting forth : 
 
 The rwi “ That having duly confidered his Majefty’s me/Tage 
 -be' 1 1 conc ® rn ’ n o his purpofe of going into Ireland to profecute 
 
 44 the war, which he was pleated to propound to them, not 
 Rufhwonh, “ as a matter wherein he defired the advice of the Parlia- 
 cTircndo * ment ’ hut a. already firmly refolved on, and forthwith 
 T. i- P.3S7. “ to be put in execution, by granting out commiffions for 
 “ the levying of two thoufand foot and two hundred 
 44 horfe, for a guard for his perfon ; they could not but 
 44 wonder, that a bufinefs of fo great importance, and 
 “ wherein they had a fpecial intered, by thofe great fums 
 “ which they had disburfed, and for which they dood en- 
 44 gaged, fhould be concluded and undertaken without 
 44 their advice. And therefore they held it their duty to 
 44 declare, That his going into Ireland would very much 
 44 endanger the fafety of his royal perfon and Kingdoms, 
 41 for the following reafons. 
 
 44 1. Becaufe his royal perfon would be fubjeCt not on- 
 44 ly to the cafualty of war, but to the fecret pra&ices and 
 44 confpiracies of the Papids. 
 
 44 z. It would exceedingly encourage the Rebels, who 
 44 did generally profefs and declare. That his Majedy 
 “ countenanced their proceedings, and that this infurrec- 
 44 tion was undertaken by the warrant of his commiffion. 
 
 “ 3. It would much increafe the charge of the war, 
 “ and hinder the advance of money for fupporting it; ma- 
 44 riy of the adventurers, who had already fubferibed, upon 
 44 hearing his Majedy’s intention, declaring their refolution 
 44 not to pay in their money ; and others who were wil- 
 “ ling to have fubferibed, now profefling the contrary. 
 
 44 4. His abfence would very much interrupt the good 
 44 proceedings of Parliament. 
 
 44 5. It would exceedingly increafe, and render more 
 44 probable, the jealoufies and fears of his people, of fome 
 44 force intended by evil counfels near his Majedy, in op- 
 “ pofition of the Parliament. 
 
 44 6. It would bereave the Parliament of that advan- 
 44 tage, whereby they were induced to undertake that war, 
 * 4 upon his Majedy’s promife, that it fhould be managed 
 44 by their advice; which could not be done, if his Ma- 
 44 je/ly, contrary to their counfels, fhould undertake to 
 44 order and govern it in his own perfon. 
 
 44 Upon which reafons both Houfes declared, That they 
 * 4 could not content to any levies of Soldiers to be made 
 44 by his Majedy for his intended expedition into Ireland , 
 44 or to the payment of any army or foldiers there, but 
 44 fuch as fhould be employed and governed according to 
 44 their advice and direction : That if any fuch levies fhould 
 44 be made by any commiffion of his Majedy, ( not a- 
 4 4 greed to by both Houfes of Parliament ) they fhould be 
 
 The HISTORY of ENG L A N D. 
 
 44 forced to interpret the fame to be raifed to the terror of 
 44 the people, and didurbance of the publick peace, and 
 44 hold themfelves bound by the laws of the Kingdom, 
 
 14 to apply the authority of Parliament to fupprefs the 
 44 fame. And they farther declared, That if his Majedy 
 44 fhould by ill counfel be perfwaded to go contrary to this 
 44 advice of his Parliament, they fhould not in that cafe 
 44 hold themfelves bound to fubmic to any Commiliioners 
 44 which his Majedy fhould chufe; but did refolve to 
 “ preferve and govern the Kingdom by the counfel and 
 44 advice of Parliament, for his Majedy and his pofte- 
 44 rity, according to their allegiance and the laws of the 
 44 land (1).” 
 
 The King returned a long anfwer to this petition, and p 
 confuted all the Parliament's reafons, which indeed, con- 1 
 fidered in themfelves ; were very weak. But if it is obfer- ^ 
 ved that it was but fix days fince the King had refolved to 
 fecure Hull , when the Parliament pretented their Petition 
 to him, it will not be thought drange that they rejected 
 the King’s offer. Wherefore they lod no time in replying 
 to the King, and the affair reded theie, without any far¬ 
 ther mention of his Majedy’s pretended expedition into 
 Ireland. Only he made this advantage of it, that he 
 could fay he had offered to go in perfon and endeavour the 
 reduction of Ireland , but that his offer was rejected. 
 
 Hitherto we have feen how the breach between the y 
 King and the Parliament daily grew wider. The didrud d 
 was fo great on both iides, that it was hardly poflible they ‘ 
 fhould come to an agreement. The King could not doubt, t 
 there was a defign to deprive him of great part of his au- 
 thority; and the Parliament, perceiving, the King was 
 not ignorant of this defign, could fcarce quedion, he 
 would privately take all poflible meafures to prevent the ex¬ 
 ecution thereof. But this was not all. The Parliament 
 had alfo reafon to fear, the King would not confine him¬ 
 felf to the defenfive, but under colour of danding upon 
 his guard, would pur himfelf in a condition to attack. Be¬ 
 fore the accufation of the Members of Parliament, whild 
 the refolution of depriving the King of his power was not 
 abfolutely taken, and many Members were yet wavering, 
 it would not perhaps have been impoflible to find expedi¬ 
 ents for a peace. But by this fatal accufation, and his co¬ 
 ming to the Houfe of Commons, the King gave fuch an 
 advantage to his enemies, who knew but too well how to 
 improve it, that it was no longer practicable for him to re¬ 
 cover the confidence of thofe who till then had prelerved 
 fome good-will towards him. Before this, the defign of 
 diveding the King of his authority was a fecret among 
 fome of the Leaders of the Party, who were labouring to 
 accompli/h it by degrees, without daring to be too open, 
 fo that it was not eafy to know perfe&ly, they had really 
 fuch a defign. But it was not fo eafy to deceive the King, 
 who was chiefly concerned. He faw, that his authority 
 was gradually undermining, and readily perceived, where 
 this Mine woulJ end at Iaft, if fuffered to continue. In 
 this perplexity, he found it incumbent upon him to take 
 precautions, in order to oppofe his enemies : But on the 
 other hand, he was fenfible he fhould make his caufe bad, 
 if he fell upon the Parliament itfelf, which was feduced by 
 thefe able Leaders, and thereby fet the whole Nation a- 
 gainft him. This confideration, very likely, induced him 
 to attack in particular the Lord Kimbolton , with five of the 
 moft powerful Commoners, imagining they would be tent 
 to the Tower upon his accufation, and then the Parliament 
 as being no longer direCled by thefe men, would be better 
 inclined in his favour. He was not only deceived in his 
 conjecture, but did himfelf alfo an irretrievable injury, in 
 that the precaution he would have taken to fecure himfelf 
 from the fecret practices of fome private perfons, pafl’ed 
 for a fettled defign upon the whole Parliament. He there¬ 
 by confirmed the fufpicions which were infufing into the 
 People, that he was teeking to render himfelf abfolute, as 
 he had formerly been ; and from thence it naturally fol¬ 
 lowed, that therefore it was neceflary to put it out of his 
 power to execute this defign. 
 
 Then it was that this refolution, taken firft by fome 
 few, was approved by the majority, and endeavoured to be 
 effedually executed, by beginning with the important af- 
 fair of the Militia. For, depriving the King of the powee 
 to command the Militia, and lodging this power in the 
 hands of perfons devoted to the Parliament, was properly 
 difarming him entirely. The King’s condition growing 
 much worfe, he eaiily perceived, that, as his enemies ma¬ 
 naged, there was no medium for him, between being a 
 flave, or rendering himfelf mafter. He was unwilling to 
 be a flave, and it was difficult to become mafter, in his 
 circumftances, and efpccially, having to deal with very 
 able and watchful enemies. Very probably, in the belief of 
 the impoffibikty to free himfelf from His prefent dinger, 
 but by a war, lie refolved to fend the Queen into Holland 
 
 1642. 
 
 i Mr. IVkutt.ck obfci'V's, that this Peiiticn was looked upon by 
 
 >riy tlrange, anl h'jh. p. 57, 
 

 Book XX. 2j. CHARLES!, 
 
 43 J 
 
 *64.2. to buy arms and ammunition, to retire to York himfelf, 
 and to try to fecure Hull , though he coloured his defigns 
 with other pretences. He faw that the Parliament recko¬ 
 ned among the pretended malignants, not only fuch as 
 openly appeared for the King, but alfo thofe who were for 
 preferving any moderation, and that many fuffered them- 
 felves to be drawn into the fame Plot, out of fear, and be- 
 I . caufe they could not be fecure of protection, in cafe they 
 declared againft the two Houfes. He thought therefore, he 
 fhould chiefly endeavour to render himfelf able to proteCt 
 thofe who dared to efpoufe his caufe openly. But more¬ 
 over, as the Parliament never ceafed to infufe fufpicions in¬ 
 to the People, it was abfolutely neceifary for the King to 
 try to efface thefe impreffions, lb prejudicial to him. Henee 
 flowed, in all the Papers publifhed by him concerning the 
 Militia, thofe lb frequent expreffions of his aft'eftion for 
 his people, and his attachment to the Laws. His aim was 
 to fhow the Nation, that the Parliament aCled dire&ly 
 contrary to law, in ufurping an authority which belonged 
 not to them. As it was by the very fame thing that the 
 King had given occalion to the People to be prejudiced 
 againft him, he hoped, the ufurpations of the Parliament 
 would produce the fame effeCt. But herein he was much 
 miltaken. The People were perfwaded, that the King, 
 without any provocation, had invaded the privileges of the 
 Subject, during the firft fifteen years of his Reign, where¬ 
 as if rhe Parliament had in any thing incroached upon the 
 rights of the King, it was in maintenance of the Nation’s 
 liberties, and for the revival of the laws. 
 
 I hough it was hard to prove by unqueftionable evidence, 
 that the King had formed the project of feizing, at once, 
 the Tower of London., Por if mouth, and Hull , there were 
 however fo great ligns of it, that it wouid have been 
 very imprudent in the Parliament, not to think of fecuring 
 thofe places in the prefent lituation of affairs. Sir John 
 Byron Lieutenant of the Tower, was a man devoted to 
 IBftiworth, the King. The Earl of Newcajile had been fent to Hull, 
 | IV. p. 564. m)dcr a borrowed name, and information was given, that 
 he would have perfwaded the Mayor, to deliver that place 
 to him. As for Portfmouth, the journey the Queen was 
 to take thither on fome pretence, and the meeting of the 
 officers at Kingflon, were more than fufficient to breed 
 .IT 1. P 596, ft ron g fufpicions on that account. In Ihort, the Lord Cla- 
 ■fc-'r. ' * rcndon freely owns the King’s defigns upon Portfmouth and 
 
 Hull, though he mentions not the Tower. Had thefe de¬ 
 figns fucceeded, the King would have been mailer of the 
 three principal forts of the Kingdom, with the magazines 
 of the I ower and Hull, and thereby enabled to fubdue 
 the Parliament. I hefe projects failing, as I have faid, 
 the King endeavoured, as well as he could, to ftifle them, 
 and make them pafs for imaginary. But the two Houfes 
 judged otherwife of them. Accordingly, the Commons 
 never relied till the Lieutenancy of the Tower was given 
 to one they could confide in, and Hotham fent to Hull. 
 As for Portfmouth , the Parliament not miftrufting Goring 
 the Governor, becaule he was the perfon that dil’covered 
 the Plot to feduce the army, were contented with fending 
 him fufficient orders, as they thought, for the prefervation 
 of the place, h rom that time, there was no more men¬ 
 tion of P or tf mouth , for the King found means to gain 
 Colonel Goring, who promifed to declare for him at a pro¬ 
 per time, as he did accordingly. 
 
 Noiwithftanding the King’s ill fuccefs in his fecret un¬ 
 dertaking, lie perfifted in his defign to free himfelf, by 
 force, from the llavery to which it was intended to reduce 
 him, perceiving, it would be impoffible for him to fucceed 
 • Ann,!. any pt,,er wa T To tllis cnd » doubtlefs, he fent the Queen 
 wh t-’lock. Holland, and having but little money to give her, put 
 llLudimv. into her hands the Crown-Jewels, which were ufed in 
 buying arms and ammunition. If the Queen’s voyage 
 had been only to conduit the Princefs Mary to the Prince 
 her fpotife, and to drink the waters of the Spa, there 
 would have been n.o occafion to give her wherewithal to 
 buy arms and ammunition. Very probably, therefore, the 
 Kmg horn this time thought of war, whether it were of- 
 fcnlive or defenfive only. But his attempt upon Hull, 
 where was a magazine.of arms for fixteen thoufand men, 
 Rn(hw„tb. is a Hill clearer evidence. The King himfelf had caufed 
 |! *• P 5 4- thefe arms to be brought to Hull, when he had refolved to 
 make war upon Scotland. 
 
 <lbr Kn Y‘ When the Parliament fent Sir John Hotham down to 
 jJjJf." vp °” HHl, the King complained not of it, whether he was ap- 
 Rui’h worth, prehen live of being reproached with attempting to fecure 
 iv. p. S 6 5 . that place, or to amufe the Parliament, and hinder them 
 Both Hour*, from taking greater precautions. Mean while, both Houfes 
 f-uiti.n tee finding the King at a dillance from London , and fearing 
 £2 "IbT ,ur 011 account of the magazine there, petitioned 
 
 him, to order the magazine to be removed to the Tower 1642. 
 of London. The King anfwered, “ He rather expe&ed, rti King'i 
 “ that both Houfes would have given him an account, Anfwer. 
 
 “ why a governor and garrifon had been placed in Hull clarendon 
 “ without his knowledge, than to be moved to confent for t.T p.382; 
 ‘‘ the removal to the Tower of a magazine ( which were 396, 
 
 ‘‘ his own proper goods ) upon fuch general reafons, as 
 “ gave no fatisfadlion to his judgment: That in fhort, he 
 “ would not agree to the removal of thefe arms, till he 
 “ knew for what fervice they were intended : And if any 
 “ attempt fhould be made in this matter without his ap- 
 “ probation, he fliould efteem it as the greatell violation 
 
 of his Right-” A little after, fome Gentlemen of th & Petition of 
 County of York petitioned the King, that the magazine L m! </ 
 might not be removed, by reafon they conceived the King- 
 dom, and particularly the North, to be in danger. This 
 petition was probably begged, fince affairs were not yet in tbe 
 fuch a fituation, that private perfons fhould dare to pre- *'"£ i(lt 
 fent an addrefs to the King, direftly contrary to that of R.-ihworth. 
 the Parliament, had they not been encouraged thereto. It lv *P> 5 6a > 
 is certain, the King intended to feize Hull, with the ma¬ 
 gazine. He was delirous to have a place* which would 
 enable him to proteCt his adherents, and depended upon this 
 magazine, to arm them in due time. This was the caufe 
 of his refuting to remove the arms to the Tower, though 
 he alledged other reafons. The Parliament alfo, on their 
 part, urged for the removal, reafons that were not the 
 true ones. At laft, finding the King would not confent PortoftH 
 to it, they ordered moll of the magazine to be brought to 
 the Tower without asking his approbation any more. 't 'tCr.w 
 The King and the Parliament ufed all poffible endea- the Par. 
 vours to make the people believe, that in all their proceed- ciarcri^oa 
 ings, they had no other motive than their good, and the t. i. p 3S5. 
 Kingdom’s advantage. From thefe protellations it is, that 39 6 - 
 the Hiflorians take their ftrongeft arguments to demonllrate 
 the innocence and firtcerity of the party, whofe caufe they 
 undertake to fupport. But the impartial Reader mull pe- 
 rufe the Manifelloes, and all the Papers of that kind* with 
 great caution, for fear of being drawn into error. It is 
 certain, the King intended to become mailer of Hull, that 
 he might not be at the Parliament’s mercy. But it is not 
 fo certain, that herein his view was only to maintain the 
 conllitution of the Government, that the laws might be 
 pun&ually executed. On the other hand, the Parliament 
 had fent Hotham to Hull, to hinder the King from feizing 
 the town. But who can affirm, that their real aim was to 
 prevent the malignant party from making ufe of it, to eila- 
 blilh an arbitrary power, and inflave the Kingdom? 
 
 The King’s defign broke out the 23d of April, when 7bt 
 the affair of the Militia was agitated with great heat on comes before 
 both fides. The day before, he had fent to Hull the H " 11 - 
 Duke of York his fecund Son, with the young Elector 
 Palatine his Nephew, under colour of feeing the place, and Clarendon, 
 very likely thefe two Princes had a pretty numerous 1 eti- T ’ 1 P- 397» 
 nue. Hotham and the Mayor received them with all the 
 refpeCt due to their rank. The Princes were entertained 
 the firll day by the Mayor, and invited to dine with the 
 Governor on the morrow, being St. George 1 s- day . But 
 the entertainment was dillurbed by an officer [ Sir Lewis 
 Dives ] who came a little before dinner, and told the 
 Governor, that his Majelly intended to dine with him, 
 being then within four miles of the town, with a train of 
 above three hundred Horfe (1). Hotham , furprized at this 
 meflage, confulted with fome of his friends (2), and it 
 was refolved among them, that a meffenger fhould be dif- 
 patched to the King, humbly to befeech him to forbear to 
 come, forafmuch as he could not, without betraying the 
 trull committed to him, fet open the gates to fo great a 
 guard as he came attended withal. The meffenger return¬ 
 ing with a doubtful anfwer, and certifying of the King’s 
 advance to the town, Hotham drew up the bridge, fhut 
 the gates, and commanded the foldiers to Hand to their 
 arms round the walls. The King being come to Beverly - 
 gate, called for the Governor, who appearing on the walls, 
 he commanded him to open the gate. The Governor an¬ 
 fwered, “ He was intrulled by the Parliament for the fe- 
 “ curing of the town, for his Majefty’s honour, and the 
 “ Kingdom’s ufe, which he intended by God’s help to do; 
 
 “ proffering, however, that if his Majelly would bepleafed 
 “ to come in with twelve more, he Ihould be welcome, 
 
 “ otherwife he could not, without betraying his trull to 
 “ the State, admit entrance to fo great a guard (3). But 
 the King'refufing to enter on thefe terms, repeated feveral 
 times his command to open the gate, and Hill received the 
 fame anfwer. Prefently after, the Duke of York, and 
 the Prince Elcftor went out of the town (4),' and came to 
 the King, who was pleafed to give the Governor one 
 
 (*) The Lord Clarendon fays, That the King 
 (a; Particularly w th Mr. Pelham, Member o 
 (3, This is Rujhwortb's account; See Tom. 
 he Ihould lay, be -would not admit him, though it 
 he offered to come in but with twenty. Clarendt 
 ( 4 ) But they were not fyft'cred to go 
 
 No. 65. Vo l. II, 
 
 e attended with two or three hundred of his Servants, and Gentlemen of the Country. Tom. I. p. 397. 
 rliament, and Alderman of Hull. Rufhwortb, Turn. 4. p. 567. 
 
 1. 567, 573, but the Lord Clarendon, and Wbitcl'.tk lay nothing of this offer of Ihtbim'i, but only that 
 twenty Horfe only. Indeed it does not Idem likeiy, that the King wouid have Rood tor eight Horfe fines 
 tendon, Turn. J. p 397. Wbitelotk, p. 57. 
 till after lbme confuiUtion. Rujhivortb, T.m. 4- p- 568. 
 
 5 R hour 
 
 \ 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 4 j + 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Rufliworth 
 IV. p. 56- 
 
 7 “!'“ 
 
 Hoth.im. 
 Rufli worth 
 
 569. 
 
 Clarendon. 
 T. I. 0.398 
 
 Rulhworth, 
 IV.d <; 7 o 
 578,' &c. 
 
 hour more to confider what he did. But Hotham perfifting 
 in his refolution, the King offered at laft to enter with 
 thirty lioi fe only 1), which was refufed. In fhort, about 
 five in the evening, the King returning to the gate, com¬ 
 manded Hotham once more to open it, and ::pon his re- 
 ful .l, caufed liim to he proclaimed traytor by two Heralds 
 he had brought with him This done, he retired to Be- 
 verly, where he palled the night. The next morning, 
 he Cent a Herald to Hotham , to fummon him once more 
 to open the gates of Hull, with promife of pardon for 
 what was pall but could not prevail; fo that he was forced 
 to return to York. 
 
 When it is confidered, the King had formed a defign 
 to fecure Hull, from the time he rel'olved to retire to York, 
 i- as the Lord Clarendon exprefsly owns, one would imagine, 
 that at leail he had contrived proper means to accomplish 
 this undertaking, the fuccefs whereof was fo very im¬ 
 portant. But one knows not what to think, when this 
 attempt is feen to be fo ill managed, that it was neither 
 plaufible nor likely. 7 ’he King was not ignorant, that 
 Hotham was member of the Houfe of Commons, that this 
 Houfe had chofen him for the Government of Hull, as a 
 man they could confide in : that Hotham knew, he was to 
 keep the place againll the King, however his commi/Iion 
 might be worded. And yet, he imagines, that this man 
 will be awed by his prefence alone, and not dare to deny 
 him entrance with three hundred Horfe, befides the train 
 of the two Princes already admitted. That he will fuffer 
 himfelf to be deprived of his Government, upon the bare 
 fcruple of difobeying his King, he who probably was 
 chofen by the Commons as one of the leaft fcrupulous. 
 I own, I cannot conceive how the King could be advifed 
 to declare himfelf fo openly, in attempting to feize Hull, 
 and indeed, from this time, all confidence entirely vanifhed. 
 It fignified nothing to colour this proceeding, and to fay, 
 he had no other defign than to vifit the place, and examine 
 the magazine, to know what might be taken for the fer- 
 vice of Ireland , and for arming the Scots, who were to 
 ferve in that country. This was not capable of deceiving 
 the Parliament, who faw but too plainly what was the 
 King’s defign, and of what confequence the execution 
 would have been. There were no fewer papers, meffages, 
 
 1 anfwers, replies, about this affair, than about the Militia. 
 
 The King was extremely troubled at this difappoint- 
 ment, and feeing no other way to palliate his proceedings, 
 
 : he refolved exprefsly to deny, he had ever intended to be¬ 
 come mailer of Hull. By this fuppofition, he meant to 
 reprefent Sir John Hotham’s aCtion as a manifeft treafon, 
 
 ’ and accordingly demanded an authentick reparation of the 
 Parliament. He cited the law's and ftatutes which placed 
 in the King the care of defending the realm, and the co n- 
 mand of the forts and magazines. But he conllantly fup- 
 pofed the Kingdom to be in a flate of tranquillity, as it 
 was when thefe Laws were made, which was by no 
 means the prefent cafe. Pie pretended, the fores and 
 magazines were his own proper goods ; and particularly, 
 that of Hull, being purchafed with his own money, could 
 not be withheld from him, without rendering his condition 
 worfe than that of his meaneft Subject. 
 
 But the Parliament did not grant thefe fuppofitions. 
 They pretended, that the forts and magazines were com¬ 
 mitted to the King, as a trull to be employed for the pre- 
 fervation, and not for the deftruclion, of the People, and 
 that the King’s claim to the property of the forts and 
 magazines was groundlefs. It is no wonder, that upon fuch 
 different principles, the Papers fhould abound on both fides, 
 without producing any great effedls. The King however 
 had this advantage, that the Parliament could not evident¬ 
 ly prove their affertions againff him, and that the autho¬ 
 rity affumed bv both Houfes was founded only on bare fuf- 
 picions of the King’s ill defigns, which would have rendered 
 it plaulible, had they been averred. But they did not 
 think proper to wait for demonftrations, to be affured of 
 the King’s fecret intentions. It was enough to have rea- 
 fons to fufpeCl him, which to them appeared fufficiently 
 flrong, to oblige them to take precautions, which might 
 come too late, in cafe more convincing proofs were ex¬ 
 pected. 
 
 This is the fubftance of all the Papers publilhed on both 
 fides, concerning Hull. As I have already inferted a great 
 many about the Militia, I think it convenient to fave the 
 Reader the pains of perufing thofe which were publilhed on 
 the prefent aft.iir, and which run upon the fame principles 
 and fuppofitions fo often mentioned. 
 
 The Parliament openly fupported Sir John Hotham ; fo 
 that after many meflages, declarations, anfwers, and replies, 
 the King had no way left to become mailer of Hull , but 
 by furprize or force. The laft of thefe ways was not very 
 
 1642. 
 
 practicable, becaufe he could depend but on a very fmall 
 number of troops, and had no artillery, arms or ammuni¬ 
 tion. It is true, he expected fome from Holland, but the 
 time was very uncertain. And therefore he attempted to 
 take Hull by correfpontience. In the execution of this de¬ 
 fign, he made ufe of Mr. Beckwith a Gentleman of Beverly, 
 who had a Son-in-law, officer in Hull. But this officer 
 difeovered the plot to the Governor, who was fo civil as 
 to fend the King word, he might fave himfelf the trouble 
 of carrying on the contrivance, and at the fame time lent 
 an exprefs to the Parliament. Beckwith retiring to the 
 King at York, the Parliament difpatched a meffenger to 
 feize and bring him to London: But the meflenger was 
 not permitted to execute his orders. 
 
 From that time, the King and the Parliament prepared The King 
 for war, it being very eafy to forefee, they fhould at laft a ' d 
 be forced to it. But as each flood in need of the People ' 
 
 bear the ex pence, fo each ufed all poffible endeavours to and Have 
 gain them, by demonftrating the injuftice of the contrary g ain cbe ! 
 party, and by ftriving to convince them, that their good Ru°hworth 
 was only intended. The Parliament pretendeJ, that the iv. P . 6 ij,i 
 malignants, by whom the King fuffered himfelf to be 
 guided, had formed a defign to inflave the nation, where¬ 
 in they could not fucceed, but by inflaming the mifunder- 
 ftanding between the King and the Parliament, in order 
 to ingage them in a Civil War, which they hoped would 
 prove fuccefsful to the King. This was the Parliament’s 
 fuppofition, from whence they inferred, that therefore it 
 was neceffary to prevent by good meafures the execution 
 of this defign, and to put themfelves in a pofture of de¬ 
 fence, in cafe the King continued to be directed by thefe 
 malignants. 
 
 7 he King, on his fide, pretended, that the Parliament, 
 in feigning to have only in view the good of the King¬ 
 dom, really meant to alter the conftitution of Church and 
 State : That they defigned to abolifh the Regal Power, or 
 render the King but a fhadow, whilft both Houfes fhould 
 be poffelTed of the Government. He inferred from this 
 fuppofition, that he ought to expofe himfelf to the greateft 
 hazards, rather than receive Law from his SubjeCls ; his 
 confidence and the care of the realm, which God had in- 
 trufted him with, not permitting him to fuffer the alter¬ 
 ations defigned to be made in Church and State. What¬ 
 ever fecret motives both might have, the reafons they al- 
 ledged were very plaufible, and thofe who fought only 
 juftice, were not a little embaraffed which fide to efpoufe. 
 
 But the Parliament feemed to have a great advantage upon 
 the King, in that their party was much more numerous, 
 and the forts and Militia in their pofTeffion, with plenty of 
 arms and ammunition, whilft the King was wholly unpro¬ 
 vided. Neverthelefs, the King was not without hopes. 
 
 He had, as I have faid, privately gained Colonel Goring 
 Governor of Portfmouth. 1 he Queen was now bufy in 
 Holland in procuring artillery, arms, ammunition, and 
 feveral officers of the Englifh troops in the Dutch fervice. 
 
 Moll of the Yorkjhire Gentlemen, the largeft County in 
 England, were for him, and he did not queftion, but by 
 their means he fhould engage the whole County to declare 
 in his favour. With this affiflance, he hoped to prevent 
 the Parliament, and raife a fufficient number of Forces to 
 take Hull, before the Parliament fhould be able to oppofe 
 it. He expected alfo, that when he was mailer of Hull 
 and Portfmouth, and had received arms from Holland , 
 many, who were Hill reftrained by the fear of wanting 
 protection, would openly take his part. Moreover, he 
 gave private notice to all his friends, that it was time to re¬ 
 pair to York, and ordered letters to be fent in his name to 
 fuch Members as adhered to him, to abfent themfelves 
 from the Parliament, and retire to York, or to other places 
 where they could be ferviceable to him. 
 
 All thefe meafures could not be takgn fo privately but the ^ Ktn 
 Parliament had fome information, and therefore the King/amm™. f# 
 endeavoured to give them fome colour, to hinder his de - ,ht r y ,<r v 
 figns from being difeovered. After his difappointment at^° rk ' 
 Hull, he fummoned all the Yorkjhire Tenants in Chief, to Rulhworth, 
 appear at York the 1 ztn of May. IV. P- 6l S- 
 
 Shortly after, both Houfes fent a Committee to York (2), a c mnr.ua 
 under pretenfe of bringing the King a meflage about Hull “ f tM 10 
 and the Militia, but, in reality, to be fpies upon his ac-^“ rk f ’ 4< .” 4 * 
 tions. 7 his meffage was the more difagreeable to him, as in fpiteef 
 after having returned an anfwer, and difmifl'ed the Com- tbe K,r *\ , 
 mittee, they told him they had orders to flay at York, 
 
 Though it was eafy for him to fee with what view the Clarendon, 
 Parliament had fent this Committee, he thought not proper T *■ p4 0 j* 
 to ufe any violence to drive them from the City. 
 
 7 he 1 2th of May , the Gentry of the county being come ^ K:e , t 
 to Yorkjhire , his Majefty made a fpeech to them, where- p.ffJta 
 in he protefted, 7'hat the enjoying of quiet was the the Gentry 
 
 of York- 
 
 ; Twenty fays Chreri--. and Write'..k. I ;!. 
 
 Ferdinand* Lord Fairfax, r Hugh Cb.lml-y, s-r Philip Stapltt:r. and Sir flerry Cbolrr.tr/. RulwCrtt. Tor 
 n aid*, thr Lord Hvtvard ot Ejcn.k. Tom. 1. p. 4 .:. 
 
 (Jlirf 
 
 To whom thf 
 
 1 Ih worth. 
 Lord C/j- IV. p Oij. 
 
 “ chief T. J. p-4«r* 
 
Book XX. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 164: 
 
 '• p- 616 
 
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 fork. 
 
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 lay 17. 
 lolhwfirili, 
 ,/• p. 62s. 
 23, 690. 
 
 ££ chief caufe of his coming among them in the North , and 
 “ not to make that part of the Kingdom a feat of war, as 
 “ malice would make them believe.” He added, “ that 
 “ both Houfes of Parliament dij, by their mefiengers, 
 “ brave him even in York ; and that, as his magazine of 
 “ Hull was going, dire^Hv againft his wiil, to be taken 
 “ from him, and the Militia to be put in execution 
 “ a2,ainft law and his content ; and laftiy, as Sir John 
 cc Hotham 's treafon was countenanced, none could blame 
 “ him for apprehending danger. Therefore he was re- 
 “ folvcd to have a guard, in which he defircd tneir con- 
 “ currence and aftiftance.” 
 
 The Yorkjhire Gentry being varioufly difpofed, it v/as 
 not pofljble for the hearers of the King’s Speech, to agree 
 in the lame anfwer. Nay, it is /aid, fome violence was 
 ufed by the Court, to exclude from the debate fucn as were 
 known to be oppofne to the King, and that thefe were 
 forced to afiemble elfewhere. For this reafon the King 
 received four different anfwers to his proportion, two 
 whereof were favorable, and the other two befought him to 
 hearken to the advice of his Parliament. The guard how¬ 
 ever was raifed, and the command thereof given to the 
 Prince of Wales (1). 
 
 1 he King would have alfo removed the Courts of 
 ' Juftice from Wejhninjler to York, and even fent a procla¬ 
 mation to the Lord-Keeper Littleton for that purpofe, v ith 
 orders to publi/h it. But the Parliament having notice of 
 it, forbid him to execute the orders. 
 
 Serjeant Major-General Skippon being an exc iient offi¬ 
 cer, and the King knowing the Parliament defigned to em¬ 
 ploy him, fent for him to attend him at York. But the 
 Parliament gave him orders to the contrary, which Skipbon 
 obeyed. This doubtlefs was forefeen by the King, but lie 
 was very glad to /how that the Parliament defircd a war, 
 fince they fo haughtily contradifted his orders. 
 
 As matters flood between the King and the Parliament, 
 a war feemed unavoidable, and protebly it was determined 
 on both fides. The foie concern was to amufe the Pub- 
 lick with good or bad reafons, and to try to cafl the blame 
 on the oppofite party. Mean while the King’s two an- 1 
 fwers of March the 9th, and the 20th, not being replied 1 
 to, the Parliament was apprehenfive, their filence would 1 
 produce an ill effeft in the minds of the People. Where¬ 
 fore they took occafion, in anfwering thefe two meflages, 
 to publi/h a Manifefto, under the name of Remonftrance 
 or Declaration, the 19th of May. As this Manifefto, and 
 the King’s anfwer, are very proper to inform the Reader of 
 the reafons of both parties, or at leaft of thofe they al- 
 ledged to fupport their caufe, and vindicate their conduft, 
 
 I think it neceflary to infert thefe two Papers, for fear the 
 abridging them may be an injury to either. 
 
 435 
 
 lufliworth. 
 A p. 691 
 
 The Declaration or Remonjlrance of the Lords and Commons 
 in Parliament ajfembled, May 19 th, 1642. 
 
 , “ r l"' H E infinite mercy and providence of the Almighty 
 “ A pod hath been abundantly manilefted fince rhe 
 “ beginning of this Parliament, in great variety of pro- 
 Cc teftions and bleffings, whereby he hath not only de- 
 “ livered us from many wicked plots and defigns, which, 
 “ they had taken effeft, would have brought ruin and 
 “ deftruftion upon this Kingdom ; but out of thofe attempts 
 hath produced divers evident and remarkable advantages 
 to the furtherance of thole tervices, which we have 
 “ beendefirous to perform to our fovereign Lord the King, 
 and to this Church and State, in providing for the pub- 
 bek peace and profperity of his Majefty, and all his 
 Realms, which in the prefence of the fame all-feeing 
 “ fieity, we proteft to have been, and ftill to be, the only 
 end of all our counfels and endeavours, wherein we have 
 ‘ c refolved to continue freed and enlarged from all private 
 “ aims, perfonal relpefts or paffions whatfoever (1). 
 
 Remark (1). It may be prefumed, there were in 
 both Houfes, many Adembers who added with finccrity, 
 and believed, they really ferved the Publick in whatever they 
 did againft the King. But it is hard to conceive, how 
 both Houfes, confifting of fo many Members who were 
 ignorant of one another’s inward fentiments, could call 
 God to witnels, that they afted only by juft motives, free 
 from paffion and private views. 
 
 “ ^ which resolution we are nothing difeouraged, al- 
 “ though the Heads of the malignant party, difappointed 
 “ °f pat prey, the Religion and Liberty of this Kingdom, 
 “ which they were ready to feize upon and devour betoie 
 “ the beginning of this Parliament, have ftill perfifted, 
 “ by new praftices, both of force and fubtilty, to recover 
 “ f be fame again ; for which purpofe they have made 
 “ feveral attempts for the bringing mo of the’army ; they 
 “ afterwards projefted the falfe accufation of the Lord 
 “ Ktmbolton and the five Members 01 the Houfe of Ccm- 
 “ mons, which being in itfelf of an odious nature, they 
 
 (1) This Guard confided of a Troop of Horfe, 
 
 ;‘yet fo far prevailed with I,is Majefty, as to procure .6 +z , 
 
 cc u n | t0 lt r -'Tr 0 . 5 but when the unchange- 
 
 able duty and faithfulnefs of the Parliament could not 
 , bc wrou gbt upon by fuch a fafl as that, to withdraw 
 any part of their reverence and obedience from his Ma- 
 “ jefty, they have with much art and induftry, advifed 
 “ his Majefty to fuffer divers unjuft fcandals and imputa- 
 { C ti ns , yon the Parliament, to be publi/hed in his name, 
 whe.eby they might make it odious to the People, and 
 ‘ 7 the!r hp| P t0 deftroy that which hitherto hath been 
 the onlv means of their own prefervation. 
 
 “ For this purpofe, they have drawn his Majefty into 
 ‘ ™ northern p-rts, far from the Parliament, that fo 
 “ fade rumours ongtit have time to get credit, and the juft 
 “ delences of the Parliament find a more tedious, difficult, 
 
 “ and difadvantageous accefi, after thofe falfe imputations 
 and flandcs had been firft rooted in the apprehenfion of 
 h,s Majefty, and his Subjeds ; which the more fpeedily 
 “ £ e f e f> the y have ^ufed a Prefs to be tranfported to 
 “ York, from whence feveral papers and writing of that 
 “ kind are conveyed to all parts of the Kingdom, with- 
 “ out the authority of the Great-Seal, in an unufual and 
 “ illegal manner, and without the advice of his Adajefty’s 
 “ Pf*vy - Council ; from the greater and better part where- 
 “ of having withdrawn himfelf, as well as from his great 
 Council of Parliament, he is thereby expofed to the 
 wicked and unfaithful counfels of fuch as have made the 
 wifdom and juftice of the Parliament dangerous to them- 
 “ fel ves; and this danger they labour to prevent by hiding 
 ^ e:r ovvn 8 udt under the name and fhadow of the 
 King, infufing into him their own fear 1 :, and as much 
 “ as in them lies, afperfing his Royal Perfon and honour 
 “ with their own infamy, from both which it hath always 
 “ been as much the care, as it is the duty of the Parlia- 
 “ men:, to pieferve his Majefty, and fix the guilt of all 
 evil aftior.s and counfels, upon thofe who have been the 
 “ authors of them. 
 
 “ Amongft divers writings of this kind, we the Lords 
 “ and Commons in Parliament, have taken into our con- 
 “ fideration two printed papers ; the firft containing a de- 
 “ da ration, which they received from his Majefty, in an- 
 “ ^ wer f bat which was prefented to his Majefty from 
 “ both Houfes of Parliament at Newmarket , the 91b of 
 “ March 1641. The ocher, his Adajefty’s anfwer to the 
 “ petition of both Houfes, prefented to his Majefty at 
 “ York, the 26th of March 1642, both which are filled 
 “ with har/h cenfures, and caufdefs charges upon the Par- 
 “ bament; concerning which, we hold it necefTaiy to give 
 “ fatisfa&ion to the Kingdom, feeing we find it very dif- 
 ** ficult to fatisfy his Majefty, whom, to our great grief, 
 we have found to be fo engaged to, and poftefled by 
 “ thofe mifapprehenfions, which evil counfellors have 
 “ wrought in him, that our moft humble and faithful Re- 
 “ monftrances have rather irritated and imbitteicd. than 
 “ any thing allayed or mhigated the /harp expreffions, 
 
 “ which his Majefty hath been pleafed to make in anfwer 
 “ to them ; for the manifeftation whereof, and of our 
 “ own innocency, we defire that all his Majefty’s loving 
 “ fubje£ls may take notice of thefe particulars. 
 
 “ w e know no occafion given by us, which might 
 “ move his Majefty to tell us, That in our declaration 
 “ prefented at Newmarket , there were fome expreffions 
 “ different from the ufual language to Princes. 
 
 “ Neither did we tell his Majefty, either in words or 
 “ effedl, That if he did not join with us in an Aft, 
 
 “ which his Adajefty conceived might prove prejudicial and 
 “ dangerous to himfelf and the whole Kingdom, we would 
 “ make a law without him, and impofe it upon the peo- 
 “ pie. That which we defired was, That in regard of 
 “ the imminent danger of the Kingdom, the Militia, for 
 “ the fecurity of his Majefty and his people, might be put 
 “ under the command of fuch noble and faithful perfons, 
 
 “ as they had all caufe to confide in : And fuch was the 
 “ neceffity of this prefervation, that we declare, That if 
 “ his Majefty /hould refufe to join with us therein, the two 
 “ Houfes of Parliament, being the fupreme Court, and 
 “ higheft Council of the Kingdom, were enabled, by their 
 “ own authority, to provide for the repulfing of fuch im- 
 “ nvinent and evident danger, not by any new law of their 
 “ own making, as hath been untruly fuggefted to his Ma- 
 “ jefty, but by the moft antient law of this Kingdom, 
 
 “ even that which is fundamental and eflential to the con- 
 £t llitution and fubfiftence of it. 
 
 “ Although we never defired to encourage his Majefty 
 “ to fuch replies, as might produce any conteftation be 
 “ tw:xt him and his Parliament, of which we never found 
 “ better eft'eft than lofs of time, and hindrance of the 
 “ publick affairs ; yet we have been far from telling him, 
 
 “ of how little value his words would be with us, much 
 “ lefs when they are accompanied with aftions of love and 
 
 i of a Regiment of Foot of about fix hundred Men, taken from the^MiJitia. CUrer.din, Tom, 1. p. 417. 
 
 3 “ juftice. 
 
436 ‘The Hisro R r 
 
 1642. “ juftice. His Majefty hath more reafon to find fault with 
 “ thofe wicked counfellors, who have fo otten bereaved 
 “ him of the honour, and his people ol the fruit, of many 
 “ gracious Speeches which he made to them, fuch as thofe 
 in the end of the laft Parliament ; That in the word of 
 “ a Knur , and as he teas a Gentleman, he would redrejs the 
 • .... P t «, a ell t f P irlian nt ■ in 
 
 “ it. Were the fearching the ftudies and chambers, yea, 
 “ the pockets of feme, both of the Nobility and Com- 
 mons, the very next day ; the commitment of Mr.fij/- 
 “ l,jh. Sir John Hotham , and Mr. Crew ; the continued 
 *- oppreflions by Ship-money, Coat and Condu«£l-money ; 
 G Wi ll rhe manifold imprifonments, and other vexations 
 “ thereupon, and other enfuing violations of the laws and 
 “■ liberties of the Kingdom, ( all which were the effects of 
 ** evil counfel, and abundantly declared in our general 
 “ Remonftrance of the ftate of the Kingdom ) actions of 
 “ love and juftice, fuitable to fuch words as thofe? 
 
 “ As gracious was his Majefty’s Speech in the beginning 
 tc of this Parliament ; That he was refolved to put himfelf 
 ** freely and clearly upon the love and affection of his Eng- 
 “• 1 i!i Subjects. Whether his caufelefs complaints and 
 “ jealoufy, the unjuft imputations fo often call: upon his 
 “ Parliament, his denial of their neceflarv defence by the 
 “ ordinance of the Militia, his dangerous abfenting himlelf 
 “ from his great Council, like to produce fuch a mifehie- 
 * £ vous divilion in the Kingdom, have not been morefuita- 
 “ ble to other mens evil counfels, than to his own words, 
 “ will ealilv appear to any indifferent judgment. 
 
 “ Neither have his latter Speeches been better ufed and 
 “ preferved by thefe evil and wicked counfellors. Could 
 “ any words be fuller of love and juftice, than thofe in his 
 “ anfwcr to the meflage fent the Houfe of Commons, the 
 “ 3 1 ft of Dec nr her 1641? We do engage unto you folemnly , 
 “ on the 'word of a King , that the fecurity of all, and every 
 “ :nc of )ou from violence , is, and ever jhall be as much 
 “ our care , as the prefervation of us and our children. 
 “ And could any actions be fuller of injuft ice and violence 
 “ than that of the Attorney-General, in falfty accufing the 
 “ fix Members of Parliament, and the other proceedings 
 “ thereupon, within three or four days after that meftage r 
 “ For the full view whereof let the declaration made of 
 11 thofe proceedings he perufed ; and by thofe inftances 
 “ ( wc could add many more ) let all the world judge, who 
 11 deferves to be taxed with devaluing his Majefty’s words, 
 11 they, who have as much as in them lies ftained and ful- 
 lied them with fuch foul counfels ; or the Parliament, 
 who have ever manifefted, with joy and delight, their 
 “ humble thankfulnefs for thofe gracious words and ac- 
 tions of love and juftice which have been conformable 
 tC thereunto. 
 
 “ The King is pleafed to difavow the having any fuch 
 “ evil council or counfellors, as are mentioned in our de- 
 “ claration, to his knowledge; and we hold it our duty, 
 “ humbly to avow there are fuch, or elfe we muft fay, 
 “ that all the ill things done of late in his Majefty’s name, 
 “ have been done by himfelf, wherein we mould neither 
 follow the direction of the law, nor the affection of our 
 11 own hearts, which is, as much as may be, to clear his 
 Al.ijefty from all imputation of mif-government, and to 
 “ lay the fault upon his Minifters ; the falfe accufing of 
 “ iix Members of Parliament ; the juftifying of mafter 
 “ Attorney in that falfe accufation ; the violent coming to 
 “ the Houfe of Commons ; the denial of the Militia ; 
 “ the fharp meflages to both Houfes, contrary to the cuf- 
 toms of former Kings ; the long and remote abfence of 
 * hi-> Majefty from Parliament; the heavy and wrongful 
 “ taxes upon both Houfes ; the cherifhing and countenan- 
 “ cing a dilcontented party in the Kingdom againft them : 
 “ Thefe certainly are the fruits of very ill counfel, apt 
 “ to put the Kingdom into a combuftion, to hinder the 
 “ fupplies of Ireland , and to countenance the proceedings 
 “ and pretenfions of the Rebels there ; and the authors 
 “ of thofe evil counfels, we conceive, muft needs be 
 11 known to his Majefty. And we hope our labouring 
 -• with his Majefty to have thefe difeovered and brought 
 “ to a juft cenfure, will not fo much wound his honour 
 *- in the opinion of his good fubjecls, as his labouring to 
 “ preferve and conceal them. 
 
 ‘‘ And whereas his Majefty faith. He could wifh that 
 “ his own immediate actions, which he avows on his own 
 “ honour, might not be fo roughly cenfured under that 
 «■* common iiile of evil counfellors: We could alfo heartily 
 wifh, That we had not caufe to make that itile fo 
 “ common : But how often and undutiful foever thefe 
 *■' wicked counfellors fix their difhonour upon the King, 
 -• bv making his Majefty the author of thofe evil aflions, 
 “ which are the effects of their own evil counfels, we 
 his Majefty’s loyal and dutiful fubje&s can ufe no other 
 “ ftile, according to that maxim in the law. The King can 
 * 4 do no wrong ; but if any ill be committed in matter of 
 
 of ENGLAND. Vol. It. 
 
 “ State, the Council ; if in matter of Juftice, the Judges 
 “ muft anfwcr for it. 
 
 “ We lay no charge upon his Alajefty, which fliould put 
 tc him upon that apology, concerning hi*, faithful and zea- 
 “ lous afteition of the Proteftant profeflion : Neither doth 
 “ his Majefty endeavour to clear thofe in greateft authority 
 “ about him, by whom ( we fay ) that defign hath been 
 “potently carried on for divers years; and we rather 
 “ wifh, that the mercies of heaven, than the judgment', 
 “ may be manifefted upon them ; but that there hath be.n 
 “ fuch, there are fo plentiful and frequent evidences, that 
 “ w'e believe rhere is none, either Proteftant or Papift, 
 “ who hath had any reafonable view of the paflages of 
 “ latter times, but cither in fear or hope* did expedt a 
 “ fudden iflue of this defign. 
 
 “ We have no way tranlgrefled againft the Adf of obii- 
 “ vion, by remembring the intended war againft Scotland , 
 “ as a branch of that defign to alter Religion, bv thofe 
 “ wicked counfels, from which God did then deliver us, 
 “ which we ought never to foiget. 
 
 “ That the rebellion in Ireland was framed and cherifhed 
 “ bv the popifh and malignant party in England , is not 
 “ onlv affirmed bv the rebels, but may be cleared bv many 
 “ other proofs: The fame rebellious principles of pretended 
 “ Religion, the fame politick ends, are apparent in both, 
 “ and their malicious defigns and pradtices are masked and 
 “ difguifed with the fame falfe colour, of their earneft zeal 
 “ to vindicate his Majefty’s prerogative from the fuppofed 
 “ opprefllon of the Parliament. How much thefe treache- 
 “ rous pretences have been countenanced by Home evil 
 “ counfel about his Majefty, may appear in this, That the 
 “ Proclamation whereby they were declared tray tors, was 
 “ fo long with-held as to the 2d of 'January, though the 
 “ rebellion broke forth in October before, ami then no 
 “ more but forty copies appointed to be printed, with a 
 “ fpecial command from his Majefty not to exceed that 
 “ number; and that none of them fliould be publifh- 
 ‘‘ ed, till h's Majefty’s pleafure were further fignified, as 
 “ by the warrant appears, a true copy whereof is here- 
 “ unto added, fo that a few only could take notice of it; 
 “ which was made more obfervable, by the late contrary 
 
 proceedings againft the Scots, who were in a very quick 
 “ and fharp manner proclaimed; and thofe Proclamations 
 tC forthwith difperfed, with as much diligence as might be, 
 “ through all the Kingdom, and ordered to be read in all 
 “ Churches, accompanied with publick prayers and exe- 
 “ oration*. 
 
 “ Another evidence of favour and countenance to the 
 “ rebels, in fome of power about his Majefty, is this, 
 “ That they have put forth in his name a caufelefs com- 
 “ plaint againft the Parliament, which fpeaketh the lame 
 ‘‘ language of the Parliament which the rebels do, whereby 
 “ to raife a belief in men’s minds, that his Majefty’s al- 
 “ feftions are alienated, as well as his perfon is removed 
 “ from that great Council ; all which doth exceedingly re- 
 “ tard the fupplies of Ireland, and more advance the pro- 
 “ ceedings of the rebels, than any jealoufy or mifappre- 
 “ hen lion, begotten in his fubjedls, by the declaration of 
 “ the rebels injundfions of Rofetti, or information of TriJ- 
 “ tram Whitecomb ; fo that, confidering the prefent ftate 
 “ and temper uf both Kingdoms, his royal prefence is far 
 “ more neceflary here than it can be in Ireland , for re- 
 “ demption or protection of his fubjeCts there. 
 
 “ And whether there be any caufe of his Majefty’s 
 
 great indignation, for being reproached to have intend- 
 “ cd force or threatning to the Parliament, we defire them 
 “ to confidcr, who fhall read our declaration, in which 
 “ there is no word tending to any luch reproach ; and 
 ‘‘ certainly we have been more tender of his Majefty’s ho- 
 tC nour in this point, than he, whofoever he was, that did 
 “ write this declaration, where, in his Majefty’s name, 
 “ he doth call God to witnefs, he never had any fuch 
 ‘‘ thought, or knew of any fuch refulution ol bringing up 
 ‘ c the army ; which truly wiil feem ftrange to thofe, 
 “ who fliall read the depoiition of Mr. Goring, the infor- 
 “ mation of Mr. Percy, and divers other examinations uf 
 “ Mr. JVtlmot , Mr. Pollard, and others ; the other exa- 
 “ minations of Captain Lcgg, Sir Jacob Ajhley, Sir John 
 “ Coniers ; and confider the condition and nature of the 
 “ Petition which was fent unto Sir Jacob Ajhley, under the 
 “ approbation of C. R. which his Majefty doth now ac~ 
 “ knowledge to be his own hand ; and being lull ox fcan- 
 “ dal to the Parliament, might have proved dangeious to 
 “ the whole Kingdom, if the army fliould have imerpofed 
 “ betwixt the King and them, wa. delired. 
 
 “ We do not aflinn, that his Maji-fty's warrant was 
 “ granted for the paflage of Mr. Jennin, after the define 
 «* of both Houfe for reftrkint of hit fervants, but only 
 “ that he did p..fs over, after tint r.-flia’nt, by virc.ie of 
 “ fuch a warrant. We know the wa r. ;.t bears tiat. tiie 
 “ day 1 e ore our defire , et it fcems ft: nge to th ife wh 1 
 
Book XX. 25. C H A 
 
 *642. “ know how great refpe& and power Mr. Jermin had in 
 ‘‘ Court, that he fhould begin his journey in fuch hafte, 
 “ and in apparel fo unfit for travel, as a black fatten fuit, 
 “ and white boots, if his going away were defigned the 
 “ day before. 
 
 “ The accufation of the Lord Kimbolton, and the five 
 “ Members of the Houfe of Commons, is called a breach 
 tc Privilege ; and truly fo it was, and a very high one, 
 ec far above any fatisfadiion that hath been yet given : 
 “ How can it be faid to be largely fatisfied, fo long as his 
 “ Majefty laboured to preferve matter Attorney from pu- 
 “ nifhment, who was the vifible a£lor in it j fo long as 
 “ his Majefty hath not only juftified him, but by his let- 
 <c ters declared, that it was his duty to accufe them, and 
 “ that he would have punifhed him, if he had not done 
 “ it ; fo long as thofe members have not the means of 
 “ clearing their innocency, and the authors o£ that mali- 
 “ cious charge undifcovered, though both Houfes of ParJia- 
 “ ment have feveral times petitioned his Majefty to dif- 
 cover them, and that not only upon grounds of com- 
 “ mon juftice, but by Aft of Parliament, his Majefty is 
 “ b ound to do it ; fo long as the King refufes to pafs a 
 “ Bl11 for their difcharge, alledging, That the narrative 
 “ in that Bill is againft his honour, whereby he fcems ftill 
 “ to avow the matter of that falfe and fcandalous accufa- 
 tc ti° n » though he deferts the profecution, offering to pafs 
 a Bill for their acquittal ; yet with intimation, that 
 1 they muft defert the avowing their own innocency, 
 “ which would more wound them in honour, than fecure 
 “ them in law. 
 
 “ And in vindication of this great privilege of Parlia- 
 “ mcnt, we do not know that we have invaded any pri- 
 “ vilege belonging to his Majefty, as is alledged in this 
 “ Declaration. 
 
 “ But we look not upon this only in the notion of a 
 “ breach of privilege, which might be, though the accufa- 
 “ tion were true or falfe, but under the notion of a hein- 
 “ ous crime in the Attorney, and all other Subjeds who 
 “ bad a hand in it, a crime againft the law of nature, 
 “ againft the rules of juftice, that innocent men fhould be 
 <c charged with fo great an offence as treafon, in the face 
 “ °f the higheft judicatory of the Kingdom, whereby their 
 lives and eftates, their blood and honour, are endanger- 
 “ cd, without witnefs, without evidence, without all pof- 
 “ Ability of reparation in a legal courfe, yet a crime of 
 “ ^ uc b a nature, that his Majefty’s command can no more 
 warrant, than it can any other a£ts of injuft ice. It is true, 
 cC that thofe things which are evil in their own nature, 
 “ fuch as falfe teftimony, or falfe accufation, cannot be 
 the fubjedt of any command, or induce any obligation 
 * c ot obedience upon any man, by any authority whatfo- 
 “ ever 5 therefore the Attorney in this cafe was bound to 
 “ refufc to execute fuch a command, unlefs he had fome 
 “ fuch evidence or teftimony, as might have warranted 
 “ him againft the parties, and be liable to make fatisfadi- 
 “ on if it fhould prove falfe ; and it is fufficiently known 
 “ to every man, and adjudged in Parliament, That the 
 “ King can be neither the relator, informer, or witnefs. 
 “ If it reft as it is, without further fatisfadion, no future 
 Parliament can be fafe, but that the Members may be 
 tc taken and deftroyed at pleafure ; yea the very princi¬ 
 ples of government and juftice will be in danger to be 
 “ diftolved. 
 
 “ We do not conceive, that numbers do make an Af- 
 tC fembly unlawful, but when either the end or manner of 
 their carriage fhall be unlawful. Divers juft occafions 
 <c m 'gbt draw the Citizens to Wejlminjler , where many 
 “ P u blick and private petitions, and other caufes, were de- 
 “ P endl 'ng in Parliament ; and why that fhould be found 
 “ more faulty in the Citizens, than the refort of great 
 “ numbers every day in the Term to the ordinary Courts 
 “ of Juftice, we know not That thofe Citizens were 
 “ notorioufly provoked and aflaulted at IVeJlminJler , by 
 “ Colonel Lunsford , Captain Hide , with divers others, 
 
 “ and by fome of the fervants of the Archbifhop of York , 
 is fufficiently proved ; and that afterward they were 
 “ more violently wounded, and mod barbaroufly mangled 
 <c with fwords, by the officers and foldiers near Whitehall , 
 
 “ many of them being without weapons, and giving no 
 “ cau fc of diftafte, as is likewife proved by feveral tefti- 
 “ monies ; but of any fcandalous or fedkious mifdemean- 
 “ ours of theirs, that might give his Majefty good caufe 
 “ to fuppofe his own perfon, or thofe of his Royal Con- 
 “ fort, or Children, to be in apparent danger, we have 
 “ bad no proof ever offered to either*Houfe ; and if there 
 “ had been any complaint of that kind, it is no doubt 
 “ the Houfes would have been as forward to join in an 
 order for the fuppreffing fuch tumults, as they were not 
 “ long before upon another cccafion, when they made an 
 “ order to that purpofe. Whereas thofe bfficers and fol- 
 diers, which committed that violence upon fo many of 
 4< c ^ e Citizens at Whitehall\ were cherifhed and foftered 
 No. 65. Vol. II. 
 
 RLES I. 
 
 “ "J his Majefty’s houfe : And when, not long after, the 
 ‘ c Common-Council of London prefented a petition to his 
 ‘‘ Majefty, for reparation of thofe injuries; his Majefty’s 
 / anfwer was, ( without hearing the proof of the com- 
 £ 4 plainants) that if any Citizen were wounded or ill- 
 ‘‘ treated, his Majefty was confidently affured, that it 
 ‘ happened by their own evil and corrupt demeanours. 
 
 “ We hope it cannot be thought contrary to the duty 
 t and wifdom of a Parliament, if many concurring, and 
 <t ^L e< l uentl y reiterated and renewed advertifements from 
 Rome, Venice , Parity and other parts ; if the follicita- 
 ' tions of the Pope’s Nuncio, and our own difcontented 
 “ fugitives, do make us jealous and watchful for the fafety 
 “ of the State. And we have been very careful to make 
 “ our expreffions thereof fo eafy and fo plain to the capa¬ 
 city and underftanding of the people, that nothing 
 “ might juftly ftick with them, with reflection upon the 
 perfon of his Majefty. Wherein we appeal to the jud*- 
 ‘ ment of any indifferent perfon, who fhall read and pe- 
 “ rufe our own words. We muft maintain the ground 
 ^ of our fears to be of that moment, that we cannot dif- 
 t charge the truft and duty which lies upon us, unlefs we 
 ** do a PP ] y our ^Ives to the ufe of thofe means which the 
 “ law hath enabled us in cafes of this nature, for the ne- 
 “ ceflary defence of the Kingdom ; and as his Majefty 
 “ doth gracioufly declare, the law fhall be the meafure of 
 “ his power; fo do we moft heartily prcfefs, tlut we fhall 
 “ always make it the rule of our obedience. 
 
 Prudent OmiJJions in the King's Jnfwer. 
 
 The next point of our Declaration was with much 
 “ caution artificially paffed over by him who drew his 
 “ Majefty’s anfwer, it being indeed the foundation of all 
 “ our mifery, and his Majefty’s trouble, that he i s pleafed 
 “ to hear general taxes upon his Parliament, without any 
 “ particular charge to which they may give fatisfa&ion, 
 
 “ and that he hath often conceived difpleafure againft par¬ 
 ticular perfons upon mifinformation ; and although thofe 
 “ informations have been clearly proved to be falfe, yet 
 “ he would never - bring the accufers to queftion, which 
 “ layeth an impoffibility upon honeft men of clearing 
 “ themfelves, and gives encouragement unto falfe and un- 
 “ worthy perfons to trouble with untrue and groundless in- 
 “ ^mations ; three particulars we mentioned in our De- 
 “ c,aration > which the penner of that anfwer had good 
 “ caufe to omit ; the words fuppofed to be fpoken at 
 “ Kenfington ; the pretended articles againft the Queen j 
 “ anci the groundlefs accufation of the fix Members of Par- 
 tc liament, there being nothing to be faid in defence or 
 “ denial of any of them. 
 
 “ Concerning his Majefty’s defire to join with his Par- 
 “ liament, and with his faithful Subjcds, in defence of 
 “ Religion, and publick Good of the Kingdom ; we 
 “ doubt not but he will do it fully, when evil counfel- 
 “ Iors fo a11 bc removed from about him ; and until that 
 “ be, as we have fhowed before of words, fo muft we aifo 
 “ fay of laws, that they cannot fecure us ; witnefs the 
 “ Petition of Right, which was followed with fuch an 
 “ innundation of illegal taxes, that we had juft caufe to 
 “ think > that the Payment of eight hundred and twenty 
 “ thoufand pounds was an eafy burthen to the Common- 
 “ wealth, in exchange of them ; and we cannot but juftly 
 “ think, that if there be a continuance of fuch ill coun- 
 “ fellors, and favour to them, they will by fome wicked 
 “ device or other, make the Bill for the Triennial Parlia- 
 “ nient, and thofe other excellent laws mentioned in his 
 “ Majefty’s Declaration, of tefs value than words. 
 
 “ That excellent Bill for the continuance of this Parlia- 
 £t ment was fo necefl'ary, that without it, we could not 
 “ have raifed fo great Aims of money for the fervicc of his 
 “ Majefty and the Commonwealth'as we have done, and 
 “ without which the ruin and deftrudion of the King- 
 “ dom muft: needs have followed. And we are refolved 
 “ the gracious favour of his Majefty expreffed in that Bill’ 
 
 “ and the advantage and fecurity which thereby we have 
 “ from being diftolved, fhall not encourage us to do any 
 “ thing, which otherwife had not been fit to have been 
 “ done - And we are ready to make it good before all 
 “ the world, that although his Majefty hath paffed many 
 “ bills very advantages for the Subjed, yet in none of 
 t£ them have we bereaved his Majefty of any juft, necef- 
 “ fary, or profitable prerogative of the Crown. ’w e fo 
 “ earneftly defire his Majefty’s return to London , for that 
 “ upon it, we conceive, depends the very fafety and being 
 “ of both his Kingdoms: and therefore we muft proteft, 
 
 “ ^at as for the time paft, neither the government of 
 “ London , nor any Laws of the Land, have loft their life 
 “ and force for his fecurity ; fo for the future, we fhall be 
 “ read y ^ do or fay, any thing that may Hand with the 
 “ duty or honour of a Parliament, which may raife a 
 “ mutual confidence betwixt his Majefty and us, as we dp 
 “ wifh, and as the affairs of the Kingdom do require 
 
 5 S “ TJfus 
 
 437 
 
 1642. 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 4 j” 
 
 1642. 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 “ Thus far the anfwer to that winch is called His Ma- 
 jr/ly’s Declaration , lnth led vis. Now wc come to that 
 “ which is intitled, //A Majcjlf s Anfwer to the Petition of 
 “ both Houfes, prefented to him at York the z(tb of March 
 “ 1644. In the be ginning when fhisM ' ■ w fhe • 
 
 “ our Privileges on all parts were foliated, that this way 
 “ of correfpondency might be preferved, with that freedom 
 “ which hath been ufed of old. We know nothing in- 
 “ troduced by us that gives any impediment hereunto ; 
 
 neither have we affirmed our Privileges to be broken, 
 
 “ when his Majefty denies us any thing, or gives us a rea¬ 
 ct fon why he cannot grant it, or that thofe who adviled 
 “ fuch denial, were enemies to the peace of the Kingdom, 
 
 * e and favourers of the Irijh rebellion, in which afperfion, 
 
 «« that is turned into a general afiertion, which in our votes 
 “ is applied to a particular cafe; wherefore we muff main- 
 tain our votes, That thofe who advifed his Majefly to 
 “ contradict that which both Houfes, in live queftion con- 
 44 cerning the Militia, had declared to be law and com- 
 “ mand, it Ihould not be obeyed, is a high breach of Pri- 
 “ vile^e ; and that thofe who advifed his Majelly to ab- 
 “ fentThimfelf from his Parliament, are enemies to the 
 “ peace of the Kingdom, and jufllv to be fufpe&t-d to 
 “ be favourers of the rebellion in Ireland. T he reafons 
 “ 0 f both are evident, becaufe in the firft there is as great 
 “ a derogation from the truft and authority of Parliament ; 
 
 “ and in the fecond, as much advantage to the proceedings 
 “ and hopes of the rebels as may be : And we hold it a 
 “ very caufelefs imputation upon the Parliament, that we 
 “ have herein any way impeached, much lefs taken away, 
 
 “ the freedom of his Majefty’s vote, which doth not inr- 
 “ port a liberty for his Majefly to deny any thing, how 
 “ neceflary foever, for the prefervation of the Kingdom, 
 
 “ much lefs a licence to evil counfellors, to advife any 
 “ thing, though never fo deftruClive to his Majelly and his 
 “ People, (z.) 
 
 R e M. (2.) I do not think, it was ever decided to what 
 A&s the King may, or may not, deny his alTent. So 
 there arifes an inex’hauflible fountain of difputes, when the 
 King and Parliament do not agree. 
 
 ‘‘ By the meflage of the 20th of January, his Majelly 
 “ did propound to" both Houfes of Parliament, that they 
 «e would with all fpeed fall into a ferious confideration of 
 “ all thofe particulars, which they thought neceflary, as 
 ‘‘ well for the upholding and maintaining his Majelty’s juft 
 “ and regal authority, and for the fettling his revenue, 
 
 “ as for the prefent and future ellablifning our Privileges, 
 
 “ the free and quiet enjoying our eftates, the liberties of 
 «« our perfons, the fecurity of the true Religion profefled 
 “ in the Church of England, and the fettling of cere- 
 “ monies in fuch a manner as may take away all juft 
 “ offence, and digeft it into one entire body. 
 
 “ To that point of upholding and maintaining his 
 “ Royal Authority, we fay, nothing hath been done to 
 “ the prejudice of it, that Ihould require any new pro- 
 «< vilion : To the other of fettling the revenue, the Par- 
 “ liament hath no way abridged or difordered his juft re- 
 venue ; but it is true that much wafte and confufion of 
 “ his Majefty’s ellate hath been made by thofe evil and 
 “ unfaithful Minifters, whom he hath employed in the 
 “ managing of it, whereby his own ordinary expcnccs 
 would have been difappointed, and the fafety of the 
 ** Kingdom more endangered, if the Parliament had not 
 “ in fome meafure provided for his houfhold, and for fome 
 “ of the forts, more than they were bound to do ; and 
 “ they are ftill willing to fettle fuch a revenue upon his 
 “ Majefty, as may make him live royally, plentifully, and 
 “ fafely ; but they cannot in wifdom and fidelity to the 
 “ Common-wealth do this, till he fhall chufe fuch coun¬ 
 ts fellors and officers as may order and difpofe it to the 
 “ publick good, and not apply it to the ruin and deftruc- 
 « ti on of his People, as heretofore it hath been. But this 
 “ and the other matters concerning our felves, being 
 
 “ works of great importance, and full of intricacy, will 
 
 tc require fo long a time of deliberation, that the King- 
 “ dom might be ruined before we fhould effeft them. 
 “ Wherefore we thought it neceflary, firft to be fuitors to 
 
 4t his Majefty, fo to older the Militia, that the Kingdom 
 
 “ being fecured, we might with more eafe and fafety apply 
 “ our felves to debate of that meflage wherein we have 
 “ been interrupted by his Majefty’s denial of the ordinance 
 “ concerning the fame, becaufe it would have been in vain 
 “ for us to labour in other things, and in the mean time to 
 leave our felves naked to the malice of fo many enemies 
 “ both at home and abroad ; yet we have not been alto¬ 
 st gether negligent of thofe things which his Majefty is 
 pleafed to propound in that meflage : We have agreed 
 “ upon a book of Rates in a larger proportion than hath 
 c« been granted to any of his Majefty’s Predeceflors, 
 st which is a confiderable lupport of h s ivlajefty’s pubiick 
 tt charge ; and have likcwife prepaied divers propofitions 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 “ and Bills for prefervation of our Religion and Liberties, 164 
 “ which we intend fhortly to prefent to his Majefty, and 
 <c to do whatfoever is fit for us to make up this unplea- 
 “ fant breach betwixt his Majefty and his Parliament. 
 
 “ Whereas divers exceptions are here taken concerning 
 ‘‘ the Militia ; firft, that his Majefty never denyed the 
 “ thing, but accepted the perfons (except for corporations) 
 
 “ only that he denied the way. To which we anfwer, 
 
 “ that that exception takes oft' London, and all other creat 
 “ towns and cities, which makes a great part of the King- 
 “ dom ; and for the way of ordinance it is antient, more 
 “ fpeedy, more cafily alterable, and, in all thefe and other 
 “ refpeefts, mure proper and more applicable to the prefent 
 <c occafion, than a Bill which his Majefty calls- the only 
 “ good old way ef impofing upon the Subje&s. It 
 “ fhould feern that neither his Majefty’s Royal predeceflors, 
 tc nor our anceftors have heretoiorc been of that opinion ; 
 
 “37 Ed. 3. we find this record, The Chancellor made de- 
 “ claration of the challenge of the Parliament ; the King 
 “ defires to know the griefs of his Subjects, and to redrefs 
 “ enormities. The la ft day of the Parliament, the King de- 
 “ manded of the whole Ejlates, Whether they would have 
 fuch things as they agreed on, by way of Ordinance, or 
 “ Statute ? Who anfwered, by way of Ordinance ; for that 
 “ they might amend the fame at their pleafure, and fo it was. 
 
 “ But his Majefty objects further, that there is fome- 
 “ what in the Preface, to which he could not confent with 
 “ juftice to his honour and innocence, and that thereby he 
 “ is excluded from any power in the difpofing of it. 
 
 “ Thefe objections may feem fomewhat, but indeed will 
 “ appear nothing, when it fhall be confidered, that nothing 
 “ in the preamble lays any charge upon his Majefty, or in 
 ‘‘ the body of the ordinance, that excludes his royal au- 
 “ thority in the difpofing or execution of it: But only it 
 “ is provided, That it fhould be fignified by both Houfes 
 “ of Parliament, as that channel through which it will be 
 “ beft derived, and moft certainly to thofe ends for which 
 “ it is intended, and let all the World judge, whether we 
 “ have not reafon to infift upon it, that the ftrength of 
 “ the Kingdom fhould rather be ordered according to the 
 “ diredion or advice of the great Council of the Land, 
 
 “ equally intrufted by the King, and by the Kingdom, 
 
 “ than that the fafety of the King, Parliament, and King- 
 “ dom, fhould be left at the devotion of a few unknown 
 “ Counfellors, many of them not intrufted at all by the 
 “ King in any publick way, not at all confided in by the 
 “ Kingdom. 
 
 “ We wifh the danger were not imminent, or not ftill 
 “ continuing, but cannot conceive, that the long time 
 “ fpent in this debate is evidence Efficient that there was 
 “ no fuch neceffity or danger, but a Bill might eafily have 
 “ been prepared ; for when many caufes do concur to the 
 “ danger of a State, the interruption of any one may hin- 
 “ der the execution of the reft, and yet the dellgn be ftill 
 “ kept on foot for better opportunities. Who knows whe¬ 
 ts ther the ill fuccefs of the Rebels in Ireland had not hin¬ 
 ts dered the infurreeftion of the Papifts here ? Whether the 
 “ prefervation of the fix Members of the Parliament falfe- 
 “ ly accufed, hath not prevented that Plot of the breaking 
 “ the neck of the Parliament, of which we were inform- 
 “ ed from France, not long before they were accufed ? 
 
 “ Yet fince his Majefty hath been pleafed to exprefs his 
 “ pleafure rather for a Bill than an Ordinance, and that he 
 “ fent in one for that purpofe, we readily entertained it, 
 
 “ and with fome fmall and neceflary alterations, fpeed ily 
 « patted the fame: But, contrary to the cuftom of Par¬ 
 ts liament, and our expectations grounded upon his Ma- 
 “ jefty’s own invitation of us to that way, and the other 
 “ reafons manifefted in our Declaration concerning the Mi- 
 ‘‘ litia of the 5th of May, inftead of his royal attent, wc 
 “ met with an abfolute refufal. 
 
 “ If the matter of thefe our Votes of the 1 5th and 
 “ 16th of March , be according to law, we hope his Ma- 
 “ jefty will allow the Subjects to be bound by them, be- 
 “ caufe he hath faid, he will make the Law the rule of 
 “ his power ; and if the queftion be, Whether that be 
 “ Law which the Lords and Commons have once declared 
 “ to us fo, who fhall be the judge? Not his Majefty; 
 
 “ for the King judgeth not of matters of Law, but by his 
 “ Courts ; and his Courts, though fitting by his authority, 
 
 “ expect not his ailent in matters of Law: Nor any other 
 “ Courts, for they cannot judge in that cafe, becaufe they 
 “ are interior; no appeal lying to them irom Parliament, 
 
 “ the judgment whereof is, in the eye of the Law, the 
 “ King’s judgment in his higheft Court ; though the King 
 “ in his perfon be neither prefent nor afienting there- 
 “ unto. (3.) 
 
 Rem. (3.) I obferved elfewhere, the defe.fl of this rea 
 foiling, which is a mere fallacy, grounded upon the equi¬ 
 vocal word Parliament. For under colour, that in a cer¬ 
 tain fenfe, the two Houfes alone are called the Parliament, 
 
 they 
 
Book XX. 
 
 25. C H A 
 
 j 6 4 z. they aftlime here to them Tel ves the rights belonging folely 
 to the Parliament compofed of King, Lords, and Com¬ 
 mons. 
 
 “ The Votes at which his Majefty takes exceptions, 
 “ are thefe: 
 
 “ That the King's abfence fo far remote from the Par- 
 “ liament, is not only an obfrudlion , but may be a defruc- 
 “ lion to the affairs of Ireland. 
 
 “ That when the Lords and Commons /hall declare 
 “ what the Law of the Land is, to have this not only quef 
 ‘‘ tinned and controverted, but contradicted, and a command 
 
 that it Jhoulcl not be obeyed, is a high breach of the pritii- 
 “ lege of Parliament. 
 
 “ That thofe per Jons that advifed his Majefv to abfent 
 “ himfelf from the Parliament, are enemies to the peace of 
 “ the Kingdom , and jujlly may be ftfpc tied to be favourers of 
 “ the Rebellion in Ireland. 
 
 “ That the Kingdom hath been of late, and fill is in fo 
 “ imminent danger, bot ).; from enemies abroad, and a Popifh 
 “ and difeontented Party at home, that there is an urgent 
 “ and inevitable neceffity of putting his Majefy's Subjects 
 “ into a pojlure of defence , for the fafeguard both of his Ma- 
 “ jefly and his people. 
 
 “ That the Lords and Commons fully apprehending this 
 “ danger, and being fenfble of their own duty, to provide a 
 “ fuitable prevention, have in Jeveral Petitions addreffed 
 ‘‘ themfclves to his Majefy, for the ordering and difpofing of 
 “ the Militia of the Kingdom, in fuch a way as was agreed 
 “ upon by the wijdom of both Houfes, to be mof effectual and 
 “ proper for the prejent exigents of the Kingdom , yet could 
 “ not obtain it; but his Majefy did Jeveral times refuje to 
 » c give his royal ajfer.t thereunto. 
 
 “ That in this caje of extreme danger, and his Majefy's 
 “ refufal, the ordinance of Parliament agreed upon by both 
 “ Houj'es for the Militia, doth oblige the People, and Ought 
 “ to be obeyed by the fundamental Lews of this Kingdom. 
 
 “ By all which it doth appear, that there is no colour 
 “ that by this tax we go about to introduce a new Law, 
 
 much lefs to exercife an arbitrary power, but indeed to 
 “ prevent it; for this Law is as old as the Kingdom, that 
 “ the Kingdom mull not be without a means to preferve 
 “ itfelf j which that it may be done without confulion, this 
 “ Nation hath intruded certain hands with a power to pro- 
 “ vide, in an orderly and regular way, for the good and 
 “ fafety of the whole; which power, by the conditution 
 “ of this Kingdom, is in his Majedyand in his Parliament 
 “ together: Yet fince the Prince, being but one perfon, is 
 “ more fubje£t to accidents of nature and chance, where- 
 “ by the Commonwealth may be deprived of the fruit of 
 “ that trud which was in part repofed in him; in cafes of 
 te fuch neceflity, that the Kingdom may not be inforced 
 “ prefently to return to its fird principles, and every man 
 “ left to do what is right in his own eyes, without either 
 “ guide or rule, The wifdom of this State hath intruded 
 “ the Houfes of Parliament with a power to fupply what 
 “ Ihall be wanting on the part of the Prince; as is evi- 
 “ dent by the condant cudom and practice thereof in cafes 
 “ of nonage, natural difability, and captivity ; and the 
 <l like reafon doth and mud hold for the exercife of the 
 “ fame power in fuch cafes, where the royal trud cannot 
 tc be, or is not difeharged, and that the Kingdom runs an 
 “ evident and imminent danger thereby ; which danger 
 41 having been declared by the Lords and Commons in 
 “ Parliament, there needs not the authority of any perfon 
 “ or Court to affirm; nor is it in the power of any per- 
 “ fon or Court to revoke that judgment. (4.) 
 
 Rem. (4.J All thefe reafonings of both Houfes are 
 founded upon the fuppofition of an imminent danger. 
 When they come to give proofs of the reality of this dan¬ 
 ger, they alledge only fufpicions, whereof they explain the 
 caufes. After which, they affirm the danger to be real, 
 becaufe they have declared it fo, and becaufe there is no 
 fuperior authority to contradi£l their judgment. But this 
 Declaration does not make the danger real, if it be not fo 
 indeed. It is eafy therefore to perceive, by their way of 
 proceeding, that they are embarafied by this article. 
 
 “We know the King hath ways enough in his ordina- 
 “ ry Courts of Juflice to punifh fuch feditious Pamphlets 
 “ and Sermons, as are any way prejudicial to his rights, 
 “ honour, and authority ; and if any of them have been 
 “ fo infolcntlv violated and vilified, his Majefty’s own 
 “ Council and Officers have been to blame, and not the 
 “ Parliament. We never did reftrain any proceedings of 
 “ this kind in other Courts, nor relufe any fit complaint 
 “ to us. 7 he Protefation Protrfcd was reierred by the 
 “ Commons Houfe to a Committee, and the author being 
 “ not produced, the Printer was committed to piifon, and 
 “ the Beok voted by that Committee to be burnt; but 
 “ Sir Edward Decring , who was to make that report of 
 “ the Votes of that Committee, neglcdled to make it. 
 “ The Apprentices Protefation was never complained of; 
 “ but the other feditious Pamphiet (Toyour 1 ents, O Ij- 
 
 R L E s i. 
 
 “ rael ) wa s once queftioned, and the full profecution of it 
 “ was not interrupted by any fault of either Houfe, whofe 
 “ forwardnefs to do his M‘jefly all right therein, may 
 “ plainly appear, in that a Commit,ee of Lords and Com- 
 “ mons werc purpofely appointed to fake fuch information 
 “ as the King’s Council Ihould prefent, concerning fedi- 
 “ tious words, practices, or tumults, Pamphlets or Ser- 
 “ mons, tending to the derogation of his Majefty’s rights 
 “ or prerogative ; and his Council werc enjoyned by that 
 “ Committee to enquire and prefent them ; who feveral 
 “ times met thereupon, and received this anfwer and De- 
 “ claration from the King’s Council, that they knew of no 
 <c fuch thing as vet. 
 
 “ If his Majefty had ufed the fervice of fuch a one in 
 “ penning this anfwer, who underftoed the laws and go- 
 “ vernment of this Kingdom, he would not have thought 
 “ ic legally in his power to deny his Parliament a gua°d, 
 “ when they flood in need of it, fince every ordinary 
 “ Court hath it ; neither would his Majefty, if he had 
 “ been well-informed of the Laws, have refufed fuch a 
 “ guard as they delired, it being in the power of inferi- 
 “ or Courts to command their own guard ; neither would 
 “ he have impofed upon them fuch a guard, under a com- 
 “ mander which they could not confide in; which is 
 “ clearly againft the privileges of Parliament, and of 
 “ which they found very dangerous effects, and therefore 
 “ defired to have it difeharged. But fuch a guard, and fo 
 “ commanded, as the Houfes of Parliament defired, they 
 “ co ^ld never obtain of his Majefty ; and the placing of a 
 “ guard about them, contrary to their deftre, was not to 
 “ grant a guard to them, but in effedl, to fet ohe upon 
 “ them. All which confidered; we believe, in thejudg- 
 “ mencs of any indifferent perfons, it will not be thought 
 “ ft range, if there were a more than ordinary reforc^of 
 “ people at Wefminfer, of fuch as came willingly of their 
 ‘‘ own accord to be witneffes and helpers of the fafety of 
 “ them, whom all his Majefty’s good fubjedts are bound 
 “ to defend from violence and danger; or that fuch a 
 “ concourfe as this, they carrying themfelves quietly and 
 “ peaceably (as they did ) ought, in his Majefty’s appre- 
 “ henfion, or can, in the interpretation of the Law, be 
 “ held tumultuary and feditious. 
 
 “ When his Majefty, in that queftion of violation of 
 “ the Laws, had exprefled the obfervation of them inde- 
 “ finitely, without any limitation of time, although we 
 “ never faid or thought any thing that might look like a 
 “ reproach to his Majefty, yet we had reafon to remem- 
 “ ber that it had been other wife, left we Ihould feem to 
 “ defert our former complaints and proceedings thereupon, 
 
 “ as his Majefty doth feem but little to like or approve of 
 “ them ; for although he doth acknowledge here, that 
 “ great mifehief that grew by that arbitrary power then 
 “ complained of, yet fuch are continually preferred and 
 “ countenanced as were friends or favourers, or related un- 
 “ to the chief authors and adlors of that arbitrary power, 
 
 “ and of thofe falfe colours, fuggeftions of imminent 
 “ danger and neceffity, whereby they did make it plaufible 
 “ unto his Majefty. And on the other fidfc, fuch as did 
 “ appear againft them, are daily difcountenanced and dif- 
 “ graced ; which, whilft it fhall be fo, we have no reafon 
 “ to judge the difeafe to be yet killed and dead at root, 
 
 “ and therefore no reafon to bury it in oblivion. And 
 “ whilft we behold the fpawns of thofe mifehievous prin- 
 “ ciples cherifhed and foftered in that new generation of 
 “ counfellors, friends and abetters of the former, or at 
 “ leaft, concurring with them in their malignancy againft 
 “ the proceedings of this Parliament, we cannot think our 
 “ felves fecure from the like or a worfe danger. 
 
 “ And heie tlie penner of this anfwer bellows an ad- 
 “ monition upon the Parliament, bidding us take heed 
 “ we fall not upon the fame error, upon the fame fuggef- 
 “ tions. But he might have well fpared this, till he 
 “ could have (hewed wherein we had exercifed any power, 
 
 “ otherwile than by the rule of the Law, or could have 
 “ found a more authentick or higher judge in matters of 
 “ Law, than the High Court of Parliament. 
 
 ‘‘ It is declared in his Majefty’s name. That he is re- 
 “ folved to keep the rule himfelf, and to his power to re- 
 “ quire the fame of all others. We mull needs acknow- 
 “ ledge, that fuch arefolution is like to bring much happi- 
 ‘‘ nels and bleffing to his Majefty, and all iiis Kingdom ; 
 
 “ yet with humility we mull confefs, we have not the 
 “ fruit of it, in that cafe of my Lord Kimbclton , and the 
 “ other five Members, accufcd contrary to Law, both 
 ‘‘ Common Law and the Statute Law, and yet remain 
 “ unfatisfied ; which cafe was remembred in our declara- 
 “ tion, as a llrange and unheard of violation of our Laws. 
 
 “ But the penner of this anfwer thought fit to pafs it 
 “ over, hoping that many would read his Majefty’s an- 
 “ l’wer, (which hath been fo carefully difperled ) which 
 “ would not read cur declaration. 
 
 “ Whereas, aft*, r our ample thanks and acknowledge - 
 
 “ ment 
 
 4-3 9 
 
 1642. 
 
44 ® 
 
 1642. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 “ ment of his Majefty’s favour in pafling many good Bills, 
 tt we faid. That truth and neceffity inforced us to add this, 
 
 “ that in or about the time of pafling thofe Bills, fome de- 
 “ fign or other hath been on foot, which, if it had taken 
 « £ effect, would not only have deprived us of the fruit of 
 « c thofe Bills, but would have reduced us to a worfe con- 
 “ dition of confufion, than that wherein the Parliament 
 « found us. It is now told us, That the King mull be 
 “ moll fcnfible of what we caft upon him, for requital of 
 «t thofe good Bills ; whereas, out of our ufual tendernefs 
 tc of his Majefty’s honour, we did not mention him at 
 <« all: But fo injurious are thofe wicked counfellors to the 
 “ name and honour of their Mailer and Sovereign, that, 
 
 « £ as much as they can, they lay their own infamy and 
 “ guilt upon his fhoulders. 
 
 “ Here God alfo is called to witnefs his Majefty’s up- 
 “ right intentions at the pafling of thofe Laws ; this we 
 “ will not queftion, neither did we give any occafion for 
 “ fuch a folemn afleveration as this is. The devil is like- 
 *< wife defied to prove, there was any defign with his Ma¬ 
 tt jelly’s knowledge or privity. This might well have 
 “ been fpared, for we fpoke nothing of his Majefty : But 
 “ fince we are fo far taxed, as to have it affirmed, that 
 *« we laid a notorious and falfe imputation upon his Ma¬ 
 tt jelly, we have thought it neceflary, for the juft defence 
 “ of our own innocency, to caufe the oaths and examina- 
 “ tions which had been taken concerning the defign, to be 
 t‘ publilhed in a full narration, for fatisfa&ion of all his 
 “ Majefty’s fubje&s ; out of which we fhall now offer 
 “ fome few particulars, whereby the world may judge, 
 “ whether we could have proceeded with more tender- 
 
 nefs towards his Majefty than we have done. Mr. Go- 
 “ ring confelTeth, that the King firft asked him, whether 
 “ he was engaged in any cabal concerning the army ? And 
 <« commanded him to join with Mr. Percy and Mr. Jer- 
 11 min , and fome others, whom they Ihould find within at 
 ££ Mr. Percy's chamber ; where they took the oath of 
 “ fecrecy, and then debated of a defign propounded by 
 
 Mr. Jermin , to fecure the Tower, and to confidcr of 
 t£ bringing up the army to London , and Captain Legg con- 
 “ felled, he had received the draught of a Petition in the 
 “ King’s prefence ; and his Majefty acknowledged it was 
 “ from his own hand : And whofoever reads the fum of 
 “ that Petition, as it was proved by the teftimony of 
 “ Sir "Jacob Ajlly , Sir John Conieri, and Captain Legg, 
 “ will ealily perceive fome points in it, apt to beget in 
 kl them fome difcontent againft the Parliament. And can 
 “ any man believe, there was no defign in the accufation 
 “ of the Lord Kirnbolton , and the reft, in which his Ma¬ 
 tt jelly doth avow himfelf to be both a commander and an 
 “ aiftor ? Thefe things being fo, it will eafily appear to 
 “ be as much againft the rule of prudence, that the penner 
 t £ of this anfwer fhould entangle his Majefty in this un- 
 <£ neceffary apology ; as it is againft the rules of juftice, 
 “ that any reparation from us Ihould be either yielded or 
 “ demanded. 
 
 “ It is profefled in his Majefty’s name, That he is truly 
 ct lenfible of the burdens of his People, which makes us 
 “ hope, that he will take that courfe which will be moll 
 “ effectual to eafe them of thefe burdens; that is, to join 
 “ with his Parliament in preferving the peace of the King- 
 “ dom; which by his abfence from them hath been 
 < £ much endangered, and which, by hindering the volun- 
 “ tary adventures for the recovery of Ireland , and difabling 
 “ the fubje£ts to difcharge the great tax laid upon them, is 
 “ like to make the war much more heavy to the King- 
 ‘‘ dom. And for his Majefty’s wants, the Parliament 
 “ hath been no caufe of them ; we have not diminilhed 
 “ his juft revenue, but have much eafed his publick charge, 
 “ and fomewhat his private. And we fhall be ready, in 
 ‘‘ a parliamentary way, to fettle his revenue, in fuch an 
 ■•t honourable proportion, as may be anfwerable to both, 
 ££ when he lhall put himfelf into I'uch a pofture of Govern- 
 “ ment, that his Subjedts may be fecure to enjoy his juft 
 “ protection for their Religion, Laws, and Liberties. 
 
 “ We never refufed his Majefty’s gracious offer of a free 
 * £ and general pardon, only we faid it cculd be no fecurity 
 “ to our prefent fears and jealoufies: And we gave a reafon 
 “ for it, that thofe fears did not arife out of any guilt of 
 * £ our own aClions, but out of the evil defigns and at- 
 “ tempts of others; and we leave it to the world to judge, 
 “ whether we herein have deferved fo heavy a tax and ex- 
 ‘ £ clamation, ( That it was a Jlrange world, when Princes 
 ££ proffered favours are counted reproaches ; fuch are the 
 “ words of his Majefty’s anfwer ) who do efteem that 
 “ offer as an a£l of princely grace and bounty, which, 
 ' k fince this Parliament began, we have humbly defired we 
 ££ might obtain, and do flill hold it neceflary and advan- 
 “ tagious for the generality of the Subjects, upon whom 
 t £ thefe taxes and fubhdies lie heavieft ; but we fee, upon 
 11 every occafion, how unhappy we are in his Majefty’s 
 - ‘ mifapprehenfions of our words and actions. 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 “ We are fully of the King’s mind, as it is here de- 
 
 dared, That he may reft fo fecure of the affedions cd 
 ;t his SubjeCls, that he ihould not Hand in need of foreign 
 c ‘ force to pr-eferve him from oppreflion, and are confi- 
 “ dent, that he fhall never want an abundant evidence of 
 “ the good wiihes and affiftance of his whole Kingdom, 
 
 ‘‘ efpecially if he fhall be pleafed to hold to that gracious 
 <£ refolution, of building upon that fure foundation, the 
 “ Law of the Land : But why his Majefty ihould take 
 “ it ill, that we having received information fo deeply con- 
 “ cerning the fafety of the Kingdom, ihould think them 
 “ fit to be confidered of, we cannot conceive ; for although 
 “ the name of the perfon was unknown, yet that which 
 “ was more fubftantial to the probability of the report w.,-. 
 “ known ( that is) that he was fervant to the I.ord Digh, 
 “ who in his preiumptuous letter to the Queen’s Majefty, 
 
 <£ and other letters to Sir Lewis Dives , had intimated fome 
 “ wicked propofition, fuiiable to that information ; but that 
 “ this ihould require reparation, we hold it as far from 
 “ juftice as it is from truth, that we have mixed any nu- 
 “ lice with thefe rumours, thereby to feed the fears ai. . 
 
 “ jealoufies of the People. 
 
 “ It is affirmed, his Majefty is driven ( but hoc by us 
 “ yet) from us ; perchance hereafter, if there be oppor- 
 “ tunity of gaining more credit, there will not be want- 
 ££ ing who will fuggeft unto his Majefty, that it is done 
 “ by us. And if his Majefty were driven from us, we 
 t£ hope it was not by his own fears, but by the fears of 
 “ the Lord Digby, and his retinue of Cavaliers , 5) ; and 
 “ that no fears of any tumultuary violence but of their 
 “ juil punifhment for their manifold infolence, and intend- 
 “ ed violence againft the Parliament. 
 
 Re M. (5). By the Lord Digby' s Cavaliers were meant 
 the Officers and Gentlemen who aflembled at Whitehall , 
 to guard the King, in the head of whom was the Lord 
 Digby. I do not believe, that when this Declaration was 
 publilhed, the term Cavaliers was commonly ufed to de¬ 
 note the Royal party. Perhaps this word, ufed here by 
 the Parliament, was the occafion of calling the King’s 
 party Cavaliers-, as the Parliament’s Adherents were named 
 Round-heads. Thefe two names were afterwards changed 
 into Tories and IVbiggi. 
 
 “ And this is exprefled by the Lord Digby himfelf, 
 “ when he told thofe Cavaliers, that the principal caufe of 
 ££ his Majefty’s going out of town, was to fave them from 
 “ being trampled in the dirt ; but of his Majefty’s perfon 
 t£ there was no caufe of fear in the greateft heat of his 
 “ people’s indignation, after the accufation, and his Ma- 
 “ jelly’s violent coming to the Houfe ; there was no ftiew 
 “ of any evil intention againft his regal perfon, of which 
 “ there can be no better evidence than this, that he came 
 “ the next day wnthout a guard into the City, where he 
 “ heard nothing but prayers and petitions, no threatnings 
 ££ nor irreverent fpeeches, that might give him any juft 
 “ occafion of fear, that we have heard of, or that his Ma- 
 “ jelly expreft : For he ftaid near a week after at White- 
 “ hall , in a fecure and peaceable condition, whereby we 
 £ ‘ are induced to believe, that there is no difficulty or 
 “ doubt all, but his Majefty’s refidence near London , may 
 £t be as fafe as in any part of the Kingdom. We are 
 “ moll allured of the faithfulnefs of the City and Suburbs; 
 “ and for our felves, we lhall quicken the vigour of the 
 “ Laws, the indullry of the Magiftrates, the authority of 
 “ the Parliament, for the fuppreffing of all tumultuary info- 
 “ lences whatfoever, and for the vindicating of his honour 
 “ from all irifupportable and infolent fcand-ds, if any fuch 
 “ lhall be found to be raifed upon him, as are mentioned 
 “ in this anfwer ; and therefore we think it altogether 
 “ unnecefiary, and exceeding inconvenient, to adjourn the 
 “ Parliament to any other place. 
 
 “ Where the defire of a good underftanding betw'i-;t 
 ££ the King and the Parliament, is on both parts fo earneft, 
 “ as is here profefled by his Majefty, to be in him, and 
 “ we have Efficiently teftified to be in our felves, it feems 
 “ ftrange we fhould be fo long afunder, it can be nothing 
 “ elfe but evil and malicious counfel, milreprefenting our 
 “ carriage to him, and indifpoiing his favour to us : And 
 “ as it fhall be far from us, to take any advantage of his 
 “ Majefty’s fuppofed ftraits, as to defile, much lefs to 
 “ compel, him to that which his honour or intereft may 
 “ render unpleafant and grievous to him ; fo we hope, that 
 “ his Majefty will not make his own underftanding or rea- 
 “ fon the rule of his Government, but will fufi'er him* 
 “ felf to be affifted with a wife and prudent council, that 
 ‘‘ may deal faithfully betwixt him and his people ; and 
 “ that he will remember, that his resolutions do concern 
 “ Kingdoms, and therefore ought not to be moulded by 
 “ his own, much lefs by any other private perfon, which 
 “ is not alike proportionable to fo great a truft. And 
 “ therefore we ftill defire and hope, that i.;s Majefly will 
 “ not be guided by his own undetftanding, or think thofe 
 “ epurfes, ftraits, and neceflities, to which he lhall be 
 
 <4 advifed 
 
642. 
 
 Book XX. 
 
 2 5 - 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 
 4! .i 
 
 <c advifed by the wifdom of both Houfcs of Parliament, 
 
 “ which are the eyes in this politick body, whereby his 
 “ Majefty is, by the conftitution of this Kingdom, todif- 
 “ cern the differences of thofe things which concern the 
 “ publick peace and fafety thereof. 
 
 “ We have given his Majefty no caufe to fay, that we 
 “ do meanly value the difcharge of his publick duty. 
 
 “ Whatfoever afts of grace or juftice have been done, 
 
 “ they proceed from his'Majefty by the advice and counfel 
 “ of his Parliament; yet we have, and (hall always an- 
 “ fwer them with conftant gratitude, obedience, and ah 
 “ fed ion: And although many things have been done 
 “ fince this Parliament, ofanother nature, yet we (hall not 
 “ ceafe to defire the continued prote&ion of Almighty God 
 “ upon his Majefty ; and moft humbly petition him, to 
 
 “ caft from him all thofe evil and contrary counfels, which 
 “■ have, in many particulars formerly mentioned, much 
 “ detraded from the honour of his Government, the hap- 
 
 « pinefs of his own eftate, and profperity of his people. 
 
 “ And having paffed fo many dangers from abroad, io . 
 “ many confpiracies at home, and brought on the publick 
 “ work fo far, through the greateft difficulties that ever 
 « ftood in oppofition to a Parliament, to fuch a degree of 
 “ fuccefs, that nothing feems to be left in our way, able to 
 « hinder the full accomplifhment of our defires and en- 
 deavours of the publick good ; unlefs God in his juftice 
 « do fend fuch a grievous curfe upon us, as to turn the 
 “ ftrength of the Kingdom againft ltfelf, and to effect 
 «c that by their own folly and credulity, which the power 
 “ and fubtilty of their and our enemies could not attain, 
 that is, to divide the people from the Parliament, and 
 “ to make them ferviceable to the ends and aims of thofe 
 « who would deftroy them Therefore We ft d " f f the 
 ti Kingdom to take notice of this laft and moft defperate 
 .. and mifehievous plot of the malignant party, that is 
 “ afled and profecuted in many parts of the Kingdom, 
 under plaufible notions of flirting them up to a care of 
 « nreferving the King’s prerogative, maintaining the dll- 
 [inline of the Church, upholding and continuing the 
 “ reverence and foiemnity of God's fervice, and encou- 
 “ raging of learning. And upon thefe grounds, divers 
 “ mutinous petit! MS have been framed in i«i», Kent, 
 and other Counties, and fundry of his Majefty s Subject ; 
 have been follicited to declare themfeIves for the King 
 “ againft the Parliament: And many falfe and foul afper- 
 
 (ions have been caft upon our proceedings, as if we had 
 
 “ been not only negligent, but averfc in thefe points: 
 
 . t Whereas we defire nothing more, than to maintain the 
 “ nurity and power of Religion, and to honour the King 
 “ in all his juft Prerogatives! and for encouragement and 
 advancement of piety and learning, we have very ear- 
 “ neftiy endeavoured, and ftill do, to the utmoft of our 
 “ Dower that all pariflres may have learned, pious, and 
 “ fufficient preachers, and all fuch preachers competent 
 
 REM^fhO^The King complained, that the Church of 
 Embad was going to be deftroyed to make way for Pref- 
 hvterv The Parliament dares not fay the contrary, for 
 
 fear of'difeouraging the Presbyterians, nor own it, becaufe 
 
 it was not yet time to difeover themfelves fo openly. 
 They endeavour therefore to get off, by general terms, 
 which fenify nothing, that is, they have relolved to place 
 in every Parifti pious Minifters, and provide for their fub- 
 
 C “"Many other bills and propofitions are in preparation 
 for the King’s profit and honour, the people’s faletyand 
 «< orofperity • In the proceedings whereof we are much 
 “ hindered by his Majefty’s abfence from the Parliament, 
 <1 which is altogether contrary to the ufe of his prede- 
 “ ceil'ors and the privileges of Parliament, whereby our 
 “ time is confirmed by a multitude of unnecefiary mef- 
 
 cc f 1 jjc i and our innocency wounded by caufeiefs and Iharp 
 
 » inveaives. Yet we doubt not, but wc lhail overcome 
 “ all this at laft, if the people fuller not themfelves to be 
 <1 deluded witli falfe and Ipecious (hews, and fo drawn to 
 “ betray us to their own undoing, who have ever been 
 “ willing to hazard the undoing of ourfelves, that they 
 “ might not be betrayed by our negleft of the truft re- 
 “ nofed in us: But if it were poffible they Ihould prevail 
 “ herein yet we would not fail, through God’s grace, 
 “ ftill to perfift in our duties, and to look beyond our 
 “ own lives, eftates, and advantages, as thole who think 
 “ nothing worth the enjoying, without the liberty, peace, 
 “ and fafety of the Kingdom ; nor any thing too good to 
 “ be hazarded in difcharge of our confciences, lor the ob- 
 “ tainingofit: And lhail always repofe ourfelves upon the 
 “ protection of Almighty God, which we are confident lhail 
 <1 [ever be wanting to us, (while we feek his glory,) as 
 “ we have found it hitherto wonderfully going along with 
 “ us in all our proceedings.” „ u u 
 
 The Kino-quickly anfwered this Manifelto. rn had 
 ftrong reafons to prevent betimes, the impreffions it might 
 No. LXVI. V o l. II. 
 
 make upon the minds of the people. As a war waj una- 1643. 
 voidable, the King and the Parliament were equally con¬ 
 cerned to gain the people, and for this thefe Papers were 
 intended. We have feen in the Parliament’s Manifefto, 
 the obje&ions againft the King reiterated, and we (hall lee 
 in the King’s, the fame anfwers he had before given to 
 each of the articles. Thefe two Papers therefore may be 
 confidered as a recapitulation of whatever had been al- 
 ledged pro and con , in the difpute between the King and 
 the Parliament. Both flattered themfelves, that their rea¬ 
 fons were unanfwerable, and propofed them with great 
 confidence. Nor was this entirely without foundation, for 
 both Tides, reafoning upon different principles, might be in 
 the right, according to their refpedtive fuppofitions. 
 
 His Majejly's Anfwer to a Book , entitled , The Declaration 
 or Remonftrance of the Lords and Commons of the 
 19th of May, 1642. 
 
 “ j F wc could be weary of taking any pains for the Rufiuvorrh, 
 1 fatisfadtion of our People, and to undeceive them of cfarendon.’ 
 “ thofe fpecious mifehievous infufions which are daily in-T.I. p.46;. 
 tc (filled into them, to (hake and corrupt their loyalty and 
 “ affedtlon to us and our Government, after fo full and 
 “ ample declaration of ourfelf and intentions, and fo fair 
 “ and fatisfadfory anfwers to all fuch matters as have been 
 tc objedted to us by a major part prefent of botli Houfesof 
 “ Parliament, we might well give over this labour of our 
 “ pen, and lit ftill till it (hall pleafe God fo to enlighten 
 “ the affections and underftandings of our good Subjedts on 
 “ our behalf, (which we doubt not but that in his good 
 “ time he will do) that they may fee our fufferings are 
 “ their fufferings. But fince, inftead of applying them- 
 “ felves to the method propofed by us, of making fuch 
 “ folid particular propofitions as might eftablifti a good 
 “ underftanding between us, or of following the advice of 
 “ our Council of Scotland (with whom they communicate 
 “ their affairs) in foibearing all means that may make 
 “ the breach wider and wound deeper; they have chofen 
 “ to purfue us with new reproaches, or rather to continue 
 “ and improve the old, by adding and varying little cir- 
 “ cumftances and language, in matters formerly urged by 
 “ them, and fully anfwered by us. We prevailed with our 
 “ felf, upon very mature and particular confederation of it, 
 
 “ to anfwer the late primed Book, entitled, A Declaration 
 “ or Remonjlrance of the Lords and Commons , which was or- 
 “ dered the i 9th cf May laft to be printed and publifhed, 
 
 “ hoping then, that they would put us to no more of this 
 “ trouble, but that that (hould have been the laft of fuch 
 “ a nature they would have communicated to our people, 
 
 “ and that they would not, as they have done fince, thought 
 “ fit to alault us with a newer Declaration, indeed of a 
 “ very new nature and learning, which mult have another 
 “ anfwer. (1.) 
 
 Remark (i.) This was another Declaration of the 
 fecond of whence it may be inferreJ, that this an¬ 
 
 fwer of the King to the firft was not publifhed till after 
 that time. 
 
 “ And we doubt not, but that our good Subjects in (liort 
 <c time will be fo well inftructed in the differences and mi- 
 “ (takings between us, that they will plainly difcern, 
 
 « without refigning their re ifon and underftanding to our 
 « Prerogative, or The infallibility of a now major part of 
 “ both Houfesof Parliament (infeded by a few malignant 
 “ fpirits) where the fault is. ^z.) 
 
 Rem. (2.) The King begins in this Paper to repre- 
 fent the refolutions of the Parliament, not as icing 
 agreeable to the fentiments of the Nation, but as com¬ 
 ing only from a difaffeded party which prevailed in both 
 
 Houles. .... 
 
 “ Though we fhall, with humility and alacrity, be ai¬ 
 ts ways forward to acknowledge the infinite mercy and 
 (! providence of Almighty God, vouchfaied fo many fev'e- 
 “ r;. 1 ways to ourfelf and this nation, yet fince God 
 “ him felf doth not allow that wc fhould fancy and 
 u create dangers to ourfelf, that we might manifeit and 
 “ publilh his mercy in our deliverance, we muft profefs 
 “ we do not know tliofe deliverances mentioned in the 
 “ beginning of that Declaration, from fo many wicked 
 “ plots and defigns fince the beginning of this Parliament, 
 
 “ which if they had taken effeft, would have brought 
 «• ruin and deftruflion upon this kingdom. We Weil 
 <c know the great labour and skill hath been inc.1 to 
 “ amaze and affright our good Subjects with fears and 
 “ apprehenfions of plots and confpiracies, the feveral 
 “ pamphlets publifhed, and letters fcattered up and down, 
 
 «< full of fuch ridiculous contemptible animadvci lions to 
 “ that purpofe, as (though they lound, for what end God 
 “ knows, very unufual countenance) no fobci man wood 
 “ be moved with them. But we rnuft conlefi, we have 
 « never been able to inform ourfelf of any iucji periu- 
 “ cious formed defign againft the peace of this Kingdom, 
 
 “ fince the beginning of this Parliament, as is mentioned 
 
 5 T “ 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 Tl.)e H 1 ST 0 RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 44-2 
 
 “ in that Declaration, or might beany warrant to thofe 
 “ great fears, both our Houfes of Parliament feem to be 
 “ tranfported with; but we have great caufe to believe, 
 “ more mifchief and danger hath been raifed and begotten 
 “ to the difturbanceof this Kingdom, than cured or pre- 
 “ vented by thofe fears and jealoufies. And therefore, 
 “ however the rumour and difcourfe of plots and confpi- 
 “ racies may have been neceffary to the defigns of par- 
 “ ticular men, they fhall do well not to pay any falfe de- 
 “ votions to Almighty God, who difeerns whether our 
 “ dangers are real or pretended. 
 
 tc For the bringing up of the army to London , as we 
 tc have heretofore (by no other direction than the tefti- 
 “ mony of a good confcience) called God to witnefs, we 
 “ never had, or knew any fuch refolution ; fo upon the 
 “ view of the depofitions now publifhed with that Decla- 
 “ ration, it is not evident to us, there was ever fuch a 
 “ defign, unlefs very loofe difcourfe or argument be in- 
 44 fiance enough of a defign. (3.) 
 
 Rem. (3.) The King feems to vindicate himfelf very 
 weakly upon this article. His whole anfwer lies in the 
 ambiguity of the word Defign, which may fignify, either 
 a bare project, or a fettled and formed delign. It is cer¬ 
 tain, there was a defign or project to bring up the army to 
 London , which the King knew of, and was propoied by 
 Jertnyn ; but no refolution was taken thereon. The King 
 denies, he knew of any fuch refolution, becaufe indeed 
 there was none. But he dares not deny, he was informed 
 of the defign or project to march the army to London. 
 Y.'i r having fpoken of the defign in general, 
 
 he immediately changes the word into that of Refolu- 
 tion. Charles I, was very skilful in fuch fort of ambi¬ 
 guities. 
 
 “ And it is apparent, that what was faid of it, was near 
 “ three months before the difeovery to both Houfes of 
 “ Parliament: So that if theie were any danger threat- 
 “ ned that way, it vanifhed without any reliftance or 
 “ prevention, by the wildom, power, or authority of 
 “ them. (4.) 
 
 Rem. (4.) The Parliament infilled chiefly upon the 
 King’s intention, and endeavoured to prove the lad, in 
 order to fhew this intention. So it was not a pi oof of 
 the King’s having no ill intention, that the delign of fe- 
 ducing the army, and bringing it up to London was not 
 purfued. “a 
 
 “ It feems the intention of that Declaration (whatfo- 
 “ ever other end it hath) is to anfwer a Declaration they 
 “ received from us, in anfwer to that which was pre- 
 “ fented to us at New-Market the 9th of March lalt; 
 “ and likewife to our anfwer to the petition of both 
 “ Houfes, prefe.nted to us at York, the 26th of March 
 “ laft. But before that Declaration falls upon any parti- 
 “ culars of our faid Declaration or Anfwer, it complains, 
 “ that the heads of the malignant party have, with much 
 “ art and induftry, 2dvifed us to fuffef divers unjuft fcandals 
 44 and imputations upon the Parliament, to be publifhed in 
 « our name, whereby they might make it odious to the 
 “ People, and by their help deftroy it: But not inftancing 
 44 in any one fcandal or imputation fo publifhed by us, 
 44 we are ftill to feek for the heads of that malignant party. 
 44 But our good Subjects will eafily underftand, that it we 
 44 were guilty of that alperlion, we mull not only be ac- 
 44 tive in railing the fcandal, but paflive in the mifchief 
 
 begotten by that fcandal, we being an elfential part of 
 44 the Parliament. (5.) 
 
 Rem. (5.) This is only a fubtlety grounded upon the 
 ambiguity of the word Parliament. In the Declaration 
 which the King is anfwcring, by the term. Parliament, 
 is meant both Houfes, without including the King, and 
 here the King means both Houfes and the King together. 
 
 “ And we hope the jull defence of ourfelt and our au- 
 “ thority, and the necelfary vindication of our innocence 
 “ and jultice, from the imputation laid on us by a major 
 “ part then prefent, by either or both Houfes, fhall no more 
 “ be called a fcandal upon the Parliament, than the opi- 
 “ nion of fuch a part be reputed an A£t of Parliament. 
 tc And we hope our good Subjects will not be long milled 
 44 by that common expreflion, in all the Declarations, 
 44 wherein they ufurp the word Parliament, and apply it 
 “ to countenance any refolution or vote fome few have a 
 “ mind to make, by calling it, the refolution of Parlia- 
 “ nient, which can never be without our confent ; neither 
 44 can the vote of either, or both Houfes, make a greater 
 “ alteration in the Laws of this Kingdom (fo folemnly made 
 “ by the advice of their predeceffors, with the concurrence 
 “ of us and our anceltors) either by commanding or in- 
 “ hibiting any thing (befides the known rules of the Law) 
 44 than our Angle direction or mandate can do, to which 
 44 we do not afenbe the authority. (6.) 
 
 Rem. (6.) This reafon is invincible, fuppoflng the 
 Government in its natural flate. But it could, not maj\e 
 
 any impreflion upon thofe who believed the King intended 16 
 to eflabliflr an arbitrary Power. 
 
 “ But that Declaration informs our People, that the 
 “ malignant party hath drawn us into the northern pans 
 t( far from out Parliament: It n ight more ttulj 
 “ properly have faid, that it hath driven, than drawn us 
 “ hither. (7.) 
 
 Rem. (7.) The Parliament underflood by the malig- 
 nant party the King’s party, and here the King gives the 
 fame name to that of the Parliament. 
 
 “ for wc confefs our journey hither (for which we 
 “ have no other reafon to be forry, than with reference 
 “ to the caufe of it) was only forced upon us by the true 
 “ malignant party, which contrived and countenanced 
 thofe barbarous tumult.-', and other fedirious ciicum- 
 “ dances, of which we have fo often complained, and 
 “ hereafter fhall fay more, and which indeed threatens fo 
 “ much danger to our perfhn, and laid fo much fcand.il 
 “ upon the whole privilege and dignity of Pailiament, that 
 “ we wonder it can be mentioned without bluflies or in¬ 
 dignation ; but ol that anon. But why tlie* malignant 
 “ Pa ty fhould be charged wiih caufing a Prcfs to he 
 “ tianfported to York, wc cannot imagine; neither have 
 ‘‘ any papers or wridngs iflued from thence, to our know- 
 ‘‘ ledge, but what have been extoited from us by liich 
 provocations, as have not been before offered to a Kino-. 
 
 ** And n p doubt it will appear a molt trivial and fond 
 exception, when all Prefles are open to vent whatfoever 
 ‘‘ they think fit to fay to the People, (a thing unwar- 
 “ ranted b y former cuflom) that we fhould not make ufe 
 “ of all lawiul means to publifh our juft and n^ceflarv 
 “ a nf wers thereunto. As for the authority of the Great - 
 Seal, (though we do not know that it hath been necef- 
 “ ,ar y t0 things of this nature) the fame fhall be more 
 ‘‘ frequently ufed hereafter, as occafion fhall require (8.); 
 
 “ to which we make no doubt the greater and better part 
 “ of our Privy-Council will concur, and whofeadvice we 
 “ are refolved to follow, as far as it lhall be agreeable to 
 the good and welfare of the Kingdom. 
 
 Rem. (8.) The Parliament’s Declaration was puhlifl.fd 
 the 1 9th of May, and three days alter the Lord-Keeper 
 Littleton went privately from London with the Great-Seal 
 to the King. So the King had it in his hands when he 
 publifhed his anfwer. For this reafon, he fays, the fame 
 fhall be more frequently ufed hereafter. 
 ce “ Before that Declaration vouchfafes to infifl on any 
 41 particulars, it is pleafed to cenfure both our Declaration 
 “ and Anfwer, to be filled with tyrfh cenfures, and 
 44 cauieiefs charges upon the Parliament (ftill mif'applying 
 the word Parliament to the vote of both Houfes) con- 
 44 cerning which they rcfolve to r ive laTlaction to the 
 Kingdom, A nee they And it very difficult to fatisfy us. 
 
 ‘ as in the ufage of the word Pailiament, they have 
 “ left us out of their thoughts; fo by the word Kingdom, 
 
 “ they intend to exclude all our People, who are out of 
 their walls, (for that’s grown another phrafe of the time, 
 the vote of the major part of both Houfes, and fome- 
 44 times of one, is now called, The refolution of the whole 
 “ Kingdom,) we believe it may not be hard to give fatif- 
 44 faction to themfelves ; otherwife we aie confident (and 
 44 our conAdence proceeds from the uprightnefs of our own 
 44 confcience) they will never be able fo to fever the affec- 
 44 tions of us and our Kingdom, that what cannot be fatif- 
 44 faction to the one, fhall be to the other. Neither will 
 44 the fide of Humble and Faithful, and telling u.-, That 
 they will make us a great and glorious King , in their 
 44 Petitions and Remonltrances, fo deceive our good Sub- 
 “ jects, that they will pafsover the reproaches, threats and 
 “ menaces they are fluffed with, which fure could not bs 
 44 more gently reprehended by us, than by faying, their 
 “ expreffions were different from the ufual language to 
 “ Princes, which that Declaration tells you we had no oc- 
 “ calion to fay. But we believe, whofoever looks over 
 44 that Declaration prefented to us at New-market, to 
 44 which ours was an anfwer, will find the language 
 “ throughout it to be fo unufual, that, before this Parlia- 
 44 ment, it could never be parallelled ; wlnlft under preteuce 
 44 ol juflifying their fears, they give fo much countenance 
 44 to the difcourfe of the Rebels of Ireland , as if they had 
 44 a mind our good Subjects fhould give credit to it: other- 
 44 wife, being warranted by the fame evidence, which 
 4l- they have lince publifhed, they would have as w'ell de- 
 44 dared, That thofe rebels publickly threaten the rooting 
 44 out the name of the Knglijh, and that they will have a 
 44 King of their own, and no longer be governed by us; 
 
 4C as tfiat they fay, that they do nothing but by our au- 
 44 thority, and that they call them.elves the Queen's army. 
 
 44 And therefore we have great reafon to complain of tne 
 44 ablence of jufticeand integrity in that Declaration, be- 
 44 lides the unfitnefs of otner expreffions. Neither did we 
 44 miltake the fubitanev or logick ol the meliage to us at 
 
 44 Theobalds , 
 
Book XX. 
 
 
 25 . CHARLES I. 
 
 “ Theobalds , concerning the Militia, which was no other, 
 * c 3nd is ftated to be no other (even bjr that Declaration 
 “ which reproved us) than a plain threat, That if we re- 
 “ fifed to join with them , they would make a law without us. 
 “ Nor hath the practice fince that time been other, which 
 “ will never be juftified to the mod ordinary (if not par- 
 “ tial) underftandings, by the mere averring it to be ac- 
 “ cording to the fundamental laws of this Kingdom, with- 
 “ out giving any diredfion, that the moil cunning and 
 “ learned men in the laws may be able to find thofe foun- 
 “ dations. (9.) 
 
 Rem (9.) There is here an ambiguity in the term 
 Fundamental Law. The Parliament had clearly expreffed 
 what they meant by this fundamental Law, viz if the 
 King failed in the difeharge of his duty, the Nation ought 
 hot, however, to be without defence, and in that cafe, it 
 belonged to the Parliament to take care of it. Inftead 
 therefore of asking where this Law was, it feems, that 
 the King fhou'd have (hewn, either that, tho’ he negledted 
 his duty, it belonged not to the Parliament to meddle with 
 the government of the State, or that he never had negledt¬ 
 ed, nor did ftill negledt it. For, according to the Parlia¬ 
 ment, though this Law was not expreffed in any particu¬ 
 lar Statute, it naturally flowed from the conflitution of the 
 Government. The King feems, by requiring this Law to 
 be produced, to infinuate, that the Parliament, in no cafe 
 whatever, could intermeddle with the Government of the 
 State, unlefs authorized by an exprefs law, and yet the 
 Parliament had alledged two cafes, namely, the captivity 
 and nonage ot a King, wherein they might have the ma¬ 
 nagement of the Government, and they reckoned the 
 King’s negligence in the fame clafs. To this the King 
 fhould have returned an anfwer. 
 
 “ And we muft appeal to "all the world, whether they 
 “ might not, with as much juftice, and by as much law, 
 * e have feized upon the Eftate of every Member of both 
 “ Houfes, who diflented from that pretended ordinance, 
 “ (which much the major part of the Houfe of Peers did 
 M two or three feveral times) as they have invaded that 
 <c power of ours over the Militia, becaufe we (upon rea- 
 te fbns they have not fo much as pretended to anfwer) re- 
 “ fufe to confent to that propofition: (ro.) 
 
 Rem. (10.) The authority aflumed by the Parliament, 
 was not an ordinary authority, nor pretended to be fo. It 
 was extraordinary for the prefent fuppofed cafe, that there 
 was great danger from the King. As therefore they had 
 not the fame fufpicions of thofe who had at firft refufed 
 their confent to the ordinance, they could not feize their 
 eftates upon the fame foundation. Thus the confequence 
 drawn by the King from the Parliament’s ufurpation, does 
 not feem juft. 
 
 And if no better effects, than lofs of time, and hin- 
 
 4-fj 
 
 l Efg) l Jh fubje&s; and we fay fo (till, as far as concerns 164s. 
 t En & la nd. And we call Almighty God to witnefs all 
 t our complaints and jealoufies, which have never been 
 t caufelefs, not out of our Houfes of Parliament, (but of 
 c ‘°me few fchifmatical, factious, and ambitious fpirits, 
 and upon fuch grounds, as fhort time, we fear, will 
 ‘ juftify to the world) our denial of the Militia, our ab- 
 t Anting ° ur telf from London , have been the effects of 
 ‘ an upright and faithful afteflion to our EjigUJh fubjefls, 
 t tbaf we may be able (through all the inconveniences we 
 ‘ are compelled to wreffle with) at laft, to prefer™ and 
 reftore their Religion, Laws, and Liberties unto them. 
 
 “ Since the proceedings againft the Lord Kimlalltr., and 
 the five Members, is ftill looked upon, and fo often 
 ; prefled as fo great an advantage againft us, that no re- 
 tradlation made by us, nor no actions fince that time 
 committed againft us, and the law of the Land, under 
 the pretence of vindication of Privilege, can fatisfy the 
 contrivers of that Declaration, but that they would have 
 ; our good fubjefts believe, the accufation of thofe fix 
 Members muft be a plot, for the breaking the neck of 
 the Parliament, (a ftrange arrogance, if any of thofe 
 Members had the penning of that Declaration) and that 
 it is fo often urged againft us, as if, by that finglecafual 
 miftake of ours, (in form only) we had foiTeited all 
 duty, credit and allegiance from our People ; we muft, 
 without endeavouring to excufe that, which in truth 
 was an error, (our going to the Houfe of Commons) 
 give our People a clear and full narration of the matter 
 of fa&, a (Turing our felt', that our good fubjetfts will 
 not find our carriage in that bufinefs'’fuch as hath been 
 reported. 
 
 “ When we refolved, upon fuch grounds, as, when they 
 Ihall be publifhed, will fatisfy the world, that it was 
 fit for our own fafety and honour, and the peace of the 
 Kingdom, to proceed againft thofe perfons (11.): tho’ 
 we well know there was no degree of privilege m that 
 cafe, yet (to fhew our defire of correfpondency with 
 the two Houfes of Parliament) we chofe, rather than to 
 apprehend their perfons by the ordinary miniffers of Ju¬ 
 ftice, (which, according to the opinion and practice of 
 former times, we might have done) to command our 
 Attorney-General to acquaint our Houfe of Peers with 
 our intention, and the general matter of our clia:ge, 
 
 (which was yet more particular than a mere accufation) 
 and to proceed accordingly; and at the fame time fenc 
 a fworn fervant, a Serjeant ar arms to our Houfe of 
 Commons, to acquaint them, Tnat we did accufe, and 
 intended to proftcute the five Members of that Houfe 
 for High-Treafon, and did require that their perfons 
 might be fecured in cuftody, 
 
 Rem. (ii.) I have already faid, that the Parliament 
 
 CCJ r 1 ■ ■ • | n . . , . ' ^ . iy » uni c aji i-avi y laiu, li 141 [lie 
 
 „ drance of * he P, u . bIlc] f aftairs > have been f ound by our was chiefly offended, that the articles of the accufation 
 tt anhvers and replies, let all good men judge, by whofe exhibited by the Attorney-General, were levelled at 'he 
 <{ default > and whofe want of duty fuch effects have been : whole Houfe of Commons, and a great number of Lords 
 <c bo (. as our end (indeed only end) in thofe anfwers and as much as at the perfons accufed. IT re, the Kina mdm l 
 ti r . c P‘ ie ^r batb been tbe tettlement and compofure of pub- tains the matter of the accufation, fince it was for the peace 
 tt tT ^ -I’ f° we are a ^ ured > and moft men do believe, of the Kingdom, and paffes over in filence the i eafons 
 1 hat it that due regard and reverence had been given which he referved for another time, and thereby his vindi- 
 and that confent and obedience to our cation cannot be full and perfeift. 
 
 c to our words. 
 
 counfels, which we did expedl, there had been before 
 “ this time a chearful calm upon the face of the whole 
 “ Kingdom, every man enjoying his own, with all polfi- 
 “ ble peace and lecurity that can be imagined; which 
 fiirely thofe men do not defire, who (after all thofe aifts 
 “ of juftice and favour paffed by us this Parliament, all 
 “ thofe affronts and fufferings endured and undergone by 
 “ us) think fit ftill to reproach us with Ship-money, Coat 
 u and Conduift-money, and other things fo abundantly 
 “ declared (as that Declaration itfelf confeffes) in the ge- 
 “ neral Remonftrance of the State of the Kingdom, pub- 
 “ lithed in November laft, which we wonder to find now 
 “ avowed to be the Remonftrance of both Houfes, and 
 “ which we are fure, was prefented to us only by the Houfe 
 “ of Commons; and did never, and we are confident, 
 “ in that time could never have paffed the Houfeof Peers; 
 
 the concurrence and authority of which was not then 
 “ thought neceffary. Shall we believe thofe reproaches 
 “ to be the voice of the Kingdom of England? That all 
 “ our loving fubje&s, eafed, refrethed, ftrengthned, and 
 “ abundantly fatisfied with our a<fts of grace and favour 
 “ towards them, are willing to be involved in thefe un- 
 <c thankful exprelfions ? We muft appeal to the thanks and 
 
 acknowledgments publifhed in the Petitions of moft of “ ing fuch authority, 
 
 This we did, not only to thew that we intended not 
 “ to violate or invade their privileges, but to ufe more 
 “ ceremony towards them, than we then conceived in 
 “ juftice might be required of us; and expected at leaft 
 “ fuch an anfwer as might inform us, if we were out of 
 “ the way : But we received none at all; only m the 
 “ inftant, without offering any thing of their pnvftges 
 “ to our confideration, an order was made, (and the fame 
 “ night publifhed in print) That if any perfon whatfo- 
 “ ever ftiould offer to arrelt the perfon of any Member of 
 “ that Houfe, without firit acquainting that Houfe there- 
 “ with, and receiving further ordeis from that Houfe, 
 that it fhould be lawful for fuch members, or any 
 ct perfon, to aflift them, and to ftand upon his, or their 
 “ guard of defence, and to make reliftance according to the 
 “ proteftation taken, to defend the privileges of Parliament. 
 “ And this was the firft time that we heaid the protefta- 
 “ tion might be wrefted to fuch a fenfe; or that in any 
 “ cafe, (though of the moft undoubted and unqueftionable 
 “ privilege) it might be lawful for any perfon to relift* 
 
 ‘ and ufe violence againft a publick Minifter of Juftice, 
 c armed with lawful authority, though we well knew, 
 that even fuch a Minifter might be punifhed for execut- 
 
 ‘ the Counties of England , to the teftimony and thanks 
 c we have received from both Houfes of Parliament, how 
 1 feafonable, how agreeable this ufage of us is to our me- 
 1 rit, or their former exprelfions. 
 
 “We have not in the leaft fwerved or departed from 
 our refolution, or words, in the beginning of this Par- 
 ; liament. We faid, we were refolved to put our felf 
 1 freely and clearly upon the love and affection of out 
 
 Upon viewing this order, we muft confefs we were 
 “ fomewhat amazed, having never feen or heard of the 
 “ like, though we had known Members of either Houfe 
 “ committed, without fo much formality as we had ufed, 
 “ and upon crimes of a far inferior nature to thofe we had 
 “ fuggefted ; and having no courle propofed to us for out 
 “ proceeding, we were upon the matter only told, That 
 “ againft thofe perfons vve yvere not to proceed at all; 
 
 44 Thai 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 44 + 
 
 164.2 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND, 
 
 <c That they were above onr reach, or the reach of the 
 “ Law. It' was not then eafy for us to refolvo what to 
 
 “ Rmm. 2 ( 1 .) This is a little dlfguife-J. The King was 
 not told, that thefe Members were above the reach of the 
 Law hut only, that the Parliament fimng, the Members 
 could not be imprifonetl without the content of then Louie, 
 and that it was expeaed the grounds of the accufauon 
 fhould be made known, in order to tms confent. 
 
 “ If we employed our mimfters ot juftice in the u.ual 
 .. ,«y for their apprehenfion, (who, without doubt, would 
 <c iu)t have refufed to execute our lawful commands; we 
 “ faw what refiftance and oppofition was like to be made, 
 
 « which very probably might coll fome blood. If we ate 
 Hill, and defifted upon this terror, we fhould at the L .t 
 “ have con felled our own want of power, and the weak- 
 >■ nefs of the Law. In this flrait we put on a fudutn 
 « refolution to try, whether our own presence, and a cc.tr 
 « difeovery of our intentions (which haply might not have 
 .. been foweli underftood) could remove thole doubts, and 
 « prevent thofe inconveniences, which teemed to hat e 
 .. been threatned j and thereupon we refolved to go in 
 .. our own perfon to our Houfe ol Commons, which we 
 « difeouered not till the very minute of our going; w hen 
 .. we fent out, That our fervants, and fue l Gentlemen 
 .< as were then in our Court, ihould attend us to W,J>- 
 .. But giving them exprefs command (as we have 
 
 st csprclTed in our anfwer to ihe ordinance) that no acct- 
 
 “ dents of provocation Ihould draw them to any tuch action 
 
 “ as might imply a purpofe of force m us . and our felf 
 “ frenuiring thofe of our train not to come within the door) 
 
 <t went into the Houfe of Commons: The bare doing ot 
 “ which we did not then conceive would have been 
 « thought more a breach of privilege, than if we had gone 
 <C to the Houfe of Peers, and font for them to come to 
 « us which is the ufual cuftom. We ufed the bell ex- 
 « preffions we could, to allure them how far we were 
 “ from any intention of violating their Privileges; that we 
 « intended to proceed legally and fpeed.ly againft the per- 
 « fens we had accufed, and defired therefore, if they were 
 “ in the Houfe, that they might be delivered to us; or, 
 ct if abfent, that fuch couife might be taken for their 
 tc forth-coming, as might fatisfyour juft demands: and (o 
 « we departed, having no other purpofe of force, if they 
 « had been in the Houfe, than we have before protefted 
 “ before God, in our anfwer to the ordinance. You have 
 « an account of our part of this ftory fully, let our peo- 
 “ pie judge freely of it. What followed on their part, 
 tc ftho’ this Declaration tells you, it could not withdraw 
 “ any hart of their reverence and obedience from us ; it may 
 “ be any part of theirs it did not) we lhall have too much 
 
 « caufe hereafter to inform the world. 
 
 “ There will be no end of the difeourfe, and upbrard- 
 <c ine us with evil councilors, if, upon our conftant uc- 
 « nial of knowing any, they will not vouchee to in- 
 c< form us of them ; and after eight months amufing the 
 “ Kingdom with the expectation of a difeovery of a ma¬ 
 ce ljanant party, and of evil counfellors, they will not at 
 «« Jaft name any, nor dtferibe them. Let the actions and 
 “ lives of. men be examined, who have contrived, coun- 
 cc feileJ actually confented to grieve and burden our peo- 
 “ pie • And if fuch be about us, or any againll whom any 
 
 “ notorious malicious crime can be proved ; .tweflieher 
 
 “ and protect anv fuch, let our injuftice be publifhed to 
 “ the world: Hut till that be done, particularly and ma¬ 
 te nifeftly, (for we fhall never conclude any man, upon 
 “ a bare general vote of the major part of either, or Loth 
 « Houfcs, till it be evident, that major part be without 
 “ paflion or afteftion) we mull look upon the charge this 
 tc Declaration puts on us, of cherifhing and countenancing 
 .. • them, as 
 
 .. 
 
 « t han any we have, or can lay upon the framers of that 
 “ Declaration. (13 ) „ 
 
 Rem. ( 13.) With fuch reftriilions one may eternally 
 . ' r who i whether major part 
 
 of * the Houfe were without paffion or prejudice? 
 
 cc Anc i now to countenance thofe unhandfome expref- 
 tc Hons, whereby ufually they have implied our connivance 
 tc a t Jr want of zeal againll the rebellion of Ireland , 
 CC /fo odious to all good men) they have found a new way 
 cc of exprobration ; That the Proclamation againft thofe 
 cc hlcody Traitors came not out till the beginning of Janu- 
 cc arV5 that Rebellion broke out in October ; and then 
 “ if [pedal command from us, but forty copies were appoint- 
 “ ed to be primed It is well known where we were at 
 CC that time, when that Rebellion brake forth, in Scotland ; 
 cc that we immediately from thence recommended the 
 cc carco f that bufinefs to both Houfes of Parliament here, 
 cc a f ter we had provided lor all fitting fupplies from our 
 cc Kingdom of Scotland : That after our return hither, 
 “ we obferved all thofe forms for that fexvice, which we 
 
 S 
 
 « were advifed to by our Council of Ireland, or both 164 
 “ Houfes of Parliament here; and if no Proclamations 
 “ ifi'ued out fooner, (of which for the prefent we are not 
 “ certain, but think that others before that time were 
 “ ifi'ued by our direction) it was, becaufe the Lords Jufti- 
 “ ces of the Kingdom defired them no fooner, and when 
 « they did, the number they defired was but twenty, 
 
 “ which they advifed might be figned by us; which we 
 “ for expedition of the fervice, commanded to be printed, 
 
 “ (a circumftance not required by them) thereupon we 
 “ figned more than our Juftices defired. All which was 
 “ very well known to fome Members, of one or both 
 “ Houfes of Parliament, who have the more to anfwer, 
 
 “ if they forbore to exprefs it at the paffing of this De- 
 “ claration : And if they did exprefs it, we have the 
 “ greater reafon to complain, that fo envious an afperfion 
 “ fhould be caft on us to our people, when they know 
 « well how to anfwer their own objections. (14.) 
 
 Rem. (14.) This anfwei appears fomething weak; for 
 fuppofing forty copies would have been fufficient for Ire¬ 
 land, why was not the Proclamation publifhed in England? 
 
 The King returns no anfwer to what the Parliament faid 
 of the Proclamation againft the Scots. 
 
 “ What that complaint is againft the Parliament, put 
 “ forth in our name, which is fuch an evidence and 
 “ countenance to the Rebels, and fpeaks the fame lan- 
 « guage of the Parliament which the Rebels do, we cannot 
 “ underftand. All ernr anfwers and declarations have 
 “ been, and are owned by us, and have been attefteJ under 
 “ our own hand ; if any other had been publifhed in our 
 “ name, and without our authority, it would be eafy lor 
 “ both Houfes of Parliament to difeover and apprehend 
 “ the authors. And we wilh, that whofoever was milled 
 u with the drawing and penning of that Declaration, had 
 “ no more authority or cunning to impofc upon, or de- 
 “ ceive the major part of thofe votes by which it palled, 
 
 “ than any man hath to prevail with us to publifn in our 
 “ own name any thing, but the fenfe and refolution of our 
 « own heart: Or, that the contriver of that Declaration 
 “ could, with as good a confcience, call God to witnels, 
 tc that all his counlels and endeavours have been free from 
 tc all private aims,perfonal refpedts or paflions whatloever, 
 
 “ as we have done and do, that we never had or knew of 
 
 as we have done anu ao, m<u. wc ncvc* ui . 
 
 “ fuch refolutions of bringing up the army to London. 
 tc And fince this new device is found out, inftead of an- 
 “ fwering our reafons, or fatisfying our juft demands, to 
 “ blall our Declarations and Anfwers, as if they were nut 
 t£ our own (a bold fenfelefs imputation) we are Cure, tnat 
 “ every anfwer and declaration publifhed by us, is much 
 “ more our own, than any one of thofe bold, thieatmng, 
 tc and reproachful Petitions and Remonllrances are the acts 
 ct of either, or both Houfes. And it the penner ol that 
 “ Declaration had been careful of the t.uit repofed in 
 “ him, he would never have denied, (and thereupon 
 “ found fault with our juft indignation) in the text or 
 tc margin, that we had never been charged with t.ie m- 
 “ tention of any force ; and that in rheir whole Dedara- 
 “ tion, there is no word tending to tuch a reproach; the 
 u contrary whereof • ■ ■ 
 
 cha 1 ' ’ • ' 
 
 tc gracious mefiages, when, with our privity, bring-ng 
 “ up the 
 
 “ claration they feck to make our people believe, l^me 
 ■■ 1 1 1 ng to be pi ' 
 
 “ lifhed, wherein, w 
 
 “ as they do in their cenfare of that Petition fhevved lor- 
 “ mcrlv to us by Captain [egg, and fubferibed by us v.v.i 
 “ C. R. which, notwithflanding our full and partic fiat 
 <c narration of the fubftance of that Petition, the circum- 
 « fiances of our feeing and approving it, this Declarati. n 
 “ is pleafed to fay, was full of fcandal to the Parliamen:, 
 
 “ and might have proved dangerous to the whole Ki ig- 
 “ dom. If they have this dangerous Petition in their 
 “ hands, we have no reafon to believe any tendernefs to 
 “ us-ward hath kept them from communicating it: If 
 « they have it not, we ought to have been believed. Hut 
 ct that all good people may compute their other pretended 
 « dangers by their clear underftanding of this, the node 
 tc whereof hath not been inferior to any of the re'., vve 
 “ have recovered a true copy of the vety Petition wc 
 “ figned with C. R. which lhall in fit time be publ.lh •<! ; 
 
 « and which we hope will open the eyes of our good 
 « people. (15.) Concerning our warrant foi m 's 
 
 tc pafiage, our anfwer was true and full: but for h:s black 
 “ fattin fuit, and white boots, we can give no account. 
 
 Rem. (15.) This whole articleof the aniwer fee ms \ery 
 weak, fince the King’s defence coniills only of his ruvn 
 teftimony. There could not he a more proper occafion 
 publifh this Petition, of which he faid he had a true copy. 
 But in deferring the publication 10 a more convenient 
 time, he gave room to fufpect, there were fome tilings in 
 the Petition which were not favourable to him. 
 
 “ V- * 
 
Book XX, 
 
 1642. “ We complained in our Declaration, and as often as 
 
 “ we have occafion to mention our return and refidence 
 “ near London, we fhall complain, of the barbarous and 
 “ feditious tumults at Wejlminjler and Whitehall j which 
 “ indeed were fo full of fcandal to our Government, and 
 “ danger to our perfon, that we fhall never think of our 
 “ return thither, till we have juftice for what is paft, and 
 “ fecurity for the time to come. And if there were fo 
 “ g reat a neceffity, or defire of our return as is pretended, 
 ** in all this time, upon fo often preffing our defires, and 
 “ u P on caufes fo notorious, we fhould at leaft have procu- 
 “ red order for the future. But that declaration tells 
 “ u s> we are upon the matter miftaken ; The refort of 
 lt the Citizens to Witjlmmjler was as lawful as the refort of 
 “ great numbers every day in the term to the ordinary 
 Courts of Juftice. They knew no tumults. Strange f 
 “ Was the diforderly appearance of fo many thoufand people 
 “ w ‘ f h haves and fwords, crying through the Streets, Weft- 
 “ mitjler-Hally the paflage between both Houfes, (in’fo- 
 “ much as the Members could hardly pafs to and fro) No 
 “ Bi/hoph down with the Bijlrfs ; no tumults? What 
 “ Member is there of either Houfe that faw not thofe 
 “ numbers, and heard not thofe cries ? And yet lawful Af- 
 “ femblies! Were not feveral Members of either Houfe ' 
 “ aflaulted, threatened and ill treated ? and yet no tu¬ 
 mults ! Why made the Houfe of Peers a Declaration, 
 ci and fent it down to the Houfe of Commons, for the fup- 
 “ prefling of tumults, if there were no tumults? And if 
 “ there were any, why was not fuch a Declaration con- 
 “ fented to and publilhed ? When the attempts were fo 
 “ V| Tible, and the threats fo loud to pull down the Abby at 
 “ IV'JlminJler , had we not caufe to apprehend that fuch 
 “ people would continue their work to Whitehall ? Yet 
 “ no tumults! What a ftrange time are we in! That a 
 ^ ew impudent, malicious ( to give them no worfe term ) 
 men, Ihould caft fuch a ftrange mift of error before 
 “ the eyes of both Houfes of Parliament, as that they 
 either cannot, or will not fee, how manifeftly they injure 
 “ themfelves by maintaining thefe vifible untruths? We 
 “ fay no more. By the help of God, and the Law, we 
 “ will have juftice for thofe tumults. (16.) 
 
 Rem. (ib.) The Parliament’s Declaration contained 
 two things upon this Article j Firft, That the concourfe of 
 people at Wejlminjler was no tumult. Secondly, That 
 the King’s perfon was in no danger, fince on the morrow 
 he went through the City without a guard, and moreover 
 Raid feveral days at Whitehall in fafety. The King an- 
 fwers here 10 the firft: of thefe things, and leaves the other 
 without reply. Only he draws a confequence, that White¬ 
 hall was in danger, becaufe the people threatened to pull 
 down Wejlminjler-Abbey , a circumftande which no where 
 appears in the accounts of thefe tumults. 
 
 “ Mom excepting (how weightily let every man judge ) 
 fo what we have faid, that Declaration proceeds to cen- 
 “ fure us for what we have not faid, for the prudent omif- 
 “ fions in our anfwer : We forbore to fay any thing of 
 “ the words fpoken at Kenfmgton , or the articles againft 
 “ our deareft confort, and of the accufation of the fix 
 “ Members: Of the laft we had fpoken often, and we 
 “ bought enough of the other two ; having never accufed 
 “ an y (though God knows what truth there might be in 
 ** eit ^) we had no reafon to give any particular anfwer. 
 
 “ We do not reckon our felf bereaved of any part of 1 
 “ our prerogative, which we are pleafed freely for a time 1 
 “ to part with by Bill; yet we mult fay, we exprefl'ed ‘ 
 
 “ a great truft in our two Houfes of Parliament, when we 4 
 “ hefted our felf of the power of difTolving this Parlia- 4 
 ment, which was a juft, neceflary, and proper preroo-a- 
 “ tive: But we are glad to hear their refolution, that it 
 “ fhall not encourage them to do any thing, which other- 
 “ wife had not been fit to have been done ; if it do, it will 
 he fuch a breach of truft, God will require an account 
 “ for at their hands. 
 
 1 or the Militia, we have faid fo much in it hereto- 
 “ fore, and the point is fo well underftood by all men, 
 
 “ that we will wafte time no more in that difpute. We 
 “ never faid there was no fuch thing as an ordinance, 
 
 “ (though we know that they have been long difufed j 
 “ k ut that there was never any ordinance, Or can be, with- 
 “ out the King’s confent; and that fe true, and the un- 
 neceflary precedent cited in that Declaration doth not of- 
 “ fer to prove the contrary. But enough of that, God 
 and the Law muft determine that bufinefs. 
 
 “ Neither hath this Declaration given us any fatisfa&ion 
 “ concerning the Votes of the 15th and 16th of March 
 “ laft, which we muft declare, and appeal to all the World 
 <c ' n point, to be the greateft violation of our privilege, 
 
 “ the Law of the Land, the liberty of the Subjeft, and 
 the right of Parliament, that can be imagined. One 
 
 2 $. C H A R L E S. I. 
 
 4d.iC 
 
 ! ?. f th * fe V °fe s £ ( a nd there needs no other to de'flroy 
 the King and People ) That when the Lr.rds and C'.-nt- 
 mom (it IS well the Commons are admitted to H . 
 
 : P / n . m Judicature J jhall declare what thi Law if",U 
 ' m "A h ‘ aJJ'mtei to. and obty.i ; th. t i 
 
 the fenfe in few words. Where is every man’s pm- 
 perty; every man’s liberty? If a major part of both 
 Houfes declare that the Law is, that the younger bro¬ 
 ther fhall inherit, what is become of all the families ami 
 eltates in the K ingdom ? If they declare, that by . 1- 
 fundamental Law of the Land, fuch a ralh ailion" 
 tuch an unadviled word ought to be punilhed by p-rne-’ 
 tual impnfonme.it, is not the liberty of the Subied* J- 
 ram, ben, flacm, remedilefs r That Declaration con. 
 
 , th, They pretend not to a power of mating new 
 ( Laws i that without us they cannot do that I’’ -* 
 
 ‘ need no fuch power, if their Declaration can fufpend 
 this Statute from being obeyed or executed, and mate 
 this order, which is no Statute, to be obeyed and exe- 
 . cutcd - the y have power to declare the Lord V ./, 
 waiting on us to Hampton-Curt , and thence vififuw 
 t * onae oncers at Kmgjhn , with a coach and lot horfc-.° 
 
 .1 ,T ,n S 0f war and Itigh-Treafon ; and Sir Join 
 
 H °‘r m “ def y;"S us >0 ottf ftee. keeping our town, fort, 
 n J°° dS 1 S by f0rCC 0f arms ’ t0 I* adt of 
 
 attedtion and loyalty, what needs a power of imkinu 
 new Laws ? Or is there fuch a thing as Law left ? 
 defire our good Subjedts to mart the reafon and confe- 
 „ qu ™“ ot , . V0 “ E ’ ,he progrefs they have already 
 
 made, and how infinite that progrefs may he. Fun, 
 they vote the Kingdom is in imminent danger, ( it is a. 
 
 „ 7 ve mouths fince they difeerned it ) from enemies . 
 
 abroad, and a popifh and difcontented party at home ■ 
 
 ‘ 1 ins is matter of fa ft, the Law follows. This vote 
 ‘ hath given them authority by Law ( the fundamental 
 Laws of tlie Kingdom ) to order and difpofe of the Mi- 
 htia of the Kingdom, and with this power, and to nre- 
 vent that danger, to enter into our towns, feize upon 
 
 our magazine, and by force keep both from us. Is not 
 
 this our cafe ? Firft, They vote we have an intention 
 « 7 f V I W 4. r . agai " 11 0,,r Parliament (a), that is matter 
 of fadl: Then they declare, fuch as fhall aflift us, to be 
 guilty of High-Treafon ; that is the Law, and proved 
 by two Statutes, themfelves know to be repealed • No 
 “ “alter for that, they declare it. Upon this ground they 
 • exerctfe the Militia, and fo aaually do that upon us, 
 
 ' ™ ch ,“7 have v oted we intend to do upon them 
 Who doth not fee the confufion that muft follow upon 
 fuch a power of declaring ? If they fhould now vote, 
 that we did not write this Declaration, but thn fuch an 
 ‘ one dld ir » which is (till matter of faft ; and then de- 
 ‘ c ' arp i that for fo doing he is an enemy to the Com- 
 ‘ monwealth ; what is become of the Law that man 
 ‘ was bor " to ? And if all their zeal for the defence of 
 ‘ thc Law, be but to defend that which they declare to 
 ‘ be Law, their own votes, it will not be in their power 
 to fatisfy any man of their good intentions to the pub- 
 ‘ lick peace, but fuch who are willing to reiinquifh their 
 : titles to Magna Charta , and hold their lives and for. 
 
 ; tunes by a vote of a major part of both Houfes. In a 
 ■ word, we deny not, but that they may have power to 
 declare, m a particular doubtful cafe, regularly brought 
 before them, what Law is; but to mate a u en erai de¬ 
 claration, whereby the known rule of the La'w may be 
 crofted or altered, they have no power, nor can exercife 
 “ ?"y> without bringing the life and liberty of the Sub- 
 “ jedtj toa lawlefs and arbitrary fubiection, (17,) 
 
 Rem. (17.) It muft have been a great mortification to 
 the King, to be forced to fhow by fuch good arguments 
 the mifcbiefs that flow from arbitrary power. The fame 
 reafons ufed by the King, to demonftrate that arbitrary 
 power was a natural conlequence of the Parliament’s max¬ 
 ims, ferved to prove, that it was equally hazardous to 
 leave, not every King of England, but Charlts I. in parti¬ 
 cular, inverted with tile authority allowed him by the 
 Laws, conftdering the ufe he had already made of tint 
 power. 
 
 K “ We complained, (and let the world judge of the 
 “ juftice and neceffity of that complaint) of the multitude 
 “ °f feditious pamphlets and fermons. And that Declara- 
 “ tion tells us, they know we have ways enough in our 
 “ ordinary Courts of Juftice to punifh thofe; fo we have 
 “ to punifti tumults and riots, and yet they will not lerve 
 “ our turn to keep our towns, our forefts, and parks 
 “ from violence ( b). And it may be, though thofe 
 “ Courts have ftill the power to punifh, they may have 
 <c loft the skill to define what riots and tumults are • 
 
 “ otherwife a Jury in Southwark , legally impannelled to 
 “ examine a riot there, would not have been fuperfeded, 
 
 \b\ 5f.EE , p (r i-a K ,nte ! v . a ! b f wetn ,he of the parliament’s Declaration, and that of the King’s Anfwt 
 
 •vr Vr dlft T r T nCe Which ^*PF tnf ^ ^ the Park and Foreft of Windfor. Idem. * 
 
 Wo. 66. Vol. II. ^ u 
 
 Repin, 
 
 ' *ni 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 4 4-6 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1642. and the Sheriff enjoyned not to proceed, by virtue of “ 
 “ an order of the Houfe of Commons, which it feems at “ 
 “ that time had the foie power of declaring. But it is “ 
 “ no wonder, that they who could not fee the tumults, do “ 
 “ not confider the pamphlets and fermons, though the “ 
 “ Author of the Prote/iation protejled , be well known to be 
 C£ Burton (that infamous dillurber of the peace of this 
 “ Church and State) and that he preached it at IVcJhninJler-, “ 
 “ in the hearing of divers Members of the Houfe of “ 
 “ Commons : But of fuch pamphlets, and feditious 
 “ preacheis (divers whereof have been recommended, if ‘ 
 not impofed upon feveral parifhes, by fome Members of ‘ 
 “ both H mfes, by what authority we know not) we fhall ‘ 
 “ hereaftei take a further account. (18.} 
 
 Rem. (‘8.) There Sermons contained, for the moll 
 p u t, the maxims which the Parliament would have eftab- 
 ]iflicd, or pretended to be agreeable to the Laws ; but 
 which the King looked upon as feditious, and for that rea- 
 1011 affirmed the Parliament ought to punifh the authors. 
 This Burton was the fame whole ears were cut off by the 
 Star-Chamber, and who was banifhed to Guernfey , for pub- 
 lifiling a Treat 1 fc againft the Church of England. It 
 feems here, that the King was not pleafed with the Par¬ 
 liament’s reverfing his fentence. 
 
 “ We confcfs we have little skill in the Laws, and thofe 
 that have had molt, we now find are much to feek. 
 
 “ Yet we cannot underfland or believe, that every ordi- 
 “ narv Court, or any Court, hath power to raife what 
 tc guard they pleafe ; and under what command they 
 “ pleafe ; neither can we imagine what dangerous effects 
 “ they found by the guard we appointed them, or (in- 
 “ deed) any the leaf! occafion why they needed a guard 
 “ at all. 
 
 ‘‘ But of all the imputations fo caufelefsly and unjuftly 
 “ laid upon us by that Declaration, we mod wonder at 
 “ that charge fo apparently and evidently untrue, That 
 “ fuch ate continually preferred and countenanced by us, 
 
 “ who are friends or favourers or related unto the chief 
 *■ authors and adlors of that arbitrary Power, heretofore 
 i - pradtifed or complained of : And on the other fide, that 
 “ fuch as did appear againll if, are daily difcountenanced 
 tc and difgraced. We would know one perfon that con- 
 “ tributed to the ills of thofe times, or had dependence 
 ‘‘ upon thofe that did, whom we do, or lately have coun- 
 “ tenanced or preferred. Nay, we are confident (and we 
 “ look for no other at their hands) as they have been al- 
 “ ways moll eminent afiertors of the publick Liberties ; 
 
 “ fo, if they found us inclined to any thing not agreeable 
 “ to honour and iuftice, they would leave us to morrow : 
 
 Whether different perfons have not and do not receive 
 “ countenance elfewhere, and upon what grounds, let all 
 “ men judge ; and whether wc have not been forward 
 
 enough to honour and prefer thofe of the mofl contrary 
 “ opinion, how little comfort foever we have had of thofe 
 “ preferments ; in bellowing ol which hereafter we lhall 
 “ be more guided by men’s aftions than opinions. And 
 “ therefore we had good caufe to beftow that admonition 
 ie (for we allure you it was an admonition of our own) 
 
 “ upon both our Houfes of Parliament, to take heed of 
 “ inclining, under the fpecious fhews of neceffity and 
 “ danger, to the cxercife of fuch an arbitrary power they 
 “ before complained of: The advice will do no harm, and 
 “ we fhall be glad to fee it followed. 
 
 “ And aie all the fpecious promifes, and loud profeffions 
 “ of making us a great and glorious King, of fettling a 
 “ greater revenue upon us than any of our anceftors have 
 11 enjoyed ; of making us to be honoured at home, and 
 “ feared abroad ; refolved into this, that they will be 
 “ readv to fettle our revenue in an honourable proportion, 
 
 “ when we fhall put our felf in fuch a pofture of govern- 
 0 ment, that our Subje&s may be fecure to enjoy our juft 
 “ protection for their Religion, Laws, and Liberties ? 
 
 ‘ What pofture of government they intend we know not, 
 
 “ nor can we imagine what fecurity our good Subjects 
 “ can defire for their Religion, Laws, and Liberties, 
 
 which we have not offered, or fully given. (19.) 
 
 R n M. (19.) Unhappily, fince the violation of the Peti¬ 
 tion of Right, neither the King’s word nor promifes, nor 
 even Acts of Parliament, had been deemed a Efficient fecu¬ 
 rity. At leaft, plaufible reafons were altedged not to con¬ 
 fide in them. Nothing but the Militia could latisfy the 
 Parliament, and that was what the King would not wil- 
 linglv grant. 
 
 “ And is it fuitable to the duty and dignity of both 
 “ Houfes of Parliament, to anfwer our particular weighty 
 
 f i; The Petitions here r 
 
 expreffions of the caufes of our remove from London 164 
 ( fo generally known to the Kingdom) with a feoff. 
 
 That they hope we were driven from thence, not by 
 our own fears, hut by the fears of the Loid Digb\, and 
 his retinue of Cavaliers ? Sure the penner of that Decla¬ 
 ration inferted that ungrave and infolent expreffion, ( as he 
 hath dune divers others) without the conlent or exami- 
 nation of both Houfes, who would not fo lightly i:ave 
 departed from their former profeffions of duty to us. 
 
 “ Whether the way to a good underftandmg between 
 us and our people, hath been as zcaloully prefled hv 
 them, ais it hath been profelled and delired by us, wiJI 
 “ be eafily difeerned bv thofe who obferve, that we have 
 left no publick adl undone oil our part, which in the 
 “ leaft degree might be neceflary to the peace, plenty, 
 
 “ and fecurity of our Subjects, and that they have not dii- 
 “ patched one a£l, which hath given the leaft evidence of 
 tiieir particular attention and kindnefs to us ; hut on the 
 “ contrary, have difcountenanced and hindered the tefti- 
 “ mony other men would give to us of their affections ; 
 
 “ witnefs, the flopping and keeping back the bill of Sub- 
 “ fidies granted by the Clergy almoll a year fince ; v/hich, 
 
 “ though our perffinal wants are fo notorioufly known, 
 
 “ thev will iioi to this time pafs : So not only forbearing 
 “ to lupply us thcmfelves, but keeping the love and bounty 
 “ of other men from us, and afford no other anlwers to 
 “ all our delires, all our reafons, ( indeed not to be an- 
 “ fwered ) than, That we muft not make our underfland- 
 “ ing or reafon, the rule of our Government, but fuffer 
 “ our felf to be affilleJ ( which we never denied ) by our 
 “ great Council. We require no other liberty to our will, 
 
 “ than the meaneft of them do, (we wifh they would 
 “ always ufe that liberty ) not to confent to any thing 
 “ evidently contrary to our confcience and underflanding ; 
 
 “ and we have and fhall always give as much eftinution 
 “ and regard to the advice and counfel of both our Houfes 
 “ of Parliament, as ever Prince hath done ; but we fhall 
 “ never (and we hope our people w;il never) account 
 “ the contrivance of a few ( fadlious, feditious perfons, 
 
 “ a malignant party, who would facrifice the ComnaOn- 
 <c wealth to their own fury and ambition ) the wifdom of 
 “ Parliament : And that the jultifying and delcnci.ng fuch 
 ‘‘ perfons, (of whom, and of their particular finiltcr wavs 
 “ to compafs their own bad ends, we fhall fhortly inform 
 “ the world ) is not the way to preferve Parliaments, but 
 “ is the oppofing and preferring the confideration of a few 
 “ unworthy perfons, before their duty to their King, or 
 “ their care of the Kingdom. They would have us re- 
 “ member, that our refolutions do concern Kingdoms, and 
 “ therefore are not to be moulded by our own under- 
 “ Handing. We well remember it, but we would have 
 “ them remember, That when their confultations endea- 
 “ vour to leflen the office and dignity of a King, they 
 “ meddle with that which is not within their determina- 
 “ tion, and of which we muft give an account to God 
 “ and our other Kingdoms, and muft maintain with tli« 
 
 “ facrifice of our life. 
 
 “ Laflly, That Declaration tells you, of a prefent def- 
 “ perate and malicious plot, the malignant party is now 
 “ acting, under the plaufible notions of ftirring men up 
 “ to a care of preferving the King’s Prerogative, main- 
 “ raining the difeipline ot the Church, upholding and con- 
 “ tinuing the reverence and folemnity of God’s fervice, 
 
 “ and encouraging Learning, ( indeed plaufible and ho- 
 
 nourable notions to a£t any thing upon) and that upon 
 “ thefe grounds divers mutinous petitions have been framed 
 “ in London , Kent , and other places. Upon what grounds 
 “ would thefe men have petitions framed ? Have lo many 
 “ petitions ( even againll the form and conftitution of the 
 “ Kingdom, and the Laws eflabhfhed) been joyfully re- 
 “ ceived and accepted ? And fhall petitions framed upon 
 “ thefe grounds be called mutinous: Hath a multitude <<i 
 “ mean, unknown, inconliderable, contemptible perfons 
 “ about the City and Suburbs of London-, had liberty to 
 “ petition againft the government of the Church, againll 
 “ the Book of Common-Prayer, againft the freedom and 
 “ privilege of Parliament, and been thanked lor it ? And 
 “ lhall it be called mutiny in the graveft and belt Citizens 
 “ of London, in the gentry and commonalty of Kent , to 
 “ frame petitions upon thefe grounds (1), and to defire to 
 ct be governed by the known Laws ot the Land, not by 
 tC orders or votes of either, or both Houfes r Can this be 
 “ thought the wifdom and juft ice of both Houfe, of Par- 
 “ liament ? Is it not evidently the work of a fadtiun wit;:- 
 “ in or without both Houfes, who deceive the trull repo- 
 
 For the London Pi 
 
 mentioned, from London and Kent . were about the Militi; 
 
 -.1 t'i c. fun : Where, ^i'er he rnd lain li me time, the Lords bailed him ; but the Commons e mmi 
 i tiuun was brought, wh : ch was by i ine Gentlemen of that County, with a great number I the fubfta 
 : : -rggua.ds placed at L--. . hr.dt’. where the Petitioners were dilaimed, and only fome few luftertd 
 1. ■ i v rhereof to the H .ufe of Commons, the bringers of the Petition were lharpiy reprehended 5 two 
 p incipal Gertb.nicn o.* the County, who had fubferibed and deGred :t, lent 1 >r as Delinquents ; Cnirg' 
 Declaration publifhed, That v.liofocver Ihouid henceforth advile, 
 
 Cjrtr.ti-, Tctw. t. p jSj, tSa. 
 
 iv; th; like Pc 
 
 I, Gorge 
 ed him again the 
 tal loh.biunts, the City ol i 
 pif, with the r Petition to 
 three ci .Item committed 
 and Impeachment, orawn . 
 
 Id bi prcc-tgaunt a: Entaniet 
 
 e, a rich Citizen , 
 day-Whc.i t 
 
 6 
 

 Book XX. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 1642 
 
 * Explication 
 - 1 •/ tbe Dtf- 
 ■ firmed be. 
 01 tween the 
 lib K‘njt and 
 Parliament. 
 
 “ fed in them, and have now told us, what mutiny is ? 
 “ To ftir up men to a care of prefer ving our Prerogative, 
 “ maintaining the difeipline of the Church, upholding 
 “ and continuing the reverence and folemnity of God’s 
 “ fervice, encouraging of Learning, is mutuny. Let hea- 
 <c ven and earth, God and Man, judge between us and 
 “ thefe men. And however fuch petitions are there called 
 “ mutinous, and the petitioners threatned, difeountenan- 
 “ ce d, cenfured, and imprifoned ; if they bring fuch law- 
 “ ful petitions to us, we will gracioufly receive them, and 
 “ defend them and their rights againft what power foever, 
 “ w ‘th the uttermoft hazard of our being. 
 
 “ We have been the longer (to our very great pain ) 
 “ in this anfwer, that we might give the world fatisfacii- 
 “ on, even in the moll: trivial particulars which have been 
 “ objected againft us; and that we may not be again re- 
 “ proached with any more prudent omiftions. If we have 
 “ been compelled to fharper language than we affe£t, let 
 ‘‘ it be conlldered, how vile, how infufferable, our provo- 
 “ cations have been : And except to repel force, be to 
 
 afTault, and to give punctual and necefi'ary anfwers to 
 “ rough and infolent demands, be to make inve&ives, we 
 “ are confident the world will accufe us of too much mild- 
 
 neft, and all our good Subjects will think we are not 
 “ well dealt with, and will judge of us, and of their own 
 
 happinefs and fecurity in us, by our adtions ; which we 
 “ deli re may no longer profper, or have a bleffing from 
 “ u P on them and us, than they fhail be diredted to 
 “ the glory of God, in the maintenance of the true Pro- 
 “ feftant Profeflion, to the prefervation of the property, 
 “ and the liberty of the Subjedt, in the obfervation of the 
 “ L aws, and to the maintenance of the rights -and free- 
 “ dom of Parliament, in the allowance and protection of 
 “ all their juft privileges.”. 
 
 After all thele Papers in this fecond part of the reign of 
 Charles I. one fhould, it feems, have a perfedt knowledge 
 of the differences between the King and the Parliament, 
 and the fubjeft be exhaufted. Neverthelefs, if the Reader 
 fhould keep to the Papers publifhed on both fides, he would 
 not have a very clear idea of the caufe of thefe differences. 
 T o this end, he muft underftand the motives which they 
 took care not to difeover in their Manifeftos, publifhed only 
 with dciign to gain the approbation of the people. The 
 following recital will, in my opinion, ferve to give a clear 
 and plain idea of thefe differences. I fhail fay nothing but 
 what has been faid in feveral places, and yet, I believe, it 
 will not be fuperfluous, briefly to recapitulate the whole, 
 which may be of fervice to fhow the grounds and caufes of 
 the Civil Wars. 
 
 It muft be laid down as an undeniable fa£t, after what 
 has been faid, that the King had formed a defign to efta- 
 blifh an arbitrary Government in England. They who 
 deny this, have only to feek in their imagination, a more 
 natural caufe of the people’s difeontent againft his Govern¬ 
 ment. But it is certain, whatever their fyftcm may be, 
 they will never be able, without this, fo to reconcile it 
 with the events, as to fatisfy the impartial. The four 
 preceding Parliaments confidered all the King’s proceed¬ 
 ings, from the beginning of his reign, as tending to efta- 
 blifli an abfolute power. This was what they called their 
 Grievances, the redrefs whereof they had frequently, 
 though in vain, demanded. 
 
 Charles I. inherited the King his Father’s mortal aver- 
 fion to the Puritans or Presbyterians. He was, like him, 
 perfuaded, that their principles concerning Church-govern¬ 
 ment, were dire% oppofite to Monarchy. They both 
 went flill farther. They believed not only, that all the 
 Puritans were antimonarchical, but alfo, that all thofe who 
 were againft a defpotick power were truly Puritans. This 
 made Charles I. refolve to ruin fuch as were not fubmif- 
 five enough to his will, by confounding them all under the 
 name of Puritans. To that purpofe he admitted into his 
 Council, and publick Offices, fuch only as were of his 
 principles. Hence fprung all the feverities exercifed by 
 the Council, the Star-Chamber, the High-Commiffion, 
 the Judges, and all the Magiftrates, upon thofe that, ac¬ 
 cording to the notions of the Court, were infeCted with 
 Puritanifm, though many of thefe men were fincerely at¬ 
 tached to the Church of England. Herein the King, con¬ 
 trary to his intention, did a very confiderable fervice to 
 the true Presbyterians, fincc he confounded their interefts 
 with thofe of a great number of people, who, otherwife, 
 would have had no inclination to Presbyterianifm. The 
 truth is, they were both threatned with the fame deftruCti- 
 on. And therefore, in the ele&ions for this laft Parlia¬ 
 ment, many were returned of contrary principles to the 
 King and Court, Among thefe, the Presbyterians were 
 the moft ardent, perceiving their ruin was determined, 
 and would foon approach, if the King fucceeded in his 
 deligns. Thus, the Presbyterian-party, which before 
 m,.de an inconliderable figure in the Kingdom, grew very 
 
 powerful, by the jun&ion of the other fort of Puritans, 
 whom the Court was pleafed to confound with them. 
 
 On the other hand, Archbiffiop Laud and feme of the 
 Court-Bifhops, devifed a means, which could not fail to af¬ 
 ford them occafions to perfecute the Puritans. This was 
 to enjoin with great rigour the obfervance of certain prac¬ 
 tices, which moft people looked upon as indifferent. Nay, 
 they added fundry innovations, which offended not on¬ 
 ly the Presbyterians, but alfo many Church of England 
 men. I his produced great murmurs. But people were 
 not fatisfied with complaining, they openly difobeyed, and 
 their aifobedience afforded a pretenfe to punifhmcnt. Here¬ 
 by the Bifhops, who were the chief authors of thefe inno¬ 
 vations, made themfelvcs fo odious, that many believed to 
 have juft reafon, to fufpeCt a defign to reftore the Popifn 
 Religion fince the eftablifhment of thefe innovations was 
 fo ardently purfued, which feemed to tend only to draw 
 the Church of England nearer to that of Rome. If to this 
 difeontent be added that, occafioned by the King’s Govern¬ 
 ment, with regard to the liberties of the People and the pri¬ 
 vileges of the Parliament, it will not be difficult to con- 
 ceive, that the nation in general was extremely diffatiffied. 
 
 Though, in this laft Parliament there were many Pref- 
 byterians for the reafon above mentioned, they were not 
 however ftrong enough to form a Party capable of op- 
 pofing that of the Church, had they at firft difeovered 
 their intentions. So, it may be affirmed, that in general, 
 the defign of this Parliament, when they met, was not 
 to overthrow the Church of England , and eftablifh Pres¬ 
 byterianifm in its room, though it can fcarce be doubted, 
 that tins was the private aim of the Presbyterians. But, 
 as their number was too finall to oppofe all the reft of the 
 Parliament, they refulved to join with the oppofite party 
 to the King, for procuring the redrefs of grievances. 
 Among thefe grievances, fome concerned Religion, as the 
 innovations which offended the Church-men no lefs than 
 the Presbyterians themfelves. Upon this fubjeCt, thefe laft 
 fcrupled not to declaim ftrenuoufly when occafion offered, 
 and to reprefent thefe grievances as being of very dangerous 
 confequence. They could do it without difeovering them¬ 
 felves too openly, becaufe, as I faid, moft of the Members 
 of Parliament were already prejudiced againft the innova¬ 
 tions and the conduft of the Bifhops. As the King viva 
 extremely zealous for the Church of England , and of the 
 number of thofe who confidered the innovations and fome 
 ° thC n,- trifleS 3S neceirar y t0 the Solemnity of the publick 
 worfhip, he eppofed their fuppreflion as much as poffibie, 
 not direCtly, but by means of the Bifhops, Popifh Lords, 
 and others of his Party. Wherefore the Presbyterians en¬ 
 deavoured to convince all the reft of the contrary party, 
 that as long as the Bifhops fhould fit in the Houfe of 
 Lords, it would be almoft impoffible to attain an entire 
 redrefs of grievances. The Houfe of Commons perlifted 
 therefore in fo ordering it, that the Bifhops votes fhould 
 be taken away, wherein they met with great c bftacles. 
 But at length, by means 0/ the tumults they frightned 
 them away, and induced them to prefent the Protefla- 
 tion, which occafioned the feruling of twelve of them to 
 the Tower. By the fame means, the Popifh Lords were 
 alfo forced to abfent themfelves from the Parliament, 
 t rom that time the King’s party became very weak, and 
 the Presbyterians acquired new ftrength. 
 
 Afterwards, the Presbyterian party having gained fo 
 much ground, diligently applied themfelves to cherifh the 
 diflention between the King and the Parliament. It was 
 they that caufed the Remonftrance of the State of the 
 Kingdom to be parted, which was prefented to the King 
 at his return from Scotland , and was as the fignal of the 
 Rupture. Unhappily, there was in the Presbyterian party, 
 another party which concealed themfelves, and were after¬ 
 wards known by the name of Independents. This party, 
 as they could not accomplifh their fecret defigns without 
 diforder and confufion, aft’eCted a rigid Presbyterianifm, and 
 ftrove to carry things to extremities, under colour of main¬ 
 taining Presbyterianifm, though in truth their intention was 
 to deftroy it as well as the Church of England. 
 
 Mean while, the King retiring to YbrA, and perceiving 
 a war unavoidable, fent private notice to all whom he 
 thought his friends in both Houfes, to leave the Parliament 
 and repair to lork or elfewhcre. Many obeyed, and by 
 their retreat, the Presbyterian party became luperior in the 
 two Houfes. Before that time, when any thing was 
 moved by the Presbyterians, tending to the fubverrton of 
 the Church of England, thofe who had any regard for the 
 Church did not fail to oppofe it, and of this number were 
 all the King’s friends But as foon as thefe were retired, 
 the Presbyterian party, by their fuperiority in both Houfes, 
 parted whatever they pleafed. This is what the King ob- 
 ferved in feveral paffages of his anfwer. Thus, the Pres¬ 
 byterian party prevailing in both Houfes, and fecretly in¬ 
 tending to alter the Church Government ; but the tiling 
 
 
 447 
 
 1642. 
 
4+ 8 
 
 The HIST 0 RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 ii. 
 
 being impracticable, fo long as the King fhould preferve his thought himfelf bound in confcier.ce to c^pofe to the ut- if4 
 
 power, it is evident, that according to this project it was molt of his power. He was fo ftrongly, and fo iincereh 
 
 1 he Parliament's intereft, which was dire&ed by the Pref- attached to the Church of England , that he [coked upon 
 byteri.ins, carefully to avoid whatever tended to an accom- any condefcenfion which might tend to her min, as the 
 
 modation, which would have broken all their meafures. blackeft crime he could be guilty of, and perfifted in this 
 
 P,Lit they took care not to difeover entirely their uefigns. opinion, even when his affairs were grown defperate. A!’ 
 
 It was not vet time, till they had put it out of the King’s- his Counfellors were of the fame principles. They believed 
 power to prevent the execution. So, though they rendered the epifcopal Government of the Church fo abfolutelv ne- 
 their fears and jealoufies of the King as plaufible as poflible, celfary, that a Church without Bifhops was no true Church 
 and though it fhould be granted, they had reafon to fufpe£I in their opinion. On the other hand, the Presbyterians 
 and fear, there is however room to think, that the danger were no lefs poffeffed with their notions, and without dif- 
 they reprefented as being fo near and imminent, was not tinguifhing what is efTential in Religion from what np.lv 
 
 fo real as they pretended. Their grand aim, was to in- external, they confidered the ufages and practices of 1 lie 
 
 duce the King to begin the breach, wherein the King feems Church of England as a fort of Popery. Befides, thev 
 not to have foon enough perceived the fnare that was laid were fo convinced of the King’s enmity to them, that thev 
 for him. could not think themfelves fafe, fo long as it was in his 
 
 As for the King, it is almoft impoflible to know per- power to opprefs them. Matters handing thus, it is evj- 
 feftly his fecret motives and intentions, becaufe, fince the dent, that force of arms alone was capable of obliging one 
 opening of the Parliament, it had never been in his power or other party to yield. 
 
 to fhow them evidently, by any efte£ts. It is true, he A war being almoft unavoidable, the Earl of Bri/iol, 7 '- r 
 
 gave his affent to fevcral advantagious Bills to the People, though he had no great reafon to be plealed with the King, B 1,1,11 •' 
 
 and thereby feemed to exprefs a kind of repentance for his made his laft effort to procure an accommodation, by a . 
 
 paft conduct. But his fituation, when he paffed thefe Ads, Speech in the Houle of Peers. He reprefented, that the ,<■*, 
 made it fomething doubtful, whether he fincerely confented thing was not impoflible, if it was ftncerelv endeavoured. f 
 
 to the redrefs of grievances, or whether it was only to ac- Alter having enumerated all the mifehiefs of a civil war, jy.Q 
 commodate himfelf to the times. He affured, that his in- and the calamities it is ufually attended with, lie moved to 
 tention was to govern for the future according to Law, appoint a feledl Committee of both Houfes, truly to hate 
 and called God to witnefs his fincerity. But they would all the differences betwixt the King and the parliament, 
 not rely on his word. Thus much is certain, that what- with the molt probable ways of reconciling them ; what 
 
 ever he faid or did in favour of the Laws, was little agree- the King ought to do to fatisfy the People, and what fecu- 
 
 shle to ih ■ principles he had followed for fifteen years. If rity he fhould give. He added feveral other things, which 
 perfuadcJ, that his affeverations and promifes plainly fhowed, he inclined to the King’s fide, and be- 
 
 v.-ere fufEcient for the Nation’s fecurity, others thought to caufe, withal, he mentioned Religion but very flightly and 
 have juft caufe to queftion their fincerity, becaufe they in general terms, his Speech had no great efteft. 
 
 came at a time when he had no other refuge than the 
 Laws to fupport himfelf, nor other means than his promife 
 to obferve them, to hinder the whole nation from entirely 
 deferting him. I (hall not pretend to decide fo difficult a 
 queftion, which is beyond human reach, there being none 
 but God alone who knows perfeflly what paffes in the 
 heart. I believe it rafh to affirm, that Charles I. W2s not 
 fincere in his promifes. But I believe alfo, his fincerity 
 rrnv he doubted, fince he had never opportunity to demon- 
 firafe it by effects. 
 
 Whatever was the King’s private intention, he fully 
 perceived that of the prevailing party in the Parliament, 
 and fir.v that force alone could free him from his danger. 
 His propofals for an agreement were rejected, and his pro- 
 mi fes to keep the Laws for the future, confidered as fo 
 many fnares, and unfortunately for him he had given but 
 too much caufe for diftruft. He could not difown it with 
 refpeeft to what had paffed before this Parliament; and even 
 
 The fame, or the next day, the Commons voted: 
 
 “ 1. That it appeared, That the King, feduced by wicked r^. 
 counfels, intended to make war r.gainft the Parliament, r "» 
 who, in all their confultations and adtions, had propofed 
 no other end unto themfelves, but the care of his King- T. i-p a'is. 
 doms, and the performance of all duty and loyalty to t. M y. 
 his perfon. 
 
 “ 2. That whenfoever the King made war upon the 
 Parliament, it would be a breach of the truft repofed 
 in him by his People, contrary to his oath, and tendin' 1 " 
 to the diilolution of the Government. 
 
 That whofoever fhould ferve or aflift him in fuch 
 
 “ wars, would be tray tors bv the fundamental Laws of 
 <c the Kingdom ; and had been fo adjudged by two Adis 
 “ of Parliament, and ought to fuffer as travtors, 11 
 “ II. 1 Hen. IV.” (.) 
 
 May the 2 2d, the Lord-Keeper Littleton delivered the Tit Ktng 
 Great-Seal to be carried to the King, and followed it him-•S'" ,Lr 
 during this Parliament, he had taken fome fteps, which his felf the next morning, before the Parliament had any 
 
 enemies knew how to turn to their advantage. Such was knowledge of it. ciner.dl,.-,, 
 
 the Plot to (educe the army, in which probably he was The 23d, both Houfes fent a Petition to the King, to^- , -P 44 ** 
 concerned, though he could affirm, he knew of no refolu- defire him to disband the Horfe and Foot raifed under co- P , r! , a . 
 tion to bring up the army to London. Such was the accu- lour of a guard for his perfon. They told him, if he n-r, 
 
 fation of the fix Members of Parliament, which could not did not difmifs thefe forces, they fhould be obliged to pre- ;;‘r. 
 
 but breed a fufpicion of fome hidden defign. The project ferve the peace of the Kingdom by the moll proper means, ", 
 
 fecure Hull-, his withdrawing to Tori, the Queen’s The King returned a very fharp nnfvver to this Petition, ■■ 
 
 voyage into Holland, the motive whereof was difeovered in reproaching both Houfes, that they had raifed a guard for j vofth * 
 
 timej were things that helped not to cure the People’s fuf- themfelves, and ordered the Sheriffs to oppofe with the Mi ‘ y 
 
 picions. So both Houfes fteddily keeping to the occafions power of the Counties, fuch as fhould be drawn together tj K.-fs 
 
 of jealoufv, fear and diftruft, which they had, or pretended by the King’s command (z). u'/T^zo. 
 
 to have of the King, made ufe of them to convince the A war, as I faid, was refolved on both fides ; but each ci^ndon.’ 
 People, that there was no depending on his promifes, un- ftill proceeded with fome caution, in order to caff the T. 1. p.418, 
 left It was put out of his power to break them. This oc- blame on the contrary party. For, in a civil war, it is 
 cafioned the affair of the Militia, on account of which the chiefly the People that are wanted, becaufe in them lies the 
 King was drawn into a ftreight, from whence he could ftrength of the two parties. The Earl of Bri/hl, in ljis 
 not get clear. For, by granting the Militia, he would him- Speech to the Lords, the zoth of May, obferved, that it 
 felf have been fubfervient to the execution of the Parlia- was not impoflible to propound and fettle the differences 
 ment's defigns, and by refufing if, he gave occafion to fay, betwixt the King and the Parliament ; but that the great 
 
 he was willing to agree with both Houfes, without giving difficulty confifted in finding fuch fecurity, as might ftand 
 
 them other fecurity than his word, which, as they pre- with the King’s honour, and the People’s fatisfa&ion. He 
 tended, could not be relied on. It is alfo true, that the chiefly infilled upon this, that the King offering to give 
 King would not recede from any of his rights, neither reafonable fecurity, they were not to rejedt the offer, and 
 ■would he offer other affurance than his word, to fatisfy charge themfelves with the events of a war. As this offer, 
 the Parliament. though made in very general terms, appeared plaufible, the 
 
 After what has been feen, it will not be hard to perceive Parliament was apprehenfive, it would make fome impref- 
 
 the ground of the quarrel, and the difficulties of an ac- fion on the People, And therefore, they judged it nccef- 
 
 1 ... r fary, to fhow that the King, by this general offer, did 
 
 however offer only his word for fecurity, which could not 
 be a firm foundation of a good agreement. To this end, 
 they fent him, the zd of June , nineteen Propofitions, Nintr*, 
 which they confidered as proper to eftablifh a good peace, .-V ** 
 and ftrict union between the King and the Parliament. Th 
 Propofitions were thefe : yaltuman. 
 
 “ 1. That the Lords, and others of your Majefty’s J une 2 - , 
 
 7 J J J Koihworth. 
 
 commod3tion. That concerning the government of the 
 Church, was one of the principal,, though it may not be 
 clearly explained in the Manifefto’s of both parties. If the 
 Kind’s interefts had been folely in queftion, perhaps he 
 would have agreed to fome conceflions, at leaft, tor a time. 
 But he found, that one chief reafon of his enemies defiring 
 to Ieflen his authority, was, the more eafilv to accomplifh 
 r. change in the ecclefiaftical Government, which he 
 
 (1' Thefe Voter 
 
 pjfT-n bet -rc the Kinr's Anfwer to the I’-rlinmen'.'. Manifefto, and therefore are mentioned by him in that Anfwer. 
 >ted Mjy 17, .s-n was repeated agiir> May 2$, together with an Order to all High Sherifii, Juft'ces-of Peace, and 
 if y M. J. .1 r • 1:a y alJ Arms ar.d Ammunition going to that City. Rufk-wirib, Tom. 4. p. jts, 711. 
 
 Rjp,n. Clarendon, 
 
 other Officers, T. I. p. 493. 
 
 Privy- 
 
642, 
 
 Privy-Council, and fiich great officers and minifters of 
 ** State, cither at home or beyond the Teas, may be put 
 “ from your Privy Council, and from thofe offices and 
 “ employments, excepting fuch as fhall be approved of by 
 li both Houfes of Parliament; and that the perfons put into 
 “ the places and employments of thofe that are removed, 
 “ may be approved of by both Houfes of Parliament; and 
 “ that the Privy-Council fhall take an oath for the due 
 “ execution of their places, in fuch forms as fhall be agreed 
 “ upon by both Houfes of Parliament. 
 
 “ 2. That the great affairs of this Kingdom may not 
 “ be concluded or tranfa&ed by the advice of private men, 
 “ or by any unknown or unfworn Counfellors, but that 
 ts fuch matters as concern the publick, and are proper for 
 “ the High-Court of Parliament, which is your Majefty’s 
 “ great and fupreme Council, may be debated, refolved, 
 “ and tianfafled only in Parliament, and not elfewhere; 
 “ and fuch as fhall prelume to do any thing to the con- 
 “ trary, fhall be referved to the cenfure and judgment of 
 Parliament: And fuch other matters of State, as are 
 “ proper for your Majefty’s Privy-Council, fhall be de- 
 “• bated and concluded by fuch of the Nobility and others, 
 “ as fliall from time to time be chofen for that place, by 
 “ approbation of both Houfes of Parliament: And that 
 no publick A£t concerning the affairs of the Kingdom, 
 “ which are proper for your Privy-Council, may be 
 “ efteemed of any validity, as proceeding from the royal 
 “ authority, unlefs it be done by the advice and confentof 
 “ the major part of the Council, attefted under their 
 “ hands; And that your Council may be limited to a 
 “ certain number, not exceeding five and twenty, nor 
 “ under fifteen. And if any counfellor’s place happen to 
 “ be void in the interval of Parliament, it fliall not be 
 “ fupplied without the afl'ent of the major part of the 
 “ Council; which choice fliall be confirmed, at the next 
 “ fitting of Parliament, or elfe to be void. 
 
 “ 3. That the Lord High-Steward of England , Lord 
 <e High-Conftable, Lord-Chancellor, or Lord-Keeper of 
 “ the Gieat Seal, Lord-Treafurer, Lord Privy-Seal, 
 
 “ Earl-Marfhal, Lord-Admiral, Warden of the Cinque- 
 “ Ports, chief Governor of Ireland , Chancellor of the 
 ‘ c Exchequer, Mafter of the Wards, Secretaries of State, 
 
 “ two Chief-Juftices and Chief-Baron, may always be 
 “ chofen with the approbation of both Houfes of Parlia- 
 “ ment, and, in the intervals of Parliament, by afl'ent of 
 “ the major part of the Council, in fuch manner as is be- 
 “ fore ex prefled in the choice of Counfellors. 
 
 “ 4- That he or they*, unto whom the government and 
 “ education of the King’s children fhall be committed, 
 
 “ ffiall be approved of by both Houfes of Parliament; and, 
 
 “ |u the intervals of Parliament, by the afient of the ma- 
 * l jor part of the Council, in fuch manner as is before 
 “ expreffed in the choice of counfellors ; and that all fuch 
 “ fervants as are now about them, againft whom both 
 “ Houfes fliall have any juft exceptions, fliall be re- 
 “ moved. 
 
 “ 5. That no marriage fliall be concluded, or treated 
 “ for any of the King’s children, with any foreign Prince 
 <c or other perfon whatfoever, abroad or at home, without 
 “ the confent of Parliament, under the penalty of a Pres- 
 ** tnunire , upon fuch as fliould conclude, or treat of any 
 “ marriage as aforefaid ; and tiiat the Laid penalty fhall 
 <c not be pardoned or difpenfed with, but by the confent 
 “ of both Houfes of Parliament. 
 
 “ 6. That the Laws in force againft Jefuits, Priefts, and 
 “ popifh Recufants, be ftriftly put in execution, without 
 <c any toleration or difpenfation to the contrary; and that 
 “ fome more effectual courfe may be enaefted by autho- 
 “ rity of Parliament, to difable them from making any 1 
 “ dilturbance in the State, or eluding the Law by trufts, 1 
 “ or otherwife. 1 
 
 “ 7. That the votes of popifh Lords in the Houfe of 1 
 “ Peers may be taken away, fo long as they continue Pa- ' 
 “ pifts; and that your Majefty will confent to fuch a Bill ‘ 
 “ as fliall be drawn, for the education of the children of ‘ 
 “ Papifts by Protellants, in the Proteftant Religion. ‘ 
 
 “ 8. That your Majefty will bepleafed to confent, that ‘ 
 “ fuch a reformation be made of the Church-government, ‘ 
 “ and Liturgy, as both Houfes of Parliament fhall advife; ‘ 
 “ wherein they intend to have confultations with Divines, ‘ 
 “ as is exprefled in their Declaration to that purpofe ; and 
 “ that your Majefty will contribute your belt affiftance 
 “ to them, for the railing of a fufficient maintenance for 
 “ Preaching-minifters through the Kingdom; and that 
 
 " y° ur Declarations and Proclamations againft the j 6+ 2 . 
 Ordinance made by the Lords and Commons concern¬ 
 ing it. 
 
 <( “ IO - That fuch Members of either Houfe of Parlia- 
 (( ment > as have, during the prefent Parliament, been put 
 te °“ t ot an y P^ ace or office, may either be reftored to 
 t{ . 1 P' ace and office, or otherwife have fatisfa&ion made 
 lor the fame, upon the petition of that Houfe, whereof 
 he or they are Members. 
 
 {c 11. T hat all Privy-Counfellors and Judges may take 
 
 “ Til r d C f ° rm w,iereof to be agreed on, and fettled 
 tc b ) r Act of Parliament, for the maintaining of the Pe- 
 tc q 11 ®! 1 R'ght, and of certain Statutes made by the 
 „ farhanient, which fhall be mentioned by both Houfe? 
 
 , c 0t parliament; and that an enquiry of all the breaches 
 tc f nd , Vlo at i ons of ^ofe Laws may be given in charge, 
 by the Juftices of the King's-Bench every term, and bv 
 tt tbe J ud S es of Affize in their Circuits, and juftices of 
 the i eace at theSeffions, to be prefented and punifhed 
 according to Law. 
 
 ce V l2 ' I hat a11 the Judges, and all the Officers placed 
 (l by approbation of both Houfes of Parliament, may hold 
 their places, quamdiu bene fe gejjcrint. 
 
 « !■*’ * bac juflice of Parliament may pafs upon all 
 
 t< Delinquents, whether they be within the Kingdom, or 
 tc "rp U r 0f lt; and tllat al1 P er f° ns cited by either Houfe 
 ot Parliament, may appear and abide the cenfure of Par¬ 
 liament. 
 
 (t . 1 +• That the general Pardon offered by your Mt- 
 J e .y ina y be granted, with fuch exceptions as fliall be 
 advifed by both Houfes of Parliament. 
 u “ 1 5 - Tba t the forts and caftles of this Kingdom may 
 tt be put under the command and cuftody of fuch per- 
 tc . ns zs y° ur Majefty fliall appoint, with the approba- 
 tc V on ot y° ur Parliament; and in the intervals of Par- 
 tc bament > with the approbation of the major part of the 
 Council, in fuch manner as is before expreffed in the 
 choice of Counfellors. 
 
 ,t r ,6 ' That tlre extraordinary guards, and military 
 ^tending your Majefty, maybe removed 
 and difcharged; and that for the future you will raife 
 no \ ucl1 guards or extraordinary forces, but according 
 to the law, in cafe of addual rebellion or invalion. 
 
 ;e 1 7 ’ ^ ,iat your Majefty will be pleafcd to enter into 
 ! { a more ftndT: alliance with the States of the United Pro- 
 ‘. t winces, and other neighbour Princes and States of the 
 ’ c P fote ftant Religion, for the defence and maintenance 
 c againft all defigns and attempts of the Pope and 
 
 C S , berents t0 ffihvert and fupprefs it, whereby your 
 c Majefty will obtain a great accefs of ftrength and re- 
 t P utatl0n > and your Subjects be much encouraged and 
 t e J ,abled in a Parliamentary way, for your aid and af- 
 { fi“ ance > *n reftoring your Royal Sifter and her Princely 
 t ^“ ue to thofe dignities and dominions which belong unto 
 them, and relieving the other Proteftant Princes who 
 ‘ have fufFered in the fame caufe. 
 
 18. That your Majefty will be pleafed, by Aift of 
 c Parliament, to clear the Lord Kimbolton , and the five 
 Members of the Houfe of Commons, in fuch manner, 
 
 ‘ that future Parliaments may be fecured from the con- 
 ‘ fequence of that evil precedent. 
 
 “ 19. That your Majefty will gracioufly be pleafed to 
 1 pafs a Bill, for reftraining Peers made hereafter, from 
 c lifting or voting in Parliament, unlefs they be admitted- 
 1 thereunto with the confent of both Houfes of Parlia- 
 1 ment. 
 
 “ And thefe our humble defires being granted by your 
 : Majefty, we fhall forthwith apply ourfelves to regulate 
 ; your prefent revenue, in fuch fort as may be for your 
 ; beft advantage; and likewife to fettle fuch an ordinary 
 ; and conftant increafe of it, as fhall be fufficient to fup- 
 port your royal Dignity in honour and plenty, beyond 
 the proportion of any former grants of the Subjects of 
 ; this Kingdom to your Majefty’s royal Predecefl'ors. 
 
 We fhall likewife put the town of Hull into fuch hands 
 as your Majefty fhall appoint, with the confent and ap¬ 
 probation of Parliament, and deliver up a juft account 
 of all the magazine; and chearfully imploy the utter- 
 moft of our power and endeavours in the real expref- 
 fion and performance of our molt dutiful and loyal af-* 
 fe&ions, to the preferving and maintaining the royal 
 honour, greatnefs and fafety of your Majefty and your 
 pofterity.” 
 
 The King made to thefe Propofitions, a long Anfwer, 
 
 your Maiefty will be pleafed to give your confent to that is to fay, with fo long periods, and fo frequent paren- 
 Laws, for the taking away of innovations and fuper- thefes, that it is no eafy task to tranflate it without lofting 
 ‘ ftition, and pluralities, and againft fcandalous Mini- l'omething of its force. 6 
 
 ml fters. 
 
 “ 9. That your Majefty will be pleafed to reft fatisfied 
 ‘ with that courfe that the Lords and Commons have ap- 
 ,c pointed for ordering of the Militia, until the fame fhall 
 “ be farther fettled by a Bill, and that your Majefty will 
 No. 66. Von. 11 . 
 
 The King's Anfwer to the Nineteen Propofiticns. 
 
 “ T) Efore we fhall give you our anfwer to your Peti- Rufhwortfc, 
 “ jD tion and Propofitions, we fhall tell you, that we Iv - P-7-r- 
 “ are now clearly Satisfied, why Uie meftjod which we r'.Tp^cs 
 5 ^ “ traced &c. 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 4S° 
 
 The HISTORY of ENG LAND. 
 
 1042. “ traced out to you by our meflage of the 20th of 
 44 January , and have fince fo often prefled upon you, as 
 44 the proper way to compofe the diftra£tions of this 
 44 Kingdom, and render it truly happy,, hath been hither- 
 44 to declined, and is at length not thought fit to be 
 44 looked upon. We now lee plainly, (and defire that 
 44 you and all other our good Subjects fhould do fo too) 
 
 44 that the cabalifts of this bufinefs have with great pru- 
 “ dence referved themfelves, until due preparations fhould 
 44 be made for their dcfign. If they had unfeafonably 
 44 vented fuch propofitions, as the wifdom and modefty 
 44 of your predeceflbrs never thought fit to offer to any of 
 44 our progenitors; nor we in honour or regard to our 
 44 regal authority, (which God hath intruftcd us with for 
 44 the good of our people) could receive without juft: in- 
 44 digr.ation (and fuch many of your prefent propofitions 
 “ are) their hopes would foon have been blafted, and 
 44 thofe perfons, to whom offices, honours, power and com- 
 44 mands were defigned, by luch ill-timing of their bufi- 
 44 nels, would have failed of their expe&ation, not witli- 
 “ out a brand upon the attempt. Therefore, before any 
 “ thing of this nature fhould appear, they have (cer- 
 44 tainly, with great wifdom in thecondu£t of it) thought fit 
 t£ to remove a troublefome rub in their way, the Law , 
 
 “ to this end, (that they might undermine the very foun- 
 44 dations of it) a new power hath been afiumed to inter- 
 “ pret and declare Laws without us by extemporary votes, 
 
 “ without any cafe judicially before either Houfe, (which 
 ££ is in eft'eiSt the fame thing as to make Laws without 
 44 us:) orders and ordinances made only by both Houfes, 
 
 “ (tending to a pure arbitrary power) were preffed upon 
 “ the People as Laws, and their obedience required to 
 44 them. 
 
 44 Their next ftep was, to erect an upftart authority 
 4£ without us (in whom, and only in whom the Laws of 
 44 this realm have placed that power) to command the 
 “ Militia, (very confideiable to this their defign.) In 
 44 farther order to it, they have wrefted from us our 
 44 magazine and town of Hull , and abetted Sir John 
 44 Hotbam in his bold-faced treafon. They have prepared, 
 
 ££ and directed to the people, unprecedented invectives 
 44 againft our Government, thereby (as much as lay in 
 “ their power) to weaken our juft: authority and due 
 44 eltcem among them ; they have, as injurioufly, as pre- 
 “ fumptuoufly, (though we conceive by this time, impu- 
 44 dence itfelf is afhamed of it) attempted to call: upon us 
 44 afperfions of an unhcaid-of natuie, as if we had favoured 
 ££ a Rebellion in our own bowels. They have likewife 
 “ bioached a new do&rine, that we are obliged topafs all 
 ££ Laws that fhall be offered to us by both Houfts, (how- 
 “ foever our own judgment and ■ nfcience fhall be un- 
 “ fatisfied with themj^a point of policy as proper for their 
 ££ prefent bufinefs, as deftruftive to all our rights of Par- 
 44 liament, and fo with ftrange fhamelefl’ncls will forget 
 “ a claufe in Law ftill in force, made in the fecond year 
 “ of King Henry V. wherein both Houfes of Parliament 
 “ do acknowledge, that it is of the King’s regality to grant 
 “ or deny fuch of their Petitions as pleafeth himfelf. 
 “ They have interpreted our neceflary guard, legally af- 
 44 fembled, for the defence of us and our children’s perfons, 
 “ againft a traitor in open rebellion againft us(i), to be 
 “ with intent to levy war againft the Parliament, (the 
 44 thought whereof our very foul abhorreth) thereby to 
 44 render us odious to our People. 
 
 “ They have fo awed our good Subje-dts with purfevants, 
 “ long chargeable attendances, heavy cenfures, and illegal 
 “ imprifonments, that few of them durft offer to prefent 
 44 their tendernefs of our fufferings, their own juft grie- 
 44 vances, and their fenfe of thefe violations of the Law, 
 44 (the birth-right of every fubjeft in this Kingdom) tho’ 
 44 in an humble petition directed to both Houfes; and if 
 44 any did, ic was Itifled in the birth, called Sedition, and 
 44 burnt by the common hangman. 
 
 4i They have reftrained the attendance of our ordinary 
 41 and neceflary Houfhold Servants (2), and feized upon 
 “ thofe fmall fums ol money, which our credit had pro- 
 44 vided to buy us bread, with injunctions that none fhould 
 4£ be fuffcied to be conveyed, or returned to us to Fork, 
 44 or any of our Peers or Servants with us; fo that (in 
 “ effect) they have blocked us up in that county. 
 
 44 They have filled the ears of the People with the 
 44 noife of fears and jealoufies, (though taken up upon 
 4£ truft) tales of skippers, falt-fleets, and fuch like, by 
 ££ which alarms they might prepare them to receive fuch 
 “ impreffions as might belt advance this defign when it 
 44 fhould be ripe. And now it feems they think we are 
 4,4 fufficiently prepared for thefe bitter pills. We are in a 
 44 handfome pofture to receive thefe humble defires (which 
 44 probably are intended to make way for a fuperfetation 
 44 of a (yet) higher nature, if we had nut made this dif- 
 
 :£ covery to you) for they do not tell us this is all. In 164 
 them we muft obferve, that thefe contrivers (the better 
 44 to advance their true ends) difguifed as much as they 
 44 could their intents, with a mixture of fome things really 
 44 to be approved by every honeft man ; others, fpecioua 
 44 and popular; and fome which are already granted by 
 44 us, all which are cunningly twifted and mixed, with 
 44 thofe other things of their main defign of ambition and 
 44 private intereft ; in hope, that at thefirft view, every 
 44 eye may not fo clearly difeern them in their proper 
 44 colours. 
 
 44 We would not be underftood, that we intend to fix 
 44 this defign upon both or either Houfe of Parliament: 
 
 44 We utterly profefs againft it, being moft confident of 
 44 the loyalty, good afFcCtion, and integrity of the inten- 
 44 tions of that great Body; and knowing well, that very 
 44 many of both Houfes were abfent, and many difiented 
 44 from all thofe particulars we complain of: But we do 
 44 believe, and accordingly profefs to all the world, that 
 44 the malignity of this defign (as dangerous to the laws 
 44 of this Kingdom, the peace of the fame, and the liber— 
 
 44 ties of all our good Subjects, as to ourfelf and our juft 
 44 Prerogative) hath proceeded from the fubtle informa- 
 44 tions, mifehievous practices, and evil counfels of ambi- 
 44 tious turbulent fpirits, difaffeCted to God’s true Religion, 
 
 44 and the unity of the profefTors thereof, our honour and 
 44 fafety, and the publick peace and profperity of our Peo- 
 44 pie, not without a ltrong influence upon the very adti- 
 44 ons of both Houfes. But how faulty foever others are, 
 
 44 we fhall (with God’s alhftance) endeavour to difeharge 
 44 our duty with uprightnefs of heart; and therefore, fince 
 44 thefe propofitions come to us in the name of both 
 44 Houfes of Parliament, we fhall take a more particular 
 44 notice of every of them. 
 
 44 If the iff, 2d, 3d, 4th, 5th, 9th, 10th, 15th, j6th, 
 
 44 19th Demands, had been writ and printed in a tongue 
 44 unknown to us and our People, it might have been 
 44 poffible we and they might have charitably believed the 
 44 Propofitions to be fuch, as might have been in order to 
 44 the ends pretended in the Petition (to wit) the eftablifh- 
 44 ing of our honour and fafety, the welfare and fecurity 
 44 ot our Subjects and Dominions, and the removing thofe 
 44 jealoufies and differences, which are faid to have un- 
 44 happily failen betwixt us and our people, and procu- 
 44 ring both us and them a conftant courl'e of honour, 
 
 44 peace, and happinefs: But being read and underftood 
 44 by all, we cannot but allure ourfelf, that this pro- 
 44 feilion, joined to thefe Propofitions, will rather ap- 
 44 pear a mockery and a fcorn, the demands being fuch; 
 
 44 as though we were unworthy of the truft repofed in us 
 44 by the Law, and of our defeent from fo many great 
 44 and famous anceftors, if we could be brought to aban- 
 44 don that power, which only can enable us to perform 
 44 what we are fworn to, in protecting our People and the 
 44 Laws, and fo affume others into it, as to diveft ourfelf 
 44 of it, although not only our prefent condition (which it 
 44 can hardly be) were more neceffitous than it is, and we 
 44 were both vanquifhed, and a prifoner, and in a worfe 
 44 condition than ever the moft unfortunate of our pre- 
 44 deceflors have been reduced to, by the moft criminal of 
 44 their Subjects. And though the bait laid to draw us to 
 44 it, and to keep our Subjects from indignation at the 
 44 mention of it, the promifes of a plentiful and unparal- 
 44 Idled revenue were reduced from generals (which fig- 
 44 nify nothing,) to clear and certain particulars; fince 
 44 fuch a bargain would have but too great a refemblance 
 44 of that of Efau’s, if we fhould part with fuch flower? 
 
 44 of a Crown, as are worth all the reft of the garland, 
 
 44 and have been tranfmitted to us from fo many ancef- 
 44 tors, and have been found fo ufeful and neceflary for 
 44 the welfare and fecurity of our Subjects, for any prefent 
 44 neceffity, or for any low and fordid confiderations of 
 44 wealth and gain. And therefore all men knowing that 
 44 thofe accommodations are moft eafily made, and moft 
 44 exadtly obferved, that are grounded upon reafonable and 
 44 equal conditions, we have great cauie to believe, that 
 44 the contrivers of thefe had no intention of fettling any 
 44 firm accommodation, but to increafe thofe jealoufies, 
 
 44 and widen that divifion, which (nut by our fault) is now 
 44 unhappily fallen between us and both Houfes. 
 
 44 It is asked, that all the Lords and others of our 
 44 Privy-Council, and fuch (we know not what you mean 
 44 by fuch, but we have caufe to think you mean all) 
 
 44 great Officers and Minifters of State, either at home 
 44 or beyond the leas, (for care is taken to leave out no 
 44 perfon or place, that our difhonour may be fure not to 
 44 be bounded within this Kingdom, though no fubtle in- 
 44 finuations at fuch a diftance can probably be believed to 
 44 have been the caufe of our diffractions and danger) 
 
 44 fhould be put from our Privy-Council, and from thole 
 
 (2) The Eirls of EJJex and Hdland. U. 
 
 44 offfees, 
 
Book XX. 
 
 642. 
 
 25 . CHARLES I. 
 
 45 1 
 
 44 offices and employments, unlefs they be approved by 
 “ both Houfes of Parliament, how faithful foever we have 
 44 found them to us and the publick, and how far foever 
 44 they have been from offending againft any Law, the 
 44 only rule they had, or any others ought to have, to 
 44 walk by. We therefore to this part of this demand 
 44 return you this anfwer, that we are willing to grant, 
 “ that they fhall take a larger oath than your felves defire 
 “ in your t ith demand, for maintaining not of any parr, 
 “ but of the whole Law. (1.) 
 
 Remark (i.) This is faid, becaufe in the whole body 
 of the Law were contained thofe Laws, which aferibed 
 to the King the Prerogatives they had a mind to deprive 
 him of. 
 
 44 And we have and do affure you, that we will be 
 44 careful to make election of fuch perfons in thofe places 
 44 of truft, as fhall have given good teftimony of their 
 “ abilities and integrities, and againff whom there can be 
 44 no juft caufe of exception, whereon reafonably to ground 
 44 a diffidence; that if we have or fhall be miftaken in 
 44 our election, we have and do affure you, that there is 
 44 no man fo near to us in place or affeition, whom we 
 “ will not leave to the juftice of the Law, if you fhall 
 44 bring a particular charge and fufficient proofs againft 
 “ him ; and that we have given you (the belt pledge of 
 “ the effeils of fuch a promife on our part, and the beft 
 44 fecuiity for the performance of their duty on theirs) a 
 44 Triennial Parliament, the apprehenfion of whofe juftice 
 44 will, in all probability, make them wary how they pro- 
 44 Voke it, and us wary how we charge fuch, as by the 
 44 difeovery of their faults may in any degree feem to dif- 
 44 credit our eleition, but that without any fhadow of a 
 44 fault objeiled, only perhaps becaufe they follow their 
 44 confciences, and pieferve the eftablifhed Laws, and 
 44 agree not in fuch votes, or affent not unto fuch bills, as 
 44 fome perfons, who have now too great an influence even 
 44 upon both Houfes, judge, or feem to judge to be for the 
 44 publick good, and as are agreeable to that new Utopia of 
 “ Religion and Government, into which they endeavour 
 44 to transform this Kingdom. (2). 
 
 Rem. (2.) This alludes to Sir 7 Imnas Moor's Utopia. 
 
 44 For we remember what names, and for what rea- 
 “ fons, you left out in the Bill offered us concerning the 
 “ Militia, which you had your felves recommended in 
 44 the ordinance. We will never confent to the difplacing 
 44 of any, whom, for their former merits from, and af- 
 “ fection to us and the publick, we have intrufted ; fince 
 44 we conceive, that to do fo would take away both from 
 44 the affection of our Servants, the care of our fervice, 
 “ and the honour of our juftice; and we the more wonder 
 44 it fhould be asked by you of us, fince it appears by the 
 44 1 zth demand, that you your felves count it rcafonable, 
 “ after the prefent turn is ferved, that the Judges and Of- 
 “ ficers who are then placed, may hold their places quam- 
 “ diu fe bene gejferint ; and we are refolved to be as 
 “ careful of thole we have chofen, as you aieof thofe you 
 44 would choofe, and to remove none till they appear to 
 “ us to have otherwife behaved thernfelves, or fhall be 
 “ eviiled by legal proceedings to have done fo. 
 
 “ But this demand, as unreafonable as it is, is but one 
 44 link of a great chain, and but the firft round of that 
 44 ladder, by which our juft, antient, regal power, is en- 
 44 deavoured to be fetched down to the ground. For it 
 44 appears plainly, that it is not with the perfons now cho- 
 44 fen, but with our chufing, that you are difpleafed ; for 
 “ you demand, that the perfons put into the places and 
 4,4 employments of thofe who fhall be removed, may be 
 “ approved by both Houfes; which is fo far (as to fome at 
 44 firft fight it may appear) from being lefs than the power 
 44 of nomination, that of two things (of which we will 
 44 never grant either) we would fooner be content, that 
 44 you fhould nominate, and we approve, than you ap- 
 “ prove, and we nominate; the mere nomination being fo 
 44 far from being any thing, that if we could do no more, 
 44 we would never take the pains to do that, when we 
 44 fhould only hazard thofe whom we efteemed, to the 
 44 fcorn of a tefufal, if they happened not to be agreeable, 
 44 not only to the judgment, but to the paffion, intereft, 
 “ or humour, of the prefent major part of either Houfe. 
 
 44 Not to fpeak now of the great faitions, animofities, 
 44 and divifions, which this power would introduce in both 
 “ Houfes, between both Houfes, and in the feveral Coun- 
 tc ties, for the choice of perfons to be fent to that place 
 “ where that power was, and between thofe perfons that 
 44 were fo chofen. Neither is thisftrange potion preferibed 
 “ to us only for once, for the cure of a prefent preffing 
 44 defperate difeafe, but for a diet to us and our pofterity : 
 “ It is demanded, that our Counfellors, all chief Officers, 
 44 both of Law and State, commanders of Forts and Ca- 
 44 files, and all Peers hereafter made (as to voting, with- 
 “ out which, how little is the reft ?) be approved of (that 
 “ is, chofen) by them from time to time j and rather 
 
 than it fhould ever be left to the Crown, (to whom 1642, 
 it doth and fhall belong) if any place fall void in the in- 
 termiffion of Parliament, the major part of the approved 
 Council is to approve them ; neither is it only demand¬ 
 ed, That we fhould quit the power and right our pre- 
 deceffors have had, of appointing perfons in thefe pla¬ 
 ces, but for Counfellors we are to be reftrained, as well 
 in the number as in the perfons, and a power muft be 
 annexed to thefe places, which their predeceffors had 
 not; and indeed, if this power was palled to them, it 
 were not fit we fhould be trufted to chufe thofe who 
 were to be trufted as much as we. 
 
 44 It is demanded, that fuch matters as concern the pub¬ 
 lick, and are proper for the High Court of Parliament, 
 
 (which is our great and fupreme Council) may be de¬ 
 bated, refolved, and tranfadled, only in Parliament, and 
 not elfewhere ; and fuch as prefume to do any thing to 
 the contrary, fhall be referved to the cenfure and judg¬ 
 ment of the Parliament; and fuch other matters of State, 
 as are proper for our Privy Council, fhall be debated 
 and concluded, by fuch of our Nobility, (tho* indeed, 
 if being made by us, they may not vote without the 
 confent of both Houfes, we are rather to call them 
 your Nobility) and others, as fhall be from time to time 
 chofen for that place, by approbation of both Houfes 
 of Parliament; and that no publick Aft concerning 
 the affairs of the Kingdom, which are proper for our 
 Privy-Council, may be efteemed of any validity, as 
 proceeding from the royal authority, unlefs it be done by 
 the advice and confent of the major part of our Coun- 
 4 cil, attefted under their hands; which demands were of 
 c that nature, that to grant them, were in efteft, at once 
 to depofe both our felf, and our pofterity. 
 
 44 Thefe being pad, we may be waited on bare-headed, 
 we may have our hand killed, the ftile of Majefty con¬ 
 tinued to us, and the King’s authority declared by both 
 Houfes of Parliament, may be ftill the ft tie of your 
 ‘ commands 3 we may have fwords and maces carried 
 4 before us, and pleafe our felf with the fight of a Crown 
 4 and Scepter; (and yet even thefe twigs would not long 
 flourifh, when the flock upon which they grew were 
 4 dead) but as to true and real power, we fhould remain 
 ‘ but the outfide, but the picture, but the fign of a King. 
 c We were ever willing that our Parliament fhould de- 
 4 bate, refolve, and tranfafl, fuch matters as are proper 
 4 for them, as far as they are proper fur them, and we 
 heartily wifh, that they would be as careful not to ex¬ 
 tend their debates and refolutions, beyond what is pro¬ 
 per to them, that multitudes of things punifhable, and 
 caufes determinable by the ordinary judicatures, may not 
 be entertained in Parliament, and fo caufe a long, charge¬ 
 able and fruitlefs attendance of our people, and (by de¬ 
 grees) draw to you, as well all the caufes, as all the 
 c faults, of IVeJlminJler-Hall, and divert your proper bu- 
 finefs: That the courfe of Law be no ways diverted, 
 much lefs difturbed, as was actually done by the flop 
 of the proceedings againft a riot in Southwark , by or- 
 4 der of the Houfe of Commons, in a time fo riotous 
 and tumultuous, as much increafed the danger of popu¬ 
 lar infolencies, by fuch a countenance to riots, and dif- 
 countenance of Law : That you defcend not to the lei- 
 fure of recommending Leiturers to Churches, nor af- 
 cend to the legiflative power, by commanding (the Law 
 not having yet commanded it) that they whom you 
 4 recommend be received, although neither the Parfon 
 ‘ nor Bifhop do approve of them ; and that the refufers 
 4 (according to the courfe fo much formerly complained of 
 ‘ to have been ufed at the Council-table) be not fent for 
 c to attend to Ihew caufe at leaft, that you would con- 
 c fider conveniency, if not Law, and recommend none 
 ‘ but who are well known to you to be orthodox, learned, 
 
 4 and moderate, or at leaft fuch as have taken Orders, 
 
 ‘ and are not notorious depravers of the Book of Com- 
 4 mon-Prayer; a care which appeareth by the difeourfes, 
 
 4 fermons,and perfons of fome recommended by you, not 
 4 to have been hitherto taken; and it higldy concerns 
 ‘ both you in duty, and the Common-wealth in the con- 
 c fequences, that it fhould have been taken: That neither 
 ‘ one Ellate tranfacl what is proper for two, nor two what 
 4 is proper for three; and confequentlv, that (contrary to 
 4 our declared will) our forts may not be feized, our arms 
 may not be removed, our monies may not be ftopt, our 
 legal direitions may not be countermanded by you, nor 
 we defire to countermand them our fell 3 nor fuch en¬ 
 trances made upon a real war againft us, upon pretence 
 of an imaginary war againft you, and a chimera of ne- 
 ceffity. So far do you pafs beyond your limits, whilft 
 you feem by your demand, to be itrangely itraitned 
 within them ; at leaft we could have wifhed, you would 
 have expreffed what matters you meant as fit to be 
 tranfailed only in Parliament, and what you meant by 
 only in Parliament. 
 
 “Y014 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 452 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 *64 44 You have of late been perfuaded, by the new do&rine 
 44 of fome few, to think that proper for your debates, 
 <c which hath not ufed to be at all debated within thofe 
 44 walls, but been trufted wholly with our predecell'ors and 
 “ us ; and to tranfaft thofe things, which, without the re- 
 “ gal authority, fince there were Kings ot this Kingdom, 
 “ were never tranfa&ed : It therefore concerns us the 
 “ more, that you fpeak out, and that both we and our 
 “ People may either know the bottom of your demands, 
 “ or know them to be bottomlefs. What concerns more 
 t: the publick, and is more (indeed) proper for the High- 
 44 Court of Parliament, than the making of Laws, which 
 44 not only ought there to be tranfa&ed, but can be tranf- 
 41 afted nowhere elfe? But then you mult admit us to 
 “ he a part of the Parliament; you mult not (as the fenfe 
 4 ‘ is of this part of the demand, if it have any) deny 
 “ the freedom of our anfwer, when we have as much 
 ** riy lit to reject what we think unreafonable, as you have 
 41 to propofe what you think convenient or neceflary : nor 
 4 ' is it poflible our anfwers, either to Bills, or any other 
 44 proportions, fhould be wholly free, if we may not 
 44 nil- the liberty of every one of you, and of every Sub- 
 44 je£l, to receive advice (without their danger who 
 44 lhall give it) from any perfon, known or unknown, 
 44 fworn or unfworn, in thefe matters, in which the ma* 
 44 nage of our vote is trulted by the Law, to our own 
 
 judgment coi ; v ft to 
 
 44 is (and ever lhall be) left likewife to us: And moft 
 44 unreuOnable it were, that two Llutes propofing fome- 
 44 tiling to the third, tliat third lhauld be bound to take 
 44 no advice, whether it were fit to pals, but from thofe 
 44 two that did propo/c ir. Welhall ever in thde things, 
 44 which are trufted wholly to us by the Law, n t decline 
 44 to hearken to the advice of our great Council, and 
 44 lhall chufe to hear willingly the free debates of our 
 44 Priv\-Council, (whenfoever we may be fiiftered to 
 “ have them for fending for, and they lhall not be terri- 
 44 fied horn that freedom by votes, and biands of malig- 
 44 nants and enemies to the State, for advifing what no 
 44 Law forbids to advife) but we will retain our power, of 
 44 admitting no more to any Council than the nature of 
 44 the bufmels require*, and of difeourfing with whom we 
 44 pkafe, of what we pleafe, and informing our under- 
 44 llanding by debate with any perfons, who may be well 
 44 able to inform and advife us in fome particulars, though 
 “ their qualities, education, or other abilities, may not 
 44 make them fo fit to be of our fworn Council; and not 
 44 tie our feif up not to hear any more than twenty five 
 41 (and thefe not chofen abfolutcly by us) out of a King- 
 44 dom fo replenilhed with judicious and experienced per- 
 44 funs of feveral kinds. And though we lhall (witli the 
 44 proportionable conhderation due to them) always weigh 
 44 the advices both of our Great and Privy-Council, yet 
 44 we fnall alfo look upon their advices as advices, not 
 44 as commands or impofitions ; upon them as our coun- 
 44 feilors, not ns our tutors and guardians; and upon our 
 44 fclf as their King, not as their pupil or ward : For 
 44 whatfoever of Regality were, by the modefty of inter- 
 44 pretation, left us, in the firft part of the fecond de- 
 44 mand, as to the Parliament, is taken from us in the 
 “ fecond part of the fame, and placed in this new-fangled 
 44 kind of Counfellors, whofe power is fuch, and fo ex- 
 44 prefled by it, that in all publick ACts concerning the 
 44 affairs of this Kingdom, which are proper for our Privy- 
 44 Council, (for whofe advice all publick Acts are fome- 
 44 times proper, tho’ never neceflary) they are delired to 
 44 be admitted joint Patentees with us in the Regality; and 
 44 it is not plainly exprefled, whether they mean usfo much 
 “ as a Angle vote in thefe affairs; but it is plain, they 
 44 mean us no more at moft, than a Angle vote in them, 
 44 and no more power than every one of the reft of our 
 44 Privv-Counfellors only leave to us, out of their refpcCt 
 44 and duty, (and that only is left of all our undent power) 
 “ a choice, whether thefe that ate thus to be joined with 
 44 (or rather let over) us, lhall be fifteen or twenty five: 
 44 And cieat care is taken, that the oath which thefe men 
 44 lhall take, (hall be fuch, in the framing the form of 
 44 which (though fure vve are not wholly unconcerned in 
 44 it) we may be wholly excluded, and that wholly re- 
 4V ferved to be agreed upon by both Houfes of Parlia- 
 44 ment. 
 
 44 And tolhew that no more care is taken of our fafety, 
 44 than of our power, alter fo great indignities offered to 
 “ us, and countenanced by thofe who were moft obliged 
 44 to relent them : After our town and fort kept from us, 
 44 (from which, if it were no otherwife ours, than the 
 44 whole Kingdom is, we can no more legally be kept out, 
 
 ‘ - than out of our whole Kingdom, which fure your felves 
 “ will not deny to be treafon) our arms, our goods fent 
 44 aw.iv, and our money Hopped from us, our guards (in 
 “ which we have no other intention, than to hinder the 
 c; end ot thefe things from being proportionable to their 
 
 “ beginnings) are not only defined to be difmifled, before 16471. 
 44 fatisfaction for the injury, punifhment of the injurors, 
 
 44 and care taken for our future fecurity from the like. 
 
 44 But it is likewife defired (and for this, Law is pre- 
 44 tended, and might as well have been for the reft, which 
 44 yet with fome ingenuity, are it feems acknowledged to 
 44 be but defires of grace) that we lhall not for the future 
 44 raife any guards, or extiaordinary forces, but in cafe 
 44 of aiftual rebellion or invafion ; which if it had been 
 44 Law, and fo obferved in the time of our prcdeceffors, 
 
 44 lew of thofe victories, which have made thefe nations 
 44 famous in other parts, could have been legally atchieved: 
 
 44 Nor could our bleffed predcceffor Queen Elizabeth 
 44 have fo defended herfelf in eighty eight. And if no 
 44 iorces mull be levied till rebellions and invafions (which 
 44 will not flay for the calling of Parliaments, and their 
 44 confent for railing of forces) be actual, they mull: uu- 
 44 doubtedly (at leuft moft probably) be effectual and pre- 
 44 valent. 
 
 44 And as neither care is taken for our rights, honour 
 “ nor fafety, as a Prince; fo our rights, as a private 
 44 perfon, are endeavoured to be had from us ; it being 
 44 asked, that it may be unlawful and punilhable, not only 
 “ to conclude, but even to treat of any marriage with anv 
 44 perfon for our own children, or to place governors about 
 44 them, without confent of Parliament; and in the inter- 
 41 million of thele, without the confent of our good Lords 
 4 " of the Council; that wc may not only be in a more 
 “ defplcable Hate than any of our predcceffors, but in a 
 “ meaner and viler condition than the loweli of our Sub- 
 “ jeCL, who value no liberty they have more, than that 
 “ of the tree education and marriage of their children, 
 
 “ from which vve are asked to debar our feif; and have 
 “ the more real on to take it ill that we are lo, becaufe 
 “ of our choice of a governor for our Son, and a husband 
 44 for our Daughter, (in which the Proteftant Religion wa3 
 44 our principal coufideration) we conceived we had reaforc 
 44 to expect your prelent thanks, and the increafe of your 
 44 future tiufts. 
 
 44 We fuppofe thefe demands by this time to appear 
 44 fuch, as the demanders cannot be fuppofed to have any 
 44 fuch real fear ofus, as hath been long pretended; they 
 “ are too much in the ftile, not only of equals, but of 
 44 conquerors; and as little to be intended for removing 
 44 of jealoufies, (for which end they are laid to be asked ; 
 
 44 and that is not as Merchants ask at firft, much more 
 44 than they will take, but as molt neceflary to effect ir, 
 
 44 which (it they be) God help this poor Kingdom, and 
 4 ‘ thofe who arc in the hands of fuch perfons, whofe jea- 
 “ loufies nothing elfe will remove) which indeed is fuch 
 “ a way, as it there being differences and fuits between 
 44 two perfons, whereof one would have from the other 
 44 feveral parcels of his antient Land, he fhould propofe 
 44 to him, by way of accommodation, that he would quit 
 44 to him all thofe in quell ion, with the reft of his eftate, 
 
 44 as the moft neceflary and effectual means to remove all 
 “ thofe fuits and differences : But wc call God to wit- 
 44 nefs, that as for our Subjects fake thefe rights are vefted 
 44 in us, fo, fur their fakes, as well as for our own, we 
 44 are refolved not to quit them, nor to fubvert (though in 
 44 a parliamentary way) the antient, equal, happy, well- 
 “ poifed, and never-enough commended conftitution of 
 
 the government of this Kingdom; nor to make our 
 44 feif of a King of England , a Duke of Venice , and this 
 44 of a Kingdom, a Republick. 
 
 44 There being three kinds of Government among men, 
 
 “ abfolute Monarchy, Ariftocracy, and Democracy; and 
 “ all thefe having their particular conveniencies and incon- 
 44 veniencies; the experience and wifdom of our anceftors, 
 
 44 hath fo moulded this out of a mixture of thefe, as to 
 “ give to this Kingdom (as far as human prudence car* 
 
 “ provide) the conveniencies of all three, without the in- 
 44 conveniencies of any one, as long as the ballance hangs 
 “ even between the three Eftates, and they run jointly on 
 “ in their proper channel, (begetting verdure and fertility 
 ‘ 4 in the meadows on both fides) and the overflowing of 
 44 either on either fide, raife no deluge or inundation. The 
 44 ill of abfulute Monarchy, is tyranny ; the ill of Arifto- 
 44 cracy, is faction and divi.ion; t!.e ills of Democracy, 
 
 44 are tumults, violence, and licentioufnels. The good of 
 44 Monarchy, is the uniting a nation under one Head, to 
 44 refill invafion from abroad, and infurre&ion at home: 
 
 44 The good of Arillocracy, is the conjunction of Conn- 
 44 cil in the ablelt perfons of a State for the publick bene- 
 “ fit: The good of Democracy, is liberty, and the cou- 
 44 rage and induftry which liberty begets 
 
 44 In this Kingdom, the Laws are jointly made by a 
 44 King, by a Houfe of Peers, and by a Houfe of Com- 
 44 mons, chofen by the People, all having free votes and 
 44 particular privileges. The Government, according to 
 44 thefe Laws, is trufted to the King ; power of Treaties, 
 
 44 of War, and Peace, of making Peers, of chufing Of- 
 
 44 ficers 
 
Book XX. 
 
 CHARLES 1. 
 
 ficers and Couhfellors for State, Judges for Law, Com 
 manders for Forts and Cables; giving Commiffion? for 
 raifing men ; to make war abroad, or to prevent or 
 provide againft invafions or infurredtions at home ; be¬ 
 nefit of Confifcations, power of pardoning, and fome 
 more of the like kind are placed in the King. And 
 this kind of regulated Monarchy, having this power to 
 preferve that authority, without which it would be difa- 
 bled to preferve the Laws in their force, and the Sub¬ 
 jects in their liberties ahd properties , is intended to 
 draw to him fuch a refpeft and relation from the great 
 ones, as may hinder the ills of divifion and faction ; 
 and fuch a fear and reverence from the People, as may 
 hinder tumults, violence, and licentioufnefs. 
 
 “ Again, That the Prince may not make ufe of this 
 high and perpetual power to the hurt of thofe for whofe 
 good he hath it; and make ufe of the name of publick 
 
 4 Necejftty , for the gain of his private favourites and fol- 
 ‘ lowers, to the detriment of his People, the Houfe of 
 ‘ Commons, (an excellent conferver of liberty, but 
 ‘ nevfer Ihtended for any fhare in Government, or the 
 
 4 chufing of therri that fhould govern ) is folely intrufted 
 
 4 with the firft propolitions concerning the levies of mo¬ 
 nies, ('which is the finews as well of peace as of war) 
 
 4 and the impeaching of thofe, who for their own ends, 
 though countenanced by any furreptitioufiy-gotten com¬ 
 mand of the King, have violated that Law, which he 
 ‘ is bound ( when he knows it ) to protect ; and to the 
 c profecution of which they were bound to advife him, 
 
 ‘ at leaf! not to fervc him in the contrary. And the 
 
 4 Lords being trufted with a judicatory power, are an ex- 
 4 cellent skreen and bank between the Prince and People, 
 
 4 to affift each againft any incroachments of the other ; 
 c and by juft judgments to preferve that Law, which 
 
 4 ought to be the rule of every one of the three. For the 
 
 4 better enabling them in this, beyond the examples of 
 
 4 any of our anceftors, we were willingly contented to 
 
 4 oblige our felf, both to call a Parliament every three 
 
 4 years, and not to diflolve it in fifty days : And for the 
 
 4 prefent exigent, the better to raife money, and to 
 
 4 avoid the preflure; ( tio lefs grievous to us than them ) 
 
 4 our People muft have fuffered by a longer continuance 
 
 4 of fo vaft a charge as two great armies ; and for their 
 
 4 greater certainty of having fufficient time to remedy the 
 
 4 inconveniences arifen, during fo long an abfence of Par- 
 4 liaments, and for the punifhment of the caufers and 
 
 4 minifters of them, we yielded up our right of difiol- 
 4 ving this Parliament, expecting an extraordinary mode- 
 4 ration from it, in gratitude for fo unexampled a grace, 
 
 4 and little looking that any malignant party fhould be 
 
 4 encouraged, or enabled to have perfwaded them, firft, 
 
 4 to countenance the injuftices and indignities we have 
 
 4 endured, and then by a new way of fatisfadlion for 
 
 4 what was taken from us, to demand of us at once to 
 
 4 confirm what was fo taken, and to give up almoft all 
 
 4 the reft. 
 
 44 Since therefore the power, legally placed in both 
 Houfes, is more than fufficient to prevent and reftrain 
 
 4 the power of tyranny ; and without the power, which 
 
 4 is now asked from us, we fhall not be able to difcharge 
 
 4 that truft, which is the end of monarchy* fince this 
 
 4 would be a total fubverfion of the fundamental laws, and 
 
 4 that excellent conftitution of this Kingdom, which hath 
 
 4 made this nation, fo many years, both famous and happy 
 
 4 to a great degree of envy ; fince to the power of pu- 
 4 nifhing, (which is already in your hands according to 
 
 4 law ) if the power of preferring be added, we fhall have 
 
 4 nothing left for us but to look on ; fince the encroach- 
 4 ing of one of thefe Eftates upon the power of the other, 
 
 4 is unhappy in the eftedls, both to them and all the reft ; 
 
 4 fince this power, of at moft a joint Government in us 
 
 4 with our counfellors ( or rather our guardians ) will re- 
 4 turn us to the worft kind of minority, and make us 
 
 4 defpicable both at home and abroad, and beget eternal 
 
 4 factions and diflentions ( as deftrutftive to publick hap- 
 4 pinefs as war) both in the chofen, and in the Houfes 
 
 4 that chofe them, and the People who chofe the 
 
 4 chufers ; fince fo new a power will undoubtedly intoxi- 
 4 cate perfons who were not born to it, and beget not 
 
 4 only divifions among them as equals, but in them con- 
 4 tempt of us, as become an equal to them, and infolence 
 
 4 and injuftice toward our People, and now fo much their 
 
 4 inferiors, which fhall be the more grievous unto them, 
 
 4 as fuffering from thofe who were fo lately of a nearer 
 
 4 degree to themfelves: And being to have redrefs only 
 
 4 from thofe that placed them ; and fearing they may be 
 
 4 inclined to preferve what they have made, both out of 
 kindnefs and policy, fince all great changes are extremely 
 inconvenient, and almoft infallibly beget yet greater 
 changes, which beget yet greater inconveniences. 
 
 44 Since as great an one in the Church, muft follow this 
 No. 66. Vol. II, 
 
 <c of the Kingdom; fince the fecond Eftate would in all 164:*.. 
 
 44 probability follow the fate of the firft, and by fome of 
 
 44 the turbulent fpirits, jealoufies would foon be raifed a- 
 44 gainft them, and the like propofitions for reconciliation 
 
 44 of differences would be then fent to them, as they now 
 
 44 have joined to fend to us till (all power being vefted in 
 
 44 the Houfe of Common:;, and their number making them 
 
 44 incapable of trail failing affairs of State with the necel- 
 44 fary fervice and expedition , thofe being retrufted to 
 
 44 fome clofe Committee ) at laft the common people ( who 
 
 44 in the mean time muft be flattered, and to whom H- 
 44 cence muft be given in all their wild humours, how 
 
 44 contrary foever to effablifhed Law, or their own real 
 “ good ) difeover this Arcanum Imperij. That all this 
 
 44 was done by them, but not for them ; and grow weary 
 
 44 of journey-work, and fet up for themfelves, call parity 
 
 44 and independence Liberty ; devour that Eilatc which 
 
 44 had devoured the reft ; deftroy all rights and properties, 
 
 44 all diftinclions of families and merit; and by this means 
 
 44 this fplendid and excellently diftinguifhed form of Go- 
 44 vernment, end in a dark equal chaos of confufion, and 
 
 44 the long line of our many noble anceftors in a Jack 
 
 44 Cade , or a Wat Tyler. 
 
 44 For all thefe reafons, to all thefe demands our anfwer 
 
 44 is, Nolumus Leges Anglia: jnutari: But this we promife, 
 
 44 that we will be as careful of preferving the Laws, in 
 
 44 what is fuppofed to concern wholly our Subjects, as in 
 
 44 what moft concerns our felf: For indeed we profefs to 
 
 44 believe, that the prefervation of every Law concerns 
 
 44 us, thofe of obedience being not fecure, when thofe of 
 
 44 prote&ion are violated ; and we being, moft of any, in- 
 44 jured in the lead violation of that, by which we enjoy 
 
 44 the higheft rights and greateft benefitr, and are therefore 
 
 44 obliged to defend no ids by our intereft, than by our 
 
 44 duty, and hope that no jealoufies to the contrary lhall be 
 
 44 any longer nouriftied in any of our good people, by the 
 
 44 fubtle inlinuations, and l'ecrct practices of men, who, 
 
 44 for private ends, are difaffected to our honour and fafety, 
 
 44 and the peace and profperity of our People. And to 
 
 44 fhew you, that no juft indignation at fo reproachful of- 
 44 fers, fhall make us refufe to grant what is probable t» 
 
 44 conduce to the good of our good People, becaufe of the 
 
 44 ill company it comes in, we will feareh cardully in this 
 
 44 heap of unreafonable demands, for fo much as we may 
 
 44 (complying with our conference, and the duty of our 
 
 44 truft ) aflent unto, and fhall accordingly agree to it. 
 
 “ In purfuance of which feareh in the fourth propoliti- 
 44 on, under a demand, which would take from us that 
 
 44 truft, which God, Nature, and the Laws of the Larul 
 
 44 have placed in us, and of which none of you could en- 
 44 dure to be deprived, we find fomething to which we 
 
 44 give this anfwer, That we have committed the princi- 
 44 pal places about our children to perfons of quality, inte- 
 44 grity and piety, with fpecial regard that their tender 
 
 44 years might be fo feafoned with the principles of the 
 
 44 true Proteftant Religion, as ( by the bleffing of God 
 
 44 upon this our care ) this whole Kingdom may in due 
 
 44 time reap the fruits thereof : And as we have been like- 
 44 wife very careful in the choice of fervants about them, 
 
 44 that none of them may be fuch, as by ill principles, or 
 
 44 by ill examples, to crofs our endeavours for their pious 
 
 44 and virtuous education ; fo if there fhall be found ( for 
 
 44 all our care to prevent it ) any perfon about our chil- 
 44 dren, ( or about us, which is more than you ask ) a- 
 44 gainft whom both Houfes fhall make appear to us any 
 
 44 juft exception, we fhall not only remove them, but 
 “ thank you for the information ; only we fnall expedt that 
 
 44 you fhall be likewife careful, that there be no under- 
 44 hand dealing by any, to feek faults, to make room for 
 
 44 others to fucceed in their places. • 
 
 44 For the fifth demand, as we will not fuffer any to 
 
 44 fhare with us in our power of treaties, which are molt 
 
 44 improper for Parliaments, and leaft of all in chofe trea- 
 44 ties in which we are neareft concerned, not only as a 
 
 44 King, but as a Father ; yet we do (fuch is our defire 
 
 44 to give all rcafonable fatisfadlion) affure you by the word 
 
 44 of a King, that we fhall never propofe or eritertairc 
 
 44 any treaty whatfoever for the marriage of any of our 
 
 44 children, without due regard to the true Proteftant 
 
 44 Profeffion, the good of our Kingdom, and the honour 
 
 44 of our Family. 
 
 44 For the fixth demand, concerning the Laws in force 
 
 44 againft Jefuits, Priefts, and Popifh Recufants, we have, 
 
 “ by many of our meflages to you, by our voluntary 
 
 44 promifes to you fo folemnly made, never to pardon any 
 
 44 Popifh Prieft, by our ftridt Proclamations lately pub- 
 ‘ 4 lifhed in this point, and by the publick examples which 
 
 44 we have made in that cafe fince our relidence at York , 
 
 44 and belore at London, fufficiently exprefled our zeal here- 
 44 in. Why do you then ask that in which our own in- 
 44 clination hath prevented you ? And if you can vet 
 
 5 Y find 
 
Vo!. II. 
 
 154 
 
 1642 
 
 7 he H ISrO RT 0 / ENGLAND. 
 
 • find anv more cfFeftual courfc to difable them from dif- “ 
 “ Curbing the State, or eluding the Law by truft, or ^ 
 
 “ otherwife, we fhall willingly give our confent to it. ‘ 
 “ For the feventh demand, concerning the votes of the ‘ 
 
 1* Popifh Lords i we underfcand, that they in difcretion “ 
 “ have withdrawn themfelves from thefervice of the Houfe ‘‘ 
 “ of Peers, (and had done fo when ufe was publickly ‘ 
 “ made of their names to afperfe the votes of that Houle, ‘J 
 “ which was then counted as malignant, as thole, who ‘ 
 “ are called our unknown and unfworn counfellors, are 
 “ now ,) neither do we conceive, that fuch a poiitive ‘ 
 “ Law J againft the votes of any whofe blood gives thern ‘ 
 u that right, is fo [proper in regard of the Privilege of 
 “ Parliament, but are content, that fo long as they fhall 
 “ not be conformable to the Do&rine and Difcipline of 
 the Church of England, they fhall not be admitted to 
 ** fit in the Houfe of Peers, but only to give their proxies ‘ 
 to fuch Proteftant Lords as they fhall choofe, who are 
 “ to difpofe of them as they themfelves fhall think fit, ‘ 
 “ without any reference at all to the giver. | 
 
 As to the defires for a bill for the education of Papifts 
 “ bv Proteftants in the Proteftant Profeffion, many about 
 tt us can witnefs with us, that we have often delivered 
 “ our opinion, that fuch a courfe (with God’s blefling 
 upon it) would be the moil efte£tual for the rooting 
 « popery out of this Kingdom ; we fhall therefore thank ' 
 «' you for it, and encourage you in it, and when it comes 
 44 unto us, do our duty : And we heartily wifh for the 
 “ publick good, that the time you have fpent in making ^ 
 “ ordinances without us, had been employed in preparing ^ 
 “ this and other good bills for us. 
 
 4. p or t he eighth, touching the reformation to be made 
 “ of the Church-Government and Liturgy, we had 
 << hoped, that what we had formerly declared concerning 
 “ the fame, had been fo fufficiently underftood by you, 
 
 “ and all good Subjects, that we fliould not need to have 
 44 expreflcd our felf further in it. We told you in our 
 anfwer to your petition, prefented to us at Hampton- 
 << Q 0nrt t he firii of December , that for any illegal innova- 
 “ tions which may have crept in, we fhould willingly 
 *< concur in the removal of them ; and if our Parliament 
 n fh,,.jld advife us to cAll a national Synod, which may 
 “ duly examine fuch ceremonies as give juft caufe of of- 
 *4 f c nce to any, we fhould take it into confideration, and 
 «c anp!y our felf to give due fatisfa£tion therein ; that we 
 tc wcre perfwaded in our confcience, that no Church could 
 “ be found upon the earth, that profefteth the true Reli- 
 gi on w ith more purity of Do-flrine than the Church of 
 “ Eno land doth, nor where the Government and Difcipline 
 tt p.rc^jointly more beautified, and free from fuperftition, 
 
 “ than as they are here eftablifhed by Law. Which, (bv 
 “ the grace of God) we will with conftancy maintain 
 “ (while we live) in their purity and glory, not only a- 
 “ train ft all invafions of “Popery ; but alfo from the irre- 
 “ Terence of thofe many fchifmaticks and feparatifts, 
 
 “ wherewith of late this Kingdom, and our city of 
 *4 London abounds, to the great difhonour and hazard both 
 “ of Church and State ; lor the fuppreflion of whom we 
 required your timely and aftive affiftance. We told 
 *t vai , in our firft Declaration, printed by the advice of 
 «C our Privy-Council, That for differences amongjl our fives 
 for matters Indifferent in their nun nature concerning Re- 
 “ Er'i-on, wcfiould, in tendernefs to any number of our loving 
 “ Subjects, very willingly comply with the advice of our 
 “ Parliament , that lime Laxu might he made for the exemp¬ 
 ts Lon of tender colfciencts from punifoment, or profecution 
 ■ - - , chcert oftes, and in fitch cafes, which by the 
 “ merit of mop men are held to be matters indifferent , and 
 “ of fame to be abfoh.it eh unlawful-, provided that this cafe 
 “ fhould be attempted and purfued with that modejly, temper , 
 and fubmijfion, that in the mean time the peace and quiet 
 “ of the Kingdom be not dijlurbed , the decency and compi¬ 
 le fiefs of God's fa vice dif countenanced-, nor the pious-, Jober, 
 
 “ devout actions of thofe reverend Per fans who were the firjl 
 labourers in the bteffed Reformation, or of that time , be 
 “ Vandalized and defamed. 'And we heartily wifh, that 
 “ others whom it concerned, had been as ready as their 
 “ duty bound them, though they had not received it 
 << tr om us, to have purfued this caution, as we were, and 
 »< fid] are willing and ready to make good every particular 
 of that promife. Nor did we only appear willing to 
 join in fo good a work, when it fhould be brought us, 
 44 b ut pfeded and urged you to it by our meflage of the 
 “ 1 4 th of February, in thefe words : And becaufe bis Ma- 
 “ ]>jly obferves great and different troubles to arife in the 
 . 44 ij al rts of People, concerning the Government and Liturgy 
 of the Church , his Maie/ly is whiling to declare, that he 
 ' <c will ’'cfcr the whole corf, deration to the wifdom of his Par- 
 44 l-a,. ait. which he defires them to enter into fpeedily, that 
 44 'he prefent dif raAims about the fame may be compofed j 
 i Wdfms l-' K h?r&i « «»y fak on hi, far,. 
 c fill the whole be fo digejUd and fettled by both Houfes, that 
 
 his Majejly may clearly fee what is ft to be left, as well 16 
 as what is fit to be taken away : Of which we the more 
 hoped of a good fuccefs to the general fatisfa£tion cf 
 our People, becaufe you fcem in this propofition to defire 
 but a Reformation, and not, as is daily preached Dr as 
 neceffary in thofe many conventicles, which have with:;: 
 thefe nineteen months begun to fwarm, and which, 
 though their leaders differ from you in this opinion, 
 yet appear to many as countenanced by you, by no", 
 being punifhed by you (few elfe, by reafon of the order 
 of the Houfe of Commons of the 9th of September, 
 daring to do it) a deftruchion of the prefent Difcipline 
 and Liturgy. And wc fhall moft chearfully give on: 
 belt aftiftance for railing a fufficient maintenance lev 
 preaching Miniffers, in fuch courfe as fhall be moft for 
 the encouragement and advancement of piety and 
 learning. 
 
 “ For the Bills you mention, and the confultation you 
 intimate, knowing nothing of the particular matters of 
 the one (though we like the titles well) nor of the 
 
 • manner of the other, but from an informer, (to whom 
 
 • we give little credit, and we wifh no mar» did more) 
 
 • common fame, we can fay nothing till we fee them. 
 
 “ For the eleventh, we would not have the oatli of all 
 ‘ Privy-Counfellors and Judges ftraitncd to particular Sla- 
 ‘ tutes of one or two particular Parliaments, but extend 
 1 to all Statutes of all Parliaments, and the whole Law 
 1 of the Land; and fhall willingly conlent, that an en- 
 ‘ quiry of all the breaches and violations of the Law may 
 be given in charge by the J offices of the King’s-Bench 
 every term, and by the Judges of AfTize in their cir- 
 “ cu:ts, and fuftices of tl.e Peace at the Seffions, to he 
 tl prefented and punifhed according to Law. 
 
 “ For the feventeenth, we fhall ever be moft ready, 
 
 “ (and we aie forry it fliould be thought needful to 
 “ mov e us in it) not only to join with any (particularly 
 cc with the States of the Unite 1 Provinces , of which we 
 “ have given a late proof in the match of our Daughter) 
 
 “ for the defence and maintenance of the Proteftant Re- 
 “ ligion againft all defigns and attempts of the Pope and 
 “ his adherents ; but fingly (if need were) to oppofe witli 
 “ our life and fortune all fuch defigns in all other nations, 
 
 “ were they joined : And that for confiderations of con- 
 “ fcience, far more than any temporal end of obtaining 
 “ accefs of ftrength and reputation, or any natural end 
 u of reftoring our Royal Sifter and her Princely IfTue to 
 “ their dignities and dominions, though thefe be likewise 
 “ much confidered by us. 
 
 “ For the eighteenth, it was not our fault that an Aft 
 tc was not palled to clear the Lord Kimbolicn, and the live 
 “ Members of the Houfe of Commons, but yours, who 
 ‘‘ inferted claufes into both the preamble and A£t, (perhaps 
 tC perfuaded to it by fome who wifh not that you fliould 
 “ in any thing receive fatisfaiiion* from us) as by palling 
 “ the preamble, we muff have wounded our honour 
 “ gainft our conference, and by another cliufe have ad- 
 “ mitted a confequence, from which we c old never have 
 “ been fecured, by declaring, that no membei ot ci her 
 t£ Houfe, upon any acculation ol tre tfon, could have lu: 
 
 “ perfon feized without the confent ol t. t Hoult ot which 
 “ he is a member ; though the known Law be, Tha•' 
 
 “ Privilege of Parliament extends not to Tnafon ; and ii 
 “ it did, any member (the Houfe being for a fhort time 
 “ adjourned, and fo their confent not being fo hadJ how 
 “ treafonable foever his intentions were, how clearly foever 
 “ known, and how fuddenly foever to be executed, muff 
 “ have fair leave given him to go on, and purfue them . 
 
 “ no way, how legal foever, after the palling fuch a 
 “ claufe, being left to prevent it. (3). 
 
 R e m. (3.) The King, in fhowing the inconveniencies 
 of this claufe, lays down a calc different from that of the 
 fix members accufed. For he fuppofes, to demonftrate 
 thefe inconveniencies, that the treafon is manifeft, and juft, 
 going to be executed. Whereas the difference between 
 the King and the Parliament conlifted, in that the Parlia¬ 
 ment delired to fee tne proofs, before they confected to the 
 profecution of their Members. Befides, this maxim, that 
 the privileges of Parliament extend not to treafonable 
 cafes, is very ambiguous. For it may fignifv, either that 
 in cafe of real, manileft, or apparent treafon, the mem¬ 
 bers of Parliament have no more privilege than the reft of 
 the Subjects, or elfe that by a bare accufation of treafon, 
 true or falfe, a Member may be committed to prifon like 
 any other private perfon. f he King took .t, and would 
 have it taken, in this laft fenfe, but the Parliament would 
 admit it only in the firft. But that the King’s fenfe was 
 wrong, evidently appears, in that when, for mftance, a 
 Peer is accufed of treafon, he is not fent to the "Lower, 
 according to the ufual courfe of Juftice, as a private perlon 
 would be, but by order of his Houle, which thinks proper 
 to confent to his profecution. Without this torffciU, the 
 King cannot fend him to the Tower by his own a.itho- 
 
Book XX. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 455 
 
 i .642, nty, and upon a bare accufahon. In fliort, no lefs mcon- felra however, any more than was necelfitrv to import ,62- 
 vemencK would attend thetKmg’s fettle, fince m that cafe the expiations of their adherent,. For ti 7 ow i-Sly 
 the Kmg upon bare accnfatrons tree or falfe, ought mr- concerned them to make the Publick, and the Members 
 pnfon all the principal members of both Houfe. who were not of their fide, believe, that they in 
 
 “ To conclude we conjure you, and all men, to reft conjunflion with the other Members, only with the view 
 fattsfied with the truth of our profeffion., and the of vindicating the common Liberty, againft the encroach- 
 reality of our intentions, not to ask fuch things as deny ments of the King 7 
 
 themfelves , that you declare againft tumults and punilh It is certain, that from the beginning, there was in tin's D-M„ 
 he authors , that you allow us our propriety in our Parliament, a Presbyterian party, whole aim was to alter 
 towns, arms and goods, and our (hare m the leg,dative the Church-government. But that this was the foie aim iT' ' 
 power, whtch would be counted in us not only breach of the Presbyterians, as many afl'ert, is what does not to 
 of privilege, but tyranny and fubverfion of Parliaments, me appear evident. Why might not thel'e men in fir, 
 to deny to you And when you fhall have given usfatis- ving to erefl their difcipline upon the ruins of the’Church, 
 faflionupon thofe perfons who have taken away the have another end, I mean, the prevention of the Kim's 
 t’lv H f ? C i ar r t,0nS (P ar,lc “ krl y th « his party’s incroachments upon the publick Liberty 1 
 
 of he 26th of May) and thofe ,n the point of the There were, certainly, in this very Parliament, Members 
 MiIitia four juft rights, wherein we will no more part who were very far from being Presbyterians and vet had 
 with than with our Crown, left we enable others by the fame end : Why might not the Presbv’ierirv lr--- ,t 
 them to take that from us) which would take away the too, jointly with thlt wldch was peculiar to them ? "L it 
 other, and declined the beginnings of a war againft us fo uncommon a thing, to fee people propofc to themf-Kv 
 under pretence of our intention of making one againft two different ends, in one and the fame undertaking ? 1 
 you ; as we have never oppofed the firft part of the confefs, I do not fee the improbability of fuch a liippofi- 
 
 tion. The Presbyterian party therefore muft be confidered 
 as a&ing with thofe two views, and this is fo true* that 
 undeniable proofs of it will appear in the feque! of this 
 reign. But their enemies have been pleafed to aferihe to 
 them the firft only, in order to charge them with puttin'* 
 tlie Kingdom in a flame, for the lake of ellabliihing the 
 Presbyterian Government in the Church. I do not deny, 
 that this motive contributed very much to it. But it does 
 not follow, that the reafons on which the Parliament re- 
 fufed to confide in the King, were frivolous. The con¬ 
 trary may be rather inferred. For if thel'e reafons had 
 not been plaufible, the Presbyterians would never have 
 been able to execute their projects, and form fo ftrong a 
 party in a Kingdom, wherej at the beginning of this 
 Parliament, they made fo inconfiderab'e a figure. But 
 they politickly made ufe of the general difeontent, which 
 actually fubfiited, to bring matters to the point thev de- 
 fired. They cannot be faid to have caufed this i nivci f.,1 
 difeontent, though it is certain, they helped to inflame it, 
 becaufe it was neceffary to their views. 
 
 f . , t-- . . - The Parliament having received advice from Holland n i 
 
 fuch power* the King, but to know, whether the King that the Queen had pawned or fold tome of the Crown- u*ft & 
 having abufed this power, his promife, that he would go- jewels at Awjteriam, publifhed the ad. of Jum, an Older ••••’*•* 
 vern according to the Law of the Land, was to be depended declaring, that whomever was concerned in the felling or c.V/n 
 upon for the future. The King, throughout the beginning pawning thefe Jewels, or in the bringing any nionef to 
 of Ins anfwer, fuppofes an ignorance of what is due to a the King, by way of bill of exchange, or otherwife, fhould 
 
 , or a caufelers dtantal of the fame. As be accounted an enemy to the State. But the Queen had w P ,' 3 
 
 !he MWre tfthe F P ™ n r , C r bilCk W,th a,read> ’ laid out ' he in purchafmg arms and amtnu- 
 
 the nature of the hngltjh Conftitution, which was very mtion, which fhe had conveyed to the Kin? 
 
 ■t! with him T-T r» Khir, v'olla,.4 TX . ‘ J • , 
 
 thirteenth demand, fo we fhall be ready to concur with 
 you in the latter. 
 
 “ -And being then confident, that the credit of thofe 
 men, who defire a general combuftion, will be fo 
 weakened with you, that they will not be able to do 
 this Kingdom any more harm, we fhall be willing to 
 grant our general pardon, with fuch exceptions as fhall 
 be thought fit, and fhall receive much more joy in the 
 hope of a full and conftant happinefs of our People in 
 the true Religion, and under the prote&ion of the Law, 
 by a bleffed union between us and our Parliament (fo 
 much defiled by us) than any fuch encreafe of our re¬ 
 venue, (how much foever beyond former grants) as 
 (when our Subjects were wealthieft) our Parliament could 
 have fettled upon us.” 
 
 I fhall make but one general remark upon this anfwer 
 of the King, and which to me feems abfolutely neceflary, 
 namely, that all the beginning, which includes two thirds, 
 is entirely needlefs, fince the King treats not of the point 
 in difpute between him and the Parliament. The queftion 
 was not to know, whether the Laws aferibed fuch and 
 
 needlefs, fince no body difagreed with him. 
 
 i fmall ' 
 
 J -to- , • ‘-■■■ip v-antu uje r}oviaence, wiiicn, tlie very day 
 
 to the general poll non acknowledged by all the wotlJ, but lament publifhed this order, fafcly arrived ii/&, 
 
 ays not a word to the particular queftion, which was the Bay, after having been warmly purified by part of t 
 
 loic fubject o, t.ie difpute. As to the fecond point, he does lament’s fleet, commanded by the Earl of IVarw'ia 
 
 fr„ 
 
 He keeps Ship called the Prcvulcnct, which, the very day the Par- n’tjt, 
 
 Burlington Ru ftwoith 
 • I .T IV. p. 6o 
 the Par- c , , rendon 
 
 not deny that he had abufed his Power, but makes no Some time before, the King Sndfng fw^mimtidable T M’ 
 other anfwer to the confequence drawn by the Parliament had ordered his friends in both Houfes, to abfent them'ih es *'? • 
 from this abufe, than that he promifes to behave better for from the Parliament. He hoped, by leffening fo conii- t■' 
 
 ™ uture - derably the number of the Members, to leften the credit 
 
 of the Parliament. But this policy turned not to his ad- 
 vantage. It is true, both Houfes were conflderably leffcnej 
 in number. But withal, the King's party there grew fo 
 weak, that they could no longer oppofe the refoluiions taken 
 againft the King. Though the two Houfes were not lorry L' : r 
 
 Ibe Motives 
 
 °f tk ‘ P,/ f- 
 
 bytenar.i ,n 
 'be Rupture. 
 
 It is eal’y to fee, that neither the Parliament’s propofiti- 
 ons, nor the King’s anfwer, were proper to beget an accom¬ 
 modation. Accordingly, it may be affirmed, that neither 
 fide thought of any fuch thing. When the King pub¬ 
 lifhed his anfwer, he had received fome arms, ammuni- _ D _.. x 
 
 tion, and pieces of Ordnance from Holland , and befides to be rid of thefe fpies, they believed however, it was ne¬ 
 at, was preparing to befiege Hull Though great part ceflary to take fome meafures, either to hinder a abater R-Wth. 
 TT A n mS now f ,c ™ oved *° London, he lioped ftill defertion, or to convince the people, it was not theft fault 1V -P- 73«- 
 to find there Efficient for his moft urgent occafions. More- if the Parliament was not fo numerous as hitherto The 
 o\er, this place, which was one of the ftrongeft in the Commons therefore ordered all the Sheriffs of the Kirr- 
 tSrcZf be J° f - great a rV,Ce t0 him ’ IO keep the dom ’ t0 give notice t0 the Reprefcntatives, to attend the 
 On h y h“ d' S '.c i - Houfe by thc ,6th 0f 7 "'"’ on tbe forfeiture of one hun- 
 
 'he Presbyterian party, who then dred pounds, [ to be employed in the wars in Inland] and 
 
 fire hat had ? h ^ ’• had “ mt>fl at,ained * hc,r de - ° n P am of undergoing fuch farther punilhmem as the Houfe 
 
 lire, that is, had brought things to a rupture, which gave fhould think fit. 
 them loom to hope, they fhould quickly have opportunity 
 to accomplifh the reft of their projeft. Indeed, tin's rup 
 ture between the King and the Parliament being fuppofed, 
 it was manifeft, the Kingdom was to be governed by the 
 Parliament and the King, feparately, and not jointly, as 
 before, that is, they would each govern thofe of their par¬ 
 ty ; in which cafe, the Parliament would have no more 
 
 i .. < ^ ut Lords went ftill farther, for they ordered nine Sevn-uy of 
 
 Inoeed, this rup- of their Members (z), who had repaired to the King at l ,!r ‘ 
 
 rtb — O.- r~A York, to appear at the bar the Sth of June as Delinquents. HfifurL 
 
 Thefe nine Lords having fent their excufe by a letter, July 20. 
 the Commons forthwith prepared an impeachment againft K “ fl,worth * 
 them, and lent it up to the Lords. The 27th of the lame P j | 7 - 37 ‘ 
 month (3), the Peers pronounced fentence againft the nine Ciarcr.d n. 
 Lords, declaring, they fhould not fit or vote in the Houfe T ' 1 p ' s ° 3 ’ 
 
 occalion for the King’s conlent, who would be looked up 
 
 1 '!!. 17 ! 3 !’. /- a j nd C0 ' lfeq - Uent,y ’ th r 7 - migh i,, ordain dur ing the prefent Parliament, and fhould ftand"committed 
 
 to the Tower during the pleafure of the Houfe. 
 
 Thefe were little preludes to the war which was goin°- 
 to be kindled. But the 10th of June , both Houii ° 
 
 whatever they pleafed, without any oppofition. This was 
 precifely the point to which all the proceedings of the Pref- 
 byterian party had tended, without their difeovering them- 
 
 ( 1) Th= Pnvidtr.cf ra 
 Arms and Ammunition. 
 Tom. x. p. rai. 
 
 afliore upon HoUrrnrfs Coaft in 
 Ru/bxo'jrcb, Tom. 4. p. 601. 
 
 Kcmingbom Creek. There vs 
 Two or three thoufand Am 
 
 The Part'd- 
 
 l » s»s* 
 
 upon Loi.n r. 
 
 board of her. fixteen pieces of Ordnance, and great ftore of J une ,c ‘ 
 two hundred Barrels of Gun-powder, lays L id Ciarend.n 
 
 ' P 743 - 
 
 b^iTZb J T n , E ° f N J c * tban ‘f t ° n > tf'Miam Cavtndijb Earl of Demonthnt, Robert Cary Earl of Monmouth, and Henry Cary Earl of Dwr • And Ro- Clarer.d,'. 
 
 I3)0a 0f ^ Lord L - d ^ Rykwirtb, Tom- P . 737 - ^^3 
 
 2 more 
 
The HISTORY of ENGLAND 
 
 Vol. 11- 
 
 a mire evident proof of their def.gn ; for upon receiving Ml remained obftinate, differed themfolves to be fliamefully ,6, 
 advice, tlj. the King was actually giving out Commiffions taken by unarmed boattc and were lent to £»»/»». Tine 
 t0 lev force - they fnbiifhed propofals for the bringing in the King was difappomied of his *im, for which, though 
 „f or p! r at ei ,ht Per ant ] for the defence ol of great importance, he had not doubtlc s taken vtiy pto- 
 
 ,,d, Hi ■ This is what the King's friends will per meafures, as appeared by the event (t). 
 h et xcoi tiered as the firft leclaration of war on the After this fruitleCi attempt, the King believed it in vain m, * 
 - llc ,-v . in d pretend thereby to fltow, that both to dilfemble any longer, and that he mull at lad begin the fof- 
 ih , w j...reflors But it is certain, the King, war. To that end, he ordered [ If tttiam jKail c ,„, „ 
 
 i.Y, b . re, 7 : taken meafures to prepare for war, and of NcwcaJU, to fame the town of hrwcajlte ; which ksst.i., 
 ... ,■ , d-iubithc Parliament had done the fame, though performed, though with fome difficulty, and then he caufed 
 
 „ - 77-7 more fecretly than the King. Be this as it will, alfo Tinmmth Caftle to be fazed. At the fame tune lie 
 
 L, r bavin,, feen what were the true grounds and caufes fent many i.ords and Gentlemen into their refpeftte 
 of U'e'wiub it fee ms of little moment to know, which of ftires to levy forces, and by a Mten.une^,lie Great 
 uarties firft difeovered the meafures taken, whe- Seal, appointed [Will,am Stymmr J Karl of Hatjud, h,s 
 
 Lieutenant-General of the weftern Counties. He kept 
 near his perfon [ Robert Barlu ] Lari of Lindjcf, to he, 
 under him, General of his army. Sir Jacob Jjhhy was 
 General of the Foot; and the place of Geneial of the 
 
 Horfe, was referved for Prince Rupert, the King’s nephew, 
 
 and brother to the Elector Palatine , who was daily ex- 
 
 Hmifes. This letter occaftoncd their publilhing a Decla- peflol. . . ,. 
 
 ' run,in, the aim whereof was to Alow the people, that the Though the King had pretended to nife onl) a g“»«l 
 ' Parliament was under an ahfolute neceffity of preparing for for his perfon, It was found however that m the begin- 
 their defence. They faid, his Majefty having fo olten mngof July, he bad about three thoufand Foot and Given *«, 
 threatne.l them about * Hull and the Militia, they could not or eight hundred Horfe, with which he refolvc.. to march ^ 
 bui confider his preparations as a dcfign to levy war againft to Hull. He flayed fome days at Bmerl), and P“ bl *' d i 
 I . p. u j; tmcn t a Proclamation', to fignify Ins intention to behege Hull , i 
 
 " The Khig made to this Declaration a long anfwer, full and the reafons that Induced him thereto. As they have 1 
 of reproaches of the illegal proceedings of both Houfes a- already been_ mentioned, it is needlefs to repeat them, 
 gaii.lt him. He did not deny, that he intended to have 
 juftice in the cafes of Hull and the Militia, or lofe his life 
 
 the two parties r 
 
 ther to attack or defend. For that at molt is the m 
 of the queftion, H'hicb of the parties began the war 
 
 The King having notice of what me Parliament had 
 •t done for the fpeedy raifing of money, writ to the Lord- 
 Mat nr of London , commanding him to publifh his Letter, 
 wherein he forbid the Citizens to lend any money to both 
 
 . p ;iS. 
 
 -1-y- 
 
 jn requiring it; and affirmed, that this was no proof of a 
 ddLn to make war againft the Parliament, but only of his 
 intention to defend himfelf againft their attacks. The Par¬ 
 liament faid the fame thing on their part, and each endea¬ 
 vored to caft the blame of the war on the oppofite party. 
 
 intended to have Three days after, he fent the Proclamation to the Par 
 ment, with a meflage, requiring them, that the town i 
 Hull might be forthwith delivered to him. 
 
 Before the Parliament received this meflage, they had n . Par:u 
 
 refolved to prefent a Petition to his Majefty, to pray him, n,n 
 in a very humble manner, to forbear all preparations lor "fff e ‘ 
 
 _ jm vvar ; to remove his forces from about Hull ; to diimifs his | u iy I5 . . 
 
 I did not think it neceffary to infer! thefe lull Papers, there troops ; to fend away his gamfons from NmtcaJU, Tin- J.*--*. 
 benr nothing new in them. They contain the fame re- math, and other places ; for which they prom,fell alfo on 
 pro.,dies, and the fame vindications on both fides, as were their part, to d,.continue all the preparations they had _ 
 
 feen in the former Declarations. I (hall only obferve, that been faced to make for their defence. The King 
 even when the war was going to commence, and there turned a long anfwer m i writing to tins I eiliun wherein ; 4 . 
 ww no more hopes of an accommodation, the King he repeated great part oi what he had faid in l» Dcch-r.--*. 
 thought it verv ftrangc, that his prerogatives fhould be vio- rations. He made hkewife fome propoliuons to both r.l. r ij 
 lined! and the Parliament raife forces without his approba- Houfes, allowing them to the ryth of July for a full and 
 He always ufed the fame ftile, even in the very pofitive anfwer. 
 
 - ~ ■ ~ ' weary of The Parliame 
 
 end, and to the propofltions, the King refolved to begin the liege 1 
 
 jmdfl of the war. In (hort, the Parliament, weary of The ProrlnmeBt fari^reu rerf Mo nfa i^o ry rnfwg toMp; 
 
 ” as thefe paper skirmifhes, of which there was no e..-, — .. . . - , . .. . , . w* 
 
 ; - & which confumed a great deal of time, prohibited, by a of Hull. But this enterprise was fo unfucceb.ini that ab- 
 
 .,.7 ■ r— punted Older, ihe publifting any declarations or papers in ter having been tome tune before the town, without ma- m>6» 
 
 he Kino’s name, th .. flioulil be contrary to the ordinances king any progrefs, he was obliged to raife the liege,, or ra- T , 
 
 e" n - hi, ■ of the Parliament. Alter that, there was no hope of ther blockade, and return to J.ri The_ Earl. ot Clarra- 
 
 L 7 peace, and accordingly, a„ thoughts of it were laid af.de by £%* ^Jmgnnder^kAhe 
 
 r-i.n -/ ‘ The King, before he came to an open declaration, had furrender the town at the firft ft ot, but that u was not 
 
 a mind to execute two defigns he had formed. The firft poffible for HMam to.perform fits word (3). 
 
 777 '. was, to become mailer ofthe Fleet, the fecond, to be- The King, as I before faid, had, tome months fince, Osr.ji 
 U- H ficse Hull. Tiie projeft of the Fleet was folely founded gained Colonel Gmng Governor ol PortJmtalk, who feign- 
 
 in “,1,0 expeftation that the Captains of the Ships would ing to keep the place for the Par lament held ,t indeedfa d .... 
 
 fc.'-declare for him as foon as commanded. In this belief, he the King. He received money from both fide,, to rem- 
 
 i. May wiit to each Captain in particular, requiring him, without force the garrlfon an rai e new 01 ., I. ' , IV. , fo 
 
 delay and without demanding the orders of his fuperiors, not miftrutlmg him, and the king re yi E . ' c'lit-»a ,ni 
 
 to bring away his Ship to Burlnaton Bay, and yield no At laft, about the time the King was before Hull, GViqj T.l is 
 
 further obedience to ihe Earl of JVarwick. He fern withal openly declared for him. This happened in the begim 
 
 a 1 -tter to the Earl of Warwick, to difeharge him from mng of Augujl, hut three weeks after the Parliament had 
 
 the command of the Fleet. The letters to The Captains iffued ordet.« for levying an armv, to be commanded by 
 
 were to be delivered, as indeed they were, before that di- [fafcn D,vacua] Earl ot ftfa (4). rl, !!. a ™>’ "°7 ’7 
 
 reeled to the Earl of Warwick. The King difpatched at mg yet reacy, both Houfes, though afton.Ihd at G.nngs 
 
 the Earl defedion, were not however dilcouraged. As it was r>t .r... u..i 
 
 the fame time a meft'enger to London , to carry to tire a^>i — --- .. — . • - . a . 
 
 of Northumberland a revocation of his commiffion of Ad- the utmoft importance to recover this p ace, the ftron cft P~ 
 miral, under the Great Seal. The Earl of Warwick, who in the Kingdom, before the K,ng fhould be able to relieve 
 ' was then on ftorc, having notice of what paffed in the it, they baftily difpatched a committee, whom they em- 
 Fleet, went immediately on board his Ship, and fummoned powered to aflemble the Militia of the neig ibouring coun- 
 all the Captains to attend him at a Council of War. All ties, to block up Pcrjmmth by land, whdft the Earl of 
 obeyed, notwithftanding the King’s orders , except five, Warwick, by their order, clocked it up by Sea. Happily 
 who united together to make their defence, in cafe they for the Parliament, Goring^ though, le 
 fhould be attacked. The reft protefted to their Admiral, them three thoufand pounds, 
 
 frufireted' 
 
 they would obey his commands. As foon as he had fecured 
 thefe hft, he caufed them to come to an anchor round the 
 five others, to force them to fubmit. But three of them 
 thought fit to come in upon a fummons. The two that 
 
 had received from 
 and the like fum from the 
 King, had negleded to lay in the neceftary provifioiv; for a 
 fiege, and particularly corn and fait, fo that in the very be¬ 
 ginning of the blockade, he perceived, he could not re 11 IE 
 Tone. °This made him refolve to capitulate. 
 
 He fur- . 
 
 r and perfon in his Royal Digniiy, the free 
 
 DutdT, 
 
 (i) They pretended, That their deGgn was only to maintain the Protefhnt Religion, the King s Authi . 
 comle of Tuftice, ihe Laws of ihe Land, the Peace of the Kingdom, and P.ivileges o! the Parhaisent. Ru/h-wortb, 
 the People to comply with the Parliament's propofols, that the Sums brought in, including Plate, tSc. amounted to above e •- 
 
 F (at Sir 7*bn Ptnnir.gton, it feems, having relufed to undertake the bufinefs, each Capwin, as is laid above, had orders ^ J”' J 
 
 altering his mind, tire difpatches were altered ton, and the Captains were commanded in the:, Letters, ofoiiow T \ 
 
 t inS enough, The projeft came to nothing. Had the firft Letters gone, the five Ships above-mentioned might have got oft Clo .a , V • ■ P- - 
 
 S % The Lord Digby coming privately to the King at York, from beyond Sea, and not finding matters a, expend, rcM 
 hafttn the fuppiv of Arm:, but was taken at Sea by the Ships that weie chafing ihe Provident, and brought d.fgui/ed like a F ... 
 coveting hiralelf to Sir Jobn Hotbam, he prevailed with him, accoiding to the Lord Clarendon, to promilc to render the town, 
 t->re it, and make but one rtiot. And this, he fays, induced the King to march to Beverly, 
 
 Clarendon, Tom. I. p. 
 
 King would come be- 
 order to belicge Wv/f, before he had any thing in reading 
 
 tar fuch an undertakin 
 
 L4J 
 
 And Frantit Rujjet Eaal cf Bedford, ■ 
 
 \\lly 14, spooin*d General of the Horfe. Rujbnosrtb, Tam. 
 
 rendered 
 
Book XX. 
 
 25- CHARLES I. 
 
 16/] 2. rendered the place to the committee, only for liberty to re¬ 
 tire into Holland, [and for his officer to repair to the Kin/;.] 
 Th King's During the blockade of Portjbiouth , the K ing not doubt- 
 liufl w'frh in " but ,Goring was in condition to defend that place, 
 * V. 'p.' 766. P u blifht:d at laft a Declaration that had long been prepared, 
 whoreai he Arms up all the complaints he had already made 
 againft both Houles. As the Reader is fulficiently in¬ 
 formed, there is no occafion to infert here this new De¬ 
 claration. Only it mull be remarked, that the King de¬ 
 clared both Houfes guilty of High-Treafon, and forbid all 
 wProclamoti- Jjis Subjects to obey them : At the fame time was alfo 
 P u blH^cd a Proclamation, requiring all men who could 
 V.Uand'ird. bear arms, to repair to him by the 25th of Augujl at 
 d. p- 774- Nottingham , where he intended to fet up his royal Standard, 
 which all good Subjects were obliged to attend. The fet- 
 ting up of the royal Standard was the antient manner of 
 making known to the People the King’s urgent occafion 
 for their aid, and the place to which they were to repair 
 to aililt him. The King could not forbear thinking, he 
 was Hill to be confidercd as an ordinary King, and to have 
 the fame refpedl and obedience paid to him, as if he had 
 never given his People any caufe of complaint. He ima¬ 
 gined, that the acts of grace he had palled in this Parlia¬ 
 ment, and his promifes to behave better for the future, 
 had effaced all the ill impreffions made by his pad Govern¬ 
 ment upon his Subje&s, and that, though there was a 
 powerful party againft him in the Parliament, it was 
 otherwife among the People. He thought therefore, the 
 fetting up of his Standard would make a ftrong imprelfion 
 on the People, and induce them to appear in arms at Not¬ 
 tingham. But the prejudices were too deeply rooted in the 
 minds of moll of the Subje&s, for a bare ceremony to re¬ 
 move them. 
 
 iTbcKu.g Whilft the day appointed for the fetting up of the 
 .1riu.«. Standard was expected, the King endeavoured to augment 
 nm/j.M- the number of his Forces. He gave out frelh commiflions, 
 l n/ 1 * anc ^ ^ ent Hertford and fome other Lords [and 
 
 T.i. p.556. (1) Rujbwortbl ays, it was ere&ed 
 
 457 
 
 Gentlemen] to manage his concerns, and raife troops, in 1642. 
 t \vc l! cjiern parts, for himfclf,- he departed from York 
 ...me day. before the 25th of Augaft, and in his way took 'd-™ 1 " 
 
 lrom when<:e he *» the arms of the trained- J"nZ'Z- 
 tunds lor I,:s troops, after which he came to Nottingham, >“”• 
 and the next day reviewed his Hoi hr. 
 
 "i'iie review was no funner ended, but he was informed fv 
 tlm two regiments of J.«* were marching to Cmmm by 
 the Earl of EJfex\ orders. Whereupon he hailed thither *-’’ 
 with ins cavalry, con filling offeven or eighc’hundred horfc ’ *°* 
 
 in hop-s of preventing the Parliament’s torces, and pofief- abi,*. 
 ling iiimfelf of that city, Accordingly he arrived there the 1 ’ p t 
 day before the two regiment. . but the Mayor of the city, 
 though without a garrifon, rhut the gates againft him, 
 and fired upon his men. He was very fenfibiy touched 
 With this indignity ; but as there was no remedy, he was 
 forced to return to Nottingham, leaving the command of 
 his cavalry to Commiflary.General If limit. 
 
 The next day, his Horlir being upon a plain of five or w-w 
 i,x extent, where nothing incumbered them, bad a *i>'.. 
 clear vrew of a body of twelve hundred of the enemies «! 
 Foot guarded only by one troop of Horfe. IVilmot, it 
 leemed, could not have wiflred for a fairer opportunity to tw... 
 attack with advantage this body of Foot, who bad nothin* 
 to fecure them. But, for what reafon it is not known, ebr-ndon, 
 inltead of attacking the enemies, he thought only of avoid- * 1.1-557. 
 mg them, and even retreated with fome precipitation. 
 
 Fhis was a bad omen to 2 war juft commenced. 
 
 At laft on the 25th of Augitjl, the King caufed his lit K.*, 
 Standard to be erected on a turret of Nottingham Caftle (i),h cn :: r 
 having with him only fome unarmed trained-bands. His " 
 
 Proclamation had produced fo little effedt, that few were hrm'." 5 ' 
 come to attend the royal Standard. Nay, it happened, c,Jre ’.evn. 
 the very day the Standard was ereded, to grow fo tempef- K“r„ 0Ilh 
 tuous, that it was blown down, and could not be fixed iv. p.783! 
 again in a day or two. This was loojeed upon by many {’ l ' ,own 
 as a fatal prefage of the war. dvwn ' 
 
 in Lhe open Field, on the back-fide of the Caftlc-wall. Tom. 4. p, 783, 
 
THE 
 
 HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 BOOK XXL 
 
 Co?jtaini?ig the third and lajl Part of the Reign of Charles I. 
 
 HE King had imagined, that the 
 fetting up of his Standard would 
 draw great numbers of people to 
 Nottingham , who would come and 
 offer him their fervice : but he was 
 very much difappointed. He had 
 with him but three hundred Foot, 
 and fome trained-bands drawn toge¬ 
 ther by [Sir John Digby ] Sheriff 
 of the County. His cavalry confifted only of eight hun¬ 
 dred Horfe, and his artillery was ftill at York , from whence 
 it was difficult to bring it, many things being yet wanted 
 to prepare and form it for marching, and befides, there were 
 no Foot to guard it. Neverthelefs, as he had given out 
 many commiffions, and ordered his forces to repair to Not¬ 
 tingham, he expelled them in that town, though not 
 without danger, the Parliament having at Coventry five 
 thoufand Foot, and fifteen hundred Horfe. Thus the King 
 was in a very melancholy ftate before the war was well 
 begun. He had appointed Robert Bartu Earl of Lindfey 
 T, May. f or General ; but had yet no army. The Princes Rupert 
 and Maurice his nephews, brothers of the Eleftor Palatine , 
 being come to offer him their fervice in the beginning of 
 September , he made Prince Rupert General of his Horfe, 
 quartered at Leicejler , whither the Prince went and took 
 upon him the command. 
 
 iu -t <n The King, it is certain, was in extreme danger at Not- 
 great dan. tf n gkam. That town was not in condition to make a 
 ciumdook lon § refiftance, and the King having fcarce any forces, if 
 T. U. P . 5. the Parliament’s troops, which were within twenty miles 
 of the place, had marched diredly to him, he mult have 
 been forced to retire with difhonour to 7 ork, unlefs he 
 would have hazarded his being made prifoner. All thofe 
 about him faw the danger, it being fo evident ; but it was 
 not eafy to avoid it, without quitting Nottingham , which 
 HnCoun- could not but be very prejudicial to him. For this reafon 
 advtfe it was moved in the Council, to fend a meffage to both 
 apll" Houfes, with fome overture to incline them to a treaty. 
 * c ' c J J f The intent of this propofition, was doubtlefs to intimate 
 to the King, that his affairs were in fuch a fituation, that 
 peace alone could free him from the perplexity and danger 
 he was expofed to. But the mover of this advice could 
 hardly think, that a bare offer of Peace was able to effed 
 after what had paffed before the rupture. Very likely, 
 clarendon, therefore, his defign was that, in propofing a peace, fome- 
 
 T II.p. 5. 1 
 
 thing more fhould be offered, than what had been offered g . 
 before. The King eafily perceived the intimation, and 
 was fo offended at it, that he broke up the Council, that 
 it might be no longer urged. 
 
 However, the next day the fame motion was renewed, H 'm aivL. 
 but under a different view. As it was-doubtlefs perceived, M " H-’ 1 
 that what had offended the King, was the plain meaning ‘ uf: Jtd 
 of propofing a peace, namely, that his Majefty mull de- / keUb.Atp 
 part from fome of his pretenfions, care was taken to re- re 
 
 move this odious meaning, and it was advifed only to fend ' ibll . 
 a meffage to both Houfes, in order to gain time. The 
 King ftill oppofed it, alledging, to offer peace in fuch a 
 juncture, would be difcovering his weaknefi : That his ene¬ 
 mies would reject the offer with infolence, and nothing but 
 difhonour would thereby reflect on himfelf. But it was R(a r irltt 
 reprefented to him, that fuch a meffage might do good, 
 but could do no harm : That indeed, both Houfes, very advice. 
 likely, would reje£t the offer, but they would thereby 
 render themfelves odious to the people, who were deftrous 
 of peace, and who would be the more inclined tc ferve his 
 Majefty, for his endeavours to procure it: That if the o- 
 verture was accepted, the King would have an opportunity 
 of demonftrating, that the war, on his part, was purely 
 defenfive : In fhort, that the bare offer of peace would of 
 courfe retard the preparations of the Parliament, becaufe 
 men’s minds would be in fufpenfe, whilft the King’s levies 
 might be continued by virtue of the commiffions already 
 fent out. 
 
 The King yielded to thefe reafons, becaufe the point 
 was not to offer any new conditions, but only to lay a n. 
 fnare for the Parliament, and retard their preparations. 
 
 This was the foie motive of the meffcge, wherein, as we 
 fhall fee prefently, the King propofed nothing new, and 
 which, however, he reprefented afterwards as an evident 
 fign of his fincere deiireof peace. But though fome pretend, 
 that his Majefty’s meflage, and the Parliament’s refufal, 
 contributed very much to facilitate the King’s levies, and 
 undeceive the people of their good opinion of the intenti¬ 
 ons of both Houfes, I cannot believe, that fuch weak rea¬ 
 fons were able to produce fo great effe&s. It is true, if by Re ^ rt w 
 the people, be meant only thofe who were devoted to the Jdfleg^ 
 King, it is not unlikely, that the refufal of peace might 
 render the Parliament odious to them, and promote their 
 tak.ng arms for the King. But if by the people, be un- 
 derftood the Parliament’s party, or rather all the people in 
 
 genera 1 , 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 459 
 
 {. 1-642. general, and without diftin&ion, it is not eafy to conceive, 
 how the refufal of a bare propofition, without any thing 
 new in it, could produce fuch an effe£t (1). The people, 
 no doubt, wiflied for peace rather than war. But they 
 would have a folid peace, fupported by other foundations 
 than the King’s bare word, and not a peace in general, fuch 
 as his Majefty propofed. They had already rejedkd fuch a 
 peace ; and upon this fenfe of the nation it was, that the 
 Parliament’s whole authority was founded. This was no 
 new thing : it had been long difputed without coming to 
 any conclufion. How therefore could the bare propofal of 
 a treaty, without any particular offer, incline the people fo 
 ftrongly to the King, and render the Parliament more 0- 
 dious, if it was rejected ? And yet, upon this foundation 
 the King conftantly built, from the beginning of the war, 
 as will appear in the fequel. The fecond reafon was 
 wholly founded on the prejudices of the Privy- Counfellors. 
 For, fuppofing the negotiation had been entered into, by 
 what frelh evidence would the King have been able to 
 demonftrate, that the war was only defenfive on his part, 
 fince he had already alledged all that could be faid on that 
 fubje£t, and fince his papers were publick ? The third reafon 
 was of no greater force, f or if the bare overture of a 
 treaty was capable of keeping people in fufpence, and retard¬ 
 ing the Parliament’s levies, it might alfo have the fame 
 effect with regard to the King’s. But the counfellors fup- 
 pofed, his Majefty’s levies would be continued with vi¬ 
 gour, whilft the Parliament’s preparations would be inter¬ 
 rupted : That is to fay, the Parliament’s friends would fall 
 into the fnare, whilft care fhould be taken privately to 
 warn the King’s to avoid it. Nothing more clearly fhows, 
 with what fpirit they advifed the King to fend this meflage 
 to the Parliament. 
 
 Be this as it will, the meflage was fent the 25th of Au- 
 gujl , (three days after the fetting up of the Standard) (2) 
 by [ Thomas IVriothefy J Earl of Southampton , Sir John 
 Culpepper , and fome others (3). 
 
 Tie Kir.ft propounded to both Houfes, “ That fome perfons 
 
 ^^‘b 'nou'L be by them enabled, to treat with the like num- 
 
 I °f Portia- “ ber authorized by him, in fuch a manner, and with 
 .{mem. “ f uc h freedom of debate, as might beft tend to the peace 
 
 5Aur. p t j )e Kingdom. And he allured them, that nothing 
 
 iv. 7 s*. “ fhould be wanting on his part, which might advance 
 IT. M-.iy. the Proteftant Religion, oppofe Popery, fecure the Laws 
 ■Clarendon, tt t ^ e L anl | } and confirm all juft power and privileges 
 P 7 “ of Parliament. If this propofition fhould be rejected, 
 “ he protefted, he had done his duty fo amply, that God 
 “ would abfolve him from any of the guilt of that blood 
 which muft be fpilt.” 
 
 ■nu Kwf t As the war was fufficiently proclaimed by the ere&ing of 
 
 nDcpuna fi t h e Standard, it feems, the King fhould have demanded a 
 UHseodoa fafe-conduft for his meflengers. But though he had neg- 
 T.li. p. 8. ledled to take this precaution, they pretended, on what 
 grounds I know not, to go and fit in their refpedlive 
 places, without any previous notice (4). The Lords, of¬ 
 fended at the Earl of Southampton’s boldnefs, called upon 
 him to withdraw, and ordered him to fend his meflage in 
 writing, and wait for an anfwer out of London. The 
 Commons alfo obliged Culpepper to deliver his meflage at 
 the Bar, at which the King took great offence. 
 
 7br Pailia- The anfwer of both Houfes to his Majefty’s meflage 
 menfi An- was? « That notwithftanding their endeavours to prevent 
 Aug -8 “ l ' ie diftra£led eftate of the Kingdom, nothing had fol¬ 
 id. p. y lowed but proclamations and declarations againft both 
 
 ; Ruftiworth. a Houfes of Parliament, whereby their actions were de- 
 t. M.v. 5 “ c ' are ^ treafonable, and their perfons traitors. So that 
 “ until thofe proclamations were recalled, and the Stand- 
 “ aid taken down, they could not, by the fundamental 
 ‘ c privileges of Parliament, give his Majefty any other 
 “ anfwer to his meflage.” 
 
 The King’s meflengers being returned to Nottingham 
 T H with this anfwer, His Majejly , fays the Lord Clarendon , 
 P 9 was contented to make fo much farther ufe of their pride and 
 pajfion, as to give them occafion , by another mefj'age , to pub- 
 lifh more of it to the people. It is eafy to judge from hence, 
 whether the King’s real motive was a fincere defire of 
 peace, fince his meflages were intended only to render the 
 The King', Parliament odious. He faid in his reply: “ That he ne- 
 facrj Mcf. << ver defigned to declare both Houfes of Parliament trai- 
 Sepi. 1. • “ tors, or fet up his Standard againft them, and much lefs 
 
 Rulhworth, “ to put them and the Kingdom out of his protection ; he 
 jv. p. 786 “ utterly profefled againft it before God and the world. 
 
 “ But he promifed, that if a day were appointed by them, 
 
 “ for the revoking of their declarations againft all perfons <642. 
 
 “ as traitors or otherwife for aflifting him, he would, 
 
 “ with all chearfulnefs, upon the fame day, recal his pro- 
 “ clamations and declarations, and take down his Stand- 
 “ ard.” 
 
 In this meflage, as in all his other Papers, may be ob- 
 ferved the genius and character of Charles I. He always 
 made ufe of obfeure expreffions, the interpretation where ¬ 
 of he referved to himfelf. It is true, he had not in ex- 
 prefs terms declared both Houfes traitors : but he called 
 their members by that name, as the Earl of Effex and o- 
 thers. So, according to his way of reafoning, thofe that 
 executed the orders of both Houfes were traitors and rebels, 
 though the Houfes themfelves were not fo. It may be 
 affirmed, that thofe little artifices were one of the prin¬ 
 cipal caufes of this Prince’s misfortunes, as they made him 
 forfeit the truft and confidence of his SubjcCh. They 
 infpired the Parliament with a perpetual jealoufv of being 
 intangled by treaties, wherein it would have been impoffi - 
 ble to avoid fuch ambiguous expreffions. 
 
 The two Houfes anfwered, “ That his Majefty not The Afxo-r 
 “ having taken down his Standard, recalled his proclama- c f U:b //ta 
 “ tions and declarations, whereby he had declared the ac-4*' pt . ,6. 
 
 “ tions of both Houfes of Parliament to be treafonable, Ruihwnrth. 
 “ and their perfons traitors, and having publifned the fame 
 “ fince his meflage of the 25th of Augujl, they could not T< [ ti p< 
 
 “ recede from their former anfwer. That if his Majefty 
 “ would recall his declarations, and return to his Parlia- 
 “ ment, he fhould find fuch expreffions of their fidelities 
 
 and duties, that his fafety, honour, and greatnefs could 
 “ only be found in the affections of his People, and the 
 “ fincere counfels of his Parliament, who deferved better 
 “ of his Majefty, and could never allow themfelves, re- 
 “ prefenting likewife the whole Kingdom, to be ballanced 
 “ with thofe who gave evil Counfels to his Majefty.” 
 
 Mean while, both Houfes perceiving, that the King’s id. n. u. 
 aim was to keep the People in fufpenle by an uncertain Rl ^ vnr:h- 
 expectation of peace, publilhed a declaration, protefting, ' p ' 
 they would never lay down their arms till his Majefty had 
 left the Delinquents to the jufti.ee of the Parliament. 
 
 The King, on his part, failed not, purfuant to his pur- The Kings 
 pofe, to make ufe of the anfwcrs of both Houfes to his' hniiA -'/‘ 
 two meflages, in a third which he fent to them, faying, 
 
 “ That let ail the world judge who had ufed moft en- Ruihwurth. 
 “ deavours to prevent the prefent diftraCIions, either he P* 
 
 “ who had condefcended to defire and prels it, or the T> a [j n pi 0 1 , a , 
 “ two Houfes, who had refufed to enter into a negotia- 
 “ tion. That for the future, if they defired a treaty of 
 “ him, he fhould remember that the blood which was to 
 tC be fpilt in this quarrel was that of his SubjeCts, and 
 “ therefore would return to his Parliament, as foon as the 
 “ caufes which had made him abfent himfelf from it 
 “ fhould be removed.” 
 
 Both Houfes finding, the King’s defign was to render 
 their refufal to treat, odious to the People, returned a 
 ftronger and more particular anfwer to this meflage than 
 they had made to the two firft. The fubftance whereof 
 was as follows: 
 
 “ That at the very time his Majefty propounded 3 7 t- . 
 
 “ treaty, his foldiers were committing numberlds op - 
 “ preffions and rapines. Rulhw'onh. 
 
 “ That they could not think his Majefty had done y. p. 
 
 “ all that in him lay to remove the prefent diftraCtions, 
 
 “ as long as he would admit of no peace, without fecuring 
 “ the authors and inftruments of thefc mifehiefs from 
 “ juftice. 
 
 “ That they befought his Majefty to confider his ex- 
 “ preffions, That GodJhould deal with him and b : s pcfierity, 
 
 as he defired the prefervation of the jnjl rights of Parlia- 
 “ ment. That neverthelefs, his intention was not to deny 
 “ the Parliament the privilege of declaring to be Delin- 
 “ quents thofe they deemed fuch, a privilege which be- 
 “ longed to the meaneft Court of Juftice in the Kingdom. 
 
 “ That his Majefty hath no caufe to complain, that he 
 <c was denied a treaty, when they offered all that a treaty 
 “ could produce. Security, Honour, Service, Obedience, 
 
 “ Support, and fought nothing but that their Religion and 
 “ Liberty might be fereened from the open violence of a 
 “ wicked party. 
 
 “ That if there were any caufe of treaty, they knew 
 “ no competent perfon to treat betwixt the King and the 
 “ Parliament. 
 
 “ That befides, the feafon was altogether unfit, whilft 
 
 (X) It is judiciouily obfcrvrd by a modern Author, That thofe on whom the Parliament’s Representations prevailed, 
 Counties, and the Traders in the fouthern Parts of the Kingdom, who had fmarted moft by the Arbitrary A'is of Powei 
 tions for Ship-Money, Loans, Tunnage, and Poundage, illegal Imprifonment, &c. Thofe 
 Subic£b in the fartheft Parts of the Nation, in Wales, Cornwal, Cumberland, &c. who we 
 
 Preffures and Svfieiings, after the King’s departing from the known Laws. A.berley, p- 535 * . 
 
 (2) This fuppofes the Standard was fet up the 22d of Auguft, as indeed Wbitelock and Rujbivartb both fay. Though Raft 
 it was erefled the 25th. See above, p. 4.57. 
 
 (3) The Earl of Dorfet , and Sir Wi/ham Unedal, Knight.. 
 
 (q.) Sir John Culfeffer , by reafon of the Penalty of a hundred Pounds to be paid by all Members who 
 P.ace, but fent in for leave, which was denied him, Clarendon , Tom. II. p. 8. 
 
 ere generally People of the Midland 
 fuch as Seizures of Goods, Profecu- 
 whom the King’s Reprefcntations prevailed, were genera ly his 
 the lead fenfiHe, and had been the leaft aifl fled with the late 
 
 after the Lord Clarendon , faid 
 
 at the Houfe by fuch a day, did not take his 
 
 “ his 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 460 
 
 The HI SI 0 RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 “ his Majefty’s Standard was up, his proclamations and 
 “ declarations recalled, whereby his Parliament was charged 
 “ with treafon. 
 
 “ That indeed his Majefty had often protefted his ten- 
 ‘f dernefs of the milcries of Ireland , and his refolution to 
 “ maintain the Proteftant Rdieion, and the Laws of this 
 “ Kingdom. But that thefe'Proteftations could give no 
 “ fatihfdftion to reafonable and indifferent men, when at the 
 “ fame time feveral of the Iri/h Rebels, the known fa- 
 ‘‘ vourers of and agents for them, were admitted to his 
 “ Maj'-fty’s prefence with grace and favour, nay, fome 
 
 of them employed in his fervice : When the cloaths, 
 ‘‘ munition, horfe, bought by his Parliament for the fup- 
 “ ply of the Irijh war,^ were violently taken away, and 
 “ applied to the maintenance of an unnatural war againft 
 “ his People. 
 
 1 ‘ That if his Majefty would be pleafed to come back 
 “ lo his Parliament, they fliould be ready to lecure his 
 “ Royal perfon, crown and dignity, with their lives and 
 “ fortunes.” 
 
 The King did not leave this anfwer without a reply. 
 But inftead of doing it by way of meilage, he publifhed a 
 declaration to this effect : 
 
 “ In the firft place, he alledged the Laws in his fa- 
 
 Sepi. z-. 
 Jt'ifhworl 
 V. p. 5. 
 
 7it Ejrtof 
 El lex beads 
 the Parlia- 
 
 Ruihworth. 
 V. p. 16. 
 
 />«« N 
 
 “ He denied that his foldiers had committed any dif- 
 “ orders or violences, and affirmed, he had never fuftered 
 “ them to opprefs any perfon whatever. 
 
 “ He recriminated upon the Parliament. He denied 
 ‘‘ that there were any Irijh about him, and maintained, 
 «« that it was a notorious calumny, like that caft upon him 
 “ heretofore by Mr. Pyrn. 
 
 11 He faid, the artillery-horfcs he had taken at Chejier 
 “ were few in number, and of fmall value. And for the 
 “ cloaths, if his foldiers had taken any that were defigned 
 hr the fervice of Ireland-, it was done without his or- 
 •■ v der ; and though he might have feized three thoufand 
 - 1 fuits which were going thither, yet he refufed to do it, 
 and gave order for then fpeedy tranfportation. 
 
 “ That the Parliament made no fcruple to employ in 
 iC the war againft their King, a hundred thoufand pounds 
 “ particularly appointed for the relief of Ireland. 
 
 “ That of near five hundred members, of which the 
 > Lower-Houfe confifted, there remained not above three 
 “ bundled, the reft having been driven away by tumults 
 and threats, or withdrawn themfelves, out of confci- 
 “ ence, from their defperate confultations. That of above 
 “ a hundred Peers, there remained but fifteen or fixteen 
 “ in the Upper-Houfe. 
 
 “ That it was not the body of the Parliament, but? 
 “ only the violent leading members that were the authors 
 tc of the war.” 
 
 I omit feveral general aftertions which might then 
 be neceft'ary to the King’s defigns, but which have been 
 already feen in the foregoing Papers. 
 
 During thefe paper-skirmifhes, both fides prepared for 
 war. The Earl of EJfex having ordered his forces to 
 aftemble at Northampton, departed from London the 9 th of 
 September to head the army ; and having reviewed them, 
 found about fixteen thoufand men well armed, and well 
 appointed with a good train of artillery. Then the King, 
 perceiving he could no longer remain at Nottingham with 
 fafetv, marched towards the borders of Wales with his 
 troops (1), which were yet fo few in number, that they 
 did not deferve the name of an army. He was unre- 
 folved in what place to expect the forces that were to come 
 to him from feveral parts : but intended to fecure, if pof- 
 fible, Shrewsbury or Chejier , without knowing however 
 whether either of thefe towns would receive him, the 
 Parliament having in all thofe Parts very aftive and vigi¬ 
 lant agents, who employed all their pains to procure them 
 adherents. For this reafon the King marched but very 
 flowlv. When he came to Wellington, about feven miles 
 from Shrewsbury (zj, he drew his little army together, and 
 caufed his military orders for the difeipline thereof to be 
 read before them ; after which he took occafion to make a 
 Speech to his foldiers, and the better to fatisfy them of his 
 • cod intentions to the Publick, he made the following pro- 
 teftation. 
 
 I do fromife , n the jr. 'ence of Almighty God, and as I 
 hope for his biffing and protection. That 1 will , to the utmojl 
 of mv power, defend and maintain the true Reformed Pro- 
 t eft an l R.iifnn eflnbUjhcd in the Church of England, and by 
 tie grace t God, in the fame will live and die. 
 
 1 defirt to go j-rri by all the in cun Laws of the Land, 
 and that the liberty and prsfe, ly of the Subjefl may be by 
 
 them preferved, with the fame care as my own juj ? rights. 164.2 
 
 And if it pleafe God , by a blejfmg upon this army, raifed for 
 my neceffary defence, to preferve me from this Rebellion, I do 
 Jolemnly and f aithfully promife , in the fight of God, to main¬ 
 tain the juft privileges and freedom of Parliament, and to go¬ 
 vern by ihe known Laws of the Land to my utmrjl power , 
 and particularly to cbferve inviolably the Laws confentcd t* 
 by me this Parliament. 
 
 In the mean while , if this time of war, and the great tie 
 ceffity andjlraits I am now driven to, beget any violation of 
 thofe, I hope it Jhall be imputed by God and man to the au¬ 
 thors of this war-, and not to me, who have fo earnejlly la¬ 
 boured for the prejervatian of the peace of this Kingdom. 
 
 When I willingly fail in thefe particular 1 will ex; A 
 no aid or relief from any man, or protetiim from heav n : 
 
 But in this refolution, I hope for the chearful ajftftance of a!, 
 good men, and am confident of God's blejjing. 
 
 The King was not contented with making this Proiei- 
 tation to his army, but moreover, in all the confiderable 
 places he parted through, he ail’embled the inhabitants, and 
 endeavoured to convince them of the fincerity of his in¬ 
 tentions. Thefe were neceffary precautions, at a time when 
 the chief point was to gain the people to his intereft, for on 
 the people depended the ftrength of both parties. 
 
 From Wellington the King marched to Shrewsbury , ha- ffc /■ re. 1 
 ving received the agreeable news that the town had declared at 
 in his favour, and the inhabitants would give him a joyful ciIrendoT" J 
 reception. Here he refolved to fix his head quarters, and T. 11. p. is., 
 appoint the rendezvous of his army. This was a very 
 convenient place to expe& the troops which were levying 
 for him in Wales, Torkjhire , and Lane afnr c, and to fend 
 for his ordnance, which had not been able to follow him 
 to Nottingham for want of horfes. This had forced him /"*»* 
 to make ufe of a hundred draught horfes fent by the Par--^,**^^ ( 
 liament to Chejier , to be tranfported into Ireland. He Horfes 
 defired to have the Ear) of Leicijler’s confent, who was/W/> ! 
 appointed Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland , and was then with y * n j, 
 him at Nottingham. But the Earl conftantly refufing tORuUiworth.il 
 give any orders about thefe horfes, bought with the Par- v * P' , 3- 
 liament’s money, the King gained one Errington , a fer- 
 vant of the Earl’s, who took them in his mailer's name, 
 and delivered them to the King (3). This the Parliament, 
 as hath been feen, taxed the King with. As for arms, the * rl . wt , 
 King not having a fufficient quantity for all the troops that rtr - =t 
 were to come from divers parts, had taken the arms of the 
 Militia in all the places through which he palled: but it t. n.'p./ r .i 
 was by way of loan, that is, he obtained the confent of T - 
 the officers of the Militia to take away their arms, on 
 promife of reftoring them. As foon as the King came to 
 Shrewsbury (4), the number of his troops fo conlidcrably• 
 increafed, that in a few days he had an army of ten thou- tboujand 
 land foot, and four thoufand horfe, with which he was en- ^ 
 
 tircly fecured from the danger he was in, whilft his army v “ p 
 was forming. 
 
 It is fomething ftrange, that the Earl of Ejfex fhould The Parlij., 
 neither molcft the King whilft at Nottingham, nor in his 
 march to Shrewsbury. Probably, if prefently after his ar- 
 rival at Northampton he had marched diredlly againft him , t-.jrU,, h r - 
 he would have greatly embaraiTed him, and perhaps, difa g’jL , 
 bled him from aflembling an army. This neglect can be of.r. 
 aferibed only, to his not having power to a£t dire&ly a- Clarendon, , 
 gain ft the King’s perfon, till he received his inftrudtions, * 
 which he expedted every day, and which came too late. 
 
 Both Houfes, it feems, could not believe, the King would 
 be able to be ready fo foon as he was, and imagined, that 
 his inability to raife men and money, would compel him to 
 retire to fome corner of the Kingdom, or to throw him- 
 felf into t-heir arms. At leaft, this is what they ftrove to 
 infufe into the people, for fear of terrifying them with the 
 notion of a war, the event whereof might be doubtful. 
 
 The King made an advantage of this error, to aftemble all ' r: ; *>«? 
 his forces at Shrewsbury , and provide himfelf with money ,™ r,r * ' 
 which he wanted extremely. His friends at London had way 1. 
 taken care of this laft article, and privately fent confidera- Rendon. . 
 ble fums to Oxford. Moreover, the Univerfity, which ^ : 
 
 had always been firmly attached to the King, had engaged u e Umvtr. ■ 
 to deliver to him all the Plate belonging to the Colleges ,^ 0 /v 
 which was very confiderable. The point was only how to f t ,. r 
 convey this aid fafely to his Majefty. To that end, the PUu. 
 
 King fent thither Sir John Byron, with a fmall detach 
 
 ment of Horfe, not daring to give him a ftronger, for fear .. 0 
 
 of railing a fufpicion, that it was for fome confiderable af- ci..-™i.jn, . 
 
 fair. Byron coming to Oxford, received the money and T - “• P- ; 
 
 plate, and returned towards Shrewsbury, by way of Wor- 
 
 cejler , taking all poffible precautions not to be attacked in 
 
 his march. For this aid of money, which the King 
 
 ) He 
 
 K 1 
 
 the Tunlit; 
 
 r 
 
 - W, Lei.At 
 
 1 me with a 
 
 ; and fo to Slrewsbur 
 thefe lit le Ge.'graphi 
 
 I m at ikes in the French 
 fetch the Horfes, which he executed v 
 
 i Confcist. See the 
 
 bn 
 
 could 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 461 
 
 J Ftgh 
 
 Jtowiclc- 
 bndge nr, 
 Wo<cefter ; 
 
 Pr„ 
 
 1642. could not be without, was of the utmoft importance to there being not one tent, and but little arH'erv he ouar ,6 
 him. Wherefore, the better to fecure it, he detached tered that night at Bridg,north, ten miles from 
 Prince Rnptrt with a body of Horfe, who marched on the bury, next day he came to JVthmhtmptm the third d y 
 other fide ol the Sivirn to IVorctJhr to expeS Byron, to Birmingham, and the fourth to Kcrrlworth where he 
 and guard him to Shrewsbury refted one day. It was two days before the Earl of EJ.r 
 
 In the mean time, the Lari of EJfex-, after flaying fome had notice of his march, and began to follow him It Eflex/./- 
 days at Northampton , and fecunng Warwick , refolved to evidently appears by the King’s rou°t, that if he was not in /wj 
 
 hx his head-quarters at Worcejlcr. To that purpofe, he queft of the enemies, at leaft he feared them not, fince he P ' 34 * 
 
 «"“ru- fent Colonel Nathaniel Fiennes before, who came to Wor- could not be ignorant how eafv it was for the Earl of Ef- 
 rt bad tu cejler at break of day, fome hours after Sir John Byron was fex , either to put himfelf in his way, or overtake him In 
 . aJ-va.tagr. entered with his convoy. Fiennes , at his arrival being all likelihood, he imagined the Earl would not dare to ha 
 
 flSXwonh. t0,d ’ that ther< ; wer f fomeof the Kin S’ s Horfe in the zard a battle, or that being much more incumbered with 
 
 v. P . aj . town, the number whereof he did not know, haftily re- baggage and artillery, his march would be conhderably re- 
 9,Clarion, treated, without making any attempt. Prefently after tarded. Be this as it will, it was not till the a 2d of OPo- 
 Ludbw.' I9 ' Prince Ru P ert f rnved, and to fecure Byron’s convoy, who her, that the two armies came within fix m.lcs of one ano- 
 was refting himlelf in order to march on, parted through ther, without having received any notice of each or he,' 
 the town, and ported himfelf, with his Horfe, at fome march, till that day, which appears \ery il range. E • 
 
 diftance on the other fide. As he did not believe there what is ftill more furprifine, is, -.hat the Kuw, to'whom 
 
 were any enemies in thofe parts, he was not very careful fpeed was fo necell'ary, had fo little advanced in’ five ;i .v 
 
 to hinder many of his troopers from flaying in the town, fince, leaving Kenelworth the 17th, he was on the : .. .’ 
 
 When he came to the place he had chofen, he unlighted but four miles north of Banbury , and that the E:i i n 
 with his Brother Prince Maurice , and moft of the Offi- fex, who departed the 15th from W refer , IhoulJ be o> ; • 
 cers, repofing themfelves on the ground. On a fudden at Keinton the zzd, which is not above twe.ry miles. T he 
 they perceived, within musket-Ihot, five hundred Horfe of King, who till then knew not where the Earl of F.fTtx 
 the enemy marching up a narrow lane. Thefe were a was, lay incamped near a village called Efcct, where'he 
 body commanded by Colonel Sandys, whom the Earl of had intelligence the 22a in the night, that the enemies 
 EJfex had fent before to take poffeffion of Worcefcr. Prince were at Keinton , about fix miles diftant. He found then 
 Rupert inftantly mounting his horfe, without a moment’s it would be very difficult to execute his defign upon Lon- 
 
 hefitation, charged thefe troops, as they came out of the don, whilft he Ihould be fo clofely followed by the ene- 
 
 lane, and the charge was fo vigorous, that the enemy was mies. And therefore he refolved to give them battle. To 
 entirely routed, and Sandys flain, with thirty of his men. that end, he drew up his army on Edge-hill, from whence 
 This attion gained the Prince a great name, not only for might be feen all Keinton plain, where the Parliament’s 
 the valour he fliowed, but chiefly for his fudden and very army ftood in battle array, the 23d in the morning;. The 
 feafonable refolution, in attacking his enemies as they came fight began not however till three in the afternoon. It is 
 out of the lane, and when they leafl ex petted it. Some not known what induced the King to defer it fo long (1) 
 
 Hiftorians in relating this skirmi'ffi, feem to reprefent Prince But for the Earl cf EJfex he had a very rtrong reafon not RufIlwnrth 
 Rupert, as one of thofe romantick Heroes, who with five to be in hafte. For not imagining himfelf fo near a v. ?. 36. * 
 or fix perfons, attacked and routed whole armies. But, battle, he had left behind two thoufand Foot, and five hun- C|jtcndin > 
 after all, there is nothing wonderful in this attion cf the dred Horfe, with his artillery, and confequently, deby r ' 11 p ‘ 34 - 
 Prince’s, who had not ported himfelf beyond Worcefer , could not but be advantagious to him. * 
 
 without having with him his detachment. Befides, it is Prince Rupert, who commanded the King’s right winger/-- 
 not faid, what was the number of the body he commanded, of Horfe (*), marching down the F T, and advancing to or 
 
 Neverthelefs, this attion, how little important foever it charge the enemies left wing, on a fudden, S\x Faithful^' hV ‘ ! , 
 
 was, failed not to ftrike great terror into the Parliament’s Fortefcuc , who commanded a troop of the* Parliament’s 
 troops, chiefly by reafon of Prince Rupert’s attivity and Horfe, moving forward with his whole troop I.cm the ° ft b - s i- 
 courage, who afterwards gave them caufe to be confirmed grofs of the cavalry, and joining Prince Rupert, with his * u{h 'J" n - 
 in their high opinion of his valour, for he was one of the Highnefs charged thofe he had deferted This unex- er ? 33> 
 
 braveft Princes in Europe. But though he had gained fome petted accident infpired the Parliament’s ITrfe with fuch a , cl ”' endon . 
 rtfcrendon, httle advantage, he did not think fit to expett the enemy terror, each man looking upon hi, com lanion as ns n V M p ' 34; 
 MI. P . 27. at Worcefer. He went from thence fome hours after, and enemy, that they were entirely routed, and purfueo. above t' May. 
 
 fafely condutted the convoy of money to Shrewsbury , where two miles from the field of battle. By this unadvifed pur- Ll dl,>w - 
 
 \V»Edriof the King immediately ordered the plate to be coined. The fuit, the King was in danger of the fame late which his - v ' 
 
 next da >’’ tbe EarI of E -(f ex P o(lefred himfelf of Worcefer , predeceiEor Henry III. had" at the battle of Lewes. The 
 
 »*. and making fome ftay there, fecured in the mean while, Parliament’s right wing ftood their ground no better than 
 
 llUhitelock. Hereford, Glocefcr , and Brifol. the left. They ran away full fpeed, and were purfued 
 
 It would dou briefs be very ftrange, that in the twenty with the fame lury and imprudence. What was moreover 
 days the King ftaied at Shrewsbury , his army fhould fo fatal to the King, was, that his referve of a regiment of 
 greatly increafe, if, as fome fay, it was the effett of the Horfe, thinking the vittory unqueftionable, by die flight 
 Parliament’s denial to treat with his Majefty. For, fo of the enemies cavalry, with fpurs and loofe reins followed 
 fhort a fpace dues not feem fufficient to determine the peo- the chace, and could not be hindered by their comman- 
 pie to repair to the places where they were lifted, and to ders. 
 
 condutt thefe new-raifed troops to Shrewsbury. It may at All this while the Foot of both armies were engaged 
 leaft be affirmed, that it is much lefs furprifing, that the without vittory’s inclining to either fide. But at lair, 
 
 King’s new levies, which could not be ready whilft his 
 Majefty was at Nottingham, or which did not care to go 
 to a place fo expofed, fhould be in condition to march du¬ 
 ring his ftay at Shrewsbury , though it was but of twenty 
 days, fince he had ilfucd his Commiffions before he left 
 York. 
 
 fb, K,n S However this be, the King finding himfelf at the head 
 •aarebe: to- of an army little inferior in number to the Earl of EJfex’ s, 
 ■eord, Lon- anc i perceiving, it was not fufficient to remain in quiet at 
 •IWhworth, Shrewsbury , whilft the enemy was taking, without refift- 
 p. 33. ance, the principal towns in the heart of the Kingdom, 
 *-•*"•0 believed he ought to feek means to put a fpeedy conclufion 
 ■P' 3°* tQ wan There were two : One was to fight the ene¬ 
 mies, the other, to gain fome marches upon them, and ap¬ 
 pear before London, before they could arrive. The King 
 took this laft courfe, in the expectation that he fhould raife 
 an univerfal confternation in London, which might afford 
 k p. 32. his friends opportunity to ferve him effectually. So, on 
 a fudden beginning to march the 12th of Ofiober , with 
 his army, which was not much incumbered with baggage, 
 
 Sir William Balfour , to whom the Earl of Efex had given 
 the command of the Referve, turned the feale. As foon 
 as he faw the King’s Horfe employed in the purfuit of the 
 flying troops, he went and charged the Foot in the flank, 
 and put them Into fuch diforder, that the King, with the 
 two Princes his Sons, were in danger of being made pri- 
 foners. The Earl of Lindfey , the King’s General, was 
 taken, having been fhot in the thigh, of which he died 
 the next day, and the Standard, which was always near 
 the King’s perfon, was loft by the death of the Standard- 
 bearer, [ Sir Edmund Verncy , ] but it was recovered after¬ 
 wards in fome unknown manner (4). 
 
 The return of Prince Rupert with his Horfe, pre¬ 
 vented the King’s entire defeat. For Balfur , who had 
 only a fmall body of Referve, feeing the cavalry 1 turn¬ 
 ing from the chace, fuddenly quilted the fight, and fe¬ 
 cured himfelf near the Earl of EJfx’s Foot. Could the 
 King and Prince Rupert have peifwaded their Horfe to 
 charge the Parliament’s infantry, who had fcarce any caval¬ 
 ry to fupport them, very probably they would have routed 
 
 (r) The Lord Cl-i'endon fay:, though the Horfe 
 [0 the Rendezvous, lo that it w 
 
 (2) The left Wing was commanded by Commiflary-gei 
 his Son the Lord lf’:/l:i/°bby, with the King’s Regiment.- 
 tv is commanded by Sir Fbtltp Stapleton, Sir SVitham Balfo 
 lie, and Colonel Ballard, and HeHit, and the Lord Brooke, 
 fv ■ Clarendon, Tom. 2. p. 35, liujhnionb, Tom. 5. p. 36. 
 
 iV Sir Faitcjul Feriefcue was come trom Ireland to hallen Supplies, and had a Troop of Horfe railed for him for that S01 
 into the Parliament’.. Army, and lie was now Major to Sir William Waller. Clarendon, Tom. 2. p. 36. 
 
 t +1 was refeued by Captain Jobr. Steal b, Lieutenant ot the Lord John Slctvaid's Troop, newly returned from the 
 
 Alighted for it, and made Standard-Bearer. R'bitelock't Mens. p. 64. Ludhiv, Tom- 1. p. 4q. 
 
 ready, the Foot were quartered at fuch a diftar.ce, that many Regiments marched feven o; 
 
 ; moved. Tom. 2. p. 35. 
 
 'timet, aflilied by Sir Slrtbur AJlon, The Earl of Lindfey led the Foot, and next 
 —On the Parliament's fide : Their right Wing, which conlifled of three Regime 
 nd the Lord Fielding. Sir John nleldrum's Brigade led the van, Colonel Ejjir w 
 In the left Wing were twenty-four Troops of Hotl'e, comnusde.i by S r 
 
 but his Troop w; 
 
 ution of the Runaways. 
 
 N«. LXVII. Vn. II. 
 
 6 A 
 
 eight Miles 
 
 0 him wrj 
 s of Hoi:.-, 
 
 He was 
 
 tbem a 
 
XO 2 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 The HI STO RTT of ENGLAN D 
 
 164;. them, and o'.' .i. da compleat vi&ory. But the Horfe 
 li.ar were returned fmm the purfuit in extreme diforder, 
 
 1 uid never be brought to charge the enemies, who flood 
 hi good order, though they were in great danger. As 
 loon as the Earl of Efex faw the enemies cavalry return¬ 
 ing, he had drawn oh' his infantry from the battle, and 
 n.nged them m the heft manner he could, in order the 
 tetter to fuppo: ' the charge of the King’s Horfe, who, in 
 .>.11 an pea ra; vc. would come and attack them. But it was 
 net his bufmefs to renew the fight. It was fufficient for 
 him to keep his ground, as he did, till night which freed 
 him from his uneaftnefs. 
 
 ■ ben the battle began, there remained not above two 
 or three hours day, and as the King’s Horfe had fpent 
 Ionic time in the juifuit of the runaways, and, after their 
 return, could not be pretailed with to renew the fight, 
 it was too hue for the King to rally his infantry, who 
 w. re i'i great dilT.’er, and whereof above two thirds were 
 oiliiipg. Both armies kept their pofts all night, and in the 
 1 ; 1 / neither thought themfelves in condition to renew 
 ", r battle. It true, the forces left behind by the Earl 
 •<; , arrived in the night with his artillery. How- 
 
 eversus he had no other cavalry than the five hundred 
 Ho 1 ic that were newly come, and the fmall body com¬ 
 manded by tin four, l.e did not think he ought to hazard 
 n fecond battle againft a body of cavalry that had been 
 victorious the day before, and were ftill facing bis army. 
 The King, on his fide, finding himfelf without infantry, 
 and collide ring that his troops had fuffered very much by 
 the cold, which was extremely ftiarp that night, believed 
 k fufficient to let his enemies fee he feared them not. 
 
 In this difpoITtion, the two armies faced one another the 
 whole day, without any defire to ingage. At laft, the 
 Earl of EJfex ordering his baggage to be drawn oft, the 
 King retired to the quarters lie had taken the day before 
 the battle, and the Earl of EJfex marched towards War¬ 
 wick (1). The number of the (lain on the field of battle 
 T. Ii p.40. was about five thoufand. But what the Earl of Clarendon 
 fays, that two days after, the King reviewing his army, 
 found there were not above three hundred men loft, is 
 hardly credible, even according to his own defeription of 
 this battle. But without dwelling upon the particular cir- 
 cumftanccs of the battle, which were extremely difguifed 
 or exaggerated by both parties, who equally claimed the 
 viCloryv the confequences demonftrate, that they might 
 have more jullly owned, that each had been worded (2). 
 The King went from Shrewsbury with defign to make an 
 attempt upon London ; but after the battle, he relinquifhed 
 tr.at thought, though the road to London was open, and 
 believed ic more proper to retire to Oxford. On the other 
 hand, the Earl of EJfex follows the King to obftrud his 
 going to London , but after the battle leaves the way open 
 to him, and retiring to Warwick, puts it out of his power 
 to prevent or flop him. I believe this fuffices to (how, 
 ic was a drawn Battle, which afforded no real matter of 
 Ruth worth, triumph either to the King or the Parliament. Indeed, 
 V. p 35- three or four days after the battle, the King took Banbury 
 Clarendon, c2 ft] Cj v ,-here v. : as a garrifon of eight hundred Foot, and 
 a troop of Horfe. But if the circumftances of taking this 
 Dauhfui ] ace jj e we ]j con f lc jered, it will be found, that it was far 
 little! “ from being a confequence or efFe& of viftory. For firft, 
 the King fummoned the caftle, contrary to tiie opinion of 
 all his Generals, who believed his army little able to un¬ 
 dertake the fiege. Secondly, he alledged for reafon, that 
 he could not determine what courfe to take, till he was in¬ 
 formed of the intention of the enemies, and that if they 
 defigned to attack him, he could not fight in a more ad- 
 vantagious place. From hence it may be inferred, that 
 he was not himfelf fully fatisfied of the reality of his vic¬ 
 tory, fince he imagined the Earl of EJfex in condition to 
 attack him. In fhort, Banbury caftle furrendered at the 
 firft ftiot, which leaves it uncertain, whether the King 
 would have perfifted in the fiege in cafe of reliftance, and 
 whether the Earl of EJfex would have fuft'ered him to do 
 ibi Kt*z it unmolefted. The taking of Banbury determined the 
 ra re, King to withdraw to Oxford, the only place in thofe parts 
 Clarendon at his devotion, by means of the Univerfitv, whofe mera- 
 T 3 ;[y n 45. her' were extremely attached to his intereft. 
 
 (at c r ' Though the Parliament challenged alfo the victory, they 
 /e‘rlat,!!'n were very fcnfible they had no great reafon to triumph. 
 the Pariia- They were obliged however to make a parade of this pre- 
 1 b!K tended victory, as if it had been real, to contradict the 
 
 Frier.d, tjkc 
 
 King’s friends who were trying to ftrike terror into the iO.i. 
 Londoners, and induce them to fue for peace, on account 
 of this pretended fuccefs of his Majeftv's arms. The King 
 had ftill many friends in the city, there having been yet 
 nomeafures taken to drive them away. Nay, in the Par¬ 
 liament itfelf, there were not a few who flayed there on 
 purpofe to do the King fervice. when occafion fhould offer, 
 and who failed not to improve the prefent. The news con¬ 
 cerning the battle of Edge-Hill or Keinion , being very 
 various at firft, the King’s friends at London, indufti ioufiy 
 magnified all the circumftances which might give room to 
 believe that the King was victorious, in order to difpofe the 
 People to peace. For it mull: be obferved, that fince the 
 breach, the King’s grand aim had ever been to dazzle 
 the People with the fpecious term of Peace, and he h.;0 
 never ceafed to hope that the nation would oblige the Par¬ 
 liament to come to an agreement, by leaving him in pof- 
 feflion of all his Prerogatives. This was his favorite pro¬ 
 ject, from which he never fwerved, not even when his 
 affairs were molt profperous. It will hereafter appear on 
 fundry occafions, with what conftancy he endeavoured to 
 execute this fcheme. The prefent occafion was the firft 
 fince the beginning of the war. When both Houfes had 
 perfect information of the fuccefs of the late battle, wh it 
 publick demonftrations foever they made, to caufe tl 
 People to believe their army victorious, they were very 
 fenfible, fuch victories were little capable to oblige the King 
 to throw himfelf in t teii arm - th >u h the Pe • 
 been amufed with fuch hopes. Then the King’s Ad¬ 
 herents who were ftill in the Houfe of Commons, obicr- 
 ving the confternation expreffeJ by molt of the Members, 
 grew more bold, and fcrupicd not to propofc a Peace, a; 
 the only means to free themfelves from trouble. Very 
 probably, this was done with the King’s con fen r, who at 
 the fame time was ufing his utmoft endeavours to per- 
 fwade the Publick, that he had obtained at Edge-hill a 
 compleat victory. 
 
 The day before the battle, both Houfes had publifhed a 
 Declaration, of which I (hall content my felf with rela¬ 
 ting the fubftance : for having given fo many of thel'e 
 Papers, I am afraid I (hall tire my Readers if I infert here 
 at large thofe that follow. 
 
 The two Houfes protefted in the firft place, «* That . 
 ct no private palfion or refpeCl, no evil intention to his '• 
 
 “ Majefty’s perfon, no defign to the prejudice of his juft V ff t 
 tc honour and authority, engaged them to raife forces, and 'n,a. 
 44 take up arms. 
 
 “ That his Majefty had refufed to receive an humble v ‘ , 
 “ and dutiful Petition, which they had directed the Earl 
 “ of EJfex to deliver to him. 
 
 “ That they were fully convinced, that the King was 
 “ fo engaged to the Popifti party, that all hopes of peace 
 “ were excluded. 
 
 “ That great numbers of Papifls had in (hew con- 
 “ formed themfelves to the Proteftant Religion, in order 
 “ to qualify themfelves for pofts in the King’s army. 
 
 “ That his Majefty endeavoured at firft to keep off 
 “ all jealoufies and fufpicions, by many fearful oaths and 
 <l imprecations, concerning his purpofe of maintaining the 
 “ Proteftant Religion, and the Laws of the Kingdom, 
 
 « caufing fome profeffed Papifls to be difeharged out ot 
 <1 his army, and none to be received that would not come 
 « to Church, receive the Sacrament, and take the oaths. 
 
 “ But that afterwards his confidence in the priefts did 
 “ more clearly appear : Perfons imprifoned for Priefts and 
 44 Jefuits having been releafed out of the goal of Lancajicr , 
 
 “ and commiffions granted to profeffed Papifts. 
 
 Here fourteen of them were named. 
 
 “ That the Lord Herbert, Son to the Earl rf IVorceJitr , 
 
 ** a notorious Papift, was made General of the Kings 
 44 troops in all South-Wales . 
 
 “ That thofe who raifed forces for his Majefty in the 
 tc North of England, did arm and employ Papifts. 
 
 44 That men had been font to Hamburgh and Denmark 
 cc to raife forces there, and to bring them over to join with 
 “ the Earl of Newcajlle , and the army ot Papills which 
 “ was intended to be raifed in Newcajlle. 
 
 “ That the King had received in his Court divers 
 44 Papifts in Ireland -, fome of which were indidled of high- 
 44 treafon for their Rebellion there 3 namely, the Lord 
 44 Taffe, &c. 
 
 4 ‘ That divers Engltjh traitors were the chief counfel- 
 
 ot.-jfun 13 -. s om ip of the EjtI of Effex’s friend? advifed him rather to purfue the King, and to mike a fre(h attack upon him. But Colonel Dalbier, and forns 
 
 ?'V-‘ J oth-r*, ciltuaded him ft m it. SVbiteUck, p. 64. 
 
 E. 1 • \ in this t-.:-,:- ..-re ki.td cn the K-rig's fide, Rclart Bartu E'rl of 1. ndfry, the Lord Stewart, the Lord Aub-gyy. Son to the Du he of Lera r , Sir Ed- 
 
 . ' the Parliament’* fide, perifljed the Lord St. John of Bletxt, and CM .el Chat 
 
 in - iipng tj reico: his Father the Earl 01 Lirdjry, Upon the news of this battle fays ff'bitei’cct, p. 64. all C,- •ones were .il.imrrd . I Irighted, 
 
 being a (Irange thine in Era lard. Cttrend. Tom. 2. p. 40, 41. f May. Some lay, there were but about a thoufand killed. See Manly, p. 48, &c. 
 
 -—With relation to this battle, Umattl Lord Hollit tells a remarkable Story, from his own knowledge, concerning the famous Oliver Lr .nwtll | aid 
 
 that ft .vr. i as he rbf;; vej) •• l.e was is c;rand a coward, as he was riutorionfiy perlidii.u', ambitious and h\p,-critical. Th:: was his bale keeping out of 
 the heid at Ke:rtc« rattle ; where lie, “i,h his troop o' Hotfe came not in, impudently and rid culouliy ..ffi ming, the day arter, That he hid been all that 
 
 •• day let-king ti.e Airr.y .. : cku: - 1 :: : jh', thnttah his Quarte'c were but at a ViJI -ge near hand, whence he Ccu.d no: find hit wav, ncr be direcled by his 
 
 ear. when the Ordnir.ee was heard twenty cr thirty miles olV’ titlin's Mm. p. 17, 
 
 : nlia. 
 
 De-'i 
 , b,.i 
 
 Z2r 
 
 worthy. 
 
 26- . 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 463 
 
 164 z. “ lors and a£lors in this unnatural war, as the Lord Digby, 
 
 “ Oneal , IVilmot , Pollard , Ajhburnham, Sec. 
 
 “ That divers Jefuits and Priefts, in foreign parts, made 
 “ great collections of money for the relief of the Papifts 
 “ in Ireland , and the furthering of his Majefty’s defigns 
 “ againft the Parliament. 
 
 “ For all which reafons they were refolved to enter into 
 “ a folemn Oath and Covenant, and expeCted that their 
 “ brethren of Scotland would help and affift them, ac- 
 “ cording to the aft of pacification between the two 
 “ Kingdoms.” 
 
 The King anfwered this Declaration with two others, 
 which were publiflied after the battle of Edge-bill. In the 
 firft he faid : 
 
 lufhwor 1, “ That notwithftanding the folemn Proteftalion of 
 
 “ both Houles, of having no evil intention to his perfon, 
 
 “ yet they had ufed their utmoft power, by the ftrength 
 1 of their army, to have deftioyed him. 
 
 “ That if he refufed to give admittance to the Petition 
 “ lent by the Earl of Ejje x, it was becaufe it was fent by 
 “ perfons whom he had particularly accufed ot High- 
 “ Treafon. [Here be gave a long account of this whole 
 matter.] 
 
 “ He denies his ever having had any inclination to the 
 “ Papifts, or that he had releafed any Priefts or Jefuits 
 “ out of the goal of Lancajler. 
 
 “ He fays, that the Papifts fuppofed to have commiflions 
 “ were not fo much as known to him, and that they had 
 “ no command, to his knowledge, in his army. 
 
 [ It mu ft be obferved upon thefe two lajl articles, \Jl , That 
 the prifoners he had releajed cut of the goal of Lancafter, had 
 been imprifoned as Papifts , Priefts and Jefuits , but had not 
 been convicted as fuch. And therefore the King thought he 
 7night deny he had rclcafed any Pricjls, he. 
 
 idly, 'The King , when he Jail there were no popijh officers 
 in his army , meant by his arm;:, that which he commanded in 
 perfn, and the Parliament underjlood that which was com¬ 
 manded by the Earl of Newcaftle. It might therefore be 
 true, that the popijh fficcrs, commifftoned by the Earl of New¬ 
 caftle, were not known to the King. But the army in 
 the north was as much his army, as that commanded by 
 himftlf \ 
 
 He exprefsly denied, that he ever fent to raife forces 
 “ in Hamburgh or Denmark. 
 
 “ He affirmed, the Parliament entertained feveral Pa- 
 tc pifts in their troops, and of this lie fpoke knowingly, 
 “ as having taken feveral of them prifoners at the battle 
 “ of Edge-hill ” (1). 
 
 Jd. p -9. The fecond Declaration was intitled. Hi: Majejly's 
 Declaration to all his loving Subjefts , after his late victory 
 agsinjl the rebels on Sunday the 23d of Oftober, 1642. 
 This title was prefixed on purpofe to clieriih the fears, the 
 King’s friends were endeavouring to infufe into the people, 
 on account of the pretended viftory lately obtained by the 
 King againft the Parliament’s army. 
 
 The intent of this Declaration was to vindicate the 
 King upon three principal articles, namely, 1. That his 
 Majefty favoured Popery, and employed Papifts in his 
 army. 2. That his defign was to root out Parliaments. 
 3. That it was his intention, by the commiilion of array, 
 to take away part of Gentlemens eftates from them. I 
 {hall fpeak hereof the firft only, becaufe, after what has 
 been feen, it would be necdlcfs to repeat what the King 
 alledged in his vindication upon the two laft. As to the 
 firft therefore he faid : 
 
 7U Kng't “ That although he ftiould employ Papifts, no one 
 slijivircon- , t wou id W onder, who confidered the hardftiips and {freights 
 Wpfitoywg “ he was driven to, and the little fcruple the Parliament 
 
 Papijh. “ made to employ popilh Officers and Soldiers, who ferved 
 
 in great numbers in their army ; the induftry they ufed 
 “ to corrupt their loyalty ; the private promifes they al- 
 “ lured them with to their fervice, even to the alluring 
 l “them, that all the penal Laws fhould be repealed. That 
 
 “ notwithftanding the artifices of his enemies, and the 
 “ weaknefs of his own condition, he could not prevail 
 “ with himfelf to recall his Proclamation, againft receiving 
 « into his army fuch as had not taken the oaths. He 
 « owned, however, that he had fwerved from this general 
 “ rule in favour of fome of eminent abilities in command 
 *< and conduft.” 
 
 We lhall find hereafter, that though this Proclamation 
 was not recalled, it was very far from being punctually ob- 
 ferved. 
 
 Prefently after, both Houfes returned an anfwer to this 
 Declaration, the fubftance whereof was as follows : 
 
 The Reply if “ That it was aitonifhing, the King, having affirmed 
 totb ibufe 1. c« f 0 politively, that a far greater number of Papifts ferved 
 Ruihworth. tc Jn the j r arm y t han j n hj Sj ffiould not have been pleafed 
 r V ' P ' +I ’ « to name a iingle inftance : That they Ih.mld have been 
 “ glad of knowing their names, as it would have afforded 
 
 The Petiti: 
 
 Rmhwoith. 
 V. p- 49. 
 
 “ means to remove thofe of that Reiigioiij who under 1642. 
 
 “ the profeffion of Proteftants, might have crept into the 
 “ army without their privity.” 
 
 Then they pretended to fliow, by feveral reafons, the 
 “ abfurdity of faying, that the Parliament endeavoured r<- 
 corrupt the loyalty of the Papifts, with the promife of re¬ 
 pealing the penal Laws, and alledged divers inftanccs of 
 their feverity againft them, during the fitting of the pre 
 fent Parliament. 
 
 But for a demonftration, faid they, that the King aCtcd 
 not with fincerity, when he alledged, in his vindication: 
 that lie had ordered no Rccufant to be received into his 
 troops, and that this order was a mere illufion, they named 
 feveral popifh Officers, who had commiflions under the 
 King’s own hand, which commiflions then remained in 
 the Houfe of Commons. Moreover, thev annexed to thi- 
 Declaration a Petition, prefented to the King by the po¬ 
 pifh inhabitants of the County of Lancajhire , defiring leave 
 to provide themfelves with arms for his fervice, and the 
 King’s anfwer granting their requeft. This Petition, and 
 his Majefty’s anfwer, feem to me fo decifive upon the 
 prefent cafe, which was fo often repeated, that I think they 
 ought to be inferted in their own terms. 
 
 To the King's mofl excellent Majefly. 
 
 The humble Petition of us the Inhabitants of Lancalhire, 
 whofe names arc under-written, in behalf of our felves, and 
 divers others being Recufants , 
 
 Humbly Jhnvcth, 
 
 tc r T > HAT' whereas we, and the reft of this County, 
 
 “ Jl your Majefty’s mod loyal Subjects, are difarmed, 
 
 “ and not Efficiently provided for the defence of your 
 “ royal perfon and our own families ; our moft humble 
 “ fupplication to your Majefty is, That we may be re- 
 “ ceived into your moft gracious protection from violence, 
 
 “ have our arms, taken from us, rc-delivered in this time 
 “ of aCtual war, and by your Majefty’s fpecial direCtiun®, 
 
 “ be enabled lurther to furnifh our {elves with compe- 
 “ tency of weapons for the fecurity of your royal perfon,- 
 “ ( if we be thereunto required ) our countries and fami- 
 “ lies, who now are, not only in danger of the common 
 “ difturbances, but alfo menaced by unruly people to be 
 “ robbed : And when, by the Almighty’s affiltance, your 
 tC Majefty’s Kingdom {hall be fettled, in cafe we be again 
 “ difarmed, that a full value of money in lieu thereof may 
 “ be reftored.” 
 
 The KIN G’ s Anfwer. 
 
 To our Trujly and lTell-beloved , Sir William Gerrard 
 Baronet , Sir Cecil Trafford Knight , Thomas Clifton, 
 
 Charles Town ley, Chriftopher Andcrton, and John 
 Clansfield, and other of our Subjects Efquires, in the 
 County of Lancafhire. 
 
 Charles R. 
 
 “ r TT' RUSTY and well-beloved, we greet you well. rbe King's 
 “ X Whereas by reafon of the Laws and Statutes of °" iir P r 
 “ our realm, by which all Recufants conviCted are to be 
 “ without arms, your arms have been taken from you : sept. 17. 
 
 ** So that now, in this time of imminent danger, wherein Ruth worthy 
 “ there are armies raifed againft cur commands, and con- 54,1 
 “ trary to our Proclamation?, and are marching againft 
 “ us, and divers of our good Subjects, for obeying our 
 “ lawful commands, and oppofing the rebellious proceedings 
 “ of others ill-affc&ed, they are by a ftrong hand feized 
 “ upon and imprifoned, their houfes plundered, and their 
 “ goods taken away; and the like is threatried to our felves, 
 
 « who, as all other our Subjects, ought to have our pro- 
 “ tedtion againft unlawful violence and force : And the 
 “ Laws made for difarming Recufants, were made only for 
 “ a provifion to prevent danger in time of peace, and 
 “ were not intended to bar you from a neceflary ufe of 
 “ arms in time of aCtual war, for your own fafety, or for 
 “ the defence of our perfon againft ali rebels and enemies, 
 
 “ which by your duty and allegiance you are bound unto ; 
 
 «« which is not, nor ever was meant to be difeharged, or 
 “ taken away by any ACt: And whereas, the arms which 
 “ were taken from you, ought by Law to have been kept 
 “ and preferved, to have been made ufe of by you in fuch 
 “ time of open war, or by fuch others as you Ihould pro- 
 « vide, yet under the fpecious pretence of difarming Re- 
 tt cufants, and perfons ill -afFecSted, your arms have been 
 “ difpofed and difperfed into the hands of feveral perfons 
 tl ill-afte£ted, and for the moft part, fomenrers and ex- 
 «< citers of the commotions now raifed in this Kingdom ; 
 
 “ Our will and command therefore r, and we charge 
 “ and require you, upon your allegiance, and as you ten- 
 “ der the fafety of our perfon, and the peace and welfare 
 ‘‘ of our Kingdom, That you, witii all poflible fpeed. 
 
 (1) Salmontt alfo owns, That there were foac popilh Priefts found anwng the perfons flain on the Parliament s Side, Tom. I- p» 16 J. 
 
 1 provide 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 464 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 542 
 
 The King 
 
 harden to 
 tbe Cny of 
 London. 
 Kufhworth. 
 
 • P- 5*i 
 
 54, See. 
 
 Clarendon, 
 
 T.I[.p.47 
 
 Mtafum oj 
 
 « £ provide fufficient arms for your felves, your fervants, 
 “ and your tenants, which we authorize and require, du- 
 “ ring the time of open war railed again ft us, to keep and 
 “ ufe for the defence o( us, and of your felves, and of 
 “ your country, againft all forces and arms raifed, or to 
 il be raifed againft us, or again ft our confent, or contrary 
 “ to our proclamations by colour of any order, or ordi- 
 “ nance, or authority wbatfoever : And we fhall ( ac- 
 ** cordino- as we are bound to all our Subjects ) ufe our 
 “ uttnoft powers for the protection of you and yours, a- 
 “ gainft all injuries and violence. And whenfoever thefe 
 t‘ arms which you fhall fo provide ( after it fhall pleafe 
 «« God to put an end to thefe dangers and diftradtions ) 
 “ fhall be taken away from your cuftody, by reafon of our 
 “ Laws now in force, we do hereby allure you, we will 
 “ allow you for the fame, fo much as you fhall have dif- 
 <c penced in provifion thereof.” 
 
 It is proper to obferve, concerning thefe two papers, 
 
 ■ that the queftion between the King and both Houfes was 
 not, Whether the King might lawfully, or not, employ 
 Papifts in ins fervice, but whether he did really employ 
 them ? Care therefore muft be taken, not to confound the 
 right with the fadl, the laft only being the point in quef- 
 tion. Now thefe two papers demonftratc, that the King 
 actually employed Papifts in his fervice, even at the be¬ 
 ginning of the war, and before any effufion of blood : for 
 this Petition was prefented to him, whilft he was yet at 
 Shrewsbury (1 ). 
 
 For a greater convi&ion, both Ploufes annexed alfo to 
 their Declaration, a lift of the names of twenty eight Of¬ 
 ficers, Colonels, Lieutenant-Colonels, Serjeants, Majors, 
 Captains, and Lieutenants, that were Papifts, and adtually 
 in the King’s fervice, in the Earl of Ncwcajllc's army. 
 
 The King and the Parliament were in this ftate of 
 animofitv, when his Majefty’s private friends in the Houfe 
 of Commons moved to fue for peace, under colour of the 
 Parliament’s inability to continue the war, after their late 
 lofs at Edge-hill. The King, on his part, to confirm the 
 opinion his friends were ftriving to infufe into the People, 
 that the Parliament's army was entirely routed, and to en¬ 
 courage his well-wifhers in London to join with thofe in 
 the Parliament, fent an offer of pardon to the cities of 
 London and Weflminjler ; thereby infinuating to the inhabi¬ 
 tants, that fuch an offer could not but proceed from the 
 fuperiority he had acquired by his vidlory. He pra&ifed 
 the fame thing with regard to feme other towns. It is 
 certain, there was then a great agitation in London , caufed 
 by the King’s friends, who under pretence of dreading a 
 war, which, according to them, was fo unfortunately be¬ 
 gun, ufed their utmeft endeavours to induce the People o- 
 penly to demand a peace. Againft thefe fecret practices, 
 it was the bufinefs of the leading men in the Parliament to 
 provide. And as they were no lefs able than their adver- 
 faries, they quickly found means to baffle this projedt. In- 
 ftead of oppoling the motion to fue to the King for peace, 
 they fupported it with all their power. They faid, “ That 
 “ the Parliament had not taken arms for the fake of going 
 “ to war, but only to procure a good peace, the molt de- 
 “ firable thing in the world : That both Houfes ought not 
 “ to be alhamed to make the firft advances, and humbly 
 “ fue for peace to their Sovereign,%ut withal, care was to 
 “ be taken, that a too great zeal for peace might not be a 
 
 “ means to leave them at the mercy of their enemies : 
 
 “ That in order to make fuch a peace as was neceflary to 
 “ the welfare of the Kingdom, the King was to be told, 
 “ that they were not vet reduced to the point, of being 
 
 tc forced to accept of fuch terms as he Ihould pleafe to 
 
 “ impofe, and therefore, if they would have a peace 
 11 wherein every man might find his fafety, it was necef- 
 “ farv to take good meafures for the continuance of the 
 “ war : That among all the means which could be ufed, 
 “ they faw none more proper, than to invite their bre- 
 “ thren of Scotland to their affiftance, purfuant to the 
 “ treaty between the two Nations. Not that they aclual- 
 “ ly wanted them, the Parliament’s affairs not being redu- 
 tc ced to fuch an extremity, that Foreigners were to be 
 “ haftily introduced into the Kingdom, but that the Scots 
 “ would doubtlefs fo anfwer their requeft, as to convince 
 “ the Kinf, this refuge would not fail the two Houfes in 
 “ cafe of need : That thereby they Ihould become more 
 “ formidable, and if the King was really defirous of a 
 “ peace, lie would be forced to grant it upon reafonable 
 “ term-, which was . ii that ought to be expedled.” 
 
 As this advice was very plauiible, and befides, propofed 
 , bf men in whom the majority had great confidence, it was 
 approved by the Houfe. Indeed, none could be ignorant, 
 that bv the peace which the King had hitherto offered, and 
 which h;. iriends moved to fue for, could be meant only a 
 .peace that Ihould p : him in poflefflon of all his preroga- 
 ti.es, and that m 1 Ihould be taken for fecurity that he 
 
 would abufe them no more. But though the Members of 1642, , 
 Parliament doubted not that the King would grant an Adi 
 of Oblivion, fuch as they Ihould defire, they did not be¬ 
 lieve, that fuch a peace could be advantagious to the King¬ 
 dom, becaufe they did not believe the King’s word to be a 
 fufficient fecuritv. Befides, the Presbyterians were no bet¬ 
 ter pleafed than they had been hitherto, with a peace which 
 would of courfe reftore Epifcopacy in all its former luffre. 
 Wherefore things not being yet brought to that ftate, that 
 the Parliament Ihould be induced to wilh for fuch a peace, 
 it was refelved, 1. That his Majefty Ihould be addrelTed 
 for fettling the peace of the Kingdom. 2. That the pre¬ 
 parations of forces and other neceffary means for defence 
 Ihould be profecuted with all vigour, if an honorable and 
 fafe peace might not be obtained. 3. That the Scots Ihouid 
 be applied to for affiftance, if there Ihould be occafion. 
 
 Thefe refolutions entirely broke all the meafures of the 
 King’s friends, who had flattered themfelves, that the pre¬ 
 tended vidiory of Edge-hill would produce feme great 
 effedt. 
 
 Purfuant to thefe refolutions, the Parliament took care a Dnl*- 
 to recruit the Earl of EJ/ex’s army, and to that end it was t.-,» 1 
 
 ordained, that fuch Apprentices as Ihould be lifted tor Soldiers, 1 " 
 
 Ihould reckon the time fpent in tbe Wars, as part of their ^ ' 
 Apprenticelhip. Whereupon great number of Apprentices 1 j 
 ingaged in the Parliament’s fervice. 
 
 After that, both Houfes font a Declaration into Scotland , Ruihworih"! 
 wherein they did not demand indeed an immediate aid ; v. P . 
 but faid, “ That they did not doubt but the Scots would Clarendon, ,1 
 “ affift them, if there Ihould be occafion, according to the yj. 
 
 <c treaty of amity and alliance between the two Nations. v.er.riDe- 
 “ That therefore they defired them to raife fuch forces, as jV ,r ' ,r, ’ T rt ’ 
 “ they Ihould think fufficient to fecure their own borders n veins! 7..- 
 “ againft the attempts of the Army of Papifts, levied by loM- 
 “ the Earl of Newcajlle in the North of England. To v 
 
 ** engage them the more to what they defired, they faid, 
 
 “ the enemies of the Proteftant Religion were fo prevalent 
 Cc with his Majefty, that he had rejeited all the Petitions 
 “ prefented to him. That the prefent war was for the 
 “ maintainance of Religion, againft the efforts of thofe 
 “ who had projected its deftrudtion, and that in order to 
 “ preferve it more effectually, they had willingly embraced 
 <c the invitation of the Scots, to a nearer degree of union 
 “ in matters of Religion and Church-Government, which 
 “ they had accordingly refelved to purfue.” 
 
 It was now feme months, lince the Scotch Commiffi- it.-*.;, 
 oners refiding at London , had intimated in a memorial pre- !h f Pr 
 fented to the Parliament, that the Scots paffionately defired !P . 
 an union of the Churches of England and Scotland in the c 
 fame worlhip and difciplinc. As this propofition was ex- £ ; ~>‘ r 
 prefled by way of wilh only, and befides was worded in v. ,V. 
 fuch a manner, that it might be underftood, either that s - 
 the Scots defired the Englijlo to embrace the worfhip and 
 difeipline of the Church of Scotland , or that they them¬ 
 felves were willing to conform to the Church of Eng¬ 
 land, the Parliament had, in the fame ambiguous terms, 
 civilly anfwered, that they alfo wilhed the lame thing, 
 and would heartily concur in accomplilhing the Projedt. 
 
 This anfwer was doubtlefs framed by the leading Presby¬ 
 terians, to ferve as a corner-ftone, of which they hoped 
 one day to make good ufe. But it was not yet time to 
 declare their intention more openly, for fear of lofing all 
 the Church of England men that were againft the King. 
 
 Probably thefe men would have been alarmed, if they 
 had clearly known, that the Presbyterians meant to elLtblilh 
 their worfhip and difeipline upon the ruins of the Church. 
 
 For the fame reafon alfo, in the declaration above men¬ 
 tioned, both Houfes, or rather the Diredtors, thought not 
 proper to fpeak more plainly, and in faying, that both 
 Houfes intended to purfue this union, the propofition was 
 left in all its ambiguity, though it was eafy for the Scot. 
 to perceive, that in time they Ihould receive fatisfadiion. 
 
 For it is not to be imagined, there were none but Presby 
 terians in the Parliament’s party, though this may be the 
 notion feme would give us of that party, their aim being 
 to infinuate, that the war between the King and the Par¬ 
 liament was properly a religious war, and that the Parlia¬ 
 ment’s foie defign was to deftroy the Church of England, 
 and eftablifh Presbyterianifm in its room. As this ciefign 
 was unjuft in itfelf, they would infer, that the war againft 
 the King was unjuft. This reafoning would be foiid and 
 convincing, were it true, that the oppofite party to the 
 King had propofed to themfelves no other end. But as it 
 is certain, the Presbyterians were not the only ptrfons 
 that had caufe to complain of the King, it is no lefs fo, 
 that the party of his enemies confifted not of Presbyterians 
 alone, but alfo of a very great number of Church-mcn, 
 who faw, that under colour of deftroying Pte-byteriar.i rr. 
 an arbitrary Power was going to be eftabliftied. It is <\- 
 to conceive, that thefe men were ill-affedtcd to the K :, v- 
 
 hud S4* 
 
 at Ct'Jter 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 164 .2. had joined with the Parliament, and as yet were attached 
 to their party. But it is inconceivable, that the Pref- 
 byrerians, who at the beginning of the Parliament made 
 <0 inconfiderable a figure in both Houfes, as well as in the 
 Kingdom, Ihould be grown fo very numerous in the fpace 
 of two years, or that the members of the Church of Eng¬ 
 land-, who complained of the King’s former adminiftration, 
 fhould have entirely renounced the Church, and embraced 
 PresbyterianiCm. It is certain therefore, though the Pref- 
 byterian party, confidered as a Religious Party, had pre¬ 
 vailed in the Parliament, there were however in that iame 
 party, confidered as enemies to the King, many Church¬ 
 men who had no other view than the reformation of the 
 civil Government, and the fecurity of the nation’s liberties, 
 Thefe were the men the Parliament were to manage, for 
 fear of alarming them, till they could be ingaged to turn 
 Presbyterians, whether by the fuperiority the Parliament 
 fhould acquire in the courfe of the war, or by the abfo- 
 lute neceftity they Ihould be under of relinquilhing the 
 People’s Liberties, or of recurring to the afliftance of the 
 Scots, which could be obtained but by changing the Govern¬ 
 ment of the Church. On the other hand, the Church of 
 England-men could not take it ill, that the Parliament 
 1 * managed the Scots, fince their afliftance might happen to 
 be abfolutely neceliary. The ambiguous expreflions there¬ 
 fore in the declaration, with refpedl to the union of the 
 two Churches, ferved to manage all thofe who were con¬ 
 cerned for the Parliament’s affairs. The Scots were gladly 
 fuffered to think, that the propofition was underftood in 
 the fenfe they themfelves gave it, and the Church of Eng¬ 
 land- men were told, that the Parliament was properly 
 bound to nothing, in promifing to endeavour an union, 
 becaufe there was no more reafon for the Church of Eng¬ 
 land to conform to that of Scotland, than for this laft to 
 conform to that of England. That however great advan¬ 
 tage would accrue from this pretended engagement, in that 
 the King, from the apprehenfion of feeing the Parlia¬ 
 ment clofely united with Scotland, would be induced to 
 make peace upon reafonable terms. 
 
 though on this occafion, the King’s enemies had gained 
 fome advantage in the Parliament, his friends did not think 
 fnmjiin themfelves vanquilhed. They plainly faw, that fo long as 
 Clarendon Houles fhould be able to a£t with freedom, the 
 
 T.II.p. 5*4. King’s adverfaries would always be fuperior, and that it 
 was fcarce poflible to take away this freedom without an 
 extraordinary afliftance. Wherefore whiltt men were ftill 
 in the agitation occafioned by the battle of Edge-hill , they 
 fent the King word, that if he would appear before London 
 with his army, they did not queftion, fuch commotions 
 would be raifed in the city, as would turn to his advan¬ 
 tage, in which his friends would not fail to exert them¬ 
 felves to the utmoft of their power. This made him refolve 
 to marc h to London. To that end, he ordered a body of 
 Horfe to go before, who advancing to Reading , the Par¬ 
 liament’s troops, quartered there, were feized with fuch a 
 terror, that they entirely abandoned the place, an* the 
 King came thither foon aiter with his army. Both Houfes 
 were alarmed when they heard the King was within thirty 
 fttftim/or'a m ^ es London. So, whether for that reafon, or with 
 Tr«icj. defign to amufe him, they fent and defired a fafe-con- 
 Nor. 3.11. du£t for a committee of Lords and Commons to attend 
 v<p w ° 6 ’ his Majefty with a petition for Peace, purfuant to a re- 
 
 -58. folution taken fome days before. The King granted a 
 
 Difficulty ^ fafe-conduft for the committee, excepting only Sir John 
 eautaa.' Evelyn-, becaufe he was proclaimed traitor (1.) In the 
 Clarendon, mean time, both Houfes had advice that the Earl of Ejjex 
 p- 54o was marching towards London with the utmoft fpeed. For 
 55 ’ this caufe they were in no hafte to fend the committee to 
 the King, on pretenfe of his fciupling to admit Evelyn. 
 Tit Earl •/ i t i s hard to conceive why the King, who could not be 
 wurebtt to ignorant, that the execution of his project depended upon 
 Loudon ; his diligence, ftayed long enough at Reading to give the 
 Earl of Ejjex time to come to London as foon as him- 
 anj rbc King f e |£ However this be, he marched the 11 th of November 
 brook!"" to Colebrook , fifteen miles from London. Mean while the 
 He rcccroet Earl of Ejfex' s army arrived about the fame time, in the 
 tbeCivmttc *neighbourhood of London. But whether it was not ready 
 Ruffiuoith, foon enough, or the Parliament was alarmed, the com- 
 V. p. 58. mittee was (ent to his Majefty the fame day, with a very 
 humble petition, to appoint a place for a treaty. The 
 King returned a gracious anfwer to this petition, teftifying, 
 he wilhed for nothing more than a peace, and to that end, 
 Clarendon, was conten t to enter into treaty. The committee return- 
 
 T. I{. p.56. 
 
 ing to London with this anfwer, the Parliament immediate¬ 
 ly fent orders to their forces not to exercife any hoftility. 
 
 But prefently after the departure of the committee, the 164a. 
 King began to march towards Brentford , which is but feven 
 miles from London , and arriving there the 121I1 in tN. tteajaultt 
 morning, attacked the town, where fome of the Parlia 
 ment’s troops were quartered, and became mafter of it, alter v. p.^J. 
 fome refiftance (2). Immediately after he lent a meffage T - Ma y* 
 to both Houfes to inform them, that fince his anfwer to Ludiow * 
 their petition laft night, he had received advice, that the 
 Earl of EJfex was drawing his forces out of London to¬ 
 wards him, which had obliged him to march to Brentford: 
 
 Thac however he was ftill defirous of peace, and e;:pccled 
 their committee at Brentford that night, or early the next 
 morning. 
 
 The Earl of EJfex 's army was indeed arrived near He rains to 
 London the 7th, and the Earl himfelf was aftually in the f 
 Houfe of Peers the 12th, during the aflault of Brentford J' ,,T,w " r ’ c h - 
 Whereupon both Houfes ordered the Lord Mayor to" lend Clitendonf’ 
 out the trained-bands, to join with the Earl of EJfex 's Ul P- 5 s * 
 army, and by that it became much fuperior to the 
 King's (3). The fame day the General made the neceflary 
 preparations for battle ; but the King not thinking fit to 
 expeifl him, retired towards Kingjlon. 
 
 The Parliament complained, the King had deceived X be ~ ar - 
 them under the falfe fhow of defiring to treat of a peace, 
 fince immediately after the departure of the commiiue, he cirendon, 
 marched to furprize Brentford. The King juftified him- H P-.57- 
 Llf two ways. Hefaidfiift, that not only there was no Irie^to^in. 
 truce agreed upon, but none fo much as delueu. Second- dcattbht 
 ly, that atie- the committee’s departure, he received cer mjicc t0 
 tain information, that the Earl of Ejjex had fent Lrces i 7 ’p 7 ’ 
 to Kingjlon, Ation, and other place*, to furround him, Rulhwor’th. 
 which had obliged him to advance to Brentford. The for- Vl p> 6o# 
 mer of thefe reafons was the beft, for there being no cef- 
 fation of arms, he might juftly take all aavant.jges as he 
 thought proper But he infilled the Jeaft upon this, f or 
 being difappointed, he would not have it appear that his 
 defign was to become mailer of London, or ar Jeaft ro 
 raife commotions there in his favour, for fear ofexpoiing 
 his friends to a ftri£l inquifition. The latter was not of the 
 fame force For if he was afraid of being furrounded at 
 Colebrook, he did not avoid that inconvenience, by ad¬ 
 vancing eight miles nearer London He rather made it 
 greater by that march, uniefs he advanced with defign to 
 attack the enemy, which did not appear by his condu£l. 
 
 The King is furnilhed with another reafon, not con- Clarendon, 
 tained in a fort of Manifello, publilhed by himfelf on this ]I ’ p ‘ 57 * 
 occafion. Prince Rupert , it is faid, had advanced to 
 Hounfow with the Horfe, without the King’s order, and 
 when there, was informed that the Parliament had fent 
 forces to Kingjlon, Ation, and other places: fo, finding he 
 was going to be furrounded, fent to the King to defire him 
 to advance with his infantry to difengage him. This rea¬ 
 fon to me feems fo very weak, that I Ihould think it need- 
 lefs to refute it, if it did not come from the illullrious au¬ 
 thor of the Hiftory of thofe times. I will not fay, that 
 it does not much redound to Prince Rupert's honour to 
 affirm, he had advanced without the King’s order with his 
 cavalry, which too is not very likely. But firft, if the 
 Prince did think himfelf in danger, it was much eafier for 
 him to retire to the King, than for the King to march to 
 hie relief. Secondly, what probability was there, that the 
 Parliament’s forces, which are fuppofed to have been de¬ 
 tached to furround the Prince, Ihould poll themfelves be¬ 
 tween him and the King ? Thirdly, the Earl of Ejfex' s 
 army came near London but that very day, and was not in 
 condition to march ten or twelve miles farther to attack 
 the Prince. 
 
 It is therefore extremely probable, that the King, when 
 he left Oxford, intended to Turprizc London, or hoped, that 
 his friends would fo manage, that he Ihould be received 
 there without oppolition, before the Earl of Ejjex could 
 arrive. But he either loft too much time at Reading, or 
 was prevented by the Earl’s expedition. NevertheWs, 
 fince he was not ignorant that the Parliament’s forces were 
 now very near London, one cannot well lee what it figni- 
 fied to attack Brentford, uniefs it was to brave the Parlia¬ 
 ment, or having firft defigned to give battle, he had al¬ 
 tered his mind upon hearing that the trained-bands of 
 London were fent out to join the Earl of Ejjex. Be this 
 as it will, having miffed his aim, he was forced to frame 
 reafons to colour his attack of Brentford, and to try to 
 perfuade the People, it was done only in his own defence. 
 
 After all, it is very likely, that when he fent back the 
 committee from Colebrook, he was determined to march to 
 Brentford , and was not forry the Parliament amufed them- 
 
 (1) This Committee con lifted of Algernon Percy, Earl of Northumberland, Philip Herbert Ear! of Pembroke, the Lord H'enmnn, Mr. Pitrrepoint ar 
 Sir John Hipprjlry. Rujhivonb, Torn- 5- p. 57. 
 
 ;i) Fart of Colcnel hi-Hu's Regiment were quartered there, who made a vigorous defence, but would, in all probability, hare b:- - moll of them cut of 
 if the Loid Brjri's and Colonel Hampden's Regiment had not come to their relief, and maintained a fierce and Dlcody fight till nigh,, wnerein many wci 
 flam, others driven into the river, and many taken prifoners. So that they quitted the town in the night, and the King pofleiled ic. Rujhwortb Tom < 
 p. eg Wbitelock, p. 65. ' 
 
 (5, The whole army, of Horle and Foot, confided of about twenty four thoufar.d men- Idem. p. 66. 
 
 No. 67. V o 1.. II. 
 
 6 B 
 
 lelves 
 
i.l b 
 
 I he HISYO RT of ENGLAND. Vol. II. 
 
 fe-Jtral 
 
 phc'i. 
 
 Whitelock, 
 
 p. 66. 
 
 Rulhwort] 
 V. p. 63. 
 
 Tadcafter 
 and Gisbo- 
 rough fight 
 itl. p. 91. 
 
 J,n..6. 
 
 Farcli.'.m 
 and Chi- 
 cheiter. 
 
 Dec. 49. 
 RuOi worth- 
 v. p . ,00. 
 In the mid¬ 
 land Count id 
 Wilmot 
 take! Marl¬ 
 borough. 
 
 Id. p. S2. 
 Clarendon, 
 
 Rulhworth. 
 V. p. 130, 
 
 'The Lord 
 
 death. 
 p. 147. 
 Battle of 
 Hopton, or 
 V':-Hearh. 
 Id- p, 1 51. 
 Nocthamp- 
 ton’r death. 
 Waller de¬ 
 feat 1 the 
 Lord Hcr- 
 
 Id. p. 263. 
 Clarendon, 
 Jl. p. 63, 
 9 6 > 97> 
 
 119. 
 
 48* irt °f 
 
 etc Wefi. 
 Id. p- 2-5 
 
 Rulhworth. 
 
 V. p. 122. 
 
 felves with the hopes of a treaty. At leaft, the reafons 
 he alledged 111 his vindication, did not prove the contrary. 
 
 This war continued all the winter in feveral parts of the 
 Kingdom, there being fcarce a County free from it. My 
 delign is not to defeend to the particulars of all the skir- 
 miflies and conflicts during the war. Such circumftances 
 may be agreeable to the Englijh , who are acquainted with 
 the fituation of the places, or concerned for the honour of 
 thofe who fignalized themfelves on thefe occafions. But 
 Foreigners, for whom I write, being little concerned, I 
 fhall confine my felf briefly to relate fome of the principal 
 aiSlions. 
 
 In the beginning of December , the Earl of Newcajlle, 
 who had levied an army for the King in the northern parts, 
 began his march towards York. He was flopped at the 
 paflage of the River Tees, which parts the Biftioprick of 
 Durham from Yorkjhire , by young Hotham , who had with 
 him a detachment of the little army commanded by the 
 Lord Fairfax in that County for the Parliament : But the 
 Earl forced the paflage, and came to York , with about 
 eight thoufand men. 
 
 There were likewife during this winter, in the fame 
 County, two pretty warm actions. The iiril at Tadcajler , 
 where the Lord Fairfax was intrenched, and where he 
 was attacked by the Earl of Neiccdjlle, who, after an ob- 
 llinate difpute, was obliged at lafl to retreat. The fecorid 
 was at Gisborough , where Sir Hugh Cholmley defeated fix 
 hundred of the King’s party, commanded by Colonel 
 Slingsby , who was taken prifoner, with a good number of 
 his men. 
 
 Some days after. Sir Thomas Fairfax the General’s Son, 
 attacked the town of Leeds, defended by Sir William Savil 
 with fifteen hundred men, carried it by llorm, and took 
 five hundred prifoners. Thefe were the moft lemarkable 
 actions in the North, during the winter that followed the 
 firft Campain. 
 
 In the South, Sir William Waller, Commander for the 
 Parliament, blew up Farnham Caftle, and made the gar- 
 rifon prifoners of war. Shortly after he took Uinchejler, 
 and then Chicbefler , after an eight days fiege. 
 
 In the midland Counties, feveral notable aClions, though 
 little decifive, were alfo performed. The 5th of December, 
 IFihrnt Commiflary-general of the King’s Horfe, the 
 Lord Digby , and others, attacked the town of Marlborough , 
 fortified by the Parliament, where was a numerous gar- 
 rifon. The tov/n being carried by ftorm, was plundered 
 and burnt, and about a thoufand of the garrifon flain and 
 taken prifoners. 
 
 February the fecond, Prince Rupert took Cirencejler by 
 ftorm, and made twelve hundred prifoners (1). 
 
 March the firft, the Lord Brooke attacked fome of the 
 King’s Forces intrenched in the clofe of the Cathedral of 
 Lichfield, and was there flain 3 but alter his death his men 
 carried the clofe. 
 
 The 19th of the fame month, a battle was fought at 
 Salt-Heath near Stafford, which was maintained on both 
 Tides four hours, till at laft [Spencer Compton] Earl of North¬ 
 ampton, who commanded the King's forces, being flain, 
 the Parliament’s troops became vidlorious. 
 
 The fame day Sir William Waller furprized the Lord 
 Herbert , who was befieging Glocejler, killed five hundred 
 of his men, and took above a thoufand prifoners. After 
 that, he took Chep/loxu in Monmouthfhire , and then the 
 town of Monmouth itlelf. 
 
 I proceed now to what palled in the weflern Counties, 
 from the beginning of the war, to March the next year, 
 1643. As the war was always very fharp in thofe parts, 
 and as the fuperiority was there obllinately difputed, it will 
 be neceftary, for the better underftanding thefe events, to 
 give a particular account of what palled in thefe Counties. 
 
 From the time the King was at Beverley, after having 
 failed in his attempt upon Hull, he lent the Marquifs of 
 Hertford into the Weft, to try to raife a party capable to 
 give the Parliament’s forces a diverfion. He granted him 
 a Commiflion to command ail the weftern parts, and the 
 Marquifs made Sir Ralph Hopton his General of Horfe. 
 The Marquifs being come into Somerfetjhire, fixed his 
 quarters at the Bath , where he could raile but few men, 
 by reafon of the vigilance of the Committee of the Militia, 
 who greatly obftrudled Iris levies. At laft, the Earl of 
 Bedford , who commanded in thofe parts for the Parlia¬ 
 ment, having drawn together much more numerous forces 
 than were thofe of the King, the Marquifs of Hertford 
 was obliged to retire into Wales. He lent however Sir 
 Ralph Hopt::i with about one hundred and fifty Horfe into 
 Cornwal, to endeavour to g tin that County to the King’s 
 Intereft. The Earl of Bedford negledted to purfue this 
 
 little troop, not doubting but the Committee of the Militia 1642’ 
 would be able to difperfe them, and went and joined the 
 Earl of Ejfx. This palled before the battle of Edge-hill. 
 
 Hopton was well received in Comical, and feconded by 
 Sir Bevil Greenvil a Cornifh Gentleman, who fo ordered 
 it, that the County declared for the King. Then Hopton p. 99. 
 drew together three thoufand of the trained-bands, and 
 marched towards Lancejlon , from whence they chaced the 
 Committee of the Militia, who had afl'embled fome troops. 
 
 But endeavouring to lead thefe trained-bands into Devon- 
 {hire, they refufed to march out of their County. For 
 which reafon he difinilfed them, having firft driven the 
 Committee from the little town of Saltajh. 
 
 Mean while, with the afliftance of the Gentlemen ofp. ico. 
 the County, lie found means to levy fifteen hundred regu¬ 
 lar troops, with whom he became abfolute mailer of all 
 Comical, and even made incurfions into Devonjhire. 
 
 The Parliament having intelligence of Hopton s progrefs p.; 1. 
 in Comical, ordered all their forces in Dorfi: and Somcrfet 
 to join with thofe of Devon, and gave the command of 
 this army to [ Henry Grey ] Earl of Stamford. The Earl 
 heading thefe Troops, lent Ruthen a Scotchman Governor 
 of Plymouth, with a detachment into Carnival. He was R".hen 
 no (boner there, but was met by Sir Ralph Hopton, who ' * 
 put him to rout, killed many of his men, and took above M 
 twelve hundred prifoners. Ruthen, after his defeat, re¬ 
 tired to Saltajh, where he endeavoured to fortifv himfelf 
 and the Earl of Stamford threw himfelf into Tavjlcck (2). 
 
 Hopton taking advantage of the terror, he had ftruck 
 into the Parliamentarians, divided his forces into two bo¬ 
 dies ; with one of which he marched towards Ruthen , and 
 beat him out of Saltajh , and thereby remained again mailer 
 of Comical. The other body moved towards Tavi/lock , 
 which the Earl of Stamford alfo quitted, and retiring to 
 Plymouth, enabled Hopton with the more cafe to fix quar¬ 
 ters in Devonjhire. But fhortly after, both parties having 
 agreed to obferve an exadl neutrality in the two Countie's P C4 ' 
 of Devon and Comical, in order to remove the war into 
 other parts, Hopton retired with his forces into Comical. 
 
 Having related the principal military a&ions o' the firft Civil affaire 
 campain, and the following winter, it will be neceflary to ’’ 
 mention fome other things, which indeed flowed from the 
 war, but were not decided by arms. 
 
 Money being the linews of war, it is not ftrange the R-mari on 
 King and the Parliament fhould do their utmoft to rai fe the in-in cf 
 all they could. But the wonder is, that they fhould up- TnbjuL 
 braid each other with the expedients made ule of to that 
 end. According to the laws of the land, the King cannot 
 levy money upon the SubjeCl, without confent of Parlia¬ 
 ment 3 but it is no lefs certain, that the Parliament cannot 
 impofe taxes without the Royal aflent. Taxes are laid by 
 Ads, to which the King and both Houfes mull necelfarily 
 give their approbation. But what is to be done when the 
 King and Parliament are at war with one another ? Nei¬ 
 ther of them, according to the laws, mull levy money up¬ 
 on the people, and then it will be almoft impoflible to wage 
 war, or elfe both mud be left at liberty to raife it, without 
 regarding each other’s confent. This was what the King 
 and the Parliament pradifed, and yet they reproached one 
 another with breach of the Laws. If we believe the au- CLmr i.*. 
 thors who writ in favour of the King, his Majefty had no J1, P* 6; ' 
 other money than what he was fupplied with voluntarily 
 by gift or loan (3). If he lbmetimes taxed the Counties in 
 his power, it was always with the confent of the inhabi¬ 
 tants. But this is a kind of artifice to deceive the Reader. 
 
 For it means nothing more, than that fome of the leading 
 men of a town or county were gained, by whom it was 
 refolved to give the King fuch a fum, after which it would 
 have been in vain for the reft to oppofe it, or refufe to pay 
 their fhare. The Parliament proceeded in much the fame 
 manner. They demanded for the maintenance of the 
 war, contributions, which they termed voluntary, but 
 which were very far from being fo. This very clearly ap- Ru I'hwcrth.' 
 peared in an ordinance of the 29th of November, for af- ' p 7W 
 fembling fuch as had not freely contributed. The King, 
 conlidering this ordinance as an exprefs breach of the law, p ' 3 ‘ 
 iffued out a Proclamation, enjoining all his Stibjeds not to 
 fubmit to it. He publilhed another of the fame nature, 
 to command all perfons not to execute the ordinance of p ' S; ' 
 Parliament for paying Tunnagc and Poundage to the two 
 Houfes. All this was founded upon the laws, requiring the 
 Royal aflent for the impofition of taxes. But fuch were 
 the times, that a Uriel obfervance of the laws was become 
 impracticable. The Parliament anfwered this laft Procla- p - 
 mation, not by acknowledging, the laws were violated by enre-^n, 
 their ordinance, but by laying, that the Statute urged by ll- h 09 
 the King, was made to hinder the King from impoiing any 
 
 r -rd sr>a Ferry-place, 
 dr.idic-dcni'n nc ir L 
 
 two Gentlemen of good quality and fortune near that town ) and Mr. George, who ferved for that 
 :n. 2, p 97. 
 
 a-d. The chief of the Cornt/h Geitlcme i that helped S;r Ralph Hipten to raife h s forces, were 
 ’ i-A Jotn hfjanni-.n, ail lour Members of Parliament- C uerr.d. Tom. 2. p. jeo, 101/ 
 
 Ki:i5 was able ti piy hi: Foot, thou^n ,t amoiaicd to above 3000 1. weekly. Tom. 2 p. 67. 
 
 tax, 
 

 Book XXL 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 467 
 
 Ruffiworth 
 1 V. p. J46. 
 
 without content of both Houfes, and ntrt to dived the and mjlmonlaml, and to levy an army The Earl harm- ,6-ta 
 Parliament of a right to itnpofe what they thought proper, ly executed the King’s defign He fo mauled ,1 atlhefe 
 It ,s ea!y to perceive, that tins was only a cavil f.nce the four Counties entered into afl’ociation to furnifh’h m a the 
 rungs content was no lefs neceflary for impofine a tax, common pxnpnrc with i ‘ , 
 
 than that of both Houfes. Or rather, they had no right! an almv of elh’t ZuoT T 1 ' ‘Z he ra " cd 
 neither the one nor the other feparately, if the laws had he tauuht the Kina’s enemiesZ"form "the III-n— 
 
 ta . A p d y f t th ° Ki "S> in thc «« February, which perhaps they would never have thoiWit'of " As foon l;h -'*/• 
 publifhed another Proclamation, ordering that the Cuftoms as the Parliament was informed nf ,fo. ,ir ' ■ , f ' /■; ,„./d 
 
 upon G<x,ds imported, fhould be paid him at O.ford, dered theBtaSb™,l“‘t *t c bul slhllZTT”' 
 which, in all appearance, was not performed. This fub- ed their authority, and appointed Generals To comZnd' 
 je£l fo often returns, not only with refpedt to levies of mo- their forces The ford Frirfi-.- u-> c „ i r> ' c Id> p 64> 
 ney, but alfo with regard .0 every thing enjoined feparately Yortjhir Sir VUliam Br r 'tnf r a™ c T«' 's' 6? ’ 9i ’ 
 
 by the King or both Houle,, dj it will not be aids 1 1 iJler Sf.*SK 
 
 have feme knowledge of the principles of both parties, in jot- General Brown of Berkjhire, the Earl of Dele. of 
 order to avoid faffing a wrong judgment (1). Shropjhire, Colonel MMuin of Walt and IhfS of 
 
 " tver r ‘ ncc «>» beginning ot this Parliament, the King Manchefter of E/Ire and rhr r' u 1 
 
 adherence to the laws of Eafter/ Countief nanitly Effex of 
 
 ”™ iJ !*• ,hc hlld ’ Thls he perpetually oppofed to the coDduft and Hertford, Norfolk, Suffolk' an/the Cbv l 
 
 '' ■ pretenlions of the Parliament. When the war was begun. By means of thefe Xcltions the Palm ,Ta c W ’ 
 
 he pretended in the like manner, that the laws were to always ready who indeeT we-e llle Z r , Z 
 be obferved with the fame (irldlnefs as in full peace. It is fence of the affociatcd Counties, but were howveliniploy- 
 very vifible, how advantages to him this principle was. ed fbmecimes in other fervices The H; n < r f J- 
 
 According to the law, the two Houfes could"raife^either ed to prevent th^SoSS in<w£ 8 Jteehe Lew 
 men nor money, rauen lefs employ them againft their So- he had a good number of friends, as for infTance in Kent 
 vere.gn ; for he always fuppofed the war was only defen- and fome others. But when both Houfes perceived the P ’ 
 five on his part. He iound therefore no better way to re- King's practices were like to nrevail m mar nf .1 n 
 ftore the publick tranquillity, than to adhere to thc laws, ties where they were fuperior thev ohlifw/thpm f fr*^' 
 on the obfervance whereof depended the Nation’s happinefs. ate with others, and furnifh their quota ° ° * ° CI " 
 
 Nothing was truer than this principle, taken in general, Befides thefe aflbeiations hptw-lpn „*• c .1. ,r 
 
 and independently of the particular cafe the Kingdom was fame party, there were alfo at the beginning of' 1 ° wal 
 in. But, as the King minfelt owned, the laws being only private agreements between neighbouring Counties of difft’ V ' p 
 in empty name if not kept, and the executive power be- rent parties, to obferve, between them, an exaft neutrali- 
 . . lodged in the Kings hands, the point was to know, ty. Thefe agreements were foumlni nn th P rrmnn t 
 ' ,de ^ cr ^‘ n g cou ld be relied upon for the difcharge vantages of the contra&ing Counties as rhpv r ? 
 o! this truft, after what had palled the fifteen firft years war from their own doors and fettled a m t ] in0Ve tlC 
 of his reign? There lay the difficulty of the queftij be- between them, whfch they’ 
 
 tsvecn the King and the i arliament; to folve which the have given an inftance in the Counties of Devon and Corn 
 King offered only his bare word whereon the Parliament wal. The like agreement was made between the two pa-- 
 could not, or would not rely. It is therefore evident, that ties in Torhlhire and Chcfhirr P M f rim P i cr , ta p > 
 
 when thc Kine umed the laws in his hph.lf hp f-J 1 t0 ' B the L Parl, " me ^ r efufed 
 
 10 autnorize thefe private agreements, becaufe they were . . 
 
 too advantagious to the King, who in the end would have Id'p. 
 
 heen an p. hv flue mo„<r._ n. n 1 • . «i 1 
 
 x r , 3 iailwlllcULS ‘-'•urns, too auvantagious to the King, who in the end would have 71 ,1, 
 
 The thing wss not to know. Whether the laws afenbed been able, by this means, to affemblc all his forces in one 
 fuch or fuch pterogauves to the Sovereign ? The Parlia- place, whereas he was obliged to difperfe them throuchout p ' 1j6, 
 ment did not deny it : but the queltion was to know, the whole Kingdom. Belides, the king’s rartv had fo 
 Whether the King was to be trailed with the executive well managed his concerns, that thefe agreements were 
 
 miff N K l W Ut S ° Whole difficu,t y made on, y in places where it was for his advantage - as for 
 
 coil.tiled in knowing, by what means the execution of thefe example, in Yorkjhire, where the folc view was to flop the 
 fame hws, agreed to by both patt.es, might be fecured. Inroads of the Garrifon of Ponf et Caftle which lerv 
 rhe King earclully avoided the examination of this point, much annoyed the City of York J * 
 
 anZufod'hl P m P mol d V' Sht '° dCma f d rec “ rit J. r of h ™’ Thc Kin S rc:iri "S t0 0 *Ml after the Brentford affair ™ «"t 
 
 and tied his uuno.f endeavours to reduce the dffpute to carried thither the Prifoners taken at Brentford ind Fdo- 
 
 this, Whether tloii or that were enjoined by the Laws F This hi/l. Within few davs after his rpn.m and Edg.- rnfi.ee, r. 
 
 cep'ion relSnmg pnnciple in a " his pap::rs ’ without onc cx - R ° ltr ‘ Hla,h a Commiffion of Oyer and Teener, tom’**"' 
 P 0 n the other hand, the Parliament were no lefs e, ^ 
 
 *b rr rfk‘ !t IS trilC ’ ,he LJ lcar, y (1,owed ’ the King had being taken in arms againft the Kinn The Parliament 
 abufed Ins prerogatives, wh,Ift he fully enjoyed them, and having notice of this fentence before its execution decla ed 
 from thence^ inferred was neceflary to reduce his power that if any prifoner of war fhould be putlo death at Ox’ %£% 
 ichin certain bounds. But they fuppofed, that in order ford, or elfewhere, they would inflift the like Dunifhmpnt ^ 
 to reduce him within thefe bounds, there was no other upon fuch prifoners as were or fhould be taken hereto ci P ‘ V' 
 way than to ftrip him entirely of this fame power, by de- This Declaration Zed the f“h c ndemn Sie S ’’ & 
 
 £i ng not th,nki " E proper “ “ pofe hia 
 
 fTng Sttl Kinged ^t^c^ ParlaS Z ^ 
 
 the Nation their Liberties. But the two Houfes induftri- were not d,fco„raged. P As the KinTaflerIhe bufinefs' 
 oufly avoided to enter upon that queftionl They were Brentford had forcified Reading and left th-re n a °J' lwd 'f cc ’- i 
 ZTthe Kfog h^ garrifon, they pretended, the "inhabitants of ZWvfhad Clllt 
 
 .he O. I. S J D r arm V° deftr °y tl “ privileges of caufe to be extremely alarmed at their neighbourhood So “• p !; ' S J- 
 the people and Parliament, and confequently the war was under colour of preventing the danger, they drew a'Peti T' 3 d ' f " 
 
 die afothlTaifomanS h \***? ?«"** *° T"’ ? ^ 4 P™cu^d as man® hands Zpo^blefo 
 vinaicate their daily mamfeft breaches of the Laws, repre- delire leave of both Houfes to nrefent to the r, m » it.a. 
 
 nting them as aufolutely neceflary to attain the end they propofitions which he might confent to with honour” Ms 
 propofed to themfelves, o fettling the peace of the King- ny of the Inhabitants of ItZflZnfl, “d of "he Pale's 
 dom. One an^toce help perrayrng m this condua, the of St. Martin’s and Cment-Garden, known to be 
 
 the 
 
 „ The Pa, tin 
 
 Ruiliwtirth 
 
 V. p. 66. 
 
 ?)r3 t"" " — 1 ^: d a^ i d“^ir f - 
 
 s ling STm: p zs 
 
 “dTf 
 
 come"to'/' t convinced ol this hereafter, when we fhould be brought to iuflice. Probably, they did not ex- 
 
 Z to tht fl, «le attic e“ m,U “ d * * 1 “V f 3 ’ lhc Parlia " K "> '™» ole of their mediation 
 
 'Vh i C- , J- . v f°r a peace; But in pqblifhing thjs petition, wherein thev 
 
 tn h K L ‘ u’ a ‘ S 1 a ‘ d ’ h f d fcnt the , Karl of Newca J lle called themfelves the richefl and moft confiderable Inhabit 
 “1 ,Zh lTf m t0 k S vn, **, of D -- of London, their aim was to Mnuate the Peo^ie, 
 
 that the honeft part of the Citizens wilhed for peace upon 
 
 tern L.;uri‘ , ' O .. Y"' y vv Ijnui'[ii IX p. Yo/Zff - 
 
 tt for the bam t with the Counties of Northumberland , Cumberland 
 
 (i) Accortlin? t 
 lions, five hundred 
 
 rn mr An.hors, the Parliament raifed in a] 1 upon the Nation, 
 and twelve thru'and p nnds. And, according to Mr. IValktr, 
 wtir'h. See Rift, of lax-\, p. rSt), 297. J n March 164a, 
 e. n ihillings per week. Rufiuaitb, Tom. 5. p. t-o. 
 afte/ward? generally called the aflutiated Counties. Whittlei. 
 
 during the courfeof the civil War and afterwaHs, above ninety five mil 
 Him w» k.irf, fram the year i6 t . ,6 47 , ,b u « fo„. „i|||„„, 
 they m.idc an Ordinance for railing thirty four thoofand, one hundred and 
 
 more 
 
V. 
 
 ,,6S 
 
 The H I STO RT of ENGL A N D. 
 
 1642-^. 
 
 the Mayor 
 and Alder- 
 
 d,.n- 
 
 Rorti worth. 
 V. p. MO. 
 Clarendon, 
 
 II. p 82,83 
 
 7 'It Ktng'i 
 Id. p. 85. 
 
 lb' King \ 
 SlnJ-M" is 
 
 ■Jbe King's 
 
 Order to tb 
 
 Sheriff i of 
 
 Ja°n. °T V 
 Knfh worth, 
 V. p. .20. 
 
 b j: ti t 
 
 Pa pill 1 
 
 more moderate ferine than the Parliament, but were re- 
 ftrained by the Magi ft rates. The :wo Houfes fully per¬ 
 ceiving the motives of this petition, ordered it fo, that the 
 Mayor, Aldermen, and Common-Council of London, fent 
 a very humble petition to the Kimr, wherein they took 
 care to clear themfelves from all dillovalty, and ex prefled 
 an earneft defire of peace. To that purpofe, they befought 
 his Majefty to return to his Parliament, accompanit.'. with 
 his roval, not martial attendance ; to the end whatfoever 
 was amil’s in Church and State might be reformed by the 
 advice of both Houfes, and fuch a peace obtained, as 
 fhould be for the honour of his Majefty, and the welfare 
 of his Subjects. This Petition fhewed, that the Cirv of 
 London deiired no other peace than what the Parliament 
 fhould pleafe to agree upon with the King. It had this ad¬ 
 vantage of the firft, that it came from the Mayor and 
 Common-Council, whereas the other was lubferibed only 
 by private hands. 
 
 The King was really perfwaded, that the Londoners de¬ 
 ft red and would accept of fuch a peace as he fhould be 
 pleafed to grant, but that the Magi ft rates, in concert with 
 the Parliament, did their utmoft to prevent it. This Peti¬ 
 tion being prefented to him the 10th of January 1642-3, 
 he returned a very gracious anf'wer, and gave it in writing 
 to the Committee of AlJcrinen. He laid, That he ne- 
 “ ver entertained any mifapprehenfton of the loyalty of 
 “ his City of London , or of the Inhabitants in general: 
 “ but could not fay the fame with regard to their Magi- 
 “ fixates, and particularly Alderman Pennington their pre- 
 “ tended Lord-Mayor, and two or three more (1), who 
 “ endeavoured, with all their power, to prevent the Peo- 
 “ pie, and excite them to Rebellion. Then he enumerated 
 tc all the outrages exercifed at London upon himfelf and the 
 “ Laws, and a flu red, he was ready to return to them, when 
 “ they fhould be in a fit polture to receive him with ho- 
 “ nour and fafetv, and had apprehended the difturbers of 
 “ the publick peace, that they might be proceeded againft 
 “ try courfe of law', as guilty of High-Treafon.” The 
 King greatly flattered himfelf with refpecl to his Papers, 
 which he readily believed to be unanfwerable. But the 
 wonderful effects he hoped from thence did not always an- 
 fwer his expectations. In this belief, when he delivered 
 his anfwer in writing to the Committee of Aldermen, he 
 told them, it was his defire, that it fhould be read publick- 
 Iv at a Common-Hall and before the People. The Lord- 
 . Mayor, with the confent of both Houfes, willingly gave 
 his Majefty this fatisfaftton, and his anfwer was accordingly 
 read in publick. But the Parliament had lent a Commit¬ 
 tee of Lords and Commons to be prefent at the reading, 
 and -afterwards to reject the King’s anfwer. This did 
 Mr. Pym, one of the Committee, in a fet Speech, the de- 
 fign whereof was to fhow, that the King’s w'hole anfwer 
 was full of fcandalous and injurious afperftons upon the 
 City and Parliament. So the King had little reafon to be 
 fatisfied with the fuccefs of Ids anfwer, on which however 
 he had much depended, imagining it would be capable of 
 fou'ing difeord between the people of London and the Ma- 
 giftrates. 
 
 Some days after, the King fent to the Sheriffs of London 
 ■ a Declaration, grievoufly complaining of Pym’s Speech, 
 and of the publication of a Pamphlet in the City in his 
 name, as if he retra&ed his former promifes. He requi¬ 
 red alfo the mafter and wardens of the feveral Companies 
 of the City, to fummon all their Members, and read this 
 Declaration with his fore-mentioned anfwer, publickly in 
 their feveral Halls. He declared that Ifaac Pennington not 
 being regularly eleCIed according to their Charter, or law¬ 
 fully admitted, could not be looked upon as Lord-Mayor 
 of London, and ordered the Sheriffs to commit him to fafe 
 cuftody, with feme other Aldermen. But the Parliament 
 perceiving, the King’s aim was to incite the people of Lon¬ 
 don againft their Magiftrates, commanded the Sheriffs nut 
 to execute this order. 
 
 As' the King frequently fent private Agents to London, 
 
 1 to correfpond with his friends there, and to be fully in¬ 
 formed of what palled in the City and Parliament, both 
 Houfes thought proper, in order to render this practice 
 ’’ mote difficult, to declare, that all perfms coming from the 
 King’s quarters to London without a (ale-conduct, fhould be 
 treated ms fpies. 
 
 During this winter, before the opening of the fecond 
 campain, the cunieti about the number of Papifts in the 
 fervice of the King and of the Parliament was renewed, 
 on occalion of f’ome Paper.-, pubhlhed by the Earl of Nnu- 
 cajlle and the Lord Fairfax againft each other. The 
 Earl of KewcujUs did not dec.;. that he had Papifts in his 
 
 army ; but maintained, they were few in numbe d 1642-3. 
 be ides, it was lawful to employ them, fince it was n 
 caufe of their Religion, but for their Icvalty. On e 
 
 other hand, he affirmed, there were great numbers b e 
 
 Parliament’s army, and appealed Tr the truth of wh. e 
 laid to their mufter-rolls. I confefs this proof to me fee ms 
 of no weight. For befides that thtfe rolls were not pub- 
 1 ifHed, and confequently not eafv to be examined by every 
 body, probably, the Religion of the officers and foldiers 
 was not fpecified (2). However this be, the King and 
 the Earl of Newcajlle openly after ted, there were many 
 Papifts in the Parliament’s army. The Earl of Clarendon 
 has advanced the fame thing : but in ah their writings, 
 there is not a I ingle Caiholick named : Whereas the Par 
 liament produced lifts of Popifh Officers in the King’s 
 fervice, with their names, quality, and employs. Befides, 
 it is eafy to fee, that the King, according to his principles 
 and behaviour to the Papifts, from the beginning of his 
 reign, made no fcruple to employ them, and that they 
 could themfelves expedl fome advantage in ferving him. 
 
 But what intereft the Parliament could have to employ 
 Catholicks, or what advantage could accrue to them from 
 that fervice, does not fo clearly appear. Neverthelefs, the 
 imputation perpetually caft upon him afterwards of having 
 Popifh armies, becaufe he refufed not the affiftance of 
 Papifts, and the confequence drawn from thence, that his 
 defign was to deftroy the Proteftant Religion, muft be 
 deemed a very great aggravation, and a mere calumny 
 to render the King odious. 
 
 Since the Queen was in Holland, fhe had not been idle. Supplies fat 
 She laboured effectually to procure the King officers, arms ‘f lbe Kik S 
 and ammunition, which was facilitated by the Prince of h^, H ° * 
 Orange her Son-in-law’s credit. September 1642, both Clarendon, 
 Houfes fent an Agent, Walter Strickland , to the Hague, ?■ f Cl > 
 to complain to the States-General of the preparations making n/pJsa. 
 in Holland for the King, and of the fupplies that were fent «n fads 
 him. But Strickland was received very coldly, by reafon 
 of the Prince of Orange's credit in the affembly of the H.<gue. 
 States. Befides, the States-General did not confider him IIr 
 as a publick Minifter, becaufe hitherto the Parliament had 
 never fent Agents abroad in their own name. They were RuiWonh, 
 contented therefore to depute one of the members of their V. p.157. 
 Affembly, to know what he had to fay. Strickland put 
 into their hands a Declaration from the Parliament, to this 
 effeCt • 
 
 “ That the Lords and Commons underftood by an in- Ht d,,,vtrt 
 “ terccpted letter of the Lord Dig by' s, that he had ad- " 
 
 “ dreffed himfelf to the Prince of Orange , and by his nor. of bub 
 “ countenance and help made provifion of great quantities 11 ' 
 
 “ of ordnance, powder, arms, and divers other forts of clarendon 
 
 “ warlike provifion : And the faid Prince, the better to II. p. 69. 
 
 ‘‘ encourage divers commanders of Englifh Regiments in 
 
 “ the fervice of the States, to refort to the King’s aid a- 
 
 ‘ £ gainft the Parliament, had promifed to referve their 
 “ places for them in their abfence. 
 
 “ That they could not believe, this was done by any 
 
 authority of the States, confidering the great help they 
 “ had received from England , when they lay under the 
 “ heavy oppreffion of their Princes. Neither could they 
 “ think, that they would be forward to help to make thole 
 “ flaves, who had been ufeful and affiftant in making 
 “ them freemen : or that they would forget, that the 
 “ troubles and dangers of them both ifiued from the fame 
 “ fountain, and that thofe who were fet at work to un- 
 “ dermine Religion and Liberty in England , were the 
 “ fame, which by open force had fought to do the like in 
 “ the Low-Countries. 
 
 That it could not be unknown to them, that the 
 “ Jefuitical Faftion had corrupted the King’s counfeR, and 
 tC the confciences ot a great part of the Cleigv, ploited 
 “ to deftroy the Parliament, railed a cruel rebe.lion in Ire- 
 “ land, endeavoured to divide the King from iiis Parlia- 
 “ ment and People, and by falfe flanders incenfed his Ma- 
 “ jefty fo, as that he had refolved to fet up his Standard, 
 
 “ and draw his fword for the deftruCtion of his Peop’e, 
 
 “ whom by the Laws and Conftitutions of the Kingdom 
 “ he is bound to preferve and protect. 
 
 “ That the queftion was not, whether the King fhould 
 “ enjoy the fame Prerogative and Power which belonged 
 “ to former Kings his predeceffors ; but whether that 
 “ Prerogative and Power fhould be employed to the de- 
 “ fence or the ruin of the Kingdom. 
 
 “ That it could not be denied, but that it would be 
 “ more honour and wealth, fafety and greatnefs to his 
 “ Majeftv, in concurring with h*s Parliament, than in the 
 “ courfe he was in ; but that his counfellors lookt more 
 
 ,1 Vtn, c ;a /i. ar.d Manvfinv.’, ..re named hv the K : n«. 
 
 ■: 1 1. L-.ri ,. in ot h r “ That the Pa. .ament had had. for many months, great numbers under their pay, both Eng/i/r, Fr-neb, uni 
 
 Sitioi , worn, at rlm t':na r i heir enroiln.enr, and ever they o : .s lent.:o have been ptolelTed Pap fra : whereas, wav notorinufly known, 
 
 <• tl.i> btl'.-t: :h: ...uric w.s •*ke • ••. 'he other a-.:-.. mi M ertv -..d nis Mirfiter- did not »dm : to, nor corn hive any bo'iiers in pay, who were impeded 
 ■ - t-b: that way■inclined, vr did refuse the Oaths ol A l-giaaec arm iuprerr.;:,. Rud.iiirib, Turn. 0. 8.. 
 
 “ upon 
 
feook XXI. 
 
 25. CHARLES t. 
 
 
 “ upon the prevailing of their own party, than upon any 
 ‘ of thofe great advantages, which he might obtain by 
 “ joining with his People. 
 
 “ That both Houfes had lately exprefied fo earrjeft in- 
 “ dilutions to a national love and amity with the XJnited- 
 “ Provinces , that they had petitioned his Majeftyj that 
 “ they might be joined with them in a more near and 
 
 Though the war was begun in dpril 1642, 
 tit, with feveral skirmiftier, had been fouvhr 
 
 469 
 
 642-3. 
 
 Holland and 
 lllZealand [fro- 
 
 Tbe Arft 
 
 iftbe Siji 
 
 and a 
 
 could hardly be perfuaded, that the very perflns who were 
 rn arms againft him, could or dared refute the ebefiierc" 
 that was due to him. Of this notion he gave an evident 
 proof m Marco 1642-3, on the following occafion. The Fh ' ,0 
 
 (trait league and union : And they could not but expea Kilglad 'Mn Ste?r«,°[ the IftyeSeriff 
 
 feme returns from them of the like expreffions , there- and j one of the principal Citizens, and Tent him a Com «•••>••• 
 fore defired that they would be fo far from blowing the nriffi. „ to ra.fe forces, and appoint what commanders ”e ri p "'’’ 
 
 fire winch began to kindle amongft them, that they thought proper, r«W, defign beinv to Sd'r tL 1/T 
 
 would rather endeavour to quench it, by lengthening City the King. To that purpofe, he joined with one T V 
 and encouraging them who had no other defign but B,«rch„r another Citizen, and they both formed a pkt 
 
 not to be dclbroyed, and to preferve then Religion.” into which many of the inhabitants entered, to feize t e 
 
 ■iZeaiir.d^.0- , Th » D '*"" on *» ^ ^ i>t««-Gene. City for the King. This plot being difeovered the v y 
 
 n . . n .°; S r\T rn Ien E th > n '" bt itwas to be executed, the confpirators were impfifonecT 
 
 •«-». Strickland having prefented It to thfe States of Holland, they and the Parliament fe.nt down a “t, 
 
 £ ramllcd t f ° 7 ° b j erv ? a i J r, | ® " eut ’ allt y. and ingaged the Nathaniel Fitmrs the Governor, to call a Council of war 
 .60 Province of Z aland te take the fame refolutron. They and proceed againft the prifoners by martial Law T he 
 even arretted fome fhtps laden with ammunition and confpirators being condemned to die, the King writ to the 
 foidiers for the King. _ Then the States-General could no Governor by General Rulhm, r Earl of Forth 1 rbar if 
 longer help taking notice of the Parliament’s Declaration, he put thefe men to death, fome prifoners in ’his hands 
 and returned tn anfwer : rhat they would exprefily Ihould undergo the fame fate. returned the Ge M.y .6 
 
 - forbid every body to tranfport any weapons or warlike nerai a civil anfwer : but in ftowing him however the 
 „ld. P . 160. “ ammunition into England , and would gladly employ difference between prifoners of war, and fecret fnics’and V ' p ’‘ ss- 
 “ * he,r mediation for putting an end to the troubles.” confpirators, he threacned, in his turn, there would be fre- 
 h U f>p!u> are But this could not hinder the indirea fupplies that were quent opportunities, in the courfe of the war for the Par- 
 8 'Tirici’nJ ,- t0 th A Kmg ’, by reafon of ^ he Princ 5 . of Orange's great liament to ufe reprifals. Whereupon the Kine writ a thun- lbSd - 
 \Lm Hoi- ^ re ' Jlt - P ur ' n j\ tbe winter > General King, a Scotchman, dering letter to the Mayor and Aldermen of Bridal com 
 Hand. brought his Majelty ordnance and ammunition (i), and manding them, as well as all the inhabitants to’rifea 
 General Goring brought over fome Englijh officers that gainft the governour and garrifon, and free the condemned 
 were in the iervtce of the. States. It is true, that from prifoners. It was eafy to forefee the Mayor would ill 
 time to time the Englijh fhips feized fome of thofe veflels obey this order. Accordingly the prifoners [Yeomans and 
 that were fent to the King. Strickland made frequent Bourchier] were executed, without the King’s ti'inkiiitr nm 
 complaints of thefe fupplies: but the States-General took per to proceed in the like manner againft the prifoners in 
 no notice of them. Nay they granted the Queen, who his power. r 
 
 was preparing to return to England, fo large and general a Before I relate What paffed in the fecond camcain of the „ 
 pafiport, that by virtue thereol fhe might tranfport into year .64,, I think it abfolutely neceffary to (how the dif -JhJZh ‘ 
 England troops, ordinance, arms and ammunition, in what pofition of the King and Parliament to peace -nd wa ,he K, ^ ar ' d 
 fe"'^Xif tlU L antiti f S P ' eaf f J - , Nevc ^helefs the States of Holland, , Military adions depending upon many drcumflances 0 ' 
 fcolland^ whom it concerned to keep fair with the Parliament, flop- time, place, number and ^bravery of the troops, conduft ’ 
 
 >», Of ,1, ped one of the Queen’s veffels laden with ammunition ; and abilities of the officers, thefe things indeed are inere 
 E;”' whereupon (he delivered in a Proteftation. In all proba- dients of Hiftory but not the chief, ‘if in the recital of 
 LlUonh. “fifty, they had a mind thereby to manage both parties, warlike exploits, the end of Hiftory was to tcaclr the art 
 •y. p. 162, the Parliament, by leizing one of the fhips, and the Queen, of war, all the circumftances of the lieges battles “kir 
 ‘3- by flopping but one out of many. We (hall fee here- mifhes, would be effential : but there is another end more 
 after, that the fupp y brought to the King by the Queen material to the generality of Readers, namely, to know the 
 was very confiderable. She arrived about the middle of caufes and grounds of the beginning and continuance of 
 February in Burlington-Bay , and from thence went to wars, and confequcntly the interelts, motives and artifices 
 
 108, 
 
 ”g l t J I- 
 
 Yh %,■ 
 
 Rngiand. 
 
 York-, where fhe made fome ftay (2). 
 
 The King, as I faid, conftantly infilled upon the Laws 
 of the Land, and urged that they ought to be obferved in 
 time of war as in time of peace. The admitting of this 
 principle would have turned greatly to his advance, for 
 a the Laws not fuppofing an aclual divifion between the 
 ttJpaW/j- K'ng and Parliament, aferibed to the King fundry Prero- 
 vunt n n- gatives, which he could have made ufe of againft his ene- 
 Wecfmb - m ' es ‘ ^ or in ^ ance ’ by virtue of the Prerogative, he pre- 
 ' "tended to adjourn the Courts of Juftice to Oxford during 
 ,). p. 9S, Hilary-Term, but the Parliament would not confent to it. 
 ruPcAia- the other ^nd, the Counties being divided between 
 
 ,cr.t jujfmd the two parties, the Parliament addrdfled his Majefty, re- 
 holding prefenting the inconveniencies that would follow the holding 
 of the Affizcs in the feveral Counties, fome whereof were 
 Yr.g'i W itt- for the King, and fome for the Parliament, and befought him 
 lufhworth, to agree to their being deferred to a more convenient fea- 
 
 .td. p. 156, 
 Kb* King 
 Uliou/d ad - 
 lurn tht 
 
 \Souvti of 
 *i)xford. 
 
 of tlie parties concerned, from whence military aiftions 
 fprmg. This is the reafon why I refolved to be brief in 
 the defeription of battles, in order to be more large upon 
 the fore-mentioned points, which I look upon as what is 
 moft confiderable. Nothing, in my opinion, is more 
 proper to fhow the real difpofitions of the King and Par¬ 
 liament, than the Treaty at Oxford in March and Jpril 
 1643, concerning a peace. And therefore I refolved to give 
 a particular account of that negotiation, and the rather as I 
 Ihall thereby avoid the neceffity of explaining afterwards 
 many things, which otherwife might not be well itnder- 
 ftood. 
 
 Both Houfes of Parliament having confidcred, that the PaAt,- 
 King made fome advantage of the inclination he had con- ”‘ in ' dcJir ‘ a 
 ftantly Ihown for peaGC, fent and defired a fafe-condu£t dua io"reai 
 for Commiffions they intended to fend to him, which the D f a 
 Kjng granting, the Commiffioners prefented to his Ma- KufhwoGh, 
 
 fon. But the King pofitively refufed it, under colour of jefty certain propofitions as proper to ferve for foundation 
 the neceffity of punching malefa&ors at all times. Had to a peace (3). Rujhwofth has preferved in his Cohesions 
 he gained this point, he might have condemned as rebels all two Speeches made in Council upon this occafion, the Ear! 
 thofe that had taken arms againft him, for the Judges muft of Briflol's to perfuade the King to continue the war and 
 have adminillred jufticc according to the Law, which not the Earl of Dorfct's to demonftrate the advantages and 
 
 fuppofing an open war between the King and the Parlia¬ 
 ment, condemns, without diftin£tion, all that are in arms 
 againft the King. But the cafe, the Kingdom was then 
 in, being wholly extraordinary and unexpedied, the Par¬ 
 liament pretended, the Laws could not be executed in that 
 refpedl, without fome reftridlion and explication. For this 
 reafon, they defired the Affizes might be fufpended, till 
 lome means might be agreed upon, for the impartial ren- 
 r P' H 5 * dering of juftice. But finding, the King refufed to con- 
 lent to it, they publilhed an Ordinance, forbidding the Af- 
 lizes to be held till further order. , 
 
 ceffity of a peace. The fubftance of the Earl of BrijhN 
 reafons was as follows : 
 
 “ 1. That the Parliament had declared divers of the The r:rf,.r 
 “ greateft and moft eminent 2mong the nobility Delin- B.iilot’* 
 
 “ quents in the higheft nature ; fo that there could not 
 “ be an accommodation without the utter ruin of them- non of to* ' 
 “ felves and their Families. « -or. 
 
 “ 2. But granting that this article were removed, his jj b ' 
 
 “ Majefty could not condefcend with his honour to beg ? 27 ’ 
 “ peace of his Subjects. 
 
 “ 3. That no mention could be found in the Hiftory of 
 
 (1 Six thoufini arms. JVanwvk's Mem. p. 237. 
 
 T h ? a ‘'? r Majefiy s landing, four ot the Parliament's Ships came into the road, and firing uprn the VetTJs that were landing tht ammuhi- 
 tion 5 'he balls r.-ached the town, n-ar the place where the Queeu was refling herfclf after her vny.-ge. Whereupon, Iht was forced in remove to an ep¬ 
 icure lodging behind a hiil. The Marquifs ot Mcntroft, and the Lord Ogiiby, with two Troops of Horfe, conduded her to the E-rl of Nc-wcatttr, wh, 
 entertained her at York. Rujhwrtb, Tom, 5. p. 1 S 6. Cwjr.om JVar, p 24. 
 
 (3) The Commiffioners on this oecafion, were Algtrnoon Percy Earl of Niribumberland, Philip Herbert Earl of Pcmbreke, William Cecil E'rl of Schibury, 
 Earl of Holland-, with the Vi ('counts Wtnman and Dnngarr.cn : and Sir John Holland, Sir William Litter., Knights; William Pierre belt, 
 Hu J rede kfbaeUk, Edmund Waller, and Ricb.rJ Wimoood, Elquires. They had their firft accefs to the King in Cbriji-Cburcb G.t,where he waj 
 waging with the I rirce and divers of the Lords attending him. All killed his hand, and Walkr approaching the Jail, hislHajelly faid, Tb.uyb yu are 
 ' e a k! f-ff art r f tuerji, nor the leaf in my fa-veur. The difeovety of a plot then in hand in London to betray the Parliament, wherein Waller wo 
 
 concerned, d:d mamjeft the King s courtfliip to Waller, robe ter that fervice, Wbitckck, p. 67. 
 
 No. 67. V o L. II, 
 
 6 C 
 
 Spain 
 
Book XXL 
 
 25 . CHARLES 1 . 
 
 1643, 
 
 VbeKing 
 
 Treaty, 
 
 The Kwg'i 
 Propojitio-a. 
 Rnfhworth. 
 V. p. 169. 
 
 1 Clarendon, 
 II. p. 95. 
 
 <c fences and mifdeffl<?anotirs Committed before the 10th 
 “ of ‘January 1641, which have been, or fhall be quefti- 
 “ oned in Parliament before the 10th of January 1643, 
 “ fhall be excepted ; which offences and mifdemeanours 
 <c fhall neverthelefs be taken and adjudged to be fully dif- 
 “ charged againft all other inferior Courts : That like wife 
 “ there fhall be an exception of offences committed by 
 (C any perfons, which have had any hand in the rebellion 
 “ of Ireland : And an exception of William Earl of New- 
 “ cajlle , and George Lord Digby. 
 
 “ XIV. That his Majefty will be pleafed to reftore 
 * c fuch Members of either Honfe of Parliament to their fe- 
 “ veral places, out of which they have been put fince the 
 « c beginning of the Parliament ; that they may receive fa- 
 tc tisfadlion and reparation for thofe places 3 and that all 
 “ others may be reflored to their offices and employments, 
 “ who have been put out of the fame upon any difplea- 
 <c fure conceived againft them, for any affiftance given to 
 “ both Houfes of Parliament, or obeying their commands, 
 “ or forbearing to leave their attendance upon the Parlia- 
 “ ment without licence, or for any other occafion arifing 
 <£ from the differences betwixt his Majefty, and his Parlia- 
 “ ment.” 
 
 Thefe propofitions plainly fhowed, that though both 
 Houfes fued for a treaty in order for a peace, they were 
 however very far from it, fince they infilled upon things 
 which the King would fcarce have granted, had his con¬ 
 dition been much worfe than it was at that time. Never¬ 
 thelefs, as he had talked very much of his offer in Augujl 
 laft, to treat of a peace, and of the refufal of both Houfes, 
 he did not think it advifeable abfolutely to reject thefe pro¬ 
 pofitions. He confented therefore, that they fhould be 
 difeuffed in a treaty 3 but gave fix others on his part 3 
 namely, 
 
 “ 1. That his Majefty’s own revenue, magazines, 
 “ towns, forts, and fhips which have been taken or kept 
 
 from him by force, be forthwith reftoreS unto him. 
 
 “ 2. That whatfoever had been done or publifhed con- 
 ££ trary to the Laws of the Land, or derogatory to his 
 “ Majefty’s power and rights be renounced and recalled. 
 
 tc 3. That whatfoever illegal power hath been claimed 
 “ and exercifed by both or either Houfe, over his Subjedts, 
 * c as imprifoning their perfons without Law, flopping their 
 « Habeas Corpus's, and impofing upon their Eftates with- 
 “ out A£t of Parliament, be difclaimed, and all fuch psr- 
 “ fons fo committed forthwith difeharged. 
 
 4-7* 
 
 <( the Caftle and Town of Berkley , of retire nearer to 
 <£ Windfor , as they fliall fee caufc, and that thufe of 
 te Wales which are drawn to Gloucefcr , fhall return into 
 c£ their quarters, where they were before they drew down 
 ££ to Gloucejlerjhirc. 
 
 “ 5. That in Cafe it be pretended on either fide, that 
 tc the ceffation is violated, no A& of Hoftility is immeCi- 
 “ ately to follow; but firft, the party complaining is to 
 “ acquaint the Lord General on the other fide, and to al- 
 ec low three days after notice given, for fatisfadlioh. And 
 “ in cafe fatisfa£lion be not given, or accepted, then five 
 £c days notice to be given before hoftility begin : And the 
 ££ like to be obferved in the remoter armies by the com- 
 £C manders in chief. 
 
 ££ 6. Laftly, That all the other forces in the Kingdom 
 ££ of England and Dominion of Wales , and not before - 
 £e mentioned, fhall remain in the fame quarters and places, 
 
 “ as they are at the time of the publifhing of this ceffatio:. 
 
 “ and under the fame conditions as are mentioned in the 
 “ articles before, and that this ceffation fhall not extend to 
 “ reftrain the fetting forth, or employing of any fhips for 
 “ the defenfe of his Majefty’s dominions.” 
 
 The Kihg replied to thefe propofitions by a meffage to r:. K ... 
 both Houfes, complaining “ That he had been left with- 
 <£ out an anfwer almoft a month, from the 3d to the 28th ‘fJjfW 
 “ of February. He conceived, that the articles of the cef- 6. 
 
 ££ fation now prefented to him, were fo ftridt, that fuch id. p. •■■s. 
 “ of his good Subjedls who were not of his army would 
 “ receive no benefit by the fufpenfion, which he would 
 <£ ever infill upon : and therefore he had returned the articles, 
 
 ££ with fuch alterations as he doubted not but both Houfes 
 £c would confent to, fince they fufficiently manifefted, how 
 “ follicitous he Was for the good of his people, and how 
 “ defirous to prevent any more effufion of his Subjects 
 “ blood. He defired the ceffation might begin the 1 eth 
 £ ‘ of March , or fooner, if the conditions fhould be fooncr 
 <£ agreed on, and was willing the fame fhould continue for 
 “ twenty days, in which time he hoped by the treaty a 
 ££ full peace might be eftablifhed throughout the Kingdom, 
 
 It muft be obferved, that the King, in this negotiation, 
 propofed to himfelf three advantages, as will hereafter evi¬ 
 dently appear. 1. To gain time to make his preparations. 
 
 2. To fet on foot, by means of a ceffation of arms, a free 
 commerce and correfpondence between the quarters of both 
 armies, and particularly, between London and Oxford 3 
 which would help to provide himfelf of many things ne- 
 
 4. That a Bill be framed, for the better preferving of ceffiiry for the enfuing campain, by fending for them from 
 
 1 Tbf King 
 
 ■ Jrjirna c 
 
 ie fettled 
 
 ■ \firjt. 
 
 \ Articles for 
 a cijfation 
 fine by the 
 1 Parliament . 
 It Rulh worth. 
 V. p. 170. 
 
 * £ the Book of Common-Prayer from the fcorn and violence 
 “ of Browntfts , Anabaptijls , and other Sectaries, with pro- 
 ‘ £ per claufes for the eafe of tender confciences. 
 
 “ 5. That all fuch perfons, as, upon the treaty, fhall 
 “ be excepted out of the general pardon, fhall be tried, 
 “ per Parcs , according to the ufual courfe and known Law 
 <£ of the Land. 
 
 “ 6. And to the intent this Treaty may not fuffer in- 
 “ terruption by any intervening accidents, that a ceffation 
 <£ of arms and free trade for all his Majefty’s Subjects be 
 “ firft agreed upon.” 
 
 Some days after, the King fent a rtieffage to both Houfes, 
 ,y. to defire that his laft propofition might be firft taken into 
 confideration, to the end that during the ceffation of arms, 
 the peace might be treated of with the greater tranquillity 3 
 to which they confented. 
 
 It was the 28th of February before both Houfes fent the 
 terms to the King, on which they propofed to conclude a 
 fufpenfion of arms, during the treaty ; namely, 
 
 ££ 1. That all manner of arms, ammunition, vidluals, 
 <£ money, bullion, and all other commodities, parting with- 
 “ out fuch a fafe-condudl as may warrant their paffage, 
 ‘ 6 may be flayed and feized on, as if no fuch ceffation 
 “ were agreed on at all. 
 
 “ 2. The fame with regard to all manner of perfons 
 “ parting without fuch a fafe-condu£l. 
 
 “ 3. That his Majefty’s forces in Oxfordjhire fhall ad- 
 * e vance no nearer to Windfor than Wheatly , and in Buck- 
 t£ ingbamjhire no nearer to Aylesbury than Brill 3 and that 
 Ci in Berks the forces refpedlively fhall not advance nearer 
 “ the one to the other than now they are : And that the 
 “ Parliament-forces in Oxfordjhire fhall advance no nearer 
 “ to Oxford than Henley ; and thofe in Buckingham no 
 ££ nearer to Oxford than Aylesbury : And that his Majefty’s 
 ££ forces fhall take no new quarters above twelve miles 
 “ from Oxford any way ; and that the Parliament-forces 
 £< fhall take no new quarters above twelve miles from 
 s< Windfor any way. 
 
 “ 4. That no fiege fhall be begun or continued againft 
 <£ Glouce/ler, and that his Majefty’s forces now employed 
 * £ in the fiege fhall return to Cirencefter , and Malmsbury , 
 <£ or to Oxford , as fhall be moft for their conveniency ; 
 
 S£ and the Parliament-forces which are in Gloucejlerjhire , 
 
 J fhall remain in the Cities of Glomejler , Brjlol , and 
 
 London or elfewhere. 3. To convey fafely from York the 
 forces and ammunition that were come from Holland. All 
 this was concealed under the pretenfe of procuring the eafe 
 of his people by a free commerce throughout the Kingdom. 
 
 Thefe are the articles which he fent to both Houfes, with 
 the alterations he mentioned. 
 
 ££ I. That all manner of arms, ammunition, money, Propofit 
 <£ bullion, and vi&uals parting for the ufe of either army, m3dc b ,hy - 
 <£ without a pafs or fafe-condudl from the Generals of c'rjfa/ion f 
 £C each army, may be ftaied and feized on, as if no ceffa- A j, 
 
 <£ tion were agreed on at all.” Md. 
 
 The King omitted here the words [and other commodities.] 
 
 £t II. That all officers and foldiers of either army paf- 
 ec fing without licence or fafe-condu£l as aforefaid, may be 
 <£ apprehended and detained, as if no fuch ceffation were 
 et agreed upon at all : And that all manner of perfons, his 
 “ Majefty’s Subjedts, of what quality or condition foever 
 <£ (except officers and foldiers of either army ) fhall pafs 
 * c to and from the Cities of Oxford and London , and back 
 <c again at their pleafure, during this ceflation, as likewife 
 t£ to and from any other parts of his Majefty’s Dominions, 
 
 16 without any fearch, flay, or imprifonment of their per- 
 ‘ c fons, or feizure and detention of their goods or eftates : 
 
 “ And that all manner of trade, traffick, and commerce^ 
 
 “ be free and open between his Majefty’s Subjects, ex- 
 t£ cepting as aforefaid, between the officers and foldiers of 
 < £ either army, or for arms; ammunition, money, bullion,' 
 or victuals, for the ufe of either army, without a pafs 
 ce or fafe-condudt, as aforefaid, which may be a good be- 
 ££ ginning to renew the trade and correfpondence of the 
 £c Kingdom, and whereby his good Subjefts may be re- 
 tc ftored to that liberty and freedom they were born to,- 
 tc and have fo happily enjoyed, till thefe miferable deftruc- 
 c£ tions, and which, even during this war, his Majefty 
 ‘ e hath to his utmoft laboured to preferve, opening the way 
 “ by moft ftri£t Proclamations, to the paffage of all com- 
 <c modifies, even to the city of London itfelf. 
 
 III. The beginning of this article is the fame as in the 
 Parliament’s, but the end is different, viz. 
 
 “ And that the forces of neither army fhall advance 
 « the quarters nearer to each other, than they fhall be 
 te upon the day agreed on for the ceffation to begin 3 other- 
 “ wife than in paffage and communication between their 
 <£ fevsral quarters refpedlivdy, without any adls of hofti- 
 
 (? kty 
 
 6 
 
472 
 
 lS4S- 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. Vol. II. 
 
 Rufhworth. 
 V. P . i 7J . 
 
 h'T- 7 . 
 
 i 4 6. 
 
 7*f Pirlia- 
 wtr.fi taft 
 A-r ( U<f.r 
 Ctffj'f.n. 
 Rufhv*brth. 
 
 V. p. 173. 
 
 Tht Kin ft 
 Objtihoni 
 
 March 13. 
 Id. p. 177. 
 Clarendon, 
 
 II. p. 147. 
 
 lity each to other, but may enlarge themfelves within 
 “ their own quarters rcfpeiStively, as they lliall find con- 
 “ venient. 
 
 Hereby the King was at liberty to fend for Lis forces from 
 York to Oxford, without any apportion from the Parlia¬ 
 ment's army. 
 
 “ IV. That the forces of either army in Glocejlerfhire, 
 “ Wiltfhire , and !Pales, as likewife in the cities of Glo- 
 “ cejler, Brijlol, and the caftle and town of Berkley, fhall 
 “ be guided by the rule exprell'ed in the latter-part of the 
 “ precedent article. 
 
 V. This article is exadtly the fame with the Parlia¬ 
 ment’s. 
 
 44 VI. That all other forces in the Kingdom of Eng- 
 “ land, and Dominion of IPales, not before mentioned, 
 44 fhall remain in the fame quarters and places, as they are 
 4 ‘ at the time of publishing this ceflation, otherwife than 
 ** in pallage and communication between their feveral 
 44 quarters, as is mentioned in the latter-part of the faid 
 “ article ; and that this ceflation fhall not extend to re- 
 “ ftrain the fetting forth, or employing any Ships for the 
 ‘‘ defence of his Majefty’s Dominions, provided that his 
 44 Majefty be firjl acquainted with the particulars, and that 
 “ Jitch Ships as fhall be fet forth be commanded by fuch per - 
 4 4 fans as his Maje/ly Jhall approve of. 
 
 “ VII. Laftly, That during the ceflation, none of his 
 44 Majefty’s Subjects be imprifoned, otherwife than accord- 
 Ck ing to the known Laws of the land ; and that there 
 “ fhall be no plundering or violence offered to any of his 
 “ Majefty’s Subjedb. And his Majefty is very willing, 
 “ if there be any fcruples made concerning thefe propofi- 
 44 tions and circumftances of the ccffation, that the com- 
 44 mittee for the treaty nevertheless may immediately come 
 4; hither, and fo all matters concerning the ceflation may 
 “ be fettled by them.” 
 
 Though both Houfes were by no means pleafed with 
 the King's alterations in their articles, yet as he offered to 
 treat upon that fubjeft, they defired a fafe-condudt for fix 
 Commiffioners, namely, the Earl of Northumberland , the 
 Lord Say, and four Commoners (1). The King immedi¬ 
 ately granted it, excepting the Lord Say, becaufe he was 
 proclaimed traitor (2). When he fent the fafe-condudl, he 
 Signified to them by a meffage, that he was content his 
 propofition concerning the magazines, &c. and theirs for 
 disbanding the armies, fhould be firft treated of and agreed, 
 and then the fecond of his Majefty’s, and the fecond of 
 theirs, and fo in order : And that the time of the treaty 
 might not exceed twenty-days. 
 
 The Parliament’s five Commiffioners repairing to Ox¬ 
 ford, prefented to the King frefh articles concerning the 
 ceflation of arms. But they were fo little different from 
 the firft, that the King was not fatisfied with them. And 
 therefore he delivered to the Commiffioners the following 
 objections againft the laft articles. 
 
 1. They are in effect the fame his Majefty formerly ex¬ 
 cepted to, and there is not the leaft mention of freedom of 
 commerce between his Subjects, and confcquently they 
 have no eafe or benefit by this ceflation, though that is his 
 Majefty’s chief aim. 
 
 2. The putting the Ships that may be employed under 
 the command of perfons approved of by his A'lajefty, is 
 not confented to by thefe articles ; and by that means the 
 conveying of any number of forces from one place to ano¬ 
 ther ( which is an a£t of hoftility ) remains free to both 
 Houfes. 
 
 3. The army raifed by the Parliament is fpoken of, as 
 if his Majefty were no part of the Parliament, or himfelf 
 to have railed that army. Now in order to prevent any 
 inconveniencies that might arife upon real differences or 
 miftakes, upon the latitude of expreffions, and to avoid de¬ 
 lays, his Majefty defired that the Committee might have 
 liberty to debate any fuch differences and expreffions, and 
 yet no fuch power is given in thefe articles, and the com¬ 
 mittee confefled to his Majefty, they have no liberty, but 
 are ftriCtly bound to the very words of the articles now 
 fent. 
 
 4. His Majefty’s defire, that during the ceflation none of 
 his SubjeCts might be imprifoned otherwife than according 
 to the Laws of the Land, is in no degree confented to. 
 
 5. His Majefty’s defire againft Violence is not at all 
 taken nstice of, nor is his defire againft plundering any 
 way fatisfied ; his Majefty not only meaning thereby the 
 robbing of the Subject by the unrulinefs of the uncom¬ 
 manded Soldiers, but particularly the violence and plunder¬ 
 ing ufed to his SubjeCls, for not fubmitting to impofitions 
 required from them by ordinances of one or both Houfes, 
 which are contrary to the known Laws of the Land. 
 
 6. Befides, as there is no confent given to thofe altera¬ 
 
 tions offered by his A'lajefty, fo where an abfolute confent 164. 
 may be fuppofed, becaule the very words of his Majeftv’s 
 articles are wholly preferved, yet by reafon of the rela¬ 
 tion of fomewhat going before that is varied by them, tie 
 fenfe of thofe words is wholly varied too. So that upon 
 the matter, all the propofitions made by his Maieflv 
 (which did not in terms agree with thole prefented to 
 him) are utterly rejeCled. For thefe reafons his Majeifv 
 defires, that the committee now fent may fpcediiy nave 
 liberty to debate and agree upon the articles of ceflation. ” 
 
 Both Houfes perceiving, the King concealed under the 
 little alterations he had made in their articles, more than 
 appeared at firft fight, thought proper to tell him, they 
 were not wholly ignorant what advantages he intended to 
 draw from fuch a ceflation of arms as lie propofed. To 
 that end, they lent him their reafons in writing, whv t v v 
 were obliged to rejedl his additions to their article^. i i A * 
 fubftflncc of their reafons was to this effect : 
 
 4t 1. That if they fhould grant fuch a free trade a; 7 '' p - 
 
 tc your Majefty defireth to Oxford and other place-, f 1 
 
 “ where your Forces remain, it would be very dbikui;, h> , 
 
 “ if not impoffible, to keep arms, ammunition, m< ney ■ 1 
 “ and bullion, from pafling into your A'lajefly’s arne - 1 ', 
 
 “ without very ft riel and frequent iearclws, which would 
 “ make it fo troublefome, chargeable, and dangerous to ti e R " (3 ‘" 
 “ Subjects, that the queltion being but for twenty-days for ^ 
 
 4C fo few places, the mifehiefs and inconveniences to the 11. P . 
 44 whole Kingdom would be far greater, than any ;.J- 
 
 “ vantage which that final] number of your Subjoins 
 
 44 (whom it concerns) can liave bv it. 
 
 “ The cafe then is much otherwife than is exnrefled 
 “ by your Majefty’s anfwcr 3 for whereas they 're charged 
 
 not to give the leaft permiflion of this liberty and licc- 
 44 dom of trade during the celiatiun, the truth is, ThaC 
 
 “ they do grant it as fully to the benefit of the Subjects 
 
 “ even in time of war ; and that your Majefty, in prif- 
 
 “ fing this for the People’s gooJ, doth therein de re that 
 
 “ which will be very little beneficial to the 1 ubjedt, but 
 “ exceeding adVantagious to your Majefty, in (applying 
 “ your army with many neceflaries, and making yeur 
 4t quarters a ftaple for fuch commodities as may be vented 
 44 in the adjacent Counties, and fo draw money thither, 
 
 44 whereby the inhabitants will be better enabled by loans' 
 tc and contributions to fupport your Majefty’s army. And 
 44 as your M-.jefty’s army may receive much advantage, 
 
 “ and the other army much danger, if fuch freedom fhould 
 “ be granted to thofe places ; lo there is no probability, that 
 44 the army raifed by the Lords and Commons, fhall have 
 44 any return of commodities and other fupplies from 
 “ thence, which may be ufeful for them : And they con- 
 44 ceive, that in a treaty for a ceflation, thofe demands 
 “ cannot be thought reafonable which are not indifferent, 
 
 44 that is, equally advantagious to both parties. 
 
 “ As they have given no interruption to the trade of the 
 44 Kingdom, but in relation to the fupply of the contraiy 
 “ army, which the reafon of war requires j fo they be- 
 “ feech your Majefty to confider, whether your fbldiers 
 44 have not robbed the carriers in feveral parts, where there 
 44 hath been fuch reafon ; and your lliips taken many fhips, 
 
 “ to the great damage, not only of particular merchants, 
 
 “ but of the whole Kingdom. And whether your Ma- 
 44 jelly liave not declared your own purpofe, and en- 
 44 deavoured by your Minifters of State, to embark the 
 “ merchants goods in foreign parts, which hath been in 
 44 fume meafure executed upon the Eaftland merchants in 
 44 Denmark, and is a courfe which will much diminifh 
 44 the wealth of the Kingdom, violate the Law of Na- 
 44 tions, make other Princes arbiters of the difference be- 
 “ twixt your Alajefty and your People, break off the in- 
 44 tercourfe between this and other States, and like to bring 
 44 us into quarrels and diflention with all the neighbour- 
 44 ing nations. 
 
 44 2. To demand the approving of the commanders of 
 44 the Ship-, is to defire the ftrength af one party to the 
 44 other, before the difference be ended, and againft all 
 “ rules of treaty ; to make a ceflation at fea, would leave 
 44 the Kingdom naked to thofe foreign forces, which they 
 44 have great caufe to believe have been follicited againft 
 “ them, and the ports open for fuch fupplies of arms and 
 44 ammunition as fhall be brought from beyond the fcas : 
 
 “ But for conveying any number of forces by thofe moans 
 <c from one port to another, they fliall obferve the articles 
 tc of the ceflation by which that is reftrained. 
 
 ‘ c 3. As for the expreffions of the army raifed by the 
 “ Parliament, they aie confented it fhould be altered thus 
 “ ( raifed by both Houfes of Parliament,) as not defir in:: to 
 “ differ upon words ; but to give any conclufive power 
 “ in this cafe to the committee, upon fuch differences as 
 
 (') Mr - Pitrrtpoint, Sir HSU,am Erwyn, Sir Jolr. Holland, and Mr. Ubitelock. Wbitdock, p. 68. 
 
 :;) Bur ho told them, in c.ife they though' (it to fend any other in his room not liable to the fame'exception, he fhould eninv the benefit of the fafe- 
 cenduct, as well as if particularly named. Bu'. they did not fend any in his Head, fo only five we. -. Rujk-xzni-, Tom. 5. 0 i 7 i . 
 
 5 
 

 x$43- 
 
 Book XXI. 
 
 “ mayarife, wherein the Houfes have given no exprefs 
 “ diredion, ; . neither Tafe for the committee to undertake, 
 * l nor fit for the two Houfes to grant ; yet to debate, and 
 “ to prefs the reafon of their deiires, whereby an agree- 
 “ ment from your Majefty may be procured, is granted 
 “ to them ; and although the two Houfes did think it 
 moft proper, the ccfTation fhould be firft agreed on, and 
 that it was unfit to treat in blood, yet to fatisfy the 
 world of their earneft longing after peace, they have 
 “ given power to the committee, to enter into the treaty 
 “ upon the two firft propofitions, notwithftanding the 
 “ cefTation be not yet aflented to; and thofe being agreed, 
 “ they hope, the foundation will be laid not only of a fuf- 
 “ penfion, but a total abolition of all hoftility in the 
 “ Kingdom* 
 
 4. If the nature of war be duly confidered, it muft 
 “ needs be acknowledged, that it is incompatible with the 
 
 V ordinary rules of a peaceable Government : Your Ma- 
 “ jqfty would have them commit none, but according to 
 “ the known Laws of the Land, whereby they conceive 
 “ your Majefty underftands, that it mifft be by theordi- 
 “ nary procefs of law ; which being granted, it will fol- 
 “ low, that no man muft be committed by them for fup- 
 “ plying your Majefty with arms, powder, ammunition : 
 “ For by the law of the land, the Subjed may carry fuch 
 ‘‘ goods from London or any other place to Oxford , the 
 “ foldiers muft not be committed if they run from their 
 *■*. colours, and refufe any duty in the army, No man (ball 
 
 be committed for not fub/mtting to neceffary fupplies of 
 C( money : So that if this be yielded in your Majefty’s fenfe, 
 “ they fhall be difabled to reftrain fupplies from their ene- 
 “ nfles, and to govern or maintain their own foldiers. It 
 
 V cannot bfe thuught reafonable, that under the difguife of 
 “ a ceflation, they lhould admit that which will necef- 
 “ farily. produce the diflolving of the army, and the de- 
 “ ftrudion of the caufe. 
 
 “ It feems not probable^ that your Majefty doth in- 
 “ tend, that if any be taken with fupplies for this army, 
 <c or mutinying in your own, inch perfons Oiall not be 
 “ committed, but according to the known Laws of the 
 <c Land, that is, by procefs of Law : But rather that your 
 t: Majefty will fo. interpret this limitation of known laws, 
 “ that though it lays ftrait bonds upon both Houfes, 
 ‘ c yet it leaves your Generals as much liberty as before : 
 4< For it hath been denied by your Majefty, that thefe 
 “ known Laws give any power to the two Houfes of 
 Parliament to raife arms, and fo confequently their 
 “ General cannot exercife any martial law in thofe cafes ; 
 “ and it is not unlike* but that it will be affirmed, that 
 “ the Generals conftituted by your Majefty’s commiffion, 
 “ have that power by the fame known Laws ; fo that 
 “ this article, under the fpecious fliew of Liberty and 
 “ Law, would altogether difable them to defend their 
 “ Liberties and Laws, and would produce to your Majefty 
 an abfolute yidory and fubmiffion, under pretence of a 
 “ ceflation and treaty. 
 
 “ 5. Being, by neceffity inevitable on their part, en- 
 “ forced to a defenfive war in this unhappy breach be- 
 “ tween your Majefty and them, and that they are there- 
 lt in warranted both by the laws of God and man, it 
 “ muft needs follow, that by the feme laws they are en- 
 “ abled to raife means to fupport that war ; and there- 
 “ fore, till it fhall pleafe God to incline your Majefty to 
 “ afford them fuch a Peace as may fecure them, they can- 
 “ not relinquifh the power of laying taxes upon thofe who 
 “ ought to join with them in that defence, and the necef- 
 “ fary ways of levying thofe taxes upon them, in cafe 
 “ of refufal, for otherwife their army muft needs be dif- 
 <c folved. But if your Majefty fhall confent to disband the 
 “ armies, the caufc of the war being taken away, the 
 “ confequences will likewife be removed, and the Subjed 
 <c reftored to the benefit of thofe Laws which the necef- 
 “ fity of arms iiath in fuch cafes fufpended. 
 
 “ 6. They deny any pretenfe of confenting to thofe 
 “ alterations and additions offered by your Majefty ; only 
 “ in the preamble they fay, they have confidered of thofe 
 * c articles, with fuch alterations and additions; unto 
 “ which articles they profefs they were ready to agree, 
 “ not as they were accompanied with thofe alterations 
 “ and additions, but in fuch manner as they exprefled. 
 
 As for the claufe left out in the third article, it im- 
 ‘‘ plied a freedom of paflage and communication of quar- 
 ters, which is contrary to the nature of the ceflation, 
 whereby matters fhould be preferved in the ftate they 
 “ are, and neither party have liberty fo much to advantage 
 “ himfelf, as it is evident your Majefty might do, if 
 <c your forces in the north and weft might join with thofe 
 “ at Oxford-, and bring thofe fupplies of treafure or arms 
 thither, which were brought out of Holland ; or at leaft 
 <c it fhould be fo indifferent, as to give a proportionable 
 “ advantage to the other fide, which this doth not. For 
 “ the forces under the power of both Houfes are fo dif- 
 No 67. V ol. II. 
 
 47 3 
 
 “ pofed, that they have an eafy paflage from, one to the 1^43. 
 
 “ other ; But your Majefty’s forces are fevered the one 
 ‘ k from the other, by many large counties, ftrong pafle', 
 
 “ and competent armies ; and if they had admiued this 
 “ claufe, they had bereaved themfelves of one of the 
 gieatcft advantages, and freed your Majefty’s party of 
 one of the gteateft inconveniences which your Majefty 
 “ or they have in this war. 
 
 “ the reafons already alledged^ they cannot agree to 
 the allciations and enlargements of the ceflation pro¬ 
 pounded, , c«r to transfer any fuch power to the com- 
 ‘‘ mirtees of treating, debating, and agreeing upon thofe 
 “ artic!es in any other manner than the Houfes have 
 ‘ directed. But that a fair ar.d fpeedy paflage may be 
 “ opened to a fecure arid happy peace, they have enabled 
 the:r committees to treat and debate upon the two pro- 
 “ P oflt:ons concerning his Majefty’s own revenue, the de¬ 
 livery of his towns, caftles, magazines, and fhips, and 
 tfie disbanding cf the armies j which being agreed upon, 
 
 “ a prefeht peace and fecurity will follow-, and the treaty 
 “ upon the other propolition be facilitated, without fear of 
 “ interruption, by the confufion of war, or exafperation 
 “ of either party by the bloody effeds thereof.” 
 
 'Fhe King failed not to reply to this paper. But as his . 
 
 anfwer was very long, I fhall content my felf with infert- 
 ing the moft material part of each article. a : }.. 
 
 ... 
 
 1. Concerning the freedom of Trade .- f ' ' 
 
 His Majefty denies that he has any private benefit by it, 
 and allures, that the good of the people is the only advai:' 
 tage he has in view. He (lightly pafles over the objection, 
 that the ceflation of arms not being to laft but twenty d.-iv ., 
 the freedom of commerce could not be, for fo fhorc a 'pace’ 
 of any great benefit to the Nation. 
 
 His Majefty affirms, that no complaint concerning the 
 robbing of carriers by hi§ foldiers has been made to him, 
 which he has not received to the relief and reparation of 
 the fufferers. 
 
 He owns, he is refolvcd not to grant his proteaion to 
 fuch perfons abroad, who affift or confent to adions of 
 difloyalty to him at home. 
 
 2. Concerning the Ships : 
 
 He fays, as the fetting out of the prefent Fleet is pre¬ 
 tended to be for the defence of his Dominions, it is moft 
 neceffary for his Majefty to know both the defigns, and to 
 approve of the commanders. He cannot fee how a cefla¬ 
 tion at Sea fliould leave the Kingdom naked to foreign 
 forces ; and is willing to concur in the refiftance of ail 
 fuch, of w-hat kind foever, and expeds, that during the 
 ceflation, the conveying of all forces from one part to ano¬ 
 ther by fea, for the affiftance of the Earl of Ej/ix, be rc- 
 ftrained, which both Houfes feem now to confent to, 
 though it be not at all expreffed in their former articles. 
 
 3. Concerning the Power of the Committee : 
 
 His Majefty had, and hath great reafon to defire, that 
 the Committee may have liberty to debate and conclude 
 any differences and expreffions in the articles, in order to 
 prevent lofs of time. Of this there is a clear evidence 
 in the confent which his Majefty now underftands to be 
 given by both Houfes, that no forces fhall, during the cefla ¬ 
 tion, be fent by fea, for the relief of any places held br 
 them ; which claufe might in much lefs time have been 
 agreed here, if there had been that liberty. And much 
 time muft ftill be loft, as the Committee have not power 
 to explain the meaning of both Houfes concerning commu¬ 
 nication of quarters. 
 
 4. Concerning Imprifonments : 
 
 It w-as no part of his Majefty’s intention, that his arti¬ 
 cle again ft imprifonment of his Subjeds, otherwife than 
 according to the known laws of ihe land, fhould extend 
 to the deftrudion of the military difeipline of either army. 
 
 This is an inftance of the neceffity of enabling feme pe’r- 
 fons to conclude upon thefe articles, fincea limitation of half 
 a dozen words would have faved moft of this fourth reafon. 
 
 5. Concerning Taxes : 
 
 His Majefty infills very much, upon the tw-o Houfes not 
 having a legal power to impole taxes without his confent. 
 
 And adds, he is very wellpleafed to find, they have need of 
 force and rapine to raife them. He fays, he has reafon to 
 infift, that no fuch violence be ufed towards his Sulrjed.% 
 for not fubmitting to illegal impofitions, being willing to 
 be obliged from the like courfe, and to rely wholly upon 
 the juftice of his caufe, and the aftedion of his people. 
 
 6. Concerning communication of Quarters : 
 
 The King’s anfwer upon this article was very general 
 and obfeure. He fays, it highly concerns him, that (his 
 and every other claufe be fo clear, that no after-differences 
 6 D may 
 
 25, CHAR L E S I. 
 
Vol. II, 
 
 Tbe HI STO R Y 
 
 1643 
 
 7 be P,1- 
 
 Id p, 192. 
 
 Mbtr frefo- 
 Jllunu 
 
 mav a rife upon any difpu table point, fince they, whofe in- 
 duftry and malice could perfuade any of his people, that in 
 the bufinefs of Brentford , he had broken a cefiation before 
 any was made or offered, would have a much eafier work 
 to lay the breach of a made cefiation to his charge, if the 
 ground of breach would bear the leaft difptlte. He agrees, 
 that in a cefiation the advantages fhould be equal, but 
 from this principle draws the inference, That therefore Sir 
 Ralph Hop ton, and the Earl of Newcaflle , ought to have 
 the fame liberty to come to him, as the Earl of Stam¬ 
 ford, and the Lord Fairfax, had to come to the Earl of 
 'EJJix. (1.) 
 
 R .mar: .1.) This advantage not accruing to both 
 Houfes by the cefiation of arms, fince they had it before, 
 the King could not pretend to the fame by virtue of the 
 f’ufpenfion. 
 
 He concluded his anfwcr with faying, “ Notwithftand- 
 “ ir.g all this, his Majefty, to fhew his abundant defire 
 “ of Peace, is contented to admit a cefiation upon the 
 ■ t matter of their own articles, fo that his Majefty may 
 14 not be underftood to confent to any impofing upon his 
 “ Subje6ls, or imprifoning them, to force them to contri- 
 44 bate ; fo tiiat there may not be a liberty for any rapine, 
 44 plundering, or feizing upon his Subjects by the Parlia- 
 14 merit’s foldiers, for not fubmitting to fuch illegal im- 
 14 pofitions ; for otherwife both Houfes may, during the 
 44 cefiation, impofe new taxes, not only to the nineteenth 
 44 part, but if they pleafe, to the half of, or all their 
 44 eftates ; and their army would then be at leifure to be 
 
 emploved as colledtors, as well of the old as the new 
 “ impofitions, and vaft funs would and might by this means 
 44 be railed, to their own extraordinary advantage, and 
 “ great diladvantage of his Majefty, who can neither ob- 
 44 tain his own confcnt to take the like courfes, nor, in 
 44 cafe he could, is he fo quartered as to have within the 
 c ~ power of his army, any i'uch city as London , or fo many 
 44 and rich Counties as they have to retire to on fuch an 
 44 occafion.” 
 
 Both Houfes having examined the King’s anfwer, fent 
 their Committee new inftructions, wherein they faid, 
 44 11 is Majefty’s exprefiions in his anfwcr were fo doubtful, 
 44 that they did not think good to confumc any more time 
 44 in debates upon the cefiation, and the rather, as the rc- 
 44 mainder of the whole time for the treaty was but feven 
 44 days, and it the cefiation were prefently agreed, it 
 44 would not yield any conliderable advantage to the King- 
 44 dom. Wherefore they fhould defire his Majefty, to 
 44 give a fpeedy and pofitive anfwer to their firft propofi- 
 44 tion concerning the disbanding, that fo the people might 
 44 not have the fhadow, but the fub fiance of peace.” 
 
 Thefe inftruclions being communicated to the King, he 
 returned an anfwer, wherein he endeavoured to fliow, it 
 was not his fault that a cefiation of arms was not con¬ 
 cluded. He prefled agam, that whatever was thought 
 doubtful in the articles might be expounded, whatever was 
 excepted at might be debated, a cefiation concluded, and 
 power given to the Committee to that end. 
 
 Thefe are all the tranfadlions concerning the fufpenfion 
 of arms propofed by the King, and by which, probably, 
 he had hoped to reap great advantages, had the two Houfes 
 been lefs upon their guard. As the conferences on the 
 peace were not to commence till the 25th of March , what¬ 
 ever was done before that day concerning the cefiation, is 
 to be confidered, rather as a preparative, than as part of 
 the conferences, though the negotiation concerning the fuf¬ 
 penfion was continued till the 7 th of April. 
 
 I muff now fpeak of the effential part of the treaty, re¬ 
 lating to the terms offered on both fides for a peace. As 
 it was agreed to begin with the difeuflion of the two firft 
 refpe£tive propofitions, his Majefty*s firft was immediately 
 confidered. The propofition was. That his revenue, 
 magazines, towns, fhips, and forts, fhould be reftored. 
 
 I fhall relate the principal things urged upon each of thefe 
 heads. 
 
 Concerning the Revenue. 
 
 Rufhwrrrh. March the 26th, the CommiiKoners prefented to the 
 ff tJ ’ King a memorial containing, 
 
 c nerdon, 44 '1 hat the two Houfes of Parliament had not made 
 11. p. 167. tc u f c 0 p ^ Majefty’s own revenue, but in a very fmall 
 44 proportion, which for a good part had been employed 
 44 in the maintenance of his Majefty’s children, according 
 44 to the allowance eftablifhed by himfelf : That they 
 44 would fatisfy what fhould remain due to his Majefty, 
 44 of thofe firms received out of his own revenue ; and 
 would leave the fame to his Majefty for the time to 
 44 come. But they, hkewife propofed, That he would re- 
 41 ftorc what had been taken for his ufe, upon any of the 
 44 bills alfigned toother purpofes, by feveral a£tsof Par¬ 
 liament, or out of the jjfovifion made for the war of 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 The King's Anfwer. 
 
 <4 That he was well contented to allow whatfoever had 
 44 been employed in the maintenance of his children, and 
 44 to receive the arrears due to himfelf, and to be lure of 
 44 his own for the future. 
 
 44 That he was willing to reftore all moneys taken for 
 “ his ufe by any authority from him, upon any bills af- 
 44 figned to other purpofes, being allured he had received 
 44 very little or nothing that way. 
 
 44 But he expected fatisfadlion for all thofe feveral fums 
 44 received and diverted to other purpofes, by orders of one 
 
 or both Houfes, which ought to have been paid upon 
 44 the a 61 of pacification with Scotland , or employed for the 
 44 difeharge of the debts of the Kingdom, and by other 
 44 a£ls of Parliament for the relief of his Proteftant Sub- 
 44 je6ls of Ireland 
 
 The next day, the Commifiioners defired to know of 
 bis Majefty, if he would not account his own revenue to 
 be fure for the future, if both Houfes of Parliament did 
 leave it in the lame way as it was before the troubles begun. 
 
 The King anfwered, 44 That by thofe words ( of being 
 “ fure of his own for the future ) he meant that no re- 
 44 llraints or interruption fhould be made by one or both 
 44 Houfes, in and upon his Majefty’s revenue, but that it 
 “ fhould be left in the fame way it was before the troubles 
 44 begun.” 
 
 It is eafy to fee there were no difficulties upon this arti¬ 
 cle capable of preventing a peace. 
 
 Concerning the Magazines. 
 
 The Parliaments Commifiioners offered in writing, 
 44 7 hat all the arms and ammunition taken out of h(k 
 44 Majefty’s magazines, fhould be delivered inta his ftores, 
 44 and whatfoever fhould he wanting, they would in con- 
 44 venient time fupply in kind. But they like wife propo- 
 44 fed. That the perfons to whofe charge thofe publick 
 ‘ 4 magazines fhould be committed, being nominated by his 
 44 Majefty, might be fuch as the two Houfes of Parlia- 
 44 ment could confide in. And that he would reftore all 
 “ fi'ch arms and ammunition as had been taken for his ufe 
 44 from the feveral Counties, Cities, and Towns. 
 
 The King’s Anfwer. 
 
 44 The magazines fhall be committed to, and continued 
 44 in the cuftody of, the fworn Officers, to whofe places 
 44 the fame belong. And if any the faid Officers fhall for- 
 44 feit that truft by any mifdemeanours, his Majefty will 
 44 by no means defend them from the juftice of the Law. 
 
 44 His Majefty will reftore again, and recompence out 
 44 of his own ftores, fuch arms and ammunition as have 
 44 been taken for h:s ufe out of the feveral Counties, Iffe. 
 
 44 He expedts, that the arms and ’ammunition which 
 44 have been taken from the feveral Counties and Cities, 
 
 44 for the ufe of the armies under the command of the 
 44 Earl of Ejfcx , be likewife reftored to them.” 
 
 Without entring into a more particular difeuffion of this 
 article, it fuffices to fay, that the whole difficulty lay iri 
 both Houfes referving to themfelvcs the power of approving 
 fuch as fhould be intruded with tbe cuftody of the maga¬ 
 zines, and in the King’s pretending, that tbe legal oath of 
 fuch perfons was a fufficient fecurity. And this rendered 
 the concluiion of it impra6ticab!e. 
 
 Concerning the Rejlitution of the Towns and Fort:. 
 
 The fame difficulty occurred upon this article. The 
 two Houfes offered to reilore the Towns and Forts, br.r** 
 pretended, that they fhould be delivered into the hands of 
 fuch perfons as both Houfes fhould confide in, which the 
 King would not -agree to. As the commifiioners urged 
 the neceffity of giving fatisfa6lion to the people, with rc- 
 fpe6l to their fears and jealoufies, the King anfwered. That 
 he rather expected, their reafons fhould have had fom* 
 foundation in the Law of the Land, than that they fhould 
 only have infilled upon fears and jealoufies, of which as he 
 did not know the ground, fo was he ignorant of the 
 cure. 
 
 Concerning the Ships. 
 
 It was the fame with this as with the two foregoing ar¬ 
 ticles. Both Houfes required, that the Lord High Admi¬ 
 ral and all commanders of fhips fhould take a particular 
 oath, to ufe their utmoft power to preferve the true Pro¬ 
 teftant Religion, and the peace of the Kingdom, ag3inft 
 all foreign forces and all other forces raifed without his Ma- 
 jefty's authority and confent of the two Houfes of Parlia¬ 
 ment. But the King would not confent to it, alledging, 
 the oaths which all thofe officers were by Law already ob¬ 
 liged to take, were very fufficient. Only he faid, if any 
 thing fhould be made appear to him neceflary to be added, 
 when there fhould he a full and peaceable convention of 
 4 Parliament, 
 
 ,6 43 - 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 1643. 
 
 !Rufliw^rlh, 
 V. p. 206. 
 
 475 
 
 t / 
 
 Parliament, he wouij readily confent to an Aft for fuch they expefled, the King gave them a Paper n„i,e contrary l6 .. 
 
 -, , , „ , . r , t0 what wa s concluded the night before, and very much 
 
 If it is confidered, what was the occafion of the war, it tending to the breach of the treaty. JVhitelock fays, he 
 will cafily be perceived, that the execution and not the was informed by fome of the King’s own friends, that after 
 injunctions of the Laws was the queftion. Wherefore the the Commiffioners were gone from his Majefty and his 
 King, in pretending that every thing lhould be fettled by Council alfo withdrawn, fome of his Bed-chamber (and 
 the Laws did not meddle in the leaft with the queftion they went higher) hearing from himfelf what anfwer he 
 to be decided in h.s difpute with the Parliament. had promifed, and doubting it would tend to fuch an ilTue 
 
 1 he Kings hrft propofition having been thus debated as they did not wifh, they being rather for the continuance 
 in vam, they proceeded to the firft of the Parliament’s, of the war, never left perfwading the King, till they pre- 
 which contained two a rt | cl es ; namely, that both armies vailed with him to change his former refolutions, and give 
 lhould be disbanded, and his Majefty return to his Parlia- order for his anfwer to be drawn direftly contrary to what 
 me ^L v > r , _ . _ be bad promifed ; it being that Prince’s misfortune to prefer 
 
 1 he Kings anfwer to the firft was, « That he was always the opinions of others to his own. Which is an 
 willing all armies lhould be disbanded, and conceived obfervation confirmed alfo by the Lord Clarendon in his 
 the belt way to it to be a fpeedy conclufion of the trea- character of King Charles I. (1). Indeed JVhitelock does 
 ‘ ty, and for that purpofe he defired, that the time given not fay, that the King’s anfwer he mentions, wr.s the fame 
 < c i° 4 >,° mmittee both Houfes to treat might be cn- with the following meffage; but in all likelihood it was fi>, 
 
 ‘ If. 1, c 1 , rr ! . . ?" ce ic was the caufe of breaking off the conferences. 
 
 As to the fecond, He would repair to his Parliament, However this be, on the 12th of April the Kin^ f en t this 
 tt as ,n as hc cou '° do it with his honour and meffage to both Houfes, notwithftanding the endeavours ol 
 
 falety. the Commiflioners to difluade him from it. 
 
 As the King s anfwer was too general and doubtful, the 
 
 Commiffioners in writing defired to know, “ If by the Subjlance of the King's Meffage to both Hcufes April 
 “ words {a fpeedy conclufion of the treaty) he intended a 12, 1643. 
 
 concMon of the treaty on his firft propofition, and their “ AS foon » his Majefty is fatisfied concern,ne his „ « , h 
 propofition for disbanding the armies, or a conclufion of “ own revenue, magazines, /hips and ports, to which v. P . *V 
 
 “ be defires nothing but that the juft, known, legal rights clarendo '’' 
 “ of his Majefty, (devolved to him from his progenitors) U P ' 17J ‘ 
 “ and of the perfons trufted by him, which have violently 
 “ been taken from both, be reftored unto him, and unto 
 tc them. 
 
 “ As foon as all the Members of both Houfes /hall be 
 “ reftored to the fame capacity of fitting and voting in 
 “ Parliament as they had upon the 1 ft of January 1641, 
 the fame of right belonging unto them by their birth 
 
 ‘ propofition for disbanding u , « 
 
 ‘ the treaty on all the propofitions of both parts. 
 
 The King anfwered, “ That by a fpeedy conclufion of 
 the ixeaty , he intended fuch a conclufion of the treaty, 
 
 ‘ as t !’ cre might be a clear evidence to himfelf and his 
 c Subjects of a future peace, and no ground left for the 
 ‘ continuance and growth of the prefent bloody diffen- 
 ‘ ,ions J which, he doubted not, might be obtained, if 
 ‘ both Houfes fhould confent, that the treaty might pro- 
 * ceed without further interruption or limitation of days.” 
 
 iiiwui. iuiincr interruption or limitation of days. the fame of right belonging unto them by their birth- 
 
 1 his anfwer being no iefs ambiguous than the former, “ rights, and the free elections of thofe that fent them 
 
 2 Cpmmiffioners iniifted upon an explication of what thev “ and having hcen voted from rh^m fer ^.,11, : 1. ! 
 
 ~ .- \ amuiguuiw man tne xormer, 
 
 the Cpmmiffioners inlifted upon an explication of what they 
 had already defired ; as alfo that he would be pleafed to let 
 them know, what he intended ftiould be a clear evidence 
 to him and his Subje&s of a future peace. 
 
 The King anfwered, “ That if the conclufion of the 
 ** treaty on his firft propofition, and the propofition of 
 “ both Houfes, fhould be fo full and perfeaiy made, that 
 
 tBr T.-auir of T I_ r 0 i 
 
 the T aw nf 41 j - k , made > that “ As foon as his Majefty a "<l both Houfes may be 
 
 . ' Law of the Land might have a full, free, and un- “ fecured from fuch tumultuous afemblies, as to the vreat 
 interrupted courfe, for the defence and orefervatinn of li breach of the nrlvileo-ei nnd il^ ,i:n,—. c r> 
 
 ..- a run, rree, ana un- 
 
 L interrupted courfe, for the defence and prefervation of 
 ‘ the rights of his Majefty, both Houfes, and his Subjefts, 
 ‘ there would be thence a clear evidence of a future peace : 
 1 And this would be fuch a conclufion as he intended. 
 He never meant, that both armies fhould remain undif- 
 banded until all the propofitions of both fides were fully 
 
 . .., .. uidi Idle tnem, 
 
 and having been voted from them, for adhering to his 
 Majefty in thefe diftra&ions ; his Majefty not intend¬ 
 ing that this ftiould extend either to the Bifhops, whofe 
 votes have been taken away by Bill ; or to fuch, in 
 whofe places upon new writs, new elections have been 
 made. 
 
 As foon as his Majefty and both Houfes may be 
 
 T , p T P r °P° llcl0l 2 s or both i.des were fully « to join in a declaration againft them: the complvin- 
 one u e . But e was very forry, that in that point of “ with which defire might have prevented all thefe mifer 
 the propofition of both Houfes, -oh. his return to the “ able did,actons which have enfued IV 
 
 . in mac point or 
 
 the propofition of both Houfes, viz. his return to the 
 “ Parliament, they had yet no manner of power or in- 
 “ ftruiftions fo much as to treat with him.” 
 
 The King ufed fuch general expreftions, that it was eafy 
 to fee, he fought only to prolong the conferences, or to 
 make fome advantage of the Commiffioners anfwers In 
 all appearance, he would alfo have found a frefh occafion 
 of delay in the debate of that part of the propofition con¬ 
 cerning his return to the Parliament. 
 
 April the joth, the commiffioners prefented another Pa- 
 per to his Majefty, wherein they faid, “ That by new 
 “ ‘"“r^bons they were commanded to infill upon the 
 disbanding of the two armies, and that both Houfes con ■ 
 ceived his anfwer to be in effeft a denial, unlefs they de¬ 
 parted from all thole cautions and limitations contained 
 ‘ in their reply to his firft propofition: That if they had 
 ‘ not inferred their defire of his Majefty’s return in their 
 Committee s inftrudtions, it was becaufe they conceived 
 “ tbe disbanding the armies would facilitate his refolution 
 “ therein. 
 
 During the courfe of this negotiation, the King had fre- 
 quent conferences in private with the Commiffioners. 
 
 , "Outtkch relates in his Mamrials , that in one of thefe 
 conferences, the Commiffioners (of whom he was one ) 
 having been with the King till midnight, and preffed him 
 
 Wil l fnr*lr rn,rnnc noon ^ __ • i .. . . . / 
 
 —u.ivmunw, as ici me great 
 breach of the privileges, and the high dilhonour of Par¬ 
 liaments having formerly affembled about both Houfes, 
 and awed the Members of the fame, and occafioned two 
 fcveral complaints from the Houfe of Lords, and two 
 feveral defires of that Houfe to the Houfe of Commons, 
 “ join in a declaration againft them ; the complying 
 
 • . K ■ r ° ri mi .ght, and preffed hipi “ and provided againft, that no feed will remain for the 
 
 1 Clf .^ ea . ons yP on aver y material point, his Majefty “ like to fpring out of for the future, to difturb the peace 
 ^.c.icFvf^' 1 . a ^ at,s f a< ^pry anfwer, which “ of the Kingdom, and to endanger the very being 
 
 able diftradions which have enfued. Which fecurity 
 his Majefty conceives, can be only fettled by adjourn-- 
 ing the Parliament to fome other place, at the leaft 
 twenty miles from London , the choice of which his Ma¬ 
 jefty leaves to both Houfes, 
 
 “ His Majefty will then moft chearfully and readily 
 confent, that both armies he immediately disbanded, 
 and give a prefent meeting to both his Houfes of Par¬ 
 liament at the fame time and place, at, and to which, 
 the Parliament /hall agree to be adjourned. 
 
 “ His Majefty being confident, that the Law will then 
 recover the due credit and eftimaticn, and that upon a 
 free debate, in a full and peaceable convention of Parlia¬ 
 ment, fuch provifions will be made againft feditious 
 preachings and printing againft his Majefty, and the 
 eftabliftied laws, which hath been one of the chief caufes 
 of the prefent diftraclions ; and fuch care will be taken 
 concerning the legal and known rights of his Majefty, 
 and the property and liberty of his Subjects, that what- 
 foever hath been publifhed or done, in or by colour of 
 any illegal declarations, ordinances, or order of one or 
 both Houfes, or any committee of either of them, and 
 particularly the power to raife arms Without his Majefty'.s 
 confent, will be in fuch manner recalled, difclaimed, 
 and provided againft, that no feed will remain for the 
 
 , r-.— / puint, ms iviaieity 
 
 was preva.led with to give a fathery anfwer, which “ oFthe'Kdom/’and ' 
 wodd have much conduced to a happy fuccefs of the treaty, “ of it.” 
 rf. t0 / C WOS and promifed to let There was no need of much penetration, to perceive 
 
 . i7 ”u ll [ ar, f ucr in wr,t ‘ n g according to their defire ; by this meffage, that not only the King intended to break 
 11,? 5 m C lt Was 1 en r °o late to draw it up, he ordered off the conferences, but alfo was not much inclined to 
 
 . 7 ai , on im 1 c ne . xt . morn i n g at fuch an hour, poace. It was indeed very needlefs to enter into treaty, 
 
 cor ing y t ey came, but inftead of that anfwer, which iince neither King nor Parliament would recede from their 
 
 mani"P on . T reat yi their inftrudb'ons were very ftrlfl, and tied them up to treat with none but the King him'-if, wh’, 
 objefted againft him wherein 's gr'at parts and abilities, ftrength of reafon, and quicknefs of apprehcnfion, with much patience in I eating what w..s 
 
 concerning the Com’miffnners the E*rl of NortbZhr^ hir !! fe i! f f r?, Up ,he ar e umcn!5 > and B>ve a moll clear judgment up ,n them. He Pys alfo 
 light and prudence Sir JVitham Tf rn , r' er an ‘ t d ' mea ned himfelf with much courage and wifdrm. Mr. ] urpeint adled his part with deep *ore- 
 
 RdUn*. f ^ W3S * ,? entl ' m r an of 6°° d tnderftanding and converfation, and would give his c^nion up n good re fon. Sir Jcb» 
 
 n parts at well as perlon, fhewed a very good judgment and tefllmony of his abilities. Mr. IVoittloci { that is, himlej ) 
 mployed in drawing up ail the Papers to the King, which were tranlcribed afterwaids by tilt Secretaries. tVbiu- 
 
 Hc/iand, a Gentleman of LCIlcnl p art! 
 was put upon very much labour, being 
 w*, p. 6S, 69. 
 
 prstenfons, 
 
4/6 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 II, 
 
 1643. 
 
 lutually gave hcf- 
 
 pretenfions. The fhorteft way would have been to difcufs which the befiegers and the befieged. 
 the general queftion, whether there was juft reafon to con- tages. 
 fide in the King, and reftore him to his rights; for every At the fame time the King coming with his army wi;h- 
 
 one of the propofitions offered by both parties necefl'arily in a few miles of Reading , detached Rut hen his General, 
 
 led to that queftion, fo that none could be decided with- lately made Earl of Forth , who with a thoufand Mufquc- 
 
 out this being previoufly determined. If the reft of the teers, vigoroufly attacked a poft (3), by which the Kb g 
 
 propofitions had been difeuifed, the difficulties would have was neceifarily to pafs, in order to relieve Reading. The 
 been ftill greater, fince the two parties built upon quite Earl of Forth was in hopes, that whilft he attacked th.-s 
 oppofite principles. But, in all appearance, the King and poft, the garrifon would fully out upon the befiegers. But 
 the Parliament had forefeen what came to pafs, and agreed as, without knowing it, he had made hi; attack juft a; the 
 to this negotiation only to make the People believe they truce was agreed on, there was no tally from the to- 
 
 were difpoled to a peace. This was equally neceffary for 
 them, becaufe in the People confifted the ftrength of both 
 Tides. 
 
 As foon as both Houfes received this meffage, they fent 
 their commiffioners pofitive orders to return, and the con¬ 
 ferences ceafed. 
 
 It was not without reafon that the King defired a cef- 
 - fation of arms, on the terms by him propofed, though for 
 r fo fhort a fpace, and that he infifted upon communi- 
 
 retreated to the 
 
 cation of quarters. He found himfelf at Oxford unpro- 
 led of ammunition, and the Queen, who was at York, 
 
 So not being able to force the pals, he 
 King. 
 
 Mean while, Fielding having negotiated a capitulation p 
 with the Earl of EJfex, found means, before it was ent.Tv t 
 concluded, to go in the night to the King, and tell hi:;., * 
 he hoped to have liberty to march away with ali their arms 
 and baggage. The King approved of the capitulation,' 
 which was figned the next day, and the town fur rendered 
 to the befiegers. But by one of the articles, which proba¬ 
 bly Fielding did not tell the King, and which perhaps wa.i 
 not yet agreed on, the Earl of Fjfex excepted the deferred 
 
 had brought him a good quantity ; but the difficulty was who could not obtain liberty to march out with the reft of 
 to convey them to Oxford with a ftrong guard. If there- the garrifon. When the King’s troops came out of the 1 
 
 foie the cefTation of arms had been concluded with the town, and were paffing through the enemies guards, the 
 claufe of communication of quarters, nothing would have foldiers were infulted, and fome waggons plundered, con- u 
 hindered the King from fending for his ammunition from trary to the articles of the capitulation. 
 
 York, without the Parliament's being able to complain. The King was very well pleafed with favihg the gn'rrifnri J ic 
 For though in the firft article of the propofed cefTation, of Reading, and indeed that was his principal view in per .. 
 it was allowed to flop all perfons carrying ammunition, mitting Fielding to capitulate. But when the garrifon 
 it was not faid however, that fuch a conveying was a came to Oxford, feveral officers complained, that 'Fielding 
 breach of the fufpenfion. Since therefore by the article of was too hafty in furrendering a place which could have held 
 communication of quarters, the King might have drawn as out much longer. Nay, fome accufed him openly of be- 
 many of his troops as he pleafed from York to Oxford , he traying the King. Whereupon he defired to be tried by a 
 might likewife, if this article had been granted, have fent council of war, which was granted him. The King, who 
 
 Clarendon, 
 II. p. 185. 
 
 for his ammunition with a guard, which the Parliament’s 
 forces could not have attacked without breaking the 
 Truce, when the guard Ihould have pafled into their 
 quarters. 
 
 It evidently appears, the King intended to reap this ad¬ 
 vantage by the cefTation of arms, which, according to 
 
 perhaps had too readily confented to the capitulation, and 
 was incenfed at him, when he underftood that the place 
 was capable of making a longer defenfe, could not how ¬ 
 ever find fault with his capitulating, fince it was done with 
 his approbation. But his admitting the article whereby 
 the deferters were excepted, was charged to him as a' 
 
 tto him, was to be only for the eafe of the people, fince from crime, and the King publifhed a Declaration, profefting he 
 
 tijha 
 
 the beginning of April, when the treaty was negotiating had not confented to that exception, being very far from' 
 
 at Oxford, he detached Prince Rupert with twelve hundred refufing proteftion to any who Ihould leave the enemy, 
 
 York "nd Horfe, and feven or eight hundred Foot, to eftablifh a and betake themfelves to his fervice. Fielding was likewife 
 Oxford. communication between York and Oxford, by fecuring cer- accufed of not paving punctual obedience to the King’s or- 
 
 Ciarendon, ta j n places, between thefe two cities. The Prince marched ders : but what thefe orders were I have not been able to 
 
 fbt plxnt 'c by Birmingham, a town of the Parliament’s, garrifoned find (4). However this he. Fielding was fentenced by the I(Ji p ,s 7< 
 tohi Bir- w ith a company of Foot (1), and taking it by ftorm, Council of war to lofe his head : which fentence, after 
 mingham, ma( ] e t h e Inhabitants pay a large fine, as a punifhment for long interceffion, was remitted by the King ; but his Re- 
 a(lifting the garrifon to repulfe him (z). giment was given to another. Probably, he was too hafty 
 
 aid Lich- After this little conqueft, the Prince marched directly to to conclude the capitulation, and had not fully declared to 
 ficlJ - Lichfield , where he entered without difficulty, the town the King, the true ftate of the place. But as he could not 
 id. P . 1 z. b e j n g 0 p en j n f evera j pi aC es. But the Cathedral, with the be condemned for that, fince he had the King’s confent to 
 Clofe, was a fort of fortrefs, which he was obliged to be- capitulate, other pretences were fought. This fentence 
 fiege in form, it being ftrongly garrifoned. At laft, he occafioned great difTention in the King’s army, fome en- 
 drained the moat, and fprung two mines, one whereof deavouring to vindicate it, whilft others paftionately repre- 
 taking effeft, he furioufly ftormed the place, which was fented it as the moft unjuft that ever was given in the like 
 bravely defended by the garrifon : but the dread of not he- cafe. 
 
 rng able to ftand a fecond affault, caufed them to defire to The Earl of Clarendon fays, the King having received - The King, 
 capitulate. The Prince granted them an honorable capi- wrong intelligence, that the Earl of EJfex, after the taking u P ona J jl R 
 tulation, being very glad to be freed from the trouble of of Reading, was marching direftly to Oxford , refolved to 
 
 H: .-1 • >l continuing the fiege, which had lafted ten days. He in- retire into the north to join the Earl of Newcaftle. But 7*' OxW. 
 
 l >}B tended to pufh his conquefts farther to the north, in order it was only a falfe alarm. The Earl of EJfex Was fo little 
 
 1 to make a line of communication between York and Ox- able to befiege Oxford , that he was forced on the contrary ,! y . 
 
 ford : but the King recalled him from Lichfield, wanting to remain above fix weeks at Reading, without being able Clar 
 
 him to raife the fiege of Reading. 
 
 The treaty at Oxford being broken off the 1 5th of April, 
 the Earl of EJfex marched that day from JVindfor, and on 
 
 11 
 
 thk-ig oj 
 
 Elrex” 0 V the next, appeared before Reading. His army confifted of vern, where having defeated Lord Herbert of Ragland , 
 Ru&worth. fixteen thoufand Foot, and three thoufand Horfe ; and the Son to the Marquifs of JVorceJler, he became mafter of ci; 
 
 to aft, by reafon of the ficknefs which infefted his army ^ | 
 Whilft the treaty for peace was negotiating at Oxford , v. p. I90 . 
 Sir William Waller continued his conquefts along the Se- 'Vailei 'aka 
 
 Rulh worth. 
 
 
 167. 
 
 garrifon of three hundred Horfe, and three thoufand Foot. Hereford. But in affaulting IVorccJler he was repulfed. 
 The King was fo poflefled with the notion, that the Par- after which he went and joined the Earl of EJfex before 
 liament’s foldiers ferved them unwillingly, and by con- Reading. 
 
 ii- f 
 
 ftraint, that he iffued out a Proclamation, offering pardon 
 to fuch as were in the Earl of EJfex’ s army, a precaution 
 entirely fruitlefs. At the beginning of the fiege, the Go¬ 
 vernor, Sir Arthur Ajlon, being wounded in the head, and 
 
 As the war was fpread in all parts of the Kingdom, the Order*/ eb t 
 military actions of this fecond campain, cannot, without ma,,lr ’J*r 
 confufion, be fpoken of according to the order of time. Jfffij*'* 
 And therefore I chufe rather to follow the order of the i 
 
 forced to keep his chamber, the command was devolved to places, and fpeak firft of what pafled in the middle of the 
 Colonel Richard Fielding, the eldeft Colonel in the gar- Kingdom, where the two principal armies lay. I (hall re- 
 nfon. late next the chief events that happened in the Weft ; and 
 
 The King no fooner heard of the fiege of Reading, but laftly, fhall proceed to what palled in the North, and* on 
 he fent away a detachment of Horfe, under the command the borders of the eaftern Counties. Thefe laft being 
 of Commilfary Wilmot, who found means to throw into affociated by the Parliament, and well provided with troops, 
 the town five hundred men and fome powder. But this the King had not many opportunities to carry the war thi- 
 fupplv not appearing fufficient to Colonel Fielding , he de- ther. As for the fouthern Counties, nothing confiderabie 
 manded to capitulate, and a truce was agreed on, during was afted there this campain. After that, I fhall relume 
 
 I( H 3 - 
 
 1 : The Lord Clarendon fays, the Town had in it a troop of Horfe belonging to the Garrifon of Lichfield- Tom. IT. p. iSr 
 :j In the ton eager purfuit of the troop of Horfe, fyilliam Fielding Earl of Denbigh, who Irorn the beginning of the w 
 Prince Rupert't tronp, was wounded, fo that he died within two or three days- Hid. 
 
 (3) Cave/ban: Bridge, defended by the Lord Robertt'] and Berkley 's Regiments. 
 
 (4; For fome luch, he had received in this agitation, fayj the Lord Clartntbn, which he hid not precisely ob r erv:J. Tom 
 
 • had been a Volunteei i 
 
 what 
 
Book XXL 
 
 25. CHARLES!. 
 
 16.1. 
 
 i 6 + 3 - what pafled of any moment, with regard to civil affairs, laden with goods of great value, which the Inhabitants of 
 during the courfe of the year .643. This method has Brijlol had thought to fccure there. 
 
 On the morrow, the Prince holding a Council of War, & /««« 
 it was refolved to proceed by afiiult, and not by approach. n Jf vn ‘ 
 The walls muff have been very weak, otKerwife, it can Clarendon 
 hardly be conceived, that the beficgers fhould refolve to ,! 3 ' • 
 ftorm two days after their arrival, especially as there was 
 a numerous garrifon in the place (4). However this be, 
 the next day both armies attacked the city, each at three 
 
 was Colonel Nathaniel Fiennes , who at the beginning of 
 this Parliament, had made in the Houle of Commons fe- 
 veral fine fpeeches againft the King, but who, in all ap¬ 
 pearance, was not very skilful in the art of war. The 
 
 June 18. 
 Clarendon, 
 II. p. 201, 
 
 alfo its inconveniences : but I /hall endeavour to avoid 
 them in part, by marking the exact time of every event, 
 that the caufes and motives as well of the civil as military 
 actions may be more eafily known. 
 
 The Parti j- The taking of Reading feemed to be a good omen to 
 
 t .‘ l - Parliament, for the reft of the campain. But, as I 
 Qxhrt'"* tlie S reat mortality among the Earl of EJfex's foldiers, .._ 
 
 S”** fufFerea him not to improve this advantage. After the fur- fcwnTpbS*’ fo that the garrifon were'forced to divide 
 tender of Reading, both Houfcs thought of no lefs than be- themfelves into fix bodies to defend the walls. The Car- 
 i.egmg Oxford where the King was in great diftrefs for rujh army was repulfed with great (laughter in their three 
 want ot warlike (lores In all appearance, the intelligence allkults. The two divilions of Prince Sxfirf, were I,ke- 
 he bad received that the Earl of Effex was going to inarch wife repulfed : but the third commanded by Colonel / 7 >,/,V 
 tlntber, came from feme friends at London, who knowing ington had better fuccefs, the Colonel finding means to 
 it was the Parliament s defign, did not queftion, it would make a breach in the wall large enough for the Prince to 
 he put in execution. Mean while, the King received enter with his Horfe. But this advantage only put him 
 tome ammunition in May, and as his enemies were not in polTefiion of the fuburbs, beyond which was the city 
 in condition CO make any attempt, he remained quiet at wall, much ftronger than what he had palled. However, 
 
 Ux f° r “- . he marched up the flreet to Fnme-tatc , where he was 
 
 S { r A oi ength ’ af 'f r 2 fix Wee “ S ftay at R “ ,dm l ’ the Earl forced to halt, and where he loll many of his men w< 
 
 E f ex , towards Oxfird, rather out of conde- were (hot by the Inhabitants from the walls and v.u,- 
 
 Oxini, and fceniion to the Parliament, than in expectation of making dows (5). 
 
 tr° any f"**. by reafo " of the i]l flaK of the wmjr. He What'the Prince had gained was fo inconfiderable that .,. 
 Thsme. advanced-however to Timm, wtthm ten miles of Oxford, probably, the fiege would (fill have colt much time, and ■ 
 R.lbonh, where he (lopped (.). There was in his army a Scotch many lives, if the Governor had not loft his pre-fence of I"'" 
 Colonel ," a T e i H i rry i re h0 , had i erved , “ Gmmn » with mi »d, and otdered a parley to be beaten. i he Governor ' 
 it defer™ l ^ e ^ ai 0 F° rt "> t * lc Kings General, with whom he —- 1 ‘ * r • • 
 
 and'.nfi’m, kept a fccret corrcfpon deuce. As foon as the Earl of EJfex 
 Frir.oa Ru- approached Oxford , Hurry quitted the Parliament’s fervjce, 
 
 %yj,tionof antI went over to the King, who received him very gra- t ^ .. u i ^ ^ 
 
 “■ mS. cloudy. After that, he informed Prince Rupert of "the Prince immediately grented'the'defireTcIpituiation,’ thu £ 
 
 ' m> " r ‘ ,u ?PP" , ot , the 1 uarte , rs ° r ,h = Parliament’s army, and ing himfelf very happy to gain a place of that importance 
 
 ■n, perfwaded him to make an attempt upon the enemy. So in fo ft., a time, this capitulation was ill obferved bv Sr„.,7 
 
 ;r; b lT t r e ,T *r Ce ® x f ort : ,n t , ne evenm S Wltl1 a body the King’s foldiers, who ftripped thole of the garrifon, and :h " a P itu - 
 
 inietquor- ° f Horfe, took a long circuit, and at break of day came made themfelves more than amends for the breach of the hT 
 
 ™ drc - t0 n ‘ Mam > where beating up the quarters of two Regi- capitulation at Reading, whether it was done with or with- " ' 
 
 ments, one of Horfe, the other of Foot, he cut them out the connivance of the Generals. Fiennes was imp,;- Fl>nBM .* 
 in pieces. Then he attacked another quarter with the foned for his cowardly furrender of Briflcl, and W ‘ 
 
 fame fuccefs, after which he refolved to retire by a bridge, months after condemned to die by a Council of War But ‘ ‘ ” :W fa 
 
 SSw Where 'I' ‘“I kf ; agU l rd -, , B “. d * ? arl 0f E JF‘ X ha ""g he »» reprieved by tbe Earl of EJfix, and puffed tire reli- t-iw 
 Field. now taken the alarm, had detached fome troops to inter- due of his days beyond-fea. Vol. 
 
 (d p. cept the Prince who was to crofs Chaligrave field, and The taking of Brijlol infilling frefti hopes into the King - 
 
 V «“ a lanc ’ wh,ch led t0 D ,he br,dge - The EaH Of Ef- he was willing to improve the prcfcnt opportunity, whilft • rew-f. • 
 
 - fix « Horfe not giving the Prince time to reach the bridge, tire Parliament had no army ready to oppofe Ins progrefi ‘ 
 
 he chufe rather to expect them in an open field, than enter He refolved therefore to befiege' Gloce/ler, the jraileffion c'£nd„ 
 the lane with the enemy in his rear. He charged there- whereof would have been of great confequence to him ‘'•g'-dre 
 fore thefe Horfe with filch bravery, that he put them to By it he would have been mailer of all the Severn from 
 
 flight, towards a body of Foot, which the Earl of Efex Brijlol to Shrewsbury , and of the whole country between 
 
 was leading himfelf. Whilft the Horfe were flying, the that River and WxUs, where there would have been only 
 Prince paffed the lane and bridge, and entered Oxford m Hereford , which, probably would have quickly furrendered. 
 triumph ( 2) Upon the firft alarm at the head-quarters. By this means, he would not only have extended his quar- 
 ' 7/ *“’ Colojie| , of l 00t mounted his horfe, and ters into a very good Country, but alfo fea.red a com- 
 
 rode as a volunteer in the Regiment ordered to intercept munication from Cornwal to the northern Counties. For 
 the 1 Vince. He was (hot in the fhoulder in this adion, as the Parliament had no army in the Weft fince 
 and within few days died of the wound. He was a per- Waller *s defeat, the communication of the Weftern-Coun- 
 fon very eminent in his part)-, both for his courage as an ties with Brijlol could not be interrupted. The takin- 
 officer in the army, and for h.s w.fdcm and capacity as a of Glocejler would have opened a communication from 
 Member of I arl.ament. He had given a good proof of Brijlol to Shrewsbury , and from thence to the North bv 
 his firmnefs in his famous trial concerning Ship-money. means of Lancajhire , which was more for him than for 
 After tms lofs, the Earl of EJftx , whofe army was in a the Parliament. Befides this, the taking of Glocejler would 
 u , , r6 !l1 ft _ a T te ’ th °V6 ht not .P ro P er to ^main longer at have fecured him the,poffeffion of Wales, where the Par- 
 
 226 {home. He put his troops into quarters of refrefhment at liament would have had no entrance but by fea Jf there 
 St. Albans, Oxbridge, and the neighbouring parts, till they fore even fome of his friends have blamed him for under- 
 lhould be recruited and furmfhed with many things they taking this fiege, it may be affirmed, the iii fuccefs was 
 wanted, which the Parliament did not feem much to re- the beft foundation of their opinion. For my part I be 
 S a “J’ whcther i,om ^ability, or fome other reafon. lieve, he had all the reafon in the world to undertake it 
 
 From that tune, the King’s military aftairs began to at a time when there was no likelihood that the Earl of 
 ' j , r k a . ment . was extf emely embarafted. Ejfcx\ army could be ready foon enough to hinder this 
 
 The Queen joined the King the 13th of July, and brought conqueft. The Lord Clarendon pretends to difeover a M 
 him two thoufand Foot, a thoufand Horfe, a hundred wag- fecret which confirmed the King in his resolution He ? 
 gons laden with ammum,™ of all forts, fix pieces of can- fays, the King having font a meffenger to Colonel 'MafTy ' 
 
 .. non and two mortars On the other fide, Sir IVsllmm Governour of Gheejler, to perfwade him to deliver the 
 
 ’’ al,ir > re , nt mto the Well by the Parliament, had the ill place, Meejfy in publick anfwered in a high ftyle, but m 
 
 fortune to be deieated, and hr, army was fo difperfed, that private bid the meffenger tell the King, “ that 11 he came 
 
 ,t was no longer femceahle: (3). In this junflure it was “ himfelf to befiege the town, he would not hold it a- 
 
 that the King refolved to befiege BrJ/ol by Prince Rupert, “ gainll him, for it would not Hand with his conference 
 
 with whom was joined the Cornijh army that had van- “ to fight againft the perfon of the Kino- (6) ” But th« 
 
 qu^cdSir Wtlhatn Waller. fequel fhowed, either that Majy had altered his mind, or 
 
 , The /; d °f 7 '“{’ Pence Rupert mcamped before Bnif- the King had taken a mere compliment for a pofitive 
 
 nriftoi. tol -> and t ' ie ,:ll1ie da J'i Wlth t}ie affiftance of fome Tailors, promife, fince in the defence of this place Maffy was very 
 
 Ruijwor.h' who had been gamed, he (e.zed the fhips in King-road, far from expreffing the leaft inefination to favour the King. 
 
 Hambdcn 
 
 Jh'r. 
 
 June 24. 
 Clarendon. 
 
 trings the 
 
 King agree 
 
 Supply- 
 
 Rufliwotth, 
 
 Clarendon 
 H. P . 226, 
 
 V “re * ,hill "> ”* BoeUegtomlbir,, wbich w„ vow infofcd b, ,h„ King', 
 
 Coronets of Horfe, ;nd four Eniigns of Foot. Among other perfons of note, Colonel Gunter was fi>in. Cla- 
 ; and the battle of Roundway-doivn, "July i-, as wUI 
 
 difqniet Oxfo 
 
 1 2) With near t\v.-i hundicd Prif" 
 rendon, Tom 
 
 • 3 He 1 ft two bjeles. The battle of Lanfdcnvn, July 5, wherein Sir Bevil Green-vil 
 br 1 era hereafter. Rujbuiortb, Tom. 5. p. 227. 
 
 Jhc= Garrifor. c-nlifted of two thoufand five hundred Foot, and a Regiment of Horfc and Dragoons. Clarendon, Tom. 2. p. 227. 
 
 •2 Thfr.tr' am j ng, A C °"T/- ‘ r,v f mon - Lord Grandijon, Major Kendal were fliin, and about five hundred Men befides. Idem. p. 2:0. 
 
 I .. The Lord Ctarendon doc, not fay, the King fent a mclTenge,, but that Colonel Leg, under whom Maffy had ferved in the King's Jr n y fert hi 
 
 the meffenger in' rifatf'alabo^e ^TomT" * , * “ fc fl ° m °' X f,iend t0 anof - her - To which L «ter Maffy returned an anfwer in a high .tile, but 
 
 No 67. V O L. II. 5 £ 
 
 This 
 
; 8 ' 
 
 H I SrO RY of E N G L A N D. 
 
 ► Ul. 1 
 
 I. 
 
 tv r il'dled with the notion, that thofe 
 , v ia.:iii him a£tol contrary to the diitates 
 :;ce, and readily believed, they only wanted 
 to feive him, wherein lie was frequently 
 
 liftai 
 
 Not 
 
 early 
 
 King th. 
 Parliament 
 
 taking of Glocejle 
 alarm when th 
 marching to form the liege. 
 
 Ejfex' s afmy was iuftered t; 
 ufed to recruit it, the momt 
 known. Care was taken t< 
 frefti levies of foldr 
 expedition. And to facilita! 
 ordered the (hops to he (hut up ti 
 Jieved, and moreover, the j .ai 
 
 to wheel about. It was fought all the reft of the day with 1643. 
 pretty equal fucceft. Put in the night the King retired 
 with* his army, and left the way open to the Earl of 
 Effcx to proceed to Newbury , where he intended to lodge 
 the night before. Next day, the Earl ot Ejfix feeing the 
 coaft clear, purfued his march, and palling through New¬ 
 bury* arrived at Reading as he had before refolved. Prince 
 Rupert , who followed him, feeing him entered into the 
 narrow lanes, attacked his rear, put them in difnrder, and 
 took fome prifoners : but prevented not the Earl from 
 continuing his march. He remained two days at Reading 
 to refrelh his troops, and without leaving a garrifon in 
 the place, which was poftefled by the King’s lorces after 
 ,:e thefe 1 c' v--, the Parliament his dep,rrurc, returned to his old quarters. I he King loft 
 Glocejier fhould he re- in this battle above twenty officers of note, and among 
 of E/fix's army was o'hers [Henry Spencer] Earl of Sunderland, [Robert Dortr.tr] 
 
 how advantagious to the 
 ,• t,.L! have Oeen, than the 
 heard ;i e firft news of his 
 'iicieas before, the Earl of 
 ecay, all endeavours were 
 the King’s intention was 
 omplete the Regiments by 
 v with all poffible 
 
 Clarendon 
 H. p. 11)6 
 
 V. p *93. 
 Clarendon, 
 »• 
 
 ie city trained- Earl of Caemarvan , and [Lucius Carey] L/'rd Falkland 
 Secretary of State, who would be prelent at the fight, 
 though he had no call, not being a military officer (7). 
 
 I have taken the defeription of this battle from the Lord R {mJr ien 
 Clarendon , which by many omiffions is rendered obfeure. ‘J Lord . 
 Among others, it does not appear what the King did with 
 his inuntry. This gives occafion to prefume, that his tSebjui.. 
 foot were routed when Prince Rupert charged the Parlia¬ 
 ment’:. For otherwife, it can’t be conceived, how thefe 
 laft could have refilled, had they been attacked by the 
 King’s infantry and cavalry at once. Neither is it feen iu 
 this defeription, why the King left the held of battle in 
 the night, fincc it does not appear that he had received 
 anv confiderable loft. Neverthelef?, the Lord Clarendon en¬ 
 deavours to prove, though by weak arguments, that the King 
 gained the vi£lory. I believe it would be very eafy to 
 confute his reafons, were there any occafion. I fhall con¬ 
 tent my felf with faying in general, that the Earl of Ej/ex’s 
 defign, at his departure from Glocejier , was to return to 
 his former quarters about London., and that the battle of 
 Newbury hindered him not from executing it, whereas the 
 King’s intention was probably to intercept the Earl of E/fex's 
 paftage, which he could not efteift (S). 
 
 After the Battle, the King retiring to Oxford , and the Sept- 23 
 Earl of Ejfex to IVindfor, neither had much fhare in the Ruthwon*, 
 actions ol the reft of the campaign. T fhall proceed there- ,p '- 23 -' 
 fore to other parts of the Kingdom, where the war was 
 Prince Rupert before *ith all his cavalry, confifting of continued, and particularly in the Weft, where it was very 
 ftve thoufand Horfe. It is likely, his intention was that fharp. 
 the Prince ftiould poft himfelf between London and the I have already fat'd in fpeaking of the affairs of thofe The -war in 
 
 Parliament’s army, whilft he followed, and put the army parts, that the Parliament did not think proper to confent lbe 
 
 between him and his cavalry. Be this as it will, for it to the neutrality entered into by the Counties of Devon 
 
 and Cornwal. On the contrary, they refolved to carry 
 the war into Cornwal , which had declared for the King. 
 
 To that end, about the beginning of May , whilft the The Earhj 
 
 King’s Troops were at Lancejlon , few in number, and 
 
 ftrengthned with a numerous body of 
 bands Thefe things were done with that diligence, that 
 in fifteen days the Earl of Ejfex was ready to march to 
 the r.:lief of the befieged. 
 
 The King came before Ghcejhr the 1 oth of Augujl, 
 [wills about eight thoufand horfe and foot] and immediate- 
 irdered the a hes to be begun, which however 
 were not fo vigoroufly pufhed as vva ; expe&ed, by reafon 
 of the frequent failles ol the befieged. Befides, the King 
 was obliged go to Oxford, which made him lofe fome 
 days. The Eul of Ljjcx beginning t<> march the 26th of 
 Augujl, arrived in few days near Glocejier, and advancing 
 to Presbury Hills, drew up his whole army in view of the 
 city, expecting the King would come and give him battle. 
 t Rut’the King' not thinking fit to run any hazard, raifed 
 the fiege, which could not he done without great dif- 
 order • i°). The Earl of Ejfex marching into Glocejier , 
 found the befieged reduced ‘to a fingle barrel of powder, 
 and no better provided with other ftorcs (2). After ftay- 
 1 ing there three days (3), he departed towards London, 
 
 1 1 n 1 way. lie marched two 
 
 days before the King knew he was gone, and furprized the 
 town of Cirer.ee/lcr, where lay two regiments (4). After 
 that lie crofted ’North IViltJhire, a deep and inclofed coun- 
 i him to make x ery fbort marches. 
 
 ’ ,\s foon as the King had notice of the enemies march 
 and rout, he departed alfo in order to follow them, fend- 
 
 pa 
 
 is not eafy to guefs the King’s defign, Prince Rupert 
 cam< p with the Earl of Ejfex, as he was marching 
 over Anborn-Cbace , intending to have reached Newbury 
 that niche. There enfued in this place a fharp confii£t. 
 
 P.-ince Ruiert having charged the Earl’s rear, who were very Ihort of Provifions, [Henry Grey] Earl of Stamford, tht p a ji a . 
 put into feme diforder. The Marquifs of La Vicuville a the Parliament’s General in the Weft, entered Cornwal ment,jnur» 
 Frenchman (5), who ferved the King as a volunteer, was with an army of feven thoufand men. He polled himfelf 
 kiiinl in this a&ion. This conflitft obliged the Earl of on the top of a hill near Stratton, from whence he fent u. P . 207. 
 F. ~ : to quarter at Hungerford. The next day he con- a party of twelve hundred horfe, under the command of 5 u ^ w “' b ’ 
 
 tinued his* march towards Newbury, but found that the Sir George Chudlcigh, to Bodmin, a town in the middle of 
 Kinc had prevented him by two hours and ported him- the County, in order to keep it in awe and hinder the mi- 
 
 . 9.271. 
 
 ■The fi-fi 
 battle of 
 Newbury. 
 
 full' near the town. Prince Rupert, after the a&ion of the litia from joining the King’s forces as they had once before 
 foregoing Dav, went and joined the King. done. Sir Ralph Hop ton, who commanded for the King 
 
 The two "armies, being too near each other to part at Lancejlon , and had but three thoufand men, eafily faw 
 
 without blows, prepared for battle, and the fight begun (6). he fhould be driven out of the County, unlefs he found 
 
 Prince Rupert, as ufual, performed wonders with his means to avoid it by fome notable action. This made him 
 
 Horfe. He quickly made the Parliament’s cavalry give refolve to march to the enemies, though they were much 
 way ; but took care not to commit the fame fault he had fuperior in number, and advantagioufly ported. The Earl 
 done at Edge-Hill, by purfuing the runaways too far. of Stamford thought himfelf fo fecure from any attack, that 
 After he had routed the enemies Horfe, he charged their though he had frequent notice of the enemies approach he 
 infantry, who, though deftitute of the affiftance of the could not believe it. Indeed, it would have been rafh in 
 cavalry, received him” with fuch intrepidity, that he could Sir Ralph Hopton, to attack him with fo great difadvantage, 
 make no impreftion on their ttand ot pikes, but was forced had there been any other way to fave the County for the 
 
 r .! l n . 1 particular not m «nt' ■ •red by the Lord Clarendon, -viz hi: Ma ; efry undsrilin-iing thit EJex advanced apace to the relief of Gloccder, 
 
 , Trumpet to h'-n, with i me proportions t.j be treated on- But Ejjex. much acquainted with luch fmall defigns to hinder his march, returned a 
 , e1v n;w.r. 'TL.it he had no Cnmirilji.n to treat, lu> re relief' Gloccfter, which be -wax refolved t c d:. or to Ife bit lift there. And his Soldiers hearing ot 
 , r me with Propoiiitoii, to treat, cried out for a long time together, with loud acclimations. No Propoftionx, r.o Pr-pfxuonx. So their Trurr.- 
 rer was dilnrlfcd. Wbitclotk , p. 72. 
 
 - Their whole ftrength of Soldiers, Hnrfe, Foot, and Dragoons, together with the trained Bands, did not at firft confift of above fourteen hundred; 
 or at the moll, rif;v barren of powder-w 15 all their (lore, and a mean and fleeder artillery. Rujbworlb, Tom. 5. p. 2S7. 
 
 . And in that tirr.e, toy the Loro Clj'enj.n, which was as wonderful as.my part ot the flary, caufed all nefrlTary provifiuna to be brought in to them. 
 j!-n r .0...: os in which the King's army had beer, fuftained, and which they conceived to be entirely fpent: So folliatout -were toe Fe-t.t n 
 octal 1v belt [bey had, and to rejertie it for them. *lom. 11. p. 265. 
 
 l-a ,\:A took forty loads of Provifions, fix Standards, three hundred common Soldiers, and four hundred Horfes, the faid f rees being defined for A 
 I raife an army there for the King, and Sir Nubolai Crijpe to command them. Rujhv. r:r. Tun. 5. p. 252. Rap in, by mittike, fays Cbub'Jtr, ,3 
 
 1 He hab 
 
 trended the Qu< 
 
 lodge I 
 
 
 and )uft t 
 
 of Holland. Clarendon , T 
 the field all night. Idem. i 
 
 to jo into thr fight, he laid, He wax •weary of she Timex, andf.njaw much mife -y to 
 Hi. death, fays White !'-:-., was lamented by all that knew or heard >.f him; being a Gentlem 
 aii, and a paffionate promoter of all endeavours of peace bttwixt the Kir.g and Parliament. 
 
 He 'A 
 
 nd did ie! < -j! he 
 rts, ir.genuiis and 
 ir. the 33ih yea: 
 
 H'.itel .'i's atO'ui. of Newlury fight is briefly th : s: Effer. finding hi- Soldiers full of mettle, and refolved t 
 irli charg’d :hc enemv wall his own Regiment and the Lord Robert !k Br gade of Horfe; the fight began aboi 
 ie!d with vi--'. !.. t .. v :r til! ten or eleven at n : jnt The Parliament s forces beat the enemy from ill their advantages, got the hill fiui 
 h thrv wi.vp iltd, puriuea them to Ticwbury } ar.d out of the Town again, but the n.ght coming on, they could purine them n - further ; 
 CiiwV f . 1 . iv the Horfe confiding moll ■ f Gentlemen J made a gallant refiilance, yet this place not being proper for their fight, 
 
 thus fc v. ... --n- in the night marched away, leasing F.jTrx mafic- of the fie 1 . 4 , whole Soldier, had the pillage of the dead bodi-w l, tiiehsk, 
 
 1 feven i-clov.k in the morning, till feven or eight at night. Ruji-worth , Torn. 5. r, 293. 
 
 . 1. 
 
 Kin?. 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 
 t-.vo cuts in his head, and was beaten off his horfe, hut 
 was fortunately relieved.. Night obliged both.parties to re¬ 
 tire, the King’s to Wells, and the Parliament’s to Bath 
 Some days after, the Marquds of Hertford , knowing r >. 
 Waller's army daily incfcafed, marched towards Bath to £ 
 try to draw him to an engagement. But Waller hav;;;c 
 his reafons to defer it, becaufe he Hill expected frefn f 
 plies, the Marquif; advanced to Mar field, five mile- l' c - " 
 yond Bath [towards Oxford .] Whereupon Waller [u t., 
 
 479 
 
 645. 
 
 King. However that be, the 16th of May , approaching 
 the hill on which the Earl of Stamford was incamped, he 
 ordered him to be attacked at four /evcral places (1). As 
 the afluilants were refolved to conquer or die, they gained, 
 though with great difficulty, the top of the hill, which 
 their enemies were at length forced to relinquifn, after 
 fuftaining the charge many hours. In this a£lion the Earl 
 at Stamford had only three hundred men killed, but left 
 
 feventeen hundred in the hands of theenerrty. Ambngtnefe ___ 
 
 pnloners was Major-General Cbud/eigh, who being carried chief bufine^s was to hinder him from jomin- with uv 
 to Oxford , turned to the King. The Earl of Stamford , King] marched out of Bath , and drew'up his army on 
 whether to excufe his defeat, or upon fome grounds, open- Lanfdnvn, expe&ing the enemies, who failed not to move 
 ly complained, that Chudlelgh had betrayed him, alid in the towards him. As the Marquifs of Hertford was in a Couu- Bat,u 
 
 heat of the battle turning againft him, charged him with 
 Id. P . ao8. the body under his command. The Earl of Clarendon 
 pretends it was a fcandal; but I imagine few now are con¬ 
 cerned to know the truth (2). 
 
 Alter this battle the Earl of Stamford throwing himfelf 
 
 The King 
 
 \f‘‘ u 
 
 try fo difaffe&ed to the King, tbit only force could pro--*;, 
 cure him any fupply or relief, and as befi.Jts, lie was ad- 
 vanced beyond Bath on purpole to engage them to fight, he 7 / 
 was unwilling to lofe the opportunity. In this 'adtion, j7,v 
 which was called the Battle of Lanfdcwn , of his two thou u -' 
 
 
 lends toe ■ r? . ■ . a S -- " i, oi ms two tnOU- *“■ 
 
 Morquifiof into \ Lxetcr, his army being difperfed, and the party of fand horfe the MarquiB of Hcrtivrd loft above fifteen ban- £ u "“ w,v 
 h ° rfe lent to Bodmin, thinking proper to retire to Plymouth, dred. But on the other hand^ he drove Waller from his ? 
 
 into toe n-Jt. t_7 rpmunwl m m (tr%r r\C f' .......... Cl.— *1.. _/*.— 1 . - _ . n. t ■ ■ ■ 
 
 Clarendon^' Ho P ton remained mafter of Cornwal. Shortly after, he 
 n. p. no’ was informed by a meffenger from Oxford, that the Par- 
 *“• liament had refolved to fend Sir William Waller into the 
 Weft, with forces to join the remains of the Earl of 
 Stamford's army and fome levies that were to be railed in 
 
 poft, and compelled him, to give way about demi-culv. 
 ing (hot. Next day, Watln- retired to Bath, and the 
 Marquifs entirely remained mailer of the field (5). 
 
 But this inconfiderable advantage, gained with the lofs *rbe Mar. 
 
 , t , Tr . , . of almoft all his horfe, threw him into a very ill fituation. 
 
 that Country, and that the King on his part Was fending He had been fent into the Weft to drive Sir William Wal- b ‘,‘!u J n"' 
 thither the Marquifs of Hertford and Prince Maurice with ler from thence, and yet, after the battle, Waller was be- m.- 7 
 a body of troops, who were now upon their march. This tween the King’s army and the weftern Counties, where " ::n ^ “> 
 made him think, it would be very proper for his little the Marquifs could penetrate but by a fecond battle, which S*'”" 5 7 ,;!* 
 Lornijh zrmy ( fo it was now called ) to join the Mar- lie was not in condition to hazard, as being without horfe d bnlbr'y 
 quiis s forces. He marched therefore into Devonjhire, leav- This made him refolve to march to the Devize, iea\e c - ,erd,,i '* 
 
 ing a party at Saltajh to defend Cornwal from any incur- there his Infantry under the command of Sir Ralph Hp- p ' 
 
 lions of Plymouth, and advanced to Tiverton, where he ex- ton (6), and break through to Oxford, with the Pimce and 
 
 HuptonjMHJ pected orders from the Marquifs. Prefemly after, hearing the remainder of the horfe, in expefladon of returning 
 
 id. P . ax*. the Marau.6 of Hertford was come to Chard , a town in from thence with a body of Cavalry ftrong enough to bring 
 
 Somerfetjhire, on the edge of Devonjhire, with feventeen off the foot he fhould leave at the Devizes which was but 
 
 hundred horfe and one thoUfand foot, he went and joined thirty miles from Oxford. This resolution was purfued &- 
 w , ~ h ‘ m V j thC two b° d,es together formed an army of feven But as foon as he had quitted his Infantry at the Devices J ‘/ g '\ ,l " h ' 
 ft# taka thoufand men. Taunton a large town m Somerfetjhire , Waller came before the town with his whole armv, and 'o 
 
 Bridgewater was the hrlt, the Marquifs of Hertford refolved to attack, inverted thefe trcoDS, who were in a very ill ftate bv reafon J ui ' !: - 
 
 S' Taun * But the garnfon faved him r tbe labou [’ b y retiring to Bridg- of the fcarcity of provifiens. As he was fenfible the ‘ be- •• ‘f s 
 id. p.2.3. ™ Ur ' 0n account . of a feditron raifed by the inhabitants, fieged could not remain long in fuch a ftate, he made them v.'p 2S s ,’ 
 On the morrow, the Parliament s troops quitted alfo Bridg- an overture of capitulating with him, which Hop ton gladlv T - Ma >- 
 wflfcr, and in few days Dunjlar Caftle was furrendered to embraced, in the uncertainty whether any fupplies would 
 He marches ™ Vkl n £/f 3 i' v c r T r j L • _ come from Oxford, or would arrive foon enough. He cn-»°P ton 
 
 agdinji W»l- r rh * Mai J ulf ® of .Hertford having ftaid about Taunton tered therefore into treaty with Waller: but'with inten 
 j . fome days, heard at laft that Sir William Waller was with- tion to prolong it as much as poffible, and not weld to the* 
 
 S.7t"' in tV ? d T i r rch ° f T’ d T'" B tr00ps t0ge A er with laft “ tremit >-. as rapping every moment to’be relieved 
 
 - 5 ' the utmoft d.ligence, and expeflmg more torn London and from Oxfai J. WclUr was to confident that they ware at 
 
 Brijlal. v hereupon he refolved to attack him, without his mercy, that he had fent the Parliament word, “ Th - 
 
 givmg him time to ftrengthen his army any more. Whilft .« their hulinels was done, and by the next poll he would 
 
 he was preparing to execute this defign, the Committee of « fend the number and quality of h's Prifoners 
 the Militia, who were levying forces (+) in thofe parts to Mean while, the Marquifs of Hvtfir.l ami P,., 
 
 join them with Waller’s, perceiving a favorable opportuni 
 ty, beat up one of the Marquifs’s quarters, who was now 
 advanced to Somerton, and gave fo brisk an alarm to the 
 King’s troops, that the Marquifs was forced to draw out 
 the whole army. Then the Parliament’s forces retired to 
 Wells : but feeing they were purfued, quitted Wells, and 
 polled themfelves on the top of Mendip hill, which over¬ 
 looks the City. The Marquifs of Hertford being come to 
 Wells flayed there, the day being far fpent. But Prince 
 Maurice, Sir Ralph Hopton, and the Earl of Carnarvon, 
 taking the enemies retreat for a flight, went out with two 
 Regiments of horfe to purfue them, and marched direaiy 
 to them. Whereupon the Parliament’s forces being moflly 
 foot and few in number, retired in order to join a detach¬ 
 ment of horfe fent by Waller to fupport them. But the 
 Earl of Carnarvon, who was far theft advanced, gave them 
 not time to retreat in good order. As they were obliged 
 to pafs through a lane, he entered after them, and purfu- 
 *d them beyond, till he met with Wallers horfe, who 
 Hopped his Career, and compelled him to retire in his turn 
 W ‘ th great ^capitation. Prince Maurice coming to his re- 
 WeMau- befj a warm adion enfued, wherein the Prince received 
 
 I ifi. (*) T* 1 ' 1 four dlvifions of the little army \ 
 ‘ ' Gretni'i! : the third hv .Sir A 'rSr /77 
 
 Maurice being come to Oxford , and having reprefented to 
 the King the diftrefs of his troops at the Devizes, his c. 7 r 7 .q,.-,. 
 Majcfty immediately fent the Lord Wihnot with fifteen ,J - 
 hundred Horfe, who came within two miles of the Devizes 
 before the capitulation between Hopton and Waller was 
 ligned. 
 
 Waller was no fooner informed of the enemies zp. Batt: e ., r 
 proach, but he drew up [without drum or trumpet] his^ miw, . y 
 whole army on Roundway Down, over which the King’s Wjlkr'/f* 
 
 troops were neceflarily to pafs in order to join thofe in the' 
 town. JVilmot, finding he could not execute his defign 
 without fighting, drew up within mufquet-fliot oi Waller's Rework 
 army. But perhaps he would have thought of it more than v - !’• ■’ 
 
 once, before he attacked with fifteen hundred Horfe an ^■' rc,,d 
 army fo fuperior in number, had not Waller begun the 224! *’ 
 
 fight, by charging the enemy with a regiment of cuiraf- 
 fiers lately fent from London, and which till now had been 
 deemed invincible (7). This regiment was vigoroufly re- 
 pulfed, and retreating in diforder, infufed fuch a Terror 
 into Waller’s troops, that they made but a faint refiftance. 
 
 Mean while Hopton feeing from the town the diforder of 
 the enemies, came out with his Foot, and bravely fecond- 
 
 ■e led r 
 
 1 the third b. Sit MMSu "S'" ! PUT''* b .' S ' r ' } ‘ b " Sir i '™'' 
 
 tie. Sir R.lft Mm, we, eft-twe-J, created* iLd uLZ, i t ' 7 f**? 1 Cjl "“ d CM to mmm, a |M> ta- 
 
 7t r “ ,h ' '■ •*. - «£* - £££ZRTRR 
 
 Til mndbidifTiRiuT’chi^fiPtom. GoVern0r of i[ by the Marquif,. Sir >be Steeeet waa made Governor of Taunt.., a„j 11 
 
 and Dr, '““ ,h " ^ *» 
 
 Jm!,X a h L,ta‘™ "f'SiJ.te'r'.tommLS'b*“ “• « *. Kto,’. H.rfo had retried from an enemy, 
 
 (6 i Who was now paft danger, and could hear 
 Artillery, and the Lord Mobun. CUrtndon, Toe 
 
 r the ban 
 
 HL-ijir, 
 
 eiably hurt by the accidental blowing up of fome powder, idem- p 22 
 
 and Ipeak, though he could not lee or ftir j with him were left the Earl of Marlborough, Ceiieiai of the 
 
 mercy of the 1 
 
 my- Ru/bwcrtb, Tar 
 
 5. p. 285. Wbitcltck, 
 
 Rti/bwortb, ralh’y led c 
 tk fays, WulUr's Her!;, upon : 
 
 par.iejc trail,, flul, acd left- th; Fcol 
 
 mg 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 4 So The HISTORY 
 
 1643. ing WilmY, who for his part did not give the enemies 
 time to rec >ver themfe . ; 11 whole 
 
 army to rout, killed five or fix thoufand men, and took 
 nine hundred prifoners. Waller , alter his deleat, efcaped 
 ■2!^;.rr’be- to Brijhl . He complained very much of the Earl of 
 Eff* Ejjex, who, lying then at Thame, had fuffered Wihmt to 
 Cl■ irndon'" pafc without fending a party after him, or giving the alarm 
 H. p. 225', to Oxford, which would have caufed IVilmot to be recalled. 
 ‘ 1J '‘ The Earl of Eijex on the other hand, who was no friend 
 to Waller-, could not forbear faying fome reproachful things 
 on his defeat. This bred fuch enmity betwixt them, that 
 it might have been very prejudicial to their party, had not 
 the Parliament taken care to reconcile them. 
 
 Id. p. :i6. After fo complete a victory, the Lord Wibnot returned 
 in triumph to Oxford-, and the Marquifs of Hertford , taking 
 the command of the army, appeared before the city of 
 Ball:, the gates whereof were opened at the firft: fummons. 
 Prefently after, the King, having refolved to befiege Brijlol, 
 lered the Cornijh army to join 
 _ Prince Rupert at the fiege. As foon as he was matter of 
 Majricc:/ Brijlol, be refolved to fend an army into the Weft, under 
 
 • {1* the command of Prince Maurice-, and to keep the Marquifs 
 
 n ' ;7 ' of Hertford near his perfon. To that end, he gave orders 
 
 , to Robert Dormer Earl of Carnarvon, who was to ferve 
 
 To. ' ’ under Prince Maurice , to advance towards the Weft with 
 a party of Horfe, whilft the Prince fhould follow with the 
 infantry, of which the Cornijh army made the beft part. 
 The Earl of Carnarvon marched firft into Dorfetjhire , 
 which declared for the Parliament, and took Weymouth, 
 Dor defter and Portland-Cajlle. Here Prince Maurice 
 came and joined his cavalry. When he was at the head 
 of the army, he fuffered his troops to ufe fuch licence, 
 and fo ill obferved the articles made upon the furrender of 
 the towns, that the Earl of Carnarvon , out of indignation 
 [being a perfon full of honour and juft ice upon all con¬ 
 tract-J quitted his command in this army, and returned to 
 Vx- *- t he King before Gloceflcr. Mean while Prince Maurice, 
 ft*'™ after Having fome time in Dorfetjhire, entered Devonfknc, 
 ic V r and laid fiege to Exeter, which was furrendcrcd by capitu- 
 RmIIi worth, latjon by the Earl of Stamford. 
 
 ? ,rc,~ ’’, After the taking of Exeter , the Prince applyed himfelf 
 i army, ' chiefly to lncreafc the number of his forces by frefh levies, 
 f ' : r- ' '/ whilft the Parliament had no army in that Country able 
 to withftand him. In a (hort fpace, he aflembled feven 
 Clarei.oi-n, thoufand foot, with horfe in proportion, befides three thou- 
 H. p.260. j- and men cnmm anded by Colonel John Digby before Ply- 
 nr,nth, the blockade of which place he had formed, till the 
 !■' - d - Prince flioiild come and befiege it. There had lately been 
 difeovered at Plymouth a plot framed by Sir Alexander 
 C irew, Knight of the Shire for Cornwal, and Governour 
 of the fort and ifland of St. Nicholas, on which depended 
 the fecurity of the town, to deliver the ifland and fort to 
 the King. Carezu was apprehended and lent to London, 
 where tome time after he was condemned to die by a 
 Court-martial (1). 
 
 Mm- When Prince Maurice had compleated his levies, in- 
 , {lead of going to Plymouth , he laid fiege to Dartmouth, 
 .’-which employed him more than a month. During that 
 t ; mCi t | ie inhabitants of Plymouth, whom the difeovery of 
 Ruiwih Carew's plot had thrown into a great conftern..tion, rc- 
 vf p'.’Vg*.' covered themfelves, and refolved upon an obftinate defence. 
 
 This refolution was confirmed by a fuppiy of five hundred 
 men fent bv the Parliament by fea, with a Scotch Gover¬ 
 nor an experienced warriour. So, Prince Maurice, when 
 he came before the place, found the conqueft of it much 
 more difficult than he had expefted. He continued how¬ 
 ever the fiege, notwithftanding the winter, which was 
 now begun. Here I fhall leave the affairs of the Weft, 
 till I have farther occafion to fpeak ot them, and pro¬ 
 ceed to the recital of what pa fled in the North during this 
 campain. 
 
 ■ y. cary Since the Earl of Newcafile’s arrival at York, with his 
 *■■■•■ arm y levied in the North, the Lord Fairfax had been 
 
 obliged to keep at fome diftance from that city, to avoid 
 / Vtb. J being attacked by an army much more numerous than his 
 own° All the northern parts from York to the borders of 
 Scotland were for the King. The fouthern part of York- 
 N-c was for the Parliament, and the war was waging in 
 the middle parts of the country to the right and left. But 
 file vvas tranfa&ed, befides the taking of fmall towns, 
 which ferved only to enlarge the quarters of one or other 
 
 army. ■ 1 
 
 , - ■ Jn j[ j a y x c 4 , the Earl of Newcajtle took two or three 
 £ ' T^of thefe places. In the fame month, the Lord Fairfax 
 K ■ >f‘-y having detached fifteen hundred men, under the command 
 ", • 0 f hifSon Sir Thomas Fairfax, ordered Wakefield to be at- 
 £ -• tacked, where lay three thoufand men of the King’s party. 
 Kuf. .. afiault was made about four in the morning, with 
 
 F Li’« f\ I He WM behaved on TewerbiU, Deeemb. a 3 1644.. 
 
 • - . W,ih abo-.i: oon hundrtd nr:n. and twenty fcten tolo-r} of Foot. J 
 
 [3 And therein Sav,l th-Vr-er- 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 fuch vigour and condutft, that the King’s troops were dri- 1643 1 
 ven from the town, and many taken and flain. Amongft 
 the prifoners was General Coring the commander {2). 
 
 Prefently after, the Earl of Ktivcojlle had his revenge, r. ■:■- 1 
 Having taken Hozulcy houfe (3), he marched from (hence ' 1 
 
 towa Bradford, and in the w 
 77 • by the Lord Fairfax , wh ml tirely 
 Fairfax, with the remains of h : my, threw himfelf into !d P i ' Q “ 
 Hull , where Sir John Hot ham had been lately apprehended 
 by order of Parliament, and the Lord Fa r ax was made 
 Governor of that important place. 
 
 In June, Gainsborough, a town in Lincolnjhire , was ta- Earl 
 ken by the Lord Willoughby [of Parham ,] commander for ’ ff : f 
 the Parliament in thofe parts, who there made [/? bert ]‘” 0 
 Pierpoinh Kail of Kingfion prisoner. Bur being informed . ..-T.a-d 
 that the Earl of A : a cajlle was preparing to ictovcr Gains- ’ ; O' IC , 
 
 borough , he fent his prifoner in a pin 1 ace to Hull. The j a ., z . imI 
 Earl was unfortunately fhot by fome of his own party, v., 
 would have flopped the pinnace. Mean while, ih- Lari of 
 Neivcajlle began indeed his march to befiege Gainsbo'ougi, 
 and at his approach, detached a party of Horfe to inveft 
 the town. Oliver Cromvrl arriving at the fame time, Cromwel 
 with defign to fuppiy the town with provifions, defeated 
 this detachment, purfuing them even in fight of their main Giinsbo- ■ 
 body, which he did not think to be fo near. As he wa j’ u u 1 y h ' 0 
 not in condition to face this army, he retreated in good jj, j,.: 
 order, and after throwing fupplies into the town, retired at 
 a greater diftance. Shortly after, the Earl of Neivcajlle. rc- R-wcaftle 
 took Gainsborough , and poflefied himfelf of Lincoln , where JJAf u 
 he put a ftrong garrifon ; after which, he befieged Hull, id.' P . 179 
 whilft the King was before Gloceflcr. 
 
 The Lord Fairfax , affifted by Sir John Meldrum a A Sally the 
 Scotchman , defended the town of Hull with great bravery r i ! J“ ric 
 and conduit for five weeks, though he was vigoroufly at- 
 tacked. At laft, Oftober the 1 r th, the befieged made a 
 grand fally, and after a verv obftinate fight, which was fe- 
 veral times renewed, drove the befiegers from their trenches, 
 and feized their cannon. This obliged ibe Earl of New¬ 
 er;}!-:, now created Marquifs, to raife the fiege. 
 
 The fame day this famous fally was made at Hull, a ^ 
 
 grofs body of Horfe, part of the Earl of Newcajllc's army, bmnthr 
 commanded by the Lord l Vi dr ing ton, were routed at Horn t -4 vv ; a- 
 caftle, by [Edward Montague] Earl of Manciocjlcr, who 
 had with him Sir Thomas Fairfax , and Cromviel. i> c ub. fi. 
 
 The reft of the military ailions during the winter, after id. p. aii. 
 this campain, having a neceflary connexion with the affairs 
 ot Scotland and Ireland , I am indifpenfably obliged to Ipeft; 
 of what patted in thefe two Kingdoms in the courfe ot th.s 
 year. I fliall begin with Scotland. 
 
 The Parliament of England, when they replied to the 
 Scots propofition of uniting the two national Churche;., j d ’ 
 made their anfwer, which was no lets ambiguous than the 
 demand, a toothing, which they might ufe or not, as oc¬ 
 cafion required. It is certain, there was aftiiit corref- 
 pondence between fome of the leading-members, and the 
 Scots. Thefe Member: cafily forefaw, that tc eftablifh 
 Presbyterianifm in England, they fhould in the end want 
 the Scots, who, on their part, were ready to affift them 
 when a favorable opportunity fhould offer. Since the King, 
 in his laft journey to Scotland, had been forced to grant the 
 Scots whatever they defired, the leaders of the contrary 
 party had taken fuch juft meafures, that .ill the offices of 
 the Kingdom were in the hands of their friends, whilft 
 thofe that Were fufpetfted of inclining to the King, were 
 removed from all forts of employments. By this means, 
 the friends of the Parliament of England were in a capacity 
 to feco.nd them at a proper time, in eftahlifhing the Pres¬ 
 byterian Government in the Church of England. It was 
 not folely out of zeal for Religion, but alfo out of policy, 
 that the directors of the Scotijh affairs, wifhed the Englifh 
 would receive that form of Government. They believed, 
 they could never promife themfelves a perfeft tranquillity, 
 if it fhould happen to be in the King’s power to be re¬ 
 venged of them, and that he would be inccffantly prompted 
 thereto, if the Biftiops were reftored in England. Whe¬ 
 ther this belief was well-grounded, or only a prejudice, it 
 is certain they looked upon the reftoration of Epifcopacy in 
 England, as the firft ftep to their ruin. For this reafon, 
 they always continued a very ftridl correfpondence with 
 both Houfes, by means of their Commilfioners refiding in 
 London , in order to a& in concert with them, for leflening 
 the King’s power, and deftroying Epifcopacy. T. his plainly 
 appeared in the courfe of this year 1643. 
 
 The affairs of the Parliament not be!; : in a fituation to it- 4 m- 
 afford a prolpect of any great advantages upon the King Scotland 
 this campain, the Sects began to prepare to affift them, in 
 cafe there fhould be occafion. To that purpofe, about the juHrr.g H= 
 beginning of May, it was moved by fome ot the leading- ^ 
 
 P 4 € 3' 
 
 ujhx -n Tv IT •• p. 
 
 269, s 7 i. 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 
 25. CHARLES! 
 
 481 
 
 1643. men, that there might be a joint meeting of the Council, 
 the Confervators of the Peace, and the Commiffioners for 
 publick Burthens. In the hands of all thefe was lodged the 
 authority of the Kingdom, when there was no Parliament. 
 This motion was readily complied with, all the publick 
 offices and ports being, as I faid, filled with men of that 
 party. In this aflembly it was propofed, that, confidering 
 the danger the Kingdom was in, by reafonof armies levy¬ 
 ing in the north of England , Scotland fhould be put in a 
 pofture of defence. As this could not be done without a 
 Parliament, or a convention of Eftates, it was urged, 
 that there was an abfolute neceffity of immediately fum- 
 nioning fuch a convention. The Marquifs of Hamilton , 
 and feveral others, ftrongly oppofed it, alledging, that for 
 them to appoint a convention without the King’s order, 
 was an encroachment upon the Royal Prerogative in the 
 higheft degree : That his Majefty had promiled to call a 
 Parliament in the year 1644, and therefore to hold a con¬ 
 vention of Eftates before that time, without his privity, 
 was diredtly contrary to the Laws of the land. But their 
 arguments were in vain. It was carried by the majority, 
 that the Lord-Chancellor fhould fummon a convention of 
 Eftates, againft the 2 2d of June. They make a di- 
 rtination in Scotland between a convention of Eftates, and 
 B urn ' t> » a Parliament. The convention of Eftates is a Court con- 
 
 plTj; fitting of all the Members of Parliament; but as they are 
 
 ?f 15 called, and fit without the ftate, or formalities ufed in Par¬ 
 
 liament, fo their power extends only to raife money or 
 forces, but not to make or repeal Laws. 
 
 May iy. The King having notice of what was projecting in Scot¬ 
 land, immediately fent thither the Earls of Roxborough , 
 Kinnoul , and Lanerick, with inftrudtions concerning what 
 Hamilron is they were to do for his fervice. Thefe three Lords ar- 
 made.iDnke .rived at Edinbugb the 1 5 th of May , and broughtthe Mar- 
 Burnet’j ‘l 11 ' 13 °* Hamilton a Patent, creating him a Duke. Be- 
 
 iMcm. fides this, they prefented to the Council a Declaration from 
 
 ;^T, c . h> the King, wherein he endeavoured to difplay the juftice of 
 
 . J ’ his caufe againft the Parliament of England. He vindica¬ 
 ted his innocence with regard to ail the afperfiohs caft upon 
 him, particularly concerning Religion, and reprefented 
 very pathetically, the wrongs and injuftices done him. As 
 we have feen more than once what the King alledged in 
 his vindication, I think it unneceflary to infert this Decla¬ 
 ration. I fhall only obferve, that he concluded with fay¬ 
 ing, “ God fo deal with us, and our pofterity, as we fhall 
 “ inviolably obferve the Laws and Statutes of that our 
 “ native Kingdom, and the Proteftant Religion, the Laws 
 “ of the Land, the juft Privileges ana Freedom of Par- 
 “ liament.” 
 
 Ti,'iir,;gcon- Shortly after, the King hearing that a convention of 
 '’.^Lftates was himmoned without his order or privity, eafily 
 ■Eft*:cl‘,witb perceived, this ftep was not taken without an intention to 
 1 eTt f" l ‘"»- fupport it. He chofe therefore to permit them to aft'em- 
 hine K ble, but with exprefs order to limit their confultations to 
 
 U. p.466. the bell ways and means of fupplying the Scotijh army in 
 Ireland , and to relieving publick burthens by preffing a 
 f'peedy payment of the brotherly affiftance due from Eng- 
 Thtymert- land. But the convention was by no means inclined to be 
 ^Eftates ,hC tllus re ^ ra i ned - When the Eftates met, the fiift thing in 
 Burner ’j debate was the limitation in the King’s letter of licenfe. 
 Mem. Ham. The Duke oi Hamilton, with the King’s other friends (1), 
 voted it no Convention but as regulated by bis Majejly's 
 Letter ; but all the l eft voted it a free Convention (2 ). 
 
 'I'he King pretended afterwards, the Duke of Hamilton 
 and his brother the Eail ot Lanerick had not ferved him 
 with fincerity, and if they had pleafed, they might have 
 Hamilton hindered the convention from meeting. Some time after, 
 Ibir h ;‘‘ Bro ~ thefe two Lords repairing to Oxford , he ordered them to 
 preheuded .it be apprehended, but the Earl ol Lanerick found means to 
 Oxford. efcape, and his brother the Duke was fent down to be 
 1 " imprifoned in the Caftle of St Michael's Mount in Corn¬ 
 ual. The Earl of Clarendon in his Hiflory fupports, to 
 the utmoft of his power, the King’s fufpicions of thefe 
 Burnet's two brothers, whilll, on the other hand, theie is, in the 
 Mem. Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, a large vindication upon 
 
 P. 2y1 ’ &c - t hi s article. 
 
 ThtPar/ia- The convention of Eftates met the 2 2d of June, and 
 land ^ Eng ' General-Allembly of the Kirk, the 2d o { Augujl. ’Tis 
 •w Eidtfia- obfervable, it was in June that an ordinance of the Parlia- 
 ItLii si jjem- meat of England , was publiihed for calling an Aflembly of 
 tIy !° b k h ! td Divines and others, to be confulted bv both Houfes. for 
 
 «>tWe'fnVi divines and others, to be confulted by both Houfes, for 
 Her. ' " fettling the Government and Liturgy of the Church of 
 Rufhwonh, England, and that this Aflembly held their firft feffion the 
 Fuller. 337- ol J ul h a few days after the meeting of the convert- 
 Coll er. tion of Eftates in Scotland. The fequel lhewed with what 
 deiign this Aflembly was appointed. 
 
 The precaution taken by the Scots was not inefferfual; 1643,' 
 
 I hey feem to have forefeen what happened foon after, 
 ior in the interval between the propofing a convention of 
 rotates, and the time of their meeting, the Earl of Mi’i 
 army was feized with fteknefs after the taking of Rtadim; 
 
 r/xor' 7 fdl !mo the Kin g’s hands; and Sir 
 
 lliam IFalltr’s forces were routed at Rousidway-clown. 
 
 If the King’s fucceffes had not received a check, by the 
 raffing of the Siege of Glocejler, and the battle of A T evu- 
 bury, it is very vilible, the Parliament’s affairs were in i 
 v jy Situation about the end of July and the beginning 
 01 Augujl, that is, at the time the convention of Eftates, 
 and the general Aflembly met in Scotland. Accordingly, 
 both Houfes failed not to improve the precaution taken by 
 the Scots, and which, in all appearance, had been fuggefted 
 to them. As they faw, their affairs were declining, they TbePartk- 
 applied, without farther confideration, to the convention of fir 
 
 Scotland for affiftance, and fent commiffioners, with full 
 powers to treat. I hefe commiffionerp, who came to Scotland. 
 Edinburgh whiift the King was approaching Glocefteml^J^ 
 found the Eftates of Scotland as well difpofed as they could Condon. 
 Wllh (3). T. II.p.231; 
 
 Both Houfes had forefeen, that the Eftates of Scotland** 1 ' 
 would demand, in return for their affiftance, a poiitive en¬ 
 gagement to eftablifti in the Church of England a Prcf- 
 byterian Government, like that in the Kirk of Scotland. 
 
 It is fcarce to be doubted, thai fume of the Direiflors of 
 the Parliament’s affairs had made fuch a private agreement 
 with them, though it cannot be proved by any publick 
 Acts. Nay, very likely, the Ear! of E/fex 's army had 
 been buffered to decay, on purpofe to reduce things to fuch: 
 a ftate, that the afiiftance of the Scots fhould be abfolutely 
 neceilary. At leaft, it is hard to difeuver any other rea- 
 fon, that could have induced the Parliament to buffer that 
 army to remain urfferviceable, from the taking of Reading 
 to the flege of Glocejler. It appeared that this proceeded 
 not entiiely from inability, fince, when the danger grew 
 more imminent, means were found to enable the Earl of 
 Ejj'ex to relieve Glocejler. Now it was precifely whiift the 
 Eari of Ejjex's army was thus neglected, that the Parlia¬ 
 ment refolved to defire the affiftance of Scotland. Be this 
 as it will, both Houfes fent, with their commiffioners, 
 two Declarations, one directed to the convention, the 
 other, to the general Affembly. The firft was, only to RufWh< 
 dehre the fpeedy afiiftance of the Eftates, and to inform v - p.467/ 
 them, that their commiffioners had inftrudlions to treat 
 with them, not only concerning the fatisfadtion to be made 
 for the defired aid, but alfo about fettling the accounts be¬ 
 tween the two Kingdoms. In the fecond, both Houfes They offer f c 
 acknowledged the great zeal and love, manifefted by the «**«.«■ 
 general Aflembly of the Churches of Scotland, in their en- t"„ 7 fbo,h 
 deavours for the prefervation of the true Proteftant Reli- ChZhes. ° 
 gion, from the attempts of the Popifh and Prelatical party, Id * P’* 6 ?' 
 to the neceilary reformation of Church Government in 
 England, and the more near union of both Churches. 
 
 And therefore they exhorted the Aflembly to fend into 
 England fome of their body, for the furtherance of that 
 work in conjunction with the Aflembly of Divines now 
 fitting at IVeJlminJler. They declared alfo, that belides 
 their inftruCtions in the civil matters of both Kingdoms, 
 the commiffioners had received directions to refort to and 
 confult with the general Afteinbly of the Kirk of Scotland, 
 in every thing relating to the relormation of the Church 
 of England-, and to that end, Mr. Marjhal and Mr. Nye, 
 
 Minilters of God’s word, were appointed to allilt thecom- 
 miflioners with their advice. 
 
 With thefe Declarations the commiffioners found no dif¬ 
 ficulty in their negotiation. On the contrary, the general 
 Aflembly addreffed to the Eftates a Declaration, contain¬ 
 ing the rcafons which ought to induce them to affift the 
 Parliament of England. The rcafons were to this effeCt: 
 
 “ *• The controverfy now in England being betwixt- R - 
 the Lord Jefus and Anti-chrift with iris followers, if we cfthcGcne- 
 would not come under the curfe of Mcroz, we fhould j’l-^jfnnby 
 come out, and help the Lord againft the mighty. M^jjijto*’ 
 44 2 - Fhere was an Adi puffed by the convention of the Partial 
 4 Eftates, yltuio 1585? wherein the Eftates found it necef- ™‘ nt ‘ 
 
 ‘ fary to enter in a League and Chnftian Conlederation, 1 ' P ' 472 * 
 with all Proteftant Princes and Eftates, againft the bloody 
 League at Trent. Conformed to which there followed 
 a League betwixt the two Crowns of Scotland and Eng¬ 
 land, fubferibed at Berwick 1586, againft whatfoever 
 foreign and inteftine Powers of Papifls fhould arrive or 
 rife. And therefore the caufe being the fame, as well 
 as the parties, and the danger, we are bound to periorn* 
 now, what we promifed then. 
 
 (1) Eighteen Lords and one Knight. Rnfhaorth, Tom. V. p.466. 
 
 (2; Whereupon Horn!It on and his Party withdrew, and would fit in the Convention no more. Ibid. 
 
 1 >* I ne Commaiioners appointed were, John Mannors, Earl of Rutland, (who, upon indiipout.nn of health, procured a releafe,! and the Lord Grey of 
 ark, (who refining to go on accouut ot his inability to bear fo iong a journey, was fent to the Tower, but foon after rcleafed) tor the Lards; anil tor 
 m slrmyne. Sir Henry Vane the younger, Mr. Hatcher, and Mr. Darley, with two Divines, Mafia! and A>r, to attend rhem. 
 
 the Commons, 
 
 Rnjinvortb, Tom. V. p. 466. Clarendon, Tom. II. p. 2^2. 
 
 No. LXVIII. V o l. II. 
 
 6 F 
 
 “ 3 . W* 
 
Vol, IL 
 
 4 8 4 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1643. bid tne taking of the Covenant, but it produced no great 
 7 ; orjtrrd effedh On the contrary, the Committee of Eftates did, 
 r *scod™d by their printed Adt of the azd of October , ordain it to 
 'ZiJfr°}rici be fworn and fubfcribed by all the Subjects, under pain of 
 penalties. having their goods and rents confifcated. After that, they 
 Ruf^worth, p unimone( j a n t he Lords of the Council to come and fign 
 ^ it before them. The Duke of Hamilton , and fome others, 
 refufing to fubfcribe it, the Committee, by another Adi, 
 [of the 17th of November ,] ordered all their Lands to be 
 leized, and their perfons to be apprehended, with permif- 
 iion to kill fuch as refilled. Notwithflanding all this, the 
 Kine, at the Duke’s coming to Oxford, caufed him, as I 
 laid, to be arrefted. 
 
 After both Kingdoms had agreed upon the Covenant, 
 the Eftates of Scotland appointed Commiffioners to treat 
 with the Englijh, concerning the aid defired. The fub- 
 flance of the Treaty, figned November the 29th, is as 
 follows: 
 
 'Treaty be- 44 i. That the Covenant be fworn and fubfcribed by 
 twetn Eng- ci Loth Kingdoms. 
 
 Scotland. “ z - That an army fhall be forthwith levied in Scot- 
 Id. p. 48;. iC land, confifting of eighteen thoufand foot effective, and 
 “ two thoufand horfe, and one thoufand Dragoons eff'ec- 
 “ tive, with a fuitable train of artillery, to be ready at 
 “ fome general rendezvous near the borders of England, 
 44 to march into England with all convenient fpeed, the 
 4-4 faid foot and horfe to be well and compleatly armed, 
 “ and provided with vidluals and pay for forty days. 
 
 44 3. That the army be commanded by a General ap- 
 44 pointed by the Effates of Scotland, and fubjedl to fuch 
 44 refolutions and diredtions as fhall be agreed and con- 
 “ eluded on mutually between the two Kingdoms, or by 
 “ Committees appointed by them in that behalf. 
 
 “ 4. That the charge of levying, arming, and bring- 
 44 ing the faid forces together, as alfo the fitting the train 
 “ of artillery, be computed and fet down according to the 
 “ fame rates, as if the Kingdom of Scotland were to raife 
 “ the faid army for themfelves; all which for the prefent is 
 “ to be done by the Kingdom of Scotland upon accompt, 
 44 and the accompt to be delivered to the Commiffioners 
 ... ’ ngdom of England, and when the peace of 
 “ toi two Kingdoms is fettled, the fame to be repaid or 
 44 fatisfied to the Kingdom of Scotland. 
 
 “ 3. Tli.; ih : army be likewile paid, as if the Kingdom 
 44 of Scotland were to employ the fame for their own 
 “ occafiun ; and towards the defraying thereof, fhall be 
 “ monthly allowed and paid the fum of 3000b/. Sterling 
 “ by the Parliament of England, out of the eftates and 
 44 revenues of the Papifis, Prelates, Malignants, and their 
 *• adherents, or otherwife; and in cafe the faid 30000/. 
 “ monthly, or any part thereof, be not paid at the time 
 “ when it fhall become due, the Kingdom of England 
 “ fhall give the publick faith for the paying of the rc- 
 “ mainder unpaid with all poffible fpeed, allowing the rate 
 44 of 8/. perCent, for the time of the performance there- 
 “ of; and in cafe that notwithstanding the faid monthly 
 44 fum of 30000/. paid as aforefaid, the States and King- 
 “ dom of Scotland fhall have juft caufe to demand farther 
 44 fatisfadlion of their brethren of England, when the peace 
 44 of both Kingdoms is fettled, for the pains, hazard, 
 “ and charges they have undergone in the fame, they fhall 
 44 by way of brotherly affiftance have due recompence 
 “ made to them by the Kingdom of England, and that 
 “ out of fuch lands and eftates of the Papifts, Prelates, 
 “ Malignants, and their adherents; and for the afiurance 
 44 thereof the publick faith of the Kingdom of England 
 “ fhall be given them. 
 
 “ 6. And to the end the faid army may be enabled 
 “ and prepared to march, the Kingdom of England is to 
 “ pay in ready money to their brethren of Scotland the 
 4i fum of 100,000/. Sterling at Leith or Edinburgh, by 
 “ way of advance beforehand, which is to be difeounted 
 44 back again to the Kingdom of England by the Kingdom 
 “ of Scotland, upon the full monthly allowance winch 
 “ fhall grow due to the Scotijh army, from the time they 
 “ fhall make their firft entrance into the Kingdom of 
 “ England. 
 
 “ 7- That the publick fai;h of the Kingdom of Scotland 
 “ will be given, to be jointly made ufe of with the pub- 
 “ lick faith ot the Kingdom of England, for the prefent 
 “ taking up 200,000/. Sterling in the Kingdom of Eng- 
 “ land, or elfewhere, for the fpeedy procuring of the faid 
 “ 100,000 /. Sterling as aforefaid, as alfo a confiderable 
 “ fum for the fatisfying in good proportion the arrears 
 “ of the Scotijh army in Ireland. 
 
 “ 8- That no celfation, nor any pacification or agree- 
 41 ment ot peace whatloever, fhall be made without the 
 41 mutual advice and content of both Kingdoms. 
 
 44 9. That the publick faith of the Kingdom of Scot- 
 44 land fhall be given to their brethren of England , that 
 4 " ne:tner their entrance into, nor their continuance in the 
 c * Kingdom of England, fhall be made ufe of to any 
 
 44 other ends than are ex prefled in the Covenant, and in 1643, 
 
 44 the articles of this treaty ; and that all matters of dif‘ 
 
 “ ference that fhall happen to arife between the Subjedls 
 “ of the two Nations, fhall be refolved and determined 
 “ by the mutual advice and confent of both Kingdoms, 
 
 44 or by fuch committees as for this purpofe fhall be by them 
 44 appointed. 
 
 44 10. That the Kingdom of England do oblige them- 
 ** felves to aid and affilt the Kingdom of Scotland, in the 
 44 fame or like cafes of {heights and extremities. 
 
 44 11. That during the time that the Scotifn army fhall 
 “ be employed, as aforefaid, for the defence of the King- 
 44 dom of Scotland, there fhall be fitted out, as men of war, 
 
 44 eight fhips, whereof fix fliall be of burthen betwixt one 
 44 hundred and twenty and two hundred tun, the other 
 44 between three and four hundred tun ; all which fliall 
 44 be maintained at the charge of the Kingdom of England, 
 
 44 to be employed for the defence of the coaft of Scotland, 
 
 44 under fuch commanders as the Earl ol Warwick for 
 44 the time of his being Admiral fhall nominate, with 
 44 the approbation of the committees of both Kingdoms ; 
 
 44 which commanders fhall receive from the faid Earl 
 44 general inftrudlions, that they do from time to time 
 44 obferve the directions of the committees of both King- 
 44 doms.” 
 
 Though this treaty was not figned till the 29th of No- An .mrn' 1 
 vember, the Eftates of Scotland were fo fecure, there would ’ 
 
 be no objections to the terms, that the troops of the molt " 
 dirtant Counties were now marching to the general ren¬ 
 dezvous, whilft the treaty was in hand. The very day Rufhwonfr 
 the Covenant was fent to England, namely, the 18th of v * 1> 4 ^ 
 Augujl, a Proclamation was publifhed in the King’s name 
 according to the ufual ltile, commanding all the Subjedls o 
 Scotland, from fixteen to fixty years old, to provide them¬ 
 felves with ammunition, arms, and forty days provifions, 
 and to be ready to march for the defence of the Kingdom. 
 
 The King could not bear, that an order fhould be publifhed 
 in his name to his Subjedls of Scotland, to ajm themfelves 
 againft himfelf. He writ a vehement letter to the Council, H- p-4$4/ 
 commanding them exprcfly to call in the Proclamation, 
 but it was to no purpofe. The King feems not to have 
 known, that in Scotland as well as in England , in all flate- 
 aftairs, the King is never confidered as feparated from the 
 People, and that it is the ufual praclice to publifh all pub¬ 
 lick orders in the King’s name, though they are prejudicial 
 to his private interefts. Hiftory furnifhes us with number- 
 lefs inftances, and the King had found, by too frequent 
 experience for fome time in England, that in making war 
 upon him, it was pretended to be for his honour and true 
 intereft. He himfelf pretended, that he waged war with 
 both Houfes in defence of the liberties of Parliament. This 
 is an eft'edl of the conftitution of the Government, whereby 
 the King as the head, and the People as the body, are 
 deemed infeparable. If they happen to be divided, it is 
 not ftrange, that each pretends to aCt for the good of die 
 whole, fince this pretenfion is made the foie caufe of their 
 divifion. 
 
 Upon this foundation it was, that the Eftates of Scotland 'hanifejlm 
 publifhed two Manifefto’s, wherein, fuppofing the King ^ S p_°“j. 
 to have been, and ftiil to be, guided by pernicious coun- 490. 
 fels, they pretended not only, that they might juftly affift 
 the two Houfes againft him, but were bound in confcience 
 to make war upon him. They maintained, they had no 
 other view, than to refcue him from the dangers he willing¬ 
 ly expofed himfelf to, and to labour for his happinefs and 
 glory. After all, this maxim is not wholly peculiar to 
 England and Scotland. It has been followed in other States 
 during civil wars. All that can be faid, is, that many 
 times the welfare of the King and State, is only a cloke 
 to ambition, revenge, and other criminal paffions. But it 
 is not impoffible, that what is frequently a pretence only, 
 may fometimes be a very folid reafon. It is the part of the 
 wife and unbiafled, who feek only the truth, todiftinguifh 
 the real motives which engage Subjedls to take arms againft 
 their Sovereigns, in States where an abfolute and unlimited 
 power cannot with reafon be aferibed to the Prince, as in 
 England and Scotland. 
 
 The King made a long anfwer to thefe Manifefto’s, The KIrf 
 but it was upon quite contrary fuppofitions. He pretended, ■^ff a ’ eT - 
 both Houfes of Parliament had forced him to take arms in ’ P 4 
 his own defence ; That his confent to the Acts of the Par¬ 
 liament of Scotland, was more than fufficient to fecure their 
 Religion and Liberties: That his Subjects of Scotland could 
 not, without being guilty of treafon, make war upon him 
 on any pretence whatfoever, and other the like fuppofiti¬ 
 ons, which the Scots did not grant, as he did not thofe 
 made by them in fupport of their pretended right. There 
 is one, among others, which frequently occurs in the au¬ 
 thors who have writ on this fubjedl, and which is admitted, 
 or rejected, according as they lean to either party. And 
 this obliges me juft to mention it, in order to arm the 
 reader againft the prejudices of both, 
 
 4 In 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 25. 
 
 CHARLES L 
 
 48 s 
 
 ■ g 43- 
 
 Rifhworth. 
 IV. p. 371. 
 
 llufhworth. 
 
 V. p-49 8 - 
 
 Jtffan.of 
 
 Ireland. 
 
 The King 
 
 jormi the 
 frojefl of 
 
 Truce with 
 tbe Irifh 
 rebeh. 
 
 Cox, Part 2. 
 p. 130. 
 
 Bor lace, 
 p-112. Sc c. 
 
 In the treaty of peace concluded at London 164', there 
 was this claufe : That the Kingdom of Scotland Jhal! not de¬ 
 nounce nor make war againjl the Kingdoms of England, or 
 Ireland, without confent of the Parliament of Scotland ; 
 nor, on the other hand , the Kingdom of England make war 
 againjl Scotland, without confent of the Parliament of Eng¬ 
 land. And in cafe any of the Subjects of any of the King¬ 
 doms fnall rife in arms, or make war againjl any other of 
 the Kingdoms and Subjefis thereof, without confent of the 
 Parliament of that Kingdom whereof they are Subjects, or 
 upon which they do depend, that they Jhall be held as traitors 
 to the States whereof they are Subjects. And that both the 
 Kingdoms, in the cafes aforefaid, be bound to concur in the re- 
 pr effing of tbofe that fall happen to rife in arms , or make war 
 without confent of their own Parliament. 
 
 The King fuppofing, that the Scots, in aiding the Par¬ 
 liament againft him, intended to make war upon England, 
 inferred from this claufe, that they were guilty of treafon. 
 This inference was founded not only upon the fuppofition 
 above mentioned, but alfo upon the convention of eftates 
 not being a true Parliament, and moreover upon his having 
 given them licenfe to meet, but with fuch limitations as 
 had not been obferved. The Scots fuppofed on the con¬ 
 trary, that, far from intending to make war againft Eng¬ 
 land, their defign was to aid and defend that Kingdom a- 
 gainft the Popilh and Prelatical party, and refeue the King 
 out of their hands. Thus, what the King called invading 
 England , the oppofite party called ajjjling it. This mult 
 be always remembered when we read the hiftory of thefe 
 days. 
 
 The Scotch army entered England January 15, 1643-4. 
 But it is not yet time to relate what they did there. It 
 will be neceilary firft to fpeak of what palled concerning 
 Ireland , and of fome other important occurrences of the 
 year 1643. 
 
 As to Ireland, the fuccefs of the firft campain had been 
 fo equal on both fides, that neither could boaft of having 
 gained any great advantage. The point was to continue 
 the war, each rightly judging, peace would be always very 
 remote, fo long as things remained in a ftate of equality. 
 And therefore the King and the Parliament thought of 
 ftrengthening themfelves againft the enfuing campain. 
 The treaty of Oxford not fucceeding, as was eafy to fore- 
 fee, the King thought of means to employ at home the 
 Englijh troops that ferved in Ireland, and to that purpofe, 
 of making a truce with the rebels. As this notable pro¬ 
 ject could not but be odious to the Englijh, and render 
 fufpicious all the King’s proteftations with refpedt to the 
 Irijh rebellion, he faw himfelf obliged to ufe more caution, 
 to procure an excufe to conclude this cefiation. This he 
 did by engaging the Lords-Juftices of Ireland, and the 
 Council of Dublin to countenance his project. But as I 
 may be accufed of aferibing to the King motives he never 
 had, I think it incumbent on me to alledge heie the un- 
 queftionable teftimony of the Lord Clarendon. The rea¬ 
 der will find it in Vol. II. p. 31S. Fol. Edit. 
 
 The King was not all this while without a due fenfe of 
 the dangers that threatened him, in the growth and improve¬ 
 ment of the power and Jlrength of the enemy, and how im- 
 pojfible it would be for him , without fome more extraordinary 
 affiance, to refjl that torrent , which heforefaw by the next 
 fpring would be ready to overwhelm him, if he made not pro- 
 vifion accordingly. And fading by degrees, that it was not 
 in his power to compofe the dijlurbances of England, or to 
 prevent thofe of Scotland, and abhorring the thought of intro¬ 
 ducing a foreign Nation to fubduc his own Subjects, he begun 
 to think of expedients which might allay the difempers in 
 Ireland ; that fo, having one of his Kingdoms in peace, he 
 might apply the power of that towards the procuring it in 
 his other dominions. He was not ignorant , how tender an 
 argument that buftnefs of Ireland was, and how prepared 
 men were to pervert wbatfoever he faid , or did in it ; and 
 therefore he refolved to proceed with that caution, that wbat¬ 
 foever tv as done in it, fhould be by the council of that State, 
 who were underfood to be moft skillful in thofe affairs. 
 
 Hence it is evident, that the King’s defign in making a 
 truce with the Irijh rebels, was to employ the Englijh 
 forces which ferved in that Kingdom, to fubdue the Par¬ 
 liament, and that, to avoid the reproaches which might be 
 caft on him for it, he refolved fo to manage, that it Ihould 
 appear to be done by the Council of Ireland, that is, by 
 the Lords-Juftices, and the reft of the Council. In the 
 pafiage 1 have quoted, the Lord Clarendon infinuates, that 
 the King came not to this refolution till about the end 
 of the year 1643, that is, when he was fure the Scots 
 were to fend an army into England. For, after relating 
 what had pafied during the campain of 1643, the Parlia¬ 
 ment’s negotiations in Scotland, the Covenant of both 
 
 16 1% 
 
 Kingdoms, the refolution taken in Scotland to aid the two 
 Houles, the calling of the Oxford Parliament, which was 
 not done till December the fame year; he comes at laft to 
 fpeak of the King’s refolution, to make ufe of the Englijh 
 troops that were in Ireland. The King , (fays he,) was 
 not all this white without a due fenfe of the dangers that 
 threatened him, and how impojjible it would be for him to 
 refif that torrent, which he forefaw by the next fpring would 
 
 be ready to overwhelm him. - He began therefore to think 
 
 of expedients which might allay the difempers of Ireland. It 
 is however certain, the King refolved to make a truce in 
 Ireland long before the Parliament’s negotiation with Scot¬ 
 land, and before the Scots refolution to levy an army. 
 
 And what invincibly proves that the King was deter¬ 
 mined, before the engagement of the Scots, is, that the 
 Irijh truce was figned the 15th of September 1643, after a 
 long negotiation. Thus, the Lord Clarendon’s iniinuation, 
 that the King did refolve to employ the Englijh forces of 
 Ireland, only to fecure himfelf againft the torrent that was 
 ready to overwhelm him, being very ill-grounded, con¬ 
 firms what will be feen hereafter, that he was not induced 
 by neceflity to make a truce with the Irijh rebels, but by 
 the hopes of fubduing the Parliament with thefe additional 
 forces. 
 
 To have a pretence to conclude this trued, the King be- Tie King'1 
 lieved, the beft way was to perfwade the publick, it would 
 be extremely advantagious, or rather was abfolutely necefta- ^ ‘ 
 ry, to the Englijh in Ireland, and their only refuge, to pie- 
 ferve what they ftill poflelled in that Country. He had 
 complained feveral times, that the Parliament negledled 
 the Irijh war, and would have had a numerous army lent 
 thither. But, as I faid before, the Parliament fufpedting, 
 the King’s aim was only to weaken them by that diverfion, 
 were contented with fending from time to time a few 
 fupplies to continue the war, befides the Scotch troops which 
 made a great diverfion in the north. Thefe fupplies, tho’ 
 inconfiderable, had however produced this good effedt, that 
 the rebels, inftead of making greater progrefs, had on the 
 contrary loft much ground, after feveral defeats. They 
 were however ftill much fuperior to the Englijh , and tho’ 
 the Englijh and Scotch forces were able to curb them a little, 
 they were not ftrong enough to hope to reduce them to 
 obedience. Nay, it was to be feared, they would in the 
 end be overpowered with numbers, efpecially as the Par¬ 
 liament, ingaged in a war with the King, could not fend 
 a powerful aid into Ireland , for fear of leaving England 
 unprovided. This was the pretenfe ufed by the King to 
 conclude a truce with the rebels. 
 
 In the fituation of affairs, fince war had been declared Perplexity of 
 between the King and the Parliament, the Lords- Juftices c f I ori '\ 
 who governed Ireland were greatly embarafied. They had 
 been commiflioned by the King, and confequently from 
 him they were to receive their orders. But on the other 
 hand, the Parliament having taken upon them to pay the 
 charges of the Irijh war, they could not openly declare for 
 the King, without forfeiting the affiftance of the Parlia¬ 
 ment, the King not being in condition to fupply them. A 
 perfect neutrality was not pollible, becaufe the King’s and 
 the Parliament’s interefts being oppoiite, they could not 
 implicitly obey the one, without being fufpedted by the 
 other. They chofe therefore to try to content both, as 
 far as was poffible, and the rather, as the King and the 
 Parliament exprefied an equal defire to end the Irijh war. 
 
 But they could not remain long in this fituation. Such 
 was their cafe 2t laft, that it was not poffible for them to 
 pleafe both. The Parliament having fent [in Odlcber 1642] 'P' cr Paritc- 
 a committee to Dublin to affift the Council, and fettle with Comlarel « 
 the Lords-Juftices, what related to the continuance of the Dublin, 
 war (1), thefe Commifiioncrs were at firft received with 0<aotier 
 refpedf, but in February 1643, by the King’s exprefs or- 7 r)t 
 der, were fent back to England. The King was well received,ar.d 
 pleafed, the Parliament Ihould fupply what was necefiary °M ,he 
 for continuing the war, but unwilling they Ihould have any Ru^vonh. 
 Ihare in the government of Ireland, or their Commiffioners v. P . 530 . 
 a place in the Council of State. Shortly after, lie removed 
 fome of the Lords-Jufiices and Counfellors (2). Probably, f e ff f 
 he was then forming the projedt of a truce with the rebels, order. 
 and wanted for that purpofe, that the Lords-Juftices, and ^ Jbld ‘ 
 all the Counfellors Ihould be difpofed to adt only by his Lordijuf. 
 orders. Befides, on this fuppofition, the Parliament’s com- ti: ” “ ri ‘ 
 miflioners couid not but be a great impediment, had they 
 continued to affift at the Council of State. From that th K, n g. 
 time alfo, the inftances of the Lords-Juftices to the King 
 and Parliament for aid, became more preffing and frequent. p ' 
 
 They reprefented the ftate of the Englijh in Ireland, as en¬ 
 tirely defperate, without a fpeedy fupply of men, money, 
 and ammunition. They faid, the olheers were very im¬ 
 portunate for leave to return to England. In a word, they 
 
 i z, See. 
 
 (1) They earned with them 20,030/. in ready money, three hundred Barrels of Powder, ten Tun of Match, and other ammunititn. Rufbnucrtb, Ten 
 I F 53°' 
 
 (2) See the Declaration hereafter of both Houfes, concerning the afhirs of kilned. Ropm, 
 
 No. 68. V o L. II. 6 G 
 
 omitted 
 
Vo]. If 
 
 The H I STO RY of ENGLAND 
 
 486 
 
 1643. omitted nothing;, that was apt to create a belief, there was 
 Rufhworth. no remedy. On the other hand, fome officers e,l the hn- 
 v - P-537- gift army prefented a Remonftrance to the Lords- Juft ices, 
 Jpril the 4th, 1643, declaring, they were reduced to de- 
 fpair for want of money to fublift, and that it ought not to 
 be thought ftrange, if in their cafe they fhould have re- 
 courfe to the firft and primary law of nature, which God 
 hath endowed men withal, namely, the law of felf-prcfer- 
 C'arendon. vation. If to thefe fo earnelt complaints be added, what 
 ii* P 319. the Lord Clarendon fays, that the King refolved fo to pro¬ 
 ceed, that every thing fhould appear to be done by the 
 Council of Ireland, the fending back of the Parliament's 
 commiffioners, and the changes made among the Lords- 
 Juftices, and members of the Council, one can fcarce help 
 fufpe&ing thefe complaints to be all begged, on purpofe to 
 ferve for pretenfe to the ceffation. This fufpicion feerns 
 the more probable, as at that time the affairs of the Englijh 
 in Ireland were upon a very good foot, and as the Marquils 
 of Ormond had juft gained, at Rofr , a fignal viflory over the 
 rebels. Accordingly the Lords-Juftices, as well as the offi¬ 
 cers, took care not to make the progrefs of the rebels the 
 ground of their complaints, but only the want of money, 
 provifions, and ammunition. 
 
 The K:ng However this be, the Remonftrance of the officers being 
 ,m/> -uvri f ent t0 t h e King, he took occafion from thence to fend to 
 't-f’o/Or- the Marquifs of Ormond a Commiffion, impowering him 
 Lon A to to treat with the rebels, and agree with them upon a ceffa- 
 irccir ivitb t : on 0 f arms j- f or one year, ] ~ He gave notice of it to the 
 April"iV- Lords-Juftices, in a letter of April the 23d, 1643, corn- 
 j6*i- ' manding them to affift the Marquifs in the execution ot his 
 Rnihworth. Commiffion, to the utmoft of their power. The date of 
 Bor lace/ this Commiffion is remarkable, for it evidently (hows, that 
 p- 1 >s- the Scots refolution to affift the Parliament, which was not 
 taken till the following Augujl , was not the caufe of the 
 Irijh truce. 
 
 TheLordi t \,j a y t h e third, the King renewed his orders to the Mar- 
 mJl'uwnt quifs of Ormond concerning the truce. But before the 
 f : - >utL Marquifs had received thefe frefh orders, the Lords- Jufti- 
 M y it. ces ^ a j wr j t t0 t h e King, the 1 ith of the fame month, a 
 very expreffive letter, reprefenting the miferable condition 
 Clarendon, ©f Ireland, in fuch terms as fhowed, that every one was 
 11. P . 310. re( ] uce( ] to defpair for want of money, and provifions, tho 
 till then the Englijh forces had been crowned with fuccefs 
 again ft the rebels (i). 
 
 Ti-i v ■ The King, who meant to take an advantage from this 
 ' ’ letter, to demonftrate to the publick, the neceffity of the 
 / .-./mt. /ceffation he intended to conclude, fent it to both Hou- 
 Junc 16. fes(z), who immediately took this affair into confidera- 
 Rulhwoith, t j Qn ^ (^ omm ittee was appointed, with orders to think 
 ‘ 1 -jy? of ways to raile money for Ireland. Upon the report of 
 the Committee, the Parliament refolved to raife money by 
 voluntary contributions, and offered very advantagious terms 
 to fuc nee tl ms req ed (3). But not- 
 
 ' withftanding this, the King, July the 2d, difpatched frefh 
 
 ,i : tru , orders to the Lords-Juftices, and the Marquifs of Ormond, 
 id. p sn- to conclude a truce tor one year, which they were already 
 cuS’on endeavouring. From the 20th of June, the general Coun- 
 11, p. 3:3. cil of the Irijl), affcmbled at Kilkenny, had granted a Com¬ 
 miffion to treat (4). 
 
 R.iihworih. September the 7th, the King repeated his orders to the 
 v. p. 547. Marquifs of Ormond, to conclude the truce as foon as pol- 
 fible. At the fame time, he ordered him to fend into Eng¬ 
 land, all the Englijh forces that could be fpared after the 
 conclufion of the truce. His reafon was, and he could 
 juftlv fay it then, that an army was preparing in Scotland 
 to invade England. But there was no mention of that ar¬ 
 ticle in the foregoing orders. 
 
 7 i-Truce At length, the ceffation was figned the 15th of Septem- 
 
 !«!. p "U- her, on the condition that both parties fhould remain in 
 poffeffion of what they held. The King founded the ne¬ 
 ceffity of it, firft, upon a Remonftrance prefented to him 
 December the firft 1642, by four Colonels, as well in their 
 own, as in the names of many other officers, who ferved 
 in the .-..-ray of Ireland , wherein they told him, it was 
 impotiiblc for them to fubfift any longer, if means were 
 not found to fupply their preffing wants. Secondly, upon 
 the repeated letters fent from the Lords-Juftices to the 
 King and the Parliament, fince January 1642-3, wherein 
 
 they faid, the army was going to perifh m !■ w days, n r :> : 
 want of affiftance. Thirdly, upon the forementffned Re¬ 
 monftrance ot the officers of the 4th of April , wherein tl ry 
 pretended a few hours delay to affift then:, would be too 
 long (5). Neverthelefs this army, which was reduced to 
 extremity the firft of December 1642, found means to fub ¬ 
 fift till the 1 7th of September 1643, though the Lords-Juf¬ 
 tices complained, they had received no fupplirs fince No¬ 
 vember. This is a clear evidence, that all thefe complaints 
 were very much aggravated by the private Jire&ion of the 
 King, who meant to ufe them for pretenfe to the truce. 
 
 This is what the Parliament reprefented in a Declaration Both Ho fit 
 publifhed on account of the Irijh ceffation, before the)- had °F 
 
 notice of its being concluded : They complained very ' ld ' ... 
 ftrongly, that they were never acquainted by the State- of clarendon, 
 Ireland, with the treaty of a ceffation, much lefs was their 11 P-3 1 ?- 
 advice demanded, notwithftanding, that by a£t of Parlia¬ 
 ment, and by his Majefty’s commiffion under the Great- 
 Seal, both Houfes were to advife, order , and dijpofe of all 
 things concerning the government and defenje of that Kingdom. 
 
 They faid, that to accomplifh more aafily this difhonorable 
 ceffation, thofe of the State in Dublin , who were fo honeft 
 and religious as to diffwade it, were firft difcountenanced, 
 and at laft put out of their places, and reftrait ed to prifon, 
 as Sir William Parfons one of the Lords-Juftices, Sir John 
 Temple matter of the Rolls , Sir Adam Loftus Vice-Treafurer 
 of Ireland, and Sir Robert Meredith , one alfo of the Coun¬ 
 cil-table. That it was made only with a view to difeou- 
 rage thofe who had fubferibed to advance money upon the 
 Parliament’s propofals, in order to render impoffible the 
 maintenance of the army in Ireland , and to employ it in 
 England, to the definition of the Parliament. For thefe 
 and many other reafons, which I omit to avoid tedioufnefs, 
 both Houfes declared the intended ceffation void, promt- 
 fing to indemnify thofe who fhould refufe to fubmit to 
 it (6). 
 
 Mean while, the King who was affured of the concur- Part -f tbt 
 rence of the Lords-Juftices, the Council of State, and the If? 
 Marquifs of Ormond General of the army, fo ordered it, |' nd V-. Rrle 
 that after the conclufion of the truce all the Englijh troops that rl g 
 could he fpared were fent to him. Thefe forces landed at 
 MnJlyn in Flintjhire , and their firft attempt was upon Ha- v. 199, 
 warden Caftle, which was furrendered to them the 4th of 3 - \ 
 
 December. Then they took fome other fmall places in 
 Chefuirc (7); after which the Lord Byron (8), who com- ‘ , J 
 imnded for the King in thofe parts, befieged Nar.ttvich, 
 
 January the 15th 1643-4. Three days alter, making a 
 Ridden and violent ftorm upon five feveral places of the 
 town at once, he was every where repulfed with the lofs of 
 many of his men. At laft, the 21ft of the fame month, Tbr-, 
 the Lord Fairfax , who advanced to relieve the town, en- JO : 
 tircly routed the Irijh army, confifting of three thou (and t a ; r :,x. 
 foot, ( who were almoft all flain or taken prifoners, ) and 
 of eighteen hundred horfe, moft of whom cleaped by flight, v ’ p ' j.f 
 but were fo difperfed that they could be of no farther fer- Clarendon, 
 vice to the King. Colonel George Monk was taken in this n -P- 3-°- 
 adlion, and fent prifoner to the Tower of London, where y' 
 he remained fome time, till at laft he took arms under the r.,r. 
 Parliament (9). Thus the King received no advantage by 
 thefe troops, nay, they rather did him great prejudice, in 
 that, by all his proceedings to procure them, he confirmed 
 the miltruft entertained by many people, of his being con¬ 
 cerned in the Irijh Rebellion. 
 
 Not to interrupt the thread of the military ruftions, and .7,..,,,/,. 
 of what pafi’ed in Scotland and Ireland, I have been forced vtnttof they 
 to pafs over feveral important events of this year 1643, 0 f J eaT ,6 + 3 * 
 which it will be neceffary to fpeak, tho’ without any connec¬ 
 tion, as they are of a different nature. The Reader will 
 eafily, by obferving the dates, perceive their relation to the 
 general affairs. I fhall begin with certain projects framed 
 at London , to compel the Parliament to make peace, whilft 
 the armies were in the field. 
 
 The King was ever ftrongly poffeffed with the Notion, ^ (0 
 that fear alone held moft of the people attached to the Par- f--ct tk.- 
 liament, and that if he procured them a good opportunity 
 to hold up their heads, he fhould oblige both Houfes lo r a ' 1 ' - 
 make a fpcedy peace, without demanding the Securities, 
 which made the principal obftacle. This was the favorite 
 
 . i\ They complained, that they had no victual', clothej, or other provifu nt requifitr towards rh-ir fuftenance ; no money to provide them of any thing 
 
 tmy v.an'ed : n-• aim,-., „nd not above forty barrels of powoer in his Ala icfly's (lores. Ru/bwciti, Tim. 5- p tjX. 
 
 : The Hurf-r refufed to receive 1 he Letter, becaufe not directed a? uniai, but referred it to a (.omtnittce to open it. and report the con'-nt-. JYi’fehtk, 
 
 131 The A.lvcn-urers were to have fuch and fuch towns, with (o many acres of Land for fecurity, upon advancing fuch a fum upon each Town. The Sum 
 propofed to be rai fed. was 100,000/. RuJJrwortb, Tom. 3. P- 54 °> 54 1- 
 
 j- The Commiffioners appointed by the Cathulck parly to treat with the Marquifs cf Ormcr.d, were Dannegb Vifcnmt Mushr-y, fir l .-j D:"r, Al 
 .-’.-I Blunter, Sir Robert Talbot, S : r Richard BarmotU, Icrlogb 0 Iceat, Gc-frry Brown, Evtr-Mac-Gennn, and John tVatffo. Ruju rb, Tom- J. 
 p. 34X. 
 
 There are no fuch words in the Remonilrance ; they fay indeed, they are brought to Jo grtal exigency, :ha: they are ready tc rob and jy-.il ere another. 
 R: fbiocrth, Tom. 5. p. 537. 
 
 1 It i::e.':ck l v . twenrv thoufand Engli/h and Seen in (he North cf Ireland, vowed to 1‘tie and dn together in cpgtj-tton r; the cjfa’.ton, Mem. 
 
 N.mely, Buficn Caftle, At rihnvub, Crenv-boufe, Dedwgton-boufe. and y/rtwr Church. Rufhwrtb, Tern. ?• p- 300. 3d. 
 
 Ci Sir J-rtn Byron was made Lord Byron of Rocoaale, (he 14th of Obhber, 19 Car. 1. and his Brother Jhchara, Lord f'auglja of Emyn, the day l.i- 
 
 lowirg. Dugdale's Baron. Tom. 2. p 469. 
 
 (9) Amo- g ihe Prifoners were taken a hundred and twenty Injh Women with long kn'v.*«, wherewith they were faid to hare dons jnifcl.Df. This fight 
 was reported ;e be as iharp for the lime, as any that had happened before in thofe wars Rujhxv.rtb, Tcm j. p- 302. 
 
 , Rheme, 
 

 Book XXI. 25. CHARLES I 
 
 487 
 
 1643. 
 
 • Tbr Klg 
 
 \\quar!r’ 1 and 
 l/V)H 
 
 ifPercmb. 8. 
 
 iRufliw 
 V. P . 
 Mbit • 
 
 J,n. .6- 
 jld. p- 117- 
 
 Id. p. 314. 
 
 fchcme, as well as of his Minifters, his Council, his friends 
 and adherents in London and elfewhere; and this was the 
 Ipring of feveral projects to force the Parliament to a peace. 
 It would indeed be very ftrange, that fo many able men 
 fhould be of this opinion, without any manner of founda¬ 
 tion. But on the other hand, one knows not what to 
 think, when it is confidered, that of fo many projcCts, 
 built upon this fuppofition, not one fucceeded, which feeins 
 to argue that the majority of the people were not for the 
 King. However this be, it is certain, the King had many 
 friends in London, and in the Parliament itfelf, who ferved 
 him artfully, by pretending to dread that the war would 
 be deftruflive to the Parliament; and thereby they endea¬ 
 voured to infufe a real terrour into the people, and incline 
 them by degrees to wifti and fue for peace. Thefe men 
 inceffantly plotted to low difeord between the Parliament 
 and the people. As it was neceffary for them to hold pri¬ 
 vate correfpondence with the Court, in order to aCt accord¬ 
 ing to directions, his Majefty fen.t frequent meffengers 
 to London, fometimes fecretly, fometimes openly, under 
 colour of bringing meflages to the Parliament, in order to 
 convey his inftruftions to his friends, and be exaCtly in¬ 
 formed of what palled in both Houfes and the City. 
 V ith this view in December 1642, be publifhed for the 
 fake, as was pretended, of the Inhabitants of London , a 
 Proclamation for the free and fafe palfage of all goods, 
 wares and merchandizes to the City. But the Commons 
 fufpeCting fome hidden myftery under this condefcenfion, 
 palled the next month two orders, the one, That no car¬ 
 riers or waggoners fhould be permitted to go to Oxford or 
 elfewhere, without fpecial licence from the Parliament: 
 The other, that any agent or fervant to any perfon that 
 was in arms againft the Parliament, who fhould prefume 
 to come to IVeJiminJier, or refide about London , fhould be 
 forthwith apprehended as a fpy. The toth of April l ol- 
 Jowing, thefe orders were renewed, and even extended to 
 
 > Tie King 
 W, « r f- 
 ' 'age to both 
 I lloufts luitb- 
 l**, fife- 
 Kondufi. 
 
 ■ May 20. 
 
 Id. p. 321. 
 r I be megen- 
 
 ZjLf: 
 
 Way 23. 
 [Lotilo'A-. 
 
 The King 
 
 all perfons that fhould come from the King’s quarters to 
 London without a fale conduct, and the fame was printed 
 and publifhed. 
 
 In all appearance, the King, who had fo many corref- 
 pondents in London , was not ignorant of this order. Ne- 
 verthelefs, on pretence it was not fignified to him in form, 
 he fent a meflage to the Parliament, with an offer of peace 
 in gencial terms, without demanding a fafe-conduCt lor the 
 bearer. But the Commons, refolving to flop the courfe of 
 thefe artifices, which ferved to carry on the King’s private 
 correfpondence in London , ordered the meffenger to be fent 
 to prifon, for coming without a fafe-conduCL Three days 
 after, to fhow the people, the King vainly amufed them 
 with hopes of a peace, they impeached the Queen of High- 
 Treafon, and fent up the impeachment to the Lords by 
 Mr. Pym. The King, full of indignation at this extraor¬ 
 dinary proceeding, publifhed a Proclamation, to forbid obe¬ 
 dience to the orders of both Houfes, declaring, he acknow¬ 
 ledged them no longer for Houfes of Parliament. 
 
 Affairs were in this fituation, when both Houfes difeo- 
 vered a confpiracy formed in London, ever under colour of 
 procuring peace refufed by the Parliament. I fhall give the 
 particulars of this confpiracy, as they were communicated 
 to the Lords by Mr. Pym, at a conference between the 
 two Houfes. He told them, 
 
 “ I. That the confpiracy was formed of a mixture and 
 “ conjunction of perfons of feveral qualities, fome whereof 
 “ were of both Houfes of Parliament, others of the City, 
 “ and others belonging to the Court, who in their ref- 
 “ pective places and employments were to form and per- 
 “ feCt the work, raifed out of the afhes of the late peti- 
 “ tion of London for peace. 
 
 “ II. The chief a&ors were Mr. IValler, a Member of 
 “ the Houfe of Commons, who pretended, and gave out 
 “ to the relb, that many others of that Houfe, and of the 
 “ Lords, were privy to and concerned therein 3 Mr. 
 “ Tompkins , a Gentleman living in Holbourn , Brother-in- 
 ‘ ‘ luw to the faid Mr. trailer, and a fervant to the Queen, 
 “ as being Secretary to the Commiffioner3 for her Majefty’s 
 “ revenue; Mr. Challoner an eminent Citizen ; one Mr. 
 “ Blinkard , Mr. Alexander Hampden, who brought the 
 “ lad: meflage from the King ; Mr. Hajfel , one of his 
 “ Majefty’s meffengers, lAc. 
 
 “ HI- The method was, for feveral perfons in the 
 “ City to difpofe of thcmfelves into a committee, to hold 
 “ intelligence with both armies, the Court, and the Par- 
 
 liament, to take a general furvev of the affeCtions of all 
 “ the Inhabitants within the weekly bills of mortality, 
 “ which was to be done under thefe three ranks, right 
 “ men, (or of the King’s party) averfe men , (or the well- 
 “ affected to the Parliament) and moderate men, (or neu- 
 
 “ tralsj) to confider of arms, ammunition, and all pro- 164: 
 “ vifions' of war, to appoint out of themfelves feleCI per- 
 “ Ions to treat with Mr. IValler and Mr. Tompkins in re- 
 “ lation to the City, Court, and Parliament; as aifo 
 “ wilh Sir Nicholas Ciifp, Sir George Binion, Captain 
 “ Roy don, and others at Oxford. 
 
 “IV. Mr. trailer's part, was to engage a confiderable 
 “ part of the Lords and Commons, and to be a means of 
 “ conveying counfeb, refolutions and intelligence between 
 “ them and the faid City-Committee. Mr. Tompkins was 
 “ n °t only an aftiftant to Mr. IValler therein, but an in- 
 “ ftrument to convey by Hajfel and others their proceed 
 “ ings to the Court, principally to the Lord Falkland , and 
 “ to receive thence directions, powers, and commands. 
 
 “ V - For preventing difeovery, proteftations of fecrecv 
 “ were taken, as they were Chriftians not to difc-lofe ir, 
 
 “ and no man in the City was to endeavour the engaging 
 “ above two, whereby no one man could impeach man v. ° 
 
 “ V I- From the Court, Mr. Heron and Mr. Alexander 
 “ Hampden, and others employed upon meffages from 
 “ the King to the Parliament, were to convey directions 
 “ encouragements, and advice to thole in London, and au- 
 “ thoritv was to be given under the Great-Seal, and war¬ 
 rants under the King’s hand, for fettling a Council of 
 “ war, naming of Generals and other officers, execution 
 “ of martial Law, raffing of money, and providing 
 “ arms; and to facilitate the whole, part of the King’s 
 “ forces to be in readinefs to allift the party here, as there 
 “ fhould be occafion. 
 
 “ VII. The particulars of the defign itfelf were, to 
 “ feize the King’s children, to fecure feveral Members of 
 “ Parliament, particularly the Lord Say, the Lord IVhar- 
 “ * on i Py ,n , Sir Phihp Stapleton, Colonel Hampden , 
 
 “ af id Colonel Strode, as aifo the Lord-Mayor and Com- 
 “ niittee of the Militia, under pretence of bringing them 
 
 to a legal tryal ; to feize upon the out-works, forts, ma- 
 “ gazines, gates, and other places of importance in the 
 “ City and the Tower, and let in the King’s forces, and 
 “ in the mean time to relift and obftruCt all payments, 
 
 “ impofed by autliority of the two Houfes for fupport of 
 “ their armies. 
 
 “ VIII. For their authority they had the following 
 “ commiffion brought up by the Lady Aubigney, (who was 
 “ under cuftody) the faid commiffion being found hid un- 
 “ der-ground in Mr. Tompkins’s cellar. 
 
 “ IK. In purfuance ol this commiffion, they bad often 
 “ confulted of a General, and treated with Sir Hugh Pol- 
 “ lard -> prifoner in the Compter (once a Member of the 
 “ Houfe of Commons, but expelled, being accufed of ha- 
 “ ving an hand in the defign to bring up the northern ar- 
 “ my againft the Parliament,) about it. And a Declara- 
 “ t«on was ready drawn, fetting forth, the caufe of their 
 “ taking up of arms to be in purfuance of their late pro- 
 “ teftation, to maintain the true Reformed Proteftant Re- 
 “ ligion againft all Papifts and Sectaries, to oppofe illegal 
 “ afleflments, (Ac. which was to be diftributed to their 
 “ friends, and on the night of their riling let upon the 
 “ ports round about London. Concerning which time of 
 “ their riling they had aifo confulted, (of which precile 
 “ notice was to be fent to Oxford, as to the day and hour) 
 
 “ and fome moved to have it done on TVednefday the laft 
 “ of May (being the faft day, and the very next day af- 
 “ t^r the fir ft intimation was given towards a difeovery) 
 
 “ but it had been put of, and not fully concluded, it being 
 1-1 faid, it fhould be left to the Lords to determine , whom 
 “ IValler pretended fhould fide with them. Mr Hajfel, 
 
 “ lay clofe at Beaconsfield, and had word fent, the great 
 “ fop was come in the Downs, by which he was to under- 
 “ Hand, that the defign was near ripe; and he acquainted 
 “ the Lord Falkland at Oxford therewith, and received 
 “ anfwer, that they fhould haften it with all (peed, and 
 “ when they were ready, three thoufand of the King’s 
 “ forces were to advance from Oxford within fifteen miles 
 “ °f London , to be ready upon notice to faU into the works, 
 
 “ and affift; and white ribbons or tape was agreed to be 
 “ wom by all conterned in this aCtion to diftinguifh them.” 
 
 rile Lord Clarendon, who is very large upon this con- T.II.p 194. 
 fpiracy, denies neither the plot itfelf, nor the King’s com- 
 miffion, brought to London by the Lady Aubigney (1), but 
 urges, that the Parliament confounded in one fingle plot, 
 two different projeCts, the firft formed by trailer , Tomp¬ 
 kins, and Challoner, who were at London , and the other 
 by Sir Nicholas Crifp , who being Recorder of London (2), 
 had been imprifoned, and making his efcape, had retired to 
 Oxford. Very well; but whether there were two plots or 
 one, it is no lefs apparent, that the King’s defign was to 
 compel the Parliament to a peace, and that his frequent 
 
 J’l T',i, L,0, b-,h Houfes, rat io Oif.ri, » Inula to .ff.ln with ,h= Ki.j, »p.n <h. d«„h of to Hasb.nJ. »h. 
 
 , ... £ ; 4 7 ' /’ d ””'. h " to mum. Ih. ..... dtli.td by Kin. to c.rry . fnt.ll |)t. ( in which v.-tt no, 
 
 ■ ™,rTon ! ? V” 'it -i'it “ - token. - b icl> »■= 'id -ccntdingly, not knowing wh.t It- o.tttcd 
 
 , n-T- o' ► ’*«• l “ i ™ a-ntoogh, the Contwduo, nude „p in the Htit ol hot Hoi. T. 1 n 8t 
 
 ■ Tkii doc. not appear. Ht 1. faid only-o be a popul.r Ci.igcn, .nd bad been an Officer ih ih* Train'd binds. Lhmi. ibid. p. 104. 
 
 the 
 
 C/j- 
 
 meffages 
 
Vol. II, 
 
 488 
 
 164;. 
 
 Oath agreed 
 two 
 
 Rufnw rth, 
 V ? 32c. 
 
 Clarendon. 
 }'• p- 198, 
 199, zoo. 
 
 Tie Kirg', 
 Declaraiioi 
 after bit 
 c : 
 
 yepare tb. 
 
 c’° f!e 'd 
 31 . p. 233 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 mefTages to both Houfes, with offers of peace, were often 
 but artifices to carry on his corrcfpondence in London. 
 
 Thi4 difeovery caufed both Houfes to refolve to unite 
 thcmfelves {fill more ftridtly together, by a new Covenant 
 or Oath, tendered to all the members, and afterwards to 
 the army, and fuch of the people as were willing to take 
 . , c loner, and two other confpirators were 
 
 hanged (1). But Waller laved his life, paying a fine of 
 ten thoufand pounds, and was banifhed the Kingdom. 
 Hampden died in prifon before his fentence, and Hafftl died 
 likewife the night before his tryal. The ill fucceis of this 
 plot, prevented not the like from being contrived the next 
 Augujl. 
 
 Since the mifearriage of Waller's confpiracy, the King 
 had a train of fucceffes, which revived the courage of his 
 friends at London-, who began to be difmayed. The Lord 
 Fairfax was defeated at Atherton in Torkjhire. The Queen 
 was come to his Majefty with a confiderable fupply. W'tiler 
 ■was entirely routed at Roundway-Down ; and the King, 
 now matter of Brijlol , was preparing to beiiege Glocejler. 
 Thus crowned with fuccefs, he thought it a favorable op¬ 
 portunity to force the Parliament to a peace, and all his 
 London friends began to life their endeavours. Whether 
 this project came from the Court, or the King had only 
 approved of it, he believed it requifite to prepare the minds 
 of the people by a publick Declaration, to this cffe£t : 
 
 » “ As the grievances and Ioffes of no particular perfons 
 n ct could be compared to the damage he himfelf fuftained ; 
 
 « fo a peace could not be fo welcome to any man as to 
 « “ him. God Almighty knew, with what unwillingnefs, 
 
 “ and anguifti of foul, he fubmitted to the neceffity of tak- 
 ’ £C ing up defenfive arms. And the world knew, with 
 “ what juftice and bounty he had repaired his Subje&s for 
 “ all the preffures they had born, by fuch excellent laws, 
 as would for ever have prevented the like ; and with 
 what carneftnefs he defired to add any thing, for the e- 
 “ ftablifhment of the Religion, Laws, and Liberty of the 
 “ Kingdom ; all which had been evidently invaded by 
 “ thofe who had facrificed the publick good to their own 
 “ ends. He well remembred the Proteftation made by 
 * c him, at the head of his army, to defend and maintain 
 “ the true reformed Protejlant Religion , and if it Jhould 
 “ pleafe God to blefs his arms with fuccefs , he would main- 
 “ tain the jujl privileges and freedom of Parliament , and 
 «« govern by the known Laws of the land , for whofe defence 
 « that army was only raifed. And there could not be a 
 more feafonable time to renew that Proteftation than 
 «« now, when God had vouchfafcd him fo many victories, 
 “ which would hinder him from falling under the fcanda- 
 “ lous imputation, that his meffages of peace proceeded 
 “ from the weaknefs of his power, not love of his people. 
 
 He declared therefore to all the world, in the prefence 
 «« of God, that he was fo far from intending any alteration 
 * { of the Religion eftablifhed, in which he was born and 
 “ bred, and would refolutely die, or from the leaft thought 
 “ of invading the liberty and property of the Subjetft, or 
 “ violating the juft privileges of Parliament ; that the pre- 
 “ fervation of the eftablifhed Religion, the Laws, the Li- 
 “ berties of the people, and the juft privileges of Parlia- 
 cc ment, ftiould be equally his care, as the maintenance of 
 “ his own rights. Whether thofe that were enemies to 
 “ the eftablifhed ecclefiaftical Government, who perfecuted 
 <c the learned, orthodox Minifters, and put into their pla- 
 “ ces, ignorant, feditious, and fchifmatical preachers, who 
 “ vilified the book of Common-Prayer, and profaned 
 <l God's worftiip, were like to advance Religion : Whether 
 thofe who, without the leaft fhadow of law, impofed 
 “ exorbitant taxes upon their follow Subje&s, imprifoned, 
 <c tormented, and murthered them, were like to preferve 
 “ the liberty and property of the Subject: And whether 
 thofe who had invaded the juft rights of the Crown, de- 
 ” nied the King his negative voice, awed and terrified the 
 kC members of both Houfes, were like to vindicate the pri- 
 “ vileges of Parliament, all the world might judge.” In 
 lhort, after feveral invectives againft the two Houfes, he 
 concluded with faying : Whofocver have been mijled , by thofe 
 whofe hearts from the beginning have de/igned all this mifehief 
 and Jhall redeem their pafl crimes , by their prefent fcrvice and 
 loyalty-, in the apprehending or oppofing fuch who Jhall continue 
 to bear arms againjl us , and Jhall ufe their utmoji endeavours 
 to reduce thofe men to their due obedience , and to rejlore the 
 Kingdom to its wonted peace , Jhall have caufe to magnify our 
 mercyi and to repent the trej'pajfcs committed againjl fo jujl 
 and gracious a Sovereign (2).. 
 
 It is not difficult to perceive, that by this Declaration, 
 and elpecially by the latter part of it, the King’s aim was 
 to cxciie and authorize an infurredtion in London againft 
 
 of ENGLAND, 
 
 both Houfes, and what happened prefently aitcr puts it 16^3. 
 entirely out of doubt. This Declaration was therefore a 
 preparative for the execution of a plot, to compel the Par¬ 
 liament to a peace. Undoubtedly, the King was reaily de¬ 
 ft rous of a peace. But it muft be always rent '.Lered, 
 what peace it was he fo earncflly wifhed. It was a peace 
 that ftiould re-inveft him with all his prerogatives, after 
 which, he promifed to govern according to the known 
 Laws of the land. But in this promife lay the v.) !e <! ffi- 
 culty of the peace, the Parliament pretending it .not 
 be relied on, and the King offering no other fecurity than 
 his word, tacitly fuppoftng it to be a ciime to doubt his fin- 
 cerity. 
 
 This Declaration was no fooner publifiied than the <ji e 
 King’s friends began their ufual artifices in London. They L-.rdiyo- 
 affedted an extraordinary terrour, caufed by the profperous ^ r l s °J‘y att ,[ 
 fuccef:. of ihe King’s arms, and infinuated, that the confe- u-/K.mg. - 
 quenccs ftiould be prevented by a peace. But as the ex- Clarendon. , 
 ample of Tompkins and Challoner had efteelualiy terrified the 11 pl I+s ' ' 
 King’s mod devoted friends, not one dared openly to cx- 
 pofe himfelf to the fame danger. It was therefore refolved 
 among them, that the Houfe of Lords ftiould firft break 
 the ice, and propofe a peace to the Commons, which ftiould 
 be foconded by the King’s friends in London. The Upper- 
 Houfe conftfted but of few Peers, fome of whom were 
 either openly or privately for the King. Others were his 
 enemies, and fome were ready to follow the ftreain which 
 way foever it carried them. Thefe laft were the men the 
 King’s party ftrove to gain by various means, in order to 
 be fuperior in the Houfe of Lords, fome by promifes, 
 others by threats, and fome again by way of perfuafion, 
 intimating to them the abfolute neceffity of a peace. In 
 fhort, they fecured a majority of voices in the Upper- 
 Houfe : not that all they prevailed with, abfolutely pro¬ 
 mifed to be devoted to the King : (that was not the 
 point ;) but only to agree that a peace ftiould be pro- 
 pofed by their Houfe, which could not be conlidered but 
 as a very innocent thing. The managers of this contri¬ 
 vance took care, not to propofe a peace witliout terms 
 fuch as the King defired. That alone had be£n fufficient 
 to make them lofe fome of thofe they Juid gained. They 
 had only to ingage the Commons to enter into negotia¬ 
 tion, after which, they hoped the fuperiority the King 
 then had, fupported with the endeavours of his party, 
 would be capable to remove, in his favour, the difficulties 
 that might occur in the principal articles. This refolu- 
 tion being taken, the Lords font and defired a conference 
 with the Commons, where they declared, that they had 
 refolved to fend propofitions of peace to the King, and 
 hoped the Commons would concur with them. The pro¬ 
 pofitions were : 
 
 1. That both armies might be prefently disbanded, Pr} ye,; m 
 “ and his Majefty be entreated to return to his Par- for place 
 “ liament, upon fuch fecurity as ftiould give him fatis- i , ’ V!n n tbl . 
 
 “ faction. aTon/irente 
 
 “ 2. That Religion might be fettled with the advice byibt Lord:, 
 “ of a fynod of Divines, in fuch a manner as his Ma- ^ueuft 5. 
 
 “ jefty, with the confent of both Houfes of Parliament, 1 1 ’ 
 
 “ fhould appoint. 
 
 “ 3. That the militia, both by fea and land, might be 
 “ fettled by a Bill ; and the militia, forts and ftiips of the 
 “ Kingdom, put into fuch hands as the King ftiould ap- 
 “ point, with the approbation of both Houfes of Parlia- 
 “ nient : and his Majefty’s revenue to be abfolutelv and 
 “ wholly reftored unto him ; only deducing fuch part, 
 
 “ as had been of neceffity expended for the maintenance 
 “ of his children, and not otherwife. 
 
 “ 4. That all the members of both Houfes, who had 
 “ been expelled only for abfenting themfelves, or mere 
 “ compliance with his Majefty, and no other matter of 
 “ fatft againft them, might be reftored to their places. 
 
 “ 5. That all Delinquents, from before the tenth dav 
 “ of 'January 1641, ftiould be delivered up to the juftice 
 “ of Parliament, and a general pardon for all others on 
 “ both Tides. 
 
 “ 6. And laftly, that there might be an a£t of obi.- 
 “ vion for all by-gone deeds, and acls of Hoftility.” 
 
 Probably, thofe who had caufed thefe propofitions to be 
 paffed in the Houfe of Peers, did not themfelves believe, 
 a peace could be made upon thefe foundations. The dir 
 ficulties which occurred in the three firft propofitions 
 had been very often debated, both before and lince the 
 beginning of the war, without the poffibility of coming 
 to any conclufion. It was therefore unlikely, that the 
 King, in his profperity, would grant what he had denied 
 when his affairs were not in fo good a fituation. But-, a> 
 
 I faid, the intention of the managers of this contrivance 
 
 '1) T'.v.fkmi was hanged at the end of FcUtr-lane in rio/Tum, and Cball.ntr over againft the Royal-Exchange, Ju'y 5. Rujbworlb, Tom. 5. p. 316. 
 T. May fays, that none but them two were executed. B. 3. p. 45. 
 
 ^2) Adding, “ We dcCre all our good Subjedls, who have really wi/hed us well, now God has done fuch wonderful things for us, vigoroufly to endeavour 
 ** to put an end to a!! thefe miferies, bv bringing in men, money, plate, hcrfei, or arms, to our aid. that f, we being no: wo ting ta our felves, 1a.11 w ,rh 
 “ confidence expat! the continuance of Oa's favour, to wftore us all to that bleffed harmony of aftr Aim, which snav eftablifb a G, ,-r, , f . • 
 
 was 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 4 $. C H ARLES 
 
 4S9 
 
 Ti c Cow 
 «Wa’' 
 
 643. was only to procure a negotiation, perfuaded as they were, 
 that by their intcrcil and cabals, or by an infurredlion of 
 the People, they fhould caufe thefe points to be decided in 
 favour of the King, For that reafon, the principal pro- 
 pofition, namely, the third concerning the Militia, which 
 the Parliament had always fully explained, was exprefled 
 in a very general and ambiguous manner, in thefe terms. 
 That the Militia might be fettled by a Bill. 
 
 1 he Commons perfectly faw what was the aim of the 
 mth't torhc aut ^ ors °f thefe propofitions, and were terrified at it. The 
 Fropjuion. Houfe was apprehenfive, that they were but too power- 
 Clu: : dun, fully fupported, otherwife, it was not likely they fhould 
 ■t’" 4 ’have taken fuch a ftep, at a time when a Committee 
 was already gone to defire affiftance of the Scots. Where¬ 
 fore, after a long debate, it was refolved, by a majority 
 of votes, that the propofitions fhould be fent to the King. 
 It is extremely probable, this refolution was taken only 
 to amufe the King’s friends, and to gain time, in order to 
 The Petition break their meafures the more cafily. For, the next day 
 */ London ^ ie Lord-Mayor of London , attended with a crowd of 
 4fai„ji the People, came to the Houfe of Commons, of which he was 
 l'rnpojitions. a Member, and delivered, from the Common-Council, a 
 Kumv.orUi, p ct t j ori) wherein the Houfe was intreated to perfift in their 
 c.i.irenuoii, former refolutions, and reject the propofitions of the 
 T.ll.p.- 17 -Peers. The Lord-Mayor affirmed alfo, that the People 
 of London were ready to exert their utmoft for the vigo¬ 
 rs Vropo- rous profecution of the war. Whereupon, the Houfe took 
 xi uicd"" coura £ e a g a « n , and reverfed the refolution of the foregoing 
 day. Thus, the King’s friends were in their turn greatly 
 embarafled, and under a neceffity of taking new meafures. 
 T he expedient they devifed was to caufe the women to 
 rife, in hopes that fuch an infurredlion might breed a great¬ 
 er, and occafion fome. revolution. 
 
 T!:eWomen s Augujl the 9th, a Petition for peace was prefented to 
 r"..:"' . the Commons by two or three thoufand women, fwiih 
 v. p. 557. white bilk Kibbons in their.hats.J The conditions pro- 
 ciarondon, pofed by them were exadfly the fame as the King had al- 
 ‘ 1,124 ways offered. A general anfv^er being fent to them, they 
 tvere not fatisfied, and their number by noon increafing to 
 five thoufand, they came to the door of the Houfe, 
 Crying Peace, Peace ; give us thofe ’Traitors that are againjl 
 Peace , that we may tear them to pieces ; give us that Dog 
 Pym. Part of the trained-bands (that ulually flood cen- 
 tinel there) firing upon them with powder only, to fright 
 them away, they laughed at it, and finding a heap of 
 Brickbatts in the yard, threw them at the centinels, and 
 drove them away. Ac lafl, fome troops were forced to 
 be fent for, who, after ufing fair means in vain, drew 
 their fwords, and cut them over their hands and faces. 
 A Ballad-finger was killed upon the fpot(i), and another 
 woman loll her nofe, whereof it was laid fhe afterwards 
 Ibid. died. At length, they were difperfed. The Lord Cla¬ 
 rendon, [who fays many were killed and wounded,] affirms, 
 they were the wives of fubftantial citizens; which is 
 hardly credible(2). Thus ended the grand projedt of 
 forcing the Parliament to a peace, a projedl wherein means 
 was found to ingage feveral Lords, and many Common¬ 
 ers, under colour that a Peace was neceffary to the State. 
 Nothing could be truer , but care was taken not to difeo- 
 ver to them, that on pretence of labouring for thepublick, 
 the King’s advantage alone was really fought. 
 
 CharitHer of The Farl of Ejfex was one of thofe who were mofl 
 hh f‘ Tl ^ ^‘ rous of P eacc > hut not in the fame manner as the 
 King’s friends. Thefe were for a peace, and ufed their 
 utmofl endeavours to procure it: but it was fuch a peace 
 as the King offered, that is, a peace founded only upon 
 his word. The Earl of Ejfex did not think it impracti¬ 
 cable, in concluding a Peace, to find neceffary fecurities 
 for the nation’s Liberties: as appears in his Letter of the 
 9th of July to the Speaker, wherein, after the defeription 
 of Cbalgrave-field: he fays, “ If it were thought fit to 
 “ fend to his Majefty to have peace, with the fettling of 
 ‘ Religion, the Laws and Liberties of the Subject, and 
 ‘ to bring unto juft tryal thofe chief delinquents that have 
 ‘ brought all this mifehief to both Kingdoms ; and (as 
 ‘ my Lord of Brijlol fpake once in Parliament) how we 
 ‘ may be fecured to have thefe things performed here- 
 ‘ alter; or elfe, if his Majefty (hall pleafe to abfent him- 
 ‘ felf, there may be a day fet down to give a period to all 
 
 * thefe unhappy difttadlions by a battle, which, when and 
 ‘ wiiere they fhall chule, that may be thought any way 
 1 indifferent, I {hall be ready to perform that duty I owe 
 
 * you ; and the propofitions to be agreed upon between 
 ‘ his Majefty and the Parliament, may be fent to fuch an 
 ‘ indifferent place, that both armies may be drawn near 
 ‘ the one to the other; that if peace be not concluded, 
 c it may be ended by the fword.” 
 
 It is evident, this is not the language of a man pro- 
 
 Ji;< Letter to 
 the Weaker. 
 
 gsb 9- 
 
 Ru In worth, 
 V. P . it, 1. 
 
 pofing a peace to gratify the King, and folely with intent 16 t - , 
 to procure a negotiation from which the King might reap 
 fome advantage; but of one that heartily wiihed for fuch 
 a peace,^ as might put a happy period to the diftradliens 
 of the Kingdom: or if that could not be by means of a 
 peace, ,to end them at leaft by a battle. He was, doubt- 
 lels, of opinion, that the nation would run left hazard by 
 venturing a decifion by arms, than by the continuation of 
 the war. Nothing better demonstrates the uprightnefs of 
 his intentions. But there were few in thofe days of the 
 fame difpofiiion. The King paffionately wifhed for peace; 
 but it was on condition he fhould be no lofer by it, that 
 he fhould be reftored to all his Rights, and his word 
 relied on for the future. As to Religion, all he would 
 yield, was, that the Presbyterians fhould not be compelled 
 by Penal Laws to conform to the Church of England. 
 
 Hitherto he had advanced nothing that might make them 
 hope for a publick I deration of their Religion. The 
 Parliament for their part wifhed Jikewnfe for peace, pro¬ 
 vided by this peace the King was reftrained from return¬ 
 ing to his former courfes, that is, was fo humbled that he 
 fhould be able to do nothing without the confent of both 
 Houfes, and enjoy only the empty name of a King, with 
 the external badges of royalty. As to Religion, there were 
 very many, as well members as others, who preferred the 
 continuation of the war, let what would be the event, to 
 feeing the Bifhops reftored to their power. This muft be 
 always remembred, when either of the two parties is heard 
 to fpeak of peace. The like difpofition to the Earl of 
 Ejfex 's was doubtleft the caufe that fome were dazzled with 
 the bare found of peace, and the limitations inferted in 
 the propofitions to be fent to the King at the time of the 
 late plot. But it may be affirmed, that the chief authors 
 of the artifice were far from having the nation’s welfare 
 in view, and thought only of ferving the King. I don’t 
 queftion, but fome others were perfuaded to confent to the 
 Propofitions by reafon of the end propofed by the Presby¬ 
 terian party, and now publickly known, perceiving, that 
 the advantages the Parliament might gain upon the King 
 in the continuation of the war, would only ferve to ruin 
 the Church of England with the greater eafe. 
 
 'I he Earl of Ejfex 's integrity made him experience what The Ijy 
 ufually happens to honeft men in civil diffentions, where* 
 the moderate pafs for indifferent, and coldly affected to their o/ h ‘ 
 party. The King, who was informed of this Lord’s mo- Effc-X; 
 deration, imagined, he defired a peace only, becaufe he 
 was difpleafed with the Parliament, and convinced of the fee. ’ ' 
 injuftice of the caufe he had efpoufed. In this belief, he clarendon 
 unfucceftfully ufed all means to gain him. On the other 
 hand, the mod violent of his party grew jealous of the 
 Earl of Ejfex, perceiving he was no proper inftrument for 
 their defigiis. Wherefore they no longer confided in him, 
 or at leaft, feigned not to truft him, in order to have, by 
 his removal, another General, more compliant and ma¬ 
 nageable. They call their eyes on [Edward Montague] The Earl of 
 Earl of Manchejler , known formerly by the name of the 
 Lord Kimbolton, and began with advancing him to the com- the 
 mand of the forces of the eaftern aflociated Counties, to •’fainted 
 which Lir.colnjhire was lately added, to go and oppofe the 
 Earl of Newcajlle ; and an ordinance was palled, to raife 
 new levies [by preffing] to reinforce this army. 
 
 If the Earl of Ejfex had joined with the Parliament on- The E *-/ „/ 
 ly out of paffion, humour, or intereft, the mortifications he 
 met with, would have been apt to make him turn to the 
 King, to be revenged of the two Pfoufcs. But that was 
 not his character. Tho’ he had complained feveral times 
 of the difregard {hewn him, in leaving his army without 
 recruits and cloaths, and tho’ feveral Lords of the King’s 
 party took this occafion to try to perfuade him to change 
 fides, he ever remained firm to his principles. How ftrong 
 foevet their follicitations might be, he never gave the leaft 
 reafon to believe, he was capable of betraying the Parlia¬ 
 ment, who had trufted him with the command of their 
 forces. Both Houfes being informed of the inftances made 
 to their General, allured him of their efteem and acknow¬ 
 ledgment for his great fervices, and promifed to fecruit and 
 cloath his army, before thofe of Sir JVUliani lTaller, and 
 the Earl of Manchejler, which was accordingly done. This 
 fatisfaclion was more than fufficient, to make him forget 
 all the occafions of complaint before given him. A famous 
 Hiftorian has been pleafed to aferibe the Earl of Ejfex 's Clarendon, 
 conftant attachment to the Parliament, to his hot having T -* 1, P u +9* 
 fteddineft enough to engage in fo hazardous an enterprize, 
 as that of forcing the Pa;liament to a peace. I am per¬ 
 fuaded, this was owing to the King’s, and all his party’s 
 prepofleffion, that theie was not a lingle man for the Par¬ 
 liament, that was fatisfied of the juftice of his caufe. This 
 prejudice v/as never relinquifhed. 
 
 ( 1 ) Rttjhaerth f;iys, Hie was fhot by the Centinels, who, upon the brickbats flying about their ears, were forced t 
 {-) R"]hworth fiys, they were generally of the meaner fort. It is a little ftrangt" U’ritcM Ihould lay nothing c 
 n every thing relating to the Houfe ot Commons. 
 
 No. 68. VoL. II, 
 
 6 H 
 
 The 
 
Vol II. 
 
 49 ° 
 
 1643. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAN D, 
 
 The project of thofe who had undertaken to gam the 
 Earl of Effex, was, that as foon as he fhould give the 
 word, the Lords and Commoners who were in the tecret, 
 fhould retire to the army, and under the fecurity tnaeo:, 
 nroteft again ft the violence that was offered, the breach of 
 their privileges, by the Common-Council’s taking notice 
 of their debates, and over-ruling their conditions, by hin¬ 
 dering the fending the propofitions to the King. e ) IC 
 
 not doubt, but by their example, great numbers would take 
 the fame courfe, by which means they hoped to be ftrong 
 enough to conftrain the Parliament to make peace. And in 
 cafe the Parliament ihould remain obltinaie, their dengn 
 was to enter upon a feparate treaty with the King, as men 
 undeceived, who having been feduced by the Parliament, 
 were at length fenflble of the injuftiee ol their caufe. I hey 
 imagined, the whole Kingdom would do the fame, and the 
 Parliament be entirely forfaken. For the Kang,and l"s 
 party always fancied, that among the Parliament s adhe- 
 rents, not one was fo, through petfuaflon, honour, and 
 confcience, but through feduaion, lear, and ignorance. 
 This caufed them to take fo many wrong ltcp 
 
 the order was fent to feize young Hotham, the Mayor of 1645, 
 Hull was told to have an eye upon the Father, examine 
 his conduct, and take cate to preferve the town. 1 be 
 Son’s return to Hud alter his elcape from Aottingham, the 
 fufpicions he already lay under, and the notice received from 
 [Mr. Moyer] Captain of a man of war then in the road, 
 that Hull was going, that night or the next, to be deli¬ 
 vered to the King, made [Sir Matthew Boynton] the Mayor, 
 though Brother-in-law to the Governor, refolve to prevent 
 ic. That very night, whilft the Hot barns were in bed, Jins 28. 
 all the townfmen, officers, and loldiers of known affection 
 to the Parliament, were affembled without noife, and all 
 the ports of the town feized, without one drop of blood, 
 or fo much as a musket difeharged. Mean while, I know 
 not for what reafon, they had neglected to fccure the two 
 Hothams{ 4), who found means to get out of the town: 
 but at their coming to Beverley , they were both feized and Rulhwonh. •; 
 
 , lnn(T imnrilimmpnr. fhev ' E' 
 
 brought to London, where, alter a long imprifonment, they 
 were condemned and executed ($). 
 
 There were two things which did the King great in¬ 
 to com- jury, with regard to the people, and from which lie omitted 
 
 I his caufed them to ta , ■ p 1 ‘ f ’ ft e ps no opportunity tojuftify himfelf, knowing how detrimen- 
 
 pel the Parliament to a peace by he I coy Is mean.^ fteps ^ ^ bc [0 him . The firft waS) that 
 
 Sub P ;r,hfS,?ofS,'was n olefs fo'.han Ike rdf. he COUAtenimced Popery , the fccond. tha the had excited 
 
 I'hefe two 
 
 regard to the Kail ot E £ e *' concerned in this the Irijh Rebellion, or at leaft connived at it. 
 
 ‘ he Lords and L rTlVnlLrA Plot fe ri.w the Earl of articles both Houfes made no fcruple to inlinuate, and even 
 
 to maintain openly in their Papers. Not that they had po- 
 might ancover ’ . . 5 1 . r-. Qf t jy S fitive proof of what they advanced; but they drew from 
 
 called to an account, y S , d th °'Lord Con- his anions, and divers paft events, inferences, to fome of 
 
 affuir, and ad which it mulf be owned, the King arhwered but weakly. 
 
 . , , , I -| on i v n a ;d or in generals, or, according to his cuftom, by ambiguous 
 
 terwar s releafed, the Lord L ™U , who “^onlyftaid ^ of a dol f ble meaning . 
 
 r; th %lm,'dTb) Li y Hilled B The Earl of North,m- As to the firft charge, he tonic occafion to make thefol- 
 
 Cla c, Bedford {-) h p ar ]i amen t lowing proteffation, juft as he was going to receive the Sa- 
 
 the fame ^ - motion, oh- cramenj, from the hinds of the Lord A.chbifhop UJher. 
 
 tained the Parliament’s leave to retire for his health to his 
 
 ! 10u !f y Petworth m [As thnphcewasja ebOiiy ^ rl J 0 l vl d Protejlants , who may declare to the Tmfrem • 
 
 believed ^he’had afTurancesof not being moldfed. The flight world, the refutation l do now make / have, to the utmoji fjfjgl ■ 
 
 ofal.thk^sturne«m.heKi„g ; sd, S ^ 
 
 as it 0 0 y ^ ^ £ j {ahl :j })mcnt : j- the true reformedProtejiant Re- J Ru fhworth, ; 
 
 who were always ready mferve him, and ^ 0 ^ ^ a, ,, food tn in beauty, in the happy day, of Queen V. p. 3,6. 
 
 Elizabeth, without any connivance at Popery. I blefs God, 
 that in the midji of tbefepublick di/lraftions , I have fill liberty 
 to communicate ; and may this Sacrament be my damnation , 
 if my heart do not join with my lips in this Protejlation. 
 
 Charles I. was undoubtedly very zealous for the Pro- Remarks i 
 teftant Religion, as profeffed in the Church of England. t ^ TOte " 
 But it is no lefs certain, he never fcrupled to favour the 
 Papifts, whether out of complaifance to the Queen, or 
 from a belief, that the ftridt obfervance of the penal Laws 
 made againft them, was not neceffary to the welfare of the 
 Proteftant Religion. It is therefore very difficult to explain 
 what he meant by thel'e words, without any connivance at 
 Popery. It cannot be thought, that his intention was to 
 l'wear, he would never grant the Papifts any toleration, 
 
 1,t'other, made fmee at this very time he was negotiating the Irijh cella- 
 as he could not tion, whereby toleration was granted to the Catholicks of 
 
 his adherents in London. Moreover, by 
 thefe Loids, the King’s enemies were more at their eale, 
 and found fewer obftacles to their defigns, than before, bor 
 fhortly after, the Earl of Effex s army was enabled to re¬ 
 lieve Glocejhr , and the Parliament approved ot the Cove¬ 
 nant made with Scotland, in which doubtlefs they would 
 have been oppofed by thofe that were lately withdrawn. 
 
 I mull now proceed to other matters. 
 
 I juft mentioned, that Sir John Hotham, Governor of 
 Hull, was apprehended by order of Parliament: It is now 
 time to fpeak of the caufe of his difgrace. The King 
 had been fo incenfed with him, that there was little pro¬ 
 bability of his ever pardoning the indignity he had received 
 from him, or of Hot -• ,nto 
 
 hands. And yet, the defire ot becoming matter of Hull 
 in the one, and the thiift of revenge in 
 them forget all that was paft. Hatha, 
 
 bear thatj after the fervice he had done the Parliament in Ireland ; am It Wll hereafter appear that in treating of a 
 keeping Ml for them, tv,thou, dreading to expofehimfelf peace with the rebels he fcrupled not to grant them that 
 to ?he King's indignation, the Lord Fairfax fhould be article. Much Ids ft ,11 may we venture to affirm that 
 made commander in chief of all the Ibices the North, by the word Conn,vane, he underftood all manner of con- 
 ai honour, which doubtlefs he thought himfelf more wot- defeenhon for the Papifts. This fenfe would be repugnant 
 “y of refolved to be revenged lor this pre,ended injuftiee, to his principles and ufual praa.ee. It feems therefore moil 
 
 by delivering the place to the King (3). 1 he precife time 
 
 V , • 1 l: _/YU* ... V-..I /-.f A, . o t 1 /7 ft I p ic not 
 
 reafonable to think, that he made a diftindtion between 
 
 of his applying himfelf to the Lari of KeiucaJU, is not Popery and Papifts, and that when he promifed to efta- 
 known ; but it is certain, he writ fevetal letters to him, blifh Religion in its beauty, 
 which weie communicated to the Queen while Ihe was in would fufler no popilh 1 ene 
 
 his meaning was, that he 
 Tenets to be mixt with the Doc- 
 
 the North He had drawn his Sonjo 5 k”n trims* the Church of England But if this was his mean- 
 
 tke plot and it was agreed between them, to deliver Hull ing, it was not to the purpufe f.nce this was not properly 
 e the Queen, when on her march with her troops to the the thing he was charged with. As he was very artful ,n 
 King. Mean white, young Hotham having given fome chafing expreffions, to which ,t was difficult to give a hxt 
 occafion to fofpeft him, wiu feized by S.r John Meldr.tm, and determinate fenfe, it ,s certain his moll folemn Pro- 
 and fent Prifoner to Nottingham Caltle. 'Hotham found reflations produced not the intended effeS. 
 means to eftape, and going to Lincoln, w, it from thence As to the fecond charge relating to the Irtjh Rebellion, I 
 to the Parliament, complaining of the injure done him, do not think I can givea clearer knowledge of the matter, 
 and affirming, he was ready to anfwer whaiever (lrould bc than by inferring the fubftance of a Declaration publifhed on 
 laid to his charge. But as the Queen was now upon her thisoccahon by both Houles, the 25thof/«/y 1643. They 
 march, and it was time to execute the defign, he returned 
 
 Id. P . ay- 
 
 to Hull, to contrive the means with his Father. 1 he 
 Queen thought herfelf fo fecure ol having Hull very foon 
 in her power, that Ihe faid in her letter of the 27th of 
 June to the King, “ She ftayed at Newark but lor one 
 “ thine, to have Hull and Lincoln , lor which Ihe hoped 
 “ he would pardon two days ftop.” At the fame time that 
 
 fhewed: 
 
 “ That in the fecond year of hisMajefty’s reign, ade- TheDutm 
 “ fign was formed in Ireland, to bring in a publick tolera- 
 “ tion of the popilli Religion in that Kingdom, and to fuf- a «ahifl the 
 “ fpend all proceedings againft Papifts, for a fum of money Ki»t. 
 
 « to be paid to his Majelty. 'That the then Bilhops o 
 “ Ireland made a Proteitation againft it, letting forth, how ir.’Unc 
 
 IJ. P . 34- 
 
 (1) jertm U'rjicri, Son to the Lord Treafur.-r If’if: 1 
 
 (2) Hapin, by m.llate, fays Dvrfet. The njir ..5 o. 
 
 (3) Whiteletk obferves, chat Httham was at i i„h ai 
 
 (4) The Son was lectured, but cne Father, upun 
 Rnfhmorth, Tom. V. p.276. 
 
 (r) The Son was bene.a r tn- J. ■ j 1 
 
 Earl of Pori Ian, 
 werej Jut:.. Htiltc 
 
 1 RuJjet, and Henry, R'ch. 
 
 - .....-JUS, p. 70. 
 
 .s doing, goc out at "Bc-crlcy Gate, chert having bee 
 
 ■v.hzt January!. 1544, both denying they e 
 
 1 no order 
 up Hull. 
 
 to ftop him, 
 
 lem. p./4Si. 
 
 grievous 
 
Book XXL 
 
 1643. 
 
 25, CHARLES I. 
 
 4 grievous a fin it was to content to fuch a toleration, and 
 ‘ of what dangerous confequence it might be. And the 
 ‘ Houfe of Commons in a Remonftrance made in the 
 4 third year of his Majefty’s reign, informed, that even 
 4 then the popifh Religion was profeffed in every part of 
 4 that Kingdom, and that Monafteries and Nunneries 
 ‘ were then newly eretied, and replenifiled with men and 
 4 women of feveral orders, befeeching his Majefty, that 
 4 fome fpeedy courfe might be taken tor redrefs therein ; 
 ;c yet in the beginning of the fourth year of his Majefty’s 
 ‘ reign, all this was granted and confirmed by his Ma- 
 ‘ jefty, in confideration of one hundred and twenty thou- 
 ■ l fand pounds, to be levied in three years upon the King- 
 14 dom in general, as well upon the Proteftants, as upon 
 the Papifts. 
 
 “ That many potent and notorious Papifts had been 
 :c created Peers by his Majefty. 
 
 “ That when, by dire&ion of the Lord Chancellor 
 1 Lofius, and the Earl of Cork, then Lords-Juftices, pro- 
 4 ceedings were begun againft the Papifts upon the Statute 
 4 of 2 Elizabeth, for not coming to Church, and the 
 4 Judges in their circuits gave that Statute in charge, and 
 1 indidlments were framed thereupon, directions werefent 
 4 from England, to fufpend and ftay all proceedings upon 
 4 that Statute, when by taking the penalty impofed by that 
 4 Statute, being nine-pence, for ablenting from Church, 
 4 Sundays and Holidays, the poor Proteftants there might 
 c have been eafed of many heavy payments and taxes, 
 
 £ which were after impofed upon them. 
 
 “ That the late Earl of Strafford being the King’s Lieu- 
 4 tenant there, did by his great favourite Sir George Rat- 
 4 cliff, one of his Majefty’s Privy-Council of that King- 
 ‘ dom, hold correfpondency with the popifh Clergy, and 
 * particularly with Paul Harris, a known Prieft, who had 
 4 both publick and private accefs to Sir George Ratcliff at 
 4 all times, as well by night as by day. 
 
 44 That in March 1639, the Earl of Strafford carried 
 ‘ with him into Ireland, Sir Toby Matthews, a notorious, 
 
 £ pernicious, Engl ft jefuited Prieft, (banifhed at the be- 
 ‘ ginning of this Parliament, upon the importunity of both 
 4 Houfes) lodged this Prieft over-againft the Caftle of Dub- 
 ‘ lin, the houfe where the Earl did himfelf refidc, and 
 ‘ from whence this Prieft daily rode to the publick Mafs- 
 4 houfes in Dublin, and negotiated the engaging of the 
 4 Papifts of Ireland, in the war againft Scotland. 
 
 44 When the late Lord Chancellor Loftus, and the Earl 
 4 of Cork, were Lords-Juftices, they endeavoured to fup- 
 4 prefs the Mafs-houfes in Dublin, and to convert them to 
 4 pious ufes ; one, which was in the ftreet called the Back- 
 4 lane, they difpofed of to the Univerfity of Dublin, who 
 4 placed a ReCtor and Scholars in it, and maintained a 
 4 weekly Ledlure there: But after the Earl of Strafford 
 4 came to the government, the LeCture was put down, 
 
 4 the fcholars difplaced, and the houfe became a Mafs- 
 4 houfe, as formerly it had been. 
 
 44 That divers monafteries and nunneries were newly 
 4 ereCted, immediately before the rebellion broke forth in 
 4 divers parts of that Kingdom : That at the Naas, where 
 4 the Earl of Strafford had his chief feat and refort, 
 
 4 Convents of Friars, namely, Augujlines, Francifcans , 
 
 4 Dominicans, were not only permitted, but alfo an houfe 
 4 built there by the faid Earl, for another purpofe, (as he 
 4 pretended) foon after the building was converted to a 
 4 Friery, by the connivance of the faid Earl. 
 
 44 That the popifh Irijh army was kept on foot there 
 4 for a long time after the beginning of this Parliament; 
 
 4 to the great furtherance of this Rebellion, by teaching 
 4 thofe barbarous villains the knowledge of arms, under 
 c the notion ol fighting againft Scotland , but now made 
 4 ufe of to extirpate both Englijh and Scots from the King- 
 4 dom of Ireland. 
 
 44 And that Lead might not be wanting to the compleat- 
 4 ing of this intended Rebellion, the Silver-mines of that 
 4 Kingdom, which afforded great ftore of lead, and there- 
 4 fore fit only to be in the hands of Proteftants of known 
 4 integrity, were farmed out by his Majefty to moft per- 
 4 nicious Papifts, namely, Sir George hamilton, Sir Baftl 
 4 Brook, and the like; and upon the difeovery of the plot 
 4 for the furprizingof the city and caftle oi Dublin, divers 
 4 barrels of musket-bullet were found (upon fearch) in the 
 4 houfe of the faid Sir George Hamilton in Dublin. 
 
 44 I hat the Earl ol Strafford had, by a violent endea- 
 4 vour, entitled his Majefty by office to the whole Coun- 
 4 ties of Rofcommon, Mayo, Slego, Galloway, and Clare, 
 
 4 and to a great part of the Counties of Limerick and Tip- 
 4 perary ; by which means a door was opened, not only 
 4 to increafe his Majefty’s revenue, but therewith tofeitle 
 : a plantation of Proteftants ; and yet when the Lords-Ju¬ 
 ftices and Council of Ireland, did by their letters exceed- 
 : ingly importune his Majefty, that he would not part 
 with thofe Counties; and that the plantation of Englijh 
 Proteftants anight proceed as was formerly intended; 
 
 3 
 
 44 his Majefty, notwithftanding, did, in the Queen’s pre- 
 44 fence, by a clandeftine agreement, give away, at the 
 44 Papifts requeft, thofe five whole Counties, for a rent of 
 44 2000/. or thereabouts. 
 
 11 That Archdeacon Alaxiloell teftifies in his examinations 
 “ taken in Ireland , that he heard Tirligh Oge 0 Neale, 
 “ Brother to Sir Phelim O Neale, the Arch-rebel of VI- 
 “ Jler, confefs, that the Rebellion was communicated by 
 
 the Popifh Irijh Committee to the Papifts in England, 
 “ who promifed their affiftance. And Mac Mahoun, who 
 44 was to join with the Lord Mac-guire for the furprizing 
 44 the Caftle of Dublin, being taken and examined, at the 
 “ rack confeffed, that the original of that rebellion was 
 44 brought to them out of England, by the Irijh Commit- 
 44 tee employed to his Majefty for redrefs of grievances. 
 
 “ 1 hat the Earl of Cajlle-havcn, a Peer of England, 
 44 and a notorious rebel in Ireland , Mr. Porter who declar- 
 44 ed himfelf a Papift in Ireland , Sir Baftl Brooke, the 
 44 Popifh Treafurer for the monies raifed by the Queen’s 
 44 follicitation for the war againft the Scots-, Mr. Andrew 
 44 Brown a Lawyer of Lincoln s-Inn, heretofore expelled 
 44 thence for being a known Papift, with divers other dan- 
 44 gerous Englijh Papifts, went out of England into Ireland, 
 44 the fummer before the rebellion broke forth, and were 
 44 very a&ive there. 
 
 44 That the rebels in all parts of Ireland profeffed, that 
 44 the caufe of their rifing was to preferve his Majefty and 
 44 the Queen, from being opprefled by the Puritan Parlia- 
 44 ment, and that it was by their content, for they had 
 44 good warrant in black and white for what they did. 
 44 They called the Englijh army, Parliament-rogues, and 
 44 traitors to the Queen; and told them at the beginning 
 44 of the Rebellion, that e’re long they fhould fee England 
 44 as much in blood as Ireland then was. That they had 
 44 their party in England and Scotland, which fhould keep 
 44 both Kingdoms fo bufy at home, that they fhould not 
 44 fend any aid againft them, with a multitude of fuch like 
 44 expreffions from the Irijh of the beft quality; as may 
 44 appear by the examinations of Colonel Audley Mervin , 
 44 William Steuart, Efq; Henry Steuart , Gent, herewith 
 44 printed, and by divers other proofs. 
 
 44 In the fame month of Oftober, wherein the rebellion 
 44 of Ireland brake forth, the Lord Dillon of Cojlelougk 
 44 (now in arms againft the Parliament and Kingdom of 
 44 England) went out of Scotland from his Majefty into 
 44 Ireland, bringing his Majefty’s letters, obtained by me- 
 44 diation of the Queen, to be prefently fworn a Privy - 
 44 Counfellor oi Ireland-, who when he had taken the oath 
 44 of a Privy-Counfellor, prefents to the Lords Juftices and 
 44 Council, from many of the Inhabitants of the County 
 44 of Longford, a letter in the nature of a Remonftrance, 
 44 full of unreafonable demands: As namely, to have free- 
 44 dom of Religion, a repeal of all laws made to the con- 
 “ trary, and the like. 
 
 44 In December after the Rebellion, the fame Lord Dil- 
 44 Ion, together with his brother-in-law, the now Lord 
 44 Taaffe, a notorious Papift, repaired into England, bring- 
 44 ing with them feveral papers and inftru&ions from many 
 “ Lords and Gentlemen of the Pale, all now in rebellion, 
 44 to negotiate for them to his Majefty , and as they fol- 
 44 licite with his Majefty here on the behalf of the rebels, fo 
 44 do they follicite the rebels from hence in the name of 
 44 his Majefty, to perfift in their rebellion, as appears by 
 44 the teftimony of Mr. Jephfon, a Member of the Houle 
 44 of Commons lately delivered at a conference before both 
 44 Houfes in thefe words, viz. 
 
 At my late being at Oxford, finding my Lord Dillon and 
 the Lord Taaffe in favour at Court, I acquainted the Lord 
 Faulkland, his Majejly's Secretary, that there were two 
 Lords about the King, who, to his Majejly's great dijhonour, 
 and the great difeouragement of his good Subjects, did make 
 ufe of his Majejly's name to encourage the rebels: To make 
 this appear, I informed, that I had feen two Letters fent 
 by the Lord Dillon and the Lord Taaffe to the Lord of 
 Muskerie, the chief man in rebellion in Munfter, and one 
 oj the Irilh Committee fent into England, intimating, that 
 though it did not Jland with the conveniency of his Majejly's 
 affairs to give him publick countenance, yet that his Ma- 
 jejly was well pleafe-d with what he did, and would in time 
 give him thanks for it ; (or near to that purpofe.) That 
 thej'e Letters were feen by the Lord Inchiquine, the chief com- 
 mander of the Englilh forces in Munfter, and by his Secre¬ 
 tary, who had kept copies of them ; and that I was ready to 
 jujlify as much. Whereupon the Lord Faulkland was pleafed 
 to Jay, that they dej'erved to be hanged. But though I Jlayed 
 there at Oxford about a week after this difeovery made, 1 
 never was called to any farther account, nor any prejudice 
 done to thefe two Lords, but they had the fame freedom in 
 Court as before, for ought I could obferve or bear to the 
 contrary. t 
 
 “ That fince this difeovery made to the Lord Faulk- 
 44 land, the fame Lord Taaffe, one Roche, and William 
 
 “ Brent 
 
 49 1 
 
 164 j 
 
Vol. It. 
 
 492 
 
 1S43. 
 
 The HISTORY 0 /ENGLAND. 
 
 ‘ Brnl a Lawyer. a£Kve Papffls, with letters from his 
 ‘ Maieflv, went from Oxford to Dublin: And upon 
 ‘Thursday before TlTitJimtide 1643, in ' v ' nln g’ „ 
 4 taking with them one Colonel Barry , a profeft rapi , ^ 
 
 4 and pretending for 'Connaught, flipt away to \ Kilkenny> ^ 
 
 4 where the Tuefddy Following was a general allembly of 
 ■ all the chief rebels. When they had done then errand, _ 
 Bam was left Liejer at Killmnj among the rebels; _ 
 •' the Lord Taaffi returned to Dublin, and upon Friday 
 the nth of 7.™ . 641 . the Lord Taaffe, w,th divers of 
 “ the Privy-Council of Inland, that favoured the rebels, 
 
 “ met at the Marquifs of Ormind's houfe where the 
 “ propofitions which the Lord Taaffi brought from the 
 “ rebels were debated. The Lord Taaffi is fince gone 
 “ into Connaught, Brent is come back to Oxford to give 
 “ an account ot this employment. 
 
 “ By this every mail may conftruc, what was meant 
 « by his Majefty’s not confenting that the Parliament 
 et fhould Tend a Committee into Ireland the laft year, to 
 ,l endeavour the carrying on the war againft the rebels, 
 
 ** upon pretence that the Earl of Leicejler was prelently 
 « to go over thither, who is yet remaining at Oxford. 
 
 « That when that Committee had prevailed with the 
 Lords Juftices and Council, and with many o. the 
 “ prime commanders, and other officers of the army m 
 “ L chi fur to fubferibe by way of adventure for land in 
 “ Ireland] to be fettled bv a new Bill, very confiderable 
 “ fums which were to be deducted out ot their refpedhve 
 “ entertainments ; then to render this endeavour frmtlefs, 
 
 “ one Captain Tamer did confidently affirm, that thole 
 “ which had or Ihould fubferibe, were enemies to the 
 “ King, a thing fo incredible, that few could believe it, 
 till the fame man went to Oxford-, and upon his re- 
 “ turn to Dublin, allured the Lord Marquifs of Ormond 
 “ and the officers, that he had difeourfed with his Ma- 
 “ icily about this way of fubfeription, and that his Majelty 
 «< d;d not approve of the fame : Whereupon thofe who 
 « had Tubfcribed did withdraw their hands, and the reft 
 “ were wholly difeouraged. 
 
 “ That, about this time, a Commiffion wasTent over 
 “ to meet with the rebels, and to hefar whar they could 
 “ fav, or propound for themfelves; which Commiffion 
 “ was directed to the Lord Marquifs of Ormond, and to 
 « feme other commiffioners; among whom Thomas Beurk , 
 
 “ that had an hand in contriving this rebellion, was one, 
 and who brought the faid commiffion in Ireland , and 
 « confidently delivered the fame at the Council-table, to 
 “ the amazement of all the Council then prefent, that 
 “ were not acquainted with the plot. 
 
 “ That the Lords and Commons, to whole direction 
 “ the war was committed, thought it expedient to fend 
 “ into Ireland a Committee for that purpofc, confiding 
 “ of members of the Houfe of Commons, but authorifed 
 «« from both Houfes ; who carried with them above twenty 
 “ thoufand pounds in ready money, befides great ftore of 
 “ powder, match, and other ammunition: But when thofe 
 « who favoured the rebels, faw, that during the abode of 
 “ the Committee there, parties were continually fent forth 
 “ to deftroy the enemy; and that the Committee engaged 
 “ their own particular credits, to take up monies for the 
 “ relief and letting forth of the army ; a letter was fent 
 f ror h hi? Maiefty, and brought over by the Marquifs of 
 “ Ormond’s own Secretary, wherein his Majefty did re- 
 « quire the Lords Juftices and Council, not to admit the 
 “ Committee any more at their debates. And it is ob- 
 « fervable, that this Letter was only figned with his 
 “ Majefty’s hand, without any Secretary’s hand to avow 
 ‘ £ the fame. 
 
 “ The Commons cannot conceive what is meant, that 
 “ the Juftices and Council are ftraitly charged in that let- 
 “ ter, upon their allegiance, not to futt’er the Committee 
 44 to Tow fc-dition among his Majefty’s good Subjects; un- 
 44 lefs to ftir up and incite the Englijh foldiers in the pay 
 “ of the Parliament, to proceed vigoroufiy againft the Irijh 
 44 rebels, be conllrued as the lowing of fedition among his 
 “ Majefty’s good Subjects. 
 
 * 4 That, according to the teftimony of Sir William Bre- 
 e ‘ re: on, Knight of the Shire for the County of Chejier , 
 44 there landed, in 1643, many Irijh rebels in Iherral 
 44 in Chrjhire, fome whereof acknowledged, that they had 
 44 walhed their hands in the blood of feveral Englijh and 
 41 Scotch in Ireland, and now hoped to walh their hands 
 44 in the blood of Englijh men in England: The Country 
 44 where thefe rebels firft arrived, did all rife with their 
 44 heft weapons, and apprehended feveral of them ; but 
 44 they were refeued out of their hands by a troop of Horfe, 
 44 which came from the commiffioners of Array, who 
 <c alfo leized about twenty eight of the heneft countrymen 
 “ prisoners. 
 
 “ / nd that the Councils now predominant at Oxford, 
 “ and the fupreme Council of rebels -ax Kilkenny, are con- 
 ‘‘ currii g and aiding <?ne another, as well by tea a? by 
 
 land, is apparent by that which follows ■ The Commit'- 1^41 
 fioners authorized to command the King’s forces in the 
 Weft, bv an authority derived unto them under the 
 Great Seal of England, do grant commiffions or letters 
 of mart, for the apprehending and taking, for his Ma¬ 
 jefty’s fervice, all fhips and velTels belonging to the cities 
 and towns that have declared for the Parliament; and 
 on the other fide, the rebels of Ireland grant the like 
 commiffions. And as the fhips in his Majefty’s fervice 
 4 do gratify the rebels of Ireland, in feizing the fhips that 
 44 bring provilion for the relief of tire Englijh army in Ire- 
 44 land ; fo the rebels of Ireland do in like manner gratify 
 44 his Majefty, by commanding the Blips fet forth by them 
 44 to examine all Englijh fhips at fea, whether they be for 
 44 the King or Parliament; and if they be for the King, to 
 44 to let them go j but if for the Parliament, to take and 
 44 pillage them. All which is proved by depofitions here- 
 44 with annexed. 
 
 44 The Earl of Antrim, a notorious rebel, was taken by 
 44 the Scots army in Ul/ler, and imprifoned there, upon fu- 
 44 fpicion of High-treafon : To avoid his trial, he broke 
 44 prilon, and fled into the North-parts of England, and 
 44 hath been with the Queen at York a long time ; from 
 44 whence he was fent to th-e rebels of Ul/ler, with fecret 
 44 inftrudtions, and had ammunition affigned him by the 
 44 Queen's directions: And what care was taken of his am- 
 44 munition appears by a Jecter here annexed, dated ac 
 44 York the 8th of May 1643, written by Serjeant Major 
 44 Roffe , at the defire of Mr. Jermin. 
 
 44 Since this care taken of the ammunition of the Earl 
 44 of Antrim, the Earl of Antrim is taken the fecond time 
 44 by General Major Monroe, as he was returning from 
 44 the Queen, to the rebels of Ul/ler, with divers letters, 
 
 44 inftruCtions, and papers: And by theconfeffion and de- 
 44 poiition of the Earl of Antrim’s own fervant, who was 
 44 taken with his mafter, and fince condemned and exe- 
 44 cuted, it is evident, that there was, and doubtlefs yet is, 
 
 44 a delign on foot to reconcile the Englijh and Irijh in Ire- 
 44 land-, and that by their joint power having expelled 
 44 the Scots, the Irijh forces there might be fent againft the 
 44 Parliament of England. The Earl of Antrim, the Lord 
 44 of Aboyn, and the Earl of Niddijdale, were three prin- 
 44 cipal agents employed in this plot. This clearly ap- 
 44 pears, in that the Lord of Aboyn, in a letter taken m 
 44 the Earl of Antrim’s pockets, writes in thefe words: 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 B Eing certainly informed by Niddifilale'r fervant, Thaf 
 there is a new order Jince we parted , for flopping of the 
 ammunition, I have taken occafion to intreat your Lordjhip ly 
 this bearer , that I may know the particulars of it. / mujt 
 confefs it furprizeth me , that any dijtancc Jhould alter Jo fea- 
 fmable a conclufton: And certainly, / Jhall never deferve to 
 be made the inftrument of frujlrating the hopes of thofe parts, 
 which Jhould have been enabled by this japply : 1 amperfuaded, 
 there is fcarce another mean to make our fdelity ufelejs for her 
 Majejlys fervice. 
 
 44 And that it might appear to the rebels of Ireland , 
 
 44 that the Earl of Antrim was accounted his Majefty’s good 
 “ Subject, and had his Majefty’s approbation lor what he 
 44 was to adt there, he was turnilhed with a pal's from the 
 44 Earl of Newcajlle. 
 
 The Pafs is here infer ted at length in the Declaration. 
 
 The rejl of the article tends to Jhew by the Earl of Antrim’s' 
 confejjion, and that of Steuart one of his fervant s, that the 
 Earl was employed by the fhieen to make peate with the rebel}. 
 
 44 The Houfe of Commons, among a numerous com- 
 44 pany of proofs of this kind, concluded with the tefti- 
 44 mony of John Dod , late Minilter at Annegilliffe in the 
 44 County ot Cavan, who was examined at the bar of the 
 44 Houfe of Commons, and teftifieth, 
 
 That after he hadfuffered many miferies in this Rebellion 
 of Ireland, he repaired into this Kingdom, and fome occafion: 
 carrying him to Oxford, he Jlaid there J,even weeks, and 
 came out of Oxford the 13th of June 1643. That during 
 his/lay there, he faw a great number of Irilh rebels, whom he 
 very well kneiu to have had a hand in the mojl barbarous a£li- 
 ons of that Rebellion ; as thedafhing of fmatl infants in pieces, 
 the ripping up of women with child , and the like, among 
 whom was one Thomas Brady, who , at I urbet in Ireland, 
 within j,even miles where the faid Dod lived ; as thirty fix 
 old men, women, and children, not able to fee, were pajffing 
 over a bridge, caufed them all to be thrown into the water, 
 where they veere all drowned ; that this Brady is now at 
 Oxford in great favour, and Serjeant-Major to Colonel 
 Percy’; Regiment: That he Jaw there three Erancifcan 
 
 Friers, namely-, - and three Jefuits , namely, -- 
 
 who were all very earnejl for the caufe , and daily encouraging 
 the foldiers to fight againft the Round-heads, and for that 
 purpofe have Ijlcd themfelves in the Lord Dillon’s troop, and 
 are called Cornets : That there are daily and publick meetings 
 at Mafs, in almofl every Jlrcet there -, and verily believes m 
 
Book XXL 
 
 2 5. CHARLES 1. 
 
 49 3 
 
 >643. 
 
 1643- bis confcience, that for mu Sermon preached, there arc four to be wi/lied, Tor the King’s honour, he had returned dif- 
 Alaf'es faid now at Oxford : That he faw Sir John Dun- tindl and particular anfwers. 
 gan there, a man accufed of High-1 reafon in Ireland, for be- It appears by this Manifefto, that the Parliament had Tbt ParRa- 
 
 ing in the Rebellion , and fed into England, who hath a little regard for the King. But beiides the animofity and Z'l'ccffir' 1 
 
 commijfton for a troop of Horfe : The Lord Barnewall of revenge which might enter into the defign of blackening tbt King, 
 
 Trimbleftown, and his fon, who hath a commijfon for a his reputation, it is certain, policy had no fmall fharc in it. 
 
 troop of Horfe , and is now gone into Wales to raife them : The King, in all his publick Papers, reprefented himfelf as 
 d! Jon of the Lord Newterfield, who hath gotten a command being perfedtly innocent of all that was laid to his charge, 
 hkewife : That as near as he can pojfbly compute , there was and as having undertaken the war only for the defence of 
 then at Oxford above three, thoufand rebels ; and that mof of the Laws and Liberties of the Nation. He deferibed the 
 
 the King's Life-guard are Irifh. the two Houfes as a company of robbers, who for their 
 
 The two Houfes concluded in the following manner : own private ends, had put the Kingdom in a flame, re- 
 
 ‘‘ Upon the whole matter, no man can think, that this filled the obedience due to him, and, without any caufe, 
 
 “ Rebellion in Ireland , fo barbarous and bloody, that one trampled upon all the known laws of the land. The gra- 
 “ hundred and fifty four thoufand Proteftants, men, wo- tifying the paflion of revenge was not the King’s foie mo- 
 “ men, and children, Englijh and Scotch , were maflacred tive ; there was another much more dangerous to the Par- 
 “ in that Kingdom, between the 23d of October, when liament. And that was, to draw the people of London to 
 “ the rebellion broke forth, and the 1 ft of March follow- his fide, by means of thefe Papers (which his friends took 
 “ ing, by the computation of the Priefts themfelves that care to difperfe in the city) and thereby to force both 
 “ were prefent, and were directed by fome chief rebels of Houfes to conclude fuch a peace as he defired, that is, a 
 “ Ireland to take this computation, left they fhould be re- peace which fhould reftore him to all his rights. If there- 
 “ ported to be more bloody than in truth there was caufe: fore the two Houfes, out of refpedt to the King, had neg- 
 “ No man can believe, that this horrid and unparallelled lefted to defend themfelves, their filence might have been 
 “ rebellion fhould be the undertaking of the rebels alone, very prejudicial to them, fince people are apt to believe, if 
 “ being fet on foot when a Parliament was fitting in Eng- an accufation be not anfwered, it is becaufe there is no good 
 “ land, that could not diflblve without its own confent, anfwer to be given. It was therefore the Parliament’s bu- 
 tc when all nations profefling the Romijh Religion, were finefs to try, as far as poflible, to inlighten the people, 
 
 “ at peace with England , and fo engaged at home, that whom the King, as they pretended, had a mind to i in pole 
 “ the rebels, in reafon, could not expeft any confiderable upon by general Proteftations, which they laboured to fhow 
 “ afliftance from them, nor could think themfelves able to his adtions did not anfwer. This was the great end of this 
 “ encounter England or Scotland either, much lefs both to- Declaration, wherein they endeavoured to demonftrate the 
 “ gether : So that to imagine the Nobility, Gentry, and King’s infincerity, in that, whilft he called heaven and 
 “ in a manner the whole Kingdom of Ireland , fhould earth to witnefs, that he had no (.'.her intention than to 
 “ thus defperately engage their lives and eftates in fo rafh maintain the Proteftant Religion, without conniving at Po- 
 “ an enterprize, without being encouraged, incited, nay, pery, he was labouring to make a peace with tire Irijh re- 
 “ commanded from England, with aflurance both of con- bels; a peace, which in the conjuncture of affairs could not 
 “ nivance and afliftance too, were to deny them to be rea- be concluded, but by granting things inconfiftent with the 
 .“ fonable creatures. fafety of the Proteftant Religion. 
 
 “ And therefore the Houfe of Commons, abundantly On the other hand, as the King by his papers and emif- Tbe Partia. 
 
 “ fatisfied in their own confciences and judgments of the faries in London , was continually endeavouring to convince f'/f'p 
 “ truth thereof, cannot but declare to the world, that by all the publick of the greatnefs and fincerity of his zeal for Sports to bt 
 tc thefe concurring circumftances, and convincing proofs. Religion, for the Laws and the Liberties of the people, buru 
 “ they are perfuaded, that this unheard-of, and monftrous without ever mentioning what pafied the fifteen firft years j^uihworth. 
 
 “ rebellion of Ireland , was projected, incited, and aflifted of his Reign, the two Houfes were concerned to renew the v. p. 317. 
 
 “ by thofe Councils now only prevalent with his Majefty : remembrance of thofe times, leaft the occafion of their 
 “ That the Queen, with her Romijh Priefts, the Papifts fears and jealoufies fhould in the end be forgot. And there- 
 “ of all his Majefty’s three Kingdoms, have been principal fore they did two things very proper to produce tin's effedh 
 “ adtors and fticklers herein : That, now thofe bloody re- The firft was, to order King James' s book for tolerating 
 “ bels have in a manner rooted out the Proteftant Reli- Sports on Sundays , which Charles I. had caufed to be pub- 
 ‘ { gion in Ireland, there is a Jefign to pardon them, and lifhed again in the Churches, to be burnt by the common 
 “ to bring them into England to do the like : That no hangman. This book being almoft forgot, could not pro- 
 “ earthly power is likely, in human reafon, to withftand duce any great effedls at the time I am fpcaking of. But 
 “ this damnable plot, but the power of the Parliament in in all appearance, both Houfes meant thereby to infinuate 
 “ England, which is now declared by a late Proclamation, to the people, what was to be expedted from the King’s 
 “ to be no free Parliament, to be null, and of none effedt; great zeal for Religion, in cafe he came to be reftored to 
 “ and all poflible endeavour ufed, by ftrength and ftrata- his former power. The fecond was, to proceed to judg- 
 “ gem, to deftroy the fame. So that the Houfe of Com- ment againft Judge Berkley , whom the Lords condemned Sept. 12. 
 
 “ mons do conceive it impoftible, that fo many of thofe in the exorbitant fine of twenty thoufand pounds, and to Rufnw ''' rth > 
 c< which would be thought the honeft and moderate En- ftand committed to the Tower till he fhould be tried upon V ‘ p ' 
 
 “ glijh Proteftants, fhould any longer be blinded and led the other articles alledged againft him. For this lenience 
 “ on, to join with German, French, Walloon, Englijh, concerned only that part of his charge relating to his ex- 
 “ Scotch, and Irijh Papifts ; and thereby to furrender up at trajudicial opinions in the cafe of Ship-Money. Berkley 
 “ once the Proteftant Religion, the Parliament, Liberties, was one of the King’s moft zealous inftruments to eftablilh 
 <c and Laws of England , into the hands of Papifts and an arbitrary power. Neverthelefs, he had now lain three 
 “ ftrangers ; that fo this renowned Kingdom may be no years in prifon, without being thought of. But this year 
 61 more a Nation.” the Parliament believed it proper to bring him to judgment. 
 
 As the charge againft the King of exciting the Irijh re- as well to revive the memory of a time, the King was en- 
 bellion, or at leaft of conniving at it, made a great noife deavouring to bury in oblivion, as to reap the benefit of his 
 in thofe days, and as all the Hiftories are full of it, I fine(i). This laft motive makes the Lord Clarendon fay, Clarendon, 
 thought it neceflary to fhow the grounds or pretences of it, that the Parliament in appropriating the fine to themfelves, 1,1 P 1 a 9 °* 
 by giving the fubftance of this Declaration. For it is not which by the Laws was due to the King alone, were 
 likely, the Parliament fhould have omitted any thing capa- [thought by many to be] guilty of a greater crime than 
 bie of proving their aflertion, though it be true, that the that for which Berkley was fentenced. This fuppofes, that 
 King afterwards took certain fteps which could have very even when the King and Parliament were making war 
 much fwelled this Manifefto. I fiiould be glad, according upon one another, the Parliament fhould do the King juf- 
 
 tice, and fend him the money arifing from fines and con- 
 fifeations. But the two Houfes were fo far from allowing Toe King's, 
 this maxim, that, on the contrary, the fame month they TcJl""* 
 pafied an ordinance for feizing the King’s, Queen's* and -venue] fetse-d 
 felf from this accufation ; but it was only by Generals and Prince’s revenues, for the publick ufe(s), that is, to be em- Se P'- = '• 
 Proteftations, without replying to any particular article, no ployed in the war againft the King. Four days after, the Rufi, * nr ( ;k* 
 not even in his Eikon Bafilike, where he undertakes to vin- King on his part publifhed a Proclamation, forbidding all P 3 
 dicate his whole condudt. tenants or debtors to pay any rents or debts to fuch perfons 
 
 I cannot therefore but obferve, concerning this Declara- as were in open rebellion againft him. But thefe orders, as id. p. 362, 
 tion, that there are fome articles which feem very much well from the King as the Parliament, were executed only 
 aggravated : and others, from whence may be drawn con- in places inhere they were fupported with power. 
 
 to my ufual method, to give here the King’s particular an¬ 
 fwer to thefe articles. But I have not been able to find 
 any, or fo much as to know, whether he ever returned an 
 anfwer. Indeed he ufed his utmoft endeavours to clear him- 
 
 it cannot be denied, that there are fome, to which it were Parliament, and retired to the Kipg, meeting with 
 
 (1) The half of his fine was abated, and upon payment of the other half he had his liberty. Clarendon, Tom. 2. p. 290. 
 
 (zj Orrather, a« they word it, “ forthc fi«od ot his Majefty, and the Commonwealth.” S ct Rujbwurtb, T^m. 5. p. 362, 
 
 No. 68. V 0 l, II. 
 
 6 I 
 
 Lords iv bo 
 a bad retired 
 to the King. 
 Ibe Earl 
 
 Holland. 
 Ruftiwmth, 
 vprv V- P- 3 6 7 * 
 Vef y Clarendon, 
 II- p. 282, 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 Ybi H I STO R T of ENGLAND. 
 
 jU . rold reception at Oxford (i), thought fit once more 
 
 3 to 1 ! 'nge tides, and return to London. The Earl of Hol- 
 la> .1 . d the way. He was at firft put under confinement, 
 but 1. me days after, had leave to live upon his own eftate, 
 without any employ. Probably, he had expefted a better 
 reception, fince after his return he publifhed a Declaration 
 uri is to ti e King, wherein he faid, that he 
 r r ,g to ‘Oxford, in hopes by his credit to procure a peace, 
 he had been labouring it to the utmoft of his power, but 
 ■added he) without fuccefs, the King and his Council be- 
 r entirely averfe to all accommodation, becaufe every 
 K.’rhum- thfng at Court was managed by the Papifts (a). The 
 bciij'.d.’ Ejyfof Northumberland, who was retired to Petwortb, be- 
 t i n f. irm ed how ill the Earl of Holland was received at 
 
 h.p. iSj. q ^ gj .^ thought it proper to return to the Parliament, 
 where he was received with refpeft, both Houfes being 
 willing to fuppofe, he had never intended to leave them, 
 though many fufpefted he had withdrawn to his own eftate, 
 on purpofe to lee what reception the other Lords would 
 Bedford and nieet with at Oxford. The Earls of Bedford and Clare 
 took alfo the fame courfe, and came off with being debar¬ 
 red for a time from fitting in Parliament (3). 
 
 One of the principal tranfaftions of this year 1643, 
 mr/ordtrV* was the refolution of both Houfes to make a new Great- 
 r’czu Great s ea |. [ t had been propofed by the Commons in July j but, 
 Seal ‘ whether through fcruple, as fome pretended, or becaufe the 
 King’s fee ret party were yet very numerous ill the Houfe 
 Clarendon, (i f p ee rs, the Lords refufed their confent, or rather delay- 
 JJ-P- 3 '*- e J their anfwer. But in the November following, their 
 1 M y fcruples vanifhed. The Commons reprefented to them in 
 a conference, the mifehiefs occafioned by the conveying 
 away, and through the want, of the Great-Seal (4). 
 
 I. It was fecretly and unlawfully carried away by the 
 Lord-Keeper Littleton , who ought not to have departed 
 -without leave of both Houfes. Nor would have been fuf- 
 fered to do fo, if his intentions had been difeovered. 
 
 II. It hath been fince taken away from him, and put 
 into the hands of ill-affefted perfons, fo as the Lord-Keep¬ 
 er being fent to by the Parliament for the fealing fome 
 writs, anfwered, He could not feal the fame , becaufe he 
 had not the Sea! in his keeping. 
 
 III. That thofe who have had the managing thereof, 
 have employed it to the hurt and deftruftion of the King¬ 
 dom; as by making new Sheriffs, to be as fo many com¬ 
 manders o"i forces againft the Parliament; by ifluing out 
 illegal com millions of Array, by fending forth Proclama¬ 
 tions againft both Houfes ot Parliament, proclaiming them 
 traitors. 
 
 And through the want of the Great-Seal. 1. The 
 Terms have been adjourned, the courfe of juftice obftruft- 
 ed. 2. No Original Writs can be fued for without going 
 to Oxford , which none that holds with the Parliament 
 can do, without peril of life or liberty. 3. Proclamations 
 in Parliament cannot ift'ue out for bringing in delinquents 
 impeached of High-Treafon, or other crimes, under pain 
 of forfeiting their eftates. 4. No Writs of Error can be 
 brought in Parliament to reverfe erroneous judgments, nor 
 writs of eleftion iilued out lor chufing new Members upon 
 death or removal of any, whereby the number ot Mem¬ 
 bers is continually leflening. 5. Every other Court of 
 Juftice has a peculiar feal, and the Parliament, the fupreme 
 Court, has no other feal but the Great-Seal, and fo now no 
 feal at all. 6. The Great-Seal is the Clavis Regni , and 
 therefore ought to be refident with the Parliament (the re- 
 prefentative of the whole Kingdom,) whilft it continues fit¬ 
 ting ; the King, as well as the Kingdom being always le- 
 gcllv prefent in it during its feftion. 
 
 Ru(hworth ,5 The next day the Lords declared their confent to the 
 v. P . 34.1. ' making a new Great-Seal. Accordingly a Great-Seal was 
 Clarendon, made exactly like that in the King’s hands (5), and by an 
 ' p ’ 3 ordinance of both Houfes, it was declared, that all Letters 
 Patents, and Grants which had palled under the Great- 
 Seal fince the 22d of May 1642 (6), were void and of no 
 effeft. That the new Great-Seal Ihould be of like force, 
 
 power and validity as any Gicat-Seal of England had ever 1643. 
 been, and be put" into the cuftody of the perlbns hereby or¬ 
 dained commiffioners for that purpofe, who fliould have the 
 fame power and authority as any Lord Chancellor, or Lord 
 Keeper had ufed to have. On the lait of November , the 
 new Great-Seal was carried by the Speaker of the Com¬ 
 mons, attended with the whole Houfe, to the Lords, and 
 delivered to the Lord Grey of If erk their Speaker, who 
 in the prefence of both Houfes gave it to the Commiffio- 
 ners (7). The firft thing fealed with it, was a Patent to ciarendot 
 the Earl of Warwick, of Lord High-Admiral of England, 11. n. 31; 
 the Earl of Northumberland not being in that favour with 
 both Houfes as formerly. 
 
 The King and his friends made a great noife upon this r,„ : . : 
 incroachment of the Parliament, and urged the Statute 0 {the Gnat 
 the 23th of Edward 111 , by which the counterfeiting the ^ 
 Great-Seal, is in exprefs terms declared to be High- 
 Treafon. But it is eafy to perceive, this Statute con¬ 
 cerns only private perfons, and not both Houfes of Parlia¬ 
 ment, and that it was not poftible, when the Statute was 
 made, to forefee the King and the Parliament would be 
 one day divided. Befides, it cannot be faid, that private 
 perfons have any right to difpofe of the Great-Seal. But 
 it is not the fame with both Houfes of Parliament, who 
 are the reprefentatives of the nation. For the Great-Seal 
 is not the King's Seal in particular, but the Kingdom’s, 
 and the Kingdom is a body compofed of the King, who 
 is the head, and the People who are the members. If the 
 King has the difpofal of the Great-Seal, it is only as he is 
 the moft noble of the members of this body, confidered 
 as being united with, and not as being feparated from, the 
 other members (8). If therefore fuch a feparation happens, 
 as was at the time I am fpeaking of, it is hard to con¬ 
 ceive, by what title the King or People, feparately, may 
 claim the difpofal of the Great-Seal, which is the feal of 
 their joint, not feparate, authority. In Ihort, I doubt, 
 that they who moft ftrenuoufly affirm, that in fuch a fe¬ 
 paration, the King ought to have the foie difpofal of the 
 Great-Seal, are willing to admit all the confequences 
 flowing from that principle. The Great-Seal ftamps an 
 inviolable authority upon all the Afts to which it is ap¬ 
 plied. If therefore in cafe of an open war between King and 
 Parliament, the King could, by means of the Great-Seal, 
 communicate fuch an authority to all his particular Afts, 
 where would be the bounds of his power, which by the 
 conftitution of the Government, is limited by the Laws ? 
 
 He would need only to declare by Proclamation under the 
 Great-Seal, as Charles had really done, that, according to 
 the Laws, the members of Parliament are traitors and re¬ 
 bels, and then the point would be decided by the foie pof- 
 feffion of the Great-Seal, and the King might aifume an 
 unlimited power by this authority. But how would the 
 cafe be, if the Parliament was in pofleffion of the Great- 
 Seal, and by the like Proclamation Ihould declare the King 
 traitor and rebel; would the application of the Seal give 
 fuch an Aft an inviolable authority ? 
 
 It will doubtlefs be faid, that the Great-Seal gives an 
 inviolable authority to fuch Afts only as are agreeable to 
 the Laws, and that the Laws exprefsly declare thofe who 
 take arms againft the King, guilty of High-Treafon. 
 
 But it is manifeft, the Laws, as they neither could, nor 
 ought to forefee an aftual feparation between the King 
 and the People reprefented in Parliament, have confidered 
 the King only as the head, infeparably united with the 
 body, and net as the head divided from the other mem¬ 
 bers. Elfe it might be faid, the Laws have aferibed to 
 the King an unlimited power, which is direftly contra¬ 
 ry to the conftitution of the Englijh Government. Cer¬ 
 tainly the Laws have confidered the King but as head of 
 the State, and the crime of taking arms againft; him re¬ 
 lates, not more to his perfori in particular, than to the reft 
 of the State. The Parliament therefore feems to have 
 had no lefs right to make a new Great-Seal, than the 
 King would have had, if the Common-Seal had been in 
 
 1 his places of Lord-Chamberlain and Privy CounfeMor; of which he had afliirance, before he 
 3 doubt, exceeded his CommilTion. This difappointment was the occafion of his return. Cla- 
 
 
 VJ give 
 
 (1) The Lord Clarendon fiys, He expefted to be reftored I 
 ramt, from the Queen, at lead, from Mr. Jcrmyn, who, i 
 rendon, Tom. 2. p- 279. 
 
 Wbttelock fays, the Earl of Holland being examined by the Parliament, faid, that after be beard cj the ccffation in Ireland, bn CcrJ.ie 
 
 him leave to flay any longer nuttb bim at Oxford. The young Earl of Caernarvon came alfo from Oyfcd to the Parliament, and was committed to the care 
 
 of h ; s Grandrather the Earl of Pembroke. Wb.teloek, p. 77-The Luid Clarendon oblervcs. upon this occafion, that the ill reception ot theie Lords, 
 
 made the King, and all about him, looked upon as implacable ; and l'o diverted all men from any thoughts of returning to their duly, and chufe rather to flay 
 where thev were, than expofe themfelves by unfeafonable and unwelcome addreffes. Tom. 2. p- 2X3. 
 
 (3; It was laid in drollery, that thefe three Earls had much confirmed others to continue with the Parliament, for they having tried both Fames, found it 
 by experience, that this was the bert to be in, and adhere to. Wbitelock, p. 71. 
 
 (4j The Author having confounded thefe two realons tor makinga new Great Seal, they are placed in order in the Tianfi-U. n. 
 
 (5; There was engraven on one fitc the pifture of the Houle of Commons, with the Members fitting ; and on the other, the Anns of England and Ireland. 
 
 fVbitt’.cck, p. 70. 
 
 (6, The d.y the Lord-Keeper Littleton left the Houfe, and jvent with the Seal to the King at York. 
 
 (-. Two 1 . : arc f,,ur Commoner;, who thereupon took the oaths for the due execution of their places ; the Speaker of the Peers (wearing the Lords, 
 and Mr- Bronco, the Ch-ik ot the Lords Houfe, the four Commoners- The Seal was ordered to remain at die laid Mr. Brovin 5 H011 -. so an Iron Chefl, 
 w- th three d:!i’=rent 1 ck«, and n t to be removed thence, but in the prefence of three Commiflioners. The two Lords were, firll, the Kirjs ot Rutland and 
 B. . rgbr.ok, but the Enl of Rutland alledging himfelf not qualified lor fuch a charge, the Earl of Kent was nominated in h:= r ,< rn. ( IVbitelozk fays, the 
 Lore, were Mar,: befi er and Bulhngbrook, p. ;i. ) The four Commoners were, St. John'a, Wilde , Brovin, and PrtJeaux, all Lawyer . Rufmuo-tb, lorn- 
 
 >• P 34i- 
 
 (3 - And as the executive power is lodged in h s hand:, 
 
 the 
 
Book XXI 
 
 25. CHARLES L 
 
 49.5 
 
 *643. 
 
 1643, the hands of the Parliament, fince the Seal was not the mies quarters, fince it is a maxim received, wherever a 
 property of either, but belonged to both, confidered as war is declared. Put there was fomething in the prefent 
 being infeparably united together. cafe {till more particular, f'or, upon the Houfe arrefting 
 
 !W H:u- About this time, Count Harcourt , a Prince of the this meflenger, his Majefty, by advice of his Council, had 
 Em ' Houfe of Lorrain , was fent from France into England, deemed it inconfiftent with his honour to hold any farther 
 i Zidenion, He came diredtly to London , where he was received with correfpondence with the Parliament. Moreover, the 1 8th P* 3 6 7 * 
 
 . it. p, 306. great ceremony, as ambailador extraordinary, though he of Oflobcr, both Houles had publilhed an ordinance, de- 
 IjWhiteluck. j )ac j noC p re f ente< j his credentials to the Parliament. But daring, any perfon coming to London from the King’s quar- 
 ic was fuppofed, he was not without them, and intended ters, fhould be looked upon as a fpy. And yet twelve 
 to add refs himfelf firft to the King. After fome days days after, on the 30th of ORobcr, the King fent privately 
 ftay in London , without any application to both Houfes, to London Daniel Kniveton , a State meflenger, with three 
 he went to Oxford-, where he had feveral conferences with proclamations, one againft taking of the folernn League and 
 the King. Alter that, he writ to the Earl of Northum- (Covenant ; another, againft the obfervation of the monthly 
 her landi that having propofed to his Majefty, from the Fajl, enjoined by the Parliament ; a third, for removing 
 King of France , and the Queen-Regent, the making of the Seals of the Green- wax Offices belonging to the Exchequer, 
 a peace with his Subje&s, he lound him wholly inclined to King’s-Bench, and Common-Pleas, to Oxford. This man 
 enter into negotiation, and that if both Houfes would was taken up, and committed to prifon. Neverthelefs, 
 inform him, wherein conlifted the differences between the the 19th of November following. Carpenter , another mef- 
 King and them, he would gladly ufe his intereft to adjuft fenger, was privately fent by the King with an order to 
 them. Both Houfes thought it very ftrange, that this the Judges to adjourn the term to Oxford (4). Carpenter 
 Prince fhould offer his mediation without producing his was alfo apprehended, and they were both tried and con- 
 credentials. They told him therefore by the Earl of Nor- demned to die. Kniveton was the lefs excufable, as he 
 
 thumberland , that they received with all due refpedl, the had before been taken and detained at Windfor for the 
 
 offers of the King and Queen-Regent of France , and that fame reafon, and difeharged by the General. All the 
 as foon as he fhould fhow, he was authorized for fuch a defence he made was, that being the King’s fworn mef- 
 
 mediation, they would not fail to appoint a committee to fenger, he was obliged to obey him ; that befides, not 
 
 treat with him. But he had no credentials for the two taking London for a garrifon, he thought he might have 
 Houfes, the Queen-Regent not judging proper to own come without drum, trumpet or pafs. But this defence 
 
 them for Parliament, lince the King of England refufed not being capable of faving his life, he was executed, 
 
 them that title. So, this pretended mediation was not Carpenter , though under the fame condemnation, was re- Rufhworth, 
 only Fruitlefs, but was alfo a clear indication, that the prieved and committed to Bridewel (5). The Lord Cla- v - P' V°- 
 French Court had fent this embafly only as an outward rendon fpeaks of the fentence paffed upon thefe men as of 314! 
 teftimony of their concerning themfelves in the King’s a great injuftice, for two reafons ; that they were obliged 
 affairs, though, in all appearance, they did not much delire to obey the King, being his mefTengers ; and that the Par- 
 
 to fee an end put to the troubles of the Kingdom (1). liament had not caufed their ordinance to be notified to 
 
 ! sir Edward Sir Edward Deering, who had made himfelf fo famous the King. I doubt, all will not be induced by thef# 
 
 I Deering re- at the beginning of this Parliament, by his zeal for his reafons to condemn the proceedings of both Houfes. The 
 r Country, and by feveral noble fpeeches upon Grievances, King at leaft feems not to have blamed them, fince he did 
 
 L F e b. ' was grown extremely averfe to the Proceedings of both not ufe reprifals, neither does it appear that he ever com- 
 l Rftjhworth. Houfes, fince he found, the aim of fome of the leading- plained of it in form. 
 
 Ludlow* 3 men was to eftablifh Presbyterianifm in the Church of In proportion as the war was continued, the animofity 
 England. For that caufe, after the war was begun, he between the King and the Parliament was inflamed, who 
 forlook the Parliament, and turned to the King. But, in no longer regarded each other. The King refufed to own 
 
 all appearance, he was no better pleafed with the Court the two Houfes for Parliament, and they omitted no- 
 
 than he had been with the Parliament, fince he followed thing, as appears in their Declaration concerning the Lrifl) 
 
 at laft the example of the Lords above-mentioned. He rebellion, to blacken the King’s reputation. Thefe pro- 
 came to London in February 1643-4, and prefenting a ceedings were not confined to England , where they 
 Petition to the Houfe of Commons, whereof he was mem- might be in fome meafure neceffary, becaufe the point 
 her, he obtained leave to fpend che refidue of his days at was to gain the People, but care was taken alfo to con- 
 his Houfe [near Canterbury J where he died within a few vey Papers abroad, tending to vindicate one of the parties, 
 months (2). and blacken the other. Both Houfes being informed, or it TbtAffembfy 
 
 Pym'i death Mr. Pym, one of the Pillars of the Parliament, and a may be, fuppofing, that the King had emiiTaries abroad, % r ifntotbt 
 
 v “p W °“ 6 .’ chief Diredtor of the affairs of the Houfe, died December who were ufing their utmoft endeavours to reprefent the Ccunbe, 
 
 clarendon, the 8th, 1643. The King’s adherents fpeak of him as of civil Wars in England as a horrible rebellion againft 
 XL p. 353- a very wicked man, and thofe on the fide ®f the Parlia- Sovereign, ordered the aflembly of Divines then fitting at "parliament, 
 
 ment reprefent him as the greateft patriot then in Eng- Wejlminjler (6), to write letters to the Churches of 'Lea- Ruffiworth, 
 
 land. Opinions fo oppofite about the fame perfon are not land-, Holland, France , Switzerland , to warn them a- v ’ 37 1 * 
 
 uncommon. It is not ftrange, that from oppofite princi- gainft the artifices of the King’s agents, by giving them 
 pies fhould be drawn contrary confequenccs. Thus much a clear relation of the affairs of England. They charged 
 is certain, Mr. Pym's death was a very great lofs to the them to infift chiefly upon the King’s employing Irijh 
 Parliament, he being one of the molt able members of the rebels and other Papifts, to be governours, commanders and 
 Houfe (3). foldiers; to lay before them the proofs of the intention of 
 
 The Commons, as was faid, imprifoned in May this the King’s counfellors to introduce Popery, and hinder the 
 year, 1643, a perfon fent by the King with the offer of reformation defigned by the Parliament : Laftly, to inform 
 peace, and fhortly afrer, he was difeovered to be one of them of the difadvantagious opinion of the King’s party con- 
 thofe employed by the King, to keep a correfpondence in cerning theProteftant Churches abroad, becaufe not govern- 
 ’sfy- London. T he King could not be ignorant, the Commons ed by Bifhops. The aifembly failed not to fend to thefe 
 
 RuihwortV' ^ twice declared, they would treat as fpies fuch as fhould Churches a circular letter, which was properly a Mani- 
 
 U "369.’ come fr° m the King’s quarters to London , without a fafe- fefto for the Parliament againft the King, with copies of 
 conduit. Belides that he had good correfpondents in Lon- the folernn League and Covenant, and of the Declara- 
 don and the Parliament, he hud no occafion to be informed tion of England and Scotland on that fubjedt. 
 of thefe p irticuiar refolutions, to know, it is not allowable Some time after, the King on his part publifhed a The King' 1 
 ior men, without a fafe-conduct, to come into the ene- Manifefto, addreffed to all the Proteftant Churches, to Manifeft* 
 
 touching 
 
 Religion, 
 
 (*) Whilft Count Harcourt was in England, he had two affronts put upon him. He had not been landed four and twenty hours, before Walter Montague, 
 one of his train, was apprehended and committed to the Tower. This man was an Agent of the King’s in the Court of France, and thought, by difguifing 
 himfelf, to get a Cafe pafiage to Oxford, in the Ambaflador’s retinue. As Count Harcourt was going from London to Oxford, his Coach was fearched for 
 Letters, though he had a fafe-conduA. For both which indignities, he could get no redrefs. Clarendon, Tom. 2. p. 307, 308. 
 
 (2) He died "June 23, 1644. Befides his former Papers, he left behind hirr. a learned difeourfe ( publilhed about a week before his death) concerning the 
 Proper Sacnfcc, wherein he fokdly and eloquently confutes popifh Tranfubftantiation. Ru/bivortb, Tom- 5. p. 3841 
 
 (3) The Lord Clarendon will have it, that he died of the Morbui Pcdiculojus, or, Lowfy Dijtcmper, Tom. 2. p. 353 : And the fame is affirmed is 
 Mercurim Rufiicus. Whereas, Ru/hiuortb fays, there was fuch a report, but the fame was not true j and for publick fatisfaftion, his body was viewed by 
 many hundreds of peop e ; the true natural caufe of his dealh feeming to be the great pains he took, joined with a competent old age, and at bed, but an in¬ 
 firm conflitution. Wbtteleck fays the fame thing, but makes him die in May, p. 69. Some time before his death, he caufed to be printed a vindication of 
 himfelt, which the Reader may fee in Ru/huortb, Tore. 5. p. 376. He is faid to be beft verl’ed in parliamentary affairs of any man then in England, See 
 Ludloiv, Tom. 1. p. 80. 
 
 (4) The King had publifhed feveral Proclamations for the adjournment of the Term to Oxford, which had been fruitlefs, for want of the neceflary legal 
 l,avin e lllc Writs read in Court. So Carpenter was to deliver thefe Writs of adjournment into the hands of either of the fworn Judges then remaining 
 
 j- rrcjt mi after, who were Bacon in the King't-Bench, Ree-ve in the Common. Pleas, and Tremor in the Exchequer. Accordingly, he delivered the Writs to 
 Reeve and Trevor, wh. immediately caufed him to be apprehended. Clarendon, Tom. 2. p. 313. 
 
 '') J rom whence he e'eaped fome lime alter, and returned to Oxford. Idem. p. 314. 
 
 Membets ot both Houfes, to a great number, fat in this AlTcmbly, and had the fame liberty with the hundred and twenty Divines, to debate and 
 es in any matter. Stlden, who was a Member, fpoke admirably ( fays Wbitclcck, who was alfo a Member, p. 71. ) in thefe debates, and 
 hen the Divines had cited a Text to prove their allenion, he woo'd tell them. Perhaps in your little pockit Bibles, -with gilt leaves, ( which 
 1 icad ) the IranJ.alien may be thus, but the Greek and Hebrew fignsfiei thus and thus, and fo confuting them in their own 
 many famous D.vines among them, as T-wtJfe their Prolocutor, Edvard Reynolds, afterwards Bifbop of Alorivicb, Arro-wjsmtb, 
 
 &c. Their firft mectin., fvrfuant to the ordinance of both Houfes, was the ill of July 1643, in Htmy VlL’s Chapel. Rufinvottb, 
 
 Ibe Parlia¬ 
 ment bang, 
 one of the 
 Kings mrf 
 fingers Jor a 
 
 V- p- ■ 
 
 (6) Dive 
 
 they w:uld ntten 1 
 learning. Not but there w 
 fv It loot, Gatakcr 
 
 To 
 
 • 5 - P' 339 - 
 
 efface 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 :the HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 « 9 6 
 
 164- . efface the impre/Iions which the Parliament’s circular letter 
 might have caufed. This Manifefto, which was very 
 fhort, contained only a Proteftation that he had never in • 
 tended to confent to the publick exercife ot the Catholick 
 Religion in his Dominions, but was firmly refolved to 
 adhere, to his laft breath, to the Church of England, 
 wherein he was born, baptized and educated ; and to the 
 Liturgy of that Church, approved by fo many Convoca¬ 
 tions and Parliaments, by all the Proteftant Churches and 
 the Synod bf Dort. 
 
 Yht King Mean while, the King was very much perplexed how 
 tr-.o-Tb-.-w tQ ma i n tain the war the enfuing campain, knowing the 
 Parliament were preparing to exert thcmfelves powerfully. 
 tr ' 3ney ' He brkl been openly charged, before this Parliament, with 
 arbitrarily exacting money of his Subjects, without confent 
 of Parliament. He had himfeif owned, he had exceeded 
 his power, fince he had not only redreffed that Grievance, 
 but alfo protefted feveral times, he had redreffed it freely 
 and willingly. Since the war was begun, he had never 
 ceafed to accufe both Houfes of the fame arbitrary actions, 
 which he himfeif had been fo often upbraided with, in 
 that they impofed taxes upon the Subjects without their 
 confent, which was directly contrary to the known Laws 
 whereon he perpetually infilled. By demonftrating that 
 both Houfes violated the Laws, he pretended to gain the 
 People to his fide. Mean while, money was neceffarily 
 to be railed, not only to maintain the forces already on 
 foot, but alfo to levy others, in order to refill the Scots, 
 who were upon the point of entring England. If, for the 
 maintenance of thefe forces, he had impofed taxes by his 
 foie authority, he could not have reproached both Houfes 
 for the fame thing, and perhaps would have difobliged his 
 own party by ading again!! the Laws. Money, how¬ 
 ever, was to be found at any rate, otherwife he would 
 not be able to continue the war. Hitherto he had ufed 
 feveral ways to raife money, without giving any advan¬ 
 tage avainft him, whether by felling or mortgaging the 
 Crown-lands, or by the voluntary contributions of his well- 
 wifhers. But the means he had already ufed were too 
 uncertain to be fafely relied on. He fought therefore and 
 Clarendon, found an expedient to free himfeif from this ftreight. He 
 11 p 337 ' affembled at Oxford all the members that, according to 
 him, had been driven from the Parliament ; pretending, 
 thefe members were the true Parliament, and the more, 
 as he had publickly declared, he no longer looked upon 
 both Houfes at Wejlminjler as fuch. He did not exped 
 this new Parliament would increafe the number of his 
 friends ; but he could reafonably hope it would grant him 
 an aid of money, and that being authorized by fuch an 
 Ad, he might openly and by way of authority levy 
 Rufliworth, w ^ at money was neceifary. This happened accordingly, 
 V ' p ' 35S ' and was properly the King’s aim in calling this Parliament, 
 which met at Oxford the zzd of January 1643-4(1.) 
 1643-4. As it was not proper the King lhould immediately dif- 
 Fjm-nt COV er his foie end in calling this extraordinary Parliament, 
 id 0 * °6 g fi e only told them in his firft Speech, that he had affem- 
 ' P ’ S bled them to receive their advice, and confult with them 
 how to appeafe the troubles of the Kingdom. 
 
 7 bt,Pir. The firft ftep taken by this Parliament, was to try to 
 hs-r-nt fra- conv j nce the publick of their intention to labour for peace. 
 
 66. I h ave already explained the conftant ambigujty of the 
 Clarendon,’ word Peace, and the different fenfes given it by the two 
 II- ?• 33 s * parties, and therefore think it needlefs to repeat it. There 
 is no qucftion, the King heartily wifhed for a peace, but 
 it was on condition it fhould be made after his manner, 
 and in his fenfe of the word, elfe he was very averfe to it. 
 Id. p. 318. To be convinced of what I advance, a man needs only 
 confider what the Lord Clarendon fays, fpeaking of the 
 motion made in the Council to fummon the Oxford Par¬ 
 liament, which the King fcrupled a little. The King was 
 at firft in fome apprebenfion, fays that illuftrious Hiltorian, 
 that fuch a conflux of perfons together of the Parliament, 
 who would look to enjoy the privileges of it in their debates , 
 might , injlead of doing him fcrvice, do many things contrary 
 to it, and exceedingly apprehended, that they would immedi¬ 
 ately enter upon fome treaty of peace , which would have no 
 effetl ; yet whiljl it was in J'ufpenfe , would hinder his prepa¬ 
 ration for war, and though no body more defired peace, yet 
 he had no mind that a multitude fhould be con/idted upon the 
 conditions of it : imagining, that things of the greatejl im¬ 
 portance, as the giving up perfons, and other particulars of 
 honour , would not Jeem to them of moment enough to continue 
 
 a war in the Kingdom. Hence appears what fort of peace 164; -4. 
 was defired by the King. It was not fuch a peace as the 
 Oxford Parliament might think reafunable, but a peace 
 whereby he lhould not be obliged to make any conceflions. 
 
 But his Council quickly freed him from thcle apprehen- Clarer..-m. 1 
 fions, by the fame method ufed on the like occalion in 11, 
 the beginning of the war. It was intimated to him, that 
 there was no probability, the two Houfes at Wejlminjler 
 would ever treat with the Members that fhould meet at 
 Oxford , becaufe they would not look upon them under anv 
 notion, but as private perfons, and delertefs of the Parlia¬ 
 ment. Whereupon the King’s fcruples vanifhed. As the 
 Oxford Parliament was entirely directed by the King, and 
 as his Majefty agreed to the propofmg a peace to ihofe at 
 IVeJlminJler, it may eafily be guelfed, that in fo doing, his 
 intention was not to conclude it, unlefs both Houfes at 
 Wejlminjler would have fubmitted to his Terms. But the 
 two Houfes at Oxford had another view in this proceeding. 
 
 Namely, to lay a fnare for the Parliament at Wejlminjler, 
 and ingage them, if poflible, to treat with them, which 
 would have been owning them for Parliament. However, 
 they expected to reap fome advantage from their re- 
 fufal. 
 
 To this end, a letter was lent ro the L.irl of EJfex , fign- ft 
 ed by the Prince of Wales, the e of York, torty three J 7 /^',,., f , 
 Lords, and a hundred and eighteen Memb , 
 
 of Commons. In this letter it was faid. Th t hi Ma- :b ' Eurl T 1 
 “ jefty having fummoned them to attend h at Oxford, „ 
 
 “ they were affembled in obedience to his comm., d : v p gg. > 
 “ That his Majefty was pleafed to invite them in the Pro- CU| ' ,! "• • 
 “ clamation of fummons, by graciouffy faying. His Sub- U ’ p ' 
 
 “ jells fhould fee how willing he was, as far as in him lay, 
 
 “ to rejlore the peace of the Kingdom : That this invitation 
 “ had not only been made good to them, but feconded by 
 “ fuch unqueftionable demonftrations of his Majefty’s deep 
 “ fenfe of the miferies and calamities of his poor Subjects 
 “ in this unnatural war, and of his mod entire and paffi- 
 “ onate affections to redeem them from that fad and de- 
 “ plorable condition, by all ways poffible confiftent with 
 “ his hcno-ir, or the future fafety of the Kingdom: That 
 “ as it were impiety to quejlion the fsneerity of them, fo it 
 
 zuere great want of duty and faitifulnefs in us, (his Ala- 
 “ jejly having vouchfafd to declare that he did call us, to 
 “ be wUneffes of his allions and privy to his intentions 5 
 “ fhould we not fatisfy and witnefs to all the world the af- 
 “ furance we have of the piety and fsneerity of both." Ad- 
 
 “ ding-That being latisfied of this truth, they had yet 
 
 “ hopes to be the happy inftruments of their Country’s re- 
 “ demption from the mileries of war, and reffitution to 
 “ the Bleflings ot peace; and were deiirous to believe, that 
 “ his Lordlhip, howfoever engaged, would co-operate 
 ‘‘ with them in the bleffed work, by truly reprefenting 
 “ to, and induftrioufly promoting with, thofe by whom he 
 ‘ c was trifled (z), their moll earneft defire, That fome 
 “ perfons be appointed on either part, to treat of fuch a 
 “ peace as may yet redeem their Country from the brink 
 <c of deftruClion." 
 
 The Earl of EJfex returned this Ihort anfwer, c< That The Ear!,/ 
 cC the letter he had received, not being addreffed to the Eflcx'i a*- 
 “ two Houfes of Parliament, nor any acknowledgment of-^’' r ’, o 
 “ them being therein, he could not communicate it to Rulhworth. 
 “ them : That th<* maintenance of the Parliament of Eng- ft- P- S 6 7- 
 “ land and the privileges thereof, was That for which 
 “ himfeif and his whole party were refolved to fpend J 
 “ their blood, as being the foundation whereon all the laws 
 tc and liberties of the Nation were built (3). 
 
 Though the Earl of EJfex, faid he could not communi¬ 
 cate the letter to the Parliament, it was known however 
 that his anfwer had been concerted with a Committee of 
 both Houfes, called the Committee of State. Wherefore The KfngU 
 the King, knowing thereby the intention of both Houfes, 
 believed he lhould run no great hazard by fending them a j- vveft- 
 meffage, in a letter to the Earl of EJfex, directed to the minder. 
 Lords and Commons of Parliament affembled at Weffminfter. 
 
 This meffage contained the ufual offers to treat of a peace, clarendon, 
 and appoint Commiffioners, if they would do the like on G. 0.344- 
 their part. The King added, he took this ftep by the advice 
 of the Lords and Commons of Parliament affembled at Ox¬ 
 ford. Both Houfes eafily perceived, the King was laying 
 a fnare for them, by putting them under a necelfitv, ei¬ 
 ther of accepting hi: offer, in which cafe they fhould indi¬ 
 rectly own the Lords and Commons affembled at Oxford 
 
 (1) Thefameday the Parliament at H'eftminjier called the Houfes, and there appeared two hundred and eighty of their Members, befide* a hundred more 
 in the ferviceof the Parliament, in the feveral Counties ; and now they expelled by vote forty Men-,b~r:, who had deferred the Pariiam-n*. Whmicl, p. So. 
 In the Houle of Peers, remained only the Earls of Kortburr.bcrland, Perrh-eie, Effex, R'er.t, Lincoln, Ruihid, Stiff Jk, lYarnuuk, Mar.ck-Hcr, 
 
 Mutgrave, Denbigh, Stamford, BulUngbrooke. The Lords, Say, Dacei, Wharton, Grey ot tt'erl, lYtlhu A y cf J arham, Hctu.tr. I of Ff.r-.-k, R-.-chfit, 
 and R-bertt. Clarendon, Tom. 2. p. 340——The Loidsat Oxf:rd, in a Letter ( fublcrihed by fifty two of them, lay, There were not above twenty live 
 Peers at Wefimtr.fter ■, and the Earls of A'unael and Tbanet j the Lores Stafford, Stanhope, Coventry, Gtrmg, and Craven, were beyond the S-a'; and the 
 Ear.s of Cbejlerfield, Wefhnoreland, and the Lord Montague of Boughton, under reflraint at London. They add, the Houfe of Peers confuted in all ut above 
 an hundred, be Tides Minors, and Recufant Lords. Rufhtvortb, Tom. 5. p. 561. 
 
 ( 1 ) Not calling or allowing them to be die Parliament. 
 
 (3) This letter was direfted to ^he Earl of Forth the King's General. With Um letter he feat a copy of the Covenant, and the Declaration of both 
 Kingdom* Rujbwortb, Tom. 5. p. 567. 
 
 fox 
 
 s 
 
■ 643 - 4 - 
 
 Decl iration 
 of botbHoufei 
 to the King. 
 Rufliworih, 
 V. p. 570. 
 Clarendon- 
 II. p. 345. 
 
 7 b, Oxford 
 Parlia¬ 
 ment', De- 
 
 a Peace. 
 Rulhworrh. 
 V. p. 566, 
 582. 
 
 Clarendon, 
 II. p. 347. 
 
 7 be Wert- 
 
 minrterRur- 
 Jioment'i up¬ 
 on the Jame 
 
 Rnlh worth, 
 V. p. 576. 
 
 D»r. 27. 
 Id. p. 580. 
 
 Votes at Ox¬ 
 ford again/! 
 tie Scots- 
 Jan. 26. 
 
 Jo. p. 564. 
 
 p. 565. 
 
 Book XXI. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 497 
 
 for a Parliament, or of reje&ing it, and fo furnifhing him 
 with a reafon to upbraid them for refilling to labour for a 
 peace. But they little regarded this artifice, and for an- 
 fwer declared, they would never own the Members who 
 had deferred both Houfes for a Parliament, “ And here- 
 
 “ minjltr , are guilty of High-treafon , [for railing of 1643-4 
 ‘ c forces under the command of the Earl of EJfex J for 
 “ confenting, and being alfifling to the prefent coming in 
 ** of the Scots into England , and for counterfeiting the 
 “ Great-Seal.” But as votes did no hurt to the Parlia- 
 “ upon, added they, we think our felves bound to let your ment at IVeJlminJier, fo neither were they of much advan- 
 “ Majefty know, that feeing the continuance of this Par- tage to the King. He found a more real benefit from their, 
 
 “ liament is fettled by a law, (which, as other laws of with regard to the affair for which the Oxford Parliament 
 “ your Kingdoms, your Majefty hath fworn to main- was fummoned, I mean, the aid of money lie expe&cd for 
 “ tain, as wc are fworn to our allegiance to your Ma- the fupport of the war. 
 
 “ jefty, thefe obligations being reciprocal) we muff in du- This Parliament was however greatly embarafled, how Meat, to 
 “ tv, and accordingly are refolved, with our lives and to give the King an effe&ual affiftance, for that was thcP r ' ,lur ' ,Lf 
 “ fortunes to defend and preferve the juft rights and full principal affair. If, as the only and true Parliament, they C'afefldon’’ 
 “ power of this Parliament; and do befeech your Majefty had laid a general tax, the King would have run the hazard *|. P . 346’ 
 “ to be affured, that your Majefty’s royal and hearty con- of meeting great oppohrion in levying the money, all the 
 “ currence with us herein, will be the molt effectual and inhabitants of the Counties on his fide, not being fatisfied 
 “ ready means of procuring a firm and Jafting peace in that fuch a Parliament had a lawful authority. In that 
 “ all your Majefty’s Dominions, and of begetting a per- cafe, he would have been obliged to ufe force to compel 
 “ fed underftanding between your Majefty and your thofe that fhould refufe to pay, which did not fuit with his 
 “ People, without which your Majefty’s molt earneft prefent circumftances. Another method was therefore ta- 
 “ Profeffions, and our moft real Intentions concerning the ken, which, doubtlefs, was fuggefted by the Court. This 
 “ fame mull neceffarily be fruftrated. Was, to advife the King to borrow one hundred thoufand 
 
 I have before fhown, with what thoughts the King pounds, of the richeft men of his party. To that pur- 
 propofed a peace to both Houfes at IVeJlminfer , namely, pofe, the Commons went into their refpedive Counties, to 
 that this general offer would not be accepted, as was ealy take the number of thofe who were reckoned monied men, 
 to forefee. Upon this refufal it was that both Houfes at and make a lift, wherein were fet down the quality and 
 Oxford exulted, as if the bare propofal of a peace had been ability of each. The Commons being returned to Oxford Ruihworth. 
 a clear and evident demonftration of their fincere defire to wi,h their lifts, the taxes were proportioned ; after which v ' p ' 5 8 °- 
 make a reafonable peace. They publifhed upon this occa- the King writ circular letters to every particular perfon, to 
 fion a long Declaration, fo like thofe publifhed by the borrow of one, a hundred pounds, of another, two hun- 
 King on the fame occafion, that it was not difficult to dred, promifing to repay the fame as foon as he was able, 
 perceive it flowed from the fame fountain. They pub- and not forgetting to fay in thdfe letters, that this loan, was 
 lifhed alfo, fome time after, another pretending to fhow, by advice of his Parliament (2). Thus, though this Par- 
 that the members affembled at Oxford had been forced liament did not think ihemfelves fufficiently authorized to 
 from the Parliament by the threats and outrages of the impofe a geneial tax, the particular perfons who were rated, 
 
 were no lefs obliged to furnifh what was laid on them, lince 
 thefe Joans were made with the advice of both Houfes. 
 
 The King would have found lefs advantage in a general 
 tax, for it was much eafier to raife a hundred thoufand 
 pounds upon particular rich men, than upon the whole Na¬ 
 tion. Now the point was to procure the King, certainly 
 
 Accordingly it Was Clarendon, 
 
 leading-men. In this declaration were repeated all the out¬ 
 rages and artifices ufed by the chief of the Party, to inti¬ 
 midate fuch as would not conform to their fentiments, 
 and this, it was pretended, was the foie reafon of their 
 being obliged to retire. This was really the King’s fcheme, 
 but it may be faid to be ill grounded. For the members 
 
 who had deferred the Parliament, had not, for the moft and fpeedily, the money he wanted, 
 part, abfented themfelves, till Jong after thefe pretended feen fhortly after, that this was the foie motive of chufing 11 P 347- 
 
 outrages, fome by the King’s own exprefs order, others for that method ; for the Oxford Parliament hearing, that both v^p.^oK 
 
 fear of being punifhed for endeavouring to raife commo- Houfes at Wcfminjler had laid a duty upon wine, beer, T- May. * 
 tions againft the Parliament. But care was taken not to ale, and other commodities, which they called an Excife, 
 mention this in the Declaration. After all, fuppofing a word before unheard of in England (3), made no fcruple 
 fome had withdrawn themfelves purely out of fear, it is to injoin the like in the Counties where the King’s autho- 
 cerrain, their number came far fhort of thofe who retired rity was acknowledged. 
 
 with the foie view of ferving the King. However, they from that time, nothing remarkable pafled in this Par- its Parlia- 
 
 were all confounded in the fame clafs, as having been ex- liament, which fitting till the 16th of April, was prorogued mtnt at 
 
 prefsly driven from the Parliament. to Oftober, and never metagain. It ferved only to pro- 
 
 Some time after, both Houfes at IVeJlminJier publifhed cure the King money, for which it was folely defigned, Ruihworth, 
 alfo a Manifefto, wherein they pretended to fhow, that and to exhibit a fpe&acle never before feen in England, v ‘ p ' 6o ‘* 
 under the fpecious colour of propofing peace, a fnare was namely, two Parliaments at once, holding their feffions at 
 laid to engage them tacitly to own that they were not the the fame time. 
 
 Parliament, but that the true Parliament was aflembled at Three days before the opening of this Parliament, the 72 *Scotch 
 Oxford. They drew their proofs from feveral letters writ- Scotijh army entered England, notwithftandin^ the feafon Arm y tn,er 
 ten from Oxford to the Earl of EJfex, from the expreffions which it feemed fhould have hindered their° march (4)! f n n Bla "' 1, 
 in the King’s late meflage, but efpecially from an inter- The Marquifs of NeiucaJUe who commanded in the North Ruiw’th. 
 ccpted letter from the Lord Digby , where he faid : “ A for the King, hearing that the bad weather prevented not Vl P- 6o 3- 
 “ point which his Majefty may not fuffer them to gain, this army’s advancing towards the borders, beixan to march 
 “ without fubverting the grounds and maxims of all his alfo with his troops, and ca,me to Newcaflle the 2d of Fe- 
 “ late proceedings againft them, and that which he now bruary (5). The Scotch army approaching the town, the Feb. 3. 
 tc goes upon by the advice of all his Nobility here, as you General ordered it to be fummoned ; but the fummons 
 “ w-ill perceive by this inclofed Proclamation (1), upon had no effed He ftaied in thofe parts all the reft of Fe- lb. p. 6x3. 
 “ the efFedh wheieof all the eyes of the Kingdom are fixed, bruary, waiting for his artillery, which was coming by fea 
 “ God fend them to be as good a&uated, as they are in The 28th of the faid month, he pafled the Tyne at fome p. 614. 
 
 “ fpeculation, for I am confident, that in reafon it carries diftance from Newcaflle (6), having left on the North-fide 
 “ probability of the fureft and readieft way to a re- of the town, fix Regiments of Foot, and fome Horfe to 
 “ eftablifhment of his Majefty in his juft Rights and keep the garrifon in awe. The iMarquifs being too weak p- 615. 
 
 41 Powers, ot any courfe that hath been yet attempted.” to venture a battle, contented himfclf with harraffing the 
 
 The day before the two Houfes at Oxford writ to the Scots by frequent skirmifhes, in order to retard their 
 Earl of EJfex, to propofe a peace, they voted. That the march ; but at Lift he thought proper to retire to Dur- 
 Scots having entered the Kingdom in an hoftile manner, ham, where the Scotch General followed him, though with 
 had thereby denounced wqr againft England , and that all great inconveniency, as he wanted forrage for his Horfe 
 th e Englijh who fhould affift them, lhould be deemed as When the Marquifs of Newcajlle marched out of York The Lord 
 traitors and enemies to the State. to oppofe the Scots , he left the command of the city with a Fdir,iX d >- 
 
 March the 12th, the fame Houfes at Oxford voted, good body of troops to Colonel John Bellafs (7). As foon 7 '"" 1 Coh "' 1 
 
 “ That the Lords and Commons now remaining at JVeJl- as the Lord Fairfax was informed, that the Marquifs had Se!by & ^ 
 
 April 1 r. 
 
 (r) The Proclamation to fummon the Members to meet at Oxford. Rapin. Rulhworrh. 
 
 - - . V. p. 618. 
 
 > Littleton Clarendon, 
 
 Eure, ’ } SPEAKERS. «■ P- J 4 «. 
 
 ( 3 , Th ® ’ ® rdin:mf ? [ Jr the E Tfe. bears date July 22. 1643- Ir la j d upon Liquors, Groce.y wares, Silks, Linnens, Cloths, Furs, 
 
 may have a notion oi' it, it will be piuper to mention fome of the particulars. ' Every 
 and that of Engltfi plantation, 2 r. Every Tun of Wine 
 Loaf-Sugar, ^d. per pound. Cloth of Colo and Silver 
 
 (2) Thele Letier 
 
 prunri ot T. bacc 
 
 : fublcribcd thus : By the advice of the Members of both Houje t ajfrmble .1 at Oxford. 
 
 Jrdinanre fjr the Etp'le, bears date July 22. 
 c^mm'd r^e,, imported. That (he reader n 
 he Er.JrJh plantation, was to pay, over and auove all Cuftoms, 
 e uf.-, 3/ Malaga Ra fins, one farthing, per pound Currant 
 
 aask Table-lit 
 
 . aya.d, (Sc. It is fomewhat ltrange, that Rujbviortb has not inferred this curious Ordinance i. 
 
 ! 1, and Tiflue It 
 jis Colltftion,. 
 
 4' This army ennfifted of eighteen thoufand Foot, three rhouland Horfe, and between five and fix hundred Dragoons. Meander Lefty, Earl of Levev 
 was General j John Baity, Lietrenant General ot the Foot ; and David Lcjlcy, Major General of the Horfe. Ru/hwirtb. Tom. 5. p. 603 604.. * 
 
 I The day before the approach of the Scot,. Idem. p. 613, 
 
 (6, At the three levc.al fords of Ovingbam, By dive II, and Altruigbam. Idem. p. 614. 
 
 17 1 Son to the Lord Falconbndge, 
 
 No. 63 . Vol. II. t K. 
 
 taken 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 498 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 taken the northern rout, he refolved to march towards ork, 
 and to that end, ordered his Son Sir Thomas Fairfax to 
 meet him at a certain place, with the party he cinmandcu, 
 that they might ai't in conjun&ion. ButBcllafu having 
 notice of this tiefign, departed from York with molt of the 
 
 purfued them, 2nd without giving them time to come to 1 
 themfelves took the town by ftorm (qj. 
 
 After that, he attacked Liverpool, a fea-port-town on tun 
 the edge of Chefhirc , where thole who pals into Ireland * U1 
 generally imbark. The Governour, Colonel Akr, 
 conveyed on board the flops in the 
 
 after 
 : Pool 
 
 'lbe Mar- 
 
 'f 
 
 ■ ^ r- ssa ***** ^ ? 
 
 & -t; s - 
 
 l- _ i K,Unfit lav with fifteen hundred to march with all fpeed to the relief of l ork, which was K ,„ gt y Brtm 
 
 now befieged. The King faid to him in this letter, float a York. 
 his affair: were in fo wry ill a /late, that it would not be CUrenoon, 
 enough, though his Highnefs raijed thefiege cj York, if he , g ‘ 6 . 
 had not likewife he a ten the Scotch army ; which words in¬ 
 duced the Prince to fight a battle that proved very fatal to 
 the King. 
 
 ,y lu- I left 'York blocked up by the Englijh and Scotch armies, E*f. a f 
 
 ward I Durham, to put himfelf between the two armies. F« commanded by the Lord &,>/^andthe Earl of Lroo,, ; 
 
 - - - • - ■ ■ t0 rct i r e to York, as well till the Earl of Adanchejler mould join them. 1 he Earl ol R u <hwsrtb- 
 
 Horfe, and eighteen hundred Foot, forced the town, took 
 with fixtecn hundred ol his men, and 
 
 eaftern afibciated v. p. ti.. 
 
 1644. 
 
 T°l p/ 
 
 the Colonel prifoner, 
 killed a great number. 
 
 The Marquifs of NeweajHc heard this fad news at Dur¬ 
 ham, the Scots being then within two miles of the place. 
 returni to He immediately feared, that the Lord Fairfax, alter his 
 
 York. viftory, would 'attack York, or at leaft, march diicdly to- 
 
 IfiJortb, wards L 
 
 v. p. 619- this reafon, he fuddenly refom. u • -•••- -, r< ' 1 t -u - r 
 
 to fecurc himfelf, as that city, which otherwife would have Manchr/hr was General of the fever, 
 
 , , ' Counties, who had raifed an army of fourteen thoufand 
 
 Tt LnTppS 'that the Marquifs had taken this refo- Horfe, Foot, and Dragoons With this army, the Earl 
 lution very feafonably, for, the ao.h a! Afrit, that is, nine of Mancbjter tad already done the Pattamettt great for- 
 
 - 4 , / n r i }-\irfax ioined the vice. In the laft campain he had taken the town of Ayv';, Id. p. zSj. 
 
 Avert to and in the beginning of this had rofiH himfelf ofLra- - 
 go and befiette 1 M. Hot » that city was too large to he «/». As feveral of the lead,ng Members of Parliament 
 inverted on all iides by the two armies, particularly to- thought of putt,ng him m the Earl of M* s place, occa- 
 wards the river, over which the Marquifs had made a fion was taken from the fervtces he had performed to 
 bridge of boats (a), the, delired the Earl of Mmdxjitr, make a conftant provifion for his army. To that end, by p . in. 
 General of the forces ol the eaftern allocated Counties, to an ordinance of both Houfes, May the 15th .644 each 
 advan-e *0 this fiege Till the arrival of the Earl of-Mm- of the fever, aiTociated Counties were charged and rated at 
 
 the two Generals field the dry blocked up to the fuch a weekly fum for the maintenance of his army (7) i 
 
 fouthward of the river Oufi. I fh all' interrupt for a mo- after which, he received orders to join the .” 
 
 ment, the account of the liege of York, to fpeak of the ill 
 fuccers of the Parliament’s arms at Newark. 
 
 Whilft the Marquifs of NewcaJUe was in the North 
 defeated a, bfcrv ; n „ the Scotch army, the Lord Willoughby of Parham, . 
 
 « y nnri fiir 7,/,„ Meldrum with above five thoufand men of feveral Counties, and in garrifon. 
 f;r the Parliament-forces bef.e-ed Newark, a confiderable Before the Marquifs of Ncwcajlle was blocked upmJW./, 
 E*- own where the King had placed a York, he had fent General Goring with four thoufand 
 
 Rufhwcrih. t0 . / ^ thc King knew it, he fent orders Horfe, to ravage the parts in fubjedion to the Parliament. fax anJ tbe 
 
 a.UT toVrince Rufrt, to endeavour to relieve the place. The Wherefore, the Earl of Maach.Jier detached likewife three 
 
 p 3:6 ' Prince being then at Chefler , put himfdf immediately upon thoufand Horfe, which were joined by two thoufand, fent ,, p> . g6< 
 
 w,T mons the march and bein* joined by othe r troops, made a from the Scots before York, to wait the motion of Goring. Ludlow, 
 iiod) of lev’en Jhoufand 8 men, with which he advanced .0- The Earl of Maucbrjla therefore joined Jhe two_ armies 
 
 Meldrum 
 
 defeated 
 
 two other 
 
 armies, to befiege York together. The Parliament had Tee Partin- ■ 
 alfo taken care for the fubfiftence of the Earl of Effex's (8) h f r ' mu 
 and Sir William Waller’s armies ; fo that in May, they Ruftworth,", 
 had five armies on foot, befides the troops difperfed in V. p.653. 
 
 wan 
 
 fiege. 
 
 y or leven tnouiana men, vvkh v>im.n u«- w . . , . , c r u r / s 
 
 ds Newark Meldrum, who commanded alone at the only with his hoot, and fome few Horfe (9), and pre- 
 
 c tire Lord Willoughby being gone elfcwhere, refolved fently after the junaion, the fiege of York was begun 1 he 
 
 ’ .. 05 ' r 1 .. _ u• r\( fdciiirttRIr hari ft-nr thp k intr word- thnf he . 
 
 Tfeht*the Prince, "and to fhat purpofe drew up his Marquifs of Nnmtftlt had fent the King word that he j 
 forces at a litle diftance from the town. The a,lb of hoped to hold out fix weeks ot two months, and befought «... 
 March there was a fharp conflifl, particularly at a bridge, 
 
 h v which Meldrum had refolved to retreat in cafe of . , - , 
 
 1 . , --_n.. 1 .„a no Uu». made overtures for a treaty, but on luen conditions as he v. p. 62.,, 
 
 knew would not be granted. Neverthelefs he gained feven ^ 5 r , cn ^ f 0 f n ’ 
 or eight days by this artifice, fo that the ceflation he had n. J p. 3 6 9 t 
 
 oricge, mm to think in the mean time how to relieve him. To 
 cafe of retard, as much as poflible, the prog re f> of the fiege, he 
 need. The bridge was vigoroufly attacked, and as brave¬ 
 ly defended. Mean while, after the fight was over, Mel¬ 
 drum finding himfelf too weak to renew it the next day, 
 
 refoived to retreat over the bridge in the night. 13 ut he 
 found the guard he had left there had deferted, and the 
 bridge in the poITeffion of the enemies (3). So, not being 
 able to retreat, 2nd perceiving himfelf furrounded with the 
 King’s forces, Meldrum fent a trumpet to thc Prince for 
 a parley. It was agreed, that the foot fhould march a- 
 way with their fwords, colours, and drums 
 
 . 631. 
 
 Other Ex- 
 
 ploiti of 
 Prince Ru- 
 pert. 
 
 with their arms, horfes, and baggage ; and the troopers 
 and dragoons, with their fwords, horfes, and colours. B ut 
 he was forced to deliver all his ordnance and ammunition 
 with about three thoufand muskets. 
 
 The Prince, after this expedition, which gained him 
 great honour, returned into Shropjhire, and from thence 
 into Lancafire, to relieve the Countefs of Derby, who for 
 
 obtained, did not expire till the 1 5th of June. On the 
 24th, he failed out, and furioufly attacked the Earl of 
 Mdnchejlcr Leaguer ; but after a Iharp conflict, was re- 
 pulfed with lols. 
 
 On Sunday the 30th of June, the bsfiegers had certain prince Ri 
 notice, that Prince Rupert was advancing at thc head of an P ert a P- 
 all the officers army, [of near twenty thoufand men,] which had greatly y° 0 f k b “ 
 
 increafed in their march, as well by the troops drawn from Ruftworth, 
 feveral garrifons, as by Goring’s Horfe, who had joined V* p. 631. 
 
 Rufhworth, t he {pace of eighteen weeks was befieged 
 
 Latham- 
 
 . P . 617 
 623. 
 
 Dugd*lc’s 
 
 T. II. 
 Miy aj 
 
 Houfe , and made a gallant defenfe againft a body of two 
 thoufand men (4). In his wav to Latham , the Prince 
 took by Itorm Stopwsrth, .1 fmall town in Chejhire. 
 Whilft he was advancing towards Latham, the behegers 
 laifed the Siege, and part of them under the command of 
 Colonel Rigby, went and reinforced the garrifon ot Bolton 
 in Lancotbire, which was in great danger. The Prince 
 
 i i. p. 388. 
 
 mies employed in the liege. T he three Generals, after a Tbc.siegtii 
 fhort confultation, thought it advifeable to raife the fiege, 
 and join their armies, whether, as fome affirm, with defign 
 to give battle, or to avoid it, as others pretend. Be this as Warwick* 
 it will, they ported themfelves on Marjlon-Moor, [ about 
 five miles from York.] But though indeed Prince Rupert 
 mull have parted that way to come at them with his army, 
 they left however two iides of York open, that provifions 
 and ammunition, and even troops by fmall parties might be 
 conveyed in. If the Prince’s defign had been only to re¬ 
 lieve York, he had already effc£ted it, and had only to re¬ 
 main in his port, and keep the.enemies at a bay, till all 
 
 O'. Safa. 
 
 ife was this : The 
 titn< 
 
 The ri. r Ouf r 
 he 0 h 
 
 Thi- BnSgc P 
 I. t rlng hr. ke it do 
 
 r'„- error is correfl-d in the Tranllat : on. Eufbwo’tb, Tom. 5. p- 61 3 . 610. 
 
 • . f Hoi I Bridge over thc river, 
 
 ia.-d their Rrces, the river being betwixt them, he might fall on the weaker, and the n 
 h quite through the Citv, n v dee into two parts which are ioined by a Hone br dee. 
 r. lc Encge that war attacked w.s a Bridge of Boats, ever which Mekrur: r H-.rle w 
 . v. ured t. , .ever, but was repuifed. The other was Mu fane Bridg', over wh.ch he 
 
 mfport ther 
 \ would no 
 Idem p. 
 
 ' ‘tt 
 
 wrrhfavs, the Bii 
 
 hundred of the Befiegers 
 
 of ten thoufmd, or upw-, - 
 
 round, and fpoiling all they met, denying quarters, ( - 
 . and flaying four Miniftexs. Colonel Rigby cfcaped to Bradford. Ru//:- 
 Idem, p 624. 
 
 md put great numbers to the fword, < tweh 
 townfmen aiiejged afterwards ) ar 
 •om. 5. p. 623. 
 
 ’ , T“°On St.Rs 187*5’/. On Norf.ik, 3r .d -he City of Norwich, 1875 /. On Henftrdjh.re, 67c /. On 
 ...... ■: Ely ... * • -- ; ‘ 
 
 ( 3 ) His an 
 
 own Retiri'-r 
 T » ■ W 
 
 of the Navy i 
 
 (9) With a 
 
 •11 Regiments of Foot, each of a thoufand Soldiers, divided into e’ght C-rnp^r 
 
 . . ...1 ... Itv P.ainfht. nt Mi,lie. each Ot live honJlf 
 
 ,. .. p. o-t- '1'he maintaining of this ar 
 
 , p,... Lu-dalcs W,evi. p 123. 
 
 s'; ii.r'c, iad twelve Field-pieces. Ruf/i 
 
 coll, in the year 1644, 
 rb, Tom- 5. p. 622. 
 
 and the Gent 
 , divided into fi 
 And thee net; 
 
 necdTarie:- 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 25- c H ARLES I. 
 
 ''’Ik 
 
 S& l'r,K 
 
 4 99 
 
 fi "/«/■«« J '0 
 h"- 
 
 Lire of the 
 Duke of 
 q NeWcafllc, 
 p. 46. 
 Rulhworth, 
 V. p.632. 
 
 necefiaries had been fait Into the city f ,). But that fame markable cireumftance, belidcs the fuccefs in general The . fiaa- 
 day, coming to tork with a guard ot two hundred Horfe, feft-wimr of the Kina’s p-mv j!, ? D 44 " 
 
 he conferred with the Marquifs of Ntw.-a/lle, or rather fig- A’„y c r/, was enLlf routed by [he PaSenrt rfeht wing' 
 
 JSScTt 1 z 
 
 *ci„g rfieir encmie^eturned to thl'fi^rf 
 
 battle, contrary to the Marquifi's opinion, who main tarn I fol each fi™d I The V *’ ^ “ ft “’ 
 
 p^r - it 2 
 
 thing to the Marquifs, the forces in York to be ready to join n l 1 u u P t d ■ ! °" g 35 da £ WOU,d P er ~ 
 
 him next morning in order to ang^e And v/t, ,S w re Jo muted I L" VIY [ 1?. Pl r* r F °" 
 
 forces had teen levied bv rbe Marquifs, and ever com- , 7 cof this bfetie i-lesTTr 7> Z l h e defer,p- 
 manded with great reputation. Befides, the Maiquifs’s birth But this t not" e’o iv L ^at^e^T Wt' n 0 °°da r ic 
 ;: d " n fccmcd “ ™P“' »«•»<«■ regard from the Prince, when we read in Hifjies the deferiTtLso bt faThey’ 
 
 Perhaps it never came into the Marquifs thoughts to defirc are eenerallv mad, h„ YrY T J , , d 
 
 a fight of the King's exprefs order, or elfe he believed it to BniS of L a n ofIf “V b Y Yv"'* M 
 be an affront to the Prince, to fhow the icaft doubt offuch feme frivolous cireumftance. n,f, t" 6 U? T 
 
 an order. However this be, he told him, he was ready to gi“ , ™SiSm Reader rfir , W *I !ght 
 obey his Highnefi in all tilings, who might difpofe of his fore to fay Sthe S, L w f **-1 C " 
 
 troops as he pleafed, and for his own part, would be con- mile 0 f \\ r i purfued within a 
 
 I rince anlwercd him, he would begin no adtion upon the men were killed * Put the Pinn e <r ° . C ^ nn c e s 
 enemy til' ear'y the next morning, imd defined him & repofe not abov" tllree'hundred 0) ’ f ° ’ “ 
 
 lnmfelf till then, Thus, the Prince had the foie manage- Though Prince Amv., h.d ,1, i - n ■ , 
 
 ment of the intended battle, without confuting the Mar- he had commandedif Thief' d ., a,Wa >' s been V ‘ a ° n0 “ s wl f= 
 quifs any more. Though he had ordered his forces in Tort L Sid once be defeated ,I ' T th " 
 
 to come and join his army, it does not appear that lie had ,he^“eft Generals ' r'u, w, ’ r„wl ’" C “ 
 
 afiigned any command or poll, to the Marquifs of New- day with his armv mult need. f ° n “ rct!rc H-p. 636. 
 c^r, perhaps beeaufe he fad, he would be ?„ the buttle as HoTfe W LtSreTm^ beS S t."Sen » — 
 a volunteer. It cannot be denied, this behaviour was very fbVht herimpc ..r *l_ ._r. , H-t 
 
 l.p. 389, 
 
 Id. p. 6 32 
 
 If-&3A 
 
 Tvc Pi n 
 Son,; toe 
 t° e ”£ a £‘ - 
 
 Stiff; of 
 Maifton- 
 
 ri° r -- 
 
 Wftufliworth. 
 
 V. p. 632- 
 ri. p. 383, 
 
 uudlow. 
 
 1 Manley. 
 
 J .' - 1 7 -- wuuiu Lt lit me U4UIC as 
 
 a volunteer. It cannot be denied, this behaviour was very flight betimes" at lea?““ “ Ken u° 
 
 “ rteit ^t h bte5£ L 1^ m f 4 ’ 5 
 
 d H -r^Tnd b-[ 
 
 f-tS^T&FSSss'scz 
 
 nnes were both drawn up about two in the afternoon. But ferve the KinTon™ im nor tent bCCn dee f med lr J^ apab,e to 
 there was between them a deep and large ditch which nei- nroh-h’v h* 8 • ° lm P ortanC an °ccafion. Nay, very 
 
 sstwifjas£ sSS3kS-S£mS 
 
 b^inTht chtr ,W ° h ° UrS> “ Ch Cxpcaing th = 0ther “ produce in hisVinSbntty the ^ 
 
 fifi^f 5SS? “ 
 
 Oliv,r Cromwell. In the main bsilia tSrinhf hf , P “ rrenil =rcd this important place upon hono- C.L^i 
 
 was the Lord & ,V/ 0 x, and (i“!S ^^ ^ 
 
 in a the accounts I have feen T mwi r r’i i tn ° U . necei,1 v» tr om the aftociated Counties, whofe * 
 and dearnX that I cannot expefl to Zc . ft faftorv InnT ma^T"*^ 7^ Elr ‘ ° f £with thc5 ‘^ 
 
 “ , ' i - is rjsds&i 
 
 take New* 
 
 ithout fighting, the re- ca ^* e- 
 
 i . .L , *?'• “«* ‘''“'“SOI a anow Dan. r om . I. p. I2 ,. c ld.p. 64s. 
 
 e led the reht W ;n e. and Sir Charles .u. i.r. . ,. u ., . . „ ? . . •? . „ _ 1 "r v t5 ‘ 
 
 (i ) Ludlow ohfetves, That 
 putat on he had gained, won c 
 [z) Rajhv/Ortb fays, the I* 
 f the Enemy. The Ring'. 
 
 army d d not exceed that 
 
 , the M.i 
 
 y^e-J- 
 
 '■'fiiiedlt' f, uufen’thljufand F^otl dn^'twlnd Horfe 'ind h' ^ °‘ and commanded the left 
 
 ’ tnouland Horfe, and about twenty five pieces ot Oidnance. The Parliament 
 
 length he broke through, 
 and that thofe who did then 
 
 I about 
 
 n , u WaS h ^‘ d Prtli,d !,y the P ” nce 's Horfe, 
 
 The Lora U» ,ei affirms, that Oliver behaved i. 
 
 / Vicnera.> Leji,yiud Cra-wford, and Sir Ibomai Fairfax, met,.. v . ... 
 
 is tak'^.i \ a ,id'h^fe^ho L nT Soldilri!' twenty" fiv^etls of'oldnan 0 ”* '’"f'f °" TZ ’“k" 6 ^ Prifoners - Thcrc were abouC 1 bun¬ 
 dled Colon is. H'o::,: .<■, p. 9+ . Others fayf there^ere abernt, lw \ ? bar ‘ C ' S pjwdcr ’ feVe,al ,houf '‘ nd! of A '™> 
 
 , , ; both armies amounted ,o ,, „ nine thoufand mJ’cZULT, Mr „ ° a°“ ^ and 35 ^ th = King's party ; the 
 
 the I j/jlinate, and a red Ciols m me m'dd.'e : a yellow Coroner in ,h .’ P jJ°' ^ mon * lhe C '-loursVere Prince Rupert s Standard, with the Arms of 
 and in a label from his mouth written A'.r. ..., : at h ; s leet I rr!- g-, \ m ' j f Llon Louch3nt > antJ behind him a Maftift, feeming to fnatch at Mm, 
 
 mouth thefe woids ptoceeded.- >P«o U r :jrJc ’ m pi-Lw’i ,,//-% 3nd be,0,e t th " r mouths written, Pym, Pym, P )V ; and out ot the Lions 
 
 4.' Witii Icm io.rr k: . c , <r .. ... '“.''on? Run-worth, Tom. c. p. 62c. 
 
 L*K.io,,.de , ; th- l.-.u E.i4 o...’■ thTurd 'fPitiriurrn '■ the’ Earl 7 rV; C V ,end ‘J h ’ h:s Bother Sir Cbarfet Covtndi/b } Dr. Bremtal Biihop of 
 they arrived at ,v b. The f , f 5 Z* L ”‘** ,; ^” wartA 5 4 bir Curu.ly, On the Shot >f» 
 
 . i |.j. ' c> . 4 . .**, u.. r . , rq i, C f T f ’ , “ 1 a,ter ,he Refioration of Charfet II. Idem. p. 637. J * 
 
 1 1 1 ms letter was t .oduc-.o only to his friends, and after the King’* death- Clarendon, Tom. a. p. 390 * 
 
 d wounded above the fhoulde.., 
 b battle, in a ve;y cowardly manner 
 
 Newcajile 3 
 
Vo]. H 
 
 S°® 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAN D. 
 
 aku - . 
 
 1644. Newcatlle , which fur rendered at difcretion about the end 
 
 of October (1). Thus the Battle of Marjlon-moor loft the 
 King all the north, which hitherto had given the Parlia¬ 
 ment forces a powerful diverfion. But this was not all the 
 mifehief the King had to fear. There was danger of the 
 three victorious armies joining in the heart of the King¬ 
 dom thofe of the Earl of Ejfex and Sir William Waller, 
 and of their taking at once all the places which were ftdl 
 
 in his power. This was the more to be feared, as when he Waller marched \o Winchfle; 
 
 heard of the defeat of his army at Marjlon-moor , he was city, but did not think proper to befiege the Cattle, [w 
 himfelf marching to the relief of the Weft, where the was Ins own inheritance] becaufe he had elfewhere more 
 Ea-i of Effex then was with an army, which the King’s important /fFairs, as will be feen prclently. he Lord 
 forces in thofe parts were not able to withftand. This is Clarendon pretends, the lofs fuftamed by U alter at AreJ- 
 ■what I muft now explain, and withal fpeak of what paf- ford hindered him from improving h.s advantage, and 
 fed at Oxford whilft the northern armies were in aftion. marching into the Weft, as he had refolved. But it may 
 
 The Parliament feem by their extraordinary preparations be affirmed, this was not the thing that prevented his 
 
 ' in the beginning of the year 1644, to have intended to taking the weftern rout. It was rather owing to the Par, 
 
 Befides, the armies of liament’s relolutions, by whom he was recalled to London, 
 
 The Lord Hop ton having then an army of ; 
 thoufai : me n refolved t give If r ba tie ■ and begun 
 his march with that intent, at the very time Waller was 
 advancing towards him with the fame resolution. I he 
 two armies met between Farnham and Winch ejler on Chchi¬ 
 ton-Down near Air ester d , where the battle was fought the 
 29th of March. The Lord Hcpton was defeated and 
 forced to retire to Reading , and afterwards to Oxford (8). 
 
 .. and became mafter of the 
 
 h 
 
 taryfrepa- 
 
 \tiomif D ut a fpeedv conclufion to the war. ~-, —- .. . r . 
 
 tbe Parlia- ^ j Fairfax and Scotland , and that of the Earl of after having difunded the auxiliary regiments of that City, 
 - - • •’ 1 ■ n --- "new and Kent, which were alfo come to join 
 
 IbJcLnn Manchefter, which was paid by the eaftern Counties, a new and Kent, wh.ch were alfo come to join with him. 
 c f 1644. reaulati on was made the latter end of March, for the B .th Houfes perceiving, that by the Kings late lofs at R 
 March -6, ®j ntenance 0 f feven thoufand five hundred foot, and Alresfo,d, his army was difeouraged and confiderably leflen- b, 
 Ru'fl,worth, th ‘ r ee thoufand horfe, to be commanded by the Earl of Ef- ed ; that moreover, they had fufficient forces in the North 
 V. p. 653. v _ At the f ame t i m e, by another ordinance, the four to have nothing to fear from the Marquifs of A etuajlle, 
 fouthern aflociated Counties, namely, Kent, Suffix, Sur¬ 
 rey, and Hampftoire were to maintain an army of three thou¬ 
 fand fix hundred foot, twelve hundred horfe, and five hun¬ 
 dred Dragoons, under the command of Sir William Wal- 
 
 Refelution 
 fend Wallci 
 
 Tbe King 
 tries to fre- 
 
 He fends 
 
 who was fhut up in York, refolved to befiege Oxford , 
 where the King was with his army. So, having relin- 
 quifhed, or fufpended, the defign ot fending Waller into 
 
 a' , UIK) u _ the Weft, they laboured with all poftible diligence, to put 
 
 ler Thefe were not new armies, they fubfifted before the the two armies of EJfex and Waller upon the foot fettled 
 regulation ; but tiic point was to recruit them, compleat by their ordinance, that they might aft together againft 
 the number fixed by the Parliament, and fettle the neceffa- Oxford. 
 
 rv weekly payment of their fubfifiance money (a). The King had ever imagined, that Ualltr s defign was 
 
 ' Though Sir IVllliam Waller was worded at the battle of to march towards the weftern parts. F or which re ifon he 
 Round-way-Down, the two Houfes, far from filing their had afiembled his forces at Marlborough, and afterwards 
 efteem for him, refolved to fend him into the Weft, with polled himfelf at Newbury, where he had remained fome 
 an army capable of withftanding Prince Maurice, who time, till he could better dffcover the defigns of his ene- 
 found no farther oppofitinn in thofe parts. The King ha- mies. Gut having at length found, the Parliament had al- M ,, 
 
 ■vine notice of this defign, refolved to endeavour not only tered their meafures, he came to Reading, and caufed the a.. 
 
 to hinder Wallers march into the Weft, but alfo to break fortifications to be demolilhed, in order to llrengthen bis 
 
 the alTodation of the four fouthern Counties, where he army with the girrifon, confiding of two thoufand five,,.,.' : 'V 
 
 ‘ hundred men. He alfo ordered Prince Rupert 10 come and 
 
 join him: but afterwards permitted him to relieve Latham 
 Houfe, where the Countefs of Derby was befieged. With 
 the Reading garrifon, his army was increated to eight 
 
 had many friends, and even hoped to procure an aftociation 
 of thefe Counties in his favour. To that purpofe, he gave 
 the Lord Hopton (3), an army confifting of troops drawn 
 out or fevera! garrifons, and of two Regiments of foot 
 
 Clarendon, ktelv arrived to~Bri/lol from Ireland (4). " As foon as thefe thoufand five hundred Foot, and four thoufand Horfe. 
 
 II n. till. 1 1 ' 1 .1 r . J 1 T . . .. , .A. J LI r..lf .. Iii.t- kninn- . 11 i rtr\r\m nt f\P f h r» i ho fi rrrt : rvf Kiv .a. m .or L.. 
 
 forces were afiembled, the Lord Hopton ported himfelf at 
 Ru/ii worth , Winchcjler, where Sir John Berkley brought him two re- 
 v. P . 654. njmeats newly raifed by him in Devonjhire , and the King 
 fent him a detachment of a thoufand men commanded by 
 Sir Jacob Ajhley. All thefe forces together made an army 
 of four thoufand Foot, and fifteen hundred Horfe (5), 
 with which he refolved to march into Sujfex. Waller , 
 who was then quartered about Farnham, afiembled his 
 Clarendon, troops and faced the enemy : but after fome flight skir- 
 : J ~ J milhes, he retired into Farnham Caftle, from whence he 
 
 took a journey to London, to reprefent to the Parliament two Generals had orders to march feparately, and befiege 
 his want of fupplies, without which it would not be pof- Oxford , if the King remained there ; but if he went from 
 fible to perform what had been enjoined him. thence, the Earl of Ejfex was ordered to follow him with 
 
 Immediately after Waller's departure for London , the his army, and Waller to march into the Weft, according 
 
 P . 363. 
 
 But being ftill ignorant of the defigns of his enemies, he 
 thought proper to retire to Oxford with his whole army. 
 
 Mean while, the Parliament, who had for fome time Tbe Earl* 
 found means to take their refolutions with more fecrecy E:I “ X 
 than formerly, perceiving the two armies of Ejfex and 
 Waller ready to march, fent to each a fupply of four thou- -ward: Ox- 
 fand two hundred of the trained-bands of London. So, 
 the Earl of EJfex’s army confifted of twelve thoufand 
 foot, and three thoufand horfe j and Waller's of feven thou- Ruftwonh 
 fand foot, and fifteen hundred horfe and Dragoon: . 7 'hefe f • p- ° 6 "; 
 
 del Caftl 
 
 Lord Hopton marched with part of his army to attack 
 Arundel Caftle, which was furrendered upon terms. But 
 hearing a few days after, that Waller was returned to 
 Farnham with a ftrong reinfoicement, he rejoined the reft 
 of his army. 
 
 ■wil-rre Waller's journey to London anfwered his expectation. 
 takes"™ Befides a brigade of Londoners under Major-General Brown , 
 id. p. 364, he procured an order of Parliament to the Earl of Ejfex, 
 S 6 ’ 1 to f ent j him from his army a thoufand Horfe under the 
 command of Sir Wiliam Balfour. He was no fooner re¬ 
 turned to Farnham with thefe fupplies, but he marched 
 all night, and at break of day beat up one of the Lord 
 Hopton’ s quarters at Alton, and carried away prifoners 
 Colonel Boles’s regiment of Foot (6) ; a troop or two of 
 |-Io r :e which were in the fame quarters, having betimes 
 taken to flight. Then he marched directly to Arundel 
 Caftle, and made the garrifon prifoners. Here the learned 
 
 to the firft projeift. They departed from London, the p.66S,67i 
 14th and 15th of May , to put themfelves at the head of 
 their refpeClive armies, and immediately marched towards 
 Oxford. 
 
 The King had ported almoft all his Infantry at Abington, Abington 
 in order to flop the enemies, and have time to conlider abandoned 
 what meafures he fhould take, in cafe they really intended 
 to befiege Oxford, which he ftill queftioneJ. As Abington “bytL't^r 
 could not be ealily defended but on the Eaft-fide, and he EfTex. 
 was unwilling to run any unncceilary hazard, he had or- ClarendM 
 dered General Wdm to make a vigorous defence, if al- n^worth 
 tacked on that fide, but if on the weft from Wantage and V. p, 670 
 Farrington , to relinquifh the place. But whether the or¬ 
 der was not clear and full, or for fome other reafon, Wil- 
 mot, at the enemies approach, [on the Eaft-fide] immedi¬ 
 ately retired to Oxford, and the Earl of Ejfex inllanrly en¬ 
 tered Abington. The King perceiving the liege of Oxford C) ^ 
 was refolved, had but one way to hinder it, which wa° tojj L(, 
 
 "f 
 
 Mr. Chillingworth was taken, and died within few day 
 
 The King hearing of the fupplies given to Waller , fent defend the pailes of the Rivers lf:s and Cherwell, which run 
 AiresMrc, a reinforcement to the Lord Hopton. The Earl of Forth, on the Weft and Eaft-Tides of the City, and to that end 
 LWHc/t.-n the King’s General (7), would go himfelf, but refufed the he quartered his horfe near the Ifu, and his foot towards 
 P command which the Lord Hopton offered to refign to him. the Cherwell. As the motions of the Parliament armies 
 
 March 29. 
 
 . Rufbwnb, Tom. 5. p. 650 — 
 
 -The Earl cf Mancbefler took alfo Sbeffie/J Caftle, and trim; other places* 
 
 r.J-.n, Tor 
 
 361. 
 
 [II It was taken by ftorm, 0 Buber 
 
 Idem. p. 642. ....... 
 
 fa) For the maintenance of this army, and a fuitable train of Artillery, with other incident charges, there was to be monthly railed ar.d paid out 0: 
 Exc:tV the (urn of ihirty thoufand, five hundred ajid four pounds. And, be lid cs the money arifing from the forfeited Eftites ia Humpy, re ar.d Suffix 
 weekly fum ot 2638 /. was to be levied in ihe four alfociated Counties for IValltr'% army. Rufirworsb, Tom. 5. p 6.3 
 
 Rjlpb Hep! 171 was created Lord H’-pton of Stratton, Sept, 4. 1643, at tjxf.rj, though by mill ke, Rupin ftill calls him Cbcvot er Hept.r, 
 
 (4' Under the command of Sir Charles Vanoaf r, and Sir John Paivlet. ' ‘ m 
 
 r-\ Ru'h worth f y-, That he and the Earl of Forth had drawn together 
 
 (6) The Colonel h d retired with his men into the Church but had not time to barricade the 
 threw down their aims, and asked quarter, which was alfo offered to the Colonel, who refufing it, was killed. Clartr.aor., Tom. 2, p. 365. 
 
 Lately made Earl of Brentford. 
 
 V | n this battle, on the King's fide, fell th: Lord J-kn Scnvart, Brother to the D-<e 0’ Rtd't-d, and -t Job-- Smith a Pspift, Brother to the 
 JLotd C ar'iKgt.-n, Clarendon, Tom. 2. p. 367. 
 
 1 . entireh 
 
 t. orteen thoufand r 
 
 
 Soldre: 
 

 Book XXL 
 
 25. C H 
 
 1644. entirely proceed from the fituation of Oxford and 
 
 cent Country ■ and as, without this knowledge, fcarct 
 thing would be intelligible, I /hall pafs over the f rt 
 which to me feem not abfolutely neceflary, ano :< 
 ciartndon, mv Telf with faying, that Waller found means at 1 
 : Ruth worth. 6 a ' n the pafs at Newbridge over the Ifs, which enablet 
 V.p.6, to fall upon the rear of the King’s loot that were dek 
 7 ti King the Cherwell (1). Whereupon the King drew all his 
 in to Oxford and to the North of the City, with tho- 
 at the fame time of providing for the fafety of his pc. m, 
 ii, r y. not judging it proper to fuffer himfelf to be flm: up. 
 ciarend'in Fheve was no time to lofe, for the King’s troops were 
 |h.TV;'. Iurd Jy retircd >. when the Earl of Effcx pafl'ed the Cherwell 
 BRulhwirth. at Gofworth bridge with his army. So the King giving or- 
 V- P' '■ '■ ders to his Horfe, and a linall body of Foot, to wait for 
 him at fuch a place, left Oxford the 3d offline about nine 
 “ ‘ i°ek at night, and fafely palled between the two Parlia¬ 
 ment armies (2). He was out of all danger of purfuit be- 
 f re the news ot his retreat reached the enemies, and came 
 at length [on June 6, ] to Worcefler , after having endured 
 a great fatigue. 
 
 ; Tbd. sCc- l he two Generals were extremely furprized, when they 
 1 "tuiju'/'/j ri- heard the King had efcaped them. But it was too late to 
 b, ,10 .P e t0 overtake him. Mean while, the city of Oxford 
 *vsOt‘ being well llored with provifions and ammunition, and the 
 King having left there almoft all his hoot, they did not 
 think fit to befiege it, and the rather, as they had no or¬ 
 ders to do it, unlefs the King remained there. The Par¬ 
 liament’s intention was, that in cafe the King quitted Ox¬ 
 ford, the Earl of EJfex fhould follow him with his army, 
 and /Nailer with his, take care of the affairs of the Weft. 
 HarfbnLto ^ ut tbe E aid °f RJf eX for fome unknown reafon, reverfed 
 fobHwtjl, tbis order j a,ld would himfelf march into the Weft. And 
 contrary to when I Nailer urged the Parliament’s orders, the Earl of 
 wiw/r, E ff ex P ofltive, y comma nded him, as his General, to obey, 
 Clarendon, to which the other could make no reply. So, the Earl im- 
 iii. P . 37 s. mediately began his march to the Weft. The Parliament 
 Ruihworrh. were very much offended with the Earl of Ejjex's difobe- 
 dience, and fent him an order, which reached him at Salis¬ 
 bury, to return, follow the King, and leave to /Nailer the 
 fe P- weftern expedition. But the Earl, inftead of complying, 
 ilfp.",?;. a ]etter t0 the committee of war (3), with the reafons 
 of his condudt, fubferibing his letter, Tour innocent, though 
 fufpebied Servant, JLffex. Whether both Houfes were fa- 
 tisfied with the Earl’s reafons, or believed it proper not to 
 incenfe him in fuch a juncture, they fuffered him to purfue 
 his march, which he did in a flow and eafy manner, till 
 he came into Devonjhire. 
 
 wer^to ■ T he ( ^- L,ee P had been ever r,nce April at Exeter , the ca- 
 I’nnce. pital of that County, where fhe was delivered of the Prin- 
 Rn^worth, cefs Henrietta, about a fortnight or three weeks before the 
 !_6R4. 5 EarI E[f ex ' $ approach. As fuon as fhe heard of his en- 
 fclarendnn. tering DevonJ/sire, fhe fent and defired a fafe-condudt to 
 . I. 365, retire co Brijhl (4), The Earl of EJcx anfwered, if her 
 i9+ " Majefty would pleafe to go to London. he would have tire 
 honour to wait upon her thither ; but could not give her a 
 lafe-condua to Brijhl, without the exprefs order of both 
 |»l, 14. Houfes. Whereupon the Queen withdrew into Ccrnwal, 
 and fome time after into Branco, with a convoy of men of 
 . war, fent her by the Prince of Orange. 
 
 .mute . rWe Maurice had been, fince the 20th of April, before 
 do the little town of Lyme. which made a more obftinate de- 
 ,„ th f was ex P eSed - This place, and Plymouth, were 
 ,almoft the only towns in the Weft that were lor the Parira 
 
 ment. It was therefore very neceflary for the Parliament, 
 
 t0 r have ' nth “ fe P arts - forccs capable of reviving the courage 
 S6 S ,’ “ 'heir friends, who had received no affiftance fince Prince 
 In-:”*' MmruSt arrival. At the Earl of Eff ,rPs approach, who 
 was now advanced to Dorehefler, the Prince rafted the ficee 
 ct Lyme, and retired to Ereter. The fame day, the Eari 
 of tjjex poflefled himfelf of DerchtJIer. Then, he de¬ 
 tached Sir It n't, am Balfitcr , who took Weymouth , whither 
 ’.(Ccx'spro- the Earl of EJfex inftantly repaired. He had fome thoughts 
 p. ,„t, of beflegmg Exeter, and indeed marched that way : but 
 683,684. Cnn! nn i-i tlL;jt Pfmce Maurice was there with his whole 
 'larenc ri, army, he was afraid of lofing too much time in the fiege, 
 l p. 382, and ftopped at Chard , where he remained fome time, and 
 from thence marched to Tiverton. Whereupon, Prince 
 Maurice fent a detachment from Exeter, with orders to fe- 
 
 £ S l 
 
 5 ox 
 
 ™ Karnflable ; but the inhabitants /hut the gates againft 1644, 
 
 , and immediately fent to the Earl of Effcx, to come 
 take poffeflion of the town, which was done accord- 
 y tbc Lord Roberts. Here was taken Captain How c 
 rd f, 7 ln ,n g,been formerly Lieutenant to Captain Pym, H 
 iad defer eJ, with nineteen troopers, to the King’s party ■ bjn l ei J w 
 ior which being now tried by a Council of War, he vVas 
 condemned and executed. Upon this, Prince Maurice cau- v. J. egr. 
 led to be hanged Turpin , a Sea-captain, taken prifoner in Co P ta,n 
 attempting to relieve Exeter, when the Earl of Stamford was 1 ZZ,r 
 belieged in it. He being mdi&cd for levying arm's againft 
 the King, was by the Judges, Heath, Forjler, Banks, and 
 oerleant Glanvil, condemned, but hitherto reprieved, bv 
 reafon of the confequences. The Parliament was very much 
 incenfed at this reprifal, confidering the difference between 
 a prifoner of war, and a deferter. Wherefore having Ser- 
 jeant Glanvil in their cuftody, who had lately quitted the 
 King ? party, and returned to London , they ordered him to 
 be impeached of High-treafon. Soon after, the King’s Id. P . 68c. 
 
 ^“ r rI-/ Cai ^ ed fourtecn C,otbiers to be hanged at Woodhoufe 
 in IViltfhire (5), and the Parliament ordered eight frifhnien 5 u,1,w " r,h ‘ 
 to be executed, who had been taken prifoners in fome acT- P ‘ 
 
 on. Thefe are the fad effeds of civil wars. Thefe exe¬ 
 cutions gave occafion to the Parliament, in Augujl follow- 
 mg, to ereft a Court-martial, to which were given very 
 leverc inftrudfions, chiefly with refpeft to deferters. About M- p- 685. 
 the middle of July, Taunton-Dean was taken for the Par¬ 
 liament, by a party of the garrifon of Lyme (6). 
 
 I am obliged for a time, to break off the narrative of the 
 affairs of the Weft, to relate what the King did after his 
 happy efcape from Oxford. 
 
 He arrived the 6th of June at JVorceJler with his little The King's 
 army ; but ftaid there only a few days, hearing /Nailer ma,ch • , " er 
 was marching that way. When he quitted JVorceJler, he t'J'jf 1 
 made feveral inarches and counter-marches (7), to deceive 
 the vigilance of his enemy, not being ftrong enough to ld ' p- 6 7 2 - 
 venture to expc£f him. At Jaft, having made a/how of Waller f>t- 
 marching towards Shreiosbury, JValler doubted not but his law ‘ il ‘ n ' 
 defign was to join Prince Rupert, who was ftill in thefe ^ 7 f 74 6 85 
 parts, r or this was before the battle of Marjlon-moor . CuVcndon* 
 He thought it therefore very important to march before 
 and poft himfelf between the King and Shrewsbury, in or-TsT" 38 '' 
 der to hinder his joining with the Prince. The King was 
 very glad to have deceived JValler. As foon as he knew, 
 
 Waller expeded him upon that rout, he feigned to take it 
 indeed, but fuddenly turning about, inftead of continuing 
 his march towards Shrewsbury, took the road to Oxford, 
 and left JValler in his poft, without any poflibility of over¬ 
 taking him. When he came near Oxford, he was joined 
 by the reft of his army, which he had left there when he 
 quitted that city. Then, no longer fearing Waller, fince 
 he was ftronger than he, he went and quartered in Buckimr- 
 hamjhire, without any other defign than to give the enemy 
 battle, if there was occafion. 
 
 JValler having been thus circumvented, approached the Thtfoh at 
 King however, and at length the two armies were in fight Crnp c( jv 
 with the river Cherwell between them. JValler drew up p”'- 
 on a very advantages ground, imagining the King would ftwih. 
 pafs the river to attack him, and thereby furni/h him with v p b ~ b ‘ 
 an opportunity to fight with advantage. But the Kiiw p" 1 " 3 ""- 
 to draw him from his poft, feigned to march northward^ Whkcloct'. 
 and accordingly advanced into Northamptonjhire , leaving a 
 ftrong guard at Cropedy bridge, to hinder the enemies from 
 palling, and following him in the rear. Whilft he was 
 marching, he had intelligence, there was a body of three 
 hundred Horfe going to join JValler, within two miles of 
 the van of his army, and was told, they might be eafily 
 cut off, if the army moved fafter. Whereupon orders 
 were fent to the van, and main body, to advance fafter 
 As foon as Waller perceived there was a great diftance be¬ 
 tween the King’s rear, and the reft of his army, he de¬ 
 tached a thoufand Horfe, to pafs the river at a ford, a mile 
 below, and himfelf, with fifteen hundred Horfe, one thou¬ 
 fand Foot, and eleven pieces of cannon, attacked Cropedy 
 bridge, took it, and paffed his troops. Which done' he 
 fell upon the King’s rear, but was repulfed, with Infs of 
 many of his Men, and part of his cannon. This is all 
 that can be gathered with any clearnefs, from the accounts 
 of this battle (8). The detachment, which, I faid, paffed 
 
 , that he did. Tom. 
 
 37 vh 
 
 {;{ i' n ’i? ht b J" Eht ■“ hil *”■! mi™ up™ th6 King’i 
 
 he lodged at Dr. ‘Itmfilh the Prince^ Chaplain h'** m °y n ‘ n £ he d,c '" U P his arm y> _ and went that atternoon to Burtcn on tbc VKattr, 
 
 Tom. q. p. 671. P • n the 5th he marched to Evtjham, and on iburfday the 6th to the City of fVorceJler. Ruj 
 
 iJhhmS ° f b “ h '» "» “"PS m Tb.te 
 
 ft! n’ d r r VK d At '"8“ fe hte htelth. K./bwmb, Tom. o. ». 684. 
 
 life Bo, h/™ hit! br ' akl ”8 hi! h *“". "l»t »b.t l« bod fuBered might bo.toopi.d 
 
 Jlte But he was hanged up again. Ludlow, Tom. i. p. 120. * 
 
 | ' ^ h ' y wcre kd on by Sir Robert Pye and Colonel Blake. Rujhivortb , Tom. 5. p. 685. 
 tr/’tr 1 ; -be 16th, he^^ched'thTou^^^lw^o^tai-^ u* advanced alon 6 the Severn towards Bridgnorth, but returned the fame day to // or- 
 
 T.m! ?7 n 
 »rthme him ,0 h.fc„d kill . b, „'Sfh »““ ** - ** ■“«* h ‘“ 
 
 iso. Laia. vol. II. r r 
 
 b the 
 
 ufually a Committee of the Parliament 
 r elfe, that he might fight againft any two for his 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 532 
 
 The H I s TO R T of ENGLAND. 
 
 t (... the ford, had much th&fame fuccefs. It alter be,ng thus 
 repulfd, and forced to repafs the liver, drew up his men 
 a, on a li;!!, and there waited the King's motions. As It wa. 
 
 • :■ yet but three in the afternoon, the King believing, t e 
 enemies were difeouraged with their ill fucce s, or ere 
 Crepe u bridge, and the ford, to be attacked by two great de¬ 
 tachments. The firft was repulfed at the bridge, with 
 great Infs on the King's fide. The other gamed the ford ; 
 but all that could be done, was to maintain it, expedtmg m 
 vain, till night, that the firft detachment would recover 
 the bridae. Night coming on, both hides retired, Haller 
 remaining mailer of .the two paffes. 
 
 The King was fo prepoffeffed with the notion, that the 
 encm . . army was entirely difcouraged, that he refolved 
 to fend them an offer of Pardon by a herald imagining 
 it would be immediately accepted, and II alter deferred. 
 
 In this belief, he fent a trumpeter to Hal.tr, to delire a 
 fafe-condufl for a Gentleman to deliver a gracious meltage 
 from his Majefty. Waller anfwered, he had no power to 
 receive any meffage without permtffion from the Earlia- 
 mrnt, to whom his Majefty was to make application. 1 he 
 two armies faced each other for the fpace of two days, 
 lhnd.ni> i n the fame pofture, after which they both drew 
 off, each taking a dift'erent tout (I). In all appearance, 
 Haller after this lofs, did not think himfelf in condition 
 to VO any more in quell of the King, who was fuperior 
 to him in number. As it was about this time, that the 
 report of Prince Rupert's defeat at Marjlon-meor was 
 ftread. Waller thought, Joublicfs, there was no great ne- 
 ceff.ty to hazard a fecond battle, fincc the king would 
 probably be very much diftreffed. When he knew sfter- 
 wuds, the King was marching towards the Welt, he 
 nave himfelf ftill lefs trouble about what the King might 
 attempt, fincc it belonged to the Earl of EJ) fur to get oft 
 as he pleafed. There was not a fufHcient union between 
 them for Waller to be much concerned at what might 
 T. happen to the Earl. Perhaps too, his not being able to 
 
 v.'r.VsL follow the King, who was marching agamft the Earl of 
 E ffex was the reafon why he difmiffed the regiments of 
 the London auxiliaries, which, added to his lofs at Cropedy , 
 difabled him from ailing till he had frefh troops. 
 
 yhe King, who at the beginning of this campain was 
 I.m/' i r-- in a fad flrait, found himfelf, a month after, much at 
 10: h’.u ea (- e Of the two armies by which he had been attacked, 
 
 ( ible to hurt him, and the other was gone into 
 
 in- t | ie Weft, where he himfelf was very ftrong. In the 
 firft place, he was mafter of all the fortified towns, 
 Plymouth excepted. Secondly, he had at Brijhl a large 
 earrifon, part whereof might be drawn out upon occahon. 
 In the third place, alinoft all the Gentry of the weftci n 
 Counties were well-affeded to him. There were only 
 the meaner fort of People, who were divided between hirn 
 and the Parliament, hut who however were always ready 
 to join with the ftrongeft. Laftly, Prince Maurice had at 
 Exeter , and in the neighbourhood, four thoufand men, 
 which'could be eafily brought to him by the North of 
 Devonjhirc, and the Earl of EJJex not be able to prevent 
 it. All thefe confederations determined him to march 
 weftward, to give the Earl of EJfex battle, if an opportu¬ 
 nity ottered. He had fcarce begun his march, when he 
 received the ill news of what had patted at York , which 
 confirmed him in his refblution. He perceived, that if he 
 remained in the middle of the Kingdom, where he had 
 few friends or fortified towns, the three Parliament armies, 
 which were now feparated, would not fail to rejoin, and 
 then, he fhould be too weak to withftand them. 
 
 Id- p. 388. As foon as the King had taken this refolution, he in¬ 
 formed Prince Maurice of it, that he might be ready to 
 join him, and by the fame exprefs fent orders to the Lord 
 Hoptony to draw what men he could out of JEales and lead 
 them to Bri/iol, that he might meet him on the way with 
 thofe troops, and as many more as could poflibly be fpared 
 Rufhworth. from that garrifon. So, the King making eafv marches, 
 v. p . 6SS. i n order to give the IVelfh troops time to join him, came 
 the 15th of July to Bath , from whence, after two days, 
 he departed, and at length arrived at Exeter. When all 
 the forces, he had fent for, had joined him,’he faw him¬ 
 felf at the head of an army much more numerous than the 
 Earl of EJfex’s. . 
 
 The K,rg'i j Five days after the fight at Cropedy Bridge, the King 
 pit Jage n_ being at Evejham , caufed to be drawn up a meffage for 
 £ 7 *;r peace to both Houfes, a copy whereof was fent to the 
 Earl of EJfex by the Marquifs of Hertford , to be com- 
 Ttd. municated to the Parliament, it being intimated that the 
 
 ilftw-rth ' French agent had the original to deliver if required. This 
 v.’pTes/.’i meffage directed To the Lords and Commons of Parliament 
 
 ajfembled at Weftminfter, contained a general offer to treat 1644. 
 of peace, and if commiffioners fhould be fent to him, he 
 would grant them a fafe-conduft. The two Houfes, ever 
 jealous of the King, thought there was feme artifice con¬ 
 cealed in fending them only a copy of the meftage, and 
 that his aim was to ingage them to demand the original 
 of the French agent. Befides, they did not conceive them - 
 felves to be owned by the dire&ion of this meffage as 
 the two Houfes of Parliament, and therefore imagined, % ( 
 
 the Kino- had a mind to referve to himfelf the power ot 
 faying, That he did not acknowledge them for the true 
 Parliament of England { 2), and indeed he ought not, ac¬ 
 cording to his principles, fince he had publifhed the lore- 
 mentioned Declaration againft them. Wherefore they re¬ 
 folved to take no notice of the meffage, nor return any 
 
 Whilft the King flayed at Bath , he had affembled the I 
 
 inhabitants of Somerfetjbire [at Kingfmoor,] and made a Wlf ... ' 
 Speech to them, exhorting them to take arms for him, iW j 
 and furnifh him with money. He told them, “ I fiat vie- L 
 « tory was the only means left to reftore peace to the na- 
 “ rion, that bleffed peace which he had fo often fought 
 “ for from them at IVcJlminJler , and which they had io 
 c< fcornfully rejected. But, continued he, when I men- 
 “ tion peace, I would be underftood to intend that peace, 
 
 “ which is built upon fuch foundations as are moft hke- 
 « lv to render it firm and liable ; wherein God’s true 
 “ Religion mav be beft fecured from the danger of Popery , 
 
 “ Se&aries, and innovations j the Crown may poflefs thole 
 “ juft prerogatives which may enable me to protect and 
 “ govern my People according to law ; and the Subjcdts 
 “ be confirmed in thofe rights which they have derived 
 “ from their forefathers, and which I have granted them 
 “ in Parliament ; to which I flia.ll always be ready to 
 “ add fuch new graces, as I fhall find moft to conduce to 
 “ their happinefs : This is the peace which I labour for, 
 
 “ wherein I may juftly expedl your beft affiftance with your 
 “ hearts, and hands, and purfes.” 
 
 For the clear underftanding of the King’s meaning, 
 not only on this, but on all other the like occafions with¬ 
 out exception, it mud be confidered, the Parliament did 
 not deny, that a King of England ought according to the 
 laws of'the Land, to enjoy fuch prerogatives as his Ma¬ 
 jefty demanded ; but they affirmed, it ought to be lor the 
 'welfare, and not for the deftrudlion of the People. They 
 pretended, that Charles I. had abufed thefe prerogatives to 
 deftroy the rights of the Subje£l, and from thence drew 
 this inference, that it was abfolutely neceflary to put it out 
 of his power to abufe them for the future, which could he 
 done only by depriving him of part of the prerogatives he 
 had abufed. They maintained, only the King’s bare 
 word could not be relied on, and there was need of a 
 ftronger fence to fecure the Laws. The King, on his 
 part,"did not deny, he had made ill ufe of his power. But 
 he had repaired the mifehief he had done, and protefted, 
 his intention was to govern for the future, according to 
 the Laws of the Land. What therefore was the ground 
 of the war? Why, the Parliament would not trull to the 
 King’s word, and the King refufed to give other fecurity. 
 
 When therefore the King fo frequently ottered peace, on 
 condition he fhould be rellored to all his prerogatives, ex¬ 
 cepting thofe he had departed from in this Parliament, far 
 from fhowing by thefe oilers, that he was fincerely defirous 
 of peace, he rather demonftrated, that nothing could fatisfy 
 him but an entire viftory, whether by arms or treaty. On 
 the other hand, when the Parliament leemed to wilh for 
 peace, but on condition that the King fhould be diverted 
 of his prerogatives, was not this in reality to wilh for 
 war, fince it was defiring to fecure by a treaty an advan¬ 
 tage, which their arms had hitherto rendered very un¬ 
 certain ? We muft not therefore be milled by the found 
 of the word Peace, which was, as appears, a very ambi¬ 
 guous term, and of which both fides, efpecially the King, 
 made a parade to dazzle the People. I am in hopes this 
 remark will be of ufe to explain many the like pallages of 
 this reign. 
 
 When the Earl of EJfex heard of the King’s approach, 7be E arU 
 he called a Council of War, to debate what was to be Eflex"'* 1 
 done in this emergency. His own opinion was, to return, j iine ;6 . 
 and hinder the King from penetrating farther into the u. p .6 9 o 
 Country, and to give him battle if a favorable opportunity 
 ottered. He reprefented, that in Devor./hire or Scmerjet- fl p -9; 
 fire, as he fhould not be flraitned in room or provifions, 
 he might either fight, or avoid it as he fhould think fir. 
 
 But the Lord Roberts of Truro (5), Field-Marfhal in this 
 expedition, whofe eflate lay all in Cornwall pofitively af¬ 
 firmed, 
 
 (,) Riejbv.trtb and Whitlock both fay the King drew off firft, and then Waller marched over Cropedy Bridge. Rap,n follows the Lord CUrtndo: 
 
 niftsken the direfUon of the Meffage as in Rufivrrtb, the Tranflaticn is according to 
 
 , 1 The Author being obfeure in this place, and 
 I'somade in 14 Jac. 1. The Duke of Euckirgbam (as 13 faid in the nth Article of the impeachment agaiuft hint; knowing hm 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 ; 1644. firmed, that as foon as thearniy Ihould enter that County, 
 
 the People would all declare for the Parliament ; that then 
 it would be impoffible for the King to come there, and 
 the army might eafily fubfift, and be reinforced with a 
 great number of troops. Upon this afTurance, which af¬ 
 terwards proved very falfe, the Lord Roberts , rather by a 
 fort of violence, than the ftrength of his reafons, caufed 
 it to be refolved, that the army fhould march into Corn¬ 
 wall. 
 
 'lit King Purfuant to this refolution, the Earl of EJfex entered 
 Itendon count y the 26th of July, after forcing the pafi'age at 
 b II. p. 396*. Newbridge , which was bravely defended [by Sir Richard 
 i Rulhw.rth. Greenvil.] The fame day the King came to Exeter (1), 
 w'hitdock. anc * a ^ ter a § enera * Mufter of his army, followed the Earl 
 of EJfex, who did not find in Cornwal what the Lord 
 Roberts had made him expect. He advanced however to 
 Lancejlon , and from thence to Bodmin, where he writ to 
 the Parliament, that he did not doubt, the King’s defign 
 was to ftraiten him for provifions, and therefore earneft- 
 Jy defired, that an army might be fent into the Weft to 
 lye upon the King’s rear, and hinder him from executing 
 his project. But as Sir William Waller was not ready to 
 march, being then in London , folliciting fupplies for his 
 army, all that could be done was to detach Colonel 
 Middleton with two thoufand five hundred Horfe and 
 Dragoons (2), with orders to march weftwards. 
 
 *• He King', The King feeing the Earl of EJfex intangled in a 
 1 tbe Country where he wanted provifions for the fubfiftence 
 ,1 EfTVx. of his army, thought it a fair opportunity to try to gain 
 AU fh a th k' m ' Wherefore he fent him a Letter under his own 
 m p^g,.’ hand, perfwading him to free himfelf from his prefent 
 n Clarendon, ftraits, by reftoring peace to the Kingdom, that is, by 
 ) ,! *P- 399. declaring for fuch a peace as the King defired. The Earl 
 •. mitefock. &JF ex returning no anfwer to this letter, Prince Maurice 
 and the Earl of Forth, lately made Earl of Brentford, the 
 King’s General, writ to him two days after ; and the next 
 day he received another letter on the fame fubje£l, figned 
 by [the Lord Hopton and] many General Officers of the 
 King’s army. At laft, he returned a brief anfwer to the 
 Earl of Brentford , that he had no commiffion to treat. 
 
 I Wiinn'Jr- About this time, the Lord Wilmot, Licutenant-Gene- 
 I xl'/ ,y tb ‘ raI of the ^ in S’ s Horfe, was arrefted [and fent prifoner 
 i CiTLdon, t0 Exeter] by his Majefty’s order, he having taken the 
 li p 3S3, liberty to fend the Earl of EJfex word, that if he would en- 
 jj 39 ^, 397, ter into treaty, the officers of the King’s army were fo 
 
 1 39 “ delirous of peace, they would conftrain his Majefty to 
 
 conclude it upon reafonable terms. Wilmot’s difgrace bred 
 fomc murmurs amongft the Officers of Horfe, by whom 
 ! Aup. is. he was very much beloved. Nay, they prefented a peti- 
 
 j Ruihworth, tion to the King, to pray him to let them know what 
 
 V. p.693. cr j me t h at: Lord was accu f ec j 0 f f The King, in fuch a 
 jundfure, was very ready to give them this fatisfadtion. 
 Neverthelefs the Lord Wilmot was deprived of his port, 
 which was given to the Lord Goring, after which, he had 
 I Clarendon, leave to retire beyond fea (3). It was generally believed 
 
 ll. p. 396. in the army, that JNilmot's difgrace was owing to fome 
 intrigue of the Court, and the King’s private hatred of 
 him on account of the part he had adted againft the Earl of 
 Strajford. 
 
 1 Hi Earl of h e E ar l °f EJfex perceived too late the vanity of the 
 ! Eflex n in Lord Roberts's promifes. So far were the People of Corn- 
 1 ?r A o r WaI fr0m ri ^ in § in ^‘ s favour , that on the contrary they 
 4 <.p.4°o, ran in crowds ( 0 j oin the K ing . s army> The Earl could 
 Ru(hworth, have provifions but by fea, and in fmall quantities, by 
 p- 699, means of a river which afforded him a communication by 
 fea with Plymouth (4). At laft, Sir Richard Greenvil hav¬ 
 ing brought the King a fupply of troops, ic was refolved 
 in a Council of War, to make ufe of the fuperiority of 
 the number, not to compel the Earl of EJfex to fight, but 
 to cut off his provifions entirely. This was happily ef¬ 
 faced, by means of a fort run up on the bank of the 
 river, by which the enemies received their provifions. 
 lit favtt bi, Thus the Earl of EJfex being reduced to the laft extre- 
 
 5°3 
 
 mity, after having kept his poll almbft a month, refolved 1644. 
 to abandon his army, to avoid falling into the King’s 
 hands. But before he executed that defign, he ordered 
 Sir William Balfour to endeavour to fave the Horfe, which 
 he performed very fortunately in a dark mifty night, by 
 palling unobferved through the King’s quarters (5). As Sept. r. 
 foon as the Earl of EJfex knew the Horfe were out of 
 danger, he fent to the King and demanded a parley, but 
 before the anfwer was returned, took (hip with fome 
 officers and retired to Plymouth, leaving Major-General 
 Skippon to fee to procure the beft terms he could for the 
 Foot. 
 
 The King having granted the parley defired by the Earl 
 of EJfex before his departure, a conference was held be¬ 
 tween lome officers of both armies, where the following 
 articles were agreed on (6). 
 
 I. That on the morrow, being the 2d of September , all Ruft worth, 
 the officers and foldiers under the command of the Earl of v - P- 7°5’ 
 EJfex, Ihall deliver up all their cannons and train of artil¬ 
 lery, with all carriages, necefiaries and materials thereunto 
 belonging ; and likewife all arms offenfive and de/enfive, 
 
 with all ammunition whatfoever, except only the fwords 
 and piftols of all officers above the degree of Corporals. 
 
 II. That immediately after, all officers and foldiers Ihall 
 march out of their quarters to Lejlwithiel with their 
 colours, trumpets, and drums ; and that all officers above 
 the degree of Serjeants, Ihall take with them fuch horfes 
 and fervants as properly belong to them, with all their bag 
 and baggage, and waggons with their teams. 
 
 III. That they Ihall have a fafe convoy of one hundred 
 Horfe, from their quarters, to Lejlwithiel , and thence in 
 their march to Pool and Wareham. 
 
 IV. That in cafe they Ihall march from Pool to any 
 other place by land, that they Ihall not bear arms more 
 than is allowed in the agreement, until they come to South¬ 
 ampton or Portfmoutb. 
 
 V. That all the lick and wounded Ihould be left at Fay, 
 till fuch time as they can be conveniently tranfported to 
 Plymouth. 
 
 VI. That all the officers and foldiers Ihall be permitted 
 to receive all moneys, provifions, and other accommoda¬ 
 tions, as they fhould be able to procure from Plymouth , to 
 which end they Ihall have a pafs for any twelve perlons, 
 whom they Ihall fend for the fame. 
 
 VII. That there Ihall be no inviting of any foldiers, but 
 that fuch as will voluntarily come to his Majefty’s fervice, 
 
 Ihall not be hindered. 
 
 By this treaty, the King properly gained only artillery; 
 arms, and ammunition. But though it was fomething io 
 reduce this army to fuch a condition, it would have been 
 of much more advantage to him, had he made the officers 
 and foldiers prifoners of war. For the Parliament wanted 
 neither artillery, nor arms, nor ammunition, to repair 
 their army, which indeed was able within five or fix 
 weeks, to give the King battle. It is to be prefumed, the 
 King had good reafons to be fatisfied with this little ad¬ 
 vantage. 
 
 Though the Earl of EJfex might have been juftjy up- jb e Earth 
 braided for the two faults he had committed, in obftinately n»ill rccu-vti 
 purfuing his march into the Weft, contrary to the orders ci^rmion* 
 of both Houfes, and in prepofteroufly running himfelf into 11. P . 40/, 
 Cormual, he was not infulted for his misfortunes, but at his 
 return was very civilly received. It was then no proper 
 time to examine his conduct. The point was to recruit 
 and arm the ruined army, as well as that of Waller , and 
 accordingly both Houfes applied themfelves to it with all 
 poffible diligence. They ordered alfo Colonel Middleton to 
 repair fpeedily to the Earl of EJfex' s army, and the Earl 
 of Manchefer to march the fame way with his forces. 
 
 After the King had gained fo coniiderable an advantage. Tic King’, 
 he hoped, the frighted Parliament v’culd defire nothing '®. 
 more than to come to an agreement. He plainly perceived, 
 that fuch a peace as he defired was impracticable, as long ofer off tact* 
 
 ibJ‘l wy‘ 
 
 Plymouth. 
 Clarendon, 
 U- |>. 404. 
 Rulhwarth, 
 V. p. 699. 
 
 him to take the honour, and pay him 10,000/. for it-The Lord C!artnd'.n fays, He wasa man of an impetuous difpefition, full of contmd flicn in 
 
 , s temper. a nd of parts fo much fuperior toany in the Company, that he could too well maintain and jufiify all thole contradictions, Tom. 2. p- 305. Lud- 
 loiv adds: He perfuaded the Earl to march into Cornwal, that he might have an opportunity to colled* liis rents in thole parts. Ten,. I. p. safe. 
 
 (t) Where he found his young Daughter under the care of the Lady Datkeitb. Clarcrd-.n, Tom. 2. p. 396. 
 
 (2; W juclock lays, That he was fent with three thoufand Horfe ; and four thouland were ordered to be fent fpeedily after him, p. 9 S. 
 
 13) c or ermg was juft come from Prince Rupert, with letters to the King, requefting that Gorin* might be made General of the Horfe in his 
 
 l°T a ■«, n p,n ,n L lajr, "* J he had P°‘ l him. For h.s Majefty, the day after his arrefting him, told the Officers of Horfe, 
 
 he had juftly re ft rained W> /mot for the prefent, but had not taken away from him his command in the armv. However, Wilmot, when he fan his m-ml 
 
 enemy ,crtng put in the command over him, thought himfelf incapable o: reparation, or full vindication, fo defired leave to retire into France, ar.d had a 
 I als^lcnt him for that purpole. It feems, the Earl of Brentford being grown old, the King defigned to make Prince Rupert Gcncial. Clarendon , Tom. a- 
 
 (4) The King lay about Leskard, and EJfex at Lejlwithiel, from whence the River runs to Foy, of which place EJTix was mafter. 
 
 IS) Others lay, that they broke through the King's quarters. Ludlow, Tom. 1. p. 127. Manley, p. 74. 
 
 (o) Wbitelock who pretends to give an impartial relation of this affair, fays, That the Earl of EJfex did not fend to parley, but that after he was gone, 
 lome came by defign to the Parliament forces, intimating, that the King was willing to admit of a Treaty with them, which v.as great wifdom and gallantry 
 in t e rig, c uling rather to defeat them with their own confents, than hazard the doubtful tryal of a battle. Upon this, Skippon calls his Officers together 
 
 ti a council or War, and declares, he was for fighting his way through the enemy, as the Horie had done. But tew of the Council did concur with him, fo 
 
 trie above-mentioned Articles were agreed upon. Some of the Soldiers, as they were marching forth, being pillaged by the King's Sold-ers, Skippon rode up 
 to the Kang, who flood to lee them pafs by, and told him, •« It was againft his honour and juftice, that the Soldiers fhould be pillaged, contrary to the 
 ] l"’ “7 defire . d h,s Ma J eft y “E‘VC order to reftrain them," which the King did. There were delivered up forty pieces of brafs Ordnance, two hundred 
 with t Tr ’ and " :ne thou,; 'n<i arms tor Horfe and Foot. See, fays Wbitllotk, the uncertain Blues of war ! A few weeks before, EJJcx and Waller, 
 
 u , cre ln P ,“ lt . 0,r " le Kin E> w ho could fcarce find a way to avoid them ; and now the Parliament’s army is defeated, dlfarmid, and 
 oiipcrfcdj and the King becomes vittorious. Wbittlnk, p, 102. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 5 
 
5°+ 
 
 ‘The H ISTO RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 H 4 
 
 the P,,; jnv’it was Drofpe r ous. But he flattered himfelf he had always defired, and offered peace, which had been 164 
 
 i' _1.. u.. 1_c„;.i 
 
 
 t!ie hu , that after Jo great a misfortune, his ene¬ 
 mies w,-u!d gladly accept his offers, and infift no longer 
 upon terms he was filly refolved not to grant. In this be¬ 
 lief, he (ent from Tev-fiuk a frefh meffage to botli Houfes, 
 
 - t« ; t a duplicate of his 
 former meffage from 1 1:7/ am. This meffage was fo word¬ 
 ed, that he itemed ouc of pure moderation to offer, after 
 1,,’ v.J.orv, to be content with having, by a peace, what 
 he was in condition to obtain by force of arms. But if 
 notice be taken of what I before faid, to explain what is to 
 be understood by the peace ottered by the King, it will be 
 found, that through an excefs of modefty, moderation, and 
 affedion for his people, he would be fatisfied to obtain by a 
 treaty, what hitherto he had not been able to procure by 
 arms . For that was the real meaning of his offer, though 
 difguifed under the fpecious name of peace. The Parlia¬ 
 ment mutt have underftood it in that fenfe, fince it was 
 not regarded. The King himfelf, doubtlefs, did not be¬ 
 lieve, he could deceive the two Houfes by the bare name 
 of peace, after having fo often experienced how much they 
 were up in their guard in that refped. But thefe frequent 
 offers of peace were properly defigned to make impreflion 
 upon the people, who did not difeover their true meaning. 
 
 K ,, y The 1 oth of September , the King appeared before Ply- 
 pV mouth (1), in hopes, that after his late vidory, the gates 
 mouthwiri- wou ]j be opened to him. But having fummoned it in 
 hU* “ vain, and even given fome aflaults, he was forced to retire, 
 c'jf'endon, the feafon not permitting him to undertake fo important a 
 il p.+'z- f, e »e, which probably, would have employed him feveral 
 months. Befides, his dettgn was to march to London, 
 where he fuppofed all were in she utmoft confternation. 
 Mean while, General Goring, with a detachment of the 
 armv, became matter of Barnjlaple. 
 
 , arnval 1 have had frequent occafion to fpeak of the affairs of the 
 ‘ r ti Eledor Palatine, and to obferve, how much James I, and 
 r I*.!a me Charles I, negleded the interefts, the one of the King his 
 Ru(h°vorrh Son-in-law, and the other, of the Eledor his nephew. All 
 v ‘ the Eledor’s dominions being in the hands of his enemies, 
 
 he fled for refuge to the King his uncle, who gave him a 
 penfion for his fubfiftence. This penfion, it is likely, was 
 ill paid fince the King was engaged in the war with Scot¬ 
 land, and frill worfe, iince the beginning of this Parliament. 
 So the Eledor having attended the King till he retired into 
 the North, and feeing the war'ready to kindle, abruptly quit¬ 
 ted the King his uncle at York. He retired into Holland. 
 
 conftantly rejeded by both Houfes, after which he faid. 
 
 That he had therefore refolved with his army, to draw 
 prefently towards London , and his fouthern and eaftern 
 !t Counties, not looking upon thefe parts as enemies to 
 “ him, but as his poor Subjeds, oppreiled by power, ( of 
 “ which he was ajfured the greater part remained loyal to 
 “ him ,) and fo deferving his protedion ; hoping, that at a 
 “ nearer diftance of place, there might be begot fo right 
 “ an underftanding between him and his people, that at 
 “ length he might obtain a treaty for peace, and a full 
 “ and free convention in Parliament, and therein make an 
 “ end of thefe unhappy differences, by a good accommo- 
 “ dation ; whereby his people might be fettled in the pol 
 “ feffion of their Rights and Liberties. And therefore he 
 “ required his Subjeds within his own quarters, through, 
 
 “ or near which he fhould pafs, forthwith to prepare them- 
 felves with the beft arms they could get, to be ready to 
 ‘ c join him. He authorized likewife as well the trained- 
 “ bands of London , as his Subjeds of the eaftern and 
 “ fouthern Counties, to chufe their own commanders a- 
 “ mong thofe Gentlemen and Citizens, that were of ap- 
 “ proved loyalty, and lovers of peace, requiring them at 
 “ his approach, to put them felves in arms, and aflilt in 
 “ this expedition, and commanding them to feize fuch 
 ‘‘ places of {Length, as the rebels were poireffed. of, and to 
 “ apprehend the perfons of all fuch as ffiould hinder the 
 “ fettling the peace of the Kingdom,” 
 
 All the effed this Proclamation produced, was, that the l d - P' 7 '7 
 inhabitants of Somerfetjhirr, where the King then was, pre- 
 fented a petition to him, humbly befeeching his Majefty, 
 
 “ That they might have liberty to wait upon him in per- 
 ‘ l fon, and, at a nearer diftance of place, become peti— 
 tc tioners to both Houfes, to embrace his Majefty’s offers 
 ct of peace, and in cafe of refufal, they promifed to fpend 
 “ their lives and fortunes, in aflifting him to compafs bv 
 tc the fword, what by fair means could not be efteded. ’ 
 
 But this was only a promifed aid, and as yet too remote 
 for the King to make any ufe of it in the prefent expe- 
 pedition. 
 
 If every thing had happened as the King had imagined : The 
 if the People had flocked to his army ; if he had been n:e - n ~ v ’ ,b 
 chearfully fupplied with all neceffaries, very probably, he 
 might have arrived at London before the Parliament-forces c:.,.cn,t •, 
 could have been joined to form a new army. But his 11 P-4 t6 
 army, inftead ofincreafing in their march, as he expeded, c ‘ 
 
 and ftaid there till Augujl 1644, when he fuddenly came to daily diminifhed by fatigues, by want of money, {hoes. 
 London to refide there, under the protedion of the Parlia- and {lockings, and by ficknefs, which difabled many of his 
 ment. The King hearing of it, writ to him, to know men from following the army (3). He was obliged to 
 the reafon of fo extraordinary a proceeding. It does not f ‘ L "'' 
 
 appear what anfwer the Eledor returned ; but probably, 
 not knowing how to fubfift, and confulering the King his 
 uncle was not able to maintain him, he believed, he Ihould 
 find more afliftance in the Parliament, which had ever ex- 
 prefled a great affedion and zeal for his Houfe. He 
 
 make frequent halts in feveral towns to wait for money 
 and other neceffaries, which, he perceived, would not be 
 fupplied when he Ihould be removed. The Horfe being 
 difeontented, as well at the Lord JVilmot's difgrace, as at 
 their having received no pay this campain, he was forced 
 to flay till the eaftern Counties fhould fupply him with 
 not*decc~.ed in his expeditions, for the Parliament granted money to fatisfy them, otherwife he durft not advance, 
 him an honorable penfion, which was more regularly paid Thefe delays were the realon that he came not to Satis- u. p . 4 ,3 
 than the former from the King (z). He afterwards delired bury till the 15th of Odlober , fix weeks after the advan- Rulhworti 
 and obtained leave to hear the debates in the affembly of tage gained in Cernwal. Then it was that he altered his v, P' 7lS 
 Divines. Probably, as he did not care to be concerned in refolution, and inftead of marching to London, contented 
 military affairs, he fought to fpend his time in converfing himfelf with returning t© his old quarters in and about 
 with the learned, and improving himfelf in matters of Re- Oxford. Nay, this projed could not be executed without 
 jj, J j on difficulty, conlidering the meafures taken by his enemies. 
 
 & The King was fo ftrongly poffeffed with the belief, that Whillt the King was on his march, the Parliament was The Pjr . 
 his vidory could not but make a flrong impreflion upon not idle. They had provided [fix thoufandj arms, and ttamer.e 
 the minds of the people, that he refolved to march diredly cloths for the Earl of Ejfex’s Foot, and detached the city- 
 to London. He did not queflion, but his army would con- brigade confifting of five thoufand men (4), befides the u J. 7 u 
 
 fiderably increafe by the way, and the people forfake the neceffary recruits, to join him. Sir William Waller had 
 
 two Houfes, when they fhould fee him marching towards taken the field again, his army being recruited and reiu- 
 the metropolis. It is true, fuch turns had been formerly forced, and was now at Andover ready to march. The 
 feen in England, but very feldom or never in favour of Earl of EJftx\ Horfe, which had fortunately efcaped in 
 Princes, whom the Nation believed to have caufe to com- Cornwal, were come to him, as well as thole fent into the 
 plain of. However, though Charles had given but too Weft, under the command of Colonel Middleton. Thus, 
 much occafion to complain of his Government, yet was he the Earl of Ejfex faw himfelf in condition to march the 
 perfwaded, he was beloved by the people, and imputed 17th of Oftober, in order to join Sir William Wulhr and 
 whatever they did againft him, to the artifices, calumnies, the Earl of Manchejler , who was within diftance. The 
 promifes, threats, and violences, that were ufed to miflead King having notice that Waller was to march to Reading , 
 
 or compel them. In this belief, he imagined, the people advanced with all poflible diligence towards Andover , to 
 
 wanted only an opportunity to free themfelves from the give him battle before he had joined the Earl of Ejfex. 
 yoke of the Parliament, and that the prefent one being very Nay, he fell upon his rear and killed twenty or thirty of Q£bb 
 favorable, W3S not to be neglected. He publilhed therefore his men. But this could not hinder the jun£lion of the 
 the 30th of September , a Proclamation, dated at Chard, three armies, which was done the 2 ill of Ocfober. 
 wherein he fet forth, with what earneftnefs and fincerity Whillt the King’s enemies lay fo near him, he very r u i*. 
 
 V p.,l 
 
 (1) Where the Lord Robtrtt, who went thither with the F-arl of Ejfex, was made Governor, to whom the Lord Digby writ, to perfwade him to fuf- [ ‘f'f.- 
 
 render the Town to the King. Rujh-wortb, Tom. 5. p. 713. ...... , . 41a, L. 
 
 ( ,\ He had, before his coming, fent two letters to the Parliament, declaring in the firft, hu fatiifaffion in the Covenant, wifhing them fuccef. ; aid m ^ 
 th<* "other, the great (heights heandhis Mother were in, for want of the llipend they formerly had, bemoaning the courfes his Brother Prince Rupert lot k, 
 in fighting againft the Parliament. Upon his landing at Cravefend, a Committee of ihe Commons attended h m, and in May 164c, the t. mm in ordered 
 him anailowance of 8000/ a year, 2000/. whereof out of the King's revenue, and the reft out of the Lftaies of the Lord Cottingtun, ar.d Sir A-jj 
 Crjpe. W'biteJtci, p. 85, 101, 145. 
 
 T When the King marched from Chard, his army confifted but of five thoufand five hundred Foot, and about foar thou.and H re 
 
 T °(4' Ommanded by Sir J Har-ir t v, being the red and blue Regiments 0 Trained bands of L -tton, the red Regiment 0; U’tjirrinji. 
 
 Rear ment of Soutbiua-b, ajid the yell -v. R giment of Auxiliaries of the -fov/ci-tiam.'cti, Rujbwonb, T.m. 5. p- 7 x 9 * 
 
 Claret don, 
 , the yellow 
 
 unadvifedly, 
 
Book XXI. 25. C H A 
 
 <644, unadvifkily, as it feeirif» detached from his army the Earl 
 of Northampton with three regiments of - Horfe, to relieve 
 Banbury Caftle, which had been befieged ever fince July 
 the 19th, and was now reduced to extremity. I he Earl 
 fucceeded in his expedition, but the King was like to pay 
 dear for it, fince, a few days after, he was forced to fight, 
 deprived of the aid of thefe three regiments. His detign, 
 as I faid, was only to retire to Oxford , there being no far¬ 
 ther reafon to induce him to purfue his march towards 
 London. But he would firft befiege Dennington Caftle, 
 and therefore advanced to Newbury, which lies but a mile 
 from that Caftle, whilft the Parliament army was at Read¬ 
 ing. The next day, that army marched towards New- 
 Rufcworrh, where the Kjng himfelf in the beft manner 
 
 7 „?‘ 7 he could, and placed his Foot in the intrenchments, 
 whilft the Horfe were ported in two adjoining open 
 fields, and for fome days there were frequent skirmifhes 
 between the two armies. At laft, on the 27th of October 
 [being Sunday] the Parliament-Generals having divided 
 their forces into two bodies (1), attacked the Kings in- 
 Stcomt bit- trenchments at two feveral places. I he fight, which 
 tie of New- began about three or four in the afternoon, held till night, 
 and was extremely fharp, each fide repulfing the other 
 by turns. This is all that can be gathered with any 
 Clarendm, certainty from the accounts of this battle, except that when 
 Whitdrck." night approached, the aflailants forced part of the in- 
 Ludlnvv ’ trenchment, and took fome pieces of ordnance. But night 
 hindered them from improving this advantage, and put an 
 end to the fight (2). 
 
 Tte Kir Meanwhile, the King fearing the enemy would next 
 r.tire, intbi morning penetrate into his lines, withdrew in the night, 
 *k bt : arid marched to Wallingford, leaving his heavy cannon and 
 
 Cannon fn" baggage in Dennington Caftle. I he Earl of EJfex was 
 Denmngion not in the battle. He had quitted the army fome days be- 
 Ca J‘ ,c - fore, whether on account of fome fudden indifpofition, or 
 v“ p. W 7 ’»2 h .' perhaps out of fome difeontent, not being able to agree, 
 Clarendon, cither with the Earl of Manchejlcr, of Sir William 
 H-P4'-3- Waller (3). 
 
 I piir ent ;, n , The Parliament-Generals, who thought themfelves vic- 
 'tciwctn tbe torious, fhould, one would think, have attacked the King 
 Pari,ament jn hjs retreat:i which they could not be ignorant of, it 
 ! White lock, being then full-moon. They fuffered him to march how- 
 Rufhworth. ever without purfuing him (4), fo that he fafely arrived 
 ^-p- 7 * 9 - at Oxford. But this was not their greateft error. The 
 ti. a p. n 424. King having left his cannon, ammunition, and baggage in 
 Dennington Caftle, they could have done nothing more 
 advantagious than to employ their whole ftrenglh to take 
 the Caftle. But they contented themfelves with fummon- 
 ing the Governour (5), and, upon his refufal to capitu¬ 
 late, they remained quiet at Newbury without attempting 
 any thing againft him. This negligence muft have been 
 owing to the diffention amongft them, the one blaming 
 the other for being the caufe, that with fo fuperior an 
 army, the King’s was not entirely routed. This diflen- 
 tion grew fo high, that whatever was propofed by the 
 one, was fure to be oppofed by the other. We fhall fee 
 hereafter ftill worfe effe&s of their difeord, and the alter¬ 
 ations it occafioned. 
 
 Tie King Mean while, the King being informed of the difeord 
 return, to between the Parliament-Generals, and of their leaving 
 Dennington f) enn i„gt 0 n Caftle unattacked, very wifely improved fo 
 C £a™ay favorable a juncture. Some days after his arrival at Oxford , 
 hi, Canmn he was joined by Prince Rupert , who brought him fome 
 in fight of ^orfe. H e d^w a body of Foot out of the garrifon of 
 Rufliwu rt'h , Oxford, and other neighbouring towns, and the Earl of 
 V- p. 729, Northampton rejoined him with his brigade of Horfe. By 
 73 °- means of thefe fupplies he formed an army of fix thou- 
 nl*p n 424- Foot, and five thoufand Horfe, with which he 
 
 Ludlow. marched back towards Newbury the 2d of November. 
 
 After the battle, the Parliament-army had moved towards 
 Oxford, but was returned to Nnvbury, on pretenfe that the 
 ways were unpayable. But the chief reafon was, the 
 Generals could not agree, there being no commander in 
 chief. They received fome intelligence of the King’s 
 march ; but would not believe it till they heard of his 
 being within fix miles of Dennington. Whereupon they 
 refolved to draw up the next day between Dennington 
 and the King’s army. To that end, orders were given 
 
 R L E S I. 505 
 
 for all their Horle to rendezvous early on the morrow, it *644. 
 not being portable to march that day by reafon their quar¬ 
 ters were too feparate and remote. But that very night, 
 the King purfued his march to Dennington, and drawing 
 up his army, between the Caftle and Newbury, waited in 
 that pofture to fee what the enemy would attempt. 
 
 Though prefently after the Parliament-army was alfo 
 drawn up, the Generals, having viewed the pofture and 
 ftrength of the King’s, and held a council of war, judged 
 it unfafe to ingage. So, after fome skirmifhes, the King 
 having drawn out what he left at Dennington , marched back 
 to Oxford , where he arrived the 21ft of November. In his Ruflwortli, 
 way thither, he fent a detachment of his army to the re- ci'Jendo** 
 lief of [John Pawlet] Marquifs of Winchejler, who had 11. p.407 \ 
 been long befieged in his own Caftle of Bajing. But this 
 detachment found the fiege already railed. Thus ended 
 the campain of the year *644, which proved not fo fatal 
 to the King as he had reafon to fear, though however he 
 loft York and all the North. 
 
 It is time now to fpeak of fome other occurrences of the 
 year 1644, which had no immediate relation to the war, 
 but of which the knowledge is no lefs ufeful and neceflary 
 than that of conflicts and battles, though they have no 
 natural connection together, nor depend upon each other. 
 
 March the 26th 1644, the Parliament palled an ordi- ordi¬ 
 nance, enjoining every family [within the bills of rhorta- nance to 
 lity, for three months] to forbear one meal a week, and^£ 
 contribute the value thereof for the publick occafions. This Ruftwonh, 
 was properly laying a tax upon every family. For other- v - P- 74 s - 
 wife, very likely the Parliament did not much care whe¬ 
 ther this weekly meal were forborn or not, provided the 
 value [which was to be fet upon each perfon and family] 
 were paid. 
 
 April the i 3 th an Oxford fpy was executed in the Palace- Id> P 1 749* 
 yard at Wejiminjler. 
 
 The 1 5 th of the fame month, it was voted by the Com- P 1 7S°* 
 mons, that the committee of both Kingdoms fhould pre¬ 
 pare propofitions for peace, to be prefented to the King. 
 
 Not that they defired then to enter into a new treaty 
 with the King, for, fince the conferences at Oxford were 
 broken off, nothing had paffed to induce them to alter their 
 plan. But herein they had a double view, firft to let the 
 publick fee, they pretended not abfolutely to reject peace, 
 as they were charged by the King : Secondly, they had 
 thereby a pretenfe ready to propofe a peace, in cafe they 
 were forced to it by the misfortunes of war during the 
 campain. What confirms this to have been their chief 
 aim, is, that thefe propofitions, which after all were the 
 fame in fubftance with thofe debated at Oxford, were not 
 fent up to the Lords till the 19th of Augujl, at the very 
 time that the Earl of EJfex was driven into Cornwal, and 
 not to the King till the 20th of November. 
 
 To the year 1 644 the affairs of the war were fo publickly Tbe Parlia- 
 debated in the Parliament, that the King was acquainted 1 ^' r ^ fxicl 
 with the refolutions there taken, before they were begun to ner e private 
 be executed. But this year the managers thought fit to 
 give the Committee of both Kingdoms, who were charged 
 with the affairs of the war, mote power than before, that 
 they might give their orders, and caufe them to be execu ¬ 
 ted, without being obliged to communicate their refolutions 
 to both Houfes. I do not know whether this was by ex- 
 prefs vote, or by mere ufurpation, the Committee knowing 
 they fhould at leaft be avowed by the leading Members, 
 in cafe it was attempted to call them to an account. A 
 confiderable advantage indeed was hereby gained, in that 
 the refolutions became more private, and the King had not fo 
 good information. But on the other hand, the Commit¬ 
 tee had by it a power which might be of very dangerous 
 confequence. And therefore feveral Members complained, 
 that the moft important affairs were not communicated, but 
 that the dire&ion and management was referved to them¬ 
 felves alone by the Committee. The time for which they Difference 
 had been appointed being about to expire, the Commons between tbi 
 paffed an ordinance, for the continuance of the Committee 
 three months longer, and fent it up to the Lords. But Committee if 
 the Peers inftead of parting the ordinance as fent by the bo,h King- 
 Commons, added a claufe to increafe the number of the 
 Committee, with five Lords and ten Commoners [of their Ruihworth,, 
 
 V. p.7'5 i. 
 
 r,\ All the General’s Horfe and Foot; part of Mancbefter'i Horfe, and moft of Waller'* Forces, with the City-brigade, marched to Sfeen-bttt i and the 
 Earl of Mancbefter's Foot, and part of his Horle, continued in the field near hbavi. The Horfe were commanded by Sir William Waller , and Sir William 
 Balfour ; the Foot by Serjeant-Major-General bhifpon. Ru/bwortb, Tom. 5. p. 721. , . ■ , ....... ■. . 
 
 ( 2) After a lone and hot difpute ( fays Whitt loch ; the Parliamentarians beat the King’s forces from their Works, and then from their Ordnance, nine in 
 
 number in which achievement they loft a few men. Mem. p. 109-The Parliament’s army, according to the Lord Clarendon, con filled of about 
 
 fixteen thoufand Horfe and Foot; and the King had not halt that number, Tom. 2. p. 420. Whittled I fays, he had eight thoufand Foot, and five hundred 
 Horfe. Tbomax Wentworth Earl of Cleveland, of the Kings fide, was taken prifoner. p. i«8. The King loft three thoufand den, and ihe Parliament two 
 thoulatid five hundred. Manley, p. 76, 77. ,. , . . • - i- e, ■ ... *- 
 
 (3 Whittled,, upon this occafion, fays, the Houfes being informed the Lord General was Dot well, and flayed behind the Army, lent a Committee of 
 Lords and Common- to vifit him, and exprefs the aftcil ons of both Houfes to him. This was not (as was given out ) a piece of courilhip, but I think real. 
 There were fome however, who were jealous that he was too much inclined to peace, and favouring of the King and his party. I think 1 knew as much 
 of his mind as others did, and always obferved him to wifti for peace, yet rot upon diftionourable or unjuft tcims. He was a lover of Monarchy and NobiUty, 
 which he fufpe&cd fome defigned 10 deftroy ; which humour then beginning to boil up, he refolved to fuppre/s. But the jealoufies upon him (who was a faithful 
 and gallant man, and fervant to the Publick ) gave him great trouble in his thoughts- Mem. p. 10S. See Helle, > Mem. p. 21, tcc. 
 
 (4) Colonel Cromwell followed the body of the enemy two hours before day. Wbitclock, p- 109. See I ud/om, Tom. 1. p. 131. 
 
 (5) Tfcreatning not to leave one ftone upon another. To which the Governor, Sir John Boy,, made no other reply. Than that he was not hound to repair 
 
 it: but however, would, bv Gad’s help, keep the ground afterwards. Clarendon, Tom. 2. p- 424. _ > 
 
 No 69. V o L. II. « M summation 3 
 
Vo!. IT. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 nomination] V. It is not to be doubted, the King’s pri¬ 
 vate friends ufed their endeavours to increafe the number 
 of the Committee, in hopes of being able to gain fome 
 one to inform them -of what fhould pais there. But the 
 Commons forefeeing the ccmfcquence of this addition, re- 
 fufed to confent to it, and defired the Lords, that they 
 would pafs the ordinance without any amendment. The 
 Lords declining to do it for fome time, the Commons 
 found means to get the Lord-Mayor and Common-Coun¬ 
 cil of London to petition them among other things, that 
 the Committee of both Kingdoms might be continued as 
 it was {2). Then the Lords perceiving, that lince the 
 City of London interpofed, their refiftance would be fruit- 
 lefs, palfed the ordinance four days after. The declara¬ 
 tions of the City of London were a curb frequently ufed by 
 the Commons to flop the career of the King’s friends, 
 when by their cabals they were endeavouring to difturb their 
 deliberations, or to fow difeord between the two Houles. 
 Befides that it would have been dangerous as well as unjuft 
 to difobhge that great City, by whom the charges of the 
 war were chiefly born, experience had Ihown, that the 
 Citv had infallible expedients to fupport their friends in the 
 Parliament. The Hiftorians of the two parties are in dif¬ 
 ferent fentiments on this fubjetft. The King’s Adherents 
 pre-end, that in general the Londoners were for the King, 
 and would gladly have accepted the peace he was pleafed 
 to offer them, but were over awed by their Magiftrates, 
 who were almoft all devoted to the Parliament. On the 
 contrary, the Parliament's friends affirm, that the number 
 of Loud.ners who were for the King was far fhort of that 
 of hi- enemies, and that the commotions now and then in 
 the Civ,-, whether to demand peace, or to difturb the Par¬ 
 liament’s debates, were but an eft'etft of the cabals of fome 
 private perfons, who fecretly adhered to the King, and en¬ 
 deavoured to fow diftention between the Parliament and the 
 City. That this manifeftly appears in the ill fuccefs of all 
 their attempts. 
 
 There was in the London Petition above-mentioned, 
 another article of no lefs importance. A great many 
 Members of both Houfes, as I have obferved, had deferr¬ 
 ed the Parliament, befere and after the beginning of the 
 . war. Some had taken this courfe out of aftedtion to the 
 King, and in order to ferve him in his army, others by 
 his exprefs command, feveral through fear and punifhment, 
 for endeavouring to force the Parliament to a peace, and 
 perhaps, fome to avoid being expofed to the outrages of the 
 London Mob. By the retfeat of thefe Members, the oppo- 
 fite party to the King was become fo fuperior in both 
 Houfes, that no man durft any longer oppofe whatever 
 they thought proper to move. Indeed, it would have been 
 very fruitlefs, for the King’s new friends in the Parlia¬ 
 ment to ftrive to fupport his intereft. The King had there¬ 
 fore perceived, that his policy in diminilhing the number 
 of Members in both Houfes, inftead of being advantagious, 
 had, on the contrary, proved very prejudicial, to him, for 
 hv that means the refolutions againft him pafled in Parlia¬ 
 ment with much greater eafe. His enemies were now 
 freed from reftraint, and met with no farther oppofition. 
 The Commons perceiving, that from time to time fome 
 of thefe Members returned to London , thought not proper 
 to admit them into the Houfe, purfuant to a vote palled 
 long before upon that head. They were apprehenfive, if 
 fuch Members were admitted, the King might in time 
 fend them fo great a number, as would fuffice to obftrucl 
 their deliberations. Mean while, to juftify their refufal to 
 admit them, they fo managed, that in the petition prefent- 
 ed to them by the Common-Council of London , was in- 
 ferted an article, That none of the Members who had de- 
 ferted the Parliament Ihould be received, without fatisfac- 
 tion firft given to both Houfes for their future fidelity. 
 In purfuance of this defire it was declared foon after, by 
 an ordinance, that fuch Peers as had deferted, or fhould 
 defert the Parliament, fhould not be re-admitted without 
 the confent of both Houfes; and that whatfoever Member 
 of the Houfe of Commons had fo offended, or fhould fo 
 oftend hereafter, and adhere to thofe that were levying war 
 againft the Parliament, were and fliould be abfolutely dif- 
 abled from fitting in the Houfe of Commons. By this 
 means, fuch as might intend to return to the Parliament 
 
 , thr.t their ar- 
 
 for the King’s fervice, had fufficient warnin; 
 tifice would be without effefih 
 
 [ Robert Sidney ] Earl of Leicrjler , who about this time 7 c f 
 quitted Oxford, and returned to London, was not of il:e L "‘ Vr ’" 
 number of thofe who forfook the King to do him fen ice. f r ]’,, n . 
 
 He had too much reafon to be difl'atisfied with his Majeftv, lo. ; -1--. 1 
 for amuiing him two years together, under colour of lend¬ 
 ing him into Ireland , and for appointing at Jaft the Mar- 
 quifs of Ormond , for Lord-Lieutenant in his room. The 
 Earl of Lticejhr was however ordered into cuftody at his 
 coming to London ; but, in all appearance, ’it was onlv to 
 fhow, that the new ordinance was intended to be rigoroufly 
 executed. 
 
 In January 1643-4, the States-General of the United- Emhi/Ty ( 
 Provinces, fent Amb.iffadors into England, to offer their “' G ! 
 
 mediation, which the two Houfes made no great account '//, ■/. * ' 
 
 of, knowing what credit the Prince of Orange, the King’s M. p- 7' 6 - ' 
 Son-in-law, had in thefe Provinces. Befides, the Ambaf- 
 fadors, who were all fuppofed to be the Prince of Orange's 
 creatures, refufed to acknowledge the two Houfes of V/efl- 
 mbijler , for the Parliament of England. In fhort, thefe FcEr.—— - 
 Ambailadors, after feveral journies to Oxford-, and attempts Ma -'- 4 
 
 to perfuade the Parliament to accept their mediation, with¬ 
 out the previous acknowledgment required, fully owned the 
 two Houfes for the Parliament of England , and prefented a 
 memorial to offer their mediation. It muft be obferved, r 
 
 this was the next day after the news of Pfriftce Rupert's 
 defeat at Marfan-moor (3). As they had long delayed this 
 acknowledgment, both Houfes left them fome time, in 
 their turn, without any anfwcr, being willing, doubtlefs* 
 to intimate to them, that this mediation did not appear to 
 them Efficiently impartial. Wherefore the icth of De- Ruifcwor'ttj!' 
 ctmber , they demanded a publick audience, which was V ‘ p ' 7l0 ‘ 
 granted, and in which they offered again the mediation of 
 their matters. Both Houfes anfwered, that they readily 
 accepted the mediation of the States : but had already fent 
 propofitions to the King for a treaty of peace, of which 
 they were to wait the fuccefs. That, moreover the two 
 Kingdoms of England and Scotland , being united together 
 by a folemn Covenant, they could do nothing without the 
 concurrence of the Scots, which would require fome time. 
 
 Thus they evaded the offers of the Statcs-Gencral, not be¬ 
 lieving fuch a mediation could be for their advantage. 
 
 In July it was ordered by the Houfe of Commons, that Holies’.'A' 
 the fine impofed by the Star-Chamber upon Mr. Denzil him ., 
 Holies , for his afferting the liberties of his Country in P.n - -'" ly 2 Y 
 liament, Ihould be repaid him out of the King’s revenue. ° P-71Z " ' 
 
 In Oftober , an ordinance of both Houfes was publifhedj Ordinance 
 commanding, that no quarter Ihould be given to any Irifv- :be ■ 
 man taken in arms againft the Parliament. 
 
 In November , the Lord Mac: 
 
 and Mac Mahone , Trya/cf^bt 
 
 were brought upon their trials. They were apprehended L -- d m«- 
 at Dublin the very day they were to furprize the caftle, and 
 
 ~ State-Try. 
 
 Tower ever lince. They had found means to bieak pri- 1 
 fon, and conceal themfelves in a houfe in London. But tin- 
 fortunately hearing a woman crying oyfters in the ftrect, 
 one of them put his head out of window to call her, and 
 was that inftant efpy’d by a fervant of Sir John Clotworth, 
 who knew him, and immediately gave notice to the Lieu¬ 
 tenant of the Tower. They were both feized again, and 
 Ihortly after condemned and executed (4). 
 
 Since the famous TVilliam Laud Archbilhop of Canter- Condemn/, 
 bury had been imprifoned at the end of the year 1640, I arJ e N~ 
 
 have had but little occafion to fpeak of him. It is time now ^ 
 to relate the cataftrophe of his life. He was accufed by the Rufhworth. 
 Commons of High-treafon, December the 1 Sth 1640, and V' P* 73 6 > 
 thereupon committed to the cuftody of the Black-Rod. Heyiin. 
 The 26th of February following, the articles of impeach- Wharton, 
 ment were brought in againft him, and then he was fent Prynne * 
 to the Tower. There he remained till Oftobcr the 23d, 
 
 1643, when the Commons having added ten frelh articles 
 to the impeachment, he was ordered by the Lords to an- 
 fwer the 30th of the fame month. It would be too tedious 
 to fpecify all the petitions he prefented, and all the expe¬ 
 dients, his Council furnilhed him with, to caufe his fen- 
 tence to be deferred. It fuffices to fay, that he gained time 
 till the 1 ith of November 1644, on which day lie fpoke fe¬ 
 veral hours together in his own defence (5). But whether 
 
 (x) The reafon was, becaufe divert of the Committee, especially tb e Comment, were apprehended not to be fa much the General's Friends, at o’hen tuba wen 
 defined to be brought in, and this caufed fome pique. amohg them. PFbite/ock, p. S7. 
 
 I 1 ) This Petition, fay3 II bit clock, was fufpedied fry the General’! friends, to be fee on foot by his enemies, and jealoufy grew among the Granges of • - • 
 Parliament, p. 88. 
 
 (3' On June the 6th, the Dutch Ambafladors addrefled themfelves to the two Houfes in fuch terms as were acceptable ; and it was revived, they fhould 
 be admitted to audience, which was done, July the nth, fa each Houfe apart. Being brought into the Houfe of Peers, and Chain pi,_-pn J ( „ them, 
 they delivered their Embafly firft in French, and then a Copy thereof in Enghjh. Then they were conduced by the Setic.fit at Arms] with tv. , M, tu¬ 
 bers, into the Houfe of Commons : When they came in, the Speaker and all the Members flood up in their places uncovered, at:; • Ambatfni 0* fa luted 
 them as they palFed by them; they fat down in Chairs fet for them, and the Members fat down likewife ; and when the Ambaiiad .rs were t .vered, !.e 
 Speaker and Houfe were covered alfo. They made a fhort Speech, of the affeflion of their Mailers to thcle Kingdoms, and their defire to media-e .n 
 greement between the King and hi! Parliament ; and after their Speech ended, they returned with the fame Ceremonies a; at their coming thither. During 
 the time of their being in the Houfe, there lay upon the Table, in their view, forty eight colours, taken from the King's forces in the battle of Ma- ■ 
 moor. Ru/btocrib, Tom. 5. p. 716. PFbitelock, p. 94, 
 
 (4) Hugh Oge Mac-mahone was hanged at Tyburn, Ncrvcmb. 22 ; and the Lord Macguirc, Feb. 20. 1644-5. Rafbwrtb, Tom* 5, 0. 731. 73 5 . 
 
 ( 5 ) His Tryal lafted twenty days; beginning March 12. 1643-4, and ending July 29. See Stau-Tryah, 
 
 the 
 
Book XXL 
 
 25. 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 
 507 
 
 1644. 
 
 fclarcnior 
 
 II. p. 44 
 
 the Commons wete afraid, their proofs were not fuffiaient 
 for his condemnation, or the delays granted him by the 
 Lords, gave them caufe to think, they were inclined to 
 fave his life, they ufed the fame method as in the cafe of 
 the Earl of StraJJord ,, I mean, a bill of Attainder, which 
 palled their Houfe the fame day the Archbilhop made his 
 defence before the Peers, with but one dillenting vote. 
 The Bill being fent up to the Lords, they acquainted the 
 Commons [at a conference ] that indeed they found the 
 Archbifhop guilty of the charge as to matters of fa£t, but 
 defired fome iarther fatisfa&ion in point of Law, whether 
 the matters amounted to Treafon. Whereupon the Com¬ 
 mons communicated to them the reafons, whereby they 
 pretended to prove him guilty of that crime. Upon which 
 the Lords, the 4th of 'January , palled the Bill of Attain¬ 
 der, whereby it was ordained, he ftiould fuffer death as in 
 cafes of High-treafon, and on the 6th, both HouftS ordered 
 he (hould be executed the 10th. On the 7th, the Lords 
 at a conference, informed the Commons of a pardon to the 
 Archbifhop from the King, dated the 1 2th o\ Jpril 1643, 
 but it was over-ruled and rejected. The fame day, the 
 Archbifhop feeing there was no remedy, petitioned the 
 Lords, that the manner of his execution might be changed 
 to beheading. He delired alfo, that fome of his Chaplains 
 might be permitted to be with him before, and at, his death. 
 The Lords very readily granted his two requefts, but the 
 Commons refufed both, and fent him two Minifters whom 
 he did not ask for, with one of thofe he defired. The 
 next day he prefented a feeond petition to be beheaded, fet- 
 tihg forth, that he was a Divine, Bifhop, Privy-counfellor, 
 and Peer ; whereupon the Commons were at length pre- 
 Jan. jo. vailed with. When he was upon the fcaffold, he made a 
 
 5 - p,- c[t y j on g fpccch, wherein, among other things, he infi- 
 
 juiatcd, that he fuffered for not forfaking the temple of 
 God, to follow the bicatings of Jeroboam 's calves, alluding 
 
 to the Schifm of the Presbyterians. He faid,-He had 
 
 rnnficked every corner of his heart, and thanked God, 
 ho lmd not found any iins there deferving death, by the 
 “ known Laws of the land. The King had been traduced 
 “ bvW'ome (or labouring to bring in Popery, but, upon his 
 *■ coufcience, he knew him to be as free from fuch a 
 charge, as any man living, and held him to be as found 
 a Protcllant, according to the Religion eltablifhed by 
 “ Lav/, as any perfon in the Kingdom. He proteftetl, he 
 “ never endeavoured the fubverlion of the Laws of the 
 Realm, nor never any change of the Proteftant Reli- 
 “ gion, into pojfffti fuperftition. He had never been an 
 enemy to Parliaments, but did indeed diflike the mif- 
 “ government of one or two-”. After he had pray¬ 
 
 ed, the executioner did his office at one blow. His friends 
 were permitted to take his body and bury it in Alballows- 
 Barking- Church. Such was the end of this famous Pre¬ 
 late, who, let his favourers fay what they pleafe, was one 
 of the chief authors of the troubles that affli&ed England ; 
 firfl, by fupporting with all his power the arbitrary princi¬ 
 ples, which the Court ftrove for feveral years to eftablifh : 
 Secondly, by a too rigid obfervance of trifles in the Divine 
 Service, and by compelling every one to conform thereto. 
 All that can be faid in his favour, is, that he believed in 
 his own confcicnce, this rigidnefs was neceflary (1). 
 
 Liturgy The f ame day the Lords palled the bill of Attainder a- 
 the Archbifhop, they pnfled likewife an ordinance, 
 16,14.” that the book of Common-Prayer, fhould be laid afide, 
 and the DireSlory eltablifhed, which had been framed by 
 the Alfembly of Divines. Hereby the Church of England 
 was rendered, by publick authority, completely Presbyte¬ 
 rian, to the great fatisfadtion of the Scots , and many of 
 the principal Members of both Houfes. This was an ill 
 preparative for the peace which was now negotiating, and 
 of which I have deferred te fpeak hitherto, that the narra¬ 
 tion might not be interrupted. 
 
 The King, as hath been often feen, fent meflage upon 
 a Uxbridge. m efi'age to the two Houfes, with overtures of peace : and 
 
 Jd. p.787. 0 
 
 Rufhwuit 
 V. p- 78 
 
 9 'be Treaty 
 
 no doubt, he would have granted it very willingly, had 1644-5, 
 they been as ready to receive it in his fenfe. But they per¬ 
 fectly knew, what they were to underftand by the word 
 Peace. Befides, at the very time the King offered to treat 
 with both Houfes, he carefully avoided ufing any term that 
 might intimate his owning them to be a Parliament. It 
 was neceflary therefore, if they defired to treat with him, 
 either that he fhould exprefsly acknowledge them, or that 
 they fhould treat as private perfons without authority. But 
 fuppofing they could have refolved to do fo, what would 
 fuch a treaty have fignified ? This was the pretence ufed 
 by both Houfes, during the campain of the year 1 644, not 
 to anfwer the King’s invitations. Mean while, as the 
 King talked very much of his frequent offers, to perfwade 
 the people of his fmcere defire of peace, and of the refufal 
 of both Houfes, they refolved to oblige him to explain 
 more clearly, what he meant by Peace, that the people 
 might examine, whether he offered fufficient fecuiity. For, 
 as I faid, this was the only point in queftion. The treaty 
 at Oxford , where two propofitions only were debated, not 
 having fully cleared this matter, the two Houfes thought it 
 would be for their advantage to induce the King, by a fe 
 cond treaty, to declare pofitively, that he would give no 
 other fecurity than his bare word. They hoped, this would 
 fuffice to efface the impreffions, his repeated offers might 
 have made on the minds of the people. 
 
 During the campain, it was no proper feafon for fuch a TbePar-.a- 
 negotiation, by reafon of the variety of accidents produced 
 by the war. It was not till November the 20th, two days tube King. 
 after the King’s return to Oxford , that the two Houles Ruftworth. 
 fent him the propofitions which had been prepared in the whiteU>ek" 
 fummer. They had fent to defire a fafe-condu£t for their p<1 i :> 
 commiffioners, which the King had granted, but as to pri¬ 
 vate perfons, without one word to denote his confidering 
 them as the Parliament’s commiffioners. Though the two 
 Houfes were by no means pleafed with fuch a fafe-conduit, 
 they accepted it however, and their commiffioners repaired 
 to Oxford , where the King arrived the day before (2). At 
 the ffrft audience, the King asked them. Whether they had 
 power to treat : They anfwered, No ; their commijfton was 
 only to receive his Maj fly's anfwer in writing. The King 
 replied, Then a Letter-carrier might have done as much as 
 you. In all appearance, he had expedled, that the two 
 Houfes would treat with him, without his owning them 
 for the Parliament of England , in which he was much mis¬ 
 taken. lie heard the propofitions read with great atten¬ 
 tion and patience, and then receiving them from their 
 hands, told them, he would give them his anfwer. 
 
 [ Montague Bartu ] Earl of LindJ'ey , who was with the Private 
 King at Oxford , having fent his compliments to Holies and 
 JVbitelock , they two, with the confent of the reft of the ‘ 
 
 Commiffioners, returned his civility by a viflt. They two f the 
 found him indifpofed, and in his bed ; but he received them 1 
 
 however in prefence of feveral Lords who were in his „ trSm 
 room. Prefently after, the King came in, and had a long id. p. 113. 
 conference with them. He told them, “ He knew that y“^ WO g g h * 
 “ they were both defirous of a peace, and wiftied, that all ‘ p 7 
 “ the” reft of the Members were of their opinion ; and 
 therefore, fays he, out of the confidence I have of you 
 two, I ask your advice, what anfwer will be beft for 
 “ me to give at this time to your propofitions, which may 
 “ probably, further fuch a peace, as all good men defire ?” 
 
 Wbitelock anfwered, “ The beft and moft fatisfa&ory an- 
 “ fwer, I humbly believe, would be your Majefty’s pre- 
 “ fence with your Parliament, and which I hope might be 
 “ without danger to you.” The King perceiving they 
 did not care to fpeak their minds before fo much company, 
 faid, “ I defire you two to go into the next room, confer 
 “ a little together, and fet down in writing, what you ap- 
 “ prehend may be fit for me to return in anfwer to your 
 “ meflage.” Whereupon they withdrew into another 
 room, and by Holies 's intreaty, JVhitelock wrote down what 
 was their fenfe in this matter, and what might be fit for 
 
 Houjes in 
 f’Cfc/ing a 
 
 Beau. 
 
 View. (1) The managers at his tryal were, Mr. Maynard, Mr .Brown, Serjeant Wild, Mr. Nicholas, for the Commons; and his Council were, Mr. Hcrnt p 
 
 Clarendon, and Mr. Chute. The fum of his Charge was, ‘Ibat be bad traitcreujly endeavoured to Jubvcrt theJundamer.tal Laws and Goucrnmcnt of the Kingdom of Eng- 
 jj, p, 44:, land, and snfltad thereof, to introduce an arbitrary Government. The Chaplains he defired to have with him, were. Stern, Haywood, and Martin ; thofe fent 
 
 S.c- by the Commons, were, Stern , Marjhal, and Palmer. He called his laft Speech a Sermon, and began with a Text, Heb. xii. 1, 2. In his printed de* 
 
 Motives of fence which he left behind him, he excufes himfelf in molt particulars, by faying, That he was but one of many, who either in Council, Star-Chamber, or 
 the two High-Commiflion, voted illegal things. His Diary Ihows him to be (uperftitious, and a regarder of dreams. He was, in the main, a learned, fincere, and 
 zealous man, humble in his private deportment; but withal, hot and indifereet, eagerly purluing trifles, as bowing to the Communion Table, /ports on the 
 Lord’s-day, ©c. Rujhivortb, Burnet, Whitelock -Among other works of Piety and Magnificence, this great Prelate built a Court at St. John s Col¬ 
 
 lege 0:.cn : Procured King Charles to give to the Clergy in Ireland, all the Impropriations then remaining in the Crown : Settled the Impropriation of Cudf- 
 den on tlie Bi/hoprick of Oxen: Got Commendams annexed to the Bilhopricks of the new foundation: Obtained very ample Charters for the Univerfities of 
 Oxjord and Dubhh, and regulated the Statutes of the former : Founded an Arabick Lefture at Oxford, and an Hofpital in Reading : Set up a Greek Prefs in 
 
 London, &c. He defigned other great things, of which fee an account in Rupjwortb, Tom. 2. p. 74, 75---- The Tranflator has received in a Letter, 
 
 the following remarks on this famous Archbilhop : The Author of the Letter thinks Raf in worthy of animadverfion, for feeming to grant ( in his Charac¬ 
 ter, above,) moft of the fine qualities aferibed to him by his admirers, namely, Wifdom, Learning, and Good Senfe. “ For ( continues he ) unlefs giving 
 
 a leiies of the moft violent and tyrannical Counfelr, be a proot of Wifdom, it does not appear, wherein his Wifdom confifted- Some Learning indeed he 
 “ had, wiih a good fliarc of School-Divinity, Languages, and Antiquities. But thefe, of themfelves, are but very flender accomplilhments, affording the 
 f mind the ftiow, rather than the fubftance of knowledge, and tending more to fortify men in their prejudices, than to enlarge their underlbndings. And 
 « for his good Senfe, let his own Speeches in the Star-Chamber remain as everlafting proofs of it; particularly his argument to excufe the Painter lor r *P rc “ 
 fenting God like an old Man, drawn from his being called the Antient 0) days. Examine either his Aflions or Speeches, and there can hardly be found 
 ** any thing that looks like good fenfe, or even common diferetioa. His own Diary (however barbarous it was to publiih it) Ihows him a man of a very 
 « mean Genius, a Bigot, and an Enthufiaft.” 
 
 (2) The Propofitions having been prepared by the Committee of both Kingdom', and approved of by both Houfes, the Commiflioners were appointed, 
 namely, for the Peers, the Earl of Denbigh, and the Lord Maynard ; for the Commons, Mr. Picrpcint, Mr, Holies, Mr* Wbitelcck, and the Lord Wentnan j 
 and for Scotland, the Lord Maitland, Sir Charles Ers/iin, and Mr* Barclay. ly'bitclock, p. m, 
 
 w the 
 
Vol. IS. 
 
 5°8 
 
 The HISTO RY of ENGLAN D. 
 
 «6 H' 
 
 the fubftance of the King’s anfwer. But this he did not in parties fhould meet at bxhidge . Hiat the conference? 
 h l5 ufual hand, and without any name to it. The paper fhould begin the 50th of January >644-?, and ftiould 'aft 
 thus written being left upon the table, the King went in, twenty day,: That the proportions, as well on the King's 
 and took it up immediately. No perfon was prefent, nei as the Parliament’s fide, flioulo be reduced to thefe three 
 ther did the Kin* admit any others to hear the difeourfe heads, Religion , the Militia, and Ireland: 1 hat Religion 
 which palled between him and them. It cannot be denied, fhould be treated upon, three days together, then the 
 it was very extraordinary for thefe commiftioners to confer Militia three days more, and after that, Ireland, as many ; 
 in private with the King, unknown to their collegues, to which done, the affairs of Religion fhould he refumed tor 
 whom they imparted nothing of what had palled between three days, then the bufinef, of the Militia , and laftly, 
 
 wi.itck.ck, the K ing and t hem. Accordingly, fhortly after, the Lord Ireland for the fame time. The king’s commiffioners 
 
 Saw/e, now made Earl of Sujfex, who was in the Earl of were, the Duke of Richmond , the Marquifs of Hertford., 
 M°em"p. 3 S. Lind fey’s room when the King came in, and who returned the Earl of Southampton , the Earl of Kiv.gjlon, the Earl 0 1 
 
 afterwards to the Parliament, accufed them publickly, of Chuhejlcr , and eleven others, among whom was Sir 
 
 having held private conferences lyith the King. But as Edward Hyde Chancellor _of the Exchequer, afterwards 
 he was not able to prove what he advanced, the thing Earl of Clarendon (6) 
 relied there. What I have been faying remained a fecret, twelve in number, the chief whereof were 
 till JVhitelock publifhed it in his Memorials, and even there 
 we do not find the contents of the paper written with his 
 own hand (1). But however, it is not importable to vin¬ 
 dicate thefe two commiftioners, who having, doubtlefs, 
 fome knowledge of the plot that was now contriving, and 
 of which I fhall fpeak hereafter, wifhed, that a peace 
 might be concluded before the plot was executed. In all 
 appeaiance, they advifed the King, in order to promote a 
 
 Thofe for the Parliament were 
 the Earls of 
 
 Northumberland, Pembroke , Salisbury , and Denbigh (7 j ; 
 and for Scotland the principal were, the Earl of Low- 
 don, Lord- Chancellor of Scotland , and the Marquifs of 
 Argyle (8). I intend not to relaie the particulars of this 
 Negotiation, which was tranfadled by papers and anfwers 
 in writing, but fhall content my felt with mentioning the 
 principal matters. The King's propofitions were in fub- 
 ftance the fame with thofe he had given at Oxford , with- 
 
 King', 
 Anfwc r. 
 Whitelock 
 
 peace to grant the Parliament certain articles, otherwife out any alteration as to the fenfe. The Parliament’s were 
 they ’forefaw peace would be impoffible ; but the King not much difterent from th • Oxfird ones, but more Urge 
 thought not fit to follow their advice (a). full, and therefore I thmk it proper to ml'ert them. 
 
 The next day the King fent his anfwer fealed up to the 
 commiffioners ; but thev refufed to receive it, unlefs they 
 had a copy of it. The King denied it fome time (3) i 
 ki.fl.worth, at laft gave them a copy. 
 
 V. p. ; 
 
 /Wei de¬ 
 mand to te 
 cvnedfor 
 
 Ibe King 
 
 %vub diffi¬ 
 culty. 
 Rulhworth 
 V. p. 790. 
 
 Id. p.801 
 Dugdale’s 
 
 p.748. 
 
 Rii&worth, 
 V. p. 80*, 
 803, 805, 
 807. 
 
 Dugdale'j 
 
 View. 
 
 .. [J . The fubftance of it was only 
 to demand a fafe-condu& for the Duke of Lenox and the 
 Earl of Southampton , to carry his anfwer to the propofi¬ 
 tions. As this Paper was not dire&ed to any perfon, nor 
 the Parliament fo much as named in it, the commiftioners 
 made fome fcruple to receive it. They were prevailed 
 with however, on the fuppofnion, that the two Houfes 
 would be at liberty to make what ufe of it they pleafed. 
 This Paper being read at a conference of both Houfes, the 
 exceptions againft the form and want of dire&ions were 
 highly debated ; but at laft, it was carried, to lay afide all 
 objections, and ordered that the Earl of EJfex fhould write 
 to Prince Rupert to this effect: “ That if his Majefty will 
 “ fend to the Parliament of England tiffembltd at Weftmin- 
 “ fter, and to the commiftioners of the Kingdom ol Scot- 
 ti i an d, they would with all readinefs grant a fafe-con- 
 «c du£t for the Duke of Richmond and the Earl of South- 
 “ ampton,” The King was extremely loth to do this ; 
 but the affair being debated in his Council, none oppoled 
 it but himfelf. Neverthelefs he could not be prevailed 
 ' with, till after he was furnifhed with this expedient, to 
 make a proteftation againft it in private, which fhould be 
 recorded. After that, Prince Rupert’s anfwer being word¬ 
 ed as both Houfes. defired, the fafe-condu6l was fent to 
 Oxford. 
 
 The two Lords fent from the King being come to 
 London, delivered the King’s anfwer to both Houfes (4), 
 dated the 1 3th of December , containing only, That whereas 
 he found it very difficult to return a pofitive anfwer before 
 a full debate, to their propofitions, if the two Houfes 
 would appoint commiftioners, he would nominate the like 
 number to treat with them at any place that fhould be 
 agreed on. As the King thought a common letter-carrier 
 might have done the office of the commiftioners, who 
 brought the propofitions, fo it might be asked, where was 
 the neceftity of fending, two of the principal men 
 of his Court and Council, to carry this anfwer to both 
 Houfes. But, in all appearance, the King’s aim was to 
 get information, by means of thefe two Lords and his 
 friends in London, of fome things which he was not fully 
 acquainted with (;). However this be, not to dwell too 
 kmg upon preliminaries, the particulars whereof are not 
 abfolutely neceflary, it fuffices to fay, that the following 
 articles were agreed on. That the commiftioners of both 
 
 “ I. T 'H. 
 “ X tic 
 
 The Propofitions of the Parliament , and Scotch Commiffioturs . r» 
 HAT all oaths, declarations and proclama- ^ 
 ions, againft both or either of the Houfes of 
 
 the Parliament of England , anil the late convention of 
 ‘ eftates in Scotland, he declared null, and fupprelled. 
 
 “ JI. That his Majefty may be pleafed to fwear ami 
 ‘ fign the late Jolrnn League and Covenant, and that an 
 ;t A«ft of Parliament be palled, for enjoining the taking 
 11 thereof by all the Subjects of the three Kingdoms. 
 
 “ III. That the bill be parted for the utter abolifhing 
 “ and taking away of all Archbifliops, Bilbops, iTc. and 
 “ the reft of the Hierarchy, out of the Churches of Eng- 
 “ land and Ireland, and Dominion of lVales, with fuch al- 
 “ terations concerning the Eftates of Prelates, as ihall agree 
 tC with the articles ot the late treaty, of the date at Edin- 
 “ burgh, the 29th of November 1643, and joint declara- 
 “ tion of both Kingdoms. 
 
 “ IV. That the ordinance concerning the calling and 
 “ fitting of the aftembly of Divines, be confirmed by A£l 
 “ of Parliament. 
 
 “ V. That reformation of Religion, according to the 
 “ Covenant, be fettled by Act of Parliament, in fuch 
 “ manner as both Houfes lhall agree upon, alter confulta- 
 “ tion had with the Alfcmbly ol Divines ; and forafmuch 
 “ as both Kingdoms are mutually obliged by the faid 
 “ Covenant, to endeavour the neareli conjunction and uni - 
 “ formity in matters of Religion, that fuch unity and 
 “ uniformity in Religion, according to the Covenant, 
 
 “ as after confultation had with the Divines of both 
 “ Kingdoms, now aftembled, fhall be jointly agreed upon 
 ‘‘ by both Houfes of the Parliament of England, and by 
 “ the Church and Kingdom of Scotland , be confirmed by 
 “ A£ts of Parliament of both Kingdoms refpe£tively. 
 
 “ VI. That for die more efte&ual difabling Jefuits, 
 “ Priefts, Papifts, and Popifh Recufants, from dillurbing 
 “ the States, and eluding the laws, and for the better dif- 
 “ covering and fpeedy conviction of Recufants, an oath 
 “ be eftablifhed by Act of Parliament, to be adminiftered 
 “ to them ; and refilling the faid oath, being tendered in 
 “ fuch manner as fhall be appointed by the faid Act, to 
 “ be fufficient conviction in law of Recufancy. 
 
 “ VII. An ACt of Parliament for education of the 
 “ children of Papifts by Proteftants in the Proteftant 
 ** Religion. 
 
 “ VIII. An ACt for the true levying of the penalties a- 
 “ gainft them. 
 
 particu'arly he m 
 which, though n 
 
 (,) Rapm has committed fome miftakei in his accrunt of this 
 the Transition, with fome fmall additions from Whitelock', M 
 quoted in Ruth-wortb 
 
 (1) Wcitelack, in his Speech to the Houfe, when accufed by the Lord Savtle, fay< 
 particularly thofe concerning Religion and the Militia; but he was told, that ujilefs he 
 
 ; P.-.per to be written by Holla 
 1 Here and elfewhere by the f 
 
 but they a 
 
 rett-d 
 
 the King prelltd very n 
 wculd grant them, it wo 
 
 rafonablenefs < f the Propnfiti 
 n to treat ot any peace, p. i 
 
 54 . 
 
 « 55 - 
 
 J (,) And told them, What i, the anfwer to you, tebo are but to carry -what I fend ; and if I find the Song of Robin Hood and Little John, you mufi cor.? 
 it f This, and other paliages there were, which (bowed the King to be then in no good humour, and it was v ondertd at, fu.ee the difobliging the Commn- 
 
 fioners could be of no advantage to the King. Wbitclcck, p. 114, n 5. . 
 
 4 The Houfes were fomewhat at a lofs about the manner of their delivering their Meffage, as it was directed to the Scotco C >mm ill tiers, as well as 
 to the Parliament. But at laft it was refolvcd, that their reception fhould be by a Committee of fourteen Lords, and twenty eight Commoner.', and the 
 Stotcb Commiftioners in the Painted Chamber. Rujbw.rtb, Tom. 5. p. 790. 
 
 1 p; 1( j Rapt* feen Wbit clock', Memorial,, he would have found his conje£ture confirmed. He fays, both Houfes defired of the Duke of Richmond , and 
 
 Earl of Southampton, a lift of their retinue, to the end no aftront might be eft'ered to them, but rhiefiy to difeover fuch as came Jo Town with theft- Lords, 
 under pretence of being of their retinue, when they were not, but came to do ill offices to the Parliament. Wbitckck lays, they were civilly treated, whereas 
 »t Oxford, he and the reft had been feurvily uled, p. 118. 
 
 (6) The other ten were, the Lords Capd, Srym'.ur, Hatton, and Culpepper ; Secretary Nicbolai, Sir Riibard Lane, S : r Orlando Bridgemar., Sir Thomas 
 Gatc nrr Mr Jcbn Ajbku’nbam, Mr . Jeoffny Palm- ; with Dr. Stewart, Dr. Laney, and Dr . Sbildm, for religious affairs. 
 
 ,, Th e other e-eht" were, the Lord Vifcount bP'erman, Dtnz.il Hollo,, William Piertpoint, Sir Henry Vane, jun- Oliver St. Jcbn, Butjlrcde Wbiteiock, 
 Jcbn Crenv, Edmur.d Prtdeaux. 
 
 it' The other Sccl.b Conmilfioners were, the Lcrdi Ma ■: Viand Balmerinc, Joonfn, Enitn, Durdai, Smith, Kennedy, Barclay, together with Mr. 
 
 dJxanaer Uenderfsn. <{ ^ 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 1644- 
 
 25 . CHARLES I. 
 
 5 °f 
 
 “IX. That an Aft be palled in Parliament, whereby 
 44 the praftices of Papifts againft the State may be pre- 
 44 vented, and the Laws againft them duly executed, and 
 44 a ftrifter courfe taken to prevent the faying or hear- 
 44 ing of mafs in the Court, or any other part of the King- 
 “ dom. 
 
 44 X. The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , concern- 
 44 ing the four laft preceding propofitions. 
 
 “ XL That the King do give his royal alTent, 
 
 “ 1. To an Aft for the due obfervation of the Lord’s 
 cc day. 
 
 “ 2. And to the bill for the fuppreflion of innovations 
 44 in the worftiip of God. 
 
 “ 3. And to the bill againft the enjoying of Pluralities 
 “ and Non-refidency. 
 
 44 4. And to the following Afts, for the reforming and 
 44 regulating of both Univerfities, of the Colleges of JVcJl- 
 44 minjlcr , Winchejler , and Eaton. 
 
 44 5. For the fuppreflion of interludes and ftage-plays. 
 
 44 6. p'or the taking the accounts of the Kingdom. 
 
 44 7. For relief of lick and maimed foldiers, and of poor 
 44 widows and children of foldiers. 
 
 44 8. For railing of monies, for the payment and fatisfy- 
 44 ing of the publick debts and damages of the Kingdom. 
 
 44 9. For taking away the Court of Wards and Live- 
 44 ries, lAc. 
 
 44 10. P'or the taking away all tenures by homage, 
 44 and all fines, licenfes, feifures, and pardons for aliena- 
 44 tion: And that his Majcfty will pleafe to accept, in 
 <c recompence hereof, one hundred thoufand pounds per 
 44 Annum ; 
 
 “ And give afliirance of his confenting in the Parlia- 
 44 inent of Scotland , to an Aft ratifying the Afts of 
 44 Convention of the Eftates of Scotland, called by the 
 44 Council and Confervatory of Peace, and the Commif- 
 44 fioners for the common burthens, and aflembled the 
 44 2 2d day of June 1643, and feveral times continued 
 44 fince. 
 
 44 1. That the perfons who fhall expeft no pardon, be 
 44 only thefe following, Rupert, and Maurice, Count Pa- 
 44 latines of the Rhine , "James Earl of Derby, John Earl 
 44 of Brijlol, William Earl of NcvjcaJlle, Francis Lord 
 tc Cottington, John Lord Pawlct, George Lord Digby, 
 44 Edward Lord Littleton, William Laud Archbilhop of 
 44 Cant rbury, Matthew Wren Bifhop of Ely, Sir Robert 
 14 Heath, Knight, (Ac. and all fuch others, as being pro- 
 44 cefled by the Eftates for tteafon, fhall be condemned 
 44 before the aft of oblivion be palled. 
 
 44 2. All Fapifts and Popifh Recufants, who have been, 
 44 are, or fhall beaftually in arms, or voluntarily aflifting 
 44 againft the Parliaments or Eftates of either Kingdom. 
 
 44 3. All Perfons who have had any hand in the plot- 
 44 ting* defigning, or aflifting the rebellion in Ireland. 
 
 44 4. That the members of either Ploufe of Parliament, 
 44 who have deferted the Parliament, and concurred in 
 44 the votes at Oxford, may be removed from his Ma- 
 44 jefty’s counfels, and be reftrained from coming within 
 44 the verge of the Court, and that they may not, with- 
 44 out the confent of both Kingdoms, bear any office, or 
 44 have any employment concerning the State or Com- 
 44 monwealth. 
 
 44 5. That by Aft of Parliament, all Judges and Officers 
 44 towards the Law Common or Civil; and likewife all 
 44 Bifhops, Clergymen, and other ecclefiaftical Perfons, 
 44 who have deferted the Parliament, fhall not be capable 
 44 of any preferment or employment. 
 
 N. B. "Then follow feveral articles regulating the confifca- 
 tion of the Goods, and the fines of fuch Delinquents as were 
 not actually excepted in the Pardon. 
 
 44 XII. That an Aft be palled, whereby the debts of 
 44 the Kingdom, and the perfons of Delinquents, and the 
 44 value of their Eftates may be known ; and appointing 
 44 in what manner the confifcations abovementioned may 
 44 be levied. 
 
 44 XIII. That an Aft be palled in the Parliament of 
 44 both Kingdoms refpeftively, for confirmation of the 
 44 treaties palled betwixt the two Kingdoms. 
 
 44 XIV. That an Aft of Parliament be pafled, to make 
 44 void the ceflation of Ireland, and to fettle the profecu- 
 44 tion of the war in that Kingdom. 
 
 44 XV. That an Aft be palled in the Parliament of both 
 44 Kingdoms refpeftively, for eftablifhing che joint decla- 
 44 ration of both Kingdoms, bearing date the 30th of Ja- 
 44 nuary 1643. 
 
 44 XVI. That by Aft of Parliament, the Subjefts of 
 44 the Kingdom of England may be appointed to be 
 44 armeJ, trained, and difeiplined in fuch manner as both 
 44 Houfes fhall think fit; the like for the Kingdom of 
 44 Scotland. 
 
 44 XVII. That an Aft of Parliament be pafled, for 
 44 the fettling the Admiralty and forces at fea, and for 
 44 the raiftng of fuch moneys for maintenance of the 
 
 No. 69, Vol. II. 
 
 44 faid forces, and of the navy, as both Houfes of Par- 1643-5. 
 44 liament fhall think fit; the like for the Kingdom of 
 44 Scotland. 
 
 44 XVIII. And an Aft for the fettling of all forces both 
 44 by fea and land, in commiffioners, to be nominated by 
 44 both Houfes of Parliament. 
 
 N. B. Here follow the powers which thofe Commiffioners 
 were to have. 
 
 ti That the commiffioners of both Kingdoms may meet 
 44 as a joint Committee, 1. To preferve the peace be- 
 44 twixt the Kingdoms. 2. To prevent the violation of 
 the articles of peace. 3. To raife and join the forces of 
 44 both Kingdoms, to refill all foreign invafion. 4. T® 
 
 44 order the war of Ireland. 
 
 44 XIX. That his Majefty give his aflent to what the 
 two Kingdoms fhall agree upon, in profecution of the 
 44 articles of the large treaty, which are not yet finifhed. 
 
 44 XX. That all Peers, made fince the day that Ed- 
 44 ward Lord Littleton , then Lord-Keeper of the Great- 
 44 Seal, deferted the Parliament, and that the faid Great- 
 44 Seal was conveyed away, being the 2 j ft day of May 
 44 1642, and who fhall hereafter be made, fhall not fit or 
 44 vote in the Parliament of England, without confent of 
 44 both Houfes. 
 
 44 XXI. 1 hat the Deputy, or chief Governor, or 
 44 other Governors of Ireland, asalfoall the great officers 
 44 of the Crown of England, be nominated by both Houfes 
 44 of Parliament. 
 
 44 XXII. That the education of his Majefty’s children 
 44 be in the Proteftant Religion, and that their tutors and 
 44 governors be chofen by the Parliaments of both King- 
 44 doms. And that if they be male, they be married to 
 44 fuch only as are of the Proteftant Religion ; if they be 
 44 females, they may not be married but with the advice 
 44 and confent of both Parliaments. 
 
 44 XXIII. That his Majefty will give his royal aflent to 
 44 fuch ways and means as the Parliaments of both King- 
 44 doms fhall think fitting, for the uniting the Proteftant 
 44 Princes, and for the entire reftitution of Charles Lod- 
 44 wick Prince Elector Palatine, to his Eleftoral Dignity 
 44 and Dominions, provided that this extend not to Prince 
 44 Rupert, or Prince Maurice, or the children of either of 
 44 them. 
 
 44 XXIV. That by Aft of Parliament the concluding 
 44 of Peace or war with foreign Princes and States, be 
 44 with advice and confent of both Parliaments. 
 
 44 XXV. That an Aft of oblivion be pafled in the Par- 
 44 Laments of both Kingdoms refpeftively, relative to the 
 44 qualifications in the Propofitions aforelaid. 
 
 44 XXVI. That the members of both Houfes of Par- 
 44 liament, or others, who have, during this Parliament, 
 
 44 been put out of any place or office, for adhering to the 
 44 Parliament, may either be reftored thereunto, or other- 
 44 wife have recompence for the fame. 
 
 44 XXVII. That the armies may be disbanded, at fuch 
 44 time and in fuch manner, as fhall be agreed upon by 
 44 the Parliaments of both Kingdoms. 
 
 44 XXVIII. That an Aft be pafled, for the granting 
 44 and confirming of the Charters, Cuftoms, &c. of the 
 44 City of London, notwithftanding anyNonufer, Mifufer, 
 
 44 or Abufer. That the Militia of the City of London , 
 
 44 and of the Parifhes without, may be in the ordering and 
 44 government of the Lord-Mayor, Aldermen, and Com- 
 4 mon-Council. 
 
 44 That the Tower of London may be in the government 
 44 of the City of London, and the chief officer and gover- 
 44 nor thereof from time to time be nominated and re- 
 44 moveable by the Common-Council. 
 
 44 That the Citizens or forces of London fhall not be 
 44 drawn out of the City into any other parts of the King- 
 44 dom, without their own confent, and that the draw- 
 44 ing of their forces into other parts of the Kingdom in 
 44 thefe diffracted times, may not be drawn into examples 
 44 for the future. 
 
 44 And for prevention of inconveniences, which may 
 44 happen by the long intermiffion of Common-Councils, 
 
 44 it is defined, that there be an Aft, that all By-Laws and 
 44 Ordinances already made, or hereafter to be made, by 
 44 the Lord-Mayor, Aldermen, and Common-Council, 
 
 44 touching the calling, continuing, and regulating of the 
 44 fame, fhall be as eft'eftual in law, as if the fame were 
 44 particularly enafted by the authority of Parliament. And 
 44 that the Lord-Mayor, Aldermen, and Common-Coun- 
 44 cil may add to, or repeal the faid ordinances from time 
 44 to time as they fhall fee caufe. 
 
 44 That fuch other propofitions as fhall be made for the 
 44 City for their farther fafety, welfare, and government, 
 
 44 and fhall be approved of by both Houfes of Parliament, 
 
 44 may be granted and confirmed by Aft of Parliament.” 
 
 If, after the reading of thefe propofitions, it fhould be 
 fought what authority the two Houfes intended to leave 
 the King, fuppoling he had accepted them, it would be 
 6 N difficult 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 Tne H I STO RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 ; 11-5.dilf .uk lo difci.ter it. They pretended, as it evidently 
 appears., to leave him only an empty title, and invest 
 themfelves with the fovereignty, and that, not by artifice, 
 but open ly and publickly. Their principle was, that t re 
 King luvine rendered himfelf unworthy, by the breach of 
 his oaths, and of the truft repofed in him by the people, 
 
 I(J hold the Reins of the Government, the fupreme autho- 
 : ity was to return to its original fountain, that is, to the 
 people reprefented by the two Houfes. Accordingly they 
 -. id not pretend that thejuftice or injuftice of thefe propo¬ 
 rtions fhoulJ be debated in the treaty of Uxbridge ; for it 
 would have been ridiculous to aflign but twenty days for 
 d.eh an examination ; but they gave them as conditions 
 ;om which they would not depart, and which the King 
 
 to embi For this reafon, the Kings 
 
 Commiflioners endeavoured in vain to enter into a difeuf- 
 fion of the propofitions. All they gained by that was, 
 that the Parliament’s Commiflioners oftered to demonftrate 
 b\- wo:d of mouth, in private conferences, that the propo- 
 fnt. ns were very juft. After that, pretending to have urged 
 fati factory arguments, they coldly demanded their aflent, 
 though the King’s Commiflioners were far from being con¬ 
 vinced by the reafons alledged to them. 1 his method of 
 proceeding baffled the King's Commiflioners, who had 
 , and difficulties agamic 
 the proportions, and determined to find fault with every 
 expreffion. For, alter all, the King was no more defirous 
 of a peace than the two Houfes, as will prefently appeal, 
 
 indeed - confidering the < 1 • 
 
 riecy between the principles on which the two parties 
 founded their refpeftive rights. 1 o fay all in one word, 
 the Parliament’s Commiflioners departed not from one tittle 
 of what was contained in the propofitions. 
 
 In the firft place, as to Religion, the need both Houfes 
 ftood in of Scotland, and the Covenant made between the 
 two Nations, allowed them not to queftion the juftice of 
 that Covenant, which had been now fworn to in both 
 Kingdoms. Accordingly it may be affirmed, their Com- 
 miflioners defended this article very ill. For, to prove the 
 neceflity of the alterations made in Religion, and in the 
 difcipline of the Church, the confirmation whereof they 
 demanded, the bed argument they alledged was the Cove¬ 
 nant it felt. It is true, in fume conferences their Minifters 
 were ordered to (peak, and endeavour to fliew that Epilco- 
 pac\ was not Jure Divine. But this did not prove the 
 abiulute neceflity of deftroying it in England. AH their 
 reaTunings were built upon the pretended mifehiefs it had 
 u r s fi< >ned. But when the King’s Commiflioners propofed 
 t , fuffer Epifcopacy to remain, and to reform the abufes 
 thereof, the reafons alledged by thofe of the Parliament 
 not to agree to it were extremely weak (i). 
 
 For the Militia, an article which included the ordering 
 of the forces of the Kingdom, the cuftody of places, the 
 nomination to great Polts, &c. the Parliament could not 
 depart from it, without owning, they were making war 
 very wrongfully, fince they pretended to do it, but in or¬ 
 der to obtain fuch fecurities as they believed they had right 
 to demand. If by a treaty, they Ihould have accepted the 
 King’s word as fufficient fecurity, every one would have 
 perceived, they might have avoided the war, by accepting 
 that fecurity which the King had always oftered before the 
 breach. It rauft however be confefted, this article might 
 very juftly have been deemed a proper fubjedt for a treaty. 
 But the "Parliament feems to have firmly adhered to this 
 article of the Militia, only to lay invincible obftacles to a 
 peace. For it may be affirmed, that neither party defired 
 it, unlefs greater advantages could be procured by a treaty 
 than by arms. 
 
 As lor Ireland , the two Houfes thought they had upon 
 this article fo great an advantage, that they were glad to 
 expofe the King to give ill reafons in his defence. It is 
 therefore certain, it was not properly with deiign to make 
 peace that the two Houfes fent their Commiflioners to Ux¬ 
 bridge. Their foie aim was, to let their party fee, they 
 were determined to lupport the alterations they had made 
 in Religion, and the eftablifhmerit of Presbyterianifm: 
 To fliew the puhlick, the King, when he fo frequently of¬ 
 fered peace, oftered only a peace very deftructive and dan¬ 
 gerous to theNation : Laftly, to confirm the people in their 
 fufpicions, that the King did not proceed as he ought in the 
 affairs of Ireland. 
 
 The King, on his part, was no more inclined to feek 
 expedients for a peace than the two Houfes. If he fent 
 his Commiflioners to Uxbridge , it was, firft, becaufe ha¬ 
 ving fo often exp re lied his earneft defire to treat, he could 
 
 not decently recede, when he was, as I may fay, taken 1644-5,; 
 at his word. Secondly, he knew, it had been moved in 
 the Parliament to purfue the war more vigoroufly than ever, 
 and that in order to do it with greater fuccefs, fuch altera¬ 
 tions in the army were contriving, as could not but be dif- 
 advantagious to him. He hoped therefore, by means of the 
 treaty of Uxbridge to retard the execution of that project, 
 as well as the Parliament’s preparations. Thirdly, he did 
 not queftion, but the unrealbnable demands of both Houfes 
 would produce a good effedl for him in the minds of the 
 people, becaufe they would clearly fee, that the Parlia¬ 
 ment’s aim was to deftroy entirely the worfhip of tha 
 Church of England, pradtifed ever iince the reformation ; 
 to aflume to themfelves the fovereignty under colour of 
 curbing the power of the Crown ; and, in a word, to 
 change the conftitution of the Government in Church and 
 State. But tho’ he had confented to treat upon the Parlia¬ 
 ment’s propofitions, he was however refolved never to con- 
 fen t to the abolition of Epilcopacv, or diminution of the Re¬ 
 gal Authority, nor to deprive himfelf of the aid he expect¬ 
 ed to receive from Ireland, by a peace with the Rebels, 
 unlefs he was firft furc of peace in England. 
 
 What has been advanced concerning the little inclina¬ 
 tion of both parties to peace, wants no proof with refpedt 
 to the Parliament. Their propofitions, the proceedings of 
 their Commiflioners, and the Ihort fpace they affigned for 
 the treaty, arc clear evidences of it. As for the King, 
 there are ftill more convincing proofs. Firft, there is not 
 the leaft likelihood, that in his fituation, if he had really 
 and lincerely refolved to labour for peace, he would have 
 been willing, 1 won’t fay to accept, hut even to liften to 
 propofition:, which tended to leave him only the emptv 
 title of King, and to deprive him wholly of the exercile of 
 the royal power. Had he been prifoner in the hands of 
 the Parliament, harder terms could fcarce have been propo¬ 
 fed to him. And indeed, when that misfortune befel hi m 
 afterwards, the Parliament made very little additions to 
 thefe terms propofed to him at Uxbridge, when he was yet 
 able to defend himfelf. Secondly, thefe intentions I aferihe 
 to the King, with regard to peace, are proved by feveral 
 papers found in his cabinet at the battle of Nafeby, fought 
 a lew months after, and which the Parliament ordered to 
 be printed and publifhed. I fhall give here fome extradts 
 of them, becaufe they relate to the treaty of Uxbridge, of 
 which I am now fpeaking. I own, it is not impoflible, 
 thefe papers may have been curtailed or forged by the pub- 
 lifliers. But a bare poffibility, without other proofs, would 
 not be fufficient to take away all credit from thefe papers, 
 the originals whereof the Parliament boafted to have in their 
 hands. Befides, the impartial reader can find nothing there 
 contrary to the genius and charadler of Charles I, or to the 
 ftate of his affairs. 
 
 Directions for my Uxbridge Commijfwners. 
 
 Firjl , concerning Religion. 
 
 N this, the government of the Church (as I fuppofe) Ruff, worth 
 will be the chief queftion, wherein two things are to v - 
 44 be confidered, confcience and policy. 
 
 “ For the firft, I muft declare unto you, that I cannot 
 “ yield to the change of the Government by Bifhops, not 
 “ only as I fully concur with the general opinion ofChrif- 
 44 tians in all ages, as being the bell, but likewife I hold 
 “ myfelf particularly bound, by the oath I took at my Co- 
 44 ronation, not to alter the government of this Church, 
 
 “ from what I found it. And as for the Church’s patri- 
 “ mony, I cannot fufter any diminution or alienation of it, 
 
 44 it being, without peradventure, facrilege, and likewife 
 44 contrary to my Coronation-oath. But whatfoever fhall 
 “ be offered for rectifying of abufes, if any have crept in, 
 
 “ or yet for the eafe of tender confciences, (fo that it en- 
 “ damage not the foundation) I am content to hear, and 
 44 will be ready to give a gracious anfvver thereunto. 
 
 44 For the fecond; as the King’s duty is to protedt the 
 tc Church, fo it is the Church’s to aflilt the King in the 
 44 maintenance of his juft authority ; wherefore my prede- 
 44 cefiors have been always careful, (efpecially iince the 
 1,4 Reformation) to keep the dependency of the Clergy en- 
 44 tirely upon the Crown, without which it will fcarcely 
 41 fit fall upon the King’s head; therefore you muft do 110- 
 44 thing to change or leffen this neceffary dependency. 
 
 “ Next concerning the Militia. After confcience, this 
 44 is certainly the fuceft fubjedt fur a King’s quarrel; for 
 “ without it the kingly power is butalhadow, and there- 
 44 fore upon no means to be quitted, but to be maintained 
 
 11) Upon the entrance into the debate of Religion, Dr. Sttmart fpr.ke a-uinft Presbyterian Government, and for Epift.cp.il, which he ailed red to be 
 ianf m, and a 1 ■ Epil 1 f G ■ • h he urged < 
 
 1 Whet .up m the Marquili oilUuj.rd fpoke to this cffecu : “ M. Lords, Here Is much laid concerning Church-Government in the general; 
 
 Dofto King's pa cEpil pa re Dh rhe Reverend Minifters h« ■ ■ , Tl Pi 
 
 1 [ think r, nor any Gpvernmen ■ : ■ 
 
 Lave E.us argument, and pro eed to debate upon the particular propofols," The Earl oi Ptmbrtkt } fays Wh'-uli.k. and many of the CommdUoncrs, 
 wet; of the lame judgment. Whi p. ii£. 
 
 € 
 
 44 accordii 
 

 ■ 644-5 
 
 Book xxr. 
 
 25 , CHARLES I. 
 
 5' 1 
 
 . 44 according to the antient known Laws of the land : Yet 
 44 becaufe (to attain to this fo-much-wifhed peace by all 
 *• good men,) it is in a manner neceflary, that fufficient 
 44 and real fecurity be given for the performance of what 
 “ fliall be agreed upon, I permit you, either by leaving 
 “ ftrong towns, or other military force to the rebels poi- 
 41 feffion (until articles be performed) to give fuch affu- 
 “ ranee for performance of conditions, as you fhall judge 
 44 nece/Tary for to conclude a peace, provided always, that 
 “ you take (at leaft) as great care, by fufficient fecurity, 
 “ that conditions be performed to me, and to make fure, 
 “ that the peace once fettled, all things fhall return into 
 “ their antient channels. 
 
 “ As for Ireland, I confefs they have very fpecious po- 
 44 pular arguments to prefs this point, the gaining of no 
 “ article more conducing to their ends than this ; and I 
 <c have as much reafon, in both honour and policy, to take 
 “ care how to anfwer this as any. All the woild knows 
 “ the eminent, inevitable, neceffity, which caufed me to 
 44 make the /rj/2) ceflation; and there remain yet as ftrong 
 “ reafon for the concluding of that peace ; wherefore you 
 44 muft confent to nothing to hinder me therein, until a 
 44 clear way be fhewn me how my Proteftant Subjedts 
 “ there, may, probably (at leaft) defend themfelves, and 
 44 that I fhall have no more need to defend my confci- 
 “ ence and Crown from the injuries of this rebellion.” 
 
 Memorials for Secretary Nicholas, concerning the Treaty at 
 Uxbridge. 
 
 Oxford, Feb. 1 644. 
 44 I- TC 1 0 R Religion and Church-government, I will 
 44 Jl not go one jot farther than what is offered by 
 44 you already. 
 
 “ II. And fo for the Militia, more than what ye have 
 44 allowed by me; but even in that you muftobferve, that 
 “ I muft have free nomination of the full half; as if the 
 44 total number of Scots, and all, be thirty, I will name 
 <c fifteen. Yet if they (I mean the Englijh rebels) will 
 <c be fo bafe as to admit of ten Scots, to twenty Englijh, I 
 41 am contented to name five Scots, and ten Englijh-, and 
 44 fo proportionably to any number that fhall be agreed 
 44 upon. 
 
 44 III. As for gaining of particular perfons, befides fe- 
 44 curity, I give you power to promife them rewards for 
 44 performed fervices, not fparing to engage for places, fo 
 44 they be not of great truft, or be taken away from honeft 
 44 men in poffeffion, but as much profit as you will. With 
 44 this laft you are only to acquaint Richmond, Southampton , 
 44 Culpepper and Hyde." 
 
 The Queen to the King. 
 
 Paris, fan. 6. Decemb. 27. 1644-5. 
 
 44 -- T Underftand that the Commiffioners are ar- 
 
 i rived at London ; I have nothing to fay, but 
 44 that you have a care of your honour, and that if you 
 44 have a peace, it may be fuch as may hold ; and if it fall 
 44 out otherwife, that you do not abandon thofe who have 
 44 ferved you, for fear they do forfake you in your need ; 
 44 Alfo, I do not fee how you can be in fafety without a 
 44 regiment of guards; for my felf, I think I cannot be, 
 44 feeing the malice which they have againft me, and my 
 44 Religion, of which I hope you will have a care of both; 
 44 but, in my opinion, Religion fhould be the laft thing 
 44 upon which you fhould treat: For if you do agree upon 
 44 ftrictnefs againft the Catholicks, it would difeourage 
 44 them to ferve you; and if afterwards there fhould be no 
 44 peace, you could never expedl fuccours either ftomlre- 
 44 land, or any other Catholick Prince, for they would be- 
 44 lieve you would abandon them, after you have ferved 
 44 your felf.”-- 
 
 His Majejly's Letter to the Queen. 
 
 Dear Heart, Oxford, Dec. 1644. 
 
 'NOW (as a certain truth) that all, even 
 k. my party, are ftrangely impatient for peace, 
 
 • which obliged me fo much the more, at all occafions to 
 4 fhew my real intentions to peace: And likewife, I am 
 4 put in very good hope, (fome hold it a certainty) that 
 1 if I fhould come to a fair treaty, the ring-leading rebels 
 
 • could not hinder me from a good peace ; Firft, becaufe 
 ; their own party are moft weary of the war, and like¬ 
 wife for the great diftra&ions which at this time moft 
 afluredly are amongft themfelves, as Presbyterians a- 
 
 • gainft Independents in Religion, and General againft 
 
 • General in point of command. Upon thefe grounds a 
 
 • treaty being moft defirable, (not without hope of good 
 fuccefs) the moft probable means to procure it was to 
 be ufed, which might ftand with honour and fafety. 
 Amongft the reft, (tor I will omit all thofe which are 
 
 -K J 
 
 "A 
 
 “ unqueftionably concealeable) the found of my return to f 644-5S 
 44 London , was thought to have fo much force of popular 
 44 rhetorick in it, that upon it a treaty would be had, or if 
 44 refufed, it would bring much prejudice to them, and 
 44 be advantagious to me; yet, left foolifh or malicious 
 44 people fhould interpret this, as to proceed from fear or 
 “ folly, I have joined conditions with the propofition (with- 
 44 out which this found will fignify nothing) which thou 
 44 wilt find to be moft of the chief ingredients of an honor- 
 44 able and fafe peace. Then obferve, if a treaty at London, 
 
 44 with Commiffioners for both Tides, may be had without 
 44 it, it is not to be ufed, nor in cafe they will treat with 
 44 no body but my felf; fo that the conditions fave any 
 44 afperfion of difhonour, and the treating at London ; the 
 44 malignity which our factious fpirits here may infufe in- 
 44 to this treaty upon this fubject. This I hope will fe- 
 44 cure thee from the trouble, which otherwife may be 
 44 caufed by falfe malicious rumours; and though I judge 
 44 my felf fecuie in thy thoughts, from fufpedling me guilty 
 44 of any bafenefs, yet I held this account neceflary, to the 
 44 end thou may make others know, as well as thy felf, this 
 44 certain truth, that no danger of death or mifery (which 
 44 I think much worfe) fhall make me do any thing un- 
 
 44 worthy of thy love.-1 conclude, by conjuring 
 
 44 thee as thou loveft me, that no appearance of peace, 
 
 44 nor hopeful conditions of mine, make thee negledt to 
 44 haften fuccour for him, who is eternally thine.” 
 
 To the Qj/een. 
 
 fan. 1. 1644, 
 
 44 -T Shall now tell thee, That the rebels are en- 
 
 l gaged into an equal Tieaty,-and that the 
 
 44 diftra&ions of London were never fo great, or fo likely 
 44 to bring good eftetft as now. Laftly, that the affiftance 
 44 was never more needful, never fo likely as now to do 
 44 good to him, who is eternally thine.” 
 
 To the Queen. 
 
 Dear Heart , Oxford, fan. 2. 1644. 
 
 L S for my calling thofe at London a Parlia¬ 
 ment, I fhall refer thee to Digby for parti¬ 
 cular fatisfa&ion; this is in general: If there had been 
 4 but two (befides my felf) of my opinion, I had not done 
 4 it; and the argument that prevailed with me was. That 
 4 the calling did noways acknowledge them to be a Par- 
 4 liament. Upon which condition and confirmation I did 
 4 it, and no otherwife, and accordingly it is regiftered in 
 4 the Council-books, with the Council’s unanimous ap- 
 4 probation.”- 
 
 To the Queen. 
 
 Dear Heart, Oxford, fan. 22. 1644. 
 
 4 ——T Believe thou wilt approve of my choice of trea- 
 4 J. tors; and for my propofitions, they differ no- 
 4 thing in fubftance (very little in words) from thofe which 
 4 were laft. 
 
 44 Now upon the whole matter, I defire thee to fhew 
 4 the Queen and Minifters there, the improbability that 
 1 this piefent treaty fhould produce a peace, confidering the 
 4 great ftrange difference (if not contrariety) of grounds 
 4 that are betwixt the rebels propofitions and mine, and 
 4 that I cannot alter mine, nor will they ever theirs, un- 
 4 till they be out of hope to prevail by force, which a 
 4 little aififtance by thy means will foon make them fo; 
 
 4 for I am confident, if ever I could put them to a de- 
 4 fenfive (which a reafonable fum of money would do) 
 
 4 they would be eafily brought to reafon.” 
 
 The Queen to the King. 
 
 My dear Heart, Paris, fan. f7. 1644. 
 
 4 'T"’ 0 M Elliot , two days fince, hath brought me 
 4 JL much joy and forrow; the firft to know the 
 4 good eftate in which you are, the other, the fear I have 
 4 that you go to London. I cannot conceive where the 
 4 wit was of thofe who gave you this counfel; unlefs it 
 4 be to hazard your perfon to fave theirs: But thanks be 
 4 to God, to day I received one of yours by the Ambaf- 
 1 fador of Portugal, dated in fanuary, which comforted 
 4 me much to fee that the treaty fhall be at Uxbridge. 
 
 ' For the honour of God, truft not your felf in the hands 
 4 of thefe people; and if you ever go to London , before 
 : the Parliament be ended, or without a good army, you 
 : are loft. I underihnd that the propofitions for the peace 
 : muft begin by disbanding the army; if you confent to 
 4 this, you fhall be loft, they having the whole power of 
 4 the Militia, they have done and will do whatfoever you 
 4 will. I received yefterday Letters from the Duke of 
 • Lorrain, who fends we word, if his fervice be agreeable 
 
Voi II. 
 
 The HISTORY of EN GLAND. 
 
 1644-5. cc to you, he will bring you ten thoufand men. Dr. Goffe, 
 t: whom I have fent into Holland, (hall treat with him in 
 his pafiage upon this bufinefs, and I hope very fpeedily 
 lC to fend good news of this, as alfo of the money; allure 
 “ your felf, I will be wanting in nothing you {hall defire, 
 “ and that I will hazard my life, that is, to die by fa- 
 “ mine, rather than not to fend to you. Send me word 
 “ always by whom you receive my letters; for I write 
 <£ both by the Ambaflador of Portugal, and the Rcfident 
 ic of France: Above all, have a care not to abandon thofe 
 <c who have ferved you, as well the Bilhops, as the poor 
 “ Catholicks. Adieu.”- 
 
 The King to the Queen. 
 
 Jan. 30 . 
 
 -'T~ < H E treaty begins this day. I defire thee to 
 
 _L be confident, that I fhall never make a peace 
 by abandoning my friends, nor fuch a one as will not 
 {land with my honour and fafety.”- 
 
 To the Qjieen. 
 
 Dear Heart, Oxford, Feb. 1644. 
 
 “ - a S for our treaty, there is every day lefs 
 
 «* ii hopes than other, that it would produce a 
 
 tc peace, but I will abfolutely promife thee, that if we 
 “ have one, it {hall be fuch as {hall invite thy return ; for 
 “ I vow, that without thy company I can neither have 
 “ peace nor comfort within my felf. The limited days 
 “ for treating are now almoft expired, without the leaft 
 <c agreement upon anyone article ; wherefore I have fent 
 “ for enlargement of days, that the whole treaty may be 
 “ laid open to the world; and I allure thee, that thou 
 “ needeft not doubt the ifiue of this treaty, for my com- 
 “ miflioners are fo well chofen, (though I fay it) that they 
 “ will neither be threatned nordifputed from the grounds 
 “ I have given them, which, upon my word, is according 
 “ to the little note thou fo well remembreft, and in this 
 “ not only their obedience, but their judgments con- 
 “ cur.-- 
 
 “ In fhort, there is little or no appearance, but that this 
 “ fummer will be the hottefl for war of any that hath been 
 “ yet; and be confident, that in making peace, I {hall 
 “ ever {hew my conftancy in adhering to Biftiops, and all 
 tc our friends, and not forget to put a fliort period to this 
 “ perpetual Parliament. But as thou loveft me, let none 
 “ perfuade thee to fiacken thine afiiftance for him, who 
 “ is eternally thine.” 
 
 C. R. 
 
 To the Qtieen. 
 
 Dear Heart , Oxford, Feb. 19. 1644. 
 
 <c T Cannot yet fend thee any certain word concerning 
 “ 1 the ifiue of our treaty, only the unreafonable ftub- 
 * c bornnefs of the rebels gives daily lefs and lefs hopes of 
 “ any accommodation this way; wherefore I hope no ru- 
 <c mours fhall hinder thee from haftening, all thou may, 
 “ all poflible afiiftance to me, and particularly that of the 
 ec Duke of Lorrains, concerning which I received yefter- 
 “ day good news from Dr. Goff, that the Prince of Orange 
 “ will furnilh {hipping for his tranfportation, and that the 
 
 “ reft of his negotiations goes hopefully on.- 
 
 “ As for trufting the rebels, either by going to London 
 “ or disbanding my army before a peace, do no ways fear 
 “ my hazarding fo cheaply or foolilhly; for I eftcem the 
 “ intereft thou haft in me at a far dearer rate, and pre- 
 “ tend to have a little more wit."-- 
 
 To the Qtieen. 
 
 Dear Heart, Oxford, March 5. 1644. 
 
 “ 'VTOW is c °nie to pafs what I forefaw, the fruit- 
 “ lefs end (as to a prefent peace) of this treaty; 
 
 “ but I am ftill confident, that I fhall find very good 
 “ effeiSls of it: For belides that my commiflioners have 
 “ offered, to fay no more, full meafured reafon, and the 
 “ rebels have ftucken rigidly to their demands, which I 
 “ dare fay had been too much, tho’ they had taken me 
 <c Prifoner, fo that afluredly the breach would light foully 
 “ upon them: We have likewife at this time difcovered, 
 <c and fhall make it evidently appear to the world, that 
 “ the Eng/i/}) rebels (whether bafely or ignorantly will be 
 “ no very great difference) have, as much as in them lies, 
 “ tranfmitted the command of Ireland from the Crown 
 tc of England to the Src/r, which, befides the reflection it 
 “ will have upon thefe rebels, will clearly fhew, that 
 
 “ reformation of the Church is not the chief, much lefs 16 j 4-3. 
 “ the only end of the Scotch Rebellion. 
 
 tc But it being prefumption, and no piety, fo to truft 
 tc to a good caufe, as not to ufe all lawful means to main- 
 “ tain it ; I have thought of one means more to furnifh 
 “ thee with for my afiiftance, than hitherto thou haft had ; 
 
 ‘ c it is, that I give thee power to promife in my name 
 “ (to whom thou thinkeft moft fit,) that I will take away 
 “ all the Penal Laws againft the Roman Catholicks in 
 “ England, as foon as God fhall make me able to do it, 
 lc fo as by their means, or in their favours, I may have fo 
 “ powerful afiiftance as may deferve fo great a favour, and 
 “ enable me to do it. But if thou ask what I call that 
 <c afiiftance, I anfwer, that when thou knoweft what may 
 “ be done for it, it will be cafily feen if it deferve to be 
 tc fo efteemed. I need not tell thee what fecrecy this bu- 
 “ finefs requires; yet this I will fay, that this is the great- 
 “ eft point of confidence I can exprefs to thee, for it is no 
 tc thanks to me to truft thee in any thing elfe but in this, 
 
 “ which is the only thing of difference in opinion betwixt 
 “ us: And yet I know thou wilt make as good a bargain 
 lc for me, even in this, I trufting thee (though it concerns 
 “ Religion) as if thou wert a Proteftant, the vifible good 
 “ of my affaiis fo much depending on it.”- 
 
 To the Qjieen. 
 
 Dear Heart , Oxford, Alarch 13. 0 . S. 
 
 “ ITT HAT I told thee the laft week concerning a 
 “ VV good parting with our Lords and Commons here, 
 “ was on Monday laft handfomcly performed: And now 
 “ if I do any thing unhandfome or difadvantagious to my 
 “ felf or friends in order to a treaty, it will be merely mv 
 “ own fault; for I confefs, when I wrote laft, I was in 
 “ fear to have been prefled to make fome mean overtures 
 “ to renew the treaty, (knowing there were great labour- 
 “ ings to that purpofe;) but now I promife thee, if it be 
 “ renewed, (which I believe will not without fome emi- 
 <c nent good fuccefs on my fide) it fliall be to my honour 
 “ and advantage, I being now as well freed from the 
 “ place of bafe and mutinous motions, (that is to fay, our 
 “ mungrel Parliament here) as of the chief caufers, from 
 “ whom I may juftly expeift to be chidden by thee, fur 
 “ having fuffered thee to be vexed by them ; IVilmot be- 
 “ ing already there, Percy on his way, and Suffex with- 
 “ in few days taking his journey to thee.- 
 
 I {hall make no other remark on thefe letters, than that 
 they evidently {hew, the peace which the King feemed to 
 defire foearneftly, was an empty found which had nothing 
 real, but as taken in his private lenfe of the word. I have 
 {hewn on the other fide, that the two Houfes were not 
 more inclined to peace. Wherefore I hope my Readers will 
 not take it ill, that 1 forbear to enter into a long detail 
 of the conferences at Uxbridge, where both parties fought 
 rather to amufe the publick than expedients to conclude. 
 
 I fhall therefore content my felf with briefly relating, 
 how far the condefcenfion of the two parties reached 
 towards making that peace they feemed to wifti for fo 
 ardently. 
 
 Upon the article of Religion, the King’s Commiflioners, 
 after many difputes, confented at laft to the following par¬ 
 ticulars. 
 
 “ 1. That freedom be left to all perfons, of what opi- The -fers 
 “ nions foever, in matters of ceremony, and that all the 1 
 
 “ penalties of the laws and cuftoms which enjoin thefe er : JLt 
 “ ceremonies be fufpended ( 1 ). Re/ffn. 
 
 Remark (i). Since the penal Laws were not to be v^TiS*!’ 
 abolifhed, but only fufpended, it followed that thePresby- DilJA-'j 
 terians could rely on that freedom no longer than it was V,ev y 
 out of the King’s power to deprive them of it. 
 
 “ 2. That the Bifhop fhall exercife no adl of Jurif- 
 “ di&ion or Ordination, without the confent and counfel 
 “ of the Presbyter, who fhall be chofen [by the Clergy 
 “ of each Diocefe,] out of the learnedft and graveft mi- 
 “ nifters of that Diocefe (2). 
 
 Rem. ( 2 ). It was not declared who they were that 
 would chufe the Presbyter. If it was the Bifhop, this con- 
 ceflion amounted to little or nothing (a). 
 
 “ 3. That the Bifhop keep his conftant refidence in 
 “ his Diocefe, except when he fhall be required by his 
 “ Majefty to attend him on any occafion, and that (if he 
 “ be not hindered by the infirmities of old age or ficknefs) 
 
 “ he preach every Sunday in fome Church within his 
 “ Diocefe (3). 
 
 Rem. ( 3 ). This was no more than the Bifhop’s duty, 
 and it was not for the King’s honour to let this be con- 
 fidered as a condefcenfion to promote the peace. 
 
 {■*) This Remark was needlefs, being occafioned by Rain's omitt'mg the words [f-j 
 tctrih, Tom. V. p. 2x8. 
 
 5 
 
 Clergy tht DRcefi] which are ia the ConceSor.. See Rrjh- 
 
 “ 4. That 
 
Book XXL 
 
 25. C H A R L ESI. 
 
 5 T 3 
 
 16 44-5 
 
 “ 4. That the Or dination of Min ifrers ftiall be always 
 <c in a publick and folemn manner, and very ftriCf rules 
 “ obferved, concerning the fufficiency and other qualihca- 
 “ tions of thofe men, who Ihall be received into Holy 
 “ Orders ; and the Bilhop fhall not receive any into Holy 
 “ Orders, without the approbation and confent of the Pref- 
 “ byters, or the major part of them. 
 
 “ .5. That competent maintenance and provifion beefta- 
 <( blifhed by Ad of Parliament, to fuch Vicarages as be- 
 “ long to Bifhops, Deans, and Chapters, out of the Im- 
 “ propriations, and according to the value of thofe Im- 
 “ propriations, of the feveral Parifhes (4). 
 
 Rem. (4). One of the principal things urged againft the 
 Church of England by the Presbyterians, was, that the 
 Churches were ill ferved, becaufe the Bifhops, Deans, and 
 Chapters, committed the cure of thofe which belonged to 
 them, to infufficient Preachers for cheapnefs fake. This 
 abufe, doubtlels, ought to have leen reformed, without 
 making it one of the conditions of the Peace. 
 
 “ 6. That for the time to come, no man fhall be 
 “ capable of two Parfonages or Vicarages with Cure of 
 “ Souls. 
 
 7. That towards the fettling of the publick peace, 
 
 land. Upon thefe conditiohs, they offered, that tlitf 1644-5* 
 King fhould be content that this commiffion fhould 
 “ continue for three years.” But ftill the power of thefe 
 commiffioners was firft to be fettled, wherein there were 
 very great difficulties. 
 
 I he Parliament’s commiffioners would not agree, that 
 the King fhould name ten of the perfons that were to be 
 intruded with the Militia. Their reafon was, that the point 
 being to give the People fecurity, they would have none, 
 if half the commiffioners were nominated by the King : 
 
 Nay, rather it would be a means to re-kindle the war, 
 there being no likelihood that thefe commiffioners, thus 
 equally divided, would ever agree, fince they would be of 
 direCtly oppofite principles. Moreover, proceeding upon 
 the foundation of the union between England and Scotland , 
 and upon the Dangers being common to both Kingdoms* 
 they perfifted to demand, that the commiffioners of both 
 Kingdoms fhould aCl in common. Upon thefe two con¬ 
 ditions they agreed, that the commiffion fhould continue 
 but feven years, after having long contended for an un¬ 
 limited time. Thus the negotiation upon this, fucceeded 
 no better than upon the foregoing article ( a ). 
 
 As to Ireland, the Commiffioners agreed upon nothing. Mmt 
 
 one hundred thoufand pounds fhall be railed by Aft of The Parliament’s would have the ceffation to be void, an°d Md - 
 
 rarlnmpnf nnt /if tnp Rff-at/sc- nf T3ifVw-,r,i, 1 R - * 1 — C . • . . ' Ruflm/nri 
 
 “ Parliament, out of the Eftates of Bifhops, Deans, and 
 “ Chapters, in fuch manner as fhall be thought fit by the 
 “ King and two Houfes of Parliament, without the alie- 
 “ nation of any of the faid Lands (5). 
 
 Rem. (5). By the treaty between the Parliament and 
 Scotland , the Lands of the Bifhops, Deans, and Chapters 
 
 for the future, neither peace nor truce to be made without v.'Vslr'.'’ 
 the confent of both Houfes. The King’s, knowing his 
 Majefty s mind, that he would not only maintain thecef- 
 fation, but even defigned to make peace with the Irijby 
 were far from confenting to the Parliament’s demand. So, 
 the whole difpute turned upon this point, whether the King 
 
 were affigned for the payment of the Scotch troops. The had power to conclude a ceffation, without the privity of 
 XVine leemed bv this concelhon rn ao-rpo. rhar nnp htmrlrpH r _ rr • . , r . -v. 
 
 Ifers about 
 ic Militia. 
 ■tllhwoith, 
 • P-827- 
 
 King feemed by this conceffion to agree, that one hundred 
 thoufand pounds fhould be raifed upon thofe Lands. But 
 in fuppofing likewife the neceffity of the King’s confent 
 for the applying that fum, the Scots could not be fure he 
 would agree that it fhould be affigned to them. 
 
 “ 8. JThat the jurifdiCtion in caufes teftamentary, deci- 
 ** mal, matrimonial, be fettled in fuch manner as fhall 
 “ feem moft convenient by the King and the two Houfes 
 tc of Parliament (6). 
 
 Rem. (6). This conceffion fignified nothing, for fince 
 the King meant not to give up his negative vote in Par¬ 
 liament, to fay, that after the peace this article fhould be 
 fettled by the King and the two Houfes, was as much as 
 to fay, there fhould be no alteration in it but what the 
 King pleafed. 
 
 “ 9. 1 hat one or more Ails of Parliament be parted, 
 
 for regulating of Vifitations, and againft immoderate 
 “ fees in Ecclefiaftical Courts, and the abufes by frivolous 
 
 Excommunications, and all other abufes in the exercife 
 <e of Ecclefiaftical jurifdiClion, in fuch manner as fhall be 
 “ agreed upon by his Majefty, and both Houfes of Par- 
 “ liament(7). 
 
 Rem. ( 7 ). This pretended conceffion is like the former; 
 for after the peace fhould be made, it would be ftill in the 
 King’s breaft to give or with-hold his affent to the refor¬ 
 mation of the abufes; whereas the point was to fettle what 
 ought to have been reformed. 
 
 When thefe conceffions are compared with the Parlia¬ 
 ment’s demand, that Epifcopacy fhould be abolifhed ; it is 
 no wonder, the Parliament’s commiffioners were not fatis- 
 fied with them. Accordingly, without lofing time in 
 difputing upon thefe articles, they rej e a e d them as in¬ 
 fufficient, and offered not to qualify their demand in the 
 leaft. 
 
 As to the Militia, the King’s commiffioners, after lono - 
 difputing, and alledging various arguments to fhew the 
 injuftice of depriving the King of one of the moft efl'en- 
 tial Prerogatives of the Crown, and the inconveniences 
 which would infallibly fpring from thence, were willing to 
 grant: * 0 
 
 “ That 1,1 t |le forces of the Kingdom, both by feaand 
 land, fhould be put into the hands of twenty commif¬ 
 fioners, ten to be named by the King, and ten by the 
 two Houfes, and that the fame thing fhould be done 
 in Scotland. But they would not confent, the commif¬ 
 fioners for Scotland fhould be joined with thofe for Eng¬ 
 land, to as to form one Committee, or that the firft 
 
 the two Houfes, fome affirming, others denying it. On 
 each fide, the fame arguments were frequently repeated, 
 with mutual reproaches for feveral proceedings ; and almoft 
 all the faCts alledged by one fide, were denied by the other, 
 fo that neither of the parties made any conceffion. 
 
 After a negotiation of eighteen days upon the three ar- M. p. 8jr, 
 tides I have been fpeaking of, the King’s Commiffioners &c ' 
 defired, his Majefty’s propofitions, particularly thofe con¬ 
 cerning the ceffation of arms, and the King’s return to the 
 Parliament, might be confidered. The other Commif¬ 
 fioners anfwered, that when the two Houfes fhould fee the 
 treaty like to fucceed, they would confent to prolong it. 
 
 The two remaining days were fpent by the King’s Com- p. 8 ( 5 /. 
 miffioners, in trying to obtain a prolongation of the treaty, 
 but they could not prevail. It muft be remembred, that 
 the King’s aim was to gain time for two principal reafons. 
 h irft, as he was perfuaded, that as long as the people had 
 any hopes of peace, they would not eafily be induced to 
 find the Parliament the necertary fupplies for the continua¬ 
 tion of the war, and fo the preparations of the two Houfes 
 would be retarded. The fecond was, that he rightly judged, 
 the Parliament would not ferioufly think of executing their 
 project concerning the army, whilft there fhould be any 
 expectation ofpeace. The two Houfes perceiving the King’s TheTreatyit 
 intention, avoided the fnare, and the conferences broke off 
 upon the expiration of the twenty days(£). 
 
 The Houfe of Commons, or rather, a new party which 
 had been formed in the Houfe, waited only for this rupture, 
 to execute a projeCt which I have juft mentioned, but of 
 which it will be necertar y to fpeak here more largely, fince 
 the execution of this projeCt ferves for foundation to all the 
 events which afterwards happened. 
 
 Before the Parliament was affifted by Scotland , the war The State of 
 had not been much to their advantage. The fucceffes of ,heK 4 n & w 
 the two firft campains were fo far from anfwering their p * rl ‘* mtnU 
 expectations, that very probably, without the affiftance of 
 the Scots, they would have been forced to make fuch a peace 
 as thfc King defired. If in the third, the King had loft all 
 the North, he had made himfelf amends, by gaining almoft 
 all the weftern Counties, and, after the fecond battle of 
 Newbury, he was ftill at Oxford, in condition to withftand 
 his enemies. The Scotcbzrmy, which, having fubdued all 
 the North, was advancing towards the middle of the King¬ 
 dom, was therefore what made the ballance incline to the 
 Parliament’s fide, and what, probably, was to give them 
 the fuperiority in the fourth campain, for which both fides 
 
 Z‘"\a 7 --"* v Tn“ ,,lu T‘-\ or ' nat tt)C hrlt were preparing. This aid came very feafonably, to efta- 
 
 ftould in any manner meddle with the affairs of Eng- blifh the afftirs of the Presbyterians, who were then all- 
 
 (a) The Parliament f.-nt an exprefs to Uxbridge, with 
 dared by the King a,.H Parliament to be fettle l in peace, or 
 When they firlt treated of the Militia, S.r Edward Hyd • 
 is in the King only. This by Mr. IVhitchck was denied tr 
 (is, nm ,,„ s „t a „j h „ „ 
 
 pointed to hear their a rai " T >-“ r ’ rc • R,ir -.. ..c .c- - . . 
 
 • f years, after the three Kingdom 
 
 ; ’- r vote, to propound a limitation of the Militia for 
 
 have it fettled in the Parliament for feven years, after the time the fing is williat’ to lettle 
 ui.l have had it taken for granted, That the whole power of the Militia, by the Law of England, 
 e lo very clear; and he undertook to make it out, That our Law doth not pofstively affirm, 
 
 ie„„ fr „, he 
 
 trom the.r qirart-.rs, thanked Uhue ock lor encountering Sir Edward Hyde, upon the point of the right of the Militia, wherein he was fo confident. 
 
 Whitelock, p. 129, i Jr 
 
 JS thi'to “",0 a t l rS P3r/ia,hrly St E ”‘ ° f poflfrotn VMf » 0,/irf, to preli tho King ,g,io ,od,g,in 
 
 availing peacew.’th his PcodIc Tllfi i? t i n ’ anJ , b / S‘ v ‘ n S his allent to fome of the moft mater,al Propo 1 -tions that were lent him, to fettle 
 to his CommilUnnt'rt 1 ^ ’tr w as at laft prevaded with to tollow their counfel; and the next morning was appointed for fivnine a Warrant 
 
 - h " h * u. botote so ^i, h ^r ei r g “ fcrjsscss 
 
 Secaufe, as the Marqmfs affirmed^ “ he doubted not, but before the end of the fummer, he 
 brave army.” bf'dwood's Mem. p. 62, 63, 302, 8tc. “Burnet's Hill, 
 
 No. 69. V 0 L. II. 6 O 
 
 finding his Majefty from treating with bis Rebel-fubjcas: Becaufe 
 “ fllould be able to come co his Majclly’s affiftance ' ' 
 
 powerful 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 5 r 4 
 
 ■ 6 + 4 - 5 ' 
 
 Orip'ie of 
 
 lifP » ■' 
 
 They 
 
 firji^rr. 
 
 t, !c r,\ws. 
 
 The HISTORY ENGLAN D. 
 
 powerful in the Parliament, and difpofed of every thing as 
 ’ they nleafed. They were the men who had molt conduced 
 to encage the Kingdom in a war, and called in the Scots, 
 becaufe they could not hope to execute the.r deligns, unlefs 
 the Parliament’s arms were various. But belore I pro¬ 
 ceed it will be abfolutely neceffary to make known thefe 
 Presbyterians, who till then feemed to make but one and 
 the fame party, though in reality they conhfted of two, 
 very different from each other, both in principles and in- 
 
 ^After all my pains, I have not been able to difeover 
 precifely, the hr ft rife of the Independent feft or faction. 
 Thus much is certain, their principles were very proper to 
 nut the Kingdom in a (Same, as they did effcffually. With 
 reeard to the State, they abhorred Monarchy, and ap¬ 
 proved only a Republican Government. As to Religion, 
 their principles tvere contrary to thofe of all the reft of the 
 world They not only were averfe to Eplfcopacy, and the 
 Ecdefiaftical Hierarchy ; but would not lo much asendure 
 ordinary Miniftets in the Church. They maintained, that 
 every man might ptay in publick, exhort his brethren, in- 
 ternret the Scriptures, according to the talents God had en- 
 due,] him with; whereawveiy often Minifters were ordain¬ 
 ed without proper endowments, whilii: thofe ofmany Lay¬ 
 men remained ufelefs for want of external Ordination. So 
 with them, every one prayed, preached, admomfhed, in¬ 
 terpreted tile Holy Sciiptures, without any other Call than 
 what he himfelf drew from his zeal, and fuppofed Gifts, 
 , -.1_. r,.tw»r niflwirv than the aDDiobation of his 
 
 auditors (i). , . _ _ . 
 
 I cannot exaftly tell, whether this fta or faction was 
 entirely formed at the beginning of the Parliament, or 
 ' whether it fprung up during the feffiom. But there is, I 
 think a diftinffion to be made upon this fubjefl. I con¬ 
 i' lecture, that the fed was already formed, with refpeft to 
 civil Government, and atofe from the principles of arbi¬ 
 trary Power, which "lames I. and Charles I. laboured to 
 eftablifh, but that with regard to Religion, it was formed 
 durinv this Parliament. I build my conjeffure upon this, 
 when the long Parliament began, there were but two 
 known parties m the Englijb Church, namely, the Eplfco- 
 palians, or Church-of-£»gW-men, and the Presbyterians. 
 „ ^he nam e ol Independent was entirely unknown, and 
 
 thofe afterwards called Independents, were certainly united 
 
 with the Presbyterians, and made a very conftdcrable part 
 of them. But they were different from the other Presby¬ 
 terians, as they propofed for their end to change the Mo¬ 
 narchy into a Common-wealth, which cannot be imputed 
 to the Presbyterians in general. It is very true, the Piei- 
 byterians were for humbling the regal power, and leaving 
 the King only the ihadow of Sovereignty ; but they pre¬ 
 ferred a fort of attachment to the name of King, and at 
 lead an external refpedl for royalty. If we examine the 
 propofttions they prefented to the King at feveral times, we 
 (lull find them all built upon this foundation. They were 
 in 'hat like the Seels, who cannot juftly be accufed ot in¬ 
 tending to abolilh Monarchy, though they prnpofed to 
 reduce it within very narrow bounds. The Independents, 
 after having lent their utmoft affiiiance to diminiih the 
 re-a! power, in hopes thereby to attain their end, the de¬ 
 ft ruction of the Monarchy; perceived at laft, they fhould 
 not be able, without great difficulty, to accompHih their 
 defion. The reafon was, becaufe neither the Englijh , nor 
 Scotch Presbyterians, had any inclination to eftablifh a 
 Commonwealth, and becaufe their whole Clergy, who had 
 ,-test influence in that party, were of the fame principles. 
 They judged therefore, it would be vety advantages to 
 them, to deftroy the Clergy’s authority, by intimating them 
 to be unneoeflary, and their vocation cllabliflied upon no 
 good foundation. Then it was that the Independent feoff 
 bevan to be formed with regard to Religion for there are 
 ncTfigns of it, till about the end of the year 164+. I own 
 
 this to be only conjeffure, which may be rejeffed if any 16, -5, 
 thing more plaufible occurs. 
 
 It is no wonder therefore, that from the beginning of 
 this Parliament, the Independents had carneftly contributed 
 to put it out of the King’s power to preferve his authority 
 but by a war, and to ruin the Church of England. It is 
 rather to be confidered, that this was the natural confe- 
 quence of their principles, and a very proper means to lead 
 them to their end. The humbling ol the King, and the 
 deftruftion of the Church of England, were two points that 
 were neceffarily to be gained, before the ertablifhmcnt ot a 
 Commonwealth was endeavoured. It was not therefore 
 proper, they fhould feparate from the-Presbyterians, as long 
 as thefe laft concurred with them in their delign to gain 
 thefe two principal points. For that ieafon, they readily 
 confented to call in the Scots, and made no fcruple to ap¬ 
 prove of the Covenant, and whatever elfe was required by 
 the Scots. The bufinefs then was to be ab'e to refift the 
 King, who bad acquired fome fuperiority, by the happy 
 fuccefs, of his arms. This wa6 the common intereft of 
 the Presbyterians and Independents, who would have been 
 equally ruined, if the King’s party had prevailed. 
 
 Mean while, th z Scotch army, in ftrengthening alike the r - :..,i-pn 
 Presbyterians and Independents againft the King, confirmed 
 withal to the firft, the fuperioiity they had for fome time .’V't,/ 
 enjoyed. As long as this fuperiority lafted, it was almoft ■ • 
 impoffible for the Independents to attain their ends. They [■ . .’j on 
 judged it therefore abfolutely neceiTary, to undermine the t. ll. p.+6. 
 great power of the Presbyterians, not openly, for fear of 
 being oppreffed before they had well laid their meafures, 
 but fecretly, and by artifice. To that purpofe, the leaders 
 of this party, as Fane , Cromwell, Tate, Hajlerig, and fome 
 others, began to make themfelves very popular, and to 
 exprefs a great zeal for the publick, in order to gain the 
 good-will of the people. They had their emiffaries every 
 where, who diligently aggravated the faults committed fince 
 the beginning of the war, as well in the adminiftration of 
 the Government, as in the military adlions, and infinuated, 
 they were entirely to be aferibed to the private views of the 
 members of Parliament, who poffcfting all the places and 
 offices, w ere very unmindful to put an end to the troubles. 
 
 That fome of the Generals had defignedly milled opportu¬ 
 nities of fighting with advantage, and that, in a word, the 
 greateft part dreaded nothing lb much as a decifion, either 
 by arms or a good peace. 
 
 In fupport of thefe rumours which were fpread abroad, Cromwell 
 Cromwell came to the Parliament at the end of the cam- £.'.VV * 
 pain, and publickly accufed the Earl of Manchrjler, of not M,nuheftt 
 having done his duty at the battle of Newbury, and the h F" r ,' 
 affair of Dennington-caiWe; infinuating, he was afraid of Ruihwort 
 putting a too fpeedy end to the war (2). The Earl anfwer- ' • r- 7 P 
 ed by a memorial, which he prefented to the Lords, and ( -^' rendo[ 
 Cromivcll thought not fit toprofecute his accufation, which t. II.p.4; 
 was properly a preparative only to begin the execution of a 
 greater projedft. 
 
 'Phis publick proceeding of Cromwell raifed a fufpicion, Defyn eft 
 that he was one of the principal authors of the rumours Yji'i'ifide. 
 which tended to render the people jealous of the Parliament, wh.telocl 
 There was even a conference held at the Earl of EJJex's, 
 where it was confidered, whether he fhould be arrefted. VI p , t 
 But as the proofs appeared not fufficiently clear, it wasTe- 
 folved to wait till he fhould have laid himfelf more open. 
 Probably, fome of thofe that were prefent at this conference 
 informed him of it, which made him haften the execution 
 of the projedb formed by himfelf and his friends (3). 
 
 This projedl was to exclude all the Members of Par- 
 liament from enjoying any office or command military or m ‘ /t! (Vj ' 
 civil. It is certain, that from the beginning of the war, dijiributia 
 the Parliament in the diftribution ol ports, had not forgot of places. 
 their own Members, or rather to fav the tru^h, all the 
 principal ports were poffeffed by the Members ot one or 
 other Houfe. Hence fprung two great inconveniencies. 
 
 ' The It>dep*ndents 
 
 Th: r puV.uk Office 
 
 called 
 
 ind ihe 
 
 
 f.rff Con^ationalifit, owed their rife chiefly to CocJmn, ffye.'Brid-e. Sympfon. and ’Bnrro^h,, who tranfpevred them- 
 ):if: e:ui.-. Prom whence, up"n the downfal of Epifcopary, they rev rued to £n;/j«<*.and aderc-fl-d the Parliament 
 ..:v-> n. .- ar.d Toleratn'f. In this Ap dogy they declare, that they confnlted the St'irtn-ei without my P"p‘!fslf- ,r 
 m9.trt:.i iy and unprejudicedly at men of Jt'lb and blood are like to do in any ’unclnre of rime , they hitzine no tt mpteuton 
 intent, they faid. They coafioed : etn (elves CO Scripture, Precept, and Precedent, leaving room lor alterations up m 
 'r. 1 it, they he'd a middle enurfe between Presbytery and 'Brownfm. The lirff they counted ro« arbitrary, the 
 I. k V.- ,1", -he d.ft ! >w :i; Pjrorh.a'. ind Pr.v. mt at Subordinations, ar.d firming all their C •r.re,-.’. > t upon a 
 « : They rea 
 
 rc+fions: They ntoifl . i fang Pfalms. and made Collections (or the poor every Lord's -day. 
 
 Tear! ers. It r.g Eider ■, .which we:.- F.tciefiaflicks) and Deacons. As lor Church-Cer.fures, they hid none but 
 ... The ti e above-menr-oned Independents, were all or mod of them Members of the Aflernhly of D.vmrs. Rjptn 
 ‘iVts e Brownilh. See the.r Ay r:\at Sanative, and CoWer s Eat. Hfi. Tom. II. p. 819- —They were called Iftdcpen- 
 • ' Whi.-h, as is f.id above, was therr main Charac'f* 
 
 t Piflor 
 
 againft t 11 
 
 mey r, 
 
 
 riftick. 
 urther a 
 
 ipon the enemy 
 
 ..... ... .. .. • that. “ fince fhe n ‘ Tort, the Earl had declined v 
 
 nV-lcct. • 1 m purpofe." Rufhwortb, Tom. V. p. 732. ^ 
 
 ,\f.iyiiard and IV) - ti- •.’.ere font tor bv me Ear', nr Effex . and when they came, they found hun with t : .5.it; (. immi..:o .<rs, 
 b, and ocher • - " [ 
 
 to be it 1 the fire of . fwercd, Crown ■ 
 
 ' so bc . .- i. ; ,._i. 3f ,d th.-remre aivifed no; to proceed againU him witho«t clear proof, becaufe it would reflect upon their horror ar.d w.ldom, 
 
 Co bepi ' fuch a tiling, and not be able to make it good. Wherefore, inftead of accufing him, they thought ic belt, that direftion be given1 to 
 
 uld amount to prove him an incendiary or not. The Scots liKerf 
 this advice but // lies ar.d St.tsUtcn were for an accufation. HhiteJock lays, he had caufe to believe, that fome who were prefent informed C-emwe/l 
 of all ' ' feemed kind White) ■ ■ 
 
 (•rmerly, ar.d carried on his defign more actively of making way for hi: own advancement- Whittlotb-. p. tt6- 
 
 The 
 
 4 
 

 Book XXI. 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 5 1 5 
 
 1644-q. The firft, that'as, fince the breach with the King, the 
 y Project of the two Houfes had ruled with an abfolute fway, the Members 
 iJlniT who Jiatl P 0 ^ in the army, had fo great influence there, 
 that no man durft oppofe their fentiments, or take notice 
 of their faults or mifdemeanours, which by that means 
 were always unpunilhed. This ha'd at length bred at the 
 end of the laft Campain thofegreat d/flentions between the 
 Generals, which proved fo prejudicial to the common 
 caufe. The fecond inconvenience war., that it was undeni¬ 
 ably the particular intereft of the Members of Parliament 
 to prolong the war ; fince the end of the troubles, whether 
 it happened by a decifive battle, or a treaty, would ftrip 
 them of their employs. This projefl was therefore found¬ 
 ed upon reafons very plauflble, and apt to make impreflion 
 on the people. But withall, it was of great advantage to 
 the Independents, in that the power ot the Presbyterian 
 party would be confiderably leflened, an^j they had fo well 
 laid their meafures, that they were almoft fure, the vacant 
 ports would be filled with men of their party. This was 
 the more feafible, as hitherto the Independents not having 
 yet pulled off the mask, it was not eafy to difeover who 
 were fo, fince they were ftill confounded with the Presby¬ 
 terians. 
 
 White ick. To execute this grand project, the leaders of the Inde¬ 
 pendents refolved to move two things in the Parliament. 
 The firft, to put the army under a New Model, that is, 
 to form new Regiments ot Horfe and Foot out of the pre- 
 fent troops, fo that there would be ftill the fame officers 
 and foldiers,but new bodiesotherways composed than before. 
 The fecond, that the Parliament Ihould pafs an ordinance 
 excluding the Members of either Houfe from enjoying or ex¬ 
 ecuting any office or command civil or military. The firft 
 was founded upon the neceffity of putting an end to all 
 factions and cabals, which might be formed in the feveral 
 bodies of the army ; the fecond, upon the neceffity of de- 
 monftrating to the people, that the Parliament was not in¬ 
 fluenced by private views, but preferred the publick good 
 to the intereft of their own Members. But the Presbyte¬ 
 rian Members thereby loft at once all their polls and credit 
 in the army. This was the true reafon of the proceedings 
 of the Independents, which however they carefully con¬ 
 cealed. The other reafons were fo plaufible, that they did 
 not queftion they would be very agreeable to the people, 
 who were already difpofed to approve them. And there¬ 
 fore it was thought, feveral Members would not venture to 
 contradict them, for fear of raifing a fufpicion of their a£t- 
 ing from motives of intereft. 
 
 AulWortl, On the 9th of December 1 644, thefe motions were 
 Ludlow' made |n the Houfe of Commons, at the time when the 
 treaty of Uxbridge was preparing. The managers of the 
 affair (1), moved to take into confideration the ftate of the 
 Kingdom, the reafons why the war lafted fo long, and the 
 confequences of the treaty of Uxbridge , in cafe it was un- 
 fuccefsful. This motion being approved of, the Houfe 
 voted themfelves into a grand Committee, to debate upon 
 thefe points. A general filence being kept for fome time, 
 Oliver Cromwell ftood up at laft, and fpoke briefly to this 
 effect: 
 
 “ That it was now a time to fpeak, or for ever to hold 
 the tongue: The important occafion being no lefs than 
 to fave a Nation out of a bleeding, nay, almoft dying 
 condition, which the long continuance of the war had 
 already brought it into; fo that, without a more fpeedy, 
 vigorous, and effectual profecution of the war, calling 
 off all lingering proceedings like foldiers of fortune be¬ 
 yond fea, to fpin out a war, we fhall make the King¬ 
 dom weary of us, and hate the name of a Parliament. 
 For what do the enemy fay? Nay, what do many fay that 
 were friends at the beginning of the Parliament ? Even 
 this, That the Members of both Houfes have got great 
 places and commands, and the fword into their hands, 
 and what by intereft in Parliament, what by power 
 in the army, will perpetually continue themfelves in 
 grandeur, and not permit the war fpeedily to end, left 
 their own power ihould determine with it. This I 
 fpeak here to our own faces, is but what others do utter 
 
 iCromvw's 
 
 VSpHth to th 
 of 
 
 Commons. 
 
 Rulhwonh, 
 
 “ abroad behind our backs. I ara far from refle&'ngon 1644-5, 
 “ any; I know the worth of thole Commanders, Mem- 
 “ bers of both Houfes, who are yet in power; but if I 
 “ may fpeak my confcience without refleClion upon any, 
 tc I do conceive, if the army be not put into another 
 “ method, and the war more vigoroufly profecuted, the 
 “ people can bear the war no longer, and will enforce you 
 “ to a diflionourable peace. But this I would recommend 
 “ to your prudence, not to infift upon any complaint or 
 “ over-fight of any commander in chief upon any occafion 
 “ whatfoever; for as I mull acknowledge myfelf guilty 
 “ of over-fights, fo I know they can rarely be avoided in 
 “ military affairs; therefore waving a ftriCt inquiry into 
 “ the caules of thefe things, let us apply ourfelves to the 
 “ remedy which is moll neceflary. And I hope, we have 
 “ fuch true Englijh hearts and zealous affections towards 
 “ the general weal of our mother country, as no Mem- 
 “ bers of either Houfe will fcruple to deny themfelves, 
 
 “ and their own private interefts, for the publick good ; 
 
 nor account it to be a difhonour done to them, what- 
 14 ever the Parliament fhall refolve upon in this weighty 
 “ matter.” 
 
 Cromwell was feconded by others who fpoke, like him, Motion toex- 
 in a general manner, without making any particular propo- ‘^ZhUs 
 iition. At laft Zoucb Tate and S\t Henry Vane moved ex-/™ v Pojls . 
 prefly to have all Members of Parliament excluded from ,bld - 
 commands and offices. This motion. was long debated, r!n!pf4"}, 
 and at length approved by a majority of voices, and a com- 436, 4^. 
 mittce was appointed to prepare an ordinance to that pur- J ’J sa N Tt '- ci 
 pofe. I wo days after, this ordinance was brought into the j Another for 
 Houfe, and it was refolved, that the 1 8th of the fame ,:ew 
 month ftiould be fet apart for a Faft, to implore a bleffing thc 
 on this affair, as well as on the intended new model of the Decemb. 11 
 army, which had been alfo voted, though I could not find 
 the day. I he 14th of December this ordinance was again 
 taken into conlideration, and canvafled [in a grand Com¬ 
 mittee] very ferioufly on both fidcs (2). The 18th the The sdf-de- 
 Faitwas kept, and the 19th the ordinance palled the ° T jjjr n 
 
 Houfe of Commons. It was called the Self-denying Ordi- "heclmoL 
 nance , becaufe the Houfein paffing it, renounced their own Bufhworth, 
 advantages. v1, P* 7 * 
 
 The affair however was not finifhed till the Lords had Th: Lo . rd » 
 approved of the ordinance, to which they were by no means January i* 
 inclined. On the contrary, at a conference with the Com- whitelock. 
 mons, they urged feveral reafons againft it. Whereupon, Minlc y- 
 -the 13th of January, the whole Houfe of Commons weru 
 up to the Peers with a meflage to prefs them to pafs the 
 Self-denying Ordinance. Neverthelefs they reje&cd it that 
 fame day (3). 
 
 Notwithftanding this, the Commons proceeded in form- The Comment 
 ing a new model of the army, which they voted Ihould ^™ df r , he 
 confift, in the whole, ol one and twenty thoufand men, whitelock. 
 namely, fix thoufand Horfe, one thoufand Dragoons, and Ruthwonh, 
 fourteen thoufand Foot: That the Horfe fhall be divided VI * p, ~' 
 into ten Regiments ; the Dragoons into ten fingle Compa¬ 
 nies; and the Foot into ten Regiments of at leaft twelve 
 hundred men each. After that, they appointed Sir Thomas T! j e .r mate 
 Fairfax to be General, Son to the Lord Fairfax who com- Fairfax de¬ 
 manded in the North. This done, they palled an ordinance ne'ral* 
 for raifing money for the maintenance of the army which J anuar y- 1 * 
 was to ferve under the command of the new General, and sprlgge. 
 on the 28th of 'January fent it up to the Lords for their p.p. 
 concurrence (4). The Lords fcrupled to confent to feveral Clarendon, 
 articles concerning the nomination of the principal officers. ' ,p ' 435 * 
 But as there were but few Peers, they were told, they The Lords 
 would do themfelves unfpeakable prejudice if they pretend- R^^rth ’ 
 ed to oppofe the refolutions of the Commons, and in fhort, vi. jTIl * 
 that their concurrence was not neceflary. In all appear¬ 
 ance, this made the Lords pafs the ordinance the 15th of 
 February , without any amendments (5). 
 
 The 19th of the fame month Sir Thomas Fairfax , being Fairfax#v« 
 conduced to the Houfe by four Members, was compli- 
 mented by the Speaker. After that, he delivered a lift of Colonels. 
 the Colonels he had appointed, by virtue of a claufe in his Id- P- 
 commiffion, among whom there was not a fingle Member 
 of Parliament (6). There was alfo upon this occafion 
 
 (1) The exclufion of the Members from all Offices, was moved firft by Mr. Zoucb Tate, who brought it in with a fimilitudeof a boyle upon his thumb; 
 and was fee on by that party, who contrived the turning out of the Earl of EJfex. He was feconded by Sir Henry Vane and others. Hhitelock, p. 1 is. 
 LtuHoxo, Tom. I. p. 14J-. 
 
 (;) Whitelock (poke againft it. See his Speech in h.s Memorials , p. 119.-And the reafons that were given for the Self-denying Ordinance, fee 
 
 in Rnjhaorih, Tom.VI. p. 7. It was fent up to the Lords, December a 1. by Mr . Pierpaint: But their Lord flips did not begin their debates about it till 
 December ’o, and then they committed it to eight Lords, to report their opinions abouc it; which they having done, che Lords had, on January 7, the 
 Conference here mentioned. Idem. p. 7. 
 
 (31 And here, fays Whitest, firft beran to increafe the great difference between the two Houfes of Parliament, which fwelled to fo great height, as 
 will be leen afterwards. Whitelock, p. 123. 
 
 (+) This was to be done by the monthly (urn of forty four thoufand, nine hundreJ and fifty five pounds, to be raifed by affeflinent proponionably 
 throughout the Kingdom, every County being rated fuch a fum. Rujhceorth, Tom. VI. p. 1. 
 
 (j) The Lords did not pafs this Ordinance till April 1; See Rnjliworth, Tom. VI. p. 14. 
 
 (6) For the Horfe. 
 
 Fleet mood, 
 RoJJiter, 
 
 Sir Rob; Pyfl 
 
 Cray ford, 
 ‘Berkley, 
 Aldridge, 
 Holbor',,, 
 Ferine, 
 
 For the Foot. 
 
 Ingoldsby, 
 
 Weldeuf’ 
 
 Raintbjicv 
 
 fome 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 S’* 6 
 
 The III S TO RY of ENG L A N D. 
 
 16+4-5. 
 
 proved. 
 
 1645. 
 
 ' '■</! get 
 r Stif.lt- 
 Ordi- 
 
 Eflbx, Don- 
 high, and 
 
 to the Loids for their confent, though they hail already 
 - refufed it. Then, the Earls of Ejfex, Den';*/), and Man- 
 ehtjler , perceiving it would be in vain to ftrive againft the 
 itieam, and that their lloufe was not in condition to witli- 
 ftand the Commons, furrendered their commiflions, and 
 received the thanks of both Houfes(i). 1 he next day, 
 , the 3d of April, the Lords palled the fell-denying ordi¬ 
 nance ; and thus ended this affair, which had been de¬ 
 pending four months (a). 
 
 When it is confidered, with what earneftnefs 
 
 the 
 
 fome difference between the two Houfes. But after fevcral conclufion to the war, as nothing could be more prejudicial 1643. 
 conferences, the Lords approv’d of the lilt the 18th of March, to them than its continuation. 
 
 Thus the new Model was complcatcd, and though the As foon as Sir Thomas Fairfax had received his com- T‘.- g.-wt* 
 Self-denying ordinance had been thrown out by the Lords, million from the Parliament, he came to IVindfv , his head ffff 
 the Commons had now obtained, by empowering the Ge- quarters, and from thence lent commillioners where-ever -.". 
 neral to nominate the officers of the army, the excluiion there were troops, to form the new regiments, and dis- k-y. onh.- 
 of the members of Parliament from ail military polls, band the fupernumerury officers. No doubt, thefe commif- S; ,l ,1 
 This made them hope, it would ri"t be importable to caufe ffoners, who were vnoftly general officers, had private in- iLlks. , 
 their ordinance to pafs. And indeed, [they refumed the ftructions concerning the officers, they weie either to con- 
 Dcbate of it March 24, and] on the ■ ill, it was font up tinue or break, and Cromwell had framed in great meafure 
 
 thele inftrudtions, though he did not appear to be con¬ 
 cerned. The Parliament undertook this reform in a very 
 dangerous feafi>n(3). It was in April , when the King 
 was preparing to take the field. If unhappily, they had 
 met wiih reiifiance in the troops, as many were apprehen¬ 
 sive, and if this change had occalioned revolts, which might 
 cafily have happened by the inftigations of the disbanded 
 officers, they would have been without an army, at thebe- 
 ginning of a cam pain, and confequently unable to withftand 
 the King’s forces. But they heard with pleafure, that 
 Commons proceeded in the feif-denying ordinance, one every thing was effected with great tranquillity, and their 
 is apt at firft to believe, either that the number of the orders eveiy where perfectly obeyed. 
 
 Independents was very fuperior in the Houfe, or that the The General remained at ITindfor all April , not being Sa.tehc 
 members were very difinterefted. But neither of thefe able fooner to finifh what was to be done, to prepare the , 
 was the cafe. The Presbyterians ever pielbrved a fuperi- army for adlion. During this time, he received a letter Oxford, 
 ority of number, which became ffill greater by the mem- from the Committee of both Kingdoms(4), informing b.riihworay 
 bers excluded from their pofts, who not being employed in him, that the King had fent to Prince Rupert , to come and Spr.^ge- 
 the army or elfewhere, increafed their party in the Par- join him with two thoufar.d Horfe. Wherefore, he was 
 liament. As to the dilintereftednefs of the members, it is ordered to difpatch a party of Horfe towards Oxford to 
 not to be imagined, that men who had till now exprefled hinder this jundion. And as the felf-denving ordinance 
 fuch a greedinefs, as to monopolize, as I may fay, and was not to take place till after forty days, namely, on the 
 ingrofs to themfelves all the places of truft and profit, 15th of May, the charge of this fervice was by the com- 
 fhould thus fuddenly change from black to white, and fin- mittee particularly recommended to Lieutenant General 
 cerely defire to relinquifh them. But the cale was, they Crotnwell. 
 
 were attacked on their weak fide, and fo c uld vindicate Cromwell departing from Windfor the 24th of April , 
 themfelves only by fhewing a difintereftednefs, which met, near Ifip-Bridge (5), with a brigade of the King’s Rlll ), wonh . 
 might at leaft make it doubtful, whether it was through Horfe, conliffing of the Queen's, and three other regi- vi. y. 24. 
 felfifhnefs that they had ingrofied to themfelves all the ments, and utterly routed them(6). Then he marched to s P"^ e * 
 offices and ports. The Independents, before they dilcovered Sir Thomas Coggins at Blechington, where Colonel ITin- 
 tlieir delign, had taken care to prepofiefs the People with debank , Secretary IVindebanF s Son, kept a garrifon for the 
 fuch plaufible reafons, that the Parliament was in danger King, and fummoned the Colonel with a {harp mertage, 
 of being entirely deferted, if they undertook to juffify their who immediately furrendered. The King was fo incenfed TheKfag m 
 
 lated as they had projected. The new General was reck¬ 
 oned a zealous Presbyterian, and by that the Parliament 
 ' had been allured to chufe him. But Cromwell had fuch 
 ..an influence over him, that he made him do whatever he 
 
 what caufed the ordinance to pafs, though it was mani- by a council of war, and afterwards (hot to death. Crom- 10 h Jhoc.l 
 fertly defigned to ruin the Presbyterian party. For though well gained fome other advantages in thofe parts, but was Rulhwor* 
 their fuperiority of number in the Parliament did not repulled in an aflault upon Farrington. 26.' P ^ 
 
 ceafe, the Independents knew, that by having the army After the Earl of Effex's difafter in Cornwall , the Parlia- The Kfag’t 
 on their fide, it would be in their power to obey the Par- merit was very weak in the weftern Counties. They 
 
 liament no farther than they pleafed. Accordingly to this in Dorfetfnre only Poole , Lyme , and IVeymouth ; in Devon- (.-^rendon. 
 
 they bent all their endeavours, as foon as things were regu- Jhire, Plymouth alone, and that befieged ; and in Somer- T.II. p.491 
 
 fetjbire , only Taunton , cJofely inverted by Sir Richard 
 Greenvil , and in great diftrels. The Parliament, fear- The Gner, 
 ing to lofc this important place, fent exprefs orders to the 
 General to march with his whole army, and raife the lieve Tain 
 pleafed. He had artfully perfuaded him, that his lble fiege, not conlidering that the midland Counties would be ^^ wordl 
 view was the welfare of Religion, and the good of his left defencelefs, juft as the King was going to take the V i. p- afj 
 Country, and thereby prepared him to receive his coun- field. Mean while, Fairfax , in obedience to the orders, 27. 
 fcls, and place an entire confidence in him. For though began his march the 30th of April , and on the 7th of 
 the Independent partv began to {hew themfelves very open- May was beyond Salisbury. 
 
 ly, they did not yet pretend to form a feparute party from The Committee of both Kingdoms having intelligence, Me u re- 
 that of the Presbyterians, and it was more than a year that the King was on the 7th of Alay to head his army, . 
 
 1 before thev appeared at laft entirely unmasked. Cromwell perceived their error in fending all their Forces into the 
 
 ‘efpeciallv, more than any other of this party, put on the Wert, and leaving the middle of the Kingdom defence- 
 appearance of a Rigid Presbyterian, and leaned to intend lefs. Wherefore they difpatched with all fpeed an order to 
 
 the General, which reached him at Blandford, to return, 
 and fend only a party to relieve Taunton. The General Me fondt 4 
 immediately obeyed, and detaching Colonel IVclden with 
 about five thoufand foot, and eighteen hundred horfe to Taunton. 
 Taunton , returned back to Newbury , where he flayed fome ^ay 8 ; g 
 days to refrefh his troops. 
 
 At the approach of the Party fent to Taunton , Sir Ri- The siege < 
 chard Greenvil raifed the fiege of that place, where relief 
 could not come more feafonably, fo much was it prefled. But reu-rved. 
 fhcrtly after, General Goring came into Somerfetfhire with Majr *4 
 three thoufand horfe, given him by the King, when he p> ff 
 heard Fairfax was marching to the Welt. Then, Green- clarendon 
 vil joining him, they went together, and laid fiege again r - IL P -J ’ 1 ' 
 to Taunton , where the Party that relieved the town were 
 fliut up. 
 
 During thefe motions of the Parliament’s forces, the The King 
 King’s deftrudtion. This was necellarily to be fuppofed, King, on the 7th of May , took the field, and marched 
 and confequently, all rifques were to be run to putafpeedy [with about eight thoufand men] towards Chejltr , to re- csefter « 
 
 kefiege It. 
 
 (1) And to the H t p. xai.) an order was made for the better payment of 10000/. per Amtm, 
 
 01 r tragick civil Wars, in chc exit of this brave perfon EJfex, who be.ng fet afide, and many gal- 
 joked upon the new Army, and new Officers, with muen contempt, and the new Model was by 
 
 only the firm eftablifhment of Presbyterianifm. I his was 
 neceflary to preferve the confidence of the new General, 
 and make him art according to his views, without difeover- 
 ing the end to which he meant to conduct him. But it 
 was not yet time to make known his defigns. There 
 weie then but two things abfolutely neceflary for the ad¬ 
 vantage of his party. The firft, in new modelling the 
 army, to order it fo, that the officers, whom the Inde¬ 
 pendents thought they could confide in, might keep their 
 commirtiens, anJ thofe whom they confidered as their 
 enemies, might be cafhiered. For as three armies were to 
 be reduced into one, many officers would of courfe be dif- 
 mifled. The fecond thing was to profecute the war more 
 vigoroufly than hitherto, and endeavour more ftrenuoufly 
 to difable the King to maintain it. It is evident the de¬ 
 figns of the Independents could not be executed but by the 
 
 •rly granted to him out of Delinipic: 
 
 (2) Here ended (fays Whluloct) the t.rfi Scene or 
 lar.t men his Officers with him, the King's party 
 
 fcom . 
 
 (3) Major General Shippon did much affiil in this 
 Earl’s own, that was like to prove moll refractory. 
 
 (4) From whom the Parliament's army was gen 
 (;) He was ordered to march beyond Oxford, as 
 (6) Her Majeity's Standard was taken, \v.,L. ,.e 
 
 s of EJfex' 
 
 w irk, cfpeeially in reducing five Regim 
 
 hrnrth 1' VI. p. 17. • n y. . p. 9, 
 
 rally to receive 1 ■ ; . 
 
 the Prin.e was to come from about W^.eper. Hid, 
 hundred Pr.foners. Idem, p. a4. 
 
 , among!! which ’ 
 
 3 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 1645. 
 He takes 
 Leiccller by 
 Jlorm. 
 Rufliworth, 
 VI. p- 35 - 
 Fairfax b c - 
 f't ei Ox¬ 
 ford. 
 
 May 22. 
 
 P • 33- 
 
 He rapes the 
 Siege, and 
 approaches 
 the King, 
 p. 36, 40. 
 Spriggc. 
 
 Cromwell’* 
 
 esbjenee d‘f- 
 pcaced with 
 
 the Houfe. 
 Rulliworch, 
 VI. p. 39. 
 Clarendon, 
 II. p.486, 
 487. 
 Holles’s 
 Mem. 
 
 King's 
 marches. 
 Kuflnvorth, 
 VI. p. 29, 
 36, 41. 
 Clarendon, 
 Jl. p. sol, 
 504, 506. 
 
 Jd. p. 503. 
 
 King snter- 
 eepied. 
 Rulhworlh. 
 VI. p. 49. 
 
 Fairfax r, 
 f:he. ,0 
 Jigbt. 
 
 The King 
 refolves the 
 Jame. 
 Clarendon. 
 II. p. 306. 
 
 Rulh worth. 
 VI. p. 4 i. 
 Whiteloek. 
 
 lieve the place, befieged by Sir William Brereton (r). But 
 he heard by the way, the fiege was railed ; and having no¬ 
 thing more to do there, marched to Leicejler, which he 
 took by ftorm the 30th of May. 
 
 Mean time, the Parliament perceiving the King was 
 marching towards Chejler, fent orders to General Fairfax 
 to befiege Oxford. Accordingly Fairfax approached the 
 city, and began the fiege. But within a few days, the 
 Parliament having intelligence of the taking of Leicejler, 
 were apprehenfive, the King’s defign was to enter the aflo- 
 ciated eaftern Counties, and therefore ordered their Gene¬ 
 ral to raife the fiege of Oxford, and follow the King. Fair¬ 
 fax therefore marched away on the 7th of June. As, very 
 likely, a battle would quickly enfue, he writ to defire the 
 Parliament to difpenfe with Cromwell's abfence from the 
 Houfe, and to order him to march to the army, and com¬ 
 mand the Horfe, which was readily granted. Thus, Crom¬ 
 well, who had been one of the moft forward to pafs the 
 ordinance for the exclufion of the members of Parliament 
 from all offices and ports, civil and military, was the only 
 perfon that kept his feat in Parliament, and his command 
 in the army. This would be a very honorable diftindtion 
 for him, were there not room to fufpetft, it was owing to 
 his own intrigues (2). 
 
 Mean while, the King was very uneafy. He was inform¬ 
 ed of the fiege of Oxford , but did not yet know it was raifed, 
 and that the enemy was marching direbfly towards him. 
 This made him refolve to move towards Oxford , in order 
 to relieve a city of fo great importance to him. To that 
 end, he encamped at Harborough , from whence he fent an 
 exprefs to General Goring, to order him to come and join 
 hirn with all poffible fpeed. Here it was he received intel¬ 
 ligence, that Fairfax was drawn oft from Oxford, and had 
 been repulfed with great lofs, in an aflault upon Borjial 
 houfe (3). His troops, as was ufual with them, were fo 
 elated at this news, that they imagined the enemies to be 
 in the utmoft confternation, which ought to be improved 
 by immediately giving them battle. The King himfelf 
 was prepoflefled with this notion, which made him con¬ 
 temn his enemies, and unfortunately induced him to ad¬ 
 vance to Daventry in Northamptonjhirc , in a belief it would 
 always be in his power to fight when he pleafed, and that 
 his enemies would never dare to attack him. Otherwife, 
 he might have retired to Leicejler , and there quietly ex¬ 
 pelled the three thoufand men, Colonel Gerrard was to 
 bring him from Wales, and Goring 's three thoufand Horfe 
 from the Weft. As to Goring, an accident happened, 
 which very much conduced to haften a battle. Fairfax 
 had fent a man to Oxford , who pretending to ferve the 
 King, had managed fo artfully, that Secretary Nicholas had 
 entrufted him with a packet to General Goring , who was 
 before Taunton. This man having difeharged his com- 
 miffion, Goring thought he could not employ, to carry a 
 letter to the King, a more trufty meflenger than the per¬ 
 fon fent to him by Secretary Nicholas. He gave him there¬ 
 fore a letter for the King, wherein he told his Majefty, 
 that he hoped to be mafter of Taunton in a fhort time, 
 conjuring him not to engage, but to ftand upon the defen- 
 iive, for he did not queftion, in twelve or fourteen days to 
 join him with the forces under his command. The King 
 knew nothing of this letter Which was brought to Fairfax. 
 But it convinced the Parliament-Generals of the abfoJute 
 neceffity of fighting, before this aid fhould come to the 
 King. 
 
 Purfuant to this refolution, Fairfax continued to advance 
 towards the King, who being better informed of the num¬ 
 ber and defigns of his enemies, refolved to retire to Lei¬ 
 cejler. To that purpofe, he began to march towards Har- 
 borough, where his van arrived, whilft the reft of the army 
 was yet above two miles behind. That fame night, he 
 heard, the enemies were within fix miles of Harborough , 
 and indeed General Ireton , Cromwell’s Son-in-law, had 
 now fallen upon fome of the King’s quarters, and taken 
 
 517 
 
 1645. 
 
 feveral prifoners. Whereupon it was refolved at a council 
 of war, held in the night, to march back and meet the 
 enemy, confidering the impoffibility of going to Leicejler , 
 without expofing the rear to certain deftru&ion. So, 
 the King returning in the morning, the 14th of June, 
 met the Parliamentarians, who upon neWs of his march, 
 had drawn up near Nafeby. Here was fought the fatal bat- 1 
 tie that decided the quarrel between the King and the Par¬ 
 liament. 
 
 Prince Rupert commanded the right wing of the King’s Bank of 
 army, and Sir Alarmaduke Langdale the left. Sir Jacob 
 fjlley (4) led the main body of the foot, and the King was tonlhire. 
 at the head of the referve of Horfe (3). On the Parlia- June 14. 
 ment’s fide, the right wing of Horfe was commanded by ^ larend "“ 
 Cromwell, the left by Ireton. General Fairfax, and Major- &.c ? 5 
 General Skippon, were both at the head ol the main-body, Rulhwonh. 
 the firft on the right, and the other on the left (6). p '* z ’ 
 
 Prince Rupert began with charging the left wing, coni- whiteloek 
 manded by Ireton, and after along conflict, wherein he P-'S 0 - 
 met with great refiftance, broke that body of Horfe, put Sp,lgRe ' 
 them to flight, and chafed them almoft to Nafeby town (7). 
 
 In his return, he loft fome time in trying to become mafter 
 of the Parliament’s artillery. He even fummoned the train, 
 but, they being well defended with fire-locks, and a rear 
 guard, and he without Foot, he could not execute his 
 defign. 
 
 At the fame time, Cromwell was ingaged in a very ob- 
 ftinate fight with Sir Marniaduke Langdale , but at length 
 the King’s Horfe took to flight, and were purfued about a 
 quarter of a mile. After that, Cromwell leaving a party 
 of Horfe to oppofe the King’s, in cafe they fhould rally, re¬ 
 turned with fpeed to the field of battle, where his affiftance 
 was very much wanted by his friends. 
 
 The Parliament’s Foot were ingaged with the King’s, 
 and began to be prefled in fuch a manner, that they were 
 in great diforder. Cromwell, who was returned victorious, 
 changed the face of the battle, by charging the King’s in¬ 
 fantry in flank, who could not ftand fo vigorous an attack. 
 
 Fairfax and Skippon , took advantage of this affiftance to 
 rally their troops, who had been roughly ufed at the begin¬ 
 ning of the battle (8), and at laft, the King’s P'oot were fo 
 routed, that there was no polfibility of rallying them. 
 
 In the mean time, the Prince not being yet returned 
 from the chace, the King was, with his referve of Horfe, 
 unable to charge Cromwell, who was ftronger than himfelf, 
 and was alfo re-joined by the party he had left behind. As 
 foan as Prince Rupert was returned with his victorious 
 Horfe, and had joined the referve, the King ufed his ut¬ 
 moft endeavours to perfwade them to charge once more the 
 enemy’s Horfe, not queftioning, that if he could put them 
 to rout, he fhould afterwards eafily vanquifh the Foot. But 
 he could not prevail with them to make afecond charge (9). 
 
 This is not very ftrange, fince it could not be done with¬ 
 out maniieft danger. Fairfax , Skippon, and Cromwell, 
 without lofing time in purfuing the King’s difperfed infan¬ 
 try, had fpeedily rallied their troops. They faced the King’s 
 Horfe, and prepared to receive, or to charge them. So, 
 to renew the fight, the King muft, with one fingle wing 
 of Horfe, and his fmall body of referve, have fallen upon 
 the enemies army, which wanted only the wing that was 
 routed. This the Cavaliers clearly perceived, and was 
 what hindered them from obeying the King’s orders. At Clarendon, 
 the fame time, an accident happened, which induced them Il ‘ p ‘ 5 ° 3 ’ 
 to take to flight, or furnifhed them with a pretence. [ Ro¬ 
 bert Dalziel j Earl of Carnewarth, feeing the King, not- 
 withftanding the unwillingnefs of his own troops, bent up¬ 
 on charging the enemies, rode up to him and faid. Sir, will 
 you go upon your death in an injlant ? And withal, laying 
 hold of the King’s bridle, turned his Horfe to the right. 
 
 The King’s cavalry feeing his Majefty’s Horfe turned, *'» 
 
 without knowing the caufe, took occafion to disband, and ‘Jouted! 
 rode upon the fpur without looking behind them. So, the 
 King was alfe forced to retire, and leave his enemies ma¬ 
 
 il) tt was Prince Rupert that advifed the King to march into the North of England. The reft of his Covncil were for his marching into the Weft. See 
 Clarendon, Tom. z. p. 501, 50Z. 
 
 (2) This was much fpnkcn again!! by EJfex's party, as a breach of the Self-denying Otdinance, and a difeovery of the intentions to continue whom they 
 
 pleafed, and to remove others from commands, not withrtanding their former Self-denying Pretences. IVbitelock, p. 145. 
 
 (3) In Bucktngbamjhsre, held by the Livety of a Horn- Colonel Campion was Governor of it. Idem. p. J46. 
 
 (4) Lately created Lord AJHry of Readirg. 
 
 .5) Though Repin quotes Rujbwortb, he Ins followed the difp-fition of the army, as related by Clarendon. For both Rujbwortb and IVbit clock fay, the 
 King commanded the main body himfelf, Sir 'Jacob AJHry, with the Earl of Lindjey, the right hand referve, and the Lord Bard and Sir George L'ijlc the 
 left. Rujbwortb, Tom, 6. p. 42. The King’s forces, according to the Loid Clarendon's computation, were in all but about feven thoufand lour hundred' 
 men- Tom 2. p. 506. 
 
 (6) The Referves were brought up by Col. Rainsborougb, Hammond, and Pride. Ru/lewortb, Tom. 6. p. 42. 
 
 7) Ireton had his Horfe kilJ-d under him, was run through the Thigh, wounded in the Face with a Pike, and made Prifoner, but found means to efcape 
 
 upoti the turn of the battle. Whiteloek, p. 1 50. 
 
 (8) Fairfax had tvs Helmet beat eft, but however, rid up and down bare-headed. Whereupon, Colonel Charles D'cyley told him, he expofed himfelf to 
 too much danger, and oft'er:d him his Helmet, but he re'ufcd it, laying, It 1 > <wed enough, Charles. Then he ordbred him to charge a body of the King's 
 Foot, tve ch flood unbroken in the front, whilft he wculd do the lame in the rear, and meet him in the middle. Which was done accoid ngly. In this 
 charge Fairfax killed the Eofign, and one of D'oyley' s Troopers took the colours, bragging, he had killed the Enfign, for which V'oy/y chiding him, Fair¬ 
 fax fild. Let him alone, I have honour enough, let him take that honour to himfelf. Skippon being wounded in the beginning of the fight, was dcfiied to go off 
 the field, but he anfwertd He would not JUr us long as a man would Jlar.d IVbitelock, p. I 51. 
 
 (9) Here the Lord Clarcnd' n makes the following remark. This difference, fays he, was obferved all along in the difeipline of the King’s troops, and of 
 thole under Fairfax and Qntr.we /, that though rhe King's troops ptevaiied in the charge, they feldim rallied themfelves again in order, nor could be brought 
 fo nuke a fecond charge the lame day. Wh-reas the other troops, if they prevailed, or though they were beaten, pr fently rallied again, and flood in good 
 order, till they received new orders. The lame thing, he fays, was not oM'ervabk in the forces under Ejfex and Wail. . Clarendon, Tom. 2. p. 508. 
 
 No. 69. V o l. II. 6 P fters 
 
VoL II. 
 
 518 
 
 164?. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND, 
 
 Hi 1 Car ■ 
 »/ 
 
 Clarendon, 
 II p. 508. 
 
 S u (h worth 
 VI p. 44. 
 Ludlow. 
 
 fters of the field (1). All his infantry were fo difperfed, 
 that the enemies took as many prifoners as they pleafed. 
 He lolt his whole train of artillery, all h:s bag and baggage, 
 with his Cabinet, wherein were his moll fecret papers and 
 letters, which the Parliament were fo cruel, as to print and 
 publifh, particularly his letters concerning the treaty of Lx- 
 bridge, of which the reader has before leen fume extracts. 
 After this, he was never more able to bring a conliderable 
 army into the field. It is Lid, there were not flain on the 
 King’s fide above fix hundred men, but amongft them were 
 
 Caftle having been furrendered [by the Governour Sir 164 
 Charles Lucas J upon articles. 
 
 September the 26th, the General called a council of war, p. 9 r. 
 where it was refolved that the armv fhould march farther C |arend j 
 weftward. But as the Prince of (Tries, the King’s eldeft 
 fon, was in thofe parts with Gorlnfs, GreenviVs, and ace. 
 fome other troops, which all together made a confiderable 
 body, the General was apprehenfive of meeting many 
 difficulties in this expedition, and therefore thought it in¬ 
 cumbent upon him to fecu.e the communication with _ _ 
 
 487. 
 
 rvinii s naeaoovt; iiv hu.ium.u mui, .— -- ■ . , . . .. kui 
 
 more than one hundred and fifty officers; and beiides, the Lmim. To that purpofe, he detached Cromwell <.ince more v , 
 
 . . e . • a .iri.K ee.lur.' on.nil/rVir tllh fllP l .'.1 I [ P fit / 1 ' f fit /!.’// 
 
 into Wales, 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 Clarendon, 
 11. p. 509, 
 
 enemy took above five thoufand prifoners 
 
 The King, and Prince Rupert , that fame day retreated 
 by Leicejler to Ajhby dc la Zouch , from whence, after a lew 
 hours rcfrelhmenr, they continued their march with their 
 Horfe in very great diforder to Hereford , where they part- 
 
 with orders to endeavour to take the Caftle of IVmcheJhr 
 and then Bafng houfe, which lud been twice befieged in 
 
 Cromwell, with his wonted a&ivity, marching dire&ly 
 to Winchejier , took the city and caflle -upon artiHe?. A p ‘ 9 “' 
 
 ini Pn 
 
 none in vci y uie.ii unuiuu —j i -- , . ■> , , , c . - r . 
 
 cd Prince Rupert halted to Brijlol, to prepare the citv for complaint being mace by fome of the garnfon that they 
 a liege, there being great likelihood, it would quickly be were plundered at their marching our, he caufed flndl m- 
 attacked. The King retired into Walts, and made fome quiry to be made after the offenders, of whom fix were 
 
 ftavT^Wcaftlt not defpairing of being able to form found and condemned to die. After lots caff for their 
 another army in thofe parts. The reafon is unknown, wiry lives, he, whofe lot it was,_waS ) exccuted^^andffie > other 
 
 : parts. 
 
 ... was bent,' contraey to all appearance, upon railing anew five were fent to Sir Thma,Glemham Governor Of Ox- 
 army in Irak,, and the neighbouring Counties, inilead of fird, to be pumfhed as he pleafed. But the Governor fent 
 marching into the Weft with his Horfe, where he had a - 1 ” - 1 . u ." "" 
 
 ftrong body of troops, under the command ol Goring and 
 Greenvil , with which he might have long continued the 
 
 ■ rP-.tkt 
 
 p. St- 
 Taunton 
 relieved, and 
 Goring dc. 
 
 p. 54—65. 
 Clarendon, 
 JI. p. 517, 
 
 &c. 
 
 WhirrL 
 
 Rulh worth, 
 VI. p. 65- 
 
 Clarendon, 
 II. p. 531. 
 Vtc King 
 
 Id. p. 536. 
 Rulh worth, 
 
 Fairfax'! 
 
 t r °S r ‘f‘ it 
 the Weft. 
 Id. p. Sqi 
 S priggc. 
 
 Mean while, Fairfax advanced towards Leicejler , which 
 furrendered by capitulation, four days after the battle of 
 Nafeby. Then, he marched with ail fpeed to the Weft, 
 where it was very neceffiiry to lead the army, ns well to 
 relieve Taunton and the party there fhut up, as to reduce 
 to the obedience of the Parliament the weftern Counties, 
 which were all for the King. At the approach of the 
 army, Goring raifed the liege of Taunton (z), and in few 
 days was defeated by Fairfax at Langport , who killed 
 many of his men, took twelve hundred horfes, and four¬ 
 teen hundred prifoners (3). This victory was followed 
 with the taking of Bridgwater , Bath and Sherburn, after 
 which, Fairfax laid fiege to Brijlol. 
 
 It was univerfally expected, Prince Rupert would, ac¬ 
 cording to curtom, perform wonders in the defence of this 
 city, which was ftrongly garrifoned (4) and well ftcred 
 with provilions and ammunition. Nay, the Prince him- 
 felf had fent the King word, he hoped to hold out at 
 leaft four months. And yet, the Parliament-army ap¬ 
 proaching the lines drawn about the place, and repulling 
 feveral failies, the Prince, upon the firft fummons, agreed 
 to capitulate. Fairfax came near the lines the 23d of 
 Augijl, and the capitulation was figned the 10th of Sep¬ 
 tember, before the befiegers had approached the walls. 
 When the King heard, Prince Rupert had furrendered 
 Brijlol in this manner, he was fo enraged at it, that he or ¬ 
 dered him by a letter to depart the Kingdom, and re¬ 
 voked all his commiffions. T he Prince publiflied a Mani- 
 fefto in vindication of his conduct. But he did not fuffi- 
 ciently demonftr.ite the neceffity of furrendering fo quickly 
 a place of fuch importance (5). 
 
 Immediately after the taking of Brijlol, Fairfax marched 
 again to the Weft, as well to relieve Plymouth which was 
 ftjll inverted (6), as to fubdue all thofe Counties to the 
 Parliament. But to prevent the mifehiefs incurred by the 
 Earl of EJfex the laft year, for wane of an open commu¬ 
 nication with London, he ordered Cromwell , with a party 
 of Horfe, to take fuch places as might hinder this com¬ 
 munication. He alio detached Colonel Rainsborough to 
 befiege Berkley Caftle, the only garrifon, the King had be¬ 
 tween Glocejler and Brijlol. He went himfelf to Bath 
 the 17th ol September, where he remained till his orders 
 were executed. 
 
 Cromwell with his party appeared before the Caftle of 
 the Devizes in ITiltJhire , fituate in the road of traffick 
 between London and the weftern Counties. The Gover¬ 
 nour [Sir Charles Lloyd J made a fhow of defending him¬ 
 felf, but however capitulated on the morrow. The fame 
 day Cromwell detached Colonel Pickering , who became 
 mafter of Laycock Houfe, where was a garrifon of the 
 
 them back with an acknowledgment of Cromwell’s juftice 
 and civility. 
 
 From Winchejier , Cromwell advanced to Bafing, the p 9Jt 
 houfe of the Marquifs of Winchejier , which he having 
 fortified, kept garrifon there for the King (7). As he re- 
 fufed to furrender, he was fo fuddenly and briskly a (faulted, 
 that the place was carried by ftorm, and himfelf taken 
 prifoner and fent to London. After that, Cromwell took p. 94- 
 Langford Houfe [near Salisbury] which furrendered upon 
 articles. 
 
 In the mean time, Fairfax purfuing his march into the ^ 
 Weft, came before Tiverton. It W2s refolved at a council'' 0 1,1 
 of war to ftorm the town : but whilft they were confut¬ 
 ing how to order the attack, a round-fhot happened to Oflobi Ig , 
 break the chain of the draw-bridge, which falling down, 
 the foldiers, without waiting for orders, poffelfed them- 
 felves of the town. 
 
 After that, the army marched towards Exeter , thep-9;- 
 capital of Devonjhire. But as this place was ftrong and Oftob ' i8 * 
 well garrifoned, and the feafon not proper for fo impor¬ 
 tant a fiege, it was refolved to block it up till it could be 
 inverted in form. 
 
 Whilft the General was employed in ordering the m Prince 
 blockade, which held till December , and in building necef- «/ Wale* 
 fary forts on the eaft-fide of the Ex, the Prince of Wales 
 had time to alfemble all the King’s forces in thofe parts, wifi. 
 with the militia of Cornwal, and form an army of eight Rulhworth, 
 thoufand men. Fairfax hearing, the enemies were pre- 
 paring to march againft him, refolved to prevent them, marches to¬ 
 by advancing towards them. He made fuch fpeed that he 
 furprized a brigade of their Horfe, commanded by the 
 Lord Wentworth , and took between three and four hundred 
 Horfes. This obliged the King’s Generals to proceed The Prince 
 with more caution, raife the blockade of Plymouth to 
 ftrengthen their army, and pafs the Tamar, in order to ornwa ' 
 retire into Cornwal. 
 
 The Prince’s retreat into Cornwal gave Fairfax oppor- Fairfax tain 
 tunity to attack Dartmouth , a Sea-port of great confe- Dartmouth, 
 quence, which he took by ftorm, the feafon not allowing ■' JQ ' 1 
 him to befiege it in form. 
 
 After all thefe advantages, Fairfax returned to Exeter, HccompUatt 
 and finifhed the blockade of that city. Shortly after, he 
 left the command of it to Sir Hardrefs Waller, and went ft. 
 himfelf to meet the Lord Hopton , who was marching to Sprigge. 
 the relief of Exeter , at the head of feven or eight thoufand ^ ar * nd ° 3 n » 
 men. General Goring being withdrawn into France, the 
 Prince of Wales had given the command of Iris army to Rulhworth, 
 the Lord Hopton. Fairfax approaching the enemies, heard, Vl * P- ,i0 - 
 the Lord Hopton was intrenched in Torrington, to oblige 
 him either to attack him thus advantagioufly ported, or to 
 keep the field in a very rainy feafon, in a country where 
 there were few villages to fhelter his army from the 
 weather. Fairfax having weighed the inconveniencies of 
 leaving the enemies thus intrenched, refolved to attack 
 
 Kino’s [kept by Colonel Bov He.] After that, Pickering them. To that end, he advanced within a mile of Tor- on ^^j 
 ■ ? j *1.. _ .1:1 rv.i,n„i 7'an H noffiiffi'i! himfelf of lome oofts, with defisji .a, 
 
 rejoined the armv, as did Colonel Rainsborough , Berkley 
 
 mnded and flain abin 
 
 : broad : ther 
 
 f i ' Woiteloci fays, that on (he Parliament's fide were wr 
 •V. ,’hia day a couragicn. General, keeping dole with his F 
 large tallow field, on the North-Weft fide of Hajcby, about 
 the burying places of dead men and hories. This Town is faid by fome, to fta.od 
 the day a ter the Parliament received the news of this victory, both Houles were 
 the 46th Pfalm, and fo parted. Wbitckck, p 151. 
 
 (2) Sir John Digby, Brother to Sir Kcnelm Dtgby, on the King's fide ; and on 
 this Siege. Rujhwortb, Tom. 6. p. 54. 
 
 (3, Wbnr’.txk lays, there were nineteen hundred Prifoners, ar 
 (4) The Garrifon was faid to be nine hundred Horfe, two thoi 
 ,c) He came afterwards to the King at Ne-wark, to vindicati 
 Parliament to go beyond Sea. Wiutluk, p. 178, J79. 
 
 ' G , And had been lb for two yer s- Idem. p. 116. 
 
 , - ) He had withftood feveral sieges, declaring, that if the King had no 1 
 hold it out to the Uil extrer. icy. For which realou the houle was wlhd L r y 
 
 - ngton, aud pofielled himfelf of fome ports, with defig/i Lcrd 
 
 Hopton at 
 
 thoufand Officers and common Soldiers ; and, that the King fhowed him- 
 
 liyng thi 
 
 Mem. 
 
 igniof a fight remaining, exccptir, 
 he h gheft ground in England, slddtr. 
 by tne City if Lendon at Grocer's- 
 
 * foa .g l in a >645-6. 
 
 ’ _ W 7 ‘ W " e Id - P- 99" 
 y , , ' ’ Clarendon, 
 
 rmg 
 
 i»l Lb.yd, a 
 
 j d« 
 
 two thoufand Horfe taken, p- 1 59- 
 
 11,d five hundred Foot, and fifteen hundred Auxiiiarii 
 
 himfelf. See Clarendon, Tom. 2. p. 554. And i 
 
 : ground in E-gland but Ba‘ 
 , Rujbivortb, Tom- 6- p- 9 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 25. C H A R L E S I 
 
 519 
 
 He follvwi 
 
 Comwalt 
 Feb. 18. 
 Rulhworth. 
 VI. p. 103, 
 104. 
 Sprigge. 
 Clarendi 
 
 1645-6. to ingage on the morrow. But in the night Hopton’s they raifed it in the beginning of September. The Earl of 1645-6. 
 troops attempting to diflodge the Parliamentarians, and thefe Leven their General publifhed, on this occafion, a fort of 
 laft receiving aififtance from the army, the battle began Apology, wherein, among other things, he faid, that for 
 infenfibly, and held almoft the whole night. In (hort, fix or feven months ptifl, thev had received but one 
 after a long conflict in the dark, the Lord Hopton’s in- month’s pay. That they had been promifed to be fupplied 
 trenchmcnts were forced, and himfelf obliged to retire with with all things neceflary for a liege; in which they had 
 his Horfe, and only four or five hundred of the four been extreamly difappointed, fince they had received but 
 thoufand Foot, he had before the battle. Thus all his in- three pieces of cannon, with fifty Ball to each ; that thev 
 fantry were fiain or taken, or fo difperfcd, that it was not had but few horfe, and being informed the King was march 
 poffible for thofe that efcaped to rejoin their General, who ing towards them with three thoufand horfe, it was impoffi- 
 was retired into Oornwol (1). ble to continue the fiege, Laftly, that General Lefley was 
 
 After this frcfh vidtory, Fairfax judged, his main bufi- obliged to go into Scotland with his whole party oi Horfe 
 nefs was, utterly to deftroy the enemies Horfe that ef- and Dragoons, to oppofe Montrofe. 
 
 caped from Tor ring ton, conflfting of three thoufand, and After the liege of Hereford was raifed, the Scotch army they fir 
 to hinder them from joining the King. Inftead therefore retired into Yorkjhire, complaining pretty openly of being d T zvn bc -f cr ' 
 of returning to Exeter , he refolved to march into Corn- entirely negledted. Whereupon, the Parliament affigned u^' nS. 
 
 wal with his whole army. He fet out the 23d of February, them thirty thoufand pounds, provided they appeared before 
 
 ... and feizing the palles of the river Tamar, left there ftrong Newark [upon the firft of November ,] and ordered that 
 
 II. p. 564. guards, as alfo in all places where he thought the enemies the eaftern afibciation fhould pay them fourteen hundred 
 
 might try to pafs, in cafe they intended, as was very pounds a week. The Scots agreeing to thefe terms, the 
 likely, to join the King. The Lord Hopton finding, Fair- liege of Newark was begun about the end of October 1645, 
 fax was advancing towards him, and not being able to fight and lafted till May 164 6. 
 
 him, quitted Bodmin, where he had ported himfelf, and In July, Ponfret Caftle was furrendered to the Parlia- Ponfret aid 
 retired farther weftward. Adean while, Fairfax ftill ad- ment, and four days after, that of Scarborough capitulated Scarbor ° u B R 
 vanced, taking all poffible care to guard all the palles by alfo, having maintained a long fiege [under Sir Hugh ^JJonankUu 
 which the enemy might efcape him. Cholmlcy ] in which Sir John Meldrum was killed. 1J. p. 11S. 
 
 'ibt^Princt The approach of the Parliament-army caufed the Prince I left the King in Wales after the battle of Nafeby, Ki " s 
 retire*to ^ a ^ es to refolve to fecure his perfon by retiring into where he was employed in feeking means to raife a new wTlL 
 Sciliy Scilly, where he fafely arrived (2). Mean while, the army. As to the difpofing of his perfon, it was hardly p- 
 id. P . s6Lord Hopton was extremely embarafled, and the more, as poffible for him to come to any refolution, before he knew ^* rtrido '’' 
 
 VI. pTio4, the people of the county who before were devoted to the what his enemies intended to do after their vidtory. But ’ P ‘ 53A- 
 
 &c. ’ King, began to alter their minds, and even voluntarily when he faw General Fairfax, with his army, ingaged in 
 
 offered thcmfelves to General Fairfax, to block up the the weftern Counties, he departed from his retreat with his 
 palles, and hinder the King’s forces from efcaping. At laff, cavalry, confining of three thoufand horfe. As the Parlia- Hc tjk “ 
 the Parliament-army approaching Truro, where Hopton had ment had but very few forces in the midland parts, the Au at, "“"' n ' 
 his head-quarters, Fairfax fent and offered him honorable King came without danger to Lichfield, and from thence, ^ 
 terms if he would capitulate. Whilff he waited for an entering the afl'oeiated eaftern Counties, took Huntington, 
 anfwer, he ftill advanced towards the enemies, and beating where he met with a great booty, after which he came 
 
 up one of their quarters, took three hundred Horfes. In to Oxford (5). From thence he departed in three days, Au S' 
 
 fhort, not to defeend to unneceflary particulars, I fhall taking with him what forces could be fpared, and marched 
 content my felf with briefly faying, that the Lord Hopton to Cambden. 
 
 feeing himfelf furrounded on all fides, and defpairing to The Parliament, thinking the King’s defign was to re- He com " 10 
 efcape, agreed to capitulate. By the treaty, figned the lieve either Brifiol or Hereford, which were both befieged Rufhworth. 
 (Clarendon, 14th of March, it was agreed, that all the forces under the a t tfie fame time, gave orders to Major-General Pointz and VI. p.116*. 
 H. P . 566. commani l Q f the Lord Hopton, fhould [within fix days] Colonel Roffiter to aflemble what forces they could, anddili- 11 ?' 
 be disbanded, with leave to go beyond fea, or to their gently attend the King’s motions. Accordingly they drew 
 homes. That all the horfes and arms fhould be delivered together about two thoufand Horfe, and ported themfelves 
 to General Fairfax , and upon performance thereof, each between the King and Oxford. But at the fame time, the c,arend ° n » 
 trooper fhould receive twenty fhillings, or his horfe. That Scots having raifed the fiege of Hereford of their own ac- H ' p ‘ S3S * 
 palles fhould be given to fiich as deiired to go beyond fea, cord, the King marched thither, where he continued till 
 
 upon their promiling not to bear arms any more againft the zoth of September. Here he received the news of the 
 
 the Parliament of England (3). There were feveral other furrender of Brifiol. 
 
 articles, which it is needlels to fpecify, as they concerned About the fame time. Colonel Jones, with Adjutant-Ge- Tit Kn Z 
 
 only the manner how the treaty was to be executed (4). neral Louthian, who ferved the Parliament, befieging Beef- "bfltiWof 
 The Lords Hopton and Culpepper retired to Scilly before ton Caftle, drew off thence on a hidden a party of thirteen Chefter. 
 the treaty was figned. Thus the King’s army in the Weft hundred men, and went to furprize Chefier, in which Ru fl"*°u b p 
 Ruffiworth, was entirely difperfed. After this, Fairfax returns before they partly fucceeded. But as they had not fufficient forces clarendon 7 * 
 
 ' p ^.' Exeter, which was furrendered upon articles the 9th of to become mafters of the reft: of the City, they were con- IL 
 Exeter jur- April 1646. With the taking of this city, Fairfax ended tent to keep what they had got, expecting Sir William 
 his weftern expedition, which could not be more glori- Brereton, who was to bring them a fupply. As the King 
 ous to him, or more advantagious to the Parliament, then expe£ted a body of troops from Ireland, which could 
 fince the King had neither towns nor forces left in the land but at Chefier, this City was of fo great confequcnce 
 Country.. to him, that he immediately marched to diflodge the ene- 
 
 It is time now to fee what pafled in the reft of the mies from that part, they had in their power. He was no 
 Kingdom, whilft the Parliament-army was employed in fooner on his march, but Poyntz clofely followed him, and 
 reducing the weftern counties. overtook him [on Routon heath] within two miles of Chef- 
 
 The Scotch army having taken Newcajlle in Oftober ter, which obliged him to turn againft his purfuers. The R "ftworth. 
 
 1644, divided themfelves into two bodies, one whereof fight at firft was pretty obftinate, but as the King hod five ciireifdon 7 ’ 
 befieged Carlifie, which furrendered upon articles in June thoufand, and Poyntz only two thoufand, men, Poyntz it. p.550- 
 
 1645. was briskly repulfed, and put into great diforder. Mean Wh . ite,pck ; 
 The other part of the army durft not ingage in a fiege, while, juft as the King thought himfelf entirely vi&orious, lh,,rc “ ud ' 
 
 becaufe the Marquifs of Montrofe, who ferved the King in Jones and Louthian came from Chefier with eight hundred 
 Scotland, having had great fuccels there, it was to be fear- men, and falling upon the King’s rear, forced them to 
 cd, the King would think of fending him reinforcements, turn againft them. This gave Poyntz time to rally his 
 Wherefore the Scots always kept in a readinefs to oppofe men, and then charge the King’s army, who finding 
 it. This became ftill more neceflary after the battle of themfelves at once attacked before and behind, were at laft 
 Nafeby, there being great likelihood of the King’s refolving utterly routed, with lofs of fix hundred men, and a thou- 
 to join the Earl of Montrofe with his cavalry. Belides, the fand prifoners. [Bernard Stewart] Earl oi Lichfield, and 
 Scots by keeping thus in the middle of the Kingdom, pre- fome other officers of quality were killed. It was with 
 vented the King from making new levies in thofe parts, great difficulty that the King, with the remains of his ar- 
 FUrefot^* At a ^ er the ta ^‘ n g ot Carlifie, the two bodies being my got into [ Denbigh Caftle in] Wales, where he conti - and retim 
 p.'i22. r ’ r e-j°‘ nec *5 they befieged Hereford about the end of July, nued fome time ; after which, with a party of about three " uo Wales ‘ 
 but in vain. But after having in vain carried on the fiege above a month, thoufand men, he came to Newark in Nottinghamfinre ft ^"sso, 
 
 * 1 ' IS7 ’ &c • 5S7- 
 
 difperfed. Among the colours were taken the Lord Hopton 
 
 army capi¬ 
 tulate. 
 March 14. 
 Id. p. no, 
 tec. 
 
 ISpiigge. 
 
 Fairfax - . 
 Sprigge. 
 p. 236. 
 
 Scots d:d in 
 England in 
 1645. 
 
 Ruff) worth. 
 Vj. p. 118 
 P- 2ZO. 
 
 own, with this Motto, I 
 
 he ffiould find himfelf in a probable danger of fall <15 
 P- 54&> 547- The Prince, on Jfni 16. 1646, 
 
 (1) There were not above five hundred flain, the greateft pa: 
 
 KurilJlrivc toJervc my Sovereign King Rujbwortb, Tom. 6. ^ 
 
 (2) The Kang his Faiher, by two Letters dated ,Novcnib. 7, and Dtcemb. 7, ordered him, as fonn a? 
 into the enemy’s hinds, to retire inf' Denmark, or fome other place beyond Sea. See Clarendon, T.m. 
 embarked for Jerjey, where he landed the next day, and fiom thence pafied into France. Idem. Tom. 
 
 (3) Thole mat lljycd in England, as well Foreigners as others, were to bind themfelves for ever} but thofe that went beyond Sea only for three years, cot 
 to bear arms againft the Parl ament. Rtifbnuirtb, Tom. 6. p 114. 
 
 (4) Colonel Trevanion, then with his Regiment at Ptnn. fent to defire to be intruded in the Treaty, as iid alfo the Governor of Menu't Caftle, that 
 
 commands Falmouth H.-ven. Rujbnv.rtb, Tom. 6. p. 108. 
 
 (s) Where the day before died the Lord-Keeper Littleton . Idem. p. It6, 
 
 He 
 
Vof 51 . 
 
 5 2« 
 
 1645-6. 
 N* comet 
 mint to Ox¬ 
 ford. 
 
 Rulhworth, 
 VI. p. 118. 
 
 jbe King', 
 
 London put 
 him in bopct 
 •fa peace. 
 Clarendon! 
 il. p. 571, 
 &c. 
 
 to bring the 
 Parliament 
 
 Rulhworth. 
 VI. p. X.5 
 • 16. 
 
 Clarendon, 
 
 V* P- 573 . 
 
 ki. 
 
 Becenjb.ij 
 Rulhworth, 
 Vl. p. 217, 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 He flayed in that town, till fearing to be befieged by the 
 Scots, who were approaching, he went away by n’ght, and 
 fafely arrived at Oxford the 6th of November , there being 
 no other remedy lelt than to make a peace with the Par¬ 
 liament. 
 
 But this peace was not eafy to be made. The King 
 would have willingly granted, in the prefent fituation ot 
 his affairs, fomething of what he had before refufed, but 
 did not care to yield all. The Parliament, on their fide, 
 were willing to make peace, like Conquerors, and by ag¬ 
 gravating the terms inftead of rendering them more tole¬ 
 rable. 
 
 Mean while, notwithftanding the difficulties which were 
 naturally to occur in the conclufion of a peace, the King’s 
 friends at London made him hope, that the diflentions be¬ 
 tween the Presbyterians and Independents might turn to his 
 advantage. It was intimated to him, that the Presbyteri¬ 
 ans weie inraged to fee the Independent party daily increafe 
 in number and ftrength, and that it was not doubted, 
 but if he could obtain leave to come and treat in perfon 
 with the two Houfes, the Presbyterian Members would 
 find means to conclude a peace, in order to be freed from 
 the yoke of the Independents : That the City of London 
 was almoft wholly Presbyterian ; that the King had there 
 alfo many friends, and if the Parliament exprefi'ed an in¬ 
 clination to peace, which was very likely, it would not be 
 in the power of the Independents to prevent the conclu¬ 
 fion. This was all very well; but they fhould have firft 
 explained what was to be underftood by the word Peace. 
 Very probably, the Parliament, or Presbyterian Party, 
 which ftill prevailed, would have very gladly confented to 
 a Peace, if the King had been willing to grant two points, 
 which were conlidered by them as abfolutely neceflary, 
 namely, the aboliti®n of Epifcopacy, and fufficient fecuri- 
 ty for the performance of his promifes. For in thefe two 
 points confifted the Parliament’s fcheme for a peace. Bu«t 
 this was not the King’s fcheme. He ever meant that fuch 
 a peace fhould be made as he defired, and which I have 
 often explained. It is true, that in his prefent circum,- 
 flances he was willing, with regard to the fecurity, to 
 grant fomething more than what he had yet offered : but 
 nothing could prevail with him to confent to the abolition 
 of Epifccpacy. So, by ever preferving the ambiguity in 
 the term Peace, he imagined, if he could obtain liberty to 
 tfomc and treat at London with the two Houfes, it would 
 not be impracticable, with the help of his friends, to force 
 the Parliament to make peace with him, in his fenfe of 
 the word, though nothing was further from the intention 
 of both Houfes. 
 
 In this belief, the 5 th of Deccr.'jer , he demanded of the 
 ’ two Houfes a fafe-conducl for the Duke of Richmond , the 
 Earl of Southampton , John Jjhburnham , arid Jeffery Pal¬ 
 mer Efquires, who were to bring propofitions for a peace. 
 The 15th of the fame month he renewed his demand, 
 ’ complaining of his having received no anfwer. 
 
 The 26th he fent them a third meflage, wherein he 
 faid : 
 
 “ That conceiving the former treaties had hitherto pro- 
 “ ved ineffectual, chiefly for want of power in thofe per- 
 “ fons that treated, as likewife, becaufe thofe from whom 
 their power was derived, could not give fo clear a judg- 
 “ ment as was requifite ; if therefore he might have the 
 “ engagement of the two Houfes at IVeJlminJlcr , the com- 
 “ miffioners of the Parliament of Scotland , the Mayor, 
 ‘ c Aldermen, Common-Council, and Militia of London ; 
 “ of the chief commanders in Sir Thomas Fairfax's army, 
 “ as alfo of thole in the Scots army, for his free and fafe 
 “ coming to, and abode in London or IVeJlminJler for the 
 “ fpace of forty days ; he would come and have a perfonal 
 41 treaty with the two Houfes of Parliament at IVejlmin- 
 4 ‘ Jler, and the commiffioners of the Parliament of Scot- 
 “ hand, upon all matters which might conduce to the re- 
 ftoring of peace and happinefs to his Kingdoms. 
 
 “ He declared beforehand, that he was willing to com- 
 l -‘ mit the great truft of the Militia, for fuch time, and 
 4 ‘ with fuch powers, as were exprelfed in the paper deli- 
 vered by his commiffioners at Uxbridge, to thirty perfons 
 c ‘ he named. But if this did not fatisfy the Parliament, 
 “ then he offered to name the one half, and leave the other 
 M to the eleCtion of the two Houfes,” 
 
 Before the two Houfes received this laft meflage, they 
 had fent the following anfwer to the two firft : 
 
 “ That finding that former treaties had been made ufe 
 ‘‘ of for other ends, undur the pretence of peace, and had 
 44 proved dilatory and unfuccefsful, they could not give 
 way to a fafe-conduCt, according to his Majefty’s defire. 
 44 But both Houfes of the Parliament of England, having 
 “ under their conliderations, propofitions and bills for the 
 “ fettling of a fafe and well-grounded peace, which were 
 “ fpeedilv to be communicated to the commiffioners of the 
 4 ‘ Kingdom of Scotland, did refolve, after mutual agree- 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 “ ment of both Kingdoms, to p'.efent them with ;u.‘ fpted 1 'y r 
 “ to his Majefty.” 
 
 The King replied, the 29th of December. He com- jj. p.iiii 
 plained, that a fafe-conduct was denied for the perfons he 
 intended to fend. He infilled upon his demand uf a perfo¬ 
 nal treaty, and defired an anfwer to his meflage of the 26th. 
 
 He faid, he fhould never have thought of coming t ’> Lot: 
 don, if it was not his lincere intention to make peace. 
 
 The 13th of January 1645-6, he fent another meflage 
 to both Houfes, wherein he complained of not having an 
 anfwer : he faid, “ That what he earneftly delired was 
 “ peace, and the means, his perfonal prefence at IVeflmin- 
 “ Jler ; where the government of the Church being fettled 
 “ as it was in the times of Queen Elizabeth , and King 
 “ Jam es, and full liberty for the eafe of their confidences, 
 
 “ who would not communicate in that fervice eftablifb^J 
 “ by law, and likewife for the free and publick ufe of the 
 “ Direflory, to fuch as Ihould tlrlirc to ufe the fame ; and 
 “ all forces being agreed to be disbanded, his Majefty 
 “ would then forthwith join with his two Houfes of Par- 
 “ liament, in fettling fome way, for the payment of the 
 “ publick debts to his Scotch Subje&s, the city of London, 
 
 “ and others. And having propufed a lair way for the 
 “ lettling of the Militia, he would endeavour, upon debate 
 “ with his two Houfes, fo to difpofe of it, as likewiie of 
 w the bufinefs of Ireland , as might give them and both 
 ‘‘ Kingdoms fatisfa&ion. Not doubting alfo, but to give 
 “ good contentment to his two Houles of Parliament in 
 “ the choice of the Lord-Admiral, the officers of State, 
 
 “ and others.” 
 
 The 13th of January 1645-6, two days before the date id p. 
 of the laft meflage, both Houfes had returned an anfwer to 
 that of the 29th of December. 
 
 “ That there had been a great deal of innocent blood of 
 “ his Subjects Ihed in the war, by his Majdly’s commands 
 “ and commiffions. 
 
 “ That there had been Irijh rebels brought over into 
 “ both Kingdoms, and endeavours to bring over more, a* 
 
 “ alfo forces from foreign parts. 
 
 “ That his Majefty was in arms in thofe parts, and the 
 “ Prince at the head of an army in the Weft ; there were 
 “ alfo forces in Scotland againit that Parliament and King- 
 “ dom, by his commiffion ; and the war in Ireland was 
 “ fomented and prolonged by his Majefty. 
 
 “ That until fatisfaClion and fecurity was firjl given to 
 “ both Kingdoms, his Majefty’s coming to the Parlia- 
 “ ment could not be convenient, nor by them aflented 
 ‘ c unto. 
 
 “ That they could not apprehend it a means conducing 
 ct to peace, that his Majefty fhould come to his Parlia- 
 “ ment for a few days, with any thoughts of leaving it, 
 
 “ efpecially with intentions of returning to hoftility a- 
 “ gainft it. 
 
 “ That his Majefty defired the engagement not only of 
 “ his Parliaments, but of the Lord-Mayor of London , &c. 
 
 “ which was againft the privileges and honour of the Par- 
 “ liaments, thofe being joined with them, who were fub- 
 “ jeCt, and fubordinate to their authority. 
 
 “ That the only way for the obtaining an happy and 
 “ well-grounded peace, was, for his Majefty to give his 
 “ aflent to thofe propofitions that fhould be fent to him. 
 
 “ That there was not fo much as any mention of Scot- 
 “ land." 
 
 The King, in a reply to this anfwer, greatly complained j an . 17. 
 of the afperfions caft upon him by both Houfes, and re- v 
 proached them in his turn. He infilled upon an anfwer to 
 his meflage of the 15 th of December , fa vine, “ No ra- 
 “ tional man could think their laft paper, to be any anfwer 
 “ to his former demands.” 
 
 But the 24th of the fame month, he fent a farther replv 
 to every particular article of that anfwer. The fubftance 
 whereof was : 
 
 1. That a great deal of innocent Blood had been fpilt. 
 
 That is the very reafon why he prefleth that there 
 
 fhould be no more (1). 
 
 Remark (1.) The meaning of this objedion of both 
 Houfes was, that there having been a great deal of blood 
 fpilt in the war, it was reafohable the authors thereof 
 fhould be puniihed, and that the King continuing to pro¬ 
 tect them, it was necefl'ary to profecute the war till he 
 fhould be obliged to deliver them to juftice. So, the 
 King’s general reply upon this article anfwered not the 
 objection. 
 
 2. That he bad caufed fome Irifh to repair to his affifl- 
 ance. He anfwered, that thofe whom they called Irijh , 
 were indeed (for the moft part) fuch EnglHh Proteftants as 
 had been formerly fent into Ireland by the two Houfes, 
 and unable to flay there any longer, by the negleCl of thofe 
 that fent them thither, who fhould have better provided 
 for them (2). 
 
 Rem. (2.) The Objedion did not relate to 1 he Eng- 
 
 Ifb 
 
1645-6. 
 
 RiWh worth, 
 
 VI- P- »M 
 
 Book XXI. 25 . C H A R L E S I. 
 
 5 21 
 
 lijl) forces, the King had fent for from Ireland. The two 
 Houfes were far from giving thefe foldiers the name of 
 Irijh. But they meant the Irijh Papifts entertained by the 
 King in his army, and particularly ten thoufand men 
 which the Earl of Glamorgan was to bring over. The 
 King feigned not to underftand the two Houfes, and 
 made an evafive anfwer to this obje&ion. 
 
 5. That the Prince’ was at the head of an army. The 
 King anfwered, it was no great wonder, fince there was 
 yet no peace. 
 
 4. That be defired to come to his Parliament but for a 
 few days. He anfwered by protefting, that he fought 
 that treaty to avoid future hoftility, and procure a lading 
 pence (3). 
 
 Rem. (3). The Parliament did not quedion it: But 
 they thought the King would come to London only to com¬ 
 pel, by means of his friends, both Houfes to make fuch a 
 peace as he defired. So, this genera! anfwer was not ca¬ 
 pable of given them fatisfa&ion. 
 
 5. That the engagements which his Majejly had defired 
 for his fecurity , were a breach of Privilege. The King 
 anfwered, that whofoever fhould call to mind the particu¬ 
 lar occafions that enforced him to leave the city of London 
 and JVeJhninJler , would judge his demand very reafonable 
 and necefiary for his fafety. But he no way conceived 
 how the Lord-Mayor, Aldermen, &c. of London , were 
 cither fubjeft or fubordinate to the authority of the two 
 Houfes. 
 
 6. That he had made no mention of Scotland. He an¬ 
 fwered, it was included in his former, and had been parti¬ 
 cularly mentioned in his latter, meflageofthe 15th. 
 
 Ladly, He defired a pofitive anfwer to his former 
 mefi'ages. 
 
 The 29th of January , the King fent another meflage 
 • to both Houfes, wherein he exprefsly difavowed the Earl 
 of Glamorgan , concerning the treaty with the Irijh rebels. 
 And faid , “ That that Earl having made offer unto 
 “ him to raife forces in the Kingdom of Ireland , and to 
 “ conduit them into England for his Majefty’s ferVice, he 
 4t had granted him a commiflion to that purpofe, and to 
 “ that purpofe only : But that he had no commiflion at 
 “ all to treat of any thing elfe, without the privity and 
 “ directions of the Lord-Lieutenant. And this clearly 
 “ appeared by the Lord-Lieutenant’s proceedings with 
 * c the faid Earl, who had orders to call him to an ac- 
 “ count (4). 
 
 R EM. (4). The difguife ufed by the King on this oc- 
 cafion will manifeftly appear in what will be faid prefent- 
 ly concerning this treaty. 
 
 The King added, “ That if the two Houfes would 
 
 admit of his repair to London for aperfonal treaty, fpeedy 
 “ notice fhould be given him thereof, and a fafe-condueft 
 “ with a blank fent for a meffenger to be immediately dif- 
 sc patched into Ireland , to flop the conclufion of the peace, 
 “ the Lord-Lieutenant being empowered to treat and 
 ‘ c conclude it. 
 
 “ That he would leave the Management of the bufi- 
 “ nefs of Ireland wholly to the two Houfes, and make 
 “ no peace there but with their confent, in cafe his en- 
 “ deavours in the treaty fhould be bleffed with fuccefs. 
 
 “ That if his perfonal repair to London fhould be ad- 
 “ mitted, and a peace thereon enfue, he would then leave 
 “ the nomination of the perfons to'be intrufled with the 
 <c Militia, wholly to his two Houfes, with fuch power 
 “ and limitations as were exprefled in the Paper delivered 
 “ by his Majefty’s commiftioners at Uxbridge the 6th of 
 “ February 1644-5. 
 
 tc That if the peace fucceeded, he would be content, 
 “ that pro hac vice , the two Houfes fhould nominate the 
 “ Admiral, Officers of State, and Judges, to hold their 
 “ places during life, or uamdiu Je bene gejferint , to be 
 11 accountable to none but the King and the two Houfes 
 “ of Parliament. 
 
 “ That as for matter of Religion, he intended, that all 
 ‘‘ Proteftants fhould have the free exercife of their Reli- 
 “ gion according to their own way. 
 
 cc That upon the conclufion of peace there fhould be a 
 “ general A£t of Oblivion and free-pardon. 
 
 “ And this to extend to Scotland. 
 
 The King had never made fuch advances before, and 
 yet all his endeavours to obtain a fafe-condu£l were fruit- 
 . lels. The two Houfes were fo perfwaded of his ability in 
 the choice of his expreffions, which were commonly am¬ 
 biguous, and capabie of a different fenfe from what appear¬ 
 ed at firft fight, that they could not refolve to treat with 
 him upon his own propofitions. Befides, they did not 
 doubt, but the overture of a perfonal treaty was defigned 
 for a fnare to force them to fuch a peace as he defired. 
 They fent therefore to his feveral meflages no other anfwer 
 than what has been feen. So, this fort of negotiation, of 
 
 which the King expe&sd a happy event, only left things 1645-6. 
 juft as they were. 
 
 Both Houfes, as we have fecn, reproached the King, The 
 that he was now endeavouring to bring Irijh troops into p> .<•&'- 
 England-, the King did not difown it, but denied the "fjj 
 giving of the Earl of Glamorgan power to treat with the reieh. 
 rebels upon any other Article. This was litterally true, 14 P 2 "' , 
 but the King took care not to difeover the whole extent 
 of this Article, and yet both Houfes were perfectly in¬ 
 formed of it, as will hereafter appear. To underftand fullv 
 the objection and anfwer, it will be necefiary to relate 
 what pafied in Ireland upon this fubjetft. This is not one 
 of the Ieaft curious points of the reign of ChaYlcs f, tho’ 
 the Lord Clarendon has thought fit to pafs it over in 
 filence. 
 
 The reflation made by the King with the Irijh rebels, RufTworuV 
 had not entirely fufpended hoftilities in that Ifland. [Mur- v ' p ’ ; 0 
 rough O Bryen J Lord Inchiquin , who commanded in Mun- 9 * 
 Jler for the Parliament, and Major-General Monroe , who 
 was at the head of the Scots in Uljler, had relit fed to ac¬ 
 cept of the reflation (1). On the other hand, the Engl'jh 
 forces drawn by the King out of Ireland , had been “en¬ 
 tirely ruined and difperfed in England. Thus the K::h‘- 
 had reaped no advantage by the reflation, the motives 
 whereof he had concealed with all poffible care. He had 
 pretended, he was indifpenfably obliged to conclude it in 
 order to fave the Englijh from the utter deftrudtion they 
 were threatened with, by the fuperiority of the rebels, 
 and the Parliament’s negledl to fend fupplies into Ireland. 
 
 But when thefe Englijh troops were feen to come into 
 England, it was cafy to perceive the true reafon of the 
 ceflation. 
 
 The King not having reaped from this artifice all the 
 advantage he expended, deiifted not from the defign of 
 making ufe of the affiftance of the Irifi, to continue the 
 war again ft the Parliament. On the contrary, he formed 
 the proje£t of a peace with the rebels, in order to employ, 
 not only the reft of the Englijh troops ftill i n Ireland , but 
 alfo a good body of Irijh , whom he intended to fend for 
 into England. He ordered therefore the Marquifs of Or- id. P . 9 2 S , 
 mond. Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, to negotiate this peace, 
 wherein however difficulties lecmingly infurmountable oc¬ 
 curred. To make peace with the Irijh, they were necef- 
 farily to be fatisfied in point of Religion. But this the 
 King could not do without running-counter to all his pro- 
 teftations concerning his great zeal for the Proteflant Reli¬ 
 gion, and without confirming in fome meafure, the fufpici- 
 ons of thofe who believed he was concerned in the Irijh re¬ 
 bellion. In a word, he could not take this ftep, without 
 relinquifliing the intereft of the Irijh Proteftants, and giv¬ 
 ing the Catholicks fuch advantages, as would render them 
 very fuperior to the Proteftants. The interefts of England 
 were alfo to be abandoned, and the dominion fhe had al¬ 
 ways enjoyed over Ireland , fince the eonqueft of that King¬ 
 dom, was in great meafure to be forfeited. Nay, he was 
 in danger by fuch a proceeding to lofe many friends in Eng¬ 
 land. Thofe who were fincerely attached to him, and per¬ 
 fwaded, that he added upon motives of juftice and religion, 
 muft have opened their eyes, when they faw him mani¬ 
 feftly betray the intereft of England , and the Proteflant 
 Religion, if he had concluded with the Irijh fuch a peace 
 as they demanded. Thefe were great difficulties which 
 could be furmounted but by one of thefe ways ; either by 
 perfwading the Irijh to rely on his general promifes, that 
 he would content them at a better juncture, and when it 
 was more in his power ; or elfe, by colouring with fome 
 fpecious pretenfe, the favours he fhould be obliged to grant 
 them for a peace. As to the firft way, the King forgot 
 nothing that he believed apt to induce the Irijh to truft to 
 his promifes, and herein the Marquifs of Ormond was long 
 employed without any effedd. The Irijh were immovea¬ 
 ble, and would not be contented with bare words. The 
 fecond way was ftill more impra&icable : For what colour 
 could be put upon an entire relinquifhing of the interefls of 
 Religion and England ? 
 
 Mean while, as the King hoped, that with the fuccours 
 from Ireland , he fhould be able to give law to the Parlia¬ 
 ment, and then, be obliged to ufe no farther ceremony -, he 
 refolved not to deprive himfelf of fuch an advantage, but 
 to grant the Irijh whatever they demanded. However, to 
 avoid the prejudice fuch a proceeding might create him in 
 England , he chofe to conclude a private peace with the 
 Irijh , without folemnity, or the intervention of the Lord- 
 Lieutenant, and to bind himfelf to have it effectually exe¬ 
 cuted, till it fhould be in his power to ratify it folemnly, 
 with which the Irijh were content. 
 
 To this purpofe, whilft the Marquifs of Ormond was 
 feemingly labouring with great earneftnefs to make a peace 
 with the rebels, by trying to perfwade them to defift from 
 part of their demands, [ Edward Somerft ] Earl of Glamor - 
 
 & a *> 
 
 (i) The Lord Inch:quin refuted to accept it, becaufe he could not obtain the Rrefidency of Mur.tltr. See Bortafe, p. 146, 
 
 No LXX. Vol. II. 6 Q. 
 
Vol II. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAN D. 
 
 can, authorized by the King, was treating fecretly, and 
 Ynnre drecftjally with them. He granted them, on the 
 King’; behalf, all their demands, on condition they would 
 furnifh him with ten thcrufand men, who fhould pafs into 
 Er.\dud, under the command of the fame Earl of Glamor- 
 gnu. Bui ns this Lord's bare promife was not a fufficient 
 fccurity for the Irijh , the King fent him full Powers, the 
 tenour w hereof was as follows : 
 
 “ conditions from his Majefty, and by his Majefty be per- 1645-6, 
 <c formed.” 
 
 Sep:. 3 . 1645 . GLAMORGAN . 
 
 Charles R. 
 
 ARLES by the grace of God, of England , 
 j S<. Hand, France, and Ireland , defender of the 
 ; faith. A.. To our trufty, and right well-beloved cou- 
 ; :in, Edward Earl of Glamorgan , greeting. We, repo- 
 ; fing great and efpecial truft and confidence in your s»p- 
 1 proved wifdom, and fidelity, do by thefe (as firmly as 
 • under our Great-Seal, to all intents and purpofes ) au- 
 c thorize, and give you power, to treat and conclude, with 
 ; the confederate Roman Catholicks in our Kingdom of 
 1 Ireland , if upon neceffity any be to be condescended un- 
 1 to, w’herein our Lieutenant cannot fo well be feen in, 
 1 as not fit for us at the prefent publickly to own : There- 
 ‘ fore we charge you to proceed according to this warrant, 
 ‘ with all poifible fecrecy ; and for wffiatfoever you fhall en- 
 ‘ gage your felf, upon fuch valuable confiderations, as you 
 ‘ in \bur judgment fhall deem fit, we promife, on the 
 1 word of a King, and a Chriftian, to ratify and perform 
 ‘ the fame that (hall be granted by you, and under your 
 ‘ hand and teal ; the laid confederate Catholicks, having 
 < by their fupplies, teftified their zeal to our fervice. And 
 « this fhall be, in each particular to you, a fufficient war- 
 
 Givcn at cur Court at Oxford, under our Signet , and 
 Royal Signature , the nth day cf March, in the 
 of tr reign 1 644, 
 
 The date of this warrant is remarkable, for it was at a 
 time when the King’s affairs did not feem abfolutely to re¬ 
 quire his employing the Irijh Catholicks. In the foregoing 
 campain, he had gained a fignal advantage over the Earl of 
 Bjjix , with all the weftern Counties. He had fought a battle 
 at Newbury , which had not procured his enemies any real 
 advantage, and on the contrary, had fhown in the affair of 
 Denningtcn, that he believed to have no reafon to fear 
 them. It was juft after the treaty of Uxbridge , where he 
 did not think himfelf under a neceffity of making any con- 
 ceffions. In a word, it was at a time when the Parlia¬ 
 ment, by reafon of the ill fuccefs of their arms, were la¬ 
 bouring to new-model their army. It cannot therefore be 
 faid, that the King was driven by defpair, to make ufe of 
 the affiftance of the Irijh. It is rather very eafy to per¬ 
 ceive, it was folely to increafe the fuperiority he then had 
 over the Parliament. 
 
 By virtue of this warrant, the Earl of Glamorgan con¬ 
 clude 1 a treaty with the popifh Bifhops, concerning the 
 Clergy- 1 .. ings. This was a preliminary treaty, upon which 
 the Bifhops made the following Inftrument : 
 
 “ Whereas in thefe articles touching the Clergy-livings, 
 “ the right honourable the Earl of Glamorgan , is obliged 
 “ in his Majefty’s behalf, to fecure the conceffions in thefe 
 * e articles by adh of Parliament : We holding that manner 
 “ of fecuring thofe grants, as to the Clergy-livings, to 
 “ prove more difficult and prejudicial to his Majefty, than 
 “ by doing thereof, and fecuring thofe conceffions other- 
 “ wife, as to the faid livings, the faid Earl undertaking 
 “ and promifing, in the behalf of his Majefty, his heirs, 
 “ and fucceffors, as hereby he doth undertake to fettle the 
 “ faid conceffions, and fecure them to the Clergy, and 
 “ their refpedlive fuccefibrs, in another fecure way, other 
 “ than by Parliament, at prefent, till a fit opportunity be 
 “ offered for fecuring the fame, do agree, and condefcend 
 “ thereunto : And thi; Inftrument by his Lordfhip figned, 
 “ was before the perfedling thereof intended to that pur- 
 * 6 pofe, as to the faid livings, to which purpofe we mutu- 
 “ ally figned this indorfement : And it is further intended, 
 “ that the Catholick Clergy fhall not be interrupted by 
 “ Parliament, or otherwife, as to the faid livings, contrary 
 ‘‘ to the meaning of thefe articles.” 
 
 GL A MORGAN. 
 
 The Earl of Glamorgan added alfo the following pro- 
 teftation or oath : 
 
 The Subjlance of the Treaty between the Earl of Glamor¬ 
 gan, and the Confederate Irifh Catholicks. 
 
 I T was faid in the beginning of the treaty, that much 
 time had been fpent in meetings and debates betwixt 
 fames Marquifs of Ormond Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , 
 and the Commiffioners of the Catholick Council of Kilken¬ 
 ny , for the treating and concluding of a peace ; and there¬ 
 upon many difficulties arifing, the Earl of Glamorgan wa6 
 entrufted and authorized by his Majefty, to grant and allure 
 to the faid confederate Catholicks, further grace and favour-,, 
 which the faid Lord-Lieutenant had not as yet, in that la¬ 
 titude as they expe£lcd, granted unto them ; In purfuance 
 therefore of his Majefty’s authority, under his fignatun: 
 royal and fignet, bearing date at Oxon the 12th day of 
 
 Alar eh, in the 20th year of his Majefty’. Reign.-“It 
 
 “ is accorded and agreed between the faid Earl of Glamor- 
 “ gan , for and on the behalf of his Majefty, and Richard 
 “ Lord Vifcount Aloantgarret Prefident of the fupreme 
 “ Council at Kilkenny, Donnough Lord Vifcount Aluskcr- 
 “ ry , Sec. Commiffioners appointed by the Confederate 
 “ Roman Catholicks : 
 
 “ I. That all the profefiors of the Roman Catholick 
 “ Religion in Ireland ftiall enjoy the fiee and publick ufe 
 “ and exercife of their Religion. 
 
 “ II. That they ftiall hold and enjoy all the Churches 
 “ by them enjoyed within that Kingdom, or by them pof- 
 “ felled at any time fince the 23d of Oflober 1641, and 
 “ all other Churches in the faid Kingdom, other than fuch 
 “ as are now atftually enjoyed by his Majefty’s Proteftant 
 “ Subjects. 
 
 “ III. That all the Roman Catholicks fhall be exempted 
 “ from the jurifdicftion of the Proteftant Clergy, and that 
 “ the Roman Catholick Clergy fhall not be punifhed or 
 “ inolefted, for the exercife of their juri.'didtion over their 
 “ refpe&ive Catholick flocks. 
 
 “ IV. That the following A6t fhall be pafted in the 
 “ next Parliament to be holden in Ireland, f Here is 
 f ried the form of an Aft for fecuring all the King's concef¬ 
 fions to the Catholicks. ] 
 
 “ V. That the Marquifs of Ormond, or any others, 
 “ ftiall not difturb the profeflors of the Roman Catholick 
 “ Religion in the poffeffion of the articles above fpecified. 
 
 “ VI. The Earl of Glamorgan engages his Majefty’s 
 “ word for the performance of thefe articles. 
 
 “ VII. The publick faith of the Kingdom fhall be en- 
 tC gaged unto the faid Earl by the Commiffioners of the 
 “ Confederate Catholicks, for fending ten thoufand mea 
 “ by order of the General Aflembly at Kilkenny, armed 
 “ the one half with Mufquets, and the other half with 
 “ Pikes, to ferve his Majefty in England , Wales , or Scot- 
 ‘ c land, under the command of the Earl of Glamorgan.’' 
 Signed the 25 th of Auguft 1645. 
 
 “ I Edward Earl of Glamorgan do proteft, and fwear, 
 tC faithfully to acquaint the King's moft excellent Majefty 
 “ with the proceedings of this Kingdom, in order to his 
 “ fervice, and to the endearment of this nation, and punc- 
 “ tual performance of what I have fas authorized by his 
 “ Majefty) obliged my felf to fee performed; and in de- 
 “ fault, not to permit the army intrufted to my charge to 
 “ adventure it felf, or any confiderable part thereof, until 
 
 Moreover, the Irijh Commiffioners ingaged their word 
 and the faith of the fupreme Council of Kilkenny, that 
 two thirds of the Clergy’s revenues fhould be employed for 
 the fpace of three years, towards the mainienar.ee of the 
 ten thoufand men, the other third being referved for the 
 Clergy’s fubfiftence. 
 
 This Treaty, though made very fecretly, was however R 'O.worth, 
 difeovered by an extraordinary accident. The Archbiftiop V1, P- 2 39 
 of Tuam, Prefident of Connaught , going into Uljlcr about 
 fome affairs, met with a body of Irijh troops marching to 
 befiege Sligo, and joined with them, whether for fecurity’s 
 fake or fome other defign (1). When they came near o£lob. 17. 
 Sligo, the Garrifon made a Sally, charged the troops that 
 were come to befiege them, utterly routed them, and kil¬ 
 led the Archbifhop of Tuam. In his pockets it was that 
 authentick copies, attefted and. figned by fcveral Bifhops, 
 were found, of the fore-mentioned treaty, and of the 
 King’s warrant to the Earl of Glamorgan , which were fent 
 to the Parliament. 
 
 The Marquifs of Ormond , the Lord Dig by then in Ire- id. p. 240. 
 land, and fome others having foon heard that the fecret was 
 difeovered, found no better expedient to clear the King, ' 3 
 than to arreft the Earl of Glamorgan , for having, in a pre- 
 fumptuous manner, worthy of fevere punifhment exceeded 
 his orders, and concluded a treaty with the Irijh. This is 
 what the King alfo infinuated in his meilage to both Houfes 
 of the 19th of January 1645-6. 
 
 Rujhworth has inferted in his Colle&ions two intercepted R U <hwerth 
 letters of the Earl of Glamorgan, one to his Countefs dated vi. p 246 
 in January , acquainting her that his imprifonment did not 
 give him much urfeafinefs. In the other of the 26th of 
 February, directed to the King, he told him, that he w r as 
 
 (Jl He af r.' -i the arm; 
 KiUinty. Rujbwirtb, Toi 
 
 and put in execution an order for tl»e arrears of his Btflioprick, granted ro him by the Council of 
 
Book XXL 
 
 2 $. CHARLES I. 
 
 IS4J-6. at Waterford providing Clipping to tranfport Ex thoufand tit Scotilh arm, • amt that the, /hall ..all j rr a „ , 
 
 Foot immediately, and that four thoufand more were to jain with tu aid with fuch asijl J ' d 
 follow them hy May (,). Thefe troops came not however 
 
 mto England, probably by teafon of the change m the happy and well-groundld P,ac,— -! ,f*[ Lll 1,1 
 
 b fT }l a Tv m “ mclanchol )' 1 f " ua "™ afKr God that m coni, fafe ,hi,her, we a: , r,foiled ,0 vf J T> 
 battle of Nafeby. All his towns were taken one after ano- endeavour with their atMancp and ti ■ y ’,- 
 
 thcr. The Sea ,r were now before Newark, and General ,h, f.Z nZer Z mLLZL If UoL TTfT 
 Fairfax having reduced all the Weft ,0 the obedience of weLffend SubjeaLf En/hnid an/" £t°lZi 
 
 tiK Parliament, was preparing to befiege the King in Ox- cure , if i, may l, an ham,-able and Jpeedy Lace. * 
 
 'Vl st f fcte ’ th ; < r rt of 2 ~ 
 
 1ST ” Hng 7 peacet ZL The l^d *Tp*ZT 7 T 
 
 Cbrsnion, their teal intention was, that Montreuil ftould endeavour a of the letter as printed at Dukli. 0 c °r- ; = s 
 
 "' P - 577 ' a gteement between the King and the ic.tr (a). Houfes. and i ILL rej uf Li iiZl aTc"^ a 
 
 Tins could not be done without the King’s entirely forfa- Saturday June the oth Whereuoon on rhe TfT' r°" 
 
 king the Bifhops, and contenting to the cftablifhment of lowing/the Scutch commilhoners deliverT I Iljmi,n f l ‘ 
 
 .lie Presbyterian Government in the Church of England, the HoXe of PeX “'v^d 7 gto/SZ M 
 7 he Court of France and the Queen of England hoped, made any treaty with the King to affift him Th?V, 
 this project would fuceeed the more eafily, as it was agree- fee on one fide, the Kin°- affirmhur he hi"' , US " e 
 able to good policy, and the King, intiefts. The king g 00 d ^ 
 
 would thereby have gained not only the Scots, who had a on the other, the rommiffioners of ’ u 
 
 ftrong army in Eng,and, but alfo the City of Leaden, and their arpiy had 
 
 the majority of the Members of Parliament, who, for the him. 1 b 1 aI1,lt 
 
 moft part, infilled upon the other points in difpute, only In all nrobabiiitv thp rnmitl -ir i > 
 
 JfbcKntg 10 ° btam th' s the more eafily. This was properly the foie ral Officers of their army had given '^Mbntnuif hones 
 to join •with means of balancing or furmounting the great power of the they would declare for the Kin* hntZ r, P ?* 
 
 / d f r n K en, % 7 ? K r m T thCarmy ' W0 “ IJ —ce Epiriopacy ; w2ut Th ch n I Z ,t 
 
 If the King had taken this courfe, ,t ,s very evident, it is not eafy to conceive, that the commiffioners or X’e 
 
 would have turned greatly to his advantage: whereas, at fl.ould have made fuch a promife, whicl wXot ,'n the i 
 
 the time ,t was propofed to him, he was entirely without power ; fince they could not in.ge contrary m e / 
 
 remedy. But he veal for Epifcopacy would not fuffer him prefitenour of the Covenant, and with™ poftt vc 
 
 to accept of fuch an overture, and he told Montreml, he from thofe who governed Scotland w / f d „ 
 
 would never confect to it. About the fame time the onl* be hopes, a„f ,h 2 condlftoifai 
 
 Queen fent Sir WUliam Davenant to perfwade the King to polteroufly took for a/Turances, and which AFoutrmU 
 
 join with the Presbyterians, as the only means to free him- perhaps, confounded as well as L i, : , „ , r 
 
 ftlf from his fad condition. The moment Damnant offer- ClarLdon cites a Paper ftgnedby MontZi! where" h f c£', 
 ed to fpeak to him, he commanded him to hold his fays. Id, promife hub, tmLfthKiaTLdLTei tmL'^ 
 tongue, and never more appear in his prefencc. Mailer and Mi/IrefA and J , . r f ^ r > y 
 
 mitgortanon Mean while, Montreuil at his arrival in England being from their Maiefiie.t Tba/if the* thc P^ ets I ^ve 
 
 pMed with the notion, that the King would not teful Jhallpu, bimfelfi„,„ Z ^Scot 4 arty\°jhLlTlbcicT 
 
 T ,,b, the courfe, which was to be propofed to him, had made ceivei a, theii natural Sovereign and fall bevj i,hj, 
 
 fdlZi f °™ TZL°, hL L C ° mmiffi ° ne ‘“ re |j dil IB "II freedom of hit conjcience and ’honour. 
 
 A,.y. and found them inclinable to treat with the King: Scot, Jhall employ their armies and free, to alTtll his Mai.tlo 
 
 tl.isndon. but after he had fpoke and writ to his Majefty fevera] times, in the recover, of his iu /1 Riohtt L ^ Mj Jl * 
 
 ing ’no lefTScxibl™ 'couftTmly^efufed"to'promi'fe the rin^'Tor’d 1 '^ fto°w/hat’ J//' 'j ,, ’ i, P,ip " 3 
 
 ^s;f;r nce ’ un,efs he confemed to 
 
 a- "<■ Whilft this'affair was delayed by this difficulty, and d“ fo mu/h Z appe^tTe' °Li ^ il 
 
 P- ■. Montreuil gone to the Scotch army before Newark, to try dia.or in bis affiur that M b was . acc 'P'^ for on¬ 
 to R„, feme medium favorable to/he King, Fairfax was aiKhonT of the K^g of “ andXe ZZT ^ 
 
 advancing with his army, fo that the King was in danger to make fuch s ,„;r, , , , ' tgt'Mn-Regent 
 
 of being inclofed ,n Oxford. The King's principal con- treaty, which however has iieVer 'ap/Zred™' Th^Lmd U 
 
 c m then was to deliver himfelf from this imminent dan- Clarendon in,in,ares that Montreuil hTd X wld of X ' ’ 
 
 f h l h " U / h he had till that time demurred upon going principal Officers of the Scotch army but that afterwirdc 
 
 to he Scotch army, on account of the fore-mentioned dlffi- finding them grown cold, he wrif t0 ,h e Kino m d f 
 cul.y, he faw however no other remedy when the danger fuade him from venturing his pe.fon among them T 
 ld.p..,,,4. approached The Sere* Officers had made him feme ge- deed it is hard to concefve, tint JtV/T-f 7 (1 M l 
 
 neral promifes, founded probably upon their hopes of his fuch a promife without be ,,g auth^vfd But i n ff 
 confentmg at Iaft to their demands. He fent them word other hand, is it likelv that ft he J ,‘ hc 
 
 of his intent,on to come to their army, and they promifed a treaty, or other waftant/he would nofVve mfm 5 
 to receive him and provide for hts fafety. He had not time, it in his Paper > “ mentioned 
 
 doubtlefs, to make a more particular treaty. At leaft, it is But what Teems ftill more impoffible is that the 0 , 
 not known to this day upon what terms the King put flrould promife without conditio/ n rbil 
 himfelf into the hands of the Scots, and on what conditions timate-, contrary to the tenour of the C in S a 6 er " e,lC In - 
 «■'/ received him. How-evet this be, the King having no he two na, / J * I , 7 'X''' 
 
 c;. " me » lofc ' n °‘ be inVcfted in OxfordUo- heat of the aWtion of Epffcop/c 7 Them LTZ * 
 
 I p - c and camc “ the s ‘° uh “»/• *>* 5* of m]ttL ^ 
 
 1646. The King had, on the 13th of Abril imoarted bv Irtfer iT/i' mediation, and the King ami media,ot¬ 
 
 to the Matquifs of Ormond his defign to’throw himfelf into were conditional''o.,l“ Z fp/eafs TS Ef f « hiC t " 
 
 Both worth, the arms of the Scott, in thefe words: Having latch reed- the Msm.-r „r n , ‘ - j .. n ,, Kln E s ■etter to 
 VI, gM.vcd very,good f,entity that we and all tha, do Hr JbaU adhere Scot, Howeve^ thi/Te ’ Mntrmll l-'? 1 T? 
 
 nr, Jhall he Jafe in our perjont, honour, and Ljelencet In graced, XTXt ^'^t /igagT'g 
 
 Narrative above-mentioned. Thefe Letters being (hawed and read to fhe people of !he Co nw C ’ wh ° f °" n ’ • in,0fl E ft 0,ht ”r L-.f, . J 
 
 ^SfiT" f “ ,hi ' of ,h,m ^ "P *” “sTC.rXh.X/": 
 
 rMlLMT'fLflZi ih/o/hins mk”Th “2 ',' 0 h “ r ” t " ! . °/ «'- u 'h'sit by the cf , ht ,„ d ._ 
 
 t.-on, as rather a CoDf pl racy againrt the Church, between the Catholicks and Presbyter’wns than a P s an e^oedS’ 0 ° k UP ? that 
 
 rtndor., Tom. 2. p. 579. oyierwns, ,nan as an expedient for his reftorauon or prefervation. C/j- 
 
 ( 4 ) According to the Lord C!artnd:n. the King was not refolved when hp Ufe n fo j l .u l n ,, 
 
 King went away the 271 h of /t f ,U, .Umdsd o„l, by J,b, AjUtUom G, Jm of L toi "m V” «”ar” "if'. 5, “" 4 . s ™r He %>, ih. 
 ways. It was nine days after his leaving Oxford before it was known where the ici„„ “ ° charabcr . =nd one Mr, Hudfon a Divine, who undollood the by. 
 pofely to be informed of the condition of the Marquifs of Montrof,, and to find a fecure wffaeem PeMo’h’b' K 'r e h h h d ,hat timC ,CV “ raI P lacrs ' P- r 
 
 f' ,; - u pon bis dxaminatioD, hid; Th,. the K.in, 7 olZ"J *, B T.m‘ 
 
 lomc time, and was almoft perluaded to entne to London : 3 nd then he went to St llhant t.n^ r •* r H " r f ni ‘ cn,bc bill, where he Ilryed 
 
 ■™ r/xr: 'JsrTr 
 
 Tutor, tafi-,, Doftor,' ..d fumetimei „ AJUerrtvX, S „„„ u ^ “ f *** 
 
 the 
 
 523 
 
 ‘lbe King 
 rtjeSis the 
 
 P’Opojill. 
 
 Clarendon, 
 ,,a P- 579. 
 58 . 3 . and 
 III. p. 24, 
 
 Ntgotiatior. 
 
 Clarendon 
 H. p.579 
 580. 
 
52 + 
 
 I he 
 
 HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 16.|-6. 
 
 the Aflembly of Divines, to defire them to promote the 
 work of Reformation , according to the tenour of the 
 Covenant. 
 
 July the 6th the Houfe of commons voted, that Eng- r 
 land had no further need of the Scotch army, and that the "fjf 
 commiflioners of Scotland fhould be defired to withdraw Ugt, 
 their forces. 
 
 Some days after, the two Houfes fent (4) propofitions ^' 3 { 
 true, that Montreuil was not authorized to for peace to the King at A Jwca't/e, which were little djf- wh:i 
 it does not appear that he was, I ferent from thofe deoated at Uxbridge. Wherefore I do P- 2 
 to ll-ek for other caufe of his till- not think it neceflary to repeat them. I fhall content my 
 felf with relating the thirteenth article, being an addition 
 come to the Scotch army (1), which to the former claims of botli Houfes with refpeft to the 
 
 the word and honour of the King his Mafler and the 
 Queen-Recent upon fo trifling a foundation. T he Lord 
 Clarendon , probably, to hinder the King from being 
 blamed for putting him (elf into the hands of the Scots 
 too haftiiv, and without good fecuritv, fays, this envoy’s 
 difgrace was an artifice of Cardinal Mazarin, who had a 
 mind to conceal the infincerity of the Court of France. I 
 own I cannot comprehend the meaning of thefe wor 
 But if it bi ■' " 
 
 promife what he did, 
 don’t fee any oceai 
 grace. 
 
 The Kin: 
 
 1646. 
 
 bein'* 
 
 Clarendon, 
 
 III. 
 
 Whiie'ock. 
 
 him to New 
 ci file. 
 
 May 13 
 7 be Ki ’ ,’ i 
 
 i //:: 
 
 Kufhwonh. 
 
 VI p. a ? 4 - 
 
 The Kmg 
 ul City tf 
 
 had been before Newark ever fince November, the General 
 reprefenred to him, that it would be proper, for the fafety 
 of his perfon, for the army to march northward, near the 
 borders of Scotland. But as this could not be done be¬ 
 fore the taking of Newark, he defired him to order the 
 town to furrendcr. 1 he King pe r fwaded by this reafon, 
 gave orders to the Lord Bcllajss the Governor to fur • 
 render Newark, which was done accordingly ; and imme¬ 
 diately after the army began to march, and came with 
 the King to Newcajllc. 
 
 May the 1 8th, the King fent a meflage to both Houfes, 
 recommending to them the fpeedy fettling of Religion, and 
 the taking to that end the advice of the Divines of both 
 : . ... t H njler. 
 
 Concer t :d that the two Houles 
 
 | , 11 the Comi lifli 1 s for that ti ft for the 
 
 fpace of feven years, and after the expiration of that 
 term, a regulation fhould be made by the King and .bpth 
 Houfes. 
 
 lie offered the like for the Kingdom of Scotland. * 
 
 Concerning the wars in Ireland he faid i.i general, he 
 would do whatever was poflible for him to give full fatif- 
 ftefion therein. 
 
 In a poftfeript, he offered to disband his forces at Ox- 
 f;rd, and con lent that the fortifications of that city ihould 
 be dcmolifhed, provided honorable terms were granted to 
 the garrifon, which done, he would give the like order to 
 the reft of his garrifons. 
 
 The next day, the King writ to the city of London , to 
 p,c ■ lint them, that lie was ready to comply with the Par¬ 
 liament in every thing. 
 
 Rufhworth, j 
 VI. p-3'G I 
 
 Militia 
 
 “ That during the fpace of twenty years, the two 7 .- Pr.fi 
 tl Houfes of Parliament alone, (hall have power to arm 
 “ train, and dilcipline, the Militia ; and that neither the l0 
 “ King, or his fuccelfors, (hall, during the faid fpace of J' 
 
 “ twenty years, exercife any power over them. 
 
 “ The like for the Kingdom of Scotland, it the Eftate 
 
 of the Parliament there (hall think fit. 
 
 “ That moneys be railed for the maintenance of the faid 
 “ forces for Land-fervice, and of the Navy, as the Lords 
 “ and Commons (hall, during the faid fpace of twenty 
 “ t ears, think fit ; and that the faid forces be employed, 
 
 “ ordered, and difpofed, as the two Houfes (hall appoint, 
 
 “ and not otherwife : That they fhall have power, 1. To 
 <c fupprefs all forces raifed without their authority and con- 
 tc fent. 2. To fupprefs ail foreign forces, who (hail in- 
 “ vade any of the Englijh dominions. 3. To conjoin the 
 “ forces of England with thole of Scotland. 
 
 “ That after the expiration of the faid twenty years, no 
 “ perfon, under any pretence whatfoever, (hail any way 
 “ difpofe of the Englijh forces, without the confent of both 
 “ Houfes. 
 
 c; That after the faid twenty years, if any bills are paf- 
 “ fed by the Lords and Commons, for the fafety of the 
 “ Kingdom, and the royal aflent is not given to them 
 “ within fuch time as the Houfe of Peers fhall judge con- 
 “ venient ; that fuch bills fhall neverthelefs be as valid to 
 “ all intents and purpofes, as if the royal aflent had been 
 <c given thereunto.” 
 
 The Parliament’s commiflioners prefented thefe propofi- Id p. 319. 
 tions to the King the 24th of July, and as they declared to 
 
 j ...... t hc 1 oth he prefled the two Houfes by another him, they were limited not to ftav above ten days at N 
 
 fend their propofitions for peace, that he 
 muth- give tiicm a’l juft fatisfadlion ; and defired again 
 the liberty to come to London and treat in perfon with 
 them (2). 
 
 The 25th of the fame month, the Scotch commiflioners 
 prelented a memorial to the Parliament, whereby they 
 contented, that the propofitions for peace, which had been 
 communicated to them, fhould be fent to the King, with 
 proteftation however, that they were not all agreeable to 
 their fentiments. They defired alfo, that money might be 
 fent to their troops both in England and Ireland, their 
 accounts dated, and all armies fpcedily disbanded. 
 
 Mean while, the Scotch army at Newcajllc , underftand- 
 ' ins, it was reported at London, that they had made a 
 trcatv with the King to aflift him agairift the Parliament, 
 
 publiflied a declaration, protefting, ic was always then- in- 
 rention to maintain the Covenant between the two King¬ 
 doms, and that they abhorred all publick and private ways 
 tending to violate the fame, or to create a mifunderftand- 
 ins; between the two nations. At the fame time, they 
 prefented a petition to the King, befceching him to take a 
 Ipeedy courfe for fettling of Religion in Englard, accord 
 
 cajlle, the King gave them his anfwer the firft of Augujl. 
 
 “ That the propofitions tendered to him did import fo p. 320. 
 
 “ great alterations in Government, both in the Church Clarendon, 
 “ and Kingdom, that it was very difficult for him to re- ’ p ‘ * 7 * 
 “ turn a particular and pofitive anfwer to them, before a 
 “ full debate j wherein thofe propofitions, and the necef- 
 te fary explanation, true fenfe, and reafons thereof, were 
 “ rightly weighed and underftood ; which he found the 
 c< commiflioners were not authorized to admit, nor able 
 “ to give him. That he defired to come to London with 
 “ freedom, honour and fafety, where he might have 
 “ thofe doubts cleared, and thofe difficulties explained to 
 
 him. That he ajfurcd them , That as he could never con- 
 “ defeend to what was abfolutely deflruttive to that jujl 
 “ power, which, by the Laws of Gotland the Land, he was 
 “ born unto , fo he would chearfully grant and give his 
 “ ajfent to all fuch bills, as fhould be really for the good and 
 “ peace of his people, not having regard to his own parti- 
 “ cular." 
 
 Before the King delivered his anfwer to the Parliament’s TXrSc-is 
 commiflioners, the Earl of Loudon, Lord-Chancellor of f’JJ' ,br 
 Scotland , made a fpeech to him, to p erf wade him to ac - c J,f-ifi>.,. 
 
 Ihc ex imple of the bed reformed Churches, and for cept the propofitions. His reafons were the ftronger and r-fit... 
 
 cftablilhing the privileges and liberties of his Kingdoms ; 
 
 f for his not having yet autho- 
 ■ t (3). They alfo prayed him 
 n i with tl mfcl of his Parliament. The King 
 •u,!ned to tins petition a general anfwer, without enter- 
 i:;o into particular®. 
 
 The General-A fiembly of the Kirk of Scotland writ 
 like wife to the Parliament of England, the city of London, 
 
 more preffing, as drawn from the neceffity the King was Kufhwonh, 
 in. But his Majefty was not pleafed to take his advice, ciaJndon?* 
 This anfwer being read in the Parliament the 1 2th of Au- m. P . 28. 
 gujl, was the caufe of great joy to thofe who wifhed not Whltcl,xl£ - 
 for peace (5). 
 
 The fame day, the Scotch commiflioners prefented a 7reS:.---h 
 memorial to the Lords, offering to fend their army into fy rt » 
 Scotland, upon reafonable fatisfaction for their pains, ha- R u f nw „ I i|," 
 
 13) The 
 
 
 The 
 
 
 nv-nt receded, on May 6, intelligence of the King's repairing to the Scots army, and thereupon immediately voted, That his Majefty 
 Warwick Cattle. Rujbwortb, Tom. 6. p. 268. 
 
 ticnr, :n their debates about the Propofitions for Peace to be lent to the King, voted, Th3t Sir Thomas Fc.:-J fh‘u d be made a Baron, 
 i year fettled cn him; and his Father made an Earl. Oliver Cromwell a Baron, with 2500/. Per Annum. The Earls ot N.rihumhr-hir.d. 
 and Ptrr.vfh, be made Dukes. The Earls of Sal tbuny and Manibtfler, MaiquilTes. The Lords Roberts, vrv. H 11lough by of Purl .it 
 ward, Eai.x- Mr. Holies, a Vifcount. Sir Htnry Vane, Senr. a Baron. Sir IVilham Waiter, a Baron, with --c.il. f-r Anr.ur:. Sir..' 
 
 • rd Sir Po’.'f Siap.'sSsn, Barons, with 2000/. per Annum each. Sir William Brerettn , to have 15c..'. and St-pp-.n, 1: ; j. t. 
 t, P . 181, lS:. 
 
 r - 1 :ds are, totyprayed him to fsgn the Cr-vcr.an', but it is in the Petition as in the Transition. See Rufhvrrtb , Tom. 6. p 3 aj,. 
 
 the Home of Lords, were, the Earls of Pembroke and Suffolk ; and for the Common:, Sir ‘John Danvers, Sir J.br. Hipt-j ,-,, 
 
 Mr- Robin 
 
 ( S ) A little alter th 
 PlYlm, which beg : ns, 
 n, which begins. 
 
 'alter Ear’ 
 
 M’b 
 
 Ling': 
 
 ;r. 
 
 h.. Maji 
 
 atfti milig. 
 
 ... _ .1 IC-t.c a .s ’'eh Miniiler preached boldly before him, and when his Sermon was done, c. ire t >r she 
 r u. lyr rt, 0 ijl thy felf, tby -wicked -work 1 to prafe. Whereupon his Majefty ftood up, and called for toe li'iy f.y 
 , Lord, on me l pray, for men would me devour. The people waved the Minifter’s P atm, and fung that wnich 'lie Kir 
 
 - 7 . 1 ,;. the King was at Hewcaflle, Henderfon came and much importuned his Maiefty to pafs the P p -r, 1 b' 
 
 in Hence conHnt to feveral things therein, efpecially to the charge of Church-Goverrmbr.t, from the •".fen: 
 
 .1 ■ . ti his Maj: fty and him, which (hew the King's gieat abilifts in thofe controverfiej, being at a time wiv"i r 
 hi Ch.-plain-- Henderfon returning to Edinburgh, died (bon after, on duyuf - 1. He was, fays H'hty-eh, a peric 
 rn: g H'cite.'.ok adds, l’ome laid, be died of grief, becaufe be could t'-lwade ‘h- K ~g •'» h-rn 'be P-'t fttcr.t, p. as. 
 
 1 . thm marv of them, Tom- 6. p. 32J. 
 
 zard 
 
 nd 
 
 S 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 52.5 
 
 1646. ards, charges, and fufferings. They alfo faid, fince his 
 Majefty had not agreed to the propofitions prefented to him, 
 it was neccffary to confult with them what was to be done, 
 as well concerning the King’s perfon, as the peace and 
 fafety of the two Kingdoms. Both Houfes returned them 
 thanks, and appointed a committee to examine their ac¬ 
 counts. 
 
 Vhfputn a- Some days after, they delivered in an account of arrears, 
 out oman amounting to two millions. The Parliament difputed fe- 
 !cot 2 ' bC vera l art ' c I es > ar >d deducted fuch Turns as the Scots had re- 
 woihworth, ceived. The Scots allowed the juftice of Tome of thefe de- 
 'i. p. 323 d U( £tions, but could not agree to others (1). At laft, after 
 Jiudiow. many debates, the Scots offered to accept of a Turn in grofs, 
 •. 1. p. 174. for a full difcharge of their arrears. Whereupon they were 
 ulolles’s asked, what Turn they demanded, and at firft they infilled 
 .. *64, 66. u P on hundred thoufand pounds. The Houfe of Com- 
 ji/hitclock. 1110ns offered two hundred, and afterwards three hundred, 
 V i, a grc e d thoufand pounds. At length, the So?/* abating one hundred 
 thoufand pounds of their demand, it was agreed to allow 
 f" o j them four hundred thoufand, one half to be paid upon their 
 ’ L ‘ removal out of the Kingdom, and the other at certain times, 
 v/atwid- ‘ s t * le ^ ata ^ ^ ar g a ‘ n > whereby it is pretended, the Scots 
 
 Z- the King to the Parliament of England, becaufe indeed 
 
 Remark on they delivered him up fome months after. But it muft be 
 I id“tbat °h^ erve d, that this is only a fufpicion, a bare conjecture, 
 L scots and, ‘t be true, that the Scots, when they agreed upon 
 M 'be this fum of four hundred thoufand pounds, obliged them- 
 "'£• felves to give up the King to the Parliament, which I will 
 neither affirm, or deny, at leaft, they a&ed with fo much 
 addrefs, that there appeared no exprefs proof of it. No 
 treaty, no paper, concerning this affair, ever came to the 
 knowledge of the publick. This fum was promifed them 
 for arrears due to their army, from the i 8th of ‘January 
 1643-4, to the 1 8th of September 1646. If it could be 
 proved, that in all that time the Scotch army had been re¬ 
 gularly paid, according to the treaty between the two Nati¬ 
 ons, and that no arrears were due to them, this, doubtlefs, 
 would be a confirmation of the aforementioned fufpicion. 
 But this proof is very difficult. For if on one fide, the 
 Scots, to mount the debt to five hundred thoufand pounds, 
 inferted in their accounts feveral unjuft articles, which ought 
 to have been abated, the Englijh on their fide, aCted with 
 no lefs injuftice, in pretending to make unfair deductions, 
 lufhworth. This appears by the particulars of the accounts brought in 
 [*• P- 3 J 3» by both parties, which are to be feen in Rujhworth’s Col- 
 3 26 ’ Unions. Nay, it feems, if the Englijh had been defirous 
 to conceal the fecret motive of this bargain, they fhould not 
 have difputed the debt, fince nothing would have been more 
 proper to remove the fufpicion of their giving this fum to 
 the Scots, to ingage them to deliver up the King, than to 
 Ihow it was really due to them for arrears. 
 
 I bother Another, and no lefs important remark may be made 
 
 upon this fubjeCt. The thing that has rendered odious this 
 pretenJed fale of the King’s perfon, is the tragical death of 
 that Prince, of which it was the occafion. But it muft be 
 confidered, it was fo only by accident. Nothing was at 
 that time farther from the thoughts, both of the Parliament 
 and the Scots, than putting the King to death. The Inde¬ 
 pendents, mortal enemies of the King, Scots, and Presby¬ 
 terians, were the men who twice took away the King 
 from the Parliament, by means of the army, and cut off 
 his head, at the very time the Parliament and Scots were 
 heartily labouring to reftore him, as will hereafter appear. 
 If therefore this pretended fale, fuppofing it real, was the 
 occafion of the King’s death, it may be affirmed, it was 
 the innocent occafion, and its effedls ought not to be im¬ 
 puted to the Parliament, fuch as it was at that time, fince 
 it is certain, neither both Houfes, nor the Scots, did then 
 carry their views fo far, nor could poffibly forefee what af¬ 
 terwards happened. But, as I faid before, it can by no 
 means be proved, that the Scots did indeed fell the King to 
 the Englijh. We Ihall fee prefently, the reafons why the 
 Scots would not take charge of the King’s perfon. 
 lamiltcn ^ e g' nn ‘ n S °f September, the Duke of Hamilton, 
 
 rtjftt the who jiad been releafed out of Michael's Mount in Cornwal, 
 Ung to yield upon the Parliament’s taking that place, came to Newcajlle 
 ifitUni ' 0 w ‘ t * 1 f° me other Scotch commiffioners, and earneftly p re I fed 
 i, P . 327. the King to accept the propofitions for peace. If the Scots 
 iurnct’s had bargained, by a fecret treaty, to give up the King to 
 the Parliament, this proceeding feems to have been preju¬ 
 dicial to them, fince the King’s compliance would have 
 voided their bargain with the Englijh, and deprived them of 
 the promifed fum. 
 
 The King anfwered the Duke, and the other commif- 
 
 T>i K, 
 
 opwtn fioners, “ That he only defired to be heard, but could not 
 luihworth. n obtain his defire. That he did not give a denial to the 
 p ' 317- “ propofitions, but only defired to be rightly informed of 
 
 <i what was demanded, and that his reafons might be 1646. 
 
 “ heard.” 
 
 In another anfwer given them in writing the next day, p. 32?. 
 he faid, “ He fhould be content to reftrain Epifcopal Go- Bornet ’ 8 
 “ vernment to fome few Diocefes, as Oxford, IVincheJier, 5,286. 
 “ Brijlol, Bath and IVells, and Exeter ; leaving all the 
 “ reft of England fully to the Presbyterian Goverment, 
 
 “ with the ftriCteft claufes they fhould think upon againft 
 “ Papilts and Independents. In a poftfeript, he required 
 ‘‘ them, to give a particular account of this offer to the 
 “ General-affembly in Scotland ; alluring them, that he 
 “ would punctually make good his laft letter to them. And 
 “ hoped, that they, as Church-men, would not prefs him 
 “ to comply with what was againft his confcience, till he 
 “ fhould have leafure to be better informed.” 
 
 This anfwer was a plain intimation, that when the King 
 faid, he defired to be heard, it was only a pretenfe to have 
 liberty to come to London, to caufe, if poffible, the propo¬ 
 fitions to be altered. We fee alfo by this anfwer, that he 
 confidered the affair of Church-government, as the princi¬ 
 pal, and moft difficult point. In a word, his offer fhows 
 he was very hard prefied, fince he agreed, that Presbyte¬ 
 rian Government fhould be eftablifhed throughout the whole 
 Kingdom, a few Diocefes excepted. 
 
 Some time after, he fent a letter to the Duke of Hamil- J“ IWor,h - 
 ton [ who was now retired, finding the King immoveable] Burnet’* ^ 
 telling him, that the two Houfes thought of getting him Mem. 
 into their hands, by faying, they did not intend to make P a8 9 * 
 him a prifoner, but only to give him an honorable guard 
 but for his part, he would not be left in England, when 
 the Scotch army retired, without a vifible force upon his 
 perfon. Probably therefore, when he demanded leave to 
 come to London to treat in perfon with both Houfes, he 
 meant, that he fhould remain at perfeCt liberty (2). Per¬ 
 haps he intended to efcape into France, or elfewhere. But 
 how could he imagine, he fhould be left at perfeCt liberty, 
 on the bare prefumption, that a negotiation with him would 
 be fuccefsful ? 
 
 At laft, on the 1 8th of September, it was voted, that the Confirencn 
 King’s perfon fhould be difpofed of as both Houfes of Par-**'"' ,kt 
 liament fhould think fit. But as he was not properly in 
 their power, they appointed a committee to confer with th t king', 
 the commiffioners of Scotland upon that head. f e F n - 
 
 In one of thefe conferences, the Lord Loudon, Chancel- Swonh. 
 lor of Scotland, endeavoured to fhow, that one of the two vi. p . 329. 
 Kingdoms had no more right than the other, to difpofe of 
 the King’s perfon, becaufe he was equally King of both, 
 and that, befides, they were united in the fame intereft by 
 their Covenant. The Englijh commiffioners anfwered. 
 
 That the King being in England, it belonged to the En- u, p , 34 . 2> 
 glijh to difpofe of his perfon, and though he had retired to &c. 
 the Scotch army, this army being only auxiliaries, and in 
 the pay of England, it was the fame as if he had retired 
 to the Parliament’s army, whereof the Scotch forces were a 
 part. 
 
 In another conference, the fame Lord ftrenuoufly con¬ 
 tinued to prove, the principle advanced by him in the for- 0£bb ' 6 * 
 mer, namely. 
 
 “ That the difpofing of his Majefty’s perfon did belong Idi p . 33r , 
 
 “ to both Kingdoms, and therefore, that he ought not to 
 “ be difpofed of by any one of the Kingdoms, but by joint 
 “ advice of both. He explained the word difpofe, which 
 “ was liable to be mifunderftood : And faid, he meant 
 “ thereby, either that his Majefty fhould be put under re- 
 “ ftraint, or be at freedom with honour and fafety. As 
 “ for the way of reftraint, he faid, he lookt upon it as a 
 “ remedy more dangerous than the difeafe, and as a means 
 “ to draw the war of foreign Kings upon the Nation, 
 
 “ (efpecially the Prince being in other Kingdoms) rather 
 “ than to quiet the troubles, at home. And therefore he 
 “ concluded, that he would lay afide the way of reftraint, 
 
 “ and fpeak of the way which might be with freedom, 
 
 44 honour, and fafety ; and that could be no other, but 
 “ that his Majefty fhould go into Scotland, or come to his 
 “ Parliament, or fome of his Houfes about London. His 
 “ g°' n g into Scotland , he obferved, was full of dangers and 
 “ inconvenience to both Kingdoms : For the Irijh, banded 
 “ with a crew of malignants, poffeffed the mountains and 
 “ High-lands, which were the ftrong-holds, and never 
 “ conquered parts of that Kingdom. That they had not 
 “ laid down their arms, but kept in a body together ; and 
 “ they were fo near Ireland, as the forces of die rebels 
 “ there might in two or three hours fpace come over and 
 “ join with them ; and Scotland not being able to keep 
 “ and entertain armies long, the King being there, mi^hc 
 “ raife fuch forces in that Kingdom, as might make way 
 “ quickly into. England. And therefore his Majefty’s go- % 
 
 (1 They acknowledged the ractipt of but 700,000/. in Monies, Provifions, Afleffinents, Quarters, and otherwife. See Rufinoortb, Tom. 6 p 122. 
 (2) Hi, words .n the Letter to Uam.Uyn are, “ Unlcfs I may remain a Frce-man, and that no attendant be forced upon me upon any pretence whatfo- 
 ‘ ever. See the Letter, Rujhzuorrb, Tom. 6. p. 329. ^ r 
 
 No. 70. V 0 l . II. 4 R 
 
 “ ing 
 
Vol. II, 
 
 526 
 
 The HISTORY oj E N G L A N D. 
 
 *64 6 , 
 
 << ing into Scotland being of mod dangerous confequence ceived in Scotland without expofing the Kingdom to frefli 1646. 
 
 “ to both Kingdoms, he offered to their Lordfhips confi- troubles. That, on the other hand, to difpofe of the 
 “ deration, his" M«jefty’s coming to London , or fome of King’s perfon without the confent of the Parliament ©f 
 1 ‘ his houfes thereabout.” The principal reafon on which England , was openly breaking the Covenant, and incur- 
 he grounded his opinion, was the fame as the King himfelf ring the guilt of perjury. That It was very true, they 
 had alledged. That he had not refufed his affent to the were ingaged by the Covenant to defend the King’s per- 
 proportions, but only defired to have his doubts cleared, fon, but it was no lefs true, that the end of the union 
 “ and difficulties explained.” between the two Nations, was to fettle Religion in both 
 
 But in this reafoning there was a material defetft, which Kingdoms, according to the tenour of the Covenant, and 
 mufl have been vilible to all. And that is, the Chancellor that thefe two engagements could not be feparated. That 
 fuppufej. the King fhould not be put under reftraint, for thefe reafons they defired, that frefh endeavours might 
 but left at full liberty in Scotland , at London, or fome be ufed to prevail with his Majefty to give fatisfaftion to 
 one of his houfes ; which certainly was very far from the both Kingdoms, that he might return to his Parliament 
 thoughts of the perfon that fpokc, of the Scots, and of the of England as a reconciled Prince to fatisfied Subje&s, in 
 Parliament ot England. In building therefore upon fo order to eftablifh a happy peace. 
 
 wrong a foundation, the Lord Loudon could not expeft This Paper being read in the Parliament, the matter rb, P^Ua- 
 
 that his reafoning Oiould be confidered as of much weight, was again taken into confideration, and at laft after i .. 
 
 if he had not been to deal with men whofe intereft it was great debate it was refolved, ‘‘ I hat his Majefty fhoult 
 
 y./«-o 
 
 to feign, they thought it very folid. 
 
 Nothing feems more apt to' confirm the fufpicion of the 
 Scots being ingaged to deliver the King to the Parliament, 
 than thi- artifice of the Lord Loudon to that end. For 
 though he fuppofed, the King would be in one of his 
 houfts with honour and fafety, he knew the contrary, and 
 that the Parliament would always be mafter of his perfon. 
 Gmfequently it was the fame thing as delivering him to 
 the Parliament, the condition that he fhould be there with 
 honour and fafety, being only dazzling terms, to which 
 the Parliament might always give what fenfe they pleafed. 
 But it mull be confidered, this is not a real proof, but a- 
 barc c 
 
 • 3i 6 < 
 
 be defired to grant the whole propofitions ; and in cafe wjmcjotk.ks 
 “ of refufal, the certifications given to his Majefty fhould ^ <hwortl G 
 “ be put in execution, namely, to fecure the Kingdom P 3 5 
 “ without him and it was declared, “ That the King- 
 “ dom of Scotland cannot lawfully ingage themfelvcs for bis 
 “ Majefty : He not taking the Covenant, fatisfying as to 
 “ Religion, &c. Nor would they admit him to come into 
 “ Scotland , unlefs he gave a fatisfadtory anfwer to the whole 
 “ propofitions lately prefented to him in the name of both 
 “ Kingdoms (3).” 
 
 The King having notice of this refolution [from the Earl Tt.x > 
 of Lanerick J fent a meffage to both Houfes at WeJlminJUr , Tffj] "<■ 
 edture, which even feems to be deftroyed by what t0 defire again to come to London , or any of his houfes / r a 
 ; fhortlv after. The commiffioners of Scotland thereabouts, upon the publick faith and fecurity of his Par- ; j-) 
 having cauled an account of what paffed at thefe confer- liament and the Scotch Commiffioners, that lie fhould be J^* c '\°* 
 wnneiocK. ences to be printed, with the fpecches to prove that Eng- there with honour, freedom and fafety, in order to have P J 
 l an; l had no more right than Scotland to difpofe of the his doubts cleared and difficulties explained. Afluring 
 King’s perfon, the Commons were fo offended at it, that them, that he would moft willingly condefcend to them 
 the\ ordered all the copies to be feized, and the Printer *n whatfoever fhould be really for their good and happi- 
 committed. They made likewife a long anfwer to the ac- nefs. Praying them to confider, it was their King who 
 count of the Scots, and fent it to the Scotch commiffion- delired to be heard, which if refufed to a fubjetft by a 
 ers, who refufed to receive it, becaufe it came only from King, he would be thought a tyrant for it. 
 
 one of the two Houfes ; but the Commons ordered it to be Upon this meffage the Lords voted, that the King Dec- 22. 
 printed and publifhed. If it be true that the Scots had might come to Newmarket, there to remain with fuch Ioid - 
 engaged to deliver the King to the Parliament for the attendants about him, as both Houfes fhould appoint : 
 fum of four hundred thoufand pounds, nothing was more Rut the Commons voted, that Holmby Houfe in North- 
 prepnfterous than this dilpute, which was mixed with great amptonjhirfi would be the fitteft place for his Majefty, to 
 bitternefs, unlels it I:- fuppofed, the Parliament and Scotch which the Lords confented. Then it was refolved. That Dec. 2.-. 
 commiffioners had agreed together to a£l this fort of farce. his coming to Holmby Jhouhl he with refpett to the fafety and Whitdock. 
 
 This difpute, real or feigned, hindered not the Scotch prefervation of his MajcJlys perfon , and in defence of the 
 -•rmv fmm preparing to return home. But as they were true Religion , according to the Covenant (4). 
 
 Rudiworth. to l«c paid two hundred thoufand pounds, before they be- The 5th of 'January 1646-7, a Committee of both 1646-7, 
 v‘. p. 326, g an t | )c j r marc h, they might yet have ftaid feveral weeks Houfes was appointed to go down and receive the King Rudiworth, 
 3271 in England, had not the City of London ingaged to advance from the Scots (5). tor though both Houfes had declared, IM 9 J 1 
 that fum. It was however upon two conditions ; the he fhould be at Holmby with honour and fafety, they 
 firft, that the lenders fhould have 8 /. per Cent, intereft meant not to leave the manner to his choice, and what- 
 for their money ; and that the payment of the Principal ever expreffions they might ufe, it was to be in effedt a 
 fhould be fecured out of the receipts of the grand Excife, real imprifonment. 
 
 and the fale of Bifhops-lands (1). For this reafon both Some days after, the two Houfes received from the Par- 
 Houfes made hafte to fequefier thefe Lands, and appoint a liament of Scotland , the following Declaration, 
 committee to expofe them to fale (2). 
 
 M. p. 373, 
 
 See. 
 
 Whit dock. 
 
 Ki 
 
 fa¬ 
 
 it ibere- 
 
 Rulhworth, 
 VJ. p. 390. 
 
 The 1 oth of December , the Parliament of Scotland took 
 into confideration what was to be done with the King’s 
 perfon. After great debates, it was at length refolved, 
 that the commiffioners rei.ding at London fhould demand 
 T bf both Houfe?, from the Pai liament of Scotland , that the 
 King might return to London with honour and fafety. 
 That tt ey fhould declare to them, that the Parliament of 
 Scotland was refolved to fupport Monarchy in the perfon 
 of the King and his juft title to the Crown of England. 
 Mem. This refolution feems dire&ly contrary to the engagement 
 p* 294, &c. to gj ve up the King to the Parliament. 
 
 The General But the next day the Commiffioners of the General- 
 jiJJemhly are Affeir.biy prefented to the Parliament a Paper, intitled, 
 .y-ar.ft it yj fclernn e;nd 1,u/enable warn ini’ to all e dates and degrees 
 Vj. p. 391. of perfons throughout the Land, wherein, they reprefented 
 the heinous crime of forfaking the Covenant, and endea¬ 
 vouring a breach with England. They maintained, that 
 fuch proiedls were infufeJ into feme by the devil, and that 
 they who attempted to fow divifion between the two na¬ 
 tions, and violate the Covenant, which was their chief 
 {Length, could not but be enemies to the State, Then, as 
 to the difpolal of the King’s perfon, they faid, that fo long 
 as his Majefty did not approve in his heart, and feal with 
 his hand, the League and Covenant, he could not be re- 
 
 T HAT the King’s Majefty came to their Quai 
 
 ters before Newark , and profeffed he came there 
 with a lull and abfolute intention to give all juft fatisfac- Srv.hnd. 
 tion to the joint defires of both Kingdoms, and with no J m - |f ’- 
 thought either to continue this unnatural war any Rulhworth, 
 longer, or to make divifion betwixt the Kingdoms ; P j93 
 but to comply with his Parliaments, and thole intrud¬ 
 ed by them, in every thing for fettling of truth and 
 peace ; and that he would apply himfelf totally to the 
 counfels and advices of his Parliament : Which he did 
 ; not only profefs verbally to the Committee of Eftatcs 
 ; with the Scottijh army ; but alfo in his feveral letters 
 ; and declarations under his hand, to the Committee of 
 ■ Eftates of Scotland , and to the two Houfes of Parlia- 
 ; ment of England refpedtively. In confidence whereof, 
 
 1 and of the reality of his intentions and refolutions, 
 
 1 which he declared did proceed from no other ground, 
 c than the deep fenfe of the bleeding condition of his 
 ‘ Kingdoms ; the Committees of the Kingdom of Scot- 
 ‘ land , and general officers of the Scottifo army, declared 
 c to himfelf, and to the Kingdom of England, their rc- 
 c ceiving his royal perfon to be on thefe terms (which 
 * is truth, notwithftanding what may be fuggeffed or al- 
 ‘ ledged to the contrary, by any within or without the 
 
 (1' The other condition v. :s, That fuch as had formerly contributed upon the Propofitions for Horfe, Monies, and Plate, might advance the like fum 
 
 •j, hit Y -.y and be fccurcd as above. Rujhw.rtb, Tom. 6. p. 326.- At the fame time that the Bilhops Lands were given in as lecuii y lor 
 
 the repayment 1 f the for-:laid fums, the whole order of Archbifliops and Bilhops was ab'li/hed, by an Ordinance of ODcher 9. 
 
 (2, Mintv cime in fo fill upon thofe fecurities, that the whole fum of 200,000/. was made up by the 27th of November. And on the l6lh of Decern.- 
 l it was lent cut ot Lond:n in thirty fix Carts Rujhwertb, Tom. 6. p. 389. 
 
 I ? It was c-.rricd but by two votes in the Scntijb Parliament, That the King Ihould not come into Scctland . White! ci, p. 236. 
 
 ; 1 It w is pit to the queftion, whether thefe words, according to the Covenant, Ihould be paged, and it was carried in the afhrm.itive. Idem, p 232. 
 
 ( : Fur the L rut, the Earls of Pembroke and Denbigh, and the Lord Montague ; for the Commons, Sir IP Hum Armyne, Sir John H Hud, Sir Walter 
 H r .. Sir y it C oi, Mr- J.hn Crew, and Major-General Brown j but Sir William Armyne not being well, Sir JamHarrington went in l.i; ru m. 
 Rujhw rtb, Tom. 6. p. 394 They wj*e attended by nine hurdred Horfe. Whittled, p. 237. 
 
 “ Kingdoms ) 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 2K. 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 
 527 
 
 I646- 
 
 “ Kingdoms) and reprefented to him, that the only way pendents, and part.cularly the Generals and officers of >646-7. 
 
 ' « to his own hapninefs and peace of his Kingdoms, un- that party. As they were obliged to lend an army into ri- 
 “ der God was to make good his propofitions of peace, land, their projea was to take lor that fervice fuch foldiers 
 (which after Carious and mature deliberation were agreed out of the h oot, Horfe and Dragoons, as fliould be wdl- 
 rendered to him in the name of both his King- ing to go thither, form them into companies, and give 
 
 them officers, they could confide in. After that, their 
 intent was to disband the reft of the forces, keeping only 
 as many as fhould be neceflary for the garrifons. Had this 
 projeft fucceeded, the Independent-party would have been 
 irrecoverably ruined. But the Parliament had to deal with 
 men who were too wife to give them time to take all 
 their meafures. Oliver Cromwell , a perfon of uncommon Croir.weT; 
 valour, great parts, and profound diffimulation, was then djpmulat.ee> 
 as the head of the Independents, though he afleefed ftill to 
 pafs for a rigid Presbyterian. He was prefent at the Ser¬ 
 mons of the Presbyterians with a feemirigly extraordinary 
 devotion. He made ufe of certain Scripture-ex pi effions 
 after the manner of the Presbyterians, and fpokc not a 
 word which might betray him to be Independent, either 
 as to Religion or Policy. In Ihort, he had found means 
 to perfuade General Fairfax-, that his foie aim was to pro¬ 
 mote the glory of God, and the welfare of Religion and 
 the Kingdom. He.had in the army a great number of 
 officers who a£ted by his directions, fo that when he did 
 all, he feemed to do nothing. Among thefe Officers were 
 his Son-in-law Ireton , Rainshorough , Fleetwood , Lambert, 
 
 Harrifon, and feveral others, who took care to ftrengthen 
 the Independent party, by means of many fubaltern offi¬ 
 cers, who endeavoured to make profelytes among the 
 foldiers, and were fo many emiflaries in every regiment. 
 
 Cromwell v/as Member of Parliament (1), and wirhal 
 Lieutenant-General of the army, notwithstanding the felf- 
 denying Ordinance, for which he had been exempted. 
 
 After the war was over, he conftantly attended the Houfe, 
 and thereby might be informed of the projedt againft the 
 army, or rather againft the Independent party in general. 
 
 He feemed to approve of the meafures defigned by the Ruftwortll. 
 
 uo ___ ___ Commons, namely, of forming an army for Ireland (2), ^ P- 
 
 ■ point, with refpeft had' to "the'lkfety and prefervation of and disbanding the reft of the forces. But at the fame 
 
 • his royal perfon, in the prefervation and defence of the time, by means of his emiffaries, he raffed in the army a 
 
 • true religion and liberties of the Kingdoms according to fpirit of difeontent and mutiny. This was the more eafy, tbefr 
 
 ; the Covenant Therefore, and in regard of his Ma- as the officers and foldiers perceived, they were going to be g0 ,ng <0 '* 
 
 t wfty’s not giving a fatisfa&ory anfwer to the propofitions difearded, and as mod were little able to return toitheir 
 
 c as yet, and out of their earneft deftre to keep a right old profeffions, after four or five years fpent 111 war. I here (11 p . 
 
 ‘ underftanding betwixt the Kingdoms, to prevent trou- were in the army many officers, who before the wars had &c. 
 
 bles within the fame, to fatisfy the defire of his Majefty, been only tradefmen, and faw with regret they were going 
 
 - - * " • ’ • to be reduced to quit their employs which gave them 
 
 authority, and refume their former trades, to be mixed as 
 before, with the meaner fort of People. Thefe men, as 
 well as thofe gained by the Independents, were ready for 
 any undertaking, not to be obliged to alter a courfe of life 
 
 “ upon) tendered to him in the name of both his King¬ 
 's doms for his royal aflent thereunto ; but alfo the chief 
 “ Judicatories of this Kingdom, both civil and ecclefi- 
 ic aftical, made their humble and earneft addrefles to his 
 “ Majefty, by fupplications, letters, and commiffioners 
 « for that end ; and did freely reprefent all the prejudices 
 “ and inconveniencies of the delay or refufal of his aflent, 
 “ and in particular, that this Kingdom would be neceffi- 
 “ tated to join with the Kingdom of England , conform 
 “ to the League and Covenant, m providing for the fecu- 
 *c r jty of both Kingdoms, and fettling the Government 
 “ of both, as might conduce moft to the good of both. 
 “And the Parliament of Scotland being now to retire 
 “ their army out of England , have again, for their further 
 “ exoneration, fent Commiffioners, to reprefent their re- 
 “ newed defires to his Majefty, with the danger that may 
 « enfue by his delay or refufal to grant the fame; and 
 “ that till then, there was no danger to the caufe, to his 
 “ Majefty, to this Kingdom, and to the union betwixt both 
 “ the Kingdoms, by his coming to Scotland ; and that 
 ** therefore there would be a joint courfe taken by both 
 “ the Kingdoms concerning the difpofal of his perfon. 
 “ And confidering, that his Majefty by his anfwer to 
 <c the propofitions of peace in Augujl laft, and alfo by his 
 “ late meffage fent to the two Houfes, and by his war- 
 « rant communicated to the Eftates of this Kingdom, 
 « hath expreffed his defires to be near to his two Houfes 
 “ of Parliament : And feeing alfo the Parliament of Eng- 
 “ land have communicated to the Scottijh Commiffioners 
 “ at Newcajlle , and by them to this Kingdom, their re- 
 “ folution, that Holmby Houfe in the County of Nortb- 
 « ampton , is the place which the Houfes think fit for the 
 “ King to come unto, there to remain with fuch attend- 
 t‘ an ce about him as both Houfes of Parliament fhall ap- 
 
 «« of the two Houfes of the Parliament of England , and 
 “ of this Kingdom, for his refidence in fome of his Houfes 
 “ near the Parliament of England: The Eftates of the 
 « Parliament of the Kingdom of Scotland , do declare their 
 “ concurrence, for the King’s Majefty’s going to Holmby 
 
 they had now led for fome years. Cromwell therefore, 
 and the officers of his party, improving this difpofition, 
 
 two 
 
 Houfe, or fome other of his Majefty’s houfes in or 
 - about London , as fhall be thought fit, there to remain - - - 
 
 “ until he give fati Ldlion to both his Kingdoms in the diligently infpired the army with difeontent agamic tin 
 tc propofitions of peace, and that in the interim there be Houfes, wherein they lucceeded but too well (3). 
 
 “ no harm,prejudice, injury, nor violence done to his royal The firft fpark of this flame appeared in March 1647, p.-j,p 
 
 “ perfon : That there be no change of Government other at the time when the Parliament was ferioufly thinking 01 ff'if 
 »c than hath been thefe three years paft : And that his executing the fore-mentioned project. The Commons had arrr:y , 
 
 cc pofteritv in no ways be prejudiced in their lawful fuc- notice, that fome officers of the army had prepared a peti¬ 
 te ceffion to the Crown and Government of thefe King- tion to be prefented to the General, and communicated to 
 
 t< j oms » the Houfe. In this petition was defcribed, the unhappy clarrnd . 
 
 . y ■ January the 23d the Parliament’s Commiffioners came condition, moft of the officers and foldiers would be in, ill. P 3 
 
 Mi™ dll to Newcajlle, and on the 30th of the fame month the when the army fhould be disbanded. The articles defired, *'• 
 
 'be Commit- King was delivered to them. That very day the Scotch were: Indemnity for actions as^ Soldiers. Sat, fail ion for -*■- 
 
 duhedlo 0 "' army began to march towards Scotland , and the King ar- 
 Holmby. rived at Holmby the 16th of February. 
 
 Rufhworth, Hitherto the Presbyterians and Independents had a£Ied 
 Pr<rX/f 3 r?. 8 ’ as in concert, becaufe’it was equally advantagious to them, 
 an, aid In- or rather neceflary, the King fhould be difabled from hurt- 
 dependent, j n g When the King was reduced to his prefent con- 
 
 fa'ratl. dition, in the hands of a Parliament confifting of two Par¬ 
 ties which had equally plotted his ruin, thefe two parties, 
 who had till then feemed united, began to be openly divi¬ 
 ded, each plainly perceiving, this was the critical time to 
 make the advantages gained in common upon the King, 
 to turn to their own benefit. The Presbyterians were 
 ?U. rei p.°32, fuperior in the Parliament and in London : but the Inde- 
 &c. ’ pendents were, as I may fay, mafters of the army, and 
 
 by that their party was grown very confiderable. The 
 Presbyterians grand affair was therefore to disband the 
 
 army, under colour of its being unneceffary, fince the war ... , __ 
 
 was ended; and the Independents grand affair was, to Houfe to grant on their behalf. I he General, added. That 
 hinder this disbanding, which could not but be fatal to their the Houfe might be better informed, he had fent Lieute- 
 party It is certain, the Parliament, being almoft wholly nant-General Hammond , Colonel Hammond, Colonel Lil- 
 Presbyterian, ferioufly thought of difearding the Inde- burn , Lieutenant-Colonel Pride, and Lieutenant-Colonel 
 
 (S were r.™ Rciim.nl. of Foot, three thonf.nl Ho.fc, .nd twelve hundred Dregem, end +0,000/. Wi.tM, 
 
 About this time, Colonel George Monk took the Covenant, and engaging in the Parliament s fervice, was lent into ire ana. i tem. p. . .7. 
 
 (3) The Earl of EJJex's death, which happened on the 14th of September, 1646, made it the eaher for Cromwell to carry on his dciigns. For rioubtlefs, 
 had he lived, he would have given fome check to the fury that was going to prevail. The Lord Clarendon 1 fays, that it was reported nc w+s p, Honed .md 
 that Cromwell and his party were wonderfully exalted with his death. Tom. 3. p. 33 - On the yth of November foBowing, the Fa,I s Her e and Effig.es 
 Were cut to pieces and defaced in ff'ejlminjler Abbey ; and the like barbaiouj aftion was done to Camden s Tomb there. IVbiiit-,*, p. 
 
 Crimes, 
 
 rears. No prejjing for Horfe or Foot. Relief of IVidows 
 and maimed Soldiers. Pay till disbanded. This petition 
 flew from regiment to regiment, and there were officers 
 very diligent to procure fubferiptions. Whereupon, the Qi ^ r , ltg 
 Commons fent an order to the General, to make ftritft common, , f 
 inquiry after the authors of this petition, and put a ftop to General 
 the conferences held in the army, to fow difeord and di- 
 vifion. The General anfwered, That in obedience to the Ruihworih, 
 order of the Houfe, he had affembled the officers, and v f f 445* 
 queftioned them about the petition: That they bad ex- ,. a p ia ‘ r y, vir , 
 preffed a very deep fenfe of their unhappinefs, in being mif- 
 underftood in their clear intentions, which, as they had 
 protefted, were no other than, by way of petition, to repre¬ 
 fent to him, their General, thofe inconveniences, which 
 would neceffarily befal moft of the army after disbanding ; 
 but withal had affured him, they would wholly acquiefce 
 in whatfoever he Ihould judge reafonable to offer, or the 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 528 
 
 The HISTORY s/ENGLAND. 
 
 Id. p. 4s 
 452. 
 
 1646-7. Grimes , who, he hoped, would give a full and candid ac¬ 
 count of the whole matter. 
 
 Declaration Accordingly, thefe officers were examined before the 
 ff*c r Houfe ; after which, the Speaker, in difmiffing them, told 
 TZdat tbt them what fenfe the Houfes had of the petition, and de- 
 bead of tbt fired their care for fuppreffing the fame, or any other of the 
 f-utrai Re- jj^g nature f or t he future (1). The fame day, the Houfe 
 Rulhworth, ordered the General to publifh a declaration, at the head 
 vi p. 447. of every regiment, importing, that the petition tended to 
 Whitelock. ^ ^ arm y j nt0 a mu tiny, and obftru& the relief of 
 Ireland , and that the promoters thereof fhould be proceeded 
 againft as enemies to the State, and difturbers of the pub- 
 lick peace (a). 
 
 Tbt arm '1 The Commons could not do any thing more agreeable 
 dtjconttni to thofe, who had formed the project of fowing diviiion be- 
 1 mreafes. tween the Army and the Parliament. This declaration 
 VI. p W °447. S ave occafion to the officers and foldiers to complain openly, 
 “ That they who had fought for the liberty of the Sub- 
 “ je£ts of England , were denied the liberty of the Subject 
 ‘‘ to petition, though it were to their General, and merely 
 “ in things relating to them as foldiers, meddling neither 
 “ with Church nor State-affairs, and withal, fubmitting it 
 “ to the General’s judgment for approbation or correction, 
 “ as he faw caufe.” 
 
 Tbt Parlta- Meanwhile, the two Houfes intending to execute their 
 ncr.tfcruUa refolution, of fending forces into Ireland in the manner 
 form'tht ° they had projected, appointed a Committee for that pur- 
 armyfor pofe, and gave them power to form the regiments of this 
 Ireland. army, and commiffion fuch officers as they fhould think 
 fit. At the fame time, they refolved to encourage thofe 
 that voluntarily offered to ferve in Ireland , and ordered the 
 commiffioners fpeedily to execute their charge, 
 
 7be Com- The commiffioners (3) repairing to Saffron-IValden, the 
 ! Gdtb'‘ General’s head-quarters, gave notice to the officers to af- 
 dtfintUncdtt fi en >ble the next day. Then the Earl of Warwick , head 
 ob e y them, of the committee, made a fpeech, exhorting them to ac- 
 w'hket ck" ce P f t ^ le terms 0 ff ere ^ by the two Houfes. When he 
 Holies. ' had done fpeaking, Colonel Lambert anfwered in the name 
 of all the officers, and defired to know, what fatisfaClion 
 fhould be given them concerning four articles, namely, ar¬ 
 rears, indemnity, maintenance in Ireland , and conduCf ? 
 Sir "John Clotworthy replied. That the Parliament had tak¬ 
 en care of all, except the point of indemnity, for which 
 an ordinance would be ready in a few days. The officers 
 demanded, what Generals were to command them in Ire¬ 
 land ? It was anfwered, Skippon , and Maffey , were named 
 for General, and Lieutenant-General ; but for other com¬ 
 manders, the Parliament had not yet come to any refolution. 
 Then the officers cried out with one voice, that if the 
 command was given to Fairfax , Cromwell, and Skippon , 
 they were ready to march. The commiffioners feeing, the 
 officers infilled upon a thing not agreeable to the inten¬ 
 tions of the Parliament, deiired fuch as would lift in the 
 fervice of Ireland , to come to their lodgings in the town, 
 where they would give them farther fatisfarftion ; but there 
 came very few. At the fame time, the reft prepared a 
 declaration, which was prefented to the commiffioners, 
 Declaration wherein they faid, “ They had reafon to complain, that 
 of tbt of- “ they had received no pofitive anfwer to their defires : 
 Rufliworth 11 That however, thofe who in their own perfons did not 
 vi. p . 459. engage for Ireland , would be ready to promote the fer- 
 
 “ vice : That if the fame condutft under which the army 
 “ had been fo prwfperous in England , was continued, it 
 ** would conduce much to their perfonal engagement in 
 “ the fervice o (Ireland : That this was the general fenfe 
 *• ot the officers of the army.” 
 
 - The ^ enera *’ who hitherto feemed very defirous to 
 
 4 ' ferve the Parliament, ordered the officers who had a mind 
 to ferve in Ireland , to draw out as many of their men as 
 would engage in that fervice. But the number was very 
 fimall, and the Parliament was informed, there were officers 
 who took great pains to diffuade the foldiers from this fer¬ 
 vice, and cherifh the difeontent of the army (4). 
 
 164-. laft, their boldnefs was fuch, that fome of the prin- 
 
 ■in tier L'e- clpal officers I'crupled not to appear at the head of the mu- 
 a' ni — tineers, in a declaration prefented to both Houfes. They 
 10%. 469. fi a ‘d> “ That the mifreprefemations of their harmlefs in- 
 “ tentions to the Houfe, having occafioned hard thoughts, 
 and expreffions of the Houfe’s difpleafure againft them, 
 ‘‘ they humbly craved leave to offer fome reafons to clear 
 “ their proceedings in thofe pafiages, which they found 
 
 “ moft obvious to exceptions in their petition , whereby 1647. 
 
 “ they hoped to make it evident, that the means they 
 “ ufed, and the method they took, was, as they conceived, 
 
 “ moft orderly and inoft'enfive ; proceeded not in the leaft 
 “ from diftemper, and aiming in no meafure to put condi- 
 li tions on the Parliament ; and that from hence might be 
 “ difeovered, the corruptions of thofe men’s hearts, who 
 tk have been the evil inftruments of occafionmg the late tie - 
 “ claration againft them. And, 
 
 “ 1. For the liberty of petitioning, they hoped, the ho- 
 “ nourable Houfe of Commons would never deny it unto 
 “ them, there being not any thing mote effential to free- 
 “ dom ; and particularly, fince they had juftified and com- 
 “ mended it in their declaration of the 2d of November 
 “ <642, in thefe words : It is the liberty and privilege of 
 ‘‘ the people , to petition unto ns for the eafe and redrefs of 
 “ their grievances and opprefftons, and we are bound in duty 
 “ to receive their petitions. 
 
 “ 2, They prefented not their petition to the Houfe, 
 
 “ but with the approbation, and by the mediation, of their 
 “ General, and confequently, that it could not be repre- 
 “ fented as feditious. 
 
 “ 3. The report of their forcing fubferiptions was nor 
 “ true. For the petition had taken its firft rife from a~ 
 
 “ mongft the foldiers, and the officers had engaged but in 
 
 “ the fecond place to regulate the foldiers proceedings, and 
 “ remove, as near as they could, all occafion of diftafte. 
 
 “ 4. They were forced to defire an acH of indemnity 
 “ for fuch adtions as they had committed during the exi- 
 
 “ gency of the war, not warrantable by law, fince they 
 
 “ were liable to be indiifted for them in time of peace. 
 
 “ 5. As to their defiring the Roval aflent, they never 
 “ intended thereby to lefi'en the Parliament’s authority ; 
 
 “ but only ufed it as a provident caution for their future 
 “ fafety. And they obferved, that the Parliament itfelf had, 
 
 “ by offering propofitions, judged, the defiring the King's 
 “ aflent convenient. 
 
 “ 6. As to the defire of their arrears, neceffity enforced 
 “ them thereto : That their wages had been hardly earn- 
 “ ed, and the defire of them could not argue them guilty 
 “ of the leaft difeontent, or intention of mutiny. 
 
 “ 7. For what concerned the relief of Ireland , they 
 “ thought it hard, that thofe who had voluntarily ferved 
 “ in the wars, and left their parents, trades, and liveli- 
 “ hoods, and, without any compulfion, engaged of their 
 
 own accords, fhould, after all their free and unwearied 
 “ labours, be forced and compelled to go out of the King 
 “ dom.”. 
 
 This declaration was figned by Thomas Hammond , Lieu¬ 
 tenant-General of the ordnance, feven Colonels, feven 
 Lieutenant-Colonels, frx Majors, and one hundred and 
 thirty Officers, Captains, and Subalterns. 
 
 The fame day this declaration was prefented to the y 0 „ , a d,f- 
 Houfe, the Commons voted, that the army fhould be di (-bandtie 
 banded, and the foldiers have fix weeks pay when difmiffed. 6 , 
 
 Some days after, Major-General Skippon , who was to Petition of 
 command in Ireland , and [being returned from Barn/lablc]f‘ me 
 had taken his feat in the Houfe, notwithftanding the Self-dc- I 
 nying ordinance, which was no longer regarded, reported, April 3®. 
 that a letter was prefented to him the day before by fome Clarendon, 
 troopers, in the behalf of eight regiments of Horfe, and pro- wirtciock 
 duced the fame, which was immediately ordered to be read. p. 24.,. 
 Thefe regiments complained of the many late fcandals, and 
 falfe fuggeftions, againft the army, and their proceedings, and 
 alledged the reafons why they could not engage in the fer¬ 
 vice of Ireland , under the cundutft of the intended Gene¬ 
 rals. The troopers, \_Sexby, Allen , and Sheppard J who Rufhworth, 
 brought the letter, were called in and examined, concern- v p ‘ 
 ing the meaning of fome expreffions in the petition ; to 
 which they replied, That the letter being a joint a£t of 
 thofe feveral regiments, they could not give a punctual an¬ 
 fwer, being only agents ; but if they might have the que¬ 
 ries in writing, they would carry them to the regiments, 
 and return their anfwers. 
 
 Though the declaration of the officers wa3 in itfelf very tr otc , /•„. 
 reafonable, it looked however more like an infolent accufa- ‘be 
 tion againft the Parliament, than an humble apology. This j 
 convinced the Commons, that the evil was greater than whit.-locfc. 
 was at firft imagined ; wherefore they palled feveral votes 
 to give fome fatisfaflion to the army, and to hinder the in- 
 creafe of their difeontent. At the fame time, Skippon , New Cc~- 
 
 i) m 
 
 upon this occafion, That this way of petitioning by n 
 1 means to carry on their defigns at that time, began nt 
 
 altitude of hands to the Parliament, which was formerly promoted by 
 v to be made ule of, 2nd returned upon them, to their greae trouble and 
 
 ; Rapm t-,23 confounded here two different things. What he fays was publilhed at the head of the Regiments, was only a Declaration and Vote of both 
 ot 3 c ' : h o( March, But the Declaration fent to the Geneial to be publilhed to the Regiments, was to require them to defift frerr. etmp on m tbjt 
 ::r. they ab ut t- ft, cr.t t, i:m. Rujhivcrtb , Tom. 6. p. 446, 447. 
 
 The Karl ot ITarxuicb, Lo-d Dacrti , Sir William Waller , Sir John Clofcvcrtby, and Major-Central Haffey The eftabliflimcnt agreed on by ths 
 T “ ,ns tl,c1 was Officers ol Horfe: A Colonel 12 1. a day, and for four Horles 3 j. A Captain 101, ana two Hones 41. A Lieutenatjt 51. 40', 
 
 Horie 21. A Provoll-Maifhal 3 t- 4 d, and two Men 41. Corporals and Trumpeters, each 2 1. 6 d. Foot Officers: A Captain fc 1. a day. A 
 
 enant 4 An Enfign :i. 6 d. Serjeants, Drummers, Corporals, each 1 r. 'lufkiuartb , Tom. 6. p. 454- 
 
 1 See ,:n recount of the forces appomtea to ferve in Ireland , above, p. 527, Note (2). About five thoufand Hjrfe a t:i Dragoons were ordered to remain 
 
 7 in England, tor the defence ot the Kingdom, Hclla'i Mem. p. 74. 
 
 i Cromwell 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 25 . C M ARLES I. 
 
 5 -9 
 
 An freer 
 the Offic 
 ihe Com 
 
 who would ingage for the fervice of Ireland. 
 
 The Soldiers The troopers and foldiers being informed of what the 
 'efire to con- Generals, fent by the Parliament, had reported to theof- 
 | hmfelvu. ^ cers > anfwered, that as the whole army was concerned, 
 tu/hwonh, they defired to difeufs the affair in a Committee, chofen by 
 IP-4 8 r- themfelves, out of every company and troop, whofhould 
 
 1647. Cromwell, /retort, anJ hietmod, were ordered to go and tiered, dr feigned to believe. It Wat abfblutely fleceflary in 1S47 
 acquaint the army with what the Houle intended to do tor take notice of it, for fear, if they faw ail their deiires re- 
 the troops and that a confiderable fum was preparing for jecled, they fhould have a rendezvous without their officers 
 theirpay, before they were disbanded. Hitherto the Coma It was therefore refolved, that the quarters of the armV 
 mons feem not to have perceived the true aim of the ar- fhould becontrafled, to prevent difurde,, and for the Greater 
 my s complaints, but hoped to appeale them by fome con- readinefs to fupprefs them. It was manifeft, the delign of 
 delcenhon. the petition, and the council of war’s refolution, wasi to 
 
 1 hc Gcnera,s <“>' the Parliament being come to the break the Parliament’s meafures. It had been refolved to 
 >y - army, and calling the officers together, read to them the feparate the army, and disband them at different times and 
 '• „ ™ ,es P a " ed ln tbur ,avour i after which ’ Si 'PP m maJe a Places, in order to do it the more ealily; and the armv 
 worth fpeech, to mgage them to ferve under him in Ireland. The on the contrary, had conerafled their quarters, fo that they 
 officers anfwered, as tins affair concerned the foldiers, as could rendezvous in a very (horr fpuce, without any poili- 
 well as the officers, it was nccellary to inform them of it, bility of being prevented bv the Parliament 
 rnmder to know then refo lu lion The General failed not to acquaint the two Houles with n, Mi,, 
 
 .•lock# Mean while, the Paihament ardently defiring to disband the refult of what had paifed in the council of war intreat- 
 
 the army, after that which was to ferve in Ireland was ing them to proceed with caution, that the army might not f^ommif 
 iormed, ordered that before they were disbanded, a fort- be incenfed, and a breach made, which could not but be M*y k 
 nights pay ihould be added to the hx weeks, iormerly very dangerous. He writ the fame day to the Speaker of Id ‘ 
 voted, and that fix weeks pay more fhould be given to thofe the Houfe of Commons, that he was extremely uneafy ! ' 
 
 concerning the difpofition of the army, and heartily wifhed 
 fome means could be found to appeafe the diftratftions, which 
 was not in his power. That he was forced to yield to 
 many things to prevent worfe inconveniences. 
 
 Whereupon, the two Houfes recalled the Commiffioners, <mdform the 
 , r , / n who were now gone to disband the army, and fent for the f r ° ;el!! 10 u ‘- 
 
 report the defires of each Regiment to a Committee of Ge- money which had been lodged in feveral places for the pay- vUe 
 neral Officers; to be by them contraded into a method, ment of the foldiers. But three thoufand five hundred Ruth worth, 
 and li genera], communicated to both Houfes, as the lenfe pounds carrying to London, was Hopped by Colonel Rain/- n,iJ - 
 olthearmy It is eafy to perceive m this anfwer, a fecret borough's men at Woodjlook. It was very evident, thearmy p ' fo0 ’ 
 threaten of fome of the leading Male-contents, who in- was unwilling to be disbanded ; but the Parliament not bc- 
 tended by this means to be matters of the foldiers refolutions, mg in a condition to command obedience, were forced to 
 • ofiteoTK lhc „ a, ? h %!? rt °} Parl “ me f nl - t in u °PP°- ‘i» a "ore convenient feafon, without relinquilhing 
 
 I**"** 1 “ the Houfa - 1 h,s of wh,ch > per - however their delign. Their intention was to divide the Ibid. 
 
 ■ Lyfct .f ha P s > “ e oonfequcnces were not by many forefeen, being army, under colour of the neceflity of fending forces into 
 i.c™«,v./g™ted the foldiers chore two out ofevery Company, who Ireland; and, the better to ingage the foldiers to leave the 
 WCre ralM [Mjutators, or] AgdaUro to debate upon the army, it was voted, that a month’s pay Ihould be given to 
 ,tendon, "hich were to be brought to the council of officers, thofe that would quit their regiments, and fervent Inland. 
 
 called, the Council of War, confifling of Generals, Colo- They hoped by this means to form an army equal or fu- 
 ►htttlotk. nels, Lieutenant-Colonels, Majors, and Captains. Among perior to that which refufed to obey, wherein thev were 
 
 the Agitators therewere lew or none above the degree of greatly miftaken. Meanwhile, to give fome fatisfaffion RulW,h 
 an Lniign. 1 hele two Councils were afterwards conti- to the army, it was ordered by the Commons, that the VL 
 nued to the great prejudice o the Pari,ament, and great fubordinate officers and foldiers Ihould have all their arrears, Holirf, 
 advantage of tire heads ol the Independent-party, who ea- deduffing for free quarters according to the ufual rules of Mem. 
 lily found means to admit only fuch as were devoted to the army. That the Commiffion-officers Ihould have one 
 them, or nut ot fufficent ability tc.d,/cover thetr deiigns. month’s pay more added to the two months arrears formerly 
 tir'r; , m| a "V h ! le ’ the two Houfes perfifted m rhetr relolutton voted. Laftly, that the declaration againft thofe that drew 
 l°i sban r excepting thofe who would mgage to up the firft petition Ihould be razed out of the Journal of 
 
 tavern Inland. To eifta this the more eahly, it was theHoufe(r). But all this was not caoable of contenting 
 
 KSd. p rd d C f ’ ‘ h , a ‘ thC,r a h Ca ' S < ? 0U r d te and thc a ™y> wem refolved not to be ratified. Thedi?u™. ”’ 
 
 »lhw.r,h, good fecurtty given them, for fo much as Ihould not be reflets of thefe proceedings had a mind to continue the 
 ferve 57 T d ' sba " dm gj 1 ba ‘ "one that had voluntarily army, in order to be able to oppofe the Presbyterians, who 
 fcrvedin the wars, Ihould be preffed for any fervice beyond were fuperior in the Parliament. So, the reafons alledge ,1 
 lea I hat an ordinance Ihould be drawn tor providing for by the army being only pretences, though every thing had 
 ,4 S3 . widows, maimed foldiers, and orphans. Alter that, the been granted, others would have been devifed,To prevent 
 two Houfes fettled the manner of disband,ng the army, their disbanding; and indeed, it will prefendy appear, that 
 namely, that the regiments Ihould be disbanded at different left all their deiires Ihould be granted, they added new de- 
 
 ttmes and places, and that the money to pay them what mands, which the Parliament could not comply with. 
 
 " aa pr° mdid , ftould be fent to the feveral rendezvous. It was eafy to perceive, that every thing tended to a n, DM, r„ 
 ’Lh'cZ- t y compla,ned of ‘be intention to pay breach between the Parliament and the army. The Par- to, 
 
 them bu two months arrears upon disbanding, when there liament accufed the army of mutiny and fedition (e), and Farlim 
 
 Sdnck Wa c S h n °J CfS f han & l Cy r* Wi T * u 11 ? “ thcm ’ ,he z,m y Pmtended, that the Parliament, under colour oTte,.™? 
 
 „ ShoIt, y atte t, the General called a council of war at fendmg forces into Inland, thought of forming a new army, 
 f WhlCh W f re P f rcnt , ab0vc two hundred offi«rs, to become matters of the Kingdom, when the old one iSiorth 
 
 &Z T C0, " mun “ :ated 10 tbem the votes of both Houfes, ad- Ihould be calhiered, or to kindle a frelh war, in cafe the vi. .. j< ’ 
 
 lilhworth. '’ dlI 'g them to a compliance with the order of Parliament, troops refufed to obey. But thev were fir from helot, *“■ 
 
 troops refufed to obey. But they were far from being upon f ,, 
 an equality. The army had the fword in their hands, and 
 tho fome officers and foldiers had quitted their regiments for 
 the fervice of Ireland, their number was inconfiderable (3): 
 all the reft remained united, and were fupported by 
 
 >• P-497-’ But the officers anfwered, 1 'hey did not think thefe votes 
 fatisfa&ory to the foldiers j 1. Becaufe eight weeks pay 
 was not a confiderable part of what was due to them. 
 
 2. Becaufe no vilible fecurity was given for the arrears. 
 
 3. Becaufe nothing was done for their vindication, and mol of the Generals, who being againft the Pariia’menT, 
 
 they being declared enemies, and fent home, might hereafter privately cherilhed the difeontent of the officers and fol- 
 be proceeded againft as enemies, unlefs the declaration diers. The Parliament had no forces to compel the army 
 "TrXc c , , to obedience > a " d therefore were terribly embaraffed. 
 
 c At , el ? e f a . me c °“ nal 1 Petition was produced and read. They durft not drive the army to extremities; and on the 
 M?8. w b,ch bad morning pre-fented to the Genera], in other hand, they plainly perceived, that the difeord was 
 
 the name of the private foldiers of the army, complaining, fomented by the leaders of the Independents, who fought 
 I hat it was intended to disband them without redteffing the deftruftion of the Parliament, for fear the Parliament 
 their grievances, and in a ftrange, unheard of manner, Ihould deftroy them, as indeed both Houfes intended, 
 one regiment apart from another, which pofture could This therefore was a critical feafon, the point being to 
 not but render them fufp,ctous to the Kingdom. And know who Ihould be matter, the Parliament or thelndep°en- 
 therefore they defiled the General would be pleafed to dent party. But thefe laft had the army on their fide,and that 
 a PP 0,nt a rendezvous for the army, and ufc his utmoft alone ballanced the power and authority of the Parliament, 
 endeavours, that they might not be disbanded before They had fo well laid their meafures, by means of the Ao-i- 
 4t f heir grievances were heard, and fully redrclTed, which tators, that the army was become a fort of Republick, where 
 « , done, they Ihould be neceffitated, though unwil- the fuftrages of the common foldiers were upon a level with 
 „ bngly, to do things that might be prevented, by grant- thofe of the Generals ; nay, the foldiers did not think 
 mg their juft aefiies.” themfelves obliged to follow or to ask the advice of their 
 
 he council of War having examined this petition, be- Officers. Hence fprung confufion, which was fuftered to 
 
 ' GcntT.ll 
 ■rads thc 
 
 arjers of 
 
 M97. 
 
 f!{ fayS , che ParIiamcnt b ff an t0 fi'rrender themfelves and their power into the hands of their own army. Mem. p. 25-0. 
 
 (a; Some movt-d That the.portioning Soldiers might be declared Traitors. Others refolved - ‘- " " - -- ’ • V '■ 
 
 CO the Army. Lndlorv, Tom. 1 
 (3) There ' 
 
 No. 70. 
 
 >t above fifteen hundred or two chouland. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 fecure Cromwell, but he being advertifed of It, went 
 See Holla's Mem. p.7'6; and Rnjhmrth, Top. VI. p. 477, &c. 
 
 6 S 
 
 prevail 
 
Vol II. 
 
 53° 
 
 i6 47 . 
 
 The HIS I 0 R Y of ENG LA N D, 
 
 i 2. That the Declaration made again ft the army was 1647. 
 
 prevail. Every thing was done in the name of the army, 
 a loofe term which fignificd, fometimes the Council of war yet ftanding m force. 
 
 alone, fometimes the CouncU of Agitators, now both „ . > 3 - I hat nothing had yet been donetowards the dif- 
 Councils together, and now, the Agua:ors ot fome par¬ 
 ticular Regiments. In this laft fenfe muft be under flood 
 the enterprize performed, in the name ol the army, y 
 the Agitators of fome Regiments ci Horfe, of carrying 
 
 away the King by force from Holmby Houfe to New¬ 
 market (i). , _ 
 
 To execute this defign, they chofe Cornet Joyce , one 
 L ’-‘g of the Agitators of his Regiment, v. l:o, from a 1 aylorRe¬ 
 
 covery or cenfureof thofe that had wronged the army, 
 
 “ and abufed the Parliament, fn as to procure the proceed- 
 “ ings againft them, with relation to their petition.” 
 
 It is ealy to perceive, thefe complaints were but mere E-*.v. 
 pretences, or at leaft, if the army had not refolved to be ‘ \'ff 
 latisfied upon no terms, thefe differences m ght polTIbly ij. p 
 have been adjufted. But this was only a preparative to 
 what they had refolved to do. The next day, June the 
 
 . fore the war, was become an Officer, end had finalized Jth, the Officer, and Soldier, fubferibed a Paper, which 
 
 Holmby. JOIC II c , n . . . . i. . i_I ~r* rhrarr r--al!>»rl n Irletuti h nn yin ..wear/ whprt'nv fhrav rftnfcnf- 
 
 Jum 
 
 Clarendon, 
 
 III. p. 36. 
 
 Heath. 
 
 Herbert's 
 
 Mem. 
 
 Ruflnvortl 
 
 himfelffbr his brave,y. Joyce being put at the head of they called, a film* whereby they confer,, 
 
 fifty Horfe, marched uireflly to Holmby, and came there ed to drsband when required bv he Parliament but on 
 in the Nieht, after theKing was in bed. Having feeured condition, That they JheuU firjI have Juch Jan,fagam m 
 , - , _ nr rhrpp mnip tn the relation to thar grievances, ant inch leeuritv as to their per- 
 
 the avenues, he went up with two or three mo e tome & 5 J J - J 
 
 King* s Chamber, and caufed the door to be opened. The fons, as JhouUl be agreed unto by a Council^ to confifi of thofe 
 
 VI. 
 
 • HS> 
 
 King getting up, asked him what he meant. Joyce an- 
 f we red, he "intended to carry him to the army, ior they 
 had received certain advice, there was a delign to convey 
 [.him away by force. The King asked him, whether he 
 had the General’s orders? He replied, no, but that he was 
 authorized by the army, and as he held a piitol m his 
 
 1.fufficiently int nat< 1, it was by that he was chiefly 
 
 empowered (a). The Parliament’s Commiffioners who 
 were ar Hornby to take care of the King, would have 
 oppofed this violence: But the King’s guard reluiing to 
 make any refiftance, and the troops that were m the neigh¬ 
 bouring villages to relieve the guard every day, would not 
 ...... 
 
 obtain was to ilav till the morning. That fame night he 
 writ a Note, which he intrufted with the Earl ot Dum- 
 ferm'h ", to acquaint the two Houfes, he was carried away 
 from Holmby againft his will, and that they fhould not 
 give any credit to what he might afterwards write whilit 
 under reftraint. The next morninj 
 
 General Officers (who had concurred with the army) with 
 two Commijfion Officers, and two Soldiers to be chofen for 
 each Regiment 3 and declared, that without fuch fatisfaSlion , 
 and Jiich Jeeurity they would not willingly disband, norfuffer 
 themfelves to be disbanded or divided. 
 
 This Engagement was feconded with Petitions from the 
 Inhabitants of the Counties of Effex, Suffolk and Norfolk , 
 Commiffioners who intreating the General, not to fufter the army to be disband¬ 
 ed till every thing relating to the Government was fettled. 
 
 June the 7th, both Houfes received a letter from the TheGentm- 
 General acquainting them, that the foldiers at Holmby had I f [ f 
 brought the King thence by confent, having thought pro- 
 per to lecure Jus perfon, from an apprelienfion of forces Rfr- 
 gathering to fall upon them and force him out of their vv'- teiockT 
 hands. That as foon as he knew it, he fent Colonel JVha- 
 ley's Regiment to guard the King; after which, for pre¬ 
 vention ot danger, he had fent two Regiments more to 
 re-inforce Colonel It baity. That it haley had defined the 
 went into the King and the Comnu.iluiers, in his name, to return to 
 
 Whitelock. 
 The Army' 
 
 Rfh'.v 
 VI. p. j 
 
 ( ho carried him that 
 
 night to Colonel Montague's, and tiie next day to New¬ 
 market. 
 
 Whilft thefe things pa fled, the General having appoint¬ 
 ed a Rendezvous of the army at htW-market, ior the 4th 
 and 5 th of June, the fcveral Regiments presented a Peti¬ 
 tion to him, complaining of the Votes palled in Parliament 
 the 21 ft and 25th of May, as not being iatisfadory, for 
 the following reafons. 
 
 “ i.’s'l'hat eight weeks arrear to be paid at disbanding, P 011 - r.^Dy.ery 
 was but a mean rewaid for all their labours, and a but to 
 “ very Header fupply to carry them to their homes, and 
 <c fet them up again in their former callings and condi- 
 “ tions. . 
 
 “ 2. That in the orders given for the ftating of their 
 tc accompts, they found no conlideration or regard had of 
 “ their arrears incurred in the former army commanded by 
 « the Earl ot Effiex, which to the moft of them were much 
 “ greater than chofe under the new model. 
 
 « 3. That three Shillings a week was to be abated to 
 “ Foot Soldiers for quarter, wliich was more than they 
 
 Holmby , but that his AI .jelty was not willing to go back. 
 That upon this, lie 1....! I. '.c b,r Hardref IValler, and Co¬ 
 lonel Lamlurt, to udiie the Commiffioners to think of re¬ 
 turning io Holmby, i>;it that :iie Coniniillioners refufed to 
 ad in uilpoiing .1.. . ,r.g. lie affirmed moreover, that 
 neither iumleii, r.or t:.e Officers abi ut him, nor the body 
 of the army were concerned in removing the King, pro- 
 tefting that it w.*. • ’s well z: the arm)’s defire, to ftudy 
 to fettle a :irm pc;.,-:. 1 hat they had no intention to op- 
 
 let up the Independent-Government, 
 e ail io the wifdom of the Parliament, without 
 advancing any paiticuiar pa.ty or intereft. 
 
 It was a very lirange thing, that the King fhould be 
 removed iroui Homily b) fifty troopers, without any or¬ 
 ders from the General or the Officers about him, and 
 without the conlent of the body of the army ; and that 
 the general Officers fhould fufter him to be in the center of 
 the quarters of the army, without inquiring after thofe 
 who gave, or thofe who executed, fuch an order. This 
 fhevved, theie was fome my i; cry in it, which it was not 
 
 pay 
 
 0 1U1L -, , utlllwl thought proper to difeuver to the Parliament, and that 
 
 fhooU ha™‘midVmihrmVelv«rif thiy timely hid their Joyce Icne* he Otouid be ,.r. .cud if called to an account. 
 
 r On the other hand, though the King had fent word to RufWortl 
 
 both Houfes, that he was unwillingly removed (3), it ap- VK P-* 0 ’* 
 pears by the General’s letter, that his Majcity contented to {vhi; loffi 
 it, and was unwiliing to return to Holmby , when it was 
 in his power. All this feems very myfterious, and I do 
 not believe the pubiick was ever fully informed of what 
 palled before the removal of the King. What followed 
 makes it conjedturcd, that fome of the general Officers be¬ 
 lieved it to be abioiuteiy necefiary for their intereft to have 
 the King in their power, at a time when they thought 
 there was reafon to fear, the Parliament would come to ail 
 their difehar^c, it was very difficult for them to obtain agreement with him, and that they caufed him to be taken 
 i° ot t ] ie j r pa fl. ferviecs. away from Holmby by perfons without warrant, wcll- 
 
 “ 4. That there was no provifion or allowance made 
 in [elation to any qtiarteis dilcliarged by them. 
 
 5. That, contrary to cuftom, no Trooper was capa- 
 ; ble of allowance for arrears, unlefs he delivered in his 
 : horfe and arms. 
 
 “ o. That the vifible fecurity for what arrears fhould not 
 ; be paid at disbanding, appeared to them inefficient. 
 
 “ 7. That the ordinance voted, to exempt from pref- 
 ; fino-, for the fervice of Ireland, fuch as had ferved as 
 L volunteers in the army, was defedtive; becaufe after 
 
 a tfliime.i.Ia! of tl.eir pair fcrvices. away uum .7 
 
 . TJ.a: the ordinance for the maintenance of maimed knowing, they ihouiu be powerful enough to under theaf- 
 ■ • • ~ • fair front being ltndtly examined. It may be, the King 
 
 himfelf was privy to it, lince he was unwilling to return to 
 Holmby , and appeared, fur fume time, much more at eafe 
 in the hands of the army, than when he was in the Par¬ 
 liament’s power. 
 
 The Commons feeing the army mafter of the King’s 1'us oft 
 perfon, and unwilling to disband, refolved a t leaft to fhew fffj 
 “ 11. Thatthere hadbeenyet nothing declared by the the pubiick by their votes, that the imputations laid to vi. p.yj 
 “ Parliament, to clear them as to tlieir right of petitioning, their charge by the army weie groundlefs, and that they 
 (There was in this artich heavy nmpluints againjl the were not lwayed by lell-lntereffed motives, bo, June the 
 Parliament's etslitreiry power.) loth, they confirmed the felt-denying ordinance, and 
 
 fiiidieis, Lfe. had not yet pafl’ed in Parliament. 
 t; r. i hat the ordinance for indemnity feemed to make 
 but (lender provifion for their falcty. 
 
 “ 10. That no reparation had been made to thofe offi- 
 ; ccrs of the army, that had been at feveral times fent for 
 ; to attend the Parliament as Delinquents, though they 
 ; had been found innocent. 
 
 (0 Lnsibsc ;\- 
 out of prmc pis, 
 might the better 
 ('-> The 
 
 e afraid, thofe who had Ihewed themfeives fj forward to clofr ■ 
 tho'it any, or rather put themfelves under hi: protcclic 
 
 ith theKing 
 
 (3 
 
 At a 
 
 that me King co: 
 
 ,An the Lists oft 
 
 Whiteloek, 
 
 i this reafon for foiling the King: That the Agitators 
 ion ar.y terms, would, for their own prefervation, receive him withe 
 
 bdue the army, and reduce them to obedience by force. Tom.L pG*- . , r ., „ 
 
 I ■ 
 
 I..it.Iti . p.19 .-r r, be I in , pet ■ ■ ess on . .. I . ,,sji. 
 
 ■i ce time me rch, between the S.otsh Commillioners. and the Committee of both .-loufes, the Lord Dumfcnn mg acquainted them, 
 
 ell them, 7 >41 >>»■.., ,a-r. fart, -<• ■>;.. >> < ■ s l t. main- 
 
 .■s '., .i„.l th.it th.t'cji hi i Mjiffy might fg’i many things in this tontiitien, yet hi mm 4 not h,i.: .hem t.-.a.e.i, till j.trtnr noinejrom 
 
 p.iji. 
 
 declared 
 
Book XXL 
 
 25. 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 
 53 * 
 
 1647. “ declared to be void all places held by members of Par- 
 “ liament.” They voted, “ That the Lands and Eftates 
 “ of all members of the Houfe fhould be liable to the 
 law for payment of their debts.” They appointed a day 
 to hear informations againft members, and ordered that no 
 Member fhould hereafter receive any reparation for damages, 
 till the publick debts were firft fatisfied. 
 
 , The Army Neverthelefs the army began to march, and advanced to 
 ^’towards ^ ^ans within twenty miles of London. At the fame 
 
 I London, time, the General fent to both Houfes the refult of the 
 
 ftuth worth, late council of war at Newmarket , and intreated them to 
 think of fome way to fatisfy the troops. 
 
 >The com- The approach of the army threw the Parliament and 
 Ip hints of the Qty into great conftemation, and an ordinance was palled, 
 K^rlfto en able the committee of the Militia of London to raife 
 ^Commons, horfes. They feemed to intend to put themfelves in a 
 id. p. j-ya, p 0 ft ure 0 f defence againft the army. Within a few hours 
 ■Clarendon, after, the City received a letter figned by the General, and 
 in. p. 38. all the other general officers, complaining, there were cer¬ 
 tain members of Parliament who endeavoured to ingage 
 the Kingdom in a new war, as having no other way to 
 protect themfelves from the punilhment they juftly deferved. 
 Adding, that they defired no alteration of the Civil Govern¬ 
 ment, nor in the leaft to hinder the fettling of Presbyte- 
 rianifm, neither did they intend any evil to the City, if 
 they appeared not to affift that wicked party, who would 
 embroil them and the Kingdom. That they were ready 
 to remove at a farther diftance, if they were allured, that 
 a fpeedy fettlement of things was in hand. That if, after 
 all, the City fbould be feduced to take arms againft the 
 army, ruin and deftrufiion would enfue. 
 
 The p.irija- This letter was communicated to the Parliament, who 
 ES/S^writ to the General, to delire that the army might not 
 lArmy, come within twenty-five miles (1) of the City ; but it was 
 lltufhworch a ^ rea( ty advanced to St. Albans. The fame day, the Com- 
 vi. p' °js 3', mons ordered, that the fum of ten thoufand pounds Ihould 
 ijTr. be paid to fuch officers and foldiers as fhould leave the ar- 
 !m ren< 38 n ’ ^ anc ^ In S a & e ,n the fervice of Ireland, with which the 
 army was highly difpleafed, plainly perceiving, the Parlia¬ 
 ment’s defign was to divide them. 
 
 md put The next day, upon a falfe rumour of the army’s near 
 L pr. r«/ a PP roac b to the city, the Militia of London ordered all the 
 dejtncc. trained-bands to be raifed on pain of death. But prefently 
 ijtine n. after the order was revoked. However, foldiers were lifted 
 fe“;. b y order ot Parliament. 
 
 •The Common- t ^ 1 ' s interval, the Common-Council of London fent an 
 i Conucii"' anfwer to the General and Officers, wherein they faid, 
 
 thc the Cit y intended no evil to the army, but only to de- 
 llbiJ. ^ en£ i the Parliament and themfelves againft any unlawful 
 violence. That they did not take arms with intent to 
 hinder the obtaining of the army’s juft demands. That 
 on the contrary, they had prefen-ted their addreffes to the 
 Parliament for the obtaining thereof; and only requefted, 
 they would demand no more than what fhould be juft and 
 reafonable. 
 
 Id. p. sCo. The fame day, the Parliament fent Commiffioners to 
 the army (2), to know what were their defires. The Ge¬ 
 neral anfwered, in lettets to both Houfes, That the army 
 offered, for a month’s pay, not to draw their quarters 
 nearer London , without firft giving notice of it to the Par¬ 
 liament’s commiffioners. 
 
 Mean while, the army continued to render themfelves 
 formidable, as well by their nearnefs, as by their demands 
 which daily rofe higher. At firft, they protefted, they 
 would not meddle in any thing not immediately relating 
 to themfelves, and that their intention was to leave the 
 care of the Government to the wifdom of the two Houfes. 
 But when they found, the Parliament gave way, and 
 wanted power or refolution, they advanced one uep far¬ 
 ther, and by a declaration prefented to both Houfes, de¬ 
 manded : 
 
 The rep re- j. That the H jufes might be purged of fuch mem- 
 
 ujtArmyf “ bets, as f° r their delinquency, or for corruptions, or un- 
 June i 4 . <c due elections ought not to fit there. 
 w' P '/ 6 k' “ 2 ' ^ ^ at thole perfons who had appeared againft the 
 
 1K0C “ army, might fpeedily be difabled from doing the like; 
 “ and for that purpofe, might be made incapable of being 
 “ the foldiers Judges, when disbanded. 
 
 “ 3. That fome determinate period of time might be 
 <c fet for the continuance of that and future Parliaments, 
 “ beyond which none fhould continue; that the members 
 “ of the Houfe might not have the temptation or advan- 
 “ tage of an unlimited power to perpetuate injuft ice or op- 
 “ preffion, but might be in a capacity to tafte of fubjec- 
 “ tion as well as rule. 
 
 “ 4. That Parliaments might not be adjournable or 
 “ diflolvable, any other ways, than by their own con- 
 “ fent. 
 
 “ 5. That the right and freedom of the People to pre- 16474 
 <c fent petitions to the Parliament might be cleared and 
 “ vindicated. 
 
 “ 6. That the large powers given to committees or 
 tc deputy-Lieutenants, might be taken away, or regu- 
 “ Jated. 
 
 “ 7. That the Kingdom might be righted and pub- 
 te lickly fatisfied in point of accounts, for the fums that 
 “ had been levied and paid. 
 
 “ 8. That after publick juftice was firft fatisfied by fome 
 “ few examples on Delinquents, a general adt of oblivion 
 “ fhould be palled.” 
 
 After thefe demands, the army protefted, “ That their 
 cc defign was not to overthrow Presbytery, and eftablifh 
 “ the Independent Government. But they only defired, 
 
 “ that there might be fome cffeftual courfe taken, that 
 “ fuch who upon confcientious grounds differed from the 
 “ eftablifhed forms, might not for that be debarred from 
 “ the common rights, liberties, or benefits belonging e- 
 “ qually to all, while they lived foberly and inofEn lively 
 “ towards others, and peaceably and faithfully towards the 
 “ State.” 
 
 It was eafy to perceive, the army no longer contented The Army at 
 themfelves with meddling in their own affairs, but wanted to'JbmT 
 to have a fhare in the Civil Government. There were in June 10. 
 the Houfe of Commons very able men, who knew the ^ Jhworch > 
 deligns of the Independents, and would have baffled them, Holies'/ 70 
 had they been fupported with power. To this end it was, Mem. 
 they had projected the forming, out of the old, a new n I ar “^ n< 
 army for Ireland, and to calhier the reft of the forces, whne.ock. 
 This project tended directly to the ruin of the Inde- Ludlow* 
 pendent party. Accordingly, Cromwell and his affociates 
 ufed all their endeavours to countermine the artifices of 
 their enemies, by infpiring the army with difeontent, and 
 cherifhing it in the fore-mentioned manner. In fhort, 
 having tried the Parliament, they thought themfelves ftrong 
 enough to ftrike a bolder ftroke, in ufing always the army’s 
 name, which they had moulded to their purpofes. To 
 this end, they caufed it to be refolved in a council of war, 
 that the army fhould prefer a charge againft the ableft and 
 moft powerful members of the Commons, who in a 
 manner governed and directed the Houfe. Thefe were 
 the men the Independent-party had moft to fear. This 
 refolution being taken, the army deputed fome officers to 
 carry in their name, to the Parliament, a cha ge againft 
 eleven members, namely. Holies , Stapleton , Lewis, C'lot- 
 worthy, IValler , Maynard, Majfey , Glyn, Long, Harley, 
 and Nichols. 
 
 The general articles of the charge were : 
 
 “ i. That the perfons above-named had, in an arbi' 
 
 “ trary and violent manner, infringed the Rights and 
 “ Liberties of the nation, and endeavoured by indiredt and Rufhworth, 
 “ corrupt practices to delay and obftruift juftice. V * p ' * 7 
 
 “ 2. That the army being, until the middle of March 
 “ laft, in an orderly condition, and ready, either quietly 
 “ to have disbanded, or elfe to have engaged in the fer- 
 “ vice of Ireland, thofe members had endeavoured by falfe 
 “ informations to beget mifunderftandings and jealoulies in 
 “ the Parliament againft the army. 
 
 “ 3. That whereas the Parliament might have had out 
 “ of the army, an intire force for the reduction of Ire- 
 “ land, thofe perfons had attempted to pull the army in 
 “ pieces, and to put the Kingdom to the trouble and 
 “ expence of raifing a new force for that fervice. 
 
 “ 4. That they had diverted the forces engaged for the 
 “ fervice of Ireland, and endeavoured to apply them to 
 “ carry on defperate deligns of their own in England; 
 tc and had alfo raifed new forces under pretence to guard 
 “ the Parliament, and privately lifted officers and foldiers, 
 
 “ for embroiling the Kingdom in a new and bloody 
 “ war. 
 
 “ 5. That they had invited and encouraged divers re- 
 “ formado’s, and other officers and foldiers, tumultuoufly 
 ‘ c to gather together at JVeJlminJler to affright and affault 
 “ the members of Parliament.” 
 
 The very next day, the army fent propofals to the 
 Commons, wherein they defired : 
 
 “ That the perfons impeached might be forthwith fuf- The Am/i 
 tf pended from fitting in the Houfe. idTp’/yyz, 
 
 “ That there might be a month’s pay immediately fent whiteiuck, 
 “ to the army. P- 2 f 3 ' 
 
 “ That if the officers and foldiers of the army who 
 “ had engaged for Ireland, or thofe who had deferted the 
 “ army and come to London, had fince then received more 
 “ than a month’s pay, there might be fo much more 
 “ money fent down to the army. 
 
 “ That during the debate and tranfadlion betwixt the 
 “ Parliament and the army, about raifing and lifting new 
 
 (1) IVhitflocb fays, fifteen miles. Mem. p.xpz.- 
 
 (2) Sir Thomas Widdrington, and Colonel White. Rnjhmrth, Tom. VI. p. 
 
 forces 
 
Ihe 
 
 HISTORY of E N C- L A N D. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 .. “ forces, the Parliament would not fuffer any new forces 
 
 “ to be railed within the Kingdom.” 
 
 Thefe demands extremely embarrafied the Parliament. 
 They could not reject them without furniftiing the army 
 with a pretence to march to London, where was nothing 
 ready to oppofe them, and by granting them, they gave 
 them occafion to make further demands. I his embarafl- 
 ment was the greater, as feveral Counties leconded the 
 army, and pretended, it was abfolutely neceiTary to con¬ 
 tinue them, to flop the progrefs of the arbitrary power 
 S-me Conn- affirmed by the Parliament. We have already feen, that 
 r f‘ j'J" r the Counties of Effex, Suffolk , and Norfolk , had in fume 
 Kuihu.iri’h, meafure declared for the army. Buckinghamjhne and Hert- 
 vi. F . r-c ,fordjhire followed this example, and Glamorganjhire openly 
 complained, by deputies fent on purpofe, that the People 
 were oppiefled by the Parliament and by the Committees 
 fettled in the feveral counties (t). 
 
 t:< p.iri'.i- Whereupon the two Houles thought proper to appeafe 
 the impending ftorm, by giving latisfa&ion to the army, 
 
 ' ' n order to remove all pretence of complaint ; for it was 
 June if-, eafy to perceive, that was what they wanted. It was 
 id j P ‘.T 4, therefore refolved, that the order for lifting of forces, and 
 the permiftion given to the committee of the Militia of 
 London to augment the trained-bands fhould be void : That 
 the army fhould have a month’s pay, and the General 
 id. p. j8i. be required to remove it forty miles from London. Some 
 days after, a month’s pay was alfo granted to the Forces 
 in the North, and to let the army fee there was no defign 
 to disband them, the Parliament palled an ordinance for 
 railing fixty thoufand pounds a month for the maintenance 
 p. fS-p. of the army, and for the fervice of Ireland { 2). Laftly, 
 White lock. t h e Houfe of Commons writ to the General, that they 
 were ready to receive from him any particular charge 
 againft the eleven accufed members. 
 
 The Jinny is This condefcenfion might have produced peace between 
 the Parliament and the army, if peace had been what the 
 army defired. But inftead of being obliged to the Parlia¬ 
 ment for this compliance, they were rather incenfed at it, 
 as being fenfible, the defign of it was only to break their 
 meafures, by taking away all pretence of complaint. They 
 would have been better pleafed, that all their demands had 
 been denied, in order to have an excufe to do them- 
 felves juftice. They were afraid the Parliament, by endea¬ 
 vouring to gain time, would privately take mealures, the 
 effects whereof would not appear perhaps till it fhould be 
 too late to prevent them. Wherefore, far from being con- 
 June 13. tented, they prefented a Remonftrance to the Parliament, 
 whereby they fufficiently difeovered their difinclination to 
 an agreement. This RemonftraHce contained the follow¬ 
 ing complaints of the officers and foldiers : 
 
 Other de “ That they had yet received no anfwer or refolution 
 7 h 7 "!ir>i!y. ct about the eleven accufed members. This point they 
 Ruth worch,j “ largely infilled upon, and pretended they could not ex- 
 vi. p. f ic p Cl c^ they fhould be called to an account, fo long as they 
 “ continued in luch power, both in the Houfe, and in all 
 “ the committees of the higheft truft, as they actually 
 “ did. 
 
 “ That the army was commanded to forty miles diftance 
 “ from London , and his Majefty’s perfon demanded im- 
 “ mediately to Richmond Houfe (3), within eight miles of 
 “ London , to put his Majefty within reach of thofe men’s 
 “ power. 
 
 “ That it was induftrioufly publifhed, that his Majefty 
 “ was kept a prifoner in the army, and barbaroufly and 
 “ uncivilly ufed ; but all fuggeftions of that fort were 
 “ moll falfe. 
 
 “ Laftly, after many complaints of publick and private 
 tc grievances, they faid, that they fhould be enforced, by 
 “ the Parliament's affe£led delays, to take extraordinary 
 “ courfes to put things to a fpeedy iftue, unlefs by Thurfday 
 “ night next they received alliirance and fecurity on the 
 “ following articles: 
 
 “ 1. That the declaration inviting men to defert the 
 “ army, be recalled and annulled. 
 
 “ 2. That the army may be prefently paid up, equally 
 “ to thofe that have deferred it. 
 
 “ 3. That his Majefty’s coming to Richmond may be 
 “ fufpended ; and in the mean time, no place may be ap- 
 “ pointed for his Majefty’s refidence any nearer to Lon- 
 “ don, than the Parliament will allow the quarters of the 
 61 army to be. 
 
 (c 4. That the members charged may be forthwith fuf* 1647, | 
 
 “ pended the Houfe. 
 
 ct 5. That thofe that have deferted the army may be in- 
 ct ftantly dilcharged, and receive no more of their arrears 
 “ till the army be far it fatished. 
 
 “ 6. That both Parliament and City may be freed from 
 “ thofe multitudes of reformado’s, and other foldiers, that 
 “ flock together about London. 
 
 “ 7. That all liftings, or raifings of new forces may 
 “ be effectually liippreffed. 
 
 “ 8. That the perplexed affairs of the Kingdom, 2nd 
 “ thofe concerning the army, may be put into fome fpeedy 
 “ way of fettling and compofure (4). 
 
 It was vifible, the army fought a pretence to quarrel, The ParE*.:. 
 and as it was their intereft to break very foon, for fear fe- [ 
 
 cret meafures might be taken againft them, fo was it the f Ar,, n t. 
 Parliament’s buftnefs to gain time. To that purpofe, they cre,t > 
 empowered the commilfioners in the army to treat with jj ’p ^ , t 
 them upon all the points in difpute. 
 
 Mean while, the Commons voted, “ That by the law The e'-.m % 
 “ no judgment can be given to fufpend the eleven mem- 
 “ bers from fitting in the Houfe, upon the papers prellni- r f '■ 
 “ ed from the army, before the particulars be produced, >• 
 
 “ and proofs made.” But an expedient was found to fof- 
 ten thisrefufal, namely, that the parties accufed fhould, of vi. y S x,;. 
 their own accord, delire leave to abfent themfeives from 
 the Houfe, which was granted, and the army remained la- 
 tisfied ($). 
 
 About the fame time, the army drawing a little nearer The Gene- - 
 London , probably, with defign to awe the Parliament, the T jf ; 
 General writ to the Lord-Mayor and Aldermen, that they j une -s/* 7 
 had nothing to fear from the army, who had no ill-inten- Ruihwor«M 
 tion againft the city. And indeed, it was refolved in a 
 council of war, that there fliould be no farther advance of 
 the army than to Uxbridge. 
 
 It is certain, there were many in the City and Parlia- Th: 
 ment, that wifhed to fee a breach between the two Houles 
 and the army. Some, doubtlefs, imagined fuch a breach clarendon, a 
 would be very advantagious to the King, and that one or 
 other of the two parties would join with him, and be di¬ 
 rected by him. Nay, the King flattered himfelf with 
 thefe hopes. The army fhewed great regard for him, and 
 fome of the officers even hinted to him, they were labour¬ 
 ing for his reftoration. For this reafon the two Houfes 
 thought it very neceffary to avoid a breach, which could 
 not but produce many ill effects. Both Houfes therefore RniWonh, 
 voted, that they confidered the army commanded by Ge- P- S 9 K 
 neral Fairfax , as their army, and would make provifion for 
 their maintenance. It was farther ordered, that they fliould 
 have a month’s pay, and no officer or foldier fhould leave 
 the army without licenfe from the General; that all refor¬ 
 mado’s fhould remove from the city, and the King refide 
 no nearer London than the army. Thefe votes being com- id. p. 5-96. 1 
 municated to the army, they feemed fo well pleafed with wh,telock * 
 them, that they refolved to remove from London , to fhew 
 they intended to ufe no force upon the Parliament, and the 
 head-quarters were appointed at Wickham. 
 
 Whilft the Parliament was endeavouring to content the Lon- 
 army, a plot was forming in London , to compel the two 
 Houfes to take other meafures, and oppofe the army (6). whit clocks 
 The Presbyterians v/ere not pleafed to fee the Independents 
 gain fo much ground, and cenfured the Parliament for thus 
 meanly complying with the army. The Magiftrates of 
 London came into this plot, as well as the moft zealous 
 Presbyterian members of Parliament, who had not been a- 
 ble to hinder the late votes for preventing a breach with the 
 army. The Authors of this plot had fent private agents into Rulhwordy 
 Scotland to delire afliftance. Nay, it was whifpered in Lon- J*’ p ‘ Wl 
 don, that Scotland was going to declare againft the army. 
 
 The firft ftep taken by the confpirators, was to prefent Petition of 
 to the Parliament, a petition from the Common-council 
 of London , wherein they exprefted fome fufpicion of their the Portia- 
 conduct. This was, doubtlefs, in order to have a pretence 
 to complain more openly afterwards, and to begin to leflen {d.Vw* 
 the people’s pre-pofTeffion in favour of the Parliament. In whicfloclu 
 this petition, the city complained of the arbitrary power 
 exercifed by the Parliament’s Committees, as well as of the 
 ill-management of the publick money, and defired : 
 
 “ i. That prefent command be given, that no officer 
 “ of war, or foldier, do enter London, under pretence of 
 “ receiving their arrears. 
 
 (1) It was Hrange (fays White!.ck) to fee, how feveral Counties, and the citizens of London began n make all their application to the General and the 
 Army, omitting the Parliament, and all looked upon the Army in the chief place, and were afraid of doing any thing contrary to them. Mem. p. 2J4. 
 (z) This monthly fum was raifed, by rating eacn Countyat lo mu h. EJfex paid the fum of 4^47 /. 9 s. s d. See Rujhworth, Tom. VI. p. jSi. 
 
 (3. This was ordered by the Parliament on June iy. Idem. p. y63. 
 
 (4I In thefe declarations and tranfa&ions of the army, Colonel Iret.n was chiefly employed, or took upon him the buftnefs of the Pen. And having 
 been bred in the Middle-Temple, and learned fome grounds of the Law of England, and being of a working and laborious brain and fancy, he fet him¬ 
 felf much upon thefe bufinefles, and was t'-erein encouraged and aflifted by Lieutenant General Cromwell, his Father-in-law, and by Colonel Lambert, 
 who had likewife fludied in the Inns of Court, and was of a fob tie working brain. Whiteloek, p. 254. 
 
 (f) Detail Holies, Sir Philip Stapleton, and Walter Ling, went together in a Ship to Frame, where Stapleton, that gallant Englifh Gentleman (fays 
 WhiteLck) died within two or three days landing at Calais, as fome fufpefted of the Plague. Others of the eleven Members went into other part:, and 
 fome of them retired into their Countries, and there lived privately, Mr .Holies continued in ’Bretagne till the Reftoration. Whitcloct , p. if6. 
 
 (4) It was chiefly carried on by the eleven Members and the.r friends. Qne Coferis, Alderman of Newcajlle, was employed w negotiate with the Sects. 
 Whitilodr, p. 3-57> 
 
 3 
 
 « 2. That 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 RLES I. 
 
 25 . C H A 
 
 1647. “ z. That fuch officers and foldiers as are already paid, 
 
 “ it their ufual habitation and employment have been 
 “ within London, be enjoined forthwith to betake them- 
 “ felves to their calling ; and fuch as have dwellings in the 
 “ country, be required to depart within two days after 
 tc publication. 
 
 “ 3. That all who have been in arms againft the Par¬ 
 liament, be enjoined upon pain of imprifonment, within 
 twenty four hours after publication, to repair to their 
 feveral habitations. 
 
 “ 4- That fuch commanders and foldiers as have come 
 in from the army, and received their monies, may be 
 otherwife difpofed of as the Parliament fhall think fi:. 
 
 “ 5. That all perfons whatfoever that are poffefled of 
 any monies or goods belonging to the publick, may be 
 enjoined to bring the fame, within one month after pub¬ 
 lication, into fome publick treafury. 
 
 “ 6. That all revenues be managed under fuch com- 
 miffions, and by fuch perfons, as, notwithftanding any 
 privilege of Parliament, may be held to fuch rules as are 
 or fhall be prefcribed therein. 
 
 “ 7 - That the Parliament would for the prefent lay 
 afide all bufinefles of leli'er confequence, and improve 
 their time and utmoft endeavour, that fuch laws may be 
 prepared for his Majefty’s concurrence, as mny fettle the 
 government of the Church, fecure the people from all 
 unlawful and arbitrary power whatfoever in future, and 
 reftore his Majefty to his juft rights and authority, ac¬ 
 cording to the Covenant. 
 
 “ 8. And that the people may be the better fecured to 
 enjoy the intended effedts of fuch laws, as fhall be fo 
 made with the royal aflent, that efpecial care be taken, 
 that all officers of State, and other minifters of juftice, 
 may be perfons of honour, of eonfiderable intereft, and 
 of known integrity. 
 
 “ 9 - That the Parliament would pleafe to provide for 
 the carrying on of the affairs in Ireland. 
 
 4 ‘ 1 That by juft and good means the correfpondence 
 with Scotland may be maintained and preferved. 
 
 “ 11. That the Houfe of Commons would pleafe to 
 give order for a fpeedy examination of all unlawful e- 
 ledtions and returns of the members thereof. 
 
 “ 12. That fome fpeedy courfe may be taken for the 
 deciding of all caufes formerly determinable in the Court 
 of Admiralty. 
 
 “13. That fatisfadlion being made by Delinquents, an 
 “ a£t of oblivion may be palled.” 
 
 To incenfe the Londoners againft the army, it was ru¬ 
 moured, that they defigned to declare for the King(i), 
 Nay, a Pamphlet was difperfed in London , entitled. Heads 
 presented by the Army to the King’s Majejiy . But the army 
 difowned it by a publick declaration. 
 
 The Parliament having impowered their commiffion- 
 ers (2) to treat with the army, they nominated on their 
 part, Cromwell Ire ton, Fleetwood, Rainsborough , Harrifon , 
 Sir Ilardrefs Waller, Rich, Lambert , Hammond, and Ma¬ 
 jor Rainsborough, all Independents, and heads of the party 
 in the army. It appears by Memoirs, inferted in Rujh- 
 worth s Collections, that the army’s commiffioners would 
 not begin to treat, before the Parliament fhould have grant¬ 
 ed fome things they demanded, and really performed them. 
 They complained, that the Parliament feemed indeed by 
 their Votes to comply with the army’s defires, but delayed 
 to put them in execution. The Parliament’s commiffi¬ 
 oners endeavoured on their fide to avoid having thefe points 
 confidered as granted preliminaries, and infilled upon their 
 making part of the negotiation. 
 
 This fhows, the Parliament fought to gain time, and 
 feemed inclined to give the army fatisfa&ion, only becaufe 
 it could not be avoided. The Commons were almoft all 
 Presbyterians, and confequently were vexed to fee themfelves 
 obliged to ftoop to the Independents, who were mafters of 
 the army. Among the Presbyterian members, there were 
 not a few, who, being very warm, would have gladly 
 hazarded a breach with the army, rather than be forced 
 to receive law from them. But the reft, being the majo¬ 
 rity, though no lefs enemies to the Independents, thought 
 it more advifeable to have patience, and try to amufe ffie 
 army till fome aid might be fecured, rather than furnilh 
 them with a pretence to march to London, and ruin at once 
 the Presbyterian-party and Parliament. Accordingly, thefe 
 prevailing in both Houfes, every thing feemed to tend to an 
 agreement, which could not but be fatal to the Presbyte- 
 RuOworth. r * ans ; however, there was no way to avoid it. For this 
 VL P- 595- reafon, the Parliament forbid the Reformado-officers to 
 
 Whiteloek, 
 
 p. *58. 
 
 Rufh worth, 
 
 VI. p. 6oz, 
 610. 
 
 Defence 
 between the 
 Parliament’} 
 and Army's 
 CommtJJta- 
 
 p. 608, &c. 
 633. 
 
 Different _ 
 
 the Partia- 
 
 III. p. 37. 
 
 533 
 
 come into London for two months, and gave very Ariel or- 1647. 
 ders againft lifting of foldiers, which was privately tranfadt- 
 ing in the city. 
 
 Mean while, the projedl of raffing forces in London to 7be ccmir. u . 
 oppofe the army ftill continued, though with the utmoft ,hc 
 fecrecy, and the agents in Scotland caufed much to be ex- whiteloek. 
 pedled from the Scots, as being concerned to fupport the 
 Presbyterian-party. But the authors of this project could 
 hardly flatter themfelves that the affiftanee of Scotland could 
 be ready in time, fince the Parliament and army were up¬ 
 on terms of accommodation. They found therefore, they 
 were either to break off this accommodation, or refolve to 
 fee all their hopes vanilh, and fuffer Presbyterianifm to be 
 trampled upon by the Independents. 'I'o fucceed in the 
 defign of preventing a peace between the Parliament and 
 army, they found no better way than to excite the people, 
 to force the Parliament to alter their meafures. They got July »3- 
 therefore the apprentices, and London mob, to prefent peti- Ku(hwo,(h > 
 tions, that the Presbyterian Government might be firmly V1 ‘ gig** 
 eftablilhed : The infolence of Sectaries curbed: The army Clarendon, 
 paid oft and disbanded ; and other things of the like nature * 11, 47 * 
 
 deftrudlive of the projected agreement. 
 
 On the other hand, the forces in the North, and the Forces in tbt 
 Horfe quartered at Nottingham , publifired declarations 0 f North ad- 
 their adherence to the army commanded by General Fairfax, ^‘m. ‘ b * 
 About the fame time, the Parliament, at the army’s re- July15. 
 queft, ordered the four regiments that came from the army, R, ' (hwor,h » 
 under pretence of engagement for Ireland , but remaining V ‘ p 6 '.f ai 
 ftill in the Kingdom, to be disbanded. They permitted like- ’TbeCcmlont 
 wife the eleven accufed members to go beyond fea for fix ffi m " 
 months, infinuating to them by this permiffion, that they Yenn^bfint 
 would do well to take this courfe of their own accord. But, mmjdw 
 as, probably, they were deeply concerned in the plot formed-^^* 
 at London, if not the authors, they thanked the Houfe for Sp,6a8. 
 this favour, without being in hafte to take the benefit of 
 
 Mean while, the army hearing, fomething more than The Army’s 
 ordinary was contriving in London, and that fuccours from 
 Scotland were talked of, fent a petition to the Parliament, 
 with thefe farther demands : “ That a declaration be pub- clarendon,’ 
 “ lifiied againft the bringing in of any foreign forces : That ,M *?’ + 6, 
 “ the army be paid up equal with the deferters thereof, Wlmelo<:k ‘ 
 “ and put into a conftant courfe of pay : That the com- 
 “ mitlee of the Militia of London, that had been changed 
 “ by ordinance of the 4th of May Jaft, be reftored, and 
 “ the Militia of the city fpeedily returned into thofe hands 
 “ who formerly gave large teftimonies of their fidelity to 
 “ the Parliament and Kingdom.” Whereupon the Parlia- Rufhworth. 
 ment declared, that whofoever fhould bring in foreign forces VI< P- 6 3 »- 
 without the confent of both Houfes, fhould be deemed trai¬ 
 tors. It was voted likewife, that the Militia of London P 632-634. 
 fhould be reftored to the old commiffioners, and an ordi- Whiteloek. 
 nance was palled for that purpofe. To under Hand this ar¬ 
 ticle, it mull be obferved, that in the beginning of Alay 
 lalt, both Houfes perceiving fome motions in the army, 
 thought proper to fecure the Militia of London, and put it 
 into fuch hands as they could confide in. To that end, Ru/hworth 
 they palled an ordinance the '4th of May, for chufing a vi. P " 4-2, 
 new committee of the Militia of London , by which means 4,7 s - 
 none were admitted into this committee, or any office of n" 
 the Militia, but Presbyterians, entirely devoted to the party. 47. * 
 
 This change it was, that both Houfes repealed, at the ar¬ 
 my’s requeft, and reftored the former commiffioners. 
 
 The Presbyterian-party, who had great credit in the 
 city, and polit-fled all the pofts, could not, without ex¬ 
 treme regret, behold the Parliament’s condefcenfion to the 
 army, that is, to the Independents. They faw that party 
 daily increafe, and in condition to give law to the Parlia¬ 
 ment itfelf. For this reafon, the rigid Presbyterians, fe- 
 conded by the Common-council of London, formed an en¬ 
 gagement to aflift one another, and oppofe the army to the 
 utmoft of their power, upon a fuppolition, that the army- 
 intended to fubvert what had been hitherto done to fettle 
 the peace of the Kingdom. The engagement publicklv 
 fubferibed in London , was as follows : 
 
 A folemn Engagement of the Citizens, Commanders , Officers, 
 and Soldiers of the Train d- bands, and Auxiliaries , the 
 young Men, and Apprentices of the Cities of London and 
 Weftminfter, Sea-Commanders, Seamen, and Watermen ; 
 together with divers others , the Commanders, Officers, and 
 Soldiers, within the lines of communication , and parijhes 
 mentioned in the weekly bills of mortality. 
 
 “ \\T H E R E A S we have entered into a folemn Rufhworth. 
 “ W League and Covenant, for refoimation and de- VL P . 6 39 . 
 
 to eflab'.ifh his Mayfly in his juft rights. Ludlow, 
 j JViddrtngton , Colrnel IF bite, Tb.max Scawen, and 
 
 (1) Many of. the chief in the Army gave out. That the intentions of the officers and foldiers t 
 Tom. I. p. 195. 
 
 (2) They were the Earl of Nottingham, Lord Wharton, Skippan, Sir Henry Vane lunr. Sir 
 
 Ubamat Ptn/ey, Efqs; Rujhwortb, Tom. 6. p. 605. J 
 
 (3) Hcl/es, Stapleton , and Lang, went to France. See Note above. Rufhwortb fays, that the eleven Members, finding that the Armv deck red, the Prc- 
 ceeding upon particular proofs, to make good the charge, would probably take up much time, and hinder the lettling of greater matter'-, V-'. ■ .. .4 the hi ule 
 mat tney might ab.ent themfelves tor fi* months, to go about their particular affairs, or if they defired if , beyond Sea, Idem. p. 618. 
 
 No. 70. Vo l. II. 
 
 6 T 
 
 t( fence 
 
5 34- 
 
 Tbe HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 Ludlow, 
 T. I p. sc 
 
 u fence of Religion, the honour and happinefs of the King- 
 “ dom, and the peace and fafety of the three Kingdoms of 
 “ England, Scotland , and Ireland ; all which we do emi- 
 “ nently perceive to be endangered, and like to be deftroy • 
 ed : We do therefore, in purfuance of our faid Cove- 
 nant, oath of allegiance, oath of every freeman in the 
 “ cities of London and JVcJlminJler , and protection, fo- 
 “ Iemnly engage our felves, and vow unto God Almighty, 
 
 “ that we will, to the utmoft of our power, cordially en- 
 “ deavour, that his Majefty may fpcedily come to his own 
 “ Houfes of Parliaments, with honour, fafety, and free- 
 “ dom, (and triat without the nearer approach of the ar- 
 “ mv there to confirm fuch things, as he has granted in 
 his mellage of the 12th of May laft, in anfwer to the 
 “ propofitiono of both Kingdoms ; and that by a perfonal 
 cc treats' with his two Houfes of Parliament, and the com- 
 miffioners of the Kingdom of Scotland , iuch things as 
 “ arc s et in difterence, may be fpeedily fettled, and in a 
 ‘‘ firm and lafling peace eftablifhed ; for the effecting here- 
 11 of, we do p rote It, and re-obiige our felves, as in the 
 “ prefence of God, the fearcher of all hearts, with our 
 “ lives and fortunes, to endeavour what in us lies, to pre- 
 “ ferve and defend his Majefty’s royal perfon and autho- 
 ‘‘ rily, the privileges of Parliament, and liberty of the Sub- 
 “ jciif, in their full and conftant freedom, the cities of Lon- 
 “ don and I! cjhninfler, lines of communication, and pa- 
 “ rifhes mentioned in the weekly bills of mortality ; and 
 “ all other; that fhall adhere with us, to the faid Cove- 
 “ nant, and oath of allegiance, oath of every freeman of 
 “ London and H'cjhninjler , and protefiation : Nor fhall we 
 “ by any means admit, fuftcr, or endure, any neutrality 
 “ in this common caufeof God, the King, and Kingdom, 
 
 “ as we do expert the blefling of God Almighty, whofe 
 ** help we crave, and wholly devolve our felves upon, in 
 “ this our undertaking.” 
 
 The two Houfes had no fooner advice of this engage- 
 1 ment, but they publifhed by beat of drum, and found of 
 trumpet, a prohibition to fign it. On the other hand, the 
 General loudly complained to the Parliament’s Commiffi- 
 nner-‘, and defired them to put a fpeedy flop to the agita- 
 ti' ns in London, which tended to rekindle the war. At 
 the fame time, he ordered a ftri£t inquiry to be made in 
 the army after all cavaliers, who had born arms for the 
 Kin :, or were fufpedted to be of his part) - , with a com- 
 m mJ to difmifs them forthwith. 
 
 ’•or two or three days there was a great commotion in 
 London : Aillmblies were held. Soldiers lifted, and orders 
 ■ given them to be ready upon the firft notice. The Com¬ 
 mon-Council received two Petitions, one from a great 
 - number of fubftantial Citizens, the other from the young 
 men and apprentices (i), to defire, “ That the Militia 
 “ might be continued, as fettled by ordinance of the yth 
 “ of May." Whereupon the Common-Council repre- 
 fented to the Commons in a petition, “ That having ta- 
 “ ken notice of the pleafure of both Houfes for conftitu- 
 ’• “ ting, by ordinance dated the 23d of July , a new Com- 
 “ mittee for the Militia of the City of London , and for 
 “ determining of a former ordinance for the fame, dated 
 “ the 4th of May laft, they could not but call to mind, 
 “ how far both Houfes of Parliament had formerly ho- 
 “ noured the City, when they firft eftablifhed the Com- 
 tC mittee for the Militia, to take the fenfe of this Court 
 “ before they finally refolved thereupon \ which confi- 
 “ dence the petitioners are not confcious to themfelves to 
 “ have forfeited. And next being lenfible, what a general 
 “ diftemper this fudden change hath already made, and is 
 like to make, in the City, they could not but earneftly 
 “ pray, that the Militia which was eftablifhed by ordinance 
 “ ot the ah of A lay laft may be reftored.” 
 
 i he Parliament was not a little embarafi'ed in the pre- 
 fent juncture, confidering the impoffibility of contenting 
 at the fame time, the army and the City, whofe defires 
 were diametrically oppofite. It is certain, moft of the 
 Members were Presbyterians, and confequently ill-affeded 
 to the army. Had it been in their choice, they would have 
 declared againft and disbanded the army according to their 
 intention But fince the army’s approach to the City, the 
 wifeft, who wen- the majority, had thought it proper to 
 comply, not feeing how the army could be oppofed, if 
 the) proceeded to violence, as was very likely. But there 
 was j good number of others who were for running all 
 1 ward 1 her than fee the Independents triumph. Mean 
 while, thefe laft privately cheriftied the commotions in the 
 City, imagining, the ailiftance they might receive from 
 J.c'uon , was fufficient to refill: all attempts of the army. 
 This was hkewife the opinion of the Common-Council, 
 the populace, and feme general Officers, as Sir William 
 Waller , Poyntz , and M<:j'.y, who were removed by the 
 
 new Model, and were then in London. The only point 164". 
 therefore was to induce the Parliament to join with them, 
 and take vigorous refolutions againft the army. But as 
 there was no likelihood of prevailing by fair means, it was 
 refolved to ufe force. 
 
 To that end, July the 26th, a great number of young The 
 men, and apprentices came to Wtjlminjltr, and prelented 
 a petition to the Houle of Commons, defiring : ar .d p c . 
 
 1. That the ordinance of the 23J of July for change rb ' 
 
 the Militia of London , be immediately repealed. Rufljwmth.’ 
 
 2. That the City may be vindicated againft a late pre- vi. p . 64Z. 
 tended Declaration, that thofe are traitors who fhall aft to 
 
 get fubferiptions, and that it may be revoked. 
 
 3. That both Houfes do prefently make an order, for 
 calling in all abfent Members, efpecially the eleven late ac- 
 cufed Members, againft: whom there has been nothing pi li¬ 
 ved to this day. 
 
 Thefe demands were fuch, confidering the prefent junc- ° K(i c ' r d’ nn 
 ture, that it was no wonder much time was (pent in deba- toy , ar f,' liClr 
 ting by both Houfes. But the people without, growing ddm. 
 impatient, and perceiving, thefe debates were intended on- whuclock, 
 lv to amufe them, made a great noife in the outer rooms. 
 
 Some knocked at the door of the Houfe. Others threw T. 1 P : 6. 
 in ftones at the windows of the Houfe of Peers. In a 
 word, they very plainly fhowed they would not fufter the 
 two Houfes to rife, before they had received fatisfaftion. 
 
 At laft, both Houfes feeing it would be in vain to refill the 
 multitude, who tbreatned to tear them in pieces, vo > h y 
 
 That the ordinance ol the 23d of July , for fettlii. 1 
 “ Militia of London , and the Declaration of the 241b 1 
 tc the fame intent, be null and void.” This done the p , (,44. 
 Houfe of Commons adjourned till next day. But the mul¬ 
 titude conftrained the Speaker and Members to refume 
 their places, and defired them to vote, That the King 
 fhould come to London ; which was done accordingly. On 
 the morrow both Houfes being met, adjourned to the 30th. 
 
 On the 28th, the Common-Council received a letter ^ hl Cir!e _ 
 from the General, expreffing his good affeftion and tender hr> Later 
 care of the City, but withal his great diflike of the peti- ‘Jf b \ C J : ' 
 tion, and the means ufed to promote it. At the fame 1 ’ 
 time, many young men and others attended the Common- 
 Council, declaring their readinefs to fupport the juft privi¬ 
 leges of the City [againft all Oppofers. J Whereupon a 
 letter was lent by a meflenger to the General, and fix 
 Commiffioners appointed to follow the next morning. In TteC.r,- 
 the letter, “ They declared their inclination to peace, in- m n -Cour. 
 
 ‘‘ treating him, that the army might not advance, nor [Zl. % 
 “ intermeddle with the rights and privileges of the City, whitelcck, 
 ‘‘ conceiving that the ftrengthening the City for the fafety 
 “ thereof, was no juft caufe to provoke the foldiers : And 
 ‘ l as for the Petition, the Parliament had already declared 
 “ their fenfe of it, and therefore it waj needlefs for them 
 “ to do it, and the rather for that it had never been for- 
 “ mally prefented to hem.” 
 
 Mean while, the Common-Council having received in- Tbe Clfy 
 telligence that the army was advancing towards London , or- put them - 
 ders were given for the trained-bands to go to their works, ,na 
 and for all that could bear arms to appear the next morning ^dtfeZ 'e! 
 at feveral places. Ruihworth, 
 
 Both Houfes meeting the 30th of July , the two Speak- ^, l ( j il p c j ( 6 c 4 k 6 * 
 ers did not appear, which obliged them to chufe others in , wo 
 their room (2). With the Speakers, a good number of Sp c ,t: r , 
 Members of both Houfes were alfo departed from London, ! r ’ 'J'"" 
 without any one’s knowing whither. The abfence of thefe •„’ f ,b t 
 
 members who were all triends to the army, rendered the C n: " : -n r> 
 contrary party fo fuperior, that the Commons voted the fame ’jf r ‘ 
 day. That the King fhould come to London : That the Rufliworth. 
 Militia of the City fhould have full power to raife fuch VI - p 646* 
 forces as they fhould think fit, for the defenfe thereof: 11 j >reRd ’ n » 
 That they fhould chufe a commander in chief to be appro- Holies. ‘ 
 ved by the Houfe, and fuch commander to prefent other 
 officers, to be approved by the Militia. After that the MaiTey 
 Committee made choice of Major-General AlaJJey to com- 
 mand in chief, and ordered, that all Reforinadoes and other r buf. 
 officers fhould the next day appear to be lifted in St. James's White lock, 
 fields, and the forces already lifted to be put into a regi¬ 
 mental way. 
 
 The fame day, the Common-Council received a letter n e Cent* 
 from General Fairfax , dated the day before, wherein he rah Later 
 fpoke very fharply of the tumult of the 26th, and of the 
 violence upon the Parliament. He faid, the guard fent from v,. p . 647. 
 the city, not only negle&ed their duty, but that divers white'oek. 
 of the Common-Council greatly incouraged the feditious. 
 
 That they had not kept their word with the army, 
 which, upon their aflurance to fecure the Parliament Irom 
 any attempt, had removed to that diftance from the city. 
 
 That he could not but look on them as accountable to the 
 Kingdom, for the prefent interruptions of the hopeful way 
 
 :rc feveral of the Independents belonging to the Army. Ho/let, p. 14;, 
 
 -.I? L .ri G’-.-y or lt ;rt ; and lie Common.-, Mr. Henry Petbam a Counfellor of Ltnctln' 1-Inn. Rujhiucrtb, Torn. 6. p, 646. 
 at.:iarci. a-.d : M:m ic: .--irmaing in '.he Houfe of Commons- Clarendon, Tom. 3. p- 4’- 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 535 
 
 1647. 
 
 \lt City'1 
 \ularathn 
 \iatnfl the 
 
 Lf.x.* 
 
 |a London, 
 d. p. C52, 
 
 The Army 
 narcbes to- 
 
 Rufh worth, 
 Vfl. p.750. 
 Clarendon, 
 HI. p. 48. 
 
 The General 
 
 hr peace, 
 with a de¬ 
 coration. 
 Rufhworth, 
 
 vn.p. 73 t, 
 
 73 8. 
 
 Speakers, 
 ind-be rejl 
 if the ab- 
 
 ibemfelJ!, 
 upon the ar- 
 
 of peace and fettlement of the nation, if by their care and 
 induftry the chief adtors in the late tumults were not de¬ 
 tected and given up to juftice. 
 
 On the other hand, the city publifhed an apology by 
 way of Declaration or Manifefto, fetting forth, 44 The 
 44 army’s furprifing of the King at Holmby , without its 
 “ being known by what authority, and under what pre- 
 44 fences ; and their keeping his roy^l perfon ever fince, 
 44 notwithftanding his furprifal was difowned by the 
 “ General for himfelf and all the officers about him, and. 
 “ for the body of the army. That the privileges of 
 44 Parliament had been violated by the army’s caufing the 
 44 eleven members to withdraw, and by interpofing in 
 “ the Militia of London , which was fubjedl to no other 
 44 cognizance but of the King and Parliament.” There 
 were feveral other things in this Manifefto, which infinu- 
 ated that the army’s ill defigns were but too evident. 
 They concluded with protefting, that “ they fincerely 
 44 defire a happy and fpeedy Peace by the fettlement of 
 “ true Religion, by re-eftablifhing his Majefty’s juft 
 44 rights, by upholding all lawful privileges of a free Par- 
 44 liament, by maintaining the fundamental laws of the 
 “ land, by reftoring the Subjedt to his juft liberty, and 
 44 by freeing this long-opprell'ed Kingdom from all taxes, 
 44 and the enforced free-quarters towards the maintain- 
 44 ance of an army, which hath long had no vifible enemy 
 44 tp encounter.” 
 
 Both Houfes alfo writ to the General, that though he 
 had given them no account of the motion of his army, 
 yet they underftood, he had ordered his forces to march 
 towards London , on pretence of defending the Houfes from 
 the dangfe’r of tumults ; upon which account they thought 
 fit to let him know, that as they could not but have a 
 deep fenfe of the undue liberty which fome apprentices 
 and others had taken, to violate the freedom of Parliament, 
 fo they doubted not, but the fenfe of fo great an offence 
 would at laft ftrike thofe that were acceffary thereto with 
 a deteftation of any fuch practices for the future : And 
 that as the Houfes could not imagine, thefe diforders had 
 the allowance of the city of London , fo they had fince re¬ 
 ceived full fatisfa&ion by the ftridl orders publifhed by the 
 Common-Council for preventing and fuppreffing of tumults, 
 and by their declaration, that they fhould fit with freedom 
 and fecurity from any difturbances for the future. And 
 therefore they faw no caufe to command the army to come 
 to their affiftance, but rather judged (by the diftradtions 
 raifed at the news thereof) that the army’s approach was 
 like to produce great mifehiefs, and caft the whole King¬ 
 dom into confufion. That for prevention of thefe dangers, 
 they had fent him an exprefs order to withdraw his army, 
 requiring him to give exadt obedience thereto. 
 
 The fame day the Commons voted, that the eleven ac- 
 cufed members fhould be received into the Houfe; accord¬ 
 ingly moft of them came and took their places on the 
 morrow (1). 
 
 On the 3 r ft, the two Houfes publifhed an ordinance, 
 enabling the committee of the Militia of London to punifh 
 fuch as did not repair to their colours, and to chufe a 
 Major-General, or any other officer for the forces raifed 
 or to be raifed within the City of London ; and Majfey, 
 lFallen , and Poyntz were employed in forming regiments 
 and companies. 
 
 Though the Parliament and City made great prepara¬ 
 tions, the army were under no apprehenfions. They 
 knew, that two or three days were not fufficient to dif- 
 cipline an army levied in hafte in the city, and enable it 
 to withftand twenty thoufand victorious troops, well fup- 
 plied with arms, ammunition, and ordnance. They con¬ 
 tinued therefore their march to the general rendezvous at 
 Hounjlow-Heath, within twelve miles of London. Mean 
 while, the General delivered to the Parliament’s commif- 
 fioners, certain propofals to be negotiated between the Par¬ 
 liament and army, for fettling the peace of the Kingdom. 
 At the fame time, he put into their hands a declaration by 
 the council of war, wherein the officers faid, Though the 
 late violence done to the Parliament rendered all proceed¬ 
 ings in the way of treaty vain and hopelefs, till the Par¬ 
 liament fhould be reftored to a condition of freedom, yet 
 they had thought good to make this publick tender of pro¬ 
 pofals to the confideration of the Kingdom, wherein all 
 men might fee the integrity of their intentions, and the 
 bottom of their defires. Thefe propofals related entirely to 
 the publick, without any mixture of the private views of 
 the army. 
 
 Mean while, the two Speakers, and the reft of the 
 members of both Houfes who had abfented themfelves, to 
 the number of fixty-fix, came to the General, defiring his 
 protection, and faying, that as there was no free fitting 
 
 for them in the Parliament, they had quitted the Houfes 1647. 
 for fear of being torn in pieces by the mob. Nothing 
 could be more agreeable to the army than this requeft, 
 which authorized them, without their being forced to feek 
 other pretences, to march to London to re-inflate the mem¬ 
 ber.', fuppofed to he driven from the Parliament by the 
 populace. From that time, they would no more own 
 the two Houfes for Parliament, but paid to the Speakers 
 and Members who attended them, the fame refpecl as they 
 would have done to the Parliament itfelf. 
 
 It was very ftraiige, that zealous Presbyterians, fuch as Reafomof 
 were moft of the abfented members, fhould have recourfe tke c ° atiua 
 to the army’s protection, againft the endeavours of their SpleL*and 
 brethren in both Houfes and the city, to prevent the Inde- 1 be rejl. 
 pendents from trampling upon Presbyterianifm. The 
 moft probable reafon of this proceeding, I think, is, that 
 thefe members imagined, their brethren and the Common- 
 council of London were taking wrong meafures, and would 
 be infallibly oppreffed by the army, it was therefore very 
 natural for men in this belief, to endeavour to avoid beino- 
 involved in the ruin their party was threatned with, and 
 to chufe rather to continue to diffemble their fentiments 
 as they had done for fome time, than be expofed in vain 
 to inevitable, as they thought, calamities. To this may 
 be added, that among thefe members there were fome In¬ 
 dependents, who earneftly laboured to perfwade the reft to 
 this courfe, as we are informed by Ludlow’s Memoirs, T - 1 P --r> 
 w-ho was of this number and parry. The Lord Clarendon * c, n , 
 gives another reafon, which feems not fo natural. He pre- ’ P4 ’ 
 tends, thefe members believed, the army defigned to reftore 
 the King to all his rights, and feeing there were not forces 
 fufficient to hinder it, they were willing to avoid the ef- 
 fedls of his vengeance, by concurring with the army in his 
 reftoration. But, befides that the event fhowed, the In¬ 
 dependents had no fuch intention, it is certain they, had 
 not hitherto exprefled it, unlels fome civilities paid the King 
 fince he was in their hands, are to be confideied as real 
 proofs of this intention. Moreover, the army had juft 
 given a fenfible proof, that their defign was not to reftore 
 the King to all his rights, by the propofals lately delivered 
 to the Parliament’s commiffioners, whereby the King’s 
 prerogatives were entirely fubverted, as will hereafter 
 appear. 
 
 However this be, the army improved the defertion of 
 thefe members to juftify their advance towards London , 
 and to fiiow that their aim was only to prevent a new 
 war, which the Members at JVeJlmmJler , and the Com¬ 
 mon-Council of London , had a mind to excite. To this 
 purpofe, they publifhed a Manifefto, containing the rea- 
 fons of their marching to London j the fubftance whereof 
 was to this effedt : 
 
 a That the army was formerly led, by the grounds The Arm,'s 
 “ then declared, to advance towards the citv of Loudon ■ 
 
 “ hut having received from the Parliament and city fome 
 “ hopes of fatisfadlion, they yielded a fpeedy compliance vu^p. -44. 
 “ to their defires for their removal to a farther diilance. 
 
 “ And being in this fecure way, and labouring after the 
 “ fudden fettlement of the Kingdom, they had even 
 “ brought to perfection, particular propofals to be fent to 
 “ the Parliament, for a final ronclufion of all their trou- 
 cc bles ; but the Kingdom’s enemies being moft vigilant to 
 “ fruftrate thofe good intentions of theirs, had endeavoured 
 “ to caft the Kingdom into a new and bloody war : And 
 “ for that end had procured the under-hand lifting of feve- 
 “ ral reformadoes, and others, and contrived a wicked and 
 “ treafonable combination ; as it was fufficiently manifeffed 
 “ by a declaration palled thereupon by both Houfes of 
 “ Parliament the 23d of July laft, for the prevention of 
 “ the difturbances that were like to enfue thereupon 
 “ from which kind of diforders the city had been well 
 “ preferved, during the fpace of almoft four years, whilft 
 “ the Militia was in the hands of the old commiffioners, 
 
 “ whereby it appeared, there was caufe for the army to 
 “ intreat the Parliament, that the MiLitia might be re- 
 “ turned into the hands it was in before. 
 
 “ That thofe old commiffioners of the Militia were not 
 “ only perfons without all exception, but alfo men of 
 “ whom the Kingdom had had above four years experience 
 “ in the faithful difeharge of their truft, and that were 
 44 always moft defirous of a peace. Yet, on a fudden, 
 
 44 this truft which they had fo faithfully difeharged fo 
 44 long, was taken out of their hands, and put into the 
 “ hands of others, fome whereof had been very cool in 
 44 the fervice of the Parliament; and this was preffed, and 
 44 in a manner forced upon the Parliament, with the ut- 
 44 moft importunity. Thefe things miniftred great caufe 
 44 of fufpicion, that that alteration of the Militia was in 
 44 order to make the terms of the peace, and agreement 
 
 'e declared. That the Ordinance of the 19th of July, which put under the command of Sir Tbcmat Fairfax ali the land forces, did no, 
 over.the Train’d-band,, Garrifons, £Y. And this Declaration Was ordered to be printed and publilhed Lender, bj- found of trumpet. 
 
 Clarendon, 
 III. p. 48. 
 
 with 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 536 
 
 1647. 
 
 rte HISTO RY of ENGLAN D. 
 
 with the King, more fuitable to the private under- 
 “ takings of fome men, than to the publick welfare of 
 the whole Kingdom. But this defign difcovered itfelf 
 <« more clearly, in that at the lame time that the alter- 
 l< ation of the Militia of Louden was fet on foot, the 
 “ fame perfons with as much eameftnefs prert'ed for the 
 “ disbanding of the army, before any thing was fettled for 
 *« the fecurity and liberty of the Kingdom. At the fame 
 “ time, the Common-council was new modellized, a 
 Lord-Mayor chofen that might fuit with the prefent 
 tt defign, and divers perfons were left out of the Com- 
 « mon-Council and Militia of eminent deferts and fidelity, 
 
 « jnd others brought into their rooms, that had either 
 “ certified an ill affcftion, or little affeftion to the Parlia- 
 “ ment and their caufe. That the honour of the Par- 
 « liament was continually trampled under foot, and their 
 “ authority affronted by every rabble of women, ap- 
 “ prentices, reformadoes and foldiers, till at length it was 
 “ rifen to the height of monftrous violence againft the 
 “ Parliament, that they might fet themfelves on work, 
 “ and the Kingdom on fire again. That at length, the 
 tC defign appeared open-faced, and though the Militia was 
 “ made the principal ground of the quarrel, yet the pref¬ 
 it fing fo much the King’s coming to London to confirm 
 “ the" fame, fhewed that the Militia was defired but in or- 
 « der to that defign, and to force the Parliament to fuch 
 
 “ terms of peace as they pleafeJ. 
 
 ti That the inti-reft of the Common-Council, in their 
 « change of the Militia, was claimed as the birth-right of 
 “ the City of London ; but fuch a claim could not juftly 
 u b c i ie id up againft both Houfes of Parliament: For then 
 “ who fhould be mafter of the Parliament’s freedom and 
 “ refolutions? And who fhould be mafters of the birth- 
 “ rights of the whole Kingdom, when there fhould be no 
 “ army on foot ? 
 
 “ That the army difeerning how intimate fome of the 
 new Militia were with fome of the eleven accufed 
 “ Members, and how forward they were to comply and 
 “ a«ft with them in their endeavours to raife a new war, 
 “ found it neceflliry to defire, That the Militia might be 
 “ put into the hands wherein it was formerly, that the ar- 
 “ my being fecured by that means from danger, might 
 tC with the more confidence retire further from the City. 
 “ Which, according to their defire, being reftored again 
 “ into the hands of the old Commiffioners, feveral peti- 
 “ lions were prefented to the Common-Council of the Ci- 
 “ ty of London , in the name of the apprentices and others, 
 “ importing their defires, that the Militia of the City 
 “ might continue in the hands of the former commiffioners, 
 “ according to the ordinance of the 4th of May laft ; 
 <c Whereupon the Common-Council of the City prefents 
 “ their Petitions to both Houfes for changing the Militia, 
 <c wherein the Houfe of Lords refufe to alter their refolu- 
 “ tions ; the Houfe of Commons anfwered, they would 
 “ take it into confideration the next morning; notwith- 
 “ ftanding which, the City and Kingdom could not be ig- 
 “ norant, with what rage and infolency the tumult of ap- 
 ‘‘ prentices the fame day forced both Houfes; they blocked 
 “ up their doors, threatning them, if they granted not 
 their defires ; and in this outragious manner continued 
 “ at the Houfe eight hours together; after which, the 
 “ Houfe rifing, the Speaker, and many Members going 
 “ out, they forced them back again into the Houfe. And 
 “ during the time of that violence, JVeJlminJier-Hall and 
 “ the Palace-Yard, was filled with Reformadoes, and 
 “ other ill-affe&ed perfons defigned to back them. After 
 “ that, the Houfes being adjourned, the apprentices print- 
 ‘‘ ed and ported a paper in feveral places of the City, re- 
 quiring all their fellows to be early at the Parliament the 
 “ next morning, for that they intended to adjourn by fe- 
 < c ven of the Clock, and that for a month. Thus the 
 “ Speakers, with many of the Members, were driven 
 “ away from the Parliament. All men therefore might 
 “ judge of the juftnefs of the caufe the army had enga- 
 “ ged themfelves in. And if after fo much blood and 
 “ treafure (pent, all that they were to hope for, and reft 
 “ in, was only what the King had granted in his meffage 
 “ of the 1 2th of May laft, what muft become of the 
 “ Kingdom? &c. (1). 
 
 « Laftly, the army declared, that they would ftand by 
 “ all fuch Members ot either Hi ufe of Parliament, as were 
 “ forced to abfent themfelves from ll' ejlminjlcr, and ufe 
 
 night 1647. 
 
 ‘ their utmoft and fpeedv endeavours, that they 1 
 1 with freedom and fecurity fit there again. They 
 wife declared againft the choice of a new Speaker, and 
 Lc againft all order.-, votes, or refolutions forced from the 
 Houfe on the 26th of July laft, and fuch as fhould be 
 ■ l parted till thofe Members were reftored again: That 
 “ they thought themfelves bound to bring to condign pu- 
 “ nifhment the authors and fomenters of the violence done 
 “ to the Parliament, and expected that the people of Lon- 
 “ don would deliver up to them the eleven Members im- 
 “ peached. But if any in the City fhould engage them- 
 “ felves to protect thofe Members, and fo put the King- 
 “ dom again into a war, the blood muft be laid to the ac- 
 “ count of fuch perfons. 
 
 “ And whereas fome had porteffed the minds of men, 
 
 “ that they gaped only after the plunder of the great and 
 “ wealthy city of London ; they declared from their hearts, 
 
 “ that they abhorred the thought thereof : But as they 
 “ were informed, that the city of Wejhninjler , and the 
 “ borough of Southwark, were brought into a hard con- 
 “ dition, by claiming a right not to be fubje&ed to a Mi- 
 “ litia, without their own confent, they promifed to affift 
 “ them for the obtaining of their juft defires and immu- 
 tC nities. 
 
 “ That when thefe things were duly fettled, they 
 “ fhould be as ready to affurc unto the King his juft rights 
 “ and authority, as any that pretended it never fo much.” 
 
 The next day, the army being drawn together on Noun - n e c :m - ■, 
 flow-Heath [z), the Common-council of London began to c-rm 
 fear the danger to which the city would be expofed, it the ’ 
 
 army fhould force th. lines, which was but too likely, and 
 this apprehenfion caufed them to take more moderate refo¬ 
 lutions (3). So taking occafion from the army’s late de- and lry u , 
 claration, they writ to the General, that underftanding by appea/etbei 
 the declaration, that the army’s intention was only to re- 
 ftore the abfent members to their places in the Parliament, R u /h w 5 0 " rt h,t 
 the city was ready to concur with them in their defign. vn. p.743. 
 That accordingly, he fhould find all ports and partes open, 75 r * 
 and for removing all mifunderftanding, they had recalled 
 their late declaration. The General anfwered, That he jbeFortt , 
 wifhed all the forts on the weft-fide of the city were de- abut Lon- 
 livered to him, and he was immediately obeyed. After 
 that, he writ to the Common-council, that the preferving ,he Central 
 of the privileges of the Parliament, and fecuring the mem- p- 75 -• 
 bers from violence, had been the foie caufe of his near ap- Whlleloc k; 
 proach to their city. 
 
 The 6th of Augujl, the General, preceded by fome re- He (mtsfa 
 giments of Horfe, and attended by the two old Speakers, London, j* 
 id the members who had abfented themfelves, came to 
 ' ejhmnjler, and alighted at Sir Abraham Wilhatm'% houfe 0 j 
 
 in New Palace-Yard. He ftaid there fome time, whilft fe Mem- 
 the two Speakers (4), and the reft of the members repaired ^ 7 (i, wort |, 
 to their refpechve Houfes. vn P . 75 e 
 
 Prefentlv after, the Houfe of Peers parted an ordinance Clarendon*, 
 for making General Fairfax Conftable of the Tower, fjff 
 with power to name a deputy, to which the Commons Conjcn-.roj 
 con fen ted. After that, the General was defired to come ,b f. Iu f er > 
 to the Parliament, where he received the thanks ol both 
 Houfes. The fame day, the Parliament ordeied, that the v 11. p.757 
 1 2th fhould be a day of Thankfgiving to God, for reftoring 7s^J59- 
 the membeis of both Houfes to their juft privileges, without uteoc 
 the effufion of blood, and that a gratuity of a month’s pay 
 fhould be given to the non-commiffioned officers and fol¬ 
 diers for this great fervice. The following days were 7 -(, e Partis 
 fpent in approving and ratifying what the army had done, ment ap - 
 But this was not all. The Lords demanded two things, 
 which the Commons very much oppofed. The firft was, Anny bai 
 the making null all A£ts, done from the 26th of July, to d-„ e . 
 the 6th of Augujl. The Commons were ready to give 
 their confent, provided it was without declaring them ille- fff d f d 
 gal. This difpute held till the 20th, when the Commons 
 parted at length the ordinance demanded by the Peers, but ^(hwofth 
 with this reftriflion : That no perfon fhall be impeached or &c> ^4.' 
 punifhed , for hit acting by, or upon, the faid votes , orders , 
 or ordinances , unlefs he fhall be found guilty of contriving '> 
 abetting the viftble force put upon the Parliament , or of en¬ 
 tering into, or promoting the late engagement, for the bunging 
 the King to the city, upon the terms and conditions exprfed 
 in his Majejly s letters of the 12 to of May la A. 
 
 The fecond thing defired by the Lords, was, that it 1 p- 
 fhould be declared, the Parliament was not free from the 
 26th of July, to the 6th of Augujl , and that the members 
 
 (in This entirely deffroys the rcili n f the Members abfenting themfelves, alledged by the Lord Clarendon. Rapin. 
 
 (2 i At this rend ztous were prefewt the Earls of Northumberland, Saliibury, JCent$ the L.ircs Grey .it It ■ . 
 and others, about i Jitt-en Lord ; the S-.-.-.k.-i, and about a hundred Members of the Houfe of Commons- The army, eor-fiiV;? • 
 and F iot, beiiij. urawn up : n b> t w ic.c ves, the General, acc mpan-ed with thefe Lords and Commoner'., and other Genilrtn 1 
 a view or the A •■-.v. m R.-g msir to K..Am:nt, who received them w th great acelamations of the Soldiers, cryng, L-.t.,: . 
 Parliament. Th; I'.mte Eleflor faijiir.e c.me alfo and viewed the Army, being received by the General with great rc-lpti W 
 
 . Tom 
 
 u. came : n, whilft the Cit Militia and Common-Council 
 V er ed. One and all But if tile fcouts brought intelligence 
 r lift, 'hey agreed to I. na the General an humble Letter. IV. 
 ( ;' The Earl : filar,.:'per for the Ljfds, ai.d Lentball tor the Common*. 
 
 : fitting, and brought 
 
 iteiligenc 
 
 , That the Arn-y -na U a 
 them, then t^iey wet 
 
 263. Rujb 
 
Book XXI. 25 . C H A 
 
 * 647 . who aflembled at IVejhninJier, in the abfence of the 
 
 Speakers, fhould be expelled the Parliament and punifhed. 
 r Rufhworth, This queftion being debated a whole day in the Houfe of 
 VH-p.778. Commons, was carried in the negative, but by three 
 liwhiielock. voices (1). The Lords indited upon this point merely out 
 of compliance to the army, who, by a remonftrance to 
 the Pai liament, had demanded the fame thing, declaring, 
 they could not fuffer fuch members as fate and voted du¬ 
 ring the abfence of the Speakers, to intrude themfelves into 
 the Parliament before they had given fatisfaftion to their 
 Sept. s. refpeftive Houfes. Neverthelefs, this affair was carried no 
 ilRuftiworth, farther. Only feven Lords (z), with the Lord-Mayor, 
 vil. p.804., f evera i Aldermen, and fome officers of the Militia were 
 Whi'telock. accufed of High-treafon for being concerned in the tumult 
 of the z6th of July , which was called, intending to excite 
 a new war. 
 
 76e King'1 Whilft thefe things palfed between the Parliament and 
 \\Sute jr.d Army, the King was not only very quiet, but even cntcr- 
 KWk/m. ta ; ne( j g. reat . hopes from this divifion, and flattered himfelf, 
 He isfiat- t h at t he army would declare for him. Their civility and 
 Icomplaifance to him feemed to promife him a happier ftate, 
 ’iChrendon, than when in the hands of the Parliament. Three of his 
 Jii. l>. -j8, c h 2 plains (3) were allowed to come to him, and celebrate 
 |£Jjlow C * divine fervice, after the manner of the Church of England , 
 
 ,IT. 1. p.194, and all his old fervants and domefticks had liberty to fee 
 il 95- and fpeak with him. Berkley , Ajhburnham, Capel, the 
 Marquifs of Ormond himfelf, who had at laft furrendered 
 Dublin to the Parliament, faw him as often as they pleafed 
 in publick or private, and the two firft were now in his fer¬ 
 vice. The Scotch commiffioners refiding at London , fre¬ 
 quently vifited him, and expreffed a great defire to ferve 
 him. As they knew, that the Independents were fworn 
 enemies of their Na'ion, they began to perceive, it was 
 their intereft to join with the King againft: their common 
 enemies. Mean while, the civilities fhown the King were 
 but the effect of the policy of Cromwell and his affociates (4). 
 They were not ignorant how the Parliament and city of 
 London flood affected to them, and were perfwaded, that 
 after all, the Presbyterians would chufe rather to agree with 
 the King, than fee the Independents triumph. To prevent 
 this union it was, that they had caufed the King to be re¬ 
 moved from Elolmby , without either the General-officers, 
 or the body of the army appearing in it, to a place where 
 his perfon was in their power. On the other hand, the 
 King was extremely careffed by them, and even put in 
 hopes of a fpeedy agreement with the army, as well to di¬ 
 vert him from the thoughts of uniting with the Parliament, 
 as to deprive the Presbyterians of the hope of fuch an uni¬ 
 on. In every declaration and remonftrance of the army, 
 there was always fomething inferted to exprefs their defire, 
 that the King might be reftored to his juft rights. But it 
 was ever with this reftriftion, when the affairs of the Go¬ 
 vernment jbould be fully fettled , that is, in the manner they 
 defired, and they knew, it v/ould then be eafy to find oc- 
 cafion to quarrel with the King, and retraft what they 
 feemed to promife him. 
 
 He conceives qh e j^ing was deceived by this policy. As he faw him- 
 f iTitwtr- felf courted by both parties, he imagined, they could not he 
 \rtacbed by without him, and that he fhould quickly be able to incline 
 Cromwell. t h e p ca j e to which fide he pleafed. Nay, he fancied for 
 ld ' *' fome time, that the two parties would accept him for me- 
 Clarendon, diator. In this imagination he expreffed a regard for both, 
 
 ' ,n ' p - +0 ’ and told them by turns, though very fecretly, he would be 
 * C ' guided by their counfels. Mean while, as he mortally ha¬ 
 ted the Presbyterians, he was much more defirous to join 
 with the army, if they would but have granted him tole- 
 Rulhworth, rable conditions, as they made him expeft. Neverthelefs, 
 vu. p.767, he liftned to the propofals of the Scotch commiffioners, to 
 : &c ' put himfelf under the proteftion of the Presbyterians and 
 Scots, and thereby hoped to be fafe, however the contells 
 Ludlow, between the Parliament and army might end. In the 
 T.U p.u2. mean t j mCj ] ie f u fFered himfelf to be amufed by Cromwell, 
 and Ireton , who, on pretence they were fufpefted by both 
 Houfes, feldom vifited him, but however, acquainted him 
 with their intentions, by means of fome officers, who could 
 converfe more freely with him, or his confidents. Though 
 he was ufed very civilly, he was narrowly watched, and at 
 the very time he thought himfelf arbiter of the two parties, 
 was really a prifoner. Since his removal from Holmby , he 
 had followed the motions of the army, and refided fome- 
 
 R L E S I. 537 
 
 times in a town, and fometimes at a Country-houfe, ac- 1647. 
 cording as the army thought fit. At laft, when the army 
 had their rendezvous on Hounjlow- Heath, in order to march 
 to London, he was conduced to Hampton-Court (5). 
 
 The revolution, which happened within a few days, A f ,tr *kc 
 and which brought the Parliament in fubjeftion to the ar- 
 my, proved fatal to the King. He had quickly caufe to the King bad 
 perceive, Cromwell and Ireton had only amufed him with 
 vain hopes. The army was no fooner matter of the Par- 
 liament and city, but the King faw himfelf not only neg- clarendon, 
 lefted, but even treated more hardly than ever. The fame IH - P* 55> 
 refpeft was no longer paid him, and his guards would 57 ‘ 
 fcarce fuffer his fervants to confer with him in private. In 
 fhort, he was left a long while at Hampton-Court, without 
 mention of any accommodation, whilft his words, his acti¬ 
 ons, and the perfons that came to vifit him, were care¬ 
 fully watched. Nay, the Scotch commiffioners were hin- Rufhworth, 
 dered from feeing him, of which they complained to no VIL P'737* 
 purpofe. But before I proceed to fpeak of the King, and 
 his circumftances, it will be necefl'ary to relate what palled 
 in the army and Parliament, whilft the King was Left at 
 Hampton- Court ahnoft forgotten, though he lerved fome¬ 
 times for pretence to feverai papers. 
 
 When the army refolved to oppofe the Parliament’s de- 
 fign to disband them, they pretended, they would meddle 
 only in their own affairs, without concerning themfelves 
 with the government of Church or State. The demand of 
 arrears was at firlt the only point whereon they founded 
 their refufal of being calhiered. After that, finding it was 
 not impoflible to give them fatisfaftion upon that article, 
 they demanded reparation for their honour, and a full vin¬ 
 dication from the pretended crimes, on which the Parlia¬ 
 ment had grounded their declaration againft the authors of 
 the firft petition. Then they required, that the Parlia¬ 
 ment fhould folcmnly declare, it was the privilege of the 
 Subject, and of the army in particular, to prefent petitions. 
 
 After which, they formed the councils of war, and agita¬ 
 tors, who not content with defiring things relating to the 
 army, inferted in their remonftrances, fundry articles con¬ 
 cerning the Government. Laftly, the King was removed 
 from Holmby by the authority, as it was pretended, of he 
 army, though the General affirmed, that ne ther himfelf, 
 nor the other General-officers, nor the body of the army, 
 were privy to it ; and by this fame authority, how chime¬ 
 rical foever it appeared, was the King kept in the quarters 
 of the army. 
 
 As foon as the army had the King in their power, they 
 pretended to a right of fettling the government of the King¬ 
 dom with the Parliament. They nominated commiffioners 
 to treat upon that fubjeft, with tiiofe of the Parliament. 
 
 In fhort, juft as they were preparing to march to London , 
 the General delivered to the Parliament’s commiffioners, 
 propofitions from the army, to fettle the Government, of 
 which, not fo much as one related to the particular concerns 
 of the army. T he propofitions were thefe : 
 
 Articles propofed by the army, to be treated on by the Parlia¬ 
 ment’s Commiffioners. 
 
 “ I. H A T (things hereafter propofed being provi- Aug. 1. 
 
 «* JL ded for by this Parliament) a certain period Rufhworth, 
 
 “ may, by Aft of Parliament, be let for the ending 0 f VJ1, P’ 73 1 * 
 “ this Parliament, fuch period to be put within a year at 
 “ moft, and in the fame aft provifion to be made for the 
 “ fucceffion and conftitution of Parliaments in future, as 
 “ followeth: 
 
 “ j. That Parliaments may biennially be called and 
 “ meet at a certain day. 
 
 “ z. Each biennial Parliament to fit a hundred and 
 “ twenty days certain, and no Parliament to fit paft two 
 “ hundred and forty days from their firft meeting, or 
 “ fome other limited number of days ; upon the expira- 
 ‘^tion whereof each Parliament to dilfolve of courfe, if 
 “ not otherwife diflolved fooner. 
 
 “ 3. The King, in the intervals betwixt biennial Par- 
 « liaments, to call a Parliament extraordinary, provided 
 “ it meet above feventy days before the next biennial day, 
 
 “ and be diflolved at leaft fixty days before the fame. 
 
 “ 4. That this and each fucceeding biennial Parliament, 
 
 “ at or before adjournment or difiolution thereof, may ap- 
 “ point Committees during the interval for fuch puipofes 
 
 , ...mely, Dr. Sheldon, Motley, ' Sander fin, and Hammond. See Clarendon, Tom. 3. p. 38. 
 rngage him and the Cavaliers to their fide, after they had made the Parliament, the Scott, and t 
 
 : City of 
 
 (1) The queftion put was, Whether it Jkould be declared, what was done from the r6tb of July to the 6th ej Auguft to be forced, and that fitting no fret 
 
 Parliament? Which was carried in the Negat ve. The other part of the queftton, as put by Kafir, was not debated at this time. 
 
 The Earl of Suffolk, the Lords JVtllougbby of Parham, Hurfdon, Mainard, Berkley, with the Earls of Lincoln and Middlefex. lVbitelock, p. ?''«■ 
 
 (3) There were t..ur allowed to cuiQe t ‘ ’ " ". " ' D ~ 
 
 (4, The ground of their civilities wa 
 
 ’'June 24, he was removed from Newmarket to Rcyflon 3 the 26th, he came to Hatfield-bcufe in Hertford/hire July I, to JVir.d/or ; July 3, to Ca- 
 
 verjham, a Houfe of the Lord Craven's, near Reeding-, July 22, to the Earl of Devonjhirc's Houfe at Latimer •' 1 "' L -c st.jr...j-.. 
 
 and then to Stoke-fogey's and Oatland's■ Rufhworth, Tom. 6. p. 592, 593, 603, 604, 639. Whilft he 
 now under the F.ail nf Northumberland's care, were permitted to dine with him at Maidenhead, and afterw J 
 Jbam. Prince James had been in the Parliament's hands ever fince the furrender of Oxford. Th ; s favour • 
 
 worth, Tom. 6. p. <93, 612, 613. 625. Clarendon, Tom. 3. p. 38, 43, 44.-- Concerning this I 
 
 oell meeting foon after S r John Berkley, told him, that he had lately feen the tendered fignt that e’ 
 
 s Houle at Latimers ; thence to IVoburn, the Ear! of Bedford's ; 
 
 was at Caverfham, July 15, his Children, 
 to go and ftay with him two days at Caver- 
 s denied him whilft he was at Holmby. Ru/b- 
 ervrew, Ludlow relates the following remaika- 
 r his eyes beheld, which w 3 the In¬ 
 terview berween the King and his Children ; that he ( Cromwell) wept plentifully at the remembrance thereof, laying, that never man was fo abufed as he, 
 in his finiller opinion of the King, who, he thought, was the mail upright and confcientious of his Kingdom. Ludlow, Tom, I. p. 199* 
 
 No. 70. V o I.. II. 6> u “as 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 5J8 
 
 *647, 
 
 rbe HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 “ as are in any of thefe propofols referred to fuch Com- ‘ 
 
 “ "'That all Counties may have a number of P»rla- 
 “ ment Members allowed to their choice, proportionable 
 “ to the refpeSive rates they bear in the common 
 “ charges and burthens of the Kingdom ; and that the 
 “ election of Burgeifc for poor decayed or inconbderable 
 
 “ towns be taken off. , r r „ c 
 
 a ( K That effeftual provifion be made for future free- 
 « d :ni of eleffi ms, and ccrl int) of due returns. 
 
 „ ; . ;: . ol 1 1 i cions a.or.e have the 
 
 “ , ever, fri n tit te t) tin e, t ft d iwn further orders 
 and rules for the ends exptefted in the two laif prece- 
 
 “ dine articles. 4 . .. 
 
 “ 8. That there be a liberty for entering diflents in the 
 cc . 
 
 cc cenfurable for ought faid or voted in the Houle, further 
 “ than to exclufion from that truft, and that only by the 
 “ judgment of the Houfc itfelf. 
 
 A q That the judicial power, or power of hnal judg- 
 ment in the Lords and Commons may be cleared : 
 
 “ And that no Officer of Juftice, Minifter of Mate, or 
 “ other perfon adiudged by them, may be capable of pro- 
 cc teftion or pardon from the King without their advice or 
 
 tc confent. r . r 
 
 “ 10. That the right and liberty of the Commons of 
 tc England may be cleared and vindicated as to a due ex¬ 
 ec emption from any judgment, tryal or other proceeding 
 ** againft them by the Houfe ul Peers, without the con- 
 .. currin ' judgment of the Houfe of Comm n : As alio 
 “ from any oihur judgment, fentence or proceeding agamft 
 <■ them, other than by their equals, or according to the 
 “ law of the Land. 
 
 « The fame Aft to provide, That the choice of 
 <• Grand- Jury-men may not be as now, at the difcretion 
 of an Under-Sheriff; and that fuch Grand- Jury-men 
 >< lor their refpeiSive Counties, may at each Allize pre¬ 
 ss fent the names of perfons to be made Juftices of peace 
 ‘S from time to time, as the Country hath need tor any to 
 “ be added to the Commifi'ion s and at the Summer-Affiae 
 “ to prefect the- names ' perfi ns, out or which the 
 “ King may prick one to be Sheriff for the next year. 
 
 “ II For the Militia in genera!. That it be provided by 
 “ Aft of Parliament. . , 
 
 cc That the power of the Militia by fea and land, 
 cc during the fpace of ten rears next enfuing, fhall be or- 
 “ dered and ciifpofed by iach perfons as the Lords and 
 « Commons fhall nominate and appoint. 
 
 “ z. That the faid power fhall not be ordered or exer- 
 “ cifed by the King’s Majefty, or by any perfons by au- 
 tc thority derived from him, during the faid fpace, or at 
 “ any time hereafter, without the advice and confent ot 
 “ the faid Lords and Commons. 
 
 “ 3. That during the fame fpace of ten years, the faid 
 cc Lords and Commons may, by bill or ordinance, raife 
 “ and difpofe of what monies, and lor what forces they 
 “ fhall from time to time find neceflary ; as alfo for pay¬ 
 ee ment of the publick debts and damages, and for all other 
 « the publick tiles of the Kingdom. 
 
 c‘ | ,j ■ t ■ ' 
 
 cc the Parliament in the late war, fhall be capable of bear- 
 “ ing any office of power or publick truft in the Commen¬ 
 ce wealth, during the fpace of five years, without the con- 
 fent of Parliament; or to fit as Member of either 
 a Houfe, until the fecond biennial Parliament be paft. 
 
 “ III. For the prefent form of difpofing the Militia, in 
 *e order to the peace and fafety of this Kingdom, and the 
 * c fervice of Ireland , 
 
 “ 1. That there be Commiffioners for the Admiralty, 
 c< with the Vice-Admiral and Rere-Admiral, with power 
 “ foi the forming, regulating, appointing of Officers, and 
 “ providing for the Navy. 
 
 « 2. That there be a General for command of the land 
 <c forces. 
 
 “ 3. That there he Commiffioners in the fevera! (-oun¬ 
 ce ties for the (landing Militia, with power for the pro- 
 portioning, regulating, training arid difeiplining of 
 them. 
 
 “ 4. That there be a Council of State, with power to 
 “ fuperintend and direft the feveral and particular powers 
 of the Militia lafl mentioned. 
 
 “ 5. That the lame Council may have power as the 
 «C Kind’s Ptivv-Council, for and in all foreign negotia¬ 
 te tions’; provided that fi e maxing of war or peace with 
 “ any other Kingdom or State, fhall not be without the 
 «* advice and confent ot Parliament. 
 
 “ 6. That the faid power of the Council of State be 
 tt p Ut i n: o the hands of trurty and able perfons now to be 
 “ agreed on, and the fame perfons to continue in that 
 n power ( !'. I cm fe gfjfaint) for a certain term not ex- 
 ceedin-/ levea years. 
 
 ™ That there be a Lfficrent eftablifluncnt now pro- 
 
 * vided for the falary of the forces both in England and i 
 ‘ Ireland , the eftablifhment to continue until, two months 
 ‘ after the meeting of the firft biennial Parliament. 
 
 “ IV. That an Aft be palled for difpofing the great 
 ‘ offices for ten years by the Lords and Commons in Par- 
 1 liament ; or by fuch Committees as they fhall appoint 
 c for that purpofe in the intervals ( with fubmiffion to 
 ‘ the approbation of the next Parliament) and after ten 
 ;t years they to nominate three, and the King out of that 
 “ number to appoint one for the fucceffion upon any va- 
 cancy. . . 
 
 “ V. That an Aft be palled, for reftraimng of any 
 “ Peers, made fince the 2 1 ft day of May 1642, or to be 
 “ hereafter made, from having any power to fit or vote in 
 i« Parliament without confent ol both Houfes. 
 
 cc VI. That ail Aft be palled for recalling and making 
 “ void ’all declarations and other proceedings again!! the 
 “ Parliament, or againft any that have afted by, or under 
 t i, e i r authority in the late war, or in relation to it; and 
 “ that the ordinance for indemnity may be confirmed. 
 
 “ VII. That an Aft be palled for making void alt 
 ft Grants, tsc. under the Great Seal, fince the time that 
 “ it was conveyed away from the Parliament, (except as in 
 the Parliament’s propolitions) and for making thofe va- 
 “ ltd that have been or fhall be parted under the Great- 
 <c Seal, made by the authority of both Houfes of Parlia- 
 “ ment. 
 
 « VIII. That an Aft be parted for confirmation of the 
 “ treaties between the two Kingdoms of England and Scot- 
 c< l an d . and for appointing Confervators of the Peace be- 
 tc twixt them. 
 
 “ IX. That the ordinance for taking away the Court 
 t( 0 f Wards ar.d Liveries be confirmed by Aft of Parlia- 
 “ ment; provided his Majefty’s revenue be not damnified 
 tt therein, nor thofe that laftheld offices in the fame, left 
 “ without reparation fome other way. 
 
 “ X. An Aft to declare void the ceflation of Ireland\ 
 
 CC ^. c and to leave the profecution of that war to the 
 “ Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England. 
 
 “ XI. An Aft to be parted to take away all coercive 
 
 “ power, authority and jurifdiftion of Bifhops-^-ex- 
 
 “ tending to any civil penalties upon any, fcfc. 
 
 “ XII. That there be a repeal of all Afts or claufes in 
 « any Aft enjoining the ufe of the Book of Common 
 t< Prayer, and’ impoling any penalty for negleft thereof, 
 
 <c and for not coming to Church, or for meeting elfe- 
 “ where ; and fome other provifion to be made far dilcove- 
 “ ring of’ Papifts, Priefts, Jefuits, €s te. 
 
 “ XIII. That the taking of the Covenant be not en- 
 “ forced upon any ; but all orders or ordinances tending 
 « to that purpofe to be repealed. 
 
 “ XIV. That (the thing here before propofed, being 
 “ provided, for fecuring the Rights, Liberties, &e. of 
 “ the Kingdom) his Majefty’s perfon, his Queen and 
 “ Royal Illiie may be reftored to a condition of fafety, 
 
 “ honour, and freedom in this Nation, without diminution 
 “ to their perfonal Rights, or further limitation to the 
 “ exercife of regal power than according to the particulars 
 “ foregoing. 
 
 “ XV. For the matter of compoiition, iSc. 
 
 N. B. There are under this head fix articles, which 
 ^ cannot be well underftood, without knowing the par¬ 
 ticulars of an Aft wherein Delinquents were placed 
 under feveral heads or qualifications, and their compo- 
 fitionfettled accordingly. But the knowledge of that 
 can be of no ufe at prefent. 
 
 “ XVI. That there may be a general Aft of Obh- 
 “ vion, GV. 
 
 “ That fuch of the King’s party who fhall appear to 
 cc have exprefled, or fhall hereafter exprefs their good 
 cc affeftions to the peace and welfare of the Kingdom, and 
 “ to hinder the embroiling of the fame in a new war, 
 cc may be freed and exempted from compofitions, or to 
 cc pay but one year’s revenue, or a twentieth part. 
 
 Next to the propofals aforefaid for the prefent fettling 
 <t of a peace, the army defires, that no time may be loft 
 cc by the Parliament for difpatch of other things tending to 
 cc f h e welfare, eafe, and juft fatisfaftion of the Kingdom, 
 “ and in fpecial manner : 
 
 cc I. That the liberty of the People to repre'ent their 
 cc grievances and delires by way of petition may be cleared 
 “ and vindicated. . 
 
 cc n That the common grievances of the rcopie may 
 “ be fpeedily confidered of, and effeaually redieffed ; and 
 “ in particular, 
 
 ‘c I. That the Excife may be taken oft from luch com- 
 cc modifies, whereon the poor people of the land do ordi- 
 
 “ narily live. „ 
 
 “ 2. That the oppreffions and encroachments of 1 ore a 
 «c L aws may be prevented for the future. 
 
 cc AU Monopolies and reftraints to the freedom ot 
 “ trade to be taken oft'. 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 25 . CHARLES I. 
 
 1647. “ 4- That a c*iurfe may be taken to re&if'y the in- 
 
 “ equality of rates lying upon feveral Counties. 
 
 “ 5. The prefent, unequal, troublcfome, and conten- 
 “ tious way of Miniftcrs maintenance by Tithes to be 
 11 confidered of, and fome remedy applied. 
 
 “ t. That the rules and courfe of Law, and the officers 
 “ of it may be fo reduced and reformed, as that all fuits 
 “ and queftlons of right may be more clear and certain 
 “ in the iffues, and not fo tedious nor chargeable in the 
 “ proceedings as now. 
 
 iC 7 ‘ That prifoners for debt may not, by embracing 
 “ imprifonment, or any otber ways, have advantage to 
 “ defraud their creditors : And that fuch prifoners for debt, 
 “• who have not wherewith to pay, may be freed from im- 
 “ prifonment. 
 
 “ 8. That none may be compelled to anfwer unto 
 « c queftions tending to the accufing of themfelves, or their 
 “ ncareft relations in criminal caufes ; and no man’s life to 
 “ be taken away under two witnefl'es. 
 
 “ y- That confideration may be had of all Statutes, 
 “ and the laws or cuftoms of Corporations, impofing any 
 “ oaths fo far as tliey may extend to the moleftation or 
 “ enfnaring of religious and peaceable People, merely for 
 ‘‘ non-conformity in Religion. 
 
 “ Ill. That the large power given to Committees or 
 “ Deputy-Lieutenants, during the Jate times of war and 
 “ diftradtion, may fpeedily be recalled and made void, and 
 “ fuch powers of that nature as fhall appear neceflary to 
 “ be continued, may be put into a regulated way, and left 
 “ to as little arbitrarinefs as the nature and neceffity of 
 “ things will bear. 
 
 “ IV. That the Kingdom may be righted, and fatis- 
 “ fied in point of accounts for the vaft fums that have 
 “ been levied. 
 
 “ V. 7 ’hat provifion may be made for payment of 
 “ arrears to the army, and the reft of the foldiers of the 
 “ Kingdom : and in the next place for payment of the 
 “ publick debts and damages of the Kingdom; and that 
 “ to be perlormed, firft, to fuch perfons whofc debts or 
 “ damages are great and their eftates fmall, fo as they are 
 “ thereby reduced to a difficulty of fubfiftence : In order 
 “ to all which (continue they ) wc fhall fpeedily offer fome 
 “ further particulars, which wc hope will be of good ufe 
 “ towards publick fatisfaftion.” 
 
 irl „„ Thefe propofals fhow, the army did not mean to leave 
 
 pnfo- to the Parliament the foie power of fettling the Govern¬ 
 ment, though when they were delivered to the commif¬ 
 fioners, they had not yet fubjefted the Parliament and 
 City, as they did fome days after. How much more 
 therefore fhould they think themfelves intitled to have a 
 fhare in this fettlement, after they had both Houfes at 
 command ? Certainly, if the army, had really defired, that 
 the Government fhould be fettled, according to their pro¬ 
 pofals, there could not be a fairer opportunity, and the Par¬ 
 liament would neither have been able nor have dared to op- 
 pofe it. But, on the contrary, it is very likely, the army’s 
 defign, in delivering thefe propofals, was only to retard 
 the fettlement by raffing difficulties, which would require 
 time to be removed. For inftance, the Xlth article 
 which fuppofed the reftoring of the Bifhops, and the 
 XHIth, which left every one free to take or not to take 
 the Covenant, were diretftly contrary to the pretenfions of 
 the Presbyterians. It was not for the intereit of the In¬ 
 dependents that the Government fhould be fettled in the 
 manner they propofed : but it was for their advantage to 
 dazzle the People, and make them believe, the army defired 
 only the peace and fafety of the publick, though in eftetft 
 nothing was farther from the thoughts of the leaders and 
 managers. This evidently appears, in that afterwards, 
 they never troubled themfelves to prefs the two Houfes to 
 proceed to this fettlement. On the other hand, the Par¬ 
 liament was yet the fame it had been for fome time, that 
 is, almoft wholly Presbyterian, and confequently enemy 
 of the Independents, though obliged to fhow the con¬ 
 trary. The Earl of Manchejler , Speaker of the Houfe of 
 Lords, was Cromwell 's fworn enemy, though he had been 
 the firft to apply to the army for prote&ion. The city 
 of London was in the fame difpofition as the Parliament, 
 and, far from fblliciting the fettlement propofed by the 
 army, they were very glad it fhould never be mentioned, 
 in expedition that time would afford fome opportunity 
 to fettie the Government without the intervention of the 
 foldiery. It is therefore no wonder, this affair fhould be 
 negledted, when neither army, nor Parliament, nor City, 
 wilhed to fee it accomplifhed. Some fteps however were 
 now and then taken to make the publick believe it was 
 intended. But Cromwell and the other heads of the In¬ 
 
 dependents were very far from being willing to lenve it to 1647. 
 the Parliament lor ten years, to manage the affairs of the 
 Kingdom as they pleafed, to order the Militia by fea nod 
 land, and raife what money they fhould think neceflary. 
 
 Much lefs would they have cared to let the People chule 
 every two years new reprefentatives. All thefe things 
 were only to throw duff in the People’s eyes. The In¬ 
 dependents had a mind to be fuperior, as they were at 
 length, and all their proceedings, though covered with the 
 pretence of the publick good, tended folely to that end. 
 
 The defign of the Presbyterians, Parliament, and City of 
 London , was to ruin the Independent-party, and the army 
 their fupporters. But as they were not fufficiently ftrong 
 to effect it, their projedt was to join with the King and 
 Scotland, provided they could prevail with his Majefl y to 
 abolifh Epifcopacy. This is what was fecretly contriving 
 at London and Edinburgh , whilft endeavours were ufed to 
 amufe the army by affcacd delays on their demand of 
 pay and arrears, and whilft the City of London declined to 
 make the neceflary advances, in order to render the army 
 odious, by obliging them to opprefs the People for want 
 of pay. The army was yet ignorant of the fecret prac¬ 
 tices againft them in London. They inceflantly demanded 
 their pay, and the Parliament favourably received their de¬ 
 mands. Nay, they paffed votes to grant them their dc- 
 fires $ but fome difficulty always occurred to retard the 
 performance, or if they were paid any money it was bu't 
 a fmall part of their arrears. 
 
 Three other affairs alfo employed the Parliament and ***&/•*« 
 Army for fome time, and ferved for pretence to amufe. 
 
 T he firft was, to fettle what forces fhould be fent to lrc- A,my ' 
 land ; the fccond, how many troops were to be main¬ 
 tained in England ; the third, to disband the fapernu- 
 meraries. 
 
 Upon the firft article, it was refulved to fend into h,- r, 
 land fix thoufand foot, four thoufand horfc, and five vn.p. T0I '; 
 hundred Dragoons j and that the Parliament's Commif- 79s ' 7sS ' 
 fioners fhould confer with the Genetal concerning the 
 fending thefe forces, and the officers that were to "com- 
 maud them. 
 
 Upon the fccond, it was ordered, there fhould be main-U. P- 
 tained in England feven thoufand two hundred Horfc, 
 eighteen thoufand hoot, and one thoufand Dragoons. It 
 was pretended, thefe forces were continued in England to 
 relieve thofe in Ireland in cafe of need. But it is likely, 
 the army would not bear to be confiderably leflened. 
 
 Upon the third, it was refolved, that all the fupernu- 
 meraries fhould be paid and difmifled. 
 
 But thefe things were executed very flowly by reafon 
 of feveral unexpeded affairs, of which it will be neceflary 
 to fpeak. 1 
 
 Since the army had thought themfelves out of danger 7 be King 
 from the Parliament and city, their refped to the King r i Jr,n . ra 
 was fo diminilhed, that it was eafy for him to perceive, he 
 had nothing to exped from them, and that Cromwell had 
 only amufed him, the better to accomplifh his own defigns. c,ur! - 
 Befides the vifible alteration in the behaviour of thofe who 
 had the cuftody of him, he had many other proofs of ill 
 defigns againft him. In the firft place, the army had fent Lud , nw 
 him privately fome propofitions for peace, much worfe T. I. P .ioa, 
 than thofe prefented to him at Newcajlle ; but lie had re- 
 jeded them with indignation (1), which the army very 
 much refented. Secondly, Cromwell had very fharply re- clarendon, 
 proached Ajhburnham, who was then the King’s confident '*'• p- s»j 
 that notwithftanding the army’s regard for his Majefty, he S9, 
 had fecretly treated with the commiffioners of Scotland to 
 excite that Kingdom againft the army. This reproach in- 
 fpired the King with the more dread, as it was tru<“, that 
 he had privately treated with the Scotch commiffioners, 
 though he had concluded nothing with them, and could 
 not conceive how Cromwell came to know it. He was 
 therefore apprehenfive, the army would affaffinate, or poi- 
 fon him, to fiee themfelves frem the fear of his agreeing 
 with the Presbyterians. On the other hand, Major Hunt- J(l 
 ington, who had been employed by Cromwell , to amufe the D 
 King with feveral private meffages, finding at length he v ""'- 
 had been the inftrument to deceive that unfortunate Prince, p ' z(>3 ' 
 warned him, that Cromwell was not fincere, and would 
 dcltroy him if he was not prevented. Shortly after lie 
 threw up his commiffion, and would ferve no longer in the 
 army. Nay, he went farther ; for after quitting the fer- 
 vice, he offered to difeover to the Parliament, Cromwell's C !» r end n 
 ill practices, but they would not hearken to him (z). At JI1 p- 3^, 
 laft, the King received private notice every day, by in- S9 \ 
 dire& and extraordinary ways, that his enemies had ill dc- 
 figns, and he ought to take care of himfelf (3). bk 
 
 All thefe things made fuch an impreffion upon him, that^',""'" 
 
 he i\o». 11. 
 
 (1) Wh"n the Propofals wit fen' to him, he entertained ihi 
 '“1 He delivered in a Papi 
 
 with ye\y iharp and bitter langnag- 
 
 «■—r-«- >i..t ”” ,cn " ' “ ,h ' 1 <• *•<, 
 
 . . . . , , _ .-1-,- RuJhiuortb, Tom. 7. p, izi, 
 
 ( 3 , Aguators fufptfte I, ilia; Cn.my.tll, Irene, Stc. had tarried in a private T 
 
 l the Kmg, and ac*i(in'lv t deavouied to wrcil l.ii 
 
VoL II. 
 
 540 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1647. 
 
 he refolved, if poflible, to efcape out of the hands of the 
 army. But it was not eafy to determine where to retire. 
 
 There was no fafety for him in any part of the Kingdom. 
 The Parliament and city of London were at the army s 
 command, and though the Presbyterians had been able to 
 proteCt him, all he could expeCt from them was, that they 
 would not attempt upon his life. So, probably, his inten¬ 
 tion was to tranfport himfelf beyond the feas (1). AJhburn - 
 ham was his only confident, for though he believed Berkley 
 faithful, he had not fo good an opinion of his difcretion, as 
 to truft him with fuch a fecret. This refolution being ta¬ 
 ken, the King withdrew very early to his chamber, feign- 
 
 trayed bv /IJhburnham , nor did his Maiefly ever entertain 1647. 
 the" leaft" jealoufy of it. Ail therefore that can be faid in 
 favour of this confident of the King, is, what the Lord 
 Clarendon hints, 1 mean, That he was outwitted by Crtm- J-” 1 ' 
 well , who by Come one of his emiflaries perfuaded him. it 
 fhould prove for his Majefty’s benefit, and his bufinefs be 
 the fooner done, that he fhould withdraw to the Hie of 
 Wight. If this were fo, s.IJhburnham , probably, thinking 
 himfelf more able than the King, had a mind to ferve him, 
 whether he would or nc, and not to be forced to anfwer 
 the King’s objections, believed to do him a fervice in con¬ 
 cealing "the fecret, and putting him under an abfolute ne- 
 
 j “’to be indifpofed, and about one in the mornme, went ceffity to take a courfe, which, in his opinion was not the 
 ° , n • _ tinrl mnft nrnner. In that cafe, if it be not treachery, it is at 
 
 out by the back-ftairs, and came with /IJhburnham and 
 Leggy to the garden-gate, where Berkley waited with hor- 
 fes (z). They rid all night with great fpeed, as well to 
 efcape all purfuers, as to get out of the quarters of the ar¬ 
 my, and in the morning, found themfelves in the ISew to- 
 rejl in Hampjhire. Then the King asked /IJhburnham, 
 
 moll proper. In that cafe, if it be not treachery, it is at 
 leaft, the greateft piefumption and rafhnefs, a SubjcCt can 
 poffibly be guilty of to his Prince. It is not eafy to guefs 
 the realons that could induce /IJhburnham to imagine, the 
 King would be fafe in the lile of Wight. It is to be pre¬ 
 fumed, he was deceived himfelf, and his eafinefs- abuled, 
 
 where the Clip lay ! Mburnham riding before, as it were to caufe him to credit general promifes, which lignified nu- 
 ,0 get information, returned in feme little time without any thing, and of which he durft not afterward, compla, 1. Sup- 
 & . , n ■ ...u:,,v, v.nr. vpto nnpnfv. pofing no treachery m what he did, probably, his ealinels 
 
 news of the (hip ; at which the King feemed very uneafy. 
 Mean while, as it was not life for him to ftay in the high¬ 
 ways, lie refolved to go to Titchfiili, a feat of the Earl of 
 Southampton , where the Earl's Mother then lived with a 
 (hull family. There he confulted with his three attendants, 
 where he fhould go. It it faid, Mburnham was the firft 
 to advife him to retire to the Ille of // ight, and put himfelf 
 into the hands of Colonel Hammond the Governor, who 
 was reckoned a man of honour. He muft however have 
 
 to be deceived, procured him afterwards a very favorable 
 and much lower than ufual compofition, which greatly 
 contributed to increafe the fufpicions already conceived of 
 him. 
 
 The Parliament was informed of the King’s efcape, by 7 be King'* j 
 a letter from Cromwell , who gave the firft notice of it, 
 but without faying where the King was, though in all ap- j',', 
 pearance he knew very well. TJ ,r r ~ ’ " u '' u 
 
 He alfo fent a letter, which /..//' 
 
 known, that Hammond Was (fo emcrZ/'s creature, by whofe the. King had left upon the tab le in his room, direckd to 
 
 1 times the aim and defire of Heath. 
 
 Sept. 6, 
 1647. 
 
 advice he had married a daughter of John Hampden, and 
 who had lately procured him the government of the Ifle of 
 Wight. Notwithftanding thefe reafons, which fhould have 
 diverted /IJhburnham from giving fucli advice, he ceafed 
 not to perfwade the King, who after fome objections con- 
 fented to it, provided Hammond would laithfully promile 
 not to deliver him up, though the Parliament or army fhould 
 require him, but to give him his liberty to fhift for him- 
 felt, if he was not able to defend him. Purfuant to this re¬ 
 folution, Ajhburnham and Berkley repaired to the Ifle of 
 Wight to talk with the Governor, who feemed very much 
 furprized (3) when they told him, the King was efcaped 
 from Hampton-Courts and was willing to truft his perfon 
 in his hands, upon the forementioned terms. His anfwer 
 was, he would do the King all the fervice that lay in his 
 p 0W er ; but as he was an inferior officer, he could not 
 promile to difobey his fuperiors in what they fhould pleafe 
 to command him. After fome fruitlefs endeavours to ob¬ 
 tain a promife from him, he asked where the King was ? 
 They told him, he was not very far off, and at laft, after 
 
 both Houfes. He faid in this letter, 
 
 “ That Liberty being in all 
 
 “ all men, he had endeavoured to obtain his. He called 
 “ God to witnefs, with what patience he had endured a 
 “ tedious reftraint, among men who changed their princi- 
 ‘c pies with their condition ; who were not afhamed openly 
 “ to intend the deftruCtion of the Nobility, by taking away 
 “ their negative Voice, and with whom rhe Levellers doc- 
 “ trine was rather countenanced than punifhed. That he 
 “ thought he was bound, as well by natural as political ob- 
 “ ligation, to feek his fafety, by retiring himfelf for fome 
 “ time from the publick view, both of his friends and ene- 
 “ mies; but fhould earneftly and unceffantly endeavour the 
 « fettling of a fafe and well-grounded peace wherever he 
 “ was. Finally, he defired to be heard with freedom, , 
 
 “ honour, and fafety, and then he would inftantly break 
 “ through his cloud of retirement, and fhow himfelf ready 
 “ to be Pater Patries.” 
 
 The Parliament at firft believed, the King was come to 7l,f Portia- 
 conceal himfelf in London-, till he fhould find an opportuni- 
 
 fome time fpenc in debate, it 'was agreed, he fhould go ty to efcape out of the Kingdom. They even gave orders L.hjor tbe 
 with them to the King. So they all three went together to fearch after, and flop his perfon. But this uncertainty 1 
 
 tw Titchfield and at their arrival, Hammond ftaid below, d d not laft long. On the 15th of November., the Earl C ; arendon> 
 and Mburnham went up to the King’s chamber, to ac- of Manchejler , Speaker of the Houfe of Lords, received a Hi. P . 65. 
 n.nint' him, that Hammond was in the houfe, but had not letter from Colonel Hammond , informing him, that the 
 
 King, from an apprehenfion of his life being in danger at_ 
 
 Hampton-Court, was come into the Ifle of Wight , to put 
 himfelf under his protection. 
 
 The King, as may be obferved, fpeaks in his letter of 
 the principles of the Levellers , which I think incumbent 
 upon me to explain. There had been for fome time a tVb. <kt 
 new faCtion in the army, called Levellers , that is, men ^£™ llers 
 who declared, “ That all degrees of perfons fhould be le- 
 veiled, and an equality eltablifhed both in titles and 
 ‘‘ eftates, throughout the Kingdom” (5). This was a 
 
 .. _ doCtrine, much like that of Wat Tyler's followers in the 
 
 He •• is CO ..... . affle, where Hammond reign ot Richard II. This fadtion was grown fo lining, CU«<M 
 
 received him with his attendants, with all demonftrations that they began to make the general officers, and particu- f- • 
 
 of refpeCt (4). larly Cromwell, very uneafy, who feared this new party ' 
 
 When a man confiders all the circumftances of the would fubvert all his projects if they were fuffered to in- 
 
 Kinv’s flight, he can fcarce forbear thinking, he was be- creafe, though probably, this fpirit was railed by himfelf. 
 
 1 r ’ ’ r They coniilted of private Soldiers and Agitators, whom I 
 
 have already deferibed. During the contefts between the 
 Army and Parliament, the Generals had put no reftraint 
 upon thefe men. They had allowed them to form a fepa- 
 rate council, by means of their Agitators, and the opinions 
 of this council were received as being thofe of the 2rmy, 
 becaufe they were agreeable to the fentiments of the gene¬ 
 ral officers. But as foon as the Parliament was fubdued, 
 the general officers believed it proper to fupprefs thefe 
 
 quaint him, that Hammond was in t 
 made any promife. Whereupon the King cried out, 0 
 Jack thou hajl undone me ! With which Ajhburnham fall¬ 
 ing into a great paffion of weeping, offered to go down and 
 kill Hammond , but the King would not confent to it. In 
 fhort, the King fending for Hammond, endeavoured to per¬ 
 fwade him to promife not to deliver him up, but Ham¬ 
 mond ffill perfifted in his firft anfwer. Then the King, 
 not knowing were to go elfe, and confidering there was 
 now perhaps no poflible way to get from him, as he had 
 the command of the country, and could call in what help 
 he pleafed, refolved to go with him to the Ifle of Wight. 
 
 trayed on this occafion. His defign was to go beyond fea, 
 fmee he asked where the Ship lay, but there was no Ship 
 ready; which was fo great an overflight, that Ajhburnham 
 can hardlv be thought to commit it through negligence or 
 imprudence. Ajhburnham is not fatisfied with propufing to 
 the King to truft himfelf with Hammond, a creature of 
 Cromwell's, who, according to Major Huntington's infor¬ 
 mation, had refolved to deftroy him, but even puts him 
 under the neceffity of confiding in him, though he refufed 
 
 to promife him protedion. And yet, the Lord Clarendon 
 fays very pofitively, he does not believe the King was be- 
 
 councils 
 
 ments. 
 
 and fend the Agitators to their refpeCtive regi- 
 This was more eafily injoined than executed. 
 
 their hinds. Of this Cromwell gave the King notice, who thereuprn refolved to mi Ice hit efcape from Hampton-Court. Ludlow, Tom. t. p 214. Life if 
 C,:nwr.U, p. 60, Szc- The Lord Holies fay;, Cromwell was afraid the King (hould come to an agreement win. tbc Levellers, and lo adv.kd him to fly, upon 
 p.etence that his life was in danger. Mem. p. 185, &c. 
 
 (1 To J'rjey, fays Manley , p. 158. Ludlow, Tom. 1. p. 215. 
 
 I:" There was a palTage item the King’s room into the garden, at a back-door of which were difcovered the treading of Horfes. The King le.t tpoo hu 
 
 Table a Letter to the Parliament, and another to the General. Clarendon, Tom. 3. p. S9' 
 
 (3 He grew pale, and fell into fuch a trembling, that it was thought he would have fallen from his horfe. Ludlow, Tern. r. p. 218. 
 
 (4.' Trie Parliament allowed him 5000/. for his expences there. His Houlhold was all diffolved. Rujirwortb, Tcm. 7. p. 8-6. Heath, p 1:1 
 
 (- ; According to fome, they only maintained. That no perfon. of whateve* «nk, ought to be exempted from the ordinary courfe d legal proceedmgs. 
 Lite of Ci unwell, p. 65- 
 
 , The 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 25 . CHARLES!. 
 
 16+7. 
 
 Ac”!. 
 
 plarenJon. 
 
 I3**i- r- 
 
 > K"v'< 
 
 bh-Hanfcs. 
 nth worth, 
 |ir. p. 880. 
 fhicelock. 
 icath. 
 
 The foldiers refufed to obey, and continued their aflemblies 
 and conferences, in fpite of their officers, and the Gene¬ 
 ral’s orders. Hence, probably, they acquired the name of 
 Levellers, becaufe they pretended to have as much right as 
 the Officers and Generals to fettle the Government; a 
 principle tending to level all ranks and degrees, and con- 
 fequently to breed confufion in the Kingdom. The af- 
 femblies of the Levellers produced fundry petitions; firft, 
 from the agitators of four regiments of Horfe, and after¬ 
 wards of feven regiments of Foot joining with them, 
 wherein they made propofals for fettling the Government 
 according to their humour, fo that the General Officers were 
 not a little embarrafted. They were afraid the army would 
 divide, at a time when their whole ftrength depended upon 
 their union. For this reafon, they at firft bore in fome 
 meafure with the Levellers ; which only increafed the evil. 
 At laft, the infolence of thefe men being grown to a mon- 
 flrous height, Cromwell undertook with the hazard of his 
 life, to free the army and Parliament from them. To that 
 end, having notice that the Levellers were to meet at a 
 certain place, he came unexpe&edly, attended with a cho- 
 fen guard, and asking fomequeftions of thofewhom he ob¬ 
 served mod a£live, and receiving infolent anfwers, knock¬ 
 ed down two or three with his own hand, and briskly 
 charging the reft, fodifperfed them, that he took as many 
 as he pleafed, whereof he hanged fome on the Spot, and 
 fent others to London. By two or three fuch notable en¬ 
 counters, he totally fubdued that party, which began to 
 grow very dangerous, and reduced the army to entire obe¬ 
 dience. But this was not yet effected, when the King 
 made his efcape from Hampton-Court, and therefore he 
 mentions the Levellers in his letter, as a party fubfift- 
 ing(i). 
 
 When the King writ this letter to both Houfes, he hop¬ 
 ed to be quickly out of the power of the army and Parlia¬ 
 ment, and afluredly expedted no anfwer, fince he intended 
 to keep himfelf concealed. Befides, this letter required no 
 anfwer, as he did nothing more than exprefs his defire of 
 peace. But finding himfelf ffill, contrary to his expecta¬ 
 tion, in the hands of the army and Parliament, he con¬ 
 ceived, his efcape from Hampton-Court might be prejudicial 
 to him, and interpreted as a defign to hide himfelf, only 
 to avoid anfwering the propofitions for peace, the Parlia¬ 
 ment had prepared. For this reafon, he refolved to fend 
 the following meflage to both Houfes: 
 
 Charles Rex, 
 
 H I S Majcfty is confident, that before this time, 
 his two Houfes of Parliament have received the 
 “ meflage which he left behind him at Hampton-Court , 
 the eleventh of this month, by which they will have 
 1 underftood the reafons which enforced him to go from 
 “ thence ; as likewife his conftant endeavours for the fet- 
 “ tling of a fafe and well-grounded peace, wherefoever he 
 “ fhould be; and being now in a place where he conceives 
 “ himfelf to be at much more freedom and fecurity than 
 formerly, he thinks it neceflary, not only for making 
 “ S ood hfe own profeffions, but alfo for the fpeedy 
 ** procuring of a peace, in thefe languifhing and diftrefled 
 Kingdoms, at this time to offer fuch grounds to his two 
 Houfes for that effeft, which upon due examination of 
 “ all intereft, may beft conduce thereunto. 
 
 “ And becaufe Religion is the beft and chiefeft founda¬ 
 tion of peace, his Majefty will begin with that parti- 
 ** cular. 
 
 “ That for the abolifhing of Archbifhops, Bilhops, £*. 
 lt his Majefty clearly profefleth, that he cannot give his 
 confent thereunto, both in relation as he is a Chriftian, 
 
 “ fnd a King; for the firft he avows, that he is fatisfied 
 “ In h,s judgment, that this order was placed in the 
 Church by the Apoftles themfelves, and ever fince their 
 “ time hath continued in all Chriftian Churches through- 
 “ out the world, until this laft century of years; and in 
 “ this Church, in all times of change and reformation it 
 hath been upheld by the wifdom of his anceftors, as the 1 
 “ g reat preserver of do&rine, difeipline, and order, in the 1 
 t fervice ol God. As a King at his coronation, he hath 1 
 not only taken a folemn oath to maintain this order, 
 but his Majefty and his predeceflors, in their confirma- 1 
 tions of the great Charter, have inseparably woven the 
 “ right of the Church, into the liberty of the Subje&s; ' 
 
 “ tvn/ Ct IS wil,in S lf bc P rovided > ^at the particular 1 
 Bilhops perform their fevcral duties of their callings, ' 
 * c both by their perfonal refldence, and frequent preaching 1 
 “ in their perfonal exercife, no add of jurifdi&ion or ordi- ‘ 
 ‘‘ nation, without the confent of their Presbyters, and will ‘ 
 ‘‘ confent, that their powers in all things be fo limited, ‘ 
 that they be not grievous to the tender confidences of ‘ 
 
 Tom. ^j OU S h 6 ^ ro '” n ’ f// “tally fubdued that fpiric in the Army, yet the Lord 
 
 No. LXXI. Vol. If, 
 
 others. He fees no reafon why he alone, and thofe of 
 <c "I s judgment, Ihould be prefled to a violation of theirs- 
 Nor can his Majefty confent to the alienation of Church! 
 lands; becaufe it cannot be denied to be a fin of the 
 “ high eft facrilege; as alfo that it fubverts the intentions 
 {{ of fo many pious donors, who have laid a heavy curie 
 upon all fuch prophane violations, which his Majefty is 
 ‘ very unwilling to undergo: And befides the matter of 
 confluence, his Majefty believes it to be a prejudice 
 to the pubhek good, many of his Subjeas having the 
 benefit of renewing leafes, at much eafier rates, than ft 
 thofe pofleffions were in the.hands of private men, not 
 omitting the difeouragement it will be to all learning 
 and induftry, when fuch eminent rewards fhall be taken 
 away ; which now lye open to the children of the mean- 
 eft perrons. Yet his Majefty con fidering the great prefent 
 diftempers concernmg Church-difcipline, and that the 
 Presbytenan-governmcnt is now in pradice, his Maje- 
 
 cc f y .’ r t ° efcheWCOnfufion ’ as much as may be, and for the 
 fatisfadtion of his two Houfes, is content, that the faid 
 ‘ Government be legally permitted to ftand in the fame 
 condition it now is, for three years; provided that hie 
 Majefty, and thofe of h.s judgment, or any other who 
 cannot m confcicnce fubmit thereunto, be not obliged to 
 ‘ comply with thePresbyterian-government, but have free 
 practice of our own profeffion, without receiving any 
 prejudice thereby; and that free confultation and debate 
 be had with the Divines of lVeJlminJUr , twenty of his 
 Majeity s nomination being added unto them; whereby 
 it may he determined by his Majefty and the two Houfes 
 how the Church-government, after the faid time fhall 
 be fettled, or fooner, if differences may be agreed as is 
 “gtreable to the word of God, with full liberty to 
 all thofe who ihall differ upon confcientious grounds from 
 that fettlement; always provided, that nothing aforefoij 
 be underftood to tolerate thofe of the popifti profeffion 
 “ nor exempt any popilh Recufants from the penalties of 
 the laws; or to tolerate the publick profeffion of Athe- 
 ™ or hlafpbemy, contrary to the doAnne of the Apo- 
 files, Ntcene, and Athanafian Creed, they having been 
 received by, and had in reverence of all the Chriftian 
 Churches, and more particularly by this of Emlanl 
 ever fince the reformation. 0 * 
 
 “ Next, the Militia being that right which is infepara- 
 bly and undoubtedly inherent to the Crown by the laws 
 of this nation, and that which former Parliaments, as 
 likewife this, have acknowledged fo to be, his Majefty 
 cannot fo much wrong that trull, which the laws of 
 God, and this land hath annexed to the Crown for the 
 « pmtttbon «nd fecurity of his people, as to divert him- 
 lelf and fuccellors of the power of the fword - yet to 
 give an infallible evidence of his define to fecure the 
 performance of fuch agreements as fhall be made in or- 
 der to a peace, his Majefty will confent to an ad of Par- 
 lament, that the whole power of the Militia, both by 
 fea and land, for, and during his whole reign, fhall be 
 ordered and difpofed by the two Houfes of Parliament 
 or by fuch perfons as they fhall appoint, with powers 
 limited for foppreffing of forces within this Kingdom 
 to the difturbance of the publick peace, and againft fo. 
 reign invafion; and that they fhall have power, durinv 
 his faid reign, to raife moneys for the purport: aforefaid- 
 “ and that neith « his Majefty that now is, or any other 
 “ b y an y authority, derived only from him, fhall execute 
 “ any of the faid powers, during hisMajefty's faid reign 
 “ b“t fuch as fhall ad by the confent and approbation of 
 “ thi: two H°ufes ot Parliament: Neverthelefshis Maiefty 
 “ intends, that all patents, commiffions, and other ads 
 “ concerning the Militia, be made and aded as formerly - 
 “ andt . ha t a ft r h ‘» Majefty's reign, all the power of the 
 Militia fhall return entirely to the Crown, as was in the 
 “ times of Queen Elizabeth, and King Jama, ofbleiled 
 “ memory. 
 
 After this head of the Militia, the confideration of 
 the arrears due to the army is not improper to follow ; 
 
 “ f° r the payment whereof, and the eafe of his people his 
 “ Majefty is willing to concur in any thing that can be 
 done without the violation of his confcience and ho- 
 “ nour. 
 
 “ Wherefore if his two Houfes fhall confent to remit 
 “ unto him fuch benefit out of fequeftrations from 
 “ Michaelmas laft, and out of compofitions that fhall be 
 “ made before the concluding of the peace, and the ar- 
 “ rears of as have been already made, the aififtance 
 “ ot the CIer gy> and the arrears of fuch rents of his own 
 “ revenue as his two Houfes fhall not have received be- 
 “ fore the concluding of the peace, his Majefty will un- 
 * dertake within the fpace of eighteen months, the pay- 
 
 a,r<„don fays, it continued and increafed very much in the Kingdom. 
 
 54* 
 
 164;. 
 
Vo]. II, 
 
 54-2 
 
 We HISTORY of E N G L A N D. 
 
 647. 
 
 : merit of four hundred thoufand pounds for the fatisfac- 
 ; tion of the army; and if thofe means {hall not be 
 fuffieient, his Majefty intends to give way for the fare 
 : of Foreil-lands for that purpofe. , 
 
 “ This being the publicic debt, which in his Majefty s 
 4 judgment is fiift to be fatisfied : And for other publick 
 4 debts already contracted upon Church-lands, or any 
 4 other engagements, his Majetty will give his confent 
 4 to fuch aft or aft ; for raifing of moneys for payment 
 4 thereof, as both Houfes hereafter {hall agree upon, fo as 
 4 they be equally laid ; whereby his people, already too 
 4 heavily burthened by thefe late diftempers, may have no 
 4 more preffurcs upon them than this abfolute neceility 
 
 where he carries his offers farther than ever, it w 
 to perceive the fame method ; lor lie was very ruttul, as 
 well as his Father, in the choice of his expreilions. Nay, 
 it feems that in offering to yield the power of the Militia, 
 during his whole Reign, ail expreflion often repeated in 
 thefe°propofals, he had fome fecret intention, as to refign 
 the Crown to the Prince his fon. Othcrwife, I do not 
 fee why he affefted to fubflitute the term of his reign, 
 inftead of that of his life, or of twenty years, as was de¬ 
 manded by the Parliament. At lea if it is certain, if his 
 offer had been accepted, as expreffed in his words, lie 
 might, by refigning the Crown, have put the Prince of 
 Wales, by the treaty it felf, in full poffeffion of the Mi¬ 
 litia, and nomination to the great Offices. But this is only 
 a conjecture, tho’ very probable. Be this as it will, the 
 two Houfes had long lince refufed to treat but upon their 
 own propofitions. Neither would they allow of his expli¬ 
 cations, fo appreheniive were they of his fubtleties, which 
 would have engaged them in difeuffions where they would 
 have always had the fame thing to fear. Such was the 
 dilfrult the King’s character had bred, which made a re¬ 
 conciliation between him and the Parliament ever impracti¬ 
 cable. It mult however be confeffed, that on this occaiion 
 there were other reafons which hindered the two Houfes 
 from regarding the King’s offers. The principal was, they 
 were under the dominion of the army, or rather the In- 
 
 cafy 164,7,- 
 
 requires. _ n 
 
 44 And for the further fecuring all fears, hi, Majefty 
 : will confent, that an Aa of Parliament be pallid tor the 
 1 difpofing of the great offices of State, and naming ot 
 1 Privy-Counfellors for the whole term of ins reign, by 
 ; the two Houfes of Parliament, their patents and com- 
 ; millions being taken from his Majelfy, and alter to re- 
 4 turn to the Crown, as is expreffed in the articles ot the 
 ■ Militia. For the Court of Wards and Liveiies, his 
 L Majefty very well knows the confeq ieuce ol taking that 
 4 away, by turning of all Tenures into common Socage, 
 
 4 as well in point of revenue to the Crown, as in the 
 1 protection of many of his SubjeCts, being infants . Ne- . 
 
 4 verthelefs, if the continuance thereof feem grievous to dependents, who were not for peace upon any terms what- 
 
 ' his Subjects, rather than he will fail on his part in giv- ever . u ,, r * c t t w, 
 
 r-During the King s ftay at Hampton-Court , the scotch 
 
 commiffioners, as I obferved, had treated with him, and ,7”^ 
 and that the put him in hopes that the Scots would join with his party, n-Uhihc 
 
 and the Englijh Presbyterians, to deliver him from the §£ ndon . 
 
 Independents. But they required a thing which he could m. p . 7 6. ; 
 not refolve, namely, the change of Epifcopal Government 
 in the Church of England into Presbyterian. This fingle 
 point had prolonged the negotiation, and hindered thecon- 
 
 r —.-.- clufion of the treaty. Cromwell had fome intimation of it, 
 
 both or *ei the 1 "Hou fe" x f * Pa r ha meet," an d of all indict- and probably for that reafon ufed all his induitry to caufe 
 ments and other proceedings againft any perfons for ad- the King to retire to the Iflc of U igbt , where the Scotch 
 
 h-rin- unto them. And his Majefty propofeth, as the commiffioners could not have the fame accefs to him. 
 
 beft expedient to take away all feeds of future difference, When the King went from Hampton-Court, the pro- { £ \ 
 
 ■ that there be an Ad of Oblivion to extend to all his pofals the two Houfes were to fend him, were all ready. 
 
 Subjects But the S cotc h Commiffioners deferred from day to day to W s™td» 
 
 for Ireland, the ceffation therein is long fince de- approve them, on pretence the interefts of Scotland were 
 
 ■ ter mined , but for the future, and all other tilings being not fufficiently fpecified, expeding to agree with the King, R.ahv. orth, 
 
 ; jVIv . ‘need, hi, Majefty will give full fatisfecTon to Ins before they fhould be prefented. This difpute between the J j 
 
 4 Houfw concerning that Kingdom. Parliament and Scotch Commiffioners ft.ll fubfilted, when Thf ' Llirdt 
 
 “ And although liis Majefty cannot confent in honour fuddenly the Houfe of Lords acquainted the Commons at 
 
 4 and juftice to void all liis own grants and afts paffed a conference, that having more maturely confidered 
 
 4 under his Great Seal fince the 2 2d of May 1 642, or to King’s laft meffage, they were of opinion to admit him to « 
 
 the confirming of all the grants and acT palled under a peifonal treaty, on condition he would give his affent 
 
 " " * ' 11 ' ’ n ’ r four preliminary propofitions to be palled into Acts beloie ld> p g 90> 
 
 the reft {hould be treated on. clarendon* 
 
 1. An Adt for fettling the Militia of the Kingdom. whiteiock. 
 
 2. An Adt for calling in all declarations, oaths, and pro¬ 
 clamations, again!! the Parliament, and thofe who adhered 
 
 ing fatisfadtion, he will confent to an adt for taking 
 1 it away, fo as a full recompence be fettled upon his Ma- 
 4 jefty and his fucceffors in perpetuity (1) 
 
 4 arrears now due be referved unto him towarus the pay- 
 4 ment of the arrears of the army. 
 
 44 And that the memory of thefe late diftractions may 
 4 be wholly wiped away, his Majefty will content to an 
 4 Adt of Parliament for the fuppreffing and making null 
 of all oaths, declarations, and proclamations againft 
 
 that made by the two Houfes, yet his Majefty is confi¬ 
 dent, that upon the perufal of particulars, he fhall give 
 fatisfadtion to his two Houfes to what may be reafona- 
 bly defired in that particular. 
 
 44 And now his Majefty conceives, that by thefe his 
 offers, which he is ready to make good upon the fet- to them, 
 dement of a peace, he hath clearly manifefted his in- _ 3. An Adt. 
 
 tentions to give full fecurity and fatisfadtion to all inte¬ 
 refts, for what can juftly be defired in order to the fu¬ 
 ture happinefs of his People, and for the perfecting thefe 
 conceffions, as alfo for fuch other things as may be pro- 
 pofed by the two Houfes ; and for fuch juft and reafona 
 
 that thofe Lords who were made after the 
 Great-Seal was carried to Oxford, may be made uncapable 
 of fitting in the Houfe of Peers. 
 
 4. A11 Act for empowering the two Houfes of Parlia¬ 
 ment to adjourn as they {hall think fit. 
 
 The next day (2), the Commons gave their confent to Novem. ij 
 
 r, 1 1 Rufhworch 
 
 ble demands as his Majefty fliall find neceftary to propofe thefe propofitions, and ordered, that the four Bills {hould ff ' p<JIJ 
 ; on his part, he earneftly defires a pcrfonal treaty at be drawn, and dli(patched to^his Majefty, after which a 
 ; London with his two Houfes, in honour, freedom, 
 
 and 
 
 peifonal treaty with him {hould be entered into. All this 
 was done with fo great expedition, that it was not poffible 
 for the Independents to prevent what they were not pre¬ 
 pared againft. The Scotch Commiffioners, who had form¬ 
 ed other projects, tried in vain to hinder the eftedt of this 
 refolution. The Parliament wifhed for peace, thereby to 
 break the meafures of the Independents. The 6th of De- Id - f- 9 1( 
 
 __o - - _ cember, the King fent a frefli Meffage to both Houfes, 
 
 due eledtion {hould be taken into earneftly preffing for a perfonal T reaty, as being the befl 
 means for fettling a peace. 
 
 The 14th of the fame month, the Commons, after paf- whi’celock 
 fing the four Bills, and approving the inflections for thofe 
 that were to prefent them, named a Committee to carry 
 them to the King. 
 
 Then they anfwered the complaints of the Scotch Com- 
 miffioners, that the four Bills were not communicated to 5 
 
 them. They faid, it was contrary to the rights and pri- whitelock 
 vileges of Parliament, to communicate Bills to any perfon 
 
 44 fafety ; it being in his judgment, the molt proper, and 
 44 indeed only means to a firm and fettled peace, and im- 
 44 poffible without it to reconcile former, or avoid future 
 44 mifunderftandings. 
 
 44 All thefe being by treaty perfected, his Majefty be- 
 “ lieves his two Houfes will think it reafonable, that the 
 “ propofals of the army concerning the fucceffion of Par- 
 44 liaments, and th 
 “ confideration. 
 
 44 As for what concerns the Kingdom of Scotland , his 
 * 4 Majefty will very readily mfelf to e all 1 
 
 44 fonable fatisfadtion ; when the delircs of the two Houfes 
 44 of Parliament on their behalf, or of the commiffioners 
 44 of that Kingdom, or of both joined together, fliall be 
 44 made known unto him.” 
 
 The Parliament took no notice of thefe offers. Befides 
 «that they faw only part of their former demands, they 
 
 '■were always upon their guard with refpecl to the King’s whatever, before they had received the royal affent, and 
 propofals, wherein it was but too ufual to find ambiguous that there was nothing in the treaty between the two King- 
 expreffions, reftriclions and conditions expreffed or im- doms to the contrary : That they defired the Scotch Com¬ 
 plied, which made it impoffible to build fecurely upon fuch miffioners to prepare fuch propofitions as they fhould judge 
 foundations. We have leen feveral inltances in the King’s neceftary for the Kingdom of Scotland , that the Committee 
 Papers, fince the beginning of his reign; and in this here, might depart on the 20th. 
 
 (0 Th.- H01.fr Ot Commons confrnted 
 Rjfin, by nnlUkc, fays three days ; 
 
 recompence for it. Rufhmrtb, Tom. VII. p.8ji. 
 
 That 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 25. CHARLES L 
 
 1647. That day, the Scotch Commiffioners preferred to both 
 Houfes a large declaration, complaining in very high lan- 
 . /cerfl’1”' g ua g e » that the Parliament of England violated the Cove- 
 Mfiiworth, nant, in labouring for peace without the concurrence of 
 P- 23 8 - Scotland. They infilled upon a perfonal treaty between the 
 King, both Houfes, and themfelves, that peace might be 
 fettled with mutual confent; and declared, as they could 
 not agree to the fending of the four Bills to his Majefty 
 for his affent, before any treaty upon the reft of the pro- 
 pofitions, fo they were unfatisfied with the matter of thefe 
 new propofals lately communicated to them; and defiled, 
 that there might be a perfonal treaty with the King, upon 
 fuch proportions as Ihould be agreed upon, with advice 
 and confent of both Kingdoms. 
 
 c pjriia- This declaration gave great offence to both Houfes. 
 "'d °^ii ^^ e ‘ r re pfy to was anfwerable in terms, to the language 
 1 a ‘ ’ ufed by the-SWr; and it was ordered, that the printer of 
 : • P- 939 i the declaration fliould be committed to prifon. 
 c°y o;ir In fliort, notwithftanding the oppofition of the Scotch 
 'ih ,ire Commiffioners, the four Bills were prefented to the King 
 
 *|Rented to the 24th of December. The next day, the Scotch Com¬ 
 fy milfioners came to th eljle of Wight#xx& delivered to the King 
 
 an Scots a declaration of their dilient to the propofitions they had 
 v.tare tuir ] a t e ]y f ceilj anc ] t ] ie four g,i] s brought to his Majefty. After 
 £ ° that, they had a conference with the King, wherein fome 
 Uarendon, things palled, which long remained fecret, and which it 
 hiceiodc be neceflary to relate, becaufe on them turned the 
 Beach, ' events mentioned hereafter. 
 
 •I 138. Since the King had been in the power of the army, the 
 Scots feared, he would unite with them. They knew they 
 were mortally hated by the Independents, and confequently, 
 this union could not but be very prejudicial to Scotland. 
 The army’s fuccefs againft the Parliament and City of 
 Londoti increafed their fear very much, and put them upon 
 feeking means to prevent, as they thought, the impending 
 danger. They found no properer means, than to join 
 with the King, provided he could be perfuaded to approve 
 arendon, of the Covenant, and abolifh Epifcopacy in England. In 
 P* 7 6 > their frequent conferences with him at Hampton-Court , they 
 c ’ intimated, that when he was delivered to the Parliament, 
 it was not with the advice of all Scotland , but only by the 
 Marquifs of Argyle’s credit, who tyrannized over the King¬ 
 dom : That ail the Scots were difpleafed with it, and ready 
 to atone for the fault, by aftifting him with all their power 
 to recover his juft rights. But they added, that to engage 
 the Scots to employ their forces to this end, his Majefty 
 was to give them fatisfaclion concerning the Covenant, and 
 the abolition of Epifcopacy in England , for, otherwife, he 
 could not expedt the afliftance of the Englifl) Presbyterians, 
 which was abfolutely necelfary. In a word, they made 
 him hope, that the Scots would enter England with a 
 ftrong army, which, by the juntftion of the King’s party, 
 and Englifl) Presbyterians, would become fo fuperior to the 
 army of the Independents, that he might almoft be alfured, 
 nothing would be capable to oppofe his reftoration. 
 id. Thefe overtures were the more agreeable to the King, 
 
 as the Duke of Hamilton , after his freedom from imprifon- 
 ment by the army, had declared to the King’s friends, he 
 was ready to do his Majefty all the fervice that lay in his 
 power. O11 the other hand, the Marquifs of Ormond had 
 informed the King of his projedl to return into Ireland, 
 join with the Lord Inchi quin, whom he had privately 
 gained, and with fome of the heads of the rebels, and 
 make war upon the Parliament, affirming, that France 
 had promifed to fupply him with all neceflaries. It was 
 very probable, that the union between the King’s party, 
 the Englifl) Presbyterians, and the Scots , added to a di- 
 verfion in Ireland , would very much embarafs the Inde¬ 
 pendents, and difable them to withftand fo great a foice. 
 But to execute this projedl, the King was to approve of 
 the Covenant, and confent to the abolition of Epifcopacy, 
 which he could never rcfolve. Thefe were the two ftuni- 
 bling-blocks, which hindered him from concluding a 
 treaty with the Scotch Commillioners, before his flight 
 from Hampton-Court. He would never grant thefe two 
 points, and in expectation that by his fteddinefs he fliould 
 induce the Scots to delift Irom their defires, quitted Hamp- 
 ion-Court , without any agreement with them. When 
 therefore he fo earneftly prefled for a perfonal treaty at 
 London , with honour, freedom, and fafety, it was in order 
 to treat morecommodioufly with the Scotch Commiffioners, 
 and confult with his friends, what could be expedled as 
 well from his own, as the Presbyterian party ; and doubt- 
 Jefs, in cafe he concluded a treaty with them, his dclign 
 was to prolong the negotiation with the two Houfes, till 
 the Scotch army had entered England , and his old and new 
 friends laid all their meafures (a). It was very likely, this 
 league would find the army fo much employment, that they 
 
 54-3 
 
 would not be able to fubdue, a fecond tiriiej the Parliament 1&47* 
 and City of London. Accordingly, this was the end the 
 Scotch Commiffioners propofed to themfelves, in their ob¬ 
 jections to the propofitions, and in their demand of a per¬ 
 fonal treaty with the King, upon fuch propofals as Ihould 
 be agreed upon by both Kingdoms, being well allured, it 
 would be eafy for them to prolong the time, till every 
 thing fliould 'be ready. 
 
 i he method the two Houfes took to procure the King's 
 confent to the four Bills, amongft which was that of the 
 Militia, before they admitted him to a perfonal treaty, 
 convinced him, they had no deltgn to relax upon any of 
 the principal articles. He confidered, that after palling thefe 
 lour Bills, he fliould ftill be forced to treat on propofitions 
 much like thofe prefented to him at Newcajlle: That, 
 after all, what both Houfes called treating, was, according 
 to their ideas, confenting to their demands, and upon the 
 leaft refufal to grant what fliould be propofed to him, he 
 fliould be, perhaps, more clofely confined, when he had 
 palled one of the moll important points in difpute: That 
 then, he fliould not be able to treat with the Scots , and by 
 palling the four Bills, Ihould lofe the prelent opportunity, 
 which fliould never offer again. Thefe confiderations deter¬ 
 mined him to agree with the Scotch Commiffioners, ata fe¬ 
 cond conference with them the 25th of December. As there 
 was no time to lofe, the Parliament’s Commillioners having 
 orders to Hay but four days in the IJle of Wight, the Scotch 
 Commiffioners had brought with them a treaty ready 
 drawn, agreeable to the propofitions they had made the 
 King at Hampton-Court. This treaty was figned by the Clarendon 
 King and the Scotch Commiffioners the next day. Decern- IIJ ’ p ‘ 8z * 
 her the 26th, the King having had but few hours to refolve. 
 
 Here follows the fubftance of the treaty, which the Lord 
 Clarendon fays was read but by very few, and which he 
 reprefents as the moll unjuft treaty that could be impofed 
 upon the King. This obliges me to make remarks on fome 
 of the articles. 
 
 I N the preface, the King acknowledged, that the in- Thtfnijhnr ? 
 tentions of thofe who had entered into the Covenant,"/ thc Treaty, 
 “ were real for the prefervation of his Majefty’s perfon Id " p ’ 78 ‘ 
 
 “ and authority, according to their allegiance, and noways 
 “ to diminilh his juft power and greatnefs. He promifed, 
 
 “ a s foon as he could, with freedom, honour, and fafety, 
 
 “ to be prefent in a free Parliament, to confirm the faid 
 “ League and Covenant by Aft of Parliament in both 
 “ Kingdoms, for the fecurity of all who had taken or 
 “ fliould take it.” With this provifo however, “ That 
 “ none who was unwilling fliould be conftrained to take 
 “ *J(0. 
 
 Remark (i). If it is confidered, that the Scots joined 
 their forces with thofe of England, only in defence of this 
 Covenant, which had been folemnly fworn to in both 
 Kingdoms, it will not be thought ftrange, the Scotch Com¬ 
 miffioners fliould require this promife of the King. With¬ 
 out this, there would have been no poffibility to engage 
 the Scots to employ their forces to rellore the King to his 
 rights, and how hard foever this condition might appear 
 to him, it was abfolutely neceflary to produce the effedl 
 which he expedled from his union with Scotland. 
 
 “ His Majefty engaged to confirm by Adi of Parliament 
 “ in England, Presbyterian Government; the Directory 
 “ for Worfliip; and the Aflembly of Divines at Weft mi n- 
 “ Jlcr for three years; fo that his Majefty and his Houfe- 
 “ hold Ihould not be hindered from ufing that form of 
 “ divine fervice he had formerly praclifed (2): And that 
 “ during thefe three years there Ihould be a confultation 
 “ with the Aflembly of Divines, to which twenty of the 
 “ King’s nomination Ihould be added, and fome from the 
 Ck Church of Scotland-, and thereupon it fliould be deter- 
 “ mined by his Majefty, and the two Houfes of Parliament, 
 
 “ what form of Government Ihould be eftablilhed after 
 “ the expiration of thofe years, as fliould be moll agree- 
 “ able to the word of God. 
 
 Rem. (2). The Scotch Commiffioners were not fo 
 ftupid as to imagine, the Scots with their forces alone fliould 
 be able to rellore the King. They depended chiefly upon 
 the aid ol the Englifl) Piesbyterians. But how was it pof- 
 fible for them to rely on their aid, if nothing were ftipu- 
 lated for them? Nay, it is aftonifliing they fliould be fa- 
 tisfied with an eftablilhment which was to laft but three 
 years, confidering how they themfelves and the Englijh 
 Presbyterians, whofe afliftance was abfolutely neceflary. 
 
 Hood affedted. The King himfelf did not think, doubt- 
 lcfs, he was forced upon this point, fince he had offered the 
 fame thing to both Houfes, in his meflage of the 10th of 
 December. 
 
 “ That an effectual courfe may be taken by Adi of 
 
 (*0 Thiseonjefture is confirmed by his Majefty*s Letter to the Earl of L.mrick, dated at Carlsbrook, November 19, 1647, wherein he fays, “ Thac his 
 “ trom to both Houles will, he believes, have divers interpretations, and be dilliked by the Scotch Commiftjoners, but the end of it was 
 
 '* to procure a perfonal Treaty. This he thought necellary to tell him, that he might allure his fellow Cgmmiftiuners, that change of place had not ai-« 
 tered his mind, iron; what it was when he faw him lift.'* AJ;m. of tht Duke 0/ Hamilton, p. 32 j. 
 
 3 “ Parliament, 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 54 + 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 tf Parliament, and all other ways needful or expedient, 
 for the fuppreffing the opinions and practices of Anti- 
 “ TUnitarians , Arians , Socinians, Anti-Sc ripturalijls, Ana- 
 “ baptijls , Antinomians, Armenians ,_ Familyfs, Brownijls , 
 
 “ Scparatijls , Independents , Libertines., and Seekers , and 
 “ generally, for the fuppreffing of all blafphemy, herefy, 
 
 “ fchilm, and all fuch fcandalous doCtnnes and practices 
 “ as arc contrary to the Light of Nature, and to the prin- 
 “ triples of Chriltianity, whether concerning Faith, Wor- 
 “ {hip or Converfation, or the power of^ Godlmefs, or 
 *« which may bcdeftruCtive to order and Government, or 
 “ to the peace of the Church and Kingdom (3). 
 
 Rf.m. (3)- All thel'e SeCts mentioned in this article were 
 no lei's enemies to the Presbyterians than to the Church of 
 EnAand. Thefe three laft articles beingexaCtly what the 
 King had offered in his meffage of the 1 6th of November , 
 it cannot be faid that he granted them through furprize or 
 force. n 
 
 “ The King promifed, that in the next feffion of Par- 
 “ liament, alter the Kingdom of Scotland {hould declare 
 " for his Majefty, in purfuance of this agreement, he 
 “ fhould inperfon, or by commiffion, confirm the League 
 • l and Covenant in that Kingdom; and concerning all 
 “ the Ads pafl'ed in the laft Parliament of that Kmg- 
 “ dom, his Majefty declared, that he fhould then like- 
 “ w ife be content to give afl'urance by Ad of Parlia- 
 1 ment, that neither he nor his fucceflors Ihould quarrel, 
 
 “ call in queftion, or command the contrary of any of 
 them, nor queftion any for giving obedience to the 
 “ fame.” 
 
 Alter thefe articles concerning Religion, there was a 
 Iona recital of “ the agreement the Parliament of Eng- 
 land had made, w'hen the Scots army returned to Scot- 
 li land , that the army under Fairfax fhould be disbanded ; 
 
 “ and of that army’s fubmitting thereunto ; of their taking 
 “ the King from Holm by, and keeping him prifoner till 
 “ he fled fiom them to the Ijle of Wight ; and fincethat 
 “ time both his Majefty, and the Commiflioners for the 
 “ Kingdom oF Scotland, had very earneltly delired, that 
 “ the King might come to London in fafety, honour and 
 1 ■ hcedoin, lor a perfonal treaty with the two Houles, 
 
 “ and the Commiflioners of the Parliament of Scotland , 
 which, they (aid, had been granted, but that the army 
 “ had, in a violent manner, forced away divers members 
 “ of the Parliament from the difeharge of their truft, and 
 “ poflefled themfelves of the city of London, and all the 
 “ ltrengths and garrifons of the Kingdoms: And that by 
 “ tl.e ftrength and influence of that army, and their ad- 
 “ herents, Propofitions and Bilis had been lent to the King 
 “ without the advice and confent of the Kingdom of Scot- 
 “ land, contrary to the treaties which are between the 
 “ two Kingdoms, and deftruCtive to Religion, his Majefty’s 
 “ riahts, the privilege of Parliament, and liberty of the 
 “ Subject; from which Propofitions and Bills the Scot if) 
 
 “ Commilfioneis had diflented, and protefted againit, in 
 “ the name of the Kingdom of Scotland.” 
 
 After this preamble and recital, they fai l, 44 That for- 
 “ afmuch as his Majefty is willing to give fatisfaCtion con- 
 “ cerning the fettling of Religion, and other matters in 
 “ tl.ftVrence, as is exprefled in this agreement, the King- 
 “ dom of Scotland doth oblige, and engage itfelf, firft, in 
 ‘ 4 a peaceable way and manner to endeavour, that the 
 “ King may come to London in fafety, honour, and free- 
 ** dom, for a perfonal treaty with the Houles of Parlia- 
 “ ment, and the Commiflioners of Scotland , upon fuch 
 “ propofitions as fhould be mutually agreed on between the 
 ‘‘ two Kingdoms, and fuch propofitions as his Majefty 
 44 fhould tiiink fit to make; and for this end, all armies 
 '■ Ihould be disbanded ; and in cafe that this fhould not be 
 4 ‘ granted, that declarations fhould be emitted by the King- 
 " dom of Scotland , in purfuance of this agreement, againft 
 “ the uniult proceedings of the two Houfes of Parliament, 
 4> towards his Majefty, and the Kingdom of Scotland-, in 
 “ which they would aflert the right that belonged to the 
 44 Crown, in the power of the Militia, the Great Seal, 
 be flowing of honours, and offices of truft, choice of the 
 44 Privy-Counfellors, and the right of the King’s negative 
 44 voice in Parliament: And that the (Queen’s Majefty, the 
 “ Prince, and the reft of the royal ilfue, ought to remain 
 '■* where his Majefty fhall think nr, in either of his King- 
 44 doms, with fafety, honour, and freedom: That upon 
 44 the illiiing out of this declaration, an army fhould be 
 44 lent out of Scotland into England, for the prefervation 
 44 and eftablifhment of Religion, for defence of his Majef- 
 '• ty'- perfon and authority, and relloring him to his Go- 
 41 veminent, to the juft rights of the Crown, and the full 
 •• : .nues; fur the defence of the privilege of Parliament, 
 “ u:id liberty of the SubjeCt; for making a firm union be- 
 4i tween the Kingdoms under his Majefty and his polierity, 
 *• undfettlingalaftingpej.ee. In purfuance whereof, the 
 • Kingdom oil Scotland was to endeavour, that there might 
 be-a free and lull Parliament in England , and that his 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 44 Majefty may be with them in honour, fafetv, and free- 164 
 “ dom ; and that a fpeedy period be fet to the prefent Par- 
 44 liament. And they undertook, that the army which 
 “ they would raife, fhould be upon its march, before the 
 44 meflage and declaration fhould be delivered to the 
 44 Houfes.” It was farther agreed on, “ That all fuch in 
 44 the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , as would join 
 44 with the Kingdom of Scotland , in purfuance of this 
 44 agreement, fhould be protected by his Majefty in their 
 44 perfons and eftates; and that all his SubjeCts in England 
 46 or Ireland, who would join with him, in purfuance of 
 “ this agreement, might come to the Scoti/b army and join 
 “ with them, or elfe put themfelves into other bodies in 
 44 England or Wales , forprofecution of the fame ends, as the 
 “ King’s Majefty fhould judge mod convenient, and fuch 
 “ Commanders or Generals of the Enghlh Nation, as his 
 44 Majefty fhall think fit: And that all fuch fhould bepro- 
 44 te&ed by the Kingdom of Scotland and their army, in 
 44 their perfons and eftates, and where any injury or wrong 
 44 is done unto them, they would be careful to fee them 
 44 fully repaired, as far a., it fhould be in their power to 
 44 do; and likewife when any injury or wrong is done to 
 44 thofe who join with the Kingdom of Scotland, his Ma- 
 “ jefty {hould be careful of their full reparation (4).” 
 
 Rem. (4). When the five laft articles are coniidered, 
 it plainly appears, what great advantages the King received 
 by his condefcenfion to eftablifh Presbyterianifm in England 
 for three years. But fome mens prejudice againft Prtxby- 
 terianifm, makes them think, the King paid very dear for 
 the advantages he expected to reap from his union with 
 Scotland. 
 
 They obliged his Majefty to promife, 44 That neither 
 “ himfelf, nor any by his authority or knowledge, fhould 
 “ make or admit any cellation, pacification, or agreement 
 ‘■ 4 whatfoever for peace, nor of any treaty, propofitions, 
 
 44 bills, or any other ways for that end, with the Houfes 
 “ of Parliament, or any army or party in England or Irc- 
 “ land, without the advice and confent of the Kingdom of 
 44 Scotland-, and reciprocally, that neither the Kingdom 
 44 of Scotland, nor any, having their authority, fhould 
 44 make or admit of any of thefe, any manner of way, 
 
 44 with any whatfoever, without his Majefty’s advice or 
 44 confent: And that upon the fettlement of a peace, there 
 44 Ihould be an aCt of oblivion to be agreed upon bv his 
 “ Majefty, and both his Parliaments, of both his King- 
 44 doms: That his Majefty, the Prince, or both, fhould 
 44 come into Scotland, upon the invitation of that King 
 “ dom, and their declaration, that they fhould be in ho 
 44 nour, freedom, and fafety, when poffibly they could 
 “ come with fafety and convenience ; and that the King 
 44 fhould contribute his utmoft endeavour, both at home 
 44 and abroad, for affifting the Kingdom of Scotland , for 
 “ carrying on this war both by fea and land, and all other 
 “ fupplies by moneys, arms, ammunition, and all otht r 
 44 things requiiite, as alfo for guarding the coafts of Scotland 
 “ with {hips, and protecting all their Merchants, in the 
 44 free excrcife of their trade and commerce with other Na- 
 44 tions: And likewife, that his Majefty was willing, and 
 44 did authorize the Scotijh army, to poftefs themfelves of 
 44 Berwick, Car life, Newcnjlle upon I ine, with the caftle 
 “ of Tinrnouth, and the town of Hartlepool . Thofe places 
 4 to be their retreat, and magazines; and that, when the 
 44 peace of the Kingdom fhould be fettled, the Kingdom 
 44 of Scotland fhould remove all their forces, and deliver 
 “ back again thofe towns and caftles. 
 
 44 The King promifed alfo, and undertook to p:.v the 
 “ arrears of the Brotherly Affiftance, and likewife the two 
 44 hundred thoufand pounds, which remained ftill due 
 44 upon the laft treaty, for return of the Scotijh army, 
 
 44 when they had delivered up the King (5). 
 
 Rem. (5). If the four hundred thoufand pounds pro¬ 
 mifed to the Scotijh army, when they quitted England, be 
 confidercd as the price of the fale of the King’s perfon, no¬ 
 thing could be harder, than to oblige the King to the pay¬ 
 ment of that fum. But if it was really due to the Scots for 
 their arrears, the King approving of the Covenant of both 
 Kingdoms, by the firft article of this treaty, the Scots could 
 urge, that he was bound to fee them paid the expence they 
 had been at in maintainig the faid Covenant. 
 
 And alfo, 44 That payment fhould be made to the 
 44 Kingdom of Scotland, for the charge and cxpcnce of 
 44 their army in this future war, with due recomper.ee for 
 44 the Ioffes they fhould fuftain therein . and that due fa:i - 
 44 fatftion, according to the treaty on that behalf bef.vixt 
 44 the two Kingdoms, fhould be made to the Scot if, army 
 44 in Ireland, out of the lands of this Kingdom, or other - 
 44 wife: And that the King, according to the intention ot 
 44 hisFather, fhould endeavour a complete union of thetwo 
 44 Kingdoms, fo as they may be one under his Majefty, 
 
 44 and all his pofterity ; or if that cannot fpeedilv be el- 
 44 fected, that all liberties and privileges concerning c.im- 
 44 mercej traffick, manufactures, peculiar to the b’uK-a- 
 
1647. 
 
 Till. P .S=. 
 
 'l bi King'1 
 
 anjwir to the 
 Parliament' i 
 \C1mm1Jfto- 
 
 Clarendnn, 
 
 ill. p. 6S. 
 
 > Heath, 
 p. 160. 
 
 Book XXI. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 545 
 
 “ of either Nation, fhould be common to the Subjects of 
 “ both Kingdoms without diftinftion ; and that there be 
 “ a communication, and mutual capacity of all other liber- 
 “ ties of the Subjefts in the two Kingdoms (6.) 
 
 R EM. (6.) If the King could not, by his own autho¬ 
 rity unite the two Kingdoms, without the concurrence of 
 the two Parliaments, neither could he, without the fame 
 concurrence, make the privileges of both Kingdoms com¬ 
 mon. So, probably, this article was put into the treaty 
 only to dazzle the people of Scotland. 
 
 “ That a competent number of (hips fhould be yearly 
 <c affigned, and appointed out of his Majefty’s navy, which 
 “ fhould attend the coaft of Scotland for a guard, and free- 
 “ dom of trade of that Nation ; and that his Majefty 
 “ fhould declare, that his fucceflors, as well as himfelf, 
 “ are obliged to the performance of the articles and condi- 
 “ tions of this agreement ; but that his Majefty {hall not 
 “ be obliged to the performance of the aforefaid articles, 
 I s untill the Kingdom of Scotland fhould declare for him, 
 “ in purfuance of this agreement ; and that the whole ar- 
 “ tides and conditions aforefaid, {hall be finifhed, perfeft- 
 “ ed, and performed, before the return of the Scotijh ar- 
 <£ my ; and that when they return into Scotland , at the 
 <£ fame time, Simul 1 $ fcmel, all armies fhould be disbanded 
 “ in England.” The King engaged himfelf alfo, “ To 
 “ employ thofe of the Scotijb nation, equally with the En- 
 “ in a h foreign employments and negotiations ; and 
 “ that a third part of all the offices and places about the 
 “ King, Qi een, and Prince, Ihould be conferred upon 
 “ perfons ot that nation ; and that the King and Prince, 
 “ or one of them ; will frequently reiide in Scotland , that 
 
 the Subjects of that Kingdom may be known to them.” 
 
 The F ing’s confent by this treaty to the eftabliftiment 
 of the Presbyterian-government in England for three years, 
 lying heavy upon his mind, he prevailed with the commif- 
 fioners, that it fhould be inferred under the fame treaty, 
 
 “ That his Majefty did declare, that by the claufeof con- 
 “ firming Presbyterian-government by aft of Parli ment, 
 “ he is neither obliged to defire the fettling of Presbytc- 
 ct rian-government, nor to prefent any bills to that effeft ; 
 “ and that he likewife underftands, that no perfon what- 
 “ foever (hall fuller in his eftate, nor undergo any corporal 
 “ punifhment, for not fubmitting to Presbyterian-govern- 
 <c ment ; his Majefty underftanding, that this indemnity 
 “ fhould not extend to thofe who are mentioned in the 
 “ articles againft toleration.” 
 
 To this the Scotch commiffioners fubferibed their hands, 
 “ as witneftes only, as they faid, and not as afi'entors.” 
 
 The Lord Clarendon-, in his hiftory of the civil wars of 
 England , exclaims agajnft the injuftice of this treaty, in the 
 following words : 
 
 No man who reads this treaty (which very few men have 
 ever done) can wonder, that fuch an engagement met with 
 the fate that attended it ; which contained Jo many monjlrous 
 concejfions, that , except the whole Kingdom of England had 
 been likewife imprifoned in Carisbrook cajlle with the King , 
 it could not be imagined, that it was pojfible to be performed. 
 
 I own, whatever efteem I may have for this illuftrious 
 Hiftorian, this bare alTevcration, without any explication, 
 is not fatisfaftory to me. After having examined every 
 claufe of this treaty, I meet with none that to me appear 
 monftrous. It is true, the article of fettling the Presbyte¬ 
 rian-government in England for three years, might feem fo 
 to the Earl of Clarendon, and thofe who are of his opinion. 
 The reader is to judge, whether this Monjlrofity , if I may 
 venture to ufe that term, is to be aferibed to the thing it 
 fell, or to the Hiftorian’s prepoffeffion (1). 
 
 The King having concluded his treaty with the Scotch 
 commiffioners, delivered his anfwer to the commiffioners of 
 the Parliament, to this effeft : 
 
 “ That his Majefty had always thought it a matter of 
 “ great difficulty, to comply in fuch a manner with all en- 
 “ gaged interefts, that a firm and lafting peace might 
 “ enfue; in which opinion he was now confirmed, fince 
 “ the Commiffioners for Scotland did folemnly proteft a- 
 “ gainft the feveral Bills, and propofitions, which the two 
 “ Houfes of Parliament had prefented to him for his af- 
 “ fent; fo that it was not poffible for him to give fuch an 
 ** anfwer as might be the foundation of a hopeful peace. 
 
 “ That befides, the four Bills as they were offered to him 
 “ did not only diveft him of all Sovereignty, and leave 
 
 “ him without any poffibility of recovering it to him or 1647. 
 “ his Succeflorsj but opened a door for all intolerable op- 
 “ preffions upon his Sub;efts, he granting fuch an arbitra- 
 “ ry and illimited power to the two Houfes. That nci- 
 “ ther the defire of being freed from that tedious and irk- 
 “ fome condition of life, which he had fo long fuffered, 
 
 “ nor the apprehenfion of any thing that might befall 
 “ him, fhould ever prevail with him to confent to any 
 <c one Aft, till the conditions of the whole peace fhould 
 “ be concluded ; and then that he would be ready to give 
 “ all juft and reafonabie faiislaftion, in a’l particulars; and 
 “ for the adjufting of all this,- he knew no way bm-a per- 
 “ fonal treaty (and therefore very earneftly delired the 
 ** two Houfes to confent to it) to be either at London , or 
 “ any other place they would rather choofe.” 
 
 The King, not doubting but his anfwer would difpleafe Luelow. 
 the two Houfes, would have given it fealed to the Com- Tl 
 miffioners, becaufe whilft the Parliament fhould take it in- 
 to confideration, he intended to make his efcape, having 6S. P 7> 
 already taken fome meafures for that purpofe. But the 
 Commiffioners (a) would not receive it in that manner, 
 faying, “ They were not to be looked upon as common 
 “ nieflengers, and to carry back an anfwer they had not 
 “ feen.” The King fearing, their return without his an¬ 
 fwer would be attended with the worft of confequences, 
 gave it to them open; after which they inftantly departed. 
 
 They were no fooner gone, than Governor Hammond ,bid - 
 [ by Sir Thomas Fairfax's order ] caufed all the King’s fer- vikuTco' 
 vants to be put out of the Caftle, who till then had been 5 * 
 
 permitted to be with him, and confined him fo clofely, 
 that no man had liberty to go to him without exprefs 
 leave (3). 
 
 It was not in vain that the Governor took thefe pre- Burley’/ Tr - 
 cautions, fince, immediately after, one Captain Burley an f u,rcr, ’ on “> 
 inhabitant of the Ifland, who had been [ firft a fea-officer, 'kZI^ 
 and afterwards] General of the ordnance in one of the D.- c ? 29. 
 King’s armies, endeavoured to excite the people to refeue ° arcnd y. 
 the King from his Captivity (4). But he Lid his meafures K^woftn’. 
 fo ill, that inftead of executing his defign he was apprehen- v ‘< p 9^2. 
 ded, and afterwards condemned, and hanged, drawn, and J ^ re ~ 
 quartered. Probably, the King depended upon this officer IxcLuT. 
 for his efcape. 
 
 The King’s anfwer being read in the Houfe of Com- Jan. 3. 
 mons, feveral Members fpoke againft the King with great 
 warmth. Cromwell among others faid, M-nk-y. 
 
 “ That the King was a man of great parts, and great 1647-8, 
 “ underftanding, but that he was fo great a difiembler, Cmmw-ir/ 
 “ and fo falfe a man, that he was not to be trufted. L ‘ vea ‘ v “ 
 
 “ That whilft he profefTed with all folemnity that he re- tb ‘ 
 
 “ ^rred himfelf wholly to the Parliament, and depended cufendon, 
 “ only upon their wifdom and counfel for the fettfement liJ - P’7 0 " 
 “ and compofing the diftraftions of the Kingdom, he had 
 “ at the fame time fecret treaties with the Scotttjh Com- 
 “ miffioners, how he might imbroil the Nation in a new 
 “ war, and deftroy the Parliament. He concluded, that 
 “ they might no farther trouble themfelves with fending 
 “ melfages to him, or farther propofitions, but that they 
 “ might enter upon thofe counfels which were necelfary to- 
 “ wards the fettlemeot of the Kingdom, without having 
 “ farther recourfe to the King.” This advice being It h -voted. 
 ftrongly feconded by fome other Members, it was at length tbiU *- m 
 refolved after a long debate from morning till lateral ^dfi'o b f t 
 night (s)> that no more addrefles fhould be made to, or metfagd te - 
 mefTages received from, the King (6), and that a Declara- c '™ l ' i f r0m 
 tion fhould be publifhed to fatisfy the Kingdom of the rea- RuJhwfrth. 
 fon of it. T his Declaration was prepared in a very fhort Vn p.933. 
 time (7). It contained all the reproaches caft upon the D!c!ar “ !:on 
 King in 1641, in the Remonftrance of the State of the 
 Kingdom, and whatever had been complained of fince whiuiodc. 
 that time, not without a direft infinuatkm that the King, ^• a ' en,,0B » 
 when Prince of Wales, had confpired with the Duke of J', 1 .’ p ' 7 °* 
 Buckingham againft his Father’s life. They charged him 
 with having openly betrayed the interefts of the Proteftant 
 Religion, by lending his ihips to the King of France , who 
 employed them againft Rochel. When this Declaration 
 came to be debated, it met with much oppofition even in 
 the Houfe of Commons. But the contrary party to the 
 King did what is daily praftifed in the Parliament. They 
 fuffered the oppofers of the Declaration to talk as much as 
 they plcafed, and then called for the queftion, which was 
 carried by a plurality of voices; after which the Declara- 
 
 of Lead, and buried : 
 
 P-77- 
 
 (1) The Scotl/h C.immifiioners, apprehenfive of being fearrhed in their return to London, wrapt up this Treaty 
 garden in the Jfle of Wight, from whence they eafily found means aflerwaids to receive it. Clarendon Tun: 
 
 (2; The Earl of Denbigh was the chief, and fpoke to his Majefty. 
 
 (3) The King, after fome expoftulations for this ufage, “ asked Hammond, by what authority he did it f 
 <■ that be juppojed bit Mojejly nvai not ignorant of the c a ufe of bn doing thus." The King frofejfed tbe 
 “ plainly faw. bis Majefty was adled by other Councils than ft.iod with the good ol the Kingdom.” [ Til 
 
 rendon. ] Wb>tclock, p. 287-Some time before this, there had been confultations and debates, botn 1 
 
 “ other to deftroy his Majefty’s perfin." Burnet's Mem. Hamil. p. 330. Clarendon, Tom. 3. p. 70. Of 
 formation, and advifed, that the King (hould efcape if he could Sec Ludlow, Tom. 1. p. 227. 
 
 (4) Mr. Wttlam Life had undertaken to provide a Ship for the King’s elcape, but the Ship came not. H'bitelo.i , p. 2S0. 
 
 (5) So lay Wbite/ock and Ru/hwortb, whom our Author quotes, and yet fays from the Lord Cljrsr.don, chat the deuxte laftad fome day;. 
 
 He faid, “ By authority of both Houfes, and 
 itrary , and tbe Ge-vern-r replied, “ That b* 
 words in Itaiick are omit td o> the Lord CL- 
 the Parliament and Army, “ by ne mean or 
 is a general Officer gate Sir 'g tan Berkley iu- 
 
 (6) Upon pain of High-Treafon. See Ru/hwortb , Tom 
 
 (7) It was prepared by Colonel Nathaniel Fiennei, Ludlow, Tom" x. p. 136, 
 
 No 71. Vol. II. 
 
 6 y 
 
Vo!. II. 
 
 5+6 
 
 1647-8. 
 
 Chrenflon, 
 HI- P* 55 - 
 
 favour of 
 ■b< King. 
 
 Id. 0.74,&c- 
 
 :i. p. 94- 
 
 p. 98. 
 
 Dcfigm of 
 toe Indtpe 
 Jtnli. 
 
 Ihe HI SI 0 RT of ENGLAND. 
 
 tion was fent 10 the Houfe of Peers, where it pafiid with- 
 out any difficulty. . , 
 
 The Scotch Commiffioners, before they returned home, 
 communicated their defigns to the King’s party, the Mar- 
 quit's of Ormond, and fome leading Presbyterians, and early 
 preparations were made for accomphfhing the projeft which 
 was forming in favour of the King. The projeft was as 
 follows. . _ , . O „ 
 
 The Scots were to fend an army into England to act a- 
 gainft the Independents, and deliver the King: The Mar- 
 quifs of Ormond was to return into Ireland , where the 
 Lord Inchiqiun who commanded the Parliament s forces in 
 Munfter , had promifed to declare for the King, and leve- 
 ral heads of the Rebels who were difpleafed with the ty¬ 
 rannical proceedings of the Pope’s Nuntio, had ingaged to 
 ioin the Marquifs with a ftrong body of their Troops. At 
 the fame time, the King’s friends in England were to rile 
 in feveral Counties. The Generals and Officers, difcarded 
 bv the new model, had promifed to afiemble what forces 
 they could, to countenance the defign. The Nobility, 
 Gentry, and Burghers being dilTatisfied that the army 
 fhould govern the Parliament, and all offices be conferred 
 on perfons of their party, it was notdoubted but the infur- 
 rea.ons in feveral parts, would be fupported and encouraged. 
 On the other hand. Sir Marmaduke Langdale, and bir 
 Philip Mufgrave , who had great interelt in Yorkshire and 
 Cumberland , ingaged to feize Berwick and Carl,tie 1 he 
 
 Presbyterian party being ftill very numerous in the Par¬ 
 liament and City, were preparing openly to oppofe the ar¬ 
 my, as foon as 'they fhould fee it employed in fo many 
 different places. Had all thefe projects been well managed, 
 and executed at the fame time, very probably, Cromwell, 
 with all his art, would have been extremely embaraiied. 
 But of all thofe who fhould have a£ed at the fame time, 
 fome were too hafty, others too flow, and by that means, 
 the army crufhed them with eafe one after another. But 
 before I relate how thefe feveral proje&s were attempted to 
 be executed, I think it abfolutely necellary to fhow the in- 
 terefts and views of the different parties, otherw.fe it would 
 be verv difficult to underftand what will be faid hereafter. 
 
 The Independents defigned to be mafters of the King- 
 n- dom, as they were already of the Parliament and City of 
 London. But as they found, it would not be eafy to fuc- 
 cecd in this undertaking, by the fame means they had em¬ 
 ployed to fubdue the City and Parliament, their aim was 
 to make ufe of the Parliament and govern in their name. 
 It was therefore their intereft, that the power they had ac¬ 
 quired over the Parliament fhould not be too vifible, for 
 fear of caufing both Houfes to lofe their authority, which 
 they meant to make ufe of. For this reafon they were 
 very careful to manage the two Houfes, knowing, that 
 whilft the army fubfifled, they would have a regard for 
 them, for fear of incenlxng them. And in cafe they fhould 
 think of taking too much liberty, they knew how to re¬ 
 duce them to a greater compliance. Though they had dif- 
 fembled their fentiments with refpeft to the King, after 
 his removal from Holmby, they were his mortal enemies, 
 and bent to oppofe, with all their power, his reftoration on 
 any conditions whatever, becaufe they confidered it as en¬ 
 tirely deftrudtive of their party. Oliver Cromwell , who 
 privately directed their affairs, had found means, as I faid, 
 to keep his port in the army, and his feat in Parliament, 
 though he had been the chief promoter of the Self-denying 
 ordinance, whereby the reft of the Members were exclu¬ 
 ded from all offices military and civil. Moreover, fince 
 the conclufion of the war, he had brought into the Houfe 
 many more of his faction, befides thofe who had been there 
 from the begining of the Parliament. Hence the In¬ 
 dependent party was grown very conhderable in the Houfe 
 of Commons, as well by their number as by the junction 
 of feveral other Members, who through fear, or want of 
 judgment, Filtered themfelves to be led by the Indepen¬ 
 dents, on fome occafions where their artifices were not eafy 
 to be difeovered. But their principal ftrength was the fup- 
 port of the army, of which they were fecure on occafion. 
 So, when any leading Independent fpoke with warmth in 
 the Houfe, he feldom met with oppolition, becaufe he was 
 confidered as the mouth of the army. 
 
 But what was the end the Independents propofed ? The 
 event Flowed, their principles were inconfiftent with Mo¬ 
 narchy, with Epifcopacy, and with Presbyterian Govern¬ 
 ment, and that their aim was to eftablifti a Commonwealth 
 m the State, and abolifti Ecclefiaftical authority in the 
 Church. Nothing was more oppofite to this defign than 
 the Hierarchy, efpecially, as it was known by experience 
 to have fupported the Monarchy, not only in its juft rights. 
 
 but alfo in its moll exorbitant pretenCions. Presbytcrit- 1647 
 nifm, as eftabliihed in Scotland , and as intended to be efta- 
 blifhei in England , was no lefs contrary to their defigns. 
 They pretended it was inconfiftent with the civil Govern¬ 
 ment, and to admit it would ue to admit a fort ot C om¬ 
 monwealth in the Church, which would afpire to an Inde¬ 
 pendency on the State, and befides, the Presbyterian Cler¬ 
 gy were as much againft Toleration as the Epifcopa!. 
 
 This they proved by the example of Scotland , where un¬ 
 der colour of Religion and Godlinefs, the General-Affem- 
 Wies of the Kirk pretended to intermeddle in all important 
 affairs of the State, and not only to affift the civil authori¬ 
 ty, but to be bound to it in confcience on certain occa¬ 
 fions. Befides, if the Biftiops had perfected thofe who re- 
 fufed to conform to tbe Church of England , the Presbyte¬ 
 rians, fince they were fuperior, exercifed no lefs tyranny 
 upon thofe who would not fubmit to their Government. 
 Thus the principles of the Epifcopalians and Presbyterians 
 being dire&ly contrary to thofe of the Independents, thefe 
 laft were equally enemies to both, and equally laboured 
 their ruin. To execute their defigns, they had at firft 
 joined with the Presbyterians, on pretence of eftablilbing 
 Presbyterianifm, but in reality to deftroy the King. And 
 when it was out of the King’s power to hurt them, they 
 laboured to deftroy the fame Presbyterianifm, for the efta- 
 blilhment of which, they had Ihown more zeal than the 
 Presbyterians themfelves. 
 
 Such were the views of the Independents: as for Crom- Cmm 
 well's in particular, it cannot be faid when he began to 
 form the project of his advancement. He had fpent the 
 two firft years ot this Parliament in the Houfe of Com¬ 
 mons as member for the town of Cambridge , without 
 being very remarkable. Thu he was above forty year 
 old before he exercifed the profeffion of arms, lie fuddenly 
 grew fo expert, and fhowed fuch undaunted courage in all 
 the a£tions where he was prefent , that he was foon 
 made Lieutenant-General of the army, commanded by 
 Sir Thomas Fairfax. It can hardly be doubted, that fince 
 the battle of Kafeby , where he acquired freili laurels, he 
 had begun to think of railing himfelf higher. But I dare 
 not affirm, he then thought of what he afterwards ac- 
 complilhed. I fhould rather believe, he had only fome 
 general views, and was led by the events and fituation of 
 affairs to form more ambitious projedls (1). 
 
 I come now to the Presbyterians. The war was ended 
 to the King’s difadvantage : but he was ftill alive though 
 prifoner, and had feveral children. It was the general™ 
 fenfe of the nation, or at leaft of thofe who were not 
 blinded by a fpirit of party, that the King fhould be re- 
 flored, but upon fuch terms however as fhould hinder the 
 conftitution of the Government from being liable to the 
 fame danger as before this Parliament. It can’t be doubted, 
 this was the fentiment of all honed Englijhmen , when it 
 is confidered, that even thofe who had nothing lefs in view 
 than the King’s re-eftablifhment, did however publickly 
 declare, they defired it, for fear the contrary opinion 
 fhould deprive them of the People’s favour, which was 
 abfolutely neceffary for them. This appears in all the 
 Papers publifhed fince the beginning ot the war and the 
 King’s imprifonment. And indeed, nothing was more 
 juft and reafonable. The nation’s intereft did not re¬ 
 quire that Royalty fhould be abolifhed, or the King re¬ 
 duced fo low as to be difabled from executing the Laws 
 and protecting his Subjefts. But the intereft of the Inde¬ 
 pendents required the firft of thefe two things, and that 
 of the Presbyterians, the fecond. Herein confided the diffi¬ 
 culty of the King’s reftoration. He was very willing to 
 confent, that the ordering of the Militia, and the nomina¬ 
 tion to the great offices, fhould be left to both Houfes of 
 Parliament for fome time. This was fufficient for the 
 intereft of the nation in general, fince the People would 
 have been freed from their fears, with refpedt to the Go¬ 
 vernment for the future. If the Presbyterians had only 
 intended the good of the publick, they would doubtlefs, 
 have been fatisfied with the King’s offers. But they had 
 another intereft, no lefs dear to them, and which diftin- 
 guifhed their party from the reft of the nation, namely, 
 the abolition of epifcopal Government, which was their 
 greateft concern Nay, very likely, if they had applied 
 themfelves at firft to procure the good of the nation, by 
 endeavouring to humble the regal Power, it wa. only to 
 effect the more eafily their fecret defigns, to change the 
 Government of the Church. At the juncture I am fpeak- 
 ing of, they had not altered their projefts. They knew 
 how zealous the King was tor epifcopal Government, and 
 how averfe to the Presbyterian. They could not there- 
 
 
 Earl of Efftx, Knig.hr of the Garter, firft Captain of the Guard:, - 
 
 lUr.ry VIH. But the King, who would do nothing without the advice of his tiueen, writ her word 
 if t* affenting to them 'h: could procure peace, it would be eafier ihen to take off Cremwe I, than n 
 L.t-er wjj intercepted fcy Cr.m-.vdl, who thereupon refolved to ruin the King. R. Cc*r. p. 313, Lift of CrtmwU , p. 7 
 
 fhould be mad* 
 will was, under 
 That though he affeated to the army's propolals. 
 the Head that governed the army.” This 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 54? 
 
 .647-8. fore, without running the hazard of lofing the fruit of which occurred to many in iWW ,o 
 their labours, leave their pretenfions undecided, and their new war was far from beino- •’ r 11 C r/ 16 1647.8 
 
 .(Fairs in fuel, a Hate, that it Mould be in the King’s King’s party appeared very aflL 1 ' ''V" T'" 
 
 power to demolifh what they had raifed, and tire King hopes were no/confined to the ^ ’‘c- 6 ”' the,r 
 
 refufed to give then, any aKurance in *TpA_ oS the^ndepe nd^ttdS to'put'S Ito” thf i^ndsTf 
 
 t e Presbyterians. The commiffioners had fiened the 
 treaty of the Me of ^ir, without being authored by 
 the Parliament of taW, and the exlcution of that 
 
 theYo’pes" the *** 
 
 the contrary, he plainly intimated, it was with relu&ance 
 that he granted them any thing, and even for a very fhort 
 time. Befides, they had no confidence in his promifes. 
 
 But on the other hand, they had other enemies who 
 were no lefs formidable. Thefe were the Independents, 
 who had great advantages over them : i. They had the 
 King’s perfon in their power. 2. They were fupported 
 hy the army now at the gates of London. 3. The army 
 directed, in great meafure, the determinations of the Par¬ 
 liament. T hus, the Presbyterians were extremely eg 
 barafled, fince, whichfoever of the two parties, the P'& s 
 or the Independent, prevailed, their ruin was ir ‘ ltable - 
 Mean while, as the danger from the IndepencK lS was tbe 
 molt imminent, as foon as they were inforr-^ tbe re ~ 
 folution taken by the Scots to fend an ar *y to the King’s 
 relief, they thought fit to fufpend th‘ r q uarrel with the 
 King, and join their endeavours wi ,J ^ofe °f tbe Scots, to 
 deliver him from the Independ-‘ Us - Not that the y in_ 
 tended to reftore him with Jt terms: nothin g was far * 
 ther from their thoughts. But they hoped, with the affif- 
 tance of the Scots and tbe ro y a I P art y> to deftroy the In¬ 
 dependents and arm*» anc * tbat then tbe Parliament would 
 be- perfectly free 1° that cafe, they flattered themfelves 
 that their p*ty would be fufficiently powerful in both 
 Houfes, tr require of the King fuch conditions as they 
 fhould «iink proper for their defigns. That is to fay, 
 they pretended to free the King from the captivity in 
 wKch he was held by the Independents, by means of his 
 uwn friends, to put him under another, which would have 
 been no lefs grievous to him ; in a word, to put him into 
 the power of a Parliament by which he had always been 
 oppofed. Chimerical projeCl, if ever there was one! It 
 mu ft be obferved, the Presbyterians no longer prevailing 
 in the Parliament, fince the 6th of Augujl , cheir principal 
 ftrength lay in the affiftance they could expeCt from the 
 city, and the Generals, Officers and Soldiers, who were 
 cafhiered by the new model, and very ready toj ait a- 
 gainft thofe who had robbed them of the fruit of their 
 labours. 
 
 tjh and The Scots had the fame interefts and views with regard 
 
 " °J lbe to the King. They knew, the King confidered the fa¬ 
 vours he had granted them, as extorted at a time when he 
 could not deny them without great inconveniences. On 
 the other hand, they had not confidence enough in him, 
 to believe he would be punitual to his promifes, in cafe he 
 remounted the throne of England with all his preroga¬ 
 tives. It was their intereft therefore to hinder the King 
 from becoming too powerful in England, and this had in¬ 
 duced them to affift the Parliament. But as for the In¬ 
 dependents, Scotland does not feem to have been fo much 
 concerned to oppofe the fuperiority they had acquired in 
 England. Indeed, it would have been more advantagious 
 to Scotland, it there had been no Independent-party in 
 England, if the Presbyterian had prevailed, and if the 
 Covenant had been ftri&Iy obferved. But fince affairs 
 had taken another courfe, and the Independents had gain¬ 
 ed the advantage, it does not appear what mifehief could 
 thence accrue to the Scots, fince they were no lefs fecured 
 from the King’s power, whilft he was in the hands of the 
 Independents than when he was in thofe of the Presby¬ 
 terians. The refolution of the Scots to affift the King can 
 be aferibed but to one, or perhaps all, of thefe caufes ; 
 
 1. To the fear of an union between the King and Inde¬ 
 pendents ; but this fear was groundlefs, the principles of 
 the two parties being diametrically oppofite : 2. To the 
 delire of being revenged on their' fworn enemies, the In¬ 
 dependents, who had often mortified the Scotch commif- 
 fioners . 3. I o their extreme defire of firmly eftablifhing 
 the Presbyterian Government in the Church 0 (England 
 
 the hopes, the commiffioners hL) given the King, oh cau- 
 
 cnly felT H B “5 “ Ventured ,0 im l»" ir 
 
 only to a few friends, and feme leading Presbvteri^mt 
 
 be a f irn ’ cd ’ 
 
 the new war c "'filch preparations were making in 
 Scot /*w, was rather the work of fome particular perfons 
 than of the nation in general, as will plainly appear in the 
 fequel. 
 
 The defign of the Royalifts was not, as I faid, to de- Vtrwicftbi 
 liver the King out of the hands of the Independents, to^ 1 
 leave him at the mercy of the Pcesbyterians. They ’ 
 knew, that when the Parliament fhould be entirely free, 
 the King’s condition would not be much better. And 
 therefore, in jointly labouring with the Presbyterians and 
 Scots, their aim was to reftore the King to his former ftate, 
 without fubje&ing him to the terms already propofed. In¬ 
 deed there were among them fome who would not have 
 fcrupled to confent to a toleration of the Presbyterian re¬ 
 ligion, rather than hazard the King’s reftoration. Nay, 
 fome there were who, had they been confulted, would 
 have advifed the King to fubmit to a change introduced a- 
 gainft his confent. Though they were perfuaded that 
 Epifcopal was more perfect than Presbyterian Govern¬ 
 ment, they did not think the difference between them 
 material enough, to hinder the fincere union of the two 
 parties, which they confidered as the foie means of reftoring 
 the King to his rights. And this was what fome had pro¬ 
 pofed to the King, before he withdrew to the Scotch army. 
 
 1 he Queen and the Court of France were of this opi¬ 
 nion : but the King was not. He was fo poffefled with 
 the neceflity of Epifcopacy, that nothing could move him. 
 Unfortunately for him, he had none about him but men, 
 who, like him, believed Epifcopacy f© effential to Religion, 
 that without Bifhops neither the ordination of Minifters, 
 nor confequently the adminiftration of the Sacraments, 
 could be valid. It muff not therefore be thought ftrange, 
 that the King had great fcruples upon this point, fince, 
 according to his Principles, he could not confider the Pres¬ 
 byterians as members of the Chriftian-Church. For how 
 could they be Chriftians, if their Baptifm was invalid ? It 
 cannot be denied, this was the opinion of the Court and of 
 many Qhurch-oi-England men. If therefore the Royalifts 
 had fully known the contents of the Ifle of Wight treaty, 
 very likely, their zeal for the King’s fervice would have 
 cooled. It has been remembered, how much it difpleafed 
 the Earl of Clarendon. It is very eafy to conceive, that 
 men of fuch fentiments did not mean to labour for ti e In¬ 
 tereft of the Presbyterians. What therefore could be ex- 
 pe&ed from the union of the Royalifts with the Preby- 
 terians and Scots , fince they all ailed with different or ra¬ 
 ther oppofite views, and, though their common defign had 
 fucceeded, they mull have therefore difunited, and begun a 
 new war ? 
 
 As to the King’s particular views, they can only be 7 b* fCin £ * 
 conjectured. He was like a man that is drowning, and y,ew, ‘ 
 catches at whatever he thinks able to fave him, or at leaft, 
 retard his fate. His accepting the fervice of the Scots and 
 Presbyterians of England, was not becaufe he expected 
 much from their condefcenfion. He had too often ex¬ 
 perienced their injuftice to him, to imagine they would 
 ferioufly think of reftoring him, without impoling upon 
 him intolerable terms. But as neceflity obliged them to 
 offer bim their affiftance, fo neceflity forced him to accept 
 it, if not in expectation of obtaining his defires, at leaft. 
 
 4. and laftly, To their hopes of preferving, by means of in hopes of delaying his ruin as long as poflible. Fi 
 
 this new war, the advantages procured them by the Cove¬ 
 nant. The queftion is to know, whether thefe three laft 
 caufes were fufficient to ingage them indifpenfably to un¬ 
 dertake a war againft England ? I fay againft England , 
 for they could not doubt that the Parliament, directed as 
 it was by the army, would confider their entrance into the 
 Kingdom as an invafion. 
 
 On the other hand, the Royalifts, though overthrown, 
 being ftill very numerous, there was great danger, that 
 though the Scots, by their union with them, fhould de¬ 
 ftroy the Independent party and their fupporters the army, 
 this advantage would turn more to the benefit of the 
 King than of the Prerbyterians. At leaft, it cannot be 
 denied, that by uniting with the Royalifts, they would, 
 though contrary to their intention, enable them to hold 
 up their heads, and by their own fucceffes give new 
 ftrength to their antient enemies. Thefe were reflections 
 
 . o or L.UU1PW, 
 
 he was told, and by one that was prefent, that in a coun- T. l.p.227, 
 cil of Officers at Windfor , it was moved to take away 
 his life. He hoped, very likely, by the aid of the Scots 
 and Englijh Presbyterians, fo to ftrengthen his own party, 
 that they would be in condition to aCt alone, when once 
 the Independent army was difperfed, and by that means 
 he might be freed and enabled to make a peace upon 
 more tolerable terms than thofe hitherto offered. Thus by 
 a ftrange blindnefs, the King pretended to ufe the Scots 
 and Presbyterians to recover his rights, and thefe laft pre¬ 
 tended to make the King and his party fubfervient to their 
 own defigns. The King might have another view in 
 fetting the Presbyterians and Independents at variance, 
 namely, that the weakeft party would join with him with¬ 
 out terms rather than fee their enemies triumph. 
 
 The Parliament confifted of Presbyterians and Inde- Tbe p„n am 
 pendents, and, notwithftanding the efforts of Cromwell andm.w ’,viw 
 
 his 
 
54 8 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 >647-8. 
 
 his Party, ;:,c Presbyterians were flill fhe majority. Bnt addreffes to the King, nor receive any meffages,/rom him, 1647.3 
 this party was cmiserably weakened by *he abfence of there feemed to be a ftri£t union between the Parliament 
 eleven of their chief members driven from thJ* Houfe of and Army. The council of war had confented, that all 
 Commons by the army. From that time, the fame v'^ our the Supernumerary forces, not upon the prefent eftablifh- 
 as formerly no more appeared in that Houfe, becaufe it nvaJ* ment , fhuuld be disbanded. The Parliament on their part 
 not dirtdtd ns be,ore the exclufion of thefe members. Be- gJ Vc £ he army fufficient fecurity for their arrears, and pub- 
 fides this example deterred the bold eh Presbyterians. So, lifhea p declaration, containing the reafons, why the army 
 the Independents were malters ; and though the Parliament ought to be" continued, though the war was over. In fhort, -The Amj- 
 
 the army defiltt'J* t,ieir pretenfion, to meddle with a f-djififrom > 
 fairs of State, and the Parliament free to fettle the Go- 
 vernment as they Ihoulu think fit. 7 hus the vote for no id. p g6w 
 more addrefles feemed to prP duce fuch an union between 
 the Parliament and army, that tn^Y appeared to have the 
 fame views and interefts, though hn.herto they had been 
 lous of each other. This clearly fhows,- what were the 
 of the army, with regard to the King. As for the 
 
 was Presbyterian a c to number, they adted however lii 
 Independents, becaufe they could not do otherwile. As the 
 army was near London, Cromwell had opportunity to be 
 conftantly in the Houfe, where h;s prefence aio.ne made 
 the (M//ancc ;.r ,ine t0 which he pj“afed, in ihe debates 
 
 where hi, plrlfW asnTfA Thc "' ere 
 
 no lefs conftraint than the Common;, nor «CP expoi^ - n 
 the violence of the army, which had caufed feven Peers io 
 
 deiigrx' 
 
 tne violence or ine army, wiiiui nau uuicu it>u> , r .. t 1 1 „ u 
 
 , , , , ,7 r rj l np c. Dorinmc ’t, though the Independent members wei“ devoted 
 
 be impeached by the Commons of High-Treafon, under rarliame,. . ? • , n > . • 
 
 , r b /.l tn _ rnT .\ it is certain, the reit, who were the majo- 
 
 colour of their being concerned m the tumult of the z6th the nrm\ 
 
 of July. The tranfadlions therefore of both Houfes from 
 the 6th of Augujl '647, and till June 1648, are to be con- 
 fidered as diredled by' the army, that is, by the leading 
 Independents. It may be imagined, the Presbyterian 
 members were extremely troubled to be forced, notwith- 
 ftanding their majority in both Houfes, to do things mani¬ 
 festly tending to the deftrutftion of their party. But there 
 was no remedy but patience, till time fhould afford fome 
 
 to the army”' IC 1S certain » tne reit, wno were tne majo¬ 
 rity, only difleiJ* 1 bled their fentiments. Mean while, !he Tbt p 3r Ur 
 
 > mpt- wilh nfi mnrf> nnnnftfinn in rF#* n jnt dtjirc •* 
 
 Independents, who with n ° m ° re oppofition in the T' lr a. 
 two Houfes bein«- w>."' n g t0 he more allured of the 
 Parliament,’caufed it to bi e ordered, that the General fhould 
 
 be defired to take care and °. ,|ard the Parliament. Purfuant “j 
 
 the General a regiment of Foot to J Blglm 
 
 to this requefh, .... _ . a . 
 
 Whit,hall, and another of Horfc f° the Mttcfc, where the Jan. 
 
 . King’s (fables flood. This was to hinder the Londoners 9 * 5 . 
 
 opportunity to'free thentfelves from this flavery. This from thinking again of ufing violence to ,'hc two Houfes. Whittle.; 
 opportunity was of courfe to offer itfelf the next fpring. _ Though the Scotch commiflioners departeu not.from 
 
 Though the Scotch commiffioners had not thought proper don till the 24th of January, they had however, ...... s „ ;i ,„ d , 
 
 . ^ . . »■ n 1 . .L-_. 1 —..1.._ -T laffpre nrnmnfp/l fKptr oUttirc. HQ flinn 3S fhoiT fnlfltV WlCH 2 
 
 Of tb, r, 
 
 t>f Loudott 
 
 by their ? 
 
 'impart'to "the leading Presbyterians the particulars' of letters, promoted their affairs, as foon as their treaty with at, 
 their treaty with the King, they had however intimated the King was figned, fo that it was now refolved at h f m ".ZV.”"" 
 to them, that they w r ere going to endeavour to raife an burgh, the committee of Eftates fhould meet the 6t. o clarendon,! 
 army in Scotland, to free England from the yoke of the February, and the Parliament the iotli of March. Tn.s ill. P . 96. 
 Independents, and that the King's parly was to join with rcfolution was taken, notwithflanding the Marquifs of Jr- wj 
 • - - • • - ’ • - ’ gyle' s oppofition, who, though Presbyterian as to Religion, 
 
 was of the fame principles with the Independents as to the 
 Government of the State, and had contratfted a faft friend- 
 fhip with Cromwell and Vane. But though he ruled in great 
 meafure thc rigid Presbyterians, that is, thofe who would 
 not depart from one Angle point ef the Covenant, the com¬ 
 bination was fo ftrong, that it was not only refolved to 
 call a Parliament, but that alfo the eledtions of thc mem¬ 
 bers were agreeable for the moft part to the wifhes of thofe 
 who were for levying an army. 7 "he Parliament of Eng¬ 
 land, or rather the Independent-party, by whom the two 
 Houfes were diretfted, doubted not that the aim of thofe 
 who had procured this refolution, was to fupport the Pres¬ 
 byterians of England , who were upon the brink of ruin. 
 Wherefore they refolved to fend comraiflioncrs to Scot-1A- j>. 91 5, 
 land (z), as well to endeavour to content the Scots, as t0 ctlrenAon 
 ob ^ erve what ^ ould pafs in the Parliament, and try to mVp? 99.' 
 mon-council was of the fame party. The army had done ftrengthen the party of thofe who were againft war (3). 
 v.’hat lay in their power to leflen the number of their ad- At the opening of the Parliament ot Scotland, uudied 1648. 
 verfaries in that council, by caufing the Lord-Mayor, fome fpeeches were made by feveral of the members, to excite 
 Aldermen, and feveral Common-council-men, to be accu- thc people againft the Enghjh. I hey reprefented, that.the tQ a[} ,■ 
 fed and imprifoned, for the tumult of the z6th of July : army of England kept the King in captivity, and the Par- England, 
 but however, the Presbyterian-party was ftill fuperior in liament in fuch fubje&ion, that nothing,was done but what n 
 number. In expe&ation of the opportunity to declare openly the army pleafed. That, contrary to thc tenour of the Co- 
 acrainft the army, and the Independents, the Presbyterian- venant between the two nations, the Parliament had re- 
 ■ - • • ” ■ fufed to debate with the Scotch commifTioners, the propofi- 
 
 tions fent to the King for peace, and reje&ed their protef- 
 tation, as if Scotland had no intereft in the King : That 
 they had in reality depofed the King by diverting him of 
 all his prerogatives, by voting he fhould be no more ad- 
 dreffed, and by hindering the Scots from having acccfs to 
 his perfon, though he was as much King of Scotland, as 
 
 them, or at leaft favour their progrefs by infurre&ions in 
 feveral parts of the Kingdom. So the Presbyterian mem¬ 
 bers impatiently expedfed the happy time, when the army 
 would be indifpenfably obliged to remove from / ondon , to 
 oppofe fo many enemies, particularly, in the North. They 
 refolved therefore to be ready to a& in the Parliament at fo 
 favourable a jundfure, and in the mean while, to give no 
 offence, for feur of being prevented by the army, who 
 carefully watched all their proceedings. This diflimula- 
 tion was necefiary, becaufe utherwife they ran the risk of 
 being ruined to no purpofe, and of difabling themfelves 
 from fupporting their friends on occafion. 
 v It remains to fpeak of the city of London, which was no 
 lefs concerned in what parted, than the reft of the King¬ 
 dom, and could be of great fervice to the party they cf- 
 poufed. In this great city were men of all fedfs and par¬ 
 ties ; but in general, it was Presbyterian, and the Com¬ 
 
 pany fo managed, that great difficulties conftantly occur 
 red, when it was propofed to advance money for thc army. 
 The city it felf was very much in arrears, with refpedt to 
 the Aims laid upon them for the payment of the troops. 
 They did not want excufes to delay thefe arrears : but the 
 true reafon was, they thereby obliged the army to take free 
 quarters, which made the people wilh to be rid of them. 
 
 The exportation of the revolutions, which the entrance of King of England: I hat it was a manileft breach of the 
 the Scots into the Kingdom might produce, caufed the Ma- right of the Scots, and of the Covenant between the two 
 giftrates of London to continue the fame conduit, being Kingdoms, and that Scotland ought to refent this affront, 
 ready to do, on all occartons, whatever was in their power or refolve to become fubjeit to England : That for thefe 
 to be revenged of the army. reafons, their advice was, that fpeedy means might be de- 
 
 I fhould willingly add fomething concerning the cha- vifed to fend an army into England, which fhould no looner 
 
 raiter of the Lord Fairfax (1), General of the army, and 
 the ends he might propofe to himfelf; but own, I have met 
 with little information. He was Presbyterian, and y< 
 
 enter that Kingdom, but ali the Englijh, except the army, 
 would join with them, and by that means th<- Parliament 
 being reftored to freedom, would re-unite with Scotland, 
 
 fuffered himfelf to be guided by Cromwell, the head of the and the Covenant be punctually obferved. 
 
 Independents. What caa be faid in his favour, is, that he 
 kept the command of the army to avoid a greater mifehief, 
 for fear, if he refigned his commiflion, it fhould be given 
 to Cromwell, as it would certainly have been. 
 
 I thought it neceflary, before I proceed to the great re¬ 
 volution in 1648, to fhow the views and interefts of the 
 
 The Parliament thought not proper to take this impor- 
 tant motion fo fpeedily into confideration. But to facilitate 
 the execution of what had been refolved before their meet- u-.y nga, 
 ing, a committee of twenty-four members was appointed, 
 with power to provide for the fafety of the Kingdom, in v jj p _ 
 cafe it fhould be in danger. For this reafon, they were 1019,10 
 
 principal aitors, believing this digreffion would conduce called the Committee of Danger, in which care was taken, 
 very much to the underftanding of what will hereafter be that the number of thofe who were for war, fhould be fu- 
 faid. perior to thofe of the contrary party, and to make Duke 
 
 Since the two Houfes had refolved to prefent no more Hamilton Pielident. 
 
 erd the 
 Dec. 3 
 Rulhw 
 
 ViLp. 
 
 r (,) He wi 
 iy p. 1020. 
 
 2) The Lord: aopoir 
 .. Tom. 7. p. 97c, 979. 
 
 953 ' 7 ) They p:>mifcJ, anong ocher ^ in/, to jay (he icmairing zco,ooo/. due to the Stoti, ard till rt 
 
 ldor., p. icij. 
 
 a Lord upon the death of his Father, who died of a Grangree 
 i the Earli of Nottingham, and Stanford j ar.d the Com 
 
 is foot, March the 
 Mr. Athburft, Brit 
 
 imteessth, this year. Rujhooortb, Tom. 7. 
 Staf'ttin, and Colonel Bircb. Rttjbwortb , 
 paid., to allow them 8 !■ ftr Ctr.t Interefl. 
 
 This 
 
i* 43 . 
 
 Tof K •« 
 
 ag^i'fi it- 
 Clarendon, 
 III. p. cm- 
 Rufh worth. 
 Vll.p 1016 
 Whkeluck. 
 
 Rufli worth, 
 VII. p. 104.7 
 1052,1053. 
 
 Book XXI. 25. CHARLES t 
 
 549 
 
 This committee having examined the ftate of the King¬ 
 dom, found- it to be in danger, and that it was neceilary 
 to rai!e an army of forty thoufand men, to put it in a pof- 
 ture of defence. It was not poflible for the Marquifs of 
 Acgylc, who was of the committee, to prevent this refolu- 
 tion. Bat he found means to a&uate the commiflioners of 
 the General-aflembly of the Kirk, who fome days after 
 prefented to the Parliament certain demands, proper to pro¬ 
 long the affair. The Parliament anfwered thefe demands* 
 and the commiflioners replied. As this affair will be better 
 underftood, by comparing the demands, anfwers, and re¬ 
 plies, I think it neceilary not to divide them. This will 
 be of ufe, as it difeovers the obftacles which occurred in 
 Scotland-, to the railing of the army that was to a£t in 
 England. Herein alfo will appear, what authority, the 
 General-aflembly of the Kirk of Scotland affumed to them- 
 felves, fince their commiflioners thought they had a right 
 to oppofe the Parliament to their face. 
 
 “ 1. Demand. That the grounds and caufes of under- 
 “ taking a war may be cleared to be fo juft, as that all 
 who are well affedled, may be fatisfied in the lawfulnefs 
 “ and the neceflity of the engagement, and that nothing 
 “ be adted in reference to a war, before the lawfulnefs of 
 “ the war, and the ftate of the queftion be agreed upon. 
 
 A NSW is R. 7 he Ejlates declare. That the grounds and 
 caufes of undertaking of war , Jhall be cleared to be fo jujl, as 
 that all who are ivell ajfedted may be fatisfied in the lawful¬ 
 nefs and ncceffity of the engagement. 
 
 “ Reply. They conceive, that notwithftanding any 
 “ thing expreffed in their Lordlhips anfwer, there may 
 “ be an adling in reference to war, before the lawfulnefs 
 “ of the war and the ftate of the queftion be agreed upon, 
 which is the very thing they delire to be avoided. 
 
 “ 2. Demand. That as the breach of the Cove- 
 nant, by the prevalent party of the fedaries in Eng- 
 ** land are evident, fo we defire and hope, that, according 
 “ to the treaty, it may be condefcended upon, and decla- 
 “ red by the Parliament, what are thole breaches which 
 “ they take to be a ground of war, and that reparation 
 “ thereof may be fought. 
 
 Answer. They think it fit, that the breaches of the Co¬ 
 venant and treaties be prefented ; and the feeking of repara¬ 
 tion , and the bejl time and manner thereof, confidered. 
 
 tc Reply. They neither find any breach of peace be- 
 “ tween the Kingdoms, which may be a ground of war, 
 “ nor any pofitive refolution of Parliament to feek repa- 
 “ ration. 
 
 “ 3. Demand. That there may be no fuch quarrel 
 “ or ground of the war, as may break the union between 
 “ the two Kingdoms, or may difeourage or difoblige the 
 tC Presbyterian-party in England , who continue firm in 
 “ adhering to the League and Covenant. 
 
 A N s W E r. They declare, that this Kingdom will be fo far 
 from making any war againjl the Kingdom ^England, that 
 any engagement they/hall enter into, Jhall be for Jlrengthening 
 the union between thefe two Kingdoms , and for encouraging 
 the Presbyterians, and well ajfe£led in England. 
 
 “ Reply. Inftead of that claufe of the delire. The 
 “ Presbyterian-party in England, who continue firm in ad- 
 cc hering to the League and Covenant ; change of expreflion 
 “ in the anfwer is, the Presbyterians and well ajfehled in 
 “■ England; which may intimate, that there are fome 
 well-affe£ted in England, which are not of the Presby- 
 “ terian-party, nor do adhere to the League and Covenant. 
 
 <c 4 - Demand. That if the popifh, prelatical, of 
 te malignant party lhall again rife in arms, this nation 
 “ and their armies, may be fo far from joining or aftociat- 
 ‘‘ ing with them, that on the contrary, they may oppofe 
 “ them, and endeavour to fupprefs them, as enemies to 
 “ this caufe and government upon the one hand, as well 
 “ as feftaries on the other. 
 
 Answer. They agree to the fub/lance and matter there- 
 of ; and remit to thoje who are to be upon the conference for 
 fating the queftion to explain the fame. 
 
 “ Reply. For not joining with the popilh, prelatical, 
 or malignant party, we cannot conceive wherein it 
 “ needs explanation, unlels there be now more favorable 
 “ a *id friendly intentions towards malignants than for- 
 Ct merly. 
 
 <c 5. Demand. Seeing your Lordlhips undertakings 
 “ Ihould be in the firft place for Religion ; we defire, 
 “ that his Majefty’s late concefllons and offers concerning 
 “ Religion ( as they have been by the Church, fo may be 
 i{ by the Parliament) declared unfatisfetftory; whereby 
 “ your Lordfhips may give further evidence of the reality 
 “ of your intentions for the good and fafety of Religion. 
 Answer. They declare , that upon the agreement on the 
 No. 71. Vol. II. 
 
 whole matter and fate of the quefiicn, they will declare 164?. 
 his Majejly's concefens concerning Religion, not to be fatis- 
 faflory, 
 
 “ Reply. His Majefty’s concefllons being fo preju* 
 
 “ dicial to the caufe and Covenant, they defire the Par- 
 “ liament to declare againft them both pofitively, without 
 “ any condition, and prefently without delay. 
 
 “ 6. Demand. That your Lordlhips m2y be pleafed 
 “ not to fix and fettle upon any fuch ftate of a queftion, 
 
 <c 2s doth not contain fecurity and affurance to be had from 
 “ iiis Majefty, by his foiemn oath, under his hand and 
 ‘‘ feal, rhat he fliall, for hiinlelf and his fucceftbrs, confent 
 “ and agree to ads of Parliament, enjoining the League 
 “ and Covenant, and fully eftablifhing Presbyterial-go- 
 “ vernment, iJuedory of Worfhip, and Confeflion of 
 “ Faith, in all his Majefty’s dominions ; and that his Ma- 
 “ jeftv loall never make any oppofition to any of thefe, 
 
 “ C;r endeavour any change thereof ; and that this fecurity 
 “ be bad from his Majefty before his reftitution tb the cx- 
 “ ercife of his royal power ; which we defire for no other 
 “ end > but bee..ufe we cannot fee how Religion ( which 
 “ has becn ’ and we truft fhall be, the principal end of all 
 “ the undertakings of this nation ) can be otherwife fecu- 
 “ red ; but that without this fecurity it fliall be left in 
 “ very great hazard. 
 
 Answer. Thai fence Religion hath been, and they truft 
 ever jhall he, the principal end of all their undertakings ; fo 
 they will be careful, that the prefient queftion to be fated Jhall 
 contain fecurity and ajfurance from his Majefty , by his foiemn 
 oath under his hand and feal, that he Jhall for himfefi and 
 for his fucccjfors, give his royal confent to pafs Adis of Par¬ 
 liament, enjoining the League and Covenant, cfiablijhed by Pref- 
 byterial Government, the Directory of IVorJhip, and Con- 
 ftjfion of Faith, in all his Majejly's dominions ; and that his 
 Majefty Jhall never make oppofition to any of thefe, cr endea¬ 
 vour any change thereof. 
 
 “ Reply. As there is much faid in the firft part, 
 
 “ for fecurity of Religion to be had from his Majefty ; fo 
 “ that claufe, viz. That this fecurity be had from his Ma- 
 “ jefty, before his reftitution to the exercife of his ro'-al 
 “ P ower is 1; 'id afide, and they are left unfatisfied in that 
 “ which is the main of that delire. 
 
 “ 7- Demand. That the fame end in fecuring Re- 
 “ ligion ( which is profeffed to he the principal caufe of 
 “ engagement ) and for fecuring all other end^ of the Co- 
 “ venant, fuch perfbns only may be entrufted by your 
 “ Lordfnips to be of your committees and armies, as,have 
 “ given coaRant proof of their integrity and feithfulnefs 
 “ in this Caufe, and againft whom there is no juft excep- 
 “ t'on or jealoufy, that fo we may the more confidently 
 ‘ c encourage our flocks and congregations to follow the 
 “ cai fl of God in their hands, and not to doubt of the 
 “ fidelity of tnofe, who fhall be entrufted by your Lord- 
 “ fhips. 
 
 A NS WE R. That they will be careful that hone fall be 
 employed in the command of their armies , nor in their commit¬ 
 tees, but fuch as are of known integrity and ajfeftion to the 
 caufe, and againjl whom there is no juft caufe of exception. 
 
 “ Reply. Concerning fuch as are to be intruded in 
 <c armies and committees, doth admit of fome of the qua- 
 “ locations expreffed in the defire, viz. Such as have given 
 “ conftant proof of their integrity and feithfulnefs in this 
 “ caufe, and againft whom there was no juft caufe of jea- 
 “ loufy, that fo we may the more confidently encourage 
 “ our flocks to follow the caufe of God in their bands, 
 
 “ and not to doubt of their fidelity. 
 
 <e 8. Demand, That there be no' engagement with- 
 “ out a foiemn oath, wherein the Church may have the 
 “ feme filtered which they had in the foiemn League arid 
 “ Covenant, the caufe being the feme. 
 
 Answer. They declare, that to the grounds of their engage¬ 
 ments and undertaking an oath fhall be fubjoined, wherein both 
 in the framing of it, and otherwife, the Churchfhallhave their 
 due intereft. And the Eftaies of Parliament define the Com- 
 mijfoners of the Church to appoint fame of their number, to 
 meet with fitch of the committee of Parliament of twenty four . 
 as fall be appointed by the fame committee , for the conference 
 and fating of the queftion, for agreeing upon the grounds of 
 an engagement, and drawing up fuch a fate of a queftion, 
 as may unite this Nation in an unanimous undertaking of. 
 fetch duties as are requiftte for the reformation and defence of 
 Religion , the fafety, honour, and happihefs cf the King and 
 his pojlerity , and the good of this Kingdom. 
 
 “ Reply, initead of that clear expreflion ufed, 
 
 “ namely, That the Kirk may have the funic inter eft in any 
 ‘ ‘ oath for a new engagement , which they bad in the foiemn 
 u League and Covenant , they find t.ns doubtful and ur.cer- 
 “ tain expreflion. That both in the framing the oath and 
 “ otherwife , the Kirk fall have their due infer c/ts. 
 
 6 Z a An d 
 
55° 
 
 i 6 48. 
 
 Sundry Pr> 
 teftatizr.i 
 a?yinfl rbe 
 
 The H1 STO R To/ ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 “ And upon thefe and the like confiderations, they con- prepoflefled in favour of the Covenant and union with the 164?. 
 “ ceitc that their defires, unto which they Hill adhere as Englijb Presbyterians, the Parliament was obliged to publifh 
 “ juft and necclfary, are not fatisfied by their Lordfliips a Declaration to fatisfy them upon that head. But the 
 cc J an f wer ” contrary party pretended, there was no fincerity in tins 
 
 Declaration, full of ambiguous expreffions, which difcover- 
 The oppofttion of the Kirk Commiffioners was net the cd the ill defigns of thofe who were for a war. So, though 
 only florm the relolution ot levying an army drew upon the party who had caufed the railing of forces to be order - 
 the Committee of danger. Eighteen Lords and forty other cJ, was fuperior in the Parliament, no foldiers could be Ic- 
 
 vied till the middle of May, and the army was not ready 
 till the beginning of Julv, though the Scotch Commiffioners 
 had allured it fhould be in condition to act by the begin¬ 
 ning of May. Moreover this army, which was to confift whitrWfc, 
 of forty thoufand men, was not above half that number, P- : s 3 - 
 even after the junction of the Englijh Troops. But before 
 I fpeak of the fuccefs of thefe mighty preparations, ic will 
 be proper to fee what palled in England. 
 
 } t _ (Vales was the place where the firft feene was opened, curbinititm : 
 
 to complain. But he was not fit for their purpofe who In that Country were three Colonels, namely, Larrrbirn, "Jj** 
 were for a war. That party’s fcheme was to make Duke Ptno/I, and Payer, who had faithfully ferved the Parliament , h , a„ ; . 
 Hamilton General, becaufe he had privately declared for during the war, but unhappily found themfelves by the new 
 the King, and it was conceived he would be more proper eftablifhment, in the number of the fupernumeraries who V'. 'j/j 
 than LrjLy, to unite the royal party in England , with tire were to be disbanded, with which they were extremely v:i. 
 
 - - ■ ’ r "' • ' -■ 1 -- L - 1 dillatisfied. Having communicated their difconten'.s to each P- ,oc8 < &e * 
 
 other, they refolved all three to declare for the King, as 
 fosn as the Scotch army Ihould enter the Kingdom. Lang- 
 horn even fent a confident to Paris , to acquaint the Queen 
 and Prince of (Vales with this delign, defiring a commif- 
 fion, with fupplies of money and ammunition. The com- 
 miffion was readily granted, but the circumftances of the 
 Queen and Prince, allowed them not to fend the defired 
 fhould be welcome to the Scots , and with them make but fupplies. Though thefe three officers had refolved not to 
 
 one body and party, for the deliverance of the King out declare before the Scots had entered England , they were 
 
 cf the hands of the Independents. They had given the however obliged to it fooner. Payer , being Governor and March, 
 
 fame aflurances to Sir Marmaduke Langdale, and Sir Phi- Mayor of Pembroke in South-Wales , faw Colonel Fleming 
 
 Mn/^ ave, and by that induced them to promife to feize unexpectedly arrive with the General’s commiffion to take 
 Berwick and CarliJJe. Upon thefe hopes a great number of the Government of the Caftle. As this alteration could Ru0lwoIt ,s F 
 Royalills repaired to Edinburgh, to join with the Scots, or not but break the meafures of the three Colonels, Payer vn. P . rci 7 
 Ru.'hv.'o'rrh, be employed in their army. Moreover, a troop of horfe refufed to obey, under colour it was unreafcnable to deprive 
 \vhitekik 2 0 mm-mded by Captain IVogan, which was to have been him of his Government, without paying him his ar- ‘° 3 ,£ ° 3 * 
 ,tC ° l ’ disbanded, had 1%tired into Scotland, to join the forces of rears (z). The Parliament was inflamed when they heard 
 that Kingdom; and this troop, by the junction of feveral of this difobedience, and declared Payer a traytor, if he 
 
 Clarendon, horfe-deferters, was become four hundred ftrong. Duke J J J .. * u " '"' m ~ r ''"" '"'' 1 
 
 in. p. 100. Hamilton had put Longdate and Mufgrave in hopes that 
 when the Scotch army fhould be in England, there would 
 
 Ruth worth. Members of Parliament, entered a folemn proteft againft 
 vis. p 1049 this vote, affirminz, the Committee had exceeded their 
 lo6z ' power, which they'” did not in any manner confent to give 
 them. There were moreover two other difficulties to lur- 
 mount, before the Parliament could pofitively order the le- 
 Chrendon, vying an army. The firft related to the General, who 
 III. p. 112. was to have the command. Naturally this poft belonged 
 to General Lejley [ now Lord Newark , ] who had com¬ 
 manded the lalt army, and of whom there was no occafion 
 
 Hamilton h army of Scotland. This difficulty was at length removed. 
 mtdt Gene- being artfully prevailed with to quit his pretenfion, 
 
 under colour of age anu infirmities. Which done, Duke 
 Hamilton had no other rival (i). 
 
 Order -r The fccond difficulty was much more confiderable. Be- 
 Pi-h.-.rr.mi f orc the Scotch Commiffioners left London, they had inti- 
 mated to feveral Officers and others of the King’s party, 
 jo. that when the Scotch army fhould enter England, they 
 
 be no more faid of the Covenant, and the Royalifts might 
 join with them and make but one body. But it was not in 
 
 did not deliver the caftle within four and twenty hours after 
 the firft fummons. Payer contemned this ordinance, and u. p . 
 even defeated Fleming , to whom fome troops had been fent 1040,1074, 
 to put him in pofteffion of Pen broke Caftle. As the par- 1097 ‘ 
 ticulars of this affair are not abfolutely necefiary, I fhall 
 J the power of thofe who made thefe promifes to perform content my felf with faying, that it became of greater 
 Id c in them. The Marquifs of Argyle, and the rigid Presbyteri- confequence than the Parliament had imagined. Not only p< los , r 
 Rnihwlrrh, ans ftrongly reprefented, both in publick and private. Longhorn and Powell joined with Payer, but all South- 1065,109s, 
 vii p 1071 <.-. That under colour of a£ting againft the Independents in (Vales declared for the King, whilft the Lord Byron was ^[°^. don 
 ,,,4 ‘ “ England , the Royalifts, that is, the mortal enemies of labouring to draw North-Wales and the parts about Chejler 
 
 “ Scotland and of all Presbyterians, were going to be ef- into a revolt. 
 
 “ fe&ually reftored. That this was the defign of thofe During thefe tranfadtions in Wales, there were commo- i„j ttrre aicn 
 <4 who were fo eager for a war, might eafily be perceived, tions in Kent no lefs dangerous to the army. The King <« Kent. 
 
 “ both by the activity of fuch Scots as had never heartily had always many friends in that County, but the neighbour- ^ nwor,h 6 * 
 
 “ adhered to the Covenant, and by the extraordinary con- hood of London and the army kept them in awe. Mean ,,,/ 9/ 
 
 “ courfe of Royalifts into Scotland. That even men were time, fome Gentlemen of the country having early infor- 
 
 << fent for to Edinburgh, who were moft attached to the mation of the defign of the Scots, took care to fow the 
 
 “ King’s party, and moft inveterate againft the Covenant, feeds of revolt, in hopes of producing fruit indue feafon. 
 
 “ fuch as Langdale, Mufgrave, Glemham , Fleming , and The difpofition of the people of Kent began to Ihow itfelf p , g . 6m 
 “ others, who daily conlerred with their friends, whereof in a great riot at Canterbury, the 25th of December 164.7, 
 
 “ the Parliament of Eng.a td had complained to no pur- [about keeping of Chrijlmas-Day. J The multitude 
 “ pofe. That the junction with the King’s party confift- wounded and abufed the Mayor and others of the Magif- 
 “ ing of Papifts, Epilcopalians, and other difaffedted perfons, trates, and at laft the cry was, For God, King Charles, 
 tc was a more manifeft breach of the Covenant, than what and Kent. The tumult being appeafed, and fome of the 
 “ the Englijh were charged with. That, in Ihort, by thefe mutineers apprehended, the Parliament had a mind to pu- 
 “ proceedings the Covenant, which was the bafis and foun- nifh them with death. But they found fo many obftacles, p . tit-. 
 
 “ dation of the union betwixt the two Nations, would that it was May before they fent down a commiffion to try whitest:. 
 *'• be deftroyed, whilft it was pretended to raife an army to them. The Grand Jury refufed to find the Bill, to the 
 ‘ c fupport it, and even whilft there was no other pretenfe great aftonifliment of the Commiffioners. There were at 
 .1 n “ to carry the war into England." Thefe reprefentations that time commotions forming in the County, in which the 
 ULp.Viz. joined to the endeavours of the Parliament of England’s Grand-Jury were doubtlefs concerned, and that was the 
 Commiffioners, who fpared neither follicitations nor money reafon of their not finding the Bill againft their accom- 
 to fecond them, made fuch impreffion on the people, that plices. 
 
 the Parliament could not help ordering, that thofe who had Though the diredtors of the affairs for the King had rc- 
 not taken, or fhould refufe to take, the Covenant, fhould folved to delay the Kcntijh infurredtion till the army was 
 
 net be received into the army, or joined with it at their marched againft the Scots, it was not in their power to de- CLrtrdoa, 
 
 entrance into England. After this declaration, it feemed to fer it fo long. Roger Vejirange a Nor_folk-man (3) be r g P ! J J* 
 
 be out of Duke Hamilton's power to perform what he had in Kent, at the Houfe of Mr. Hales a young Gentleman 
 promifed the Royalifts. But he found means to evade in who was Heir to a great eftate, perfwaded him to under 
 
 fome meafure this order when he came into England, as take fometbing in favour of the King, and to found tl.c 
 
 will hereafter appear. Gentry and people of the country that frequented his houfe 
 
 t.rijyi it Thefe and other obftacles, daily raifed by the Marquifs of Matters were fo ordered in the County, that about the mid- 
 Srotiand Argyle, and the rigid Clergy, were the reafon the Parlia- die of May, the people rofe, took arms, and owned Hales for 
 
 vutiioo merit could not be fo fpeedy as the authors of the project their General, in which they committed two very greater- 
 
 no/,1122. had expected. As the people of Scotland were ftrongly rors. The firft, in putting themfeives under the conduct of 
 
 (l) Burnt fays, be W3S much agijnlt accepting that employment. Mm. p. 338. 
 
 i ci He iniiiL'd upon his u.vn Disburlements ana Arrears, 2nd Indemnity and Arrears for his Soldiers. Ru/hivoftb, Tom. 7- F' 1^34' with 
 
 le about gl tl , p. 175* 
 
 ad been tak prifoner hy the Parliament in Dettmber 1644, for Jttcmpt'ng to betray lym in Nt fa^to the King • t-martial ron- 
 
 H-mncd to oie 5 but being kept in pril'on ;i of the war, was let a: liberty. He afceiwards tranDaied J/pbut, writ 1 . - &c. dirts- 
 
 >■ ■■. Tom. J- p. 104. tfbitdak, p, ug, m, 122, 
 
 5 
 
Book xxr. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 h/} the 
 
 
 64?. an unexperienced young man without authority. Thefecond, 
 in rifing before the army was removed to feme diftance from 
 London. As the General knew, the Scotch army was not 
 yet ready, he detached Cromwell with part of his forces to 
 reduce the Weljh to obedience, and then to march againft 
 the Scots at their entrance into England. For himfelf, he 
 remained near London , as well to be ready to march againft 
 the Kent if men, as to prevent the like infurretftion in Lon¬ 
 don, which the army dreaded of all things. Befides that, 
 he had no inclination, as it afterwards appeared, to ad a- 
 gainft the Scots. 
 
 1 f it The number of the male-contents in Kent being greatly 
 
 increafed, they were headed by [ George Goring ] Karl of 
 Jiin Norwich , and Sir William Waller , and, in expedation that 
 Kir, London would not fail to declare for them, advanced to¬ 
 ny 2 9' wards Black-Heath. Then Fairfax fpeedily pafled the 
 r' p.'tVy Thames with his army over London bridge, to give them 
 I-119. battle. Th§ Londoners being too wife to declare at fuch a 
 \W. vn. jundure, the revolters thought fit to retire, fome to Ro- 
 R 3 ,°,\ ] chejler , and others to Maidjlone. General Fairfax at¬ 
 tacked thefe laft fo vigoroufly, that he carried the town by 
 ftorm, flew many of them, and took a great number of 
 prifoners. At the firft news of this defeat, thofe at Ro- 
 i7• chejler quitted the City, and pofted themfelves on Black- 
 
 Ilcath , hoping ftill that London would fend them affiftance, 
 or receive them into the City. Thefe two refuges failing, 
 and hearing, moreover, that a detachment of the army was 
 approaching, they took to flight, and were difperfed 5 but 
 of them however, a great many were made prifoners. The Earl 
 of Norwich found means to pafs the Thames at Greenwich 
 1.131. hi boats, with five or fix hundred men, and join his friends 
 ijrerri n. j n Effex, who were upon the point of palling into Kent , 
 Ihelotk. ^ Fairfax had not been fo diligent. 
 
 The County of Ejjex was in the fame difpofition as Kent. 
 There had Keen for fome time in that County men, who. 
 were earneftlv labouring to excite the people againft the 
 army, and only waited an opportunity to appear openly, as 
 foon as the army Ihould march to the North, not queftio- 
 ning but the approach of the Scots would oblige them to 
 it. Of this number were Sir Charles Lucas , Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Farr , Sir Bernard Gafcoign-, and at the fame time, 
 the Lord Capel, one of the managers of the infurredions, 
 was labouring the fame thing in Hertfordjhire. Though the 
 Kcntif) infurredion had been unfuccefsiul, the Effex Roya- 
 lifts were not difeouraged. They ftill hoped, either that 
 London would declare for the King, or the Scotch army 
 make fo great progrefs, that the army of England would 
 not be able to withftand fo many attacks from all quarters. 
 For there was fcarce a County, but what was to have fome 
 infurredion, thofe efpecially, where the King’s party pre- 
 ^hworth, va ^ ecl during the war. So the Parliament having fent a ge- 
 1.p.1131 neral pardon into Ejjex, for fuch as Ihould lay down their 
 M* arms, moft refufed it by the inftances of Sir Charles Lu- 
 cqp, who was the moft adive Royalift in thofe parts, 
 fax The General remained in Kent no longer than was 
 \ cbts ,n '° neceflary to raife the fiege of Dover undertaken by Waller , 
 lp?ri 35 . and quiet the country, to which he granted very advanta- 
 Irendon, gious terms, conhdering their prefent circumftances. This 
 done, he repafled the Thames and marched into Effex (1), 
 where the number of the revolters was increafed by the 
 jundion of the troops brought out of Hertfordjhire by the 
 r Revolt- Lord Capel. Neverthelefs, as they found themfelves un- 
 EftVr’ able t0 kecp the fie,d be(bre 2 vidorious as well as a 
 i P . 1 a o' ftronger army, they refolved to retire to Colchejler. This 
 was an open unfortified town : but they fpeedily caft up 
 fuch works before the avenues, that they did not fear being 
 ftormed. Here they refolved to defend themfelves, and 
 wait the event of affairs in the other counties, and particu¬ 
 larly in the North. 
 
 \k?t 7 tal The P rinci P al men > who were in Colchejler , were the 
 |coT Earl . of Norwich (2), the Lord Capel , Sir George Life , Sir 
 ifter. II illiam Compton , Sir Charles Lucas , Sir Bernard Gafcoign, 
 
 !: . Lieutenant-Colonel Farr, and feveral other good officers, 
 
 l. pTi 50 with a g arr,Ton °f three thoufand men, all bent to fell 
 their lives dearly. This furnilhed the General with a rea- 
 ".”63- fon, or perhaps a pretence not to attack the town in form, 
 ith. but t0 block il U P> and reduce the befieged by famine. I 
 fay, this might be a pretence : for it feems, in fuch a junc¬ 
 ture, when all the Kingdom was in a flame, and the 
 Scotch army expeded every moment, it was not proper 
 for the General to be employed in a blockade, which pro¬ 
 bably v/ould laft fome time, whilft he left the reft of the 
 Kingdom defenfelefs, and was in great danger from the 
 City of London. But as he might have good reafons to 
 run no hazard, it is not my buiinefs to cenfure his con- 
 dud. All that can be faid is, that his whole proceedings 
 
 55> 
 
 fliowed his unwillingriefs to fight with the Scots, tho’ he al- r 648. 
 ways aded vigoroufly againft the King’s friends. May I ven- Conjeffun 
 ture to make one con jecture ? Fairfax was a zealous Presby- cZ'r'n 
 terian, but hitherto had fuffered himfelf to be guided, or VuZI. * 
 rather deceived, by Cromwell. Perhaps having difeovered 
 the artifices and ill defigns of this friend, he would not have 
 been forry to fee Cromwell defeated, in expedation that if 
 he were flain, or loft his reputation, it would be eafier to 
 make peace, which he found to be impradicable fo long 
 as Cromwell could oppofe it. According to this fuppofition° 
 the blockade of Colchejler enabled the General to wait, 
 without any hazard, the event of the war preparing in the 
 North. However this be, he applied himfelf to the 
 blockade, which began the tothof June, and lafted tiil 
 Au g u J* (3)- 
 
 The revolted Kcntif men, as I faid, had twice advanced Tumult ai 
 towards London, in hopes the city would declare for them. London. 
 This hope was not altogether groundlcfs. Befides that the ^ 9 . 
 city was known to be very much difpleafed with the army, vn p.7o,i 
 the common people had, in the beginning of April, ftiovvn 
 their readinefs for any undertaking. Some perlbns playing Wki! f ; '' k ’ 
 and fporting on a Sunday in Moorf elds in contempt of the ? 
 ordinance of Parliament, the conftables of that quarter 
 would have difperfed them : but it was not in their power. 
 
 The obftinacy of the mob went fo far, that a party of the 
 trained-bands were forced to be fent for. But befoie the 
 party arrived, the number of the rioters was grown fo 
 great, that they fell upon and difperfed the trained-bands, 
 wounding and killing feveral. This fuccefs fo inflamed 
 the tumult, that the mob came from all quarters to join 
 with the mutineers. Some feized Newgate and Ludgate * 
 others went to the Lord-Mayor’s houfe, who feeing them 
 coming, ran away to the Tower, whilft others made to¬ 
 wards Whitehall, but were rcpulfed by the regiment of 
 Horfe pofted in the Meufe for a guard to the Parliament. 
 
 In the night the tumult ftill increafed : The cry was 
 every where, For God and King Charles. The General, 
 who was then in London , with only the two reo-iments at 
 Whitehall and the Meufe , immediately called °a council, 
 where it was debated, whether they fhould ftay for more 
 forces, or attack the mutineers with thefe two regiments. 
 
 The laft was judged moft advifeable, whilft the feditious 
 were yet afting with great confufion, and had no leader to 
 conduft them. They were therefore vigorouflv attacked The \futi- 
 when they leaft expe&ed it, and thought themfelves ore 
 mafters of the city, and though they made an obftinate d,J l erJ “ i ’ 
 defence, were at length difperfed. The Parliament, having 
 received the circumftances of this commotion, believed it to 
 have been very dangerous, and ordered publick thanks to 
 be given to God in all the Churches of London for its bein^ 
 happily appeafed. When I fay the Parliament, I mean 
 the Parliament ftill dire£tcd by the Independents, who 
 dreaded nothing fo much as to fee London declare againft 
 the army. But as the army was not yet removed^, the 
 magiftrates were too wife to declare fo unfeafonably. 
 
 I have already mentioned two of the proje&s againft the 
 army ; the infurredion in Wales , which kept ^Cromwell 
 employed till the beginning of July ; and that of Kent, 
 which by too great a precipitation, mifearried ; and lafilvj 
 of the tumult in London , which probably had been railed 
 by fome rafh and inconfiderate Royalifts, who knew no¬ 
 thing of the projects that were formed. I muft now 
 fpeak of fome others which were executed about the fame 
 time, that is, whilft preparations were making in Scotland 
 to fend an army into England , and which were attended 
 with no better fuccefs. 
 
 The firft was the Duke of Fork's efcape, the King’s Tie Duke ,/ 
 fecond fon, from St. James s palace, where he was under Tork^/i - .?;- to 
 the Earl of Northumberland's cuftody, and his retreat into ‘" iL " ndon * 
 Holland, to his Sifter the Princefs of Orange. Thus to have Ruftwort'iu 
 his two eldeft fons out of the power of his enemies, was V11 -p >067 
 no fmall advantage and fatisfa&ion to the King (4). ’ Clarendon. 
 
 Some days after, Latigdal, poffeffed himfelf of Berwici, jJi'Aif'' 
 and Mufgrave of Carlisle. The Parliament had received f“ xt ‘ Ber- 
 fome intelligence of the delign to furprize thefe places, 
 and might have prevented it by putting garrifons there. C.»rl : ifc. V 
 But as, by the late treaty with Scotland, they were to be A P ,i] lS - 
 left to the care of the inhabitants, the two Houles were f | j a,cndon ' 
 unwilling by feizing them, to give the Scots fojuft an oc- n6. l> ‘ ,,;i 
 cafion to complain, at a time when they wanted pretences 
 to fend an army into England. They contented them- 
 felves therefore with ordering the Mayors, to take care * 
 and provide againft a furprize, which however they either 
 could not or would not prevent. 
 
 As foon as Langdalc was mafter of Berwick , all the 
 Royalifts in Yerhjhire, Cumberland, and Wejlmoreland came 
 
 III '7 SJ " oin u d at Co £S t J ha! l by Sir Thomas Honyioood, with two thoufand Horfe and Foot. Rvjbwortb, Tern. 7. p. nco. 
 r [ 1 If ,hil WJS heretofore General Goring, Governor of Ponfmoutb, and had been made E-.rl ol Nir-.uub n 1644. R, tin. Tne Lcrd C a 
 
 Tli J n °| e n pe ^ nce ° r kn T 1 , Cd? *- in war * nor knew hnw to exercife the o.dice of General he had undertake ,. Tom 3. p. i,3. 
 
 IheRoyakliv not enter CclckeJ.tr till June 13, and ihe Articles of furrender were fiend Juguft 27. R,Lt. of that L,a u.-r bv M. C. 
 
 (4) This efcape was managed by Colonel BamJitM, Clarendon, Tom. 3. p. 101. " 7 
 
 
The HISTORY of ENG L A N D. 
 
 Vol. IT. 
 
 r t 
 
 aw! Joined him By this means, he quickly formed a For this reafon alfo, he afterwards releafcd the Cloth-ftip 
 
 | ly of three thoufand Foot and one thoufand Horfe , for twelve thoidand pounds. 
 
 ... ch - rabled him to go in quell of General Lambert , Whrlft the Pr nee lay in the 5 ' she ft red 
 
 rmanded in thofe parts for the Parliament. But fome-other Merchant ft.p he tail 
 d very exprefs orders from Edinburgh not to well affined of the fidelity. I red f the (hip, at . 
 .. a»i„n. what advantage foever he might mouth, and til.where, affembled i ! et. 
 
 '<4*. 'I 
 
 
 ' f Ct f 
 
 I revolt 
 ogatnft the 
 
 Peril 
 
 wJ go tJ 
 Holland. 
 
 Carendun 
 111. p 
 
 ^ id anchored in f r ,„ e ^... 
 
 rhence exeeet, but to retire ZVckrlif nil the arthtai fight of the Prince jfo that in all appea, ce . B - " . ;■ 
 
 u( the Scotch army, which he obeyed. 'I he reafon ol this would not part without an engagement. hut thou;.-, the i 
 
 order was, that as the rigid Presbyterians of Scotland were Prince feemed inclined to it, r.e was auvded to avoid it it ^ 
 extremely jealous of the Royal party, the directors of af- poffible, and not without reafon. H fh 
 
 s we e anni-ehenfive, that the progrefs made in England and much fmaller than the i .rl ot_ h nywuKs ; I•e-iee-, +. on ]; 
 for the King,' would obftrua the levying an army in Scot- the Earl expected others from Pcrtjmuti ,_ every moment, vu , M 
 lar! And" indeed, it was publickly faid, the army was which arriving the next day, rendered him very fupenor. Ludlow. | 
 
 intended for the Kind’s rather than for the fervice of the So the Prince failed ban: to Holland, and fecured I is fleet 
 
 at Heh 
 
 Vhe lofs of Berwick and Carlife was followed foon after appealed before that port, but to no manner or purpolc. 
 w'ch another, which feeminglv fhould have embroiled the Thus ended the Pi nee f Wal ex liti n w tl 
 affairs of the Independents. I mean the revolt of part of {hips revolted from the Parliament. 1 no money he re- 
 
 th e Fleet about the end of May. The Parliament having ceived for the prizes he had tauc-n, was n t felhoen; to pay 
 
 • • " ' 1 his fleet, and provide it with necefiaries, fo that it pr< cu¬ 
 
 red him more trouble than advantage. Bcinrc I leave this 
 fubjetft, it will not be improper, briefly to explain fome cir- 
 cumflances in the Lord Clarendon* Hiftory. 
 
 Whilft the two fleets lav in fight, and feemed to pre- E>j 
 pare for baitle, the Prince lent Harry Seymour to the E.vl of of j .t> 
 IVarwick , with a letter to invite him to return to his al.’e- 
 
 The Earl anfwered, that he advifed his Highnefs ‘ , 
 
 ordered eight men of war to guard the feas during the 
 fummer, thefe (hips lay in the Downs to take in proviiions, 
 which was done but flowly, becaufe there was not much 
 Rulh'worth, tQ i, e feared from the Sea. While this part of the Fleet 
 VJI.p.» 1 31 , t j ie fome Kentijh Gentlemen, the Kings 
 
 friends, frequently came on board (i). Whether they 
 found in the failors an inclination to mutiny, or raifed it 
 themfelves by converfing with them, it happened fhortly giance. 
 
 after, that the fervice was not performed in the Fleet with 
 the fame fubmiffion as befoie. The Sailors took the liber¬ 
 ty to contraili£t their officers, and obey them no farther 
 than they pleafed. The officers perceiving this great al¬ 
 teration, acquainted the Parliament with it, and imme¬ 
 diately Vice-Admiral Ramsborougb, who was to command 
 this fquadron, was ordered to repair to the Fleer, and in¬ 
 quire into the caufes of this difobedience. Rainsborovgb, 
 
 to put himfelf into the hand; of the Parliament. Notwith- ci r ndan.. 
 {landing this difeouraging ani v. er, the Prince font Mr. C f is I,: ‘ ir 
 to the Earl, who had married his Aunt, imagining, he 
 durft not venture to difeover his fentiments to Seym', nr. But 
 Crofts returned with much the fame anfwer. Hence it ap¬ 
 pears, the Prince thought he had fome room to rely on the 
 Earl of Warwick , as the Lord Clarendon infinuates, and 
 the ground of his hope, which was properly the cffe£l only 
 
 beinc naturaliv very fevere, began to make ftrift inquifition of his, or rather of the whole Rova! Party's, prepnfleflion, 
 on board the'Admiral’s Ship upon which the men all rofe was briefly this. Thy Scotch^ commiffioners, as 1 faid, dul 
 againft him, and feizing on him, put him with fome 
 more of the officers into the boat, and fent them on 
 {bore. This was no fooner known to the reft of the {hips, 
 but they followed their example, and ufed fuch officers as 
 they did not like, in the fame manner. As the Fleet was 
 
 not acquaint the leading Presbyterians with the particulars 
 of their treaty with the King in the Ifle of 11 ght, They 
 only told them, an army would be raifed in Scotland to 
 deliver the King out of tiie hands of the Independents, and 
 that it was neceflary the Royalifts and Presbyterians {hould 
 
 noV yet well victualled, they were obi 
 
 days loneer in the Downs, during which the Royalifts This propot,d being accepted, the Roya.iir - arid Pit- b\ te- 
 
 Tbe Duke 
 
 received on 
 
 Admiral 
 
 Glarcmlon : 
 
 ans prepared, as I have faid, to countenance the dcfignS 
 of the Scots by infurre£tions in feveral parts of the King¬ 
 dom. Matters {landing thus, [ Henry Rich ] Earl of Hoi - N- ?• 93 * 
 land, who had a£ted an ill part in the late war, had a mind 
 on this occafion, to reconcile himfelf to the King, by la¬ 
 bouring his reftoration. 'Fo that end, he received a com- 
 miffion from the Prince of Wales , impowering him to raife 
 forces for the King’s fervice, and his brother the Earl of 
 Warwick promifed to affift him in his deflgns. This is 
 what the Prince knew, and what made him believe the 
 Earl of Warwick was in the fame difpofition with his bro¬ 
 ther. But there was a wide difference between the views 
 of the Royalifts, and thofe of the Presbyterians. Thefe 
 laft, of whom the Earl of IVarwick was one of the heads. 
 
 fupplied Ihem with necefiaries in the beft manner they 
 could. After.that, they failed for Holland , and came to 
 an anchor at the Brill, in order to put themfelves under 
 the command of the Duke of York, who was deflgned 
 by the King to be Lord High Admiral, as foon as he 
 fhould be of fit age for that poft. 
 
 The Duke of York repairing to the fleet, then at Hehoet- 
 Sluys , was received with great acclamations. He declared 
 the Lord Willoughby of Parham , his Vice-Admiral (2), 
 and appointed fome other officers in the feveral Ships, the 
 III", p. ioy, failors having kept very few above the rank of a Boatfwain 
 or Mate (3). As foon as the Prince of Wales, who was 
 at Paris with the Queen his Mother, heard of this revolt, 
 he refolved to command the fleet himfelf, and employ it to 
 
 the beft advantage. But want of money detained him did not pretend to reiiore the King without terms, but 
 longer than he wifticd, Cardinal Mazarin not being very only to Iree him out of the hands of the Independents, to 
 forward to fupply him, no more than the Earl of Ormond , make conditions with him afterward*, which they called 
 who waited in vain at Paris, for the performance of his fettling the peace of the Kingdom. But the Prince, and 
 promiles concerning Inland. The news that the Duke his the King’s whole party would not underftand this different •, 
 Brother was preparing to fail with the fleet, made him re- and prepofteroufly imagined, that all who had promifed to 
 peat his endeavours to procure money upon loan, and fuc- a£l againft the independents, had thereby engaged to lerve 
 ceeding at laft, came to Calais , and from thence by fea to the King without terms. Herein lay the miftake. It is 
 Hi • 1 Si • . lie was received by the fleet with all the therefore evident, the Wan . - > 
 
 refpeft and joy that could be defired, and having provided Presbyterian views, could not believe it to be his imereft to 
 what was wanting, by the Prince of Orange's alfiftance, deliver the fleet to the Prince, fince, notwithflanding the 
 jriTp. 109. fent back the Duke of York to the Hague , it not being prefent occafion which induced the Presbyterians to be in a 
 proper to venture both at one time. His defign was to readinefs to a£t againft the army, they itiil coniiUercu the 
 
 r- feize Yarmouth , whether to go from thence and head the Royal party as their real enemies. 
 
 Scotch army, when it fhould be in England, or to fecure an In the beginning of June, the King’s friends found 
 entrance into the Kingdom, when there fhould be occafion. means to furprife Pontfrail caftle in Horkjhirc , and put a 
 In failing to Yarmouth, he took a {hip of London, bound garrifon there. Shortly after Seay borough i.,ftle revolted iniihw.i 
 
 !y for Rotterdam, laden with cloth by the company of Mer- from the Parliament, and declared for the King. P; f. 1 
 
 chant-adventurers. It was faid this {hip was worth forty 
 thoufand pounds. He ordered the goods to be fealed up, 
 and continued his courfe. But he fucceeded not at Yar¬ 
 mouth as he expe£ted, the town refufing to admit him, 
 though great part of the inhabitants were for the King. 
 
 Wherefore he refolved to enter the Thames, as well to in¬ 
 tercept all outward and homeward-bound {hips, as to fup- 
 
 July- 
 
 The Prince 
 of Wales 
 
 lie f,i. 
 
 Is ref fed 
 admittance 
 
 mouth. 
 
 Rufljwojih, P ort the King’s party, and that of the Presbyterians in the was become the common talk of the city. It 
 VII. p. 1204 Parliament and City ; for he was not ignorant of the pro- beforehand, what day the Earl of Hdland w 
 
 The Scotch army being at length upon the point of en- ,l e Ear / 
 tering England, General Fairfax being Hill employed in H bind, 
 the blockade of Colchejlcr , and Cromwt in the liege of ^ l | nt:do 
 Pembroke , and as there were but two regime 1 in London, 
 
 [ Henry Rich] Earl of Holland , thought he could not have 
 a fairer opportunity to execute his defign in favour of the 
 King. This defign was fo far from being a fccret, that it 
 
 known 
 depart. 
 
 1206,120*- j e £k that were formed. Befides, the Queen his Mother and the Parliament did not feem to regard it 
 had enjoined him to court the Presbyterians, conceiving it for want of information ; buttle Icem- - 1 alLi 
 jjl. ” was only by their means, that the King could be reftored. altered tince the army’s removal iiom Lv d:n. 
 
 t was net 
 was much 
 
 The Inde- 
 
 (1) Fome of the King’s friends were alfo on board, with fome authoriiy. Clarendon, T.m, 
 
 (2) He had lately Jett the Parliament, and withdrawn into Holland. Idem. p. is8. 
 
 (3) The Callles of Deni and Saniivub declared alfo about this time for the King, but we; 
 
 reduc'd by Culont! H-eie. 1 «. 
 
 3 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 25. C H A 
 
 ,648. pendents prevailed no more in the Parliament, and the 
 Presbyterians began to hold up their heads. For this rea- 
 fon, the Independentsdid not think proper, at fuch a junc¬ 
 ture, to take any tteps that might induce the City of Lon¬ 
 don to declare openly. On the other hand, the Presbyte¬ 
 rian members were far from endeavouring to prevent the 
 Earl of Holland's defign, which they confidered as flowing 
 from the general combination for the delivery of the King 
 jj. j,:„ed out of the hands of the army. So, the Earl publickly de- 
 ] theDnh: parted from London , with about one hundred Horfe, and 
 m came t0 KingJlon upon Thames, where [George Villiers] the 
 
 trt. young Duke of Buckingham , the Lord Francis Villiers his 
 
 larendon, brother, [Henry Mordaunt ] Earl of Peterborough , [and the 
 Bjihwor'fh,' family of the Earl of Northampton ] met him with fome 
 .u.p.1178. troops(i). As foon as they were joined, they fent a Iet- 
 iwy mnteto ter t0 t h e Lord-AIayor and Common-Council of London , 
 J'iy declaring their intention was to join the forces of Surrey , 
 Jn8o. Sujfex, and Middlefcx, to releafe his Majefty’s perfon, to 
 bring him with honour to his Parliament, and to fettle 
 peace in the Kingdom : And defined their afliftance no far¬ 
 ther than their deligns were really for the good and happi- 
 nefs of the King, Parliament and Kingdom, according to 
 the Covenant. Thefe laft words, according to the Covenant, 
 feemed neceflary, becaufe they knew the Presbyterians 
 wiflied for nothing fo much as the confirmation of the Co¬ 
 venant. But the Magiftrates of London thought not fit to 
 chufe for leaders, the Earl of Holland, who was in no great 
 repute, or the Duke of Buckingham an unexperienced youth, 
 who had only the King’s fervice in view, without any re¬ 
 gard to the publick, or the Covenant; or in fhort, any of 
 thefe Lords, whofe principles were by no means agreeable 
 |L „r t dt - to thofe of the Presbyterians. So, without anfwering this 
 fredtr.d- letter, they fent it to the Parliament, who immediately 
 j*- voted the Lords that had figned it to be traitors, [and their 
 I' ’ eftates to be fcqueftred.J 
 
 The fame day the letter was writ, Colonel Levefey, with 
 I 'Zr.L.r' fome companies of the two regiments that were quartered 
 Ingftu-. in JVeftminJler, met thefe L<-rds near King Jl on, and entirely 
 i’ routed them. But. Levefey 's Foot which was left behind, 
 
 not being yet arrived, and the Lords having fent theirs to 
 Kingjlon , \o fecure their retreai, the Horfe only, on both 
 iidea, were ingaged. Levefey briskly purfued them to King¬ 
 jlon, where the Foot flood their ground, and hindered the 
 enemies Horfe from entering the town. That fame night 
 they quitted Kingjlon , and retired to St. Albans , with about 
 four hundred men. 
 
 I m - Mean while, General Fairfax hearing of thL f f'-rreo 
 \led .it at. tion, fent from the blockade of Colch< -ter, C > > ■ y 
 vwj.evhtrt w j t h a regiment of Horfe, to the . . cc oi arlta- 
 
 bilan d if ment’s troops. Scroop coming to Her fora, .dormed, 
 
 in. that the Lords who had been d feated -dt Kingjlon, were at 
 I'y f- ig St. Neat' s in a negligent manner. Upon this intelligence, 
 hiKlo' lZ’ he marched thither in the night, and furprifed (hem in 
 that little town, killing fome of their men, caking above a 
 hundred prifoners, and difperfing the reft. The Lord 
 Francis Villiers was flain(2). His brother the Duke of 
 Buckingham , found means to efcape, and the Earl of Hol¬ 
 land was taken, conduced to London , and afterwards fent 
 ulhworth. prifoner to Warwick Caftle. Thus ended this ill concerted 
 n.p.urty. enterprize, managed by perfons of no experience or skill 
 in the art of war. 
 
 L scotch At Duke Hamilton entered England at the head of 
 \myevuts the Scotch army, the 9th of July. T he eleventh of the 
 .nyUind. f amc mon th, Pembroke Cattle furrendered to Cromwell , who 
 'fifleflr- immediately difpatched a body of Horfe to re-inforce the 
 1 nderi. army in the North, commanded by Major-General Lam- 
 r^mu cll ^ eri ‘ departed himfelf three days alter, with the reft 
 Lnbes'to- of his forces, which were already very much fatigued by 
 ■•"dt the the late fiege, and of which the greateft part wanted Ihoes 
 and ftockings, though they undertook a long march, which 
 1*90, n93^ probably, would be followed with a battle. Thefe diffi- 
 ^°7- , culties difeouraged not Cromwell. He purfued his march 
 ][i. K p. 114’. with all pofllble diligence, and yet could not join Lambert 
 wrnet’j till the middle of Augujl. We mull now fee what Duke 
 Ie „ m- Hamilton was doing, whilft Cromwell was marching to- 
 i 5 wards him. 
 
 The defign of thofe who had prevailed for the raifing an 
 Hamilton'J army in Scotland, feemed to be to aflift the Englijh Piesby- 
 7 a. terians, to free the Parliament from the yoke of the Inde¬ 
 
 pendents, and to deliver the King out of the hands of the 
 army. Thefe at leaft were the moft plaufible things that 
 weie urged to induce the Parliament of Scotland toconfent 
 snflworth t0 t h‘ s extraordinary expedition. But it may very juitly be 
 n.p.uyv. doubted, whether this was the defign of all the leaders of 
 that party. Some, among whom were Duke Hamilton , 
 and his Brother the Earl of Lanerick , probably, fought 
 only to reftore the King without terms, or at leaft without 
 any other condition than what he had himfelf offered* 
 
 R L E S I. .553 
 
 namely, his promife to obferve the ancient Laws. They 1648. 
 did not much concern themfelves about maintaining the 
 eftablifhment of Presbyterianifm in England, or the Cove¬ 
 nant between the two nations. Others, as the Earls of Lou- Th ‘ Scotch 
 don, and Lauderdale, who had been commiflioners in Eng- 
 land, really intended to ferve the King, but upon thefe two Ryfiijh 
 conditions, that the Presbyterian-government fhould be ,vouUdec * iv 6 
 eftablifhed in the Church of England, and the Covenant a " e MUthCT ' 
 pundtually obferved. As they thought, they had taken fUf- 
 ficient care of thefe two points, by the lfle of Wight treaty, 
 they little regarded the other conditions required of the 
 King by the Parliament of England, concerning the A 4 i- 
 litia, nomination to the great offices, &c. But very likely, 
 their defign was to deceive one another. Thefe laft meant 
 to make ufe of the King’s party to procure the execution 
 of the lfle of Wight treaty, and the King’s party, feigning 
 to agree to what the others defired, intended to make ufe 
 of them to enable the King not to be forced to receive 
 any terms. The Duke of Hamilton's condudt after his 
 entrance into England, feems to me a very ftrong evidence, 
 that he defigned not to act in favour of the Presbyterians. 
 
 If he had fuch an intention, he fhould not, it feems, have P«**Hamiy 
 loft, as he did, forty days in the northern Counties, but ton l, P‘ * 
 have marched dircdtly to London. Lambert would not have ’ 
 
 been able to hinder his march, being much weaker than North • 
 he. Cromwell was yet employed in Wales , and Fairfax £L arendon » 
 in the blockade of Colchejler. Probably, if, without loiing i“;. P * 
 time, he had marched to London , he would have ar¬ 
 rived before Cromwell and Lambert could have joined forces, 
 and it Fairfax had quitted the blockade of Colchejler, in 
 Older to throw himlelf into London , very likely, the In¬ 
 habitants would have fhut their gates againft him, lince they 
 would have been fupported by the army of Scotland. At 
 leaft, in cale Fairfax had rifen from before Colchejler , that 
 town, the whole County of Ejfex, and doubtlcfs, Suffolk, 
 and Norfolk , would have joined with the Scots. In a 
 word, it the Scotch army had marched towards the centre 
 of the Kingdom, there would, doubtlefs, have been in 
 many places, infurredtions, which would have greatly dif- 
 trelled the army of the Independents; and if Duke Hamil¬ 
 ton could have reached London , certainly the City and Par¬ 
 liament would have openly declared againft the army, and 
 expelled out of both Houfes, the Independent members. 
 
 Ic will hereafter appear, thefe are not bare conjectures, 
 coniidering what palled in the City and Parliament, whilft: 
 it v. as expedted, the Scotch army would take the courfe, I 
 iiavc been fpeaking of. 
 
 But Duke Hamilton had doubtlefs other viewii, fince he CnjtOisru 
 fiaid above a month in the north, without any neceflity. °f thl Lori , 
 
 1 ne Lord Clarendon conjedures, the Duke’s intention SSm 
 was, to afford time to the Englijh army to defeat thofe * ’ F ‘ 
 forces which were up in feveral parts of the Kingdom for 
 the King, that they might not be fo united as to obftruct 
 the Presbyterians defign. But, whatever regard I may 
 have for that noble Hiltorian, I cannot be of his opinion, 
 for two reafons which to me feem very ftrong. The fir ft 
 is, that Duke Hamilton was not a zealous Presbyterian. 
 
 On the contrary, though he had taken the Covenant, he 
 was Epifcopal in his heart, as he had fufficiently difeovered 
 whilft he could do it without danger. The fecond is, that 
 he was the man who had moft courted and drawn into 
 Scotland the Royalifts, whilft the voting of ah army was 
 in queftion. I fhould rather think, he had a quite con- Different 
 trary aim to what the Lord Clarendon imputes to him ; CanjedtcreJl 
 that inftead of defigning to countenance the Presbyterian 
 party, he rather feared to render them too powerful, by 
 approaching London , knowing, when the King fhould be 
 in the hands of the Presbyterians, his <rt»ndition would not 
 be much happier. Very likely, his long flay in the north, 
 was only to give the King’s friends in thofe parts opportu¬ 
 nity to join Langdale' s forces, and thereby render the King’s 
 party fuperior. 
 
 However this be, not to dwell too long upon conjee- n, D „ te 
 tures, as foon as Duke Hamilton entered England , he marches. 
 marched to Carlijle, from whence he drew out the En- Rufllworth > 
 glijh, placed there by Mufgrave, and put in a Scotch Gar- 
 rifon. Some days after, Langdale joined him with about He is joined 
 four thoufand Englijh Foot, and feven or eight hundred 67 Langdale. 
 Horfe (3). But thefe troops remained feparate, and in the clarendon 
 marches, Langdale was always a day before the Scotch in! p" 
 army. This was to evade jn fome meafure the order of X 1 f- 
 the Parliament of Scotland, that the Englijh who fhould Mem 
 refufe to take the Covenant, fhould not be received into 
 the army, nor adt in conjundtion with the Scots. Never- 
 thelefs the Englijh and Scots made but one army, under 
 the command ot Duke Hamilton, from whom Langdale 
 received orders. Lambert who was ported near the place 
 where the two armies joined, or at leaft approached each 
 
 (1) They made up about five hundred Horfe. Rujhaorth, Tom. VII. p. 1178. 
 
 (;) He was (lain in a skirmilh at Kjngjion. IVhitclock, p.318. 
 
 (5) Duke Hamilton brought with him lour tlioufand Horfe, mid tei) th^uland Foot. See ’Bnrntt's Mem. p. 3 
 
 No. 71. Vol. II. 7 A 
 
 other. 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 55 + 
 
 The HISTORY of ENG L A N D. 
 
 1648. 
 
 Crc 
 
 
 j Lam¬ 
 bert. 
 
 July 17. 
 Rufh worth, 
 VII. p, 
 
 119. 
 
 Clarendo 
 
 III. p. u 
 
 He 
 
 Langdale. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 The Duke’ 
 Id. p. Ii' 
 
 Burnt 
 
 Men 
 
 other, retired in fuch diforder, that probably he would have 
 been defeated, had he been purfued; but Duke Hamilton 
 did not think fit to improve this advantage. He conti¬ 
 nued fome days at Car life , after which he marched to 
 Kendal in IVefmoreland, where he relied again, till find¬ 
 ing not wherewithal to fubfift his army, he was forced, as 
 it were, to proceed to Lancajhire with part of his army, 
 leaving the reft at Kendal. At length, he advanced to 
 ’■ Prefon , where he halted, the reafon whereof is not known, 
 unlefs it was to ftay for Monroe , who was coming with 
 three thoufand men out of Scotland. 
 
 Mean while, Cromwell having reached Torkjbire, Lambert 
 inftantly joined him, and they marched together directly to 
 Prefon , where Duke Hamilton lay. Langdale who made 
 the van of the Duke’s army with his Engiijh troops, fent 
 him notice that Cromwell was approaching with a refolu- 
 tion to give him battle, and conl’equently it was neceftary 
 to keep his army together. But the Duke regarded not this 
 intelligence, believing it to be only fome detachment of 
 Cromwell’s army. In fhort, Langdale was attacked by 
 the enemies Horfe, who drove him to Prefon , where he 
 brought with him fome prifoneis, who averred, that 
 Cromwell’s whole army was near. Whereupon the Duke 
 fent him back to his troops, promifing to fend him af- 
 fiftance; but difappointed him. So Langdale being at¬ 
 tacked, was forced to maintain a very unequal fight, 
 which lafted however five or fix hours; but at laft he 
 was entirely routed. Immediately after, Cromwell’s Horfe 
 marched dircdtly to Prf.n, where all was in fuch conlu- 
 fion that nothing was thought of but flight. The Duke 
 himfelf found it proper to retire by the biidge, which lie 
 
 The fol¬ 
 lowing letter was fent by Cromwell to the Parliament, the 
 20th o { sl:ig:f t containing a particular account of wiiat 
 palled between the two a:mi«,s, on the 17th, 18th, and 
 19th of Augvf. 
 
 we judge to be about 164S. 
 took near about four 
 
 Fter the conjunction of that party which I brought 
 L with me out of H als witii the northern forces 
 ' about Knarcsborough and IKubaby, hearing that the 
 1 enemy was advanced with their army to Laneufoire, 
 1 we came the 6th inftant to Hcdder-bndge over Kibble, 
 c where we had a council of war; and upon advertife- 
 c ment the enemy intended fouthward, and iirjce con- 
 c firmed, that they refolved for London itfelf, and infor- 
 c mation that the Irijh forces under Monroe, lately come 
 ‘ out of Ireland, which confifted of twelve hundred 
 ‘ Horfe, and fifteen hundred Foot, were on their march 
 ‘ towards Lar.eajhln to join with them, it was thought, 
 c to engage the enemy to fight was our bulinefs; and 
 ‘ accordingly marching over the bridge that night, quar- 
 ‘ tered the vch. le army in the fields. Next morning we 
 ‘ marched towards Pref on , having intelligence that the 
 ‘ enemy was drav. ing together thereabouts from all his 
 ‘ out-quarters ; we diew out a forlorn of about two 
 4 hundred Horfe, and four hundred Foot; thefe gallant- 
 1 ly engaged the enemy’s fcouts and out-guards, until we 
 4 had opportunity to bring up our whole army. So foon 
 1 as our foot and horfe were come up, we refolved that 
 4 night to engage them if we could; and therefore ad- 
 ' vancing with our forlorns, and putting the reft of the 
 ' army into as good a pofture as the ground would bear, 
 
 ■ (which was totally inconvenient for our Horfe, being 
 ' all inclofurc and miry ground) we prefled upon them 
 ' through a lane, and forced them from their ground, 
 
 ' after four hours difpute, until we came to the town; 
 
 : arms; the number of the /lain 
 
 ■ a thoufand, the prifoners we 
 • thoufand. 
 
 I away, feven 
 
 ‘ thoufand Foot, and about four thoufand Horfe ; we 
 c followed them with about three thoufand Foot, and 
 ‘ about two thoufand five hundred 11 ..rfe and Dragoons ; 
 ‘ and in this profecution that worthy Gentleman C lonel 
 c Tbornhaugh, prefiing too boldly,'was /lain, being run 
 1 - ' 
 
 ' our Horfe ftill pr< fccuted the . nd taking 
 
 4 divers all the way; but bv that time our army was 
 4 come up, they recovered lKigali before we could at- 
 ‘ tempt any thing up m them. We lay that night 
 the field clofe by the enemy, lying very dirty and 
 ' weary, where we had fome skirmi/hing, Glc. We took 
 4 Major-General fan Druske , Col. tiurrey, and Lieu- 
 4 tenant-Colonel Ennis. 
 
 “ The next morning the enemy marched towards JVar- 
 
 ■ >ington, made a Hand at a pals near JVinwick ; we held 
 them in fome difpute until our army was come up, they 
 
 4 maintaining the pafs with great refolution for many 
 ' hours ; but our men, by the bltffing of God, charged 
 ' very home upon them, beat them from their Handing, 
 
 ' where we killed about a thoufand of them, and took 
 ; (as we believe) about two thouland prifoners, and pro- 
 ' fecuted them home to Warrington town, where they 
 ; poflefled the bridge. As foon as we came thither, 
 
 ■ I received a meflage from Lieutenant-General Bailey, 
 
 ' 1 j [yielded, 1 
 
 ; him thefe terms: That he /hould furiender himfelf and 
 all his officers and foldiers prifoners of war, with all Ins 
 arms, ammunition, and horfe-, upon quarter for life ; 
 which accordingly is done. Here are took about four 
 thoufand complete arms, and as many prifoners: Ar.d 
 . 
 
 The Duke is maiched with 
 
 his remaining Horfe 
 
 A h ter the conjunction of that party which I brought “ (which are about three thoufand) towards I'.antwieh 
 with me out of H als witii die northern forces “ where the Gentlemen of the county have taken about 
 
 five hundred of them; tlie country will fcarce fuller 
 any of them to pafs, but bring in and kill divers as 
 they light upon them. 1 have fent poft to my Lord 
 Grey and Sir Edward Rhodes, to gather all together 
 with fpeed for their profecution : Monroe is about Cum¬ 
 berland, with the horfe that ran away, and his Irijh 
 horfe and foot; but I have left a confiderable ftrengtb, 
 
 I hope, to make refiltance till we can come up to 
 them. 
 
 “ Thus you have the narrative of the particulars of 
 the fuccefs. I could hardly tell how to fay lei's, there 
 being fo much of God ; and 1 was not willing to fay 
 more, left there IhoulJ feem to be any thing of Man ; 
 only give me leave to add one word, /hewing the dif- 
 parity of the forces of both fides; that fo you may 
 fee, and all the world acknowledge, the great hand of 
 God in this bulinefs. 1 'iie Scots army could not be lefs 
 than twelve thoufand Foot well armed, and five thou¬ 
 fand Horfe; Langdale not lefs than two thoufand five 
 hundred Foot, and fifteen hundred Horfe; in all twenty 
 one thoufand : in ours, in all, about eight thoufand fix 
 hundred, and by computation about two thoufand of 
 the enemy’s Haiti, betwixt eight and nine thoufand 
 Pnlbners, bell ,s what are lurking in hedges and pri¬ 
 vate places, which the country daily bring in, or de- 
 ftroy.” 
 
 Tofini/h, in a few words, the relation of the un- The Duke h 
 
 : . red; nilton and ai. • 
 
 bein g well feconded by Colonel Harr if oris regi- add, to what is faid in Cromwell’s letter, that the Duke re- j;, ‘ er ' ■""*$ 
 cleare 1 the tiring t , and finding himf< f 11 rfned by Lam- 
 
 ' the enemy was put into diford ;r, many bert with a llrong party of Horfe, marched t > -> 
 
 men ilain, and many prifoners taken ; the Duke with Staffordjhire ,] where Lambert was almoft as foon as he, ' -'l I2 °’ 
 
 -• tbe Sc ioU rfe and Foot retreated over the and where the Scots made not the leaft /hew of refill- RufliwonM 
 bridge; where after a very hot difpute betwixt the ance. In a word, the Duke was taken with all the offi- VI1 ;P* K i 
 
 < n j. >rd General’s and cers about him j and of the whole army, the Horfe only Lujlow. 
 
 ti.vm being at pulh of p.ke) they were beaten Irom efcaped, who went arid joined Monroe in Cumberland. To Whudodb 
 - ° UI 1 —- -•••'- Foot following them, this came the great effort of Scotland in favour of the 
 killed , and took divers prifoneis; and we pofieiled King. I fay in favour of the King, for it is certain, molt 
 the bridge )ver Derwent, a:.a a few houfes there, the of the authors of this enterprize intended the King’s re- 
 enemy being drawn up within mufquct fhot of us, ftoration, though they covered their defign with other pre- 
 u here we lay that night, we not being able to attempt tences. 
 
 lurther upon the enemy, the night preventing us. In The defeat of the Scotch army was followed, within c,defter 
 tins poftuie did the enemy and we lie molt part of few days, by the taking of Colchefer, the blockade wheie- 
 in.n night; upon entering the town, many of the of had lafted above two months. The belieged havii - ' 
 
 - - - ■' Lancafer, in the chafe of been forced to furrender at difereti n, the General —. 
 
 v ; • we J1 -^ a.-.ci of our Horfe, who purfued council of war, where it was determined, th '' 
 
 ion of them, and Life , Sir Charles Lucas, and Sir Bernard Gafcoii m • ' ' ' ! ‘ jV. 1 ’ 1 
 1 ■' l ,L . r ' 0 hundred H rfe, and many prifoners: /hould be fhot to death. The two i t . 
 
 ■ of the enemy’s but the General 1 ... 
 
 ammunition; I believe they loft four or five thoufand faved his life, for fear the Grand-Duke fhould revenge his' i-rdon- 
 
 III. r>.«3 6 > 
 
 (0 Or rather for chat was the name of this Florentine, whom the called 1 37 - 
 
 1 death 
 
Book XXL 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 555 
 
 L. Lauderdale 
 Wfrtjfes the 
 to Prince in 
 
 *648. death on the Englifn Gentlemen, who frequently travelled 
 into his dominions (1). 
 
 The Prince of Wales was at the Hague , when the news 
 of Duke Hamilton's defeat arrived there. On the mor¬ 
 row, [ John Maitland ] Earl of Lauderdale waited on him 
 with a letter from the Parliament of Scotland , inviting him 
 • Clarendon, t0 come int0 their Country, and head their army in Eng- 
 m. p.124, land. But the news he had received the day before being 
 Swa, conf i r med, he did not think fit to hazard his perfon to no 
 VII. p.1230. purpofe, though the Earl of Lauderdale preffed him ex¬ 
 tremely to depart. So, the Earl was obliged to return all 
 alone. 
 
 vZpSh* , A ^ ter f h e recital of the fruits of the feveral commotions 
 . merit ,m,l ra '^ ed by the King’s friends in the lalt feven or eight Votes. 
 
 P' T"' b ’ it (r W j II , be necefiary, before we proceed, to fpeak Some days after, fiindry of the Inhabitants of ■ " 
 0f ? tot mean while in the Parliament and City, prefenied a petition to the Cnnmon-Ci.iincil, prat in-, til :i ' 
 
 v S A** * WOlfcufe f ^ 1 V °‘ 1 ° “*** a ?‘ ir ? CS t0 the the Lord-Mayor and She, ills of Lrnjm miyft 
 
 •rn the p.ir- , there was a perfe6l union between the Parliament the Committee for the Militia of the City and tint •’ - ' 
 lament. and the army. The army no more pretended to meddle reft of the Committee might be cholen by the Comm ' 
 in State-affairs. They confented that the fupernumerary Council. 
 
 troops, that is fuch as were not upon the late eftablilh- Upon this, the Lord-Mayor and Common-Council pre- " 
 A _„ d .iT_ e _ dlS ^, nded Companies, as ™ on f7 was fented a Petition to the Houfe of Common;, Shewing, 
 
 That the General having by letter informed the p 
 
 “ r * That the Government of the Kingdom fhould be *648. 
 ftill by King, Lords, and Commons. " The Common: 
 
 “ 2 That the ground-work for this Government fhould u“ s ; ..... 
 be the propofitions laft prefented to the King at Hamp- /+1 
 “ ton-Court. 
 
 “ 3. That any Member of the Houfe fhould have leave 
 “ to fpeak freely to any votes, ordinances, or declarations 
 “ concerning the King, &c. 
 
 Thefe Votes were dire&ly contrary to the defigns of the 
 Independents, who meant to abolifh regal power,°and efta- 
 blifh a Commonwealth. But as their intention was vet a 
 fecret, or at leaft they had not declared it, they did not 
 think proper to difeover it too openly, by oppofing thefe 
 
 raifed to pay them. They promifed to retire to the Towns 
 and Garrifons as foon as the Parliament fhould fettle the 
 neceflary funds for their regular pay. This condefcenfion 
 or rather fubmiffion to the Parliament, proceeded from the 
 Independents power in both Houfes, no refolution being 
 taken but by their dire£tion, or at leaft that was contrary 
 t0 theIr vieWS ‘ ° n the other hand > though the Presbyte- 
 '•Ipou the nans were not forry, there were infurre&ions in the King- 
 Mijiance of dom capable of keeping the army employed, and obliging 
 ■Scotland, them to remove from London , they were in danger how¬ 
 ever that the King’s party would grow too powerful before 
 the Scotch army fhould enter England. Upon this army it 
 Bpmi ^‘ hC WaS ^" 0Unded their hope of becoming once more 
 
 Z. mafters of the Parliament and Kingdom. But they per¬ 
 ceived, that before the arrival of the affiftance expected 
 from Scotland , it was not their intereft to fecond the 
 endeavours of the Royalifts, vvhofe views vere very oppo¬ 
 se to theirs, for fear of enabling them to renew the war 
 by their own ftrength. On the other hand, they would 
 have a&ed very imprudently, if they had openly declared 
 againft the army, whilft it was about London, without 
 having fufficient forces to refift it. The affiftance of Scot¬ 
 land only could enable them to hold up their heads. For 
 which reafon the votes of both Houfes were always unani¬ 
 mous to condemn the infurredlions in Wales, Kent, Ej/ex, 
 as well as thofe of the Earl of Holland and the Duke of 
 Buckingham. This was alfo the reafon, that the Indepen- 
 
 Houfe of Commons of 1 n 
 “ Regiments that were at Wejlminjlcr , they conceived, cZnCtT 
 “ that there was an expe&ation, the Parliami 
 “ be guarded by the forces of the City, which they were ‘f'JZ 
 “ ready to do, provided they were put into a capacity to LL’p. *107. 
 “ perform the fame, by fettling the Militia of London , 
 
 “ and being authorized fo to do. 
 
 “ TJiat the Lord-Mayor and Common-Council might, 
 
 “ by ordinance of Parliament, be authorized to nominate 
 “ and prefent to both Houfes of Parliament a Committee 
 for the Militia of the faid City ; whereby Commanders 
 “ and foldiers might be the better united and encouraged 
 “ to perform their duties, for the fafety and prcfervation 
 “ of the Parliament and City. 
 
 t: That the command of the Tower of London might be 
 “ put into the hand of fuch a perfon as fhould be nominat- 
 “ ed and prefented to both Houfes of Parliament by the 
 “ Lord-Mayor and Common-Council. 
 
 Cl- 7 hat the Soldiers there remaining might be removed.” 
 
 All this was granted againft the intereft of the Indepen¬ 
 dents, who, for a few months before, had ordered the con¬ 
 trary, becaufe they knew the Londoners were not for them. 
 
 7 bus the City endeavoured by degrees, under divers pre¬ 
 tences, to put themfelves in condition to atft, when 
 feafon v 
 
 was ripe. 
 
 n ; —-.—r— It appears alfo by a declaration of the Houfe of Com- Dcc’.rraiim 
 
 dents met with no obftacle in cauitng the eleven Members mons of the 5 th of May, how much the Presbyterians be- '■ 
 accuied by the army to be declared incapable of ferving in gan to be fupetior in the Parliament. This declaration 1’. '. ", no- 
 Parliament, and the Lord-Mayor, Aldermen of London, ran: That the Houfe is refolved to preferve and maintain the 
 and the feven Peers to be profecuted with the utmoft ri- filcmn League and Covenant , and the Treaties between the 
 gour for being concerned in the tumult of the z6th of July, two Kingdoms of England and Scotland : And that they will 
 1 df- W o re , l C , rC r U , tl0ns ot a ^ ar * l3rnent y« governed be ready to join with the Kingdom of Scotland in the propofi- 
 
 and directed by the Independents. But when once Crom- tions agreed upon by the two Kingdoms , and prefented to his 
 
 well wasmgaged in Wales with part of the army, Fairfax Majejly at Hampton-Cour t. This was a toothing to unite 
 employed at the blockade of Colchejler, and when the themfelves with the Scots, as foon as they fhould enter the 
 lurprizal of Berwick and Carlife had made it neceflary to Kingdom. Probably, the Commons believed them to be 
 lend lome Regiments into the North, the face of affairs more ready than they were, and moreover, were yet irmo- 
 ZZ 5 nT b r e P n *?, chan S e - The Independent Members found them- rant, that the aim of thofe who had promoted the raffing 
 \he Parti.,- ! ®v es obliged, in their turn, to diflemble, and confent to of an army in Scotland , was rather to ferve the King, than 
 :u„t. things which they would doubtlefs have oppofed, had the fupport the Presbyterian-party in England. But they foon 
 ,. ar ^y been near to fupport them. perceived, the Royalifts intended not to maintain the Par- 
 
 fc»SX.j 1 he 2 7tn of April, before the: army removed from Lon- liament’s intereft.' If the Cavaliers, for fo the Kind’s The Roy*'-- 
 April 27. ' . » u pon information, true or falfe, brought to the Par- party were called, had behaved with a little more policy l h C -'Z- Tn, f s 
 lufhworrh, lament (2), that fome officers had plotted to difarm, and and lefs paffion and heat, they might have done the Kin» 'tJthe'Khr 
 
 I -P' 10 ? 3 - then plunder the City, the Common-Council prefented a fignal fervice. But they fo openly fhowed, that their de- 
 
 Petition to the Houfe ot Commons, dehring, that the fign was to reftore the King without terms, that they 
 
 chains of the City, which had been lately pulled down, obliged the Presbyterians to be upon their guard, and even 
 might be fet up again ; the army removed to a farther di- to oppofe them, inftead of a&ing jointly with them as 
 itance from London ; and Major-General Skippor. appointed the Cavaliers expedfed. This paffion, or, if you pleafe 
 to command within the lines of communication, and the extreme zeal for the King’s fervice, was always the di¬ 
 weekly bills of mortality. It is evident the Common- ftinguifhing character of that party, and often baffled their 
 Council had a mind to have it in their power to act when deligns. Some of this party, inhabitants of the County of 
 the Scotch army fhould enter England, bor they could Surrey, could not contain themfelves fo long as would have 
 not imagine the Scots had other thoughts than to fupport been requiflte for the King’s intereft. They aflembled in 
 the Presbyterian party in England. I he Houfe granted great numbers, Horfe and Foot, and came to Wejlminjler , 
 two of their requefts, and took time to confider of the where they prefented a petion to the Lords, and another 
 rei )L 0Va ' ol t I' e army. to the Commons, worded in fuch high and ltrong terms, 
 
 Ihe next day the Houfe of Commons having taken into that they feemed to believe themfelves fupported by the 
 confideration the affair of fettling the Government, voted: whole Kingdom. They demanded : 
 
 (1) The Other Pnloners taken at Cohhejier were, George Goring Earl of Norwich, the Lord C.iptl, Henry H,times Lord LouohkoroK-h , Sir Wi'Vam 
 C™pt°>h Sir jib. Shipman,f ,r John Knits, .Sir Lo.UwLk Dyer, Sir Henry Appleton, Sir Dennard Struts, Sir Hugh Oriley, Sir Richard Mauliverer, ten Cj- 
 o e.s, eight Lieutenant-Colonels, mne Majors, thirty Captains, Gentlemen fixty-dve, Lieutenants feventy-two, Enligns and Cornet lixry-nine, Serie- 
 ts a ““^red and eighty-three, private loidiers three thoufand fixty-feven. They held ouc fo long, that all the dogs and cats, and inoif ot the hurles 
 ff ' L ‘ ' Lord Goring’ s door, Aug. 20. crying out for bread, he told them, They • 
 
 DramdV n h0ra ' P ” n tl ' e _ Womcn r-viling him, tliveatned to pull one his eyes. The town was preferved from plunder, upon paying ten thoufand 
 pounas. Htynuortn, Tom. VII. p.1232— —125-0. Whitelock, p. 324. 
 
 • ? c Tf" E~esr.:rd mad • an affidavit be hire the Common-Council, that being in bed in an Inn at Winifor, he heard fome officers talking of dif- 
 [f L f' pff he " rmlUo,, of money, or plunder them. Whereupon the Couyaqa-CoyRci] informed the Houfe of the fame m 
 
 tnu! lv._ . ML p. 1070-1073, 
 
 “ That 
 
Vol. il. 
 
 5S6 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1648. te That the King might be reftored to his due honour. 
 Petition <e and juft rights, according to the oaths of Allegiance and 
 “ Supremacy: That he might be forthwith eftablifhed in 
 thi^KJix - 0 li his throne, according to the fplendor of his anceftors: 
 May 16.' (( That he might for the prefent come to Wejlminjler with 
 
 SiiTiTiS “ honour and fafety, to treat perfonally for compofing 
 ' V ' ' differences: That the free-born Subject of England 
 “ miffht be governed by the known Laws and Statutes in 
 “ force in the Kingdom: That the war beginning might 
 be prevented ; and that the ordinances for preventing 
 “ free-quarter, might be duly executed, and fpeed made 
 “ in disbanding all armies, having their arrears due paid 
 <c them.” 
 
 Nothing could be more unfeafonable than this petition in 
 fuch a juncture, when the bufinefs was to foment the divi¬ 
 sion between the Presbyterians and Independents, whereas 
 the petition tended to unite them againft the Royalifts. 
 ibid. The Lords anfwerca, “ They were now upon theconfi- 
 whiadoik. d erat j on 0 f the fettling of the Kingdom, and doubted 
 F ' “ not to Satisfy all.” Whilft the Commons were debat¬ 
 
 ing on the petition, fome of the Swmy-men (1) quarrelled 
 with the Parliament’s guard, difarmed two or three of the 
 Soldiers, and killed one. Whereupon, to hinder them from 
 carrying their violence any farther, more Horfe and Foot 
 were Sent for from the Meufe and Whitehall, who flew and 
 wounded Several, before they could be difperfed. 
 r ■This attempt, and an information brought to the Houfe 
 CityVnd of Commons, that Soldiers were privately lifting in London, 
 Parliament, and a plot contriving by the Royal Party to ruin both Par- 
 r a L 2 ' , 1 liament and City, Presbyterians, and Independents, cau- 
 vn. p.ii iy, fed the Parliament and City to enter into a ftrid union 
 1 j i - ’ together. It was equally their intereft to guard againft the 
 
 Whuelock. R ova |jft Sj w ho hated the city no lefs than the Parliament 
 and army, and to take meafures to hinder the execution 
 of the Cavaliers defigns. Thus the impetuous zeal of the 
 Cavaliers was extremely injurious to the King; whereas 
 had it been well managed, it might have procured him great 
 advantages. If they could have refolved to conceal their 
 Sentiments, and Suffer the Presbyterians- to believe, that 
 their Sole dufmn was to deliver the King out of the hands 
 of the Independents, and to aft againft the army, they 
 would have, dounuefs, considerably ftrengthned their par- 
 tv ; and the Presbyterians, inftead of hurting, would have 
 affifted them. This was, probably, Duke Hamilton's pro¬ 
 ject, and theirs, who laboured to procure him the com¬ 
 mand of the Sc etch army. But the rafhand impetuous zeal 
 of fome particular perfons, to whom it was not thought 
 proper to impart the Secret, caufed the Presbyterians to be 
 as much upon their guard againft the Cavaliers, as againft 
 P-fiiy- t he Independents. So in all the infurreiftions in Several 
 *Vjf :, 7 ‘ parts c-f the Kingdom, whilft the Scotch army was ex- 
 yyiirJrty. pected, the Presbyterians were wholly unconcerned, except 
 in Kent, where fome general officers and reformado’s were 
 w.lling to ingage. But after that disappointment, they lay 
 Hill, in expectation of the Scots, on whofe affiftance they 
 relied very much, though, as I before obferved, without 
 any foundation. 
 
 *r -/•:->- Mean while, the Presbyterians were greatly embarafled. 
 V,; "J The Scotch army was not yet come, and they were in no 
 
 “ff h lefs danger from the King’s fuccefles, than from the army’s. 
 
 Kl“or, They could therefore join with neither of the parties, with- 
 L,? ' out labouring their own ruin. The defigns of all three 
 
 were So oppofite, that whichsoever Ihould prevail, the 
 other two would be infallibly ruined. The Presbyterians 
 therefore refolved at length to take advantage of the army’s 
 abfence, of the number of their voices in the Parliament, 
 and of the affiftance of the city, to conclude a peace with 
 the King. But in order to this peace, it was neceffary, 
 the King fliould confent to three conditions, without which 
 they could not refolve to be reconciled to him. The firft 
 was, That the Militia of the Kingdom foul cl, for fuch a 
 number of fears, be put into the hands of both Houfes. This 
 point having been the immediate caule, or at lealt the pre¬ 
 tence of the war, they could not depart from it, without 
 evidently {hewing, the war had been undertaken without 
 an abfolute neceffity, which would have rendered them odi¬ 
 ous to the whole Kingdom. For to what purpofe had So 
 much blood been Spilt, and So much treafure confumed, if 
 a peace could be made without this Security? Belides, in 
 neglecting this article, they would, as I may fay, have put 
 themfelves in the King’s mercy, whom they had mortally 
 offended. The Second condition was, That the Presby¬ 
 terian Government Jhould be ejlablijhed by authority of King 
 and Parliament. This condition was no lefs neceffary. It 
 was one of the ftrongeft motives of their undertaking and 
 continuing the war, wherein they had been crowned with 
 fuccefs, the advantages of which they were not difpofed to 
 j-eiinquffh. What would they have gained by the war, if 
 by a peace they were to be liable again to the jurisdiction 
 
 of theBiftiops, and epifeopal Clergy, their mortal enemies? 1648, 1 
 The third condition was, That the King Jhould call in all 
 his proclamations and declarations againft the two Hcu/es. 
 
 The neceffity of this condition is evident, for the King 
 having declared the members of both Houfes rebels, they 
 could not treat with him as fuch, without renouncing all 
 their rights and pretenftons. 
 
 The refolution of treating with the King being taken 
 by the leading Presbyterians, the queftion was to put it in 
 execution. General Fairfax departing from If indfor the 
 2zd of May, to march into the North, tho’ within a few 
 days he was forced to take the Kentijh rout, the next day, 
 the Common-Council of London prefented a petition to 
 both Houfes of Parliament, wherein they faid : 
 
 “ That they thankfully acknowledged the favour of the 77- r.ondbi 
 “ Houfe, in granting their defires concerning the Tower, f „ : \f 
 
 “ and Militia of London ; and in communicating to them . 
 
 “ feveral votes of both Houfes of Parliament, wherein it Ruihvorst- 
 “ was refolved, not to alter the fundamental Government whitoiock 
 “ of the Kingdom, by King, Lords, and Commons; to 
 tc preferve inviolably the Solemn League and Covenant, 
 
 “ and the treaties between the Kingdom of England and 
 “ Scotland ; and to be ready to join with the Kingdom 
 “ of Scotland, in the propolitions agreed upon by both 
 “ Kingdoms. They further defired, that the Aldermen, 
 
 “ the Recorder, and the reft of their fellow-citizens, then 
 “ in the Tower, might be discharged and reftored ; and 
 “ that in profecution of their Said votes, they would be 
 “ pleafed to improve all good opportunities in perfecting 
 “ the Speedy Settlement of the peace of both Kingdoms.” 
 
 This petition was the fir ft ftep taken by the city o f Lon- Rr-., (■ m 
 don, to give the Parliament occafion to endeavour a peace. f 
 The members, as I Said, were for the molt part Presby- ‘u ame „ t , ' 
 terians, and yet the Independents prevailed, becaufe they 
 were Supported by the army. So, from the 6th of Augujl 
 1647, to the end of May 1648, the Parliament mult be 
 confidered as Independent, becaufe the votes were dire&ed 
 by that party. But Since the army’s removal from London, 
 the Presbyterians had exerted themfelves, and no longer 
 fearing the army, pafled Such votes as were mod agreeable 
 to their intereft. From that time, therefore, the Parlia¬ 
 ment is not to be confidered as Independent, but rather as 
 Presbyterian. This remark is absolutely neceffary for un- 
 derftanding the reafon of the difference between the pro¬ 
 ceedings of this Parliament, of which we are going to 
 Speak, and thofe from the 6th of Auguji the laft year. 
 
 The petition above-mentioned being read in both Hou- Tie tire*-. 
 Ses, they ordered the Recorder, and all the other prifoners °{f he r 2 ?d 
 to be releafed, except the three Aldermen, who had been MayT3J 
 impeached in Jorm, but who nevertheless were alfo dif- Ruihwordr 
 chaiged after Some days. They farther ordered, that the ) 
 
 Soldiers polled in the Tower to reinforce the garrifon, wiuteiockj 
 fhould return to their regiments. 
 
 On the morrow, the Commons voted, notwithftanding t'me f" trut 
 the oppoSition of the Independent members, That, after his £'■'* tbe 
 Majefty’s aflent to the three bills, which fhould be offered wiTc'elocfc, 
 to him, a treaty fhould be had with him upon the reft of Ribwort! 
 the propositions prefented to him at Hampton-Court. Thefe V1I ‘ P ’ II<7 
 three bills were for Settling the Militia, the Presbyterian- 
 government, and recalling all his declarations againft the 
 two Houfes. Thefe bills were ready the 30th of May , and 
 Sent to the Lords for their concurrence. The Same day, The MXti* 
 the General having drawn out the troops that were in the 
 Tower, at Whitehall, and tho Meufe, to employ them in 
 his expedition againft the Kentif:-mtn, the Houfe empow- Id - P- 1 ‘ 3 2 
 ered the Militia of London , to Send guards to the Parlia¬ 
 ment, from time to time as occafion fhould require. 
 
 The Presbyterians were very much at eafe, Since they rroc:c£»*t 
 were no longer curbed by the army. But they ftill want- °f the PaT " 
 ed one thing, of which they refolved to take care. Whilft l^"‘ e n Jth 
 the two Houfes were governed by the Independents, the SorlanA 
 Scots thought to have caufe to complain, and on that pre¬ 
 tence they were levying an army to march into England. 
 
 For this reafon, the Parliament, now become Presbyterian, 
 believed it neceffary to remove all occafion of complaint, 
 by giving them fatisfa£lion, and to fhew, they meant to 
 proceed in a different manner from what they had done, 
 whilft checked by the Independents, They now declared, j une lt 
 they intended to maintain the Covenant, and the tieaties U. p- * * 5 = 
 between the two Kingdoms ; and to convince the Scots , 1 ‘ 
 the Houfe of Commons voted, that the three biils to be 
 piefented to his Majefty, fliould be communicated to the 
 Parliament of Scotland for their approbation. It is eafy to 
 perceive, that the aim of the two Houfes was to Secure the 
 affiftance of Scotland, and indeed it Seems to have been 
 Scotland's intereft to unite with the Parliament of England , 
 
 Since it was become Presbyterian. But, as 1 obferved, thofe 
 by whom the Parliament of Scotland was then managed, 
 fought not So much the good of the Kingdom, as the 
 
 (1) They were almolt dnink and had been animated, as they un rbr h iVtJhnlrtftr-H Royal-fit. gan, by fome 
 
 of - . 1 com Ir meaning tbe 1 it. Watt!«k, p. 306, Six 7 V Herbert 
 
 fay:, The SoWien fail aiUv/.t.J the Pec.tiojiers, be.au!; they r.-.juirea that the a4.1i/ Ihouid be diJbicieJ. 0. yi, 
 
 6 ' Kings 
 
Book XX r. 
 
 25 . C H A R L E s', t, 
 
 S 57 
 
 164 s 
 
 The jccuf'd 
 t Members a 
 idiftbargtd. 
 "June 3. 
 ORufhworth. 
 IVfJ. n. 
 i f -’* 30 . J 
 1 Reflation tc 
 hatfeforCe,. 
 "June 14. 
 (Wiiitelock- 
 i|Ru(h worth. 
 IVH. p.i 158 
 
 IP' 1 I S+- 
 
 pP etition 
 from Lomlon 
 
 /;;/;■ 
 
 1 with tire 
 I Kina. 
 
 U u,,c - 1 - 
 
 Kufhworth, 
 
 IVII.p. 116/ 
 
 ip. ji6S 
 [Whitfloclc 
 1 Clarendon, 
 
 ,111. p. i 3 e 
 
 King's advantage; but of fliis the Pariiainent of England 
 was yet ignorant, or perhaps would hardly believe. There 
 was moreover in the fore-mentioned ref lation, one grc.it 
 inconvenience, namely, lofe of time. It was the Presby¬ 
 terians inie eft to haften the treaty with the King, vvhilit 
 the event of what was preparing, was vet doubtful. But 
 on the contrary, delay Was advantagious to the Indepen¬ 
 dents, who, as will hereafter appear, failed not to ufe that 
 method to break their enemies meafures. 
 
 The next da)-, the Commons ordered, that the eleven 
 * members of rheir Houfe, and the feven Peers accufed by 
 the army, fhould be fully difeharaed, and Glyn (1) mem¬ 
 ber for Wejhninjler, who had been expelled, was received 
 into the Houfe 
 
 As the two Houfes perceived, that the feveral Infurretfti- 
 ons in the Kingdom were wholly in favour of the King, 
 they prohibited, on pain of death, to take arms without 
 their authority. They imagined to have no farther occa- 
 fion for fuch friends to defend them againft the Indepen¬ 
 dents. Mean while, as they had no army to protect their 
 adherents againft the attempts of the Cavaliers, it was 
 moved to raife forces, and oblige the officers to take the 
 Covenant. But after fome debates, this lafl point was or¬ 
 dered to be laid afide for the prefent. It was alfo propoled 
 to remove the King to Windfor. But nothing was deter¬ 
 mined. Probably, the Houfe knew not how to compel reafons, anfwered (z). 
 Hammond , in cafe he refufed to deliver the King. 
 
 Though the vote to prefent the three bills to the King 
 pafl'ed the zd ol 'June, it was the 26th before the two 
 Houfes appointed a committee to debate upon the manner 
 and place of treaty with the King, and their report was 
 made the 30th. In the mean time, the Lord-Mayor, Al¬ 
 dermen, and Common-council of London , prefented a pe¬ 
 tition to the two Houfes, defiring, 
 
 tc That a perfonal treaty might be obtained betwixt his 
 “ Majefty and both Houfes, in the city of London, or fome 
 “ other convenient place. 
 
 “ That the Scots might be invited to the treaty. That, 
 
 “ fo according to the duty of their allegiance, proteftation, 
 
 £ ‘ folemn League and Covenant, his Majefty’s royal per- 
 “ fon, honour, and eftate, might be preserved, the power 
 tc and privilege of Parliament maintained, the juft rights 
 “ and liberties of the Subjedts reftored, Religion, and go- 
 “ vernment of the Church in purity eftablilhed, all diffe- 
 “ rcnces might be the better edmpofed, and a firm and 
 “ lafting peace concluded, £f fc.” 
 
 To this it was anfwered by both Houfes, that they were 
 now employed in confiderations of peace, and doubted not 
 but what they had done, and fhould do therein, would be 
 fatisfadbory to the city of London , and all others, that de 
 
 ; merit. 2. Jf the Presbyterian government he not de- 1 64®. 
 £ creed, ail things will gr w i- to confulion*:n: the Church- 
 ; es, and the prefent Mmi-ften. be rcat fuffertjfs. 3. If 
 ' the declarations be not recalled:, the Parliament is not in 
 capacity to treat, having been dedfifedTObtte and trai¬ 
 tors, and no Parliament, but a pretended che, which 
 was never done by any- of the Kings of England. • And 
 whereas it may be c'bje£ldsi, thefe things rebd debate; 
 it is.anfwered, the King is*hot ignorant of* the fui] de¬ 
 mand of'thefe pat titulars, they having been over and 
 over nrefented to him j and to the two firft he hath de¬ 
 clared a willingnefs } nor yet is he obliged to pafs them 
 as hills, unlefs all other things are agkeed 'upon ; and if 
 no agreement, (he being at liberty; a new 1 war ii like 
 to enfue.” 
 
 To thefe reafons the Lords replied, ‘ c Tint they t:.,- toon 
 could not imagine, nor Was it probable, that the ‘party r ; 
 about London who had-petitioned for a treaty* Would 
 put it on'to the difadv&nfege of the Parliament. They 
 did not apprehend any prejudice to the Parliament’s 
 party during the treaty. 3. His Majefty had declared, 
 he would content to all together ; and not to any before 
 all was agreed. And that in cafe there were no agree¬ 
 ment, they were in ft.ue as before.” 
 
 The Commons being by no means fatisfied with thefe TbeCom- 
 Thcre was no doubt but thofe 
 in the parts about London , would put !._»•■> trd the treaty, lbld ‘ 
 to the difadvantage of the Parliament and Kingdom ; 
 being fuch who had not only petitioned the re-clfablifh- 
 “ ment of the King without conditions, but had taken 
 “ up arms, and were now in arms for no lefs (as they 
 “ fay at Golchefter ) than to cudgel the Parliament into ! a 
 “ treaty. 2. For his Majefty’s faying, he would not pafs 
 “ any before all were agreed j it feems not; for he pre- 
 “ tends to be willing to pafs thefe only upon conditions, 
 
 “ or in any way, as that de fatto, he will ; and de jure , 
 
 “ the power fhall be declared in him ; which were, for 
 “ the Parliament to pait with that, which will be their 
 “ irreparable lofs and deftrudlion. And befides, as to fe- 
 “ curity, what appears, unlefs the grant of thefe propofi- 
 “ tions ? For it is fuppofed the treaty will be in or near 
 “ London. And what is faid, how his Majefty {hall be ? 
 
 “ Who fhall be with him ? How the difaftedted fhall be 
 “ ordered ? Moreover if this be not, why may not things 
 “ fettled by law be revived ? Epifcopncv again fet on 
 “ foot ? All the Minifters turned out for fcandal re en- 
 ** ter ? Others of honeft life put to feek their livings ? 
 
 “ How then, in cafe no accord be rii'ade, can it be 
 thought that the Parliament will be in ftate as before ? 
 
 ! Report of 
 the Commit¬ 
 tee in fanout 
 of the King. 
 
 Illuflnvorth, 
 VH. p. uye 
 
 1 7 be Lords 
 I dejire the 
 
 \ •• ■■•si 1 
 
 ■' the three 
 
 1 Bills. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 The Com- 
 
 ' mo ’ :i "M* 
 
 Tor Lords 
 
 realms. 
 
 Mm 
 
 RuOnvorlh, 
 
 Vii.p. 1183 
 
 . . This difpute held till the 28th of July , the Independent 7 betirtie 
 
 fired to fee the troubles of the Kingdom ended in a fafe and members heartily joining with the Presbyterians in what- ? a ! Tci M 
 juft peace. ever could retard or obftrudb the treaty. But it was not 
 
 The report of the committee appointed to confider of a upon this point only that they endeavoured to fpend the dent. corf,'. 
 
 perfonal treaty with the King, was : time to no purpofe. buutoit. 
 
 “ i. That the vote of the 3d of January 164.7, for- Whilft this conteft between the two Houfes ftill lafted, knitter de- 
 
 “ bidding any addreftes to be made to, or received from the city of London having prefented a petition, declaring % up™ the 
 
 “ his Majefty, fhould be made null. they did concur with the defire of a perfonal treaty con- n:eaK ‘ 
 
 “ 2 * That the three proportions lent into the Kingdom tained in another petition of the military officers, it was London. 
 
 “ of Scotland , and to be prefented to his Majefty before a ordered that a committee of Parliament, anti another of la P - 1 lS6 - 
 
 “ perfonal treaty be had, fhould not be infifted upon. the Common-Council fhould meet together and examine ^ rend ® n » 
 
 3 * That his Majefty be removed to fome of his houfes this affair. In the frequent conferences between thefe com- P ' 
 
 mittees, the Independents ufed feveral artifices to prolong 
 matters. The Presbyterians concurred with them in the 
 fame defign, for, as I faid, they were againft treating 
 with the King before he had confented to the three Bills. 
 
 The committee of Parliament put feveral queftions to the 
 committee of the Common-Council, which thefe laft were 
 not prepared to anfwer ; and as they had no inftru&ions 
 about them, they were forced to defire time to confult 
 thofe by whom they were appointed. By this means the 
 conferences were multiplied without any thing done, for 
 no fooner was one demand anfwered, but another was 
 made, and fo the time p.iiied jn vain. 
 
 At laft, the Common-Council perceiving, thefe queftions The Common 
 ... . _ were defigned only to amufe them, ordered ft to be de- Cluncil a ‘- 
 
 defired and petitioned for. 2. Becaufe it is the defire of dared to the committee of Parliament, that it was they^^* 
 
 the Parliament of Scotland. 3. The agreement upon the deiire of the city, that a treaty fhould be entered into with Parliament 
 
 treaty will be the more authentick. 4. It is probable, the all expedition. ' They ordered likewife, that the engage- ,0 
 
 King, having no army in being, will condefcend to that ment laft year [to guard the King and Parliament againft 
 
 which at Uxbridge and Oxford lie refufed. 5. It is not the all force] which had brought the army to London , fhould, 7 
 
 way of treaty to confirm any particular, before all is a- be fubferibed by all the inhabitants, cither by calling them 
 
 greed, efpecially thofe of molt concernment, and which together, or by carrying it from houfe to houfe to be 
 
 will be chiefly infifted upon. figned. They were not contented with this 3 fer they p. H9G. 
 
 The Commons anfwered, “ That the difaffe&cd party fo managed, that the Watermen and others prefented alfo 
 “ in or near London is fo great, that if the King grants petitions, that the perfonal treaty might be haftened. In 
 
 “ not the Militia before he comes, there will be no fafety fliort, they plainly fhowed, what they could not obtain by 
 
 “ for the Parliament, nor is the treaty like to proceed ; fair means, they would have by force. Whereupon Major TheCom- 
 
 “ for many will endeavour to bring in the King without General SJtippon was privately ordered by the Commons, morii " 
 
 “ any agreement, and even with deftru&ion to the Parlia- to lift foldiers in the city, and be ready to guard the Par- S r J p yV; f< 
 
 within ten miles of London .” 
 
 The fame day, the Lords acquainted the Commons, that 
 they approved of the propofitions reported by the commit¬ 
 tee, and defired their concurrence. But the Commons 
 were not fo expeditious as the Lords. They could not re- 
 folve to begin a negotiation with the King, without being 
 firft fecure of the three conditions which were to be the 
 foundation of the peace I have already mentioned the rea¬ 
 fons. Mean while, both Houfes continuing in their re- 
 fpe&ive opinions, it was almoft a month before this difpute 
 was ended. 
 
 The Lords urged, [at a conference,] that the three 
 bills Ihould not be infifted on. 1. That there may be no 
 delay in the thing, a fpeedy perfonal treaty being fo much 
 
 (1) Recorder of London. £ 
 (i) By a Member, for th s 
 
 No. 71. V ol. II. 
 
 s difeharged the a 3 d of May, upen the Petitir 
 a free conference. Rujl.nvottb, Tcm. 7. p. . 
 
 prefented that day lay the Common C: ti .cil. 
 
 liament 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 55 * 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 VH-p.J 
 
 ,fi 4 8. liament in cafe of anv violence. The Common-Council from capt.v.ty, and that when he fnould be free, and the 
 Tt. Cay complained of thefe levies which were making in the city, Independent party fubdued, he wou,^ be able to witmhnd 
 
 ‘ r -f f3in without the privity of the committee of Militia. But the the Presbyterians and renew the war, in. cafe unrealonao.e 
 
 Houle approved of them, under colour the city was in terms were infilled upon. They fa w however with great 
 
 trw:**- Janeer from the Cavaliers. Nay, they imparted to the concern their defigns ruined in Kent, in and by the 
 
 Common-Council, certain intercepted letters, in one of ill fuccefs of the Earl of Hollands and Duke ot i>:u:::ng- 
 ,208 which was inclofed a declaration from the Prince of bam s attempt. Certainly they were in an m htuanon. 
 Wain Another was writ from London to one at Edin- between the Presbyterians and the Independents, what 
 
 burgh, intimating that the King’s party was very power- hopes foever they had entertained of deceiving the 1 res- 
 
 ' ful in London: that there was no danger from any but byterians, and ingaging them to ferve the king, under 
 Skippon, who was railing troops; but however they were colour of a£ling againft the Indepenuents ,0 ' r “ “ 
 
 nothing in comparifon of thofe who were fecretly lifted 
 for the° King. That it Ihould be fo ordered, that Sup¬ 
 port Ihould foon be deprived of his poft, and expelled the 
 
 Citv. . 
 
 It is certain, in the prefent fituation of affairs, the Roy 
 
 Whkeloclt. 
 p, 3 ,6 >1 2 4- 
 
 Their whole re¬ 
 fuge therefore^ lay in the prog refs to be made by Duke 
 Hamilton and Langdale , and in the expectation of inducing 
 the city to force the Parliament to conclude a hafty peace 
 to the King’s advantage. 
 
 At laft the folong expected army of Scotland entered Eng- q u i. 
 
 -Hn- 
 
 Royal’Jh Jills conceived great hopes. Nay, many Cavaliers fcrupled land, as hath been faid, about the beginning of J*i? - 
 
 ' «** not to pafs for Presbyterians, and mixed with them, to When the raiftng it was refolvcd, it was defigned againft —hr „ 
 
 . * J *- 1 1 • _ j_j ,.. r„tka Uoelinmonh ttyrrrlnn/t fhpn 1 mnpr fhp flirPtM’inn nf fnp £pg. 
 
 not tO pdlS lor .Tit-suv iciiaiis, anu unyvv-vj ' r r< j j L 1 1 i- rt- r 
 
 ftrengthen the party of thole who intended to force the the Parliament of England , then under the direction of the 
 Parliament to a peace. Hence arofe this fort of conteft be- army and Independents. But when the Scots came into 
 tween the Commons and city of London. Among the England , the face of affairs was changed, and the Parl.a- 
 Presbyterians many were apprehenfive, that by a too long merit not only become Presbyterian, but had taken leveral 
 clay, the opportunity of treating advantagioufty with the fteps to (how, they intended to preferve an union and good 
 ;in g would be loft. They flattered themfelves, that in correfpondence between the two Kingdoms. Meanwhile, 
 * though the Committee of the Parliament of Scotland was 
 
 King would be loft. They 
 fuch a junClure, the King would refufe nothing of what 
 fliould be defired, and they did not fee the rreceffity of 
 lofmg time in requiring things beforehand, which in their 
 opinion could not but be granted ins treaty. This opinion, 
 entertained bv the Lords and Common-Council of London , 
 
 not ignorant of what palled in England-, they had not given 
 new inftruCtions to Duke Hamilton , or exprefled any defire 
 to join with the Parliament, now freed from the Domi¬ 
 nion of the army. Thus Duke Hamilton entered En 
 
 •gland 
 
 was folely founded in a falfe imagination, that the King as enemy to the Parliament, fince there was no altera- 
 could not but think his cafe defperate, if the Scotch army tion in his orders. He pretended, indeed, a defign to 
 Ihould once enter England , and confequently would grant maintain the Covenant. But the Parliament had alio de- 
 every thing to get out of this difficulty ; wherein they dared, they had the fame intention. What then could 
 were much millaken, as we have feen. But the Com- hinder the Duke from making fome advances to the Par- 
 mons ftill infilled upon the thiee Bills, as abfolutely necef- liament, to demonftrate, he was fent into England to pro¬ 
 fary for the fecurity of the Kingdom. Whilft the Presby- mote that defign ? At lead, when he entered a foreign 
 terians thus differed among themfelves, the time palled a 
 
 way without any effeClual endeavours for a peace. The 
 blockade of Colchejler was juft at an end ; Cromwell was 
 upon the point of finiftiiiig the fiege of Pembroke caftle, and 
 going to join Lambert ; and Fairfax , after the taking 
 of Colchejler , was about to come once more and awe the 
 Parliament. Befides this, the King’s party was daily in- 
 creafing in the North, where Langdale , whofe forces were 
 now above four thoufand men, was preparing to join Duke 
 Hamilton. 
 
 eUnCtr The affairs of England were then in a terrible confu- 
 L fate of fion. The wifeft and moft experienced could not form 
 any probable conjecture on what was to happen, each of 
 ly ‘ the parties having almoft equal reafon both to hope and to 
 fear. 
 
 ter,tit of Indeed the Independents were no longer mailers in the 
 
 t InJej>en. Parliament, but were however diffidently numerous, to 
 obflruCl, by fundry artifices, or at leaft to retard, the peace, 
 or prolong the negotiation. Moreover they were fupported 
 by three armies, which, though remote from London, in- 
 fpired their enemies with terror. Neverthclefs they faw, 
 it was intended to take advantage of the abfence of thefe 
 armies to conclude a peace with the King, which could 
 not but ruin them, if made before their forces were re¬ 
 joined. They knew themfelves to be equally hated by the 
 Scots-, the Presbyterians, and the Royalifts. They were 
 therefore in danger that thefe three parties would unite 
 againft them, as indeed it was projected, and then the In¬ 
 dependents would have been too weak to refill fo many 
 enemies at once. It was therefore their intereft to hinder 
 this union as much as poffible, till the events of the war 
 which was going to rekindle, Ihould unravel the affairs of 
 
 Kingdom with an army, he Ihould, one would think, 
 have publifhed a Manifefto to declare the intentions of his 
 mafters. But he only writ to Major-General Lambert , Hen 
 
 That the Committee of the Eftates of Parliament had L ' 
 
 commanded him to enter England with an army, for v 'j, p.j r ,‘, 4 
 “ maintaining the Covenant, fettling Religion, delivering whit- -ik.. 
 “ the King from his bafe imprifonment, freeing the Par- p- 1 ' t * 
 
 “ liament from the conftraints put upon them, disbanding 
 “ the armies, whereby the Subje&s might be free from the 
 “ intolerable taxes and quarter which they had fo long 
 ‘‘ groaned under, and for procuring a folemn peace and 
 “ firm union betwixt the Kingdoms under his Majefty's 
 “ Government.” But if what palled before be confider- 
 ed, it will be eafy to perceive, this army was defigned to 
 reftore the King without conditions, or at leaft upon terms 
 very different from thofe that were pretended to be laid on 
 him. Though I have touched upon this fubjed in fe- 
 veral places, I believe it will not be amifs briefly to fum 
 up the reafons, which invincibly prove that the Scotch ar¬ 
 my was folely intended lor the King’s fervice. 
 
 1. The Scotch Commiffioners had treated with the King p,,.y,,y 
 without being authorized by their Parliament. They had Scotch army 
 treated for the affairs of England without receiving any t J in f 
 power from the Englijh. tb^/Gr*'*’ 
 
 z. They had ingaged to endeavour to reftore the King fervice? 
 to the Throne of England , without any other condition 
 than the confirmation of the Presbyterian Government 
 for only three years As for the Covenant, they had in¬ 
 deed obliged the King to promife, he would confirm it, for 
 the fecurity of thofe who had taken it; that is, that they 
 might not be profecuted on that account: but with full li¬ 
 berty to every one not to fubferibe it. They had engaged 
 
 the Kingdom. They confided much in Cromwell's valour to maintain the rights of the King and Crown with ref- 
 and capacity, and impatiently expedted, that the end of the pedt to the Militia, the Great-Seal, nomination to offices, 
 fiege iie had undertaken, would enable him to join Lam- choice of Privy-Counfellors, negative voice in the Parlia- 
 leri in the North, and oppofe the Scots , who were ready ment. Moreover, they had concealed the contents of this 
 to enter England. treaty from the leading Presbyterians, and at the fame time 
 
 The Presbyterians had no army at all. Their whole communicated them to the King’s principal friends, 
 reliance was on the city of London : but their leaders were 3. Thefe fame Commiffioners had engaged Sir Marma- 
 extremely troubled to fee the magiftrates purfuing wrong duke Langdale and Sir Philip Mufgrave to raiie forces for 
 methods, whether by the artifices of the Cavaliers, or by the King and feize Berwick and Carlifle. 
 
 a too earned defire of peace. They hoped however, the 4. Thefe two Gentlemen had repaired to Edinburgh , Clarendon, 
 King, in his prefent circumftances, would immediately where they had often conferred with Duke Hamilton and I!I * p ‘ 9 ®* 
 grant their demands, in order to free himfelf out of the others of the King’s party, and when the Commiffioners 
 " ’ 1 ' ’ ’ ’ ’ 1 of England complained of their being fullered at Edinburgh, 
 
 they were only concealed, and the conferences with them 
 continued. 
 
 5. Duke Hamilton , before his departure from London , 
 had declared, he would do the King fignal fervice, and this 
 
 liands of the Independents, and unite the whole Kingdom 
 againft them. But they built upon no folid foundation. 
 
 Had there been a treaty at the time I am fpeaking of, 
 the King, who knew the Scotch army was not defigned 
 amiinft him, would have granted at moft but what he was 
 
 obliged to by his treaty with the Scotch commiffioners, Duke was placed at the head of the army, 
 which would not have been fufficient to content the Pres- 6. The fame Duke had entered into an engagement 
 byterians, as the fequel will (how. with Langdale , that as foon as the Scotch army was in 
 
 As for the Royalifts, the leading men being informed of England , there Ihould be no more mention of the Cove- 
 Duke' Hamilton's intentions, they mull have entertained nant, and all the King’s friends Ihould be received into the 
 great hopes. They flattered themfelves, that the Scots and army without diftindtion. It is true, he was afterwards 
 Presbyterians would equally affift in delivering the King reflrained by a decree of the Parliament of Scotland. B it 
 
 i he 
 
Book XXL 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 1648. he found means to evade it, by caufing Langdale to march 
 one day before him, as if Langdale had not a&ed by his 
 orders. But the contrary plainly appeared, when he was 
 defeated by Cromwell. 
 
 7. The Parliament of Scotland was called by the credit 
 °l ^[‘kc Hamilton and the Commiffioners who had treat¬ 
 ed with the King, and the Members were eledted by the 
 cabals of the fame party. 
 
 8. When the levying an army came to be debated in 
 the Parliament, it was ftrongly oppofed, as well by feve- 
 i-j! Lords, as by the General-Alfcmbly of the Kirk It 
 was folidly proved, that at lead the grounds of the war 
 ought to be declared before it was refolved. Proteftations 
 were alfo made againft it; but they were evaded, of which 
 there can be no other reafon given, but that the army was 
 dciigned for the King’s fervice, though it was not thought 
 proper to declare it. 
 
 9. Finally, when the Duke had entered England, he 
 took not the lead ftep to intimate he was come to fupport 
 the Presbyterian party. Indead of marching direaiy to 
 Condor 1, whilft Cromwell was at a didance, though he might 
 tie fure the Parliament and City were very defirous to join 
 him, he fpent above a month in the northern Counties 
 without any ncceffity. This eondufl therefore (hows, his 
 deftgn was not to affift the Presbyterians, though he intend¬ 
 ed to a£t againd the Independents. 
 
 What has been faid clearly proves, the Scotch army came 
 into England with deftgn to redore the King without 
 terms, under colour of delivering him from the Indepen¬ 
 dent.. dents. It is no wonder, that the Parliament, where the 
 S vlhTi'So 7' n §, ha <i f ew friends . frould declare this army enemies of 
 the Kingdom, as foon as their entrance was known. Ne- 
 verthelefs, as the Presbyterians were yet perfwaded, the 
 Scots were come to fupport them, it was with great drug¬ 
 gie that this Declaration palled the Houfe of Commons 
 Fourfcore and ten Presbyterian Members oppofed it to the 
 utmod of their power, fo far were they from imagining, 
 the Scots bad taken arms for the King’s intered. But it 
 was not long before they were undeceived. 
 
 The 28 th of July the Commons agreed at laft, that the 
 King fhould be treated with [upon the Hampton-Court 
 propontions J without being obliged to fign the three Bills 
 ,/unjy am- before-mentioned. In all likelihood the Presbyterians were 
 at length fenfible, that by deferring the treaty, they were 
 labouring for the mho c. _l. 1 r. 
 
 559 
 
 1198 . 
 
 The Inrlc- 
 \ pendent t re- 
 ■ t4'd the 
 Treaty by 
 
 u. P . .=06. “ tennoie, that by deferring the treaty, they were “ Majedy’s attendants, provided thev v 
 
 tu' 7; 6 - thc '“"i MCrmurt, who' was in'liie mTdfttf Thfc 
 4 c. ’ "j arc "s mould have joined Lambert. But it was not poili- 
 
 ble to advance fo far as would have been necedary to finiih 
 or even begin the treaty, before the revolution cached by 
 Duke Hamilton's defeat. The formalities which mud be 
 obferved m a Parliament, feveral unexpedted affairs, the ar¬ 
 rival of the Prince of Wales before Yarmouth , and after¬ 
 wards in thc Thames , afforded the Independent Members 
 frequent occafions to prolong the treaty. On all thefe oc- 
 caitons, they affeded to make tedious Speeches, which 
 waded many days fitting. When they faw it was not in 
 their power to fet aGde the treaty, or oblige the Houfe to 
 mfid upon thc three Bills, they feigned to confent freely 
 to the negotiation : but withal, perpetually found means to 
 Rnfhworth. delay it In a word, to know what were the fruits of 
 »of,*66 7 . thefe 3 r U t e \ ? need on, y be conr ' d ered, that the Com¬ 
 mons hrft refolution to treat with the King was on the 
 24th of May ; but they did not defift from the three Bills 
 till the 28th of July, that it was the 18th of September 
 before the negotiation began, and confequently this affair 
 held four months, without reckoning the time fpent in the 
 treaty. So, before the conferences began, Cromwell had 
 defeated Duke Hamilton, and was marching into Scotland 
 to hinder the Scots from returning to difturb England. On 
 the other hand, General Fairfax having taken Colche/ler , 
 was potted with his army within twenty miles of London 
 to awe the I arl.ament. It is therefore certain, when the 
 negotiation begun, affairs were far from being in the fame 
 ftate as when the treaty was refolved. The good fuccefs 
 of the army made the Presbyterians more timorous, and 
 the Independents more bold. But on the other fide, the 
 Kmg, Jofing all hopes of affiftance both from the Scots and 
 the Royalifts, found himfelf indifpenfably obliged to yield in 
 a treaty what he would never have granted, if the face of 
 his affairs had not been changed. Thefe are conf.derations 
 which I thought requifite, before I proceeded to what parted 
 the five laft months of the year 1648. 
 
 Since the Commons had confented to treat with the 
 King, without obliging him to fign the three Bills, five 
 days more had paffed before the manner, place, and time of 
 the treaty could be fettled (,). The King required that 
 all pcrlons might have accefs to him as when at Hampton- 
 Court : That the Scots ihould be invited to a ill it at the 
 
 7 ’ 7 ” d , a PP°i nt£d town of Newport in the Me of .6 t s. 
 Wight for the place of conference. The Commiffioners *>l- 
 who had been fent to him, having reported his deiires to t 
 the Houfes, the Lords, who were willing to difpateh this ttah 
 affair, two days after palled the following Votes: 
 
 « " •'% That the votes of both Houfes of Parliament, a- The won of 
 gainfirno farther addre/Tes and application to his Majeftv tbeLprd ‘ 
 
 ‘ be recalled. J 7 ’ ’hereupon. 
 
 .. ’’ T J? at fuch P erfons as h's Majefty fhall fend for, as iSii. 
 
 of neceilary ufe to him in the treaty, be admitted to v "v'ui 
 7 ait 011 him : And that hia Majefty be in the fame 
 
 “ clTt of freedom ’ “ he was kft |n at Hampton- 
 
 01 V 3 ' That fuch kmMs his Majefty fhall appoint, be 
 fent to wait on him. 
 
 “ llmoTwlg ^ for ,he Trcaty in “ 
 
 „ “ 5 - That the Scots be invited to treat with his Ma- 
 
 “ jefty. 
 
 ‘‘ 6 - £ bat his Majefty be admitted to invite them. 
 
 7 : Tbat the inftruilions given from both Houfes of 
 ci rri^ m , ent ’t t0 < -' olone ^ Hammond Governor of the Ifle 
 ol Wight , be recalled. 
 
 ,. A 8 ' T J.' at five L ° rds and tcn Commoners be chofen 
 Commiffioners, to treat with the King. 
 
 « “ 9 - That it be referred to the Committee of Lords and 
 Commons for peace, to prepare all things in readinefs for 
 tne ipeeding of the treaty.” 
 
 Thefe Votes being fent to the Commons, they did not 
 thmk proper to pafs them without fome amendments. 
 
 ‘ 1 he firft was admitted. Tie Ctm 
 
 .1 «»^ S n t0 n ,ile recond ’ the Commons ordered. That his 
 
 Majefty Ihould be defired to fend to the Houfes the names''!"®'""' - 
 „ °[ f 7 h P e ; fons » he ihould conceive to be of neceffaty R^Jont, 
 ule about him during the treaty ; they not being nerfons VII.p.isjo 
 , ' xce P ted againft by both Houfes of Parliament from par- 
 ‘ don, or that were then untjer reftraint, or in aflual wars 
 againft the Parliament by fea or land ; or in fuch num- 
 
 « d / aW j uft caufe of PuPpicion : and 
 
 that his Majefty Ihould be in the fame freedom, honour, 
 
 “ Court r ’ ^ h ° WhCtl hC WaS at Ham P ,m - 
 
 “Upon the third, they concurred in the vote fog his 
 Majcfty’s attendants, provided they were fuch as were 
 not in anv nf fKo (ormu. c.:C_ 
 
 7 'be King 
 Id. p. 122 
 
 The fourth was approved of. 
 
 c and fixth ’ the q ueftl ‘on, whether the 
 
 Scots fhould be invited by the Parliament, to fend com- 
 miffioners to treat with his Majefty upon the propofni- 
 c ons prefented to him at Hampton-Court , it was car- 
 “ ned in the negative. But it was ordered however, 
 
 tbeKin S fhould think fit to fend for any of the laj*. 31 * 
 Scotijh nation, to advife with him concerning the affairs 
 “ of the Kingdom of Scotland only, the Houfes would give 
 him a fafe-conduit. 
 
 “ Concerning the feventh, it was refolved, That before A ug .2r. 
 the recalling of Colonel Hammond' s inftruitions, they P* 
 
 ‘ ,hould fend a g ain to his Majefty, to let him know, how 
 ‘ far they had proceeded, as to a treaty, and to have his 
 ‘ Majefty’s approbation. 
 
 “ Thc e 'g hth “J ninth were admitted without anv 
 “ difficulty.” 1 
 
 The next day the Commons ordered new inftruitions , n n 
 to Colonel Hammond , viz. toCoUntT* 
 
 “ That the King be removed to Newport , and be in Han '™nd. 
 “ the fame condition and freedom there, as he was at “'k 
 “ Hampton-Court. Kuhwonh, 
 
 « TU r ■ , - „ VII. p.1236 
 
 1 fiat no perfon in the firft exception out of mercy Whuekck. 
 “ nor under reftraints of the Parliament, nor of late adu- 
 “ i'r ln arms a S ain ft the Parliament, be admitted to the 
 “ King. 
 
 ‘ T hat no perfon that hath been in arms againft the 
 ‘ Parliament, CTr. or of whom there is juft caufe of fof- 
 picion, be admitted into any fort or tower in the Ifle of 
 bright. 
 
 “ That no perfon of any foreign nation be admitted to 
 ‘ come into the fame Ifle, without leave of the Parlia- 
 “ ment. 
 
 u- ^jr tbe ^' n g dom °f Scotland fend any to treat with 
 ‘ his Majefty, they fhall have a pafs from both Houfes 
 and be admitted. 
 
 « “c ^ 13t ^ Ma j cft y pa ^ s bis r °y al w ord, not to go out 
 “ of the Ifland during the treaty, nor twenty-eight days 
 “ after, without the advice of both Houfes of Parliament ” 
 
 The next day, advice was brought of Duke Hamilton's n, d,f,„ 
 deteat. I he Independents thence hoped, they ihould bin- 
 dcr the conclufion of the treaty (a), and the Presbyterians, M 
 that the King would grant every thing, fince he had ioft tn-l 
 
 <***• - d ' -Si rai ' frem **. *><*- "• *• 
 
 the 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 560 
 
 16+8. 
 
 7l:i HISTORY »/ ENGLAND. 
 
 the nffiffance he depended upon, and was without any re- 
 fo'Tce. Thus, this event, though of the gteateit lmpor- 
 t ’„V,' caufcd no alteration in the difpofifion ot the parties 
 to" treat. A few days after they received alfo news of the 
 taking of Colchffter. , r , 
 
 The King having fent a lift ot the perfens he dchred 
 the Parliament excepted againft three, 
 Leg”, and Dtwcet, who were then 
 
 to ha\ 
 
 nbiiut him, 1 
 Jjhburnham-i 
 
 name. 
 
 I; wa! not only upon th’3 point, but M others, 
 ere d ... .1.• tried, tn-t they no,a forced to lend 
 
 exprefft .King. HI «<* ’ 'l l kZ 
 
 commiffioners departed not from Lmdm tor Atto- 
 • r|;i the t ith of Scpur.hr, and the conferences began 
 nohtiil the 18th. It was agreed, they Ihould continue forty 
 days only. , 
 
 Whilft preparations were making for the trear) 
 
 Pi inee of Wales, who lay in the Downs with his fleet, 
 a latter to the Houfe of 'Peers, wherein hi 
 
 the 
 fent 
 k notice of 
 
 to a perfonal treaty, and flrther cx- 
 
 Whitelock. 
 
 RufhWwith, 
 
 VH.p.iazc 
 
 ;c days at the moft, and to have fixed an exprefled time 
 
 for the ending of this prefent Parliament. 
 
 “ 4. That They would have exempted matters of Reli- 
 “ sioii and God’s worfhip from the compulfive or reftric- 
 “ tive power of any authority. 
 
 “ 5. That none be forced or prefled to ferve in war. 
 
 “ 6. That they would have made both Kings, Queens, 
 “ Princes, Dukes, Earls, Lords, and all perfons, alike 
 ‘ £ liable to every law of the land. 
 
 “ 7. That all Commoners be freed from the jurifdic- 
 “ tion of the Lords in all cafes ; and to have taken care, 
 “ that all tryals be only of twelve fworn men ; and no 
 
 con vision but upon two or more fufficient known wit- 
 “ nefleis. 
 
 “ 3 . That none be examined againft themfelves, nor 
 “ be punifhed for doing of that, againft which no law 
 “ hath been provided. 
 
 “ 9. That the proceedings in law be abbreviated, miti- 
 “ gated and made certain, the charge thereof in all par- 
 “ ticulars. 
 
 « 10. That all trade and merchandizing be made free 
 “ from ail monopolizing and engrafting, by companies or 
 “ otherwife. 
 
 “ 11. That the Excife and all kind of taxes, except 
 “ fubiidies, be taken of. 
 
 “ iz. That you would have laid open all late inclofures 
 
 of fens, and other commons, or have enclofed them only 
 
 the progrefs made 
 
 Prt i l c 1 "J h Th«"the treaty Ihould be in fuch place and man- 
 “ ner, as miaht confift with the honour, freedom, and 
 « ialLtr of Ids Majefty his Fathers ft that the agree. 
 
 “ ment m in net lie blemilhed with any face ot reftraint. 
 
 « a. That the tteatv might be between the King, and Ills 
 
 two Kingdoms of Enchina y’" V, .Ter ,1 cefTation of “ or chiefly to the benefit of the poor. 
 
 “ nl ’ g V^haA'mSeme fubfiftence, 'during the trea- “ 1 3 - that they would have conf,dered_ the many 
 
 arms. 
 
 ; ty, might be ag 
 
 eed 
 
 upon, 
 
 
 the tfea- 
 
 all armies and forces then 
 un foot^, and particularly the Scots army in England 
 
 - That a courfe might he taken to content him,^and 
 “ his fhips in the Dawns , with money and ptoVifion. 
 
 It does not appear, the Lords took any notice of this 
 letter, and the rather, as the Prince made no mention, that 
 it ihould be communicated to the Commons. 
 
 ['ye fame day the Lords received this letter, a petition 
 •was profaned to both Houfes from the Common-council of 
 London , deli ring, , , : c 
 
 That the King’s Majefty might be free from re- 
 
 “ ftraint. 
 
 “ 2. Invited to a treaty. 
 
 “ i. That all acls of hoflility by fea and land, might, 
 “ hv command of King and Parliament, ceafe. 
 
 td That the government of the Church might be 
 « fettled according to the Covenant. 
 
 “ 5. That dillicflcd Ireland might be relieved. 
 
 ** 6. The people of England , by disbanding all armies, 
 c. ca f c d J the liberty of the Subjects reftored ; the laws of 
 ‘ c the lalid eftablilhed. 
 
 The members of both Houfes enjoined to attend 
 « the Houfe for the f.-rvice of the Kingdom. 
 
 “ 8. That the Self-denying ordinance might be effe&ually 
 “ obferved And _ . , 
 
 “ Q' Speedy confideration had of the condition or luch 
 “ merchants, Svhofe fhips and goods were flayed by thofe 
 with the Prince ; and that fonie expedient might be 
 thought of, for difeharge of all fhips, that trade be not 
 i( deftroyed.” 
 
 The Re iermado-officers prefented the fame day a peti- 
 
 - tion of the like import ; praying moreover, that all offi¬ 
 cers and foldiers (without exception) might be paid their 
 arrears. 
 
 The Commons returned in anfvver to the Common- 
 mncil of London, that it was their intention to treat with 
 
 7 t( Wc- 
 
 firJ-ntt be 
 
 £"' r 'J :ir ‘ 
 
 the King, that they had acquainted his Majefty with 
 and that there was no room to queftion but the King was 
 in the fame difpofition. Then they communicated to the 
 Council the Votes that were palled in the Houfe on that 
 occafion. 
 
 All this palTed before the defeat of the Scotch army. 
 
 : vc- But after the news of that great event, and the taking of 
 1 r. Co!chc/!ir , the Independents in and about London , who 
 had been quiet flnee the removal of the army, and before 
 anv dec 1 lion, began to hold up their heads. The nth of 
 ‘{‘n. September, two days before the departure of the commif- 
 '• fjoners for the Ifle of Wight, they prefented a petition to 
 the Parliament, fubferibed by fcveral thoufands, openly 
 ...cki complaining of the Commons proceeding., which, they 
 fakl, flowed from the corruption of moft of the members. 
 
 : .. t ns, why they ... 
 
 them in this war with their perfons and purfes, and let 
 them know, they expe&ed other v.ws from them than a 
 treaty with the King, and particularly, 
 
 “ 1 That they would make good the Supremacy of the 
 a People tin m all pretences ot negative voices either in 
 « the King or Lords. ^ 
 
 “ 2. That the,- would have made laws for election of 
 “ reprefentatives yearly, and of courfe, without writ or 
 tl fummons. 
 
 “ 3. That Uieir time of fitting exceed i o: forty or ntty 
 
 “ thoufands that are ruined by perpetual imprifonment for 
 “ debt, and provided to their enlargement. 
 
 “ 14. Have ordered feme effectual courfe to keep pco- 
 «« pie from begsing and beggary, in fo fruitful a nation, as 
 “ through God’s bleffing this is. 
 
 “ 15. That they would have proportioned punifh- 
 “ ments more equal to offences, that fo men’s lives and 
 « effates might not be forfeited upon trivial and flight oc- 
 “ cafions. 
 
 tc 16. Have removed the tedious burthen of tythes, fatif- 
 “ fying all impropriators, and providing a more equal way 
 “ of maintainance for our poor Minifters. 
 
 “ 1 7. Have raifed a flock of money out of confifcatcd 
 <c effates, for payment of thofe who contributed volunta- 
 t£ rily above their abilities, before thofe that disburfed out 
 “ of their fuperfluities. 
 
 “ 18. Bound themfelves and all future Parliaments from 
 “ abolifhing propriety, levelling mens effates, or making 
 “ all things common. 
 
 ££ 19. That they would have declared, what the duty 
 “ or bufinefs of the Kingly office is, and what not 5 and 
 l£ afeertained the revenue pall increafe or diminution ; 
 
 “ that fo there might never be more quarrels about the 
 <c fame. 
 
 “ 20. That they would have reflifled the elc&ion of 
 ££ publick officers lor the city of London, of every parti- 
 “ cular company therein; reftoring the commonalty there- 
 ££ of to their juft rights, moft unjuftly with-held from 
 ££ them, to the producing and maintaining corrupt in- 
 ££ tereft, oppoflte to common freedom, and exceeding- 
 ££ ly prejudicial to the trade and manufactures of this 
 “ nation. 
 
 “ zi. That they would have made full and ample re- 
 “ parations to all perfons that had been oppreffed, by fen- 
 “ tences in High-Commiffion, Star-Chamber, ajid Coun- 
 “ cill-board ; or by any kind of monopolizers or projec- 
 “ tors, and that out of the effates of thofe that were au- 
 “ thors, actors, or promoters of fo intolerable mifehiefs, 
 “ and that without much attendance. 
 
 “ 22. That they would have abolifhed all Committees, 
 “ and have conveyed all bufinefies into the true method of 
 the ufual tryals of the Commonwealth. 
 
 “ 23. That they would not have followed the example 
 of former tyrannous and fuperftitious Parliaments, in 
 making orders, ordinances, or law?, or in appointing 
 punifliinents concerning opinions, or things fupernatural, 
 lifting fome blafphemies, others hereffes. 
 
 ‘ £ 24. That they would have declared what the bufi- 
 nefs of the Lords is, and afeertain their condition, not 
 derogating from the liberties of other men; that fo there 
 might be an end of driving about the fame. 
 
 £t 25. That they would have done juftice upon the capi¬ 
 tal authors and promoters of the former or late wars. 
 l ' 26. That they would have provided conftant pay for 
 the army, and given rules to all Judges, and all other 
 publick Officers throughout the land, tor their indemni¬ 
 ty ; and for the faving harmjefs all that have any ways 
 affifled them. 
 
 l ' a - . That they would have laid to heart the abun¬ 
 dance of innocent olood that hath been fpilt, and the 
 infinite fpoil and haveck that hath been made ol peacea¬ 
 ble, harmlcL people, by exprefs com million from the 
 
 King 
 
 64S. 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 25 . CHARLES! 
 
 5 6t 
 
 fiiitelock. 
 
 ► imwcll 
 ■ rches 
 
 :64s. “King; and felioufly to have confidered, whether the phantly into England. He left Lamhrt, however, in Sat- 16+8- 
 “ juftice of God be likely to be fatisfied, or is his yet con- land, with three or four Regiments, at the requeft of the 
 
 “ turning wrath appeafed by an aft of oblivion.” Seals, who believed they fliould want them, to awe thofe 
 
 Though the petitioners did not call themfelves Indepen- who might defire to raife new commotions*, 
 dents, the principles of that party were but too vifible in Whilil Cromwell was in queft of Monroe in Scotland, c.nf,* mn 
 thefe articles to doubt from what quarter they came. and three days before General Fairfax came to St Albans 
 K'iur r Tl ! e 6me *>d commanders of {hips pre- the conferences for peace beganat Newport!)). Tho h 
 
 thc lute petition, complaining of the tyranny of the the two Houfes had defrfted from the condition, that the r- 'its! 
 
 Irhwml, Parliament King fhould fign the three bills before the treaty, they had . 
 
 EflSh . . hc . V rl,amen t thought not proper to anfwer thefe Pe- not relinquiflred the thing itfelf. The very firft day, the Colur. 
 [i«rr uorttntons(ithough two days after, the firft prefented an- Commiffioners prefented to the King, the draughts of thc 
 •*""* other to defire an anfwer [to every part of their Petition.] three bills. By the firft, the Presbyterian government was 
 
 It was no proper junaure to provoke the Independents, eftabhflied for ever in the Church of England, Epifcopacy frefinsedn 
 by fuch an anlwer as this petition deferved. abolilhed, with the whole Hierarchy, and the fale of Bi- 
 
 Before I enter upon the particulars of the treaty at New- Ihops lands appointed. By the fecond, the King left the 
 port, it is abfolutely neceffary to relate what pafled in the power of the Militia for thirty years in the hands of both 
 North of England, and in Scotland. Houfes. By the third, all the King's proclamations and 
 
 rches Monroe who was leading from Scotland three or four declarations againft the Parliament, or their adher-rvs 
 hfl Mon- thoufand men (z) to Duke Hamilton , had entered a good were recalled. The laft of thefe bills bezan with tlicle Dlfpr.te 
 • way into England, when the Scotch army was vanquifhed words, Whereas the Parliament have been necefjtatid to make “ h,h ‘ 
 (hwor^h, and difperfed. After this vidory, Cromwell , without lo- and profecute a war in their juft and lawful defence. See ZTof'thf 
 
 to, 1^6,’ ?> n g time in purfuing the reft of the army which was not 1 he King fcrupled not to agree to the fubftance of the bill three mu. 
 
 •9, &c. in condition to do any mifehief, left Lambert with fome hut objected againft the preamble, which charged him in- Rulhworrh * 
 “ teoc • troops to finifh their deftrudtion, and immediately march- diredly with having made war upon the Parliament, and 
 
 ed in queft of Monroe. The Englijh that were with this defired it might be omitted, to which the Commiffioners clarendon, 
 Scotch General ufed their utmoft endeavours to perfuade would never confent, bccaufe they were, by their Inftruc- & 1 .' p ' 1631 
 him to give Cromwell battle: But it was not poflible to tions, not to depart from a tittle of wha’t was contained in C * 
 prevail with him. He chofe rather to retire northward, the three bills. This difpute held feven days, and it”was Tllf King 
 and always kept at fo great diftance, that there was no the 25th of September, before the King contented at lafH !lWl ’ 
 overtaking him. Ncverthelefs Cromwell continued his to pafs the bill, with the preamble. But it was on con- 
 march, and hearing that Lambert had entirely deftroyed the dition, that nothing fliould be binding, unlefs the whole 
 
 Scotch army, fent him orders to march to Carlife , where were agreed on, and the treaty figned. * This article being 
 
 Mufgrave ftill remained with fome troops, and after clear- thus difpatched, they proceeded to the reft, on which were 
 ing thofe parts, to come and join him in order to enter great debates, and particularly concerning Religion. As 
 fhwonh. Scotland together. When Cromwell came near Berwick, he the King law the Commiffioners would not, or couid not 
 Sticeiockf’ writ t0 the Committee of Eftates to require them to call yield any thing, lie hoped to fhorten the negotiation, by 
 home Monroe, and deliver Berwick and Carlife , otherwife dewing the two Houfes, how far he could comply with 
 they were to expetft a war. A few days alter he pur Cued regaid to the moft important articles. He fent therefore 
 his march ^towards Scotland, having left fome Regiments to a mellage to explain his intentions, and make them the 
 
 following offers. 
 
 Concerning Religion. 
 
 ihland. 
 
 fey] 
 
 block up Berwick. 
 
 Duke Hamilton's defeat, and Cromwell's threats, entirely 
 y ier ^^ changed the face of affairs in Scotland. The Marquifs of 
 stgaLjl Argyle, who had not been able to prevent the railing of an 
 Inroe. army, and had been forced tofubmit to the oppofite party, 
 CSo, became fuperior again, and was fupported by all who were 
 >4. againft the war. The Committee of Eftates daily loft 
 their authority, and were feconded only by Monroe, who 
 was at length returned into Scotland. So, the Marquifs of 
 Argyle being affured of thc approbation of moft of the peo¬ 
 ple, levied three or four thoufand men to oppofe Monroe , 
 whom the Earl of Lanerick had joined, with fome new- 
 E :i 7?* raifed troops. They had fecured Sterling bridge, which 
 hindered the Marquifs of Argyle from making any progrefs, 
 unwell though his forces had been more numerous. But Cromwell 
 fib* ’h k r °ke all their meafures, by not flaying at Berwick , but 
 [tejnb^o. marching diredly to Edinburgh. He thereby forced the 
 ■ 182. Committee of Eftates to fly from thence, anddifperfe, for 
 f ea > of being inclofed between the Englijh , and the Marquifs 
 ■ne»r fit- °f Argyle' s forces. Then the Earl of Lanerick, and Monroe , 
 \th!m. being unable to continue the war, came to an agreement 
 upon the following terms : 
 
 'tides be- “ r * That both the armies fhould be disbanded. 
 
 ren the “ 2, That a Parliament fhould be called to fit before 
 
 1 em**' ** tbe zotb January. 
 
 imroc. “ 3 - That the fettling of Religion be referred to the 
 p. 1288* determination of the General-Aflembly,and all civil quef- 
 
 “ tions to the determination of Parliament. 
 
 ** 4* Ehat a new Committee of Eftates be appointed, to 
 “ confift only of fuch Members as protefted in Parliament 
 “ againft the late engagement: And in cafe any of the 
 <c forces under Monroe fhould continue inarms, that then 
 “ the faid Committee fhould raife forces to fupprefs the 
 “ fame. 
 
 “ 5. That none who had been acceflary to the late en- 
 “ gagement, fhould be challenged to take away their lives 
 “ and eftates, £f fc. provided they did declare under their 
 “ hand-writing, to the Lord-Chancellor, or Prefident of 
 “ the Committee of Eftates, that they accepted of, and 
 “ fubmitted to the prefent engagement. 
 
 “ 6. That all perfons taken in war, fince the fecond of 
 “ Auguf, be releafed.” 
 
 #jnwell u The face of affairs being thus changed, and the King’s 
 Snbur"h* P art ^ d ‘fy e T cd , Cromwell repaired to Edinburgh , where he 
 LwL’ was received with great refpeft. He obtained the rellitu- 
 tion of Berwick and Carlife , and having concerted proper 
 meafures with the Marquifs of Argyle , returned trium- 
 
 
 - u HisMajefty will confcnt, that d Me/fage 
 
 « H7 ca ! lln g and fating of the aflembly of Divines at#*"* . 
 tt ftjhmrfcr be confirmed for three years by act of Par- j-rl'f 7 , J’h 
 liainent, and confirms for three years the Directory, his “ff crs ‘ 
 
 „ th f fo ™ of Church-government, to be ufed for the 
 « Churches of England and Inland, and Dominion of 
 „ fales, provided that his Majelly, and thofe of his 
 ^ judgment, or any other, who cannot in confcience fub- 
 mit thereunto, be not in the mean time obliged to com- 
 ply with the fame; and that a free confutation and de- 
 M bate ’ be had w ‘th the Aflembly of Div ines at Wejlminfer 
 tt * n . lbe mean l * me > twenty of his Majefty’s nomination 
 cc ^ ein g added to them, whereby it may be determined by 
 tt h- Majefty, and his two Houfes of Parliament, how 
 a ^ lurc ^'S 0Vernment > and form of publick wor- 
 
 ihip, after the faid time, and how Religion may be fet- 
 tled, and the articles determined, and care taken for thc 
 eafe of tender confciences.” 
 
 2. Concerning the Bifhops lands and revenue. <c His 
 / Majelly will confent to an act or ads of Parliament, 
 whereby legal eftates for lives, or for years, not exceed- 
 t( ^ n S ninety-nine, fhall be made for thofe lands, towards 
 the fatisfadlion of the purchafers, and to others to whom 
 ‘‘ they are engaged, whereby they may receive fatisfadli- 
 ** on > provided that the propriety and inheritance of thofe 
 “ lands, may ftill remain to the Church, and the reft that 
 fhall be referved to be for their maintenance. 
 
 “ 3 * His Majefty will give his royal affent for the 
 “ better obfervation of the Lord’s-day, for fupprefling of 
 ** Innovations in Churches and Chapels, in and about the 
 “ worfhip of God, and for the better advancing of the 
 <c preaching of God’s holy word in all parts of this King- 
 “ dom; and to an a£t againft enjoying pluralities of bene- 
 “ fices by fpiritual perfons, and non-refidency ; for regu- 
 “ lating and reforming both Univer.lities, and the Colleges 
 “ of IVfminfter , Winchejler , and Eaton ; for thc better 
 “ difeovery, and fpeedy convidlion of popifli Recufants, 
 
 <c for the education of the children of Papifts, by Protef- 
 “ tants, in the Proteftant Religion, for levying penalties 
 “ againft Papifts: To an a£l to prevent the practices of 
 “ Papifts againft the State, and for putting the laws in ex- 
 “ cution, and for a ftri&er courfe to prevent hearing, and 
 “ faying of Mafs. 
 
 “ 4. As to the Covenant, his Majefty is not yet 
 “ therein fatisfied, that he can fign or fwear it, or con- 
 “ fent to impofe it on the confciences of others; nor 
 
 e of cbe 
 
 « ^ 1 Ho j lfe f return y d anfwer to the Independents Petition to this effefl: “ That the Houfe gave them thanks for their great pains anJ c 
 
 publick good of thc Kingdom, and would fpeedily take their defires into confideration.” Ritjhsstsrth, Tom. VII. p. tayS. 
 
 1 i-u 10 t *' e beginning of September, above feven thoufand men, Englijh, Scots, and Irijh, under his command. Idem. p. 125-0. 
 
 / h c/■» WCre • “ Sir WMam Hodges's houfe. Rsijhworth, Tom. VII. p. 115-9.-The Commiffioners were five Lords, vin, the Earls of Pcm- 
 
 Irf-e, .Ythsbxry, Middlefex, Northumberland, and the Lord Say; and ten Commoners, viz. Dental Holies, Lord Wenman, {vt[. (icrrettsjnt, Sir Henry Pane, 
 ,i.nr 1 -,r ... Mr. ’Brown, M t.QrcW) Recorder Giya, Sir John Pelts, and Mr. Unite ley. Wtriuloib, p.33}. 
 
 r Harbottlc Grimjh t, 
 
 No, LXXII, Voi. II. 
 
 7 C 
 
 cloth 
 
5 6 - 
 
 ioe 
 
 HISTORY (/ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 *6^1 
 
 Remark on 
 thefe ojftrl. 
 
 rcjtflel. 
 Rulhworth, 
 VII. p.liSi. 
 
 p. 1286, 
 
 Tit Kj”X 
 
 Sen fin! 1 ft 
 the jirt-tl 
 
 about the 
 
 M'tHti 
 
 Rulhworth, 
 VII. p.n< 
 WhucJock. 
 V- 34 *' 
 
 “ doth conceive it proper, cr ufeful, at this time, to be 
 “ infilled on(i). 
 
 “ 5. Touching the Militia, his Majefty will content to 
 « an aft of Parliament, to be in the Parliament’s hands 
 “ for ten years. 
 
 “ 6. Touching Ireland, after advice with his two 
 “ Houfes, he will leave it to their determination, and give 
 “ his confent accordingly. 
 
 “ 7. Touching publick debts, his Majefty will give his 
 “ confent to fuch an aft, or railing of moneys by general 
 “ and equal taxations. 
 
 “ 8. He propofeth, that he may have liberty forthwith 
 <e t0 come to IVeJlminJler , and be reftored to a condition 
 “ of freedom and fafety, a thing which he lhall never 
 “ deny to any of his Subjects, and to the poffeffion of his 
 « c lands and revenues j and that an aft of oblivion and in- 
 demnity may pafs, to extend to all perfons, for all matters 
 t£ relating to the late differences, which being agreed by 
 « his two Houfes of Parliament, his Majefty will be ready 
 “ to make thefe his concelfions binding, by giving them 
 “ the force of laws by his royal aflent (2). 
 
 If thefe offers concerning Religion arc confidered, with 
 refpeft to the King’s private opinion, they may be faid to 
 be great condefcenfions, perhaps greater than his confcience 
 allowed, fince it was his real belief, there was no true 
 Church without Bifiiops. But if thefe fame offers are con¬ 
 fidered, with regard to the Presbyterians and Independent'-, 
 of whom the Parliament confided, they will be found to 
 be by no means fatisfaftory. They were only a fort of in¬ 
 terim, which tended to make them lofe the prefent op¬ 
 portunity to abolifh Epifcopacy entirely. 
 
 I cannot forbear making another remark on thisoccafion. 
 The King artfully endeavoured, fo to order it, that his 
 own propofitions fhould be treated upon, which the Par¬ 
 liament had ever refufed, fo apprehenfive were they of the 
 ufual ambiguities and reflriftions in the King’s papers, and 
 of which there is even heie a frelh inftance, in the firft 
 article concerning Religion. But he was difappointed now, 
 
 • as well as before. The Parliament, without taking notice 
 of his offers (3), ordered the Commiliioners to proceed 
 folcly according to their inftruftions. 
 
 Whereupon the King delivered a paper to the Commif- 
 fioners, containing the reafons why he could not confent 
 to the abolition of Epifcopacy, which, he faid, he con¬ 
 ceived to he of Apoftolical Inftitution. That as to the file 
 of Church-lands, he affirmed it to be real facrilege, befidcs, 
 that at his Coronation, he had fworn to maintain the rights 
 of the Clergy. All thefe reafons, with many more that 
 might have been added, fignified nothing to the Commii- 
 fioners, who had no power to relax on any point. All they 
 could do, was to fend them to the Parliament, and expeft 
 their orders. But, this delayed the conclufion of the treaty, 
 and confumed the time which the King and Parliament 
 ought eq jally to have improved. 
 
 Some d.'.'/s after, the King being defirous to gain the 
 good- .. ill 1 r both Houfes, and fome conceffion in favour of 
 Epifcopacy, which was the principal, and, as I may fay, 
 the only point that hindered the conclufion of the treaty, 
 declared to the Commiffioners, “ that he confented for the 
 “ fettling the Militia by fea and land, in the Parliament’s 
 “ hands for twenty years, and for confirming for three 
 “ years by aft of Parliament, the formof Church-govern- 
 “ inent, and Directory for worfhipprefented to him. But 
 “ he added, that he was notfatisfied in his confcience, or 
 “ could be content to the utter abolilhing of Epifcopacy j 
 “ the fubftance whereof he conceived to confift in the 
 “ power of ordination and jurifdiction, as they were ex- 
 “ ercifed by the Apofties themfelvcs, and others, by au- 
 “ thority derived from them, fuperior to Presbyters and 
 tc Deacons in the primitive times. His refolution being to 
 « comply with his two Houfes, for the alteration and re- 
 “ gulatingof his prefent Hierarchy and Government, fo 
 “ as Epifcopacy reduced to the primitive ufage, might be 
 “ fettled and continued in the Church of England , and if 
 e: his two Houfes lhould fo advife, his Majefty would be 
 “ content to leff'en the extent, and multiply the number 
 “ of the Diocefes. 
 
 “ As to the exception, that his Majefty had not ex- 
 <e preffed his confent for fettling of Bilhops lands upon 
 “ truftees, and for the fale of thofc lands; it was true he 
 “ had, not to alienate the inheritance of thofe lands, and 
 “ herein he believed he had the concurrent opinions of 
 “ many Divines, that in other points differed much 
 tc among themfelves: But his former anfwer containing a 
 “ large offer of fatisfaftion to all thofe that had purchafed 
 “ or disburfed monies upon thofe lands, he hoped that an- 
 “ fwer would be fatisfaftory to his two Houfes. 
 
 “ For the calling and fitting of the Affembly of Divines, 
 lc his Majefty would aflent as was defired. 
 
 4 -‘ That his Majefty would confirm the publick ufc of 
 “ the D.rectory in all Churches and Chapels, as was de 
 “ fired in the propofiticn, and would confent to the rc- 
 “ peal of fo much of all Statutes, as cnlv concerned the 
 “ book of Common-Prayer, and alfothe taking the lame 
 “ away out of all Churches and Chapels, provided thac die 
 “ ufe thereof might be continued in his M:\jc fly’s Cl, a pel 
 “ for himfelf and his houfhold : And that the fame fhould 
 “ be confirmed by Aft of Parliament for three years, 
 “ provided only that a confutation in the mean time be 
 “ had with the Affembly of Divines in fuch a manner, 
 “ and for the purpofes as were in his former anfwer ex- 
 “ preffed. 
 
 “ Touching the articles of Religion, his Majefty pro- 
 “ feffed, he had not had time fince they were delivered 
 “ unto him, to look into them with that deliberation 
 “ which was requifite, before he bound himfelf up and his 
 “ fubjefts in matter of Faith and Doctrine ; and therefore 
 “ defired, that part of the propofition might be refpited 
 « by his two Houfes. But he would confent to an Aft 
 “ for better obfervation of the Lord’s-day j asalfo to pre- 
 “ vent the faying of mafs. 
 
 “ Laftly, concerning the Covenant, and the ordinance 
 “ concerning the fame, his Majefty’s anfwer was, that 
 “ he not being fatisfied to take it or impofe it on others, 
 “ he conceived his two Houfes would not infill upon it 
 “ at that time, and the rather, becaufe the ends thereof 
 “ would be obtained by the agreement if happily con¬ 
 cluded." 
 
 : ;. 8 . 
 
 Some days after, the two Houfes received advice from Riv'i. .vorrh: 
 their Commiffioners, that the King had lully confented to ' 1 ” p ' Us ' 
 
 the propofition concerning Ireland. 
 
 By a letter which came the 17th of October, they heard, 
 the King had agreed to the propofitions concerning the pub¬ 
 lick debts, and for taking away all honours and titles con¬ 
 ferred fince the 20th of May 1642. 
 
 By another of the itfth, that concerning Delinquents, 
 his Majefty offered, 
 
 “ That all perfons who had any hand in the plotting, H ’ '"’h 
 “ defigning, or affifting the rebellion in Ireland , fhould . 
 
 “ expert no pardon, as was expreifed in the firft branch t« DeH»- ■ 
 “ of the propofition. As to all the reft of the propofitions 
 “ his Majefty could not confent thereunto, as was pro- wu'xock. 
 “ pofed, otherwife than in the following manner : viz. 
 
 “ As for all other perfons comprifed in the laid firft branch, 
 
 “ his Majefty, for fatisfaftion of his two Houfes, would 
 “ give way, that they might moderately compound for 
 ** their eftates, and defired they might be admitted to the 
 “ fame; and for removing of diftrufl and interruptions 
 “ of the publick fettlements, his Majefty would confent 
 “ as follovveth. That fuch of them as the two Houfes of 
 “ Parliament would infill on, fhould not be admitted to 
 “ his councils, and be reftrained from coming to Court, 
 
 “ at fuch diilance as both Houfes fhould think fit, and 
 <c fhould not have any office and employment in the Com- 
 “ monwealth, without the confent of both Houfes of Par- 
 “ liament; or fhould abfent themfelves out of the King- 
 tc dom for fome time, if both Houfes of Parliament fhould 
 “ think fit. That all other perfons in that propofition 
 “ fhould fubmit to a moderate compofition, and for the 
 “ fpaccof three years fhould not fit, or ferve as members, 
 
 <c or affift in either Houfe of Parliament, without confent 
 “ of both Houfes.” 
 
 The time fixed for the continuance of the treaty being T: _" r "'f er 
 almoft expired, and nothing fettled on the article of Epif- 7 * 
 copacy, which was properly the only point on which «•••!•. 
 difficulties occurred, the two Houfes found an expedient to vu^pTi'I^s 
 prolong the negotiation a week, by ordering, that the 
 Sundays and Fafl-days fhould not be accounted part of the 
 forty days allowed for the conferences. 
 
 The 2ill of October the King fent a frefh meffage to 'fe 
 both Houfes concerning Epifcopacy. Cromwell was on • Ki '' 
 the road to join the army, and it was to be feared, il the ; ..7. 
 treaty was not concluded before his arrival, he woulJ raife 
 invincible obftacles to it. The King fufficiently knew 
 him, to believe there was no good to be expected from him. 
 
 He believed therefore, that to haften the conclufion of the 
 treaty, to which the affair of Epifcopacy was the grand 
 obilacle, he ought to make fome farther conceffions on 
 that point. Wherefore he acquainted the two Houfes, by 
 this meffage: 
 
 “ 1. That he confented to the abolilhing of Archbifhops, 
 
 “ Chancellors, Deans and Chapters, idc. and the whole 
 “ Hierarchy, except Bifhops. 
 
 “ 2. That for three years no other but Presbyterian 
 
 (1) This was to avoid incenfing tha Independents, who were entirely again ft fubmkting to the Covenant. Rapm. ( . 
 
 iij More than -'.is fiys K-l.iVf/.. !•) could not be obtained of the King, chough moft earneliiy begged by feme of the Cotnin dfivncrs I 
 
 •».. • .. d on their knees, partiaj.arly as to the pr.Tpofr.ion tourhi.ig Religion. WhittMt, p. 34 ®* 
 
 .)) They voted them unlatisiaftory. See R«/nwor.'/j, Tcm. VII. i;. iijv Wbitfljfp, p. 34°’ 
 
 “ Government 
 
Book XXL 
 
 2 5 - 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 
 ■<+ 8 . 
 
 1 ir_ KJt'R 
 
 m of the 
 
 md to the 
 iffrejfo,, of 
 
 r nfuft 
 give » 
 
 tisfiedvlih . 
 
 “ Government fhould be ufed, and the exercife of epif- 
 “ copal Government fhould be wholly fufpended during 
 “ that time. 
 
 “ 3. Whereas epifcopal Jurifdidlion, if no other had 
 “ been agreed upon in the mean time, might have rifen 
 “ up after the three years, he now expreffed his confent, 
 “ that none fhould be exercifed after that time other than 
 “ Ordination, which was retrained to thecounfel and af- 
 “ fiftar.ee of Presbyters, but fuch, and in fuch manner as 
 “ fhould be agreed by him and his two Houfes; where- 
 <c by until fuch agreement, or if it were not other- 
 “ wife agreed, epifcopal Jurifdiction was wholly laid 
 “ afide.” 
 
 His Majefty alfo that day confented to the following 
 propofitions: 
 
 “To that for nomination of the great Officers of the 
 Kingdom, to be by both Houfes during the term of ten 
 years. 
 
 “To thofe concerning the city of London , and the great 
 Seal. 
 
 “To that concerning the Court of Wards, &c. a re- 
 “ compence being afiured to his Majefty of one hundred 
 “ thoufand pounds per Annum to him, his heirs and fuccef- 
 “ fors, in lieu of the Court of Wards.” 
 
 The Commiffioners acquainting the King that his an- 
 *" wer concern < n g Epifcopacy would not be fatisfadlory to 
 ufliwnrdvthe two Houfes, and earneftly preffing him to give them 
 ** a fuller, he told them in writing, he could not abfolutely 
 relinquifh Epifcopacy. He repeated his offers on that head, 
 adding only, that if in the fpace of three years he was 
 convinced, that the fundlion of Bifhops was not agreeable 
 to the word of God, or that Chrilt commanded any other 
 Government, he would moft chearfully embrace it: but 
 till he was fo convinced, he believed himfelf bound in con- 
 fcience to maintain Epifcopacy. 
 
 'I he Coqjmons fpent four or five days in debates upon 
 the King’s offers and anfwers, and voted them unfatisfac- 
 jfjngs tor y> as to the point of Epifcopacy, the Lords concurring 
 firs, " with them. 
 
 h? 3C7 ^ ^e ^ ame was voted concerning the King’s anfwer about 
 
 308. talcing the Covenant, and abolifhing Popery, for that he 
 'hitelock. defired to have it tolerated in the Queen’s Chapel and Fa¬ 
 mily. The Houfes were likewife diilatisfied with the an¬ 
 fwers about alienating Bifhops lands, and fale of Deans and 
 Chapters, and concerning Delinquents. Thus, the peace 
 feemed more remote than ever, efpecially, as the Lords 
 concurred with the Commons in the alienation of Church- 
 lands. 
 
 demmA As the time limited for the conferences was about to 
 lout Ire- ex P ,re ’ , ^ ie ^ e resolutions were fpeedily fent to the com- 
 n d. miffioners, with orders to demand the King’s final and po- 
 uftiworth, fitive anfwer, and by a fpecial meffage the Commons alfo 
 .P.i^° 5 'defired of the King, that his Majefty would be pleafed to 
 declare cxprcfsly againft the Irijh rebellion, and the ceffa- 
 tion concluded with the rebels, and forbid the junction of 
 the Marquifs of Ormond’s forces with the Irijb Papifts to 
 make war upon the Protettants. But as there remained 
 only three days, which was not a fufficient time to receive 
 the King’s anlwer, the Lords prevailed witli the Com¬ 
 mons to prolong the treaty a fortnight, and the rather, as 
 Marenann the had deiired to confer with Dr. UJhcr Archbifliop 
 (I. P . 1 7 \, of Armagh , and the Bifhops of Worcejlcr and Rochejier , 
 upon the affairs of the Church. But as much was not 
 to be expedled from this delay, the commiffioners were al¬ 
 lowed to return to the Parliament, leaving three of their 
 number to receive the King’s final anfwer (1). Twelve 
 of the commiffioners coming to London , reported to the 
 Parliament the King’s final anfwer, which had been de¬ 
 livered to them the 9th of November , and was to this 
 effect: 
 
 “ That his conceffions had been mifapprehended, and 
 that he did not intend to make any more new Bifhops 
 - during the term of three years. 
 
 “ That whereas it might be objected. That in the end 
 '* of three years the power of Ordination fhould be prac- 
 ‘ tifed in the old manner as formerly, that is, the Bifhops 
 c fhould be at liberty to call what Presbyters they w-ould 
 ‘ to affift in ordaining, but were not bound to their coun- 
 ‘ fel or confent, his Majefty did now intend and confent, 
 
 ‘ that Bifhops fhould not receive any into holy Orders 
 c without confent of a limited number of Presbyterians to 
 ‘ be chofen in fuch manner as fhould be agreed on by his 
 ‘ Majefty and his two Houfes for that purpofe. 
 
 “ That his Majefty did not intend, that after the end of 
 c three years no certain way fhould be fettled concerning 
 1 Ecclefiaftical Government, for that his Majefty did pur- 
 6 pofe during the three years, to have a conf’ultation with 
 
 the Treaty 
 vo longed 
 
 Li. 
 
 • «3*f. 
 3»6. 
 
 larendnn. 
 
 • Commlf- 
 
 ters report C 
 r the KJii.v s t 
 
 j 'ft slnfner. 
 
 Ulth worth, 
 
 II. p.1311. t 
 
 S 6 3 
 
 “ the Affembly of Divines, twenty being added of his 1648, 
 
 “ nomination, which if his two Houfes fhould refolve to 
 “ entertain, it could not well be doubted, but upon the 
 “ debate, fuch a Government would be agreed on by his 
 “ Majefty and his two Houfes, as fhould be beft for the 
 “ peace of the Church, and moft proper to prevent thofe 
 “ diftradlions which his two Houfes apprehended might 
 “ enfue. 
 
 As to that part of the propofition concerning the 
 “ book of Common-Prayer; for the fatisfa&iuii of his 
 “ two Houfes, that he would not inlift upon any provi- 
 “ fion for continuance of the fame in his Majefty’s chapel 
 “ for himfelf and his houfhold : Neverthelefs his Majefty 
 “ declared, that he intended to ufe fome other fet form 
 “ of Divine Service. 
 
 “ As to their requeft, that an A£l be paffed for a 
 “ ftricter courfe to prevent the faying and hearing of tnafs 
 “ in the Court, or any part of the Kingdom, or in Ire - 
 “ land, his Majefty would confent thereunto. 
 
 “ As to all other particulars mentioned in the Parlia- 
 “ ment’s paper, he referred himfelf to Ifis former anfwers. 
 
 “ Concluding, that fince he had by his conceffions 
 “ brought all differences concerning the Church into fo 
 “ narrow a compafs, that the chief vifible obllru£lion was, 
 
 “ that wherein really in confcience he was not fatisfied, 
 
 “ he hoped his two Houfes would not put farther pref- 
 “ fures of fo tender a nature upon him.” 
 
 All this was not capable to induce the Commons to The "y 
 defift from the leaft of their pretenfions. They voted, ” o£ 
 that his Majefty’s anfwers concerning the Church, form -■ f, it. 
 of Prayer, hearing and faying Mafs, were unfatisfadlory ; ”• 
 
 and ordered the three Commiffioners attending the King * 
 to inform him of thefe Votes, and prefs him for his final 
 anfwer. 
 
 As the Parliament had not hitherto taken any notice of 
 the King’s propofitions or defires, the Houfe of Commons 
 at length took them into confideration, and paffed the fol¬ 
 lowing Votes: 
 
 “ 1. That his Majefty’s coming to London fliall be 
 “ with freedom, fafety and honour, fo foon as the con- j:,A‘ g ‘ 
 
 “ ceffions of the treaty are concluded and agreed. Nov. 13,14. 
 
 “ 2. That his Majefty fhall have his lands and reve- lJ ' p ’ 1317 ' 
 “ nues, what is legally his, made good to him, according 
 “ to the laws of the Kingdom. 
 
 “ 3. What his Majefty fhall pafs away of his legal 
 “ rights, he fhall have allowance in compcnfation thereof. 
 
 “ 4. That an Aift of Oblivion be prefented to his 
 “ Majefty, to be palled with fuch limitations as fhall ba 
 “ agreed on by both Houfes of Parliament. 
 
 It is certain, there was never any difficulty either about 
 the King’s return, r or the reftitution of his revenues, or the 
 abolition of the Court of Wards, inftead of which he was 
 to have a hundred thoufand pounds a year. Thefe three 
 articles were confidered as a natural confequence of the 
 conclufion of the treaty. But as to the act of oblivion, Conee/l Mnt 
 the King and Parliament did not agree. The Parliament °I 
 infilled upon excepting from pardon fuch a number of id.’ ^.”1299, 
 Delinquents, that is, of thofe who had l'erved the King, *3°9» >>«=• 
 and were confidered as the authors of the troubles. They 
 intended to confifcate their eftates, and banifli them the 
 realm. In fhort, after long debates, the number of ex¬ 
 cepted perfons was reduced to feven, about whom the two 
 Houfes did not agree (2). Nay, as to thofe that were to 
 be included in the pardon, the Parliament pretended to 
 inflict a pecuniary punilhment on them, and had ranked 
 them under feveral claffes, according to which, fome 
 were to forfeit one half of their eftates, others a third, 
 others a fourth, and had affigned the money thence arifing 
 towards the payment of the publick debts. The King, 
 on the contrary, pretended, that all without exception 
 Ihould have the benefit of the adtof oblivion. He confent- P- , 2 99 • 
 ed only that fome of thofe whom the Parliament termed w ^ lt ! lo ! k 3 > 
 Delinquents, that is, his faithful fervants, fhould be liable P ’ 347> 5+ * 
 to a moderate compofition, a general expreffion, on which 
 there would have been many difputes, had it come to be 
 difeuffed. However it be, this article, which was conli- 
 derable, was not yet fettled : but it was not impoffible to 
 find expedients to fatisfy the King and the Parliament, if 
 the difficulties concerning Religion had not hindered the 
 conclufion of the treaty, upon which I cannot forbear 
 making two remarks. 
 
 The firft is, that if the Commons infilled fo long upon Remarh n 
 the figning the three Bills, it was becaufe they knew th .‘ d! JP iuI - 
 hovv inflexible the King was in the point of Epifcopacy, 
 and defpaired of concluding a treaty with him, unlefs he Religion, 
 previoufly granted this article, upon which they were no 
 lefs inflexible than he, as plainly appeared in the con- 
 
 fi) The Earl of Northumberland, Mr. Plerrepomt, and Mr. DensJl Holies. Whltelocb, p. 347. 
 
 - • . ThC ! '■' XCL 'l Kcd l 7 boih Houfes, were, the L ml Digby, Sir Marmadnke Langdute, S '.r nhh.tr 
 
 . - ‘ 1 —.- ;..-6-v> j^angdnle, Sir Richard Greenville, Judge Jenkins, Sir Fr.m 
 
 n.;eil ot the Earl ot Neaiajjle, and Sir John Winter, the Lords voted, Sir George Ratclffi, and the Lord "Byron. Ruj\:mrth, 'It 
 
 4 
 
 fer ence^. 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 5 6 4 
 
 The H I STO RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1648. ferences. This was the principal point, without which 
 perhaps there would have been no war, and from which 
 the Presbyterians could not depart without lofing the fruit 
 of all their labours and fucceffes againft the King. 
 
 My fecond obfervation i;, that the rigid Epilcopalians 
 Fad room to fee in thefe conferences, what prejudice their 
 former exceffive feverity againft Presbyterianifin now 
 brought them, fince it was not poflible to find any other 
 way to content the Presbyterians than the abolition of 
 Epifcopacy. The Presbyterians, knowing by long expe¬ 
 rience the King’s ill-intentions towards them, thought 
 they could not truft to conceffions extorted from him by 
 necefiity, and were not to be fatisfied fo long as the name 
 of Bifhop fubfifted. They were apprehenfive, and per¬ 
 haps very juftly, that the function of Bifhops, though re¬ 
 duced almoft to nothing by the King’s offers, would be a 
 foundation on which the King intended to raife the fuper- 
 ftrudture of the Hierarchy, or a Toothing, which (hewed 
 that he meant not to leave the building in its prefent con¬ 
 dition. The example of what had happened in Scotland 
 farther confirmed their jealoufies and fears. In that King¬ 
 dom, all the Epifcopal functions had been abolifhed. The 
 Bifhops had retained only the bare name, with fome tem- 
 poial privileges, entirely deflitute of authority or jurifdic- 
 tion. But even this had fufficed to give King James oc- 
 cafion to lcflore them to all the rights they had enjoyed 
 before the Reformation. Charles l. might intend to do the 
 fame thing in England ; and the Presbyterians but too well 
 remembered, that at the very time he granted the Scots 
 the extirpation of Epifcopacy, he writ to the Scotch Bifhops 
 that it was only through compulfion, and till he fhould 
 have opportunity to rcftoie the Chuich to her former 
 fplendor. Vv ithout this prejudice of the Presbyterians, with¬ 
 out this want of confidence, of which the Ki.;g may be 
 faid to be himfelf the caufe, it is certain his oft'eiswith re¬ 
 gard to Epifcopacy might have ferved for foundation to a 
 peace, as the Parliament acknowledged when it was too 
 Another pro- | a{e- Mean while, the two Houfcs not dcfpairing entirely 
 -r . ].. c/ to bring the King to their terms, continued the treaty a 
 Rnihworth, week longer. 
 
 y 11. p.i Whilft both Houfes were employed in the affairs of the 
 
 fJp.Js ],, treaty, the officers of the army, whofe head-quarters were 
 cbjtruii the then at JVindfor , met in a council of war, to endeavour 
 to obftrueft the peace. They knew what had paffed at 
 Ludlow." Newport , and that the conciufion of the treaty depended 
 but on a fimgle point, which they did not queftion, the 
 King would at lait rrrant. Wherefore they refolved to hin- 
 Cr.-m-vi.-u j cr t h e conciufion by force. Cromwell was not yet come to 
 Pom ueet? the army, but remained about Ponfrali, to order the fiege 
 Ruihworih, of that place, which had been furpnfed by the King’s party, 
 ™- p -”-j’>and the garrifon whereof kept the whole Country in awe, 
 whitelock." and committed great violences. Colonel Rainsborough had 
 clarendon, been detached from the army, to command at the liege ; 
 p * I+I ’but had been furprized in a neighbouring town by a party 
 of the garrifon, who had killed him, not having been 
 able to carry him off(i). Cromwell had ever loved and 
 efteemed him, and therefore earneftly wifhed to revenge 
 his death, befides that lie was importuned by the com¬ 
 mittee of Yorkflnre , to employ the forces he was leading 
 from Scotland, for the reduction of this place. This had 
 N. fen its detained him fome time in thofe parts. But as he wanted 
 p'r'-^rl'ti.c not all his troops for that fiege, becaufe he had there al¬ 
 / before, to join General Fairfax. This reinforcement being 
 arrived, the army believed themfelves able to execute what 
 Remm- had been refolved. To that purpofe, the 1 3 th of November, 
 frMice ,if the w hich would have been the lait day of the Newport con- 
 N . . 1-. ferences, if the Parliament had not continued them a week 
 Ruih v , .>r:h, longer, Colonel Ezuers, attended with fome officers, pre- 
 vvlmo ',. /'." l eil ted to the Commons, from the army, a Remonflrance, 
 which plainly on. overed the intentions of the Independent 
 party. The lubllance of the army’s defines, was to this 
 dfedt: 
 
 “ 1. That the King be brought to juftice, as the capital 
 44 caufe o; r.; 1 the evils in the Kingdom, and of fo much 
 44 blood being filed. 
 
 “ 2. That a timely and peremptory day be fet for the 
 . . me m and 
 
 44 furrender themfelves ; if nor, that they be declared inca- 
 “ pable of Government, or any right in England, and ftand 
 “ exiled for ever as traitors ; and if they render themfelves 
 44 by the time, then the Prince to be proceeded againft or 
 
 remitted, .. he ..i give fatisfa&ion, and the Duke the 
 
 44 like, -■ th t the re. in.- of the Crown be fequeftred. 
 44 Alio the 10,000/, to be added, be difpofed to pubiick 
 44 ufe. 
 
 44 3. That pubiick juftice may be done upon fome ca- 1648. 
 
 44 pital caufers or actors in the war. 
 
 44 4. That the reft upon fubmiffion may have mercy 
 44 for their lives 
 
 44 5. That the foldiers have their arrears. 
 
 44 6. That pubiick debts be paid, chiefly to thofe who 
 44 voluntarily laid out their eftates, and ventured their lives, 
 
 44 and this to be done by fines of delinquents, and the 
 44 eftates of thofe excluded from pardon. 
 
 44 7. After pubiick juftice thus done, then that a rea- 
 44 fonable certain period be put to this Parliament. 
 
 44 8. That there be a certain fucceffion of future Par- 
 44 liaments, annual or biennial, with fecure provifion, 
 
 44 (1.) For the certainty of meeting, (z.) For equal diftri- 
 44 bution of elections, to render the Commons Houfe an 
 44 equal repiefentative. (3.) For certainty of the people’s 
 44 meeting, and that none who have engaged in the late 
 44 war, oi (hall engage againft the right of Parliament and 
 44 Kingdom, or adhere to the enemies thereof, be capable 
 cc of electing, or being elected during fome years, nor thofe 
 “ who (hall not join with them, but oppofe this fettle- 
 44 ment. (4.) For clearing the power of this reprefenta- 
 14 tive, it be declared to have the fupreme power, as to the 
 44 governing and prefervation of the whole, as to the peo- 
 “ pie of England , and to altering, repealing, or aboiifliing 
 “ of laws, the making war or peace, the higheft or final 
 41 judgment in all civil things; and all minifters or officers 
 44 of State fhall be accountable to them, bound and con- 
 44 eluded thereby; provided, firft, They may not cenfurc 
 44 or queftion any man after the end of this Parliament, 
 
 44 for any thing faid or done in reference to the late war. 
 
 “ Secondly, They may not render up, give or takeaway 
 “ any right, liberty, or fafety, contained in this fettleuient 
 44 or agreement. That there be a liberty of entering 
 44 diflents in the faid reprefentative; in cafe of corruption 
 “ in thefe higheft truffs, the people may know who are 
 44 free, and who guilty, that lb they may not truft fuch 
 “ for the future, but with further penalty to any for their 
 44 future judgment there. 
 
 44 9. That no King be hereafter admitted, but upon 
 44 election of, and as upon truft from the people, by fuch 
 44 their reprefentative, not without firft declaiming and 
 44 difavowing all pretence to a negative voice againft the 
 44 determination of the faid reprefentative, or Commons in 
 44 Parliament, and that to be done in fuch form more clear 
 44 than heretofore in the Coronation-oath. 
 
 44 Thefe matters of a general fettlement are propounded 
 44 to be done by this Parliament, and to be further efta- 
 44 blifhed by a general contract or agreement of the people, 
 
 44 with fubferiptions thereunto; alfo that it be provided, 
 
 44 that none be capable of benefit by this agreement, who 
 44 fhall not confent and fubferibe thereunto, nor any King 
 44 be admitted to the Crown, or other perfon to any other 
 44 office or place of pubiick truft, without exprefs accord 
 44 and fubfeription to the fame.” 
 
 TheParliament returned noanfwerto this remonflrance TheT.i-r.j 
 as well as to fome others of the like nature, prefented to 
 them during the treaty. I have already mentioned that of Se-.T-A 
 the 1 ithof September, from thoufands of the inhabitants in 
 and about London, and that of the mailers and commanders 
 of (hips. The 30th of the fame month they received T-iv -r. 
 another, in the name of many thoufands of the County of 
 Oxon. The 10th of October, a petition was prefented to 119 * 0 . *' 
 the Commons, figned by the Ncwcajlle- men, defiring that 
 fpeedy juftice might be executed upon the greateft Delin¬ 
 quents. The fame day, the Inhabitants of Yarkjlnre peti¬ 
 tioned for the fame thing, faying, his Majrjly had confejl 
 himfelf \ and his party, to be guilty of the blood that had been 
 fhed. The 30th of the fame month, the officers of In- P t , . | I5 „ I 1 , \. 
 goldsb/s regiment, garrifoned at Oxford, prefented a peti¬ 
 tion to the General, defiring, 44 That immediate care be 
 44 taken, that juftice be done upon the principal invaders 
 44 of their liberties, namely, the King and his party, and 
 44 fufficient caution given to future Kings for preventing 
 44 the inflaving the people hereafter. Adding, that being 
 “ apprehenfive the illue of the treaty now in hand, could 
 44 neither be juft nor fafe, they prayed his Excellency to 
 44 re-eftablifh a General-council of the army, to conlider 
 44 of fome effedtual remedies to this evil, either by repre- 
 44 fenting the fame to the Houfe of Commons, as the pe- 
 44 titioners of London, or by fome other way.” On the R. fh-.-in 
 other hand, whilft Crotrewell was at Pouf act, every regi- vil.p.i- 
 ment of his army prefented petitions to him, demanding 
 juftice upon the King; which were all fent to the Gene¬ 
 ral (2). Hence it appears, that the army’s remcnftrance 
 was an eftetft of the plots laid by the Independents, who in 
 
 (.; Forty Ho:I 
 Colonel 
 
 Colonel rofe ai-.i 
 
 (a) Oini'tr 1 3 
 the King'* perfj.T 
 
 of Pemfrjf} towards Dwafief, where they killed the Cencir.el. then three of them rod# on to Dcnt-t/ler, and asked for 
 »•».*»*> e. to h.s Clumber, there failed to him, and f»d. They had a letter tr im L.eu: >ar.t Ge: ,„ n The 
 
 ... •= 1 ‘■•xp ft. .g fuch a letter that morning; and prcfenily she ihr.-e Pontfiad So . .ers .-ell • p h.ir , Ih.t hna 
 
 him through tne heart, with otner w..ni:ds, and left him dead, efcapnig without ar.y alarm giver.. tVMteMe, p. 
 
 • - -.0 die Gcnercl; .. . . ft 
 
 feveral 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 25. CHARLES I. 
 
 565 
 
 1G48. 
 
 vuj'tbt 
 
 feveral parts of the Kingdom infufed thefe violent refolu- 
 tions into the people and officers, to hinder the conclufion 
 of a treaty which could not but ruin their party. Very 
 likely, the Presbyterians fully perceived the defigns of the 
 Independents, and thefe petitions were but too apt to con- 
 Tbe Pariia - vince them of the fame. But they hoped to amufe them 
 till the treaty was ended, not doubting, the King would at 
 laft cotifent to the abolition of Epifcopacy. As for the o- 
 ther articles which were not yet fettled, probably, they 
 would have chofen rather to yield them to the King, than 
 retard the conclufion of the treaty, which to them was fo 
 neceflary. Affairs being in this fituation, it was not pro¬ 
 per ftill more to provoke the Independents, by anfwers 
 which would not have pleafed them. On the other fide, 
 they could not think of agreeing with the King, without 
 obtaining the abolition of Epifcopacy, not thinking them- 
 felves fafe fo long as the very name of Bifhop fubfifted. In 
 fhort, it was not proper to attempt a refinance of the army 
 by force. In all appearance, their preparations would but 
 have haftened the execution of the army’s refolutions, 
 whereas it was their intereft: to amufe them only for fome 
 days. All their hopes therefore were grounded upon the 
 King’s compliance, which they hardly queftioned, confidcr- 
 ing the manifeft danger to which his obftinacy would ex- 
 pofe him. For it is not likely, he was ignorant of the pe¬ 
 titions prefented againft him, or was not foon informed of 
 the army’s remonftrance, fince every one had free accefs to 
 him. 
 
 Three days after the Parliament had received the re¬ 
 monftrance, letters came from the commiffioners at New- 
 ■n- pert, with his Majefty’s anfwer concerning the Marquifs of 
 U rmoncl -> and the Bifhops lands ; namely, that he could 
 RuftwortV/ not g ive an y ortJers to the Marquifs before the treaty was 
 vii. p.1532 figned, but then would do as both Houfes defired ; and if 
 y ’ 3:54 ' the Marquifs refufed to obey, would take fuch meafures 
 againft him as fhould be fatisfadtory to the two Houfes. 
 That as to the Bifhops lands, he perfifted in his former 
 offers. This anfwer afforded no great hopes of a fpeedy 
 accommodation. However, as it was delivered the 16th 
 of the month, two days before the prefentmg of the army’s 
 remonftrance, it was hoped, the next news from Newport 
 ?• » 33 s * would be more fatisfa&ory. But on the 25th, the Parlia¬ 
 ment was informed, by letters from the commiffioners, 
 
 Mean while, the army 
 
 was not idle, being refoived 
 
 11* King 
 rt'i'flt the 
 
 LJt propoji- 
 
 that the King had pofitively refufed to add any thing to his of the Kingdoi 
 
 run all hazards to prevent the conclufion of the treaty. 
 
 The fame day, Nov.mbcr the 30th, they publifhed a De¬ 
 claration or Manifefto, wherein they clearly difeovtred their 
 defigns, and which was to this eftetft : 
 
 That the army being full (if fad apprehenfions con- 7* amfi 
 “ cerning the danger and evil of the treatv with the King, d, \' 
 
 “ ? nd of an >’ accommodation with him,'or reftitution of kiinliunh. 
 
 him thereupon, they did, by a remonftrance, make their vn.r r;n 
 “ application thereby to the Hnufe of Commons. That v ' hitclw:k * 
 “ lhL ‘y took this courfe out of an earneft defire, that thofe 
 “ matter;i of higheft concernment to the publick intereft 
 “ ofr t,ie nation might be purfued and provided for if poffi- 
 “ ble, by thofe whofe proper work and truft it was : But 
 ‘‘ to their grief they found, that inftead of any fatisfaflion, 
 
 “ or rcafonable anfwer thereunto, they were wholly re¬ 
 jected, without any confideration of them. For they 
 ‘‘ were laid afxde till the Monday following, by which time 
 ( the treaty, as then fuppofed, would have been concluded ; 
 
 “ but that failing, and two days more being added to the 
 “ treaty, the confideration of their remonftrance in the' 
 
 “ day appointed was waved and laid afide ; the treaty the 
 “ mean while going on in the former way and terms, and 
 “ like to be concluded the very next day. The army 
 “ therefore having received no anfwer to their former pro- 
 ‘‘ pofals, they could not but remain confident, that the 
 ‘‘ prevailing part of thofe to whom they did apply, had 
 as it were their eyes wilfully /hut, and ears ftept, againft 
 any thing of light or reafon offered to them, f > as not 
 “ to dil’cern the dangers wherewith the Kingdom was 
 “ threatened. 
 
 ‘‘ The army then feeing nothing left, to which the Par- 
 “ liament’s engaging and perfifting in fuch ways, could ra- 
 “ tionally be attributed, lets than a treacherous or corrupt 
 “ ne S ,eft of > and apoftacy from the publick truft repofed 
 “ ln them > the y thought tit to appeal to the common 
 “ judgments of indifferent and uncorrupted men, and to 
 “ the more righteous judgment of God above all.” 
 
 After juftifying this extraordinary appeal in the beft man¬ 
 ner they could, they admonithed Cell members as were 
 upright, and had a juft fenfe of thofe things, to proteff a- 
 gainft the refolutions ot the Houfe, and withdraw, pro- 
 niifing to look upon them as perfons that had the chic-: truft 
 
 former anfwers (1). 
 This was not all. 
 
 m remaining 
 
 them, and to adhere 
 
 They were acquainted at the fame 
 
 the Army, 
 and Ewers 
 fent in bit 
 
 u,t!rf, 
 
 \Confidrra 
 
 , of the R, 
 put off. 
 
 time, that the General had required Colonel Hammond to 
 attend him at the head-quarters, and fent Colonel Ewers 
 to take the command of his Majefty in the Ifte of Wight, 
 who kept the King under very ftridt cuftody. Thus the 
 precautions taken by the Parliament, to hinder the King 
 from coming to treat in perfon at London, for fear he fhould 
 meet with too many friends, were the caufe that they 
 could not be maftcr of his perfon, when it would ha\e 
 been mod neceflary. T wo days after, the Commons re¬ 
 ceived a letter from Colonel Hammond , with the General’s 
 order to him to repair to the army, and refign his com- 
 - the mand to Colonel Ewers. Whereupon the Commons voted, 
 ■mmi. that Colonel Hammond fhould be required to ftay in the Ifle 
 of IPigbt, and the General be acquainted with this vote. 
 But Hammond was now gone to the army, and had refign- 
 ed the cuftody of the King to Colonel Ewers. Notwith- 
 ftanding all this, the Parliament feems not to have defpaired 
 of agreeing with the King, fince the Commons deferred 
 the confideration of the army’s remonftrance, till the ftrft 
 of December , in order to be better able to anfwer it when 
 • Petitions to they fhould know the King’s final refolution. The fame 
 the General, day, the General received petitions from the forces in the 
 North, and in Wales, agreeable to the army’s remon¬ 
 ftrance. 
 
 Ordintotbe -After th e General had thus made himfelf mafter of the 
 \Genera!from King’s perfon, without the privity of the two Houfes, it 
 Ku£w“' WaS n0t VCry likely ’ he fllould be difpofed to receive their 
 VII. M34° orders - Neverthelefs, the Commons told him in a letter 
 from their Speaker, that his orders to Colonel Ewers were 
 contrary to their refolutions, and Colonel Hammond's in- 
 ftru£ions, and that it was the pleafure of the Houfe, he 
 fhould recall his orders, and fuller Colonel Hammond to at- 
 Invatn. tend his charge in the Ifie of Wight. But the General, and 
 council of war, took no notice of this order. 
 
 ^eLvi’dti' next da - y ’ the ^ in §’ by command of the General, 
 
 H Caft'e. was removed [by Lieutenant Colonel Cobbet J to Hurjl 
 Nov. 30. caftle in Hampjhire , fituated on a narrow piece of land, 
 running into rhe fea, over againft the Ifle of Wight , and 
 the Parliament was not informed of it till three "days af¬ 
 ter (2). 
 
 Cook- 
 
 Firebrno 
 
 them, and be guided by them, till the introducing $f a 
 more formal power, in a juft reprefentative, were fpeedilv 
 endeavoured. Then they declared, that they were ready 
 to lay down their arms, iftheirxemonftrar.ee ueie an- 
 fwered ; but that the little notice taken of their propofiti- 
 ons, made them fenfible there was nothing to he hoped. 
 
 And therefore the cafe being fo extraordinary, and the han¬ 
 ger fo preffing, they were drawing up with their army to 
 London, there to follow providence, as God fliould J'car 
 their way. 
 
 The firft of December , the General writ to the city, to n. Gene. 
 inform them of the army’s advance towards London , on r. - 
 account of the Parliament’s contempt of their remonftrance • '" c "yff 
 That they had no thought of plunder, or other wron-r to k'hv..'.-- 
 the city, or fo much as troubling the Inhabitants with quar- VII P .i349 
 termg any foldiers : But that for prevention of all violence, ,3j0 ' 
 he defired forty thoui'and pounds might be provided by the 
 next day (3). 7 he Houfe of Commons agreed, that the 
 
 city fhould fend this fum to the army, and acquainted the 
 General, that it was the Houfe’s pleafure he Uiould not re¬ 
 move nearer London. 
 
 The fecond of this month, the Houfe took the King’s Tie Cm-rai 
 offers into consideration, but without coming to any C on- 
 chiffon. Whilft they were debating, the General, w'th L,,ncJon * 
 feveral regiments came and took up their quarters in White - wiSo-k 
 hall, bt. James' s, t he Mrufe, and other places in the .skirts 
 of the city, which he judged convenient for his defigns. 
 
 The 3d being Sunday, the Parliament did not fit". But ^' ,r ‘ "l 0r 
 on the 4 th, the Commons refumed the debate of the King’s 
 conceffions, which was interrupted by the news of the 
 King’s removal to Hurjl Caftle. Whereupon they voted 
 immediately, that the carrying the King prifoner to Hurjl J V, ' : a p, ‘ 351 
 Caftle, was without the advice and confent of the Elouic-. LWndon, 
 After that, they debated again the King’s offers, and fat In - P- '*i- 
 ail the day and night, till five a-clock in the mornjng. At Vh,lcUk - 
 laft, it was propofed, whether the queftion fhould be put, 
 and carried by a hundred and forty, againft a hundred and 
 four. Then the main queftion being put, it was voted, 
 that his Majcjly's conceffions to the proportions of Parliament 
 upon the treaty. Were J .efficient grounds for fettling the peace of 
 the Kingdom. But I cannot think it was unanimoufly, as 
 the Lord Clarendon affirms (4). What has been juft Cen 
 
 !m. Tl '' K ” E ,l °"' ” P ’" ,h ' &I "“ I '’“ ,1 thl PMliament's Commiffioners, 1 
 
 Me, 
 
 (») ThlsCnltk ms tniii by Kin E Bar) VIII. It i.joinod to the land b, 
 by the Sea. I he air is very moilt and unhealthy. 
 
 (3 ) On the recutity of the arrears due to the Army from the City. Wbinlock, p. 33S, 
 (4J The Lord Clarendon fays, the main queftion was fo clearly voted, that the Houfe v 
 
 No. 72. V O L. II. 
 
 narrow neck of fand, which. 
 
 temlants being permitted to fpea 
 ■ fpring tides, and in ftortny wea 
 
 '• 3 ‘ P- X83, 
 
 teems 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 ,66 
 
 The HISTORY ^ENGLAND. 
 
 164S 
 
 Ruffiw 
 
 VI Ip- 
 
 Rulhwi 
 VII. p. 
 
 fee ms to (how rather, there were many Members not con¬ 
 tent with this refo'.ution. 
 
 Immeiliatelv after, the Houle appointed a Committee to 
 - confer with the General, for the better procuring a good 
 correfpondence between the Parliament and the Army ; 
 
 2 and then adjourned to IVednrfday. ’1 he fame day, feveral 
 other regiments came and quartered in the fuburbs of L:n- 
 don, and the General caufed a Proclamation to be made, 
 requiring all Delinquents, who had not perfected their com- 
 polition', to depart ten miles from London [ for a month,] 
 on pain of being proceeded againft as prifoners of war. 
 r„i II i'dnefla\ , the 6th of December , the General fent two 
 regiments to INe/l minjler , and the City trained-bands were 
 th ‘ di(charged, who had been let there feme months fince, for 
 /' guards m the Parliament. After the foldiers were drawn 
 ■ f up in the Court of Requefts, on the ftairs, and in the 
 ‘ Jybby before the Houfe, when the Members offered to go 
 in. Colonel Pride , having a paper of names in his hand, 
 ''y feized upon one and forty, and fent them into the Court of 
 5 3 Wards, where they were kept under guard. 1 he Houfe 
 Ck. having notice thereof, fent their Serjeant at Arms to ac- 
 quaint thefe Members, that they Ihould forthwith attend the 
 s" 3 '. fervice of the Hcufe. But the officer of the guard anfwe- 
 red, he had order to fecure them, which order he was to 
 obey before any other command (1). 
 
 Not long after. Colonel JVbale )-, with other officers, 
 prerented to the Houfe a Paper intitled, Propofols and 
 D1 fires of the Army in vindication of their condufl , the fub- 
 ffance whereof was to this eftetft : 
 
 . “ r . Whereas feveral Members of your Houfe (2), 
 
 V “ were in the year 1647, impeached by yourfelves for 
 0 44 treafon, or fur high crimes and mifdemeanours, in rela- 
 : k tion to the treafonable engagement in the city of London- 
 rth, the violence then done upon the Parliament, the levy- 
 ,. 4 “ ing of a new war, and other evils, in maintenance and 
 “ profecution thereof; and upon clear proofs againft them, 
 “ were by your cenfure expelled the Houfe, and difabled 
 “ from farther truft: therein, and upon new Writs iffued 
 “ out, new members were chofen and returned in fome 
 “ of their rooms ; and yet by the prevalence of their fac- 
 “ tion, when in the laft fummer’s wars, divers faithful 
 “ members were ingaged abroad upon neceffary publick 
 “ fervice, and others through malignant tumults and dif- 
 “ turbances could not fafely attend the Houfe, the fame 
 “ perfons were afterwards re-aJmitted to fit in the Houle, 
 “ and vote as formerly, without any tryal or fatisfadion 
 “ in the things whereof they were accufed. 
 
 “ 2. Whereas by the confederacy of Major-General 
 “ Brown, now Sheriff London , with the faid impeached 
 “ members and others, the Scots were invited and drawn 
 “ in to invade this Kingdom the laft fummer, infomuch 
 “ as when upon their adual invaiion the Houfe proceed- 
 ‘ c ed to declare them enemies, and thofe that adhered to 
 “ them, traitors ; yet the faid confederators, and other 
 t‘ treacherous members, to the number of ninety and odd, 
 “ as upon the divifion of the Houfe appear**!, did by their 
 “ counfels and votes endeavour to hinder the Houfe from 
 “ declarin' 1 - againft their confederate invaders : We defire, 
 “ that tiic faid Major-General Brown may be all’o fecured 
 and brought to judgment, and that the reft of the nine- 
 “ ty and odd perlons diffenting againft the faid vote, may 
 44 be excluded the Houfe. 
 
 “ 3. Whereas in a continued feries of your proceeding 
 «« for many months together, we have feen the prevalence 
 “ of the fame treacherous, corrupt, and divided counfels, 
 through factions and private interefts, oppofing or 
 44 obftrudting jufticc in all kinds, diverting your counfels 
 “ from any thing of publick good, hindering any pro- 
 “ ceedin^s to any fuch lettlement, as would confift with 
 fecuritv to the publick intereft, or put a real end to 
 « the troubles, burdens, or hazards of the Kingdom, and 
 precipitating into treacherous and deftru£tive compliances 
 41 and conjunctions with the acknowledged enemies there- 
 “ of, as in the votes of No more Addrejfes to the King , &c. 
 ‘‘ the juftnefs and neceffity whereof you had once fo cleared 
 ‘‘ to the world ; alfo in the votes for entertaining or feek- 
 “ ing after all that perfonal treaty : And laftly, in the 
 “ votes declaring the King’s part conceffions to he a ground 
 “ for the Houfe to proceed upon for the lettlement of 
 “ the peace of the Kingdom, notwithftanding the vifible 
 ‘‘ inefficiency and defeats of them in things eftentially 
 “ concerning the publick intereft and liberties of the King¬ 
 
 1648. 
 
 dom, as thofe propounded in our late Remonftrauce arc, 
 and in other matters both religious and civil. We 
 therefore mod earneftly defire, that all fuch faithful 
 members who are innocent in thefe things, would im¬ 
 mediately, by proteftation and publick Declaration, ac¬ 
 quit themfelves from any guile of, or concurrence in 
 the, feveral votes or counfels here before particularly 
 4 mentioned, as corrupt or deftruefive, that the King- 
 dom may know who they are that have kept their truft, 
 
 ;4 and diftinguifh themfelves from the reft that have thus 
 14 falfified the fame ,• and that all fuch as cannot or (haft 
 ‘‘ not fo acquit themfelves particularly, may be inline- I 
 
 “ diately excluded or fufpended the Houfe, and not re-ad 
 “ mitted until they have given clear fatisfa£lion therein, 
 
 “ to the judgment of thofe who now fo acquit themfelves, 
 
 “ and the grounds of fuch fatisfa&ion be publiffied to the 
 44 Kingdom. 
 
 “ 4. Thus, fuch as by faithfulnefs have retained their 
 “ truft, being fet in a condition to purfue and perform 
 44 the fame, without fuch interruptions, diverfions, and 
 “ depravations of counfels as formerly . We (hall delire, 
 
 44 and hope you will fpeedily and vigoroully proceed to 
 “ take order for the execution of juftice, to let a (hurt 
 44 peridd to your own power, to provide for a fpeedy fuc- 
 44 ceffion of equal reprefentatives, according to our late 
 44 Remonftrance, wherein differences in the Kingdom may 
 44 be ended, and we and others may comfortably acqujefce ; 
 
 44 as for our parts, we hereby engage and allure you we 
 44 lhall.” 
 
 It would be needlefs to make any remarks and obfer- 
 vations upon this Paper, the injuftice and violence whereof 
 are fo very obvious. But it was neceffarv to inform the 
 Reader of the contents for the following reafon. There 
 are Hiftorians whole partiality has cauled them either to 
 omit, or but juft mention it, without relating the lubftance, 
 for fear of convincing their Readers, that the Presbyterians 
 were not concerned in what was afterwards tranfa£led, 
 and that the Independents were the true and foie authors 
 thereof. 
 
 December the 7th, the Commons as they were repairing ^ i u „j re j t 
 to their Houfe, found the door within and without guarded Membr,, en< 
 by foldiers, who hindered many from going in (3). The ffffj 
 Lord Claiendoni. ays, near one hundred were denied en- slhni. ‘ 
 trance. This makes me think that the ninety mention- Rufnworth, 1 
 ed in the Remnnftrance were of this number, bo from 
 this day, the Houfe of Commons is to be confidered as nj. p . jgj, 
 confiding entirely of Independents. Very likely from that tn Houfe 
 day, very few or no Presbytrrian-members were admitted 
 any more. However this be, the Hate of the Houfe was p t ndtnu. 
 once more changed by this new revolution. The Presby¬ 
 terians had been fuperior from the beginning of the war, 
 to the 6th of Auguft 1647. The Independents had pre¬ 
 vailed from that day, till about the end of the year 1648, 
 when the army was forced to remove from London, after 
 which the Presbyterians were mailers again. At laft, on 
 the 6th and 7th of December this fame year, the Inde¬ 
 pendents entirely expelled the Presbyterians, or at lead 
 difabled them from fupporting their party. This muft 
 be carefully remembred, if we defire to have a clear idea 
 of this Hiftory. 
 
 The fame day, December the 7 th, Cromwell, who came c rom weli 
 to London the night before (4), fat in the Houfe, and it-comet a 
 ceived thanks for his great fervices. RTihworth. 
 
 Though the General had promifed the city not to quar- V n. p.1355 
 ter the foldiers upon the inhabitants, as this promife was The a e nerd 
 only conditional, in cafe the fum demanded were paid, and /"*" the 
 as the citv had not furniihed the money, he ordered two w e *vers- 
 regiments into the citv, and on the morrow, a third, after hall. t 
 
 which, he took away twenty thoufand pounds from : g 
 /reavers-Hall, affuring the Treafurer he Ihould be reim- 5 
 burfed out of the affeftments of the city due to the army. 
 
 About the fame time, was prefen ted to the General, a P /„,^ 
 plan, intitled. Anew Reprefentative, or, an A c - ment of Jotting tbr 
 the People, for fettling the Government (5). This plan r 
 
 was wholly founded upon Independent principles, and p . ,353.' 
 agreeable to the army’s Remonftrance, except that it was Clarendon, 
 more large on each article. This agreement was pro- llI,p ' 5 ‘ 
 pounded as a rule for future Government, and to be fub- 
 feribed throughout the Kingdom. But as this plan was 
 not executed, though it was drawn with great pains by 
 the council of war, and even feemed to be approved by 
 the Parliament, I do not think it neceffary to infert it (6). 
 
 ifed from appearing in the Houfe, becaufe of the bnfinefs of the 
 
 (1' Many, fays Wbitekch, were glad of an honeft pretence to t 
 about which went extremely high. U i.tc'.ock, p. 359. 
 
 (2' \ Dented Hllet. Lr.-.-t Ccy'-y, Major-General Malfey, Sec Rujbwcrtb, Tom. 7. p- >3'4- , ran. 
 
 . and therefore they ought not to be judges in their own caufe. R-jJbiv 
 
 . ( 3 ) 1 
 
 a prete 
 
 13S ■ 
 
 r.;ng V 
 
 0 be that day debated c 
 
 ning thee 
 
 tr, bv Crtrr.-.uell's order. 
 
 trend™. Tor 
 
 4; He lay in one of the K. : ig’s rich beds at Whitehall. JVbitclock, p. 361. 
 
 (U <J'i- of the Agitators, who was the Author of this Paper, was fhot to oeath fo. .. . 
 
 . 6. It drained rules for future E'eftions of Reprefentatives of the People. They to have the fupreme authority, and this Pa.«-^--,u 
 it- it next, and then a new one lit- Divers rules for the eleftion of the Members. Officers, and Mahgnants, to be incapable of cleft ng. 
 nj E -ncraiiv of ■ power an; e<]-i:.I diiliibution of the Members, to be in all three hundred perlont, &c. The c -~ 
 i■, ,,-ht to be, f-r tlie m 'ft part, ma ,e by CommilTary General Jreton, a man full of 
 •c him into th- more error,. Mnttek, p. 36 1. 
 
 . p. 183. 
 be d ftolved in 
 r being e.eftcd ; 
 
 _ j _ Agreement of the People was 
 
 'on and induftiy, w^io had 1 little ki.osrledge of the Law, which 
 
 The 
 
Book XXI. 
 
 25. CHARLES!, 
 
 1 64 3. 
 
 PntcjUn:* 
 
 • 648. 
 
 JlarJj 
 Ibid. 
 
 Rufli worth. 
 
 •I'he fccluded members having publiflied a prolcftatiort ftrmattons and eximioation, of mtne (Tfi to- the 
 
 agamft the violence put upon them, both Houfes de- of fa <3 againft him. ' 2 C 
 
 dared the Proteftation 00 be falfe, fcandalous and feditious, 7 'he fame dav the fl'eeMmfW mr. ^ - r .1. r- 1 
 and tending to defttog the fundamental Government of Of ffw! St’ “aliL fie Get 5 '’ fh’ev 
 
 1.0 Kingdom, and ordered that all perfons who had any concurred with the army in their remonftnnce ’ This did “■'*»>■ 
 
 non. in framing or publlflling it. fhould be incapable to not much redound to the Earl of IPhrOncVt honour who vi'iTm-' 
 
 ii.3l e.rn ai.v office, or ,0 fit as members of either Houfe. having been one of the Probyteritm-tarfe^ fo* 
 
 their'eomin^fn 'f? Im"' " iembers ’ u P un that quitted his party to join with the Independents 
 
 the r commg to the Houfe fhoulddifclaim their being con- T.he refolution to trv the King being taken, fa refolu R»Whi 
 
 mg the COnfCnt “ ‘ te COmnV,ng dr fUbUlh - » if k Yt°?rA ,he , a b y - when hc M **32 
 
 'T*. b f, H0 ,“ f ? HW *» ordinance, that no manded to removetim “Si 
 
 EiJ/inlr pcr c ’ ns wbo had been Delinquents, or affifted the King a- the time the Kinrr vf»as in the Me of IVirh, J Z • 
 
 the Parliament in the ftift or fecond wars, for been vate correfpondence with the Lord Newburrh SmceTis Sr - - 
 
 ik,, 
 
 Vl " V S ffrft’Z ‘ h b CC 7a S d ° f C f °^«¥Vor wuh m him, 'and^complain rf m .te^g“^rrV° pm SU,, 
 
 or any other officers. But w.th.n few days, a committee ingly, the King complained all the morning h t“ 0 t 
 
 the Common-council acquainted the Houfe, that the Was very unealy, and fo artfullv m.naej Z.T 
 
 Clt 'f "'f B enerall >’ ooncerned in the engagement for a bondufted to dine with the Lord Niwburo’h But 'when 
 
 '■ 37 °- E' rl T‘ T r ty ' ‘ f hat ,' htr . e would ' 2 *■«*«■> num- his Majcfty came there, he was qZk y o d ,ha 7 L We 
 
 her of perrons to fupply the neceffary offices of the city, fo much depended upon, was tb2 day before Wd with a 
 n that reirridtion ill the late ordinance lhould Hand kick This lira harm I, ,i„, ,u D v , a 
 
 The a nth of Dtamhr, the General ordered fifteen or Winifor, where he was keM till the g |«H “ f n ~- yed t0 Zitfi P 
 
 fixteen o, the members fecured by the army to be re- ,6 4 4’ when he was cZrtf to k 7Ws >*“*-/»”• 
 
 S'VS 710 refume thE,r places in the Houfc if LT» ” r T e [ at m "V‘ r ’ ,hm th * 
 
 we have Juft fecn how much the face of affairs was u t 
 altered by the great turn on the 6th and 7 th of Docomhr. his domefticks to be difmified. For though the co^cd of tttf.b. 
 ibvTr, “'Pfnn, openly fup- war had no right to take then upon then,; yet they daily 
 
 l’ ir' l ^ C anC ^ ^ Cir deb S n w;ls to deftroy incroachcd upon the privileges of the Parliament whi'A Kuftlwortf l» 
 
 equally King, Monarchy, Epifcopacy, and Presbyter/ «ard entirely^ their orders^ Parliament, winch v ,,.^ 
 
 t'rir f ,?M oure ? f Lor J s ’„ wh ° had ufcd thnr o>*»- 1 have before fpoken of the reprefentation df the Com „ 
 
 Mi.-:,.- » 1 ur > though m vain, to haften the peace, they faw them- mon-cduncil of London, concernL the elecTon of Z °ZTi« 
 
 ! IS 
 
 bm too u: -"‘t ®,;t^ at nStx °£ « 
 
 Lords retained fomc authority, becaufe they were not with- reigning party. They further ordered that freem r 
 
 what }f th hem ’ K / ^7 T u " ot . havc known bc named 1" 'he ordinance, which being read the firft tome- 
 
 Zr whSt I Jr LT’LZ '° Z hare ‘1 th i S man - WM 0rdered “ tead again the nexf morhi ,g Bu as 
 
 Kr, > T ptrty prevailed m the Lower- the Houfe knew, the ordinance would be approved at the 
 
 Houle, it is no wonder, they did not dare to Iwerve from third reading, they pafl'ed an afl for erefling i High Court 
 at 1101 ^ ZT f a<1 l ai " Cd thC adva "' ° f with power to try the fcnf Vhe 3 to o 
 
 ZfLjwr X rr 7 0,, d 11 1 h ? re A en tD ""’in'’ extraordinary a« was as follows : P 
 
 m i l' Z fee prefentiy, their firft oppofition to a “ Whereas it is notorious, That Chatleo Sinn-, the 
 
 where we are to 
 
 I Tieprtjenta- 
 Ition of the 
 
 ill SotHo if tie 
 AMtvMrt 
 I that ivert 
 
 I or rtf id are 
 rtleafed. 
 ip. 1369. 
 BWhitilotk. 
 
 \ 06 f, 
 
 remember, that this is not an occafion, wnere we are to 
 reafon upon the general ideas of the confticution of the Par¬ 
 liament, but rather upon the particular idea of the fituation 
 the Parliament Was in at that time. 
 
 Since the ^dependents were mailers of the Parliament 
 \uficti- petitions againft the King multiplied fo faft, that fcarce a 
 eainfitbt day palled without fome one being prefented to the Com- 
 RuXworth, inons ’ especially from the garrifons, which were part of the 
 ,/lI. p.1367 arm 7 - Lambert being returned from Scotland, the re<*i- 
 ;l373.i37+-"tents under his command failed not to prefent a petition 
 id. P . 1369. a ? reeable to the remonftrance of the army. Smtrhtjbfo 
 where the King had formerly many adherents, diftin- 
 gulined itfelf on this occafion above all the reft, by pre- 
 fenting a petition, defiring that fpeedy and effeaual juftice 
 might be executed upon the chief Delinquents, that is,- 
 upon the King. The Commons were fo pleafed with fuch 
 a petition from a whole county, that to incourage the reft 
 to prefent the like, the petitioners were called in and re¬ 
 ceived the thanks of the Houfe, and the petition with the 
 order of thanks were forthwith printed and publilhed. It 
 does not however appear that the other Counties followed 
 ■ 1 37—* this example. Only Norfolk , a few days after, defired by 
 a petition, that the King himfelf might be brought to im 
 partial juftice 
 
 'IZ V 
 «¥ “>• 
 ting. 
 
 ■ ‘ 37 °. 
 
 Vhitelock. 
 
 -lareodon 
 
 tl. I 
 
 At IfnarK f-Koi 1 r ri 7 , „ * roufly and malictoufly to imagine or contrive, the en- 
 
 l " ’ r . ] ^ e:em ^ er i the Houfe of Com- ** Having or deftroying of the Englijh nation, and to cx- 
 P uriuant to tbe de fires of the army, “ peft impunity for fo doing : Be it ordained and 
 
 p , - bviumwi, me nouie or com¬ 
 
 mons having refolved, purfuant to the defires of the army, 
 to bring the chief Delinquents to a tryal, and intending to 
 begin with the King, appointed a committee of thirty-eight 
 to draw up a charge, and for that purpofe to receive all rn- 
 
 186. M Thc k' H 8«at the Kifts's Park at Bagful. 
 
 ■ .. ‘'■"'-<1 >113 picucccnurs nau maue upon 77 r' 
 
 tlie people in their rights and freedoms, hath had a wick- 
 “ ed defign, totally to fubvert tbe antient and fundamental Jufkt 
 “ ( aws and liberties of this nation, and in their trade to lo, P- , 3 H 
 introduce an arbitrary and tyrannical Government ; and 
 “ tbat befides all othef evil ways and means to bring this 
 “ defign to pafs, he hath^rofecuted it with fire and fword, 
 
 “ levied and maintained a cruel war in the land againft 
 “ the Parliament and Kingdom, whereby the country hath 
 “ bee " miferably wafted, thc publick treafure exhaufted, 
 
 “ tradfe decayed, thoufands of people murdered, and infi- 
 “ nite other mifehiefs committed* for all which high and 
 “ treafonable offences, the faid Charles Stuart , might long 
 “ fihce juftly have been brought to exemplary and°condign 
 “ punifhment : Whereas alfo the Parliament, well hoping, 
 
 “ that the reftraint and irnprifonment of his perfon, after 
 “ it had pleafed God to deliver him into th'feir hands, would 
 “ have quieted the diftempers of the Kingdom, did forbear 
 “ to proceed judicially againft him ; but found by fad expe- 
 “ rience, that fuch their remiffnefs ferved only to encourage 
 “ him and his complices in the continuance of their evil 
 “ pra£lice, and in raifing of new commotions, rebellions* 
 
 “ and invafions. For prevention therefore of the like or 
 “ greater inconveniences, and to the end, no chief Officer, 
 
 “ or Magiftrate whatfoever may hereafter prefume, traite- 
 ‘ roufly and malicioufly to imagine or contrive, the en- 
 4 flavinp - or deftrovino- of rhp FouiKfh .... 
 
 w i & u. mt tangly,., nauoii, ana to ex- 
 
 pe£t impunity for fo doing : Be it ordained and enacted, 
 44 by the Commons in Parliament, and it is hereby ordain- 
 “ ed and enadted by the authority thereof, 1 'hat Thomas 
 “ I.ord Fairfax , Oliver Cromwell , Henry Ireton , Efquires, 
 
 Sir 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 S 6S The HISTORY 
 
 i 6 + 3 . “ Sir liar dr (ff Walla Knight, Philip Skippon y (and a 
 
 • hundred and forty-five others ) (hall be, and are hereby 
 “ ap i.iintcd ..'id required to be Commiflioners and Judges 
 
 • for the hearing, trying, and adjudging of the faid Charles 
 “ Stuart , See. (i / ” 
 
 . The ordinance for tryal of the King palled in the Houle 
 of Commons, the fet and was lent up the 
 
 •' ,f fame day to the Lords for their concurrence. Since the 
 h 6th of December , the Upper-Houfe had confifted only of 
 vii'p.ip: nine Peers, the reft having abfented themfelves, that they 
 c • ni ; L'l:c not be obliged to countenance the outragious pro- 
 
 lll-p-, ' v ' ceeding? of the Commons. But upon notice, that the or¬ 
 dinance would that day be fent up to the Lords, there 
 came more Peers than ufual, as the Earls of Northumber¬ 
 land, Munch,fttr, Rutland-, the Lords North , Rockford, 
 Maynard , Dac es, in all fixteen, [ and the Lord Denbigh 
 Speaker. ] The ordinance being read, was unanimouily 
 re jetted. However, to gain time, if poflible, the Lords 
 agreed to acquaint the Commons, that they would fend an- 
 fwer by meflengers of their own ; and at the lame time 
 adjourned for ten days. This artifice was fruitlefs. The 
 Commons having ordered the Journal of the Houfe of 
 Lords to be examined, and finding the ordinance was re- 
 v.'eoft' ! jetted, voted. “ That all members of the Houfe of Com- 
 c “ monSj and others, appointed to att in any ordinance 
 r “ wherein the Lords were joined, fhall be empowered to 
 
 n, L:r.h “ fit, att, and execute, in the faid feveral committees of 
 ' n: “ themfelves, notwithttanding the Houfe of Peers join not 
 Huihwo.th. “ with them.” And therefore they ordered the names of 
 vii.p 1382 f lx Lords, who had been appointed for Judges, to be left 
 out of the commiflion, and others to be nominated in their 
 room. Among thefe lalt was Serjeant Bradjhaw, who was 
 afterwarJs chofen Prefident of the High Court of Juftice. 
 Then, the Houfe voted : 
 
 0,-of raa. “ i. That the people under God, are the original of all 
 [ >. u j u fl; power. 
 
 “ z. That the Commons of England afiembled in Par- 
 “ liament, being chofen by, and reprefenting the people, 
 
 “ have the fupreme authority ol this nation. 
 
 “ That whatfoever is enatted and declared law by 
 “ the Commons of England, afiembled in Parliament, 
 t‘ hath the force of law, and all the people of this nation 
 “ are included thereby, although the confent and concur- 
 “ rence of the King, and Houfe ot Peers, be not had 
 “ thereunto (2). 
 
 Thefe principles, though dircttly contrary to the true 
 conftitution of the Englifo Government, were however 
 very agreeable to thofe of the Independents, whofe inten¬ 
 tion was to turn the Monarchy into a Republick. 
 h. The ordinance for tryal of the King, with the amend- 
 vn - I meats that were forced to be made, for want of the Lords 
 Whiteiocfc. concurrence> palled the Houfe of Commons the 6th of Ja¬ 
 nuary. 
 
 The following days to the 20th, were employed in pre¬ 
 parations for the tryal, the like whereof had never yet 
 been feen in the world. I intend not to fwell this hiftory 
 with the circumftances of this famous tryal. They are to 
 Sute- found in a little book, entitled, A true account of the 
 v 3 .'l'. Tryal of Charles Stuart, CY. publifhed at London in 1650, 
 and traiiflated into French, wherein nothing is omitted. I 
 imagine I (hall do’the Reader no injury, to refer him to 
 thi. little book, which is not fcarce, and which will inform 
 '.r. ?-if- him of all particulars (3). I fhall content my felf there- 
 " ' :n fore with briefly obferving, what I think molt material in 
 l(, y fg this affair. 
 
 Oiugcj. 1 . The High Court of Juftice obferved the fame rules 
 in trying the King, as in judging a common maiefattcr, 
 there being no precedent of fuch a tryal. 
 
 C., : .-r r Z II. The principal article of the accufation was, that the 
 -/ King had levied war againft the Parliament, which was un- 
 deniable. The fieges and battles were evident proofs of it. 
 <l - ."jr.'.j- But this ought not to have been the principal point. It 
 fr.ai:. fhould have been proved, that he was the Beginner and Au¬ 
 thor of the war. For it is manifeft, if this war had been 
 only deferrfive on his part, he was not to be blamed. And 
 yet, in the charge, he was fuppofed to have put the Par¬ 
 liament under a neceffity of defending themfelves, and this 
 point, which was the chief, not only was not proved, but 
 even not attempted to be fo. The depofitions of the wit- 
 nefies tended not to fhow, that the King had forced the 
 Parliament to take arms, but only that he had been feen 
 fword in hand againft the Parliament, and giving orders to 
 levy war. The' queftion, which of the two, either the 
 
 of ENGLA N D. 
 
 King or the Parliament, had begun the war, ought to have 1648-9. . 
 been fully cleared. But though it had beer, fo, to the 
 King’s difadvantage, who does not know, that the begin¬ 
 ner of a war, is not always the aggreflbr r 'This was a 
 point of great difeuffion, and which impartial judges would 
 have found difficult to decide. For if what has been faid 
 in the Hiftory of this reign be remembered, it will be ob¬ 
 ferved, that though it is evident, the King governed in an 
 arbitrary manner for fome years, the ground of the war lie 
 undertook, was not in maintenance of this arbitrary power. 
 
 He had fully confented to the annulling of his ufurpations. 
 
 But the ground of the war, on his part, was the dcler.ee of 
 the power the King enjoys by the laws of the Land. On 
 the Parliament’s fide, the ground of the war was That ill 
 a fuppofition, the King could not be trufted any more, 
 they would have diverted him of the power his legal pre¬ 
 rogatives afforded him to return to his former courfes, and 
 govern for the future as he had governed before. The 
 King was unwilling to be embed, and the Parliament would 
 fet bounds to his power. This wa.i the true ground of the 
 war. It was not therefore eafy to determine who was the 
 firft author of it. The King refufed to give other fecurity 
 for the future than his word ; and the Parliament pretended 
 to have very ftrong reafons to fufpett the word of a Prince, 
 who had fo often broke it. To determine on which fide 
 juftice and reafon lay, the King’s heart muft have been 
 dived into, to know whether he was fincere, or intended 
 to deceive the Parliament. On the other hand, it was ne- 
 cefiary to know, whether the direttors of the Parliament 
 had not fome other end than the publick good, and whe¬ 
 ther private interefts were not concealed under that pre¬ 
 tence. But all thefe things could be known only to G'd. 
 
 And yet, the Parliament, being judge and party, luppofeo, 
 without alledging any proof, that the King was the ag¬ 
 greflbr and foie author of the war. 
 
 III. There are frequent inftances in Hiflorv of Kings ?*** 
 afiaffinated by their fubjetts, in confcquence cither of the 
 publick hatred, or of private revensn , or of the intereft ol 
 l’ome fattion. The Englijh Hiftory iurnifhcs, even finee "J cbe 
 the Conqueft, examples of two Kings folcmnly depofed 
 and imprifoned. But till Charles I, it no where appears, 
 that any King was ever tried for his life, before his own 
 fubjetts as Judges. I fhall fay nothing here of other Sove¬ 
 reigns, who are poflelTed of a greater authority over their 
 Subjetts than the Kings of England ; for there may be a 
 wide difference between Sovereigns in that refpeft. But 
 confining my felf wholly to the Kingdom of England, and 
 fuppofing the conftitution of the Government Inch as it 
 was from the Conqueft to Charles I, I fhall briefly fet forth 
 what has been faid for and againft fo extraordinary a tryal. 
 
 In the firft place, it is demanded, On what Law, natural or 
 poiitive, was founded the right afi'umed by the Parliament 
 of England to try the King: The muft plaufible anfwer in 
 vindication of the Parliament’s proceedings, is as follows. 
 
 According to the conftitution of the Englijh Govern- r ..-'-■ fn 
 inent, the King is no lefs bound than the Subject, to ob- 
 ferve the Laws to which himfelf, or predecefl’ors a (Ten ted, Tt!7 " 
 which is the principal claufe of the Coronation-oath. If 
 this obligation be equal on both fides, there muft be there¬ 
 fore equally means to caufe them to difeharge it, in cab 
 they neglett it. As for the Subjett, there is no manner of 
 difficulty. The penalties againft offenders are univerfaliy 
 known, and the Courts of Juftice are appointed to infiitt 
 them. It is true, the Laws have ordained no penalty up¬ 
 on the Kings, who difeharge not their duty, as well out of 
 refpett to the regal dignity, as bccaufc it cannot be fup- 
 pjfed, that the King, to whom the execution of the Laws 
 is committed, fhould be the firft to break them, and be¬ 
 tray the truft lodged in him by the People. He is never- 
 thelcfs bound to obferve them himfelf, and caufe them to 
 be obferved by the Subjett. This is a principle generally 
 acknowledged. But what is this obligation, if the obfer- 
 vance of the Laws depends folely on his will, and there be 
 no juft means to compel him to obferve them, or punifli 
 him when he breaks them ? Will it not be an emptv 
 found without any meaning ? And will not the Englijh 
 Government be as arbitrary as that of any other country- 
 in the world ? Since therefore, the Laws have not decreed 
 any penalty againft a King that fhould neglett his‘duty, 
 or the manner to conftrajn him to difeharge it; and ns, 
 neverthelefs, he is bound by the fame Laws to procure the 
 obfervance thereof, and to obferve them himfelf, the Na¬ 
 tion’s reprefentative in Parliament is of courfe to call him 
 
 V Both H-.i'es declare.!, on January i, Thai by the fundamental Laws of this Realm, it is Treafon in the King of England, for the time to come, 
 to levy war again!! the Parliament and Kingdom of England. Rujhavortb, Tom. 7. p. 1380. 
 
 z / Thefe V t:s, lays R:.,} -u'.rtu, being reported to the Houle, the Houfe put them one alter another to the quertion, a- > there was no. one negative 
 
 . ice to any ere of them. Tom 7. p. 13S3.- At this time Mr. Elfyngt defired to be dilmilfed from bev.g Clerk *1 the Parliamrnt, becaufe 1 ys 
 
 Wi.: ■ ’■ >t his own kn wledge) he would have no hand in the bulinefs of the King. He was a ju! ! . and honed man, and a mod excellent Cierk. Aim. 
 
 p. 364.- - Jan 6, The Committee of ElHtes in Scotland redding in London, writ a Letter to the Commons, defiling they would net proceed to t.y or 
 
 execute the King, without the advice of their Nation. Rujhwrtb, Tom. 7. p. 1384. 
 
 :V JTn Bradjba w Serjeant at Law, was Prefident of the Court. William -Si. ■ V. Dr. Dcnjlmt *, and Mr. ehki, were Counfeili rs afMants to draw up 
 •he charge again!! the King. John Ccke Solliriu*. Serjeant Dandy, Serjeant at Arms. Mr. Fbetpi and Mr. ht:ugbr,n Clerks to the Court. Ludhur, 
 ‘i'om. I. p. 275. 
 
Cook XXI. 25. C H A 
 
 1648-9. to an account, fince it is not poffible to imagine any other 
 way. Supposing the King has violated the moil fundamen¬ 
 tal Laws of the realm, fhall foreigners be applied to, for 
 to bring him to juftice r Can it be fuppofed, contrary to 
 experience, that the King is under an impoflibility of 
 breaking the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, of en¬ 
 deavouring to fubvert them, and of eftablifhing an arbitrary 
 Government ? Will it be maintained, that he may do it 
 with impunity ? But if he is allured of impunity, what dif¬ 
 ference is there between the Englijh Government and the 
 mofi defpotick, fince its preservation will folely depend on 
 the King’s probity and will ? If he runs no hazard in try¬ 
 ing to alter the conftitution, after ten attempts, he will try 
 again, even till he fuccceds. As to the objedlion. That 
 lefs violent means than war may be ufed to oblige the 
 King to the obfervance of the Laws, and lefs unjuft and 
 extraordinary, than the taking away his life, to punifh him 
 for the breach of them ; it is anfwered, This is true, and 
 the Parliament had accordingly tried to fecure the Govern¬ 
 ment by other methods, as by demanding of the King 
 that the power of the Militia might be lodged in both 
 Houfes. If the King had agreed to it, the realm would 
 have been in peace, and the People’s jealoufies have ceafed. 
 But he had taken arms to prevent the Parliament’s ufing 
 thefe means, a clear evidence that his defign was to main¬ 
 tain himfelf in a condition to alter the Government when 
 he fhould have opportunity. This unjuft war had been the 
 occaiion of infinite mifehiefs, of the death of thoufands of 
 his Subjects, and the ruin of the reft ; and if he was 
 brought to a tryai, it was not fo much to punift) him for 
 violating the Laws, as for preferring the unjuft and violent 
 way of arms, before the expedients offered him to prevent 
 his breaking them for the future. 
 
 |RThe advocates for the King fay, 1. Though the Kings 
 lairff ret of England, have not fo much authority in their realm as 
 Parliament. f ome other Kings, it docs not follow, that they may be 
 put upon a level with fubjedL* and made equally account¬ 
 able for their a<ftions. 
 
 2. The principle laid down for foundation, that there 
 is an equal obligation upon the King and the Subjedh; to 
 obferve the Law, is falfe, and confequently the whole rea- 
 foning founded thereon, of no force. For, private perfons 
 being entrufted only with their own conduct, nothing 
 can exempt them from the obfervance of the Law>. But 
 the King being entrufted with the Government of the 
 State, and the execution of the Laws, lie has confequently 
 power to qualify them on certain cccafions, otherwise 
 this truft would be to no purpofe. The Laws could nut 
 forefee every thing, and there are occaiion. where it is 
 abfolately neceffary for the publr good to act contrary to 
 them, or at lealt, to fufptnd the obfervance of them, and 
 therefore the obligation of the King and the Subject is not 
 coual. 
 
 3. S'jppofing the King had violated fomeof the fundamen¬ 
 tal Laws of the Kingdom, and levied war againft the Par¬ 
 liament after the moft unjuft manner, it did not follow 
 that he ,,might be punifhed with death, by reafon he has 
 neither fuperior nor equal in the Kingdom, and he could 
 have none but Subje&s for his Judges. Befides, he was the 
 fountain of juftice, and it was abfurd to make him liable to 
 juftice, from whom it flows and derives its whole authority. 
 
 4. According to this fuppofnion, the chance of war 
 having put him in the power of his enemies, he might 
 have been detained in prifon, and prevented from doing 
 mifehief, till he was prevailed with to grant all the fecuri- 
 tres required. But there was a wide difference between 
 imprifonmerit and deatli; as the firft could be confidered 
 as a reafonab'e and neceffary precaution, and the other as 
 a punilhment Subje&s were not impowered to infli£t on 
 their Sovereign, as indeed, the like had never been 
 heard of. 
 
 5 - the fuppofition that the King had violated the 
 Laws, and levied unjuft war againft his Parliament, was 
 very ar om being well-grounded. In the firft place, 
 a - tv- ,1 Laws, if the King, milled by evil counfels, had, 
 on fi-riiv. uccaiions, carried his power too far, when the 
 Parliament made him fenfible of the ill confequences of 
 this cohdu£!, he had chearfully and willingly renounced 
 the exorbitant power which he believed himfelf before 
 to bf juftly intit led to. He had, without delay, confented 
 to all the Aits prefented to him on that fubjeit, and a- 
 & reed that his moft intimate counfellors fhould be brought 
 to juftice. The Parliament had accepted this reparation, 
 without exr.eii-ng the leaft defire of caufing him to fuffer 
 for his part faults'. After that, it was abfurd to alledge 
 thefe fame faults, fo amply repaired, as a motive of the 
 juftice pretended to be executed upon him. 
 
 6. As for the war he had levied againft his Parliament, 
 it was wrongfully aliened, and without the leaft proof, 
 that the' King had raifed and begun it on purpofe to avoid 
 giving his People fecurity. And under colour of defiring 
 fecurity for the future, a defire wholly founded upon mere 
 No. 72. Vo l. II. 
 
 R L E S I. 569 
 
 fufpicions and bare poflibilities, that the King might abufe 1648-9. 
 his power, it was pretended to ftrip him of all his Preroga¬ 
 tives, in a word, of the regal authority, and leave him 
 only a fhadow of Royalty. Thus, fuppofing it true that 
 the l King had begun the war, which was by no means 
 evinced, it would alfo be true, that the Parliament had 
 excited it, by attempting, under a vain pretence of peace 
 and concord, to reduce the King to the moft melancholy 
 ftate a Sovereign can poilibly be in. 
 
 7. The juftice, pretended to be executed upon the King, 
 was founded entirely on two fuppofitions, fupported with no 
 proof. The firft, that the King had undertaken the war, 
 only to free himfelf from giving fecurity. The fecond, 
 that there was reafon to fear he would employ the power 
 that fhould be left him, in altering the conftitution. All 
 reafonable perfons were 'therefore left to judge, whether 
 there was juftice in trampling upon all Laws divine and 
 human, and in Aiding upon their Sovereign a capital punifh- 
 ment on two fuch rafh fuppofitions. 
 
 8. As for the plunder, ruin, murder, and other mif¬ 
 ehiefs occafioned by the wars, before they could be charged 
 to the King’s account, it ought at leaft to have been well 
 proved that he was the author of the war. But if this 
 point were fully examined, it would doubtlefs be found, 
 that the complainers themfelves could alone be charged 
 with it. 
 
 9. The King was proceeded againft for intending to 
 change the Government, and make it arbitrary and tyran¬ 
 nical. But every Englijhman was convinced, that the 
 Government had never been more defpotic, more tyran¬ 
 nical, and more arbitrary than fince the meeting of this 
 Parliament. There was fcarce a Law but what had been 
 violated. The two Houfes had, for feveral years, ufurped 
 the fupreme authority contrary to the known Laws. And 
 lately the Commons had voted, that all power was lodged 
 in them, without the concurrence of King and Peers' a 
 maxim unknown to the Englijh from the foundation of the 
 Monarchy. 
 
 1 o. The Commons in eftablifhing, by a bare vote, that 
 it belonged to them alone to try the King', had plainly de¬ 
 clare-', they owned neither fuperior nor equal, which was 
 really introducing an arbitrary Government. 
 
 1 J. La.’iy. tiii 1,643, the Parliament had only fu r pe£!ed 
 the King’s intention to alter the Government, but after 
 the Parliament had aflumed the diredlion, the Govern¬ 
 ment was really and truly changed. The King was more¬ 
 over fufpected of defigning to alter the eftablifhed Reli¬ 
 gion : hut the Parliament had indeed changed it, and re¬ 
 duced it to a deplorable con furl on, and the Project of 
 this unfortunate chance had been die true cauie of the 
 war, and of all the fublequen: ulamitics. 
 
 IV. The fourth circunuUnce 1 intend to obferve, is, 
 that the King was brought three times before the High 
 Court of Juftice, and as often called upon to anfwer the 
 charge entered againft him* which was read in his i-r ring. 
 
 But he conftantly refufed to own the authority of 1 no 
 Court, and of thofe who ere&ed it. On the other hand, 
 the Court would never hear his reafons lor dedinn , • ■ 
 jurifdidtion. They always took for gianted, that t. - 
 thority by which the Court was eftablifhed, was fufKcier ; 
 which was the very thing the King would have combated, 
 but was never Suffered. At laft, feeing he could not pre¬ 
 vail to be heard on that fubjecl, he left his reafons in writ¬ 
 ing to this effect : 
 
 “ That no earthly power could juftly call him (who HU - 1 
 “ was their King ) in queftion as a delinquent. 'rui,wo 
 
 “ That there were no proceedings juft againft any man vn’p.°i4°3 
 “ but what were warranted, either by God’s Laws, or 
 “ the municipal laws of the country where he lives. As 
 “ for the proceedings againft him, they could not be war- 
 “ ranted by God’s laws. For on the contrary, it is 
 “ there faid, where the word of a King is, there is power j 
 c ‘ and who may fay unto him-, what doji thou ? Eccics, viii. 
 
 “ 4. Then for the law of the land, no impeachment 
 tC can lie againft the King, they all going in his name : 
 
 “ And one of their maxims is. That the King can do no 
 “ wrong. Befides, the law upen which they grounded 
 “ their proceedings, mult either be old or new If old, 
 
 “ they ought to Ibew it; if new, they fhould tell what 
 “ authority, warranted by the fundamental laws of the 
 
 land, had made it, and when. 
 
 “ How the Houfe of Commons could creft a Court of 
 “ Judicature, which was never one it felf, he left to God 
 “ and the world to judge. 
 
 “ And it was full as ftrange, that they fhould prelend 
 “ to make laws without King, or Lords Houfe, to any 
 “ that had heard fpeak of the laws of England. And ad- 
 “ mitring, that the people of England’s commifficn could 
 “ grant their pretended power, he faw nothing they couid 
 <c fhew for that ; for certainly they never asked the quef- 
 “ tion of the tenth man in the Kingdom. 
 
 “ That having concluded, as much as in him lay, a 
 7 E “ treaty 
 

 5 70 
 
 ib+S-g. 
 
 Remarkable 
 
 dtpofitiani 
 
 againft ‘be 
 <”g- 
 
 ulhwortb, 
 H- p *406 
 
 p. 1414. 
 
 p. 1413. 
 
 Sentence Is 
 
 
 /"fed 10 be 
 beard, 
 Rufhworth, 
 VH p.1413 
 Welword. 
 Ludlow. 
 
 He is exe¬ 
 cuted. 
 
 Rufli worth. 
 VH.p.1428 
 
 Character 
 Shades !• 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 trcatv at Nr.uport, and expediting the Houfe’s agreement 
 “ thereunto, he was fuddenly furprized and hurried from 
 “ thence as a prifoner ; that the higher Houfe, for any 
 “ thing he could fee, wa 3 totally excluded ; and for the 
 “ Houfe of Commons it was too well known, that the 
 “ maj a part of them were detained or deterred from fit- 
 tC tine ■ So Co if he had no other, this would have been a 
 
 fuffieient reafon for him to proteft againft the lawfulnefs 
 “ of their pretended Court. 
 
 “ That the arms he took up, were only to defend the 
 “ fundamental laws of the Kingdom, againft thofe who 
 “ had fuppofed his power had totally changed the antient 
 “ Government (1) 
 
 V. Of all the witnefles, as I faid, examined againft the 
 King (2), there was not one which proved the King to be 
 author of the war. But among the depofitions, there were 
 two which muft not pafs unobferved, fuppofing they were 
 neither forged nor altered. The firft Ihows, the King was 
 much lefs incenfed againft the Independents, than againft 
 the Presbyterians, though afterwards he had but too much 
 caufe to perceive, that the principles of the former, were 
 more deftruftive to him, than thofe of the latter. The 
 fecond feems to prove, that the King did not aft with lin- 
 cerity, even in the treaty of Newport. 
 
 [ Richard Price ] a ferivener of London depofed, that the 
 committee of fafety being informed, that the King was 
 privately negotiating with the Independents, fent the de¬ 
 ponent to Oxford , under colour of carrying propofals to 
 the King, from the Independents : That he was introduced 
 to the King by the Earl of Bri/lol, and received orders to 
 fay to the leading Independents, from his Majefty, that if 
 they would take his part againft the Parliament, he would 
 grant them whatever freedom they defired. 
 
 The fecond depofition was of Henry Gooche of Grefs- 
 Inn , who faid : “ That on the 30th of September laft, 
 ** having accefs to, and difeourfe with, the King at New- 
 “ port , he told him, that fince his Majefty had juftified 
 “ the Parliament's taking up arms, by consenting to the 
 “ preface of the bill, he did not queftion, but moft of the 
 “ Presbvterian-party, both foldiers and others, would flick 
 “ clofe to him.” To which the King anfwered, <c That 
 “ he would have all his old friends know, that though for 
 “ the prefent he was contented to give the Parliament leave 
 “ to call their own war what they pleafed, yet that he 
 “ neither did then, nor ever fhould decline the juftice of 
 “ his own caule.” Moreover, upon the deponent’s fay¬ 
 ing, <c That his bufinefs was much retarded through want 
 “ of commiilions.” The King made anfwer, “ That be- 
 “ ing upon a treaty he would not difhonour himfelf, but 
 “ if the deponent would go over to the Prince his fon, 
 “ (who had full authority from him,) he, or any for him, 
 ‘‘ fhould receive whatever commiffions fhould be defired.” 
 That, befides, he exprefled much joy, that his good Sub- 
 jefts would engage themfelves for his reftoration. 
 
 The King refufing to anfwer before the High Court of 
 Juftice, his refufal was taken, according to the laws of 
 . England , for a confeftion, and fentence of death was palled 
 upon him the 27th of 'January (3). A little before his fen- 
 tsnee was pronounced, he earneftly defired to be heard be¬ 
 fore the two Houfes, faying, he had fomething of great 
 importance to offer them. But his defire was rejefted. It 
 is generally believed, he intended to propofe to the Parlia¬ 
 ment, that he would abdicate the Crown in favour of his 
 eldeft fun. 
 
 The fentence was executed the 30th of January 164S-9, 
 on a fcaftold erefted in the ftreet at the windows of the 
 Banquetting Houfe at Whitehall (4). The King fuftered 
 death with great conftancy, and without fhowing the leaft 
 figns of weaknefs or amazement. His body, after having 
 been for fome days expofed to view, in one of the rooms 
 at Whitehall , was carried to JPindfor , and buried without 
 any pomp in St. George's Chapel (5). 
 
 r It is no eafy thing to give a juft and exaft charafter of 
 Charles I, amidft the exceffive commendations bellowed on 
 him by fome, and the calumnies wherewith others have 
 
 of ENGLAND. Vol. II. 
 
 endeavoured to blacken his reputation. If the parties born 164s 
 in his reign, had died with him, we might find in the 
 Hiftories of that time, compofed after the troubles were 
 over, an impartiality which might help to form a true judg¬ 
 ment of this Prince’s charafter. But the fame parties con¬ 
 tinuing in the following reigns, with a mutual animofity, 
 it may be faid, there i» not an impartial Englijh Hiftorian 
 upon this fubjeft. Some had no other view than to vindi¬ 
 cate the King, and others, whofe aim was to juftify the 
 Parliament, could not do it without loading the King, and 
 rendering him odious. We muft therefore proceed with 
 the utmoft caution when we are in fearch of this Prince’s 
 charafter, for fear of being miffed, an'd drawn into error 
 by the different reprefentations given their Readers by the 
 Hiftorians. Notwithftanding thefe difficulties, I fhall briefly 
 fpeak my thoughts, free from all party-paflion and pre¬ 
 judice. 
 
 I do not find, the commendations bellowed on Charles I, 
 with regard to fobriety, temperance, and chaftity, were 
 ever contefted. All agree like wife, that he was a good 
 husband, a good father, and a good mafter. But fome ac- 
 cufe him, and perhaps not unjuftly, of fuffering his Queen 
 to have too great an influence over him, and too large a 
 fhare in State-affairs (6). The Kingdom being Proteflant, 
 and the Queen a very zealous Catholick, her power, which 
 fhe greatly abufed, in caufing the moft important offices to 
 be conferred on Papifts, muft have been looked upon with 
 a jealous eye. This was the chief ground of the opinion 
 fpread about the Kingdom, that the Court intended to re 
 llore the Catholick Religion in England. 
 
 He was Jo great a lover cf Jujlice , that no temptation 
 could difpofe him to a virongful aflion, except it was fo dij- 
 guifed to him , that he believed it to be jujl. Thefe are the T. III. 
 Lord Clarendon s own words, which may be very true, if , - :- 
 applied to the concerns of particular perfons. But befides 
 the juftice which a King ought to adminifter impartially to 
 private perfons, there is another kind of juftice due from 
 him, to all his people in general. With refpeft to this 
 laft, it may juflly be doubted, that the Lord Clarendon's 
 encomium is inconfiftent with the projeft of alterin'* the 
 Conftitution, and afliiming a power, which certainly was 
 illegal. Nay, I do not believe, that this was one "of the 
 things difguifed to him, and I fhould rather think, it was 
 by him, that his Miniflers and Courtiers framed their con- 
 duft, and adapted their notions to his, in order to make 
 their court, and advance their fortune. 
 
 Never was King perhaps fo punftual and regular in his 
 devotions both publick and private. This was of lome ufe 
 to him, to repel the charge of his not being well-affefted 
 to the Proteftant Religion, and he knew how to improve it 
 on occafion. 
 
 He adhorred all debauchery, and could not endure an 
 obfeene or pcophane word. His Court was very different 
 from his Father’s, where oaths, prophane jells, and obfeene 
 difeourfe were but too much in vogue. It is hard to con¬ 
 ceive, how the Duke of Buckingham , who was ufed to 
 King James’s ways, could accommodate himfelf to the 
 gravity and feverity of Charles I, or how Kin£ Charles 
 could adapt himfelf to the Duke of Buckingham’s manners. 
 
 James I, was Iavtfh, and his Son Charles inclined to¬ 
 wards avarice. But this failing may be excufed by the 
 confideration, that he never abounded with money, from 
 the beginning to the end of his reign. 
 
 His enemies would reprefent him as a cruel and bloody 
 Prince ; but as they have not been able to reproach him 
 with any particular aftion denoting fuch a difpofition, it 
 is eafy to perceive, this charge is founded on the fuppofition 
 of his having been author of a war wherein fo much blood 
 was fpilt. 
 
 Sincerity, as appears in his Hiftory, was not his favorite 
 virtue. He made frequent ufe of mental refervations, con¬ 
 cealed in ambiguous terms, and general expreifions, of 
 which he referved the explication at a proper time and 
 place. I or this reafon, the Parliament could never con¬ 
 fide in his promifes, wherein there was always either fome 
 
 Tom- 
 
 (3 
 
 (0 This, fays the King, I Intended to fpeak in Wftminfttr-Holl, on Monday, Jan. 22, but again!! reafon was hindered to fcow my reafon. 
 (2) See their names at length in Ecbard s Hji. Tom. 2. p. 633, and their depofitions in Rufhtacrtb, Tom. 7. p. 1406, See. and in gn 
 
 The names of thofe who v 
 
 , , m.W.ll n k « *. . "d gave their .ffent to the fentence, were a, follows: Bradlhaw, Prefidcnt; Life, Say. Cromwell, Ireton, 
 
 Jiardrene Waller, Bonrchter. Hc-vrn.ngbam. Penmngton, Martin, Purefoy, Barkftead, ‘7 bcmlmftn, Blackiftone, Millington, Conflable, Ludlow, Hutchin?- 
 
 ple. 
 Grey cf 
 
 1”, R ”' Smith, Edw.rds, Clement, M«1», B.™,, V™, Scot, Fleet-owi, M.vne, J. 
 
 ?T P 'V "' £,'Y /, IT’ F‘" W ' J ™“- W.ltoo, H.rrif.n, Wb.liey, P,idc, E».i 
 
 Malevrrer, Moore, Alured, Cawley, Stapley, Downs, Horton, Hammond, Lc-vt, Potter, Garland, Dixwell, P. Temple, Wai._ 
 
 * '' 1 T W l r ’- eX T r « 0,e wh ° fe " am " are pr ‘ mc t d j” It click Character]) with Ingoldsby and Chaloner, figned the Warrant for the King's execution. 
 
 Jiu/b-x’crtD, lorn 7. p. 1416, 1426. See an account of them in Heath, p. 196, See. 
 
 ,,Y T W "d m '° “ "V'""’ , ;0d “P° n * hl S “*ild FtJ executioner.. p. 5,5. IT,Him H„/,r w.s tried end condemned on OScJ. it. 
 
 p. ,S 5 . °o££f>r! it w.,'SolonO ’ST./CrLll'C L " * <•“. Ttat ' hc “■ * 4 * Kto,’. hoi. 
 
 (5) /.net bejd Jnxlcofi one blow hii bod, ... put in 1 Coffio. covered with bl.de velvet, .nd removed to hi. Lod.iu.-room In it lire- 
 
 tv t noon Kunne hie i'r ”r « I " OT * ’*•.”* °‘ T ‘t“V ““I .k. h.d been .ppointtd ,0 
 
 ’ TS"". ’ where came, b, pe,minion, the Duke of K. eW, the M-Suif. 
 
 c , ir£t’ rf UrJ "- Colonel in, r/eer, the O.vernot, not pe,mitring the B.lhop to 
 
 dwll™ rb^’ere m'fSS » '"vm ! Y" 'o'"' ’ "" 9. i" • V,»lr .boot the middle of the Choit, o.e, .g.inli the eleven,h 
 
 The whole fuurt.l Lp™", fX, ! " IZZ'TmT " C ‘ pi " 1 L """' * F ' 11 " « f ^ CHARLES. .6,! 
 
 psj Sir Pbil’p H arwich f.v;, tha: King Cbarlti “ was always nwc chairy of the Queen's perfon, than of his buflnel*,’ , p, 104. 
 
 arabiguoir 
 
Book XXL 
 
 25. C H A R L E S I. 5 7 8 
 
 ambiguous term, or Tome reftriftion that rendered them him that the Irijh took arms, fince they never had lefs i 648-9, 
 
 ufelefs. This may be faid to be one of the principal cau- caufe to complain, than in this and the late reign. Be- 
 
 fes of his ruin, becaufe giving thereby occaiion of diftruft, fides, the Papifts, both Irijh and Englijb , always looked 
 
 ir was not poffible to find any expedient for a peace with upon this Prince as their protestor, and were ever ready 
 
 the Parliament. He was thought to aft with fo 1 :'tie fince- to affift him. Had he fucceedod in his defigns, very like- 
 
 rity in his engagements, that it was believed 'h-re was no ly, the condition of the Catholicks in England and Ireland * 
 
 dependence on his word. The Parliament could not even would have been much more happy, and the penal Laws 
 
 refolve to debate on the King’s propofitions, fo convinced in great meafure repealed. But it does not follow, that 
 
 were they of his ability to hide his real intentions under the King himfelf had any inclination to Popery, or in- 
 
 ambiguous expreflions. But they fenr their own propofi- tended to eftablifh the Romijh Religion. In fhort, that he 
 
 tions to the King, with the liberty only of faying Content, was a fincere member of the Church of England , can 
 
 or not Content , fo apprehenfive were they of his explicati- hardly be doubted, fince he affirmed it on the Scaffold, at 
 
 ons. But as I may be accufed of loading the King too a time when it could be of no fervice to him to diffemble 
 
 much upon the point of fincerity, I think it incumbent on his belief. 
 
 me, to juftify what I have faid, by an unexceptionable evi- Many people give him the firname of Martyr , pretend- 
 dence. 1 mean the Earl of Clarendon. ing, he fuffered death in maintenance of the truth of the 
 
 A Law enabled by violence and force , fays that illuftrious Proteftant religion, againft the Presbyterians and Inde- 
 • Hiftorian, is not rightfully enabled, was one of thofe pojitions pendents, and call the day of his death, which is folemnifed 
 oj ’ Ariftotle, which hath never been fince contradicted, and yearly on the 30th of "January , the day of his Martyr- 
 was an advantage , that being well managed, andJioutly in- dom. But in the firft place, there was too great a com- 
 fijled upon , would-, in fpite of all their machinations have plication of caufes which brought him to this tragical end, 
 brought his Majejly's enemies to a temper of being treated to aferibe his death folely to Religion. 2. Though it were 
 with. But I have fame caufe to believe , that even this argu- true that Religion was the foie caufe of his death, it would 
 ment which was unanfwerable for the rejecting the bill [ tor not be universally agreed that he died for defending the 
 raking away the Bifhops votes,] was applied for the confirm- truth of the Proteftant Religion, fince, among Proteftants, 
 ing it ; and an opinion , that the violence and force ujed in the Englifi) alone, or rather a great part of the Englijb, 
 procuring it, rendered it abfolutely invalid and void, made hold Epifcopacy to be a doftrine of Faith. 3. Though 
 the confirmation of it lefs confidered, as not being of firength dying for Epifcopacy were really Martyrdom, the King 
 to make that aCl good, which was in it felf null. And / in his laft propofals at Newport, agreed to reduce Epifco- 
 doubt this logick had an influence upon other aCls of no lefs pacy to a very fmall matter. 4. Had he been condemned 
 moment than thefe. by the Presbyterians, he might in fome manner be faid 
 
 Let the Reader judge after this, if we may boaft of King to fuffer for Epifcopacy. But it is evident the Presby- 
 Charlcs’s fincerity, fince even in pafting Afts of Parlia- tcrians had no fhare in this fentence, nor ever thought of 
 ment, which is the raoft authentick and folemn promife a bringing him to a tryal. The Independents were the men 
 King of England can make, he gave his afient, merely in that condemned and executed him, and furely, it was not 
 an opinion, that they were void in themfelves, and con- on any religious account, but to turn the monarchy into a 
 fequently he was not bound by this engagement. I pafs republick. 5. If the Scrivener’s evidence be true, King 
 over in filence the manifeft breach of the Petition of Right, Charles cannot be faid to fuffer death for fupporting Re- 
 
 perhaps upon the fame principle, and of his many afl'u- ligion againft the Independents, fince, according to the 
 
 ranees to his Parliament of his intention to maintain their depofition, he offered to grant them all the freedom they 
 privileges, which he violated within a few days, becaufe fhould defire, if they would but take his part. However 
 thefe things have been fufficiently fpoken of in the Hiftory this be, the Church of England having recovered, in the 
 of his Reign. reign of Charles II, the advantage fhe had loft: in that of 
 
 Some accufe him of an inclination for the Roman Catho- Charles I, appointed the day of his death to be kept every 
 lick Religion, nay, there are who carry this charge fo far year with faffing and humiliation, which has caufed fome 
 
 as to fay, he intended to reftore it in England. Thefe to give him the glorious title of Martyr, 
 
 imputations are groundlels. But it cannot be denied, that To conclude, Charles I, was endued with many vir- 
 he gave occafion for them by his conduft, though con- tues, and noble qualities. Thete is even room to believe 
 trary to his intention. During the firft fifteen years of that his failings flowed entirely from his defign to enflave 
 his reign, the Roman Catholicks were not only fereened England, and if, on fome occafions, he followed not ex- 
 from the rigour of the Law, but even incouraged and aftly the rules of fincerity, it was only the more eafily to 
 countenanced to fuch a degree, that he made them Privy- execute what he had undertaken. Without this unfortu*- 
 Counfellors, Secretaries of State, and Lords-Lieutenants of nate projeft, he might be reckoned one of the moft ac- 
 Counties. Two things induced him to this condefcenfion. complifhed Princes that has ever been on the Englijb 
 'Fhe firft, the Queen’s importunities, who was extreme- Throne (1). The Duke of Buckingham, the Earl of 
 ly zealous for her Religion. The fecond, his projeft to Strafford, Archbiftiop Laud, and the Queen herfelf ufed 
 render himfelf abfolute, for the execution of which, he to a very different Government from that of England, 
 believed the afliftance of the Catholicks, as well Englijb were the perfons that ruined this unhappy Prince, whom; 
 as foreigners, to be neceflary. But I will not affirm, that they fo paffionately defired to raife higher than his prede- 
 the Queen, and fome of the Miniftry had not formed with cellors. But who can forbear making a very natural re¬ 
 regard to Religion, more extenlive projects, which they did fleftion on this fubjeft ? I mean, upon the punifhment of 
 not think proper to impart to the King. The afliftance thofe evil Counfellors, and of the King himfelf. The 
 of the Catholicks, whom the King had managed for ano- Duke of Buckingham loft his life by the hands of an 
 ther occafion, became neceflary for his own defenfe, after aflaffin ; Laud, Strafford, and the King himfelf died on 
 his breach with the Parliament. How unwilling foever he the Scaffold, and the Queen fpent the refidue of her days 
 feemed to receive any aid from the Papifts, it is certain, in a melancholy widowhood, being even flighted by her 
 many were entertained in his fervice, and that he was pri- neareft relations. She lived however long enough to fee 
 vately aflifted by the Catholicks on fundry important oc- the Prince her Son’s Reftoration ; but found not with him, 
 cafions. all the fatisfaftion fhe expefted, which doubtlefs was 
 
 Though it cannot be proved that he excited the Irijh the caufe of her return to France where fhe died in the 
 
 rebellion, it may however be affirmed, it was not againft year 1669. 
 
 {1) Dr. Wet-mood mentions thefe particulars, in his Charafler of King Charles, not taken notice of by Rapin. “ He was a Prince of a comely Prefence, 
 
 “ of a tweet, grave, but melancholy Afpeft. His Face was regular, handfom, and well complexioned ; his Body ftrong, heal-hy, ar.d well-made; and 
 
 “ though ot a low Stature, was capable to endure the greateft fatigues. He had a good tafte of Learning, and a more than ordinary skill in the Liberal 
 ** Arts, efpecially Painting, Sculpture, Archite&ure, and Medals ; he acquired the nobleft Colle&ion of any Prince in his time, and more than all the Kings 
 ** of Englai it before him. He lpoke fevetal Languages very well, and with a lingular goad Grace; though now and then, when he was warm in difcoutlr, 
 
 “ he was inclinable to Hammer. He writ a tolerable hand for a King ; but his Scnfe was firong, and his Stile laconick.” Mtm. p. 68, &c. 
 
 By an Indenture in the 2d year of King Charles I, a pound weight of Gold, of the old Standard, of twenty three Carats, three Grains and a half fine, 
 and half a Grain allay, was coined into +4 A tor. by tale ; name y, into Rofe-Rials at 30 *• a piece; Spur-Rials at 151. a-piece, and Angels at tor, a- 
 piece. And a pound weight of Crown Gold, of twenry two Carats fine, and two Carats allay, into 41/. by tale; namely, into Unite! at 201. Double 
 Crowns at 10 1. or Brittjb Crowns at ;j. a-piece. And a pound of Silver of the old Standard, of eleven Ounces, Two-penny weight fine, into fixty two 
 ^hillings by talc; namely, into Crowns, Half-Crowns, Shillings, Half-Shillings, Two-pences, Pence, and Half-pence. 
 
 The 
 
The HISTORY »/ ENGLAND, 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 The Gold C-::ns_of this K-.ng_ (*s appear! by and holding in his right hand the Scepter, icfiir g upcn his Shoulder ; andin his left 
 
 re, RcJc-RiaU, Sfur-Riah, Argelt, Uritei, Double and Bnt’fr; Crowns. The Refc- j 6-yS-9 
 
 r , . „„ nn „ f K i e !h(: Kine’s Firnre in wrought Armour, crowned, and holding in his *■— 1 - u " . ‘ ti " " K " SV,n,,l,,|,r ' ’" *”* Uf ' 
 
 V v \[CAROLVSN DC. MAG. BRITAN. FRAN. ET. H1B. REN. Reset 
 
 h.inn the L-1 , _ , H ,c p r /}■'S VM. VT. PROSIM. ftruck, prob. , ~ „ ... 
 
 >•: h Quarter, between C. K. now cd, • spar-K.-a' weighing iuft half the other, exhibits the King’s head crcwned, looking the contrary 
 
 1 . eight Grains, one aqnar»r. F raK. BT. W REX. Revetfc, the A:nr. as before, VN1TA TVEMVRj The 
 
 extending to 'hee.ge, CA • • , ^ CAROLVS- D- G. MAG BRIT. FRA. ET. H1B. REX. Reverie, Arms in a fquare flveld 
 
 Another 
 
 , under a Crow n, the Arms quartered, Scotland in the firft and 
 r' r'owncd'.^HIS''FR/E.SVM' vT. PROSIM. ftruck, probably, when the King^vas in Scotland, and weighing Six Penny 
 
 :rXv g c. MAG- BRi' 
 
 ‘ * US (^XT^O^ES lh SVI* n DEVS , *Pl jl *Fr^ Cl’F’k*' S b rte Llhn^BanoTlVs a Sun tor the Mint-mark; and reverie, the Arms m an oval 
 > Ll LI ORtV S -Y - ... . »tnv a _-The Silver Coins if this King are Crimes, HaJ Cretans, Sbi/.-ngi._Six-fences. 
 
 (crowned, C. R. FLORENT. CONCORDIA- REGNA.- 
 
 fiect ha? the King 1 
 C. R. the a 
 
 NEW A i<K._ 
 
 6. ) 
 
 u . a fo ten and twent y Stilting-,fleets, pccuiiar to this King, which F ‘ The Crown- 
 
 ■ • ,.U hi* Sword in his hand, CARoLVS. D. G. MAG. BRIT A- FRAN. ET. HIBER. REX. Reverie, between 
 
 CHRISTO. A VS PICE REGNO. Another has on one fide a plain Cro&, on the other v. * th s above it. 
 ' C ' 3 ' bh,Cld C wiTh the Arm' in an Otal, feme in a (qe.-.re Shield- They have ter Mtnt-marks, a Lien Paflant, and in 1, me Gardant, 
 
 T |,e Newark Half Crown, in fi rm of a Lozenge, has C. R. on each fide of a Crown, and XXX. below. Reverie, OBS. 
 
 , K-.-a -n ShiHG - cxac.lv in the fame form, ;md with the lame Infcriptton ; only it has Ml- inftesd of XXX. ) ( fig, 
 : s in the fame term as that el Newark: On one fide C R. crowned, DUM. SPIRO. SPERO. Revert.-, the Caillc, 
 holding a drown Sword, OBS. P. C. 1648. (The PentefraB Shilling wants the Sword and Hand, ar.d has XII. in- 
 
 ' ke th- Ha.'Crown.) ^ Fit. 5.) Them isalfoa Three Shilling face, coined atthe Siege ot Carljie, having C. R. and 
 , rK , - Of .fa, v i •/lints, feme' have the King’s head crowned, with the Ruff, and XH- behind the Head : Reverie, 
 
 b A ' -- cref, the Mint-mark. ( Fig. -■ ) Another is with a falling Band, ( Fig. 3. ) One. has 1637, and 
 
 • ‘. ‘ ' 1 ' '*--- - Crown with C. R. XII. Reverie, 
 
 Th' Ha 1 / Ctotcns arc vari 
 A■ it,* Hup. Fleur-de- 
 
 1646. ( There is alfo a 
 The Ptr.tcjraB Half-Cr wn i 
 Ir Arid out 0’ one of the Tower 
 ft-ad ct XXX. but in other relpetts ‘ 
 
 Jil below 1 Reverie. OBS. CAR! 
 th. Arms, and CHRISTO AU PICE Ri.GNO. a 
 .„.,,1I-TVDI'C MdVFT /V . ARGENTAE- l 
 
 . : rn ;s UON,r.l, "'nfy'hitc VI. hjteid if XII. Tie clrlijh Sbtpe.ee, hu «. R. enenri. Remfc, 
 
 ! •' • , C , nFPr PRO LEG. ANG. LIBER. PAR- 1645. ( Fig. 4. ) The Two-fence has II. behind the King s head, 
 
 S ‘ P r, E T- r | VR d A -e* -he Three pence Legend’IVSTITlA. THRONVM. FIRM AT. One has the King in Ruff, lurcheadcd, CAR- DC. MAG, BRIT. 
 FRAnI’ ET^Htfil ’itemfe] «lo Ci. iwerUoked uj^ei a Cr^fn, F1DEI DEFENSOR, (!%.«.) The r„.j h„ I. behiei fie Kin,'. h=,d. 
 
 The 
 

 [ 573 ] 
 
 The History of the INTERREGNUM 
 from the Death of Charles I, to the Reftora- 
 tion of Charles If. 
 
 BOOK XXII. 
 
 The HIS TORT of the I n t e r-r E g n u m is divided into three principal p arf , <ry 
 
 PART I. 
 
 e T!oe C o 
 
 mmonwea 
 
 I 1649. 
 
 T 
 
 LTH s/ENGLAND. 
 
 O underftand the Revolutions in England after 
 the death of Charles I, we are neceflarily to 
 remember fome material things which have 
 already appeared in the foregoing reign, and 
 of which lt will not be amifs to make here a 
 lhort recapitulation. 
 
 Fir *:' J 1 *P«Ioment now fitting confided properly 
 important but of a Houfe of Commons, who refufed to acknowledge 
 N '6 at '»= ™<* of the Peers. This they had mani- 
 kltly Ihowed in ereaing a Court of Juftice to try the 
 King without the concurrence of the Lords, whofe confent 
 was voted unnecelTary. 
 
 Secondly This Houfe of Commons was compofed of a 
 fmall number of members, all Independents, Anabaptifts 
 foe he H SC H arl r S ' . A| l the Presbyterian members who 
 file in the Houfe the 6th of Dumber were expelled by 
 * h . e "TO end the abfent, whofe Principles agreed not 
 with thofe of the Independents, durft not refume their 
 p aces. If ever there was an ufurpation, it was this maim- 
 ed Parhament s Government, founded only in violence, 
 and wholly fupported by the army. For though the Houfe 
 ot Commons pretended to reprefent the People of England 
 it is very certain, the nation afforded but few perfons! 
 who were pleafed to fee the Sovereign Power lodged in 
 tne hands of fuch reprefentatives. 
 
 Thirdly, The Independents, of whom this Houfe was 
 chiefly compofed, were diilinguifhed by two principles, 
 one relating to the Civil, the other to the Ecclefiaftical 
 Government. By the firft, they afferted, that the Re. 
 publican Government was not only the mol perfedf, but 
 alfo abfolutely neceffary for England , after fo many op- 
 preffions from her Kings, who had changed the Govern- 
 ment into a real tyranny. With regard to Religion, tho' 
 hey called them elves Proteftants, their principle was, 
 that every particular Church was independent, and might 
 be governed as the members thought proper. Their no¬ 
 tions concerning the vocation of the minifies of the 
 Gofpel, were alfo very fingular ; as thev believed that 
 witlx ut any other Call, every man was free to difeharee 
 theofficeo, Minifter, and L the talents gi™ Wm ^ 
 
 ™ d' 0 r tller L &a "'«i who had joined the Inde- 
 
 pendents becaufe they found in that party a full Tolera- 
 tion, were united with them in the firit of thefe prin- 
 
 Eu with a eC a ? d r ° r \ Re P ub]ican Government. 
 But with refpeft to Religion there were between them 
 ome differences, which the Independents regarded the left; 
 as they wanted to mcreafe their adherents,^and, bef.des, 
 
 foiute V ,y’nece a ffa:r atterS RellSi0n ’ «* ^ 
 
 Fourthly, There was Dill in the army a remnant of 
 Levellers, who adhered to their Principle, and were always 
 ready for any attempt to recover their credit. It is true 
 Cromwell, alter having himfelf raffed this faction, had in 
 fomemealure dffperled, but not entirely deftroyed it. An 
 ttbK leader, would ftlljhave made it as formidable as ever. 
 
 Fifthly, It was with the utmoft concern that the Pref- 1641 
 bytenans faw the Independents in poffellion of Sovereign 
 Power. By that all their meafures were broken • Their 
 progrefs for eight years became fruitlefs, and the ftorm 
 they had raifed agamft the King, returned upon their own 
 heads, or at leaft, it was apparent, they had all this while 
 been labouring for others without any thing done for them- 
 felves. h or indeed the Independents were equally enemies 
 to Presbyterian and Epifcopal Government. As to civil Go- 
 vernmerit, it is certain, the Presbyterians were not averfe to 
 Royalty in general. If they had undertaken to limit its pow- 
 er ’ n tW k “ n “ t | fro " 1 a belief tb « ‘king was evil in kfelf 
 M Kin« ^ I™* ° f Engknd ' but bca “fe the two 
 
 O Kl "S s hati ufcl1 ‘heir power to deftroy Presbyterianifm 
 So, whatever they bad done agamft King Charles I was' 
 not pointed fo much againft his Dignity as his Peifon 
 oKeft^rlfK^ con fidered him as their enemy, and defpaired 
 o^eftablrfhmg a Presbyterian Government in the Clinch 
 lo long as he had power to prevent it. Very likelv hmv’ 
 ever nutty of them would have complied with a Repub- 
 hcan Government, notwithftanding tire tenour cf the 
 Covenant had that Government not been in the hands 
 of the Independents, who were by no means inclined to 
 fupport Presbyterianifm, and whofe principles upon Tole 
 ration were entirely rejedtej by the Presbyterians And 
 therefore an union between the Presbyterians and Inde- 
 pendents was morally impofTible. 
 
 Sixthly, The Royalifts, equally enemies of both, could 
 unite with neither of the parties, confident the cpno'i 
 tion there was between their principles. The Independent 
 were for a Commonwealth, to which the Royalifts could 
 not confent. On the other hand the Presbyterians were 
 for ma.ntammg their Government in the Church, and 
 molt of the Royalifts could hardly believe, the Presbyterian 
 Churches, as they had no Bifhops, to he true Chrifiian 
 Churches. Thus the Royalifts, though perfecuted by both 
 parties, were far from joining with either. On the con- 
 trary, they conceived fome hopes, that tile divifion among 
 their enemies would, one day, give them a good opportu¬ 
 nity to reftore the Monarchy to its former ftate. YVbve 
 fore, they induftrioufiy fomented this divifion, in expedi¬ 
 tion that the Presbyterians would at laft be obliged to 
 abandon their projedts, and unite with die Royal Pam' to 
 free themfeives rrom the perfection they fuffered ' ’ 
 
 Such were the interefts of the Parties which divided the 
 People of England immediately after the death of Chat Us I 
 1 he remembrance of all this is abfolutely neceliiry for un 
 demanding the iranfadtions during the Inter-regnum 
 
 Prefently after the King’s death, the Houfe of Com- eta 
 mons publifhed an Aft to lorbid the proclaiming 
 Charles Stewart eldeft fon of the late King, or any other “ff.l 
 perron whatever, on pain of High-Treafon. Here was 
 laid, as it were, the loundation of the Common-wealth, *>’ 
 which the Independents meant to erefl in England. The villi'”! 
 fame day the Lords deftred a conference with the Com- clare, ^n 
 7 F HI- p. 20 
 
 mons Whiic.ock 
 
574 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 i Ol 
 
 II. 
 
 without doi 
 ufua' 
 
 would 
 
 fwcring the mellagc, 
 
 1 lei's and dangerous, and therefore 
 
 mons about fettling the Government, and the adminiftra- Courts of Juftice The Parliament, 
 tinnof Iofoce, the Judges commiffions being determined apprehenfive, that a Jury, impannel.id as 
 i n - the Jea-h of the King. The Commons, without an- never find perfons of Quality guilty of death, .or■ Importing 
 flaar voted the Houfe of Lords to be ufe- the caufe of their Sovereign. I he Independents were not 
 to be aboliflied. They fufficiently numerous among the peop.e, to be (ecure of a 
 " - • • Befides, they were not afiured of 
 
 commifiiorti, 
 
 «,„ilce n embraced by a >ew"(i)i but rejeAcd by molt from the Commonwealth But in ereit ng a Court of 
 of the Peerr nav feme publilheti a protection againft the Juftice, the Parliament could name Ihch Judges as would 
 power alUrmed bv the Commons, which was little regarded, be obedient to there orders. 
 
 Thai the Parliament, which at firft was compofed of the Before this new Court, of which Beajflmi tr w as Preft- torn ** 
 VI ’ fix fcore Lords, and five hundred and thirteen dent, as he had been of that which condemned the King, 
 
 Commons, was reduced to a Houfe of Commons confift- were brought Duke Hamilton the . ,rl of Hdimi, .they. 
 
 ing of about cril tv members, of whom very few at the Lord Gmn s lately created Earl of Aeraci, the Lord F=b ; o..^ 
 
 beginning, had five hundred pounds yearly income. And Capel, and Sir John Owen, all for the fame enme, namely, Rurnet * s 
 
 nlv left the Lords the power of being defied members Jury of their party. Lefiues, they w. re no. Jl 
 f 'Parliament, in common with other Subjcfb. This the Judges, fix of whom had refuted to accept com, 
 I,, a few 1 1 1 . hut reieScd by moft from the CommonWe,.l:u But in ervj mg a (. 
 
 Ihefe members though fo few in number, allumed for having appeared in arms againft the Parliament. When Men, 
 ,he name of a Parliament, and acted as if in their body the King had a mind, m the beginning of the civil wars w„u, 
 had been united the power, which before refided in the to put to death prifoners taken yEd e ,-Ml and - 
 
 Kino- Lords, and Commons. This might appear very the Parliament thinking it unjuft, declared, they would 
 
 inflifi the fame punilhment on their priloncr.--, if the con¬ 
 demned perfons were executed. But when vict ry had 
 decided in their favour, it was then found very agreeable to 
 juftice, to punifh with death thofe who had fought for the 
 King. This will feem the lefs ftrange, when it is remfcm- 
 
 
 furprifing, if we had not fecn the foregoing tranfaclions, 
 and the univerfal terror infpired by the Army. Hence ap¬ 
 pears with what care and ability Cromwell and his affo- 
 ciat'es had, upon the felf-denying ordinance, filled the'army 
 with their creatures. Certainly, nothing lefs than an army 
 
 r a fub 
 
 ent relv Independent and Republican could have procured bred', that the King himfelf had been put to death, for 
 
 a power I'o exceflive and extraordinary to fo inconfider- making war upon the Parliament, 
 
 able a number of members of Parliament. But it moft _ The Duke of Hamilton represented That bti 
 
 alio be confeffed, that, of thefe new Governors, fome were jefi of Scotland , he had entered England with : 
 
 men of a great genius and uncommon capacity, and that as an open enemy, by " r " 
 
 . . c , - .• i__ .1_ .......,»m. rUtll r„ Parliament nf SrntLni 
 
 tue of a cum million from the Burnet's 
 
 if they erred in their principles, they wanted'not skill to Parliament of fci.l.W, which he was bound to obey, and Sfc* 
 purfue the confequences. Their principle was, that the confequently, could be treated but as a prifoner of war. 
 cLJ Sovereign Authority refided originally in the People, by As this objection had been forefeen, he was told, he was in. p 
 whom apart of it'was committed to the Kings, chofen not proceeded againft as Duxe Ham,lion of Scotland, but as 
 to govern them according to law. That the King’s abule Earl of Cambndgr in England ; and lince he had accepted whi ,; l0[t . 
 --y uf this truft, had broken the original Contract between that title, and as fuch, ta^cn a (eat in Parliament, he was p. 380. 
 Kincr and People, and by this violation, the Contrafi fub- thereby become a fubjedt of England: That if the title of 
 fiftine no longer the Sovereign Power returned to the Duke of Hamilton obliged him to obey the 1 arliament of 
 n— l. .... r’.. Sr*. rnnfulprincr them- Scotland , that of Earl of Cambridge ought to have engaged 
 
 People as the~ fountain thereof. So, confidering them- 
 felves as the reprefentatives of the People, they believed, 
 they had a right to change the form of the Government, 
 without any regard to the original Contrafi annulled by 
 the King in his violation of the laws. 
 
 Tbty abui./h In confequence of this principle the Commons, afltim- 
 tb'Mmar. ing the name of Parliament, voted, and afterwards en- 
 ^ _ acted, that the Kingly office fhould be abolifiled as unnecef- 
 
 March it- fary, burdenlbme, and dangerous, and that the State fhould 
 Clarendon, he governed by the reprefentatives of the People in a 
 Wh.wloek. Houfe o( - Commons without King or Lords, and under 
 Divert At. the form uf a Commonwealth. This grand alteration in 
 the Government produced many others in things con¬ 
 fident with Monarchy, but not with a Commonwealth. 
 The oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy were to be abo¬ 
 li filed (z), Juftice was no longer to be adminiftred in the 
 King’s name (3), a new Great-Seal was to be made, new 
 Money to be coined ; in a word, every thing to he re¬ 
 moved which bore any marks of R03 
 Seal was therefore made, on one fide of which 
 the Parliament fitting, with this infeription, The Great- 
 ( Seal of the Parliament of the Common-wealth of England ; 
 
 Clarendon, on the other fide, the arms of England and Ireland , with 
 
 lira! ions, 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 Phillips. 
 
 Scotland , that of Earl of Cambridge ought ro have engaged 
 him to refufe the commiffion. Befides, they were informed, 
 that his accepting the command of the Sr.ch army, was 
 not owing to mere obedience, but to his own follicitation, 
 and that he had been the principal author of the war. 
 
 The Earl of Holland fpoke but little in his defence. Be- Furl of 
 Tides, the fteps he had taken, and his frequent changing ^ 
 fides, did not much favour his caufe. ml P . i.-j. 
 
 The Lord Goring ( Earl of Norwich ) reprefented, That Ear! of 
 he had been educated in the Court from hi.-, cradle, having Norwlch ' 
 been a Page to King fame: i: That he had never ferved 
 any other niafter than the King, whom he had followed, 
 without examining the juftice or injufticc of his caufe, not 
 having had opportunity to be informed in fuch points, 
 which were above his capacity. 
 
 The Lord Capcl , ftedfaft to his principles, and zealoufly IWCapeL 
 attached to the caufe of his Sovereign, defended himfelf lbld - 
 
 Great Sml 
 
 T.' I. P ’ 
 
 with more courage and refolution. He refufed, at firft, to 
 marks of Royalty.” A Great- own the authority of the Court, alledging, That if he had 
 was fesn committed any crime, he ought to be tried in the ufual 
 form, and not before a Court unfupported by any law. But 
 the condemnation of the King himfelf, by a Court of the 
 like nature, might have convinced him, of the unfervicea- 
 blenefs of fuch a defence. He find afterwards, that having 
 
 HI. p. *01, thefe words, The firft Tear of freedom by God's Blcjfing ... . . , - 
 
 wr 1 1 reftored U) This Seal was committed to a certain number furrendered himfelf prifoner at dilcretion, lie was, by the 
 (V 3 ® 7 .r*. of nerfons, who were ftiled Keepers of the Liberties of Law of Nations, exempted from death, if not infliited 
 3“ > • 374. England And it was ordained that for the future, all within fo many days, which were long ft nee expired. 
 
 37S - publick orders fhould be difpatched in the name of thefe He urged, that when after the taking of Colchejler, the 
 Keepers, under the direfiion of the Parliament (5). Laftly, council of war had condemned Lucas and Life to be foot 
 
 r ., :{ The Parliament made choice of thirty-nine perfons to form General Fairfax promilcd life to the other prifoners, and 
 
 .w.v. ’ a Council of State for the adminiftration of publick affairs therefore he demanded the benefit of that prom:!e. 1 he 
 Whitiiccit. un der the Parliament (6). The projeds of thefe changes Court being a little embarailed, fent to the Gereral, to 
 
 were formed in February , but the execution of them "all know what promife he had made the Lord Capel. His W l, 
 
 anfwer was, That as General, he had prom 1 ted tne pnfo-p-3® 8 - 
 ners an exemption from military execution, to which three 
 had been condemned, and that his intention reached no 
 
 Bites- 
 
 Clarend 
 
 required fome months. 
 
 In the beginning of March, the Parliament erefled a 
 new High-Court of Juffice, [confiding of fixty Mem¬ 
 bers J to try fome perfons of diftin£tion, who were in 
 their power. It feems, as there was no Houfe of Lords, 
 
 ,. ’04.. the Peers of the Kingdom had loft their privileges under this of the Parliament. 
 
 farther. Upon this anfwer it was decided, that the Gene¬ 
 ral’s promife did not exempt the prifoner from the juftice 
 
 new Democracy, and that confequently the imprifoned Sir John Owen i aid only, he was obliged in confidence $, r 
 Lords might have been tryed by a Jury, in one of the to ferve the King according to his oath of allegiance. Owe,. 
 
 The Earl of Sail bury, and the Lord Edteard H:ward of Ffcrick, figned the Engagement, 
 tfliibi: flicd, -Without a Ktng 'or Houfe of Lordi, and tank their Seats in Parliament by . ' ‘ 
 
 . Com¬ 
 
 be fr-ue and Jatth 
 
 Edition from the People. Ludlow. 
 j tided out for a new Eleft'on, and the Earl of Pemhnhe. •* 
 , ar.d hij Lordlhtp was accordingly admitted into the Houfe with great r 
 
 whereby every Man li 
 
 , That he -would be n 
 
 .• p_yg; 
 
 1649, upon the death of Sir Fra 
 was relurned for Knight of the Soire for Berki, prim* impr-ffion 
 p. 396. 
 
 z / Inftead thereof a new Oath was prepared, called the Engagement 
 bhlheJ, without King or H-uft of Been. Clarendon, Tom. 3. p. aoq 
 
 ' 0) The Name, Stile, and Tvft, uf the Writs were to be, Cu/lodt 4 Liber-am Ang'.-a. Auth-ntite , 
 
 trary to the Peace of - the King, it was to be- agjinfl the Peace, Jufttce, and Council of England. , ■ 
 
 , , The Lui C/.’-infse fays, on one Side was engraven the Arms of Frrhndinil Ireland, viz. a hrd-CroJi and Harp, 
 
 Seat of England j and on the other, the Portraiture of the Houfe of Commons circumfcribed. In the Firft Yea' of Freedom, by God ■ Hi.!: >; reflared, 164*. 
 Tom. 3 P *C2. Th., Seal, and the Infeription*. were the fancy of Henry Martin. JVhiteioci, p. 367. 
 
 re, 1 dir.r.tt.n and U'bttel,.h were firft appointed Keepers of -he new Grc’t S-il 5 but fPia inng-on def.nng fo be excu fed ar.o rn> exctife being adm t.ed, 
 le, fVoiteUk, Richard Kecble, and John Life, Lards ComtulTloners of the Great Seal, juamd-u Je bene gtftennt. h cite- 
 
 IVntetoch, 
 
 r and faithful to the Government e 
 -And in Indictments, Inftcad of, - 
 
 7 he Gt e 
 
 -. ; palled, app in tine, 
 
 , See 
 
 ;?s, 379 
 
 a Lft , 
 
 t this Ceu 
 
 -1 H'hitehtk, 
 
 3 
 
 Kotwithftandii.g 
 
Book XXII 
 
 The CO M MONWEALT H, 
 
 i75 
 
 1649. 
 
 y ... 
 
 ■ renJi.r.- 
 s . p. 206, 
 
 7 • 
 
 Uhitekck. 
 
 ’•386. 
 
 ■it Duie of 
 Mimilton 
 ncultd. 
 'jrnet's 
 cm- 
 •|4 C 4- 
 
 iarendon, 
 
 p- 2°9' 
 
 lihitelock. 
 
 niillips- 
 
 fl'gdale's 
 
 lj 3*8. 
 
 1 ri Capel 
 Muted. 
 latendon, 
 ll. p. *09, 
 
 lie abfent 
 W ember 1 
 vcluded the 
 Parliament. 
 ludlow. 
 
 I. p.iSS. 
 J/hitelock. 
 
 Notwithftantling their defence, they all received fentence 
 of death (1). But as they had many friends, petitions were 
 offered to the Parliament in their name for a pardon. 
 Thefe petitions were examined in the Houfe, and thofe 
 of Duke Hamilton, the Earl of Holland, and Lord Capel, 
 rejected. The votes were equally divided upon that of the 
 Earl of Norwich, and as, according to cuftom, the Speaker’s 
 vote was to decide, he declared for pardon, faying. He 
 had formerly received from the Earl fome civilities, and 
 therefore voted in his favour (2). The execution of Sir 
 'John Owen was fufpended, becaufe, as a Commoner, he 
 ought to have been tried before an inferior Court. This 
 faved his life. The three firft were executed on a fcaffold, 
 erefted before IVeJlminJler-Hall. 
 
 Duke Hamilton complained, when on the fcaffold, that 
 he was condemned to die for obeying the Parliament of 
 Scotland, which if he had not done, he muff have been put 
 to death there. But it was with little reafon that he in- 
 finuated a danger of being put to death in Scotland, for a 
 refufal to accept the command of an army raifed by his 
 intrigues and authority. He intimated, that if he would 
 have confefled who invited the Scots army into England , 
 it would probably have faved his life. Before his procefs 
 was formed, he had been ftrongly follicited to make this 
 difcovery, which he utterly refufed to do (3). The cha¬ 
 racter of this Duke is not eafy to be conceived. All that 
 can be inferred from what has been faid for or againft him, 
 is, that he had the art to adapt himfelf to the times. And 
 the Earl of Clarendon plainly infinuates. That when he 
 was employed by the King, he was fecretly making friends 
 in the contrary party, in cafe affairs fhould turn to the 
 King’s difadvantage. 
 
 The Lord Capel maintained, That he had ailed no¬ 
 thing contrary to the Laws, and confequently was unjuftly 
 fentenced to die. He fpoke of King Charles I. as of a 
 Saint, and enlarged upon the great undemanding, excellent 
 nature, and exemplary piety of the Prince, to whom he 
 gave the title of King, affirming, he would never be fhaken 
 in his Religion. In all appearance, the Lord Capel fpoke 
 his real fentiments. But the fequel difeovered, either that 
 he did not Efficiently know Charles the lid, or that Prince 
 had other principles when reftored to the throne, than thofe 
 he had imbibed in his youth. 
 
 At or about the fame time, many others were executed 
 for the fame crime in feveral parts of the Kingdom ; and 
 amongft the reft were Morrice and Blackbourn, who had 
 furpriaed the Caftle of Pontfrai f? for the King. Poyer, 
 Powell, and Langhorn , who had drawn into a revolt from 
 the Parliament the Principality of IVales , caft lots for their 
 lives, and the firft was executed. 
 
 When the army drove from the Houfe above a hundred 
 Members, who were unacceptable to them, thofe only 
 were exprefsly excluded, which were then prefent : but 
 many were abfent, againft whom nothing had yet been 
 determined. Indeed, thefe laft had never fince taken their 
 feats in the Houfe, being apprehenfive of the fame fate. 
 But poffibly they might return in great numbers, when¬ 
 ever a favorable opportunity offered. This the Houfe re- 
 folved to prevent, by an A£t, which excluded for ever all, 
 who had not fate fince the trial of the King, unlefs they 
 gave the Houfe an entire fatisfa&ion. At the fame time, a 
 Committee was appointed to examine thofe who fhould of¬ 
 fer themfelves. This Committee received, without fcruple, 
 thofe who were of Independent principles, and found rea- 
 fons to exclude their enemies. This indeed was a good 
 expedient to prevent divifions in the Parliament, becaufe the 
 Members were all of one party. But this precaution bred 
 an inconvenience, which caHed for other meafures. The 
 Parliament confifted of fo few Members, that they per¬ 
 ceived the ridiculoufnefs of ftiling themfelves the represen¬ 
 tative of the Common-wealth. It is true* the vacant 
 feats might have been filled by new elections, but the Par¬ 
 liament did not care to run that rifque, knowing, their 
 party was yet too inconfiderable, to hope for new Members 
 of their own principles. The Houfe therefore refolved, in 
 «rdcr to incrcafe their authority by a greater number of 
 Members, to permit all who had fate in the prefent Par¬ 
 
 liament, to refume their places, on condition of figning an '649. 
 Inftrument, called the Engagement, by which “ they re- rc ~ 
 
 “ je&ed all conceffions made by the King in the treaty of condition of 
 “ Newport ; nppioved of all the proceedings againft him ; fg r ’ n g °n 
 “ and engaged themfelves to be true and faithful to the 
 “ Common-weal'h, as eftablifhed without King or Houle x. 1 P 292, 
 “ of Lords.” By this Engagement were excluded all the whitciock, 
 Royalifts, and the Presbyterians, who were the moft rigid P’ 5 S 3 - 
 obfervers of the Covenant. But however, a good number Wbkb it 
 of the latter figned, and took their feats in the Houfe, 
 being either lefs fcrupulous than their brethren, or in hopes y,' 
 to recover fome influence in the Parliament. Notwith- Clarendon, 
 ftanding, thofe who were known to be moft incenfed a- 
 gainft the Independents, were excluded by the Committee. 
 
 Edmond Ludlow, a member of this Committee, freely owns Ludlow- 
 in his Memoirs, that an expedient was found to admit only T* L f--_ 
 thofe, from whom it was believed, there was no dan- 
 g cr (+)■ 
 
 The Prince of IVales received at the Hague the me- Prince 
 lancholy news of the tragical death of his Father, and im- 
 mediately affumed the title of King, being then eighteen ?,>/, of 
 years of age. Within two or three days, the States-Ge- 
 neral, the States of Holland > and the Minifters of the £|j’ eni j on 
 Hague (5), paid him their compliments of condolence. He hi. p . 215. 
 caufed thofe of his Father’s Council, who attended him, Eftobljhet 
 to be fworn of his Privy-Council, with the addition of only 
 one perfon (6). He had no fooner eftablifhed his Council, It called by 
 than he received a letter from the Queen his mother, who, 
 after expreffions of her extreme affliction, advifed him to 
 retire into France , and form no Council till fhe had fpoke 
 with him, but her advice came too late. Probably, the 
 Queen defigned to govern her Son, as lhe had governed 
 his Father, though the power of the new King was infig- 
 nificant. His condition was deplorable, not having where 
 withal to maintain hi: houftiold, or any table but that of 
 the Prince of Orange his Brother-in-law, and fubfifting 
 entirely by his affiftance, which too could not laft very 
 long. The Slates of Holland, forefeeing the Parliament It c-uy 
 would fhortly follicit the King’s removal out of their do- X 
 minions, would have been very glad to be freed, by his clarendon, 
 voluntary retreat, from the neceffity of defirihg him to HI. p. 7.16- 
 depart. Some of the States Deputies were even of opinion, 
 to prevent the defires of the Parliament. The King was 
 informed of this difpofition, and wifhed to be gone, but 
 knew not whither. He had been ill received in France K r ™t s„- 
 whilft his Father was alive, and had no reafon to expeCl a “ " 0 !r 
 better reception. He knew too well the Queen Regent and 
 Cardinal Mazarin , to imagine, they would prefer his 
 friendfhip to that of the new Commonwealth of England. 
 
 So, though he had refolved to withdraw into France, it 
 could have been but for a very fhort fpace. On the other 
 hand, he had ho great inclination to be with the Queen 
 his Mother, knowing, fhe would hold him in a fort 
 of fervitude, which he could neither brook, nor avoid 
 without a quarrel. Ireland alone feemed to promife him an He refifoet 
 honorable retreat, by reafon of the fituation of affairs in "^ , " b !’ eUnd ' 
 that Kingdom, which it is neceffary to deferiba. 
 
 In the year 1646, the Marquifs of Ormond by exprefs ^ofX’ 
 orders from the King concluded a peace with the Irjh |, n( j. 
 Rebels, in hopes of receiving Efficient forces to drive from Rufhwoitfc, 
 that Ifiand the Englijh Parliamentarians and the Scots. But V1 ' p ' 4 ° 1, 
 however advantagious this peace was to the Catholick Re'i- Phillip-, 
 gion, the Pope’s Nuntio did not think fit to confent to it. Bites. 
 
 The pretence was, that the Catholicks found in it neither R 
 Efficient advantages, nor fecurity. But the true reafon 
 was, that by this peace he would have loft all his credit, 
 fince the Marquifs was to be acknowledged Governor by 
 the Irijh. He caballed therefore with fuch fuccefs among 
 the People, that, not only they deferred the Marquifs, but 
 alfo by their infults obliged him to retire to Dublin , un¬ 
 provided of every thing to defend that capital, which 
 they were preparing to befiege. In this extremity, he 
 chofe rather to deliver Dublin and Drogheda to the Parlia¬ 
 ment, than fee them fall into the hands of the rebels. He Cox Fe. h* 
 capitulated therefore with the Parliament, and furrendred p* *93- 
 thefe two places to Colonel Jones, who took pofleflion the Appe, “ ll ' r ' 
 
 17 th 0 {June 1647. Alter that the Marquifs withdrew ciarend-n,. 
 
 (1) When Sentence parted, 7 bat they fhould all lofe their Heads, Sir fobn Owen made a low reverence, and humbly thanked them : And being asked by 
 a Slander by, what he meant 1 He faid alrud, “ It was a very great honour to a poor Gentleman of IVales, to lofe his He.d with fuch noble Lords j and fwere 
 <• a great Oath, That he was afra'd they would have hanged him.'' Clarendon, Tom 3- p. 206. 
 
 (2) Upon this nccafion Wbittlock obferves, This may be a caution againft the affe&ation ot Popularity, when the Earl of HAland, who was as full of Gene* 
 rolity and Courtfhip to all forts of Perfons, and readinefs to help the opprelTed, and to ftand for the Rights of the People, as any perfon of his quality in the 
 Nation, was given up by the Reprefentatives of the People ; and the Lord Goring, who never made protefiion of being a Itiand to Libeity, either Civil er Spi¬ 
 ritual, anil exceeded the Earl as much in his Crimes, as he came fhort of him in his Popularity, was fpared by the People, p. 386. 
 
 (3) Rapin, m fled by Btktr't Ccntmuator, fays, “ he offered to difeover what had been defired, if his L'fe might be fpared," which contradifting all the 
 
 Hifinrians, is altered by the Translator from Whltelock, See -Inftead of quoting Ed-ward Philips, Baker' 1 Continuatcr, Rap:n has all along in the Margin 
 
 quoted Baker himfelf ; but ili3t is rectified every where. Sir Richard Baker died in 1644, in the lhe!. 
 
 (4) To iupport their Authority, the P wets In being, ordered, That there fhould be twenty eight thouland Horfe and Foot kept up in England, and twelve 
 fhou'and in Ireland $ whole pay Ihould be 8o,ooof. a month. fPhitelock, p. 3S6. 
 
 (s; The Booy of the Cleigy in a Latin Oration delivered by the chiet Preacher of the Hague, lamented the misfortune in terms of as much afpetity and de. 
 teftatiimf the allots, as unworthy the name of Chriflians, as could be espiefled. Clarendon, Tom. 3- p. 216. For which reafon Perhaps the States inh hi" t 
 their Mir.irters liom infilling up n matters ot Mate in their Pulpits, and particularly not to meddle with England's, or other Kingdom's proceedings H'biie- 
 
 U(k, 
 
 Mr. Lie 
 
 in'? 
 
Vo!, il. 
 
 576 
 
 <1he HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1549. 
 
 into England where he had frequent leave to vifit the have fared the King's life. They therefore refolvcd to 
 K;re then inrifoner of the array, till at tail he was forced (how the Englljh and all Europe, that they highly difap- 
 to "if- inn Frame proved the proceedings of the Parliament of England, 
 
 ° After "the Marquifs had quitted Ireland, the Nuntio ex- which was all they could do on this occafion, 
 eroded a tvrannv, which grew intolerable to the Irifi. Purfuant to this refolution, Commiffioners were font to Cl 
 They the-efurc font to the Queen and Prince then at London, where they arrived the beginning of January" 
 
 F.r’i that thev v.• - dilpofed to fhake off the Nuntio’s 1648-9, and prefented a Memorial to the Parliament, let- 
 
 vn “ kc ' , ,1 if ‘the Marquifs of Ormond were fent to them ting forth the reafons which ought to divert them from 
 m V: spiv of arms and ammunition, they would put their purpofe of trying the King. But this Memorial pro- 
 
 hi.n at the 1 ead of an army capable of expelling all the duced no effea. At laft, after the King had been twice 
 
 King's enemies out of the’IIUnd. The Nuntio had no- brought before the High-Court of Juftice, they gav 
 
 HI. p.aiS. - 
 
 VII p.i 
 
 Batts. 
 
 Ludlow. 
 
 Whitelnt 
 
 Clarendon, 
 
 the liberty . 
 
 The Marquifs of Ormond long waited at Paris for the 
 performance of a promife made him bv the Cardinal, of 
 a lupply of money, arms and ammunition. But finding 
 at laid,* he was only amufed, he departed without any 
 adiftance, and arrived in Ireland the beginning of Oflober 
 1648. Three months after, he concluded a new treaty 
 with the Grand Council of the Irijh aflemblcd at Kil¬ 
 kenny (i). At the fame time the procefs was forming in 
 England againft the King. But this peace was not gene¬ 
 ral. Owen Roe 0 Neale who commanded in Uljlcr re- 
 je&ed it, becaufe, as he pretended, it was not advantagious 
 Hi. P . T-z. enough to the Catholick Religion. Much time was fpent 
 ' to gain him, without fuccefs. At laft, the Marquifs of 
 Ormond, not to lofe the opportunity of making progrefs in 
 Inland, while the Parliament was eredbing their new 
 Commonwealth, refolvcd to take no farther notice of 
 O Neale , but adt fingly, with the army which the Council 
 Mfi of Kilkenny had at their difpofal. He put himfelf there- 
 pjj".'. 11 ' fore at the head of this army, and advancing towards 
 Borliie. Dublin , took Dundalk , Newry, Trim, Drogheda , and 
 • • 1J fome other towns and caftles, which facilitated his in¬ 
 tended fiege of Dublin. On the other hand, Prince 
 Rupert , Admiral for the King, being purfued by the Par¬ 
 liament’s fleet, put into Kingjale , where he was fecure, 
 and in a condition to favour the Marquifs of Ormond's 
 defigns. This difpofition of affairs made the King judge 
 that Ireland was a convenient retreat, where at the head 
 of an army, he might make himfelf mafter of Dublin , 
 and then of the whole Ifland. After which he hoped, 
 that with his Irijh fuccours and his friends in England , he 
 might recover his throne. But news from Scotland made 
 him fufpend his refolution of going to Ireland, And this 
 it will be neceffary to explain. 
 
 -f Since Cromwell's expedition into that Kingdom, after 
 Scotland. the defeat of Duke Hamilton , the face of affairs was en- 
 ld. p. t j re j v changed. The Marquifs of Argyle , with all the 
 rigid Covenanters who oppofed the war againft England , 
 Bumtt’s had regained the advantage they had loft. The new Par- 
 Mem. liament had declared incapable of all employments, thofe 
 who were concerned in the Engagement formed by Duke 
 Hamilton, and the Kirk had excommunicated them: fo 
 that they were confidered as enemies of God and the 
 State. Of this number were William Earl of Lanerick , 
 Brother of Duke Hamilton, the Earl of Lautherdale, and 
 many others, who formed a faction, which I (hall call Ha¬ 
 miltonian, and which was entirely crufhed. By this revolu¬ 
 tion Scotland remained united with England , fo long as the 
 Englijh Parliament continued Presbyterian, that is, to the 
 6th of December , 1648. 
 
 The revolution in England , upon the army’s expelling 
 the Presbyterian members from the Parliament, to leave 
 only Independents, changed the interefts of Scotland. The 
 Independents mortally hated the Scots on account of their 
 attachment to the Covenant, and thefe again looked upon 
 the Independents as enemies, no lets formidable than the 
 Royalifts. This might have funk the credit ol Argyle, 
 which partly fubfifted upon his friendfhip with Cromwell 
 and Vane , the chiefs of the Independents. But the Scots 
 had a confidence in him, becaufe in religion he was an 
 approved Presbyterian, though in politicks he leaned to the 
 republican fchemc. When the Parliament of England had 
 ere&ed a Court of Juftice for the trial of the King, the 
 Scots found themfelves extremely embaraffed. To fuffer 
 the Independents to remain mafters of England after the 
 death of the King, which was vifibly their defign, could 
 not but be very difadvantagious to them. They perceived, 
 that a Parliament fo compofed would difregard Scotland , 
 and infallibly ruin the Covenant between the two King¬ 
 doms, which it was of the utmoft importance for the 
 Scots to maintain, becaufe the Presbyterians might poffibly 
 one day recover the ground they had loft. But on the 
 other hand, they could not take arms for the King with¬ 
 out manifeft danger. After their late lofs, they were 
 hardly able to raife another army, to fight the Inde¬ 
 pendents ; and though they had done it, they would not 
 
 “ vernment of the Kingdom, and introducing a finful and 
 “ ungodly Toleration in matters of Religion ; and that 
 “ therein they had exprefled their thoughts, and fears, of 
 “ the dangerous confequences that might follow thereupon ; 
 “ and that they had aifo earneflly prefled , that there 
 “ might be no larther proceeding againft his Majefty’s per- 
 ‘‘ fun, which would certainly continue the great diftrac- 
 “ tions of the Kingdom, and involve them in many evils, 
 “ troubles, and confufions; but that by the free counfe's 
 
 c of both Houfes of Parliament of £: 
 ‘ advice and confent of the Puritan 
 ‘ courfe might be taken in relation t.. 
 ‘ be for tiie good and happinefs of bo 
 ‘ having an unqucftionable, and urn 
 ‘ perfon, as King of both ; 
 
 ‘ had reafon to hope, that ' 
 
 •d, and with the 
 Scotland, fuch 
 ’ as might 
 ;d'.*ms ; both 
 bie right in his 
 which duly confidered, they 
 ould have given a flop to all 
 
 I* 3+8, G 
 
 Whicelock, 
 
 farther proceedings againft his Majefty’s perfon. But 
 “ now underftanding, that after the irnprifonment and ex- 
 “ clufion of divers Members of the Houfe of Commons, 
 
 “ and without, and againft the confent of the Houfe of 
 c< Peer^ by a Angle Acl of their own, and theirs alone, 
 
 <£ power was given to certain perfons of their own Mem- 
 <c hers of the army, and fome others, to proceed againft 
 “ his Majefty's perfon, in order whereunto he had been 
 “ brought before that extraordinary new Court ; they did 
 <e therefore, in the name of the Parliament of Scotland , 
 
 C£ for their vindication from falfe afperfions and calumnies, 
 
 “ declare, That though they were not fatisfied with his 
 cc Majefty’s late conceilions in the treaty at Newport, in 
 “ the Ifle of Wight, efpecially in the matters of Religion, 
 
 “ and were refolved not to crave his reftoration to his Go- 
 tc vernment, before fatisfa£tion fhould be given by him to 
 c ‘ that Kingdom ; yet they did ail unanimoufly with one 
 “ voice, not one Member excepted, difclaim the leaft 
 “ knowledge of, or occafion to the late proceedings of the 
 “ army here againft the King; and did fincerely profefs, 
 
 “ that rt would be a great grief to their hearts, and lie 
 ic heavy upon their fpirits, if they fhould fee the trufting 
 “ his Majefty’s perfon to the two Houfes of the Parlia- 
 “ ment of England, to be made ufe of to his ruin, eon- 
 “ trary to the declared intentions of the Kingdom of 
 “ Scotland, and folemn profeflions of the Kingdom of 
 “ England . And to the end that it might be manifeft to 
 “ the world, how much they did abominate and deteft fo 
 “ horrid a defign againft his Majefty’s perfon, they did, in 
 “ the name of the Parliament and Kingdom of Scotland , 
 
 “ declare their diffent from the faid proceedings, and the 
 “ taking away his Majefty’s life; protefting, that as they 
 
 were altogether free from the fame, fo they might he 
 “ free from all the miferies, evil confequences, and cala- 
 “ mities, that might follow thereupon to the diftra£Ied 
 “ Kingdoms.” 
 
 The Parliament anfwered this Proteftation, but after H* 
 the King’s death, faying, “ They had heretofore told T'' 
 
 “ them, what power this nation had in the fundamentals'ei. i., don 
 “ of Government: That if Scotland had not the fame NI- P- ,ZI 
 “ power and liberty, as they went not about to confine 
 “ them, fo they would not be limited by them ; hut 
 “ leaving them to a£t in their's as they fhould fee caufe, 
 cC they refolved to maintain their own liberties, as God 
 “ fhould enable them. And as they were very far from 
 “ impofing upon them, fo they fhould not willingly fuffer 
 “ impofitions from them, whilft God gave them ftrength 
 “ or lives to oppofe them.” They faid, “ The anfwer 
 “ they made to their firft and fecond letter was, that after 
 “ a long and ferious deliberation of their own intrinfical 
 “ power and truft, ( derived to them by the providence 
 “ of God, through the delegation of the people ) and up- 
 “ on the like confideratior.s, of what themfelves and the 
 «< whole nation had fuftered, from the mifgovernment and 
 “ tyranny of that King, both in peace, and by the wars; 
 tc and confidering, how fruitlefs, and full of danger and 
 prejudice the many addreffes to him for peace had been, 
 and being confcious how much they had provoked and. 
 tempted God, by the negledl of the impartial execution 
 
 1 An- 
 
 Ji) This Treaty is to be met with in Dom'i Ekncbut A/rrai/w, p. 145, and was very advantJgbus to the Rur.an Catbolicks. Rafin, 
 
Book XXII. 
 
 577 
 
 1649, 
 
 The COMMONWEALTH. 
 
 1649. ** Ju^'ce, in relation to the innocent blood fpilt, and 
 
 “ mifchief done, in the late wars, they had proceeded in 
 “ fuch a courfe of juftice againft that man of blood, as 
 “ they doubted not the juft God ( who is no refpefter of 
 “ perfons ) did approve, and would countenance with his 
 “ bleffings upon the nation ; and though perhaps they might 
 “ meet with many difficulties, before their liberties and 
 peace were fettled, yet they hoped they fhould be pre- 
 “ ferved from confufion, by the good will of him who 
 “ dwelt in the bufli, which burned and was not confumed ; 
 “ and that the courfe they had taken with the late King, 
 “ and meant to follow towards others, the capital ene- 
 “ miesof their peace, was, they hoped, that which would 
 “ be for the good and happinefs of both nations; of which, 
 “ if that of Scotland would think to make ufe, and vindi- 
 “ cate their own liberty and freedom, ( which lay before 
 “ them, if they gave them not away ) they would be 
 ‘‘ ready to give them all neighbourly and friendly affiftance, 
 “ in the eftablifhing thereof; and defired them to take it 
 , “ into their moft ferious confideration, before they efpoufed 
 
 ** that quarrel, which could bring them no other advan- 
 “ tage, than the entailing upon them, and their pofterities, 
 “ a lading war, with all the miferies which attended it, 
 “ and flavery under a tyrant and his iffue.” 
 
 Ilfp.'y tf tie Shortly after, the Scotch C'ommiffioners were recalled. 
 
 D ‘‘ But juft after their departure , an anfwer was in their 
 i larendon, name prefented to the Parliament, Which charged the fitting 
 n. p. 12r. Members with unfaithfulnefs, breach of promifes and oaths, 
 ^384 ° e ^' and ot ^ er things very offenfive. This was fo ill received 
 1 'nillips. y ’ by the Parliament, that they ordered them to bearrefted on 
 the road, and put under guard, till it fhould be known 
 whether they were avowed by their Principals. But, the 
 Scotch Parliament juftifying them, and complaining of the 
 violation of the law of nations violated in their perfons, 
 they were immediately difeharged. 
 
 ' > 'Ja Cul 'T • f° ni ce a juncture, the Scots had but two ways to pre- 
 ^ ScoTs vent their falling into a dangerous anarchy. They were 
 either, with the Englijh , to change their Government into 
 a Commonwealth, or elfe acknowledge the eldeft Son of the 
 late King for their Sovereign. But each of thefe ways had 
 its difficulties. A Republican Government was direftly 
 contrary to their antient Conftitution, the two Covenants, 
 and the inclination of the People. Befides, is was not feen 
 what advantage could accrue to the nation from fuch a 
 change. The fecond way was likewife very embaraffing, 
 confidering the circumftances of Scotland for many years 
 paft. Had James I. and Charles I. not invaded the privi¬ 
 leges of Scotland , by introducing the Religion of England , 
 contrary to the inclinations of the People : Had the diffe¬ 
 rences between Charles I. and his Scotch Subjefts produced 
 no civil war: Had not the treaty which ended that war, 
 and reftored to the Scots their antient Religion, been ex¬ 
 torted from the King: Had not the invincible diftruft of 
 the Scots , with regard to Charles I, armed them to leffen 
 his power in England , and difable him to revoke his con- 
 ceffions to Scotland : Had not the Scots lworn two Cove¬ 
 nants, the one national, and the other common, to both 
 nations, to maintain Presbyterianifm: Had thefe things, I 
 fay, never happened, the Scots might, nay, ought to have 
 acknowledged for Sovereign the next heir of the Crown, 
 according to the immemorial cuftom of Scotland. But in 
 the recognition of this new King, the maintenance of their 
 Laws, their Privileges, their Religion, was -concerned. 
 Herein lay the difficulty, for the acceffion of a new King 
 to the Crown, was no reafon to oblige them to relinquifh 
 things, which had coft them a ten years war. They 
 knew, Prince Charles , eldeft Son of the late King, had 
 the fame principles as his Father, concerning Religion, and 
 civil Government; and had never entertained, nor did now 
 entertain, any perfons about him, but what were mortal 
 enemies to their Nation and Religion. Wherefore, in re¬ 
 ceiving him for King without any previous condition, they 
 ran the risk of being replunged into their former ftate un¬ 
 der Charles I, who by artifices, and, as they thought, by 
 deceit, and at laft by open violence, had undertaken to 
 reduce the Kirk of Scotland to a perfeft Conformity with 
 the Church of England. As therefore, agreeably to the 
 laws and cuftoms of the Kingdom, it was natural to ac- 
 knowltdge for Sovereign him, to whom the Crown was to 
 devolve, it was no lefs proper, in the prefent juncture, to 
 take care to preferve what they had with fo much difficulty 
 recovered. Was it reafonable for them, to deliver them- 
 felves to the mercy of a young Prince, yet a ftranger to 
 them, and caule their peace and happinefs to depend on his 
 foie will, notwithftanding their fufpicions, that he had no 
 more affeftion for them than his Father? Neverthelefs, as 
 his affairs were almoft defperate, they imagined, the offer 
 
 of their Crown, might engage him to become a good 
 Scot , and difmifs his Englijh counfellors, who were not 
 proper for Scotland ; in a word, would think himfelf very 
 happy to recover one o t his Kingdoms, and fee himfelf in 
 the fame ftate in which his anceftors were, before his 
 Grand-father’s acceffion to England. They refblved, there¬ 
 fore, to acknowledge and proclaim him, but however with 
 reftriftions, which left them at liberty to capitulate with 
 him. The Proclamation was thus worded : 
 
 “ The Eftates of Parliament prefently (1 ) convented in Tbe Proclt- 
 “ this fecond feffions of this fecond triennial Parliament, chl'rles^I 
 “ by virtue of an Aft of the Committee of Eftates, who»» Scotland. 
 “ had power and authority from the laft Parliament, for Fc ^-, ? - 
 “ convening the Parliament; confidering, that forafmuch l>hlllip ''' 
 
 “ as the King’s Majefty, who lately reigned, is, contrary 
 “ to the difient and proteftation of this Kingdom, removed 
 “ by a violent death 3 and that by the Lord’s blcffirig, there 
 “ 's left unto us a righteous heir, and lawful fucceflor, 
 
 “ Charles Prince of Scotland and Wales-, now Kino- of 
 “ Great-Britain , France , and Ireland-, We the Eftates 
 “ of the Parliament of the Kingdom of Scotland , do there- 
 “ fore moft unanimoufly and chearfully, in recognition and 
 “ acknowledgment of his juft right, title, and fucceffion 
 “ to the Crown of thefe Kingdom^, hereby proclaim and 
 “ declare to all the world. That the fin'd Lord and Prince 
 “ Charles is, by the providence of God, and by the law- 
 “ ful right of undoubted fucceffion, King of Great-Bri- 
 tC tain , France , and Ireland , whom all the Subjefts fif 
 “ this Kingdom are bound, humbly and faithfully to obey, 
 
 “ maintain, and defend, according to the national Cove- 
 “ nant, and the folemn League and Covenant betwixt 
 “ the two Kingdoms, with their lives and goods, againft 
 “ all deadly enemies, as their only righteous Sovereign 
 “ Lord and King. 
 
 “ And becaufe his Majefty is bound by the Law of 
 “ God, and the fundamental laws of this Kingdom, to 
 “ rule in righteoufnefs and equity, to the honour of God, 
 
 “ the good of Religion, and the wealth of his People : 
 tc It is hereby declared, That before he be admitted to the 
 “ exercife of his royal power, he fhall give fatisfaftion to 
 “ the Kingdom, in thofe thing- that concern the fecurity 
 4 ‘ of Religion, the unity betwixt the Kingdoms, and the 
 “ good and peace of this Kingdom, according to the na- 
 ‘‘ tional Covenant, and the folemn League and Covenant, 
 
 “ for which end we are refolved, with all poffible expedi- 
 “ tion, to make our humble and earneft addreffes to his 
 “ Majefty. For the teftification of all which. We the 
 “ Parliament of the Kingdom of Scotland , publifh this our 
 “ acknowledgment of his juft rights, title, and fucceffion 
 “ to the Crown of thefe Kingdoms, at the Market-crofs 
 “ at Edinburgh , with all ufual folemnities in like cafes, 
 
 “ and ordain his royal name, portrait, and feal, to be ufed 
 “ in the publick writings and judicatories of this Kino-- 
 “ dom, and in the Mint-houfe, as was ufually done to 
 “ his royal predeceffors, and command this aft to be pro- 
 “ claimed at all the Market-croffes of the royal Burghs, 
 
 “ and to be printed, that none may pretend ignorance.” 
 
 When the proclamation was publifhed, the Council dif- The King 
 patched Sir Jofeph Douglas , to give the King notice of it, in J 0rmri °f 
 and the States fent alfo two Commiffioners (2), only to in- Exprcj) 
 form him of what had been afted in his favour, but with- Clarendon, 
 out any order or inftruftion to treat with him. Before the ni \P’ 2I7 ‘ 
 conditions on which he was to be inverted with the royal Heath! 01 * 4 ' 
 authority were propofed to him, it was neceffary to know, 
 if he would accept the Crown upon terms not yet known, 
 but eafy to be gueffed ( 3 ). The Commiffioners found the ibt Earl, of 
 King at the Hague , where there arrived at the fame time Canerick, 
 but in another Ship, the Earls of Lanerick and Lauther- 
 dale-, and fome time after, the Earl of Montrofe alfo from MurfJifi »f 
 France. When the late King, after his retreat to the M °ntrofe 
 Scotch army, ordered Montrofe to lay down his arms, he re- Hagne 
 tired into Germany , and ferved in the Emperor’s army. Clarendon* 
 Afterwards he went into France , where the Queen and f11- P- a ' 7 » 
 Prince of Wales gave him a reception very different from 
 what he expefted, after his great fervices in Scotland. 
 
 This coldnefs was owing to his arrival in France , at the 
 very time the Queen was ufing her endeavours to perfwade 
 the King her Husband, to throw himfelf upon the Presby¬ 
 terians and Scots, and grant all their demands, imagining, 
 he had no other refuge. It was therefore no proper feafon 
 to carefs a man, who was extremely hated in Scotland. 
 
 He had been very fuccefsful in ferving the King, but had 
 ufed his advantages with fuch barbarity, that he had been 
 degraded by the Parliament, and excommunicated by the 
 Kirk ; fo that in Scotland he was coniidered as an enemy 
 to the nation, and to Presbyterianifm. As his refidence in 
 France was very difagreeable, he no fooner heard of the 
 
 ( 1 ) Prrf-r.ity ill the Scotch Papers is ufed for Now, or at Ptefcnt. 
 
 (2) The Commifii mersof the Kirk fent alfo four of their Minifters. Cbrmdor., Tom. 3. p- 117. 
 
 3 The Kirk declared, That he Ihould firft fign the Covcnanr, fubmii to ih« Ki lt's cenfutf, ranounce the fun of his Father's Houfe. and the iniqivty of 
 bi» Mother. Ibid p. hi. * 7 
 
 No. 72. V O L. II. 7 G 
 
 death 
 
The HISTORT of E N G L A N D. 
 
 Voi. If. 
 
 9. death of Charles I, then he repaired to the Hogue to offer were under, of a quarrel with the new Commonwealth 1649. 
 his fervice to the new King. Tn his retinue, were Tome of England , made his ftay there very unwelcome. Be- 
 Scottijh Lords and Gentlemen attached to his fortune. fides, they received advice, the Parliament was ,to fend an 
 
 ? The King received very coJdlv the news of his being Agent,, to propofe between the two Commonwealths a 
 proclaimed, by reafon of the reftri&ion in the Procla- ftridt alliance ; and this affair was not to be negotiated- 
 j;; , mat ion. There was however nothing ftrange in it, iince wlulff the King remained at the Hague. This Agent, Doriflauj 
 the Scots pretended only to require what had been asked of named Dei iflaus, arrived indeed before the King left the ,bt EngfWi 
 Charles I. agreeably to their Covenant, and the Covenant place. But the fame evening that lie came to the Town if^and"jf/ 
 of rhe two Kingdoms. But the King and his Council, as he was at (upper in his Inn, with fome other perfons, tt* Hague. 
 
 fix Scots of tne Marquifs of Montrose's retjnue entered the 3- 
 
 1 - . ..... . C arend 
 
 Riirai 5 cn 
 a pajfagc tn 
 the Lord 
 Clarendon'. 
 H’jhry. 
 
 it feenv, were perfwaded, that the Scots had not the lead 
 right to exact fuch conditions. That is t - fay properly, 
 ti.e Scots in their recognition of the new King, ought at 
 the fame time to acknowledge the injulBce ul their Cove¬ 
 nants, and depart from ail their pretentions. Thefe were 
 two contraries which they thought to be irreconcileable, 
 namely, That the Scots (liould own the King’s undoubted 
 right, and yet defire to capitulate with him. In a word, 
 they pretended that the tranfaclions of the luff ten or 
 twelve years, ought to be entirely buried in oblivion, 
 Charles I. Charles II. and their Counfellorr, were prepof- 
 fefled with an opinion which often deceived them, name¬ 
 ly, that there was no mean between an abfolute attach¬ 
 ment to the King, and a total enmity to him. 1 lie 
 Lord Clarendon' s Hiflory abounds with inllances of this 
 prepofleffion. But to confine myfelf to the prefent occa- 
 fton, this illuftrious Hiflorian in icprefcnting the Scotch 
 
 J u 
 
 room, and titagging him fiom the 'Fable, murdered 
 him (i). The Affalnns were neither arreffed, nor imme- 229. 
 diately purfued ; and though afterwards fome pains were wtairdock 
 taken to apprehend them, the States fhowed on that oc- 
 cafion a great regard for the King, which offended tiie 
 Parliament. Neverthelefs, the King knew, after this ac¬ 
 tion, there was no remaining at the Hague , and the Prince 
 of Orange advertifed him, that he would be deftred to 
 depart. He therefore fern his heavy baggage and fome of 7 hi King 
 his Domefticks to Ireland , with a refolution to follow fo 
 
 them, after he had paid a vifit to his Mother in France. 
 
 But as he was not yet ready, he prevented the ungrateful 
 compliment he was to receive, by prefenting himfelf to 1 
 the States a Memorial of the fla,e of his affairs, and ask- Ht pn'tmt « 
 ing their opinion, whether he ought to go lor Ireland or I fbTstattl S 
 Scotland. The States obferving he was about to depart, chreodun' 
 
 t indignation againft the thought it not convenient to prefs him, and thereby he III. p. ajo* 
 s death, would infer, that gained time to be prepared, 
 pt the Prince his Son for fuc- While the King was deliberating at the Hague, con- Infurreftitn 
 .11. But as this did not happen, ccrning the offer from Scotland, the States of that King- 
 it to the artiff-fs and credit of' the Marquifs of dom were fettling the terms on which he was to be recei- m, p . ai ». 
 
 m. p. 
 
 Nation, as animated with : 
 
 Englijh Parliament, for the K 
 T. m. Scotland was inclined to a 
 p. 222,227. ce |]- ur without any cor..iit; 
 
 he 
 
 Argyle. He fays, Tiie Marquifs would have been glad to ved, not doubting his inclination and readmefs to accept 
 prevent the King’s being proclaimed, but as he durft not the offered Crown. But he had friends in Scotland, who, 
 oppofe the general fentiment of his Country, he was forced better informed of his fentiments, refolved to difturb the 
 to con fen t to it. According to him, the Marquifs of Ar- publick deliberations, by an infurredtion, in hopes that a 
 gyle was the foie caufe of tire ieftr:£l;on in the Proclayia- happy fuccefs would caufe the King to be admitted without 
 
 tion. This fuppofes the Proclamation to have been the ge- any condition. With this view Middleton, Monroe , the ^ 
 
 neral fenfe of the people, and the reftridiion the effedl of Cordons and others, affembled fome forces in the North, p> ^$ 6 . '• 
 Argyll's intrigues. But if th's reftriction was agreeable to mid feized the Town of Inverness. But the Parliament Heath, 
 the intcrefts and fentiments of the ruling party, as I have having before received intimation of their defign, had al- Phi]1, P s ’ 
 (hown, why is it aferibed to the Marquifs alone ? Was it ready raifed forces, which immediately marched to the 
 impoflible for the people of Scotland to acknowledge King north, under Straughan and Kerr, and difperfed the muti- 
 Charlcs II. without an entire confidence in him ? But the neers before they could affemble all their forces. 
 
 Scots adted with him only in the fame manner as they adted Though the King had firmly refolved to go into Ireland, addition 0} 
 
 with his Father, as appears in the Covenant itfelf, wherein it was impoflible for him to execute his defign, by reafon 
 
 they fhowed an extreme diftruft of the late King, even when of the turn in his affairs in that Ifland. After the Parlia- c^endon 
 they ingaged to defend his perfon and rights. The re- ment was become mafter of Dublin, it had been often Hi p-.249« 
 llriction therefore contained nothing new, or extraordinary, moved in the Houfe, to fend a powerful reinforcement to 
 It was a natural confequence of the troubles begun in 1637 . Ireland: but the oppofite intereffs of the Presbyterians and 
 Draifona- However this be, Charles believed, that no great regard Independents hindered the taking any refolution. The 
 Scofs at ttc was due to what had yet been done for him in Scotland, firft were for fending Sir IVilliam Waller to command 
 
 Hogue. He underftood, that in the intended capitulation, things there, and the latter were as earneft for Major- General 
 
 Clarendon, wou jj be demanded which he had refolved not to grant, as Lambert. The divifion between the Parliament and Ar- 
 
 ■ the confirmation of the Covenant and the Presbyterian Go- my which arofe quickly after, brought new obftacles to 
 
 vernment. He wifhed however to jaffifie his difmclina- this affair. At iaff, the revolt of Hales, the lnlurrehtions 
 
 tion to Scotland, by the advice and opinion of the Scotch in ether Counties, and the preparations of the Scots to in- 
 
 P- 2 3 2 > 2 33- Lords who were with him at the Hague. For this pur- vade England, difeharged all thoughts of Ireland. If, in 
 
 pofe he would have had them appear together before his this interval, the Irijh could have come to an union 
 
 Council, and upon being confulted, dillwade him from amongff themfelves, and have joined the Marquifs of Or- 
 
 going to Scotland, and the Council thereupon form their mond, they might have expelled tiie Parliament’s forces, 
 
 refolution. The Marquifs of Montrofe approved of this and rendered themfelves mailers of the whole Kingdom, 
 
 proceeding; but the Earl of Lautherdale, and the Earl of But their diviiions hindered them from improving fo favo- 
 
 Lanerick who took the title ol Duke Hamilton , on hearing rable an opportunity. It was not, as I obferved, till the end Cl>rendoa,. 
 
 at the Hague the tragical death of his Brother, would not of the year 16+S, that they made peace with the Mar- il 1 P’ 
 
 confent to it. They thought it too nice a proceeding, for qmfs of Ormond, and the oppofition of O Neale kept the 
 Scotch Lords to appear before an Englijh Council. By this Marquifs from taking the field till April 1649, - ;i the 
 
 the Earl of Traquaire had been ruined. On the other King was dead, and the Government of England modelled 
 hand, they were lo enraged againft the Marquifs of Mon- into a Commonwealth. 
 
 trofc , that they would have no communication with him. The union of the Irijh with the Royalifts, the pro- CromweS 
 When the King found he could not bring them together grefs of the Marquifs of Ormond, the extreme weaknefs of" (7 »- 
 
 f“mji going to confult upon this fubjeft, he declared however, he would the Parliament’s party in that nation, brought at the laft qZ""I on.*' 
 not go into Scotland, and perfifted in his refolution for Ire- the Houfe to a refolution of fending thither a good army, ni. P . 249. 
 land. Thus,j upon a bare information that Scotland would with all poffibie diligence. Waller, who was a Presby- Whiteloek. 
 not receive him without conditions, he refolved to refufe tcrian, was no longer confidered as a proper General to 
 the Crown of that Kingdom. And, what is more, he feive the Parliament ; and Lambert, till then fupported 
 ttsmmit/ion* 8 ave commiftion to the Marquifs of Montrofe to raife forces by Cromwell , was now fupplanted by him. Cromwell be- 
 in Germany, and make a defeent upon Scotland. So, re- hcved, the Government of Ireland was a poll not iui- 
 ceiving with acknowledgment, the offer made him by the worthy of himfelf, and fo managed by his intrigues, that 
 Scots , he ordered a war to be levied upon them, as upon he was unaniuioufly chol'en to fill the dignity of Lord- 
 
 enemies, becaufe they relufed to admit him for their Sove- Lieutenant of that Kingdom. But before his troops could 
 
 reign, without a previous engagement. Nothing is more be ready for that expedition, he had a difficulty to over- 
 
 proper to demonftrate the neceffity of the precautions taken come, which might have had dangerous confequences. 
 
 by the Scots, though fome Hillorians are pleafed to repre- Bolides the Cavaliers and Presbyterians, the Parliament j n [*rr,fhm 
 fent them as very unjtiff. had otner enemies, who only waited an opportunity to ofrbeLevth 
 
 The King could not refide any longer in Holland, declare, and were in the army itfelf. Thefe were the l '/'' 
 
 land. 
 
 F* 1 33' 
 
 Ludlow 
 tic gte. 
 
 Scot hud. 
 
 Ck tendon. 
 HI, p. 269. 
 Warwick. 
 
 Carendor 
 
 in. P . 2 : 
 
 where it was intimated lo him, that the oread, the States Levellers* who were djlliitisfied, for that after they had mVp! 280. 
 
 Phil) ps. 
 
 (.) He w;< 
 Co. lege, ■; a 
 
 r of tb Li Law, born 
 
 Ji'Cge Adv<cat! s Olfice in 
 c.ed him, Torn. 3. p. 22 
 
 a Delft in H Herd, and bred at Leyden, but afterward; lived long ia.Lordt.1, having been received into Gr.fbam 
 which are ci.d.'wed for Publick Lecture* in that Sociery ; and hal been irum the beginning of the Trouble.', in 
 the Earl l Efftx', Army The Lord Chreadzn fay 1 , '.hey were Seen, and Dependents upon ;nt Marquifs of 
 !• Sut tVbn,i\k lays. That they were tw.-lve Englijh Cavil ers who flatbed him in feveral placer, a' ' 
 iUn du1 ant cf tee Ktng'i J-ad t u, IKiitti.A, p. 42 i. Ludhw lavs, They were Er.ghjh ana Seen, 
 
 lock. 
 p.401,402’ 
 
 ferved 
 
fiook XXII. 
 
 Tbe GOMMONWEALT K. 
 
 fcrvcd is inftruments tb ruin the Presbyterian Parliament, prepare the conditions to be demanded of Ore King It 
 they were dot only unregarded, but even called feditious fee,ns, they were not informed in Scotland of the Kina’s 
 
 and rebels. 1 his occaftoned their aflcmblmg upon Cram- fentiments, fince they continued to deliberate upon that 
 
 • J! “ s apputnt'd .to command in M,f, under a fubjefl, which doubtlefs they would not have done had 
 
 pretended neceffity of inquiring what troops were proper they been acquainted with ’his refolution In all probabi 
 
 to ferve ,n mat Kingdom (, ). To that end they met li.y, as the eliates had not yet exprefsly invited him to 
 
 at tScJord to the number of five thoufand, and without come and receive the Crown, he did not think himfelf 
 any precaution continued there, pretending a promife from obliged to communicate his thoughts to them arid if the 
 
 Cromwell, that no part of the army (hould approach with- envoys of the efiates and council had received ao anfwer 
 
 in ten miles. Bui Rayr.Ms , by the command of Gene- from him, ir was too general for any thing to be inferred 
 
 ral ftir/.f, unexpectedly tell upon them with five or fix from it. However this be, the committee of eftates having 
 
 thoufand men, and gave then; an entire defeat. Nine hun- learned, the King was in Jerfey, Cent Mr. Garre IV,t 
 dred Horfe, and four hundred hoot were fent pnfoners to dram to acquaint him, they were defirous to treat with 
 London, and fome of them executed. Others obtained him Concerning his eftabliftmcnt in Scotland : but as the 
 their pardon hy Cromwells mediation. This affair being Ifie of Jcrfiy was neither fafe, nor commodious, he was 
 thus happily ended, the army was prepared which Crawt- defired to name fome town in the Low Countries where 
 “"L™ '?•' mt ° U i- he might receive their commiffiofters. For this purpofc, 
 
 1 ! i ar ; n ^ W , O a<remb , lln ?’ '!>= Marquifs of Or- tt was required of him as a preliminary, without which 
 
 fhorp fYlIlM nr. „ _ 1_.11 . . 
 
 579 
 
 164^. 
 
 lo (W’ifftc- mond a PP roac,ied Dublin to beifege it. Whereupon, 
 ° Un n ‘ Cromwell immediately fent about three thoufand men to re¬ 
 inforce the garrifon which was very weak. Mean while, 
 as he believed he could not arrive foon enough to fave 
 that city, he revived to land his army in Munjler , where 
 he hoped to find no obftacle, becaufe he knew, the Lord 
 
 fju 
 island. 
 
 11 larendon, 
 
 i:j. p. 2+3 
 
 hi Hips• 
 'ludlow. 
 
 y ‘rrr v; x.orci rung was fully informed of what had pafl'ed in Ireland, 
 
 Inchtquin,! refident of that Province, was departed with where Cromwell having taken Drogheda by afTault had 
 His tngljh troops, to reinforce the army under the Mar- out the P"arrifnn fr> fuinnl .J _»■ .> • 
 
 j i w 1 lurijiuv, **aJ Ut-pdf icu WJlIl 
 
 his Englijh troops, to reinforce the army under the Mar- 
 quit of Ormond. But the Marquifs having notice of his 
 intention, immediately difpatched the Lord Inchiquin with 
 the forces under his command to prevent his landing, by 
 ■U'hich he confiderably weakened his army. He however 
 continued his march, and began the blockade of Dublin a- 
 fX?"" bout the m ‘ dc ^ e of June- He ftayed fome time at Finglas, 
 u ‘ in ’ ^ ve mi ‘ es from Dublin , in expe&ation of frefh troops,°and 
 at laft pafled the river, and polled himfelf ^t Rathmims 
 to lay the fiege in form. While he was in this camp. 
 
 ---, .•- “ (vM-iniiiimijt, WIU1UUI WHICH 
 
 there could be no negotiation to .acknowledge the autho¬ 
 rity of the prefent Parliament, and particularly of the two 
 lall feflions. If'indram left Edinburgh the 25th of Septan- Phiuips, 
 ber, but was hot with the King till towards the ehd of 
 O^Rcber, being detained by contrary winds : fo that the 
 King was fully informed of what had pafled in Ireland , 
 
 whprf- r^Mmeit,// FT_ ’ j . i m . ■ . 
 
 Y Arm, 
 
 {fraud. 
 
 raillips, 
 iarendon. 
 
 pdllips. 
 
 lire King 
 
 \fifi Iron 
 P df f‘z n E 
 
 
 WHips. 
 
 put the garrifon to the fword, and was continuing his 
 progrefs with wonderful rapidity. This news made the C ,;irendon ».. 
 King look upon Scotland with another eye than before, 2&4 * 
 He knew, he {hould be unwelcome both to France and Philips. 
 Holland, f rom Ireland he was entirely excluded, nor Bjte * 
 could Jerfey long afford him fubfiflence. Befidc.., he was 
 told, the ; 'arliament had given orders for a fleet to reduce 
 that Jfl.md, which was not in a condition of defenfe. 
 
 Scotland therefore was the only place where he could find 
 
 .> r ,' r “ , „ " *p» , et 7 and fobliftance. For this reafon, he received TVin- The Kin? 
 
 J fuccours fentbjr Cromwell arrived in Dublin. A lew dram very graciouilv, and named Breda for tile reception «£* 
 the Marquils of Ormond refolvcd to repair an of the Scotch commiflionert, premifirtg, kb would be there 
 frefi, Ca !l|’ef W fr‘m by 7 P ro P e ”° hinder any the 15th of the following March, ft was not however rl"£.T 
 
 frefh relef from entering the Town. Then Colonel Without fome uneafinels that he came to this refolution 
 Jone, the Governour, who Irom a lawyer was become a Befides his little affc&un for the Scots , whom iie regarded %?... 
 ood officer, perceiving how much thefe fortifications as the principal authors of his father’s misfortunes, not P . 5,,.' 
 might aimoy him, refolvcd to endeavour to prevent their one counfelior advifed him to put himfelf into their hands 
 being nniihed, for that purpofe he put the garrifon under though it was impoffible to direfl him to another retreat It"' 
 arms in the niglit, and at break of day making a Tally, So it was meet neceility which caufed him to refolve to liilen 
 marched direftiy to the ca ftle and earned it fword in hand, to tile propulitions [he Scots were to make him. Tiiat this 
 This happy fuccefs caufud him to advance towards (he was his only motive, can hardly be doubted, when it is con- 
 
 '"b T “Tic H c mCt ' he n 17 w hb,>r ° f H ° rfc ’ r ' d ' re<) > thaI on thc 3 oth of January 164.9-50, lie writ to » 
 
 ich flopped him fome time. But this body being dif- the Marquifs of MontroJ,,, that the Scots had fent IVindram 
 
 petfed, brought Inch terror to the Irtjh armv, that they to him, and that their Comraiffioners were to repair to Brc- r 
 fled in confofion without finking a blow. The Marquifs da, in March to treat with him. Whcntlore, lie prefled him S 
 of Ormond was forced to follow them, for fear of falling to haften his preparations for a defeent into Scotland lie- 
 
 m o the hands of h,s enemies. Alter tins defeat, he was fore this affair (hould be fettled, in order if it was not- rltSS 
 
 obliged to retire to fome d,fiance, to wait for the fuc- Able, and fhoold pleafe God to favour him with fuccefs to r- . > 
 cours, he had been prom,fed. prevent the conclufion thereof (5) 
 
 Cromwell mformed of this good fuccefs whilft he was IVindram being returned with the King’s anfwer, the JT 
 imbatking hrs army, altered his defign, and mfieaj of committee of Eftates laboured inceflintiy to^finifh the pro- 
 
 going to Munjler, failed to Dublin, where he lately ar- politions to be fent to the King. The draught was laid 
 
 S fc " before the Parliament, and alter fome amendment,, or- 
 
 fitnd men ] When the Marquifs of Ormond knew that dered to be communicated to the general aflembly of the 
 Cromwell was at DubUn he rented to a dill greater dif- Kirk, where it was approved. Hence it appears, that thefe 
 W 7 "'Drogheda a numerous garrifon (a), under propofition, were fettled with the commotTconfent, fince 
 the command of Sir Arthur Ajhn, an oiKcer of reputation, they had the concurrence of both Parliament and Kirk 
 who had been Governor of Reading, and afterwards of though fome have been pleafed to aferihe them folely to the 
 
 r 1 l T, r 7 l- molt COn - Mar< I uirs of Ar Z> U ' as " th =y were more agreeable to his 
 iider ble.city, in 'he north of Irelands wh;ch was befieged imereti than that of the Kingdom. Alter this, the Par¬ 
 liament and general Aflembly named Commiffioners to 
 carry them to the King. 'Thefe Comujifficmers arrived Hr.*, 
 at Breda at the time appointed (6), and prefented the con¬ 
 ditions to him, on which the Scots would admit him to 
 ••..v.v nw.au nutftuu iuuuui the cxercifc of thc regal power. They confifted of thefe 
 
 to carry but his perfon, while Cromwell was aflembling four articles • ^ 
 
 his army on the coaft, and (till lefs, after Ormond ’s defeat. ,. That all thofe who have been, and continue ex- r w ■ 
 
 1 011 th p 0t Kr ' be "T bok:nJ 0n wlth no commuaicate by tne Kirk of Scotland, may be Ienaoved 
 
 good eye m France, where, lince his arrival, the Court from having any accefs to the Court ,be K ' r -z b 
 
 had made him no offers of fervice, be revived to with- z. That he would be nl- afed to decla- L - , .^Scotch 
 draw into the Ifie of Jerfey , as the only place where he by folemn oath unde: h . Iiin d a ud ft a I 
 could hone to lie favoroSle ipi'pivp/) fi\ .i_ e~< _ . 
 
 --v istsunu, wnn.li was oenceea 
 
 by the King’s forces, was relieved by a Tally made byliir 
 Richard Coot, much in the fame manner as Dublin was by 
 Jones. J 
 
 !• rom what has been feen, it is manifeft the King could 
 not venture into Ireland, where he had no other fuccour 
 
 could hope to be favorably received (3). "He retired there- 
 _ for e to that iffe with his brother the Duke of fork, and 
 " his final! Court, where he continued fome months (4). 
 The commotions raifed b)- the King’s friends in Scot¬ 
 land being appeafed, thc committee of eftates aflembled to 
 
 Covenant of Scot hi. ;> 
 iiant of Scotland , . 
 
 profecute the e:..! tj.crf-.' 
 
 3. That he would : u 
 liametit, enjo r ing the lb 
 
 that he woulJ ( 
 .llow tl*e national ’ 
 
 
 - 1 - Cl.v. lldUUUdl *■ 
 
 folemn League and Cove- Phii,l P'' 
 
 ; : Ireland ; and that he would UlJeidon, 
 m .:s royal ffation. Hi. p. 267. 
 
 y ami approve all A& of Par- » 
 
 :mn Keague and Covenant, and 
 
 >g, Thu eleven Regiments, rooflly confi/K^g of Levellers, fhoald by lot be chofen for the fervice of Ireland. 
 
 m Scot- 
 
 nd. (1) Or rather upon the Parliame 
 
 aiilips. Heath, p. 233. 
 
 lerend-.n, (2) Of three thoufand Fo.jt, and two or three Troops of Hcrfe. Ctorrndrn, Tom. 3. n 
 
 1 . p. 265. 13 ) He h»d been lately proclaimed King there, by Sir George Carteret the Governor Wbitehck, p. 386. 
 
 its*. Quetn of B J’s P prtil 7 n 77 V!/ hat ! "r r iuri x!j 4 >!:ora " L VVJS prlr,t;n? in Ln i. land ’ it was ordered, on March to, to be fupprefTed_ May 8. th, 
 
 in. p. 51. p 390, +00, 406. 
 
 T,.:.? 1 ’ 1 ° f *5, nolb j"5 of Utter f.ov. ih= K’„ | but rum *. Be,,,, ,„d „,V... 
 
 S, iet r^ 7 TLC L “ J 6 *"** -»• Th = K, "S h ‘ J V " ■*« . Ctmumm lo cite . to.Ce S« T.m. /. ,6 9 . A,d 
 
 mwcaJth, as under a King." fyhitc/oei, 
 e that i 
 
 7 n. *• *•* “ **+ •* ^ -»r 1 * i V- M. r»» U-K.lt. 
 
 eftahliflamg 
 
Vol. 11. 
 
 580 
 
 1649, 
 
 R,JUSim 
 
 upon rbefe 
 Proportion 
 
 The HISTO RT ef E 
 
 NOLAND. 
 
 eftablifhing Presbyterian Government, the Direftory of a happy fuccefs, they faw no fuffic.ent reifon to oblige i6 4 <>. 
 worfhip, the confeffion of Faith and Catechifm in the them to defift, and expofe their repofe and Rel.gmn to the 
 Kingdom of Scotland, as they arc already approved by the caprices ot a young Prince, who was known to be of the 
 general alTembly of the Kirk, and bv the Parliament of fame fentiments and principles as his father and Grain, 
 that Kingdom, and that he -would give his royal afTent to father : That the conditions ottered him, I.uuird nor h s 
 the Afts of Parliament injoining the fame in the reft of Prerogative as King of Scotland, , but.only put it out , 
 his dominions, and that he would obferve the fame in his power, to tread in the fteps of the King his f ather 1 Im. 
 own praftice and family, and never make oppofition in ottering him the Crown of Scotland, it was lawful to 
 therein, or endeavour any change thereof. require, that he fhould govern according to the true intere;- 
 
 4 That he would confent and agree that all matters of that Kingdom : I hat if thefe conditions appeared to nun 
 civil'might be determined by the prefent and fubfequent contrary to his intereft witli regard to England he was at 
 Parliaments of the Kingdom of Scotland, all matters ec- liberty to rejeft them ; but his intereft with refped to 
 clefiaftical by the enfuing general Allbmblies of the Kirk, England , was not a good realon to engage the beats to ven- 
 as was formerly condefcended and agreed to by his late ture their happinefs, in leaving him to govern as he pleafeJ: 
 father That it was not yet fifty years fince James VI. became 
 
 After hearing thefe conditions, the King demanded, King of England, and that Chart's i. having loll that 
 whether thefe papers they had delivered to him, con- Crown by his ill conduit, and Charles II. heme utterly u-i- 
 tained all the particulars which they had to propound or able to recover it, he ought to deem hm.leil happy, that 
 defire? Whether they had power to recede from any his Scutch Suby-Ss had t,tiered him the Crown ot lus an- 
 • • • • tient Kingdom, on the fame terms it had been enjoyed by 
 
 his anceftors for many ages; and that in becoming a good 
 Scots man, he would be reftoted to what his predeceffors, 
 
 Kings of Scotland , had formerly been : That it was not 
 reafonable to futter perfons excommunicate, and confpira- 
 tors again ft the State, in attempting, by force, to reftore 
 the late King, to approach the new King with their per¬ 
 nicious counfels, tending to low diviiion between him and 
 
 particular article, or to treat with him concerning the al 
 fiftance of Scotland , to place him on the throne of Eng¬ 
 land ? They anfwered, their commiflion extended only to 
 the offering of thefe propofitions, and to receive either his 
 confent or refufal. 
 
 Thefe conditions, which to the Scots appeared very juft, 
 lawful, and abfolutely neceflary for the fafety ot Scotland, 
 u feemed to the King very hard and unreatbnable. This 
 contrariety will not appear ftrange, if it is coniidercd, that his Subjects, 
 the King and the Scots reafoned upon different principles. But the King rcafoned upon other principles, f lie offer n 
 and with oppoiite views. And this it will not be impro- of the Crown of Scotland was no farther regarded by 
 per to unfold him, than as a means of reftoring him to the throne ot 
 
 The people 0 {Scotland were perfwaded, they had been England ; that was the principal object oi his attention, lie 
 oppreffed by James VI. in the eftablifhment of Epifcopacy little cared to be King of Scotland , if lie could not ufe 
 in Scotland by that Prince, which had been abolilhed by the the forces of that Kingdom to procure him the Englijh 
 Reformation : That this had been effefted by addrefs, by Crown. Mean while, his power was to be fo limited, 
 
 artifice, by violence, whilft corrupt Parliaments were em¬ 
 ployed to enaa new Laws concerning Religion, without 
 confulting the Kirk, contrary to her will and exprefs de¬ 
 clarations : That Charles I, by a fraud fupported with 
 force, had invefted himfelf with a power of ordaining what¬ 
 ever he pleafed in matters of Religion, by virtue of an aa 
 fuppofed by him to be_granted by a plurality of voices. 
 
 Mean while, his power was to be fo 1 
 that it fhould not be poffible to leceive any advantage 
 from Scotland to that end. Thofe who were efteemed bv 
 him as his beft friends, and had ufed their utmoll endea¬ 
 vours to free his father and reftore him to the enjoyment 
 of his rights, were to be removed from his perfon and 
 council, and yet thefe were the men lie deligned to em¬ 
 ploy for the recovery of England In accepting the Cr< 
 
 though it was rejeaed : That by this pretended power, he of Scotland , he was to forget*-he had any juft claim to 
 had not only reftored Bifhops to their revenues and govern- England ; he was to govern Scotland as his anceftors 
 ment in the Church, but alfo given them a jurifdiaion governed it before their acceflion to the Englijh throne; 
 more extenfive than ever : That he had eftablifhed a that is to lay, he was to look upon his Englijh friends 
 Hi^h - Commiflion to fupport this injuftice, and entirely with continual diftruft, and confequently renounce all hope 
 fupprefled the General-affemblies. In a word, that he of a re-eftablifhment in England. He was to fwear to the 
 had changed the Presbyterian Government, eftablifhed by National Covenant, made againft the King his father, the 
 the Reformation, into an Hierarchy, exaftly like that of intent of which was to prevent for ever the introducing 
 the Church of England : That he had alfo attempted the Church-government and worfhip oi England into Scot- 
 to impofc upon them a Liturgy and Canons, unknown to land, which alone in his opinion were lawful. He was to 
 their anceftors, and to reduce the worfhip of the Church fwear to the Covenant of the two Kingdoms, the foie de 
 
 of Scotland, to a perfeft conformity with that of England : 
 That the people of Scotland , for their own prefervation, 
 and the maintenance of their rights, fo manifeftly invaded, 
 had judged it proper to unite in a Covenant, intended for 
 the prefervation of the King’s juft rights, and the privi¬ 
 leges of the People and Kirk: That the King, not con¬ 
 tented with what of right belonged to him, had twice made 
 war upon his Scotch Subjefts to maintain his ufurped power, 
 and render Scotland dependent upon England: That this 
 war had been ended by a treaty, to which the King would 
 not have confcnted, if he had not been forced to it by the 
 
 affairs of E w 
 
 Scotland , where he granted his Subjefts whatever they 
 manded, and even thofe things which before he had haugh¬ 
 tily and obftinately refufed : That therefore it was to be 
 fufpefted, he had only accommodated himfelf to the times, 
 till a favorable opportunity offered, to revoke his concei- 
 fions: That it was not ftrange the Scots fhould entertain 
 this fufpicion, fince the King, by the fame conduct in 
 England , had deftroved all confidence in him : That it was 
 therefore abfolutely neceflary to reduce him to a ftate, 
 which would remove all danger of his ret raft i ng : That to 
 this end, the Scots had made with the Englijh a fulemn 
 League, as having the fame common intereft, and that the 
 fword had decided in favour of the allies, againft "the King: 
 That notwithftanding this decifion, the Scots had never 
 though: of withdrawing from the obedience due to the 
 
 fign of which was to maintain Presbyterianifm already 
 eftablifhed in England, which was an infallible wav to 
 make him lofe all his friends. He was, laftlv, not on I v 
 to approve and proteft Presbyterianifm in the two 
 Kingdoms, but alfo promife a lincere and conftant profef- 
 fion of it himfelf. ' But this was direftly contrary to his 
 fentiments and confcience, fince he hardly believed the 
 Presbyterians to be any part of the Chriftian Church. 
 
 Hence it appears that the interefts of the King and thofe K,r z 
 of the Scots were no lefs oppoiite than during the life °f d [uUntmtnt 
 Charles l. and that the fame difficulties ftill fubfifting, clarendon, 
 
 ngland : That after this treaty he came into could be furmounted only by the arms or acquiefcence of 1,1 
 lere he granted his Subjefts whatever they de- one of the parties. The King was unable to ufe force, and jA 
 
 
 yet the terms to be impofed upon him appeared fo hard, 
 that he would have immediately rejected them, if he could 
 have taken any other courfe. But his melancholy cir- 
 cumftanccs, not knowing where to fubfift or even to he 
 fafe, obliged him, though very unwilling, to difiemble his 
 refen tment, and to treat with the Scotch Commiffioners 
 upon propofitions which to him leemed moll unjuft. 
 
 There were two Articles which he could not digeft. The 
 firft was, the obligation to fwear to the Covenant. He 
 faid, the Covenant was made for the Subjefts, and not lor J’Jc^ena 
 the Prince, fince the taker fwore to be faithful to the King, and RtHgit 
 and it was abfurd to make him fwear allegiance to him- as 'G "/ 
 felf. This objeftion would have been unanfwerable,. had inon p er j„ 
 the Covenant contained only this article. But there were clarendon, 
 King, but onlv of obtaining other fecurity than his bare others, in which it was faid, the King was no lels con- ■ 
 
 word : That the tragical dearh of Charles I. had not cerned than his Subjefts. The fecond related to Religion. p . 
 changed the ftate of affairs in Scotland, or procured them He was willing he faid, to confent to the eftablifhment of 
 the fo long defired fecurity: That they required no more Presbytery in Scotland by Aft of Parliament: but, as to 
 of the new King, than they had a right to demand of his his own perfon, he could not with juftice be required to 
 Father: That their defires were not unjuft, fince they renounce the Religion for which the King his Father had 
 expefted onlv to be maintained in the ftate, which they en- dyed a Martyr ; however he would content himfelf with 
 joyed before the two laft Kings had attempted to alter the onlv three Chaplains to celebrate Divine Service in his 
 eftablifhed Religion, according to their caprice, and the prefence after the manner of the Church of England. But 7 ke Comm 
 pleafure of their Englijh counfellors : That they had run all he could allcdge was ineffectual ; the Commiffioners J' rntn 
 all hazards to reftore themfelves to the condition from had not power to recede from any article. Thus had the K< " r ‘ 
 whence they were fallen : That God having granted them Parliament of England offered to treat with his Father, 
 
 1 without 
 
Book XXII. 
 
 The COMMONWEALTH. 
 
 1650. without leaving him other liberty than to accept or refufe 
 ofpfid their propofitions. But tho’ the King perceived it would 
 he to no purpofe to difpute upon the articles, he defired 
 however to prolong the negotiation as much as poflible 
 in hopes of good news from Scotland , where he knew the 
 Marquifs of Montrofe would ftiortly make his appearance. 
 This was his laft refuge; and had the Marquifs been at¬ 
 tended with his former fuccefs, the treaty of Breda would 
 foon have ended, fince it was in the King’s power to reje£t 
 abfolutely the offered conditions. But the Marquifs’s pro- 
 grefs did not anfwer the King’s expectations. 
 
 Ik Proxrrfs After that Lord had left the King at the Hague, he 
 'the Mar- went into Germany to endeavour to raife forces and money, 
 lontn.fc in t ^ ie King having only given him a bare commiffion with- 
 fruuny. out other afliftance. The King of Denmark, as Charles's 
 Lir^ndo", ncar relation, furnifhed him with a fum of money, and the 
 c. P ’ Engli/h fettled in Sweden aflifted him to the utmoft of 
 hill i’:. their power. With this relief he was enabled to buy arms 
 and ammunition, and to lift five hundred foldiers, which 
 he fent in March to one of the Ifies of Orkney. He fol¬ 
 lowed them himfelf in April , and from thence repaired 
 with his troops to Cathnefs in the north of Scotland. This 
 was at the very time the Scotch Commiflioneis were with 
 the King at Breda. As the King was informed that Mon¬ 
 trofe was now gone for Scotland , he waited the fuccefs of 
 this expedition, before he would conclude with the Com- 
 miflioners, whom he neverthelefs entertained with hopes 
 of granting their demands. 
 
 arrr.es After the Marquifs’s arrival at Cathnefs , he feized a 
 fcoriand. caftle where he might fecure his arms and ammunition, 
 •s. ’ and then writ to his friends to join him. At the fame 
 
 n-r. time he publifhed a Manifefto, declaring, “ That he 
 
 x-ndonj U was comc vv ' t * 1 a commiftion from the King to protect 
 p. 271. “ his good SubjeCls; but with no defign to obftruCl the 
 ** negotiation at Breda ; on the contrary, he hoped to ha- 
 “ ften the conclufion of it by means of his army. If the 
 “ treaty fucceeded, he ftiould readily lay down his arms 
 “ on the firft command from his Majefty.” 
 he Contin/J The Scotch Parliament then fitting at Edinburgh was 
 
 Tcnjive^’ro hirprized to hear of Montrofe' s arrival in that juncture, 
 p.,r!lj. with the King’s Commiftion. It was not difficult to per- 
 •odi'n l ce ' ve t hat, whatever was pretended, this was not to ad- 
 0t p?272. vance f he treaty, but rather to obftruCI it, and force the 
 Parliament to defift from conditions which were thought 
 neceflary for the fafety of the Kingdom. It may well be 
 imagined, this tended not to breed a good opinion of the 
 King’s fincerity. 
 
 r, Mean while, as Montrofe was very formidable, by reafon 
 f r f " of his former great fuccefies in favour of the late King, the 
 . Parliament gave immediate orders for raifing, with all 
 ll i poflible expedition, an army of fix thoufand men, under 
 ju .iu i the command of David Lefey. ’Till this army was ready, 
 fff Colonel Straughan was detached with three hundred Horfe 
 to the Northward, in order to awe the country, and pre- 
 r l? - vent the King’s friends from rifing and joining Montrofe. 
 This precaution had a l'urprizing effect. The King’s ad¬ 
 herents, whether through fear of falling into the hands of 
 this Cavalry, or becaufc of the fix thoufand men which 
 were to follow, durft n» t ftir, and Montrofe was joined 
 only by fome ill-armed and worfe difeiplined Highlanders. 
 So, his little army, if it deferves that name, compofed of 
 foldiers of different nations, ftrangers to one another’s lan¬ 
 guage, and in a barren country, could make no great pro- 
 grefs. Befides, as Montrofe had no cavalry to fend out for 
 intelligence, he knew not what pafled in other places, and 
 particularly Straughan's march, vainly expecting the King’s 
 adherents to come and join him. To this ignorance 
 was owing his being furprized by Straughan's little troop, 
 which, after a long march, fell upon him when leaft ex- 
 lontrofc pe&ed. At the approach of the enemy, the Highlanders 
 fflud’ ^eferted an ^ fled» the foreigners made more refiftance, 
 td taken hut were routed at laft(i). The Marquifs himfelf being 
 ‘fwer. forced to fly, threw away his Ribband and George , dif- 
 
 arendon, g ui ^ n g himfelf like a peafant to prevent a difeovery. He 
 [1. r. 272, wandered fome days in this habit, and at laft put himfelf 
 T into the hands of a Gentleman, named A/lon, who had 
 formerly ferved under him, and promifed to conceal him. 
 But, whether through the hope of the reward publifhed 
 for taking him, or the fear of being rigoroufly punifhed 
 if he did not difeover him, it is certain, he delivered him 
 to Lefey, who immediately fent him to Edinburgh (2). 
 The Parliament now fitting refolved to try him them- 
 felves ; and as, fince his degradation, he was called only 
 fames Graham , and was univerfally hated, no regard was 
 nthmneA paid to his birth. He was condemned to be hanged on a 
 ay gallows thirty foot high ; with this addition to his fentence, 
 
 . P.V74. that, after he was dead, his head fhould be fevered from 
 his body, and fet on Edinburgh Talbooth ; his arms and 
 legs fent to four feveral Towns, to be expofed as a fpec- 
 
 tacle; and his body buried under the gallows. Hemet *650. 
 death with extraordinary courage, and before his execu- 
 tion, made a fpeech to the People, in v/hich, far from 
 owning himfelf worthy of death, he teftified, on the con- *«®«. 
 trary, an entire perfuafion of the juftice of the caufe he . 
 
 had fupported. He faid that Charles I. died a Martyr, and Phillips, 
 allured the people, the new King would obferve all his P**9 S * 
 promifes to the Scots , wherein he was as falfe a prophet as ile “ b ' 
 the Lord Capel had been in England. Thus fell the Mar¬ 
 quifs of Montrofe , who had rendered himfelf famous by his 
 great actions for the late King in Scotland , but withal, 
 odious to his country-men, by his inhumanity to them, 
 when he had the advantage. 
 
 The tragical death of the Marquifs of Montrofe difap- The King 
 pointed all the King’s hopes, who was thereby deprived 
 of his laft refuge. He complained loudly to the Com- tiL. 
 milfioners of the execution of that Lord, during the ne- Phm ‘P s » 
 gotiation, affirming it to be a breach of faith. He writ 
 in the fame ftrain to the committee of Eftatcs, but was fi- Clarendon, 
 lcnced by their anfwer, and told, it would be much better m * P- a 7 ** 
 not to infift upon this affair. The anfwer imported, that The Anfwer 
 Papers were found upon Montrofe , which it was more for °f the s,ateli > 
 his honour to conceal than to publifh. The King eafily 
 underftood, that by this was meant his commiftion to the 
 Marquifs after the news of his being proclaimed, and his 
 letter of the 30th of January , after the time and place 
 of conference was fixed. This juftified the Parliament of 
 Scotland from breach of faith, of which he himfelf was 
 not entirely guiltlefs. 
 
 1 he death of Montrofe leaving the King without re- The 
 fuge or retreat, he at laft accepted the conditions prefen ted 
 to him by the Commiflioners. Only the ftgning of the June.^ 
 Covenant was defened till his arrival in Scotland, upon 
 his promife however of compliance, in cafe it was judged 
 proper to profs him when he ftiould be at Edinburgh. 
 
 The Commiflioners were willing to grant him this favor, 
 knowing, the Eftates would never deiift from that article. 
 
 It is certain, the King fubmitted to thefe conditions only 
 becaufe he had no other courfe to take, and it is, per¬ 
 haps, no lefs certain, that he meant to obferve them 
 but whilft he fhould be forced. This plainly appears in 
 the hiftory of thofe times, penned by the King’s adhe¬ 
 rents.^ For they could not forbear to think it ftrange that 
 the King, when in Scotland, fhould be obliged to a ftrict 
 obfervance of what he had promifed by oath, if his 
 promife and oath had been only formalities, which were 
 not to bind him. 
 
 When the King had figned the conditions, he went to We rmhnrki 
 Schevehng near the Hague, and embarked, being attended 
 by Duke Hamilton, the Earl of Lautherdale , and fome jme. an 
 other Scots , who gave him hopes that his prefence in Scot- Phillips. 
 land would remove all fufpicions, and that an exaCt obfer- 
 vation of what he had promifed would be difpenfed with. 
 
 But at his arrival, before he was fuffered to land, the Co- privet 
 venant was fo prefled upon him, that he could not avoid june x 6 , 
 taking it. He had politively promifed it at Breda, and .mdisoHlge 4 
 no man durft advife him to break his word. This exaCt- Jf tht 
 nefs of the Eftates convinced Duke Hamilton and the Earl clarendon, 
 of Lautherdale , that it was not fafe for them to appear In - p- *8y. 
 publickly in Scotland. Wherefore, finding means to land ^Lauther- 
 with the King, they retired to their own eftates, or their dal 
 friends, in expectation of a more favourable juncture. thanfeives. 
 
 The Marquifs of Argyle received the King with extraor- The manner 
 dinary reverence and outward marks of refpeCt. But within "rh/Ie”** 
 two days, all his Eng/ifj domefticks were removed, except id. p.z8& 
 the Duke of Buckingham. Some were obliged to return Burnct ’ s 
 into Holland, others withdrew at a diflance from the 
 Court, to friends who were willing to entertain them. This Rea r mt L 
 rigour at firft appears very ftrange, and by fome is fo re- it. 
 prefented. But it mult be conlidered, the Scots were for 
 receiving the King on thofe terms only, on which they 
 would have admitted his father, had he happily efcaped 
 from captivity, and retired into Scotland. Certainly they 
 would never have fuffered about him, men whofe principles 
 and maxims were directly oppofite to the interefts of Scot¬ 
 land, and who were the Kingdom’s reputed enemies. Why 
 then were they to repofe more confidence in Charles II ? 
 
 Precaution was not more neceflary under the laft, than 
 under the prefent reign. 
 
 When the friends and confidents of the King were thus The Kfng 
 removed from his perfon, he law himfelf in the hands Q {*” dcr 
 men whom he knew not, and whofe principles were en- s^dand! 
 tirely different from thofe in which he had been educated ; clarendon, 
 fo that he was extremely uneafy, though outwardly he re- l86 ‘ 
 ceived all the rofpeft due to his rank. What troubled him Burner, 
 moil, was the importunity of the Minifters, who thought T - ! - P*73» 
 it their duty to initruCt him in the Presbyterian Religion, 
 and fcrupled not to brand the Hierarchy and worlhip of 
 the Church of England with the name of Doftrine of De- 
 
 (1) There were about three.hundred (lain, and five hundred taken prifone^s. IVhitclock, p. 474. 
 
 (zj 'B.ites in his Etenchns Mock nm allures us, shat Ajieit received two thoufand pounds, in reward of his treachery, tiepin, 
 VTTl If 7 H 
 
 No. LXXII 1 . Vol. II. 
 
 vi/sf 
 
5 8z 
 
 Ihe 
 
 HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 V 01. 
 
 
 Argyle di 
 Jlniftl the 
 
 KiV 
 
 d. nils. They pretended, the King’s prom:fe and oath to 
 profefs Presbyterianifm obliged him to receive their inftruc- 
 tions. His Embaraffment on this occafxon was a natural 
 conl'equence of" the proinile he had made, without intend- 
 itrs ing to keep it. To be rid as well as he could of this trou- 
 ' " u ble, he was prefent at their fermons and prayers, but with 
 77 fo little attention, that it was plainly againft his will (i). 
 
 • The relutftance hefhewed upon this article bred in the Scots 
 ’ a very ill-opinion of him, being perfuacled, he had (worn 
 againft his confcience, and with an intention to break his 
 promifes when freed from reftraint. It ought not therefore 
 to feem ftrange, that they had no confidence in him, and 
 that thole who were at the Helm, imparted not to him all 
 the affairs. He was not confidered as a Prince attached to 
 the interefts and Religion of the Kingdom, but as intend¬ 
 ing to effablifh other maxims if it was in his power. But 
 if "the tranfactions of fome years paid, and the occafion 
 of the troubles, be confidered, it will not be thought fo 
 llrange, that the Scats took precautions with regard to their 
 new King, and refufed him a confidence, which in that 
 juncture, appeared to them very dangerous. 
 
 It was quickly perceived how necefiary thefe precautions 
 were, by the King's endeavours to reconcile to the State 
 and the Church, thofe who had enter’d into the late Duke 
 f. Hamilton's engagement to raife an army, which under 
 J ’colour of a£ling againft the Independents, was dcligned to 
 reftore the late King to the Throne of England without 
 any condition. I he authors of that defign had thereby 
 plunged Scotland into a war not only unneceffary, but di¬ 
 rectly contrary to her interefts. Befides, their ill conduct 
 had occafioned the lofs of a numerous army, and a great 
 effufion of blood. What might not the Scots have added 
 in aggravation of the crimes of the Hamiltonians, had they 
 known the fecret treaty made with the late King in the 
 Ifie of Wight, fo contrary to the Covenant of both King¬ 
 doms ? It is not therefore ftrange, that men who had adled 
 with views fo oppofite to the intereft of the Kingdom, or 
 at lead of the prevailing party, were regarded by that 
 party as enemies of the State and Religion. And yet thefe 
 were the men for whom the King laboured fo ftrenuoufly, 
 under the pretence of procuring a happy union amonglt 
 his Subje&s. But at the fame time he clearly difeovered 
 his averfion to the maxims by which Scotland was then 
 governed, and his intention to enable his friends to oppofe 
 the Marquifs of Argyle, who was the head of the contrary 
 faction and of the Government. That Lord eafily fa¬ 
 thomed the King’s defign. And therefore, whereas he 
 had hitherto conftantly attended him, he gradually with- 
 ndon, drew himfelf from him, as from a fecret enemy who only 
 ’• waited an occafion to ruin him. 
 
 ; • While thefe things palled in Sr‘.land, the Parliament of 
 At England were not idle. When they learned that Commifli- 
 oners from Scotland were to confer with the King at Breda, 
 they imagined, Charles would accept the Crown of Scot- 
 land on any terms, in order to ufe the forces of that King- 
 
 ■ dom to invade England , in which they were not miftaken. 
 This war, which the Parliament deemed unavoidable, 
 could not but be very dangerous to the Independent party, 
 if it was brought into England. The Independents, tho’ 
 uppermoft, had no fupport but the army, with the Pres- 
 bvterians, the Royalifts and the City of London for their 
 enemies. It was therefore very likely, that if the King 
 entered England with a Scotch army, he would be joined 
 by the Rowilifis, and favoured by the Presbyterians. To 
 prevent therefore this danger, the Parliament refolved to 
 carry war into Scotland. This refolution was founded en- 
 titely upon policy, forafmuch as the Parliament had no caufe 
 to complain of the S Is, who in recognizing for their So- 
 vcrvitrn, the eldeft Son of their late King, did not injure 
 England. Nay, it was a confequence of the Covenant 
 between the two Kingdoms, though manifeftly violated by 
 tlae EngHJo Parliament. But on this occafion, the Pailia- 
 nient believed themfelves not bound to a fcrupulous obfer- 
 vance of the rules of equity, for fear of the prejudice with 
 which fuch fcruples might in time be attended. Intereft 
 therefore was folely regaided, which required, that the 
 war Ihould rather be carried into Scotland than expected 
 in England. 
 
 After this refolution, Cronvwcll was haftily recalled out 
 of Ireland to take the command of the army which was 
 to act againft Scotland. In the late Scotch invafion under 
 Duke Hamilton, the behaviour of General Fairfax had 
 
 given occafion to judge, that he wouid unwillingly accept o r x 65 
 the conduit of this new war, which was ready the cafe. 
 Cromwell’s fuccefs in Ireland had been fuch as the Parlia¬ 
 ment could have wifhed. After the taking Drogheda , lie ■ 
 
 feized Kilkenny and many other places, and in a little time ;. 7777 
 reduced the greateft part of the Illand to the obedience of 11 l - . , 
 
 the Parliament. The Marquifs of Ormond was little capa- 
 ble of refifting him, became of the divifion ftill reigning 
 amongft the Irijh. This di'. ifion went fo far that O Neale Di- -i-n 
 had at laft concluded a treaty with Monk one of theParlia- f . •' 
 ment-Generals, commiffioned by the Council of State. But 7 , 77 . 
 the Parliament refufed to ratify the treaty, as being too fa- 1 ■•on . 
 vorable to the Catholicks, and therefore O Neale had begun 11 f * s > j 
 to treat with the Marquifs of Ormond, and was upon the 
 point of joining him, when his death prevented the exe¬ 
 cution of his defign. His troops difpeifmg upon his death, t- ■ r.-.yi, 1 
 were of no advantage to the Maiquifs of Ormond. In the ^ 7, 'ff j 
 mean time, Cromwell continued his conquefts with Appriz¬ 
 ing rapidity, and to prevent the agreement and jun&ionof 
 the Irijh amongft themfelves, he thought of an expedient, 
 which fucceeded. He publiftied by Piodamation a perm if- ( -" r ’ l ^'- 
 fion to all the Irijh officers to lift, in the fervice of foreign 777 7 / ! 
 Princes, what foldiers they pleafed of their own nation, 
 with a proinife to give them no dilturbance or moleftation. ‘7 ^ ^ ’ 
 More than twenty-five thoufand immediately chofc to ferve n; 7 .>. 77 . 
 France and Spain, and afterwards a much greater number (2 ). -=-• 1 
 
 This precaution prevented the Marquifs of Ormond from 
 bringing an army into the field capable to refill that of the 
 Parliament. So, when Cromwell was recalled, the Irijh 
 affairs were in fo good condition, that his Son-in-law Ireton, 11 
 
 whom he left there as his Lieutenant, had but little to do. i: . . j. T 
 
 Cromwell being returned to London, took his feat in the jf; 4 - ! 
 
 Parliament, where, by order of the Houfe, the Speaker 77 , on, 
 thanked him for his late ferviccs. After this, the Scotch 111 - r- -y;.. 
 war being the moft preffing affair, the Parliament eauled A^ 
 Fairfax to be asked, whether he would take upon him the p. y ■. 7 
 
 conduct of the war? He replied, If the Scots entered Eng- 
 land with an army, he would endeavour to repel them ; Ludio* 7 " : 
 but defired to beexcufed from attacking them in their own 
 Country. Some endeavours were ufed to convince him of 
 the jufticeand ncceffity of this war, but without any fuccefs. 
 
 Cr omwell acted his part fo well, that though he paffionatcly 
 wifhed to be commander in chief, he gave his opinion in 
 favour of Fairfax, and pretended he Ihould be well fatif- 
 fied to ferve as his Lieutenant. Fairfax perceived, that being 
 a Presbyterian, (though he had but too faithfully ferved the 
 Independents) the Parliament would have had no great 
 confidence in him, and that the zeal fliewn on his behalf 
 was only ceremony. He therefore fent his commiffion to A 1 ” : 
 
 the Houfe, which was chearfully received, and an annual 7 7 - 77 - 
 penfion of five thoufand pounds was fettled on him in ac- ;> fN 
 knowledgment of his fervices. Immediately Cromwell was' 7 ' >J '! 
 declared General of the armies of the Commonwealth, j un 777 . 1 
 and his Commiffion prefently difpatched (3). 1. dio.v. 1 
 
 While the army, which was to ail againft Scotland, was ^77 
 raifing, the Parliament appointed a Committee to draw up 'rf pJih-r 
 a Manifefto, concerning the intended war. This precaution ’""‘j H 
 appeared the more necefiary, as the Houfe was not igno- 
 rant, that the Cavaliers and Presbyterians would induftri- Philips. ^ 
 oully reprefent this war, as the moft uifiuft that ever was, Bite: 
 fince the Scots had given no provocation. The Committee 
 employed about the Manifefto, being unwilling to publifll 
 the true reafon of the war, namely, to fupport the Inde¬ 
 pendents, contented themfelves with fuppofing, that the 
 Scots dcligned to force the Englijh to acknowledge King 
 Charles II, tho’ hitherto they had not moved one ftep to¬ 
 wards it. It was neverthclefs, very likely the King would 
 attempt to engage them in a rupture witli the Englijh Par¬ 
 liament ; but there was no probability of fuccefs, confider- 
 hig his manileft averfion to become a good Presbyterian. 
 
 The Scots hearing of the preparations againft them in r s1 
 England, raifed an army with all poffible diligence (4), and 77 77 
 gave the command to General Lejley , not daring to truft l 77 ^" " 
 the King for the reafons above-mentioned. He was even cl 1,01 
 fuffered to fee this army but once, for fear of gaining the p ' ~' jt \ 
 officers and foldiers by his intrigues. David Lejley formed Philips, 
 his camp between Leith and Edinburgh, and fortified it WhlteJu 
 with fuch intrenchments, that he was not to be attacked 
 without manifeft danger. 
 
 About the middle of July, Cromwell put himfelf at the 
 head of the Englijh army, confifting of eighteen or nineteen 
 thoufand men, and marched to the frontiers of Scotland. 
 
 e fix Serm 
 
 The Lur 
 
 .lulls 1 
 
 
 ■Body of five thoufand. Tom. 111 . p. ;So. 
 
 (3; Whitelock fays. The Lord Ftiirfex being advifed with, I 
 "hourly perluudcd by the Presbyterian Minifters, and his ow 
 Whereupon the Council of State appoir ted Cromtse!!, Lambert 
 ot :a_• . 1 ce ot ’ ' - ic:raking. IF; it \:b gives us the C nil 
 him no; to lay down his Commiffion: 
 
 icf.ire the Kir.? v 
 fi a to all 1 Its 01 
 irty thoufand mci 
 is, and contracts 
 
 -And aJJ-. The ?rea 
 
 Men 
 
 ce at length ii 
 fays WhittL; 
 
 like well of carrying i 
 a great Patronefs ot cl 
 . and Whitth.h, to con 
 
 btlt ; 
 
 ; War into Scot hud. 
 n, he declared i was 1 
 r with Fairfax, and endeav ui : 
 , though Cromwell and the reft of t 
 vc, thc-y did not much defire he ll 
 
 Coniiitii 
 
 oafcnd Horf.v and f.t.cea thoufand F p:g; 
 
 Thirty-fix thoufand Men 
 
 , fay; MV.ttioil-. 
 
 r- V * 1 
 
Book XXII. 
 
 The COM M O N W E A L T II. 
 
 583 
 
 P- SS‘ 
 
 where he published his Manifefto. As the enemy’s army been excluded from places, Ihould be allowed to produce 1650, 
 Cr °r"scl![ Ia y cnc;im P ed near Edinburgh, he entered Scotland without proofs of their repentance, and then be employed in the 
 Snd 7 6101 any difficulty. But he found the country deftitute of in- fervice of their country. In confequence of this refolution, 
 
 July ii. habitants, and every thing capable to fubfift his army con- thofe who had till then oppofed the Marquifs of Argyle, who 
 Oarendon' veyed away 5 fo that he was obIi ged to maintain it with had wanted zeal for the Covenant, who had Ihewn’an in- 
 III. -p. 2^. Supplies from his Fleet. He advanced, however, and came dination for the King, who had ever been employed by 
 Phi 1 111'5:. in light of the enemy’s army ; but found it too well in- Charles l, readily gave outward marks of their repentance 
 frZ’ri.L trenched to be attacked. He chofe therefore to retire to- in a difavowal of their paft conduft, and a reconciliation 
 Armies. wards Mujfelborough, whereupon Lejly detached a large with the Kirk. After this, they were admitted, as well 
 
 PhT’l' body Gt ^ 0rfe ’ which fel1 Up0n the Er S l 'J h rear > com ~ int0 the Parliament as to publick employs, and efpecially 
 
 Knuiddtk. manded b y Lambert, with fome advantage (1). The day to polls in the army to be railed. Hence the King at lalt 
 
 alter, there was a lharp skiimilh, in which the Scots beat obtained, what he had fo paffionately defired, namely, to 
 
 fome Englijh regiments; but at laft: were repulfed to their fee thofe who were attached to his interefts, in a condition 
 
 camp with confiderable lofs. Then, Cromwell once more to ferve him, when occafion Ihould offer. 
 
 attempted, by his approach, to draw the Scotch army out of But the refolution of the Parliament, of which neceffity A Pnufi** 
 their intrenchments, but his endeavours were fruitlefs. At had been either the motive or the pretence, was not agree- 
 
 lall, after the two armies had remained almoft in fight feve- able to all. The Zealots could not bear the admiffiun 
 ral weeks, Cromwell, for want of provision and forrage, Malignants (as they called them) to employments, under rhiir.p*.' 
 
 ■ was forced to retire. His defign was to imbark his Foot, colour of a refolution obtained from the Parliament by in- Bur 1 p '‘" 
 
 and return into England with only his Horfe. To execute trigue and cabal, in the fame manner as the levying an army ^ ' 
 
 this refolution, he marched towards Dunbar, where his had before been obtained, to ferve againft the interefls of 
 
 fleet expected him, his army being much diminilhed, and Scotland. They faid, it was mocking God, to receive the 
 
 reduced to about twelve thoufand men. guilty to a hypocritical repentance, in order to re-admit them 
 
 The Scotch The Scots, advertifed of Cromwell’s refolution, imagined, to employs, from which they had been juflly excluded. 
 
 the were feized with te/ror, and that a more favor- But it was anfwered, It was ffrange cruelty to remove from 
 
 s) P t mb. 1. able opportunity could not offer, to fight them, and there- employs, men who offered their fervice to their country 
 iwhitelock. fore they left their camp to follow them clofely. Thefirft at fo critical a junfture, and had pro felled a repentance^ 
 
 day, they encamped upon a hill, about a miie from Dun- for not having been fufficiently zealous for the common 
 
 bar, fo that it was impoffible for Cromwell to embark his Caufe. In a word, the firft protelled folemnly a^ainll the Two 
 
 Foot, without expofing himfelf to the danger of a defeat, refolution of the Parliament, and formed a party called the F rmed 
 
 General Lcjley was not for attacking the Englijh , but only Protejlors, whilft thofe who adhered to it formed another, Scoclind - 
 
 for watching an opportunity to engage them withadvan- called the Refolutioners. Five weftern counties (5) joined’ FiveCom- 
 
 Clarcndon, tage. But the clamours of the Minifters who were in his the Proteftors, and entring into an affociation, publillied a ?r " ic f ! ' 
 ShiMtoSu aUny ’ and P romifed a certain via ° r y> as if b y fome reve - remonftrance, which being offered to the Parliament, was 
 lution (2), obliged him the next day to draw nearer to the voted feditious. But this did not hinder fevcral officers of 
 enemy. Cromwell, who obferved them with a perfpeftive reputation, as Straughan, Kerr , and fome others from 
 glafs, feeing them defcend the hill, cried out, That God adhering to the party of the Proteftors. 
 
 had delivered them into his hands. He immediately went It is certain, if the people of Scotland had been confulted, MtClUns 
 to prayers, and then told fome of his officers, that he had this refolution had never paffed in the Parliament. The "P on . the n ‘ 
 felt, in praying, fuch a repofe in his mind, that he doubted people were fo attached to the Covenant, that there was no ^dmluinf 
 
 not but God would give him the viftory. Perhaps this was likelihood of their departing from their midnels at nnre. *6«HamiI- 
 
 his real belief, or elfe an artifice to infpire his foldiers with r r ... - • - -■ 
 
 courage, whowere moft of them fanaticks. The two ar¬ 
 mies remained in fight all the reft of the day, Lejley Hill 
 
 to Dunbar. 
 Clarendon. 
 111. p.293 
 
 p. 471. 
 P' H- 
 
 in favour of perfonswho had not fubferibed it, or fcrupled Sau-uu... 
 to violate it. It is therefore very probable, this refolution IIL p. 30'sl 
 was owing to the artifices and cabals of the enemies of 
 Argyle, on pretence of the neceffity of raifing new forces. 
 
 Nothing is a clearer evidence of its being contrary to the 
 general fenfe of the people, than the condition of profeffing 
 . a repentance, required of all who were to be admitted to 
 
 ing perfuaded, the affailants have always a great advan- any employs. This Ihews a condefcenfion for the people, 
 ta & e - . who were perfuaded, that a luke-warmnefs for the Co’ve- 
 
 I his refolution being taken, he drew up his army in the nant, was the moft heinous of crimes. Accordingly, it Phillips. 
 
 alledging fome excufe to delay fighting. But in the night. 
 Cromwell refolvcd to attack the Scots at break of day. It 
 was his frequent and ever fuccefsful maxim, not to expeft, 
 but attack the enemy, without any regard to number, be- 
 
 p. 470. 
 Clarendon, 
 III. p.293, 
 Phillips, 
 
 night, and, not to be prevented, begun the fight an hour was publickly faid, that the defeat at Dunbar was the’juft p 
 : ' kj 5 ' before day. The Scotch Cavalry on the right wing behaved punifhment of having called in the King, before any proofs £ 
 
 ii,Ml ni K... .. ► l.ft ...... £]:«].. tpi._ 1_r. : ...... _ _c l■ . rr»i • . * 
 
 ‘Battle of 
 Dunbar. 
 
 Whitelock, * in. uii/«« oa.aujr uu me nyn wmg ucimvcu puuuumcm ui navmg canea in me rung, betore any w.wja 
 
 well at fiill, but were at laft put to flight. The left wing were given of his repentance. This was the moft general 
 
 fled, without charging once. Three regiments of Scotch fentiment, though the Parliament had decided the contrary. 
 
 Infantry fought with fuch bravery, that they were almoft But neither in Scotland nor England are the refolutions of 
 jsaces. all flain on the fpot, without offering to fly. The reft Parliament to be always coniidered, as the fenfe of the na- 
 xudiow. feeing themfelves deferted by the Horfe, fled in confufion, tion. It is a deleft in the conftitution of both the States 
 leaving the field, and an undoubted viftory to the Englijh. that the Members of Parliament receive no inftruclions 
 The Scotch It is faid, the Scots loft three thoufand men (3), befides from their Eleftors. The moment they are met, thev be- 
 Jrvy dc- feven or eight thoufand prifoners, with twenty (even pieces come mailers and fovereigns of thofe by whom they are 
 of cannon; and that the Englijh loft but three hundred, chofen, and palm upon the nation their own decifions for 
 The Scots , after their defeat, abandoned Leith and Edin- thofe of the publick, though they are often contrary to 
 burgh, of which Cromwell made himfelf mailer, but the the fentiments and intereftsof the people reprefented. ln- 
 
 Callle of Edinburgh held out till the end of December. fiances are fo frequent, that I need not Hay to prove what 
 
 This misfortune to the Scots was advantagious to the I advance. 
 
 King, as it obliged them to alter their behaviour to the The managers of this affair in the Parliament knew 
 The Hamil- Hamiltonians. When the army lately defeated at Dunbar that the party of the Proteftors was much more numerous 
 tonians ad- was raifed, great care was taken not to admit any who had than that of the Refolutioners. Wherefore, it was thought 
 been concerned in the Engagement of the late Duke Ha- convenient to give an appearance of fatisfaftion to the for- 
 Cmdi- milton , or were fufpefted to be of the King’s party. In a mer, to prevent their obltrufting thedefigns formed in fa- 
 word, the rigid Presbyterians, who were then at the head vour of the King. Their projeft was, to put the King at 
 of affairs, would have no fociety with thofe whom they the head of an army, almoft wholly at his devotion, that 
 called the Luke-warm , that is, men who were not fufficiently he might, upon occafion, march into England, where it 
 zealous for the Covenant. After the defeat at Dunbar, a was not doubted, he would find many friends, and a power- 
 new army was to be raifed, to oppofe Cromwell, who ful affiftance. The rigid Presbyterians were therefore 
 threatned Scotland with entire ruin the next fpring. The not to be alarmed at feeing the King in the head ol the 
 Parliament was therefore convened at St. JohnJloun' s,where army, for fear of their concerting meafures to hinder the 
 the King had retired (4). But as a new army was not execution of the projeft. For this purpofe it was thought 
 eafily to be formed of the zealous, it was propofed in Par- proper, that the King Ihould publilh a Declaration of a 
 liament, to receive into this, thofe who had hitherto been ltrange nature, where he was made to fpeak a language 
 called Luke-warm, and who offered their fervice to their agreeable to the fentiments of the people, but very contrary 
 country in its prefent diftrefs. This affair being debated, to his own. In this Declaration, he owned the fm of his The Km’s 
 the Parliament was forced to refolve. That all who had Father, in marrying into an idolatrous family : Heacknow- J>™*su’bi 
 
 ' \. j'higttflzG. In a skirmilh, one of the Scots fired a Carabine at Cromwell, upon which Cromwell called out to him, and faid, “ If he had been one ‘ a 
 
 " of his S'.ild.ers, he would have cafhiered him for firing at fuch a dilhnce.” Whitelock, p. 409. ” Hltt - P»f“« 
 
 (2 AhzuJI 2.6. Cromwell feat word in a Letter, That the Scotch Minifters in their Prayers laid, “ That if God will not deliver them from the Sectaries 
 e ‘ he lb all not be their God.” Whitelocb, p. 46y. ‘ 
 
 < >) Between five and fix thoufand, fays the Lord Clarendon, Tom. III. p. 294.-in mitelocl/ iris faid, There were four thoufand killed in cheField 
 
 and 111 (lie purfuit. The Englijh Army confided of twelve thoufand, and ttie Scottljh of twenty feven thoufand Men. Mem. p. 470. 
 
 (4) In rhis Parliament, the King made a Speech, on Jannaryzs, e>pre(Ting much joy, “ That he was the firft Covenanted Kmg of 'the Nation.” H'hiic- 
 
 lojt, p. 48 V. 
 
 (j ) Cliddlfdale, Renfrew, Air, Galloway, and NUhifdaI t e, Unmet's Hijl. p. j6. 
 
 Clarendon, 
 III. p.292. 
 
 ledge I 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1650. ledged, the bloodjhed in the late than lay at his Father's 
 door: He ex prefled a deep fenfe of his own ill education , 
 and the prejudices he had drank in againjl the caufe of God , 
 of which he was , now very fenfible : He con felled all the 
 former parts of his life to have been a courfe of enmity to the 
 work of God: He repented of his commijjion to Montrofe, 
 and of every thing he had done that gave offence: And with 
 folemn proteftations he affirmed, that he was now fincere in 
 his Declaration , and that he would adhere to it to the end of 
 his life , in Scotland, England, and Ireland. When this 
 Declaration was offered to him to fign, he appeared at firft 
 refolute to reject it; faying. That if he paffed it , he could 
 never look his Mother in the face. But upon a reprefenta- 
 tion of its abfolute neceffity to gain the confidence ot the 
 Proteffors, without which he could never execute his de- 
 figns, he fwallowed the bitter pill, and the Declaration was 
 published. 
 
 (', rpfud This Declaration procured not all the advantage the King 
 V.f.fjl'f, was made to expedt. No man could believe he had volun¬ 
 tarily figned a paper fo fcandalous, and fo prejudicial to the 
 Burner. memory of his Father. The Proteftors, on the contrary, 
 imagining, he concealed fome deep defign in this ftrange 
 proceeding, united Fill more clofely againft him, and at 
 laft declared, They would have no communication with 
 the Refolutioners, nor with Cromwell and the Independent 
 party in England. 
 
 t:.< K'Charles was extremely troubled, to fee that hisDeclara- 
 g^, n tion produced no other effedt, than the lofs of the confi- 
 m. r- 337. dence of both parties, and of his own reputation. It was 
 Burner. univerfally believed, fo fcandalous adiffimulation was in- 
 r P fJ' tended to deceive the people. At laft, this falfe ftep, taken 
 
 P_ 6.1. fo contrary to his own opinion, joined to the fad life he had 
 
 Bat,:. led, made him liften to propofnions offered by fome of his 
 friends in the High-lands (i), who would receive no em¬ 
 ploys at the price of an hypocritical repentance. Thele 
 Gentlemen fent a mefiage to him, that if he would come 
 and head them, they would fend to a place appointed, a 
 good body of troops to receive him. Dr. Frazier , [Charles’s] 
 Phyfician, was the conductor of this intrigue, and took 
 care to convey the letters. The King therefore confented 
 to join the male-contents, being extremely defirous to with¬ 
 draw from the Presbyterians, who had put fo many hard- 
 lhips upon him. He had prepared a declaration, (hewing 
 the ill treatment he had received from the Marquifs of Ar- 
 gyle , and the cruel fervitude in which he had been held 
 iince his arrival in Scotland. The Duke of Buckingham , 
 having difeovered this fecret, by letters left upon the King’s 
 table, informed the Marquifs of Argyle, who would not be¬ 
 lieve, the execution ol the project was fo near. Never- 
 thelefs, two days after, the King withdrawing from St. 
 Johnjioun, repaired to the place appointed, where he found 
 only a very iuconfiderable body, inftead of the good num- 
 CMinpi. her of troops he had been promifed. But while he was 
 
 r- ’ -• deliberating what to do, the c>. mmittee of Eftates difpatch’d 
 
 Major-general Montgomery to him, who very rudely prefled 
 r, brought his return to St. johnjioun , to which he at laft confented, 
 M', believing, doubtlefs, that thofewhohad wilhed him among 
 them, were not in fo good a condition to receive him, as 
 they had made him believe (z). 
 
 I his defign, however imprudent, produced a good ef¬ 
 fect for the King, though, withal, it loft him the confi¬ 
 dence of the Presbyterians, who faw plainly, his heart was 
 endon, not with them, and that he little regarded his promifes at 
 F- 3 0 7- Breda. Mean while, the Marquifs of Argyle , and the 
 committee of Eftates perceived, a too great rigour might 
 throw the King upon defperate refolutions, and, in the 
 prefent juncture, great diforders might happen, if the King 
 lhould deiire to head the male-contents. This procured 
 him better treatment, and a larger (hare in the publick 
 affairs. The King, on his part, Taw aIfo, he (hould never 
 be eafy in Scotland, or abie to execute his defigns, without 
 the affiftance of Argyle , who was at the head of the Kirk 
 party. He therefore courted him extremely, making him 
 great offers, and even talking of marrying his Daughter. 
 But the_ Marquifs, knowing his fentiments, looked' upon 
 thefe offers as fo many fnares, and was upon his guard, 
 though he outwardly paid the King all due refpedt. The 
 Ford Lorn his Son, Captain ot the King’s guards, did him 
 
 1650. 
 
 and belli 
 tr e.tied. 
 Phillips. 
 
 Argyle. 
 
 ■ 
 
 many fervices, and privately brought to him thofe perfons, 
 whofe company he defired(3). 
 
 At laft, the King was crowned at Scone , the firft of 
 January 1650-1 (4), and from that day all perfons had Th: FT v 
 accefs to him. After this, the Scots were wholly intent‘T '.’ j' 1 
 upon railing an army, into which all who defired it were Bur I 
 received, without diftindtion of party. This army was ^j on J 
 ready the beginning of June , before Cromwell could take ni.' p. jo)I 
 the field for want of for 1- 1 en 
 
 thoufand Foot, and three thoufand Horfe, which the King 
 headed himfeif with David Lefey for his Lieutenant- ,r:.ott| 
 General (5). As they were moftly new-rai fed troops, the- 1 
 King judged it not proper to go in queft of Cromwell , kl'o" -o?| 
 who was formidable for ills courage and experience, and 
 was befides at the head of a difeiplined and victorious 
 army. He ported himfeif therefore very advantagioufl’/ at ' irtmyu 
 Torwood , between Edinburgh and Sterling , having behind I 
 
 him (6) a large and deep river, of which the pa Acs were r .. 'I 
 all fecured, and by that means he received provifions out 
 of the plentiful county of Fife, whereas the country before 
 him was entirely laid waftc. This army in the front was 
 fo ftrongly intrenched, that it would have been rafhnefs to 
 attack it. Here he refolved to wait the enemy’s motions, 
 and take his meafures accordingly. 
 
 Cromwell , having aflembled his army, marched dire&ly Cromwell1 
 to the King with defign to give him battle, but found d f f ' " 
 him fo ftrongly intrenched, that he thought it not proper 1' W , 
 to attack him. The armies remained in their rcfpeCtive |1; 
 camps about fix weeks, all Cromwell's artifices to-draw w 
 the King out of his intrenchment, p oving in ffedtual c: ! ndon 
 The laft year’s experience had taught the Scots greater cir- J1I< P- S' 1 ! I 
 cumfpeCIion. At laft, Cromwell , unable any longer to 
 (lay in his camp by reafon of the difficulty of getting provi¬ 
 fions, whilft the county of /^plentifully fu , iedtheKi; , 
 refolved to make an attempt to deprive the King of this ad¬ 
 vantage. For he faw plainly, it was in the Kin power 
 to avoid fighting as long as he pleafed, and oblige him to 
 fpend the whole Campain in a (fate of inaction. 
 
 Wherefore he detached fixteen hundred men under Co- Cromwell l 
 lonel Overton , who marched towards Edinburgh to a place F;ie l 
 provided with boats, and paffing the Frith, took his poll i’ f 
 in the County of Fife (7). Overton was immediately ibl- w j 
 lowed by Lambert with a more confiderable body. At the ,f i 'j. 
 fame time, Cromwell with the reft of the army, advanced | 
 
 towards the King’s intrenchments as if he intended to at¬ 
 tack them, in orcer to prevent any detachment from the 
 King’s army to oppefe the landing of his forces. As foon 
 as the King was informed that the Englifh were in Fife , 
 he detached Major-general Brown with four thoufand men 
 to fight them. Brown was routed, and Cromwell thereby J D,-r.,ch-i 
 free to tranfport his whole army into Fife. By this means v:: “' HI [ 
 he deprived the King of any farther fupplies from that rc„ud“* f 
 county. id. ‘ [>.‘499,1 
 
 It was indeed an advantage to Cromwell to put the King r 
 
 under a neceffity of quitting a port where he could not be 
 attacked. But withal, he had made it impoffible tofEht 
 him, becaufe there was a deep river between the armies 
 which joins the lake of Lomund to Edinburgh-Frith. The Cromwell 
 King might have palled the river bccaule he was mafter " ! f<yWr 
 of all the paffes, but it was not thought proper to purfue j.VT^iloutu: 
 Cromwell , who was now at a diftance, having taken St. 
 
 Johnjioun , and threatned Sterling. On the contrary, the 
 
 --ing fuddenly refolved to march into England , Iince he p . T 
 had no oppofition before him, being pleafed, that Crom¬ 
 well had given him opportunity to form and execute a 
 defign fo agreeable to his iutereft. He faw himfeif at the The L 
 head of eighteen thoufand men, and doubted not that his '*"[ 
 army would be greatly increafed in England , by thejunc- | t j' ! '‘ n T d * F 
 tion of the Royalifts and Presbyterians equally oppreffed c: TTn f 
 by an Independent Parliament. This was the idea the Ul -J- 3°?l 
 King and his Council formed of this expedition. The wi-.-.T .clef. 
 Marquifs of Argyle was alone of the contrary opinion, 
 and fo far incurred the fufpicion of difloyalty, that the 
 King was advifed to put him under arreft. But it was 
 not thought proper to follow this advice, from which no 
 advantage could be received. The Marquifs therefore was 
 left in Scotland , and the King began his march to Car- 
 life with extraordinary diligence. He had now marched 
 
 ' 1 01 Hmateji the Eirh of Athol, and Si,forth, the Lords Ogleby, Cordon, and Middletom. Sc:. -Bates, p. in. 
 
 ; • the St.trt. Clarendon, Toro.III. p. 307. 
 
 ,.K .. " A « ' V.' '<• :l “iff Archbilhop oiTorh, mnnerly Lord-keeper; aad the learned Ar.:' 
 
 e of Or,mg, 
 
 >ns, and 
 agreed to dr.nk 
 
 Father u 1 the late King WitliamlU. --Th:s year! the Er.glith M.-re! 
 
 thither, unlefs in the King’s name, and by his Pater.ts; and 
 Blood, and that each lhould cut oft* a 
 
 As ailo, October 17, IVi 
 Cz.,T ot Mtfitny, to depart h 
 
 i‘ 7 T’. V :i C '• JfT-t agreea to ct.nK tnc K.ng’s health in the r Blood, and that each lhould cat off a piece or h.s Buao.it a-• 
 
 P V c,n 6ut w ““ “Worth coming into the room, and taking up a pa,r of Tone*, laid about • 
 
 J ( . .... V * 4 * * Oc Act lor fi.pprelTmg Inceft, Adultery, and Fornication being paffed, Henry Martin declared his Opu.ior.. •« 4 
 
 iL", be,: ' A aesuh .* woula ^ iufe th<fe f,ns be more caut.oufly committed, and fj being undlfcovcred, v. juld be more fret 
 
 T : 7 T pre v e!;.i:i,' and lupprefung CurGng and Swearing, whereby it was ctranrd. That br the hr:! .if- 
 
 1 Etjuire lor. a Gentleman 61. 8 d. every other Perfon 3 1. $d. Anu double lor the fecund often.-e and f. 
 Wnilelcob, p. 417, 473, 4 yy, 462. 
 
 • ■ , ,, -o—... Barnet, p. ft. 
 
 *. jeJSc 0mM - DmML *r MUkm. 
 
 . Then to be bound to his good behav 
 . And then he renewed again er e 0 >w 
 
 j Lieutenant-General of the Horfe, 
 
 ■iver was between the two Armies, but .. .. _ ............, ... w ... 
 
 J -General 'Brawn, with a Body ot Sour thoufaad Men. Clarendon, Tom. III. p. 
 
 6 
 
 v Major- 
 
 -'/• 
 
 fume 
 
Book XXII. 
 
 The COMMONWE A L T H. 
 
 
 4nd Outer 
 ^.Cron)- 
 
 Ph ; !! : ps. 
 
 JLtes. 
 
 fir King 
 but 
 
 little Relief 
 f "1 Eng¬ 
 land. 
 
 Clarendon. 
 III. p. 309, 
 
 I 
 
 Tbt F.arl of 
 I Dei by de 
 
 \feoted 
 
 ! Phillips. 
 
 P 607. 
 Clarendon. 
 III. p. 314. 
 Whitelock. 
 
 : p- 504. 
 
 Ludlow. 
 
 feme clays (1) before Cromwell heard of it, and entred 
 England the fixth of Augujl , where he was proclaimed 
 by bis army. 
 
 The news of the King’s march greatly furprized Crom- 
 ' o j-"well who never expected it. He believed, he had gained 
 J a confidcrable advantage in forcing his wav into Fife , but 
 this had given the King opportunity to inarch into Eng- 
 ' land, where, very likely, he would be joined by a great 
 number of adherents. The avoiding of this, was the foie 
 aim of the Parliament in carrying the war into Scotland. 
 It may therefore be laid, that Cromwell was guilty of an 
 errour, which might have been attended with very ill con- 
 fequences to the new-modelled Common-wealth, and the 
 governing party. Accordingly, his greateft care was to pre¬ 
 vent the mifehiefs that might follow. As he doubted not, 
 the Parliament would be alarmed at the news of the 
 King’s march, he fpeedily informed them of it, and with¬ 
 al, ot his intention clofely to purfue him. He advifed 
 them alfo to put the Militia in arms in all counties of 
 the Kingdom, with all poflible diligence, to keep the 
 King’s party in awe, and prevent their joining his army 
 He gave himfelf the fame orders in the northern counties, 
 as well to hinder the Cavaliers from rifing, as to find 
 leveral Bodies of the Trained-bands ready to reinforce 
 his army on his arrival in England. At the fame time he 
 detached Major-General Harr fan with three thoufand 
 Horfe, which were to be followed’by Lambert at the head 
 of another body of cavalry, to retard the King’s march as 
 much as was uoffible. After thefe precautions, he left 
 Major-General Monk in Scotland with five thoufand men, 
 with orders to endeavour to make himfelf mafter of Ster¬ 
 ling and Dundee. At laft, he put himfelf upon the march, 
 [three days alter the King’s departure] making all poflible 
 halte to reach the King before he Ihould arrive at Lon¬ 
 don, not queftioning but he would march thither without 
 halting. 
 
 The King entered England full of hopes that all the 
 enemies of the Independents, as well Presbyterians as 
 Royalifls, would eagerly join him. For this purpofe he 
 fent Colonel Majfey before with a detachment to receive 
 all who were willing to ferve him (2). He writ likewife 
 to the Earl of Derby , then in the Ille of Alan (3), to re¬ 
 pair to him, greatly relying on his credit in Lancajhire. 
 But many things confpircd to difconcert his Projects. 
 
 1. As he advanced, the Scotch foldieis deferted in fuch 
 numbers, that it was computed four or five thoufand re¬ 
 turned to Scotland. Thefe defetters were probably the 
 zealous Presbyterians, who believed, they could not in 
 confcience aflift the King in the recovery of England by 
 force ef arms, which was the opinion of moft of the Scots. 
 
 The Militia, every where in arms, hindered the King's 
 Iriends from ailembling, by guards placed on all the pub- 
 lick roads. 3. The committee of the Kirk, which had 
 • followed the army, feared, if the King’s forces were aug¬ 
 mented with too great a number of Royalifls, their fupe- 
 nority might oblige the Scotch army not only to aflift in 
 the ruin of the Independents, but moreover in the reitera¬ 
 tion of the King without any conditions, which was di 
 redly contrary to the interefts of Scotland. In this be¬ 
 lief the committed fent Majfey a declaration, with orders 
 to publifh it, fignifying, that the King being zealous for 
 the Covenant, no perfons were to be received into his army 
 who refufed to fign it. This was done without the King’s 
 privity, who was extremely troubled at the news. He 
 even forbid Majfey to publifh the declaration. But the 
 import of it being now every where fpread, the King’s 
 friends thought it propfer to conceal themlelves, not daring 
 to mix with the Scotch army, becaufe they could not re- 
 folve to take the Covenant. 4. The Englify Presbyterians 
 were indeed enemies to the Independents ; but not fuch 
 friends of the King, as to reftore him to the throne with¬ 
 out a previous aflurance of his ratifying the conceflions 
 made by the King his father at the treaty of Newport. 
 But this not being a proper feafon to enter into fuch a 
 negotiation, they did not appear very eager to ferve him. 
 5. The Earl of Derby, who had been fent by the King in¬ 
 to Lancajhire , and had there raifed twelve hundred men, 
 was defeated by Colonel Lilburn at the head of ten troops 
 of Horfe brought from York to join Cromwell. It was with 
 great difficulty that the Earl efcaped to the King after the 
 lots of his forces, the Lord Widdrington and Sir Thomas 
 Tildejly being left dead upon the fpot. This defeat much 
 
 difeouraged the King’s friends of thofe parts, who intended 165 r. 
 to repair to his army. 
 
 At laft, after a very fatiguing march, the King %rrir rb j Ki ӣ 
 ved at IVorccfier , where he was honorably received by the ^reefer, 
 magiftrates, and folemnly proclaimed. He refolved tore- /-ig. 22. " 
 frelli his weary troops m the neighbourhood of that city* j c j ,irenrfri "» 
 as they were notable to continue their march without 3 ‘ 3 * 
 fome repole. Probably his dehgn was to have marched Ludlo-r. 
 direCtly to London , if his army, according to his expecta¬ 
 tion, had been confidcrably ltrengthened on their rout. 
 
 But on the contrary he law it fo diminilhed by defertion, 
 as to be reduced to twelve or thirteen thoufand mm, with¬ 
 out any hopes of its being augmented, for the foremen- 
 tioned reafons. It is therefore likely, he durft not farther 
 advance, and thought the ground about li'crcjhr proper 
 for defence in cafe of an attack. 
 
 Wbilft the King’s army refrefhed them reives at tffor- cjomweif 
 cejler, Cromwell was advancing with IjieeJ. His.orders arr, - l “' 
 for ailembling the forces and Militia of the North were 
 well obeyed, that on his arrival in England, his army Clarendon, 
 was daily increafed by parties from all quarters. By this ,n : P- 
 means, after his junction with La mho t and Harrifon, he phil,ips - 
 found his army much fuperioi ti the King’s, which lay 
 encamped about a mile from Uhrcejlir , with a refolution 
 to Hand upon the defence. Cromwell before he attacked 
 the King’s army, thought proper to make a diverfion on 
 the other fide the Severn. For this purpofe he detacheJ Phil,; ps- 
 Lambert , who marched direCtly to Upton, where was a fj larendo ^_ 
 bridge guarded by Majfey, This pallage was lb vigoroufly Whitelock?* 
 attacked, that after a Inarp engagement, Majfey \v as obliged a 
 to abandon it. Immediately after, Cromwell ordered part Pajfjgt over 
 ol his army to go over to the wertern fide of the Severn , ,be Scv<:rn< 
 which forced the King to fend fome of his forces the 
 fame way, and fo to weaken that part of his army which 
 was to fuftain Cromwell’s attack. 
 
 1 he 3d of September, a day fortunate to Cromwell by Batth of 
 the defeat of the Scots at Dunbar the year before, he Wo,cefter 
 charged the royal army on both (ides the Seven. After an Sl'cnd™, 
 engagement ol fome hours the King’s forces were repu’feJ nr. p. 3 ig. 
 on both Tides the river, and forced to retire into the town Whitelock * 
 in fuch confuflon, that the entrance was forgot to be 
 defended. The King’s follicitations were fruitlefs, to in- Arn "i de - 
 fpire his now vanquilhed troops with refolution to refiftfef 
 any longer the conqueror. At laft, his cavalry feeing the Ludlow? 
 enemy breaking into the town, fled, and left the infantry 
 to the mercy of the Englijh. The King himfelf was 
 forced to fly through St. Martin's gate, arid with great 
 difficulty avoided falling into the enemy’s hands. The 
 Foot were almofl: entirely killed or taken j and the Horfe 
 being warmly purfued, were eafily difperfed ; fo that moft 
 ol the officers and Cavaliers were made prifoners. It is Phillips, 
 pretended, of the Scots there were {lain about two thoufand, P; 6oS - 
 and feven or eight thoufand taken prifoners (4), who q"p‘ d °j[ t 
 being fent to London , were fold for Haves to the Planta- Heath. 3 ^ 
 tions of the American ifles. Duke Hamilton morialiv Burnet ’ 5 
 wounded, died nine days after. Among!! the principal 
 perfons were General Lefty, the Earls of Lauiherdal'e , 
 
 Rrthes, Camwarth, Kelly, Derby and Cleveland [5). * 
 
 The King, though happily efcapcd from the defeat, was Tb, King', 
 under great difficulties. He was to avoid his purfuers ; 
 that was his only concern, but the thing was not eafy! a f T j ual,n 
 He found himfelf in the middle of England , which he Chmdoo, 
 could confider but as an enemy’s country, tho he had in it H1 - P- 3- 
 ftill fome friends. He was under a neceflity to quit it, {Jjjji 
 and find fome way to convey himfelf beyond fea, which BatVJ’’ 
 feemed impracticable. It was ftill more dangerous to at- Bol ' coo ' : ’ 
 tempt a return into Scotland, becaufe he would probably 
 be fearched for moft carefully on that road, and though he 
 Ihould fafely reach that Kingdom, the danger would be 
 almofl: the fame there as in England. The Parliament- ' 
 army, victorious in Scotland, as we /hall fee prd'ently, 
 would not have afforded him a fecure retreat there. He 
 refolved therefore to go that night as far as poflible. After 
 that, he. difmifled his attendants, who could only ferve to 
 difeover him more eafily, and put himfelf info the hands of 
 a trufty guide, by whom he was difguifed like a peafant, 
 and conducted through by-roads. In this melancholy ftatc 
 he fpent a whole- day in a tree near the road (6), from 
 whence he faw and heard people as they palled by, talk¬ 
 ing of him, and wilhing he would fall into their hands. 
 
 He travelled only in the night, his guide concealing him. 
 by day in cottages where he was not known, and where 
 
 (0 Only a whole day, Ijj 1 s Lord Clarendon, Tom. 3. p. 309. 
 
 I - Captain Cciil Howard, Son of the Lord Howard of Efcrick, brought him a Troop of Horfe. Pbillipt, p. 606. 
 
 H I Where he had lecurely repofed himfelf fince the end of the former War. Clarendon, Tom. 3. p. 309. 
 
 (41 Of the King s fide there were three thoufand flain, and ten thoufand taken prifoners ; and of Cromwell' 5 Army one hundred (lain, an- 
 wounded- Among the : Prifoners were three Englijh Earls, feven Scotch Lord?, fix hundred and forty Colonels, ar.d other Officers ; the Kin ■ 
 ,i.e i i idred and fifty-eight Colours were alfo taken. Whitelock, p. 50S. 
 
 l ' i^ey.e? .eached Lancajhire before he was apprehended, and the reft v.ne overtaken and made Prifoners, at Newport in Chcfh'ir hv - 
 Lu.wm-% Hone. p. 6o8, 6.09. a wjotre, by . 
 
 I 1: - Tree grew in the thickefi part of the Wood, which vat fesrehed with the greateft exa&nefs.———This Wood was eitltcr in 0: 
 d ■’•r.rdjhnt. Clarendon, Tom. 3 . p. 3**, 
 
 No. 73. V o L. II. 7 I 
 
 three hundred 
 s Standard, and 
 
 Detachment of 
 
 on the Borders' 
 
586 
 
 T.HI p -3 
 - 33 1, 
 
 Phillips, 
 
 White! ck, 
 Ludlow. 
 
 to Kin 
 great difirej 
 
 jjS. 
 
 Cromwell 
 
 
 !The H I SrO RT 
 
 of ENGLAN D. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 his diet generally was only a little milk. At Eft, after 
 two months great fatigues, after i.-ih::.'. d. ngers efcaped, 
 after a great part of the Kingdom ti rom fVor- 
 
 erfter to the county of Safe:: (ilie embarked, and fafe- 
 ly arrived in Normandy the zzd of O. isber. The curi¬ 
 ous are referred to the Earl of Clarendon, who, Irom the 
 mouth of the King himfeif, has given a circumftantial 
 account of the means of his cfcape, and the adventures in 
 his flight (a). 
 
 s V.'e mu ft now return to the t ran factions of Scotland , 
 ft nee the two armies left that Kingdom. While Cromw:lL 
 f the King, ... ■ ience to his or¬ 
 
 der;, laid nege to Stirling-, which ichlled but few days. 
 Tins place, one of the ftrongeft of Scotland, where the 
 publick Records were kept, furrendered the 14th of Au- 
 gu'c (3). All the papers and records were feat to London , 
 from whence they never returned, the Ship which was 
 . ; . • . t , being caft away. 
 
 After the furrender of Sterling, Monk befieged Dundee , 
 where the inhabitants of Edinburgh had conveyed their bell 
 1 : v, 
 
 fume Scotch Gentlemenaflembling fome forces to relieve the 
 town, they we-c furprized and difperfcd by a detachment 
 h im Mon '. an I their leaders taken prifoners. Notwith- 
 ftaivJing thi -. mhfei tunc, [ Major Lumfdale ] the Gover¬ 
 nor made a 1‘out defence, till the town was taken by ftorm. 
 the f.rft of September, two days before the battle of Wcr- 
 cefter. The talcing of Sterling and Dundee were followed 
 bv that of Aberdeen, St. Andrews , and all the reft of the 
 town; and caftles, capable of making reiiftanee. Thus, 
 in a {hurt time, Monk reduced the whole Kingdom of 
 Scotland to the obedience of the Englijh Parliament. And 
 this was the remarkable confequence of the King’s refolu- 
 tion, to conduct the Scotch army into England. 
 n The viilorv of U'jrceJler , and the reduction of Scotland , 
 ’gave fi.ch a reputation to the new Republick, thac every 
 . State in Europe, either courted its friendfhip, or dreaded 
 its arms. For this reafon, inoft of the Sovereigns excufed 
 thcmfelves fr.-.n making oHcis to the King, or fupplying 
 him with money, lor fear of being fufpe£ted bv the Parlia- 
 rnent. So, the King Kvv himfeif reduced t.. great extre¬ 
 mities, and even to a want of common ntcelfaries. He 
 lived i-t Purls, maintained by his Mother, who had a pen- 
 lion from the Crown, but Cardinal Mazarin making his 
 c6urt ntol E - . took no notice of the 
 
 diftrels of her unfortunate Son. 
 
 On the * iier hand, Cromwell’s glory and credit were fo 
 increafeJ Imce the battle of Dunbar and IVorcefler , that as 
 he was mailer of the armies of the three Kingdoms, he 
 was in efte; 7 , mailer of the lefolutions of tlie Parliament, 
 no man daring openly to oppofe him. He had, befides, in 
 the Houle fo great a number of creatures, that it was eafy 
 for him to procure wii.it refolutions he pleafed. So, it may 
 be truly Kid, that lie was the Head of the Commonwealth, 
 v/hilft lie had only the title of General. 
 
 >< This Commonwealth was very powerful from its begin¬ 
 ning. This appe.-.-s ftrange at firft, conlidering the great 
 lums that were expended, and the blood that was Ihed, 
 during tiu civil war. But it is to be conlidered, with re¬ 
 gard to the expence, that the money had not been carried 
 out of the Kingdom. The only alteration was, that the 
 rich were become poor, and the poor rich, which had not 
 lunk the capital of the Kingdom. And as to the number 
 of men killed in the war, it muft alfo be conlidered, that 
 England fvvarmed with people in the year 1642, having 
 had no wars fince the death of Elizabeth. So the eft'ufion 
 of blood had not diminiftied the inhabitants fo, as to weaken 
 the Kingdom to any degree. This is evident, from the 
 calinefs wherewith, in the fpace of one year, the Parlia¬ 
 ment railed an army for Ireland, and another moie con- 
 iiderabie for Scotland., befides the forces remaining in Eng¬ 
 land. I he navy, having lud no enemies to engage during 
 the war, was in a flourilhing condition. In a wurd, Eng¬ 
 land was not lefs powerful than under Elizabeth , or than it 
 might have been under James I. and Clearies I, had thofe 
 Princes thought proper to engage in foreign wars. Nothing 
 the;dore was altered but the Government, and that was 
 in the hands of the molt able men England had for a long 
 while produced, though their ufurpation was the 1110ft un- 
 
 iuft. In this refpect, England found itfelf in a very difte- 16 ti, : 
 tent ftate from what it was under the two fuivioing 
 Kings, whofe capacities to govern, cannot be greatly com¬ 
 mended by the Impartial. 
 
 Cromwell returned to London the 21ft of September, Cromwell 
 leading with him, in triumph, his principal prifoners, who '"“" u !t 
 were committed to the Tower, from whence Ala [fey, fome | v"u°p S - 
 time after, found means to cfcape (4). A maj >nty of the whitelock.<a 
 Parliament, with the Speaker at their head, attended by Gurendon, 
 the Lord-Mayor and Aldermen of London, met him as far P ’ 347 ’ ; 
 a Acl on. Eight days alter,, the Earl of Derby was tried, the Earl of:- 
 and fentenced by a council of war, and beheaded at Bolton Derb y"‘“ 
 in the county of Lancajler (5). ^ 1 
 
 While thefe things palled in England, the Parliament’s J-riev, 
 fleet became mailer of the I fie of Jerfey, Cornet Caftle in ’!' 
 
 the Iile of Guernfey , and the I fie of Alan. In January “rj:,, ta k, n 
 following, Sir George Afcaugh reduced the 1 fie of Bar bodies, o rre FU,tC 
 then governed by the Lord Willoughby [ of Parham , ] lor °j, 
 the King; and the Ifles of Nevis and St. Chrijlophers fub- \vhitclock.cl 
 mitted without oppofition. 
 
 England enjoying a profound tranquillity, and Ireland Tbt Path *.id 
 being almoft reduced, the Parliament thought of means to ^UnT* If 
 unite Scotland with the Commonwealth of England. As ,, England.IB 
 they had conquered that Kingdom, thev believed they had Hh ; ! i P s. ii 
 a right to do with it as they pleafed, without confulting the ^ | 
 Scots, who were no longer able to oppofe their will. An Lud.ow. 
 
 A 61 therefore palled in the Englijh Parliament, which en¬ 
 tirely abolifhed kingly power in Scotland , and united that 
 Kingdom to the Englijh Commonwealth, with a power to 
 fend a limited number of Reprefentatives to the Parlia¬ 
 ment. Commiflioners were afterwards fent into Scotland , 
 to adjuft the particulars of this union. Moll of the Scotch 
 Nobility feeing themfelves unable to refill the Parliament, 
 fubmicted to their pleafure. The Marquifs of Argyle be¬ 
 came one of the moft zealous adherents of the Common¬ 
 wealth, but the Clergy were very much diftatisfied with 
 this union. 
 
 Since the Independents had openly appeared, thev had Pacha* t 
 made a great progrefs. 7 'hey had beheaded King Charles I, ^ HoUa^nd • 
 abolifhed the Houfe of Lords, turned the Monarchy into a J 
 Commonwealth, quelled the fadlion of the Levellers, hum¬ 
 bled the Presbyterians, fubdued Scotland , and almoft fi- 
 nifhed the conqueft of Ireland. By the victory at Wor- 
 ccjlcr , they feemed to have deprived the King of all refuge, 
 and to have nothing more to fear from him. Neverthclefs, 
 the Royalifts were Hill a thorn in their fide, and gave them 
 continual apprchenfions. Indeed, this party appeared too 
 weak to recover by their own ftrength, but they were not 
 without a pofllbility of receiving afliltancc from foreign 
 powers. Ol thefe powers, they dreaded neither France 
 nor Spain, becaufe they were fatisfied, that the managers 
 of the affairs of thefe two Kingdoms had no defign to at¬ 
 tempt the Rcftoration of King Charles , and though they 
 fhould have attempted it, their naval forces could not with- 
 fland the navy ol England. But there was another Power 
 which infpired them with fear. This was the Reputlick 
 of the XJnited Provinces, who could ftrongly a Hill the 
 Royalifts ; Nay, it was likely, the Prince of Orange , 
 Brother-in-law to the King, would ufe his great credit in 
 thofe Provinces, to engage them in the quarrel between the 
 King and the Parliament. It was therefore no lefs impor¬ 
 tant, to prevent any afliftance to the King from Llolland , 
 than it had been to hinder the Scots from affifting the 
 Presbyterians. 
 
 For this purpofe, the Parliament, in the year 1649, ibty try « <■>' 
 fent DorijJaus to Holland, to propofe a ftri£t union betwixt ,0 un,,t J 
 the two Republicks. The aftaflination of that Agent at '^'nZeaitbs"\\- 
 the Hague, made the lefs noife in England, becaufe the Cjrer.don, ,1 
 Parliament intended to prevent the danger which might ,I1 ; p 355*51 
 come from that quarter, by a ftridl alliance with the States. p . g,. ps * * 
 The Prince of Orange dying Ottober 1650, the Parliament Heath, 
 judged the occafion favorable to treat with the States, be- P 118 S* 
 caufe the intereft of that Prince could no longer obftruft 
 the negotiation. They fent therefore, in March 1651, 
 
 Oliver St. John , and Walter Strickland , to the Hague , 
 to negotiate, not a bare alliance, but fuch an union, as 
 might render them one Commonwealth. T his propofal 
 met with great oppofition from the States. Firft, the Eng¬ 
 lijh pretended, the States ftiould renounce all their alliances. 
 
 ' ' ’ Fifcer-Town - i • 
 
 ! " ' • t 1 i 1 .ndi..'.i. ,:i 1 Ctmle. aan illii..’, j.'I' rin, -1/ier Hull ht f.w the State's Ain.-. »■ *. the Httuo Cc lo- . 
 
 Uir.- f. 4 '.'. 
 
 1 : ’ Sse like,- i - B j.v.'j F: '.chut, and a little Bonk callrd Befttbtl. R.jp,n. 
 
 " ' : 0 ' ■ - * c ■: £ :r, E 10 CaiMt, this M ;:•> in the Reign of King Jamn l■ written, J. C. R. Nobit itnxiBa 
 
 * ' ll»l . Pcs.t i • , fit I. 
 
 41 At Oic all-lit: Eatlcl Middhrun. Philips, p 610. 
 
 - ' ‘ ‘ : c : ‘ !l i i 1 rial, the Plo - f;r a genera! siGr.g of the Presbyte/ians in Lancojhtre, to ,.in with the King ; tut 
 
 ^ ' g ' ..\i. 1 .. lie enn'eitpo a.! il.c Mit’r: t Treilon ehargea ag.ui d him, and ,:*d t.. the mercy .» the 
 
 Par. •■•went. At.sit' H: a • vtgtd, bt bid sluj"tr given him, jr.d tb,re/:>f, ivat net to be tried by a C.urr - Marti *i. s. He pleaded Jgn-.n-tt tf tit 
 
 ruled t d * * p. el 1. He 
 
 rr.s-i'.ci the . -"8 h.er • I t .e Duke ... ,.s i • em u.-.lt, -n frjrc-.. What Revvaii hit Son had for this famous Earl’s Loyalty, will appear by the IvJow.n; in— 
 .1 -y six- cr-l-nt L'.tl . I D.-'y, on a Building erefied at Knrw/lty, his Sea: in Lanca;h<c : 
 
 “ J ' T j ! ‘‘! L,:TC •; ■ Van ' and ,he Grandfon of James Ear) ol D ' y, and of C 11 a a l o t t e Daughter of Ciaudi 
 
 " “’J rerr " u v ' h " <c Hu.'btr.d J a M e - was beheaded at IS-.lun, xv Odd. m sc ut. tor ftrenuoufy adhering to Cb tries the Stand, who 
 
 •' relui.-d a B:Lpau un-ntjioullv Iy both Houles oi Parliament, for rellotirg to ;h; family t»ae Eltate loll by I is Ltyilty to turn, m ace xxxix. 
 
 except 
 
Book XXII. 
 
 The COMMONWEALTH. 
 
 5 8 7 
 
 ,6i '- comnvmto them with the Repuhlick of the fapel, that all the fubmiffiom of the Winders were , 6 -. 
 
 England. Secondly, the conditions propofed by the Eng- ineffedtual to procure them a peace, and that the Parliament 
 lift were of fuch a nature, that all the advantages were of would fcarce hear their propofals. This plainly (hows, the 
 their fide, and the forces of the Vmted Provinces were Parliament had feme fecret motive for the continuation of 
 
 W Thirdly 0 f r,h 0r t aUgmC f n r n ° f ', 5 °! E " g ~ ; h 'c War * and k b difficult !0 difc “'“ a "y °th=r than what 
 
 ,f ‘ he tir P e of the arm ’ al of thc two 1 ha" mentioned. Thirdly, It is certain Crmwdl at 
 7 "™to - e p c ° nridcred ’ " wdl be ca % f «". faft perceived, as will hereafter appear, this war was con¬ 
 
 i', n m ob r , S K°V be Par, c mc "' wcre J not y« a f,tua - linucd only to give the Parliament occalion to disband the 
 i on to oblige the States to be contented with conditions, fo army, and that this made him refolve to deftroy a Parlia- 
 uttle advantagious. Indeed, Cromwell had, the year be- ment which fought his ruin. 1 own, it is no^t eafy to 
 fore gained the battle of Dunbar : But that was not a prove, that the authors of this war againft the United Pro 
 dec,five viflory, fince the King was going to head a new vine, had at firft the defign I have aSed to them ■ and 
 ztmy as he afterwards did, before the Ertglijb Envoys left that with refpefl to the beginning, it is only a conieaure 
 the Hague. The States would therefore have afted with But this conjeflure is confirmed," when it 7 oonlldeied 
 t o much precipitation, had they concluded this union be- that the principal members joined together to humble the 
 tore a deoilion between the King and the Parliament, power of Cromwell , and that the war was only con-inued 
 Laftly, the party of the Houfe ol Orange not being yet to make the expence of it a proper reafun fo/disbandintr 
 entirely fuppre fed, ftrongly oppofed the union of the two the land-army, as ufelefs, but which was neceffarv to 
 Republicks, which would have deftroyed all the hopes of Cromwell’s fupport. * ' 
 
 the young pofthumous Prince of Orange. On all thefe ac- However this be, Cromwell refnrnmo- „:cw; r 
 
 “"«3.*tiSfKTb7T d t r" W; , di<rati f ed Z‘ mJi P? be “ beforedoncfrom ^”5«» 
 
 Clirredoa Vr , , , ’ but a,li at fome “' fuIts °" tl,eir hls credlt mereafed, that he became as it were the Sou E «<•» 
 
 firm. perfonS f ; om . f ,i abbl = « th l «*» lay that they of the Parliament and Commonwealth Wither he dW TT"’ 
 PhiUip,. P™'1' the Subjefts of the States were more inclined ,o not at firft perceive the fecret motives of the prejefled ”AfJ' 
 
 the King, than to the Parliament, and were confirmed in war, or for fome other reafon, he readily confented to ihe **"■ 
 
 the fufpicon, that the States waited only a favorable oppor- defign of humbling Holland, which wasTlonfidered as the mTT 
 
 Z', 7 , “ ' rP p‘ , ' < i 0 P e " l y thc Kmg s intereft. So, their re- only foreign Power the Parliament had to fear But as the ' 
 
 port to the Pathamem, contributed to exafperate them a- People were to be managed, who would not have been eafi 
 gamft the States. 1 heir refentment would perhaps have ]y perfwaded of the neceffity of this war, it was red Ived 
 been immediately (hoM, had they not been engaged in the to lorce the Hollanders to be the agvreffors or at lead to 
 war with Sr»f/W. Wherefore, it was judged proper to furnifh a pretence for the war. tor S 7 purpofe the Par 
 djffemble, till that war was ended to which the battle of l.ament, under colour of incouraging navigation made an 
 
 profperous conclufiom S “ 2 7 * ^ commodities 
 
 But if the happy end of toiswar enabied ,» Par,lament ^ B°/ 
 
 Ihe ST,' l n ° Cher aga ‘ n ? HoHand, ic feems, on the o- which was to commence the firft of December 16 c All 
 ther hand, to have removed the motives of a frefh war. commerce between England and Holland was deftn/v c! 
 
 I or after the Parliament was become mafter of Scotland fince that commerce confifted onlv in fnrpicr u f 
 
 and Ireland, there was no likelihood, the States of the dizes imported CSJ th r own" Ids "mL 
 United Provinces would think of affifting the King. Be- this, the Parliament granted Letters of M m ff x 
 Tides, as the Prince of Orange was dead, it was not even private men, who complained of an uniuft Confirm * 
 probable, the States would contribute to the King’s reftora- of their (hips in Holland fixation 
 
 , t,0 . n ’ ^ nC ' e ° f th , e 7 0un ? Prince > whom ^ey defigned to The States eafily perceived the Parliament’s defiern h. „ 
 reduce to thc condition of a private perfon. Neverthelefs, inftead of beginning hoftilities, as was exneded^v thr 7UStaUt 
 declaring ^ Parliament s refentment againft the States was fo great, Engli/h, they fent an embafty to London if - ^ thc 
 
 ^^tha. a war was refoived (a). Pretexts were fougiAom vocltio’n o/the Aft ThLpZuaZm ree^T V" 
 
 Phillip.. ln J urles Paid t0 be do,le t0 t he Engl,fi by the Dutch thirty baffadors with marks of refpea and g,anted them fe 7 i Dc “ n ' b ' 
 years before, at An.boyna, and other places ill the Indies audierres .heir !„■ / • b ra med them feverai whiidock. 
 
 I. .= P-tended, CronLll confented to this 7 ar, of which ^n‘ blt " not cu-d™. 
 
 he faw no neceffity, in pure complaifance to St John , and were not preferved But when^tU na rCpubI ' ck;s Phili. P ps? 5S ’ 
 Sw Wl ’° aI>PCarCli CX, " me,y in “ nM ^ came to be^difeufled,* it was piain'the^Par^imen^^as^eiit ’plciidteni 
 
 “in h r^Th 0 JT; ^ — 
 
 power in a private perfon feemed to them too dangerous for to feventeen hundred rh^fl T eftlr >aation, amounted the Parlin- 
 
 1 'LZz 
 
 hour, ng for the Commonwealth, he was labouring for himfelf, fadion fliould be given for toe fecret inttlliv^’ ‘7“ 
 
 however careful he was to hide his ambition under the m , s k iaft Ambailidors from the Stales had heu Z ' r ^lf , 
 of the pubhek good. They faw at leaft with uneafmefs. King during the civi, w'a, ^oTtoefo Saflit 1 re! 
 
 nothing parations, the Parliament offered to make an alliance with 
 
 Very angry 
 tvilh tbe 
 Stain, 
 
 Cemti to 
 
 Rcjolu 
 
 decla 
 
 PhiUip 
 Clarendon, 
 in. p. 360 
 
 War tbe 
 ru.n of 
 Cromwell. 
 
 of the publick good. They .. 
 
 that if he was forming his own advancement 
 
 could hinder him from executing his defign, as iongTh? ITST' t‘L ^ 
 tne army. 1 his fupport was therefore ei- voys at the Hague (3). F y 
 
 I hefe propolitions convinced the States that they were 
 
 ) nrennrp fnr war -1:_1. • 1 - 
 
 was mafter of the army. This fupport was therefore ei¬ 
 ther to be taken from him, or the Commonwealth expofed 
 to his ambitious defigns. But it was difficult to obtain bis 
 con fent to disband an army which was at his devotion, and 
 
 hit trrpyf crt-stir D— . . rr i i . - 
 
 * r ‘ . ^ *-<1x111.0 iHJi iney were <■ 
 
 prepare for war. Accordingly with great care and why 5 ’' 
 
 --- ““‘V vYjjii.11 w«jb ai ms uevotion, and exDence a fleer r c 1 c , 7 , iUX ana Whitciot 
 
 his great credit in the Parliament afforded no hopes of ef fail Thev were ? f ° f a hundred and fifty P . 535. 
 
 Clarendon, feding it there, without a preffing neceffity. It was belie- the Parliament ZT n h ? VeV , er t0 d f cIare war againft 
 
 III.,. 360. ved therefore, that if the Repubhck could be ingaged in a EnJ/h m he’Jn/tr ^ 0 '" ,f P° ab,e > t0 the 
 
 lea-war, the great expence of which was forefeen the Par Stafes AmUrH M * IS '« i!° r tbls P ur P ofc i while toe M 
 r g p an exS™ Xfit'wouM ha^te^ 
 
 on the contrary very advantagious to let tbe people eniov the tbe Fnc/i) 7, fl PP r rn- Ad al B ! ake ’ who commanded 
 
 fweets of peace, in order to make them rfdh toe “torfa! peartofn fittht Thi b V - f f- 
 
 blifhed Republican Government. Secondly, It will appear^fn 
 
 £ n aJ r0m f° me of ,hs Er S l 'f h bev- Clarendon, Tom. 3. p. 355. 
 
 the tenth Herring, as an ackmwledgmenr Pile ^W^^.vrreiBntt’in'thofe Man . 0 ^ ^ ar > meetmg with fome Dutch F.fhermrn, demanded cf them 
 
 Tu.TlZs'T - ' ht *->L*S 
 
 (3] They ,lfo JhCfcl w a Fwe-tisde v f on die Sr/./eV frem MMUorgl to Antwerp. Bmb, p. 30S. 
 
 ( 
 
 guns 
 
_5-S8 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 1652, guns without ball for a fignal to ftrike, to which Trump 
 aufwered no otherwifc than by drawing up his (hips in line 
 of Katie, and in contempt of the fignal, difcharged one 
 finale gun ; and coining up to the EngUJh Admiral gave 
 F: ? v 1- him a broad-lidc. So, the fight begun without any cer- 
 '' •• tainty which fide was the aggreffbr (1). The two Admi- 
 cV-’-'-iid'-n ra k ^ad poiitive orders fo to behave, as not to come to 
 111. P . ; ,6. an engagement without apparent neceffity. The EngUJh 
 ' fay, 'Trump had orders from the States not to ftrike to the 
 p ' KM"'" En&lifl 3 * to oblige them to begin hoftilities. This isnotim- 
 probable, though the Dutch authors, do not mention it (2). 
 Blake being reinforced with eight (hips, the engagement 
 lafted from four in the afternoon till night. The EngUJh , 
 if their Hiftorians are to be credited, had not a Jingle 
 Ihip damaged, and the Dutch loft two, one taken, and 
 ci.uerorvn. one funk. They fay farther, that night coming on, 
 j; 1 j ! 5 57* Trump drew his fleet fo the back of the Goodwin Sands, 
 1 "" and the next morning failed for Zealand. The Dutch 
 own the lofs of two Jhips, but affirm the Engli/h had fix 
 funk, and that the night only fared their fleet from entire 
 deftru&ion. It is difficult exatftly to difeover the truth 
 in fuch contradi&ory accounts, particularly concerning fea- 
 Whitsfock, engagements. It Jeems however, that the confternation at 
 : 53- L'itui:n occafioned by this battle, and the infults offered to 
 pfo,. 1 ’. 3 ' the Dutch Ambafladors from the populace, which obliged 
 the Parliament to give them a guard, Ihow, the People 
 were not pleafed with the fuccefs. 
 
 ■A r --p a The Dutch Ambafladors, knowing the intention of their 
 - ‘ 'TU matters, endeavoured, in an audience obtained of the Par- 
 . .. U: lia.nent, to Jhow, the battle was a pure effect of chance. 
 
 On ihe other hand, the States fent to the Parliament an 
 Hi*'Kor extraordinary, to propofe an agreement. This 
 Fhiiti.-i? ' was Adrian Paw, who had been Plenipotentiary at the 
 Whitciuck. peace o! Alunjler. But the Parliament not receding from 
 any of the articles propofed before the rupture (3), the 
 States recalled the Ambafladors, and refolved to continue 
 the war, lince there was no other way to procure a peace. 
 j 7j. ; ; •, A Mamfcfto was publilhed, in which they pretended to 
 
 jr.m b'lh the demonftrate, the Parliament attacked them, without any 
 ot’ a’ of P ruVocation i a °d the Parliament anfwered in another, de- 
 Trc.uies. claring all the occalions of complaint above-mentioned. 
 
 -• t refufal of the ftriking the 1 lag, 
 : ' r they were refolved to maintain, at all hazards! 
 cj i: T.r; The States replied, it was true, their republick, in its in- 
 in/ijirj:ny fancy, had paid that compliment to the Royal Dignity, 
 ‘an/'repni uben England was under the dominion of a King, but 
 toby the they could not believe themfelves obliged to the fame re- 
 fpedt fince the Monarchy was changed into a Common- 
 te oc wealth. After all, this was by no means the real caufe of 
 the war. But thefe Manifefto’s were necefl'ary on both 
 fides, for an intimation to the People, that they were 
 not ingaged without neceffity in extraordinary expences to 
 J'upport a war. 
 
 v in I War being fufficiently declared, as well by the 
 
 Trump 1 Manifefto’s, as by a battle. Van Trump put to fea with a 
 I'-Lfiy a flceC uf levent >’ Ships, whilft Van Gallen failed to the 
 'Ttmptjl. Mediterranean to fight the EngUJh there. Trump's defign 
 Angun. was to ingage Admiral Afeough who lay in the Downs 
 nf*Hotund. w * tb P art Engli/h fleet. But, while he was waiting 
 
 clarendon, an opportunity. Admiral Blake with iorty Ihips failed to ti.e 
 ***• '?• 357 1 northward, to attack the Herring fleet, and their con- 
 i . .. voy (4). Trump being informed of it, follows and over- 
 p. 541. takes fiim near A ew-CaJlle. But while he was prepar¬ 
 ing for the light, a furious tempell: fo difperfed his fleet, 
 that he returned to Holland-, but with forty fail. The 
 reft that eloped Shipwrack, arrived not at the Tcxel till 
 fome weeks after. 
 
 Eitgat-rr.tnt About the fame time, Ruyter convoving a fleet of mer- 
 befwun chant-men with thirty four Ihips ft), was met by Sir 
 Geo>. .:U ■, and a furious engagement enfued, which 
 
 Aug. 16’. was bravely fought on both fides, till A faugh at l.ft was 
 Whitelock. forced to retire to Plymouth , and leave Tu.ter free paflage 
 to convoy his fleet into Holland. 
 
 V,n Gailen ^ unn & tbe Engagements in the Channel, Van Gallen 
 killed. attacked and beat the EngUJh into the Mediterranean : 
 Septemb. But his vi&ory coft him his life, being flain in the fight. 
 
 „. E Mean time, the EngUJh putting to fea with a formida- 
 
 jormdaite b ' c fleet > made themfelves mafters of the Channel, the 
 m Sea. take Dutch not daring to appear. Mean while, a considerable 
 Z b!rt\nbV numbcr of Dutcb veffels returning from Holland , without 
 Eremy't. beiII § informed of the war, fell into the hands of the Eng- 
 Sbtpt. 
 
 rL ' ,u - ! ' 01 ftriking the Flag, and the Br ad-file given by Trump to 
 ‘J. =" "'/'j" take; this attuur.t from the Lord Clarendon, yet either himlelf, 
 
 •rrt 1 * 15 it 15 in the Author he •juo-cs. 
 
 ; = i he Lord Clarendon fays, the Council of the Admiralty of Holland. wh< 
 ordered , rump not toiinke. 'lYm. 3. p. 3 56. 
 
 » rft f.tisfied 
 
 ch ■ ' | P- 3SS* 
 
 K' we,e ninety fail of them, whereot thirty w;r 
 
 ' • a B o m on hi: Mai-.-t p-mift, as if he had lw ; , , or w ,uld ,v 
 
 . ' ' >-’ r y rmce Hi -.ur.rr ..vu I. il in , hurricane m the H'tjl-ind.e 1. In S-.p. 
 
 y Earl of I Hcotl 
 
 oj ENGLAND. Vol. 11. 
 
 . md among# < thei fleet from Portugal 
 
 and fix India Ihips richly laden. 
 
 Whereupon the Dutch , not to expofo their Merchant 
 to greater Ioffe ., gave notice to the .Merc ant-mrn, borne 
 ward bound, to fail to the Iflc of Rhe, where a in. i,d 
 be ready to convoy them. Purluant to 
 Trump left the Gores in November, with fc 1 
 war, and lix fire Ihips, and met B \t iv, who 
 iri the Channel. The fight lafted from eight in r.he j; ’ v 
 
 ing till night, when part of the Engli/h fleet ret. rr-u ... rnc 
 Dozens-, and part into the Thame,. A Wui.nu 1.. o.-u bv 
 Blake having thrown his fleet into fome diforder, fie could 
 not hinder Trump from purfuing his courfc (6). 
 
 Since the death of Charles I, the Duke ot CUc . •, iii.- n 
 third Son, had been confined in the Ifie oi IT- mui 1 
 educated as a private Gentleman, they who md .rr; : 
 of his education, being exprefsiy commanded to hi. .v h m i >, ... ,, y 
 no refpedl, that migiit put him in mind o. h:s being a 
 King’s Son. At laft, the Parliament icfo'ved : • fond Jem ;; 
 out of the Kingdom, for which purp< e lie v . conducted 
 to Dunkirk , from whence he vilited his Shier the I'rinccl’s 
 of Orange , at Breda , and then repaired to the King his 
 Brother at Paris. 
 
 In February, Blake again put to fea, f with a Fleet of A Sa Ea~ 
 eighty fail j being affifted, at hi, own rujueft, with Mmk s 
 and Dean , newly arrived from Scotland for that purpoie. J.J 
 The intention of the three Admiiah was to fall upon Trump i ,-b. i:. 
 in his return from the Ifle o f Rbe, with three hundred Mer- ^ 
 
 chant Ihips, he was to convoy to Holland. 7 ’lie Stares be- cV-.r.'-urfonV 
 ing informed of the great preparations in England-, h;.d 1 '• a 360, ■. 
 equipped twenty Ihips to jo. 11 their Admir..l in his pal- 1 ; • : ' s • 
 fage, but ti.ey were hindered by contrary winds. In the Ludlow, 
 mean time. Trump entering ti.e Ciiaruiei, and conducting 
 the Merchant-men along the coafts of France , met the 
 EngUJh fleet, much fuperior to his own in number of Ihips. 
 
 But finding himlelf toe far advanced to recede, a fuiieiu 
 engagement began, v/hich lafted three davs, and .would 
 have been renewed the fourth, had the Ihips on either fide 
 been able to fuftain a frelh charge. The Dirch loft in tills 
 engagement eighteen men of war, and eight Me: chant- 
 men (7). But their Hiftorians pretend , that one and 
 twenty Ihips of the enemy were funk, and three ftranded. 
 
 Each fide challenged the vidtorv. However that be. Trump 
 convoyed his three hundred Merchant-men into Holland , 
 the eight excepted, which fell into the hands of the Eng¬ 
 UJh. After he had fecured the Merchant-men, he engaged 
 the EngUJh four feveral times, but not in lb important a 
 manner. 
 
 Shortly after, the King imagining, he had many fr-ends r f,-- • 
 amongft the commanders of the EngUJh fleet, offered the 7 
 States to put himlelf on board their fleet, without any com- e ■ ; • l jt 
 mand, except of fuch EngUJh Ihips as Ihould come and JT’. J , br 
 join him. But the States thought not fit to accept hi; of- iv.ch ;• 
 fer. It was confidered by them as a fnare, to engage ii.cm c y ,:e J '"’ 
 to declare for him, to which, in their prefent circumftances, ]]!, ^ 
 
 they had no inclination. They wanted peace, and were' 
 unwilling to remove, or render it impoffible, bv t-fpouling 
 the King’s caufe. They even found a way to convey pri¬ 
 vately, to Lenthal the Speaker, a letter from the ruin ular 
 States of Holland , to propofe an agreement. Some fay, id. p 31a. 
 this was owing to a private intimation from CromwVi , 
 who began to difeover, that peace wa- now proper loi lus 
 interefts. He had the addrefs toobtain from the Parliament 
 a civil anfwer to the letter received by Lenthal but the 
 anfwer was directed to the States General. This drew 774 
 from the States a letter of the 30th of April , in which it A* f r 
 '.vas openly defired, the Parliament would plcafe to name a l '~ : ' 
 place for a treaty. 
 
 Cromwell at I2II perceived, the continuation of the war Dj-s 
 was a contrivance of his enemies, that the ex pence might 
 render it nccellary to disband the army, now become ulelefs, u P . 30. >* 
 to h he faw the H ufc was inclined. This tended 371 - 
 
 manifeftly to undermine his authority. For though he liad 
 excellent qualities, and by his valour and capacity had 
 raffed the Commonwealth to its prefent grandeur, he was, 
 however, ftill feared. Had he not been fupported bv the 
 army, his ruin had been infallible, the Parliament fearing 
 that his credit, already too great, would become ftill greater, 
 to the prejudice oi he Commonwealth. Cromwell had 
 even private information, that a confpiracy was forming a- 
 gainft him, in which were engaged not only feveral Prcl- 
 
 Blate, feems to put it out of all doubt, that the Dutcb w*re the Aggrefinr«. 
 t the Frer.cb Translator Has fo mingled this pillage, that 1 tnoug . o.it to in. 
 
 ■ er.-i the maritime .Aflair* without communication with the Stales General, 
 
 Charges and Damage:. See Wilt clock, p. 537, 
 
 e Merehant-men. l-'-ugb hid but thiity-eight fail. Wb"th:k, p.541,541. 
 
 ve-p. >.’l th t Engli/h .Hipping out of the Channel. Pbilupi, p 613- 
 
 J.ed Ra-po Li;-i ihpt.n, at Hrures in Flandert. -A-.d th year a.lo 
 
 War. 'hi: y Merctunt-mea, and had fifteen hundred Men kiiied. Buret. -. 
 
 b) terians 
 

 Book XXII. 
 
 The COM M O N W E A L T H. 
 
 5 g 9 
 
 rf 53 ' byterians and Royalifts, but alfo fome confiderable Mem- 
 bsrs of the Houle, though of the Independent party. Af¬ 
 fairs therefore were in fuch a fituation, that the Parliament 
 vtjihi'Thin was either to be fubdued, or himfelf ruined. Such a choice 
 AvL:/i.-y If ^ oes not long amufe the ambitious. Cromwell , difpleafcd 
 T^thc at a defign to requite his fervices with ingratitude, eafily 
 fMamcut. determined to rifque every thing to make himfelf mafterof 
 the Parliament, rather than become their flave, who pro¬ 
 perly owed all their power to him. 
 
 Crom T he Parliament, as I obferved, was entirely fupported 
 wfippvrt'his 0 £ bc army, and by their means held the nation in fub- 
 sir r':y. jedhon. But fince the battles of Dunbar and IVorceJler , 
 Cromwell had. lo acquired the efteem and affection of the 
 vLu'.ock. °® cers anc ^ foldiers, that they fupported the Parliament, 
 but as its interefts were confounded with thofe of their Ge¬ 
 neral. The leading Members perceived it, and therefore 
 had formed the project of disbanding the army, to ruin 
 Cromwell with more eafe. But fuch a project was not to 
 be long concealed from one of Cromwell 's penetration. As 
 foon as he difeovered the defign of his enemies, he judged, 
 there was no other way to fupport himfelf, than by with¬ 
 drawing the confidence of the army from the Parliament; 
 after which, it would not be difficult to deftroy them. This 
 was the very method pradtifed by himfelf and the other In- 
 jve'rMi nf dependents, to ruin the Presbyterian Parliament. He there- 
 S ttifZ- ^ ore cau ^ es the officers of the army, in a general council, 
 fcmv..'. to frame a petition, and prefent it to the Parliament; in 
 | CkiKi-don, which they demanded, “ The arrears of their pay, that 
 ' Philips. 3 they might not be compelled to take free quarter upon 
 i Whiielock. “ their fellow fubjedts, who already paid fo great contri- 
 “ bution and taxes, which, they were well aflured, if well 
 managed, would defray all the charges of the war, and 
 “ of the Government.” 
 
 The Parliament, as Cromwell had forefeen, complained 
 of the infolence of this petition, and ordered a reprimand 
 to the officers fbr their prefumption, to intermeddle in af¬ 
 fairs which belonged not to them, and to arraign thePar- 
 management of the treafury. This drew from 
 e’L. * £ ^ e arm y 3 fecond petition, which put the Houfe in mind 
 clarendon, of fome former profeffions they had made, “ That they 
 .in. p. 371. “ would be glad to be diflolved, and that there might be 
 “ fucceffive Parliaments, to undergo the fame trouble they 
 4 had done. They therefore defired them to remember, 
 “ how many years they had fate, and though they had 
 “ done great things, yet it was a great injury to the reft 
 ct of the nation, to be utteily excluded from bearing any 
 “ part in the fervice of their country, by their ingroffing 
 the whole power into their Hands: And thereupon be- 
 tc fought them, that they would fettle a council of war for 
 “ the adminiltration of the Government, during the in- 
 “ terval, and then diflolve themfelves, and fummon a new 
 “• Parliament; which, they told them, would be the moft 
 “ popular adt they could perform.” 
 
 'I his Remonftrance, though intended to exafperate the 
 Parliament, appeared however very juft in itfelf, and 
 agieeable to the general fentiment of the nation. This will 
 be evident, when it is confidered, in what manner the 
 Members, which compofed this Parliament, had poflefled 
 themfelves of the fupreme authority. The violence they 
 had ufed to their collegues, the late King's tragical death, 
 the change of the Monarchy into a Commonwealth, and 
 the taxes impofed on the People for an unneceflary war, 
 had rendered them odious to the whole Kingdom. They 
 were themfelves fenfible of thele things; but, befides that 
 it was very mortifying to them to divert themfelves of an 
 authority which had fo many charms, they had reafon to 
 fear, that an account would be demanded of their actions. 
 They were therefore unwilling to quit pofleffion, and yet, 
 could not avoid folemnly deliberating upon the petition, 
 i'- p- “73- which was of a nature not to be neglerfted. In this de- 
 IPfaiijipr. j,ate, all the Members, who were officers in the army, 
 ftrenuoufly fupported the petition. The Presbyterians, who 
 had been received into the Houfe upon their fwearing to 
 the Engagement, were alfo of opinion, that the Parlia¬ 
 ment ought to diftolve themfelves, fince it could not be 
 doubted, that it was the nation’s defire. But the negative 
 T&ePariu- was carried by a majority of voices. It was therefore re- 
 iolved, that it was not yet time to diflolve this Parliament, 
 lOtjfJiution, while affairs were depending that could not be left un- 
 finiflied, and particularly the important war with Holland. 
 That neverthelefs, the Speaker Ihould ifliie out writs for 
 Whr* the vacant feats in the Houfe. At the fame time, a 
 fuel committee was appointed, fpeedily to prepare a Bill, by 
 
 which all perfons were forbid to prefent fuch petitions, un- 1655, 
 der pain of being declared guilty of High-treafon. 
 
 1 his was what Cromwell expedfed from the Parliament. Cromwell 
 After fo exprefs a declaration, it could not be doubted, 
 that the Members who had fate more than twelve years, Aprd'aoT’ 
 and had but too much abufed their power, would always clarention = 
 retain the fupreme authority in their hands, under colour 374/’ 375 ‘ 
 of being the reprefentatives of a Republick, which properly Bites, 
 confifted only of themfelves. Cromwell being therefore 
 very certain, this Parliament was odious to the people, and 
 not lefs difagreeable to the army, believed, he owed no 
 farther regard to men, who only fought his ruin. When 
 things were concerted with the principal officers, he came 
 to the Houfe, the 20th of April , with fome officers and 
 foldiers, and without any ceremony, told the Members* 
 he was come to put an end to their power, of which they 
 had made an ill ufe ; and therefore, they were immediately 
 to be diflolved. The officers and foldiers entered at the 
 fame time, and flayed at the door till the Members walked 
 out. Cromwell , as they came by him, reproached one 
 with drunkennefs, another with corruption, not fparing 
 any ol thofe whom he knew to be his enemies. After 
 that, he gave the Mace to one of his officers, and locked 
 the door (1). This was an extraordinary adion, but no 
 more than was done a few years before by General Fair¬ 
 fax, when he expelled and imprifoned the Members, who 
 were difagreeable to the army. 
 
 It cannot yet, however, be affirmed, that Cromwell , by Refieffiont 
 this proceeding, had pulled off the mask. He might ftill 
 he thought to have good intentions to the publick, fince he Cromwell, 
 had only delivered the nation from a Parliament, which had 
 long held them infervitude. And had he, after this, called 
 a free Parliament, and fubmitted to it himfelf, the people 
 would have loaded him with bleffings. But the fequel 
 clearly difeovered, he was only labouring for himfelf (2). 
 
 And yet, if it is confidered that the nation was then di¬ 
 vided into three parties, each mortally hating the other two, 
 it is not eafy to conceive, how a Parliament, though ever 
 lo free, would have been able to fettle the peace of the na¬ 
 tion. It was hardly poffible to find expedients to content 
 the three parties, whofe interefts and principles werefoop- 
 pofite, as well concerning Government as Religion. Only 
 force, by giving a luperiority to one of the three, was ca¬ 
 pable of awing the other two. This doubtlefs was con¬ 
 fidered by Cromwell , and therefore he refolved to model the 
 Government after his own way, fupport his fettlement by 
 force, and regard not the chimerical project of contenting 
 every man. He faw the neceffity of a fupreme authority 
 capable of commanding obedience, without which all would 
 run into confufion, and that this authority was to be fup¬ 
 ported by the army ; and doubtlefs, he believed himfelf 
 more capable than any other, to manage the reins of the 
 Government. I pretend not here to jurtify all the a<ftions 
 of this great man, whofe ability was never contefted; but 
 only to fhew, that, in this juncture, he could have taken 
 no other courfe, without throwing the State into the moft 
 terrible confufion that can be imagined. Since therefore, 
 as matters then flood, England was to be governed by 
 force, was it more inconvenient to fee the nation ruled by 
 the greateft General and Statefman the Kingdom had for 
 many years produced, than by a Parliament, Independent 
 or Presbyterian, or by a King intoxicated with arbitrary 
 power? The people had made trial of thefe three feveral 
 Governments, and found them infupportable. A fourth 
 therefore was to be tried, things being in fuch a ftate, that 
 it was neither poffible nor proper to fubmic to any of the 
 other three. This fuppofed, it is not to be denied, that 
 Cromwell was more capable to govern this great State, than 
 any other man then in England. No objedtion could be 
 raifed againft him, which might not with more juflice, 
 have been urged againft any other man who Ihould have 
 feized the Government, or any body of men inverted with 
 the fupreme power. If, on certain occafions, he abufed 
 his authority ; if, in his actions, he had only a view to his 
 own glory and intereft, this is what I pretend not to vin¬ 
 dicate. It is however certain, that things have been greatly 
 aggravated, and fome of his adtions mif-reprefented, which 
 with difinterefted and unprejudiced perfons, are capable of 
 being eafily juftified. All the difficulty concerning this af¬ 
 fair, lies in the fuppofition made by each of the three par¬ 
 ties, that their fcheme of Government was the beft and 
 moft perfedh But as Cromwell difregarded all the three 
 fchemes, he was equally exclaimed againft by the three 
 
 ( 1) Whiteloci, who was prefent, Iky;, Cromwell led into the Houfe a File of Mulqueteers with him. and in a furious Tone hid the Speaker leave his Chair, 
 and told the Houfe, They bad late long enough, unlefs they had done more good ; that fome of them were Whoremafters, (looking toward Henry Mar- 
 “ tin, and Sir Peter Wentworth,) others of them were Drunkards, and fome corrupt and unjuft Men, and fcandalous in the Profeffion of the Cofpel > 
 “ ant * clia t it was not fit they Ihould fit any longer, and defired them to go away.” Whereupon, among ail the Parliament Men, of whom many wore 
 Swords, and would fumetimes talk big, not one offered to draw againft Cromwell, but all tamely departed che Houfe. He bid one of his Soldiers “ take 
 “ away that Fool's Bauble the Mace.” Whitelock, p. y54. 
 
 (a) It is probable, he_had formed the defign of invading the Government, juft after the Battle of Worcejlcr. For he had a meeting at the Speaker’s, 
 with feveral Members of Parliament, and principal Officers of the army, to confide?of the fettlement of the Nation. The Soldiers were for a Repubiick, 
 the Lawyers tor a mix’d Monarchy, and many for the Duke of Ghcefter to be made Kings bur Cromwell ftill put off that debase. And it vs thought, 
 his defign in that Conference, was only to found thofe great Men, that he might manage accordingly. See WHuioOt, p. yi6. 
 
 No. 73. Vol. II, 
 
 K 
 
 parties. 
 
59° 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol II. 
 
 pan es. The Independents, fond of their Democracy, 
 which wa-, however, but an empty name, were enraged 
 it him, for overturning a building which he him felt had 
 cre&ed. I'he Presbyterians could have wifhed, he would 
 juve reftored the Parliament to the ftate it was in, at the 
 beginning of the year 1648, when tliey were mailers; and 
 could not forgive him, for not taking that courfe, which, 
 in their opinion, was the moft natural. 1 he Cavaliers or 
 Royalills were well pleafed that Cromwell had diflolved the 
 Independent, without reftoring the Presbyterian, Parlia¬ 
 ment. But to fatisfv them, he mud have reftored the King 
 to his throne, and the Church of England to all her 
 rights. The Reader is left to judge, whether, in the pre¬ 
 fent fituation of affairs in England , what the three parties 
 defired, was either juft, proper, or practicable. It is no 
 vender therefore, if thefe three parties were equally dif- 
 pleafed with Cromwell's proceedings, and loaded him with 
 invert ives. 
 
 A little after, Cromwell publifhed a Declaration to ju- 
 jlfifv the diflolution of the Parliament, and as his deligns 
 . were not yet manifefted, this Declaration was fubferibed 
 by the colonels of the army, and all the fca-captains, and 
 met with a general approbation. 
 
 The Parliament being diflolved, the fovereign Power 
 ■ was neceflarily to be lodged fome where. Cromwell might 
 have taken the adminiftration of the Government, by the 
 fame authority that he had difmifled the Parliament. But 
 lie had no delign to ufurp it fo notorioufly. He had con¬ 
 trived, that it fhould be given him by a Parliament, in 
 order to dazzle the eyes of the publick with fo venera¬ 
 ble an authority. The council of officers, who had pre- 
 fented the petition to the Parliament, being itill aflembled, 
 Cromwell caufed them to refolve, that a hundred forty- 
 four perfons fhould be intrufted with the fupreme power. 
 In the choice of thefe perfons, Cromwell at once difplayed 
 his abilities, and djfcovercd, that he had fome fecret 
 defign, which, would at a proper feafon manifeft itfelf. 
 ’• They were all men of no birth, illiterate, with no parti- 
 cular merit, unexperienced in affairs, in a word utterly 
 incapable of an employ of that confequence (1). Crom- 
 " well eafily forefaw, they would foon be weary, and forced 
 to put the Government into his hands, and fo, furnifh 
 him with a pretence to affiime it to himfelf. This nota¬ 
 ble choice being made, he writ to each in particular, to 
 require them to affemble at Whitehall the 4th of July in 
 order to take upon them the adminiftration of the Go¬ 
 vernment (2). 
 
 Thefe new Sovereigns meeting on the day appointed, 
 Cromwell made a fpeech, and when it was ended, gave 
 them an Inffrument figned by himfelf and the principal 
 officers of the army, by which the fupreme power was 
 i lodged in their hands. This inffrument imported, that 
 all thefe members, or any forty of them, were to be held 
 and acknowledged the fupreme authority of the nation, 
 to whom all perfons were to yield obedience and fubjec- 
 tion till the 3d day of November , in the year 1654, that is, 
 during one year and four months. That three months 
 before their diflolution, they were to make choice of other 
 perfons tofucceed them, whofe authority fhould not exceed 
 one year, and then they were likewife to provide and take 
 care for a like fucceffion in the Government. But it will 
 prefently appear, that Cromwell did not intend, this regu- 
 ’ lation fhould be exadtly obferved. Thefe members, thus 
 ‘ impowered, made no fcruple to call themfelves a Parlia¬ 
 ment, and chofe one Roufe (3) for their Speaker. The 
 whole nation was furprized to find themfelves under the 
 dominion of fuch men, moft of whom were artificers, or 
 retail merchants (4). Amongft thefe members was one 
 Barebone a Leather-feller, who in his neighbourhood palled 
 for a notable fpcaker, becaufe he ufed to entertain them 
 with long harangues upon the times. From this man the 
 people, in derifion, called them Barebone's Parliament (5). 
 I fhail leave this ridiculous aflembly for a moment, which 
 did nothing worth remembring, to refume the recital of 
 the war and the affairs between England and the United 
 Province r. 
 
 , Flee \ 
 
 The letter writ by the States-Ger.era! to the Patlia- >( 
 meat the 20th of April> the day on which the Parlia- •- 
 inent was diflolved, was referred to the council of State,-\ f j" 
 effablifhed by Cromwell and his officers, till the new Par- ,. f - 
 liament fhould affemble. This Council, under the direc- ' 
 tion of Cromwell , gave a favourable anfwer to the States, 
 with hopes of a peace, upon (ending plenipotentiaries to 
 London. 
 
 The EngHJh affairs were then in a ftate of uncertain- •’ 
 tv, of which it was difficult to forefee what would be the 
 event. Cromwell had, by his folc authority, diflolved the .. 
 Parliament, and named a council of State winch governed ' ' 
 the Kingdom, with no other right th.cn what was derived ' 
 front the officers. It was therefore not very proper tor is. 1 
 the States either to treat of, or conclude a peace with 
 men fo little authorized. But the Provinces of Holland 
 and 'Zealand , the greateft fufferers by the war, wifhed to 
 end it at any rate. At laft, after great contefts, the States 
 General named four ambaffadors to negotiate a peace at 
 London. 
 
 VVhilft their inftruclions were preparing, thefieefs of-' 7 1 
 England and the States, met the 2d of June , and came 
 to an engagement, which was renewed the next day. In l 
 this laft engagement, 'Trump fighting with great difadvan- ; :!: ’P I 
 tage, was obliged to retire in diforder, having loft many wiiiu-i <ir.il 
 fhips, which were funk or taken by the Englijb (<>). < jr.nJoil 
 
 Atter this battle, the Englijh fleet being reinforced to 'jy '/.>C 
 the number of a hundred fhips, faw it felf, lornc time, , | 
 miftrefs of the fea, and gave frequent alarms to the coafts ; ■ 
 
 of Holland. At laft, Trump having repaired his fleet as 
 much as poffible, though it was inferior to the Englijh both j. | 
 
 in the number and largencfs of the fhips(7), attacked the j ' •••, | 
 
 enemy’s fleet again near the Tex el. The fight lafted from u 't .7 
 
 morning till night without any confiderable advantage to r- o’ --. I 
 
 either fide. It was renewed the next day with the lame j' , 
 fury, Trump being reinforced With twenty-ieven fhips, p. 3 1 
 nor did this fecond day decide the vidlory. The third day | 
 
 opened with a frefh engagement, in which Trump was 
 killed by a musket-ball. But Vice-Admiral De Witzen T f :rr0 ■' 
 continued the fight, till the two fleets, as if by confenr, re- | 
 
 tired to their own coafts, unable to fight any longer. File p. r-o .j 
 lofs on both fides w r as very confiderable (8), ami neither 
 could juftly boaft of the victory ; but the lofs of Admiral 
 Trump was irreparable to Holland. 
 
 Cromwell took care fpeedily to repair the Eng!if) fleer, Tie En |'| 
 in hopes of receiving fome advantage from the confterna- 
 tion caufed by the death of Trump , the lofs of fo many 
 fhips, and the divifion then reigning amongft the United I 
 
 Provinces. But a violent ltorm fo damaged his fleet, that J F j j 
 he was under a neceffity of either making a peace, or load- , .mi™. I 
 ing the people with new taxes, which, in his prefent fitu¬ 
 ation, was very improper. He liftened therefore to the 
 propofitions of the States, and the whole following winter Loudon, I. 
 was fpent in this negotiation. [ 
 
 Barebone's Parliament did nothing confiderable in a feflion 
 of more than five monthsftj). Nor was it called for that the sc-vert^ 
 purpofe. At laft, the 1 2th of December , the Speaker, 
 with a good number of the members, who knew Crom- t ‘ t 
 well's intentions, being aflembled fooner than ufual, one of Clarendolfi 
 them rofe up and (aid, that they were unequal to the 
 burthen laid upon them, and therefore propofed a diflolu- p . T7C , j I. 
 tion of themfelves, and a refignation of the fovereign au- Phillips. » 
 thority into the hands from whom it was received. This 
 propofal met with a ready and unanimous approbation. 
 
 Then the Speaker and all the prefent members, without 
 waiting for thofe who were not yet come, left their feats, 
 and went directly to Cromwell and the council of officers: 
 
 To whom they declared, that they found themfelves in¬ 
 capable of the truft repofed in them, refigned the inftrt*- 
 ment they had received, and befought them to take care of 
 the Government. Thus Cromwell and his council of offi¬ 
 cers were once more inverted with the fupreme power, 
 by that Parliament on which themfelves had conferred 
 their pretended authority. It is manifeft, this had been re- 
 folved from the calling of the Parliament, in order to de¬ 
 rive a Parliamentary authority to thofe, who had by their 
 
 StA 
 
 (t) The Lord Cettonim fay;, There were amongft them divers of the quality and degree of Gentlemen, and who had Effaces, Credit, and Rep 
 
 i-in 
 
 i fhor’c I’reamM the Li—-r ran r,: "I Other Cromwell, Captain-General, and Commander in chef of all the Armies and Force-. 
 a'frJ, or to he railed v irhin this Commonwealth, do hereby fummon and require you (being one of the Perfons nominated) perfunally to appear ac 
 he Council Chan-.be: r.t Wiitehall, within the City of Wefiminfler, upon the 4m of July next enfuing the dace hereof, then anil there to take upon 
 ■ . e r. ;‘t unto c; „ h you arc hereby called and appointed, to ferve as a Member of the County of—and hereof you are not to fail.” Q.Crmwtd. 
 Given under my Hard and Seal 
 
 the Utii Da, of Jmst itf}. Ifliulcct, p. f<-8. 
 
 3 An old Gentleman or Devon, Provoft of Eaton, and Member of the long Parliament. 
 
 h v. .1; much wondered by fome, tiiat thefe Gentlemen, many of them being Perlbns of Fortune and Knowledge, would at this Summons, and 
 m thefe Hards, t.kc upon them the fupreme Authority of this Nation, confidering how little Authority Ctotuxc!! and his Officers had to give .t, of 
 le ij.'i r ie 1 : . uk t h , bit was accepted b, :f em. U'hitilut, p. fjj. 
 
 i!-. '.it,. ■ i’-.ii . Ci.-. Tjj-ei ::o.n n, he being a great speaker in it the Par iamer.t was called a; above. 
 
 I . . : a 1: e . •. tu.rt.-en : .. .1 i: 1 n ty 1' .f> s. I. E-J <h Fin: ... at f.rit . .mmasi. 1 ■ • 'y 'BSle, 
 
 i red, a:-..: in the E: . ... 'mem which foil .wed, ,'tcnk commanded .h je. CUu“d~r. Tom. III. p.380. Wn.tel.a. p. jjS. 
 men ; War, and the Enyl'fh one hundred and fix. See’ ll iheL.t, p. y6a. Phillip >, p. 619. 
 
 Ships •ere tired or funk, and above one thoufand Prifoucts taken. The EngPlh loft mu: Ships, totr: hundred common 
 And l ad above fever, hundred Men, and five Captains wounded. Clarendon, Torn. III. p. 38?. 
 
 V r 1. s, or>!• ring the liar es t 1 be published : c r.< >• Ma.l.e:, t.'.re l .ei t , a- d f e Cuf.’UlOCy to be pelLrmcii 
 . ti e.-.- liio.dd be a Reyfter ap(>oiu'ed tn ever. Pat.lh :o keep at a te.-n: 0: trc:n. S.-hUl. 
 
 J Dun. 
 
 aty-fcv 
 
 ide an A;t 
 
 own 
 
BookXXII. Oliver Cromwell, Protector. 591 
 
 i gr^. own power diflolved the former Parliament. This artifice to a fplendid entertainment, where' the folemnity of his 1653, 
 was fogrofs, that Cromwell’s belief to impofe upon the Pea- reception was fuch as had been at any time performed to 
 i pic, is amazing. But any abfurdity is fwallowed by means the King. ^ 
 
 J v‘P of a n irrefiftible Power. Thus Cromwell, whofe biith feemed to have placed him 
 
 P 'j- wo j a y S a fter, the council of Officers, by virtue of the at an infinite diftancc from fovereignty, found means to be "J'j 
 
 Protv.' lor. authority lately given them by the Parliament, declared, inverted with the fupreme power. When the proceedings 
 chrcnJun. ^ at ^ t j )c future the Government of the Republick of the long Parliament againft the late King, the methods 
 wbit^ock." fhould refide in a fingle petfon, namely, Oliver Cromwell, ufed to effect his ruin, their obftinate refufal of peace 
 P-J 7 ‘- Captain-General of the forces of England, Scotland and without the abolition of Epifcopacy, and reduction of 
 Ireland , who fhould have the title of Protector of the three the regal Power, the policy of the Independents in con- 
 Ivingdoms, and be affifted by a council of twenty one per- cealing themfelves many years among the Presbyterians, 
 p ons ’ and in not difeovering themfelves, till the King was un- 
 
 The 16th of December the council Officers fent for the able to hurt them, their artifices to gain the army, their 
 GnmM'Kt. Commiffioners of the Great-Seal, with the Lord-Mayor tyranny againft the Presbyterians and the King himfclf, 
 whiulook. and Aldermen of London , and informing them that andJaftly, Cromwell's early adherence to that party, (when 
 cwl-ndon Cromwell was made Proteaor, caufed to be read in their thefe things I fay) are confidercd, one is apt to believe, 
 iH. rt p. 379. prefence a writing called the Injlrument of Government , the project of his advancement was formed from the be- 
 Ews. the fubftance whereof was: I. A Parliament to be called ginning of the long Parliament, and that the fubfequent 
 every three years by the Proteaor. II. The firft to af- tranfaftions flowed folely from that projea. Accordingly 
 fcmble on the 3d of September 1654. III. No Parlia- this is infrnuated by fome, their aim being to rtiew, that 
 ment to be diflolved till they have fat five months. Charles I. was perfecuted only to render that projea the 
 IV. Such Bills as are offered to the Proteaor by the Par- more praaicable. But when’tis confidercd, on the other 
 liament if not confirmed by him in twenty days, to be . hand, that it was almoft impoffible for Cromwell to have 
 laws without him. V. That his Council fhould not ex- any fuch views, at a time when he had but little credit, 
 ceed the number of one and twenty, nor be lefs than and was fcarce known in the Parliament; that his repu- 
 thirteen(i). VI. That immediately after the Death of tation increafed by a feries of contingent events entirely out 
 Cromwell the Council fliall chufe another Proteftor before of his power, and by battles which he might have loft, it 
 they rife/ VII. That no Proteftor after the prefent fhall is difficult to believe, he could have formed fuch a delign 
 be General of an army. VIII. The Proteftor fhall have before his viftory at JVorceJler. He had, very probably, 
 power to make war and peace. IX. That the Proteftor even before that battle, his own advancement in view, but 
 and his Council may make Laws, which fhall he binding not to the Supreme Power. There were in his Party men 
 to the Subjeft, during the intervals of Parliament. After of too great a penetration not to difeover fuch a defign, 
 tlteTZoath the reading of this inftrument, Cromwell took an oath had it been entertainend by him. But as they thought 
 lo ubftrvc it. t0 obferve it to the utmoft of his power. Then he was not of his ruin till after that viftory, very likely, his de- 
 wiiitolock. conc | U( r tec ] to JJ/hitehall with great ceremony, Lambert figns were not fooner perceived, and that it was only from 
 y ' m * carrying the fword of ftate before him, and from that that time, or perhaps not fo early, that he began to rumi- 
 ASmut the time the title of Highnefs and Lord Proteftor was given nate on his grand projeft. For being then General, he had 
 ritic of bim. Immediately after, he was proclaimed as fuch at lefs way to go, than if he had formed the delign while he 
 /Krfiy the London, and then in the three Kingdoms, which formed was but Lieutenant-General (2). 
 city to L ’ but one Commonwealth. The city of London invited him 
 Entertain- 
 
 February 8. 
 
 Idem. ____„ 
 
 Clarendon, -----“ 
 
 HI. p. 379. 1 ---————- - — - 
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL, Protector. 
 
 1654. 
 
 Peace ton- 
 clKticd be- 
 treed Eng¬ 
 land and the 
 United-Pro 
 
 r. lll.p.67. 
 Clarendon, 
 til. p. 382. 
 
 T H E peace between England and the United 
 Provinces was at laft concluded, and the treaty 
 figned the 5th of April 1654. By this treaty 
 Cromwell made great advantage of the nccef- 
 fity, the States were under, to make peace. They could 
 not obtain it without promifing to pay large fums for 
 the damages done to the Englijh thirty years fince(3). 
 They confented to ftrike to the Ships of the Common¬ 
 wealth, as they had before done to thofe of the King. 
 They entirely abandoned the intereft of Charles II. and 
 obliged themfelves to receive no exile from England into 
 their dominions. They promifed to reftore to the En¬ 
 glijh twenty two merchant fhips confifcated by the King 
 of Denmark , or to pay their full value. In this treaty I 
 find no mention of the Navigation-Act, which had been 
 the caufe of the war (4). It is likely, either that article was 
 adjufted in a private and particular treaty, or the States 
 were contented with a bare promife, that they fhould not 
 be difturbed on account of that Aft. Laftly, by a feparate 
 article the States bound themfelves never to admit the young 
 Prince of Orange to be their Stadt-holder, General, or Ad¬ 
 miral. But this article was ratified only by the Province 
 of Holland, the other Provinces refilling it, and Cromwell 
 not judging it proper to continue the war to force them to 
 it. Thus ended a war which had been very warm on both 
 fides, and inexprcffibly deftruftive to both nations. It is 
 laid, the two Provinces of Holland and Zealand loft in it 
 fifteen hundred fhips, which fell into the hands of the En¬ 
 glijh. And this very war, which had been undertaken to 
 
 ruin Cromwell, ferved to advance him, as it obliged him to 1654. 
 diflblve the Parliament for his own prefervatoin. 
 
 Though the new Protector met with a general fubmiffion, Cromwell 
 it was however with pretty open complaints of his ufurp- 
 ing the fupreme power by a pretended title conferred on umfitf. 
 him by men without authority. The Royaliils coniidcred clarendon, 
 Cromwell's advancement as a mortal wound to the King. IIL p ‘ 
 
 The Presbyterians were not much more pleafed with if. 
 for though their Government ftiil fubfifted in the Church, 
 they could hardly endure the liberty of confcience enjoyed 
 by all the Proteftants. Beiides, they were excluded from 
 the beft ports, which it was Cromwell'* care to fill with 
 men of approved fidelity to himfelf. The Presbyterians 
 were neverthelel's carefled by him, becaufe their affiftance 
 was needful to accomplilh his projeft of being confirmed 
 in his dignity by a free Parliament, where he forefaw they 
 would have confiderable influence. But he hated the Ca¬ 
 valiers, and kept them very low. This occationed many IJ. p. 3 -4. 
 confpiracies againft him, the authors of which were rigo- Cenjpira.ies 
 roufly punifhed (5), particularly Mr. Vowell and Mr. Ge- *VdtVV’- 
 rard ( 6), the firft of whom was hanged in London, and thorsfcverelj 
 the other beheaded in the Tower. 
 
 At the fame time, and upon the fame fcaffold, Don Pan- philips. 
 taleon Sa, Knight of Malta, and Brother of the Portu- r '' 'Brother 
 guefe Ambaflador, loft his head. That Gentleman having 
 quarrelled with the lame Mr. Gerard on the New Ex- Portugal bc- 
 change, returned next day with a ltrong retinue. IJnhap- 
 pily, he fingled out a man in the crowd whom he miftook cu.vndi.n. 
 for Gerard, and entering into a new quarrel, killed him, m. p. 38f- 
 
 Bares. 
 
 Vifcount Life, Colonel Dethorough ; Gilbert p ^^ 
 
 <V The firft Council chofen, in purfuance of this Inftrumem, were, Colonel Montague, Colonel Lamb. . 
 
 Pickering, Anthony Alhlty Cooper, Charles Wool fey, Baronets; Major-General Skiff on, Walter Strickland Colonel Sydenham, Colonel 'Jones 
 'John Lawrence, Richard Major. Phillips, p. 6ao. The Reader may fee the Injlrument of Government ar large in Whitelock'sMem. p. 571, c~c. 
 
 (i' Cromwell faid to Mr ,'Bcllievrc : L' on nt montoit jamais Ji haul, qnequan.i on tie fcait on I’m va. That is, a Man never rife s fo high, as when he knows 
 Uot where he is going. RctreMem. Tom.III. p. 3SJ. 
 
 (3; To deliver up the Illand of Poleron in the Eafi-Indies, taken from the Engli/h'm the Reign of King James, and copay, ’tis Hid, three hundred rhou- 
 faiij pounds for xhetiSitttiiAmbeyna, (87,000 /. whereof to the Englijh Eafi-lndia Company,) tor whi;h the two laft Kings could never get any fatisfuilion. 
 Clarendon, Tom. III. p. 382. The Ratifications of the Peace were prelenced in a Silver Box to1 the protector. Whit stock, p.788. Colled, of Treaties, 
 
 Tom. 111 . p.134.-The Demands of the Englijh amounted to two millions, fix hundred ninety five thoufand, nine hundred ninecy nine pounds, fifteen 
 
 {hillings." And thofe of the Dutch to two millions, fixty nine choufand, eight hundred fixey one pounds, chree (hillings, and fix pence. Ibid, p 127,130. 
 (4) The Author of Cromwell's Life, fays, one of the Articles was, “ That the Dutch fhould comply w.th the A£t of Navigation,” p.28 
 (,-j There was a High-Court of Juftice erefled on purpofe, “ to try fuch as were accufed 
 “ having a defign againft the life of the Proteflor, &c. Clarendon, Torn III. p. 383. 
 
 (6, Rsrpin cadis him Color, el, but he was a young Gentleman, and had been only Enfign i 
 
 of holding a Correlpondcnt 
 n the King's Army, l id. 
 
 ncis Rvttfe, r 
 
 with Charles Stuart, and of 
 
 •Uai 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 59- 
 
 Ihe HISTORY of ENGLA N D. 
 
 654, and others were wounded by his fervants; after which, 
 he retired to his Brother the Ambaflador’s. This tumult 
 drew the people together, who furrounded the Ambafi'a- 
 dor’s houfe, and threatned to drag the criminals to juftice. 
 'Cromwell being informed of it, difpatched an officer, with 
 fome foldiers, to demand the murderers. The Ambafiador 
 loudly complained of the infult offered him, and demanded 
 an audience of the Protector,, but was refufed, and told, 
 that ir the criminals were not delivered, the people would 
 not be eafily appeafed, nor could the Protestor anfwer for 
 the confequences: That as a man had been killed, and fe- 
 veral wounded, juftice mail be fatisfied. In the mean time, 
 tiie people continued their noile and menaces; fo that the 
 Ambafiador, feeing himfelf too weak to reftft, was at laft 
 1 ced to deliver up his Brother, and the reft that were con¬ 
 cerned, in expedition of afterwards obtaining their pardon. 
 Bui Cromwell continuing inflexible, the Portugucfe Gentle¬ 
 man was beheaded in the Tower , and his accomplices hanged 
 Tyburn. I pretend not to decide, whether this zdl of ju- 
 
 vour of Spain. So, the King was m a melancholy flate. 
 
 He had even the mortification to fee Monfieur dc Bourdraux, 
 who till then had been his R.efidcnt in England, appointed 
 Ambafiador by the French Court (3), upon Cromwell 's 
 being declared Protector. This alteration convinced the 
 King, that France deligned an alliance with Cromwell , and 
 he did not doubt but the treaty would be followed with a 
 requeft to him to depart the Kingdom. Wherefore, to 
 prevent this compliment, he let Cardinal Mazarin know, 
 that he intended to withdraw, which was welcome news 
 to the Cardinal. To facilitate the execution of thisdefign, -T.dmJ 
 the Cardinal promifed him the arrears of a penfion of li\ " 
 thoufand Livres a month, which had been granted him, 
 but never regularly paid, and the continuance of the fame, 
 as long as he ftiould be out of trance. At the fame time, 
 the King received another fmall relief, which enabled him 
 to d.fcharge his debts. Prince Rupert arrived fafeiv at r 
 Names with the fleet, after having loft his Brother Man- P* 
 
 
 r,cc * n a ftorm. Befules that the (hips were extreme!. 
 i:.cc co:.!d be done, without a violation of the ptivilege of damaged, and the King unable to repair them, he was in 
 AmbuliaJors, or whether Cromwell had not done better, in great want of money, which determined him to fell the 
 c . ing at the prifoner’s efcape. 1 (hall only (hew very (hips, with the ordnance and tackling. Cardinal Mazo- 
 
 hriif., that the prefent jun&ure was not favoiable to the was the purchafer, tho’ at a very cheap rate, if we may he- ' " r, ' r :u l 
 
 Ambafiador, or the King his mafter. heve the Lord Clarendon, and paid him the money without /vv- - f> L 
 
 'Don John IV. King of Portugal , formerly Duke of delay. After that. Prince Rupert repaired to Paris and ««h| 
 
 •' ■ .J ' p..., T , L.. J r- .1 r> __/ _ t r . i r ■ ■ . 7 ... ’ _.. 1 ■! ■ I I 
 
 i:;"l 'XLOragmxa, had, in 1640, feized the Crown of Portugal, taking leave of the King, withdtew into Gtrmm). Them.“'I 
 
 pretending, it was unjuftly wtefted from his enceUon by King, as foon as he had received the money, left Paris, 
 
 PXp II. of Spain. This had engaged him in a fierce war and chole Cologne for his retreat, where he continued many 
 with Spain , duiing which Charles I. had, in a treaty figned years, 
 the z zd of AFay 1642, owned him for King of 
 
 46, 147- 
 
 ■lock.! 
 P- S 79- 
 
 - • - - King, before his departure from France , fent IVil- r- 
 
 l 0, legal. I hus the two Crowns of England and Po>tu- mot, now Earl of Rochejler , Ambafiador to the Emperor, 
 
 S"! u ' cre 111 P ea ce and alliance, before the war between and fome other Princes of Germany, to procure a fupply of 
 (. Ln l, :■ and the Parliament was declared : Upon this foun- money. He even applied to the Pope, by the mediation of r- 
 Ttiom ti e two Princes Palatine, Rupert and Maurice , the Cardinal de Relz, and it is pretended, that in order to fuc- 
 m it ot which commanded the King’s navy, being obliged, ceed, the Cardinal prevailed with him to change hisReli- 
 m 1650, to leave Ireland, where they could no longer gion, and privately received his abjuration. At Ieaft, Dr. P- 74- 
 continue in fafet y, failed into the river of Lisbon. They Burnet, in the Hijhry of his own Times , afl'ures, that the '' 
 
 re r.o fuoner there, than a fleet from the Parliament ar- King embraced the Catholick Religion before he left France, 
 m eJ in the mouth of the Tagus, and immediately the Ad- where he returned no more, after the time I am fpeakiiw 
 miral required of the King of Portugal the delivery of the of. But others, who think themfelvcs better informed” 
 
 (hips commanded by Prince Rupert, faying, they belonged aftlgn this change of his Religion to the year 16,-9. 
 to the Commonwealth of England. This demand ex- While the King was in this ftate of adverfity Crom- 
 trcmely embarrafied the King. He had made an alliance well was honoured, refpeded and feared by all the poweis 
 with the King of England-, but on the other hand, .£//£- of Europe, who equally courted him. In England , his 
 l :\ nd was th f King’s enemy, and in that juncture, Don enemies durft not look up; Scotland was entirely fubd’ued, 
 
 and Ireland reduced to the laft extremity. But before I 
 return to the affairs of England , it will be neceflary briefly 
 to relate what palled in Ireland and Scotland, to midfum- 
 mer 1654. 
 
 Since Cromwell had left Ireland in 1650, Ireton his Son- ®f 
 
 
 / chr. was under a neceffitj- of declaring for one or the other. 
 Policy required a declaration for the Parliament, but ho¬ 
 nour and Jiofpitality demanded a protection for the King’s 
 (hips, which were come for refuge to Portugal. Thisque- 
 ’'ftioii was warmly debated in his Council. The majority 
 ad 1 *■’ 
 
 vileJ him to 1 elinquifh a King, expelled his dominions, in-law, who commanded there as his Deputy 
 no could do him neither good nor hurt, and thereby gain Irif., rebels, who fell into his hands, with gt 
 
 treated the /.‘I'r’j.j 
 
 . ... , n . f ‘ ... J p. r J " -" J,w his hands, with great feveritv, J>ji 
 
 the fr.endlh.pof a powerful Commonwealth, from which the Parliament having ordered no mercy to be (hewn to <7; 
 he miff hr exoei r orf*ir bi/TITf nnr#» ■'vmnll Sr. • VArCir.rm.' / ..... Ill 
 
 he might expeft great affiftance againft Spain : Whereas, the Maflacrers. But this w 
 
 in declaring againft the Parliament, he would perhaps en¬ 
 gage himfelf in frefti difficulties, at a time when all his 
 forces were hardly fufficient to refift his enemies. But the 
 King, by his rcafons and authority, caufed it to be decided, 
 that the King ot England's (hips fhould be protected. Pur- 
 fuant to this refolution, a fquadron was immediately equip- 
 
 r as not capable to lead the Irif) 
 
 to an union with the Marquifs of Ormond. On the con¬ 
 trary, a religious zeal prevailing among them, bv the per- 
 fuafions of their A-lnnks and Clergy, they could not bear 
 to be under a Proteftant commander. Nay, they confpircd 
 againft the life of the Marquifs, and in an infurredlion at 
 , * . . j » r Limerick, raifed by a Adonk, he was in danger of bein^ 
 
 pfj of thirteen men of war. to join Prince Rupert's. The killed. At laff, the Irijh Bilhops, in a full Allimbly, pub" p. f .s 
 ,w° fqnadrons failed together with defign to fight the E» S - lifted a Declaration, protefting, they would have no com- 
 T' they , We ! e tmma the two Ca P«(')- For the munion with Hemicks, nor obey the Marquifs of Or- 
 P.rt: V ,rJ, fquadron had orders to fail no further, that it rnnd. Then, they requited him to refign his command 
 might appear, the king intended only to fecure the en- to a Catholick, on whom they could better rely. The rv a 
 riar.ee of the Tjus. L pon notice of this junfition, the Adarquifs being thus expofed to the fufpicions and treache- j 
 A vy/jj Admiral faued away. But to be revenged for the rotts defigns of the /,-//!,, and utterly unable to reftore the 1 ,':T. 
 protect,on granted to P/mce Rapirl's, he fell upon a Par- King’s affairs, nude the Marquifs of Clamickard his De- l’-ii; 
 .a-u.J. fleet returning from Brazsla, and took fifteen (hips, puty, and retired into France, from whence, afterwards. 
 
 , the Parliament gave ir-ronV 
 
 .nitrons. .1 v • c n ,",' .“jcii juices \v\ Ireland, to Lieutenant- D ’" ,h - 
 
 he rllj 7 p RmS T P,r, “e a ‘ had fe . nt .«> Lmim General Edmund Ludlaw, a great Republican, and one of ^S;;. 
 the Land, de renaguaio ; his circumflances, during a war Charlrs the Firft’s Judges 
 
 “T, 1 ^ thirteen years, not fuffer- The Irijh were not more obedient to Clanrickard than 4 
 
 mg him to remain m a ftateofhoftthtywth the Common- to Ormand. The Catholick Cl-mt and all Ul/hr r- 
 wealth of Enpland. Probably, for the lime reafon he did fufed to have any fociety with the EnCjh, under th- -. M h '** 
 
 not think proper to recall Ills Ambaftador, after the execu- mand of the Marquifs, though a Cal' 
 Km of Don Pantclcon Sa. I do not know whether this dene chut- h» hid i i-. A.... 
 
 I do not know whether this 
 iccideni did not retard the peace between England and 
 Portugal , which was not figned till two years after in 
 166(2). 
 
 Since Charles II’s arrival in France, after his miraculous 
 efcape from the battle of JTmce/lcr, he had lived in extreme 
 want, not having wherewithal to fubfift. The Court of 
 t’ aacc took no notice of his neceffities, whether in com- 
 pTlance to Cromwell, or from a defire of making a ftricl 
 
 he com- i rilh , 
 It was fuffi- - 
 
 cient that he had received his commiffion from a Proteftant, 'f'. fi 
 to render him odious. A certain number of men were in. p.", 
 therefore chofen to form a Council for the adminiftiation of 
 their affairs. This Council judged it expedient to call to 
 their affiftance a foreign Catholick Prince, who might be 
 capable to conduft them, and put him in pofleffion of the 
 Government of their Iflaud. Thcycaft their eyes on the rue;. 
 Duke of Lorrain , then at Brujfefs, and refolveJ to fend 
 Deputies to treat with him. Thi« refolution being taken. 
 
 ,. 1 • ... ,l. ,1 , , . , , . 0 . , «- "*01. Ji.i- u-ioiiuion ocmg taxen, 
 
 i.tce him, or through dread of his declaring in fa- they demanded of the Marquifs of Clanrickard a commiffion 
 
 . of Trd.n'ci , Tom. III. p. 97. [,:f; of Crurnwill, p. iSS. 
 
 iuce, bon;; aicendeii with no iefs chan fixey Coaches. IVhitehik, p. ySi. 
 
Book XXII. 
 
 Oliver Cromwell, 
 
 r ROTECTOS. 
 
 593 
 
 1654.. 
 
 Clarendon, 
 
 III. p. 363. 
 
 Bejeds the 
 
 °ff"- 
 
 Id. p. 366. 
 
 Affair, of 
 
 Scotland. 
 
 Clarendon, 
 
 III. p. 39+, 
 
 39J-- 
 
 Sates. 
 
 p. y8. 
 
 Whitelock. 
 
 Phillips. 
 
 Heath. 
 
 Whitelock. 
 P- *97- 
 
 Cromwell 
 tails a Par¬ 
 liament. 
 
 for the Deputies, fearing, they would be ill received, if not 
 authorized by the King’s Governor in Ireland. But the 
 Marquifs refufed to give fuch a commiffion, till he knew 
 the King’s pleafure. This refufal inflamed their animofi- 
 ties againft him. He was exclaimed againft with great bit- 
 ternefs, and their Deputies were fent notwithstanding his 
 oppofition (1). The Duke of Lorrain judged it not proper 
 to engage in fuch an undertaking, without better informa¬ 
 tion of fome particulars, which it concerned him to know. 
 He fent a certain Abbot into Ireland , who having learned, 
 that the affairs of the Irijh were almoft defperate, and this 
 refolution taken without the confent of the King’s Lieute¬ 
 nant, refufed to treat with them. The Irijh) enraged 
 with the Marquifs of Clanrickard for oppofing their de- 
 flgn, perfecuted him feveral ways, and at laft, treated with 
 Ludlow , by means of a certain Monk, without the Mar- 
 quifs’s privity, who feeing himfelf unable to ferve the King, 
 informed him of what palTed, and defired leave to retire. 
 The King readily granted his requeft, as feeing no way to 
 fave Ireland , and left the Irijh to their own meafures, whofe 
 affairs from that time daily grew worfe. 
 
 It was then, and in the following years, that the Irijh 
 wholly unable to refill the Parliament forces, were expofed 
 to the utmoft feverity of the Englijh commanders. The 
 barbarity they had exercifed upon the Englijh Protellants, 
 fettled in Ireland) was juftly retaliated upon them- Many 
 were executed, and others, to the number of a hundred 
 thoufand, mod of whom perifhed with hunger and mifery, 
 had leave to go into the fetvice of foreign Princes. The 
 families which remained in the country, were for the mod 
 part, removed into Connaught , where fome lands were af- 
 ligned them for their fubfidence, while the red was deli¬ 
 vered to the Adventurers , who advanced money for the 
 Irijh war. Part alfo of thefe confifcated lands was given 
 to the officers and foldiers in payment of their arrears, and 
 part was fold to the bed bidders. From this time, the na¬ 
 tion has been kept fo low, that there is no appearance of 
 its ever recovering. In 1654, Fleetwood , who had mar¬ 
 ried Iretons widow, Cromwell's daughter, was made Go¬ 
 vernor of Ireland , and two years after, was fucceeded by 
 Henry Cromwell , younger Son of the Prote£lor. 
 
 Though Scotland was fubdued, it was not entirely free 
 from didurbances. The general AlTemblies of the Kirk 
 had been fuppreffed by Cromwell, knowing, that from thence 
 flowed all the troubles which had been for fo many years in 
 Scotland. Befides, as it was his intention to introduce in 
 that Kingdom a liberty of Confcience as well as in Eng¬ 
 land. , he knew, it would be impoffible to execute his de- 
 fign fo long as thefe AlTemblies fubfided. The people of 
 Scotland were enraged at a liberty fo contrary to their Co¬ 
 venant, and the maxims of the Kirk. They fufficiently 
 difeovered their fentiments, though to no purpofe, fince 
 they had neither places, nor forces, nor arms, nor leaders, 
 to enable them to attempt a deliverance. On the other 
 hand, fome Lords and Gentlemen of the King’s party dill 
 kept in the High-lands, with troops under the command 
 of the Earl of Glencarn. But thefe troops, neither well 
 armed nor difeiplined, were defeated by Colonel Mor¬ 
 gan (2). Neverthelefs, with the remains of their troops, 
 they dill kept in fome inacceffible places, where it was im¬ 
 poffible to attack them. But at lad, difeord arifing among 
 them, they were forced to fend to the King for Colonel 
 Middleton and obtained his confent. On Middleton s ar¬ 
 rival, Glencarn quitted them, and made his ov/n peace. 
 Middleton fupported the remains of this party about a year, 
 and then was obliged to forfake it, feeing it was not pof- 
 fible to do the King any notable fervice in that country. 
 It is time now to return to the affairs of England. 
 
 As, by the Injlrument of Government , a Parliament was 
 to aflemble the 3d of September, Cromwell called one for 
 that day. Butin his writs for election of Members, there 
 was a Ariel order not to eledt any perfons, or their fons, 
 who had born arms for the King; and this was punctually 
 obeyed. A new regulation was likewife made to proportion 
 the number of Reprefentatives to the largenefs of the Bur¬ 
 roughs and Counties, and to their refpedtive lhares of the 
 publick expences. This regulation, as being very jud in 
 itfelf, met with univerfal approbation (3). 
 
 Whit flock, 
 ; P-S99- 
 
 The Parliament being affein’oled, made aSpeech 1694. 
 
 in the Painted-Chamber, where the Houfe waited on him. I! -‘ speech 
 He briefly touched upon the diforders of the preceding Go- s-p^mb 4 
 vernment, and endeavoured to juflify the prefent Eda- Clarendon,” 
 blilhment. After an ail'urance of his good intentions, he 1 J/ | - P-. 3 8 7 * 
 reprefented to them his fervices for the nation, fince the | 
 difl'olution of the long Parliament, and told them, he had 
 called a free Parliament, agreeably to the delire of all good 
 Englijhmen ; adding, that he did not fpeak to them as one 
 that would be a lord over them, but as one that would be 
 a fellow-fervant, in the great affair of fettling the Govern¬ 
 ment. 
 
 Cromivcll hoped, this Parliament, free indeed, except¬ 
 ing the exclufion of the Royalids, who could not have 
 been admitted with fafety, would confirm his Protedloral 
 dignity, and that the confirmation of a free Parliament, 
 would dop the mouths of his enemies. Upon his own re- Lenrhal 
 commendation, Lenthal , Speaker of the long Parliament, -p'd.-Speaker 
 was chofen again to that pod. It appeared very foon, that 
 the Parliament had many Members who were enemies of white! ’. k. 
 tyranny, and having ferved in the long Parliament, had 
 imbibed maxims very contrary to thofe eftablifhed by 
 Cromwell. The fird thing propofed, was to examine by Cromwell’* 
 what authority they were alTembled ; a quedion unexpected Pj f" 
 by Cromwell. In all appearance, his enemies defigned to cl.tendon, 
 give him a mortal blow, by a decifion that his authority M. p. 3'3«. 
 was imaginary and illegal, as indeed it was. Perhaps too, 
 the Parliament intended to feize the Sovereign Power, tho* 
 convened by an unlawful authority. Cromwell himfelf had 
 given them an indance of what could be done with the 
 affidance of force. But as he had friends, as well as ene¬ 
 mies, in the Houfe, he found means to make them lofe 
 time, by the opp»fition they met with, from the officers 
 and others who efpoufed his intered, whether thro’ friend¬ 
 ship or fear. So though he could not hinder the frequent 
 debates on this quedion, he gave his enemies caufe to ap¬ 
 prehend, that they fhould not carry it, when it came to 
 be decided. At lad, perceiving they only waited a favorable 
 opportunity to put the quedion, he fent for the Members 
 to meet him in the Painted-Chamber. Though in his fird He/peaks to 
 Speech he told them, that he would only be their fellow- 
 fervant, in this he (poke as their Lord, and told them, and Refint- 
 they were too free in calling an eftablifhed Government w nt. 
 into quedion, from which themfelves had derived their au- chrendon 
 thority, fince if they were not lawfully convened, they had 111. P . 389. 
 no power to debate. At their return to the Houfe they whitelock. 
 found a guard at the door, refufing entrance to any perfon, P' 6oy * 
 whq would not fird fign an Engagement in thefe words— 
 
 / A. B. do hereby freely promife and engage myfelf to be true 
 and faithful to the Lord Protestor , and to the Commonwealth 
 
 England, Scotland, and Ireland, andjhallnot (according 
 to the tenor of the Indenture, whereby I am returned to ferve 
 in this prefent Parliament) propofe or give any confent to alter 
 the Government , as it is fettled in oneJingle perfon and a Par¬ 
 liament. Many refufing to fign this Engagement, were Excludes fe- 
 excluded from the Houfe (4). veraiMem- 
 
 Notwithdanding all this, the Members themfelves, who whitelock 
 had figned the Engagement, were not more tradlable, and 
 ceafed not to fhew their ill-will to Cromwell. They had 
 only figned, to have it in their power to dedroy him, 
 when a favorable occafion offered, which they hoped would 
 not be long. A plot was formed chiefly by the Cavaliers, 
 but with the privity of many Members of Parliament, to 
 raife an army in feveral parts of the Kingdom. Cromwell DIJJbhis it. 
 being informed of it by his fpies, prevented the defign of clarendon, 
 his enemies, by a difl'olution of the Parliament eleven days wh; t P ejock.' 
 before the time fixed for its continuance, by the Injlru- p. 61S. 
 ment of Government (5), namely, on the 22d of January. 
 
 At the difl'olution he told the Members, he was not ig¬ 
 norant of their projects, and that feveral were engaged in 
 a confpiracy againfl the Government (6). 
 
 It was not without foundation that he mentioned aeon- p/or* again/} 
 fpiracy, which was now ready to open. Though he was thc Pru “•' 
 not informed of all the particulars, he knew, however, in { ° r ' 
 general, that an infurreclion was intended in feveral places, 
 and had the names of fome that were to be the principal 
 adtors. Two days after the difl'olution of the Parliament, February 13. 
 Major Wildman was arrefted by his order, and a declara- clar «idon. 
 
 1654-5. 
 
 in. P . 389, 
 
 Irulency, he could notwithfland the importunity of chc Aflembly of con- Whitelock. 
 
 1. However, the Commilfioners were refolved co follow chelnftru&ions p. 618. 
 
 (1) The Lord Clarendon fays, after he had been inveighed againft with gi 
 federate Catholicks, but gave his Credentials to the Perfon recommended n 
 of the Aflembly, ar.d not the Marqn fs’s. Clarendon, Tom. III. p. 364. 
 
 (2) The Scots had eight hundred Horfe, and three thouland Foot; and Morgan eight hundred and fifty Horfe, and Gxteen hundred Foot. Whitelock 
 
 p. j88.--—-The Scots lent an Invitation to King Charles to come among them, but he did not think proper fo to do. 'Burnet, p. 60. ' J ’ 
 
 (3) By the 9th and 10th Articles of the Inftrument of Government, (which fee in Whitelock, p ppz.) it was providej, that the Perfons ta be chofen in 
 England and Hales, fhould not exceed four hundred. Thofe for Scotland and Ireland, (for the three Kingdoms united in one Commonwealth and the 
 Iflesofyer/fj'and Gurmfeyvtete alfo included) were to be thirty for each Kingdom. Then the Perfons to be chofen in England and Wales were to be m a certain 
 proportion there fet down at large. A Proportion, which it would have been well for England , had ic been always obferved, the little mii niheanc 
 Boroughs being omitted, and the number of the Knights of the Shire increafed from four c> twelve, according to the Extern of the& 
 
 e warrantaMy made, and i 
 —As alfo Mr. Doddefworth, who had the c 
 
 
 che Lord Clarendon,) was then generally looked upi 
 
 (4' This year on November 30,) died the learned John Selden 
 Anglicanism. And Henry Elfyngt, Clerk of the long Parliament. 
 
 (pi By theVIIIth Article of the Inftrument of Government, the Parliament was not, during the fpace of five months, 
 their firft meeting, to be adjourned, prorogued, or diflblved, without their own confent. Whitelock, p . yyi. 
 
 (6) See his long Speech in Whitelock, p.610.-018. He fays, the Parliament was diflblved January 31. p. 610._Befora chei 
 
 voted him and his Succeflbrs, a Revenue of two hundred thoufand ppunds a year, p. 609. 
 
 No. 73. Vol. II. 7 L 
 
 his (rays 
 
 Tom. III. p. 387. 
 compiling the Monajlicon 
 
 be accounted from the day of 
 
 diflolutioo they 
 
Vol II. 
 
 The HI STO R Y of ENGLAND, 
 
 1655. t!on was found in his houfe, containing the reafons which 
 ohiiged the Engljh to take up arms againft Cromwell (1). 
 Some others, as well Republicans as Royalifts, were alfo 
 apprehended. 
 
 ’ Since the King's retreat to ( logne, he had receive.: 
 
 jv^V-V-o frequent Expreftes from his friends, informing him ot 
 wh-.tel.'tk, the general diflike of Cromwell's Government, and of the 
 p. 415,419, favourable opportunity for a geneial Rifing. What they 
 7 - ", tht fa id concerning the general difeontent, was very true. But 
 P.-y.-.hfL. they built upon a falfe principle, which had often deceived 
 Charles I. and now likevvife deceived them. They ima¬ 
 gined, that all who were difplcafed with the Government 
 were difpofed to ferve the King, and reftore him without 
 any condition. Indeed, the Presbyterians would have gladly 
 reftored the King, provided it was on the terms granted 
 by the King his father in the treaty of Newport, that is, 
 with the limitation of the Royal Power, and the efta- 
 blifhment of the Presbyterian Government in the Church. 
 But it was not likely, Charles II. being at liberty, would 
 grant the fame conditions as were accepted by Charles I. 
 under confinement. On the other hand, ’tis alfo true, 
 that in general, the Independents, Anabaptifts, and in a 
 \ ■ all the 2 R ns, were enemies of Crom¬ 
 
 well fince his i’cizing the Government, and that in the 
 army itfelf there was a ftrong party againlt him. But 
 nothing was farther from thefe men’s thoughts, than the 
 King’s reltoration, and yet the Royaliits imagined, all 
 Ciue/l's enemies would ftrive to reftore the King to the 
 throne, as if there was no poftibility of being enemy to 
 
 the Pi ’ >ted to the King. Up- 
 
 ’ *’ “* y- on this icon ! at ion it was, that they formed the project of 
 an infurrection in the Weft, and of another in the North, 
 not doubting of the army’s joining, or at leaft fuffering the 
 Cavaliers to aCt undifturbed againft Cromwell. This pro¬ 
 ject was communicated to the King, who approved ot it 
 as well as of the day appointed for the execution, namely 
 P- 4N- the 18th of April. The King difpatched the neceflary 
 commiflions, and privately came into Zealand to be ready 
 to pafs into England if the undertaking fhould be crowned 
 with fuccefs. At the lame time, Wilmot Earl of Roche fter 
 repaired fecrctly to London (2), with Sir Jofepb Wagjiaff, 
 who had been Major-general in the army of the late King. 
 P - 43 -> 433 - At London their friends were confulted, and it was refolved, 
 Wagjiaff fhould conduCt the infurredtion, which was to 
 be in the Weft, and the Earl of Rocbrjler that in the 
 North (3). 
 
 • ”/; On the day appointed, JVagflafj came within two miles 
 
 Ai ,.. 11. of Salisbury, where he found Penruddock, a Cornijh Gen- 
 lb a. tleman, Jones, Grove , and fome others, who had aflem- 
 w i . a j3 0ut two hundred Horfe, With this (mall force, 
 
 Fihiiij . they entered Salisbury without any oppofition. For as it 
 was then the time of the Aflizes, little notice was taken 
 of thofe who entered the city. The market-place was 
 immediately feized, and all the Stables locked up, that the 
 Horfes might be at their devotion. After this, the Judges 
 were feized, with the Sheriff", and weie in great danger 
 of being hanged for their refufal to proclaim the King, 
 c iid :r. w ho notwithstanding was proclaimed. But foon alter, 
 i1 45 ' : " the confpirators perceiving, that the inhabitants remained 
 \s'h ■ ck. in their Houles, without offering to join them, they were 
 dilcouraged, and leaving the town, took the weftern rout. 
 7 ’. ( A troop of Horfe, accidentally quartered in the neigh¬ 
 bourhood, purfued and infpired them with fuch terror, that 
 at their approach, they laid down their arms. Wagjiaff 
 Wjv'jJ fortunately efcaped, but Penruddock , Grove and Jones 
 ik,i. were taken. The two firft were beheaded, and the other 
 hanged (4). Notwithftanding the great hopes conceived 
 by the Royalifts of a general riling throughout the King¬ 
 dom, the people no where attempted to favour the enter- 
 prize. It is impoffible to know what would have been 
 the behaviour of the army, fince there was no neceffity 
 of their being aliembled, this affair being ended in two 
 or three dais. One may here remark, what commonly 
 happens on thefe occafions, namely, that the contrivers of 
 fuch proje&s, keeping company for the mod part with 
 only men of their own party, are apt to believe the whole 
 nation to be in the fentiments of thofe with whom they 
 converfe, wherein they are frequently miftaken. This 
 was, as it were, the peculiar weaknefs of the Royalifts, 
 of which the Earl of Clarendon's Hiftory furnifhes various 
 inftances. 
 
 a r> . The infurreclion in the North vanifhed before it was 
 begun to be executed. The Earl of Rochejier repaired to 
 
 the County of York, where he found fome Gentlemen 1655. . 
 zealous for the King’s fervice. But after an inquiry into 
 what they could perform, he thought it not proper to 
 make anv attempt, but returned to the King with an ac¬ 
 count of what had palled. 
 
 The King, having loft the hopes he had been made to Manning,. E 
 conceive, returned to Cologne. Soon after his arrival, it 
 was difeovered, that one 01 his domefticks, named Man- eXcndon,,-! 
 ning , lately come from England, held a fecret correfpondence !’• 417 II 
 with Thurlo, Cromwell's Secretary, and acquainted him X; 
 
 with the tranfactions of tiie King’s Court. He was appre¬ 
 hended and (hot to death in a cattle belonging to the Duke 
 of Newburg. It is now time to fpeak of Cromwell's affairs 
 with France and Spain. 
 
 In the reign of Charles I. Cardinal Ruhc/ieu, as hath f Le; l 
 been laid, was concerned in the troubles of Scotland in the Fi i , " aKli \ t 
 year 1637, from which thofe of England were after- ; 1 
 
 wards produced. The Court of France all along feemed 
 to efpoufe the intereft of Charles I. during his life, but 
 never gave him any real afiiftance. Cardinal Richelieu 
 believed, that nothing could more advance his project of 
 humbling the Houfe of Aijlria , than to prevent England 
 from aftifting Spain , in order to preferve the ballancc -n 
 Europe , as the intereft of England required. For this 
 ren, that able Min fter, 
 
 thought onl) f fomenting t ti 1 e • land. '■ 
 dinal Mazarin his fucceilor, under the minority of Lewi; 
 
 XIV. followed the fame maxim, and never gave any real 
 afiiftance to Charles. But it may be faid, he carried this 
 Policy too far, fince inftead of keeping the ballance even 
 between the King and Parliament, he gave the Parliament 
 room to acquire a fuperiority, which might become very 
 prejudicial to France. Alter the death of Charles I. the 
 Commonwealth of England grew fo powerful, that it was 
 too late to endeavour to weaken it, efpecially as France was 
 then engaged in a war with Spain. If France had allifted 
 Charles II. file would have run the risk of feeing the Par¬ 
 liament in alliance with Spain, which in that juncture was 
 not to be hazarded. For this reafon, the interefts of 
 Charles II. were entirely abandoned by France , and all his 
 afiiftance fiom thence was a penfion too inconfiderable 
 for his fubliftence. And even this was privately, left the 
 Parliament fhould be jealous. The Fnglijh feared her fo Clarendon, il 
 little, that in 1632, their fleet made no fcruple to attack \v t j lt ! j.j 0 3 ^J 
 that of France , fent to the relief of Dunkirk belieged T 
 
 by the Spaniards, and taken by them the fame year. Not- 
 v ithftanding that affront, France fent an Ambafiador to 
 the Parliament to defire their friendfhip. Cromwell , when 
 advanced to the Protectorate, held, for fume time, the 
 two Ciowns of France and Spain in fufpence, equally flat¬ 
 tering both Kingdoms with hopes of the friendfhip of 
 England. But it appeared afterwards, he only intended 
 to amufe Spain, being refolved to make an alliance with 
 France. 
 
 Spain had given no more afiiftance to Charles I. than .1 
 France. On the contrary, Don Alcnzo de Cardenas , the , JJ 
 Spanijh Ambafiador in England, had fhewn a partiality for fj I 
 the Parliament, which was confidered by Charles as a fort clarendon, 1 
 of declaration againft him. After the death of Charles I. P- 2 79‘ 
 the King of Spain paid great regard to the Parliament, s ’ 
 and gave them no juft caufe to make war upon him. All 
 that England could reproach him with, was, his receiving, id- r- = 3 S fl 
 though very coldly, in 1649, Lord Cottington , and Mr. 29j ' [' 
 Hyde as ambaftadors from Charles II. but without enter¬ 
 ing with them into any negotiation, that might create 
 jealoufy in the Parliament. The foie defign of this ambaily 
 was, to procure fome monev from the Spanijh Court for 
 the King’s fubfiftence, in which the ambaftadors were 
 unfuccefsful. The murder of Afcham , the Parliament’s id. p. 229. 
 envoy at Madrid, by fome Irijh, and the little zeal fhewn 
 by the Court of Spain to punifh the murderers, might 
 be another caufe of complaint. But things of this nature 
 are liable to fo many difeuffions, that it is difficult to know, 
 whether it was in the King of Spain’s power to give the 
 Parliament an entire fatisfaCiion. However that be, thefe 
 caufes of complaint did not feem of lufficient weight to breed 
 a war between the two nations. Neverthelefs, Cromwell, 
 now made Protestor, had no fooner concluded a peace with 
 Holland , than he refolved to attack Spain. The grounds Cromwdl if 
 of this war are not eafy to be guefi’ed (3), but what may fS j 
 be conjectured is this. Cromwell , as I obferved, intended s P ,in. 
 to be confirmed by a Parliament, 111 his Protectoral dig- Probable 1 
 nity received only from the officers of the army. It con- f, " j 
 
 Clircnom, (r The Title of it w.t, “ The Declaration of the free and well-affected People of England, now In Arms againft the Tyiant Ohvtr Co: mu. ", Ef-ft' See 
 III. p. 45a- it li. St'ht 61S. who lays, “ m.ny who viewed it, knew there was t-mnch Truth in it." 
 
 (a F.-i . eir loir. dy ih old lv General before him, in cafe the Plot fu. veded. Claund.n, Tom. III. o. 43 >■ 
 
 ( ;} He fent Sir flhr ■-'-<0 - D iny, a gallant Gentleman, and nobly ai i .d in thofe parts, to prepare the King’s party there. Ibid. p. 4-, 3. 
 
 • : . wed. Ri • •. •. , Gt • b w Ex T m. 111. 
 
 p. 43 c. 
 
 (; , 1- - p: At! . -he chief m .vvc of it was, That h; m j’n'. be able, with the help of Spjnijb Gold, to carry on his deli-jn in E»ghr.J, without depenJinj 
 upon - Park, men: lui^loncy. fV:lwxd, p. 100. 
 
 ccrned 
 
Book XXII. 
 
 Oliver Cromwell, Protector. 
 
 595 
 
 1655. cerned him therefore Firft, to render fome fignal fervice to 
 the State, in order to make his ufurpation pafs the more 
 peaceably. Secondly, as Spain was then upon the decline, 
 lie believed perhaps, it would be eafy to make fome con- 
 quert upon that Crown, which might render his Protectorate 
 famous, and fhew the Englijh that if he fought to advance 
 himfelf, it was in order to be more ferviceable to the Re- 
 publick. Thirdly, it is likely, Mazarin was concerned in 
 this refolution, in order to give a powerf ul diverfion to Spain. 
 s> Dtfif.11 However this be, Cromwell on his advancement to the 
 Domiifo Protedtorfhip, fent out two fleets, one under the command 
 clarendon, of Blake , to the Mediterranean to chaftife the Algerines , 
 m. i>.4j2, who frequently took Englijh veflels, and the other under 
 Bates Penn y with [thirty Ships, and] about five thoufand land- 
 whiteiock. foldiers commanded by Venables (1). The two laft com- 
 PhUlT's man ^ ers had fealed orders from Cromwell, which were to 
 Ludlow. be opened at a prefixed time (2). This fleet failed from 
 Portfmouth the 27th of December , and arrived at Barbadoes 
 the 28th of January , from whence they failed again the 
 30 th of Mareh 1655. By the fealed orders, the two Com¬ 
 manders were to proceed to Hifpaniola and take St. Domingo 
 the capital of the Ifland. Cromwell's inftru&ions for this 
 undertaking were fo particular and circumftantial, that they 
 appeared to be drawn by men thoroughly acquainted with 
 April. the country (3). At the approach of the Englijh fleet the 
 Whiuloc , Spaniards abandoned St. Domingo. But Venables, inftead 
 of landing his troops (4), according to his inftruftions, 
 within a mile of the Place, dif-embarked them at a much 
 greater diftance (5). This gave the inhabitants time to 
 come to themfelves, return to the town, and put it in a 
 Uifarrus. pofture of defence. The Englijh, when they approached 
 Domingo, were fo fatigued, by a long march, by the ex- 
 ceflive heat, by hunger and thirft, that they were eafily 
 repulfed, and forced to retire to their Ships, leaving many 
 dead and wounded in the ifland. 
 
 Conqurfl of This attempt mifearrying, th e Englijh fleet failed to Ja- 
 I Ma' a 'i La maica, and feized the ifle with little oppofition. Some 
 1 Clarendon, troops were left there, which were afterwards re-inforced by 
 j 111. p. 4y 4 . Cromwell, in order to preferve this conqueft, where the 
 j Whiuloek. fffigllfl) bave fince eftablifhed a rich Colony. Venables was 
 fent to the Tower on his return to London, but foon dif- 
 I The Kfng of charged. The war being fufficiently declared by this at- 
 XthcEffOs'lf tern pt which the Spaniards had no caufe to expeft, the 
 ; the Engiith King of Spain ordered the effefts of the Englijh merchants 
 llhid C in a11 his dominions to be feized, which was a very con- 
 
 R. Coke, fiderable lofs to them. Nor did the mifehief flop there ; 
 
 for by this war founjuftly undertaken, th & Englijh forfeited 
 the Spanijh trade, which transferred to the Dutch, helped 
 them to repair the Ioffes Curtained in the-laft war. 
 j Peace made The war with Spain was foon followed by a peace with 
 Hpober n l\‘ P r once, proclaimed at London the 23d of Oflobcr. 'Phis 
 Clarendon, J peace was eafily made, fince France was willing to forget 
 ! wh'P'l^k" t ^ le ' n J ur y rcce ' vc d from the Englijh in 1652. That point 
 I Phillips! 0 * was on ly renew the ancient treaties, to which there was 
 no obftacle, after Cromwell's declaration again ft Spain (6). 
 
 ; Cromwell BefiJes the infurredlions andconfpiracies from the Cava- 
 1 ^thEne* l‘ ers a °d Presbyterians, Cromwell was alfo in danger from 
 i mlts. the male-contents of his own party, who had effedtually 
 Burner. ferved him, without knowing what were his defigns, but 
 p ' 6 *’ who were extremely provoked at their having been tools 
 to his private ambition. The Republicans were incenfed 
 againft him. The republican Government was as much 
 their idol as the Covenant was that of the Presbyterians. 
 So Cromwell by being inverted with the Proteftorfliip, had 
 offended them no lefs than the Cavaliers and Presbyterians. 
 It was not eafy to curb three Parties, which, if they could 
 have refolved to unite, would have been ftrong enough to 
 ruin him. But he knew fuch an union was very difficult, 
 and yet it was not impoflible, that particular men of each 
 party, whether openly or privately, might combine lor his 
 deftrudlion. The army was his only fupport, in which 
 too there were republicans who hated him mortally, as ap¬ 
 pears in the Memoirs of Ludlow, one of the molt invete¬ 
 rate againft him. Nay, very likely, if he had been obliged 
 to affemble the difperfed army, and the officers could have 
 communicated their thoughts to one another, they would 
 not have entirely obeyed him. As to the Royalifts, he 
 never wanted pretences to perfecute them, which not only 
 
 pleafed the other Parties, but was agreeable to their in- 1655. 
 terefts. As for the Presbyterians, as they were equally 
 enemies of the Cavaliers and Independents, in keeping them 
 low, he obliged thefe two laft Parties, who knew, if the 
 Piesbyterians fhould again be fuperior, they would treat 
 them no better than Cromwell. But the rigid Republicans 
 were his moft dreaded enemies, becaule he had no pre¬ 
 tence againft them. They had the more caufe to com¬ 
 plain, and fpeak freely, as Cromwell , being their head, 
 had made ufe of them, under colour of adfing for the pub- 
 lick, and brought them to labour for his own private ad¬ 
 vancement. So, to hold all thefe parties in fubjeftion, he c "f itutet 
 divided England into eleven diftricts, and eftablifhed in ’jfj JC ~ 
 each, officers, whom he called Major-Generals, with an October, 
 almoft abfolute power, that they might be always ready to Clarendon, 
 prevent or difperfe infurre&ions. I11 this crtablifhment his whiceiock/ 
 principal view was to awe the Republicans, though the pre- p-^34- 
 tence was to curb the Cavaliers. Thefe Major-Generals Ludlov/ * 
 became true tyrants, and fo opprerted the People, that 
 Cromwell at laft was forced to reduce their power within 
 much narrower bounds(7). 
 
 Though Cromwell's ambition inclined him to fupport by Reflvet to 
 force the dignity conferred on him, he faw the ridiculous- 
 cefs of exercifing an authority given by men who had no clarendon, 
 lawful power to beftow it. He eafily perceived it to be a 1U ' P-•in¬ 
 fertile fource of plots and confpiracies againft his perfon and 
 government. There was no law by which he could punifh 
 the confpirators, fince his dignity, far from having any 
 folid foundation, was a pure ufurpation. On fuch occafions 
 therefore it was neceflary to ufe a tyrannical power, and 
 fuch violences might produce in the end very ill effects. 
 
 To remedy this inconvenience, he had called a free Par¬ 
 liament in expectation of having his authority confirmed, 
 but was difappointed. He refolved therefore, inftead of a 
 free Parliament, to call one, on which he might depend, 
 and to ufe their authority to eftablifli his own. 
 
 The Parliament, according to the natural meaning of >6;6. 
 the word, is the reprefentative of the Nation, whofedeci- R F cV j 
 fions and laws are looked upon as conformable to the fen- j r ‘' lts j‘ 
 timents of the People in general. The extreme refpcCt, 
 veneration, and attachment which the Englijh have fur the 
 Parliament, are therefore not to be thought ftrange, fince 
 in fupporting its privileges, they maintain their own liberty. 
 
 But this fuppofes a Parliament agreeable to the conftkution, 
 compofed of King, Lords, and Commons, with an en¬ 
 tire freedom in the elections. A Parliament thus compofed 
 may truly be called the Nation’s reprefentative. It is un- 
 neceflary here to obferve, that artifices, intrigues and ca¬ 
 bals have fometimes altered this happy conftitution. The 
 frequent inftances which have occurred in this Hiftory, 
 render it unqueftionable. We have feen Parliaments re- 
 gardlefsof their Country’s good, and devoted entirely to the 
 will of the Prince. By others, Kings have been depofed, 
 and their Sovereigns deprived of their moft lawful preroga¬ 
 tives. But without being obliged to look fo far back, it 
 needs only be confidered, what parted in the late Reign, 
 particularly fince December 1648. A Parliament reduced 
 by force and violence to lefs than a hundred Members, 
 brought the Sovereign to the Scaffold, abolifhed the Houfe 
 of Lords, deftroyed Monarchy, changed the Government 
 into a Commonwealth, and inverted themfelves with a fu- 
 preme authority, under the fpecious pretence of representing 
 the Nation, tho’ without King and Houfe of Peers. Never- 
 thelefs, tho’ the conftitution of the Parliament was entirely 
 fubverted, and tho’ the name of Parliament, one would have 
 thought, fhould not have deceived the people, that venerable 
 name was ftill ufed to force them to obedience, on a ground- 
 lefs fuppofition, That an Afiembly with only the name 
 of Parliament was inverted with all the authority of the 
 moft legal Parliament. Upon this foundation, thefe tyrants 
 claimed a right to enaCt laws, to ordain, to decree, as the 
 moft regular Parliament might have done. I ffial! not 
 flay to fhew the extravagance of this pretenfion. Very 
 probably, thofe that claimed it, were not themfelves fatis- 
 fied with it. But as they were deftitute of all other founda¬ 
 tion, they built upon this, though weak and unfecure. 
 
 Cromwell's authority was no better fupported. His ufur- Upon Crom- 
 pation was fo vifible, that a man mult have wilfully fhut An ~ 
 
 (1) A Gentleman of a good Family in Chejhire. Clarendon, Tom. III. p. 45-1. 
 
 (2) People could not imagine where the Fleet was to go. Some fancied it was to rob the Church of Loretta, which occafioned a Fortification to be 
 drawn round it: Others talked of Rome itfelf; others of Cadiz, See. 'Burnet, p. 7 s- 1 2 3 4 * 6 
 
 (3) ’Tis faid, Thomas Gage, who had been a Prieft, and was come from the Weft-Indies, engaged him in this defign, by giving him an account of the 
 weaknefs as well as riches of the Spaniards in thofe parts. "Burnet , p. 74. Wbitelocb, p.621. 
 
 (4) Venables had in all, reckoning the Forces he took up at Barbadoes, above nine chouland Men ; with a Troop of Horfe. Clarendon, Tom. III. p. 43-3. 
 
 (y) Ten Leagues more Weftward. Whit clock, p. 627. 
 
 (6) This Con federacy was dearly purchafed on the part of England, for by it the ballance of the two Crowns of France and Spain was deltroycd, and a 
 foundation laid for the future greatnefs of the French, to the unfpeakable prejudice of all Europe in general, and of the Englijh Nation in particular, whofe 
 Incereft it had been hitherto accounted to maintain that equality as near as might be. Ludlow, Tom. II. p. 579. It is very remarkable, That, in this 
 Treaty, Cromwell would not allow the French King to call himfelf King of France, but of the French -, when he himfelf affumed the Title of Prot.aor of 
 England and France. And, what is more, in the lnftrumfcnt of the Treaty, Cromwell's Name was put before the French King’s. Wclwood, p.99. 
 
 (7' 'Bates makes the number of Diftrifts to be fourceen. The Major-Generals were, J {etfey, Goff, Desborough, Fleetwood, Skippon, Whaley, Butler, Berry, 
 Wirfeley, Lambert, Berkftcad who was alfo Lieutenant of the Tower. They had all the Authority which was before divided among Commitcee-men, Juf- 
 tices of Peace, and other Officers. They could commit to prifon all fufpefied Perfons; levied Monies; f-queftered chofe who refufed to pay; had power 
 to lift Horfe and Foot upon occafion; and from them lay no appeal, but to the Protestor himfelf. Clarendon fays, there were twelve. Tom. 111. 
 p. 47S.-This year died James Stewart, Duke of Richmond, and the learned James Ujher, Primate of Armagh. 
 
 his 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 S9& 
 
 The H I S TO RY of ENG L A N D. 
 
 1656. his eyes not to fee it. He himfelf was fo convinced oi the 
 unlawfulnefs of his power, that he would lain have had it 
 confirmed by a free Parliament, being the only way which 
 could furnifh him with a plaufible pretence to exercife it. 
 But failing of fuccefs, he continued where he was, that is, 
 inverted with the dignity of Prote&or, by men who had 
 no power to confer it. Wherefore, the authority of a Par¬ 
 liament appeared to him abfolutely necefiary to confirm 
 him in his own. But, as he had experienced what was to 
 be expected from a free Parliament, he relolved to call one 
 Ht cal's < which might be more at command. He therefore fum- 
 moned a Parliament to meet the 1 ;th of September ; but he 
 "n 1 Zhs. UC took fuch juft meafures, that though the People feemed to 
 
 The Parliament, which met the 17th of September, con- 1657. k 
 tinned their feffion without interruption, being employed in 1 
 
 the mod important affair that could ever come under their L 
 
 confideration. Whether Cromwell had now formed the d, 
 
 projedt of his higher advancement, or the difpofition of the 'iffif'-e 
 Houle in his favour, infpired him with the thought, he ( .umuell. L 
 fuddenly became more popular than ever. He carelled all Burnet, 
 parties alike. The Presbyterians were told, he was not c ljr 7 c ’ n d<>n iji 
 far from their fentiments ; the Nobility met with great m. p . 4 6 i , 
 refpedl from him; and he appeared lefs incenfed againft whitelockA 
 
 the King’s party. At laft, after his friends and creatures J" •- 
 had been long labouring to difpofe men in his favour, •> 
 
 enjoy a pcrfedl freedom in the choice of their Reprefenta- 
 
 wh’iteio 4 k " tives, he fecured a majority of voices. Befidc', he would 
 Ludlow. admit no man into the Houfe, who had not firff pro mi fed 
 under his hand, to do nothing againft the eftablilhed Go¬ 
 vernment. This Parliament, compofed ot the Reprefenta- 
 tives of the three Kingdom 1 :, met on the day appointed (1). 
 But above a hundred Members refilling to lign the En¬ 
 gagement, were denied their feats in the Houfe. The reft 
 Sc Ac "f appeared ready to perform Cromiuc/l’s defires. An A£t 
 wtiri-A k was forthwith palled, for renouncing the title of Charles 
 Stuart , (for fo they called the King) which was figned by 
 all the Members. By another Act it was declared High- 
 treafon to attempt the life of the Protestor. In Ihort, in 
 the fpacc offome months, the Parliament liberally granted 
 all the money defired by Cromwell , as well for the main¬ 
 tenance of the army and Government, as for the conti¬ 
 nuation of the war againft Spain. 
 
 Some days before the Parliament met, Blake and Mon- 
 
 Wh.u-i.ck 9 ’ ta & ue -> their Admirals, falling in with eight Span'jh Ihips, 
 
 4 *. 6j-3. ’ returning from the JVeJl-Indies richly laden, took two, 
 
 Ludlow. ai]( j ftranded fome others. This action was performed near 
 Cadiz, where the Englifh Admirals had long expedted this 
 fleet. Cromwell ordered the two prizes to be brought to 
 Portfmouth , and the money and goods to be conveyed in 
 waggons, in a fort of triumph, to London. 
 
 1656-7. \n January 1656-7,3 confpiracy againft his perfon, was 
 Jy’- 1 v- difeovered by Cromwell, by one Sindcrcomb, difeharged out 
 whu-iork". ol his guards. This man being convidted, and condemned 
 p. 65.1. to die, was found dead in prifon, the day on which he 
 was to be executed (2). 
 
 '657. About two months after, fome Anabaptifts were difeo- 
 Id. p. 6 }?. verec j > who had projected to kill Cromwell. Major-General 
 Harrifon , Vice-Admiral Lawfon , Colonel Rich , Major 
 Danvers, and fome others, all Anabaptifts, on fufpicion 
 of being concerned in the confpiracy, were put under 
 arreft. 
 
 Blake’; At- Since Blake and Montague had taken the two prizes, 
 T/gT'ui ^ey had continued cruifing off Cadiz, in expectation of 
 ,u Sr.c t..;x the Spanijh fleet returning from Peru. As this fleet did 
 iu the 0.1- not appear, tho’ it fhould now have been arrived, Blake 
 Aprd.' !i had notice, it was retired to Deneriff, one of the Canaries, 
 curerd >p. till tb e Englijh fleet ftiould be failed from Cadiz. Wherc- 
 11 E r- i . • upon, be flood for the Canaries, the beginning of April, 
 and found there the Spanifl) fleet, confiding of fix Galeons 
 richly laden, and ten other (hips of lefs burthen. The 
 commander of this fleet had anchored in the Bay of 
 Santa Cruz, and taken all imaginable care to fecure him¬ 
 felf againft an attack. The ten fmaller fhips were moored 
 clofe to the land, and defended by two fort:, well mounted 
 with guns, and levcral batteries eredted on the fhore. But 
 the Galeons drawing more water, could not come fo near 
 the land, but lay farther off", with their broad-fides to¬ 
 wards the Sea. Blake feeing no poflibility of approaching 
 the ten fhips, refolved, notwithftanding the raflmels of the 
 P • undertaking, to attack the Galeons. Accordingly, with a 
 fair wind, he approached the Galeons, received their fire, 
 and boarded them. The particulars of this engagement are 
 very confufedly related by the Hiftorians. Thus much,how¬ 
 ever, is certain, that after an obftinate fight, pofiefled 
 himfelf of the Galeons, and as the wind, which had 
 brought him into the Bay, would not ferve to carry them 
 out, fet them on fire. Immediately after, a land-breeze 
 arifing, put him fafe to fea again. The Spaniards on this 
 occafion fuftained a very great lofs, in fhips, money, men, 
 and merchandize : but the Eng/iJh acquired nothing but 
 glory. Blake d\ ing in his return to England , was pom- 
 
 m Jre p' i 47‘-poufly buried by Cromwell , in Henry the Vllth’s chapel. 
 
 among the monuments of the Kings. 
 
 [Mr. Pack] a Member of Parliament, and one of the City LondoapJ 
 Aldermen, propofed, in direct terms, that he might be 
 inverted with the title of King. This propofition was T „'f hcri J | 
 immediately feconded by a great many Members (3), and Feb. ir. 
 it was even obferved, that his known enemies very readily 
 gave their confent to it. Thefe imagined, there Was no Ludlow, 
 better wav to ruin him, and excite plots againft his life. Clarendon,' 
 But for the fame reafon, his principal friends oppofed it ’ p ’ 4 1 
 with all their power. It is, neverthelefs, very probable, 
 he was privy to this propofal, though he thought not fit to 
 tell it to Desborough his Brother-in-law, or Fleetwood his 
 Son-in-law, from whom it met with the greateft oppofition. 
 
 This Contraft between Cromwell's friends, held thole in fuf- 
 pence, who only intended to make their court to him, and 
 caufed them to be irrefolute. Wherefore this propofal was 
 debated in the Houfe two days fucceflively. In all appear¬ 
 ance, the irrefolute were informed, in this interval, what 
 they were to do. However that be, it was at laft carried 
 by a majority of voices, that the Crown fhould be offered 
 to Cromwell. Purfuant to this refolution, the Houfe im- Cromwell im¬ 
 mediately appointed a Committee, to acquaint his Highnefs 4 
 
 with what had been refolved for the publick good. He miuce, wit, 
 feemed furprized at the offer, and told the Committee, he J** 
 thought it very ftrange, the Parliament fhould entertain April 9. 
 fuch a defign: That he did not believe it proper for them clarendon j. 
 to offer, nor would his confcicnce give him leave to accept 46 
 it. The Committee expecting this anfwer, replied. They 
 did not queftion but he would grant their defire, when he 
 fhould be informed of the reafons which had induced the 
 Parliament to take this refolution, and which theybefought 
 him only to hear. Whereupon, he appointed a day to hear 
 what they had to fay to him (4). 
 
 The Committee (5), on the day appointed, entertained 
 him with long difeourfes, concerning the reafons on which topitv'aU 4 
 the Parliament founded their requeft, of which the princi- with him 
 pal were : “ That the people of England had for many Apr 
 “ ages been accuffomed to the government of Kings: ciarendowil 
 “ That in changing this Government, there had necefi’a- lI1 - P- 
 “ rily been an abolition of many laws, cuftoms, and for- 
 “ malities, and an eftablifhment of others, which would 
 “ never be endured by the people on account of their no- 
 “ velty : That according to the laws of England , there 
 “ could be no fecurity to any A£t concerning the Govern- 
 <c ment, without the intervention and authority of a King: 
 
 “ That hitheito, thofe concerned in the war, and the late 
 “ changes, could not be fafe, but would remain liable to 
 “ dangerous inquifitions, agreeable to the laws of the 
 “ land: That the daily confpiracies againft the prefent 
 “ Government, clearlyfhewed, the people were inclined 
 “ to a King, nor would be fatisfied without one: In a 
 “ word, That the Kingdom would never be in peace, till 
 “ things were brought back to their antient channel. That 
 “ it was very true, the royal family had been rejedled on 
 “ account of their tyrannies ; but this was no objection to 
 “ the choice of a King of another family, nor could any 
 “ Kingdom be produced, where the like had not happened, 
 
 “ as well as in England." 
 
 Thefe very reafons had been alledged in the debates in 
 the Houfe, and were anfwered by the Republicans to this 
 effedl : “ That an oath had been taken to be faithful to the 
 “ Commonwealth without a King; and to make a new 
 “ King, was returning to Egypt. Where was the necef- 
 “ fity of recurring to Kings, fince it was agreed, they 
 “ invaded the rights of the Subjedt? That it was advan- 
 “ tagious that all the Subjects fhould be equally liable to be 
 “ called to an account, that they might be more united 
 “ amongft themfelves. That if a King was at laft necef- 
 “ fary, they would chufe rather to have the true Heir to 
 “ the Crown.” Cromwell was not unacquainted with the 
 
 (1) Sir Thom.it ll’iddr 
 
 \ton was chofen Speaker, miseUcit. p. 65-1. 
 e Upper-Bench-bsr. The Court declared, “ Thar by the Co 
 “ f-iftraje, bv what Name foever he was called, whether L„r.i Protector, or othcrwlfe, 
 “ cUratory of the Common Law.” M'ldtcPcb. p. 6 sf. 
 
 (3 Particularly by Charles Boyle Lord Tin* hilt. Chief Juft ice Gi'yrm, Sic. Life of Cron 
 (4) Hhiteltb't account is thus: The Parliament had been lung about the fettling o 
 Humble Petition and Advice f the Parliament of England, Scotland, end Ireland, to his 
 dKi"X- This Petition and Advice was prefer ted to 1 is Highnefs by the Houfe 
 
 mion Law, to compafs or imagine the death of th 
 High-Treafon, and that the Statute z$ Edx.lll. v 
 
 With him about it; which was named, and White!, cl- one of the C _ 
 
 loci- fpake to him upon the Tide of Kin*, civine reafons why he fhould accept c 
 The whole debate i» in print, IVbitdotk, p. kff. 
 
 fyl Ot this Committee IVhiteloek was Chairman, and the chief Speakers we 
 Charles Hilfey, Sir Richard Onflow, and Colonel Jones. Life of Cromwell, p. 
 
 3 
 
 <ell , p. 363. 
 
 the Satioo, and had framed a writing, which tht 
 Hif-fr. The nrft buftnefs of it svas, for the Proi 
 efired that a Committee might be appo r.: 
 
 . When ihe Committee attended hr, Hi ( - 
 :e:t ji urged his reafjns a’unft it, ar.J «.•• 
 
 Mr. St. Join, Glynn, Fien 
 
 reafop .3 
 
Book XXII. Oliver Cromwe 
 
 i 6 57 . reafons alledged on both fidcs in the Houfe, and therefore 
 to Ihow, he would neither accept nor reful'e the offer with¬ 
 out deliberation, he appointed the Sth ot May tor his final 
 anfwer. 
 
 iivrtatiy j s pretended, that in this interval, he was in the ut- 
 moft diffraction, not knowing what to determine. His 
 ambition prompted him to accept the offered Crown, the 
 whole intrigue probably being directed by himfelf. But 
 the difpofition of his relations and principal friends made 
 P 465. him tremble. For how could he promife himfelf allegiance to believe and pra&ife as he pleated, and both panics, bv 
 from ftrangers, when he faw his own mod intimate friends equally flattering them with a confcflion of Faith, in which 
 determined to abandon him ? Nay, it is faid, fume of each party fhould find their account, 
 them threatened to kill him, and that he was informed of alone could not expect anv advantage, 
 a plot fo affafiinate him, the moment he accepted the 
 
 II Protect 
 
 0 R. 
 
 tc writing, (o revile 
 
 or reproach the faM Con 
 
 “ Faith.” 
 
 
 The genera! terms i 
 
 n which the three I.tff art 
 
 cerning Religion aic e 
 
 xprelied, pT.-.iy fiio-,3, t.i : 
 
 1 of t 
 
 cot, or 1 atJii r Cromwell 
 
 redted them, w<ts, to <j 
 
 iblige equally the Prcsbyuri 
 
 597 
 
 556. 
 
 lavcndon, 
 
 Independents. The firff, h 
 on the prefent tffablifhmei 
 ducing into religion, a Ltitin 
 
 fup;< rtuig the M 
 , and the others. 
 
 iftry, 
 
 by in 
 ft every man fit 
 
 TJie Epifcopalians 
 
 Cromwell having folemnly fworn the punftual cbferva- CroimvrM 
 Crown. r I'he very day, he was to give his anfwer, Def- tion of thefe articles, appointed the 26th of Jure for the <*. 
 borrow and Fleetwood, walking with him in St. James’s day of his Inauguration, which was performed with great 
 
 Park, told him, if he accepted the Crown, they could pomp (5). He was, doubtlefs, of opinion, that tin's fecund 
 ferve him no longer. He was difeouraged by all thefe Inauguration was neceffary to fupply the defe£b of th 
 
 hitch ck. 
 
 Ludlov 
 
 P'592. 
 
 firff, which had been made without any lawful authority. 
 
 This done, the Houfe adjourned to the zoth of January c a 
 1657-8. III. p.468. 
 
 Since the renewal of the antient treaties between France League 
 
 London , was concluded at Paris the 15th of March 1 
 to reward in fome meafure fo great a mo- by a treaty of League, importing, that Cromwell fhould Aubery’* 3 * 
 
 join fix thoufand men with the French army ; that Mar- Hiflory of 
 'yke and Dunkirk lhould be befieged, and when taken, de- Fj r,l "; al 
 vered to the Englijh (6). 1 aMrl "‘ 
 
 King Charles being informed of this negotiation, fent a Ki'^cbarles 
 
 things, at the very inftant the Crown was going to be 
 placed on his head. His anfwer therefore to the Com¬ 
 mittee was, that he could not accept the Government 
 p.jvfa tie under the title of a King (1). Whether this refufal was 
 
 for or againft his intereft, is a Problem that admits of great and England , another negotiation was begun for a league 
 G.arendijrj, difpute. For my part, I believe, that being fo able a offenfive and delenlive againft Spain. This -negotiation %!. 'p.Jl 
 
 jli. |». 465. Politician, he did not think the advantages equal to the in- fet on foot by the Ambafla-lor of France in 1656, 
 
 ' conveniencies, of accepting the Crown. 
 h confirmed Neverthelefs. 
 
 \tihrjhlp by deration, the Parliament confirmed his dignity of F 
 
 toe Partial tedlor, with more power than was annexed to it by the dyke and Dunkirk fhould be befieged, and when taken, dc- ^ 
 wr- ] k counc ^ °® cers - This was done by a folemn Inffru- livered to the Englijh (6). 
 
 Ludlow! ment, called The Humble Petition and Advice (z), th< 
 
 T.ii. p.591. Parliament thereby fhowing it was not a Law to be impofed trufty meffenger to Arch-Duke Leopold , ill'll Governor o! 
 on him but an Advice, which was fubmitted to his judg- the Low-Countries , to offer a League with Spain. T 
 
 ment and diferetion, with freedom to accept or refufe it. King’s defign was to give himfelf" fome reputation by a c: 
 
 as he fhould think proper. The fubftance of it was : 
 
 Contents of 
 U.e Ml of 
 
 the stumble 
 
 111. p. 466. 
 
 “ chief Magiftrate, over England , Scotland and Ireland, 
 cc and the territories and the dominions thereunto bclong- 
 <c ing, and to govern according to all things in that Peti- 
 “ tion and Advice. And alfo that he would in his life- 
 “ time appoint the perfon that fhould fucceed him in the 
 “ Government: That he would call a Parliament confift- 
 “ ing of two Houfes once in a year (3) at fartheft : that 
 “ thole perfons who are legally chofen by a free election 
 ‘‘ of the People to ferve in Parliament, may not be ex- 
 <c eluded from doing their duties, but by confent of that 
 “ Houfe whereof they are members : That none but thofe 
 “ under the qualifications therein mentioned, fhould be 
 “ capable to ferve as members in Parliament : That 
 “ the power of the other Houfe be limited as therein is 
 <c preferibed : that the laws and ftatutes of the land be 
 <c obferved and kept ; no laws altered, fufpended, abro- 
 
 league with that Crown ; and, befides, he wifhed to reiide In - P 4S5» 
 That his Highnefs Oliver Cromwell fhould, under the in the Low-Countries in order to be nearer England , in cafe 4s6 ’ +s7 ‘ 
 title of Protestor, be pleafed to execute the office of his prefence there fhould be neceffary. The Arch-Duke 
 
 accepted the propofal, believing, if the King of England 
 was attached to Spain, he would have credit enough to 
 draw the Irijh forces from the French, into the Spanijh 
 fervice. This was all the advantage Spain could expedt 
 from a junction with a Prince, who had properly nothing 
 to offer. Befides he was to be fubfifted, when lie fhould 
 be deferted by France. However this be, the King and 
 the Arch-Duke concluded a treaty, by which the Kind’s 
 refidence at Bruges was only to be connived at by Spain, 
 which was little able to maintain him according to his dig¬ 
 nity. Spain was moreover to furnifh him wiih fix thou¬ 
 fand men, as foon as he fhould be poffefied of fome good 
 port in England. The King, fatisfied with thefe condi¬ 
 tions, becaufe he had nothing to offer to procure better, 
 iigned the treaty which was ratified by the King of 
 Spain. With the ratification, Philip fettled upon the King April. 
 
 “ gated, or repealed, but by new laws made by A£t of a monthly penfion of fix thoufand Guilders , and another of l! -’ * Pm. 
 “ Parliament : That the yearly fum of a million of thiee thoufand upon the Duke of Glocejler , who had been 
 tC pounds Sterling be fettled for the maintenance of the fent for out of France by his brother the King, where 'Cnwn^of 
 “ navy and army ; and three hundred thoufand pounds for his mother was perfwading him to change his Religion 6000 GW/. 
 
 the fupport of the Government; befides other tempo- So, the King left Cologne in April 1657, and retired to d J\ aM - mb ‘ 
 “ rary fupplies as the Commons in Parliament fhall fee Bruges , at the fame time that Arck-Duke Leopold refigned fi, ^Vru- 
 tc the neceffities of the nation to require : That the num- the Government of die Low-Countries to Don John oi < 
 
 “ ber of the Protc&ur’s Council fhall not exceed one and Aujlria , natural fon of Philip IV. Afterwards, the King ^ J * rendo, j* 
 
 “ twenty, whereof feven fhall be a Quorum (4). The prevailed with the Lord Musketry, Colonel of an Iriji 
 “ chief officers of the State, as Chancellors, Keepers of the regiment in the fervice of France , to defert that fervice 
 “ Great-Seal, &c. to be approved by Parliament : That and join the SpaniJJj army with his regiment. He alfo 
 his Highnefs would encourage a godly Miniftry in thefe found means to caufe four regiments, of Englijh, Sots and 
 and that fuch as do revile and difturb them in Irijh, to come in iingle companies, and ether him their 
 
 fervice. Thefe regiments, though not in very good order, 
 ferved in the Spanijh army. 
 
 As foon as the Treaty of league between France and 7ie Duke 
 England was figned, Cardinal Mazarin fignified to the York obliged 
 and held forth for the publick profeffion of thefe na- Duke of York, that he was to retire out of the Dominions “ 
 dons, and no other ; and that a confeffion of Faith be of France. All the Englijl) of the King’s party, in the cbrT'Jon 
 agreed upon, and recommended to the people of thefe fervice of France , had the fame orders, and amongft the m p-4,7» 
 nations; and none to be permitted, by words, or reff the Lord Digby, now become Earl of Brijlol upon the 4So ‘ 
 
 nations ; 
 
 the worlhip of God, may be punifhed according to 
 law ; and where laws are defe£tive, new ones to be 
 made : That the Proteffant Chriftian Religion, as it is 
 contained in the Old and New Teftament, be aflerted 
 
 (1) Though a Crown was adlual'y nude, and brought to Whitehall. ff’clwio.t, p. 100. 
 
 (2) The Reader may foe it at large in Wbit,lock's Mem. p. 637. (3) Once in three years or oftner. Ibid. 
 
 ( 4 ) This exprefflon is t.iken fiom the claule infer ted in inofl commiiTioiw, in which, after the number if comnvHionei; is fixed, the King appoints fome par- 
 ticu'ar per'ons amongft them, who ate to be prefent to give a validity to all aits done in virtue of the commiffi.n, and this he does by faying, a quorum tfe 
 
 (3) A pi.c; being prepared at the upper end of IVeftminfttr Halt, in the midlb of it was fet a rich cloth of State, wi'h a chair of State under it, upon an 
 alcent of two flrpr. Before it a table and cnair for the Speaker, and on each lidc of the Hall covered feat, one over another, for the Members. Al> .ut iw„ e- 
 C'ock his Highnefs came, the Earl of Warwick carrying the Sword before him, I and being the only Nobleman that was prefent at th.it lulemnity, fry, Lud¬ 
 low, Tom.2. p. 592.) and the Loid-Mayorof London, with the City-fw.vrd. His Highnefs Handing under the cloth or .'.tate, the Speaker prelented to him 
 a Robe of purple velvet lintd with Ermines, which Sir /. Widdnngtcn the Speaker, afti'fted by ff'bitchck, put upon him- Then he'eciiverid to him the 
 B-.blc richly gilt and bolfcd ; after that he gilt on his Sword, and delivered into his hands the Scepter of nuify G-.|d, and then m ine a Speech to him, and give 
 himthciath. After this, the People g'.ve feveral Ihouts, and the tiumpets founded : The Hrotedl r frte in the chair of State, holding the Sccpc-i in ), : « hand- 
 on his right fide fatethe Ambafiador of France, on the left the Ambalfador of the Uniud Provirc,, .■ N ca r him ft od his Son Richard, Fherw.-od L.; : J D pa y 
 o f Ireland, CLifp lt Mafter of the H.irfc, the Council and others of State. The Earl of Warwick held the Swo.d on the right, and the L rd May r the 
 City Sword on the left fide of the Chair. Near the E3rl of Warwick flood Vilcount Life, Gcnerai Montagu.-, and Wb.tcLck, each of them wi h a dr, v. Swei d 
 in their hands. Then the trumpets fonder, and a Herald proclaimed his Highnefs s’Title, and Proclamation was made to the Perpie, crying, G:d Jd-o; :ve 
 I'rcttcl.r. The Cetcmonies being ended, he went in State to Wflminfer-Hall Gate, wnere he took Coach, and went to the Haute, end palled lbme bills. 
 Wbitc/cck, p- 662. 
 
 (6; Some authors, by confounding thefe two T.catics, the cne of the 23d of Olhber 1635, ar.d the uher of the 3d of March 165;, have fallen i.ito fume 
 miilakes. Rapin. See ColieII. of Tredtiei, Ton. 3. 
 
 No. 73. V o l. II. 
 
 7 M 
 
 death 
 
Vo). 11. 
 
 S 9 8 
 
 1657. 
 
 Cromwell 
 f;r,d> Jix 
 tboufjnd En 
 glilh into 
 France. 
 Sept. 23. 
 Clirend n. 
 III. p. +-3 
 Whi,clock. 
 
 1637-8. 
 
 Com*}" 
 
 "•TV 
 
 Pari,ament. 
 Whitelcck. 
 p. 665. 
 Clirend n, 
 IN. p. 471. 
 Ludlow, 
 T.II.p.594. 
 
 Dtfign, of 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLA N D. 
 
 two Ihufd. 
 
 1657-8. 
 
 Whitelock. 
 
 p. 666. 
 
 Clarendon, 
 
 III. P . v-- 
 
 Lud'ow, 
 
 T-ILp-iS 
 
 59 *- 
 
 Phillips. 
 
 death of Iks Father, and a convert to the Carholiclc Reli¬ 
 gion. All thefe Englijh, difinifted froin France, retired into 
 the Low Countries, home to their King, and the reft to 
 Don John of Alujlria , to feek employment in his army. 
 
 In confequence of the league, Cromwell lent fix thou- 
 fand men of his beft troops into France under the command 
 of Reynolds , who had concluded the Treaty at Paris in 
 qualiev of his Ambaffador. In this Campain, the French 
 took feveral places from the Spaniards, and amongft the 
 reft Mardyke which was delivered to the Englijh. Reynolds 
 was unhappily drowned in his return to England , and was 
 fucceeded in the command of the Englijh torces in the fer- 
 vice of France, by Lockhart a Scotchman , and Amballador 
 to that Crown. 
 
 As by the 2d article of the Humble Petition and Advice, 
 the Protector was every year to fummon a Parliament, 
 confiding of two Houfes, Cromwell relieved to obferve that 
 article, which had been inferted in the indrument by his 
 foie direction. He therefore chofe a certain number at his 
 own pleafure, to compofe the other Houle. Mod of thefe 
 were officers, or other perfons devoted to him, to whom 
 he added fome of the antient Peers ; but they refufed to 
 take their feats with thefe men(i). This choice being 
 made, he idued out Writs for their meeting in Parliament, 
 in a feparate Houfe, the 20th of January 1657-8. His 
 intention was to have this Houfe confidered as a Houfe of 
 Peers, and inverted with the fame privileges, the Peers had 
 formerly enjoyed. He durrt not however give it that name, 
 but contented himfelf with calling it the Other Houfe , till 
 a more proper name could be given it (2). 
 
 Cromwell, as hath been obferved, had created himfelf 
 many enemies, not only amongd the Royalids and Presby¬ 
 terians, but even among the Independents themfelves. 
 Thefe lad were extremely provoked at his having made ufe 
 of them for his advancement, under colour of labouring 
 with them to eftablilh a Republican-government. The Se¬ 
 quel had diown them, that in fuppreffing Kingly power, 
 he had never intended to abolifh the Monarchy, dnee un¬ 
 der the name of Protestor, he had feized the fupreme 
 power. They therefore looked upon him as the mod per¬ 
 fidious of men, and were not lefs his enemies than the 
 Presbyterians and Royalids. He was fupported only by the 
 army, filled by himfelf with Fanaticks and Enthufiafts, 
 who imagined the time was come to eredt a Fifth-Monar¬ 
 chy, or the Reign of Jefus Chrift upon earth. Cromwell 
 was not ignorant, his enemies had dcligned to deftroy him, 
 on pretence of railing him higher, and this had made him 
 relufe the title of King. It was alfo to break their mea- 
 fures, that he had asked and obtained a power of eredling 
 another Houfe, to oppofe it occadonally to the Houfe of 
 Commons, where he knew he had but too many enemies, 
 of which he had caufe very foon to be dill more fenftble. 
 
 His enemies having had time to concert their meafures 
 during the adjournment, took another courfe to deftroy 
 him when the Parliament re-adembled. As by the Hid 
 article (3) of the humble Petition and Advice, it was faid, 
 the Members legally chofen, rtiould not be excluded with¬ 
 out the confent of their Houfe, a motion was made to ad¬ 
 mit all the eleifted Members, who had refufed to dgn the 
 Engagement. This motion was fo fuddenly received and 
 approved, that Cromwell had not time to oppofe it, and he 
 could have done it fo much the lefs, as it was founded on 
 a folemn a£t, which he had fworn to obferve. By this 
 means above a hundred Members, Republicans and Presby¬ 
 terians, all enemies to the Protestor, were admitted into 
 the Houfe of Commons (4). From that time, the face of 
 affairs began to change, Cromwell's enemies having gained 
 the fuperiority in the very Houfe which would have made 
 him a King. As they had formed great proje£ls againft 
 him, their firlt care was to hinder the Other Houfe, 
 wholly confiding of h’s creature,, from ufing their pretend¬ 
 ed negative voice to break their meafures. The authority 
 therefore of the Other Houfe was called in queftion, and 
 it was affirmed to be abfurd, that they Ihould have a ne¬ 
 gative voice, lince the Commons, by whom they were 
 created, never pretended to make Peers, of men who had 
 no other power than what they voted them. It was added, 
 that therefore it was laid in the Humble Petition and Ad¬ 
 vice, that the power of the other Houfe Ihould be limited. 
 Cromwell , perceiving to what all this tended, fent for the 
 Parliament to ll'hitlhall , and in a fpeech maintained the 
 autnority of the other Houfe with fuch vehemence, that 
 the Commons fearing an immediate diifolution, found it ne- 
 
 ceffary to acknowledge the Other Houfe as an effential part 1657-1$. 
 of the Parliament. 
 
 Not’withftanding this, the Commons took into confide- T6« Portia. 
 ration the Humble Petition and Advice, and many were of m,Tl ' 1 c *- 
 opinion, it was null and void, becaufe it was made when "'"V 4 * 
 many Members were excluded from the Parliament, without the bundle 
 any lawful caufe. This manifeftly tended to a Revocation Jnd 
 
 of the A£t, and withal of the fubfequent confirmation of p^p,. 
 Cromwell's Protectorfhip. Cromwell was too quick-fighted 
 not to fee how much it concerned his intereft, not to Puf¬ 
 fer this Parliament to fit any longer. Wherefore he came 
 to the other Houfe and fending for the Commons, fpoke 
 to them in thefe terms: 
 
 “ I had very comfortable expectations that God would Cromwell 1 , 
 “ make the meeting of the Parliament a Bleffing : and ‘° 
 
 <c the Lord be my witnefs, 1 delire the carrying on the mmt. 
 c< affairs of the Nation to thefe ends. The bleffing which F,b - 4- 
 “ I mean, and which we ever climbed at, was mercy, Phl g , ^‘ 
 
 “ truth, righteoufnefs, and pe?.ce, which I defire may be P * ’ 
 
 “ improved. 
 
 “ That which brought me into the capacity I now 
 “ ftand in, was the Petition and Advice given me by 
 l< you, who, in reference to the antient Conftitution, did 
 “ draw me to accept of the place of Prote&or. There 
 ‘‘ is not a man living can fay I fought it; no, not a man, 
 
 “ nor woman treading upon Englijh ground ; but I, con - 
 ‘‘ templating the fad condition of thefe nations, relieved 
 ‘‘ from an inteftine war unto a fix or feven years peace, 
 
 “ I did think the nations happy therein. But to be peti- 
 ‘ c tioned thereunto, and advifed by you to undertake fuch 
 tc a Government, a burden too heavy for any creature, 
 cC and this to be done by the Houfe that then had the le- 
 “ gifiative capacity, I did look that the fame men that 
 “ made the frame, fhould make it good unto me : I can 
 “ fay in the prefence of God, in comparifon of whom we 
 “ are but like poor creeping ants upon the earth, I would 
 “ have been glad to have lived under my Wood-fide, to 
 “ have kept a flock of fheep, rather than undertook fuch 
 “ a government as this is ; but undertaking it by the Ad- 
 “ vice and Petition of you, I did look that you that had 
 “ offered it unto me fhould make it good. 
 
 “ I did tell you, at a conference concerning it, that I 
 “ would not undertake it, unlefs there might be fome 
 “ other perfon that might interpofe between me and the 
 “ Houfe of Commons, who then had the power to pre- 
 “ vent tumultuary and popular fpirits, and it was granted 
 “ I Ihould name any other Houfe; and I named it of 
 “ men that Ihall meet you wherefoever you go, and Ihake 
 “ hands with you, and tell you it is not Titles, nor Lords, 
 
 “ nor Party, that they value, but a Chriftian and an Eng- 
 “ HJh Intereft, men of your own rank and quality, who 
 “ will not only be a balance unto you, but to themfelves, 
 
 while you love England and Religion. 
 
 “ Having proceeded upon thefe terms, and finding fuch 
 “ a fpirit as is too much predominant, every thing being 
 “ too high or too low, when virtue, honefty, piety and 
 “ juftice are omitted : I thought I had been doing that 
 “ which was my duty, and thought it would have fatif- 
 “ fied you ; but if every thing muft be too high or too 
 “ low, you are not to be fatisfied. 
 
 “ Again, I would not have accepted of the Govern- 
 “ ment, unlefs I knew there would be a juft accord be- 
 “ tween the Governor and the Governed , unlefs they 
 “ would take an oath to nuke good what the Parliament’s 
 “ Petition and Advice advifed me unto; upon that I took 
 “ one oath, and they took another oath upon their part 
 “ anfwerable to mine; and did not every one know upon 
 “ what condition they fwore ? God know's, I took it up- 
 “ on condition expreffed in the Government: And I did 
 “ think we had been upon a foundation, and upon a bot- 
 “ tom; and thereupon I thought my felf bound to take 
 “ it, and to be advifed by the two Houfes of Parliament. 
 
 “ W e Handing unfettled till we were arrived at that ; the 
 “ confequences would neceffarily have been confufion, if 
 “ that had not been fettled. Yet there are not confti- 
 “ tuted hereditary Lords, nor hereditary Kings; the pow- 
 “ cr con lifting in the two Houfes and my felf. I do not 
 “ fay, that the meaning of your oath was to you, that 
 “ were to go againft my own principles, to enller upon 
 4< another man’s confluence : God will judge between me 
 “ and you: If there had been in you any intention of fet- 
 “ tlement, you would have fettled upon this bafis, and have 
 “ offered your judgment and opinion. 
 
 S'VIC of the antieat Nobility, except the Lord Eure, fat in the other Houfe. The Eirl ■ f tVarw:: 
 o.-./'i djughters, wou d not be perfwaded to fit with Colonel Heoufon, and Colonel Pride, whereof t. 
 
 thcr a Uiaymao. \ em I m. i. p. 195. 
 
 ) 1 he f-i-ni ot the wiits was the 'ame with thofe wh : ch were ufed to be fent to fummon the Peer.* in Par 
 -u ilnjv , T,.m 2. P- 5 8 *>-, arnoi g whom were divers Noblemen, Knights, and Gentlemen of antient Famil 
 -.rs of the army- 1 ru-. is It ’bttthck s account, who was one of them, and who has given us the names of a 
 Vi counts, and levetad Lords, as the Reader m3y lee, p. 665. of JVbiteUick'i Mem. And here again, there 
 
 ) Ragtn fay* the IVlh. Seethe Petivon in WbiteM, p. 657. 
 
 , Among whom particularly were Sir Harry Pane, Huger; S , wd many others of g*ea’ t; C c:t and inter.-'*. 
 
 n elf, though his Grandfon had 
 ;ne had been a Shoemaker, and 
 
 i, end good Fibres, and ;-me Colonels ai d 
 the (uty. Among whom were four Earls, 
 s rcafo.i to w:.h Rjp.n had f-en tPbmh.k'i 
 
 God 
 
Book XXII. 
 
 Oliver Cromwell Protector. 
 
 1657-8. “ God is my witnefs, I fpeak it, it is evident to all 
 
 “ the world and people living, that a new bufinefs hath 
 “ been feeking in the army againft this actual fettlement 
 ‘‘ by your confent; I do not fpeak to thefe Gentlemen 
 44 or Lords, (pointing to his right hand,) whatfoever you 
 44 will call them, I fpeak not this to them, but to you ; 
 “ you advifed me to run into this place to be in a capa- 
 “ city by your advice; yet inftead of owning a thing ta- 
 ‘‘ ken for granted, fome muft have I know not what; and 
 “ you have not only disjoined your felves, but the whole 
 44 nation, which is in likelihood of running into more 
 “ confufion in this fifteen or fixteen days that you have 
 ‘‘ fate, than it hath been from the riling of the laft fef- 
 44 lion to this day, through the intention of devifing a 
 44 Commonwealth again, that fome of the people might 
 44 be the men that might rule all, and they are emlcavour- 
 44 ing to engage the army to carry that thing; and hath 
 44 that man been true to this nation, whofoever he be, 
 44 efpecially that hath taken an oath, thus to prevaricate ? 
 44 Thefe defigns have been upon the army, to break and 
 44 divide us : I fpeak this in the prefence of fome of the 
 44 army, that thefe things have not been according to God, 
 “ nor according to truth (pretend what you will.) Thefe 
 44 things tend to nothing elfe, but the playing the King of 
 44 Scots his game, if I may fo call him ; and I think my 
 44 felf bound before God, to do what I mean to prevent 
 44 it. That which I told you in the Banquetting-Houfe 
 44 was true, that there were preparations of force to in- 
 44 vade us ; God is my witnefs it hath been confirmed to 
 44 me fince within a day, that the King of Scots hath an 
 44 army at the Water-fide ready to be {hipped for Eng- 
 44 land. I have it from thofe who have been Eye-wit- 
 “ nefies of it. And while it is doing, there are endea- 
 44 vors from fome who are not far from this place, to ftir 
 44 up the people of this town into a tumulting: What if 
 44 I faid into a rebellion ? and I hope I (hall make it ap- 
 44 pear to be no better, if God alfift me ; it hath been 
 44 not only your endeavour to pervert the army, while 
 44 you have been fitting, and to draw them to ftate the 
 44 queftion about a Commonwealth , but fome of you 
 “ have been lifting of perfons by commiffion from 
 44 Charles Stuart , to join with any infurredtion that may 
 44 be made: And what is like to come upon this (the 
 44 Enemy being ready to invade us) but even prefent 
 44 blood and confufion ? And if this be fo, as I do afiign 
 44 to thiscaufe your not allenting to what you did invite me 
 44 to by the Petition and Advice, as that which might be 
 44 the fettlement of the nation, and if this be the end of 
 44 your fitting, and this be your carriages, I think it high 
 44 time than an end be put unto your fitting, and I do dif- 
 44 folve this Parliament: And let God judge between me 
 44 and you.” At which many of the Commons cried 
 
 1658. 
 Lambert 
 1 turned out 
 i cf bi, Pre¬ 
 ferments. 
 
 ■ Ludlow, 
 
 T il. p.593. 
 Succeeded ly 
 , Fleetwood. 
 Who n fuc- 
 
 [. Cteded by 
 ' Uenry 
 1 Cromwell. 
 
 111 . p 4.69 
 
 lie reduce, 
 f the Power of 
 the Major- 
 General,. 
 
 Id. p. 473. 
 k Ludlow, 
 T.ll ps8o, 
 
 Amen. 
 
 When the Parliament was diflolved, Cromwell fufpcift- 
 ing, or perhaps being informed, that Lambert was one of 
 the principal authors of the plot formed againft him, dif- 
 mils’d him from all his employments (t). Fleetwood was 
 recalled from Ireland to fucceed Lambert in the Licutcnant- 
 Generalfhip, and Henry Cromwell, younger Son of the 
 Protestor, was fent into Ireland in Fleetwood's room. Since 
 Cromwell had been confirmed in the Protectorate, he had 
 called his eldeft Son Richard to Court (2 ), and made him 
 Chancellor of the Univerfity of Oxford. He had married 
 his fecond daughter to the Lord Falconbridge, and his third 
 to Mr. Rich , Grand-fon to the Earl of IVarwick. His 
 eldeft had been long fince married to Mr. Claypole , and a 
 fourth lived unmarried, if I am not miftaken, till the reign 
 of lyilliam III. (3). Soon after the difmillion of Lam¬ 
 bert, Cromwell fo reduced the authority of the Major- Ge¬ 
 nerals, that they had no longer the power, as they had be¬ 
 fore, of opprelling the people. In all appearance, they 
 were deeply concerned in the plot to gain the army, men¬ 
 tion’d by Cromwell in his Speech to the Parliament. It is 
 pretended, he meant to make a greater reform in his army, 
 and was refolved to difmifs every perfon of fufpedled fi¬ 
 delity. But he had not time to execute this project. 
 
 599 
 
 It was not without reafon that Cromwell (poke of a con- 1658. 
 fpiracy forming in England in favour of the King. The 7 * Con/pl. 
 Royalifts ever believing, that all who were enemies eitherXfy ^ 
 of Cromwell's perfon or government, were the King’s fe-Whitelock, 
 cret friends; built upon that foundation to place him on ( 
 the throne by the afliftance of his greateft enemies. This ^ p ' 4X1 ’ 
 would appear incredible, if they had not given frequent Phillips, 
 inftances of their prejudice. The projeft was, as ufual, to 
 raife infurreftions in feveral parts of the Kingdom, in the 
 belief, that the King’s private Friends would not lofe the 
 occafion of joining thofe who fhould be in arms. The clarendon 
 principal managers of this plot were ‘ John Mordannt bro- ^ 
 ther of the Earl of Peterborough, Sir Henry S/ingsby a rich Ludlow, 
 and popular man in the county of York, and Dr. Hewet 
 a Minifter of the Church of England. This Plot had been 
 reprefented to the King in fo advantagious a manner, by 
 reafon of the general difeontent under the prefent Govern¬ 
 ment, that he conceived hopes of fuccefs. And therefore 
 he had himfelf made fome preparations in the Low-Coun¬ 
 tries, and the four regiments raifed by him, and after the 
 mifearriage of the defign, added to the Spanijh ar¬ 
 my, were intended for his fervice. He had moreover 
 fent com millions into England, for thofe who would in¬ 
 gage in his intereft. One of thefe Commiflions to raife 
 a regiment of Horfe had been granted to one Mr. Stapley, 
 whofe father had been Cromwell's great friend, and one of 
 the King’s Judges. Cromwell, upon fome intimation, Differed 
 fent for Stapley, and artfully drew from him a confelfion clarendon* 
 of whatever he knew, anJ that he had received his com- nr. p 4S1, 
 
 million from A'lr. Mordaunt. He alfo told him, the Mar-- 
 
 quifs of O/rnond had been at London, and ftayed there 
 three weeks to concert mean ires with the confpirators, and 
 give them his direftions ; which was true. The Earl of 
 Clarendon intimates, the Marquifs had not found things in 
 England ripe for the execution of what was intended, and 
 yet the great number of Commifiions fhow, that the Court 
 had a better opinion of the undertaking. However this be, 
 the Marquifs had the good fortune to leave England , and 
 return to the King, before Cromwell knew, he had been 
 there. Immediately after the diflolution of the Parliament, 
 
 Mordaunt, Slingsby and Hewet were committed to the Tow¬ 
 er, and many of their accomplices, were apprehended in all 
 parts of the Kingdom. Alter which, Cromwell eredied a id p. 4^4. 
 High-Court of Juftice (4) for trial of the criminals, and Whi'ekck, 
 efpecially of the three principal. Mr. Mordaunt efcaped trials 
 death by means of his wife, who bribed fome of the T. 11. 
 Judges, and prevailed with [Colonel Mallory 15),] one of 
 the two witnefles againft her husband, to make his efcape. 
 
 Sir Henry Slingsby and Dr. Heivet were condemned and Slingsby, 
 executed (6). Before the fame Court were tried, con- Hewet, 
 demned, hanged and quartered for the fame crime, AJhton , f^teT' 
 Stacy, and Batte/y. Some others were condemned, andn.p. 196. 
 pardoned by Cromwell, not to multiply any moie the num- 1 Hrendm, 
 ber of his enemies. It is certain he had a great many, ^ p ' 4i>7 ’ 
 and that thofe who had been moft attached to him wbiie ' 
 he was believed to be in their views, liated him mortally, 
 when they found themfelves deceived. 
 
 The Earl of Clarendon relates on this occafion a long Addrtf, of 
 addrefs to the King, from feveral Independents, Quakers/^ SeDa- 
 and Anabaptifts, brought him by a young Gentleman (7). r f' n ,othe 
 wherein they fuppofed the death of Cromwell to be near, 1^.489, 
 which feemed to intimate a defign to aflaflinate him. To Sf*. 
 this addrefs were annexed fome conditions required of the 
 King, with which certainly he could not comply. Where¬ 
 fore he contented himfelf with returning a general an- 
 fwer, that he did not intend to perfecute or trouble any 
 men for their opinions, if their adlions were peaceable, 
 and that they might hope for his favour, if he received fer¬ 
 vice from them ; by which he feemed to incourage them 
 to execute their defign. It is certain, the:e men abhorred 
 Cromwell, but depended too much on their own ftrength, 
 and filled their heads with chimerical defigns. After all, 
 though their projects fhould have fucceeded, the King would 
 have received no advantage, their principles being fo op- 
 pofite to his. Probably, their intention was to make ufe of 
 the King to accomplifh their aim, but not to place him oa 
 
 (») But however, allowed him two thoufand pounds a year. Ludlow, Tom. 2. p. 594. 
 
 (2) He had 'id this time lived privately at Hurjiy in llanpfnire, upon the fortune brought him by his wife, who was Dorothy, eldeft Daughter of Richard 
 Mjj/r , Efq; Clarendon, Tom. 3. p. 409- 
 
 (3) The mirriages of his Daughters ; Mary to the Lord Falconbridge, and R ranees to Mr. Rich, the Earl of Warwick's Crandfon, were celebrated firft ac¬ 
 cording 10 cciemonies then in ufe, but privately afleiwaras, according to the rites of the Chuich of England. Ibid. Bridget had two Husbards, Ireton and 
 Fleetwood • and Elizabeth ( whom Rafun by miftake fays lived unmarried ) was wile to Claypole. The Lady Falconbridge lived to extreme o‘d age. 
 
 (4! Ol which Wbttelock was one of the commillinners ; but never fate with them, it be ng againft his judgment. He was for trying the confpirators in the 
 ordinary courfe • t Common Law ; but, fays he, his Highntfs was too much in love with the new way, which he thought to be more cft'eflual, and would the 
 more terrify the offendes. Mem. p. 673. 
 
 (S) He had been trufted by Mr- Mordaunt in the bufinefs of Sujftx, and apprehendtd about the fame time with Stapley He was brought from the Tower in 
 coftody, to give in evidence againft Mr. Mordaunt, but was prevailed with, when he was brought to the Hall, to withdraw from his guaid, and flip away in 
 the crowd. Clarendon, Tom. 3 p. 486. 
 
 (6,| They were both hch'-adtd on Tower-bill, June 8. State-Trial, , Tom. 2. p. *96. Hewer's greateft crime was Collecting and fending money to the 
 King, and di'perfing his corriniuTvms. Mis. Claypole ufrd all her intereft with her Father the Prote&ir, to fave the DoCtor’s life, but without fuccefs ; which 
 denial lo afflicted her, that it was reported to be one caufe of her death ; fhedying Augujt 6. Idem, p 4S5. Ludl.w, Tom. 2. p. 607. 
 
 ' ’) Sexby was not the perfon fern with the addrefs, . as Rapin fays t>y miftake ) though he was an Agent both for thefe people and the Spaniards. He was an 
 illiterate but 1 tnfible man, of no family, and at firft only a common Soldier in Cromwell's troops. The perfon that brought the Addrels, was, the Lord Cla¬ 
 rendon fays, a young Gentleman of an honorable extraction. Clarendon, Tom. 3- p. 488, 499. 
 
 the 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 6c 3 
 
 ;The HISTORY of E N G L A N D. 
 
 I 658. 
 
 Clarendon, 
 111. p- 50c 
 
 Clarendnn, 
 III. P . <0; 
 Whitelock, 
 
 Cromwell. 
 Appendix, 
 p. 417. 
 
 the hronc in the manner he defined, accordingly this pro¬ 
 ject came to nothing. 
 
 In 'June, this year, Marfhal Turenne, General of the 
 French army, b-fieged Dun.kir::, contrary to the opinion of 
 D:n Jchn of An/irir, who expected that he would have 
 opened the campain with the liege of Can.bray. As this 
 belief had nude him neglect to provide for the defenfe of 
 Dutikitk, he was forced to hazard a battle to lave that 
 p 1 ice, which was not in a condition to make a long re - 
 But ti bati proved fatal 1 the Spania is , 
 who were entirely defeated (1), and the liege was conti¬ 
 nued by Turenne, who made himfclf mailer ol Dunkirk 
 the 26th of June. The town, in purfuance of the treaty 
 with England, was furrendr.d to Cromwell , who placed 
 a ftrong gairifon in it, and made Lockhart the Gover- 
 nour (2). 
 
 Cromwell had for foine time, appeared more uneafy and 
 ' fearful than ever. This is not very ftrange, fince he had 
 informations from divers parts, of a deiign to allaflinate 
 him, bv foms of l.is former moft zealous adherents. This 
 caufed him to ufe new precautions, as not to lye two 
 nights together in the fame chamber, nor appear in pub¬ 
 lics without a ftrong guard. But all thefe precautions to 
 avoid a violent, could not fecurc him from a natural, death. 
 In Augujl, this year, lie wa, feized with a fever at Han p- 
 ' Ion-Court , which at firft had no dangerous lymptoms, but 
 Jiis diftemper daily increafing, he was removed to White¬ 
 hall, where, alter nominating ids elded fun Richard for Ins 
 1 fuccefi'or, he expired in the 60th v enrol his age, on the 
 3d cf September, on which day lie had gained the two 
 great battles, of DunbaY in 1650, and of Wdreejler in 
 ,o;,( 3 ). . . 
 
 i Cromwell's family was originally of Glamorganjhire in 
 Hales, and called Williams, one of which marr» ing a 
 Siller of Cromwell Vicar-General in the Reign ot Hen¬ 
 ry VIII, aiiumed the name of Cromwell, and tranfmitted 
 it to his pofterity. Oliver Cromwell was born at Hunting- 
 ton, April 25, 1599. His Education had nothing extra¬ 
 ordinary (4), nor is it known how he fpent his time be¬ 
 fore he arrived at the age of thirty five years, when he 
 began lerioufly to reform his manners and lead a very re¬ 
 gular life, without indulging himfelfin any indecent or ill 
 aim. Probably he then, if not fooner, in gaged in the 
 Presbyterian party (5). The reputation he had acquired of 
 an honeft man and good Chriftian, and doubtlefs his prin¬ 
 ciples concerning the government, were the caufe of his 
 being returned for the town of Cambridge , to the Parlia- 
 > inenc which met the 3d ol November 1(340 (6). He fate 
 two years without being diftinguilhed, not having a genius 
 for fpeaking to place him upon a level with fome of the 
 Members of that Parliament. His delivery was ungrace¬ 
 ful, and his Speeches prolix and confufed. It was, proba¬ 
 bly, in thefe two years that he was gained by the Inde¬ 
 pendents, and lifted in their party, though concealed under 
 the name of rigid Presbyterians. Agreeably to the views 
 and interefts of that party, Cromwell affected an extraordi¬ 
 nary zeal for Presbyterianifm, and the liberty of the Na- 
 ii.111 againft the ufurpations of the Court, in which he 
 followed the directions of the then leading Members of the 
 Houfe. So, when the civil war began in 1642, lie had a 
 Puff in the army, as a man entirely devoted to the Houfe 
 of Commons, of which he was Member. He was at firft 
 a Major of Horfe, and though he was two and forty )ears 
 of age before he had drawn a fword, he was fo diltin- 
 guilhed by his valour in that office, that he had fcon after 
 a Regiment given him. There was not in the army an 
 officer that faced danger with more intrepidity, or that 
 more ardently fought occafions to fignalize himfelf. His 
 reputation increafed to fuch a degree, that he became Ma¬ 
 jor-General, then Lieutenant-General under Fairfax, and 
 at laft h:s Succeflor. His grcut talents for war gave him 
 occafion to fhow that he had no lefs genius for civil af- 
 fai:s. He entred into the deepeft defigns of his party, and 
 at 1 aft became one uf the principal leaders, advancing here 
 with ti’.e fame rapidity as in the armv. It was he, who 
 accufing the Earl of Jfanchjler of not having done his du¬ 
 ty in the fecund battle of Newbury, broke the ice, and 
 gave occafion to the new model of the army, which was 
 
 the firft ftep to the triumph of the Independents. Emm i6 tS. 
 that time, he was looked up. n a a the chief of the Inde¬ 
 pendent paitv, and, properly as General of the aum, 
 
 Fairfax 2fling only as directed bv Cromwell. 1 fhail no 
 farmer infill upon what has beenielated at large, but only 
 obi'erve, that the troops believed themfelves invincible un¬ 
 der his command, and that he was never once forced to 
 turn his back. The Victory gained over Prince Rupert at 
 Marjlon-Moor, was chiefly al'cribed to his valour. The 
 reduction of Ireland in lets than a year, greatly increafed 
 his fame, and the battles of Dunbar and J'/orctfler Gained 
 it to the higheft degree. 
 
 Let us now view him in his government after he was 
 ProteCtor. If his government be compared with thefe of 
 the two laft Kings, there will appear a very great difparity 
 with regard to the glory and reputation of the Englijh Na¬ 
 tion. James I. and Charles I. feemed to have ftudied to 
 difgrace the Englljb name, whereas Cromwell, in the fpace 
 of four or five years carried the glory of his Nation as far 
 as poffible, and in that refpeCt was not inferior to Eliza - Burnet’s 
 both (7). He made himfelf equally dreaded by France and Hift ’ P* 551 
 Spain , and the United-Provinces. Thefe three States courted 
 his alliance and friendfhip with fuch ardor, that they may 
 be Paid to cringe to him beyond what was becoming. 
 
 Charles Gujiavus , King of Sweden, thought himfllf 
 honoured in being bis ally and particular friend. His 
 greatcit enemies cannot help praifing him on this account. 
 
 As for his morals and corduCt, as a private perfon, thev 
 may be faid to have been very regular. He was guilty of VV dwood 
 none of the vices to which men are commonly addicted. 
 Gluttony, Drur.kennefs, Gaming, Luxury, Avarice, were 
 vices with which he was never reproached. On the con¬ 
 trary, it is certain, he promoted virtuous men ; as, on the 
 other hand, he was inflexible in his punifhments of vice and 
 ill aCtions. It is true, his own preservation obliged him 
 fometimes to employ men of ill principles, but this is not un¬ 
 common to thofc, who are at the head of a Government. 
 
 Though, as to his Religion, lie was an Independent, 
 his principle was to leave every man at liberty in the Reli¬ 
 gion he had chofen, and never perfecutcd any perfon on 
 that account. He even connived at the private meetings of 
 thofc, who remained attached to the Church of England , 
 though he was well informed of them. If they were not 
 favoured with the free and publick cxercife of’ their Reli¬ 
 gion, it was becaufe they were confidered by him as Roya- 
 lifts, always ready to form plots in the King’s favour, and 
 from whom, confequently, he had great reafon to fecure 
 himfelf. Though he was in the fentiments of the inde¬ 
 pendents, and therefore averfe to all union with the natio¬ 
 nal Church, he however confidered all Protefiant Churches 
 as part of the Protefiant Church in general; and without 
 aiming to efiablifli Independency and Fanaricifni by force 
 and violence, he exprclled, on all occafions, an extreme 
 zeal for the Protefiant Religion. Dr. Burnet, in the Hif 
 tory of his own Times, fays, That if Cromwell had accepted P ’ ?7 ’ 
 the title of King, he intended to eftablilh a Council, in 
 imitation of the Congregation de propaganda fide at Rome 
 to have an eye to what paiied all over the world, with re¬ 
 gard to the interefts of the Protefiant Religion. He adds 
 that a fund was to have been fettled upon'this Council, of 
 ten thoufand pounds a year, for ordinary emergencies, bc- 
 iides a lalary of five hundred pounds a-piece to'four Secre¬ 
 taries. 
 
 It may alfo be added, to Cromwell’s honour, that never 
 man was better acquainted with the inward fprings of hu¬ 
 man actions, though he feemed not to have made it his par¬ 
 ticular ftudy : Never mm had more addrefs to manage peo¬ 
 ple, and lead them to his ends, nor more natural capacity 
 for affairs, which had received no afiiftance frem learning ; 
 for he fcarce remembred the little Latin he had brought' Burn<:t ’ 
 from fchool: In a word, never man chofeat once his iriofl P ‘ 6s ' 
 advantages c-ourfe with more judgment, or executed a 
 defign with more vigour and readinefs. Such, in fiu_.it 
 were the virtues and Inining qualities of Cromwell-, but we 
 mult not conceal the vices and imperfedtions with which he 
 is charged. 
 
 This charge turns folely uj>on three points. The firft 
 that through a boundlefs ambition, lie feized a Government 
 
 The Vrt 
 
 loui p-ifor.s. ann rendered 'hat 
 
 troubles, he now dad quietly in 
 that ever was kii>>wn. Claiend o. 
 
 (4‘ His education was liritab: 
 
 (,) In 1637, Cnmi-.cU, ID; 
 b'fh p Laud agiinft the i'ur.t.ns j a 
 jelly's Subject, to the Hl-ntations in 
 in one of which Cromwell v..it. L-j. 
 
 (6j The reafon or his being chtfe. 
 town of Cambridge. ILi.L 
 
 (7, He faid once ui Pailument, « 
 
 p. Si. 
 
 - There 
 s known but to 
 
 I Latb.iri, ( v. lm had married Cromwell's Niece) and his fix thoufand Enghtb Foot- C/arend.r., Tom. e. n. 102.- 
 •• J, --‘ flam, and two thouland taken prifjr.ets. IVlitc/j k, p. 673. 
 
 '■ • ■ lecret oicc.-s not to deliver that place to the Englijb. But Cromwell had an information of it, tlioi 
 r iiiifl Ctual, as the Keadei may fee in Wttw.od, p. 96. 
 
 it to itft in the grave the fame day he had obtained the victories at Dunbar and JVorcJlcr : :t> cr his many gieat acl om ard 
 
 bed. Some were of opinion he was poifoned. Mem. p. 674-There was that day core ot the greaiut norms ol w d 
 
 vm. 3 p. 505. . 
 
 hs L'ii lh, he being firfl fent to Cambridge, and then te Lincoln's Inn. 
 
 1, U.-.n/dm, a. d lome others, relo’ved to take refuge into New-England, ( on account of the perfection raifed bv Arch- 
 ana w.i e sdlu illy embarked !m >hat purpAc j but they were prevented, by a Proclamation sgam/l «i : rj-,,,r ; , AK . 
 
 ; a: d by an Older ct Council, for ft pping eight /hips in the river of Tbamei, pupated to g , tor A c w-Erl-.CH 
 V Cromwell, p. 3. * 
 
 wj,, becaufe he oppofed the draining the Fen-lands in the lfle of Ely, which was then propofed, and n-t liked by the 
 
 Tna; he hoped he Ihould make the name of an Engl,/, m m, as gie.it as ever that of a Roman had teen." Burnt: 
 
Book XXII. Oliver Cromwell P&ot£ctok. 6or 
 
 1658. to which he had no right. The fecond, that he maintain- and State ; his directing afterwards that party, and his be- 1S5S. 
 ed himfelf in his poft, by an exceffive diffimulation. The ing the chief author of the violences put upon the Parlia- 
 third, that he put to death many of his private enemies, ment and the King. This, however, is flightly parted 
 without any regard to Laws immemorially pradtifed in over, becaufe it is common to him with the whole Inde- 
 England, Upon thefe three articles I (hall offer fome con- pendent party; and yet, it is, in my opinion, the only 
 rtderations to the Reader, to affift him in forming a juft thing he can juftly be reproached with, and oh which it is 
 idea of Cromwell 's charadter. hardly portable to excufe him. 
 
 Upon the firft, it muft be conftdered, that though the The fecond charge againft him is, his exceffive diflimu- Welvrooff, 
 Royalift Authors traduce Cromwell 's memory as much as lation ; but here we are to diftinguiih. If it be true, as is 
 portible, and though in particular, the atftion by which he pretended, though without proof, that he carried his diffi- 
 was poffefled of the Government, is the principal founda- mutation fo far, as to mock God and Religion, by expref- 
 tion of all their complaints, it is certain, the King was no fing a piety and devotion which he had not, and by making 
 way interefted in the change it produced. It was not long prayers, full of fceming zeal. If it be true, that his 
 Charles II, but a Republican Parliament, that was deprived mouth uttered what his heart never meant, no man ought 
 of the fupreme power by Cromwell. Though he had been to endeavour to vindicate him. But his ftrongbyafs to En- Warwick"/) 
 fubjedted to this Parliament; though he had mifearried, and thufiafm is well known; and who can affirm, it was rather Mern - 
 himfelf been ruined by his ambition, the King’s affairs out of hypocrify than real perfuarton ? We are not raftily to Burnec » 
 would have received no advantage, rtnee the Parliament was aferibe to men inward motives, which no mortal can know. P * 
 not lefs his enemy than Cromwell. Of what therefore do His diffimulation, p radii fed for the better management of 
 they complain with refpedt to the King ? It muft be one of the feveral parties, all equally his enemies, has nothing, 
 thefe two things, either that Cromwell was too wife, to that I can fee, very blameable in it, unlefs it was a crime, 
 
 fuffer himfelf to be fupplanted by all the efforts of the not to leave it in the power of his enemies to deftroy him 
 
 Royalifts ; or that, after feizing the fupreme power, he did with eafe. I fhall juft mention foine of his methods, to 
 
 not reftore it to the King, to whom alone it belonged ; that maintain himfelf in his dignity, by which it may be judged, 
 
 is, that Cromwell did not at once turn Royalift, and entirely whether Cromwell 's diffimulation is to be juftly imputed to 
 
 change his principles. But this charge lies no more againft him as a crime. 
 
 Cromwell , than againft all the Independents and Presbyte- The Parliament he dirt'olved, was compofed of Indepen- 
 rians, who were at leaft three parts in four of the King- dents, Republicans, Enthufiafts, or Fifth-Monarchy-men, 
 dom, and who, no more than Cromwell , thought it proper If this Parliament had continued longer, things would have Whitelock, 
 to declare for the King. been carried to the laft extremity. They began to talk of P- 5 Cc >’. 651 ’ 
 
 As for the Republicans, they have not left us many pulling down the Churches, [ difeharging the Tithes] de- Bur 6 netj 
 writings on their fide. The only Memoirs of that party, ftroying the Clergy, and every thing that looked like the P ' 
 
 Ludlow, which I know of, are thofe of Edmund Ludlow. It ap- union of a national Church. The Presbyterians, who 
 
 t 11. p ears there, that the Republicans were enraged againft knew this, were in continual apprehenfions of their exe- 
 
 Burnet 10 ' 11, Cromwell , and deemed him the molt perfidious of men. cuting their defigns, and confequently, the diffolution of 
 
 p. 65.’ This is not very ftrange, iince he had wrefted from that this Parliament was confidered by them, as a great happi- 
 
 Parliament the fovereign power, feized by thefe Republicans nefs. Cromwell , to gain their confidence, pofitively pro- IbiA 
 without any lawful authority. But, what was this Parlia- mifed, he would maintain their Miniftry on the foot of the 
 ment? It was an artembly of Independents, Anabaptifts, prefent eftablifhment, and kept his word, though he was 
 Fanaticks, Enthufiafts, and others of no Religion, who, far from being Presbyterian. By this means, the Presby- 
 under colour of eftablifhing a free Commonwealth, held the terians were attached to his intereft, by reafon of their 
 nation in fervitude ; who, to confirm their own authority, dread to fall again under the tyranny of the Independents, 
 had treated their fellow-members with unheard of violence. In the Republican party were two forts of men, whom ibid, 
 and dared to embrue their hands in the blood of the late it was very difficult to govern. The one were Deifts or 
 King, a' a time when he had almoft granted every thing men very indifferent as to Religion, who a< 5 ted only upon 
 
 that was defined ; who, in {hurt, were induftrious to break the principles of civil liberty. The others were Enthu- 
 
 the union of the Church, to fubvert all Religion, or intro- fiafts, who expected every day when Chrift fhould appear 
 duce the moft ridicule us and extravagant one. Was it to reign upon earth. Thefe were the moft difficult to 111a- 
 therefore more eligible for England to be governed by thefe nage, becaufe they would not hear reafon, when it con- 
 men, than by a Cromwell ? If, therefore, Cromwell be tradidted their headftrong and violent zeal. Cromwell’s, ac- 
 blameable, it is not for diffolving a Parliament, which cer- cepting the Prote&orfhip, was confidered by them as a ffep 
 tainly deferved to continue no longer, and had ftrangely to Kingftiip, to which they were fuch enemies, that they 
 abufed the power they had affumed. But if, after the diflo- affirmed it to be the great Antichrift, that hindered Chrift’s 
 lution of that Parliament, Cromwell had reftored the King, reign upon earth. Cromwell found means fo to divide thefe 
 ( for this, in all appearance, is what the Royalifts would two parties, that all combinations betwixt them, for his 
 have ) he had drawn upon himfelf the hatred and curfes of ruin, became importable. To the Deifts, he made himfelf M- p- 6S. 
 all England , which, at that time, was by no means difpofed merry with the extravagant zeal of the Fanaticks - and to 
 to fuch a reftoration, whatever the Royali/ls may fay. He thefe laft, he talked of the others as of Heathens and In- 
 was, therefore, to do one of thefe three things; either to fidels. But as the Enthufiafts were the moft obftinate, he philp » 
 reftore the King, contrary both to his own principles, and intimated to fome of them, that he would rather have taken P- 63*/ 
 to thofe of the Presbyterians and Independents; or to aban- a Shepherd’s ftaff than the Protedtorfhip, had it not been 
 don the State to a horrible Anarchy, which muft have fol- to prevent every thing from running into confufion : That 
 lowed, if he had left things in the ftate they were in after he would refign this dignity with more joy than he ac- 
 the diffolution ; or to take himfelf the adminiftration of cepted it, as loon as things fhould be fettled : That nothin? 
 the Government, unlefs he had intruded it with fome o- was more contrary to his inclination, and principles, than a 
 ther perfon, which, in refpedt of the juftice of the action, grandeur which obliged him to affume an outward fuperio- 
 had been the fame. Let it now be examined, which was rity over his fellow labourers. To convince them of what 
 moft advantagious for England , confidering her circum- he faid, he frequently called them into his clofet, and fhut- 
 ftances, and whether it was not better, he fhould himfelf ting the door, made them fit covered, familiarly talking 
 take the Government, than attempt a reftoration, in which with them as his equals. Commonly thefe difeourfes ended 
 he could never have lucceeded ? Since his foie fupport was in a long prayer. It is not to be doubted, but there was 
 the army, which at that time was very oppofite to the in this much diffimulation. The queftion is, whether it 
 King, not to mention the oppofition he would have met was fo criminal as it is pretended? 
 
 from the Republicans and Presbyterians. On fuppofition He had likewife Chaplains of all forts. So, hinting Burnet* 
 that he was in the right to dirt'olve the Parliament, was it fometimes to one, fometimes to another, that he was not p- 68. 
 not alfo better for him to aflitme the Government, than re- averfe to their principles ; the report was fpread throughout 
 linquifh the State to a fatal Anarchy ? Thofe who pretend, the whole party, and made each hope for an advantagious 
 he had long before projedted his advancement, fpeak only change. 
 
 by conjedlure. They confider not, that they had never He took care to have fpies amongft all the parties and 
 been in a condition to form fuch a defign, before the battle was thereby fully informed of what was contriving againft 
 of Worcejler ; nor that this Parliament, which he dirt'olved, his perfon or Government (1). Among others, he gained p 
 had, in feeking to ruin him, reduced him to a neceffity of Sir Richard Willis , Chancellor Hyde's agent, for convey- Hi™p.V* 
 deflroying them, for his own prefervation. ing the King’s orders to his friends in England. AH the 66 > 
 
 But what cannot be juftified in his condudt, is, his Royalifts confided in Willis , knowing he received the Kind’s 
 throwing himfelf, from the beginning of the Parliament, orders, and yet he betrayed them. But to keep the cor- 
 iritoa violent party, which aimed at the ruin of Church refpondence more fecret, Cromwell allured him, that the in- 
 
 (1) He laid it down for a maxim, t» foare no colt or charge in order to procure intelligence. When he underfteod what dealers the Jcnoc were every 
 where in that Trade, that depends upon New*, the advancing Money upon high or low Intereft, in proportion to the riftjue they run, or the gain to be rnad- 
 as the Times might turn, and in the buying and felling of the adtions of Money fo advanced, he brought a Company ot them over to EndlanJ for wh : ch 
 
 fome lay. he received a confideration of two hundred thonfand pounds, and gave them leave to build a Synagogue. Burnt, p . 7 i _Among other e o A 
 
 regulations, he alfo appointed a Council f Trsd:, to conftiicr how to improve, older, and regulate, the Trade ar.d Navigation of the Commonwealth IVon <* 
 dock, p. 63a. 7 
 
 No. LXXIV* V 0 l. II, 7 N 
 
 formation'’ 
 
6o z The HI ST OR Y 
 
 i ‘-•58. formations from him fhould only be ufed to difconcert the 
 plots of his enemies, that none might ever fuffer for them ; 
 and if he imprifoned any of them, it fhould only be for a 
 little time, and on other pretences. By that means, he 
 defeated their defigns, as by accident, in committing them 
 to pril'on for fuppofed crimes, and releafing them when their 
 meafures were broken. 
 
 He fomctimes intimated a willingnefs to treat with the 
 King. Probably, his aim was to ingage the Royalifts to 
 offer proportions, which would have given him opportu¬ 
 nity to amufe them, and prevented any confpiracies againft 
 his perfon ; for he was informed from feveral parts, of de- 
 Burnet, fig n3 t ,, alfaffinate him. Wherefore he affected to fpeak 
 p- 65 ‘ publickly of alluffinations with the utmoft deteltation, and 
 to declare, he would never begin them, but if an attempt 
 was made upon his life, and mifcarried, he fhould not 
 fcruple to ufe the fame method, and that he did not want 
 inftruments to execute it, nor money to reward them. 
 This declaration kept the Royalifts in awe, through a fear 
 of their own danger, or that of the King and Royal Family. 
 
 If this conduifl of Cromwell be confidered impartially, 
 it will, doubtlefs, appear, that his diifimulation and arti¬ 
 fices for his own prefervation, were not fo criminal as they 
 have been reprefented. What has moft offended thole 
 who fpeak of them with moft palfion, is, that they were 
 proper to difconcert the projects of his enemies. The dif- 
 fimulation of Queen Elizabeth , for the fame reafon, has 
 been extolled, though fhe ufed it only for her own pre¬ 
 fervation. 
 
 The third and laft charge againft Cromwell , is, cruelty, 
 for having, whilft Protector, put fome men to death, for 
 confpiring againft his perfon and government. That is, 
 according to this reproach, he fhould have patiently fuf- 
 fered the Plots againft him, and when one failed, liberty 
 lhould have been given for a fecond and a third, till fome 
 one had fucceeded. This deferves no confutation. But to 
 fhow, that C: vnwell was not for an unneceffary effufton of 
 blood, we need only recite what is owned by the Earl of 
 Clarendon. Qi aren f on j n his Hfftory, who allures, that when it was 
 propofed in a council of officers, that there might be a 
 general mafTacre of the Royalifts, Cromwell would never 
 confent to it. 
 
 To finifh CrowwfH's character, I will add, that in the 
 beginning of the Long-Parliament, he was Prebyterian. 
 After that, he threw himfelf into the Independent party, 
 and was even one of their leaders, and aftetfted to be of 
 the number of the Enthufiafts. But when he had ac¬ 
 cepted the Protetlorfhip, he was neither Presbyterian, nor 
 Independent, nor Republican, nor Enthufiaft. As he had 
 to manage all thefe different Parties, who were equally op- 
 pofite to him, he was net to appear an enemy to any in 
 particular, and this management furnifhes convincing proofs 
 of his great ability. 
 
 It is r.everthelefs certain, that Cromwell was very much 
 hated, while he lived, by all the parties then in England , 
 though they could not help fearing and efteeming him. But 
 if it be now confidered, that the prejudices againft him 
 are not fo ftrong as they were then, it will be found that 
 the hatred of him was owing to intereft, and founded 
 chiefly upon his ability to difconcert the meafures and de- 
 ffgns of all the Parties. This general hatred is folely re¬ 
 ferred to his principal adlion ; that is, to the ufurpation of 
 the Government, which equally difgufted the Royalifts, 
 Presbyterians, and Republicans. The Royalifts thereby 
 
 of ENGLAND. Vol, II, 
 
 faw therr hopes more defperate than ever of the King's re- iQT ! 
 ftoration. The Presbyterians could hardly expedt, by their 
 intrigues to render themfelves once more fuperior in the 
 Parliament, after the diffolution. The Republicans were 
 enraged to fee the fupreme power, which they had afTiimed, 
 wrefted from them. It is therefore no wonder, that he 
 has incurred fo much cenfure, ftnee all the people of Eng¬ 
 land, that is thefe three parties, were equally concerned 
 to afperfe him. It was not for the enormity of the ac¬ 
 tion, but becaufe, by his advancement, each party defpaired 
 of acquiring the fuperiority over the reft. This is what has 
 drawn from many writers, expreflions fo injurious to his 
 memory. The Lord Clarendon fpeaks thus of him, and Idl ? 
 his ufurpation. Without doubt no man with more wickcd- 
 nej's ever attempted any thing, or brought to pafs what be 
 dejired more wickedly , more in the face and contempt of Re¬ 
 ligion , and moral honejly. let wickednejs , as great as his , could 
 never have accomplijhed thoje defigns , without the ajfiflance of 
 a great fpirit , an admirable circumfpeflion and fagacity, and 
 a mojl magnanimous refolution. It is eaftly leen, that this 
 wickednefs is referred only to his ufurpation of the Go¬ 
 vernment. In a word , (continues the fame author) as he p- £04. , 
 was guilty of many crimes , againjl which damnation is de¬ 
 nounced , and for which hell-fire is prepared , fo he hadfime 
 good qualities which have caufed the memory of fome men in all 
 ages to be celebrated, and he will be looked upon by pojlerity 
 as a brave wicked man. Here, the author, no doubt, has 
 an eye to the murder of Charles I. in which Cromwell 
 was too deeply concerned for me to pretend to excufe him. 
 
 I fhall only obferve, that this accusation is not peculiar 
 to him, but is common to him with the whole Inde¬ 
 pendent-Parliament. 
 
 To form a juft and rational idea of Cromwell' s chandler, 
 his condudl and adlions in themfelves, muft be examined, 
 and joined to the jundlure of the time, independently of 
 the opinions of his enemies. We have no other Hifto- 
 rians of thofe times than the Royalifts, who have laid 
 down certain principles, by which he is condemned. But, 
 it muft be obferved, thefe principles were, not generally 
 received, in England , during his life. What can never 
 be entirely excufed in him, is the death of Charles I, to 
 which he contributed to the utmoft of his power, and which 
 will be an indelible blot upon his memory. Another prin- Botnet, r 
 ciple, and of which he made great ufe, is likewife to be P’ 79* 
 condemned in him : which was, that moral Laws were 
 only binding on ordinary occafions, but might be dif- 
 penfed with upon extraordinary cafes, which is abfolutely 
 falfe. His ufurpation of the Government has been already 
 confidered, and the Reader is left to his judgment. I ftiali 
 only obferve, that the confufion which prevailed in Eng¬ 
 land, foon after the death of Cromwell, clearly fhows the 
 neceflity of this ufurpation. 
 
 In general it can’t be denied, that Cromwell was one 
 of the greateft men of his age, if ’tis confidered, that 
 without the advantages of birth or fortune, he rofe /o near 
 a throne, that it was in his power to mount it. Hiltorv fur¬ 
 nifhes very few inftances of this kind (1). 
 
 Cromwell' s death was followed with fo many alterations 
 in the Government, that the interval between that aivi 
 the reftoration, may be juftly called a time of true Anarchv. 
 
 Cromwell fhould have had a fucceffor like himfelf, to finifh 
 what he had fo ably begun. But two fo great men are 
 not commonly found fo near one another, nor often in the 
 fame age. 
 
 1658. 
 
 Richard 
 Cromwell 
 fucceedt bn 
 Father. 
 Whitelock, 
 p. 674., 
 Life of 
 Cromwell- 
 p. 405. 
 Ludlow. 
 Heath. 
 Phillips. 
 
 RICHARD CROMWELL , Protector. 
 
 I N the laft days of Cromwell's illnefs, fome of his moft 
 intimate friends, feeing him in danger, asked him 
 twice concerning the fucceffion, and he readily an- 
 fwered, he would have his Son Richard to fucceed 
 him. He had however, in the time of his Protedlor- 
 fhip, figned an inftrument by which he appointed Fleet- 
 wood his Son-in-law for his fucceffor; but probably he had 
 burnt that paper, for it could never be found (2). An hour 
 after his death, the Privy-Council met, and upon the re¬ 
 port made of the will of the deceafed, as alfo upon the In¬ 
 ftrument of Government, impowering them to chufe a 
 Protestor, they immediately defied Richard Cromwell. 
 
 (1) The Wife of Oliver Cromwell, wjs Elixiberb Daughter of Sir garner 
 Steward, muft have lived to a very g.ea- age, f.r ihe was ouried in Wepmwjlet 
 
 (2) Some lay, that Oliver had actually made Fleetwood his Heir ; out one 
 fort Fleeizvoid could come at it *. And a tew minutes before Cromwell' s death, 
 “ drawer of the Cabinet, in my Clofet, you will find it," Life of Cronrwch, 
 
 Fleetwood even relinquifhed before them, the right, he j 
 
 might have, in cafe the paper figned in his favour, 3 * X 
 fhould be found. Prefently after, the Lord-Mayor of, 
 
 London was acquainted with the eledlion, and the day fal¬ 
 lowing Richard was proclaimed Proteflor of the Com¬ 
 monwealth of England , Scotland , and Ireland. The fame 
 proclamation was made in all the principal towns of the 
 three Kingdoms, without the leaft oppofition. On the R e:tlvtt >L 
 contrary, Addreffes were prefented to Richard from all Addrejje • ik 
 parts, figned by many thoufands to congratulate him upon/' 5 '’’ “ ll ft 
 his acceffion to the dignity of Protedlor, and to affure him, cbrendonJ 
 they would willingly hazard their lives and fortunes to hi. p- s*;[ 
 
 Wbi:eioclc<r; 
 
 R. Coke. <i 
 
 Botlrcbier. Life. p. 2 -His Mother, who was Daughter of Sir Richard T. H. p. 7' [ 
 
 ■•Abbey, November 17, 16C4. JYbitelock, p. 60S. Hea h. 
 
 of hi> Daughters knowing where his Will was, tiok it away, and burnt it, be- 
 1 when he was asked, “ Who lhould fucceed him ? he replied, “ la luch a 
 p. 405. 
 
 fupport 
 
Book XXII. 
 
 Richard Cromwell Protector. 
 
 60,3 
 
 r. nstavOurs 
 to gain the 
 Fntnrtjhip 
 9( Monk. 
 
 K Coke, 
 T. II p. Szi 
 
 Clarendon 
 in Several 
 place, of b, 
 fiifttry, 
 
 Phillips, 
 p. 636. 
 
 Monk 
 
 Mr* f 
 
 Other Ad- 
 dre/fr, to 
 Richard 
 from the 
 
 cm conceive 
 topn from 
 Richard'i 
 Advoncc- 
 
 *Tbe Roy a. 
 
 Ufit, 
 
 fupport him. But fuch AddrefTes are not always to be 
 depended upon, experience having often fhown, they are 
 far from being iincere, though carefully expreffed in the 
 ftrongeft terms. Thus Richard, was initalled fuccefior to 
 his father Oliver , and took the fame oath. The firft care 
 of the new Protestor, after his inftaliation, was to gain 
 Alonk, Governour of Scotland , to his interefts. After the 
 voluntary refignation of Fleetwood his Brother-in-law, of 
 Dcsborough his uncle, and all the officers of the army, as 
 well Republicans as Presbyterians, he feemed to have no¬ 
 thing to fear from England. Henry Cromvjcll his brother, 
 then governour of Ireland, held that ifland in TubjeCtion. 
 Scotland therefore only remained to be fecured to his in¬ 
 terefts. Monk had commanded in that Kingdom, ever 
 fince his reduction of it, and had fo artfully managed the 
 Scots, fometimes by rigour, fometimes by gentlenefs, and 
 the exaCt difeipline of his army, that he had acquired 
 their efteem and affeCtion, who were never more happy 
 than under his Government, though the Earl of Claren¬ 
 don infinuates that he ruled like a tyrant, which feems to 
 have no other foundation, than his difabling the Scots to 
 withdraw their obedience from the Parliament or the 
 Protestor, by means of forts erected in convenient places. 
 However this be, it is certain. Monk was mafter of Scot¬ 
 land, and Cromwell himfclf would have found it difficult 
 to deprive him of that Government againft his confent. 
 Many blamed the confidence Cromwell repofed in Alonk , 
 who had born arms for the late King, and only ingaged 
 in the fervice of the Parliament, to free himfelf from 
 captivity after the battle of Nantwicb, where he was taken 
 prifoner. It was, perhaps, for thefe fufpicions, that 
 Richard thought himfelf obliged to negleCt nothing to gain 
 him to his interefts. For this purpofe, knowing Monk's 
 efteem and affeCtion for Clarges his Brother-in-law, he 
 fent him to defire his friendfhip. But Clarges , as well as 
 Monk, had been zealoufly attached to the King, and was 
 ftill fo in his heart, though outwardly he complied with 
 the times. So, in thedifeharge of this commiffion, he took 
 occafion to found him, and eafily found he was far from 
 being the King’s enemy. From that time Monk and Clar¬ 
 ges held a ftriCt correfpondence. Clarges informed Monk 
 of the tranfa&ions at London, and, in all appearance, de- 
 ligned then to ferve the King, though perhaps he thought 
 it not yet proper to explain himfelf to Monk, who was 
 very referved. Clarges , according to his inftruCtions, ac¬ 
 quainted Alonk with the new ProteCtor’s great efteem for 
 him, in which he followed the fentiments of Oliver his 
 father, who had exprefsly charged him to be entirely di¬ 
 rected by his advice. Monk readily fubmitted to Richard's 
 Government. He obligingly acknowledged his civilities, 
 and only told him, in general, that having no particular 
 advice to give him, by reafon of his diftance, he recom¬ 
 mended to him to incourage a learned, pious, and mode¬ 
 rate Miniftry in the Church, to permit no councils of 
 officers, a liberty they had too often abufed, and to endea¬ 
 vour to be mafter of the army. 
 
 At the beginning of his ProteCtorfhip Richard had, as I 
 laid, the pleafure of receiving AddrefTes from Burroughs, 
 Cities, and Counties, to the number of fourfeore and ten, 
 and afterwards, he had the like compliment paid him from 
 all the regiments, without any exception, fo that he had 
 reafon to believe his power fufficiently eftablifhed. Mean 
 . while, preparations were making for Oliver's funeral, 
 which was folemnized with great magnificence, large fums 
 of money being borrowed lor that purpofe by the new 
 ProteCtor (1). After the ceremonies ufually paid to de- 
 ceafed fovereign princes, his body was depofited in 
 Henry V II’s Chapel, amongft thofe of the Kings and 
 Queens of England (2). 
 
 ^ hough the late ProteCtor was both careful and capable 
 to preferve himfelf amidft the parties then in England, and 
 to keep them in awe, it was not however in his power to 
 extinguilh them. When he was taken out of the world, 
 each party hoped to gain the advantage under the Protecto¬ 
 rate of Richard, who had not his Father’s qualities, and to 
 thefe hopes perhaps mult be aferibed, their ready concur¬ 
 rence in declaring him ProteCtor. The Royalifts juftly 
 flattered themfelves, that the different parties into which 
 their enemies were divided, having no longer a common 
 head capable to govern them all together, would dif- 
 unite, and that difunion be ferviceable to the King, and per¬ 
 haps procure his reftoration. Thofe who had approved of 
 the Government by a fingle perfon in the deceafed Protec¬ 
 tor, and had been moft trufled by him, hoped to preferve 
 the fame credit under the Son, which they had enjoyed 
 under the bather, and to diretSt the new ProteCtor accord¬ 
 ing to their pleafure. Thefe were the principal members 
 
 the Council, though they had alfo amongft them i. mix- 1658. 
 ■e bf Republicans and Fanaticks. 
 
 of tbi 
 
 ture of Republicans and Fanaticks. 
 
 If the Republicans had confented to acknowledge Ri- The Rpul * 
 chard, it was becaufe they were unprepared to make any 
 oppofition. The army, chiefly cumpofed of this part}-, 
 being difperfed in feveral counties, the officers had neither 
 time nor opportunity to confult together. But they def- 
 paired not of finding an occafion to difplace the new Pro¬ 
 testor, and reftore the Commonwealth to the ftate it was 
 in, till the year 1653, when Oliver dillolved the Parlia¬ 
 ment which had formed it. 
 
 The Anabaptifts were all of the Republican party, be- lb- Ane.- 
 caufe they perceived the impoffibiiity of eftablifhing their 
 Fifth Monarchy under a Protestor. Thefe were the moft 
 zealous Republicans, and the hardeft to be managed, on 
 account of their fingular notions, which caufed them to refer 
 every thing to their extravagant Religion, and rendered 
 them deaf to any reafons not drawn from their principles. 
 
 1 here was another fet of Republicans, who, regardlefs The Repuh. 
 of Religion, were governed by political views. They were l ‘ can 
 accufed of having no Religion, or of being properly Deifts. 
 
 As for the Presbyteiims, who were very numerous in Tie Prnly* 
 England and Ireland, belides the Scots, who were almoft all 
 of this SeCt, they had not changed their principles, fince 
 their expulfion from the Parliament in 1648. They would 
 have gladly admitted the King wdth a limited power, and 
 the firm eilablifhment of Presbyterian Government in the 
 Church. This principle had always caufed them to remain 
 by themfelves, without being able to unite either with the 
 Royalifts, who would hearken to no limitation upon the 
 King’s power, and were averfe to their Church-Govern¬ 
 ment, or with the Republicans, who would have neither 
 King nor ProteCtor. Befides, thefe laft granted an entire 
 liberty to all SeCts, which had joined the Independent party, 
 liberty which was inconfiftent with the principles of the 
 Presbyterians. For, though the Presbyterians had under 
 the reigns of Elizabeth , James I, and Charles I, taken it 
 very ill to be denied the free exercife of their Religion, 
 they were by no means inclined to grant others the fame 
 liberty they had demanded for themfelves. Neverthelefs, 
 as their number was confiderable, and they might at laft 
 find a leader capable to conduct their affairs, the deceafed 
 ProteCtor thought it proper to manage them, and preferve 
 their Government in the Church, but without obliging any 
 perfon to conform to it. This moderation kept the Pref- 
 byterians quiet under Oliver's Government, and the more, 
 as they could expect no affiftance from the army, as it was 
 then modelled. But in remaining thus feparate from all 
 the other parties, they difabled themfelves from making 
 any great progrefs againft the Independent party, who took 
 care to keep them low. This gave the Royalifts room to 
 hope, the Presbyterians would at laft be obliged to unite 
 with them, to free themfelves from the fervitude in which 
 they were held by the Independents and Republicans. The 
 fequel will fhow, this hope was not groundlefs. 
 
 This fliort recapitulation of the interefts of the feveral Richar(r , 
 parties, plainly demonftrates Cromwell's capacity, who could Defigm re 
 keep them all in awe, without a pofitive declaration in fa- b “*' n c e f ™}‘ 
 vour of any one party. Richard propofed to begin his clJuit Ld 
 Protectorate with his Father’s maxims. He formed the the Army. 
 defign of making himfelf mafter of the deliberations of his • 
 
 Council, and of reducing the army to receive his orders 
 with fubmiffion. By thefe two things Oliver maintained 
 his authority, and if he had lived, he would not have left 
 an officer in the army of fufpeCted fidelity. But to purfue 
 thefe maxims, and execute this project, Richard fhould 
 have had his Father’s capacity for civil and military affairs, 
 his bravery and refolution, and, in a word, by a feries of 
 victories, fhould have been able to ftrike terror into all who 
 could oppofe his defigns. But Richard had none of thofe 
 great talents to command fear and refpeCt, or to infpire his 
 friends with hopes of a powerful protection. So, heading 
 no party, and being incapable to govern all, he flood ex- 
 pofed to their ambition and violence, without being fure of 
 an effedtual affiftance when he fhould want it. Mean caih a Par- 
 while, knowing that the bare election of his perfon by the lament cj 
 Council, and the AddrefTes prefented to him, were infuf- tioufes. 
 ficient to eftablifh his authority, he believed it expedient to clarendon, 
 have his dignity confirmed by Parliament, and accordingly 
 fummoned one to meet the 27th day of January 1658-9. * 
 
 This Parliament was to confift of two Houfes, namely, a 
 Houfe of Commons, containing four hundred Englijh , 
 thirty Scotch, and thirty Irijh members; and of the Other 
 Houfe ( for as yet it had no other name) which was inltead 
 of a Houfe of Peers, and confided chiefly of officers. They 
 were generally men of no birth, who had advanced them¬ 
 felves by military pofts, during the laft war. 
 
 f 1 ) £{* e C^ges of it came to fixty thoufand pounds. Manley, p. 27g . 
 
 Corps w « removed, September i6, privately in the night, Horn Whitebait . to Somerft-bcufe ; where it lay in State til! the 13d of November 5 
 . ’ , c3rnt . m a very loiemn and magnificent manner, to Weltminjler-Abbey, where it w.s depofited-Some fay, that it was depofited, ns 
 
 » ra.““'ft—.“' yy ' ■* **""" ,hc «-»-** •«“> 0,h "' k — *•** 
 
 Richard 
 
604 
 
 ‘'[he HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 Parliament. The authority of the other Houfe was alfo 16;’-9. 
 taken into confideracion, and the fame objections made to D '' 
 
 : ‘ as had been in Oliver's laft Parliament. 
 
 Phillip- 
 
 p.639. 
 
 16158-9. Richard had made no change in his Father's Council, 
 
 R-chard but he was foon fenftble, that this Council, which was en- 
 
 r' l tirely directed by Oliver , was afpiring to more power under it, as had been in Oliver's laft Parliament. As there were ^ __ 
 
 tnvMm. his fuccefior. On the other hand, the army appeared lefs many Republicans in the Houfe of Commons (3), great ir iTi M.--.. 
 
 Hnco bi, devoted to the Son than to the Father. They had even endeavours were ufed to fupprefs the tsthcr Houfe, for fear 
 
 begun before Oliver's death, to appear lefs fubmiflive, which of its becoming at laft a Houfe of Lords, and oppofing the "uJ’.'. 
 had obliged him to remove Lambert-, and fome other Co- re-eftablifhment of the Commonwealth, which was the w hue lock, 
 lonels and Officers, who were fowing divifion among the objeCf of their molt ardent wifhes. The debate upon thefe 
 troops. His defign was to make other changes, by degrees, two articles held two whole months, and it was the zSih Ludlow-* 
 in the army, in order to reduce them to an entire obe- of March , before it was refolved, by a majority of voices, Uujun. 
 
 dience, but he was prevented by death. He wanted no af- that the other Houfe fhould fublift, and the Scotch and 
 
 fiftance nor advice for fuch purpofes, and commonly his Irilh Reprefentatives continue to fit in the Houfe of Com- 
 
 defigns were executed before they were publickly known ; mons. After that, the Parliament made an A&, to recog- rtr. A* to 
 
 and fo well eftablifhed was his authority, that no officer nize Richard Cromwell for Prote&or of England, Scotland- 
 whatfoever retained any credit amongft the troops, the and Ireland (4). Whiteiock. 
 
 moment he was cafhiered. This Lambert and fome others _ While thefe things were tranfatfting in Parliament, the 
 
 Mecti « 
 
 Phillip:. 
 
 iih had lately experienced. Richard was delirous to tread in 
 his Father’s ftens, but being fenftble that his authority w'as 
 not great enough, he thought he fhould attempt nothing, 
 without confulting fome of his principal friends. He there¬ 
 fore held a Privy-Council, in which he propofed, firft, the 
 admidion of more new Counfellors, to fecure a majority 
 
 Great Council of Officers at Fleetwood's houfe, and the ‘ 
 private Council at Desborough 's continued their confer \ j 
 ences and deliberations. At laft, they prefented a Peti- fk -• - 
 tion to the Protector, defiring Fleetwood for their General. 16 , - 
 This was diredtly depriving the Prote£tor of the com- 
 mand of the army, to which he could not confent, with- Cunsui.’ 
 nd make himfelf mafter of the debates, in fpite of the old out expofing himfelf to the caprices of the principal **[: .* ■••• 
 Counfellors, who were lefs tractable than in the time of officers, who directed the army as they pleafed. Wheie- n V 
 his Father. Secondly, he propofed to reduce the army to fore, inftead of returning a favorable anfwer to their peti- ■‘.■ j- 
 an entire dependence upon him (1). tion, he fharply reprimanded them, ordering them to dif- 
 
 His friends, whom he confulted on this occafion, were folve their Council, and return to their quarters. On the r'/flb'/ 
 fclt-interefted, and attached to him, only in hopes of go- other hand, the Houfe of Commons perceiving, the offi- 
 verning in his name. They apprehended, the Protestor's cers were contriving fome plot w'hich might be"prejudicial ' % be 
 propofal might he prejudicial to themfelves, and that in pro- to the Parliament, voted againft the holding a Council of id' 5. 
 curing him an abfolute power, they might be the firft fuf- Officers during the feffion of the Parliament ; and, more- phi|,; P s - 
 ferersv He therefore found a ftrong oppofition in thefe pre- over, that no perfon fhould have any employ in the army, „,^ ke * 
 tended friends. Inftead of approving his defign, they ad- till he had taken an oath not to difturb the deliberations Ludlow, 
 
 vifed him to call into his Council two Colonels, wholly de- of the Parliament. Immediately after, thefe votes were 
 
 voted to the Republican party. Nor was this all ; fome of fent to the other Houfe, now called the Upper-Houfe, for 
 
 the leading officers of the army were informed of the Pro- their concurrence. But as the officers were moft preva^ ox-ert 
 tecloi’s defigns, and that was Efficient to put them in mo- lent there, they believed it no part of their duty to con-force tk* 
 Tee pur,::- tion. Fleetwood his Brother-in-law, and Desborough his tradief what their comrades were doing. So, the votes Pr ' ! '- :,ca 
 Uncle, were the firft to combine againft him, and cabal of the Commons were no more capable, than the orders 
 
 with the officers, to deprive him of the Generalfhip of the of the Prote&or, to diffipate the councils of the Officers curbin’.’ 
 
 arrnv, to which they were authorized by the Inftrumentof 
 Government. But, probably, they would never have 
 thought of ufing that power, if Richard had not difeovered 
 his intentions of becoming abfolute mafter of the army, 
 and putting himfelf in a condition not to want their alfift- 
 ance. However, as the army lay difperfed, and it was ne- 
 ceft’ary, that the officers fhould confult together, and act in 
 concert, for the prefervation of their authority, and the 
 
 who ftill continued to aflemble. 
 
 At laft, on the 22d of April, Richard had notice, that R h ’coke. 
 the officers had refolved to force him to diflolve the 
 Parliament. He immediately aflembled his Council to 
 prevent, by their advice, tin's attempt. Some were of v , hltfl k 
 opinion, that he ought abfolutely to refufe fuch a demand, p . 6/7. * 
 
 and adhere to the Parliament, as his only fupport. But 
 he was not directed to the means to defend himfelf againft 
 oppofing the Protector’s defigns, a fnare was laid, in which the officers, who began to aflemble in the neighbourhood of 
 he fuffered himfelf to be taken. It was infinuated, that Whitehall , and would probably have been too ftrong for 
 the Parliament which was going to fit, might prove dan- his guards. Others advifed him to leave Whitehall , and 
 gerous to his authority, fhould they not be tractable, and fuffer the officers to do as they pleafed with the Parliament, 
 therefore it was neceflary to fortify himfelf with a good without any promife to diflolve it. But the officers, fore- 
 number of officers, as well to confult them, as to fhow the feeing, he might take that courfe, had now feized all the 
 Parliament, he was fupported by the army, which could avenues about Whitehall, In fliort, every man propofed 
 not but produce a good effecSh Richard believing, this ad- expedients, to which others objected infupcrable difficul- 
 vice proceeded from their zeal for his fervice, was eafily ties. During thefe irrefolutions, Desborough , with a flron°- Bates, 
 perfwaded to order every regiment to fend to London as retinue, demanded an audience of the Protedtor, and re- Ludlow, 
 Tbip Ojji- many officers as could be fpared. This order was pun£tu- quired him, in the name of the officers, to diflolve the r P 
 ctn fJwcd all\- executed, and immediately a great number of officers Parliament (5). Richard at firft refufed to grant this 
 appeared in London , who formed amongft them a Council, demand ; but he was told, his refufal would be attend- 
 
 Ludlow, 
 T. 1 I- p 64. 
 
 which frequently met, and affirmed the title of the Great 
 Council of the Army. 
 
 Befides this great Council, fome members of the Pri¬ 
 vy-Council, and officers of the army met alfo at Desbt 
 
 Phillips. 
 R. Coke 
 
 T. II. p. ; 
 Bates. 
 
 ed with danger to himfelf, and that, in a word, they were 
 refolved to obtain, by fair means or foul, what they de¬ 
 manded. In fine, Richard , who, before Desborough Car-na-n, 
 came, had not been able to take any refulution, w’as ftill MI- p ‘ 5,6j> 
 rough's houfe, as well to confult how to deprive Richard more incapable to confider what was to be done, after he Phii ;-,j. 
 
 of the Generalfhip, as to dire£t the great Council, which was furrounded with men who fhowed but little regard P- 6 +«- 
 
 being compofed of many inferior officers, wanted to be for his authority. He therefore prom fed to diflolve the 
 directed in their deliberations. The refult of this Council Parliament by commiffion under the Great-Seal. But as A;iril **• 
 w.i^ that Desborough , attended with feveral officers, waited the Commons, informed of what palled, had adjourned 
 
 on the Protestor with a petition, “ That no officer or fol- themfelves for three days, the Parliament was difloived by 
 
 “ dier fhould be turned out but by fentence of a Council Proclamation. 
 
 il of war: That no member of the army fhould be pro- From that time, Richard was no longer regarded, though Rich-.rd 
 ceedcd againft capitally, otherwife than by martial law : he ftill bore the title of Protector. The officers cor. fide red 1 
 
 5 - tc And laftly. That the army might have power to chufe him as an impotent enemy, incapable of hurting them. c —' 
 
 “ their own General.” As nothing was more contrary to So he loft on a fudden the fupport of the Parliament 
 
 Richard's defigns than this demand, he pofitively rejedted without gaining that of the army. This is what cannot 
 
 f . it, and threatened even to cafhier them if they brought him be denied. But thofe w’ho imagine, that if he had flood 
 
 any more fuch propofaIs v by the Parliament, he would have ingaged the People in his 
 
 The Parliament all'embling the 27th of January (z), it intereftr, and been fupported by Monk and his army, btuid 
 
 • was immediately debated in the lower Houfe, by what their conjecture upon a very uncertain fuppofition. Be- 
 
 right the Scots and Irijh fent reprefentatives to the Englifn fides, was it in his power to refufe a diflblution of the 
 
 {1’ The Officers of the Army were then divided into three Parties. The firft, or Commonwealrh-party, cinfifted of Cdonel AJhfieLl, l.aturn, Fur., 
 fir., M'ii, Tarty, Creed, &c. The feennd, called the Wallingford houfe, or Army, party, who had let up RicLard Cnrr.iudl, in exp- ;h\on . . governing 5 
 rn-jr pleafed, were, Fleenoaed, Otiborougb, Sydenham, Clark, Kelpy, Berry, Haines, Blackwell, See, The third, or Richard parti 
 G:.'gb, IVballey, ll-icia 1, Gzcdruk, Keim,Sc c. LuAL'w , Tom 2* p> 631- 
 (zj Cbolisncr Cbuit, was chofen Speaker ot this Parliament tVbirelock, p. 676- 
 
 (: ) Particularly Hcjlcnggc, Her.ry Nruil, Sir Henry Vane, Berry, Deib.r ugb, Fleerwosd, &C. Idem, p.677. 
 
 (4I In the examination ot the o-iolick accounts, bruughc into this Parliament, it v/as found. That the yearly Incomes of Er.-.j-..!, Sirtmef. and Inlard, 
 came ;n eighteen hundred fixty-eight thotiland, feven hundred, and feventeen pounds. And the yearly Expences to two m- ii n;. two h,meted and one thuu. 
 : hundred aid fort) pounds. And to maintain the Conqueft of Scotland, coft yearly, one hundred fixty-three th . md, x i ..c and nineteen 
 
 Ilea: 
 
 e no: . r.oj!; d.ne, they would fet fite to the Houle, and kill all who Ihat'd refift. R, C.'u. : 
 
 Parliament, 
 
Book XXll. 
 
 The Long-Parliament. 
 
 605 
 
 1659. Parliament, without hazarding his own life, or to fupport 
 himfelf, till he fhould have received a fufficient aid, againd 
 1 be Officers the violences of the army ? Be this as it will, after the 
 f* ar hahient was diflblved, the great council of officers 
 Phillips. thought themfelves impowered to fettle the Government 
 as they pleafed, without confulting the Prote&or, who 
 Chufe Fleet- Was now regarded but as a private perfon (1). This 
 rlTir Gene A narc hy however laded only a few days, during which the 
 rai, ar.d officers ele&ed Fleetwood for their General. They dif- 
 d^cearge charged alfo by their own authority five Colonels, who 
 a " advifed Richard to adhere to the Parliament, namely* 
 Clarendon, Ingoldsby , Greff] IVhaley , Lord Falconbridgc Brother-in-law 
 In p 5«7* to Richard , and Howard afterwards Earl of Carlifle , and 
 ic cXj. rellurcd Lambert and others difmilied by Cromwell a little 
 Ludlow. before his death. After this, they confidered of fettling the 
 Government, it being impoffible for things to continue long 
 In their prefent fituation. 
 
 Lambert a Lambert was a man of immoderate ambition, and would 
 
 not have fcrupled to follow the example of Oliver , had the 
 jim&ure feemed favorable to him. But Fleetwood being 
 ’ his General, and the idol of the army, he could not hope 
 
 to fucceed in an attempt to feize the Government. He 
 therefore thought proper to wait a more favorable opportu¬ 
 nity, and, in the mean time, hinder Fleetwood from putting 
 himfelf at the head of the Government, whether under 
 the name of Prote£tor, or any other title, to which he had 
 ieveral reafons to believe he was afpiring. Firft, Cromwell 
 had once named him for his fuccefl'or by an inflrument 
 under his own hand, and many believed this inftrument 
 had been artfully conveyed out of the way, either during 
 Cromwell's life, or after his death, lead it fhould obdruft 
 his Son Richard’s eleiStion. It was even faid* that Crom¬ 
 well's nomination of h\s Son in the time of his illnefs, was 
 only the contrivance of Secretary Thurlo , and another per¬ 
 fon, to procure the fucceffion for Richard. Secondly, 
 Fleetwood was one of the mod zealous Enthufiads, of 
 whom the army was full, and therefore looked upon with 
 veneration by the foldiers, and judged mod worthy to be 
 Cromwell’s fuccefl'or. Thirdly, it was hardly to be doubted, 
 that it was the interedofthe army to chufe a Prote£lor, who 
 fholild depend on them, and in his turn fupport their credit. 
 This Lambert confidered, but as it was not for his advan¬ 
 tage to have Fleetwood raifed to a Dignity to which he 
 himfelf afpired, he lecretly engaged Colonel Lilburn to cabal 
 among the inferior officers, and break Fleetwood's meafures, 
 if they pointed to the Prote&orlhip, whild he regularly made 
 his court to him, and endeavoured by his flatteries to influ¬ 
 ence him as Cromwell had formerly influenced Fairfax. This 
 example made Lambert hope, that he might the fame way 
 put himfelf one day at the head of the Government. 
 
 Aim; ~ 9 * Lambert's cabal being made with the greated fecrecy, 
 u,; S> Fleetwood , as General, convened his officers to IValling- 
 
 Wa,wick, ford Houfe to fettle the Government. All the fuperior 
 Ludlow. officers came, but at the fame time the inferior, by the 
 intrigues of Lambert and Lilburn , aflembled at St. James’s 
 in much greater numbers. In this aflembly the fettle- 
 ment of the Government was likewife debated, and oc- 
 calion taken, to magnify the happinefs which England en¬ 
 joyed under the adininiflration of the Parliament, from 
 the 6th of December 1648, to the 20th of April 1653, 
 when it was diflblved by Cromwell. Their prudence, 
 lteddinefs, and happy fuccefs in England , Scotland , Ireland , 
 and in the Dutch war were extolled, with fome intima¬ 
 tions of advice, that nothing could be more advantagious 
 to the three nations, than the refloiation of that Parlia¬ 
 ment (2). 
 
 The Officers This debate was carried no farther; but it fufficed to 
 n f t° convince the aflembly at Wallingford Houfe that a di- 
 tiftonKg the viimn between them and the inferior officers could not 
 Partiamyi: but be dangerous to both, and that their bed way was to 
 cfomwti^ -i°‘ n Wlth the inferior officers in redoring the Long-Par- 
 in 1633. hament. It is not known what was the defign of the chief 
 May / • officers with regard to the Government, but it is certain, 
 ^inBips. t j, e p r0 p 0 f a ] 0 £ t h(. i n | er j or officers was contrary neither to 
 v. nitfiock, the principles nor the fentiments of the army in general. 
 
 P 677- This will be eafily perceived, when*it is confidered, that 
 the officers and foldiers, for the mod part, were Inde- 
 Dtigdal -’i pendents, AnabaptiAs, Enthufiads, Republicans, fuch in a 
 Vicw * manner as were the members of the Parliament diflblved 
 in 1653, and now propofed to be redored. However this 
 
 be, all the officers being united, declared for the good Old 1650. 
 Caufe, that is, for the caufe fupported by the Parliament, Ma y 
 which brought the King to the fcaffold, and turned the 
 Monarchy into a Common weal th. It was therefore re- 
 folved in a General Council at Fleetwood’s houfe, to redore 
 the Long-Parliament. 
 
 Mean while, as this Parliament had no reafun to be They bant 
 pleafed with the army, which, in 1653, took part with d ’f 4 ra 
 Cromwell againd them, the great officers were afraid, that 
 when the members were redored to their authority, they/w rwx.- 
 would think of being revenged. Befides, they knew the Cur:, y- 
 refolution and firmnefs of thefc members, who wouid in- p> 
 fallibly keep the army in a date of dependence. The Ludlow, 
 officers therefore judged it abfolutely neceflary, before they T,11 ‘ P ,C 4 S* 
 proceeded, to demand certain conditions, and to be previoufly 
 adured of the compliance of the Parliament, when thev 
 fhould refume their authority. For this purpofe, they hail 
 conferences with fome of the members, who had been the 
 leading men in that Parliament, namely. Vane , Haferig , 
 
 Scot , Salway to ingage them to promife, thefe conditions 
 fhould be granted. But thefe members would not make Bj ' mee,s 
 any fuch promife, under colour, it did not belong to them 
 to preclude the refolutions of the Parliament. This refu-' 
 fal rendred them fufpe&ed to the fuperior officers, but the 
 inferior, being the mod numerous, overlooked this difficul¬ 
 ty, and were contented with a verbal promife from thefe 
 four members, that they would ufe their endeavours to pro¬ 
 cure a grant of thefe conditions. 
 
 T HINGS being thus fettled, Lambert at the head of The Part-.a- 
 a confiderable number of officers (3), repaired to ” f d 'J- 
 the houfe of Lenthal , Speaker of the Long-Parliament, and 
 prefented to him the Declaration of the great Council of teffind. 
 Officers, by which the members of the Parliament, dif- Ma 7 7- 
 folved by CromiveU April the 20th 1653, were invited to 
 return to the exercife of their authority. Lenthal anfwer- Phillips, 
 ed, he would communicate the Declaration to the mem- Heath - 
 bers then in London , which he did the next day, and, 
 the invitation being accepted, they met in Parliament the 
 7 th of May , to the number of only forty-two (4). Thus ib. P . 419. 
 the three nations were once more under the tyrannical R Coke * 
 dominion of a Parliament, which had not feared to im- p ' 8o ’ 
 brue their hands in the blood of their Sovereign : but with 
 this difference, that the number was reduced to the half of 
 what it was in 1648, when the Presbyterian members were 
 excluded. Hence they were called in derifion the Rump- Catted in 
 Parliament, in allufion to a fowl all devoured but the D fff < ‘ n ’ a ‘ n h d t 
 Rump. The Presbyterian members, who had been ex- why.' 
 pelled in 1648, would have refumed their feats, but none 7be Presky. 
 were admitted befides thofe who had fat, from the fird of 
 January 164S, to the 20th of April 1653, and in this, the ffiredn/ale 
 pretended Parliament was fupported by the officers, whofe :ic ' r Sia “ 
 intered it was, not to fuffer the Presbyterians to prevail in the 
 
 Houfe - - Hi/p. ° 5 %. 
 
 When the Parliament was redored to their authority, 5 lS - 
 they fent Clarges to Monk , to ingage him to fubmit to the ThePar/ia- 
 new Government. They knew, Monk was not of their ™t fend * 
 principles, and if they had dared, indead of defiring his Clar s es t0 
 acquiefcence, they would have fent him a fucceffor, to p h °]£’ 
 govern Scotland. But Monk had fo edablifhed himfelf in p-644/ 
 that country, that being mader of the fortified Places, and BurncU 
 allured of the affedlion of the Scots and of his army, it would 
 have been dangerous to deprive him of his Government 
 againd his will. It was therefore judged fafed by the Par¬ 
 liament to gain him by fair means, and undermine by 
 degrees his credit and authority in the army. Monk had Monk ffib. 
 fo little forefeeffithe late change in England, that he had ' 7 ” f ‘ r ° lbe 
 not time to take any meafures to regulate his conduit. f/a^Par. 
 When lie founded his officers, he found they were pre- iiammt. 
 ingaged by letters from their friends in London. So, all cla,endon * 
 he could do alter the arrival of Clatges, was to acquiefee, white lock!" 
 and exprefs his fatisfadlion to fee the Parliament redored, Ph ilips, 
 though he was convinced, the leading-men both in the Par- 
 liament and army were not his friends. 
 
 f our days after the Parliament met, Lambert , attended The Officers 
 by fcveral officers, prefented a petition and addrels from the P ri f enc “ 
 general Council of officers, in which, after fome compli- fbt'pa,!, 0 . 
 ments, they demanded, mc „ t , r ' a ~ 
 
 “ 1. That the liberty of the perfons, and property of M 7 .**• 
 
 (S the edates of all free People of thefe nations, be main- 
 
 p. 644. 
 
 (1) fud'ow fays, one great offence given by Richard to the Nation was, by his Irreligion. For an Officer having murmured at the advancement of petfons, 
 
 who had been Cav.liers, to Commiffions in the Army, was brought to IVbitcball to anfwer for it. Richard, in a deriding manner, asked him, “ Whether 
 “ , ? wou ; d ' lave “ lm prefer none but thofe that were godly ? Here, continued he, is Did Ingoldiby who can neither pray nor pie.ch, and vet I wiil trull 
 “ him before you all.”. Mein. Tom. 2. p.633. 1 
 
 (2) JVhitehd fays, upon the Dilfolution of the Parliament, all matters were at a Hand ; the Army had thoughts of raifing Money wnhout a Parliament ; 
 but upon advice, they durll not adventure upon it, but thought it a lafer way to reilore the Members of the Long Parliament. The great Officers of the 
 Army were adviled to confider better of their defign of bringing in the Members of the Old Parliament, who were moll of them documented, for their be¬ 
 ing formerly broken up by Crom-.vell, and did dillafte the proceedings of the Army ; and whether this would not probably, more increafe the divifion and 
 
 end in bringing in the King ; but the Officers had refolved on it. Mem. p. 677. ’ 
 
 p ’ S ‘ rry ' C °°P‘ r > iia J lerl £g‘i Lilburn, AJhJiild, Salmon, Zancbey, Kelpy, Obey, Blackwell, Hair.es, Allen, Packer, and Pierfcn. Wbitelock, 
 
 (4; See a Lift of them m Heath, p. 419- May 7. They went in a Lady to the Houfe, Lambert guarding them with Soldiers. Then they pafild a 
 
 « ! nn/'i° n p 1 C ln u- tht ^- Mce 'O 6 ' 3nd ’ ,hc!r pu,pul,: t0 f=cure the Pf0 P ert y and Liber 'y of the P t0 .“ ,e > both a * Men, and aj Chriftians, and that without 
 
 ajingie mion, Kinglhip, or Hosle of Peers, and to uphjld Magiftracy and Miniftry.” H'biteUck , p. 678, 
 
 74- Vol. II. 7 O 
 
 No. 
 
 “ tained. 
 
6o6 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. Vol. II. 
 
 1659. 44 tained, preferred, and kept inviolable, according to law, 
 
 ** under the Government of a free State and Common- 
 “ wealth, without a fingle Perfon, Kingfhip, or Houfe of 
 “ Peers. 
 
 “ That there may be fuch a juft and due regulation 
 “ 0; Law, and Courts of Juftice and Equity, as that they 
 “ rav he .1 prote&ion, and not vexatious or oppreffive to 
 “ the People of thefe nations. 
 
 44 3. That by an A6f of oblivion, all and every perfon 
 4C and perfon?, who have, ft nee the 19th of April 1653, 
 44 mediately or immediately advifed, a<Sted, or done any 
 “ matter or thing whatfoever, in reference to the feveral 
 “ changes or alterations in the Government of thefe na- 
 “ tions, lincc the faid 19th of April 1653, or in order to 
 “ the public.': Ln ice, peace, or fafetv of thefe' nations, be 
 4t indemnified and faved harmlefs, to all intents and pur- 
 “ pofes whatfoever. 
 
 “ 4. That all Laws, Ordinances, Declarations, and 
 4 Lftablifhments, made in the feveral changes and altera- 
 4 tions of Government, that have been in thefe nations, 
 “ ftnee the 19th 0! April aforefaid, and not as yet parti- 
 “ cularly repealed, be deemed good in law, until particu- 
 “ Jarly repealed. 
 
 “ 3 That fuch debts as have been contrafled for the 
 “ publick fervice and affairs of this Commonwealth, and 
 “ for the charges of the Government, fince the zoth of 
 ‘‘ April 10.--., he carefully paid and fatisfied. 
 
 “ 6. That all perfons who profefs faith in God the Fa- 
 t£ iher, and in Jefus Chrift his eternal Son the true God, 
 “ and in the Holy SpiritGod co-equal with the Father and 
 “ the Son, one God blefled for ever, and do acknowledge 
 “ the holy Scriptures of the Old and New Teftament, to 
 “ be the revealed or written word or will of God, fhall 
 “ not be reftrained from their profeffion, but have due en- 
 “ couragement, and equal prote&ion in the profeftion of 
 “ their Faith, and exercife of Religion, whilft they abufe 
 “ IK:t their liberty to the civil injury of others, or diftur- 
 “ bailee of others in their way of worftiip: So that this 
 “ liberty be not extended to Popery or Prelacy, nor to 
 “ fuch as fluid pradfile or hold forth licentioufnefs or pro- 
 “ ph.menefs, under the profeftion of Religion: And that 
 t£ a h laws, ftatutes, or ordinances, and claufes in any laws, 
 “ ftatutes, or ordinances to the contrary, may be declared 
 “ null and void. 
 
 ‘‘ 7. Thnt a godly, faithful, and painful Gofpel-preach- 
 “ in g Minillry be every where encouraged, countenanced, 
 44 and maintained. 
 
 -h That the Univerfities and Schools of learning be 
 “ fo countenanced and reformed, as that they may become 
 “ the nurferies of piety and learning. 
 
 “ 9 - That fuch perfons as have, at any time fince the 
 20( h of A Jay 1 O.12, aided, or aftifted, or adhered to the 
 “ bite King, Charles Stuart his Son, or any other perfon 
 “ or perfons whatfoever of that party, againft the Parlia¬ 
 ment or Commonwealth of England , and all other 
 “ Perfons whatfoever, that have made ufe of any authority 
 “ or power under pretence of law, or otherwise, to de- 
 “ prive or abridge any of the good people of thefe nations 
 “ of t,K ;'_r Chriftian Liberty, or have, or fhall exprefs 
 themleh es in any wav mockers, fcoffers, or revilers of 
 “ godlinefs, or of the profeftors thereof, or arc otherways 
 “ fcandalous or loofe in their converfations, or have nut 
 “ given good fatisfaftion of their affeaion and faithfulnefs 
 to t bis caufe, may be fpeedily removed out of all places 
 “ of power or trull in the MaghLacy, or other manage- 
 mentof the publick affairs of thefe nations; and that°no 
 iu,h pe tuns may be admitted unto any fuch place of 
 power or truft for the future. 
 
 “ IO - An ' ! forafmuch as no godly, or other good inte- 
 reL can be preferved, or maintained, unlefs the perfons, 
 
 “ wl >o are chiefly intrufted with the management and ex- 
 “ erCl| e of the Government, be of fuitable fp:r t. to thofc 
 “ intere ft s ; 'bat thofc who are or fhall be intrufte.: ^herein 
 U be fuch perfons as (hall be iound to be moft eminent tor 
 godlinefs, faithfulnefs, and conftancy to the V>u6d caufe 
 “ and interefts of thefe nations. 
 
 1 '• r,l at to the end the legiflative authority of this 
 ‘ L Commonwealth may not, by their long fitting,' become 
 “ burthenfome or inconvenient, there may be effectual pro- 
 “ viiion made for a due fucceffion thereof. 
 
 “ '■ And for Ae better fati-Mion, and more firm 
 lin ' on of the forces of this Commonwealth, in thisjunc- 
 “ t'Mcoi affairs, tor preferving and maintaining the prin- 
 c, P lci . and other matters thereunto fubfereient, we do 
 “ mtammouliv acknowledge and own the I.ord Charlis 
 Fleetwood Lieutenant-General of the army, to be com- 
 
 “ mander in chief of the land forces of this Common- [fier.J 
 41 wealth. 
 
 “ 1 3 - That in order to the eftablifhing and fccuring the 
 “ peace, welfare, and freedom of the people. d thefe nn- 
 “ tions, for the ends before ex prefled, the leg.flativ e power 
 “ thereof may be in a reprefentative of the people, con- 
 “ lifting of a Houle, fucceftively chofen by the people, in 
 “ fuch a way and manner as this Parliament fhall judge 
 “ mce L ar -d ol a feleft Senate, co-ordinate in power, of 
 able and faithful perfons, eminent for godlinefs, and fuch 
 “ as continue adhering to this caufe. 
 
 “ 14. That the adminiftration of all executive power 
 “ of Government, may be in a Council of State, c< nl.il- 
 mg of a convenient number of perfons qualified, in a!! 
 
 “ refpedts, as aforefaid. 
 
 “ 1 3. That all debts contracted by his late Highnefs, 
 
 ‘‘ nr bis Father, fince the 15th of December if.,-;, ,„ay 
 oe fatisfied, and that an iionourable revenue of len theu- 
 ‘‘ fand pounds per Annum, with a convenient houfe, nuv 
 “ be fettled upon him and his heirs for evet ; and ten thou- 
 “ fand pounds per Annum more upon him during fife ~nd 
 upon his honourable Mother, eight thou land pounds per 
 “ Annum during her life, to the end a maik of the high 
 efteem this nation hath of the good fervice. done by 
 his Father, our ever renowned General, may remain to 
 “ pofterity.” 
 
 rhe Parliament returned a general anfwer to this petition, i:-.- Part ,*'I 
 and thanked the army fur their affeaion to the publick. "'■« 1 1 
 
 Then, taking it into confideration, they approved of alLpT,... 
 the articles in general, but appointed a particular Committee P 64.7. ' | 
 
 to examine thofe wliich concerned the Government. As 
 to what related to Richard Cromwell and his Mother, it 
 was not to be debated, till they fhould be a fibred of his fub- 
 niiffion to the Government. For the- purpofe, a Commit Cl rendoni 
 tee was fent to inform him of the refolutions of the Floufe, Hi - j’- 39* J 
 and to require his acquiefcence in the late change. The 
 day alter, Richard delivered to them the following anfwer 
 in writing: 
 
 t “ I have perufed the refolve and declaration which you n e p TC t,, : !- i. 
 “ were pleafed to deliver to me the other night, and for Richam’i I 
 information touching what is mentioned in'the faid re- Su ‘" r "Jf’ ' n ’ | 
 ‘‘ folve, I have caufed a true ftate of my debts to be tranf- t 
 
 crihed, and annexed tothispaper, which will fhew what t’lxil.M. ■ 
 “ they are, and how they were contracted. P- 6 47 - 
 
 As to that part of the refolve, whereby the Committee 
 “ are to inform themfelves, how far I do acquiefce in the 
 “ Government of this Commonwealth, as it is declared 
 “ by this Parliament : 
 
 I truft, my part carriage hitherto hath manifefted my 
 “ acquiefcence in the will and difpofition of God, and that J 
 41 love and value the peace ol this Commonwealth much a- 
 “ bove my own concernments; and I delire, that by this, 
 
 “ a meafure of my future deportment may betaken, which, 
 
 “ through the aftiftance of God, fhall be fuch as fhall bear 
 “ the fame witnefs, having, I hope, in fome degree, 
 
 “ learned rather to reverence and fubmit to the hand of 
 God, than to he unquiet under it. And ( as to the late 
 “ providences that have fallen out amongft us ) however, 
 
 “ in refpeCt ot particular engagements that lay upon me, 
 
 “ I could not be active in making a change in the govern- 
 “ ment of the Nations ; yet, thorough the goodnefs of 
 God, I can freely acquiefce in it being made; and do 
 “ hold my felf obliged, as ( with other men ) I cxpeCt pro- 
 “ teCtion from the prefent Government, fo to demean my 
 “ felf with all peaceablenefs under it, and to procure to the 
 “ utmoft ol my power, that all in whom I have any inte- 
 44 reft do the fame.” 
 
 RICHARD CROMWELL. 
 
 When the Parliament examined the account of Richard's lb, Parhd. b 
 debts, the article of expences for ins Father’s funeral was mnt s ra * f 
 rejected, fo that Richard was forced to pav that debt out -‘ocdoI. to b 
 ot his inheritance, which fwept away the grcatelt part of bn 
 his eftate, which was not very large, confidcnny Cromwell's °” d 
 advancement during his life. As'to the revenue, and an- white- i 
 nual penfion defired by the officers for Richard and his hail. 
 Mother, the Pailiament referred the confideration of them '■ I 
 to another opportunity, and contented themfelves with af- le <K ’ V ’ f 
 figning twenty thou fand pounds for the payment of his pri¬ 
 vate debts (i.j I he Members had but too much caufe to 
 complain of Oliver Cromwell , who had deceived, and 
 lhamefully difmiffed them, to think themfelves obliged to 
 do fo much honour to his memory, and beftow fo great 
 advantages on his Widow and Son! When they granted 
 him the twenty thoufand pounds, they required him to re¬ 
 move from Whitehall in fix days (2). 
 
 
 and Erglard , 
 
 1712- 
 
 It 
 
Book XXII. 
 
 The LoNG-Pmu ment. 
 
 60 -, 
 
 '659 It may bs obferved in the 12th article of the petition of officers, appointed by the committee to cm into S.-.-fW 
 SIS? thc , tlfficcrs ’ thlt > « expreffild themfelves, they did received orders, not to proceed mi their joSrney But this 
 c,not "'tend to leave to the Parliament the liber'y of not ap- was only to gain time, in expedition of a more favorable 
 for one Trar pointing a General, or of naming any other than Fleet- opportunity, 
 wood, fmee, inftead of petitioning, they faid in that arti- 
 
 Whitclock. c ^ e ’ do unanimously acknowledge the Lord Charles Fleet- 
 wood to he commander in chief of the land-forces of the Com¬ 
 monwealth. The Parliament thought it not proper then to 
 
 The 1 8th of June the Parliament voted the continuation 7 b<v cent, vie 
 of the monthly affeftment of thirty-five thouiand pounds, 
 impofed by the Parliament of the year 1656. Then, com- ^ V ; f 7 
 _ . * miffioners were named for the civil Government of Ire- Kingdom. 
 
 examine the manner in which this article was exprefled, land , and a com million granted to Edmund Ludl.w who 
 
 for fear of raring feme difference between them and the was one of the King’s Judges, and a moft zealous Repub- LSw 
 
 army, at a time when they derived their authority only lican, to command the forces of that Country. T il.p.663. 
 
 jLudlow. f I? m ^edectaration of the officers who had reftored them. Mean time, the Parliament having received confufed in- 4i ... . 
 
 T. 11. p.660. Fleetwood therefore was appointed commander in chief of timations of a plot forming in favour of the Km the of Wf- 
 
 l'hiilips. the land-forces of England, Scotland, and Ireland , but only Royalifts had orders to withdraw twenty miles from I*;' " : 'J 
 
 for one year. This refolution being taken, the Parliament don. This intimation was not groundlefs. In March ihh ‘ 
 
 voted, rhat Fleetwood^ fhould have power to fign and feal year, the King, by a declaration, had impowered com- ^ • ' ", 
 
 fuch commiffions, for the conflicting of officers under him, miffioners to treat in his name with thofe, who having been i"' ;iI< 
 Lnri|ow C- d b 5 . a PP r ° ved b y, the Parliament, and nominated by againfl him, or his Father, were willing to return to his p5 ‘ 
 ibid.’ air Henry Fane, Sir Arthur Hafleng , Lieutenant-General obedience. Thefe com miffioners fpared neither pains nor 
 Fleetwood , and the Colonels Lamueri, Deshorough, Ludlow , promifes, to increafe the number of the King’s friends, and 
 the major part of them, who were made com- certainly there could not be a more favorable opportunity 
 
 Her. 
 
 ky 
 
 Speaker. 
 Cl.uend.i 
 lll.p. 5 
 
 Jr, m'ffioners for that purpofe. But upon the fecond reading All were weary of the tyranny of an Independent Pari a 
 B U: m, ary 0, .™ e Bill, the claufe impowering Fleetwood to fign com- ment, confiding of forty p.rfens, and o! an army, whofe 
 tTtZ ? lffi0n ; T a!t f red ’ and r wa * ordered ’ that 3,1 commif - officers were moftly FanaticG, and who, under colour Jf 
 lions, both to thecommiffion-officers of the army, and the promoting piety, and extend.;a- the Kingdom of Chrift, 
 captains of the fleet, fhould be figned by the Speaker of had only their mtereft in view. ‘ T'/.e Presbyterians them-ro, Pmb, 
 the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England, to be felves, and the members of that oartv, who had been ev-< —’ 
 low. wr ; tte " b y tbe Clerks attending the Council of State (.), pelled the Houfe in 10.1S, feeing liu'- earancc of ever?'V^ /’ 
 p-6s 6 > and delivered to the officers gratis by the Speaker, in the recovering the ground they had loft, an f neveiGcHVr 
 , yw far lament-Houfe. This was a plain indication, that the they remained expofed to'i. . r runny of ■ ' Indcpcrd-nts R - <-•**• 
 
 " 1 - 1 arhament pretended, that the officers fhould owe their ad- and Fanaticks, agreed at ! • ft w. h ,e Kinv tv to de- r ' 8l * 
 TfJ: r vanc ? m £!!. t t0 , the ™ alonc - The fame da y the Parliament liver the nation from the fervitude to which reduced 
 
 'of vot ® d > Phat the Government of Ireland fhould be by com- The particulars and terms of tins union are t known’ 
 
 . *»* miffioners, nominated and appointed by Parliament, and becaufe the Hiftorians wiio foeak of ft t -ft.. ah Row■’ 
 
 Vdi-nry not by one perlbn, and that Henry Cromwell fhould be ac- have not thought hi to do fo much hr’rvur 0. the iVbv- 
 quaimed with the order, and required forthwith to repair terians. But it can’t be concealed, that from this tim- 
 
 Parliament. He peaceably fubmitted, though, in 
 all probability, if he had been inclined to refill, the new 
 Governors would have found it difficult to remove him. 
 He was extremely beloved in Ireland , both by the army 
 and the Englifh inhabitants, having never injured any per- 
 fon, but, on the contrary, obliged every one, 
 
 the Presbyterians no longer appeared as the King’s enemies, 
 but on the contrary, as will hereafter be feen, very much 
 promoted his reftoration. 
 
 It was on the hopes, that the Presbyterians would affift, The r,-f .-? 
 or at leaft nyt oppofe them, that the Royalifts projected °f ,n J ur - 
 - w , as far as lay an infurreftion in feveral parts of the Kingdom, in expec-'n ', n 
 m h,s power. But, doubtlefs, not thinking himfelf fccure tation, it would at lull become general. For this purpofe, m. V^l. 
 of fuccefs and receiving no orders tr.om his Brother, he they intended to feize at once Give /hr Lynn Plymouth Phil!i P>» 
 
 „ rjr !ng t0 unde - rtake (° 'rnpomnt an affair. All Exeter and Chef ter. They believed their meafiiresfo well p> 649 ‘ 
 
 • tiie Hiftorians are unanimous in their praifes of him, and taken, that thev doubted not of fuccefs. For they dill r C - 
 geneuliy believe, that ,f he had been Protcdter inftead of lied on the People’s affcftfen for the King, in which they 
 hrs elder Brotljer, the officers would have met with their were often miftaken. Mr. Mordaunt eroded the fea to 
 
 match, or not attempted what they undertook againft inform the King of the project, which he thought fo well 
 
 n a i t l , , n r ,aid ’ thit he repaired fecretiy to Calais ( 2), and then 10 
 
 f ! ‘ ct f c °d, Deshorough, Lambert , and the reft of the St. Malls, to be nearer England, i„ cafe the Plot lW- 
 <■ P rl, ' C! P aI officers, were by no means pleafed with the pro- ceeded. But this project vanifhed like the reft S,r sl ^r* yt j 
 , j; , ceedmgs of the Parliament, but knowing, the inferior of- Richard Willis who, as I have faid, betnyed the Kind’s ^ Wi'iii. 
 ty. , COnlu, ; r '- d \ h J r dependence on the Parliament as an Party, informed Tburlo of it, and Thu; h the Council & of 
 aOvaritage, they d./Tcmbled their refentmems, 2nd received State, who immediately put the Mditia in fafe hjiuls, and e- 
 then- cormmffions from the Speaker. On the other hand, took other precautions, which invincibly ebftrufled the 
 
 oTTh C ieV " % ! hc “ tm °® ■ n >I« rt »nce, to be execution of the projeft. MaJJly was taken in uttemVi,:- a, a, 
 malte of the army j which they flittered themfelves, to furprize Ck/.r, but found means to efca e 
 
 would enable them to rule peaceably and abfolutely, and. Lord of Parham, and Sir f hra’h LaW,. / 1 "V" •. 
 
 without doubt, perpetuate their authority. • But till this who were gone to the W elt (,) to ferve Uk Kioi, 
 wa. done, they raw they were to expeS a ftrong oppnfiti- arrefled and Cent to prifon. There was only SlI Gar* ’ 
 
 O"' COnfKler "’S ' hc , reWcls * em P er of the principal officers, Booth, who affembling about four or five thoufunl nvV IV - 
 who were ever feohng to make themfelves neccffiarv, for took Chjh-r, and publifhcj a Manifello againrt the t, nmf ioZTX. 
 
 , r t' r D P °, 1 b * W3S , . the *’■*’ and a,raoft "7 °f thc Parliament, without any mention of the Kir... *• 
 °l"" ‘ ligI ’ of,l ] e Patl'amenr. For this purpofe, the Com- intending to make the publick believe, that the Peonlris C ” 
 nriuee appointed to exam me commiffions was continued, difeontent was the foie motive of his taking arms Sir ^ ,, 
 
 ,MCn r; 0f th f O Thomas lUtrldlcton joined him with ffime troops, but thefe Tn. L, 
 
 j f an- h army dlfplacing fuch as were fufpedted, two united bodies were fo inconfiderable, that Lambert M . 
 
 and fubrtltubing others of more affiured fidelity. The fame who marched againft them, by order of Parliament erl.lv W * 
 hmg was done to the army-'commanded by M,„ f, and defeated them, and re-took Chofler. Sir Georg, Booth had M e .T,. 
 unt officer, being removed, others were appointed to the good fortune at firft to elcape, but v.v , taken fume d iv- 
 
 fuccee.i tl.cm, and thote-that Were difplaced Were moil after in woman's clothes, and bron-ht to the I’ower Wh,’.. 
 
 »■ l n p. 1 'l nr 3 " 1 u n T Mmt ' of MMto* retires! to a ca.Hc of his own, which 
 
 " ,h the Parhamenrs dehgns, which »b,e fo mandeft, held out but few days. It did net appear on this occafo , 
 
 am, Ahn, I,,d but too much caufe to jirtavc' them, by that the People hash,he King's interell much at hc.-ic I 
 
 the aitenttions, the Committee would- have marie in the ' During thefe tranfadliuns, the King's Mendf not Joubv 
 army of Sc, had. rh writ to the Committee fo, as to ing of fuccefs, lent the Reverend Nieo/as A lank, rh- c 
 inow them he plainly few their del,gw to undermine his' General’s brother, into Seot’.av.e!, to in-e him in the-' '<?' * 
 authe rty. He tiled fome expreffions in his letter, which King’s party. Some have pretended, Att iirrj, full ol Wii “ 
 
 ,1 J ade . t,1e Pa,lliment appreheiffiw there would be danger hopes, that the King’s party in EvMand would fuccccd M -k. 
 
 of driving a man to extremities, wh&hkdmdve thoufand was upon the point of marching to fupport them, but wa’ 
 
 men, and all Scotland at his difpofal. For this reafon, the flopped by the news of Booth's defeat, and forced to fd«m ni.‘ "'T-s. 
 
 (i The Parlhmsnt hrd n»mcd a Council of fifate, for 1 the more immediate executive power 
 one were i® be M.-mbers f .Parliament, and ten not. The twenty one were, ItH.inl Sir 7 j; 
 
 Cbalcner, Hcnty A,«/. Chief-J, ill ce Sr. John',, bet It. R be,; Reynolds, U'jlip ■ ' * 
 
 Ag-.rnom Sidney, Walton, Dtx-w.f Ibowpfn, Sydenham, J,n c s, Downe,, and Ludfow : me ten were, 1 
 Zj-.WTy Cn, fT< Sir Horatio lownfrvd. Colonel Dtsborcfyb, Berry , Barnet, jobfon. a 
 
 it the Great’Seal, a new one being made diflirent from the 
 •v> 
 
 e Sldn, 
 
 had alio nominated the Judges and C 
 (z) Where he llaid lome 
 
 
 
 ) canlift of thirfy-rnt 
 
 n, Sir Arthur Hajlen 
 ra 1 Ftettwood, M,j,.r 
 efident Bradjbaw, L- 
 i Htryivold. Lu lls,. 
 
 r. Sir Henry Fa, 
 Baloway, Co'oi 
 rd Fairft 
 
 Mo, ley 
 , Major Genera 
 . p. 6,6. The; 
 
 '4) Alter this defeat, the P..r!id 
 model the Army, that they might n 
 
 :nt thought of tranfporiing the Loyal Families ir 
 r give them more trouble. Clarendon, Tom. i 
 
 ) afl in the Wert, 
 
 a Barbados, Jjn 
 
 ere, Arundel, Pollard, Greer. 
 
 i Trela-tvny, See. 
 
 , and other Plantations; and oy decrees fo to 
 
 himfelf 
 
Vol. IT. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 CurenJon, 
 HI- P- S3 1 
 
 C ftrma 
 fr.,< 
 
 pu-vcr.: the 
 
 Phillip*, 
 p. 654. 
 
 g •' “ fl>» 
 R. Coke, 
 
 lev ei to the Parliament. I cannot 
 eafi'.y believe that Monk fo early thought of ferving the 
 y 1 . it 1 n t be denied) that the Parlia- 
 
 it I ked on Monk as a man in whom they could not 
 confide, becaufe his principles were very far from Fanati- 
 c/m, which then inferred both Parliament and army. 
 This the Parliament plainly fhowed, immediately after 
 Booth’s and Middleton's defeat by Lambert. For judging 
 that viftory would keep Monk in awe, they readily con¬ 
 firmed the changes before intended in the army of Scotland. 
 0 Monk was fo offended with this proceeding, that he writ to 
 the Speaker, to defire his difmifhon, but C larges his Bro¬ 
 ther-in-law prevailed with the Speaker not to communicate 
 this letter to the Parliament, who doubtlefs would not have 
 failed to grant his requeft. 
 
 As the peace between France and Spain was to be treated 
 at St. ‘Jean de Luz , by the prime Minifters of the two 
 Crowns, the King believed his prefence at this negotiation 
 might procure him fome advantage. He therefore depart- 
 ’ ed for Fontarabia in September, and croffed the Kingdom 
 of France incognito. I ftiall (peak prefently of the fuccefs 
 of this journey, but muff firft relate the change which 
 1 happened in England. 
 
 The principal officers of the army, who kept in London, 
 - were Hill highly difpleafed with the Parliament, plainly 
 perceiving, their defign was to become mafter of the army. 
 Wherefore, they began to think of means to prevent 
 this defign, and maintain themfelves in their credit and 
 ports. They had for this purpofe feveral fecret meetings. 
 But one difficulty was to be furmounted, before any re- 
 folution could be taken. This was, that the inferior offi¬ 
 cers were very well pleafed with the Parliament, who 
 greatly careffed them, intending to ufe them, to get rid of 
 their commanders. Lambert , who commanded the forces 
 about Chr/ler, was entirely in the party of Fleetwood and 
 Desborough , knowing) the Parliament had no better in¬ 
 tentions for him, than for the others. Befides, his chief 
 aim was to procure a perpetual confirmation of the Gene- 
 ralfhip to Fleetwood , in hopes to govern and make ufe of 
 him for his own advancement to that port, as Cromwell 
 had before done to Fairfax. Though he was abfent from 
 London, he was informed of what parted at their meet¬ 
 ings, and gave his advice. At laft, after many delibera¬ 
 tions, it was refolved, that Lambert fhould try to gain the 
 inferior officers of his army, which was lefs difficult, than 
 to gain the officers of the reft of the army, who were 
 difperfed in different quarters. Purfuant to this refolution, 
 
 7 Lambert coming to Derby , fo managed, that his officers, 
 whom he had carefully infpired with difeontent, met to 
 draw a petition, which, before it was offered to the Par¬ 
 liament, was to be communicated to Fleetwood, for the ap¬ 
 probation of the general-council of officers. Sir Arthur 
 • Ha/h rig having received advice that the petition was come 
 to London, informed the Commons, and told them, the 
 army was contriving a very dangerous plot, of which it 
 ■ was neceffary to prevent the confequences. Upon this 
 declaration Fleetwood was examined by the Parliament, 
 whether he knew any tiling of the petition ? He anfwered, 
 
 ' he had a copy of it, and the original was in the hands of 
 three officers, whom he named. Whereupon he was or¬ 
 dered to give notice to thefe officers to attend the Houfe 
 that afternoon with the Petition, which was done, and the 
 petition read. The ftile was in the fafhionable language of 
 that time, amongft thofe who pretended to a more exalted 
 piety. The fubftance of it was to this effeft : 
 
 ‘‘ t. That the Parliament would be pleafed not to fuffer 
 “ the petition of the general-Council of officers at IVall- 
 “ ingford Houfe to be laid afleep, as it was the beft ex- 
 “ pedient yet offered to a happy and durable fettlement. 
 
 “ 2. That fince a great many ill-affefted perfons, 
 “ were endeavouring to fow divifion in the army, the 
 “ Parliament would be pleafed, for the prefervation of 
 <c that union, wherein its greateft ftrength lay, to eftab- 
 “ hfh firmly the Lord Fleetwood in the command of the 
 “ army, whofe commiffion was to exfpire in a few months, 
 “ with Lambert for his Lieutenant-general, Desborough 
 “ for the command of the Horfe, and Monk of the Foot. 
 
 “ 3. That confidering the negligence of a great many 
 “ perfons intrufted with publick employs; the ill-defigns 
 “ of the enemies of the good Caufe ; the activity of fome 
 “ to favour thofe defigns, and the affedtion and zeal fhewn 
 “ by others for a blameable neutrality, at a time, when 
 their affiftance is molt wanted. ; the Parliament would 
 “ be pleafed to make a diligent inquiry upon this Subject, 
 “ and proceed to the depriving of the guilty of all their 
 “ employs : That on the contrary, fuch as in this diftradt- 
 “ ed jundture declared willingly and cheerfully for the good 
 <c Caufe, either in the county-troops, or Militia-volun- 
 “ tiers, or otherwife, may be looked on as friends, en- 
 
 “ couraged, fatisfied in their arrears, and inverted with ^ 5 ?' 
 
 “ authority in their feveral countries. 
 
 “ 4. That in the late infurredlions fome cnnfiderablc 
 ‘ c corporations having affifted the enemy, received and 
 “ furnifhed them with arms ; the Parliament would be 
 “ pleafed to give fome fignal mark of their disfavour a- 
 “ gainft them ; and for the future fo regulate the corpo- 
 “ rations, that perfons well qualified, according to the 
 “ government of a well conftituted Commonwealth, may 
 “ be intrufted with authority of the magiftracy in any of 
 “ the feveral towns, that fo the footrteps of monarchy may 
 “ be rooted out. 
 
 “ 5. Thatall perfons whatfoever, Magiftrates, Minifters, 
 tC or others, who have fecretly ftirred up the inhabitants 
 “ of thefe nations to war and commotions againft the Par- 
 “ liament, and particularly to the late Infurredlions, may 
 “ be proceeded againft as the Parliament in their judgment 
 ‘‘ ftiall think fit/’ 
 
 The Houfe, in a debate upon this petition, the next 7te 
 morning voted, That to hive any more genet ■at officers in thi * 
 army than are already fettled by the Parliament, is needlefs, Phillips, 
 chargeable, and dangerous to the Commonwealth-, and thatff‘;f i ^ 
 Fleetwood Jhall acquaint them with this refoive (1). l-joLw. 
 
 Fleetwood having communicated this vote to lome officers 
 at his own houfo, it was refolved. That the petition fhould 
 not be infilled on, but, on the contrary, an addrefs offered 
 to the Parliament, to profefs an adherence to their autho¬ 
 rity againft the common enemy, and that they would ftand 
 by them in the fertlement of the Commonwealth, againft 
 all difturbances whatfoever ; and that this fhould be pre* 
 pared and brought to be read, and confidered by a general 
 Council of officers, to meet for that purpofe, the 27th ot 
 September. 
 
 Thofe who had the care of preparing this addrefs, dif- 
 charged their truft, in a manner little agreeable to the in- officer! 
 tention of the perfons who ordered it, as will be feen pr e-ft™ t; pa¬ 
 tently. However, the addrefs was approved in the general 
 Council of officers, by a majority of voices, and figned by Phillips, 
 two hundred and thirty officers, who were in and about p- 
 London , but was not prefented till the 5 th of 0 Bober. In 
 this interval of feven or eight days, the officers fent a copy 
 of the petition to General Monk for his concurrence, tho’ 
 they were refolved not to ftay for his anfwer. On the Tt -’ P^ria- 
 other hand, the Parliament took all poffible meafures to 
 hinder its being prefented, whether by fatisfying the army id. P . 657, 
 in its arrears, or by fowing divifion amongft the officers, 
 as they knew the addrefs was not univerfally approved, the 
 vifible aim whereof was, to beget a breach between the ar¬ 
 my and the Parliament. But all their endeavours were 
 fruitlefs. The 5th of OBobcr , Desborough , with many 
 other officers, went to the Houfe to prefent the petition. 
 
 It was introduced by a long Preamble, in which it was 
 pretended. That the intentions of the army were malici- 
 oufly reprefented to the Parliament by ill-affefled perfons, 
 to create divifion betwixt the Parliament and the Army ; 
 and that it was in juftification of themfelves, from fuch falfe 
 accufations, that they prefented this humble addrefs, con¬ 
 taining the four following affertions : 
 
 “ We do humbly and plainly declare, 
 
 “ 1. That notwithftanding what any perfons may fug- I< " 
 
 “ eeft, or fay to the contrary. We are not for, but againft 
 “ the fetting up any fingle perfon whatfoever in fupreme Phillips, 
 
 “ authority : And for a demonftration hereof we may ap- p. 657. 
 lC peal to your own judgments, upon our late actings, 
 
 “ wherein, fince our Declaration of the fixth of May laft, 
 
 “ we have, with all induftry and faithfulnefs, endeavou- 
 “ red to render ourfelves ferviceuble to you and the Com- 
 “ monwealth, and have chearfully obferved your com- 
 “ mands, fome of us with our lives in our hands in your 
 “ late fervice: Wherein to our great encouragement, the 
 “ Lord hath once more appeared to own you and your 
 “ army, and the Good Old Caufe, for which we have 
 “ contended. And at the late return of this Parliament to 
 cc the difeharge of their remaining truft, we did with 
 “ fimplicity and pJainnefs, in our humble Petition and 
 “ Addrefs prefented to you, manifeft our hearts and defires, 
 
 “ and that with much unanimity and tullnefs of confent, 
 
 “ which we apprehend was well accepted by you. 
 
 “ 2. That we have not fince changed our principles 
 “ leading to a well-regulated Commonwealth, wherein the 
 “ liberties of tho People thereof, both fpiritual and civil, 
 
 “ may be fully fecured, and perfons of known integrity, 
 
 “ piety, and ability, employed in places of truft and con- 
 “ cernment; but refolve, by the affiftance of God, to re- 
 “ main conftant to them: And make it our humble prayer 
 “ to God, that he would incline your hearts effectually to 
 <c profecute the fame, and make you inftrumental in bring- 
 “ ing forth fuch a foundation of Government, whereby 
 “ all the good people of thefe nations may rationally expect- 
 
 ' This Vote wis contrived and'nramoted by Hajltrig, Nrvd, &e, Wbitthtk, p. 684. 
 
 •< that 
 
Book XXII. 
 
 7 7js Rump-Parliament. 
 
 Gog 
 
 that fuch liberties and rights fhall be preferved to them 
 ; and their pofterities. And we can truly fay, that it is in 
 our hearts earncftly to defire that God would crown 
 you with the honour of making thefc nations happy, by 
 ' fuch a Settlement as may not be liable to every change 
 ; of Governors, and to have the peace thereof difturbed 
 ; by introducing new Governments. 
 
 “ 3. Whereas a Petition and Propofals were lately 
 ; drawn up by the officers of the Brigade, that (under 
 ; the command of Major-General Lambert) hazarded 
 ; themfelves in your fervice with good fuccefs, whereby, 
 
 1 through the bleffing of God upon them, and others of 
 ‘ yuur faithful fiends and fervants, the peace of this Com- 
 ' monwealth is hill continued : And the faid Petition was 
 ‘ fent up to fome officers here, to be prefented to the 
 c Lord Fleetwood ; which had been by fome interpreted 
 to evil and iinifter ends, and from thence fuggeftions de- 
 
 C£ 8. The office of the commander in chief of the ar- 1659. 
 
 ' my, being of fo great concernment to the peace of this 
 ; Commonwealth, and his commiffiort at prefent (as we 
 ; conceive) expiring within a few months, we humbly 
 ; pray, that the confideration of that matter may come 
 • before you, and fome fuch effe&ual courfe be taken 
 ! therein, as may prevent our fears, and the hazard of 
 : leaving the army to confufion. 
 
 “ 9. And that you would retain a good opinion of your 
 : army, and, againft all difeouragement whatfoever, pro- 
 1 cecd in the carrying on of that good work intruded in 
 : your hands, for the glory of God, and advantage of thefe 
 1 nations. In the profecution whereof, thro’ tire help of 
 ; our God, we fhall be found (notwithftanding all endea- 
 ; vours to the contrary) faithful to you and this Common- 
 E wealth.” 
 
 How refpedlful foever the terms of this add refs might 
 
 - rived, as if they were intentions to violate'the Parlia- be, the Parliament were not pleafed with the contents, as Td“jctn- 
 “ merit, to fet up a Tingle Perfon, or another General: In it feemed to teach them their duty, or rather to reproach 
 “ order thereunto, we do fincerely profefs (whatever the them for neglecfing it. They had forgot, that this was 
 “ defign of any perfons may be to promote fuch caufclefs the language of the army to the Presbyterian Parliament, in P .C; y . 
 
 “ jealoufies) we have had no other than faithfulnefs and fupport of the Indepfendent-party, and how grateful it had 
 “ candour in our hearts and adtions towards the Parlia- been to them. It was manifefl, the officers fought an oc- 
 “ ment; nor do we apprehend (with fubmiffion we may cafion of quarrel, and the Parliament was but too feniible 
 “ fpeak it) any reafon or caufe of offence to be conceived of it. But they had no fupport againft the army, and the 
 “ again It your faithful fervants, who lately gave fo ample hopes of divifion amongft the officers, becaufe many oppol'ed 
 “ proof of their fidelity and courage. the prefenting this addrefs, was their only refource. For 
 
 ' 4. We cannot but efteem our feives unhappy to have this reafon, after fome Members had warmly inveighed 
 
 againft the infolence of the officers, the Houfe, however, 
 returned a moderate anfwer, to gain time, and keep them 
 in temper, whom they were unable to refift. The officers 
 therefore, who had delivered the addrefs, were called in 
 and thanked by the Speaker, for their aft’edtion and faith¬ 
 fulnefs to the Parliament; to which he added, that the Par¬ 
 liament had already taken into confideration the relief of 
 the maimed foldiers, orphans, and widows; and had alfo 
 fettled a way for fatisfa&ion of the arrears due to the army, 
 and would endeavour to bring the fame to fpeedy efteift. 
 Desborougb brought this anfwer to the general Council 7'' 
 
 been fo mifreprefentcd to the Parliament, as fhould occa- 
 fion fuch a publick admonition upon record ; and confi- 
 dering what evil ufe may be made of thefe things by the 
 publick enemy, and to the end they may be difappointed 
 of their hopes, and all fuch perfons difeouraged, as fhall 
 : go about for the future to promote jealoufies, or by mif- 
 ' information, to beget divifions betwixt the Parliament 
 : and their faithful fervants the army : And that a good 
 : underfunding may be preferved between them, we hum- 
 : bly pray: 
 
 That the officers of the army, and particularly 
 
 thofe who have reafon to bear the marks of your fa- of officers, who allembled that day. But as they were "p Ar . 
 
 vour for their faithfulnefs in the late northern expedi¬ 
 tion, may ftand right in your opinion, and have your 
 countenance. 
 
 “ 2. That whatfoever perfon or perfons fhall for the fu- 
 ; ture groundlcfly and caufclefly, inform the Houfe againft 
 E ycui fervants, thereby creating jealoufies, and fcandalous 
 : imputations upon them, may be brought to examination, 
 E juftice, and condign punifhment. 
 
 1,4 3. That it being an undoubted l ight of the people to 
 E have a liberty, in a peaceable and fubmiffive way, to 
 E petition the fupreme authority, whicli liberty hath been 
 
 informed of the Speeches againft them in the Houfe, it was 
 fufpected, that the Parliament intended only to gain time, i ,jid 
 to ftrengthen themfelves, or to change the conftitution of 
 the army. Wherefore, they refolved to caufe their addrefs 
 to be figned by all the regiments in England , Scotland , and 
 Ireland , and to write to them on that fubjedt, which was 
 done the fame day. 
 
 Two days after, the Parliament receiving a letter from M " nk ( 
 Monk , with affurances of his entire obedience, returned 
 him a gracious anfwer, letting him know the high efteem the p.dIL 1- 
 they had of his fervices, with a promife to revoke all the g£"^ cr 
 
 by your feives* after ted, allowed, and approved of; We orders which might have given him any caufe of difguft. 
 cannot but alfo afiert the faid liberty, and humbly con- The Parliament and officers thought it of great importance 
 ceive, that your faithful fervants of the army, have no to gain Monk to their intereft. The Parliament’s hopes of r ^'i v t ' r r '!* r 
 ways forfeited their rights as freemen, and that there- that General’s good difpofition towards them, gave them a "i'h^bty 
 foie they hope it will^be no offence for them to fubmit little more firmnefs than they had at firft Ihown. So, in -*«/«•" rn 
 their humble defires to the Parliament. their debates uDon the DroDofals of the officers, a oarticular L c A '. r ‘‘ 
 
 their debates upon the propofals of the officers, a particular i £ 
 anfwer was returned to each article, and the officers given oj] : un. 
 to underftand, that their complaints were caufelefs, and theO^cr 10. 
 Parliament neither obliged nor pleafed to give them an ac- p _ 5^' 
 count of their conduct. This anfwer convinced the officers, Lambert 
 as earneftly call for it: And 'that fome fpeedy aiufeffec- that things were come to that point, that they were either London, 
 tual courfe may be taken to provide for the maimed fol- to fubmit to the Parliament, or endeavour a difl’olution. d'.iwt 
 diers, and the poor widows and orphans of fuch as have But they could not refolve to fubmit, without trying firft M torus 
 been flain in your fervice, that the bleffing of God may to render themfelves fuperior. To this end, Lambert c^ndon, 
 
 marched his Brigade towards London, and appeared there in. P . <-41. 
 himfelf to fupport his friends. The Parliament, on their r 
 fide, feeing a breach with the army was not very remote, 
 haftily parted an A£I, to declare it High-treafon to levy rim to t.:t 
 with the hazard of all which is dear unto them, may money upon the People, without the content of Pailiament. 
 have your encouragement, and be employed in places of Herein their aim was to hinder the army’s lubfiftence. p . 
 truft and command. They did ftill more: For Monk the Clergyman being ar- C'flt-r* 
 
 “ 6. That it being a thing granted by all, that without rived from Scotland , with affurances from Iris brother the{v 
 due execution of mart‘ 1 , Difcipline, the peace, union, General of his fupporting the Parliament, and marching... ... r-. 
 
 to their affiftance, if required, Lambert, Desborougb , and : 
 
 fome other principal officers, who had ligntd the addrefs, phtir,;'-. ' ’ 
 were difplaced by the Parliament. Then they annulled. 
 Fleetwood’s commiffion, and named commillioners (1) for ^ j ! ; 
 the government of the army, from theirth of October r.'o'.iJ. 
 to the zzd of February. But thefe proceedings not being LudRw. 
 fupported with power, the officers received the Parliament’s 1 ' 
 orders with fcorn. 
 
 4. That you would be pleafed to take into your feri- 
 ; ous confideration, the neceffitous condition of the poor 
 foldiers of your armies, and that all poffible care may 
 be taken fortheir timely fupply, their wants being fuch 
 
 be upon you. 
 
 “ 5. That fuch who have freely offered themfelves in 
 the feveral counties and cities of thefe nations, to own 
 ; and ftand by you and your caufe in the late infurrections. 
 
 and good-government of an army cannot be preferved; 
 the difeipline of the army may be preferved inviolable, 
 and in particular, that no officer or foldier of the army 
 may be cafhiered, or difmifted from their places, with¬ 
 out a due proceeding at a Court-Martial, or by his own 
 content, except in cafes of reducement or disbanding. 
 
 “ 7. That it being judged neceffary by the Parliament, 
 for the keeping of the^army under fuch a condurft, as 
 
 “ may render the fame ferviceable to the Commonwealth, 
 “ to appoint a Committee of Nominations, for the propo- 
 “ fing of officers to the Parliament, for their approbation ; 
 “ We humbly pray, that no officers may be broupht into 
 “ the army, but fuch as (hall firft come under tne confi- 
 44 deration of the faid Committee, and be by them pre- 
 <c fented. 
 
 Mean time, the Council of State, being informed that Lambert 
 Lambert was affembling the army, ordered two regiments 
 to Wejlminjler , to guard the Parliament, whole colonels r™ RejJ- 
 and officers were devoted to them, and had refufed to iign 1 
 the addrefs. This did not prevent Lambert from exe- ‘.j. ’ VF/V 
 cuting his defign. Flaving drawn fome regiments into </vC.«r'/^ 
 London , on the 13 th of October he fecured all the avenues, U 'J F~ 
 
 No. 74. Vol. II. 
 
 (1) Fleetwood, Monk, Hi'Jlcrlg, M’.i 
 
 , Mi'rley, Overton, and Ludlow. Ludlovt 
 
 7 p 
 
 Tom. II. p. 7J2. 
 

 Vol. II. 
 
 6 io 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 days. l6ys 
 T,- Officer 
 form a am 
 
 1639. to the Parliament (1). Prefer.tly after, the Speaker ap- 
 Lambert paring in his coach as he was going to the Houfe, was 
 hinders the ftoppe£ j by Lambert, and forced to return. Then he lent 
 %:r: u - to the colonels of the two regiments in Palace-yard, to re- 
 r, • - •••;'• tire to their quarters, which they refufing to do, he fmiled 
 
 and bid them ftay there as long as they pleafed. But at 
 the fame time, he took care to flop all the members who 
 »»f werc going to the Houfe, and hinder them from enter- 
 
 incr( 2 ). S(Tthe Parliament, as well for want of a fufficient 
 T. n. p. number of members, as for the abfence of the Speaker, 
 
 •—-- n ot ! ;ing able tofit thatday, the two Regiments placed at 
 
 T ff, V f y/./];;:'mjlcr to fecure them from violence retired, alter hav- 
 ir^' remained there till night. They were no fooncr gone, 
 
 , than Fleetwood feixed the ports, and placed a ftrong guard 
 at the door of the Parliament-houfe, to hinder the mem- 
 i- h •• ■ -i hers from artembling. Next day, the difeontented officers 
 
 • the • • 
 
 1'. ment: appointed to guard the Parliament, and fent others 
 to fill their places. The foldiers obeyed their new officers, 
 and abandoned the old. 
 
 ' —- > This Anarchy larted ten days, before the officers, 
 now grown fuperior, thought of fettling any form of Go- 
 I vernment. Ail they did, was to nominate ten of their 
 •- own body to form a Council, to take care of the moft ur- 
 % % !'": r gent affairs. Then they declared Fleetwood their General, 
 J;‘gZ Lambert their Lieutenant-general, and Dethorough Com- 
 m.ffary-general of theHorfe. They eftablilhed likewife a 
 whitelock. Counc y j| of g even tQ nom inate fuch officers as were not 
 fu I peeled, with orders to exclude thofe, in whom they could 
 not confje. Meanwhile a difeipline fo exadt was obferved 
 }W‘ ne by the troops, that it was wonderful to fee foldiers fo fub- 
 ,h: Jirmy ' niiffivc to their officers, and fo inoftenfive to the People 
 Colon'! o.b- during fuch an anarchy. As the officers were ftill uneafy 
 b « F" c '' about Mont, whom they fufpeited, bccaufe he was not of 
 cTofr'Jrs. their principles, and befides, was an enemy to Lambert , 
 sku iut. Colonel Cohbct was fent to try to gain him to their party, 
 ctirendon. w j th f ecret or( ] erSj i n ca f e ]i e could not fucceed, to endea- 
 P J > vour to corrupt his troops, and, if poffible, put him un¬ 
 der an arreft. Clarges gave Monk intelligence of Cobbet’s 
 fecret commiffior. 
 
 T'c if r ; -‘< During thefe tranfaefions in England , the King was in 
 
 £ . ;^ a his journey to Fontarabia , where he arrived but very lit- 
 
 37* tic time before the treaty between the two Crowns was 
 concluded, having by mrftakeG) proceeded to Saragoffa , 
 where he had no bufmefs, while the two Minifters of 
 France and Spain finiflied their treaty. But in all likeli¬ 
 hood, he would have received no advantage from that 
 treaty, tho’ he had arrived at the beginning. Nay, it is 
 difficult to conceive, what advantages he propofed to himfelf 
 from this journey, nor has the Earl of Clarendon thought 
 fit to inform his readers. Don Lewis de Haro, prime Mi- 
 nirter of Spain, received him very civilly, and expreffed 
 a fenfe of his u; happy condition, by making him a pre¬ 
 fen t of feven thoufand pirtoles. But Cardinal Maxarln, 
 for fear of rendering himfelf fufpe£led to the Parliament, 
 would not fo much as lee him. So the King left Fonta- 
 ra !in order lor Brujfels , where he anived the latter 
 end of December. 
 
 E AN time, t!;e Great Council of Officers held fre¬ 
 quent artemblies in London , to endeavour at fume 
 fettlement of the Government, which could not be in 
 greater confufion than at prefent. At lart, on the 26th 
 of October, thirteen days after the difperfion of the Par¬ 
 liament, they agreed to eftablirti a Committee of Safety (4), 
 and put the Government into their hands. Sir Henry 
 l ane, who, fince the lart change, had come into the mea- 
 fures of the armv, was of this committee, with Fleetwood , 
 Lambert , Desborough, Ludlow, kc. The Great-Council 
 of Officers as fule fovereign then of the three Kingdoms, 
 autliQfized this Committee to execute all the Powers of 
 the late Council of State, with authority to punifh Delin¬ 
 quents concerned in the late confpiracy : to give indem¬ 
 nity to all who had adfted lor the Commonwealth fince 
 the year >649: to oppofe and fupprefs all rebellions and 
 infurredfions •' to difpofe of all places of truft that were 
 void, and remove fuch .is were fcandalous: [to treat with 
 foreign‘States : to raife the Militia:] and laltly, to make 
 fale and comp-ftimi for the eftates of Delinquents. At 
 the fame time, a dec' iration was publifhed, to annul the 
 ArSls or Orders , i the Parliament, of the 10th, 1 ith, and 
 
 M 
 
 Safety for 
 firjtlon of 
 
 12th of Odlober. In this Paper the officers declared, that 1659a 
 they had no defign to erect a military Government, but 
 had already lodged the executive part in a Committee of 
 Safety, who were to prepare fuch a form of Government 
 as might beft comport with a free (late and Common¬ 
 wealth, without a fingle Perfon, Kingfhip, or Houfe of 
 Lords. This declaration ended with fome fcriptural ex- 
 preffions, adapted to the tafte and pra&ice of the Godly 
 Party. 
 
 While the officers ruled in England, Monk was great- f i.« 
 ly embarafled in Scotland. He was indeed at the head of ^ .‘if, ^ 
 the Government, and of twelve thoufand men, moft of s, : ; n j. j,. 
 whom he could rely on, though many of the officers werc R c f* 
 Fanaticks, or inclined to be fo, and confequently juftly jjl ,1 
 fufpedted by him. But this army was fupported by money p.61. 
 regularly paid from England, Scotland being unable to 
 maintain them. Monk had thereby been able to keep the 
 army under ftri£t difeipline, and to procure Scotland a 
 tranquillity, to which fhe had long been a rtranger, tho* 
 the Clergy were diftatisfied with the liberty of Confci- 
 ence granted to all except Cathol.cks and Prelatifts. But 
 forts ere&ed by Monk in feveral parts of the Kingdom, 
 and well garrifoned by him, prevented all infurredtions. 
 
 The changes in England fince Cromwell's death, difturhed 
 Monk's peaceable ftate in Scotland. For though he was 
 equally carolled by the army and Parliament, becaufe they 
 either wanted or feared him, he perceived, that on which 
 fide foever the advantage fhould turn, he was to be the vic¬ 
 tim. He had already experienced it in the Parliament’s 
 endeavours to undermine his credit, and could not doubt, 
 if that Parliament had fubfifted, he fhould have been, by 
 one means or other, dilplaced, becaufe he was feared. 
 
 On the other hand, his hopes were no better from the 
 army, which was properly commanded by Lambert, under 
 the name of Fleetwood. Lambert confidercd Monk as a 
 formidable rival, who would never fuffer him to execute 
 his defigns, if it was in his power to prevent him (5). 
 
 Monk , for his part, would never have been willing to 
 fubmit to Lambert. He was nevcrthelefs under an abfolute 
 neceffity of taking one of the two courfes. A neutrality 
 would have expofed him to the danger of being facrificed 
 by both, if they fhould be reconciled, which was not im¬ 
 portable. Befides, on fuch occafions, the victorious party 
 never thinks any great regard due to thofe who have flood 
 neutral. In fine, a neutrality would have entirely de¬ 
 prived him of the fupplies received from England for the 
 fubfiftence of his army. He therefore determined to fide 
 with the Parliament, and, without any evafion, fent his 
 refolution to Fleetwood. For this purpofe, he prepared R-f-h-t t u 
 for a fpeedy march into England with the beft: part of his EnglandJu 
 army. 
 
 When this refolution is confidered, it is difficult to be- M°<<yct it 
 lieve, that Monk could take it, without being influenced B 
 
 by other motives than what appear at fir ft fight. Fir ft, 
 he had no caufe to be pleafed with this Parliament, nor is it 
 feen what intereft, either publick or private, he could have, 
 to reftore a Parliament generally hated, and which had been 
 always diftruftful of him. Secondly, Monk had joined with 
 the Republicans only to free himfelf from confinement. 
 
 Thirdly, though he had twelve thoufand men, he could, 
 at moft, take with him but half, unlefs he would give the 
 Scots opportunity to fhake off the Englijh yoke. How 
 therefore could he venture to go with five or fix thou¬ 
 fand men, to incounter an army ftronger than his own? 
 
 Laftly, The people of England hitherto had declared for 
 neither Parliament nor army, but equally hated both. 
 
 Monk therefore could not expedl the People's afliftance, to 
 icftore a Parliament which had ever held them in fervi- 
 tude. This was not, at leaft, the intereft: of thcRoyalifts 
 or Presbyterians, who properly were the body of the na¬ 
 tion, there being but very few who were really attached 
 to the Parliament or the army, tho’ fear compelled them 
 to obedience. And, by the way, the fmall intereft: which 
 the Parliament had in the Boroughs and Counties, was the 
 true reafon that they never filled the vacant feats, becaufe 
 they could not be affured that fuch members would be 
 chofen as they defired. Thefe are the confiderations which 
 naturally create a belief, that Monk, when he refolved to 
 march into England, under colour of re-eftablifhing the 
 Parliament, feeretly intended to ferve and reftore the King. 
 
 This is a 1 moft univerfally agreed. But it is not equally w- 
 
 M refute Sifl 
 
 wrf.j aloi 
 
 n commanded the Life-Cuard of the Parliament, marching forth with his Troop, was met by Lambert at Scotland 
 1 to difno int, which he thought filed to do, though at the head ot his Troop, and tho’ Lambert was alone, and on 
 
 bert :d a] i • d the ker. Mem. Skinner] 
 
 , heir..; rowed by home able Watermen, broke through the Guard on the River, and got into the Houle. Ludlow, 
 
 Si 
 
 . the King's Intelligence. That the Tre.ry 
 id nobufinefc at Foutar.ibla a d there; ire 
 he turned back, and purfued his firfl in¬ 
 
 's M.::.ike .. i".- not from the Ignorance of the way leading t, Font.:r.:bi.i, but from a miftike i 
 i,e Crew . was finiftied, whilfl it was a&ua! / in ‘negotiation. In the fir ft cafe, the King h 
 anJ perhaps fo ne better view, determined him to go to Madrid. When his miftake was reinovej 
 . I [II. p. J57 
 
 fays, h . at fucb a ti 
 
 ir!er n we..,. Mont, the Parliament fent him an order, when L.m,b:rt was marching again fi Booth, to fend Lambert two Regiments of Fwt, 
 
 Horfe Enemy’s ..... . 3 Ugh i. : . . r. . Jght, ; 
 
 v. .;h Ckjrlti li. were the true ieafi}us o£ his refufal, lut.ilw, Turn. II. p- 651, 
 
 a e'eae 
 
Book XXII. 
 
 s The Committee of Safety. 
 
 6i r 
 
 if'S9- 
 
 clear what was his plan, or his means to accomphfh fuch 
 a defign. If the Royalift authors are to be credited, he 
 marched into England with only five thoufand men ; and 
 the terrour of that army, joined to the wifhes of the na¬ 
 tion, and Monk 's prudent conduct, produced this happy 
 reftoration. All this is true, but it is not the whole of 
 the truth, party-intereft having obliged the Hiftorians to 
 conceal, or fpeakconfufedly of fome things. For my part, 
 I fhall give my opinion, and leave it to the judgment of 
 the unprejudiced reader. I own, I cannot fupport it with 
 the clear and undeniable teftimony of the Hiftorians of 
 thofe times. But I think, I can ground it upon fome- 
 thing ftronger than the teftimony of the Hiftorians ; I 
 mean, upon the fadts themfelves, and General Monk's 
 whole condudl. The Reader will judge of it hereafter. 
 p/„i ; n Since the Presbyterians had been expelled from the Par- 
 L dn to the liament in 1648, they had been kept extremely low, be- 
 
 ILudlow. 
 
 Ir. 11. 
 
 b;:; 
 
 k‘V< 
 
 nmaiiu 
 
 caufe their number ever rendered them formidable to the 
 Independent Parliament, and afterwards to Cromwell. They 
 had never been able to recover their feats in Parliament, a 
 few only excepted, who had thruft themfelves in by adif- 
 fimulation, which neverthelefs, as appears in Ludlow’s 
 Me?noirs , could not deceive the Independents. Sir William 
 JValler , one of their Generals, was not in condition to 
 head an army, and Maffey had efpoufed the King’s caufe. 
 
 So, having nothing more to fay in the Parliament, and 
 wanting a leader to head them, they had remained in 
 fubjedlion to the Independent Parliament, and afterwards 
 to Cromwell, without any likelihood of reviving their hum¬ 
 bled party. They had for enemies Cromwell, the army, the 
 Parliament, the Royalifts, and were in no places of trull 
 which might give them ciedit. We have already feen, 
 that being weary of this fituation, they had difeovered an 
 inclination to unite with the King’s party, or at leaft 
 (hewn, that they fliould not be difpleafed with the good 
 fuccefs of that party’s defign for an infurredtion in feveral 
 parts of the Kingdom. The mifearriage of that under¬ 
 taking was doubtlefs the reafon, that the union was car¬ 
 ried no farther. Neverthelefs, Monk knowing how the 
 Presbyterians flood difpofed, employed, in all likelihood, 
 
 Clarges his confident, to make a fecret agreement with 
 fome of their chiefs for reftoring the King by tiaeir means. 
 
 The lcheme formed for that purpofe, and which could not 
 be executed without the Presbyterians, was, as appears by 
 the fequel, briefly this: 
 
 Monk ingaged, no doubt, to march, into England and 
 reftore the Rump-Parliament, difperfed by the officers. 
 
 This was the firft ftep he was to take. The Parliament 
 being reftored, Monk was to join with the city of London, 
 wholly Presbyterian, and demand that the members ex¬ 
 pelled in 1648, might refume their feats, or, if the Rump 
 refufed to admit them, to introduce them by force. Thefe 
 reftored members could not but, by their number, have a 
 great majority in the Houfe, and compofe propeily a Pres¬ 
 byterian Parliament. It was agreed, that this Parliament 
 (hould diflblve itfelf, after fummoning another free Parlia¬ 
 ment, compofed, agreeably to theancient conftitution, ofa 
 Houfe of Lords and a Houfe of Commons. This new 
 Parliament muft have naturally coniifted of Royalifts and 
 Presbyterians (the Independents having too little credit to 
 carry any eledtions) and was to reltcre the King, to 
 , which the Presbyterians fliould confent. In all likelihood 
 ‘l'_ thefe laft ftipulated fome conditions, the particulars where- 
 rbc of are not known. It cannot however be doubted, that 
 e ~ there were conditions, fincc, after the reftoration of 
 Charles II, they complained bitterly of breach of promife. 
 
 This alfo appears in that, to vindicate Charles II, for 
 not keeping his word with the Presbyterians, ’tis pretend¬ 
 ed, it was not in his power to difpenfe with the laws, 
 and confequcntly his promife was void. This was the 
 fcheme for reftoring the King, which, as will hereafter 
 be feen, was clofely purfued. If, on fome occafion, Monk 
 feemed to fwerve from it, ’twas becaufe he believed dif- 
 fimulation abfolutely neceflary, and that he could not dif- 
 cover his intention without danger of rendering the pro¬ 
 ject abortive. It was to be done on a ludden, and under 
 other pretences, before the enemies to Royalty fliould have 
 time to oppofe it. Now he could not ufe more proper 
 inftruments than the Presbyterians, who were little fuf- 
 pedled of defiring the King’s reftoration. But the Hifto¬ 
 rians are very unwilling to allow the Presbyterians any 
 (hare in this unexpedted event, though they are forced in 
 fome meafure to follow, in their Hiftories, the fcheme I 
 have explained. They arc contented to infinuate, that 
 this reftoration was owing to the prayers of the People, 
 as if the Presbyterians had not been a confiderable, and 
 perhaps the major part of the People. This fcheme being 
 
 (1) Meall along deluded the Independents, by his (blemn Proteftacions, and publick Declarations of his firm Re foil! lion to adhere to the ParliameiV 
 ar.d their Caufe, againlla Kim;, Angle Perfon, or Houfe ot Peers. Ludlow, Tom.II. p.747, Cm- 
 
 (a) Monk's Commiffioners fo farYatisfi'd Lambert of the reality of Monk’s intentions, char Lambert ftopt his Forces from marching further northward. 
 When notice of this came to Lambert, Hh-telocb was for ordering Lambert to advance fpeedily with all his forces, and attack Monk, before he lfeouli 
 be better provided , believing, as he fays, that Monk only fought delays. But his ad Yice was not taken. Whittled-, p. 6i3. 
 
 don. 
 
 fuppofed, all difficulties will vanifh, and Monk's proceed- 1659, 
 ings appear natural, and confequences of it. But if it be 
 fuppofed, that Alonk reftored the Presbyterian members, 
 expelled from the Parliament in 1 648, without any pre¬ 
 vious agreement, it can never be conceived, that be fliould 
 think it neceflary to reftore a Presbyteiian Paibament, in 
 order to place the King on the throne without any con¬ 
 ditions. 
 
 The firft thing done by the Committee of Safety, lately The Commit- 
 eftablilhed by the general Council of officers, was to fend fZ^cki'ca 
 Clarges to Monk , to bring him to fome agreement. They Mark.' 
 were not ignorant of the error committed by the officers, in '•] t"P<r- f n 
 ufurping the fovereign power, without the approbation of a tin !"™ 0 * 
 General at the head of twelve thoufand men, and would clarendon, 
 have gladly repaired it. But they could not chufe a worfe SJt6 ' 
 meffenger than Clarges, whofe foie aim was to ferve the 
 King, and who, probably, had engaged Monk in the fame 
 delign. 
 
 Mean while, Monk waspreparing with all poffible dili- Monk pre- 
 gence for his expedition, tho’ not without feveral obftacles. p J^“ c {" r hU 
 1. His forces being difperfed through all Scotland, required, skinner, 
 at leaft, fix weeks to draw them together, z. Ready money 
 was to be provided for their maintenance, becaufe he could 
 expedt no more from England, For this purpofe, the 
 taxes were to be anticipated, and even extraordinary fup- 
 plies obtained of the Scots. 3. In his troops were fome of¬ 
 ficers, on whofe fidelity he could not rely. 4. In fhort, it 
 was abfolutely neceflary to his defign, to have fome towns 
 on the frontiers of England, to facilitate his entrance, as he 
 knew that Lambert was maiching to oppofe him. All thefe 
 difficulties were happily furmounted, except the firft, be¬ 
 caufe of the remutenefs of his forces. As to the reft, he whitelock. 
 began with cafliiering feveral of his fufpedted officers, and clarendon, 
 fubftituting others in their room. He kept thofe whom hi. p. j- 4 oI 
 the Parliament had difplaced, and whole fucceflors were not 
 yet come. Then he fummoned to Edinburgh the officers Phillips, 
 of the neareft regiments, and communicating to them his p ‘ 6 * 4 ' 
 defign of marching into England , to reftore the Parliament, 
 he had the fatisfadtion to meet with their concurrence. 
 
 This done, he found means to fccure Berwick, and arreft Ludlow. 
 Colonel Cobbet, who was there, and whofe fecret inftruc- JkJrim-‘ 7;8 ’ 
 tions were told him by Clarges, Cobbet was lent to Edin¬ 
 burgh, and there imprilbned. Monk aifo attempted to fur- 
 prize Newcajlle, but u'as difappoinied. As to the money clarges 
 he wanted, he raifed as much as was poffible, and while Gotland* 
 his army was aflembling, follicited the Scots for an extra- May 0 *.™ ’ 
 ordinary fupply. Phillips. 
 
 While Monk was making thefe preparations, Clarges MoSwi, 
 his Brother-in-law arrived in Scotland, with a propolal tor agree to a- 
 a treaty with the Committee of Safety. It was refolved ”"f e f 
 betwixt them to accept the propofal, not with defign to a'xregotia- 1 * 
 conclude the treaty, but to gain time till Monk's army was - 
 ready (1). Purfuant to this refolution, Monk, with the 1 ™“'^ 
 conlent of his officers, made choice of Colonel Wilks, don for that 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Cloberry, and Major Knight to go and ? Hr P°f e - 
 treat in his name with the Committee, and lent them away nLp!**^ 
 with fuch inftrudtions, as he thought would raife infur- Phillips, 
 mountable obltacies to the conclulion of the treaty. Thefe whkei’ock 
 three commiffioners met Lambert at York, who told them, p . c8g.° C 
 he was fufficiently impowered to treat with them (z). But Ludlow, 
 to their demand for reftoring the Parliament, he anfwered, 
 his power did not extend to that article, and fo they were 
 obliged to go on to London. 
 
 Thefe Commiffioners, ignorant of Monk's fecret inten- a Treaty 
 tions, were no fooner at London, than they made all pof- 
 fible hafte to conclude with the Committee of Safety, and Monk'w 
 the rather, becaufe every thing which they propofed was ‘ention, who 
 accepted. So, the treaty was concluded and figned the re L"f ‘ st ‘ rj ‘ 
 15 th of November, to the great diflatisfadtion of Monk, Nov. ij-. 
 whofe aim was to prolong it, and then break off the ne- Phillips, 
 gotiation. It would be needlefs toinfert the treaty, becaufe clarendon 2 " 
 it was never executed. I fhall only obferve, that by the m. p. 749. 
 firft: article, a vigorous oppofition to the King’s reftoration 
 was agreed to by both parties. Monk, upon receiving the skinner!*”’ 
 treaty, fought evafions to hinder the ratification, pretend¬ 
 ing, his Commiffioners had acted contrary to their inftruc- 
 tions, and thereby became ftill more fufpedted by the Com¬ 
 mittee of Safety. 
 
 While Alonk was preparing to march into England, the ThcMem- 
 Members of the late Parliament were not idle. They 
 were ardently endeavouring tore-eftablifli themfelves, and to reftore 1 
 wreft from the officers their usurped authority, but without rhem J ilve '- 
 the leaft thought of reftoring the King. They believed, wh,K0 ' 
 or pretended to believe, that Alonk had no other view than 
 the reftitution of the Parliament, and, in this belief, con- 
 fidered Monk's friends as their own. This was truein ge¬ 
 neral, though fome there were of Monk's adherents in Lon- 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 6 j 2 
 
 HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1659, 
 
 «««, better informed than the reft, 
 were 
 
 Rump united to fupport Monk's defign?, 
 intention was to reftore the Parliament. 
 
 5 who hail formed the Council ot State, before 
 aflem- 
 
 who knew what they from eveiy Shire, and one fiom each Burrough, anti com- 165 7. 
 
 magining, his foie 
 For that reafon, 
 
 the Members . ... 
 
 the interruption of the Parliament, being privately 
 bled, Cent to Monk a commiffion, conftituting him General 
 of the armies of Scotland, and Ireland. 
 
 refeue the Parliament from the force put upon them bv 
 the army, and reltore them to their authority. Thefe M 
 Cummillioners, wlio made a fore of Convention of','.’ 
 Eftates, tho’ the union of the two Kingdoms denied them 
 the name, offered Monk to increafehis army with [twenty ■’ 
 thoufand men] of their nation, and granted him thirty 
 
 On "the other hand, [Colonel Whetham ] Governor of thoufand pounds [above the afieflinents] to enable him to 
 /.f r Portfrumtb Monk's particular friend, declared for the Par- maintain them. He accepted the money, but refufed the 
 liament, and received into his garrifon Haftcrig, Walton, troops, believing he wanted them not. Some Scotch wi iters 
 /- and Morlcy three Members of Parliament, the moft in- affirm, that in difmiffing this aflembly, he recommended to 
 /• cenfed againft the army. The Committee of Safety, upon them, to take all poffible care to preferve the peace and 
 tion, fent a detachment of the tranquillity of the Kingdom, and defired them tbjure 
 army to block up Portfmoutb, but the foldiers deferted their the King, and royal Family. But Gamble, who was his 
 officers, declared for the Parliament, and were received Chaplain, and writ his life, pofitively denies ir. 
 
 into Port/mouth as fiiends. Another detachment fent from 
 the army on the fame errand, did almoft the fame thing, 
 ' fo that the Committee knew not on whom to rely. At 
 the fame time, Lawfon, Vice-Admiral declared for the 
 •• Parliament againft the army, and entered the Thames with 
 feveral of his (hips, to awe the adherents of the Committee. 
 
 Pitrllmt 
 
 Phillips. 
 
 Thus 
 
 much is certain, it was absolutely neceflary for him, care- 
 luliy to conceal his intention to ferve the King, and his 
 fear of betraying this fccret, made him, cm feme occafions, 
 carry his diifimulation to excefs. He was, however, ex- 
 tiemely fulpeded by thofe, who would not hear of the 
 King’s reftoration. Thele men were very numerous, not 
 Lambert who" commanded a body of the army in the to mention the army, which alluredly had no fuch inten- 
 K.utii, bein r informed of the ill lituation of the Com- tion, though, unknown to them, their march was defigned 
 mi tree’s affairs, detached [Dc thorough’s] regiment to thcaf- for that purpofe alone. 
 
 iiii.mce ol his fiiends in Lonuon, but that regiment, at St. Monk entered England with his army the 2d of January 
 Albans, declared for the Parliament. 1659-60, an! confequently might now be informed of the 
 
 -f Mean while, the Committee of Safety feeing all this op- Rump’s re-ellablilhment. Some days after lie received a 1 , 
 popgun, (turned to be difcouraged. They took no mea- letter from the Speaker, acquainting him with the late e -• 
 fures for tlv u own prefervation, 2nd inftcad of allembling tranfadions, thanking him, in the name of the Parlia- 
 the army, fullered it to be difperled into quarters. It is inent, for his kind intentions, and infmuating, that if he / 
 likely, they feared to fee the army together, iincethefol- thought it proper, he might fuve himfelf the trouble of 1 
 of the two detachments fent to Portsmouth had de- coming to London, fince tfie Parliament was in peaceable /" 
 
 ■■■>1 
 
 i 
 
 ferted their officers. Meanwhile, Hajlerig, Walton, and 
 Morley, finding themfclves fufficiently Itrengthened by the 
 foldiers of the'army, which had retired to Portfmouth, 
 marched at the head of thefe troops, towards London. I hen 
 it was that Fleetwood, and the reft of the Committee of 
 Safety, were in the utmoll perplexity. They durll not 
 truft their own foldiers, and knew not what courl'e to take. 
 
 •. I 
 
 ,, ■ 
 
 I 
 
 in. p. ss- 
 
 pofleffion of their authority. But this letter did not inter 
 rupt his march. If it be confiuered, that the pretence he 
 had hitherto alledged for his expedition into England, was [ 
 the reftitutiono! 'he Parliament, and that he continued his 1 ■ 
 
 march, though the Parliament was reilored, it willbeeafy 
 to perceive, that he had quite another motive than what 
 was at firlt alledged. This pretence failing him, he was 
 JVhitelock, as appears in his Memorials, advifed Fleetwood obliged to find another, and that was, to aflift the Parlia- 
 either to head the army, or agree with the King (1). He merit, to reduce the army to obedience and fubmiffion. On ’■ r 
 feemed to approve of this laftcourfe, but preiently alter al- his arrival at York , he found the Lord Fairfax, formerly 
 tered his mind, and did neither. At lall, his Coilegues General to the Parliament, at the head of ibmc troops of 
 and himfelf wanting capacity and refolution to extricate that County, and in pofleffion of the City, in order to Jen 
 themfelves out of fuch an emergency, confemed to the hinder the Committee of Safety from being mailers of it. ‘ ]t re , 
 meeting of the Parliament, and voluntarily resigned their 'I he Lord Fairfax received Monk into York without any philips, 
 ufurped authority. They had no fooner given their con- difficulty, and they had many conferences together. Fair- 
 fent, than they were entirely abandoned by their whole fox was a Presbyterian, tho’ Cromwell had made him fub- B,:ri 
 party. fervient to the rife of the Independents. So, it would be 
 
 hard to conceive what intereft he could have in counte- 
 Ii„mp HUS the Parliament met peaceably the 26th of De- nancing A/iwLs deiigns, if the Presbyterian party had not 
 
 n ' rn X cember , and named a Committee to govern the army fecretly agreed to concur in the King’s refloration. 
 
 ‘‘f L in their name, and under their direction. Then they dif- Whatever diifimulation Monk had ufed, in pretending The PM 
 n,b " r - patched exprefs orders to Lambert to difperfe his forces, and that he had no other view than to reftore the Rump, the Mi 
 
 'f ::pne fend them into the quartets affigned by the fame order. But members of that Parliament were too wife not to perceive, 
 
 /t ry :i 1 Lambert’s troops heaiing the Parliament was reftored, had he had fome other hidden defign. But they helitated be- 
 in fomemeafure prevented this order, and put their Gene- tween two opinions, in appearance equally probable, namely, 
 ral under arreft, who was flat prifoner to the 'Lower of that he intended either to advance himfelf in imitation of 
 
 London. At the fame time Sir Henry Vane, and fome Cromwell, or to reftore the King. For this reafon, ther - , 
 
 other members of Parliament, who had taken part with Rump, a few days after their meeting, appointed A Courc- 1 
 the army, were confined to their own houfes. Thus, by <-iL of State, confuting of twenty eight members, ofm.]iu> £ . ■ 
 a revolut.on little expected, the firft and moft difficult part whom Monk was one, and ordered each Counl'ellor to take p- <-72. jv 
 cf Monk's undertaking, namely, the reftitution of thePar- the following oath: 
 
 the pretended title J »:-• f| 
 
 liament, was executed even before he left Scotland, and I do hereby Swear that I do renou. 
 
 without having any other fhare in it, than Ins refolution to of Charles, Steu art, and the whole line of the late 
 match into England (2). kCwg James, and of every other Fcrfon as a Jingle perfon, L, i. 
 
 Mean while, this revolution feemed entirely to deftroy pretending, or which Jhallpretend to the Crown or Govern- w: ' 
 the hopes A the King, fince a Parliament was reftored io ment of thefe nations ^'England, Scotland, and Ireland, or 1 ' 
 oppolite to h,m. He was believed to be irrecoverably loft, any of them, and the dominions and territories belonging to 
 ■ Ft ar.ee and Spain began to think of making a firm and them , or any of them ; and that I will, by the grace and af- 
 ’ lading alliance wi:h the Parliament, wJiercby the King fifance of Almighty God, be true, faithful and conjlant to the 
 would not have known where to retire for a fubfiftence. Parliament and Commonwealth, and will oppoj'e the bringing 
 'But though he himfelf feigned to be extremely afflicted, in, or fetting up any fugle Perfon or HouJ’e of Lords, and every 
 not to dileover his fecret, very probably, he Was iniorrued of than in this Commonwealth. 
 
 of Monk's intentions, and of the manner in which they This .precaution however did not remove the fears of.<r, . 
 were to be executed. For though the Earl of Clarendon the Parliament with regard to Monk, who daily became o • ■ 
 affirms, the King had only a very faint hope of being ferved more fufpedted, notwithstanding all his care to conceal his 
 by Monk , in order to provide for his own fecurity, yet I intentions. It was therefore refolved to fend two of their r...:: 
 cannot believe, that Monk, however referved he might be members to him, under the pretence of doing him honor, P- 
 toothers, concealed his intentions from the King, fince but in reality, to obferve his proceedings. Scot and Robin- !/',/ 
 there was no danger in the dilcovery (3). f on were named, who found him at Lcicejler the zzd of i..j: 
 
 Be this as it vviil, Monk, before he left Scotland, by cir- January [ 4). In this town (5) he received alfo Commif- T * 11 
 cula: letters, aflembled at Edinburgh two Commiliioners iioners from London , with an addrefs, to defire the re-ad- 
 
 »/.vC 
 
 (> 
 
 ereby be beforehand 
 
 . [ 3 ) Mtnk pla:ed no 
 If,.U Ihotild not be let 
 
 bund or made fume ho.i 
 
 '•; by which means he might make terms with the King for the prefervation of himfelf 
 
 1 
 
 e . but DeiL-ot. and 3. rry, coming t . F eel wood in the mean time, made him alter h.s relbloti. 
 
 tries l. 
 
 unfiden.e in Hj.ie, and when he lent the ail’urance of his fervi.c : > the King by Sir John Green-.!!, it w 
 ••y the ferret. S . fays 3m7 IV^ons, who had a from nis own Mother, Siller to S.r J.kn Green-oil. 
 Uj\rj;;r io s .Albans, tn y lodged It. (he h ue lloufe w.th him. and wi'.en they w.ihdrew t., ;heir a 
 or or Wall, to look or liitcn. Skinner, p.197. 
 
 January 13, See Ski/mcr, p. ijj. and Phillips, p. 681. 
 
 , and hiscaufe; 
 •/«!• Ibo'ald im- 
 P- 
 
 mifficn 
 
The Rump Parliament. 
 
 Book XXII. 
 
 6r3 
 
 1659-60. million of the members fecluded in the year 1648. Scot , were entirely devoted to the Parliament, and come to 1659-604 
 iMonk re- one of the Commiflioners from the Parliament, interrupted offer their fervice. With this letter he fent the manner 
 Urefsfrom‘ l ~ the London Commilfioner who was reading the add refs, and in which his foldiers might be lodged in London , and the 
 I London/or commanded him lilence, looking upon this propofal as tend- quarters that might be affigned to the regiments which were 
 \thtrrfti:utiun Jfjg directly to the deftrudtion of the Republican Parliament, to be removed. Though this demand was fufpected by Hs 
 KSfc^Neverthelefs, Monk received the addrefs. As he continued many members to have fome myftery in it, it was how- > ' ranud ' 
 (clarendon, his march, he received many fuch, fo that it feemed to be ever granted by a majority of voices, and the regiments in 
 the general fenfe of the nation, that the Presbyterians fhould the city were ordered to remove. This fhews, either that 
 |p v 68i P .' refume the reins of the Government. Let us refledt here Fleetwood and Desborougb were no great politicians, if they 
 Mil others a little on this extraordinary change. did not fee that Monk’s, demand tended to make himfelf 
 
 It cannot be denied, that the fecluded Members in 1648 mafter of the City and Parliament, or that they believed 
 
 were Presbyterians, who had, on all occafions, fhewn an they had not a fufficient influence over their interior offi- 
 extreme animofity againft the King and the Church of cers, to venture to oppofe it. It feems, they could refolve 
 England. If they had teftified a dtfire to reftore the late nothing without Lambert , who was now prifoner in the 
 
 King by the treaty of Newport , this was owing to con- Tower. 
 
 ditions, which he looked upon as intolerable, and which However this be, Monk artfully improving the divifion Monk-wr^/ 
 neceflity alone compelled him to grant. Nay, theParlia- between the Parliament and the army, entered London, February 
 ment could not refolve to allow fome reftridtions defired in triumph, the 3d of February 1659-60. After he had Phillips/ ’’ 
 by the King to their demands. If they voted that the given orders for quartering his troops, he repaired to the p - f 582 - 
 King’s conceflions m ght ferve for foundation to a peace, Council of State, who immediately tendered him the Ab- Ludlow! 
 
 it was at a time when the army was now in London , juration-Oath, which all the members were obliged to 
 
 ready to execute the violence which was acted the next take. But he asked time to refolve, faying, he had been Re M“ ! he 
 day. The Presbyterians therefore cannot be confidered as informed that ftrong objections had been made to this oath, , "‘ u,on 
 having been at any time, favourable to Charles I. Since even in the Parliament itfelf. Upon this refufal he was ibid.' 
 the 6th of December 1648, they had been kept very low, denied admittance into the Council of State, till he had c ° m P ttmn >ted 
 
 having conltantly had fur enemies the Royalilts, Parlia- taken the oath, and was obliged to withdraw. rfthe^n^fle 
 
 ment, Prote&or, and Army, fo that they were without The 6th of February he went to the Parliament, where °f Commons. 
 
 any power. And yet, during Monk's march, this party by the mouth of the Speaker, he received the compliments £ 1 I are,ldo ^ 
 
 not only revives, but even becomes fuperior to all the reft, and thanks of the Houfe ; to which he returned the fol- Phillips*/ * 
 
 and the whole nation feems to confpire to reftore them the lowing anl'wer: p. 681. 
 
 fupreme authority, in demanding the re-admiflion of the 
 
 of the like 
 
 'hitolock. 
 Reflections 
 „ (ni a - s 
 
 p. 8j. 
 
 1 Forces in 
 : London 
 'roithdr.irc. • 
 mnh room 
 'for him. 
 Clarendon, 
 
 HI. p.y fr . 
 
 Phillips, 
 p. 680. 
 
 ! R. Coke. 
 
 : Skinner. 
 
 fecluded members in 1648. What could be the motive of 
 fo great a number of addrefles on this account, prefented 
 to Monk in his march ? And why did Monk receive them 
 fo favorably ? Certainly, when he left Scotland , his inten¬ 
 tion, however concealed, was to labour the King’s reftora- 
 tion (1). But if the Presbyterians had not ingaged to fa¬ 
 vour this reftoration, the railing their party, and putting 
 them in pofleflion of the Government, would have been 
 a very unlikely means to accomplilh it. All that Monk 
 could thereby have gained, was, the King’s reftoration on 
 the fame terms which his father had granted in the treaty 
 of Newport , which, doubtlefs, was very far from his in¬ 
 tention. Let us therefore conclude, that all thefe addrefles 
 were an effect, or confequencc of a fecret agreement be¬ 
 tween the Royalifts and Presbyterians, whereby thefe laft 
 had contented to the King’s reftoration, on conditions re¬ 
 lating to their Religion alone, without infifting, as they 
 had before conltantly done, on any terms concerning the 
 Government. Without this luppofition, the fteps, after¬ 
 wards taken for the King's reftoration, can never be con¬ 
 ceived, and, with it, all the proceedings are natural. 
 
 r - This agreement was a fecret which was carefully to be 
 concealed, left its difeovery fhould produce an accommo¬ 
 dation between the Parliament and the army, in which 
 cafe Monk , who had but live thoufand men, would have 
 been little able to execute his defrgns. Wherefore, though 
 he received all the addrefles, he was very careful not to ex- 
 prefs the leaft figns of approbation, but contented himfelf 
 with a general anfwer, that they lhould be laid before the 
 Parliament (2). 
 
 > Monky aslfaid, had but five thoufand men (3). With 
 this army it was not poflible to withftand the other, which 
 was three times as numerous, and of which feveral regi¬ 
 ments were now in London. If the Parliament and army 
 could have united together, they would, doubtlefs, have 
 rendered all Monk's projedts impracticable. But the Par¬ 
 liament was ftill more jealous of their own army than of 
 Monk. They only fufpeCted that General of having fecret 
 defrgns, without knowing exactly wherein they confifted. 
 
 But that the general-officers of the army would become 
 mafters, if their affiftance was necefiary, could not be 
 doubted. It was Monk's intereft therefore to foment this 
 dif-uriion, and he could not more fuccefsfully do it, than by 
 profeffing an entire devotion to the Parliament. He there¬ 
 by rempved from the Parliament all thoughts of an union 
 with the army, which appeared unneceflary, while Monk's 
 fidelity could be relied on. This was the true reafon of 
 Alonk's extreme diflimulation, and of his pretending on all 
 occafions, that his march to London was only to ferve and 
 obey the Parliament. 
 
 When he came to St. Albans y within twenty miles of 
 Londony he writ to the Parliament, to defire that the regi¬ 
 ments in the city, might be fent to more diftant quar- 
 
 0 ters, it not being.convenient, that troops, which had fo 
 lately been in Rebellion, fhould mix with thofe which 
 
 (1) Bithop Unriiet more reafjnably (iippofes, That Monk had no fettled defign any way, but refolved to do as occafion fhould be offered to him, p. 84. 
 
 (-) He kepthimleli under fuch a relerve, that he declared all the while in the moft iblemn manner for a Commonwealth, and againil a fmglePerhin, iri 
 parc.cular againft the King. See Ludlow, Tom. It. p. 811. The fame day he entered London, Ludlow vifiting him, he told Lndlow. “ That he was fully 
 ” refolved to promote the intereft of a Commonwealth.” Adding, “ We mull live and die for and by a Commonwealth.” Idem. p. 810. 
 
 (3) Dr. Skinner fays, his Army, upon a Review at High-gate, amounted to five thoufand eight hundred Men. (p.azr.) Namely, fot.r thoufand Foat and 
 eighteen hundred Horfe. The Parliament’s- Regiments in Loudon confifted of two thoufand Horfe, and eight thouland Foot. Phillip, p. 6 j,>. 
 
 No. 74. Vol. II. 7 Q. “ the 
 
 Mr. Speaker, 
 
 A Mongft the many mejeies of God to thefe poor 
 nations, your peaceable reftitution is not the leaft* 
 It is (as you faid) his work alone, and to him belongs 
 ‘ the glory of it ; and I efteem it as a great effeCt of his 
 goodnefs to me, that he was pleafed to make me, amongft 
 ‘ many worthier in your fervice, fome way inftrumental 
 in it. I did nothing but my duty, and deferve not 
 c to receive fo great an honour and refpeCt as you are 
 ‘ pleafed to give me at this time and place, which I 
 c fhall ever acknowledge as a high mark of your favour 
 ‘ to me. 
 
 “ Sir, I fliall not now trouble you with large narra- 
 * tives > only give me leave to acquaint you, that as I 
 ‘ marched from Scotland hither, I obferved the People in 
 ‘ moft counties in great and earneft expectations of a 
 fettlement, and feveral applications were made to me, 
 ‘ with numerous fubferiptions to them. The chiefeft heads 
 ‘ of their defires were for a free and a full Parliament, 
 
 \ and f^ at you would determine your fitting ; a Gofpel- 
 ■ Miniftry; encouragement of Learning and Univerfities; 
 
 1 and for admittance of the members fecluded before the 
 year 164b, without any previous Oath or Engagement. 
 To which I commonly anfwered, that you are now in 
 ‘ a free Parliament 3 and if there be any force remain¬ 
 ing upon you, I would endeavour to remove it; and 
 ‘ that you had voted to fill up your Houfe, and then yon 
 ‘ would be a full Parliament alfo; and that you had'al- 
 ‘ read y determined your fitting: And for the Miniftry, 
 their maintenance, the Laws, and Univerfities, you had 
 6 largely declared concerning them in your laft declara- 
 ‘ tion j and I was confident you would adhere to it: But 
 ‘ as for thofe Gentlemen fecluded in the year 1648, I 
 4 told them you had given judgment in it, and all people 
 4 ought to acquiefce in that judgment; but to admit any 
 4 members to fit in Parliament without a previous oath 
 4 or engagement, to preferve the government in being, 
 
 ; it was never done in England. 
 
 “ But although I faid it not to them, I muft fay, 
 
 ; with pardon, to you, that the lefs oaths and engagements 
 • are impofed (with refpedthad to the fecurity of the com- 
 ' mon Caufe) your fettlement will be the (boner attained 
 • to. I am the more particular in thefe matters to let 
 ' you fee how grateful your prefent confultations about 
 ■ thefe things will be to the People. I know all the fo- 
 • ber Gentry will clofe with you, if they may be ten- 
 ; derly and gently ufed ; and I am fure you will fo ufe 
 them, as knowing it to be the common concern, toam- 
 4 plif'y, and not to Jeflen our intereft, and to be careful 
 ; that neither the Cavalier, nor Fanattek Party have yet a 
 : ftiare in your civil or military power, of the laft of 
 ; whofe impatience to Government, you have lately had 
 ; fofevere experience. I Ihall fay fomething of Ireland 
 ' and Scotland ; indeed Ireland is in an unfettled condition 
 ; and made worfe by your interruptions, which prevented 
 
 Ludlow. 
 
 Skinner. 
 
 Whiceloclfe 
 
614 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 1659-60. ( 
 
 the palling an Act for the fcttlement of the eftates of Parliament bent upon his ruin, whatever they might pre- : j59-6o|I 
 adventurers and foldiers there, which I heard you in- tend. That this Commiflton was a fnarc, which, had ! 
 tended to ha\e done in a few days; and I prefume, him the confidence of the City, and expofed him to the 
 it will be now quickly done, being fo necefiary at this Parliament’s defigns againft him ; befides that, without cite 
 time, when the wants of the Commonwealth call for affiftance of London, he would never, with his final irmv, 
 fupplies ; and people will unwillingly pay taxes for thofe be able to execute his intentions (3). 
 
 eftates, of which they have no legal ailurance: I need Monk , convinced by thefe reaibns, that he had carried <"• f ■< to J 
 
 not tell you how much you were abufed in the nomfrra- his diilimulation too far, thought only of repairing his er- ^ 
 
 lion of your officers of your armies there; their malice ror, by an open rupture with the Parliame. 
 
 “ that deceived you, hath been fufficiently manifefted : I regain the efteem of the City. He therefore lent, wrhout 
 “ do affirm, that thofe now that have declared for you lofs of time, Clarges his confident, to Sir '1 ’ • :.ts Alley ne 
 “ will continue faithful, and thereby evince, that as well Lord-Mayor, to tell him, he was very forry for what he 
 t£ there as here, it is the f iber intereft muft eftablifh your had done, and defired a conference with him, and the 
 “ dominion. As for Scotland., I muft fay, the people of Common-Council, to make reparation for his fault. But 
 “ that nation deferve to be cherifhed ; and I believe your Clarges could obtain nothing from the Lord-Mayor, who 
 
 «/*/« t 
 
 late declaration will much glad their fpirits ; for nothing 
 was to them more dreadful, than a fear to be over-run 
 “ with fanatick notions. I humbly recommend them to 
 “ your affe&ion and efteem ; and defire the intended 
 “ union may be profecuted, and their taxes made propor- 
 “ tionable to thofe in England, for which I am engaged 
 “ by promile to become a fuitor to you. And truly, Sir, 
 tc I muft ask leave to intreat you to make a fpeedy pro- 
 “ vifion for the civil Government there, of which they 
 tc have been deftitute near a year, to the ruin of many 
 “ families : And except commiffioners for managing cf the 
 “ Government, and Judges to fit in Courts of Judicature, 
 “ be fpeedily appointed, that Country will be very mife- 
 “ rable. 
 
 t4 I directed Mr. Gumble lately to prefent fome names 
 “ to you, both for Commiffioners and Judges; but by 
 “ reafon of your great affairs, he was not required to 
 <c deliver them in writing: But I humbly prefent them 
 “ to your confideration.” 
 
 This fpeech was not agreeable to all; fome of the Mem¬ 
 bers complained. Monk I poke too pofirively, and aflumed 
 too great an authority : that he alFedted a popularity, which 
 juftly rendered him fufp.cted : that he engaged for the fi¬ 
 delity of the Irijh officers, which, however, was to be 
 doubted : In fhort, that in faying, the Cavaliers were not 
 yet to have a fbaie in the Government, he gave that party 
 hopes of being one day admitted. 
 f Two days after, the Pailiament had cccafion to try 
 Monk’s fidelity, and to be allured, whether he was fo de- 
 ■ voted to their intereft as he ftudied to appear. The Com- 
 
 was perfuaded that Monk was deceitful ....... treacherous, 
 
 and only fought to deceive him. Notv/ithftandingall this, "M 
 Monk aftembled his forces, with a rclblution to n..,rch once ’, 
 more into the City, and be reco:u lied to the Magiffrates, < 
 whatever might be the corrfequer.ee. At his departure, he j; r -._ 
 fent a letter to the Pailiament, writ with the approbation ; 
 of his principal officers, complaining, “ That they gave f . 
 “ too much countenance to Lauren t, Vane , and fever: 1 .' ■’ 
 
 “ that engaged with the late Committee of Safety ; and 
 “ that they had permitted Ludlow and fome others to it: 
 
 “ in their Houfe, that had been, by Sir Charles Coo! and !V' 1 ' 
 “ fume of the Irijh officers, accifted of Hi,:h-treafon ; and . 
 
 “ had countenanced too much a late petition to exclude the 1 
 “ moft fober and confcieniious, both Mir.iflers a;ld others, 
 
 “ by oaths, from all employment and maintenance; and 
 “ in fine, peremptorily demanded, that by Friday next, 
 
 “ they would iftlie out writs to hi! i-p their Houle: and 
 “ when filled, fhouhi rife at an appointed time, to give 
 “ place to a full and five Parliament.” 
 
 By this letter the Parliament eal’Jy perceived. Monk 
 fought an ocafion of qua-re:, wliich, a; it was difficult to 
 avoid, it was judged the wifeft courfe to vote the 
 
 tl’.anks of the Houfe, for his cjrc, and f :. ’efi:cs 
 fhould be fatafied without delay. At the lame time, Scot r 
 ant! Robinfcn were di (perched to M:n with this ref'luthm. ’ 
 But Monk was now matched into the C. a, am! h 
 tho’ with great difficulty, prevailed with tl.e Mayor to if » ■ , 
 fcmble the Common-Council that afternoon. Meantime, 1 
 the two Commiffioners of the Parliament, having waited j, 
 on Monk with the meffiige, returned with little fatisfa&icn. fi " : 
 
 mon-Council of tlie City of London , allembliiig the ;th He only told them, All would be well, if his lett, 
 
 nf rf-fth.-r! In m \r n mnrp nv.'.' fi'I itir* P-xln- a., 7 jf.V/i TTr\r\n tlii, A,...... #U« __ —. 
 
 of February , refolved to pay no more taxes till the Parlia¬ 
 ment was filled (i). They knew Monk’s defign was to 
 reftore the Members fecluded in 164ft, and, doubtltfs, 
 thought by this refolutii n to advance the affair. I hdy had 
 nothing to fear from Monk, and knew the Parliament 
 would not recall the regime: is which were removed from 
 ■ London , to force the City to obedience. Upon advice of 
 ./ this refolution, the Parliament ordered Monk to lead his 
 army into the City, fei/.e eleven Membeis of the Com- 
 ;r mor.-Council, and pull down the chains, gates, and port- 
 t, cullices. Monk readily and inftantly obeyed the order(a). 
 He aftembled J1 is fieces, entered the City, and arrefted the 
 eleven Members of the Common-Council. Then he writ 
 to the Parliament an account of what he had done, pray- 
 '• ing them withal to modciacc their rigour, with refpedt to 
 the gates and portcullices. But the Parliament, whether 
 
 through ; 
 
 complied-with. Upon this anfwer, the Parliament voted, r.,jps a, 
 that the command of the army fhould be lodged in five 
 Commiffioners (4), of whom Monk himfclf was one, and 
 that the Quorum of them fhould be three; but when itLudi.w 
 was moved, that Monk fiinulJ always be one of the three, 
 it was carried in the negative. 
 
 In this interval, Monk repairing to the Common-Coun- Monk r 
 cil, made a Speech, in which he teftified his concern for > > 
 
 having accepted a Commiffion, fo difagreenble in the exe- 1 J m / k 
 cution to the City. 1 hat he was forced to accept it, or quit a , ■ r 
 his command, which he had thought proper to keep at 1 l - !r -'" J 
 fuch a jumfture, lor the good of the City, and of the whole 
 Nation, whole happinels and advamages he fhould always p. : . 
 promote to the utmoft of his power. To give an unquef- ^; ir:K-r - 
 tionable proof of the fincerity of his intentions, he com- 
 municated to the Council his letter to the Parliament, and 
 
 ft tl.e City, or a fai tlicr trial of anfwer to the two Commiffioners. As thefe lafl proofs were 
 
 Burfbone 
 
 frrf 
 
 ML . j 
 
 Monk’s fidelity, and perhaps to engage him in an irrecon¬ 
 cilable quariel witli the City, inlifttd upon a pundW 
 compliance with their order, and were immediately obeyed. 
 After that, he returned with his troops to Whitehall^ which 
 u difplealed the Parliament, believing Alonk ought not to have 
 - quitted the City without their order. The fame, or the 
 following day, Praj -God Barcbonc , formerly mentioned 
 on occahon of Ol:o\ r Iiromwell’s firft Parliament, prefented 
 a petition to the Hm !e, fublcribed by manv perfons, de- 
 ; firing the c ath of a: - nation of Charles Stuart might be 
 "taken by all perfons without exception, and he received the 
 thanks of the Houfe. 
 
 Monk's late proceedings afbnifhed both his friends and 
 the City of L nd it, i 1 e Magiftratcs, enraged at this 
 treatment, ! eked upon him as a perfidious mail, who had 
 amufed them with hopes of his fupporting the re-admiffion 
 r-of the fecluded Members, in order to knew their fenti- 
 _ ments, and as one abfolu’tely devoted to the Parliament. 
 On the other hand, h:s friends reprefented to him, that he 
 was guilty of an irieparable fault, in quarrelling with the 
 Londoners , who alone were able to fuppurt him againft the 
 
 convincing, the Council was appeafed, and Monk looked 
 upon as a ftiend come to their relief, notwithftanding the 
 tranfacfions of the foregoing day. When the news of this r-- ■ 
 reconciliation was difperfcd thro’ the City, it was followed ' ' V 
 with ringing of beils, and bone-fires in every ft reef, at i- 
 which were roafted numberlefs Rumps in contempt of the 
 Parliament (5). Some days after, the Council of j 
 
 State fent to defitc Monk to come and affift them with m , VmJ 
 his counfels, in regulating the affairs of tlie nation : hut he r F--‘ W 
 did not think fit to c.xpoi'e himfelf to this danger. He an- . J.,. ' 
 fwered, that the inhabitants of London were fo diftatisfied, • . :*n 
 
 ( , to 
 
 keep them in awe. On the other hand, the Lord-Mayor °p; . 
 
 and Aldermen conjured him to flay in the City, acquaint- i>.677. I 
 ing him, that the Parliament was fecretly endeavouring 
 to corrupt his army, and that Sir Arthur Hajlerig had writ 
 to feveral perfons in London , to that purpofe. So Monk took 
 care to avoid the fnare laid for him. 
 
 SinceMenk’s union with the City, addrefles for the re-ad- M ink r t - 
 miffion of the fecluded Members were more frequent than 
 ever. Very likely, there were emiflaties difperfed in feve- j, 
 
 the Re-,ft, 
 
 ■ - : - - tely impofed. Heath. . ■ rtie < '■/ 
 
 ir.d th:L- t l mps to be done, to fee their Orders put in execution.'’ Ludlow, Tom. II. p. 814. Myr-rt. 
 march the Ai 
 
 London , bed acre.! jointly -.vi-.ii him ; ft , 
 
 -.,:i u ; r.-movir.; him l:.n. 
 
 p. 237. 
 
 orders 
 
 1 the Pi 
 
 u, 't ! ' “ c d^r.e the bufircls without him, and confequentlv, p.. 
 
 t let tus ir ends know this r.-.fo, theAflion was varuufly eer.fared. 
 
 (Si That J--r 
 
 , With 
 
 A ttre 
 
 and J 
 
 c?d-. 
 
 Lied the /{ e.tftihg <.j the Rump. SH/aitr, p. 
 
 Lud'otv, Tom, II. p. 8 30,8; 1 
 
 ral 
 
Book XXII. 
 
 T%c Council of State. 
 
 6i 
 
 $9-60. ral quarters, to incite the people to offer thefe petitions, 
 which were always favorably received by Monk , it being 
 neceflary for him to fupport his defigns, by the general 
 inclination of the people. Pic knew what ufe was to be 
 made of a Presbyterian Parliament, though many who 
 figned the petitions, imagined, that Prcsbyterianifm was 
 , going to re-mount the Throne. 
 
 Conference At lafp, on the iSth of February , Monk fo ordered it, 
 w&wof f° me the fitting Members had a conference with 
 frejeut fomc of the fecludcd, concerning their re-admifiion. He 
 rliameut, could have wifhed, this might have been done by common 
 ^id‘ones f con fent• But the conference was fruitlefs, becaufe the 
 48. comes fitting Members could not, or would not, undertake for 
 Sender B ar fiament’s accepting the conditions which fhould be 
 p.y6o! agreed on. They were for leaving that to the determina- 
 illips. tion of the Parliament, who, doubtlefs, would have found 
 onk'j means to prolong the affair. But Monk faw himfelt indif- 
 Ljbu, co penfably obliged to bring it to a fpeedy conclufion, for fear 
 •fsthe co,.- a (j e l a y might produce an agreement between the army and 
 Parliament. This union was fo natural, in the extremity 
 ‘refotvesto to which the affairs of the Parliament were reduced, that 
 ^feeheded * s a fi on 'fi 1 ‘ n gj 110 endeavours were ufed to procure it. 
 embers* At leaft, Hiltory is filent upon that head. So Monk, de- 
 lillips. firous to improve fo favorable a juncture, refolved to in- 
 
 ferebdon tro< Iuce the fecluded Members into the Parliament, in fpite 
 p. ,63! of thofe who were now fitting. But as this could not be 
 done without the affiftancc of the army, he affcmbled his 
 officers, to acquaint them with his intentions. All con- 
 fen ted, on certain conditions relating to their own interefts, 
 and which were pofitively promifed. Then Monk made 
 the fecluded Members engage, that after their re-admiffion, 
 they would call a free Parliament, and diffolve the pre- 
 fent(i). 
 
 be feduded Thefe refolutions being taken, Monk repaired to JVhite- 
 
 rs . rc ' hall the 2 1 ft of February , attended by all the fecluded Mem¬ 
 bers, and after an exhortation to take care of the interefts 
 eb. 11. pf the nation, gave them a guard to conducft them to the 
 lfre'ndon. Parliament, where they took their feats, without anypre- 
 1. p. 4y/. vious notice to the fitting Members. They were fo fupe- 
 *Coke r ‘ or * n num fi er t0 c fi e Independents, that the heads ol that 
 s be indepen- party? after a fhort demur among themfelves, thought fit 
 f Chiefs to withdraw, and abandon their caufe. 
 hilifps*’ The fame da y> Monk writ a circular letter to all the re- 
 689. giments, to inform them of the change in the Parliament, 
 ■ctcUr Lee- t 0 affure them of the zeal of the reftored Members for the 
 lonkw interefts of the army, and to defire their oppofition to all 
 U officers to attempts in favour of Charles Stuart. This Jail claufe was 
 ,ltht Re &~ thought neccffary to keep the army in temper, which was 
 S88. yet far from defiring the King’s reftoiation. This letter 
 was figned by Monk himfelf, and his principal officers, and 
 fent the fame day to the Colonels of the feveral regiments. 
 \AQsmadeby This Parliament continued their Seffion but twenty five 
 b da y s ’ String which they did feveral things, plainly fhew- 
 
 toeremainder they were far from being the King’s enemies. Some 
 •fits Seffion. of their proceedings fhall here be laid together, that I may 
 M90” Vr. not Be obliged to break the thread of thenarration. 1 . They 
 " annulled all votes and orders made by the Parliament fince 
 the 6th of December 1648. againft the fecluded Members. 
 2. They releafed all the imprifoned friends of the King, 
 and amongft the reft Sir George Booth (2). 3. They con- 
 
 ftituted Monk , by Act of Parliament, Captain general of 
 the armies of the three Nations. 4. They repealed the 
 Oath of abjuration of Charles Stuart , and all the Royal 
 Family. 5. They appointed a new Council of State con¬ 
 futing of one and thirty Members, moft of them Royal.fts, 
 and well-difpofed to ferve the King(3). 6. They made 
 great changes in the Militia of London , and the feveral 
 counties, and revoked all commiffions granted by the Re¬ 
 publicans. 7. They abrogated theengagement to be true and 
 faithful to the Commonwealth without a King, or Houje of 
 Peers , by which the Lords, who were generally the King’s 
 
 Adherents were reftored to their right of conftituting afe- 1659-60. 
 parate Houfe in Parliament. Laftly, they diffolved them- The 
 felves the 16th of March, after having iffued out writs for ff. ‘metier 
 a free Parliament to meet the 25th o {April, who were to a,.A diffidel 
 reftorethe King, which was no longer doubted (4). Hav- : -'ff- 
 ever, as fuch a change could not pleafe every one, after fo clarendon, 
 long an interruption of Kingly power, the Parliament, be- hi. p. 563. 
 fore their reparation, thought it ftill neceflary to amufe ^ h , ! ‘; ps ‘ 
 the publick, or at leaft to leave room to doubt whether the . f} ,i ; 
 King’s Reftoration was intended. Wherefore it was voted, r '' ■; ent 
 firft, that no perfon fhould be admitted to any military , ' : “ 
 
 employ, before he had fworn to acknowledge the lawful- . , 
 
 nefs oi taking arms againft the late King(5). Second'., 
 that no perfon who had been in arms againft the Parlia¬ 
 ment, fhould be chofen a Member of the next Parliament. 
 
 In all appearance, thefe refolutions were only taken tu pre¬ 
 vent disturbances from the Male-contents, in the interval 
 betwixt the two Parliaments. It is a: leaft certain, that 
 the laft was neglected in the new elections of Reprefen-! 
 tatives, among whom were great numbers of Royalifts* 
 
 As the non-obfervance of it was to be queftioned by tiie 
 next Parliament only, there was nothing to be laid, till 
 they Ihculd meet. 
 
 But thefe deceitful votes were not capable of impoflng on Tie Rep nil! 
 the Republicans, who faw but too plainly, thatarefolution 
 was taken to reftore the King. To prevent this blow which l ail 
 could not but crulh them entirely, they endeavoured to 
 perfuadc Monk to take upon himfelf the Government, and Ifa'lZ'll' 
 Supply the Place of Oliver Cromwell (6), chufing rather-"" .7; 
 to own him for Governor or even Sovereign, than be ex- pi ■ I * 
 pofed to the King’s vengeance. Monk having conftantly v/.uvv-k. 
 rejected this offer, they applied to Clarges to defire him to " " : .n 
 perfuade the General to accept the Government. But 
 Clarges difeovered their plot to the Council of State, who, p.’oyj 
 if Monk had not interceded for them, would have punifhed 
 them feverely. 
 
 This attempt failing, they privately excited a good num- Ea-ate- 
 ber of Officers of their own principles to draw up a De- f 'f {f !! 
 claration, by which they engaged to fupport the Republi- / .; .V 
 can Government. They brought this Declaration to the ' : \° 
 
 General to fign, pretending it fhould afterwards be fubferib- ' , : ff > 
 
 ed by the whole army. But Monk excufed himfelf, al- if.f. 
 ledging, this precaution was needlefs after the vote. That u- rffi-nsit. 
 no adherent of the King fhould beele&ed to ferve in the £ 
 enfuing Parliament. But they made no account of this 
 evafion, knowing, that it belonged to the Houfe of Com¬ 
 mons to judge of the qualifications of their Member s. In Forbids the 
 fhort, as they continued to importune him, he forbad officerstonf- 
 them with an air of authority, to affemble without his per- ontiLve^ 
 million. from him. 
 
 The tranfa&ions in England being quickly carried to Mnzarin 
 Cardinal Mazarin, it was not difficult for him to perceive, 
 that Monk had fome great delign in view. But as he could fifll tie? 
 not judge whether that General was labouring for himfelf 
 or the King, he ordered Monfieur de Bourdeaux the French 
 Ambaffador at London, to offer his friendfhip to Monk, and cejs. 
 every thing in his power, whatever were his defigns. Pro- ’y.' r r ; 
 bably, the Cardinal, who had always treated the King with N ' ' irw “' ' 
 neglecft, and was but little, if at all, defirous of his Re¬ 
 ftoration, would have been glad, Monk had been labour¬ 
 ing for himfelf (7). But in cafe Monk intended to reftore 
 the King, the Cardinal was willing to have fome fhare in 
 it, in order to make amends for his harfh ufage of the King, 
 on fundry occafionsi The Ambaflador applying to Clarges , 
 intimated to h:m, that the Cardinal was ready to ferve the 
 General in all his undertakings, and defired a conference 
 with him. But though Monk would not abfolutely refufe 
 a vifit from the Ambaflador, he ordered Clarges to tell 
 him, it was on condition, he fhould not propofe any thing 
 to him in reference to the Englijh affairs. So, the vifit 
 pafled in general compliments. 
 
 (T Monk made the fecluded Members, before their Admiffion, fubferibe thefe four Articles. 1. To fettle the Con Juft of the Armies in the three Na¬ 
 tions fo as m-ghc bell fccure the peace of the Commonwealth. 2. To provide for the fupporc of the forces by fea and land, and money alfo for their 
 arrears, and the contingencies of the Government. 3. To con'fttcuce a Council of State for the Civil Government of Scotland and Ireland, and to iflueouc 
 Writs for the fummoning a Parliament to meet at Weflminfier the 27th of April. 4. To confent to cheir own diffolution, by a time that lhouli be li¬ 
 mited to them. Si-inner, p.241. 
 
 (2) The Earls of Crawf.rd and Lsuderd.de, and the Lord Sinclair, were alfo releafed. 
 
 < 3) To let the Reader fee who were then the leading men, it may not be ain fs to inferc the Names of this Council, which Rapin, by miftake, fays, con¬ 
 fided but of twenty one Members. General Monk, William Pin-point, John Crew, Colonel Roffiter, Richard Knight ley. Colonel Popham, Colonel Mar Icy, 
 Lord Fairfax, Sir Anthony Afhtcy Cooper, Sir Gilbert Gerrard, Lord-Chief-Jullice St.John, Sir John Temple, Lord-Commiflioner Widd'weton, Sir John 
 Evelyn, Sit lh’/i:am Waller, S.r Richard Onflow, Sir William Leeds, Colonel Edward Montapue, Colonel Edward Harley, Colonel Richard N.rton, Arthur 
 Anne fey, Dcnx.il Holies, Colonel George T/nmfon, John Trevor, Sir John Holland, Sir John Potts, Colonel John "Birch, Sir Harbottle Grimfanc, John Swinfin, 
 John Weaver, Serjeant Maynard. Phillips, p.690. 
 
 (4) They alfo raifed an Aflefl'menr ot one hundred thoufand pounds a month, for the payment of the Army, and defraying the publick expences for 
 fix months. Clarendon, Tom. III. p. 5-63. 
 
 f y) In the Aft of the Militia of London was a Claufe, that every Commiflloner fhall acknowledge and declare, “ That the War undertaken by both 
 “ Houfesof Parliament in their Defence againft the Forces raifed in the Name of the late King, was juft and lawful, and chat Magiftracy and Miniflry 
 “ are the Ordinances of God. Whittled’, p, 699. 
 
 (6) Among the reft, fays Skinner, Sir Arthur Haflerig, to preclude the King’s Reftoration, offered him one hundred thoufand hands that fhould ftlb- 
 fenbe his Title, p. 276. 
 
 (7 Mr .Locke fays, That Monk had agreed with the French Ambaflador to rake che Government on himfelf, by whom he had promife from Max.nla 
 of ufliftance from France, to fupporc him in this undertaking. This bargain was ftruck between them late at night, but not fo fecretly, but that Monk’s 
 Wife, who had polled herfelf behind the hangings. Where (he could hear all that palled, finding what was refolved, fent immediately notice bf it by Her 
 Brother Clarges co Sir Anthony Afhley Cooper. She was zealous for the Reftoration of the King, and promifed Sir Anthony, to watch her Husband, and in¬ 
 form him from time to time how matters went. Upon this notice Sir Anthony fummoned the Council of State, and before them, indire£tly charging 
 Monk with what he had learned, propofed. That to remove all fcruples, Monk would at that inftant rake away their Commiffions from fuch and fuch 
 Officers in his Army, and give them to thofe whom he named. By this means the Army ceafed co be at Monk's devotion, and was puc into hands that 
 would not ferve him, in che defign he had undertaken. Memoirs of the Egrl of Skaftsbury. 
 
 The 
 
6 i6 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 Toe H 1 S T 0 R Y of ENGLAND. 
 
 1659-60, 
 Sir John 
 Greenvil 
 eBfpanhed t, 
 Mink fr.’n 
 the King. 
 
 , 1660. 
 
 r. 698. 
 
 R. Coke. 
 Whitelock 
 
 Prifnrr by 
 Ingoldsby. 
 A forged 
 Letter dif- 
 perfcd to 
 prevent 
 the King's 
 RtflorMlon. 
 Phillips, 
 p. 699. 
 
 DetUratlm 
 of the King 
 Party. 
 Clarendon 
 III. P . 77S 
 Phillips, 
 p. 700. 
 
 The Parll.i- 
 
 April 25-. 
 Clarendon, 
 III. p.789! 
 
 The day after thedifTolution of the Parliament, Sir John 
 Greenvil , fent by the King to General Monk , was intro- 
 „ duced to him in the night. He told him, the King 
 ■1 expected great fervices from him, and that he would finifh 
 a work fo happily begun, and even very far advanced. 
 . Monk anfwered, He was always difpofed to ferve his Ma- 
 jefty to the utmoft of his power: But the troops of the 
 two armies were yet fo averfe to his Reftoration, that the 
 defign could not be kept too fecret, becaufe a difcovery 
 would give occafion to the Republicans to fubvert it. Dil- 
 _ Emulation therefore was yet neceflary, till the Parliament 
 which was to meet fhould complete the work ; and, in the 
 mean time, it fhould be his care to model the army to the 
 King's advantage, by the removal of the mod fufpedled 
 Officers. He added, the better to execute the projedled 
 defign, he thought it abfolutely neceflary for the King to 
 prepare a declaration capable of difpelling the fears of thofe 
 who were mod guilty, and promife a free and general par¬ 
 don to all his Subjedls, except fuch as fhould be exempted 
 by Parliament; and that he would confent to any Adi 
 which fhould be prefented to him for the payment of the 
 arrears due to the army, and for the fettlement of publick 
 falesand difpofitions of lands to officers, foldiers and others; 
 as alfo for toleration or liberty of confcience, and that no 
 perfon fhould be molefted on account of his Religion, who 
 fhould not difturb the publick peace. Laftly, his advice was, 
 that the King fhould remove in time to fome town of the 
 United Provinces , to prevent his being arrefted by the Spa¬ 
 niards, fhould they have any fuch intention, which might 
 ruin the whole undertaking. 
 
 The King pundlually followed thefe inftrudlions, as will 
 be prefently feen, and removed from Brujfels to Breda , 
 not without danger of being flopped at BruJJels , according 
 to the LorJ Clarendon. 
 
 Mean while, Monk made good ufe of the time, which 
 .'remained till the meeting of the Parliament. He difplaccd, 
 on divers pictences, fuch officers as were mofl fufpedled by 
 him, and filled their pofls With others in whom he could 
 . entirely confide. Moreover, fome officers, by his direction, 
 framed an engagement in form of an addrefs to the Gene¬ 
 ral, by which they promifed a ready obedience to the orders 
 of the Parliament, when afiembled. This engagement 
 being prefented to Monk, he approved it, and ordered it to 
 be fubferibed by all the regiments in England , Scotland, 
 and Ireland. This gave him a pretence to remove fuch as 
 refufed to lign it. 
 
 While the hopes of the King and his party were daily 
 , increafing, an accident happened, which might have been 
 attended with ill-confequences, had it not been fpeedily 
 remedied. This was Lamberts, efcape out of the Tower, 
 and his putting himfeif at the head of fome troops (1). As 
 . he was greatly efleemed by the foldiers, there was danger 
 that all the Republicans, who were very numerous in the 
 , army, would declare for him. Wherefore Monk loft not 
 a moment to prevent this danger before the mifehief reached 
 any farther. Lambert having afiembled fome difeontented 
 troops at Daventry, Ingoldsby was immediately fent againft 
 him, with Monk’s own regiment, and ordered to take 
 . fome other troops in his way, and give him battle. This 
 extreme diligence did the buiinefs effedlually. A sLambert 
 had not yet time to afl'emble many troops, Ingoldsby met 
 him the 22d of April , thirteen days after his efcape, de¬ 
 feated, and fent him to the Tower. Thus the fear which 
 Lambert's efcape had infufed into the King’s party was en¬ 
 tirely difpelled. 
 
 I wo days before the Parliament met, the Republicans 
 made another attempt to prevent the King’s Reftoration, 
 by difperflng a forged letter from Brujfels, in which it was 
 faid, that the King only waited his reftoration, to be fe- 
 verely revenged upon all his oppofers. It was alfo added, 
 that his party was preparing to put them all to the fword. 
 This forged letter beginning to do mifehief, the Lords, and 
 others of the King’s party, publifhed a Declaration ligned 
 ‘ by feventy perfons, in which they difavowed the intentions 
 aferibed to them, and protefted, that their defire was to 
 • live peaceably, without any thoughts of revenge upon the 
 authors of their fufferings. 
 
 The new Parliament met the 25th of April, in two 
 Houfes, the one of Lords, the other of Commons, agree¬ 
 ably to the antient Conflitution (2). In the Houfe of 
 Lords moft were the King’s friends. In that of the Com¬ 
 mons, it was found, that many Royalifts were eledled, 
 notwithftanding the above-mentioned vote. Some Presby¬ 
 terians, who were not in the lecret, had a mind to com¬ 
 plain, and moved for an examination of the elections, but 
 were not heard. Moft ot the Presbyterian members were 
 no lefs zealous than the Royalifts for the King’s reftora¬ 
 tion, which every one wifhed, not fo much, perhaps, out 
 ot affection to him, as to deliver the Kingdom from the 
 
 rhe K"’g: i 
 
 dominion of the Independents and Fanaticks, and from the 166o.v« 
 tyranny of the army, which had lafted twelve years. 
 
 Two days after the opening of the Parliament Green- The ip„g:» 
 "oil , returning from Brujfels , waited on Monk, with a- 1 ' 64 ‘f 
 commiilion from the King, conilituting him Captain- N j ^ 
 general of all the forces of the three Kingdoms, and alfo ,v 
 
 with a letter from his Majefty to be communicated to the ‘T 
 
 Council of State, and the officers of the army. But Monk j* 
 
 declined to open the letter, till he had received the Par- dinner..-! 
 liament’s directions. Mean time, the Commons having Grecm-il. it 
 adjourned themfelves for two or three days, Greenvil ap- ffjf * j 
 plied himfeif to the Lords, and prefented to them a letter n-J., r^ J 
 from tile King, with a Declaration dated the 14th of :id "• ■*'1 
 Apm. - 
 
 In the letter the King told the Lords, that hearing. The 
 they were again acknowledged to have the authority, be- T 
 
 longing to them by their birth, he hoped they would make Jjj'. pl 
 ufe of it for the publick good, for compofing the dillradti- whi.-iaciM 
 ons of the Kingdom, and for reftoring him to his juft 
 Prerogatives, the Parliament to their privileges, and the 
 People to their liberties. As for the Declaration, it will 
 be neceflary to infert it at large. 
 
 Charles Rex. 
 
 C HA RLE S by the Grace of God, King of Eng¬ 
 land , Scotland , France and Ireland, Defender of the 
 “ L ai:h, iffc. To all our loving Subjects, of what degree 
 “ or quality foever, greeting. If the general dillradtion i 
 “ and confufion which is fpread over the whole Kingdom, 1 
 “ doth not awaken all men to a defire and longing, that 
 “ thofe wounds which have fo many years together been 
 “ kept bleeding, may be bound up, all we can fay will be 
 “ to no purpofe: However, after this long filence, We 
 “ have thought it our duty to declare how much we deli re 
 “ to contribute thereunto : And that as we can never give 
 “ over the hope, in good time to obtain the pofleffion of 
 “ that right, which God and Nature hath made our due; 
 
 “ fo we do make it our daily fuit to the Divine Provi- 
 “ dence, that he will, in compaffion to us and our Subjects, 
 
 “ after fo long mifery and fufferings, remit, and put us 
 “ into a quiet and peaceable pofleffion of that our right, 
 
 M with as little blood and damage to our People as is 
 “ poffible; nor do we dclire more to enjoy what is ours, 
 
 “ than that all our Subjedls may enjoy what by law is 
 “ theirs, by a full and entire Adminiltration of Juflice 
 “ throughout the land, and by extending our mercy where 
 “ ’tis wanted and deferved. 
 
 “ And to the end that fear of punifhment may not en- 
 “ gage any, confcious to themfelves of what is pait, to a 
 “ perfeverance in guilt for the future, by oppofing the quiet 
 “ and happinefs of their country, in the reftoration both 
 “ of King, Peers, and People, to their juft, antient, and 
 “ fundamental rights; We do by thefe prefents declare, 
 
 “ That we do grant a Free and General Pardon, which 
 “ we are ready, upon demand, to pafs under ourGreat- 
 “ Seal of England , to all our Subjedls of what degree or 
 “ quality foever, who within forty days after the publifh- 
 “ ing hereof, fhall lay hold upon this our Grace and Fa- 
 “ vour, and fhall by any publick Adi declare their doing 
 “ fo, and that they return to the loyalty and obedience 
 “ of good Subjedls, excepting only fuch perfons as (hall 
 “ hereafter be excepted by Parliament: Thofe only ex- 
 “ cepted, Let all cur Subjedls, how faulty foever, rely 
 “ upon the word ol a King, folemnly given by this pre- 
 “ fent declaration, That no crime whatsoever, committed 
 cc againft us, or our royal Father, before the publication 
 “ of this, fhall ever rife in judgment, or be brought in 
 “ queftion againft any of them, to the leaft endamagement 
 “ of them, either in their lives, liberties, or eftates, or 
 “ (as far forth as lies in our power) fo much as to the pre- 
 “ judice of their reputations, by any reproach, or terms 
 “ of diftinclion from the reft of our beft Subjects; we 
 “ defiring and ordaining, That henceforward all notes of 
 “ difeord, feparation, and difference of parties, be utterly 
 “ abolifhed among all our Subjedls, whom we invite and 
 “ conjure to a perkdt union among themfelves, under our 
 “ protection, for the refettlement of our jufts rights and 
 “ theirs, in a Free Parliament, by which, upon the word 
 “ of a King, we will be advifed. 
 
 “ And becaufe the paffion and uncharitablenefs of the 
 “ Times have produced leveral Opinions in Religion, by 
 “ which men are engaged in parties and animofities againft 
 “ each other, which, when they fhall hereafter unite in 
 “ a freedom ofconverfation, will-be compofed, or better 
 “ underftood; We do declare a liberty to tender con- 
 “ fciences; and that no man fhall be difquietcd, or called 
 “ in queltion for differences ol opinion in matters of reli- 
 “ gion, which do not difturb the peace of the Kingdom, 
 
 “ and that we fhall be ieady to confent to fuch an Adt of 
 
 umjmy of Foot. Phillips, p. 69".-Four 
 
 :holea opcjker for the Lords, and Sir H.rfott 
 
 Troops 
 
 1 Horfe in all fay: White!, 
 tor the co;niuoiis, Ph 
 
 *, p. 699. 
 lips, p.7-1. 
 
 Parliament, 
 
Book XXII. 
 
 7 "he Council of Stat 
 
 E. 
 
 617 
 
 l66o. 
 
 ’■'’ole oj the 
 ’aOrd, in 
 W of 
 be Kmg. 
 Phillips, 
 i- j7 0 3 • 
 rbe Com- 
 
 ncm receive 
 i Letter 
 r rom the 
 K‘no. with 
 
 ur -with 
 
 be horde, 
 \nd the King 
 
 , r,fared 
 
 without any 
 Venditioni. 
 
 “ Parliament, a? upon mature deliberation fhall be offered 
 “ unto us, for the full granting that indulgence. 
 
 “ And becaufe in the continued diffractions of fo many 
 “ years, and fo many and great revolutions, many grants 
 and purchafes of eftates have been made to and by many 
 officers, foldiers, and others, who are now poffefled of 
 * c the fame, and who may be liable to adtions at law, up- 
 “ on feveral titles; We are likewife willing, that all fuch 
 « differences and all things relating to fuch grants, fales 
 <* and purchafes , fhall be determined in Parliament, 
 “ which can beft provide for the juft fatisfadtion of all 
 “ Men who are concerned. 
 
 “ And we do further declare, that we will be ready to 
 “ confent to any ACt or Adts of Parliament, to the purpo- 
 fes aforefaid, And for the full fatisfadtion of all arrears 
 due to the officers and foldiers of the army under the 
 “ command of General Monk, and that they fhall be re- 
 “ ceived into our fervice upon as good pay and conditions 
 “ as they now enjoy.” 
 
 Immediately after the reading of this declaration, the 
 Lords voted, That., according to the antient and fundamental 
 Laws of this Kingdom, the Government is, and ought to be 
 by King, Lords, and Commons. 
 
 Then, Sir fohn Grecnvil came to the Houfe of Com¬ 
 mons, and prefented a Letter to them from his Majefty, 
 with the fame declaration inclofed, which was read, as 
 well as the Letter diredted to General Monk to be commu¬ 
 nicated to the Council of State and the Army. Thefe 
 papers, which, three months before, would have lain un¬ 
 regarded on the table, were now confider’d as convincing 
 proofs of the King’s good intentions, and fufficient reafons 
 to reftore him to the exercife of the Kingly power, with¬ 
 out requiring other conditions than what he fliould himfelf 
 be pleafed to grant. The Commons therefore readily a- 
 greed to the vote of the Lords, and fo the King faw him- 
 (elf reftored without any of the conditions which had 
 caus’d fo long a war, and fo great an effufion of blood. 
 This is a clear evidence, either that the Royalifts were 
 much fuperior in number in the Houfe, which neverthe- 
 lefs is not very probable, or that the Presbyterians were 
 willing to defift from conditions which they had formerly 
 fo ardently demanded, for certain terms relating to their 
 religion, which had been politively promifed, but which. 
 
 as they were never performed, gave afterwards too juft 1660. 
 caufe of complaint. 
 
 The King being effetftually recognized, by the vote of rr f’ n,t 
 both Houfes, the Commons order’d, that fifty thoufand cLLn! to* 
 pounds fhould be prefented to him, ten thoufand to the the Kmg, 
 Duke of York , and five thoufand to the Duke of Glocef- y Ukl °f 
 cer. Thefe Princes had never before been mailers of fuch j°J k; ’ c "" 
 Sums(l). Glocefter. 
 
 Then the Commons ordered, that all the Journals fhould YJ'^iock. 
 be fearched, and thofe Atfts and Orders razed out which p "of,- 0 6. 
 were ’inconliftent with the Government of King, Lords elation, 
 and Commons. The army, the navy , and the city 
 London prepared Addrefles to congratulate his Majefty on R.'Coke, 
 his reftoration, and to promife him perfect obedience, 
 and thefe Addreffes were delivered to Charges , who under¬ 
 took to carry them to the King. The 8th of May , the Tbe Kin S 
 King was proclaimed in London with great folemnitv, and 
 Commiffioners from the Parliament and City departed on Phillip’s, 
 the 1 ith to wait on the King, who expected them at the P- 7 - oK - 
 Hague. Some Pre.-byterian Minifters alfo repaired thither, ^"Tfrom 
 as well to imprint on the King a fenfe of the fervice lately 'te Barba- 
 done him by their fedt, as to found his inclinations with m : r “ 
 regard to the liberty, which they had probably ftipula- k?^! 
 ted, before they engaged in the affair of his reftoration. P-7°7* 
 The King confirmed by word of mouth what lie had pro- ^ I Jrend ° 1 * 3 4 * * * * * * 11 ' 
 mifed by his declaration. But when they belbught him not ConfremT' 
 to revive the ufe of the Common-Prayer in his (Dn^pel, /■>« 
 and that the Suiplice might he difeontinued, he warmly P ' 
 anfwered, That tuhiljl he gave them liberty, he would j 
 have his own taken from him (2). King. 
 
 After the King had given audience to the Parliament’s ffo /Cin " 
 Commiffioners the 16th of May, and received the homage n™ aL 
 of Admiral Montague, and the other officers of the ntiVy, di ‘ r " c “ J rbe 
 who waited on him at Scheveling, he ftill remained tomt 
 days at the Hague, as well to prepare for his departure, as Parliament. 
 to receive the compliments of the States (3), and embarked M ' y ,6 ’ 
 the 23d. He arrived at Dmir the 25th, and the fame whii 7 h,l“ 
 day at Canterbury, where on the morrow, lie honoured May z 9 . 
 Monk with the Order of the Garter. The iprh, his Phillips ' 
 Birth-day, he arrived at Whitehall, thro’ a mimbcrlefs emend’"* 
 multitude of People, who, by their acclamations, demon- ijl F 
 llrated their joy at his reftoration (4). 
 
 ethyl,,, 
 
 infer, 
 end tbe 
 
 (1) The City of London fent alfo ten thoufand pounds to the King, and a thoufand pounds a piece tn his two Brothers. Phil pi p 707. 
 
 (z) Wbitclock fiys, “ The Minifters had difeourfe with the King, and were much fatisfied with him," p. 702. But the Lord Clarendon't w’rd- 
 “ Though they were much unfatisfied with him, they ceafed farther troubling him.” Tom. 3. p. 601. 
 
 (3) Who made him a prefent of fix thoufand pounds. Wbitclock, p. 70J. 
 
 (4) Burnet obferves, in the Hiftory of Li, own lime,, that fuch unanimity appeared in the proceedings of the Parliament far the King’s Reftoration that rS- 
 
 wasnot the Ie3ft Jifpute among them, butupon one Cagle point, yet that was a very impotunt one. Hale, afterwards the famous Chief- IntBce tn -d 'l l *"♦ 
 a Committee might be appointed to look into the proportions that had been made, and the conceflinns ihat had been offered by the late Kmg 'and from'th ’ - a * 
 geft fuch propofitiona, as they Ihould think fit to be fent over to the King. This Was feconded, but by whom the Biftiop forgot. As fuch a motion w^'f 
 
 ieen, Monk was inftrufted how to anfwer it : He told the Houfe, Tint he had information of fuch numbers of incendiaries ftill in the Kingdom tba 
 
 delay was put to the fending for the King, he could not anlwer for the peace either of the Nation or Army. And as the King was to brine neither A*.mv *"* 
 
 Treafure with him, either to fright or corrupt them, propofitions might be as well offered to him when he fhould come over; fo he moved u ’ ' 
 
 miflioners immediately. This was echoed with fuch a Ihout over the Houfe, that the motion was no more infift-d 0 n And i 
 
 great fervice Monk did. To the King's coming in without conditions, may be well imputed all the criors ot his Reign, and 
 
 that followed afterwards, p. 88, 89. 
 
 r fending Currr- 
 is, fays Burnet, was indeed 1 he 
 t may be adacd, many m/chiefs 
 
 The Parliament, on April 2$. 1649, ’greed u 
 and Half-pence. The larger pieces were inferibed c 
 twixt a Palm branch and a Laurel; Reverie, theft 
 there is XII. the Legend GOD WITH US. The S. 
 
 Figures j and the Half -penny only the fingle Shield, with the Harp 
 
 fort of Coin 
 
 hereof there were coined. Crown,, Half-Crown,, Stilling,, Six-fierce, Pence 
 ... fide, THE COMMONWEALTH OF ENGLAND, ana had St. George's Craft in a SEc’d b 
 Shield conjoined to another, in which is a Harp for Ireland, (vulgarly caikd the B.ecches 1 above which 
 has Vi. above the Shields. The ’Two pence and Pence have no Infcription, only the Initial 
 ued pieces of fine Gold, of the fame Forn 
 
 n the Rever 
 
 were likewife c 
 
 Re- 
 
 Inlcription as the Silver-money, XX. above the Arms. The Half of them have X. ( Fig 2. ) The Six-pente ' 16 S 1, is, flrjtfiy fpcakinc the fi.rt r 
 Money, Queen Elizabeth's being only marked on the flat edge. The Copper Farthing has the Crofs under a Garland, EXGLANDS. FARTHINr “ 
 verle, a Harp, FOR NECESSARY CHANGE. Oliver Cromwell's Crown-piece is inimitably performed, and preferved as » choice Medal in the Cabin 
 the Curious, being the firft milled Money that has an lnfcription upon the Rim. It has his Head Lsuieat, OL1VAR.. D. G. KP. ANG SCO HIR 
 l’RO. Reverfe, in a Shield crowned with the Impetial Ciown of England , S,. Ge-rg.' s C.ofs in the firft and fourth quarters ; St. Andrews's for S> in . J’ 
 fecond; and the Harp for Ireland in the -bird; and in a Scutcheon or Pretence his paternal Coat, namely, a Lien Rampant. Legend PAX OV^ftlTVlf 
 BELLO. I6t8. upon the Rtm, HAS. NISI. PERITVRVS. M1HL AD1MAT. NEMO. The Dye of th s piece having received a FlawhT Crack th 
 full ftreke, leaves a Mark upon the Money juft below the Neck ; a fure token to diftinguifh the true Crown-pieces fro m the counterfeit. The Half Cro - 
 
 a very fair piece, milled on the Edge, and very raie. ( Fig. 1. } * 1 rown 
 
 tqually beautiful, though not fo r 
 
 The Shilling is likewife a 
 
 No. 74 V o l. II. 
 
 R 
 
 THE 
 
[ 6i8 | 
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 BOOK XXIII. 
 
 2 ( 5 . CHARLES II. 
 
 T the arrival of the King, the face of England 
 was entirely changed, and joy, pleafures, pub- 
 lick and private rejoicings fucceeded to trou¬ 
 ble, fear, and confternation. The People 
 were fo tired of the life they had led for 
 twenty years part, that they did not believe it poffible to 
 be in a worfe ftate. Every one rejoiced to fee at laft a 
 calm after fo long a ftorm, and expected to enjoy a tran¬ 
 quillity, fought in vain for fo many years. The Royalifts 
 and Epifcopaliam were at once raifed to the height of their 
 wilhes, in beholding Charles II, on the throne of his an- 
 ceftors, and the Church of England about to refume her 
 former luftre. The^resbyterians flattered themfelves, that 
 their late fervices for the King, would at leaft, procure 
 them an entire Liberty of Confcience, and the free exer- 
 cife of their Religion. The Republicans, Independents, 
 Anabaptifts could not, indeed, hope to be reftored to the 
 ftate they had enjoyed fo many years, but expected at leaft 
 an entire impunity, agreeably to the Breda declaration. 
 The Regicides, that is, the late King’s Judges, were the 
 only perfons that could not but expert the punifhment, 
 they juftly deferved, and yet, even they defpaired not of 
 the King’s clemency, as indeed, fuch as caft themfelves 
 upon it, were not wholly difappointed. It is not therefore 
 ftrange that the whole Kingdom fhould refound with 
 joyful tranfports, and unite in receiving with loud acclama¬ 
 tions a King, who, according to the general expe&ation, 
 was to reftore the publick tranquillity and happinefs, and 
 put all things in their natural order. 
 
 Ex'nw.c Charles II, at the time of his reftoration, was thirty 
 
 prt-pojfrj}'.n years of age, and but little known to moft of his Sub- 
 j e & s ) becaufe he had long lived out of his Dominions. 
 
 Hem. “ His adtions in the Weft, during his youth, where he com¬ 
 manded for the King his father, had been diftinguiflied by 
 no advantagious event. His conduit in Scotland , when he 
 was called to the Crown of that Kingdom, had not re¬ 
 dounded to his honour, fince, in his Declaration publifhed 
 there, he had not fcrupled to facrifice the King his father 
 to his own private advantage. In fhort, the battle of 
 U'orcejler had acquired him no reputation, in which fume 
 pretend he had been too careful of his perfon, though others 
 fpeak of his valour on that occalion with great commenda¬ 
 tion. However this be, his defeat did not contribute to 
 raife his fame as a General. Neverthelefs, his friends, 
 wiih a view to hi ; telloration, had publifhed fuch extra¬ 
 vagant praifes of him, and with fuch aflurance, that, before 
 hi, arrival in England , he palled there lor an accomplifhed 
 Prince, endowed with all the virtues and noble qualities of 
 a beroc. This prepofieffion did more mifehief to Eng¬ 
 land , than all the calumnies thrown upon the laft King. 
 Every one was thereby almoft equally difpofed to put an en¬ 
 ure confidence in the new King, in the belief, that a 
 Prince of fuch a character could never abufe it (i). It 
 was hoped, that content with reftoring the Government 
 to the ftate it was in under Queen Elizabeth , he would 
 avoid treading in the fleps of his Father and Grand¬ 
 father, without attempting to extend his Prerogative. 
 'Phis hope was the more readily entertained, as it was 
 not doubted, that the example of his Father had made a 
 ftrong impreflion upon him. It will hereafter appear, to 
 v.'bat excefs this confidence was carried, and what ufe 
 
 Charles made of it to begin the ruin of the Liberty and t 66o. :- 
 Religion of the Englijh , which his fucceflor James II. had 
 certainly accomplifhed, had not God, by a revolution the 
 moft wonderful, blafted his defigns, when he thought him- 
 felf moft fecure of fuccefs. This projeft to render the Dt f'Z n fl " 
 King abfolute, and equally employ for that purp.fe the 
 affiftance of Catholicks and Proteftants, begun by James I, hlu. ^ " 
 vigoroufly purfued by Charles I, interrupted by twenty 
 years troubles, was eagerly refumed under Charles II. 
 
 If this be not laid down as the bafis of the events of this 
 reign, I don’t think it poffible to account for the conduct 
 of King Charles II, unlefs it be believed, that he a&ed by 
 mere caprice, without principles, maxims, or any defign, 
 which can t be thought of a 1 rince, who had as much wit 
 and fenfe as any Prince in Europe. But it is nor yet time 
 to defeend to thefe particulars, efpecially as it is uncertain 
 whether this projetft was formed at the beginning of his 
 reign, crowing to fome favorable jun£Iures.° At leaft, the 
 conduit of Charles immediately after his reftoration, gives 
 no occafion to fufpetft he had already thought of it. 
 
 Charles had, as I have faid, embraced the Catholick Re- Tbt A7nfj| 
 Jigion, before his return into England. Some fay, he ab- 
 jured the Proteftant Religion to~Cardinal de Retz, before 
 he left France the laft time. Others pretend, it was in the P ?3 ' "i 
 year 1659, in his journey to Fontarabia, in order to pro¬ 
 cure his reftoration, by the affiftance of the two Crowns of 
 France and Spain. However this be, the fecret, known 
 only to the Earl of BriJloC and Sir Henry Bonnet , after¬ 
 wards Earl of Arlington , was fo well concealed, that the 
 publick was ignorant of it, till after the King’s death, 
 when his fucceflor, James II, was pleafed to divulge it. 
 
 But at prefent, it is a thing of which there is no room 
 to doubt. It may be affirmed, his embracing the Catholick Id , 
 Religion was not through a principle of Confcience, fince, * 
 in the whole courfe of his life, he fhowed no fenfe of Reli¬ 
 gion. The greateft compliment a famous Author thinks ibid. L 
 fit to pay him, is, to fay he was no Atheift (2). This is _ [ 
 
 confirmed by the character given of him by the Earl of Mulgrave't* 
 Mulgravc , who cannot be fufpecled of a defign to Hander :n b “ cu 3 
 him. His fentiments of Religion in general may be judged r J?'\ , 
 
 of, by what Dr. Burnet fays of him, in the Hijlory of his ” 
 own Times , namely, that he fcrupled not to communicate 
 the fame day in two different Chapels, publickly in the 
 Proteftant, and privately in the Popifh. However, he loft 
 no opportunity, in his Speeches to the Parliament, to boaft 
 of his attachment to the Proteftant Religion, and his zeal for 
 its advancement. Such behaviour, fo unworthy of a Chrif- 
 tian, cannot but be very injurious to his memory. Accord¬ 
 ingly, thofe, who have moft endeavoured to palliate his fail¬ 
 ings, have not been able to deny, he was a perfedf mafter 
 of diffimulation. 
 
 He had, belides this, a maxim not much lefs dangerous, R'og 
 namely, that there was neither fiiicerity nor chaftity in the Charl£ 
 world out of principle, but that fome had the one or the mZ'Z ” 1 % 
 other out of humour or vanity; and believed no body 
 ferved him out of love, and therefore he was quits with all p ' 94 ‘ 
 the world, and loved others as little as he thought they 
 loved him. He was extremely affable, and fo eafy and 
 complaifant, that he feemed to take a pleafure in beftowing 
 favours, by his manner of receiving the requefts that were 
 made to him. But he forfeited at laft the efteem and af- 
 
 ) V> hen the Earl of Set 
 oweo all 1 hey either fe 
 
 , that when the 
 
 thetc Intang.ements. Bur 
 '1) Burntt'% words are 
 pleafure out of the way. 
 
 s power, either 
 Age of Pleafure fliould be 
 
 
 to fee what Charles II, was like to provt, he faid once, in great wrath, to Chancellor Hyde, That it w 
 L" “ h ?‘L 00t P olT,rfled then h | n , ali h‘ s Otters, with fuch an opinion of the King, they would have t««.. 
 
 or them any mifchtef. Hyde anfwered, He though: the King had fo itu : a Jjdgmer.-, and fo good 
 , and the Idlenefs cf his exile turned to an obligation to mind Affairs, that he would have ffiak.cn of 
 
 felt, he was oo Atheift. o:t could not think G«d would make a nun miferable, 
 
 only for takrrjg a litde 
 
 feilion 
 

 •//ffa//, fi'nfc 
 
 DtUHtPfl 
 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. C H A R L E S II. 
 
 6 r a 
 
 //« Fault. 
 
 B-rnct. 
 
 Mulgrave. 
 
 
 Duke of 
 
 York’i 
 
 Cbaraller, 
 
 ctntiou/neft 
 in England. 
 Burnet. 
 
 7 be Kin% 
 for in 1 bis 
 Council. 
 
 Chancellor 
 Hyde b'l 
 firji Mini. 
 f‘r. 
 
 ■ fc&on of h,s Subjcas, who had almoft adored h,m ,n the proper to preferve the King in J, is rcfolution of procuring iSfio 
 
 begmmng of his reign, becaufe they difcovered how little tranquillity for all his Subjefl* without diftihaioi, P ? 
 
 they could depend on kind words, and fair promifes, in As foon as the King was arrived in England the Affirm- «■ " 
 
 which he was liberal to excefs. bly, which from the 25th of Jhrll had'been honoured with ' 
 
 1 He was fo add.aed to his pleafures, that though he was the name of Parliament, was only called tht Convention "tin'*" 
 very capable of bufinefs, had a good judgment, qutek appre- the King being unwilling to own for Parliament an Af’ 
 henfion, and great penetration, his Mmifters could hardly fen,bly which had not been fummoned by his writs Bui 
 prevail with hint to fufpend hts pleafures feme hours, and this change of name was of no long continuance Two J”' " 
 attend to affairs, which required fome application. But it days after his arrival, the King went to the Houfe of 
 happened alfo fometimes, that when he would apply h,m- Lords, where he Pent for the Commons, and gave the 
 
 It infer,“mfeveta? P ^ ^ ^ the ** “ A* the AB, M , d 
 
 fu^ “"-who,t im e, fo theycon- ^ ^ 
 
 “ o ^ 
 
 “y th . C Parllamcnt often granted him extraordinary fup- been followed, this Parliament fhould five admitted no ' k "fy 
 
 | lies, he was ever in want, becaufe he fpent his money member, who had either ferved the lad or prefen t King ° J 
 
 without meafure or difcretion, as he received it. This But this otder having been neglected 7 „ theSn, S aT'"" 
 
 threw him upon his Parliament, and, not to break with the were admitted without diilinflion, or examination who’had R ' c - :; " 
 
 rend’ed't^erform 35 6 “ F ° ^ he in ' ^ ff"' As thc fchenlc fur 'I* Ki "g’ a refloration was 
 
 TU .r If,- a „ ei ’ ,,rcIp formed > whcn ,his Parliament met, the Presbvte- 
 
 Rur 1 n f ,h rh pr ' nc 'P al . faults miputed to king Chari,s. nans, who were much fuperior in number, did not think 
 
 But, on the other hand, it cannot be denied, that be had proper to exclude the Royalrfis, with whom they had aorced 
 many good qualtt.es, which might have produced happy ef- to reftore the King. Neither was it thought ht to exdude 
 
 lift’ h b d “p ' 3 , Uk HlS Wlt Was thc R£ P“blicans, nut the Regicides themfelves who were 
 
 lively, his conception wonderful, and his judgment exquifite. not conliderable enough to obitrufl the projedt agreed on 
 He knew the interefts of the Princes of Europe, belter This Parliament is therefore to be looked ipon a“s an Af' 
 than any of his Mimfcrs. He had applied himfelf, du- fembly, wheic the Presbyterians had rerndnlv „ r, ” 
 
 ring his exile, to the ftudy of Phyfick and the Mathema- of voices, and it was this Parliament that rellored theKhi'z 
 teks and more particularly to Navigation, and the build- to the Throne of his anceftors, and, d g th r ftorf 
 ng of Ships, m which he had made great progrefs. With continuance, gave him very real marks of the® zeal for h 
 
 ttlT ' m ' B ! Very car ‘ ,y h r W gOV , erned his Do - fcr,i “' and re-eftablimment of peace and tranquillitv 
 minions, in a manner glorious to himfelf, and advantagious in the Kingdom (3) ^ 
 
 tp his Subjefls, and made himfelf arbiter of Europe. And The affairs of this Parliament, after the Kino’s arrival Pr r„ M 
 yet his reign cannot be laid to be either glorious to him- coni',ffed in three principal points. The firft was an Aft * 
 
 ’r ° r f iy lPPy h ' S ^ubjedfs. File reafon is, that be- of Pardon or Indemnity for whatever had pallid (ince the Par,ia ' 
 caufe of his attachment to his pleafures, and natural remif- beginning of the troubles. This Ad was abfolutely necef ”>a./ 
 nefs, he delivered himfelf up to the counfels ol his Mitlif- fary for the fecurity both of the Perfons and Defcendeni 
 ters, and particularly of his Brother the Duke of York, ot thofe who had been concerned in thefe troubles and were t hillip ': 
 who, during this whole re,go, had but too mud, influence liable to be called to an account, if the laws had been (Infl 
 upon the refoluttons of the Kings Council, into which he ly executed. Boras, from the year ,6aa rhckW 
 found means to introduce fitch, as he believed proper for the party had been deemed rebels by thofe who^ere in [0 ». e f 
 execution of h,s projefts, with regard to Church and State, the King, coming to rule in his turn, mioht have deefarod 
 The Duke of York was of a temper more active, violent, rebels all who had been in arms either a a am ft him nr K 
 haughty and revengeful. He had formed the def.gn of father. The qucllion of right concerning the wabeween 
 rarling the royal author,ty to a great height, and withal, the King and the Parliament, remaining undecTded t w« 
 
 ° r rh S th h C ; a,hollck Rc bg'°n England. He never natural for him who had the power in he, hands to’explain 
 ceafed, through this whole reign, to purfue thefe projedfs, the laws in his own favour. But, on tht other hairi it 
 but more especially, after he was allured, the King his was to be feared, that rigour, on this oct iflon would 
 Brother could not expea any leg,ornate children. All the kindle a new flame. Befides, it was very dift-ult’orlafe 
 
 principal events of this reign, depending properly upon thc ly to explain wherein conftfted the Rights of tlj Kino 
 
 humour and charafler of thefe two princes, I thought it and thofe of the Subjefl, conlidering the Arguments on bmh 
 neceffary to premtle thts defer,pt,on of them. fees, and the infinite cavils to which £ a di™ ffio" 
 
 orr-l, h S W f S r ® ceived ‘ n Lond ° n w ‘* h extraordinary was liable. In a word, explications of this nature had oc 
 acclamations and it began then to be perce,ved, that, u„- caftotied the troubles, which, if it was pollible, were in 
 
 kl „ R' n g’ a rofturat,on, the Eng- tended to be buried in eternal oblivton It wasTbouvht 
 
 ijh were throwing themfelves into a dtffolutenefs, which therefore that the bell means to quiet the minds of ‘the 
 would not have been endured under the Presbyterians and fubjefls was, an Aft of Indemnity for every thincr during 
 
 Independents, but which daily increafed during this whole the troubles B ® 
 
 re,^, by the ill examples of the King and the Court. Thc fecond affair of the Payment, was to enable the r, -v 
 
 k n nS r fi n rfl: r Car n Cftibl,(h a Counci1 ’ com ‘ Ki "g to disband the army. There was no reafon for ” 
 
 pofed chiefly of thofe who had Ihown mod zeal or affeclion keeping on foot an army > which bad been the principal 
 for himfelf, or the King his Father. He received, howe- caufe ol the disorders committed of late years, and which 
 ver, fome men into it, who leemed naturally to have no would have been Hill capable of difturbino' the peace ol the 
 pretenftons thereto (,). Tbts was the effed of his policy : Kingdom under an able leader P 
 
 for ,t appeared, m hts condufl at fed, that his principal The third affair wa, the fettling the Kino's revenue 
 
 atm was to fupprefs the former troubles, in which he could frnce it was abfolutely neceffary to give him wherewithal 
 
 not better fucceed than by fecurmg a perfeft reliance on to fupport the Government, and put him^nT condinon 
 hts promifes, pujtlhed m hts Breda Declaration. His in- to be courted and feared. On thefe^hree important affiirs 
 temion was to difle, as much as was poffible, the enmities the Parliament beflowed their firft care, and began with 
 which had; ft, long divided h.s Subjedts, and to unite them the AS of Indemnity, as being the mod urgent For 
 
 ,'h‘ and a Encore attachment this purpofe the Houfe of Commons folemnly declared in Zf’T., 
 
 fie t!m, w r r “rl-., e la w b011rei1 this for an addre6 P reft "‘= d “ the King by the whole Houfe, that 
 fome time w th zeal, even as I laid, to the receiving in- they accepted, in the name of themfelves, and all the Com- l, 
 
 eftH H™’ 1 ° had .P rofair ' d themfelves hts great- mons of England, the gracious Pardon offered by his Ma tf- 7 ' 
 
 HV rfl. T, ,m, n‘l d b “ j'Ry * n bis declaration from Breda, with rderenje to the 
 
 nor Ife b V T' bc /' cn hereafKr " he was excepting of fitch as fhould be excepted in an Afl of 
 
 Fdtn , Tf T° P 7rl th,! ir ■ u r Pard ° n ’ Thc Lords )ikcwife Panted a petition of the c 
 
 Edward Hyde Lord Chancellor, and foon after Earl of like import. ^ s - * the 
 
 Clarendon, was the King’s Prime Millifter, in whom. Immediately after, the King publilhed a Proclamation 
 with great reafon, he entirely confided. But, as very vi- declaring, that all fuch of the late King’s judges as did’ 
 
 Ably appears in ks Hiftoty of the Civil Wars, he was a not furrender themfelves within fourteen^days liould bn’dZZ-f 
 mortal enemy of the Presbyterians, and confequently, little abfolutely excluded from the general Pardon. 1 Though, by J"' 4 "’ 
 
 alP f T n 5 ^"- kCS raf *’ Gk.-ifler, Sir Edtnard Hyde, Gene,tl Meek, A6m\nl Montague. [ Earl of SanJnaitb 1 thr S' :r ’ 
 
 tin .1; ‘ 'b'M> S "if.o, Her,feed, tht E.rl. of Sendee, L.eJfr, BerJJh,,.. “S X.i,]. i-, 7 P 7S 
 
 k'eymour, C,I,,e,p, r . ,ad M„„. dSiHoi/,,. 4 ,)uj £3 ShCelZi Car'. Wiik 
 
 Heilh. 
 the 
 
 (- 
 
 quifsof Ormond, the Mdrq’.., .. M u 
 
 5 c r co c l io y iH he L ^TT u T-n Stymour ' sV>^3 & 
 
 2) Anfto o^veTin Site’-i d f" 1' A '‘ bur J ln ”'J l ‘y> S\r Cbarlc, Berkley, Sir Edooard Nubo/a,, and Sir William Morncr. 
 
 
6 20 
 
 Tie HI STO RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 the u-ords of this Proclamation, tiiofe who Cur-rendered ing them life, leaving them liable to forfeiture of eftates, 166.. 
 themfelves could not be allured of their lives, it was never- rmprifonment, banrfliment, or luch other penalties as 
 thelefs underftood, that the King made ufe of this artifice the Parliament mould think proper Tins was the fob 
 0 nlv to have it believed, that he would not limit the power j C a of feveral conferences between the two Houles, which 
 and 1 refolutions of the Parliament on this point, and it was in the end, produced an unanimity of fentiments, according ibid, 
 not doubted that the two Houfes coniidered tins Procla- to which the AS was formed In one of thefe conferen- 
 t Pardon, at leaft for life, to thefe who ce?. Chancellor Hyde declared, I hat being employed in an 
 i f I,, confequence of this proclamation, embail'y to Spain, he was exprefsly charged by his Ma- 
 • - ’ jelly to avow. That the horrible murther of his Father was 
 
 not the Ail of the Parliament-, or People of England, but 
 of a very wretched and little company of mfereants in the 
 Kingdom. This was fo agreeable to the Commons, that 
 they ordered fuch of the Privy-Council, as were Mem- 
 
 mation as a fort 
 fhould confide 
 
 lty of the late K 
 
 twenty ot the late tvmg s Judges voluntarily furrendered 
 themfelves, Others withdrew out of the Kingdom, and 
 fome were taken in attempting to efcape. 
 
 While the Parliament proceeded in the Bill of Indemni¬ 
 ty, fome leading Republicans, who hzJ not been the Kii"’" 
 
 judges'but had°exercifcd civil of military employs during burs of the Houfe, to thank the King for this juft defence 
 
 ^ lr S P ar ~ , 11 r _• . La a .. 1 1. > d ... A nr/.f„int mipfl 
 
 ,ofPa, 
 
 lr;;,. 'the'troubles, fearing to be called to an account, demanded of the Parliament and People of England. At laft, the 
 ' of the King Letters of Pardon under the Great-Seal, in King repairing to the Houfe of Lords the a 9 th of Auguji, 
 order to ftreen themfelves from all profecution. The gave the royal affent to the A& of Indemnity, which con- 
 Kine very readily granted their requeft, lhowing thereby tamed in fubftance : 
 
 that°he really intended to perform his promile in his Penalties agamft thofe who fhould ufe.any words of re- i, ,r 
 Breda declaration. For he was perfwaded, there was no punch tending to revive the memory of the late troubles, 
 better way to pacify the troubles, and give his fubjefls con- with an abfolute pardon to all who had been mgaged in „ c,,.’,, 
 fidence, than the exaft obfervance of his promifes. them, excepting the following perfons namely, Phillip,. 
 
 The 5th of July the City of Union invited the King Forty nine of thofe who had been the late King s judges. 
 
 the Treat Officers ol the 
 
 with this diftin£tion that as to the twenty, who had vo¬ 
 luntarily furrendered themfelves, if they were condemned, 
 their execution fhould be fufpended till the King and Par- 
 
 Tic AEt - f 
 
 Indemnity 
 
 ordain. 
 
 Phelps and Sir Arthur Haf.erig were put in the fame 
 condition. 
 
 Hutchinfon and Lajfels were declared incapable of exer- 
 cifing any office, and condemned to one years forfeiture of 
 the revenue of their eftates. 
 
 It was moreover ordained, that Oliver St "John , and fe- 
 venteen others named in this article, fhould be excluded 
 from any benefit by this A£t, if they accepted, or exe- 
 
 bh Brothers, and the two Princes his Brothers, 
 
 &«• dine in Crown, and both Houfes of Parliament to an entertain- 
 v‘u' ly ' ment, the magnificence whereof was fuiiable to the riches 
 
 p. /I; of the City which gave it, and the quality of the perfons liament fhould order the fame. 
 
 * • V)te j 1 ' Oliver Cromwell, Bradjkaw, Pride , and one and twenty 
 
 m Though the Kin* really intended the A a of Indemnity others, who were dead, were made fubjea to confifcations, 
 fhould be quickly difpatched, it met with great obftacles in and other penalties which the King and Parliament fhould 
 the Houfe of Commons with regard to the claufes which 
 Tan-es’"' were t0 inferted. Some were for having no regard to 
 J jb'id.’ the Breda Declaration, but for making examples of all who 
 had moft ardently fupported the late ufurpation. I his 
 raifed a fufpicion that the King incouraged thefe men, 
 and intended to fufpend the effeit of his Declaration by 
 means of the Parliament, till he was revenged of his ene¬ 
 mies. This was induftricufiy difperfed amongft the peo¬ 
 ple in libels, tending to deftroy all confidence in the King’s . ... ......... 
 
 promifes, and revive the troubles by driving to defpair thofe cuted any office in England, , either ecclehaftical, civil, or 
 who knew themfelves moft guilty. To difpel therefore thefe military. 
 
 iufpicions, which might have produced ill effeas, the King All that had given fentence of death in any of the late 
 fent a meftage to the Houfe, to prefs them to difpatch the illegal High-Courts of Juftice, except Colonel Ingold shy 
 Ail of Indemnity, and to make it agreeable to his Declara- and Colonel Tloomlinfon , were difabled from being Mcm- 
 tion from Breda. This meftage fo quickened the de- bers in any Parliament, or bearing any office in England 
 bates, that a few days after, the A£t palled the Houfe of or Wlies. 
 
 Commons, and was Vent up to the Lords for their con- Thofe who had converted to their ufe any goods, be- 
 currence longing to the Church, were excluded from the benefit of 
 
 Prepared by In this Bill, the Houfe of Commons excepted for life this A*St. 
 
 the Com. anc j e fl a r e ^ but a few of the moft notorious and adftive Re- Sir Henry Vane and Lambert were excepted from par- 
 gicides. But the Lords, incited by divers petitions of the don, both as to life and eftate. . 
 
 widows, children, and relations of perfons executed by the The King likewife palled on this occafion the following 
 fentencesof the Courts ereited during the ufurpation, were Adts. 
 
 for excepting from Pardon all who had been Judges in i. An Aft for confirmation of Judicial Proceedings 
 thofe Courts. The King fearing new delays from this from the ift of May 1642, notwithftanding their ille- 
 difference of fentiments between the two Houfes, came to gality. 
 the Houfe of Lords, the 27th of July-, and in a pathetick 
 Speech, endeavoured to perfwade them to pafs the Bill as 
 fent up by the Commons. He reprefented to them “ that 
 “ he was obliged in honour to perform what he had pro- 
 “ mifed in his Declaration ; that he never thought of ex- 
 “ cepting any but the immediate murtherersof his Father; 
 
 “ That the peace and tranquillity of the Kingdom entire- 
 lepended upon the performance ol his promife, which 
 
 Phillips, 
 p. 716. 
 
 Regifter, 
 
 p. xSj. 
 
 2. An A£l for provifion of monies to pay off the armies 
 and navy. 
 
 3. An Adi to fix the intereft of money at fix per 
 Cent. 
 
 4. An Adi for a perpetual Anniverfary Thankfgiving 
 n the 29th of May , the day of his Majefty’s nativity 
 
 and reftoration. 
 
 t _ _ t r r ___ ^ After the King had given his affent to thefe five Adis, t ’ bt 
 
 ( fays he) if I had not made , I am perfwaded neither I he made a Speech to both Houfes, to teftify how much parliament, 
 nor you had now been here: I pray therefore let us not he was pleafed v/ith them; concluding, tc I am fo con- Phjliips. 
 deceive thofe who brought or permitted us to come toge- w fident of your affedlions, that I will not move you in jV f ' nnc( ., 
 
 ’ ther, and earneftly defire you to depart from all particular “ any thing that immediately relates to my felf: And yet R e gifter» 
 animofities and revenge, or memory of paft revocations, “ I muft tell you, that I am not richer, that is, I have 
 ; and pafs this Adi without other exceptions than of thofe “ not fo much money in my purfe, as when I came to 
 
 vho were immediately guilty of the murder of my 
 Father.” 
 
 Amendmenti This Speech, and a meftage fent bv the King to both 
 Lw/farie Houfes on the fame fubjedl, determined the Lords to con- 
 Bill of the form to the Declaration from Breda. They therefore fent 
 Common!. t b e gift to the Commons with two amendments. The 
 firfl concerned twenty perfons, who by the Commons 
 Bill were liable to all the penalties, it fhould pleafe the 
 Parliament to inflidl, death excepted, though they were not 
 the King’s Judges. The Lords refufed their confent to 
 this claufe(i), becaufe it was contrary to the declaration 
 from Breda. The other amendment related to the twenty 
 Judges of the late King, who had voluntarily furrendered 
 themfelves upon the King’s Proclamation of the 6th of 
 June. For the Lords included in the pardon, both for 
 life and eftate, thefe twenty, who had diftinguifhed 
 themfelves from the reft by their confidence in the King’s 
 clemency, whereas the Commons were only for grant- 
 
 you. The truth is, I have lived principally ever fince, 
 
 “ upon what I brought with me, which was indeed your 
 
 “ money: for you fent it to me, and I thank you for it. 
 
 “ The weekly expence of the navy eats up all you have 
 
 “ given me by the bill of Tunnage and Poundage ; Nor 
 
 “ have I been able to give my Brothers one {hilling fince 
 “ I came into England, nor to keep any table in my 
 “ houfe, but what I eat at my felf. And that which 
 “ troubles me moft is, to fee many of you come to me 
 “ at Whitehall, and to think you muft go fome where 
 “ elfe to feek your dinner. I do not mention this to you 
 “ as any thing that troubles me : Do but take care of the 
 “ publick, and for what is neceftary for the peace and 
 “ quiet of the Kingdom, and take your own time for my 
 “ own particular, which I am fure you will provide for, 
 
 “ with as much affection and franknefs, as I can defire.” 
 
 The Commons obferving what the King faid concern- p 
 ing his Brothers, made a prefent to the Duke of York of m 
 
 1) Only 'hey agreed, That Sir Arthur Hajltrig, Sii Ilenrj Vatu, and Colonel Lambert, Ihould be fcbjeft to Pains and Penalties. Phil/ipt, p. 717. 
 
 ten 
 
Book XXIII 
 
 621 
 
 26. C H A R L E S II. 
 
 Jenle m 
 
 Rcgiller, 
 
 p. 
 
 J)ntc of Glo- 
 cclter dies. 
 Sand lord. 
 Phillips. 
 p.730. 
 
 Trial and 
 Execution 
 of the Rep 
 
 October. 
 State-Trials. 
 T. It. 
 oa. 9-19. 
 
 A Vnc'am.t- 
 
 iuf Religion. 
 Oitob. ay. 
 
 Hegi'llVr* 
 
 p. 289. 
 
 The Hifly.pi 
 
 iviT'' 
 
 ten thoufand pounds, and of /even thoufand to the Duke of 
 Glocejler. Alter this, they proceeded to the fettling the 
 ‘ King’s revenue, and refolved to raife ic to twelve hundred 
 thoufand pounds, which was more than any King of Eng¬ 
 land had ever enjoyed, except Hairy VIII (1). But before 
 this could be com pleated, the King came to the Parliament 
 the 13th of September , and palling fome Bills that were 
 ready, they adjourned themfelves to the 6th of November. 
 The Ads palled on this occafion were: 
 
 1. An Ad for the fpeedy raifing of a hundred thoufand 
 pounds for a prefent fupply by way of Land-tax. 
 
 2. An Ad to impower and dired the Commiffioners in 
 what manner to disband the army, and to pay oft’ fome 
 part of the Fleet. 
 
 3. An Ad for raifing one hundred and forty thoufand 
 pounds, at feventy thoufand pounds a month, to begin the 
 hr ft of November. 
 
 4. An Ad for regulating the Bay trade. 
 
 5. An Ad for incouraging and increafing Shipping and 
 Navigation. 
 
 6. An Ad for reftoring fome Minifters to their places, 
 and confirming others in vacant places. 
 
 The fame day died the Duke of Glocejler , the King’s 
 brother. This Prince, now twenty years of age, was un- 
 expededly taken out of the world by the fmall-pox. As 
 he had very good qualities, the King his brother who loved 
 him tenderly, appeared more concerned for this lofs, than 
 for any misfortune which had ever befallen him. 
 
 During the adjournment, the King appointed Commif¬ 
 fioners for trial of the Regicides. The number of thofe 
 concerned in the late King’s death, as Judges, Officers of 
 the Court of Juftice, and others, amounted to fourfeore 
 and one, of whom twenty-five were dead, nineteen had 
 made their efcapes, feven others, for having been lefs in- 
 gaged in the crime were thought worthy of the King’s 
 clemency, and twenty-nine were condemned to die. But 
 of thefe, twenty who had furrendred themfelves upon the 
 proclamation of the 6th of June, were pardoned as to life, 
 but referved for other penalties, as imprifonment, bani/h- 
 ment, and forfeiture of eftate. So, ten only were exe¬ 
 cuted, namely, Harrifon, Carew , Cook, Peters , Scot, Cle¬ 
 ment, Scroop, Jones, Hacker, Axtel. What was moft re¬ 
 markable in the death of thefe men was, that not one ex- 
 prefied any figns of repentance, or did not think himfelf 
 a martyr. Two only were prevailed with to pray for the 
 King. They were almoft all Anabaptifts, Ertthufiafts, 
 P ifth-Monarchy-Men, who believed no violence unlawful 
 to advance the Kingdom of Chrift, and all men of mean 
 birth, except Carew and Scroop. 
 
 A few days after the adjournment of the Parliament, 
 the King publifhed a proclamation concerning Religion, 
 containing eight articles, moft of which preferibed certain 
 rules to the Bifhops in the exercife of their fpiritual Jurif- 
 duftion. The two laft deferve a particular notice, becaufe 
 they difeover that the Presbyterians were not like to con¬ 
 tinue long undifturbed. The Vllth ran, that a certain 
 number of Divines fhotild be appointed to revife the Li¬ 
 turgy, and make fuch alterations in it as Ihould be judged 
 neceflary, and that fcrupulous perfons Ihould not be punifh- 
 ed or troubled for not ufing it at prefent. The VUIth 
 was concerning Ceremonies, to which, for the prefent, no 
 perfon fhould be obliged to conform. This reftri«Slion,yflr 
 the prefent, clearly /hews, that thole who advifed the King 
 to this proclamation, had no intention to leave the Pref- 
 byterians in pofteffion of that liberty which had been pro- 
 mifed them by the Breda declaration, and, doubtlefs, by 
 General Monk, when they engaged to promote the King’s 
 reftoration. 
 
 There were yet living, nine of the old Bifhops, who 
 were reilored to their Sees without any difficulty (2). 
 Seven or eight others were newly confecrated for other 
 Diocefes, and Cofins, againft whom fo many complaints 
 had been brought before the Parliament in 1640, for the 
 See of Durham, where he had once been Prebend (3). 
 Bifhopricks and Ecclefiaftical Benefices were offered to the 
 moft eminent Presbyterian-Minifters, but all refufed ex¬ 
 cept Reynolds , who accepted the Bifhoprick of Nor¬ 
 wich (4). 
 
 I fhall not enlarge on the embaffies to the King from 
 divers Princes of Europe, to congratulate him upon his 
 reftoration ; the States of the Tjnitcd-Provinces were the 
 fiiit who paid their compliments on this occafion, and at 
 the fame time, fent him feveral excellent pictures, drawn 
 by the beft hands. 
 
 September the 25th, the Princefs Dowager of Orange 1660. 
 came to London to congratulate the King her brother upon The 
 his reftoration. And in November arrived from France the q™* 1 " " J 
 Queen-Mother, who brought with her the Princefs Hen-ani'-f* 
 netta her daughter, and the Prince Palatine Edward, bro- En r Ian , cl - 
 ther to Prince Rupert. It is pretended, the Queen endea- ‘ 
 voured to perfuade the King to marry Hortenfa Mancim "y.Wcr. 
 niece to Cardinal Mazarin : but her propolal being coldly Hc \ rR “P>‘f 
 received, fhe advifed him to purfue the negotiation already If F.”-h°'d' 
 begun, of his marriage with the Infanta of Portugal. 1 • ?Jy- 
 Thus much is certain, fhe propofed to the King the mar- 
 riage of the Princefs Henrietta, with the Duke of Orleans, ' 
 to which fhe found no obftacle. If fome authors are to R - 1 
 be credited, fhe had two other ends in her vifit. The E hard ' 
 firft was to draw the King her fon into the intereft of 
 France , againft Spain. The fecond, to perfuade him to 
 remove the Chancellor, whom fhe did not love, as he him- 
 felf fhews in his Hiftory. But the King did not think 
 fit to part with fo ferviceable and affectionate a Minifter, 
 to pleafe his mother. 
 
 The Parliament meeting the 6th of November , appointed Thr *M,.r 
 a Committee to congratulate the Queen-Mother on her 
 return to England. Shortly after, the Commons made a Echard. 
 prefent of ten thoufand pounds to each of the two Princef- 
 fes her daughters. 
 
 The Duke of York had, fince his return to England, V’ c 
 married Ann, Chancellor Hyde's eldeft daughter, to which Jtlrriagi! 
 he had been in fome meafure compelled (5). The young Bur ,1? 
 Lady proving with child, there were not wanting perfons Kenner's 
 to diffuade the Duke from fo unequal a match. But Reader, 
 the King’s affe&ion then for the Chancellor, over-ruled all P; 2 : 
 confutation of the injury which the Duke his brother, Echard ' 
 and the R.oyal Family, might receive from it. He figni- 
 fied to the Duke, that it would oblige him not to ufe any 
 fhifts, and plainly told him, he muft drink as he had 
 brewed, to which the Duke fubmitted fcom a motive of 
 obedience. It may eafily be imagined, the Queen-Mother, 
 who hated the Chancellor, was not pleafed with this mar¬ 
 riage. Accordingly fhe long refufed to fee her daughter- 
 in-law, and it was at the preffing inftanccs of the King 
 that fhe at laft confented to receive her refpe£s. But during 
 her flay in England, fhe ever treated her with fo much 
 coldnefs, that her averfion to the marriage was very 
 vifible. b 1 
 
 The Parliament having, in their firft feffion, difpatchcd K!o,ir J 
 every thing relating to the Aft of Indemnity, applied then %Xndi!,g 
 next care to put the King in a condition to disband the ^ Army. 
 army. For this purpofe, feveral fums were granted him, 
 and as the money was raifed, regiments were broke, fo 
 that this work was finilhed in the fpace of a few months. 
 
 Thus, the army, which had fo long been the terror of 
 England, was reduced to Monk’s fingle regiment. But in V' c . 
 disbanding the army, the King introduced a novelty, which 
 difpleafed many people. He formed, for his ordinary guard, R^Coke. 
 two regiments, one of Horfe, and one of Foot, in imita- P- I0 4* 
 tion of the practice in France, and other Kingdoms. This 
 was fo much like a Handing army, which the Eng/ijh have 
 always oppofed, that many began then to fear, the King 
 had ilPdefigns upon the publick Liberty. His predeceffors 
 had no other guards than the Gentlemen Pcnfioners, efta- 
 blifhed by Henry VII. 
 
 The disbanding ot the army being in fuch forwardnefs, The rote 
 the King told the Parliament, it W2S his intention to dif- °f rhe 
 folve them in December. Whereupon, the Commons, to J fitted 
 give his Majefty a frefh inftance of their zeal, confirmed Ki"g 
 and renewed their former refolution, of granting the King con fi rmcd - 
 an annual revenue of twelve hundred thoufand pounds. 
 
 But the time being too fttort to fettle the funds on which 
 this revenue was to be raifed, the Houle thought it more 
 proper to employ what remained, in preparing the Bills 
 to be paffed, before the diffolution. 
 
 Little care has been taken to fhew the reafons Inducing ThcAntln't 
 the King to diftolve a Parliament, which had been fo fa- Conjednre 
 vourable to him, and expreffed fuch zeal for his intereft. DiJJhl*L, 
 
 It is my private opinion, that the Miniftry, and particu -«<f this p.n- 
 larly the Chancellor, looked with no good eye upon a Par 
 liament, which had fo many Members of that of 1640 
 and who, in all appearance, whatever they might pretend, 
 had not relinquilhed their antient principles, concerning 
 kingly power. They, doubtlefs, believed, it would be 
 very difficult to manage and govern fuch a Parliament, 
 at their pleafure. Befides, very probably, the Chancellor* 
 great enemy of the Presbyterians, had formed thedefign of 
 depriving them of their promifed liberty, which would have 
 
 (1) It was ro a. 
 
 (2) Namely, Ji 
 hiirj, KJ,ig ol Chid 
 
 (3) The Auchoi 
 rough. Stern of Cm 
 
 i 4) C.iLtmy, "Bo. 
 (y) They were 
 Croto ther, the Duki 
 
 No. LXXV 
 
 ifv/cr all rlie ordinary expences of the Government. Unmet, p.160. 
 
 of l.ou. 1 . w, Vi, r.e m 1 3.1 th and iVelts, Skinner of Oxford, Warner of Rochcfier, Roberts of Hangar, Wren of Ely, Duppa of Salis- 
 ■Jlcr, and Freniu ot Li.hfiel.i and Coventry. " 
 
 by miftake lays, Dean, he was Dean of Peterborough. The reft of the new Bifhops were, Lucy of Sc. Baud’s, L.mey of Pctcrbo- 
 rjlc, Lloyd ot I,an lag. Walton ot Chefter, Gauden of Exeter. Kynnct's Regijler, p. 323. 
 i "ter, Manton, 'Bate, and 3 'uviVi, were offered Bifhopricks and Deaneries. 
 
 con traded at 'Bn da, Kv. ember 24. 16*9, and privately married at Woriejlcr-kenfe, September 3, 16 Co, in th: NVht, by Dr. 7 o 6 p h 
 ’ ■’ Keiinet'i Regiflcr, p. 246. ' ’ J ‘ r 
 
 ; Chaplai 
 
 Vo 
 
 . II. 
 
 7 S 
 
 been 
 
Vol II. 
 
 622 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Rebels ting 
 Phillips. 
 
 been in'.pr.ffible, if this Parliament had continued. They 
 believed therefore, that in the prefent favorable difpofition 
 of the people to the King, their credit would be fufficient 
 to have a new Parliament, more proper tor the execution 
 of their defigns. The ,tranfa£lions of the next Parliament 
 confirm this conjecture. It muft, however, be faid for 
 the Chancellor, that though he detefted the maxims of the 
 Parliament of 1640, with refpedt to the royal authority, 
 yet he went not the lengths of the other fide, nor believed 
 it for the interc-ft of England , to have a King, whofe will 
 fliould be a law. This is manifeft, from an incident at the 
 very time I am fpeaking of. A Member of the Commons, 
 Mr. Alexander Popharn, who had a confiderable influence in 
 the Houfe, offered the King, that provided he was fupported 
 by the Court-party, he would undertake to procure an Act, 
 for fettling on him and his fuccefiors two millions a year, 
 which would free him from any dependence on his Parlia¬ 
 ment, except in extraordinary cafes. The King was pleafed 
 with the propofal, and fpoke to the Chancellor of it, as of 
 a project advantagious for his intereff. But he bravely an- 
 fu ered, That the bejl Revenue his Majejly could have , was 
 the aJJeSlion of his Subjects, and if he would truji to them , 
 he woidd never want fupplies in time of need. Nor did he 
 reft fatisfied with this anfwer to the King, but even took 
 pains to undeceive the Lord-Treafurer the Earl of South¬ 
 ampton , who had approved of the project, and by very 
 folid reafons, convinced him, that the fuccefs of it would 
 be the ruin of the Kingdom. Ic is pretended, the Chan¬ 
 cellor’s oppofition to Pophanis propofal, was one of the 
 chief caufes of his difgrace. 
 
 °/ The Parliament, before their difiolution, ordered the bo- 
 ’ dies of Oliiur Cromwell, Ire ton, Bradjhaw, and Pride , to 
 be taken out of their graves, drawn on a hurdle to Tyburn, 
 and there hung from ten a-clock till fun-fet, and then bu¬ 
 ried under the gallows. At the fame time an Act of At¬ 
 tainder palled, not only againft thele lour, but againft the 
 nineteen f udges of the late King, who were fled from juftice, 
 among whom was Ludlow , Author of the Memoirs under 
 his name. 
 
 About the fame time, William Drake, Citizen and Mer¬ 
 chant of London , publifhed a Book, intitled, The long Par¬ 
 liament revived , in which he endeavoured to prove, that 
 the laid Parliament was not yet legally diflolved. The 
 Commons brought an impeachment of High-treafon againft 
 the Author, but had not time to bring it to a trial. 
 
 At this time likewife feveral officers, who had ferved un- 
 dei Cromwell , Dethorough, Morgan , Overton , and feveral 
 others, were arrefted upon an uncertain rumour of a plot 
 to fecure the King’s perfon, feize the Tower, and kill the 
 Queen-mother, but it did not appear that this rumour had 
 any good foundation. 
 
 At laft, on the 29th of December, the King came to 
 the Parliament, and gave the royal alient to the following 
 Adts: 
 
 1. An Act for levying the arrears of the twelve months 
 afleflment. 
 
 2. An A cl for the farther fupplying feveral defects in 
 the Act for disbanding the army. 
 
 3. An Adt for fix months afleflment, at feventy thou- 
 fand pounds per month, to begin the ift of January. 
 
 4. An Adt for the better ordering the felling of Wines 
 by retail, and for preventing abufes in the mingling, cor¬ 
 rupting, and limiting the prices of the fame. 
 
 5. An Act for eredting a Poft-Office. 
 
 6. An Act for an import: upon Ale, Beer, Cyder, and 
 other liquors, to hold for his Majelty’s life. 
 
 7. An Adt for the raifing of feventy thoufand pounds 
 for his Majefty’s farther fupply. 
 
 8. An Act for the Attainder of feveral perfons guilty 
 of the horrid murder of Charles I. 
 
 9. An Adt for confirmation of Leafes and Grants for 
 Colleges and Hofpitals. 
 
 1 o. An Adt to prohibit the exportation of Wool, and 
 Fuller’s-earth. 
 
 11. An Adt for prohibiting the planting of Tobacco in 
 England and Ireland. 
 
 i 2. An Act for taking away the Court of Wards, and 
 Liveries, together with 'Tenure in Capite , Knights Service, 
 and Purveyances, and for fettling a revenue upon his Ma- 
 jefty in lieu thereof(i). 
 
 After giving the royal alient to thefe Adts, the King 
 made the following Speech to both Houfes. 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen , 
 
 “ 1 Will not entertain you with a long difeourfe, the 
 “ 1 fum of all I have to fay to you, being to give you 
 “ thanks, very hearty thanks: And I allure you, I find it 
 “ a very difficult work to fatisfy my felf in my own ex- 
 “ preffions of thofe thanks. Perfunctory thanks, ordinary 
 “ thanks for ordinary civilities, are calily given ; but when 
 
 “ the heart is full as mine, it is a labour to thank you. 1660; 
 
 “ You have taken great pains to oblige me ; and therefore 
 “ it cannot be eafy for me to exprefs the fenfe I have of 
 “ it. I will enlarge no further to you upon this occalion, 
 
 “ than to tell you, when God brought me hither, I brought 
 “ with me an extraordinary affedtion and efteem for Par- 
 “ liaments. I need not tell you how much it is improved 
 “ by your carriage towards me. You have out-done all 
 “ the good and obliging Acts of your Predeceflors towards 
 “ the Crown; and therefore you cannot but believe, my 
 “ heart is exceedin lyenlai edwithtl *ment, 
 
 “ Many former Parliaments have had particular denomina- 
 “ tions for what they have done: They have been fliled 
 “ Learned and Unlearned, and fometimes have had worfe 
 cc Epithets: I pray let us rcfolve, that this be for ever 
 “ called the Healing, and the Blessed Parlia- 
 tc ment. As I thank you, tho’ not enough, for what 
 “ you have done, fo I have not the lea ft doubt, by the 
 “ bleflingof God, but when I (hall call the next Parlia- 
 “ ment, (which I fball do as foon as you can reafonablv ex- 
 “ pedt or defire) I (hall receive your hearty thank*, for what 
 “ I have done, fince I parted with you. For Ideal truly 
 “ with you: I fhall not morepropofe any otic r ile to my 
 “ felf in my adfions and eounfels than this: II hat is el 
 “ Parliament like to think of this action, or this counfel ? 
 
 “ And it fhall be a want of underftanding in me if it will 
 “ not bear that teft. I fhall conclude with this, which I 
 “ cannot fay too often, nor you too often where you go: 
 
 “ That, next to the miraculous bleffing ol God Almighty, 
 
 “ and indeed as an immediate eftedt of that bleffing, I do 
 “ impute the good difpofition and fecunty we are all in, to the 
 “ happy Art of Indemnity and Oblivion: That is the prin- 
 “ cipal corner-ftone which fupports this excellent building, 
 
 “ that creates kindnefs in us to each other, and confidence is 
 “ our joint and common fecurity. You may be furc, I will 
 “ not only obfeive it religioufly and inviolably my felf, but 
 “ alfo exact the obfervance of it from others: And if ever 
 “ any perfon fhall have the boldnefs to attempt to peifuade 
 “ me to the contrary, he will find fuch an acceptation from 
 “ me, as he would have, whofhould peifuade me to burn 
 “ Magna Charta , cancel all the old laws, and to eredt a 
 tc new Government after my own invention and appetite.’ 
 
 This flattering fpeech was received by the people with ThrC,,..^ 
 great applaufe, every one hoping, that a Prince of this 
 character would have no other view, than the caufing his Kenner's 
 Subjedts to live in peace and plenty. After the King had Re £ ft?r * 
 done fpeaking, the Chancellor made a fpeech to both p ' 539 ’ 
 Houfes, much longer than the King’s, but tending to the 
 fame end, namely, to peifuade them, that the King being 
 extremely tender of his people, all his adtions would be 
 diredted to render them happy. He forgot not to mention 
 the prelended confpiracy, for the fubverlion of the prefent 
 Government. But without entering into any particulars, 
 he contented himfelf with alluring, that the confpiracy was 
 real, and Ludlow , one of the fugitive Regicides, deeply 
 concerned it. This infinuation was neceflary fur two 
 purpofes. The fir ft was to convince the People of the 
 ncceffity of putting the Militia into the King’s hands, to 
 enable him to fupprefs the male-contents. The fecond, 
 to get a pretence for the breach of the King’s promife, 
 in his Breda declaration, by the indifpenfable ncceffity of 
 providing for the fafety of the State, againft the ill-defigns 
 of the fedtaries. This will appear more clearly hereafter. 
 
 When the Chancellor had ended his fpeech, he declared T f 
 the Parliament diflolved. fo'vcti. ! 
 
 Thus ended this Parliament, about eight months after A 
 the firft meeting, and feven after the King’s rertoration. npo-.i ykis 
 I have already obferved, that moft of the members were 
 Presbyterians, or at leaft, that party was fuperior in the r ., 
 Parliament. For this reafon, no doubt, fome writers mag¬ 
 nifying what this Parliament did for the King, and their 
 difpofition in his favour, have infmuated, it was a foit of 
 miracle, that they did not throw up at once all the Liber¬ 
 ties of the nation, upon the King’s rertoration. But this 
 is a groundlefs exaggeration. For if all the Adis of this 
 Parliament be considered, not one will appear to fupport 
 this opinion. They recalled the King, but certainly that 
 will not be thought ftrange. They voted a Revenue of 
 twelve hundred thoufand pounds for the King, but it was 
 only a vote which was executed by the next Parliament. 
 
 They parted the Adt of Indemnity ac the King’s preffing 
 inftance, and which was indeed neceflary. T hey granted 
 the King a fupply, to pay off the fleet and the army. But 
 could this be avoided without endangering the publick. 
 tranquillity? They prefented the King with, after all, an 
 inconfiderable fum, for his occafions, and his Brothers and 
 Sifters, with tliirty-feven thoufand pounds. But was any 
 thing more julb or more natural than to enable him to 
 maintain his Houftiold, till his revenues were fettled? 
 
 There is nothing therefore in the actions of this Parlia- 
 
 (!?• The Royal Affent was given to the 6^ anil nth, Deeembir a*. See Krn/ai’s rgifter , p. ,>t. 
 
Book xxnr. 
 
 26. CHARLES If. 
 
 623 
 
 t66o. ment which infers a difpofition, to throw up the liberties 
 of the nation. But it will be feen, that this difpofition, 
 which is groundlefly fuppofed in this Parliament, was 
 really and truly in the next: and that after doing too 
 much, they were forced to alter their meafures, and ufe 
 extraordinary means to oppofe the defigns of that very 
 King, to whom they had given an almoft unlimited power. 
 This fecond Parliament however has not been cenlured, 
 whilft the compliance of the firft has been induftrioufiy 
 aggravated. The reafon of this difference is very obvious, 
 namely, that the fecond Parliament beft follows the views 
 and principles of the Writers, who have thus remarked on 
 the former. In Ihort, if it be confidered, that the firft 
 Parliament fat only feven months after the King’s reftora- 
 tion, and that the fecond continued eighteen years, it will 
 be eafily perceived, to which of the two may 1110ft juftly 
 be aferibed the delign of throwing up the Liberties of the 
 nation. 
 
 p ( .ithofthc. The conclufion of this year brought the King a new 
 PruK'js of cau f c 0 f affliction in the death of the Princefs of Orange 
 fendturJ. bis lifter, who died of the fmall pox the 24th of Decem¬ 
 ber , at the age of twenty nine years (1). She left but one 
 Son, who was afterwards King of England by the name of 
 William III. 
 
 OthcrDc-ithi. This fame year died [William Seymour] Earl of Hert¬ 
 ford, lately reftored to the title of Duke of Somerfet. He 
 has been often mentioned in the reign of Charles I. DoCtor 
 Hammond the famous Divine, died a little before the King’s 
 reftoration. 
 
 The Royal It was alfo this year that the Royal Society waserefted 
 S"u O’ by the King’s Letters Patents, who befides granted it all 
 s'prlr^ the neceflary encouragement towards a difeovery of theSe- 
 Ej unet. crcts of Nature, and of what is mod curious and neceflary 
 in natural Philofophy and Mcchanicks. 
 
 Before we clofe this year, it will not be improper briefly 
 to mention the tranfaclions of Scotland, fro'..i the time of 
 the King’s reftoration. 
 
 Affairs of After the King left Scotland, with an army to invade 
 Scotland. England , the Engli/Jj entirely conquered that Kingdom, 
 
 Eoard under the conduct of General Monk , who ferved the Par¬ 
 liament. If the King, after that, thought of Scotland, it 
 was only to cherifh the difeontents, and try, by means of 
 his adherents, to excite a revolt. For though he had 
 been recognized and crowned in Scotland, he always con¬ 
 fidered his interefts as direCtly oppofite to thofe of that 
 Kingdom, or at leaft, of the governing party. He never 
 loved the Scots, and his belief of their felling the King his 
 Father to the Englijh Parliament, greatly inflamed his pre¬ 
 judice againft them, nor was it diminifhed by his refidence 
 in that country. His reftoration to the Englijh throne ren¬ 
 dered him doubly mailer of Scotland-, firft, becaufe he 
 was her natural King, and had even been crowned there; 
 fecondly, becaufe Scotland had been conquered by the En¬ 
 glijh. Nothing would have been ealier than to leave Scot¬ 
 land in dependence upon England, there being no likeli¬ 
 hood, that the Scots would ever be able to recover their 
 liberty. It even feems, the King was not averfe to this 
 thought, fince he left Scotland to be governed by the 
 Englijh, more than two months after his reftoration. But 
 at laft he refolved to reftore that Kingdom to its ancient 
 ibid. form of Government. For this purpofe, Monk writ in 
 the King’s name to the Englijh Commiffioners who had 
 been employed as Judges there, to difeontinue their func¬ 
 tions the 2 2d of Augujl ; and at the fame time Procla¬ 
 mation was made, for the convening of the Committee 
 of Eftates, till a Parliament fhould be called. The King 
 named the great officers of the Kingdom, and took 
 care to chufe for thefe polls and for his Council, fuch as 
 fetirner. were believed mod firmly devoted to him. The Earl of 
 p. mo. Glencairn was made Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Craw¬ 
 ford, Lord-Treafurer, the Earl of Cajfilis, Juftice-gene- 
 ral, the Earl of Lantherdale, firft Secretary of State, and 
 General Midletoun , the King’s Commiffioner. Thefe 
 men. as well as thofe who formed the Council, had been 
 always firmly attached to the King’s intereft. Thus the 
 Scots, freed from the yoke laid on them by Cromwell, 
 were exactly in their former ftate, as before the troubles 
 in 1637, that is, under the Government of a King and 
 Minifters of the very fame principles with Charles I, and 
 the Minifters of that time. But there was this difad vantagi- 
 ous difference, that they were no longer able to make them- 
 felves feared, being entirely fubdued. They had foonoccafion 
 to know what they were to expert. Some of their Minifters 
 aflembling for the drawing up a Remonftrance concerning 
 their Grievances, were lent to prtfon by the Committee of 
 
 Eftates, without any examination, of the nature, motive, if&s. 
 or language, of the Remonftrance, as if the baredefign of 
 prefenting it had been criminal. Moreover, a Proclama¬ 
 tion was publilhed againft all unlawful aflemblies and fedi- 
 tious writings, on fuppolition, that the aflembly of the Mi¬ 
 nifters and their petition were of that nature. This might 
 have fatisfied the Presbyterians, who were the body of the 
 Scottijh nation, what was preparing for them, and that they 
 had no remedy but fubmiJfion and patience. 
 
 They had ftili another very convincing proof. The IJ - P* I0 - f> 
 Marquifs of Argyle repairing to London to pay his duty to 
 the King (2), was arrefted, fent to the Tower, andafter- 
 wards to Scotland , to be tried on an impeachmentof High- 
 treafon(3). The King in his declaration from Breda, had 
 not mentioned Scotland. So, the Scots were expofed to 
 the refentment and vengeance of their enemies. Amongft: 
 thefe, Chancellor Hyde was one of the moll violent, as he 
 has plainly difeovered in his Hiftory of the Civil Wars, and, 
 unhappily for the Scots, he was prime Minifter in England, 
 and had the principal diiaftion of the King’s affairs. Sonic 
 indeed of the Englijh Council were of opinion, it would be 
 very advamagious to the King, to fufFcr the Scots to enjoy 
 the benefit ol this Breda Declaration. But the contrary 
 advice prevailed, whether from the King’s aniiriofity, and 
 that of his counfcllors, or from the hopes of fuch as had 
 faithfully ferved the King in his troubles, of having the 
 eftates of the condemned. 
 
 This refolution being taken, the King fummoned a Par- 
 liament in Scotland, to meet the 12th of December, and 
 publilhed a Proclamation, declaring, that he left it entirely 
 to this Parliament, to examine the conduct of his Subjects 
 of Scotland-, and that after his honour was vindicated, and 
 his prerogative eftablifhed, he would grant a pardon which 
 would witnefs how much he defired the happinefs of his 
 people. It will appear what method he took to procure 
 this happinefs to the Scots. 
 
 As for Ireland, the King committed the Government of -Affairs of 
 it to Sir Maurice Eu/lace Chancellor, and the Earls of Or- ^ and ' 
 very, and Montrath, in quality of Lords-Juftices, till a 
 Loid-Lieutenant ffiould be appointed. 
 
 The year 1661 was ufhered in by an extraordinary r66o-r.’ 
 event. This was an Infurrection of fome Fifth- Monarchy- Mmreahnl 
 Men, who believed themfelves bound in confcience to ufe 
 their utmoft endeavours to advance the Kingdom of Chrift aV venner; 
 on earth. As I have elfewhere fpoken of thefe men, and Ph, % s ' 
 as their principles are lufficiently known by the tragedies Hojth!" 
 a&ed by them at Munjler, and other places of Germany , Burner, 
 it will be needlefs to give a more particular account of their p ' l6 °* 
 tenets(4). The 6th ofjfanuary, while the King was at¬ 
 tending the Queen-mother, and the Princefs his Sifter to 
 Dover , in their return to France, about fifty of thefe men, 
 under the conduct of one Thomas Venner , a Hem bled in the 
 evening in St. Paul’s Church-yard, and killed a man who 
 upon demand, had anfwered, forGod and the King. This 
 giving an alarm to the City, fome Trained-banJs were 
 fent againft them, whom thefe men quickly routed, and 
 then marched through feveral ftreets, and at laft retired to 
 Cane Wood (5), from whence a party of Horfe and Foot* 
 fent by General Monk, difludged them, and took fome 
 prifoners. But this did not prevent the reft lrom returning 
 to the City, where they fought furioufly, till they were 
 obliged to take Sandhiary in a houfe. They there defended 
 themfelves like men fearlefs of death, or rather, as fecurfi 
 from all danger, under the protedhon of Jefus Chrift. Here 
 it was that Venner, being wounded, and twenty of his men 
 killed, with as many of the aflailants, was taken with the 
 reft of his fellows. A few days after, they were all tried, January 174 
 condemned, and executed, without any confelfion of guilt, Ken "«'* 
 and perlifting in their extravagances to the laft. Two 
 young men only Ihewed fome iigns of repentance. 
 
 Though this attempt could notjultly be confidered as m Canrt 
 the confequence of a delign formed by a whole party, and r - tkss 
 though the Anabaptifts had been all guilty, there was 
 reafon to blame the other Sedts, yet the Court urged this forbid Con- 
 infurredtion to confirm the rumours of a confpiracy againft ' je, “uUs. 
 the Government. The King took occafion to publifh a {j, 
 Proclamation, forbidding all Meetings, and Conventicles, 
 under pretence of Religion, and commanding the oaths of 
 Allegiance and Supremacy to be tendered to all perfons dif- 
 affedted to the Government, and in cafe of refufal, they 
 were to be pro";cuted on the Statute of the 7th of "fames 1 . 
 
 It will, doubtlefs, be though: ltrange, that by reafon of A RemarJt 
 the extravagance of fome Anabaptifts, all the ocher Sedts "P°’‘ ‘ h ‘ s 
 fhould be included in the prohibition of all meetings on ac- J< 
 count of Religion, contrary to theexprefs terms ofthede- 
 
 but did not bind 
 
 (1) She was buried December 19, in Aenry Vllth's Chapel. Heath, p.470. 
 
 iz) He writ by his Son to the King, asking leave to come and wait on him. The Kinggavean anfwer that teemed to eni 
 him to any thing. "Burnet, p. 106. ._ r , , , r , , ., 
 
 3 Riihoj) Burnet fays, it was done at the inftigation of the Earl of Midletoun and his Party, “ For the Marquifs of Argyle s craft made them atraid 
 ‘ ot him , and his eftate made them defire to divide it among them,” p. 106. 
 
 (4) They thought, it not enough to believe that Chrift was to reign on earth, and to put the Saints in poflelhon of the kingdom, but that the Saints 
 were to tuKe the kingdom themfelves. Some of them feemed perfuaJed, chat Cbrtft would some down and bead them. Burnt!, p. f6o, z ox. 
 
 ^yj Betwixt High-gate and Hempjicd. 
 
 6 
 
 cJarati(?R 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 624 'The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1660-1. claration from Breda. But it will be immediately feen, 
 that the ruin of the Presbyterian-party was now refolved, 
 and that pretences were feeking to execute this resolution, 
 particularly, pretences which might create a belief, that 
 what was done, was only for the fecurity of the King’s 
 perfon and government. The end propofed was to infi- 
 nuate, that Religion was no way concerned, but only the 
 St2te, and thereby obviate the objection which would na¬ 
 turally be drawn from the Breda declaration, wherein the 
 King folemnly promifed, that no perfon fhould be molefted 
 T' cK.me <•/for his Religion. To fucceed the better in thisdefign, an 
 : ' fl'j admirable expedient was devifed. 7 his was to range under 
 i,MfnrL:y the fame denomination, all the Sedls differing from the 
 -■ ill srf/j- Church of England, in order to impute to the whole body 
 confiding of all thefe Setts, what could have been imputed 
 but to one, had they been diftinguilhed. This denomination 
 was, that of Diflenters, or Non-conformifts, under whicn 
 w ere comprehended, as well the Presbyterians, as the Pa- 
 piffs, Anabaptifts, and other Seels. Thus, by this affedlcd 
 confufion, all the Non-conformifts were charged with 
 the faults of one of the Sc£ts comprifed under that name, 
 and, as if they had made but one body, punifhed without 
 diftinction, on pretence of keeping them in awe, and pre¬ 
 venting them from difturbing the State. 1 he Catholicks, 
 the Independents, the Anabaptifts, were Non-conformifts. 
 Precautions therefore were to be taken againft the Non- 
 conformifts, and confequently againft the Presbyterians, 
 becaufe their enemies were pleafed to comprehend them un¬ 
 der the fame general appellation. Undeniable proofs of what 
 I advance, will hereafter appear. The truth is, the Pres¬ 
 byterians only were properly aimed at, whofe ruin was re¬ 
 folved, notwithftanding the declaration from Breda, for 
 indeed, it is not likely, that a King, who had privately 
 embraced the Romijh Religion, would turn profecutor of 
 the Catholicks. And the Independents and Anabaptifts 
 made then fo inconfiderable a figure, that the King’s Mi- 
 mfters had but little reafon to fear them. But though there 
 had been caufe to fufpedl them, why were they notdiftin- 
 guifhed from the Presbyterians, who had given no room 
 for fuch fufpicions ? All this was only to fave, in fome 
 meafure, the King’s honour, at a time when his promiles, 
 contained in his declaration from Breda , were openly 
 evaded. This name of Non-conformifts, is therefore to be 
 confidered as a very ambiguous term, which indeed figni- 
 fies men who conform not to the Church of England, but 
 not in the fenfe which was given it, namely, of a body of 
 men infeparably united, compofed of all the Diflenters, and 
 ailing with the fame views, and for the fame intereft. 
 Conference at Some of the Presbyterian Minifters obferving, they were 
 *>■' savoy induftrioufiy confounded with Sects, with whom they had 
 Tiif-.f, and no relation, petitioned the King for a conference between 
 them and the Bifhops, in order to examine wherein con- 
 rj. fifod their differences, and the objections of the Presbyte- 
 Ihat Conic- rians, to the Book of Common-Prayer. The King granted 
 • ence. their requeft, and immediately named twelve Bifhops, as 
 
 ^’" | don Principals, and nine other Clergymen as afliftants ; and on 
 collier. the Presbyterian fide, twelve Minifters as Principals, and 
 
 ^ nine others as afliftants, to confer together at the Bifhopof 
 
 London’s honk, who then lodged in the Savoy (1). The 
 Commiflion ran : “ That the Commiflioners appointed 
 “ fhould a£l for four months, from the 25th of March , 
 “ and particularly were ordered to advife upon and review 
 
 “ the Book of Common-Prayer ;-to take into their 
 
 “ ferious and grave confiderations, the feveral directions 
 and rules, forms of prayer, and things in the faid Book 
 “ of Common-Prayer contained; and to advife and con- 
 «* fulc upon and about the fame, and the feveral objections 
 “ and exceptions which fhall now be raifed againft the 
 “ fame; and (if occafion be,) to make fuch reafonable 
 “ and necefiary Alterations, Corrections, and Amend- 
 “ nients, as fhall be agreed upon to be needful and expe- 
 “ dient, for giving fatisfaClion to tender confidences, and 
 <c the reftoring and continuance of Peace and Unity in 
 “ the Churches under his Majefty’s government and pro- 
 
 <c teClion-And to certify to his Majefty in writing, 
 
 “ under their feveral hands, the Matters and Things 
 « whereupon they fhall fo determine, to be by his Ma- 
 “ jefty approved, &c.” Thus the King gave to thefe 
 twenty one Minifters, a power, they had not defired, to 
 decide, as well for themfelves as their Brethren, who were 
 more than two thoufand, and for the whole body of the 
 Presbyterians, what was necefiary to be altered in the Li¬ 
 turgy, without empowering them to meet beforehand to 
 fettle their demands, in order to an union with the Church 
 of England. 
 
 i 661. From the firft day of the conference, it was eafy to fore¬ 
 fee it would be fruitlefs. For though the Minifters had al¬ 
 ready acquainted the King and the Chancellor that they 
 could decide nothing, fince they were not authorized by 
 
 their Brethren, [Sheldon] Biftiop of London immediately 1661, 
 told them, that as themfelves had requefled this conference, 
 they were to produce at once all their exceptions to the 
 Liturgy in writing, together with the additional forms and 
 alterations which they defired. The Minifters anfwered, 
 as they had before done to the King and the Chancellor, 
 
 That they could decide nothing, without having firft con- 
 fulted their abfent brethren, and received from them a com¬ 
 miflion in form. This tended to a requeft, that they 
 might be permitted to meet in Synod, and debate together 
 on thefe matters: But this was never intended to be granted. 
 
 They were therefore urged, only to declare their own fenfe, 
 when it was feen, that they could not be brought to act as 
 deputies of a body, by which indeed they were not com- 
 miflioned. To this it was anfwered, That they were wil¬ 
 ling to give in writing their particular fentiments, provided, 
 at the fame time, the Bifhops would bring in their utmoft 
 conceflions, that when both were compared, a judgment 
 might be made of the fuccefs. But the Bifhops abfolutely 
 rejected this propofal. At laft, the Minifters confented to 
 produce at once all their exceptions, referving to themfelves, 
 however, a power to make additions according to thean- 
 fwers, they fhould receive, and their offer was accepted. 
 Whereupon, the exceptions were drawn up, and an anfwer 
 given in by the Bifhops, who accepted a reply, and at length 
 fome flight alterations in the Liturgy were agreed on. But, 
 befides that the Minifters confidered thefe alterations as in- 
 fufficiont, there was an invincible obftacle to an agreement, 
 which was, that the Minifters not being commiflioned, 
 whatever they faid, could be efteemed but as their private 
 opinion. 
 
 I fliall enter no farther into this conference, becaufe, to 
 underftand it, requires a competent knowledge of the En~ 
 glljh Liturgy, and the manner in which divine fervice is ce¬ 
 lebrated, which cannot be fuppofed with regard to the ge¬ 
 nerality of foreigners, for whom thisHiftory is defigned (2). 
 
 I fhall content myfclf therefore with fome general remarks, 
 to aflift the Reader to underftand wherein confifted the dif¬ 
 ferences betwixt the Church of England and the Presby¬ 
 terians, 3nd the conduCt of both fides. 
 
 During the whole reign of King James , and the fifteen 04 /-.-. 
 firft years of Charles I, the Presbyterians were opprefled, 'Tfif 
 or, at lead, may be faid, not to be treated by the Church tZ 7 nth‘~ 
 of England as Chriftian charity feemed to require. From Chur - hm "‘ 
 the beginning of the Parliament of the 3d of November 
 1640, the Church of England was perfecuted in her turn, 
 and Epifcopacy itfelf at laft entirely abolifhed. When the 
 Independents were become mafters of the Parliament and 
 army, the Epifcopalians ftill continued under oppreflion, and 
 though the Presbyterian Church-government wasoutwardly 
 preferved, there was neverthelefs an entire liberty for all 
 Proteftant feCls, which the Presbyterians confidered as a 
 violent perfecution. This ftate continued till the begin¬ 
 ning of the year 1660, when Motile forming the defign of 
 reftoring the King, believed it could not be effeCted with¬ 
 out a reftitution of that very Presbyterian Parliament which 
 had abolifhed Epifcopacy. This expedient was crowned 
 with fuccefs; and by the united endeavours of the Presby¬ 
 terians and Epifcopalians, the King was at laft replaced on 
 the throne. The reftoration of the King produced that of 
 the Church 0 {England, which was at once in almoft the 
 fame ftate fhe had been before the year 1640. There was, 
 however, this difference, that, during the troubles, the 
 number of the Presbyterians was exceedingly increafed, and 
 thereby they were grown much more formidable than un¬ 
 der the reign of King James , and the firft fifteen years of 
 Charles I. It was therefore the intereft of the Church of 
 England , either to ruin entirely the Presbyterian party, 
 which could ftill raife frefh troubles in Church and State, 
 or oblige them to unite with the national Church, by fome 
 fmall conceflions. And for this Jaft purpofe, the conference 
 now mentioned feemed to be intended. 
 
 But, fuch conferences upon Religion are feldom attended 
 with a happy fuccefs ; firlt, becaufe the two parties mud be 
 equally animated with the fpirit ofpeace and charity, which 
 is rarely found amongft men ; and, if I may venture to 
 fay it, ftill more rarely amongft Churchmen. Secondly, 
 becaufe in thefe conferences, one of the parties is ufually 
 fuperior, and in pofleflion of power, and therefore not very 
 ready to quit that advantage, to be reduced to an equality. 
 
 So, no fuccefs can be expeCted, unlefs one of the parties 
 will yield every thing to the other. This recalls to my 
 mind a faying of a French Catholick, a man of wit, to a 
 Minifter after the conclufion of the religious war in France: 
 
 If\ faid he, you had come to a compofttion with us while the 
 fword was in your hand , we might have made you fome con- 
 cejfions ; but now that you are conquered , we would not yield 
 you fo much as the chrijlening of bells. The cafe was much 
 the fame in England , at the time I am fpeaking of. We 
 
 (1) Rap 11 by miftake. has ptit the number of the Principals of each fide foi that of the Afiafia&U --- the-ra . 
 
 See the A., .nut of this Confrcnce, London 1661, 
 
 4 
 
 have 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 II. 
 
 26. CHARLES 
 
 625 
 
 r66r. have feen the coneeffions of Charles T, in the treaty of 
 Newport , with regard to Epifcopacy, which, if it was not 
 entirely given up by him, was however reduced to a very 
 fmall natter. But after the reftoration of Charles II, the 
 ufe of the Surplice was of too great confequence to Religion, 
 to be relinquifhcd. Thirdly, the animofity between the 
 two parties, generally hinders the conferences from fucceed- 
 ing. The.one cannot bear to receive laws from the other, 
 nor think of revoking what has been once advanced. Fourth¬ 
 ly, inftead of thinking ferioufly on peace, both parties feek 
 only to furprize one another. Laftly, it too often happens, 
 that thefe conferences are granted by the prevailing, to the 
 opprefled, party, only to have it laid, that peace was of¬ 
 fered, but rejected by the contrary party. There is room 
 to believe, that in this conference all thefe circumftances 
 met, and therefore it is no wonder, it fucceeded like the 
 reft of the fame nature ; for, in fhort, it broke oft'without 
 any efFc£t, and, as too commonly happens, each party 
 threw the blame upon the other. Mr. Baxter , in his re¬ 
 lation of it, lays, that the Bifhops were abfolutely againft 
 all conceftions. But in another relation it is faid, the 
 Presbyterians were fo obftinately attached to their opinions, 
 that they would not recede from a fingle point, and that at 
 laft, upon the Bifhop of Durham's propofal, being required 
 to declare in writing what they thought finful in the Li¬ 
 turgy, they put into the lift all the articles which kept them 
 from joining with the Church of England , without one ex¬ 
 ception. They thereby Ihowed, that they confidered as 
 finful, all the forms and practices of the Church of Eng¬ 
 land , even to the ufe of the Surplice, and by confequence 
 their refufal of an accommodation, unlefs their opinions 
 were entirely conformed to. Thefe are the mutual accu- 
 fations of the two parties, on which I am far from deciding 
 any thing as to the truth of the fails. All I can fay, with¬ 
 out wronging either party, is, that the Presbyterians ought 
 to have receded from ieveral points, which are manifeftly in¬ 
 different ; and that the Bilhops Ihould not have fcrupled to 
 give up the fame points. But people were then very far 
 from being inclined to charity and condefcenfion. 
 
 The King During this conference at the Savoy , the King was 
 
 crowned. magnificently crowned on St. George’s day, the a^d of 
 
 Reg'ifter. The Parliament, which had been fummoned for the 8th 
 new Par- 0 f ]pj a y^ met on the day appointed. The Reprefentatives, 
 com? f° r the moft part, were defied agreeably to the wifhes, and, 
 
 Pied. without doubt, by the influence of the Court. The greateft 
 part v/ere High-Church-men, that is, violent enemies of the 
 Presbyterians, great aflertors of the minuteft ceremonies of 
 the Church, and moft devoted to the King and the royal 
 Prerogative. They literally followed the principles of 
 Laud Archbifhop of Canterbury , which had caufed the 
 troubles in the late reign. In a word, this Parliament 
 may be faid to be compofed by Chancellor Hyde , Prime- 
 Minifter, and on the 20th of April created Earl of Cla¬ 
 rendon. Let it alfo be added, that this Parliament was 
 called the Penfionary Parliament, becaufe it was afterwards 
 difeovered, that many of the Members received penfions 
 from the Court. It is true, many will not allow that this 
 was fo at firft, but pretend, that by length of time, and 
 changes upon death, the new Members fuffered themfelves 
 to be bribed. I cannot however help remarking, that, at 
 the very beginning, this Parliament did tilings in favour of 
 the King, which no other had ever done, and that it was 
 not till afterwards that they retraced their extravagant 
 maxims, concerning the royal Prerogative, This Ihows, 
 the Parliament was bribed betimes, notwithftanding the in- 
 finuations of fome to the contrary. However it be, it 
 may be judged how favorable this Parliament was to the 
 King, fince it continued almoft eighteen years, on which 
 account it was more juftly called the long Parliament, than 
 that of 1 1 40. 
 
 As Religion, whether Popery, or Presbyterianifm, and 
 the royal Prerogative, are concerned in almoft all the tran- 
 fa&ions of this reign, it is abfolutely neceflary to acquaint 
 the Reader with fome things concerning the Hiftorians. 
 Otherwife, they will be extremely embarafled, when they 
 read in fome Hiftories things quite contrary to what they 
 read in others. My defign is, therefore, by a few remarks 
 upon this l'ubjeift ; firft, to prevent their being infenfibly, 
 and for want of examination, biafied by the opinions or 
 prejudices of the Hiftorians. Secondly, to incline ; and 
 thirdly, to aftift them, in fome meafure, to make this exa¬ 
 mination. 
 
 Rema,k upon There are three forts of authors, who have writ the Hif- 
 
 tbe Hji0- tory of this reign. The firft are thofe, who profefs to be 
 
 Charlw II. High-Church with regard to Religion ; and with refpeft to 
 the Government, aferibe to the King an almoft unlimited 
 power, provided the King be of their party. Thefe are, 
 
 in a word, what are called the High-fliers , or rigid Tories. 166;. 
 They are good Proteftants, but, however, much lefs ene¬ 
 mies of the Papifts than of the Presbyterians. For hardly 
 will they allow the latter to he Chriftians, becaufe they 
 have no Bilhops. Now, according to their principles, no 
 valid Ordination can be had without Bifhops, and confe- 
 quently no valid adminiftration of the Sacraments.; whence 
 it follows, that Presbyterians baptized by Minifters unor¬ 
 dained by Bifhops, are not truly baptized. 
 
 There is another fet of writers of this reign, who, being 
 Proteftants, embrace not the extravagant principles of the 
 former, either concerning the Church or the Government, 
 
 Thefe are of the number of thofe who are called JVhiggs , 
 among whom there is a mixture of Churchmen and Pref- 
 byterians. 
 
 Laftly, there are Popifh Hiftorians, whofe tenets and 
 principles are fufficiently known. 
 
 Each of thefe Authors has writ the Hiftory of this reign 
 according to his principles ; for this reafon what is prailed 
 and approved by one Hiftorian, is blamed and cenfured by 
 another. For inftance, as to this fecond Parliament, fome 
 openly infinuate, that the firft years tranfa&ions, whether 
 for extending the Royal Power, cr oppreffing the Pref- 
 byterians, were agreeable to reafon, juftice, and the good 
 of the Kingdom : but what was done, after the breach 
 with the King, was only the eftetfl of corruption and cabal. 
 
 Others on the contrary maintain, that this Parliament’s 
 zeal, whether for the King or againft the Presbyterians, 
 was an extravagant zeal which threw them upon meafures 
 very detrimental to the nation, and unavoidably ingaged 
 them to favour the ill defignsof the Court ; but perceiving 
 at laft the ill ufe the Courc made of this difpofition, they 
 efpoufed the true interefts of the Kingdom, in oppofing 
 the King’s defigns. 
 
 The Popilh Hiftorians are of the fame principles with 
 the High-flying Tories concerning the Government. But, 
 whereas King Charles’s defign of introducing Popery into 
 England is very unwillingly owned by the Tories, the 
 Papifts, on the contrary, make it a glorious defign, as being 
 very juft and religious. 
 
 A man muft therefore prepare himfelf to meet thefe 
 contrarieties, if he reads feveral Hiftories of this reign, 
 and to chufe that fcheme which appears moft coherent and 
 beft fupported. For this purpofe it will be proper to ad¬ 
 here only to plain fafts, without regarding the frequent 
 infinuations of the Hiftorians, moft of whom fuppofe with¬ 
 out ceremony their own fcheme, even in the fails they re¬ 
 late. I own this is difficult : but I fuppofe the Reader’s 
 fearch is after truth, which he will never attain, if he im¬ 
 plicitly follows, without examination, the firft Hiftorian 
 which comes in his way. Wherefore, I thought it pro¬ 
 per to inform him before hand of what he is to expedl, 
 and withal to leave him at liberty to examine my fcheme 
 as well as that of others. But to return to the Parlia¬ 
 ment. 
 
 The King going thither the 8th of May, made a rl . t jq„*, , 
 fpeech to both Houles, in which, after fome expreffions oi spe.,b tlibt 
 of his great affection for his People, he recommended two Porl,a "g r t. 
 Bills, which he had prepared to confirm the Adi of Indem- RegiTler" 
 nity. He repeated the fame words he had faid to the laft p- 434. * 
 Parliament. Adding, that they might be as fevere as they 
 pleafed againft new offenders, but he Ihould not think him 
 a wife man or his friend, who Ihould perlwade him to in¬ 
 fringe the adl of Oblivion, or to confent to a breach of a 
 Promife fo folemnly made when he was abroad. Laftly, 
 he communicated to them his intended marriage with the 
 Infanta of Portugal, which had been refolved with the ap- bit Ap¬ 
 probation of his whole Council. cage. 
 
 The Earl of Clarendon , Lord-Chancellor, afterwards in- TbeCLan. 
 larged on the particulars mentioned by the King in his «Vi 
 Speech, but chiefly upon two points untouched by the King. i! f“ cb - 
 The firft related to the feditious Sermons of certain !$’.?' 
 Preachers, which tended to renew the old troubles, and 
 whofe licenfe it was neceflary to curb. The fecond point 
 on which he infilled, was the late infurredtion, which he 
 aggravated in the ftrongeft expreffions, intimating, that 
 by intercepted letters it might be concluded, tftat the com¬ 
 bination reached very far, and if the vigilance of the Lord- 
 Mayor had not prevented it, the City had been in danger 
 of being burnt to alhes. He did not name the authors Feiu , rkonU 
 
 of the feditious Sermons, becaufe his defign was not to *' W * 
 accufe this or that perfon, or any particular feel, but only 
 to obtain a general order againft the Preachers who were 
 not of the Church of England. As to the pretended 
 confpiracy difeovered, as he allured, by a multitude of in¬ 
 tercepted letters, it does not appear that any one was 
 profecuted in confequence of thefe letters, or that others 
 befides Fenner and his companions, were proved to be con- 
 
 (1) For the greater fplendor of this Solemnity, the following Titles of Honour were conferred, Sir Arthur Ar.nejlry, was made Earl of A - My ; Sir J, hn 
 Creenvit, Earl of Bath ; Frederick Cornwall',, Lord Cornwall" ; Sir George Booth, Lord D: 1> ■ ; Ur Horatio Jownjbend, Led FowjhenJ : .yr Anthony 
 
 AJhley C oper, L >rd Ajbley of IVimbornc ; John Crew, Baron Crew ; Sir Cbarltt Howard, Earl of Can,lie ; Denial Holla, Lord 11 ll.i : Edward Hyde, Ear 1 
 el Claremkn ; Arthur Lord Capet, Earl of EjJex j Ibomat Lord B ruder: ell, Earl of Cardigan, !fic Dudgdah', Bai-n, Tom. 2. 
 
 No. 75. V o l. II. 7 T 
 
 cerned 
 
626 
 
 ihe 
 
 H 1 STO R Y of ENGLA N D. 
 
 VoL IL 
 
 cerned in it. It is therefore manifeft, this Speech tended Government either in Church or State, or th..t either, or ; : 
 
 only to inccnfe the Parliament againft the Sectaries or both Huufes of Parliament have a legiflative power wuh- 
 Non-conformiils in general, under colour of providing for out his Majefty, that then every luch offender, beine 
 
 Rcgifter 
 
 legally convi< 5 led thereof, fhould incur the Penalties o; a 
 Praemunire mentioned in the Statute of the i6ch of 
 Rickard II. 
 
 The other Adis now palled were : 
 
 An Adi to repeal the law made in the 17th year of 
 
 the fafety of the King and the State, in a fuppofition, 
 that it was only from them any danger could be feared. 
 
 This will appear hereafter to be more than a mere con- 
 jcdlure. 
 
 Sir Edward Turner , the Duke of York's Attorney- 
 
 General, being chofen Speaker of the Houfe of Commons, Charles I, for the exclufion of the Bilhops from the Houfe 
 
 at the recommendation of the Court, both Houfes unani- of Peers, 
 
 moufly voted their thanks to the King for the gracious An Adi to prevent tumults and diforders committed 
 
 communication of his refolution to marry, and went in a under pretence of preparing, or prefenting petitions to the 
 
 TcrCcm- body to congratulate him. Then the Houfe of Commons King or Parliament. 
 
 " ordered all their members to receive the Sacrament ac- An Adi to declare the foie right of the Militia to be 
 
 tbeSacra- c° r ^> n g t0 the prefcribed Liturgy within a certain time, in the King. 
 
 me.-.: ia the upon pain of being expelled the Houfe. An Adt to impower his Majefty to difpofe of the Land- 
 
 En°Uncf^ The 2Ct ^ ot May the two Houfes jointly ordered, that forces. 
 
 1, p.446. th c writing called the Solemn League and Covenant fhould An Adi for the regulation and government of his Ma- 
 
 StvcraiAiH be burnt by the common Hangman ; which was performed jefty’s Navies and Forces by fea. 
 
 w ‘ t h great triumph. 1 hree days alter, the following An Adi to impofe certain pains and penalties upon the 
 
 Adis were alfo ordered to be burnt. The Adi for eredling perfons or eftates of thofe who had a hand in the horrible 
 • a High-Court of Juftice for trying and judging Charles murder of the late King. 
 
 Steuart, &c. The Adt for fubferibing the Engagement An Adi for the colledtion of the great arrears of the 
 
 againft a King and Houfe of Peers : The Adt for de- duty of Excife. 
 
 daring the People of England to be a Commonwealth, isfe. An Adi for providing neceffary carriages for the Kino- 
 
 T he Adi for renouncing the title of Charles Steuart, and in all his progrefies and removals. 
 
 another for the fecurity of the Prote&or’s perfon. After thefe Acts had received the royal afient, the Kino- 
 
 The zeal of the two Houfes breeding a fear in the Re- thanked the two Houfes for them, and particularly for 
 
 publicans, that the Adi of Indemnity palled in the late that which reftored the Bilhops to their feats in Parlia- 
 Parliament, would not be fufficient for their fecurity, if ment, and that which concerned the Militia. This Tie Partis. 
 it was not confirmed by the prefent, they addrefled the done, he gave them leave to adjourn to the 20th 
 King for this confirmation. Upon their petition, the King November. journed. 
 
 writ to both Houfes the 2d of June, earneftly recom- When the King called this Parliament, lie had no in- a Cnmt*. 
 mending to them to pafs the Bill he had prepared for tendon to afiem ble the Clergy in Convocation, believing "'*»• 
 tk.in. He even told them plainly, however nccefiary the the Savoy conference was equivalent to a Convocation. But ,Ce ' lntt ' s 
 bills might be, that were ready for the royal afient, he had Dr. Beylin, in a letter to a Minifter of State, fhowed, p.Tgob*.-. 
 
 rvo mintMo pafs them till the Adi sf Indemnity was like- that this conference ought not to hinder the King from 
 
 wi'v p;eiented ta him. This letter having pioduced the aflembling the Clergy. He allcdged, among other rea- 
 ddircd tftecl, the King came to the Parliament the 8th fons, that the Clergy could not be" bound by the Adis of 
 
 ot v/v, and palled the following Adk. the Savoy affembly. This was precifeiy what the Preshy- 
 
 ‘ ‘p !. to confirm the Adi of Indemnity palled in the terian Minifters, appointed by the King, had allcdged, to 
 
 Ibow they had no power to Adi for their brethren." This 
 
 Cimmon 
 Uc.rgman. 
 Jd p. 45- 
 JhHtipj. 
 
 late Parliament. 
 
 An Adi to impower the King to receive from his Sub- Convocation did 
 jedls a Iree and voluntary contribution for his prefent oc- 
 cafions. 
 
 After this, the King made a Ihort Speech to 
 
 both 
 
 touts, to remind them of his Declaration from Breda , m Scotland proceeded with no lets vigour. Being afiem- Scotland. 
 f 1 " 1 0 lhat bgned by his adherents when his Reftoration bled in January, they began firft with abrogating and an-® uinet * 
 '! - ,l " to talke ^ 0 ' , 111 whlch { hey prom 1 fed to renounce nulling the folemn League and Covenant of "the two King- Echard’ 
 
 LI memnrv nf fnrmcr imKmr.lt.- .. 1 it • .1 .. 1 II I » 1-cnara. 
 
 bmg confiderable, except granting 
 the King a Benevolence by virtue of the Adt above-men¬ 
 tioned (1). 
 
 While thefe things paffed in England, the Parliament 
 
 Being afiem- Scotland. 
 
 lii memory of former unkindnefles, and vowed all ima- doms ; and commanded that none of his Majefty’s Sub- 
 vv:1 ‘ eactl other - Therefore, continues he, jedls prefume, on pretence of any authority whatloever, to 
 let 1/ he m no man s power to charge me or you with breach require a renewing, or fwearing to the faid League and 
 
 oj our word or Covenant, without his Majefty’s fpecial warrant and a p- 
 
 e | lc c tvvo Adis being difpatched, the Parliament pro- probation. 
 
 C "~ ecl , , vl S our Ir ) fimlhing the other Bills which They next declared the power of the Militia to be in «■ 
 
 . were before them, and in particular, one for the confifea- the King alone, and the Adt of the 16th o f January 16+- p.T^.’ 
 tion ot the eftates of twenty one Regicides deceafed, and to by which the late King was delivered to the Englijh to be 
 
 puiu 1 three, who were fpared as to life, but liable to infamous, difloyal, and contrary to all Laws divine and 
 
 other Penalties. I hefe we.c the Lord Monfon, Sir Henry humane. 
 
 f" 7 r Robert Ic was o^ered, that they Epifcopacy was reftored in Scotland, and for that pur- r , 
 
 inou d | on January 30.] be drawn upon fledges with ropes pofe, four Presbyterian Minifters, Sharp, Hamilton, Bar- 2^7 
 * 0U 1 eir necks to the gallows at Tyburn, and from well and Leighton came to London , where, after being '«W. 
 
 , ence c ° nvc >; cd t0 tlle 1 0W£r > t,lcre •» remain prifoners ordained Deacons and Priefts, they were confecratcd Billion! Miy 8l 
 The rt / h tr- th£ Bilhop of Winch,Jlcr, [with two other aflifting Pre- !“”' 
 
 he jOih of july the King came to the Parliament, and late.] All four renounced their firft Ordination as inva- Kenn°f, 
 
 . , An reVcrdl , Aas ; . H and before their departure for Scotland, obtained from *•*». 
 
 nerf'n and f the lafety and prefervation of the King's the King a declaration of his pleafure to reftore in Scotland P 44 ' 
 p The c f ^ . which had three remarkable ciaufes. the Government of the Church by Archbifliops and Bi- 
 
 intend the' KinA d "Hf Pe t r n n H’. 0 ” 1 '* com P afi! > imagine or (hops, as it was in the year 1637.' Upon this declaiation, 
 imndfan nr retr death, deftrufl.on, or bodily harm, to the Privy-Council of Seed,mi Kriflly difeharged alleccle- 
 lhoulj lew vvaAT'-itf r° ya ^ 1 pcrlon, or depole him, or ftaftica! meetings at Synods and Presbyteries, Isle, till they 
 o I, I , " Wlt " or Without his realm, fhould be authorized by the Archbifhups and Bilhops. An 
 or itir up any foreign power to invade him ; or fhould Aft was alfo pallid in the Saleh Parliament to prohibit 
 ntention, by printing, all Meetings and Conventicles in private houfes for reli- 
 
 derlare or exprefs fuch his wicked 
 
 wi-irincr nr^V-Kinn- « r. . , ’ D y Panting, ad i\ 4 eetings and Conventicles in private houfes for 
 
 (l’ould E bemnthermVlealn a i<:iOU ’A n j d adv, ^ d r P eiltin g. he B'Ous worfhip. By another Afl the right of Patronage 
 Thtfeonf ha if 1 y mnV,a ' J ’ 1 b “ d j>; 4 e d a,ni y tor. was revived. Andlaiily, by another,^,t was ordained, 
 vifcdlv oubiifh nr art malicioufly or ad- that all perfons in any public!; office, fhould lign a folemn 
 
 or . IJa .u l ,m h,s Wyofty to be an Hcreticlc declaration againft the national Covenant in 163?, and the 
 " "!%**' Pd?cr y ■ fokmn Lea E uc •-< • '•«. i» which ^ de- 
 
 ... I 3 - P pe o atred or diflike of his royal dared it unlawful to Subjects upon pretence of Reforma- 
 
 eV 7 P-fcn ftould her tion, or any other presence whatever, ,0 enter Imo 
 or t; ta{e ^ r employment either in Church Leagues and Covenants, or take up arms againft the King, 
 
 'I’hf ffnlrrl ;r „ or thofe commiflioned by him. 
 
 vifedly affirm that' tl^'p^rr ould mal,aou ^y and ad- The Marquifs of Argyle having been fent prifoner to ^ w. 
 the 3 d of Novembers 64.0 J s ver" 1 lV ' 7 min J hr Edinburgh, was there tried, and condemned ; and behead- 
 
 Covenant or En^acremenr’f ^ fk*" bcing ’. ° r 1 ! haC an y ecJ tfle z 7 lhof May. Many believed, that revenge, and 
 
 the Peon e doth oblle ?! ? ^ ' mp ° fed u P on the °< f "™ A), who hoped for the confif- " 
 
 People, doth oblige them to endeavour a change of the cation of his eftates, were more powerful motives for his 
 
 e r . tk ' Plpi " i P " i ““' d for Its repeal of the Pood Low, again.! ,he B 
 
 P rticulariy of the Earl ot' Mid!f 
 writ by him to Monk, wherein he c.\,r fl 
 
 , p. 124. The Marquife 
 
 I tor the Republican Caule, Thels ba 
 
 .rienned, a> p-.rl.y c 
 
 f their Relig-'o 
 
 fs's Jud-:. Jd. p. 125 . 
 
 fcntencc, 
 
Book XXilf. 
 
 26. CHARLES 11 . 
 
 x 66 i. fcntence, than juftice. A few days before his death, the 
 wtaay 1'. remains of the unfortunate Marquifs of Motitrofe were 
 folemnly interred, and the head of the Marquifs of Argyle 
 was fet up in the place where his flood. 
 
 June 7. In England the bodies of Sir Charles Lucas and Sir George 
 path. Lifle , who were fhot at Colchejler in 1648, were like- 
 
 wife honorabiy interred. 
 
 iComphi nti During the recefs of the Englijh Parliament, the Cava- 
 tftbeRya- li ers or Royalirts made great complaints of the King’s in- 
 iBurmc, gratitude, for fuffering them to perifh with hunger, while, 
 
 p. ; 6 ;. by the A£l of Indemnity, he procured his enemies the 
 
 | aid " fecure enjoyment of immenfe riches, acquired by illegal 
 means. The city fvvarmed with libels on this fubjedl. 
 One, amongft the reft, writ by L'ejlrangc , told the King 
 bold truths with great freedom. But the King thought 
 not proper to take notice of them, believing, the leaft he 
 could do for the loyal fufferers, was to let them complain, 
 fmee it was neither in his inclination nor power to reward 
 them. 
 
 WTZef- * 0 ^P end ^ele complaints, the city was filled with 
 K.i'll;. ' tumours of projects and plots againft the King’s perfon 
 and government (1). But many believed this only an ar¬ 
 tifice to incenfe the Parliament againft the Non-confor- 
 mifts in general, and the Presbyterians in particular, and 
 afford a pretenfe to proceed againft them. The Pref- 
 byterians were always confounded with the other Sedts, 
 under the denomination of Non-conformifts, who were 
 charged with ill-intentions againft the Government, though 
 hitherto the Presbyterians had given no caufe of fufpicion, 
 at leaft, nothing was proved againft them. The moft 
 plaufible thing urged, was, that the Independents, Ana- 
 baptifts, and the other Republicans, feeing the Presbyterians 
 no better treated than themfelves, formed great projects, 
 m hopes of being joined by the Presbyterians at a proper 
 time. 1 bus much is certain, the project of the Adt of 
 Uniformity, which will be mentioned hereafter, was now 
 formed, and the rumours, true or falfe, of Plots carried 
 on by the Non-conformifts, might be very ufeful to palliate 
 the breach of Declaration from Breda , under colour of 
 providing for the fafety of the State. For the Presby¬ 
 terians could not be attacked on account of Religion, with¬ 
 out a moft manifeft violation of the King’s promife. 
 
 Afgior Ex- 7 he Earl of Sandwich, Vice-Admiral, being fent with 
 2 fleet t0 Lisbon-, to bring home the new Queen, appeared 
 iwve. before Algier to make a treaty with the Corfairs , or reduce 
 July. them to rcafon by force. But he found them fo well pre- 
 P ared > that hc wa s obliged to return to Lisbon without any 
 
 ICennct’s thin g don e- 
 
 Regifteo The Parliament re-alTembling the 20th of November , 
 vn/mc"*' the Kin S made a S P eech to both Houfes, without any ne- 
 Tte Kmg 1 cefTity, as they had only been adjourned. He gave for rea- 
 l0 fon, that it was to have the pleafure to fee the Bilhops re¬ 
 ar; 361. ftored to their P ,aces . 111 Parliament. He then defired the 
 Commons, “ To think ferioufly upon fettling his revenue, 
 
 &t and providing for the expences of his Navy ; adding, 
 
 “ that he asked nothing for himfelf, but as his intereft was 
 “ llnit cd with rhat of his People.” He told them, “ That 
 “ he was willing they Ihould make a full infpeaion into his 
 disburfements and receipts, but would not have them 
 “ believe any loofe difeourfes, of giving away eighty thou- 
 fand pounds in a morning. That he had much more 
 “ reafon to be forry, that he had not to reward thofe who 
 “ had ever faithfully ferved the King his Father and him- 
 “ felf, than alhamed of any bounty he had exercifed to- 
 “ wards any man.” After this, he told the two Houfes, 
 
 1 hit he was forry to find, the general temper and af- 
 “ fe<aions of the nation were not fo well compofed, as 
 might have been expe&ed, after fuch fignal bleffings 
 “ from God Almighty upon all, and after fo great indul- 
 “ gence and condefcenfions from him towards all interefts. 
 
 “ 1 hat therc were ®ill many wicked inftruments, who la- 
 boiJreti mgh' and day to difturh the publick peace, and 
 “ maltc all people jealous of each other. That it was 
 “ worthy of their care and vigilance, to provide proper 
 remedies for the difeafes of that kind ; and if they 
 “ tound new difeafes, they mud ftudy new remedies. That 
 the difficulties which concerned Religion were too hard 
 “ for him , ond therefore he recommended them to their 
 “ care end deliberation, who could bell provide for them.” 
 
 When the King publiihed his declaration at Brrda, and 
 “Preyed fo much zeal for palling an AS of Indemnity, 
 
 ' agreeably to this declaration, he did not think it out of his 
 
 power to give a pofitive promife, that no perfon fhould be 
 moielred on account of Religion. But, in all appearance, 
 fince the eledlions of the Members for this new Parliament 
 had been made, according to the wilh of the Miniftry, in 
 favour of High-church, it was fuggefted to the King, that 
 the belt expedient to obtain whatever he defired, was to fa- 
 
 !’) ° f w . hich l f? e Authors were, Pra,fe-god Barebor.e, Colonel Salmon, Maio 
 
 62? 
 
 crifice the Non-confortnifts to the Parliament. It is not i66i k 
 very ftrange, that a Prince of his charader, who had fe- 
 cretly embraced the Roman Catholick Religion, or, to 
 fpeak more properly, had no Religion at all, Ihould not 
 think it a point of honour to fupport the Presbyterians, at 
 the hazard of lofing the affcdlion of his Parliament. He 
 vifibly begins therefore, in the conclufion of this Speech* 
 to ufe evalions ; and by talking in general of perfons, la¬ 
 bouring to trouble the peace of the Kingdom, furnilhes his 
 Parliament with a pretence of treating the Non-conformifts 
 with rigour, as difturbers of the publick tranquillity. As 
 to Religion, he leaves the care of it to the Parliament, as 
 of a thing too difficult for him. By this he entirely de¬ 
 parts from his Breda declaration, and the Adi of Indem¬ 
 nity, which till now he had fo much infilled on. 
 
 This Speech was as the fignal to the perfection, which* Tbe Pretty: 
 foon after, broke out againft the Non-conformifts, and , ‘ r,an ‘ f“'- 
 particularly the Presbyterians, for they alone were properl y Jecated ‘ 
 aimed at. We ftiall fee prefently, that upon rumours of 
 confpiracies forming againft the State by the Non-confor¬ 
 mifts, without diftiriclion of any fedl, Adis were grounded, 
 which manifeftly deftroyed the Breda declaration, as well 
 as that publiihed by the Royalifts, w hen the King’s refto- 
 ration was in view. 
 
 I Ilia 11 briefly ftate the argument ufed to fupport this per¬ 
 fection. It is true, the King generoufly pardoned the of¬ 
 fences committed before this declaration : but he did not 
 promife to pardon fuch as Ihould be afterwards committed. 
 
 Now, fince the King has been reftored, the Non-confor¬ 
 mifts are plotting to difturb the Government. It is there¬ 
 fore necellary to take all poffible precautions, to difabld 
 them from executing their defigns. In anfwer to this ar¬ 
 gument, it is needlefs to urge the flender foundation of thefe 
 pretended plots, for which no man was ever punilhed, or 
 even profecuted (2). It fuffices to remark, that it fup- 
 pofes, what is entirely falfe, that the Non-conformifts made 
 but one body, becaufe their enemies had been pleafed to 
 give them all one common name. And yet, upon this fup- 
 pofition fo notorioufly falfe, it was thought lawful, to de¬ 
 prive all the Sedls, and particularly the Presbyterians, of 
 the benefit of the declaration from Breda, only becaufe 
 their enemies were pleafed to confound them with the In¬ 
 dependents and Enthufiafts, under the fame appellation of 
 Non-conformifts. I do not think it necelfary to ftay any 
 longer to demonftrate the weaknefs of this argument. But 
 it was fufficiently valid, for men who had the power in 
 their hands. 
 
 To prepare the way for the defigned alteration, folely petition of 
 founded upon rumours of an imaginary confpiracy, the Par- lhe Porhi. 
 liament thought proper to fupport thefe rumours, by a pe- cl ’ 
 tition to the King for a Proclamation, to order all officers Regift'eV, 
 and disbanded foldiers to depart twenty miles from London. P- 5 6 3-' 
 
 It was natural to infer from thence, that there were grounds 
 for fear, which was indeed the defign of this proclamation. 
 
 The fame day, the Commons voted the King a fupply 
 of twelve hundred thoufand pounds for his prefent occa- J * r lnfed*to 
 fions, that is, to be difpofed of as he pleafed. This was ‘be King. 
 the firft fruits of his condefcenfion, with regard to the Ibid - 
 Breda declaration. 
 
 Then, the Parliament refumed the affair of the nine- Some Regi. 
 teen Regicides, who had voluntarily rendered themfelves ad “ called 
 upon the Proclamation of the 6th of June, and yet had 
 been fentenced to death. They were asked, what they Nov. 25. 
 had to fay, why judgment Ihould not be executed upon Id - P- 5 6 3> 
 them ? They alledged the King’s proclamation, on which Heath, 
 they had relied, believing it was his intention to pardon p- S02’. 
 them. But this did not prevent a Bill from being brought 
 in for their execution, which was read twice, and then 
 dropped, probably, on the King’s powerful follicitation in 
 favour of the condemned, who could not have been exe¬ 
 cuted without great prejudice to his honour and faith. 
 
 The rumours, as I faid, of plots, were abfolutely ne- qbACbaAA 
 ceflary to ferve for foundation to what was intended to be cc/llr/up . 1 
 done. The Earl of Clarendon had mentioned thefe plots P°"‘ ,te 
 at the clofe of the late Parliament, and the King at the HTpi't 
 opening of thi» To ftrike a greater blow, the Earl of Rennet’s 
 Clarendon , at a conference between the two Houfes, af- Rc g’fter,' 
 firmed pofitively, that there was a real confpiracy, which P ' 58z ’ 
 had been forming ever fince March, to difturb the peace of 
 the Kingdom. He named feveral perfons engaged, and 
 gave an exa£t account of the manner how it was to be exe¬ 
 cuted. He faid, though the defign feemed difconcertcd as 
 to the City of London , where the officers and disbanded fol¬ 
 diers had been invited to repair the 1 ith of the inilant De¬ 
 cember , it was ftill purfued in the country. The Lords, 
 upon this information, named a Committee of twelve of 
 their Houfe, to whom they defired the Commons to add a 
 proportionable number of their Members, to examine this 
 
 r IFUdmnn, Alderman Jeeton, Sc:, Heolb, p. too. 
 
 in November 27, or rather tor being engaged in Ver.ner'i buiineit, for he WJ3 
 
 horrible 
 
628 
 
 Vo!. II. 
 
 l66 t. 
 
 SUicH. 
 
 Kennel’s 
 Regifhr, 
 P- ^in¬ 
 stitute b. 
 
 Ojtb 11. 
 
 Ccrplfrun 
 
 AS. 
 
 A Remark. 
 
 Death if the 
 
 %«* >/ 
 
 Bohemia. 
 
 1661-2. 
 
 6yh*t Chan. 
 Park«- 
 
 Kennel* 
 
 Regiflcr* 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 ■ ■ that the execution of it might be pre¬ 
 vented, and the peace of the Kingdom fecured. 
 
 Certainly, it cannot but appear ftrange to all, who are 
 not prejudiced by paffion or party, that a plot, of which 
 the Court fo well knew all the circumftanccs, the parties 
 engaged, the day of its defigned execution in London , the 
 endeavours ftill ufed to promote it in the Country, and 
 concerning which a multitude of Letters had been inter¬ 
 cepted, that this plot, which was examined bv a numerous 
 Committee of both Houfes, fhould not be attended with 
 the death of any of the complices, nor even with the pro- 
 fecution of one (ingle perfon. It was, however, upon this 
 foie foundation, that the Corporation Aft, of which I am 
 going to fpeak, and all the proceedings againft the Non- 
 conformifts were built. 
 
 The 20th of December , the King came to the Parlia¬ 
 ment, and palled the two following Afts: 
 
 An Aft to grant the King twelve hundred and fixty 
 thoufand pounds, for his prefent occafions, to be levied by 
 a monthly tax of feventy thoufand pounds, for eighteen 
 months. 
 
 An Aft for regulating Corporations. 
 
 This Aft, which was called the Corporation Aft, ran, 
 T hat in order to perpetuate the fucceffion in Corporations, 
 in the hands of perfons well-affefted to the Government, 
 it was ordained, that every Mavor, Alderman, Common- 
 Council-man, or any other officer in a Corporation (hould 
 be obliged, befides the common oath of Allegiance and Su¬ 
 premacy, and a particular declaration againlt the folemn 
 League and Covenant, to take an oath, declaring, That it 
 was not lawful , upon any pretence whatfoever , to take arms 
 againjl the King ; and that he did abhor that traitorous pofi- 
 tion, of taking arms by his authority againjl his perfon , or 
 againjl thofe commijfioned by him. 
 
 If the oath had imported, that it is not lawful, on any 
 pretence, to take arms againft the cftablilhed Government, 
 there had been nothing in it extraordinary. But in this 
 oath, the King was fuppofed to be foie mailer of the Go¬ 
 vernment, which is manifeftly falfe, fince he can neither 
 make nor repeal a law, without the concurrence of the 
 Parliament, and confequently, the fovereign authority does 
 not refide in him alone. This fuppofition was exaftly like 
 that of the Parliament of 1640, that the fupreme autho¬ 
 rity refided in the people, or their reprefentatives in Par¬ 
 liament, the abfurdity of which was expofed by Charles I, 
 in almoft every one of his Papers. They are both equally 
 falfe, and to (how that the people of England do not think 
 them true, we need only obferve, the abfurd confequences 
 they have produced, and which have been conftantly re¬ 
 jected by the Englijl). By the maxim of the Parliament 
 of 1640, that Parliament believed, they had a right to abo- 
 lilh Monarchy, and change the eftablifhed Religion. By 
 the maxim contained in this oath, ''fames II. believed lie 
 had a right to introduce a new Religion, and eftablilh an 
 abiolute power. But the Englijl) nation thought themfelves 
 bound by neither the one nor the other of thefe extravagant 
 maxims. Charles II. was reftored, notwithftanding the 
 becifion of the Parliament of 1 640 j and James II. was 
 dethroned, notwithftanding the decifion of this Parliament, 
 which had ordered the oath we are fpeaking of, though the 
 King had concurred to the Aft. It is impoffible in Eng¬ 
 land to mark out the degree of obedience due from the peo¬ 
 ple to the King, or the Parliament, when they aredifunited. 
 The reafon is evident, becaufe in their union confifts the 
 elienee of the Government. It is in the King and Parlia¬ 
 ment united together, that the abfolute power, necefl'ary 
 to all Governments, is lodged. Wherefore, to fay, that 
 upon any pretence or reafon whatfoever , it is not lawful to re¬ 
 fill the King or the Parliament, is, properly throwing up 
 the liberties of the nation to the mercy of the one or the 
 other. The High-Churchmen, of which this Parliament 
 was principally compofed, had then extraordinary ideas of 
 the royal authority. And I know not whether thev ha\e 
 vet entirely loft them. But it is certain, many of them at 
 laft opened their eyes, and faw the dangerous confequences 
 of their maxims, and even this Parliament did not think fit 
 to admit them all, as will hereafter appear. 
 
 When thefe Acts were palled, the Parliament was ad¬ 
 journed to the 10th of January. 
 
 Elizabeth Steuart , Daughter of James I, Eleftrefs Pa¬ 
 latine , and Queen of Bohemia , died at London the 13th of 
 February (1). 
 
 The Pmiament being aflembled the 10th of January , 
 the firft thing the Lords did, was to receive the report of 
 the Committee, appointed to examine the confpiracy, fup- 
 pofed to have been forming now almoft a year, but which 
 had yet produced no eft eft. The Earl of Clarendon , who 
 made the report, fays, that two perfons, namely, IVild- 
 
 ft) She came fiom the Hague to Lcndcn, Afay 17, 1661, and oied Frbru.-- 
 • ■ :ne !.m: Vault with Prince Henry her Brother. ’ She had eight Sorts, anc ’ 
 the late King Geirge, was, in 1701, declared Heir to the Crswn of G<it-B 
 F 393- And A', vernier 29, Bnai Walton Biihop of C' ••fltr. the Compiler ol 
 
 (/ENGLAND. 
 
 man and Salmon were particularly engaged, and that a lift i66i 
 of one hundred and fortv officers of the late arm} had been 
 found with the latter . that it was further difeovert-d, that 
 the confpirators were to have had a meeting at Lon l-n the 
 lothof December , and defigned to have fecured Shrru dnry, 
 Coventry , and Bri/lol, by the end of January : That 
 where thev were prevalent, they were to begin with hor¬ 
 rible aflaffinations, which moved erne of them to relate, 
 that the fugitive fudges of the late King were entertained 
 in France , Holland , and Germany, and held a ftrift cor- 
 refpondence with the Englijl) confpirators, and were en¬ 
 couraged by foreign Princes: That they had bought a large 
 quantity of arms, and boafted, if thev could once fet loot 
 in England , they fhould not want means to carry on their 
 work. T hat this had been difeovered by one of the com¬ 
 plices, and confirmed by fuch intelligence from abroad, ;is 
 never failed : That many met at Huntington, and rode a- 
 bout the town in the night, to the great terror of In Ai •- 
 jefty's good Subjefts: That it might be wonderc !, th it 
 fome propofals were not made to remedy the impending evil, 
 but the Kimr, having conferred with the Duke of .dlbe- 
 marlc , had ordered two troops of Hoi fe to Shrewsbury, and 
 as many to Coventry , who, in their way, had difperfed a 
 great knot of thieves, and taken twenty : That a rumour 
 was fpread, that the appointing of this Committee was only 
 a plot of the Court to govern by an army, but the Com¬ 
 mittee was very fenfible of the reality of the danger, and 
 hoped the two Houfes would be fo too: That iiticc t-i-n 
 enemies were united for their deftruftion, they fhould al!<> 
 be united for their own prefervation. 
 
 When it is confidered, that after a ftrift examination of ■! F 
 this confpiracy by a numerous Committee of both Houfes, 
 the whole amounted only to a lift of one hundred and forty 
 officers found upon a man, without any other circum- 
 ftance ; and concerning one of the Complices not named ; 
 to fecret intelligence that never failed ; to a Company of 
 men aflembled about Huntington , in the niyht, for fome 
 unknown reafon ; 'That not any of theft retended con¬ 
 fpirators, who might have been known b\ one of their 
 party who had difeovered the whole Plot, was either 
 punifhed or profecuted for this fuppofed crime ; that in Bnrnce, 
 fhort the noife of this confpiracy ceafed at ince aftej the ^ ’ 
 
 Uni f ormity-Aft had palled : when thefe things, I lav, 
 are confidered, who can help thinking it a mere inven¬ 
 tion, to give fome colour to this Aft. The Government 
 durft not attack the Presbyterians direftly on account of 
 their Religion. The declaration from Breda was too ex- 
 prefs on that article. But they were to be charged 
 with new crimes, in order to he deprived of the benefit 
 of that declaration. They' were not even accufed of at¬ 
 tempting to difturb the State, fince the King’s reftora- 
 tion ; but the Non-conformifts in general were accufed 
 in order to punifh the Presbyterians, as if they made but 
 one body with Independents, Anabaptifts, Enthufiafts, be¬ 
 caufe to all thefe Softs was given the common name of 
 Non-conformifts. 
 
 The ilt of March, the King fent for the Commons to 7l - k; 
 Whitehall , and reproached them, though very civilly, 
 with having done nothing towards the fettling of his re- k1 «« 
 venue?. He artfully infinuated, that the late troubles had R * ,; 
 principally been owing to the wants and neceffities of the p * 6 ^" 
 Crown, therein intimating, that this had obliged bis Fa¬ 
 ther to ftietch the royal prerogative. He added, that 
 there was ftill in the Kingdom a Republican-party, wh» 
 promifed themfelves a fecund revolution, and therefore the 
 only way to difappoint their hopes, was to enable the 
 Crown to fupport it felf, and fecure them. He con¬ 
 tinued bis fpeech in this manner. 
 
 ‘‘ --Gentlemen, I hear you are very zealous for 
 
 “ the Church, and very follicitous, and even jealous, that 
 “ there is not expedition enough ufed in that affair. I 
 “ thank you for it, fince I prefume it proceeds from a 
 “ good root of piety and devotion : But I mull tell you, 
 
 “ I have the worft luck in the world, if after all the 
 “ reproaches of being a Papift while I was abroad, I am 
 u fulpefted of being a Presbyterian now I am come home. 
 
 “ I know you will not take it unkindly, if I tell you 
 “ that I am as zealous for the Church of England, as any 
 “ of you can be, and am enough acquainted with the 
 “ enemies of it on all fides ; that I am as much in love 
 “ with the Book of Common-Prayer as you can wifh 
 “ and have prejudice enough to thofe who do not love 
 
 it, who, I hope, in time will be better informed, and 
 “ change their minds ; and you may be confident I do as 
 “ much defire to fee an Uniformity fettled as anv a- 
 “ mongft you. I pray truft me in that affair : I promile 
 “ you to haften the difpatch of it with all convenient 
 “ fpeed ■, you may rely upon me in it. I have tranfmitted 
 
 V 13. 1661-2, aged fixty fix years-She was interred In W’eQninJter Abbey, 
 
 I, Mot) 
 
 nfoin - ■ the famous .Can I Wo Kent 
 
 li.e R.ljghit-Buu, This year alii. cied $1 Arthur l.a^.r.ege, in i!>: IVvi-r 
 
 “ the 
 
1661-2. 
 
 AH againft 
 the Quaker! 
 Starute-b. 
 
 Re^Her, 
 p. 6 7 y. 
 
 Id. p. 6S7, 
 See. 
 
 Other AHs. 
 Statute-b. 
 
 ah of u,u- 
 
 formity. 
 
 Ibfd. 
 
 K nnet’s 
 Re^ifter, 
 p.675. Sec 
 
 Remarks 
 tipoji the AH, 
 
 Book XXIII. 26. CHA 
 
 , <c the Book of Common-Prayer, with thofe alterations 
 “ and additions, which have been prefented to me by the 
 “ Ccnvocation, to the Houfe of Peers, with my appro- 
 “ bation, that the Aft of Uniformity may relate to it(r). 
 “ So that I prefame it will be fhortly difpatched there: 
 “ And when we have done all we can, the well fettling 
 “ of that affair will require great prudence and difere- 
 “ tion, and the abfence of all paffion and precipita- 
 <c tion.”.- 
 
 The King’s deftgn in this part of his Speech, was to ob¬ 
 tain, that the execution of the Aft of Uniformity when it 
 fhould be palled, might be left entirely to him, in order to 
 have it in his power to difpenfe with whom he pleafed. 
 This he afterwards difeovered in words more clear and pre- 
 cife, though the Parliament would not grant his defire. 
 
 The Commons being returned to their Houfe prepared 
 • feveral Bills, and amongft the reft one againft the Quakers, 
 for refufing the oaths. Not that they believed themfelves 
 freed by this refufal from the obligations impofed by thefe 
 oaths, but becaufe they confidcred all oaths as unlawful. 
 This Act, and another for the repairing of the ftreets 
 and high-ways in and about London, were palled by com- 
 miftion. 
 
 At laft, on the 17th of May, the King coming to the 
 Parliament, gave his allent to leveral Acts, of which I 
 fhall only mention the moft important. 
 
 An Aft for the Uniformity of publick prayers, and the 
 adminiftration of the Sacraments, 
 
 An Aft for the better regulation and ordering of the 
 ftanding forces of the nation. 
 
 An Aft for laying a perpetual and annual tax of two 
 fhillings on every Chimney-hearth in each Houfe, Alms- 
 houfes excepted. 
 
 An Act to impower his Majefty to levy, for the next 
 enfuing three years, a tax of feventy thoufand pound per 
 month, if neceftity lhall fo require. 
 
 Moreover, the Houfe of Commons ordered fixty thou¬ 
 fand pounds which exceeded the fum of twelve hundred 
 thoufand pounds, granted by a former Aft, to be diftributed 
 among the poor Cavaliers, who had been fuft’erers in the 
 late troubles. 
 
 After the palling of thefe Afts, the Parliament was pro¬ 
 rogued to the 18th of February. 
 
 Amongft thefe Afts three are particularly remarkable. 
 
 By the Act of Uniformity, every Minilter was obliged, 
 on pain of lofing all his eccleliaftical Preferments, to con¬ 
 form to the worlhip of the Church of England, according 
 to the new Book of Common-Prayer, before the Feaft of 
 St. Bartholomew next, from whence it was called the Bar¬ 
 tholomew Act. Every Minilter was alfo obliged to fign the 
 following declaration. I do here declare my unfeigned ajfent 
 and confent to all and every thing contained and preferibed 
 in and by the Book intitled, the Book of Common-Prayer, &c. 
 Belides this, every Perfon was obliged to fign a declaration 
 contained in the Militia-Aft, in which declaration he was 
 not only to promife to conform to the Liturgy of the Church 
 of England , but likewife to renounce the folemn League 
 and Covenant, declaring it to be an unlawful oath, and 
 impofed upon the Subjefts of this realm againft the known 
 laws and liberties of the Kingdom. 
 
 The penalties annexed to this Aft were many, particu¬ 
 larly,-- No perfon Jhould be capable of any benefice, or pre¬ 
 
 fume to confccrate and adminijler the holy Sacrament 0} the 
 Lord's Supper, before he be ordained Priejl by Epifcopal Or¬ 
 dination, upon pain to forfeit for every offence the fum of one 
 hundred pounds. 
 
 I fhall make but three obfervations upon this Adi; the 
 ’ firft fhall be in the very words of the declaration from 
 Breda. And becaufe the paffion and uncharitablenefs of the 
 times have produced feveral opinions in Religion, by which 
 men are ingaged in parties and animofities againjl each other, 
 which, when they fhall hereafter unite in a freedom of con- 
 verfation, will be compofed or better underfood ; we do declare 
 a liberty to tender Confidences, and that no ?nan Jhall be dif- 
 quieted or called in qucjlion for differences of opinion in mat¬ 
 ters of Religion, which do not di/lurb the peace of the King¬ 
 dom ; and that we Jhall be as ready to confent to fuch an Ad 
 of Parliament, as upon mature deliberation Jhall be offered to 
 us for the full granting that indulgence. 
 
 Let this claufe be compared with the Adi of Unifor¬ 
 mity, and it will eafily be feen, what care the King’s own 
 Miniflers, who were the real authors or promoters of this 
 
 R L E S II. 625 
 
 Adi, had of his honour, and what regard he himfelf payed i 56 u 
 to his promife. Notwithftanding all this) fome did then 
 and do ftill confider this Adi as the great fupport and bul¬ 
 wark of the Church of England, and extol the authors as 
 deferving theeverlafting praifes and bleffings of the Church; 
 whilft others, perhaps, no lefs fincerely attached to the 
 Church of England, looked upon it as her reproach^ 
 
 My fecond remark is, that to this came the promifes 
 made to the Presbyterians by the King’s party, upon the 
 afTurance of which they had fo chearfully laboured for his 
 reftoration, according to the dir^Stions received from his 
 friends. 
 
 My third obfervation is, that by an artifice the moft 
 grofs, not only confpiracies were invented which had no 
 reality, but which, though they had been true, could not 
 have been imputed to the Presbyterians, who were not to 
 anfwer for the crimes of the other Sedls. 
 
 It will perhaps be imagined, that being a Presbyterian* 
 
 I fpeak out of intereft and paflion. But I proteft, I have 
 always had, and ftill have, a profound refpedl and extreme 
 veneration for the Church of England, to which I always 
 conformed during my refidence there, and am ready to do 
 it again, were I to return. But this does not oblige me to 
 confider all her members as free from failings, paflionsand 
 prejudices; efpccially on the prefent occafion, wherein, as 
 a Hiftorian, truth requires of me to fliew clearly fo ma¬ 
 terial a point of Hiflory, as the treachery which was ufed 
 to the Presbyterians. For at their ruin it was that the 
 Uniformity Aft was principally levelled (2). 
 
 The Aft concerning the Militia, intitled, An Ad for Militia AH 
 the better regulating and ordering the Jlanding forces of the 
 nation , contained amongft others the following claufe. 
 
 Forafmuch as within all his Majejly's realms and domi¬ 
 nions, the foie andfupr erne power, government, command and 
 d fpofition of the Militia, and of all forces by fea and land , 
 and of all forts and places ofJirengtb, is, and by the laws 
 of England ever was, the undoubted right of his Majejly, 
 and his royal predecejfors , Kings and Qiuens of England ; 
 and that both or either of the Houfes of Parliament , cannot * 
 nor ought, to pretend to the fame ; nor can, nor lawfully may 
 raife, or levy any war offenfive or defenfive againjl his Ma- 
 jejty, his heirs or lawfulJ'ucceffors, &c. 
 
 It was ordained by this Aft that all Lord-Lieutenants, An Oath 
 Deputy-Lieutenants, Officers, and Soldiers, fhould take the tn N ntA - 
 
 following oath:-/ do declare, and believe, that it is 
 
 not lawful upon any pretence whatfoever to take arms againjl 
 the King ; and that I do abhor that traiterous pojition, that 
 arms may be taken by his Authority againjl his Perfon, or 
 againjl thofe that are commiffioned by him , in purfuance of 
 fuch military commiffions. 
 
 When in the latter part of the oath the words, commif¬ 
 fioned by him, came to be debated in the Houfe of Com¬ 
 mons, a great Lawyer (3) moved, that the word lawfully Echinf; 
 might be added to make all clear. But the Attorney- 
 General Sir Heneage Finch anfwered, “ That it was not 
 “ neceflary, for the very word Commiffion imported it; 
 
 “ fince if it was not lawfully iflued out to lawful perfons, 
 
 “ and for a lav/ful reafon, it was no Commiffion.” And 
 the whole Houfe aflented to this interpretation. The fame 
 difficulty, offered in the Houfe of Lords (4), was removed 
 in the fame manner (5). But in fuppoling that by com¬ 
 miffioned could be only meant lawfully commiffioned, 
 where would have been the hurt to add the word lawfully , 
 in order to take away all obfeurity, if the Parliament had 
 intended to put any reftriftion upon the Royal Power ? 
 
 Suppofe now, the King invelted with fuch a power, 
 had attempted to abrogate all the old, and fubftitute new, 
 laws, at his pleafure, to abolifh the ufe of Parliaments, and 
 force his fubjefts to embrace the Popifh Religion ; which 
 way could they have maintained their Liberties and Reli¬ 
 gion, fince there was no fupreme Court to call the King 
 to an account, and iioce by this oath it was High-treafon 
 to take arms againft him upon any pretence whatfoever l 
 Thefe are the ufual effefts of faftions in a State. Each 
 party, when fuperior, thinks only of doing the contrary 
 to what the other has done, without confidering the con- 
 fequences, and generally both parties run into extremes. 
 
 The Parliament of 1640, incenfed againft Charles I, for 
 attempting to flretch his prerogative, are not content to 
 reduce him within due bounds, but aflume alfo Privileges 
 inconfiftent with the conftitution, and proceed at laft en¬ 
 tirely to deftroy the Monarchy. The Parliament of 1661 
 
 fl) There were added fome newCollefts, as the Pr.sycrfor all Conditions of Men, and th c general Thankfoving, and the Prayer for the High Court of Par- 
 (lament, and a new Office was made tor Baptifm of fuch as mere of riper years, and two more, one for the wth of January, the other for the 2.9th of May. 
 In the Collett for the Parliament, the King was filled, our moft religious King, an Epithet that gave great offence, and occaConed much indecent raillery. 
 Some new Holy-days were added alfo, as St. ‘Barnabas, and the Converfion of St. Paul, and more Leflbns were taken in out of the Apocrypha, particular^ 
 the flory of "Bell and the Dragon. 'Burnet, p. 183. See Kennet's Regifter, p. y8y, and Nicholll. 
 
 (a, 'Burnet obfervei, that the Favourers of Popery, among whom he reckons the King, thought a Toleration was the only method tor letting it agoing all 
 over the Nation. And nothing could make a Toleration for Popery pafs, but the having great Bodies of Men put out of the Church, and under fevere Laws 
 which fhould force them to move for a Toleration, and make it reafonable to grant it them, p. 179. . 
 
 (3) Sir John Vaughan. He offered many Inflances of the Law-books to fliew, “ That it was lawful in many cafes to take up Arms againft thole v/ho 
 
 “ were commiffioned by the King." Echard. , , — , r . , r 
 
 (4) By the Earl of Southampton. (s) By rbe Evl of Angle fey. 
 
 No. 75. Vol, II. 
 
 U 
 
 net 
 
The HISTORY of ENGLAND. Vol. II. 
 
 not fatisned with reftoring the King to his juft rights, in- /trades, who managed this affair for Lewis XIV offered 
 veft him with an unlimited power, and render him as ab- but fifteen hundred thoufand. This threat difference bc- 
 folute as any Monarch in the u.niverfe. tween the fum demanded and offered, was the foie fubiccl 
 
 The annual tax of two Shillings upon every Fire-hearth, of the negotiation. Each feigned, however, to be unwd 
 not only to this King for his life, but to his fucceffors for ling to recede, though both were equally impatient, theonc 
 ever, ffiewed, that this Parliament a£ted not upon a bare to fell, and the other to purchafe, and knew one another's 
 motive of zeal and affection for the reigning King, but intention. Charles told Count d'Ef.rades bv his Chancellor 
 all'o feemed to have an intention of putting the Kings of that four ways were propofol for the difpofal o {Dunkirk 
 England in a condition to fupport themfelves without Par- The firft was, to furrender it to the Spaniards\ who 
 
 liaments, by fo great a power afcribed to them. And in 
 deed, this fingle tax aifiounted to about two hundred and 
 fifty fix thoufand pounds a year, which, together with 
 Tunnage and Poundage, Excife, and other Duties, made 
 the revenue of the King double toany of his predeceflors; 
 fo fearful was this Parliament of not fufficiently fhewing 
 their zeal for monarchical Government, which had been, 
 many years, fo unworthily treated. 
 
 T'eguffY i The feffion of Parliament being ended, the Court was 
 Kfnnt^ wholly employed in preparing for the reception of the new 
 Queen,who was daily expe£led. She left Lisbon the 15th 
 p. 66c, ( 86 . of April , and arrived at Portfmouth the 14th of May, where 
 the King went to receive her(i). A* report was fpread, 
 that the marriage was folemnizcd by Sheldon , Bilhop of 
 London , though others, who believe themfelves better in¬ 
 formed, fay, the Queen refufed to be married by any but 
 a CatholickPrieft ; that the King confented to it, and that 
 end m.it- very few perfons were prefentat the folemnity (2). This 
 r fC‘\. marriage had been propofed by D. Francifco dc Melio, the 
 I 1 . r . ■ Portuguefe Ambaffador, to General Monk (3), at the time 
 B.irno:. that he was labouring the King’s reftoration. The Am- 
 Kcnn it's ballador’s aim, was to procuie Portugal a powerful afiiftance 
 
 Readier, from England, fince by the Pyrenean treaty, the King his 
 P- jV4‘ mailer had no farther expectations from France . To pre¬ 
 vail with Monk, and, by his means, with the King, he 
 engaged, that the King of Portugal ftiould give with the 
 Princefs his Sifter, three hundred tiioufand pounds Sterling, 
 the Town of Tangier upon the Coaft of Africa, and the Ijle 
 of Bombaim in the Eojl-Indies. Monk , pleafed with thel'e 
 offers, propofed this marriage to the King immediately after 
 his arrival (4). The King approved of it, and accordingly it 
 Burner. was concluded in the year 1661 (5). Some pretend, that 
 
 L.h.ul. Chancellor Hyde ftrenuonfly oppofed the marriage upon 
 
 an information, that the Princefs of Portugal, by fome na¬ 
 tural infirmity, was incapable of having children, but that 
 the King took this for an artifice of the Court of Spain to 
 pi event a marriage, which could not but prove prejudicial 
 to their great defigns upon Portugal. Others fay, the Chan- 
 D’.nhian- cellor was the chief author of this match. Before the con- 
 ienvei' fummation of the marriage, the King, in a treaty with 
 tc^irtcT, Portugal, engaged to affiit that Kingdom againft Spain (6), 
 '•-i' 1 - and in the nineteenth ai tide, obliged himfelf never to re- 
 ftore Dunkirk to that Crown. 
 
 When this marriage was compleated, the Queen-mother 
 arrived in England[ 7), with deiign, as it feemed, tofpend 
 there the relidue of her days. The King affigned Somer- 
 Jct-H:;fc for her rclidence, and gave her wherewithal to 
 
 Arrival if 
 
 offered what price the King {horrid be pleafed to demand 
 J he fecond was, to treat with the Dutch, who offered mr- 
 menfe funis. The third was, to put it into the hands of 
 the 1 aruament, who would keep it, without any diminution 
 to the King’s pretenftons as Sovereign. Toe fourth, which 
 he thought moll juft, and fuitable to his interefts, was 
 to fell it to the King of France. There was aifo a fifth 
 way propofed by the Earl of Sandwich, which was to de- 
 muhflr it, and fill up the harbour, to render it entirely ufe- 
 lefs. 
 
 rhe King of France anfrverej. He much doubted the 
 offer ol the Spaniard:, who had not yet been able to n.iv 
 his Queen s portion, though on (hat payment depended the 
 validity of her renunciation : That it would be more ad¬ 
 vantages to the King of England, to make a free gift of 
 the place to the Spaniard:, than to receive for it twenty 
 milhons from the Dutch, which, moll certainly they 
 would not give. And as to delivering it to the Parliament 
 the King knew better than lie, how dangerous it was to 
 increafe the Parliament’s power. 
 
 Ill fhort, Charles came to feven millions of Livres, and 
 the Count d'Ejlrades offered him two, then two and a 
 half, and at laft three. But the King his mafter had given 
 him power to offer four, at the very time that Charles 
 contented, that the fale fhouid be fixed at five millions. 
 
 I he King of France was obliged to come up to his price, 
 when he found nothing would be abated, and that he run 
 the nsk of being difappointed, if he ftood out any longer. 
 
 1 here was alfo fome difficulty about the time of payment ; 
 the King of England would have all the money at once 
 upon the delivery of the place, and the King of France of¬ 
 fered to pay it at feveral times. At laft it was fettled, 
 that one half fhouid be paid down, and the other in two 
 years, at two feveral payments. 
 
 Dr. Burnet in the Hijhry of bis own Times, fays, that P . 1 
 Lnarles fquandered away the money, received lor Dunkirk 
 among the Miftrefs’s creatures (8). Others affurc, tha! R , 
 w.th one part he d.fcharged his Sifter the Duchefs of Or- ' 
 /cams Dowry, and with the other rtflifted Pcritical 
 a. IP ™ lires ;alledged by the Chancellor to the Count 
 dFJtradcs , to (hew, the King was under a neceffity to fell 
 Dunkirk were, that, his coffers being empty, he could 
 only by that means be enabled to affift Portugal. But in 
 England this reafon was not to be urged, becaufe all knew 
 what valt Turns the King had received from the Parliament. 
 
 I o cover therefore the dilhonour of this fale, it was pre- 
 tended, that the garrifor, and repairs of the fortifications 
 
 coll the King immenfe firms to no purpofe; that the r,a e- 
 
 Was to temfie/h/'ir/k. nnr! fit.- rr>-.....7- r. *' . 
 
 keep a fplendid and magnificent Court. But fhe did not, 
 it fecn,., find in England, thelitisfoaionfile cxpcSed, for watfi temp,fluent, 
 
 alter tiiice yean, he returned to France. Jlorm, ,ha, there mould never remaja certain LraZ Z 
 
 : m °ll conf.detable tianfadlton at the -.Engltjh Court, that port (9). On this occailon feveral pamphlets were 
 
 ,11,1, .... remaining part of this year, was the [ale ot Dunktrh. pubiilhed, tending to {hew the injury done to the nation 
 
 , l he king looked upon this place as his property, fince it in the fale of Dunkirk to France, and others to palliate ot 
 
 was fuirendercd to Crcutwe/l by Prance, in confideration of to (Jemonftrate the neceffity of this fale ^ ’ 
 
 ■ . ‘! ,c f “ C “ UIS f le M in i,cr war with k Whe- But the greateft difpute concerning this fubjea, wasupon 
 
 ...... ther this reafon was folk! or not, it is certain, the King two queitions, Whether the prooufil came from F ? 
 
 hcheved he hud a powe, .0 dtfpofe of the town as he pleafed. or England ? And whether the Earl of Clarendon as he 
 
 I he two years large fupplres granted him by Parliament was generally accufed, was the author and promoter of 
 
 were ail comumed, and ns cotter, empty, though his ex- this lale, or, as fome pretend, protefled he would not be 
 
 occahons had been only the disbarnnng of the concerned ? I find Mr. Echard, in his Hijhry of England 
 
 hard. 
 
 .III. P.S4. 
 
 Tl 
 
 1 the r 
 
 tiaordii 
 
 tmy, aid piirmcntot the arrears due to the fleet. What- and Dr. Burn,,, rn that of hil In Wb'enrirlwiefr 
 ■T.M ! °P‘ r ! Wlth * h,s "nporrant the Earl of Clarendon. It 1, however a faft. »JL“ 
 
 place, he rcfolved to fell it to Franc , 
 purcliafei 
 
 ■ . * --- -*• — *iwv»ever a fadt, ascertain as 
 
 by which rt was gladly a (act of this nature can be, that the Earl of Clarendon 
 
 'i U f ' rrd ended tSlw” fal % b P". m >‘) propofed it, negotiated the fale, and concluded ff' ' Te 
 
 roz, and ended he luluwing Uc.eln . l he Kings h,It prove this truth, I need only quote the letters of Count 
 demand was, twelve millions ot Ltvrct, and Count cl’E- d’Ejlradct, who was commrffioned to manage this affair, 
 
 particularly concerning rhe dares, which 
 
 ire rectified from 
 
 I noclay the Words of Mairim 
 But the Duke of Tort told Bur 
 
 ( 4 ; ir-biat.cn,, 
 If) TiicSputtip 
 
 mitred feveral miftakes in this Paragraph, 
 mirui. Sec Rt,mtt s R.-pjic r, p. 6io, 636. 
 hen Sheldon came to perturm the Ceremony, (hew 
 , and the B;Ihop pronounced them marr ed Peril 
 
 Ritti.d. the Duke being one of rhe Witnefles, p.17-:.-Oueen C.ithn 
 
 ,|jl " 7; m,de 4 c at managed the c^eerns oi 
 
 S Count Sclmtictrf nrlt pr--poled ic to the King. Mem. p. 
 ibalLd'-roppefed this Marriage to theutmoliol h,s power. He propofed 
 • -r < • 0...w;.-. But, as Bdhup ’Burnet noil rve;, K.n ? Ctrl's pretended ; 
 uJ ' 7 1 ‘I nUnu *} rhe cli. It u hereof was married to me Kmc ur Fra 
 
 tr-e N.nga Wite. — Fr.wi; llrenuoufly prom.-ted this Marriag 
 
 g 4 y* a . r • but:hc Ear ‘ rcicilied that offer with great indignat on. 
 
 .. into rrrtngdt tnree tn.ouund Foot, one thoufand Horle, and eiehc Fricat 
 rryn, Earl ot Sr. Albans, and others. 5 b 
 
 ifeeftS “ P i>uhe Tower, and that ic ftiould not be touched, but upon 
 
 v s hrffMiftrefs. afterwards created Dutehels or Cl- 
 
 otFmdrr,^, accord,,’.;.; to Eoh.tr.i. ■Bnrnt, fays, Cornu Schomlcro, who was atel 
 v:; : ‘ tn a d n -n o V* *7 rhe naval power .u En-'.md, it could not be taken 
 
 s judgment, who^ for felling ^p.', - W “ f,nsill2r in tha: °P ,nion - Clarendon laid, he k: 
 
 c Journal of Ednard Earl 
 
 s born Nov, 
 
 Portugal. ’Burnet, p. 166. 
 
 to the King a Protefhnt Print 
 i contempt of th eGtrm.ms, a 
 nee, and the fecond was to g 
 ?, and to lueceed the bette; 
 
 Ferrijhitof 's Letters, p, 67. 
 es, to eruife upon their Coal! 
 
 . nor bear the fight of the Bifhop. The King 
 they were married by t.ie Lord Anb'ifny, ac- 
 ■38. Kennel's Rcgljlcr, p. 6 f6. 
 
 •L, namely, ei-her rhe Princefs of 
 d of the northern Crowns. Fr.mce 
 Vienna, i 
 
 , offered che Earl of Clarendon a 
 Burnet, p. .66, ,67. 
 
 . V ublniicourt’s M, m . p. 37. 
 
 n extraordinary occafions. 1h„- 
 
 5 
 
1662 
 
 Book XXIII. 26. C H A R L E S II. 
 
 631 
 
 and confequently knew more of it than any other. It 
 mult however be faid, in excufe of Mr. Echard and Dr. 
 Burnet , that when they writ this part of their Hiftories, 
 Count d'Ejlrades' s letters, concerning the Dunkirk negoti¬ 
 ation, were not publifhed, and that they knew no more of 
 this affair, than what they had received from the Earl of 
 Clarendons friends. 
 
 Count d ! Ejlrades, being Ambaffador at London the be¬ 
 ginning of the year 1662, had feeretly agreed with the 
 -King, that the French King fhould fupply him with a cer¬ 
 tain fum of money, to enable him to aftift Portugal. But 
 this was to be kept very fecret, becaufe of the Pyrenean 
 treaty, by which Lewis had folemnly engaged to give no 
 afliftance to Portugal , either directly or indirectly. Thi9 
 fecret, however, took air, and occafioned a letter from 
 Lewis to Count d' Ejlrades, dated the 4th of March , in 
 
 which are thefe words: “ -You may tell the King 
 
 ot England, that what is known here of the money of 
 “ Havre, came from Fox himfelf, who has not been very 
 <c careful to keep the fecret. This was partly the caufe 
 of all the fenfelefs noife made in Paris , which doubtlefs 
 “ muff have reached London, that I am treating for Dun- 
 “ kirk with the faid King for a fum of money, in order 
 to exchange it with the King of Spain, for Cambray, 
 “ or Aire , and St. Omer. You know better than any 
 “ man, whether I had ever fuch a thought.” 
 
 ft is not unlikely, that this was an infinuation which be¬ 
 got in Charles the thought of felling Dunkirk to France-, 
 but the fale was not mentioned till fome months after. 
 Count d'Ejlrades being returned to France in April this 
 year, was appointed Ambaffador extraordinary to Holland. 
 But as he was on his journey, he received a letter from 
 the King of England, of the 17th of July, to defire him to 
 come to London, where he wifhed to communicate to him an 
 affair propofed by the Chancellor. Count d'Ejlrades, with 
 his mailer’s leave, went to London, and there received from 
 
 him a letter, in which he told him, “ -You may 
 
 “ guefs with what impatience I expect the arrival of your 
 <c packet, which is to inform me of the reafon of the 
 King of Great Britain's defiring to fpeak with you, and 
 “ obliging you to defer your journey to Holland, See.” 
 
 As all the other letters, till October, fhew, that Count 
 d'Ejlrades was employed only in this negotiation during 
 his ltay at London, there is no reafon to doubt, that the 
 firft propofition for the fale of Dunkirk , came from Eng¬ 
 land. 
 
 As to the fhare the Earl of Clarendon had in this affair, 
 it clearly appears in a letter of the 17th of Augujl, writ by 
 Count d'Ejlrades, to the King his mailer, wherein he 
 gives an account of a conference he had with the Earl 
 of Clarendon. Thefe are his words: “ The Chancellor 
 “ added, that the thought of this treaty came from him, 
 “ and did not conceal, that the neceffity of the Eng/ijh 
 “ affairs had infpired him with it. That the King, the 
 “ Duke of York, and himfelf, were alone of this opinion, 
 “ and that Monk, the Lord-Treafurer, and the Earl of 
 “ Sandwich were flill to be managed, whom he could not 
 “ hope to gain, but by the great fums which would accrue 
 “ to the King: That having already propofed it to them 
 “ from the urgent occafions of the State, they had offered 
 “ an expedient to preferve the place for the King, and 
 
 “ eafe him of this expence.-1 mult not forget to tell 
 
 “ your Majefty, that the Chancellor hinted to me, that 
 “ the King had precautions to obferve with the Queen his 
 “ Mother on this affair: That therefore the King had 
 “ told the Queen, that his fending for me into England, 
 “ was to delire my application to your Majefty, for a fum 
 “ of money to be lent him in his prefiing neceflities, and 
 tc that he had ordered the Chancellor to confer with me 
 “ upon it. The Chancellor added, that the King and he 
 “ were agreed, that the King Ihould complain much of 
 “ my non compliance, with regard to this loan, and that 
 “ the Chancellor particularly Ihould tell the Queen, by 
 “ way of fecret, that I was a ft range man, and he very 
 “ much miftaken, if by what I had faid to him, I did not 
 “ intend to demand for fecurity of this loan, fome caution- 
 “ arv town, as England had formerly done by France and 
 “ Holland, in a like cafe ; but that he had pretended not 
 “ to underftand me, as being a demand to which he would 
 “ never advil'e his mailer to content. All this difguife is 
 “ ufed to prepare the Queen to believe, that Ihe knew 
 “ fomething of the treaty, if it fhould come to a conclu- 
 “ fion, and that neceflity was the motive to it. Iam like- 
 “ wife to complain of the Chancellor, as of a man who 
 
 blindly defires to procure advantages for his mailer, with- 
 “ out regarding the intereft of your Majefty. The whole 
 “ proceeding confirms me in the opinion, that they have a 
 
 <£ mind to a treaty, and that they are reafonable in every 1662, 
 “ thing but the price.” 
 
 In another letter of the 2 ill of Augujl, Count d'Ejlrades 
 writ to the King, that the Chancellor told him,—“ That 
 tc when it Ihould be known for how fmall a fum this trea- 
 “ ty was to be made, the King could not avoid reproach, 
 
 “ and that, at the leall, he (the Chancellor) would be 
 “ liable to publick cenfure, which might endanger his 
 “ life. That therefore it was his opinion to make a pre- 
 “ fent of it to your Majefty, and leave the reward to your 
 “ generofity: but as he was not mailer, and was highly 
 “ concerned to take care of himfelf in fo nice an affair, 
 
 “ be was obliged to conceal his fentiments, and pretend to 
 “ adhere to thofe of others, that he might not be taken 
 
 “ for the principal author of the treaty.—-He farther 
 
 “ enlarged upon the importance of this place, and thead- 
 “ vantages which your Majefty might receive from it, if 
 “ you Ihould ever defign to make conquells upon Flan- 
 “ ders. See.” 
 
 Thefe letters demonftrate, that the Earl of Clarendon, 
 fon of the Chancellor, was ill-informed, when he told Dr. 
 
 Burnet that his Father kept himfelf out of that affair en- P- ! r?- 
 tirely. It may be faid, however, in the Chancellor’s julti- 
 fication, that poflibly the thought of felling Dunkirk came 
 full from the King; that perhaps the Chancellor endea¬ 
 voured to dift'uade him from it, and not fucceeding, had 
 a mind to give him a proof of his obedience, in taking 
 this negotiation upon himfelf, in order to manage it to 
 the King’s advantage. For Dr. Burnet, in his character of 
 this Minifter, obferves, that though a refolution was taken 
 contrary to his fentiment, he executed it with the fame 
 zeal, as if propofed by himfelf. But this is only a bare 
 poflibility, which every one will regard as he pleafes. 
 
 While this negotiation employed the King and his firft Thre l. " 
 Minifter, three of the late King’s Judges, who had found f^caitcJ. 
 means to efcape out of the Kingdom, were publickly ex- Echard. 
 ecuted at Tyburn. They had, after wandering through 
 Low and High-Germany , fettled for fome time at Hanaw Regifter, 
 under borrowed names, and returned in the fpring to Delft P- 662. 
 in Holland, having appointed their wives to meet them 
 there, in order to learn the ftate of affairs in England, and 
 what hopes were left for them ; but Sir George Downing , 
 the King’s refident at the Hague, and formerly of their 
 party, having intercepted their letters, obtained the con- 
 fent of the States to feize and put them on board an Eng¬ 
 lijh fhip, which brought them to England, where they 
 were executed. The names of thefe three Regicides were 
 Corbet, Obey, and Berkjlead. 
 
 This execution was followed with the trials and con- Prmtiwgi 
 demnation of Sir Henry Vane and General Lambert, who 
 had been particularly excepted in the A£l of Pardon, tho’ m 
 they were not amongft the King’s Judges, becaufe they June 2. 
 were confidered as the chief authors of the troubles. Vane ^ Tl 1 , 
 had been confined, fhortly after the King’s arrival, on a 
 bare fufpicion of framing fome plot againft the Govern¬ 
 ment. But though he was excepted in the A£l of Indem¬ 
 nity, he had, by means of his friends, found fo much 
 favour from the fame Houfe of Commons, who had ex¬ 
 cepted him, that they petitioned the King, jointly with the 
 Peers, that he might not fuffer death, which was granted 
 by the King. He was therefore kept in prifon without 
 being tried, till the time I am fpeaking of. But this 
 fecond Parliament being compofed of men of a different 
 character from the firft, the Commons addreffed the King 
 to bring him as well as Lambert to their trials. In vain 
 did he alledge in his defence the petition of the firll Par¬ 
 liament, and many other reafons; he was fentenced to die 
 as a traitor. Lambert was alfo tried and condemned, but Lambert 
 was reprieved at the Bar, juft as he was going to receive {"dotted. 
 fentence. He was confined in the Ifle of Guernfey, where 
 he lived a Prifoner thirty-fix years (1). Sir Henry Vane vane 
 met not with the fame favour from the King. This, it fluted. 
 is pretended, was owing to his infolent behaviour at his Burnet*’ 
 trial. But many believed him a facrifice to the Manes of Heath, 
 the Earl of Strafford, to whofe death he had greatly con- Echird * 
 tributed. His indiferetion and infolence, as well at his trial 
 as his execution, have been extremely aggravated. But it 
 is eafy to fee, it was only to fave the King’s honour, who, 
 having poiitively promifed a pardon to all except the King’s 
 Judges, could not avoid granting a pardon to Vane, with¬ 
 out violating his promife, and efpecially after fparing his 
 life at the requeft of the late Parliament (2). It was fo Barnet, 
 feared that he would infill upon this point in his laft fpeech, P - 16 + 
 that drummers were placed under the fcaffold, who, as 
 foon as he began to fpeak, upon a fign given, drowned his 
 voice with their drums. All the favour he could obtain 
 from the King, was to be beheaded. Great care was taken 
 
 fi) Ho is faid to live and die a Papill. See I\t mitt’s Rtsjfltr. 
 
 (2) Mis friends perfuaded him to make fome lubmiflion to the King, in order to fave his Life; but he faid, “ If the King did fiat think himfeit 
 more concerned for his Honour and Word, than he did for his Life, he was very willing they ihould take it. Nay, I declare, faid ne, chat I value 
 “ my Life lefs in a good caufe, than the King can do his promife.'’ St.ue-Tria/s, Tom. II. p.4yy. 
 
 after 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 632 
 
 i66z. 
 
 The Presby- 
 terrau Mi- 
 
 Tiifteri quit 
 their Livings 
 rather than 
 fttbmi: to thi 
 Ad of Uni¬ 
 formity.'' 
 
 Regifter, 
 
 747. C-C. 
 
 Life. 
 
 A Remark 
 
 Thi HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 after his death to publifh the King’s inclination to pardon 
 him, if he had not been provoked by his infolence. But 
 this is a thing very hard to be proved. 
 
 St. Bartholomew' s day being come(i), on which the A£t 
 of Uniformity was to take place, two thoufand Presbyte¬ 
 rian Minifters chofe rather to quit their livings, than fub- 
 mit to the conditions of this Adi. It was expedled, that 
 a divifion would have happened amongft them, and that 
 a great number would have chofe rather to conform to the 
 Church of England , than fee themfelves reduced to beg¬ 
 gary. It was not therefore without extreme furpize, that 
 they were all feen to Hand out, not fo much as one buf¬ 
 fering himfelf to be tempted (2). As this is a confiderable 
 event of this reign, it will not be improper to enquire into 
 the caufes of this rigour againft the Presbyterians: I fay 
 the Presbyterians, becaufe it was not the other Sedts that 
 the Church of England moll dreaded. 
 
 1. It cannot be denied, that the High-Churchmen, who 
 prevailed in rhe Parliament, adted in a fpirit of revenge. 
 But this revenge fhould not appear very fliange, confi- 
 dering the perfecution, and at laft, the entire deftiudtion, 
 brought upon the Epifcopal Church by the Presbyterians, if 
 honour had not been wounded, nor any promife made to 
 the Presbyterians. The Church of England was the na¬ 
 tional Church, which had flourifhed from the reformation, 
 to the time of the war between Charles I. and the Parlia¬ 
 ment, when the Presbyterians entirely fubverted it. It was 
 therefore but juft to reftore it to its former condition. But 
 it was injuftice to violate the promife made to the Presby¬ 
 terians, efpecially as they had greatly contributed to the 
 King’s reftoration, and withal, to that of the very Church, 
 which perfecuted them, after being re-eftablilhed by their 
 aftiftance. 
 
 2. But revenge was not the foie caufe of the prefent ri¬ 
 gour excrcifed againft the Presbyterians. The defire of 
 felf-prelei vation was no lefs concerned. Experience of what 
 had parted, taught the Church of England , that if thePref- 
 byterians fhould ever find an opportunity like that which 
 they once had, thev would not fail to improve it. They 
 were always ineconcileable enemies, though, in the prefent 
 juncture, they were unable to do any hurt, and obliged to 
 fue for mercy. It was therefore, undoubtedly, the intereft 
 of the Church of England , to ufe all poftible precautions to 
 hinder the increafe of a party already too powerful, and 
 which, probably, would never ceafe contending for the fu- 
 periority. 
 
 3. We have feen what were the notions of this Parlia¬ 
 ment, and of Higlr-Chu'ch, concerning the royal prero¬ 
 gative, and to what height it was carried. The Presby¬ 
 terians, as well as the other Sedts, were known to follow 
 quite contrary maxims, apd if they were not entirely Re¬ 
 publicans, at leaft, they endeavoured to reduce the royal 
 power within very narrow bounds, as appeared in the re- 
 lblutions and condudl of the Parliament of 1640. But 
 while the Church of E>igland had no fufpicionof the King’s 
 Religion, and believed him a zealous member, it was her 
 intereft to fupport and extend the prerogative, and confe- 
 quently to difable the Presbyterians from profecuting their 
 maxims. 
 
 4. 1 he Church of England's intereft required, that flie 
 fhould improve fo favorable an opportunity, which perhaps 
 might never return. It was feen, how greedy the King 
 was of money, to throw it away with the greateft profu- 
 fion, and that he could not be without the aftiftance of his 
 Parliament, and the Church had the good fortune to have 
 a Parliament confifting of her moft zealous Members, and 
 difpofed to facrifice to the King a littie of the nation’s 
 treafure, provided the King would, in his turn, make them 
 a facrifice of the Presbyterians. Though he was not fuf- 
 pedfed to be a Papift, it could not be thought, he would, 
 from a pure principle of honour and honefty, quarrel with 
 a Parliament fo favorable to him, for the fake of the Pref- 
 byterians, whom he neither did, nor had reafon to love. 
 There was nothing therefore but what might be expedted 
 from his complaifance, piovided care was taken to fupply 
 him with money. Such a juncture was not to be nee- 
 ledted. 
 
 5. But there was another ftill more powerful caufe of the 
 Parliament’s feverity againft the Presbyterians. This was 
 the intereft of the Papifts, who had ever a great influence 
 during this reign. Some made an open profeflion of their 
 Religion, and yet were looked upon with a very favorable 
 eye by the Court. Others, after the King’s example, pre¬ 
 
 tended to be good ProteftaHts, and zealous members of the i 662.:J 
 Church of England, in order to be more ferviceable to their 
 party. The firft ufed their utmoft endeavours to incite 
 the Parliament to a fevere treatment of the Presbyterians, 
 in order to deftroy a party which had fo openly declared 
 againft the roval power. The others concealing themfelves 
 under a falfe zeal for the Proteftant Religion, laboured with 
 the fame ardour, to excite the enmity of the Heads of the 
 Church of England , and of thole whom they knew to be 
 moft warm, againft men, who would not fpare them, if 
 ever they were in a condition to ruin them, as they had 
 manifeftly {hewn. But while they were thus zealoufly 
 labouring to bring things to extremities, they were en¬ 
 deavouring, on the other hand, by their emiflaries, to in¬ 
 courage the Presbyterians, and exhort them to the clofeft 
 union, by iniinuating it to be the moft effectual means to 
 defeat the meafurcs of their enemies. They were told, 
 their number was fo great, that, in all likelihood, it would 
 deter the Parliament from attempting the ruin of fo many 
 at once, for fear of exciting new troubles. Whereas, if 
 their party fhould divide, they would be infallibly and 
 irrecoverably ruined. In fhort, to induce them the more 
 eafily not to defpair, they were told, the King, provoked 
 with the ill-treatment they received, notwithftanding his 
 promife to them, would protect them openly if they would 
 remain united ; but a divifion would put it out of his power 
 to do them any fervice. It is certain, the Court was in 
 this difpofition, not from any pity to the Presbyierians, or 
 regard to the King’s honour, but from the hopes that the 
 union amongft the Non-conformifts would procure them 
 more favorable conditions, of which the Papifts might 
 make an advantage. But when I fay the Court, I do not 
 pretend to include the Earl of Clarendon , though prime 
 Minifter. This juftice muft be done him, to fay, that 
 not only he did not contiibute to the defigns of the King 
 and the Papifts, but was the man that broke their mea- 
 fures, by fecrct intrigues, well knowing what was con¬ 
 cealed under this feigned moderation of the King to the 
 Presbyterians. However, the King, the Duke of York, 
 and the other leading Papifts, believed it neceflary, to 
 pufti the Presbyterians, and then incourage them to hold 
 together, that the danger arifing from their union might 
 prevail with the Parliament to grant to all the Non- 
 conformifts in general, a Toleration which fhould extend 
 to the Papifts. This is not a bare conjecture. All the Burner, y 
 King’s proceedings demonftrate this was the fcheme he had 
 formed. 
 
 I have already mentioned the Corporation adt, made to Rigorous 4 
 prevent difaffedted perfons from being admitted into offices. 
 
 For the better executing this Act, the Parliament appointed I 
 
 commiflioners; who were employed all this year in .iliting Heath, I 
 Corporations, and infpeCting the condudt of the members. 
 
 A very extenfive power was given to thefe commiflioners, 
 with abfolute authority to turn out of the Corporations, all 
 members who were ever fo little fufpedted. For the de- 
 fign of this Adt was to divert: of all credit, every perfon 
 not entirely devoted to the King and the Church of Eng¬ 
 land. 'Phis power was exercifed with all imaginable rigor : fo 
 that the Corporations had not one member left, who was 
 not of the fame principles with the Houfe of Commons. 
 Moreover, the walls of Glocejler , Coventry , Northampton , 
 
 Lcicejler and Taunton were, by order of thefe commiflion¬ 
 ers demolifhed, becaufe thefe towns had diftinguifhed them¬ 
 felves by their fidelity to the Parliament. 
 
 About the end of the year a confpiracy was difeovered, a p.v-. A 
 formed by the fifth Monarchy-men, and upon the informa- 
 tions of fome of the complices, fix were executed. Never- F^^! ? 
 thelefs, many believed, this was only an artifice to excufe hi. p. nl 
 the feverity practifed againft the Non-conformifts. The SMr '~. ( n ; ; | 
 ground of this fufpicion was, that in a plot formed to feize ‘ ’ ’ 
 and kill the King, the Duke of York , and General Monk y 
 and to feize the Tower, and Caftleof JVindfor , only fix 
 confpirators were difeovered, namely, George Phillips a 
 Serjeant of Foot* Thomas Tonge a diftiller, Francis Stubbs 
 a cheefemonger, James Hind a gunner, John Sellers a com- 
 pafs-maker, anti Nathaniel Gibbs a felt-maker. Few could 
 believe that fuch men fhould ever think of fuccecding in 
 a defign of that nature. It is true, that to render- f his con¬ 
 fpiracy more probable, it was faid, the old Colonels were 
 to aflemble their disbanded forces, and Ludlow , then in 
 Switzerland , to come and head them. But though fuch sixCmfpM 
 an undertaking required perfons of fome diftindtion, yet r 
 only thefe fix wretches who were executed (3), could bep . ' T 
 
 fi) The Presbyterians : 
 did not Hick to compare i 
 whether the A£t of Unifi 
 
 liament. Others were for executi __ _ t 
 
 . Tt e Earl oi'Yfa 
 the execution of the Law. IJ. p. i$z. 
 
 (i. ’Lumet infinuates, that their Leaders took grea 
 would fhow tueir ftrength, and produce new Laws 
 company, p. 152. 
 
 (3 Only Phillips. T’.fc, Gibbs, and Stubbs, were exec 
 Charts. tJ-c. See Ht.sth, p. jij. 
 
 lembrcd, what a St. ’Bartholomew's had been held at Paris ninety years before, which was the day of that Maflacre and 
 
 one with the other. Burnet, p. i8y.-There was a great debate in Council a little before St. BarihoU,m-w'l day 
 
 'ity Ih.iuld be pun£lually executed or not. Some moved ro have the execution of it delayed till the next SeiTion of P. - 
 u is, to let lome eminent Men preach in their Churches, till they Ihouli die, and to put Cu- 
 sfier laid all thefe things before the King with much zeal. Sheldon, on the other hand, prdVed 
 
 pa.n 
 
 e them 
 their favour.- 
 
 John Stiff. 
 
 all flick together, infilling it into them, that if g 
 —So it was thought, that many went oat in the 
 
 eat r.umben flcod c 
 rowd to keep their 
 
 ■. and publiihid feveraJ Mi?-, 
 
 difeovered. 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. C H A R L E S II. 
 
 1662-3. 
 
 <1 be King's 
 Conduif to 
 tbe Prcsby . 
 
 1662. difcovered. At leaft, if the confpiracy was real, the plot¬ 
 ters had yet made no great progrefs (1). 
 
 Peace with To fiffiffi the moft remarkable trailfaftions of this year, 
 Oft'be r * briefl y add, lbat a ^ ter tbe Sandwich left 
 
 CoikdE .if Lisbon , to conduct the Queen into England, Vice-Admi- 
 Tiratios ra l Lawfon , failed with a fquadron to Algier , and forced 
 -r.Hl.p264 the Algerines to a peace with England. As the King was 
 4 7 ’ in poffeffion of Tangier , they doubtlefs believed, it would 
 not be advantagious to have him fur their enemy. Short¬ 
 ly after, the King declared Tangier a free port, and in¬ 
 verted it with great privileges (2). 
 
 The King had already difcovered, how agreeable it 
 would be to him to have the management of the Uniformity 
 Aft, but the Parliament had returned no anfwer to his de- 
 fire. Before this Aft, the Presbyterians had behaved in a 
 manner which gave no jurt caufe of complaint againft 
 them, and the King had made them a pofitive promife, 
 either that he would never con fen t to the Aft, or pro¬ 
 cure them a particular exemption, but he performed nei¬ 
 ther, his aim having been only to keep them united, by 
 giving them hopes of his proteftion. After the Aft was 
 pafTed, he rtill continued to feed their expectations, and 
 hence it was, that they addreffed the King and Council, 
 for a Difpenfation from the penalties annexed to the Aft 
 of Uniformity. This petition would doubtlefs have been 
 rejefted, if the King had not fignified to the Council the 
 obligation he was under to grant their requeft. Some 
 ,be,r time after he published a Declaration, dated the 26th of 
 December , but which appeared not till the beginning of 
 January 1662-3. In this Declaration, after an a flu ranee 
 of his firm adherence to the Aft of Uniformity, he faid 
 however, that for the fake of others, he was willing to dif- 
 penfe with fome matters in it (3). Upon this Declara¬ 
 tion, Mr. Calamy a Presbyterian Minifter being in the 
 Church of \_Aldermanbury,\ of which he had the cure be¬ 
 fore the execution of the Aft, and feeing, the Minifter 
 who was expefted, did not come, afeended the Pulpit and 
 preached, for which he was committed to Newgate by the 
 Lord-Mayor of London. But in a few days he was dif- 
 charged by the King’s exprefs order. 
 
 The King, as we have feen, meant to procure fome 
 
 A Declares 
 
 tl 
 
 favour. 
 Rennet’. 
 Regifler. 
 p. 848. 
 
 Dec. 28. 
 Heath, 
 p. 514. 
 
 * ferent minds among us, I fet Forth my Declaration of 1 
 ‘ the 26th of December , in which you may fee, I am 
 c willing to fet bounds to the hopes of fome, and to the 
 ‘ fears of others; of which, when you fhall have exa- 
 ‘ mined well the grounds, I doubt not but I fhall have 
 ‘ your concurrence therein. The truth is, I am, in my 
 ‘ nature, an enemy to all feverity for Religion and Con- 
 ‘ fcience, how miftaken foever it be, when it extends to 
 ‘ capital and fanguinary punirtunents, which I am told 
 c were begun in Popilh times : Therefore when I fay this, 
 c I hope I fhall not need to warn any here, not to infer 
 ‘ from thence, I mean to favour Popery. I mult confefi 
 ‘ to you, there are many of that profeflion, who having 
 ‘ ferved my Father and my felf very well, may fairly 
 hope for fome part of that indulgence I would willingly 
 ‘ afford to others who diffent from us: But let me ex- 
 :c plain my felf, leaft fome miftake me herein, as I hear 
 ‘ they did in my Declaration : I am far from meaning 
 “ by this, a toleration or qualifying them thereby to hold 
 1C any offices or places in the Government ; nay, further, 
 
 “ I defire fome Laws may be made to hinder the growth 
 “ and progrefs of their doftrines. I hope you have all fo 
 good an opinion of my zeal for the Proteftant Religion, 
 
 ‘ as I need not tell you, I will not yield to any therein, 
 
 ” not to the Bilhops themfelves, nor in my liking the 
 Uniformity of it, as it is now eftablilhed ; which being 
 the Standard of our Religion, muft be kept pure and un- 
 corrupted, free from all other mixtures : And yet, if 
 the Diffenters will demean themfelves peaceably and mo- 
 deftly under the Government, I could heartily v/ifh, I 
 had fuch a power of indulgence, to ufe upon occafions, 
 
 :c as might not need’efsly force them out of the Kingdom, 
 
 “ or (laying here, give them caufe to confpire againft the 
 Ec peace of it. 
 
 “ My Lords and Gentlemen-, It would look like flatterv 
 “ in me to tell you, to what degree I am confident of 
 “ your wi r dom and affeftion in all things, that relate to 
 “ the greatnefs and profpcriiy of the Kingdom. If you 
 “ confider well what is heft for us all, I dare fay we fhall 
 “ not difagree.”- 
 
 This Speech, with the Declaration of the 26th of De- r , 
 
 meant to procure 
 
 advantages for the Presbyterians, in order to procure the ccmber , alarmed the Houfe of Commons. It may almoft 
 ^bc Earl of f ame f or t h c Papifts. This was his fcheme, and as it was be affirmed, that whatever the Commons had done in fa- 
 begini tT direftly contrary to the Earl of Clarendons principles, mor- vour of the King, was only to procure his affent to the 
 
 /Ik mbit tal enemy of the Presbyterians, and no friend of the Pa- Aft of Uniformity, and yet, they faw him not only dif- 
 
 Crcdit. pifts, it is not furprifing, it fhould be formed without the penfe with this Aft, but even defire a power to dilpenfe 
 privity of this Minifter, whofe credit, for that reafon, be- witli it, that is, to fet it afide as often as he pleafed : That 
 Tie Earl of gan now to decline. Nay, the King had plainly fhown, this was not only in favour of the Presbyterians, who had 
 Arlington j^ e h ac ] no t the fame affeftion for him, by obliging his in- a better claim to indulgence than the other Sefts, but more- 
 tary‘of State, timate friend Secretary Nicholas , worn out with age, to over, in favour of all the Nonconformifts. Nay, it was 
 
 Oftob. 2. refign his port: to the Chancellor’s profeffed enemy, Sir eafy to perceive, from what he faid concerning the Ca- 
 
 Kcnnet’s Henry Bennet , afterwards Earl of Arlington. This fuf- tholicks, that his intention was to prevent their being difo 
 ficiently difcovered, that his credit with the King was fen- tinguifhed from the Proteftant Sefts, in cafe his defires 
 fibly diminifhed. On the other hand, though the King were complied with. This juftice ought to be done to the 
 affefted a great zeal for the Proteftant Religion, the choice High-Church party, that though their enemies frequently 
 of Bennet to be Secretary of State, fhowed his inclination r — D -—’ <1 - ‘ c ■' 
 
 for the Roman Catholick, as Bennet was ftrongly fufpefted 
 of being a Papift in his heart, and known for their Pro- 
 teftor. It is faid, he and the Earl of Brijlol had induced 
 . the King to change his Religion at Fontarabia , and that 
 Bennet durft not return into England, till after the death 
 of the Lord Culpeper , who had threatened him to difeover 
 it to the Parliament. Be this as it will, Bennet being the 
 Chancellor’s enemy, this laft could not but look upon his 
 enemy’s advancement to the port of his intimate friend, as 
 a prelude to his difgrace. 
 
 Tbc King's The King’s declaration in favour of the Presbyterians, 
 was a further indication of the Chancellor’s fall. This de¬ 
 claration had been refolved, and prepared without hi; know¬ 
 ledge at Somcrfet houfe, where the Queen-mother refided, 
 and probably by a Catholick Junto, or by fecret favorers of 
 that Religion. Thole who knew the Chancellor’s princi¬ 
 ples, eafily judged, he had no hand in it. They had rea¬ 
 fon to be afterwards confirmed in this opinion, when 
 every one evidently faw, the King, in his pretended com- 
 paffion for the Presbyterians, defigned only to procure a 
 Toleration for the Cathoiicks. The Chancellor, howe¬ 
 ver, kept his port for fome years, though with a great di¬ 
 minution of credit. 
 
 The Parliament meeting the 18th of February , the 
 King made a Speech to both Houfes, in which he confined 
 himfelf to one fingle point, namely, his declaration con¬ 
 cerning the Aft of Uniformity. His words were thefe : 
 
 4 ‘-To cure the diftempers, and compofe the dif- 
 
 C'arendon. 
 Echard, 
 T.fll p 95. 
 
 Jetig:, II 
 
 Phillips- 
 
 7 be King's 
 ,\pttcb to 
 but a Houfes 
 
 brand them for Papifts, on account of their extreme at¬ 
 tachment to ceitain forms and ceremonies, yet are they as 
 far removed from the effence of Popery, as the other Epis¬ 
 copalians, and even the Presbyterians themfelves: This 
 they havedemonftrated on feveral very remarkable occafions. 
 The Houfe of Commons, which, as I faid, was chiefly 
 compofed of High-Churchmen, found in the King’s de¬ 
 mand, two articles equally oppofite to their principles, 
 namely, indulgence for the Presbyterians, and indulgence 
 for the Cathoiicks. Wherefore, they refolved to prefent an 
 addrefs to the King, wherein, after the neceflary compli¬ 
 ments, they proceeded in the followine manner. 
 
 “ — - — It is with extream unwillingnefs and reluftan- 
 “ cy of heart, that we are brought to differ from any 
 “ thing which your Majefty has thought fit to propofe : 
 “ And tho’ we do no way doubt, but that the unreafonable 
 “ diftenlpers of fome men’s fpirits, and the many muti- 
 ** nies and confpiracies which were carried on during the 
 “ late intervals of Parliament, did reafonably incline your 
 “ Majefty to endeavour by your Declaration, to give fome 
 “ allay to thofe ill humours, till the Parliament affembled ; 
 “ and the hopes of Indulgence, if the Parliament fhould 
 “ confent to it ; efpecially feeing the pretenders to this 
 “ indulgence, did feem to make fome titles to it, by vir- 
 “ tue of your Majefty’s Declaration from Breda. Ne- 
 <c verthelefs, we your Majefty’s moft dutiful and loyal 
 “ Subjects, who are now returned to ferve in Parliament 
 “ from thofe feveral parts and places of your Kingdom, 
 “ for which we were chofen, do humbly offer to your 
 
 o difarm all thofe they fufpefted j to make thofe 
 
 : five or fix hundred peifons ; 
 e their (landing Guards. To 
 
 r. Bifltop of L-.r.coln ; Dr. 'John Caudtn Bilhop of IVorceJicr, the reputed Author of Eikon Ba/liie. ( See Kennet's Peg. 
 , Vilcount day ar.d Seat, Lord Privy-Seal j and, on September 3, at Burford, William Lentball, Speaker of the Long- 
 
 (il However, as Ludlow ob^rves, this ferved the Court for a pretence 
 ley had taken give bonds i.ot to rake up Arms aga'nft the King ; 
 
 (2) This year d ; td Robert Saundefn ' ' 
 
 . 773. &c.) As alfo IVilhari 
 'arliamect. Id p. 671. 
 
 13) His words are, “-As for what concerns the penalties upon thofe who {living peaceably ) do/not conform through fcruple and tendernefs of mif. 
 
 ‘ guided C.iiifcience, but modeftly, and without fcandal pet form their devotions in their own way, wc (hall make it cur fp-cial care, without invading ihc 
 1 Irecilom ot Pari anient, to incline their wifdom at this next approaching Seflions, to concur with us in making fome inch Aft lor that purpofe, as may en- 
 1 able cu us exerctfe with a mote univetl.il fctisfaCtiou. that power of difpenlii g, which we conceive to be inherent in us.” 
 
 No. 75. V 0 L, II. 7 X “ Majefty 
 
 633 
 
 662-3; 
 
 Voe Common, 
 ire alarmed. 
 Ibid. 
 
 Add r if of 
 
 King's De- 
 
 Feb 27.’ 
 Phillips. 
 
 Kennet. 
 
 Echard. 
 
634 
 
 The HISTORT of ENGLAND. Vol. II. 
 
 iCr 1-3. 
 
 74 , King', 
 Anfwtr. 
 M.rch 16. 
 Ecliard. 
 
 Mijcflv’s great H ifdom, that it is in no fort advifeable, 
 that there be any Indulgence to fuch Perfons who pre- 
 r imc to diflent from the Aft of Uniformity, and the 
 Religion eftablifhed : For thefe reafons we have confi- 
 dued the nature of your Majefty’s Declaration from 
 B-eda, and are humbly of opinion, that your Majefty 
 ought not to be prelTed with it any further; 1. Be¬ 
 caufe it is not a Promife in it felf, but only a gracious 
 declaration of your Majefty’s intentions, to do what in 
 you lay, and what a Parliament fliould advife your Ma¬ 
 jefty to do ; and no fuch advice was ever given or 
 thought fit to be offered, nor could it be otherwife un- 
 derftood, becaufe there were Laws of Uniformity then 
 in being, which could not be difpenfed with but by A£l 
 of Parliament. 2. They who do pretend a right to 
 that fuppofed Promife, put the right into the hands of 
 their reprefentatives, whom they chofe to ferve for them 
 in this Parliament, who have pafTed, and your Majefty 
 confented to the Adft of Uniformity. If any fhall pre¬ 
 fume to fay, that a right to the benefit of this Declara¬ 
 tion doth ftill remain after this A<ft pafTed, 3. It tends 
 to difiblve the very bonds of Government, and to fup- 
 pofe a difability in your Majefty and the Houfes of Par¬ 
 liament, to make a Law contrary to any part of your 
 Majefty’s Declaration, though both Houfes fliould advife 
 your Majefty to it. 
 
 “ We have alfo confidered the nature of the Indul¬ 
 gence propofed, with reference to thofe Confequences 
 which muft necefiarilv attend it. r. It will eftablifh 
 Schum by a law, and niake the whole government of 
 the Church precarious, and the cenfures of it of no mo¬ 
 ment or coufideration at all. 2. It will no way be¬ 
 come the gravity or wifdom of a Parliament, to pafs a 
 law at • feft fi ! - • . .md at the next Sef- 
 
 fion (the reafons of Uniformity continuing ftill the 
 fame) to pafs another law to fruftrate or weaken the 
 execution of it. 3, It will expofe your Majefty to the 
 reftlels importunity ol every fed! or opinion , and of 
 every Tingle perfon alfo, who fhall prefume to difl'ent 
 from the Church of England. 4. It will be a caufe of 
 increafing Sedts and Sectaries, whofe numbers will 
 weaken the true Proteftant profeftion fo far, that it will 
 at lead be difficult for it to defend itfelf againft them : 
 And which is further confiderable, thofe numbers, 
 which by being troublefome to the government, find 
 they can arrive to an Indulgence, will, as their numbers 
 increafe, be yet more .troublefome, that fo at length 
 they may arrive to a General Toleration, which your 
 Majefty hith declared againft, and in time fome preva¬ 
 lent Sedl will at laft contend for an Eftablifhment ; 
 which, for ought can be forefeen, may end in Popery. 
 
 It lb a thing altogether without prededent, and it will 
 take away all means of convifting Recufants, and be 
 inconfiftent with the method and proceedings of the 
 laws of England. Laftly, it is humblv conceived, that 
 the Indulgence propofed' will be fo far from tending to 
 the peace of the Kingdom, that it is rather likely to 
 occafion great difturbance. And on the contrary, that 
 tne aliening of the Laws and the Religion eftablifhed 
 according to the Adt of Uniformity, is the moft proba¬ 
 ble means to produce a fettled peace and obedience 
 throughout your Kingdom; becaufe the variety of pro- 
 feffions in Religion, when openly indulged, doth di- 
 redlly diftinguilh men into Parties, and withal gives 
 them opportunity to count their numbers ; which, con¬ 
 sidering the animofities that out of a religious pride will 
 be kept on foot by the feveral Faftions, doth tend di- 
 rect!v and inevitably to open difturbance. Nor can 
 your Majefty have any fecurity, that the doAnne or 
 worfhip of the feveral faftions, which are all governed 
 by a feveral rule, fhall be confident with the peace of 
 jnur Kingdom. And it any perfon fhall prefume to 
 oifturb the peace of the Kingdom, we do in all humi¬ 
 lity declare That we will for ever, and on all occali- 
 011s, be ready with our utmoft endeavours and affill- 
 
 3 ,Ce . t0 * her ! t0 > and ferve your Majefty, according to 
 our bonr.den duty and allegiance." 
 
 This Addref-, notwithlhnding the weaknefs of the rea- 
 
 . .. ptoduc’d the effefl, the Commons 
 
 e>peeled, whtch was, to let the King fee. k would be in 
 v.ii, to endeavour to obtain from the Pa,lament a power 
 ot d.fpenftng with the Uniformity Aft. He anfwered in 
 writing, about three weeks after, that he was unwilling to 
 reP > tl ? eir , rea!ons » though he found he had been mif- 
 uncfrftood, bur renewed his thanks for their declaration to 
 3 , 5 lin anv perfon, that fhould prefume to dif- 
 
 turb the pear ■ of the Kingdom. 
 
 As m ti.e Kmg . peech and Declaration, there were two 
 
 articles which gave an alarm to the Parliament, the one 1663. 
 relating to the Non-conformifts in general, the other con¬ 
 cerning the Papifts in particular, the Commons, after a&ing 
 againft the former, refolved alfo to proceed againft the lat¬ 
 ter. To this end, they obtained the concurrence of the 
 Lords, for an addrefs to be jointly prefented to the King, 
 wherein both Houfes faid, “ That his Majefty’s lenity to- 7bt Ki 
 “ wards the Papifts, had drawn into the Kingdom a great addnjidhj 
 “ number of Romijh Priefts and Jefuits: They were tbt rw0 
 “ therefore humble fuitors to him, to iflue out a Procla- 
 “ mation to command all Jefuits, and all Englijh, Irijk , ibid. 
 
 ‘ c and Scotijh popifh Priefts, and all fuch other Priefts as 
 “ have taken orders from the See of Rome-, or by authority 
 “ thereof, ( except fuch foreign Jefuits or Priefts, as by 
 “ contrail of marriage are to attend the perfons of either 
 “ of the Queen's, or by the law of Nations to attend fo- 
 “ reign Ambaftadors) to depart this Kingdom by a day, 
 
 “ under pain of having the penalties of the Law inflated 
 “ upon them.” The King anfwered in writing : “ That Hi, Anfwtr* 
 “ he was not a little troubled, that his lenity and condef- Ech * tdi 
 “ cenfion towards many of the popifti perfwafion ( which 
 “ were but natural effetfts of his generofity and good na- 
 “ ture, after having lived fo many yeafs in the dominions 
 “ of Roman Catholick Princes 3 and out of a juft memory 
 “ of what many of them have done and fuffered in the 
 “ fervice of his Father and himfelf) had been made fo ill 
 “ ufe of, and fo ill deferved, that the refort of Jefuits and 
 “ Priefts into this Kingdom, had been thereby increafed, 
 
 “ w irh which his Majefty was and is highly offended. But 
 “ that I> e would iflue out a Proclamation as he was defired, 
 ct and take care it fhould be more effectual than any Pro- 
 “ clamation of that kind had ever been. Pie declared far- 
 
 ther to Ix-th Houfes, and all his loving Subjetfts, That 
 “ as his affe&ion and zeal for the Proteftant Religion, and 
 “ the Church of England-, had not been concealed or un- 
 “ taken notice of in the world, fo he was not, nor ever 
 “ would be, fo follicitous for the fettling his own revenue, 
 
 “ or providing for the peace and tranquillity of the King- 
 “ dom, as for the advancement and improvement of the 
 “ Religion eftablifhed, and for the ufing and applying all 
 “ proper and effectual remedies to hinder the growth of 
 “ Popery, both which he in truth looked upon as the beft 
 “ expedients to eftablifh the peace and profperity of all his 
 “ Kingdoms.” 
 
 The Proclamation was accordingly publiffied, but no 
 better obferved than all thofe publifhed for the fame pur- ma tionaV 
 pofe, fince the beginning of the Reign of James I. As£ fl "’/ ? R°* 
 it was not then known that the King was a Catholick, his 
 a flu ranees of zeal for the Proteftant Religion were taken AP i"id?‘ 
 for fo many truths, which removed all fufpicion of his ha- Kennet’i 
 ving the leaft defign to reftore the Catholick Religion in Hift ‘ 
 England. As we are now better informed, we are better 
 able to judge of his intentions. 
 
 This affair being ended, the Commons proceeded next 
 to examine the flate of the King’s ordinary revenue, and 
 to think of means to raife it to twelve hundred thoufaind 
 pounds, according to their promife (1). But as this affair re¬ 
 quired a long difeuffion, the King, who defigned an imme¬ 
 diate prorogation of the Parliament, thought proper to make 
 an attempt for a fpeedy and extraordinary fupply from the 
 Commons, till his revenues fhould be fettled. For this 
 purpofe he fent for them to the Banquetting-Houfe, and in 
 a Speech, the moft flattering, pathetick, and affectionate, Supply ',* 
 he had ever yet made, demanded a prefent fupply of mo-J ,,ne I2 * 
 ney, without which he allured them it was impoffible to Ech ‘ rd ' 
 ftruggle with the difficulties, he was prefled with. He of¬ 
 fered to fhow, that the twelve hundred thoufand pounds 
 formerly granted him, had been, to the laft penny, difpo- 
 fed for the publick fervice. But he well knew there was 
 no danger in the offer, though it was not eafy to imagine 
 to what publick ufe this money had been applied. How- ba , „ 
 ever that be, the Commons moved with the King's great granted. 
 affeCtion for his people, and his ardent zeal for the Protef¬ 
 tant Religion, granted him four entire fubfidies, and the 
 Clergy in Convocation, following their example gave him 
 the fame. 
 
 Mean time, the Chancellor’s credit daily declined, not Thcian- 
 that his affeCtion for the King was leflened, bur, probably, “ lu '‘ c, ‘~ 
 becaufe the King, entering into new projects advantagious Erhard.'”" 
 neither to the State nor Religion, did not believe this 
 Minifter a proper inftrument to affift him in the execution 
 thereof. If the Chancellor’s enemies had met with in- 
 couragement from the King, he would have been already 
 difgraced, but his fervices, affection, and fidelity, as well 
 during the King’s exile, as fince his reftoration, could not 
 eafily be forgot. Wherefore he was continued, not only In 
 his poll, but even in fome degree of favour, which made 
 the Papifts fear, he would at laft recover his credit, and 
 
 The part'cj'ir branches of the 
 Tenths, the Coinage, the A>nvion 
 Tom 3. p 1 _ ~ 
 
 , 'h' Curtoms, the Excife, the Crown 
 'her l-'Jcr matteri. which in all amoun 
 
 Lands, the 
 ltd to eleven 
 
 Hearth-money, the Poit-Offi r, the Fiert-fni'ts and 
 hundred thouland pounds, or thereah ■ : . E.bjr.t , 
 
 brea'c 
 
Book XXIII 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 6 35 
 
 p. 196,197, 
 
 663. break all their meafures. This probably engaged the Earl 
 of Briftol, a profefTed Papift, to endeavour utterly to ruin 
 the Chancellor, by impeaching him before the Lords of 
 High-treafon, believing doubtlefs, the King would not be 
 difpleafed to fee him fall by this means, without his having 
 any hand in it. But if it was eafy to accufe the Chan¬ 
 cellor, it was difficult to draw an impeachment fo plaufible 
 and coherent as to make him appear criminal. The ar¬ 
 ticles exhibited againft him by the Earl of Briftol , were to 
 this effeCI : 
 
 Arttc’n of ‘‘ i. That he had endeavoured to alienate the hearts of 
 agaiift'btm ** ^' s Majefty’s Subjects, by artificially infinuating to his 
 juiy 10. “ creatures and dependants, That his Majefty was inclined 
 
 State-Trials “ to Popery, and deiigned to alter th* eftablifhed Religion. 
 Kennct 5S °' ** 2- ^ad t0 f evera l perfons ofhis Majefty’s Privy 
 “ Council, That bis Majefty was dangeroujly corrupted in 
 “ his Religion, and inclined to Popery : That perfons of that 
 “ Religion had fuch accefs, and fuch credit with him , that 
 “ un/ejs there were a careful eye had unto it , the Protejlant 
 “ Religion would be overthrown in this Kingdom. 
 
 “ 3. Upon his Majefty’s admitting Sir Henry Bennet to be 
 “ Secretary of State, in the place of Sir Edward Nicholas , 
 “ he faid, That his Majejly had given ten thoufand pounds 
 tC to remove a zealous Protejlant , that he might bring into 
 “ that place of high trujl a concealed Papift. 
 
 “ 4 - In purfuance of the fame traiterous defign, feve- 
 “ ral friends and dependants of his have faid aloud, That 
 “ were it not for my Lord Chancellor's Jlanding in the gap, 
 “ Popery would be introduced into this Kingdom. 
 
 “ 5. That he had perfwaded the King contrary to his 
 “ reafon, to allow his name to be ufed to the Pope and 
 “ fevcral Cardinals in the follicitation of a Cardinal’s cap 
 “ for the Lord Aubigney , great Almoner to the Queen : 
 “ In order to effect which, he had employed Mr. Richard 
 “ Beating, a known Papift; and had hkewife applied him- 
 “ felf to fevcral Popifh Priefts and Jefuits for the fame 
 “ purpofe, promifing great favour to the Priefts here, in 
 “ cafe it fhould be efft&ed. 
 
 “ 6. T hat he had likewife promifed to feveral Papifts, 
 “ he would do his endeavour, and faid, He hoped to com- 
 “ paj's the taking away all penal Laws againft them ; to the 
 “ end they might prefume and grow vain upon his Patro- 
 “ na g e » and by their publifhing their hopes of a toleration, 
 “ encreafe the fcandal endeavoured by him to be raifed 
 lt throughout the Kingdom. 
 
 “ 7 - That being intrufted with the treaty betwixt his 
 “ Majefty, and his royal Confort the Queen, he conclu- 
 “ ded it upon articles fcandalous, and dangerous to the 
 “ Proteftant Religion : Moreover he brought the King and 
 “ Queen together, without any fettled agreement about 
 “ the performance of the Marriage-rites : whereby the 
 “ Queen refufing to be married by a Proteftant Prieft, in 
 “ cafe of her being with child, either the fucceffion fhould 
 “ be made uncertain for want of due rites of matrimony, 
 
 “ or elfe his Majefty be expofed to a fufpicion of his be- 
 “ ing marryed in his own dominions by a Romijh Prieft. 
 
 “ That having endeavoured to alienate the affections 
 “ °f King’s Subjects upon the i'core of Religion, he 
 <l made ufe of all malicious fcandals and jealoufies to raife 
 to himfelf a popular applaufe of being the zealous Uphol- 
 “ der of the Protejlant Religion. 
 
 “ 9. That lie further endeavoured to alienate the affec¬ 
 tions of the King’s Subjects, by venting in his own 
 “ difeourfe, and thofe of his emiflaries, opprobious fcandals 
 “ againft his Majefty’s perfon, and courfe of life, fuch as arc 
 “ not fit to be mentioned, unlefs neceffity fhould require it. 
 
 “ IO - That he endeavoured to alienate the affeCtion of 
 the Duke of York, from his Majefty, by fuggefting to 
 “ him, That his Majefty intended to legitimate the Duke of 
 “ Monmouth. 
 
 “ 1 «• That he had perfwaded the King, againft the ad- 
 “ vice of the Lord-General, to withdraw the Englijh 
 “ garrifons out of Scotland , and demolifh all the forts built 
 “ there, at fo vaft a charge to this Kingdom ; and all with- 
 “ out expeding the advice of the Parliament of England. 
 
 “ iz. That he endeavoured to alienate his Majefty’s 
 <l affeftions and efteem for his prefent Parliament, by tel¬ 
 ling him. That there was never fo weak and inconft- 
 “ doable a Houfe of Lords , nor never fo weak and heady a 
 “ Houfe of Commons: and particularly. That it was better 
 to fell Dunkirk, than to be at their mercy for want of 
 ** money. 
 
 “ 1 3 - That, contrary to a known law made laft fef- 
 “ fi or js, by which money was given and applied for the 
 “ maintaining of Dunkirk-, he advifed and effected the fale 
 “ of the fame to the French King. 
 
 “ 14. That he had, contrary to law, enriched himfelf 
 “ and his creatures by the fale of offices. 
 
 “ 15. That he had converted to his own ufe vaft fums 1663. 
 “ of publick money raifed in Ireland by way of fubfidy, 
 
 “ private and publick Benevolences, and' otherwife given, 
 
 “ and intended to defray the charge of the Government 
 “ in that Kingdom. 
 
 “ 16. That having arrogated to himfelf a fupreme di- 
 “ reCtion of all his Majefty’s affairs, he had prevailed to 
 “ have his Majefty’s cuftoms farmed at a lower rate than 
 “ others offered, and that by perfons; with fome of whom 
 “ he went a fharc, and other parts of money refulting 
 “ from his Majefty’s revenues.” 
 
 Without entring into the particulars of this charge, I Rtjefftd By 
 fhall content my felf with obferving, it was unanimoufly th ‘ Lo,d, ‘ 
 rejeClcd, as improbable, and even contradictory (1). For, Ec'haX 
 befides that the Earl of Clarendon was known to be no lefs 
 prejudiced againft the Papifts than againft the Presbyterians, 
 it could not but appear ftrange, that an open and declared 
 Papift, as the Earl of Brijlol was, fhould accufe the Chan¬ 
 cellor of favouring the Romijh Religion, and, on the other 
 hand of infinuating, that the King was a Papift, in order 
 to alienate the affeCtion of his Subjects. But what was 
 Hill more extraordinary in this impeachment; is, that the 
 infinuations the Chancellor was accufed of, concerning the 
 King, were true in themfelves, and that the Earl of Brif- 
 tol pretended to reprefent them as Handers. 
 
 In this feffion, the Parliament granted the Duke of York The R.-vmut 
 the revenues of the Poll-Office (2) and Wine-Licenfes. ffj 1 
 Thefe revenues, which afterwards confiderably increafed, Duklof 
 enabled the Duke of York to keep a feparate Court, and Yo 'k. 
 live independent of his Brother. lbid * 
 
 The 27th of July the King gave his affent to the Sub- TbtPartid. 
 fidy-ACt and fome others, after which he prorogued the mt ”‘ ft 0 ' 
 Parliament to the 16th of March the following year Kennct. 
 1663-4. 
 
 Shortly after, the King and Queen made a progrefs in- nt K,n !t 
 to the Weft, where they were received with great pomp a l ‘ re " 
 and magnificence, particularly at Oxford. This was only Augurt. 
 a journey of pleafure, and after five or fix weeks fpent in Phi Ji P’’ 
 it, they returned to London in Ofiober. Echjrd. 
 
 While the King was upon his progrefs, a Confpiracy A plot : f 
 was difeovered, carried on by the old Republicans, and In- 
 dependents, to reftore the Common-wealth. It is pretend- Indtptnd- 
 ed, they were to feize feveral towns, particularly in the enfJ 
 North, where they believed themfelves ftrongeft, and then thiTi i t 
 raife a general infurreClion. But being difeovered by one * 
 
 of the complices, many were apprehended, and one and ?hil,i P»- 
 twenty conviCted, and executed the January following. It Ethird ‘ 
 was allured, that Ludlovt and Lambert were to head thefe 
 rebels, though the firft never ftirred out of Switzerlandi 
 where he had fled for refuge. As for Lambert , befides 
 that he never left the Ifle of Guernfey where he was con¬ 
 fined, if any proofs had appeared againft him, he would 
 doubtlefs, not have been fpared. It is true, Ludlow in his TIII P- 11 * 
 Memoirs , feems to own, there was, this year, fome pro¬ 
 ject fet on foot by the Republicans in England. 
 
 This year died Dr. Juxon Archbiftiop of Canterbury, Dr - Ju* n n 
 and was fucceeded by Gilbert Sheldon Bilhop of London (3). d f" 
 
 The Parliament meeting the 16th of March , the King; 1*663-4 
 in a Speech to both Houfes ; demanded a repeal of the ibi King‘r 
 Triennial ACt made in 1641. To come to this demand, s f /ech 10 
 he enlarged on the late confpiracy, which he laid was 
 ftill on foot, and, that there were men, who, on pretence Ktnn,et. 
 that this Parliament was at an end by fome claufe in the E ‘ :h:lfd ’■ 
 Triennial Bill, fancied they might affemble themfelves 
 and chufe new members. He defired the two Houfes not 
 to leave an ACt in being, which pafled in a time very un¬ 
 careful for the dignity of the Crown, or fecurity of the 
 People. Laftly, he told them, he loved Parliaments : 
 
 That never King was fo much beholden to them as him¬ 
 felf, nor did he believe the Crown could ever be happy 
 without frequent Parliaments: But he would never fuffer 
 a Parliament to come together by the means preferibed by 
 that bill. He then told them, that the four fublidies granted 
 the laft feffion, had fallen very Ihort of what he expeCted, 
 or they intended : That the revenues of the Excife, and 
 Tunnage and Poundage were greatly diminifhed by the 
 frauds of brewers and merchants, and the tax upon Chim- 
 nies declined, the laft half year having brought in lefs than 
 the former. He therefore prayed them to let him have 
 the collecting of this tax by his own officers. 
 
 The Commons returning to their own Houfe, proceeded '664. 
 immediately upon a Bill to repeal the Triennial Aft, and J hl '/ 
 aiade another in its room, namely. That the fitting of parha'w t 
 Parliaments fhould not be difeontinued above three years rnoktd, 
 at moft. This Bill being ready, and pafled by the Lords, 
 the King came to their Houfe the 5th of April , and gave 
 it the royal affent. 
 
 The King had fometime fince refolved upon a war with 
 
 ( *' G on lb c j r beip g rejefted, the Earl of SriJIo! faid, “ Thnfe Articles were not intended by him as a charge, but as an information. E.b 
 • k v. 3 l ' 0n as he .delivered them, he, it feems, either repentrd or i: cr at lea ft was prevailed with to abfeond. Burnet, p. I 
 
 '■ft Whxh then brought in twenty one thoufand pounds a year. Ihji. of ‘faxo, p. 307. 
 
 1JJ is yeai a lo died , ftronu tVcfton EarJ of tirilond, aD d Juoge Jakym, who had been Queftionefl and imprifoned by the long Parliament. 
 
 Holland: 
 
Vol. 11 . 
 
 616 
 
 ‘■/he HISTORY of ENG 
 
 LAND 
 
 • it , difficult to know the true motive of this concluded with them in 1661. Eng!arJ was no ;eis con- 
 'i.. r the cnufes allecfoed were only veneral, cerned than the States rn the depredations committed In¬ 
 ti, . k no of two (hips in the Eajl-lniits, valued the ^rr»« upon ail forts of fhips, andIthetefete the Srat, 
 
 . hut °t ei -".t ten thouiirml pounds Sterling. defined the King of England to join a fquadron ot his (hips 
 
 ■-Hi, Hiltori.ns are to be credited, the King with a Fleet they were equipping, to oblige the Ma,r.,. 
 
 .... r, r . 1_ _ _ _ *. --~.. e, Xi Akraermtinn r\l t il.‘ nporp FflC K. i ng SU) — 
 
 ' ref 
 
 h • ] „ thoughts of this war : The Dutch, were the ag- to a more exaft obfervation of the peace. 
 
 1;: JlT:.. .mJ° being incouraged by promife of great affiftance fwered, he had rather a£Heparately 
 from Francs, fought a quarrel with England. 1 hey alfo 
 pretend, it was lolely at the prefling initances of the Par¬ 
 liament, that the King was drawn into this war, to re¬ 
 venue the wrongs and damages done by the Dutch to the 
 Englijh in India, Africa and ellewhere. But as thefe Hif- 
 
 toriaiD defeend not to particulars, but keep to gene*.ale, the the Royal African Company, fent V ice-Admiral Jl 
 Reader would be verv ill informed, if he adhered only to to Cape Vcrd, with a fquadron of fourteen men ot war, 
 what they fay I fhull therefore relate here what I meet to take all poflible advanf.es againft the Dutch keif.-Indus 
 W itn in others, who more fully explain this affair. Company. Law/m meeting Ruyter in the Alemurran.an, 
 
 The a-th of April 1662, the States-general of the was faluted by the Dutch Admiral, but returned not the 
 
 After this anfwer, the States fent Ruyter into the Me ii- ? i , 
 terranean, with a fquadron of twelve fhips, and the King k m 
 fent thither a fleet of twenty fail under the command 
 of Law fan. Thefe two fleets departed in May this year, and 
 about the fame time the Duke of York, as Governor of 
 
 United Provinces made a treaty with the King of trance. 
 by which both patties ingaged to aflift one another, in 
 cafe of any attack upon either in Europe. The fame year 
 thev made a like treaty of league and alliance with 
 the King of England. This had relation to another made 
 in 1659° between England and the States before the King’s 
 reftoration, and feemed to be renewed only to remove the 
 deleft of that of 1659, made on the part of England by 
 an unlawful authority. However, it happened, in the inter¬ 
 val between the two treaties, that the Dutch had funk or 
 taken in the Indies two Englijh fhips, called the Bonad- 
 venture and the Good-Hope , which occafioned a mifunder- 
 ftanding between the two nations ('). The Englijh pre¬ 
 tended, thefe two Ihips were attacked without any juft 
 caufe, and the Hollanders maintained the contrary. In the 
 treaty of 1602, the affair of thefe two fhips was again 
 debated ; but as their value was inconliderable, it was not 
 thought proper to delay a treaty advantagious to both na¬ 
 tions? Ic was therefore agreed, that the Englijh fhould be 
 allowed to profecute the procefs commenced on account of 
 thefe fhips, and the States depofited fourfeore thou land 
 Florins by way of fecurity to pay the full value in cale the 
 affair was decided againft them. Some time after, ano- 
 
 compliment, contrary to what had been ftipulated in the 
 treat'- of 1662. It is not neceflary to take notice here 
 of the little fuccefs Laiufon and Ruyter had againft the Al¬ 
 gerines. What Holms did at Cape Verd is much more ma¬ 
 terial. 
 
 In the months of Auguji and September, Holms made Ravage, 
 himfelf mafter of Fort St. Andrew and mod other places D ‘-'trade*, 
 belonging to the Dutch in the neighbourhood of Cape Verd , 
 and, after taking the fort built on the Cape itfelf, he gave 
 it the name of York. He erefted a fort in the mouth of 
 the river Gambia-, and then failing for Guinea, feized all the 
 forts the Dutch had on that coaft, except Fort Achin and 
 Fort St. George de Alina. Alter this, he returned to 
 England. Now, if it be confidered, that helms failed from 
 England in May , or, at the iateft, in June : that fome 
 time was required to equip this fleer, and that the Par¬ 
 liament’s addrefs was prefented to the King but the 27th 
 of April , it will be eaiily perceived, that the war was re¬ 
 folved in England before any complaints of depredations 
 committed by the Dutch were reprefen ted to the Parlia¬ 
 ment, and that thefe complaints were only pretences for the R. C kr. 
 It muft be obferved, that not a Jingle Englijh H>f- T - li-p 1 
 
 .. torian fpeaks of the hoftilities committed by Holms at Cape 
 
 ther difpute arofe upon the fame fubjeft, and this was, the Verd and Guinea , long before any declaration of war (2). 
 
 King pretended, that the States-General were judges of this But what clearly fhows, the Mi-,;, fincc his reft ; >ratam, D cflraor. 
 procefs, to which the States replied, that it belonged to the had ever intended this war, is, his conduct wl.i.it the 
 
 cognizance of the Admiralty of AmJUriam, who only had treaty between Frame and the States was negotiating at 
 
 a riohe to decide it. The affair remained in this ftate till Paris: for he did his utmoft to obflrufl it. The pnn- 
 A.;/ this year 1664, when the Commons, after an inquiry cipal condition of this treaty confided, in a reciprocal gua- 
 mtu the obftraaions of the trade of the nation, voted, ranty of what the two parties poflefleil, or th-Juid after- 
 and obtained the concurrence of the Lords to their vote, wards lawfully acquire. In this genera! claule, the States 
 i- ;f ,u That the wrongs, difhonours, and indignities done to comprehended the article of the filherv, as an client 1a! ar- 
 
 Pi’ . n hj s Majefty by the Subjefts of the United Provinces in tide, and the King of France made no objection to it. but 
 
 l n diu, Africa , and elfewhere; and the damages done by Charles oppofed it, and endeavoured to hinder the King of 
 
 Ec'harJ. “ them to the Englijh Merchants, are the greateft obftruc- France from agreeing to that article. Lewis , in com- 
 
 Kennct. tc t j ons 0 f t h e trade of England. That the fame be plaifance to Charles , fought expedients to (arisfy him, by 
 
 phillips - ct fpeedily prefented to his Majefty, and he be moved to confining himfelf to a general guarantee, which fhould in- 
 
 “ take fome effectual courfe for redrefs of thefe injuries, elude all without exception. But the States refufed to 
 
 “ and all other of the like nature, and for prevention of the conclude the treaty, unlefs the article ot the fifhery was ex¬ 
 it like for the future. And in profecution thereof, they prefsly inferted in the guaranty. Charles finding, the King 
 
 “ will with their lives and fortunes aflift his Majefty, a- of France would at laft confent, ordered Count d'Ejtrades, 
 
 qktP j-.'tj- “ gainft all oppofitions whatfoever.” In purfuance of this the French Amballador at London , to be told, that he had 
 nurr ad. re f 0 | u tion, the two Houfes prefented, the fame day, an ad- refolved to oblige the fhips of all nations without excep- 
 't ''' 1 drefs to the King, to which, on the morrow, they received tion to ftrike to his. But perceiving, the King of France, 
 Hu g Ar,f we r. this anfwer in writing. “ That he was pleafed with their inftead of being intimidated by this menace, anfwered it in 
 
 An 2 « ze;l ] , ,,. t h e advancement of trade, and the removal of a high ftrain, he let him know, he would defift from this 
 
 Echjrd ‘ “ all obftruftions which might hinder the fame; being pretenfion as to him, provided he would defift from the 
 “ convinced, that nothing would more contribute to the guaranty of the fifhery in favour of the Dutch. But Lewis, 
 
 “ honour of the nation, and the profperity of his People, being fenfible, the Dutch would never recede from that 
 
 “ That he would examine the paiticular complaints which particular claufe, agreed to it at laft, and the treaty was 
 
 “ had been reprefented to his Parliament, and order his concluded. 
 
 “ Minifter in Holland to demand fpeedy reparation, and Hence it appears, that Charles was then feekinga quar- 
 
 “ in cafe of a denial, he relied on their promife and de- 
 “ claration to ftand by him.” 
 
 It is eafy to fee, that no particulars were fpecified either 
 in the addrefs or the anfwer, and that hitherto all was con¬ 
 fined to generals. It will afterwards appear, that the Eng¬ 
 lijh always kept to the fame expreflions, till the negotia¬ 
 tion of the peace, when they were obliged to declare where- 
 
 rel with the Dutch, on the article of the fifhery. But find¬ 
 ing, France had exprefsly engaged to be guaranty of it, 
 he himfelf concluded, that very year, a treaty of alliance 
 w.ih the Dutch , in expeftation of fome other occafion to 
 begin a war with them. 
 
 This defign was no longer deferred, than till the bc- 
 ng of this year 1664, when a fleet was preparing 
 
 n conftfted the injuries they complained of, the principal England , to aft at Cape / erd, and in Guinea, under ti:t: 
 of which was found to be the lofs of the two fhips before- command of Holms. Shortly after, Kme Englijh Mer- 
 mentioned. It is now time to fhow, that when thefe chants complained to the Parliament ol tiie horrible depre¬ 
 complaints were brought to the Parliament, the King had dations of the Dutch. But it was never known v herein 
 already refolved on the war, and that thefe complaints were confifted the injuries received by the Englijh. T I is extra- 
 only defigned to fumifh a pretence, and ingage the Parlia- ordinary proceeding is a clear eviF- ice, the Court was in 
 ment to grant him the neceflary fupplies to fupport it. good underftanding with thole who complained :■> the Par- 
 Si nee the treatv of 1662, the States had great caufe of liament. For, naturally, and according to the uliial prac- 
 compiaints againft the Algerines , notwithftanding the peace tice in fuch cafes, they fhould have fir ft brought their com- 
 
 . Merchar 
 
 mt D\fires 
 
 1 interefts o: 
 
 who had 1 r 
 I, tailing . 
 
 t the difference between the two Nations arofe on account of Dcr.vr.ir. 
 ncerred in ihole two Ships, for a «rifle ; that to this end he enriamed the King ol 
 received at Sea ry th- E’gijh, which they never fuftered- D'eftra.iti Ltteert of 'Jure -. 1604. 
 
 Cra.-i-: li, t.- nrv ■ u 1 r his Rc.i, .ration, v.x.. 1' t. lent Si r R birr Holms with a Squadron of Men of War, and fo' 
 
 ■ h« . I that d taken I Ifromch 1 
 
 :-r c If-t I'te.z, I nr. 1 "tier I'I’.c-:;, where the Du'eb h.-rt b if!.-: - C-.hr’t DettAim, &c. Tom. 2- p. 135-- Etc 
 
 ll'-dor co.t gained .. me boftile attempt- of Captain Holms on the Coaft of Guinea. Tom- 3, p- 
 
 t the pretended 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES II 
 
 Art,. 
 
 Ethard. 
 Statute b. 
 
 TbeSpcnkcr 
 Speech to tt 
 
 Erhard. 
 T.lII.p. 1 
 
 dred and fifty fix thoufand pounds a year. After the Speakei 
 had mentioned this Bill, he told the King : 
 
 1 “ -Whilft we were intent upon thefe weighty af- 
 
 f “ fairs, we were often interrupted by petitions, and letters, 
 
 637 
 
 1664. plaints to the King, who fhould have applied to the States not judging it proper to treat with Don ning, who behaved (664. 
 
 for redrefs, and, in cafe of refufal, demanded the affiftance to them with great haugbtinefs, they /aid in anfwer to his 
 
 of his Parliament. But here the order was inverted. The Memorial, that they would fend an Ambaflador to the 
 
 Parliament was firft addreifed to, who prayed the King to King. Accordingly, they difpatched Pan Goch , who had D Eflr 
 
 demand immediate reparation, and offered their afliftance his firft audience "of the King the 25th of June. As he 
 to carry on a war againft the States, before it was known, was fpeaking, at this audience, of the trade of Africa, snd tu Tm 
 whether thefe complaints had any foundation, or whether the Weft-Indies, the King interrupted him, and faid, It 
 the States were inclinable to repair the pretended damages, was not to be fuffered, that the Dutch Weft India Ccm- 
 All this demon ft rates, the war was refolved, before the Par- pany fhould pretend, by means of three or four Ships, and 
 liament was informed of the caufes and grounds of it. For a few forts on the coaft of Guinea , to exclude ocher nati- 
 it was May before the King, by his Ambaflador Down- ons from that commerce. The Ambaflador anfwered, the 
 ing (t), demanded of the States reparation for thefe pre- difficulties about that affair were terminated by the laft 
 tended injuries, treaty, and it ought to be examined, whether the Dutch had 
 
 What I have been faying, is farther confirmed by the adled contrary to it. Afterwards, the States being informed 
 Speaker’s Speech to the King, at the prorogation of the of the hollilities committed by Holms at Cape Herd, and 
 Parliament, wherein he faid, the Houfe, upon examina- in Guinea , their Ambaff.dor complained to the King, who 
 tionof the reafons of the decay of trade, had found, that the anfwered, he had not the leaft knowledge thereof. Some P 122. 
 Dutch , within a few years, had fpoiled his Subje&s, to the days after, the Ambaflador prefented a large Memorial on 
 value of feven or eight hundred thoufand pounds, though that fuhje£f, with a frelh complaint, that the King had 
 Downing had not yet prefented his Memorial to the States, forbid the importation of Dutch commodities into England. D’E'hndcs 
 nor, confequently, received any anfwer. The King gave the fame anfwer, as before, to the firft ai- 
 
 The 17th of May , the King coming to the Parliament, tide of this Memorial, that he had no knowledge of what 
 the Speaker prefented the Bills which were ready, and a- was fifing by Holms 5 and to the fecond, that the prohibit* n 
 mongft the reft, one for empowering the King to levy the of commodities, was upon the account of the Plague then 
 Chimney-money by his own officers, as he had de.hred. reigning in Holland. It appeared afterwards, that the King 
 This Bill was afterwards the caufe of great vexations , pretended, the affair of Cape Vcrd and Guinea did not con- 
 complaints, and murmurs, which obliged King William HI. cern him, but was a private difference between the Englijh 
 to drop this tax, though, as it was levied in the reigns of and Dutch Companies, and therefore it had not been ntcel- 
 Charles II. and \ James II, it amounted to above two hun- fary to inform Inn of it. But it will hardly he conceived, 
 
 that the Duke of York-, as Governor of the Royal African 
 Company, fhould fend a fleet of twenty-one Men of War 
 to Guinea without the King’s knowledge. 
 
 . . . While Downing at the Hague , and I'an Goch at London , Prrparnn. 
 
 “ and motions, reprefenting the unfettled condition of fome fruitlefidy prefented Memorials upon Memorials, the King ontflrirn-. 
 
 ‘‘ counties, by reafon of Phanaticks, Sedtaries, and Non- was diligently equipping his fleet. As he warned money (2), n e City of 
 “ conformifts : They differ in their fhspes and fpecies, he borrowed one hundred thoufand pounds of the citv of London 
 “ and accordingly are more or lefs aangerou*, but in this London , who willingly lent him that funi, in the belief, ^ 
 
 “ they all agree, they are no friends to the eftablifhed Go- that he intended only the good of the Englijh trade, by the 
 “ vernment either in Church or State, and if the old rule deftrudtion of that of Holland. The States, on their fide, Jl! - P-' 2 *- 
 “ be true, Qui Ecclefta contradicit non eft pacificus , we prepared for their defence, but not with the fame vigour Ktnrv 
 “ have great reafon to prevent their growth, and to punifh that their enemies were preparing to altack them. Their 
 “ their pra£tice. To this purpuf'e, we have prepared a defign was to gam time, in hopes, their fleets of Merchant- 
 “ Bill againft their frequenting of Conventicles, the feed- men would return before the declaration of war ; and the 
 “ plots and nurferies of their opinions, under pretence of King’s intention was to intercept thole fleets before the 
 “ religious wor/hip. The firft offence is made punifhable pubh/hing of any declaration. 
 
 ‘‘ with five pounds, or three months impri/onment, and The King difeovered his defign in a manner not to be r6*Engn7i 
 “ ten pounds for a Peer: The fecond offence with ten miftaken. For fending his fleets to fea, under the com ” Ue,,r P ! <>< 
 
 “ pounds, or fix months imprifonment, and twenty pounds mand of the Duke of York , as High-Admiral (3), this fleet Z/Z^-Mn 
 “ for a Peer: But the third offence, after a tryal by a met, in November , with the Dutch Bourdcaux fleet, home- 
 “ Jury, and the tryal of a Peer by his Peers, the party ward bound, laden with wine and brandy, and took one-/ ,cffl H ' " r ‘ 
 
 “ convufted fhall be tranfported to fome foreign Plantation, hundred and thirty fhips, which were brought into Eng- 
 
 “ unlefs he lays down an hundred pounds. Immedicabile land , and condemned for lawful prizes, though no war ■»<-» ,Z 
 
 IC minus Enfe refeindendum ne pars fincera trahatur - had yet been proclaimed. It is needlefs to reflutft on the cl J rtd ', 
 
 The Presbyterians were more numerous than all the King’s condua, or on the judgment of the Englijh Admi- ?„ 
 other Seas together. Since the King’s reftoration, they ralty. Every unprejudiced perfon will eafily believe, that Procure- 
 had never been accufed of an infurreaion againft the Go- the Law of Nations was never more unjuftly, or more ® a J’ na s e - 
 vernment, or of entering into the plots of the Anabaptifts manifeftly violated. In vain do fome Hiftorians endeavour 
 and Republicans ; and yet, by this Aa they were made to palliate this aaion with two reafons, which difeover by Rennet, 
 liable to the fame penalties as the other Seas; and, on pre- their weaknefs, how much they them/clves were perfuaded 
 tence that their religious meetings were nurferies of their of the reality of this injuftice. The firft is, that about the 
 opinions againft the Government in Church and State, fame time, ‘Ruyter difpofleffed the Englijh ok their Faao- 
 they deferved to be tranfported to America , if they had the ries at Cape Vcrd, and on the coaft of Guinea. Bi t, firft, 
 boldnefs to affemble three times. It feems, that by this they take no notice, that thefe F?.aories were mere ufur- 
 
 extreme rigour, it was not fo much defigned to punifh pations of the Englijh, who had the fame year difpoflefl'ed 
 
 their pretended tranfgreffions, as to drive them to defpair, the Dutch of them. Secondly, Ruyter did not recover the 
 that they might render themfelves guilty indeed. forts at Cape Verd , and on the coaft of Guinea, till the 
 
 After palling thefe Ads, the King prorogued the Par- following year 1665. For it muft be confidered, that 
 
 liament to Auguft, fignifying withal, that it fhould not Holms committed his hoftiliiies at Cape Verd, in the months 
 
 meet till November , unlefs a certain affair obliged him to 0 t Auguft and September, and afterwards failed to the coaft 
 affemble it fooner. of Guinea, where he feized feveral forts. This news muft 
 
 Fhis affair was the Dutch war, wh ch the King had re- therefore be brought to Holland, the States muft fend to 
 folved. For this purpofe. Downing prefented to the States Ruyter in the Mediterranean to repafs the Streights, and 
 a Memorial, drawn in very high terms, wherein he de- fail to Cape Verd ; and laftly, Ruyter muft execute his or- 
 manded, on the part of the King, reparation for the da- ders, and the news of his expedition be carried to England. 
 mages done to the Englijh, which, by his calculation, a- Now if all this cannot be effe&ed within the fpace of fix 
 mounted to feven or eight hundred thoufand pounds Ster- weeks, how is it poffible to juftify the taking of the Bcur- 
 hng. After the moft diligent fearch, I have not been able deaux fleet in November, on account of Ruyter’s expedition 
 to difeover the particular Articles of thefe damages, except to Cape Verd and Guinea, three months after ? The fe- 
 the two fhips before-mentioned, and another article concern- cond reafon is, that this war was not the projeift of the 
 ing the Ille of Poleron, of which I fhall fptak hereafter. King, but the voice of the People and Parliament ; as if. 
 
 Wherefore, in imitation of the Englijh Hiftorians, I am even on this fuppofition, the People and Parliament were 
 forced to leave the Reader in the dark, with regard to the lefs obliged than the King to obferve the Law of Nations, 
 particulars of the damages on which this war was founded. But this was not the only fault of this nature committed 
 The King was bent cn a war at any rate, whilft the by Charles II, through a defire of money. 
 
 States ufed all poffible endeavours to avoid it. Neverthelefs, Mean time, the King of France apprehending he fhould Charles re- 
 
 fujh 
 
 A Reflec¬ 
 tion upon 
 
 tbit Al 1 . 
 
 Ba'nage. 
 Echaid, 
 ill. p. 121 
 Phillips. 
 
 An Ambaf 
 
 (1) Bilhnp Burnet gives Downing this Character. “ He was a cra'ty fawning man, who was ready to turn to every fide that was upp.ermoft, and to betray fCmg'i Me. 
 “ thole, who by their foimer Iriendfh p and lervices, thought they might depend on him. He had Been Cromwell's Ambaflador in Holland, where he had diation. 
 
 “ offered perfonal affronts, both to the King and the Duke. But he had, by Monk's recommendation, found means to get into favour.” p. 198.—-Count D'c-ftrades. 
 D'eflradci fays, he was a pitiful, feditious fellow. Letter of January 24.. 1664. Echard 
 
 l 2 ) Though he had received, in the four firff years of his Reign, no lefs than two millions, eight hundred and fixty thoufand pounds, according to R. Coke's |U, p . ’m. 
 Computation- Tom. 2. p. 137. ' r ' 
 
 (3) This Fleet conlifted of fixtecn Men of War. Rennet'1 Hifl. Tom. j. p. 27 j. 
 
 No. 75. V o 1. II. 
 
 7 Y 
 
 at 
 
G 8 
 
 1664. 
 
 r- * , 9i Tlc 
 J. Ph lips. 
 
 CanleSljre 
 
 Eurnet. 
 
 Echard. 
 
 Eurnet. 
 
 VZr 
 
 Speech 10 
 ehe Parti j- 
 
 Echatd. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 <CCi 
 
 at lad be involved in this war by affifting the States, pur- rative to be put into writing, which w as delivered to both 
 fuant to the treaty of 1662, believed it incumbent upon Houfe?. ' l 
 
 him to ufe fome endeavours to prevent it, and to that end It will be eaflly imagined, this Narrative contained only t n, p„..| 
 offered his mediation to the two Parties. The States wil- what fliould inflame the Parliament. But the Hifto'ians 1 
 
 liugly accepted it, but it »v rejeSed by Charles, who have not been pleas'd to relate the Contents, perhaps for '$1 
 fluid, he would enter into no negotiation till he had recei- want of knowing them. Be this as it will, the (Cir-g lonV I 
 
 found the Parliament fo well difpofed in his favour, that the Ech,rd - l 
 two Houfe: 
 
 he would 
 
 ved entire fatisfaflion on his demands. He had now fent 
 Sir Richard Fanjhaw to Spain, and the Lord Holies to 
 France, to endeavour to ingage thefe two Crowns in a war 
 ■with the Dutch. Put he fucceeded neither at Paris nor 
 Madrid. Neverthelef-, he perfiffed in his refolution, to 
 make war, though he had no other reafons to alled^e for 
 it than the pretended depredations committed by the Dutch 
 upon the Englifn, the particulars of whicli were never 
 known to this dav. 
 
 When it is confitlered, with what animofitv this war 
 was undertaken ami purfu’d, not only by the King, the 
 Duke of York, and the Miniftry, but even by the Parlia¬ 
 ment, one can hardly help thinking, that they who exci¬ 
 ted this animofity, had fome other fecret end than thac of 
 
 fupporting trade. But hit 
 
 by fix Lords and twelve Commoners, fent 
 their thanks to the Ctv of London for their loan to the 
 King. A few Jays after, the Commons voted the King a v °< r ' 
 fupply of two millions five hundred thoufand pounds, to- t0 ' II 
 wards the maintenance of a war fo neceilary to the State; if 
 
 and in Jefs than three weeks, Ways and Means were "hi- 
 found for railing that Sum in three years ; alter which | 
 
 both Houfes adjourned to the i 2th of January. 
 
 Immediately alter, the King publiihed a declaration, by * Dec.*- ,i 
 which General Reprifals were granted againlt tile Ships, ra,:or ' “'”'9 
 Gf oris, and Subjects of the States-General, and the Court u-Tif Mjk 
 of Admiralty order’d to condemn them as prizes according w'nft 
 to the Courfe of Admiralty, and Law of Nations. This D,ltclj - j 
 
 „ conjectures only have been declaration was founded upon the grievous damages and 
 ottered on this fubjedt. Some fay, this war ought to be infults done to the Engli'h- ' ' - - 
 
 aferibed to the Duke of lark's ambition, who was impa 
 tient to d.ffinguifh himfell, by commanding, as Lord 
 High-Admiral, the King his brother’s fleet. 'Others be¬ 
 lieve, the King finding his coffers empty, no withftanding 
 'I the money gi 1 ' ' " " ' ' - - • 
 
 JiJh, but without fpecifying one 
 
 WJien the Bourdeaux fleet had been feized and condemn- The 
 
 ^ ... —.— — •—. The Ere! ! y. 
 
 d, the Lngljb took ail the Dutch Ships they met, tin ’ ~' lJ l* 
 
 i hin 
 
 - the war was not yet proclaimed. But it was much worm , , 
 
 rn by Parliament, and that railed by bnee the declaration for geneial reprifals had been nubiilh’J K,.«. I 
 
 ill. tile of Dunkirk ingaged by his imngues the Parl.a- When the Sato were informed of the holHlit.es com * 
 
 ment to propnfe this war to him, to have a pretence of milted by Holm, at Cap I'erd and in Guinea, they fent 
 
 demanding extraordinary fupphes, which fliould not be ail an exprefs to Ruytsr, to older him to renafs .be siiiv-h- 
 
 expended ,n the war. I here are others who believe, the and fail towards thefe coaftr, to recover What the Dultb 
 
 King the 1 .H Iianient , the City ol London, found this mjt-India Company had loft. RuyUr executed this order I 
 
 war abfolutely neceffary to humble the maritime powet of with great vigour, and retook moll of the forts feed hy I 
 
 the Duuo , whoi aimed to engrofs the whole commerce of the Englijh. He likewife took feveral of their Shins "* w l 
 
 they had already fine that of the Indies : That This news reached London the beginning of February' i 
 
 ■° the c * ui '? ’ ' ■ f ' crc hiliy made known, and furnilh’d the King with a new pretence lor i]le dec'a- c ‘” ''oil 
 
 every one underflood, it was a war occafioned by the jea- ration of war, which was published in a few days «^Gu:nea| 
 
 louly of trade Laftly, there are who fiifpeft, that the The Parliament meeting the i 2th of January the 9/ m \ 
 ‘T'Y to introduce Popery into England being now form- Houfe ol Common:, proceeded immediately to the Money- /-/ 
 
 eu. the execution of it was only fuipended til! the Dutch Bill, as the mod pre-fling affair. This Bill being lead’, , G - ' | 
 
 the King came to the Houfe to give I,is aflent, aHer k™«’. | 
 
 which, War was formally declared againft the Slates Ge¬ 
 neral. This declaration was founded upon the numberlefs 
 injuries and unfpeakabie damages, the Eriglijh had Me red 
 
 were rendered unable to fuccour the Englijh Proteftants, 
 fince it was only from them that they could receive aflift- 
 ance. I fhall not take upon me to determine what were 
 the fecret motives of this war, which certainly was under- 
 
 ukc-n 01, very flight grounds, as will hereafter more fully from the Dutch , without being able to obtain the leaffre'- 
 
 app -rh d r . v , , paration. The King added,bThht the'Ships beiongine to 
 
 I he Parliament meeting the 24th of November, after the Dutch were not detained by him, till he found "tint 
 o nroropratmns. t p mo- made a Speech to both Houfes Ruytcr was order’d not only to abandon the Confortlhip 
 e war with the Km tec. mo. ml ♦!-.» ... ...1 :_l i. ■ 1 ■ , . . “ 
 
 two prorogations, the Kin: 
 
 upon the prelent affair namely, the 'war with the Slates- agamft the Algeria ,.,, to which he had been invited by the 
 
 General. [ Ie find, that upon the flock of his own credit Slates, but alio to ufe all Afls of Depredation againft Kis 
 
 b- bad fet out a fleet, not inferior toany, England had Subjeftsin Africa. He therefore declared to ai! thjAvoiid, 
 tu, and winch had colt him eight bundled thoufand that the Dutch were the Aggrefibrs, and ought in iuftice to 
 
 pour, s. All this tended to demand of the Commons a be fo looked upon by ail men 
 
 propo rtionable f upply. He then added, What is very aftonifhing in this declaration is, that ^ *m.« 
 
 I know not whether it will be worth my the King did not even take 
 
 pains to endeavour to remove a vile jealoufy which fome 
 ill men fcatter abroad, and which I am fure will never 
 fink into the breaft of any man who is worthy to fit 
 upon your benches ; That when you have given me a 
 c and proportionable Supply for the fupport of the war. 
 
 care to preferve appearances, 
 
 I may be induced by ft 
 
 be - -' -' ' ' 
 
 as if his Subjects and ail Europe had been void of common Dldc,aUomw 
 fenfe, or it was not known that the fleet from Bourdeaux 
 had been intercepted in November, beiore Ruyter had 
 reached Guinea. He pretended, that all the World muff 
 .. . be ignorant, becaufe he himfelf feign’d not to know, 
 
 1 . , . . -. - ome ev “ Counfellers (for they will that Holms had begun hoftilities at Cape Verd and in Guinea 
 
 in AW and Sc},c,„P, In fhrk, he would h.v‘ ,H 
 fun; „.ak, a ju dm pace, and get all that money fir the World, believe on his bare word, that the Englitb had 
 
 m ZH } 3m Z - V ° U *" tb ' nk " buffered grievous damages, without his vouchfafin f 
 
 ( iVft n0t r t0 , J Z ve “ f nrwer - <%«* fixgl* '"j ur r- This declaration was approv'd of How 
 wold 10. e though m hate ib rut,II, an mol,nation by twenty two Privy-Counfellors only, the Earls off 
 « love war for war s fake. God knows, I deflre no Southampton and Clarendon having been either unable or ^ h, ' d - 
 
 b,effing in the worlu fo much, as that I may^ live ,o unwhlbg to be prefent when it was relived It was’ da- 
 
 ted the z;d of February, but wa 
 
 “ fa a firm peace between all Chriftian Princes and States 
 c" t'l et n,e te ^ y° u> ant * y° u may be confident of it, 
 I hat when I am compelled to enter into a war, for the 
 protection, honour, and benefit of my Subje&s, I will, 
 God willing, not make a peace, but upon the obtaining 
 and fecurmg thofe ends for which the war is entered in° 
 tv t0 ; when that can be done, no good man will be 
 
 tc forry for the determination of it.-•” 
 
 It will be feen hereafter, how the King difeharged his 
 pro mile in this Speech. After he had done, he farther de- 
 clared to them. That he did intend the Lord-Chancellor 
 mould have made a Narrative concerning the Treaty and 
 manner oj proceeding with the Dutch ; but the Chancellor 
 being laid up with the gout (z), he had ordered the Nar- 
 
 was not publifh’d till the 2d 
 
 of March. 
 
 The King having notice that fome bills were ready for 7h e ?arU 
 the royal Aflent, came to the Parliament the 2d of March, *‘»t pr,.’ 
 and after pafling the bills, which were of no great irn- r ^ u “ L 
 portance, he prorogued the Parliament to the 2 1 It of June. 
 Afterwards, he continued the prorogation to the ift of 
 Bugujl, and then to the 9th of 0 Haber. 
 
 In this feflion the Clergy voluntarily refigned their right . T , 
 of taxing themfelves in Convocation, and from this time Jiff'S* 
 have been taxed in common with the People in Parlia- "’’ Z h,of 
 ment. This has made Convocations lefs neceilary to the 
 King, and confequently lefs conliderable in themfelves(3). 
 
 The war being declared, the Duke of York, in the end of EthTrd. 
 
 March, '66 5. 
 
 ■t favf, 
 
 ture fhuuld loiiow, ihey vr, 
 
 W..r - —F, a r« and Pop, 
 
 irr,kg a nu-'rous refinance, - 
 F.« z !:p and Dutch, hoping t 
 fliould be near ar. equality n 
 were there oreto be humbled 
 {- L is very prnbabie, a 
 
 y pofitively iflured by Statermen of both/ides, that the French fet this War on in 
 
 at i l,e timt prclled lhe DuU " o; t0 y«« ,d to them i 
 ■ them accnrdiiig to the.r alliance, lo they a;T,red us. that they w..u!d do us 
 J\' d 1 - ’i' rln ps I thefe Counlels. It was the intereft of the King „f Fruit 
 
 ..1 ..e.mu.a he.re-jy, either to invade them, or f-!J into FI j fitter,. — 
 
 if ' o-n mutually weaken one another fo much, that the 
 
 ‘-m. '^ntn tl.ty ihouid be inattered by a War. The States were J' 
 
 199. 
 
 ry iiiificial manner ; for w} 
 as they put them in liopej 
 
 hurt^-There was no 
 
 rhat the States Ihouid be in 
 
 -The Frer.ib did thus fet on the \V 
 
 1 Nice of France, which was increafmg vt 
 ife the greateft ftrength of the Protclbn 
 
 is: 1: 
 
 • 3; P- ' 
 
 . that h:s diftemper a 
 
 1 more political than 
 ivere ineonfiderabli 
 
 :al j for he - 
 
 ■sly againft this 
 
 alfo the Earl of 
 
 and yet unequally heavy on the Clergy, 
 
Book XXII L 
 
 1665. 
 
 7 be King c 
 Francc’i 
 eondul1 -wi. 
 
 England a, 
 
 fdolland- 
 
 D'Eftrades 
 
 tin Letter 
 to the Count 
 d'Eftradcs. 
 
 Frjitfticnt 
 upon tbit 
 Letter. 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 6 39 
 
 March-, repaired to the fleet which he was to command, 
 confining of one hundred and feven men of war, and four¬ 
 teen fire-fhips. But as the fleet was not yet ready, he 
 could not fail till May. 
 
 f Some time flnee, the States, perceiving a war unavoid¬ 
 able, had prefled the King of France to declare againft 
 te England, purfuant to the treaty of 1662, but had not yet 
 prevailed. Charles on his fide follicited him to abandon the 
 States, and allured him with very' tempting advantages. 
 
 . So, Lewis was not a little embarafled. He was defirous 
 to keep fair with the King of England, whom, he fore- 
 faw, he might want j and, on the other hand, if he 
 abandoned the States, there was danger of their being 
 overcome, and of Penflonary De Wit lofing all his credit. 
 This could not happen, without a change of the Govern¬ 
 ment, the re-eftablifhment of the young Prince of Orange, 
 and the King of England's being in effect maftcr in Hol¬ 
 land. It was through the foie influence of the Penlionary 
 that the States were attached to the interefts of France , 
 and confequently his fall could not but be extremely pre¬ 
 judicial to that Kingdom. The courfe therefore which 
 Lewis took on this occaflon, was to gain time, one while 
 by cavilling at the terms of the treaty of 1662, another 
 while, by giving hopes to the States of his declaring againft 
 England, and laftly, by a fplendid Ambafly to London, with 
 tlje Duke of Verneuil at the head of it, to mediate a peace 
 between England and Holland. In order to know his iitu- 
 ation, let us hear what he fays himfelf in a letter to Count 
 d’ EJlrades his Ambaflador at the Hague, dated the 19th 
 
 of December 1664. -‘ c Plowever, I own, I am a 
 
 ■ ‘ c little embarafled, confidering, if I litterally execute the 
 “ treaty of 1662, I Ihall very much prejudice my prin- 
 “ cipal intereft, and this, in favour of a nation, which 
 “ not only will never be ferviceable to me, but which I 
 “ fliall find oppolite in the only cafe where I fliould want 
 “ them, and then, the afliftance I fliall have given them, 
 “ will turn againft me. Befides this, I lofe England, 
 “ which is upon the point of concluding a ftrift alliance 
 “ with Spain, in cafe I reject her offers, and thefe offers, 
 “ for I may truft you with the fecret, are a carte blanche 
 “ in every thing I can delire for the Netherlands, with- 
 “ out one inch of land expected for England. Befides the 
 “ King of England himfelf fuggefts to me, how to a- 
 “ void with honour aflifting the Dutch. He pretends, they 
 “ are the aggrefl'ors : that he has a right to the fort/, 
 “ they have feized in Guinea : that they firft armed : 
 “ that they have made a national quarrel for a private dif- 
 “ putc between two Companies, which they Ihould have 
 “ been differed to decide : that they committed the firft 
 “ a & oI violence in ill-treating one of his Ihips laden with 
 “ mafts from Sweden. That however, I am only ingaged 
 “ fo r what palfes in Europe: That it is vifible all the dif- 
 “ ferences, except that of Guinea, arc eafy to be adjufted. 
 “ That it is not reafonable, their capricious obftinacy to 
 “ maintain a Country' for which I am not ingaged, fliould 
 “ kindle a war in thefe parts, becaufe as I am not oblig- 
 “ ed for the principal, I cannot be fo for the acceflions 
 “ and dependencies. I omit how I was ferved by the 
 “ States at Munjler, See. What I now write mult be a 
 “ fecret. 
 
 I cannot forbear making fome remarks on this letter. 
 
 Firft it ftiows, the King of France did not excite the 
 war between England and Holland , as moft of the Englijh 
 Hiftorians pretend 
 
 Secondly, if Charles had really intended the welfare of 
 his Kingdom in undertaking this war, he would not have 
 offered the King of France a carte blanche for the Nether¬ 
 lands, in order to accomplilh the deftruftion of Holland. 
 This was a thing diredtly contrary to the interefts of Eng¬ 
 land, and very different from the fatisfaftion demanded 
 for the injuries, his Subjects might have received from the 
 Dutch. 
 
 Thirdly, in what Charles alledged to Lewis, there ap¬ 
 peals no proof, that the Dutch were the aggreflors, nor 
 any thing of the pretended damages of eight hundred thou- 
 fand pounds : But that the principal point in difpute was 
 the propriety of fome forts on the coaft of Guinea, which, 
 according to him, was an affair between the two Compa¬ 
 nies, and that the reft was eafy to be adjufted. 
 
 Fourthly, Charles fuppofes the States to have made it a 
 national quarrel, by fending Ruyter to Guinea ; but that he 
 had not concerned himfelf with this affair, becaufe Lawfon 
 
 had been fent with twenty-one fail, in the name of the 1665, 
 Duke of York, and the Royal African Company. 
 
 Laftly, the States had no reafon to expecSl much aflift¬ 
 ance from France, unlefs the chance of war fliould render' 
 it neceflary for them, or the King of France find fome con- 
 fiderable advantage in efpoufing their quarrel. 
 
 It was therefore to gain time that the Ambafly was fent 
 to London , becaufe Lewis pretended, that as Jong as there 
 was any hope ot an accommodation, he was not obliged 
 to declare againft England. Now'whiift his Ambafladors 
 were at London, he could lay r , that the hope of a reconcilia¬ 
 tion was not entirely defperate. He managed fo artfully, 
 that he kept them there till the end of the year 1665, de¬ 
 clared not againft England till January i 5 b 6 , and his de¬ 
 claration was of little fervice to the States. 
 
 The Duke of York failed with the Eriglif) fleet in May, 7be D ,, tf 
 and before the Dutch could be ready, alarmed the avails York fid, 
 of Holland. He continued a fortnight near the Tcxel, to out-wubtbi 
 prevent the fleet of Holland from joining that of Zealand, 
 in which he could not fail of fuccefs. In the mean time, Kenner, 
 he took feveral Dutch homeward bound {hips, who had Eclmd ' 
 not been informed of the war. However, as the war was 
 not made only to hinder this junHion, the Duke at laft 
 failed away with dellgn to meet Ruyter, who was return¬ 
 ing to Holland by order of the State?. But finding, his 
 provifions were confirmed upon an uncertain expedition, 
 he retired with his fleet to Hartvich, contenting himfelf 
 with lending fome frigates to cruife in the Channel, and 
 bring him intelligence of the enemy (1). 
 
 Mean while, the Holland and Zealand Squadrons joined Tbe FI,a 
 and formed a fleet of one hundred and twenty one men ,hr 
 of war, befides fire-Ihips, under the command of. Ob dam 
 dc IVaJfenaer. He had under him Ccrtenaer Vice Admi- Echaid. 
 ral of the Maefe, Evertzen Vice Admiral of Zealand, and Put urJt \ 
 Cornelius Tromp fon of the famous Martin Tromp. The ofoZiim. 
 Real-Admirals and Captains were very far from anfwerinp 
 to their fuperiors in capacity, more care having been taken 
 to fill thefe polls with the relations and friends of thole, 
 whom the Penflonary wanted to preferve his credit, than 
 with experienced officers. So, except fifteen or fixteen 
 Captains, the reft were unexperienced. This is a misfor¬ 
 tune to which Republicks are more liable than Monarchies. 
 
 Though De Wit managed the affairs as he pleafed, he had 
 for enemies all the Party of the Houfe of Orange, who 
 were fpies upon his conduit, and mifreprefented all his pro¬ 
 ceedings, in order to ruin him. The Penfionary was not 
 ignorant of it, and therefore believed, the only way to fe- 
 cure himfelf, and preferve his authority, was to hazard a 
 Sea engagement. Succefs would difarm the malice of his 
 enemies, and the lofs of a battle would of courfe oblige the 
 French to execute the Treaty of 1662, and filence the 
 complaints and murmurs of the Orange Party, who induf- 
 trioufly publifhed, that Lewis only amufed the States. 
 
 Agreeably to this refolution, which the Penfionary caufed 
 the States to approve, an order was fent to Obdam, to go LvJZdnt 
 in quell of the enemy. He obeyed, and came in fight of "> FM 
 them the iff of June, not far from Harwich. But the Bain,se ' 
 wind being foutherly, and the next morning fouth-weft, 
 he retired to the mouth of the Maefe. He acquainted the 
 States by an exprefs, with the reafon of his retreat, and 
 that he did not think proper to attack the Englijh while 
 they had the advantage of the wind. But he received {till 
 more pofitive orders to fight let the wind be as it would, 
 on peril of anfwering it with his head. After fo exprefs an 
 order, there being no way to recede, he weighed anchor 
 at break ol day, and within an hour difeovered the Englijh 
 fleet divided into three fquadrons. The firft under the Echard, - 
 Red Flag, was commanded by the Duke of York, affiffed p-, 33. 
 by Penn and Lawfon. The fecond being the White fqua- 
 dron, was conduced by Prince Rupert, affiffed by Minnes 
 and Sampfon. The third which was the Blue fquadron, 
 was commanded by the Earl of Sandwich, who had with 
 him Cuttings, and Sir George Afcough. 
 
 I Ihall not pretend to deferibe this engagement, fought 
 the 3d of June, for which I own myfelf unqualified.'” I MeEn^nh. 
 fliall therefore only fay, the Dutch fleet was overthrown, Dt *“> <‘J 
 chiefly by the ill condutft of feveral Captains who were ^? am * 
 wanting in their duty ; by the death of Obdam, who Ecw‘ 
 with his fhip and all his men were blown up ; by the lofs K =nnct- 
 of Ccrtenaer who was killed upon the deck after hoifting J* FJlili P s - 
 the Admiral-Flag, and by many other caufcs which are 
 fcarce intelligible but to thofe who are verfed in fea-aftairs. 
 
 x the Church-Benefices, as tempera! Eftates were taxed ; which proved indeed a ligher burden, but wa- 
 Mnterfjt^prevailing above the point of honour, tfiey acquieiced in it. So the Conv<cations being n 
 
 by them! 
 
 that thfre wm left re£.,d hid to them’ afterward..' Th.y ofttn dhtoadmad and j "mV w'hldVta," ...... 
 
 E) 1 s tax ng themfelves was broken during the late troubles. For then the Ciergy, eithi 
 wan "‘ d Proxies, to represent their Body, had their Benefices taxed with -be Laity, 
 o pleafe. And therefore intended 
 
 fom of the Clci 
 
 of Popularity, or becauie they \ 
 
 Jinquiftcd' L? CafiCr [hin6 ’ ,han t0 have tw ° bodi « ofMen to pleafe. And therefore intended to deprive the Clerg'y of that rght, if they had not voluntary 
 (1) By the Duke s roaring from the Coaft of Holland, the enemy took the advantage of intercepting tfie Englijh Hamburgh Fleet. Etbard, Tom 
 
 t fo honourable as when it w-s given 
 ore neceflary to the Crown, ihis nude 
 was only for form. Burre', p 197. 
 'jtof voluntary compliance, atlr«fl.»ti< n 
 he Court tound, after the Reltora- 
 
 I 3+ . 
 
 Tic 
 
Vol. [I. 
 
 640 
 
 The H I S T 0 R T of ENG I,A N D. 
 
 1665 The Dutch loft nineteen (hips burnt and funk, with about 
 fix thoufind men (1). On the Engli/h fide, the loft was 
 only of four (hips, and about fifteen hundred men, among 
 whom were Charles Berkley Earl of Falmouth , Admiral 
 Sampfon, James Ley Earl of Marlborough , and Vice-Ad¬ 
 miral Lawfon, who died Ihortly after of his wounds (2). 
 The remains of the Dutch fleet retired to the Muefe or the 
 Texel, and were purfued all the next day being Sunday, 
 though, according to fome, the Duke of York did not in 
 this purfuit, difcover the fame ardour he had fhown in the 
 battle. See what Dcxftor Burnet Bilhop of Salisbury fays 
 of it in his pofthumous Flijlory of his nun times. 
 
 Burnet, That famous Hiftorian fays, “ After the fight, a Coun- 
 
 P-* l8< c il of war was called to concert the method of action 
 “ when they fhould come up with them. In that Council, 
 « Perm, who commanded under the Duke, happened to 
 “ fay, that they mull prepare for hotter work in the next 
 “ engagement. ' He knew well the courage of the Dutch 
 “ was never fo high as when they were defperate. The 
 “ Earl of Montague, who was then a volunteer, and one 
 “ of the Duke’s Court, faid to me, it was very vifible 
 “ that made an impreflion : And all the Duke s domef- 
 “ ticks faid, he had got honour enough : Why fhould he 
 “ venture a fecond time? The Dutchefs had alfo given a 
 “ ftritft charge to all the Duke’s fervants to do all they 
 “ could to hinder him to ingage too far. When matters 
 “ were fettled, they went to fleep ; and the Duke order- 
 “ ed a call to be given him when they fhould get up to 
 “ the Dutch fleet. It is not known what palled between the 
 ‘ c Duke and Brounker, who was of his bed-chamber, and 
 tl was then in waiting; but he came to Penn as from the 
 c< Duke, and faid, the Duke ordered the fail to bo¬ 
 s' flackened. Penn was ftruck with the order, but did 
 
 tC not go to argue the matter with the Duxe himfelf, 
 
 “ as he ought to have done, but obeyed it. When the 
 “ Duke had flept, he upon his waking went out upon 
 “ the quarter-deck, and feemed amazed to fee the fails 
 “ flackened, and that thereby all hope of overtaking the 
 “ Dutch was loft. He queltioned Penn upon it. Penn 
 “ put it on Brounker, who faid nothing. The Duke de- 
 “ nied he had given any fuch order. But he neither pu- 
 “ nilhed Brounker for carrying it, nor Penn for obeying 
 
 “ it. He indeed put Brounker out of his fervice, and it 
 
 “ was faid, that he durft do no more, becaufe he was fo 
 “ much in the King’s favour and in the Miftrefs’s. Penn 
 “ was more in his favour after that than ever before, 
 “ which he continued to his fon after him, though a Qua- 
 “ ker. And it was thought, that all that favour was to 
 “ oblige him to keep the fecret. Lord Montague did be- 
 “ lieve, that the Duke was ftruck, feeing the Earl of 
 “ Falmouth the King’s favorite, and two other perfons of 
 “ quality killed very near him, and that he had no mind 
 yi to engage again, and that Penn was privately with him. 
 “ If Brounker was fo much in fault as he feemed to be, 
 it was thought the Duke, in the paflion that this muft 
 «* have raifed in him, would have proceeded to greater 
 “ extremities, and not have a£ted with fo much phlegm.” 
 The Duke of York feeing, it was in vain to continue 
 Echard, his purfuit, retired to the coafts of England , and repaired 
 m. p. 135. t0 Whitehall to receive the acclamations of the Court and 
 MtdaU City of London. The King appointed a day of thankfgi- 
 ftruck in Ho. v ; n g throughout the Kingdom for this victory, and feveral 
 *f- ke Medals were ftruck in honour of the victorious Duke of 
 York, who was now in a very agreeable fituation (3). For 
 befides that he was Lord High-Admiral, Governour of 
 the Cinque-Ports, and of Portfmouth, and had the benefit 
 of the Poft-Office , and the Wine-Licences, all which 
 enabled him to keep a fplendid Court, he had ftill a much 
 more confiderable advantage. He begun to be confidered 
 as Heir to the Crown, the King his Brother having no 
 children by his Queen. This attached many to him, and 
 particularly the Papifts, who knew his Religion, though he 
 yet concealed it as well as the King. 
 
 Shortly after, the Queen-Mother having refolved to pafs 
 the refidue of her days in France , the King and the Duke 
 of York attended her [in the Catherine YatchJ to the Not e, 
 and there took their laft leave of her It is very likely, 
 Ihe was not pteafed with having fo fmall a Ihare in the 
 publick affairs, having been ufed to the contrary in the 
 reign of the King her Husband. 
 
 Dutr if 
 York. 
 
 Hower 1.• gloriou this hr 1 ' Sea t ol he Duke • 1663 
 
 York might be, the King and ( d not think it j 
 
 proper he fhould venture his Pc-rh.n ;n a fecond engage- 
 ment. Therefore the command of the fleet was given to . .-,.-, 
 [Edward Montague] Earl of Sand w.eh •,4), wh - ufed i.i- / 
 
 utmoft endeavours to prepare it tor the Sea as !oi-n as pci- L ‘‘ 
 Able, in order to prevent That of the States, which wasErhard, 
 repairing with all poflible diligence. Befides, the States, Burct ’ ' • 
 having appointed Raster to fucceed Obdarn , ordered him ; - 
 
 to return immediately with the fleet, confifting of (even- >' 
 
 teen men of war. The diligence us'd by the States to re-' r ' 
 pair their fleet, was not fo much to be reveng'd ot the 
 Engli/h , as to fecure their Merchant-men home-ward 
 bound from Smyrna and the Eajl-Indies. I he Lnglijh, 
 on their lide were lefs defirous to fight than to fei/e the 
 riches which thofe fleets Were bringing to Holland. 
 
 It happened, in the mean time, that the Dutch-Smyrna- •' ; 
 fleet, and feveral Eajl-India Ships not daring to enter the ^\ff d 
 Channel , retired to the port of Bcrghen in Nor was , e, 
 waiting for Raster to convoy them to Holland. Mean lr N'"rw .y. 
 while, the King of Denmark , dili ourfing one day wrh 
 Sir Gilbert Talbot , the Eng/ijh Envoy, made great com- .v-aQa-.'j 
 plaints of the Dutch, who, he faid had drawn the Sure- ■•■■r.-r-.. 
 di/h w. r on him, that he might I c forced to have rccouile h. h 
 to them for fiipplies of money and Ihips, and deliver toy ;r: ---. 
 them the Cuftom • f b rwa and the S un loi 1' 
 curity. Upon this the Envov n Id him, he had now a 
 good opportunity of being reveng’d, bv the feizure <>! 
 their fhips at Berghen, worth many millions. B"t the 
 King anfwering, he wanted ftrength to execute Inch a 
 delign, the Envoy told him, he doubted not but the King 
 e,( England would lend him his fliips, provided he was af- 
 fured of equal partaking of the fpnil ; to which the King 
 of Denmark confemed. The King of England was plea ed 77,. Kma', 
 with Talbot's project, and font orders to the Earl of Sand- "f Eneii-.d 
 wich to fail immediately and feize the Dutch fhips at ^ 
 Berghen. The Admiral readily obeyed, though he had re- , e -pe n 
 ceived no intimation of the agreement between the two_/•'<« 
 Kings. 
 
 To effect this defign, it was abfolutely neceflary to in- P'-Je# 
 form the Vice-roy of Norway, and the Governor of Berg- m ’- C3rnu ' 
 hen of it, that they might favour it, in feigning topiotedt 
 the Dutch Ihips, the King of Denmark being unwilling 
 to appear openiv. Nor was it lefs neceflary to acquaint 
 the Earl of Sandwich with it, to prepare him againlt the 
 noife and complaints of (he Governor of Berghen , on ac¬ 
 count of the attempt and violence of the Engli/h. But 
 feveral accidents ruined this affair. The Governor of 
 Berghen , who was to receive orders from the Vice-roy of 
 Norway, was not informed loon enough. On the other 
 hand, Talbot's exprefi, fent from Copenhagen to the Eng¬ 
 li/h fleet, was taken by the Dutch. In fine, the Earl of 
 Sandwich hearing, Ruyter was fhortly expetfted, and be- 
 invr defirous to perform the deed before his arrival, de¬ 
 tached the fquadron commanded by Sir Thomas 1 yd demon , 
 who attacked the Dutch with great refolutinn. But they 
 had now had time to put themfelves in a pofture of de¬ 
 fence. On the other hand, the Governor of Berghen, 
 who had not yet received any particular directions how to 
 behave, feeing this open hoftility, and obferving that the 
 fliot from the Eng/ijh damaged the town, fired upon them 
 from the citadel. In a word, this fquadron was almoften- Aug. 3. 
 tirely ruined, and obliged to return to the fleet. The next Bn an ,h[. 
 day, the 4th of Augujl, orders came to the Governor 0 { a W r - e ‘ 1 - 
 Berghen , but it was too late. It appeared, the King was 
 not pleafed with the Earl of Sandwich ’s conduct, fince, 
 inftead of continuing him in the command of the fleet, he 
 fent him Ambaflador to the Court of Spain. 
 
 Mean while, Ruyter arriving in Holland with many 
 Engli/l) prizes, took the oath to the Stales as Vice- Admi- nd.-t ,n 
 ral-General, after which he took the command of the fleet 
 confifting of ninety-three Ihips well equipped. But though Bafr3r 
 he bore the title of Admiral, three commiflioners attended p u „s rJ . 
 him, namely, De-Wit the Penfionary, Huygens , and Bor- Echaid, 
 reel, who had properly the command. The grand de- Kcnnet - 
 fign of thele commiflioners was to meet the India fleet, 
 which was to fail round Ireland, to avoid entering into 
 the Channel. But the wind was fo contrary, that the 
 fleet would not have gut foon enough out of the Texel, if p . 1Z ,\ 
 the Penfionary, who underftood fea affairs very well, had 
 
 1Our Hiftnriani iiv, Thar we loft but one Sh : p ; and thar the Engtijb took eighteen Dutch Men of War, and funk and fired about fourteen more. They 
 a ill, took two thouiana fixty three Pri loners, whereof fixteen were Capta ns. See Burchett, p 398- EcbarJ. Tom ;■ P- » 54-- 
 
 i\ And Jikew.fe the Lord flluiSerry, and Mr. Byte, the Earl of Bu’ltngtan s 'econd Son, thele two, with the Is rd Fuln.u'h, were killed with the lame 
 Cannon-bail, juft by 'lie Duke of ?Vi, and fo near him, that he was 1'prinkLed with their blood ai.d brains' The Earl ot Portland was likewile k !ied_ 
 Bu'cbrtt, p. 398. 
 
 V One of thefe Medals had on one fide, the Duke's Effigy in Uuft, clad in a Roman Mantle, wish thefe words rourd it, Jacobi s De x Eb< r. & 
 Ai ban. Do si 1 > Maos. AomIralIuc AnclI.c, (S’c. The Reverfr reprefrnted the Admiral and wh le hiretinan Ene y me nt, with thefe word-. 
 Nrc Minor in Tim is. Jun. iii. mpci-Xv. Another had on one fi’e, the Duke in Buft, fiiort hi'r, -V . wi h this Inlcription, Jacobis Dux 
 T.bor. be Alban. Fratfr August issi M i Caroli II. Regis The Reverfe, a Trophy, and Sh ps engaged, with thefe words. Genus Asti- 
 • HUM. See Evclyn i Numifmtra. 
 
 4 Sir Ceorgr stn u^b was Vice-Admiral under him, and Sir Tborr.ai TyJdrr.Jn R-ar-Admiral Of ihe llhitt, Sir ht'iI am Penn was Admiral, Sir 
 ilulirr. Berkley Vice- Acmira!. and Sir Joy pa Jordan Rear-Admiral. And the Blue F.ag was carried by Sir 'lb.mu Alien, wi o e Flag-offiier. were. Sir 
 t .1 riflopber Mmrei, ar.d Sir John Harman. Burtbett, p. 39S. 
 
 t noi 
 
Book XXIII 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 Bring! tbe 
 Siip! from 
 JBerghcn. 
 
 SIcinne 
 
 | Defat of 
 re, Refubli 
 
 Bribytcrtzn 
 
 Ibt Bifop 
 of MunOer 
 fall, upon 
 toe Du ch. 
 Tejnplc’s 
 Lett. 
 
 J. Philips. 
 
 1b - Parti. 
 *1 Oxford. 
 
 'fee Kin 
 
 •V — ' 
 
 not by founding it himfelf all over very carefully, found 
 more ways to get out by different winds, than was thought 
 formerly practicable (1). So, the fleet at la ft failed out, 
 and appeared before Berghen , where the commiffioners gave 
 their orders for convoying the merchantmen which were 
 in that port. But it was not in their power to prevent a 
 ftorm, which dilperfed them, and threw twenty of them 
 into the hands of the Englijh ( 2). This ftorm obliged 
 Ruyter and the commiflioners to return to Holland, with 
 their fleet very much damaged. 
 
 In the mean time, the Plague raged dreadfully in London , 
 where it firft appeared about the "middle of May. It is 
 faid, that in lefs than a year, it fwept away, in that Angle 
 city, above a hundred thoufand perfons (3). The King 
 at firft retired to Harv.fion-Court, but afterwards, to be 
 farther from London , reiided at Salisbury. 
 
 It appears, that this year, the Republicans had projected 
 
 - an infurredtion, and were even encouraged by emillaries 
 from the States-General, who would have been glad to 
 employ the King at home in domeftick troubles. But 
 this was a bare projcdl, which ferved only to furnifh 
 the enemies of the Non-conformifls with an opportunity to 
 magnify the danger with which the Kingdom was threat- 
 
 - Red from the enemies of the Church in general, and to in¬ 
 clude, in that number, the Presbyterians, tho’ they were 
 
 not concerned in the republican Projefts. 
 
 It was not only again ft England that the States-Gene¬ 
 ral had to defend themfelves. Charles had raifed them 
 another enemy who had no lefs embarafled them. T his 
 was the famous Bernard Fan Ghalen Bifhop of Munjler , 
 who, upon very flight pretences, entred the Province of 
 Over-yffel at the head of an army paid by the Englijh. He 
 made himfelf mafter of a great many fmall places, and then 
 attempted to furprize Groningen , but was repulfed. At laft, 
 before the end of the campain, the King of France , and 
 the Dukes of Lunenburg having fent a powerful afliftance 
 to the States, the Bifhop was forced to rclinquifh his great 
 project.', and think of a peace, efpecially as the money 
 promifed by the King of England was not regularly 
 paid. a 1 
 
 i he Parliament, which had been prorogued to the 9th 
 of Oslo her, met on the day appointed, but at Oxford , on 
 account of the plague which ftifl raged in London , where- 
 , as it did not much infeft other parts of the Kingdom. In 
 his Speech to both Houfes, the King told them, the fupply 
 ot two millions five hundred thoufand pounds granted him 
 for carrying on the war, was already fpent. "He infilled 
 particularly on the great fums paid to the Bifhop o t Munjlcr, 
 lor making a diverlion in the bowelsof his enemies country, 
 though it appears in Sir IVilliam Temple's letters, that thefe 
 fums were never well paid. 
 
 After the King had done fpeaking, the Chancellor by his 
 order inlarged upon the fame fubjeft, to fignify to the 
 Commons, that they could not difpenfe with putting the 
 King in a condition to profecute a war fo glorious and 
 necellary. Then, he fpoke of the defign formed by the 
 Republicans, for the fubverfion of the Government. But, 
 in aggravating with great warmth and eloquence the ef¬ 
 forts and defigns of thefe men, betook particular care not 
 to diftinguifh them from the other fe&s of Non-confor- 
 mifts. It was a conftant artifice, as I have obferved, to 
 apply to the Presbyterians, under the genera] name of 
 Non-conformifts, all the a&ions and extravagances of the 
 Independents, Anabaptifts, and Republicans in general. 
 
 In a very few days, the Commons voted the King a 
 new fupply of twelve hundred and fifty thoufand pounds 
 to continue the war, and one hundred twenty thoufand 
 pounds to the Duke of York , for the great fervice he had 
 done to the nation. 
 
 After this, was brought into the Houfe a Bill, which 
 palled without any difficulty, namely, “ That no Non- 
 
 conformift 1 eacher under what denomination foever, 
 
 “ flla11 dwell, or come, unlefs upon the road, within five 
 “ miles of any Corporation, or any other place where 
 “ they had been Miriifters, or had preached, after the A 61 
 “ of Oblivion, unlefs they firft took the following oath.” 
 
 I do/wear that it is not lawful upon any pretence whatfo- 
 ever to take arms againjl the King ; and that I do abhor the 
 traitorous pofition of taking arms by his authority againjl his 
 perfn, or againjl thofe that are commifftoncd by him , in pur- 
 J'uance of fuch Commijfions ; and that I will not at any time 
 endeavour any alteration of Government either in Church or 
 State (4). ' 
 
 The reafon aljedged in the A£t to juftify this feverity 
 was, that the Minifters had fettled themfelves in the Cor¬ 
 porations, fometimes three or four in a place, and took op- 
 
 64.I 
 
 portunities to jnftil into the minds of the fubjeas, thefe sCGe 
 poj fonous principles of fchifm and rebellion, to the great 
 danger of the Church and Kingdom. 
 
 This Bill met with great oppofition in the Houfe of 
 Lords, even from the Earl of Southampton Lord Treafurcr, uf L /eia Z ai ^ 
 though intimate friend of the Earl of Clarendon ., principal R 1Irnft . 
 author of the perfection againft the Non-conformifts (5). Echa,.*. 
 Indeed, the oath required to be taken by the Non-con¬ 
 forming Minifters fuppofed a thing, which was not gene¬ 
 rally allowed, namely, that every good Subjea and goud 
 Chriftian, was obliged in confidence to believe what was 
 contained in this oath, otherwife it was abfurd to impole 
 it on the Minifters. For there is a great difference be¬ 
 tween injoying a certain prattice, and obliging part of the 
 Subjeas to fwear that they believe it founded in Religion 
 and Confidence, while (he ref are left free, either to be¬ 
 lieve or not believe it. Accordingly, the Commons, be¬ 
 ing aware of the force of fo preihng an obje6tion, pre¬ 
 pared a Bill to oblige all the fubjeas to take the fame oath. 
 
 But the Bill was thrown out, though only by two or three 
 voices. At laft, notwithfhnding thefe difficulties, the Aa, 
 called the Five-mile-Ait, pa(Ted in 1 he Houfe of Lords, 
 and the King gave it the royal Afient the 51ft of Ostobcr 
 as weii as to the Money-Bill and fome others, after which J ’ "‘ : r ’ 
 he prorogued the Parliament to the 20th of February 
 1 665-6. w rd . 
 
 Several Writers have endeavoured to juftify the rigour of R ea p„, a l 
 the P ive-nnle-Aa, and what they have faid amounts to MrW 
 T,1at th, "s rigour was occafioned more by the ,he 
 feditious behaviour of the Non-conformifts, than by the Aa'.""* 
 exercife of their Religion. In which aflertion the ambi- W- p- 150. 
 gu'ty of the word Non-conformift is Hill retained, as if all 
 
 cotland. 
 
 J. Phiilij 
 
 guity of the word Non-confo^ui reiameo, as it 
 the SeHs included under that denomination formed but 
 one and the fame Body, united by the fame common 
 dean res and intcrefts, which is notoriouflv falle. The 
 Presoyterians alone were confiderably more numerous than 
 all the other Non-conformifts together, and had doarines 
 and mterefts ready feparate from thofe of the other Se6L 
 They could not be, nor were they, accufed of being in- 
 gaged in the confpiracies, real or p-c-tendcd, of the Inde¬ 
 pendents and Anabaptifts fince the King’s reftoration, who 
 had even pofitively promifed, they Ihould not be molefted 
 for their Religion, after the great fervice they had done 
 him. And yet, becaufe their enemies had artfully included 
 them in the general denomination of Non-conformifts tliev 
 werc to partake of the punifhment due to the other Sea-' 
 who were called by the fame name, though they had n 6 
 fort of union with them. Wherefore, the Reader may 
 judge, whether this fe'/erily did not partly arife from their 
 rejig,on. In fhort, by the foie ambiguity of the word 
 Non-conformift, the objeaions and juft complaints of the 
 1 resbyterians are pretended to be combated. 
 
 This fame year, the Council of Scotland ihowed no lefs To 
 ammohty agamfl: the Presbyterians. On pretence of fom- s "", 
 mtolence committed by Alexander Smith, a private Miniller, 
 a Proclamation was publifhcd the 24th of December , order- 
 mg that all the filenced Presbyterian Minifters ftiould ■: 
 within forty days, remove thcm'elves and their families 
 from tile places where they had been Minifters, and not 
 reftde withm twenty miles of the fame, or within hx 
 miles of Edinburgh, or any Cathedral Church, nor with 
 in tluee miles 01 any royal Borough, nor fhould be more 
 than two together in the fame parilli, on pain of incur- 
 ring the penalhes of the Law againft movers of Lditio-i 
 i own, I fee no other difference between fenteitcinv men 
 to death, and putting them out of a capacity to live, un- 
 lefs, that the latter punifllment offers thofe who inflict it 
 a more exqaiftte vengeance. But this rigour will appear 
 the more extreme, if it is conftdered that the Presbyterians 
 made properly the body of the Scotch nation (6) 
 
 In the beginning of the year /666, the King's affairs 
 were in an ill fttuation. The King of France, preffed by I 66 ' - ' 
 the repeated mftances of the States-General, recallej his Am "Tit 
 baffadors, and publifhcd the 19th of January a declaration -. -f 
 
 ''T ag i u . lft This was not owing to his belief 
 
 that the affairs of the States were defperare, (lor the fennel T,L' -. " 
 mowed they could defend themfelves without his affiftance) r - 
 but becaufe the Penfionary, who was entirely attached to “ J ' p ' 
 his intereft, could no longer fupport himfelf without this 
 declaration, which, as will hereafter appear, was not verv 
 prejudicial to England. 
 
 On the other hand, the States found means to fecure m, c 
 the King of Denmark , by the promife of paying him year- 
 ly, as long as the war with England fhould continue' lif P™ «”•* 
 teen hundred thoufand Florins, three hundred thoufand of 
 which were to be paid by the King of France For tins 
 
 $ Eft&SSSgSStSS: » u, *. 
 
 (6) This yfcnr died Mntague Btrtit Earl of Lindpy, and Sir Ke dm Dg’- 9 
 
 No. LXXVI. Vol, II, ' ‘ z 
 
Toe HISiO RT of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. 
 
 i to m.n 
 
 ■v.n a Reet at Tea of thirty men of war 
 
 tor the lervice ot the a lies. . 
 
 ft,. ij.;i '[•; » y;,,-r S a’!.) railed lo many enemies to the bun op 
 
 : • i v ', 
 
 . . was concl l it l 
 
 £;jtu, firmed the iSth of April. 
 
 The naval war was renewed in 1666, with all the e 
 . dvanca cs to l ' I King ol Franc, 1 ilafled 
 
 « h the fincerit >1 01 h ti y h : reaion to 
 
 c l, ven n the j $ fleet would not have ven- 
 
 ’ turn! to appear with ui ... : h= “ n , lted f' ts 
 
 h B t Lru ... as I I a»e fiud, 
 
 infl i ' to fate Mr. D IVit, 
 whoi juftl . t, as appeal n er let ers of Count 
 d' r ’hades. The Pen;ionary being fecure by this declarati- 
 ";r - u -o not difficult for the King of France to find pre- 
 t .. ice , fin- retarding the afliftance he had promifed the States. 
 
 1 
 
 fl i tl the States, 
 
 s in the : m w, un :r the c >mmand of the 
 
 Duke of Beaufort, who, by accidents, real or pretended, 
 arrived not at ' Belle -1 fie till the end of September. 
 
 On the other hand, the King of Denmark without a 
 ; , n lion of hi fleet with that of the States, contented him- 
 f c ]j- w i c h guarding his own coafts. So, this year, as the 
 "lad, the wr. by lea was carried on between England and 
 the States only. _ , , _ . r , 
 
 ;r„ p r ._ The King returning to London the ill of February, 
 djor.tda- p r0C l a i m ed war again ft France , [on the roth.J 
 
 A few days before, the Queen mifearried, which entirc- 
 „ deftroyed the common report that file was incapable of 
 Kfcorr,,,. j> av ; n g children. . . 
 
 The command of the Erf if fleet was given to Prince 
 the D ke 1 l . ). ' ; 
 
 vuitr/Ai- lt jf- c ;- ( j of April, but were not ready to fail till the 
 l .'Z'.. ,r „ C /,r. end of May. It con lifted of fever, tv-cight fhips of the 
 eJ: ih* If. line, befides'frigats and fircfhips. In all appearance, the 
 I : t of the 
 
 yt! 1 '™,' intention?. But he knew, the Duke of Beaufirt had or- 
 R ,V.' ders to repair to Belle-Ip with his fleet, laid to confift of 
 thirty-fix fail, to join the Dutch fleet in the Channel. 
 TV'.-R-i- Wherefore, he fent express orders to Frince Rupert to fail 
 ?•••’ >:>■ y w i t h twenty great (hips, and join ten more at Plymouth, 
 fl, jl ;' ill order to go in quell of the Duke of Beaufort , which 
 
 llot • • the Prince immediately obeyed. It cannot well be denied, 
 
 . • pr< tation, and 
 
 c without due confideration. For, beiidcs, that the Englijh 
 
 f.r. t couiJ, without danger, h..ve waited for the French, 
 ventured 
 
 narrow a fea as the Channel, while the Englijh fhould be 
 in their flatten, the French fleet was yet in the Medi¬ 
 terranean , when the order was fent to Prince Rupee;, 
 and that of Holland upon the point of failing nut of their 
 poits. The King had afterwards reafon to fee how un- 
 feafonably this order was given. 
 
 A The fleet of the States commanded by Ruyter, put to 
 f ca with feventy-one fhips of the line, twelve frigats, 
 H,(LdT lle ’ thirteen fire-fhips, and eight yatchs, and anchored between 
 H ,’j,ndf. Xcup or t and Dunkirk. Ruyter haJ under lii? particular 
 conduct the fquadron of the Ain eye : That of North 
 Holland and FtujRaud was commanded by Evcrfz.cn, and 
 that of Zealand by Tramp, The Englijh having a fail- 
 wind, failed to attack the enemy, who, on their iide, cut 
 their cables to be the fooner ready to receive them. Tramp's 
 imp was fo difabled at the firil, that he was obliged to 
 leave it for another. The fame thing happened to Ruyter, 
 who v..-; • coming to his a ft i fiance, and the powder of a 
 Dutch fhip taking fire, flic blew up into the air. Ruyter 
 funk an Englijh Ship of fifty guns, then another of feventy, 
 and afterwards three others of the firft rate. In fhort, 
 this firlt day, the advantage was wholly on the fide ol the 
 Dutch, except that they loft Vice-Admiral Evcrfz.cn , who 
 was killed by a cannon-ball. 
 
 I'he fwhr, interrupted by the night, was renewed early 
 the next morning, but after lading fume hours, was dil- 
 conrinued till noon by leafon of a calm. After that, the 
 v i.id riling, both fleets renewed the engagement with 
 t rial braver v. Troup being once more obliged to change 
 hi:; fhip, found himfelf fo in gaged in the Englijh fleet, that 
 he would have been infallibly taken or funk, if Ruyter, 
 bj prodi ious efror: . had not brought him oft'. This fe¬ 
 cund Tv, the Englijh had ftill the difadvantage, by lofing 
 eight of t. .: !. eft fhips either funk or burnt, and fix 
 • «•••;-£■ J:;c:n[h Admiral of the White. 
 
 Echird. 
 
 The Duke of Albemarle would have taken the advantage 1666. 
 of the night to retire, but was purfued too clofelv to e.\e- 
 cu'.e his'defign. So that he was obliged to fight all the Burnet, 
 next dav, as"he retired towards his own fnore. About the P- ’- 9 * 
 
 ■V1 prince j ■ - ' 
 
 his a Alliance. Whereupon the two Englijh Admirals at¬ 
 tacked their enemies again the next morning. But this 
 fourth day proved as unfuccefsful to them as the three for- 
 
 mer . 1 , ej 1 ft ; >ur ol - 1 bliged 
 
 to retreat with precipitation. A null liapp.’lv conveyed 
 thei 
 
 loft twenty-three great fhips, beia.es feverai others of f 
 lef s no ;e, fix thoufand men, and two thoufand fix hu i e< u NeuvitS 
 prifoners. Amongft the (lain were Sir William Berkley 
 Vice-Admiral of the White fquadron, and Sir Chri r 
 Mimes. The Dutch loft fix fhips, two thoufand eight 
 hundred foldiers, and fourlcore Tailors, hefides the Admi¬ 
 rals Ee crlz.cn, i under Hulfl, and Sisckhver, with lo: :c 
 other officers. Though the viclory was fo evidently on the Barnet, 
 fide of the Dutch, bonfires and rej yen :; v.ere made at 
 London, as if the Englijh had been conquerors (2). 
 
 The two fleets foon put to fea again, and as they were .-t-v- Ft. 
 in queft of each other, they met the 2+th of July, and 
 fought a furious battle, where the victory was oblli.lately v c , 
 difputcd. The Englijh fleet con filled of above a hundred 
 the 7 ■ 
 
 fidcs nineteen fircfhips. While Ruyter, and young 
 
 7, it red the l and white 
 
 long dii'pute routed the blue fquadron, commanded In Sir 
 Jeremy Smith. But by an unpardonable error, inftcad o sy 
 remaining with the fleet, he arrnded himLll with puriuing i....,;,. 
 the flving fliips of the enemy. On the other 1 and, young 
 Evertzen, who commanded cue of the Dutch fquad:n»s, 
 was killed v/ith a cannon-ball, and his fqua'iion entirely 
 defeated. But the Englijh Admiral who fought againil 
 him, was n f the i ' 
 
 of purfuing the flying enemy, he joined the red Iquadron, 
 commanded bv Prince Rupert, and the Duke ol .tlben.a: /.', 
 and thcl'e twoVquadrons attacked Ruyter, who neverthcltls, 
 by means of the night, difengaged himfejf. But the next 
 day, he was obliged to fuftain the fight alone 
 two fquadrons, tiiere being no news of Tramp. 
 
 ainft thefe 
 He never 
 
 in his whole life fhowed fo much bravery and capacity as t ,nu 
 in this fccond engagement. He fuftained, with his Angle 
 fquadron, the brum of the two Er gills fquadrons, and at 
 la't retreated with fuch wonderful conduit, that he gained 
 more honour by it than he would have done by a victory. 
 
 The Englijh leaving the chace in fight of Fhjhing, went 
 after Troup, who, though he was met off Harwich, re¬ 
 covered (lie Tex:l without any lofs. Ruyter at his return, T,orr f 
 loudly complained o! Tramp’s conduct, and, to fatisfy him ... 
 the States put Tramp under an arreft, difmihed him from Biin&ge. 
 his poll, and put fan Ghent in his place (3). 
 
 About the time of thefe engagements between the En- 
 glijh and Dutch, the Duke of Uc.iuprt arrived with hisJ/^elSl 
 fleet at Rochelle , where he ftaied to take in frefn water, 
 which he greatly wanted. I 
 
 As in the hit engagement the Dutch fleet was difperfed, j 
 
 Duke ,. rt ut >Qn 
 
 xc/m 
 
 part retiring to Flujhing, and part to the fee el, the 
 
 taicen, with 
 
 of Albemarle finding himfelf mailer of the lea, _ detached Holh,.d 
 twenty men of war to brave the coafts of H Han i HR is , „ ' 
 
 coming to the Ifle of 11 'ye, burnt a hundred merchant Ihips, D„,ci 
 and two men of war defigned for convoys. Then he ad - B^ge. 
 vanced to the Ifle o {Schilling, and making adefeent, burnt ’ Ei; | 1Jrd> 
 many houfes in the little town of Brand,iris. Hi dehgn K-n-.or. 
 was to improve a treafon carrying on in this Ifle by one i>- 
 Hemskirk , for which Buat a French Gentleman, who fe- 
 cretiy correfponded with the Englijh, was beheaued at the 
 Hague. But Holms not finding things ready as he ex¬ 
 pected, returned to the fleet. 
 
 After this expedition, the Englijh fleet fiTed into the tr. En»iifh , 
 Channel, and anchored at St. He liens ; the l lie o \ Jl'lg • 
 
 being the mod proper ftation for hindering the junction ol w ^ f 
 the French and Dutch fleets. Ruyter on his fide polled 
 himfelf in St. John’s bay, rear Boulogne, where he was 
 feized by a diftemper, which for fome time w s bclicvi . 
 mortal. This obliged the States to recall their fleet, of: ' ’ 
 which they gave notice to the King of France. ... ur . / 
 
 Mean time, the Duke of Beaufort, ignorant of the re > 
 
 treat of the Dutch fleet, left BiRe-Ip, where he ariivcd 'Iff ' n ,- to f 
 about the ecth of September, and entering the Channel, b<», r.,- : 
 fafely failed by the Ifle of Wight, without b att ked, 
 
 1 got into I He ftaid tl 
 
 hearing any news of Ruyter. Ac lull, being in! rmco, 
 
 
 n<i Sir Tbcftai Allen of ihe B!.: ■ 
 
 who 
 
 ■d T m. 3. p. 1 <9. 
 
 ..ccc’fmn, wh ch did incredible t ■ iu-<i 
 
 i:iag the advantage. Ana It is thui^lit. if V: nee Rupert had not come up when h: -id, tj f' 
 (cn and funk, it burnt. And y« t o.y of Thinkff-vi.-s ».t appotnU.I- Bury. P - -o l .w-, 
 
 A, it: Eig- .1 
 of the -, h * 
 
 h KI V C E-inige. ■ 
 
 
 b loll above 
 v Dutch Ships funk cr burnt i.i this Eni-' 
 
 nty i 
 
 : Cspuinj, and jfauve live thuui i.id c.'i 
 four theufatd StJmsn killed, ittd near 
 

 Book XXIII. 
 
 26. C II A RLES II. 
 
 643 
 
 1666. that the Dutch fleet was retired, he Tailed once more by the fome circumftance in his narrative, not agreeable to the 1666. 
 I fie of lright, without meeting with any oppofition, and fa£t, fince it was not thought proper to make a farther en- 
 got into the Ports of Bretagne. It is very furprifmg, that q.iiry. Perhaps this was only a grouridlefs report, 
 the Enghjb , who lay ;,t the Ifie of Wight to prevent the But that which gives moft caufe to believe 'his 
 
 junction of the two enemies fleets, fhould fuller that of 
 France to pafs and repafs without moleftation (1). This 
 may give occalion to fufpetft, there was fome intelligence 
 between France and England. But as I can’t trace it, I 
 " ot u P° n ' c ^ llC P Iain, y appears, the King of 
 >- xiv. ^ Frame, after having amufed the Dutch a whole year on 
 
 im .<• divers pretences, did not really declare againft England till 
 
 DEfludcs. the 19th of 'January 1665-6, and flill amufed them all this 
 year, wiih hopes of the arrival of the Duke of Bcaufjrt, 
 who entered the Channel but in September , when the Sea- 
 campain was over. If to this be added, Lewis’s unwilling- 
 nefs to fuccour the States, as appears in his letter to d’ Ef- 
 tuid.es, there will be no caufe to wonder at the little ad¬ 
 vantage received by the Dutch from the juntftion of France. 
 p,ojrn 10 This year, the States had intended to affift the male- 
 txci'uru contents in England and Scotland, in order to give the En- 
 bt.n ’1 Eng- gijt } arms a thverlion at home. This defign was even 
 L«,ii(w. communicated to the King of France. But he found fo 
 F.rha.a _ many objections to it, that it was fuffered to fall unexecuted. 
 h drotfe • p-, .loftily, the Slates had fome correfpondents among the 
 Republicans, who being partly difeovered, a great noife was 
 made, and, according to cuftom, all the Non-conformifts 
 were charged with, the plot. 
 
 Lor don The misfortune which this year befel the city of Lon- 
 (In, I mean the terrible fire which laid fo great apart of that 
 to v ‘ 1 ^ c,t y in afhes, gave a frefh occafinn to the enemies of 
 the Republicans, to charge them with being the authors 
 thereof. This was only becaufe the fire, happened to break 
 out the 3d of September (2), a day efteemed fortunate by 
 the Republicans, on account of the victories of Dunbar and 
 Worcejler, obtained by Oliver Cromwell , when General of 
 the armies of the Commonwealth of England. To repre- 
 fent without any aggravation, the ravages made by this fire 
 in London, I need only infert the Infcription upon one of 
 the fides of the column, eroded on the place where the fire 
 broke out. This column at London , is called the Monument , 
 and vifited by nil ftrangers, but they only who underftand 
 the Englijh language, can read this Infcription (3). 
 fpjt'ipti.-n Ln the year of Cbrjl 1666, the fccond day of September, 
 b/>M toe a.o- gt the dijlancc of 202 Foot (the height of this Column) a 
 terrible Fire broke out about midnight , which , driven on by a 
 high wind, not only ivafled the adjacent Parts, but alfo very 
 remote Place r, 'with incredible Jiofe and fury. It confumed 
 eighty-nine Churches, the City-gates, Guild-hall, many pub- 
 ii'.k Structures, Hofpitals, Schools , Libraries-, a vaft number 
 °.t flatly Edifices, thirteen theufand two hundred dwelling 
 Houfes, four hundred Streets. Of the fix and twenty Wards 
 it utterly dejlroyc.i fifteen, and left eight others Jhattercd and 
 half burnt. I he ruins of the City were four hundred thirty - 
 
 fix Acres, from the Enver by the Thames fide, to the Tem¬ 
 pi;: Church, and from the North-Enjl Gate, along the City- 
 Wall to Holborn-bridge. To the EJlatcs and"Fortunes of 
 the Citizens, it was mercilef, but to their Lives very favo¬ 
 rable, that it might in alt things refcmble the lajl Conflagra¬ 
 tion oj the World. 1 he deflruflion was fludden, for in a 
 Jinail Jpace cf time the fame City zuas fleen mojl flour ijhing, 
 a nil reduced to nothing. Three days after, when this fatal 
 Fire had baffle.! all human Courfels and Endeavours in the 
 Of u:.on cf a,., it flopped, as it were, by a Command from 
 Heaven, and was on every fide extinguijhcd. 
 
 Cv-{?urrt Men laded nut to give a fcope to their imagination, and 
 •• ■ to form conjet upon the caafes and authofs of this fire. 
 
 Uptyjton The pious and religious al'cribed it to the juft vengeance of 
 Echaid. Heaven, on a city, where vice and immorality jeigned fo 
 k. Cuke, openly and fhamcfullv, and which had not been fufficiently 
 humbled by the raging Peftilence of the foregoing year. 
 Some again, as I have faid, aferibed this misfortune to the 
 malice of the Republicans ; others to the Papifts. And 
 there were lame fo bold, as even to fufpeCt the King and 
 the Duke of 2 or/:. Bu - , though feveral fufpeded perfons 
 "'ere iinprifonrd, it was not poinble to dilcover, or prove, 
 that the bakers houfe, wh.’re this dreadful calamity firft 
 broke out, was fired on pu.-pofe. However, [one Robert 
 Hubert J a Fra eh Huguenot (4), native of Roan , and a lu- 
 . hatick, confefling himfelf guilty of this faCt, was condemn¬ 
 ed and executed. But it appeared afterwards, by the tefti- 
 nior.y of the matter of the ftiip, who brought him from 
 France, that though lie was landed at the time, he did not 
 arrive in Lortdo:: nil two days after the fire began. It is 
 pretenced likev. il.', that a Dutch bov, ten years of age, 
 conrefied, that his C;l.er, and himfelf, had thrown fire¬ 
 ball; mtn the Baker’s houfe, through a window that Rood 
 open. But beiuies the objection which may be made to 
 tins tefliruony from the boy's age, there mutt: have been 
 
 not happen cafually, is, the teftimony of Dr. Lloyd, after¬ 
 wards Bifhop of Worcijlir. That Prelate told Dr. Burnet, E tr °S 
 
 -That one Grant a Papitt had fome time before ap- f ron ! * 
 
 “ Pbed himfelf to Lloyd , who had great credit with the "tUtfogu 
 <{ Countefs of Clarendon, (who had a large ettate in the tb:s F "‘- 
 “ new river that is brought from Ware to London ) and p ' z ^ u 
 “ f ;ii d, he could raife that ettate confiderably, if fhe would 
 “ make him a truftee for her. His fchemes were probable, 
 
 “ and he was made one of the board that governed that 
 “ matter ; and by that he had a right to come as oft as he 
 “ pleafed to view their works at Iflington. He went thi- 
 “ ther the Saturday before the fire broke out, and called 
 “ for the key of the place where the heads of the pipes 
 “ were, and turned all the cocks that were then open, and 
 “ flopped the water, and went away, and carried the keys 
 “ with him. So when the fire broke out next morning, 
 
 “ tlie y opened the pipes in the ftrects to find water, but 
 ** there was none. And fome hours were loft: in fending 
 “ to Iflington, where the door was to be broke open, and 
 <c the cocks turned ; and it was long before the water got 
 “ to London. Grant indeed denied, that he had turned 
 “ the cocks. But the officer of the works affirmed, that 
 “ he had, according to Older, fet them all a running, 
 
 ‘ c and that no perfon had got the keys from him befides 
 “ Grant ; who confelTed, he had carried aw2y the keys, 
 
 “ but pretended he did it without defign.” 
 
 T his is Dr. Burnet’s, account, and agrees in the main 
 with Echard’s in his Hflory cf England. However, an 
 anonymous Author who has writ againft DoCtor Burnet’s 
 Hittory, accufes him direCtly of falfehood, and afierts that 
 Grant was not one of the board till after the fire. But it 
 is difficult to know what regard is due to the teftimony of 
 this anonymous writer, whereas one can hardly help credi¬ 
 ting this illuftrious Prelate, when he fays, he had it from 
 Doctor Lloyd, that Grant was made one of this board be¬ 
 fore the fire, and that it was by his means. However, this 
 great fire was generally imputed to the Papills, and the 
 more, becaufe feveral other tilings afterwards help’d to con¬ 
 firm this fufpicion. 
 
 .The Parliament meeting the 21ft cf September, the The King's 
 King in a Speech to both houfes, told them, the money Spuebto th, 
 granted him had not fuffic’d to carry on the war, confider- 
 ing his two powerful enemies. He boafted of the great C£Ur ' 
 fuccefs with which God had been pleafed to blefs his arms, 
 fuppofing his fleet to have been always vi&oriou's. Imrae- Ahrgefup- 
 diatcly after, the Commons liberally voied the King z ' l " ud 
 l'upply of eighteen hundred rhoufand pounds. Thus in ‘ b ‘ K ' ni ' 
 the /pace of two years, this war coft the People of England 
 five millions, five hundred and fifty thoufand pounds; 
 that is, above fixty millions of Dutch florins, and above 
 feventy-two millions of French livres, allowing thirteen 
 Livres-Taurnois to one pound Sterling. 
 
 Mean while, the two Houfes beginning to difeover, that qhtpdrtia. 
 the King was not the zealous Proteftant he affefled to -<• od 
 appear; that the Papifts had great influence in his Council, d jf f ie 4 
 and that their Religion made a vifible progrefs, prefenied p'apipf“‘^ 
 to him an Addrefs for executing the laws againft Popifh Echlrd'. 
 Priefts and Jefuits, who were labouring to pervert his lll> p-l69 ’ 
 Subjedfs. The King according to the method of his Fa- p,o C lam a - 
 ther, Grandfather, and his own, immediately publifhed a tlrn " 
 Proclamation for banifliing the Priefts and Jefuits, on pain &c * 
 
 of being punifli’d according to Law, if found in the King- lbid.°’ 
 dom after the 1 otli of December. So baniftiment was the 
 worft could happen to them, even fuppofing the King’s 
 order fhould have been executed. But the more rigorous 
 the Proclamations were, the more favorable was the exe¬ 
 cution. This manifeftly appears in their being fo often 
 repeated. But to give a more convincing proof of the 
 Court’s difpofition in this refpeeft, I fhail here produce a paf- 
 fage in a Letter to the Earl of Sandwich, Ambaftador at Ma¬ 
 drid, from Secretary Bennet, lately created Earl of Arling¬ 
 ton, a reputed Papift, though he profeli'ed the Proteftant- 
 Religion. In this letter he told the Ambafiador, Tour Ex¬ 
 cellency knows fufficiently the Springs upon which the animo- 
 flty to the Roman-Catholicks rifes, end bow hard it is for 
 his Majefly^ to forbear declaring agdinjl them, when the com¬ 
 plaint arifes from both Houfes of Parliament, and accord¬ 
 ingly you can your felf frame your anfwer to the Jjhieen of 
 Spain. 
 
 The rigor exercifed againft the Presbyterians in Scotland, ^ 
 caufed fome of the moft impatient to rife inarms to th crteiimin" 
 number of fifteen hundred, anft form a regular Bodv, ScoiUndj 
 with officers in proportion to head them. Probably, they Kaiu-V 
 hoped, if they lhoulJ gain fome advantage to be join’d by 
 
 Krtr. b Slips fell among a Scj'hdron commanded by S.‘r Tbomjs 
 
 s, rxc-pt that round liie Pedeflal, arc in T.aiin. 
 d 'unit others., lay, Tim he war a Hcncb Papift, p, ajb, 
 
 
 Aden, who took one of them. IJm. p. 163. 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 644. 
 
 The HISTORY t/ ENGLAND, 
 
 1666. 
 
 1 audit d. 
 
 Englilh 
 
 Prcibytcr 
 
 Echard, 
 
 l'*- P- >7°' 
 
 Mejfjgi font 
 /■omtLrKmg 
 to the Com- 
 
 f"V’' r r ‘~ 
 
 London. 
 
 their Brethren. But in their firft atftion with the King’s 
 forces, they were difperfed with the lofs of three hundred 
 men, and one hundred prifoners, who were molt of them 
 executed. It was not forgot to fay that they held intel¬ 
 ligence with the Englljh Presbyterians, and, if they had 
 gain’d the victory, the like infurre&ion would have ap¬ 
 pear’d in England. But it may eafily be judg’d, that the 
 Presbyterians in England would not have been fpar’d, if 
 they could have been proved guilty, confidering how the 
 Government flood afte&ed towards them. Inconfiderable 
 as this infurreiflion was, the Englljh Hiftorians have been 
 pleafed to reprefent it as very important, in faying, the 
 nation was fuddenly alarmed with an infurre&ion of the 
 Presbyterians in Scotland, with whom it was not doubted 
 thofe of England held a ftritfl correfpondence. Thefe Au¬ 
 thors are to be forgiven for not being willing to mifs the 
 firft opportunity to include the Englljh Presbyterians in 
 thefe con (piracies, though it be only on the authority of a 
 ’His believed. 
 
 The King was impatient for the difpatch of the Money- 
 Bill, of which it feemed the Commons took no farther 
 notice. He therefore thought it neceflary to quicken 
 them by a mellage. He likcwife told them, he could not 
 permit any adjourment at Chrijlmas, except for the princi¬ 
 pal Holidays. But this meflage it feems, produced no 
 great effect. The Commons were then examining com¬ 
 plaints againft the Lord Mordant Governor of Windfor 
 Caflle, who was accufed of fome arbitrary and tyrannical 
 actions. But neither this affair, nor the money-bill could 
 be finifhed before the concluffon of the year. 
 
 The Parliament met the zd of January , after a fhort ad¬ 
 journment, and immediately the Commons accufed the Lord 
 Mordant , at the bar of the Lords Houfe, and then pre¬ 
 ferred articles of high crimes and mifdemeanors againft him. 
 But they were difpleafed, that the accufed was fuffered to 
 be within the bar of the Houfe, whilft his accufation was 
 reading. This occafioned a difpute between the two 
 Houfcs. There was alfo another difference between them, 
 concerning the Commiflioners appointed by the Commons 
 to levy the Poll-tax, and to take the publick accounts on 
 oath. This was the fubje£t of feveral fruitlefs conferen¬ 
 ces (1). 
 
 The King came to the Parliament the 1 8th of January , 
 and gave the royal aflent to the Poll-bill, but complained of 
 the nomination of Commiffioners, as a mark of their dif- 
 truft of him (2). 
 
 The mifunderftanding between the two Houfes ftill con¬ 
 tinuing, the King came to the Parliament the 8th of Fe¬ 
 bruary , and after palling feveral Ads, he allured them, the 
 money granted fhould be laid out for the ends it was given. 
 Then he prorogued the Parliament to the 10th of Oflober. 
 The Ads paired were; an Ad to continue for eleven 
 months, tire monthly afleflment of feventy thoufand pounds, 
 which, with the Poll-tax, was conceived fufficient to make 
 good the eighteen hundred thoufand pounds, granted to the 
 King. The other Ads concerned chiefly the new buildings 
 in London, which were finifhed fooner than could be ex- 
 peded, and in a manner more beautiful and regular than 
 before the fire (3). 
 
 It is now time to fpeak of the Peace between England 
 and Holland , which was now, though very fecretly, nego¬ 
 tiating, at the time the Parliament granted eighteen hun¬ 
 dred thoufand pounds for carrying on the war. In Novem¬ 
 ber 1 665, before the King of France had declared againft 
 England, the States, for a foundation of peace, had offered 
 the King one of thefe two conditions, either that each of 
 the parties fhould reftore what had been taken, or both keep 
 what they were poff'effed of. This was a fure way to ob¬ 
 viate all difficulties which might occur in the negotiation 
 of peace. Befides, the laft of thefe conditions was very 
 advantagious to England, by reafon of the great number of 
 fhips taken from the Dutch before even the war was pro* 
 claimed. T his offer was renewed at Paris about the mid¬ 
 dle of the year 1666, in a conference there between Mr. 
 de Lionne, the Lord Holies the Englijh Ambaflador, and 
 Mr. Fan Beumnghen Envoy from the States. Probably, 
 Charles expected greater advantages in the continuance of 
 the war, fince he returned no anfwer to this offer. He 
 only complained of its obfeurity, without fignifying where¬ 
 in it conlifted. Neverthelefs, he received this advantage 
 from ir, that he knew how the States were difpofed, and 
 what he could depend on : fo that it was in his power to 
 make peace whenever he fhould think proper. The 1 7th 
 of September the fame year the States repeated the fame 
 offer in a letter to the King. But as this was when the 
 
 Parliament was going to fit, and when the King expe&ed 1666-7. , i 
 a large fupply for carrying on the war, he did not think 
 fit to embrace it. He contented himfelf with fignifying to 
 the States, in a letter of the 4th of 0 Holer, his diff'atif- 
 f-icliun at their proceedings, and at the calumnies they had 
 raifed againft him, in accuiing him of being the aggreflbr, 
 and rejecting all propofals fur peace. Thpn he largely 
 juftified himfelf upon what had been alledged bv the States 
 againft him. But the molt important part of this letter 
 was, the King’s pofitive aflurance that he had accepted the 
 mediation of Sweden. A place therefore to treat was to 
 be agreed on. The choice of this place afforded the Kino- 
 a pretence to defer the negotiation fome months'. He was 
 at firft for having the peace negotiated at London, to which 
 the States would ha\e readily confented, if the Kings of 
 France and Denmark had believed it confiftent with thei/ 
 honour. Upon the reprefentation made by the States, con¬ 
 cerning the refufal of the two Kings their allies, he an- 
 fwered, that he had no affair to negotiate with France , and 
 complained of the King of Denmark for making war againft 
 him without any reafon. He was fo offended with that 
 King, that he made no fcruple to tell the States, it was 
 at the inftigation of Denmark, that he fent his fleet 10 
 Berghen , and agreed with him to divide the fpoil. At laft, 
 the States left the nomination of the place to him, pro¬ 
 vided it was approved by their allies. The King accepted 
 the offer, but infifted that the States fhould firft write to 
 him, to teftify that they would willingly have fent their 
 Plenipotentiaries to London, if the two Kings their allies 
 would have given their conient. This letter was writ, as 
 he defired, the 13th of January 1666-7, and the Kinc, in 
 his anfwer of the 20th, named the Hague for the place of 
 conference. He knew, the Penfionary would not accept 
 it, on account of the cabals which the Englljh AmbafiaJo'is 
 might make againft him in favour of the young Prince of 
 Orange. Accordingly De IFit privately caufed the King 
 of France to reje£t the propofal. 
 
 All the King’s proceedings clearly fhow, he was defirous 
 of peace, and, as it was in his power, he might have con¬ 
 cluded it before the end of the year 1666. But too much 
 hafte would have deprived him of the eighteen hundred 
 thoufand pounds granted for the continuance of the war. 
 
 This was the true reafon of the difficulties raifed by him 
 concerning the place of congrefs, in order to gain time till 
 the Money-Bill was pafled. After he had given his af- 
 fent to the laft Bill for the continuation of the month¬ 
 ly afieflment of feventy thoufand pounds, all difficulties be¬ 
 gan to vanifh. Seven or eight days after, the Earl of St. 
 
 Albans was fent to Paris to notify to the King of France, 
 
 that Charles confented that things fhould remain in tiie 
 
 State to which the chance of war had reduced them. He R . Cof . e * 
 
 added however one condition, namely, that France fhould 
 
 reftore to him the Ifle of St. Chrijlophers, and three other 
 
 fmall Iflands in America, feized by that crown the laft 
 
 year. But this was a thing proper to be difculled at the 
 
 Congrefs, whereas the choice of the alternative made the 
 
 eflence of the treaty with the States. So, it may be faid, 
 
 that from this time the peace was in a manner concluded ; 
 
 nothing being wanted but the formality of a treaty. 
 
 Mean while, the King of France, to ferve Mr. Dr Wit, Yxh ' 
 in preventing the King of England from infilling upon 1U ' p ‘ 15 '' 
 his nomination of the Hague, for the place of conlerence 
 thought of an expedient in which he fucceeded. This 
 was to name Dover for the place of Congrefs. And when 
 it was obje&ed to, he added Breda, Bois-le-duc , and Mafi- 
 richt , leaving to the King of England the choice of one of 
 thefe four towns. At laft, Charles having no longer in- 
 tereft to delay the Peace, writ to the States the 18th of 
 March , that he was willing to fend his Plenipotentiaries to 
 Breda. 
 
 The Difficulty concerning the place of Congrefs being if,c- I 
 removed, the next thing was to appoint Ambafladors and Peace 
 difpatch the pafs-ports. And it was agreed the conferences , 
 for the peace fhould begin the 1 oth of A/ay. But the Eng- [ 
 lljb Plenipotentiaries arrived not at Breda till the 20th. r 
 Thefe were the Lord Holies, and Mr. Henry Coventry (,|). M 
 From France came Count d'Ejlrades, and Mr. Court in ; 
 from Denmark, MefT. Klingenberg and Canifiug and from 
 the States General, MeiT. Beverninch, Hubert and Tong Hal. 
 
 The Mediators from the King of Sweden were, Melf. 
 
 Fleming and Coet. But the laft dying at Breda, during 
 the conferences, Count de Dhona, th eSwediJh AmbaiFidor 
 to the States, took his place 
 
 At the firft opening of the Congrefs, a very obvious 7 
 miftake was difeovered, but which, in all appearance, had r 
 
 rr,;-d oj * 
 ) Edr'dcs. 
 
 H?’o!Ji a h- el fr C!Ted th u S VSry confuf ' dI y. and therefore it is fomewhat altered in the Tran(]a:ion. Z 
 
 AT 6 A h r ,r ' m ,r the ramc time t0 * B,l] for bur 7‘ n 6 in Woollen. Sec Statut 18 Car. 2. 
 
 mo the Port of" London, 'brtler'to I^bleVhT Tm ?am °"’ *" d TwC ’ Ve ?" CC ^ on Tun of ihtmid be brought 
 
 _• , . n yea,», tne setter to enable tflfe Lord-Mayor and A deimen to recompence thofe perfon>. whole -r- unds fh -hiM nc 
 
 ' D :n= T"- ....sr i *«<«>««* 
 
 n *° ,„ hiftand moll conliderable rcbuiiders »[ the City. Echard, T\.m, p. 1--. 
 
 1 a, 'Jt the k'Dg j 8ed Chamber. 
 
 S 7 be Corf,- 
 
 ’ r,rc ;f.ro. 
 
 lon^d by a 
 
 pally c 
 
 been 
 
Book XXIIi. 
 
 26. C H A R L E S II. 
 
 6+5 
 
 N1667.] been connived at by the two parties for fear of obftrudting 
 the Congrefs. In their letter to the King of England , the 
 »7 th of September , the States had made two propofals for 
 peace, the fecond of which was that each fhouid keep what 
 he had taken, before or during the war. This was what 
 the States had ever adhered to, without any variation. But 
 the King in a letter to the States, the 24th of April 16679 
 
 faid,-“ We take this opportunity to declare to you, 
 
 “ that wc accept the choice propofed to us, that is, that 
 “ each party fhall keep whatfoever he has taken during 
 “ this war, which being granted, we fhall order our Am- 
 “ baffadors to proceed in the prefent treaty, upon the 
 “ foundation of that made between us in the year 1662.” 
 
 It it manifeft, that in the fecond condition propofed by 
 the States, was included whatever had been acquired by 
 either party, not only during, but before, the war, and 
 that in the King’s letter was comprifed only what had been 
 taken during the war. Now the King, according to the 
 terms of his acceptation, pretended, the States fhouid make 
 him fatisfa&ion for the two fhips, the Good Hope, and the 
 Bon Adventure-, taken, or funk before the treaty of 1662. 
 Moreover, he pretended, that as the States were obliged 
 by the fame treaty to reftore to him the Ille of Poleron in the 
 Eajl-lndies, and as that Ifle was ftill in their pofleffion, it 
 fhouid be delivered to him. Thefe two articles were the 
 principal fubjc£t of the difputes in the conferences of Breda , 
 and retarded the conclufion of the treaty, to the great 
 damage of the Englijb , as will hereafter appear. The 
 States kept to the terms of their offer, and the King to 
 thofe of his acceptation. 
 
 A difficulty I have already fpoken of the two fhips taken by the 
 
 nlatirg r> Dutch in the interval between the two treaties of the year 
 Poliron"^ ’659, and 1662. As for the Ille of Poleron , the States 
 
 Ecimd. pretended, they had reftored it in form, and produced a 
 
 in p. 181. receipt from the Englijb officer, to whom it was delivered. 
 Bafmgc. before this furrender, they had entirely difpeopled it, 
 
 and cut down all the Clove-trees, and in fhort, had feized 
 it again fince the beginning of this war. But the King 
 pretended, there were eflential defefts in the form of the 
 reftitution, and that the States were obliged to reftore it 
 by the terms of the treaty 1662. The importance of this 
 Tile confided in that within four or five years it might be 
 new flocked with Clove-trees, if it was in the hands of 
 the Englijb , and fo prove very prejudicial to the Dutch , 
 who were mailers of the whole Spice-trade. 
 
 Both Partin To decide thefe two articles, from which both parties 
 intr aft able, made it a point of honour not to recede, Couriers were to 
 be fent feveral times to London and the Hague, and thofe 
 from London brought only ftriiler orders to the Ambafla- 
 dors to in lift upon the two fhips, and the I fie of Poleron. 
 Th King Hut at length the King yielded the lad, fo that the whole 
 recedesfrom Negotiation w'as reduced to the fatisfa£tion demanded for 
 WpoUroa t * ie two H ‘ s not very furprizing, that the King 
 
 fhouid infift on this article. He had begun the war under 
 the fpecious pretence of procuring reparation for all the da¬ 
 mages done to his Subjedts, which he computed at feven 
 or eight hundred thoufand pounds Sterling. To enable him 
 to obtain this reparation by force of arms, the Parliament 
 had furnifhed him with five hundred and fifty-five thoufand 
 pounds. He had moreover taken fixfcore fhips, before the 
 war was declared, and above fourfeore fincc. In all ap¬ 
 pearance, he had not applied the product of thefe captures 
 to the benefit of his Subjedls, who, according to his calcu¬ 
 lation, had loft feven or eight hundred thoufand pounds, 
 and for which the war was undertaken. He could not 
 therefore well difpenfe with procuring the Merchants, who 
 had loft thefe two fhips, the fatisfadlion demanded by them, 
 .without giving occafion to believe, this war had been un¬ 
 dertaken for imaginary pretenfions. For the pretenfions 
 concerning thefe fhips were properly the only things that 
 were fpecified. All the reft confifted in generals, the dif- 
 cuffion whereof was unneceflary, by reafon of the choice 
 propofed by tire States. It was not that they feared a dif- 
 cuffion, fince they had offered it in the full of their two 
 conditions. But it was the King’s intereft to avoid it, and 
 accept the fecond condition. If he had embraced it, in the 
 fame terms as offered by the States, all the grounds of this 
 war, fo expenfive to England , would have remained in ob- 
 feurity. He could not therefore in honour but infill upon 
 the only article, which could be confidered as a juft caufe 
 of the war, though it did not amount to ten thoufand 
 pounds Sterling. Mean while, as fince the offer of the 
 States, he faw, he could make peace when he pleafed, he 
 thought it a needlefs expence to put to fea a powerful fleet, 
 as he had done the two foregoing years, and that it was 
 better to fave the beft part of the money granted for the 
 t‘-d, n 0 continuance of the war. To this end, relying on the cer- 
 tainty of a peace, he laid up his great fhips, and kept only 
 a’ fquadron of twenty fail, while the States continued their 
 
 preparations as ufual, in their uncertainty of the King’s in- 1667. 
 tent ion concerning peace. 
 
 Mean time, the States feeing what difficultes the King 
 formed upon an article of fo little confequence, believed, or 
 pretended to believe, he was averfe to peace. They there¬ 
 fore refolved, either to force him to relinquifh his preten¬ 
 fions, or at lead to continue the war this fummer with ad¬ 
 vantage, becaufe they knew, that the King would have no 
 fleet at fea. 
 
 Purfuant to this refolution, Ruytjer failed out of the Tex el 'The Drt<h 
 with fifty fhips, and came the Sth 0 (June to the mouth of r , 
 
 the Thames-, from whence he detached Vice-Admiral Fan n‘. Tin mi;. 
 Ghent-, with feventeen of his lighted fhips, and fume fire- B^h.-ge. 
 
 fhips. Echa'd. ^ 
 
 Ian Ghent, the 10th of June , failed up the Medway, Kemi-t. 
 made himfelf mafter of the fort of SheerneJs, and after R Coke - 
 burning a magazine full of ftores, to the v.duc of forty 
 thoufand pounds, blew up tire fortifications. This action 
 alarmed the city of Lontlon ; fo that to prevent greater mif- 
 chiefs, feveral fhips were funk, and a large chain put cu fs 
 the narrowed: part of the river Medway. But by menis of 
 an eallerly wind, and a ftrong tide, the Dutch fhips broke 
 through the chain, and failed between the funk veflels. 
 
 They immediately burnt three large fhips, the Matthias, Pumftr-emi 
 the Unity, and the Charles the Fifth , all taken from them 
 in the prefent war, and carried away with them the hull 
 of the Royal Charles, befides burning and damaging feveral 
 others. After this, they advanced as far as Upnore caftle, Sait up os 
 and burnt the Royal Oak, the Loyal London, and the Great f " J; chl - 
 Jantes. The Englijb fearing all the Dutch fleet would fail 
 up to London bridge, funk [thirteen] fhips at il'oohv'uh, 
 and four at Blackwall , and Platforms furnifhed with artil¬ 
 lery to defend them, were raifed in feveral plapces. The 
 confternation was very great, and the complaints were no lefs 
 fo. It was openly faid, the King out of avarice had kept 
 the money fo generoufly given him to continue the war, and 
 left his Ships and Subjedls expufed to the infults of the ene¬ 
 my, though he had exclaimed againft the injufticc done him, 
 in believing him capable of fuch an a£lion. The Ring was The is 
 under an inexpreffible concern, as well for fear of greater ? b 
 damage from the Dutch fleet, as for the mortification this 
 affair gave him, and the fhame of having nothing to fav to 
 the murmurs of his people. Belides, he could not but re¬ 
 proach himfelf for being the caufe of this infult, by infill¬ 
 ing too long upon an affair of ten thoufand pounds, and 
 thereby retarding the conclufion of the peace (1). 
 
 After this exploit, Ruyter failed to Portfmouth, with z Other, x- 
 defign to burn the {hips in that harbour ; but finding them 
 fecured, he failed to the Weft, and took fome fhips in 
 Torbay. He then failed Eaftward, beat the Englijb before Ech-m. i 
 Harwich , and chaced a fquadron [of nineteen men of war] U1 ‘ p ' ,ii7 ' 
 commanded by Sir Edward Spragg, who was obliged to 
 retire into the Thames. In a word, he kept the coafls of 
 England in a continual alarm all July , till he received the 
 news of the conclufion of a peace. 
 
 This event had fo changed the face of affairs, that the n . PtoU 
 Englijb Ambafladors at Breda grew more pliant, and were 
 eafily perfuaded to yield the article of the two Ships. It Bud ‘- 
 was however with the refervation of the King’s approba- ld ' p ' ,87 ‘ 
 tion, before the figning of the treaty. For this purpofe, cAUa. of 
 Coventry, after all the articles were fettled, faffed inro Eng- Treat- 
 land the 2d of July, and returned the 8th with the King’s T- *' p ' 117 ‘ 
 approbation, and the 2ill the treaty of peace was figned. 
 
 Ic was divided however into three feparate treaties, by rea¬ 
 fon of fome inconveniences which would otherwife have 
 followed. But by a writing figned by all the Plenipoten¬ 
 tiaries, it was declared, that the three treaties fhouid be 
 efteemed but one and the fame. 
 
 The moft important articles of the treaty between Eng¬ 
 land and France, were, 
 
 VII. The moft Chriftian King fhall reftore to the King -Articles of 
 of Great-Britain, that part of the Ifle of St. Cbrijlopbcrs, 
 which the French have taken from the Englijb, fince- the de- Coiiec+'or'" 
 claration of war. Tie.». 
 
 X. The King of Great-Britain fhall reftore to the moft T ' 1 p ,? ' 7 ' 
 Chriftian King, the Country of Acadia, in North America, 
 
 fome time in pofleffion of the faid moft Chriftian King. 
 
 XI. The moft Chriftian King fhall reftore to the King 
 of Great-Britain, the Ifles of Antegoa , and ■ Montferrat, if 
 they are ftill in his pofleffion, and in general, all the Ter¬ 
 ritories, Ifles, Towns, and Fortrelles, which may have 
 been conquered by his Arms, and which belonged to the 
 King of England before the beginning of the war with the 
 States-General, and reciprocally the King of G/eat-Britain 
 fhall reftore tin Territories, Iff s, Towns, tdc. 
 
 XVII. This article contained a regulation of all the cap¬ 
 tures, which might be made fince the conclufion of the 
 peace. 
 
 XVIII. In cafe of a war, it is flipulated, that fix months 
 
 (:) Kennet infers from a Letter of the Earl of Arlington, That the Dutch we re fet on by the French to turn our Fleet. Dijl Tom. 3. p. 2S7. 
 
 No. 76. Vot, II. 8 A notice 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 646 The HISTORY 
 
 166-. notice (hall be given to the Merchants to withdraw their 
 effects. 
 
 Principal Articles of the Treaty betiveen Gieat-Britain and 
 the States-General. 
 
 Article III. Both Tides (hall forget and forgive all of¬ 
 fences, damages, and lodes, which either have differed du¬ 
 ring this war, or at any time before, or under any pre¬ 
 tence, as if they had never happened.-Each party (hall 
 
 hold for time to'come in full right of fovereignty, proprie¬ 
 ty and poffeffion, all fuch countries, ides, towns, forts, 
 places and colonies, as, whether during this war, or before, 
 have been taken and kept from the other by force of arms, 
 and in what other manner foever, and that as they poffeff- 
 ed and enjoyed them the 10th day of May lad. 
 
 IV. All (hips, goods and moveables, which at any time 
 have come into the power of either party, (hall remain in 
 the prefent poffcflors thereof, without any compenfation or 
 reftitution for the fame. 
 
 V. All aftions, demands, and pretendons whatfoever 
 for the fame (hall remain void, obliterated, and difannul- 
 lcd, (Ac. 
 
 XV. The faid Lord the King, and the faid Lords the 
 States, (hall not receive into their Dominions any fuch per- 
 fons as (hall be declared fugitive rebels, of the one or the 
 other. 
 
 XIX. All (hips and veffels of the United-Provinces , as 
 well men of war as merchant-(hips, and others, which 
 fhatl meet in the Britannick Seas any (hips of war belong¬ 
 ing to the King of Great-Britain, (hall drike the dag, 
 and lower the fail as it has formerly been prafticed. 
 
 XXXII. If the former difterences (hall be renewed, 
 and turned into an open war, the (hips, merchandize, and 
 all moveable effects of both parties, which (hall be found 
 in the Sea-ports and Dominions of the adverfe party, (hall 
 be by no means confifcated or damaged ; but there (hall 
 be granted to the Subjefts of both parties the term of fix 
 whole months, during which time they may tranfport the 
 faid effefts where they pleafe. 
 
 XXXVI. For the greater affurancc that the prefent 
 treaty diall be obferved with good faith on the part ot the 
 States-General, they engage themfelves by thefe Prefents, 
 that thofe perfons who (hall be chofen by the faid States- 
 General, or the particular Provinces, into the offices of 
 Captain-General, Stadtholder, Field-Marfhal, Admiral, 
 (hall (wear that they will obferve, and caufe to be obferved 
 religioudy this treaty. 
 
 By a feparate article it was agreed, That if any of the 
 Murderers of Charles I, (hould be found in the Dominions 
 of the States-General, they (hould be delivered to the 
 King, lAc. 
 
 Rtjhshtm If it is now confidered, what advantages England re- 
 up-n this ceived from a war undertaken upon fo flight grounds, 
 and with fuch animofity, it will not be eafy to difeover a 
 Tingle advantage that was not really contained in the treaty 
 of the 4th of September 1662. But on the contrary, it 
 will be found, that this war coft five millions five hundred 
 and fifty thoufand pounds Sterling, befides the lofs of the 
 (hips of war, whether in fea-engagements, or in the affair of 
 Chatham (1). And vet the King had affured the Parliament, 
 in one of his fpeeches, that he would never lay down his 
 arms, till he had procured his Subjefts a reafonable fatisfac- 
 tion for their Ioffes, which upon his computation, amount¬ 
 ed to feven or eight hundred thoufand pounds. And if 
 thefe lodes are fuppoled real, this peace was fo much the 
 more difhonorable to the King and the Engli/h Nation. 
 But, on the other hand, it is eafy to perceive, that the King 
 and Duke of York reaped by it confiderable advantages : 
 the King, by the large fupplies of money which were 
 granted him, but not expended in the war, at lead, the 
 eighteen hundred thoufand pounds given in 'January and 
 February this year, and by the fale of above two hundred 
 (hips taken from the Dutch : the Duke of York , by his 
 claims upon thefe captures as Lord High-Admiral, and by 
 the prefent of one hundred and twenty thoufand pounds made 
 him by the Parliament. Such was the conclufion of this 
 great armament, which was to humble the pride of the 
 Dutch , and render them for ever incapable to fupport their 
 trade and difpute the Empire of the Seas with England. 
 £.hj:d. The peace was proclaimed at London , and at the Hague , 
 the 24th of Auguft. 
 
 rte King 0/ "T'he King of France , as hath been feen, gave no very 
 France- in- real afliffance to his allies, fince his fleet never joined that 
 vaJctbe 0 f t h e States, not even this lad year, when the Engli/h 
 ijnds^* were in no condition to oppofe the junction. He had then 
 Kenner- other defigns, which he difeovered in June, by an inva- 
 F : 9 2, (Ion of the Netherlands, on account of his Queen’s pre- 
 R. Coke. ten h°ns to Brabant, after the death of Philip IV, her Fa- 
 
 1 1) The Dutch were alio, cn ;he : r part, put to \ery great < harges. For S'r 
 vinces forty millions of Guilders, of which twenty two in the Province of tl.. 
 Land, they had, in the yeai 1666, above threelcore thoufand Land men in pi 
 L’r.ittd-Prminctt, p. 71. 
 
 cf ENGLA N D. 
 
 ther. Tn the whole courfe of the war between the King io6;,;| 
 of England and the States-General, he clearly (howed his 
 intention to make Charles his friend, in which he after¬ 
 wards fucceeded but too well. He would never have ce- 
 clared again ft him, notwithdanding his drift engagement 
 with the States in the treaty of 1662, had he not believed 
 fuch a Declaration abfolutely neceffary to fupport Mr. De 
 Hit, who otberwife was in great danger of ruin. He 
 earnedly wifhed to fee the end of this war, in which he 
 had very unwillingly ingaged. This appeared chiefly in 
 the conferences at Breda, where his two Plenipotentiaries 
 performed properly the office of Mediators, though thofe 
 of §uieden had the name. Accordingly he was greatly fuf- 
 pefted in Holland of a fecret correfpondence with Eng¬ 
 land. 
 
 Complaints and murmurs againd King Charles and his Crmp.^irtt \ 
 Miniders fucceeded the animofity with which the Dutch a«a,r.p f i e( 4 
 war was begun. When the advantages obtained by the £ c “ rf * 
 peace were compared with the expence of the war, they Eehard*. 1 
 were found fo difproportionable, that men could not for- R. Coke. .1 
 bear fufpefting, it had been railed by motives repugnant to 
 the intered of England. The people had been told, it 
 was undertaken to procure the Merchants fatisfaftion for 
 the damages received from the Dutch: to revenge the in¬ 
 dignities the Nation had fuffereJ : and to incapacitate the 
 United Provinces ever to rival England again, but nothing 
 of all this had been done. The Merchants had received 
 no fatisfaftion even for the two (hips, the Good-Hope and 
 the Bon- Adventure, though that article was the mod fpeci- 
 fied. Indead of revenging the affronts offered the Nation, 
 
 England had received areal and mod mortifying indignity 
 in the bulinefs of Chatham. Ladly, after the peace of 
 Breda, the United-Provinces were in a more flourifhing 
 condition than before the war, and looked on this peace as 
 a triumph for them. On the other hand, few people could 
 diged the King’s prefling the Parliament for money to 
 carry on the war, and that after receiving eighteen hundred 
 thoufand pounds Sterling he fhould be fo intent upon peace, 
 as not to put himfelf in a condition to obtain reafonable 
 terms. This was a fubjeft very apt to raife a fufpicion of Suptnmt .« 
 the fincerity of his intentions for the good of his people, ago,.-* me .I 
 In fhort, it was more and more difeovered that the Papids K, * s ' 
 had great influence at Court, and that the Proclamarions 
 publifhed againd them at the dedre of the Parliament, 
 were far from being rigoroufly executed. The Earl of Ar¬ 
 lington, almod open proteftor of the Papids, was made 
 Secretary of State, and in great favour, while the credit of 
 the Earl of Clarendon, their enemy, daily declined. This 
 began to produce fufpicions difadvantagious to the King. 
 
 Befides, his diffolute life did not help to preferve the high 
 opinion conceived of him in the beginning of his reign. 
 
 His Court was a feene of debauchery, where his midreffes TW;/Wmi!I 
 ruled abfolutely, and nothing was done but through their °/ b “ 
 means. They confumed his vad revenues, with almod all Buinst ‘ 
 the money granted by Parliament, fo that in the midd of 
 riches, he was always in want, and forced to feek new 
 pretences to draw money from his Parliament, to fupply 
 his private occafions. 
 
 Thefe fufpicions and complaints reaching the King, he TbiCbsr- .* 
 refolved to appeafe them by facrificing the Earl of Claren- ee/ter i </</- '■.»! 
 don, w'ho had hitherto afted as Prime-Minider. He knew, 
 the People are always exceflively pleafed with facrifices m. P . 190/11 
 of Miniders, who have enjoyed the greated credit, and on , 9 I - 
 whom generally all the mifearriages are thrown. But this Burnet** J 
 was only a pretenfe us’d by the King to be delivered of a 
 Minider, whom he no longer loved, and whofe prefence 
 and counfels were become infupportable to him. The 
 Chancellor’s regular life, his averfion to debauchery and li- 
 bertinifm, his grave and fevere manners, his ne.gleft of 
 the King’s favourites and midreffes, and ladly, his prin¬ 
 ciples and maxims concerning religion and the date, ill a- 
 gread with the diforderly life of the court, and dill lefs 
 with the projefts formed in favour of the Papids, under 
 colour of eafing the Presbyterians. For this reafon, and for 
 his rough and always too haughty behaviour, he had ren- 
 dred himfelf odious to all the courtiers, who never ceas’d 
 to do him ill offices, efpecially when they faw him in 
 the decline of his favour. He had often taken the liberty 
 to reprove the King for his diforderly life, and at fird his 
 reproofs were well received. But when the King had once 
 abandoned himfelf to his pleafures, he could no longer bear 
 the prefence of a man, whofe advice he had formerly re¬ 
 ceived with a fort of fubmiflion. The Duke of Bucking¬ 
 ham and fome others perceiving this difpofition of the King, 
 neglefted nothing to cherifh it. As often as they faw the 
 Chancellor coming, they would fay to his Majcllv, Here 
 comes your School- mafler ! At other times they mimicked him 
 before the King, in order to make him ridiculous. The 
 
 mil,am Temple affirms. That In the v-ar 1665. there were mi fed In the Pro- 
 irnd. And upon the 8 : lh pot .Vr's invading 'hem at the'ame lime by 
 y j and a Fleet of above an hundred Men ot War a: St;. QbJ-rvot upon tbc 
 
 Duke 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 6 +r 
 
 Caufet of 
 bi, Fall. 
 Echard. 
 
 LI. p. 191 
 
 p. 248, See. 
 
 Duke of Buckingham ufed to walk in a ftately manner, 
 with a pair of bellows before him for the Purfe, whilft Co¬ 
 lonel Titus carried a fire-Ihovel on his fhoulder for the 
 mace. The King fuft'ered thefe buffooneries, and thereby 
 difeovered his difguft to his minifter. But as thefe are on¬ 
 ly trifles, and as the King’s difguft turned at laft into real 
 hatred, it is proper to relate the more ferious caufes which 
 have been offered in vindication of the King’s refent- 
 ment. 
 
 1. It is pretended, the King deflgning to be divorced 
 from his Queen on feveral weak pretenfes, could never 
 obtain the Chancellor’s approbation. 
 
 The King intended, after his divorce, to marry Mrs. 
 
 Steuart his relation, of whom he was amorous. The Earl fever. 
 
 known truth- That there is no djlinc? inters/? be- 1667. 
 
 tween the King and his People, but the good of one is the good 
 of both. 
 
 Some days after, the two Houfes prefented an addrefs to rif 
 the King to thank him for feveral things : 1. That he had L- 
 
 disbanded the late raifed forces : 2. That he had difmifltd a.t?. 
 the Papifts from out of his guards, and other military em- 1 
 ployments : 3. That he had revoked the Canary patent : ^aid.’ 
 
 4. And more efpecially, That he had difplaced the late 
 Lord Chancellor, and removed him from the exercile of 
 publick truft and employment in affairs of State. The 
 King anfwered to this laft article, That he would never em¬ 
 ploy the Earl of Clarendon again in any publick affairs what- 
 
 of Clarendon , to prevent this, perfwaded the young Duke 
 of Richmond to marry her, by reprefenling, how fervicea- 
 ble it would be to gain him the King’s favour. The Duke, 
 following this advice, made his addreffes to the Lady, who, 
 knowing nothing of the King’s defign, believed (he ought 
 not to refufe fogood an offer, and the marriage was imme¬ 
 diately concluded. The King thus difappointed, baniflied 
 the Duke, with his new Duchefs, from the Court, and 
 never forgave the Chancellor. 
 
 Wdwood, 3. Another, and, as was generally thought, the moft 
 P- ,0 9’ apparent caufe of the King’s refentment againft the Chan¬ 
 
 cellor, was his oppofing Popham’s project of fettling an an¬ 
 nual revenue of two millions of pounds Sterling upon the 
 King, which was feconded by the Earl of Southampton. 
 
 4. The moft probable caufe of the Chancellor's ruin 
 was, that the Papifts, whofe counfels and proje£ts were lif- 
 tened to, and approved by the King, omitted nothing to 
 deftroy him, knowing, that under his Miniftry they could 
 never hope to accomplifh their deflgns. 
 
 Burnet, 5. A ftately Houfe built by him near St. fames' s 
 Kentet’s ^ ai ^ ( 1 )> an ^ ‘ n *fi e very year of the Plague did him 
 
 Rceirter, great injury in the minds of the people. It is pretended, 
 
 p. 804. it coft him fifty thoufand pounds Sterling, though at firft 
 he defigned to lay out but fifteen or fixteen thoufand. 
 People gave it the name of Dunkirk-Houfe, becaufe it was 
 fuppofed that his advice for the fale of that place had 
 
 fiirnifhed him with the means to build it. He committed 
 
 another error, in purchaiing for this Houfe the ftones de¬ 
 figned for repairing St. Paul's. 
 
 Hm the However this be, the King, under colour of giving fome 
 S om‘ f at ' sfa< -*‘ on t0 h‘ s People in facrificing this Minifter, de- 
 
 t bim. m P r ' vec l him of his office of High Chancellor, and made Sir 
 
 Echard. Orlando Bridgeman Lord-Keeper of the Great-Seal. 
 mtEaffof E af l of Southampton Lord Treafurer, dying three 
 
 Southamp- months before the Chancellor’s difgrace, the King was at 
 ton \ death, once deprived of two great and faithful Minifters, whofe 
 
 lofs was never repaired, at leaft, with regard to their mo¬ 
 rals, their religion, arid affe&ion for their country. A 
 little before Southampton's death, fome perfon in council 
 fpeaking againft the Chancellor, he with fome emotion 
 faid The Earl of Clarendon is a true Protef ant, and “ afterwards received great fums of money for procurin' 
 an honejl Englifhman, and while he is in place we are fe- “ the fame. 
 
 The King fufficiently difeovering his intention not to 
 proteft the Earl of Clarendon , the Houfe was thereby in- 
 couraged to feek reafons or pretences to impeach him of 
 Treafon. But it is too little to fay, the King would not 
 prote«ff him. It is certain, he himfelf was his adverfary, 
 and actuated the Commons againft him. This he clearly 
 fhowed, by reprimanding Sir Stephen Fox who was of his 
 Houfhold, and Member of the Houfe of Commons, for 
 having voted in favour of the Earl of Clarendon. To Echard, 
 which Sir Stephen replied, That he knew the Fail to be 111 P ‘ 9 s ' 
 an honef? Man, and was fure could never be guilty of the 
 crimes laid to his charge. At laft, the Commons proceed¬ 
 ing with great paffion, ordered an accufation to be drawn 
 and prefented to the Houfe, the fubftance whereof is as 
 follows. 
 
 “ I. That the Earl of Clarendon hath defigned a ft and- Articles a- 
 “ ing army to be raifed, and to govern the Kingdom £ a,r '- , ‘ ,be 
 “ thereby ; and advifed the King to diflblve this prefent clarendon 
 “ Parliament, and to lay afide all thoughts of Parliaments Nov. 6. 
 
 “ for the future ; to govern by a military Power, and s,ate T, y- 
 “ to maintain the fame by free quarter and contribution, 5s6> 
 
 “ II. That he hath, in the hearing of the King’s fub- Echard. 
 
 “ jedls, falfely and feditioufly faid, That the King was in Kennct - 
 t£ his heart a Papi/l, or Popijhly offered, or words to that 
 “ effeft. 
 
 “ III. That he hath received great fums of money for 
 “ the procuring of the Canary-Patent, and other illegal 
 “ Patents ; and granted illegal Injun&ions to ftop pro- 
 “ ceedings at law againft them, and other illegal Patents 
 “ formerly granted. 
 
 “ IV. That he hath advifed and procured divers of his 
 “ Majefty’s fubje&s to be imprifoned againft law, in re- 
 t£ mote Iflands, Garrifons, and other places, thereby to 
 “ prevent them from the benefit of the law, and to pro- 
 t£ duce Precedents for the imprifoning any other of his 
 “ Majefty’s fubjedts in like manner. 
 
 “ V. That he procured his Majefty’s cuftoms to be 
 C£ farmed at under rates knowing the fame ; and great 
 l£ pretended debts to be paid by his Majefty, to the pay¬ 
 ment of which his Majefty was not ftridtly bound, and 
 
 The Lord- 
 Kctfir's 
 Xftecb to 
 both Houfes. 
 Echaid. 
 Kcnnet, 
 
 cure of our laws, liberties, and religion : but whenever he 
 jhall be removed, England will feel the ill effects of it. In 
 this he proved a true Prophet. 
 
 After the Earl of Southampton’s death, the King put the 
 Treafury into commiffion. Among the Commiffioners 
 was Sir Thomas Clifford a known Papift (2), on whom 
 afterwards fell the King’s choice for Lord Treafurer. 
 
 The Parliament meeting the 10th of Ottober, the King 
 fpoke but little, and left it to the Lord-Keeper, to ac¬ 
 quaint both Houfes with his Intentions. His Speech ran 
 chiefly upon a fort of excufe for the King’s having, con¬ 
 trary to cuftom, after a prorogation to October, ordered 
 the Parliament by Proclamation to meet the 25 th of July, 
 and then, by another Proclamation deferred the new fef- 
 fion to the time firft appointed. He communicated to 
 them the conclufion of the peace, and defired them to fet¬ 
 tle the balance of trade with Scotland. He faid, the King 
 having named Commiffioners to ftate the publick accounts, 
 and examine to what ufes the money granted by Parlia¬ 
 ment had been applied, and this commiffion not having 
 fuccecded as he expc&ed, he left them to follow their own 
 method, and examine them as ftri&ly as they pleafed. He 
 added, that fome malicious perfons had difperfed falfe re¬ 
 ports againft the Government, with defign to create a dif- 
 affetftion in his fubjeifls: but that his Majefty promifed him¬ 
 felf from their affection, they would, on the contrary, en¬ 
 deavour to preferve a good underftariding between him 
 and his people. That if any juft grievances have happened, 
 his Majefty was ready to redrefs them, and did not doubt 
 they would imprint upon the hearts of his fubje&s that 
 
 “ VI. That he received great fums of money from the 
 “ Company of Vintners, or fome of them or their agents, 
 “ for enhancing the Prices of Wines, and for freeing them 
 ££ from the payment of legal Penalties, which they had in- 
 “ curred. 
 
 “ VII. That he had in a Ihort time gained to him- 
 “ felf a greater eftate than can be imagined to be gained 
 ££ lawfully in fo fhort a fpace : and, contrary to his oath, 
 “ he hath procured feveral grants under the feal, from 
 “ his Majefty to himfelf and relations, of feveral of his 
 ££ Majefty’s Lands, Hereditaments and Leafes, to the dif- 
 “ profit of his Majefty. 
 
 “ VIII. That he hath introduced an arbitrary Govern- 
 “ ment in his Majefty’s foreign Plantations, and hath 
 “ caufed fuch as complained thereof before his Majefty 
 “ and Council, to be long imprifoned for fo doing. 
 
 ££ IX. That he did rejetff and fruftrate a propofal and 
 “ undertaking approved by his Majefty, for the preferva- 
 “ tion of Nevis and St. Chrifopher’ s, and reducing the 
 “ French Plantations to his Majefty’s obedience, after the 
 ££ Commiffions were drawn for that purpofe ; which was 
 ££ the occafion of our great Ioffes and damages in thofe 
 “ parts. 
 
 “ X. That he held correfpondence with Cromwell and 
 ££ his accomplices, when he was in parts beyond the feas, 
 ££ attending his Majefty, and thereby adhered to the King’s 
 ££ enemies. 
 
 “ XI. That he advifed and effe&ed the fale of Dunkirk 
 ££ to the French King, being part of his Majefty’s D0- 
 ££ minions ; together with the ammunition, artillery, and 
 
 (1) It flood at the unper end of St. James's Street, where Albemarle Street, and the Streets adjoyningnow are. It was built in his abfence, in 166s, chiefly 
 a. t et arge of the vintners Company, who defignmg to monopolize his favour, made it more large and magnificent than ever he intended. So that when 
 he came to fee tt, he faid with a figh, “ This Houle will one day be my ruin." E.bard , Tom. r p. 192. 
 
 (2) The reft of the Commiffioners were, the Duke of Albtmorle , the Lord Ajhly-Coofer, Sir William Covtnlry, and Sir Jobs Dunesmb. Sir Thomas Chf- 
 
 JorJ was then Comptroller of the Houlhold. Ibid. J J 
 
 “ all 
 
Vol. IT. 
 
 HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 a!; forts of ftorcs there, and for no greater value than “ 
 the faid ammunition, artillery, and the ftores were “ 
 worth. 
 
 XII. That the faid Earl did unduly caufe his Ma¬ 
 jefty’s Letters Patents, under the Great-Seal of Eng- “ 
 'land, to one Dr. Crmuther , to be altered, and the en- “ 
 rollment thereof to be unduly rafed. “ 
 
 “ XIII That he hath in an arbitrary way examined “ 
 and brought into queftion divers of his Majefty’s fubjefts “ 
 concern i in: their lands, tenements, goods, chattels and “ 
 
 ■ pr. [terries^ determined thereof at the Council-Table, and “ 
 
 • Hopped proceedings at law by order of the Council-Table, “ 
 
 ■ and threatned feme that pleaded the Statute of the 17th 44 
 
 • of Char. I. 
 
 “ XIV. That he hath caufed Quo Warranto s to be 
 ‘ iducd out againft moft of the Corporations of England , “ 
 
 ■ ,mmediately after their Charters were confirmed by Aft “ 
 1 of Parliament, to the intent he might require great fums “ 
 
 ■ of money of them for renewing their Charters ; which, 
 
 t when they complied withal, he caufed the faid Quo 4 
 ' Warranto’ s to be difeharged, and Profecutions therein to “ 
 1 ceafe. 
 
 “ XV. That he procured the bills of Settlement for Ire- 
 ' land , and received great fums of money for the fame, £ 
 44 in a moft corrupt and unlawful manner. 
 
 “ XVI. That he hath deluded and betrayed his Majefty, ‘ 
 “ and the Nation, in all foreign treaties, and negotiations ‘ 
 tc relating to the late war, and betrayed and difeovered his 1 
 “ Majcfty’s fecret counfels to his enemies. * 
 
 t«. XVII. That he was the principal author of that fatal 4 
 “ counfel of dividing the fleet about June 1666(1).” 
 
 Upon the foundation of thefe articles, the Commons, on 4 
 the 12th of November , impeached the Earl of High-Trea- ‘ 
 f on nt the Bar of the Lords Houfe, and defired that he ‘ 
 
 m 1! t be fent to the Tower. But the Lords did not ‘ 
 
 think proper to commit him upon an accufation of treafon ‘ 
 in general, without any particular charge. 
 
 'I'his raifed a warm difpute between the two Houfes, 1 
 
 which fevcral conferences could not allay. At laft, the 1 
 
 Commons came to this refolution. 44 That the Lords not 
 “ having complyed with the defire of the Commons, in 
 14 committing the Earl of Clarendon , and fequeftring him 
 “ from Parliament upon the impeachment from that 
 a Houfe, was an obftruftion of the publick juftice of the 
 «c Kingdom, and a precedent of evH and dangerous confe¬ 
 ct quence.” At the fame time, they appointed a com¬ 
 mittee to draw up a declaration to vindicate their pro¬ 
 ceedings. 
 
 But' the Eail of Clarendon feeing himfelf expofed to the 
 Commons rage, and knowing, the King and the whole 
 Court were againft him, thought it advifeable to with¬ 
 draw into France , and leave the following apology behind 
 him, addreflfed to the Lords (2). 
 
 “I am very unfortunate to find my felf to fuffer fo 
 “ much, under two very difadvantagious refleftions, which 
 “ are in no degree applicable to me. 
 
 ‘ l The firft, from thegreatnefs of my eftate and fortune, 
 
 “ collefted and made in fo few years, which if it be pro- 
 “ portionable to what is reported, may very reafonably 
 41 caufe my integrity to be fufpected. 
 
 4 The fecond, that 1 have been the foie manager, and 
 44 chief Minifter in ail the tranfaftions of State, lince the 
 “ King’s return into England , to Augujl laft, and there- 
 44 fore," that all mifearriages and misfortunes ought to be 
 44 imputed to me and my counfels. 
 
 “ Concerning my eftate, your Lordfhips will not be- 
 44 lieve, that ’alter malice and envy hath been fo inquili- 
 “ tive and fo fharp-fighted, I will offer any thing to your 
 44 Lordfhips, but what is exactly true ; and I do allure 
 44 your Lordfhips in the firft place. That (excepting 
 “ from the King's bounty ) I have never received nor ta- 
 “ ken one pennv but what was generally underftood to be 
 4t the juft lawful Perquifites of my office, by the conftant 
 “ praftice of the belt times, which I did in my own 
 44 judgment conceive to be that of my Lord Coventry , 
 44 and of my Lord Ellcfncre ; the praftice of which I 
 44 conftantly obferved, although the office in both their 
 44 times was lawfully worth double to what it was to me, 
 44 and I believe now is. 
 
 That all the courtefies and favours which I have been 
 ‘i able to obtain from the King for other perfons in Church 
 44 or State, or in Wellminjler-Hall , have never been 
 44 worth to me five pounds : So that your Lordfhips may be 
 “ conh L-nt I am as innocent from corruption as from any 
 
 difioyal thought, which after near thirty years fervice of 16g 
 the Crown, in fome difficulties and diftrelles, I did ne¬ 
 ver expeft would be objefted to me in my age. 
 
 44 And I do aflure your Lordfhips, and fhall make it 
 very manifeft. That the feveral fums of money, and 
 fome parcels of land, which his Majefty hath bountifully 
 beftowed upon me fince his return into England , are 
 worth more than all I have amounts unto; fo far I am 
 from advancing my eftate by indireft means. And 
 though this bounty of his hath very far exceeded mv 
 merit, or my expectation, .yet fome others have been as 
 fortunate at leaft in the fame bounty, who had as final! 
 pretences to it, and have no great reafon to envy my 
 condition. 
 
 44 Concerning the other imputation of the credit and 
 power of being chiefeft minifter, and fo caufing all to 
 be done that I had a mind to ; I have no more to fay, 
 than that I had the good fortune to ferve a mafler of 
 a very great judgment and underftanding, and be always 
 joined with perfons of great ability and experience, with¬ 
 out whofe advice and concurrence, never any thing hath 
 been done. 
 
 44 Before his Majefty’s coming into England he was 
 ; conftantly attended by the then Marquils of Ormond , 
 
 1 the late Lord Culpeper , and Mr. Secretary Nicholas , 
 
 1 who were equally trufted with my felf, and withouc 
 ‘ whofe joint advice and concurrence, when they were all 
 4 prefent (as fome of them always were) I never gave 
 ‘ any counfel. As foon as it pica fed God to bring his 
 4 Majefty into England, he eftabhfhed his Privy Council, 
 
 4 and fhortly out of them he chofe a number of honoura- 
 4 ble perfons of great reputation, ( who for the moft part 
 4 are ftill alive) as a committee for foreign affairs, and 
 4 confideration of fuch things as in the nature of them 
 4 required much fecrecy; and with thefe perfons he vouch- 
 4 fafed to join me: And I am confident this committee 
 4 never tranfafted any thing of moment (his Majefty being 
 4 always prefent) without prefenting the fame firft to the 
 4 Council-board; and I muft appeal to them concerning 
 • 4 my carriage, and whether we were not all of one mind, 
 i4 in matters of importance. 
 
 44 For more than two years I never knew any diffe- 
 44 rences in the Council, or that there were any com- 
 44 plaints in the Kingdom, which I wholly impute to his 
 44 Majefty’s great wifdom, and the entire concurrence of 
 44 his counfellors,, without the vanity of aifuming any 
 « 4 thing to my felf; and therefore I hope I (hall not he 
 44 fingly charged with any thing that hath fince fallen 
 ‘ 4 out amifs. But from the time Mr. Secretary Nicholas 
 ‘ 4 was removed from his place, there were great altera- 
 44 tions ; and whofoever knew any thing of the Court 
 ‘ 4 and Council, know well how much my credit hath 
 44 fince that time been diminifhed, though his Majefty gra- 
 4 ‘ cioufly vouchfafed ftill to hear my advice in moft of his 
 44 affairs: Nor hath there been, from that time to this, 
 
 44 above one or two perfons brought to the Council, or 
 ‘ 4 preferred to any confiderable office in the Court, who 
 44 have been of my intimate acquaintance, or fufpc&ed to 
 44 have any kindnefs for me; and moft of them moft no- 
 44 torioufly known to have been very long my enemies, and 
 44 of different judgment and principles from me in Church 
 44 and State, and have taken all opportunities to lefien mv 
 44 credit with the King, and with all other perfuns, bv 
 < c mif-reprefenting and mif-reporting all that I laid or did, 
 
 44 and perfwading men I have done them fome prejudice 
 44 with his Majefty, or croft them in fome of their preten- 
 44 lions. Though his Majefty’s goodnefs and juftice was 
 44 fuch that it made little impreffion upon him. 
 
 44 In my humble opinion, the great misfortunes of the 
 44 Kingdom have proceeded from the war, to which it is 
 44 notorioufly known that I was always moft averfe, and 
 t4 mav without vanity fay, I did not only forefee, but 
 44 declare the mifehiefs we fhould run into, by entring in- 
 44 to a war, before any alliances made with the neigh- 
 44 bouring Princes. And that it may not be imputed to 
 44 his Majefty’s want of care, or the negligence of his 
 44 Counfellors, that no fuch alliances were entred into, I 
 44 muft take the boldnefs to fay, his Majefty left nothing 
 44 unattempted in order thereunto; and knowing very well 
 44 that France refolved to begin a war upon Spain , r.s focai 
 44 as his Catholick Majefty fhould depart this world, which 
 44 being much fooner expedited by them, they had in the 
 44 two winters before been at great charges in providing 
 44 plentiful magazines of all provifions upon the frontier % 
 
 d up by Edward Seymour, E’’q; who W3I alfo the firft man that charg'd h ; m in the Houfe rf C mmont, w h 
 ; chief Speakers agvnft him. were, Sir Tbomat Lit tier in, Serjeant Maynard, Hr John W;</.»•«/, Hr li-.m.n ( 
 St, J on. Sir Cbarln Wheeler, Mr. Hampden, Mar-vel, Pryan, Secretary Morr.ce, Water, aid Sir J ' ■ 
 r, were. S>r Heritage Finch, Sir Francit Coedrid, Mr. C vtntry, Sir Edward Tburtand, Sir John Bramptler 
 
 . Chderd, Sir Stephen F:x, and the Earl's Son, Laurence Hyde. Eclatd, Tom. 3. p. 195 - Tne Bo 
 
 . : f.rgiand^ was the Author of the Earl’s difgracs. See Bajnage Ann, Tom 1. p. Sip. 
 
 ■.:< gy. h 11 rendered it very obfiute, the Tramlator ha; though; fit to inicit it, as it i: to be L ind in ’he Pro 
 !• 2. P’ j'+- 
 
 ihat 
 
Book XXIII 26. C H A R L E S If. 
 
 649 
 
 “ that they might be ready for the war, his Majefty ufed 
 “ all poffible means to prepare and difpofe the Spaniard 
 *« with that apprehenfion, offering his friendfhip to that 
 “ degree, as might be for the benefit and fecurity of both 
 “ Crowns. 
 
 “ But Spain flattering itfelf, that France would not 
 “ break with them, at leaft, that they would not give 
 “ them any caufe by adminiftring matter of jealoufy to 
 “ them, never made any real approach towards a friend- 
 “ (hip with his Majefty, but, both by their Ambaffadors 
 « here, and to his Majefty’s Ambaffador at Madrid-, always 
 “ per lifted, as Preliminaries, upon the giving up of Dunkirk, 
 
 “ Tangier-, and 'Jamaica. 
 
 “ Though France had an Ambaffador here, to whom a 
 “ proje£t of a treaty was offered, and the Lord Holies , his 
 “ Majefty’s Ambaffador at Paris, ufed all endeavours to 
 “ purfue and profecule the faid treaty, yet it was quickly 
 “ difcerned, that the principal defign of France , was to 
 “ draw his Majefty into fuch a nearer alliance as might 
 “ advance their defign ; without which, they had no mind 
 “ to enter into the treaty propofed. 
 
 “ And this was the ftate of affairs when the war was 
 “ entred into with the Dutch , from which time, neither 
 “ Crown much confidered the making any alliance with 
 ‘‘ England. 
 
 “ As I did from my foul abhor the entring into this 
 “ war, fo I prefumed never to give any advice or counfel 
 “ for the way of managing it, but by oppofing many pro- 
 “ pofitions, which feemed to the late Lord Treafurer and 
 tC my felf to be unreafonable, as the payment of the iea- 
 “ men by tickets, and many other particulars which added 
 “ to the expence. 
 
 “ My enemies took all occafions to enveigh againft me, 
 “ and making their friendfhip with others out of the coun- 
 “ cil, of more licentious principles, and who knew well 
 “ enough how much I difliked and complained of the liber- 
 “ ty they took to themfelves of reviling all Councils and 
 “ Counlellors, and turning all things ferious and facred in- 
 “ to ridicule. They took all ways imaginable to render 
 “ me ungrateful to all forts of men, (whom I fhall be 
 “ compelled to name in my defence) perfuading thofe that 
 <c mifearried in any of their defigns, that it was the 
 “ Chancellor’s doing ; whereof I never knew any thing. 
 “ However, they could not withdraw the King’s favour 
 “ from me, who was ftill pleafed to ufe my fervice with 
 “ others, nor was there ever any thing done but with the 
 ‘‘ joint advice of at leaft the major part of thofe who were 
 “ confulted with. And as his Majefty commanded my 
 “ fervice in the late treaties, fo I never gave the leaft ad- 
 
 vice in piivate, nor wrote one letter to any one perfon 
 “ in cither ot thofe negotiations but upon the advice of the 
 “ council, and alfo after it was read in council, or at 
 “ leaft, by the King himfelf, and fome others ; and if I 
 “ prepared any inflru£tions or memorials, it was by the 
 “ King’s command, and the requeft of the Secretaries who 
 “ defired my afliftance j nor was it any wifh of my own, 
 
 that any Ambaffador fhould give me any account of 
 “ the tranfadbions, but to the Secretaries, to whom I was 
 “ always ready to advife ; nor am I confcious to my felf 
 “ of ever having given advice that hath proved mifehievous 
 “ or inconvenient to his Majefty ; and I have been fo far 
 ‘ c from being the foie manager of affairs, that I have not, 
 “ in the whole laft year, been above twice with his Ma- 
 ‘‘ jefty in any room alone, and very feldom in the two or 
 “ three years preceding. 
 
 “ And fince the Parliament at Oxford , it hath been very 
 “ vifible, that my credit hath been very little, and that 
 <c very few things have been hearkened to, which have 
 “ been propofed by me, but contradicted, eo nomine , be- 
 “ caufe propofed by me. 
 
 “ I moft humbly befeech your Lordfhips to remember 
 “ the office and truft I had for feven years, in which, in 
 ‘‘ difeharge of my duty, I was obliged to ftop and obftrudb 
 “ many mens pretences, and refufed to fet the feal to many 
 “ pardons and other grants, which would have been pro- 
 “ fitable to thofe who procured them, and many where- 
 “ of, upon my reprefentation to his Majefty, were for 
 
 ever ftopt, which naturally have raifed many enemies 
 “ to me : And my frequent concurring, upon the defires 
 “ of the late Lord Treafurer, (with whom I had the 
 “ honour to have a long and vaft friendfhip to his death) 
 “ in reprefenting feveral exceffes and exorbitances , the 
 “ yearly iffue fo far exceeding the revenues, provoked 
 <l many perfons concerned, of great power and credit, to 
 “ do me all the ill offices they could. And yet I may faith- 
 “ fully fay, that I never meddled with any part of the 
 “ revenue or the adminiftration of it, but when I was de- 
 “ fired by the late Lord Treafurer to give him my af- 
 “ fiftance and advice, having had the honour formerly 
 “ to ferve the Crown as Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
 
 “ which was for the moft partin his Majefly’s prefence. 1667. 
 
 “ Nor have I ever been in the leaft degree concerned, 
 
 “ in point of profit, in letting any part of his Majefty’s 
 “ revenue ; nor have ever treated or debated it, but in his 
 “ Majefty’s prefence, in which my opinion concurred al- 
 “ way with the major part of the Counfellors who were 
 “ prelent. 
 
 “ All which, upon examination, will be made manifeft 
 <c to your Lordfhips, how much foever my integrity is 
 “ blafted by the malice of thofe who, I am confident, do 
 “ not believe themfelves. Nor have I in my life, upon 
 <c all the treaties, or otherwife, received the value of one 
 “ fhilling from all the Kings or Princes in the world, (ex- 
 “ cepting the books of the Louvre print fent me by the 
 Chancellor of France, by that King’s diiefbion) but 
 “ from my own mafter, to whofe intire fervice, and the 
 “ good and welfare of my country, no man’s heart was 
 ever more devoted. 
 
 “ This being my prefent condition , I do moft hum- 
 “ bly befeech your Lordfhips to entertain a favourable 
 <c opinion of me, and to believe me to be innocent from 
 <c thofe foul afperfions, until the contrary fliall be proved ; 
 
 “ which I am fure can never be by any man woithy to 
 “ be believed : And fince the diftempers of the times, and 
 ** the difference between the two Houles in the prefent 
 “ debate, with the power and malice of my enemies, 
 
 ‘ c who gave out that I fhould prevail with his Majefty to 
 “ prorogue or diffolve this Parliament in difpleafure, and 
 “ threaten to expofe me to the rage and fury of the peo- 
 “ pie, may make me to be looked upon as the caufe which 
 “ obfbru£bs the King’s fervice, and unity and peace of the 
 “ Kingdom. 
 
 “ I moft humbly befeech your Lordfhips, that I may 
 “ not forfeit your Lordfhips favour and proredbion, by 
 “ withdrawing my fell from fo powerful a perfection, in 
 “ hope th.at I may be able, by fuch withdrawing, here- 
 “ after to appear and make my defence, when his Ma- 
 “ jefty’s Juftice (to which I fha.ll always fubmit) may not 
 be obftrudled, or controlled, by the power anJ malice 
 “ of thofe who have fworn my deftruftion.” 
 
 The Lords having received this Apology the 3d of De- hit comma- 
 cember, defired a conference with the Commons, to corn- fa 
 municate it to them. The Duke of Buckingham, who 
 was to deliver it faid, The Lords have commanded me to de- Echaid. 
 liver you this fcandalous and feditious Paper, fent from the ’l. 1 P- 2 °+* 
 Earl of Clarendon : They bid me to prefent it to you, and is - ennet * 
 defire you in convenient time to fend it to them again, for- it 
 has a jlyle which they are in love with, and thci fore deftre 
 to keep it. 
 
 The reading of this Apology threw the Commons into a hpubtuklj 
 flame. Some of the Earl’s enemies (1) took occafion to bur, “' 
 make the moft virulent fpeeches againft him, and at laft, 
 the Houfe voted his Apology fcandalous and malicious, and 
 a reproach to the juftice of the nation, and ordered it to be 
 burnt by the common hangman. 
 
 The 1 3th of December , the Lords fent to the Commons 
 a Bill for the banifhment of the Earl of Clarendon, which 
 met with great oppofition in that Houfe. Some of the 
 members even propofed a Bill of Attainder againft him. 
 
 At laft, the Houfe voted, That the King fhould be prayed 
 to iffue out his Proclamation for fummoning the faid Earl to 
 appear by a day, and to apprehend him in order to his tryal, 
 and that the Lords be fent to for their concurrence in this 
 vote. But the Lords reiufed their concurrence, becaufe this 
 vote was contrary to their Bill. 
 
 At laft, on the 1 Sth of December, the Bill fent by the A Bill it 
 Lords palled the Houfe of Commons, and the King wil- wv 
 lingly gave his aflent. The truth is, it was the King who Bampmtnt. 
 had employed the Duke of York , to prevail with the Earl Burnt;t > 
 of Clarendon to withdraw ; whether the Earl’s friends had KcVnet. 
 at laft foftned the King, or he was not defirous of having EcharJ. 
 the articles of impeachment difeuffed, which might have 
 difeovered things he had rather conceal. 
 
 Thus was the Earl of Clarendon facrificed to the malice v,jt,n; on , 
 of his enemies. But they were fuch enemies, that it may up » tit dif- 
 be faid, their perfection did him more honour, than the gracu 
 crimes, which for the moft part were groundlefs, could do 
 him injury. Thefe enemies were, firft, the King himfelf, 
 who on this occafion forgot all the fervices this faithful Mi- 
 nifter had done his father and himfelf, at a lime when his 
 affedbion and fidelity could not be fufpedbed, fince there was 
 no appearance of his being ever rewarded. What is mote 
 ftrange, the King came to hate him, merely becaufe he 
 ferved him too well, and, in a juft concern for his glory, 
 did what lay in his power to prevent his falling into con¬ 
 tempt, and ingaging in proje&s which could not but ren¬ 
 der him unfortunate. His other enemies were, the King’s 
 miftreffes and favorites, perfons of profligate lives, of no 
 Religion, or of one contrary to that of the Eftablifhment, 
 who hated him only becaufe they thought him too hgneft. 
 
 8 B 
 
 or 
 
 (1) Particularly Sir Jcbn Vaughan, and Sir Robtrt Howard. Etbard, Tom. 3- p. 204.. 
 
 No. 76. V O L. II. 
 
Vo], If. 
 
 650 
 
 The HISTORY »/ E N G L A N D. 
 
 16'-7. or believed him incapable of being; gained to aflift their de- 
 figns. For it is generally allowed, that not a fingle arti¬ 
 cle of his accufation, except that of the fale of Dunkirk , 
 could be proved. 
 
 If the Presbyterians had procured the Lord Clarendon's 
 ruin, there had been nothing ftrange in it, fince he was 
 their profefied enemy. For it may be affirmed, that from 
 him came all their misfortunes, fince the beginning of this 
 reign. Hut the Presbyterians had then no credit, no ac- 
 cefs, either to Court or Parliament. What is mod fur- 
 prizing in the downfall of this Minifter, is the aniinofity 
 wherewith he was purfued bv the fame Houfe of Commons, 
 which he himfelf had, if I may fo fay, compofed of men 
 of the moll extravagant principles, with refpedl to Reli¬ 
 gion and Government. But he found himfelf miftaken in 
 his views. Fur thefc fame principles, with regard to the 
 royal power, fo firmly attached the Houfe to the King, 
 that they made no fcruple to abandon the Earl of Claren¬ 
 don, though head of the party, when once the King ex- 
 prefled his difpleafure againft him. This is not the only 
 inftance of the ableft Politicians labouring their own ruin, 
 by fcemingly the bell contrived projects. 
 n. ’, 1 1 /. Amonglt the great fervices rendered by the Earl of Cla- 
 . - retu l on to Chillies 1 , and Charles II, his excellent Hi/lory 
 
 /’;! of the Rebellion and Civil l! d> s in England, ought to be re- 
 
 membred, which was not publilhed till after his death. In 
 this hi {lory are undeniable proofs of the Author’s fincere 
 Nay, vei like!). it vs . writ with 
 the foie dclign to iullify the condudl of that unfortunate 
 Prince, and place it in the beft light, it is capable of. If 
 any tiling can injure this Hiflory, it is, that the views of 
 the Author are too undiiguifed. This gives impartial Rea¬ 
 ders occafion to think, it was not writ fo much for the in- 
 ftrucliun of the publick in the truth of fails, as to pre- 
 pciicfs them, by various artifices, and numberlefs infinua- 
 tions, in favour of a f\ .lem, which all Readers, verfed in the 
 Hiftory and Government of England , will, doubtlefs, not 
 admit. Another charge againft this Author, is, the con¬ 
 tempt and animofity which he every where fhows againft the 
 Presbyterians, and the Scots, even in places where it feems 
 foreign to his purpofe. But this came from his heart. 
 •His immoderate palfion againft Presbyterianifm, was this 
 great man’s foible. He gloried in his hatred of the Pref- 
 bvterians, and perhaps contributed more than any other, to 
 that excefs of animofity which Hill fubfifts among the fol¬ 
 lowers of his maxims and principles. 
 
 Hh reat From a private Gentleman, and a Lawyer, the Earl of 
 Clarendon rofe to the higheft degree of fortune, that a man 
 of his rank could afpire to. For by his merit, and his in¬ 
 violable attachment to Charles I. and Charles II, he was 
 railed to the dignity of Earl, of Lord High-Chancellor, 
 and of Prime Minifter of State. But what gives a farther 
 luftre to his glory, is, that from the marriage of his daugh¬ 
 ter with the Duke of York, fprung two Princelles fuccef- 
 fively Queens of England. He fperit the reft of his days 
 in banifhment, amidft Proteftant Presbyterians, and Pa- 
 pi fts, whofe declared enemy he had been, during the time 
 of his favour, but who failed not to pay him all the refpedl 
 due to his merit, and the dignities with which he had been 
 honoured in his own Country. He died at Roan the latter 
 end of December 1674, aged fixty-feven. 
 
 The day after the A£t for the Earl of Clarendon's ba¬ 
 nifhment pulled in the Houfe of Commons, the King 
 7oc p,>r/ij. gave his affent to it by commiffion. Then, he fent a 
 m.-v; j me j]jg e to the Cojnmons, by Secretary Morrice, to wifh 
 
 Artrr.trk them to adjourn to the 6th of February. In the Reign of 
 
 Kennet* 7 f ,nes there was a difference between the King and 
 ilctuid. Commons, concerning the right of adjournment. The 
 t minions pretended, that though the King had power to 
 diffolve or prorogue a Parliament, he could not adjourn it, 
 and that Adjournment entirely belonged to each Houfe. 
 But the Lords refilling their concurrence, the Commons 
 were obliged to diop their pretenfion. From that time 
 James I, and Charles I, always fuppofed this right as unde¬ 
 niable, and yet the point had never been decided in form. 
 It feems therefore, that Charles II, by defiring the Par¬ 
 liament to adjourn, was willing to fhow fome regard to the 
 pretenfion of the Commons, or at leaft, to avoid all oc¬ 
 cafion of difpute with them. But this condefcenfion lafted 
 not long ; for it will hereafter appear, that he frequently 
 adjourned the Parliament by his own authority, without 
 any difiike ex prefled by the Commons. Now the diffe¬ 
 rence hoc ween an Adjournment and a Prorogation confiftsin 
 this, that a prorogation ends the feffion?, and annuls all af¬ 
 fairs which have been propofed or debated in Parliament 
 without being finifhed, fo that they cannot ferve for ground 
 to the refolutions of a new feffion, unlefs they are propo¬ 
 fed afrefh. But an adjournment only fufpends them till the 
 Parliament re-aflcmbles. For this reafon, when the Com¬ 
 mons have voted the King a fupply, the Parliament is fel- 
 
 dom or never prorogued, but only adjourned when fome 1667a 
 fhort recefs is neceffary, that at their meeting again, they 
 may proceed upon the vote till it be palled into an Act. 
 
 Bell ■ 1 -1 I 1 , tl . . lifh- APnelal 
 
 ed a Proclamation, for the rigorous execution of the laws "J'Jfl 7 - 
 againft thefe who repaired to hear Mafs at the chapels of Am- 
 baffadors. He ftill perfifted in his diilimulation with regard E ^ lird -^ 
 to Religion, and in his defign to perlwade hisSubjedls, that ’ p ”° 
 he was a good Proteftant. It was properly for this that 
 thefe Proclamations were intended. But the non-perfor¬ 
 mance of them had a quite contrary effedt. For it could 
 not be thought neceffary fo frequently to repeat them, if the 
 King had been pleafed with feeing them executed according 
 to law. 
 
 This fame month of OLhbtr, the King rode in great 7A,Rr>yal 
 ftate into the Citv, and laid the firft ftone of the founda- Ex:fian fi e 
 
 in a very fhort time. 
 
 This year, death, as I have faid, took out of the world St| yp c - 
 Thomas Wriothejley Earl of Southampton , Lord Trcafurer. 77 h 7 / 
 The other lefs remarkable deaths were thofe of Dr. Mat - w,en. 
 thezv Wren Bifhop of Ely, ( great enemy of the Presbyte- Ech -“ d * 
 rians, who, out of revenge for his feveritv to them before 
 the civil wars, kept him prifoner in the l ower from the 
 year 1642 till the Reftoration, when he was reftored to his 
 Bifhoprick of Ely , where he died aged eighty one years. ) 
 
 And of the famous Poet Abraham Cowley, little known to 
 
 flrangers, but very much, and defervedly, efteemed by the Cowley.' 
 
 Englifh. 
 
 After the removal of the Earl of Clarendon , the King 166--8. 
 and his Minifters, of whom the Earl of Arlington , and Tbf K ' n S 
 Sir Orlando Bridgeman were the principal, believed it abfo- r JJ“° 
 lutely neceffary to give the people fome fatisfadlion, by cfe- -* 
 
 monllrating the Court’s attention to the welfare of the 10 rte l- 1 1 -' 
 nation. The King of France, by his invafion of Flan¬ 
 ders, had fo clearly fhown, he did not intend to ftand to 
 his Queen’s renunciation of ail the members of the Spa- 
 n'jh Monarchy, that he coulu not poffibly be miftaken. 
 
 Befides, his power was daily increasing, whereas that of 
 Spain was vilibly declining. It was therefore the intereft 
 of Europe in general, and of England in particular, to tako 
 early and effectual meafures, to let bounds to this formidable 
 power, which might produce great changes, if care was 
 not taken t > flop its progrefs. Nothing was more popular 
 than fuch a defign, and nothing more capable to re-ingra¬ 
 tiate the King with his Subjects. So, the ill of January 
 1667-S, a refolution was taken, to enter into a llridt union 
 
 . to prevent 
 , and the 
 folvecf, 
 
 to endeavour to engage the King of Sweden into the fame 
 meafures, and fo form a Triple alliance, capable to intimi¬ 
 date Lewis XIV, and oblige him to proceed with more 
 caution. 
 
 To execute this project, Sir William Temple was order- A triple 
 ed to the Hague, with the character of envoy extraordina- 
 ry and plenipotentiary. I fhall not defeend into the parti- 'twin En g - 
 culars of this negotiation, which are related in the Writings land, t-ki- 
 of Sir William Temple, publifhed in a French verfion. I lind ’ arui 
 fiiall only obferve, that by the add refs of this Envoy, the Temple-, 
 treaty of alliance between the King and the States was con- E ?tt. fol. 
 eluded in five days, and, what is more, figned by the p ' ‘ ic * 
 States-General, without communicating it to the particular 
 Provinces, which had never been p radii fed before. More¬ 
 over, the Count de Dhona , Ambaffador of Sweden , enga¬ 
 ged for his mafter that he fhould enter into this treaty, if a 
 place was left for him as a principal. Afterwards, this 
 Count figned a like treaty in the name of the King of 
 Sweden with the King of England and the States General, 
 it being agreed, that tiiis treaty fnould be eonfidered as part 
 of the former when ratified. Thefe treaties were firft fent 
 into England, and ratified by the King, and, fhortly alter, 
 the King of Sweden's ratification was likewife received. 
 
 Thus was concluded, in a very little time, a triple League, 
 the moft important that had been long fince made in Eu¬ 
 rope, and which was to check the power, as well as vafl 
 defigns of France. 
 
 For the undemanding this treaty, of which I fhall pre- F 
 fently give the fubftance, it muft be obferved, that Lewis ‘ r °" 
 XIV, aftei his campain, dui 
 
 many ftrong places of the Span jh Netherlands ( 1 \ had, atp. isx.’ 
 the prefling in (lances of the States-Gener;:!, contented to a 
 treaty with Spain, till the end of Mar.',, 1668. Moreo¬ 
 ver, he had left to the Queen-Regent of Spain , the choice 
 of either yielding to him the places conquered by him in 
 the laft campain, or elfe the Duchy or Lueenu u? or, 
 inftead of it, Franche-Comte, Cambray and Can.br/iii, 
 
 Douay, Aire , St. Omcr, Berg:.:, Eurr.es, and Lirtck, lor 
 which he promifed to furrender all the jell of his conqucfts. 
 
 Thefe offers, as ic appears, were feur.-VJ upon the .-0- 
 
 (i; Cbarleny, Oudenord, T^rnay, Dmijj, Court rkb. Life, &c. Ken- a, p. sgj, 
 
 fit ion. 
 

 Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 W/f.. 
 
 J ft treaty. 
 Tempi's 
 Letters, 
 p 69, Ac- 
 Colkdl. of 
 Tie,-, T. I. 
 
 . fifton, that the French Queen's renunciation, in the treaty 
 of iier marriage, was of no force. '1 hough the thing had 
 been decided only by the King of France himfelf, the States- 
 Cieneral, feeing no poilibility of obliging him to delift 
 from his pretentions, had approved of this alternative, and 
 polilively engaged to join their forces with thofe of France, 
 to compel Spain to embrace one or other of thefe offers. 
 
 The , couiJ not therefore recede, after fuch an engagement. 
 
 • For which reafon, they refolved to make with England 
 three different treaties, which, however, were to take place, 
 as containing but one and the fame treaty. 
 
 65 c 
 
 “ ting out a fufEcient fleet laft year ; in the reparation 
 “ of thofe that were out, fo that they became ul'elefs ; 
 “ in the want of provilion and ammunition in the fleet, 
 “ and in the forts ; in payment of the fea-men by tickets ; 
 “ in the want of intelligence and dividing the fleets in 
 “ the fecond year of the war ; in rhe bnfinefs of Chat - 
 “ ham, &c.” The Commons accufed Brounkard, that, 
 after the firft battle, he hud carried falfe orders from the 
 Duke of York, while that Prince was repofing himfelf, 
 which had prevented the entire deftrudtion of the enemy’s 
 fleet, and expelling him the Houfe ordered him to be im- 
 
 I lie nr.t treaty contained a defenfive alliance between peached. As to the affair of Chatham , they accufed Com- 
 
 England and the States- General, againft all who fhould at¬ 
 tack either of the parties, with a Ipecification of the fuc- 
 cours to be mutually given, in cafe of fuch an attack. This 
 alliance to be perpetual. 
 
 By the fecond treaty, the King and the States were ob¬ 
 liged to 
 France to 
 
 miffioner Pett for having negledled his duty. Sir William 
 Penn was accufed of having embezzled great quantities of 
 rich goods taken in a Dutch prize (2). 
 
 The King was doubly concerned to put an end to thefe 166;. 
 ..... __ examinations, fince molt of the mifearriages refledted up- 
 
 ufe their joint endeavours to difpole the King of on him, though only feme particular officers were dircdtly 
 d make peace in the Netherlands , upon one of the accufed, and befides, the Commons wafted the time, which, 
 propofed conditions, and like wife the King of Spain to according to him, would have been better employed in¬ 
 make choice of one of the two before the end of May. confidering the fupplies he had demanded. He therefore The King 
 But, in cafe of any difficulty from the Spaniard, they en- preffed the Commons, by three feveral meffages, to haften P'T' ! ’ e 
 
 the money-bill, telling them in his laft meflage, that he 
 intended to prorogue the Parliament the 4th or May. But, 
 being informed, the Houfe was not pleafed with . is mef- 
 fage, becaufe a Prorogation would have defeated all their 
 proceedings againft Delinquents, he let them know, the 
 24th of April, that he intended only an adjournment 1 or 
 three months ; and withal defired, that the money-bill 
 might be ready againft the 4th of May 
 
 Befides the fupply, the Houfe ot Commons was em- A addreffed 
 ployed in another affair, with which they were greatly 
 affe&ed. They began to difeover the King’s fecret i n-puttbe law 
 tentions, and believed, that under colour of eafing the ,n 
 Presbyterians, his defign was to obtain a general indul- 
 gence for all the Non-conformifts, including the Papifts Non-con- 
 . , . . under that general denomination. An infinuation in his/""'* 1 * 
 
 his affiftmg that nation by making war in the Netherlands. Speech confirmed this fufpicion. Wherefore, to ftop tbe Echa,d * 
 
 3 * in ca,e thc King of France rejecting the condi- progrefs of a defign fo contrary to their principles, with 
 tions contained in the fecond treaty, fhould make farther regard both to Popery and Presbyterianifm, they prefented 
 progrefs in Flanders, then the allies fhould join with Spain, an addrefs to the King, to pray him “ That he would iflue 
 and make war upon the King of France , till they fhould “ out his Proclamation for enforcing the laws againft 
 
 Conventicles ; and that care might be taken for the 
 prefervation of the peace againft all unlawful affemblies 
 
 - of Papifts and Non-conformifts.”—The King, accord- Hetmucut 
 
 This treaty which, as I faid, was figned by the King of ing to his ufual cuftom, failed not to publilh a Proclama- 
 Sweden principal, and^was called the Triple-League, tion, declaring, “ That upon information, that divers per- 09 "* 
 
 gaged to ufe their endeavours to induce the King of France 
 to flop all farther progrels of his arms in Flanders , and 
 leave it wholly to the allies, to procure the ends propofed 
 in the League. 
 
 The third treaty contained, 1. That if in procuring 
 peace between France and Spain, any difficulties ffiould a- 
 rife concerning the renunciation, care fhould be taken fo 
 to fettle the articles of peace, as to create no prejudice to 
 the rights of either. But if one fide only fhould rejeft this 
 expedient, then the allies fhould proceed againft the refu- 
 fer, in the manner agreed in the fecond treaty. 2. That 
 the allies fhould ufe their endeavours to eftablifh peace be¬ 
 tween Spain and Portugal. And though they did not pre¬ 
 tend to hinder the King of France from affifting Portugal , 
 they would however prevent, as far as lay in their power. 
 
 compel him to comply with the terms of the Pyrenean 
 treaty. 4. That all thefe articles fhould be ratified with, 
 four weeks (1). 
 
 received the applaufes of all Europe, except France. 
 deed, the tendency of it was not only to fave the Nether¬ 
 lands, purfuant to the true interefts of England and the 
 States-General, but allb to prevent a fatal war, which muft 
 have thrown all Europe into a flame. It is perhaps the 
 only ftep taken by Charles , through the whole courfe of 
 his reign, really tending to the advantage of England. It 
 will hereafter appear, that, probably, he had no other in¬ 
 tention than to dazzle the publick, and amufe the world, 
 by a proceeding fo much to his honour. But in ill fup- 
 porting what he had fo happily begun, he mani.'eftly 
 fhowed, that he erred not thiough ignor .nce, or want of 
 
 fons abufing the clemency ufed to the Diffenters, (a 
 “ whiljl it was under confederation to fend out a way feor the 
 “ better union ofe his Protejlant feubjefls) had of late openly 
 “ held unlawful Affemblies and Conventicles, he would 
 “ by no means permit fuch notorious contempts of him- 
 “ felf and his laws to go unpunifhed, £ 5 V.” He fuppofed, 
 the Parlia ment was upon this union, becaufe he had re¬ 
 commended it to them. But the Commons were far from 
 thinking of this affair, unlefs by this union the King meant 
 an entire conformity with the Church of England , which 
 was not his intention. 
 
 A fence be- 
 and H.juu- 
 
 Cullca. of 
 Treat. T. I. 
 p, 14.6. 
 
 'the Kirg’s 
 
 /.Jr/lamenl. 
 
 ~ ~ . At this time a great difpute arofe between the two A difference 
 
 knowing the interefts of his Kingdom, and thofe of all Houfes, occafioned by Mr. Skinner a Merchant of London, b “' wctn lbe 
 Europe.' who believing to have juft caufe of complaint againft the 
 
 Shortly after, Sir Tvilliam Temple concluded a treaty of Eajl-lndia Company, brought the matter by petition in- 
 commerce with the States-General, and about the fame to the Houfe of Lords originally. The Lords, after an 
 time the treaty of peace between Spain and Portugal examination, relieved him in five thoufand pounds cofts. 
 was happily finilhed, under the guaranty of the King of On the other hand, the Company having petitioned the 
 England. Commons, Skinner was taken into cuftody, for applying 
 
 While thefe affairs were t ran failing, the Parliament met originally to the Lords, in a Common Piea, which was 
 the 10th ol February. The King, in his fpeech to both not agreeable to the Law. The petition prefented to the 
 Houles, informed them, that he had made a league defen- Commons by the Eajl-lndia Company was voted fcan- 
 live with the States of the Enitcd Provinces , and another dalous by the Lords, and feveral conferences between the 
 for an efficacious mediation of peace between France and two Houfes, were not capable to decide this difference. 
 
 Spain, into which the King of Sweden had, by his Am- At laft, the Commons voted “ That whoever fhould be 
 li.illador, offered to enter as a principal. He added, that “ aiding or affifting in putting in execution the order or 
 th.e poliure of his neighbours, and the confequence of the “ fentence of the Houfe of Lords, in the cafe of Thomas 
 new alliance, obliging him to fet out a fleet to fea, he 
 fjiouid want a fpeeuy fupply ; that befides it was neceffary 
 - build fume large (hips, and fortify the ports. He con- 
 
 1 umed ir-10 by 
 ybe Common i. 
 Echanl. 
 
 111. p. 22 
 
 Skinner againft the Eajl-lndia Company, fhould be 
 deemed a betrayer of the rights and liberties of the 
 “ Commons of England, and an infringer of the Privi- 
 “ leges of the Houfe.” 
 
 The fame day this vote paffed in the Houfe of Com- 7be King 
 mons, being the 8th of May, the King came to the Houffe^/A 'J 0,r - e 
 
 . - -- r — of Peers, and paffing the Bill for railing three hundred and fuj'fegfefe* 
 
 nance ; but befure they proceeded to the cenfideration of ten thoufand pounds by an impofition on wines and other j.u,n>, and 
 the Kings Speech, they revived to inquire into the mif- liquors, and fome other A£ts, he adjourned the Parliament ^der-uiard* 
 managements during the late war. They appointed for to the iith of Auguft. He adjourned it again a fecond ^p fe '' r ot 
 this purpofe a Committee, which difcovered many mif- time [to the iftof March,] and at laft, prorogued it to 
 demeanours in the condua of feveral perfons, “ as in the the 19th of Oftober 1669 (3}. 
 affair of Berghen in Norzuay ; in the plundering the Eajl- I have already mentioned t 
 
 eluded with defiring them to think ferioufly of fome courfe, 
 to beget a better union and compofure in the minds of his 
 l’ub;e6ts in matters of religion. 
 
 The Commons joyfully received the news of the triple- 
 
 India fliips while the Dutch palled by in the not fet- and Spain, and the alternative offered by the French King. 
 
 the affairs between France Lewis xiv. 
 
 (1) Th : s triple alliance was figned January 23. 7 V mpie' 1 Lett. p. 59. 
 
 ,2 ) ' Vh . ere ^ lhe K -' n S wis deluded <'f above a . | am l nfceen thoufand pounds. Ecbord, Tom. 
 13J In Uie beginning ot May, the Queen mlfwirirri a .ccund time. Idem . p. 210. 
 
 Comte. 
 B3 Inage, 
 Echajcfc 
 
 The 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 6 5 : 
 
 The HISTORY oj ENGLA N D. 
 
 The 
 
 fyv, 
 
 Manjriis of Cujlel-Rodrigo, or rather the Court of 
 r, not being in hafte to make a choice, Lewis XIV. 
 Feh-n.r invaded FranJjeComti (t), and in lefs than a 
 fortnight funducd lire whole Province. This conqueft how- 
 t "er did not make him rife in his demands, but he was 
 ftii! vw tiling to Hand to the olFcr oi the two conditions he 
 had propuied. But the Court of Spain delayed, as much 
 as poiTible, to declare upon the offered alternative, defign- 
 ing to ingsge England and the States in a war againft 
 home. Mean while, as the treaty of the Triple-League 
 was diieftlv contrary to the defign of Spain, (the three 
 allies having onlv engaged to take arms in cafe the King 
 of France re ft; fed to (land to his propofal) it was not poffible 
 C:ur! -l for the Court of Spain to accomplish their ends. At laft, 
 main' tergi venations, the Marquifs of Cajlcl-Rodrigo 
 mves declared, he accepted the firft condition, by which France 
 r-n.pc's was to keep what had been conquered the laft campain. 
 
 ^ eU ‘ This choice greatly furprized the States, who had relied on 
 
 the Spaniards accepting rather the fecund condition, which 
 appeared lefs advantagious to them. But the policy of the 
 Spani/h Court was to throw England and the States into 
 an unavoidable neceffity of making war againft France , it 
 fhc fliould offer to purfue her conqueft in the Netherlands. 
 r,,; t cen- This choice being made, the peace was no longer diffi- 
 dud'.: cult. The town of Aix la Chapelle was agreed on for 
 
 r-ilc/ t ^ ie P^ ace °f treaty, and the Plenipotentiaries of Fiance and 
 
 ■> 'mpie. Spain, of England, Sweden, and the States, repairing thi- 
 vViieet.of ther, the tieaty w.s concluded and figned the fccond of 
 p , ' ’May, after a fortnight's negotiation. The treaty eontain- 
 Arlington’* ed in fubftance, That the King of France fhoulJ keep pof- 
 Lett. fenion of Char lacy , Bin cl, Aeth, Douay, Fort-de-la- 
 Seaipe, Tout nay, Oudenarde, Life, Armcnticres, Courtrary, 
 Berrhes, Fumes, with all their dependencies. The King 
 of France, on his fide, reftored Franche-Comte to the 
 Crov.n of Spain. The allied States were Guarantees of 
 this Peace, and all other Princes and States were allowed to 
 be fo, if they pleafed (2). 
 
 7 hr Dirih Though the treaty of Aix la Chapelle had confiderably 
 ‘bn'u'f'/n ' ncrfa, ' e ‘ i ! * ie power of France , the States-General of the 
 Bithage. ’United-Provinces believed it a great advantage, to have 
 (topped the progrefs of the French arms. They aferibed 
 to themfelves the whole glory, though, indeed, the Triple- 
 League would never have been thought of by them, had it 
 arj Y:ic j not been firlt prop, fed by the King of England. To im- 
 A.v.a,. mortalize their glory, they ftruck a medal, on one fide of 
 BafiMge* 1 *" * W * 1;C ^ was ft crI Holland leaning againft a trophy, and cn 
 11. P 1 $ ,20. the reverie, an infeription to tins effcdl : That they had fe- 
 , j’ g'”" Vli,c cur ‘d the Laws ; reformed Religion ; affijled, defended, and 
 reconciled Kings 3 rejlared Freedom to the Ocean ; procured 
 by their Arms a glor ious Peace, and ejlablijhed the Tranquil¬ 
 lity of all Europe. On the other hand, fofuah Van Beu- 
 r.inghcn, who had been employed in negotiating this peace, 
 ftruck a medal, and compared bimfelf to fojhuah flopping 
 the courfe of the fun. As the King of France had taken 
 the fu:i for his device, the meaning of this medal could not 
 be miftaken. But the States immediately fuppreifed it. 
 As for the firft, and fome others, which difeovered too 
 gr.'.at prefumption, they weic not broke till two years after. 
 [ hev had afterwards caufe to repent of this infult offered 
 to Lewis XIV. 
 
 Rtafit When I fa:d, that Charles, in all appearance, propofed 
 
 r * ic triple-League only to amufe the publick, and appeafe 
 nn 7 ld~tb/ * n Lnie meafure, the difeontents of the people, which began 
 fui-rd to appear, I founded this conjecture, Firft, upon Sir JVilliam 
 Temples Temples, fufpicion, that the King would not long continue 
 in this refolution. 7 his fufpicion appears in feveral of his 
 letters. But as they were writ to the Earl of Arlington, 
 Secretary of State, he contented himfelf with infinuating 
 his bLiof, without daring to fpeak too openly. Secondly, 
 it has been feen in a letter of the King of France, to d’Ef- 
 trades, how little Charles concerned himfelf for the prefer- 
 vation of the Netherlands, fince, believing, that Lewis di¬ 
 rected his views that way, he offered to let him make that 
 conqueft unniulefted, without referving an inch of land to 
 himfelf, provided Lewis would abandon the States-General. 
 'I hirdh , the fale ol Dunkirk to France (howed, that Lew- 
 L’s conquefts in Flanders would give but little jealoufy 
 to Charles In the fourth place, at the very time that all 
 T^mplf Ewe.: was dilfolvcd in joy for the conclufion of the Tri- 
 Hl 3 p *- -o P^ e ‘Ktague, Sir Tl.omas Clifford, the King's favorite, laid 
 
 openly,- 1 Fell, for all this noife, we mujl yet have atio- 
 
 thir r: ■ with the Dutch before it be long. Fifthly, France 
 heifelf did not difeover much uneafinefs at this Triple-Al¬ 
 liance. She not only infifted upon all her pretenfions, but 
 even Mr. de Lionne, Secretary of State, writing to d’Ef- 
 tr.:.i,s on occafion of this Triple-Alliance, has thefc words, 
 - It the Dutch enter into Alliances contrary to the inte¬ 
 
 rest of his Majejly, we J.hall not be fo much troubled at it as 1 6 c 3 . 
 they imagined : J know what I jay , and upon what founda¬ 
 tion l fpeak it. If to this be added. King Charles'* ftrange 
 conduct -afterwards, in making a League with France a- 
 gainft Holland, it cannot but be (ufpeCted, that there was 
 at that time a fecret correfpondence between France and 
 England. Sixthly, events are commonly the beft inter¬ 
 preters of men’s actions. Arid it will prefently appear, that 
 Charles made but little account of his engagements, entered 
 into by the Triple-Alliance ; but it is not time yet to fpeak 
 of thefe matters. 
 
 After the removal of the Earl of Clarendon, the face of <rit AW 
 the Englijh Court was entiiely changed. The King, more ”■ 
 at eafe by the abfence of a troublelome Minifter, whole f'C d,J ~ 
 very prefence was a reproof to his conduit, gave himfelf Bjmet. 
 up to his pleafures, without any referve or diferetion. The 
 Duke of Buckingham , who had no Religion, and gloried in 
 his debaucheries, and IVilmot Earl of RocheHer, the greatelt 
 wit, and the molt fatirical and licentious Poet of his age, 
 were his principal favorites. With thefe two men, and his 
 miftreffes, the King fpent almoft his whole time, and it 
 was with difficulty that his Miniflers could find an oppor¬ 
 tunity to fpeak to him of his affairs. Pleafures and de¬ 
 bauches weie the foie entertainments of the Court, and 
 vice appealed there bare-faced. In a word, England had 
 never feen a more diforderly Court, and unhappily, their 
 example had but too much influence on the reft ot the peo¬ 
 ple. The King was prodigal to excefs. Befides his Hand- Ii very fry¬ 
 ing revenues, which, as we have feen, amounted to twelve/"-/*- 
 hundred thoufand pounds Sterling, he had confumed the 
 eighteen hundred thoufand pounds given him the laft year 
 by the Parliament, in ufes for which that money was not 
 intended. This year, he had asked a fupply of h.s Parlia¬ 
 ment, pretending a neceffi:y to build fome new fliips of 
 war, and to put a great fleet to fea, in maintenance of his 
 engagements by the Triple-Alliance. The Parliament had 
 granted him three hundred and ten thoufand pounds, but 
 the A6t not paffing till two days after the figning of the 
 treaty of Aix la Chapelle, not a fingle fhip was built, ai d 
 the neceffity of putting a fleet to fea, vaniflied at once. 
 Notwithftanding this, he was always in want, and Ins re¬ 
 venues perpetually anticipated. 
 
 But a (till greater misfortune to England was, that only anatpro- 
 P-pifls, or men of no Religion, had any credit at Couit. e"J‘ ,b ‘ 
 
 1 he Duke of Buckingham, the Earl of Rochejler, and the 
 King’s Miftreffes, were not perfons who gave themfelves 
 any trouble to flop the progrefs of Popery. The Earl of 
 Arlington, Secretary of State, was, like the King, a dd- 
 guifed, and Clifford, a declared Papift. The Duke of York 
 was not only a Catholick, but alfo very zealous for his Re¬ 
 ligion. Being confidcred as preemptive heir to the Crown, 
 great court was made to him, and with the more applica¬ 
 tion, as his revenues being large, and his management fru¬ 
 gal, he had wherewithal to gain Courtiers. It may be 
 judged, that his zeal had fuffered him not to advance Pro- 
 teftants to places of truft, when he could introduce per¬ 
 fons of his Religion. He iiad fo powerful a party at Court, 
 and fo many creatures about the King’s perfon, that he 
 was in a manner abfolute there, and direfled the refoluti- 
 ons of the Council. Laftly, if the King had any Religion, 
 he was moft inclined to Popery. He found, befides, a con- 
 fiderable advantage in careffing the Papifts, whom he e- 
 fteemed his firm friends, whereas he could not help dread¬ 
 ing the zeal of the Proteftants, in cafe they fhoulJ difeover, 
 lie had abjured their Religion. 
 
 After this view of the lfate of the Englijh Court, it is Drfigno 
 eafy to conceive, that thofe who hid moft credit, and ar - r f :t ‘. 
 cels to the King, could hardly intend the benefit of the KlK Z at H utt ' 
 Kingdom. Every one cf his moft intimate Counfellors 
 would have been glad to fee the King abfolute, that he 
 might have at command the whole riches of England to 
 lavifh upon them. The King himfelf was fo uneafy 
 to be continually forced to devife frefh pretences to demand 
 money of his Parliament, that he could have wifhed to be 
 delivered from that trouble, and to have free liberty to take 
 what he wanted without asking. But on the other hand, 
 he thought himfelf obliged to proceed circumfpeCtly, the 
 example of his father not permitting him to ingage in the 
 fame courfe, before he had taken greater precautions. This 
 was the reafon, that for fume years the Court-projects were 
 executed gradually, and with great diffimulation, notwith¬ 
 ftanding the warm temper of the Duke of York, and the 
 e3gernefs of the Papifts. For it may be affirmed, that the 
 King alone oppofed their career, whether out of fear or 
 prudence. 
 
 This fummer, the King diverted himfelf with making n, Kteg 
 feveral Progreffcs into the country, to view the ports and ■ajuirvtn 
 
 h "her. brh-.-igis tr the King of Spain. Erhard, Tom- p. n6. 
 n : litre. E'gijr.j had the bell opportunity or bolding the bailance of Eur-pr 
 e laved the (pending of thofe millions of treafure, and oceans of bicod, that ha 
 great private benefit by it: For one Brsuer, i .i, 
 : woollen cloths, thereupon came into Engtard-, and by them >he t.'tl'l’• w 
 :rt y per cent, than they could before. E. Cih, Tom a p. 161. 
 
 4 
 
 wh : ch if it had immoveably o' ferved, and with reafonihje vigour, 
 
 e fince happened. Ecbard. -Whatever the Spamjb loll ly the 
 
 to be of Evghjh P.renti, wi-h about fifty who wrought 
 
 te in a tew years inllructed to make and dye fine woollen ciochs, 
 
 the 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26 CHARLES ir. 
 
 65 : 
 
 [1668. tlie navy. He lent a fquadron into the Mediterranean, 
 ipdsaFUct commanded by Sir Thomas Allen, who forced the Algerines 
 leer ran t0 a P eacc ver y advantagious to England. 
 
 I vbaflict Nothing more of any importance palled during the reft 
 
 ennet. of this year, except fome Embaflies, which the fequel re¬ 
 chard . 29; ' fi u ‘ res fliould be mentioned. Sir William Godolphin was 
 Philips, lent to the Court of Spain ; Mr. Ralph Montague was firft 
 Envoy, and foon after AmbalFador to France ; the Earl of 
 Carlijle went A mbalfador to Stockholm (1), and Sir William 
 Temple AmbalFador extraordinary to the States-General. 
 On the other hand, Monfieur Colbert was fent from France 
 to refide as Ambafiador at the Englijb Court. 
 
 Idvmce- There were alfo fome changes at Court: Among others, 
 mrt “ ^‘ r Thomas Ciijford was made Treafurcr of the Houfhold, 
 
 fpt. 19. the Duke of Monmouth, the King’s natural foil, was made 
 .■pc. 29. Captain of his life-guard of horfe ; Sir John Trevor, lately 
 returned from France, where he had been Envoy, was 
 fworn one of his Majefty’s principal Secretaries of State, 
 on the refignation of Sir William Morrice , to whom was 
 given ten thoufand pounds Sterling. 
 
 U.tthi. This year died Algcrnoon Percy, Earl of Northumberland , 
 .clrard. who was fucceeded by his fon(2); the famous Poets Da- 
 venant , and Denham ; and the great foldier Sir William 
 Waller , fo often mentioned in the Hiftory of the civil wars. 
 He had been imprifoned by the Independent Parliament, 
 and confined till the King’s reftoration, when he was de¬ 
 livered, being confidered on account of his fuflerings as a 
 fort of Royalift. 
 
 1669. Though the year 1669, produced no memorable events, 
 'ht Vy. it was however fatal to Europe, lince it was, probably, 
 1 tdfnrcs‘ S l ^ ls y ear J^at meafures began to be taken for the ftrift 
 <Uh rec.pd union of France with England. At leaft,-it appears in Sir 
 mince p!e ~ William Temple’s Letters, that Mr. Pajfendorf, who had 
 ’em pic's this year been fent Envoy from Sweden to the Court of 
 ,etc, p. 179. France, calling at the Hague in his return, Laid to Sir 
 William Temple (3), that a Minifter at the French Court 
 had allured him, that the Triple-alliance would not fubfift, 
 and that the Englijb Court had already changed their mea¬ 
 fures. The fame Mr. Puffendorf faw a letter in Marlhal 
 Turennes hands at Pam, from Monfieur Colbert the French 
 AmbalFador in London, wherein that AmbalFador, fpeaking 
 
 lined by of the Englijb Court, has thefe words:- 1 have at 
 
 rancc - loft made them fenjiblc of the whole extent of bis Majejlys 
 liberality. So, it is fcarce to be doubted, that Colbert's 
 embally to London was defigned to gain or corrupt the 
 Englijlo Court, and that he fucceeded. It is the time only 
 that is quellioned, fince the thing itfelf appeared manii'eftly 
 in the fequel. 
 
 he Prime I he latter end of March, Cofmo de Mcduis Prince of 
 •riviTu Tufcany arrived in England , where he was received with 
 ngi.md. the refpedt due to his birth and particular merit. As 
 larch 22. his defign was only to fee England after he had vifited Spain 
 chard? anc ^ Trance, he was Ihewn, by order of the King, what¬ 
 ever was curious, and particularly the two Univerlities. 
 rlncc Shortly after his departure. Prince George of Denmark 
 
 Sark came a lfo to pay the King a vilit, but made no long ftay 
 ,i y- ' then in England. 
 
 tn.iire at The 9th of July the large and magnificent Theatre at 
 aiid. Oxford , built at the expence of Dr. Sheldon Archbifliop of 
 
 ennet. Canterbury, was opened. He was Chancellor of the Uni- 
 verfity, and Ihortly after refigned that honour to the Duke 
 of Ormond. The Duke was ftill Lord Lieutenant of Ire¬ 
 land, but foon after was removed, and fucceeded by the 
 Lord Roberts, who was not ot the Duke’s principles. 
 he Kgngs In all appearance, the King had now formed a fort of 
 fcheme with regard to Religion. This was to incorporate 
 * £,on ‘ the Presbyterians with the Church of England , and pro¬ 
 cure a Foleration for all the other Non-conformifts. He 
 might have in this a double view. Firft, to gain the Pres* 
 byteiians, who were very numerous in the Kingdom, 
 and perhaps make ufe of them, thus united with the 
 Church of England , to check the fury of the Epifco* 
 palians, who were not lefs enemies to the Papifts than to 
 the Presbyterians. If the King had not been a Papift, 
 which was then little known, it would be difficult to un- 
 derftand this policy, fince, fuppofing him a zealous mem¬ 
 ber of the Church of England, what occafion had he to 
 guard againft her? But being a Catholick, the advantages 
 of thefe precautions are very vifible. His fecond view, 
 univerfally allowed, and afterwards mamfeftly dilcovered, 
 was, by procuring an Indulgence for all Non-conformifts 
 without diftip.dtion, to procure alfo the fame favor for the 
 ie Pres- Papifts. In purfuance of this fcheme, the King and his 
 reJJid‘ S Minifters affected to exprefs great kindnefs for the Presby¬ 
 terians, and this kindnefs encouraged them to appear more 
 
 openly, and hold their aflemblies with lels caution and 1669. 
 
 fecrecy. In fliort, Sir Orlando Bridgcman LorcKKeeper, prrirei of 
 
 whether privy to the King’s fecret Intentions, or led by 
 motives of mildnefs and humanity, acquainting two of the to v'hh, hi 
 moft eminent Presbyterian Minifters (4), that he delired a L,jrd t<_eepet 
 conference with them. They waited on him accordingly, iZf^lZJbe- 
 and he freely told them, he defigned to make them fome fome 
 propofals for a comprehenfion for the Presbyterians, and a c p h::r Jf nd 
 Toleration for the Independents and the reft. Upon this MhdjtcJi™ 
 occafion, thefe two Presbyterian Minifters had feveral 
 conferences with two Epifcopal Doctors (5),' one of whom jr c hur<i. 
 was Chaplain to the Lord-Keeper. Wjien it is confidered, Bur 
 that in the Savoy conference, at the beginning of thisReign, 
 the two parties could not agree in any one point, and that 
 in the prefent conference an agreement was immediately 
 made, it can hardly be doubted, that the two Epifcopal 
 Divines came fully prepared to facilitate the accommoda¬ 
 tion. However this be, they agreed among them, con- 
 cerning Re-ordination, which was the point they moftdif- m ™lhlze 
 fered about, That all Presbyterian Minifters who had been eontegiAi. 
 already ordained, fhould be admitted into the Miniftry of 
 the Church of England with this form of words, Tale thou 
 legal authority to preach the word of God, and adminijler 
 the Holy Sacraments, in any congregation of England, where 
 thou Jhalt be lawfully appointed thereunto. This was not 
 properly a new Ordination, but only a power to cxcrcife 
 their miniftry in the Church of England. It was alfo agreed, 
 that Ceremonies fhould be left indifferent, fo that they 
 might be ufed or not, according as every one fhould think 
 fitj and that the Liturgy fhould be altered: Moreover, 
 that thofe who could not be comprehended fhould be in¬ 
 dulged : and for fecurity to the Government, the names of 
 the Teachers, and all the members of the congregations 
 fhould be regiftred. Agreeably to this fcheme, the Lord 
 Chief Juftice Hale undertook to draw up a Bill againft 
 the enfuing Parliament, and the Lord-Keeper promifed to 
 fupport it with all his power. It is eafy to perceive, this 
 project, however neceftary to the King’s defigns, was how¬ 
 ever dire&ly contrary to the principles of the Parliament, 
 who were averfe to all condefcenfion. Accordingly it 
 came to nothing. 
 
 Mean time, 1 whether the fecret of what palFed in the TJ 
 conferences was not well kept, or the Non-conformifts, ci'ZiLry 
 incouraged by the Court, aflumed too much liberty, the ' • 
 
 Archbifliop of Canterbury refolved to ufe his utmoft en- me A' ,r:t 
 
 deavours to break their meafures. For this purpofe he writ 
 to all his Suffragan Bifhops a circular letter, requiring them J. une 
 to take a very particular account of them in their Diocefes. 
 
 When he was provided with the neceftary informations, Echari. 
 he went to the King, and obtained from him a Procla¬ 
 mation to inforce the laws againft conventicles, and parti¬ 
 cularly the Acft for reftraining Non-conformifts from in¬ 
 habiting in Corporations This Proclamation was executed 
 like thofe againft the Papifts. For, about two months 
 after, the King caufed the Non-conformift Minifters to be 
 told, that he inclined to favour them, and if they would 
 addrefs him for his clemency and the liberty they enjoyed 
 under him, it would be accepted. Whereupon fuch an ad- J 
 drefs was prepared, and prefen ted to the King at the Earl jL/vLyi" 
 of Arlington’s lodgings, who received it giacioufly, and J s r y 
 returned a favorable anfwer(6). 
 
 The Parliament, according to the prorogation, met the 
 19th of October, The King in a fhort fpeech demanded 
 money for the difeharge of his debts, and briefly propofed 
 the union of the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland. 
 
 Then the Lord-Keeper enlarged upon thefe points. But T! “ Common, 
 the Commons, inftead of taking the King’s fpeech into ^ r- 
 confideration, proceeded upon other affairs. The publ.ck .ichii'iT. 
 accounts were examined (7), with, the ufes to which the Echar<1, 
 King had applied the money given him by the Parliament, ^.- 7 ' 
 and Sir George Carteret, who had the keeping of fome of 
 the books being found very blameable, was expelled the 
 Houfe, Then they addrefled the King to thank him for 
 his Proclamation againft conventicles, praying him to con¬ 
 tinue the fame care to fupprefs them for the future. 
 
 But, not contented with this, they appointed a commit- 
 tee to enquire into the behaviour of the Non-conformifts. tht 
 This committee reported, “ That there were divers con- 
 “ venticles and other feditious meetings near the Parlia- 
 “ ment, where great numbers of difaffe&ed perfons fre- 
 “ quently met, which was not only an affronuo the Go*. 
 
 “ vernment, but alfo of imminent danger to both Houfcs 
 “ and the peace of the Kingdom.” It feems, the Houfe was 
 afliamed to Ihow fo much refentment againft the Prcffiv-* 
 terians, folely on the account of Religion, and therefore 
 
 (1) With Sir Samistl Moreland as Envoy. 
 
 (21 Who died within two years, and with him was excinft the antient and famoris Family of the Percy's; 
 
 (5) He laid lb to Mr.de Wit. who told Sir William Temple of it. See Temple's Let;, p. 179. 
 
 (4.; Dr. M.niton, and Mr. "Baxter. 
 
 (7 Dr. Wi thins; and Dr. Burton the Keeper’s Chaplain. 
 
 (6) His anfwer was, “ That he would do his utmoft to get them comprehended within the publick eftabllfhm'ent.” 
 
 (7; And, after all the moftfhameful items that could b; put into an account, there was none offered for about ei.-hr hundred 
 net, p. 268. 
 
 No, 76. Vol. II. s C 
 
 thoufand p.uinds. '8/ir* 
 
 took 
 
Vol II. 
 
 6 54 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND, 
 
 1669, 
 
 
 C'.r.iclrr r 
 
 Lauderdale 
 
 Burnet. 
 
 took great care to intereft the State, in order to create a 
 belief, that the Presbyterians were guilty of fedition. hor 
 they were always included under the general denomination 
 of Non-conformiffs, fo that it was believed they ought to 
 be refponfible for the conduft ot the other lefts, with 
 whom however they had no communication. Upon the 
 report of the committee, the Houfe declared, that they 
 would firmly adhere to the King in the maintenance of 
 the eftablifhed Government of the^Church and State, againfl 
 all enemies whatfoever. When it is confidered, that the 
 State had never enjoyed a more perfeft tranquillity than at 
 prefent, it can hardly be quefhoned, that this Declaration 
 of the Commons was owing to the forementioned projeft, 
 which, doubtlefs, was come to their knowledge, and of 
 which they were refolved to prevent the execution, by in¬ 
 directly declaring how much they were again ft it. 
 u At lalt the Commons voted the King a fupply of four 
 hundred thoufand pounds. But, before they confidered of 
 the means to raife this fum, they revived the debate concern¬ 
 ing Skinner and the Eajl-India Company, and came to feve- 
 ial resolutions, which the Lords looked upon as fo many 
 a violations of their privileges in point of judicature. 1 he dit- 
 
 ference between the two Houles daily increafing, the King 
 faw, it would be very difficult to reconcile them, and that 
 the Commons would not proceed upon the money-bill till 
 this affair was adjufted; and as he had no room to expeft 
 an agreement, he prorogued the Parliament the irth of 
 December , to the 1 4-th of February following. 
 
 The Parliament of Scotland met the fame day with that 
 of England. But before I fpeak of the tranfaftions of this 
 Parliament, it will not be improper, briefly to fhew the 
 character of the Duke of Lauderdale, the King’s High- 
 Commiffioner. This Lord made fo great a figure in this 
 Reign, both in England and Scotland , that his character 
 inuft not be thought foreign to our Hiftory. 
 f John Maitland, Lari (afterwards Duke) of Lauderdale , 
 ’• was, during the troubles in Scotland, a rigid Presbyterian, 
 a zealous Covenanter, and a diftinguifhed enemy of the 
 royal authority. But he turned to the King’s intereft in 
 1647, when Duke Hamilton invaded England, for the fer- 
 vice of Charles 1 . From that time, he was looked upon in 
 Scotland as an enemy of his Country. But, after the ar¬ 
 rival of Charles II. in Scotland, and the compolure of the 
 dift’eiences between the Scots, he followed the King into 
 England, was taken at the battle of Worcejler , and con¬ 
 fined in feveral prifons, till the King’s reftoration. During 
 his imprifonment he had great impreffions of Religion on 
 his mind. But, after the King had received him into his 
 favour and Council, he fo entirely wore them out, that 
 fcarce any trace of them was left. Whether he knew the 
 feciet fentiments of the King and Duke of York, with re¬ 
 gard to Religion, and the Government, or only fufpefted 
 them, he imagined, the bell way to prelerve his favour, 
 was to enter into all the King’s fuppofed views, and en¬ 
 deavour to render him ablolute in both Kingdoms. Upon 
 the King’s reiloration, it was debated in Council, whe¬ 
 ther Lpiicopacy fliould be reitored in Scotland. The Lari 
 of Lauderdale itrenuoufly oppofed it, for an extraordinary 
 reafon, namely, 44 That if the King pleafed the Scots, he 
 %t would be fure of them in order to the executing of any 
 “ defign he might afterwards be engaged in.” This advice, 
 though it wa- not followed, was acceptable to the King, 
 and 1.vetted the Duke in his favour. The refolution to re- 
 llore Lpifcopacy hat ing been executed, no man appeared 
 more ardent again ft the Presbyterians, nor had they a more 
 violent perfecutor. I fhall doubtlefs have occaiion to fay 
 more ot him hereafter, but this fuffices to give fome idea 
 of his character. 
 
 It was through his means and intrigues that the Par¬ 
 liament, held this year in Scotland, palled an aft which 
 railed the King'- liipremacy higher than ever. The fame 
 . Parliament approved the raffing of the Militia, and it was 
 enacted, that it fhotdd be kept up, and be ready to march 
 into any of the King’s dominions, for any caufe in which 
 his Majefty’s authority, power, or greatnefs, fliould be 
 concerned ; and that ordeis fliould be tranfmitted to them 
 from the Council, without any mention of orders fiom 
 "the King. It was not at fir ft known, what could be the 
 intent ot an Aft which feemed to take the Militia out of 
 r. the King's hands, and put it into the power of the Coun¬ 
 cil. But it was afterwards perceived, that this was Lau¬ 
 da dale's, contrivance, that if the King fliould have occa¬ 
 iion to call in the Scotijh army, it fliould not be neceflary 
 to fend any orders himfclf, but that the Council, upon a 
 feciet 1 might-do ; without order} and then, 
 
 it the mi fliould mifearry, it fliould lie on the Council, 
 tvn, ind fo none about him be 
 ' ew , tJ at pi ojefts were then form¬ 
 ing to render the Kma abfolute in England. 
 
 1669. 
 
 This year, the King’s mother died in France, the 10th 
 of Augujl, in the fixtieth year of her age. The famous D -* rh ‘of ry 
 Duke of Albemarle died likewife the 3d of January, and -f r 
 was fucceeded in his eftate and honour by Chriflopher his Date <f 
 only fon. To thefe deaths may be added that of die fa- ■•yyijrie,: 
 mous Pry me, the indefatigable author of more than two Vi'ynno.’ 
 hundred treatifes, molt of them of little citeem(i). f hard. 
 
 The Parliament meeting the 14th of February, the King 'y nu, ' r ' 
 told the two Houfes, “ That when they laft met, he asked ?d. ‘ 
 
 “ them a fupply, and now asked it again with great in- s L'Jl'u 
 44 fiance: The uneafinefs and ftraitnefs of his affairs could :cnt* 
 “ not continue without very ill effefts to the whole King- 
 44 dom. He let them know, that having fully informed 
 44 himfelf of the expences of the laft war, lie could affine \ 
 
 “ them, that no part of the moneys they had given him, 
 
 “ had been diverted to other ufes. But on the contrary, a 
 “ very great fum had been railed out of his ftanding revenue 
 “ and credit, and a very great debt contrafted, and all for 
 “ the war. Laftly, he recommended to them, not to 
 “ fuffer any occafion of difference between themfelves to 
 “ be revived.”- 
 
 The Lord-Keeper then made a fpeech, which I think. E.:i. I 
 neceflary to infert at length, to fhew the King’s confidence r 
 in this Parliament, which had already granted him fuch 
 large fums. 
 
 My Lords, and you Knights, Citizens, and Burgefes of 
 the Houfe of Commons. 
 
 * A r y°ur laft meeting, his Ma jetty did acquaint you 
 ‘ with the great occalions he had for a fupply, and 
 ‘ that he had lorborn to ask it fooner, mure in confide- 
 ‘ ration of giving fome time for the c-afe of the People, 
 
 1 alter the burden of the war, than that the condition of 
 ‘ his affairs could fo long have wanted : And his Majelty 
 1 hath commanded me now to fpeak more fully and plain— 
 
 ‘ ly upon this fubjeft. His Majefty hath not only by his 
 ‘ Minifters, but in Jiis own royal perfon, examined the 
 ‘ accompts, touching the expences of the laft war, and 
 1 hath thought himfelf concerned to let you know, that 
 ‘ all the fupplies which you gave him for the war, have 
 ‘ been by him applied to the war, and no part of them 
 ‘ to any other ufes: Nay, fo far from it, that if the pre¬ 
 parations towards the war fhall be taken to be for the ufe 
 of the war, as they inuft be, a great part of his own 
 ‘ revenue, to many hundred thoufands of pounds, hath 
 1 been employed alfo, and fwallr.wed up in the charge of 
 ‘ the war, and what did neceflarily relate to it. To 
 ‘ which may be added the great debts contrafted by his 
 ‘ Majefty in the war, and the great charges in the re-. 
 ‘ pairs of the hulls of his fhips, and putting his navy into 
 ‘ fuch a condition as it was before. Befides, his Majefty 
 ‘ thinks it ought to be confidered, that when the charges 
 ‘ of the war were at the higheft, the inevitable effefts of 
 4 it, and thofe other calamities, which it pleafed God at 
 4 that time to bring upon us, did make fo great a dimi ¬ 
 nution of his revenues, that, befides all other accidents 
 and difadvantages, the lofs that he fuftained in three 
 4 branches of his revenue, in his Cuftoms, Lxcife, and 
 4 Hearth-money, by reafon of the war, the plague, and 
 the fire, did amount to little lefs than to fix hundred 
 4 thoufand pounds. Thus you fee, that though your fup- 
 4 plies have been great, yet the charges occafioned by the 
 war, and the calamities which accompanied it, have 
 4 been greater: And that the debt which is left upon 
 his Majefty, and which he complains of, hath been con¬ 
 tracted by the war, and not by the diverfion of the 
 4 monies defigned for it. 
 
 His Majelty hath commanded me to fay one thing 
 4 more to you upon this fubjeft. That he did not enter 
 into the war upon any private inclination or appetite of 
 4 his own. The firft ftep he made towards it. did a rife 
 
 he firft ftep he made towards it, did arife 
 4 from your advice, and the promifes of your afliftance: 
 
 4 but if the charges and accidents of the war have out¬ 
 gone all your fupplies, and left him under the burden of 
 4 this debt, he thinks, that as well the juftice to your 
 4 promife, as the duty and loyalty you have always fhew- 
 4 ed him, will oblige you to relieve him from it: And 
 4 the rather, when you fhall ferioufly confider, how un- 
 4 eafy this Burden muff: be to him, and what ill confe- 
 quences the continuance under it muft draw upon all his 
 aftairsj in which particular you, and every perfon you 
 reprefent in this nation, will be concerned, as well as 
 ‘ himfelf. His Majefty doth therefore command me in 
 ‘ his name, to deftre you once more, and to conjure you, 
 
 4 by that conftant duty and loyalty which you have al- 
 4 ways exprefied to him, and by all the concernment 
 ‘ you have for the fupport of the honour and fafety of his 
 4 Government, to provide fuch a fupply for him at this 
 4 time, as may bear proportion to the preffing occafions 
 
 '.-4S 
 
 (1; Let It be 
 
 : was a confiderable inrtrument in the Reiteration, was rec 
 and died a Member of the prafant Parliament, being 0 
 
 into favour, had the Records of the71* 
 the Re prefect a;, ees lor tit: City o 3. 
 
 “ Ua.it 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 1669-70.“ that he hath, and to the ftate of his affairs at home 
 “ and abroad ; and fo fpeedily and (o effectually, as may 
 “ anfwer the ends for which he hath dcfired it. His Ma- 
 “ jefty hath further commanded me, to put you in mind 
 “ of what was at your laff meeting propofed to you con- 
 “ cerning an Union between the two Kingdoms, and to 
 “ let you know, that the Parliament of Scotland , hath 
 “ lince declared to his Majeftv, That fitch CommiJJioners as 
 “ hts Majrjly Jhall name , foall he authorized on their part, 
 “ to treat with Coonmiffioners for this Kingdom upon the 
 “ grounds and conditions of the union. His Majefty there- 
 “ fore thought fit now again to recommend it to you, to 
 “ take that matter effectually into your confideration.” 
 jiUrge ff - It would have been cruel not to be moved with the 
 King's wants, after having fo gloriouffy maintained a war 
 againff Holland, for which the Parliament had granted him 
 but five millions five hundred and fifty thoufand pounds 
 Sterling, fince the peace. Wherefore the Commons, as an 
 eftl-dtual mark ot their affedtion for the King, and of their 
 reliance on the truth of the Keeper’s Speech, voted the 
 King a fupply capable to deliver him from his heavy bur- 
 JSX* den. For tins purpofe they prepared two Bills, one to lay a 
 ni. p. ifo, duty upon all Wines and Vinegar imported into the Kingdom , 
 -s'- from the zytb of June 1670, to the 24 th of June 1678 ; 
 
 the other, for the advancing the fate cf his Majejly s Fec- 
 R. Coke. Farm Rents, and other Rents. The riift is computed at 
 five hundred and fixty thoufand pounds Sterling; the o- 
 tlier, is believed to have raifed more than double that fum, 
 fo that lie could depend upon feventeen hundred thoufand 
 pounds. I hus the King received for this glorious war 
 with Holland, feven millions (even hundred and fixty thou¬ 
 fand pounds Sterling, which amount to eighty-two milli¬ 
 ons five hundred and fixty thoufand Dutch florins. And 
 yet, there are Engtifh Writers who feem to triumph, that 
 this war coft the States forty millions. 
 
 Tte k,.,. The difference between the two Houfes being revived 
 tJuti’-n n'.“ Lifion, 'he King, fearing the confequences, fum- 
 Edur.l. moned both Houfes to Whitehall, and propofed to them 
 an expedient to end it; namely, by razing all Entries and 
 Records, Votes and Refolutions concerning Skinner's affair, 
 to which they confented, and thereby the quarrel was ap- 
 peafed, which was agreed to, and lo the difpute was at 
 an end. 
 
 ut.LirrJpt T his agreement produced an addrefs, prefented jointly 
 
 efufanj/h' to t ^ lc King by both Houfes the 1 ith of March , to pray 
 Mt 'dr.*p:jls. him to give order for the fuppreflion of Conventicles in 
 and near London and Wejlminjler, and to put the laws in 
 execution againff Popifh Reculants. The King anfwered, 
 that effectual courle fbould be taken in both calcs. 
 
 1670. I he 1 ith of April, the King came to the Houfe of 
 IV: r, .ids. Peers, and palled twelve Bills, among which were the two 
 nione y Bills, and a third for the fuppreflion of feditious 
 Cmx nikLs. Conventicles. The fubffance of this A£t was, that, “ If 
 k had. “ any perlbn upwards offixteen, fhould be prefent at any 
 
 P- -i *• “ Allembiy, Conventicle, or Meeting, under colour or pre- 
 
 “ tence of any exercilb of Religion, in any other manner, 
 “ than according to the Liturgy and Practice oi the Church 
 of England, where there were five Perfons, or more, be- 
 “ fitles thofc of the houfehold ; in fuch cafes the offenders 
 “ were to pay five Shillings for the firft offence, and ten 
 “ for the fecond. And the Preachers and Teachers in any 
 “ fuch Meetings, were to forfeit twenty pounds for the 
 “ firff, and forty for the fecond offence. And laftly, thofe 
 “ who fuffered any fuch Conventicles in their houfes, barns, 
 “ yards, 65V. were likewife to forfeit twenty pounds (1).” 
 Eci.arJ. Moft of the Englijh Hiftorians, attached to the Church of 
 Hi. p. zs 1. j?„gi ane j t endeavour to excufe the feverity of this Act, by 
 faying, it was made moie upon political, than upon reli¬ 
 gious, accounts. But this is always by means of the ge¬ 
 neral name of Non-conformiffs, under which the Presby¬ 
 terians were comprized, though, fince the King's reftora- 
 tion, thef^iiad never been concerned in any infurredtion, 
 or iil-defign againff the Government. 
 
 Alter palling thefe Adis, the King adjourned the Par- 
 adjanriicd, ]j amcnt to the 24th of October. 
 
 It feems, that hitherto the King had reafon to be plea- 
 fed with a Parliament, which, bdides a Handing revenue 
 of twelve hundred thoufand pounds Sterling, had granted 
 him folely for the war with Holland, above feven millions 
 and a half, without reckoning fo many other extraordi¬ 
 nary fums given him before the war. This Parliament, 
 fuppofing the King a zealous member of the Proteffant 
 Church of England, delired but two things, which, upon 
 that fuppofition he might readily grant. The one was, 
 to come into their views and meafures for the deftrudtion 
 of the Presbyterians ; the other to difable the Papifts from 
 giving any jealoufy to the Proteffants. On the other hand, 
 the Parliament mightjuffly fuppofe, that after having car¬ 
 ried the Royal Prerogative fo high, the King had reafon to 
 
 6 5S 
 
 be pleafed, and would endeavour to preserve a happy union, 1670. 
 with a Parliament fo devoted to him. It is certain, if the 
 King had entirely complied with the Parliament in thefe 
 two articles, and confined his Prerogative within the exten- 
 five bounds which the Parliament feemed to preferibe to it, 
 he might have fpent his days with more happinefs, tran¬ 
 quillity, and plenty, chan any of his predeceflors. But the r f‘ 
 Parliament’s fuppofitions being falfe, it is not furprizing, eJ,£ " h 
 that the King would not enter into their views. Inftead 
 of being zealous for the Proteffant Religion, his intention 
 was to overturn it. Inftead of deftroymg the Presbyteri¬ 
 ans, his defign was to grant them an Indulgence, in order 
 to have a pretence to procure the fame for the Papifts. In¬ 
 ftead of being content with the power aferibed him by the 
 Parliament, he thought it unworthy a King to found the 
 extent of his authority upon Adds of Parliament only. Bc- 
 fides, it was a pain to him to be forced to demand money, 
 and to ufe for that purpofe pietences notorioufly falfe, tho’ 
 the Parliament feemed to be fatisfied with them. It would 
 have been more agreeable to him to fay. It is my will and 
 pleafure, than to be obliged to ufe humble intreaties to the 
 Commons. This his favorites were continually reprefent- 
 ing to him, and to this the example of what he had himfelf 
 feen pradtifed in neighbouring States ftrongly prompted 
 him. He was therefore impatient to free himfelf from this 
 yoke of the Parliament, and the more, as by augmenting 
 his power, he fhould be better able to countenance the Pa¬ 
 pifts, and introduce their religion, which was his own as 
 well as his brother’s. But if Father Orleans the Jefuit is 
 to be credited, thefe were not the motives which induced 
 the King to take other refolutions. “ It was folely the 
 “ indignation of his Miniftcrs to fee a republican fpirit orl'nns's^ 
 “ creeping into the Parliament, and ingaging them in fo 
 “ many proceedings againff the royal authority. Among 
 “ other things, the Triple-alliance into which the repub- 
 “ lican-cabal had forced the King, contrary to his inclina- 
 “ tion, appeared to the minifters an audacious ufurpation 
 “ upon the royal prerogative, the confequences of which 
 “ were to be prevented. Full of thefe refentments, they 
 “ perfuaded the King to render himfelf abfolute, in purfu- 
 “ ance of the rights of his Crown, and the laws of the 
 “ Kingdom; to confine the Parliament within the 
 “ bounds preferibed by immemorial cuftom, and not to 
 “ fuller a mixture of a republick with a monarchy, intro- 
 “ duced by violence and incroachments, for fear this mix- 
 “ ture fhould in time produce a monftrous Anarchy, and 
 “ expofe England to a horrible confufion, like that from 
 “ whence fhe was fo lately delivered.” 
 
 I fliall make no remark on the little foundation this 
 writer had to aferibe a republican fpirit to this Parliament, 
 nor on the King’s being forced into the Triple-alliance by 
 the pretended Republican cabal, nor laftly on the maxims 
 he eftablifhes with refpedt to the conftitution of th e Englifh 
 Government; becaufe every unbiaffed reader, is, I fuppofe, 
 able to fee clearly the weaknefs of this reafoning. But, tie aims to 
 fince Father Orleans fays himfelf that he was informed by be 
 James II, of the particulars of his own and his Brother’s 
 reign, I believe this Hiftorian’s word may be taken, that at 
 the time I am fpeaking of, Charles had refolved to render 
 himfelf abfolute. This is a truth which muff always be 
 remembered, if we defire to underftand all the events of 
 this reign. 
 
 This refolution being taken, the King eafily faw, that Th ‘ K!>'S 
 the execution of it required an artful and cautious conduit, a 
 
 and fuch fecret and imperceptible methods, as would not which is 
 too plainly difeover his intentions. For he could not fup- CJ,: ‘ d the 
 pofe, that becaufe he defired to be abfolute, the people of Echard. 
 England would immediately give up their liberties and Hi. p. aj-x. 
 privileges. It was therefore neceffary, to lead them to it 
 infenfibly and by degrees, and to that end he wanted a 
 fecret council compofed of few perfons, in whom he might 
 entirely confide, and whofe intereft: it was to accomplilh 
 this defign. The ordinary council confifting of twenty- 
 one perfons, was not proper to conduit this affair; for, 
 belides that fome Counfellors had a right to their places, 
 as for inftance the Archbilhop of Canterbury, it was very 
 difficult to ingage fo many perfons of the firft rank in 
 fuch a plot. To effedt therefore this undertaking with the 
 more caution, the King eftablilhed a Cabinet-council of five 
 perfons only, namely, 
 
 Clifford, 
 
 A r ling ton, 
 
 B uckingham , 
 
 A Jhley, 
 
 Lauderdale. 
 
 As the initial letters of thefe five names compofe the word 
 CABAL, this fecret Council was from thence called the 
 Cabal. But before I proceed to the refolutions taken by 
 
 > 1 fell.I,uL R 1: the-K.n 
 
 and put tl-.ings in futh difjrder, that many of the trading men began to ta'k removing with their 
 to lurcher lever.ties. 3 Hrrut, p, 170. 
 
 this 
 
Vdl. II. 
 
 656 The H IS TO RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1670. this council, it will be neceflary to give a brief character of 
 the members. 
 
 Char*"f Sir Thomas Clifford, according to Father Orleans , only 
 the Cou>t}.!- wanted a ftage, where found reafon and virtue w'ere more 
 Clifford. frequent, than at this time in England , to appear fuperior 
 to the others. He w r as a declared and known Papift, fo 
 that he took no pains to difguife his religion. It was he 
 who, after the Triple-alliance was concluded, laid, not- 
 Temple. withjlanding all this noife , we mujt yet have another war 
 r. Cok w - lt / } Holland. As the’event jufritied his prediction, very 
 probably, the fcheme I have juft mentioned, was then 
 formed, and he in the fecret. 
 
 Earl tf Henry Bennet , Earl of Arlington, Secretary of State, pafled 
 Arlington. p or a rnan 0 f t h e leaft genius of the five, but this was well 
 fupplied by his great experience, and knowledge in foreign 
 Barnet, affairs. It is pretended, that being one of the King’s re- 
 
 P' 95 ’ tinue in his journey to Fontarabia in the year 1 659, he was 
 
 the principal inftrument to induce him to change his reli¬ 
 gion. However that be, he was truly a Catholick, tho’, 
 with the King, he outwardly proteiled the Proteftant Re¬ 
 ligion (1). This is now univerfally agreed. 
 
 Vote of* [George Vi tilers] Duke of Buckingham, the King’s favo- 
 
 Bucking- r i te> h ac j a ver y Ji ve ly wit. He might have made a great 
 
 ‘ im ’ Minifter of State, had not his ftrong paffion for pleasures, 
 
 and all forts of debauches, diverted him from bufinefs. 
 But nothing could tempt him to quit a diflolute lire, to 
 which he had been ufed from his youth. He gloried in 
 having no Religion, and was reckoned an Atheilf. Such 
 a favorite was no great honour to the King (2). 
 
 Earl 0/ Sir Anthony Ajbley Cooper , created two years after Earl of 
 
 Shaftsbury. Shafts bury, was one of the greateft Genius’s England had 
 produced for many years. This is the teftimony equally 
 given him by friends and enemies. Father Orleans gives 
 the following churadter of him, “ He was the molt capa- 
 “ ble of the five to manage any important undertaking, 
 
 “ and was the foul of this I am now fpeaking ot. H; had 
 “ a vaft genius, was penetrating, bold, and equally fteady, 
 
 “ both on the right and the wrong fide; a conftant friend, 
 
 “ but an implacable enemy, and the more dangerous, as 
 “ being void of all Religion and Confcience, rt was the 
 tc eaiicr for him to plot, becaufe lie was not deterred by 
 “ the number or enormity of any crimes, when he judged 
 “ them neceflary to prefervehimfelf, or deftroy thole who 
 “ had incurred his hatred.” I fhall obferve here, that this 
 character of the Earl of Shaftsbury is not founded upon 
 what he had done before his admillion into the Cabinet- 
 Council, but upon what he did afterwards. For, leaving 
 the King’s party for that of the People and Parliament, the 
 Royalifts aferibe to his intrigues alone, all the troubles 
 Mem. of which afterwards happened. Mr. Lock fpeaks otherwife of 
 Shaftsbury. him. It is true, he fays nothing advantages of him in 
 refpeef of Religion. But however this be, in allowing the 
 character given by Father Orleans , it is eafy to fee, what 
 fort ol men the King thought he wanted for the execution 
 of his deflgns(3). 
 
 Dni-e tf 1 he Duke ol Lauderdale was the moft proper of the five 
 Lauderdale. t0 f erve the King in this affair. To deferibe a Lord, who 
 had fo great a fhare in the affairs of England and Scotland 
 in this reign, I fhall inlett here, the characters given of 
 him by bather Orleans , Mr. Echard, and Dr. Burnet 
 Bifhop of Salisbury. 
 
 1 he fir It contents himfelf with faying, that the Duke of 
 LauderMale, Secretary of State in Scotland, was a very fub- 
 tle man, and a refined Politician. 
 
 r.m.Mr. Echard lays of the Duke, “ The enlarging of the 
 King s power and grandeur in Scotland, was much ow- 
 ing to tfte management of the prefenc commiflioner Lau- 
 “ derdale , who had formerly been as much for depreffing, 
 as he was now for exalting the Prerogative. From the 
 time of his commiflion, the Scots are far’d to calculate 
 tire date ot all the enluing inconveniences in this, and 
 the following reign, bor having there undertaken to 
 make the King’s power abfolute, and arbitrary. Ire 
 ft rained the Royal Prerogative to all kinds of exceffes; 
 *■ and aflumed to himfelf a tort of a lawlefs adminiftration 
 ot affairs, the exercife of which was fuppofed to be 
 granted to him, upon the large promifes he had made: 
 And mure apprehending other men’s officious interfering 
 than diliurbinghis own abilities, he, in time, took care 
 to make himfelf his Majelty’s foie informer, as well as 
 “ his foie Secretary, and by that means, not only upon 
 “ pretence of the King’s Prerogative, the affairs of Scot- 
 
 “ land were difpofed of in the Court of England , without 16 
 “ any notice taken of the King’s Council in Scotland ; but 
 “ ftriCb obfervation was alfo made of all Scotchmen that 
 “ came to the Englijh Court ; and to attempt an addrefs, 
 
 “ and accefs to his Majc-fty, otherwife than by Lauder- 
 “ dale’s mediation, was to hazard his perpetual refentmenr. 
 
 “ By thefe ways he gradually made himfelf the almoft 
 “ only fignificant per foil of the whole Scotijb nation ; ami 
 “ in Scotland itfelf, procured to himfelf that fovereign au- 
 tc thority, as to name the Privy-counfellors, to place and 
 “ remove the Lords of the Seffion, and Exchequer, to 
 “ grant gifts and penfrons, to levy and disband forces, to 
 “ appoint general officers, and to tranfacl all matters of 
 “ importance.” 
 
 This fhews to a demonftration, how much the King 
 was delighted with the abfolute power exercifed in his name 
 in Scotland, and, confequently, that he would have been 
 glad to enjoy the like power in England. 
 
 If I fhould tranferibeali that is fard of Duke Lauderdale, 
 by Dr .Burnet, I fhould, I fear, be too tedious, and there¬ 
 fore I fhall content myfelf with feledting a pafl'ige, where 
 
 he is beft deferibed.- “ The Earl ot Lauderdale made Bur- 
 
 “ a very ill appearance: He was very big: His tongue T - L 
 “ was too big for his mouth, which made him bedew all 
 “ that he talked to: And his whole manner was rough 
 “ and boifferous, and very unfit for a Court. He was 
 “ very learned, not only in Latin , in which he was a 
 “ mafter, but in Greek and Hebrew. He had read a great 
 “ deal of Divinity, and almoft all the Hiftorians ancient 
 “ and modern ; fo that he had great materials. He had 
 “ with thefe an extraordinary memory, and a copious, but 
 “ unpohfhed expreflion. He was a man, as the Duke of 
 “ Buckingham called him to me, of a blundering under- 
 “ Handing. He was haughty beyond expreflion, abject to 
 “ thofe he faw he muft ftoop to, but imperious to all 
 “ others. He had a violence of paffion, that carried him 
 “ often to fits like madneff, in which he had no temper. 
 
 “ If he took a thing wrong, it was a vain tiling to ftudy 
 “ to convince him : That would rather provoke him to 
 “ fwear he would never be of another mind : He was to 
 “ be let alone: And perhaps he would have forgot what 
 “ he had faid, and come about of his own accord. He 
 “ was the coldeft friend, and the violenteft enemy I ever 
 “ knew: I felt it too much, notto know it. Heatfirft 
 “ feemed to defpife wealth ; but he delivered himfelf up 
 “ afterwards to Luxury and lenfuality : And, by tluc 
 “ means, he ran into a vaft expence, and ftuck at nothing 
 
 that was neceflary to fupport it. In his l.uig imprifon- 
 “ ment he had great impreffions of Religion on his mind : 
 
 “ But he wore thefe out fo entirely, that fcaice any trace 
 “ of them was left. His great experience in affairs, his 
 “ ready compliance with every thing that he thought 
 “ would pleafe the King, and his bold offering at the molt 
 “ defperate Cour.fels, gained him fuch an imereft in the 
 “ King, that no attempt againft him, uor complaint of 
 “ him, could ever lhake it, till a decay of ftrength and 
 “ underftanding forced him to let go Iris hold. He was 
 “ in his principles much againft Popery, and arbitrary 
 14 Government: And yet by a fatal tram of pillions and 
 “ interefts, he made way for the former, and had almoft 
 “ eftablifhed the latter. And whereas fome, by a fmooth 
 
 deportment, made the firft beginnings of tyranny left 
 “ dilcernable and unacceptable, he, by the fury of his be- 
 “ haviour, heightened the feverity of his Miniftry, which 
 “ was liker the cruelty of an Inquifition, than the legality 
 “ ofjuftice. With all this he was a Presbyterian, and 
 “ retained his averfion to King Charles l, arid his party, 
 
 “ to his death.” 
 
 If to thele live members of the Cabal are joined, as in 
 reafon they ought, the King and the Duke ot Fork, it will 
 be found that all thefeven were for an abfolute and arbitrary 
 Government ; and that, with regard to Region, four 
 were Papifts, namely, the King, the Duke, Arlington and 
 ■Clifford, and three without any Religion, or at lcaft they 
 conlidered it only as an engine of llate, thefe were Buck¬ 
 ingham, AJkley, and Lauderdale. 
 
 It would be difficult to know the tranfatftions of the Ca- V 
 bal, if Father Orleans inftrutfted by King JamesYl, had ' 
 not told us that a war with Holland was tiiere refolved, in p. 
 order to furnilh the King with a pretence to keep on foot 
 both land and fea forces. For it is mani'eff, that fuch a 
 defign could be accomplifhed, but by force or fear. The 
 
 . P- 99 - 
 -■ . ..d any min of his 
 
 in opinion ot hi; Father Kit 
 
 j Popery, but that all his af- 
 
 (0 In the whole courfe of his Mir.iftry, he feemed to have made it a maxim, That the King n 
 fairs would be fporied, ir ever he turned that way ; which made the Papifts become ha mortal ent 
 z 'Burnt: lays farther of him, That he had the art of turoing perfius and things 
 when abroad with very it] principles, both as to Religion and Morali:and with a 
 was with h.m_J lr.-q-ien: (abject of raillery, p. yi. 
 
 3) Burnt: fay 5 him, llut js to Religion he was a Delft a: beft: He had a wonderful faculty ir. freaking to a popul 
 talent to make others tnut to h,s Judgment. He had the art ofgoverning parties, and make himfelf head of them. He was go-.J a- >pp„nr, 
 not me nkc torce in building up. H* had a general knowledge- 
 
 bottom. He pretended Oliver Cromntil offered to make him Km?. He was indeed ot great uf; to him, in witliftand'r.t- the Ear ' n - 
 His ftrength lay in the knowledge of England, and of all the confidorable men in He knew the file 
 how to apply himfc.t dexterously to them. He often changed iides, and gloried in doin; 
 low, that he died in good time tor his Family and party, p. yy. 
 
 • He polTeffed the K 
 Chtrlt: I, whofe ft.ri 
 
 r Affcmbly, 
 
 underftandings and their t. 
 jprreft feafu.o. But lu; reptitatio.-. w. 
 
 5 
 
 pretence 
 
Book XXlIt. 
 
 26. C H A R L E S If. 
 
 Hi 
 
 1670. pretence for this war was to be taken from the difpute a- 
 bout the Flag, which might eafily be renewed, and from 
 the general complaints of the Englijh merchants concerning 
 their Commerce, of which fo great ufe had been made for 
 undertaking the former war. “ But, adds Father Orleans, 
 tc The true reafon of making this war upon Holland, was 
 “ the fecret correfpondence between the Republicans of Eng- 
 “ land and the Dutch, who were incefjantly exciting them 
 “ to rebellion, and to jhakc off the yoke of Monarchy , being 
 “ eve*- ready to fupport thoje that Jhould attack it” This 
 feems to contradict what the fame author advances a few 
 lines before, namely, that the true ground of this war was 
 to furnifh the King with a pretence for raifing an army. 
 
 There is however no contradiction : for it mult be conii- 
 dered, that the defign of the King and the Cabal concern¬ 
 ed two points, which went hand in hand, and formed pro¬ 
 perly but one deiign ; namely, to introduce an arbitrary 
 Government, and to extirpate the Proteftant Religion. 
 As it could not be expected, that the Englijh would tamely 
 give up their Religion and Liberty without any refiftance, 
 it was natural to begin with depriving them of the only af- 
 iiftance they could hope for, by attacking the Dutch > and 
 difabling them to fuccour England. Thofe therefore who 
 are called by Father Orleans the Republicans of England , 
 were the perfons, who, it was fuppofed, would oppofe the 
 King’s deligns, as well Epifcopalians as Presbyterians, and 
 the Republicans properly fo called. It is therefore clear, 
 that the true reafon of making war upon the States, was 
 as much to put it out of their power to affift the Englijh, 
 as to have a pretence for raifing forces, and that this was 
 hut one and the fame reafon. 
 
 Tbe AT/n? Some time before, Mr. Colbert de Croiffy , the French 
 "ntaUiana Ambafl'ador at London, having founded the King and his 
 •with France. Minifters, concerning a ftri£l alliance with his matter, 
 Primi. found them very favorably difpofed (1), efpeciatty when he 
 had told them, that the defign of this alliance was to humble 
 the pride of the States-General. Indeed, nothing could 
 more promote their intention, than the concurrence of 
 France to deftroy the hated and formidable power of the 
 p _ Dutch , who were alone capable of affifting the Englijh. 
 
 Some pretend, that the King then figned a fecret Treaty 
 with France-, but if fo, this treaty, in all appearance, was 
 only in general terms, which required more particular ar¬ 
 ticles. However this be, the King of France, to finifti 
 53 this affair fo happily begun, came to Dunkirk on pretence 
 of viewing the Risbank which was then raifing; and bring¬ 
 ing with him the Duchefs of Orleans his Sifter-in-law, fhe 
 took occafion from the neighbourhood of England to defire 
 leave to vifit her Brother, which was readily granted, 
 
 • TbeDucbefi fince every thing was already concerted. She was met by 
 of Orleans the King at Dover , where fhe arrived the 15th of May, 
 and flayed above a fortnight amidft continual pleafures and 
 diverfions. But thefe diverfions hindered her not from ex¬ 
 ecuting the commiflion fhe was charged with, which was, 
 as it is pretended, to make a propofal to her Brother in 
 the name of his moft Chriftian Majefty, of infuring him 
 an abfolute authority over his Parliament, and reftoring the 
 Catholick Religion in his three Kingdoms, as foon as the 
 Mamget an States fhould be fufficiently humbled. Though the confe- 
 uocn‘tbe‘ rences between the King and his Sifter were managed 
 King1 of with great fecrecy, the events with which they were fol- 
 Engiand lowed, clearly difeovered that this was the fubjetft of them; 
 PrinTi!*"'*' an( l Abbot Primi and Father Orleans pofitively fay it, ex- 
 Orleans. cept what concerns Religion, which Popifh authors and 
 fome others fcruple to own, for fear of juftifying the fufpici- 
 ons afterwards entertained by the Parliament, and the 
 meafures they would have taken to preferve Religion from 
 utter deftru&ion (2). 
 
 Death of tbt An accident which happened fhortly after, feemed likely 
 
 Ducbtfi of to break the good underftanding between the Courts of 
 is'lw'd" France and England. The 19th of June, the Duchefs of 
 in. _ r f Orleans in perfect health, called, according to cuftom, for 
 *5S- a glafs of Succory water at four in the afternoon. She 
 Kcnnet ^ad n0 ^ ooner drank it, but fhe found herfelf ill, and her 
 pain ericreaiing, fhe died about two in the morning. She 
 was univerfally believed to be poifoned, but the author of 
 her death is not fo unanimoufly agreed on, though the 
 Duke of Orleans her husband Wus by many fecretly accu- 
 fed (3). The firft account of her death was brought to the 
 King by Sir Thomas Armjlrong , who told him plainly, 
 what the French thought of this fudden death, adding, that 
 though he was in the chamber of the deceafed at fix the 
 fame morning, the flench of the corps was fo ftrong, that 
 he could hardly bear the room. The King could not help 
 tailing into tears, and exprefling himfelf very paflionately 
 againft the Duke of Orleans , faying, He was a -/ but 
 
 Echard. 
 
 111. p. : 
 
 R. Coke. 
 
 England. 
 
 ibid. 
 
 p. 301. 
 
 prithee , Tom , do not fpeak of it. Prefentiy after, arrived 1670, 
 the Marquifs of Bellefonds with the news, and to pay the Burnet - 
 comoliment of condolence from the French King. He J 
 gave an account of the Duchefs’s death, in the moft pro¬ 
 per manner to remove all fufpicion. 
 
 The King was foon comforted for the lofs of his Sifter, 
 and not thinking that this death, uncommon as it was , f,„ t , nrj 
 ought to break, or even retard, the meafures taken with France to 
 the Court of France , he Cent the Duke of Buckingham to 
 Paris, to conclude and fign the Dover agreement. The that Km*. 
 pretence ufed by the Duke of Buckingham for his journey, Echard. 
 was his deli re to fee France , and learn the language. 
 
 In September, Lewis XIV. made an irruption into Lor - JteDukeof 
 rain by his General Marjhal de Crequi. The Duke, who pqjjoj- d b .J 
 had not expe&ed to be attacked, was obliged to fly, and Oucbyby 
 leave his Duchy a prey to the Marjhal , who took pof- Brenb^ 
 feflion in the name of his mafter. In vain did the Duke 
 hope for the interceflion of Charles to the King of France, hf to King 
 in return for the money lent and given him in his exile, 
 and for the offer to ferve him with all his forces. His En¬ 
 voy was anfwered, That the King was forry for what had 
 happened , and that the prefent violence, like the mifebiefs of a 
 fudden Inundation , muji be endured at this time. 
 
 The Parliament being to meet the 24th of October, the Prcdamiti,-. 
 King, a few days before, publifhed a Proclamation, com- 
 manding all officers and foldiers ferving in any of the ar- me nt 
 mies of the late ufurped powers, not having a conftant ha- Ke " nec - 
 bitation, to depart out of the Cities of London and IVeJi- p 3 * r 6 “‘ 
 minjler, and not to return again or come within twenty 
 miles, till after the 1 oth day of December next, and in 
 the mean time co carry no fword, piftol, or any other 
 arms. This was to Ihow the Houfcs his care of their pre- 
 fervation. 
 
 The Parliament affembling, the King, after a ftiort 
 fpeech to both Houfes, referred all to the Lord-Keeper. 
 
 Probably, he durft not with his own mouth declare things 
 fo oppofite to his defigns, and which tended only to infnare 
 the Parliament. He chofe rather to have this done by the 
 Keeper, who not being privy to the fecrets of the Cabal, 
 might fpeak with more afliirance, as being perfwaded of 
 
 what he faid. He reprefented therefore in his fpeech--- 
 
 “ That France and the States-General are powerfully Jptcb'to^bi 
 “ arming by fea and land ; are building new fhips, and fil- V nr U ament. 
 “ ling their magazines with all forts of warlike provifions. Echaid. 
 
 “ That, fince the beginning of the la Vt Dutch war, France 
 “ has fo increafed the number of her fhips, that her 
 “ ftrength by fea is thrice as much as it was before ; and 
 “ fince the end of it, Holland has been very diligent alfo 
 “ in augmenting her fleets. That in fuch a junfture com- 
 
 mon prudence requires, that his Majefty fhould make 
 ‘‘ fome fuitable preparations: That he has therefore given 
 ‘‘ order, for the fitting out fifty fail of the greaieft fhips 
 “ againft the fpring, befides thofe which are to be for the 
 “ fecurity of the Merchants in the Mediterranean, as fore- 
 “ feeing, if he fhould not have a conliderable fleet, temp- 
 “ tation might be given to thofe who feem not now to 
 “ intend it, to give us an affront, if not to do us mifehief. 
 
 “To which may be added, That his Majefty, by the 
 “ Leagues he hath made for the good of his Kingdoms, 
 
 “ is obliged to a certain number of forces in cafe of in- 
 «* fratftion thereof; as alfo for the afliftance of fome of 
 “ his neighbours, in cafe of invafion. And his Majefty' 
 
 «* would be in a very ill condition to perform his part of 
 
 the Leagues, if, ( while the clouds were gathering fo 
 “ thick about us, ) he fhould, in hopes that the wind 
 “ would difperfe them, omit to provide againft the florin.” 
 
 He then told them, “ That his Majefty has made feveral 
 “ leagues, as the Triple-alliance; another with the States- 
 “ General; another with the Duke of Savoy, another 
 
 with the King of Denmark, another with the King of 
 “ Spain ; not to mention the leagues formerly made with 
 “ Sweden and Portugal , nor thofe treaties now depending 
 “ between his Majefty and France, or between him and 
 “ the States-General touching commerce; wherein his 
 “ Majefty will have a fingular regard to the honour of this 
 “ nation, and alfo to the trade of it, which never was 
 “ greater than now it is.” He added, “ That his Majefty 
 ‘‘ finds by his accounts from the year < 660 to the late war* 
 
 “ the ordinary charge of the fleet communibus annis, came 
 “ to about five hundred thoufand pounds a year. If that 
 “ particular alone takes up fo much, the revenue will in 
 “ no degree fuffice to take off the debts due upon intereft, 
 
 “ much lefs give him a fund for fetting out this fleet, 
 
 “ which by common eftimation cannot coll lefs than eight 
 
 “ hundred thoufand pounds.”-- He then intimated to 
 
 them, “ That his Majefty intended to put an end to this 
 
 IT) He founds way to bring them into a favorable dTpifition, namely, by diftributing among them a hundied thoufand Pifioles, which were feait to him 
 for that purpofe, by h:s Mailer the King of France. See ftjc of De Witt, Tom. a. p- 344. 
 
 (2) The Duchefs of Orleam brought over with her, and le’t in England, Madam Louife de tgucrouatte, aj a Miftrefs for the King; probably, with defign to 
 retain and attach him to the intereft of France. She was afterwards creates Duchefs ot fortfmoutb, and is faid to be ftill alive. See Ecbard, Tom- 3. p. 254. 
 
 (3; The Duke, her Husband, heard luch things of her behaviour, that it was laid, he ordered a greacdofeof lublimate to be given her in a glafs of Suc¬ 
 cory-water, of which (he died a tew hours after in great turmen s; And wh* . Ihe wa§ opened, her ftomach was all ulcerated. Burnet, p. 301. 
 
 No. 76, V 0 L. II. d Q 
 
 meeting 
 
Vol. Hr 
 
 6 S S 
 
 Jil p. z-y 
 
 and are ad¬ 
 journed. 
 
 The Prince 
 of Orange 
 in England 
 Kenne-, 
 
 - 3 ? 
 
 Echnrd. 
 
 Burnet. 
 
 Sir Willi* 
 Temple re. 
 
 Temple’* 
 Lett, p.24: 
 
 1670- l 
 Sir John 
 
 barbaram 
 
 Echud. 
 U\. v . z6s 
 
 :The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 '• meet! 7 before Chrifmr.s, and therefore prayed them to 
 “ take his Majefty’s affairs into their fpeedy and affe&io- 
 “ 1 .uc cnnfideration (1).” 
 
 . e it mfe of Commons charmed with all thefe great 
 5 of the nation, 
 
 prepa: . i i:;iu:e<! .itely three bills, one to raife eight hundred 
 thouf-ind pounds hy way of fuiiiidie-. (2 ; another to lay an 
 9 additional Lxcdc upon beer, ale, and other liquors for fix 
 tears ; a third lor laying impoliti<-ns upon Proceedings at 
 Law ;or nine years, Thefe three bills were to produce to 
 the King two millions five hundred thoufand pounds ■ Ster¬ 
 ling. But, before any bill was finifhed, the King adjourn¬ 
 ed the Parliament to the latter end of 'January. 
 
 The Prince of Orange came to Lor,don about the clofe 
 of the year 1669 (3), to pay a vifit to the King his un¬ 
 cle. 7 he principal motive of his journev, was to demand 
 of the King the repayment of money lent him bv the 
 Prince his Father in the time of his exile (4). He was 
 gracioufly received, and after a flay of about three months 
 returned into Holland. 
 
 Before his arrival, Sir IP'illiam Temple was recalled from 
 his embafly in Holland (5). He was not a proper inftru- 
 ment to be employed in the defigns of the Cabal. Be- 
 ‘ Tides, the Court was difpofed to a fpeedy ruptuic with the 
 Dutch (6). 
 
 The Parliament meeting towards the latter end of 
 January after a ihort recefs, the Commons began with pre¬ 
 paring a bill which made it death for any man maliaoufly 
 to di 'able or difmember another, to put cut an e\e, to cut off 
 a ncjc •• hp, he. (7). This was owing to an attempt 
 upon Sir Jo n Coventry* a inembei o: the Commons, in 
 the ftiect, m winch his now was iht. This fact was, by the 
 King’s order, committed to the Duke of Monmouth his 
 natural fbn, and the Duke had employed feme other per- 
 fons, who, after the deed, retired to his houfe (8). 
 
 1 he nth of February the King fent a meflage to the 
 Houfe of Commons to haften the money-bills. But the 
 Iioufc thought proper, before thefe bills were prefented to 
 the King, toaddrefs him concerning the growth of Popery, 
 for wh.ch the concurrence of the Lords was obtained. As 
 t'.is add refs may ferve to illufi rate the Hiftory of this reign, 
 it is not unneceffary to infert it entire. 
 
 May it pleafe your mojl excellent Majejly , 
 
 “ We jour Majefty’s moft humble and loyal Subjeds, the 
 Lords and Commons in this prefent Parliament, being 
 “ fenlible of your Majefty’s conftancy to the Proteftant 
 “ Religion, both at home and abroad, hold our felves 
 “ bound in confcience and duty, to reprefent to your 
 “ Majefty the caufes of the dangerous growth of Popery 
 “ * n your Majefty’s Dominions, the ill confequence 
 “ whereof we heartily defire may be prevented. And 
 therefore what we humbly conceive to be fome prefent 
 “ Remedies for the faid growing Evils, we have here- 
 “ Ul >to added in our mod humble Petitions. 
 
 Caufes of the Growth of Popery. 
 
 “ , - r ~r HAT there are great numbers of Priefts and 
 A Jefuits frequenting the cities of London and JVeJl- 
 “ minjler , and mo ft of the counties of this Kingdom, more 
 “ than formerly, feducing your Majefty’s good Subjeds. 
 
 “ 2. That there are feveral Chapels, and places ufed 
 for faying of Mafs, in the great towns, and many other 
 “ P af ts of the Kingdom, befides thofe in AmbalTadors 
 “ houfes, whither great numbers of your Majefty’s Sub- 
 “ jeds conftantly' refort and repair without comptrol j and 
 “ efpecially in the cities of London and Wejhninjhr, con- 
 “ trary to the laws eftablifhed. 
 
 “ 3 - That there are Fraternities or Convents of Englijh 
 “ Popiffi Priefts and Jefuits at St. James's, and at‘‘the 
 “ Combe in Hereford]))ire, and other parts of the King- 
 “ dom ; hefides feveral Schools are kept in divers parts of 
 “ the Kingdom for the corrupt educating of Youth in the 
 “ principles ofPoperv. 
 
 4. The common and publick felling of Popifh Cate- 
 chifm°, and other fediuous books, even in the time of 
 Parliament. 
 
 5 * 1 he general remiflnefsof the Magiftrates and other 
 
 “ officers. Clerks of the Affize, and Clerks of the Peace, 16 
 ‘‘ in not convicting of Papifts according to taw. 
 
 “ 6. That fufpeded Recufants are free from all offices 
 “ chargeable and troublefome, and do enjoy the advantage 
 “ of offices and places beneficial ; executed either by thern- 
 “ felves, or perfons entrufted for them. 
 
 “ 7. That the advowfance of Churches, and Prefenta- 
 “ tions to Livings are difpofed of by Popifh Recufants, or 
 “ by others entrufted by them as they diredt ; whereby 
 “ molt of thofe Livings and Benefices are filled with 
 “ fcandalous and unfit Minifters. 
 
 “ S. That many perfons take the liberty to fend their 
 children beyond the feas, to be educated in the Popifh 
 “ Religion ; and that feveral young perfons are fent be- 
 “ vend the feas, upon the notion of their better educa- 
 “ tion, under tutors and guardians, who are not put to 
 “ take the oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and ufually 
 “ corrupt the youth under their tuition into Popery. 
 
 “ 9. That there have been few Exchequer proceffes 
 “ iffued forth fince the Adi of Parliament againft Popifh 
 “ Recufants convidl, though many have been certified 
 “ thither. 
 
 “ i°. The great infolences of Papifts in Ireland (where 
 “ do publickly appear Archbifhops and BifliOps reputed to 
 be made fo by the Pope, in oppofition to thofe made 
 “ under his Majefty’s authority, according to the Reli- 
 “ gion eftablifhed in England and Ireland) and the open 
 exercife of Mafs in Dublin , and other parts of that 
 Kingdom, is further a great Caufe of the prefent growth 
 “ of Popery. That Peter ‘Talbot , the reputed Archbifhop 
 “ of Dublin, was publickly co.ifecrated fo at Antwerp 
 “ with great folemnity ; from whence he came to London , 
 
 “ where he exercifed his fundlion ; and was all along, in 
 “ his journey to Chejler , treated with the charadler of His 
 “ Grace by the Popifh Recufants whom he vilited : And 
 “ at iiis landing at Dublin, was received with great 
 “ folemnity by thofe of the Popifii Religion there, where 
 “ alfo he exercifed his fundlion publickly, great multi- 
 “ tud es then flocking to him, and ftill continues to do 
 “ the fame. His prefent refidence is within three miles 
 “ of Dublin, at his Brother’s Colonel Richard Talbot, 
 
 “ who is now here foliciting your Majefty as publick 
 “ Agent on the behalf of the Irijh Papifts of that King- 
 “ dom.” 
 
 Remedies againjl thefe growing Mifchiefs. 
 
 “ We the Lords and Commons aflembled in this prefent 
 “ Parliament, do in all humility reprefent to your facred 
 “ Majefty in thefe our Petitions following : 
 
 ** 1 • r B A HAT your Majefty by your Proclamation would 
 X be moft gracioufly pleafed to command, that all 
 Popifh Priefts and Jefuits do depart this realm, and all 
 1 ot hcr your Majefty s Dominions, on or before a fhort 
 “ day to be prefixed, at their perils ; except only fuch 
 “ foreign Priefts as attend her Majefty’s perfon by the 
 “ contradl of marriage, and Ambafladors according to the 
 “ Law of Nations: And that all Judges, &c. do caufe 
 “ tlie Laws now in force againft Popifh Recufants convidl, 
 “ r ° he put in due execution : And in the firft place, for 
 “ the fpeedy convidting fuch Popifh Recufants that all 
 “ Judges and Juftices aforefaid do ftridtly give the faid 
 “ laws in charge unto the Juries at all Affizes and Seffions, 
 “ under the penalty of incurring your Majefty’s highcll dif- 
 “ pleafure. 
 
 “ 2. That your Majefty would be pleafed to reftrain 
 “ and hinder the great concourfe of your native fubjedis 
 “ from hearing of Mafs, and other exercifes of th e Romifh 
 “ Religion, in the houfes of foreign Ambafladors or 
 “ agents, and in all other chapels and places of this King- 
 “ dom. 
 
 “ 3 - That your Majefty would be pleafed, to take care, 
 “ and caufe, That no office or employment of publick autho- 
 “ nty , trujl or command in civil or military affairs , be com- 
 “ mitted to, or continued in the hands of any perfon being a 
 “ Popifh Recufant, or jujlly reputed fo to be. 
 
 “ 4 - That your Majefty would be pleafed to take notice 
 “ of all Fraternities or Convents of Englijh, and other 
 ‘‘ Popifh Priefts, Jefuits or Friers, and Schools for the 
 
 (1 This Spc 
 
 v; j Hs.-urv 
 
 .<) Under p 
 ii-'ian lh:ie. 
 
 (6: This 
 -rA I virg m tn: 
 
 (;• Tn:« W.> 
 TJie re. 
 
 • . 
 
 ir. the K 
 
 the Journals cf the Houfe of Commons. Etbard, Trm. 3. p. 156. 
 
 •he icih of February following. Kernel, p. 303, 304. 
 to ins advancement to the Siadtholderfhip. Burnet, p.273. 
 
 loaning his Majefty better in ihe feveral points that concerned the present Co iiunftures of his 
 
 to rerncm'ured on account of his extreme age. He was a poor F'ftierr 
 • d. d this year, ageo 169 years, exceeding the lam us lien 
 
 am ihe name of the perfon that was the occfion of it. 
 
 Vr Tf <■”>■» smij,. CbirU, Obnar, Elqj Simon Parry, an J Miles R.e 
 ?! Y ir sh -' ! H - a t» ' ppoler of the Money-n ils, and whet 
 
 .. . ,n ‘ 1 ll:5 ' ppoled by 'h.- l.'iurl : It was fair., Tne Hl.iyer v 
 1 Kina . pleainre he among the men or w, men Poy-rs ? This was cirriec 
 ted : if it t J over, more ol t! - ■ w 
 
 1 - I ■ 1 ■ • nfe'f w , that 
 
 p, that th- tear was teuly -t>_-o.lcovci cd- J The Comm-ns put a ClauL i 
 IS urn.', zQ a. 
 
 m of Torhfiire, born in i 5 or, 
 n Parr, who died 1635, lull 
 
 a. who all ft-d from Juft'ce. 
 palled, moved -he Lying a tax 
 ■re tf.e K-irig's ServarJs, and i 
 •viih great ind g.vt n to Court. 
 "How. Where p.n, the fore- 
 ■ie credit by :t, than tn all 'he 
 :he that :: fh_ M r.o: be 
 
 education 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26 . CHARLES II 
 
 6 59 
 
 1670- , 
 
 Behard, 
 P* 6 7- 
 
 Match 23 
 Kennet. 
 p. 307. 
 
 Me nty-bills. 
 Behai d. 
 
 III. p. 267 
 
 Ibe Lord 
 
 Subjiihcs. 
 Feb. 22. 
 
 Id p.268. 
 
 educating of youth in the principles of Popery, eretfted 
 “ within your Majefty’s dominions, and to caule the fame 
 “ to be abolilhed, and the faid Prielts, Jefuits, Friers, 
 “ and Schoolmafters to be duly punifhed for fuch their in- 
 “ folences. 
 
 “ 5. That your Majefty would be pleafed, from time 
 “ to time to require and caufe, that all the officers of, or 
 “ relating to the Exchequer, ilfue forth proceffies effectually 
 “ againft Popifh Recufants convitft certified thither. And 
 “ that fuch officers as fhall refufe or neglect to do their 
 “ duty as aforefaid, be feverely punifhed for fuch their 
 “ failures. 
 
 “ 6. That your Majeffy would be pleafed to give or- 
 “ der, for apprehending and bringing over into England, 
 ‘‘ one Plunkct , who goes under the name of primate of 
 tC Ireland , and one Peter Talbot , who takes on him the 
 “ name of Archbifhop of Dublin , to anfwer fuch matters 
 “ as (hall be objected againft them.” 
 
 The King replied to this addrefs, that he would do 
 what was deiired, but fuppofed, no perfon would wonder, 
 if he made a difference between thofe Papifts, that had 
 newly changed their Religion, and thofe that were bred 
 up in it, and had faithfully ferved him and his father in the 
 late wars. A few days after, the King publifhed a Pro¬ 
 clamation, which ran much in the fame flile with thofe 
 that had been iffued on this occafion, and was no better 
 obferved. From the beginning of the reign of Janies I, 
 to the end of that of Charles II, the fame method was con- 
 ftantly pra&ifed. Upon the inftances of the Parliament to 
 prevent the growth of Popery, thefe three Kings had never 
 fcrupled to grant whatever was defired, and in confequence 
 to publifh Proclamations ; but there was a wide difference 
 between the publication and the execution. 
 
 I (hull obferve here, that in the beginning of the civil 
 wars, Charles I, pofitively denied, he had any Papifts in 
 his fervice. But Charles II, his foil, in this forementioned 
 anfwer, not only publickly owns it, but ftsys alfo, that in 
 confideration of the great fervices of the Papifts, to his fa¬ 
 ther and himfelf in the civil wars, he is obliged to give 
 them marks of his favour. 
 
 This affair being ended, trie Commons proceeded upon 
 the three money bills, and as if thefe had not been Effi¬ 
 cient to fupply the King’s extreme wants, they afterwards 
 added a fourth, for impofitions on foreign Commodities. 
 Thefe Bills being font up to the Lords, were debated in 
 their Houfe. On the fecond reading of the Subfidy-bill, 
 the Lord Lucas rofe up, and in prefence of the King, who 
 was then in the Houfe, ( where he frequently came without 
 any formality) made a fpeech which was very difagreeable 
 to his Majefty. I don’t think it neceffary to infert the 
 whole fpeech, but however fhall relate fome paflages, which 
 will Ihow what many thought, though few had the bold- 
 nefs of the Lord Lucas to fpeak it publickly. 
 
 He firft complained, “ That whereas, upon the Kind’s 
 “ reftoration, it was the hopes of all good men, that the 
 “ nation would be freed from the burthens they had been 
 “ fo long oppreffed with, thefe burthens were heavier than 
 “ ever, whilft their ftrength was diminifhed, and they 
 
 “ were lefs able to fupport them,--that if the vaft 
 
 “ ftirns given were all employed for the King and King- 
 “ dom, it would not fo much trouble them : But they 
 “ could not without infinite regret of heart, fee fo great a 
 “ part of the money pounded up in the purfes of a few 
 “ private men, who, in the time of his Majefty’s moft 
 “ happy reftoration, were worth very little or nothing, 
 “ but were now purchafing lands, and kept their Coaches 
 “ and fix Horfes, their Pages, and their Lacqueys ; while, 
 “ in the mean time, thofe that had faithfully ferved the 
 “ King, were expofed to penury and want, and had fcarce 
 
 “ Efficient left to buy them bread.-But, fuppofing ajl 
 
 “ the money given was employed for the ufe of his Ma- 
 “ jefty, and he was not cozened, as without doubt he is, 
 “ are there no bounds to, no moderation in, giving ? Will 
 “ it be faid, that his Majefty will not be able to maintain 
 “ the Triple-Alliance, without a plentiful fupply, and we 
 “ fhall thereby run the hazard of being conquered : This 
 “ may be a reafon for giving fomethmg, but it is fo far 
 “ from being an argument for giving fo much, that it may 
 “ be clearly made out. That it is the dirett and ready way 
 “ io be conquered by a foreigner. And it may be the po- 
 “ licy of the French King, by his often alarms of armies 
 “ and fleets, to induce us to confume our treafure in vain 
 “ preparations againft him ; and after he has by this means 
 “ made us poor and weak enough, he may then come 
 “ upon, and deffroy us. It is not the giving a great deal, 
 “ but the well managing the money given, that mull 
 
 “■ keep us fafe from our enemies.-Beiides, what is 
 
 “ this but ne moriare rnori , to dye for fear of dying, and 
 
 “ for fear of being conquered by a foreigner, to put our- 1670-1. 
 “ felves in a condition almoft as bad ? Nay, in fome re- 
 “ fped, a great deal worfe ; for wffien we are under the 
 “ power of the viiftor, we know we can fall no lower, 
 
 “ and the certainties of our miferies are fome fort of dimi- 
 “ nution of them : But in this wild way, we have no cer- 
 “ tainty at all ; for if you give thus much to day, you 
 “ may give as much more to morrow, and never leave 
 “ giving, till we have given all that ever we have away. 
 
 “ -It is therefore neceffary to be able to make feme 
 
 “ eftimate of our felves : Would his Majefty be pleafed to 
 “ have a quarter of our eflates ? For my part he fhall 
 “ have it : Would he be pleafed to have half ? For my 
 “ part, upon good occafions he fhall have it : But then let 
 “ us have fome affurances of the quiet enjoyment of 
 “ the remainder, and know what we have to truft to. 
 
 “ -The Commons have here fent up a Bill for the 
 
 “ giving his Majefty the twentieth part of our eftates, and 
 “ I hear there are other Bills alfo preparing, which toge - 
 “ ther will amount to lit.le lefs than three millions of mo- 
 “ ney, a prodigious Em ! And fuch, that if your Lord- 
 “ fhips afford no relief, we muft fink under the weight of 
 “ it. I hope therefore, your Lordfliips will fet fome 
 “ bounds to the over-liberal humour of the Commons. If 
 “ you cannot deny or moderate a Bill for money, all your 
 “ great eftates are wholly at their difpofal, and you have 
 
 “ nothing that you can properly call your own,-- 
 
 “ Upon the whole matter, I moft humbly propofe, that 
 “ you would be pleafed to reduce the twelve pence in the 
 “ pound, to eight pence.”-. 
 
 This Speech, afterwards printed and publifhed, was fo Lt burnt hj 
 oftenfive to the King and his Minifters, that it was ordered ,be Har s- 
 to be burnt by the common hangman. But however it e’imh 
 made fome impreffion upon the Lords, who fent the Bill III.’ p. 269. 
 to the Commons with amendments, that is, with fome al¬ 
 terations (1). This occafioned a difpute between the two 
 Houfes, the Commons refufing to receive the amendments. 
 
 But in a conference the difference was ended, by the ac- 
 quiefcence of the Lords, to the reafons of the Commons. 
 
 The two firft money Bills, namely, the Subfidy-bill, and M un Mi 
 the additional tax upon beer, and other liquors, being rea- fail'd. 
 dy, the King came to the Houfe of Lords the 6th of 
 March, and palled thefe two A&s, with another, for re- 
 vejling the power of granting Wine-licences in his Majefys 
 heirs and fuccejfors , and for fettling a revenue on his royal 
 Highnefs in lieu thereof, which amounted to twenty-four 
 thoufand pounds a year (2). 
 
 There ftill remained two other Money-Bills, which had 
 been fent to the Lords, one Er Impofitions on Proceedings 
 at Law , and another for an additional Impoftion upon feve- Echard. J 
 ral foreign Commodities. The firft Bill puffed the Houfe in ’ P' 
 of Lords without any difficulty. But the fecond occafi¬ 
 oned a violent conteft between the two Houfes. The 
 London merchants having prefented a Petition to the Lords, 
 in which they fhowed the difproportion of the Rates irn- 
 pofed upon certain commodities to be fuch as would utter¬ 
 ly ruin the whole trade of thefe commodities, and bring 
 an irreparable prejudice upon all the Englijh Plantations, 
 and confequently upon the Kingdom ; Thereupon the 
 Lords judg’d it neceffary to make alterations in the Bill, 
 and lower fome of the rates, and then returned the Bill 
 to the Commons. The Commons maintained, the Lords 
 had no right to make any Amendments in Bills of Impo¬ 
 fitions and rates, and could only receive or reject them as 
 they were fent, and the Lords aflerted the contrary. 
 
 This difpute produced feveral conferences, in which the 
 two Houfes mutually communicated their reafons, an- 
 fwers, and replies. It would be too long to enter into the 
 difeuffion of this difference, which, beiides, would hardly 
 be intelligible to thofe who have not a thorough knowledge 
 of the conftitution of Eng/if) Parliaments. I lhall only 
 relate one circumftance, which may be underftood by all, 
 and wherein confifted the effential part of the difpute. 
 
 The Commons maintained, that by a Fundamental Right, 
 it belonged to their Houfe (in exclufion of the Lords,) 
 to impofe Rates upon merchandize. They meant by this 
 Fundamental Right, a conftant ufage or cuftom, accord¬ 
 ing to the principles of the Parliament, in the time of 
 Charles I. The Lords, after the example of Charles I, 
 demanded of the Commons, Where was the Charter or 
 Contract to be found, by which the Lords diverted them- 
 felvcs of this Right, 3nd appropriated it to the Commons 
 with an exclufion to themfelves? To this the Commons 
 replied by another queftion, Where was the Record by 
 which the Commons fubmitted, that this Judicature fliould 
 be appropriated to the Lords in exclufion of themfelves ? 
 
 Wherever their Lordlhips Ihould find the laft Record, 
 they would Ihow the firft endorfed upon the back of the 
 
 (0 Thrv 3 1 legged in particular, 
 I •• t rd, T 
 ,2) There w.is ailb palTcd at the 
 
 Di(IrelTes allowed and appointed in that Bill, fuch as the brcajcing open of doors, were not agreeable to the an-.ient 
 
 270. 
 
 ne, among olheis, an Ad to prevent the malicious burning of Houfes, Hacks of Corn, and killing or maiming of 
 
 fame 
 
66o 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 167O-I. 
 A long pro¬ 
 rogation of 
 
 the Parti J- 
 
 April 12. 
 Echaid. 
 
 Xtfltaicm 
 
 l por iT!f 
 
 Death of 
 DucOtfi oj 
 Yurk. 
 Sandford, 
 p. 677. 
 
 J. Philip: 
 
 1 be Duke 
 York for- 
 
 jurei tbe 
 Proteftant 
 Religion. 
 Echard. 
 HI. p. 27 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 H< r C 1 
 
 P-p-jb. 
 
 :The H 1 STO R r of ENGLAND. 
 
 fame Roll. In Ihort, the King perceiving the conteft ingaged him to declare himfelf a Papift, being apprehen- » 6 7 r - 
 daily increas’d, came to the Houfe of Peers, and after the five, that it the King fhould be divorced from his Queen, 
 
 royal affent given to an Atft for impofitions on Proceedings he would marry again, and have legitimate children. I 
 
 at Law, and fome others, he prorogued the Parliament to relate thefe particulars as I found them in the Hiftories 
 
 the 16th of April, 1672. and afterwards by feveral Pro- and Memoirs of thole times, but I mult warn the Reader, 
 
 rotations to the 4th of February 1672-3. So that this that the authors of them allegde no other proof than their 
 Prorogation continued a year and nine months. own teftimony (4). p . . h , f 
 
 Probably, every Reader will be furprized at the extreme After the prorogation of the Parliament, the Cubal 
 liberality of the Commons to the King, and efpecially in fought, with all poflible ardor, means to execute thc:r pro- E-ham. 
 this felfion. As to the former fupplies, it may be faid, jefts. Thefe were, firft, to render the King abfolute, or m. p -,Z, 
 
 they had fome foundation true or falfe. But for the pre- 
 fent fupply, which was greater than any before, it 
 was founded upon a contingency which had not even the 
 leaft appearance. For it was upon a fuppofition, that 
 France and the States-General, who were making great 
 preparations, might invade England , if they found her 
 unarm’d, though fhe was in peace with France , and in 
 ftrict alliance with Holland. Befides, the States had hi¬ 
 therto made no extraordinary preparations, becaufe they 
 did not yet fufpeft, they fhould be attacked. And as to 
 France , the King knew, he had nothing to fear from that 
 quarter. Neverthelefs, upon the King’s bare propofition, 
 fupported by no probability, a fum of two millions and a 
 half was granted him, which fome even compute at three 
 millions. Nothing is more proper to render probable 
 what is afferted by many authors, that fcarce a member, 
 however inconfiderable, was without a penfion from the 
 Kin<y according to his credit in the Houfe, and that thefe 
 peniions were increafed in proportion to the fums granted 
 to the King. Thus much is certain, that afterwards upon 
 an inquiry, fome were found guilty of this collufion. 
 
 >£ Before I proceed, it mull not be forgot to fpeak of the 
 death of Anne Hyde Duchefs of York , daughter to the Earl 
 of Clarendon , the late Chancellor. She died the 31ft of 
 March in the 34th year of her age, after an abjuration of 
 the Proteftant Religion during her long indifpofition (1). 
 From her marriage proceeded eight children, two of which 
 only furvived her, Mary and Anne , who were both Queens 
 of England. The reft all dyed young (2). 
 
 °f The Duke of York was a Papift before the King’s re- 
 ftoration, but I can’t find at what time he changed his 
 religion. It was a fecret for fome time, but had now 
 been fo divulged, that it was openly talked of in the Court 
 and Country. At laft, foon after the death of his Duch- 
 •. efs he made a formal abjuration of the Proteftant Religion 
 before Father Simons an Englijh Jefuit, and from that time 
 openly declared himfelf a Papift. His inducement, as ’tis 
 faid, to make publick profeffion of this Religion, was this. 
 The King had, for fome years, even before Clarendon 's 
 difgrace, entertained a fecret defign of divorcing his Queen, 
 whom he had never loved. He had communicated this 
 defign to fome of his confidents, but it was always oppofed 
 by the Earl of Clarendon , whether from the injuftice of 
 the thing, or for the fake of his daughter the Dutchefs of 
 York, and her pofteiity. After the removal of that Mi- 
 niller, the King finding himfelf more free, perfifted in his 
 defign, which, as it is affirmed, was incouraged by the Pa- 
 pifts, and approved by the Court of Rome. One pretenfe 
 for this divorce, was, that the Queen had been pre-engaged 
 to another, who however was not named. It was alfo pre¬ 
 tended, fhe was incapable of having children, though fhe 
 had twice mifearried. But as thefe fa£ts are very difficult 
 to be proved, the King was affifted to find a more plaufi- 
 ble pretenfe ; which was, to lay fnares to betray the Queen 
 into fuch freedoms, as might be the ground of an accufa- 
 tion of adultery. But the King could not refolve to ufe a 
 method fo unjuft, and difhonorable (3). Neverthelefs the 
 divorce was refolved, and as a pretence only was wanting, 
 an effectual one would certainly have been found. The 
 Priefls and Jefuits who were continually about the Duke 
 of York, had long prefled him to make open profeflion of 
 the Roman Catholick Religion, but had not vet been able 
 to fucceed, becaufe the Duke faw, it would make him 
 forfeit the affedlion of moft of the Englijh. At laft, upon 
 the Duke of York's refufal they ftrenuoufly laboured the 
 affair of the Divorce, and caufed, as it is Lid, the Pope 
 topromife his confent. When the bufinefs was thus far ad¬ 
 vanced, they intimated to the Duke of York , that they 
 were able either to eftedt or hinder the King’s divorce, and 
 would undertake the latter, if he would make open pro- 
 feffion of the Catholick Religion. This, as it is pretended, 
 
 in their language, a Great Prince : and under this article 
 was comprized, the eftablifbment of Popery, if not the en¬ 
 tire deftrudlion of the Proteftant Religion. For theie is no 
 vifible medium between thefe two things. I have already- 
 given the reafon why the article of Religion is omitted by 
 the King’s adherents. The fecond projedf was to break 
 the Triple-alliance. The third, to make war upon Hol¬ 
 land-, though it was difficult to invent any the leaft plaufible 
 pretence. To execute the two laft, Mr. Henry Coventry, rLf -- 
 who had been Plenipotentiary at the treaty of Freda , was 
 fent to Sweden, and Sir George Downing to the Flaghe. Tan- Star,. o<- 
 ple, as I have faid, was recalled, but to amufe the States, ri,J " 
 the King feigned to fend for Temple only to be informed of 
 fome matters, and that he fhould immediately return. He 
 was however ftill in London, and though the King had no 
 defign to fend him back to Holland , yet to take away all 
 fufpicion from the Dutch of his intention to break with 
 them, he had hitherto refufed his permiflion to Sir William 
 to fend for his wife and family. At laft, he was openly July. 
 recalled, and obtained leave for his wife and children to 
 come over who were ftill at the Hague. The recalling of 
 Temple, and fending of Downing in his place fufficientjy 
 difeovered the King’s intentions (3). The firft was ex¬ 
 tremely beloved in Holland, as he had always behaved with 
 integrity, and a concern for the common interefls of both 
 nations. The fecond had ferved for inftrument to ingage 
 the King and the States in the late war, and was looked 
 upon in Holland as a man of no honour, and a real in¬ 
 cendiary. So that when the States heard, he was coming Tcmp ) t . s 
 in the room of Temple , they no longer doubted of a rup- Lett. P . 248. 
 ture with England. Mean while Downing being arrived 
 at the Hague, was not, wanting in proteftations, that the 
 King his mafter was refolved to maintain the Triple- 
 alliance, and if he was equipping a fleet, it was wholly ow¬ 
 ing to the great preparations of his neighbours, and parti¬ 
 cularly the King of France, of whom he had juft caufe to 
 be jealous. But wjthal, he failed not to complain of the Bafnage. 
 obftinacy of the Dutch, upon an affair of little importance, 
 concerning the Colony of Surinam ; adding fome com¬ 
 plaints of the Englijh Merchants againft the Dutch Eajl- 
 India Company. Thefe were the two articles on which 
 the King intended to found a rupture, but as he did not 
 think them of fufficient weight, he projected to draw the 
 States into a fort of infult upon him, which might give 
 him a more plaufible pretence for a war. 
 
 To this end, the King having granted Sir William Tern- A Yacht be- 
 pie a yacht to bring over his Lady, the Admiralty gave 10 
 exprefs orders to the Captain to go in queft of the Dutch ^J el ™ e fbe 
 fleet, then at fea, and, if they refufed to ftrike, to fire up- Dutch, to 
 on them. The Captain met with them as he was return- 
 ing with the Ambafladrefs and her Children. When he p/j'[ ’’ ‘ 
 
 faw, the fleet paid no regard to the King’s yacht, he fired Temple's 
 
 feveral fhots at them. Mr. de Ghent, who commanded the Letter*, 
 fleet, furprized at this infult, fent a boat to the yacht to P ‘ * + ’* 
 know the meaning of it. The Captain only anfwered, 
 he had his inftru«ftions, and was bound to follow them. 
 
 Upon this Mr. de Ghent went to the yacht on pretence of 
 paying a compliment to the Ambafladrefs, which being per¬ 
 formed, he talked with the Captain, and was anfwered as 
 before. The Admiral replyed, he had no orders from his 
 
 Mafters in that point, and did not know how the affair 
 
 was agreed between his Majefty and the States j but though 
 it were fettled, the Captain could not pretend the fleet 
 fhould ftrike to a yacht, which was but a pleafure-boat, 
 and could not pafs for a man of war. The Captain ftill 
 perfifted in faying, he only followed his orders. Never¬ 
 thelefs, the fleet did not fire a Angle (hot at the yacht, and 
 the Captain purfued his courfe, pleafed that he had come off 
 fo well. 
 
 Befides the two millions and a half granted to the King fhe King 
 by the Parliament, the King of France, if Abbot Prirni is m 
 
 the King of 
 
 7 ‘ mti 
 
 (2; The..- r 
 
 4 - >°00 
 
 (5) Mr. De. 
 towards the pre: 
 
 lae-red, That that unhappy Princefs had been prevailed up in, again!) her confcience, to fign a Paper, containing the grounds of her converfion, France. 
 
 . 1 • I ,:y 10 the reading uf Dr. Hey/in'i lliftcry oj the Reformation. Her Father, when he heard of her wavering in her Religion, was more P'imi. 
 thar. a: ai! h's own misfortunes. He writ her a very grave and long Letter upon it, inclofed in one Co the Duke, w hich lee in the Life of King State- 
 
 mtnt. p .. &c- Burnet, p. 309. Echard, p. 277. Tracts in 
 
 uni.' were. Ch.riei, born Otlober 22' 1660. Mary, April 30. 1662. fame,, July 12. 1663. Ann, February 6. 1664. Chattel, ^William- 
 £ September 14. 1667. Henrietta. ’January 13. 1668. And Katharine, February 9. 1670. Cbartc 1, Jamei, Cbarlet, and Hen- T. I. 
 
 ire the..- Mother, and Edgar and Karbarir.e Ihortly after. Sandford, p. 67/. 
 
 in .1, 1, oral with her C nfellnr, that he might peiluade her to leave the world, and to turn religious- Burntt, p. 263. 
 
 ■ V - t: r D ike of Buckingham offered, that if the King would give h:m leave, he would (leal the C^een away, and fend her to a Plantation, 
 
 1 O' w ii looked after. But the King himlelt rejected this propolal with horror. He laid, it was a wicked thing to make a poor Lady mife- 
 
 "i :' lh-- was h-s wife, ar.d had no Children by him, which was no fault of hers, p. 262, 263. 
 
 tolfl ti'Iham s Secretary, Tnat he fhould take Sir Williams ftay or coming back for certain Cgns of what the King's intentions were, 
 
 erv.ng or changing the mealures he had taken with the States. Temple i LtU. p. 248, 
 
 to 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES ll. 
 
 66 1 
 
 1 1671. to be credited, fent him alfo a very confiderable fum to 
 enable him to equip a fleet much fuperior to that of the 
 States (1). So the King thought only of war, though 
 with all poflible artifice he endeavoured to remove all fufpi- 
 cion of his having any fuch defign. He fpent the whole 
 fummer, and part of the autumn in progrels through feve- 
 1 Uwfj,'' ra * P arts h' 3 Kingdom. The 28th of May he celebra- 
 ; wind for. te l George in a very folemn manner at 
 
 ; Echard. Windfor, arid inftalled in the order of the Garter, the King 
 of Sweden , and the Elector of Saxony , by their Proxies, 
 and after them the young Duke of Albemarle. He alfo 
 made a vifit to the Univerfity of Cambridge , where he was 
 magnificently entertained, and to feveral other places, which 
 it is needlcfi; to mention. After his return, both their Ma- 
 jeflies were invited to the Lord-Mayor’s fcaft, on the 30th 
 of G cipher, where no coft was fpared to difplay the gran¬ 
 deur and riches of the city of London. 
 
 B! Od fleah Before I proceed to the tranfadtions of the next year, I 
 the Crown, think my fclf obliged to take notice of an attempt, the 
 9 - mod extraordinary that can poffibly be devifed by a private 
 
 C ntin. of man. I mean that of Bloody a famous villain, robber, and 
 Stov.n. Sir- allaffln, who formed the defign of Healing the Crown, 
 VCy ?£ Scepter, and Globe, which arc kept in the Tower. With 
 Echard. 1 tiie affiftance only of two or three more, lie executed this 
 I}i. E . 281. defign lb dextioully and happily, that they were got out of 
 the Tower with their booty, before they were feized. To 
 give fome account of Blood, I fhall briefly fay here, that 
 the Duke of Ormond , when he was Lord-Lieutenant of 
 Ireland, having caufed fome of Blood’s complices to be 
 hanged, who intended to furprize the caflle of Dublin, 
 Id. P . 262. Blood fwore, he would revenge their deaths. For this pur- 
 Dic.6,1670 pofe. Blood followed the Duke of Ormond into England, 
 when he was recalled, and watched him fo well, that with 
 the au.llance of feven or eight perfons on horfeback, lie 
 flopped his Coach, in the night, as he was going to Cla- 
 j eude:/ houfc, where he lived, knocked down his foot¬ 
 men (c), and forced the Duke up behind one of the horfe- 
 nu.11, in order to carry him to Tyburn, and hang him 
 there, with a paper pinned on his bread, to fhow the caufe 
 of this execution. But the Duke forcibly throwing him- 
 fclf off tLe horfe, with the villain who had tied the Duke 
 Lft to him, defeated the defign, and the authors could ne¬ 
 ver he difeovered till after Blood’s attempt upon the Crown. 
 This attempt was very extraordinary, but the King’s con- 
 7, examined du£l oil that occafion was ftill more furprizing. For hav- 
 ty the Kmc, ing a curiofny to examine Blood himfelf, he ordered him 
 Ec^d t0 t0 Whitehall} and put feveral queftions to 
 
 lii.‘ a p.' 2 g 5 . him, v. hich the villain anfwercd with aftonifhing boldnef , 
 confefling all, and unconcernedly relating the circumftances 
 of the thing. Then, the King asked him, whether he 
 knew the authors of the attempt upon the Duke of Or¬ 
 mond > Blood con Idled, it was himfelf. Not content with 
 this, he told the King, he had been engaged in a defign to 
 kill him with a carbine, from out the reeds by the Thames- 
 fide above Botterfea , where he often went to fwim. But 
 that when he had taken his ftand in the reeds for thatpur- 
 pofe, his heart was checked with an awe of Majefty, and 
 did not only relent himfelf, but diverted his affociates from 
 the defign. He alfo told the King, he was prepared to 
 fuffer death, as having deferved it ; but mult tell his Ma- 
 jefly, that he had hundreds of complices, who had bound 
 themfelves by a horrible oath, to revenge the death of any 
 of the Fraternity, upon thole who fiiould bring them to 
 juftice ; which would ex pofe his Majetty and all his Mi- 
 nifters, to the daily fear and expectation of a mall'acre. 
 But, on the contrary, if he fpared the lives of a few per¬ 
 fons, his own would be fecure. The King was furprized, 
 and probably, intimidated by Blood’s difeourfe, and thought, 
 
 doubtlefs, the attempt of this villain on the D’uke of Or- iSyi. 
 mondy to revenge the death of his complices, might he imi¬ 
 tated, in revenge of his death, by his furviving comrades 
 However this be, the King fent the Earl o f Arlington to 
 the Duke of Ormond , to define him not to proficcute Blood, 
 which the Duke could not refufie ( 3). Afterwards, he n ixc ar,! f ,jr 
 him his pardon, and not content with laving his life, con- <W ‘ 
 ferred on him five hundred pounds a year in land in Ire¬ 
 land. From this time, Blood was continually at Court, 
 and the King treated him with that freedom and familiari¬ 
 ty, that many perfons applied to hi in for favours from the 
 King. This gave occafion to the King’s enemies to fay, 
 that he kept this villain about him, to intimidate thole who 
 fhould dare to offend him in things which were not pu¬ 
 nishable by law, as haJ been praCtifed in the cafe of b.r 
 John Coventry , for fome railleries upon him in the Houfe 
 of Commons. As for Edwards , the Keeper of the Crown, 
 a man fourfeore years old, who had done his utmofl, tho’ 
 in vain, to hinder the theft, and had received fo man'/ 
 wounds, that he was left for dead, the King contented 
 himfelf with affigning him a reward of two hundred pounds, 
 the payment of which was fo long delayed, that the poor 
 man died before he received it (4). 
 
 In the courfe of this year died two famous Generals, De<nb'.fM 
 diftinguifhed by their bravery and experience in the civil 
 wars. 1 lie firft was the Lord Fair fa::, the Generaliffimo, " 
 
 and the other Edward Montague E.irl of Manchejler. I chefier. 
 ihall fay no more of them, becaufe they have been fuffi- £clmd ' 
 cicntly deferibed in the reign of Charles I. 1 fhall onlv 
 add, that both were very ferviceable in the King’s reftora- 
 tion (5). 
 
 The league againft Holland, much like that of Cam- Dtfgy, 
 bray again it the Commonwealth of Venice, was flill kept 
 fo fecret, that the States could only fufpect it, without any Bafnage. 
 certainty. The defign of the Allies was to begin with the 
 ruin of the Dutch , before declaration of war, and then to 
 attack them altogether, at the fame time, and in different 
 places. '1 he King of France, the Elector of Cologne, and 
 the Bifhop of Munjler , were to invade them by land, and 
 the Englijh and French fleets jointly to attack them by fea. 
 
 This was^ihe projedt, but it met with an unforefeen diffi¬ 
 culty. Though Charles had received Two Million, Eive Echar(J 
 Hundred i houfand Pounds from the Parliament, and Se- m.p.23?; 
 ven Hundred Thoufand Pounds from the King of France , 
 lie was ftill in want. Indeed, he had applied part of the ™J. 
 money received, to the equipment of his fleet, which could 
 not amount to half, and it was difficult to conceive, what 
 was become of the reft. However this be, he fignified to Echa:d ' 
 his Minifters, that he could not begin the war without ni,p,lS? * 
 fifteen hundred thoufand pounds, and as he could not ap¬ 
 ply to the Parliament, which was prorogued, he promifed 
 the Treafurer’s ftaff, to the perfon who fhould invent the 
 means of raffing that fum. Sir Thomas Clifford proved the 
 moft happy and ingenious. He went to the King, and 7, advifid/e 
 told him, that by lhutting up the Exchequer he would be ! hut u f !> “ 
 fure of that fum. The King readily underftood this ad- Exc **-J* u .* r ’ 
 vice, and refolving to follow it, performed his promi'e, and 
 made Clifford Lord-Treafurer. Some however aferibe this 
 project to the Lord Shafts bury, and fay, that .Clifford 
 having artfully drawn it from him, gloried in it to the 
 King (6). 
 
 To underftand this method, (which though plain to En- 77, 
 glijh readers, is not fo to foreigners,) it is to be observed,»/ <i..t urd 
 that at the Exchequer are received, by direclion from the 
 Lord-Treafurer, all the fums deftined to publick ufes, and 
 the interefts of the money borrowed upon Parliamentary 
 Funds, which commonly cannot be railed under feveral 
 months, or even years. So, when the King has a mind 
 
 , (1 > ” e 
 
 , lefldes three hundred thoufand Crowas a month, or three hundred and fifty thoufand pounds Sterling a 
 . 344. Burnet, p. 304. 
 
 
 nomifeo fix million* of Livi 
 L/ye of Le Wit, Tom. 2. . „. . 
 
 (2) Rapin, bv miftike fays, he killed the Coachman and Footm 
 
 (3) The Duke anlwered, “ That the King iliould fee, he valued his life as little, as his Majefly did his Crown.” Ecbard. Tom. 3. p zS6. 
 
 (4) Edwards h;d a Grant of two hundred pounds for himfelf, and one hundred for his Son- Both, by the delays of payment, were obliged to fell them 0- 
 ders tor halt the money, and ihe old man lived not long to enjoy the remainder. The manner cf Blood's ilealing the Crown was thus: He g. ts :j the y !;; ,. 
 in a Clergyman s habit, with a woman whom he called his wife, and who, he pretended, wanted to fee the Crown ; and havitg feen it, l.'.e feignen t.> he 
 taken wall a qualm, and de fired Mr. Eawardt, the Keeper ot the Crown, to fend lot fome Spirits, who immediately cau fid his Wile to fetch fome, ,1 whi h 
 Ihe drank, and Icing invited to tep le herfe f on a bed, Ihe d d fo, and foon re*avered. At their depatture, they were very thankful lor tins civility. Ttm-e 
 
 ncs with a prefent cf Gloves from his Wife, and having thus begun an acquaintance, he improves it by frequent vilits. At lafi, he tells Mr 
 ad a mind to makea match between a Nephew of his, and Mr. Edwards's Daughter, wh ch Nephew, he la d, had three hundred n. ur.ds 
 - . Accordingly, a day was appo nted tor the young couple to fee one another- Blood comes with three more, armed with rapier blaoes in their 0.:. -, 
 
 and every . ire a dagger, and a pair of pocket piflols. One ot the fellows flays at the door, and the others go in. Bio J tu!d Mr. Edwards, he would not g.) 
 up flairs till his Wife cime down, and defired him, in the mean time, to Ihew Ids friends the Crown, to pals away the time. As loon as they were in th- 
 room, and the door ihut as uiuai. they immediate.; gagged the old man, and knocked him down for endeavouring to make a no : fe. One of the corapai-.i. ,... 
 pot -lie Glvuc in hts brrtchcs, Bl W kept the Crown under Jiis g-iwn, and the thitd was tiling the Scepter, ( being tco long to manage ) when their conrp<- 
 rion w tnout gave them notice, that young Mr. Edwards was juft come home, and gone up flairs; upon which they all made .ft with the Crown and G u.k. 
 But old Edwai.li getting up and making a noife, they were purfued and taken, as they were making to their h. ries, which waited at the Iron C.iU in b: 
 
 though he law himlelf a prifoner, had the impudence to ftruggle lor the Ciown. 5 trype'i Cor.tir.. of Etow's Survev, Turn. 1. p. qj. 
 
 (5) This year alfo died William Seymour Duke of Somerfet ; and the famous Critic, Meric Cofaubcn, Pjeber.d of Canterbury. Echard. 
 
 (6) 1 he iubftance ot the ftory, as it is told by Mr. Ecbard, from a Manufcript of Sir Jofepb ty/ey's, is this : --The King, under prHling neefffitie*, 
 
 promifed the white htafl to any one ot his Minifters, who could put him in a way to rai’.e fifteen hundred thoufand pounds, without applyng to his I’jHu- 
 ment. 1 he next day L. id Ajetey told Sir ' Ibomat Clifford, That there was a wsy (0 do this; but that it was dangerous, and nvrht in its coi.fiouenccs inf.ams 
 both Parliament and Pe pie. .-1. Ik-.mas, impatient to know the ftcret, plied the Lord st/bley with viliis, and having drunk him to a proper height, leu him. 
 inlenfibly to the lubjvd ot the King's indigence; Lord AJhley, warm and unguatded, dropt the important lecret of (hutting up the Exiheautr. Sir Ubtenas 
 took the hint, left Ajhl.y as loon as he c uld, went the fame'night to Whitehall, and attending till the King rofe, demanded the white Stall. The King ,c- 
 ricsv (i his promile. it the money lould be found, and then Sir Ibomat difclofed the fccre:. The projeft was pot 10 execution, and Clifford aovanced to be 
 Tier.furer. and created a Peer. AJhley was touched, and laid, That Clifford bad ploughed web bis Heifer. However, to fatis';- him. - * he was fi;il made 
 Earl of Sbaftsbury, and loon after L"rd Chancellor ot England. Tom. 3 p. 2SS. 
 
 No LXXVII. V.. 1. II 
 
 8 L 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 662 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLA N D. 
 
 1671. to have nil at once, the money that has been granted him, 
 he bon .as if. fi private peiions at a large interell, and af- 
 itgns them payment upon the Exchequer, which applies 
 tu thi- u!e the money, railed from the granted Funds, as it 
 comes in. Moreover, at the time I am fpeaking of, all 
 the monied-m.n in London-, not to keep large fums in their 
 h ufcf, put their nv :.cy into the hands of Bankers and 
 fi Idfmiths, without in te reft. And when they wanted 
 any part, they drew upon their Goldfmiths or Bankers, 
 who immediately paid it. Now, as it was morally impof- 
 fible, that all the private petfons who had money at a 
 Banker’s, fhouid want it all at once, thofe who had the 
 monev in their hands kept only a fum fulficient to anfwer 
 the Lifa.il demands, and lent the reft to the King at a 
 - Ex- large intereft, upon the Parliamentary Funds. So, in lhut- 
 jhut tmg up the Exchequer, he received all the money which 
 "^ n , came into it (1), without paying any thing of what he 
 a. fug - on’s owed. But at the fame time, the perfons who had put 
 L;a. r. ii- their money into the hands of the Bankers and Goldfmiths, 
 Kcimd". were entirely ruined, ftnee it was not in their power to dif- 
 
 K-.-mcr. pofe of their capital ; efpecially, as the Bankers refufed e- 
 
 P' V *• veil to pay the Notes drawn daily upon them, on pretence, 
 that they received nothing from the Exchequer. This cau- 
 fed an extreme conllernation in London , but the King and 
 his Minifters pur filed their meafures, and, deaf to the com¬ 
 plaints of fo many ruined families, kept the Exchequer 
 flut up one year, and, at the expiration of that term, it 
 continued flue up by a new order, fome months longer. 
 But the whole misfortune did not confift in twelve or 
 eighteen months expe&ation. It is eafy to imagine, the 
 King having received all the money which came into the 
 Exchequer during that time, the fums which were brought 
 in, when it was opened, were not fufficient to difenarge 
 the arrears of thefe eighteen months. This is the true 
 ftate of the affair, which caufed the Englljh to exclaim fo 
 loudly againft the King and the Cabal. But the hopes the 
 Cabal then had to render the King abfolute, made them 
 very eafy under the complaints and reproaches of the 
 people. 
 
 16-1-2. But Charles had in his thoughts a project which would 
 ' Ih ‘ furiiifh him with ftill more confiderable fums. This was 
 Jurfrixetie t0 Krprize the Dutch fleet returning from Smyrna richly 
 Dutch laden (2 , before any declaration of war. He had pra£tifed 
 S F%!t a ltf’e r ^ e *" ame f *’ e ^ year, with regard to the Bourdeaux 
 hThaide- ^ eet ’ anc I received a great advantage from it. This fleet 
 chrtdwar. being much richer, infpired him with great expectations. 
 Bifn»V 3 ' t * 1 ‘ s end * 1C P ut t0 ^ ca rKcrty-fix men of war (3) under 
 Burchett. the command of Holms , who had orders to cruife in the 
 Echaid. Channel, and intercept this fleet. Holms being informed that 
 Ken “ t » the Dutch fleet approached, divided his own into three 
 
 Priffli. fquadrons. That of Holland confifted of feventy-two fail 
 
 of merchant-(hips, many of which had no guns, under the 
 Convoy of five men of war, commanded by experienced 
 officers. Thefe drew up the merchant-men in three 
 fquadrons, in good order, and put themfelves between 
 them and the Englljh fleet, after having injoined them to 
 purfue their courfe without breaking their line. Holms at¬ 
 tacked this fleet the 13th of Murch (4), and fought the 
 whole day without gaining the leaft advantage. The 
 next day at nine in the morning the fight was renewed, 
 and lafted ail the day, though on the fide of the Dutch , 
 Captain De Hues, who afted as Admiral, had been killed 
 about noon. On the fide of the Englljh the Vice-Adini- 
 £hip v led. On the morrow, at eight in the 
 
 ljX'.c. mornin S> Holms, who had been reinforced by fome frigats, 
 * ' renewed the engagement, and at laft took one man of war, 
 the Captain and 1110ft of the Tailors being flain, and three 
 merchant fliips (5) which were brought into the Thames. 
 This was all the advantage the Englljh received from an 
 Kenner, action, which highly reflected on the King. It was care- 
 
 p. 310. fully publilhed at London , that this engagement was but an 
 
 effect of chance, becaufe the Dutch refufed to ftrike. 
 r '-' Ind ' a - Thou S f » cver y °»e openly fpoke againft fo difhonorable 
 an actlun > the King was not atfedted with the fentiments 
 ot the vulgar, and inftead of repairing the injury done to 
 the Slates, in feizing their fliips before the war was de¬ 
 clare.!, lent out a fquadron to meet four Dutch India men, 
 v.:,,..., were immediately taken and condemned. At the 
 lame time, he ordered all the Dutch fliips in his ports to 
 be feizcd, tho by an exprefs article of the Treaty of Breda , 
 no merchant fliips were to be taken till fix months after 
 
 a declaration of war. The States, fed need by fo ill an ex- 1671-2. 
 ample, feized alfo tile Englljh fliips. But, upon the ftrong 
 reprefentation of fome of the deputies, how much the 
 honour'of Princes and States was wounded by thefe depre¬ 
 dations, and that the King of England's a&ing againft the 
 faith of treaties, was not a fufficient reafon to ingage the 
 States to imitate fo blameuble a conduCt, the Englljh fliips 
 were dilcharged and lent into England. The King could 
 not then help releafing lome ot the Dutch fliips, but did 
 not reftore all. 
 
 One of the branches of the projeCI formed by the Cabal 1672. 
 was, as I Faid, to render the King abfolute (6), and under 
 this branch was comprized the extirpation of the Proteftant, 
 or at leaft the introduction of the Popifh, Religion, though 
 Father Orleans , and the writers on the King’s fide, when 
 fpeaking of this projeCt, fay nothing of tin’s article. Fa¬ 
 ther Orleans however could not forbear owning it in the 
 courfe of his Hiftory. I fiiall tranferibe a paftage from 
 him, which, though extremely foftned with refpeCt to the 
 end, clearly flows, it was one of the branches of the pro¬ 
 ject. After fpeaking of what had parted concerning the 
 Papifts and other Non-conformifts, he adds, “ Th zAnExmn 
 “ King, who was no good Chriftian in his aCtions, though-^"? ‘* 3 ‘ 
 
 “ a Catholick in his heart, did all that could be expeCted FatlJr^ 
 
 “ from his indolent temper, to preferve the common liber- Urieunj. - 
 “ ty, that the Catholicks might partake of it. But the 
 “ Church of England prevailed, and Chancellor Hyde was 
 “ fo warm upon this occafion, that the King was obliged 
 “ to yield rather to his importunities than his reafons. " It 
 “ was therefore the re-eftabliflment of this liberty of con- 
 “ fcience, that the Lord AJhley believed necefl'ary to the 
 “ execution of the prqje&ed defign. He communicated 
 “ his thoughts to his collegues of the Cabal, who where of 
 “ the fame opinion, not only on account of the reafon he 
 “ alledged, which was, the gaining of the Non-confor- 
 “ mills who were juftly feared, but alfo upon another, 
 u which he readily approved, namely, the favouring of the 
 “ Catholicks, whom moft of them loved, and the reft 
 “ elleemed. Arlington and Clifford were fecretly Catho- 
 tc licks, and both died in the communion of the Church. 
 
 “ Buckingham had no occafion to be converted, could he 
 “ only have prevailed with himfelf as to libertinifm. A<h- 
 “ ley was not averfe to the Catholick Religion, till intereft 
 “ and malice threw him into the contrary party. It will 
 “ eafily be conceived, that the King readily confented to 
 “ fince he was a Catholick, and continued fo to his 
 “ death, though policy caufed him to pretend the con- 
 ‘‘ trary. As lor the Duke of York , he fupported the <le- 
 “ fign with all his power. All the difficulty lay in the ex- 
 “ tent of this liberty, and the two Kings of France and 
 “ England , ading in concert, debated this affair in the 
 ‘ c negotiation of their treaty. Several propofals were made, 
 
 “ fome more, fome lefs, advantagious to the Catholicks. 
 
 “ France was for the moft moderate, fafeft and moft fea- 
 “ fonable methods. At laft, it was agreed, that Charles 
 “ Ihould grant liberty of confcience to" all his Subjects in 
 “ general.” 
 
 It appears from hence, that Religion was concerned in 
 the projeds of the Cabal. But probably, fome were for 
 having the progrefs of the Popifh Religion fubfervient to 
 render the King abfolute, and others were for rendering 
 the King abfolute to favour the progrefs of Popery. 
 Wherefore, thefe two articles were never feparated, nor 
 indeed could be, fince they entirely depended on each other. 
 
 The King plainly fliowed it, when he publifhed his de¬ 
 claration for Liberty of Confcience, fince he could not 
 grant this liberty without afluming a power to abrogate 
 Ads of Parliament, or at leaft fufpend the execution there¬ 
 of fo long as he pleafed. This declaration, dated the 15th 
 of March 1672, confifted of various articles, of which I 
 flail here give the fubftance : 
 
 1. His Majefty publifles it, in virtue of his fupreme 
 
 power in ccclefajUcal matters , which is a right inherent in his jor L,b e ”j 
 perfon, and declared to be fo by fevcral Acts of Parliament. 
 
 2. He declares his exprefs refuluticn to be, that the p^'f’ I 
 
 Church of England be preferved and remain entire in her Echaid. 
 dodrine, difeipline, and government, as now it ftands ,,L p -? 2 * 
 eftablifled by law. Bu ™ et ' I 
 
 3. That no perfon fliall be capable of holding any Ec- J ■ Phili?!. 
 clefiaftical benefice or preferment of any kind, who is not 
 exadly conformable. 
 
 bctwLJu* R ; h3d /' rmcr,y f urnift ' d the Kin 8 w!th ,ar E e *»■» Of money, at the extorfive Intereft of eight per Cent, had lod*:d in the Exchequer 
 
 7 f ' ; ,rt 1 urlc: n hunored tbouland pounds. R. Cde, p. 168. Burner p. -U. 
 
 ^ - 1 w 'rth • million and « hair. Burnet, p. 307. 
 
 13 J This Fleet conlifted but 
 
 thfr h^’ J 
 
 ) The Lo’c 
 irry^the G 
 
 and thre 
 coy, by liratagem, into his o' 
 
 le next day there tame a reinforcement of four or five men of War. 
 1 Ship, the Duttb Admiral, the Vice Admiral, Gfr. Sec Prim m 
 
 • an 1,1 Quality in private difeourfe, That the King, if he would be firm to h 
 1 1 :, Eb: he w u!o : For it men were allured in the Liberty ..t their Cnnlcie: 
 ■ r ji’-H.ia j and it, on the other hand, the Fort of 7;/in y was finifhtd to! 
 /1: J a n 0. :ncn in echo, thefe, and in //a//for the northern p.rts, with rr.c adc 
 We,B nont who VVfuW *>»veeither will, opportunity, 01 power to refill. lUt.r, 
 
 3 
 
 nfelf, might Irttlc wha! R-i . >n he u 
 re?, arid ondifturbed in il.ctr Pr. penet 
 "die the City, iheF rtct flytr-urb t . 
 t:on, ( which n.icht bs r.f. y at d tudnct 
 
 4. That 
 
Book XXIII 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 66: 
 
 | *672 4. That the execution of all penal laws in matters ec- for which he was exceffively zealous. As for the Ca!».v 1 - — 
 
 clehaftical againft whatfoever fort of Non-conformifts or they weie men entirely destitute of all principles of honour’ 
 Recufants, be Immediately fufpended. juftice, or religion, each of whom was foldy intent upon 
 
 5. He declares, that he will from time to time allow a making his fortune by facrificiiig the interett of the nub- 
 
 fufficient number of places, as fliall be dcllred, in all parts lick. For it cannot be thought, that per Cons of their abi- 
 °l his Kingdom, lor the ufe of fuch as do not conform to litics could be ignorant, that what they were aitin" w is 
 rhe Church of England, to meet and affemble in, in order diredly contrary to the intereffs o {England. Thtfy did 
 to their publick worlhip and devotion. not believe, they could execute their grand project without 
 
 6. That none of his fubjedts do prefume to meet in any a ftri£t alliance with the King of France, who artfully 
 
 place, until fuch place be allowed, and the teacher of that perfuaded them, that after the republick of Holland fhou'd 
 congregation be approved by him. be deftroyed, the two Crowns would jointly labour to 
 
 7. He declares, that this indulgence as to the allowance render the King abfolute in England T and elhbiilh the 
 
 of publick places ol worlhip, and approbation of teachers, Catholick Religion. But they had too much caufe after- 
 fliall extend to all forts of Non-conformifts and Recufants, wards to fee that they were deceived by France. Indeed 
 except the Recufants of the Roman Catholick Religion, to it was not Lewis’s intereft to render the King 0 '{England 
 whom he will no ways allow publick places of worlhip, abfolute in his dominions, but rather to fuw and cherilh 
 but only indulge them their lhare in the common exemp- divifion between the King and his Subje&s, in which, by 
 
 tion from the executing the penal laws, and the exercife Teeming to enter into the views of the Cabal he was’but 
 
 \ Waritch of £ c,r w ° rfll, P l" the,r L P r i ate houfes only (1). too fuccefsful. But there occurred in die execution of the 
 
 Wcd^inji 1 wo days after, the King pubhfhcd his declaration project an obftacle, which the fecret counfellors fhould 
 a ° . the Sta:e? ’ dated thc 17th of March (z). have forefeen, and perhaps did forefee without being able to 
 iKipioa 1 h,S dec,ar f lon ’ , as f the former war > was foundt ' d help it. This was the King’s immenfe profufenefs, which 
 |Kcnn=t u P on !f neraIs > and affetfed pretenfes. This is always the was the reafon that all the fums received from France and 
 
 p.310. cafe when war is frjl refclved , and reafons or pretences are the Parliament were inefficient to fupport the war two 
 
 T.VhSip,. WWMwfaght. “ i Jic King hiftorically introduced his years, fo that he was obliged to have recourfe to the Par- 
 
 R. Coke. ' trains to begin the firft war upon the States, liament, who at laft broke meafuics fo well-concerted 
 - though it was ended by the treaty of Breda.” He On the other hand, this project alarming all Europe the 
 
 added, “ that peace was no fooner concluded than viola- States found protectors who rendered the execution verv 
 
 ted by the States, in not fending commiffioners to London difficult. 1 
 
 “ t0 , fett ! e th f ‘7* of the u two nati 5» in the Ea fi I"*™ •• The fame day that the declaration of war atrainft the n- French 
 ‘ and when he lent over h.s ambaflador to put them in States was publilhed at London, the like was publiffied at *'"■ 
 
 “ mind f oflt - J ' e TOuld not ,n three y ea rs get any fatisfac- Paris, founded upon no jufter grounds. For the Kine of 
 
 tion from them in the material points, nor a forbear- France gave no other reafon of the war, than his difpleffure Malchls. 
 
 at the conduft of the States. This union between France ’ 
 
 . . . , • r r , _ , and England (which then appeared openly, whatever care K,cnnc ' - 
 
 ; ^ * u *f> u f“ u what s r,at eifnffms theft generals-are had bean liitherto taken to conceal it) fliowed toe ridicu- Eci.'.d- 
 
 „ ... , . . „ , „ . loufnefi of what the King ordered the Lord-Keeper to tell c * k '- 
 
 2. He laid, that having reftored Surinam to them, the Parliament, That common prudence required that l 
 
 they were obliged by the treaty of Breda to permit MajeJ/y Jhould make fuite.il, preparation,. Fen FrineW 
 
 the Engl,fit ,1 that Colony to remove with their effcSfe, fuch farm both at land and /.a. It appeared bv this that 
 ‘ but that thts permlffion was refufed." the King fcruoled not to tell his Parliament the contrary of 
 
 cdR.Jl.at- rhtOmd, maintained on the contrary, that thc F.ng- what he thought, which could not hut make him loir the 
 lilh inhabitants f Surinam remained there upon their own confidence of his people, as it happened accordingly. 
 
 About a month alter, the Bilhop of Munjler alfo pro- To, E:p„p 
 
 parts. 
 
 choice. 
 
 3 d Rrjlecli- 
 
 “ 3 - He complained of abufive Pi&ures and Medals 
 “ difperfed over Holland, refle&ing on his honour.” 
 
 The States Jaid, they knew but of one. abujive Medal , 
 the Jlamp of which they had ordered to be broke 
 
 “ 4 - He complained, that in Holland his right of the 
 “ Flag had been reprefented as ridiculo s.” 
 
 the yacht which brought over the Lady 1 emplc was juji 
 or not. 
 
 This was the fubftance of what was mod plaufibly al- 
 ledgeJ for undertaking the war. He ended with this de¬ 
 claration.'-- And whereas we are engaged by a treaty to 
 
 fupport the peace made at Aix-la-Chapelle, we do finally de¬ 
 clare, that notiuithjtatiding the profecutlon of this war, we 
 will maintain the true intent and fcope of the faid treaty ; 
 and that in all the alliances which we have or Jhall make in 
 the progrefs of this war, we have and will take care, to pre- 
 ferve the ends thereof inviolable, unlefs provoked to the con¬ 
 trary. He took but little care of his honour, in pre¬ 
 tending to fhow, that his defign in breaking with the 
 States and uniting with France, was, to maintain the 
 treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. But there was nothing fo abfurd 
 which the Cabal did not think they could impofe on the 
 publick, wherein they were much miftaken, as will ap- 
 jfcar in the fequel. 
 
 This w, 
 
 claimed war againft the Dutch, on pretence, that they had °J r 
 endeavoured to corrupt the Governors or his frontier-places 
 As for the Eleftor of Cologne, he had already introduced D,uh. ‘ 
 French troops into his dominions, to provide, as he pro- TL ', E.lrtar 
 tended, lor his fecurity. But though he prot’elfed m 
 
 ,, „ . ,, r . . ■■ ... „ tention to oblerve an exafl neutrality, the States were per- Fmc./ 
 
 t Tszz-fi infomed ot ^ wi,hThus,hcfe f° ur 
 
 Princes were united for the utter deftru&ion of the Rcpub- 
 lick of the United-Provinces, without mentioning feveral 
 Princes of Germany engaged by the King of France to Hand 
 neutral, that they might not affift Holland. 
 
 The States having fome time forefeen this impending 0 „ r , 
 ftorm, had endeavoured to divert it, by giving thc King ol 
 England all the fatisfaflion he could reafonably exp " P aci Jy 
 They had offered to agree to whatever he defired concern- £' ■' 
 ing the Flag, and befides, they had on the 24 th of February Edmd!* 
 made the Prince of Orange Captain-General, and Admiral', !: ' ,nK ' - 
 though he was then but twenty-two years of age. They ’ir'u™'* 
 believed, this would fuffice to content the King his uncle, lor Ca¬ 
 they were yet ignorant that his deiign was to overturn their ' J:n 
 Republick, without any regard to the intereffs of the Prince ™!rT‘ 
 of Orange. This change in favour of the young Prince, BnnJge. 
 would, perhaps, have never been made, had it not been 
 deemed neceiiary to appeafe the King of England. There 
 were three parties in Holland: That of the Penfsonary 
 
 This wet was fo contrary to the intereds of England (which was the more powerful; and called the S 
 and ah Europe, the defence of which Charles had fo often party, from the name of the caftle where the P-ince’/ la 
 
 hoafted .0 undertake by means of the Triple-league, it ther had confined the leading men of this laflion ) 'I 
 
 was lo dircaiy oppofite to juft,ce, equity, faith, and the re- of the Prince of Orange ; and a third which affedfed a neu 
 
 itgton of the Engltfi, publ.ekly pro efled by the King, that trality, and had hitherto joined with neither o the two 
 
 h „ d . no man cou.d believe „ t, I the blow was rtruck. The firft, bu, on this occaiioi believed it necelliry to o"n 
 
 d.p.a 97 . Hollanders unarmed, he only intended to exaft fome money with the fecund, in hopes of ratifying the KWTf F 
 
 from them, or at moft to ■nttmtda.e them in order to land. The States therefore fent a deputation to thl 
 
 obl.ge them to rdtore the Pnnce of Orange his nephew Prince, to offer him the dignities cf Captain General -d 
 
 “ . P° s e ‘f y , y o S T rS 'a F“““ llcr felf Admiral, and the Penlionary ,le In it, ,o his mortiheatfon 
 
 ll U | d r ,. be lele ’ b “' ‘ hat he intended to deceive her, was appointed head of this deputation. Thus the Prince of 
 .,11 he had fallen upon the Smyrna flee, But all were mif- Orange law himfelf Captain-general, hut without an army 
 taken in afcnhing to the King any aMion for ins peo- or at lead, with an army li', inconfiderahle, and filled 
 p.e. His ole aim was to render himfelf abfolute, in order the moft part with unexperienced officers, chofen more f r 
 to enjoy all the riches of England without controul, and their attachment to the Penfionaty, than ti de nerfott 
 without any obligations to his Parliament. The Duke of merit. tneir perfonal 
 
 lurk. Ill's prefuii-.ptive heir, found his account in fo hne a I fliall not relat 
 icneme, and, bciides, thought of eifablifhing his Religion his two allies, the Bifhop'of Munjl, 
 
 (l) The Pre»byterian« went 
 filly pounds, and the chief of t 
 l a) To film (h the Governm- 
 (ho Dtui had n. l broke in up o 
 
 thc Ticaiy it Unde, the Dutci 
 
 and the Fledor of c "‘rT ls °J 
 Kw & 
 
 a bedy, and Dr. Minton, 
 n ol a hundied pounds. Bi., 
 
 Moft of th.r 
 
 Fiat 
 
 early penfuns of 
 
 rlicir IVade, for which publick 0.t:sfjclit.n oug 
 lua fufiiciently ofclerved tliearti.les of Trader 
 
 their name, thanked the King for this Declaration. 
 
 '■ P- 3°. 8 - . 
 
 the Committee for the Eafi India Company, was fummonei to (how whether E-hatd.’ 
 t to be demanded r They an.w c-icd, and gave L under theit hand,. That li we 
 
 Colo’I 
 
*£ r>5 ^ 
 
 f 6+ 
 
 72* HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 Cologr. , i;i the firtt cam pain This is io well known, that 
 it would be loft time to recite it. Let it fuffice to obferve, 
 that the Kim; of Fran:e ’ took the ficld thc beginning^ ol 
 May ; nvade himtelf matter of fevewl places on the Rhine, 
 without almoft any oppolition ; and fwimming that river. 
 
 fuiacicntly dear, that he would 167 
 
 wittruci. a.. I f w . > Y -vm A 
 
 lubdued ad Gucld,rlauel with the towns upon the If el ,, and 
 f, which ha t ittes > Doe 
 bu ' to offer their ( . ■.Mown to 1 s orders. At the lame 
 time, the Bifhop ol Munjler 
 
 ^ ^ after ravaging the Province attacked, 
 
 of Over;lie!, invaded Frijeland and GroAnghcn, To that only 
 //.. .-/‘and Zealand remained free, of which the former 
 was thieatned with a like invatton. 
 
 13 m this was not all tlie States had to fear. Whiift three 
 of their Provinces were lott, and two Others attacked, the 
 
 tTL w^ 3 Td ?4 i : r* "'.wJAA- w = rc ^“,01,^1™,^. mo,,...-, ,,, 
 
 filling of forty, and the lall of a hundred, men of war. 
 
 Non-conformifts, it 
 
 not flop there. 
 
 I have already taken notice of thc fad condi: m of the ^ 
 
 St it< l r • < . 
 
 vinces, GuclJerland, and L'lr.sit, in the power ot the r. 
 
 hands of h 
 
 logne, ' two Pi 
 
 Fri[eland and Grcr.figber. weie not only threatnai, but aifo 
 , the 
 
 dicr wav to ltop tiie progress of the Fieri King ( v.’ho 
 was at Utrecht, than by opening the fluices, ar.d !:pv:r.g tree 
 country under water (6). This melanchdly iituation of 
 aftiers, railed a great difeontent in the people et Hoiia>A, 
 and as the Penfionary de It it had been many years at tie 
 head of the government, all the calamities of his count;y 
 
 penly accufed hun ol betraying Lis country. At lsft, this 
 
 That of the States had feventy- two 
 
 fhips, 
 
 and forty general difeontent rofe into fedicion, and cnuled the States 
 
 frigats and firelhips, and confcq'iently was very inferior in 
 number to the combined fleet of England and France (1) 
 
 ..'as commanded by the famous Ruyter, afliflcd by Cm- 
 nAius de IVit, the Penflonary’s brother, as deputy from the 
 States. Ruytcr having put to fea before the enemies fleets 
 were joined, bad endeavoured to prevent thejun&ion. But 
 not fucceedmg, and being informed, that the two fleets lay 
 hor i S ay in Su§ . . he refolved to attack them. 
 r He liad like to have furprized them, but being difappointed, 
 
 of Holland to annuli the perpetual edidl made in tiie year 
 1667, by which they had obliged themfelves never to own 
 the Prince of Orange for Stadth:lder , and to difpenlf* with 
 that oath ; after which, the Prince was made StaZ: dder. rbe 
 Some time after, the two brothers, Cornelius, and John, [ 
 
 de Wit, the firtt grand Bailiff of Putten , and the other th, [/ 
 Pcniionary of Holland, but who had lately thrown up his 
 employ, were torn in piece, - by the mob of the Hague 
 The ftory is too well known to need a recital. It (•. 
 
 prepare lo. battle. The two fleet! of France and England to fay, the Princeof remained in peraeble 
 
 (now. tp mg but one} were ranged in three fquadrons. nn of t e government of Holland and Zetland 
 The Duke of York, High-Admiral of England, command¬ 
 ed the Red Squadron ; the Count d' Elides, the White ; 
 and tiie Karl of Sandwich , the Blue. T lie fleet of thc 
 States was likewife divided in the fame manner ; Ruyter 
 was oppofed to the Duke of York, Bankerl to Count 
 
 land, and Groninghen had a feparate Stacit. 
 
 the young Prince 'John Cafimir of Najj'au, unex. tiie G.i ~ -• '1 
 
 tion of the Princefs his Mother, and tnree Provinces, were i;„, , 
 in the hands of the enemy. 
 
 11 pi u c j^um. v-. .n, n ~ . The King of France, who had ever feared the Prince jT ' e f 
 
 i b. u ,:; l ; 7 'kkfi..il oTsini lull, ~Alil of Orange’s advancement, no fooner few him inverted, jj 
 : ,us deferiptions of this battle, fought with his eminent.diputy, ton ho endeavcurecI to corrupt r,,. 
 
 ■■ ;,i, i s> that both fide, difplaycd all the art lorn with the offered fovcreignty of hthmi. tot he 47 ■ 
 
 0 N | : ,11 win, I, exc-ncuce had taught the commanders and found this young Prince deal to all h,s orters, and ret,lute Tl ,, L - s 
 
 Offit 1 thattl , fought with equal bravery, with almoft to ferve the Steffi which had intruded him w.th us Go- Mmo 
 
 equal lol md both fides challenged the vi£tory. The Ad- vermnent, to the laft moment of his life (7}. Ihe King ■ 
 
 d-fhipofi l th being difabled. the'Duke of M of England feconded his ally m th, efign. Hie States 
 
 was obliged to hoilt his flag in the Land*. The Royal had lent Amballsdors to him with proposals of peace, as 
 
 Wi, ..nded b the Earl of Sandwich, not being they had alfo to the King of Fretnc, at 
 
 to < fe. ■ ' from t firefliip, after (he had funk two, King, after a refnfid to treat _but in eonninflion wtth^ - 
 
 V ... up ... h d . E irl and her whole crew (a). The From, and fearing the States de ign was to difumte them, .. , , J 
 
 y ■!:,), l„li two liilro more, the Iblhmhr, three, and Van or rentier them jealous of each other d,fpatched the Duke a, ,w. 
 c was k lied. Thu Iliftorians of the two parties e- of Buckingham, and the Lari of Arlv^m, (two members , 
 
 . hu prefend, (hat Ihc-ir fleet chaced that of the enemies, of the Cabal,) [with Gtorgt Sovit J-ord Halhfax j into m lnaget .. 
 t ... Uh 1 k of It ve ... faintly. For, it is not entirely Holland, on pretence of treating of a peace jointly with 
 
 ■ . fame with enga cm nts at fea, as with thofe at land, Franc,. Thefe Ambaffidqts pafling through the Hague, 
 
 w hue commonly he ihat remains mafter of the field of in their way to Utrecht, affeded to give out, that they 
 balllc, juftiy aflumes the honour of the vidory ; whereas were come to bring peace. 
 
 But when they came to treat. 
 
 in naval engagements, a fog, a calm, a wind, either con¬ 
 trary or tempelluous, may t'blige the victorious fleet to re¬ 
 tire the firtt. However ’ this be, bonfires were equally 
 made at London, and the Hague , for the fuccefs of this 
 battle, though with very little reafon. The Englijl) com- 
 
 their propofals were fo exorbitant, that it was evident peace 
 was not the King’s view in this ambafly. It was rather 
 to draw clofer the alliance between France and England , 
 and concert new meafures for the profecution of the war, 
 as the fequel clearly difeovered. In repalling through the IchlnJ . 
 the f. did not difeharge their duty,"and only Hague, thc Duke of Bu.hingham asked the Prince, what ] 
 
 ! at .. diitance, after having feparated from the fleet, it was he propafed to himfelt in tne defperate fituation of 
 This conduct is aferibed to fecret orders given to Count his country. To which the Prince replied. That it was 
 
 d'Etrels, not to e.xpofe too much his Majefty’s fhips, but true their condition was dangerous, hut be bad one wayJhU 
 
 to leave thc En-iijh and Dutch fleets to deftroy one ano- not to fee its rum compleated, and that was to lye in the lajl 
 
 t j lcr ^ . ' Dyke. It is reported, the fame Duke, in a vilit to the Tfir.ple' 
 
 Princefs of Orange, having told her that they were good M 
 
 Hollanders , was immediately anfwered by her, That was 
 
 p.381. 
 
 Some time before, the King had created the Earl of Lau 
 
 derdalt , Duke of the fame name ; the Lord Jjhley Cooper, . f trin.ii 
 
 Earl SI -v ; the Lord Arlington, Karl of Arlington , more than they asked , which was only that they Jbotyld be 
 and Sir Then:,,, Clifford, Lord Clifford. About the fame geti Englilhmen. for this war was fo evidently contrary 
 time Sir Ti.m.-s Othorn was fworn into the Privy-Council, to the intend! of England, that the Enghfi themfelves 
 and the new Duke of La:,derdalt, and the Earl of Arling- openly murmured at it. But, as I have f,uj, not only 
 
 , ... received the .-1 is. of the I latter. This was doabtlels, on this occafion, but thronghont this whole reign, the in¬ 
 to recomper.ee tl.vle member. 1 >f [he Cabal, fur their great terelf of the King, and that of the Popic vseie . di- 
 
 fervi, li, 111 advii.ii. him lo I'ufpend, by bis foie authority, reflly oppofitc. The King, after the example of his fa- Ke-..-, 
 
 ' ire execution of two Ads, 1 Pa, lament (4), till he Ihould tlier and grandfather, thought he could faience the con,- NW. 
 
 ■ tlimk fit to 1.1 .1 Oil' tint t'l Ipcnlior,. Though this fufpen- plaints of the People by a Proclamation to foil,id, under 
 
 . w not in rantagii to the publick, yet, fevere penalties, to fpeak againft the Government, but this 
 
 a. it pi. occded In in the f.,111c pi meiple by which the King ferved only to increafe tiie murmurs. 
 
 ailumej .1 power of furpciidnig the penal laws againlt the In the mean lime, the King of France feeing, that the L.«;» 
 
 , til If 
 
 1 hundred and fifty elpht Ships, Turn- p zo6. In the Enghjh Fleet there v 
 iu 1 and men, and iwothoufand guns j and in the Dutch, twenty two thouiand ntci 
 
 e twen'y th'uf nd n 
 
 r thou 
 
 ti guns. Mst 
 
 i< f lilowed 
 
 : Ite-lJc 
 
 uj few : Which th: C.ul 
 
 (3) The, 
 
 ' aifj . I! t 
 
 Cjj 
 
 f,x hundred were killed nn the deck. When the Ship was on fire, thc Earl retired to his Cabin, where he 
 
 nr.,in, t him with a handkerchief be tore his eyes, u-id hut. or the danger ; but he anlwerea, lie: av c - A i ■« cm, 
 . ,. . to. |t I turns, the div i-cfute the Earl obfersing, that the In, \jb I- !c?t iod: in •’ . in aan-v-t -.■> >• ; t.r a 
 
 :!• weigh ar.rh-, and get out to Sea. But the Duke of York. lighting the advice mid the Et:), 7 k t>t he :f that cut 
 
 ught to have fo highly refented, that it rendered him care.’efs of hia own lafety. Keanu, p. y t• Ecbard, Fora. p 300. 
 1 bun.1, rhiee fun'k, and one taken j and of thc Freeh, one was burnt, and another Sunk. Bu-aitu, PTh^Tinr- 
 
 ot the f.Kowing “hip-.; o» thc Henry, Cjmhndgt, Prince, Si. Gcirge, Ann, ‘Triumph, and .net'. 1 hey left a. 
 
 Si, HtlopCjrtnvnght, Sir Chjrtr.i KarUrd, Mr. Cat,ret, Mr. Napur, &c -Tiie bocyof tne EtrJ <! StmJ, 
 
 Ketches, ( bring km wn by the Gc.rgc he had on ) and being taken up, ano brought to Harwich, was thence remuveo 
 
 
 , Mr M 
 fv one of the K.n 
 jcmnlj buried in 1 
 
 4) One was, I 
 
 5) Who was approaching 
 ar.o the Marfhall dt Turtr.nc. 
 
 6: E> wh : ch the Country rrccivcl a damage 
 He i!*ays anfwered, That he wouid nev. 
 
 ed 
 
 - ng and ir.crealing 
 
 f fnspping and navigati n; and the other, fur the encouragement of Trad-;. Ktnnrt . 
 .r.Oicj ana eighteen thou lend Foot, and twenty ft* thoufand Horie ; commanded by ;i 
 
 e'rn.een millionsof Guilders. Ibid. 
 
 • hat wis ri.en him, nor ever f.-II the Liber.it 
 
 ;of h ; s C.untry, that r.is Ancefloi 
 
 lied. 
 
 1 Mur, 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 drowning of Holland put a (lop to his conquefts, marched 
 his army into Flanders , leaving the Duke of Luxemburgh 
 at Utrecht , and came to Paris in Augujl , attended by the 
 Duke Monmouth, who, in purfuance of Charles’s engage¬ 
 ment in their treaty, had brought him at the opening of 
 the campain, fix thoufand effective men. 
 
 I fhall not relate the particulars of the war carried on 
 by land during the reft of the campain, becaufe England 
 had no part in it, and, befides, it is fully deferibed by the 
 Hiftories of thofe times. It is fufficient for the Reader 
 to know in general, that though the States had fome fuc- 
 cefs againft the Bifhop of Munjler , their affairs were re¬ 
 duced to a wretched condition, and the neighbourhood of 
 the Duke of Luxenburgb fcarce gave them time to breath. 
 
 1 hC ' r Wh ° !e ref yS e ,a / in the alliances they expeded to 
 make with the Emperor, Spain, and fome Princes of Get 
 
 665 
 
 The fCin;' 
 
 dtma’ih fj 
 
 great bopci -1-•» “nu lulus 1 iuiv.ca ui \jer- 
 
 j r „m rb t many, 2nd in the hopes that the Englijh Parliament which 
 iKtaZS 5 “ t0 mec[ > according to the prorogation the 30th of 
 let. UCrher, would fee the intereft of England, 2nd of all 
 f ur ’t‘- But the King deprived them of this laft refource, 
 by proroguing the Parliament to February. 
 
 Tf.Ejtht- The 4th of December the King declared In Council, 
 T"S 7 ,Jr. '" at fl " wauIl! ™t e more forces, and difpofe of them in 
 E.h.rd, convenient quaiters, to be employed on occafion. And 
 III. p. 306. for payment of them, he ordered that the Exchequer 
 mould continue (hut till the iff of May 1673, though he 
 had pofitively promifed it fhould be opened the beginning 
 of the year. He publifhed on this account, a Proclama- 
 tion, in which it was faid, “ That notwithftanding his 
 Majcfty had not been wanting on his part, to comply 
 with all honorable ways and means that might effedt a 
 peace, yet the continuance of thofe inevitable necefii- 
 ties which firft obliged him to Ihut up the Exchequer, 
 compelled him to continue to ftop the payment of 
 moneys till the i ft of May next : doubting not but that 
 his loving Subjedls would have fuch truft and confidence 
 m Ins juft ice, that it would take away all apprehen¬ 
 sions ot their being in the leaft defrauded of their juft 
 dues. J 
 
 The ways and means ufed by the King to eHi peace, 
 contilted, in that his two Ambafladors at Utrecht were 
 B.injge. contented to demand in his name, a million of pounds 
 
 mp. 257. Stirling, for the expcnces of the war ; the compliment of 
 the Hag without any exception ; a hundred thoufand 
 pounds yearly for the liberty of Fifhing ; the fovereignty 
 of all that fhould remain of the United Provinces, for his 
 nephew the Prince ol Orange-, a participation of the whole 
 India trade ; the town of Sluts, the Idles of Cadfant, lUal- 
 cheren, Goer!,. Verne ; and laftly, an entire fatisfaflion to 
 the King of France. It muft have been great obflinacy in 
 the .States to find fault with fuch reafonable demands. 
 Confeqttently the King could not in honour difpenfe with 
 the continuation of the war, and the keeping the Exche- 
 quer ihut to maintain it. 
 
 STs?„ , S ,' r 7 ° h " T lT r l yi " S this W Sir Han Coventry, 
 tar Iate .*y rcturned from Sweden, where he had fuccefsfullv ne- 
 gotiated for the King, fucceeded him in the office of 
 secretary of State. 
 
 Sir Orlando Bridgman refigning the Great-Seal, the new 
 Ea.l of Sbaftsoury was made Lord High-Chancellor (,). 
 A few days after, the King performed his promife to Clif- 
 fard, bv making him Lord-Treafurer, fo that all the creat 
 offices of the State were held by the Cabal, or by perfons 
 demoted to their interefts. But that it may be feen, how 
 the five Lords of the Cabal flattered the King, and one 
 another, at the very time, the nation was mod loudly ex¬ 
 claiming againft the Government, Iihall infert here part 
 of a fpeecli made by the Lord Shaftsbury ,, as Chancellor, 
 
 - a r9 if“ rdi When he tendred him the oath in 
 IVeJtminJter-Hall, upon his admiffion to the office of 
 ! reafurer. After telling him the nature of his office, he 
 added,. —* “ M y Lord, I may juftly fay you are in a 
 
 place of the very firft rank as to dignity, power, truft," 
 “ and mnuence of affairs ; a place that requires fuch a man 
 as our g reat Mailer’s wifdom hath found for it 3 from 
 “ whofe natural temper we may exped! courage, quick- 
 tl ne, " s and refolution 3 from whofe education, wifdom, 
 
 “ and experience 5 and from wbflfb extraction that noble 
 “ and iHuftnous Houfe of the Cliffords ( 2 ), an heroick 
 *! ™ ind ’ a ‘ ar S e T foul >. and an unihaken fidelity to the 
 £ ~mwn. , Lord > lt is a g rea t honour, much even 
 ‘ be y° nd the place it felf, that you are chofen to it by 
 “ the King, who, without flattery, I may fay is as 
 “ great a mafter in the knowledge of men and things, as 
 “ this, or any other age hath produced : And let me fay 
 ‘ farther, it is not only your honour that you are chofen 
 “ by him, but it is your fafety too, that you have him to 
 ‘‘ ferve ; with whom no fubtlc infinuations of anv near 
 him, nor the afpiring intereft of a favourite, fhall ever 
 
 W Shaft f- 
 bnry Lord 
 Vbar.clkr. 
 
 W T ‘" Traf “ re ' ..ItSSslfwm lu T™ h , ^ 
 
 No. 77. Vo l. II, * ' 
 
 8 £ 
 
 “ prevail againft thofe that ferve him well. Nor can his 16-2. 
 “ fervants fear to be facrificed to the malice, fury, or 
 “ miftake of a more fwelling popular greatnefs: A Prince 
 “ under whom the unfortunate fall gently ; A Prince, in 
 2 word, that belt of all mankind deferves the title of 
 “ deltacs humsni generis. Let me end with this with, 
 
 “ or rather prophecy, That you may exceed all your pre- 
 deceflors in this place ; the abilities and fidelity of the 
 “ renowned Lord Burleigh ; the fagacity, quicknefs, and 
 t great difpatch of his fon the Lord Salisbury 3 and the 
 “ “Prighrnefs, integrity, and wifdom of that great man 
 “ that went laft before you, the Earl of Southampton." 
 
 It will hereafter appear, that the Earl of Shaftsbu? pre 
 ferved not long the fentimencs of efteem and aJmiiation 
 for the King, expreffed in this Speech. 
 
 Hitherto the Cabal had failed with a profperous gale , 
 on a very dangerous fea, famous for wrecks, without any / 
 oppofition. But at laft they were flopped in their courfe 
 by a rock which it was not poffible to avoid, I mean tlie 
 I arliament. It was now almoft two years fince the Par¬ 
 liament was affembled, and as, in that interval, the King 
 had taken fome fteps which inftilled great fears into his 
 Subjects, the new feffion was expected with the utmoft 
 impatience, in hopes, that the Parliament would apply pro¬ 
 per remedies to the prefent evils, and find means to pre¬ 
 vent thofe with which the Kingdom was ftill threatened. 
 
 1 he Parliament therefore met the 4th of February, and n ‘ p ’^ 
 chofe a Speaker by the direction of the Court, Sir Edward ZiV 
 V trn l r , t,le ,a ft Speaker having been made Chief Baron of ' 
 ^Exchequer . The choice falling upon Sir Job Charleton * new 
 he defined to be excufed ; but the~Lord Chancellor Shaft J 
 bury told him, before the King and both Houfes, that no cbc ‘* tn ' 
 excufes would be admitted. The conjuncture of time, (fays 
 Wri* Klng ' S ° nd Kin & dom ’ s a f ai ’-s, require Juch a 
 rioitjc of Commons, and fuch a Speaker. For , with rever¬ 
 ence to the Holy Scripture, the King may on this occafion fay 
 he that is not with me is againft me : For he that doth 
 not non: put his hand and heart to fupport the King in the 
 common caufe of this Kingdom , can hardly ever hope for 
 Juch another opportunity , or find a time to make fatisfaction 
 Jbr the om ffion of this. Prefently after, the King made the 
 following Speech to both Houfes. 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen , 
 
 cc T Am g,ad t0 fee y° u here this day; I would have rhe rin C > 
 <( X . ca,!ed y° u together fooner, but that I was willing to ' h ‘ 
 
 eafe you and the country, till there was an abfolute ne- EcLT" * 
 <{ celiit y- Since you were laft here, I have been forced 
 <4 ! 0 a ‘niportant, neceffaty and expenfive war ; and 
 << r cl 13 1 n ° doubt > but you will give me fuitable and ef- 
 fectual affiftance to go through with it. I refer you to 
 , ^y Declaration for the caufes, and indeed the necef- 
 { ‘ .y °f tbls w *r i and fhall now only tell you, that I 
 “ might have digefted the indignities to my own perfon, 
 
 ‘ c rather than have brought it to this extremity, if the in- 
 <c tereft as well as the honour of the whole Kingdom had 
 not been at flake : And if I had omitted this conjunc- 
 ‘ ture > P erha ps I had not again ever met with the like 
 “ advantage. You will find, that the laft fupply you gave 
 “ me, did not anfwer the expectation for the end you gave 
 “ the payment of my debts. Therefore I mult in 
 “ the next place recommend them again to your efpecial 
 “ care. r 
 
 “ Some few days before I declared the war, I put forth 
 “ my Declaration for Indulgence to Difi'enters, and have 
 “ t ,thert0 [ ound a g° od effca of it, by fecuring peace at 
 1 when I had war abroad. There is one part in it 
 
 that hath been fubjedt to mifconftrudtion, which is that 
 “ concerning the Papifts ; as if more liberty were granted 
 “ the . m » than t0 other Recufants; when it is plain. 
 
 “ there is lefs : For the others have publick places allow¬ 
 ed them, and I never intended that they fhould have 
 « 3 ? y -’ bUt ° nly haVe the freedom of their Religion in 
 their own houies, without any concourfe of others. 
 
 “ And I could not grant them lefs than this, when I had 
 “ extended fo much more grace to others, moft of them 
 <£ haying been loyal, and in the fervice of me, and of the 
 “ -King my father : And in the whole courfe of this in- 
 “ duI gence, I do not intend, that it fhall any ways preju¬ 
 dice the Church, but I will fupport its rights, and it in 
 “ ,ts ful1 power. Having faid this, I fhall take it very ill 
 “ to receive contradiflion in what I have done. And I 
 “ Wl11 deal plainly with you, I am rifihei to JKck to my 
 “ declaration. There is one jeaioufy more that is malici- 
 “ °“fly fpread abroad, and yet fo weak and frivolous, that 
 “ I once thought it not of moment enough to mention ; 
 
 “ but “ may have gotten fome ground with fome wcll- 
 “ minded people, and that is. That the frees 1 have rai- 
 « fed in this war , were dejigned to controul Law and Pro- 
 
 Burnet, p. 50 j. 
 
 ‘ c perty i 
 
The H I S TO R Y -of E N G L A N D. 
 
 
 I! 
 
 «« pert-; : I wifli I had more forces the bit fummer, the 
 44 want of them convinces me 0 I mu ft raife more againft 
 4 '• this next fpring ; and I do not doubt but you will con- 
 “ f. icr the charge of them in your fuppl.es. I will con- 
 44 elude with this afturance to you, That 1 will preferve 
 *■ hre Reformed Protcjlant Religion, and the Church , 
 
 “ a, it is now ejlablijked 'in this Kingdom ; and that no 
 44 an's Property or Liberty Jhall ever be invaded. I leave 
 “ the relt to the Chancellor.” 
 
 The Speech afterwards fpoke by the Chancellor is fo re¬ 
 markable, that it well deferves a place in this Hiftory. 
 
 44 My Lords , and you Knights, Citizens , and Burgejfes of 
 44 the Houfe of Commons. 
 
 “ The King hath fpoke fo fully, fo excellently well, 
 
 “ and fo like himfelf, that you are not to expert much 
 44 from me. There is not a word in his fpeech that hath 
 44 not its full weight : And I dare with aflurance fay, will 
 44 have its effedt with you. His Mindly had called you 
 “ fooner, and his affairs required it, but that he was re- 
 “ folved to give you all the cafe and vacancy to your own 
 44 private concerns ; and the people as much relpite from 
 “ payments and taxes, as the neceifity.of his bulinefs, or 
 “ their prefervation, would permit. And yet ( which I 
 < 4 cannot but here mention to you ) by the crafty inlinua- 
 44 tions of fome ill-affected perfons, there have been fpread 
 “ ftrange and defperate rumours, which your meeting to- 
 44 geth’er this day, hath fufficiently proved both malicious, 
 
 44 and falfe. His Majefty hath told you, that he is now 
 44 engaged in an important, very expen five, and indeed, a 
 “ war abfolutely neceffary and unavoidable. He hath re- 
 ferred you to his Declaration, where y«u will find the 
 “ perfonal indignities by Pictures and Medals, and other 
 “ publick affronts, his Majefty hath received from the 
 “ States, their breach of Treaties, both in the Surinam , 
 “ and Eajl-India bufinefs : And at laft they came to that 
 ‘ c height of infolence, as to deny the honour and right of 
 “ the"Flag, though an undoubted jewel of this Crown, 
 “ never to be parted with, and by them particularly owned 
 44 in the late treaty of Breda , and never contefted in any 
 44 age. And whilft the King firft long expedted , and 
 “ then folemnly demanded fatisfaclion, they difputed his 
 <t title to it, in all the Courts of Chr'jlcndom , and made 
 “ great offers to the French King, if he wouid Hand by 
 “ them againft us. But the moft Chriftian King too well 
 “ remembred, what they did at Munjler , contrary to fo 
 “ many treaties and folemn engagements ; and how dan- 
 “ gerous a neighbour they were to all crowned heads. 
 “ The King and his Ministers had here a hard time, and 
 “ lay every day under new obloquies. Sometimes they 
 “ were reprefented as felling all to France for money to 
 “ make this war : Portfnouth , Plymouth , and Hull , were 
 “ to be given into the French hands for caution. The 
 44 next day news came, that France and Holland were a- 
 “ greed. Then the obloquy was turned from Treachery 
 “ to Folly : The Minifters are now fools, that fome days 
 “ before were villains. And indeed the Coffee-houfes were 
 “ not to be blamed for their laft apprehenfions ; fince if 
 “ that conjunction had not taken eftedt, then England had 
 “ been in a far worfe cafe than it now is, and the war had 
 44 been turned upon us. But both Kings knowing their 
 “ interefts, refolved to join againft them, who were the 
 “ common enemies to all Monarchies, and I may fay e- 
 “ fpecially to ours, their only competitor for Trade and 
 “ Power at Sea; and who only Hand in their way, to an 
 “ Univerfal Empire, as great as Rome. This the States 
 “ underftood fo well, and had fwallowed fo deep, that un- 
 44 der all their prefent diftrefs and danger, they are fo in* 
 “ toxicated with that vail Ambition, that they flight a 
 “ Treaty, and refufe a Cellation. All this, you, and the 
 44 whole nation faw, before the laft war ; but it could not 
 “ then be fo well timed, or our alliances fo well made. 
 ‘‘ But you judged aright, That at any rate, DELEN- 
 44 DA FST CARTHAGO , That Government was to 
 “ be brought down. And therefore the King may well fay 
 “ to you, it is your war ! He took his meafures from you ; 
 “ and they were juft and right ones : And he expects a 
 “ fuitable affiftance to fo neceffary and expenfive an adti- 
 “ on ; which he has hitherto maintained at his own 
 ‘‘ charge, and was unwilling either to trouble you, or bur- 
 
 then the country, untill it came to an inevitable necef- 
 44 fity. And his Majefty commands me to tell vou, that 
 “ unlcfs it be a certain fum, and fpeedily raifed, it can ne- 
 “ ver anfwer the occafion. 
 
 u My Lords and Gentlemen, Reputation is the great 
 “ fupport of war or peace. This war had never begun, 
 44 nor had the States ever flighted the King, or ever re- 
 “ fufed him fatisfadlion ; neither had this war continued 
 “ to this day, or fubfifted now, but that the States were 
 “ deceived in their meafures, and apprehended his Majefty 
 “ in that great want of money, that he mult fit down un- 
 • £ der any affronts, and was not able to begin or can;. 
 
 14 on a war. Nay, at this day the State- fupport them- jo- 
 44 felves among ft their people by tins cu!\ l.-af-.iiood, 7 hut 
 “ they are a red of t • f Ei - e Pa 
 
 (i . ia m ’.nt, and that you the King 
 
 £< war ; and that if hold cut till jt ting , tl ■ 
 
 44 will have new life, and take new tr.eajnies. There are 
 “ lately taken two of their principal agents, with their ere 
 “ dentials and inftrudtions to this purpefe, who aie now in 
 “ the Tower, anti ft,all be proceeded ajainft according to 
 44 the Law of Nations. But the King is lufticiemly a In - 
 “ red of his people ; knows you better ; and can never 
 “ doubt his Parliament. This had not been mentioned, 
 
 44 but to fhew you of what importance the Franknefs and 
 “ Seafonablenefs of this fupply is, as well as the Fulnefsof 
 44 it. Let me fay, the King has brought the States to 
 44 that condition, that vour hearty conjuni lion at this time 
 “ in fupplying his Majefty, will make them never more 
 “ formidable to Kings, or dangerous to England. And if 
 “ after this you fuffer them to get up, let this be rcroiem- 
 “ bered, The States of Holland are England’/ eternal ere - 
 « mi s both by IN Y E RES r and INCLl N A 
 “ T I O N. In the next place, to the fupply for the car- 
 44 rying on of the war, his Majefty recommends to you 
 44 the taking care of his debts. What you gave the laft 
 “ feffion did not anfwer your own expe&ation. Behde.s, 
 
 “ another confiderable aid )ou defigned his Mai' (ly, was 
 “ unfortunately loll in the birth ; fo that the King was 
 “ forced for the carrying on his affairs, much againft his 
 will, to put a flop to the payments < ut of the Exche- 
 “ quer. He faw the prefliues upon hunlelt, and growing 
 “ inconveniencies to Ins people bv great interefl ; and the 
 “ difference through all 1 >etween : 
 
 ** and orders. This gave the Ling the neceilicy of that 
 “ proceeding ; to make ufe of his own revenue, which 
 “ hath been of fo great effect in thL war. But though he 
 ‘ c hath put a flop to the trade and gain of the Bankers, 
 
 “ yet he would be unwilling to ruin them, and opprefs fo 
 “ many families as < - n tl : B fid< , 
 
 ‘ c it were too difpri portionable a burthen upon many of 
 t£ his good fubje£ls. But neither the Banker.., nor they, 
 
 “ have reafon to complain, if you now take tiiem into 
 ‘‘ your care, and they have paid them what was due to 
 “ them, when the flop was made, with lix per Cent, in- 
 “ terefl from that time. The King is very much con- 
 “ cerned both in honour and inteiefl, to fee this done, and 
 “ yet he defires you not to mif-time it ; but that it may 
 “ have only the fecond place, and that you will firft: fettle 
 “ what you intend about the fupply. 
 
 “ His Majefty has fo fully vindicated his Declaration 
 cc from that calumny concerning the Papifts, that no rea- 
 “ fonable fcruple can be made by any good man. He has 
 “ fufficiently juftified it by the time it was pubiifhed in, 
 cC and the effedls he hath had from it ; and might have 
 ** done it more from the agreeablcnels of it, to his own 
 “ natural difpofition, which no good Fnglijlman can wifli 
 ‘ 4 other than it is. He loves not blood, or rigorous feve- 
 “ rities ; but where mild or gentle ways may be ufed by a 
 “ wife Prince, he is certain to chufe them. The Church 
 “ of England , and all good Proteftants, have reafon to re- 
 “ joice in fuch a Head, and fuch a Defender. His Ma- 
 “ jelly doth declare his care and concents ini the Church, 
 
 “ and will maintain them in all their Rights and Privile— 
 
 “ ges, equal, if not beyond any of his predeceflots. He 
 “ was born and bred up in it : It was that his father died. 
 
 “ for : We ail know how great temptations and offers he 
 “ refilled abroad, when he was in his lowefl condition ; 
 
 “ and he thinks it the honour of his reign, That he hath 
 iC been the reftorer of the Church. It is that he will ever 
 “ maintain, and hopes to leave to pofterity in greater luftre, 
 
 “ and upon furer grounds, than our anceftors ever faw it. 
 
 “ But his Majefty is not convinced, that viole.it ways are 
 “ the interell of Religion, or the Church. There is one 
 “ thing more, that I am commanded to fpeak to you of, 
 
 44 which is the jealoufy that hath been fooiifiily fpread 
 ‘ 4 abroad, of the forces the King has raifed in this war. 
 
 “ Wherein the King hath opened himfelf freely to you, 
 
 ‘ 4 and confcfled the fault on the other hand. For if this 
 ‘ 4 laft fummer had not proved a miracle of florins and 
 44 tempefts, fuch as fecured their Eajl India fleet, and pro- 
 “ tedled their Sea-coafts from a defeent, nothing but the 
 ‘ 4 true reafon, Want of Money, could have juftified the 
 c 4 defedt in the number of our forces. It is that his Ma- 
 “ jelly is provided for againft the next i 
 
 44 out orders for the railing offeven or eight regiiv.c:its more 
 “ of Foot, under the command of perfons of the ..reateft; 
 44 fortunes and quality. And I am earneftly to recommend 
 44 to you, that in your fupplies, you v. iii take into your 
 44 confederation, this neceflary addition of charge. 
 
 44 And alter his MajcJlyL conclufion of id- Speech, let 
 44 me conclude, nay, let us all conclude with niclling God, 
 44 and the King ! Lee us biefs God, that he hat., given u* 
 “ fuch a Kinto be the repairer of our breaches, both in 
 
 44 Church 
 
66 
 
 Book XXIII 26. C H A 
 
 • 72-3. *'■ v and St:it? ; and the rejlorer of our paths to dwell 
 
 “ ■ 1 ■'••it; i:i tii. mid ft of war and mifery, which rages 
 
 ‘‘ .11 our neighbour countries, our garners are full , and 
 lt there is no complaining in our Jlreets ; and a man can 
 “ hardly know that there is a war Let us blefs God, 
 
 “ that he t.ath given this King fignally the hearts of his 
 “ people, and mod particularly of his Parliament, who in 
 “ their affedtion and loyalty to their Prince, have exceeded 
 tc all their predecelfors : A Parliament, with whom the 
 “ King hath many years lived with all the carefles of a 
 happy marriage. Has the King had a concern ? You 
 tc have wedded it. Has his Majefty wanted fupplies ? You 
 “ have readily, chearfully, and fully provided for them. 
 “ You have relied upon the wifdom and conduct of his Ma- 
 “ jefty in all his affairs ; fo that you have never attempted 
 “ to exceed your bounds, or to impofe upon him : Whilft 
 <c the King, on the other hand, hath made your Coun- 
 “ fels the foundation of all his proceedings; and hath been 
 “ fo tender of you, that he hath upon his own Revenue 
 “ and Credit, endeavoured to fupport even foreign wars, 
 “ that he might be leaft uneafy to you, or burthenfome to 
 “ his people. And let me fay. That though this marriage 
 be according to Mofes’s law, where the husband can 
 “ give a bill of divorce, put her away, and take another ; 
 “ yet I can a/lure you, it is as impoflible for the King to part 
 * c with this Parliament, as it is for you to depart from that 
 “ loyalty, affedtion, and dutiful behaviour, you have hi- 
 “ therto fhewn tov/ards him. Let us blefs the King for 
 “ taking away all our fears, and leaving no room for jea- 
 “ loufies ; and for thofe afiiirances and promifes he hath 
 “ made us. Let us blefs God and the King, that our Re- 
 “ ligion is fafe ; that the Church of England is the care of 
 “ pur Prince ; that Parliaments are fafe ; and that our 
 “ Properties and Liberties are fafe. What more hath a 
 “ good Eng Ufa man to ask ? But that this King may long 
 “ reign , and this Triple-Alliance of King, Parliament, 
 “ and People, may ever be diflolved.” 
 n-vjrkup-m I fhall make no reflections on this Speech, becaufe it 
 th.s spiteb. W ould lead me too far ; and befides, I imagine every dif- 
 interefted reader can fee the falflty of moft of the things 
 related, and the grofs artifice wherewith they are vented. 
 
 I fhall only obferve, that this fpeech was fpoke by a mem¬ 
 ber, or rather by the head of the Cabal, who perfedtly 
 knew the King’s fecret intentions. The Earl of Shaftsbury 
 therefore muff have had a forehead of brafs to pronounce 
 fuch a fpeech before fo auguft an aflembly. But very like¬ 
 ly, this was only for form fake, and the Cabal believed 
 themfelves fo fecure, that the Parliament itfelf would not 
 dare to feem to know their artifices. But they were 
 miftaken, and even the Houfe of Commons had already 
 given fome indications of vigour, before the King ahd 
 
 £chard. Chancellor had delivered their Speeches. Prefently after 
 Barnet 3 * 3 ^ir meet ‘ n g> they loudly complained of Writs iffued out 
 by the Lord Chancellor, for electing and returning of perfons 
 to fit in their Houfe, in the room of fuch as were dead, or 
 removed. And by the way, all the members eledted by 
 virtue of thefe Writs, were the Chancellor’s creatures. 
 This complaint caufed the King immediately after the two 
 Speeches, to declare to the Commons, “ That he had 
 “ given order to the Lord Chancellor to fend out Wri's, 
 “ for the better fupply of their Houfe, having feen prece- 
 <c dents for it ; but if any fcruple or queftion did arife 
 
 II about it, he left it to the Houfe to debate as foon as they 
 Member 1 < l could.” Accordingly, the very next day the Commons 
 “urv!douf <d vote d thofe Writs and Returns irregular, and expelled all 
 of the Houfe. the members thus elected. 
 
 Two parties There were in this Parliament, as in moft others, two 
 in the Par- parties, called the Court and Country party. This was 
 tiament. their diftindtion, and it manifeflly implied, that the intcrefts 
 
 of the Court were diredtly oppofite to thofe of the People;, 
 as the interefts of one party are ufually to thofe of the con¬ 
 trary. The Court-party had always prevailed, while the 
 People were perfuaded of the good intentions of the King 
 and his Minifters. But as the King difeovered himfelf, 
 both by his way of living, and frequent figns of irreli- 
 gion ; or by his inclination for the Papifts ; or by his 
 profit (ion, and avidity of money ; or laftly, by his union 
 with France , and tire war with the States, his party fenfibly 
 decreafed every day, for two very natural reafons. Fit ft, 
 becaufe many of thofe members, who, at the beginning, 
 were of the King's party through inclination and zeal for 
 Religion, whilft they confidered him as protedtor of the 
 Church of England , loft this inclination, as foon ss they 
 were convinced, that the King was far from defigning the 
 good of the Church or State. The King’s proteftations 
 loft all their eft’edt, when it was once feen, that his adtions 
 correfponded fo little with his words. Secondly, for the 
 fame reafon, the people, perceiving that Religion and the 
 State were in danger, chofe fuch reprefentatives to fill the 
 vacancies of the Houfe, whofe principles were diredtly op- 
 Tbst of rbe pofiie to the defigns of the Court. As the vacancies by the 
 '^ ea th of the members could r.ot but be very numerous in a 
 
 R L E S II. 
 
 Parliament, which had now fate twelve years, the Country 16:; 3. 
 party came hv degrees to prevail, and'the King and his 
 Minifters no longer found it fo eafy to carry whatever they 
 defired, as at the beginning of the Parliament. It is certain, 
 fo long as the people do not fufpedt the King of ill defigns 
 againft Liberty and Religion, the Court-party prevail in 
 the Parliament, or rather there are not then two different 
 parties. For, fuppofing the King an exadt obferver of tbs 
 Laws himfelf, and careful to fee them pundtually obeved, 
 there can be no difference between the two parties,*but 
 with refpedt to the quantity of money granted to the King. 
 
 But as the people are under obligations to the King, for his 
 maintenance of order, equity, moderation, and juftice in 
 the Government, they are never uneafy with the power 
 and wealth heaped on fuch a King, and commonly the 
 Country-party, if there is one in the Parliament, is much 
 inferior to the King’s. But the cafe is quite different, when 
 the people are once prejudiced againft their Sovereign, and 
 no longer confide in his promifes. For then, the Court 
 party is compofed of men, who have only their own private 
 fortune in view, and is not fo numerous as that of the peo¬ 
 ple, which, befides the publick intereft, finds likewife a 
 private advantage in oppofing the defigns of the Court. 
 
 In this cafe, the people ufualjy chwfe able reprelentatives, 
 and fuch as are believed well aftedted to their country, 
 and it is very rarely that the intrigues of the Court are ca¬ 
 pable of hindering thefe eleftions. A proof of what I ad¬ 
 vance was feen in the cledtions of the Parliament of the 
 3d of November 1640, under Charles I, wherein the 
 Country-party was fo fuperior to that of the'Court. This 
 proof is confirmed by the tranfidlions o.‘ the Paxliament I 
 am now fpeaking of, which for twelve years had appeared 
 fo devoted to the King, and which changed from one ex¬ 
 treme to another, when they had once loft their former 
 confidence in the King and his Minifters. It is in vain to 
 afenbe this change to the intrigues and cabals of fome par¬ 
 ticular enemies of the Court. Never would private perfons 
 be powerful enough to corrupt a whole Parliament, or the 
 greater part, if their credit was not built upon the mif- 
 mauagement of the King and his Minifters. As we arc 
 entring upon a new period, I believed it neceffary to pre¬ 
 pare the Reader for this change, by Ihowing him the true 
 caufe of it. 
 
 We have feen in the two Speeches of the King and the 
 Chancellor, wh.1t vaft fupplies the King demanded of his 
 Parliament, namely, a conliderable aid for the fea-fcrvice; 
 another for the land ; a third to difeharge fome old debts ; 
 a fourth to refund the money taken out of the Exchequer, 
 and which could not amount to lefs than two millions two 
 hundred and fifty thoufand pounds Sterling for the fpace of 
 feventeen months. All this computed, mult have amounted 
 at leaft to five millions. Though the Chancelloi’s Speech 
 made but little ifnpreflion on the Commons, they would 
 however fhow, that in demanding a rtdrefs of grievances, 
 as was their intention, they did not adt through a fpirit of 
 paflion and revenge. Wherefore, though they were by no Feb < 
 means convinced of the neceflity or juftice of the war un- Rennet, 
 tertaken by the King, they voted a lupply of ah eighteen p- 5'3- 
 months afleffment of feventy thoufand pounds per Menfem, h?! . 3 L. 
 which in all amounted to twelve hundred and fixty thou- J. Philips, 
 fand pounds, lor the King’s extraordinary occasions, with¬ 
 out fpecifying that it was for the fupport of the war. But 
 for fear the King ffrottld prorogue them when the money- 
 bill was palled, they refolvcd that the redrefs of Grievan¬ 
 ces Ihould keep an even pace with it. 
 
 For this purpofe, the .9th of February the Commons jtJJrcf, 0 f 
 prefented an addrefs to the King; in which they told 1 
 
 him-“ That having taken into cohlideration his de- a ff'f 
 
 “ claration for indulgence to Dilfenters, they found them , 
 
 “ felves bound in du.y to inform his Majefty, That Penal °fCor.jcuncn 
 “ Laws in matters ecclefiajlicul cannot be fufpended but by ^ c J hard - 
 “ Lift f Parliament-, the) therefore molt humbly befought ‘ P ’ 
 
 “ his Majefty, to give fuch diredtions, That no apprehen- 
 “ febns »r jealoufies, might remain in the hearts of his faith- 
 i( ful Subjefts.” To this addrefs the King fent the fol- Tbt King's 
 lowing anfwer. “ That he is very much troubled, that an J' wtr - 
 “ the declaration which he put out lor ends fo neceflary 2 ** 
 
 “ to the quiet of this Kingdom, efpecially in that con- 
 “ juncture, Ihould prove the caufe of difquiet, and give 
 “ occali ,n to the queftioning of his power in ecclefiafticks, 
 
 “ which he finds hor done in the reigns of any of his 
 “ anceftors. That he never had thoughts of ufing it 
 cc otherwife than as it hath been intrufted in him to the 
 “ peace and eftablilhment of the Church of England , and 
 “ the eafe of all his Subjedts in general : Neither doth lie 
 “ pretend to fufpend any Laws wherein the Properties, 
 
 “ Rights, or Liberties of any of his Subjedts are ccn- 
 “ cerned, nor to alter any thing in the eftabljfhed Doc- 
 “ trine or Difciplir.e of the Church of England : But his 
 “ only defign n this was, to take oft' the penalties ift- 
 ** flidled by Statutes upon the Diffenters, and which he 
 “ believed, when well confidered of, they themfelves 
 
 would 
 
668 
 
 'The HISTO RT of ENGLA N D. 
 
 jt B’.'l pre¬ 
 pared by the 
 
 . Cc would not wifh executed according to the rigour of the 
 “ Law : Neither hath he done this with any thought of 
 “ avoiding, or precluding the advice of his Parliament ; 
 ** and if any Bill fliall be offered to him, which fhail ap- 
 “ pear more proper to attain the aforefaid ends, and fecure 
 
 the peace of the Church and Kingdom, when tendered 
 <l in due manner to him. He will Jhew bow readily he 
 ‘ 4 will concur in all ways that j,ball appear /or the good of 
 “ the Kingdom." 
 
 The Commons eafily perceived, the King was not in¬ 
 clined to defift from his declaration. Wherefore, three 
 days after, they prefented another add refs, in which, 
 “ They thanked him for his gracious affuranccs and pro- 
 
 mifes of maintaining the Religion ejlablijhed, and the 
 “ Liberties and Properties of the People : And they did 
 tc not in the lead doubt, but that his Majefty had the 
 
 lame gracious intentions in giving fatisfa&ion to his 
 “ Subject-, by his anfwer to their laff petition and ad- 
 ** drefs : But that they found, that the faid anfwer was not 
 “ fufficient to clear the apprehenfions that might juftlv re- 
 “ main in the minds of his People, by his Majefty’s having 
 “ claimed a power i ■ i} xal La t in nat 
 “ of icaf and which his Majefty did flill feem to afiert, 
 “ in the faid anfwer, to be entitled in the Crown , and never 
 ‘ 1 qntjlizned in any of the reigns of his ancejlors : Wherein 
 <l they humbly conceived his Majefty had been much 
 “ mil nformed, fince no fuch power had ever been claim- 
 “ ed or exercifed by any of his Majefty’s predeceffors. 
 “ And if it fhould be admitted, might tend to the imer- 
 “ rupting the free courfe of the Laws, and altering the 
 “ legiflative power, which had always been acknowledged 
 tv. Hou Pa 
 
 ‘ c / lament. They therelbre with an unanimous content 
 4t became humbic fuitors to Ids Majefty, that he would be 
 “ pleafed to give them a full and fatisfa&ory anfwer to 
 “ their faid petition and addrefs, and that his Majefty 
 “ would take fuch effir&ual order. That the proceedings in 
 “ this matter, might not for the future be drawn into con- 
 “ Jcqueuee or example." The King’s anfwer to this ad- 
 drefs was, It is of confequence, and I will take it into con- 
 f: deration. 
 
 At the time, thefe addrefles were preparing, Sir fob 
 Charleton , Speaker of the Houfe of Commons being taken 
 ill, humbly prayed his Majefty, that he might be eafed of 
 the burden he was not able longer to fuftain. Edward 
 Seymour, fo famous in the reign of lPillimn III, was, by 
 the Court’s recommendation, chofen in his room. 
 
 The King and the Cabal were extremely miftaken in 
 ' imagining, that the declaration for liberty of Confcience, 
 would gain the Presbyterians, in return for fo great a fa¬ 
 vour. 1 lie leaders of the Presbyterians were too wife to 
 be taken in fo palpable and dangerous a fnare. It was eafy 
 for them to fee, they were only defigned for inftruments 
 to advance the interefts of the Rornifh Religion. When 
 thm refle&cd, that this favour was received from the King, 
 the Duke of ) si k, and the members of the Cabal, they 
 could not believe, it flowed from a principle of Religion or 
 humanity. They faw belldes fo many extraordinary pro¬ 
 ceeding-, fomany invafions upon the Rights of the People; 
 the P.ipifts indulged in their Religion ; the King making 
 exorbitant demands upon his Parliament ; an army in- 
 cimpcd at the very gates of London (ij in the mid ft of 
 v. ,.i:er ; a war begun to deftroy the only Proteftant State 
 capable of fupporting Religion ; and Papifts in the princi¬ 
 pal ports ; all this fufficiently demonftrated, that the fuf- 
 penfion of the Penal Laws was not for their fake. So 
 inftead of thanking the King for this pretended favour’ 
 Alderman Love , a City-Member, and an eminent Diffen- 
 ter, fpoke with the greateft warmth againft the declara¬ 
 tion (z). This declaration for Liberty of Confcience, 
 wrought a great change in the Houfe of Commons. For 
 that Houfe, which had been fo fiercely animated againft 
 the Presbyterians, feeing them facrifice their own, to the 
 intereft of Religion and the Kingdom, ordered a Bill to be 
 brought in for their cafe ; a Bill by which all the penal¬ 
 ties againft them in the Aft of Uniformity were removed, 
 and nothing required but the taking the oaths of Allegiance 
 and Supremacy. This Bill was read the firft time on the 
 z-th ot February, and in a few days was completed. But 
 the Lords having made feme amendments, the King pro¬ 
 rogued the Parliament before thefe amendments could be 
 agreed to by the Commons. 
 
 This Bill, which was readily parted by the Commons, 
 fufficiently fhowed their diflruft of the Court with regard 
 to the declaration for Liberty of Confcience, fince by it 
 all pretence was taken away of confounding the Presby¬ 
 terians with the other Non-conformifts. So long as the 
 Commons had not fufpe&ed the King’s intention to favour 
 
 (l) On Black-Heath 
 (-) HcdecMrcd, He 
 (3) Every Sunday in 
 
 (4; It wit flopped in the Houle of Lords, fays R C-fe, Tumi 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 the. Papifts, they had affe&ed to rank all the Diflenters m: Dm: 
 one clafs, in order to include the Presbyterians in the 
 Statutes made againft the Non-conformifts in general. Bui 
 when the King was perceived to ufe this confufion to 
 favour the Papifts, the Commons were willing to own, 
 the feveral feels ought to be diltinguifhed, and rather than 
 abandon Religion to the intrigues and artifices of the 
 Court, and the Papifts, refolved to eafe the Presbyterians. 
 
 In this, they difeovered a true zeal for the Proteftant 
 Religion in general, knowing, it was not fo dangeroufly 
 attacked by the Presbyterians, as bv the Papifts. But 
 it was not on this occafion only that they fhowed their at¬ 
 tachment to the Proteftant Religion. At the very time Ech-r;. 
 they were preparing the bill for the eafe of the Presbyte- m. v 317* 
 rians another was brought in to enjoin frequent catechffing 
 in the Parochial Churches (3) for the inftru&ion of youth, 
 intimating thereby, how neceft'ary this precaution was 
 thought in the prefent jun&ure. But this Bill, as well as Burnet, 
 the other, was rendered abortive by the prorogation of the 
 Parliament (4). 
 
 There is no plainer indication, of what the Parliament Addref, 
 thought of the defigns of the Court in favour of the Pa- 
 pjfts, than the addrefs prefented by both Houfes to the P ' ,rl,a ’” int 
 King about the fame time. This addrefs contained, firft 
 complaints on the growth of Popery ; on the great refort Echard! 
 of Romijh Priefts and Jefuits in the Kingdom ; on the ad- H1, p ' 3 ' 7 * 
 miffion of fo many Recufants into places of truft, and par- 
 • ■ • ny. After this, the t wo Houfes deftrad, 
 
 t. That his Majefty would be pleafed to iflue out his 
 “ royal Proclamation, to command all Priefts and Jefuits 
 c ' (with exception of thole in attendance upon the Queen, 
 
 . “ not being natural-born Subje&s ) to depart within thirty 
 “ da ys out of the Kingdom : And that his Majefty would 
 “ he pleafed, in the fame Proclamation, to command all 
 “ Judges and other officers, to put the Laws in execution 
 “ againft all fuch Priefts and Jefuits, as fhould be found in 
 “ the Kingdom after that time. z. That his Majefty 
 “ would he pleafed likewife to iflue out commiffiors, to 
 “ tender tlie oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to all of- 
 “ fleers and foldiers now in his fervice and pay, and that 
 “ fuch as refufed the faid oaths, might be immediately dif- 
 “ handed. 3. That the commiffaries of the mufters be 
 “ commanded and enjoined by his Majefty’s warrant, up- 
 “ on the penalty of loling tlieir places, not to permit any 
 “ officer to be muftered in the fervice and pay of his Ma- 
 “ jelly, until he hath taken the oaths of Allegiance and 
 “ Supremacy, and received the Sacrament of the Lord’s- 
 “ Supper, according to the ufage of the Church of En*- 
 “ land i and that every foldier fhould take the faid oaths 
 “ before his firft mufter, and receive the Sacrament in like 
 “ manner, before his fecond mufter.” Upon this addrefs, a Proda- 
 the King publifhed a Proclamation in the ufual ftile, the “po* 
 feventh of that kind, by which (after a declaration, that : 'j 
 as he had always adhered to the Church of England, a- ld ' P ‘ 3 ‘ 8 * 
 gainfl all temptations whatfoever, fo he was refolved’ to 
 maintain and defend it ) he ftri&ly commanded all Jefuits 
 and Rornifh Priefts to depart the Kingdom, and the Laws to 
 be put in due execution, againft all popifh Recufants, or 
 juflly fufpe&ed to be fo, Uc. This Proclamation was not TbeCommmt 
 fatisfactory to the Commons, becaufe it extended but to crttr upon 
 one Angle article of their petition, without any mention of 
 the removal of Papifts from places of truft. Wherefore, 1 * 
 
 they proceeded to a new Bill, in order to obtain their end’ 
 being refolved not to finifh the money-bill, till they had 
 procured a redrefs of their grievances, and particularlv a 
 revocation of the declaration for Liberty of Confcience.' 
 
 The King was never fo perplexed fince his reftoration. T , „ . 
 
 I he Cabal had promifed to make him abfolute, but, after 
 all, fuggefted no other means, than the ufing of force, at «*»«. 
 all hazards. He had hoped to attain his aim by degrees, Echard * 
 in gaining now one point, then another, and to fee htmfelf - 
 at laft able to trample on ail his oppofers. He had more¬ 
 over relied on the affiftance of France , after the Common¬ 
 wealth of Holland fhould be deftroyed. But he had pre- 
 pofteroufly imagined, he fhould have time to form all his 
 meafures, and be able to fupport his defign, whenever it 
 fhould be oppofed. Perhaps too, he had' depended upon 
 the condefceniion of this Parliament, which had always 
 been fo favorable to him. But as the Commons were pro¬ 
 ceeding, the time was come, that the King mud either 
 give way, or break with the Parliament. In this lafl cafe 
 he had too much fenfe to believe, that a handful of Papifts* 
 with a few flattering Courtiers and Minifters, were able to 
 fupport him, at a time when he could expert no affiftance 
 from France , and when the Male-contents mi^ht be coun¬ 
 tenanced by a Dutch fleet. Belides, his Exchequer was 
 empty : And therefore he mull have refolved to raife mo¬ 
 ney on his Subje&s by means of his army : For he knew. 
 
 ■lihcut advice of Parliament, and under many popifh officers. Kimt, p. ,18. 
 n rather flill eo withnnr rhpir in,.. • , r 3 
 
 d prove :'o detiimental ta the Nation. Ibid. 
 
 • p. iSv, 
 
Book XXIII. 26. CHARLES II. 669 
 
 I 167Z-3. if he had not wherewith to content his adherents, he would 
 hardly engage them to betray the intereftsof their Country. 
 But this army was Proteftant, excepting a few Popifti offi¬ 
 cers and foldiers. The officers of the fleet, and the failors, 
 were alfo Proteftants. It was therefore unnatural to ex- 
 pedt to engage fuch a fleet and army in his defigns, fo con¬ 
 trary to their Religion and Liberties. Laftly, he confider- 
 ed, that thefe very Minifters and Courtiers, who appeared 
 fodevoted to his fervice, would defcrthim, as it happened 
 to tfye King his father, when he fhould be no longer able 
 to protedt them. In a word, it was too foon to begin the 
 execution of a project of this nature, for which he was un¬ 
 prepared, and yet, by the Parliament’s laft addrefs, he was 
 obliged either to execute, or relinquilh it. His honour 
 feemed engaged to fupport the declaration for Liberty of 
 Confcience , for he had told the Parliament, that he would 
 adhere to it, and his inclination led him to favour the Pa- 
 pifts, whofe Religion he had fecretly embraced. He found 
 himfelf moreover obliged, not to abandon to the refentment 
 of theParhament, Minifters, who, in giving him their ad¬ 
 vice, had depended upon his protection. But honour was 
 not capable to ballance the difficulties which he forefaw, if 
 Ua Council he periifted in his enterprize. On the other hand, his 
 divided. Council was divided. The Duke of Ormond , and the Earl of 
 Edwrd.’ Arlington advifed him to wait a more favorable opportunity ; 
 
 but the Duke of York, and the reft of the Cabal, were for 
 his throwing off the mask, and fupporting his declaration. 
 They reprefented, that his father’s ruin was owing to his 
 condefcending to the firft demands of the Parliament of 
 1640; and faid, they faw no lefs caufe to fear now 5 for 
 fhould the declaration be recalled, other demands would 
 be fet up, which would never end, till they were carried fo 
 high, that the King would not be able to grant them, 
 without undoing himfelf: And that after a thoufand con- 
 defeenfions, he would be at laft forced to break with the 
 Parliament, and all the fruit he fhould reap from his com¬ 
 pliance, would be to make them the bolder. They farther 
 added, that his holding his refolution a few days would 
 bring the Parliament to reafon, his Majefty having a party 
 among them which began to make the leaders waver; and 
 that there were forces fufficient on foot to fupport the one 
 fide, and intimidate the other. It is pretended, the Earl 
 of Sbaftsbury undertook to anfwer for the fuccefs. All this 
 was very capable to hold the King in fufpence. It is be¬ 
 lieved, the Ladies ingaged in this affair, and fearing that a 
 rupture would deprive them of the King’s bounties, ltrongly 
 Herecalls i:ii lulliuted him to recall his declaration. However that be, 
 Drd. r.z-ta. the King, after fome helitation, cailed for the declaration, 
 fy;- and with his own hands broke the Seal. 
 
 Eriv-u d.- The 8th of March the King came to the Parliament, 
 T y w ./f an ^ a ^ tcr P re ^ n 6 Commons to difpatch the Money-bill, 
 
 Parliament' kid to both Houfes,-“ If there beany fcruple yet re- 
 
 ibid. “ maining with you touching the fufpenfion of the penal 
 “ Laws, I here faithfully promife you, that what hath 
 “ been done in that particular, fhall not for the future be 
 “ drawn into example and confequence; and as I daily 
 “ expedt from you a bill for my fupply, fo I affure you, 
 “ I lhall as willingly receive and pafs any other you lhall 
 “ offer me, that may tend to the giving you fatisfadtion 
 “ in all your juft grievances. 
 
 %thmMfor This Speech was fo agreeable to the Parliament, that 
 it by both both Houles went in a body and thanked the King for fo 
 Houfes. f u ]l an( J fatisfadtory an anfwer. 
 
 The Cabal But if the two Houfes were pleafed, the Cabal was not 
 very much f 0 . They had formed a projedt, and prepared a fcheme to 
 mftb th? render the King abfolute. Nay, they had taken fome 
 fteps towards the execution. This fcheme had never been 
 formed, had it not been fuppofed, the King would have 
 the courage and refolution to withftand the complaints of 
 the Parliament: Eor the projedtors could never think, the 
 Parliament would fuffer the Liberties of the people to be in¬ 
 vaded without oppofition. All their hope therefore was 
 founded upon the King’s fteddinefs. They were to engage 
 in a conteft, in which they flattered thcmfelves to render 
 the King vidtorious. But they law, to their great aftonifh- 
 ment, the King was retreating, when he fhould have pre¬ 
 pared for battle, and confequently the hopes of vidtory were 
 entirely vanilhed. But this was not all they had to fear; 
 they were in danger of being abandoned by the King, after 
 this firft ftep, to the refentment of the two Houfes; for 
 how could they hope for the protedlion of the King, who 
 had juft given fuch manifeft marks of his own lear ? 
 Shairsbury T he Earl of Arlington, as I haveobferved, had in fome 
 tnms to the meafure, deferted the Cabal, by his advice to the King, to 
 Cnttntry revoke his declaration for Liberty of Confcience. The 
 Burnl't. Earl of ■Sbaftsbury foon followed him, but in a manner 
 Echard. more furprizing, morepublick, and with more remarkable 
 circumftances. As foon as he faw, the King had not fuffi¬ 
 cient refolution to execute the great work which was pro¬ 
 jected, he thought it but juft to forfake a Prince, who had 
 lorfaken himfelf, and left his counfellors expofed to danger. 
 No. 77, Vol. II, 
 
 This was the fecond time the Earl had experienced the 1672- i. 
 King’s inconftancy, and want of refolution. This affair of 
 the Declaration was common to him with the reft of the Ca¬ 
 bal. But the Writs iflued out of Chancery for the eledtion 
 of Members to fill the vacancies in Parliament, Were pecu¬ 
 liar to him. He had undertaken to iflue thefe writs as Chan¬ 
 cellor, on pretence of fome precedents which were never 
 known, upon the King’s pofitive promife to Hand by him, 
 and yet, he wasdeferted by the King, at the firft inftance of 
 the Commons, or rather before their complaints. This was, 
 however, a thing of very great confequence. For if the 
 Crown could have iflued Writs for filling the vacancies in 
 Parliament, it would have been very eafy for the Minifters 
 to have had fuch members returned as they pleafed, as it 
 happened on this firft occafion, wherein all thofe that were 
 chofen were creatures of the Court. Father Orleans , who re- Father dr- 
 ceived his information of the Englljh affairs from King James 
 II, pofitively affirms, as one that could not be miftaken when 
 he follows fuch a guide, “ That the ancient cuftom was, 
 
 “ on the death of a member, for the Chancellor to iflue a 
 “ writ under the Great Seal, for the eledtion of another: 
 
 “ And though the writ contained nothing to obftrudt the 
 ^ freedom of the eledtions, yet the King might find means 
 to prevent any Member Irom being chofen, who was 
 “ againft him. That this cuftom had been changed during 
 ^ the troubles of the laft reign, when the Commons af- 
 “ fumed the power of lfluing the writs by their Speaker, 
 
 “ and that this abufe had been fullered to continue, fince the 
 King s reftoration, thro’ the weaknefs or ignorance of the 
 “ Chancellors before Sbaftsbury." But this is a groundlefs 
 aflertion, as appears from what the King faid himfelf to 
 both Houfes, at the beginning of this feflion, “ That he 
 “ had given order to the Lord Chancellor to fend out writs, 
 for the better fupply of their Houfe, having feen prece- 
 dents for it. ’ Had this been a Right inherent in the 
 Crown, and firft invaded by the Commons, during the 
 troubles ol the laft reign, would the King have faid only, 
 that be bad feen fome precedents for it. This remark is only 
 to Ihew, with what caution the Hiftory of Father Orleansy 
 tho dictated by King James himfelf, is to be read. 
 
 The Earl of Sbaftsbury was therefore more expofed to the 
 refentment of the Commons, than any other of the Cabal, 
 not only for pernicious counfels given the King, in conjunc¬ 
 tion with his four collegues, the fecret whereof was not yet 
 known, but chiefly for the writs iflued by him as Chancellor, 
 fo deftrudtive of their rights and privileges. He had there¬ 
 fore reafon to fear a vigorous profecution for this fadt, and 
 it is certain, the party oppofite to the Court had already pro- 
 jedted an accufation againft him. On the other hand, the 
 weaknefs he had difeovered in the King, gave him no hopes 
 of a protection from thence. He believed, therefore, he had The Earl of 
 no other way to divert the impending florin, than by quit- shat '“b“ry 
 ting the King’s party, and throwing himfelf into the con- fjiclnuThe 
 trary. “ He executed this refolution, fays Father Orleans , party of the 
 “ the day after the King refolved to revoke his declaration 
 “ for Liberty of Confcience. It was eleven at night before rean ** 
 
 “ the King had taken his laft refolution, and the next morn- 
 “ ing the Earl of Sbaftsbury appeared in the Houfe of Lords, 
 at the head of the moft violent party, againft the Catho- 
 “ lick Religion, the Dutch war,and the union with France .” 
 
 He did more, if Father Orleans is to be credited, for in a 
 full Houfe he difeovered the reafoxis which had induced the 
 King to grant Liberty of Confcience, join with France, 
 and declare war againft the States. I doubt not his difeover- 
 ing this fecret to his new party, butconfefs, I muft have 
 better evidence than that of Faiher Orleans, to convince 
 me, that this difeovery was made publickly in a full Houfe, 
 and on this very occafion, efpecially, before the King and 
 Duke of York , who weie that day prefent in the Houfe. 
 
 This would have been a formal accufation againft the King, 
 the Duke of York , and the other four members of the Ca¬ 
 bal, of which he could have given no proofs, if they had 
 been demanded. He had too much fenfe to expofe himfelf 
 to fuch a danger. The occafion of his declaring publickly 
 againft the King, on the day I am fpeaking of, was this. 
 
 The Lord Treafurer Clifford, ignorant of Sbaftsbury ’s The Earl of 
 intentions, paid him a viiit the night before, and com- shaftsbury 
 municating to him a project for eitablilhing a perpetual 
 Fund to free the King from his dependence on the Par- tLii^. 
 liament, read to him a Speech, he had prepared tofpeak on Tyley - 
 the morrow concerning this project in the Houfe of Lords. Echard. 
 The Earl of Sbaftsbury feemed highly pleafed with the“l-P- 3 «J 
 Speech, and defired to hear ir again. The next day, the 
 King and Duke of York coming to the Houfe to coun¬ 
 tenance this projedt with their prefence, the Lord Clifford 
 fpoke his Speech. He had no looner done, than the Earl 
 of Sbaftsbury itood up, and anfwered his Speech from the 
 beginning to the end. He demonftrated this projeft to 
 be extravagant and impracticable; that it would overturn 
 the Government, and perhaps fend the King and Royal 
 Family abroad again, to fpend their days in exile without 
 8 G hopes 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 6 7 o Tie HISTORY 
 
 e$;:- 3. hopes of a return. If the TreafureCs Speech furprifed the 
 Lords who perceived the defign ot it, their aftoniftiment 
 was increafed when they faw the Chancellor, a leading 
 member of the Cabal, declare fo openly againft the King. 
 Jt is faid, the Duke of York, whilft Shaftsbury was fpeak- 
 ing, whilpered the King, What a Rogue have you of a 
 Lord Chancellor! And "that the King replied. If'hat a 
 Fool have you of a Lord Treasurer ! I know not whether 
 the truth of thefe particulars is to be relied on, fome ol 
 which are improbable. For what likelihood is there, that 
 the Kincr, after breaking the feal of his declaration with his 
 own hands, for fear of the Parliament, fhould appear, 
 within a few hours after, in the Houfe of Lords, to (up- 
 port, by his prefence, the FreafurePs project, which tended 
 to the fubverfion of Parliaments ? Or that he fhould call 
 the Treafurer fool, for a propofal which the King could 
 not be ignorant of, and had doubtlefs approved (i)? 
 
 AHi.itatrt However, the Earl of Shaftsbury from this time was 
 ff always in the head of the Country party, and caufed the 
 'V King to undergo great mortifications, as will hereafter ap- 
 
 Shaiotury. p ear J3 ut j give here a very material caution to thofe 
 who read Father Orleans's Hiftory, or fuch Eng lift or 
 foreign authors as efpoufe the King’s caufe. All thefe 
 writers paint the Earl of Shaftsbury in very black colours. 
 He was, according to them, the greateft villain that e\er 
 lived ; his wickednefs was anfwerable to the extent of his 
 genius, and the depth of his penetration. He was perpe¬ 
 tually contriving how to torment the King and Duke of 
 Fork, or rather to ruin them irrecoverably. He was not 
 only the head but the foul, of his party, by which they 
 were a£luated. In Ihort, every thing tranfacted afterwards 
 by the Parliament againft the King, is folely imputed to 
 him, and it is artfully inlinuated, that, had it not been for 
 fuch an agent, the nation would have remained in^tran- 
 quillity, and the Parliament, content with the King’s 
 favorable anfwers, and gracious promifes, would have 
 been quiet, and attempted nothing againlt the Court. 
 Thus, according to thefe writers, all the meafures and 
 precautions taken afterwards by the Parliament againft the 
 defigns of the Court, were entirely owing to Shaftsbury s 
 malice and revenge. It is eafy to perceive, that their de¬ 
 fign is to caufe to vanifh, the grounds of the Parliament’s 
 fear and complaint of the conduct of the Court, by in- 
 finuating, that thefe complaints were frivolous, and the ef¬ 
 fects of Shaftsbuty’s vengeance, who, they fay, directed 
 both Houfes of Parliament, or rather had them entirely at 
 command. For my part, I am no way concerned tovin- 
 dicate the Earl of Shaftsbury s honour, but believe my felf 
 obliged to remark, for the more eafy difeovery of the truth, 
 that the projetft of the Cabal to render the King abfolute, 
 and introduce Popery, is of unquefiionable certainty. I he 
 authors juft mentioned, fcruple not to own it, and fhould 
 they deny it, the thing would not be lefs true. Confe- 
 quently the Parliament coming to a full and exa£t know¬ 
 ledge of this defign, which was only fufpedted before, had 
 all the reafon in the world for their fear and caution againft 
 the King and hisMinifters. This being granted, let the 
 Earl of Shaftsbury have been a villain, or an honelt man ; 
 let him have betrayed the King’s fecrets, and a&ed only 
 through a fpirit of revenge ; let his fear of the Parliament 
 be the foie motive of his ingaging in the Country party 
 asainft the King, or let him have a£ted from a principle 
 of honour and duty, in order to fave the Church and State, 
 the thing it felf remains the fame. The good or bad quali¬ 
 ty. of the Earl of Shaftsbury did not caufe the Parliament 
 to have more or lefs realon to fear the defigns of the 
 King and his Minifteis. If they were prejudicial to Re¬ 
 ligion and the State, as cannot be denied, the Parliament 
 hod reafon to take the bell meafures to prevent them. 
 Why therefore are thefe meafures, thefe precautions, af- 
 tnbed to Shaftsbury s malice and artifices, iince there was 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 another and more natural caufe. Before the Earl of i672-3! 
 Shaftsbury appeared in the party, contrary to the Court, 
 the Parliament had begun to take thefe precaution:-, though 
 the Court’s defigns were yet but fufpedled: They were 
 better informed by the Earl of Shaftsbury, why therefore 
 is it fuppofed, that after this information, they fuddenlv 
 relinquish their former motives, and atft only with a view 
 to ferve as inftruments of Shaftsbury s revenge ? This is not 
 even probable, and yet the authors abovementioned lofe 
 no opportunity of reproaching the Earl of Shaftsbury , and 
 aferibing folely to him all the mortifications, the King af¬ 
 terwards received. Befides the reader’s inltruchon, my de¬ 
 fign, in what I have faid, is to hinder fuch as have read, 
 or fhall readihe other Hiftorians, from thinking it Itrange 
 that I do not every moment exclaim againft the Earl of 
 Shaftsbury s conduit, as if he were the foie author of what 
 was done againft the King ; and that I content mv felf 
 with faying in a word, this Lord ufed all his interclt and 
 credit to break the meafures of the King and his Mi- 
 nifters. 
 
 Immediately after this change in the Earl of Sh.ftbury , r\ rg-.i.i ; 
 the Commons palled a Bill, afterwards called the I-At/, TyJ 1 r 
 in titled, An AH for preventing the danger; which may happen 
 from Popijh Recufants. This Ait required, that all per- u. 
 Ions enjoying any office or place of trull and profit, fhould J: y r | 
 take the oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy in publick and m. p .\, (j 
 open Court, and fhould alfo receive the Sacrament in fome 
 Parifh Church, immediately after Divine Service; and 
 deliver a Certificate figned by the Miniftcrs and Church- 
 Wardens, attefted by the oaths of two ciedible wimefles, 
 and put upon record : and that all perfons taking the faid 
 oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy fhould likewife make 
 
 and fubferibe this following declaration.-1 do declare , 
 
 That I do believe , that there is not any Yranfiibjlantiation 
 in the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper , or in the Elements of 
 Bread and Wine , at , or after the confecration thereof by 
 
 any perfon whatfoever. -This Bill readily palled the 
 
 Houfe of Commons, and after fome difficulties, was alfo 
 approved by the Lords (2). The Earl of Brijiol, though March iy. 
 a Papift, made a Speech on this occafion, and concluded E-hard. 
 with faying, “ upon the whole matter, however the fen- 
 “ timents of a Catholick of the Church of Rome , (not of 
 “ the Court of Rome) may oblige me, upon fcruple of 
 “ confidence, to give my negative to this Bill, yet as a 
 “ member of a Proteftant Parliament, my advice pruden- 
 “ tially cannot but go along with the main fcope of it, 
 
 “ the prefent circumltances of time, and affairs confidered, 
 
 “ and the neceffity of compofing the difturbed minds of 
 “ the People.” 
 
 Befides this Bill there was another preparing to prevent Another Bill 
 intermarriages between Proteftants and Papifts. This 
 tended diretftly to break the prefent negotiation of the \ 
 
 Duke of York' s marriage with an Archduchefs of In-ry'm with .t 
 fpruch (3), and to hinder him from marrying any other f p p !h .r s 
 Catholick Princefs. The Kin;:, in the mean while, was e.- hard." | 
 very unealy, as he faw, the Parliament was informed of 111 * P- 3 2 3 * : 
 his lecret refolutions, and effectual meafures were taken 
 to prevent their execution. Wherefore he quickned the 
 Commons by feveral meflages, to finifh the Money-bill. 
 
 But, inftead of fatisfying him, the Commons, having pro- Twopr.i-.imi 
 vided for the fecurity of Religion, prefented him two ad- r ‘ !" 
 drelies of grievances, one concerning England, the other ibid." " uf ** 
 Ireland. In the firft, they told the King, that they were 
 firmly perfuaded of his intention to govern according to 
 the laws and cuftoms of the Kingdom. Yet finding that 
 fome abufes and grievances were crept into the Govern¬ 
 ment, they craved leave humbly to reprefent them to his 
 Majefty’a knowledge, and to defire, 
 
 “ 1. That the impofition of twelve pence per chal- 
 “ dron upon coals, for providing of convoys, by virtue of 
 “ an order of Council dated the 15th of May 1672^ 
 
 ) This buftnefs of Shaftsbn- 
 
 - 
 
 licence, incwcumcncaos 11c intruded tofpeak on tothe King, w.-.o approved ot them. He began the debate with roup words, calling the Vote ot the 
 r.mi.iij, Mtnjtrnm hvtr'njum in'cM, and nm on in a high Attic. When he had done, tneEari »t Shaftsbury, to the amazement of the wholeHuufc faid, 
 nuftditi. r trom the L ltd that f| ukela!l, totoCieh. He while thefe matters were debated out ot doors, he might think with others, that the King's 
 tenucy did warrant the Dec aratioti. But now, that fu.-h a Houfe ot Commons were of another unnd, ha fubtnitted his reafous totbeirs. They were the 
 ig's great Cuunc and mull borh advifeand fupport him. The King wasall in furytobe thus torfaken by bis Chancellor, aad told the Lord Clifford, how 
 ii r.e was pieafed w.th his Speech, and how highly offended with the other. The debate went on, and upon adivifior. the Court had the majority. But above 
 :y i it tfie mull confiderable of the Houfe protefied againft che vote. SotheCourt faw they gained nothing in carrying a vote, that drew after it fuch a pro- 
 . i ir. It icems, Clifford, ’Budinyh.im, and Lauderdale, were for violent meafures, whilft Arlington and Shaft,bury prefled the King to concent the Par- 
 n ei t. Accordingly, in the afternoon of theday thatthe matter had been argu.-d inthe Houfe of Lords, Shaftsbury and Arlington got all thofe members of 
 Commons, whowercin the Court party, to go privately to the King one after another, and tell him, that upon Clifford's Speech the Houfe was in fuch 
 t, chat probably they would have gone to impeachments, had it not been for Shaft sbnry'z fpeakingon the other fide, who, they believed, fpoko the King's 
 I ■■ ' ' ti the Duke's. tl Kingappi Cl i 1 fende it fervice done 
 
 i, and perfuaded h.m farther, that he might now fave hiinfelf, and obtain an indemnity fur his Miniftcrs, if he would part with the Declaration, and pafs 
 Bill. Whereupon, before night the King was quite changed, and faid to his Brother, that Clifford had undone himfelf, and fpoiled all by bis Speech ; and 
 uah Si.attslstrj ‘‘ad fj’okc like a rogue, yec that had ftopt a tury, which the other's indiftrecion had kindled. The Duke, in the evening, told Clifford what 
 KinsfaiJ. L’pon which C afford went to the King, and faid, he thought, that in what be had done he bad both fenced and pieafed the Km,;, but was fur¬ 
 led to 6nd bv the Duke, that the King was of another mind. The King, in fome coafuffon, owned, that allhebadl i 
 
 ■ - m'.iuereJ better w.-ut the Commons could bear, afford finding he muft ,,fc the White Staff, confulted with 'BistUnghan, whom t:> recommend tor 
 caf.trei, a d '.nee pitched upon Sir Thuvtas Osborn, afterwards Duke of Leeds , P.3.J, &t. 
 
 a;.y pr».m tcu, it n >r invented by the F.arl cf Shaft,bwj, who rcL.vcc to ftrike diteJtlyat the Duke o! ;i;d his Friends. 
 
 .. Ill 
 
 larr.age were concluded in OCKier 1671 , and, as the F.arl of Arlington feut word toS r Ml 1 
 
 ■ Lot Injpriuh's Religion pieafed the Freiuh King, ye: the inn-reft tit. Marriage would bi 1" 
 <-iu. R.Cote, f.iCC. The DukebaJ, before tins, made he. Addteftcs to the Lady'S.-.' ij 
 
 ti Godot 
 
 isfom 
 
 a Proteftant. '£u'„ 
 
 5 
 
 may 
 

 Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 67 r 
 
 : 1672-3. tc maybe recalled, and all Bonds, taken by virtue thereof, 
 “ cancelled. ✓ 
 
 “ 2. That his Majefty’s Proclamation of the 4th of 
 “ December 1672, For preventing diforders which may be 
 “ committed by Soldiers , and whereby the foldiers now in 
 “ his Majefty’s fervice are in a manner exempted from 
 “ the ordinary courfe of juftice, may like wife be re- 
 44 called. 
 
 44 3. And whereas great complaints have been hiade 
 4C out of feveral parts of the Kingdom, of divers abufes 
 44 committed in quartering of Soldiers, that his Majefty 
 44 would be pleafed to give orders to redrefs thofe abufes, 
 <c and in particular, that no foldiers be hereafter quartered 
 “ in any private Houfes, and that due fatisfa£lion may be 
 44 given to the inn-keepers and vidluallers where they lye, 
 44 before they remove. 
 
 “ 4- And, fince the continuance of foldiers in this 
 “ realm, will neceflarily produce many inconveniencies to 
 “ his Majefty’s Subjects, they humbiy reprefented it as 
 “ their petition and advice, that when this prefent war is 
 44 ended, all the foldiers that have been railed iincc the laft 
 44 feflion of Parliament may be disbanded. 
 
 “ 5. That his Majefty would likewife be pleafed to 
 44 confider of the irregularities and abufes in prefting fol- 
 “ diers, and give orders for the prevention thereof for the 
 44 future.” 
 
 Thefe demands fhcw, how by degrees the Court was 
 labouring to introduce an abfolute authority: Firft, by a 
 light impofition, by virtue of an- order of Council, of 
 twelve-pence upon every chaldron, or thirty-fix Bulhels 
 of coals. T he tax was inconfiderable, but the confequence 
 very great. Secondly, the Magiftrates, in afluming the 
 power of quartering foldiers in private houfes, eafily found 
 an opportunity to gall and opprefs their enemies, and fuch 
 as were not well-inclined to the Court. Thirdly, in pref- 
 fing foldiers, the officers had room to commit many a£ls 
 of injuftice, by lifting not the moft proper perfons for the 
 fervice, but the rich who were able to redeem themfelves 
 with money. Though this practice was much ufed with 
 regard to jailors, and continues to this day, it had never 
 extended to foldiers, or at leaft but on very extraordinary 
 occafions. 
 
 Eckard. The petition concerning the Irijh grievances contained 
 in. p. 324. feveral articles, chiefly relating to Religion. In one of 
 thefe the Commons defired, his Majefty would be pleafed 
 to difmifs out of all command, civil or military, Colonel 
 Richard Talbot, who notorioufiy affumed the title of Agent 
 for the Roman Catholicks in Ireland , and forbid him all 
 accefs to his Court. This Talbot was afterwards created 
 Duke of Tyrconnel , and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland by 
 James II. (1). 
 
 The King replied to thefe addreftes, that as they con- 
 fifted of fo many different parts, it could not be expected 
 he fliould give a prefent anfwer. But promifed, that for 
 the feveral particular things contained in them, he would 
 before the next meeting take fuch effectual care, that no 
 bill man fhould have reafon to complain. After this the 
 t-'Jjfd- money-bill palled without oppofition. But, not to approve 
 exprefly the war for which this money was intended, the 
 Bill was intitled, A Supply of his Majefly s extraordinary 
 occafions (2), and a particular provifo was tacked to it. 
 
 Th' 
 
 Id. p. iZf. 
 
 of the Catholick officers quitted their places. The Duke of 1673. 
 York himfelf who was Lord-High-Admiral, refigned that 
 profitable office (4), and the Lord Clifford that of High- 
 Treafurer. He retired to his paternal eftate [at Chidlcigh) Lord c ;f 
 in Devon/hire, where he died fhortly after. torJ dies. 
 
 While thefe things paffed in the Parliament, preparations Bafiuge". 
 for the Sea-war were making in England ahd Holland with 
 equal ardour and vaft expence. The Duke of York having Pr!nce Ru 
 refigned his office of Lord High-Admiral, Prince Rupert 
 was appointed to command the fleet. Ruytcr having fecret ihc Engiwh 
 intelligence, that the Englijh fleet would not be ready fo • 
 foon, put to fea with forty-two men of war, and fixteen pVjTj? 
 veflels to be funk in the Thames (5). He came into the Ecnard. 
 mouth of the river the 2d of May, where he found he 
 had been mifinformed, and that forty-five large (hips were 
 coming to attack him. Upon this difappointment, he re¬ 
 tired to expect the reft of his fleet at Schonevelt in Zealand. 
 
 In this interval, Prince Rupert failed to meet the French; - :U ‘ 
 fleet coming from Brejl, and joined them in the Channel fui !l 
 the 16th of May. Alter this junction, the combined fleet 
 confifted of one hundred and forty fail of all forts, of which 
 there were thirty large French fliips(6). The Dutch fleet Bifr.are. 
 had but a hundred and nine fail, namely, fifty-four large 
 Ihips, fourteen frigats, twenty-four firefliips, eleven ad¬ 
 vice-boats, and fix galliots (7). As I am not fufficientJy 
 verfed in marine-affairs to give clear ideas of fea-engage- 
 ments, I ftiall only fay, that this year was lignalized by 
 three naval engagements, fought with fuch equal lofs, that 
 neither could juftiy boaft of victory, tho’both challenged it 
 in every battle. The firft was fought near Scbonevdt the Three en- 
 28 th of May. The fecond off Flujhing the 4th of June, 
 but this was rather a cannonading of about four hours, after dijiingrdfhed 
 which, both fides retired to their refpeiStive coafts. The m i !h iWJ * 
 third, fought the r rth of Augujl, was the moft obftinate. 
 
 The Englijh loft Vice-Admiral Spragg, who was drowned either fide. 
 in changing his fhip (8), and the Dutch, Vice-Admiral^'^"- 
 Sureers. The lofs of the great Ihips in thefe three engage- Echerd? 
 ments was inconfiderable, but on both fides many leiler Kenner, 
 ones were either burnt or funk. In a word, nothing de- 
 cillve happened at fea this campain, and therefore I need 
 not be more circumftantial (9). 
 
 As to what paffed at land between France and the States, Snueffes of 
 1 (hall only fay, that the King of France took MacJlricbt^ffAJ* 
 in June, and the Prince of Orange, Naerclcn, a town near orange. 
 Amjlerdam, in September, and afterwards Bonn, the reft- Ba| " n:, Ko. 
 dence of the Elector of Cologne, in October. Thefe two E's'k™- 
 conquefts, and the neceffity the King of France was under dons his " n 
 to maintain the war againft Spain, (which had at laft de- 
 dared againft him, befides that the Emperor, and feveral 
 German Princes, were alfo upon the point of declaring for 
 the States) obliged him to abandon all his conquefts in tire 
 United-Provinces, except Maejlricht and Grave, where he 
 left garrifons, after having drawn out all the reft in No¬ 
 vember. 
 
 In tire mean time, a Congrefs was held at Cologne for Cmgrefs .«• 
 peace, but with no fuccefs. 
 
 T he 19th of June the King, at Buckingham's recoin-/,. nothing. 
 mendation, made Sir Thomas Osborn, afterwards Earl of ■ Vr Thomas 
 Danby, Lord-Treafurer. ? 0 %7:™d 
 
 The Duke of York, as I have faid, had caft his eyes upon Lord High- 
 an Archduchefs of Infpruch, a branch of the Houle of Au- 
 
 The Dnl'e of 
 York and 
 Lord Ciif- 
 forJ „J! £ „ _ 
 their places. 
 ■Burner. 
 
 That no Papift Jhoidd be capable of holding any publick Jlria. But the Emprefs dying at that time, the Emperor If York 
 
 married this Princels himfelf. The Duke was therefore marries th 
 obliged to make his addreffes elfewhere, and as his zeal 
 for the Popilh Religion allowed him not to marry a Pro- E.-harJ.* 
 teftant Princefs, he made choice of Maria [ d’Ejle ] Sifter 
 to brands Duke of Modena, and the marriage was imme¬ 
 diately concluded and folemnized by his proxy [Henry Mor~ 
 daunt] Earl of Peterborough. The King of France greatly 
 contributed to the marriage, by declaring the young Prin¬ 
 cefs, then but fifteen years of age, an adoptive Daughter 
 of France, and by engaging to pay her portion. 
 
 As the Duke’s marriage with a Catholick Princefs could 
 not but be very difagreeable to the Englijh, the Court eafily 
 forefaw, that the Parliament, which was to meet the 20th 
 of October, would endeavour to oppofe it. There were 
 feveral Bills ready, which could be finilhed in few days j 
 and as the Parliament was only adjourned, the Court feared 
 they would begin with compleating thefe Bills, two of 
 which tire Court was defirous to put a ftop to, namely. 
 
 employment. 
 
 1673. Before the Bill in favour of the Proteftant-Diflenters and 
 jcii paffed. fome others were ready, the King came to the Parliament 
 Statute-B. t h e Q f March, and paffed feveral Adis, amongft 
 
 which were the money-bill, the Teft-Adl, and an Adi for 
 a general and free pardon, but with many exceptions (3). 
 The p.nlia- Then he adjourned the Parliament to the 20th of October. 
 jln'Ld!' ^ Bie King in his declaration for liberty of Confcience 
 Echard. had intended the eafe of theProteftant-non-conformifts, as 
 he would have had it believed, he might have deferred the 
 adjournment of the Parliament a few days, till the Bill 
 palled in their favour was ready, or at leaft might have 
 Ti'e : BUI rn preffed the two Houfes to finilh it. But as the Papifts 
 fpr"'bf r ‘ he were exc * u ^ ec * f rom £ h e benefit of this Adi, he Ihowed no 
 ^isplfifon'd. f art her concern for the intereft of the Presbyterians, but 
 adjourned the Parliament before the Lords had given their 
 confent to the Bill. 
 
 The Teft-Adl having received the Royal-affent, moft 
 
 (1) February z6. 1671. the King had Willed out a Proclamation in Inland, whereby he granted a general Licence to all Papifts to live in Corporations, 
 exercife Trades there, and enjoy the fame privileges as other fubje&s ought to do; which was a greater privilege than his Proteftant Subjects had, for 
 by their Charter, all who were not freeof the Corporations could not have the benefit of their privileges.. R. Me, p. 1 66. 
 
 \ 2 ) The fum granted was twelve hundred thirty eight thoufand, feven hundred and fifty pounds. Statutes zp Car. II. c. 1. 
 
 (5J There was alfo an Aft palled, to enable the County Palatine of Durham, to lend Knights and Burgefles to ferve in Parliament. Statut if Car. U. 
 
 (4. ‘Burnet lays, when the Duke carried all his cominillions to the King, he wept as he ctelfyered them up, but the ICin’ lhewed no concern at all 
 P- if 2 - 
 
 if/ In order to ftop the Canary, Battrdeaux, and Hewcaflo Fleers from coming in. Kennel, p. 323. 
 
 (d) The White Squadron was commanded by Count d'Etree's, and the Blue by S.r Edward Sprang. Burchett, p. 403. 
 
 (7) Bafnage fays, it confifted of fifty men of war, twelve frigats, fourteen yatchs, and twenty-hve fire-lhips. Tom. II. p. 41a. 
 
 W Me was forced to remove out of his Ship into the St. George, but this foon after lofing her main-maft, he was obliged to leave her ; and as ha 
 was going on board the Royal Charles, his Barge was funk with a Cannon-lhot. In this laft engagement. Sir William Reeves and Cap lain H:ym.:n were 
 alfo loft; and l.kewife Captain le Neve, and Captain Merry weather, both loot officers. Burchett, p.404, Echard. 
 
 ) This year Sir Tobias Bridges took the llland of Tabago in the Weft Indies Irom the Dutch ; who, by way of repr’.lals, tO’k the Ifland 0/ St, He- 
 s loon after recovered by Captain Richard Mstnden. ‘Burchett, p. 4O4. 
 
 the 
 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 The H 1 ST 0 RY of 
 
 i6 73 - 
 
 The Com- 
 ,ht 
 
 The Penii.i- 
 ment pro- 
 rr-ned. 
 
 T. ■ 
 
 / - 
 
 Echard. 
 
 the Bill againft Inter-marriages between Proteftants and 
 Papifts, and that for the eafe of the Proteftant D'flenters. 
 Wherefore the King eafily refolved to prorogue the Parlia¬ 
 ment. The firft tiling the Commons did, after their meet- 
 in-, was, to prefent an Addrefs to the King, to del.re that 
 the Duke’s marriage with the Princefs of Mudtna might 
 not be confummiteil, and that he might not be married 
 to any but a Proteftant. Upon the, the King prorogued 
 the Parliament to the 27th of the lame month, to deleat 
 the two Bills above-mentioned, and fome others not more 
 agreeable to him. .. 
 
 " The 27th of Or/Tv-the-King coming to the 1 arliament 
 ' with the ufual formalities, made a Speech to both Houfes, 
 
 in which he told them,-“ That having conferred to 
 
 • “ a negotiation at Cologne, he hoped to have welcomed 
 “ them with an honourable peace; but the Dutch had 
 “ difappointed him in that expectation, and treated his 
 “ Ambafladors at Cologne with the contempt of conquerors, 
 “ and not as might have been expected from men in their 
 “ condition. That this obliged him to move them again 
 « for a ply, t fafety an hon >ur of 'he nati n ne- 
 cefl’arily requiring it ; that it mult be proportionable to 
 “ the occalion, and if he had it not fpeedily, the mrfchief 
 “ would be irreparable in his preparations lor the next 
 
 « fpring.”-He told them, “ 'l'hat he was Ready in 
 
 “ maintaining all the profeffions anJ promifes made to 
 “ them concerning Religion and Property, and fhould be 
 “ very ready to give them frefh inftances of his zeal for 
 “ preferring the "eltabliflied Religion and Laws, as often 
 “ as any occalion fhall requiie. In the laR place, he 
 commended to their confideration and care, the debt 
 “ he owed the Gllfimths , in which very many other of 
 
 “ his good Subjects were involved.”- 
 
 This debt to the Goldfrniths was contra&ed by the King 
 when he {hut tip the Exchequer, and amounted to more 
 than two millions Sterling. Thus the King, after a leizure 
 of other men’s property, by a pure a£l ot authority, pre^ 
 tended, it belonged to the Parliament to make reparation, 
 on account of the application ol this money to a war, oi 
 which he had not vouchfafed to communicate the deiign 
 to them. This was the hardeR cafe that had for a long 
 time happ ned in l and. For, on one hand, it 
 melancholy thing to fee lb many families ruined, in fup- 
 port of an expcnce which ought to have been common to 
 the whole nation. But on the other hand, to pay this 
 debt, was to eRablifh a precedent of a terrible confequence, 
 and authorize the King and his fuccellors to employ the 
 fame, or the like methods, for raifing of money, without 
 con lent of Parliament. As for the twelve hundred and forty 
 thoufand pounds granted the King for his extraoidinary 
 occafions in the laR feftion, he believed, that fum ought 
 not to be employed in dilcharging this debt, nor even in 
 maintaining the Dutch war, fince a new fupply was de¬ 
 manded for that purpofe. 
 
 After the King had ended his Speech, the Chancellor 
 enlarged with great eloquence upon all the points touched 
 by the- King. But his fpeech made little imprefiion upon 
 the Commons. They were no fooner returned to their 
 Houle, but inRead of voting the King thanks for his 
 Speech, they adjourned themfelves to the 30th of the 
 month. The fame day the King fent them his anfwer 
 to their addre-fs concerning the Duke of York's marriage, 
 
 the fubltance of which was,-“ That he perceived the 
 
 “ Houfc of Commons bad wanted a full information of 
 
 englan d. 
 
 “ Act for railing the fum cf twelve h ndred, thirty-eight it- 
 u thou fund, feven hundred , and fifty 1 outlets, be expired; 
 
 “ except it fhall appear, that the obftinaev of the Dutch 
 “ {half render it neceffarv; nor before this Kingdom be 
 “ effectually fecured from Popery, and popilh counlellorr, 
 
 “ and the otiier prefent Grievances be redreffed.” 
 
 The King, as mav well be imagined, was extremely 
 offended with this refoluticn, and the more as it was Kd- . ' 
 lowed by an Addrefs for a general Fall, to be obierved 
 throughout the whole Kingdom, which intimated to the 
 people, that the Kingdom was in great danger. I wo 
 days after, the Houfc in a body waited on the king w,;h 
 a fecond addrefs againft tire Duke ol York'* marriage, m 
 which, after many compliments, they reprefented to him, 
 
 -“ x. That if this match do proceed, it will be a - • ■ 
 
 “ means todifquiet the minds of his Proteftant Sub;. 
 
 « home; and to fill them with endlcfs jealouftcs and dif- , ; . 
 “ contents; and will bring his Majefty into fuch alliances 
 “ abioad, as will prove highly prejudicial, if not dertruc- 
 “ tive to the intereRs of the very Proteftant Religion it- 
 “ fclf. 2. They find by fad experience, that fuch mar- 
 “ riages had increafed and encouraged Popery in the King- 
 “ dom, and had given opportunity to Priefts and Jefuits, 
 
 “ to propagate their opinions, and feduce great numbers 
 “ of his Majefty’s Subjects. 3. They do already obferve, 
 
 “ how much the party is animated with the hopes of this 
 “ match, which was lately difeouraged by his Majefty’s 
 “ gracious conceflions in the laR meeting of the Parlia- 
 “ ment. 4. They greatly fear this may be an occafion 
 “ to leffen the affections of the people to his Royal High- 
 “ nefi, who is fo nearly related to the Crown, and whofe 
 “ honour and efteem they defire may always be entirely 
 “ prefetved. 5. 'l'hat for another age more at lead, this 
 “ Kingdom will be under the continual apprehenfions ot 
 “ the growth of Popery, and the danger ot the Proteftant 
 “ Religion. Laftly, they conlidered, that this Princefs 
 “ having fo near a relation and kindred to many eminent 
 “ perfons cf the Court of fame, may give them grea: op- 
 “ portunities to promote their defigns, and carry on their 
 “ pradices here, and by the fame means penetrate into his 
 “ Majefty’s moll fecret Counfels, and more ealily dji'eover 
 “ the Rate of the whole Kingdom. And finding by the 
 “ opinions of veiy learned men, that it is generally ad- 
 “ niitted, That fuch Treaties and Contrails by proxies are 
 “ dijfolvable, • of which there are feveral inftances to be 
 “ produced, they do in all humility befeech his Miicity, 
 
 “ to put a tlopto the ennfummation of this intended mar- 
 “ riage. And this they do the mote importunately delire, 
 
 “ becaufe they hate not, as yet, the happinefs to fee any 
 “ iHue of his Majefty, that might fucceed in the govern- 
 
 “ ment of his Kingdom.”-To this addrefs the King 
 
 briefly replied. That it was a matter he would take into bis 
 prefent confideration, and would fpeedily return an anfwer. 
 
 Alter which the Commons proceeded farther, and voted r. -.- 
 the Standing army a grievance, and accordingly, prepared " 
 an addrefs to be prefeuted to Ins Majefty, (hewing, That 
 the Standing-army was a grievance, and a burthen to the W. P- 
 nation. 
 
 But the 4th of November, the day on which the Com¬ 
 mons were to prefent their Addrefs, the King came unex- 
 pc£ledly to the Houfe of Peers, and fent for the Com¬ 
 mons. It happened that the Speaker and the Ufher of the 
 Black-Rod met both at the door of the Houfe oi Com¬ 
 mons, but, as the Speaker was within the Houfe, the 
 
 “ this matter, the marriage not being barely intended, but door was immediately fhut againft the Ufher, who came 
 
 compleated’ according to the forms ufed amongft Prin- with the King’s Meffagc. 'The Speaker was forced into 
 
 “ ces, and bv his royal ccnfent and authority : Nor could the Chair, and while the Ulher continued knocking 
 
 hc'in the leaft fuppofo it difagreeable to the Houle of at the door, the Houfe voted, 1. That the Alliance with Oih,r r 
 
 ■ . High* fs having been, in the view France 2 Gri .rue. 2. That thi vil( infellot al 
 
 “ of the world, for feveral months, engaged in a treaty the King were a Grievance. And 3. That the Duke of Lau- 
 
 “ of marriage with another Cathniick Princefs, and yet a derdale was a Grievance, and not fit to be trujled or employed 
 
 “ Patliament held during the lime, and not the leaft in any office or place of trujl. Upon which theie was a gene- 
 
 “ exception taken at it." The Houfe was by no means ral cry, to the quejlion, to the quejlion ! But, the Black-Rod 
 
 pealed with this anfwer; and theiei’ore refolvecbto prefent knocking earnellly at the door, the Speaker leaped out ot 
 fecond addrels, with tlieir reafons againft this marriage, the Chair, and the Houfe rofe in great confufion. When 
 j The fame day, it was voted, that a Bill fhould be prepared the Commons came to the Houfe of Lords, the King made 
 ' for a general I 'ell between Proteftants and Papifts, that a Ihort Speech to both Houfes, in which he reprefented 
 is to lav, an oath which Ihould ferve to diftinguifb Prote- the great advantages which the enemy would reap from 
 Rants nom Papifts, with this claufe, That they who refufed the lead appearance of a difference between him and his 
 
 to take it then l.i be incapable of bearing any office civil or mi- Parliament.-He told them, he would not be wanting to 
 
 //.mm', or to f;l in Parliament, or to come within five miles let all his Subjects fee, That no care fhould be greater than 
 
 of t he C 
 
 The ; ill of October the Common . took the King’sSpeech 
 into confideration, and after a lerious debate in a grand 
 'committee, came to the following refolutton, “ That the 
 “ Houfe conlidering the prefent condition of the nation, 
 “ will not take into any further debate, the confideration 
 “ of anv Aid, or Supply, or Charge upon the Suhiedt, be- 
 “ fore the time of payment of the eighteen months affeir- 
 
 his own in the effectual fuppr effing of Popery. He then pro- rin P 
 rogued the Parliament to the 7th day of January follow - '■ , 
 
 ing, and thus put an end to the twelfth fefiion ol this long r "- L '“' 
 Pa liament, which had continued but nine days. 
 
 Immediately after the prorogation of the Parliament, <- r h 
 the King took tiie Great-Seal from the Earl of Shaft!- Kin- 
 bury, and gave it to Sir Heneage Finch (1), with the ink-' 
 of Lord-Keeper. Soon after, the King ordered that no vo ■ 
 
 ment granted by a late Act of Pailiumcnt, intitled, An perfon who was a -Rwntfn-Catholick, or reputed to be lo, E -hi 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 Speech of the 
 
 The King 
 great diffi- 
 
 1673. (hould prefume to come near his perfon or Court. He 
 Fn like wife publiflied a Proclamation for the rigorous execu- 
 Papijii. l ‘° n l aws again ft Papifts. This was the eighth 
 
 January 14. of tlie kind fince his refturaiion, and executed as the other 
 (even. 
 
 Confnmm.t- But this Proclamation was not capable to remove the 
 Di'i J/Jar- ^ ears °ccafioned by the Duke of York's marriage with the 
 r/., ,. Princefs o f Modena, which was confummated the 21ft of 
 November , on the day of her arrival in England with the 
 Duchefs her mother ( r). 
 
 1673-4. The Parliament meeting the 7th of January, the King 
 
 T-e Kings reprefented to both Houles.-That no propofal of 
 
 peace from the Dutch had been yet offered with an in¬ 
 tent to conclude, but only to amufe: That therefore, 
 the way to a good peace, was to fet out a good fleet, 
 which there was time enough to do effectually, if the 
 fupply was not delayed.-That a fpeedy, a pro¬ 
 
 portionable, and above all, a chearful aid, was now more 
 neceflary than ever: He once more put them in mind 
 of his debt to the Goldfmitbs: And then told them, that 
 his alliance with France had been very ltrangely mif- 
 reprefented to them, as if there were certain fecret arti¬ 
 cles oi dangerous confequence ; but he would make no 
 difficulty of letting the tieaties, and all the articles of 
 them, without any the leaftreferve, be feen by a fmall 
 committee of both Houfes, who might report the true 
 fcope of them.” 
 
 ■ - Then the Lord Keeper enlarged upon all thefe points 
 
 GreatSeal/ e *ceffive flattery to the King, for his extraordinaiy 
 care to maintain the Laws and Religion, and that this 
 might not be doubted, he alledged for proof, the afl'urances 
 given by the King. Above all, he magnified the King’s 
 offer, of letting them fee the treaties with France , as a 
 condefcenfion which could not befufficiently acknowledged, 
 but by an extraordinary fupply. In a word, the King’s 
 and the Keeper’s Speeches were founded upon this principle, 
 that the war with the States was juft and neceflary, and 
 confequently to be vigoroufly maintained, in order to an 
 honorable peace. 
 
 It does not appear, that the two Houfes much regarded 
 the King’s offer of laying before them his treaties with 
 France , fince it was in his power to fhew them what he 
 pleafed, and fupp.efs the reft. 'I’he King perceived there¬ 
 fore, into what difficulties the Cabal had thrown him by 
 their violent counfels. He had loft the confidence of his 
 people, and neither his words nor his promifes weie any 
 longer relied on. It was in vain for him to proteft his zeal 
 for the Proteftant Religion, and the Liberties of his Sub¬ 
 jects: thefe proteftations could not obliteiate his pait pro¬ 
 ceedings, which gave but too juft caufe to fuipeCt his lince- 
 rity. Wherefore, the Parliament, without regarding his 
 words, conlidered his actions, and labouiej to take effec¬ 
 tual meafures, to prevent the execution of the Cour t’s de- 
 ^nt'enrf'ed^^ W ^ 1C ^ were hut too manifeft. There were many 
 igaLjn'hf things concerning which they openly exprelfed their fear 
 ■onre. and difeontent. i. The growth of Popery publickly en- 
 The Caufes. couraged by the Court. 2. The exorbitant power of 
 France, which in the end could not but prove prejudicial 
 to England. 3. The Dutch war, undertaken direCti y con- 
 trary to the intereft of England, and for which however 
 the King was inceffantly demanding fupplies, on a fuppo- 
 fition of its being juft and neceflary, though he had al¬ 
 ledged no lawful caufe for it. 4. The management of af¬ 
 fairs in Ireland, where the ACt of Eftablilhmcnt was open¬ 
 ly trampled upon, and Papifts continually advanced or in- 
 couraged. 5. The King’s proceedings in England, which 
 were clear evidences of his principles and deiigns ; namely, 
 his raifing a land-army without any neceffity ; his granting 
 Liberty of Confcience by his foie authority ; his fhutting 
 up the Exchequer; his difpenfmg with Afts of Parlia¬ 
 ment ; his making a ftridt alliance with France, when he 
 fhould rather have ufed his endeavours to oppofe the in- 
 creafe of her greatnefs. 6. The open profeffion of the po- 
 pifh Religion by the Duke of York, and his marriage with 
 a popifh Princefs, authorized by the King notwithftanding 
 the remonftrances of the Parliament. 7. The three Mi- 
 nifters, ftill employed by the King, namely, Arlington , 
 Buckingham, and Lauderdale, all three of the molt arbi¬ 
 trary principles, plainly (hewed, it was not for the good of 
 the Kingdom, that the King ufed their counfels. Thefe 
 were too real caufes of complaint, to be filenced by the 
 King’s general proteftations, on every occafion, to main¬ 
 tain the Laws and Religion. Something more fubftantial 
 than words was neceflary to difpel the fufpicions and fears 
 ot the People and Parliament. Wherefore the Parliament 
 }, g n. refolved to reftore the Government to its natural ftate. 
 Reflection This very Parliament which had confidered as execrable 
 
 (1) They were married a: Dover by Nathanael Cuvo, Bilhop of Oxford.- 
 Charles I. Ecltard. 
 
 rebels, the oppofers of GharlesVs ufurpations, was obliged 1673-4, 
 to purfue the fame meafures againft. the incroachments of 
 Lharleg 1 1, as were begun with by the Parliament of 1 640. 
 
 If this produced not a civil war, it is to be a (cribed to the 
 weaknefs, tears, or, perhaps, to the abilities of the King 
 who, lefs obftmate, and more difeerning than his father, 
 did not think proper to abandon himfelf entirely to the 
 counfels of his Minifters, and particularly of the Duke his 
 brother, for, certainly, as the Parliament flood afteded, 
 an extreme confuhon, if not a fecond, and more bloody 
 civil war, muft have been the confequence of the Kino’s 
 attachment to his principles and defigns. Nothing is more 
 proper to confirm this conjecture, than the revolution in 
 the reign of James II. That Prince, naturally more furi¬ 
 ous and obftmate than his brother, refolving to run all ha¬ 
 zards, found the Engli/h, in their turns, asVcfolute to ven¬ 
 ture all in the defence of their Laws, Religion, and Liberty. 
 
 In order to proceed according to this Plan, the Houfe of T 
 Lords prefented an Addrefs to the King, praying him toj Lor ‘ ! ’ff 
 iliue out h's royal Proclamation, requiring all Papifts [and 'iZ”flT 
 reputed Papifts] to remove out of London and IVeflminJler tenner, 
 during the Seifion of the Parliament. Accordingly h’ s ap ro .-Uu. 
 Majelty without delay publifhed a Proclamation, dated the ■ " ,m 
 
 14th of Jamary, declaring, “ That as he had always ibid, 
 mamfeited his zeal for the prefervation of the true Reli- Echar L 
 g.on eftabliffied in this Kingdom, and to hinder the IU * P * 34y ' 
 „ S rowt h and increafe of Popery, fo he was now ready, 
 ct "P 0 ! 1 “b occafion, to prevent all fears and dangers that 
 4e mi g htari <e by the concourfeof perfons of that profeffion, 
 in or near the Cities of London and IVeJlminfter, See ” 
 
 1 his pretended zeal had (hewed itfelf but in eight Procla¬ 
 mations, already publifhed by him at feveral times againft 
 the Papifts, the negligent execution of which is very vilible 
 from the number. When the King’s affectation of boafting; 
 continually his zeal for the Proteftant Religion, and againft 
 Popery is confidered, and when on the other hand it 7 s re¬ 
 in embied, that he had abjured the Proteftant Religion, 
 and had a Chapel (ecretly in his Palace, where he daily 
 heard Mats, and fometirnes even communicated the fame 
 0 / his Proteftant and Popifh Chapels, one knows not 
 v ‘ ; :o think of fuch monftrous diffimulation. 
 
 1 he next day, both Houfes joined in an addrefs to Addrefs of 
 wie Ring for a General Fall, to implore God’s Bleffin^ 
 againft the efforts of Popery, €*. Nothing was more of-& **' 
 renfive to the King than fuch addreffes, which plainly im¬ 
 plied, that Religion was in danger, and through his fault; 
 but he durlt not refute them, and therefore the 4th of Fe¬ 
 bruary ^ was appointed for a day of humiliation. 
 
 At laft, the Commons taking the King’s Jaft Speech Amrtijyt w 
 into confideration, voted, “ That the Houfe will m he Vatc ta the 
 firft place proceed to have their Grievances eftl-auai.'/ ft ,. 6 
 redreffed, the Proteftant Religion, their liberties and 4 ' 
 t P ro P ert,es effe&ually fecured, and to fupprefs Popery, 
 and remove all perfons and counfellors popiflily affeCted, 
 or oiherways obnoxious or dangerous to the Govern- 
 men ^* Then they prefented an addrefs to the King An A4tir.fi, 
 ~~---That the Militia of the City of London, and County 
 of Middlefex, might be in readmefs at an hour’s warn- 
 m g» anc ^ c ^ ie Militia of ail other Counties of England 
 at a Day’s warning, for fuppreffing of all tumultuous 
 Infurreaions which might be occafioned by Papifts or 
 any other male-con ten ted perfons.” The King an- His Anfmr. 
 lwered to this Addrefs, That he would take a fpecial care , 
 as well for the prefervation of their perfons , as of their li¬ 
 berties and properties. 
 
 This Addrefs was only to infinuate to the people, that 
 the Kingdom was in danger, and to juftify beforehand 
 the meafures intended to be taken by the Houfe, againft 
 thofe who were confidered as the principal authors of this 
 danger, I mean, the Members of the Cabal. By the death 
 ot Lord Clifford, and the change in the Earl of Shafts- 
 bury, this Council was reduced to three, namely, the 
 Dukes of Buckingham and Lauderdale, and the Earl of Ar¬ 
 lington. The Houfe began with the Duke of Lauderdale, Vote againft 
 and unanimoufly voted, “ That an Addrefs (hould be pre- the ^“ ke "I. 
 
 “ fented to his Majefty, to remove the Duke of Lauder- ^^ erdale ' 
 
 “ dale from all his employments, and from his prefence Burner. 
 
 “ and Councils for ever, being a perfon obnoxious and dan- 
 “ gerous to the Government .” 
 
 The Duke of Buckingham, while the Commons were 
 debating upon the heads of his accufation, requefted to be 
 heard before their Houfe, which was granted. But as his January 13; 
 Speech, in vindication of himfelf, was full of ambiguities, Burnec - 
 the Houfe referred his examination to the next day, and 
 drew up fome queries, to which he was required to give di- 
 ftinCt anfwers. As thefe queftions follow from what had 
 palled, and tend to illuftrate the Hiftory, I think myfelf 
 
 —This year died Oliver Sc- John, fa often mentioned in the Reign of King 
 
 No. 77. Vol. II. 
 
 H 
 
 obliged 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 tf 7 4 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 K : 3-4. obliged to infert them, without adding his anfwcrs, the 
 greateft part of which left things as obfcure as they were 
 before (1). 
 
 £«•/?;•»:! 1. Whether any perfons declared to his Grace any ill 
 
 l .' ; advice or purpofes againft the liberties and privileges of the 
 Houfe of Commons, or to alter the Governmentj who 
 barn. they were, and what they advifed ? 
 
 ur" p' ! ''- 7 2 - borne words fell from your Grace yefterday, where¬ 
 
 in you were pleafed to fay, you had got nothing, but 
 others had gotten three, four, or live hundred thoufand 
 pounds; who were they that had gotten thefe fums, and 
 by what means ? 
 
 His anfwer to this was,-That he was not at all 
 
 acquainted by what means they got fo much : That the 
 
 Duke of Ormond had got five hundred thoufand pounds, 
 which was upon record ; that Lord Arlington had not got 
 fo much, but had got a great deal. 
 
 3, By whofe advice was the army raifed, and Monfieur 
 Schomberg made General (2). 
 
 4. By whofe advice was this army brought up to awe 
 the debates and refolutions of the Houfe of Commons ? 
 
 c t Who made the Triple-alliance ? 
 
 (\ Who made the firft treaty with France , by which 
 the Triple-alliance was broken? 
 
 lie anfwered, I made it. 
 
 7. By whofe advice was the Exchequer fhut up, and 
 the order of payment there broken? 
 
 8. Who advifed the Declaration in matters of Reli- 
 
 T'-c Earl ef 
 .Arlington 
 imp embed. 
 
 Id. p. 34$. 
 
 A 71,7/ fer 
 «• Ttjl. 
 
 Id. p. 3jo, 
 
 The Ttjl. 
 
 gion ? 
 
 9. Who advifed the attacking the Smyrna fleet before 
 the war was proclaimed (3) ? 
 
 i o. By whofe advice was the fecond treaty at Utrecht ? 
 
 11, Bv what counfel was the war begun without the 
 Parliament, and thereupon the Parliament prorogued. 
 
 12. By whofe advice was the Parliament prorogued the 
 4th of November 1 aft ? 
 
 I did not think fit to add all the Duke’s anfwers, be- 
 caufe it is not juft to prejudice the Reader againft thofe 
 whom the Duke of Buckingham accufed to clear himfelf. 
 But the queftions are very proper to fhow, what it was 
 that the Commons blamed in the conduct of the King and 
 Cabal. They were fo little fatisfied with the Duke’s an¬ 
 fwers, that they palled the fame vote againlt him as againft 
 Lauderdale. 
 
 The Commons, it feems, principally intended to ruin 
 the Earl of Arlington, fince, notwithllanding his defence 
 before the Houfe, they drew up an impeachment againft 
 him, conftfting of fevcral Articles. But as this impeach¬ 
 ment was not purfued, I don’t think it juft to infert the 
 articles, fince I cannot alfo infert what the Earl could urge 
 in his defence. I fhall therefore only fay, that this impeach¬ 
 ment chiefly concerned the open protection, granted by the 
 Earl of Arlington as Secretary, to the Catholicks; and fome 
 aCtions tending to promote arbitiary power, or his own 
 private intereft (4). 
 
 After this, the Commons proceeded to prepare a bill 
 for a general Teft, by which every perfon refufing to take 
 ’ it, fhould be made incapable to enjoy any office civil or 
 military, to fit in either Houfe of Parliament, or to come 
 within five miles of the Court. The Teft was in thefe 
 words: 
 
 I do folemnly , from my heart, and in the prefence of Al¬ 
 mighty God profefs, tejliff and declare. That 1 do not believe 
 in my confcience that the Church of Rome is the only Ca- 
 tholick and univerfal Church of Chrijl , out of which there 
 is no falvation ; or that the Pope hath any jurifdifiion or 
 Juprcmacy over the Catholick Church in general, or over my 
 felf in particular; or that it belongs to the faid Church of 
 Rome alone to judge of the true fenfe and interpretation of 
 the Holy Scriptures; or that in the Holy Sacrament of the 
 Eucharift, there is made a perfect change of the whole fub- 
 Jlance of the bread into Chrijl’s body , or of the whole fub- 
 Jlance of the wine into Chrijl’s blood, which change the faid 
 Church of Rome calleth Tianfubftantiation ; or that the 
 Virgin Mary, or any other Saint ought to be worfsipped or 
 prayed unto : And all thefe ajorefaid dottrines and peftions , 
 / do renounce and difclaim, as falfe and erroneous , and 
 
 contrary to God’s word, and the Chrijlian Religion. It was * ^73-4- 1 
 
 not without realon that this Oath was called the Teft or 
 Trial, fince it was as a touch-ftone to diftinguifh the Pa- 
 pifts from the Proteftants, there being no Catholick who 
 could in confcience take this Oath. The King had already 
 given his confent to an Adt which impofed much the fame 
 oath. But that was only for thofe who were in office or 
 employment, whereas this was univerfal, and might be 
 required of all fufpected perfons. But, before the Bill was 
 ready, the King prorogued the Parliament, and fo de¬ 
 feated both this, and feverul other Bills tending to the fame 
 end. 
 
 Since the States-General had perceived that the Parlia- T 
 
 ment approved rot of the war the King was making upon :ke • 
 
 them, they had never ceafed to follicite the King to a fe- > r 
 parate peace (5), and had offered him whatever he could '2 
 
 reafonably expect, in fuppoflng he defigned the advantage 1.1 iT., ri - 3 . I.J 
 of his Kingdom. But as that was not the cafe, it is :i: '• 
 plain, their offers could not fatisfy him. To content 
 him, the Commonwealth of the Seven Provinces fhould 
 have been entirely deftreyed, and the King of France put 
 in polfeflion. But as he durft not openly avow this de- I 
 
 mand, he pretended to find in the often of the States, only Ju j 
 
 ambiguous or infolent propofitions, and from thence too!c I 
 
 occafion to rejetft them. Buc affairs afterward; took a turn 
 which obliged him to coine into other meafure*. 'I he 
 victories he hoped for at fea with the affiftrr.-C of Franc.-, 
 came to nothing. If his fleet was not beaten in the four 
 late engagements, at leaft, it had gained no advantage over 
 that of the States. He had expected to five a mortal 
 wound to the States by a defeent into Hi'.nr ' nl ior 
 that purpofe had lent for Schomberg to head his .o.rc.-s. 
 
 But that General had been unfucceisful in hf expe 1 n, 
 and obliged to return without any thing done. The „ 
 of France, as I faid, had been forced to abandon ins co.: 
 quefts in Holland, to defend himlclf againft the new ene¬ 
 mies raifed him by the Spates. In fhort, the Parliament 
 difeovering the feciet intent of this war, not only refilled 
 any farther fupplies, but wre pieparing to bring the ad- 
 vifers to juftice. On the other hand, the King had ma¬ 
 naged the money granted by Parliament, and that of the 
 Exchequer, with fo little oeconomy, that he had not a 
 fhilling left. His profufion had been fo exceflive, that it 
 appeared^ from orders countersigned by the Earl of Arling¬ 
 ton Secretary of State, that he had given away above three 
 millions Sterling, to feveral private perfons. In a word, 
 he did not know which way to turn himfelf for the con¬ 
 tinuance of the war, as he favv his Parliament little in¬ 
 clined to furnifh the means. All thefe reafons were very 
 capable to induce him to liften to the offers made him by 
 the States. He therefore began by degrees, to difeover, 
 that he fhould not be averfe to a reafonable peace, pro¬ 
 vided the States would have fuch regard to his honour 
 as he had room to ex peel. When there was no other The States a 
 difficulty, the States writ him a very fubmiffive Letter, ,fl 
 
 and at the fame time fent full powers to the Marquifs AmbajTador 
 del Frefio , the Spar.ijh Ambadador at London, to conclude i; 
 
 a peace in their name, on the conditions already offered, p , JCe in 
 but rejedled by the King, on pretence they were only de- thrr name. .11 
 figned to amufe him. Thefe propofals were fo reafonable, 
 and offered in fo folemn a manner, that they could not F.chanl. 
 be rejedted without alarming the whole Kingdom, and Kenne! * |i 
 confirming the fufpicions, which were but too general, 
 that this war was not defigned for the advantage of the 
 People. Befides, the King’s affairs required a fpeedy 
 peace (6). 
 
 Prefently after the receipt of the States letter, the King T J Lyy ^ J 
 came to the Parliament the 24th of January, and com- J \ 
 
 municated to both Houfes the offers from the Dutch, de- liament. j 
 firing their advice on this affair. They anfwered, that it fj c 1 h “ d ' 5J . <i4 |j 
 was their opinion, his Majefty fhould proceed in a treaty 3 
 with the States, in order to a fpeedy peace. From that 
 time, all difficulties relating to the peace were removed, in 
 the conferences between the Marquifs del Frefno, and the 
 King’s commiffioners(7), and the treaty was concluded in 
 a fortnight(S). 
 
 In this fhort inteival, the Commons proceeded to take The Comment. 1 
 
 on vi:th j 
 
 (1) The firft day of his being before the Houfe, he fell into fuch diforder, that he pretended he was taken ill, and defired to be admitted again. ;, (fu ,. T J. 
 
 Next day he was more compofed. He jitftified his own defigns, laying all the ill-counfels upon Others, chiefly the Lord Arlington, intimating plainly, : J,. 
 
 that the root oi all errors was in the King and Duke. He faid, hunting was a good diverfion, but if a man would hunt with a brace of lobflers, he £_i ur d. 
 
 would have but ill fport. Ik- had appi.ed this fiymg to Prince Rupert and Lord Arlington-, but now it was underlbod to go higher. 'Burnet, p. 307. 
 
 (~ I his army was to make a defeent into bid',nut. See a little lower. 
 
 (3) He faid. it was Lord Arlington. See Echjrd, Tom. III. p. 343. 
 
 4) The Earl excufed himfell, out without blaming the King. This had fa good an effe£t, that he was acquitted, tho’ by a fin all majority. Rut 
 
 dw h • to ik co prefcrve himfelf, 1 ft him his high favour with the King. 'Burnet, p. 3 66. 
 
 , (S) The States, (ays Bur i.rc, committed a great error in definng this peace, without deliring at the fame time, that King Ch.ir'ct fhould enter into 
 the alliance tor reducing the Fr.-nch to che termsof the Triple-alliance. But the Prince of Orange thought, that if he could once feparatc the King trotn 
 his alliance with France, the other point would loon be brought abouc, p.366. 
 
 (61 Lew.s XIV. flrenuouily oppofed the condulian of this peace, and offered King Charles five millions and a half, with forty men of war, if he 
 
 would break the negotiations. Bafna^c, Tom. II. p. 496.-After the figning of the peace, King Charles told the French Ambalfador, That h: had 
 
 been doing a thing which went more againft his heart, than the lofing of his right hand. Burnet, p. 567. 
 
 _ (7 They were the Lord Keeper Finch, che Lord-Trealurer Osborn , the Dukes of Mumuuth and Ormond, the Earl of Arlington, and Henry Ce-.cntrj , 
 
 Elq; Secretaries of State. Collect, of Treat. Tom. III. p.176. 
 
 18} It was coeduded in three days. See Temple's Lett. p. 
 
 into 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. C H A 
 
 rr evinces 
 
 rotland,». 
 
 eland. 
 
 chard. 
 
 673-4. into confideration the grievances of the nation. They in¬ 
 fixed chiefly upon keeping an army compofed of regular 
 troops, and after a vote that it was a grievance to the King¬ 
 dom, they refolved to addrefs the King for disbanding all 
 forces raifed fincc the year 1663. The examination ot this 
 affair gradually led them to that of the Horfe and Foot 
 guards, cftablifhed by the King without the concurrence or 
 approbation of the Parliament. It was found, that they 
 Vvere of vaft charge to the King and Kingdom : That 
 they were a (landing army in difguife, which might be 
 eaiily augmented: That guards were only in ufe in arbi¬ 
 trary Governments : that they were altogether ufelefs, as 
 appeared from the King’s daily trufting his perfon to his 
 people without a guard. 
 
 e lyw* 'Phis debate was interrupted by the Kiiig’s coming to 
 the Houfe of Peers, the 11th of February. The Com- 
 mons being fent for, the King communicated to both 
 Pe.i Houfe?, that he had figned the peace with the Dutch. He 
 him/ f °Id them moreover, in anfwer to tlieir addrefs concerning 
 the Forces, that he had given orders for disbanding even 
 more than were delired, and for fending back the Irijh 
 •defines .1 regiments. Fie added, that he muff needs acquaint them, 
 Wv - that there was a great Want of capital (hips, and he fhould 
 be glad to be equal in number with his neighbours : He 
 hoped therefore to have their afllftance on fuch an occaflon, 
 to preferve the honour and fafety of the nation. The 
 Houfes thanked him for the peace he had made, and for 
 his gracious anfwer to their addrefs. 
 
 This however was not Capable to induce the Commons 
 to fufpend their debates upon the grievances. They voted, 
 “ that a committee fhould be appointed to infpedl the laws 
 44 lately made in Scotland, whereby, an army is authorized 
 44 to march into England or Ireland, by the foie direftion 
 “ of the Council of Scotland ; and perufe fuch other laws 
 44 as tend to the breach of the union of the two nations.” 
 They likewife in a grand committee refolved, that a com¬ 
 mittee fhould be appointed to infpedl the date and condi¬ 
 tion of // -land, more efpecially with regard to Religion, 
 the Militia, and the forces of that Kingdom. They 
 
 moreover appointed another committee.-“ Toinfpedt 
 
 4 the law, and to confider how the King might commit 
 4 any Subject by his immediate warrant as the laws, then 
 c flood; and to report their opinions;” and further, 
 They were to confider how the law then flood touch¬ 
 ing the committing of perfons by the Council-table, 
 and to report the fame.” Upon this occaflon they or¬ 
 dered a particular Bill to be brought in, concerning writs of 
 Habeas Corpus , which was read three times, and palled 
 the Houfe. A Bill was likewife ordered to be brought in 
 for a Tell to be taken by the members of both Houfes. 
 
 It was a great mortification to the King to fee the Com¬ 
 mons fo rigoroufly examining his condudt; for all their re- 
 folutions, in this feflion, pointed to the former proceedings 
 of the Court. It may well be thought, that, as the pro¬ 
 ject of the Cabal was to render the King abfolute, and ad¬ 
 vance the interefls of Popery, the King and his Miniflers 
 had not been very fcrupulous to gain firft one point, and 
 then another, in order to eftablifh precedents, and put the 
 King in poffeffion of arbitrary power, in things which 
 were not equally obvious to all. As the Commons pro¬ 
 ceeded, it appeared plainly, they were refolved not to omit 
 any point. The King, therefore, to defeat their deligns, 
 made ufe of his conftant method, and coming to the Par¬ 
 liament the 24th of February , prorogued it to the 10th of 
 November following, before any Bill was ready for the 
 royal alient. Thus ended the 13th feflion of this Parlia¬ 
 ment, after fitting fix weeks and three days. The pro¬ 
 rogation was alterwards continued, and lafted about four¬ 
 teen months. 
 
 The peace was proclaimed the 28th of February in 
 London , with much greater demonftrations of joy and fatif- 
 fadlion from the People, than the war had been two years 
 11. p.277. before. The foie difference between this peace and that 
 of Breda was, that the fhips and veffels belonging to the 
 States, whether fingle or in fleets, fhould flrike the Flag, 
 and lower their Top-fail to thofe of England { 1), whether 
 fingle or in fleets, provided they carried the King’s Flag. 
 Moreover the States were to pay the King eight hundred 
 thoufand patacoons at four payments, namely, two hun¬ 
 dred thoufand on the exchange of the ratifications, and 
 
 'he King 
 unified. 
 
 Echard. 
 
 II. P- 31 
 
 'Tie peace is 
 reclaimed. 
 ~olle£L of 
 rreati 
 
 R L E S II. 673 
 
 the reft at thfee payments, within the fpaceof three years. 1673-4*' 
 Thus the People of England difeharged the expence of this 
 war, and the King alone reaped the benefit (2). 
 
 I he King finding himfelf freed from the cares of war, 1674. 
 and the uneafinefles caufed by the Parliament, abandoned The Kto 
 himfelf entirely to a foft, indolent, and effeminate life, fimfiflo 
 I he Duchefs of Orleans his filler had brought him, at is, 
 their interview at Dover, the daughter of a Gentleman of Burnet 
 Br etagne, called de Qitcroualle , who commanded the King’s 
 affe&ion beyond any of his Miftreffes, and was created 
 Duchefs of Portsmouth. But his particular fondnefs for her 
 did not prevent his having many others, by whom he had 
 fevcral children, educated with no fmall expence. In a Governed by 
 word, not to dwell on what patted at a Court fo corrupted kis 
 as that of Chataes II, I fhall only fay, that the King’s 
 miftreffes had ingrafted the whole credit of the Court, and 
 that he could reiufe them nothing. 
 
 It does not appear, that France complained much of C ’ ,a: ’ c: c /- 
 Gharles for deferting her, in making a feparate peace with ’tT 
 the Dutch. This caufed feveral Politicians to think, that Lewis/ a>J 
 the King of France had given a full content to this peace; ’• 
 
 in order to make Charles Mediator between him and his lS. t S 
 enemies, whofe number was greatly increafed, fince the Echard. 
 lalt year. I his fufpicion is farther confirmed by Charles’ s L 11 ' 
 offer of his mediation to the King of France, foon after his 
 peace with the States, which he readily accepted, without 
 the leafl refentment of what had been lately t ran faded-. 
 
 Wlien the King was allured that his mediation was accept- J u *y- 
 ed by France, he fent Sir William Temple into Holland to 
 offer the fame to the States. As Lheir towns and provinces The States 
 were now recovered, except Maejlricht, and Grave, they accr P ‘ /r > 
 pafllonately wiflied for peace. The only obllacle was, the BaF,a8 “ 
 interefl of their allies, the Emperor, the Empire, and 
 Spain, who having engaged in the war for their fake, could 
 not be abandoned without extreme ingratitude. The only 
 way to pleafe them, was to bring things to a treaty, where 
 they might find their fatisfadlion. So, without being much 
 folheited, they accepted the King of England’s mediation. 
 
 It is tr ue, France, and the allies had already accepted that 
 of the King of Sweden, who had ufed his endeavours to 
 procure a peace by his Ambaftadors at the Congrefs of Co- 
 logne. But fince that congrefs was broken off by the for- Bafhage, 
 cible carrying away of Prince William of Furjlemberg (3), 
 the Swede had rendered himfelf fufpedled to the allies, by 
 difeovering too much partiality to France. So the States 
 wcie not difpleafed to find another mediator to renew the 
 conferences, though they had no great reafon to confide in 
 the King of England. But they were defirous of peace, 
 and fuch was the fituation of the affairs of Europe, that 
 another mediator was not eafy to be found. Wherefore, it 
 was more advantages to accept him, than to have none 
 at all, and lofethe hope of ending the war. However this ^ r ‘ n K 
 be, they fo ftrongly follicited all the Princes their allies, that T! h a! f"!* 
 at lafl they were induced to accept the King of England’s ‘ 
 mediation. But there was a wide difference between 
 agreeing upon a mediator, and concluding a peace. So many 
 various interefls to adjufl, made it eafy to forefee, that 
 peace would be a very difficult work, befides the accidents 
 which the continuation of the war might produce, and 
 which would be too apt to alter the pretenfions of the two 
 parties. F or inllance, whilft a mediation of peace was AuguIT. 
 talked of at the Flague, a battle was fought at Seneff, which Temple, 
 indeed decided nothing, but might have had great confe- Burne *' 
 quences, if victory had entirely declared for one of the ar- 
 mies(4). Moreover, the Prince of Orange took Grave in 
 Odlober. 
 
 I cannot forbear taking notice of a thing which became chattel 
 more publick afterwards, and of which I ihall have occa- ■' 
 fion to fpeak more amply, namely, that, at the very Leed^Lett* 
 time Charles performed the office of a mediator, he re- Echard. 
 ceived from France an annual penfionof one hundred thou IIX - P- 3 ^ 3 ; 
 fand pounds Sterling. By this we may judge of hisimpar- 3 *’ 
 tiality. Moreover it appears in Coleman's letters, the Duke Kennet, 
 of Ta/Ts Secretary (5), fome of which were writ this year, P- 3=-7- 
 that there was a clofe union between the King of France , 
 and the Duke of York, and that the latter entirely relied 
 on the afllftance of France for the execution of the projedl 
 formed in favour of the Englifh Papifls. This manifeflly 
 fhews, that Charles had not defifled from his firft defigns, 
 and only waited a favorable opportunity to execute them. 
 
 f I) From Ope Finifierre, to Point Van Staten in Norway. Collet}, of Treat. Tom. III. p.277. 
 
 (-) This Peace was figned at U'fiminfier. Feb. 9. See Colled, of Treat. Tom. III. p.280.- ‘Burnet fays, Lord Arlington prefled the Spanfi) Minifter. 
 
 to prevail with the States, and the Prince- of Orange, to get a Proportion for a Peace to befeton foot. And that it m ight have fomeihewof a Peace both begged 
 and bought, he propofed, that a liim of money lhould be offered the King by the States, which fhould be made over by him to the Prince, for the payment 
 of the debt he mi ed him. Rosivigny, the French Ambaflador, prelfed the King much to give his Parliament all fatisfaftion in points of Religion. The King 
 ailfwered him, it it was not torhis Brother's folly ,/a fit life de men Frere,) he would get out of all difficulties. In conclufion, the Prince of Orange broughc 
 theStaces to make applications ro the King, in the flyleof thofe who begged peace, though ic was vifible they could have forced it, with the offer of two or 
 three hundred thoufand pounds for the expence of the war, p.366,367. 
 
 : 3 He was a Prince ot theEmpire, and was employed by Lewis XIV. to fowdifeord between the Princes of Germany. He and his Brother were the chief 
 Inilruments in promoting the Dutch war; and were the perfons that perfuaded the Archbilhop of Cologne to let the French forces march through his Diocela, 
 Bafnage, Tom. II. p.484. 
 
 14; The Prince of Orange, though but twenty three years old, highly fignaliied himfelf In this battle. Temple's Mem. p. 387. 
 Ip) He was Secretary to the Duchefs. He was a Clergyman’s Son, but was early catched by thejefuits, and bred among them, 
 great eafinefs in writing in feveral Languages, and writ many long Letters, being the chief coriefpofldsm the Party hl'i in EnzUritt, 
 managing concroYerhes, particularly that of the authority ot the Church. 'Burnet, p. j$g. 
 
 He was a bold man, had 4 
 ti. C UOiSiftood the art of 
 
 WhEE 
 
o 
 
 Vol II. 
 
 The HI STO R Y of ENG LAND. 
 
 The King 
 .Ttp-Us to 
 Ajcivc tht 
 Parliament 
 Erhard. 
 
 P- 3 2 9- 
 
 Temple' 
 
 Mem, 
 
 P- 597* 
 
 when France, difcharged from the burden of this prefent 
 war, fhould be in a condition to grant him the necefTary 
 affiftance. 
 
 During thefe tranfaclions, the Papifts of England were 
 labouring to prevail with the King to diflolve a Parliament 
 which was fo oppofitc to them ; this appears alio in Colt- 
 mans letters. But the King did not think proper to take 
 fuch a ftep fo foon, which might have done him great 
 prejudice, by exafperating the people, and from which he 
 could reap no other advantage, than to procure fome eale 
 for the Papifts. But this was not his principal view. For 
 though he was a difguifed Papift, he had fo little zeal for 
 Religion, that he was by no means inclined to hazard his 
 temporal interefts, in complaifance to the Papifts. He pub- 
 lifhed therefore, on the contrary, a Proclamation, to ftifle 
 the fa!he report that the Parliament would quickly be dil- 
 folved, and to fatisfy the People that the thing had never 
 come under deliberation. 
 
 To finifh the events of this year 1674, I fhall only 
 take notice of fome particulars which may be of ufe lor 
 the fequcl. In September, the Eail of./.".';.'.;, was made 
 Lord-Chamberlain of the King’s Houfhold, and Sir Jofpb 
 iniiiamfon , who had been Plenipotentiary at the Con- 
 grefs of Cologne , was made Secretary in his room. On 
 the other hand, the Duke of Buckingham, who had been 
 the King’s principal favorite, loft his favor and credit to 
 fuch a degree, that the King, without any ceremony, gave 
 him a publick affront, in declaring his office of Chancellor 
 of Cambridge vacant, and in influencing the election in 
 favor of his natural foil the Duke ol Monmouth. 
 
 ; f . The Earl of Clarendon died this year at Roan in the 
 ren'iLr, 67th year of his age, after a feven years exile; during 
 which he digefted tire Memoirs he had collected to com- 
 pofe his Hijloty of the Rebellion and Civil Wars of Eng- 
 ■ f ?■■■■’ land. The famous John Milton, Author of the Poem 
 called Paradfe If, died alfo this year (1). 
 
 6 ~ 4 ‘ 5 - Of the five members of the Cabal, only the Earl of 
 r ' - r -! u "‘ -‘lI bngton, and the Duke of Lauderdale remained about the 
 , • King. The firft finding himfclf in a very difagreeable 
 
 131 fituation, fince the Parliament had fo openly declared 
 
 p ‘ ‘ ''‘again ft him, believed, he had no other way to fupport 
 himfelf, than by taking, or pretending to take meafures 
 oppolrte to thofe of which the Cabal was accufed. Ac¬ 
 cordingly, he was the firft who advifed the King to call 
 in his declaration for Liberty of Confcience, and when 
 he faw the Parliament a&ing with fuch vigor to break the 
 meafures of the Court, he affeCted an extraordinary zeal 
 for the Proteftant Religion. He was conftant at Sermons 
 and Sacraments, and carried his diffimulation fo far, as to 
 perfecute the Papifts, whom he had till now protected. 
 iarJ> Some even fay, he advifed the King to remove the Duke 
 of York from his Court. But if, by thefe proceedings, 
 he gained any favour with the People, he loft more with 
 the King and Duke, who no longer confided in him as 
 . ’ . before. The King had particularly fhevvn, he was dif- 
 
 jftr. plea fed with him, by giving the Trea Hirer’s Stall' to Sir 
 »r'. Thomas Osborne , afterwards Earl of Danby , which had 
 ever been Arlington s ambition. This rendered the two 
 Earls mortal Enemies to each other, and caufcd them to 
 labour one another’s deftrudtion. The Earl of Arlington, 
 feeing that his enemy daily gained ground upon him, ima¬ 
 gined he might recover his former credit and favour by per¬ 
 forming a iignal fervice for ihe King; w'hich was, to en¬ 
 gage the Prince of Orange to enter into the meafures of 
 the Englijl) Court, fur procuring fuch a peace as was de- 
 hred by the Courts of France and England. As his Coun- 
 tefs was Mr. O deck's filler, who was much in the Prince’s 
 confidence, he imagined, that with the affiftance of Odyck , 
 and his other relations and friends, it would be eafy to 
 fuceecd in the fcheme he had projected. Wherefore, he 
 obtained the King’s leave to go to the Hague to execute 
 his defign. But as he was ignorant of the temper, hu¬ 
 mour and character of the Prince of Orange, he took the 
 very courfe to gain him which lie fhould have avoided. 
 He endeavoured to vindicate ail the Proceedings of the 
 Cabal and Englijh Court, by reafons fo weak and oppofite 
 to the truth, that he feemed in his difeourfe to thePrince, 
 to think he had to deal with a child, ignorant of the molt 
 common affairs, which could not but offend him. But what 
 offended him, was, that he attempted to draw him into 
 a difeovery of the Englijh Lords, with whom he had held 
 a fecret correfpondence during the laft war. In a word, 
 this journey proved fo unfuccefsful, that he loft not only 
 the Prince of Orange's efteem, but all his credit with the 
 King. Befides, he farther incurred the Duke of York’s 
 hatred, by propofing to the Prince, without any order, as 
 it is faid, a marriage with the Princefs Mary, the Duke’s 
 eldeft daughter, which was afterwards accomplilhed. It 
 feems, the Duke forefaw how fatal that marriage would 
 be to him. After the Earl’s return to Court, his credit 
 
 (1) He was Latin Se.recary to the Long Partite, 
 
 Arlineroi 
 
 r« 
 
 the Hague. 
 Temple. 
 
 lifts all hi 1 
 Id. p. 372. 
 
 declined fo vifibly, and the King lliewed it fo openlv, that 1674-5, ; 
 the Courtiers made no fcruple to minvek him in his pre¬ 
 fence, for the King’s diverfion. Thus had the Earl uf 
 Clarendon been ufed. It is faid, that Colonel 7 i. Hot, after¬ 
 wards Earl of Tyrconnel, having been Line time abfent 
 from Court, and upon his return happening to fee the Earl 
 of Arlington one day acted by a perffn wiu a black patch 
 cn his nofe, and a White-Staff in hand, could not for¬ 
 bear reproaching the King with ids ingratitude, in fuffer- 
 ing a man to be thus unworthily tieaied, who had ferved 
 him fo faithfully, as well in his exile, as fince his reltora- 
 tion; to which the King in his excuie replied, that he had 
 (bn to be fatisfied w ith tl . ;■ , t 
 
 content to come to Prayers as others did, he mujl be conjiant 
 at Sacraments too. Why, anfwered Talbot, does not your 
 Majcjly do the very fame Thing? Cod's Fiji! replied the 
 King with fome heat, / hope th.re is a deference between 
 Harry Bonnet and Me. 
 
 This fhows, the King had changed neither inclination r; " K: »f n : 
 nor principles fince his defigns had appeared to be ruin’d. j./.’ 
 
 The truth is, he was not fatisfied with the members of the pi )\ 
 Cabal, tho’it was not for their conn fob, but their not having 
 purlueJ the general defign with fufficicnt ability. Sir Wil- To "T e ‘ s 
 liam Temple in his Memoirs, relates, that befoie lie depart- , \ 
 
 ed to offer the King’s mediation to the Stat s, lie endea¬ 
 voured, in a private audience, to make the King fenlible 
 how ill-ad vis’d, and how ill-ferved he had been by the 
 
 Cabal ; to which the King anfwered- It is true, l have 
 
 fucceeded ill , but if I had been well ferved, I might have made 
 a good buftnefs enough of it: and fo procetJed to ju ;uy 
 what was pall. The King is therefore to be conlidered a: 
 the time I am fpcaking of, that is, during the fourteen 
 months interval between the two feffions, as waiting a fa¬ 
 vourable opportunity for the better executing his defigns. 
 
 And this opportunity was not to be found till France 
 fhould be at peace with her enemies, and in a condition to 
 affift her fecret ally. In the mean time, the King feems 
 to have had no other bufinefs, than to get as much money 
 as he could from his Parliament. He began therefore, ac- Echard. j 
 cording to cuftom, with publifh! ig a Proclamation againft 
 Popifh Priefts and Jefuits to prepare ihe Parliament to be 
 favourable to him. 
 
 The fourteenth feffion of this Parliament began the 1675. .1 
 13th of April. The King opened it with a fpeech to The Kjng'sf 
 
 both Houfes, in which he told them-“ That the prin- 1 
 
 “ cipal end of his calling them now, was to know what id! p. 572.’. 
 “ they thought might yet be wanting to the fecurity of Kenaet * j 
 “ Religion and property, and to give himfelf the fatis- 
 “ faction of having ufed his utmoft endeavours to procure 
 “ and fettle a right underflanding between him and his 
 
 “ Parliament-For he muft tell them, that he found 
 
 “ the contrary was fo much laboured, and the pernicious 
 “ defigns of ill men had taken fo much place under 
 “ fpecious pretences, that it was high time to be watchful 
 “ in preventing their contrivances ; of which this was not 
 “ the leaft, that they endeavoured, by all means they could 
 “ devifie, to make it impracticable any longer to continue 
 
 “ this prefent Parliament.That he had done as much 
 
 “ on his part as was poffible to extinguifh the fears and 
 “ jealoufies of Popery; and would leave nothing undone 
 “ that might fhevv the World his zeal to the Proteftant 
 “ Religion as eftablifhed in the Church of England , 
 
 “ from which he would never depart. He then recom- 
 ct mended the condition of the fleet, which he was not 
 “ able, he faid, to put into that ftate it ought to be, and 
 ct which required a coniiderable fum of money as well to 
 “ repair as to build. Laftly, he told them, that the feafon 
 “ of the year would not permit a long feffion—That he 
 “ intended to meet them again the next winter, and in 
 “ the mean time recommended to them all fuch temper 
 “ and moderation in their proceedings, as might tend to 
 “ unite him and them in counfel and affections, and dif- 
 “ appoint the expectations of thofe, who could only hope 
 ct by violent and irregular motions to prevent the bringing 
 “ the feffion to a happy conclufion.” 
 
 The Commons thanked the King for his Speech and rt iyat 
 promifes to preferve their Religion and Liberties: but as '’fljjf 4 
 he had given them only Proclamations, the little efficacy of rriejts. 
 which was well known, they believed them inefficient, and Kc, ' ner * I 
 accordingly proceeded to a new Bill againft the growth 0 f EchirJ ‘ f 
 Popery, and particularly Popifli Priefts, that is, fuch as 
 had received orders from the See of Rome. 
 
 This done, the Commons prelenteda longaddrefs againft AJdnfs ? 
 the Duke of Lauderdale, in which they faid,-“ That [ he • 
 
 upon a ferious examination of the ftate of the King- Lauderdale.: 
 “ dom, they found, that fome perfons in great employ- Burner, 
 
 “ meat under his Majefty, had fomented deligns contrary p : v* 
 
 “ to the intereft of both his Majefty and his People, in- m. p. 376.; 
 “ tending to deprive them of their ancient Rights and Kenner. 
 
 “ Liberties, amongft which was the Duke of Lauder- 
 
 :m. and afterwards to Oliver CrtmtrtU himfelf. 
 
 “ dale 3 
 
Book XXIII. 26. C H A 
 
 1675. tc dale ('), (this was clearly pointing at the Cabal.) That 
 “ he had openly affirmed in the prefence of his Majefty 
 “ fitting in Council, and before divers of his Subjects at- 
 “ tending there, That bis Majejly’s edifls ought to be obey- 
 “ ed ; for his (dlls are equal with Laws , and ought to be 
 “ obeyed in the firjl place. They then reprefented to his 
 “ Majefty fome Afts which had been made by the Parlia- 
 “ ment of Scotland, by which it appeared, that there was 
 “ a Militia fettled in that Kingdom of twenty thoufand 
 “ f'oot, and two thoufand Horfe, who arc obliged to be in 
 “ a readinefs to march into any part of this Kingdom, for 
 “ any fervice wherein bis Majejly's honour, authority, and 
 “ greutnef may be concerned ; and are to obe'i fuch orders 
 “ and directions, as they Jhall from time to time receive from 
 “ the Privy-Council there, and that the Duke of Lauder- 
 “ dale was the promoter of this Aft. That by this means 
 “ England was expofed to an invafion from Scotland under 
 “ any pretence whatfoever, while the Duke of Lauder- 
 “ dale was intruded with the adminiftration of that King- 
 “ dom. For thefe reafons, they humbly befought his 
 “ Majefty to remove the faid Duke for ever from his 
 ann rrfnftd “ perfon and council.” The King did not think proper 
 by King, to grant this requeft, and gave fome reafons for his re- 
 fufal, which were not fatisfaftory to the Commons. And 
 therefore they refolved to prepare a fecond addrefs againft 
 the Duke. 
 
 TbtEiricf The Commons, after attacking the old members of the 
 ettidus/txa proceeded againft a new one, namely, the Lord- 
 
 ‘mlndby X °b e Treafurer Danby, who was believed to be deeply engaged 
 Comrr.cn,. in the defign of making the King abfolute. They ex- 
 fi C | l ard - s am ‘ ne< * ^‘ S w ^°' e conduft fince his admiffion to his high 
 Burnet. 37 P°^» ar >d drew U P feveral articles, in which they accufed 
 him of great mifdemeanours. In one of thefe articles, he 
 was accufed of faying at the hearing of a caufe in the 
 Treafury-Chamber, That a new Proclamation is better 
 than an old ad. But as fufficient proofs were not found 
 to fupport the charge, it was dropt. 
 
 It may be ealily inferred from thefe proceedings of the 
 Commons, that they were extremely jealous of the King 
 and his Minifters, and did not doubt of the Court’s in¬ 
 tention to introduce Popery, and invade the Liberties of 
 the Subjeft. Thofe who would wholly aferibe the ill hu¬ 
 mour of the Commons to Shaftsbury’s influences, can 
 hardly anfwer the above-mentioned fafts, which would 
 not be lefs true, though the Earl of Shaftsbury had never 
 been born. 
 
 ‘ih'Kivgi, The Commons ftiowed alfo their diftruft in another 
 c ,tctLn, P°' nt which was no lefs grievous to the King. By an 
 to tall home addrefs they prayed him to recall his troops out of France, 
 
 hn/unti and prevent his Subjefts from ingaging in that fervice for 
 
 ‘ZZi i'i""’ tlrc lulure - The Km g rejcflcil the Sift part of the addrefs, 
 re/ujts. on pretence that, in the treaty concluded with the States, 
 
 Echard. he had not ingaged to recall thofe troops, and that it could 
 
 not be done without prejudice to the peace, which he 
 now enjoyed with all his neighbours : but by a Procla¬ 
 mation he prohibited his Subjefts from entring into the 
 fervice of France. 
 
 'theLord, Whilft the Commons were thus proceeding with vigour, 
 
 °ii r °CommLs anc ^ 8‘ v ‘ n S on a *j occ afions fignal marks of their diftruft, 
 an going the Lords remained idle, and feemed regardlefs of the fears 
 too jar. and jealoufies exprefied by the Commons. Nay, fome, 
 
 Kem.ct. and particularly the Bifliops, obferving that the Commons 
 EcUard. were gradually departing from the principle which had 
 been eftabliflied by this fame Parliament, as well con¬ 
 cerning the Church of England, as the royal authority, 
 feared, they would lean too much to the oppofite fide. At 
 the beginning of this Parliament, whilft it was believed 
 that the King was and ever would be a proteftor of the 
 Church of England, and would give continual proofs of his 
 affefticn for a People who had fo generoufly reftored 
 him, it was thought the royal authority could not be car¬ 
 ried too high, nor too many precautions taken againft the 
 Non-conformills. But the face of things being changed, 
 and the King having fhown by his cor.duft fince he was 
 on the throne, that he really deligned to introduce Popery, 
 and render himfelf abfolute, thefe fame principles, which 
 had been confidercd as a bulwark to defend both Church 
 and State, appeared too apt to countenance the defigns af- 
 cribed to the King and his Minifters, of invading the 
 Government and the eftabliflied Religion. The Com¬ 
 mons therefore feeing, the King was not the perfon he 
 
 R L E S II. 6-7 
 
 was thought to be, and that he fpok advantage of the Afts 1675. 
 made in his favour to advance his own interells, which 
 were not thofe of the nation, ufed all poffible precautions 
 to hinder the execution of his defigns. Thefe precau¬ 
 tions went fo far, that the Houle of Lords were at Jail 
 apprehenfive, that the Commons intended to overturn 
 every thing eftabliflied concerning the royal prerogative 
 and the Church’s fecurity, and that by degrees the nation 
 would again become Republican and Presbyterian. It is 
 pretended, the Bilhops were all or moft of them of this 
 opinion. To prevent an evil which to them appeared Er \ n? -" 
 very dangerous, [Robert Bartu] Earl of Lindfy brought fb!'r"i'i°oufe 
 into the Houfe of Lords a Bill, intitlcd, An Ad to prevent ,1 . ; Air 
 the dangers which may arife from perfons dfffeded to the d,J ‘* ‘ 
 Government. By this Bill ail perfon.; who enjoyed any 
 office ecclefiaftical, civil, or military, all Privy-Counfellors 
 and members of Parliament, were obliged, under a pe¬ 
 nalty, to take the oath which had been introduced firft in 
 the Corporation-Aft, then in the Militia-Aft, and after¬ 
 wards more fully in the five-mile-Aft. The oath, to 
 fave the Reader the trouble of looking for it elfewhere, 
 was thus exprefied, 1 do declare that it is not lawful upon 
 any pretence whatfoever to take up arms againjl the King ; 
 and that I do abhor the traitorous pojition of taking arms by 
 his authority againjl his perfon, or againft thofe that are 
 commijftoned by him, in purfuance of fuch commifjion : And / 
 do fwcar , that I will not at any time endeavour the altera¬ 
 tion of the Government either in Church or State. So help 
 me God. 
 
 When this oath was inferted in the three forementioned 
 Afts, it produced no confiderable debate, for the reafons I 
 have been fpeaking of; but the cafe was very different when 
 it was propofed in this feffion. Firft, becaufe it was ren¬ 
 dered in a manner univerf.d, fince it was extended to all 
 perfons in any office whatever, and even to Privy-coun- 
 fellors and members of Parliament. Secondly, becaufe the 
 times were altered, and moft men had not the fame opi¬ 
 nion of the King, as when the three former Afts were 
 made. This Bill occafioned debates in the Upper-Houfe, G ’ tu " 
 which lafted feventeen days, without a poffibility of com- 
 ing to any conclufion (2). There were two powerful par- Hi. p 379 
 ties in the Houfe, one for, and the other againft the Bill, “—> s 3- 
 and the votes of the Bifhops turned the fcale on the fide of Coke, 
 the firft. This appeared, in that notwithftandirig all the 
 efforts of the oppofers of the Bill, to hinder its being re¬ 
 ferred to a Committee, they could not fucceed. Where¬ 
 upon fome Lords of that party entered their proteftation 
 againft it (3). The fame thing happened, when the Bill 
 came to be examined in a Committee of the whole Houfe. 
 
 In fine, with regard to the fubftance of the Bill, the two 
 parties difplayed all their art and eloquence, the one for the 
 paffing, and the other for the rejefting it. In general, Burnet, 
 thofe who argued for the Bill maintained, that the pofition p-3Sv 
 of taking up arms by the King's authority againjl his perfon , 
 or againjl thofe that are commijftoned by him , was falfe and 
 pernicious ; and they fupported their opinion by inftances 
 of what had been done in the laft reign, where it caufed 
 fuch great diforders, and occafioned the fubverfion both of 
 Church and State. They faid therefore, that the King ¬ 
 dom being ftill full of Fanaticks, Republicans, and ene¬ 
 mies of the Church, it was abfolutely neceffary to impofe 
 this oath upon them, to diftinguifh them, that it might be 
 known who were to be guarded againft. Tliat, otherwife, Kenn-t, 
 there was danger of feeing one day renewed, the diforders P- 33 2 - 
 which had reduced the Kingdom to fo deplorable a condi¬ 
 tion, and that the oath enjoined by this Bill, was, a mo¬ 
 derate fecurity to the Church and Crown (4). 
 
 The other party maintained (5), “ That the oath im- Ech3rd . 
 
 “ pofed by this, contained three claufes, the two firft Af- ill.p.Sr 
 ‘‘ fertory, and the laft Promiffory ; that it was worthy the 
 “ confideration of the Bifhops, whether Affertory Oaths, p ' 3 4 
 “ which are properly appointed to give teftimony of a 
 <c matter of faft, of wffiich a man is capable to be affured 
 “ by the evidence of his fenfes, be lawful to be made ufe 
 tc of to corifirm or invalidate doftrinal Propofitions ; and 
 “ whether that legiflative power, which impofes fuch an 
 “ oath, does not neceffarily affume to itfelf an infallibility. 
 
 “ And as to Promiffory Oaths, it was defired, that the 
 tc learned Prelates would confider the opinion of Grotius 
 “ de jure Belli & Pads, lib. 2. cap. 3. who feems to 
 “ make it plain, that thofe kind of oaths are forbidden by 
 
 (1) Lately created F.arl of Guilford. 
 
 (2) The great Speakers tor this Bill, were, the Lord-Treafurer. and the Lord-Keeper, with B : fhop Morley, and B.flicp Ward. The Speakers : 
 were, the Duke of ISu, kingdom, the Earl ot Sbajtsbury, the Lords Holies, and Hath fox, and the Earl of Salisbury. Kennrt, p. 33a. 
 
 (3) The prnteft.r.g Lo.ds, who were looked up,m as o: the Country pmy, were, Biskir.gham, Bridgwater, Wsrubefler, Salisbury, Bedford, Pori] 
 
 v ' Dent "Z h ' H°U“, Pan, Bcbflftrc, Mohan, Stamjord, Halifax, Dela-mtr, Eure. Shaftsbury, Clarendon, Grry of Rolled. ■' 
 
 u ’ i T'r ^ m, ' rt b: ‘ ob ‘ ervrd - that this Biil was contrived by the Church paity, and was dilliked by the Duke, and the Papilb in genera)/bee 
 
 tho, gh: the brmg'ngany Tell in pr.-tt'ce, would certainly bring on one that would turn them nut of the Houfe. 
 
 (4j T hcle were the Lord Chancellor’s words. 
 
 , (5) Th( y ,a '^> There ought to be no Teftr. beyond the oath of allegiance, upon the eleflionsto Parliament : It being the great privilege < 
 taxed but by their Repretentattves; it was therefore thoughts difioheritlng men of the main part ot their birth rigr.t. r 
 
 : All Tells in publick Ajlembhes were thought dangerous, and contrary to publick liberty : A great 
 
 igainfl it, 
 Ayltf- 
 
 f F.nglifom 
 
 they v 
 
 Ihould fhut them mt f om their votes in eledlin 
 
 faid, to (hew, that the peace of .he w old was beft lecured by good Laws, and good Government j and that Oaths and Tells'were no lecuriiy ; The fen 
 ered by them: Yet the buik of the world would boldly take any Teft, and as boldly break through it. Burnet, p. 3S+. 
 
 night be 
 
 V O L. II. 
 
 S I 
 
 No. 
 
 “ our 
 
The HISTORY oj E N" G L A N D. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 our Sxviour Chrift, Matt. v. 34, 37- And whether it 
 w ild not bee m s the' Fad the ch, wlen 
 thev have well-weighed that and other places of the hew 
 * Te/lament , to be more tender in multiplying oath*:, than 
 1 hitherto the great men of the Clv.uch have been but 
 
 trigues at Court to ingage the King fi 
 ment. The Presbyterians emnefily wi 
 the people dillatisfied with the Court 
 happen: 
 
 filed it, hoping that 
 , would, as ulually 
 chufe Reprefentatives who had other principles 
 
 than thofe of the prelent P..il 
 
 ut. 'I he Papifts Kid 
 
 the queftion beinj put, the oath was voted by the majority paiiionatcly defned this diflblution before the laft feftion, 
 of the Houfe, the Biftiops being all for it. ' but, as it appears in one of Coleman's letters of Jugujl this 
 
 ■] |,en thev proceeded to the particulars of the oath con- year, they had altered their mn.d, and _ expefled much 
 tained in the Bill, and it was alledged by the oppofers, that 
 
 the pofition of taking arms by the lung's authority again// 
 'his perfon , was true and neceflary in a limited Govern¬ 
 ment, like that of England , otherwile this would he to 
 furrender the Rights and Liberties of the Subject, to a 
 Prince, who being fuppofed a tyrant, ( which was a very 
 polfible cafe) would not be reftrained by the fear, either ol 
 God or Man. That fhould fuch a future King undertake 
 to abohffa all the Laws, and invade the Eftates and Liber- 
 
 
 Turenne. 
 Temple. 
 B linage. 
 
 tendon of this oath, from the terms in which it was con ¬ 
 ceived. 
 
 this very' Parliament which had hitherto been fo a- 
 verfe to them. But it is not feen on what this hope was 
 founded. I {hall hereafter fpeak ol this and fome other 
 letters of Coleman, in which it evidently appears, that the 
 Papifts were at this time very active to procure great ad¬ 
 vantages to their Religion, and relied much on the Duke of 
 York, and the aftiftance of France. 
 
 The 13 th of Oflober the King opened the 15th feftion 
 of this Parliament with a very fhort Speech, in which, nu:b ih-.n 
 ties of his Subjects, thev would he obliged by this oath, not after recommending union to both Houfes, and the interefts -y 
 to relift him, but to fubmit to his yoke. That even with- of the Church of England he demanded money, as well for 
 out fuppofing fuch a tyranny, a King might happen to be building ihips, as for taking off the anticipations upon his P r ,;. 
 
 mads prifiner by his own Subjefls," as was the cafe of revenues, defiring them to remember, it was now above Eclmd - 
 
 Henry III. and Henry VI, and then thofe who fhould three years fince he had asked any thing of them for his 
 
 have the Sovereign in their hands, might a 61 in his name, own private ufe. 
 
 and authority, by virtue of his commiftions, while the Then the Lord-Keeper made a fpeech full of flattery to * be 
 Subjects would be reftrained by the obligation of this oath the King, in which he endeavoured to fhow, that no ‘ / “ r ' 1 ' 
 from endeavourin'’ to tree him from captivity. In fhort, King had ever a more fincere affeftion for his Subjects, or 
 feveral other probable cafes were alledged, by which it was laboured with more zeal for the prefervation of Religion 
 clearly proved, that the oath ought neceflarily to have fome and liberty, and therefore it was not to be doubted, but 
 reftridii'io, if it was not intended to furrender to the King they would behave thentrfelves like thofe that deferved to be 
 all the Liberties of the nation. But as fuch reftricHons called the King’s friends, and that they would put him at 
 were not eafy to be exprefted, they concluded, it was cafe too. 
 
 much better, to leave the oath in generals which fhould But the Commons, inftead of being moved by fo unfei- Tb-Cmmom 
 ... - comprehend all pnfilble cafes, as feemed to be the in- fonable a Rhetorick, and by fuch ill-grounded reafons, refu- lhe 
 
 med the conlidcr.it.on of the Bills left unfinilhed the Lit fef- 
 lion, f<»r the liberty of the Subjedt, and added others for its id. P . 393. 
 This affair was interrupted by an accident which raifed better fecurity. 
 a violent conteft between the two Houfes. I lhall not re- Afterwards they took into confideration the fums grant- Exomine the 
 Lte the pai ticulars, which fuppofe the knowledge of many ed to the King lor the laft war, and the expences of the 
 things concerning the privileges of both Houfes, which few fame, and found, that the charges amounted to a million ]A P ' 394.. 
 foreigners are acquainted with. I fhall content my felf lefs than the Receipt, and without being able to difeover Burnet,' 
 with”briefly fhowing the occafion of it. One Dr. Shirley to what ufes this million had been applied (3). 
 having brought an Appeal in the Houfe of Lords, from a In the report made of this affair, it was faid, that the 
 decree in Chancery, againft Sir ‘John Fagg , a member of Parliament was not obliged to pay the King’s private debts 
 the Houfe of Common?, they ordered Shirley to be taken by a tax, for if this pretenfion was admitted, they would 
 into the cuftody of the Serjeant at Arms for a breach of have to pay the like debts about a year and half hence. 
 
 Privilege. The Warrant for taking Shirley into cuftody and fo incourage the Court to exact yearly a million and a 
 was forcibly taken from the Serjeant’s deputy, by the Lord half, as they had hitherto done: That fince the end of the 
 
 war, the whole charge of the Government, both by fe-a 
 and land, amounted not to above feven hundred thoufand 
 pounds Sterling, and the clear income of the revenue came 
 at leaft to fixteen hundred thoufand, and consequently 
 replies, came to language fo reproachful, that there was no there ought to have been a yearly remainder of near a mil- 
 t hope of an accommodation (1). Wherefore the King came lion: And yet the King had anticipated his revenues near 
 to the Houfe of Peers the 9th of June, and prorogued the a million more, to pay which, would be to entail perpe- 
 Parliament to (he 13th of OSlober. Thus ended the 14th tual anticipations upon the Kingdom, to its utter ruin and 
 feftion of this Parliament, before the Money-bill, and other defolation. The Parliament therefore refolved to giant the 
 publick Bills were ready for the royal aflent. The Com- King nothing for taking oft thefe anticipations. Neverthelefs, fo 
 mons had delVjned to grant the King three hundred thou- a few days after they voted a fupply of three hundred thou- 
 fand pounds Sterling (2), but at the fame time refolved to fand pounds Sterling for the building of twenty large fhipsgy atjhl 
 apply the antient Tannage and Poundage, to the main- of war (4), but withal refolved to appropriate Tunnage 
 tenance of the navy, according to its original deftgn, which and Poundage to the ufe of the Navy, which could not 
 amounted to four hundred thoufand pounds a year. As the but be very diLgreeable to the King. 
 
 King would have been a real fufferer by fuch an appropri- Then the Commons proceeded to examine the trade <rbe J“ re °f 
 ation, he was not furry to have occafion to prorogue the with France, and found, that the French imported yearly 
 Parliament, chufing rather to be deprived of a fum of three into England commodities to the value of a million more Edmd. 
 hundred thoufand pound:, than lofe a revenue of four hun- than they exported, upon which a Bill was ordered to be HI p 395 - 
 dred thoufand. prepared. 
 
 During the Campaign of 1675, the King of France Laftly, the Commons being informed of a publick re- y ‘ rI . ,he 
 1 >ft the famous Marfhal Turenne, who had done him very port, That many of their Members were Penftoners to Mh'Jri. 
 great fervices. He was killed by a Cannon ball in an the Court, refolved to oblige all their Members to take an ibid, 
 action not important in i'.felf, but rendered fo by the death oath, by which they were to proteft, that they had not recei- 
 or this General, his army being obliged to repafs the Rhine, ved any money from the Court, fince the ift of January 
 Their retreat facilitated the recovery of Treves to the al- 1672. But I know not whether this refolution was cx- 
 lies, which was yet in the hands of the French. In the ecuted (5). 
 
 beginning of the year, the contending powers had agreed. The debates of the Commons were a little interrupted, etrempt 
 lifter long negotiations, to treat of a peace in the Citv of by a report made to the Houfe of the infolence. of a French c -; r ' 
 hi’Uigur’ Bit nothing ceimderable was done this year. Jefuit named St. Germain. This Jefiiit being informed, .... 
 
 In England, fir.ee the laft feftion, there were fome in- that one Luzancy a French Prieft had embraced the Pro- ‘-hard. 
 
 m. P . 39 e. 
 
 Mohun. The Commons demanded juftice of the Peers a- 
 gainft the Lord Mohun , and were anfwered by the Lords, 
 that he had only done his duty. The quarrel thus begun, 
 daily increafed, fo that the Houfes, in their anfwers and 
 
 . 1 ! 
 
 ?ouu , th u(h Members of 
 (s, Fu: the buh.imgof si 
 
 Tl- 
 
 :: :: hound nL' .'il R : ghtof the Lords in Jud'cature, to receive and deter mine in time of Parl'ament, appeals fiom 
 ■1 Houle li* 1 r. rn d Th- Commons, on the . her hind, maintained it to he the undoubted Right ol thc r Hi-ul 
 iumrr.- nee to sue no th: Houfe of Lords, dining the Seflion and Privilege of Parliament. Ecbud. Tom. 3. p 3'14. 
 
 infer' 
 
 5 and forty thoufand p 
 eight fecond Rates, cl 
 
 is, and the Receipt, Three r 
 even hundred Tuns: and elct 
 
 lion* and f. rty thoufand pcur.ds ; coi.fequent! 
 l thiid Rates, of feven hundred Tuns, E. b 
 
 1. :- “ I rl- B do protefl before Goo and this Hou'e of Pirlramen', That hi-. 
 
 1 vr ti .ce the fi-rt Dry of Januwy 1672, hid or received any liirn or funis ■ f money 
 or .iny.iher per'i.n by his M.jefly'i Older, direction, or knowledge, or by au-h 
 : .0 y -nur.ey due to hi L.d M airily upon account, cr any grant, p-.nli -r, g.atuty. 
 
 •’ 1 m his M.-jefty, or nut of any money, treafure, or eftatc. o' or belonging to h : , 
 ■ '' ‘r m ir.y.ith-r perf n in the name, or by the appointment, or with 'he know! 
 
 ' ■ writing f 1 mhilly di'coveied and delivetea t.- tins IT ulc. which I have fub'crbe.i v 
 . . ■ g.ven nr mace, fir.tr che f.i J time, to »r.y otliji Mem'ei o‘ t? . H ufe, but evh 
 i’.iliamcnt for any reward or promife whatfb-ver.'' .Sr b-!f me God, &c. ibid- 
 
 c-f In pt-.fi. CJ:ft. 
 
 ived :i m h : .-. fa'd 
 'd. *u any promtfe 
 
 teihnt 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. C H A R L E S If. 
 
 167;. 
 
 679 
 
 to: ait Religion, and afterwards had pubuckly preached to faw with concern the growing greattiefi of Lewis XIV 16.7 c-6. 
 jaitihe his Converfion, went to him, and, threading to and the indolence of the Kins, who, inftead of bein-r in- 
 aflaffinatc him, or carry him away by force into France, e.fy or jealous, manifeftlv feemed to behold it wrh^ple-’- 
 cxtorted from him a Recantation in writing of his Con- fine. It may be affirmed, that the principal article of 
 verfion and Sermon. This was done during the feffion of Charles II’s reign confifls, in the perpetual cppo:m\.n be- 
 the Parliament. A Complaint was laid before the Secre- tween the particular interefts of the King, and thwf'e of 
 tancs of State, and alfo before the Commons, attefted by the Engljk nation. All the world faw and were fenfiMe 
 Luzancy, with an addition of the following particulars of it. it was the common talk, and the Aibieft cfd iN 
 winch he offered to (wear. That Father St. Germain in Libels. The King therefore by Proclamation fimprelied Der. aq . 
 feveral Conferences with him declared: 1. 1 hat the King all Coffee-Houfes, on pretence of being places wheie dif Krrin<:C - 
 was a Roman Catholick in his heart. 2. That the Court were affixed perfons met, and devifed malicious and fcanda - C JZr*. 
 
 endeavouring to get a liberty of couicience in England for lous reportsagair.fi the King and his Mimfters Irmeli " 
 
 the Roman Catholicks, and that granted, in two years, ately after was published another Proclamation for d-fco 
 moft of the Englijh .would acknowledge the Pope. 3. vering and punifhing the writers, who daily pub!,(red L " 
 i hat he knew the King’s intentions concerning Religion, libels in London again it the Government, But it is le'Tm 
 and that he was fure his Majefty would approve of all he known, that fuch Proclamations produce any "rear chat's 
 mould do in that matter. 4. That he laughed at the efpecially in England, where the liberty i>f °fpe l-m ' a’ 
 Parliament as being only a wave that had but a little time ; gainft the Government is more unreft,ained, than‘in any 
 and laid, that no body was better welcome at Court, and other counirv. * 
 
 had greater intrigues with any of the Nobility than he. Though all the contending powers had, the Jaffryear Cnn r-E °f 
 5. I hat it was good fometimes to force people to Heaven ; confented to fend their Plenipotentiaries to Ni newer to ^'"i'' •' 
 and that there were an infinite number of Priefts and Je- treat of a peace, by the mediation of England, there'was S 
 luits in London, that did God very great fervice. Luzon- no great likelihood of a general peace. Sir IVEHam Ten- T ^ les 
 cy added farther, that many perfons of good credit and re- p/e and Sir Leoline Jenkins , the Englijh mediators and 
 pure, were ready to juftify upon oath, that feveral of ambafladors, repaired to Nimegrten in July, and onlv found 
 
 t he Roman Catholicks had fpoken things quite as had or there the Plenipotentiaries of France, 'and thofe' at the 
 
 worfe. In a word, that they were grown fb bold and in- States-General. The Emperor, the King of Sbahi the 
 folent, that a Profelyte could not walk the ftreets without Elector of Brandenburg, retarded the negotiations as much 
 being threatened and called opprobrious names. as poffible, in hopes, that the King of England, being 
 
 J his affair threw the Houfe into a ferment, anJ obli- concerned in the prefervation of the Netherlands , Would 
 ged the King to publifh a Proclamation, promifing two not lufFer them to fall under the.dominion of France and 
 hundred pounds for the apprehend..,g of St. Germain. Rut that this would oblige him in the end to declare for the 
 that Jeluic was now retired into France, from whence he allies. But they were extremely miftaken in imamnln- 
 kept a conftant correfpondence with Coleman the Duke of that the intereft of England was that of the Kin* ft 
 /crjs Secretary in whole Letters it appeared, that the was this that made the proceeding of the EngE/h Court 
 Duke laboured the advancement of Popery to the utmoft of always unintelligible to them, as Well as to the reft of the 
 his power Princes of Europe, who were'ignorant-of Charles’s fecret 
 
 . have obferved, hnw much this Parliament had been defigns, and his engagements with France. 
 agamft the Presbyterians, and that the difeovery of the At the beginning of the campain of 1676, the King >6-6 
 . Courts defigns had induced them to bring in a Bill for of France took Conde and Bouchain, after which, in June Ba(W=. ' 
 their eale, but that the Bill became abortive by a hidden he returned to Paris, leaving his armv to the conduit of Eclu,d ' 
 prorogation of the Parliament. I he afiair of Luzancy the Count de Scbombcrg. On the other fide, the Prince 
 A BUl r Commons to think of a like of Orange befieged Maejlricht towards the end of July 
 
 T re . preVented c by t ie Lortis ' T he Duke which gave Scbombcrg time to take Aire, and march to 
 f °f Buckingham havmg m a Speed, to the Peers II,own the relief of Maejlricht. His approach, and fome other 
 fZllrlr TV,,- ml / chlefs , a p ln S, from th f perfecution^of the Proteftant accidents, obliged the Prince to raife the fiege. 
 
 The campain being ended, all eyes were turned to the Charles 
 negotiations at Nimegtten. It foon appeared, that the dc- r: 
 fign of France was only to divide tile allies, and make a 
 feparatc peace with the Stales. The King of England had F’t- 
 
 , . -. -■ the fame view, and therein afiifted France with all Jn's 
 
 hdl's *£? ' nV gK yn f. y ,,h . on b,),h P“ wcr ' living fent orders to Sir William Tmfle, to c„- h[ZF 
 
 fide., that it was moved in the Houfe of Lords, to prefent deavour to peifwade the States, and the Prince of Orange T™ p fc! 
 an addrefs to the King to d.ffolve the Patliarnent, and to give their confect. The States were inclinable enolMi 
 the queitlon bemg put, it was pafsd in the negative by but the Prince of Orange could not be prevailed with 
 °" I. V0 ' c ‘ s - lft ’ thc Km g fcel "g. ,"° Expedient who thought, it would be a betraying of the common- 
 
 couid be poffib y found to reconcile the two Houfes, pro- caufe, and the interefls of the Princes, who had encaged 
 rogued the larhament from the aad of November to thc in the prefervation of Holland , which without their affift. 
 
 S r/ui> i,r° 7 - l6?7 ’ that,S ’ for fi,te en months. ance haJ been irrecoverably loft. He Lid. 
 
 I mail clofe this year with fome lefs important trajifafti- uncle’s power 
 ons, which ought not to be omitted. jng agamft 1 
 
 In May , the Prince of Newburg came into' England, King’s intention, who, infiead of being jealous of the Kir- 
 and was received with great did,ndion by .be King, as of France, was privately doing him all the fervice he 
 wei on account of his perfonal merit, as m conlideration could, in folliciting the States and his nephew the Prince 
 of the civilities received by the King in Ins exile irom to make a feparatc peace. This difeovers with what nar- 
 the Duke hts Father tiality he afted as mediator. 
 
 1 he Duchefs of Maccarm having a difference with her Tile hope entertained bv the allies, that Emlarnl would «• 
 husband, retired into England tins year, where it is pre- at lad declare attain!! France, was the created obPacle o — " 
 
 tended ft. would have Supplanted the Duchefs of Port/ peace. The King not being ignorant of it, belief 
 
 been 4 . ' ’f lad dY 0t a " lntr, E u = w* a certain Courtier ought to undeceive theall.es, in order to induce them to 
 
 leen too foon difcovered to the King. He affigned her make fuch a peace as was Jellied by France. For tl,i- Ethard - 
 
 -r 1. t i n 1 . III. p 404. 
 
 tfffZfl Dll,bnters ’ defired leave to bring in a Bill for their cafe, 
 format. which was granted immediately. 
 
 Echard. But this Bill, and all the reft prepared by the Com- 
 bfiurfftb. mons 5 were unhappily ftifled in their birth by the revival 
 of the former conteft between the two Houfes. This dif- 
 
 beiivtcn tbt 
 «- 
 
 The Parlta- 
 v.ertp'O- 
 
 *lbe Prince 
 c/ New- 
 
 buig ar- 
 
 Englard. 
 
 Echard. 
 And the 
 Duebeft oj 
 
 Mauiin. 
 
 . it was in his 
 to make peace when he pleafed, by declar- 
 ;«inft France. But nothing was farther from the 
 
 ,6 75 - 
 
 The Nan 
 
 however an annual penfion of four thoufand pounds Ster¬ 
 ling. Her houfe, to the day of her death, was the Ren¬ 
 dezvous of all the men of wit and quality, and St. Eurc- 
 mond, a Refugee as well as her felf, was one of her moft 
 conftant attendants. 
 
 The 19th of December, Hencage Lord Finch, Baron of 
 Davrntry, who had been only Loid-Kecpcr, was nude 
 Lord High-Chancellor. 
 
 The moft remarkable deaths were thofe of Dr. Licht- 
 foot. Dr. U'illis, and BuIJtrode JVhstelocke (2). The'laft 
 has been frequently mentioned in the recital of the dif¬ 
 ferences between Charles l, and the Parliament. 
 
 As there was to be no meeting of Parliament the next 
 ? 3 enr, the Catholicks, and the Court, which openly pro- 
 . them, were lefs referved ami appeared more afiive. 
 
 This gave great uneaiinefs to the People, who, belides. 
 
 purpofe, he publifhed two proclamations, in which, 
 pretence of regulating fome things concerning the neutrali¬ 
 ty, his defign was to fhow, he had no intention to de¬ 
 part from ir. 
 
 ^ Since the King had made peace with Holland, the French p-,. 
 French privateers infefted the Channel in fuch a manner, " 
 
 that without any regard to the neutrality of England] ‘f 
 they feized her fliips, and, as if in open war, made prizes kSU’ 
 o) them (3). It was proved, that they had taken fifty P-33S, &c. 
 three fince the peace. At laft, the thing went fo far 
 that the Commifiioners of trade were obliged to prefent a 
 report concerning thefc indignities, to the King, and to 
 pray him that he would take fome courfe about ir. The 
 King very gracioufly received the report, and fent orders 
 to ins Ambdfador at Paris to make complaints on this 
 oc call on ■, but that was all thc fatis!a£Iion the merchants 
 
 (1) It is raid, xhar fhe was br'upbt int■ Fr- 
 (-) Aathorof tie Men.onnto r.j Fnghlh 
 {i P.eisading, they wc.e o„!» Uuteb Sli'.ys 
 
 ”id Ur that very purpofe, hy the Cour.l 
 L " J ' r ‘. hie w • upon ihc (Ijg.; above tw 
 ■ ith Enghjh PjITcs. Burn,t, p. 390. 
 
 Pirfy. Life 'f Sr. Eire 
 y yta.s, but the laftfiftee 
 
 Of h : s life he lived 
 
 could 
 
Vol. 11. 
 
 6 So 
 
 ft'>e HISTORY of ENGL A N D. 
 
 
 F---I ./ 
 
 Briitol 1 
 
 1676-7. 
 
 could obtain (1). For the Court of France., knowing that 
 Charles would not break with them for fifty-three fiiips 
 belonging to private men, took no notice of thefe com- 
 E-s'i:h plaints. The King’s indolence produced at leaft this ef- 
 . ’ . 1 feet, that the people of England , enraged to fee themfelves 
 thus expofed to the piracies of the French , were extreme- 
 !v defirous of a war with France , in order to be revenged, 
 a, J impatiently waited the meeting of the Parliament, in 
 the belief that both Houfes would be more careful, than 
 the King, of the interefts of the nation. 
 
 The renuining part of this year afforded nothing memo¬ 
 rable, beiides a Proclamation pablifhed by the King, for¬ 
 bidding his Subjects to hear Mafs in the Queen’s Chappel 
 in Sorrierfet Houfe, or in the Houfes of Ambafladors. 
 Thefe Proclamations were always expreffed in very rigo¬ 
 rous terms ; but executed with fuch negligence, that the 
 frequency of them only ferved to fhow, how little defirous 
 the King was to have his orders ftridlly obferved. They 
 were ufually a preparative to the next feflion, but during 
 the intervals of Parliament , the Romijh Priefts and Je- 
 fuits, w ho fwarmed in the Kingdom, and all other Papilts, 
 were fure of impunity. 
 
 I bis year died George Digby Earl of Brijlol in the fixty- 
 fifth year of his age, who has often been remembred in 
 the courfe of this Hiftory (2). 
 
 The King, as I faid, had prorogued the Parliament for 
 fifteen months, except a few days. This prorogation , 
 
 , the longeft that ever was known, raifed a doubt, whether 
 \ fr , by it the Parliament was not actually diifolved. This 
 f d'j- doubt was owing to a Statute of Edward III. never re¬ 
 pealed, whereby it w r as enadted, that a Parliament fhould 
 be held once every year, and oftner if occafion required. 
 This difpute made a great noife in the Kingdom, and 
 t Books were publifhed on both fides the queftion. In ge¬ 
 neral the Court-Party maintained, that the Parliament was 
 not diffolved, and the contrary party pretended it could not 
 meet, after a fifteen months interruption. I believe the 
 intereft of neither party was herein much concerned , 
 though perhaps fome private perfons might have found fome 
 advantage in a new Parliament. 
 
 "g’t The Parliament however met the 15th of February ac- 
 f cording to the prorogation. The King in his Speech to 
 both Houfes declared, “ That he was prepared to give 
 11 them all the fatisfadlion and fecurity in the great concerns 
 “ of the Protefiant Religion as eftablifhed in the Church of 
 “ England , that Ihould be reafonably asked, or could 
 “ confift with Chriftian prudence. And he declared him- 
 “ felf as freely , that he was ready to gratify them in a 
 “ further fecurity of their Liberty and Property, (if they 
 “ could think it was wanted) by as many good Law's as 
 4 ‘ they Ihould propofe, and as could confift with the fafety 
 “ of the Government, without which there could be nei- 
 “ ther liberty nor property left to any man.” After, this, 
 reckoning he had given both Houfes entire fatisfadtion, he 
 told them, “ That he expected and required from them, 
 “ that all occafions of differences between the two Houfes 
 ‘ ‘ fhould be carefully avoided.---In the next place, he de- 
 ‘ fired them to confider the neceffity of building more 
 “ fiiips, and how much all their fafeties were concerned 
 
 ‘‘ in it-And as they knew him to be under a great bur- 
 
 “ den of debts, he hoped, they wopld not deny him the 
 continuance of the additional revenue of Excife, which 
 
 vt was near exfpiring-And, that they might be fa- 
 
 “ tisfied how impollible it w'as (whatever fome men 
 “ thought) to fupport the Government with lefs than the 
 “ prefent revenue, they might at any time fee the yearly 
 “ eftablilhed charge, by which it would appear, that the 
 “ conllant and unavoidable charge being paid, there would 
 ‘‘ remain no overplus towards the difeharging thofe con- 
 ‘‘ tingencies which might happen in all Kingdoms, and 
 “ which had been a coniiderable charge to him the laft 
 “ year.” 
 
 ban- Then the Chancellor inlarged upon all thefe points ; 
 ' but as his Speech was wholly founded upon this unqueftion- 
 d. able truth, according to him, that the King had only the 
 1.412. welfare of his people in view; I fhall tranfcribe only this 
 
 fingle paffage.-“ For the King hath no defires but 
 
 “ what are pubhek, no ends or aims which terminate in 
 “ himfelf ; all his endeavours are fo entirely bent upon the 
 “ welfare of his whole Dominions, that he doth not think 
 any man a good Subject, who doth not heartily love his 
 “ Country : And therefore let no man pal’s for a good Pa- 
 “ triot, who doth not heartily love and ferve his Prince. 
 “ Private men indeed arc fubjedl to be milled by private 
 
 “ interefts, and may entertain fome vain and (lender hopes it t ; 
 
 “ of lurviving the publick ; but a Piince is fure to fall 
 “ with it, and therefore can never hav: any interefts rii- 
 “ vided from it. To live and die with ti.e King, is the 
 “ higheft profefiion a Subjcdl can make, and fome times it 
 “ is profefiion only and no more; but in a Kmg it is an 
 
 “ abfolute neceffity, it is a fate inevitable, that lie muff 
 
 “ live and die with his people. Away then with the vain 
 
 “ imaginations of thofe who infufe a misbelief of the Go- 
 
 “ vernment ; away with all thofe ill-meant diftinctions be- 
 “ tween the Court and the Country, between the natural 
 “ and the political Capacity ; and let us all who go about 
 “ to perfwade others, that there are feveral interefts, ba\ e 
 “ a care of that precipice, to which fuch principles may lead 
 “ them.” 
 
 As foon as the Commons were withdrawn, the Duke of The D«h «/ 
 Buckingham flood up in the Houfe of Lords, and made a ' Ul kingham 
 very long fpeech, to prove, that the Parliament was dif- ™ e !’ b * t . 
 folvcd by the laft prorogation. He grounded his opinion/>,.*•? tb, 
 upon antient Statutes, ( which , he faid, are not like women , Bar-uv.-n 
 the worfc for being old , ) and chiefly upon the Statute of ^fhaTd. 
 Edward III, namely, That a Parliament fhould be holden Rennet. 
 every year once , and more often, if need be. He added, 
 
 “ though thefe words are as plain as a pike-ftaff, and no 
 “ man living, that is not a Scholar, can poffibly miflake 
 their meaning, yet the Grammarians in thofe days made 
 “ a fhift to explain, that the words, if need be , related as 
 “ well to the words, every year once , as to the words, more 
 “ often, and fo by this grammatical whimfev of theirs, 
 
 “ have made this Statute to fignify nothing. For this rea- 
 “ fon in the 36th year of the fame reign, a new A 61 of 
 “ Parliament was made, in which thofe unfortunate words, 
 
 “ if need be , are left out, and that A 61 , relating to Magna 
 “ Charta , and other Statutes, made good. Here now, 
 
 “ my Lords, there is not left the leaft colour for any mif- 
 “ take, for it is plainly declared, That the Kings of Eng- 
 “ land mufl call a Parliament once within a year.” Then 
 he reduced the whole matter to this dilemma. “ Either 
 “ the Kings are bound by thefe A6ls, or elfe the Govern- 
 tC ment of England by Parliaments is at an end. For if 
 “ the Kings have power, by an order of theirs, to invaii- 
 “ date an A 61 made for the maintenance of Magna Charta , 
 
 “ they have alfo power, by an order of theirs, to invalidate 
 “ Magna Charta itfelf”. It appears by the fequel of this 
 fpeech, that the Duke of Buckingham \ aim was to put an 
 end to this Parliament, which had continued fo long, and 
 thereby rendered the Commons, in fome meafure, fove- 
 reigns over their Countrymen. The Duke was feconded Stcondedby 
 by the Earls of Salisbury and Shaftsbury , and the Lord fW other 
 JVharton. At laft, after great debates, the Houfe fent all p*‘ 
 four to the Tower (3), from whence they were fhortly All four* 
 after releafed, except the Earl of Shaftsbury , who was con- 
 tinued there above a year, becaufe he would not own the 
 juftice of his imprifonment (4). 
 
 A few days after, the Commons voted the King a Tax A Supply 
 of five hundred and eighty-four thoufand pounds, to build granted, 
 thirty fiiips, without appropriating Turuiage and Poundage. 
 
 Befides, they continued for three years the additionaltaxBurr.ee. 
 upon beer, which was to expire the 24 th of 'June. 
 
 It appeared foon after, that their grand affair was to 
 flop the great progrefs of France in the Netherlands , and 
 engage the King in a war with that Kingdom, for which 
 purpofe they prefented the following Addrefs : 
 
 “ We your Majefly’s moft loyal Subjedls, do mod hum- 
 “ bly offer to your Majefty’s confideration, that the minds a ^gaga,nfi 
 “ of your people are much difquieted with the manifeft France. 
 
 “ dangers ariling to your Majefty, by the growth and 
 “ power of the French King, especially bv the acquilitions m. P . 4 t : , 
 “ already made, and the farther progrefs like to be made &c. 
 
 “ by him in the Spanijh Netherlands , in the prefervation ^ rn ( ^ J t j ce# 
 
 “ and fecurity whereof we humbly conceive the intereft 01 
 “ your Majefty, and the fafety of your people, are highly 
 “ concerned ; and therefore we humbly befeech your Ma- 
 “ jefty to take the fame into your royal care, and to 
 “ ilrengthen your felf with fuch ftricler alliances, as may 
 “ fecure your Majefty’s Kingdoms, and fecure and pre- 
 “ ferve the faid Spanijh Netherlands , and thereby quiet the 
 “ minds of your Majefty’s people.” To which the King ///. 
 
 anfwered,-“ That he was of the opinion of his two 
 
 “ Houfes of Parliament, that the prefervation ol Flan- 
 “ ders was of great confequence ; and that he would ufe 
 “ all means in his power for the fafety of his Kingdom.” 
 
 This anfwer not being fatisfaclory, the Houfe prefented i-T-. 
 a fecond Addrefs on the fame fubjeft the 30th of March. T- 
 
 ived br.bts in the prcfecution of the Mer 
 
 •; lince Sir FJ'.is Leighton , Secretary to the Englifb Ambalndo: a; Par 
 Mnopt agreements with the French Privateers. Kernel, p. 338. 
 
 ) Th s year a!:,, died Sir Mjttbe-w Hate, Chief Juftice of the King’? Bench ; Sir With*m Mtrr : ce, fcrmerJy Secretary of State ; and Join Ogi’.hy, the 
 
 Pnbl'.fhi 
 
 3 The two Ea. Is. upnn hacing leave to have their own fervants 
 
 Burr. 
 
 n the 1 
 
 , nameo their Cooks firft, which the King highly 1 
 
 j carrying 11 
 
 , r-. 
 
 The Earl of Scafnhury , .{ ,-en.s, h.ul icfteftedon the Duke of Butlirgburr., at a m:n irconftant and giddy in hit rnndudl. At the Duke was t-.iring 
 on h-s difehitge ont ot the Tower, the E.rl looking out of his wtnoow, cryed, mat, m.y L'.rJ. are y-o go 1- '-o-vt .,} Ay. try Li't, replied 
 Dek-, ,:i. t> g-ti.'.y beaded Felhwi ai I.an never fijy /.-g m splace, Ecbard, Tom 3 p. 416. 
 
Eook XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 681 
 
 It was much the fame with the firft, excepting the addi¬ 
 tion, that in cafe his Majefty fhould happen to be ingaged 
 in a war with France , they fhould always be ready to aflift 
 him with fuch fupplies, as might enable him to prolecute 
 the fame with fuccefs. 
 
 The King gave no anfwer to this addrefs till twelve days 
 after, when he fent a meflage, “ that the only way to 
 “ prevent the dangers which might arife in thefe King- 
 “ doms, would be to put him timely in a condition to 
 “ make fuch fitting preparations, as might enable him to 
 “ do what fhould be moft for their fecurity.” 
 
 This drew from the Commons a third addrefs to the 
 King, in which they informed him, that they were pre¬ 
 paring a Bill for the additional duty of Excifc , on which he 
 might borrow two hundred thoufand pounds, and piomifed 
 to give him ample teftimony of their affe&ion at their next 
 meeting, after a fhort recefs during Eajler. The King not 
 fatisfied with fo fmall a fum, told them plainly, that with¬ 
 out fix hundred thoufand pounds, it would not be poffible 
 for him to anfwer the ends of their feveral addreffes. 
 
 Many members being abfent on account of the expected 
 adjournment at Eajler , the Commons were cautious of 
 proceeding upon other Money-bills; but defired his Ma- 
 jefty’s leave to adjourn, promifing, that, after the recefs, 
 they would comply with his demands. The fame day, the 
 16th of Aprils the King came to the Houfe of Peers, and 
 /isti p.iffcd. gave his aflent to feveral Ads. The chief were, an Ad 
 Sem!a B ' *° r t,KJ raifin g five hundred, and eighty-four thoufand 
 c 11 ’ pounds Sterling, for building of thirty fhips. 2. An Act 
 for an additional Excife upon Beer, and other Liquors, for 
 three years. 3. An Ad for prevention of frauds and per¬ 
 juries. 4. An Act for taking away the writ de Hccre- 
 tuo Comburendo. 5. An Ad for ereding a Judicature to 
 determine differences touching Houfes burnt by the late 
 dreadful fire in Southwark [1). Then the Chancellor ac¬ 
 quainted the two Houfes, that the King gave them leave 
 to adjourn to the 21ft of May next. 
 
 Thf K'.ix's 7 he King, undoubtedly, had ro defire to begin a war 
 nwumeut. with France , his private engagements with Lewis being 
 too ftrong to allow him fuch a thought. However, he 
 improved the prefent occafion to draw money from his 
 Parliament, on pretence of providing for the fafety of the 
 nation. For that was all he had yet obliged himfelf to, 
 tho’ the Commons imagined, he was ready to come into 
 their meafures, as foon as he fhould be allured of a fupply. 
 ici-avd. ^ The vigour with which the Commons acted, was owing to 
 • r- 4- 2, the progrefs of Lauts in the Netherlands, and on the Rhine, 
 while Charles , plunged in pleafures, remained unconcerned, 
 and by his conduit effectually deflroyed the principles efta- 
 blifhed by his Chancellor, that it was impoffible for the 
 f 4 *” uUn King and Kingdom to have oppofite interefts. The 17th 
 French. March , the King of France took Valenciennes , and be- 
 
 fieged Cambray , while St. Omer was inverted by the Duke 
 0 1 leans. Cambray coft him but feven days, and whde 
 
 a b.ut/r. 1 befieged the citadel, the Prince of Orange marched to 
 remple’i the relief of St. Omer , and was overcome by the Duke of 
 Bafha" T e. Orleans at Montcajfel. After this defeat, the citadel of 
 U. p. S07. Cambray , and St. Omer , furrendered by capitulation, 
 Bume:. about the 20th of April. By this means the Spanijh Ne¬ 
 therlands were open on all fidcs, and could be preferved, 
 but by the afliftance of England . This was clearly feen 
 by the Commons, and excited their endeavours to awaken 
 the King out of his affeded lethargy. The King knew 
 the danger as well as, or better than, his Parliament. 
 But,^ contrary to the maxim of his Chancellor, the King- 
 chirks dom s danger was not his. The more powerful the King 
 vair.Jr in °* Stance rendered himfelf, the greater was his private 
 the French advantage, becaufe it was by the afliftance of France , 
 that he pretended to enflave his own Kingdom. Let a 
 man ftudy never fo much to find plaufible reafons for the 
 King’s conduct and negligence, with regard to the Nether¬ 
 lands, and the growing power of France , he will find 
 none > without fuppofing what I have faid concerning the 
 Temple, King’s defigns. 'I he Spaniards, and Dutch , the Emperor 
 and the Princes of Germany, all reafoned wrong. They 
 fuppofed, that Charles would not fuffer the Netherlands to 
 be loft, becaufe it was the intereft of England to preferve 
 them, and were miftaken in imagining, the King would 
 Thr vjngs be influenced by the good of his Kingdom. But he had a 
 ■tndiui. particular intereft diredly contrary to that of England, 
 namely, his own, which he blindly purfued. He wouid 
 have feen the laft town of the Spanijh Netherlands loft 
 without being moved. Neverthelefs, as it was alfo his 
 intereft not to difeover his defigns before the time, for fear 
 of alarming the Englijh , and engaging the Parliament in 
 other meafures, he piecended to approve of their views. But 
 this was only to obtain a fupply, without promifing how¬ 
 ever any thing but to make preparations, which properly 
 was obliging himfelf to nothing at all. Such was the King’s 
 
 1677. 
 
 1 'hr Ktng s 
 
 4 third 
 4ddrefs. 
 
 'he Ki.g's 
 dhfv)i r. 
 
 condua in this whole affair, as will appear ftill more plain- 1677. 
 ly in the fequel. 
 
 The Parliament meeting the 21 ft of May , by the King’s Echard. 
 proclamation of fummons, after an adjournment of near 111, p ‘ 
 five weeks, the Commons believed the King had fpent this 
 interval in making the alliances they had defired, and that 
 he would communicate to them what: had been done. But rhe Kl"Z 
 the King only told them, by Secretary Coventry, that he F ^[“%. 
 expelled the Houfe would forthwith proceed to the money- 
 bill, and the rather, becaufe he intended there fhould be a 
 recefs very quickly. 7 his meflage occafioned warm de- d: L ru L rJ b 
 bates in the Houfe. They were inclined to give the King ,hcU,nmm ‘ 
 tlie fix hundred thoufand pounds he had asked, but were 
 willing to have fomething for their money, whereas the 
 King was for being fure of the fupply before he proceeded 
 in what was defired by the Commons. Their diftruft was 
 not very honourable to him, but it was his fault, becaufe he 
 had given fo many occafions for it, and therefore he could 
 not think it ftrange. He made it however fubfervient to 
 his defign, and pretended in his turn to fear, that the Com¬ 
 mons intended to engage him in a war with France, and 
 then leave him to extricate himfelf as well as he could, 
 without granting the neceflary afliftance to fupport it. On 
 this pretence he fent for the Commons to Whitehall, and 
 made then the following Speech. 
 
 “ Gentlemen , I have fent for you hither, that I might Tht ^V' 
 “ prevent thofe miftakes and dirtrurts, which I find fome 2™^** 
 “ are ready to make, as if I had called you together only id. p. 4ij. 
 “ to get money from you, for other ufes than you would 
 ** I> ave it employed. I do affure you on the word of a 
 
 King, that you fhall not repent any truft you repofe 
 “ in me, for the fafety of my Kingdoms, and I defire 
 “ you to believe, I would not break my credit with you; 
 
 “ but as I have already told you, That it will not be pojfi- 
 “ ble f or me to/peak or a£i thofe things which JhouUL anfwer 
 “ the ends of your feveral addrejfes, without expoftng my 
 “ Kingdoms to much greater dangers, fo I declare to you 
 “ again, I will neither hazard my own fafety nor yours, 
 
 “ until I be in a better condition than I am able to put 
 “ my felf, both to defend my Subjects, and offend my 
 “ enemies. I do farther affure you, I have not loft one 
 “ day fince your laft meeting, in doing all I could for your 
 “ defence, and I tell you plainly, it fhall be your fault, 
 
 “ and not mine, if your fecurity be not fuflkiently pro- 
 <c vided for.” 
 
 As this Speech, under general and obfeure terms, per- 
 fetftly anfwered the King’s fecret intentions, it is ab fo-Seeech!"* 
 lutely neceflary to make fome remarks, in order to fhew 
 diftindly and plainly, both the King’s intention and cha¬ 
 racter. 
 
 Firft, the Commons had defired the King to provide for 
 the fafety of his Kingdoms, upon the foundation, that their 
 fafety depended on the prefervation of the Spanijh Nether¬ 
 lands. But the King fays not a word which may oblige 
 him to the defence of the Netherlands, and contents himfelf 
 with promifing, upon his royal word, that he will provide 
 for the fafety of his Kingdom ; which general promife left 
 him room to fay afterwards, that whatever he had done 
 was for the fafety of his Kingdom. 
 
 Secondly, he fuppofed, that in providing for this fafety, 
 his Kingdoms would be expofed to great dangers, unlefs 
 he had the money beforehand, which was a groundlefs 
 fuppofition. 
 
 Thirdly, he told them, he ought to be put in a better 
 condition to defend his Subjeds, and offend his enemies. 
 
 By this laft expreflion he iniinuated, that he would enter 
 into a league oftenfive againft France , which was not his 
 intention, as will hereafter plainly appear. 
 
 Fourthly, he told them, he had not loft one day in do¬ 
 ing all he could for their defence, which expreflion figni- 
 fied nothing, fince he had juft told them, he could neither 
 fpeak nor ad, before he had the demanded fupply. In 
 what therefore did his five weeks care confift ? 
 
 Fifthly, there is but one thing clear in this fpeech, and 
 that is, he would be fure of the money before he began to 
 aCt. By which he intimated to the Commons, that he pre¬ 
 tended to have as much reafon to diftruft them, as they 
 could have to diftruft him, though afluredly the cafe was 
 very different. 
 
 This Speech occafioned very great debates in the Houfe Great de- 
 of Commons. The Court-party propofed a fpeedy grant 
 of the defired fupply, to enable'the King to make allian- 
 ces, clherwife, they could not be expeded to be made; 
 and alledged, that the King had the fame power of mak¬ 
 ing war and leagues, as the Houfe had in giving money ; 
 he could not have money without them, nor they alliances 
 without him. The contrary party remarked, that no¬ 
 thing pofitive was promifed by the King, except that he 
 would provide for the fafety of the Kingdom, whidi might 
 
 ■[■'l f.naU"v.crria^L^Td^^ic' : ' Jn ° f [he Eord’s-day. And another for confirming and perpetuating Augmentations, m^e by Ecdefialtical 
 
 No. LXXVIII. Vol, II, g £ Lj, 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 68; 
 
 The HISTORY c/ ENGLAND. 
 
 l /y addrefs 
 I. p. 416. 
 . Coke. 
 
 mp'.iimof 
 ' M.trcf,. 
 
 be explained feveral ways, without any aflurance it fhould 
 be underftood in the fenfeof the Commons. As for faying 
 that the King would make alliances when he fhould have 
 the fupply, the expreffion was too general to hazard upon 
 it a fum of fix hundred thoufand pounds. But if alliances 
 were made forthwith, and declared to day, the fix hundred 
 thoufand pound-- would be granted to morrow. 
 
 This laft opinion prevailed, fuch was the diftruft con¬ 
 ceived of the King. So, the Houfe refolved to prefent 
 an addrefs to the King, which fhould oblige him to fpeak 
 more plainly, that they might know howto proceed. The 
 fubft.-.nce of this addrefs was: 
 
 “ It is a great affliction to us, to find our felves obliged 
 “ to declare againft the granting the fupply you are pleated 
 “ to demand, conceiving it not agreeable to the ufage ot 
 “ Parliaments, to grant fupplies for the maintenance ot 
 “ wars and alliances, before they are fignified in Parlia- 
 “ ment ; from which ufage if we depart, the precc- 
 “ dent might be of dangerous confequence in future 
 “ times.- 
 
 “ We humbly befeech your Majefty to enter into a 
 “ league often five and defenfive with the States General 
 “ of the United Provinces , againft the growth and power 
 “ of the French King, and for the prefervation of the 
 “ Spani/h Netherlands, and to make fuch other alliances 
 “ with other fuch of the confederates as you fliall think 
 “ fit and ufeful to that end.- 
 
 “ Laftly, they laid before him feveral reafons to con- 
 *'• vince him, that, in this jundure, a war with France 
 “ was abfolutely nccefflary, in order to oblige her to leave 
 “ the reft of Chr'/lcndom in repofe, and promifed to put 
 “ him in a condition for a vigorous maintenance of the 
 “ fame.” 
 
 Had the King really intended to flop the great pro- 
 grefs of the King of France , this addrefs would have been 
 more than fufficient to engage him in a war with that 
 Prince, or at leaft to have done fomething to make him 
 fear it. But as nothing was farther from his thoughts, he 
 affe&ed a diftruft of the Commons, which he really had 
 not. He had undertaken the firlt war againft the States, 
 upon a like aflurance without the leaft hefitation. He had 
 ingaged in the fecond war without even imparting his de- 
 fign to the Parliament. But when a war with France was 
 (iefired, he pretended to fear from the Commons, what 
 lie iiad not feared when a war with Holland was in que- 
 ftion ; tho’ it was manifeft, this fear was entirely ground- 
 Jefs. But any delay was to be ufed rather than oppofe the 
 prcgrels of his gord friend, and yet, he was unwilling to 
 lofe tliis opportunity of procuring a fupply from his Parlia¬ 
 ment. 
 
 The Commons pretended by their laft addrefs to oblige 
 the King to give a clear anfwer. But they found them- 
 felves miftaken. The King receiving this addrefs the zG'.h 
 of May, fent [two days after] for the Commons to IVhite- 
 hall, and for anfwer fharply reproved them for invading his 
 Prerogative, in requiiing him to enter into a league often- 
 five and defenfive with the States General, “ Should I, 
 “ faid he, fuller this fundamental power of making war 
 “ and peace to be fo far invaded, as to have the manner 
 “ and circumftances of leagues pteferibed to me by Parlia- 
 <c ment, no Prince or State would any longer believe, 
 “ that the fovereignty of England refts in the Crown. 
 
 “ .Wherefore you may reft allured, that no condition 
 
 “ fliall make me depart from fo ell’ential a part of the 
 “ Monaichy.” At the conclufion of this Speech he de¬ 
 clared his pleafure to them, that the Houfe be adjourned 
 till the 16th of July (i), telling them, he would give them 
 notice by his Proclamation when he intended they fhould 
 fit again, which, he faid, would net be till winter, unlefs 
 fome extraordinary occafion fhould happen. 
 
 Nothing is a plainer demonflration, how different the 
 King’s intcrefts were from thofe of his Kingdom, than his 
 conduct on this important occafion. The Commons be¬ 
 lieved it abfolutely necefflary for the f.ifety of the King¬ 
 dom, to check the progrefs of the French King, and pre- 
 ferve the Netherlands, and to that end, make alliances 
 with the States General and their confederates. This was 
 a very evident truth. The King himfelf did not deny it, 
 while there w'as hope of getting the fix hundred thoufand 
 pounds, demanded on pretence of putting himfelf in a con¬ 
 dition to defend the Kingdom, which fhewed at leaft that 
 he believed it in danger. But when he faw the Commons 
 would not be fatisfied with general promifes, but required 
 fomething real, the neceffity of putting the Kingdom in a 
 Hate of defence, vanifhed at once. He adjourned the Par¬ 
 liament for feveral months, without any notice of the dan¬ 
 ger with which the Kingdom was threatned, though that 
 danger fubfiiled no lefs, than at the beginning of the feffion. 
 Thus the danger was prefflng to the Kingdom, when it 
 
 w'as no longer fo to the King: A clear evidence that the 1677. jl 
 King and Parliament had different views and interefts. 
 
 So, on pretence of an attempt of the Commons upon his 
 Prerogative, he took occafion to order a h-ng adjournment, 
 which broke all the meafures of the Commons, and almoft 
 deftroyed the hopes entertained by the Allies, of afflftance 
 from England, which could not but be very advantagious 
 to France. I do not think it pofflble to account for the 
 King’s conduct in a manner fatisfa&ory to the impartial, 
 without fuppoling that he expelled afflftance from France 
 to make himfelf abfoltite, and change the efiablifhed Re¬ 
 ligion. On this fuppolltion, inftead of being concerned to 
 ftop the progrefs of France , it could not but be for his in- 
 tereft that fhe fhould become ftill more powerful. Ac¬ 
 cordingly this was what he wifhed, as all his proceedings 
 manifeftly fhew eJ. 
 
 We learn from Sir IVilliam Temple himfelf, that whilft r “' j 
 he was at Nimeguen as Plenipotentiary-mediator for a}.-, ^ ■- 
 
 peace, he was fent for to London by the King, on pre- •» Id I 
 fence of making him Secretary of State, but in reality to pie's I 
 difpatch him to the Hague , to endeavour to perfuad • the Mem. 
 
 Piince of Orange to con lent to a feparate peace with f • - > '• 
 France. But Temple declined a commifflon which he had ,57 " ' 
 before tried to execute, without being able to fucceed. 
 
 This fhows with what zeal the King endeavoured to ferve 
 France, which only wanted to divide the allies by fuch an 
 expedient. It is certain, the King of France, tho’till now 
 fuperior to his enemies, was 1... e able 1 nger to fuftain a 
 war with almoft all Europe united againft iiim. It was 
 therefore in the King of England's power to procure a juft 
 and reafonable peace, by declaring againft France, as he 
 was defired by the Parliament. Buc this could never be 
 obtained of him. On the contrary, fearing to be forced 
 to it at laft by the clamours of his People, he fecrctly la¬ 
 boured to procure France an advantagious peace, by the 
 divifion of her enemies. 
 
 Sir IVilliam Temple having refufed to be employed upon 
 this errand, Mr. Laurence Hyde was fent to the Hague , to 
 try to gain the States and Prince of Orange. 
 
 The King had the more hopes of prevailing with the ■' * 
 Prince, as there had been fome time fince a propofal from ■ "{c - 
 him for his marriage with the Princefs Mary, eldeft daugh- or- - .« 
 ter to the Duke of York ; and as he did not doubt, that to i.j ‘ 
 fucceed in that affair, the Prince would grant every thing • n I 
 defired of him concerning the feparate peace with France. Le-r- >1. g 
 It jwas for this end probably, that the King permitted the ' ' 
 
 Prince his nephew to come to his Court, and follicite his T 
 affairs in perfon : but without any pofitive aflurance that 
 his addrefles would be well received. The Prince could TV . Pr, '” £ « 
 not leave the army before the campain was ended, and ErHjnd” 2 
 therefore arrived not in England till the 9th of October, v. .--'s 
 when he landed at Harwich, and from thence went to the f 1 
 Court. The King, the Duke of York., the Lord-Trea- K-mn 7 r. 
 furer, and Sir IVilliam Temple , were the only perfons in- i- ; -in¬ 
 formed of the motive of the Prince’s journey. The Court, J * irnet ‘ 
 which w'as then at Newmarket, being returned to London , 
 the Prince had a fight of thePrincefs, and then demanded 
 her in form of the King and Dake of York, by whom 
 his propofal was differently received. The Duke of York A ‘-Tnace • 
 feemed very cold, and the King appeared to embrace i t-t/i,,4* J 
 with joy : but it was on condition that he and the Prince P-Te. 
 fhould previoufly agree upon the terms of a general peace. Tcm P |c * • i 
 This condition was like to render the Prince’s journey en¬ 
 tirely fruitlefs. The Prince was abfolutely againft fpeak- 
 ing of a peace till after the marriage, and the King as 
 refolute to agree upon the plan of a peace before the mar¬ 
 riage fhould be concluded. They continued five or fix 
 days fixed to their refolutions. The Prince acquainted 
 the King, by Sir IVilliamTemple, “ That his allies, who Memoirs, 
 
 “ were like to have hard terms of the peace, as things p,4S ^' 
 
 “ then flood, would be apt to believe, that he had made 
 “ his match at their coft, and for his part he would never 
 “ fell his honour for a wife.” All this was not capable 
 to divert the King from his refolution, and the affair 
 feemed upon the point of breaking off’. But all was re¬ 
 conciled. Temple paying a vifit to the Prince one night 
 after fupper, was told by him, tc That he repented his 
 “ coming into England, and refolved to be gone in two 
 “ days, if the King continued in his mind of treating up- 
 “ on the peace before he was married; but that before he 
 “ went, the King mull chufe how they fhould live here- 
 “ after; for he was fure it muft be either like the greateft 
 “ friends, or the greateft enemies ; and defired Sir IVilliam 
 “ to let his Majefty know fo next morning, and give him 
 “ account of what he fhould fay upon it.” Sir IVilliam, p-4rr- j 
 in difeharge of his commifflon, reprelented to the King the 
 ill-confequenccs of a breach with the Prince, confidering 
 the ill-humours of fo many of his Subjedls on account of 
 his engagements with France, and the invitation made the 
 
 the fame thing, impc-idie, 
 
 ed by the Speaker, ■ 
 1 ot High-Treifon i: 
 
 6 
 
 'ichout the confent of the Houfe, or fo much as his putting the qutftion, though Sir jehn Finch v 
 16^0. Kernel, p. 343* 
 
 Prince 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 < 1677. 
 
 -he King 
 ields, Mid 
 
 A Plan 
 a go.n. 
 
 Temple’* 
 
 Mem. 
 
 p- 4 ss, 416- 
 
 Prince by feveral of them during the late war. The King 
 having heard him with great attention, anfwered, “ I 
 “ never yet was deceived in judging a man’s honefty by his 
 
 “ looks,-and if I am not deceived in the Prince’s face, 
 
 “ he is the honefteft man in the world ; and I will truft 
 “ him, and he (hall have his wife, and you (hall go im- 
 “ mediately and tell my brother fo, and that it is a thing 
 “ I am refolved on.” The Duke of York appeared at firit 
 a little furprized, but however anfwered, the King (hould 
 be obeyed, and he (hould be glad his Subjects would learn 
 from him the obedience which they owed to their Sove¬ 
 reign,-adding, I tell him my opinion very freely upon any 
 
 thing , but when that is clone , and I know his pleafure upon 
 it, 1 obey him. Immediately after Sir William waited on 
 the Prince with the agreeable news. The fame day, the 
 marriage-articles were drawn and agreed, the Princels’s 
 portion being forty thouiand pound Sterling, and the day 
 after the King declared the marriage in full Council (1). 
 The city of London teftified an extraordinary joy at the 
 news, and Sir Francis Chaplin the Lord-Mayor invited the 
 King to a magnificent entertainment the 29th of Oflober. 
 The marriage was confummated on the Prince’s birth-day, 
 the 4th of November (2). 
 
 A few days after, the King, the Duke of York, the 
 Prince of Orange, the Lord-Treafurer, and Sir William 
 Temple , entered into conference for fettling the fcheme of 
 a general peace, and after fome debates, agreed upon thefe 
 terms : “ All (hould be reftored by France to the Lmperor, 
 “ that had been taken from him in the war, the Duchy of 
 “ Lorrain to that Duke, and all on both fides between 
 “ France and Holland: And to Spain, the towns of Aeth, 
 “ Charleroy, Oudenard, Courtray, Tour nay, Conde, Va- 
 “ leticienncs , St. Guil/ain, and Binch. That the Prince of 
 “ Orange (hould endeavour to procure the confent of Spain ; 
 “ and the King that of France, for which purpoie he 
 “ (hould fend fomeperfon immediately over with thepro- 
 “ pofition, who was to demand a politive anfwer in two 
 
 publi (hed by the Ear! of Danby, in the reign of William III. 
 Khali iranfctibe the extradls of thefe letters, that the rea¬ 
 der may be fatisfied of what I fay, without reiying on my 
 word. But I am to premife, that the King, after pro¬ 
 longing the adjournment to April 1678, thought proper to 
 afi'embie the Parliament, the 1 of January, and a? r oon 
 as they met, to adjourn the Commons, by a meHa^e, to 
 the 28th of the fame month. The letters I mentioned 
 were as follows: 
 
 Extract of a Letter from Mr. Montague to the King from 
 Paris, in the year 1677. 
 
 ""T A mfure, the greatnefs of the King s/France isfupport- 
 X cd only by your Majefiy s connivance at what be does , 
 and the good will Chrillendom fees you have for him. The 
 advantage he has by it even in point of Revenue, by his con¬ 
 quers, docs amount to five times the J'um you have now from 
 
 him: And though after-games are hard to play, I think I un- 
 
 derfiand this Court fo well, and if you care to have it done , 
 1 am confident I could get you by agreement a million of 
 Ltvres a year to be paid while the war Jhall lafi, and four 
 millions aj ter the peace Jhall be made, I mean. Sir, over and 
 above what you have from France now. . 
 
 Extract of a Letter from Mr. Montague to the Lord 
 Treafurer Danby, writ a little after the former. 
 
 T Expett his Chrijhan Maj.fiy s anfwer to the demands 
 X I made by the King's diretlkn of two hundred t ho if and 
 pounds Sterling, to be paid till the general peace is concluded, 
 taking for granted that it will be conform to my orders from 
 the King , to infifi upon tiuo millions of Livrcs a year during 
 the war, and four millions after the peace, or elfe two hun- 
 d, cd 1 hoijand pounds Sterling daring the war. But lam told 
 this morning, that Mr. Courtin has agreed this matter with 
 the King my maficr, and that his Maj.fiy will be contented 
 with two millions of Livres a year only during the war ; 
 which I confefs furprized me extremely, confidering the necef- 
 
 683 
 
 ' 4 f7, 
 
 to execute this commilllon. 
 
 The Prince The Prince and Princefs of Orange embarked for Hol- 
 Holhn/' r a ^ tcr - The King pofitively allured the Prince, 
 
 Burnet. I 16 would never depart from the fcheme agreed upon for a 
 Kennec. general peace, and that if France refufed her confent, he 
 Theadjeum- would declare war againft her. And yet, the Prince had 
 the mortification before his departure, to fee the adjourn¬ 
 ment of the Parliament prolonged from the 3d of December 
 to the 4th of April (3). 
 
 The Court of France were extremely furprized, as well 
 with the fcheme of the peace, as the manner in which it 
 was pretended to impofe it on them. But whether the Lord 
 Duras had fecret orders to give hopes, that the fcheme 
 might be altered, or it was not defpaired to gain the King 
 of England, the Envoy, after (laying fome days beyond his 
 commiflion, returned without an anfwer, or at leall with 
 
 Danby*! 
 
 on&ed. 
 
 The Kin,, 
 gained by 
 
 remple*! 
 
 P-4J7- 
 
 days.” Tile Lord Duras, afterwards Earl of Ft verjham, fity f his Majejlys condition, and the pofinvcmfi of his com- 
 a creature of the Duke of 1 irk, was the petfon fixed upon mands to me, to infifi upon two hundred tboufandpounds Ster- 
 
 .„ .u:-ft*, which I had done very effiflually, and mujl have fuc- 
 
 ceeded in, confidering the reafinablenefs of the derritnd , except 
 the gentrofity of the King our mafiers nature, who values 
 money fo little, has already condefcended to the leffer fum of 
 two millions of Livres, &c. 7 J 
 
 Extra# of a Letter from the Lord-Treafurer Danby to 
 Mr. Montague, Ambaflador in France, the 17th of Ja¬ 
 nuary < 677-8. J 
 
 — ■ EJhrday young Ruvigny came to me with Mr. Ba- 
 i rillon (having given me his Father's letters the day 
 before) and dijcoiirfed much upon the confidence the French 
 kmg hath of the firmnefs of ours to him: of the good opinion 
 his majlcr hath oj me ; of Ins King’s reflation to c mdefeeni 
 re my thing, that ,s not infamous to him, fir the fat,.sfattion 
 nmiffioii, returned without an anfwer, or ac leall wuh of our King ; haw certainly our King may depend upon all a r 
 anfwer of no fignification. It contained only. That the f,fiances and fupphes from his mafier, in cafe the frimdlhil 
 
 mofi Chrijlian King hoped, his brother would not break with be preformed - The main of their drift was to engage meta 
 
 him upon one or two towns, to which England had no pre- prevail with the Prince of Orange as to the town »/'Tour- 
 
 tenfien, but however, he would fend orders to bis Ambafiador nay- The King mujl come to fome declaration of his mind 
 
 at London, to treat with his Majejty himfelf. Itisknown, to the Parliament when it meets. That which makes the 
 theKing of France offered Mr. Montague, the Engljh Am- hopes of peace left probable, is, that the Duke grows oven 
 ballador, large fums for the King, and the Treafurer, day left inclined to it, and has created a greater indifference 
 m Phil for Which were not accepted, at leall openly ; but on the other in the King than I could have imagined-, which being added la 
 " h » nd . the Kln g f “®red to be fo mollirieu by the the French King's reflations, not to part with Tournav 
 
 oners or articles ot France, that the fcheme of peace agreed dm, 1 confefs, make me defpair of any accommodation Ne 
 on with the Prince of Orange, was at lall reduced to no- verthelefs, I am ajfured that one principal caufe of this ad 
 thing, and no more heard ot. jourr.mentfor thin,,,, days, has been to find an expedient for 
 
 d rom thc Lord ^fras s return, to the meeting of the the peace ; and the effeft hath hitherto been, that no body will 
 "niKt. W ' n L ar ‘ arn r ei l t ’ tJu: was actually negotiating with the now believe other than that the peace is already concluded 
 
 Danby 1 ! King of France, the terms on which he was to refill the between us and France. 
 
 -eu. follicitations of his Parliament, and prevent his declaring 
 
 for the allies. This appealed openly in the Parliament it Extraa of another letter from the fame hand to thc fame 
 (elf, by the letters of the Lord -1 reafurer Danby, produced perlon, dated the 25 th of March 16-8 
 
 before the Commons in 1678, by Mr. Montague, Ambaf- — T N cafe the conditions of peace Jhall be accepted the 
 fador at the drench Court; and fince that, a fuller con- 1 King expetfs to have fix millions of Ltvres a year for 
 viction has been given ot this by Mr. Montague's letters, three years, from the time that this agreement Jhall be figned 
 
 (1) The French Ambaflador, and Lord Arlington, appeared the only two perfons unLtisfied upon it at Court; the firft, not knowing how he fhould an 
 ' C CohlS mJter ' th , 3t ? U g, ^ ,! 11C irn F ortance Ihould pafs without his communication, much lefs advice, in a court where nothing had been dona 
 Merle SffSta P ‘ < ‘ W '' toUt h “ knowk,1 S e ’ “P Coim-ophL, of his p on , 
 
 1 “' ' BuT " e '’ 111 his dCC<lun[ 01 , thlS matter, fays, that the Lord-Treafurer Danby feeing his ruin was inevitable, if he could not brin" the King off fmm . 
 :«etbcl’r.nceof Or»«e, by Sir Milan, T: m? l c great hopes of a marriage with the Duke's Daughter, and got the Prince to al £ 
 
 .<-! 10 Eii)J..nd. When thel nnce, alter a truitlels Hay for lome weeks, was going away, the Lord D.-mby prefleJ hisltaym^a few d-vs InntJr 
 
 ieftv's hell ( r,.n T Cr ? e r '7 ' 7 ' ‘"n'Ti! mig , h 7 be lch k° hl iT' r S ?' nexc mornmg, he came to the King, and told him, he had received Letters from all his Ma- 
 1 eity s belt Inends in En^Lwd, and lhewed him a bundle of rhem _j ,. . 14 lv ra- 
 
 ind lhewed him a bundle of them, which he was furc the King would not trouble himfelf to read. They all agreed he 
 r age between the Prince oi Orange and the Duke's Daughter. If not, the Parliament would certainly addrefs for it and'fo 
 
 French ir 
 
 and that th 
 jelly's bef 
 
 that the King fhould make 
 thc King would lofe the thanks o: 
 
 the arguments lie could, the King was convinced, and fent for the Duke, who obeyed the King's pleafure. 
 
 1 urtjwoiuh could not I peak with the King, before he had declared the matter in Council, p.409,410. 
 
 5, 1 he I'nnce and Princefs were hurried out of town fo fall, (therebeinga fecretdefign to invite them to an entertainment in theCity bv the Counrrv 
 p-r,;.. whichtn.Court dul nutlikc.) Hue they haJ ka.ce ..me ,o make provilwn for <hei, joor.c,. Being come D trtr}, th.y Jed ,o »"T 
 
 inluMHM ■" —■-* * u “ / ' .- • L -“ay*rand his Brethren, upon grave de^ 
 
 y g°t together what Plate and Money 
 
 ........ I rn unnn .v, „ r, ' A'. - w “»“• * u.. «as highly acceptable to the Prince and Princefs, and the Dean was 
 
 afterwards to th/ ArcbbfiopSjf* aCCldenC ’ he be “ an that w ^ a,nta n« and correfpoadence with the Prince an 4 Mr. 3 entimk, as advanced h.m 
 
 the Parliament would certainly addrefs for it, and fo 
 
 - h onour of it. Having enforced the thing with all 
 D.tnby fo ordered the matter, thac theDuchelsof 
 
 ■ , ' A , . * “ umc co mane provinon ror tneir journey, ijemg come to Came. 
 
 v. ere, tnrough halte they came very meanly provided. Upon application to borrow money of the Corporation, the May»r ai 
 i eration, were really atraid to lend them any. Dr. Tilltitfim, then Dean ot Canterbury , hearing of this, immediately got 
 he c md, and went to the Inn to M r .‘Bcntmck .with the otfer of what he had. This was highly acceptable to the Prince a: 
 
 Utwixf 
 
Vol. 1L 
 
 "684 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 t 07 ~. betwixt bis Majcjly and the King of F ranee; becaufe it will 
 ' probably be two or three years before the Parliament will be 
 in humour to give him any fupplics after the making of any 
 peace with Fiance; and the Ambajfador here has always 
 agreed to that fum, but not for fa long a time. If you find 
 the peace will not be accepted , you are not to mention the 
 money at all-, and all poffble care mujl be taken to have this 
 whole negotiation as private as is poffble, for fear of giving 
 offence at home , where for the mofil part we hear in ten days 
 after of any thing that is communicated to the French Mi¬ 
 tt filers. ----- At the bottom of the letter were thefe words 
 
 under the King’s own hand. 
 
 This Letter is writ by my order , C. R. 
 
 n.ri -t >1 I fliall make no remarks upon thefe letters, which plain- 
 ]y fhew, with what fincerity the King difeharged the of- 
 £ ce o{ - jvicdrator, and how much he favoured France. 
 The bell excufe for him is, that thefe fecret proceedings 
 and negotiations were only to get money. But when it 
 is confidered, that he would have received much more 
 from his Parliament, it he had purfued the paths of up- 
 rightnefs, and might have had more left of what the Par¬ 
 liament would have granted him in one fingle year, than 
 he hoped to draw from France in three, a man can hardly 
 forbear thinking, that his blind attachment to the interell 
 of France was fur hidden deiigns which it was not yet 
 time to difeover. And if it is faid, he took money from 
 Frame , only to be freed from the trouble of applying to 
 his Parliament, this does but confirm that he intended to 
 render himfelf abfolute(i). 
 
 1677-8. The King had not prolonged the adjournment of the 
 T' f firig Parliament to the 28th of ‘January , in order to find expe- 
 l fZ UUti :ffi dients for a general peace, as the Treafurer told Mon- 
 r tag tie in his letter of the 26th of January, but to have 
 
 Temple. time to receive the news of a league with Holland , 
 
 which was indeed figned the 16th of January. This 
 league was very far from anfwering the delires ot the Par¬ 
 liament. It was properly but defenfive, to prevent the 
 King of France from purfuing his conquefts in the Ne¬ 
 therlands. Nay, it may be ealily judged, conlidering the 
 King’s Uriel union with France, and the fecret correfpon- 
 dences between the two Courts, whether he had any great 
 defire to go to war with the King of France, in order to 
 oblige him to reftore what he had taken. He believed ne- 
 verthelefs, that this league would be capable to impofe upon 
 the Parliament, and therefore had deferred their meet¬ 
 ing to receive the news of its conclufion. Supported by 
 this league, which, according to him, was to produce won¬ 
 derful effects, he made the following Speech to both Houfes, 
 the 28 th of January. 
 
 Kenncc, 
 E h 4 ^d 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen , 
 
 4 HEN we parted laft, I told you. That before 
 4 VV we met again I would do that which Jhould be to 
 4 your fatisfattion. I have accordingly made fuch alli- 
 4 ances with Holland , as are for the prefervation of Flan- 
 4 ders, and which cannot fail of that end, unlefs prevent- 
 4 ed either by the want of due aflillances to fupport thofe 
 4 alliances, or by the fmall regard the Spaniards them- 
 4 felves mull have to their own prefervation. The firll 
 4 of thefe I cannot fufpccl, by reafon of your repeated 
 4 engagements to maintain them ; and I know you are fo 
 4 wife as to confider, that a war which mult be the ne- 
 4 ccfiary confequence of them, ought neither to be profe- 
 4 cuted by halves, nor to want fuch alfurances of perfe- 
 4 verance as may give me encouragement to purfue it: be- 
 4 fides, it will not be lefs necefiary to let our enemies have 
 4 fuch a profpecl of our refolutions, as may let them fee 
 4 certainly that we {hall not be weary of our arms, till 
 4 Chriflcndom be reftored to fuch a peace, as fliall not be 
 4 in the power of any Prince alone to difturb. 
 
 44 1 do acknowledge to you, that I have ufed all the means 
 4 poifible by a mediation, to have procured an honorable 
 4 and fafe peace for Cbri/lendom ; knowing how preferable 
 4 fuch a peace would have been to any war, and efpeci- 
 4 ally to this Kingdom, which mud neceflarily own the 
 4 vail benefits it has received by peace, while its neigh- 
 4 hours only have yet fmarted by the war; but finding it 
 no longer to be hoped for by fair means, it fhall not be 
 4 my fault if tnat be not obtained by force which cannot 
 4 be had any other ways. For this reafon, I have recalled 
 4 my troops from Irancc , and have confidered, that al¬ 
 though the Dutch fliall do their parts, we cannot have 
 4 lefs on ours than ninety fail of capital fhips conflantly 
 4 maintained, nor lefs than thirty or forty thoufand land- 
 men (with their dependencies) to be employed upon 
 cur fleets and elfewhere. And becaufe there fhall be no 
 4 fear ot mil-employing what you fliall give \o thefe ufes, 
 44 I am contented that fuch money be appropriated to thofe 
 
 44 ends as flrictly as you can defire. I have given tef- 1677-8. .. 
 44 timony enough of my care in that kind, by the progrefs 
 44 Thave made in building the new fhips; wherein, for the 
 44 making them more ufcful, i have directed fuch larger 
 “ dimenlions as will coll me above one hundred thoufand 
 “ pounds more than the adl allows. I have gone as far 
 “ as I could in repairing the old fleet, and in buying ne- 
 44 ceflary ftores for the navy and ordnance: And in this 
 “ and other provifions for better fecuring both my foreign 
 “ Plantations and the Iflands nearer home, I ha\e expend- 
 44 ed a great deal more than the two hundred thoufand 
 44 pounds you enabled me to borrow upon the excife, al- 
 44 though I have not found fuch credit as I expected upon 
 “ that lecurity. I have born the charge both of a rebellion 
 44 in Virginia, and a new war with Algiers: I (land en- 
 44 gaged to the Prince of Orange for my Niece’s portion, 
 
 44 and I fhall not be able to maintain my conflant necef- 
 44 fary eflablifhmenrs, unlefs the new imports upon wine, 
 
 44 Ific. be continued to me, which would otherways turn 
 44 only to their profit to whom we leafl intend it. 
 
 “ I hope thefe things will need little recommendation to 
 44 you, when you confider your promifes in fome, and 
 44 the necefiity of the reft; and to let you fee, that 1 have 
 44 not only employed my time and treafure for your fafety, 
 
 “ but dene all I could to remove all forts of jealoufies, I 
 “ have married my niece to the Prince of Orange, by 
 44 which I hope I have given full afl'urances, that I fliall 
 “ never fuffer his interefts to be ruined, if I can be afiift- 
 44 cd, as I ought to be, to preferve them. Having done 
 “ al) this, I expc£t from you a plentiful fupply, fuitable to 
 44 fuch great occafions, whereon depends not only the ho- 
 44 nour, but, for ought I know, the being of the Englijh 
 44 nation, which will not be faved by finding fault after- 
 44 wards, but may be prevented by avoiding the chief fault 
 44 of doing weakly and by halves, what can only be hoped 
 44 from a vigorous and thorough profecution of what we 
 44 undertake. Thefe confiderations are of the greateft im- 
 44 portance that ever concerned this Kingdom, and there- 
 44 tore I would have you enter immediately upon them, 
 
 “ without fullering any other bufinefs whatfoever to divert 
 “ you from bringing them to good refolutions.” 
 
 It is very ftrange, that Charles II, with more extraor- JR™** | 
 dinary fupplies than were ever granted to any King of Eng- 
 land, with a revenue much larger than that of any of his ^ ’ I 
 predeceflbrs, (which, by the calculation of the Commons, 
 amounted to lixteen hundred thoufand pounds,) was ne- 
 verthelefs always in want, and opprelied with debts, and 
 in every Speech told his Parliament, that he had expended 
 for the publick, more than was granted him. He had 
 however been engaged but in two wars, which he might 
 have avoided if he had pleafed, and faved his Subjefls feve- 
 ral millions, fruitlefsly confirmed in thefe wars. But this 
 is not the only reflection which may be made upon this 
 Speech ; there is another of much greater importance. 
 
 The whole Speech was founded upon a fuppofition which 
 naturally ought to have been true, but was not, name¬ 
 ly, that his alliance with Holland could not fail to engage 
 him in a war with France, though nothing was farther 
 from his intention. His aim therefore was to reprefent his 
 alliance with Holland , and the war againft France , as one 
 and the fame thing, or at leall the war as the necefiary 
 confequence of this alliance, though he gave no poii- 
 tive hopes of the war. There was indeed a wide diftance 
 between the one and the other. For, if the Parliament 
 had granted the immenfe funis he demanded, it is certain, 
 he might have made peace when he pleafed, without ex¬ 
 pending any of the money in preparations. He would only 
 have had to declare againft France, and peace would in- 
 ftantly have followed. For France was not in condition to 
 refill, if England had been fincerely united with the reft of 
 her enemies. Herein the King threw the Parliament into The Commons J 
 a great dilemma. For, either they were to grant him the & 
 
 large firms he demanded, without having other hope of a 1 
 
 future war, than a confequence not ablolutely necefiary, 
 or in refilling the fupply, they gave the King a plaufible 
 pretence to fay, it was not his fault, that England did not 
 join with the enemies of France. But in the Houfe of 
 Commons were men of fufticient abilities to difeover the 
 King’s artifices, and inftruct their fellow members, where¬ 
 in they fucceeded the more eafily, as above two thirds of 
 the Houfe were little inclined to truft to the King’s word. 
 
 It was therefore refolved, after great debates, to prefent tv Commmi •<i 
 
 an addrefs to the King, the fubftance of which was,- the j 
 
 44 That they befought him not to admit of any treaty of |j. j’r y 31. 1 
 44 peace, whereby the French King ftiould be left in pof- T 1 * 
 
 “ feflion of any greater dominion or power, than was left I 
 
 “ him by the Pyrenean treaty : That no trade be admitted 
 44 with France , or any goods fuflered to be imported from 
 44 thence, on pain of forfeiture. And when he Ihould be 
 
 
 Tin-- yir d.k-j, GUin: SUtJm, Archbiftop of 
 
 - •' . 
 
 Cjnterbury, Thciphilm G.itc, Author of the 0 / 1 hi Gin 
 
 , Elq. Author of th; Oiavta, 
 
 R ki t ShtTMiham, 
 
 who writ * 
 
 4 
 
 pleafed 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES 11. 
 
 685 
 
 34-6* 
 
 J. Pni 
 
 “ «*•»». -W bring the wart -dul^ pZ^oJZ' ^ *** “ **»"» ^ “" d •** 
 
 perp.tirtt't:/^ ' TinlS a, t" °{ It”'tT S~' ' 
 
 •o make war upon Tnmcc, though he had already refolded bill for Miffng money bv a Poll tfv’ Tlf hal,e '° > Kanniv 
 
 agatnft ,t. He could not therefore anfwer this addrefs with- they refolved°unon L Jddrefs n t!' T' ‘ +th ° J ?° r,i 
 out a ditea afient or diliim, and this is what he was wil- dedatl watS “a “ '" M; ' 
 
 ■rc<K«r ling to avoid. To extricate himfelf, he had recnurfe to STS w " •«”"* "**•'. to dtfmtr s the Amballador of 
 the fame expedient he had formerly ted Thh™ Z mla”" *? ? wn . f *°, m a pro- 
 
 | fa.*. complain ot the great invafton of his prerogative, in thus was fent the next day to theTn'H t P '?'• Th ' S a<Wrek 
 I K™,t. preferibing the methods he was to ufe, which at he fame R„ t"r„„ r y . Lords or the ' r concurrence 
 
 time he fhowed to be ridiculous and ineradicable. He Houfe of Lords the^lth of ?'"/ rai ™ t0 tl,e a. A), s 
 
 .faid, his fpeech was to both Houfes, and the return ought Poll bill fa) aid Vom th A ' ‘"t ” ft " P affi "g •*« F-- 
 .0 be from both. That however,’if, by their affiftanS, the ,"h^’f ‘tu ’ »»>t ,0 
 
 he was put into arms fuffictent for fuch a work, he would It is remarkable'that c„ . , , T , „ *tft* 
 
 never be weary, till Chriflendom was reftored to fuch a writ ^TeclndIf £' e ^ 'be Lotd-Treafurer-r. 
 
 peace, that it fhculd not be in the power of on- Prince to In u, 'he forement.oned Letters to Ambafla- />#-'■ 
 
 difturb i, I That the rights of tnaLg and managing war “(Xn 
 
 ff n th^ aC tho b ughC E h d e f w^,d°ev^’ drpartTror^t^yT^r- adilXX.T™ h "‘h 6 '"x was farther 
 
 That if the Commons would encourage him to go further Jo Houfe“ .to? ’ kXh'ad' SSdHtfl W 
 in alliances, they muft confider of railing fpeedy Supplies • were thinking of a f "L , that .he Dutch . lht 
 
 forhom the con.fdeta.ion of thofe he mutt take his mea- privity, and felited their 
 
 The meaning of this anfwer was eaftiy underftood, name- ftXiml tied *Z Thxt 7 Z w *"? 
 
 y, that the king ftudioufly avoided to fay pofitively, he “ with the States General’ nr the 17 ", P mlJe ’ 
 
 intended to declare war againft franc,, though he wi'fhed not pltLnt to thlojL JT » 7 "“” ^ 
 
 that confluence to be drawn from his alliance witlt Hoi- “ f.flcm with the m, 0 d an I rt v r K V "a” 7 "' 
 foe,/: Alliance, of which the contents were not known, Kingremmed In^akfwet w 1 1 m I m" g "L**'" 
 
 and which was no. yet imparted ,0 the Parliament. He this lore. But the Corninl i noto dl 
 
 They befought a 1 Load 
 
 The C-ommom 
 
 !'*Pt>i- *r 
 
 bn art,fiun 
 
 «mu W „ n was nor yet imparted to the Parliament. He this vote. But the Co: 
 pretended, however, that on his hare declaration or infer- fented a fecond addrefs 
 mation of an alliance with HnllnnJ. th* P,riio-r, n ^F i,- . . 
 
 r -, w 11 ins t'aie ueciaranon or intor- 
 
 mation of an alliance with Holland, the Parliament fhould 
 enable him to maintain ninety large ihips, belides thirty 
 oOr„ r ,f others, and forty thoufand land-forces (1). And yet when 
 the articles of this treaty, fhortly after, came to be known, 
 HI. p. ' he Commons voted, that it was not purfuant to their de- 
 nres. It is eafy to fee, wherein the difference between the 
 King and the Commons confifted. The King feared, or 
 feigned to fear, that the Parliament, after ingagirig him in 
 a war with France, would leave him deftitute of means to 
 fupport it. The Commons really diftrufted his fincerity, 
 and feared, that, after receiving the money, he would 
 think no more of war, but fuller an unfafe peace to be 
 
 A reflection, concluded T *’- 1 ’ 
 
 in which - 
 
 7. “ "- w,,u auu,cl!, » m wmen-- I hev be/ought ^/w 
 
 him to communicate to them his refolutions upon them 
 advice.’- They added, “ That the inconvenien- 
 
 1. p. 441 
 
 ’The Ear’, of 
 difeba-ged. 
 
 Ghent and 
 Jpres taken 
 
 b ,he ^ 
 
 Temple's 
 
 Mem. 
 
 . , j .. * Ji.11 uic inconvenien- m „ x, 
 
 cies and d.angers which the Kingdom lay under, might J. Phiifpt 
 have been totally, or in a great meafure prevented,"in 
 cafe Jus Majefly had acceded of the advice by them 
 g'ven m their addrefs of the a6th of Ma-> laff, and the 
 3 1 ft of y c7?/fi7;y ; They befbught him therefore, that he 
 would be pleafed to remove thofe counfeilors that advifed 
 hmi to give tJiofe anfwer* which he did to the faid ad- 
 
 1 r» i 1,1 finC ’ that ,,C wou,d be P ,eafed to remove 
 the Duke of Lauderdale from his prefence and coun- 
 
 led. Let the reader determine Vorone o'Tother 0 °X ”* 7 ?' ™>'***> 
 
 fhall only fav, that, if the reigns of Henry III and Ri- Yt r ^ c * trava &? n b °f their addrefs , and*"g'y<•»- 
 
 chard II, are excepted, England had never fecn ’ till within inW Ti u ’ Z ,VI “ J uch a duo anfwer as it 
 
 ami while’ thly “-ft l£t» 
 
 of England is In danger of being very Jnhappyf T^Jwluld^eS .“JW" ^ 
 
 vNn^rPa r L™i“ sf “ fp£aedthcfinKnty<>f 
 
 However this be, the Commons refolved to grant the this end, immediately'Itfrer ^""pStwirlLl^Mired 
 
 ^s&rr y \XarrvevfnVS Ss ^ ^ p - 45! 
 
 io o u u s d :;tt;:iXo^rfti h i:ttt^knX e ,o bod hi 
 
 interred in Ulndfor chapel. I don’t know whether it wal to the Kin. ,0^1 hinl ^ „ 
 
 ever difeovered, or the intended obfequies performed (z). a peace becaufe thev f w rh P H 7 Wer f- d!f P ofed t0 a ^< 
 
 ti;i *i , . , was the only thing that could nrevent a nrar/* T'u; P- 400,461, 
 
 While Co much time was fpent in England in delibera- declared to the King by Sir/«L,„ Ten,tie Zm I, 
 tions about war, the Kmz of France tTlfmo- rl- P A u n- 1 t-'i b r r- ' 1 empu, trom tne btates 
 
 Eehrnary, n^ bitnfeif *££Z Ghe ™ E . n * ^ “ wfto^tume/ whlhTe "h"^ 3 ' 
 
 (r) In the debates about raifine the Land-forces Sir Will,** r,., c u- ■ l j- r ™ 
 
 Boat wuh m Hr thsv 8 kt, th „ „hiA a iZ'e Ze7, £” "Z E.'dZ ™ „ l" f ;“ I 1 " C "”" *» 
 
 for they were then very high in their ManuLfturcs and Trade. Burnet, p. 4ft.’ 6 Mt C> dnd t0 cut the F "«cb Trade every where; 
 
 ti»»S »'. h vs»rFi“fo ii'bVatli" 7 t r r ° r rv‘ ???* *•«“»«>•»* >>»«. 
 
 ( thouph the Loro Clarendon feems, at the end of his Hiftorv to domt of it I a^d rh.r h' Knd **’■ uX' ,hat k,n 6 Cbarlet I. w« aiftuaDy buried at U'mdfor, 
 lht fn.t.wing t ; Mr. J.t, W . . K+ C , • • S. Zs TjT " ™‘"'T h fbfc f/=m 
 
 ■■ -n, bailed, w.tdpiaM, tn l.y i„ a tl ll-l.,rn cl, Id 0 f^,hXb™ If o-» , , “jf, iff* *t. IfaMw V,«|, i„ wkkh Kld S Ct„./„|. 
 
 " U.vug and (bund, ai ,d the, waa abov, ll„ Cdffin a fad.T a ?! , QS«“ ^tt. Os ,hi K „g\ Coffin tbo valval l' ,U wa, 
 
 •• bod, Ml King Chn.t:, I. la, i„ Slala in lht D„„YH.1I L DnL It si, ilTuhad ffi" C f '7 ° f " A “ 1 ‘ *• ,6 + S -Wh,„ ,ha 
 
 sr "* d - b “™’ - h “ ~ ^ ttzg-jtzssg, s K i£z%j? 
 
 si: ?"*■ c r * r ;r d "" j «* ■ t "“ -r^- 
 
 ” 1 t> »»*• «T l>» uffance, bringing hia Hot,,, C„, a,. Whiah bring dona i - 
 
 -. the Pirliament tn be an u 
 
 Form preferibed by the Houfe, h 
 
 ndvifed aft ion, 
 
 8 L 
 
 it; and ajfo another 
 
 EC 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 He HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 686 
 
 it-'i. no peace, if the King would really ingage in a war, the 
 Kins, fuporeffing thi- pofitive declaration, fuppofed that the 
 A :■ ■■■/ Stat s v/ere for a peace upon anv terms. Lpcn this falfe 
 if ;' fupp'>fition, he ordered Sir WUham Temple to treat with 
 Bar\U',n the French Ambafl'ador ; but Sir William wifely 
 <Jh " declined fuch a negotiation. What Temple refufed wasun- 
 anj Lewis. ( j er;a j, en fjv others, and the fame author^ fays, that a- 
 mor.^ft the articles propofed by the Amballador of France, 
 lor concluding a private treaty with the King, there was 
 one article which was foeft'enfive, that the King aflured him 
 he would never forget it while he lived. He fays no more, 
 whether becaufe he was not informed of it, or did not 
 Temole’s think proper to divulge what he knew. But Dr. Swift , 
 Uu.'uA. who publifhed Sir // A.iiarn Temple's letters, acquaints us 
 p.464. with that remarkable paflage, namely, “ That France, 
 “ in order to break the force of the confederacy, and 
 “ elude all juft conditions of a general Peace, refolved by 
 tc any means to enter into feparate meafures with Holland , 
 “ to which end it was nbfolutely neceftary to gain the good 
 “ offices of the Kina of England, who was looked upon as 
 “ the matter of the'Peace when ever he pleafed. The 
 « bargain was ftruck for either three or four hundred 
 “ thoufand pounds : But when all was 2greed, Mr. 
 “ Barillon, the French Amballador, told the King, that 
 “ he had orders from his mafter before payment to add 
 “ a private article, by which his Majefty fhould be en- 
 “ gaged, Never to keep above eight thoufand men ofjland- 
 “ ing troops in his three Kingdoms. This unexpeded pro- 
 “ pofal put the King in a rage, and made him fay, God's 
 “ Fijh ! Does my brother of France think to ferve me 
 “ thus ? Are oil his promfes to make me abfolute Majler 
 “ of my Realms c:me to this ? Or does he think that a 
 “ thing to be done with eight thoufand men ?” 
 
 , fatpa - Hence it evidently appears, for what the thirty thou- 
 rext T l and men the King was raiftng were intended. They 
 
 charks A w cou ](] not be levied Tor a war againft France, though the 
 r °" rcJ,> ' King ufed that pretence, fince he had already made his 
 bargain with that Crown for four millions of Livres. No¬ 
 thing elfe therefore can be thought, but that the King 
 feeing the peace upon the point of conclufion, which he 
 only could, but would not prevent, imagined, that after 
 the peace, the King of France would aftift him to become 
 abfolute mafter in his Kingdoms, and furnifh him with 
 money to maintain the thirty thoufand men without his 
 applying to the Parliament. If this be not fo, what ac¬ 
 count can be given of his conduct in raifing an army, at 
 a time when all his proceedings Ihowed, he had not the 
 leaft defire to make war upon France ? 
 
 Hi it abujed The King was deceived by the promifes of Lewis XIV, 
 ty rbe Kmg who artfully took advantage of the eager defire of Charles 
 °j France, an( j t | ie his brother to eftablifh an abfolute Govern¬ 
 
 ment in England, to ingage them in all the meafures they 
 had taken during the whole war, and which were fo di- 
 redly contrary to theinterefts of the Kingdom. But when 
 he faw himfelf fecure of a peace with the Dutch, and, 
 by a neceftary confequence, of a general peace with all 
 Europe., he made a jeit of his promife to his friend. He 
 thought, doubtlefs, it was not for the intereft of France, 
 that the King of England fhould be abfolute, or rather, he 
 feared to ingage, for the foie interefts of the King of Eng¬ 
 land, in 2n undertaking capable of kindling a new war, in 
 which all Europe might be concerned. 
 
 I know not whether the King confented to Lewis's 
 demands, and am only fure, that he continued his levies, 
 whether with intention to execute his defigns without the 
 affiftance of France, or in the hope of obtaining better con¬ 
 ditions from Lewis, by terrifying him with the appre- 
 henfion of his joining with the allies, which might fttii 
 be practicable. By degrees, he fpeke more gently of war, 
 and fufficienrlv declared his inclination for peace. In all 
 appearance, he had adjufted matters with France. 
 
 Tf> Pj'I.j- Afhiiis weie in this fituation when the Parliament met 
 mntjiti. t ], e 0 j dfav, after a prorogation of ten days. The 
 Echaid. King opened the feventeenth feffion of this long Parliament 
 with a Speech, [the fubftance of which was as follows,J 
 
 “ -- 1 am refolved, as far as I am able, to fave 
 
 “ Flanders, citlier by a war or a peace, which way foever 
 
 “ I fha t wards it.-If I 
 
 ct were able I would keep up my army and my navy at 
 t; fea for fome time ; but I leave it to you to confider 
 “ of fupplie; for their continuance or disbanding ; and in 
 “ either cafe not to difeourage fo many worthy and brave 
 “ Gentlemen, who have offered their lives and fervice to 
 “ their Country, and in purfuit of your own advices and 
 “ relolutions. I muft tell you, that a branch of my re- 
 “ venue is now expiring, and another part of it is cut 
 <c off by a claufe in the Poll-bill ; that I have borrowed 
 two hundred thoufand pounds upon the Excifeat your 
 “ requeft, of all which you arc to confider. I never had 
 “ any intentions but of good to you and my People, ncr 
 “ ever fl'.ali ; therefore I defire you will not drive me into 
 “ extremities, which muft end ill both for you and me, 
 3 
 
 Ibt King's 
 
 ‘‘ and (which is worft) for the nation. I defire to prevent 1678. 
 
 “ all diforders or mifehief that may befall by our difagree- 
 “ mcr.t; but in cafe there do, I leave it to God Almighty 
 “ to judge who ft the occafion of it. One thing more I 
 “ have to add, and that is, that I will never more fuller 
 “ the courfe and method of palling laws to be changed, 
 
 “ by tacking together feveral matters in one Bill. The 
 “ reft I leave to the Lord-Chancellor.” 
 
 The Chancellor’s Speech, according to cuftom, tended 
 to excufe the King’s meafures. A> he unly ir.larged upon 
 what the King had faid more fuccinflly, 1 think it need- 
 lefs to infert the Speech, which offered nothing new or 
 material. 
 
 The Houfeof Commons having adjourned themfelves for 
 three days, met again the 27th of May, and came to the 
 following refolution ; “ That the Houfe taking into con- A r ,« v/ia , 
 “ federation the ftate of the nation, and the expence oc- »/ rbCim- 
 “ cafioned by the army, were humbly of opinion, that if™ 0 ”^ 
 
 “ his Majefty pleafed to think fit to enter into the war Ech«d. 
 
 “ ao-ainft the French King, the Houfe was, and would be ,1( -p- 45 °» 
 “ always ready to aftift him in that war ; but if other- 45 '* 
 
 “ wife, they would proceed to the confideration of pro- 
 “ viding for the fpeedy disbanding of the army.” 
 
 The Houfe further ordered, That the members of his C f n ff'f a ~ 
 Majefty’s Privy-Counci! fhould acquaint the King with 
 this vote, and pray his fpeedy anfwer. The King replied, r. 
 
 “ That the French King had made fuch offers of a ceffa- 
 “ tion till the 27th of July , that he believed they would 
 «< not only be accepted, but end in a general peace ; yet, 
 
 “ as that was uncertain, it would not be prudent to dif- 
 “ mifs either fleet or army before that time.” Upon this 
 anfwer the Houfe voted, That all forces raifed fince the a v* c ft* 
 
 “ 29th of September laft (except thofe tranfported to d: f nJlc S 
 “ foreign plantations) be forthwith paid off and disbanded , 7 ' ' 
 “ and that they would confider of a fupply for that pur- 
 “ pofe.” Accordingly the 4th of June the Houfe voted 
 two hundred thoufand pounds for the disbanding of the army 
 by the end of the month, and the next day they voted the 
 fame fum towards defraying the expences of the fleet. 
 
 Upon thefe votes the King, by a meflage, told the Houfe, A M-fsp 
 that his mind was ftillthe fame, that the army and feet ought 
 to be kept up till the expefted peace Jhould be concluded ; and 
 he further recommended to their confideration, “ Whe- 
 “ ther it were not difhonourable for him to recall his forces 
 “ in Flanders from thofe towns which he had taken into 
 “ his protection, before they could provide themfelves of 
 ‘‘ other fuccours.” Upon this confideration the Commons 
 extended the time, as to the forces in Flanders , to the 
 27 th day of July. 
 
 The 1 5th of June, the Houfe refolved, that, “ after 
 “ the Tuefday following, no motions fhould be made for 
 “ any new fupplies of money, till after the next recefs.” the 
 As hitherto the Houfe had experienced, that the King only 
 amufed them, and intended to have the money before he 
 pofitively declared himfelf, they refolved to put him under 
 a neccffity of declaring, within three days, for fear he 
 fhould ftill continue to amufe them, till it was too late. 
 Accordingly, on that very Tuefday the King came to the Tit King 
 Houfe of Peers, and, fending for the Commons, told both 
 Houfes, “ That the peace between France , Spain, and ff 
 tc Holland, was almoft concluded, in which his part would p, aCf of Ni- 
 “ be not only that of Mediator, but alfo to give his war- 
 <c rants in it. That Spain writes word, Thai unhjs Eng- Ech'rd.* 
 
 “ land bears the charge oj maintaim e Flanders, even after Ul 
 <{ the peace, they will not be in a condition to fupport it long. 
 
 “ Therefore to that end it was neceflary to keep up the Dem ° ril 
 Navy at fea ; and not only fo, but to give the world y ' 
 
 “ fome a flu ranee of being well united at home : That 
 though the Houfe of Commons might think fuch a peace 
 as ill a bargain as a war, becaufe it would coft them 
 “ monev, yet if they ferioullv confider, tliat Flanders had 
 c - been loft, and perhaps by this time, he believed they 
 “ would give much greater fums than that would coft, ra- 
 “ ther than the fingle town of OJlend fhould be in French 
 il hands, and forty of their men of war in fo good a ha- 
 ven, over-againft the river’s mouth.” Then he infi¬ 
 ll uated to them, “ That they could not but be pleafed to 
 “ underftand the reputation England had gained abroad, by 
 “ having in forty days, raifed an army of thirty thoufand 
 tC men, and prepared a Navy of ninety men of war ; 
 
 “ therefore, if they defired to keep up the honour of the 
 “ Crown at home, and look to the fafety of the ballance 
 “ of affairs abroad ; if they defired he fhould pals any part 
 “ of his life in quiet, and all the reft in confidence and 
 “ kindnefs with them, and other future Parliaments, they 
 “ muft find a way not only to fettle for his life l i, revenue 
 “ as at Chrijhnafs laft, but alfo to add a new fund of three A-.dan sug- 
 “ hundred thoufand pounds per Annum, upon which he "■ */ 
 
 tc would pals an A£l to fettle fifty thoufand pounds upon 
 “ the Navy and Ordnance ; and fhould be likewife readv r .-.i- 
 “ to confent to all fuch laws as they fhould propoie lor the 
 “ good of ti.e nation,” He laftly reminded them, “ 1 > 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES IL 
 
 687 
 
 1678. «« enable him to keep his word with the Prince of Orange 
 “• in the payment of his Niece’s portion, which was forty 
 “ tboufand pounds j the firft payment being now due, and 
 “ demanded by him.” 
 
 Would not one think at reading this Speech, that the 
 King had hitherto kept the ballance of Europe perfectly e- 
 ven, and was thereby intitled to demand, that he Ihould 
 be inabled to preferve it ? Would not one think, that he 
 had done the nation fome important fervice, which deferved 
 an augmentation to his revenue of three hundred thoufand 
 pounds a year ? But the Commons were fo ufed to fuch 
 Speeches, that they made no imprefllon upon them. If 
 their diftruft of the King had been hitherto great, it may 
 be affirmed, it confiderably increafed, when they faw a 
 peace concluded, which diminifhed not the great power of 
 France, but left Europe expofed to her mercy. It was e- 
 vident, the King might, if he had pleafed, have procured 
 a more advantagious peace. After this, it is not ftrange, 
 that his ftritft union with France, was fufpedled to conceal 
 Burnet- defigns which were not for the good of the nation. Ac- 
 
 Echa'd. cordingly, when the Commons came to debate on the ad- 
 
 Ili. p. 452. jjjjj ona j re venue demanded by the King, it was unanimoufly 
 reje&ed (1). Moreover, the Houfe refufed to give a com- 
 penfation for the lofs fuftained by the King in the prohibi¬ 
 tion of French commodities. In Ihort, the Lords having 
 palled the Bill for disbanding the army, with an en¬ 
 largement of the time prefixed for one month longer, the 
 Commons abfolutely refufed their confent to the amend¬ 
 ment. 
 
 The King perceiving by this, what he was to expea 
 from the Commons, came to the Parliament the 15th ot 
 July, and palled feveral Bills, of which thefe were the 
 principal. 
 
 jisit pijftd. x. An Aa for granting a fupply of fix hundred and 
 Suuite-b. nineteen thoufand, three hundred and eighty pounds, for 
 disbanding the army, and other ufes therein mentioned, 
 z. An Aa for granting an additional duty to his Majefly 
 upon Wines for three years. 3. An Aa for burying in 
 Woollen. This Aa, which is ftill in force, is very fer- 
 viceable to the flannel manufaaure, and confequently makes 
 a great confumption of wool. 
 
 The Parlia- Thefe Aas being palled, the Chancellor acquainted both 
 *' 0 n 'jj 0 ' Houfes, that the King thought proper to prorogue them to 
 Kennet* the firft of Augujl, and fo to keep them in call, by Ihort 
 
 Edurd. prorogations, but that his intention was, they Ihould not 
 
 meet till winter, unlefs there was occafion for their aflem- 
 bling fooner. Thus ended the feventeenth feffion of this 
 Parliament. And thus England faw herfelf engaged in an 
 expence of fix hundred thoufand pounds, to pay an army 
 and fleet, which certainly had not been prepared to make 
 war with France, or for the fecurity of England. 
 
 A difficult While the Parliament was fitting, the States-General 
 ftar'tcd*rt- feeing that nothing was to be hoped for from England, 
 lating to the treated with France, both for themfelves and Spain , with 
 ‘(omStwn? regard to the Netherlands. At laft, every thing being fet- 
 tytbc™ ' tied, and the King of France promifing to reftore to the 
 Fianch. Spaniards, Ghent , Aeth, Charleroy , Oudenard, Courtray, 
 
 Mem P . le ** and Limburg, the States ordered their Plenipotentiaries at 
 
 p.463. Nimcguen to fign the peace the laft of June. It was uni- 
 
 Burnco verfally expe£ted, that the peace would be figned that day. 
 
 But as the time for this reftitution had been negle&ed to 
 be fixed (the Spaniards and Dutch, not doubting but 
 it was to be immediately after the exchange of the ratifica¬ 
 tions) the Spanijh Ambaflador happened the day before, to 
 ask the French Plenipotentiaries, when they would reftore 
 the towns ? To this they pofitively anfwered, that it would 
 not be till after the reftitution of the towns taken from the 
 King of Sweden , by the allies in the north (2). This un¬ 
 expected pretenfion put a ftop to the figning of the peace, 
 and the Dutch Plenipotentiaries received exprefs orders from 
 their mailers not to fign, unlefs France would engage to 
 reftore the fix places, upon the ratification of the treaty. 
 But the French were immoveable, and appeared refolute to 
 continue the war, unlefs Sweden was fatisfied. 
 
 A J.eague Charles being informed of this new difficulty, and told 
 brtv.t<r. moreover by the French Ambaflador, that it was his maf- 
 ter s intention > immediately fent Sir William Temple to 
 Temple's*’ Holland, with full power to fign a league with the States, 
 Mem. by which they fhould be mutually bound to continue the 
 
 P- + 6 +- War, in cafe France fhould not agree to evacuate the fix 
 
 towns within fuch a time. This league was really con¬ 
 cluded and figned the 26th of July, to the great fatisfa£lion 
 of the Prince of Orange, and thofe who thought the peace 
 very difadvantagious. 
 
 The readme Is with which this refolution was taken by 
 the King, much furprized thofe who from his former pro¬ 
 ceedings had no great opinion of his fincerity. But when 
 
 it was feen that the league was concluded, and France coil- i6;S. 
 tiaued obftinate, it was hoped, the war would be renewed 
 with more vigour than ever, and that England would in¬ 
 cline the ballance to the fide of the allies. It is difficult to 
 difeover the motive of the King’s vigorous refolution. Some 
 have believed, he was really offended at the contempt 
 France feemed to {how, of his mediation, in ftarting fuch 
 an incident. Others have thought, that forefeeing France 
 would at laft comply, notwithftanding her feeming refolu¬ 
 tion, he had a mind to redeem his credit by his vigour with 
 the Englijh, who till then Itrongly fufpe&ed him of too 
 clofe a correfpondence with that Crown. Others have 
 judged, that he touk this refolution, in order to obtain a 
 large fupply from the Parliament, not doubting but he 
 fhould be afterwards able to procure a peace. 
 
 However this be, it appeared fhortly after, that the Charles Sif- 
 King repented of what he had done, and feared that his ‘be 
 
 league would rekindle the war. At the time that the 
 Dutch were preparing to improve this happy juncture, id. p.465. 
 to break off the negotiation with France , and to rife in R. Coke, 
 their demands, one Du Cros, an Agent of Sweden at Lon¬ 
 don brought an exprefs order from the King for Sir William 
 Temple to repair immediately to Nimcguen, and ufe his ut- 
 moft endeavours to perfwade the Plenipotentiaries of Sweden 
 to confent to the evacuation of the fix towns within a limi¬ 
 ted time. The King ordered him likewife to affure them, 
 that after the peace he would ufe the meft cffedlual en¬ 
 deavours he could, for the reftitution of all the I erritories 
 the Swedes had loft in the war. It was not difficult for 
 Sir William Temple to infer from hence, that the King 
 had no inclination to quarrel with France. But he was ftill 
 more fully convinced, when he was informed from Penli- 
 onary Fagel, that Du Cros had been with the States Depu¬ 
 ties, and acquainted them with the order he had brought; 
 that he had alfo faid, the terms of the peace were abfolutely 
 agreed between the Kings of France and England, and 
 from fome expreffions he liad heard the King ufe, intima¬ 
 ted, it would be in vain to pretend to prevent it. As Sir 
 William and the Penfionary could not doubt that Du Cros 
 was fent by the King, they concluded, either the King 
 had changed his mind, or had never dchgned to enter into 
 a war with France. Wherefore the States , inftead of 
 forming new fchemes, were contented with the plan al¬ 
 ready agreed on, with a refolution however not to fign the 
 treaty till the reftitution of the lix towns was allured 
 within fuch a time (3). 
 
 Since the league had been concluded at the Hague , the Temple. 
 King of France, to whom it was communicated, had ufed Bafn, s e ‘ 
 all poffible artifices to elude, and bring it to a negotiation, 
 with an offer to treat upon it, either at St. Qieintin or 
 Ghent. But the States, on the contrary, had exprefsly or- * 
 dered their Ambaffadors to break off the negotiation, if the 
 peace was not figned by fuch a day, with the article of the 
 evacuation of the towns in a limited time. Sir William 
 Temple came to Nimeguen but three days before the expi¬ 
 ration of the time fixed by the States. On his arrival he 
 found very little difpofition on either fide towards figning 
 the peace; the French and Dutch appeared equally inflexible, 
 and the latter would not hear either of any negotiation or 
 delay. At laft came the critical day, the nth of Augujl, lhc Peec , 
 fixed by the treaty at the Flague, in the morning of which Jigmd. 
 the French Ambaffadors defifted from their pretenfions, and 
 the peace was figned before twelve that night. 1 his gave 
 France the defired fatisfadiion of making a fepaiatc peace 
 with Holland , which was immediately followed by a peace 
 between France and Spain, and fome months after with 
 all the confederate powers, except the Duke of Lorrain, 
 who could never obtain his re-eftablifhment. It may be 
 affirmed with great truth, that the King of England might 
 have procured "Europe a more advantagious peace, lince the 
 Parliament would have granted him the neceffary fupplics, if 
 he had pleafed to a& agreeably to the intereft of Europe in 
 general, and of England in particular. H:s conduct can 
 only be aferibed to his defire of executing the projeil of 
 rendering himfelf abfolute, and introducing the Popifli 
 Religion in England, which he thought could not be accom- 
 plifhed without the affiftance of France. 
 
 The league concluded between England and Holland , gi c b a j ee j 
 the 26th of July , had, as I faid, fixed the nth of Au- Mons. 
 gujl for figning the peace. In this interval the King of£™p''- 
 France had by his General the Duke of Luxemburg!) block¬ 
 ed up Mons. All his artifices to draw the affair ot the eva¬ 
 cuation into a negotiation, were only to gain time for Lux¬ 
 emburg!) to become mafler of Mons before the peace was 
 figned. But the Dutch being bent not to enter into treaty 
 upon that affair, the French General had not time to make 
 any great progrefs before that place. Mean while the 
 
 , that there would be n 
 
 f!) It wis fa : d, there was a demand for a Revenue, which would fuinifh the Court fa we! , 
 
 • 1 r'y thought fuch a gift as this would make them ufelefs. Su, the thing was upoa one debate tejettsd without a div'fion. humet 
 (a) The king, of Denmark, and the Eleftor of Brandcnburgb, who had beat the Snuedes out cf Germany. Barnet, p. 4 12 ' 
 
 ;; i T.vs alllir of Du Cros wis tranfa&ed, one morning, in an hour’s time, in the Duchefs of P rrjr.cutb's lodgi g e , where the 
 j lc intervention and purfoit of Monlieur Baiillon, the French Ambatlador. ‘Temple's Mem. p. 46^. 
 
 vete dilpitched, by 
 
 Prince 
 
Vol. li 
 
 6 S 8 
 
 167!. 
 
 Barth if 
 Sr. Denys. 
 Temple. 
 Bafn.'.ge. 
 
 Obfer-oam, 
 upm (be 
 
 Plot, 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 Prince of Orange being informed that peace was upon the 
 point of being figned, and defiring to diftinguifh himfelf 
 by fome great a£tion, marched directly to the Duke of 
 Luxemburg /;, furprifed him, and gave him a confiderabie 
 check (1). This battle, called afterwards the battle of St. 
 Denys , being fought the 14th of Augujl , three days after 
 the peace was figned, gave occafion to various opinions 
 concerning this adtion of the Prince of Orange. Some f«id 
 he knew not the peace was figned. Others pretended, 
 the news was brought him by an exprefs, but not from 
 the States, and therefore he might improve the prefent ad¬ 
 vantages. However, with this adtion ended a war which 
 had lafted fix rears, and was at firft fo fatal to Holland , 
 that the Republick law it felf on the brink of deftrudtion. 
 
 »* We are now come to the difeovery of the famous 
 confpiracy known in England by the name of the Popijh 
 Plot , which makes one of the principal periods of this 
 Reign, and has given occafion to many Politicians to ex- 
 ercife their talents, fome in fupporting the reality, others 
 in expofing the falfity of it. What I have been faying is 
 fufficient to demonflrate the impoflibility for any Hirtonan 
 whatever, to pleafe two forts of men, whofe fentiments 
 are diametrically oppofite, and who, through prejudice, 
 religion, paflion, and partv-intereft are previoufiy difpofed 
 to believe or disbelieve the Popifh Plot. A Hiftorian is in 
 vain impartial if his Readers are not fo. The courfe of 
 this Hiftory engages me to fpeak of this famous confpiracy, 
 on which depend all the events of the reft of this Reign. 
 It may well be judged, that I do not expedt to fatisfy all 
 the World : this I take to be an impoflible thing. What 
 therefore I propofe is, to inform the Reader of the confpi¬ 
 racy itfelf, whether true or falfe, of the reafons and proofs 
 alledged in maintenance of the reality or falfhood, and to 
 have the inward fatisfadlion of faying nothing but what I 
 believe to be true. 
 
 But before I proceed to the particulars, it is abfolutely 
 necefiary to clear fome ambiguities which I have obferved 
 in the Writers of both lides, that the Reader may be the 
 better prepared to be upon his guard. 
 
 1. T he word Plot in Englijh , and Confpiration in French , 
 are always taken in a bad fenfe. Their general fignifica- 
 tion is, a Dcfign , but an unlawful Dejign to attempt fome- 
 thing againft the perfon of the King or his minifters, 
 again ft the conftitution of the Government, againft the ef- 
 tabiifhed Religion, in ftiort, a Defign bad in itfelf, where¬ 
 in the publick is concerned, and for the execution whereof 
 means and inftruments are already prepared. But if any 
 one maintains, there is nothing unlawful in a defign to 
 change a bad Religion eftablifhed, in order to introduce a 
 better; or if on fuppofition that a Government was efta- 
 blifiled by force and violence, it is affirmed, there is no¬ 
 thing ill or unlawful in a defign to reftore it to its antient 
 ftate, it is plain, this will only be a difpute about words. 
 Thus the fadt or defign in itfelf may be allowed, which by 
 fome will be termed a Plot, whilft others will not give it 
 that name. This has been the cafe with feme Authors 
 who have fpoken of the Popifh Plot. They own there 
 was a defign to alter the form of the Government, and 
 fubvert the Proteftant Religion, and yet deny there was a 
 Rot. 
 
 a. This Plot, true or falfe, contained three particular de- 
 figns. 1. To kill the King. 2. To fubvert the Govern¬ 
 ment. 3. To extirpate the Proteftant Religion, and efta- 
 blifh Popery (:). Moft of the writers inftead of confider- 
 ing thefe three articles as branches of one and the fame 
 Plot, have afFedted to feparate them. Some have chiefly 
 infilled upon the defign of killing the King, and {light¬ 
 ly touched upon the other two. They believed themfelves 
 able to prove the falfhood of this defign, and therefore con¬ 
 cluded that there was no real Plot. Others meeting with 
 fome improbabilities in the depofitions of the witnelles con¬ 
 cerning the defign of killing the King, have chiefly en¬ 
 deavoured to prove the two laft articles, from whence they 
 have interred, there was a true and real Plot. The Rea¬ 
 der mull be upon his guard againft thefe artifices which en¬ 
 tirely alter the State of the queftion, and always remem¬ 
 ber, that the Plot did not confift in the fingle defign to 
 kill the King, or in the fingle defign to fubvert the Go¬ 
 vernment, or in that to change Religion, but in all thefe 
 three deiigns united together, and making but one and the 
 fame confpiracy. 
 
 3. Thofe who aflert the reality of the Plot, pretend, 
 that the King, the Duke of York , and foine of the minif- 
 
 oj ENGLAND- 
 
 ters were the heads and contrivers, and give manv proofs, 
 fome of which have already appeared in the tranfacliom ot 
 this reign. The oppofite part’,’ objedt, that it is a mani- 
 feft contradiction to make the King author of a plot ro 
 take away his own life : That, befides, confpiracie* .1! 
 
 SubjeCts againft their fovereigns have been common, but 
 to accufe a Prince of a Plot againft his Subjects is a t ! 'u:g 
 never heard of. To thefe objections it is anfwered, ibar 
 though the Plot contained three articles, the two '.ait only 
 were efTential, and of thefe the King was the head and 
 contriver : That the article of killing the King, though 
 placed firft, was only confequent to, and depending upun, 
 the two others. That this was only the attempt of fume 
 of the confpirators, who believed, there was no readier way 
 to execute the Plot, than by fetting the Duke of York upon 
 the throne, who was lefs timorous and more adtive and 
 daring than his brother, That therefore there is no con¬ 
 tradiction in the fuppofition, that the King was the head and 
 author of the two defigns, of fubverting the Government, 
 and changing Religion ; and that the other was carried on 
 by fome perfons without his privity, in order to advance 
 the progrefs of the Plot. That therefore the difficulty of 
 this objedtion proceeds from the prepofterous joining the 
 three articles when they ought to be feparared, as on other 
 occafions they are feparated where they ought to be joined. 
 
 As to the fecond objedtion, that it is impoflible a King 
 fhould plot againft his Subjects, it is drawn from the word 
 Plot, which is very rarely applicable to a Sovereign. But 
 it is by no means impoflible tor a King of England , whofe 
 power is limited by law, to form a defign of elfablifhing an 
 arbitrary and defpotick Government, as appears in the ex¬ 
 amples of Edward II, Richardll, James I, and Charles I. 
 
 Now a man may refufe, if he pleafes, to give to fuch a de¬ 
 fign the name of a Plot, provided he does but own the rea¬ 
 lity of the thing. 
 
 4. Laftly, it will be proper to premile, that there are 
 three opinions concerning the reality or falfehood of thi* 
 
 Plot. The firft is of thofe who believe it true in all its 
 branches and circumftances. The fecond, of thofe who 
 believe it abfolutely falfe, and invented on purpofc to ex- 
 afperate the People againft the King and the Duke of York. 
 
 The third, of thofe who believe it true with regard to the 
 defign of rendring the King abfolute, and altering Religion, 
 but doubtful with refpcdl to the defign of killing the King, 
 and who after duly weighing the Pro and Con , think they 
 ought to fufpend their judgment on this article. I thought 
 it necefiary to arm my Readers with thefe few obfervations 
 againft the prejudices, they may have received in reading 
 other Hiftorians, who fcruple not, to difguife and curtail 
 the fadts, to pafs over in lilence-firfh3s aie difadvantagious 
 to them, to infift and lay great ftrefs upon others ; to in- 
 fert in their relations many ftories admitted by their party, 
 but fupported with no authority ; to add numberlefs in- 
 finuations founded only on their prejudices ; in a word, 
 to fuppofe continually what they have undertaken to prove 
 This would evidently appear in a deputation in form, but 
 is very eafy to be done in a continued narrative, where 
 the writer inferts whatever lie thinks proper. < 
 
 The 1 2th of Augujl , (the day after the ligning of the Tonge <f;i- 
 treaty of Nimeguen) Dr. Ezrael Tonge, a London Divine,* 5 ™" ’ 1 “ 
 applied himfelf to one Chrijlopcr Kirkly ( 3 J, who had fome M ,tc 
 intereftat Court, to tell the King, there was a Plot againft Oates’s 
 his perfon. Kirkby difeharging his coinmiffion the next Narrat » 
 day, whilft the King was walking in St. fames's Park , 
 the King ordered him to bring Tonge to him at eight that 
 evening. Tonge came to Whitehall at the appointed hour, 
 and delivered to the King a writing or narrative, which 
 in forty-three articles, contained the particulars of a plot. 
 
 The King, after looking over it fuperficially, told Tenge, 
 he was going to IVmdfor the next day, but would put the Burnet, 
 paper into the hands of the Lord-Treafurer Dauby , on p-425 * 
 whom he ordered him to w’ait the next morning. 
 
 Accordingly on the 14th of Augujl , Tonge waited on the 
 Treafurer, who asked him if the paper left with the King, 
 was an original or copy. Tonge anfwered, it was a copy 
 of a writing which had been thrown into his houfe with¬ 
 out his knowledge : but fancied it was by a certain perfon 
 who had often entertained him upon fubjedts of the like 
 nature. Some days after Tonge returned to the Treafurer, 
 and told him, he knew the man, who had even put in¬ 
 to his hands another narrative larger than the former, 
 which he delivered to the Treafurer. After the Earl had 
 looked over the paper, he asked Tonge , whether he knew 
 
 The Prince of Orange , in this battle, was in grc3t i 
 was juft ging to (hoot him in the head. The Duke o 
 : day, the Duke ot Laxemburgb, wiih a great cc 
 
 ?• 94 1, 
 
 2' The ch’cf Promoters and An 
 Bene ; Pedrz Jtnnymt de C rduba, P 
 i.r H';time Monkl at the Sain y 
 Pmnu, Br/lajti, strundel of IVardour 
 (3) A Chymift, that was ometime 
 
 ingerof being Irft, had not Mnnfieur Ometrirr i 
 iWcnmourb, wiih fome Engbp, and broub Kcgir 
 ip.imcnt, Ccliied an Inteiv.cw with ihe Prince, 
 
 nme to his relief, and killed a Fre 
 ents, was in that battle. Upon 
 ir.d they net in the held. Bajn.ig 
 
 r h Captain 
 tws of the 
 
 s Plot. were. Pope /w«(X 1 , Cardinal Uncord-, Johannes Paulut de Oliva. General of the Jrfuits at 
 the Jefuitsin A.-w CaH-.ie ; I.. Chau,, Confefi’..r to Lewie XIV ; the Provincial . f >' *• |?f.,its in i 
 and Seminary Prielts m E-glana, who were then in number ibrut eighteen hundred . he Lore. 1‘etrc, 
 or i r., and feveral perfons of t^ialit) bee Oates't Narrat. II, Cart, 
 in Che King’s Laboratory. 
 
 the 
 
 ejelu 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 1678. the two men fpoken of in the narrative, as the perfons 
 defigned to kill the King, and went by the name of Honcjl 
 William , and Pickering. Tonge anfwered, he knew them, 
 that they walked frequently in the Park, and if a trufty 
 perfon was appointed to go with him, he doubted not 
 but he fhould have an opportunity of giving him a fight of 
 them in a very Ihort time. TheTieafurer asked, if he 
 knew where they lodged, that they might be fecured. 
 Tonge anfwered he did not, but would endeavour to inform 
 himfelf. 
 
 The Treafurer having given the King an account of 
 what he had learned from Tonge , and of the contents of 
 the two narratives, defned him at the fame time, that a 
 warrant might be fent for apprehending bonejl William (1), 
 and Pickering , and fome other members of the Council be 
 informed of an affair which concerned his Majefty’s life. 
 who forbids B u t th e King would neither fufter the two men to be ap- 
 timof '™. prehended, nor permit the Earl to fpeak of it to any per¬ 
 fon living, and particularly to the Duke of York. 
 
 Some days after, Tonge fent word to the Lord Trea¬ 
 furer, that he knew where bonejl William and Pickering 
 lodged: He faid moreover, fome of the intended affaflins 
 were to go within two days to Windfor ; but that he 
 would give notice of the time fixed for their journey, 
 that they might be arrefted at their arrival. But fome 
 days after, he pretended, the journey had been prevented 
 by an accident to one of their horfes. The King from 
 thence concluded the whole to be a fiction, and though 
 the truth might eafily have been difcovered, by apprehend¬ 
 ing the two men whofe Lodgings were known, he would 
 never permit, either that they (hould be apprehended, or 
 the affair communicated to any member of the Council, 
 faying. He Jhould alarm all England, and put thoughts of 
 killing him into People's beads who bad no fuch thoughts be¬ 
 fore. 
 
 This reafon being, as appears, very weak, it can only 
 be inferred from the King’s conduit, that he believed not 
 the Plot, or had fome intereft to fhew he did not believe 
 it. 
 
 Forged Let- Three days after, Tonge writ to the Earl of Danby, that 
 toBe&\n?.- d a P ac ketof letters was to go to the Poft-Houfe in Windfor, 
 field, apopifh direited to one Bedingfield a Prieft (2). The pacquet 
 Burner came indeed > and Bcdingfield, after reading the letters, 
 p. 425% carried them to the Duke of York, telling him, He feared 
 Echurd. fome ill was intended him by the faid pacquet, becaufe the 
 letters therein feemed to be of a dangerous nature, and that 
 he was Jure they were not the hand-writing of the perfons 
 whofe names were fubferibed to the letters^). The King 
 being moie confirmed in the belief that there was nothing 
 real in the pretended plot, feemed refolved not to permit 
 the papers or informations received from Tonge to be pro¬ 
 duced. But the Duke of York was fo very earneft to have 
 the letters, directed to Bedingfield, examined by the Coun¬ 
 cil, that the King at laft confented, and gave the Treafurer 
 leave to declare at the fame time the intelligence received 
 from Tonge, and fo the affair became publick. 
 
 I have not hitherto mentioned the famous Titus Oates, 
 principal actor in this Play, becaufe having refolved to ad¬ 
 vance nothing but what I believe exadly true, I did not 
 think proper to adopt whatever has been faid concerning 
 him and his fecret conferences with Dr. Tonge, of which 
 not a lingle voucher is produced. However, I think my 
 felf obliged briefly to relate, what has been advanced by 
 others, though with no other certainty than their own 
 teftimony. 
 
 TinwOaces ** Titus Oates was the fon of a Ribbon-weaver, who 
 
 Echard. 3165 ' “ afterwards turning Anabaptift-Preacher, and being chap- 
 in. P.4S1. “ lain to a regiment of Cromwell's forces in Scotland, was 
 “ there clapt up in prifon upon Overton's plot againft that 
 “ ufurper; but having the fortune to efcapc upon the 
 “ King’s reftoration, he conformed to the Church, and 
 “ got the living of Haf ings in Suffex-, where he continued 
 “ till he thought fit to return again to his former Anabap- 
 
 tiftical ftation. his fon of his had his firft education 
 “ in Merchant-Taylor's fchool in London, and next in the 
 “ Univerfity of Cambridge, where he was Student in two 
 “ Colleges, Caius’s and St. John's, and where he left no 
 “ reputation behind him for his parts or learning; though 
 “ he feemed diftinguilhed for a tenacious memory, a plod- 
 <c ding induftry, and an unparallelled aflurance, befides a 
 “ particular canting way that appeared in his Academical 
 “ Exercifes. Removing from thence he flipt into orders. 
 
 689 
 
 I; and for a w,lilc officiated as Curate to his father; after 
 „ "™ ch he enjoyed a fmall Vicarage in Kint ( + ), from 
 whence he removed to another in Suffix, and after that 
 “ fo ; r ° me time got into the Duke of Norf,It’s family, 
 „ 7 " en Ile particularly Tided with the Socinians at Lax,bn-, 
 <t u t,lat j'e became very uncertain as to his principles 
 (L aoh Religion, and infamous as to his morals (5). In the 
 tc y ca r, 1677, being abandoned and deftitute of com- 
 It l ? on necefTaries, he fell into the acquaintance of Dr. 
 t{ k-zracl Tonge , a City Divine, a man of letters, and a 
 t{ P r °lifi c k head, filled with all the Romi/h plots and con- 
 <{ ‘P irac ies fince the reformation (6). This man was re- 
 tt j nar * ca b!e for his parts and great reading, but of a refl- 
 <c le <s and humorous temper, full of variety of projects, 
 tt and force ever without a pen in his hand, and a plot 
 4 "1 h ‘ s . At fi e feemed to entertain Oates out 
 <c of charity, who then went by the name of Ambrofe ; 
 tc k a ‘ ni ' n S t fi at fi e knew not where to get bread, 
 
 tt i C " 0< ft° r t0 °k him to his houfe, gave him cloaths, 
 t ) lod S in S and d 'et, and told him he would put him in a 
 u w °y; After which, finding him a bold undertaker, he 
 ct P c |,fi jadcd fi‘ m inlinuate himfelf among the Papiff, 
 and P art ‘cular acquaintance with them? Which be- 
 tc I- 0 ® c , ^ ed ’ be ^ et fi' m underfland, that there had been 
 f( ,eve r a l plots in England to bring in Popery, and if he 
 would S° beyond fea among the Jefuits, and ftri&ly 
 tt °b‘ erv e their ways, it was poflible there might be one 
 {C at P re,ent ; and if he could make that out, it would 
 ct be hls preferment for ever : But however, if he could 
 tc get their names, and fome informations from the Papiffs, 
 it would be eafy to rouze People with the fears of 
 Popery. 
 
 Purfuant to this advice, Oates reconciled himfelf to the 
 Church of Rome, and moreover, according to fome, en- 
 tred into the Society of the Jefuits. In April 1677, he was 
 lent to / alladolid m Spain, where he remained fix months, 
 and then returned to England. After a month’s ftay he 
 was fent to St. Omer’s , the Englijh feminary, for farther 
 dncoveries. In Ihort, the latter end of June the fame vear, 
 he returned to England, and repaired to his friend Tanee, 
 furmlhed with materials picked up at St. Omer's. Out of 
 thefe materials Tonge and Oates, at feveral conferences to¬ 
 gether either at London, or in a hired houfe at Lambeth (7), 
 framed the papers or narratives delivered by Tonge to the 
 King and the Lord-T/eafurer Danby, as copies of what 
 Oates had written with his own hand. 
 
 I omit many circumftances of what is faid to pafs be¬ 
 tween Tonge and Oates, which feem to fuppofe, either there 
 was fome third perfon who related all thefe particulars, or 
 elfe, that one ol the two difcovered them before his death 
 I he intent of this recital is, as may eafily be feen, to 
 lhew, that Tonge and Oates were the inventors of this 
 plot, which made fo much noife afterwards, and never 
 exifted but in their heads. It muff be owned, that if this 
 was well proved, it would be a fufficient evidence, that the 
 plot difcovered by Oates was a fiaion. In the recital ap¬ 
 pears, Tonge a Divine, who (having a prolifick head filled 
 with all the Romijh plots and confpiracies fince the refor¬ 
 mation) fancies it poflible there may be one now on foot. 
 He perfuades Oates to infinuate himfelf among the Papiffs, 
 turn Catholick, and be entered into the Society of the Je¬ 
 fuits, in order to have opportunity to make difcoveries. 
 Oates complies, returns from St. Onier, freighted with ma¬ 
 terials, out of which thefe two men draw up a narrative 
 of a horrid plot againft the perfon of the King, the Go¬ 
 vernment, and the Proteftant Religion, and Tonge under¬ 
 takes to deliver it to the King. If all this be true, there is 
 need of no other proofs : this alone is fufficient to demon- 
 ffrate that the plot was a fidlion, and a chimera. Where¬ 
 fore, if ever there is reafon to give the readers fome ar¬ 
 id ranee of what is advanced, with fo many circumftances, 
 it is in fuch a cafe as this, which alone decides the queff ion! 
 But I muff warn the reader, that thofe who have advanced 
 thefe fatts, have not vouchfafed to give the leaft proof. 
 
 I hey have not faid, that they were received from fuch or 
 fuch perfons then living. They have cited no authors be¬ 
 fore them, nor, in Ihort, produced one voucher of what 
 they have advanced concerning fadts, which naturally could 
 come to their knowledge, but by fome extraordinary 
 means. It is a defign managed between Tonge and Oates 
 alone, without the intervention of any third perfon. It is 
 certain, neither Oates nor Tonge revealed thefe pretended 
 
 
 His ti 
 
 c name was John Groves. Oates's Harrat. P. 6 . 
 
 ) The Duke of Fork’s Confeflbr. Ibid. 
 
 (3) The Duke carried them to the King. And he fancied the, were writ either h, T.iije orOuter, and fent on d.figo to have them interceded to 
 
 ffa blind tolSdion *e SijTSwP‘“' i ' E ""“' ““ “ g “ f< ”“ “““ » d brought tike 
 
 (4) which was given him in 167a but the air being very bad he left it. H. Care. Hi ft. of the Plot, p. 64. 
 
 (y) Bifhop TSnrnet Cays “ He was proud and ill-natured, haughty, but ignorant He had been complained of for fome verv indece 
 «( n ' n R che of the Chriftian Religion. He was once prefented for Perjury.” n. +- P VW> ‘ ndeCe 
 
 (6) Bilnop Tiiiriiee gives him this Charafter: “ He underftood Gardening and Chymiftry, and v 
 “ Divine, and feemed credulous and Gmple; but always palled for a Cncere man,” p.424. 
 
 (7) One Lambert’s Houfe, a Bell-founder’s, at Fox-halt, called afterwards the Plot-Honfe. Echard. 
 
 No. 78. Vol.II. g M 
 
 s full of proje&s and notions. He v 
 
 t exprelfionscon- 
 a very meau 
 
 particulars 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 690 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 particulars before their death, or ever retraaed their infer- the Council by the Kine's permiffi .n. Probably, the King tC.r >. 
 
 r, is therefore iuftlv wifhed, that thofc who have fo managed, that the Council took no great notice of this 
 reported theh fecrcfcXnces with fuch particular cir- affair, and looked upon the difcoveiv as a forgery Alter 
 ntlances, had produced fome authority for what they that, the Lord-Treafurcr feeing he was clear of the bufi- 
 
 nefs, fince it was imparted to the Council, would no longer 
 hearken to Tonge, but when became, difmified him, either 
 unheard, or with injurious language. This made Tange 
 was'the^Speake'r^thoug'h he had'no! figned it, and though and Oat,s refolve to bring the afeir befoe the Parliament. 
 
 have advanced. . , ... , , 
 
 Here follows the fubftance of the writing delivered by 
 Tattle to the Kina, in form of a depofition. Titus Oates 
 
 his name did not appear i 
 
 depofing 
 ited to the 
 . 
 
 But as they had caufe to fe2r, that the Court would find " 
 
 - xL'tTii’*ri?T 677 rtiK faid Deponent was employed means to fupprefs this depoliiion, or reprefent it as a writ- ' i,. . .[ 
 
 by Strange, the then Provincial, Keins, Fenwick, Har- ing without name and authority, tl appk to Sn f 
 
 fur, and other (cfuiis in Lendm, to carry their letters muniburyGedfreysf^t of Peace m Sr.Martm s Parifh, ; . . 
 
 to one Father Sitiman, an Irijh Jefuit, a Madrid m and Oates requefted him to receive h,s oath, that the pa - %j 
 
 Stain ■ 'I hat .1- his journey he broke open the find let- per which he put intohis hands, c nt uni d n. 
 
 ter, ' and found therein, an account given of what Je- for., and other high crimes. Godfrey «n«-,l„„g to .: 
 fuits they had fent into Scotland, to encourage the lb cf- grant their requeft, and the rather, becaufe he was not fuf- b™„. 
 byterians to rebel ; and that they feared not fuccefs in feted 10 read the particulars. .in at lad, 7 i 
 their dcfwns, by reafon of the King’s being fo addicted upon oath, that the fame I ad b ten coo,mot. 
 to his nleafures, and their intereft in the Duke ofJVf, king, Oates was fworn, and a certificate go 
 fee. That he faw feveral Students fent out of England was the 6th of Septet 
 coFoladelid, who were obliged by the Jefoitu o'the Sometime after, the mg. 
 
 College to renounce their allegiance to his Matefty of whether the Council had been ml. . .. ..1 
 
 Great Britain-, and that one Jrmjlnng, in a Sermon Tong, and Oates, or fean 1 to be accufed ol n ence, Hi 
 to (he Students there did affirm, that Charles Stuart, an aftair which concerned the King and the pubhek, t>r™J- nf » 
 the King of England, is no lawful King, but conies of from fome other motive, they rclolved 10 examine into the . 
 a fpurious race, and that his Father was a black Saleh- bottom ol this matter. For this purpole, the tflh ol Sr,*- ta. 
 mJL and not King Charles tic Fiji ; with feveral tember, 1 .x weeks alter the king had received theft,ft m- 
 other traiterous words and correfpondencies which he formation Tonge was fent fo, by the Council, but not 
 there difeoveted. Being returned to England, where coming till the Council was nfen, he was ordered toattend 
 he made farther difeovet ; about the beginning of Be- the next day. In that interval, retook anothercopyof 
 tender the faid deponent was fent with another trea- Oates's depletion, and, It is pietended, inferred feveral ar- 
 fnnable letter, written by Strange, and feveral other Je- tides which were not m the htft, but thefe new infor ms- 
 to St. Oner's, wherein was exprefly mentioned tions are not fpecihed. However, this was the copy which 
 
 fuits. 
 
 was afterwards pubiiflied under the title of Oat a 
 
 This copy being finiftied, Tonge and Kirkly carried 
 it to Sir Edmundbury Godfrey the Juftice, and left it in his 
 hands(i). 
 
 On the morrow, the Council examined Tenge and Kirk- p^-.u 
 y , and then ordeied Oates to be called in. After their 
 examination, Tonge and Oates had lodging 1 , afflgned them 
 in Whitehall, by order of the C unci), witli .t mhI for Lcik,..: 
 their fecuritv, and a weekly falary for their luldilknce. 
 
 ^ cc,,, _.... And now the Privy-council for above a week, f..t twice a 
 
 a, .nffime o?”thcm to fay,’ Tbai his Majejly o/England day on this affair, and employed Oates, as he was the fir* 
 
 “ was brought to to that pajs, [that is, fo pollefled of their dilcovcrer of the plot, three days and nights tt, Inarch after 
 “ fidelity f that if any Male-contents anting themJhauld mt and feize the perfons of the cmfpirators, and fccure their 
 « (mm, but offer to difcmitr, he weald never believe papers. By his means, and upon his depoluinni, were ar- r . 
 “ tul“ M J refted. Sir GevpH'ahamt, the Queen’s Phyfidan, Mr. 
 
 Bufine of the principal things he tells us in this Narra- Edward Coleman the Duke of I irf$ Secretary, Mr. Ri- J J, , 
 
 live was “ That ffpril 167k, lie came over from St. chard Longhorn, Thmas IVbttebread, John Gawm, An- o. b 
 
 “ Omer’s with more Jefuit* to the grand confult w hich thony Turner , William Ireland, WilliamMarjhal, U ,titan, , “ 
 “ was held in May, by about fifty [efuits, at the // bite- Rtimlty, James Corker, Thmas Pickering, and many others. 
 
 their defign to ftab or poifon the king ; and that they 
 “ had received ten thoufand pounds from la Chafe-, which 
 “ was in the hands of one IVorfly a Goldfmith in London. 
 <f There was likewife inclofed a letter of thanks to Fa- 
 « ther la Chai/e, which the deponent carried to him lrom 
 « St. Omer’s to Paris. During this his journey, and be- 
 « ing abroad, he faw and read many other letters, all 
 “ tending to the fame end of cutting off the King, fub- 
 “ verting the prefent Government of England , and re- 
 * c ftoring the Romijh Religion ; and they were fo confident 
 
 
 Horfs tavern in 'the Strand , where they met and plotted 
 their defigns for their Society : From whence they d;f- 
 perfed into feveral clubs, five or fix in a company, 
 where they figned a Refolve for the death of the King, 
 with the manner how it was to be done, which the de¬ 
 ponent, as a mellenger, carried from one company^ to 
 
 The Council 
 fuytyarc- 
 £,3Tli CO this 
 difilViry. 
 
 The eight laft were Romijh Piieffs or Jeluits. In CR man’s r. • .. . 
 houfe were found lettcr> which greatly confirmed Oates’s 
 tefiimony, and will be hereafter remembicd (2). 
 
 Though no particulars of the Plot had yet been publifh- c' ,./-f t 
 ed, the people were informed in general, that the defign ,J *' 
 of it was to kill the King, fubvert the Government, and 
 'another to be fioncdT Very fhortly after he returtu-d to change the eftablifiied Religion. The imprifonment of fo 
 Si. Omer’s, and towards the end of June came back to great a numbei of Roman Catholicks, luggeffed that they 
 “ England ; where he foon became piivy to the treaty were at leaft fufpected of being concerned. T his was fuf- 
 “ wi % Jf’ak'inan to povion, and Hon.-Jl William and fikient to make them believed the foie authors of the Plot. 
 
 “ PlckerHg to fiioot, the King ; and that he heard Keins a But an accident, a few days after, fo confirmed this belief, 
 
 “ Jefuit preach a Sermon to twelve perfons of quality in that nothing was able to lhake it; I his was, that Sir Ed- raur . . ., 
 
 “ difuiife; wherein he aflerted. That Protejl ant and other mnndbury Goof vy, who had fworn Oates to his narrative, Gix'r;. I 
 “ heretical Princes were ipfo faflo defied, becaufe fitch, and after having been miffing four days, was found dead in a *:f-f u£ 
 “ that it was Jaw, ul to defray them, as an Oliver Crom- ditch about a mile out of London (3), with his fword thro’ K , nr ,. 
 
 « well, or any other Ufurpay Tc.” his body, his cane and gloves by him, rings upon his Bunk-. 
 
 Befides thefc new difcoveries, he tells us, that he learnt fingers, and money in his pocket (4). I he Cdroners tn- 
 fevcral other remarkable particulars from them, as, “ That quell fat upon the body, but meeting with fome difficul- 
 “ the late wars, and many other mifehiefs were brought tics adjourned to the day following, when, upon the decla¬ 
 re about them; but more particularly the dreadful fire ration of the Surgeons, they gave up their Verdict “ 'lliat F.charc* 
 in 1666, which was principally managed by Strange the “ he was murdered by certain perfons unknown to the 
 
 .- . Jurors, and that his death proceeded from fuftocation and 
 
 “ firangling (5); and that his fword had been thruft 
 tc though his body fome time after his death, and when 
 “ he was quite cold, becaufe not the leafi fign of blood 
 “ was feen upon his fliirt, or his clothes, or the place 
 “ where he was found.” Though it was poffible, this Tic p., 
 
 .... ( murder might not have been committed by the Papifts, they 
 
 brought about by the like means; and though in that were lo readily and publickly accufed, that it was not fate 
 they were at the expence of a thoufand pounds, they to deny it, and that the people drew from it an invincible 
 made a fhift to get two thoufand clear into their own proof of the plot, and the aflurance of the Papilis being the 
 pockets.” authors. It was not conceived, what intereft the Proteftants 
 
 This depolition, as I faid, was at laft communicated to could have to murder this Juftice, but it was obvious that 
 
 Provincial; in which their Society employed eighty, or 
 eighty fix men, he could not tell which, and fpent feven 
 hundred fire-balls, and, over and above all their vaft ex- 
 : pence, they were fourteen thoufand pounds gainers by 
 the plunder, amongft which was a box of jewels, con- 
 fifting of a thoufand caracts of diamonds. He farther 
 ; learnt, that the fire in Southwark in the year 1676, was 
 
 (1; He cook rvo Copies more which were fworn co, and whereof one was leic wich the Juftice. Ech.i'A. 
 
 (a) Coleman, fays Hun,it, had a whole day free to make his efcape, u he thought he was In danger. And he had 
 way: Only he forgot a Drawer under the Table, in which the papers relating to 1*7+, 7/, and f*r; of 7 s, were left, 
 nothing had appeared ; had ha left all, it might have been concluded, that che whole let re: lay in them, p.+i' 
 
 (3 Near St. Pan:T*s Church, by Primrofe-hill, He was milling lrom Odcbcr la. co OcUbcr 1 
 
 Murder, p. J. . . 
 
 (4, Namely, feven Guineas, four Broad-pieces, two Email pieces of Gold, and four Pounds and halt a Crown in Silv 
 (7) It is Remarkable, that a large lac'd Band, which he nsd an when he went from home, was off when his body w 
 
 hich iall day he was difeovered. Rcl.-.t. of /.is 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 691 
 
 1678. the Papifts might do it in revehge for his fwearing Oates 
 to his Narrative. The Catholicks were then in a fitua- 
 tion not to dare to vindicate themfelves. The people were 
 univer Tally incenl'ed againft them, and the Court would not 
 openly protect them, it paffed therefore for certain, that 
 the Papifts were Godfrey' s murderers. Of this will here- 
 alrer appear pofitive evidence. But as, a few years after, 
 the face of affairs was changed, the Papifts and friends of 
 the Court found means to give another turn to this murder. 
 ]' irft, They railed ftrong objediions to invalidate thedepo- 
 li’.ions of the witneftes. Secondly, They obferved, that 
 t)ie death of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey could be of no great 
 advantage to them, ft nee he only fwore Oates to his Nar¬ 
 rative, and from that time to his death meddled no more. 
 I hirdly, They infmuated, that Godfrey had murdered him- 
 felf, out of fear of being hanged for not difeovering fooner 
 what he knew. Fourthly, and upon this they chiefly in¬ 
 filled, they pretended that Godfrey had been murder’d by the 
 Proteftants, in order to throw the odium of his death upon 
 the Papifts. Now as the Papifts had no intereft to publifli 
 this murder, it is pretended, that his death was concealed 
 t.'ll the body was found, and then publifhed by thole who 
 committed the deed, in order to charge the Catholicks with 
 it. But tho’ it were true, that the whole City was filled 
 with the rumour of Godfrey % murder the day after he dif- 
 appeared, it feems to me, that the confequence drawn from 
 thence would not be neceflary. Thus much is certain, 
 Godfrey was murdered, and the Papifts were charged with 
 the deed, as long as the Proteftant-party prevailed ; but 
 when the face of affairs was altered, the Court-party did, 
 and ftill do, accufe the Proteftants of it(i). 
 oa k. ao. However this be, the King, who was then at Newmar- 
 
 E. iui J. ^ ft ' returning to London to hold the Parliament, publifhed 
 
 a Proclamation, with the promife of five hundred pounds 
 reward to the difcoverer of the murderers of &\r Edmund¬ 
 bury Godfrey. But as this Proclamation had but little ef¬ 
 fect, becaule it was fuggefted that the difeoverers would be 
 in danger of an aflaflination ; the King publifhed a fecond, 
 with an affurance of his prote&ion to thofe who fhould 
 make the difeovery (2). 
 
 ThrTrr.ifi'- Meantime, the King was extremely perplexed. He had 
 we, - / ; " 3t enc ^ caV0L|rc d to ftifle the noife of this confpiracy, 
 tu ibe by concealing it from his very Council ; but was forced at 
 Cnnw.v-. Jaft to conlent it fhould be communicated to them : And 
 the precautions taken by Fonge and Oates , in putting the 
 depolition into the hands of a Juftice, had obliged the 
 Council to take precautions alfo for their own fakes, in 
 caufing many perfons to be arrefted. The murder of Sir 
 Edmundbury Qodfrey happening upon this, and the whole 
 Kingdom being alarmed at it, there was no poflibility of 
 ftifling the noife of the Plot, which had now reached the 
 77 i moft diftant parts. The King therefore refolved to take 
 
 1 l be only courle left, which was to prevent, if poflible, this 
 ft /- >" the affair from coming before the Parliament. He was not 
 Patiiamint. ignorant of the difaftedtion of the Commons. The tranf- 
 adtions of the laft fummer fhewed, that he was fufpedled of 
 deligns prejudicial to Church and State, and all his pro¬ 
 ceedings had given but too juft caufe for this fufpicion. He 
 theiefore feared very juftly, that the Parliament would 
 examine into the bottom of this plot; and, under a pre¬ 
 tence of taking care of his perfon, difeover many things 
 which were yet to be concealed. For, as I have remark¬ 
 ed, this plot contained three articles, namely, the thiee 
 defigns of killing the King; fubverting the Government; 
 and changing the eflablifhed Religion. Tn all appearance, 
 the King believed not the firft, but could not be ignorant 
 of the cwo laft. Nay, his whole conduct had made this 
 fo clear, that all the Kingdom was in a manner convinced 
 of it. To avoid therefore fo dangerous a difeuflion; he 
 refolved to take from the Parliament the examination of 
 
 F. - 1 . rd, the plot. For this purpofe, he exprefly commanded the 
 1 ' p ‘ 472, Earl of Danby, his prime Minifter, not to acquaint the 
 
 two Houfes with what had palled through his hands, and 
 refolved fo to order it, that every thing concerning the 
 plot fhould be left to the law, in the belief that it would 
 be much eafier for him to manage the Judges than the 
 Parliament, 
 
 The ?. iff of October, the King opened the iSth feflion 
 of this Parliament with the following Speech: 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen, 
 
 %j"l a s ti “ | Have thought the time very long fince we parted 
 h„fs. - laftj and would not have deferred your meeting by 
 
 lenuer. “ fo many prorogations, if I could well hav« met you 
 
 “ fooner. The part which I had this fummer in the pre- 167$, 
 fervation of our Neighbours, and the well fecuring what 
 was left of Flanders, is fufficiently known, and acknow- 
 “ ledged by all that are abroad. And though for this 
 caufe I have been obliged to keep up my troops, with- 
 “ out which our Neighbours had abfolutely defpaired; yet 
 “ both the honour and the intereft of the nation have been 
 “ fo far improved by it, that I am confident no man here 
 “ would repine at it, or think the money raifed for their 
 tc disbanding, to have been ill-employed in their continu¬ 
 ance ; and I do allure you, I am fo much more out 
 “ of purfe for that fervice, that I expect you fhould fup- 
 ply it. How far it may be neceflary, confidering the 
 £c prefent ftate of Chrijlendom , to reduce the land and fea 
 “ forces, or to what degree, is worthy of all our ferious 
 lt confiderations. 
 
 “ / novv intend to acquaint you (as I fhall always do 
 “ with any thing that concerns me) that I have been in- 
 “ formed of a defign againft my perfon by the Jefuits, 
 
 “ of which I fhall forbear any opinion, Jeaft I may feem 
 “ to fay too much or too little: But I will leave the 
 matter to the law, and in the mean time will take as 
 “ much care as I can, to prevent all manner of pra£tices 
 “ by that fort of men, and of others too, who have been 
 “ tampering in a high degree by Foreigners, and contriv- 
 “ ing how to introduce Popery amongft us. I fhall con¬ 
 clude with recommending to you my other concerns. I 
 “ have been under great difappointments by the defeft of 
 “ the Poll-bill. My revenue is under great anticipations, 
 
 “ and at beft was never equal to the conftant and necef- 
 “ fary expence of the Government, whereof I intend to 
 “ have the whole ftate laid before you, and require you 
 “ to look into it, and confider of it, with that duty and 
 £t affetftion which I am fure I fhall ever find from you. 
 
 “ The reft I leave to the Lord Chancellor.” 
 
 The King had hoped by his precautions to prevent th e The Earl of 
 Parliament from taking cognizance of the Plot. But the ^'£ r "' n " 
 Earl of Danby broke all his meafures, by communication .-/•<• pu to 
 the very firft day, Oates's Narrative to the Commons. It theCommmt. 
 was believed, he was either afraid of being called to an ni! p. J ' 47 a. 
 account, if he concealed from the Parliament an affair of 
 fuch importance, which had parted thro’ his hands, or was 
 willing to ingratiate himfelf with that Houfe, in which 
 he had many powerful enemies. The King was highly 
 provoked with a procedure fo contrary to his orders and 
 defigns, and gave him a fevere reprimand; but the thing 
 was without remedy. 
 
 The Commons having communicated thefe informations Andshr ) f# 
 to the Lords, laboured inceffantly upon the affair of the ,h ‘ Lndt ’ 
 Plot. For fome days they fate from morning till late at 
 night, and took extreme care to keep the Minutes and 
 Voles of the Houfe from being divulged. The Lords were 
 no lefs diligent; fo that in two or three days, both Houfes 
 prefented three addreffes to the King. The firft was to Thrte AJ - 
 pray him to appoint a Faff. The fecond to require the re- th/nllfeT 
 moval of all Popifh Recufants out of London. The third -»r he King. 
 to pray the King’s order to the Lord Chamberlain, that 
 no unknown perfon might have accefs to his Majefty. ' c ar • 
 
 It muft be obferved, thefe three addreffes were all founded 
 upon the difeovery of the plot, and that both Houfes did 
 not confine it to the fingle defign of killing the King, 
 but exprefly added the two others, of fubverting the Go¬ 
 vernment, and changing the eftablifhed Religion. This is 
 a remark which is to ferve for the whole procefs of this 
 affair. For never did the two Houfes feparate thefe three 
 articles, a clear evidence that they believed the plot was 
 not confined to the defign of killing the King, as fome 
 would infinuate. 
 
 The fame day that the third addrefs was prefented, Oates «,«- 
 namely the 24th of October, three days after the opening 
 the feflion, Oates was examined in the Houfe of Commons H.’”care! 
 fix or feven hours. After his examination, he was feveral EcharJ . 
 times interrogated, according to cuftom, JVhether he knew U1, p ' 474 * 
 any thing more of the plot, or any other perfons concerned in 
 it, than what he had already mentioned ; to which he 
 folemnly anfwered. He did not. And yet, he afterwards 
 added feveral things to this depofition. As this is one of objedion. 
 the objedtions againft Oates’s evidence, it will njt be im- 
 proper to inform the Reader of what has been faid Pro ZpoZ ' 
 and Con. 
 
 Fit lt, it is faid, that Oates having been examined upon 
 oath by the Houfe of Commons, and having affirmed, he 
 knew no more of the plot, could not afterwards add new 
 depofitions againft other perfons, without perjury. To im- 
 
 fi Di. Lloyd and Dr. Unmet went to view the body; and, befides the circumflances above-mentioned, obferved, that his Shoes were clean A 
 mar,; round h,s neck an inch broad. His bread all over bruited, and his neck broken. There were many drops of white wax-lights on his breeches, 
 whi.n lie never tiled himfelf. And fince only perfons of Quality or Priefts ufe thofe lights, this made all people conclude in whofe hands he mult 
 nave been, p.429. 
 
 (2) Sir Edmundbury', Corps being embalmed, was kept till Oflobtr 31. when it was carried, in a very Tolemn manner, from ‘Bridewell Hofpkal, of 
 which he was one of the Governors, to the Church of St. Martin's in the Fields , where he was buried. The Pall was fupported by eight Knights, ail 
 ju h-es 1 1 eacc. nil the Aldermen or the City attended the Funeral. Seventy two London Miniders marched two and cwo before the body. And 
 
 great multitudes followed after, in the fame order. An excellent Sermon, durable to the occaGon, was preached, 0® a Samuel c. id. r. U. by Dr Wih 
 Ksmet, p. 35^. RtUt. Sec. 
 
 t Llfjd , Vicar of St. Martin's. 
 
 prove 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 6<) : 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 167s. 
 
 for nv 
 
 r ' i 
 
 Il'ift. 0 
 
 Plot. 
 
 Echard 
 
 prove this objection, it is faid, he was folemnly interro¬ 
 gated, whether he knew any thing more; and that he 
 anfwered as folemnly, he did not. But this word Solemnly 
 is only ufed to aggravate the imputation of perjury. For 
 it is eafy to perceive, that a witnefs, at his firft hearing, 
 is not asked, whether he knows any thing more, with 
 greater folemnity than the other queftions, upon which he 
 has depofed. Jr i-beJides replied to this objection, that the 
 oath taken by Oates before he was interrogated, properly 
 reached only to ihe facts which he was to depofc, and not 
 to tie quei’tion after his depofition, whether he knew any 
 tl.'i. - m >re of the plot? So the charge of perjury vanifhes, 
 unSd's it be proved, that he was again fworn upon the lait 
 queftion. 
 
 Ic is anfwered in the fecond place, that this objection 
 being made to Oates on another occalion, he faid, that 
 having been three clays and three nights without fleep when 
 he was examined by the Commons, and the examination 
 lafting above fix hours, it was not ftrange, that at the 
 firft healing he ilic-uld not recollect ail he knew. I leave 
 to the Reader to confider the objection and anfwer. 
 
 I cannot forbear obferving here a fallacy put upon his 
 , Readeis by a celebrated Hiitorian, in faying, That he began 
 fo mut b to ab und with new difeoveries , that fome began to 
 Jufpecl his veracity. Therefore, adds the Hiitorian, to put 
 an end to all li/ch doublings, on the iff of October, the 
 r Commons refolved , Nemine contradicente, “ That upon the 
 
 evidence that has already appeared to this Houfe, this 
 “ Houfe is of opinion, That there is, and hath been a dam- 
 “ nable and hcllifh plot contrived and carried on by Popif) 
 “ Recufants , for affaffinating and murdering the King, for 
 “ fnbv. ■ ting the Government , and rooting out and dcjlroying 
 “ the Pr -.e/lant Religion .” 
 
 Beikies that this author, in aferibing for foie motive to 
 the Commons the defire of putting an end to all doubtings 
 of Oates’s veracity, boldly accufes them of not acting up¬ 
 rightly, it may be demonftratively proved, that this could 
 not be their motive, fince the witnefs added nothing to his 
 firft uepofition in the fix days between his examination and 
 the vote of the Commons. I was willing to make this 
 remark, to {hew, with what caution the Hiftotians who 
 have writ of the affairs of that time, muff: be read. 
 
 This vote having palled in the Houfe of Commons, 
 Nemne Contradicente, they ordered, “ That this vote be 
 “ communicated to the Lords at a conference, and that 
 “ the Lords be deitred to join with this Houfe, in pro- 
 “ vi . ; remedies for the prefervation of his Majefty’s 
 
 Pc ;[< ;i and Government, and the Proteftant Religion.” 
 Tv, b.iVo ..icer, 111 a conference between the two Houfes, 
 upon 1 i v 1 vbject of the laft vote of the Commons, this re¬ 
 port was made, “ The Lords have con fidered the vote 
 “ of the Houfe of Commons communicated to them at 
 £t the conference, and have moft readily and unanimoufly 
 “ con . 1 .v tl :m in it, Nemine contradicente ; and 
 “ their Lordftlips an. .cry glad to fee that zeal which the 
 “ Commons have fhewed upon this occalion, and do fully 
 ,c concur with them, That the moji fpeedy and ferious con- 
 “ federations of both Houjes are necljfary for prevention of 
 “ the :! dangers. I ' artier vvhereunto their Lord- 
 
 “ (hips have reloived ' • iit de die in diem, forenoon and 
 “ afternoon, and defue that the Houfe of Commons will 
 “ do the fame.” 
 
 „ : p- If this proves not the plot to be real, it proves at leaft, 
 
 • that both Houfes believed it fo, fince there was not the 
 '■ leaft divifion upon this article. To deny therefore that the 
 plot was real, it mult be faid, either that all the members 
 of both Houfes were grofsly miftaken, or that they acted 
 in a fpirit of prejudice and part}', to trouble the Court. 
 But why fhouid it be thought to trouble the Court, if the 
 King was not fufpected to have been the principal author 
 of the plot, tho’, doubtiefs, he was not concerned in the 
 firft article relating to the attempt upon his life, which, 
 as I have faid, was only an appendix of the plot, or at leaft 
 was confidered as fuch. 
 
 I he fame day that the Commons examined Oates, 
 they fent for the Lord Chief-Juftice Scrags, who took his 
 examination upon oath, and in the Houfe fealed twenty- 
 fix vvai rants for apprehending fo many perfons whom he 
 r ; ■ had fworn againft, among whom were the Lords Poivis, 
 tin- Stafford, Arundel of JCar dour, Petrc , Bellafs , and Sir 
 IJenry Tichbourn Baronet, all Papifts, who were fent to 
 the ■ ower, and the reft to feveral prifons. 
 
 I he King was fo perfuaded of his being fufpected, that 
 lie thought himfelf obliged to feem equally convinced with 
 !! tkc Parliament of the danger. To remove therefore this 
 fillpicion, he pubJilhed a Proclamation in thefe words: 
 “ The Lords and Commonshaving taken into their fen- 
 
 c ‘ ous confnleration, the blood) and traiterous deffgns of 16 
 “ popifli Recufants, againft his Majefty’s facred.Perfon and 
 “ Government, and the Proteftant Religion ; therefore he 
 “ commanded thefti all, except fettled Houfe-keepers that 
 “ would take the oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, tode- 
 “ part the cities of London and Wefminfer, and all places 
 “ within ten miles diffant from the fame.” 
 
 The Papifts accordingly departed out of London ; though 
 for fo (hort a (pace, that in lefs than a fortnight they re¬ 
 turned again, whether they had leave from their leaders to 
 take the oaths, or knew fuch Proclamations were never 
 ftri<£tly executed. 
 
 Betides this, the King knowing, that among his Foot 
 and Horfe guards, there were many Papifts, and new con- ; 1 
 verts to the Romijh Religion, declared in Council, and pub- 
 liftied an order, with a promifeof twenty pounds Sterling, “j" 
 to whoever fhouid make difeovery of any officer or foldier 
 in his Horfe or Foot guards, who having taken the oaths 
 of Allegiance and Supremacy, and the late Teft, had fince 
 been perverted to the Romijh Religion. 
 
 The Commons not fatisfied with thefe flight precautions, 
 prepared a Bill to prevent the danger from fo many Papifts 
 fitting in Parliament, and particularly in the Houfe of 
 Lords. 
 
 But this was only a preparative for the more eafy pre- Iii - I 
 vention of the danger with which Religion was threatned, F ' J 
 from the hopes conceived by the Papifts, of feeing the Duke 
 of York on the throne after his brother, who neither had, 
 nor expedted to have, any legitimate ifTue. This danger 
 caufed feveral members of the Commons, to form the pro- 
 je£t of a Bill for excluding the Duke of York from the fuc- 
 ceffion to the Crown : But this was done by degrees. On 
 the 4th of November, a debate was fufFered to arife in the 
 Houfe, for an addrefs to his Majefty, that he would be 
 pleafed to remove the Duke of York from his perfon and 
 counfels. But this debate was adjourned to the 8th, and 
 afterwards to the 1 ath of the month. 
 
 The King perceiving the intent of the Commons, came 
 to the Parliament the 9th of November, and fending for the 
 Commons, made this Speech to both Houfes. 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen , 
 
 “ 1 Am fo very fcnfible of the great and extraordinary r: ' f 
 “ 1 care you have already taken, and ftill continue to ') r n j 
 “ fhow, for the fafety and prefervation of my perfon in Ken 
 “ thefe times of danger, that I could not fatisfy my felf {?• f 
 “ without coming hither on purpofe to give you all my 
 “ moft hearty thanks for it. Nor do I think it enough to 
 “ give you my thanks only, but I hold my felf obliged to 
 “ let you fee withal, that I do as much ftudy your pre- 
 “ fervation too, as I can poffibly; and that I am as ready 
 c< to join with you, in all the ways and means that may 
 “ eftabli/h a firm fecurity of the Proteftant Religion, as 
 “ your own hearts can wifh: And this not only during 
 “ my time, (of which I am fure you have no fear,) but in 
 “ future ages, even to the end of the world. And there- 
 ‘‘ fore I am come to allure you, that whatever reafonable 
 “ Bills you fhall piefent to be pafled into Laws, to make 
 “ you fafe in the reign of any fucceflor, (fo as they tend 
 “ not to impeach the Right of Succeffion, nor the defeent 
 “ of the Crown in the true line, and fo as they reftrain 
 “ not my power, nor the juft Rights of any Proteftant 
 “ Succeflbr) fhall find from me a ready concurrence. 
 
 “ And I defue you withal, to think of fome more effec- 
 “ tual means for the conviction of popilh Recufants, and 
 “ to expedite your counfels as faft as you can, that the 
 “ world may fee our unanimity, and that I may have the 
 “ opportunity of (hewing you, how ready I am to do any 
 “ thing that may give comfort and fatisfaction to fuchdu- 
 “ tiful and loyal o •bjedts.” 
 
 During thefe tranfaclions, one William Bedloe, who took B. 
 upon him the title of Captain Bedloe, becaufe he had ferved V ;. 
 in the Low-Countries (1), going from London toBrifol, writ Hill, 
 to Secretary Coventry from Newbury, that he had many P‘ i,? . 
 fecrets to difeover, and therefore defired that he might r . 
 be arrefted on iris arrival at Briflol, and fent to London, e. h 
 If I do not infert every thing faid againft Bedloe by cer- R - 1 
 tain Hiftorians, it is their fault, becaufe they have given no 
 authority for what they advanced, nor do I think my felf 
 obliged to copy implicitly from authors who writ forty years 
 after the events, and have not thought proper to alledge 
 the leaft proof of what they aflert. I fhall however briefly 
 fay, that they fpeak of Bedloe as of the greateft villain that 
 ever lived. 
 
 Bedloe was apprehended at Briffot, according to his de¬ 
 fire, and brought to London the 6th of November, when 
 the Parliament was very bufy upon the affair of the plot. 
 
 (1) He had form 
 
 
 rvam co che Lord 'Bclhfis, afterward: 
 -md-d by che Eng'Jfh Abbefs ac Dto.L-irk, and fo by r: 
 m, and lenc frequently w ell Lctcers into torei^n p.ir;s. 
 by many falfe names, by which he had cheated , 
 
 had made a fhitt to live on his wits, < 
 
 «t the Plot, p. ia 7 . 
 , , is. He had gone o 
 by his cheats, p.qjz. 
 
 Vbout MUhaelm.ift 1674, he 
 the Jefuirs and was at iaH 
 
 - Barnet fays, Hedlm 
 
 r many parts of Fr.wr, an 
 
 ent for over by H.n- 
 rally employed as an 
 d a very vi. i'h-. 
 as a man of Qua- 
 
 A guard 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 1678 
 
 Hi, Drpofit, 
 
 Hi, fecond 
 Defofttion. 
 
 f Proclama 
 ion againft 
 be P.ipjlt. 
 ichard. 
 
 II. p. 478 
 
 idrcft the 
 
 A guard was immediately afligned him for his fecurity, 
 and a penfion for his fubliftence, with a lodging at White- 
 hall. The King was prefent at his examination before the 
 two Secretaries of State. He declared he had been bred a 
 1 roteftant of the Church of England, but within two years 
 perfuaded to turn Catholick by the Jefuits. He faid, He 
 knew that Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was murthered in So- 
 merfct-Houfe, but it is pretended, he folemnly declared 
 upon oath, his ignorance of the plot then in queftion. But 
 as I faid, fads fupported by no authority defcrve little cre¬ 
 dit (1). It is added, that the very next day, being exa¬ 
 mined by the Houfe of Lords, be thought fit upon new en¬ 
 couragement, to be more upon, and launch out into the depths 
 of the plot, tenth a new and fupplemental evidence. It is 
 eafy to perceive the tendency of fuch infinuations deftitutc 
 of authority. 
 
 ' However this be, Bedloe declared to the Lords, that 
 IValJh and le Pbaire, two Jefuits concerned in the mur- 
 mx of Godfrey, informed him, “ That the Lord Beliefs 
 t had a commiffion to command forces in the North, 
 <{ tbe Earl of Powis in South-finales, and the Lord Arun- 
 ^ del of IVardour had a commiffion from the Pope to 
 “ grant commiffions to whom he pleafed : That Coleman 
 " had been a great agitator in the defign againft the King.” 
 He was asked, if he knew Oates, and he pofitively de¬ 
 nied it, but pretended afterwards, he knew him by the 
 name of Ambrofe. 
 
 The next day, the two Houfes obtained from the King 
 a Proclamation againft JValJb, le Pbaire, Conyers, Sim- 
 monds, Pritchard, and Caflaway, but none of them could 
 be found. 
 
 The 1 2th of November, Bedloe was examined a fecond 
 ime in the Houfe of Lords. The fubftance of what he 
 id was, “ That the monks of Doway firft told him the 
 defign j and, after four facraments of fecrecy, they fent 
 him to Harcourt, a Jefuit i n Duke-Jlreet, London , who 
 provided for him, and fent him to Paris, &c. That 
 le Pbaire, Walfij, Pritchard, and Lewis, told him what 
 Lords were to govern, what men were to be raifed ; 
 particularly forty thoufand to be ready in London: What 
 fuccours were to be expelled, namely, ten thoufand 
 from Flanders , twenty or thirty thoufand religious men 
 and pilgrims from St. Jago in Spain ; that Hull was to 
 be furprized ; and that, juft in the critical time that the 
 plot was difcoveied ; that le Pbaire gave him a facra- 
 rnent of fecrecy; and they told him, who and who 
 were to be killed, and the men that were to do the 
 work. Le Pbaire faid further, that Conyers was my 
 Lord Bellafis's Confeffor, and communicated his orders; 
 and that they were refolved, if any plotters were taken, 
 to difpatch them before they could be brought to try a l, or to 
 burn the prifon. That le Pbaire, Pritchard, Lewis, 
 Keins, and IValJh, and others, had often told him, that 
 there was not a Roman Catholick in England of any qua¬ 
 lity or credit, but was acquainted with this defign of the 
 Papifts, and had received the facrament from their Fa- 
 ther-Confeflors, to be fccret and affiftant in the carrying 
 of it on: That the part affigned him, was to bring and 
 carry orders and counfels, and all other intelligences 
 rom one army to another upon all occalions, he know¬ 
 ing every part and road of England and Wales. n 
 After this depofition, the Lords having conjured Bedloe 
 to (peak nothing but the truth, he did in the prefence of 
 ,, a f be Mdd anfwer it at the day of judgment, a (Jure 
 all to be true he had depofed. 
 
 Bedloe s depofition, which was communicated to the 
 Commons, was very apt to fill the Parliament and People 
 with fears. Accordingly the effed of it was fuch, that the 
 King to avoid being fufpeefted of having any hand in 
 IfMoT’ P ubllfhed a Proclamation the 12th of November, 
 tt Wh ereby all Romijh Recufants, and fuch reputed, were 
 e W ned under penalty of the Laws, to repair to 
 4t their ° wn houfes, and not to remove more than five 
 miles from thence without licence.” But the Commons 
 did not think this Proclamation fufficient to free them from 
 1 r' r / earS - The fame da y the y prefented an addrefs to 
 ‘t -/r * j g r pra ^S’ “ Tha r a fpecial commiffion may be 
 4( l,lued torch, for tendering the oaths of Allegiance and 
 4< Supremacy to all the fervants of his Majefty, and his 
 „ Koyal Highnefs, and to all other perfons, (except her 
 Majefty’s Portugal fervants) reliding within the Palaces 
 
 69; 
 
 St. Jamtss, mi Somitfit-biufe, anj all i 6 r S. 
 
 « “ y a J e % s Imufes i and that there may be lifce- 
 
 „ *.' fe f P= clai commiffions iffued forth, for tendering the 
 „ , oatl ?, s al1 P crfons sliding within the two Seritants- 
 Inns, all the Inns of Court, and Inns of Chancery." 
 
 he King returned an anfwer in writing, that he granted mafi.ee 
 their requeft. With exception of the menial fervants of tile 
 yueen and Duchefs, who were fo very mconfiderablc in 
 their number, and within the articles of marriage. He 
 added That hs could not hut take notice, that in a late ad- • 
 drefs from the Houfe of Peer,, the menial fervants of the 
 fteeen and Duchefs were excepted , and that he hoped the 
 Commons would proceed with the fame moderation alto that 
 
 fhr • ra u IS anfwcr Was " ot Patisfactory, and there¬ 
 
 fore they infilled in a fecond addrefs, “ That the perfons 
 
 “ f XC ?'j d ln u hl / Ma J e %’ s mefi’age, might be comnre- 
 „ . nded m the fame commiffion, for which they gave 
 
 1 °™ reafons - Hut before the King had anfwered this 
 addreis, there happened an accident which put the Com- 
 mons much out of temper. 
 
 The I Sth of November, they were informed, that fevera] 17 ■ <W» 
 commiffions had been granted to popifh Recufants, and^wj',"""' 
 warrants aiio, that they fhould be muftered, notwithlland- L ,he 
 njg they had not taken the oaths, and fubferibed the de- 7i ”"- 
 claration according to the Aft of Parliament; and that they 
 were counter-figned by Sir Jofeph IVilliamfon, Secretarv of 
 State Upon this information, IVilliamfon, [as a member 
 or their Houfe,] was ,mmediately fent to the Tower. 
 
 1 h« much eftended the King, who the next day fent for 
 
 IVI “■ attend him in the Oanquetting-boufe in 
 
 m.tehaU Where m a Speech he told them plainly, “ That 
 „ thou B h they had committed his fervant, without ac- 
 „ fiymtmg him ; yet he intended to deal more freely with 
 „ l" em ’ acquaint them with his intention to releafe his 
 tt secr dt ar y; which accordingly he did that very day. 
 
 Upon this the Commons prefented an addrefs to the King, Id. p. 3f4 . 
 with the reafons of their proceedings in the commitment of 
 his Secretary. They faid, “ ,. That divers commiffions 
 ,< 6 j r e ntC -/ '° ,P°P lfl > officers, and counter-figned by 
 “ 5 IVilliamfon, and delivered out in Ofio- 
 „ L rince thc meeting of this Houfe, and thedifeo- 
 
 my of the prefent popifil Confpiracy. 
 
 « r a ' r Dlv " s Warrants have alfo been produced before us 
 “ . 0 ' U,f P enfat, ° ns . contrary to Law, for popilh officers 
 “ n»?«'? eir T‘" lndS ’ and to be pallid in mufter, 
 
 „ notmt hftanding they have not taken the oaths of Alle- 
 « gla " cc and Supremacy, and received the bleffed Sacra- 
 « 2 " r ‘" c Lord's-Supper, according to the late Aft of 
 « Parliament in that behalf; all which faid Warrants were 
 „ !" Ce "'‘ re counter-figned by the faid IVilliamfon ; which 
 “ nfS! 1 " 1 ? 1 ° f “ US ’ and confe(red b v the faid Sir 
 “ - e, ^ u illiamfm. We your Majefty's moll dutiful Sub- 
 „ J ccts ’ havmg the immediate confideration before us, of 
 « rhe imminent danger of your Majelfy’s perfon, the fafety 
 "’nereof is above all things mod dear to us, and likewife 
 « tllc d angers from popifh Plots fo nearly threading the 
 “ P ea “ and ftfety of your Majefty's Government, and the 
 „ 1 rotcilant Religion, we humbly arc of opinion, we could 
 “ k- M ddchar e c “ ur dut )' to your Majefty, and the whole 
 K'ngrrom, without committing the faid Sir Jejcph IV,l- 
 n i‘Ti aud therefore moft humbly defire, That he may 
 „ r e d fff ar l‘y b y«<er Majcjly. And we do further molt 
 humbly delire your Majeity, to recall all commiffions 
 11 granted to all Papifts within the Kingdom of Enoland 
 and Ireland, or any other of your Majefty's dominions 
 and territories, 
 
 .. J? tdis thc Ki "S anfwered, « That he had releafed 
 „ Mr. Secretary lVUliumfin before their addrefs came, and 
 prom lied to recall all his commiffions whatfoever given 
 to Papifts, or reputed Papifts.” 
 
 Had not the King had fome fecret defign, it muft be 
 owned, he ill-timed thefe commiffions while the popifh 
 i lot made fo much noife, and the Parliament was employ¬ 
 ed in examining into it. But this is a myftery which is 
 not yet cleared. However, the affair was carried no far- 
 ther. 
 
 About this time, the Bill to difable Papifts from fitting ermtm,. 
 in Parliament, palled the Commons, and afterwards the t!an 
 Lords, though with more difficulty (2). The King like- ?°T h , 
 wife published a Proclamation, offering a reward to any JtjStiT 
 one who Jhould difcover or apprehend a Romijh Priejl or Jefuit. £ enn J- 
 
 0 come over from Spain, who v 
 
 it St. Jago's as Pilgrims. 
 
 StPibSS'H* a f l ’ f “r“ l "; n f? ,he “7 of " ,c Kine ™ d Kin e J ™' *• 
 
 fpeedily on it; elf--, they would think them felves unable «,nnveff-iidl ^ ’ ' he C '? m " 10 " s d '^hem, by a MelT^e, to proceed 
 
 other hand, fays, the Bill paflsJ the Houfe of Lords wkhfomelicde amend C '‘ f rev f ntthe L J lls that hungover them, p. 5 y 7 . Eihard, on the 
 
 gle about it was chiefly in the Houfe of Common. whKSS C t heDukeo ‘' T ” k - Btuthegrea.eiUlrug- 
 
 T T e/.imiy and Mr. j/jh being vioieoriy heated, and opprobriou-words nil;), h was, ailed thyrealfo with the faid alterations. In the debate, Sir Jonathan 
 ^Ib with a Hap on the Face, they both J T%“" ^ ^ 3 , b ° X ^ on the Ear, which bring returned by 
 
 Tom. III. p. 480. This Bill & infilled of a Ted agaioll Popery in which Tmnfiihn 'Vr Te ^ ‘ hC To , Wer ’ a " d f ubllckl y rc Pnmanded by the Speaker, 
 the Saints, as pracTifed in the Church oi Rome v-asdeciir-l n v,,. t, i r -‘ nfi iWtan cation was not onU^rpnotiaced, but the worlhip of the Virgin Mary and 
 He was anfwered by 2 ,.r.W, B Ihopof Unco/n However^r b - Idob L rro ‘ ls ' B.fiiop of Ely, maintained the Church of Row was not Idojrous 
 
 eyes, protefting, that b k ihoul T ? h J he D ' jkel >° ke the Claufe for excepting himfelf, with tears in h^ 
 
 the Government. 3 „r«er, p. 4V" ° ° ^ ° n ’ y be 3 PWate ch -ng b «ween God and hisown Soul, and no effeif of it Ihould ever appear in 
 
 No. 78. Vol.IL o xj 
 
 8 N Mean 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 69+ 
 
 1678. 
 
 The Ki"X 
 
 Nov. as. 
 Keimet. 
 
 F^cts. 
 Erhard. 
 
 !U. p. 
 
 C.oleman’r 
 
 Trial. 
 
 State-Tr'.a! 
 
 T.II.p.6j 
 
 Tie War. 
 of Ones', 
 
 The H IS TO RY 
 
 Mean while, the King finding the Commons delayed to 
 giant him money, came to the Parliament, and after a 
 repetition of foine things dehvered in his firtt Speech, he 
 defired them, either to grant him money to continue his 
 forces in Flanders , or to disband them. Whereupon, the 
 Commons, who faw with uneafinefs, fo formidable an 
 army on foot in fuch a jun&ure, refolved, Nemine contra- 
 dicentc , “ That all the forces railed fincc the 29th of 
 “ September 1677, fhould be disbanded:” To which 
 purpofe they prefented an addrefs to his Majefty. 
 
 At the fame time, the Commons had before them a 
 Bill, For raifng a third part of the Militia to be in conjlant 
 s/<-»is for a lime , which with amendments was fent up to 
 the Lords, and palled their Houfe. 
 
 The 30th of November the King gave the royal aflent to 
 the Bill,' For difalling Papijls from fitting in either Houfe 
 of Pm ii ament, and Ihowed himfelf very willing to recal 
 his forces from Flanders. But the Militia-bill he abfolutely 
 rejected, alledging. That it was to put the Militia out of 
 his pen er, which thing he would not do , no not for one hour ; 
 but if the Commons would ajfjl him with money for that pur¬ 
 pofe, he would take care to rstife fuch a part of the Ahlitia 
 as Jhould fecurc the peace of the Government and his own 
 perfon. But the Parliament thought not fit to accept his 
 offer. 
 
 Sine: the King had feen the unanimity of the two 
 Houfes concerning the reality of the plot, he had thought 
 proper to feign a no lefs fear of the danger the Church and 
 State were in. And this is what Father Orleans can hardly 
 forgive him, faying, his diff.mulation was made ufe of to 
 the committing of much injuftice. But the King found 
 himfelf in no condition to oppofe the torrent, which run 
 fo violently againft the Papifis. His whole policy was con¬ 
 fined to his endeavours to remove the fufpicion of his being 
 concerned in the plot, which lie faw both Houfes were too 
 apt to believe. So, without unfealonably affecting an in- 
 difcreet zeal for a Religion which he publickly difowned, 
 he calmly left the Papift. expofed to the refentment of the 
 Parliament, for fear of his own ruin by an oppofite con¬ 
 duit. For this reafon it was, that he luffered the Confpi- 
 rators to be brought to their trials (1). 
 
 Edward Coleman , Secretary to the Duke of York was 
 . firlt tried, the 27th of November , at the King's-Bench bar, 
 
 F before the Lord-Chief-Juftice Scroggs. The witneffes 
 produced againft him were Oates and Bedloc. The firft 
 depofed, 
 
 “ 1. That in November 1677, being brought acquainted 
 “ with the prifoner by Father John Kans , then the depo- 
 “ nent’s confell’or, who lodged at Mr. Coleman's houfe, he 
 “ carried fome Letters from him to St. Omers , which he 
 “ faw opened when he came there. In them were trea- 
 “ fonable expreffions againft the King, calling him tyrant, 
 
 <c £sV. And a letter in Latin cnclofed to Father la Chaife , 
 
 “ to whom Oates carried it from St. Omers to Paris ; in 
 “ which there were thanks returned for the ten thoufand 
 “ pounds by him remitted to England, for the propagation 
 “ of the Catholick Religion, and promifing it fhould be 
 “ emploved for no other purpofe, but that for which it 
 “ was fent, namely. To cut off the King of England, as 
 “ appeared by the letter of la Chaife , to which all this 
 “ was an anfwer, and which Oates faw and rfad. 
 
 “ 2. That Coleman was concerned in the defign of kil- 
 “ ling the King ; for when, at the Jefuits great confult, 
 
 “ on the 24th of April , which afterwards divided into 
 “ fevcral clubs, it was refolved that Pickering and Grove 
 “ fhould take off his Majefty by fhooting, or other means; 
 
 “ this refolve wa« communicated to Coleman , in Oates' s 
 “ hearing, at TVild-houfe, who did appiove thereof, and 
 “ faid, It is well contrived. 
 
 “ 3. That in Augujl 1678, Coleman w'as prefent at a 
 “ confult u'ith the Jefuits and Benedictine Monks at the 
 t£ Savoy , for railing a Rebellion in Ireland , for which forty 
 “ thoufand Black Bills as arms were provided; and was 
 “ very forward to have Dr. Fogarthy fent over to poyfon 
 “ the Duke of Ormond: And at another time, being in 
 “ Fenwick's chamber, in Drury-Lane , Coleman faid to him 
 “ in Oates's hearing, That he had found a way to tranfmit 
 t£ two hundred thoufand pounds to carry on the Rebellion in 
 “ Ireland. 
 
 “ 4. That in the month of Augujl , Coleman knew of 
 tc the four Irijh ruffians fent to kill the King at TVindfor-, 
 “ and in Oates's hearing, asked Father Harcourt at IVild- 
 “ hotfe, JVhat care was taken for thofe Gentlemen that 
 “ went laji night to Windfor ? Who replied, That eighty 
 “ pounds was ordered them , which he faw there on the 
 “ Table, moll of it in Guineas; and that Coleman was 
 “ fo zealous that he gave a Guinea to the meffenger who 
 ££ was to carry the money, to expedite the bufmefs. 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 “ 5: That in July 1678, Coleman was privy to the iC~S. j 
 “ inftruefions brought by Afhley , Redtor of St. Omers, from 
 “ Father Whitcbrend, to impower the confultors to pro- 
 “ pofe ten thoufand pounds to Sir George JVakeman to pov - 
 “ fon the King, provided Pukering and Grove fa icd to 
 “ do the worG That Coleman had read and copied thole 
 “ inftruclion:-, and tranfmitted them to fever.tl others of 
 “ the confpirators, who were gathering contributions about 
 “ the Kingdom, who would be more encouraged to give 
 “ largely,"both becaufe they were allured the bufmefs 
 “ would foon be difpatched, and that they might fee they 
 “ had affiftance from beyond fens; and that Coleman was (o 
 tc far from difappointing this treafon, that he faid, It was 
 “ too little , and thought it necejfary to give five thoufand 
 “ pounds more, to make the bufmefs fire. 
 
 “ 6. That in April 1678, Oates faw Coleman's patent 
 “ or commiffion to he Secietary of State, from Pauh.s dr 
 “ Oliva, General of the Society of Jefuits, by virtue of 
 “ a brief from the Pope, and he knew the hand perfectly 
 “ well; and in Fenwick's chamber he faw Coleman open it, 
 
 “ and heard him fay, It was a good Exchange. Laft of all 
 “ Oates being asked how many came over in April to the 
 “ grand conffilt, and how many Priefts and Jefuits had 
 “ been in England at one time? He faid, He could not 
 ££ exactly remember their numbers , but , to his knoivledgc , 
 e> there had been in England at the fame time, a hundred 
 “ and ftxty fecular PrieJls, eighty Jefuits, and by name in 
 “ the catalogue above three hundred. 
 
 Bedloe depofed, 
 
 <e 1. That he knew not of any commiffion to Mr. 
 
 “ Coleman-, but that Sir Henry Tichbourn had told him, J ‘“ 
 
 “ That he brought a commiffion for him to be principal 
 “ Secretary of State, when he brought over the reft of the 
 “ commifficns for the Lords and others, from the prin- 
 “ cipal Jefuits at Rome, by order of the Pope. 
 
 “ 2. That in April 1673, he carried over a large packet 
 “ of letters from Coleman to Father la Chaife, about car- 
 “ tying on the plot, and brought back an anfwer: And 
 “ on May the 24th or 23th, 1677, he received another pac- 
 “ ket of Coleman's, to carry to Paris to the Englijh Monks j 
 “ and that he had received money to carry on the defign 
 “ to fubvert the Government of England , to free England 
 tc from damnation and ignorance , and to free all Cathohcks 
 “ from the hard tyranny and opprejfton of Hereticks. 
 
 “ 3. That upon Beelloe 's return with anfwers to the laft 
 tc letters, which were delivered to Coleman by Harcourt, 
 
 “ he heard the prifoner, at his Houfe behind TVejlminjlcr 
 “ Abbey, at the foot of the flair-cafe, fay, If he had a 
 “ hundred lives, and a Sea of blood to carry on the caufe, 
 
 “ he would fpend it all to cjlablijh the Church of Rome in 
 “ England ; and if there was an hundred Heretical Kings 
 “ to be depofed, he would fee them all defrayed. Upon this 
 £C faying, Mr. Coleman asked him thisqueftion, Did I ever 
 “ fee you in my life ? Yes , faid the other, in the Jlone gal - 
 “ levy in Somerfet-houfe, when you came from a confult, 
 
 ££ where were great perfons, which I am not to name here ; 
 
 “ that would make the bottom of your plot tremble : You faw 
 ££ me then." 
 
 The third evidence againft Coleman was his own letters, 
 found in his lodgings when he was arrefted. But it muft 
 be obferved that only thofe of the years 1674 and 1673, 
 were found in a drawer under the table (2). The general 
 opinion was, that he had received notice of his being ac- 
 cufed by Oates in the Council, and fo had time to burn or 
 convey away thofe of the two laft years, with the book in 
 which they were entered. However this be, the follow¬ 
 ing extradts are taken from fome of his letters writ with 
 his own hand, and allowed to be authentick. 
 
 Extract from a Letter of Mr. Coleman to la Chaife 
 
 the zgth of June, 1674. 
 
 ££ T Am commanded to tell you, that his Royal High- Cfifif * 
 “ J nefs, my mafter, is very fcnfible of the friendfhip ,f.j 
 ££ of his mod Chriftian Majefty, which he will endeavour A Yfi- >"■ 
 “ to cultivate very carefully, and to give him all poffible 
 “ affurances of it, to take away all jealoufies that his j 
 ££ enemies would raife to the contrary. That his Royal 
 ££ Highnefs has done nothing in any manner whatfuever, 
 
 ££ nor in any place, againft the intereft of his moftChri- 
 “ ftian Majefty, but hath rend red him all the good offices 
 ££ he hath been capable of. That as for recalling the Par- 
 “ liament, and touching my Lord Arlington , his Highnefs 
 ££ is altogether of opinion of his Majefty, that neither one 
 £c or other is ufeful, but quite contrary, very dangerous 
 ££ as well for England as France-, and that his molt Chri- 
 ££ ftian Majefty is in great danger of loling the neutrality 
 ££ of England, at the nextfeffion, (if the Parliament meet) 
 
 (i ; On November -i. U1 r.jm Suy’.ry Goldfraich, was cried for creafonablc words aga'infl the King, and executed Ks-.cmbnxC. w.Toir.;: 
 
 p. 6 * 2 - 
 
 ['.) Sec Note ab.-ve, p. C90, Note ^ . 
 
 “ as 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 1678. 
 
 Treby’i 
 
 Collea. 
 P- 5* 
 
 26. C H A R L E S II. 
 
 tc as he loft its alliance by the peace of Holland at laft; 
 “ becaufe the Lower-Houfe and their friends (as the furi- 
 * c ous Proteftants, and the Male-contents in the Houfe of 
 “ Lords) have a defign to lefTen his Royal Highnefs, 
 “ and root out the Catholick Religion; and they think 
 “ they cannot make ufe of any other fitter means to attain 
 “ their ends, than to raife the Dutch, and to perplex his 
 “ moft Chriftian Majefty, as much as lies in their power. 
 “ That his Highnefs doubts not, but it is abfolutely necef- 
 “ fary for the intereft of his moft Chriftian Majefty, and 
 his Royal Highnefs, to ufe all endeavours to hinder the 
 “ meeting of the Parliament, by perfuading his Britannick 
 “ Majefty, that his greatnefs, his honour, and his quiet, 
 “ are no lefs concerned therein than theirs: So that if his 
 “ moft Chriftian Majefty would write freely his thoughts 
 “ thereupon to his Britannick Majefty, to forewarn him 
 “ of the danger he apprehends from thence, and would 
 “ withal think fit to make him the fame generous 0f- 
 “ fers of his purfe, to perfuade him to difiolve the pre- 
 <c fent Parliament, as he hath done to his Highnefs for the 
 <c ele£tion of another, perhaps he would fuccced therein 
 “ by the affiftancc we would give him here. As for an- 
 “ other Parliament, it would be eafy enough to get fuch 
 “ a one as we wifh for ; the conftitutions of our Parlia- 
 “ ments being of fuch a nature, that as there is nothing 
 “ to be hoped for by the King from an old one, fo there 
 “ is nothing to be feared from a new one; becaufe fuch 
 “ a one, at their firft meeting, muft needs aflift his Ma- 
 <c jefty, fo far as to enable him to acknowledge his obli- 
 “ gations both to his moft Chriftian Majefty and to all the 
 “ world.”- 
 
 There was in the year r674, a prorogation of the Par¬ 
 liament, which lafted fourteen months: It appears in this 
 letter, that the interefts of the King of France and the 
 Popifh Religion were the true caufe of this long proroga¬ 
 tion. 
 
 Extra ft from a Letter of Mr. Coleman to Father la Chaife, 
 September 25, 1674. 
 
 “TOR the firft point of your letter, his Royal High- 
 “ nefs has commanded me to tell you, that he will 
 “ govern himfelf according to your advice, and treat of 
 “ nothing concerning the Catholick Religion with Mon- 
 tl fieur Rouvigny , nor with any other perfon than your 
 “ felf; but that he will communicate to you all things he 
 “ fhall find neceflary for the good of the Catholicks, and 
 “ fliall be very well pleafed to receive advices from you 
 “ thereupon. For the reft, his Royal Highnefs does a 
 “ little wonder, that he hears nothing from Moniieur 
 11 Rouvigny touching the fecond point of your letter, fince 
 “ you have written fo pofitively that he had order to con- 
 “ firm, and procure execution of what his moft Chriftian 
 “ Majefty propofed to him the 2d of June laft, by your 
 
 “ mediation.-His moft Chriftian Majefty made a very 
 
 “ generous offer to his Royal Highnefs of the affiftance of 
 “ his purfe, to enable him to defend them both from the 
 “ evils that threatned them, and by good luck his Royal 
 “ Highnefs has laboured with fo much diligence and foc- 
 “ cefs, that the dangers which they apprehended are a 
 “ little put off: But one thing more is neceflary for the 
 <c perfect: fecuring their affairs; and without making one 
 “ ltep more, all that he has already done will fignify no- 
 “ thing. For that the afliftance of his moft Chriftian 
 “ Majefty is no lefs neceflary at prefent than heretofore, 
 “ to fubdue entirely thofe, who being exafperated againft 
 “ his moft Chriftian Majefty, as much as againft his royal 
 “ Highnefs, and are angry with his royal Highnefs, only 
 “ becaufe he is fo unalterably addidfed to the interelt of his 
 “ moft Chriftian Majefty, will exercife their malice and 
 <e their rage with more brutality than ever, if they find 
 “ occafion for it hereafter. If you can therefore, by your 
 tc credit, obtain from his moft Chriftian Majefty the ac- 
 “ complifhment of the offer of his Purfe, for raifing the 
 “ reputation of his Royal Highnefs in the opinion of his 
 “ Britannick Majefty, and for putting him in condition 
 “ to refift the Ihaipeft batteries of the adverfaries of his 
 “ moft Chriftian Majefty, and Royal Highnefs, to wit, 
 “ the pofllbility they pretend to get money from the Par- 
 “ liament, and the impoflibility of having any clfewhere, 
 “ by which they often keep the mind of his Britannick 
 <c Majefty in fufpence, and wherein they place the hope 
 “ they have to conquer him at laft: There will nothing 
 “ more remain, to be feared by his moft Chriftian Ma- 
 “ jefty, or his Royal Highnefs, but his Royal Highnefs 
 <c will be able to dijfolve the Parliament with eafe , and after- 
 “ wards, in recompence of the faid afliftance, will per- 
 form on his part, all that his moft Chriftian Majefty 
 “ Ihall ask of him, and will proceed with fiheerity, upon 
 “ *he word of a Prince, (that no man can reproach him 
 “ for violation of) for the intereft of his moft Chriftian 
 “ Majefty.” 
 
 695 
 
 • t6;8i 
 
 Extra ft from a Letter of Mr. Coleman to the Pope’s Nun*- 
 tio at Bruifels, September 4, 1674. 
 
 tc --- T'HAT the Duke’s principal defign is, to M. p*e. 
 
 ufe the Pope’s interpofition, and by that 
 “ means to eftablifh himfelf in the pofleflion of his Eftate, 
 through the afliftance of France and Spain , and to turn 
 “ all their cares for the eafe of the Pope’s friends, and 
 “ particularly for the Catholicks of the Church, againft 
 “ their enemies; and allures him he will find, that the 
 “ P°P e never had an occafion fo favorable as at this hour, 
 to enrich thofe of his family, and to augment the num ¬ 
 ber of his friends; and if he lets it flip, he never will 
 find the like: So that if ever they propofe to make ufe 
 of the treafure of the Church, it is now they ought to 
 “ do it; for they can demand nothing that the Duke 
 
 “ will not be capable to do for the Pope’s friends:- 
 
 “ On the other fide, without their aid, he will run great 
 “ hazard of being loft, both himfelf and his affociates.” 
 
 Extraft of a Letter fom Air. Coleman to the fame Nun tio, 
 written Odfober 23, 1674. 
 
 Y O U agree with me, that money is the only means li- p- 1 - 
 of bringing the King into the Duke’s intereft, and 
 of disengaging him from the Parliament; and you muft 
 alfo agree with me, that nothing can more promote the 
 interefts of the Catholick patty, which is the principal 
 objedt of the Duke’s care and affedlion, and of the ha¬ 
 tred of the Parliament, and which muft hope, or fear, 
 according as the one or the other of them increafe in 
 ‘‘ power. —Nothing in the world is more certain, than 
 that the King has a good inclination towards the Duke, 
 and the Catholicks, and would join himfelf willingly 
 “ and infeparably to their interefts, if he did not appre- 
 “ bend feme danger from fuch a union; which, however, 
 
 “ he would not have caufe to fear, if he found their in¬ 
 tereft, and confequently their power, fo far advanced 
 “ ab o y e that of their adverfaries, that they Ihould neither 
 have the power nor the boldnefs to conteft any thing 
 t with them; which the King could fee in a very little 
 time, if we could perfuade him to do two or three 
 things: And I am certain money could not fail of 
 
 “ perfuading him to it; for there is nothing it cannot 
 make him do, though it were as much to his prejudice, 
 
 “ as this we endeavour to perfuade him to will be to his 
 “ advantage.”-• 
 
 In another letter, Coleman, pofitively faid, <c That it 
 “ was by the credit of the Catholicks, that the Parliament 
 “ was prorogued till the 15 th day of April 1675. 
 
 Extraft from a Letter of Mr. Coleman, to Father la 
 Chaife, 
 
 O U R prevailing in thefe things will give the 
 greateft blow to the Proteftant Religion here, 
 
 “ that ever it received fince its birth.” 
 
 In Another. 
 
 “ VT/ E have here a mighty wprk upon our hands, no Id. p. if, 
 
 “ v V lefs than the converfion of three Kingdoms, 
 
 “ and by that perhaps the fubduing of a Peftilent Herefy, 
 
 “ which has domineered over great part of this Northern 
 “ world along time; there were never fuch hopes of fee* 
 cefs fince the death of Queen Mary , as now in our 
 “ days.” 
 
 In the fame Letter. 
 
 “ . | H E oppofition we are fere to meet with is 
 
 -L alfo like to be great; fo that it imports us 
 to get all the aid and afliftance we can, For the barvejl 
 
 “ is great, and the labourers but few.” . 
 
 After the reading of thefe letters, Coleman alledged in 
 his defence. 
 
 “ 1. That Oates, who now pretended fuch acquaint- State-Trial;:, 
 “ ance with him, declared before the King and Council, 
 
 “ That he never Jaw him before , or did not know him.” 
 
 To which the other anfwered, “ That it being candle- 
 “ light, and his light weak, and Coleman altered in habit 
 “ and wig, he did at firft fay, . he could not fwear that was 
 “ the man, or that he hadever feen him before-, but as foon 
 “ as he heard him fpeak, he knew him well, and could 
 “ have then fworn it, had it been demanded. 
 
 “ 2. That had the things now alledged by Oates been 
 “ true, he would have charged the fame befoie the Cqun- 
 “ cil: But then he only charged him with the fending of 
 “ one letter, and fuch flender matters, that the Council 
 “ was ready to let him go at large; and therefore all the 
 “ reft muft be invented fince.” 
 
 To this Oates replied, “ That he was then fo weak and 
 “ weary, he could not well tell what he faid ; befides, his 
 “ defign was then to lay no more to his charge, than 
 “ might ferve for information, &c, 
 
 * J 3. Whereas 
 
Vol II. 
 
 The HI ST 0 RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 696 
 
 11678. “ 3. Whereas Oates charged him with contenting to 
 
 “ Wakeman s poyfonirig of the King, and that it was con- 
 “ Ai 1 ted by him in Auguj}, and, as he remembered, about 
 “ the 21 ft day, Coleman alledged, that he was then in 
 “ IVanuickJhife , and one of his men and he were there all 
 “ Auguft , as he thought, but was not fure of it; and after 
 “ conviction, he offered a book that would /hew he was 
 “ out of town from the 18th, to the 3 1 fcotAugn/l ;” But 
 this was no evidence in itfelf, and offered too late, fo it did 
 not contradict Oates , who was not pofitive to 3 day, but 
 only to the month. As to what was fworn by Bcdloe , he 
 made no other anfwer than a folemn affeveration. That he 
 never faw the man in his life. But as to his papers, which 
 he did not deny, he alledged, “ There was no Trealon 
 “ in them, tho’ very extravagant expreffions ; and that it 
 tc would plainly appear from them, that bis defign was fo 
 “ far from killing the King, that it was only to make the 
 “ King and Duke as great as could be.” 
 
 1. It is proper to remark upon this laft anfwer, that 
 according to Oates's depofition, the refolution to kill the 
 King was taken but the 24th of April 1678, and thefe 
 letters were of the years 1674, and 1675; contequcntiy 
 they could not mention the defign of killing the King, 
 neither were they produced in proof of that article. 
 
 2. Oates had acculed Coleman of being concerned in the 
 plot, before his letters were found. How then, if he did 
 not know Coleman, could he guefs fo right, as to lav things 
 to his charge, which were found in letters under his own 
 hand ? 
 
 3. Coleman owned, that his intention was to make the 
 King and Duke of York as great as was poffible. This 
 was a neccliary confequence of the projected change of 
 Religion. I'or it was not poffible to fubvert Religion, 
 without a fubverfion of the Government, nor to render the 
 King abfolute, without a defign of altering Religion, ftnee 
 the King and Duke were both Catholicks. One of thefe 
 articles proved, neceifarily proves the other. 
 
 In the conclufion of his defence, he ufed thefe words; 
 
 .. Pcfitively I fay, and upon my falvation , I never faiu thefe 
 
 // Oates but once , and Bedloe never before. 
 
 ' • - ine jury, who were all Gentlemen of the county of 
 
 ffff y Middlefex , againft whom Coleman had’made no excepti- 
 1 Lu„:;. on S withdrawing, in a little time brought him in guilty 
 of High- I reafon. 7 ’he day after he received tentcnce of 
 death, and the 3d of December was hanged and quartered 
 according to cullom. He perlifted to the laft moment 
 in the denial of the crimes for which he was condemned. 
 But as his letters teemed at leaft to prove a defign of ex¬ 
 tirpating the Proteftant Religion, he declared his foie inten¬ 
 tion was to procure Liberty of Confcience for the Papifts. 
 Probably it will not be univerfally agreed, that this is the 
 natural fenfeot the expreffions in his letters. It is true, 
 a report was Ipread in London , that he was promifed a 
 pardon, in cate he made no confeflion; but - fuch Rumours 
 are not much to be credited (t). 
 
 f r ’" I he fame day that Coleman was tried, the King at the 
 
 r..~V f-. rec l ut -'ft f he Lords, publifhed a proclamation, promifing, 
 
 ... “ I hat if any perfon or perfons fhall,before the 25th day 
 “ <d December next, make any farther dilcoveiy of the 
 “ l ate horrid defign agamft his Majefty’s Perfon and Go¬ 
 vernment, he or'they*-Ihall not only receive from 
 
 “ his Majefty for every fuch difeoverv, the reward of two 
 “• hundred pounds ; but if he or thev were a principal or 
 “ principals in the faid defign, they Ihall have his Majefty’s 
 “ gracious pardon.” 
 
 • • W hether through a defire of having this reward, or that 
 
 they believed to have a good foundation, Oates and Bedloe 
 vv .. had the boldnefs before the King and Council to accufe 
 
 Burr y' : - the Queen hertelf, of confenting to the death of the King, 
 
 [■ L-:. anc * being in the defign to poyfon him by means of 
 ill. . , - .Wakeman. Blit, befides that their depolitionscontained only 
 certain figns which were far from proofs, the King ftopped 
 this affair by'his authority, But he coiilii not prevent an 
 addrefs from the Commons, to defire the immediate re¬ 
 moval of the Queen and her Family from the Court at 
 Whitehall. The King was fo offended at Oates’s info- 
 lence, that he ordered a ftriCter guard upon him than .ever. 
 But the day after, the Commons addreffed him, “ That 
 “ Oates be freed from his reftraint, attended by his own 
 “ fervants, and that a competent allowance be appointed 
 “ for his maintenance.” At the fame time, they refoived, 
 that an addrefs be prefented to his Majefty, that all Papifts 
 and fufpeCted Papifts withinfhe federal’ counties of England 
 may be fecured. 
 
 I he 6th of December , they impeached the five Lords 
 in the Tower, at the Bar of the Houfe of Peers. But they 
 
 had not time to exhibit the articles againft them, and the 1678 
 affair was refumed by another Houfe of Commons. 
 
 The 17th of December were arraigned at the Old Bail, state-Tr, 
 five of thofe arrefted for the plot, namelv, William Ire- ' 
 land , and Thomas Pickering , both Priefts; John Grove .1 , 
 Lay-brother, Thomas Whitebread Provincial of the Jefuits, 
 and John Fenwick a Jefuit alfo. But in the courte of the 
 evidence, there not appearing fufficient proof againft the 
 two laft, they were referved for another time.' So, the 
 three firft only were tried that dav. The lum of Oates’ s 
 evidence againft them was: 
 
 “ r. That at the grand ccnfults of April the 24th, at r > 
 
 “ the White-Horfe in the Strand, whereof Ireland was 0 /,.-'.;: 
 “ one; it was relolved, that Pickering and Grove , as hav- .-'Scf. 
 “ ing been formerly engaged, fhould go on in their defign lbiJ - 
 14 and attempt to aflaffinate the King; and that Grove beino- 
 “ a layman, Ihould have fifteen, hundred pounds tor his 
 “ reward ; and Pickering being a Prieft, thirty thoufand 
 “ Malles, which at twelve-pence a Mafs, amounted to 
 “ that fum. 
 
 “ 2. That this refoive was the fame day drawn up in 
 41 writing by one Mice, that was Secretary to the Society, 
 
 “ and companion to Provincial Whitebread , at the faid 
 “ Wkitebreetd’s chamber, who having figned it, it was 
 “ carried by the deponent Oates, as being' a meffenger to 
 “ the confulr, to be figned by the reft of the colloquies; 
 
 “ and that Ireland in his own chamber did fign it in his 
 “ prefence. 
 
 “ 3 - That Pickering and Grove contented to fuch re- 
 “ folve, accepted the terms, and alfo figned it the fame 
 
 day in JVhitebread’s chamber, at Mrs. Sander’s at 
 “ Wild-Houfe , where, in a little chapel, they, and about 
 “ forty or fifty of the confulters heard Mafs, and received 
 “ the Sacrament, adminiftred by one Barton, a fefuit, and 
 “ thereupon took an oath of fecrecy upon a Mafs-book, 
 ct which Mico held, while Whitebread pronounced the 
 £C words. 
 
 “ 4- That in purfuance of this refoive, the deponent 
 “ did feveral times fee Pickering and Grove walk in the 
 “ Park together, with skrewed piftols, longer than ordinary 
 “ piftols, and Ihorter than fomc carbines: That they had 
 “ filver bullets champt, to render the wound incurable, and 
 “ that he faw Grove’s bullets in May, and Pickering’s in 
 “ Augtiji: Moreover, 
 
 “ 5. That before the confult, in the month of March. 
 
 “ Pickering had a fair opportunity to Ihoot the King; but 
 “ the flint of his piftol happened to be loofe, and he durft 
 “ not venture to give fire ; and becaufe by their negli- 
 “ gencethis opportunity was miffeJ, Pickering underwent 
 “ Penance, and had twenty or thirty ftrokes of Difci- 
 “ pline, and Grove was chidden for his careleil'nefs, as the 
 “ deponent had feen in Whitebread’ s letters. 
 
 “ 6. That Grove did go about with one Smith, to ga- 
 “ ther Peter-Pence , either to carry on the defign, or to 
 “ fend to Rome: That he faw the book wherein it was 
 “ entered, and heard the faid Grove fay, He had been 
 “ gathering it.” 
 
 Bedloe the fecond witnefs fwore, 
 
 “ 1. That he was employed for the fpace of five years Bedloe’/ 
 “ as a meffenger, by the confpirators, for carrying their De P l 'f‘“ 0 '* 
 “ letters to the confederates beyond Seas, and bringing 
 “ others back, all, or moft of them relating to the plot; 
 
 “ for he had a way to open and read them, by which he 
 “ fully informed himfelf of thofe matters: And for the 
 “ nature of the Plot; he heard fome of the confpirators 
 “ fay, That they would not leave any member of any Here- 
 “ tick in England, that fhould furvive to tell hereafter , 
 
 “ That there ever was any fuch Religion in England, as the 
 “ Protejlant. And to confirm his intimacy with them, 
 
 “ he fwore the manner of his firft coming to be employed 
 “ by them; by means of a Lady Abbefs of the Englifh 
 c ‘ Nunnery of Dunkirk, who having kept him fix weeks 
 “ in her Convent, recommended him to Sir John Warner , 
 
 “ as a proper inftrument, who afterwards tent him to Fa- 
 “ ther Harcourt to be iriftrudted.” And as a further con¬ 
 firmation, he brought his brother James Bedloe, who fwore 
 he knew nothing of the Plot, but did teftify, “ That he 
 “ had heard the prifoners often named as being of his bro- 
 “ ther’s acquaintance; and that he had, on his brother’s 
 “ behalf, received feveral fums of money from Priefts and 
 “ Jefuits, as fifty or fixty pounds at a time. 
 
 “ 2. That about the latter end of Auguj}, this year, at 
 “ Mr. Harcourt’s chamber, he met the prifoners, Ireland , 
 
 “ Pickering.and Grove , with fome others, where he heard 
 “ them dffcourfe, That fince the four Irifh Ruffians had 
 “ miffed killing the King at IVindfoj-, Pickering and Grove 
 
 And be believed the King knew of his employment, par- 
 .Committee did not think fit to do it, nor co report what 
 hich they did not think fit to interrogate hi -i, nor to 
 it very night. And he found his behaviour made great 
 •as kepr up from making Confeflion, by the hopes the Duke 
 was not in the King’s power to pardon him, while 
 
 “ Ihould 
 
 (r) He declared before the Committee, than he had. atted by oeder in all he had done. 
 
 ,r:y chat at 'B'HfltU. But tho’ he leemed Willing to be c^uelbsoed.about the King, the 
 
 : Only in general, chey reported t-.it, he fpoke. of .another matter, about w 
 f the Comm’,-tee, gave Dr. 2*r„ f r.an account of all that palled th: 
 a make, the Duke more od ions, that Coleman 
 could not be fo ignorant, as not to know, chat at that ttm 
 
 nerwion it. L.-rr.V, 
 mpreflionson them all . U w?s giv 
 1 pardon ac T^htk. Bu; be 
 
 rhe tide ran fo high. 3«n;rr, p. 4 
 
 3 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. C H A R L E S II. 
 
 1678. “ fhould go on with their defign, and that one Conyers, a opinion is that it a 
 
 4 4 ~D J.’ n ' h/T I. _ 1 * • 1 ■. I 1 , • 
 
 697 
 
 n j-a- k/ti 4-u- j . 1 . -■ * , -r-•> •-) **■ was upon the tryal of thefe three tnen 1678 
 
 .Monk, was to be joined with them and that Oam in the Re,go of King Jam,, ,/* Scc.nd, was ,V. 
 that they fhould1 endeavour to affaffittate h,s Majefty m convifted of perjury upon the dlpolitions of twenre two T ' ,!: 
 h,s morning -miUuNiwmart,l; That they were very witnefles from St. Omen, who fwore that Ocm was at 
 “ K ‘|" “pon,t; and Mr. Gra*. more forward than the St. Om,r„ in the Jefuits College, the whole months of 
 K%bii,fmct it couldmtbi imi clanitflmely, ,t flmld April mi May, without ever flirting from thence. More- 
 ‘ it allimplld apinfy; and that thlfe who Jkrnld fall m ,h, over, above forty witneffes from the counties of Slaffird 
 
 attempt had th, plop to dye a good cauft; but f they ami Cbcjlcr , depofed upon oath, that Father Ireland was 
 
 were d,/covered , the dtfeovery could never come to that in thofe counties all Amujt, and part of September 
 “ height, but their party would be Jlrrng enough to bring it To affift the Reader to judge of this affair, I 'think it 
 
 " «” r.„ „ .u , rr ...... ,, neceffary to make fome remarks, and the rather, as the 
 
 3 - He [wore that Harcout t told him, Grove was to difpute upon this fubjeft is not yet ended 
 
 „ p°“ nds > P teheeing as many The defence by the Alibi (,) is liable to great incon- 
 
 „ at twrelve pence a Mafs, as came to the like ventences, fince, there being two contradictory evidences, 
 
 , .. r •• c , , , it leaves the Judges doubtful what to refolve. Generally 
 
 t , i,-ir" 1 uV 1 - 1 the fame t, 2 e * wh< ; n ! he ^ lfcourfc about lf they come to a determination, it is not becaufe there is 
 killing the King was at Harceurts chamber. there was reafon to believe one of the evidences more than the other, 
 likewifea defign concerted amongft them of killing feveral but bccaufe equity requires that they incline rather to 
 noble perfons and the particular parts affigned to every clemency than rigour. In the preheat trial, there we, 
 
 „ °, ne j a l A ”n A c t0 r k D fi 16 , Ear of Shaftsbury ; Pn- depofitions in favour of the Alibi, but only a bare all 
 chard. the Duke of Buckingham*. OnmL t ip h url nf .,r _1 ,1 
 
 The Prifi- 
 dtjtnft 
 State-Tria 
 
 chard , the Duke of Buckingham ; Oneil , the Earl of 
 Ojjory ; Obrian , the Duke of Ormond , &c. 
 
 The defence made by the prifoners confjhd in : 
 
 “ i. A peremptory denial of the whole. Grove par- 
 
 vere no 
 
 . - , j --: allega¬ 
 
 tion of the prifoners, and an offer of proof by abfent wit- 
 nefles. So, even fuppofing the innocence of the three accufed 
 perfons, the Jury could not but find them guilty, unlefs 
 they preferred the bare affeveration of the prifoners, to the 
 - m , oaths of the witneffes, which is never pradifed. But in 
 
 ticularly faid, As I have a foul to fave, I knenv nothing of the tryal of Oates , the proof of the Alibi was made ufe of 
 „. P . 7 , 5 . * h,s matter n cbar J ed fP°f me ;. ruhrxng affirmed, that t0 convift him of perjury, and fentence him for it to a 
 p. 7 0I. “ he never/hot offaptftol in his life. And Whitebread , very rigorous punifhment. It belongs to the Lawyers to 
 
 who was there durin g ‘ h e tryal, declared before Almighty decide, whether this be exaftly regular 
 “ G° d > tbat °ates had not fpoken three words of truth. z. If the circumftances of the times of thefe two trials 
 
 ‘ 2. A particular denial of their knowledge of, or ac- are confidered, it will be found, there is as much reafon to 
 
 p. 706. * quaintance with, the witneffes. Ireland denied that he believe, in refpedt of one as of the other, that prejudice and 
 
 ‘aw Bedloe, before that time in the Court; and pa ff,on bore a great fway. When the three Tefuits were 
 
 “ challenged him to produce one witnefs that he had ever condemned, the whole Kingdom was alarmed with the 
 
 P . 7*3- “ fpoken to him. Pickering affirmed, that he never faw noife of a Plot, formed by that Society againft the Kina 
 
 ‘ Uat ff before i and oftcred t0 fw ear that he never was the Government, and the Proteftant Religion The two 
 
 P . 702,703- “ ln Bedloe 's company. And Grove affirmed, that he had Houfes of Parliament had fupported the reality of this plot 
 
 “ fcarce an y acquaintance with Oates. Whereupon Oates by the unanimity of their votes, and the King himfelf 
 “ gave him a remarkable token, inz. that in December fuppofed it in all his proclamations. It fhould not there- 
 la ft, when he was with him, he owned, that he and fore be ftrange, that the Judges and Jury were prejudiced, 
 
 three Ir.fhmen had fired Southwark; and that they had and thereby inclined blindly to believe what Oates and 
 
 “ a thoufandpounds given them for it ; whereof he had four Bedloe depofed. But on the other hand, when Oates was 
 “ hundred pounds , and the others two hundred pounds a convi&ed of perjury, the face of things was entirely chan- 
 
 ?/'"■ r 1 j • a v j, • m j , £ cd - . A Ver >' zealous Catbolick King“was on the Throne, 
 
 p.711, &c. 3 - Ireland-, againlt Bedloe s evidence, affirmed, he and it was now dangerous to affirm, there was a Pooifii 
 
 ‘ W f a V’ 0t ln L L \ th « wh ° le month of and P a ^‘ Plot in 1678. The Papifts had now the fame fuperior.tv 
 
 of September - and offered to prove it by twenty wit- over the Proteftants, as the Proteftants had in 16-8 over 
 
 nefles, that he was in Stajfordjbire and Che/hire all that the Catholicks, and the Judges were entirely devoted to 
 
 “ timc : a ‘ ld u rged Bedloe to name the place, and the com- the King. It fuffices to fay in a word, that' Jefferies was 
 . P an y wberever tlie y met together. But not only Bedloe his Judge, who forgot nothing which he thought capable to 
 ‘ fwore the contrary, but l.kewife Oates himfelf j but prejudice the Jury againft the prifoner. ] n fhort, Oates 
 ‘ what teemed more important, one Sarah Pain , former- was condemned upon the evidence of twenty two witnefles 
 “ a fervant t0 Grove ' fwore that lhe faw Mr - Ireland at from St. Omers, all fcholars or dependents of the Tefuit- 
 a Scrivener’s door in Fetter-Lane, about the 12th or 13th and upon that of forty other witneffes from the counties of 
 “ of Augujt. Chefer and Stafford, amongft whom it is only faid thera 
 
 •. 7 o 3 . 4 - Ireland, as well as Whitebread , objeaed againft were feveral Proteftants. Moreover, the queftion was net 
 
 “ the grand confult of April the 24th, that hundreds could only, whether Ireland was in thofe counties during the 
 “ P rov .e that Oates was at St. Omers all the months of months of Augujl and September , but whether he had never 
 “ A P rd and May, and offered to produce a certificate ftirred from thence in that time (z). Nowit is hard to 
 from thence, under the feal of the College.” But fuch conceive that fuch a negative propofition can be proved bv 
 certificate was not allowed as evidence by the law of England, forty witneffes. 3 
 
 Laflly, they endeavoured to blaft the reputation of Doctor Having thus' reprefented what is urged on both fide= I 
 Oates, and prove him perjured, fince he had faid before the leave the Reader to his own judgment. The affair of lhe 
 Council, that he knew no more than what he had already confpiracy muff now be interrupted for fome time in or 
 depofed, and yet had fince added other teftimonies. As I der to proceed to another which made a great noi e at this 
 have fpoken ot this objection, I fhall not repeat here what time. But it is neceffary to look back a little on the fitua- 
 has been faid. t j on 0 f t h e Englif}) Court. 
 
 n tyarc in conclufion, all three were found guilty, and fenten- The Earl of Danby Lord-Treafurer, was confidered as 7* , , , 
 und,mud ' ced to be drawn, hanged and quartered. But the execu- the King’s Prime Minifter. He had a great genius, and D.nbvW- 
 tion of Ireland and Grove , was deferred till the z 4 th of a folid judgment and as he difapproved of the principles o ff air ' 
 
 following and that of Pickering to the 9 th of the Cabal, endeavoured to difingage the King from the 22 * 
 
 an.i fXt - May rhev perfifled all three to their laft breath, to pro- methods, he had been led into by their counfels Th : s p- “39, fa. 
 
 <uud. teft they were as innocent of the crimes for which they drew upon him the enmity of the Duke of York and all KenneC » 
 
 were condemned, as the child unborn. As all the Papifts the French Fadion, with whom joined the Lord Ruffl SJ/V, 
 
 that fuftered for this confpiracy made ufe of the fame man- and other Male-contents in the Houfe of Commons • and Danby-'s 
 
 ner of expreffion, to declare their innocence, it was belie- among the Peers, the Earls of EJfex and Shaftsbury whilft Letters * 
 ved, there was fome equivocation in thefe words, though the Duke of Monmouth , and the Duchefs of Portfmouth did 
 it could not be faid wherein it confifted. their utmoft to leffen his credit with the King. In a word 
 
 A rtjhnion ^ ‘‘ ‘ s c°nfidered, that the evidence of Oates and Bedloe a ftrong party was formed againft him, who were bent to 
 
 ...... f... upon oath was poiitive, and that the prifoners alledged in ruin him at any rate. Thefe enemies were alfo joined by 
 
 their defence only bare negations, the Jury will be eafily another, who had been his moil intimate friend This 
 
 juft,fled in their verdifl. For why fhould they credit the was Mr. Mmtagm Ambaffador in France, who afpiring to 
 
 aifererations and oaths of the accufed, more than the depo- the office of Sectetary of State, took it very ill that the 
 
 iitionsof the two witneffes? And yet, it was afterwards, ' ’ ' ' 
 
 and ftill is, pretended by many, that the condemned per- 
 fons were innocent. 1. Becaufe they afferted their inno¬ 
 cence with their dying breath. 2. Becaufe it is taken 
 for granted that Oates and Bedloe were great villains. 3. 
 
 But the ftrongeft proof, according to thofe who are of this 
 
 Treafurer had ingaged to bring in Sir William Temple. 
 Mr. Montague was the Treafurer’s mod dangerous enemy, 
 becaufe he had private letters in his hands from that Mi- 
 nifter, and though he could not divulge them without great 
 injury to the King, this gave him no unealinefs, becaufe, 
 refolving to throw himfelf into the party againft the Court, 
 
 (I) The proof of the Alibi, is. that whereby the Prifoner endeavours to prove his being in a different p]a« fan that where the Crime for which he Hand. 
 rndicteJ, war, or :s lupp.ilcd to be commuted. 
 
 (2 j A Woman fwoic (he faw Ireland in London, about the middle of Augujl, Barrel, p. 4^3. 
 
 No. 78, Vo l. II. g Q 
 
 which 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 69R 
 
 The 
 
 HI STO RY 
 
 he 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 which was moft prevalent in the P riament, he knew 
 
 protected, even t the King himfelf. ° 
 
 this end, he got himfclf elc-ded member for Northampton, 
 and fuddenly leaving Paris, without the King’s con fen t or 
 knowledge, came to London , and took.his feat :n the tl ule. 
 
 Kenner, 
 P- 355- 
 
 The Kin < ff n le t fo ‘ P' 
 
 seeding, and being 
 
 of Dauby's impeachment, and therefore, before the Lords i6 7 3 - 
 could refelve, whether the Eatl of Dauby (hou'.d he lent to 
 the Tower, came to the Parliament the 30th I /’■ err.ber, 
 and prorogued it to the 4th of February, alter palling a 
 Angle Aft aeainft thePapifts. n,Ee,l.,r 
 
 Immediately after the prorogate,, of the Parliament, WcthrJ 
 
 \ 5SSSSS? B 
 
 his letters, Cent the. 9 th of December the following meffige r „l of .Wo-W. in h,s room, though 
 
 to the Houfe of Commons,-■“ I hat upon inrormatkm 
 
 “ that Mr. Montague , a member of that Houfe, and late 
 “ Ambafladi>r in France, had held feveral conferences with 
 <C the Pope’s Nuntio there, without any di regions or in- 
 « ftruaions from his Majefty ; his Majefty to the end that 
 'ht know the tuith of that matter, had given orders 
 “ The 
 
 Ibe King 
 
 “ he - 
 
 «« for the feizing of Mr. Montagues, papers (i). 
 leaders of the oppofite party to the King, made great ob¬ 
 jections to this meffage, pretending, it ought to be hrlt 
 fc n ( n, 1 the informa : ven u P° n oaI "» 
 
 and what was the nature of Mr. Montague's crime, before 
 they could confent to the feizure of his p.pers. Upon this 
 Mr. Montague acquainted the Houfe, “ That he had in his 
 “ cuftody fome papers, which, as he conceived, might 
 “ tend very much to the fafety of the King’s perfon, and 
 “ the prefer vat ion of the Government.” A Committee 
 v.'.-h immediately appointed n» bring the writings to the 
 Houfe, which being accordingly done, and Mr, Montague 
 01 lered to fuch of them .13 he thought for the fervice 
 c f the Houfe, and difpofe cf the reft as he pleated, he pro¬ 
 duced two letters out of many others, both f'ubfcribed, 
 Dauby, and fent to him at Pans, on the negotiation ot the 
 money which his Majefty expe&ed from the King of France, 
 at the bottom of one of which were thefe words, This Let¬ 
 ter is writ by my order , C. R. (z). Thefe letters difeo- 
 vering to the Houfe, from whence had proceeded the King’s 
 deb vs with regard to the war againft Fiance, they imme¬ 
 diately refolved, “ That there was fufficient matter of im- 
 “ peachrr.ent againft Thomas Earl of Danby, Lord-Trea- 
 “ furer of England ,” and within two days, by the help of 
 Mr. Montague-, the articles of impeachment were drawn 
 i.p, and fent to the Houfe of Lords. But this impeach¬ 
 ment was rather againft the King himfclf, than the Earl 
 of Danby, who had only a£tcd by his exprefs orders. For, 
 though in the impeachment were inferred feveral articles 
 which only concerned the Earl, it was not in thofe that the 
 ftrength of the impeachment oonfifted, but in thofe relat¬ 
 ing to the negotiation with France, concerning the King’s 
 penfion, on pretenfe that the Lord-Yreafurer had afted 
 without order, though the contrary was not doubted (3). 
 But the intention was to oblige the Earl for his own fafety 
 to plead the King’s orders for what he had done. This 
 perplexed him extremely, for he could n t juftify himfelf, 
 without accuiing the King, and he could not accule the 
 Kinsr, without entirely forfeiting his favour. Efpecially as 
 the King had earneftly defired him not to divulge his fe- 
 crets, offering him Letters of Pardon to fereen him from 
 the Parliament. He there r ore refolved to conceal the King’s 
 private orders upon this affair, but however could not help 
 fending two of Montague's letters to the Commons, which 
 difeovered him to he the principal author of this negotia¬ 
 tion. Thefe letters a'fo fhowed, that the Court of France 
 confidered the L .rd-Treafuier as their great enemy, whofe 
 ruin was to be effected, in order to have the King of Eng¬ 
 land at their difpofal. But the Commons were fo enraged 
 againft the Earl, that they would not fuffer thefe letters to 
 be read. On the other hand, when the articles of his im¬ 
 peachment were read in the Houfe of Lords, he in a fpeech 
 frequently infinuated, that he could make fuch a defence, 
 as would admit of no reply (4). Every one knew what 
 he meant, but it is certain, he was not fo much aimed at as 
 the King himfelf, and that it was intended by this means, 
 more than bv the plot it felf, to fhow the publick, that the 
 King, and the Duke of York, were the teal authors of ad 
 the evils of the Kingdom, and in a word, the heads of the 
 confpiracy to fubveit the Government, and Proteftant Re¬ 
 ligion. The King calily perceived the defign of the Eail 
 
 Earl of Sun.inland, in his room, though he had given Temple - ; 
 hopes of the place to Sir U’illiam Tempi:, then Ambaffador Mem. 
 in Holland, and had called him over f<>r that purpefe. But 
 Temple at his arrival found the peft filled, the Earl of Sun- ' 
 dcrland having paid IVilliamfon fix thoufand pounds, and 
 five hundred guineas, which Temple was not able or wil¬ 
 ling to give. ^ Shortly after, the King difmifled the Earl °f ™'Jp ar r [*f 
 Danby, and put the Treafury info com million (5). 
 
 After the prorogation, the King was extremely em- id. P . 357. 
 barafied, not only by reafon of the^ Earl of Danby 's im- 1678-9. 
 peachment, which properly fell upon him, but alfo by freih 
 difeoveries, both of the plot, and Godfrey's murder. The 
 21 ft of December, Miles Prance, a Goldfmilh of London, mu rd,r cfStr 
 a Papift, who had fometimes worked for the Queen in her Edmund^ 
 Chapel of Somer/et-houfe, was taken up by a warrant from 
 the Council, upon the information of one Wren, a lodger Burnet, 
 in his Houfe, that he was concerned in the murder of God- P-445- 
 frey. Though it was very poffible for Godfrey to have been 
 murdered by perfons not in the plot, ) et it was generally 
 believed, the murder was committed by Papifts, and that 
 if the authors could be difeovered, it would be a great 
 means to unravel the plot. Wherefore the two Houfes 
 had appointed a committee, of which the Earl of ShaftJ- 
 bury was chairman, to inquire after the authors of this 
 murder. 
 
 In this affair as in that of the plot there are, among 
 the Hiftorians, two parties diredtly oppofite, one afferting, 
 this murder was committed by Papifts, and the other main¬ 
 taining the contrary. The latter, in fupport of their opi¬ 
 nion, relate numberlefs fa£ts, with fo many circumftances, 
 that they would be more than capable of proving what 
 thev advance, could their faithfulnefs and alfo the certain- 
 tv of the fads be entirely relyed on. But it is very fur- 
 rrizing, to fee continually the truth of their opinion fup- 
 pofed, without any other proof than a great many unwar¬ 
 ranted fads. This may pafs when we write only for one of 
 the Parties, ever ready to believe what is advanced by a 
 Hiftorian of their own fide ; but as I write for foreigners, 
 to whom the adors and the authors are equally unknown, 
 
 I am not to fuppofe true, fads of which I fee no proof. 
 
 I don’t hereby pretend to infinuate to my Readers, that 
 all thefe fads are falfe ; but only that I have not fufficient 
 reafons to believe them true, and confequently ought not to 
 form any fuppofition upon them. 
 
 As for Prance the Goldfmith, it is readily fuppofed, he Leftrange. 
 was malicioufiy accufed by Wren , becaule Prance had forced 
 him to pay fourteen months rent, due to him for lodging, 
 and that having at firft with execrations denied the mur¬ 
 der, he was at laft compelled by threats and ill treatment 
 to confefs that he knew the whole matter, and to give 
 a particular account of all the circumftances. If this fup¬ 
 pofition was well proved, or at leaft fupported by the tefti- 
 mony of any cotemporary perfon of reputation known in 
 London , there would be no occafion to feek for other proofs. 
 
 But, as I have Paid, thefe lads are declared as undeniable, 
 without any warrant For my part, who feek not to 
 impofe upon my readers, I fhall only inform them of the 
 fads universally acknowledged, adding alfo fuch as are 
 doubtful and advanced without proof, that the reader may 
 know what he is to adhere to. 
 
 Prance being arrefted, as I faid, was carried to Wjl- D-< 
 minjler to be examined before a Committee ot the Lords. 
 
 Here A decilive fad is begun to be advanced without any ! 
 author, namely, that Prance was firft carried into a little 
 room, where feveral perfons went to fee him, and among c 
 thers Bedioc, who knowing him not, privately inquired which 
 was the prifoner ? When he was informed, he withdrew 
 to an Eating-Houfe in the neighbourhood, where Prance 
 
 P . 504. 
 
 1 j ) Burnt fays, th: Errl of Danby lnvir; broke with Montague, was apprehenGve Mr, t ague 
 A \rrecutn, writ over, according rn j direction fent him, as w. j believed, that he U der flood 
 
 Par,., [ Montague, it idem-, h»d m.ue ule of him, -nd given him money, which he I v'd, 
 
 ,*:f.r, the King fent the above .n.-ilageto the Commons. This was a device ot -li . L rd Darby : 
 
 rnp. Gut Mint ague had put a biX, in which the Letters were, :n lure handsoutof the way. 
 brought to him, wnich he opener 
 
 , then 
 
 Nuntio 
 Jtnkim'i Lett 
 to let the pti ft 
 
 K ng if Fra. 
 
 ght accufe him, fa refolved to prevent him. 'Jtr.iin 
 nngue had been in 1 (ecrct corrtfpcndei.ee wnh the pope’* 
 hich he I v'd, h r fuch ferrets as he cc’ulo draw front i im. ) l> n 
 find his own Letters and drftroy ihrm, and then 
 WhiJit the debate :b ot 'he tmfTage w.s 
 of the Lord Darby's Letters, th.t contained inftioctoi 
 
 ■nvenient fo. 
 
 Thefe laft words mnac very much fir Secretary C vt 
 
 ed thculaiid p-. urdt a year, for three years, it a peace lucceedej 
 tint:, and he was ch rfed :u mention no part of this to the Secretary ot St.li 
 1 that he -.vi* not trnft.J with thefe ill pra£t:ces, p 440, 44a._ 
 
 I was nated januarv 17. 1677-8, and tr.eTecond Marco 25. 1678. , _ , . , , 
 
 nc • •>* the Artcle; aga.uf; him, was. That he had treated with f. reign Prirce* and Ambafladors <,th. ut the pev •> 
 Endeavoured to lubverttiie a< licnt form - f C-uvernmrnt ; and defined to raife and keep up a Handing army. 3. • ttempt.-d •. 
 .. +. C m . 1 d and lu.iprehcd rhe evidence fnr the P. p.Jh Plot. 5. Had waited the King's Tie-lore, and uhied cot great 
 
 "fion;, an.l lecret fe, vices, to the value of tvv > hundred and thirty me thoufand, lix hundred ana two p unos, 111 two years. 0. 
 
 Pari': 
 
 
 nf the Secretar’es 
 hinder 1 he meeting 
 
 P..cured for liiin- 
 
 mfider 
 
 4^ He .in.-med. Tn t 
 lei The Commiiliane:s 
 
 i Aednio Marvel. 
 
 dene *nv ihingcf great mr.ment, firwh : ch he had not aUvays had his M.i;city s command. 
 
 - Capet Err I >r Ecex, La-urer.e Hyde -he Earl of Clamdtn s Br ther. Sir John t’r.t, S - ran■ u l ■ 
 
 — Ih.syear died Henry Otdtnburg, SccrtUry to the Royal Socie y, fiifl Pubulher ol ihc 1 ni.olcphir...! Is: 
 
 was 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. C H A R L £ 
 
 II. 
 
 1678-9. 
 
 Nctl'v 
 
 III. p 505, 
 
 was brought fome time after, till he fhould be called to his 
 examination. As Don as Bedloc , who was purpofely planted 
 in the fame room, had caft his eyes upon him, he ctied 
 out, “ This is one of the rogues that I faw with a dark 
 “ ianthorn about the body of Sir Edmuiulbury Godfrey ; 
 “ but he was then in a Perriwig.” 
 
 It any care had been taken to prove that Bedloe had 
 asked which was Prance-, and that he purpofely waited for 
 him in the Eating-houfe, where he knew he was to be 
 brought, there would be no need of other proof, and the 
 cafe would be decided. But this fa£t entirely reds upon 
 the authority of the Hiftorian who relates it (1). 
 
 Prance being carried to the Committee of Lords, Bedloe 
 dire&ly charged him with the murder of Godfrey , and 
 Wren with being out of the houfe while the body was mif¬ 
 fing. Prance denied all with imprecations upon himfelf. 
 But as the bare denial of a prifoner ought not to carry it 
 againft the teitimony of two witnelfes, the Lords thought fit 
 to fend him to Newgate , where he was put in the Condemn¬ 
 ed Hole, loarlen with heavy irons, and, fays my Author, 
 left all night te confider what further anfwers to make, 
 and whether he would venture his Soul or his Body. 
 
 Herein manifeftly appears the prejudice of the Hiftorian, 
 who cannot have known, that the intention of the Lords 
 was to leave Prance to confider, whether he would venture 
 his Soul or his Body. He could fay this but by virtue of 
 his Syftem, which fuppofes, that the Committee was re- 
 folved at any rate, to make Prance an evidence to the 
 murder of Godfrey. 
 
 But here is another fa& ftill more important, advanced 
 with the fame afl'urance without any authority. 
 
 The next morning early-* a man entred the Condemn¬ 
 ed Hole, where Prance was; and laying down a paper 
 upon a form juft by him, retired ; foon after came in ano¬ 
 ther with a candle, who let it down and left him. By 
 that light he read the paper, wherein he found brief hints 
 to what he was to fwear when he fliould be called to his 
 fecond examination, with a menace of being hanged if he 
 did not confefs what was expe&ed of him. ° Prance, 
 fays the Author, prefently imagined this to be a contri¬ 
 vance of the Lord Shafts bury. 
 
 A fa<ft of this nature , (which parted in a dungeon 
 where there is but one man, and where two others at 
 feveral times, only go in and out, without faying a word, 
 one to bring a paper, the other a candle) can only be 
 known by Prance’s own confeflion. Now it is certain 
 Prance never owned any fuch thing; if he had, it 
 would alTuredly have been faid , how and upon what occa¬ 
 sion. But if this be fo, how it can it be faid that Prance 
 imagined this to be a contrivance of the Earl of Shafis- 
 bury ? Is it a thing fo common , to know what partes in 
 a Man’s private thoughts, that it is not worth the while 
 to fay how this knowledge was attained ? 
 
 I proceed to other fads which are not contefted. Prance 
 after he had continued in prifon all night, and part of the 
 next day, told Captain Richardfon , Mafter of Newgate, 
 that he had matters of great moment to communicate to 
 the Earl of Shaftsbury Chairman of the Committee. He 
 was, according to his requeft, carried the fame nieht to 
 the Earl, who, in prefence of three other perfons, examined 
 him five or fix hours. It is pretended that the Earl abufed 
 and menaced him, telling him. That there were great ones 
 concerned, and he mujl difeover them too-, for the little ones 
 fhould not ferve his turn , bidding him, not fpare the King 
 himfelf It does not however appear that thefe menace! 
 made much impreflion upon Prance , fince his depofitiens 
 reached only perfons of low condition. However, he dif- 
 covered part of what he faid he knew, with a promile of a 
 more ample confeifion if he might have his pardon. He 
 figned his depofition , and was returned to prifon. Upon 
 this the Lords obtained for him from his Majefty a full 
 and general pardon. Then a Committee of the Lords 
 was fent to Nczvgate to acquaint him with it, and to exa¬ 
 mine him. The Commons likewife ordered him to be ex¬ 
 amined by a Committee of fecrccy. Thefe two examina¬ 
 tions being made with great ftritftnefs, Pranee was carri¬ 
 ed the next day to Whitehall, to be examined before the 
 King and Council. 
 
 In this examination he acculed five perfons, as a&ually 
 prefer* at the murder ; namely Girald and Kelley, two Irijh 
 Priefts ; Robert Green , Cufhion-Man to the Queen’s Cha- 
 
 699 
 
 pel; Laurence /////Servant to Dr. Gcdden Treafurer of 1678-9. 
 the Chapel ; and Henry Berry Porter of Somerfet-Ho’fe. 
 
 Being ai.<ed, Why he gave Jo different a relation to the 
 Committee of Lords from what he now fo freely confeffed ? 
 
 He an fwered. That he was not then Jore of his ' 'pardon. 
 
 Being further asked. Why he came not in upon the procla¬ 
 mation and reward thereof ? He faid. He was afraid to trujl 
 it. As he had been very particular concerning the circum- 
 ftances of the tune, place, and manner of the murder, the 
 King to be allured of the truth, appointed the Duke of 
 Monmouth, the Earl of Offory, and the Vice-chamberlain, 
 to go with Prance to Somerfet-Houfe, and make him lhow 
 them the places where the things were afied. The Au- Le „„ p e 
 thor fo often mentioned, adds what deferves to be remem Ech.. r d E 
 ber’d. Prance , fays he , was very punctual in naming H1, P- 
 and Ihowing feme of the rooms, but fo uncertain and du¬ 
 bious in fome particulars, efpecially about the chief room, 
 that when the Duke of Monmouth privately atked the Earl 
 of Offory , what he thought on it ? The Earl anfwered, Jt 
 was all a cheat (2). I purpofely take notice of this parti¬ 
 cular, becaufe it is dircdtly contrary to the report made to 
 the Council, as will prefently appear. 
 
 In the afternoon, Prance , in the prefence of the Coun¬ 
 cil, was confronted with Green , Berry, and Hill, who 
 . denyed every fyllable of the charge, and Prance ftood as 
 ftoutlv to every point of the accufation. After which he 
 was fent hack to Newgate for four or five days. 
 
 The fame Authors fay here, that his irons were fome- Echard. 
 times off and fometimes on, according as he was in a HI- p- 5071 
 difeovering temper. That is to fay, the Jailor by the fe- 
 cret orders of the Committee, treated him well or ij], as 
 he was difpofed to retraft or adhere to his depofition A- 
 nother particular is likewife added , that he was often 
 vifited by Members of both Houles, who fometimes fe- 
 verely threatned him when his evidence did not agree 
 with Bedloe s, and particularly becaufe he would net own 
 the Perriwig which Bedloe had firft mentioned. But 
 thefe particulars tending to fhow that Prance was forced 
 to depofe what he knew not, are fupported by no Author, 
 no Evidence, no Authority. There are no other vouch¬ 
 ers but the Hirtorians who report thefe particulars, with¬ 
 out vouchfafing to inform their Readeis iroin whence they 
 received them. 1 
 
 After Prance had remained four or five days in Neivoatc, & T ,traa » 
 he was once more carried to be examined before the King 
 in Council. But he made it his requeft that he mi^ht 
 firft wait upon the King himfelf. Upon this Richardfon B u ?„et. 9 ’ 
 had orders to carry him to Mr. Chiffinch’s lodgings, where p- 446- 
 the King came. The King taking Prance into a room by f r c , hard ' 
 himfelf, after fome time, opened the door, and bad Chif- ' P ‘ S ° 7 ' 
 finch and Richardfon take notice of what Prance faid ; who 
 being called to fpcak out plainly, he declared. That the Prancer . 
 men be had fworn againjl were all innocent , and that all he <^a, all 
 had fworn againjl them was fafe , which lie affirmed, fays bljDre ,bt 
 one, with great paffion and alteration. Upon which the EchL 
 King asked him, Upon your falvation is it fo ? He replied, HI. P . ’507. 
 Upon my fa hat ion the whole accufation is falfe. He was 
 then carried before the Council, where he declared to the 
 lame effeeft, and was asked. What Inducement he had to hit 
 
 former Story - who put him upon it ? He faid, No body 
 
 prompted him ; he only Innv the men he fwore a»ainj} ■ he 
 aever faw Bedloe before he was taken up ; he knew nothing 
 
 of the Plot nor of the murder ;-- and could not re/l for 
 
 the fiory he had told. But Wren tnved him money and 
 threatned him becaufe he dunned him for it, and ]o\ a ircd 
 him into it. He was then remanded to priion. 
 
 After fo ferious an afteveration, no man of fenfe can 
 imagine, that Catholicks, or Courtiers had gained Prance 
 to retraft his firft depofition. For this would be only to 
 alledge a bare fufpicion without proof. But to have it be 
 l.eved, that the Committee, and feveral members of both 
 Houfes, had threatned Prance in cafe his depofition agreed 
 net with Bedloe’ s, there is no need of proof, and the°bare 
 re.ation of a Hiftorian who writ above thirty years after, is 
 more than fufficient for that. 
 
 Unhappily Pram, retraSed once more. But this (le- 
 nines nothing, becaufe he denied what he had lately find 
 before the King and Council, by reafon of the exccffive 
 to.ments he was made to fuffer, till he had promifed to dc~ 
 pole whatever was defired. Let us hear what a famous 
 Hiftorian (3) fays on this occafion (4). 
 
 Burra fay., Pr jn(t being taken tip on Wren\ 
 : And at lirrt fight, he charged lomtb.idy to fe 
 
 (i) Our Auth.r means Erhard. 
 knowing any thing concerning hin 
 P- 445- 
 
 (2, In an account cf tie Plot p.in'ed in 16S0, it is faid, That Prar.ce gave fuch 
 where he h m elf, wncre Berry flo< d ; as alfo rhe d.-.r, flairs, da; k entry, & c . r 
 well latis-ii d with the truth ni his relation and confcfiion, p. 6,-:. 
 
 ; 3 rf Ckard ) A ' ho . has Crowed the f..:i w ng Paragraph, as well as feveral others, U- 
 4) bur»cl (»y>, liter Prar.ce had d c -rco heh,re the Khtg and Council, that his fi. ft 
 d.atelv lent the Ret per ol N.wra'e fo the King, to tell him, that all he had fworn was 
 it. Yet he v.ent off f.om this a.atn, at d d.nred every t! ing. Dr. Lloyd was upon th: 
 
 Information, 
 
 o Weflmtvfler. Becihe 
 ne ot thole, whom he 
 
 tx.tff account t.f the ve.y fp„ t upon which the murther 
 toned in his Nar.ative, that Jus Mijtfty’s Ooi.vmi.li..,,. 
 
 » ptfled by, n .C 
 G.Jjr.y-, body. 
 
 n Racer I.c/lrange, 
 irftffion was all a 
 •ue, but tint the h 
 I nt lo talk with I 
 
 ning his Author 
 wsa.jied fleck 
 
 - Pilfer 
 
 i'UC in. 
 th tig 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 ) Tht HISTORT 
 
 _o. Prance , excepting juft after bis return, flood firm 
 
 ige. 44 and immoveable in his denial, againft all terrors and 
 *• temptations for about twelve days, from the 29th of 
 ;J7 ‘ “ December to the nth of this prefent January. During 
 “ which fpace of time, his ufage was barbarous, and more 
 “ like the Romijh Inquifition, than the methods of a free 
 41 nation. For nine days at leaft his cafe was deplorable; 
 
 “ and what with the deadly cold and naftinefs of the 
 ** place, the diftrefs of his condition, the agony of his 
 »* thoughts, under the horrour of bringing new guilt upon 
 “ his confcience, and the galling weight of his Irons, he 
 “ lay in fuch torments both of body and mind, that he 
 “ fpent his hours in roaring and groaning, frequently and 
 “ pitifully crying out, Not guilty, not guilty ! No murtber, 
 
 n G murtber / He ufed the fame outcries, or clamours, at 
 “ leaft, to that effect, fo often, that the impofers had no 
 “ way to cover the fcandal, and the inhumanity of their 
 *• treatment, but either by imputing the anguifh of a 
 44 wounded confcience to the ravings of a diftempered 
 “ brain ; or by converting the marks of a true repentance 
 
 into the ftory of a counterfeit madnefs. But when 
 4 * things were at the worft, Prance was now and then, as 
 4 ‘ the good humour prevailed, eafed of his irons, comfort- 
 “ ed with good words and promifes, and no artifice o- 
 44 mitted to bring him to a proper underftanding. The 
 “ Keepers were then under the foie direction of a cer- 
 44 tain ambulatory Committee, when and what degree to 
 “ fqueeze, to pinch, to eafe, to fhackle, to comfort, or 
 “ to torment their prifoners ; and moll things were done 
 ‘‘ according to the particular orders of that cabal. It 
 “ would be too tedious to recite all the Offerings of this 
 *c unfortunate man, who being unable to hold out as Cor¬ 
 el ral had done, and finding his life in the fame danger 
 “ with thofe he had accufed, he at length fubmitted to the 
 “ temptation, and upon a new aflurance of pardon, he 
 “ promifed to ftand by his former evidence. Immediate¬ 
 ly ly upon this, on the nth of January-, his Irons were 
 4 ‘ knocked oft', and he was removed from hard boards, and 
 41 a difmal cold room, to a fine lodging and a curious bed, 
 “ with variety of the beft meats and drinks. Here ha¬ 
 te ving pen, ink and paper, and the afliftance of his friend 
 “ one Mr. Boyce , he finifhed his ftory, and prepared for 
 41 being a compleat evidence againft Green , Berry and 
 “ Hill, who were fhortly after to come upon their tryals.” 
 
 As the author of this palfage is not content with in- 
 finuating, that Prance was compelled by torments to fup- 
 port his fecond depofition, but openly undertakes to prove 
 it by fads which are entirely decifive, it is abfolutely ne- 
 ceftary for the Reader’s inftrudion to make fome remarks 
 on this fubjed. 
 
 1. When in a controverted matter, a Hiftorian reports 
 fads to which he was not an eye-witnefs, and which 
 however are capable of deciding for or againft, the Reader 
 has a right to exped from him fome teftimony, or fome au¬ 
 thor ; in a word, to be informed, how he came to the know¬ 
 ledge of fuch fads. But here, we fee neither teftimony 
 nor author, in the text, or margin. 
 
 2. It appears from this very relation, that all the ill ufage 
 of Prance , confided in keeping him nine days in irons. If 
 this is like a Romijh inquifition, it may be affirmed, Eng¬ 
 land has a ronftant inquifition, fince prifoners committed 
 for murder, or other great crimes are never treated other- 
 wife. Belides, it will be feen hereafter, that Prance denied 
 his ever receiving any ill ufage in prifon, or his wanting 
 any thing. As to the torments of his mind, and his 
 roarings and groanings, fuppuling them true, only Prance 
 himfelf could know the motives, and it mull be furprifing 
 to fee an author talk of what palled in Prance's mind, as 
 if he had been his confident. 
 
 3. He ought to have explained what was this Ambu¬ 
 latory Committee, from whom the Keepers received direc¬ 
 tions ; for it is well known, that during the prorogation 
 o! the Parliament (and all this palled at the time of the 
 prorogation) the Keeper of Newgate could obey no orders 
 Put thofe of the King, or at leaft of the Courts of Juftice. 
 
 4. Laftly, in proof of a fa£t fo remarkable and decifive, 
 we have only the bare afteveration of the author, whofe 
 exaggeration is kept up with expreffions the ftrongeft and 
 molt capable to give the Readers terrible ideas of the tor¬ 
 ments endured by Prance, which, however, amount to a 
 nine days imprifonment in irons. Befides, the author pofi- 
 riveiy fays, that Prance was gained without telling us by 
 whom, or how, or giving the leaft warrant for what he 
 advances I do not fay that all this is falfe, for I know 
 
 0/ li N CLAN D. 
 
 nothing of it. But as it is not forbid to rely on the faith- 1678-9. 
 fulnefs of the author, or of thofe from whom he has re¬ 
 ceived his informations ; fo neither is it forbid to doubt of 
 it, and to believe that he might be prejudiced by Party- 
 ftories, which are implicitly fwallowed or rejetfted, according 
 as they are advantagious or prejudicial to the fide efpoufeJ 
 by thofe who hear them. 
 
 Bedloe had given but a very imperfect information of the 
 murder of Godfrey. He faid indeed, it was committed in 
 Somerfet-Houfe , and that he had feen the dead body. But 
 as to the other circumftances, he only fpoke of them as re¬ 
 ceived from perfons who had abfented themfelves ; whereas 
 Prance delivered in writing a more regular and full ac¬ 
 count, which contained precifely his depolition before the 
 King in Council, and was to this effedt : 
 
 “ Girald, Kelly, Green, Berry , Hill and Prance, with Tie $1,4- 
 “ the approbation of fome others, after fcveral confulta- fl-we of 
 44 tions (1), had refolved to murther Sir Edmundbury P o r *. nce ' dl ~ 
 “ Godfrey, as being a bitter perfecutor of the Catholicks, S;"' 
 “ an a&ive difeoverer of their defigns, and a particular Edmundbury 
 4< enemy to the Queen’s fervants. Thus determined, on MuidJ ‘ 
 
 44 Saturday the 1 2th of Oftober, Hill went to Sir Edmund- j an . 
 
 ‘‘ bury Godfrey's houfe in the morning, and talked with Fr » n «’» 
 
 44 him in private (2). Then taking his leave, he went to g“ n ) :n ' 
 
 44 Girald, and Green, and with them ftaid hard by, wait- p 44..’ 
 
 44 ing for the Gentleman’s coming out, which he did a- Echa 'd. 
 
 44 bout ten or eleven, all alone as ulually. They dogged 11,1 p ' s ° 8, 
 44 him to feveral places, till about fix or leven in the even- 
 44 ing, when Green went to Prance's houfe, and told him, 
 
 4t They had fet him near St. Clements; and that Prance 
 44 muft make all hafte to the JVater-Gate, at Somerfet- 
 44 Houfe, where he Ihould find Kelly and Berry , which he 
 “ he did ; and they three waited there till about nine a 
 44 clock: When of a fudden Hill came running and faid 
 44 He was coming , and they muft pretend a quarrel , 
 
 44 and he would fetch him in. While Kelly and Berry 
 44 were in a feeming feuffle, Hill, at the gate, ftop- 
 44 ped Sir Edmundbury Godfrey , and entreated him for 
 44 God’s fake to come in, tor two men weie a quar- 
 44 rolling, and he was afraid there would be blotdjhcd. The 
 “ Gentleman being a Magiftrate, did at laft confent, and 
 “ Hill entered the gate firft, to Ihew him the perfons ; 
 
 44 and after them followed Girald and Green -, while Prance 
 44 watched the water-gate, and Berry was to fecure the 
 44 paflage by the chapel. But firft, he and Kelly, the pre- 
 44 tended combatants, flood about the end of the rail by 
 44 the Queen’s ftables ; and as Sir Edmundbury went down 
 44 towards them, Green fuddenly threw a twilled handker- 
 44 chief about his neck, and immediately all four pulled 
 44 him down and ftrangled him, fo as he could make no 
 44 noife ; after which they threw him behind the rail, and 
 44 gave him fome violent punches on the breaft with their 
 44 knees, and Green with all his force rung his neck al- 
 44 mod round. Prance and Berry being come to them, 
 
 44 when he was quite dead, they all helped to carry the 
 44 body into Dr. Godden's lodgings, where Hill lived, and 
 44 where they brought him up five or fix fteps, into a 
 44 little room on the right-hand, and there left him that 
 44 night, and Sunday all day and night. On Monday night, 
 
 44 Hill and fome others removed him into a room in the 
 44 upper Court, where Prance was fhewn the body by the 
 44 light of a dark-lanthorn, and where Bedloe fwore he faw 
 44 Prance. On Tuefday night, they carried him to ano- 
 44 ther room in the long entry, over-againft Dr. Godden's 
 44 lodgings ; and on Wednefday night they removed it to 
 44 the little room where it was firft laid. Having kept the 
 44 body above four days and nights, Girald and Kelly ad- 
 44 vifed to have it carried into the fields, and leave him 
 44 run through with his own fword, that he might be fup- 
 44 pofed to have murdered himfelf ; and therefore his money, 
 
 “ rings, CSV. were all to be left with him. This being 
 44 agreed, they refolved to carry him out that night ; and 
 44 accordingly Hill procured a Sedan, or Chair, into which 
 44 they put the body about twelve a clock. Berry the 
 44 Porter, having invited the centincls into his houfe, o- 
 44 pened the gate, and Prance and Gerald carried out the 
 44 Sedan (3). Thus, fometimes they two, and fometimes 
 44 Kelly and Green, carried it up towards Sohoftclds, hard 
 44 by the Grecians Church ; and there Hill attending with 
 44 a horfe, they fet the body up before him, and left the 
 44 Sedan in fome unfinifhed buildings in that place j where- 
 44 upon Girald faid, I wijb we bad a hundred fuch rogues as 
 44 fecure as this. Then Prance being a houfe keeper, re- 
 44 turned home ; and the other four went on, one leading 
 
 Dr. Z-/»y<f told me, that he was almoft dead through the dfurder of his mind, and with cold in hit body. Eut af.er that Dr. Lloyd had made a fi.-e, and catifed 
 fi'tn t‘> be put n a bid, at.d began to difeou - e the matter with him, he returned to his confeflion ; which he did in fuch a manner, that Dr. Lloyd laid to me*, it 
 was net pollible tor him to doubt of his (incerity in it, p. 446- 
 
 (i\ franc, named an A choufe where they ufed to meet, and the people thereof did confirm this of their meet : ng there. Burnet, p. 445. 
 
 (-1 He went (■: ee whe'her Godfrey was gone out, and lpoke to his maid ; who, upon Ihll'i being taken, went to Newgate, and :n the crowd of Prifoneri 
 
 Jifti: go liked him, laying. He was the perfon that asked for her mailer that morning. Ibid- -They had watched Sir Edmundbury for ftveral weeks, before 
 
 the* could nnd an oppur'unlty o’ put tog thrit vil.nnus delign in execution MSS- 
 
 (3 ) Oaeof the Sentinels Iwore he l'.w 3 Sedan carried in ; but none faw it cairied out. Burnt, p. 446. 
 
 the 
 
Book XXIII. 26. C H A 
 
 ifi/S-tj. “ the horfe. Hill riding and holding the body (1), and 
 “ the other two walking by. They carried him to a 
 ' s place called Primrofe-hill, about two miles out of town, 
 “ where they left him in a ditch, with his own fword run 
 “ through his body by Girald himfeif, in the exa& pof- 
 ‘ ture of one that had murdered himfeif.” 
 
 This depofition, which was immediately publiflied, met 
 with an entire belief from rhe people. But afterwards, when 
 the popilh party prevailed, feveral authors endeavoured to 
 find many miftakes and inconftftencies in it, and even 
 maintained, that it was not penned by Prance , but by fome 
 abler hand. As at firft it was dangerous to fay, that Prance 
 was a falfe witnefs, it was afterwards no lefs dangerous to 
 maintain, he had fpoke the truth. Hence fome adhere to 
 this depofition, and others to the writings afterwards pub- 
 lifhcd againft it, to demonftrate its fallhood. 
 
 Pmiama- While thefe things were tranfadfed, the King was by no 
 ‘TpKltt mean5 at ea ^ e ‘ ^ which he was fufpe&ed to 
 
 EchaiX he the Author, at 1 -eaft in what concerned the Government 
 lit. P S09. and Religion ) and the impeachment againft the Earl of 
 Danby , which entirely refledfed upon him, could not but 
 Jan. 3. greatly perplex him. To divert a little thefe fufpicions, he 
 Kennet. publifhed, the beginning of "January, feveral proclamations 
 p. 356. againft the Papifts, who, immediately after the prorogation 
 of the Parliament, were returned to London and IVeflmin- 
 Jfer. By another proclamation, he recalled all his fubjedfs 
 from the foreign Seminaries ; but thefe were remedies little 
 capable of curing the people’s fufpicions and fears. 
 
 Jcfuit, About this time, was difeovered a College of Jefuits at 
 
 taken up up in Lower- Come in Hereford/hire. Moreover, a frefh witnefs 
 the tajorma • appeared, one Stephen Dugdale , who pretended to make 
 Dug, hie. nevv discoveries in the Plot, and accufed five Jefuits, and 
 
 Echard. one Prieft (2). This obliged the King to publifh a new 
 
 Burn-'c 509 P roc ^ amat, ' on againft Evers, Gazuen, Vavafor alias Gifford , 
 wnve. Lcvifon , Jefuits, and Broadjlreet a Prieft, with a promife 
 of a hundred pounds to any that fhould apprehend Evers, 
 and fifty pounds for each of the reft (3). 
 
 The King Mean while, as the time for the meeting of the Parlia- 
 diffol-utt the mcnt approached, the King perceiving, that in the prefent 
 Kennet int ' ^ifpofition ot the Commons, he fhould receive no advan- 
 p. 356.’ tage from them, but rather new mortifications, on the 24th 
 Burnet. 0 f January diftolved this Parliament by proclamation (4), 
 ’palls ono- promifirig withal, to iflue out writs for the calling of a 
 tber. n ew Parliament the 6th of March following. Thus ended 
 Kp»ntMt° n Lon S Parliament, which had continued almoft eigh- 
 I’ari, ament. tcen years, and had been for twelve years fo favorable to 
 the King. Never Parliament had been fo liberal to any 
 King, or carried the Prerogative higher. If Charles II. 
 had not purfued methods fo contrary to the intcrefts of the 
 Kingdom, he would never have loft the affe&ion of this 
 Parliament, which ftudied only to pleafe him, and give 
 him the moft effectual proofs of their zeal. But when, in 
 procefs of time they difeovered, that the King had ill dc- 
 figns againft the Government, and the eftablifhed Religion, 
 which he had fufficiently fhown b” his two wars againft 
 Holland , and his intimate union with France , they began 
 to confider him as an enemy to the State, whofedefigns and 
 meafures were to be broken. The Letters, produced by 
 Mr. Montague in the Parliament, fully convinced the moft 
 incredulous, that the King was a Penfioner of France , and 
 facrificed the intcreft of England to that Crown. It is 
 therefore no wonder, that the Parliament credited the dif- 
 covery of a Plot, which was fo natural a confequence of 
 the King’s defigns, now entirely believed. Indeed, the 
 firft article of this Plot, concerning the killing of the 
 King, might be doubtful and uncertain ; wherefore the 
 Parliament willingly left it to the decifion of the Courts of 
 Juftice. But the two laft, relating to the rendering the King 
 abfolute, and fubverting the eftablifhed Religion, needed no 
 other proofs than thofe the King had given. Befides, the 
 Duke of York being a profefled Papift, and having a great 
 influence in the King’s counfels, it was not difficult to con¬ 
 ceive, that being fuch a zealot for his Religion, he would 
 lofe no occafion of promoting it: and this his Secretary’s 
 letters plainly demonftrated. Indeed, this Parliament was 
 
 R L E S 11 r- 0i 
 
 compofedI chiefly of rigid Epifcopaliaus, who perhaps can- *68 ■>. 
 net be vindicated in their perfecution of the Presbyterians. 
 
 But however, they were not willing to fzerifice the Pro- 
 teftant Religion, and the liberties of the Nation, to their 
 paffion againft Presbvterianifm. From hence flowed the F. c h*ri. 
 quarrels between the King and the Parliament, the morti P- T ‘ 
 fications fo frequently given him, and his dilfolution of it 
 at laft, though he had in it fo many creatures, purchafed 
 either with ready money or penfions. At firft, this trade 
 was fecretly carried on, but after Clifford's, advancement to 
 the Treafury, it was pradfifed fo openly, that every man’s 
 name and price were publickly known. Notwithftanding 
 all this, when once the conduit of the King and Court 
 was confidered, it was not pcflible for the King to obtain a 
 majority in the Houfe of Commons, became thofe who 
 were ready to facrifice the nation’s money to the King, 
 would not facrifice to him their Liberties and Religion. A 
 nother caufe alfo flopped the King in his carrier, namely, 
 that as foon as the people were diflatisfied with the Court, 
 vacancies in the Parliament were filled with men of quite 
 contrary principles to the King and Duke of York , fo that 
 in time, the Parliament became very different from what 
 it was at the beginning. It is not therefore ft range, that 
 the King fhould defire to be rid of a Parliament, from 
 which he could expedt no farther benefit. But he flattered 
 himfeif in vain, with having another more favorable, as 
 will hereafter appear. 
 
 Upon the 25th of January , the King ifTued out writs LkEUonsfor 
 for the new elections, which put the wh.de nation into a “Jff, Far * 
 ferment. It happened to the King, on this occafion, as it id. p/512. 
 had happened to his Father. The people being difeontented 
 with the Court, and full of fufpicions and fears, affected to 
 choofe Reprefentarives the moft averfe to Popery and arbi¬ 
 trary Government. And as the High-Church-men had 
 been for feveral years a little too ftrongly attached to the 
 King ; and had, in the laft Parliament, palled Aits to raife 
 the royal power higher than ever, the people in general 
 were not for trufting their interefts in fuch hands. On the 
 other fide, the Presbyterians, though long opprefted, were 
 ftill numerous in the Corporations, fo that by the fi perio- 
 rity of their votes, they commonly carried the eledtiuns in 
 favour of their own party, or at leaft of men, who had 
 only outwardly conformed to the Church of England. In 
 a word, when the returns yveie made, it was found, that 
 moft of the Reprefentatives were men very oppofite to the 
 principles and defigns of the Court. The King, to prevent Id. P 513. 
 thefe impreflions, affeited an extraordinary feverity againft 
 the Papilts, and by proclamation, on complaint of the neg- 
 ledfs of the profecution of Recufants, ordered the Chancel¬ 
 lor to put out of commiffion, all Juftices of Peace, who 
 were remifs in their duty. But this was too frequent an 
 artifice, to be capable to perfuade the people, that the King 
 was truly zealous for the Proteftant Religion. 
 
 While all were engaged in the new elections, three o fTryaleftbe 
 the five, accufed of Godfreys murder, namely. Green, c f 
 
 Berry , and Hill , were tried at the King's-Bench bar, before £m<s!tiV. ; s . 
 the Lord Chief-Juftice Scroggs , the 10th of February. n p'756. ' 
 
 Oates depofed, That he had heard Godfrey fay, a little ® urne 1 t - 
 before his death, %hat he went in fear of his life by the deflftL. 
 popijh party , and had been dogged feveral days. 
 
 One Robinfon teftified. That he heard him fay, That he Robinf n’» 
 believed he Jhould be the firji martyr. degofition. 
 
 Prance's evidence was the fame with what he had before p r ano-'» 
 depofed. The prifoners objected to him, that he had re- deftjmon , 
 canted, and denied all before the King and Council. The 
 Court made for him the 2nfwcr which he had before given 
 to the Council, That all that was nothing but an unufual 
 far, and a want of a full affuraneg of his pardon (5). Some 
 reprefent this as a great partiality in the Judge. But it 
 muft be obferved, that Judges fit upon the tryal of crimi¬ 
 nals, not to condemn or acquit : the Jury decide the cafe, 
 and find the prifoners guilty or not guilty. When there¬ 
 fore any material difficulty offers, it is the office of the 
 Judge to diredt the Jury, and fhow them what they are, 
 and what they are not to mind, with the reafons of their 
 
 (r) They had agreed to fay, in cafe they fhould meet anybody, that It was a drunken man they were carrying in that manner. MSS. 
 
 (2) Burnet gives the following account of this Dugdale and his evidence. He had been the Lrrd jdfttm't Bai y, and was a man of Scnfe and Temper. He 
 behaved himfeif decently, and had fomewhat in his air and deportment that difpofed people to believe him : So that (he King himfeif began to th ; nk there was 
 iomewhat in the Plot, though he had little regard to Oates or Bedloe. He made a difeovery of a correlpondence that Eteri held with the Jefuits in London 
 who had writ to Evers of the defign of killing the King, and defired him to find out proper men for executing it. Three other Jefuits prefied Dvgdrle to un¬ 
 dertake it, promiling he (hould be canonizrd tor it, and the Lord Stafford offered him five hundred pounds, if he would let about it Due da! e's evidence was 
 confirmed by one ciicumftance. He had talked in the Country of a Juftice of Peace in IVeJlm.nJIer that was killed, on rhe luefday after Godfrey was miffed 
 fo that the news of th s muft have been writ from London on the Saturday night’s Poll. He did not think it a fccret, fo talked of it as news in an Al.houle! 
 The two perfons, he fa-.d he fpoke to, remembred nothing of it, but feveral others fwrre they had heard it. He faid moreover, that the Duke hao fent to 
 Vole man when in Newgate , to perluade him to difeover nothing, and delired to know whether he had ever difeovered their defigns to any other perfon ; and that 
 Coieman lent anfwer, that he had fpoke of them to Godfrey , but to no other man, upon which the Duke gave order to kill him, u. 444. 
 
 (3) Gawen was foon after taken into cuftody, but the reft abfeonded. Ecbard. 
 
 Somc ^ink, ,his Parliament was diffolved, on purpofe to proteft the popilh Lords in the Tower, and divert, if poftible, the noife of the popilh Plot : Or 
 \-‘ e 10 C0V£r Duke of York from the refentment of the Commons, and the general indignation of the People. Kennet, p. 356. 
 
 (O X. this Rubardjcn, Keeper of Newgate, anfwered, <• That France had told him, it was fear that made him recant; and he [Prance} gave a full 
 ‘ ‘A’.- 1 . . on » that 11 w,<s on 'y out , of 3n 1 , PP ,ehenl 'On that his life was not fecure ; that his trade would be loft among the Reman Catholicks; and in cafe he 
 • hao his pardon, and were laved, he (hould have been in danger of being muilhered by them”. He faid himvelf afterwards. That it was for fear of lofing 
 .isempmyment from the Queen, and the Catholicks, which was the moft of his bufinefs, and becaufe he had not his pardon. State Trials, Tom. 2. p. 765, 
 
 No. LXXIX. Vol. II. 
 
 8 P 
 
 opinion. 
 
/ w ^ 
 
 J 678-9. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 c ? ; n ;™. Sol doubt, that on this occafion the Court did 
 „[t exceed the bounds of their duty, though I will affirm 
 
 n0 S; wife asked Prance, Whether he had not been tor¬ 
 tured in Newgate, fince feveral had heard him cry out in 
 that place ? He anfwered. That he had not 
 CttJt, Richardfon had uf.i him as emit, as «*»« 
 England ; and that all the time he was there , he wanted 
 hr nothin* This anfwer, as we fee, is very contradldtory 
 to the aggravated recital of his torments, though even m 
 that redtal, nothing is faid which tends to (how, that he 
 was potto the torture. However, the author of the reci¬ 
 tal, better informed than Prance himfelf, temples not to (ay, 
 That the peer man, to fupport the credit of his evidence , was 
 forced to di,: wn all his 'barbarous ufage. 
 
 J “ Bcdloe had already depofed before the Lords, That le 
 “ Phairc, U'aljh-, Pritchard, Keins, &c. had wheedled 
 “ Sir Edmunclbury Godfrey into Somerfet-Houfe Court, un- 
 “ der pretence of taking fome plotters, and after a turn or 
 *‘ two, and the pretence of fending for a Conttable, they 
 “ fhoved him into a room, prefented a piftol to him, 
 
 “ threading to kill him, if he made any noife, but would 
 “ do him no hurt, if he would fend for his examinations ; 
 
 “ which he refufing to do, they ftifled him between two 
 “ pillows, and after that, upon finding fome life in him, 
 
 “ they ftranggled him with a long cravat." 
 
 Some have remarked, that this firft evidence of Bedlete 
 was direaiy contrary to Prance’s. Others have obferved, 
 that Bedlce never faid that he was prefent at the murder, 
 but only depofed what he heard from others ; confequently, 
 that there was no real contradiction between the two wit- 
 
 J1 " i |n'"the prefent tryal Bedhe depofed, “ That about a fort- 
 “ night before the murder, le Phairc, Pritchard, Keins, 
 
 «t and fome other Romifh Priefts, all unknown to Prance, 
 
 “ difeourfed Bcdloe about killing a certain Gentleman, not 
 “ named ; and then fet him to infinuate himfelf into Sir 
 “ E ■ undbury Godfreys acquaintance, which he did under 
 “ feveral pretences. That on the very day of the mur- 
 “ der, le Phaire told him, There was a Gentleman to be 
 u pirt out of the way that night, and would have him to 
 “ alfift and that there would be four thoufand pounds re- 
 ward from the Lord Bellafn , &c. and therefore defired 
 << him to meet in the Cloyfter at Somerfet-boufe that even- 
 “ in2 for thereabouts it was to be done ; which he pro- 
 “ mtfed to do, but wilfully failed them, becaufe he would 
 t! not have his hands in blood. On the Monday after, le 
 “ Phaire meeting him, charged him with breach of pro- 
 c‘ m ife, and appointed him to come to Somerjet-houfe at 
 tc nine that night, where he told the witnefs, That he had 
 “ done ill, that he did not help in the bufinefs ; but if he 
 *t would help to carry him off, he fhould Jlill have half the 
 “ reward ; and told him he "was atfually murdered. The 
 “ witnefs asked, if he might fee him ; upon which le 
 « Phairc led him through a dark entry, into a room 
 “ where was feveral people, and Prance amongft them, and 
 “ only by the light of a dark lanthorn he faw the face of 
 tt the murdered perfon, and knew him tu be Sir Edmund- 
 “ bury Godfrey. The witnefs advifed to tie weights about 
 “ h : m, and throw him into the Thames ; but they did not 
 “ approve of that, but faid, they would put it upon him- 
 “ felf, and carry him out in a chair, by the help of the 
 “ Porter Berry, at twelve that night. The witnefs pro- 
 “ mifed, upon the Sacrament, which he had taken the 
 “ Thin flay before, to come again and help them ; but be- 
 cc j n fr got from them, his confcience would not permit 
 “ him to go any farther, though he had been promifed 
 
 two thoufand pounds for his labour, but he rather chofe 
 <c to dii’cover the villany to the King and Council, and ac- 
 tt , the fum in an honeft way.” 
 
 What appears moil flrange in this dep .'fition, is not its 
 Contrariety to the firft, in which he only fpoke by hearfay ; 
 but that Bedlce did not relate thefe circumftances to the 
 Lords, having only faid, thaj he had feen Godfrey's body 
 in Bonier,fet-houfi, and Prance in the fame room. 
 
 The Cunrtable that viewed the body in the ditch, gave 
 ' . • an account, “ That the fword was flicking through him, 
 tc but no blood appeared upon the ground, and he found 
 “ gold and filver in his pockets.” Two Surgeons fwore, 
 “ That they verily believed the fword was run through 
 «c |)irn after he was dead and cold ; but that he died by rea- 
 C« fun of the fuffocation, and breaking of his neck, and 
 “ bruifes on his breaft.” 
 
 Robert Sir Robert Southwell depofed, “ That Prance having re- 
 hweu'-i “ lated the matter to the Council ; and being fent with 
 finer.. tl t ^ e Qjke of Monmouth and the Earl of Ojfory to Ihew 
 “ the place he mentioned, did readily go to them all, and 
 ‘‘ they appeared all to be fuch as he had deferibed them ; 
 “ only as to the room in the upper Court, where the body 
 «s was laid one night, having never been there but once, 
 
 (1) It wis done by ths Earl of Dub ft advice- Burr.tt, p, 452. 
 
 he faid he could not pofitively aflign it, but pointing to 1678-9, I 
 “ fome rooms, and faid, he was lure it was thereabouts.” 
 
 As to the prifoners defence, //.’//brought feveral witnef- 
 fes to prove, “ That he was never out of his lodgings after 
 ** eight a-clock at night, during the whole time of this 
 “ tranfadlion.” 
 
 Some have pretended, that thefe depofitions were not re- 
 garded, becaufe the witnefles were Papifts. Bet no fuch 
 thing is faid in the printed tryal, and it is difficult to know 
 the thoughts of the Jury, who were the foie Judges of thcl: 
 evidences. 
 
 Befides, Hill fhowed, “ That when he heard ot 
 “ Prances being taken up for the murther, lie had full 
 “ lei lure to make his efcape, which he never endeavouring, 
 
 “ was a great preemption of his innocence.” It is to be 
 prefumed, the Jury took but little notice of this proof. 
 
 Green proved by two witnefles, James If arrier and his 
 wife, “ That lie was at their Houfe in the Strand from 
 “ between fevc.n and eight, till after ten, on that very 
 “ night and time that Sir Edmundbury Godf-.y •• s Lid to 
 “ be murthered in Somerfct-hy.fe .” But unh y, Jf r ~ 
 rier willing to corroborate his evidence, added, I hat 
 “ Green’s being apprehended a month after the mender of 
 “ Godfrey, recalled to his mind, that the faid Green bad. 
 
 “ been with him on Saturday the 12th of Oflober , from 
 « eight to ten in the evening.” But, befides that. Green 
 was not arrefted till the 24th of December, that is to fay, 
 two months and twelve days after Godfrey smurder, he was 
 not taken up for this murder, but for refufing the oaths, 
 which could not caufe Worrier to remember, that Green 
 had been with him the day Godfrey was murdered. Green 
 added, “ That when Prance was taken up, he fliewed 
 “ fuch a deteftation of the fa£t, that he faid. Rather than 
 “ he fhould efcape, if he were guilty , he would be the exeat- 
 “ tioner himfelf:' In all likelihood, this proof appeared nut 
 very material to the Jury, ki behalf of Berry the Porter, Burnet, 
 the foldiers that were placed centinel at the gate, teftified, p ‘ 4+7 ' 
 
 “ That no Sedan went out of the gate that night that the 
 “ body was faid to be carried off, though one did come in, 
 il and that they could not be miftaken in fo plain a mailer. 
 
 And Berry’s maid declared, “ That her mailer was in bed 
 tt by twelve a clock that night, and never ftirred out, 
 tC which made it rmpoflible for him to be upon the whole 
 “ expedition.” 
 
 They all endeavoured likewife to invalidate Prance's evi¬ 
 dence, but the Court obferved, “ That it was impoffible 
 “ that Mr. Prance, a man of that mean capacity, Ihould 
 “ invent a ftory with fo many confifting circumftances, it 
 tc there was no truth in the bottom of it: But, adds the p hud. 
 Hiftorian whom I have often quoted, “ others obferved, <*■ 5 l Ji 
 “ That the ftory was invented by fome body c:fe of a 
 tc greater capacity.” Litis iniinuation is fuppoitcd only 
 upon his fyftem. But befides, hafl the penner of this Nar¬ 
 rative been fo able as is luppofed, it would not have been 
 difficult to give it a pcrfe£t agreement with Beuloes firft de- 
 pofition, whereas it was different in many icl'pech For 
 when a man is only to invent, and has falfe witnefles ready 
 to fupport the invention, he need not be much puzzled a- 
 bout the fails. . r 
 
 In condufion, the Jury brought them in all guilty of the ^ 
 murder. Whereupon, the Lord Chief Juftice Scnggs laid,, . • -d-, 
 “■ Thev had found the fame verdid that he would have^ ate ' [ ^ 
 “ found, if he had beea one with them.” p 
 
 They all three infilled, upon their innocence to the laft And txe- 
 moment of their lives. Berry owned, “ That he was a 
 “ Proteftant in his heart, but had for fome time dillembled f.ff 
 t( his Religion for his private advantage.” Ju, 
 
 Hill, to perfwade the Ordinary of Newgate of his inno- • 
 
 cence, gave him this notable proof of it j “ 1 Dat he had p>4|7 . 
 
 “ wronged one in a twelve-penny matter, which had io 
 “ troubfed his confciencc, that he had made reftitution 
 tc fince his condemnation, though he was in extreme want 
 “ of prefent neceflaries: ” And therefore he thus argued 
 with hftn, “ If I have taken fliameupon my felf, in con- 
 “ felling mv crime in the cafe of a trifle ; can you think I 
 “ would deny the murther to maintain my reputation r ” 
 
 Green and Hill were executed the 2 1 ft ot February ; but 
 Berry was reprieved till the 28th of May. 
 
 The time for the meeting of the Parliament.drawing THDuh, 
 near, the King, after examining the elections fore faw ‘fiffj™ 
 ftorm gathering againft the Duke of l :rk. Whcreioir, to Kcn . t _ 
 prevent it, and perfwade the new Paiiiament that his u 1111 -t • <>. 
 lels were not influenced by bis Brother, he reL.ved to lend 
 him away (1), and for that purpofe, the 28th of February, 
 writ him the following letter: , T ., 
 
 tc I have already given you my refolves at large, why 1 ■ff’f 
 tc think it fit that you Ihould abfent your feii lor fome tnr,c ; ^ _/ _ , i( 
 “ beyond the feas: As I am truly forry for the occaiion, / 
 c« fo may you be fare, I (hail never defire it longer than itVorJc. 
 tt w ,ii be abfolutely neceffary for your good, and my fer- 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 7°3 
 
 678-9. 
 
 vice. In the mean time, I think it proper to give it 
 you under my hand, That I expe£t this compliance 
 from you, and delire it may be as foon as conveniently 
 you can. You may eafily believe with wb,%t trouble I 
 write ; there being nothing I am more fenlibleof, than 
 the conftant kindnefsyou have ever had for me. I hope 
 you are as juft to me, to be allured, That noabfence, nor 
 any thing elfe, can ever change me from being truly 
 and kindly yours, C- 
 
 j , The Duke immediately obeyed, and the 3d of March 
 
 UrtlTn departed for Holland , with his Duchefs, and the Princefs 
 |e lull'd5. Anne his Daughter, from whence he went and refided at 
 
 Brujfth. 
 
 r. ending, Mean time, the King fearing that the new Parliament 
 Dan- would impeach the Earl of Danby, and that the Earl, in 
 bv m State- prevention of his own danger, would be obliged to reveal 
 h ' J |'-73*- fecrets, which he vvilhed to be concealed, granted him, 
 Burnet. ’ under the Great Seal, as full and compleat a pardon as 
 could be drawn 
 
 informations concerning the plot. Bedloe having delivered 1678 9. 
 in his information, the Houle refolved, “ an hum- 
 
 “ ble addrefs be made to his Majefty, that the five hundred 
 li pounds promifed by his Proclamation for the diicovcry of 
 “ the murder of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey , may be paid to 
 “ Mr. Bedloe, and that he would further be plcafed to or- 
 “ der, that the twenty pounds reward for the difeovery 
 “ of every Prieft, may be effectually paid to the difeo- 
 “ verers.” 
 
 By another addrefs they defired, “ That the care of A-.abtr. 
 
 “ Mr. Bedloe's fafety might be recommended to the Duke 
 “ of Monmouth.” The King anlvvered, “ That he would ‘ 
 
 “ take immediate care for the payment of the five hun-‘ J ‘ ’ 
 
 “ dred pounds, and the twenty pounds they defired : That 
 “ he had hitherto taken all the care he could of Mr. Bed- 
 t( loe: That he knew how confiderable his evidence was : 
 
 “ That he would fee hereafter, that he fhould want for no- 
 
 thing; but that he could not be anfwerable for him when 
 “ he went abroad.” 
 
 Upon the whole, the Commons came to a vote fomething AV-tmf 
 
 Hj-eub to tl>t King made a Speech, tending tofhow how well-affected he 
 " ‘ was 10 the laws of the land, and the Proteftant Religion. 
 
 He fpoke of his care in punifhinir, as well thofe concerned 
 in the plot, as the murderers of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, 
 and forgot not to mention the removal of the Duke of 
 York. Laftly, he demanded money for disbanding the ar¬ 
 my, for paying the fleet. The Chancellor enlarged upon 
 
 The new Parliament meeting the 6th of March, the like that in the laft Parliament, namely. 
 
 P . 36c 
 
 That the Houfe Comrrc 
 
 relanng U 
 
 doth declare. That they are fully fatisfied that there now ZbeConfoi- 
 is, and for divers years laft part hath been, a horrid and racy. 
 
 “ treafonable Plot and Confpiracy, contrived and carried 
 “ on by thofe of the popifh Religion, for the murthering 
 <e his Majefty’s facred perfon, and for fubverting the Pro- 
 “ teftant Religion, and the antient and well-cftabiifhed Go- 
 c< vernment of this Kingdom.” The Lords concurred to And:f tb, 
 all thefe joints with great exaggerations, according to his this vote without hefitation, as alfo to an addrefs to be pre- Lo ' d ‘’ 
 cuftom. fented jointly by both Houfes to the King, to pray him to 
 
 A.iilntnce The Parliament began with a warm difpute between the appoint a folemn day of humiliation and failing throughout 
 between the King and the Commons, about the choice of a Speaker, the whole Kingdom. The King granted their requeft, and AFaflaf. 
 Common, The° Commons having chofen Mr. Edward Seymour (1), the 1 ith of April was appointed to be kept as a publick faft^j^ 
 ao'.uttbt the King, who knew, Seymour was a particular enemy of day. p.361. 
 
 cb-.iee of a t j lC jv ar j 0 f £) a „by , refufed his approbation, and ordered The 2ad of March , the Commons ordered a Bill to be Ecfcard. 
 
 the Commons to proceed to a new choice. The Houfe brought in, to fecure the King and Kingdom againft the 
 
 Burnet. was extremely difpleafed with this refufal, alledging, That danger and growth of Popery. 
 
 Echard. if was mver known that a perfon fjould be excepted againf , The fame day the King going to the Parliament, fpoke 
 
 m. p- s a *> anr j no rea f n at a ll given, and that the thing itfelf of pre- to both Houfes in favour of the Earl of Danby. But thej^yT, f e '* 
 
 fenting a Speaker to the King, was but a bare compliment. Commons, unmoved with this Speech, were no fooner re- Kart of 
 The °King, on his fide, infilled on the approbation or re- turned to their Houfe, than they lent a meflage to the 5 
 
 fufal of a Speaker when prefented to him, as a branch of Lords, to demand that the Earl might be forthwith com- 
 
 his Prerogative (2). During a fix days difpute, the Com- mitted to fate cuftody The Lords feeing the paflion of An offer of 
 mons made feveral reprefentations to the King, to w’hich the Commons, offered them in a conference, the draught :be Lords ’ 
 he gave very (hurt anfwers. At laft, as the Commons of a Bill, by which the Earl of Danby fhould be for ever 
 ufut.'on!" 0 ' would not defift from what they thought their right, the incapable of coming to his Majefty’s prcfcncc, and of all 
 King went to the Parliament, and prorogued it from the offices and employments, and of receiving any gifts or 
 13th to the 15th; that is, for one day’s interval between grants from the Crown, and of lifting in the Houfe of 
 the two feffions. The Parliament meeting the 15th, the Peers. But the Commons were not fatisfied with fuch a r <jetl t Jhy 
 King ordered the Commons to proceed to the choice of a Bill, probably, for two reafons. The firfi was, that the <btC-.mn.,n,. 
 Speaker. Then, to avoid a revival of the difpute, they Earl of Danby had implacable enemies among the leading 
 chofe Mr. JVilliam Gregory Serjeant at Law, who was ap- Commons. The fecond, that purpofing to difeover the 
 proved by the King (3). King’s fccrets, by a ftricl examination of the Earl of Dan- 
 
 The Commons began with appointing a Committee to by s affairs, they law that this Bill was only an artifice, to 
 examine controverted ele&ions, threefcore petitions having conceal what they wilhed to know and divulge. 
 
 been already prefented. Mean time, the Commons hearing that the King had ibeC-.mmom 
 
 This affair being put into a way of determination, the figned a pardon for the Earl of Danby, appointed a Com- 
 
 Commons appeared refolved to purlue the matters which mittee to repair to the Chancellor, and inquire how this - 
 
 the late Parliament had left undecided. For this putpofe, pardon was fealed, and at whofe fuit. The Chancellor an- Vy c- 
 
 the 20th of March, they appointed a fecret Committee, to fwered, “ That it was done very privately, the King [‘^Z’o/Z. 
 
 take informations, prepare evidence, and draw up articles “ having ordered him to bring the Seal into his clofet, and Rennet, 
 
 againft the Lords that were impeached, and to take fuch “ lay it upon the table ; that his Majefly commanded the P- L 5 '- 
 
 Another 
 
 A fee' 
 
 Echard. further informations as fhould be given, relating to the plot 
 againft his Majefty and the Government, and the murder 
 of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey. At the fame time, they de¬ 
 fired the Lords, by an exprefs meffage, to remember the 
 impeachment of High-treafon exhibited againft Thomas Earl 
 of Danby-, in the names of the Commons of England, and 
 to commit him to fafe cuftody. They refolved alfo, that 
 it fhould be referred to the Committee of Secrecy, to draw 
 up further articles againft him. The Earl of Danby was 
 7 ' - Earl greatly embaraffed ; for he could not make his defence, 
 without producing the letters writ by his Majefty’s parti¬ 
 cular order, and other papers which the King was willing 
 to conceal. Wherefore he refolved to adhere to the benefit 
 of his pardon. 
 
 The next day, the 21ft of March, Dr. Tonge, Oates, 
 Bedloe, and a Scotchman, one Edmund Evcrard, anewdif- 
 
 of tie 
 of Danby 
 refumed. 
 
 Seal to be taken out of the bag, and ordered the perfon £ ^ 
 
 “ who ulually carried the purfe, to affix it to the pardon.” Echard 
 The Chancellor added in his juftification, ‘‘ That at the n1, 5 
 
 “ very time of affixing the Seal to the parchment, he did 
 “ not look upon himfelf to have the cuftody of the Seal : 
 
 “ That the pardon was palled with the utmoft privacy, at 
 u the defire of the Earl, who gave this reafon for it, That 
 “ he did not intend to make ufe of it, but to fand upon his 
 <e innocence, except falfe witnejfes fjould be produced againf 
 “ him ; and then he would make ufe of it at the lajl extre- 
 “ mit) : That notwithftanding this reafon, he advifed the 
 “ Earl to let the pardon pals in the regular courfe; but af- 
 “ ter confulting with the King, his ALjefty declared, He 
 “ was refolved to let it pafs with all privacy.” (4) 
 
 The Houfe, upon hearing this report, were inflamed a- 
 gainft the Earl, and one of the members (5), naming the 
 
 coverer, were called before the Commons, to give in their Earl of Danby , proceeded thus : 
 
 Echaid. 
 
 111. p. 516. 
 
 (1) Who was one of ihe Reprefenlatives for the Counly of Devon, and Treafurer of the Navy. Ker.r.et, p. 360. 
 
 (ii Without giving any leafcn to the perfons chufing, or the perfon chofen. Echard, Tom. 3. p 522. 
 
 (3) He w>! recommended by William Lord Rufftl. Ktnnet, p. 360. Burnet adds, the point was fettled, that therightof elefling was in the Houfe, and 
 that the confirmation was a thing of courfe, p. 453. 
 
 +) The King, in his Speech for the Ear), 1 aid, he had done noth'mg but by his order, and therefore he h id pardoned him ; and if there was any defcfl in hi* 
 pardon, he wculd pafs it over and over again, until it fhould be legal. Upon this a greatdebate was railtd, feme queftioned whether the King's pardon, efpeci- 
 aily when palled in Bar to an Impeachment, was good in Law : This would encourage ill Minifters, who would be always fureof a pardon. The King’s paid n 
 did indeed fecure one againft all prosecution at his fuit : Bur, as in cafe of murder an appeal lay, from which the King's paidon did not cover the perfon, fince 
 the King could no more pardon the injuries done his people, than he could forgive the debts that were owing to them j fo from a parity of reafon it was inter¬ 
 red, that fince the cftences of Minifters of State were injuries done the publick, the King’s pardon could trot hinder a profecutioo of Parliament, which feemed 
 lu be one of the chief fccurities, and moft elVential parts of our Conftltution.■ ■ - When the Bill of Baniftiment, which palled in the Houfe of Lords, was 
 
 fent down to the Commons, IVirr.ington fell on it in a moft turi..ns manner, and inflamed the Houfe fo, that (hough it was offered that the Earl Ihould be de¬ 
 graded of his Peerage as well as banilhed, and that no pardon fur the future fhould be pleaded in 3ir to an Impeachment j 'he Bill was thrown out by the 
 Corftmons, and a Bill of Attainder brought in, as will be l’een hereafter. Burnt, p, 453, 
 
 (.5) Mr, Bowie, afterwards one of the new Council, 
 
 --—The 
 
6 rj- 
 
 7 C 4 * 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. Vcl. II. 
 
 1679. 
 
 March 15. 
 Echaid. 
 
 111. P . 5 s8 
 
 To, Earl of 
 Shaflsbuiy'r 
 Speech. 
 
 7b, Earl of 
 
 v/itbdratvi. 
 A Bill f, re . 
 Jcrrtd a. 
 gain/} him 
 by tbt Com. 
 
 uTJl 
 
 U'fen¬ 
 der , h,m. 
 
 PS- i> 
 
 /on: u tbe 
 
 — . . to whom the dangers and 
 
 '• .‘cars of the Fiencb King againft us : The perfon to 
 ■' wh >-n we owe the threats and fevere anfwers to thofe 
 ‘ l • iddreJl'es we made the laft feffion of Parliament: 
 
 u 'I'he nei fon to whom we owe the ruin of this Nation, 
 :•:! rafting the King’s revenue: Theperfon to whom 
 " we owe the expence of two hundred thoufand pounds a 
 t,: year, unaccounted for: The perfon to whom we owe 
 “ ti ■ railing of a (landing army, to be kept up by the re- 
 
 ccipt of hx millions of Livres yearly, for three years, 
 “ to enflave u:, and our Religion: The perfon to whom 
 " v.c owe the late bone that was thrown in on the fitting 
 
 •• ot I : lad Parliament, to hinder the good iflue that 
 
 *' rnii'lu have come by their proceedings ; who is now 
 
 “ l.r. ir.a down his Staff, and making up his accounts in 
 
 “ the Tre.ifurv, as he pleafes, to enrich himfelf out of the 
 
 fp iih rif the People, and fo depart.” 
 
 I i ave often faid, That the People in general were per- 
 lwaded, not only of the reality of the plot, at leaft with 
 regard to the Government and Religion, but that even the 
 King and the Duke of York were the true authors of it. 
 This Speech plainly (hows, it was at leaft the opinion of 
 the Speaker, and when a member of the Commons advan¬ 
 ces fuch proportions, without a reprimand, one may be 
 fure he fpeaks the general fenfe of the Houfe. Befides, the 
 removal of the Duke of York was a demonftration, that the 
 King was not ignorant of his being fufpedled to fubmit too 
 much to the counfels of his brother. It is therefore hard to 
 conceive, why fo many fenfible men obftinately labour to 
 fhow, there was no real Plot, becaufe the article concerning 
 the defign of killing the King, may be doubtful. For, 
 the truth of the two other branches, concerning the Go¬ 
 vernment and Religion, flow's from fo many circumftances, 
 that one muft be wilfully blind not to fee it. Perhaps the 
 word Plot offends fome perfons, who cannot comprehend 
 how a King can plot againft his Subje&s. But if this is 
 all, there is a way to be foon agreed. Inftead of faying 
 there was a plot to fubvert the Government, and the Pro- 
 teftant Religion, let it be faid, there was a project or defign 
 on foot, headed by the King and the Duke of York , to 
 render the King abfolute, and introduce Popery. But this 
 is precifely what is meant by the Plot. For the defign of 
 killing the King was only an appendix to the plot, fup- 
 pofing it real, and an effect of the furious zeal of fome pri¬ 
 vate perfons, who thought to accomplifh the Plot better by 
 placing the Duke of York on the throne. 
 
 I (hall not infert here the Earl of Sbaftsbury's Speech in 
 the Houfe of Lords, becaufe fo much pains has been taken 
 to reprefent him as the great enemy of the King, and the 
 firft mover of the whole party, that whatever came from 
 him muft be (ufpeefed. I lhall produce, however, one paf- 
 fage of this Speech : Popery, fays he, and Slavery, iike 
 
 “ two fillers, go hand in hand ; fometimes one goes firft, 
 “ fometimes the other ; but wherefoever the one enters, 
 “ the other is always following clofe at hand. In Eng- 
 “ laud, Popery was to have brought in Slavery ; in Scot- 
 “ land. Slavery went before, and Popery was to follow.” 
 Thus much is certain, that his obfervation on the Slavery 
 of Scotland was exa&ly true, and that the Duke of Lau¬ 
 derdale, fupported by the Court, exercifed 2mong the Scots 
 a tyranny unknown to their fore-fathers. What therefore 
 could the EngliJ}) imagine, when they faw a neighbouring 
 Kingdom, invefted with no lefs Privileges than England, 
 governed in fo abfolute a manner, under the fame King 
 and the fame Miniftry ? Could they expert that the fame 
 principles would not be followed in England, if it could be 
 done with the fame ea r e ? 
 
 The fame day, the Lords fent a meflage to acquaint the 
 Houfe of Commons, that the Earl of Danby had with¬ 
 drawn, and could not be found. Whereupon the Com¬ 
 mons ordered, ‘ k That a Bill be brought in to fummon 
 “ Thomas Earl of Danby, to render himfelf toj iftice by a 
 “ day to be therein limited, or in default thereof, to at- 
 “ taint him,” The 3d of April, articles of impeachment 
 againft the five Lords in the Tower were drawn up by the 
 Commons, and carried to the Houfe of Lords, as well as 
 the Bill to fix a day for the Earl of Danby to render him¬ 
 felf to juftice. The Lords having fent back this laft Bill 
 with fome amendments, the Commons were diffatisfied, 
 becaufe the Lords were not of opinion, in cafe the Earl re- 
 fufed to furrender himfelf, to proceed againft him by Bill of 
 Attainder, but to content themfelves with inflicting other 
 penalties. The two Houfes had feveral conferences upon 
 this fubjedt, in which the Commons continued immoveable, 
 without any diminution of their rigour againft the Earl. 
 At laft the Lords paffed the Bill, and appointed the 23d of 
 April for the Earl’s furrendering himfelt to tryal. The Earl 
 feeing that his ablence could not hinder the Bill of Attain¬ 
 der from palling agair.it him, refolved at laft to furrender 
 
 l‘J See a Lift of this Council in Ktcrtt, p, 361. Echoed, Tom. III. p. 
 
 himfelf to tne Uftier of the Black- food, and the fame da’., i 
 he was fent to the Tower. The King then found himfelf 
 involved in greater difficulties than he had ever ltruggled 
 with before, as he faw, the Earl of Danby could not make 
 his defence without divulging his feerets. 
 
 If the King would have altered his maxims and princi- Tb, fcirg 
 pies, he might have been eaiily freed from thefe troubles. J-’"*' a 
 He had only to break his union with France , dilinifs thofe Tempi*’, ' 
 of his Minifters who w-ere unacceptable to tire Parliament, Men. 
 and act with fincerity for the intereft of the Kingdom, and 
 of the Protcftant Religion, abandoning all the projects he f ”"‘ 
 had hitherto formed. But he could not refolve to make 
 this faciifice, both becaufe he believed his honour concern¬ 
 ed, and his defign was only to gain lime, and amufe the 
 Parliament. It was with this view that, by the advice of 
 Sir William Temple , he refolved to eftablifh a new Council, 
 into which were admitted fome Lords null oppolue to 
 him, as the Earls of Sbaftsbury and Ef'ex This Council 
 confided of thirty members (ij, fifteen of whom were 
 ever to be the prefent chief Officers oi his Crown and 
 Houfhold. Ten were to be taken out of the nobility, and 
 five out of the Commons. But he took care in tins model 
 of his Council, to have a majority of inch as were devoid 
 to him. The Earl of Sbaftsluiy was made Prefident of 
 this Council, though no man was more hated by tt.e Kin?. 
 
 His atm was to perfwade the publick and the Parliamei. - ., 
 that he was refolved entirely to change his manner of go¬ 
 verning, and be guided in all affairs whatfoever, by the aa- 
 vice of the new Council. But this was only to amufe the 
 publick. For as it was not poffible for the King to de¬ 
 part from his principles, concerning Religion or Govern¬ 
 ment, fo moil of his new Court fcllors were not lor f..cr:- 
 ficing the royal authority to tbe will of tire Parliament 
 The Earl of Sbaftsbury would have been extremely pieaftd 
 with being Preudent of the Council, if his authority had 
 been propot tionabie to his office. But he quickly perceived, 
 lie was there only for Ihow, and to be lubfervient t<> the 
 King’s defigns, whilft others had his confidence. There 
 were chiefly four who had the direction of affairs commit¬ 
 ted to them, namely, the Earls of Sunderland and Elf lx, 
 the Lord Halifax, and Sir William Temple. Theft di- 
 gefted and prepared what was to be prupofed fo tbe Coun¬ 
 cil or the Parliament. 
 
 The King had no fooner made this alteration, than * 
 he came to the Parliament to acquaint them with it. But r-c'f.f j. 
 though the City of London , and the reft of the Kingdom mt " r m!li> 
 refounded with joyful Acclamations, and were perfwaded £ cn , 
 that things were going to change for the better, the Houfe P . -os! 
 of Commons received the news with great coldncfs. Echsrd ’ 
 They had not fufficient confidence in the King, to believe ,l1- p ' 
 he really intended to govern otherwife than he had hither¬ 
 to done, but thought this was lome new artifice, which 
 would foon produce its effe&s. So, by this change the 
 King gained not much ground in the Houfe of Commons. 
 
 I am fenfible, the diftruft of the Commons is al'cribed to , } z ... 
 Sbaftsbury ’s intrigues, and Sir JVilliam Temple even in- -vtu-.n 
 finuates it in feveral places. But it is not eafy to com- ^ f'" / f 
 prebend how a fingle man (hould have had credit enough in T-nT’ 1 ' 
 the Country-party, to dired them as he pleafed, if that Mnr. 
 party had not otherwife known what Sbaftsbury Iabouted t i: ' Ml r 
 to make them believe. For inftance, this Earl inlinuated *' 3lS w * 
 that the nation could not be iecured againft the Duke of 
 York, and that when he fliould once poflefs the Crown, all 
 provifions againft him would vanifh. Was he in the 
 wrong ? And was there need of fo great a credit to con¬ 
 vince the Country-party of a thing they were but t'>o well 
 convinced of before ? It is therefore a mere artifice folely to 
 impute the animofity of the Commons to the Earl of Shaft, - 
 bury, as if it had no other foundation than his credit and 
 intrigues, in order to remove thereby the juft and real oc- 
 calions of complaint againft the King’s Government. The 
 meafures purfued by the Court in the foregoing years, both 
 againft the eftablilhed Government and Religion had been 
 feen. What had the King done tocaufe them to be forgot ? 
 
 He had iffued out proclamations againft the Papift:;, but 
 they were fo ill executed, that they w'ere not apt to infpire 
 the Parliament with confidence. The King, under colour 
 that he might be ingaged in a war againft France, had 
 levied thirty thoufand men, and at the fame time was ne¬ 
 gotiating a yearly penfion with that Crown of fix millions 
 of livres for their maintenance, as plainly appeared from 
 the letters produced in Parliament. What had the King 
 done to remove the fears occafioned by this army ? He had 
 applied to their maintenance the money granted by the Par¬ 
 liament for their disbanding, and if he bad confented to 
 their being difmifled, it was becaufe he applied to another 
 ufe the money received from France. In fhort, was it 
 poffible to forget the tranfactions of the Cabal, the King’s 
 indolence with regard to the interefts of England and »f 
 
 536. and Appendix to Temple's Mem, p. 363. 
 
 all 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 /OS 
 
 i 1679. all Europe, the frequent prorogations of Parliament at criti¬ 
 cal times, when vigorous resolutions were taking againft 
 France grown too powerful ; his delign, in conjun&ion 
 with that Crown, of utterly deftroying the Common¬ 
 wealth of Holland ; defign fo dire&ly oppofite to the in- 
 terefts of England ? Could it not be feen, that the King 
 was without legitimate children, and the Duke of York his 
 brother and preemptive heir, not only a Papift, but alfo 
 a bigot to his Religion ? Could the tranfa&ions in Scotland 
 be concealed, where arbitrary Power was compleatly eftab- 
 lifhed ? I do but juft mention fome of the principal points, 
 for it would be too tedious to relate all the caufes of the 
 nation’s fufpicions and fears. After this, how is it poflible 
 to believe that Shaftsbury's intrigues and artifices were the 
 foie caufe of the Commons diftruft ? I do not doubt that 
 he contributed to them, and that being fo well informed, as 
 he was, of the King’s fecret defigns, he opened the eyes of 
 many people who perhaps would have been deceived by the 
 artifices of the Court. But this is not what is meant by 
 afcribing the People’s fears and jealoufies to the intrigues of 
 this Earl. That he was actuated by a fpirit of revenge, is 
 no concern of mine, but the event too plainly fhowed, how 
 agreeable were his advices to the intereft of the King¬ 
 dom. 
 
 A Defign While the alterations the new Council was to bring 
 dijcG-uiriti^to ; n t he affairs of the Government, were impatiently ex- 
 Echard.° °"" P e< ^ e( ^> the Commons were fuddenly alarmed by an infor- 
 ui. p. 540. mation of a frefh defign of the Papifts to burn London a fe- 
 cond time. The Houfe of one Bird in Fetter-Lane being 
 fet on fire, his fervant, Elizabeth Oxley , was fufpefted of 
 firing it on purpofe, and fent to prifon. She confeffed the 
 fa&, and declared, fhe had been employed to do it by one 
 Stubbs a Papift, who had promifed her five pounds. Stubbs 
 being taken up, confeffed, he perfwaded her to it, and that 
 Father Gifford his Confeflor put him upon it, telling him, 
 it was no fin to burn all the houfes of Hereticks. He added, 
 that he had frequent conferences on this affair with Gifford, 
 and two Irijh-men. Moreover Stubbs and the maid-fervant 
 declared, the Papifts were to make an infurre£tion, and ex¬ 
 pected an army of fixty thoufand men from France. The 
 Commons obtained a pardon for Stubbs and the fervant, in 
 confideration of their ready confeflion. But it was gene¬ 
 rally inferred from this incident, that ’twas not Gifford' s 
 fault that the City of London was not burnt as in the year 
 1666. 
 
 rote Op tbe 
 Con,mom a- 
 ,be 
 Duke of 
 
 Yrrk, 
 
 
 p. 363. 
 Echiirf. 
 
 'I be Earl of 
 Danby 
 fleath tbe 
 Kmg'ipar- 
 
 Sme-Trv 
 T.1I. p.733. 
 
 Kenner- 
 P 3 6 3- 
 
 7he Kinp'i 
 Speech to 
 tee ' arlra- 
 
 P- 363. 
 Ecfiard. 
 
 This accident produced an Addrefs from the Commons 
 to the King, for the execution of Pickering the Jefuit, and 
 the other condemned Priefts. 
 
 But the Commons flopped not there. The fame day 
 they refolved to fit on the morrow, though Sunday , to 
 confider of means for the prefervation of the King’s perfon, 
 and the Proteftant Religion againft the attempts of the 
 Papifts, both in the reign of the prefent King, and his 
 fucceffor. Accordingly the next morning they firll ordered 
 a Bill to be brought in to banifh all Papifts, or reputed 
 Papifts, within London and JVcJiminJler , twenty miles from 
 the fame, for fix months ; and then they voted, Nemine 
 Contradiccnte , “ That the Duke of York being a Papift, 
 ‘‘ the hopes of his coming fuch to the Crown, has given the 
 ‘‘ grcateft countenance and encouragement to the prefent 
 “ confpiracies and defigns of the Papifts againft the King 
 tc and the Proteftant Religion.” This vote was fent to 
 the Lords for their concurrence (1). 
 
 The 25th of April the Earl of Danby appeared at the 
 Bar of the Houfe of Lords, and there produced the King’s 
 pardon for all crimes and offences whatsoever committed be¬ 
 fore the 28th day of February laft. After which he was 
 fent back to the Tower. The Lords having given notice 
 of this to the Commons, they appointed a Committee of 
 Secrecy to examine the nature of the Earl’s plea, who 
 made their report, “ That there was no precedent, of a 
 “ pardon granted to any perfon impeached by the Com- 
 “ mons of High-T reafon, or other high-crimes depending 
 “ in the impeachment.” After this report, the Commons 
 defired the Lords to demand of the Earl of Danby , Whe¬ 
 ther he would rely upon, and abide by the plea of his pardon. 
 I his was the next day, and the Earl praying time to an- 
 fwer, the Lords allowed him four days. 
 
 The fame day, the King returned this an Twer to the 
 Commons addrefs for the execution of Pickering and other 
 Priefts : Gentlemen, I have always been tender in matters 
 of blood, which my Subjects have no reafon to take exception 
 at: But this is a matter of great weight, I Jhall therefore 
 confider of it, and return you an anfwer. 
 
 I he vote of the Commons concerning the Duke of 
 York touched the King very fenfibly, for he faw, they 
 did not intend to ftop there. He therefore went to the 
 Parliament the 30th of April, and in a fhort Speech recom¬ 
 mended to both Houfes the difpatch of three affairs: 1. The 
 prolecution of the plot. 2, The disbanding of the army. 
 
 3. The providing a fleet for the common fecurity. Then 1679. 
 to give them a proof of his care to preferve their Religion 
 for the future, he told them, That he had commanded his 
 Chancellor to mention feveral particulars, which he hoped 
 would be an evidence, that in all things that concerned the 
 publick fecurity, hejhonld not follow their zeal but lead it. 
 
 Accordingly, the Chancellor made the following Speech. 
 
 AJy Lords, and you the Knights , Citizens, and Burgffes of 
 the Houfe of Commons. 
 
 “ r |HAT royal care which his Majefty hath taken 7b : Lord 
 “ JL for the general quiet and fatisfa&ion of all his Sub- Chancellor’! 
 
 “ jedts, is now more evident by thefe new and frefh in- 
 “ ftances of it, which I have in command to open to you. 
 
 “ His Majefty hath confidered with himfelf, that it is not 
 “ enough that your Religion and Liberty is fecure during 
 “ his own Reign, but he thinks he ewes it to his People 
 “ to do all that in him lies, that thefe bleflings may be 
 “ tranfmitted to your Pofterity, and fo well fecured to 
 ‘‘ them, that no fucceffion in after-ages may be able to 
 ‘‘ work the leaft alteration. And therefore his Majefty, 
 tc who hath often faid in this place. That he is ready to 
 “ confent to any laws of this kind, fo as the fame extend not 
 £ ‘ to alter the defeent of the Crown in the right line , nor to 
 “ defeat the fucceffton, hath now commanded this to be fur- 
 tc ther explained. 
 
 “ And to the end it may never be in the power of any 
 “ Papift, if the Crown defeend upon him, to make any 
 “ change either in Church or State ; I am commanded to 
 “ tell you, That his Majefty is willing, that provifion 
 “ may be made, firft to diftinguifh a Popifh from a Pro- 
 ‘‘ teftant Succeflor ; then fo to limit and circumfcribe the 
 ‘‘ authority of a Popifh Succeflor, in thefe cafes following, 
 
 ** that he may be difabled to do any harm : Firft, in re- 
 “ ference to the Church ; his Majefty is content that care 
 “ be taken, that all Ecclefiaftical and Spiritual benefices 
 “ and promotions in gift of the Crown, may be conferred 
 ** in fuch a manner, that we may be fure the incumbents 
 “ fhall always be of the moft pious and learned Protcftants : 
 
 “ And that no Popifh Succeflor, while he continues fo, 
 
 “ may have any power to controul fuch prefentments. In 
 “ reference to the State, and civil part of the Govern- 
 “ ment, as it is already provided, That no Papifl can fit in 
 “ cither Houfe of Parliament ; fo the King is pleafed that 
 “ it be provided too, that there may never want a Par- 
 “ liament, when the King fhall happen to die, but that 
 “ the Parliament then in being may continue indiflolvable 
 “ for a competent time ; or if there be no Parliament in 
 “ being, then the laft Parliament which was in being 
 “ before that time, may reaflemble and fit a competent 
 “ time, without any new fummons, or eledtions. And 
 “ as no Papift can by law hold any place of truft, fo the 
 “ King is content that it may be further provided. That 
 “ no Lords or others of the Privy-Council, no Judges of 
 “ the Common Law, or in Chancery, fhall at any time, 
 
 “ during the reign of any Popifh Succeflor, be put in or 
 <c difplaced, but by the authority of Parliament: And that 
 “ care alfo be taken, that none but fincere Proteftants may 
 “ be Juftices of the Peace. In reference to the military 
 “ part, the King is willing, that no Lord-Lieutenant, or 
 “ Deputy-Lieutenant, nor no officer in the Navy, during 
 tC the reign of any Popifh Succeflor, be put in, or re- 
 c< moved, but either by authority of Parliament, or of 
 ec fuch perfons as the Parliament fhall intruft with fuch au- 
 * c thority. 
 
 “ It is hard to invent another reftraint to be put upon a 
 “ Popifh Succeflor, confidering how much the Revenue of 
 “ the Succeflor will depend upon confent of Parliament, 
 
 “ and how impoffible it is to raife money without fuch 
 “ confent. But yet, if any thing elfe can occur to the 
 <c wifdom of the Parliament, which may further fecure 
 ‘‘ Religion and Liberty againft a Popifh Succeflor, without 
 “ defeating the Right of Succeffion itfclf, his Majefty will 
 <c moft readily confent to it. Thus watchful is the King 
 <c for all your fafeties ; and if he could think of any thing 
 
 elfe, that you do either want or wifh to make you 
 “ happy, he would make it his bufinefs to effect it for 
 “ you. God Almighty long continue this blefled union 
 <c between the King, and his Parliament, and People.” 
 
 Thefe propofals were not received by the Houfe of Com¬ 
 mons with that applaufe, the King had expedted, The 
 Commons diftruft was too great for their fears and fuf¬ 
 picions to be removed by fuch offers. Though fome au- A p e ji e gi on 
 thors call this an infatuation in the Houfe of Commons, I upon ibt 
 think my felf obliged to remark, that the King offered 'Af‘ 
 indeed his confent to Adis of Parliament, but fuggefted no ^beLmtc of 
 means to fecure the execution. It was an artifice of the Voik’.fc- 
 Court of England, begun in the reign of James I, and c 'A m% 
 continued under Charles I. and II. to reprefent the laws as 
 the impregnable bulwark of the nation’s liberties. And 
 
 7 Q. 
 
 yet 
 
 ( 1 ) By William Lnrd Rujfd ; for which he paid dearly afterwards. 
 
 No, 79. V 0 L. II. 
 
o6 
 
 Vol. II, 
 
 The HI STOUT of ENGLAND, 
 
 ye? thefe three Kings had, on feveral occafions, tranf- 
 grefied them. I fhall give here fome inftancc'*, to which 
 many more might be added. Were the Laws enabled for 
 the prefervation of Religion under "Jama I, punctually ex¬ 
 ecuted ? Of what benefit could Laws made for the fccurity 
 of their Liberties be to the Subje&s, fince James I. laid 
 down for principle, that though, in confcience and honour, 
 the King ought to govern his Subjects with equity, he 
 might neveithelefs by the extent of his power, govern in 
 an abfolute manner, without any controul ? Did the Peti¬ 
 tion of Right retrain Charles I. from levying Ship-money ? 
 Did the Laws hinder the fame King from governing 
 twelve years without a Parliament, and from raifing money 
 in that interval by an abfolute authority r Had Charles II. 
 been more fcrupulous ? Was it in virtue of the Laws that 
 he Ihut up the Exchequer, and feized the Money theie 
 without the confent of the proprietors r Was it for the 
 better execution of the Laws, which feem to fecure the 
 liberties of the Subject, that he received annually from 
 France a penfion of lix millions of livres ? Of what ufe 
 therefore are Laws, the execution whereof no human 
 power can warrant, when the interefts of the Prince and 
 People are diametrically oppofite, which could not fail to 
 happen in the reign of a Popilh Succefior ? This fuffices 
 to demonftrate, that the King’s offer of his afl'ent to the 
 A£ls he propofed, was incapable of difpelling the fears of the 
 People, becaufe not only no expedient was propofed to fe¬ 
 cure the execution, but it was not even in his power to 
 give any fecurity. But it will be asked, what other expe¬ 
 dient was there for fecuring the Religion and Liberties of 
 the nation, confiftent with the right of fucceffion ? I con- 
 fefs there was none, arid affirm withal, that thofe offered 
 by the King were infufficient. But to whom was this iin- 
 poffibility owing ? To the Duke of York alone, who had 
 openly declared himfelf a Papift, and from that time in- 
 celfantly excited both England and France to promote the 
 interefts of his Religion, as the letters of his Secretary Cole¬ 
 man manifeftly Ihow. To enable the Reader to judge of 
 this matter, being the moft material of this reign, I fhall 
 here propofe fome queftions which are neceflary to be de¬ 
 cided before he can determine in favour of the King or 
 Pari iament. 
 
 Queftion the firft. Whether there was any danger to 
 England in admitting a Popifh Succefior ? 
 
 This the King himfelf did not deny, fince he propofed 
 expedients to prevent this danger ? 
 
 zd Queftion. Whether the expedients propofed by the 
 King, were capable of preventing this danger ? 
 
 This is what no Peri'on can cither pofitively affirm or 
 deny. For if, on one hand, it may be fuppofed, that a po¬ 
 pifh fuccefibr would have fincerely complied with the Acfts 
 propofed by the King, it may, on the other hand, with 
 equal juftice be fuppofed, that the Duke of York, the im¬ 
 mediate fuccefibr, confidering his principles, his humour, 
 his temper, his zeal for his Religion, would never have pa¬ 
 tiently fuffered himfelf to be reftrained by thefe Abls of 
 Parliament. But this was a contingency which God alone 
 could foreknow. 
 
 3d Queftion. The Commons not believing the expe¬ 
 dients offered by the King fufficient to prevent the danger, 
 and the King believing the contrary, who was to yield, the 
 King, or the People reprefented by the Commons ? 
 
 I his is what I fhall not pretend to decide. 
 
 4th Queftion. Which evil was greateft, That of break¬ 
 ing the lineal Succeffion in the exclufion of the Duke of 
 York , or that of expofing the eftablifhed Religion to ruin ? 
 
 This Queftion fuppofes, that the Kings of England fuc- 
 ceed by a Right purely Hereditary. But this fuppofi- 
 tion is greatly contefted. It may at leaft be affirmed, that 
 feveral Parliaments have decided J the contrary (1). As to 
 the queftion in itfelf, it may at leaft be averred, that in 
 France , in a parallel cafe, upon the death of Henry III, 
 the interefts of the Catholick Religion were, without hefi- 
 tation, preferred to thofe of Henry IV, who was a Pro- 
 teftant, and the next Heir : But many pretended, that as 
 the French did ill, fo the Englijh Parliament was to blame 
 to imitate them. 
 
 5th Queftion. The two evils, namely, the breach in 
 the Succeffion, and the expofing of the Proteftant Religion, 
 being fuppofed perfedly equal, which was to fufter, the 
 Rights of the Duke, or the Religion of the Nation ? 
 
 Some pretend, that the right of Succeffion is not to be 
 violated upon any confideratiun, and that the interefts of 
 Religion extend not fo far as to authorize fuch a violation. 
 Others on the contrary maintain. That when things were 
 reduced to fuch a ftate, that the Duke or the People mud 
 fulfer, the Duke ought to be the fufferer, fince it was he 
 who had brought matters to that ftate. 
 
 The Reader ought to determine thefe queftions, before 
 lie gives a definitive fentence upon this affair. 
 
 The day after the King’s and the Chancellor’s Speeches j C * 
 to both Houfes, the Commons, without taking any great 
 notice of his Majefty’s propofa's about the Succeffion, pro- Echsrd ‘ 
 ceeded on the Bill for preventing the dangers arifin" from 
 Popery, as well in his reign, as his fuccei.oi’s. 
 
 They alfo read the firft time a Bill for better prevention 
 of illegal exalt ion of money from the Suljedi ; and ordered 
 another to be brought in, “ That when any member of 
 ‘‘ the Houfe was preferred to any office or place of profit, 
 
 “ a new Writ fhould immediately iflue out for electing a 
 “ member to ferve in his Head.” 
 
 The 5th of May they refolved, “ That the pardon Judgment 
 “ pleaded by the Earl of Z ’ ln d void ”, and <> ltd 
 
 the Speaker, with the whole Houfe, went up to the Lords ,hc 
 Bar, and demanded judgment againft him. D-nby^ 
 
 Shortly after they drew up an addrcfs againft the Duke R ^ner. 
 of Lauderdale, in the ftrongeft terms that could be ufed Q 
 which was carried in a lull body to the King. But it “Kltfof* 
 feems the Ki ,g could not then part with this Mmifter, the ^‘Lrdalc. 
 laft of the Cabal, and therefore ;,c coldly anfwered, That r?'. 
 he would conftder of it, and •eturu an atfwer. 
 
 In the mean time, the King ent a meflage to the Com Picker?™ 
 mons by the Lord Ruff el, who acquainted the Houfe, Br : ie,cd '* 
 “ That his Majefty commanded him to ],-? the Houfe m/"?" 7 ’ 
 “ know, that he was willing to comply wit.'. V.'. 
 
 “ concerning Pickering, and that the Jaw Ihoul' pal u 
 
 “ him accordingly : 'That as to the condemned Priefts, the 
 <c Houfe of Peers had fent for them, in order, as his Ma- C * 
 
 “ jeftv conceived, to fome examinations. That he repeat- 
 “ ed his inftances to them for putting the fleet in a good 
 “ pofture, for difpatching the difeovery of the plot, the 
 ‘ c tryal of the Lords, and the Bill for the fecurity of Re- 
 tc ligion.” 
 
 After this meflage, the Commons finifhed the Money- ^ Mc,y. 
 bill for disbanding the army, which the King pafled the B,!! P a P^- 
 9th of May. By this Aift a fupply was granted to the Echard * 
 King of two hundred and fix thoufand, foui hundred 
 fixty-two pounds, feventeen fhillings and thrcc-pence, for 
 paying off and disbanding the forces railed fince the 29th of 
 September 1677. The A<ft had a claufe in it, that for the 
 future, Soldiers Jhould not he quartered in any perfon s houfe 
 againjl their confent. 
 
 At the fame time the Lords informed the Commons, State Try. 
 that the Earl of Danby refolved to adhere to the plea of his T - 11 • 
 Pardon ; and that the Commons having demanded judg- |^ e rd * 
 ment againft him, as conceiving his pardon illegal and null, 
 the tenth inftant was appointed for hearing the Earl of 
 Danby to make good his plea. The Lords likewife ac¬ 
 quainted the Commons, that they had refolved, the five 
 Lords in the Tower fhould be brought to their tryals the 
 14th inftant. 
 
 The part of the meflage concerning the Earl of Danby ft 
 fo offended the Commons, that they refolved, “ That no itiwixt 
 “ Commoner whatfoever fhould prefume to maintain the^QQ 
 “ validity of the pardon pleaded by the Earl of Danby, 7 f Danby'i 
 “ without the confent of the Houfe firft had, and that the 
 <c perfons fo doing, fhould be accounted betrayers of the 
 “ Liberties of the Commons of England." This vote was 
 polled up in feveral places, that no perfon might be igno¬ 
 rant of it. The true reafon of thefe proceedings was, that Burnetf 
 by the examination of the feveral articles of the Earl’s im- ' 
 peachment, the Commons hoped to difeover the King’s fe- 
 cret pra&ices with the Court of France ; whereas the Kin" 
 by his pardon had put the affair in fuch a ftate, that there 
 would have been no occafion to examine the Earl of Dan- 
 by's anfwers to the articles exhibited againft him. 
 
 The vote of the Commons much inflamed the diffe¬ 
 rences that were already begun between the two Houfes, 
 about the manner of proceeding againft the five Lords in 
 the Tower. For the Lords had addrefi'ed the King to ap¬ 
 point a Lord High-Steward to prefide in the tryals ; hut 
 the Commons, thinking it unneceflary, propofed/ “ That 
 “ a Committee of both Houfes might be nominated to con- 
 “ fider of the moft proper ways and methods of proceeding 
 “ upon impeachments.” And this is what the Lords re- 
 fufed, which occafioned a warm difpute ; but at laft the 
 Lords agreed to the nomination of the Committee. 
 
 The fame day the Lords communicated to the Houfe of 
 Commons, a petition from the Earl of Dar.ly , in which he 
 fet forth, “ That he met with informations fcverally from 
 “ his Council, that he durft not appear to argue the vali- 
 “ dity of his pardon, by reafon of the vote of the Houfe 
 tc of Commons.” Their Lordfliips therefore defired to 
 know, Whether there was any fuch vote a\ ivas allcdgcd in 
 the Petition ? 
 
 It appears plainly in the proceedings of the Commons, 
 that they only fought occafion to drive things to extremity. t/e cL'Jtnt 
 With this view, they prefented an addrefs to the King, J :r lbc ,a " 
 taking notice, “ That multitudes of Jefuits, Popifh Pi iefts, <bt 
 “ and Popifh Recufants, reforted to the cities of London May 10*. 
 
 Rennet. 
 
 Echanl. 
 
 (1) Particular .jr an aft pafled in Queen E/isoaictb 1 reign, affating the Power of the Parliament to limit the Succ flion of the Crswn. 
 
 “ and 
 
Book xxiii. 
 
 26. CHARLES it. 
 
 1 679. 
 
 N1 Bill 
 
 brought 1 n 
 y 11 njt the 
 
 J)uU Of 
 
 <£ and ITc/iminJlcr , in contempt of his Majefly’s hws and 
 “ royal Proclamations. Wherefore they humbly befought 
 his Majefty, that the Militia of London , IVeJiminJier , 
 “ Southwark , the Tower-Hamlets, of Middlefcx and S«r- 
 “ might immediately be raifed, and put in a pofture 
 “ of defence.” The next day, though a Sunday , they 
 ‘ ordered a Bill to be brought in, (purfuant to their refoive 
 that day fortnight) To difable the Duke of York to inherit 
 
 fixe fnitterinl {'.\-r\mn nf Hn'-rlinrl lr\ I „ r.— 
 
 707 
 
 I 67^. 
 
 “ fhould be guilty of high-treafon. 5. That if the Duke 
 ‘‘ ”' mfelf ever returned into any of thefe Dominions, con- 
 ldermg the mifchiefs that muft enfue, he fliould be 
 ‘ looked upon as guilty of the fame offence ; and all per- 
 ‘ fon ® wer f authorized and required to feize upon and im- 
 c prifon him, and in cafe of refifiance made by him and 
 “ his adherents, to fubdue them by force of Arms.” 
 
 If* hyialCrdm if England (,) /mmediMel y after wh^the^ueffion ‘bdng'U" whether^ “he flT’flSd ^X 
 
 ~ ‘ tW2S CarrL b> ' 2 ***** ' ■ 
 
 “ would fland by his Majefty with their live3 and fortunes: This’ affair h»;„g h,„„„ n , , , 
 
 and tbatifhi. Majefty fhould come by any Violet dead, X ^ MsSS.'t ‘FlV ^SS. 
 
 “ they would revenge it to the utmoft upon the Papifts.” means of Sir p„ v 1 . enr ' , 1 
 
 This was foon afier put into the form of an addrefs, and had rereived annual Penfions^mm" ^ er |:-. dircovered who 
 prefented to the King, who thanked then,, and Paid, That , l ™ n , ** Km ?* , tw f « 
 
 Lt" ht wm, f *’*'<'» ’rJf’jffT'*' *«!?«« X‘%‘- four hundred pound’s (6), four of“thra hFXd pou’n*! 
 
 txztxxt es - m,gh> be ,k xzxzr z r Ber,de5 ’ 4* ^ 
 
 In the mean time, he Pent them a meflage the tath of more were brought in forVilm ■ " mS •*' ' lme ' 1 " rCC 
 M V , to remind them of what he had faid concerning the Z Zfor uncert n Fumy Tho hTv Up °\ aCC °“ m ' 
 
 Til Z the , C ,ff r f° n of . '{■“ «%. was ad i™™- not very confiderable, it is'fo however, ft H c^fitoeT 
 ed till the next Monday feven-mght. thar in rK~ ,r* n i s T nnae rea, 
 
 ,-a- ti. f' e i u rr r . , tnac ,n trie riotile of Commons, there are members v- h< 
 
 st differ- f he Committee of both Houfes mcctiua to confider nf nrf* 5 h« c c u lcmucrs > v,, 
 
 rlr- ‘>’ a ->• a " d “f f t *> impeached Lords^there Xs X XXC XT 
 
 S the Bifhops; the Commons pretending, tTa ’the B (hop! newer ^ , ZT‘ ^ P '"'° nS ’ ^ i. m them 
 
 i*- -Id J fit upon the trval tFf the impeach LorT^- *ZZ ’“ '“ m lh = 
 
 B'M 
 
 Burnet 
 
 Kcnnet. 
 
 ’The exclu- 
 fion Bill is 
 
 5 xavm..iu.« IVIV-lt-MUIJIg, Llldl LUC UUIlOpS 
 
 could not fit upon the tryal of the impeached Lords, be- Houfe’in favour oMhe^eo^’ 
 
 caufe it was a cafe of blood. The Peers on the other I n the mean time the Kina beina ^ar i . - , 
 
 hand maintained, « That the Lords Spiritual have a tight the Commons, Xhea^g XemFf, Shef'SeTm X ' 
 
 and ° CCari0n,:d fCVeral b °° kS “ tC Writ ° nb ° th ,0 inflamc the n«ion agataft him, refold to pmrafue The'<»fl- 
 At laft, on the 15th of May, the Commons read the LorXhe’avdFo/'/i/av' 1 and' fendmF"? t0 '^rioure of 
 firft time their Bill ,.to difabl, the Duke of York from Me- palled home Bills, and particularly oil e° hrTJringTZLi’ 
 ruing the Impend Crown of England, now called the Ex- bertv of the Sublefl called .he n . V„ L , 
 
 edfon-Bill. After the particulars of the confpiracy againft then prorogued the Parliament to the , 4 th of Jag,f’ f 
 the King, the ef abhlhed Government, and the Proteftant this the Exclufion-Bill was defeated for a time 7 7 
 
 ?£*- “ S Thatt e he l E.ni 1 raries h , Priefts, and Agents for the had'fo S 
 
 /ton B*U. ‘‘ P°P e ) liat * c rai terou (lyfeduced James Duke of iork, pre- they thought the time was come to be revenged of the^r * /,be A ' ch ' 
 fumptnc heir to thefe Crowns, to the Communion of perfecutors Short A'chhifhnn nf Sr 4 u ^ b, Jh r f r t -Vf, 
 
 “ the Church of Rome ; and had induced him to enter in- moft hated of theft enemies If R ’ V£ U*. 
 
 “ »**? f> " 9 *™™ the Pope, his Cardinals, and Z ofM,ZXl £^ Shi had X SS 
 
 :: Nu ft' ’ d fo i ‘; romotmg tbe u Rm,ijh thurd, and in - X ^Mth e za “ f , he L z 
 
 “ terefts ! b y bis means and procurement had advan- tenuing an extraordinary veal for Zf Z Y. \ j P 
 
 - ced the power and grea.nefs of the French King, to the vailed 1 be d“S to IL j Fhc $ S ’ , “ Pr , e - 
 
 p azard of ther p f i!i ngdo 'f s ; tilJt by llefcent care of their interefts, but had bafely betrayed 3 them "This 
 .. ° f d he rrif'™*"' 8 i P °" 3 W’ ?? d b y/ ore, S n all ' ance raifed him to the Archbilhoprick of St Andrew, and fmm 
 
 dencres; and of enjoying any of the trtles, rights, pre- folved to begin their revenge upon their enemim Zb hi 
 <t r ° eaand r rc ' enae />. belonging to the find Crowns. Archbifltop. For this pufpofe they waited for himXm 
 2 I hat in cafe his Majefty fhould happen to dye, or two miles from St. Andrews, where he was going' A 
 refign his dominions, they fhould devolve to the perfon coach and fix, and moft inhumanly and barbaroufl/mm 
 next in fucceffion, in the fame manner as if the faid dered him, calling him, ah flan, betrayer of the Jdh Zd 
 Duke were dead. 3. That all a£ts of Sovereignty and terfecuter ofChri/l’s Church Thlc r, , 1 . &)■> and 
 
 ‘‘ Royalty that Prince might then happen to perform, the ad of May f). In the'end of the’ fimTe momhXhX. . 
 we , rc n0 ‘ 1 °?y V0, Ce bUt “ be hl §b-treafon, Presbyterians appeared inarms, and in a foe *v S tZ""" Zh 
 
 and punifhable as fuch 4. That ,f any one, at any number increafed to fifteen hundred They ft,’zed CM 
 “ ^batfoever fhould endeavour to bring the faid cow, and feme other towns in the neighlLXod afd fc' 
 Duke into any of the forementioned dominions, or cor- committed great outrages ° * Echjrd'. 
 
 refpond wtth him, m order to make him inherit, he The King hearing of this rebellion, and that it daily ga- s ,p pr .jr, d 
 
 («) This Bill was ordered to be drawn up by Mr. Benttet, Mr. Trettcbard, Sir Nicholas Carew Sir Pr.hert *■ c n , of Monf^ 
 
 was carried by the Majority that the Bifhops had a Right to vote. WhereuDon the Cnmmnni ZrU t, f,^ el " ere "• Upon a debate it 
 
 ess 
 
 , E>in n ,k.i«..in.,: .»dtoJ;, l . n di,ii« 7 .™^E t i»^f^^'. i. ” 1 "' 1 ’ '“r *«* *■ *•»»»*» 
 
 part of the Clcr ? y delivered themfelves up to much heat and indifcrction, ' which was vateiPbo? “n'their"pu'bits "and" V P?n **** ^ 
 
 - . 
 
 d d in great I.. ... .. 
 
 loci, Fvivlcr, Scot, Ca/jr, 
 
 {3) Yeas 207. Noes 
 
 1 . . ■“■■■7 inucutinits tiiat DiOJC 
 
 the Church I rnm thofe Reproaches, that the foil 
 C/agitj Cudworlb, the two At.ret, Williams & 
 
 1 < f others drew upon her, i 
 Burnet, p. 460- 462. 
 
 : UllotJon. 
 
 TennJ.n, Sharp, Patrick, Sber- 
 
 ir Jarr.cs Smith, Sir Philip Howard, Sir Richard IVJem an, and Randolph Eger ton. 
 
 va 1 “i" £U , ■ '"“'-o 1 
 
 (4) Sir Courtney Pocol and Sir Job Charlton, 
 
 (5) Sir Jonathan Trelawny, Robert Roberts, Sir 
 
 (6) Sir Charles Wheeler, ar.d Thomas Prtce. 
 
 (7) Sir John Barnaby, Sir Lionel Walden, Daniel Collinrw ,d, an d Robert Pbihti 
 
 fvrtov. Mo »U. riding tl.iongh . Moo, n,., St. drdr.-.C, r ” ihl,o"' r ’ , h " ' “ di ?'T ,hc *•*’+ O.ro.t f.,,. „ 
 
 coming from . C-unril-D.y, „,d ... driving bnmr, h„i„. f ”, feme 7b W.i“h 7 “ 7 V ' A '‘dbift T Co.ch kppr.i. 
 
 on Complin,™, | fn thal rhr.n worn no Horfr,, .LiVTJch n.l f 1 ’ ^ "i '“"A”"’ ht ”” “«!"«. «>» h, h.d f.n, oS 
 
 Ood had now dclivr.cd opihvir ,„™ y in .„ ih.i, H,'d7 S»J„f k 7',. ' 7 ,1 “o" lh 'j r Enthu (in Ale In Nmiom. ,h« 
 
 C, « Qowo, b« .id not tduch U, Body. Upon M th.p dr,w him no, of i„ Job" S *»« “* 
 
 a party of 
 
 thered 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 708 
 
 1679. 
 
 '? be 'fry a I Oj 
 
 C de- 
 
 Srate-Try. 
 
 illp.831 
 
 0.831,83: 
 
 DugJalc’s 
 
 depofitum. 
 
 It), p 836. 
 
 The HISTO RT 
 
 thered ftrength, fent the Duke of Monmouth at the head of 
 fome Englifis forces, who were joined by fome Scotch regi¬ 
 ments. The Duke difeharged his commifiion with luch 
 bravery and fuccefs, that the 2 2d of June he entirely de¬ 
 feated the rebels, [ at Bothiucll bridge,] killed eight hundred, 
 and took about twelve hundred prifoners. Several were 
 .hanged, and the reft were tranfported. 
 
 Shortly after the prorogation of the Parliament, the five 
 Jefuits, IVlntcbread , Harcourt , Fenwick , Gawen, and 
 Turner, were tried. The 1 3th of June they were brought 
 to the Old Baily , where their indictment was read, and 
 the witnefles heard. 
 
 Oates's evidence was. “ 1. That the great Confult of 
 « the 24th of April 1678, was by order of IVhitebread the 
 £c Provincial, and that he, Fenwick, Harcourt, and Tur- 
 “ tier, did all in his prefence fign the refolve for the King’s 
 “ death. 2. That IVhitebread , after his return to St. O- 
 “ mcr s, did fay, He hoped to fee the black Fool's head at 
 “ Whitehall, laid fafi enough ; and if his Brother Jhould 
 ‘ £ appear to follow his footf.eps , his pafport Jhould be made 
 “ too. 
 
 “ 3. That in July , Afhby a Prieft, brought over in- 
 “ ftrutfiions from IVhitebread, to offer Sir George IVakeman 
 ten thoufand pounds topoifon the King ; and alfo acom- 
 ** miflion to Sir John Gage to be an officer in the army 
 “ they defigned to raife, which the witnefs delivered to 
 “ Sir John. 
 
 4. As for Gawcn , though he could not pofitively fay, 
 
 “ he faw him at the confult, yet he faw his hand fubferibed 
 “ to the refolve : And that in July 167S, he gave them 
 “ in London, an account how profperous their affairs were 
 “ in Staffordjhire and Shropfhire ; that the Lord Stafford 
 ic was very diligent, and that there was two or three thou- 
 “ fand pounds ready there to carry on the deiign ; all 
 “ which he afterwards heard him declare in Father Ire- 
 “ land's chamber.” 
 
 Stephen Dugdale , a new witnefs, depofed, “ 1. Againft 
 “ Vhitebread , that he faw a letter under his hand to Fa- 
 “ ther Evers a Jefuit, and Confeffor to the witnefs ; in 
 “ which he ordered him to be fure to chufe men that were 
 “ hardy and trufty, no matter whether they were Gentle¬ 
 st men : And he fwore what they were to do ; that the 
 
 “ words under his hand were in exprefs terms,- For 
 
 “ killing the King. 
 
 “ z. Againft Gawen he fwore, that he entertained the 
 ts witnefs to be of the confpiracy to murder the King, as 
 one of thofe refolute fellows deferibed by IVhitebread ; 
 “ and for that end they had feveral confultations in the 
 “ Country ; as at Bofcobel, and at Tixall in September 
 1678. And he heard them talk in one of thofe confults, 
 “ that it was the opinion of the Monks at Paris , who 
 “ were to aflift in the confpiracy. That as foon as the deed 
 14 was done , they Jhould lay it on the Presbyterians , and fo 
 “ provoke the other Proteftants to cut their throats. That 
 he had intercepted and read above a hundred letters to 
 “ the fame purpofe, to be delivered by private marks, 
 ‘‘ known to Father Evers. 
 
 “ 3. That the witnefs himfclf was fo zealous in the 
 “ caufe, that he had given them four hundred pounds for 
 “ carrying on the defign, which Gawen had made him be- 
 “ lieve wis not only lawful, but meritorious ; and that he 
 was to be fent up to London by Harcourt , there to be in- 
 “ ftru&ed about killing the King. 
 
 “ 4. That the fame Harcourt did write word to Father 
 “ Ever:, of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey's being difpatched, 
 “ that very night it was done ; fo that they knew of it in 
 “ Staffordjhire feveral days before it was commonly known 
 “ in London (1). And to confirm this teftimony, he pro- 
 “ duced Air. Chetwin, a Gentleman, who fwore, he did 
 Li hear it reported as from Mr. Dugdale ; and that he was 
 “ not in town when the murderers of Sir Edmunbury God- 
 “ J'rey were tried, or elfe he then would have witneffed 
 “ the fame. 
 
 ■. Againft Turner he fwore, “ That he faw him with 
 “ otheis, at Evers's chamber ; where they confulted toge- 
 ther to carry on this deiign, of bringing in Popery by 
 “ killing the King.” 
 
 Prance depofed, ‘‘ 1. That Harcourt one day paying 
 ** L.n for an image of the l it gin Mary, told him, there 
 ‘ l v. as a defign ot killing the King : 2. And that Fenwick 
 4 ‘ told him in Ireland's chamber, that there fhould be fifty 
 • thoufand men in arms, in a readinefs to fettle their Re- 
 iigion, and that they fliould be commanded by the Lords 
 “ Beliefs, Powis , and Arundel of Warder .” 
 
 »•- Bcdloe depofed, “ 1. That lie had fecn IVhitebread and 
 
 of ENGLAND, 
 
 “ Fenwick at feveral confults about the plot ; and that he 1679. 
 
 “ had heard IVhitebread at Harcourt' s chamber, tell Cole- 
 “ man, the manner of fending the four Ruffians to IV'md- 
 “ for to kill the King. 
 
 “ 2. That he faw Harcourt take out of a cabinet about 
 “ fourfeore or a hundred pounds, to give to a meftenger, 
 
 “ to be carried to the faid Ruffians, with a guinea to the 
 “ meflenger, to drink Mr. Coleman s health. 
 
 “ 3. That IVhitebread told him, that Pickering was to 
 “ have a great number of Malles, and Grove fifteen hun- 
 “ dred pounds for killing the King. 
 
 “ 4. That Harcourt employed him three feveral times p . g,-, 
 u to carry their confults beyond the feas ; and that in 
 “ Harcourt' s prefence, he received Coleman's thanks for his 
 <c fidelity, and that Harcourt recommended him to the 
 “ Lord Arundel, who promifed him great favour when the 
 “ times were turned : Alfo that he faw Harcourt give 
 “ Wakeman a Bill to receive two thoufand pounds, in part 
 “ of a greater fum ; and heard Sir George fay, fifteen thou - p 843. 
 
 “ fand pounds was a final/ reward for the fettling of Reli- 
 “ gion, and preferving the Three Kingdoms from ruin." 
 
 Befides thefe evidences, there was a letter found amongft A L-r- 
 Harcourt's papers, from one Petre a Jefuit, which named ^ 
 a meeting defigned on the 24th of April 1678. This letter 
 ferved to fortify Oates' s evidence of the Grand Confult. 
 
 But this was explained by the prifoners to fignify a triennial 
 meeting about the choice of a Procurator to be fent to 
 Rome, though not to the full fatisfadtion of the Court, which 
 looked upon it as an evafion. 
 
 The defence made by the prifoners was various and The Pr’j 3 „irt 1 
 long. Befides their frequent affeverations and proteftations de f‘ ric - 
 of their innocence (2), and their ignorance of any defigns p * 3;> ’ 
 againft the King, they much argued againft the witnefles, 
 infilling : 4 ‘ That to the making of a credible witnefs, p _ s+6j g . g< | |; 
 “ there mull be integrity of Life, truth of Teftimony,* 
 
 “ and probability of Matter ; but the witnefles againft 
 “■ them, Oates, Bedloe , Prance, and Dugdale , were men 
 “ of defperate fortunes, and flagitious perfons, and that 
 “ falfe fwearing was their livelihood.” 
 
 I cannot forbear remarking here by the way, that if this A Remth* j 
 maxim, That to make a credible witnefs , there mufil be in¬ 
 tegrity of life, was received without reftridlion, it would be 
 almoft impoflible to prove fuch plots as this, becaufe com¬ 
 monly, only villains engage in them, and they are difeo- 
 vered by complices. 
 
 “ They alledged particularly the great improbability of ibid, 
 tc trufting Oates with fecrets of the higheft importance, 
 
 “ when he was turned away from St. Omer's for his mif- 
 “ demeanours and immoralities, which were fo great, that 
 “ he was denied the Sacrament, They charged him with 
 “ contradi£lions, with relation to his former evidences.” 
 
 Thefe contradictions confifted, in that Oates had faid 
 before the Council, that he knew no more, and yet added 
 many things afterwards. I lhall not repeat here what I 
 have faid elfe where. 
 
 They produced about fixtecn witnefles to prove, “ that stite-T-y. 
 tc Oates had been all April, May, and till the latter end of T U pH^* a 
 “ June 1678, at St. Omer's ; and that they faw him every &c ‘ 
 
 « day, and converfed and dined with him, and that he 
 tc was never out of the College, except two days and one 
 “ night he was at JVatton , and two or three he was in 
 4t the Infirmary, and confequently he could not be 
 <c at the Confult of the 24th of April. 
 
 And further they proved, “ That Sir John Warner, rb ;j. p . S54, 
 
 “ and Sir Thomas Preflon , whom Onto had fworn 10859,863. 
 
 “ come over with him to the Confult, were all that time 
 “ beyond the feas, one at Watton, the other at Liege. 
 
 And moreover, to fhow that Oates was not a man *° p , 859,86o» a 
 be credited, they produced eleven witnefles to prove, “ That J 
 “ Father Ireland , who was executed, was not at London, 
 
 “ and made it appear direftly contrary to what he had 
 “ fworn upon his tryal. They added, tC that if the evi- 
 “ dence of their fide fhould be rejected becaufe they were 
 “ Roman Catholicks, all commerce with feveral countries 
 “ would be deftroyed.” 
 
 The Chief Juftice replied, that they had no room to ^ 
 complain of the witnefles being rejected by the Court, fince, * 
 on the contrary, their depofitions were received without 
 any fcruple, and that it belonged to the Jury to determine 
 upon their evidence as they faw caufe. 
 
 In anfwer to thefe accufations, Oates alledged, “ That p . 864, Uu | 
 “ his coming to London to the Confult was very private; 
 
 “ yet he produced fix witnefles to teftify they faw him 
 “ there about that time, but in a fort of a difguife (3).” 
 
 But none fpoke very home but Mr. Smith a Schoolmafter 
 
 11 ■ /A- : Lrrn was received the Monday next after ihe Saturday, on which the murder was committed ; that is, three days before the body 
 
 tound. State l-ryals, Tom. 11. p. 83S. 
 
 ('. O'-Ti-fs made thi: foienm Pu teiution ; “ I do as truly believe there is a God, an Heaven, and a Hell, as any one here docs : as 1 hope for Salvation, 
 •• . I hopt to fc (I ri in H .vtn. 1 never faw Mr. Oatci before the day in January, when he fay?, J had the Peniwig on, and he did not know me: 
 J u ty> I call G , 1 never faw him then. Stote-Trioh Tom. II. p. 83s. 
 
 L'.n.inican frier, that Church and Order, fwore he faw Oates in England, and fpoke with him at that time. By this the Credit of 
 
 A-. St. 0-rr-‘choIai* was quite blafled. Burnet, p. 464. 
 
 I of 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 7°9 
 
 1679. of lflington, who afterwards in the reign of King James 11 . 
 retraced all that he had (aid. 
 
 As to Ireland's being in London , Oates produced one 
 witnefs, who did affirm to have feen him there at that 
 time. 
 
 Ibid. p. 858. Gawcn offered to undergo the Ordeal , or fiery Tryal 
 over red hot plow-fhares, as a teft of his innocence. But, 
 befides that this way of proving an accufed perfon’s inno¬ 
 cence had been abolifhed fix hundred years, and confequent- 
 ly was not to be allowed by the Court, it is certain that 
 when the Tryal by Ordeal was praXifed, it was never 
 admitted but where evidences failed, which could not be 
 faid of Gavuen. 
 
 Harcourt urged in his defence, with regard to the letter 
 faid to be writ by him to Evers concerning Godfrey's death, 
 That he mult have been mad to fend fuch a letter by the 
 port. 
 
 mi Jcfuits The Jury, after a fhort confideration, returned, and 
 condemned, brought in all the five prifoners guilty of High-Treafon ; 
 
 but fentence was refpited till the next day, on which came 
 Langhorn'i on tbe tryal of Richard Langhorn a Popifh Counfellor at 
 Burnet Law of the Temple , and much employed by the Papifts. 
 
 p. 465. Being brought to the fame place with the five Jcfuits, and 
 
 before the fame perfons, with a new Jury, Oates appeared 
 and fwore i 
 
 5 ?;j- T 'y g “ 1 • That the prifoner held correfpondence with la 
 
 ©V, P ' ’ <c Chaife and others, and that the witnefles carried feveral 
 “ letters to perfons beyond the feas ; in one of which he 
 “ faw under his own hand, words to this purpofe. That the 
 “ Parliament began to flag in promoting the Proteflant Reli- 
 <c gion, and now they had a fair opportunity to begin and 
 “ give the blow , with other expreffions plain enough con- 
 “ cerning the plot. 
 
 <c 2. That he had orders from the Provincial IVbite- 
 “ bread , to give Mr. Langhorn an account of the Refolve 
 “ of the great Confult, April the 24th 1678, and upon 
 “ acquainting him with it, Langhorn lifted up his hands 
 l< and eyes, and prayed to God to give it good fuccefs. 
 
 “ 3. That he faw in his chamber certain Commiffions 
 “ which they called Patents ; and that he permitted the 
 “ witnefs to perufe feveral of them : One was to the Lord 
 
 Arundel of Warder , to be Lord Chancellor, another to 
 “ the Lord Powis, to be Tieafurer, and .one to the pri- 
 “ foner, to be advocate of the army ; all figned Johannes 
 “ Paulas de Oliva, by virtue of a brief from the Pope. 
 
 “ 4. That being employed as a follicitor for feveral of 
 “ the Fathers of the Society, the prifoner prevailed upon 
 ‘‘ the Bcnediftine Monks, to raife fix thoufand pounds for 
 “ carrying on the caufe ; and faid in his hearing, That he 
 
 would do his utmofl for procuring the money. 
 
 “ 5. That he was dilgulted, that Sir George Wakcman 
 “ was not contented with ten thoufand pounds to poyfon 
 “ the King, and called him, a narrow-fpirited, and nar- 
 “ row fouled Phyflcian ; who, for fo publick a caufe, ought 
 iC to have done it for nothing. 
 
 6. An Inrtrumcnt being produced, figned Paulas de Oli- 
 * e va , found in Longhorn's chamber ; Oates fwote, “ That 
 “ the forementioned Commiffions were figned by the fame 
 “ hand ; but they were ail conveyed away, and this being 
 “ only an Eccleliaftical bufinefs, and not dangerous as 
 “ they thought, was left behind.” 
 
 p.883. In the next place Bedloe fwore, ** 1. That going with 
 “ Coleman to the prifoner’s chamber, the former gave him 
 “ his letters to Father la Chaife , the Pope’s Nuncio, and 
 “ others, open, to read, and regifter in a book kept by 
 “ him for that purpofe; and that fome of the expreffions 
 “ in thefe letters were, To let la Chaife know, they waited 
 “ only now for his arflwer , Hew far he had proceeded with 
 “ the French King, for the fending of money ; for they only 
 “ wanted money, all other things being in readinefs. That 
 “ the Catholicks ^England were in fafety ; that places and 
 “ offices had been difpofd to them, and that all garrifons ci- 
 “ ther were, or fuddenly would be, in their hands ; and now 
 “ they had a fair opportunity, having a King that teas fo 
 “ eafy to believe what was dictated to him by the Catholick 
 “ Party. 
 
 “ 2. That he brought other letters from Harcourt to 
 tc Langhorn to be regiftred ; of which letters, one was for 
 “ the ReXor of the Irijh College at Salamanca, which 
 “ fpecified. That the Lord Bellafis, and the refl of the Lords 
 tC concerned Jhould be in readinefs , for that they had fent 
 “ fome Irifh cajhiered foldiers, with many Lay-brothers, un~ 
 “ dcr the notion of Pilgrims from St. Jago, who were to 
 “ take /hipping at the Groyn, and to land at Milford haven, 
 “ and there to join with the Lord Powis.” 
 p.887. Mr. Langhorn in his defence, befides the folemn protef- 
 tations of his innocence, alledged, ‘ c That Oates and Bed- 
 <r loe, the witneiles againft him, were Parties in the crime, 
 
 “ and defired to know, whether they had their pardons.” 1679, 
 Upon uneferftanding that Bedloe had three, and Oates had 
 two under the Broad-feal; he infifted, “ That they were 
 “ Hill approvers in the eyes of the law, and therefore not 
 “ to be heard ; and deiired to know, if they expeXed 
 “ any rewards for their difeoveries ” Oates replied up¬ 
 on oath, “ That he had been rewarded by expending fix or 
 “ fven hundred pounds out of bis own pocket, without knsw- 
 “ ing if he jhould ever fee it again." Langhorn then al¬ 
 ledged, “ He had heard Bedloe had received five hundred 
 “ pounds”; but he was anfwered, “ That that was for 
 “ the difeovery of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey's murder, and 
 “ not for the plot.” And Bedloe fwore, “ That he zuas 
 “ fo far from having any benefit fir that difeovery , that he 
 “ was / 'even hundred pounds out of pocket." When the 
 prifoner infilled upon the improbability of their affertions, 
 by reafon of their great neceffities and poverty, when they 
 firft made their difeoveries, he was told, “ That fuch en- 
 “ quiries were foreign to the ma.t r in hand.” And fo he p- 888,&«. 
 proceeded to prove Oates to be perjured, with refpeX to the 
 Confult in April 24, and to the bufinefs of Father Ireland , 
 by the fame witneiles that bad been ufed by the five Jc¬ 
 fuits the day before. Whereupon the Chief Juflice told 
 him, that a witnefs could not be rcjeXed as perjured, un- 
 lefs he was declared fo upon a tryal, and therefore his alle¬ 
 gation could not be of any fcrvice to him. 
 
 As Oates had formerly fworn, that lie lay at Grove's p.894, 
 houfe about the time of the Counfult, he brought Mrs. 
 
 Grove to teftify, that he never was there about that time ; 
 which was confirmed by her maid ; and both affirmed, that 
 the houfe was taken up, 2nd that there was no room to 
 lodge him. The Court thereupon faid, that being difguifed 
 he might lodge there without being known. 
 
 While this tryal was depending, [ Roger Palmer] Earl P 895. 
 of Cafllemain came into the Hall, and told the Judges, 
 
 That the mob ufed violence to the witneffes who had de- 
 pofed in favour of the prifoners, and that they were in dan¬ 
 ger of their lives j upon this the Court ordered immediate 
 inquiry to be made after the authors of thefe violences, in 
 order to punifh them according to their defert. 
 
 In conclofion, the Jury brought in Langhorn guilty, and Langhorn ■* 
 he received fentence, together with the five Jefuits, who sandemned. 
 had been tried the day before. 
 
 On the 20th of June, the five Jefuits were executed, Tbejtfttt 
 protefiing their innocence. IKhitebread in particular, de- executed 
 dared, “ That he renounced from his heart all manner of ™'‘f n ut an 
 “ Abfolutions, Difpenfations for Swearing, idc, which UonfJjiaJJ 
 “ fome had been pleafed to lay to the Jefuits charge, think- State-Try. 
 
 “ ing them unjuftifiable, and unlawlul.” Langhorn was T ’ * g ' 
 reprieved for a month (1). He was executed the 14th of P 9 ° 
 
 July, and died, protefting his innocence of the crimes for 
 which he was condemned. It was the wonder of many, 
 that fo able a Lawyer, if he was innocent, had made fo 
 weak a defence. 
 
 As the death of thefe five Jefuits, and of the three be¬ 
 fore executed, made a great noife, and as to this day they 
 are believed innocent by fome, and guilty by others; I can¬ 
 not forbear to make a few reflexions upon this fubjeX, to 
 affift the reader to judge impartially. 
 
 1. The truth will never be difeovered, if men fuffer A Rejlc- 
 
 themfelves to be fwayed by religious prejudices. If we be- Uanu i" ,n 
 lieve an accufed perfon guilty, becaufe lie is a Papiff or Je- “ ’* 
 
 fuit, or if for the fame reafon we believe him innocent, all 
 examination is vain. The prejudiced perfon always finite 
 
 realon and juftice in one or other of thefe two opinions, 
 and therefore he muit, if poffible, diveft himfelf of his pre¬ 
 judices. 
 
 2. The condemned Jefuits were accufed of three things ; 
 of a defign to kill the King ; to fubvert the Government ; 
 to root out the Proteflant Religion. And yet, mad of the 
 evidences againft them ran only upon the firft of thefe three 
 articles, the two others being fuppofed. It is nererthelcfs 
 upon this fuppofition, that the accufation of defigning to 
 kill the King is built, bccaufe it is pretended, that the aim 
 of the confpirators was to place the Duke of York on the 
 throne, as more proper to advance their defigns than the 
 King his brother. But this pretenfion is not proved, nor 
 does it appear in the evidences produced againft them, that 
 this was their aim. 
 
 3. But on the other hand, it can hardly be denied, tint 
 throughout this whole reign, there was a fettled delign to 
 render the King abfolute, and introduce the Popifh Reli¬ 
 gion. This muft be the meaning of thefe expreffions. To 
 fubvert the Government, and deflroy the Proteflant Religion. 
 
 This being fuppofed, it is not improbable, that the Papifts 
 and Jefuits might believe, that their projeX would be fooncr 
 executed if the King was removed, and the Duke of York 
 placed on the throne. 
 
 (1) In hopes of his making fnme difeovery. He offered t 
 10 other difeovery. Burnet p. 466. 
 
 No. 79. V O L. If. 
 
 dedsr; what Efiates 
 
 ind Stock the Jcfuits had in En/aid ; but p otefted he could make 
 
 ; R n- It 
 
The HISTORY 
 
 - h . therefore upon this probability, that the Jefuits 
 ].r. . been accufed of projefling to kill the King. It is 
 t that being concerned in the general defign, or 
 
 :: e plot, they believed the King’s death a proper means to 
 hatlt. the execution, and here the witnefles were very po- 
 
 c The defences of the prifoners confided chiefly, i.In 
 alTeverations and protections of their innocence. 2. In 
 the depofitions of the witnefles from St. Omer’s, and Staf¬ 
 fs ij'iire, wno proved, that Oates was not at London the 
 24th of April 1 67S. t. in the improbabilities in the evi¬ 
 dence given by Oates and Bedloe. Upon thefe three heads 
 I propofe to make fame refledtions. 
 
 1. The proteftations and afl’everations of the accufed du¬ 
 ring their tryal are not to be regarded. But when they are 
 carried to the point of death, they ought to be confidered. 
 If they are not a pofitive proof, they form at leaft a pre¬ 
 emption, becaufe Papifts are not lefs convinced than Pro- 
 teftants, that lying is not the wav to efcape the juft judg¬ 
 ment of God, before whom they are fhortly to appear ; 
 and that, befides, thefe Proteftations never prevail for a 
 reverfal of the fentence. I am aware that the Jefuits are 
 accufed of approving equivocations and mental refervations. 
 But, without examining how far this charge may be pro¬ 
 ved, it is certain, that p'ather JVhitebreail, upon the lad¬ 
 der, teftified an abhorrence of this dodlrine, and renounced 
 all Pardons and Difpenfations from the Pope, or any other 
 power for (wearing or fpeaking again ft the truth (1). It is 
 not therefore impoffible, that without there was paflion or 
 prejudice in the Judges and Juries, the Jefuits, though in¬ 
 nocent, would have been condemned upon falfe evidence. 
 Accordingly, this is what many pretend : But there are 
 others who carry the thing further, and maintain, that the 
 accufed might have been acquitted, if the paflion and pre¬ 
 judice of the Judges and Juries had not prevented it. This 
 we fhall examine in the next at icle. 
 
 2. I have elfewhere fpoken ot the defence, founded up¬ 
 on the proof of the Alibi, which obliges the Judge to ren¬ 
 der juftice by chance, fince, there being a diredt contra¬ 
 riety between the evidences, the Judges cannot be fatisfied 
 on which fide the truth lies. Gates depofed. That he had 
 aflifted at the grand Confult in London April 1678. He 
 produced feven witnefles, who affirmed, that they faw him 
 in London at that time. The Jefuits on their lide produ¬ 
 ced flxteen witnefles, who affirmed, that Oates was at St. 
 Omer’s at the fame time. It muft be therefore, either that 
 Oates and his witneflm, or thofe of the Jefuits, were falfe. 
 Now, that which probably determined the Jury to bring 
 in the Jefuits guilty was : Firft, The prifoners objedled 
 only a bare denial to the teftimonies of Prance, Dugdale, 
 and Bedloe-, which could not but breed a difadvantagious 
 prejudice againfl them. Secondly, The witnefles from St. 
 O/ner’s were all fcholars, or perfons depending upon the 
 Jefuits College, another confideration capable to pre-poflefs 
 the Jury. Laftlv, The queilion was to examine a plot 
 contrived by Papifts, as fucb, and in favour of their Reli¬ 
 gion, and not as private perfons, incited by other paffions. 
 
 In this cafe, it is not very ftrange, that the evidences given 
 by Papifts appeared fufpicious. For it is certain, at that 
 time, the opinion, fupported by the votes of two feveral 
 Parliaments, that there was a real plot to fubvert the Pro- 
 teftant Religion, was generally embraced throughout the 
 whole Kingdom. 
 
 As to the fuperiority of flxteen witnefles againfl: feven, 
 this could occafion no difficulty. For feven witnefles dif- 
 perfed in London, who had only accidentally feen Oates , 
 were as credible as the flxteen (hut up in one houfe at St. 
 Omer’s (2). And though there had been but two from 
 St. Omer’s, yet, all other circumftances being equal, they 
 would have been as credible as the feven witnefles of 
 London. 
 
 3. I proceed now to the improbabilities in the depofi¬ 
 tions of Oates and Bedloe. Firjl, It is difficult to conceive 
 the ncceffity of refolving the King’s death in an aflembly 
 of fifty Jefuits. Secondly, it may with reafon be fuppofed, 
 that an affair of fuch importance as the aflaffination of a 
 King, paffes thro’ the hands of thofe only who are moll dif- 
 tinguilhed in the Society, either by their polls or capacity. 
 But it is hardly credible, that fifty fuch could be found in 
 England or at St. Omer’s. Thirdly, I know not that any 
 perfon, to this day, has polltively affirmed that Oates was 
 a Jefuit. And yet he not only appears in the grand con¬ 
 fult of the 24th of April, but has an office in it of great 
 trull and importance, namely, to carry the refolution of 
 
 fi' Rapm forms not to hive taken notice of a partage in Barnet on this occ 
 months alter the.-: Executions, appeared before the C i.til upon Security given 
 never thought it lawful to murder Kings, but had always detefted it ; had, at 
 : 1"“' it, that he thought 'he Queen might lawfully r>ke away the Kinj 
 
 a Herettck. I pnn that Sc-.jnt ran cut into many particulars, to ihow how 
 their death, p 466- 
 
 See Note above concerning the Dyr.ir Frier. 
 
 of ENGLAND. Vol. IT. 
 
 killing the King, to the feveral Companies into which 16-0 
 the aflembly was divided. Fourthly, It is nut (aid, at what 
 time Oates turned Papift ; but ’tis only feen, he was firlt 
 employed in 1677, to carry letters to Spain. He returned 
 about the end of the fame year, and fhortly after was lent 
 to St. Omcr’s , where he continued hut three or four months. 
 
 Now it is not probable, that this Ihort flay at St. Omer's 
 could have acquired him the confidence of the heads of the 
 Society, to fuch a degree, as to he lent to London to affift 
 in a giand Confult, where the King’s murder was to be 
 refolved. Fifthly , Why was Bedloe to be admitted into fo 
 great a fccret, he who was to have no lhare in the execu¬ 
 tion ? And yet he fpeaks of it as a thing with which he 
 was perfedtly acquainted, nor only from letters which he 
 might have opened, but it appears even by his depofitions, 
 that the heads of the confpiracv, Ireland, JVhitebread\ 
 Harcourt , Coleman, Langborn , uled no caution with him ; 
 from whence it may be inferred, that they themfelves im¬ 
 parted to him the lecret. He is at Harcourt's chamber, 
 when the money is ordering for the four Irijh men who 
 were to kill the King. He is at the fame chamber when 
 the Queen’s Phyiician receives a note of two thoufand 
 pounds Sterling, without any apparent neceffity of his pre- 
 fence in an affair of th it 1 .... 
 
 were men of mean birth, who had been only employed as 
 letter-carriers. They were befides little dillinguilhcd for 
 their capacity, or talents, and yet they are admitted into all 
 the molt important fecrets of the Plot. Lajlly, It appears 
 in the depofitions of Oates and Bedloe , that the confpirators 
 talked together, and writ to one another, concerning the 
 King’s murder, as if it had been but a trifle, and wi’.houc 
 even taking the ufual precautions on fuch occafions, of o' ! • 
 guifing their thoughts in ambiguous expreffions. 
 
 I hefe are improbabilities which give but too much oc¬ 
 cafion to fufpedl the credit of thefe two witnefles. It will 
 perhaps -be faici, that a thing is not falfe becaufe it is im¬ 
 probable ; and that God fometimes permits the muft warv 
 villains to ruin themfelves by a too great confidence in o- 
 thers. This may be, and it may alfo be, that this was not 
 the prefent cafe. At leaft it may he affirmed, that the 
 Jefuits are not wont to proceed with fo little caution. 
 
 1 hefe are the improbabilities that have induced many 
 People, though perfwaded of the reality of the plot, as far 
 as it concerned the Government and Religion, to fufpend 
 their judgment with regard to the King’s murder. The 
 fame improbabilities likewife have furniflied others with a 
 pretence for denying the whole plot, becaufe they arepleafed 
 to confine it to that fingle article, in which they impofe 
 upon themfelves, or elfe are delirous to impofe upon their 
 Readers. 
 
 I he 10th of July the King, contrary to the advice of 77- Kinr 
 his new Council, which he feemed to have refolved to fo] d ‘T^» « 
 low with an entire deference, diflolved the Parli.ment 
 and fummoned another to meet the 17th of OSiobtr. He Ech-Ta." 
 hoped to find the next more tractable, but was very much 
 deceived. The People, who no longer regarded what came 
 from the Court, aftedted to fend fuch members as were of 
 the Country-party, as being the moft proper to opp< v the 
 Deligns of the King. The Earl of Shaftsbury was at the 
 head ot this party, and without doubt greatly contributed to 
 inflame the paffions of the People. But it is perhaps fay 
 ing too much, to charge this Lord with all the King’s late 
 mortifications. If it could be proved, that the King had 
 never given any occafion of difeontent to his People, we 
 Ihould be obliged to recur to fome extraordinary caufe of 
 the Parliament’s ill humour, as the intrigues, cabals, and 
 artifices of l'ome powerful and popular perfon. But\vhat 
 need is there to feek for an extraordinary caufe, when one 
 fb naturally offers in the whole conduft of the King, who 
 had hitherto fhown, that his interefts, and thofe^ of his 
 People were intirely different ? 
 
 I he 1 8 th of June, Sir George Wakeman the Queen's Phy- SirGcoree 
 ucian was brought to his trial, together with James Corker, Wikems., 
 William MarJhal, two Benedi&ine Monks, and IVUliatn and 
 Rum ley, a Lay brother of that Order. Oar/wand Bedloe St-,. 
 were the witnefles againfl: them; but, befides that their T - 11 
 depofitions were imperfect, and the greatefl part upon Burne: ' 
 Hear Jay, and could pals for proofs only on the fuppolition 
 of the defign to poifon the King, which was not well 
 proved, the Jury doubtlefs confidered that a perfon of Sir 
 George IVakeman’s fenfe, would never truft fuch a fecret 
 to Bedloe, whom he fcarce knew. Nay, he fwore that 
 he never faw Bedloe before in his life. However this be 
 the prifoners were acquitted, to the great mortification 0! ^ 
 
 afion. One Serjeant , a feeular Prieft, a rciloiu Papift i n hi, wiy, f 0 . n - 
 him. and averied, that (Ja-wen, the Jefuit, who died pr<>t'-ilii.o I:- hid 
 hi. Jail being ia Flanders, faid fa very devout peif. , from who :-\s - 
 ■ * ’if* ’he iniurir, he had done her. but much more brcaulr hr u ■ • 
 litt'e Credit was due tj the Proteftations ixi-de by the Jcfuir-. t en a 
 
 the 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 1679. 
 
 1 74c King 
 Jickncjt. 
 i Rennet. 
 
 I Echard. 
 
 | Temple. 
 
 7 be Duke 
 of York 
 
 the two witnefies, fince it was eafy to fee, that Oates and 
 Bcdhe we ip evidences capable of fwearing to things of 
 which they had no perfedb knowledge (i). 
 
 About the end of Augujl, the King being at Windjor , 
 
 their commiffions to the King, end others to abfent them- 
 Teives from the Council (4.), not thinlcing proper to incou¬ 
 rage by their pretence, the King’s (beret reftjlutions, and 
 give occafion to believe, they approved them. The Earl 
 
 yu 
 
 1679. 
 
 was fei7ed with three violent fits of an intermitting fever, of EJfex religned his place of firft Commiffioner of the 
 w h, ch gave great apprehenfion. The Earl of EJfex and the Treafury. The Lord Halifax, Sir Wiliam Temple, and 
 L.rrd Halifax ,_ two of the four Counfellors which then fome others, retired into the country. Thus the Council 
 managed the King’s affairs fearing, if the King died, to which the King had appointed to amufe the people, was 
 fall into the hands of the Duke of Monmouth , and the Earl almoft diffolved, and the direction of the publick affairs re- 
 of Shaftsbury, advifed the King to fend for the Duke of mained in the hands of the Earl of Sunderland Mr. Lau- 
 }°rk, which was done with all poffible fpeed and fecrecy ; rencc Hyde, and Mr. Sidney Godolphin (e). or rather the 
 for the Duke was at Wndfor the 2d of September. But Duke of York, whofe interefts they had embraced; and 
 the King, being then out of danger, pretended a furprize who, though abfent, dire&cd their refolutions. 
 at his arrival. But this difiimulation was not capable to de- 
 
 . . r v r t , , _ , .* , [ fi e latter end of Ofiober , about a fortnight after the A Plot «**■ 
 
 ceive the Duke of Monmouth and the Earl of Shaftsbury. prorogation of the Parliament, a fham plot was difeovered triwd% 
 
 On the other hand, the Earl of EJfex and the Lord Halil- contrived by the Papifts to bring an odium upon the Pref- 
 Jax, finding that they had made Monmouth and Shaftsbury byterians, and the heads of the Country-part!'. This pro- Burnet, 
 their irreconcilable enemies, joined with the Duke of York je& had been formed the beginning of Augujl, by the Coun- P- ^75- 
 fbr their deftru&ion They fucceeded fo well, that the tefs of Fowls , Elizabeth CAlter a midwife, the Earl of 
 7be Duke of King removed the Duke of Monmouth from his port of Cajllcmain , and the five Lords in the'Power. The deficit 
 wTX- Captam-general, and fent him into Holland , to the great was to make ufe of falfe witnelles to accufe Oates of ner- 
 lon.ndf furprize of the whole Court, for the Duke of Monmouth jury and fodomy; to a/laffmate the Earl of and 
 
 treite. wjsm the height of the King’s favour before the Duke of to charge the Duke of Buckingham , the Earl of Efcx the 
 Shortly after, Shaftsbury alfo was turned Duke of Monmouth , ihe Lord Halifax , and feveral confi- 
 
 Kenn:t. York's, arrival (z). 
 
 Echard. . ‘ ' r, - , ' - . J 
 
 out from being Prehdent of the Council (-5). Thus the 
 Court had a new face, and the Duke of York was more 
 powerful than ever. He improved this happy juncture to 
 Oilober 7. obtain the King’s leave to retire to Scotland, reprefenting 
 to him the danger of his being in the Low Countries, in 
 cafe of his Majefty’s death. Accordingly he returned to 
 Brtffels, to bring home his Duchefs and the Princefs Anne, 
 and arriving fhortly after at London , departed for Scotland. 
 Th, Duk r of If Dr. Burnet is believed, in the Hijlory of his own times , 
 mr ScftUnd. he ? nvcrneti Scotland in an arbitrary manner, and gave 
 October 17. manifeft tokens of his cruelty, and inveterate hatred to the 
 Rennet. Presbyterians. 
 
 T4e rn *7n£, Every one impatiently expe&ed, where would end the 
 contrary r> late alterations at Court, and it was not long before it ap- 
 itcw^ pcared ' The I5t!l of 0Mer the Kin g fummoning his 
 ° ,bt Council, after a little paufe told them. That upon many 
 
 Parham 
 
 Temple’: 
 
 Charge< in 
 the Council. 
 
 Erhard. 
 
 derable citizens of London , with being concerned in a plot 
 againfl the King. One Dangerfteld was to be the princi- HangrrAeM 
 pal ailor in this feene (6). He receiveJ his mftru&ions 
 from the Lady Poivis, and the Lords in the Tower, with 
 a lift of the perfons whom he was to accufe (7). More¬ 
 over, the Lady Powis, gave him a model ol this plot, 
 which he was to convey into the houfe of foine pretended 
 confpirator, and there caufe it to be found. 
 
 Dangerfield furnifhed with thefe Inftru6lions and papcrs 5 
 informed the Duke of York of it, after his arrival irom 
 Brujfels. The Duke of York made him a prefent of twenty 
 guineas, and introduced him to the King, who, after hear¬ 
 ing him, gave-him forty more. Then he made iome at¬ 
 tempts to affaffinate the Earl of Shaftsbury, but was pre* 
 vented by feveral accidents. At laft, on pretence of feeing 
 fome rooms, which he faid he intended to hire, he went to 
 at prefent acquaint them Colonel ManfePs lodgings (8), and found means to pin 
 fary to make a longer prorogation of the fome dangerous papers beliind his bed’s head. This done, 
 ntmded • That he bad considered all the he informed two officers of the Cuftcm-houfe, that there 
 were in thofe lodgings, prohibited goods to the value of 
 two thoufand pounds. The officers repairing thither the 
 2 2d of Oflober, fearched every where in hopes of finding 
 their prey ; but as they did not think to fearch behind the 
 bed, Dangerfield himfelf found the papers. The officers 
 carrying thefe papers to their fuperiors, had orders to re¬ 
 turn them to Manfcl. Four or five days after, the Colonel 
 meeting Dangcrfield in the ftreet, carried him direftly to 
 Whitehall, and brought him before the King and Council. 
 
 He was ftri&ly examined, and, after a full hearing, his 
 contrivance being detailed, he was fent to Newgate the 
 27th of October. 
 
 1 wo days after. Sir William Waller, a magiftratc of 
 London, fearching Collier's houfe, found the model of the 
 pretended plot, writ very fair, in a paper-book tied with 
 ribbands, and hid in a Meal-tub , which gave it the name 
 of the Meal-Tub-Plot. Dangerfield perceiving himfelf ru- kt obtain, tht 
 ined, if he perlifted in a thing which he could not fupport, ”uZ\-T°h 
 applied himfelf to the Lord-Mayor of London, and gave Pica. 
 
 - . - him in writing a large confeffion upon oath, with a dif- D-mgerfieH 
 
 to alter them again when he would ; But, to make covery of the perfons by whom he was employed. This y :oV ‘ rt ,ie 
 Counlellors that fhould not ceunfel, he doubted whether confeffion being tranlmitted to the Council, feveral perfons^ 
 it was in his Majefty’s power or not, becaufe it implied were apprehended (9), and amongft the reft [Roger Palmer j 
 a contradiction : And fo far as he had obferved, either Earl of Cajllemain. The Lady Powis, accufed by others" 
 of former arcs, nr the nrefenr h P nn^ftinn^ befides Dangerfield , of confpiring the death of the King’, 
 
 was fent to the Tower, and ordered to be profecuted for 
 high-treafon. This affair greatly contributed to the refo- Echard. 
 lution taken by the Earl of EJfex and the Lord Halifax, 
 to retire from Court, becaufe they obferved, that though 
 they were mentioned in the plot, they weie left out of fe- 
 cret examinations about it. 
 
 1 he famous Philofopher Thomas Hobbes died this year, in n e Death 
 ' of Ht. bb^s, 
 
 f 1 ' T . he Lnnl £ hie . f who had been very violent againft the Prifoners hitherto, was obferved, far contrary to his former Pradtice to turn 
 
 agamft the wKnelTes in th s T.yal. The Portugal AmbalTador went next Day with great Slate to thank Scrogg, for his Behaviour in l. „terrar.\ Tnal 
 B' which the Chief Juflice was expofed to much cenfure. This was looked on, it feems, as the Queen’s Trval as well as H'j kema„\ f n . 
 and Bcdhe had both depolcd, that (lie was to afiift him in poyfoning the King. Burnt! p. 468. * " 0 “ 
 
 Monk, Duke of Albemarle was made Captain of the Lite-guards of Horfe, and Jebn Sheffield Earl of Mulgrai-e, Governour 
 
 'fderations vahich he could no 
 with , he fair id it necejfary to 
 Parliament than he intended 
 
 confequenccs fo far as to be abfolutely refolved\ and, not to 
 hear any thing that Jhould be faid againfl it : That he would 
 have the meeting put off, till that time twelvemonth. The 
 Counfellors furprized at this refolution, and ftill more at the 
 manner of propofing it, were moft of them Client. Some 
 however offering to reprefent to the King the dangerous 
 conferences of this refolution, were injoyned filence. But 
 Sir milium Temple , more bold than the reft, flood up, and 
 with great freedom told his Majcfty, “ That as to the 
 “ refolution he had taken, he would fay nothing, becaufe 
 “ he was refolved to hear no reafoning upon it ; therefore 
 “ be would only prefume to offer him his humble advice 
 as to the courfe of his future proceedings ; which was, 
 s ‘ That his Majefty in his affairs would pleafe to make ufe 
 “ of fome Council or other, and allow freedom to their 
 tc debates and advices ; after hearing which, his Majefty 
 “ might yet refolve as he pleafed. That if he did not 
 “ think the perfons or number of this prefent Council fuited 
 with his affairs, it was in his power to diffolve them, 
 “ and conftittire another of any number he pleafed, and 
 
 ; of former ages, or the prefent, he queftioned, whether 
 ; it was a thing ever pra&ifed in England by his Majefty’s 
 • predeceffors, or were fo now by any of the prefent Prin- 
 ■ ces in Chrijhndom : Therefore he humbly advifed him 
 ; to ccnftirute fome fuch Council, as he would think fit 
 : to make ufe of, in the digeftion of his great and publick 
 : affairs ” 
 
 This proceeding caufed feveral Counfellors to furrender 
 
 1 ihe Danger the King was in, by the Duke’: 
 And upon the King’s coming to London i, ( 
 
 (2) In his room CbriJUpb < 
 of Hull, &r. Kenner- p. 36S. 
 
 (3) He had called a Council juft before, while the King was at NnvMarket, and reprefented to tl 
 being ki near him, and prelfed the Council to represent this to the King; but they did not agree to 
 war, removed, and Lord Relern, then made Earl of Radnor, was made Prefident. Burnet p. 477. 
 
 (4) Namely the I.'rd Ruffiel, ihe Lord Ca-vcndrfb, Sir Henry Cjpcl, and Mr. Powle. Kenner, p. 368. 
 
 (5) This laft, and Daniel Finch, Efq; firft Commiflioner ot the Admiralty, were fworn Privy-Counlellors, February 4. Ibid. 
 
 (6) Burner g ves him thi» Charadt.r ; « That he was a fubtle and dextrous man, who had gone through all the ft» D es and praftic. 
 in particular, was a falle coiner. He was in Goal tor debt, and was in an ill intrigue with one Celher a Popilh midivife, who had 
 
 “ wit, and was abandoned to lewdnels, p 475. 
 
 DangerfHP s Aflrrnf^e ^ lhwar<t ° f E f crick , the Dukes of Monmouth, and Buck.ngbam, Sir William Waller, Colonel Blood, 
 
 I^ / * n Six yard, King't-flreer, IVeRminfter. Dangerfield', Harrati-ve, p. 42. 
 
 (9j Particularly Mrs. Celher, and Cadbury ^ Allrologer. 
 
 s ol roguery, a 
 
 of 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 1679. 
 
 1 679-80. 
 Libtlt a- 
 
 AMrtffet 
 to tbt King 
 
 fit ■ 
 
 Muung f 
 the Par ha- 
 
 Burnet!’ 
 
 'iffarther^ 
 
 f'Oreguei. 
 
 Echard. 
 
 p. 367. 
 
 Echard. 
 
 Twi pani, 
 firmed, 
 railed the 
 Addrtffrrt 
 
 the 91ft year of his age. His writings are unhappily, but 
 too well known, to need any farther notice (1). 
 
 Affairs in the beginning of the year 1680, were in fuch 
 a fituation, that the King had need of all his patience and 
 addrefs. There were vifiblv two Parties in the Kingdom, 
 that of the Court, and that of the Country. To the en¬ 
 deavours of the Court to gain Profelytes, the Country- 
 party oppofed fwarnts of libels to inflame the people, by re- 
 prefenting the mifehiefs with which England was threaten¬ 
 ed, if the defigns of the Court and the Papifts were not 
 prevented (a). For no fcruple was made of affirming in 
 thefe libels, that the Papifts were countenanced by the 
 Court. The year forty-one feemed to be returning, and 
 it was even probable, that the contrary party to the King 
 had no better intentions againft him, than the enemies of 
 Charles I, had in 1640. It was a melancholiy thing to lee 
 the Kingdom thus divided by the oppofite inteiefts of the 
 King and the Subject. But when it was known, that the 
 King had refolved to prorogue the Parliament till Novem¬ 
 ber , not only anonymous libels were publifhed, but peti¬ 
 tions flowed from all parts, for the fitting of the Parliament 
 the 26th of 'January , according to the laft prorogation. 
 The King received thefe petitions with great trouble, and 
 failed not to return a difobliging anfwer to thofe who had 
 the boldnefs to prefent them. Nay, he publifhed fevcral 
 proclamations againft thefe petitions, ufing the fame reafons 
 that James I, and Charles I, had alledged on the like oc- 
 cafions. He Paid, “ He was the head of the Government, 
 “ and the only judge of what was fit to be done in fuch 
 “ cafes, and that he would do what he thought moft for the 
 ‘ c good of himfelf and his people, defiring they would not 
 “ meddle with a muirer, that was fo eflential a part of his 
 “ prerogative (3).” Ail this is very true in the ordinary 
 courfe of the Government. But when the people believes 
 the Sovereign is ufing, to the deftruXion of the Kingdom, 
 a Prerogative intended for their welfare, the bare allega¬ 
 tion of the royal Prerogative is not capable to fatisfy them. 
 Whatever colour is given to r, the Englijh would never be 
 convinced, that it ought to turn to their ruin. Accord¬ 
 ingly, the proclamations were not able to put a ftop to the 
 Petitions, as on the other hand, the Petitions obliged not 
 the King to alter his meafures. 
 
 However, the King refolved to meet the Parliament the 
 z6th of January , but it was only to tell both Houfes, that 
 the unfettled condition of the nation, rendered a long in¬ 
 terval of the Parliament abfolutely neceflary, for compofing 
 and quieting of men’s minds. That neverthelefs he would 
 only prorogue them to April, in order to meet them again 
 in that month, it the condition of his allies abroad demand¬ 
 ed their affiftance. After this Ihort fpeech, the Chancellor, 
 by the King’s command, prorogued the Parliament to the 
 15 th of April. 
 
 Two days after the King declared in Council, “ That 
 “ he had lent for his royal Highnefs, not having found 
 “ fuch an effeX from his abfence, as Ihould incline him 
 “ t0 ke ep him longer from him, when queftions were 
 11 ftarted of fuch a nature, as made it reafonable that he 
 
 fhould be prefent at the next feflion.” Upon this invi¬ 
 tation the Duke of York appeared at Court the 24th of Fe¬ 
 bruary, wjiere he was received with great pomp and fatif- 
 faXion by the King his brother. 
 
 The Duke’s arrival, and the King’s late firmnefs in pro- 
 roguing the Parliament, notwithftanding the clamours of 
 the Male-contents, greatly incouragcd the Court-party, fo 
 that multitudes of addrefles were prefented to him, teftify- 
 ing an abhorrence of the liberty taken by fome men to re¬ 
 quire him to hold the Parliament (4), and in that from 
 A;;/ 3 . 7 - he was thanked for recalling the Duke of York. 
 
 ; • fenfe of the people for or 
 
 againft the Court, is feldom to be known by thefe peti¬ 
 tions, it is no lels certain, they are, for the moft part, the 
 work of a lew popular men, who by intrigue and cabal, 
 procure fubferiptions to thefe addrefles, from thofe with 
 v\h°ni the) have intereft, and who often fign them without 
 examining the contents. Accordingly, thefe addrefles are 
 ufually not to be regarded, moft of the fubferibers being 
 ready to fign the contrary, i{ they think it for their private 
 
 advantage. They are however urged as a proof of the peo- 1679-80. 
 pie's being of this or that fentiment, though in the main, 
 it is a very dubious proof. On the prefent occafion, peti¬ 
 tions had been prefented to the King for the fitting of the 
 Parliament. As foon as the Parliament was prorogued, and 
 the Duke of York at Court, many addrefles were prefented 
 in abhorrence of the former, fo that two parties were formed, 
 called the Petitioners and Abborrers ; and as the animofity 
 between the two parties gradually increafed, they bellowed 
 upon each other names of reproach, and from hence arefe 
 the fo much famed diftinXion of Whig and Tor y. g,p e 0 j 
 The Petitioners looking upon their adverfaries as entirely "’hie ar.d 
 devoted to the Court, and the popilh faXion, gave them T "‘- v- 
 the name of Tories, a title given to the Irijh robbers, vil¬ 
 lains, and cut-throats, fince called Rapparccs. Thus the 
 name of Tories, ferves only now to diftinguifh one of the 
 two factions which ftill divide England. - The Abhorreis 
 on their fide, confldering the Petitioners, as men entirely 
 in the principles of the Parliament of 1640, and as Pref- 
 byterians, gave them the name of Whig , or Sour-AH: , 
 formerly appropriated to the Scotch Presbyterians, and ri¬ 
 gid Covenanters. Thele two denominations are too well 
 remembered at this time (j). 
 
 1 he Whigs were directed by the Earl of Shaftsbury, 
 who looking upon the Duke of York not only as bis own, a repot’ 
 but alfo as the mortal enemy of his partv, believed there jpread of the 
 was no medium between perilhing, or ruining that Prince. 
 
 To this end, he had made it his bulinefs to extol the Duke Lyumaty. 
 of Afon mouth, and render him the darling of the people, •‘’ardford. 
 imagining, that when he had the people on his fide, the p Kc C ’ n ^°‘ 
 fupplanting of the Duke of York would not be impraXica- Echatd/ 
 ble. With this view it was, at leaft as ’tis pretended, that 
 the Earl of Shaftsbury found means to fpread a rumour, 
 that the King was lawfully married to Adrs. IValtcrs , the 
 Duke of Alorw.outh's mother, and that the Marriage-con¬ 
 tract was in a Black-box, in the cuftody of Sir Gilbert 
 Gerard. The King and the Duke of York eafily perceived 
 the tendency of this rumour, and therefore omitted nothing 
 to undeceive the people. To this end the King called an Silenced by 
 extraordinary Council the 26th of April, in which he dc- rhe K ' n S- 
 dared, “ That the faid report was altogether falfe, and I’chari* 
 
 “ that he thought himfelf obliged in honour and confcience 
 “ to have the matter thoroughly examined and fearched 
 “ into.” Gerard appearing before the Council, declared 
 upon oath, “ That he never had any fuch writing, as was 
 “ reported, committed to his charge, nor did he ever fee 
 “ or know of fuch writing.” In Ihort, after many fruit— 
 lefs enquiries after the author of this report, the King was 
 forced to content himfelf with publilhing, the 3d of June, 
 a declaration, to confirm one made January the 6th, and 
 another made March the 3d, which was entered in the 
 Council-books, and figned by fixteen Privy-Counfe!lors, 
 wherein he faid, “ That to avoid any difpute which might 
 happen in time to come, concerning the fucceffion to 
 the Crown, he did declare in the prefence of Almighty 
 God, that he never gave, nor made any contract of 
 marriage, nor was married to Mrs. Barlow , alias Wal¬ 
 ters, the Duke of Montnouth’s mother, nor to any other 
 woman whatfoever, but to his prefent wife Queen Ka¬ 
 therine, then living (6). 
 
 This fummer were feveral profecutions and tryals, and < Tle aecm . 
 the 23d of June, [Roger Palmer] Earl of CaJllemain , a Pa- pic, 10/ , r r. 
 pift, husband to [ Barbara YilHers J Duchels of Cleveland, ^ 
 the King’s miftrefs, was brought to his tryal and acquitted. 
 
 Cellier the midwife, who had affifted the Lady Pcivis in s*..ti-Tr'ah 
 the Iham plot, was likewife acquitted. Shortly after Ihe T * 
 publifhed a narrative of her tryal, with fevere reflexions 
 upon fome perfons, then in credit, for which Ihe was tried 
 a fecond time, and fentenced to fland three times in the 
 pillory, and pay a thoufand pounds fine. The Grand- 
 Jury found not the Bill againft the Countefs of Powis. 
 
 Thus all the perfons concerned in the Meal-Tub-Plot were 
 acquitted. The torrent did not then run in favour of the 
 party againft the Court. 
 
 Bedloc, the famous witnefs of the pepifla plot, dyed at Brdloe diet. 
 Brijlol the 20th of AuguJl, Three or four days before his Echa,d * 
 death, tiie Lord Chiel-Juftice North , then in his circuit, 
 
 (1? To be a little imre large up in the Charafler of this Philofopher. He 
 from this placeot his Eirth Malmiburienfit. He went ou Batchelor of Arts 
 :hc E-rl of Dei-.nl/: ire's Family. W ith the Son of that Nobleman he travel 
 rr the greatetl mcr. „f the age. In his 63d year he fettled in England for tb 
 to the 91ft yeat of his age. The King h ving learned Ma 
 genius was vatt and extenfwe- But nctwirhfland ng his pretences to Vi: 
 that his tvelMume.ency was much greater than his real abilities. He hkew 
 , e ln r 'b , i which have only ranked him among our Opilby' s in rbtc ..... 
 Ubucydide, (hews him a Matter in his own Language. It is fiid t 
 
 c-cm.y and Refigniti.m a; a l>h ! vyhe-This vesr alfo died 
 
 z) Of the Libel eft 
 
 (3, Thele words were not in the King’s Proclaim 
 
 h hr. 
 
 ( 5 ) See the Author s DJftr-ar n on the IKcig, and Ter,t> 'at the c 
 (6; Kennet fays. That .hr la:= Matter « the Char- 
 and buried her at Pari, ; laid pofitively, the King had 
 p. 366. Note ib‘. 
 
 the Son of a Clergyman, born a: Maine,bury in 
 Magdalen Hill in Oxford, and trim thence was t 
 nto France and Italy, and made an acquaintance with 
 mainder of his days, and in the he.itnlul a:r of C 
 atick* of him aercad, allowed him a penOon of one h 
 to Philofnphy and the Mathematicks, young IValh, of Offer, 
 likewife aimed a: a reputation in Poetry, tranllucd Homer , ; 
 its part of Learning. He certainly writ Larin with g-eatPo.it 
 his Years improved his (cars of Death, and that he did rot leave 
 1 ttbinv Poole, the compiler of the SyoepfH, Criticirum on the Bii 
 An Appeal from the L.ur.try to the C ty. 
 
 'iltjhire, 
 
 raffendu:, 
 
 ie other 
 etf.an of 
 with the 
 
 
 i prefented by Fra 
 
 .nd H'lltfhir 
 
 , IV, 11 
 
 Efq; who w3i 
 
 kn'ghted for it. K,r.ne’, p. 370. 
 
 r Houje, who 
 
 ice of King Charlei 11 . abroad, and had • 
 ind that indeed (he did not deferve L 
 
 re of Mr Bar. 
 a very ill Woe 
 
 s 
 
 vifiting 
 
Book XXIII. 26. C H A 
 
 1 1680. vifiting him, Bedloe in his prefence figned the following de- 
 
 pofition. 
 
 1 tiol D bJfoft CC ^'^ at t ^ ie Duke of York hath been fo far engaged in 
 I the Lor°d‘ <c f * ,e pl ot » as l )e hath feen by letters in Cardinai Barba- 
 I chief.jiif- “ rini's Secretary’s Study, that no part that hath been 
 I ‘mbifdutb - <£ P roved a g ain ft any nian already, that hath fufFered, but 
 i bed. “ that to the full thofe letters have made him guilty of it ; 
 
 ** all but what tended to the King’s death.” And at Rome 
 I asked Father Anderton and Father Lodge , two Jefuits, 
 JVhat would the Duke do with his brother when he was 
 King ? And they anl'wered me, they would find a means 
 for that ; they would give him no trouble about it. Then I 
 told them, I believed the Duke loved his brother fo well, he 
 would fujfer no violence to be done to him. They faid, No : 
 If the Duke could be brought to that , as he had been rcligioufiy 
 to every thing efe, they might do their work ; their other bufi- 
 nefs was read)'-, and they might do it prefintly. But they knew 
 they could not bring him to that point ; but they would take 
 care for that themfdojes: they had not begun with him to leave 
 him in fuch fcruples as that. But they would fit him into his 
 throne ; and there he Jhould reign blindfold three or four clavs ; 
 for they had fettled fame they Jhould pitch the aftion upon, 
 Jhould cleqjr their party. And then he Jhould fiy upon than 
 with the fword of revenge. 
 
 And this examinant doth further add, “ That the Queen 
 “ is not, to this examinant’s knowledge, nor by any thing 
 “ lie could ever find out, any way concerned in the mur- 
 “ dcr of the King ; but barely by her letters, confenting 
 “ and promifing to contribute what money fhc could to 
 “ the introducing the Catholick Religion. Nay, it was a 
 “ great while, and it made her weep, before (he could he 
 * l brought to that.” 
 
 He a I fo declared to the Lord Chief-Juftice, [That he looked 
 upon himfilf as a dying n\an , and found within himfilf that 
 he could not lafi long, but mujl Jhortly appear before the Lord 
 cf Dojis, to give an account of all his ail ions. And becaufe 
 many perfons had made it their bufinefs to bajfie and deride the 
 plot, he did, for the fatisfattion of the world , there declare, 
 upon the faith of a dying man , and as he hoped for falvation .] 
 That whatever he had tefiified concerning the plot was true : 
 And that he had wronged no man by his tejlimony, but had 
 
 tfiified rather under than over what was truth ;- -and, 
 
 that he had other things to difeover, which were of great im¬ 
 portance to the King and the Country, with other matters of 
 the like nature. In conclufion, his Lordfiiip was defired 
 to reprefint to his Majejly his condition, and that his fteknefs 
 was very chargeable , and move his Majejly in his behalf for 
 feme [apply of money for his J'ubftJlance. 
 
 ^Tthn'ot ^ ^' s deposition deferves fome remarks. The firft, that 
 fofition. l(: comes fr° m a dying man, and who indeed died three 
 days after. If the proteftations of thofe who had been con¬ 
 demned, either for the plot, or Godfrey's murder, may 
 form a preemption in their favour, I don’t fee why this 
 of dying Bedloe fhould not form the like, unlefs the point 
 in queftion is taken for granted, namely, that the con¬ 
 demned perfons were innocent, and Bedloe a villain for 
 fwearing againft them. 2. Bedloe diflinguifhes perfectly the 
 feveral articles of the plot, in that he accufes the Duke of 
 lork of being ingaged in the plot, but acquits him from 
 dehgning the King’s murder. Now the plot, with regard 
 to the Government and Religion is fo evident, and the 
 part the Duke of York had in it fo dear from Coleman’s let¬ 
 ters, that nothing can better agree with Bedloe' s depofition. 
 Thirdly, it is really improbable, that two Jefuits at Rome, 
 directors of fo important an affair, fhould fpeak fo openly 
 to Bedloe. But on the other hand, the manner of the 
 King's death three or four years after Bedloe' s, gives but 
 too juft caufe to fufpc£t, there was foul play, and caufes 
 this improbability to vanifti in part. Laftly, Bedloe declared 
 in his depofition, That whatever he had tefiified concerning 
 the plot was true , and this laft depofition, far from giving 
 room to fufpedt it of falfehood, may rather create a belief, 
 that it was not an invention, fince, being fo near death, he 
 could have no inducement to acquit the Duke of York upon 
 one article, and accufe*him’upon others, or even to trouble 
 the Chief-Juftice with any depofition at all. 
 
 Ecfiard, Tins depofition a little perplexes a famous Hiftorian, 
 ,1U p ‘ 577 ' w ho in this part of his hiftc ry undertakes to prove the plot 
 to be a fidtion. 1 o free himfelf from this difficulty, he 
 fcruples not to oppofe his own authority to Bedloe' s depofi¬ 
 tion. “ We know not, fays he, how to fpeak foftly of 
 “ the dying words of one hardened by many years villa- 
 “ nies ; but muft exprcfdy declare, that as to his publick 
 “ oaths he did not only ! ear to the moft fhocking irn- 
 “ probability-, but foinetimes changed, and other times 
 
 RLE5 II. 
 
 “ contradicted his own evidence.” After this authority no l 63 o. 
 man, doubtlefs, wiil regard this left depofition of Bedloe, 
 otherwife than as a continuation cf the crimes he had been 
 guiicy of, in falfeiy fwearing there was a plot, when in 
 reality there was none. 
 
 The city of London was then in the Country-party, Tw, Pr f i 
 which gave it great reputation. The choice, on Mid him- 
 oner day, for Sheriffs fell upon two famous Presbyterians, 
 by a majority of voices, both accounted Phanaticks by the B^n«, 
 contrary party (1). Thefe were S'lingsby Bethel, and Henry P; 4:?’ 
 Cornifi), who took care to qualify themfelves bv receiving Bchlrd ’ 
 the Sacrament in the Church of England, abjuring the Co¬ 
 venant, and doing every thing as appointed bv Adi of Par¬ 
 liament. While this eledtion was depending, it was pretend¬ 
 ed, that Bethel s paitv had committed feme violence againft 
 the other, which obliged the King to order a Commilfion 
 of Oyer and Terminer to be iflued out for the tryal of the 
 riot. Mean while, the two Sheriffs, contrary to the King, lie LorJ- 
 being chofen, Thomas Papillon Efq; prefented an addrefs Ma y° rai - 
 to the Lord-May or, in the name of the city, wherein, af- p c ‘$u„ 
 ter difowning all tumultuous and diforderly proceedings, King for the 
 and teftifying an inviolable fidelity to the King, they T tbt 
 
 fired his Lordfiiip, That he would, in their names, humbly Par ^' em,m ' 
 befieeb his Majejly, that the Parliament might fpeedily affim- 
 ble. Whether the addrefs produced any effedl, or the King 
 had already taken his refolution, a few days after, it was 
 made known by a publick proclamation, that the Parlia¬ 
 ment fhould fit on the 21ft of October. 
 
 While the lime of the meeting of the Parliament was yet Tie Duke of 
 remote and uncertain, the Court-party had fome advantage, Monmouth 
 but, as it approached, the Country-party gained the fupe- '‘JkeTnZ n"- 
 riority. The Duke of Monmouth was returned from Hoi- me <f°tbe 
 land without leave (2), and inflead of going to Court, c " urf ' 
 nude feveral progrefles in the Kingdom to encourage his Echard!" 
 friends, and increafe their number. This party were re- Burner, 
 folved to run all hazards, and ruin themfelves or the Duke P-477- 
 01 York, the next feffion of Parliament. To this end, the York "pre? 
 Earl of Shaftsbury, attended by twelve Lords and Gende-/«»'«* 
 men of note, went publickly to JKfiminfier-Hall, and at Pa PK 
 the King's-Bench Bar, by a Bill in form, prefented the 
 Duke of York as a popifh Recufant (3). The thing was 
 but too true, and the whole Kingdom was fenfible of it. 
 
 But till this time no man had dared to take fuch a ftep, 
 
 which was confidered as a formal defign to break all mea- 
 
 fures with the Duke. This adlion fo furprized the three 
 
 principal Minifters, that they concluded the contrary party 
 
 muft neceflarily be allured beforehand of the refolutions of 
 
 the Parliament. Wherefore, to ingratiate the King with 
 
 the Parliament, they advifed him to fend the Duke of York 
 
 into Scotland , believing it would not be in his power to fup- 
 
 port him, it he left him in England, during the fetfion of 
 
 the Parliament. The King approving their reafons, obliged n e King 
 
 the Duke to return to Scotland, after repeated affurances, f e »di away 
 
 that he would never forfake him. So the Duke departed y[ T ^ uk ‘ ^ 
 
 the day before the meeting of the Parliament, to the great Bmnet, 
 
 latisfaclion of his enemies, who hoped to ruin him more P-481- 
 
 eafily in his abfence. Echard. 
 
 At laft, the Parliament met the 21ft of October, as the 
 King had promifed in his proclamation. In his Speech at Kennet 
 the opening, he acquainted both Houfes, “ That he had p.371/ 
 
 “ made and perfedled an alliance with the Crown of Spain, Echard. 
 
 “ fuitable to that which he had before with the States of 
 “ the United-Provinces, confifting of mutual obligations 
 “ of fuccour and defence. He allured them, that nothing 
 “ fhould be wanting on his part to give them the fulleft 
 “ fatisfa&ion their hearts could wilh, for the fecurity of the 
 “ Proteftant Religion, confiftent with preferving the fuc- 
 “ celfion of the Crown in its due and legal courfe of de- 
 ** Rent. In order to this, he recommended to them to 
 “ purfue the further examination of the plot, with a ftrifl 
 “ anc l impartial enquiry ; neither thinking himfelf nor 
 “ them fale till that matter was gone through with, and 
 “ therefore it would be neceffary that the Lords in the 
 “ T ower fhould be brought to their fpeedy trial, that juf- 
 
 “ tice might be done.-He told them, it would be im- 
 
 “ poffible without their fupport to preferve Tangier, and 
 
 “ therefore defired their advice and afliftance..--In con- 
 
 “ clufion, he recommended to them a perfedl union with 
 “ himfelf, and one another, as the only thing which could 
 “ reftore the Kingdom to its antient ftrength and vigour, 
 
 “ and raife it up again to that confideration which England 
 “ had ufually had.” 
 
 During this whole reign, the King’s Religion was fo 
 great a fee ret, that very few were acquainted with it. And 
 therefore the King more boldly preceded his zeal for the 
 
 ^ e 1 p 0Urt , W L aS V 1 rv " s op t ' i! " ElefVon, and underflond It to b? done on defign to pack Juries Burntl p 
 (1) He begged the King leave r 1 return ; but when he law no hope of obtiini.ng «t, he cimr ...ver without 'eav 
 / , ™. and *>a;k. But the Earl of Shaftibury advifed him to make the pn-greflei her- me . 
 
 (3) They tout ntefted the?-.i were the Earls of Hurnr.gnn and Shaft,bury ; the Lords Grey IV,rk. B, undo 
 Gilbert Cc , Sir William Confer, Sir Tbomae Wharton, John Trencherd, 
 
 rejter, Eiquires. By the fudden Diimifiwn of the Grand Jury, the matter had no conference in the terms of the Cour 
 
 The King upon that would not 
 ed. Burnet, p. 477- 
 .rard, Ru.’el ar d Cavtndijb ; Sir 
 1 ‘umai 'Tbyr.nr. and IVilham Fort. 
 Echard. T. III. p. 579- 
 
 No. 79, V 0 l. II. 
 
 proteftant 
 

 Vol. II. 
 
 lhe 
 
 HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 7Vr Cnm- 
 rr.on, expel 
 the Abo r- 
 rtrt, a fid 
 
 g- 
 
 P- 377- 
 Echard. 
 Burnet, 
 p. 484. 
 
 the Exami¬ 
 nation of tbi 
 
 7be Kint 1 
 Diffimull- 
 
 7be Com¬ 
 mon, refum, 
 the Exelu- 
 fon-Bill. 
 Debate a- 
 bout the Ex 
 clujion.^ 
 
 Echard. 
 
 Barnet. 
 
 #"<of the 
 Commfe, for 
 the Ext lu- 
 in of tbt 
 uber.f 
 
 ork. 
 
 Debates, 
 & t> P‘ *4‘ 
 
 t.'d agair.Ji 
 
 Proteftant Religion, and on all occafion? declared, lie would 
 maintain it againft the attempts of the Papifts. 1 hefe pro- 
 teftati -mis might then have fome effeift, iince it is very na¬ 
 tural for a King to favour his own Religion. But ftnee it 
 has been certain!v jenown, that Charles II. was a Papift, 
 had abjured the Proteftant Religion before his Reftoration, 
 and profeffed, though fecretly, the popifli Religion, thefe 
 fo folemn and lb frequent protections muff be thought very 
 ftrange, being intended only to deceive Ins Subjects. 
 
 After the Speaker (i) was chofen, and approved by the 
 King, the Houfe of Commons immediately difeovered what 
 was to be expe&ed from them, by expelling fome of their 
 member , for having been Abhorrers. But not content 
 with punifhing their own members, they ordered an ad- 
 drefs to be prefented to the King, to remove from all pub- 
 lick offices Sir George Jefferies Serjeant at Law, Recorder 
 of London , and Chief-Juftice of Chejler , as guilty of the 
 fame crime, and a betrayer of the rights of the Subjedh 
 
 As this w'as a new Parliament, and as the affair of the 
 plot w'as to be refumed at the King’s own defire, the wit- 
 nefies who had already depofed, laid before the Houfe their 
 informations, and were joined by Dangerfie/d, Jennifon , 
 Dugdale, and one Turberville , a new evidence. Some 
 likewife came from Ireland, Upon a report made to the 
 Houfe, that Dr. Tonge , who had firft difeovered the plot 
 to the Kine, had received no gratuity, he was now recom- 
 ! mended to his Majeffy for the firft good ecclefiaftical pre¬ 
 ferment that fell in his gift But the Do&or was difap- 
 pointed of the benefit of this recommendation, by leaving 
 the world not long after. The King on this occafion 
 difeovered no lefs zeal than the Commons, and iflued out 
 a proclamation, with a promife of his pardon to any perfon 
 who lhould, within two months, give farther information 
 and evidence concerning the horrid and execrable Popifli 
 Plot. 
 
 But this diffimulation was not capable of deceiving the 
 Commons. Five days after the opening of the Parlia¬ 
 ment, the 26th of Ofiober , the Lord Rujfel moved. That 
 they might in the firjl place take into confideration how to fup- 
 prefs Popery-, and prevent a Popifh fucccjfor. He was Se¬ 
 conded by Sir Henry Capel , brother to the Earl of EJfex , 
 who, in a long fpeech, related w'hat had been done to the 
 prejudice of the Kingdom during the prefent reign. He 
 aferibed the whole to Popifh counfels. He fpoke of the 
 firft Dutch war ; of the divilion of the fleet; of the affair of 
 Chatham ; of the fire of London ; of the difeharge of the 
 prifoners concerned in that wicked aft, without tryal; of 
 the violation of the Triple League ; of the feizing the 
 Dutch Smyrna fleet before war was proclaimed ; of the Se¬ 
 cond Dutch war ; of the permiffion to the Irifh Papifts to 
 wear arms ; of the alteration of the Government of Scot¬ 
 land, by lodging it in a commiflioner and a council, be- 
 fides an army of twenty thoufand men. He faid, the 
 Papifts were emboldened to a<ft any thing, by the hopes of 
 having the Duke of York for King : That they were more¬ 
 over encouraged by the French Ambaffador, who by his 
 frequency at Court, feemed to be rather one of the family, 
 and of the King’s houfhold, than a foreign Ambaffador ; 
 and by his free recourfe to his Majefty, rather a prime 
 Minifter of State of this Kingdom, than a counfellor to 
 another Prince: That fince all thefe irregularities and enor¬ 
 mities proceeded from the Popifli party, fupported by the 
 Duke of York , it was high time to think of fome effectual 
 expedient to prevent Popery and a Popifli fucceffor. 
 
 Several other members fpoke to the fame effect, fome 
 more, fome lefs ; and no man offered to vindicate the 
 Duke, or fpeak in his behalf, till the Houfe came to the 
 two following refolves, upon the 2d of November. 
 
 “ 1. That the Duke of York's being a Papift, and the 
 “ hopes of his coming fuch to the Crown, hath given the 
 “ greateft countenance and encouragement to the prefent 
 “ defigns and confpiracies againft the King and the Pro- 
 “ teftant Religion. 
 
 “ 2. That in defence of the King’s perfon and Govern- 
 “ ment, and Proteftant Religion, this Houfe doth declare, 
 “ that they will ftand by his Majefty with their lives 
 “ and fortunes, and that if his Majefty ftiould come to 
 “ any violent death, which God forbid, they will revenge 
 “ it to the utmoft of their power on the Papifts.” 
 
 Upon thefe two votes, the Lord Rujfel moved for a 
 Committee to bring in a Bill to difable the Duke of York 
 from inheriting the Crown. This affair was now debated 
 with great fpirit in feveral eloquent Speeches on both fides 
 the queftion. The fubftance of what was urged for the 
 Bill was, that all the evils which the Kingdom had felt, and 
 if ill laboured under, proceeded from Popifh Counfels, begun 
 and headed by the Duke of York. That the danger muft 
 be extreme, fhould he ever enjoy the Crown. That it 
 might be read in Scripture, That one man ought to dye for 
 
 a nation , but not that three nations Jhould dye for one man . 16S0. 
 
 The oppofers of the Bill offered not to fhow there was no 
 danger in a Popilh King. This they were willing to fup- 
 pofe, but pretended that there were other expedients to pre¬ 
 vent this danger than that of exclufion. That behdes, it 
 could not be expe&ed that the Duke of York , and many 
 others, would fubmit to this Law, the confequence whereof 
 would be a civil war, in which the Duke of York would 
 be fupported by all the Princes of Europe. 
 
 To this objection it was anfwered, that no expedient 
 could be thought of to fecure the Proteftant Religion un¬ 
 der a Popifli Prince, who would have a Popifli Council, 
 
 Popifli Judges, Popifli Magiftrates, and Deputy-Lieuten¬ 
 ants, Popilh Commanders at fca and land, nay and Popifli 
 Bifhops too. That the excluding the Duke from the fuc- 
 ceffion, was no depriving him of his right to the Crown, 
 of which he had rendered himfclf incapable, by embracing 
 a Religion contrary to that of the Kingdom. Fora Popilh 
 King and Proteftant Subje&s were irreconcilable. 
 
 The others replied, there was no Law which, fora dif¬ 
 ference of opinion in Religion, deprived anv man of his 
 right. 
 
 In conclufion, it was refolved. That a Bill be brought in 
 to difable' the Duke of York to inherit the Imperial Crown 
 of this Realm. 
 
 Hitherto the Court-party had only skirmiflied, as I may 7 be Exch- 
 fay, in hopes that an engagement might be avoided. But f' on B,tl 
 when this vote had palled, and the Bill was read the firft redd ' 
 time. Sir Leoline Jenkins Secretary of State, flood up and 
 argued diredly againft it, by alledging : 
 
 “ 1. That it was contrary to natural juftice, to con- Secretary 
 “ demn any man before the conviction, or the hearing J enki "»/"/*■ 
 
 “ ° f him - ° ti’Ydyz 
 
 “ 2. It was contrary to the princ.ples of our Religion, t> a k to f 
 “ to difpoflefs a man of his right, becaufe he differs in point Vork ' 
 
 “ of faith. £r ,W \. 
 
 “ 5. He was of opinion, that the Kings of England had 
 “ their right from God alone, and that no power on earth 
 “ could deprive them of it. 
 
 “ 4. It was againft the 01th of Allegiance, taken in its 
 “ own fenfe, without Jefuitical evafions ; which binding 
 “ all perfons to the King, his heirs, and fucceflors, the 
 “ Duke, as prefumptive heir, muft be underftood.” 
 
 The advocates for the Bill anfwered to the firft objeftion ; Hi, r fa jt n 
 that not only the Duke of York's interefts were concerned, 
 but thofe of the whole Kingdom ; and that if the Duke of 
 York had withdrawn at the time the Parliament was going 
 to meet, his abfence ought not to prevent their providing 
 for the good of the Kingdom. To the feccnd obje&ion 
 it was anfwered, that in eftablifhing for principle, that dif¬ 
 ference of opinion in Religion ought to be no caufe for dif- 
 po/Telling any man of his right, all the Adis of Parliament 
 made fince the Reformation againft Papifts and Sectaries 
 were condemned, who, as fubjedts, had rights in common 
 with the reft, of which neverthelefs it was thought expe¬ 
 dient to deprive them, on account of the dangers to which 
 the Kingdom would be expofed, if they were left in the 
 enjoyment of them. That this was a maxim generally re¬ 
 ceived in all States, Proteftant or Popilh. That it was 
 very true, the Subjedfs of a different Religion might be in¬ 
 jured by being deprived of their rights ; but that this injury- 
 proceeded not from the Government’s having no right to 
 take this precaution, but from taking it unfeafonably and 
 groundlefsly, through prejudice, piide, paffion, revenge and 
 hatred. To the third objection it was anfwered. That al¬ 
 lowing the principle, that the Kings of England had their 
 right from God alone, it ftiould at leaft have been fpecified 
 wherein confifted this Right, and it would never be proved, 
 that the Kings of England were inverted with power from 
 God, to alter the Conftitution, or introduce a new Reli¬ 
 gion at pleafure. But, if by this Right was underftood only 
 that of the Succeffion, the principle was falle, as mitrht be 
 proved by many inftances in the Englifs fucceffion ; for all 
 the Kings and Queens fince Henry VII. mounted the 
 throne by virtue of an Aft of Parliament, which had fet¬ 
 tled the fucceffion upon the pofterity of that Prince, and 
 had fince been confirmed by others. It was replied to the 
 fourth objection, that the oath of Allegiance, which bound 
 the Subject to the King’s heirs and fucceflors, was to be 
 underftood, when thofe heirs and fucceflors were on the 
 throne, and not while they were yet Subjedts. But fup- 
 pofing even the oath to be meant of an engagement to ac¬ 
 knowledge for King the next heir, it certainiv became 
 void, if that heir rendred himfclf incapable of i’ucceeding 
 by his ill condudt. That the laws which impofed oaths 
 had always in view a certain conftitution of Government, 
 which they fuppofed conftant and unalterable, becaufe all 
 cafes that might happen could not be forefeen. But that it 
 could not be denied, there were poffible cafes in which thefe 
 
 (1; With am Will;ami Efq; of Gray 'j Inn, 
 
 oaths 
 
Book XXIII. z 6. C H A 
 
 1680. oaths would become entirely null ; as for example, if the 
 preemptive heir Ihould declare openly againft the Conftitu- 
 tion of the State, and clearly difcover, that he intended to 
 alter it when on the throne. And if in that cafe it was 
 pretended, the Subject was ftill bound by his oath of Alle¬ 
 giance to this fucceflor, the plain meaning of the oath would 
 be, that the Subjects bound themfelves to flavery, when¬ 
 ever the Prince Ihould think fit to impofe it, which was 
 abfurd. In fine, that the Parliament was the foie judge of 
 fuch cafes. 
 
 Several 0 - But the advocates for the Bill, not contented with reply- 
 aiitdged^for In § t0 Jenkins 's objections, added likewife other reafons to 
 tbe Bui. demonftratc the legality, the expedience, the neceflity, of 
 the exclufion of the Duke of York. They proved the firft 
 point by precedents taken from the Hiftory of England , by 
 which they demonftrated, that, on feveral occafions, the 
 Parliament had really difpofed of the Crown in a different 
 manner from the ufual cuftom. Edward III. was acknow¬ 
 ledged King in his father’s life-time, and Henry IV, while 
 Richard II. was ftill living. The Parliament moreover 
 granted the Crown to Henry IV, and fettled the fucceffion 
 in his pofterity, contrary to the known and natural right 
 of the Earl of March , who was next heir to Richard II. 
 Then they fettled the Crown upon the Duke of York , and 
 his pofterity, after the death of Henry VI, though Henry 
 had ;t legitimate fon living. After the Houfe of York had 
 enjoyed the Crown for three fucceflive reigns, though that 
 Houfe had a numerous ifTue, the Parliament transferred the 
 Crown to Henry VII. and his pofterity. They gave a 
 power to Henry VIII. to name his fucceffors, and fettle the 
 fucceffion as he fhould think proper. Laftly, on the fuc¬ 
 ceffion of James I. to the Crown, though no Aft was de¬ 
 manded by him to confirm his Right, the Parliament how¬ 
 ever made one, in order not to lofe their own. As to the 
 objeftion, that thefe Princes were pofl'efled of the Crown 
 when thefe Afts were made, it ought to be obferved, that 
 though they had the power in their hands, and were in pof- 
 feffion, they thought fit to demand the Parliament’s confir¬ 
 mation, as a thing abfolutely neceffary to juftify their right. 
 In fine, it was impoflible for the Parliament, confidered as 
 confifting of King, Lords, and Commons, to aft any thing 
 contrary to the laws, fince their power of repealing old, 
 and enafting new, Laws, could not be difputed. That 
 the fupreme and abfolute authority refides in the Parliament 
 compofed of King, and both Houfes. For what is the Par¬ 
 liament but a body confifting of all the members of the 
 State, to which no power on earth hath a right to pre- 
 feribe ? To fay therefore, that the Parliament can aft un-. 
 juftly againft the laws, is to fay, that all the members of the 
 fame body may aft unjuftly to themfelves, and be refponfi- 
 ble for this injuftice, which is an abfurdity not to be defended. 
 
 As to the fitnefs and benefit of this Bill, it was not ne- 
 ceflary to ufe many arguments to Ihow, that it was expe¬ 
 dient and fit, that the Government and Religion Ihould be 
 fecured, and the people delivered from theii fears and fuf- 
 picions. It could not even be denied, that the exclufion of 
 the Duke of York would be attended with thefe advantages. 
 But as it could not be fuppofed, that the Duke of York and 
 his adherents, would fubmit to this Biil, which might oc- 
 cafion a civil war, wherein the Duke might be fupported 
 by foreign aid ; to this objeftion it was anfwered, that it 
 was better to hazard fuch a war, than be expofed to a more 
 certain danger, namely, of feeing the Laws and Religion 
 invaded by a pcpifii Prince. 
 
 But it was principally to demonftrate the neceflity of the 
 Exclufion-Bill, that the advocates for it difplayed all their 
 wit and eloquence. They maintained, that all precautions 
 to limit the power of a popifh Prince, would be fruitlefs, 
 becaufe his promifes and oaths could not be relied on, from 
 which the Pope, through a motive of Religion, could ab- 
 folve him. That before the Reformation, the reign of 
 HenryV II. furnilhed very remarkable inftances, and it did not 
 appear, that Popes, fince the Reformation, had relinquilhed 
 their principles. That, befides, the Duke of York's zeal for 
 his Religion, and his principles concerning the Government, 
 were well known, fince the letters of his Secretary, and his 
 intimate union with France , had clearly Ihown, he was not 
 only difpofed to undertake any thing to fupport the interefts 
 of his Religion, but had even, for that end, engaged in 
 meafurcs very prejudicial to the State. That it was to po- 
 pilh counfels, and to the Duke in particular, that the two 
 Dutch wars, fo contrary to the interefts of England , were 
 to be aferibed. That to him were owing the non-execu¬ 
 tion of the laws made againft popifh Recufants, the perni¬ 
 cious defigns of the Cabal, and that Coleman’s letters made 
 it as clear as the fun, that he was the chief author of the 
 frequent adjournments and prorogations of the Parliament, 
 at the very time they were employed in feeking out expe¬ 
 dients to fave Europe , and the Proteftant Religion from 
 certain ruin. Other arguments were alfo alledged to prove, 
 that all the precautions which could be taken, would be to 
 no purpofe, when the Duke Ihould be on the throne. Firft, 
 3 
 
 R L E S II. 715 
 
 it was faid, that his union with France would fupply him 1680, 
 with money, without his being obliged t apply to the Par¬ 
 liament. That he might thereby maintain what forces he 
 pleafed, and having an army at his command, would be 
 maftcr of the Kingdom, and free to perform or not per¬ 
 form the conditions on which he Ihould be raifed to the 
 throne. That with this army he might influence the E- 
 leftions, and procure fuch a Parliament as would fubvert all 
 poflible precautions. That there was too much reafon to 
 believe, that the late army had been raifed with this defign, 
 fince, being certain, that it was not intended againft France , 
 it could only be defigned againft the Subjefts. Nay, it was 
 likely, this was the intent of the expedient propofed, that 
 when the King Ihould happen to die, the Parliament then 
 in being, or the laft that was in being, Ihould aflemble and 
 lit a competent time, without any new fummons or elec¬ 
 tions, fo that after the expiration of this competent time, 
 the Kingdom would fall into the inconvenience juft men¬ 
 tioned. That if the tranfaftions fince the King’s Reftora- 
 tion were confidered, it would be found, that nothing had 
 been done with relation to the Government, but what tend¬ 
 ed to fubvert it, and introduce Popery. That the Duke of 
 York’s influence in the King’s counfels was well known ; 
 
 That though he was abfent, his adherents and creatures en¬ 
 joyed the principal places in the Court and Kingdom, and 
 that from him proceeded all the evils wherewith England 
 was aflhfted, and all the dangers the nation had to fear. 
 
 That if after fo manifeft a difeovery of his defigns, after 
 the laft teftimony of Bedloe on his death-bed, after all the 
 evidence of an execrable plot againft the State and Religion, 
 the Duke’s fincerity and flattering promifes were to be truft- 
 ed, the confequence would be, a too late 3 nd fruitlefs re¬ 
 pentance. From thefe realbns, and many others, it was 
 inferred, that the Exciufion-Bill was abfolutely rfeceflary, 
 and that the people jjftly expefted from their Reprefenta- 
 tives this extraordinary precaution, to free them from their 
 fears. 
 
 The Court-party were extremely embarafled. There a u 
 were fafts alledged againft the Duke which could not be M%*da. 
 anfwered, and there were others which they durft not di- ,bt 
 reftly deny, for fear of farther difputes, at a time when ' 
 the torrent ran fo high againft the Duke. Nay, very lew 
 ventured to appear openly for him. Amongft thefe were 
 Sir Leoline Jenkins Secretary of State, Mr. Hyde .1 Privy- 
 Counfellor, and one of the three who then managed the 
 Duke’s affairs, Mr. Seymour , and one more. Sir Leoline Debates, 
 Jenkins defired the Houfe to confider, “ That the Duke ***' P- * 7 ' 
 “ of York was the King’s brother, and Son of Charles I, 
 
 “ for whofe memory the nation had a great veneration : 
 
 “ That the Duke was inriched with excellent endowments, 
 
 <c which he had employed in the fervice of the nation, by 
 “ fighting their battles, and defending them from the op- 
 “ preflion of their enemies, and was only guilty of this 
 “ one crime, which he hoped, upon a mature deliberation, 
 
 “ would not deferve fo great a condemnation.-He re- 
 
 “ membered them, that there were Laws already for the 
 “ punilhment of the crimes he was accufed of, and there- 
 “ fore humbly conceived, they ought not to chaftife him, 
 
 “ by making a new Law before any hearing.” Mr. Hyde 
 
 added-“ I do not know that any of the King’s mur- lbidl p ‘ 9 °* 
 
 “ derers were condemned without being heard ; and muft 
 
 tc we deal thus with the brother of our King ?-It 
 
 tC would confift much better with the juftice of the Houfe, 
 
 “ to impeach him, and try him, in a formal way, and 
 “ then cut off" his head, if he deferve it. I will not, con- 
 “ timed he, difpute the power of Parliaments ; but I quef- 
 “ tion whether this Law, if made, would be good in it- 
 
 “ felf.— - For ought I know, when you have made 
 
 “ this Law, it may have a flaw in it j if not, I am con- 
 
 “ fident there are a loyal party, which will never obey, 
 
 “ but will think themfelves bound by their oath of allegi- 
 “ giance and duty, to pay obedience to the Duke, if ever 
 “ he Ihould come to be King, which muft occafion a civil 
 “ War.”-— 
 
 In the courfe of the debates on this Bill, Sir Francis IMd p* 9 8 * 
 JVinnington alledged, “ That an ACt of the thirteenth of 
 “ Elizabeth made it treafon for any man to fay, that the 
 “ Parliament could not alter the fucceffion.” To which 
 “ Mr. Finch replied, I will not fay that Afls of Parlia- p ' IOJ ’ 
 
 “ ment cannot difpofe of the fucceffion , becaufe it was made 
 “ treafon by a Statute in the r$th of Elizabeth. But 1 
 “ will deny that the Kings of England rule by virtue of any 
 “ Statute Law, as was fuggejled ; for their right is by fo 
 “ antient a prefeription , as that it may juftly be faid to be 
 “ from God alone, and that no power on earth ought to dif- 
 “ pute it.” 
 
 Though this queftion was only accidentally raifed and thnJof 
 carried no farther, I think it ought not to pafs unregarded, tbe pJwlr 
 becaufe it ferves to difcover the two opinions among the wbicb tbe 
 Englijh , concerning the fucceffion. Some believe, that in bn'iUda. 
 extraordinary cafes the Parliament has power to difpofe of 
 the fucceffion, becaufe the Parliament is fuppofed to include - V “-‘ £ # D " °f 
 
 ‘ .toe Cr.Wfi, 
 
 the 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 716 'Ihe HISTORY 
 
 1680. the whole nation, from the King to the meaneft Subjeft, 
 and it is abfurd to difpute the power of the whole nation 
 I ' • : 1 ng. 
 
 ■ 
 
 mits not of any change, either by the nation in a body, or 
 •by the Parliament. That if this is done, it is unjuftly, and 
 the parties concerned are not obliged to fubmit to the 
 Parliament's decifions. That fuch changes were never 
 
 * made without canfmg troubles ar.d civil wars in the King- 
 •* dom ; becaufe, as it is not in tie power of the King to 
 deprive the nation or the Pm ii .mem " their rights, fo nei¬ 
 ther is ic in the power of tl ik I.'amcnt to deprive the 
 
 next heir of the fucceftion i> v/h: 0 he is in titled by na¬ 
 ture and birth. This (jus/tiV,;! i, i j never been unanirnoufly 
 decided, but each party maintain their opinion, and de¬ 
 termine according to the ftrength of their reafons. Jn 
 all appearance, this difputc will be ftiil long continued. 
 lie Cm:- At kft, after fcveral days debate , the Exclufion-Bill 
 JZreM.’ir. U! the Houfe by a great minority. Tin's Bill was much 
 
 C the fame with the other brought in during the laft Parlia- 
 " > ' ment, on) tl I 1 •. 
 
 '• t 
 
 “ in cl it.every 
 
 “ openly in every Cathedral, Pa: ifh.church and Chapel, 
 “ twice every year immediately after Divine Service, that 
 is to fay, on the 25th of December, and upon Eajhr- 
 “ day 
 
 A M'ffagc While the Commons were proceeding on this Bill, the 
 yr-m tbc King endeavoured to interrupt their debates by two mef- 
 Nov. 10. feges- By the fit ft he defired them to expedite fuch mat- 
 
 Dt bites, t ■ ■ 
 
 ©’r. p. 69. t f, c p[ of> Alluring them, that all remedies they could 
 tender to him, conducing to thefe ends, lhould be very Ac¬ 
 ceptable to him, provided they were fuch as might confift 
 with prefer ving the fucceflion of the Crown in. the legal 
 courfe of defeent. 
 
 A" AHuJi Upon this meflage an Addrefs was prefented to the King 
 ,iy ' , tlie which they faid, “ That though the 
 
 11*. “ I I nuch exceeded ; 
 
 ibid, p -9. “ yet they had in that time not only made a confider- 
 “ able progrefs in fome things ablolutely neceftary for the 
 “ fafety of his Majefty's perfon, the effectual fuppreflion 
 “ of Popery, and the fecurity of the Religion, Lives, and 
 “ Eftates, of his Majefty’s Proteflant Subjects ; but even 
 “ in relation to the tryals of the five Lords impeached in 
 “ Parliament, they had fo far proceeded, as th«y fhould in 
 “ a fhort time be ready for the fame. But they could not 
 “ ( without being unfaithful to his Majefty and their Coun- 
 14 try) omit humbly to inform his Majefty, that their dif- 
 “ faculties, even as to thofe tryals, were much increafed, 
 “ by the evil and deftru&ivc counfels of thofe perfons who 
 ‘ c advifed his Majefty, firft to the prorogation, and then to 
 “ the difiblution of the laft Parliament, at a time when 
 “ the Commons were prepared for thofe trials ; as Jikcwife 
 “ by the many and long prorogations of the prefent Par- 
 <c liament, before the fame was permitted to fit. That a 
 “ principal evidence was unfortunately dead, between the 
 <£ calling and the fitting of the Parliament. That others 
 ** had been t F, or • their e- 
 
 l ’ v * ( • -• T o prevent tl e like inconveniences for the fu- 
 <e 1 n jueft to his 
 
 “ that he would not fuller himfelf to be prevailed upon by 
 “ the like counfels, to do any thing which might occafion 
 “ either the dtfcrr.n ■ a full difeovery of the plot, or the 
 1 ■ rh( 
 
 “ and exemplary juftice and punifhment.”-- 
 
 Ti: Kmg t 1 be King’s other meflage was - . , , , to 
 
 1 • n of tha 1 u e, 
 
 ’ n I* i ,''' th : ' ; fo I tl eil r , i 1 to COnt< It the King, in- 
 ' • - 1 ' ter, be- 
 
 , ' ' • ! occafion from this 
 
 n gs in this 
 
 115, 117. reign. It was argued, “ j hat they were indeed afraid of 
 
 “ Tangier, but more afraid of a popifh fucceflor:-they 
 
 “ WLT y unwilling to give any money, became they remem- 
 bred, when eleven hundred thoufand pounds v/as given 
 “ for the building of fh : ps, not one lid , was built; and 
 “ above two millions given to fupport the Triple-league, 
 li when it was foon employed for the breaking of it ; and 
 “ twelve hundred thoufand pounds given for a war with 
 : 
 
 “ obligations for peace.” Thefe were ra£s to which the 
 friends oi the Court had nothing to reply, becaufe they 
 P 10 - were publickly known. They contented themfelves with 
 demonftrating the importance of Tangier to the Levant 
 trade, and reprefentmg, that the two millions expended on 
 the Mole would be entirely loft. In fhort. as the Com¬ 
 mons had always in mind the Exclufion-Bill, they took 
 occafion from this meflage to prelent to the King a long 
 y { , v .. 9 . addrefs, or rather remcntlrar.ee, fetcing forth, in eighteen 
 lb,J p 1491 artl £ ,es ’ the dangerous ftale of the Kingdom, with 'regard 
 to Popery. But it was not fo much to acquaint the King 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 with the . 
 
 they might think the Exclufion-Bill lefs ftrange. The 
 fubftance of thefe eighteen articles was as follows : 
 
 “ < • That Tangier had been feveral times under tlie 
 “ command of popilh Governors ; that the fupplies lint 
 <c thither, had been in great part made up of popilh officers 
 tC and foldiers, and that the Irifn Papifts had been moft 
 ‘ c countenanced and encouraged. 
 
 2. 1 hat here at home the endeavours and attempts of 
 “ popifh party had been fo bold and fuccefsful, that ir 
 “ was a m a iter of admiration to them, and which they 
 “ could only aferibe to an over-ruling providence, tl it his 
 ** Majefty’s reign wns ftiil continued over them, and that 
 “ they were yet aftembled to confult the means of their 
 “ prefervation. 
 
 3. That this bloody and reftlefs party had found coun- 
 “ tenancc and protedion from the laws made againft them : 
 
 1 hat they had found means to difgrace their *ppofers ; 
 
 and if they were Judges, Juftices of the peace, or other 
 “ Magiftrates, to have them turned out of commiffion: 
 cc So that niter fome time, they became able to influence 
 
 matters of State and Government; and thereby to de- 
 “ ftroy thofe that they could not corrupt. 
 
 4. The continuance and prorogation of Parliaments, 
 “ had been accommodated to ferve the purpofes of iliac 
 “ party- 
 
 “ 5 - Money raifed upon the people to fupply his Ma- 
 cc jefty’s extraordinary occafions, had, by the prevalence 
 
 of popifh counfels, been employed to make war upon a 
 “ Proteflant State, ar.d to advance and augment the dread- 
 “ ful power of the French King. 
 
 “ 6. That great numbers of his Majefty’s Subje&s were 
 “ font into, and continued in the fervice of that King : 
 
 And even the Minifters of England were made inftru- 
 “ me nts, to prefs the States of Holland to accept of a de- 
 “ mand from the French King, of admitting the publick 
 “ exercife of the Roman Catholick Religion. 
 
 “ 7. I hat if ever any command w'ere given for thofe 
 “ laws to be put in execution againft Papifls, even from 
 “ thence they gained advantage to their party, while the 
 tc edge of thofe Jaws was turned againft Proteflant Diften- 
 <e ters, and the Papifts efcaped in a manner untouched. 
 
 8. 1 hat the Teft-Acl had little cfFecl; for the Papifts, 
 “ cither by difpenfations obtained from Rome, fubmitied 
 “ to thofe Tefts, and held their offices themfelves; or thofe 
 “ put in their places were fo favourable to their interefts, 
 “ that Popery it felf had rather gained than loft ground 
 “ finee that Aft. 
 
 “ 9. That a Popifh Secretary, fince executed for his 
 c ‘ treafons, had maintained a correfpondence at Rome , and 
 “ in the Courts of other foreign Princes, For the fubdtting 
 (to ufe their own words) That pejlilent herefy which bad fo 
 long domineered over this northern world. 
 
 tc 10 - That out of thefe counfels and correfpondencies, 
 “ was hatched that damnable and hellifh Plot, by the 
 “ good Providence of God brought to light about two years 
 ‘‘ fince. 
 
 “ 11. That when this aecurfed confpiracy was firft 
 “ difeovered, the Papifts bejjan to fmother it, with the 
 “ barbarous murder of a Juftice of the Peace, within one 
 “ of his Majefty’s own palaces. 
 
 “ 12. That amidft thefe diftraftions and fears, Popifh 
 “ officers for the command of forces were allowed upon 
 “ the mufters, upon fpeci.il orders counterfigned by a Secre- 
 “ tarv of State : And in like manner, above fifty new com- 
 “ millions were granted about the fame time to known 
 “ Papifts. 
 
 “ 13. That when, in the next Parliament, the Houfe 
 “ of Commons were prepared to bring to a legal tryal the 
 “ principal confpirators in this plot, that Parliament was 
 “ firft prorogued, and then diflolved : And the interval 
 “ between the calling and fitting of this Parliament had 
 “ been fo long, that the Papifts had gained time and ad- 
 “ vantage of covering their paft crimes, and praftifing them 
 “ more effeftually. 
 
 “ 14. That witnefles had been corrupted, not only bv 
 “ promifes of reward, but of the favour of his Majefty’s 
 “ brother. 
 
 ‘ 4 15. That divers of the mod confiderable of his Ma- 
 “ jefty’s Proteflant Subjeft., had crimes of thehigheft nature 
 “ forged againft them, the charge to be fi:," : d l ubi r- 
 “ nation and perjury, that I 
 “ forms of law and juftice. 
 
 “ 16. That a prefentment being prepared for the Grand- 
 “ Jury of Middlefex, againft the Duke of York, the Grand- 
 “ Jury were, in an unprecedented and illegal manner, dif- 
 “ charged ; and that with fo much hafte and fear, leaft 
 “ they fhould finifh that prefentment, that they were pre- 
 “ vented from delivering many other indiftmen’.s by them 
 “ at that time found againft other Popifh Rccufants. 
 
 “ 17. That becaufe a pamphlet came out weekly, called 
 “ Tbs Weekly Packet of Advice from Rome, e>.pofing 
 
 “ Popery, 
 
 168?, 
 
Book XXIII, 
 
 26. CHARLES 11 . 
 
 throw cut 
 the .'. clu- 
 fionB.li. 
 Temple. 
 Kennel, 
 
 P 377 
 Echaid- 
 III. p. 59+. 
 Burnet. 
 
 Ihe 'Trya! of 
 the Lcrd 
 Staffed • 
 State-Trials. 
 
 T. Ill- 
 
 “ Popery, a<; ridiculoiif, tci the People, as it deferved, a 
 u new and arbitrary rule of Court, was made in t he King 1 s- 
 
 Bruch, (rather like a St at Chamber than a Court of Law) 
 '• that the fame Should not for the future be printed by any 
 “ perfon what foe ver. 
 
 “ 1 8. That notwithftanding all the proclamations for the 
 
 banifhing Papifts fiom about this great city, and refidence 
 “ from his Majcfty’s Court, and the Parliament ; yet great 
 “ numbers of them, and that of the mod dangerous fort, 
 “ did daily refort hither, and abide here.” 
 
 “ For all which reafons, the Commons entreated his 
 “ Majefty, that none but perfons of fincere affection to 
 “ the Proteftant Religion, might be put into any employ- 
 “ ment civil or military, that whilfl they gave a fupply to 
 “ Tangier, they might be a flu red. they did not augment 
 “ the flrength of their Popifli adverfaries, nor increafe 
 “ their own dangers. But that if his Majefly fhould 
 “ vouchfafe to grant their defires, they fhould not only 
 “ be ready to affift him in defence of Tangier , but do 
 tc whatfoever elfe fhould be in their power to enable him 
 “ to proteft the Protefiant Religion and intereft at home 
 et and abroad.” 
 
 Two days after this mortifying addrefs, on the 15th of 
 November (1), the Exclulion-Bill was fent up to the Houfe 
 of Lords (2). It palled only by two voices upon the firft 
 reading. But on the fecund reading it was thrown out by 
 a fi.periority of fixty-three, againfl thirty. Of fourteen Bi- 
 fh ips -hat day in the hL>ufe, Lire.: only gave their votes for, 
 and eieven againlt the Bill (3). The King was prefent at 
 the wii de debau , wlvch lulled till near midnight. 
 
 It was , gre.it monificaiion to the Commons, to fee 
 their favorite Bill thus thrown out by the Lords. They 
 grew fo fullen, and out ot humour, that they fell upon fe- 
 veral members of their own Houfe, expelling fome, and 
 impeaching and imprifoning others, as well as upon perfons 
 not ol their Houfe (4), for being Abhorrc-rs, cr for having 
 advifed and aflifted in drawing up me proclamation againfl 
 petitioning fur the lilting of the Parliament. But this ferved 
 only to difeover their rage at their dif.ippointment concern¬ 
 ing the Exclulion-Bill (5). 
 
 On the 30th of November , a new feene was opened, 
 namely, the tryal of William Howard , Lord Vifcount 
 Stafford, one ol the five popilh Lords in the Tower, who 
 were accufed of being concerned in the plot He was tryed 
 before the Lords in iVeJiminJlcr- Hall, the Chancellor being 
 appointed by the King, to perform the office of High- 
 Steward. I lie managers for the Commons began with 
 the plot in general, and laid open the malice, wickednefs, 
 and horrour, of fo dreadful, bloody, and hellifh a defign : 
 7 hey fticnuouflv infilled on the exprefs politive oaths of 
 the witnefles, upon whom the credit of the plot depended : 
 7 'hey expatiated on Coleman's letters and others, clearly 
 proving the Jefigns and activity of the writers : They 
 prefled home the execrable murder of Sir Fdmundbury God¬ 
 frey, charged upon the Papifts, as well by the oaths of felf- 
 acknowledged partners in the L£t, as by a letter fent from 
 London to Tixall, intimating this very murder, the third day 
 after it was committed : They fully difplayed the lham plots, 
 and counter-contrivances, whereby the Papifts would have 
 fuborned the King’s evidence, and turned all the guilt upon 
 his Majefty’s loyal Subjects : They urged the firing the 
 City, the burning the Navy, the calling in French armies, 
 wild Irijh , Spanijh pilgrims, tfc. They recapitulated the 
 feveral trials of Ireland , IVbitcbrcad , Longhorn , &c. and 
 alledged tiie votes of both Houfes of Parliament, declaring 
 the plot. To corroborate all which, they repeated the cru¬ 
 elties of Queen Mary, the French and Irijh maflacres, the 
 powder-plot, (Ac. And they anatomifed the wicked prin¬ 
 ciples and pradices ol murdering, lying, equivocating, for- 
 fwearing, faith-breaking, (Ac. imputed to the Papifts, as 
 held by them lawful aud meritorious. In fine, they pro¬ 
 duced witnefles to prove the plot in general, but chiefly 
 three appeared againthe accufed Lord, namely, Dugdale , 
 Oates , and Turberville. 
 
 “ r- Dugdale fwore, “ That at a certain meeting held 
 “ at 7 ixall in S taffordjhire, about the end of Augiijl , or 
 ‘ L beginning of September 1078, the Lord Stafford , with 
 “ Lord Ajlon, and others, did in the prefence of the wit- 
 “ nefles, give his full con fent, to take away the King’s life, 
 “ and introduce the pop’fh Religion. And that on the 20th, 
 
 <c or 21 ft of September , in the forenoon, the Lord Stafford 
 “ fent for the witnefs to his chamber, while he was dref- 
 “ fing ; and, turning his fervant out, offered him five 
 <c hundred pounds for his charges and encouragement, to 
 “ take away the King’s life ; and further told him, He 
 “ fhould have ftee pardon of pll his fins, cmd be fainted ; 
 
 “ for the King had been excommunicated, and was hkeWife a 
 “ tray tor, and a rebel , and an enemy to Jefus Chrijl. 
 
 Oates fwore, “ That in the year 1678, both in Spain p. 
 Cc and at St. Omer’s, he faw feveral letters* figned Stafford , 
 
 “ wherein his Lordfhip afTured the Jefuits of his fidelity 
 “ and zeal, in promoting the Cathoiick caufe ; that in 
 tc 1678, being in London, his Lordfhip came to the cham- 
 “ her of Father Fenwick, fince executed ; and there, in 
 “ his prefence received acommiffion from him, to be Pay- 
 “ mailer-general to the army : Whereupon his Lordfhip 
 “ faid, He mujl of nccefp.ty go down into the Country to take 
 “ account now affairs flood there ; and did not doubt , but at 
 “ bis return , Grove Jhould do the bufinefs. And, (peaking 
 “ of the King, he further added, He hath deceived us a 
 “ great while, and w: can bear no longer." 
 
 Turberville gave an account of “ difobliging his friends, p , 
 “ by leaving his Frier’s habit at Downy ; and thereupon 
 “ went into France, in the year 1675, where at Paris, 
 
 “ getting acquaintance with his Lordfhip, he propofed to 
 “ the witnefs, a way, both to retrieve his reputation with 
 “ his friends, and make himfelf happy j and this was by 
 “ taking away the life of the King of England, who was a 
 “ heretick, and a rebel againfl God Almighty. That when 
 “ he took leave of him, his Lordfhip appointed to meet 
 “ him at London ; but he foon after returned into France, 
 
 “ not being willing to undertake the propofals, and was 
 “ difcountenanced by his friends, and reduced to poverty/’ 
 
 The accufed Lord, in his defence, alledged many things 
 to invalidate the credit of the plot, and particularly, the 
 reputation of thefe three witnefles. 
 
 Again ft Dugdale he produced evidence, “ That he was p ,. 
 “ a perfon of an infamous life ; that he had cheated the 
 “ Lord Ajlon, his mafter, and defrauded the workmen and 
 “ fervants of their wages ; that by his extravagancies and 
 tc mifdemeanours, he had run himfelf into feveral hundred 
 “ pounds debt, for which he was thrown into goal, and 
 “ defpaired of ever getting out from thence, otherwife 
 “ than by making the pretended difeoveries. In the next 
 “ place, that he had diredlly perjured himfelf, in divers 
 
 parts and circumftances, as to the time and place, in this 
 “ and other depofitions.” And further, he proved, «* That 
 “ he had endeavoured to fuborn divers perfons to make 
 “ falfe oaths, and fo to (Lengthen his own by other men’s 
 “ perjury.” 
 
 Againlt Oates he enlarged upon the great improbabilities, p. 
 “ That fo many great and rich confpirators, who had 
 “ trufted him with their greateft fecrets, and whofe lives 
 “ were at his mercy, fhould fuffer him to be reduced to 
 “ fuch a wretched degree of beggary, as he was acknow- 
 “ ledged to be in when he made his firft difeoveries. He 
 “ likewife infilled upon his omiffions, additions, and con- 
 “ traditions, that plainly appeared in his feveral depofitions 
 tC about the plot ; and alfo upon his villainous feigning 
 “ himfelf to be of another Religion, by folemn renuncia- 
 “ tions of his faith, and by fuch facraments on one fide, 
 
 “ and fuch abjurations and execrations on the other, as 
 “ rendered him unfit to be admitted for an evidence againfl 
 “ any man living.” 
 
 As to Turberville, he urged, “ That he was perjured in 
 “ this, and many other of his depofitions ; and that his 
 “ Narrative had many miftakes and blunders in it. He 
 “ denied that he or any of his fervants, ever faw him at 
 “ Paris ■, and made fome remarks upon his poverty and 
 “ want, his loofe manner of living, his fhameful curfing 
 ‘‘ and (wearing, and particularly his ufing thefe words, 
 
 “ Gcd damn me ! There is no trade good now , but that of 
 “ 0 difcover cr." 
 
 This defence, as is eafily feen, could not well be more 
 weak, and yet it lafled a whole week, and the account of 
 this tryal makes a fmall volume in Folio, containing in fub- 
 ftance, only what I have faid. The accufations and depo¬ 
 fitions were exprefs, and the prifoner’s defence confiftcd, 
 
 1. In an abfolute denial of the crime for which he wa* im¬ 
 peached. But this denial could be of no fervice to him. 
 
 717 
 
 ifiSo, 
 
 45 ,146. 
 
 (1) The Aodrefs is dated November 13. bu 
 - (i) It was c nied up by William Lord RuJ/e 
 Echard, Tom. III. p -594.. 
 
 (3; Burr.et fays all the I'.ifliops voied againfl the Rill, p. 4S2. 
 
 ( 4 -) They agreed to impeach Sir Edward Seymour the laic 'speaker ; and Sir Robert Peytcn v 
 alio voted 10 proceed lor high Crmes and Mi Lem can run againfl Sir Francis Noitb Chief Juftic 
 ot the Kng’s bench, and Sir Richard Hiji-n one ot the Barons ot the Exchequer: And 
 *»«', P- 377 - 
 
 s; I lie Gentlemen who (poke fnr 'lie Exclulion were, Lord Ruffe!, Sir Henry Capet, Mr. Harbtrd, Colonel Titus, Mr. Thomas Btnntt, Sir Francis IV1 n • 
 
 nwgt.n Sii 1 b .mas Player, Sir H di.’i im Jor.,s, Mr. B'Jcaourn, Mr. Trenchant, Mr- ■. c nr ague, Colonel Sidney. -Agaiivfl the Bill, Sir Lionel Jenkins, 
 
 Mi. Laur-nct Hyae, Mr Edouard o,_y Nir Daniel Finch, Mr Geuraway , Sir Richard Graham. Debates, £cc. Jn ihe Hcufe of Lords the Earls of EJJt* 
 and Shjtshury argued mod ten it : And 'he Etilot Hair -x (who was tor L.imitations) was the Champion on tfie other Side. For which, when the Li 
 w -, id-."- out. the Commons v cd an Addrets to the King to remove Lord Halifax from his Counfels aad Preicnee for ever, pretending it was for hi 
 adv'.fing the DiAblution of thelafl Paiiiamcnt. Burnet, p, 482, 
 
 tE was not prefented to ihe King till November 2g, 
 
 , attended by the Lord Cavcndifla, Sir Henry Capet, and indeed by almoft the whole Houfe of Commons. 
 
 ) brought upon his knees, and expelled the Houfe. They 
 of the Common-Pleas, Sir Thomas Jones one of the Judges 
 3 impeach the Lord Chief-Juftice Rcrrgus of high-tieafon. 
 
 ill 
 
 No. 79. V O t . II. 
 
 8 T 
 
 as 
 
7 1 * 
 
 The H I STO RT of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. 
 
 The Lore. 
 Stafford . 
 demntd. 
 
 Burnet. 
 P' 493- 
 
 7,i:r 
 
 Echard. 
 
 P' 3"*- 
 
 
 , as it is not what the Judges go by. z. In feveral allega¬ 
 tions againft the witnelTes. But bare allegations without 
 proofs, are not wont to juftify the accufed. 3. In an im¬ 
 probability alledged againft Oates-, that if he had been fo 
 well acquainted with the fecrets of fo many rich men, they 
 would never have fufFered him to be reduced to fuch want. 
 To this the Lords doubtlefs paid the regard, they thought 
 it deferved. But, methinks, fuch an improbability cannot 
 be faid to make a convincing proof in favour of the 
 prifoner. 4. In a witnefs who depofed, that Dugdale 
 was a perfon of an infamous life, and guilty of feveral 
 cheats. On which, I cannot forbear repeating what I faid 
 on a like occafion, that if in a plot againft the King or the 
 State, only witneftes of honefty and reputation were to be 
 allowed, there would be danger of always wanting evidence, 
 becaufe fuch plots are commonly difeovered by the compli¬ 
 ces, and feldom any but villains are concerned. 
 
 However this be, after the Lord Stafford had made a 
 long and pathetick fpeech, and in the prefence of God pro- 
 1, tefted his innocence, he was found guilty by fifty-five votes 
 againft thirty-one. The Lord High-Steward asking him, 
 lThat he could fay for himfelf why judgment of death Jhould 
 not pafs upon him, according to law ? He replied, My Lord, 
 1 have very little to fay ; I confef , I am fur prized at it, for 
 I did not expedl it. But God’s will he done ; / will not mur¬ 
 mur at it. God forgive thofe that have falfely fworn againjl me. 
 
 Sentence being pa (Ted upon him, feveral of his relations 
 and acquaintance were urgent with him to make difeoveries 
 of all he knew, as the only means to fave his life ; to 
 which he anfwered, that he was willing, out of a meer 
 fenfe of duty, without any temporal view, to difeover the 
 utmoft of what he knew. Whereupon, he was brought to 
 the bar of the Lords, where he declared things known to 
 all the world, but faid nothing of what was wifhed to be 
 known. 
 
 He faid, “ That he thought it no crime for any man 
 “ to wifh his neighbour might be of the fame Religion, 
 “ wherein he himfelf hoped to be faved ; nay, to feek and 
 '■ “ promote it by fuch ways as the Laws of God and the 
 “ nation allow. T hat there had been, on feveral occafions, 
 “ endeavours ufed to obtain an abrogation, or at leaft a 
 mitigation of feverities againft the Catholicks ; but no 
 “ otherwife than by legal and parliamentary means. That 
 “ he himfelf at Breda propounded a hundred thoufand 
 t1, pounds to the King, for the taking off the Penal Laws 
 “ againft them. That a Bill had been brought into the 
 “ Houfe of Lords in their favour, but was quafbed by 
 “ Chancellor Hyde. That the Earl of Briftol had made 
 “ Come propofals with no better fuccefs. That he had 
 “ offered fome propofals to the Duke of York, the Chan- 
 “ cellor, and the Earl of Shaftsbury , which laft faid, He 
 “ doubted not but that there would come great advantages to 
 <l the King by it." But this pretended confeffion not 
 giving fatis,‘a£tion to the Lords, he was fent back to the 
 Tower. 
 
 1 he 29th of December he was beheaded, being fixty- 
 eight years of age : He protefted his innocence to his laft 
 moment. 
 
 The 15th of December, the King came to the Houfe of 
 ■ Lord', and fending for the Commons, made a Speech to 
 both Houfes, which properly was but a repetition of that 
 made at the opening of this feffion, relating to his alliances 
 with Spain and Holland , for the repofe of Chrijlendom, and 
 concerning Tangier. After which he renewed his promife 
 of concurring with them in any remedies for the fecurity of 
 the Proteftant Religion, which might confift with preferving 
 the fucceftion of the Crown in its due and legal courfe of 
 defeent. 
 
 I he Commons returning to their Houfe, inftead of taking 
 the King s Speech into confederation, refolved themfelves 
 into a grand Committee how to fecure the Kingdom againft 
 Popery and arbitrary Government. After a warm debate, 
 they refolved : 
 
 “ 1 hat a Bill be brought in immediately, to banifh all 
 the confiderable Papifts out of the Kingdom.” And 
 upon a farther debate on the mifehiefs and dangers of 
 Popery, they refolved, “ That it is the opinion "of the 
 Committee, that as long as the Papifts have any hopes 
 “ of the Duke of York's f'ucceeding the King in the King- 
 “ doms of England and Ireland, and dominions thereunto 
 “ belonging ; the King’s Perfon, the Proteftant Religion, 
 
 “ f'H the Lives, Liberties, and Prrpertics of all his lMa- 
 “ jefty s Proteftant Subjects, are in apparent danger of be- 
 “ ing deftroved. ’ Then upon reference made to an Adi 
 of Queen Elizabeth, for an allocation, they came to a 
 like refolution: “ That a Bill be brought in for an affocia- 
 “ tlon of all his Majefty’s Proteftant Subjects, for the fafe- 
 “ ty of his Majefty’s perfon, the defence of the Proteftant 
 Religion, and the prefervation of his Majefty’s Protef- 
 “ tant Subjects, againft all invafions and oppofitions ; and 
 “ [or preventing the Duke of Tori, or anv other Papift, 
 
 “ from fuccceding to the Crcwn.” 
 
 The Houfe flopped not therd. After confidering of 16**, 
 ways and means to fecure the Kingdom againft Poperv 
 and arbitrary Government, they came to thefe three re- <?.-■ 
 folves. t. That it is the opinion of this Houfe, that a Bill 
 be brought in, For the more effectualfecuring of the meetm-. • 
 and fittings of frequent Parliaments. 2. That it is rhe 00:- 
 nion of the Houfe, that a Bill be brought in, that ti e 
 Judges may hold their places and falaries, fua?n diu /.• b—r 
 gefferint. 3. That it is the opinion of the Houfe, that a 
 Bill be brought in, againjl illegal exodiion of money from the 
 People, to make it High-Treafn. 
 
 After thefe refolves, each of which difeovered their ex¬ 
 treme diftruft of the Court, they thought fit to confider 
 the King’s Speech. Many fevere reflections were made 
 upon the EnwAjAmbafTador, the French women, the Duke 
 and his creatures, and indirectly, even upon the King him¬ 
 felf. At laft, they refolved upon an addrefs to the King, D:c. 20. 
 by way of anfwer to his Speech, in which they repre- ld- p,, 9 6 * 
 fented : 
 
 “ That this Proteftant Kingdom can never he fafe, 
 
 “ while there is any hopes or expectation of a Popifh fuc- 
 “ ceffor ; and they befeech his Majefty, in his great wif- 
 “ dom, to confider, whether, in cafe the Imperial Crown 
 “ of this Proteftant Kingdom fhould defeend to the Duke 
 <£ of York, the oppofition which may pofiibly be made to 
 “ his poffefling it, may not only endanger the further de- 
 “ feent in the royal line, but even monarchy itfelf? They 
 “ therefore became humble petitioners to his facred Ma- 
 “ jefty, that in tender commiferation of his poor Proteftant 
 “ People, his Majefty would be gracioufly pleafed to de- 
 “ part from the refervation in the faid Speech; and when 
 “ a Bill fhall be tendered to his Majefty in a parlia- 
 “ mentary way, To dij'able the Duke of York from in- 
 “ heriting the Crown, his Majefty will give his affenc 
 “ thereunto ; as alfo to another Adi, whereby his Pro- 
 “ teftant Subjects may be enabled to ajfoeiate themfelves 
 ^ fir the defence of his Muj fly 's perfon , the Prote/lant Re- 
 
 “ ligion, and the fecurity of his Kingdom. -And as fome 
 
 “ farther means for the prefervation both of their Religion 
 “ and Property, they are humble fuitors to his Majefty, 
 
 “ that from henceforth fuch perfons only may be Judges, 
 
 “ as are men of ability, integrity, and known affedlion to the 
 “ Proteftant*Religion, and that they may hold both their of- 
 “ fices and falaries, Quam diu fe bene gefferint. That no one 
 “ may bear the office of a Lord-Lieutenant, but who is a 
 “ perfon of integrity and known aftedlion to the Proteftant 
 “ Religion. That Deputy-Lieutenants, and Juftices of the 
 “ Peace, may be alfo lb qualified, and men of ability, of e- 
 tC ftates, and intereft in their country. That none may be 
 “ employed as military officers, but men of known experi- 
 “ ence,courage, and affedlion to the Proteftant Religion. And 
 “ thefe their humble requefts being obtained, they fhall, 
 
 “ on their part, be ready to affift his Majefty for the pre- 
 “ fervation of Tangier, and for putting his Majefty’s fleet: 
 
 “ into fuch a condition, as it may prelerve his Majefty’s 
 “ fovereignty of the feas, and be for the defence of the 
 “ nation.” The King gave no anfwer to this addrefs till 
 about a fortnight after. 
 
 While the King and the Parliament were united, it was I" h f uei °f 
 the intereft of the Papifts to promote a Toleration of the 
 Non-con for mills, that they themfelves might enjoy thebe- %i”n a- ~ 
 nefit under that general denomination. But fince the King rr - r ‘?J* ,te 
 and the Parliament were at variance, the perfecution fell 
 upon the Papifts alone, who were accufed of intending to p.461,494. 
 introduce their Religion by force. Wherefore, it was their 
 intereft to incenfe the Church of England againft the Pref- 
 byterians, and thereby caufe a diverfion. It cannot be 
 denied, that many of the Bifhops and Clergy fell into this 
 fnare, and were pleafed to fee the Court," which always 
 favoured the Papifts, inclined to perfecute the Presbyterians. 
 
 Incouraged by the Court, the moft zealous of the Epifco- 
 pal way failed not to difeover their hatred of the Presby¬ 
 terians, fo that at the very time, the Papifts were accufed- 
 by the Parliament as the authors of all the mifehiefs of the 
 Kingdom, the Presbyterians were attacked, as if it was in¬ 
 tended to throw the blame upon them. By this the Clergy 
 of the Church of England were cenfured for appearing to 
 favour tiie defigns of the Papifts. Befides, it is certain, 
 that during the contefts between the King and the Parlia¬ 
 ment, the Clergy in general were attached to the Court, 
 and the interefts of the Duke of York. This was Efficient 
 to revive the complaints of the Presbyterians againft the 
 Church of England , and to charge her with being Popifhly 
 inclined. Moreover, in the difpofition of the Court in favour 
 of the Papifts, ever fince the beginning of this reign, cr at 
 leaft fince the Earl of Clarendon's difgrace, it may ealily 
 be imagined, that care had been taken to introduce among 
 the Clergy, men of a doubtful Religion, and from whom 
 the court had nothing to fear. 
 
 Upon all thefe accounts, the Commons thought it highly Tie cw 
 fealonable at this jundlure, to fereen the Presbyterians from nr.mfcvnr- 
 perfecution. They found themfelves moreover concerned, 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 •in 
 
 1680. 
 
 ! fJcbatej, 
 
 in that, for the reafon before intimated, there were many 
 Presbyterians in the Houfe, who to qualify themfelves for 
 their ele&ion, had taken the oaths, and received the Sacra¬ 
 ment in the Church of England, but who were not for 
 that the lefs Presbyterians. So, the zift of December, a 
 Kenner. 5 Bill w as read the firft time, for uniting the King's Pro - 
 Ichard. tejlant Subjefts. Whilft the rigid Epifcopalians prevailed in 
 the fecond Parliament of this reign, they had carefully a- 
 voided to diftinguifh the Proteftant-Nonconformifts from 
 the others, becaufe it was advantagious to them, to make 
 them but one body under the fame name. But this Par¬ 
 liament which had other views, negle&ed not to make fo 
 natural a diftmdlmn. This Bill, which perhaps was too in¬ 
 dulgent to the Presbyterians, meeting with ftrong oppofition 
 in the Houfe, was relinquifhed for one lefs advantagious, 
 which exempted the Proteftant Diftenters from the penalty 
 impofed on the Papifts by the Aft of the 35th of Elizabeth. 
 This Bill parted both Houfes, but was fecretly conveyed a- 
 way, when it was to be offered to the King- for his 
 artent (1). 
 
 The Commons concluded the year with this vote, 
 
 “ That no member of the Houfe fhould accept of any 
 “ office or place of profit from the Crown, without leave 
 “ tb e Houfe ; nor any promife of any fuch office or 
 place of profit during fuch time as he fhould continue a 
 “ member of the Houfe (2).” 
 
 I he King found himfelf very much at a lofs what an- 
 fwer to return to the Commons addrefs. His council was 
 divided. Some advifed him to return no anfwer, and to 
 ufe this pretenfe, that as he had addreffed his Speech to 
 III houfes, he could not confider the particular addrefs 
 
 ' p ‘ 353 'of one Houfe as an anfwer to his Speech. Others were of 
 opinion, that the King fhould return a pofitive anfwer, 
 becaufe they little cared to keep any meafures with the 
 Parliament, but on the contrary, (knowing their manage¬ 
 ment of the King’s affairs, would never be forgiven by the 
 Commons ;) they were indireftly doing all they could to 
 ingage him to diffolve the Parliament, and call no more 
 for the future. Of this opinion were the four principal 1 
 direftors of the King’s artairs, namely, Sunderland, Halt- 1 
 fax, Mr. Hyde , and Mr. Godolphin. When it is con- ‘ 
 lidered, that from the beginning of this reign, or at leaft 
 from the Earl of Clarendon’s difgrace, there were not only 
 men of thefe principles always in the Council, but that 
 alfo they were generaljy the chief Minifters, it can hardly 
 be doubted, that the King himfelf was likewife of the fame 
 principles, though there fhould be no other proof. It is 
 therefore certain, that the fears of the Commons were not 
 groundlefs. It muft be farther remarked, that though the 
 Council was divided concerning the manner of anfwering 
 the Commons addrefs, they were agreed as to the thing it- 
 fdf, not one Privy-Counfellor being of opinion, that the 
 King fhould not confent to the exclufion of the Duke of 
 York. 
 
 brb H'wf, 
 
 ! fl b f r S“- 
 
 w of 
 
 1680- 
 
 Hr K,ng' 
 
 the C:mm» 
 
 Addrrf,. 
 
 Debates, 
 
 ' Though the King at firft feemed to approve of the for- 
 ,i mer thefe two opinions, he fuffered himfelf to be in¬ 
 fluenced by the latter, namely, to return a pofitive anfwer 
 to the Commons, which he did in the following manner : 
 
 9 “ His Majefty received the addrefs of this Houfe, with 
 
 all the difpofition they could wifh to comply with their 
 “ reafonable defires, but upon perufing it, he is forry to fee 
 “ their thoughts fo wholly fixed upon the Bill of Exclufi- 
 “ on, as to determine, that all other remedies for the fup- 
 “ preffing of Popery, will be ineffectual : His Majefty is 
 “ confirmed in his opinion againft that Bill, by the judg- 
 “ ment of the Houfe of Lords, who rejefted it. He there- 
 “ fore thinks, there remains nothing more for him to fay, 
 ,n ail fwer to the addrefs of this Houfe, but to recommend 
 tc to them the confideration of all other means for the pre- 
 “ fervation of the Proteftant Religion, in which they have 
 “ no reafon to doubt of his concurrence, whenever they 
 (hall be prefented to him in a parliamentary way : And 
 “ that the y w °uld confider the prefent ftate of the King- 
 “ dom, as well as the condition of Chriflendom, in fuch a 
 “ manner as may enable him to preferve Tangier, and fe- 
 cure his alliances abroad, and the peace and lettlement at 
 4C home (3)”. 
 
 This anfwer was not read in the Houfe till three days 
 after, becaufe the Commons were employed in drawing up 
 an impeachment againft Chief-Juftice Scroggs, who was 
 accufed of endeavouring to ftifle the belief of the plot, dif- 
 ccuraging the King’s evidences, difmilfing the Grand-Jury, 
 
 that fhould have prefented the Duke of York, and of un- i 63 o-i, 
 juftjy profecuting feveral writers and publifhers of Pam 
 phlets. In this interval the Lords fent to the Commons the f;n. 6. 
 following vote, “ That they declared, and were fully fatis- '">• p- a; • 
 “ fied, that there now was, and for divers years laft had 
 been, a horrid and treafonable plot, continued and car- p. 258. 
 
 “ ried on by the Irifj Papifts, for maflacring the Engli/h, Kennet * 
 
 “ and fubverting the Proteftant Religion, and the antient Echjrd ’ 
 
 “ eftablifhed Government of that Kingdom.” The Com- 'fW'W 
 mons readily concurred to this vote, and added, “ 7’hat b J ' tcCo,r - 
 lc the Duke of York’s being a Papift, and the expeftation 
 “ of h ‘s coming to the Crown, had given the greateft 
 countenance and encouragement thereto, as well as to 
 “ the horrid Popifh Plot in the Kingdom of England” 
 
 When the King’s anfwer was read in the Houfe of Com¬ 
 mons, it raifed great heats and complaints againft the Lords, 
 for throwing out the Bill of Exclufion, in complaifance to 
 the King, or becaufe they were awed by his prelence. At 
 laft, after great debates, they came to thefe three refolu- 
 tions : 
 
 “ '• That it is the opinion of this Houfe, that there is R ‘F ut!a ”* 
 
 “ no fecurity nor fafety for the Proteftant RelieLn, the v°T 
 “ King’s life, or government of this Nation, without paf- Th^K^'t 
 “ fing a Bill for difabling J awes Duke of York , to inherit an P ver - 
 “ the Imperial Crown of this realm, and the dominions 
 “ and territories thereunto belonging : And to rely upon Excluf. 
 
 “ an y other means and remedies, without fuch a Bill, is p- l6 i- 
 “ not only infufficient but dangerous. EcharV* 
 
 (r. ** Z ‘ ^ h' s Majefty, in his laft meffage, having af- 
 fured this Houfe, ot his readinefs to concur in all other 
 “ means for the prefervation of the Proteftant Religion, 
 
 “ this Houfe doth declare, that untill a Bill be likewife 
 “ P a ^ td for excluding-the Duke of York, this Houfe cannot 
 “ give any fupply to his Majefty, without danger to his 
 “ Majefty’s perfon, extreme hazard of the Proteftant Re- 
 “ ligion, and unfaithfulnefs to thofe by whom the Houfe is 
 “ intrufted. 
 
 “ 3. That all perfons who advifed his Majefty, in his 
 “ laft meffage to this Houfe, to infift upon an opinion a- 
 “ gainft the Bill for excluding the Duke of York , have 
 “ given pernicious counfel to his Majefty, and are promo- 
 “ ters °f Popery, and enemies to the King and King- 
 “ dom.” 
 
 In purfuance of this laft vote, the Houfe came to a re- A „ Addr.ft 
 folution of prefenting to the King, an addrefs, to remove 'be J 
 from his perfon and counfels, George Earl of Halifax, Lau- Comm : n ‘ t0 
 rence Hyde Efq; [ Henry Somerfet ] Marquifs of JVorceJler , DebS‘ 
 [Henry Hyde ] Earl of Clarendon , and [Lewis Duras ] Earl & c. p. 267, 
 of Feverfham. Moreover they voted, That whofoever AVo f l 
 fhould hereafter lend, or caufe to be lent, by way of ad- 
 vance, any money upon the branches of the King’s revenue Kenner, 
 arifing by Cuftom, Excife, or Hearth-money,°fhould be 
 judged a hinderer of the fitting of Parl'aments, and be 1 
 fponfible for the fame in Parliament.- 
 
 And that who¬ 
 foever fhould accept or buy any Tally, or anticipation, up¬ 
 on any part of the King’s revenue, fhould be adjudged as 
 before. 
 
 The Houfe of Commons could hardly carry things any Tbi King 
 further, and feemed to intend to engage the Kino in fome 
 violent a&ion, which might give an advantage againft him. 
 
 Thus had the Parliament of 1640 behaved to Charles l.DuktJf* 
 But Charles II. had one advantage wanted by his father, y ° rk *, 
 which was, that he had not, like him, deprived himfelf of 
 the power to prorogue or diffolve the Parliament, and fo 
 could, whenever he pleafed, put an end to the mortifications 
 which were given him. It is true, in fuch a cafe he muft 
 have contented himfelf with his ordinary revenue, which 
 to a Prince fo prodigal as he, was not eafy. It was this Echard. 
 which made his enemies hope, he would come at laft to H1- P- 6o6, 
 their terms, and confent to the Exclufion-Bill. Indeed, if 
 Father Orleans may be credited, the Duchefs o f Pertfmouth 
 threw herfelf at his feet, and prayed him not to ruin him¬ 
 felf for the fake of his brother (4). Fagel, Penlionary of Welwood. 
 Holland, fent Mr. Sidney, the King’s Envoy at the Hague, Temple's 
 a Memorial, reprefenting, that the King could not fupport M f m \ 
 the Duke of York, without relinquifhing the interefts of all P i5S " 
 Europe. 
 
 ^ But this argument made no great impreflion on the 
 King’s mind. On the contrary, thefe difficulties ferved 
 only to provoke him the more, fo that he refolved to pro¬ 
 rogue the Parliament. The Commons having private no- Kennct, 
 tice of this, affembled more early than ufual, and, before £ 379 d ' 
 
 Hi. p. 607* 
 
 ? r0r0pt 'T’ "’7“ ™ f » r “ »f 'k. 35th of o» E ht to h„e boon off„=d to tbo Kio. tbo Clott 
 
 P.SoL J £ "' Aotho, of Hudib... ] Harry Ma„„, of tho R.jteto ; .„d ,ho hmm 
 
 (3) This Anfwer was brought by <<ir Pf illiam Tcmfile. See his Mem. Part III. p. 352. 
 
 ;n according to Burnet why the Duchefs of Ponfmeutb openly declared for the Houfe of Commons, and was fo hearty for the Exclu- 
 
 . ',+J The t 
 
 and they thought they were making Tools of o 
 
 the 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 The H I STO RT of ENGLAND. 
 
 1680- t. the Kinc came to the Houfe of Lord.-, the ioih of January, 
 had time to pafs the following votes : 
 of tic <c , TThat whofoever adviled hs Majefty to prorogue 
 Common*. {< f j lc p dr ] iamen t i to any oilier purpofe, than in order to 
 “ pafling a Biii for the Exclufion of 'Jama Duke of York, 
 
 “ is a betrayer of the King, the Proteftant Religion, and 
 “ of the Kingdom of England, a promoter of the French 
 “ interelf, and a penfioner of Frame. 
 
 4 ‘ z. That it is the opinion of this Houfe, That the 
 “ A>ffs of Parliament nude in the reign of Queen Eiiza- 
 “ beth and King Jama, again ft pnpifh Rcculants, ought 
 “ not to be extended again It Protellant Dillen'.trs. 
 
 ‘‘ 3. That it is the opinion of this Houfe, I hat the pro- 
 “ fecution of Proteftant-Diflenters r.pon the penal Laws, is 
 “ at this time grievous to the Sub;e£t, a weakning the Pro- 
 “ teftant Intereft, an encouragement to Popery, and dan- 
 “ gerous to the peace of the Kingdom.” 
 
 Tbe King Thefe votes were fcaice pafled, when the King came to 
 j the Houfe of Peers, and fending for the Commons, gave 
 
 j a, i*r.e>. • r0 -.- a | affent to two or three Aifts of little importance ^ 1), 
 
 and then, the Chancellor, by his order, prorogued the Par¬ 
 liament to the zoth of January. 
 
 Ad.UcTtdby Three days after, the Lord-Miyor and Common-ccun- 
 L-ifinn ^ London* prefented to the King an add refs, for the 
 
 E:h.m!,' fitting of the Parliament on the day appointed, that they 
 lit. p. 607. na iglit efi'e£t the great affairs before them. Thi-, addrefs 
 Hi ilijp-h'ti ferved only to exafperate the King further. Whereiwe, 
 
 - ' ■ . . . . muary. 
 
 Parliament. At the fame time lie lummoned another to 
 OH.rd! J meet a ^Oxford the 21ft of .March* being offended with the 
 city of London. 
 
 Tbe Mini/- During thefe contcfts, the Minifters and Privy-coun- 
 b” J "r fellors were not a little- embarafled. They f»w the Houfe 
 ftH-.rt m of C unmons fo attached to tiie Exciii.ion-Bill, that no- 
 gr<« Dijfi- t j,j n g e )f e C01! ]J fatisfy them. On the other hand, they 
 Tempie’i knew by experience, that on other important occafions, 
 M m pjrt t!ie King had not Ibown that firninefs which his Minifters 
 111 F- 3'At could have wiflied, but had abandoned them, and come in- 
 35S ’ to the meafures of the Parliament. This made them fear, 
 the fame thing ni ght happen on the prefent occafion, and 
 therefore, [Robert Spencer | Earl of Sunderland* Secretary 
 of State, went oft tlie firft, and, contrary to the King’s 
 exprefs order, voted for the Excluiion-Bill In the Houfe of 
 Lords. The Earls of EJftx and Salisbury , Privy-coun- 
 felli'is, d.d the fame, and Sir // ilium Temple fuffii lently 
 teftifies his fear of being ex poled to the Houle of Commons. 
 This condu£t of fume of the Privy-counlellors, gave the 
 Country-par.y hopes, that the King would at lait comply 
 if he was wanulv niefted 
 
 The King 
 ferfiji, ,n 
 
 and Judges. 
 
 But that p:i tv ua; diLppoinfed in their expectations. 
 For, though the King had di(coveted no great firninefs in 
 all his difficulties, yet in the affair of his brother he was 
 ever immoveable (2). Immediately after the d:Ablution of 
 t ie Parliament, he removed the Earl of Sunderland from 
 Ivl : Secret.n y, and gave the place to the Fail of Conway. 
 He i.kevvife (truck out of the Council-book, the names of 
 ;lie Fails of EJfex , Salisbury , Sunderland , and Sir William 
 Temple* and in their room put men whofe principles were 
 rrn re agreeable to his own (j). He like wife made fome al¬ 
 ter .non among the Judges. In a word, by the men whom 
 lie advanced, he fi.fficiently difeovered his intention to fup- 
 port the Duke of York his brother, let what would be tne 
 confequence. 
 
 On the other hand, the contrary party to the Court 
 were not idle. T he Magiftracy and Common-council of 
 Lend- :, being 01 that party, haftened the elections of mem¬ 
 bers to ferve in tbe enfuing Parliament, and on the 4th of 
 Febm.n-j rechofe their old members (4). The election was 
 no fo<,ner over, than the new Reprefentatives were pre¬ 
 fented with a peper, in the name of the Citizens of Lon¬ 
 don then aflembUd in Common Hall, containing a lt re- 
 * v turn of their molt hearty thanks for their faithful and 
 “ unwearied endeavours in tne two laft Parliaments, to 
 “ fearcii into and dill over the depth of the Popifh Plot ; 
 
 to preferve his Majefty’s royal perfon, the Proteftant 
 “ Religion, and ttie well eft.:Mi(hed Government of this 
 “ realm ; to fecure the meeting and fitting of frequent 
 11 Pailiaments ; to aflert their undoubted rights of petition- 
 “ ing, and to puni(h fuch as have betrayed thofe lights ; 
 ‘‘ to promote tne long-wilhed lur union of his Majefty’s 
 
 “ Proteftant Subie&s ; to repeal the thirty-fifth of Eliza- 1680-t. 
 “ beth , and the Corporation A£t ; and more efpecially for 
 “ their afliduous endeavours in promoting the Bill of Ex- 
 “ clufion of James Duke of York." In fine, they con¬ 
 cluded, ‘‘ That being confidently a flu red, that they, [die 
 “ Laid members for the city,] will never mnfent to the 
 “ granting any money-fupply, till they have effeClually fe- 
 “ cured them againft Poperv and Arhirrary Power, they 
 “ refolved, by God’s afliftance, to (land by their faid mem- 
 “ bers with their lives and fortune:.” The example of Burner, 
 London was followed bv moft places in the Kingdom, and P- 49 6 * 
 not only the old members were re-ele&ed (^), hut papers 
 of addrefles, like that of London , were prefented to 
 them. So, when the elc&ions were over, the King with 
 grief faw, he was going to meet the fame Parliament he 
 had diliolved. 
 
 Mean while, the King’s precaution to call his new Par¬ 
 liament at O.yf rd* gave great uneal nefs to the ’, niry- 
 party. Chi v were defirous that the Parliament fhould fit 
 at IVejhnini'ie'-* whs re they were ! :• o. the afliftance of 
 the Londoners in cafe of rued. And who know,, whether 
 fome did not prnpofe to ufc, for p.ifl’.ng the Exr'ufinn Bill 
 in the Houfe 01 Loros, the fame mean '"ormtrly ufed to 
 extort from the Peers their confent to the Bill of Attainder 
 again ft the Earl of St-afford ? Be this as it will, they re- Kenn-t. 
 lolved to life their utmoft endeavours to have the place al- 
 tered, and the Parliament removed to Jp'f/lmit’jlcr. For fin p Gi. 
 this purpofe, the Earl of Effex* attended by fiit-ei. Lords (6), 
 delivered a petition to the King, introducing it with the fol¬ 
 lowing fpeecii : 
 
 May it pleafe your Majtjly* 
 
 “ ^ | ' H E Lords here prefent, together with divers o- 
 “ iL ther Peers of the realm, taking nocice, that by sgec '^tl 
 “ your late proclamation, your Majefty had declared an the King. 
 ‘ c intention of calling a Parliament at Oxjord ; and tbferv- 
 “ ing from Hiftory and Records, how unfortunate many 
 “ aftemblies have been, when called at a place remote from 
 “ the capital city ; as particularly the Congrefs in Henry 
 tc ihe Second’s time at Clarendon ; three feveral Parlia- 
 “ ments at Oxford in Henry the Third’s time, and at Co- 
 l£ uentry in Henry the Sixth’s time ; with divers others 
 “ which have proved very fatal to thofe Kings, and have 
 “ been followed with great mifehief on the whole King- 
 “ dom : And confidering the prefent pofture of affairs, the 
 “ m inv jealoufies and difeontents which are amongft the 
 “ people, we have great caufe to apprehend, that the con- 
 “ fequences of a Parliament now at Oxford , may be as 
 “ fatal to your Majefty and the nation, as thofe others 
 “ mentioned have been to the then reigning Kings. And 
 “ therefore we do conceive, that we cannot anlwer it to 
 “ God, to vour Majefty, or to the People, if we, being 
 “ Peeis of the realm, fhould not, on fo important an oc- 
 “ cafion, humbly offer our advice to your Majefty ; that, 
 
 “ if poflibie, your Majefty may be prevailed with to alter 
 this, ( as we apprehend ) unfeafonable refolution. The 
 “ grounds and reafons of our opinion are contained in this 
 “ our petition, which we humbly prefent to your Ma- 
 “ jefty.” 
 
 The petition contained in fubftance, an enumeration of Keunet, 
 the mifehiefs atiending the manv late a Ijournments, pro- f- 3 S 3 ‘ 
 ti . - lid hit ns of Parliam nts, at a time v hen 
 his Majefty’s perfon, and the whole nation were in Inch 
 imminent danger from the Papifts. “ And now his Ma- 
 “ jefty had been prevailed to call another Parliament at 
 “ Oxjord , where neither Lords nor Commons could be 
 “ in f.ifetv, but daily would be expofed to the fword of the 
 ‘‘ Papifts, and their adherents, of whom too many have 
 “ crept into his Majefty’s Guards : The liberty of fpeaking 
 “ according to their confidences, would be thereby deftroy- 
 “ ed, and the validity of their Adis and proceedings left 
 “ difputable : The ftraitnefs of the place no ways admitted 
 “ of fuch a concourfe of perfons, as now followed every 
 «* Parliament ; and the witnefles which were neccflary 
 “ to give evidence upon the Commons impeachment, were 
 “ unable to bear the charges of fuch a journey, and un- 
 “ willing to truft themfelves under the protection of a Pur- 
 liament, that was it felf evidently under the pow'er of 
 “ Guards and Soldiers. In conclufion, they prayed, that 
 “ the Parliament might, as ufually, fit at IVeJlminJler* 
 
 (j) One wa', an adiiiion to the A'l for burying in Woollen. 
 
 (2) He a: hill came in to the : i.I of Exch.fion, or feemed to do fo. The Duchefs of Portjrmutb and other? perfuaded him to wave the Duke of 
 Y’. s right, ana accept of an Ac't of Fa:.i*mrnt in his own favour, like that maae in the icign of Htrry Vlll by which he (hiuld hive a Power 
 veiled in him to dilfife of the Crown at h s Death, under fuch reftriciions and limi'atiens as lh> uld be ag e-d on. Whether fuch Adi wis really in¬ 
 tended i' hard to doiermine ; but it L, certain fuch an (tier was made to the King, witn a pro mile of a cot lllerabie fum of Money, towards the fupplying 
 his prefiing wants. It is likewife certain, that King Cbjr.es feemed willing to accept of it, till ihe French Court, whofe Int'reft it w. s to fupprrt the 
 Duke of y.ri. ilruck up a bargain with the King, to give him more Muncy for refuting, than had been offered him tor co.-. lent ing to the hill or Exclu- 
 £on. SPeisoiod. p. 114, 115. 
 
 (3; Aubrey de i'erc Earl of Oxford, Pbi’ip Stanbo?: Eir! of Chejicrfield, and Robert Bruce Earl of A/eibury, were fworn Privy-Counfdlors, on 'January 
 the 26th. The L rd Craven was likew I'e made Pr vy-Counic!lnr, Ma^cb 9. Kenr.ct, p. 3S1. 
 
 (4) S r Robert Clay’nn , sir Lwji PU\,r, ib mu 1 ’iliirg:-.-, and IViil-am Love. This was the third time of their being c ho fen. 
 
 (jj There were a hundred and ten new Members ch len. See Debater about tbe E\clufion, p. 381. 
 
 (6) Namely the Duke o: M nm.’ua ; the Ear., or K-n-. Hunting!y: y 'Bedford, Salisbury, Claritjnfnrd, Sbaftsbury ; ihe Lords Medium, Evers, 
 1 ‘agtt, Guy, Uerbeit, Howard, De ta Merc, Kcr.rut, p. 384, 
 
 tc where 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 1680- 
 
 ifEchard. 
 
 in* at* 
 
 pFitz-Hart 
 
 ( Kennet. 
 t>. 386. 
 Echard. 
 III. p.tll 
 R. Coke. 
 [Burnet. 
 P-497- 
 
 February: 
 
 TthJ:»tt 
 rewrite, 
 ichard. 
 '.II. p.614 
 ■he King 
 lids him ti 
 If Tower, 
 larch u. 
 ace-Trials 
 I.p.aad. 
 
 ■ I. “ where they might confult and adt with fafety and free- 
 “ dom.” 
 
 To this addrefs the King returned no anfwer, but con¬ 
 tented himfelf with frowning upon the Lords who pre¬ 
 fen ted it. 
 
 All this while the two parties were skirmifliing in fohot, 
 or rather fo violent a manner, with their pens, that no mea- 
 fures were kept. Libels fwarmed with impunity. Some 
 pretend, this was a Court-artifice, to prevent the union of 
 the Proteftants, and that ill-language thrown out againft 
 the King and the Duke of York , was patiently fuffered, in 
 order to caff the blame on the Presbyterians, and give the 
 Epifcopal Party occafton to return the imputation of being 
 too much attached to the Court. Thus much is certain, 
 this divifion, which was carefully fomented, turned to the 
 King’s advantage, as will hereafter appear. 1 (hall relate 
 upon this fubjeift an affair which then made a great noife. 
 mf One Fiiz Harris an Irijh Papift, who had free accefs to 
 lS - the Duchefs 0 iPortfmouth, and kept a correipondence with 
 her favorite-woman Mrs. Wall, and with the Confeffor of 
 the French AmbafTador, having received feveral prefents, 
 -• and particularly one of two hundred and fifty guineas, un¬ 
 dertook to prevail with one Edmund Everard , to write a 
 libel againft the King Everard feigned to confent, and 
 appointed a meeting to receive informations, by which his 
 pamphlet was to be framed. But at the fame time he com¬ 
 municated the affair to Sir William Waller , and Mr. Smith, 
 and caufed them to be concealed in a place where they 
 might hear what pafled between Fitz-Harris and him. 
 ii. The next day, being both together in a room, Fitz-Harris 
 told Everard, that he fhould write a libel againft the King 
 upon the following heads. 
 
 That the King and Royal Family were Papifts, and ar¬ 
 bitrarily affetfted from the beginning. 
 
 That Charles I. had a hand in the IriJI) Rebellion, and 
 that Charles 11 . did countenance the fame, by preferring 
 Fitz-G crahl , Fitz-Patrick , and Mount Garret, who were 
 engaged in the faid rebellion. 
 
 That the Aft, forbidding to call the King a Papift, was 
 to ftop men’s mouths when he fhould incline to further Po¬ 
 pery ; which appeared by his adhering fo clofely to the 
 Duke of York's intcreft, and hindering him from being pro¬ 
 ceeded againft by the Parliament, and hindering the officers 
 put in by the Duke, to be turned out 3 and for that the 
 Privy-counfellors and Juftices of the Peace, who were for 
 the Proteftant intereft, were turned out of all places of 
 truft. 
 
 That it was as much in the power of the people to depofe 
 a popifh pofTefior, as a popifh fucceflor; and feeing there 
 was no hopes that the Parliament, when they met at Ox¬ 
 ford, could do any good, the people were bound to provide 
 for themfelves. 
 
 Everard afterwards received thefe inftruftions in writing, 
 and drew up his libel, which was injurious to the King, 
 and full of (edition (1). This libel was to be difperfed by 
 the Penny-Poll, to the Proteftant Lords, and particularly 
 to the leading Presbyterians, whofe houfes were to be 
 fearched in order to find this libel, which was to ferve as a 
 proof of a confpiracy formed by the Presbyterians againft the 
 Government This is what Everard affirmed, and that the 
 whole came from the Court. At laft. Waller having in¬ 
 formed the King of the affair, the King ordered Secretary 
 Jenkins to iftue out a warrant for apprehending Fitz-Harris , 
 and that Waller fhould execute it. Yet he was no fooner 
 gone, but Sir William declared, he was informed by two 
 worthy Gentlemen, That the King was highly offended with 
 him , faying , he had broken all his meafures. However, 
 Waller arrefted Fitz-Harris, and fent him to Newgate (2). 
 
 0 Here, as in the former affair concerning the plot, it is 
 pretended, that Fitz-Harris was gained by promifes or 
 threats, to depofe what has been feen (3). But before this 
 affair could be fully difeovered, Fitz-Harris was taken out 
 1 of Newgate , and fent to the Tower by the King’s exprefs 
 order. I fhall enter no farther into the particulars of this 
 .affair, but content myfelf with briefly faying, thatfhortly 
 after the d iflolution of the O^r^Parliament,when the Court 
 began to fail with a profperous gale, without being controlled 
 by the Parliament, Fitz-Harris was brought to his trial 3 
 that the Duchcfs of Portfmouth owned fhe had given him 
 money, but merely out of charity ; that Fitz-Harris con¬ 
 tinually infinuated, that what he did was by the order of 
 his fuperiors, and that, after his death, his Wife conftantly 
 
 affirmed that the libel was a Court-trick. In fhort, her68o-t. 
 was condemned and executed, whilft the publick could not Hc is < 
 conceive for what reafon an Iri/h Papift had publifhed a libel d ‘™ltcd. 
 againft the King, if it was not an artifice of the Court. 
 
 This affair began in February , and the laft Parliament had S «te-Trials. 
 taken cognizance of it, fo that the Commons had ordered 
 an impeachment againft him, and when he was fent to 
 thtTower , declared, that for any inferior Court to proceed 
 againft him, or any other Perfon lying under an impeach¬ 
 ment of Parliament, is a high breach of the privilege ofPar- 
 liament. He was neverthelefs tried, condemned and exe¬ 
 cuted, to the great difappoir.tmentof the Whigs , who hoped, 
 by his means, to difeover the artifices of the Court. But 
 the King and his party thought it for their advantage to be 
 rid of a man, who might throw them into difficulties. He 
 was not executed till June, after the diffolution of the Ox¬ 
 ford Parliament. 
 
 The meeting of this Parliament was univerfally expefted 77 ' v* 
 with the utmoft impatience, and by the King, with great 'ifdbrfire 
 uneafinefs, forefeeing the ftorm that was gathering. He nW. 
 repaired to Oxford feven or eight days before the opening, ^P^ 14 * 
 and as the fufpicions and fears of the Whig party were 
 then at the utmoft height, it was thought, the King went ^ a',,.,1 S„f- 
 fo foon to Oxford, on purpofc to take meafures before- 
 hand, for rendering himfelf mafter of the Parliament. Ac- hi.”. 616. 
 cordingly, the members manifeftly fhevved their fears of 
 fome violence, by going thither attended with armed re¬ 
 tinues. 7 hofe for the City of London in particular came 
 with a numerous body of well-armed Horfe, having rib¬ 
 bands in their hats, with thele words woven in them, No 
 Popery! A 7 ® Slavery! The Parliament meeting the 
 21ft of March, the King made the following Speech to 
 both Houfes (4). 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen , 
 
 r H E unwarrantable proceedings of the laft Houfe Th; N n i i 
 of Commons, were the occafion of my parting 
 “ with the laft Parliament 3 for I, who will never ufe ar- Kemier.™ 
 “ bitrary Government myfelf, am refolved not to fufter p - 
 it in others. I am unwilling to mention particulars, Echar 
 “ becaufe I am defirous to forget faults; but whofoever 
 calmly confider what otters I have formerly made, 
 
 “ and what affurances I renewed to the laft Parliament; 
 
 U ^ ow I recommended nothing fo much to them as the 
 alliances I had made, for the prefervation of the general 
 peace in Chrijlendom, and the further examination of the 
 ' Popilh Plot, and how I delired their advice and affift- 
 ance concerning the prefervation of Tangier; and fhall 
 then reflect upon the ftrange unfuitable returns made to 
 ' freb propofitions, by men that were called together to 
 confult; perhaps may wonder more, that I had patience 
 '* l° n g> than that at laft I grew weary of their pro- 
 ‘ ceedings. I have thought it neceffary to fay thus much 
 ‘ to you, that I may not have any new occafion given 
 rne to remember more of the late mifearriages: It is 
 much my intereft, and it fhall be as much my care 
 ‘ as yours, to preferve the liberty of the Subject; becaufe 
 the Crown can never be fafe when that is in danger : 
 
 And I would have you likewife be convinced, that nei- 
 ‘ ther your Liberties nor Properties can fubfift long, when 
 the juft Rights and Prerogatives of the Crown are in¬ 
 vaded, or the honour of the Government brought low, 
 and into dif-reputation. 
 
 “ I let you fee, by my calling this Parliament fofoon, 
 that no irregularities in Parliaments fhall make me out 
 ‘ of love with them; and by this means, offer you an- 
 ‘ other opportunity of providing for our fecurity here, by 
 giving that countenance and prote&ion to our neighbours 
 ‘ and allies, which you cannot but know they expedl from 
 ‘ us, and extremely ftand in need of at this inftant; and 
 ‘ at the fame time give one evidence more, that I have 
 * not negle&ed my part, to give that general fatisfa&ion 
 c and fecurity, which, by the bleffing of God, may be 
 ‘ attained, if you, on your parts, bring fuitabledifpofitions 
 ‘ towards it: And that the juft care you ought to have 
 ‘ of Religion, be not fo managed and improved into un- 
 e neceflary fears, as to be made a pretence for changing 
 : the foundation of the Government. I hope the example 
 ; of the ill fuccefs of former heats, will dilpofe you to a 
 better temper 3 and not fo much to inveigh againft what 
 is paft, as to confider what is beft to be done in the prefent 
 conjuncture, the further profecution of the plot; the 
 
 (i) It was incicled, The true Englilhman /peaking plain Ejiglilh. 
 
 (1) 'Burner Lys, Fir z-Harris framed the Libel himfelf, and only Ihewed it to Everard, who believing he intended to trepan him, placed Witnefles to 
 over-hcar all that parti Fitz-Harris having the Libel with him, all writ with his own Hand, Everard went with the Paper and informed againft him, 
 P-497- 
 
 3) iurn'fh, one of the Sheriffs of London, going to fee him, hedefired he would bring him a Juftice of the Peace. Cornifh went and acquainted the King 
 with it. Whereupon the Secretaries and fome Privy CounfeiJors were fent to examine Fitz-Harris ; to whom he gave a long relation of a defjgn to kill the 
 King, in which the Duke of Fork was concerned, with many other particulars; buc it was all a fi£lion. The Secretaries came to examine him further 
 a lecond time: He boldly Hood to all he had faid : and delired that fome Juftices of the City might be brought to him. So Clayton and Treby came; to 
 whom he made in all points the fame pretended difeovery over again. So that there was no colour for wbat was afterwards advanced, namely, that 
 Clayton and Treby had praftifed on him. Idem. p. 498. 
 
 1*4) The Lords fat in the Gallery of the publick Schools, and the Commons in the Conyocation-Houfe. 
 
 No. LXXX. Vol. II. 
 
 8 U 
 
 trial 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND 
 
 1680-1.“ trial of the Lords in the Tower ; the providing a more 
 “ fpeedy conviction of Recufants ; and, it it be practicable, 
 “ the ridding our felves quite of that Party, that have 
 44 any confiderable authority or intereft among them, are 
 “ things, though of the higheft importance, that hardly 
 iC need to be recommended to you, they are fo obvious to 
 “ every man’s confederation, and fo necefiary to our fecu- 
 44 rity. But I muft needs delire you, not to lay fo much 
 44 weight upon any one expedient againft Popery, as to 
 “ determine, that all other are ineffectual; and among all 
 44 your cares for Religion, remember, that without the 
 “ fafety and dignity of the Monarchy, neither Religion nor 
 44 Property can be preferved. 
 
 44 What I have formerly and fo often:declared, touching 
 44 the Succeffion, I cannot depart from. But to remove 
 44 all reafonable fears that may arife from the poffibility of 
 44 a popifh Succeffor’s coming to the Crown, it means can 
 44 be found, that in fuch a cafe, the adminiftration of the 
 44 Government may remain in Proteffant hands; I fhall 
 44 be ready to hearken to any fuch expedient, by which 
 44 the Religion may be preferved, and the Monarchy not 
 44 deftroyed. I muft therefore earneftly recommend to 
 44 you, to provide for the Religion and the Government 
 44 together, with regard to one another, becaufe they fup- 
 44 port each other : And let us be united at home, that 
 44 we may recover the efteem and confideration we ufed 
 44 to have abroad. I conclude with this one advice to you, 
 44 That the rules and meafures of all your votes may be the 
 44 known and ejlablijhecl Laws of the Land ; which neither 
 44 can, or ought to be departed from, nor changed, but by 
 44 ACt of Parliament: And I may the more reafonably 
 41 require, that you make the Laws of the Land your 
 44 rule, becaufe I am refolved they Jhall be mine.” 
 
 The Commons returning to their Houfe, chofe for 
 Speaker, William Williams of Gray s-Inn, who had been 
 Speaker the lull Parliament, and the King approved of the 
 choice. 
 
 An' urivK After the Commons had fpent three days in chufing their 
 
 A ... Speaker, and taking the ufual oaths, a motion was made 
 
 Debates for printing the Votes, and approved, notvvithflanding the 
 oppohti. in of Secretary Jenkins. As the feciet defign of the 
 Commons was to let the people fee the neceffity of the Ex- 
 clufion-Bill, they weredelirous to acquaint them with their 
 proceedings in that affair, that they might not be deceived 
 by general accounts of it. For a contrary realon, the King 
 was unwilling the people fhould know all the circumftan- 
 ces. But hrs party was not ftrong enough to prevent it, 
 and from that time the Votes of the Commons have been 
 printed, to the great profit of the Speaker. 
 
 In the fecond place, a motion was made to enquire into 
 the mifearriage of the Bill for the repeal of the A£t of the 
 5 5th of Elizabeth, how it came to be flipt over in the late 
 Parliament, and not prefented for the royal affent ? Which , 
 faid the mover, I look upon as a breach of the Conjlitution 
 of the Government. But the further debate of this matter 
 was adjourned to the next day. 
 
 Thirdly, a motion was made to bring in a Bill to ex¬ 
 clude the Duke of York from the fucceffion. Secretary 
 Jenkins warmly oppofed it, becaufe, as he laid, the King 
 had given his vote againft it. But he was anfwered, that 
 the King had as ftrongly declared, that he would never 
 depart horn his declaration for Liberty of Confcience ; 
 and yet, upon reafons given him by the Houfe, he was 
 perfuaded to revoke it. Though the debates upon this 
 fubjeift were very warm, the Houfe came to that temper, 
 as to agree, that in order to pay the King all the refpedt 
 that might be, they would fet a-part a time to confider of 
 Expedients, and accordingly they appointed Saturday the 
 26th for the debate of them. 
 
 Fourthly, they examined the affair of Fitz-Harris, and 
 his libel, and thought the matter fo full of knavery and 
 fubtilty, and of that confequence to the publick, that they 
 refolved to impeach Fitz-Harris of High-treafon, in order 
 to difeover the bottom of this myftery, and lay open the 
 artifices of the Court. Secretary Jenkins , the King’s man 
 m that Houfe, was ordered to carry up the impeachment 
 to the Lords. He refufed at fit ft, but being threatned by 
 the Houle, he at laft complied. At the fame time it was 
 tiered, that Sir William Waller fhould have the thanks 
 of the Houfe for his difcovery of Fitz-Harris. 
 
 The 26th of March , the day fixed for examining the 
 expedients which fhould be propofed to prevent the Exclu- 
 lion-Bill, a paper was read in the Houfe, of which this is 
 the fubftance (1). 
 
 “ 1. That the Duke of York be banifhed, during his 
 
 1 
 
 p.iS7- 
 
 Kenner 
 
 Id. p. 301, 
 
 l68l. 
 
 proofed 
 P.,J .f the 
 'Bill of Ex- 
 
 E; lur'd. 
 III. r- 6iz 
 
 44 life, five hundred miles from England , Scotland, and 
 44 Ireland , and the dominions and territories to them be- 
 “ longing. 2. That the whole Government both ecclc- 
 44 fiaftical and civil, fhall, upon the demife of the King, 
 44 be vefted in a Regent, for fuch time as the Duke of 
 44 York fhall furvive. 3. That the Regent be the Princef* 
 44 of Orange-, and in cafe of her deceafe without ifiuc, or 
 44 with ifliie in minority, then the L aJy Ann. 4. That 
 44 if the Duke have a foil educated a Proteftant, then the 
 44 faid Princeffes refpeflively, fhall fucceed in the Regen- 
 44 cy, during the minority of fuch foil, and no longer. 
 44 5. That the Regent do nominate the Privy-Council, 
 44 and they to be, or not to be approved by Parliament, 
 44 as fhall be judged fafeft, upon directing the drawing up 
 44 of this intended A£t. 6. That notwithftanding thefe 
 44 Kingdoms (out of refpcct to the Royal Family and Mo- 
 44 naichy it felf) may be governed by the faid Regent, in 
 44 the name and ftile of James the Second , &:c. yet it fhall 
 44 be made capital for any to take up arms on his behalf, 
 44 or by his commiffion, not figned by the faid Regent, or 
 44 granted by lawlul authority derived from, and under 
 44 fuch Regent; or to maintain an opinion, that the rctain- 
 44 ing the faid name and ftile, fliall in this cafe purge the 
 44 difabilities impofed by this Aft, or elude the force there- 
 44 of. 7. That commiffioners be forthwith fent to the 
 44 Prince and Princefs of Orange, to take their oaths, That 
 44 they will take upon them the execution of this Aift, and 
 44 that their oaths be here recorded 8. That all officers, 
 44 civil or military, forthwith take oaths to obferve this A£t, 
 44 from time to time, as in the Acl for theTeft. 9. That 
 44 his Majefty would gracioufly declare to call a Parliament 
 44 in Scotland , in order to palling the like A£t there, and 
 44 recommending the fame, and the like to be done in Irc- 
 44 land , if thought necefiary. 10. That in cafe the faid 
 44 Duke fhall come into any of thefe Kingdoms, then fhall 
 4i he be ipfo faiiozxc luded, and fhall fuller as in the former 
 “ Bill, and the Sovereignty fliall be forthwith inverted 
 44 in the Regent, upon fuch his coming into any of thefe 
 44 Kingdoms. 11. That all confiderable Papifts be ba 
 44 nifhed by name. 12. That all their fraudulent convey- 
 44 ances be defeated. 13. That their children be edu- 
 44 cated in the Proteftant Religion.” 
 
 The Houfe was fo little inclined to the expedients to 
 prevent the Exclufion-Bill, that they found in them, how¬ 
 ever rigorous they wera againft the Duke, more difficulties 
 than in the Bill itfelf. So, after divers fruitlefs debates, al¬ 
 lowed only for form-fake, the Houfe refolved to adhere to 
 the Bill of Exclufion, which had palled the Commons in 
 the laft Parliament, and this Bill was ordered to be brought 
 in the next Monday. 
 
 The Commons had fcarce finifhed this great affair, when 
 they were told, the Lords had rejected Fitz-Harris's, im¬ 
 peachment, and ordered that he fhould be profecuted at 
 Common-Law. Several members exclaimed againft this 
 pretended injullice, and its confequences, and at laft the 
 Houfe voted, 
 
 44 1. That it is the undoubted right of the Commons 
 44 in Parliament afiembled, to impeach before the Lords 
 44 in Parliament, any Peer or Commoner, for treafon, or 
 44 any other crime or mifdemeanor. And that the refufal 
 41 of the Lords to proceed in Parliament upon fuch im- 
 44 peachment, is a denial of juftice, and a violation of the 
 44 Conftitution of Parliaments. 
 
 44 2. That in the cafe of Edward Fitz-Harris , who by 
 44 the Commons had been impeached of high-trealon before 
 44 theLords, with a declaration, That in convenient time, they 
 44 would bring up the articles againjl him, for the Lords to 
 44 refolve, that the faid Fitz-Harris jhall be proceeded with 
 44 according to the courfc of common-law, and not byway of 
 4: impeachment at this time, is a denial of jujhce, and a zno- 
 44 lation of the Conjlitution of Parliaments, and an objlruthon 
 44 to the farther difcovery of thePopiJh Plot, and ofgreat dan- 
 44 ger to bis Majejly s perjon, and the Protejlant Religion. 
 
 44 3. That for any inferior Court to proceed againft 
 44 Edward Fitz-Harris, or any other perfon lying under 
 44 an impeachment in Parliament, for the fame crimes for 
 44 which he or they ftand impeached, is a high breach of 
 44 the piivilegeof Parliament (2).” 
 
 The 28th of March, the Exclufion Bill was brought 
 into the Houfe and read. Alter the reading, Sir Lcoline 
 Jenkins alone fpoke againft it. He repeated fome of his 
 former reafons, as that this Bill condemned a man unheard, 
 was directly contrary to the wifdom and juftice of the na¬ 
 tion, and tended to inrn'duce a new form -'I Government. 
 If continued he, the Duke will try to cut this law with his 
 
 Debar' 
 P- 34 * 
 
 P-389 
 
 Eclur/ 
 
 III. p 
 
 f 1 1 It is to be obferved. that the Duke rnd his Party declared themfelves more againft the Limitations than againft the Exclufion itf.ii 
 (2' Ti e Commons, it feems, rcfulv.ng to take t!,o management ot I it*-Harris's affair out of the Hands of the Court, carried to cue 
 peactimenr ayuilf him, which was rejected by the Lords, on a pretence that the Lord Nottingham lurnuhed them with. It was this 
 j. got Lime Commoners to becondemned by the Lords. Or wh.ch when the Houfe of Commons complained, an Order was made, thu - n 
 be done for the future. Now that related only to Proceedings at the King's fui: . But it could not be meant, that an Lnpeacc.mer.r ft 
 did not 1 •• Hgamit a Commoner. Judges, Secretaries of State, and the Lord-Keeper were often Commoners : So, if this was good Law 
 method off red the Courttobe troubled no more with impeachments, by employing only Commoners. In Ihort, the Peers law the DelL 
 menr, and were refolved noc to receive it, So they made ulc ol this Colour to reject it. 'Burn cr, p. 438. 
 
 , Burntc, p. 4'8. 
 Lords Bar ail Itn- 
 . Eduard III, had 
 a fuch thing fhould 
 ■am the Commons 
 
 ;n of the Impea.h- 
 
 fword. 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 1681. /word, if he overcome., he will have the fame power to fet afide 
 all laws , both for Religion and Property ; the power will be in 
 the hands of the conqueror, See. Some railleries parted upon 
 him for not being ieconded, after which the Bill was or¬ 
 dered a fecond reading. 
 
 The Pari;*- The Houfe of Commons was refuming the debate about 
 7 otvrd^ Fitz-Harris, when on a fudden, the Uflier of the Black- 
 Burner. Rod commanded their attendance in the Houfe of Lords, 
 Debates,&•£. where they found the King in his robes, who told them.— 
 He perceived there were great heats between the Lords and 
 Commons, and their beginnings had been fuch as he could ex¬ 
 pert no good fuccefs of this Parliament, and therefore thought 
 fit to dijfolve them. Accordingly, the Chancellor declared 
 the Parliament dirtolved. 
 
 Kenner. The King, who was prepared beforehand for what he 
 EcSd had done, immediately took coach, and drove with all fpeed 
 in. p. 613. t0 tPindfor, and the next morning to Whitehall, feeming 
 extremely pleafed that he had thus made his efcape from 
 the defigns of the Commons. This Parliament, which 
 fat but feven days, was the fifth and laft of this reign. 
 
 The King From this time, the King, during the reft of his life, 
 iTt'rnU g° verned not onl y without a Parliament, but with an abfo- 
 BunjerT l ute power. When he faw himfelf out of the reach of the 
 Parliament, he entirely threw away the mask of dilfimula- 
 tion, and Ihewed, that the popifh plot, the profecution 
 whereof he had lately recommended fo earneftly to thePar- 
 Echard. liament, appeared to him but a mere chimeia, or a>- ieaft, 
 in. p. 213. h e did n0 ( think it near fo dangerous as he would have 
 had it believed. The four Lords, prifoners in the Tower, 
 whom he would have (acrificed to the Parliament, appeared 
 innocent to him. But what was ftill more remarkable, 
 even to the end of this reign, was, that the King grew as 
 fanguinary, as he had hitherto appeared merciful, and that 
 as foon as he had the power in his hands, he made his 
 enemies feel the moft terrible effects of his vengeance. In a 
 word, he clearly difeovered by his conduct, that he was 
 entirely in the principles of defpotick power, and had only 
 diflembled his fentiments in his fpeeches to his Parliament, 
 becaufe he judged fuchdiftimulation proper to conduct him 
 to the end propofed to himfelf, from the firft years of his 
 reign. 
 
 The Reader muft be aftonilhed to fee a King, who had 
 received fo many mortifications from his Parliaments, who 
 had been fo often obliged to comply, and feign opinions he 
 had not, on a fudden become abfolute mafter of his King¬ 
 dom, without fleet, without army, without foreign aflift- 
 ance, without money, but that of his ordinary revenue, 
 alter many years fruitlefs labours, toaccomplilh his defigns. 
 It is therefore abfolutely neceflary to unfold thecaufes of fo 
 furprizing a revolution. 
 
 The Caufis By the artifices of the Court, and the natural inclination 
 SelWw"/»fo man y PngHJhmen, the Kingdom was divided into Whigs 
 the Po/jijjiqn and Tories. This divifion was fo carefully fomented by the 
 tfabfiiute Court, and the popifh party, that at laft it became very 
 JWj-. great. To render the two parties irreconcilable, it was 
 infinuated to the Epifcopalians, of whom the majority were 
 Tories, that both Church and Monarchy were in danger, 
 and that the feene of forty one was going to be revived. 
 T hat the Presbyterians, under colour of providing for the 
 prefervation of liberty, really intended the deftru&ion of 
 the Church, and the introduction of Presbyterianifm, in 
 order to which, they were purfuing the fame courfe they 
 had taken in 1640, and the following years, by under¬ 
 mining the foundations of the Monarchy, for the more eafy 
 fubverfion of the Church. Thefe infinuations had the 
 greater eft'eft, as what had once happened, and whereof the 
 memory was ftill frefh, might happen again; and I know 
 not, whether it may not juftly be doubted, that feme of the 
 Presbyterians had fuch a thing in view. This was fufficient 
 to awaken the old animofities between the Church oi Eng¬ 
 land and Presbyterianifm. The Epifcopalians, terrified 
 with the profpedt of falling into the fame ftate, from which 
 they had been almoft miraculoufly delivered, confidered the 
 introduction 0/ Popery, with which they were alarmed, as 
 a diftant and uncertain evil, and the eftablifhment ofPref- 
 bvterianifm, as certain and prefent. It is even very pro¬ 
 bable, that many, whofepaflions were violent, looked upon 
 Popery as the lefs evil. In this belief, they threw ihem- 
 felves as it were defperately into the Court-party, without 
 confidering, that the Duke of York, whofe caufe they 
 efpoufed, was no better affe&ed to them than to the Pres¬ 
 byterians. Paflion made them forget the intereft of the Pro- 
 
 teftant Religion, in order not to be once mote under tbe 1681, 
 Presbyterian yoke. On the other hand, the three laft 
 Parliaments, compofed, as I obferved, of men well-affe&ed 
 to Presbyterianifm, proceeded with too little caution, and 
 difeovered too haftily or too openly thei* defigns with re¬ 
 gard to Religion. By that they gave the Court-party an 
 opportunity of uniting with the Epifcopalians, and of joyn- 
 ing together the interefts of Religion and the Monarchy. 
 
 From that time, the Tories were fo well pleafed with this 
 union, that they would never hear of feparating thefe two 
 interefts, but once, under fames II, when there was no pof- 
 fibility of keeping them united, v/ithout endangering the 
 conftitution in Church and State. The Whigs, on their 
 fide, having fince perceived, what advantages the Tories 
 received from this union, feem to have moderated their pre- 
 tenfions with refpetl to Religion, contenting themfelves 
 with procuring the Presbyterians a bare liberty ofconfcience. 
 
 But the Tories not trufting to this moderation, confider it 
 as a fnare and an artifice to feparate the interefts of Religion 
 from thofe of the State j for in this union the ftrength of 
 the Tory party wholly confifts. I have perhaps wandered 
 a little too far from my fubjeCt, in (peaking of thefe two 
 parties, with regard to what has happened fince the reign 
 of Charles 11 . But I hope the Reader will not bedifpleafed 
 with this general idea. I return now to the tranfadtions 
 after the diftblution of the Oxford Parliament. 
 
 The Presbyterians being thus divided, and the Court 
 ftrengthened with the Church, the Tory party was com¬ 
 pofed of all the rigid Epifcopalians, mortal enemies of the 
 Presbyterians, of all the Papifts, and thofe to whom all 
 Religions were indifferent, and whofe expectations were 
 centered in the Court. It may be affirmed, that the num¬ 
 ber of thefe laft was never greater in England, the King 
 having inceflantly laboured to jncreale it, whether through 
 inclination, or becaufe he depended on fuch as his firmeft 
 friends. The Whig party confifted of all the Presbyterians, 
 and of fome Churchmen, who were more attached to the 
 interefts of the State, and the Proteftant Religion in gene¬ 
 ral, than to the Church oi England in particular. But the 
 City of London was the chief ftrength of this party, whofe 
 Magiftrates were entirely devoted to it. Things Handing 
 thus, the King believed, he Ihould run no great hazard in 
 diflolving the Oxford Parliament, reckoning, he had a 
 party in the Kingdom ftrong enough to refifi, and even 
 fubduc his enemies, when they Ihould be no longer fup- 
 ported with the authority of a Parliament. Mean while, ADec'au- 
 not to alarm the nation by a too halty difeovery of his in- t " >,: 
 tentions as to his future Government, he contented himfelf ! .% e 
 at prefent with publilhinga declaration, containing his tea- t ijf 
 fons for diflolving the two laft Parliaments. I fnail notin- 
 fert this declaration here, becaufe everv reader, who remem- Kenner, 
 bers what has been faid, will caiily comprehend .v herein r-. 33s. 
 confifted the King’s complaints. I fhallonly fay m a wind, 
 that the King fuppofed as undeniable, that he had no other Burnet. ^ 
 aim than to procure the good of his people, and that the 
 Commons, actuated by a fpirit of cabal and fedition, only 
 fought to (hake the foundations of the Monarchy, and in¬ 
 vert themfelves with arbitrary power, by all their proceed¬ 
 ings, which he largely fet forth. He pofitively declared, that 
 no irregularities in Parliaments Ihould ever make him out of 
 love with them : and therefore he was refolved to have fre¬ 
 quent Parliaments, and both in and out of Parliament, to 
 ufe his utmoft endeavours to extirpate Popery (i). 
 
 Several Pamphlets appeared, as well againft the diflolution pamphlets, 
 of the Parliament, as againft the declaration. It was faid vindication 
 upon the firft, that though the King pretended, that he dif- payment 
 folved the Parliament on account of the votes parted the fame by sir iv. ’ 
 day about Fitz-Harris, yet the Duchefs of Mazarine pub- 
 lilhed the news at St. James’s many hours before it was p ' 594 * 
 done. As to the declaration, it was faid to be of no va¬ 
 lidity, of French extract (2), and to have feveral manifeft 
 Gallicifms in it, particularly that expreflion, It was a mat¬ 
 ter extremely fenfible to us, a form of fpeech peculiar fo the 
 French , and unknown to any other nation. But the King 
 little regarded fuch libels (3). 
 
 The declaration having been publilhed and read in c Flattering 
 Churches (4) by the King’s order, addreffes flowed from all Addreffes. 
 parts, approving the diflolution of the Parliament, and in f I 'j hard ' 62 
 general, the King’s whole conduct. Not content with Burnet. * 7 ' 
 thanking the King, thefe addreffes were even filled with P- s°°> 
 invetftives againft the late Houfes of Commons. One of 
 thefe addreffes (5) being prefented at the King’s-Bench as a 
 
 . ( 1 ) This Declaration, however fmooth and fair, was by no means popular. Some thought it nothing buta csrrentof words. Others had a world opi¬ 
 nion ot it, as a ftretch ot Prerogative, and a protefl’ed inlulc upon the late members of both Houfes. l{ennet, p. 389. 
 
 (1) Though the King did not communicate this Declaration to the Council till April 8. yet Mr. Barillon, the French Ambafl'ador, did not only read it 
 to a Gentleman the yth of April, but advifed with him about it, and demanded Ids opinion of it. Vindicat. See. by Sir W. Jones, p.394. 
 
 (3 The Anfwer to the King’s Declaration, entitled, A juft and modeft Vindication of the Proceedings of the two UJi Parliaments, was writ with great 
 Judgment. Ic was at firft penned by Algamon Sidney: but a new Draught was made by Jo hn Somers , Ell), and correfted by S.r William 
 
 S P i 
 
 Jones. 'Burnet, p. yoo. 
 
 (4 When this Declaration pafled in Council, the Archbiftiop ol Canterbury moved, that an Order Ihould be added to 
 it in all the Churches of England. Accordingly, fuch an Order came out, dated April 8. This was looked upon as 
 which the Clergy were made the Heralds to publilh the King's Declarations, which in fome Inftances might come to be 
 Burnet, p. yoo. 
 
 (?) That from Norwich, which ran the higheft for the Prerogative. Echard, T@rn.JII. p.tjiy. 
 
 t, requiring the Clergy to publilh 
 i moft pernicious Precedent, by 
 ot only indecent but mifehievous, 
 
 publick 
 
72 + 
 
 Tie HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 j"» 
 
 July i 
 
 i publick libel, by the Grand Jury of Middlesex, the Court 
 took no notice of it. We may eafily judge who prefented 
 thefe addrefles, by what has been faid. They became fo 
 much in vogue, that the fmalleft Corporations feared the 
 v refentment of the Court, if they negledted to addrefs. The 
 King received them all very gracioufly, and diftinguifhcd 
 thofe that brought them with particular marks of his fa¬ 
 vour. But as fome of the other party ventured to prefent 
 addrefles of a verv different ftile, the King either refufed, or 
 received them, with evident figns of his difpleafure. Some 
 of the Aldermen and Common-Council of London preferr¬ 
 ing an agreeable addrefs, were received very kindly. But 
 ' the Lord-Mayor, Recorder, and fome others of the Com¬ 
 mon-Council, waiting on him at Windfor , with a very dif¬ 
 ferent petition, were denied admittance, and ordered to 
 attend the Council at Hampton-Court, where they received 
 a reprimand from the Lord Chancellor. It was however 
 pretended, that thefe loyal addrefles, as they were called, 
 exprefled the fentiments of the people in general, tho’ they 
 cam£ but from one of the parties. But what may make 
 it ptefumed, that the King did not much depend upon the 
 people, notwithftanding thefe numerous addrefles which 
 weekly filled the Gazettes, is, that he never after dared to 
 call a Parliament to the end of his reign, a fure fign, that 
 he feared the elections would not be fav orable to him. For 
 if thefe addrefles had exprefled the general fenfe of the 
 people, what could have hindered the King from calling a 
 Parliament, which, to judge by thefe addrefles, muft have 
 been devoted to him. 
 
 The King was not fatisfied with difeouraging thofe who 
 would have prefented difagreeable addrefles to him, but alfo 
 hlenced and imprifoned the news-writers which were not 
 of his party (i), while others had liberty to publifh daily 
 invedtives againft the Whigs, and the late Parliaments. 
 
 Shortly after the diflblution of the Parliament, the King 
 ■ made Charles Lenos Duke of Richmond , his Son by the 
 ’ Duchefs of Portftnouth, Knight of the Garter at nine years 
 of age. Laurence Hyde Efq; was created Vifcount Hyde 
 of Kennel-worth ; and Lord- Chancellor Finch Earl of Not¬ 
 tingham. 
 
 Notwithftanding the vote of the Commons on the ac- 
 • count of Fitz-Harris, he was indicted of High-Treafon at 
 the Amg’s-Bench bar, tried, condemned, and executed. It 
 is pretended, that he confefled to the Chaplain of the Tow¬ 
 er, that there was a defign laid by the Proteftant party to 
 feize the perfon of the King, and imprifon him, till he had 
 confented to what fhould be defired of him, and that he 
 mentioned many particulars. Others pretend, this confef- 
 fion was forged (z), or only made to fave his life. Indeed 
 ' ■ it is not eafy to imagine, that fo many Protcftants, en¬ 
 gaged, as was pretended, in this plot, would communicate 
 their defigns to an Irijh Papift. Nor is it lefs difficult to 
 conceive, why his execution was haftened, fince he might 
 have ferved (or evidence of this plot, about which, how¬ 
 ever, there was no farther inquiry, 
 i' The fame day that Fitz-Harris was executed, Oliver 
 . Plunket, the popifli titular Primate of Ireland, buffered the 
 : V fame punifhment for contriving, with the Court of France , 
 to raile an infurredtion in Ireland. Some pretend, he was 
 condemned unjuftly, and upon falfe evidence (3). I know 
 not what there is in it, but from this time forward no 
 agreement is to be expedled amongft the Hiftorians, in the 
 relation of the fame fadts. It is always with fome addi¬ 
 tion, which plainly difeovers the party they efpoufe. 
 f Thus much is certain, that the King delayed not to be 
 y revenged of fome of thofe who had been againft him. The 
 Karl of Shaftsbury was fent to the Tower the beginning of 
 July. He was now called the Proteftant Earl, in derifion 
 of his having appeared more zealous than any other Lord in 
 fupport of the Proteftant party, and from hence it may be 
 eafily judged, who gave him that name. The fame day, 
 ' yL - the King alfo fent to the Tower fome perfons of a much 
 inferior rank, as Roufe, Hayns, White, and one Colledge 
 a J ivner ot London, who had been very ftrenuous for the 
 Whigs, while that party was fupported by the Parliament. 
 He was alfo called the Protejlant Joyner, for the name of 
 Proteftant was become the nick-name of thofe who had 
 molt oppoled the King and the Papifts. The adherents of 
 the Court, on the other hand, pretend, that the Whig- 
 ' part' in Lri.iai, perceiving the Court began to be revenged 
 . upon then enemies, had tound means, with the affiftance 
 ci Cornijb and Beth:!, Sheriffs of London, and zealous 
 
 Whigs, to fecure Grand-Juries entirely at their devotion, 1682, 
 fo that, to defeat the efforts of the Court, thefe Juries were 
 to return Ignoramus upon all Bills brought againft any of 
 the party, and therefore obtained the name of Ignoramus. 
 
 But we are not to require any proofs of this fuppofition. ibid. 
 
 The Hiftorians of the Court-party content themfelves with 
 affirming, as a thing beyond doubt, that the Grand-Jury 
 of London was refolved to return Ignoramus upon all Bills 
 againft their friends, and we muft take their word for it, 
 tho’ it feems to be fupported only by the rumours of their 
 own party. 
 
 However, the Court began their revenge with Colledge College 
 the Joyner, and for that purpofe a Bill of indidlment of#d^£ r “£_ 
 High-Treafon againft him was delivered to the Grand-Jury f™. 
 of London, who, not finding it well-grounded, threw it out ^ c l K “ tci \ 
 with an Ignoramus (4). This caufed an univerfal joy in 
 London, and was looked upon as a fort of triumph. But 
 the Court was refolved to proceed againft Colledge with the 
 utmoft feverity. For this purpofe, on pretence of certain 
 words faid to be fpoken by Colledge at Oxford, he was or- 0 
 dered to be removed to that city, and there tried and con¬ 
 demned. But not to be difappointed, as they had been Kenncr * 
 at London, the King’s Council came to Oxford, and were j^-hard. 
 fhut up with the Grand-Jury, till they had perfuaded them in. p. £34.. 
 to find the Bill. This is at leaft a fact which has been 
 often objected, and publickly and openly maintained, with-garner, 
 out having been denied. Be this as it will, Colledge was Tried. 
 carried to Oxford, and tried at the affizes, upon the evi- 
 dence of Dugdale and Turbcrville, who had been the wit-m. p. - 4: . 
 nefles in the trial of the Lord Stafford. It is not poffible 
 to read the particulars of this trial, the partiality of the 
 Judges(s), and the depofitions of the witnefl'es, without 
 difeovering a fettled defign for the deftrudtion of this man, 
 who was condemned and executed as a traitor (6). He Au S- 3 1 - 
 died, protefting his innocence, and ignorance of any plot 
 but the Popifli. The Court’s refentment againft this man Hawles. 
 fhewed itfelf fo manifeftly, that he was confidered as the 
 firft martyr for the Proteftant Caufe. The writers, even 
 the moft devoted to the Court, dare not pofitively affirm, 
 he was guilty. They content themfelves with leaving the Kc,iart *« 
 thing doubtful, after endeavouring however, by the turn 
 they give to their account, to infinuate a belief that he 
 was not innocent. 
 
 The fame day that Colledge was executed. Dr. Oates 
 was by order of Council turned out of Whitehall, with a vvhice-hall. 
 command not to come within the verge of the Council- F.eharJ. 
 chamber. Indeed, he was no longer wanted, at a time 111- p- 6)7 ' 
 when not only the popifli plot was ridiculed, but a defign 
 formed of being revenged on thofe who had been moft 
 zealous to fupport the belief of it, and of improving a new 
 Proteftant plot. 
 
 The time for electing the Sheriffs of London being come, A -™ 
 Thomas PiIkington and Samuel Shiite, both Whigs, were 
 chofen in the room of Bethel and Cornijh, which was very Kenner, 
 difagreeable to the Court. But on Michaelmas-day they 
 had the fatisfaclion to fee Sir John Aloor an Addrefler, 
 chofen Lord-Mayor. 
 
 At the feffions for London, Roufe, one of thofe fent to the 
 Tower by the King, was indidted of high-treafon, and the 
 Grand-Jury found the Bill Ignoramus. 
 
 It was the fame with the Earl of Shaftsbury. The King The T.ord 
 paffionately wiflied to be revenged of this Lord, who for ! ’^ ury ' 
 fome time, had fliewn him little regard. To this end,- he found. 
 granted a fpecial commiffion of Oyer and Terminer to all J jf' a i s 
 the Judges of the Kingdom to fit, the 24th of November, x. n. 
 with the Lord-Mayor and Aldermen, at the Old Bally, on F.chard, 
 the Earl’s trial. Eight witneffes were heard againft him, Kennet ’ 
 who depofed upon oath many things from his own mouth, 
 which difeovered pernicious defigns againft the King’s per¬ 
 fon. But the greateft crime objected againft him was, the Burn « c - 
 copy of an Affociation (found in his ftudy) againft the ene- p ‘’ ’ 
 mies of the King, of the Proteftant Religion, and of their 
 Country (7). But notwithftanding the hopes conceived by 
 the Court, of being freed from this enemy, the Grand- 
 Jury, confifting of one and twenty of the principal citizens 
 of London, conlidering that the paper, containing the Affo¬ 
 ciation was only a copy, and not writ in the Earl of Shaftf- 
 burys hand, and obferving very great improbabilities in the 
 depofitions of the witneffes, found no fufficient ground for 
 the Bill, and returned it Ignoramus. Immediately the whole Great joy- 
 city teftified their joy for the Earl’s deliverance, by bonfires 
 in all the ftreets, and other marks of fatisfadtion, and the 
 
 ) The Jot 
 ; The i.fi 
 
 Wed Dmnfikk Intelligence, &•:. The other Papers here rr 
 
 ■in,. Ride, IS. Eel,.ill Tom. III. p. 617. 
 
 the management of Dr. Hawkins Minifter of the Tower, 
 
 J ■-! wirh the Deanery of Chichejier. Unmet, p. 704. 
 i profligate men, who had been cenfured by him for the 
 examined before the Council, fent to the Tower, and aft 
 
 ioned, containing Inveflives againft the 
 make this confeflion. Hankins was, for 
 
 r lewdnefs. "Burnet, p. f02. 
 
 irwards forced to fly beyond Sea. Kennet, 
 
 I till J n;f, Jjftice Raymond, and Jufticc Levinx. Ravin fays by miftakc, that Jefferies v 
 
 King’s Couofel, 
 
 was the taking away from him his memorandums, and luflructions for b.s Defence., jaft a 
 • . .1: i in acy place with the Fail's baud. 'Burnt, p. 
 
 4 
 
 witneffes 
 
1681 
 
 Book XXIII. 
 
 witness againjft bin 
 
 pieces by tJic mob ( 
 
 26. C H A 
 
 in great danger of being torn in 
 
 oy rne moo (1 
 
 ^ ^ Before we fiiiifh this year, i t wili be neceftary to men - 
 
 Kcli'iet. t ‘ 1( ' tranfadtions in Scotland , where the Duke of York, 
 
 P 391. as the King’s High-commiflioncr, had opened the Parlia- 
 .I'HiRr. ment the 28th of July. This Parliament, very different 
 
 Eihar.i. * rorn tbe two l-ift held in England , took a quite contrary 
 
 in. P 645. courfe, and paffed feveral Atfts fuch as the King defired. 
 iwJrof t!lc ^ r, *> the y acknowledged, that the Crown of 
 
 tb' King Scotland is by inherent right, by the nature of Monarchy, 
 and Royalty, by the fundamental and unalterable laws of the Kingdom, 
 James II. ^ an f |T iitted and devolved by Lineal Succeflion, according to 
 
 St L E S II. 
 
 and Non-Refinance, which had been efpouied by a few (68 
 in the reign of Charles f, but was now univerfally preach¬ 
 ed. The Clergy feemed to make it their buline’fs to fur- 
 render to the King, all the Liberties and Privileges of the 
 Subjects, and to leave them only an unlimited obedience. 
 According to the principles publickJy preached, no Eajlcrn 
 Monarch was more abfolute than the King of England . 
 
 This dotftrine was fupported in the Courts of Juftice, by all 
 the Judges and Lawyers, to the utmoft of their power. 
 
 All this was followed with numberlefs petitions and ad- 
 dreffes, wherein the Affociation, and the principles frotn 
 which it flowed, were utterly abhorred. This Affociation 
 
 7 2 5> 
 
 Life of 
 
 J amcs n. 
 
 P- 53 - 
 
 Proximity of Blood, and that no difference in Religion, which had occafioned the perfection againft the Diffenters. 
 no Law no Ad of Parliament, can alter or divert the right was but a chimera, and entirely founded on the paper founu 
 o, fucceffion, and lineal defame of the Crown to the neareft in the Earl of Sbafsbury’s clofet, without even a poffibility 
 and lawful heirs. This Ad made it high-treafon, either of knowing whether it was an original, or a copy. But 
 by word or writing, to endeavour to fufpend, or alter, the any man’s “thinking of affociating the Subjeds ao-ainft the 
 11 d of ruc «ffi°n. King, was fufficient, according to the current principles, to 
 
 By the (ccond Ad, all former Laws for the ficurity of charge the whole Whig-party, as guilty of the greateft 
 the l rotejl ant Kehgton prefently profejfed in that'realm, were crime imaginable. I fliali not tranferioe thefe addrefles. It 
 rat / ie / f. ’ , y „ 1,ch r J ,aws made by James I, Charles I, fufflees to fay in a word, that they fuppofed the King of 
 and Charles II, againft Popery, were confirmed. To this England as abfolute as it is poflible to devife. Thus the vio- 
 Ad was annexed a teft and oath to be taken by all offi- lent Tories who then prevailed in the Corporations, were 
 cers in Church and State (2). This oath was drawn in not fatisfied with perfecuting the Presbyterians, but alfo 
 luch a manner, that it impofed a ncceflity of fwearing di- made the King an arbitrary and abfolute Monarch, as if 
 
 rpr+lv ominll yww ..C L ‘_ T r 1 .1 111 . ‘ 
 
 redly againft confcience, or of being, as I may fay, de¬ 
 barred the fociety of men. Accordingly, it was refufed by 
 moft of the Mmiflers, and a great number of the Laity. 
 
 But this was what the contrivers of the oath wanted, in or- __. .., ...... , 
 
 der to have opportunity to perfecute and deftroy thofe, who, figns of aftedion 
 it was forefeen, would obftrnd the defigns of the Court. 
 
 Scotland was aim oft reduced to flavery, with regard to the 
 Government. Nothing was wanting, but the introdudtion 
 of the Popifh Religion, and for this the oath was intended, 
 becaufe it was thereby hoped to have opportunity of dif- 
 7 b e ^arlof abbn § tbe greateft enemies of Popery from oppofing this 
 Argyle re- de ^g n - Archibald Campbel Earl of Argyle , fon of him be- 
 
 • 653, 
 
 fif" 
 
 Burn 
 P S' 
 
 R. Coke. 
 
 p. 274, Sc c. 
 
 Echini. 
 
 Ji imp, 
 Jonrd, i 
 
 T. III. 
 EJcope. 
 
 headed at Edinburgh , was one of the refufers of this oath, 
 &c un i e fs he might take it with a referve of his own explana- 
 tl0n (})• But this the Duke of York would never aliow 
 him. Indeed thefe ambiguities had been purpofely inferted 
 to keep the rigid Presbyterians from taking it. At laft, he 
 i wa3 ^refted, imprifoned, and brought to a folemn trial, not 
 rytd, only for refitting the oath, but for having dilluaded others 
 taking it; and for this new kind of treafon, was con¬ 
 demned to lofe his head. It is pretended, the King would 
 
 there had been no other expedient to fave the Church of 
 England from the attempts of the Presbyterians. 
 
 The Duke of York returned fr. m Scotland , the beginning &*** «f 
 of March , and was received by the King with all poffib.e Y,,rfc r " 
 figns of affection. At the fame time came a letter to the Rennet. 
 King from Scotland , fubferibed by feven Bifhcps, full of tie P- vt z - 
 Duke of York'* praifes, and of the happinefs enjoyed by the 
 Church of Scotland , under his adminiftration. So that it 6s6. P 
 was not the fault of thefe Prelates, that the Duke, though 
 moft zealous for the popifh Religion, was not refpeiSted as 
 the principal fupport and prote&“r of the Proteftant Church. 
 
 After two months ftay in England, the Duke returned 1682. 
 to Scotland to bring bis family from thence. He went by Cc “ baC ^ 
 fea, but by an unexpefted accident, the ftiip, though the 
 weather was fair, ftruck upon the fluid [called the Lcmoh rum ’/great 
 and Oar,] and in a little time had above feven foot water Ua i rr - 
 in the hold. This obliged him to put off in his pinnace, Su^firt" 
 with as many perfons as it would hold, and to fave himfelfp. 523.' 
 on board the Mary yatcht. It is pretended, lie himfeif Kcrnet - 
 named the perfons whom lie would have in the boat with Echa/d. 
 binij and that fume Pricfts and Jefuits were preferred to fe- Life 0 f 
 
 1 . . , ... , . r . . -e —twilit l 111.1L1 «uu jLiuus were prererreu to le- wie or 
 
 a e pardoned him ; but this can only be faid by conje&ure. veral perfons of quality, who were unfortunately drowned, J ;mcs If " 
 However, he found means to efcape out of the caftle of E- with a hundred and thirty feamen, the fhip linking foon P ‘ 6; ‘ 
 
 amburph. and Withdrpu; Inin f .\ . rr A 1 .9 
 
 l68l-2. 
 
 •The D’ffen 
 ten ar.p,,. 
 Jecuted. 
 Burnet. 
 Keimet. 
 
 111. p, 649. 
 
 dtnburgh, and withdrew into Holland (4). 
 
 It appears from what has been And, that the Whig-party 
 mnftjy confifted of profefled Presbyterians, or of men in¬ 
 clined to Presbytery, though they profefl'ed the eflabli/hed 
 Religion. That is to fay, the times of James I, and 
 Charles I, were returned, when every man who was not 
 Ech?.d ,j93 Court-party, and a furious Tory, was a Presbyte¬ 
 
 rian. The King finding his authority fufficiently eftablifh- 
 ed fince the difiblution of the Oxford Parliament, refolved 
 entirely to ruin his enemies the Whigs, and confequently 
 the Presbyterians. To this end, he ordered, that the Non- 
 conformifts fnould be rigoroufly profecuted, which difeover- 
 cd hit motive for conveying away in the Houfe of Lords 
 the Bill to repeal the Aft of the 35th of Elizabeth, at the 
 very time it was going to pafs into a law. For if this Bill 
 had not vaniflied, no advantage could have been taken a- 
 gadift the Presbyterians. This order of the King occafioned 
 a violent perfection againft the Diftenters. Since the dif- 
 fc>lulion °t the laft Parliament, all the Magiftrates, Judges, 
 Judices of the Peace, Governours, and Lord-Lieutenants* 
 had been changed, and the moft violent Tories put in their 
 p.-.ccs. It may eafily be imagined, with what joy and 
 z:..d thefe men executed the law.s againft the Presbyterians, 
 which had been fufpended for fome years. The Clergy 
 p.uticulaiiy diftinguifhtd themfelves by fhowing their at¬ 
 tachment to the principles and maxims of the Court. The 
 pulpits refunded with the do&rine of Paflive-Obedience 
 
 Pajp™- 
 
 Obert'ence 
 every where 
 preached up. 
 
 after the Duke put oft. But 1 will not warrant this cir- 
 cumftance, which perhaps is only a report fpread by his e- 
 nemies (5). 7 he Duke made but a fliort ftay in Scotland. 
 
 He departed within a few days for England, where he con- Return1 ud 
 tinued, the reft of this reign, with great influence over the ^ 
 a&ions and counfeis of the King his brother. To him is^^^o; 
 generally aferibed the rigour with which the King treated p-wrrfui. 
 his enemies the remaining part of his reign. It is faid, the > 
 
 King being one day importuned by the Duke to undertake P ' S7 ° 
 things which he thought very dangerous, told him, Bro¬ 
 ther , I am refolved never to travel again, you may do fa, if 
 you pleafe. 
 
 Though, fupported by the Court and the Magiftrates, the PampbUu 
 Tory-party had the advantage, the Whigs however, were a i al ”b ’be 
 not difeouraged; in the expectation of caufmg fome turn, ^“ rf ' 6g 
 by informing the people in pamphlets of their danger from P 3 
 the Court. Thefe pamphlets were numberlefs, and new 
 ones daily appeared, to attack or defend. That which 
 made the greateft noife was, The Life of Julian the Apofate , 
 in which a parallel was drawn between that Prince and the 
 Duke of York. The neceflity of the Exclufion was fliown, 
 and Paflive-Obedience exploded as a Mahometan dodtrine. 
 
 This book did but exafperate the patrons of Paflive-Obe- 
 diencc. They took occafion from thence to carry the 
 do&rine fo high, that when, in the reign of James II, re- 
 ftridlions became neceffaryj they knew not how to 
 make them, and many even perfifted in fupporting this 
 
 1 Clctod, darting his beams 
 is Teft in the Life of Kind 
 of State TraSU, Vol. II. 
 
 than Fuch a 
 fanrng and 
 in our Age 
 the Horron. 
 
 apprehend as to Popery v 
 
 s Krafon, when 
 
 , A Medal was alfo ftruck upon this occafion, having on one fide the Earl’s Effigies; and on the Reverfe, the Son behind a 
 
 or. the oiiy ..I .-anj™. _See Eve !;.a s Nutr.ifm. It was upon this occafion that Dryden .wrote his Poem called lhe Medal 
 
 [Z) And by all that fnould be capable 0 t elefting, or being defied Members of Parliament. Burnet, p. : t S . See 
 James II. *v>. p. 53. and R. Coke p- 276. r J J 
 
 (3, S ee the Cafe ofthe Earl of Argyle in relation to the Teft or Oath impofed by the Scotch Parliament, p ici, - 
 K. Q'ke, I), z: f>. and L ie ot Jamei II. p. 53. r J 
 
 U) When the Teft was in Debate, ArgyUfoVe zeal, ufly againft the Oaufc, whereby all the Royal Family were excepted out of it. He faid', the only 
 
 K to 1 -pery was, it the Royal Family fhnuld happen to be perverted : there’ore he thought it was better to have no Adi at all 
 
 . ... 1 _ **. 3 - B » when he c j nie to explain himfelf concerning the taking the Teft in his own Senfc, his Words were c nftrued as a Da 
 
 Spreading L es ot the Proceedings of Parliament, which was capital. Accordingly he was. tried and .condemned. No Sentence, fays Burnet, 
 
 was more 1.11 vetla Iv cried out upon than th:s. All fpoke of it, and the Duke who drove it on, with Honour. All that was faid to Idle a 
 
 . If: tnat Ul:;e Laudirda!e had reftored the Family! with fuch an extended Jurifdidtion, that he was really the Maftcr of all the highland ,. 
 
 .he LAs.e wrote to the king, was all he intended by it, as Lord Halifax affined Burnet. Though a Perfon of Quality, whom Lord Ar ?y de never 
 to Ivm , on his Honour, that he heard one in great favour fay to the Duke, the thing mull be donc^apd that it would, be eafier' tp fotisfy 
 ,r J” er .jj WaS ° on,i ’ to obtain his Leave for doing it. For which rcafon Lord Argyle made his efcape out of the Caftle in a D'fg-iile. 
 
 [O Bur.,, r.v. . th, D.t, Into . B,.:, ,„k „„ „f hi , Dogs, U. .nkn.wn P.rf.ns, who w.ro t.k.n, from ihit urn.k cur'of hi,, 
 
 MAMluk f “ Wt "' •? "“I '*r “ ■>“. ' ho "f h *• h ”' rK c shi, too,, ih.o ft, oij, p. ,,,. Wh., 
 
 ft;,^A,coun-.. o f cb,h[, ,o rh- nwr, , that the following Peifons pcifted w | t h the teft, the Eifl of Rr.b.ruugb, the lo ro Obryun, the L.ird of 
 
 Law, Ecbard, Tom. Ill. p. 657, The Duke, fays Burnet, took no notice o' this cruel neg’ 
 
 affirmed t< 
 
 S.r Jojepb Dough ji, 1 . eujenant Hyde the Duke's Brother 
 I'-'l, which was Jaid chiedv to Legg's Charge. 
 
 No. 80. V01, II, 
 
 8 X 
 
 doEttihef 
 

 1 63 2. do&rine, rather th* n own they had been in the wrong to 
 carry it to fuch a J^ight. 
 
 — Remark To demonftratc, that to this time mud be fixed the date 
 'uTfinne of kirth, or ac kaft of the great progrefs, of the doftrine 
 
 Pajj r ive- of Paffive-Obedience, it need:, only to be confidered, that 
 CptJienu. tile fecond Parliament of this reign, though chiefly compo- 
 feJ of rigid Church- u\-England men, devoted entirely to 
 the King, after having, by A tb, eftablifned fuch principles 
 as led to Paffive-Obedience, readily depai ted from it, when 
 the Court, as they believed, intended thereby to introduce 
 an arbitrary Government. This fhows their defign was 
 not to eftablilh fuch a Government. But in i68z, the 
 time I am fpeakirig of, thefe principles were not only 
 preached, but praftifed, and the King was thanked in pub- 
 Jick and folemn addrefles, for having eftablilhed an abTolute 
 Government. The pulpits rung with Paifive-Obedience, 
 which was enforced from the pofitive declarations of God ; 
 and all the Magiftrates emuloufly ftrove to reduce this doc¬ 
 trine to practice. The Whigs on their part in their at¬ 
 tacks of thefe ltrangc opinions, threw themfelves into the 
 other extreme, and thereby gave their enemies room to ac- 
 cufe them as fubverters of Monarchy. In fhort, a kind of 
 infatuation I’eizcd the Kingdom, and one party, inftcad of 
 coming to a temper, violently embraced whatever was molt 
 contrary to the other. 
 
 Fi, g‘ t he animoliry againft the Whigs was then fo exceffive, 
 that even in the adminiftration of juftice, the Judges for- 
 tr.hard. got common decency. The Earl of Shaft sbury having 
 iii. p. djS- brought his a 61 ion of Scandalum Magna turn , againft one 
 Mr. Cradock , the Defendent’s Counfel allodged, 'I hat 
 “ there was no probability of a fair trial by a London Jury, 
 “ by reafon that the F.-rl was of the Skinners Company, 
 “ of which SheiilF Pilkington was matter, and that che.e- 
 “ fore the Jury ought to be taken from fome other place.’’ 
 The Court of King's-Bench found this exception fo jult, 
 that it Was ordered, That unlefs the Earl would confent 
 “ to try his caufe by a Country Jury, it fbould not be 
 tried in London.'' I know not whether fuch an excep¬ 
 tion had ever been known or admitted before. Party rage 
 •appeared in all private affairs, fo that judgments were formed 
 nut according to the right, but the principles of the 
 parties. 
 
 7S.- Kr.rr Though the Wiiigs had a great difad vantage in the Kin»- 
 o/l ^ onr > they ftill preferved their fuperiority in London, where 
 
 by almoft all the Magiftrates were of their party 3 but they 
 
 tbelj.u- were not fufFered long to enjoy them. Moor, the Lord- 
 
 Cour/ ‘ U ‘ Mayor, who had been an Abhorrer, and was in the ;nte- 
 
 ]une2+. refls of the Court, objected againft the election of the She- 
 
 Kennct, riffs, and afterwards of the Lord-Mayor, who was to fuc- 
 bJmc- CceJ him ; and being fupported by the Privy-Council, pre- 
 Eu.jtd. vailed, partly by force, and partly by confent, to have new 
 JJ1- p. 66 o. Sheriffs (i), and a new Mayor eledted of the King’s party. 
 
 7 be Earl :f This was a triumph for the Court, and the Earl of Shaftf- 
 Sliaftsbury bury was fo fenlible of it, that feeing himfelf like to be 
 HoUand "7 deprived of the protedtion of the City of London , he a- 
 li p. 664. voided the impending ftorm, by a retreat into Holland. 
 
 It was remarked, that he was forced to fhelter himfelf un¬ 
 der the protefiicn of a Republick, to which, when he was 
 Chancellor, and one of the Cabal, he had applied that 
 
 faying of Cato , Dclcnda eft Carthago. -Pie died fix 
 
 Weeks afier his arrival in Holland. 
 
 A Defign a - 
 
 ccnflii°o- C ^ e ‘ r devotion, improved the advantage, and relying on the 
 tier c.-'.tj- compliance of the Magiftrates, refolved to annuli the 
 rations. Charter of London , and afterwards thofe of all the other 
 Corporations in the Kingdom. But this defign W2s not ex¬ 
 ecuted till the next year. 
 
 In the mean time, the Lord-Mayor and the Sheriffs of 
 London , were very adtive againft the Presbyterians, and 
 executed the laws with great feveriry. Moreover, to re¬ 
 commend themfelves the more to the Court, they prevented 
 the burning of the Pope, as had been cuftomary on the 1 7 th 
 of November (2). 
 
 Pilkington The Duke of York embracing fo favorable a jundture, 
 fad fr.r brought his adtion againft the late Sheriff Pilkington , for 
 ‘ogi'r./t'"tbe thefe words, fpoken by the Defendent, The Duke cf York 
 Duke of has fired the City , and is now corne to cut our throats. The 
 y°ik.^ Jury found for the Duke, and gave him one hundred thou- 
 Echard + fand pounds damages. To fuch height was party rage 
 ni. p- 665. carried. 
 
 Burnet. Before we finilh the events of this year 1682, which 
 53y was memorable only for the progrefs of the Court and the 
 Tories, the downfal of the Whigs, and the perfecution of 
 the Presbyterians; I Ihall relate l'ome other things which 
 happened this year. 
 
 The HISTORY of E N G L A N D. 
 
 Voi n. 
 
 The Court having got a Lord-Mayor and Sheriffs at 
 
 Mi ft, the murder of Mr. T/;ynne, almoft in the heart {682 
 cf the city, by Count Coningsmark, fur which his footman V- Thy'-* 
 was hanged. As tins is a private affair, I foal] f ay no moie *■*•*«*«. 
 of it. J 
 
 .. " h,s y^ T t,l|e Kil, 2 received two extraordinary embaf- Ami tan. 
 fies, one from the King of Fez and Morocco , the ocher 
 from the King of Bantam in the Ifie of 
 
 Com t of the DettSt 
 
 Rhine, fo often mentioned in ilie foregoing ru'on fr tv 
 three years of age ; Jehu Maitland Duke of LcuL-daU • 
 
 Heneag; hutch Pari of Noftirghw: and Lord Pi.Vh Ci:an- 
 •cellor 3 and Anthony AjtAey Co per Earl cf Shajhcury. 
 
 On the other hand, the King created fevc.-al Peers'?) 
 amongft the reft, the Duke of Ormond , an Jrijh Duke’ Prms “*“‘ 
 wpromoted to the fame dignity in England. 
 
 Laftly, the Earl of Sunderland was reftored to the of- Burnet 
 hce of Secietary, upon the refignation of the Earl of P- iS 1 - 
 ’Conway. 
 
 The King having had no extraordinary fuppiies from the 
 Parliament tor fome years, it would he aftonifhin- ,1.,, 2 " 3 ’ 
 
 Ihould at once become to good an ceconomiff, as to lire up¬ 
 on ms revenues, it it had not afterwards appeared, that ne n- r„ 
 had com railed many debts, and thereby ft,nplied in 
 meafore the aids of money, which, on one pretence or 
 other, he had ufed to receive from the Parliament The 
 Court purfued the fame courfe, without any appealance of 
 intending to ufc their new power for railing money upon 
 
 " 1 It might feem ■ t . f , , , 
 
 pr -,cnt lituation, did not fummon a Parliament, as well to 
 repeal what had been enafled againft him, as to tret a fuji- 
 piy of money. Pretences would not have been wanting 
 I hat was not the thing. But it feemed, that notwith- jf„r w 
 liandmg the multitude of add.elies, which we.e ftill daily ^ i 
 presented he did not confide in the afilction of his people, 
 and fearco, that the eledlions would not be favorable to Si,. 7 
 him Indeed tliefe addrefles came but from one party, and 
 the King knew, it wvs very puffible to receive addrelfe 
 r m , 3 . che Corporations in England, without being af- 
 lurec, that the People in gene.a! were well-afte< 3 ed. ^But 
 as foreigners may not underftand this, I Ihall briefly ex¬ 
 plain it. 
 
 Enguind is almoft all divided into Communities, called 
 Corporations, which have each their privileges, obtained 
 from the Sovereigns on certain conditions. J here is fcarcc 
 a town, which has not its M.-i ft rates and Laws as a Cor- 
 poration. The Mayor, or head of the Corporation, the 
 " 7™’ ;1 -' 1 «r*r, and other print .1 iccrs, are 
 
 Clcdtcd either by the whole community, or by a certain 
 numoer of townfmen. It is ea fy therefore to apprehend, 
 that the prevailing party may, without great difficulty, 
 form a Common-Council of their own principles, and it"is 
 tnr. Common-Council which manages the addjdlcs pre- 
 ffinted to the King, in the name of the whole Corporalu n 
 Provided the fuperiority of voices in the Common-Council" 
 be for one of the parties, that fuffices, if an addrefs be or¬ 
 dered, to fay, it is in the name of the Town or Commu¬ 
 nity, though all the other members Ihould be of a contiary 
 opinion. But in chufing Reprefentatives, another method 
 is taken. For then every Burgefs, every Freeholder, has 
 a rigf.t to give his vote, and confequently ReorefemTves 
 ' V ‘ ■ ■ P to the M ■ . Id Corn u ' . . ’ 
 cil may very p-ffibly be ele&ed. This, probably, hinde¬ 
 red the Ivmg from venturing to call a new Pa.liamerr 
 for fear he Ihould not find his account in it. For the fame 
 voters who had chofen the members of the two laft Par¬ 
 liaments, would have had a right to vote for the members 
 of a new one, which could not be advantages to the 
 kourt. J he Court therefore came to a refolution of re- 
 fliming tiie Charters of the Corporations, and to grant 
 others drawn in fuch manner, that the King Ihould be al- 
 inoft enabled to caufe fuch Reprefentatives t J be chcfcn, as 
 ne plcafeJ. It may be affirmed, there was no readier or 
 more eftcdtual way to invade at once the liberties of the 
 nation, and caufe the Parliament itfelf to approve of the 
 lame. r 
 
 1 ill things Ihould be ripe for the execution of this de- rb, jr™ r 
 hgn, or fome favorable occafion offer itfelf, the K;: rc _ re« e w- 
 lojved to take the diverfions of New-market. He JiaJ 
 fcarce been there fix days, when a fire broke out in the j r 
 town with fuch violence, that he was obliged to return to M-Htir 
 London fome days fooner than he defigned. It was ore t»?et»,n' a 
 tended afterwards, that there was, at this time, a plot a- Lonaon ; . 
 gamft his lire, to be executed at New-Market, and which tf-V ** 
 was prevented by the King’s fudden return, occafioned Eciu,J - 
 by the hre. This accident was aferibed to a particular UL p ' 6691 
 
 were Mr. North, and Mr. 
 cafion, for which the late 
 
 (1) The two Sheriffs the Court war. I 
 Duboa. Some contefls arofe upon tin’s 
 Tom. III. p. 540 . *e. 
 
 (2) Queen E/rzjbetb's Diy. 
 
 (3: Henry Somtrfa M iquifs of It'o’cejler wts created Duke of Beaufa 
 tniuih ; H ratio Lord 'Tcnunjhend Vilcount Tc-w-herd ; Sir Thomas Tbyr.n 
 Martter.vgb) Lord Cbutsbill j ana 'jama Butt: E«1 of Ab,rgt;n f :c., 
 
 Bex. And thofe fet up by the majority of the City, were Mr. PatW n M 
 Sheriffs and ethers were afterwarda tried, as guilty of a Riot. See S,a’:e-tjX 
 
 ; C ry^rL-'d Darcy -Earl of Hddcmf, 3 Them, Lord IBudf.r E.rl of P\- 
 
 K-- rX o -oT 5 Cr - r & sL *t Eillot Job* ^.retail yate Duke 
 
 fysr,r.{! } p. ^30. 
 
 Providence 
 
Book XXIII. 26. C H A R L E S II. 
 
 727 
 
 168z-3. Providence preferving the King, when he was in fuch 
 danger. 
 
 1683. 
 
 Several 
 jUdcrmen 
 iryedfor a 
 A nr. 
 
 May 8. 
 State Tii. 
 JU- p. 541. 
 
 brought a- 
 gairjl the 
 Charter <f 
 
 P 399- 
 Echard. 
 
 111. p. 67r- 
 
 R. Coke, 
 p. 313. 
 
 7be Charter 
 declared for- 
 Jetted. 
 
 June >Z. 
 Burnet. 
 Krnnet, 
 p. 399. 
 
 The City 
 fubmiti to 
 the King. 
 
 June 18. 
 Rennet. 
 Echard. 
 
 111. p. 673. 
 
 Condition1 
 offered by 
 the King. 
 
 The King intending to be revenged on the old Magif- 
 tracy of London, which had oppofed him for fbme years, 
 ifTued out a Commillion for trial of the authors of the dif- 
 order at the election of Sheriffs the laft year. This difor- 
 der, in the commillion, was called a riotous and unlawful 
 JJJ'embly , and aggravated as much as a thing of fuch little 
 moment could admit of. Fourteen Aldermen and fubftan- 
 tial C.tizens, the leaders of the Whigs, were all tried and 
 condemned in great fines (1). 
 
 But the King flopped not here, though the new Ma- 
 giftrates and Common-Council took care to give him 
 marks of their refpedt and zeal, by repealing feveral A<fls of 
 the Court of Common-Council, made during the late 
 troubles (2). They like wife replaced, in its nich in the 
 Royal Exchange, the ftatue of Charles I, which had been 
 taken down after his death. Neverthelefs, this did not 
 prevent a Quo IVarranto from being brought by the King 
 againft the City, that is, an order to fhow by what war¬ 
 rant they pretended to be a Corporation, and enjoy the pri¬ 
 vileges mentioned in the writ. On fuch occaiions, the 
 Corporation, againft whom the Quo IVarranto is fent, pro¬ 
 duces the Charter of their privileges, and the queftion is 
 to know, whether they have exactly obeyed the conditions 
 and articles of their Charter. If they have been faulty in 
 any cli'ential article, the Court, before whom the affair is 
 brought, may declare their Privileges and Charter forfeited. 
 This rarely happens, becaufe a Corporation is not wont to 
 break their Charier in ellential articles, for fear of lofing 
 it; and if it is in a point of little importance, the Court 
 is fatisfied with a fine to the King. This is the pradlice 
 where jnftice, and a maintenance of the laws and cuftoms 
 of the Kingdom are only intended. But, in the prefent 
 cafe, the King’s intention was not to maintain juftice and 
 the laws, but to take occafion from the breach of fome ar¬ 
 ticle of the Charter, to feize the liberties of London into 
 his hands, and render himfelf abfolute mafter of the govern¬ 
 ment of that City. The prefent juncture was very favo¬ 
 rable to his defign, becaufe, fincc the difTolution of the 
 Oxford Parliament, he had taken care to fill the Courts of 
 Juftice with Judges devoted to him, and to thefe Judges 
 was committed the decifton of this affair. 
 
 The King alledged two violations of the Charter by the 
 Corporation of London. The firft was the illegal exaction 
 of Tolls in the Market, and particularly the 1 ailing mo¬ 
 tley to rebuild Cheapfide Conduit. The fecond was the 
 framing and printing a fcandalous petition, wherein they 
 charged the King with obftrufting the juftice of the Nation, 
 by proroguing the laft Wefminjler Parliament. This af¬ 
 fair was argued folemnly on both fides, and at laft the 
 Judges of the King's Botch declared, that the liberties and 
 privileges of the City of London were forfeited, and might 
 be feized into the King’s hands. Neverthelefs, it was de¬ 
 clared by the exprefsVommand of the King, That judge¬ 
 ment jhould not be entered until his Majefly's pleafure Jhould 
 be further known 
 
 Several reflections on this judgement were then, and ftill 
 are, made, which are not to the honour either of the King 
 or the Court. However, the Inhabitants of London were 
 extremely furprize'd with the thing, ar.d the Common- 
 Council affembled to confult how to proceed in this exi¬ 
 gency. Some were for having the judgement entered till 
 an opportunity offered to procure a reverfal. But the 
 Court-party infilled upon an abfolute fubmiffion to the 
 King before judgement was entered, which was in effect a 
 voluntary lurrender of the privileges of the City into the 
 King’s hands, and a depriving it of the means to caufe the 
 feme nee one day to be repealed. This opinion was car¬ 
 ried by a majority, and the King was waited on with a 
 petition agreeable to this refolution. The King anfwered 
 by the Lord-Keeper North, That he would reftore the 
 Charter if the City would fubmit to the following regu¬ 
 lations. 
 
 1. That no Lord-Mayor, nor any officer of the Corpo¬ 
 ration, or Steward of the Borough of Southwark , fliould 
 be capable of, or admitted to the exercife of their refpe&ive 
 offices, before his Majefty fliould have approved them un¬ 
 der his fign Manual. 
 
 2. 'I hat if his Majefty fliould difapprove the choice of 
 any perfon to be Lord-Mayor, the Citizens fliould, 
 within one w'eek, proceed to a new choice : And if his 
 Majt-fly fliould in like manner difapprove the fecond choice, 
 his Majefty might if he pleafed, nominate a perfon to be 
 Lord-Mayor for the enfuing year. 
 
 3. The fame with regard to the Sheriffs. 1683. 
 
 4. The Lord-Mayor and Court of Aldermen might alfo, 
 with the leave of his Majefty, difplace any Alderman, 
 
 Recorder, fs’e. 
 
 5. Upon the election of any Alderman, if the Court of 
 Aldermen fliould judge and declare the perfon prefented to 
 be unfit, the Ward fliould chufe again ; and upon a difap- 
 proval of a fecond choice, the Courc might appoint ano¬ 
 ther in his room. 
 
 6. The Juftices of the peace were to be by the King’s 
 commilfion ; and the fettling of thefe matters to be left ti> 
 his Majefly’s Attorney and Sollicitdr-General, and Coun¬ 
 cil learned in the Law. 
 
 By thefe articles, it is evident, the King was abfolute 
 mafter of the government of the City, and by refloring 
 their Charter, efte&ually deprived them of their principal 
 privileges. 
 
 1 wo days after, the Common-Council met, and refol- 'ibeCuyac . 
 ved to fubmit to the King, by a majority of eighteen cejutbem, 
 voices (3). The Hiftorians of the King’s party /peak of Echard. 
 this affair very flightly, pretending the City was juftly pu- 
 nifhed for their great provocations to the King of late 
 years. But as to the conduit of the King and Court, 
 which occafioned thefe provocations, they do not think 
 proper to mention it, and fo the whole blame lies upon the 
 City. 
 
 Wc are at laft come to the pretended Proteftant Plot, 7 be Rye- 
 that is to fay, form’d by the Proteftanrs againft the King 
 and the Duke. But as it is hard to conceive the agree- Spracf* 
 ment of this term, in a Proteftant Country, with ddigns 
 framed by Proteftants againft Papifls, and as fome gladly 
 remove the idea of the King and Duke of Tori' s being 
 Papifts, they rather chufe to give it the name of the Rye- 
 Houfe-'Plot, from a Houfe fo called, in the road to New¬ 
 market (4), where, it is pretended, the con r pirators had 
 projected to kill the King and Duke. I muft not conceal, 
 that as the former confpiracy, called the Popifh-plot, did 
 then, and ftill does, pafs for an invention, with the adhe¬ 
 rents of the Court, fo this had the fame fate among thofe 
 who were, or ftill are, of the contrary party. The Hifto- 
 ry of this Confpiracy muft therefore be read with great 
 caution, fince the Hiftorians are entirely divided, the one 
 reprefenting as falfe, what the others affert as true. Were 
 they both contented with relating the bare fatfts, giving 
 for true thofe that may be proved, as for falfe thofe whofe 
 contrary cannot be proved, and for doubtful fuch as arc 
 doubtful, the Reader might be able to form fome judg¬ 
 ment. But their Accounts are artfully laboured to prepo'f- 
 fefs the Reader. A thoufand things are infinuated which Sprat, 
 have no foundation but in their Syftcm. The witnefles are E c h«<l'» 
 cither knaves or honeft men, as is moft for their advantage. 
 
 The confpiracy in their recitals is fuppofed true or lalfe°at 
 pleafure. Numberlefs circumftances are inferted to ferve 
 their purpofe, without the leaft proof or authority. So 
 the Reader, who is in fearch of truth, finds himfelf at a 
 lofs, it being impoffible to enter into a particular examina¬ 
 tion of fo many eppofite things. Impartial readers content 
 themfelves with leaving the matter undecided, becaufe they 
 fee no proofs ftrong enough to determine their affent either 
 way. Others, through prejudice in favour of one of the 
 parties, or through lazinefs or indifference, implicitly fol¬ 
 low the fentiments of the Hiftorian, or abfolutely rejeft 
 them. 
 
 To avoid therefore as much as poffible the faults which 
 I condemn, I fhall fupprefs all infinuations of the Hifto¬ 
 rians of both parties, and. confine my felf to the depoiitions 
 and defences of the accufed, without adding any circum- 
 ftance which is not owned by both fides. 
 
 Th “ y Car > 0,1 tllc 1 «1> Of Jut,,, Ruling difco- Keeling'a 
 
 vered the confpiracy, real or pretended, to the Lord Dart- Inf °f«nitiod 
 mouth, and Secretary Jenkins , before whom he made open 
 confeffion of the whole matter, and fubferibed his depofi- Bu.net, 
 tions. But afterwards, confidering that his fingle intelli- p ‘ . 
 gence was not fufficient, he prevailed upon Goodenougb, f. p g£' 
 that his Brother John Keeling might be admitted into the 
 next meeting of the Confpirators. This was done, and 
 thereupon both the Brothers gave in their joint teftimony 
 upon oath on the 14th of June. 
 
 It muft be obferved, that this circumflance of the admif- 
 fion of John Keeling into the fecrets of the plot, manifeft- 
 ly fuppofgs a confpiracy. Accordingly it is only produced 
 by thole Hiftorians who believe the reality of the plot. 
 
 In the fecond place, the difeovery of the plot being 
 made by Jofiah Keeling, the 12th of June, and the depo- 
 fition of the two Brothers being given in the 14th, it 
 
 (1) PUFngton c©o 1. Sbute 1000 Marks. Cornifh th: fanie. Lord Grey of tVcrh the fame. 
 
 400. Freeman 300. Goodenougb 500. Keyi 100. ff'ickham too. Swincck 500. And Jtkyl 
 (a) Particularly, the Lord-Mayor and Court of Aldermen’s negative " 
 is done at th e Bridge-Fcafl, Ly the Ceremony of drinking to the Perfo 
 (3) frets 104. Roe 1 86. Ecbjrd, Tom. III. p.674. 
 
 (4j Rye-Houfe lies within two Miles of ttoddtfdon in lUrtford/hire, and Was then inhabited by Rubdrd RumL/d, 
 
 Player 500 Marks. Bethel 1000. Jcr.kt 300. Deagte 
 . ^ 3 °. Kenner, p. 398. 
 
 rC( '° rCd ’ a " d ^ Lo ' d ' M ^ 0f had 1 ' owet effing one Sheriff, which 
 
 follow 
 
728 
 
 The H 1ST0 RT of F. N Ci L A N D. 
 
 follows that, 
 
 ling had bur c 
 plot. 
 
 Voi. n. 
 
 tcardinj* to the firft fuppolition, Jdm Kn- 
 ■■ day to be informed of the feciets of this 
 
 der own hand, to Secretary Jenkins, in wbidi he ,681. 
 
 iaiil, ‘ I hat if his Majeffy de'ued if, he would difrnvct to 
 him all that he knew in England, Sc;!.a ul, or Ireland, 
 winch might be fomething more than the original dif- 
 ‘ c^verer coulJ acquaint him wi.h, efpeciallv as to Ireland: 
 
 ‘ 1 hat his intimacy with a Satin Mmiller' through v/hofe 
 
 * .bufinefs went, oc . )W . 
 
 mg very much, £sV.” 
 
 IE a fcot's defence confifled, firft, of a pl.hn denial ofw,!cor, 
 having any hand in the Aflaflinalion ; favimr, “ He knew 
 
 ' Try. 
 
 >54-6- 
 
 = •.. 1,11 ^"«uiuaucm ; lavme, ‘ He knew 
 
 well enough, if he had undertaken tu charge the guards, St, ( T Tl 
 while others killed the King, he was equally guilty with P 
 thole that killed him ; but that he was hek cif the gout 
 t ‘ duri ,?S * be meetings, while the King was at Newrna - 
 ‘ ket To this Weft replied, “ That he remembred it 
 ‘ { ™ el1 ’ b y a g t,od tokvn, that the prifoner himfelf faid, 
 t< Hc was «/>■“’‘l when the time came, he Jhould not be able 
 to draw on hts boots .” Walcot added, “ That he came 
 accidentally to their meetings only to hear news. That 
 ‘‘ ' vhat be had promifed to difeover, he had only heard 
 . . . , n Ecignjon. ” In co.-.clufion, he was brought in guilt v He it cor,. 
 of high-treafon by the Ji 1 ry . detr.ned. 
 
 Ti.ofe who think this plot was only an artifice of the A x „„, 
 
 ) f Ptrrnu fhpir s-k..*r 1 1 
 
 Addrtffit. 
 Echard. 
 ill. p. 68: 
 
 Walcot’* 
 ‘In at. 
 
 Rumfey’j 
 Evidence. 
 State-Try. 
 HI. p. 600. 
 Sprat, 
 p. 140. 
 
 Keeling* r. 
 State-Try. 
 p. 606. 
 
 According to the two heelings depofition, the pint confifled 
 -•of tlirev articics. i. The confpirators defigned to fecure 
 the Kings guards ( but how this was to be executed does 
 nut appear; ) then to block up or befiege Whitehall, and 
 fji ’e the perfons of the King and Duke of York. 2. To 
 afiainnate the King and the Duke in a hollow way near 
 the Rye- IJn/fe, in their return from Newmarket. To 
 c.:ufe inlurredlions in London , and other parts of the King¬ 
 dom (1). But Keeling depofed only againfl perfons of no 
 note. 
 
 Upon this depofition, the King publifhed a proclama¬ 
 tion for apprehending. Colonel John Rum fa, Richard 
 Rumbold Mai Her (2), Richard Nclthorpe Efq; Edward 
 U ade Cent. Richard Goodenough Gent. Capt, Walcot , 
 
 // illiam Thompfin, James Burton , and William Hone ; for 
 any of which a hundred pounds was offered to the difeeve- 
 rer. Upon this Proclamation, Colonel Rumfey furrender- 
 cd h-mfell the next day ; and being examined by Secretary 
 Jenkins , he con felled all he knew - ; which confeffion was 
 next day confirmed by two others, Mr. Wed and Mr 
 
 w amuu» were delivered to Legal the Meflcnger, to feize nate him and the n.lt r , = gf”** 3 , fll ' 
 
 '■■■■' pSraA £ , ivSff nB r'F 
 
 Tuatjr fi out ; ncoherem - F ° r 1.™hT«"r & « 
 
 »ho were ,at„ up aTrdin fy ^ ** ““dT TT H A »* King', perfon. 
 
 . 
 
 “ When *. ™ r br0USht ,° f ,hC A,ijffi " es ’ a " d **'«' »h°m tht£ wl moft l,re " S bcLfhe'tad ZZo 
 
 :: rXtaA’S^-? ta rr nd d a t that ft v! KExcMon - Bi,,in 
 
 : BhEsmLBhm 
 
 -ai^.»5= , »'teS5g«a-Jass 
 
 Ualcct, Mr. Sheppard, and the Lord Howard of Ejc ick. 
 
 depofed, That in the end of Oftober, or Rumf . 
 
 ‘‘ dn d that , after it, they met at Captain Tracy's , Wal- 
 ^ own Lodging, the Deponent being prefent.” 
 
 Keeling depofed, “ That Walcot was at the travterous 
 ‘ allenibiy at the Salutation-Tavern , where the Deponent 
 was called Ctiling, and a health drunk to the Eng/i/h 
 “ IpyEing ; Weft declaring, that Culing in Dutch was Kee- 
 Ir E _ ngllJh ) addin ?’ he b JP T ed t0 ft* Keeling at the 
 
 ^ K 1,1 u,c c 'm 01 ucioocr, or R.,mf-y’r 
 
 in the beginning of November 1682 , there met at Mr. Depofition. 
 Sheppard's houfe ]n Ab- church lane , the Duke of J- p * 6 3M37- 
 ™ l / the Lord Grey , the I r R ... , foner. 
 
 Sir Thomas Arniftrong , and Robert Fergijbn : 'i'hat the 
 Earl of Shaftsbury deft red him to go t > them thither, 
 
 p.607. 
 
 head of as*'pood an * IV to J ee Keeling at the “ Earl of Shaftsbury de fired him to go t> tiiem thither to 
 
 m ' n *‘ as,h,yh,ardmc :: . . ‘“f .. 3 .. T'° 
 
 B T „ fwore “That IVakr, ufed to come to W,» “ tied him l^* 
 
 Wcfti/. 
 
 ibid. 
 
 Waleot’x 
 Letter pra¬ 
 cticed. 
 p. 6 13. 
 -•'pra:. 
 Appendix, 
 p. iJ0. 
 
 --, That U r aUot ufed to come to Fcnufon 
 
 when he lodged at his houfe; and that he and feveral 
 “ ot “ c,s met « the Dragon on Snow-Hill, and often at 
 Olher places, in order to raife men, and divide the City 
 ‘‘ into twenty parts, for teaming the King and the Duke : « by all the company 
 
 , at a l mo(l evc 7 '‘ mc thc T mct ’ at leaft three times, “ were in, that they 
 
 tile prifoner at the Bar was there: That he was at the “ TS» r...„. . . i . 
 
 lalt meeting at Tracy’s, where they debated of /latul- 
 
 “ •"* l w “ i J w °g ™ rtnd of killing Keeling for 
 
 making the difeovery.” J 
 
 Weft teftifid, ‘‘ That the Prifoner, upon the election 
 ot the London Sheriff, asked him, Will the People do no- 
 th ‘ n Z J f“ ure fhtmfilves ? And acquainted him with 
 the infuredlion then defigned within three weeks or a 
 month : 1 hat the Earl or Shaftsbury was in the defign, 
 
 “ and had engaged the prifoner: That he had an expec- 
 “ tation o( being a Colonel of horfe ; asking the Depo- 
 nent, Ilhether he would have any command under him ? 
 
 ‘ ? hat , U , P ° n his rc,, ’ ufal * he der ‘ r ed him to lend him a 
 fu.t of fiIk-armour: That the laid Walcot told him of 
 levelal defigns to attack the King and the Duke ■ That 
 ‘‘ 111 t!l f , bulmds of lb " Eye-Houfe, he undertook to com¬ 
 mand the party that was to fet on the guards.” 
 
 BefiJes thefe witnefles, there was a letter produced, un- 
 
 ried him up where they were, and he delivered his mef- 
 fage. That the anfwcr was. Air. T re n chard had failed 
 them, and there would be no more done in the matter at 
 that time : 1 hat there was at the fame time a difeourfe 
 by all the company, about leeing what pofture the guards 
 were in, that they might know how to furprize them : 
 
 I hat fome of them undertook to go and fee : That the 6 . s 
 “ Lord Ruffel in particular did fpeak about the rifing, and* 3 * 
 
 “ gave his csrfent to it." 
 
 2 * Mr. Sh pp 7 /1 teftifi 1 , « That in 0 her ' iff, F, 
 
 “ Z u f on defired <>f him, in the Duke of Monm tub's n me / • '• ’ 
 the convenien y >f h u e, for the m< stin of fome p ‘ 63 * 
 
 perfons of quality ; and that the fame day in the even- 
 “ ‘"g* the Duke of Monmouth, the Lord Grey, the Lord 
 “ R'ifil, Sir Thomas Arniftrong, Colonel Rumfey, and Fer- 
 “ gtjon came ; that they delned to be p-ivare, and none 
 “ ot his fervants to come up : That their difeourfe v.as 
 £ < how to furprize the guards : That the Duke of Alon- 
 “ aiontb, the Lord Grey, ami Sir Thomas Amftrong, went 
 “ one night to the Mews to view them ; That the next 
 “ time they came (3;, Arniftrong faid, the guards were 
 “ very rc-inifs, and the thing was leafible : That tiicy had 
 “ two meet ft t in one of 
 
 “ them fomething was read by Fergufon in the nature of a 
 
 (G And to m.flicre th«: of Lend-,, and the Office,* of State. King' 
 
 . ■ ■. ;; ■ - -. 1 Amt 
 
 15 . Tde Lord Ruert , ,1,’d ft * l a plac. 
 
 v ' h ‘ ,H - r * 0UI Once. Sec Burnet, p. 53,, jjj. 
 
 X 
 
 Dttlarjti-.n, p. 6. 
 ids into Portug it, 
 here in EngLr.d. 
 
 with the For 
 
 the e uriier the brave 
 
 DecLr; 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 1683. 
 
 The Lord 
 Howard 't 
 Dipojitim. 
 
 7 2§ 
 
 Declaration, fetting forth the grievances of the nation in ward Howard the T nrd t , . 
 
 *C t0 , a : . Tha 5 he C0 J ld not positively fay, that Doctor Tillotfon, DoSor Burnet Drffor Co^DcJta^F?* ‘ ^ 
 the Lord Ruffel was there when it was read ; but the WilUn,»- ft/fr r ., ^n yoctor Coa, Doctor/>/z- 
 
 “ faid Lord > the pn'foner, was there when it was difcourfed teftified that the Lord °h£Z J^h f penc ^ r ' Some of thefe Burn T 
 “ of feizing the guards.” ’«/u L r J toward, before he was taken, de- P- S 4 *> SMs 
 
 The Lord Howard began his teftimonv with a lonp- “ nntV 6 ^ o'? • 1 >f ^° rd ,nnoc ent, and knew 
 ftory about the plot in general, which fcemed to be de^ private dfarafte" anddeckrri'h"* fP ° k<! to . his Lordlhips 
 
 he . d 5 °f w fr ir r usanJiife ’ 
 
 bil.ty of his being thus ingaged. But this was turned againft 
 him by the king s Counfel, wlio raid, there could not be 
 any more dangerous enemies to a State, than fuel, as come 
 iober to endeavour its definition. 
 
 As to what concerned the Lord Howard's faying, he be- Sai-TmUt 
 heved the prtfoner innocent, it tvas anfwered by that Lord P- 5 . 8 - 
 n(e!f. who cnnf'efled. “ LL> h-.o r.: 1 . 
 
 . ' 1 -, am.1 WI1IUI 11C UCDOICC 
 
 P. 639, 6 4 z. to this efk-61: “ That after the Earl of Sha/tsbury’s flight, 
 the chief perfons concerned in the confpiracy, in his 
 “ time, began to confider, they had gone fo far, that it 
 “ was unfafe for them to make a retreat; and that in fo 
 it great an affair, confuting of fuch infinite particulars, to 
 he managed with fo much finenefs, it would be neceflary 
 
 11 fo have fnrnp trnnnro I Pntin^l --1 .L r . t 1 
 
 to have Lne genet:,‘c:um,r:nd Sh." STS? * f ^ ' 
 
 refoived to erefl a Cabal among themfelves, which ufu- “ felf not arrufa tv, ,L, £7 s th . en ¥?" 
 
 c r - , «uiu mar mererore me' 
 
 refoived to eredl a Cabal among themfelves, which ufu- 
 ‘ a ! ] y conlifled of fix perfons, the Duke of Monmouth, the 
 t J) r] of E fi*> the Lord Ruffel, Colonel Sidney, Mr. 
 t Hampden junior, and the deponent; and this was about 
 ! middle of January laft. They met at Mr. Hamp- 
 ‘ *»’s hoiife, where it was prefently agreed, their proper 
 province was to take care of the infurredlion : That the 
 ‘ chief things they debated were, Whether that infurrec- 
 tion Jhould begin jirji in London, or the Country, then 
 
 p. 643. 
 
 p. *44. 
 
 p.643. 
 
 p. 644. 
 
 ?■ <4r- 
 
 f. 645 . 
 
 - " au oejng men Him- 
 
 „ f df , n °' o that he intended to out-face the thing 
 
 „ for h ™ fe]f and the party; hut now, bis duty to 
 t , J l0d ’ t,le T‘ ng ’ and his Country required it, he mull 
 <c ray th u e . tru ‘ h 5 and £hat though the Council of fix were 
 « rT L fcn by an ^ community, yet they did eredt them- 
 lelves by mutual agreement one with another into that 
 fociety. 
 
 In conclufion, the Jury brought him in euiltv of Hioh- He is 
 
 ‘rfr/\ th i n ' Wh , a,arm «“"“*/"• knowninlvW Forth Lori ‘"'“T a 
 
 be MM; then that ,( »«, ncccffar, to have a common for words fpoken in his hTT whfa, CY°i '? 
 
 Bank of twenty-five, or th.rty tboufani founds, to anfwer never pafs for tteafon The T nri H 
 the occajians of Juch an undertaking-, but that the gre^reft pun,ion, to ^Icccflkrv ,,, hif ii f e* 
 point was to order it fo, as to draw in Scotland into a looked on with horror by Wft J? ‘ 7 ’ t t? 3 
 confent with them , becaufe it was requilitr, that all kinds company, as afoamed or afraid mb^’ u h ' S 
 
 “ of diverlion Ihou d be given to the Kincr’s forces Tf f a „ i , . aid \° be feen Wlth h *m. home 
 
 “ •*« -cry on°e of the ^me' Snsm« 7’,h^^ ^ ^ 
 
 agatn at the Lord Ruffin houfe : That they then came a lavement to fa e as a w nr f a " d b >’ » 
 
 „ to . a of fending fome perfons to the Earl of ctmfpiiators. Sa '" ft P r « cn<lcd 
 
 Argyle, to fettle a correfpondence with him, and that But that which was helled ^ u , . „ 
 
 fome meflengers (hould be difpatched into Scotland, to enced the Jury a»ai„ft the Lo rA Ruta 7* 7 ■‘"7 Well 4 
 mvite honte Scotchmen hither, who bell underftood the very time of L Trial the of fifes Z’d " '5® ™ "t" 
 - flare of Scotland, to give an account of it: That the Tower, was found dear L b , X ' p:r . lf ? n ' r m tl,e 
 
 perfons determined to be fent for, were Sir ‘ 7o/m Cadr mr »V- m ^ . . n b s ohamber, with his throat Tower. 
 
 “ ,h. Lord MMf, 
 
 be/. I hat Colonel Sidney was intrullcd to take care of Judges and the Kim.’ C ri’ i co,nmunicat:ed to the Kennet. 
 
 “ ^ r b -o,d the deponent, he had Cent caflon to InVmume !o th“jmy the mZy uTc Str°t 
 
 :: £:irit tfa £ SsrS asr chofc “ m - p - 683 
 
 “ tbis debate at thc L°r<i a tfi#1’s weiif witbZ con trad ic- dcaTfady^fo^rifoeEfaT/'* f' ln ™ n>ti ' , n of the Tk, p-g 
 “ tton, all,her, prefent s i ml , e their confen,: That as for removL.he fap ion e„ efi tn ft .* 
 
 .. ralf "’f, of "»“y. ev “y one wa -1 put to think of fuch a fafl was committed by the order of the & ’, n 7 
 
 way, that money might becoileaed without giving caufe who were in the TnL, .t, , th kln S and Dal; e> JP' k f ’ 
 
 01 That, after all this, the deponent met no tad ZLn TmTf tf” *7 ' 
 
 ™ ,c with them; but, when he returned out of the that it was not poffible fa a man Vo cL b f ’ L gC ’ p ' Ils ' 
 
 Country, he was informed, that Aaron Smith was come from ear to ear Several nth^r ' a 1S own throat 
 
 “ t b „t> and that Sir wasal '» 
 
 „ To , f 11 this ,he Lord Ruffel made anfwer, “ That he wreLfera’d thi°mark! ofaftL"n ‘^f ^7 ° j th !! room ’ 
 
 heightened things aga.nft him. That he was no lawyer, demanding to fee the cloaths w« ,fa, Tba f the Co. r o"« 
 to provided to make his defence, as otherwife he (hould and Duke from this horrid Ifli’m . vmd,catlon of the Ku ’g 
 
 was upon no formed deSgn, only ,c talk of newL and the LonLary, this wL ” p lttime to 6 “T* 
 hmgs ,n general: T hat the Lord Howard having a vo- fufpicions. I am very cerLmThe laft Earl b'" 
 
 luble tongue they de tghted ,o hear him difeoutfe: That fon, was of another opinion and have hea d b T’ 7 
 
 :: 
 
 “ Kino- n,,lr- 1 •* A 6 y W ?,, e and “•Appeared immediately after the faft. Be this as it 
 
 fworn ,0 only bygone witnefs.” To which he was an- and how highly 
 
 Cafel. But, tnflead of convincing the publick by this 
 external demonftratton, it was by mans imagined, that the 
 king mentioned the Lord Cap,l, only to infinuatc, how 
 much the Earl Ins fun bad deviated from his fleps. 
 
 Beftdes the Lord RuJJd condemned for this Ptot, two Walcot 
 
 f i TV'’ au which jic wasan- 
 
 lwered, I hat if there were one witnefs of one a£t of 
 treafon, another of a fecond, and another of a third, that 
 manifelled the fame treafon, it was fufficient.” 
 
 I or a further defence of his Lordfiiip, there appeared for 
 him the Duke of Somerfet , the Earl of Anglefey , Mr. Ed- 
 
 (.) The Evidence m„ Lord Ruff'd bein £ defeShte, that Accident war tp help i, on., at Mr.u, rivhUp obfcvea. Rlmrl „ SSS" 
 
 No. 8o. Vol. II. 
 
 others 
 
Vol II. 
 
 Echard. 
 III. p. 691 
 
 73 o The HISTORY of ENGLAND, 
 
 1683. others alfo met with the fame fate, namely, Hone a Joy- and his varying his evidence with refpeft to the Lord Ruf- 1 
 ner, and John Roufc. This laft had been inditfted for trea- fel\, and the prefent trial. He alledged the Lord How- 
 
 fonable words, and efcaped by an Ignoramus Jury . But he ard’s indigence, and his owing him money, which debt 
 
 was re-taken, and tried for the fame crime, which did not might probably be cancelled by his conviction. He proved, p. 
 properly belong to this plot, but to his having talked of the by the teftimonie:. of the Earls of Clare and Anglejey, of 
 King in treafonabl* terms. Hove and Roufe were both Mr. Philip, and Mr. Edward , Howard, Dr. Burnet, Mr. 
 condemned as traitors, and executed with IValcot, the 20th Dtcas, and Mr. Blake, that the Lord Ploward had confcf- 
 of July. They confefled, they had heard of a plot in ge- fed, Tl at he could not get bis p v ; 0 until 
 
 neral, but defcended not to particulars. At lea ft, it did other jobs, till he was paji the drudgery of [wearing. 
 
 not appear, that the Lord Rujfel had any correlpondence During this whole trial, the Judge- themfelves under- p 
 with them. took to anfwer the reaibns of theaccufed, without leaving 
 
 Ltrd RuflVl The next day, the Lord Rujfel was alfo executed f 1 ). any thing forthe K ng's Gounl ,! todo. But they 
 executed. j.j e was f u univerfally efteemed, that it could not be not the objection drawn from the confelTion of Lord 1 T- 
 BuVneK* 7, thought, the King would refufe his pardon, which was ard, nor did he himfeif make any rep’v. So that the de- 
 r. rrrirfio. begged by fo many^powerful relations. It is even faid, the fign of the Court to furnifh the Jury with reaums to con- 
 Earl of Bedford his father, offer red a hundred thoufand demn the p::Lne;, appeared, 
 
 pounds for his life, but his offer was rejected. The King But what was mo it urg-t again!! him, w. a manu- 0n 
 would not fo much as grant a reprieve of fix weeks to his feript found among his papei It was nfw rto l ok,' ■ 
 Lady, though daughter of the Earl of Sou bampton , but ( >mp dby 1 
 
 made her this anfwer, Shall 1 grant that man fix weeks, of God and Nature, Kings, and particular!)' chofe of Eng- 
 mho, if it had been in his power, would not havegranted tnt land, ■ nvefted wit . 1 
 
 fix hours? Every one however was perfuaded, that if there Sidney, in his r.i.fv/er to this book, had aflinicJ a quire 
 
 was a defio-n to kill the King, the Lord Rujfel was not conn ary doctrine, and carried his republican pi incites to 
 concerned in it. Bcfides, that he denied it with his laft a very great height. 
 
 breath he was not condemned for thatcrime, and the wit- He faid full, that the manufcr.pt was not writ by him, p. 
 neftes which depoled againft him faid nothing like it. And and he faw no reafon for afciibing i: re. him. That though 7- 
 yet, the King, to have an excufe for refuting a lliort de- he was the author, it might be writ many years ay \ m 
 lay,' fuppofed that this crime was fully proved. It cannot anfwer to Fiinrr’s book, with no intention of publilhing it, 
 be denied, that though the Lord Rujfel had been guilty of but difputandi gratia, only for private diverfion, and the 
 the crime*for which he was condemned, namely, ofgiving exereife of his pen. In fine, he infilled very much upon 
 a tacit confent to the defign of an infurrc&ion, the King the neceftity of two witnefles to the fame fact. The 
 could never have had an opportunity of exerciling I is cle- Court, as I faid, anfwered all his objections, but it plainly 
 mency with more applaufe, to a man of fo known virtue, appears, it was with wretched cavils and fubtilties. To the p. 
 near relation of the create!! families in the Kingdom. But manufeript it was anfwered, that feribere ejlqgerc, and that 
 all thefe confiderations were weak, againft the pallion of there was fufticient in it to prove the malice of his heart, 
 revenge with which the King and the Duke of York were and his treafonable defigns. I know' not whether the£«- 
 aftuated. The Lord RxijJ'el had been one of the warmeft glijh Lawyers are agreed in this maxim (2). However, Hi 
 oppofers of the Duke ot York , had joined the Earls of he was brought in guilty by the Jury. It is pretended, 1 
 Shift dairy and EjJ'ex, and carried up the Excluiion-bill to this was the firft time a man was accufed of treafon, and 
 the Houfe of Lords. Thefe were crimes not to be for- condemned to die, for writing any thing without publilh- 
 given by the King and his brother. But perhaps molt of ing it. 
 
 my readers, after having perufed ti e tianfa&ions ot this He was beheaded the ; th of December , without difcrv-> 
 iewn, will not think it fo enormous a crime to endeavour vering the leaft weaknefs. Inftead of a Speech on thefcaf- j. 
 to oppofe an arbitrary power, which was beginning to be fold, he delivered a writing to the Sheriff, in which he k. 
 inti educed. He died with great refolution, proreltmg his complained bitter!;.- of the miuftice done him. He repre- p* 
 innocence, and ignorance of any defign againft the King’s fented the infamous life of the Lord Howard, and the 
 perlon, or of any contrivance to alter the Government. Judges, as men corrupted, and only promoted tofervethe 
 As it was expe&ed that he would be interrupted, he fpoke defigns of the Court. 
 
 but little on the fcaffold, leaving in the hands of the Sheriff While thefe pretended confpirators w'ere vigoroufly pro- j., 
 a paper, in which he protefted" his innocence, and faid, fecuted, the Univerfity of Oxford diltinguifhed themfelves 
 7 hut he died a true and fine ere Protejlant, and in the Com- in a particular manner, among!! the advocates for the Court, 
 munion of the Church oj England, though he could never yet by a condemnation in form of twenty feven propofitions, 
 comply with, or rife up to all the heights of fame people. collected out of fcveral modern authors, concerning the re- 
 Eor a conclufion to this tragedy, it remains only to gal power. This decree was prelented to the King with ; u 
 fpeak of the condemnation and execution of Colonel Al- great folemnity, and very gracioully received. In the de- 
 gernoon Sidney , wlio was accufed of the plot, and of the cree itfelf will appear the fentiments of the Univerfity at 
 Echard. defign to kill the King. He was brother to the Earl of that time. 
 
 Leicejler, and, in the late troubles, had been deeply engaged 
 111‘V 710.' in the Republican party. At the Relloration lie thought 
 not fit to accept perfonally of the Indemnity, whether in 
 diftruft of the King, or for fome other reafon. At laft, 
 in 1677, he obtained a particular pardon of the King, and 
 returned to England, where he joined the Country party, 
 at which the King was extremely offended. 
 v.-pof-ttwi Four witneftes were produced againft him, Rumfey , 
 
 Wejl, Keeling, and the Lord Howard of Efcrick. The 
 p.'v'i r.Vif. three fitft cemented themfelves with giving a particular ac- 
 ’ count of the plot, but faid nothing dire&ly againft the 
 prifoner. He complained of it as a great hardflaip, as pre- 
 pofieffing the Jury. The Lord Howard depofed, as be¬ 
 fore at the trial of the Lord Rujfel, that Colonel Sidney 
 was of the Council of Six, and had fent Aaron Smith into 
 Scotland , to engage the Scots in a rebellion. 
 
 ;;. D ,His defence was, firft, the great improbability of erecling 
 -i a Council of Six ; and that perfons l’o little knowing one 
 another, fhould prefently fall into fo great and intimate a 
 Iriendfhip. As to the Duke of Monmouth, he faid, he ne¬ 
 ver fpoke with him above three times in his life; and one 
 b , ■ time was, when Lord Howard brought him to his Houfe 
 
 P- r ?1 - and cozened them both ; for he told the Duke, that Colo¬ 
 
 nel Sidney had invited him, and he told the Colonel, that 
 the Duke invited himfelf, and neither of them was true. 
 
 •" - r - '• He enlarged upon the ill reputation of the Lord Howard, 
 
 Kennel 
 p. 400. 
 
 Trial ./ 
 
 Algernoon 
 
 Sidney. 
 
 The Judgment and Decree of the Univerfity of Oxford, paf- T ; 
 fed in the Convocation, July 21. 1683, againjl certain 
 pernicious Books , and damnable Do Chines, drflrutlive to £ 
 the faered per Jons of Princes, their State and Government, 
 and of all human Society [ 3). 
 
 “ A Lthough the barbarous alfaffination lately enterprized 
 “ lx againft the perfon of his faered Majefty, and his 
 royal brother, engage all our thoughts to reflect with 
 the utmoft detcllation and abhorrence on that execrable 
 viliany, hateful to God and man, and pay our due ac- 
 ; knowledgments to the Divine Providence, which by cx- 
 ; traordinary methods brought it to pafs, that the breath of 
 ' our noftrils, the anointed of the Lord, is not taken in 
 the pit which was prepared for him ; and that under his 
 fhadow we continue to live, and enjoy the bleffings of 
 his Government; yet notwithftanding, we find it to be 
 ; a neceflary duty at this time to fearch into, and lay open 
 ; thofe impious dod! lines, which having of late been Jlu- 
 ; dioufiy dilfeminated, gave rife and growth to thefe nefa- 
 ; rious attempts ; and pafs upon them our folemn publick 
 ‘ cenfure, and decree of condemnation. 
 
 “ Therefore, to the honour of the holy and undivided 
 • Trinity, the prefervation ot Catholick truth in the 
 : Church, and that the King’s Majefty may be fecured 
 ; both from the attempts ot open bloody enemies, and 
 
 (1; lie was beheaded, 
 drawn up, to prevent a 
 Duke of Monmouth's Jou 
 “ otherwife he mull have broke 
 (1) Finch aggravated the Matt. 
 
 ity ; 1. on a Scalfild created In Lincoln’s-Inn-Fields. Thei 
 difturbatices that might ar.fe at the light ot fo raovini 
 il, it is faid. That che King told him, “ He endmed 
 
 ith his brother, the Duke of Turk." See linnet, j'.. 
 of the Book, as a Proof of his Intentions, pretend. 
 
 ;re ten Companies of tl 
 nd melancholy .1 lp. flv I •. 
 hav* faved the Lord RnJJe’, 
 
 
 , Thi'. Decree u 
 fion w this Epig 
 
 1 drawn 1 
 
 p by D;. Jane of Chriji-Chttrch, who u 
 
 fri, Dec.,, 
 
 Ut Jicrci rrapt'; J.l'ie, 
 
1683. 
 
 Book XXIII. 
 
 26. CHARLES II. 
 
 “ machinations of treacherous hereticks and fchifmaticks : 
 “ We the Vice-Chancellor, Doctor, Prohors, and Ma- 
 <c fters, regent and not regent, met in Convocation, in the 
 “ accuftomed manner, time, and place, on Saturday the 
 “ one and twentieth day of July , in the year 1683, con- 
 “ cerning certain propofitions contained in divers books 
 “ and writings, publilhed in the Eng'iijh, and alfo the La- 
 tc tin tongues, repugnant to the holy Scriptures, decrees 
 “ of Councils, writings of the Fathers, the faith andpro- 
 “ feffion of the Primitive Church, and alfo deltruCtive of 
 “ the kingly Government, the fafety of his Majefty’sper- 
 “ fon, the publick Peace, the laws of Nature, and bonds 
 “ of human Society; by our unanimous affent and con- 
 “ fcnt, have decreed and determined in manner and form 
 “ following. 
 
 “ I. All civil authority is derived originally from the 
 <c people. 
 
 “ II. There is a mutual compaCt, tacit or exprels, 
 “ between a Prince and his Subjects; and that if he per- 
 “ form not his duty, they are difcharged from theirs. 
 
 ** HI* 7 hat if lawful Governors become tyrants, or 
 “ govern otherwife than by the laws of God and man 
 “ the )' ou ght to do, they forfeit the right they had unto 
 “ their Government. Lex Rex. Buchan, de Jure Regni. 
 “ Vindicia contra Tyrannos. Bellarm. de Conciliis, de 
 “ Pontifice. Milton. Gooduiin. Baxi. H. C. 
 
 “ IV. The Sovereignty of England is in the three 
 “ Eftates, viz. King, Lords, and Commons. The King 
 “ has but a co-ordinate power, and may be over-ruled 
 “ by the other two. Lex Rex. Hunton. Of a limited and 
 “ mixed Monarchy. Baxter’s H. C. Polit, Catechif. 
 
 “ V. Birth-right and proximity of blood give no title 
 “ to rule or government; and it is lawful to preclude the 
 “ next Heir from his right and fucceffion to the Crown. 
 
 Lex Rex. Hunt’s Pojlfcript. Dolcman’s Hijlory of 
 1 ‘ Succejfion. Julian the Apoftate. Mene Tekel. 
 
 “ Vi. It is lawful for Subjects, without the confent, 
 “ and againft the command of the fupreme Magiftrate, 
 
 “ to enter into leagues, covenants and aflociations, for 
 “ defence of themfelves and their Religion. Solemn League 
 “ and Covenant. Late Affociation. 
 
 “ VII. Self-prefervation is the fundamental law of na- 
 “ ture, and fuperfedes the obligation of all others, when- 
 “ foever they ftand in competition with it. Hobbes, de 
 “ Cive ; Leviathan. 
 
 “ VIII. The doCtrine of the GofpeJ, concerning pa- 
 “ tient fullering of injuries, is not inconfiftcnt with° vio- 
 “ lent refilling of the higher powers, in cafe of perfe- 
 “ cution for Religion. Lex Rex. Julian the Apoftate. 
 
 “ Apolcget. Relat. 
 
 “ There lies no obligation upon Chriftians to Paf- 
 “ five Obedience, when the Prince commands any thing 
 “ againft the laws of our Country; and the primitive 
 “ Chriftians chofe rather to die than refill, becaufe 
 “ Chriftianity was not fettled by the laws of the Empire. 
 
 “ Julian the Apojlate. 
 
 “X. PofTeffion and ftrength give a right to govern ; 
 
 “ a nd fuccefs in a caufe or enterprize, proclaims it to be 
 lawful and jult: To purfue it, is to comply with the 
 “ will of God, becaufe it is to follow the conduCt of his 
 “ Providence. Hobbes. Owen’s Sermon before the Regi- 
 “ tides, Jan. 31. 1648. Baxter. Jenkins’s Petition. 
 
 “ Qtlob. 1651. 
 
 XI. In the Hate of nature there is no difference be- 
 “ tween good and evil, right and wrong: The ftate of 
 
 nature is a ftate of war, in which every man hath a 
 “ right to all things. 
 
 XII. 1 he foundation of civil authority is this natural 
 right, which is not given but left to the fupreme Magi- 
 
 “ ftrate, upon men’s entring into focieties: And not only 
 “ a foreign invader, but a domeftick rebel, put himfelf 
 again into a ftate of nature, to be proceeded againft, 
 not as a SubjeCt, but an enemy ; and confcquently 
 acquires by his rebellion the fame right over the life of 
 his Prince, as the Prince for the moft heinous crimes 
 “ has over the life of his own Subjects. 
 
 XIII. Every man, alter his entering into a Society, 
 retains a right of defending himfelf againft force; and 
 
 “ cannot transfer that right to the Commonwealth, when 
 he contents to that union whereby a Commonwealth is 
 “ made: And in cafe a great many men together have al- 
 “ ready relifted the Commonwealth, for which everyone 
 “ of them expected death, they have liberty then to join 
 “ together toalfift and defend one another: Their bearing 
 “ of arms, fubfequent to the firft breach of their duty, 
 
 “ tho’ it be to maintain what they have done, is no new 
 unjuft adt; and if it be only to defend their perfons, it 
 “ is not unjuft at all. 
 
 “ XIV. An oath fuperadds no obligation to padts^and 
 ■ c a pact obliges no further than it is credited: And con- 
 “ quently, if a Prince gives any indication, that he does 
 not believe the proniii.es of Fealty and Allegiance made 
 
 73 
 
 by anf of his Subjefls, they are thereby freed from 168 
 then- Subjection ; and notwithftanding their paft. and 
 oaths, may lawfully rebel againft, and deftroy their So¬ 
 vereign. Hobbes de Civ. Leviathan. 
 
 “ XV - If a People, that by oath and duty are obliged 
 to a Sovereign, (hall finfully difpoffefs him, and, contrary 
 to their Covenants, chufe and covenant with another ; 
 they may be obliged by their latter Covenants, notwith- 
 ftanoing their former. Baxter's H. C. 
 
 “ XVI. All oaths are unlawful, and contrary to the 
 word of God. Quakers. 
 
 “ XVn - An oath obligeth not in the fenfe of the im- 
 pofers, but the takers. Sheriff’s Cafe. 
 
 “ XVIII. Dominion is founded in Grace. 
 
 X ^ X - The powers of this world are ufurpations upon 
 the prerogative of Jell us Chrift; and it is the duty of 
 Goa s people to deftroy them, in order to the fetting 
 ‘ Chrift upon his Throne. Fifth-Monarchy-Men. 
 
 \.^ e ^ >res ^y ter,an Government is the feepter of 
 Chi ill’s Kingdom, to which Kings as well as others are 
 bound to fubmit, and the King’s fupremacy in ecclefia- 
 “ ftical affairs, after ted by the Church of England, is in- 
 “ j unous t0 Chrift, the foie King and head of the Church. 
 
 “ Altare Damafcenurn. Apologet. Relat. Hijl. of Indul- 
 “ gences. Cartwright. Travers. 
 
 XXI. It is not lawful for Superiors to impofe any 
 thing in the worlhip of God that is not antecedently 
 “ neceftary. 1 
 
 “ XXI[ - The duty of not offending a weak brother , is 
 c inconfiftent with all human authority of making laws 
 “ concerning indifferent things. Protejlant Reconciler. 
 
 “ XXIII. Wicked Kings and Tyrants ought to be put 
 to death ; and if the Judges and inferiour Magiftrates 
 will not do their office, the power of the fword devolves 
 to the people: If the major part of the people refufe to 
 “ exercife this power, then the Minifters may excommu- 
 “ nicate fuch a King: After which it is lawful for any of 
 “ his Subjects to kill him, as the people did Athaliah ; and 
 “ Jehu, Jezabel. Buchanan. Knox. Goodman. Gilby 
 “ Jefuits. 
 
 “ XXIV. After the fealingof the Scripture-Canon, the 
 people of God, in all ages, are to expe£t new revelations 
 “ for a ru!e pf their aflions; and it is lawful for a private 
 “ man, having an inward motion from God, to kill a 
 “ tyrant. Quakers, and other Enthuftajls. Goodman. 
 
 XXV. The example of Phincas, is to us inltead of 
 <C a command: For what God hath commanded or ap- 
 “ proved in one age, mult needs oblige in all. Goodman. 
 
 “ Knox. Napthali. 
 
 XXVI. King Charles I. was lawfully put to death ; 
 
 “ and his murderers were the blefted initruments of God’s 
 
 glory in their generations. Milton. Goodwin. Owen. 
 
 “ XXVII. King Charles the Firft made war upon his 
 Parliament: And in fuch a cafe, the King may not 
 tc only be refilled, but he ceafeth to be King. ° Baxter. 
 
 “ We decree, judge, and declare, all and every of thefe 
 propofitions to be falfe, feditious, and impious; and moft 
 “ of them to be alfo heretical and blafphemous; infamous 
 “ to the Chriftian Religion, and deftructive of all Govern- 
 “ ment in Church and State. 
 
 “ We further decree, that the books which contain the 
 <c aforefaid propofitions, and impious doctrines, are fitted 
 " t0 deprave good manners, corrupt the minds of uneafy 
 “ mcn » fi‘ r up feditions and tumults, overthrow States and 
 “ Kingdoms, and lead to rebellion, murder of Princes 
 
 “ and Atheifm itfelf. And therefore we interdict all mem- 
 
 “ bers of tlie Univerfity from the reading of the faid books, 
 
 “ under the penalties in the Statutes expreffed. We alfo 
 “ order the before-recited books to be publickly burnt by 
 “ the hand of our Marlhal, in the court of our Schools. 
 
 “ Likewife we order, that in perpetual memory hereof, 
 
 “ thefe our decrees Ihall be entered into the Regillry of 
 “ our Convocation ; and that copies of them being com- 
 “ municated to the feveral Colleges and Halls within this 
 “ Univerfity, they be there publickly affixed in the Li- 
 “ hraries, Refectories, or other fit places where they may 
 “ be feen and read of all. 
 
 “ Laltly, We command, and ftrictly enjoin all and 
 “ fingular the Readers, Tutors, Catechifts, and others, to 
 “ whom the care and trull of initiating youth is com- 
 “ mitted, chat they diligently inftruCt and ground their 
 “ fcholars in that molt neceftary do&rine, which, in a 
 “ manner, is the badge and character of the Church of 
 “ England, of fubmit ting to every ordinance of man, for the 
 <c Lord's fake ; whether it be to the King , as fupreme ; or 
 “ unto Governors, as unto them that are fent by him, for the 
 “ punijhment of evil-doers, and for the praife of them that 
 “ do well. Teaching that this fubmiffion and obedience is 
 “ to be clear, abfolute, and without any exception of any 
 “ ftate or order of men : Alfo, that they, according to the 
 “ Apoflle’s precept. Exhort, that firft of all, fupplications, 
 
 “ prayers , int:rceffms y and giving of thanks, be made for 
 
 “ all 
 
73 : 
 
 1683. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 Phillips. 
 
 ■Rennet. 
 
 SftM’s I 
 A ' ~’d 
 
 allm-n ; for ths King , arid all that are in authority , that 
 we may lead a quiet and peaceable life , in all godlinefs and 
 “ honejly , for this is good and acceptable in the fight of God 
 “ our Saviour. And in efpecial manner, that they prefs 
 ct and oblige them, humbly to offer their rnoft ardent and 
 “ daily prayers at the throne of grace, for the prefervation 
 “ of our Sovereign Lord King Charles , from the attempts 
 “ of open violence, and fecrec machinations of perfidious 
 “ traitors ; that the Defender of the Faith, being fafe un- 
 “ der the defence of the moil High, may continue his 
 <c reign on earth, till he exchange it for that of a late and 
 ‘ s happy immortality.” 
 
 't.yr rf The marriage of the Princefs Anne , fecond daughter of 
 r y'"' , ‘ the Duke of York , with Prince George , brother to the King 
 iec. of Denmark, celebrated the 28th of July, gave fome, but 
 7 - no long interruption to the profecutions of the confpirators. 
 ;;,. r re- We have feen that the city of London complied with the 
 ‘ r ‘-f King’s pleafure in relation to their Charter. But it feems 
 11, ti,t the King repented of his being fo favorable. The election 
 f of a Lord-Mayor, which is ufually on the 29th of Septem- 
 ffi^ber, having been deferred to the 6th of 0 Bober, the King, 
 r on pretence that the city had not tendered him a formal 
 fubmiffion, ordered the judgment upon the JJto Warranto 
 to be entered. By this the city being without a Charter, 
 the Government was feized by the King, who fent a com¬ 
 miffion to Sir William Pritchard to continue in the execu¬ 
 tion of his office during pleafure. He confirmed likewife 
 the two Sheriffs with the fame reftridion, and dilplaced 
 the Recorder, naming another in his room(i). Shortly 
 after, on Sr. Simon and 'Jude 's day, on which it is cufto- 
 mary for the new Lord-Mayor to take the oaths in the 
 Court of Exchequer, the King appointed a new Lord-Mayor 
 during his pleafure. Thus the city of London faw itfelf 
 without Charter or Privileges, and entirely dependent on 
 the King’s will. 
 
 •rf The King, as I faid, publifhed a proclamation for ap- 
 " prehending all the confpirators againft his life, among whom 
 was his natuial fon, the Duke of Monmouth. The Duke 
 had hitherto kept himfelf concealed. But atlaft weary of 
 !. 1 his uneafy fituaiion, he writ a very fubmiffive letter to the 
 x. King his father, wherein, after politively denying his ever 
 having any defign againft his life, he owned however, that 
 many people had made him believe his own was in danger, 
 and thereby caufed him to commit things contrary to his 
 duty to the King and the Duke of York , and asked both 
 their pardons with great earnellnefs and fubmiffion. He 
 added, that if Ids Majefty would give him his pardon, he 
 would deliver himfelf into the hands of the Duke, that he 
 might brine him to him. This was accompanied with pro- 
 teflations and alfurancesof refpect, fubmiffion, and fidelity 
 for the future. He concluded with faying, “ That he 
 ** would never ask to fee the King’s face more, if ever he 
 “ did any thing againft the Duke; which was thegreatelt 
 “ Corfu he could lay upon himfelf.” 
 
 The King could notdiflemble his fatisfa&ion at the receipt 
 of this letter, for he tenderly loved the Duke of Monmouth. 
 Neverthelefs, with his own hand he writ the following 
 anfwer: If the Duke of Monmouth defires to make himfelf 
 capable of my mercy, he rnujl render himfelf to the Secretary , 
 and refolve to tell me all he knows, refigning himfelf entirely 
 to my pleafure. 
 
 T This drew a fecond letter from the Duke, more fubmif- 
 jr five than the former, in which he confeffed his offence 
 againft the King and the Duke, but in general terms, and 
 without mention of particulars (2). But in alluring the 
 King of an unreferved fubmiffion to his pleafure, he intreat- 
 ed him, that he wuuld not expofe him to the ignominy 
 of a trial, nor fend him to the Tower, nor force him to 
 be a v itnefs againft any perfon. 
 
 The King, fatisfied with this letter, very readily admit¬ 
 ted his beloved fon to ask forgivenefs. He was introduced 
 by Secretary Jenkins , who withdiew, and left him alone 
 with the King and the Duke of York. What palfed be¬ 
 tween them, can only be known from the report of the 
 JbiJ. p. 164, King and the Duke his brother. It is however affirmed, 
 ” that he threw himfelf at the King’s feet, acknowledging his 
 
 guilt (3), and asking his pardon; that he confeffed himfelf 
 faulty to the Duke, asking his pardon alfo. All this is 
 Very probable, but what is added admits of fome doubt, 
 namely, that he confirmed whatever had been depofed 
 Echur!. againft the Lord Rujfel, and Colonel Sidney , and thereby 
 
 '■ corroborated the Lord Howard's evidence. It is alfo added 
 
 that he allured, all the confiderable Non-conformift Mi¬ 
 nifies knew of the confpiracy. As this could only come 
 from the King, or Duke of York, and as it was the inter- 
 £ “ tonna, eft of both, that the Earl of Ejfex, Lord Rujfel, and Co- 
 
 Append 
 
 lonel Sidney, fhould be thought guilty, all do not think i6Sj, 
 them (elves obliged to credit their teftimony. 
 
 However this be, the King ordered his pardon to be dif- .»< < 
 patched with all expedition. But afterwards, upon a re-f ’ " 
 port. That the Duke gf Monmouth had made no confejjion, JfJS. 
 but had ajferted the innocency of fome that had fuffered , the 
 King required him to write over, and fubferibe the follow¬ 
 ing letter: 
 
 “ J Have heard of fome reports of me, as if I fhould Thvy.^re- 
 “ f have leffened the late plot, and gone about to difere- 
 - the evidence given againft thole” who have 1 bj 
 juftice. \ our Majelt\ and the Duke know, how iny.:- p. 1-7. 
 nuoufly I have owned the late confpiracy; and though I A PP- ,lJix * 
 “ was not confcious ot any defign againft your Majefty’s P * a ° 7 ’ 
 hie, yet I lament the having had fo great a {hare m the 
 “ other part of the faid confpiracy. Sir, I havetakentHe 
 hberty to put this in writing for my own vindication; 
 
 “ and 1 befeech you to look forward, and endeavour to 
 forget the faults you have forgiven me; I will take care 
 “ nevcr to commit any more againft you,- or come within 
 “ the danger of being again milled from my duty, but 
 mai;e it the buiineisor my hie to deferve the pardon your 
 “ Majefty hath granted to,” 
 
 Your dutiful Monmouth. 
 
 It is certain, the Duke writ, or at lead fubferibed this He 
 letter, which, as it appears, wa expi fled in rm 
 
 with ut def< en in to p irticulars. And yt t, fh >1. y after : 
 he repented oi what lie had done, arid with great importu- -. 9 
 mty preffed the King to return him the paper he had fub- P* in¬ 
 ferred. I he King anlvvered him, he would not keep it 
 againft his will, that he might not haveoccafion to fay,* lie 
 haJ been forced to write it. " But withal, he warned him to 
 confider, what ill confequences might follow upon this ob- 
 ftmacy, and therefore gave him time till the next morning ,.p. r 
 to deliberate with himfelf. The next day the Duke dc- - r» 
 manded his letter with ftdl greater importunity, and the 1 ' 
 
 King reftored it, but from that moment baniflied him from V. 
 his prefence at Court. d. . -. 
 
 It is eafy to fee, that the motive which induced the yt, , 
 Duke to demand his letter again, is a fubject for conjeflures, 'Id ,:u F 
 and difficult to be dilcovercd. Some pretend, the Duke oi’fif 
 Monmouth^ s triends reprefented to him, that by writing this p. 168. 
 letter, lie had thrown himfelfupon an unavoidable precipice, 
 mice at feme other time it might be turned to his ruin. 
 
 C thers maintain, that he was fo troubled in confcience, R.. rn( . c . 
 for having allerted in this letter a thing which he knew to l '-S 7 S- 
 be falle, that he was not eafy till it was returned him. 
 
 Lacn follows the opinion which is moft agreeable to his fyf- 
 tem, but no proof is produced on either fide. Laftly, 
 there are who pretend, it was a contrivance between the 
 King and the Duke ol Monmouth, and that the Kino - , not 
 to diloblige the Duke of York, told, or ordered the Duke of 
 Monmouth to be told, to demand his letter again, in order 
 to have an opportunity to reftore it, lor fear the Duke of 
 7 °rk might one day make an ill ufe of it. They confirm Kenner, 
 their conjecture from the King’s behaviour to the Duke of P- 4 7■ 
 Monmouth in his abfence. The Duke withdrawing into . 
 
 Holland, and the Prince of Orange receiving him° with ’ P ’ 7 ’^ 
 gieat refpedt and civility, the King could not forbear tef- 
 tifying his fatisfaction. He writ frequently to the Duke of 
 Monmouth, received letters from him, unknown to the 
 Duke of York, and privately fupplied him with money. 
 
 I he winter this year was very remarkable for a violent jicrr.it 
 froft, which began about the beginning of December, and 7 'T- 
 lafted till the 5 th of February. The Thames was fo frozen, 
 that there was another City, as it were, on the ice, by the ill. p. 707. 
 great number of booths erected between the Temple and 
 Southwark, in which place was held an abfolute fair, for 
 above a iortnight, of all forts of trades. An ox was like¬ 
 wife roafted whole, bulls baited, and the like. 
 
 In September or Ofiober this year, the King commiffion- TmeW 
 ed the Lord Dartmouth to go with about twenty fail of 
 fliips, and utterly demolilh the town, caftle, and mole of nhp d ’ 70 & 
 1 angier I he mole had coft the King vaft fums, but for Burnet, 
 want of money or for fome ether caufe was left unfinifhed. P-^ 1 - 
 The Lord Dartmouth had alfo orders to ciioak up the ha¬ 
 ven. Six months were fpent in executing this commiffion. 
 
 The King was thereby freed from a confiderable annual 
 expence for the prefervation of this place, and moreover, 
 the Garrifon, moftly confiding, as I cbferved, of Popifti 
 foldiers and officers, ferved to augment the King’s forces 
 at home, and keep in awe thofe who were impatient of 
 the yoke. 
 
 I his year 1683, was memorable for the famous fiege The Sure «/ 
 
 n’ difplaced, and Si 
 y new ones named 
 -1 confcls, Sir, 
 
 emasjenner, who was knighted at the fame 
 ... .heir llead. Rennet, p.407. 
 
 I have been in lault, m.lled, and infenfibly fi 
 ' fad a criminal thought towards your Maicfty. 
 h.s having been confcious of the Corfpirary. - 
 s trp. p. i5 + , S,-e the Duke's Journal in 
 
 : the confequcnce was 1 
 
 • n . ift 1 
 
 —on; per filled to the hit in renouncing any th : leafl kr.ow- 
 
 6 
 
 of 
 
Book XXIII. 
 
 26. C H A R L E S II. 
 
 1683. of Vienna, formed by the Grand Vifier Kara Mujlapha, 
 the 9th of 'July, with an army of an hundred and thirty 
 thoufand men, and raifed by the King of Poland, the fe- 
 cond of September, when the City was reduced to the Jaft 
 extremity. 
 
 1683-4. T he year 1684 was almoft wholly fpent in eftablifhing 
 the King’s acquired abfolute power. This was done chiefly 
 Mean, to by three expedients. The firft was the augmentation of 
 ‘atfo- h° rces hy the Garrifon of Tangier: The fecond was 
 httePomr. tbe rigorous punifhment of thofe who were not onlv 
 
 C.A .1— D_ r»i . 1 1 , , . ' 
 
 733 
 
 - o t--num. ivnu wt-tc iiui uin y accu- 
 
 led of the Proteftant Plot, but had during the quarrels be¬ 
 tween the King and the late Parliaments,"taken the liberty 
 to fpealc of the King and the Duke of 7 orb, with too much 
 paffion and heat. Thefe Speeches, at a time when the 
 King and the Duke were obliged to diffemble, for fear of 
 farther exafperating the Parliament, were now remembered, 
 when they were in a more favorable fituation, and the au¬ 
 thors made to fuffer. 7 he third expedient was, the per- 
 fuading indirectly all the Corporations in the Kingdom to 
 furrender their Charters to the King. I have already faid 
 what I had to fay concerning the garrifon o {Tangier. 
 Cmdenmati- As to the fecond expedient, I "mean, the profecutions 
 ralperfZT. a S a ' n ^ ^ King’s and Duke’s enemies, it would be tedious 
 Sute-Trials. t0 enumerate all the tryals and fentences given againft 
 T. ill. thofe who were accufed either of the laft plot, or of hav¬ 
 ing fpoken too freely of the King and the Duke. No¬ 
 thing elfe almolt occurs in the events of the year 1684. 
 Kennet. Since the City had loft their privileges, the King had no- 
 P-t 7- minated Sheriffs (1) entirely devoted to him, who took 
 care in all criminal trials to impannel Juries, difpofed to 
 f0lI T the . fu S& eftions of the Court. To facilitate the 
 Jefferies. condemnation of thofe whofe profecutions were refolved, 
 Burnet, the King, in December laft, had made Sir George Jefferies 
 r ‘ 5 ° 7 ’ Lord Chief-Juftice of the King’s-Bench. He was a man fit 
 for the purpofes of the Court, without honour or con- 
 fcience, impudent to the laft degree, and ever ready to be¬ 
 tray his duty and the interefts of Juftice and the Kingdom 
 to recommend himfelf to thofe who were in power. Thefe 
 great qualities advanced him at laft to the Chancellorlhip 
 of England. The King had alfo made other alterations 
 among the Judges, fo that he was in a manner ail'ured of 
 the compliance of all the Courts of juftice. The C urt- 
 party had made a great noifefome time before, concerning 
 the Ignoramus returnej by the London Juries upon all Bills 
 preferred againft the Whigs, and thefe complained no lefs 
 of the rigour exercifcd this year by the Tories. Books 
 have been publifhed to fhew tbo paffion, the partiality, and 
 the crying injuftices of the Judges and Juries, in favour of 
 the Court. But I cannot defeend to thefe particulars, 
 however proper they may be to demoftrate, with what 
 zeal the Court promoted the execution of their defigns, 
 and to fiiow the characters of thepeifons employed. 0 I 
 fhail therefore omit many trials of perfons little known, 
 and confine my felf to fome particular cafes, by which the 
 relt will be eafily judged of. 
 
 If D?nby TT T r he Earl oiDa,t h bad been fent to the Tower by the 
 di]charted. Hou ' e of Lords, upon an impeachment from the Com- 
 Feb. iz. mons. He had often demanded to be difeharged upon bail; 
 
 b “ t, . h= Judges had always refufed his requeft, declaring 
 Phillips. *b at lt was not in their Power to admit to bail a Peer of the 
 
 Burner. Realm imprifoned by parliament. This was the law of the 
 
 ■S 9 1 ‘ Kingdom. But the alterations amongft the Judges had 
 like wife produced great alterations in the maxims and 
 principles of the Courts of Juftice. The Judges who had 
 been in office fome time, believed it lawful to releafe the 
 Earl upon bail, which was accordingly taken, the Earl 
 being bound in a recognizance of ten thoufand pounds. 
 TheTopifh 7 he releafe of the Earl of Danby was a precedent for 
 mitted°to ‘^ ert y tbe Popifh Lords, prifoners in the Tower. 
 
 "SmI. I he Lord Petre one of thofe Lords, dying about a month 
 Kenner" • sfore Up0n his death ' bed fent a letter to the King, difown- 
 p. 406. ,n S * n bis laft words, and upon his Salvation, the mat- 
 
 Echard. ters of which he flood accufed. After a declaration fo ex - 
 
 • P- 7 ° 9 ’ prefs, the King not doubting the innocence of the other 
 four, told the Court by his Attorney-General, that he 
 conlented to whatever the Court fhould think fit to be 
 done with regard to the Popifh Lords. Whereupon they 
 were admitted to bail the fame day with the Earl of Dan¬ 
 by. It mult be that the former Judges were very ignorant, 
 not to know that an inferiour Court had power to releafe 
 men imprifoned by the fupreme Court of the Kingdom, 
 or that the prefent Judges were more bold than their pre- 
 deceffors. 
 
 Kenner. But the perfons accufed of the laft confpiracy, and thofe 
 Echard. who had f p° ken difrefpeiftfully of the King and the Duke, 
 m. p. 709. m st not with fo much humanity. Among the great num- 
 
 her profecuted for thefe two offences, I Diall only relate 1683-4. 
 the trials of three or four. 
 
 Mr. Hampden was tried for a confpirator the 6th of Fe- The Trial 
 bruary. The Lord Howard depofed againft him, That t Mr \ 
 the Council of fix meeting at Mr .Hampden's houfc, Mr. b™ ' 
 riampden made an introductory fpeech to open the Afiem- State-Trials, 
 bly, and that he was concerned in fending Aaron Smith \ 1 }' p * 7 +°* 
 into Scotland. Mr .Hampden's Counted infifted upon Lord ^ C ' 
 Howard's, ill-reputation, and fcandalous life, and reprefent- 
 ed him as little better than an Atheift. But fuch objecti¬ 
 ons were of force only againft Oates and Bcdloe. For 
 how was it poffible that the Lord Howard fhould be an ill 
 man, fince he only depofed againft Prnteftants? On the 
 other hand, Mr. Hampden produced witnefles who teftified P-7/3- 
 his virtue, his piety, his morality. But thefe teftimonies 
 were ineffectual. Jefferies, in a long Speech, fpeaking 
 of Religion and Virtue, turned it upon the prifoner in 
 thete words, “ Was ir not (faid he) under the fhape of P-7^7* 
 u Kel, g'on that the bleircd Martyr King Charles I. came 
 tt to tbe block ? Nay fome men were at a lofs to know 
 
 wh 'ch way they fliould put a fpirit into the common 
 
 r^'Jr 10 °PP oPe tbe King; and fome among them 
 <t [Mr. Hampden the fuff bid them be fare to put Reli- 
 
 gion to be the pretence, and that would make them run 
 
 headlong to what they would have them By this ex¬ 
 cellent argument, to be virtuous and religious, was a fi<m 
 of a man’s being ingaged in the plot. But obferve an ar¬ 
 tifice made ufe of to calt Mr. Plampden. It is certain, that, 
 fuppofing the truth of Lord Howard's teftimony, Mr. 
 
 Hampden was not lefs guilty than Lord Ruffel or Colonel 
 Sidney. Neverthelcfs he could not be condemned as a 
 I raitor, fince there was but one evidence againft him, and 
 all laws divine and human require two witnefles to the tak¬ 
 ing away a man’s life. He was therefore indiaed of a mis¬ 
 demeanour, and, the Jury finding him guilty on the tefti¬ 
 mony of Lord Howard, the Court was fatisfied with fining Who h fined 
 him forty thoufand pounds, and obliging him to find fure--f" r, - ) ' ; 
 ties for his good behaviour during life. This was thought p " ,w '' 
 to be a very ftrange and a fevere fentence. But die Kennet. 
 King difpelled all doubts concerning this affair, bvaflurintr r t°^ 
 the pubhek in a large Declaration, “ That if he had notfll p r ?' 7 rc; 
 
 § ,anted the Duke of Monmouth's requeft. That he would 
 “ not make him a witnefs, neither Mr. Hampden, nor 
 “ fcarce any one man of thofe that were freed upon bail 
 “ had efcaped death.” 
 
 John Dutton Colt Efquire, a member of the three laft 1684; 
 Parliaments, being accufed of fpeaking thefe words, The 
 Duke of York is a Papijl, and before any fuch Patifl dor 
 Jhall be fucceffor to the Crown of England,' / will be hanged ZS 
 at my own door. Thefe and other injurious words beh g i>'t^nColr: 
 proved againft him, the Jury brought in their verdiCt for Kenne'r 
 the Duke of York, and gave him for damages a hundred P-414-* 
 thoufand pounds. 
 
 The Duke of hork alfo brought his adion of Scanda- ^id^lnfl 
 lum Magnatum again ft Titus Oats, fordireaiy calling him T ' tus 0a «*> 
 Trayfor. For this offence the Court gave the Duke ofnTpX 
 ioik a hundred thoufand pounds damages. Shortly after Kennet. , 
 he was indiaed for perjury, in relation to Father Mauds 
 being in London at the time Oat,, fwore to, at his trial. 
 
 Not long after another indiament of perjury was preferred 
 againft hrm, rn relation to his being prefent at the fuppofed 
 confult of thejefuits at the Whiti-Horfe Tavern in , 678. 
 
 But thefe indiaments not being tried this Reiim, Oates 
 continued in prifon. 
 
 Thefe three, and fome others (a), omitted for brevity Hollow., 
 fake, efcaped with life, though properly condemned to exeCH,ed - 
 perpetual imprifonment, as not being able to pay their 
 exorbitant fines. But two others, who were out of the Burnet. 
 Kingdom, did not come off fo eafy. James Holloway hav- p - ri 6 - 
 mg feen his name in the Gazette amongft theconfpirators 
 who were to be apprehended by the King’s proclamation’ Eciurd. 
 fled to the IVeJl-Indies. Upon his flight, he had fuffered IIL p,7,Jr 
 an Outlawry for High-Treafon, and this year the Court 
 hearing he was in the WefhIndies, caufed him to be appre¬ 
 hended and brought to London, where he was executed April 20 
 upon the attainder of Outlawry for treafon. 
 
 , Pamc tb,n g.happened to Sir Thomas Armjlrong , who and sir 
 
 nad been conlidered as one of the principal authors of the laft Thomas 
 plot, and named in the King’s proclamation with a reward of snu Trv S ' 
 five hundred pounds. He had made his efcape into Hoi- in. P . l 9T . 
 land, and was outlawed as well as Holloway. The Court Kennet » 
 hearing he was at Leyden, obtained an order from the LS 
 otates to apprehend him, and accordingly before he had P-I 77 * 
 notice, he was apprehended and brought to Rotterdam and 
 from thence to London. When he appeared at the King’s 
 Bench Bar, he alledged that he was beyond fea at the tune 
 
 (1) Peter Darnel, and Samuel D. jhrca< d. Elquires. Kennet, p.407. 
 
 m K rill™” “ b “‘ P '“- ™ U1 - P - 77,1 k WdSi .TSr SSj 
 
 ^ 2 
 
 No. So. Vol. II. 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 734 
 
 1684. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 of the Outlawry, and begged that he might be tryed. But him in a kind of fubjeflion, and led him into meafutes pro- 1684. 
 hi, reqneft was abfolutely 5 rejected, and the rather, as the dudive of others, and focarried him farther than the king 
 Attorney-General told the'Court, from the King, that dellred. Befides, that the King was naturally mdo.ent, and 
 J r ,was one of the perfons who were to aflaffinate loved his eafe too much to engage in any affairs capab.e of 
 his Majeftv op his return from Newmarket, which thepri- difturbing his repofe, he knew the genius and temper of the 
 foner nofnively denied. lie was executed the 20th of Englijh, much better than the Duke of lark, and was fen- 
 June, and his head and quarters fet Uf rin feveral parts of Able of the great difficulty to preferve long a power ac- 
 
 the Citv. Only one was referved to be fent down to 
 Stafford, for which town he had been a Burgefs in Par¬ 
 liament. 
 
 I do not think it neceflary to relate the trials, this year, 
 of a great number of Libellers, and per inns who haJ fpo- 
 ken againft the King, the Duke of } ~:rk, or the Govern¬ 
 ment. 0 In Echard's Hiftory I find thirty two condemned 
 in great fines, and fome put in the Pillory. I he Hiftory 
 of this yes iperly c '• trai lions only. 
 
 The whole Kingdom beingftruck wiin terror, the King 
 be'ieved he ought to improve it, to the dGblifhment of his 
 abfolutc power, fo a to liave m thing to fear from any fu¬ 
 ture oppoi,non. This vv.s by depriving at on.e all the 
 
 14 ations, and confequentl 
 
 v ftegei. I c was not | power, but to 
 
 proceed in a manner more politick and more dangerous to 
 the people, by engaging them to make a voluntary furren- 
 heir n order to : ! ' 
 
 the King fiiould pleafe to grant. For this purpofe, courtiers 
 . 1 d emif ■ ies v e e fent t<> the more < - '■ P°~ 
 
 rations, to infpiie them with terror, and intimaie to them, 
 that fcarce one could efcape, fhould tlic King exercife ftiidl 
 ; , ce . This < Whigs and Non-con- 
 
 formifts, for :hc Tories were generally very ready blindly 
 
 to < tl ■ • Y 
 
 diftinguifhed himlcif in his Northern Circuit at the Smii- 
 mer-ali.zcs. He forgot nothing capable of terrifying the 
 people, afiuring them, that a furrender of tneir Charters 
 was the only way to avert the roifehicis which hung over 
 their head. Other Judges and emifVaries did the fame, and 
 Corporate s being i ed, t lefler 
 I. fuddc d 
 
 feen in England, namely, the Englijh nation without Rights 
 , r Privile s, but fuch as the Kii * 1 
 her; and what is more ft range, the Englijh themfelves fur-, 
 rendered toCWrll. th.'.fe very Rights and Privileges 
 which they had defended with fo much paffion, or rather 
 furv, againft the attempts of Charles I 
 
 qmred in fo extraordinary a manner. But, on the other 
 hand, after fo many proceedings to fecure this power, lie 
 knew not how to retreat, and could not alter his conduct, 
 without breaking entirely with the Duke, which muft have 
 extremely embarafled him. He could not change his prin¬ 
 ciples and maxims, without an entire alteration in his 
 Court and Council, and without putting himfclf into the 
 hands of men of very different principles. Befides, his in¬ 
 clination did not lead him to it, and it was only this fear of 
 doubting his quiet, which caufed him to confider the dan¬ 
 ger of hi> prefent proceedings. Meanwhile, asthisdanger 
 was not y et near, and as all the Kingdom appeared fub- 
 miffive, he kept oft' the evil day, and delayed coming to 
 any determination. 
 
 However this be, the Hamborough company, to gain the A St f"* e . 
 good-will of a Prince, invefted with fuch power, eretfted a tut c 
 marble Sia'.ue to him in the middle of the Rcyal Exchange , -i- fn 
 with this pompous infeription on the pedeftal. 
 
 CAROLO II. Ceefari Britannico , P atria Pairi, fZ'njirlp- 
 R eg urn Optimo, Clement/(Jirno , Augujliffmo, Generis humani tUn. 
 Deliciis , Utmufque For tun a lidori, Pads Europa Arbitro, 
 
 Maris Domino df Vindici, Societas Mercatorum Adventur. 
 
 Anglia, qua per CCCC jam prope Auras Regia Benigni- 
 tate floret, Fidei intemerata, Gratitudinis 
 
 AT, ter 
 
 hoc 
 
 Anno fal. Humanre. 
 
 Tc/Hmonium Venerubunda pofuit 
 
 MDCLXXXlV(i). . 
 
 Almoft the whole month of January of the new year 1684-?. 
 1685, was fpent either in profecuting delinquents againft 
 the King and the Duke, or in receiving the Chai ters of the “ ““ e ’ 
 Corporations, not yet furrendered, or in granting new ones 
 on fuch conditions as the Court thought proper. It may 
 well be imagined, that thefe conditions were not prejudicial 
 to the power acquired by the King. All complaints were 
 fuppreffed, and the whole Kingdom entirely fubdued, the 
 city of London not excepted, which had always oppofed 
 abfolute power. 
 
 The King now finding himfelf at the height of his 
 wifhes, was willing to do a popular act, and publifhed a f 
 
 \ , Ll ■ 11 11 I - 11 IV. v/i J • ‘—i „ _ . , . . , , 1 
 
 To make the people in fome meafure fully fenfible of Declaration, drawn up by Dr. Spiff, in which, he at- ffr,uo„ 
 
 ' . ‘ ... ,i t* r cl .1_4,-,»- tnpir rrrnnt rnn ti - i T ‘- c ' ,iT 
 
 Iil. p. 7 
 
 Pi-tear. 
 
 Id. p.721. 
 
 their new flavery, the King affe£ted to multer his forces, 
 which from one regiment of Foot, and one troop of Hoi le- 
 cuards, (raifed by himfelf, with the murmurs of many of 
 ins Subjects) were increased to four thoufand compleatly 
 trained and effective men. It might then be feen, that the 
 members of Parliament who oppofed the railing, or at lead 
 the eltablilhment of thefe guards, were not altogether in 
 the wrong. But the zeal of the Tory party v. as now ar¬ 
 rived to fuch a height, that they looked on every thing 
 which contributed to render the King ablulute, as a lure 
 mean - to ruin tl d - , fequentlj as a ti iumph 
 
 for them. They prepofteioefty imagined, that the Court 
 only aimed at thedeftrudiion of that odious party, and was 
 fi ilely h uring foi the . At 1 » we find Hill 
 
 fome authors of thislaft party who re prefent the year 1684 
 as the moft peaceable, the molt quiet, and, in a word, the 
 happieft year England had feen lor fome ages. Nothing 
 was capable to open the eyes ot thefe paffionate men, who, 
 againft all probability, believed the Court well-aftccted both 
 to the State and the Proteftant Religion. 
 
 Neverthelefs, theKingtlid a thing this year which ought 
 to have undeceived them. He dillolved tfe Commiffion, 
 granted in the year 1681, for the difpofal ol ail Ecciehafti- 
 cal preferments. As the eftablidling this Commiffion was 
 in order to perfuade his Subjects, that lie had the intereft 
 of the Proteftant Religion at heart, he could not avoid ap- 
 nting fuch commiffioners as w'ere thought to have the 
 aliments. But finding himfelt at length in the 
 
 po 
 
 fame 
 
 iituation he had wifhcd for, this Commiffion was too great 
 a icftraint, and therefore he revoked it to fill the vacant 
 Benefices agreeably to his own inclinations. 
 
 I: muft not be concealed, that mbft Hiftorians aferibe all 
 ■the rigors exercifed this year, and all the meafures taken 
 b by the King tor the advancement of his abfolute power to 
 the counicis of the Duke his brother. 1 hat Prince had 
 gained fo great an afeendant over the King, that he held 
 
 fe&ionatcly thanked his Subjects for their great conh-R r J^E' 
 
 “ dencc in him, chiefly for their fo freely rehgning their th ,; r Chjr . , 
 “ local Immunities and Charters into his hands, left the ««. 
 cc abufe of any of them Ihould hereafter prove dangerous to l jT a p.*71,. t 
 “ the juft prerogatives of the Crown. 1 his, he declared 
 “ he eiteemed as the peculiar honour of his reign, being 
 “ fuch as none of the moft popular of all his late royal pre- 
 “ deceilors could ever have hoped for. Wherefore he 
 “ thought himfelf more than ordinarily obliged to continue, 
 
 <c as lie had hitherto begun, to fliew the greateft modera- 
 “ tion and benignity, in the exercife ol fo great a truft: 
 te Rcfolving upon this occafion, to convince the higheft 
 “ pretenders to the Commonweal, that as the Crown was 
 “ the firft Original, fo it was ftill the fureft Guardian of 
 “ all the people’s lawful rights and privileges.” 
 
 Notwithftanding all this, it is pretended, he had formed ttfimsiumt } 
 a project for an extraordinary change in the Government: g u ^, et . 
 
 That he defigned to recall the Duke of Monmouth , to fend r .6o 4 . 
 the Duke of York beyond fea, and call a free Parliament. 
 
 This feems to have been founded on fome paflages in the 
 Duke of Monmouth's Pocket-book, feized with his perfon in 
 the following reign. We are further told, that the King 
 had intimated, that if he lived but a month longer, he 
 would find a way to make himfelf eafy for the reft of his 
 life (2). But he lived not to execute this defign. He died dies. 
 the 6th of February, fifty four years of age, and twenty 
 five fince his Reftoration. The caufe ot his death being 
 varioufly reported, fome thinking it natural, others violent, 
 
 I believe moft inftrudlive for the reader, what Dr .IVel- 
 wood fays of it, who feems to have fpokenof it with moft 
 impartiality. 
 
 “ it’sconfeffed, few Princes come to die a fudden death, Extrjii 
 “ but the world is apt to attribute it to foul play ; efpeci- J 
 
 “ ally if attended with unufual circumftances in the time lh ; s subj'fl.i 
 ct and manner of it. p.izi, cec.i 
 
 “ King Charles had a healthful conftitution beyond moft 
 
 sue Jenkins refined his pi a 
 
 t Seer 
 
 :ary 
 
 1 S:it- 
 
 wherein 
 
 /as fucccedcd by Sidney God-iphtn 
 
 ■e for 
 
 A."d thi»j 4 h lie did n 
 
 n Councd a. j 
 he Kir.g nan- 
 3 jy. And ii 
 
 M.ndjj. And Mr. \f 1 
 indeed, though iu a did 
 
 at this Time a new Scheme tormed, that very probably would ha- 
 i»:VV’.i. Lord Suudcrlmd. and Lord GUJ? -n were in it. The Duke or. 
 
 •i.t back very well plrafed with Iris Journey.-The DeGgn was to 
 
 ’•Duke concern 1 mi hi; going to S.ot.md: And he aniwered, there was 
 
 >r that he himfelf would go thither.-The King was obferved to be , 
 
 is ftOl adn Secret. 1 d fl [« ’ • 
 
 in the Books of the Treafury. and moved the tv.ng to go the Treat jry-^.-.am 
 
 from li'indfur, c. come t * Court that Day. winch it was expected wou.d prove 
 e King being taken ill kn the mean while, p. 
 
 who was created 
 broken the 
 
 
 begin with the 
 no Occafion for 
 roller and more 
 He complained 
 
 ;a 606. 
 
 jne/L 
 
1684-; 
 
 Book XXIII. 
 
 26. C H A R L E S II. 
 
 j. “ men, and took great care to prefeive it, by diet and 
 “ exercife, which naturally promife a long life: And it 
 “ was more extraordinary to fee fuch a man die before 
 “ threefcore, than another in the bloom of youth. Now, 
 t( if he died a natural death, it is agreed by all, that it 
 “ muft have been an Apoplexy. This difeafe feizcs all 
 “ the vital faculties at once; and yet, for the moll part, 
 “ does not only give fome fhort warnings of its approach, 
 “ by unufual affections of the head, but many times is 
 “ occafioned by fume evident preceding caufe. In King 
 “ Charles's cafe, there appeared no vifible caufe, either 
 “ near or remote, to which, with any certainty of reafon, 
 “ his difeafe could be afcribed ; and the fore-runners of it 
 “ were rather to be found in his ftomach and bowels, than 
 “ in the head. For, after he was a bed, he was over-heard 
 “ t0 g^an moll of the night: And both then, and next 
 “ morning, before he fell into the fit, he complained firll 
 “ of a heavy oppreffion in his ftomach and about his heart, 
 “ and afterwards of a (harp pun in thofe parts; all which 
 * c fymptoms had but little relation to an apoplexy. That 
 “ morning, there appeared to every body about him, a 
 “ ghaftlinefs and palenefs in his looks: And when he fat 
 “ down to be lhaved, jull before the fit took him, he could 
 not lit llraight, as he ufed to do, but continued in a 
 “ ftooping pollure, with his hand upon his llomach, till 
 “ the fit came. After he had been brought out of it, by 
 “ opening a vein, he complained of a racking pain in his 
 ftomach, and of no indifpofition any where eife: And 
 “ during the whole time of his licknefs, and even when he 
 “ kemed moll infenfible, he was obferved to lay his hand, 
 “ te»r the moll part, upon his ftomach, in a moaning po¬ 
 llute, and continued fo to his death : And fo violent was 
 the pain, that when all hopes were gone, the Phyficians 
 “ were defired to ufe all their art to procure him an eafy 
 “ death. 3 
 
 bo much for the diftemper itfelf. There remains 
 “ fome things to be taken notice of, that fell out before 
 “ arid after his death. A few days before he was taken ill, 
 “ King Charles being in company where : he prefent pollure 
 “ of affairs was difeourfed of, there efcapcd him fome 
 “ warm expreffions, about the uneafy circumftances he 
 “ was plunged into, and the ill-meafures had been given 
 “ him: And how, in a certain particular affair, he was 
 “ pleafed to mention, He had been abufed ; adding in fome 
 paftion. That if he lived but a month longer , he would find 
 “ w °y t0 makc himfelf cajy for the rejl of bis life. This 
 pailage was whifpered abroad next day; and the rumour 
 “ of recalling the Duke of Monmouth , and fending away 
 “ tIie Duke of York, came to take air about the fame time. 
 “ I nd eed, all things were making ready, to put the latter 
 “ in execution; and there is reafon to believe, the King 
 “ had intimated as much to the Duke himfelf; for fome 
 “ of his richeft furnituie was put up, and his chief fervants 
 “ ordered to be in a readinefs to attend their mailer upon 
 an hours warning; and yachts were waiting, to tranf- 
 port fome perfon of quality, without mentioning who 
 “ it was, or whither bound. The Romijh party that 
 “ managed about Court, were obferved to be more than 
 “ ordinary diligent and bufy up and down Whitehall and 
 St. James's, as if fome very important affair was in agi¬ 
 tation ; and a new and unufual concern was to be feen 
 “ on their countenances. Nor was it any wonder, for in this 
 “ fufpetfed change, they were like to be the only lofers, 
 
 “ and all their teeming hopes were in a fair way to be dis¬ 
 appointed. How far the principles of fome of that party 
 <c might leave them at liberty to pulhon their revenge for 
 “ thisdefigned affront, as well as to prevent the blow that 
 “ threatened them, though without the privity, much lefs 
 the conlent of the Duke of York , is left to the reader to 
 “ judge. 
 
 “ Th.ere was a foreign Minifter, that fome days before 
 “ the King fell ill, ordered his Steward to buy a confider- 
 “ able paiccl of black cloth, which ferved him and his 
 “ retinue after for mourning: And the late Amball'ador 
 “ Don Pedro Ronquillo , made it no fecret, that he had a 
 “ tetter from Flanders the week before King Charles died, 
 
 “ that took nutice of his death, as the news there. But 
 “ both thele might fall out by mere accident. 
 
 “ There remain two things more that defcrve fome coa- 
 fideration in this matter. When his body was opened, 
 
 “ there was not fufiicient time given for taking an exact 
 “ obfervation ol his llomach and bowels; which, one would 
 think, ought chiefly to have been done, confidering the 
 “ violent pains he had there : And when a certain Phyfi- 
 “ cian teemed to be more inquifitive than ordinary about 
 “ the condition of thofe part.., he was taken aiide, and re- 
 “ proved for his needlefs curiofity. In the next place, his 
 “ body ftunk fo extremely, within a tew hours after his 
 “ death, notwithflanding the coldnefs of the feafon, that 
 the people about him were extremely offended with the 
 “ fmell: Which is a thing very extraordinary, in one of 
 
 his ftrong and healthful Oonftitmion; and is not a pro¬ 
 per confiqucnt of a mere apopleftical diftemper. 
 
 1. e ,, re ™ f ° mc wel Sl'< laid upon an accident .hat 
 fell yean before hi, death : For the 
 
 "tug dunking more liberally that! ufual, after the fatigue 
 
 of riding, he reined to the next room, and wra™ 
 himfelf upm his cloak, fell aileep upon a couch, fie 
 ,, was but a idtle time come back to the company, when 
 a fervimt belonging to one of them, laydown upon tile 
 „ j , e cou , c1 ’ ln tl,e King’s cloak, and was found flubbed 
 dead with a poynard. Nor was it ever known how it 
 happened, but the matter hufhed up, and no enquiry 
 made about it. a ■ 
 
 « “ T° con< ; , “ (le » Dr. Short, who was a man of great 
 « P rob, f>' a,,b 'earning, and a Roman Catholick, made no 
 lerup e to declare lii, opinion to fome of his intimate 
 friends that he believed King Chariot had foul plav done 
 „ him : And when he came to die himfelf, exprefl’ed fome 
 furpicion that he had met with the fame treatment, for 
 opening his mind too freely in that poilft. 
 
 <1 j S 1 / or tllc dl ' cum ftances of King Chariot's 
 
 „ , eath ’ fhut feem to have an ill-afpea. There are o- 
 thers, that teem to dellroy all fufpicion of treachery in 
 the matter. 1 
 
 t{ As, firft, He had lived fo fall, as might enervate in 
 «. a g r ( eat mealore, the natural force of his conftitution, 
 and exhauft h 15 animal fpirits; and there 1 re he mhht 
 be more fubjecl to an apoplexy, which is : difeafe that 
 „ "I? , " s and lochs up thele fpimfrom : it mine their 
 ufual funclion.. Ami though, in his later years, he had 
 given himteif up more to the pleafures of wine, than of 
 women; that might ratlier be the eftl-ft of age than of 
 choice. 0 
 
 <c 4C j 1 1S kn . own > had been once or twice at- 
 
 tacked before, with fits that much refembled thofe of 
 (t which he afterwards died: And yet, as the manner of 
 them is told, they look rather t.. have been convulfive 
 motions, than an apoplexy; teeing they were attended 
 with violent con tor lions of his face, and convullions of 
 his whole body and limbs. This is the more confirmed, 
 by a pafiage, th tt happened during the heat of the popifh 
 1 lot. King Charles had fome tecret matters to manage 
 at that time, by the means of a Romifi Prieft then be¬ 
 yond tea, whom he ordered to be privately tent for • And 
 the Gentleman employed betwixt the King and him 
 (from whom I had the ftory) was diredled to brine him 
 m a d.fguite to Whitehall. The King and the Prieft 
 <c vvere a conliderable time together alone in the clofet, 
 d C ^ ,ent teman attended in the next room : At Jaft 
 Pr i eft Came °. ut ’ w ‘ c ^ l ^ e marks of fright and 
 aftonilhment in his face; and having recovered himfelf 
 a little he told the Gentleman, That he had run the 
 greateft xifque ever man did ; for while lie was with the 
 ‘ k,n S’ hls . Majefty was fuddenly furprized with a fit 
 ‘ accompanied with violent convullions of his body, and 
 ‘ c °morlions of his face, which lafled for fome moments: 
 and when he was going to call out for help, the King 
 held him by force tili it was over, and then bid him not 
 be afraid, for he had been troubled with the like before; 
 
 “ ^ he Prie ft adding, what a condition he fhould have been 
 in, confidering his Religion, and the prefent juncture of 
 affairs, if the King had died of that fit, and no body in 
 the room with him befides himteif. 
 
 “ But leaving this ftory to the credit of the Prieft, there 
 tc might be another natural caufe affigned for King Charles's 
 falling into fuch a fit as that of which he died, which is 
 this; he had for fome time an ifiue in his leg, which 
 ‘ c ran much, and confequently muft have made a great 
 revulfion from his head ; upon which account, it is 
 “ probable, it was made. A few weeks before his death 
 “ he had let it be dried up, contrary to the advice of his 
 P i i y ,JCians 5 who told him it would prejudice his health 
 7 heir prognoftic was partly true in this, that there came 
 a painful tumour upon the place where the iffue had been 
 which proved very obftinate, and was not thoroughly 
 healed up when he died. 0 
 
 “ In £ ne ’ 11 is agreed on all hands, that King Charles 
 expreffed no fufpicion of his being poifoned, during all 
 the time of his ficknefs: Tho’ it muft be alfo obferved 
 “ that the fits were fo violent, that he could not fpeak 
 “ while they were upon him, and {hewed an averfion to 
 fpcaking during the intervals. And there was not any 
 thing to be teen, upon opening his body, that could 
 reafonably be attributed to the force of poifon. Yet 
 to allow thefe confiderations no more weight than they 
 tc can well bear, this mull be acknowledged, that there 
 “ are poifons which affedl originally the animal fpirits, and 
 “ are ot fo fub.tle a nature, that they leave no concluding 
 marks upon the bodies of thofe they kill.” 
 
 Let us now fee what Dr. Burnet fays upon this fubiedl 
 m fats Hifiory of bis oum Times . As this Hillory is not yet 
 
 tranflated. 
 
 735 
 
 1614-5. 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 ?3& The HISTORY,/ ENGLAND. 
 
 1684-5. t'anflated, or at leaft publifhed in French s I believe it will 
 not be unacceptable to Foreigners, to infert here that la- 
 mous Prelate’s account of the death of Charla II. 
 
 Exit-m e/ “ All this winter the King looked better than he had 
 %]^!. ne “ done for many years. He had a humour in his leg, 
 •r.Tp.606, “ which looked like the beginning of the gout: So that 
 &c • “ for fome weeks he could not walk, as he uled to do ge- 
 
 “ nerally, three or four hours a day in the Park; which 
 “ he did commonly fo fart that as it was really an exer- 
 “ cife to himfelf, 1b. it was a trouble to all about him to 
 “ hold up with him. In the ftate the King was in, he 
 “ not being able to walk, fpent much of his time in his la- 
 “ boratory, and was running a procefs for the fixing of 
 “ Mercury. On the firft of February? being a Sunday, he 
 “ eat little all day, and came to Lad} Portfrmutb at night, 
 “ and called for a porringer of fpoon-meat. It was made 
 too ftrong for his rtomach ; fo he eat little of it: And 
 “ he had an unquiet night. In the morning one Dr. King, 
 a Phyfician ^id a Chymift, came, as he had been or- 
 “ dered, to wait on him. All the King’s dilcourfe to him 
 “ was fo broken, that he could not underftand what he 
 “ meant. And the I ( • he was under fome 
 
 44 great diforder, either in his mind, or in Ids body. I he 
 “ Doirtor, amazed at this, went out, and meeting with 
 “ Lord Peterborough , he faid, the King was in a It.ange 
 “ humour, for he did not fpeak one word of fenfe. Lord 
 “ Peterborough defired he would go in again to the Bed- 
 44 chamber, which he did. And he wasfcarce come in, 
 44 when the King, who feemed ail the while to be in 
 “ great confufior, fell down all of a fudden in a tic like 
 “ an apoplexy : He looked black, and his eyes turned in 
 “ his head. The Phyfician, wlio had been formerly an 
 44 eminent Surgeon, faid, it was impoliiole to fave the 
 44 King’s life, if one minute was 1 oil: Pic would rather 
 44 venture on the rigour of the law, than leave the King 
 
 44 to perifii; and fo he let him blood.-I he King 
 
 44 came out of that fit, yet the efforts of it hung Itill upon 
 44 him, fo that he was much opprerted. And the Phyfi- 
 44 cians did very much apprehend the return of another fit, 
 44 and that it would carry him off: So they looked on him 
 44 as a dead man. The Bilhop of London fpoke a little to 
 44 him, to difpofe him to prepare for whatever might be 
 “ before him; to which the King anfwered not a word. 
 4i But that was imputed partly to the Bilhop’s cold way of 
 44 fpeaking, and partly to the ill opinion they had of him 
 44 at Court, as too bufy in oppofition to Popery. Sandcroft 
 44 made a very weighty exhortation to him; in which he 
 44 uled a good dcgiee of freedom, which he faid was ne- 
 44 ceflary, fince lie was going to be judged by one who was 
 44 no relpedter of perfons. I'd him the King made no 
 44 anlwer neither; nor \etto Ken , though the molt in fa- 
 44 -. our with him of all the Bilhops. Some imputed this 
 44 to an infenlib.lity, of which too vifible an Pittance ap- 
 “ peared, fince Lady Portsmouth fat in the bed, taking 
 44 care of him as a wife of a husband. Otheis guelled 
 44 truer ; that it would appear lie was of another Religion. 
 44 On C Iburfday a fecorui fit returned. And then the Phy- 
 44 ficians told the Duke, that the King was not like to live 
 44 a day to an end. 
 
 44 The Duke immediately ordered Hudlejion, the Prieft 
 “ that had a great hand in having the King at IF’orccjler 
 4 ‘ fight, (for which he was excepted out of all levere a<rts 
 44 that were made againff Priefts) to be brought to the 
 44 lodgings under tiie bed-chamber: And, when he was 
 44 told what was to be done, he was in great confufion, for 
 44 he had no Hojlie about him. But he went to another 
 “ Prieft that lived in the Court, who gave him the Pix 
 44 with an Hojiie in it. But that poor Prieft was fo Fright— 
 4 ' ed, that he ran cut of Whitehall in fuch hafte, that he 
 “ ltruck againff a port, and feemed to be in a fit of mad- 
 44 nefs with fear. As foon as Hudlejion had prepared every 
 44 thing that was neceflary, the Du ice whifpered the King 
 44 in die ear, upon that the King ordered, that all wl.o 
 44 was in the bed-chamber (hould withdraw, except die 
 44 Earls of Bath and Feverjbam ; and the door was double- 
 “ locked. The compaii) was kept out half an hour: 
 44 Only Lord Fevcrjham opened the doororce, and called 
 et fora G . told me at 
 
 1-4 that hudii according to die relation that he fent thi¬ 
 ther,- ma .£ls of c ntrition, 
 
 44 ar.d, after fuch a confeflion a:> he could then make, he 
 44 gave him abfoludon, and the other facraments. The 
 44 Hnji'u lluck in his throat: And that was the occafion of 
 44 calling lor a gials of water. Healfo gave him extreme 
 44 Untrtion. All muff have been performed very lupeifi- 
 “ Csaliy, fince it was fo foon ended. But the King feemed 
 44 to be at great fe upon it. It was given out, that the 
 44 King faid to I In V. that he had laved him twice, 
 44 firft his body and now his foul; and that he asked him, 
 44 if he would have him declare himfelf to be of their 
 44 Church. Butitfeems, he was prepared for this, audio 
 
 diverted the King from it; and faid, he took it upon 16S4- 
 “ him to fatisty the world in that particular. But though 
 “ by the principles of all Religion whatfoever, he ought to 
 44 have obliged iiim to make open profeflion of his Reli- 
 4 ‘ gion ; yet, it fee ms the Confcquences uf that were ap- 
 “ prehended ; f r, without doubt, that poor Prieft airted 
 44 by the directions that weie given him. The company 
 44 was differed to come in. And the King went through 
 44 the agonies of death, wfith a calm and a conftancy, that 
 44 amazed all who were about him, and knew how he had 
 44 lived. This made fome conclude, that he had made a 
 44 Will, and that his quiet was the effect of that. Ken 
 “ applied himfelf much :o the awaking the King’s con- 
 44 fcience. He fpoke with a great elevation, both of 
 41 thought and expreffion, like a man infpired, as thofe who 
 44 were prefent told me. He refumed the matter often, 
 
 44 and pronounced many (hort ejaculations and prajers, 
 
 44 which aftedted all that were prefent, except him that 
 44 was the moll concerned, who leemed to take no notice 
 44 of him, and made no anfwers to him. He prefled the 
 44 King fix or feven times to receive the Sacrament; but 
 44 the King always declined it, faying, he was very weak. 
 
 44 A table with tl.e elements upon it, ready to be confe- 
 44 crated, was brought into the room, which occafioned a 
 44 report to be then fpread about, that he had recer it. 
 
 44 Ken prefled him to declare, that he delired it, and that 
 44 he died in the Communion of the Church of England. 
 
 ‘ 4 To that he anfwered nothing. Ken asked him, if he 
 44 delired abfoluiion of his fins. It feems the King, if he 
 44 then thought any thing at all, thought that would do 
 44 him no hurt. So Ken pronounced it over him : For 
 44 which he was blameJ, fince the Kingexprefied no fenfe, 
 
 44 or forrovv for Ins part life, nor any purpofe of amend- 
 44 merit. It was thought to be a proftitution of the peace 
 44 of the Cliuich, to give it to one, who, after a life led 
 44 as the King’s had been, feemed to harden himfelf againff 
 44 every thing that could be faid to him. Ken was alfo 
 44 cenlured for another piece of indecency : He prefented 
 44 the Duke of Richmond , Lady Porjhiouth’s foil, to be 
 44 bldled by the King. Upon this, fome that were in the 
 44 room cried out, tiie King was their common father. 
 
 44 And upon that all kneeled down for hisblefling, which 
 44 lie gave them. The King differed much inwardly, and 
 44 faid, he was burnt up within; of which he complained 
 44 often, but with great decency. He faid once, he hoped 
 44 he (hould climb up to Heaven’s gates, which was the 
 44 only word favouring of Religion that he was heard to 
 44 fpeak. 
 
 44 He gathered all his ftrength to fpeak liislaft words to 
 4 ' the Duke, to vNhich every one hearkened with great 
 44 attention. He expreffed his kindnefs to him, and that 
 44 he now delivered all over to him with great joy. He 
 44 recommended Lady Portfmouth over and over again to 
 44 him. He fanJ, he had always loved her, and he loved 
 41 her now to the laft; and befought the Duke, in as melt- 
 44 ing words as he could fetch out, to be very kind to her 
 44 and to her Ion. He recommended his other children to 
 44 him: And concluded, Jet not poor Nelly ftarve, that was 
 44 A'lrs. Gwyn. But he laid nothing of the Queen, nor 
 44 anyone word of his people, or of his fervants: Nor did 
 44 he Ipeak one word of Religion, or concerning the pay- 
 44 merit of his debts, though he left behind him about ninety 
 44 thoufand guineas, which he had gathered either out of 
 44 the Privy purfe, or out of the money which was fent 
 “ him from France , or by other methods, and which he 
 44 had kept fo ftcretly, that no perfon whatfoever knew 
 44 any thing ol it. 
 
 44 He continued in the agony till Friday at eleven a 
 44 clock, being the 6th of February 1684.-5 ; and then 
 “ died in the fifty fourth year of his age, after he had 
 44 reigned, it we leckon from his father’s death, thirty 
 44 fix years and eight days ; or if we reckon from his Re- 
 44 ltoration, twenty four years, eight months, and nine 
 44 days. There were many very apparent fufpicions of 
 44 his being poifoned : For though the firft accefs looked 
 44 like an apoplexy, yet it was plain in the progrefs of ir, 
 
 44 that it was no apoplexy. When his body was opened, 
 
 44 the Phy ficians who viewed it, were, as it weie, Jed by 
 44 thofe, who might fufpeert the truth, to look upon the 
 44 parts that were certainly found. But both Lower, and 
 44 Needham , two famous Phyficians, told me, they plainly 
 44 difeerned two or three blue fpots on the out-fide of the 
 44 ffoinach. A T cedham called twice to have it opened, but 
 44 the Surgeons feemed not to hear him. And when he 
 44 moved it the fecond time, he, as he told me, heard 
 44 Lower fay to one that flood next him, Needham will un- 
 “ do us, calling thus to have the.rtomach opened ; for he 
 44 may fee they will not do it: They were diverted to 
 44 look to fomewhat elfe : And when they returned to look 
 44 upon the rtomach it was carried away: So that it was 
 “ never viewed. Le Fevre a French Phyfician, told me, 
 
 “ he 
 
Book XXIII. 26. C H A 
 
 1684-s* <4 ^ aW a blacknefs in his Ihoulder : Upon which he 
 “ made an incifion, and faw it was all mortified. Short , 
 “ another Phyfician, who was a Papift, but after a form 
 “ of his own, did very much fufpeX foul dealing. And 
 “ he had talked more freely of it, than any of the Pro- 
 “ teftants durft do at that time. But he was not long af- 
 “ ter taken fuddenly ill, upon a large draught of Worm- 
 ,c wood-wine, which he had drunk in the houfe of a po- 
 “ pifli Patient that lived near the Tower, who had fent for 
 “ him, of which he died ; and, as he faid to Lower , Mil- 
 “ lington , and fome other Phyficians, he believed that he 
 “ himfelf was poifoned for his having fpoken fo freely of 
 <c the King’s death. 
 
 “ The King’s body was indecently negleXed ; fome 
 <t ‘ parts of his inwards, and fome pieces of the fat, were 
 left in the water in which they were wafhed : All which 
 “ were fo carelefsly looked after, that the water being 
 ‘‘ poured out at a fcullery hole, that went to a drain, in 
 “ the mouth of which a grate lay, thefe were feen lying 
 “ on the grate many days after. His funeral was very 
 “ niean. He did not lye in ftate; no mournings were 
 “ given : And the expence of it was not equal to what an 
 “ ordinary Nobleman’s funeral will rife to. Many upon 
 “ this faid, that he better deferved from his brother, than 
 “ to be thus ungratefully treated in ceremonies that are 
 “ publick, and that make an impreffion on thofe who fee 
 “ them, and who will make fevere obfervations and infe- 
 “ rences upon fuch omilTions. 
 
 “ But lince I have mentioned the fufpicions of poyfon 
 “ as the caufe of his death, I muft add, that I never heard 
 “ any lay thofe fufpicions on his brother. But his dying fo 
 “ critically, as it were in the minute in which he feemed 
 “ to begin a turn of affairs, made it to be generally the 
 “ more believed, and that the Papifts had done it, either 
 4 * by the means of fome of Lady Portfmouth' s fervants, or, 
 “ as fome fancied, by poyfoned fnuff: For fo many of the 
 “ Lmall veins of the brain were burft, that the b/ain was 
 “ in gieat diforder, and no judgment could be made con- 
 “ cerning it. To this I fhall add a very furprifing ftory, 
 “ that I had in November 1709, from Mr. Henly of Hamp- 
 “ Jhire. He told me, that, when the Duchefs of Portf- 
 “ mouth came over to England in 1699, he heard, that 
 “ (he talked as if King Charles had been poifoned ; which 
 tc he defined to have from her own mouth, fhe ga*e him 
 “ this account of it. She was always prefling the King to 
 “ make both himfelf and his people eafy, and to come 
 “ to a full agreement with his Parliament : And he was 
 “ come to a final refolution of fending away his brothbr, 
 “ and of calling a Parliament ; which was to be executed 
 “ the next day, after he feil into that fit of which he died. 
 “ She was put upon the fecret, and fpoke of it to no per- 
 44 ^ on a live but to her Confeffor : But the ConfefTor, fhe 
 “ believed, told it to fome, who feeing what was to fol- 
 “ low, took that wicked courfe to prevent it. Having 
 “ this from fo worthy aperfon, as I have fet it down with- 
 “ out adding the leaft ciicumftance to it, I thought it too 
 “ important not to be mentioned in this Hiftory. It dif- 
 “ covers both the knavery of ConfefTors, and the praXices 
 “ of Papifts (o evidently, that there is no need of making 
 “ any further reflexions on it.” 
 
 Other Par- Phefe two relations of the death of King Charles II. 
 r.cuiari agree in the principal circumftances, particularly in the fuf- 
 'tbe'ofatb of P' c ‘ on ,°* bis being poifoned. Several other accounts have 
 King been given of his death, in which are inferted circumftances 
 Charlei II. not to be met with here, and others omitted which are 
 Echard. ^ ere re ^ atec ^; ^ ,s f a ’^, that at the perfwafion of Bifhop 
 ill. p. 722. Ken, the King at laft refolved to difmifs the Duchefs of 
 Portjmouth , and fending for the Queen, asked her pardon 
 for the injury he had done her. It is added, that he had 
 the fatisfaXion of her particular forgivenefs. This direXly 
 contradiXs Dr. Burnet’ s account of the Duchefs of Portf- 
 Kennet. ,nout ^- Some fay, Hudlcjlon was not brought to the King 
 P . 41 a. he had loft all fenfe, and that he received the Sacrament 
 
 of extreme UnXion, without giving the leaft fign either of 
 la. p. 416, bis approbation or refufal. It is pretended, he advifed the 
 44a. Duke his brother, not to think of introducing Popery into 
 England , becaufe it was an impraXicable undertaking. Laft- 
 ly, fome fay only, that the Phyficians and Surgeons infpeXing 
 the body, difeovered no mark of poifon, and entirely omit 
 the circumftances of theftomach, mentioned in the two fore¬ 
 going relations, though they own the fufpicion of the King’s 
 being poifoned, but reprefent this fufpicion as coming from 
 the enemies of the Duke, and of the Papifts. 
 
 Remark. ^ * s univerfally agreed, that no man had the boldnefs to 
 accule the Duke of poifoning his brother. But it is not to 
 be concluded from thence, that no man believed it. Thofe 
 who might have entertained this fufpicion, took care not to 
 expofe themfelves to a danger fo great as that of accufing the 
 SucceiTor, without being able to prove it. The Papifts in 
 general are accufed, but this is fo undeterminate a word, 
 that one knows not to whom to apply it, when they are 
 leparated from the Duke of York their head. Belides, the 
 No. 80. V o l. II. 
 
 R L E S II. 73? 
 
 mfpeXion of the dead body was managed in a proper way 1684-5. 
 to difpel all fufpicions of poyfon ; but who direXed the 
 Phyficians or Surgeons is a fiecret, at leaft the brother of 
 the deceafed does not appear to have concerned himfeif 
 much in this infpeXion, thotigh the fufpicions of poyfon 
 were very violent. All this creates fuch an obfeurity as 
 gives every man room to judge as he pleafes. Thus much 
 is certain, there is no formal proof that King Charles II. 
 was poyfoned, or if he was, the authors of his death re¬ 
 main hitherto concealed. 
 
 It is not very ftrange that the Hiftoriansor others, fhould ^ *«««* 
 difagree in their charaXer of Charles II. when it is con- cn ,he Cba ' 
 fidered, that he was the head and proteXor of one of the chancer, 
 two parties, and the perfecutor of the other. This muft 
 have neceflarily produced a diverfity of charaXers, accord¬ 
 ing as they are given by Tories or Whigs. When we 
 read fucceflively the writers of the two parties, who have 
 fpoken ®f this Prince in general, or given his charaXer, we 
 are almoft apt to think, 'they (peak of two dift’eren: Kings 
 of the fame name. The one by fcveral omiffions endeavour 
 to cover all his faults, or if they are mentioned, 'cis very 
 flightly, and always with fome addition or infinuation tend¬ 
 ing to juftify them. The others infill chiefly upon what 
 may blacken his charaXer, and fhow, that he aXed upon 
 very ill motives, and upon principles direXly contrary to 
 the good of the Kingdom. If they fpeak of his good qua¬ 
 lities, it is only to render him more faulty, and demon- 
 ftrate that he tranfgrelled not through ignorance, but with 
 premediation. Which ever way I take to draw the cha¬ 
 raXer of this Prince, I cannot avoid the cenfure of one or 
 the other party, if I fpeak as from my felf, and I lhould not 
 gain much in going upon the teftimony of either party. 
 
 However, as the reader, doubtlefs, expeXs to know fome- 
 thing more of the charaXer of this King than could be 
 learnt from the hiftory of his reign, I chufe to infert Dr. 
 
 Burnet’s account in the Hijlory of his own Tunes. I own 
 this, of all the charaXers of Charles II, feems to me, in 
 the whole, to be moft like, and mod agreeable to the hif¬ 
 tory ol his li;e. I could wifh however, this illuftrious Pre¬ 
 late had omitted, or at leaft foftened fome ftrokes, which 
 appear to me a little over-cliarged, and feem to difeover 
 fome paflion in the author. However that be, he con- T - ^P- 6,i * 
 eludes the hiftory of this Prince in the following manner : 
 
 “ Thus lived and died King Charles the fecond. He 
 “ was the greateft inftance in Hiftory of the various revo- 
 “ lutions of which any one man feemed capable. He was 
 “ bred up the firft twelve years of his life with the fplen- 
 “ dour that became the heir of fo great a Crown. After 
 “ that he palled through eighteen years in great incquali- 
 “ ties, unhappy in the war, in the lofs of his father, and 
 “ of the Crown of England. Scotland did not only re- 
 “ ceive him, though upon terms hard of digeftion, but 
 “ made an attempt upon England for him, though a feeble 
 “ one. He loft the battle of IVorceJler with too much 
 “ indifference : and then he fhewed more care of his per- 
 “ fon than became one, who had fo much at ftakc. He 
 “ wandered about England for ten weeks after that, hi- 
 “ ding from place to place. But under all the apprehen- 
 “ lions he had then upon him, he fhewed a temper fo 
 “ carelefs, and fo much turned to levity, that he was 
 “ then diverting himfelf with little houfhold fports, in as 
 “ unconcerned a manner as if he had made no lofs, and 
 “ had been in no danger at all. He got at laft out of 
 “ England. But he had been obliged to fo many, who 
 “ had been faithful to him and careful of him, that he 
 “ feemed afterwards to refolve to make an equal return to 
 “ them all. And finding it not eafy to reward them all 
 “ as they deferved, he forgot them all alike. Muft 
 “ Princes feem to have this pretty deep in them ; and to 
 “ think that they ought never to remember paft fervices, 
 
 “ but that their acceptance of them is a full reward. He 
 “ of all in our age, exerted this piece of prerogative in 
 “ the ampleft manner : for he never feemed to charge h s 
 “ memory, or to trouble his thoughts with the fenfe 
 ‘‘ of any of the fervices that been done him. While he 
 “ was abroad at Paris, Colen, or Brvjfelst he never feem- 
 “ cd to lay any thing to heart. He purfued all his di- 
 “ verfions and irregular pleafures in a free career; 
 
 “ and feemed to be as ferene under the lofs of a Crown 
 “ as the greateft Philofopher could have been. Nor did he 
 “ willingly hearken to any of thofe projeXs, with which 
 “ he often complained that his Chancellor perfecuted 
 “ him. That in which he feemed moft concerned was, 
 
 “ to find money for fupporting his expence. And it was 
 “ often faid, that if Cromwell would have compounded the 
 “ matter, and have given him a good round penfion, 
 
 <c that he might have been induced to refign his title to 
 “ him. During his exile he delivered himfelf fo entirely 
 “ up to his pleafures, that he became incapable of appli- 
 “ cation. He fpent little of his time in reading, or ftudy, 
 
 “ and yet lefs in thinking. And in the ftate his affairs 
 “ were then in, he accuftomed himfelf to fay to every 
 9 A “ perfoa 
 
The HISTORY 
 
 perfon, and upon all qceafions, that which he thought 
 w . pleafe mod : fo that word ot pi n fifes went very 
 ealily from him. And he had fo ill an opinion of man¬ 
 kind, that he thought the great art of living and go¬ 
 verning was to manage aii things and ail perfons with 
 a depth ot craft and diffimulation. And in that, few 
 men in the world could puc on the appearances of fince- 
 rity better than he couid : Under which lb much arti¬ 
 fice was ufually hid, that in conclufion lie could deceive 
 none, for all were become midrudiul of him. He Jiad 
 great vices, but fcarce any virtues to correct them. He 
 had in him Ibme vices that were lefs hurtful, which con- 
 refted his more hurtful ones. He was, during the ac¬ 
 tive part of life, given up to doth and lewdnefs to fuch a 
 degree, that he hated bufinefs, and could not bear the 
 engaging in any thing that gave him much trouble, or 
 put him under any conftraint. And though lie defired 
 to become abfolute, and to overturn both our Religion 
 and our Laws, yet he would neither run the risk, nor 
 give lnmfelf the trouble, which fo great a defign requi¬ 
 red. IL had an appearance of gentlenefs in his outward 
 deportment : but he feemed to have no bowels nor ten- 
 clernefs in his nature: and in the end of his life he be¬ 
 came cruel. He was apt to forgive all crimes even blood 
 itfelf: bet he never forgave any thing that was done 
 agarnd hinifl-lf, after his fird and general A<St of In¬ 
 demnity, which was to be reckoned as done rather upon 
 maxims of State, than inclinations cf mercy. He delivered 
 himfelfup to a moll enormous courfe of vice, without any 
 fort of rellraint, even from the confideration of the near¬ 
 ed relations ; the mod dudied extravagancies that way 
 feemed to the very lad to be much delighted in, and 
 purfued by him. He had the art of making all people 
 grow fond of him at fird, by a foftnefs in his whole 
 way of convention, as he was certainly the bed bred 
 man of the age. Rut when it appeared how little could 
 be built on his promife, (hey were cured of the fondnefs 
 that he was : pt to raife in them. When he faw young 
 men of quality, who had fomething more than ordinary' 
 in them, he drew them about him, and fet himfelf to 
 corrupt them both in Religion and morality ; in which 
 he proved fo unhappily fuccefsful, that lie left England. 
 much changed at his death, from what he had found it 
 at his Redoradon. He loved to talk over all the do¬ 
 ries of his life to every new man that came about him. 
 His day in Scotland , and the diare he had in the war 
 of Path , in carrying mefl’ages from the one fide to the 
 other, were his common topicks. He went over tliefe 
 in a very graceful manner ; but fo often, and copioudy, 
 that all tliofe who had been long accudomed to them 
 grew weary of them : And when lie entred on tliofe 
 dories, they ufually withdrew: So that he often began 
 them in a full audience, and before lie had done, there 
 were not above four or five left about him ; which drew 
 a fevere jed from li'illmot Earl of Rochcjhr . He faid, 
 He wondered to fee a man have fo good a memory , as to 
 repeat the fame Jlory without lofing the leaflxi' cunfiance 
 and yet not remember that he had told it to the fame per¬ 
 fons the very day before. This made him fond uf {gran¬ 
 gers; for they harkened to all his often-repeated dories, 
 and went away as in a rapture, at fucli an uncommon 
 condefcenfion in a King. 
 
 “ His perfon and temper, his vices as well as Iris for¬ 
 tune rcfemble the charafter that we have given us of 
 Tiberius , fo much, that it were eafy to draw a parallel 
 between them. Tiberius' s ban i ill men t, and his coming 
 afterwards to reign, makes the companion in that ref- 
 pedl come pretty near. His hating of bufinefs, and his 
 love of p’.eafures, bis railing of Favorites, and truding 
 them entirely, and his pulling them down, and hating 
 them exceflively ; his art of covering deep deligns, par¬ 
 ticularly of revenge, with an appearance o! fofuiefs, 
 brings them fo near a likened, that I did not wonder 
 much lo obferve the refembiance of their face and per¬ 
 fon. At Rome I faw one of the lad Statues made for 
 Tiberius after lie had loft his teeth. But, bating the 
 alteration which that made, it was fo like King Charles 
 that 1 i nice horghefe and Sign tor Domtnico to whom it 
 belonged, did agree with me in thinking that it looked 
 like a datue made for him. 
 
 ‘■Few things ever went near his heart; the Duke of 
 Glouceflcr' s death feemed to touch him much. But thofe 
 who knew him bed thought it was, bccaufe lie had lod 
 him, by whom only he could have balanced the furvi- 
 v |ng Brother, whom he luted, and yet embroiled all 
 lik affairs lo preferve (he fuccelfon to him. 
 
 1 ' His ill conduit in the fird Dutch war, and thofe ter¬ 
 rible calamities of the Phgue, and Fire of London , with 
 t.i.n JoL and reproach whicii he differed bv the infult at 
 Chathan, inade all people conclude, there was a curfe 
 upon his Go.eminent. His throwing the pubhek hatred 
 a- that time upon Lord Clarendon , was both unjud and 
 
 of E N G L A N D. 
 
 Vol. IT. 
 
 “ ungrateful. And when his people had brought h : m 1845-6. 
 “ out of all his difficulties, upon his entiing into the Tri- 
 “ pie-affiance, his felling that to France , and his entring 
 “ on the fecond Dutch war with as little colour as he had 
 “ for the fird ; his beginning it with the attempt on the 
 “ Dutch Smyrna fleet ; t!»e {hutting up the Exchequer ; 
 
 “ and his declaration for toleration, which was a dep for 
 ‘‘ the introduction of Popery ; make fuch a chain of "black 
 “ actions flowing from blacker defigns, that it amazed 
 “ thofe who had known ail this, to fee with what impu- 
 “ dent drains of flattery addrefles were penned during his 
 “ life, and yet more grofily after his death. His contri- 
 “ buting fo much to the laifing the greatnefs of France , 
 tc chiefly at fea, was fuch an error, that it could not flow 
 “ from want of thought or of true fenfe. Rouvhny told 
 “ me, he defired that all the methods the French took in 
 “ the increafe and conduft of their naval force might be 
 “ fent him. And, he faid, he feemed to dudy them with 
 “ concern and zeal. lie {hewed what errors they com- 
 “ mitted, and how they ought to be corrected, as if he 
 tC had been a Viceroy to France , rather than a King that 
 “ ought to have watched over, and prevented the progrels 
 “ they made, as the greated of all the mifehiefs that could 
 “ happen to him or to his people. They that judged the 
 “ mud favorable of this thought it was done out of rc- 
 “ venge to the Dutch , that, with the aflidance of fo great 
 “ a fleet as France could join to his own, he might be able 
 “ to dedroy them. But others put a worie condruftioli 
 “ on it ; and thought, that feeing he could not quite mailer 
 “ or deceive his fubiefts by his own drength and manage- 
 “ ment, he was willing to help forward the greatnefs of 
 “ the French at fea, that by their aflidance he might more 
 “ certainly fubdue his own people ; according to what was 
 “ generally believed to have fallen from Lord Clifford, 
 
 “ That if the Ling mujl be in a dependence , it was better 
 “ to pay it to a great and generous King , than to five bun- 
 “ dred of his own infolent Subjcfls. No part of his cha- 
 “ ra&er looked wickeder as well as meaner, than that he, 
 
 “ ail the while that he was prolefling to be of the Church 
 “ of England , exprefling both zeal and affeftion to it, 
 
 “ was yet fecretly reconciled to the Church of Rome : 
 
 “ Thus mocking God, and deceiving the world with fo 
 “ grofs a prevarication. And his not having the honefly 
 “ or courage to own it at the lad : His not {hewing any 
 ‘‘ fign of the lead remorfe for his ill led life, or any ten- 
 “ dernefs either for his fubjefts in general, or for the Queen 
 “ and his Servants : And his recommending only his Mif- 
 “ trefles and their Children to his brother’s care, would 
 “ have been a llrange conclufion to any other life, but 
 “ was well enough fuited to all the other parts of his. 
 
 “ The two papers found in his drong-box concerning 
 “ Religion, and afterwards publidled by his brother, looked 
 “ like Kudy and reafoning. Tennifon (old me, he faw the 
 ‘‘ original in Pcpy's hand, to whom King James truded 
 “ them for fome time. They were interlined in feveral 
 “ places. And the interlinings feemed to be writ in a 
 “ hand diderent from that in which the papers were writ. 
 
 “ Buthe was not fo well acquainted with the King’s hand, 
 
 “ a:, to make any judgment in the matter, whether they 
 “ were writ by him or not. All that knew him when 
 “ they read them, did, without any fort of doubting, con- 
 “ elude, that he never compofed them : For he never read 
 “ the Scriptures, nor laid things together, further than to 
 ‘‘ turn them to a jed, or for fome lively expreflion. Thcfe 
 “ papers were probably writ either by Lord Brificl , or by 
 “ Lord Aubigny , who knew tiie fecret of his Religion, 
 
 “ and gave him thofe papers, as abdrafts of fome difeourfes 
 “ they had with him on thofe heads, to keep him fixed to 
 “ them. And it is very probable, that they, apprehend- 
 “ ing their danger, if any fuch papers had been found a- 
 “ bout him writ in their hand, might prevail with him to 
 “ copy them out himfelf, though his lazinefs that way 
 “ made it certainly no eafy tiling to bring him to give 
 “ himfelf fo much trouble. He had talked over a great 
 “ part of them to my felf : So that as foon as I faw them, 
 
 “ I remembred his expreffions, and perceived that he had 
 “ made himfelf mader of the argument, as far as thole 
 “ papers could carry him. But the publilhing them fhewed 
 “ a want of judgment, or of regard to his memory in thofe 
 “ who did it: 1 or thegreated kindnefs that could be fhewn 
 “ to his memory, would have been, to let both his papers 
 “ and himfelf he forgotten.” 
 
 After feeing in this charafter, all that can be faid to the 
 d i fad vantage ot Charles II, the Reader doubtlefs will not be 
 difpleafed to behold the pidture of the fame Prince, drawn a 
 little differently Joy a very able band, 1 mean [John Sheffield] 
 
 Fail ot Mulgrave, who was no enemy to the King, or 
 the Royal Family. He has laboured this defeription with 
 all pofliblc care. I omit a fhort introduftion concerning the 
 Author, to come at once to the charafter of the King. 
 
 “ As to the King’s Religion, it was more Deifm than SocUug- 
 “ Popery ; which he owed more to the livelinefs of his w 0 Tks. 
 
 “ parts r. ** ? i}> 
 
Book XXIII. 26. C H A R L E S II 
 
 168^-5. “ parts, and careleffnefs of his temper, than either to 
 “ reading, or much confideration ; for his quicknefs of ap- 
 “ prehenfion, at firft view, could difeern through the fe- 
 veral cheats of pious pretences ; and his natural Jazinefs 
 <c confirmed him in an equal miftruft of them all, for fe..r 
 “ he fhould be troubled with examining which Religion was 
 “ beft. If in his early travels, and late adminiflration, he 
 “ feemed a little biaffed to one fort of Religion ; the firft 
 “ is only to be imputed to a certain eafinefs of temper, and 
 “ a complaifancc for that company he then was forced to 
 “ keep ; and the laft was no more than his being tired, 
 “ ( which he foon was in any difficulty, ) with thofe bold 
 “ oppolitions in Parliament, which made him almoft throw 
 “ himfelf into the arms of a Roman Cntholick party, fo 
 “ remarkable in England for their loyalty, who embraced 
 “ him gladly, and lulled him afleep with thofe enchanting 
 “ fongs of abfolute Sovereignty, which the beft and wifeft 
 “ of Princes are often unable to refift. And though he en- 
 “ gaged himfelf on that fide more fully, at a time when 
 t£ it is in vain, and too late to diflemble, we ought lefs to 
 * e wonder at it, than to confider that our very judgments 
 “ are apt to grow in time as partial as our affedions : And 
 “ thus, by accident only, he became of their opinion in 
 “ his weaknefs, who had fo much endeavoured always to 
 “ contribute to his power. He loved eafe and quiet; to 
 “ which his unnecellaiy wars arc fo far from being a con- 
 “ tradition, that they are lather a proof of it, fince they 
 “ were made chiefly to comply with thofe perfons, whole 
 “ diffatisfadion would have proved more uneafy to one of 
 “ his humour, than all that diftant noife of cannon, which 
 “ he would often liften to with a great deal of tranquillity. 
 
 “ Befides, the great and almoft only pleafure of mind lie 
 “ appeared addided to, was (hipping and fea-aftairs ; which 
 “ feemed to be fo much his talent both for knowledge as 
 “ well as inclination, that a war of that kind was rather an 
 “ entertainment, than any difturbance to liis thoughts. If 
 “ he did not go himfelf at the head of fo magnificent a 
 “ fleet, it is only to he imputed to that eagernefs of mili- 
 “ tary glory in his brother ; who, under the ftiew of a 
 “ decent care for preferving the royal perfon from danger, 
 
 “ engrofled all that fort of honour to himfelf, with as much 
 “ jealoufy of any other’s interpofing in it, as a King of 
 “ another temper would have had of his, though without 
 
 “ rcafon--—It is certain, no Prince was ever more fit- 
 
 “ ted by nature for his Country’s intereft, than he was in 
 “ all his maritime inclinations; which might have proved 
 “ fufficient advantage to this nation, if he had been as 
 “ careful in deprefling all fuch improvements in France, 
 
 11 as of advancing and encouraging our own: But it fee ms 
 “ he wanted jealoufy in all his inclinations, which leads us 
 44 to conlider him in his picafures: Where he was rather 
 “ abaudoned than luxurious ; and iike our female Liber- 
 “ tines, apter to be debauched for the fatisfadion of others, 
 
 “ '*han to feek with choice, where moft to pleafe himfelf. 
 
 <c I am of opinion alfo, that in liis latter time, there was as 
 4t much of iazinefs as of love, in all thofe hours he palled 
 “ among his miftrelles; who, after all, ferved only to fill 
 “ U P his Seraglio, while a bewitching kind of pleafure, 
 
 “ called Santering, and talking without any conftraint, was 
 “ the true Sultana Queen he delighted in. 
 
 “ He was furely inclined to juftice; for nothing elfe 
 “ would have retained him fo fait to the fucceffion of a 
 “ brother, againft a fon he was fo fond of, and the hu- 
 “ mour of a party which he fo much feared. I am wil- 
 ** hng alfo to impute to his juftice, whatever feems in fome 
 “ meafure to contradict the general opinion of his cle- 
 tc mency ; as his fuffering always the rigour of the law 
 “ t0 proceed, not only againft all Highwaymen, but alfo 
 “ feveral others, in whofe cafes the Lawyers, ( according 
 “ to their wonted cuftom ) had ufed fometimes a great 
 “ deal of hardfhip and feverity. His undemanding was 
 quick and lively in little things, and fometimes would 
 “ foar high enough in great ones, but unable to keep it 
 “ U P w ' t h an y long attention or application. Witty in 
 “ all lores of converfation ; and telling a ftory fo well, that 
 “ not oat of flattery, but for the pleafure of hearing it, 
 we ufed to feein ignorant of what he had repeated to 
 “ us ten times before, as a good comedy will bear the be- 
 ing feen often. Of a wonderful mixture; lofing all his 
 time, and till of late fetting his whole heart on the fair 
 fex, yet neither angry with rivals, nor in the leaft nice 
 “ as to their being beloved; and while he facrificed all 
 “ things to his Miftrelles, he would ufe to grudge and be 
 uneafy at their lofing a little of it again at play, though 
 “ never lb neceflary for their diverfion : Nor would he 
 “ venture five pounds at Tennis to thofe fervants, who 
 tl might obtain as many thoufands, either before he came 
 thither, or as foon as he left oft. Not fulfc to his word, 
 
 “ hut full of diffim il ation, and \<&rv aIriit a' 
 
 “ ni .n eafier to he imnof .1 on ; for his- ~ . r - 
 “ in cozening himfelf, by gaining a In ot- 
 “ it coft him ten times as much a not Ik*- - - 
 “ thofe perfons moil, who had deluded him the ot. 
 
 “ and yet the quickeft in the world at fpyi g f, ic h a 11 i- 
 “ cule in another. Familiar, eafy, and goo-J-n-itured j 
 “ hut for great offences fevere and inflexible : Alfo in one 
 “ week’s abfence, quite forgetting thofe fervants, to whole 
 “ haces he could hardly deny any thing. In the mid It of 
 “ all his remiffhefs, fo induftrious and indefatigable on fome 
 ‘ £ particular occafions, that no man would either toil longer 
 “ or be able to manage it better. 
 
 “ He was fo liberal, as to ruin his affairs bv it ; for 
 t£ want in a King of England, turns things juft upfide 
 “ down, and expofes a Prince to his people’s mercy. It 
 “ did yet worfe in him, for it forced him alfo to depend 
 “ on his great neighbour of France ; who played the bro- 
 “ with him lufficiently in all thofe times of extremity. 
 
 “ Yet this profufenefs of his did not fo much procet j from 
 “ his over-valuing thofe he favoured, as from his under- 
 “ valuing any fums of money which he did not fee ; 
 
 £e though he found his error in this, but I confefi; a li'. ie of 
 “ the lateft. He had fo natural an averfion to all forma- 
 “ lity, that with as much wit as moft Kings ever had 
 “ and with as majeftick a mein, yet he could not on pre- 
 “ meditation ad the part of a King for a moment, either 
 t£ at Parliament, or at Council, either in words or gefture ; 
 
 “ which carried him into the other extreme, more incon- 
 “ venient of the two, of letting all diftindion and cere- 
 “ mony fall to the ground, as ufelefs and foppifli. His 
 “ temper, both of body and mind, was admirable, which 
 “ 'nadc him an eafy generous lover, a civil obliging huf- 
 “ band, a friendly brother, an indulgent father, and a 
 “ good-natured mailer. If he had been as follicitous about 
 “ improving the faculties of his mind, as he was in (he 
 “ management of his bodily health; tliough, alas ! the 
 ££ one proved unable to make his life long, the ocher had 
 l£ not failed to have made it famous. He was an illuftrious 
 “ exception to all the common rules of Phyfiognomv : For 
 “ with a moft Saturnine harfh fore of countenance lie 
 ££ was both of a merry and merciful difpofition ; and in the 
 ££ laft thirty years of his life, as fortunate, as thofe of his 
 “ Father had been difmal and tumultuous. 
 
 “ If his death has Lean by fjme fufpeded of bein» 
 
 “ untimely, it may be partly imputed to his extreme healthy 
 “ conftitution, which made the world as much furprized 
 “ at his dying before threefcore, as if nothing but an ill 
 “ accident could have killed him. I would not fay any 
 “ ^‘ng on fo fad a fubjed, if I did not think filence itfel’f 
 “ would in fuch a cale fignify too much; and therefore, 
 
 “ as an impartial writer, I am obliged to obferve, that the 
 “ nioft knowing, and moft difeerning of his Phyficians 
 “ [ Dodor Short ] did not only believe him poifoned, but 
 “ thought himfelf fo too not long after, for having declared 
 “ his opinion a little too boldly. But here I muff needs 
 “ take notice of an unufual piece of juftice, which yet all 
 “ the world has almoft unanimoufly agreed in ; I mean 
 ££ in not fufpeding his fuccc-ffor of the leaft connivance in 
 “ fo horrid a viliany ; and perhaps there w<»s never a more 
 “ remarkable inftance of the wonderful power of truth and 
 “ innocence : For it is next to a miracle, that fo unfor- 
 “ tunate a Prince, in the midft of all thofe difadvantages he 
 “ lies under, fhould be j et cleared of this, even by his 
 “ greateft enemies; notwithftanding all thofe circumllan- 
 “ ces that ufed to give a fufpicion, and that extreme ma- 
 “ lice which has of late attended him in all his other 
 “ ad ions” (1). 
 
 After giving thefe different charadersof King Charles II, A Cowpari. 
 drawn by fuch able hands, I think my felf obliged to make-'"'" b “ wen 
 a fort of parallel, in order to affift the leader in the difeo- ‘.^CbaT 
 very of the truth. Dr. Burnet Bifhop of Salisbury was ai'"' 
 Scotchman. He had been educated amongft the Epifcopa- 
 lians, but however, was always accufcd of preferving a tinc¬ 
 ture of Presbytenanifm, the Religion of his Country, when 
 free to purfue its inclination. He is hkewife accufed of 
 having been entirely in the Whig party. In fhort, he had 
 no reafon to bepleafed with either Charles II, or JamesU, 
 and therefore we muff read with caution whatever he fays, 
 not reconcileable with the known a&ions of Charles il’ 
 or exprefsly contradi£led by others. 
 
 It is not difficult to difeover, that Burnet's picture of 
 Charles II. is very much charged. The painter has ftronoJv 
 drawn all the lines, which he thought might beget a like'- 
 nefs between the pi&ure and the original, without any re¬ 
 gard to the reputation of this Piince. It is even feen,' that 
 poffibiy he fpoke with prejudice, and by this prejudice, w-as 
 led to credit too lightly what he had received upon hearfay 
 
 (i) R. Ctke fays, That King Cbjrlei left the Nation m^re vitiated a 
 cn.y l>|uar.dered away the ancient Revenues ot theCrown, when were 
 fine Difcoid, but lclt luch a Deb: upcis it as never before was heard of 
 
 nd debauched in their Manners, than 
 elleemed (acred, and which fiimilJ have 
 , nor contused by fuch means. Tom. 
 
 ver it was by any ocher King ; having nnt 
 fuppnrted it agaiiid foreign Foice and intef- 
 li. p. 310- 
 
 to 
 
Voi. IT. 
 
 7+0 
 
 16 i? 4- 5. 
 
 The h i sro r r 
 
 9 
 
 to the Kind’s difadvautage. For inftance, what he affirms, 
 that Charles, after the battle of Worcejltr, fln-wed a tem¬ 
 per fo carelefs, that he was then diverting himfelf with 
 trifles in as unconcerned a manner, as it he had fultained 
 no lofs, and been in no danger at all, appears to me a 
 little aggravated. It is not even probable, that the bilhop 
 could be informed of the King’s adtions at that time, y 
 eye-witnelles. When he fays, the King had great vices, 
 but fcarce any virtues to correct them, this plainly appears 
 to be the language of paffion and prejudice VVhen he 
 fays again, the King never forgave any thing that was 
 done againft himfelf, this mull be aggravated hor if he 
 was mercilefs to the Lord Rujfel, Colonel Sidney, Sir Tho¬ 
 mas Armjlrong, and fome others, it cannot from thence be 
 inferred, that he never forgave. Such expreffions excep- 
 ted, which difeover fome paffion in the author, the relt ot 
 Charles ll’s charadter is true in general. I his I believe, 
 becaufc I find it agreeable to the hiftory of his reign, and 
 becaufe the Earl of Mulgrave has in his pidfure drawn the 
 fame lines with Dr. Burnet , to exprefs his likenels. All 
 the difference between thefe two authors, is, that in the 
 Biftiop’s pidture, the principal lines are ftrongly expreiied, 
 and much foftned in the Earl’s. 
 
 The Earl of Mulgrave , afterwards Marquifs of Nor¬ 
 mandy, and then Duke of Buckingham/hire, was entirely in 
 the Tory-party, and if common report may be credited, 
 his Religion, like that of Charles II, was Deifrn. In his 
 defeription of this Prince, he denies not the general fufpi- 
 cion of his being poifoned. Burnet fays alfo the fame thing. 
 The Earl infifts that the Duke of York was not fulpedled 
 of the lead connivance at fo horrid a villany. 1 he fame 
 is likewife to be found in Burnet. If the la ft fays, King 
 Charles was a Papift, this is not denied by the Earl. He 
 only imputes it to two caufes, firlt, to a complatfance for 
 the company he was forced to keep in his exile ; anJ ,e ‘ 
 condly, to the oppofition he met with in Parliament, which 
 threw him into the arms of the Papilb. If the hilt of 
 thefe caufes be true, the fccond cannot be fo, imee the 
 King was not twice a Papift. Befides, the oppofitions m 
 Parliament were paitly owing to a belief, that he deligne 
 to introduce Popery. 
 
 oj h N G L A N L> 
 
 Burnet favs Charles was ir.cap h!e of air, - applicatitn. 
 The Earl f’a\s the fame. The B.fiu.p ll.vs, the Ivi j w„s 
 for rendering himfelf abfolute. if the bail fa vs it net in 
 exprefs term*, he fufficitHtly intimates it, by Lying, That 
 the Roman Catholick party lulled him ajleep with tie en¬ 
 chanting Jongs of Sovei eignlj and Pr erogaUve. Bure,t fay-, 
 the King was apt to forgive all cibrief, but never (or o.ve 
 any thing that was done againlt himfelf. The Earl prulcs 
 his clemency, and fays, he was eaj'y and good-natured :n 
 trifles, but in great ajfairs Jevere and inflexible. This may 
 be the Bifhop’s meaning expreiied in oilier words. 
 
 The ftories which the King loved to talk over, are 
 in both charadlers. The only difference is, that Burnet 
 favs, the company grew weary of them, and the Earl favs, 
 the hearers were pleafed with the repetition. But the 
 raillery of the Earl of Rocheflcr turns the balance for the 
 Bilhop. 
 
 Burnet fays, Charles engaged in two wars againft Hol¬ 
 land, without any colour, and the Earl calls thefe wars un 
 necejjary. 
 
 Burnet fays, he contributed to the raifing of the cyeat- 
 nefs of France at fea, and the Eail fays, he was not luffi- 
 ciently careful to deprefs the maritime improvements of 
 Franee, and that here he wanted jealoul'y. Is not this 
 much the fame thing ? 
 
 In fhort, let thefe two pictures be compared with all 
 poffible exadtnefs, and they will both be found very like- , 
 but that the two painters had different views, and pui/bcd 
 different methods. The one p repo fed to exprefs ftrongly 
 the lines which might moft contribute to a refemblance 
 with the original, without regarding the beauty of the pic¬ 
 ture in itfelf. The other, without omitting the fame lines, 
 which could not be done and the likenefs preferved, has 
 taken all poffible care to foften them, in order to hide, as 
 much as lay in his power, the deformities of the original. 
 In a word, the one has given us an ugly, and the other a 
 beautiful likenefs. This doubtlefs, induced the Earl to fup- 
 prefs feveral ftrokes of his pencil, which might have im¬ 
 proved the refemblance, but would have been prejudicial to 
 the ciul he prepofed in his work (r). 
 
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 ot Sir Wiliam Piuitney. 2. > j . m , r| j cc i jf (cr his Death to Sir lb-- mas Hanmer Bart. 3. Geir-^e Fttz-R:y Duke of A cr- 
 
 Wit* w*. //.«. D.u 6 fc.*,ofH,».>*.J^E.Hofv9' j £ . 6 , ^ A „ f ,, = br „, 
 
 tb umber land, bo _ rn December Rg y boi n Srptemb.r 166+, married February ao, 1676 7, to Sir Edward Henry Lee Eail of Lntfeld. 
 
 who biwmcj^Nun^at^^ ^ Albans, born May 8, 1670, who marr ed Dana Kre, eld, (I Daughter 
 
 Lennird Earl of Suffix. _ irarec 
 
 6. Barbara born July .6, « 6 7 *. bt “™ e J ( J ' 0 7 St. W/W,'born May 8, 1670, who marred Duna Kre, eld. ft Daughter ai 
 
 s- *r BU r r ZH" Jo t; l.%L. bILm bo,» u.Lt,..-., *6 7 *. h., h i. 
 
 iXlhZld. fTlhhn. Duchcfs of rJjmai, cLlu L,.„ Dsl* .f bc*s .67*, whs died Mo, , 
 
 ... . . ^ 1 y*' *, _u.—. ..f F. iHdi* f.f.r* I Rrudenel. 
 
 ind Cuhelrefj of 
 
 , 1723- His 
 
 Wife was Ann, eHeft Daughter of Francis L'rd B’udenil. 
 
 t. By Mis. Mary Dauii, Mary Tudcr, born Ociobtrl6, 1673, 
 p.639, &c. f b bei rebuilt after the gicat Fiie, in fo handfnm and well-cor 
 
 ^ ^ ^ ^ ,nd “ * 
 at Cbelfea, was founded. _ ... /.it cilver Moneys were coined into the fame pieces, and at the fame rat 
 
 j'is“... c™.«,c*,*,., 
 
 married in Auguji 16S7, to Francis Lord Ratc-'jf Earl of Dcrwei.twater. See SandftrJ, 
 
 ved a rarnner, as hath 
 , (hat the Royal tkpita/ 
 
 Gold and Silver Moneys 1 
 
 22d ot King Charles II. 
 
 for Ten Shillings, Twenty Shillings. Forty Shillings, 
 
 1 the 2d Charles I. 
 
 ■ - P+rrs '0 eo for Ten Snmings, a wemy oh..i.ii B ', . u..; 6 ., «. . .. F. .imis a-p;tce; a: 
 
 coined into 4+ !• 10 s. by tale , nam y, • .... “ . namely into Crowns, Hail-Crowns, Shilling’, Halt (hillings Grua'i 
 
 S iver of the old Standard into three Pounds two Siblings by U.e , namely 
 Hall-lixpences. Half-groats, and Pence. 
 
 i a P. und of 
 Half-groats, 
 
 eu-- Charles II was of three Sorts: The l^mmer’d, which was the only current Coin, till 1663 ; The mil ed ,.p-n the fide . Ardtha 
 
 The Mone y of K ng O U- _ The ^ Monev tlla , bot9 the name of this King, was e. in'd at Pontjrae, Call e ; r. und which is incr.b d 
 
 with the Cl raining or Let.es p . fide of the middle Tower Is PC Reveife. a Crown, with CP- DUM. SPlXO- hPhKO- ACr_.an hath 
 
 CAROLVS. SECVNDVb. ib+S ^o^ h rex, ln the Field, HANC. DEVS. DEDIT. 1648. Reverie, P C. Auove thc Laftk POST.MOR- 
 CAR0LVS1L D.G. MAG - F E the hamme Fd Money in general, he i, reprefented with the Halt-Face, Cmwn a " J rT£tO AUSPlCE'^iEG^ 
 TF.M. PATRlo. 1 iCU. r i _ t* Rcverfe, the Arms in one Shield, not cruwn d , with his Father 1 Motto, CHI.IblO ALir.Lt. i.ti. 
 
 O G. MAG. BRIT- FR; ET. • R • he Kin •, Head Laureat, with a youthful Countenance. Reverfe, the Arms in a l.nfl; Shield, crown d 
 
 NO -- The Gt 'I c vT r mWORDU REGNA. Another has XX behind the head. On the Money called Cumn the Legend goes quite round the 
 
 Ktwcen C- R- FLOREN’T CONCORDIA f ome the un -mili’d Cuinea, the King’s head extending to the Rim, w.thout .he Hgu.es 
 
 H „ d . it CAR. 1>. G. M. BR, FR. ET. HI. REX. Rtmf. » «•»»» -“>• Tkt f *“ P "“”* 
 
 behind the Head, anu en. 
 
[ 74-1 ] 
 
 1684-5 
 
 The Duke < 
 York is 
 proclaimed 
 King. 
 
 Feb. 6. 
 Gazettes 
 TJ° 2006, 
 Echard, 
 
 < Tbe King's 
 Declaration 
 to the 
 Council. 
 Gazette?. 
 N°. zoo6. 
 Kennet. 
 p. 420. 
 
 Every Body 
 
 ,i pteajed 
 
 Gazettes. 
 
 Kennet. 
 
 Burnet. 
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 BOOK XXIV. 
 
 The Reign of King James II, from his Acceffion to the Throne, to the Eftallijhment of King 
 William and Queen Mary; Containing the fpace of four years and feven days. 
 
 27. JAMES II. 
 
 w 
 
 I T H IN a few hours after Charles II. had 
 refigned his laft breath, his brother the Duke 
 of York was proclaimed King in London , by 
 the name of James II. Having feen 
 how the Government was fettled for fome 
 years paft, we muft not think it ftrange, there' was no en¬ 
 deavors, either in London or any other part of the King¬ 
 dom, to oppofe the new King. Of the two parties in 
 England , that againft the Bill of Exclufion was triumphant, 
 and the other entirely broken and opprefled. The accef- 
 lion of James II. to the Crown, was a frefh occafion of 
 triumph to the former, and notwithftanding the fears ex- 
 . prefled by the other party, about a Catholick Succeflor, 
 they who had fupported his intereft, endeavoured to repre- 
 fent the late change, as the greateft of bleflings to the Eng- 
 lijh nation. The King, on his part, omitted nothing that 
 lay in his power to confirm the good opinion his friends 
 had of his virtue and fincerity. As foon as the Lords were 
 returned to Whitehall , from proclaiming the King, he 
 aflembied the Privy-Council, and made the following 
 Speech: 
 
 My Lords , 
 
 “ T 3 Efore I enter upon any other bufinefs, I think fit 
 “ to fay fomething to you. Since it hath pleafed Al- 
 “ mighty God to place me in this ftation, and I am now 
 “ to fucceed fo good and gracious a King, as well as fo very 
 “ kind a brother, I think it fit to declare to you, that I 
 “ will endeavour to follow his example, and moil efpecially 
 “ in that of his great clemency and tendernefs to his Peo- 
 “ P^ e - I have been reported to be a man for arbitrary 
 “ Power; but that is not the only ftory has been made of 
 “ nie ; and I fhall make it my endeavour to preferve this 
 “ Government both in Church and State, as it is now by 
 “ law eftablifhed. I know the principles of the Church of 
 “ England are for Monarchy, and the members of it have 
 “ fhewed themfelves good and loyal Subje&s, therefore I 
 cc fhall always take care to defend and fupport it. I know 
 “ too, that the laws of England are fufficient to make the 
 “ King as great a Monarch as I can wifh; and as I fhall 
 “ never depart from the juft Rights and Prerogative of the 
 tc Crown, fo I fhall never invade any man’s property. I 
 “ have often heretofore ventured my life in defence of this 
 “ Nation, and I fhall ftill go as far as any man in prclerving 
 “ it in all its juft Rights and Liberties.” 
 
 This Speech being addrefled to a Council wholly com- 
 pofed of perfons devoted to the King, was received with 
 
 great applaufe. His Majefty was defired that it might be , ' 
 printed, and difperfed among the people, which was im¬ 
 mediately done. Moreover, great care was taken to cxiol 
 the King’s extreme affe&ion for his fubjetfts ; and, above Ji, 
 his ftriift obfervance of his word and faith was fo induftri- 
 oufly propagated, that fome counting it impoihble for the 
 King to promife what he did not intend to perform, bc-an E h : 
 to give him the name of Janes the. Jujl, as if to lay and ,1L r ' ' 
 to do, were in him one and the fame thing. 
 
 The next day, the King pubiifhcd a proclamation, de- 2 fwy ■■ 
 daring, that all perfons who ai the late King’., decci fe were ‘ 
 poflefled ^of any office, fhoujd be continued in the fame, c * 
 till the King’s plealurc was further known. He declared, 
 moreover, that all orders and directions given by the late p 
 King’s Privy Council, fhould be obeyed and performed, is 
 if he were ftill alive. This is a clear evidence of me coeat 
 influence that the King, when Duke ol York, had m the 
 counfels of the King his brother. Upon his com.ng to the ■’ 
 
 Crown, he made no change^, either in the Council, or in " 
 the chief places of truft, a plain fign that he locked u-v.i 
 the poflellors as his creatures. And indeed, fince his retu. n 
 from Scotland , he had properly governed the Kingdom 1 
 his brother’s name. This being known to all, might have 
 fhown with what intention he promifed to preferw the Fro- 
 teftant Religion, and the rights of the Subject, fine no 
 man could be ignorant, that he was the principal aud or of 
 the plots in the late reign, againft Religion, and the liber¬ 
 ties of the nation. But the Tories, who wee then hit lily 7be 7 „ 
 exalted, were willing to fliut their eyes, and not fee^ the« - 
 
 danger the Proteftant Religion was in, under a King who '7 
 was fo zealous a Papift. The King’s bare word waf fuffi- 
 cient to calm all their uneafinefs on that account. As for 
 arbitrary power, which began to be introduced in the late 
 reign, far from being frighted at it, they rather confidered 
 it as an effectual means to keep their adverfaries, the Whigs, 
 in fubjeCtion. Had they known or forefeen to what height 
 James was refolved to carry his power, they would, doubt- 
 leis, have had other thoughts. But they imagined, things 
 would always remain as they were, that is, in a fituation 
 to them very advantagious. 
 
 Molt of the Hiftorians reprefent as furprizing, the King’s tog** 
 going publickly to Mafs two days after his acceffion to the P ub -« 
 Crown. But I cannot fee any reafon for this furprize. £'rd. 
 Since the year 1670, no man had been ignorant, that the Hi. p.' 7 j*. 
 Duke of York was a Catholick. On this account he had R Coke * 
 refigned the office of Lord High-Admiral, and in the p ' 326 ‘ 
 following years, the Bill of Exclufion, which caufed 
 
 Pounds, and Forty Shilling Pieces, have the King’s Head laureat, CAROLUS II. DEI. GRATIA. Reverie the 
 four feparale Shields crowned, a Scepter in each of the vacancier, with a Rofc, Fleur-de-lis, Th.ftle. and Harp at ti 
 
 the renter. MAC. RR. FRA FT Win O 17 V ,i • C-.,... __ ’ _ 41 11 
 
 DECUS. 
 
 e cenrer. MAG. F,R. FRA. ET. HIB. REX. 1673. u i’ ' 
 
 This King was the fi.ft that coined C,vj:' £ as and Half Guineas, whicn he did 
 the H.If guineas at Ten Shillings. As they are in evciy body’s hanos, there is r 
 Money, the Shilling is very fair, a d has a Crown for the Mint rn.uk. Of thele there 
 wants; as aifo the inner Circle. ( Fi?. 1.) The Si: 
 
 Pounds, and Forty Shilling Piece.-, „ave use sv.ng s mean .aureat, CAHULUS II. DEI. GRATIA. Reverfe, the Arms of the four Kingdoms, fugle in 
 
 d Harp at the Points, and the Cs. interlink'd in 
 TVTAMEN. ANNO. REGNI. VICESJMO. QUINTO. 
 :r. lus 22d year. The Guineas were ordered togo at Twenty Shillings' 
 o need of giving a further defeription of them. Of the hammer'd Siiver- 
 there aie two forts, one w th XII. behind the Head, whi.h the other 
 longs but have VI. mftcad of XIL The leller Pieces from the Groat to the 
 
 .. ^ " 1 want the Figures. Th : s 
 
 - - . -- - -1 having a Role under ihr* 
 
 . „ . • . , DEI GRA. Reverfe, MAG BR. FRA ET. HIB REX. 1662. The A.m s 
 
 f and England qu rfered trgetner In the firft and fourth : Each Shield is crown'd : between them are Cs in 
 . no “ ■ . ne center; upon the rim DEC VS. ET. TUTAMEN. (Fir. t.) The Wj/f-CrwH , r e like the Own. 
 
 "NffuTL: K 77Yr7!; n :;',rC'?c‘ t^'r*'*?:^**"* 
 
 The Six-pence^ is like the Shilling. The Groat has four Cs. interlink'd, with a Role, Thhllc! p'lcu r de lis^and HarpVn theVacandes.* 1 The 
 ibex Fartbtng coin d, o. rare Cupper, hav„;g on the Reverfe, QVATVOR. MARIA. VJNDICO. Exergue BRITANNIA. But fhefe were called in to 
 
 p, nnv * , r , O 1, • j c 1 , , , EUl ,,1v - v ‘- >"»«« of All. 1 he lelier Pieces fron 
 
 h,rni’ ' It : d , a h F . cu,l ‘' M11 ’ 1!I ' "• '• behnd lhc Heart ; except upon fome of the Two per.es, which want 
 
 r thc ^ c «»^ - U f C 0 f tw« the, c 5s a f» r c«««, EL 
 
 K-n s Head-aureat, from thence called theRofe-Crown, CAROLVS il. DEI GRA. Reverfe. MAG BR. FRA ET. HIP. rfy. 
 
 of the Four Kingdoms in four Shields, 
 terlink’d, ai.d St. George's Crofs r, 
 
 pleafe the French Ki 
 
 No. LXXXL 
 
 Vo 14 II. 
 
 9 B 
 
 three 
 
r ±2 
 
 M ' 5 ■ 
 
 Cu/h n,| ar.d 
 Dxna < ■” 
 
 they are 
 fr-.r.ird. 
 
 Feb. 16. 
 
 N®. aoog. 
 Wclwod. 
 Burnet, 
 p.6n. 
 
 R. Coke. 
 
 lit pub/: ‘I'll 
 
 King nvas a 
 P apt ft. 
 
 P . 4*3. 
 Burnet. 
 Echa'rd. 
 lil. p. 731 
 
 Eehud. 
 P- 732 - 
 
 Tie late 
 Kind's Fu 
 
 Sind ford. 
 G’zrrtes 
 Iv'° »oo8. 
 
 j 
 
 the vacant 
 Platet 
 
 Kennet. 
 p. 421. 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 three Parliament' to be tlifiblvcd, had diffidently taught the 
 Eve If this truth. Where then could the wonder be, to 
 fee i.i •> ,;o to Mall', being King, fir.ee lor the la ft fourteen 
 yean be had not concealed his Religion, though he had run 
 the rifcjue of foifeiting his right to the Crown? 
 
 t gave more juft caufe f furpi iae, was, his re¬ 
 quiring by Rrodjmation the fame week, that the culloms, 
 and other duties which iiad been granted to the King his 
 brother, only for life, fhould be continued to be collec¬ 
 t'd (1). This was a manifeft invafion of the nation’s 
 1 could not be ignorant) that an 
 incroachment of me 'fame nature had occahoned a great 
 conteft between the King his father and the Parliament, 
 and that this conteft produced the Petition of Right. And 
 yet, he not only undertook the fame thing, but ufed alfo 
 • reafons with C arles I, which were fo little fa- 
 t is factory to the Parliament. His proceedings were the more 
 furprizinT, as he affe&ed to take by authority, what he 
 knew would not be refufed by the Parliament, conftdering 
 the prefent difpolition of the Kingdom. Though his 
 friends endeavoured to excufe this condudt, it made im- 
 prclfion upon many of both parties, who had no good opi¬ 
 nion of a reign which began in this manner. This gave 
 occafion to fear, that the new King’s promifes were not fo 
 firmly to be relied on, as was pretended. 
 
 Another ftep the King made at the fame time, and, as 
 it feems, without any neceflity, was to caufe it to he pub- 
 lilhed, and attefted by Father Huddltjion a Prieft, that 
 Charles 11 . died a Catholick, and that the fame Prieft 
 gave him the Eucnarift and Extreme Unrftion. Huddle- 
 Jhn puhlilhed withal a lit'ie Treatife, called, a Jhort and 
 plain wav to the Faith and Church ,• which treatife, the au¬ 
 thor affirms, made great impreffions upon the mind of 
 King Charles , in the year 1651, immediately after the 
 battle of JVorccfler , fo that he declared, he had not feen 
 any thing more plain and clear upon the fubjeff ; and the ar¬ 
 guments drawn from fucceffion were fo conclufive , he did not 
 conceive how they could be denied. Moreover, at the fame 
 time, fames ordered two papers to be publilhed, found in 
 the King his brother’s ftrong box, written with his own 
 hand, b. th tending to prove the neceffity of a vifible 
 Church and guide, in matters of faith (3). To confirm 
 that Charles II, was really a Catholick, Mr. William 
 Chaffinch , Keeper of the King’s clofet, made no fcruple 
 to Ihow a little chapel annexed to the clofet, where the 
 King went fecretly to Mafs. It is hard to conceive, what 
 great advantage it could be to fames , to divulge fuch a fe- 
 cret, confidering the injury he did the late King’s reputa¬ 
 tion, who had fo frequently and folemnly affirmed in full 
 Parliament, that he was a good Proteftant, and had pofi- 
 tivc iv promifed to maintain the Proteftant Religion to the 
 utmoft of his power. As fames thereby manifeftly Ihowed, 
 the infincerity of his brother, he fhould, it feems, have 
 feared, it would be inferred, there was no more reafon to 
 confide in his own promifes. 
 
 The Funeral of Charles II. was folemnized on the 14th 
 of February at night. It may eafily be judged, it was 
 not very expenfive, fince eight days were fufficient for the 
 preparations. It is obfervable, that Charles II. had neg- 
 ledted after his reftoration to folemnize his Father’s Fune¬ 
 ral, on pretence that his body could not be found in Wind- 
 for Chapel, the place where it it was interred, as the Lord 
 Clarendon fays in his Hiftory. But as it would have been 
 eafy to fearch the whole Chapel, it is more likely, the rea¬ 
 fon of that negletft was the charges of a funeral, though 
 Charles II. had received for that purpofe from the Parlia¬ 
 ment the fum of feventy thoufand pounds. For the fame 
 reafon, probably, fames caufed his Brother to be buried with 
 little pomp, though Charles left him ninety thoufand gui¬ 
 neas in a box. 
 
 Two days after, the King ordered the Privy-Counfel- 
 lors and great officers of the Crown and Houfhold to be 
 fworn, and at the fame time filled the vacant places. The 
 office of Lord-Treafurer, vacant fince the year 1679 by 
 
 if ENG L A N D. Vol. II. 
 
 the refignation of the Earl of Danny, was conferred on 16S4-.- 
 Laurence Hyde Earl of Rochejler the King’s Brother in¬ 
 law; Henry Earl of Clarendon elder Brother to the Ft i 
 of Rack filer, was made Lortf Privy-Seal; and ihorge Sa¬ 
 v'd Marquifs of Halifax , Prefident of the C up i! 
 
 In the mean time, the Counties, Cities, Bormghs, and rj ._ 
 
 Univerfities were employed in preparing congratulator) • 
 
 addrefles to the King, upon his acceffion to the Crown. ' c . " 
 
 Thefe addrefles, for the moft part, took notice of the 
 King’s pofitive declaration to the Privy-Council, to main¬ 
 tain the Church of England and the liberties of the Nation. 
 
 But there were two amongft others very remaikable. 
 
 The firft from the Barrifters and Students of the Middle- ■/; • ■ 
 Temple , wherein “ with the d cepe ft fenfe of gratit.de they 
 “ acknowledged his Majefty’s great goodnefs, in extending ' i,.^* 
 c ‘ his royal care of the Government to the prefervation of N" : . C t5. 
 
 “ the Cuftoms, which had been continually received by K 1 aet - 
 <c his royal predeceflors for feme hundreds of years, and p ~ tZO ' 
 
 never queftioned by any Parliament, unlefs in that 
 {< wherein were fown the feeds of rebellion againft the 
 “ King his Father (5).” They concluded with faying, 
 
 <c May there never want millions as loyal as we are to fa- 
 ‘ c crifice their lives and fortunes in defence of your facred 
 “ perfon and prerogative in its full extentAnd promi¬ 
 fed that they would endeavour the choice of fuch represen¬ 
 tatives for the enfuing Parliament, as would not only con¬ 
 cur in fettling a revenue to fupport the Government as 
 formerly, but alfo fhow an entire confidence in his Majef- 
 ty. The addrefs from the County o iSuffolk had thefewords: 
 
 ‘ l We are every day making fteps towards your Majefty’s from Suffolk. 
 “ grandeur, by our care for fending fit representatives to c,J/ "" C5 ' 
 
 “ a Parliament, that we hope will no more endure Exdu- 
 “ ders than a late one did Abhorrers.” The Quakers al¬ 
 fo prefenled an addrefs to the King, wherein they faid : 
 
 “ Whereas it hath pleafed Almighty God, ( by whom 
 “ Kings reign ) to take hence the late King Charles the 
 tc Second , and to preferve thee peaceably to fucceed ; we 
 “ thy fubjects heartily defire, that the giver of all good 
 “ and perfect gifts, may pleafe to endue thee with wifdom 
 “ and mercy in the ufe of thy great power, to his glory, 
 
 “ the King’s honour, and the Kingdom’s good. And it 
 “ being our fincere refolution, according to our peaceable 
 “ principles and converfation (by the affillance of Al- 
 ‘‘ mighty God ) to live peaceably and honeftly, as becomes 
 “ true and faithful fubje£ls, under the King’s government, 
 
 “ and a confcientious people that truly fear and ferve God : 
 
 “ We do humbly hope, that the King’s tendernefs will 
 “ appear and extend with his power to exprefs the 
 “ fame” (6).-- 
 
 The King’s and Queen’s Coronation was celebrated the 
 23d of April , St. George's day, patron of the Order of the T l^ 
 Garter. Though fuch a ceremony cannot be folemnized s^ u f,„ 
 without pomp, it was obferved, the King retrenched (eve- <rcrwmi. 
 ral things which caufed a needier expence, as for inftance “ 
 the Cavalcade from the Tower to Wcjhninjler , wife 1 -is -.• 
 wont to be performed the day before the Coronation, :a- ' n,, K 
 
 ving thereby a charge of fixty thoufand pounds. But Echard* 
 fume authors are to be credited, the moft confiderable re- m. v , 734. 
 trenching was in the words of the Coronation oath, out 
 of which, they pretend, feveral material things were ftruck 
 without fpecifying the particulars. Others maintain, it is 
 an afperfion on Archbifhop Sancroft , who is fuppofed, 
 without foundation, to have confented to the abridging 
 of the oath. As I have feen no proof on either lide, 1 
 forbear to decide. Thus much is certain, the Crown not 
 being fit for the King’s head, was often in a tottering 
 condition and like to fall off. Mr. Henry Sidney fupport- EchawJ. 
 incr it once with his hand, pleafantly told the King, This ibid. 
 is not the firJl time our Family hath fupported the Crown (7). 
 
 The people reckoned this an ill omen to the King, as 
 another thing which happened the fame day. In one of 
 the Churches in London , the King’s arms painted in a 
 glafs-window fuddenly fell down and broke in pieces, 
 while the reft of the window was ftandmg, without a 
 
 1) Another Proclamation was put out for levying the additional Excife, Which had been given to the late King only for hie There w>s a Clauf? n this 
 Adi, that empowered the Trealury to make a farm of it for three year?, w thouc adding a limiting claule, in c.ne it inonid be f> Jong doe. Ana n w..s 
 thought a ercat flreich of the claule, to make a fraudulent farm, hy which it fhould continue to be leviid three>eai5 af er it was deicrrr.inrd, accoroing to the 
 Letter and ntent of the Act. A farm was now brought oat, as made during the King's life, though it was well known, that no luch (arm had been made, 
 for it wis made alter h:i death, but a falfe date put to it. Burnet, p. 622. 
 
 p It was an . pen v:. Iition of our fundamental conflitution, by which no money can be levied on the Subject, but by their canfent in Parliament, at. 
 
 Dr U'tinur.d rightly obferves, p. ■ 3S- 
 
 (3) The Duke of Om-.r.J. befides the King's atteftatinn, declared the papers to he King Cbar/ti s own hand. 
 
 (4 The Duke of Be:ut:rt svis made Lord Prefident of lYtthi, The Lord .irhngt-in Lord High Chamberlain. The Du cr of Ormcn.l Lord ^reward .1 the 
 H 1 rhe Lord Godolfbm Lord Chamberlain to the Queen; the Lord Vili Neuq Trea ' '• 
 
 l- :.et ; Htr.’\ Si-vi! Vice-1 himberlain ; Htr.ry Bu/t.'ey Maher of the Houl’chold ; Sir bt'pbtn box, Sir ll'till am Borentan, Sir It .-...n Ccur, t ana Sir 
 Ruejr.i ..f.t, Clerks and Cbimptrolleri of the Green-C nih. Kennet p. 421. 
 
 i te n of t 1 lei .: the King far fe'zing the Cuftoms, alledged by thofe Gentlemen, was, 11 That Th^u'a: ds would be ruined that had paid 
 it i.'.ii m ; n the late King's 1'ime, ir the Culloms were rot leved, and by an excrlTive Exporta'ion and Imp nation Cullom-f.ee, th.t Branch, of the 
 
 ifa e for Come '.Tan tc com..” Not conftdering that Entries might be made ar.d Bonds taken, to os ;oed when ,:.e 
 
 Afl fer granting them fhould pa's. 
 
 thet . rei fron We/fi Bifiiry of tbe Qaaien. Rapin has wrongly followed Febnrd, and given it as follows, “ We are come to 
 .... of ■ trlet, and 1 ■ - " not of the perftufihn 
 
 1 we; therefore we hop thon wil wh - eft thy felf 
 
 7 N’r. X jury, who was a terwards Earl of Rurrr.ty in King IVtl!.ant's Re'gn, was cni of the principal Inftruments 11 the Down'al of King James, and 
 one or ill: full that went aid joined the Prince of Orjr^t. Rapin, 
 
 poifibility 
 
Bock XXIV. 
 
 27. J A M E S II. 
 
 7 ft- 
 
 
 tb* Lord 
 
 Commif- 
 
 J^‘ r 'b 
 
 K u !'ao31 
 
 Gazettes. 
 
 ibid. 
 
 S. poffibiiity of difcovering why that part fliould fall fooner dious tn .he 
 
 ttan the reft (■). Chou:JtotheK'iig, the Pap,ft s , and the prevailing party. ,6Sc. 
 
 1 he fanie Jay that the King was crowned at London, 7/j°h 7 ? ' Clr tr y a [ s - Bile firft was the famous 
 
 •he i ’arliament of S«/W met at Edinburgh, William witness I [l >e poptth pic, and one of the 
 
 Dv.tylX.k, ofV*,' being Lord High-Commif- Hc *■■»« 
 
 fioner. This Lord was entirely in the King’s party, but not firmin' iL „!!£ T?i 1 ° f h “ ev ' <le " ce ’ " amc| y. for nf- 
 5 ' lit ftich a manner as to pretend to facrificc to him the Protef- f u i t T ^ 1 he , Wa * P’ cfcnt at the grand G>n- 
 
 tant Religion and his Country's liberties. Before he left Lon- * r 1 * * 4th f l6?8 ? where > as *e 
 
 dm m order lor Scotland, he told the King plainly, he Secondly ’ fTw refoutl ° n k ' ],,n £ the King was taken. 
 
 '•** •otengngs to fern him in any thing hit what (hnuiJ fuit r T"?’ 'hat Father Inland an executed Je- 
 
 b. aureeable to the Laws , whereupon the King protefted wo rmfor n„. n n ^'u To “"*« him of thefe 
 •■> hi- he had no intention to make any breach either in Tuftice 7 J . ■ be „ was br0 “Sh' before Ciiief- 
 llie efta billed Religion or the Laws. . , lj IeS at tbe Kings-Beruh Bar, the 8th and 
 
 U The K ■ .'S letter to the Scotch Parliament ran, “ That L i„ ,h» ' 68S 'r * 7 , ' i‘ av f J in, P l >' f P° km of 'his maI - 
 
 • the man; experiences he had of the loyalty and exem- what has hrelf •l° f ,) C roj*''k Ir ’ * ^ 1,01 re P cat 1 e 
 11 plary lorwatdnefs of that antient Kingdom, by their t j,e "a„ 7 but con . fine m X lelt t0 htow 
 
 “ teprefeniatives alfembled in Parliament in the reign of T„ rh _ e u. , rewltb 0a,u wa '- "ml and condei td. 
 
 “ his Brother, made him defirous to call them together read [ f P 3Ce ’ '"’O'cdtately atrer the ind«ftment was 
 
 “ in the beginning of his reign, to give them an opportu- General rSir jE /7 wa i hcaid ’ t ' c A torne y- fv'V’s'" 
 
 nuy not only ot fhewing their duty, but alfo to be ex- Oates was one efih & /Tr ""S* \ Sp! ‘ h deda ™g’ ’ F ' 
 
 “ emplary to others in their demonftrations of their atpec- upon ,A a. f ™ ptattO Impoflors that ever did appear 
 “ tion to his perfon, and compliance with his defires. That T. ■„« t. u j >n this kingdom or any other i...tion. 
 
 “ which he had to propofe to them at this time, was what one of the Z ^/Ir’ ?'!f Attorney-Gi era) had been 
 ;; Wasas their fafety as his Service, and tad a tap,ole Oa £sev dtace * “ ' 67# * “ fup “* aad 
 
 greater tendency to fecure their own privileges and proper- . Twenfv Wl. it ' r cm, 
 
 “ hes, than the aggrandizing his power, which however hi who fwore dial df* & ° m St 0mr " ^ p 11 :clJ * 
 
 “ Wl “ r ‘filved to maintain in its griateft Lujire, that he might p r il 1678 ’ at eta “ 1 ' " C 2 ' ' *• 
 
 “ b ‘ ,hc "»r‘ ‘"Med to defend and proteit their Religion as d, e „ ra „ 7 d confulr 17 ^ t" ' l,l: W “ s l’ ref '"' at 
 
 “ ‘JlMiJhed by law , and their rights and properties, againjl f cs |f aJ denofed rh r “ obfer '-' hle > ,lm tl ,i ie very witnef- 
 phanatieal (2) contrivances, murderers, ajaffins (3), had no 6; ?’ and 'hat the Jury 
 
 “ "hich had brought them into fuch difficulties, as only was not the 8 ^ S™ t ' K . u,, ' e ; . B “ t there 
 
 “ the Heady refolulions of his Brother and thofe employed - Oates del , rca on . t ? re 7 bl f bei1 depolitionr. 
 
 ;; by him, could havefaved them from the moll horrid Counfcl who wet n„ 7' 8 ^7 n f T! hdt ,kc K!n S’ s P'»«. te. 
 confuhons and inevitable ruim That nothing had been ^ !«“ <0r h *« “ ‘ 
 
 left unattempted by thofe inhuman Traytors, to over- nev Ld cJi;^" ’ and particularly the Attor- 
 
 ** turn l ^ e ‘ r peace; and therefore he hoped they would Jefferies hefnrp 'Jk 11 ' iat / j0r ^ r Juttice 
 ‘ be wanting in nothing to fecure themfelves and him.”— rod n ” h 7 C t , J “ C: 'V s ,P, lcaul, 'S> w -‘ s -mmg 
 
 The H.gh-Commiffioner feconded the King’s letter with c l )re That l67 ?’„ a 5 ld d ‘ J then d =- 
 
 a fpeech, wherein he gave them alTurance of his Majefty's V er "-7 ' A. h rof"® ° S d '7 J ' v ‘ J'f u “ s '“■> ° j'Jl *• * 9 - 
 refolutions to protefl and maintain the Religion and Go- hi dennfiij f,'™ (,reb , Up the verdia ' S ilen 
 vernment of their Church as by Law eftablifhed ( 4 ); bLn disbelieved , 7 7 “ tnat thefe verdrits had 
 
 and alfo the Subjefts rights and properties, in fuch mam o 7 er, ihf re 7 .d T 77“’7 7 'V ' bal,ev,:d M -=- 
 ner, that no perfon fliould be injured by any arbitrary op- an d t he Fari r ell 5 ° S ' r G '° r S‘ Wakemats 
 
 preffions of foldiers or others s aid he Lis Id condefceid as ^fed of The or=,e ° / dT'’ V 7 produced ’ wh o being ac- 
 much the bufinefs of the Excife and Militia as could be fed uni oath 7 , P 0 , 7 7 " act 3 ultted > and de P<- 
 jultly expeaed. And, on the otht. fide, his Majefty ex- truth ^ ^ ^ °‘" tS ^ n °‘ ^ °" e WOrd of 
 
 pr'aicj from them, to aflert the rig.xs and prerogatives of , j..r . n , 
 
 tne Crown, and to eftablifh the revenue as amply upon might be belie-ed ? ft’ W ,e ber "Pijl <n cafe of religion s .. 
 
 him and his Succeflors, as it was enjoyed by the King his thfmieftmn 7 ,' A u ' replled . H ‘ m, S ht ■ And as if 
 Eroiher. In the laft place, the LorVconlffioner it po^tftTce^ WwSTf’T 1 
 
 red in very patbetick terms, that dTedtual means might be ThO-’e tltrZh P aSkCl1 Wm ’ m “ htr ht was com 
 
 found to deftroy the phanatical party, who were wretches c Hnt , , T 
 
 of fuch monftrous principles and praftices, as paft ages ne- not altat ofi® Po‘dh pra£li “> wl >0 would Ha¬ 
 ver heard, nor thofe to come will hardly believe. b '„* f 2 , Poplftl R ' Cufant f or a wl ‘" efs . <•"" be- 
 
 Thefe phanatical murderers and afpaffins could be no o- „ er al fha/thiSi 11 0 w "' ch Jt was ""•“'cred in ge- 
 
 ther than the Presbyterians of Scotland, who were proper- 6 taf .h“ '° , 
 
 ly the Body of the nation, to whom was imputed the broo d ' \ c 6 agamft him were - .. 
 
 murder of the Archbifliop of St. Andrew's, as if it had 6, m a Di l„i,f a g a mft law. Jefferies replied, S ' 
 
 been committed by the determination of the whole Pref- 7 He infilled n #i c e , 
 
 byterian-Party. v 7 ‘ , e . lnll ‘ted upon the Statute of the 27th year of 
 
 Jam, Drummond Earl of Perth , Lord Chancellor j L‘ 7 m ag, " nft , Sc ;“ dnar y •‘•> d Jefuiis. Whereup- 
 
 made a Speech likewife, in which he enlarged on the rtemfelfesi be'pltaTnd Tf 7 °' V " Cd 
 
 Kings great virtues. I do not know whether he was a H, ° be Piicits and Jtfuits ? 
 
 yet a Pupill, but at lead, prefently after, he embraced the whirfir fT ^ r*' r" ‘ he ,d ° f Charl,s J > 10 nra 
 Cathnlick Religion, and by that infallible means fupplanted n l f\ 7 ‘viTT } P Mh T g 10 lhe P" r P ,,fe . 
 
 the Duke of fueensbury. W 9-L.ltly He reprefented, that the Lord Shaft,bun , 
 
 ■ upon his ,rya!, moving that he might have liberty ro brmg 
 
 an indictment nf nenunr .U.•. rr / p. S2- 
 
 JDI o. Parliament returned a very humble and fubmilTive !!°; ’ n ’ ovin .^ rllat he might have liberty 
 
 an f wer to the King, promifng to^o whatever he had de- tta r'"' 7 perJurp a 8 ainft 'he witneffes that arcufed ' 
 
 fired. To perforin which promife they forthwith ZL fo ’h ‘ ^ "“'T’ ^ W “ dd "« C“ p - 
 
 thc three following A 3 s. 7 palled fer the King s evidence to be ihuifled of perjury, nor the 
 
 N».-.o P . By the firft Aft were ratified all Statutes paffed in the thTt havfiT'h^ ' 7 ‘"r iT"*' 0 ."' Hc inferraJ from thence, 
 laic icign lor the fecurity of religion as at prefent profefldd not for fh®. 6 7 7^ luI tl “-' K '"H. he could 
 
 within the Kingdom. P eient protelled not for that reafon be ind,fled of perjury. Jefferies t 0 \A 
 
 By the fecondj they annexed the Excife of foreign and iiTroT* 7 7 was no| hing . ,h purpole. Then fumming 
 
 inland commodities to the Crown of Scotland for ever ? evldence ’ he concluded wul, thefe words ; “ There 
 
 By the third, they ordained, that all fuch perfons', as “ bLeteT, "*" 1 , - Kalb d< i ubl ’ bllt ,h at Oates is the 
 
 being cited in cafe of High-Treafon, Field or Houfe Con- « o!r fhe face Tthe^eaith ”" ‘h" aP1>eared Up ’ 
 
 yen tides, or Church-irregularities, fhould refufe to trive T ' the earth. 
 
 tellimuny, fliould be liable to be punilhed as guilty of thofe w V - wltt ; dr ' dW ‘ n g about a quarter of an hour 
 
 crimes refpeaively , in which they refufed to bc wit Th ’ "1 g “ 7 thc pL ' riur >' h = was -ccufed of. 
 nefles. 7 be wit- The next day, he was the fecond mdiflment 
 
 Tryst.t Before the meeting of the Parliament of England nefET/ conc c rnn ’g Father Ireland. Above forty wit- 
 
 ~.»i.i,^,a ut ,s.,,,su«,.. 1 *^5'l: sta;5?K2TiSta-s,-o2ss 
 
 trui-a to lh.,r God. The kin; and Queen r .|vcd . have .1 dure in ihe |. j "j. ll i; lhac 1:1 e - u'd bc lelthlull.a to himfclf who wet- 
 .eee,,e ,he ,hi. cu,,.i A hi, *, ” i, ^ “ 7 , 1 ’™*" F ”"' -? ■» ■« ft. .he P. iy e, t : Onlv ,he King ZZ " '• 
 
 ■ Fsr&szzz. ,ht 04,h - ,h “*• “ ,h “ ™ k “ 3 *«**s 
 
 ()> Atoms thee we.e the Pe, loo, ih.t .nutde,'d ■ , AmS m , 5? 77“ ’’ “T" 
 
 (4J Thftfamcas w Roland, none other being then tolerated in LtUnd. U 
 
 » Ibid. p. 
 
 p- *r- 
 
 Echard. 
 K Coke. 
 
 when 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 744 
 
 1685. 
 
 May 16. 
 p. 10*. 
 
 Echard. 
 III. p- 7 1 
 
 Try at of 
 Dangerrie. 
 Burns:. 
 
 K ?57 't 
 p. 438. 
 Echard. 
 
 He C'.n- 
 vbifffd. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGL A N D. 
 
 when 0 files find lie was in London (1), *md he was alfo 
 found guilty of this indi&ment. What is meft ft range, 
 fome pretend, there is not the leaft appearance of iniuftice 
 or partiality in the verdict againft Oates, but on the con¬ 
 trary, the partiality is evident in the verdict againft the 
 five Jefuits. I leave it to the unbiased reader to compare 
 them and judge. But at leaft it cannot be denied, there 
 was a great deal of paflion in the fentence againft Oates, 
 and much more in the execution of the fame. The fen¬ 
 tence was as follows : 
 
 1. That he fhculd pay for a fine one thoufand Marks 
 upon each indiftment. 
 
 2. That he Ihould be ftript of all his Canonical Ha¬ 
 bits. 
 
 3. That he fhould ftand in the Pillory before Wtjlmtn- 
 Jler-Hall-Gate upon Monday next, for an Hour’s time, 
 with a paper over his head (which he muft firft walk with 
 round about to all the Courts in JVeJlminJler- Hall) decla¬ 
 ring his crime ; and that upon the firft indictment. 
 
 4. That for the fecond indictment he fliould upon Tuef- 
 day ftand in the Pillory at the Royal-Exchange in London , 
 for an hour with the fame infeription. 
 
 5. On JVednefday he fhould be whipt from Aldgate to 
 Newgate. 
 
 6. On Friday he fhould be whipt from Newgate to Ty¬ 
 burn. 
 
 7. And for annual Commemorations, upon every 24th 
 of April , as long as he fliould live, he was to ftand in the 
 Pillory at Tyburn, juft oppofite to the gallows, for an hour. 
 
 fc. That, upon every 9th of Auguji , he was to ftand 
 in the pillory at JVeJlminJler-Hall-Gate, becaufe he had 
 fworn that Ireland was in town between the 8th and 
 12th of Auguji. The like on every 10th of Auguji at 
 Charing Crofs, and over-againft the Temple-Gate every 
 1 ith of Augjl. And upon every 2d of September he was 
 to do the fame at the Royal-Exchange. All this he was 
 to do every year during his life : and be committed a 
 clofe prifbner as long as he lived. 
 
 After pronouncing this fentence, ‘Jefferies added, that 
 if it had been in his power, Oates fhould have been con¬ 
 demned to die. 
 
 It muft be obferved, that ftanding in the Pillory, which 
 in other countries only expofes to fhame, is in Eng¬ 
 land fomething more ; for ic is permitted to pelt thofe 
 that ftand there, with dirt, and all forts ol naftinefs, and 
 it often iiappens that the mob abufe this liberty, and 
 throw rotten eggs and even ftones at the prifoner. 
 
 But what was thought moft barbarous in this fentence, 
 was the ordering a man to be whipt twice in three days. 
 Some charic ible perfuns ufed their endeavours to beg off part 
 r, of this wretched man’s punifhment, and made application 
 to me Qjeen, intreating her to intercede for him, at leaft 
 with regard to the fecond fcourging. But all interceflion 
 was in vain. The feiuence was executed with all imagi¬ 
 nable rigor and barbarity. The firft day he was tied to a 
 cart, and as the hangman no doubt was commanded not 
 to fpare him, he executed the order wirh fuch cruelty, as 
 was unknown to the Engljh nation. Oates fwooned away 
 feveral times the firft day with the extremity of the an- 
 guifh. We may judge what he indured the fecond day, 
 when his wounds were yet frefh. In a word, his fuftain- 
 ing fuch great torments, and efcaping with lile, was looked 
 upon as fomething miraculous. Every one was fenfible, 
 that, both in the fentence and in the execution, revenge had 
 a greater fhare than juftice, and that he was made a facri- 
 fice to the manes of the five Jefuits executed in the late 
 reign. 
 
 The next vitftim to the Catholicks, not long after Oates, 
 Id. was Thomas Dangerf.cld, who difeovered the pretended 
 Meal-Tub Plot, which he had laid to the charge of the 
 Proteftants. But afterward', not being able to main¬ 
 tain before the Council what he had depofed, he con- 
 feffed, he was perfwaded to invent it by the Countefs of 
 Poufs, and the popifh Lords in the Tower. Moreover, 
 lie had publifhed a Narrative of all the fecret pra&ices ufed 
 as well to corrupt him, as to render the plot probable. As 
 he owned, he had received money from the late King and 
 the Duke of York, the laft would never fuffer fuch an of¬ 
 fence to go unpunifhed, when he came to be King. Dan 
 gerfield therefore was committed to prifon, and indidled for 
 publifhing a fcandalous libel. He was tried and brought in 
 bt guilty by the Jury, after which he received judgment at the 
 King's-Bench bar, ** 7 hat he fhould ftand twice in the pd- 
 
 11. P . 743. 
 
 “ lory ; that he fliould be whipt from Aldgate to Newgate i6Sj. 
 
 £C on one day, and from Newgate to Tyburn on another, 
 
 “ and fhould pay a fine of five hundred pound.-..” The 
 fcourging was executed with rigor, though with left cruelty 
 than on Oates. The fecond day, Dar.gerftcld , after the H* “ tilled. 
 whipping was over, being in a coach againft Hatlcn- 
 Garden , Robert Frances , a Barrifterof Grey's-Inn, came to 
 the coach lide, and ufing Ibme infulting expreffions, Dan- 
 gerfe/d returned a reproachful anl'wer (z). Frames having 
 a 1 mall cane in hi han I, thruft it into his e 
 force, which in two hours put an end to his life. Frances 
 was condemned to be hanged, and was executed accord¬ 
 ingly, the King, though ftrongly follicited hr a pardon, 
 not thinking proper to leave fuch a crime unpumfhed (3). 
 
 R ' bard Ba . , a 1 < • t n Minifter, fat is for his Baxter*/ 
 
 voluminous writings durirg the trouble?, in favour . r h- T f‘" h 
 Religion againft the Church of England, was the t•:i:• I in Kmnet!* 
 fiance of the mildnefs of the new Government he »■ 441- 
 could not be proceeded againft for his books pubho , .. Echvd- 
 
 ring the troubles, by reafon of the A tit of Indent mt\ 
 cafion was taken to profecute him for a late book, 111 
 A Parathrafe on the Neu) Tejlament, wherein it was yifr¬ 
 iended, there were feveral feditious paflages, and hi., 
 reflecting on the Bifhops. Baxter being broimht 
 Jefferies at the King's-Bench bar, and moving, tliat .Hither 
 time might be allowed him for his tryal, Jefferies, with 
 his ufual moderation, cried out, I will not give him a mi¬ 
 nute's time more to fave his life: lHe have had to do with 
 other fort of per fans, but now we have a Saint to deal with ; 
 and I know how to deal xvith Saints as well as Sinners. 
 
 Yonder , fays he, Jlands Oates in the pillory, and fays, he 
 fuffers for the Truth, andJ'o fays Baxter ; but if Baxter did 
 but Jland on the other fide of the pillory with him , I won a 
 fay, there flood two of the greatejl rogues and rafeals in the 
 Kingdom. In this manner did the Judge prepare the Jury, 
 before any evidence was heard. It would be needlefs to m- 
 fert the particulars of the chaige and Baxter’s defence. 7 :c 
 point was only to know, whether certain paflages of his .e 
 book ciuld be applied to the Prelates ui the Chu of 
 England, or folely to thofe of the Church of Rome 
 ter's, Counfcl (4) urged, that without a forced coni . , 
 
 none of the paflages could be applied to the Biffu, 3 
 
 Church of England. The whole procefs turned 1 
 point. But it will not be improper to <’ v tf 
 and partiality of Jefferies in this, as in all «>* I 
 Baxter alledgcd in his defence, “ That he Ira ' • 
 
 “ derate with refpetft to the Church of L 7 . .ad 
 
 “ fpoken fo honorably of the Bifhops, tin h 1 cur- 
 t( red the cenfure of many of the Diflc .. rhat sc- 
 
 “ count.” Jefferies, laying afide on this ■lccalion lie of¬ 
 fice of a Judge to turn evidence, affirmed, “ Thar Bnx- 
 “ ter was an enemy to the name and thing, tiie office 
 “ and perfons of Bifhops” ; and feverelv reprimanded the 
 Counfcl, probably for defending their caufe too well. Then, 
 fpeaking to Baxter , he faid, Richard, thou art an old fel¬ 
 low, an old knave, thou hajl written books enough to lead a 
 cart , every one as full of fedition, I might fay t reafon, as an 
 egg is full of meat. Hadji thou been whipped out of thy 
 writing trade forty years ago, it had been happy. Thou pre- 
 tendejl to be a preacher of the Gojpel of Peace , and thou hajl 
 one foot in the grave ; it is time for thee to begin to think 
 what account thou intendJl to give. But leave thee to thy [elf, 
 and I fee thoul’t go on as thou hajl begun 3 but by the grace 
 of God I toil/ look after thee. I know thou hajl a mighty 
 party, and I fee a great many of the brotherhood in corners , 
 waiting to fee what will become of their mighty Don ; and a 
 Dotlor of the party [ Dr. Bates J at your elbow ; but by the 
 grace of Almighty God I will cruft) you all. 
 
 The Chief Juftice in fumming up the evidence faid ; It 
 is notorioufty known, that there has been a defign to ruin the 
 King and the Nation ; and this has been the mam incendiary : 
 
 Pic is as modejt now as can be ; but time was , when no man 
 was fo ready at bind your Kings in chains, and your Nobles 
 in fetters of iron ; and to your Tents, O Ifrael ! Gentle¬ 
 men, for God's fake do not let us be gulled twice in an age. 
 
 It manifeftly appears from thefe laft words of Jefferies, 
 that Baxter's book was only a pretence to punifh him for 
 what lie had done during the troubles. However tin's be, 
 fuch was the impartial manner in which this Judge directed 
 the Jury. There is fcarce a man who will deny, that, as 
 well during this reign, as in the latter part of the former, 
 all the Juries were packed, and had engaged beforehand to 
 be guided by the Court. In condition, Baxter being found 
 
 (1) It undeniably appeared from the Books of c 
 
 e Ilinton, a Goldfrr.irh in LombardJh:et , that lr:\ 
 
 p. 330. 
 
 w, friend, have you had your heat this 
 
 ning ?” Upon which ihe other, with t 
 
 (2) Francer faid to h ; m, “ T\ • 
 
 Son of a IVborc. Ecbard Tom In. p. 74*- . _ . , , . , , . . „ , 
 
 r,s f, v , hat France, wa« a virulent Pa pi ft j and others, that he was a Proteftant: But others ohf-:ve, That he was on.y mftruc 
 
 profeffion of bling of the Church of England, as by Law eftablilhed. Ken-etp 438. Ecbard Tom. III. p- 74?; 
 
 ,4, Baxter'* Counfcl were Walk}, William,, Rotherham, At wood, and Pbtpp,, all retained by Sir Henry AJburJt, who had apart!' 
 Ba .tcr It may be noted of Baxter, that foon after the Reformation he ret ried the Iliih p. 
 r-.'f. l-ri- back a PenGon of a Hundred Pounds a Year (tiered him by die King. He ftequei 
 ?he *>.u*r.iejit and perfuadrd others to do the fame- Ecbard, Tom. HI. p- 743. 
 
 that time. See R. C i. 
 r three curfes called hiir 
 
 Refpcfl for 
 turned out of his L ving with 1 lie 
 n the Church of England, went tej 
 
 guilty. 
 
 5 
 
Book XXIV. 
 
 27. J A M E S II. 
 
 745 
 
 1685. 
 
 The Parlia- 
 
 p. 424. 
 Echard. 
 
 HI. p.^ 745- 
 
 Tie King'1 
 Speech to 
 b-.cb Houfes. 
 Gazettes, 
 N. 2036. 
 
 guilty, judgment was given againft him, to be fined five 
 hundred marks , to lie in prifon till he paid it ; and to be 
 bound to his good behaviour for feven years. 
 
 The Parliament met the 19th of May. But the King 
 was pleafed that the Commons fhould firft chufe their 
 Speaker, before he made his Speech to both Houfes. The 
 choice fell upon Sir John Trevor , who was recommended 
 by [ the Lord Middleton J one of the Secretaries of State ; 
 after which, the King came to the Parliament the zzd of 
 May , and made the following Speech to both Houfes. As 
 he had that morning received advice of the Earl of Argyle's 
 arrival in Scotland, it gave him occalion to add fomething 
 to his Speech. 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen, 
 
 “ \ Fter it pleafed Almighty God, to take to his mer- 
 
 “ xjL cy the late King my deareft Brother, and to 
 “ bring me to the peaceable pofleflion of the Throne of 
 “ my Anceftors, I immediately refolved to call a Par- 
 “ liament, as the beft means to fettle every thing up- 
 “ on thofe foundations, as may make my reign both 
 “ eafy and happy to you: Towards which, I am difpofed 
 ‘‘ to contribute all that is fit for me to do. What I faid 
 et to my Privy-Council, at my firft coming there, I am 
 “ deftrous to renew to you ; wherein I fully declared my 
 “ opinion concerning the principles of the Church of Eng- 
 “ land, whofe members have fliewed themfelves fo emi- 
 <c nently loyal in the worft of times, in defence of my fa- 
 “ ther, and fupport of my brother, of blefled memory, 
 “ that I ivill always take care to defend and fupport it: 1 
 “ will make it my endeavour to preferve this Government 
 “ both in Church and State, as it is now by Law efablijhed ; 
 “ and as / will never depart from the jujl rights and Pre - 
 4 ‘ rogative of the Crown , fo / will never invade any man's 
 “ property: And you may be fure, that having heretofore 
 “ ventured my life in the defence of this Nation, I will 
 “ ftill go as far as any man in preferving it in all its juft 
 “ rights and liberties. 
 
 “ And having given you this afturance concerning the 
 * c care I will have of your Religion and Property, which 
 “ I have chofen to do in the fame words, I ufed at my 
 ** firft coming to the Crown, the better to evidence to you, 
 <c that I (poke them not by chance, and, confcquently, 
 “ tha t you may the more firmly rely upon a Promifefo 
 
 folemnly made ; I cannot doubt, that I fhall fail of fui- 
 “ table returns from you, with all imaginable duty and 
 “ kindnefs on your part; and particularly, in what relates 
 “ to the fettling of my revenue, and continuing it during 
 “ my life, as it was in the time of the King my Brother. • 
 “ I might ufe many arguments to enforce this demand, 
 “ from the benefit of trade, the fupport of the Navy, the 
 “ neceftity of the Crown, and the well-being of the Go- 
 “ vernment it feIf; which I muft not fuffer to be prccari- 
 “ ous : But I am confident, your own confideration of 
 “ what is juft and reafonable, will fuggeft to you what- 
 “ f° ever might be enlarged upon this occafion. There is 
 “ one popular argument, which I forefee may be ufed a- 
 4 g^inft what I ask of you, from the inclination men may 
 “ h ave for frequent Parliaments, which fome may think 
 “ will be the beft fecured, by feeding me from time to 
 “ time, by fuch proportions as they {hall think conveni- 
 “ ent; Ancl this argument, it being the firft time I fpeak 
 “ to >' ou . from the Throne, I will anfwer once for all, 
 44 th at this would be a very improper method to take with 
 “ me, and that the beft way to engage me to meet you 
 “ otten » is always to ufe me well (1). I exped therefore 
 “ that you will comply with me in what I have defired, 
 “ and that you will do it fpeedily ; that this may be a fhort 
 “ feHion, and that we may meet again to all our fatif- 
 
 fadtions.” 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen, “ I muft acquaint you, that 
 “ I have had news this morning from Scotland, that Ar- 
 “ is landed in the Wejl-High-lands, with the men 
 “ he brought with him from Holland ; and that there are 
 “ 5 W0 Declarations publifhed, one in the name of all thofe 
 “ in arms there, the other in his own; it would be too 
 “ ,on g f° r me to repeat the fubftance of them it is fuffi- 
 “ cient t0 tel1 y ou , I am charged with ufurpation and ty¬ 
 ranny : The fhorter of them I have dire&ed to be forth- 
 “ with communicated to you. I will take the beft care I 
 
 can, that this Declaration of their own treafon and re- 
 “ hellion may meet with the reward it deferves: And I 
 “ wi h not doubt, but that you will be the more zealous to 
 
 44 fupport the Government and give me my revenue as I 1685. 
 “ have uefired it, without delay.” 
 
 I (hall make upon this fpeech, three remarks the impor- 
 tance whereof wili hereafter appear. The firft is, that when Ut 
 the King renewed to his Parliament the promile he had made 
 to the Council, to preferve the Government both in Church 
 and State, as it is by law effablifhed, nothing was tarther 
 from his thoughts than the performance of ir. This will 
 very clearly appear in the fequel. Wherefore this promife 
 was only a lure ufed by the King to ingage the Parliament 
 to enable him to proceed without them. This happened 
 accordingly, for this Parliament, which had but two fhort 
 feffions, wa: the only one the King called in his Reign. 
 
 The fecond remark is, that when the King faid, he 
 would not luffer the Government to be precarious, ( that, 
 is to depend upon the fupplies the Parliament fhould grant 
 him from time to time) he plainly intimated, he meant to 
 govern in a different manner from his predeceflors, fince 
 among all the Kings of England , there was never any whofe 
 Government was not fupporied by the aids of the Parlia¬ 
 ments. 
 
 The third is, that the objection which he forefaw would 
 be made to his defire concerning his revenue, was fo 
 ftrong, that he could find no other reafon to anfwer it than 
 a menace, which ought rather to induce the Parliament to 
 guard againft it. For if the King, in cafe of refufal, 
 thought himfelf powerful enough to make the Parliament 
 repent, how much greater reafon was there to fear, if he 
 fhould be enabled to proceed without the Parliament, and 
 to execute his threat. 
 
 This Parliament, according to fome Hiftorians was V3r ‘ !Ul r P"- 
 better compofed than any for many years paft. All the ”'X>fptr. 
 members were rich, zealous for their Country, good foment. 
 Churchmen, averfe to all republican or anti-monarchical £chard - 
 principles, faithful to the King, ar.d of fo wonderful har- 11,1 p ' 7H * 
 mony among themfelves, that the like had never been feen. 
 
 The meaning of all which in fhort is, that they were To¬ 
 ries without any mixture of Republicans, Presbyterians, or 
 Whigs. This Parliament confifted indeed of perfons pre- 
 poflelled in favour of the King, who imagining that, ac¬ 
 cording to his promifes, he would never mecdlc with the 
 Laws or Religion, believed it a fignal fervice to the King¬ 
 dom, to enable the King to oppofe effb&ually the attempts 
 of the Whigs. They were miftaken in their fuppofition: 
 
 But it cannot be inferred from their conduct, that’they in ¬ 
 tended to betray the Nation’s interefts, as they plainly 
 fhowed afterwards. 1 
 
 Other Hiftorians do not give the fame idea of this Par- r^net, 
 liament. They pretend, the members for the moft part, 
 being elected by the intrigues of the Court, were Tories, P . 338. 
 and moft violent for the do&rine of Paflive-Obedience 5 
 and for that teafon furrendered the liberties o the people^ 
 and paved the way for the King to become abfolute, by 
 granting him fuch a revenue as enabled him to govern with¬ 
 out a Parliament (z). 
 
 Though thefe two afiertions with refpeft to this Parlia¬ 
 ment, feem to be oppolite, it is however eafy to reconcile 
 them, on fuppofition of a thing which is very true, name¬ 
 ly, the Parliament was deceived by the King’s promifes. 
 
 So, the only difference between thele two opinions, is, that 
 the Whigs accufe the Tories of betraying the intereft of 
 their Country, with premeditated defign, and the Tories, 
 without denying that they a&ed indeed againft the interefts 
 of the Kingdom, maintain that they did fo, through a too 
 great confidence in the King’s word, given from the 
 Throne in the moft fjlemn manner. It will hereafter be 
 feen, that the Parliament had no fuch intention, as is 
 imputed to them : But I cannot fay their imprudence may 
 be fo eafily vindicated. 
 
 However this be, both Houfes pleafed with the King’s BcbHouje, 
 fpeech, waited on him the fame day with an addrefs 0 f'* e 
 thanks; to which the King anfwered, “ That he was ve- H^Anfac, 
 “ ry well pleafed with their thanks, and could repeat no Gazettes. 
 
 “ more than what he had faid in the morning, and they Ech3rd - 
 “ fhould find that he would be as good as his word.” 1111 p ‘ 747 * 
 
 This confirmation was fo agreeable to the Commons, for 
 that when they returned to their Houfe, they voted imme- ■p n "'£ ,b * 
 diately, nemine contradicente, “ That all the revenue en- 
 44 joyed by the late King at his death, fhould be granted Ch.wes 11. 
 “ t0 his Majefty, and fettled upon him during 
 
 “ life.” I hus the conftant and ordinary revenue of the 
 late King, which, according to the intent of the firft Par¬ 
 liament, held in his Reign, was to be twelve hundred 
 
 (i) The King's 
 Houfe, “ That it 
 1 2) Burnet fays 
 
 uHZ P ,! rt °R h,S Specc f 1 ' ; vas '°P revcn < 3 Motion, which wa. talked of abroad, though none ventured to make it in iht 
 
 ‘ - p l ° grant the Revrnu ' unly f,-r a Term of years.” Burn.t, p . 638 
 
 sof V • A ;' S t0 m-.nae 6 E Ie«i°as, fo that the King Ihoold have a Parliament to his Mind. Complaint* 
 
 Chirter's 'hat had h„„ $ l r, Ir *-l" ft?ce and V olfnce ^ i" Eleftions beyond what had ever been pra£tifed.in former Times In the new 
 
 Chmer, .hathad been granted, -he Ekctton o. Member, was taken out of the Hands of the Inhabitants, and reftored to the Cotpola.ion Men, ail 
 
 accept.ole a. ourt. In Ihme Boioughs they could not find a Number of Men to be depended upon : S, the neigh- 
 
 : being left 0 
 curing Gentlemen 
 
 This was pradil'cd 
 chat County, fo that the King 
 p. 625. 
 
 No. 81. Vot. II. 
 
 CVrp r 
 
 w.-d Mamie 
 
 And in fome Places, PcrN-ns of other Counties, not fo much as known ... 
 ■r.ioal by the Ear] ot Barb, who put the Officers of the Guards Name i 
 ■ all Occafijiu. There were not above Forty but what 
 
 ; of Forty four Vole3 0 
 
 the Borough, were named, 
 tlmoft all the Charters of 
 ic thus chofen. Burnet, 
 
 thoufand 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 746 
 
 The HISTORY 0/ ENGLAND. 
 
 thou 
 
 dou! 
 
 nd pounds Sterling, but which amounted to above The Parliament of Scotland was full extremely zealous 
 chat fum; this revenue I fa-.’, which two Parlia- for the King’s intereft. Bcfides the Aft: before-menti-^ 
 hid fpent about two years in fettling, was granted oned, they pa fed one for granting the King during hf e .Scotland. 
 
 s II, in the fpace of two hours. They who ipeak the yearly fum of two hundred and fix y thoufand Rennet, 
 
 moderately of this revenue, compute it at more than pounds; and another declaring, That the giving or taking 
 millions. B it a Hiftorian(i) pretends, that inclu- the national Covenant, or the foienin League and Co— 
 bund e and fifty thoufand pounds, enjoyed nant, or owning them as lawful 01 bligatury, fhould 
 i:e Kin : while Duke of York , and annexed to the cur the crime o: high-treafon 
 •11, ;! ■ v! ole amounted to above two millions five Since the Earl of Argyle s efcape after his condemnation 
 led rid filiy thoufand pounds. This liberality was in 1681, he had kept himfelf concealed at Amjlerdam, 
 
 , ,p ] ,| , , n t ], e fjr vices the King when Duke of very few perfons in Scotland knowing where he was. He the Duke of 
 
 ‘the nation, but folely upon his promifes to waited thcie h r a favorable opportunity either to make Monmouth. 
 
 .* . r.* .. 1 .1 .1. - t”:... :r. ■- 0...1 _ ! _1_u- 
 
 fhould in- 
 
 111- p. 749- 
 
 irt the Government of the Church and State. But, 
 extreme prejudice, the Parliament was not aware, 
 ; v granting the King for life fuch an immenfe reve- 
 tl.cy enabled him to maintain an army and fleet with- 
 iie ail.llance of Parliament, and con feci uentlv to fub- 
 
 5 per 
 
 ue thofe that fhould dare to oppofe his 
 
 as he did ac- 
 
 dif barged 
 f gtlber lUlti 
 the Earl oj 
 
 Tlie Commons having given the King fo real a demon- 
 ftration of their zeal and affetftion, the Lords were willing 
 
 ith the King, or to raife in Scotland , where he BurRct ' 
 l.e had many friends, an infurredion, which p.629. 
 fhould put him again in poffeiiion of his eftate. He believ¬ 
 ed a fair occafi ei offered for an infurre&ion after the death 
 of Charles If, knowing that the Duke of York , who was 
 to fucceed, was beloved neither in Scotland not England. 
 
 For though, in both Kingdoms, the Government, and 
 all the publick offices were in the hands of the Tories, the 
 Earl of Argyle imagined, that if by his credit he could 
 
 likewife to fhow him h 
 in whatever lay in the:: 
 
 much the. were devoted to him raife an army in Scotland , all the Presbyterians would lift 
 
 power. To that end, the King 
 having fent a warrant to the Attorney-General to enter a 
 Noli Profequi upon the indidments againft the popifh 
 Lords, who had been prifoners in the Tower for the plot, 
 and againft the Earl of Darby , the Houfe of Peers annul¬ 
 led their order of the 19th of March 1678-9, and entire¬ 
 ly difeharged thofe Lords who had been releafed only upon vice, and withdrew to Bruffcls. 
 
 under his banner, and then his party would be much lupe- 
 rior to the King’s. 
 
 Whilft he was full of thefe thoughts, the Prince of 0 Burnet. 
 range, forefeeing, the King his Father-in-law would foon p-62 *' 
 delire the States to deliver up the Duke of Monmouth , ad- 
 vifed him to retire elfewhere. The Duke follow’d his ad- 
 But fearing he was not 
 
 bail 
 
 fafe there, and that the Court of Spain would think pro- 
 Thefe proceedings in favour of the Popifh Lords, made per to facrifice him to King James, he repaired privately to 
 T way for a Dill to revetfe the Attainder of the Lord Vif- Amjlcriam , where he had frequent conferences with Argyll. 
 
 count Stafford in 1680. The fule teafon alledged in the They had nothing ready to moke an attempt, which Blight 
 lit- Bill for this revetfal was in thefe words : Whereas it is have the leaf! appearance of fucccfs. They were both 
 *- now manifji, that the laid William late Vifcount Stafford without money, and not fare of friends in England or 
 
 innocent of the treafon laid to Us charge, and the tejli- Scotland to fecond their prujeas. Meanwhile, the Earl Id-p. 629. 
 many whereupon he was found guilty was falfe. Be it enall- of Argyll meeting at Amjlerdam with a rich Widow, who 
 ■ , cdf See. Thus, the preparers of the Bill founded the lent him ten thoufand pounds, this unexpefled fupply 
 4 ” Lord Stafford's innocence upon Oates's being condemned fo encouraged him, that he refolved to make a defeent in 
 for perjury, though in Oates’s tryal there was not a word Scotland , where he hoped, that his name, his credit, and 
 of his teffimony againft Stafford. Neverthelefs, the Bill the caufe he intended to fupport, would procure him friends 
 ■was palled by a majority of voices. But fuch of the enough. But the Duke of Adanmouth was not in fo favo- 
 Lords (2) as oppofed it, entered their diflents for the fol- rable a frtuation. He flattered himfelf, that the enmity of 
 lowing reafons • the Whigs againft the Duke of York would revive, when 
 
 1. Becaufe the aflertion in the Bill of its being now ma- they fhould fee one at the head of their party: but he had 
 nifejt, that the late Vifcount Stafford died innocent, and that yet no private correfpondence with fuch of the nobility 
 the teffimony bo which he was convitled was falfe , which and gentry, whofe credit would be able to fupport him, 
 are the foie grounds and reafons given to fupport the Bill, and moreover he wanted money. However, the Earl of 
 
 ■ ' Argyle perceiving how advantdgious it would be to him,' n “j J * hrt T 
 
 that the Duke of Monmouth fhould make an invafion in vadt Eng- 
 England , whilft he fhould himfelf do the like in Scotland , 
 fo managed that at length he perfuaded him to try the 
 fame fortune, though not till after the Duke had long re- 
 fifted his follicitations. Indeed, as the Duke’s affairs then 
 flood, it was a rafh undertaking, efpecially as it was to be 
 executed when the Parliament was fitting. But fume of 
 his friends, very unfit to manage fuch a defign, and who 
 were tired with living in exile, did all they could to in¬ 
 courage him (4). He therefore promifed Argyle , that as 
 foon as he fhould hear of his landing in Scotland , he would 
 : fail to make a defeent in England. 
 
 r teftii 
 
 ny, 
 
 are deftitute of all proof, 
 ter of record before us. 
 
 2. That the record of the King's-Bench read at the 
 Committee, concerning the conviction, laft term, of one 
 of the witneffes for perjury, in collateral points of proofs, 
 of no affinity to the Lord Stafford's tryal, and given feve- 
 ral vears before, it is conceived, can be no ground to in¬ 
 validate the teftimony upon which the faid Vifcount was 
 convicted, which could never legally be by one witnefs, 
 and was in fait by the judgement of his Peers, on the evi¬ 
 dence of at leaft three. 
 
 3. It is conceived, the faid judgement in the King's- 
 
 _ Id. p. 630, 
 
 Bench was unprecedented, illegal, and highly derogatory 
 
 f. 44a. 
 
 to the honour, judicature, and authority of this Court, 
 who have power to queftion and punifh perjuries of wit¬ 
 neffes before them, and ought not to be impofed upon by 
 the judgements of inferior Courts, or their attainder of a 
 Peer invalidated by implication; and the Popifh Plot, fo 
 condemned, purfued, and punifhed by his late Majefty and 
 four Parliaments, after publick folemn devotion through 
 the whole Kingdom, by authority of Church and State, 
 to be eluded to the arraignment and fcandal of the Go¬ 
 vernment; and only for reftoring the family of one Popifh 
 Lord. And all this being without any matter judicially 
 appearing before us to introduce the fame ; and the re¬ 
 cords of the tryal not fuffered to be read, for the informa¬ 
 tion of the truth, before the palling of the Bill. 
 
 4. For many other weighty reafons, offered and given 
 by divers Peers in the two days debate of this Bill, both 
 at the committee, and in the Houfe. 
 
 Thefe reafons plainly fhow, in my opinion, that the 
 Lords, in palling this Bill, defigned rather to oblige the 
 King than do juftice to the memory of the Lord Stafford. 
 But the Commons had not the fam« complaifance, lance it 
 
 Upon this pofitive promife, the Earl of Argyle fail'd®'*™*'* 
 with three fmall fhips laden with arms for five thoufand men, p> 6 j I# 
 having with him fome German officers and fome foldiers Gazettes, 
 lifted in Holland. He arrived the 5th of May before ® c J hir d- 
 Orkney in the north of Seotland , and fent his Secretary on * p ‘ 749 ’ 
 fhure for intelligence how the Country flood affe£ted. 
 
 But the Secretary being feized and brought to Edinburgh , 
 the Earl found nothing was to be done in thofe parts. 
 Wherefore he put to Sea again, and landed in the Weji- May 10. 
 Highlands-, at a place called Dunjlafnage , a ruinous cattle 
 formerly his own. Here he left his arms and ammunition, He fubljhn 
 and then publifhed two declarations mentioned by the King 
 in his Speech to both houfes. Whereupon the Parliament Kcnnet. 
 of Scotland now fitting, paffed an A£t, That all the Sub- p-4 2 5 • 4 -1 
 jects of Scotland fhould take the oath of allegiance anew, Ttchplr- 
 and aflert the royal prerogatives whenever they fhould be i, amrn t. 
 required, upon pain of banifhment or imprifonment. Echard. ^ 
 
 The King, as we have feen, communicated to the 
 Parliament of England but one of Argyle 's declarations: mmre/Eng- 
 however prefently after he imparted alfo the other, 
 Whereupon both Houfes came to this refolution, That [Tlrgl 
 
 was dropt after the fecond reading, and never heard of they would aflift his Majefty with their lives and fortunes, Kcnnet, 
 more, they having no intention to ftrengthen or encou- againft the Earl of Argyle and his adherents, and all other P^S;.^ 
 rage the Popifh party (3). traitors whatfoever. The King very gracioufly thanked ■ 
 
 
 ichcs of the Revenue, s 
 
 (1) Roger Coke ; who fays that the Cnftoms, »nd othi 
 hundred and fifty rhnufmd pounds. Tom. II. p- 337. 
 
 (z) Th" E<rls of strglc[ey, Radr.hr f Stanf ord, Clare ; and the Lord Eure. Kennel, p. 
 [3 , Burnt fays the Bill Buck with the Lords and would not go O'wo, they having 
 4 Particu'arly tVade, Fergufon , but chiefly the Lord Grey, an, the Lady tVenx 
 And both he and Ihe c.me to tancy, that he being marred to hit Duchels w'ile he w: 
 Marriage wTrull : fo they lived together. Jtarr.ct, p. 630. 
 
 ounted to two millions and four hundred thoufand pounds, be£J;s the p ^ ' 
 
 3 reverfe ar.d condem 
 1 followed him to B> 
 f the Age of Confer; 
 
 part Proceedings, p. 640. 
 tjj;U defpt rarely in love with him 
 , bit not eapoole of a free one, th 
 
 them, 
 
Book XXIV. 
 
 27. J AMES II. 
 
 747 
 
 them, ana in his anfwer to the Lords, renewed his for¬ 
 mer promifes. 
 
 The committee appointed by the Houfe of Commons 
 
 May 2 
 
 ^T ,,<,for the affairs re ^g‘ on > anc ^ which, no doubt, confifted 
 ifatn^'ibt l ^ e m °ft zealous Churchmen, confidered the Earl of 
 Prubyttri- Argyll’s invafion in Scotland , as an outrage committed by 
 “t'i'ed' r ‘~ P^sbyterians of both Kingdoms. Though the 
 
 £chaid. particulars of this invafion could not yet be known, cx- 
 
 JII p.751. cept only that the Earl of Argyll was landed in Scotland , 
 and had publifhed two declarations, the Committee took 
 occafion to draw up two votes, namely, ift, That it is 
 the opinion of the Committee, that this Houfe will ftand 
 by his Majefty with their lives and fortunes, in defence of 
 the Reformed Religion of the Church of England , as it is 
 by law eftablilhed. zdly, That an humble addrefs be pre- 
 fented to his Majefty, to defire him to iflue out a procla¬ 
 mation, to caufe the penal Laws to be put in execution 
 againft all Difienters whatfoever. This laft vote was the 
 pure eftedt of the Committee’s prejudice, founded on the 
 
 “ all, I mull recommend to you the care of the riavy, the 1685. 
 “ ftrength and glory of this Nation, that you would put 
 c< it into fuch a condition, as may make us confidered and 
 “ refpe£ted abroad. I cannot exprefs my concern upon this 
 “ occafion more fuitable to my own thoughts of it, than 
 “ by alluring you, I have a true Engljh heart, as jea- 
 “ lous of the honour of the nation as you can be ; and I 
 “ pleafe my felf with the hopes, that by God’s bleffing, 
 
 “ an( * y°ur affiftance, I may carry the reputation of it 
 “ yet higher in the world than ever it has been in the 
 “ time of any of my anceftors, And as I will not call 
 “ upon you for fupplies, but when they are of publick ufe 
 “ and advantage, fo I promife you, that what you give 
 “ me upon fuch occafions, fhall be managed with good 
 “ husbandry ; and I will take care it fhall be employed to 
 “ the ufes for which I ask them.” 
 
 If ever there was occafion to repeat his promifes con- Remark cn 
 cerning Religion, and the nation’s Liberties, it was doubt- lb “ ^" cit 
 , . . lefs immediately after receiving from the Houfe of Corn- 
 
 Kings promife, that he would fupport and preferve the mons fo real a proof of their zeal, founded, as the Speaker 
 Church of England to the utmoft of his power. Probably, faid, upon their confidence in the King’s word. But it 
 they imagined, the King, though a Papift, was ready to was by no means proper for the King to renew a promife 
 proceed with vigour againft: all the enemies of that Church, lie did not intend to perform. When this promife had 
 But the previous queftion being, Whether the queftion procured him what he defined, it was entirely forgot ; and 
 Should then be put for the Houfe to agree with the Com- if it was fometimes mentioned among the King’s adha- 
 rmttee ? it was carried in the negative. It was confidered, rents, it was only to palliate the violation of it, as will 
 ’twou’d not be agreeable to the King to caufe the penal hereafter appear. 
 
 Laws to be executed againft: all Difienters, and confe- The very moment the King thanked the Commons fof 
 quently againft thofe of his own Religion. On the other their noble prefent, they had occafion to perceive their er- 
 hand, 10 was not proper to confine the order to the Presby- ror, in not appointing the ufes to which fuch an immenfe 
 terians in particular, without mention of the Papifts. For revenue fhould be applied. It manifcftly appeared by the 
 thefe reafons, the Houfe, after mature deliberation, came King’s Speech, that he did not pretend to employ this re- 
 to the following refolution, Nemine Contradiccnte , “ That venue folely in the ufual expences of the Government, fince 
 
 “ this Houfe doth acquiefce, and entirely rely, and reft at that very time, he demanded a great and extraordinary 
 
 wholly fatisfied on his A-Iajefty’s gracious word, and re- aid, for all the other things enumerated by him, and even 
 
 peated declaration, to fupport and defend the Religion of for the maintenance of the navy, as if his revenue had been 
 
 “ the Church of England , as it is now by Law eftablilhed, too inconfiderable to fupply his occafions. 
 
 “ which is dearer to us than our Lives ” This vote clearly In fhort, it muft appear ftrange, that James , for ha- 
 fhows, that though the Commons and Tories in general ving gained one naval vi&ory, fhould affeft to exalt him- 
 
 ex prefled a very great zeal for the King’s intereft, they felf above all his predeceft'ors. This was a vanity which 
 
 had no intention to countenance the Rornijh Religion, tho’ did not feem to become him. Befides, it will hereafter 
 
 fome of their enemies have been pleafed to draw fuch an be feen, that nothing was farther from'his thoughts than 
 
 inference. defign of promoting the honour and reputation of the Statute-!,. 
 
 1 uiluant to tpis refolution, when the Revenue-bill was Enghjh nation. Nnverthelefs, the Commons highly pleafed 1 
 
 ready, and the King come to the Houfe of Peers to give with the King’s Speech, granted him an additional duty 
 
 the royal alien t, the Speaker of the Commons made the of excife upon Wines and Vinegar, with a further impofi- 
 
 following Speech : tion upon Sugar and Tobacco. 
 
 1/T n 0 Whilft thefe things pafTed in England, the Earl of Ar- Tb t Earl of 
 
 - Sovereign, gyle was endeavouring to ftrengthen himfelf in Scotland, Argyll 
 
 tA ipcb \ 1 / k the Knights, Citizens, and Burgeflcs of the difperfing declarations, and fending letters upon letters to Protetd,n V- 
 to (be King. “ W Houfe of Commons aflembled in Parliament, do his relations and friends. But though he was in his own pTi'i' &c, 
 
 M ay ^0. “ prefent to your Majefty the revenue you was pleafed to county of Argyll, and the inhabitants had been formerly his Kennet. 
 
 Kcnnet. demand at the opening of this Parliament, wherein we vaflals, all he could do was to affemble two or three thou- Echj,d ’ 
 
 Erhard. “ proceeded with as much fpeed, as the forms of palling fand men. With this little army he crofted over and HL P ‘ 7S3 ’ 
 
 III p.751. “ bills of that nature would admit. We bring not with landed in the Ille of Bute. But within few days, having 
 “ it any bill for the prefervation or fecurity of our Reli- notice that a great number of forces, under the command 
 “ g' lon , which is dearer to us than our lives. In that we of [ the Earl of Dumbarton, J the Duke of Gordon the 
 “ acquiefce entirely, and reft wholly fatisfied in your Ma- Marquifs of Athol, the Earl of Arran , and others 'were 
 “ jelly’s gracious and facred word, repeated declarations, advancing towards him from feveral parts, in order to fur- 
 “ ar) d a flu ranee to fupport and defend the Religion of the round him, he was forced to Ihift from IHand to Ifland 
 “ Church o { England, as it is now by law eftablilhed. We to avoid them. This he could eafily do, by means of his 
 “ prefent this revenue to your Majefty, without the con- three Ihips, and feveral fmall boats, till he heard that three 
 “ dition of any additional, appropriating, or tacking claufes men of war, and fome frigates, would foon come and at- 
 <c whatfoever. And we humbly befeech your Majefty to tack him. Then, he marched into Argylejhire towards ln- 
 “ accept of it, and along with it our hearty prayers, That verary, ordering his veflels and boats to come and join him. 
 
 “ God Almighty would blefs you with a long life, and But they were hindered by contrary winds from doing it 
 “ happy reign to enjoy it.” foon enough. So, finding himfelf furrounded on all fides. 
 
 Upon the puffing this bill, his Majefty was pleafed to and confidering that few came to join him, and that his 
 
 N ' *° 39 ' make this Speech to both Houfes. 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen , 
 
 ‘‘ T Thank you very heartily for the Bill you have pre- 
 “ JL fented me this day ; and I aflure you, the readinefs 
 “ and chearfulnefs that hath attended the difpatch of it, is 
 “ as acceptable to me as the Bill itfelf. After fo happy a 
 “ beginning, you may believe I would not call upon you 
 “ unneccflarily for an extraordinary fupply : But when I 
 “ tell you, that the ftores of the navy and ordnance are 
 “ extremely exhaufted ; that the anticipations upon feveral 
 <c branches of the revenue are great and burthenfome ; that 
 “ the debts of the King my brother, to his fervants and 
 <c family, are fuch as deferve companion ; that the Rebel- 
 “ lion in Scotland , without putting more weight upon it 
 “ than it really deferves, muft oblige me to confiderable 
 “ expence extraordinary : I am fure fuch confiderations 
 “ will move you to give me an aid to provide for thofe 
 “ things, wherein the fecurity, the eafe and the happinefs 
 “ of my Government arc fo much concerned. But above 
 
 troops began to defert, he gave out, that he intended to 
 attack the Marquifs of Athol, who was at Inverary. But 
 at the fame time, he ordered the old caftle of Ellengrcg to 
 be fortified in the belt manner poflible, and leaving his can¬ 
 non there, with a garrifon of one hundred and eighty men, 
 marched into Dumbarton/hire. The fame day, the King’s IL fuj} atnt 
 Ihips came up to the caftle, with intent to batter it, but the^"' Loft. 
 caftle furrendered upon the firing of the firft gun. By 
 which the Earl loft five thoufar.d arms, five hundred bar¬ 
 rels of powder, and all his cannon, befides his three fhips 
 which were alfo taken at the fame time. This lofs fo dif- 
 couraged Argle, as well as his officers, that from that mo¬ 
 ment they thought only of means to efcape. But as, after 
 the lofs of their Ihips, there was no way to fly out of Scot¬ 
 land, they retired from place to place with all poflible fpeed, 
 even to the fvvimming of rivers. But they were fo hotly 
 purfued, that they were forced at length to difperfe into 
 fmall parties (1), in order to fave fome, in cafe the reft 
 fhould have the misfortune to be overtaken. At laft not 
 to be tedious, I fhall fay in two words, the Earl of Argyll 
 
 (1) It was then generally believed, (hat they were betrayed by Sir John Cockn 
 previde Guides ro condu& tnem lately into Golltnuay, ar-d cither miltaking the 
 they loft their Horfet and Baggage. Kenr.rt, p. 416. 
 
 , one of thofe that came over with /Irjyl;. For'he undertaking to 
 f, or dtfignedly o.illaading them, he cariiid them into a B g, wht.re 
 
 having 
 
Vo], II. 
 
 +8 
 
 1 the HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Jon. 
 
 Borne 
 
 P 6 3 ' 
 
 falUf.cn, 
 
 Holland. 
 
 HI P * 737 ' 
 p. 428. 
 
 land, 
 
 Lyme 
 
 P- 4*8. 
 HLp- 7 S 8 - 
 
 63 5. having received a wound in his head, was obliged to quit Though the fads contained in this declaration cannot be 1685. 
 
 his horfe, and run into the water up to his neck to fave looked upon as proofs that the King was guilty of what the 
 ii taken, himfelf. In this pofture he was taken by a countryman, Duke of Monmouth laid to his charge, they may ferve how- 
 
 16 I7 ' who threatned to knock him down if he would not yield (1). ever for proof, that the King from that time was acetified 
 
 This happened on the 17th of June, twenty-eight days of them, at lead by fome men, and that thefe accufations 
 
 after his firft: landing in Scotland. He was not fuffered to were not invented after his fall. 
 
 be- lanouifh long. For, being brought to Edinburgh with great The King having communicated to both Houles the Ail f 
 ded - ignominy, his head was cut off in a few days, and placed Duke of Monmouth's landing at Lyme , they prel'ented an 
 
 “ e 3 ®* on the. Toll-Booth of the City (2). Rumbold , one of his addrefs to him, alluring him of their zeal and affiftance, M ;, rmouth> 
 
 friends and confidents, was likewife taken and executed and immediately after the Commons proceeded to a Bill of Junn 13. 
 
 with feveral others (3). Thus the King, without having Attainder againft the Duke of Monmouth (5). At the 
 
 contributed fcarce any thing to it, faw himfelf delivered fame time they defired his Majefty to iflue a Proclamation, Kenner, 
 
 from the danger which threatned him from Scotland. promifing a reward of five thoufand pounds to any that Eclwjd. 
 
 7b, Duke Of 'f'he Duke of Monmouth , purfuant to his promife to fhould bring in the Duke dead or alive. The Bill of At- urnet * 
 
 Argyle, failed out of the Tex el the 24th of May-, with a tainder was difpatched by the Commons in two days, and 
 
 fmall man of war of thirty two guns, and two other vef- in one by the Lords. 
 
 fels. He met with fuch contrary winds, that he was nine- The 1 6th of June the King came to the Houfe of Peers, aid faffed. 
 teen days at fea, though without being difeovered by the and gave the royal affent both to this Bill and the money- Grices 
 
 King’s (hips which waited in the Channel to intercept him, bills before-mentioned. Two days a/ler he fent a mefliige £; n 2 ° c * 3 ' 
 
 the King having had fo early notice of hie delign, that to the Commons, to acquaint them, that he judgeJ it need- P , +3 .,. 
 
 P . 630,640 -sidton, his Majesty’s Envoy at the Hague-, had obtained an fary for the members to be prefent in their refpeefive 
 order from the States to arreft him. For which reafen. Counties, and therefore defined there (hould be an ad- 
 
 the Duke departed fooner than he intended. At latt, he journment in a few days ; defiring there might be a good rb, King 
 
 landed the 1 ith of June, with about eighty followers, in the fund for a prefent fum of money, to anfwer the immediate d JJJ™ d J 
 Weft of England , near Lyme , and the fame day repaired charge his Majefty muft be at, on account of the Duke of L " r> ‘ 
 to the town, where he was received without oppofition. Monmouth's rebellion in the Weft. Upon this meftage 
 Here he publifhed a declaration againft the King. As this the Commons voted a fupply of four hundred thoufand 
 declaration is well known, I (hall only mention the moft pounds for the King’s prefent extraordinary occafions. 
 material things in it (4). The two Houfes wcre fo expeditious to anfwer the Ajhpaffd. 
 
 H„ Deck. In the preface he faid, “ That Government was origi- King’s defires, that on the 27th of June there were twelve p ^. n ' * 
 race*. ‘c n ally inftituted by God, and this or that form of it Bills ready, moft of them for the King’s benefit ; and on Ecn’rd. 
 
 Lite of King (t c hofen and fubmitted to by men, for the happinefs and the 2d of July, four more (6), befides private Bills. That in. p. 761. 
 
 James H. ^ f ecur ity of the governed, and not for the private inte- day, the Parliament was adjourned to the 4th of Augujl. 
 
 Kennet. «< reft, and perfonal greatnefs of thofe that rule. That But the Lord Keeper gave notice, that the King did not 
 
 « the government of England was, above all others, happy intend there (hould be a feftion, but that the members a- 
 
 “ in its primitive form, whereby the prerogatives of the bout London (hould meet and adjourn themfelves as there 
 
 “ Crown, and the privileges of the Subjects were fo far (hould be occafion, till winter, or till the King (hould ap- 
 
 « from juftling one another^ that the People’s rights tended point the time by Proclamation. Thus ended the firft 
 
 « t0 render the King great, and the Prince’s prerogatives feflion of this Parliament, having done in fix weeks what 
 
 “ were in order to the fubjeds protetftion and fafety. But no other ever did in many months (7). 
 
 <C that all the boundaries of the Government had of late The Duke of Monmouth's followers, who were not a- jb, Duhof 
 “ been broken, and nothing left unattempted, for turning bove eighty two when he landed at Lyme, increafed to Monmouth 
 “ the limited Monarchy into an abfolute tyranny.” two thoufand in three or four days. This made him hope 
 
 7'hen the Duke proceeded to impute to the King all the they would continually increafe as he advanced into the p . 431/ 
 mifehiefs in the reign of Charles II, as, “ the burning of country. Wherefore, he departed from Lyme the 1 S ‘th of Burnet. 
 
 “ London , the alliance with France, the two wars with June, and came the fame day to Axminjler. He thereby 
 
 «C Holland, the popifh Plot, Godfrey's murder, the Protef- prevented Chrijlopher Monk Duke of Albemarle,, who with 
 
 “ tant-plot, the fuborning witndles to fwearthe moft zea- four thoufand of the Militia intended to go thither in order 
 
 « lous patriots out of their lives, the hiring of villains to to befiege him in Lyme. The Duke of Monjnouth being come 
 K aftaftinate the Earl of Effex, and caufing others to be to Axminjler, difpofed his troops in fuch manner, that Al¬ 
 to clandeftinely cut off, the frequent prorogations and dif- bemarle, inftead of attacking him, thought proper to retreat, 
 tt folutions of the Parliaments.” perceiving his Militia-men had no inclination to do their 
 
 He next proceeded to what the Duke of York had done duty. Albemarle's retreat enabled the Duke of Monmouth Ht comel t0 
 
 fince he affumed the title of King, as “ the avowing him- to march to Taunton, where he arrived the 1 8th, and was Taunton, 
 
 u f e [f 0 f the Romijh Religion ; his publifhing two Procla- received with loud acclamations. His army being confide- Ech ^ ld 
 “ mations, one whereof required the collecting of the rably increafed during a five or fix days ftay at Taunton, 
 
 “ Cuftoms, and the other continued that part of the Ex- he imagined his affairs were in a profperous way, and that 
 sc cife which was to expire at the King’s death ; his ad- all the Country would join him. In this expectation he 
 « vancing thofe to the Bench that were the fcandal of the called a Council, where it was refolved he (hould affume 
 “ Bar, Tnd conftituting thofe very men to declare the the title of King. He had already infinuated in his Dec la¬ 
 te ] aW s who were branded in Parliament for perverting ration, that he was lawful fon of Charles II, and thereby 
 t« them; his caufing Juries to be packed, falfe returns (liown, that he pretended to the Crown. But, in all like- 
 “ to be made, and new illegal Charters to be granted, lihood, he would not have taken the title fo foon, had not 
 “ in order to have a Parliament that (hould, inftead thofe about him (8), reprefented to him, that appearing in 
 “ of preferving the People’s liberties, eftablifti his arbitra- arms againft a King atfually on the throne, he muft be 
 it r j ne f s , an d confirm the Subjects thraldom.” He decla- accounted a rebel as long as that King’s right was acknow- 
 red moreover, “ That he did not take up arms to revenge ledged : That therefore, neither the Nobility nor People 
 ‘ l any perfonal injuries, but folely for vindicating his Coun- could have any pretence to join him ; whereas by taking 
 “ try’s Religion and Laws.” He did not fail however to upon him the royal ftyle, he would have the fame advan- 
 affirm, “ That his mother was lawful wife of Charles II.” tage as James with regard to right. Probably, there was 
 In conclufion, he accufed the King of poifoning the late no occafion to ufe many other arguments to prevail with 
 Kin» his Brother. The reft of the declaration contained him. What he had intimated in his Declaration, plainly 
 the ufual proteftations and invitations In papers of this (hows, that this was the end he propofed to himfelf. The 
 nature only thing therefore was to confult about the moft proper 
 
 (1) The Earl prefented a Piflul cr. the Countryman, but it miffid fire. Whereupon the other gave him a Blow on the Head, which fo dunned him that 
 he tell ana in finking cried out. Unfortunate Argyle ! Kennet , p. 4 * 7 * 
 
 'i. Purfuant to the Sentence pafs’d three Year* before, which made his Death to be looked on as no better than Murder. He jollified all he had done , 
 for'he laid, he was unjudly attainted : and that had dilDlved his Allegiance. H- complained ot the Duke of Monmouth much, for delaying his coming 
 lone after him, and' for alluming the Name ot King, both which he 'aid was contrary to their Agreement at parting. Burnet, p. 63a. 
 iV AtLfe and Rumbold were taken, who, though Engl,ft,men, had chofe rather to follow Argyle. than Monmouto. Rumbold was the Perfon that dwelt 
 in Rye-Houfe where it was pretended the Plot was laid for murdering the late and prefent King. He denied the Truth of that Confpiracy He owneJ 
 that he had heard many Propofitions at tVefP s Chambers about killing -he two Brothers, and upon that he had faid, it could have been eafily executed 
 •tar his Houfe : upon which fome Difcourfe had followed how it might have been managed. But he faid, it was only Talk, and that nothing was la'd 
 or fo much as refolved on. He faid he was for kingly Government, but did not believe that God had made the greater part of Mankind with baddies on 
 •h-ir Barks and Bridles in their Months, and fome few booted and fpurred to ride the reft. When Auoffe was biought to Ltn.icn and examined by the 
 e’tufed to oifeover any thing. Whereupon the King faid, Mr. Ailojf,. you know it is in my Power to paidon you, 1 f.ere/ore fay that which 
 : it He anfwered, as it is laid, 7bough i: fa in your Power, it ;i net in your Nature to pardon. He was Nephew by Maruage to the old Eaii. 
 n. But that could not fave him. Burnet, p. 633. 
 
 a, c; titled, the Declaration of James Dube of Monmou'h, and tbe Noblemen, Ger.t/em 
 
 King, 
 
 (*) 
 
 and irbtr 
 
 P’.teftint R r 
 
 s p'i 
 
 in I v 
 
 s long, (fays Burnet ) a 
 —That ingrateful Rebel 
 
 and tbeLawi, Rigbti, and Privilege1 of Engla 
 which was both long and fulfome, p 641. 
 
 , 1 at ....^./Addrefs, called the Duke of Monmouth — - & , 
 
 ,0! One was, tor erecting a new church, to be called the Pari/h of St. Jam.ex. within the Liberty of IPeftminfter. 
 •i Tne encing ot this Seffion, fays Burnet, was no fmall Happinefs to the Nation; fuch a Body of Men bei 
 041. 
 
 T Particularly F,rgufon, See Kennet, p, 431. Note (cj. 
 
 
 ill penned : full of black « 
 
 miffed 'wi h Aung fo little Hu t. 
 
 time 
 
Book XXIV. 
 
 27. JAMES If. 
 
 i^Sj. time for it. In ffinrt, purfuant to the advice of thofe he 
 Kr/flf tb ‘ con ^ lI:ed 5 he was proclaimed King at Taunton the 20th of 
 King. J lir,c by the name of James II. 
 
 tic pubhUn lie began his pretended Reign with three Proclamations. 
 'natn? 1 ^ c * ie be promifed the fum of five thoufand pounds 
 Kenoet! r ° an Y that ^ould bring the Duke of York dead or alive. 
 
 P - 43 1 • By the fecond, he declared the Parliament now fitting a 
 
 fm ard ’ 6 kditious alfembly, and gave power to any that would lay 
 p ‘ ' hold of the members as rebels and tiaitors, if they did not 
 Separate before the end of June. The third was to de¬ 
 clare the Duke of Albemarle a traitor, who lay within fix 
 miles of Taunton with his Militia-men to attack him, if 
 he found opportunity. 
 
 ih marcbct The 2 i ft of Junc the Duke marched for Bridgewater. 
 water, 8 '" was reccived there as at Taunton , efpecially as his army 
 was increafed to five thoufand men, and might have been 
 more numerous, had he been able to arm thofe that offered 
 to ferve him. Befides arms he wanted alfo good Officers, 
 fcarce any but the meaneft of the people having joined him. 
 and it pro- After caufing himfelf to be proclaimed in Bridgewater, 
 c ‘*l™ d and bis three Proclamations to be read, he marched for 
 'lUmarcbct Triftol, where the inhabitants were inclined to receive him, 
 toward! had they not been awed by the Duke of Beaufort their 
 finftoK Governour. He advanced however within three miles of 
 the City, at the inftance of fome Briftol men, who allured 
 him, he would be received in fpite of the Governour and 
 Btart of the the garrifon. But in the mean time, he had notice that 
 "fb^Kin/f tke Ki n g’s forces were advancing, which made him alter 
 Jirmy.and bis refolution of attempting Brjlol to that of retreating to 
 rttrean to Bridgewater. He marched therefore towards Bath, and 
 watt 8 ! a ^ ter V;:inI y Summoning that City to furrender, he beat up 
 one of the King’s quarters [at Philip's-Norton,] where lay 
 a troop of horfe, which were entirely defeated (i}. 
 h rom thence he advanced to Frame , where he met with 
 a chearful reception. But unhappily for him, the King’s 
 party had found means a few days before to difarm all the 
 Inhabitants, fo that he was difappointed, his chief aim be¬ 
 ing to feize thefe arms for fuch of his men as wanted them. 
 Hr recei-ves At Frame he heard of the Earl of Argyle's defeat, which 
 Newt of threw him into a great confternation. However, he re- 
 Defea r. folved to purfue his march, and return to Bridgewater. 
 
 7br King Whilft thefe things palled in the Weft, the King was 
 make, nody. p re p ar j n g at London , with all poffible diligence, for his de¬ 
 fence againft an enemy who could not but make him ex¬ 
 tremely uneafy. But he had not many regular troops, and 
 thofe difperfed in feveral parts of the Kingdom. This ob¬ 
 liged him to raife the Militia, particularly in the weftern 
 counties, till the arrival of the fix Englijh and Scotch Re- 
 7bt Prince giments which were to come from Holland. On this oc- 
 °f Orange cafion, the Prince of Orange his Son-in-law fent Monfieur 
 ItbtArmy^ ^ ent mck, with an offer of his perfon to head his army : 
 buthrefund, but the King did not think proper to accept it. Mean 
 Ken net. while, as he had no great confidence in the Militia, he 
 
 p ' 431 ' fent down his guards, and all the regular troops he could 
 
 aflemble, and formed a little army of two thoufand Foot, 
 Fcverftiam and feven hundred horfe and dragoons. He gave the com- 
 made Gene niand to Lewis Duras Earl of Feverjham, brother of the 
 Burnet, Marlhals Duras and de Large, and nephew to the late 
 
 p.643. Mr. de Turenne. With thefe few troops, the Earl of Fe¬ 
 
 verjham encamped at a place called Scdgemore near Bridge- 
 xuater, whilft feveral parties of the Militia of the neigh¬ 
 bouring counties lay about him, under the command of the 
 Dukes of Beaufort , Somerfet , Albemarle , and the Earl of 
 Pembroke. 
 
 7be Duke The Duke of Monmouth, who was come to Bridgewater, 
 nnwKi- , ” oki "3 u P 0n himfelf as befieged, and confidering that the 
 tad! tie King’s forces daily increafed, whilft his own began to de- 
 
 King't Ar- fert, held a Council of War, wherein it was refolvcd to 
 
 July 6. march in the n 'ght 5 and furprize the Earl of Feverjham , 
 
 Kennet. who was encamped that day at Sedgemore, and according 
 
 p. 43'- to the report of the fpies, little expetfted to be attacked. 
 
 Purfuant to this refolution the Duke began his march about 
 eleven at night with profound filence, and within two 
 hours fell in with Dunbarton’s regiment, which, lying in an 
 advanced poft, gave the alarm to the royal army, and by that 
 they had time to draw up and receive their enemies. The 
 particulars of the battle, which was fought about an hour 
 after, are not well known. Thus much is certain, the 
 Duke of Monmouth's horfe commanded by the Lord Grey 
 behaved very ill (2), though fuperior to the King’s in num¬ 
 ber, and were routed at the firft charge. The Duke of 
 Monmouth , in the head of the foot, long fought with great 
 Feitde- bravery. But being deferred by his own, and attacked by 
 Kentct, the Kin j?’ s horfe, his army was at laft forced to take to 
 
 p. 431,432. ^ight. The lots of this battle was aferibed to the little ex- 
 Burnet, perience or cowardice of the Lord Grey, who commanded 
 P • G44.&4 6 - 
 
 the horfe, and was even fufpe<£Ied of treachery. • t 
 confirmed this fufpicion was, that being made prifoner : • 
 readily obtained the King’s pardon. It is fa id moreover, 
 that when he had fo ill performed his duty, inftead of en¬ 
 deavouring to rally the horfe, he rode up to the Duke of 
 Monmouth and told him, all was loft, and it was more than 
 time to Jhift for himfelf (3). 
 
 "T his battle was fought the 6th of July at break of day. 
 
 There were flam on the Duke of Monmouth's fide three 
 hundred men on the fpot, a thoufand in the purfuit, and 
 as many taken prifoners. The Duke retiring out of the 
 fight, could hardly rally fifty horfe to fecure his retreat. 
 
 But thefe being quickly difperfed, he was obliged to fly on 
 foot, accompanied only with a German Count, whom he had 
 brought with him from Holland. The Lord Grey was ta¬ 
 ken on the morrow, and, the day after, the Duke of Mon- He i, , a k, 9 
 mouth was found in a ditch covered with fern, with fome “p 
 green peafe in his pocket. Probably he had eaten nothing 7 u J^j don ‘ 
 elfe for two days. He was brought to the Lord Lumley, ' 
 who immediately conveyed him to London. 
 
 No fooner was the Duke taken, but he believed himfelf ft 
 loft, and yet he retained fome hopes that the King would ,otbeKin fr 
 be moved by his fubmiffion and repentance, and the Queen nw’.-r. 
 Dowager would intercede for him. In this belief, he wrote Burnet. 77 
 to the King for pardon in the moft fubmiffive terms he p ’ 6 44- 
 could devife, and which he thought moft apt to move his 
 compaffion. He writ alfo to the Queen Dowager, who c ' r ~ 
 really interceded for him, and prevailed with the King to w 
 fee the unfortunate Duke. She made no doubt, that fince 
 the King had confented to fee him, he intended to pardon 
 him ; but fhe was miftaken. The Duke being brought to ?b‘ Duke 
 the King’s prefence, threw himfelf at his feet, and begged l f ,bh 
 his life in a very fubmiffive or rather abjetft manner. The Kennet! 
 King, after asking him fome queftions, made him fign a p- 433* 
 declaration, whereby he owned, that the King his father 
 allured him, he was never married to his mother. This n ‘ Z' n g 
 done, the King told him, his crime was of too great a con- 
 fequence to be forgiven, and therefore he muft prepare to 
 die. The Queen, who was prefent, is faid to have in¬ 
 fixed his misfortune in an unmerciful manner. The Duke 
 feeing no hopes left, rofe from the King’s feet with an air 
 of bravery, which would have better become him when he 
 firft came into his prefence, and was carried to the Tower 
 to prepare for death. T he King’s and Queen’s behaviour Welwood, 
 on this occafion was thought very ftrange, Princes not be-P >47- 
 ing ufed to admit criminals to their prefence, but when 
 they defign to grant them a pardon. I do not find in any 
 Hiftorian, that the Duke was proceeded againft in the ufual 
 forms. So, probably,jhe was condemned by the King alone. 
 
 Till his execution the King ordered Turner Bilhop of Echarf. 
 
 Ely to attend him, and prepare him to die. The Duke IM : P- 7" 2 > 
 writ once more to the King for pardon, or at leaft for a p.“^t 
 longer time, and defired him to fend him Dr. Tennifon (4) ' ■’ 
 
 or any other Divine. The King denied the two firft ar¬ 
 ticles of his requeft, and appointed Ken Bifhop of Bath and 
 Wells, to go and acquaint him, that he muft die the next 
 morning. 
 
 In the morning, July the 15th, Dr. Tennifon and Dr. Hl !l f rt " 
 Hooper were brought to him, and attended him till the laft^"^ or 
 hour of his life. By their exhortations they perfwaded him “ 
 to give it in writing, that the King his father told him, he 
 was never married to his mother. He confefled alfo, that 
 his invafion was a fin, but would never own it a rebellion. 
 
 There was another point about which the two Divines could 
 not receive from him any fatisfadlion, namely, his living 
 with the Lady Herriot Wentworth , though he had aDucheft 
 of his own, and his pretending to be lawfully married to 
 her before God, alledging, that his firft marriage was null, 
 as being too young when he gave his confent. All the pains 
 taken by the two Do&ors to convince him of the falfehood 
 of this opinion were fruitlefs, nay, he chofe rather to de¬ 
 prive himfelf of the Communion, than own his engage¬ 
 ments with that Lady to be unlawful. 
 
 When he was on the Scaffold, he declared, he died a He ». <A‘- 
 Proteftant of the Church of England. But Turner and CMled ‘ 
 
 Ten flopped him, and faid, that to be a member of the 
 Church of England he muft believe the doctrine of Non- 
 Refiftance. He anfwered, he could not help it, but he did 
 not believe it, yet he approved the dotftrine of the Church 
 in all other things. At laft, he laid his head on the block, 
 which was not fevered from his body uritill t!.c fifth ftroke. 
 
 Thus died the Duke of Monmouth , who had long been the 
 people’s idolj and whom James always confidered as a very 
 formidable rival. Charles II. died very feafi.nably to free 
 the Duke his brother from the uneaiinefs created him by 
 this competitor. But though James had mounted the 
 
 (t) Henry. Fite-Roy, Duke of Grafton, narrowly efcaped with hit Life. Kenner, p. 431. 
 
 (i) 1 hey were mounted on ordinary Marih mires and Colls, that would not (land the noife of Drums and Guns. 
 
 (3, Rut, after all, it feems1 there was no ground for fufpedting him of treachery. And as f-r his being pirdooed, it u 
 migh. enjey h,s Ertate which could not be without fparing that Lord^a Life, lince his Eilate was entaiied. See Ker.rc 
 14; Alter wards Archbifliop of Canterbury. 
 
 s don«, that th: Earl of R:cbJ.. r 
 p 431. Note. Burnet, p. 646. 
 
 No. Si. Vol. II, 
 
 9 D 
 
 throne,*' 
 
Vol. If. 
 
 5 ° 
 
 ■fit k :,*» 
 
 Jefferies net/ 
 
 Bloody 
 
 Affize*. 
 
 Echarc. 
 
 Barbarcut 
 Pr'.ceedtngt 
 °f JptTtfries. 
 B 1 d) 
 Aflizes. 
 Burnet, 
 p. 648 ,6 so. 
 
 Stat 
 
 ■Tty 
 
 IV. p. 105. 
 Sept. s. 
 
 Kennet. 
 p. 433- 
 R. Cjke, 
 
 Echard, 
 
 in. p. 775. 
 
 ^ 0/ 
 
 Kirk. 
 
 Ibid. 
 Rennet. 
 P-434- 
 Burnet, 
 p. 647. 
 
 Father 
 Orleans re- 
 
 7 ’he HISTORY of E NGLAND, 
 
 (I.!one, [lie Duke of Monmouth endangered his Crown. 
 Neither the vi&ory at Sedgmore , nor Argyle' s defeat in Scot¬ 
 ian f could be aferibed to the valour or conduct of the 
 King, hut to mere chance, or rather to the dire&ion of 
 Providence, which, for the welfare of England , was pleafed 
 to ufe p rope rer means to be more plainly tliftinguilhed. 
 
 The King being; thus freed from his greateft fears, gave 
 himfelf over entirely to the paftion of revenge on thofe 
 who d’reclly or indirefl’y had aflifted the Duke of Mon- 
 mau'h To that end, the Lord Chief-Juftice Jefferies was 
 Lot with four Judges affiftants, into the Weft, with a fpe- 
 c:a I com million of Oyer and Terminer , to try the late re- 
 l>ds ; and Mujor-General Kirk was ordered to attend him 
 vath a body of troops to keep the people in awe. It was 
 ot poflible for the King to find in the whole Kingdom, 
 two men more deftitutc of Religion, Honour, and Huma¬ 
 nity. They were two cruel and mercilefs tygers, that 
 delighted in hlood. I fhall relate here but fome few of their 
 barbarous a&ions : For a particular account of all their pro¬ 
 ceedings would be too great a digreflion. 
 
 At ITincheJhr , the widow of the Lord Lijle (1), one of 
 King Charles I’s Judges, was brought befoie him to be 
 tried. Her crime was the harbouring and concealing Mr. 
 I ticks a Presbyterian Minifter (z) of the Duke of Mon¬ 
 mouth's party, though his name was in no proclamation, 
 and one Neitherp who was a ft ranger to her. The Jury 
 not fatisfied with the evidence, brought her in not guilty. 
 Jlut Jefferies in great fury, fent them out again. 7 'hey 
 found her not guilty three times : But Jefferies threatening 
 them with an attaint of Jury, fhe was brought in guil- 
 tv, and executed accordingly, being above feventy years 
 
 Jkl<5) 
 
 At Dorchtjler , Jefferies , to Ihorten his work, told thirty 
 prifoners, that if they expected any favour, they fhould plead 
 guilty. But as they did not care to take that courfe, he 
 condemned twenty-nine, who were immediately executed. 
 
 In another place, two hundred perfons being indicted, 
 Jefferies pofitively promifed a pardon to fuch as Ihould plead 
 guilty, and of the two hundred, he ordered four-fcore to 
 be hanged. 
 
 In fine, not to inlarge on fuch a feene of horror, it fuf- 
 fices to lay, that Jefferies condemned five hundred perfons, 
 whereof two hundred and thirty were executed, according 
 to the loweft computation (4), and their quarters fet up in 
 the highways. Jefferies himfelf gloried in this barbarity, 
 and boafted, that he had hanged more men than all the 
 Judges of England fince William the Conqueror. And yet he 
 would have carried his cruelty farther, had not many pur- 
 chafed his favour with their eftates. One Mr. Prideaux (5) 
 alone, gave him fourteen thoufand pounds to fave his life. 
 As for thofe that had not money enough to buy pardons at 
 his price, they were either hanged, or cruelly whipped, or 
 fold for Haves into the American Plantations. 
 
 Kirk was not behind Jefferies either in cruelty or info- 
 lence. Immediately after die Duke of Monmouth's defeat, 
 being fent to Taunton , he caufed nineteen perfons, by his 
 own authority, without any trial or procefs, and without 
 fuft'ering their wives or children to fpeak with them, to be 
 hanged with pipes playing, drums beating, and trumpets 
 founding. It was this doubtlcfs, that made him worthy to 
 be an affiftant to Jefferies. 
 
 In the fame town of Taunton-, Kirk having invited his 
 officers to dinner, ordered thirty condemned perfons to be 
 hanged whilft they were at table, namely, ten in a health 
 to the King, ten in a health to the Queen, and ten in a 
 health to Jefferies. But one a&ion he committed in ano¬ 
 ther town is beyond all imagination. A young girl throw¬ 
 ing herfelf at his feet to beg her father’s (6) life, he drew 
 her in to proftitute herfelf to him, with the promife of 
 granting her requeft. But having fatisfied his brutal luft, 
 he was fo inhuman, as out of the window, to prefent the 
 credulous girl with the fight of her father hanging on the 
 Sign-poft. This fad fpe&acle fo affefted the poor girl, that 
 fhe fell diffracted. 
 
 Father Orleans , who writ from the mouth of James II, 
 not being able to deny thefe barbarous executions, endea¬ 
 vours to excufe them two ways. He fays firft, that the 
 King was informed of them too late to prevent them, and 
 that the great Cervices performed by Jefferies and Kirk-, pre¬ 
 vailed with him to fpare them (7}. He fays, in the next 
 place, that the King made amends for thofe injuftices, as 
 
 far as lay in his power, by the general pardon he afterwards 1685. 
 granted. But it is eafy to fee, how vain thefe excufes are, 
 if it is confideied, that when Kirk was charged with thefe Kennet. 
 cruelties, he anfwered, that Jefferies and himfelf a£ied far P’ 4 - 1 *- 
 fhort of the King’s inftrutflionc. Again, the King was fo m. p _’ 77 j. 
 little difpleafed with Jefferies' s conduct, that at his defire he R. Coke- 
 made him Lord-Chancellor (8), the Lord-Keeper North 
 dying while the Chief Juftice was exercifing his cruelties in 
 the Weft. As for the general pardon, it was not publifhed 
 till feveral months after all thefe executions, when there 
 were no more guilty to be found. The Court muft have 
 believed, that very few could have the benefit of the par¬ 
 don, fince a company of young girls, from ten to twelve 
 years old, were inferted by name, who, with chaplets of 
 flowers on their head, had prefented a bible to the Duke 
 of Monmouth-, at his entry into Taunton. 
 
 It was not only in the weftern counties that the King SeotratEx- 
 gave fcnfible proofs of his revengeful temper. The city of 
 London was witnefs alfo of feveral executions in Ochber, of e:u*- 
 and among others, of Elizabeth Gaunt , who was publickly Kuh G - -■ 
 burnt for harbouring one of the Duke of Monmouth's ad- Tl " 
 herents (9). Six men were hanged at Tyburn as traitors, ' 
 
 for crimes of the like nature, and what is more ftrangc, 
 without any previous tryal. 
 
 But the execution that made moft noife, was that of Of Atder- 
 Alderman Cornijh. This man, who was Sheriff ot Lon- mj j b ^ Qrn: ^ 1 ‘ 
 don , at the time of the difeovery of the popifh Plot, had Kennet. 
 been very active on that occafiun, which was grown an p* 43*. 
 unpardonable crime in the prefent reign. Cornijh , whofe 
 name had hardly been mentioned in the Rye-plot, not Echard. 
 fufpe&ing any thing, and following his profeffion, was feized ill-p.776. 
 on Tuefday the i 3th of 0 Haber, and hurried to Newgate 
 without being allowed the ufe of pen, ink, and paper. The 
 next Saturday evening, he had notice that he was indidled 
 of High-treafon, and that his tryal was to be on Monday O&o'otng, 
 morning. On the morrow, he fent a petition to the King 
 for a longer time, alledging, that he did not even know 
 wherein confifted the treafon he was accufed of. The 
 King referred his petition to the Judges, who abfolutely 
 denied his requeft. He was charged with confpiring a- 
 gainft King Charles II, with the Lord Ruffel, and the reft 
 who had been executed for that affair, and condemned upon 
 the evidence of the fame witriefles, though he fliowed, in 
 their depofitiens, manifeft contradi£lions, and vifible impro¬ 
 babilities. But it was refolved to revenge the death of thofe 
 who fuffered for the popifh Plot, upon fuch as had been 
 moft a£tive againft the Papifts. Cornijh was executed as a State-Try. 
 traitor, the 23d of Ofiober. But the Parliament, in the 1V ' P- l6 °* 
 year 1688, reverfed the fentcnce, as well as thofe of fome 
 others, who had unjuftly fuffered in the beginning of this 
 reign. 
 
 The laft that died for the Protcftant Plot, was Charles Bate- oi -Butman 
 man , a noted Surgeon, who was accufed of holding feveral Q e ^ ur l \“' n ' 
 feditious difeourfes at that time againft the Government, jbid.'p. 162. 
 But many people believed, his chief crime confifted - in his Ech.ud. 
 compaffion to Titus Oates , having conftantly attended him lI1, p ' 780 ' 
 after his cruel fcourgings, and ufed all his skill to cure his 
 wounds. This man, who did not expe£t to be accufed, 
 grew diftra<£ted during his imprifonment, and the Court was 
 fo well fatisfied of it, that his fon was permitted to make 
 his defence for him. But his condition did not prevent his 
 being condemned and executed. 
 
 The King was then in a flourifhing ftate. His two greateft The King, 
 enemies were deftroyed, and by his revenge upon thofe that J lou,! l hn .z 
 had offended him, as well in his own, as in his brother’s Coa " , ' r " 
 reign, he had ftruck fuch a terror into the whole Kingdom, 
 that no man dared fo much as to think of refifting him. 
 
 The Whigs were entirely humbled, the Tories were tri¬ 
 umphant, and the dotSfrine of Paffive Obedience and Non- 
 Reliftance was openly preached, as an effential article of the 
 faith of the Church of England. The King had a Par¬ 
 liament, which fought only to give him marks of their 
 zeal, and ever ready to fupply him with money for all ex¬ 
 traordinary occafions, without his being obliged to meddle 
 with his revenue. His army greatly contributed to make 
 him feared, and keep the people in awe. Scotland was en¬ 
 tirely fubdued, and the managers of the affairs of that King¬ 
 dom feemed only to mind the enlarging of the Preroga¬ 
 tive royal. As for Ireland , it will prefently be feen, that 
 he had not flayed till now to put that Kingdom in the ftate 
 he defired. In fine, the Princes of Europe confidering him 
 
 (1) He was one of CrornnotlP s Lords, and Commiflioner of the Great SeaL 
 
 (s' Brother of the late Dr. Hicks, Dean of Worcejler. 
 
 (3) All the Favour 'he King would grant her, was to change her Sentence from Burning to Beheading. State-Tryalt, Tom. IV. p. 129. 
 
 (41 Bu-r.ei fays above fix hundred were hanged, 0.648- (5) Of Ford- Abbey in Somerfet/btre. 
 
 (6 Some lay it washer brother's. See Kennet p. 434, and Echard, T. III. p. 77^. 
 
 (? Burnet allures u^, that the King had a particular Account of all Jeffenet's Proceedings writ to him every Day. And he took Plcafure to relate them 
 in the Drawing Room to Foreign Minifter.', and at hi. Table, calling it Jefferiet's Cjmpain. Dyk-vett the states Amballadur told Burnet , that the King 
 talked i, „*tm ot thefe Things in his Hearing, that he wondered to fee him break out into thofe Indecencies, p. 648. 
 
 (S, And created him Baron of Went in Hbropjbire. 
 
 9) The Vilain, up-n hiring that the King would fooner pardon the Rebels than thofe that harboured them, by an unheard of Bafenefs, went and de¬ 
 livered himfelf and acculed her tnat harboured him, while ftie was looking for an Opportunity of lending him out of the Kingdom. Upon the Evidence of 
 tin's infamous Witnefs, the Judge charged the Jury to find her Guilty. Burnet, p. 649. 
 
 as 
 
Book XXIV. 
 
 27. JAMES II, 
 
 1685. as a monarch able to incline the balance to which fide he 
 pleafed, made, as I may fay, their court to him, either to 
 gain him, or at ieaft to hinder him from turning againft: 
 them. 
 
 Ht forms What therefore did 'James II. want to render his happi- 
 nrw Project ne f s corn pl e te ? One thing, which affetfted him more than 
 all the reft, but which he could not hope to obtain, without 
 hazarding all his other advantages. This was, to make all 
 his fubjeifts Papifts, or at leaft, to force them to pretend 
 to be fo. But this was not a thing eafy to be accom- 
 plilhed, by reaion of the great fuperiority of the num¬ 
 ber of the Proteftants in England and Scotland. Ne- 
 verthelefs, he attempted it, imagining, that the opportuni- 
 Kcnner, ty was too favorable to be negledted. But as he ufed at 
 + 14 - fi r ft very grofs artifices, obvious to all the world, he was 
 obliged to fupport them with force, and to that end, he 
 was to fet himfelf above the laws. Thefe two projedts, of 
 eftablilhing an arbitrary Government, and deftroying the 
 Proteftant Religion, were not of a late date. Every one 
 knew they had long been in hand. But the Engiijh did 
 not expeift, the King would violate his repeated promifes 
 to fupport and defend the Religion eftablifhed by law : 
 Nay, fome were fo ftrangely blind, as to think it impolfi- 
 ble for the King to break his word. But they were after¬ 
 wards too fenfible of their error. All the reft ot this reign 
 confifts only in the means ufed by the King to execute 
 this defign, and in the meafures taken by the Englijb at luft 
 to ftop his career. I muft begin with the firft of thefe 
 points, before I proceed to the fecond. 
 wbicb'flouU Man y things fhould have diverted the King from forming 
 "bavt Litb- fuch a projc£t. Firft, the difficulty of the execution, which 
 bill the might have been eafily forefeen. For it it is conlldered, 
 Jrom t ^ at t ^ e p a pifl; S 0 f England are not the thoufandth part of 
 tkem. S the nation, it muft be thought ftrange, that with this thou¬ 
 fandth part it is att pied to compel the reft to change their 
 Religion. I fay compel, for what likelihood is there that, 
 without compulfion, a whole nation may be perfwaded to 
 quit their Religion and embrace another, for which they 
 have the utmoft abhorrence ? It will, perhaps, be faid, 
 that James had almoft accomplifhed it, and that without a 
 foreign aid, the Engiijh would have been forced to fubmit 
 to the yoke. But the inconfiderablenefs of this aid, de¬ 
 mon ft rates, he was yet very far from his ends. 
 
 Secondly, As to the abfolute power, which muft have 
 been eftablifhed, in order to introduce a Religion contrary to 
 that of the whole Kingdom, he was much miftaken in fup- 
 pofing, that France would land him a powerful aid for that 
 purpofe. For it was not the intereft of Lewis XIV, to 
 render the King of England abfolute, but only to raife 
 commotions in that Kingdom, which by keeping England 
 employed, fhould facilitate the execution of his ambitious 
 defigns. 
 
 Welwood, Thirdly, If the examples of Edward II, and Richard II, 
 P- 1 33 > &c> as too remote from his time, made no impreffion upon him, 
 he fhould have confidered that of the King his Father, 
 who, for endeavouring to ftretch the Prerogative royal, 
 and for being only fufpetted of intending to introduce Po¬ 
 pery, loft his head on the fcaffold. It has been feen, that 
 Charles I, in the time of his afflictions, writ to the Prince 
 his eldeft fon to take warning by him, not to aflume more 
 power than belonged to him. Moreover, when he was 
 brought on the fcaffold, he took off his George , and gave 
 it to Dr. Juxon , faying, Remember. The Council of State 
 being willing to know the meaning of that expreffion, 
 Juxon anfvvered, That the King immediately before his coming 
 out to the place of execution, had charged him to carry to the 
 Prince his George, with thefe his two lafl commands , That 
 he fhould forgive his murtherers; and, If ever he came to the 
 Crown, he Jhould fo govern , as not to force them upon extre¬ 
 mities. The Queen-Do wager, as fhe was going into So- 
 merfet-houfe , after the reftoration of Charles II, faid. Had 
 I known the Englifh fome years Jince , as well as I do now , / 
 fhould never have been forced to leave this palace. In fine, 
 Puffendorf Charles II, when at the point death, told the Duke his 
 El'ft 0 * f h r0t h e r, not to think of introducing the Roman Catholick Re- 
 Brandenb. Ugion into England, it being a dangerous and impracticable 
 thing. Thefe warnings, which could not be fufpeCled by 
 the King, ought to have made him ferioufly confider what 
 he was going to do. 
 
 Fourthly, Don Pedro Ronquillo the Spanijh Ambaffador, 
 at his firft audience after the King’s acceffion to the Crown, 
 Ibid. told him, That he faw feveral Priefls about him , who would 
 importune him to alter the ejlablifhed Religion ; but wifhed 
 his Majejly not to hearken to their advice , for if he did, he 
 would have redfon to repent of it when it was too late. The 
 King taking ill the Ambaftador’s freedom, asked him in a 
 p iffion, Whether, in Spain, the King advifed with his Con- 
 feffors ? Yes, Sir, replied Don Pedro , and that is the rea- 
 fon our affairs go fo ill. 
 
 75 1 
 
 Fifthly* Pope Innocent XI, in a letter fo the King upon *6^5. 
 his coming to the Crown, told him. That he was''highly 
 pleafed with his zeal for the Catholick Religion : But was 
 afraid he would carry it too far, and injlead of contribute ir 
 to his own greatnefs, and the advancement of Reiman, L-. 
 would do both himfelf and the Catholick Church the great 1 ’ 
 prejudice, by attempting that which could never fucceed. 
 
 Laftly, It was manifeft, that the King could hope to 
 fucceed in his undertaking but by force, and that this force 
 wholly lay in his army and fleet. But was it not a ftrange 
 projedf, to attempt to reduce by force a Proteftant Kingdom 
 to the Catholick Religion, with a Proteftant army, and 
 fleet, whofe commanders and mariners were Proteftants 1 
 He had but too much reafon to perceive his error, when ■ • 
 was too late to remedy it. 
 
 Thefe confiderations, examples, and warnings, were 
 ineffectual againft the impetuous zeal of the King, and the 
 importunities of thofe who were admitted to his lecret coim- 
 fels, and particularly the Queen. He attempted at once 
 two things equally difficult, namely, to fet himfelf alvu 
 the laws, and to alter the eftabliftied Religion. When 1 
 fay he attempted it, I mean, openly and bate-faced, tor it 
 was no new defign. He had formed, it long lince, and, 
 not to carry back the beginning of it too far, it fufficcs <u 
 obferve, that the execution of it had been privately labou¬ 
 ring about twenty years ; and that moreover, James did 
 but purfue the fcheme he had perhaps himfelf framed, w hen 
 Duke of York. It was not therefore the Duke of Mon¬ 
 mouth's defeat that infpired James II. with I he thoughts of 
 becoming abfolute, and altering the eftablifhed Religion. 
 
 His good fortune to conquer that rival, ferved only t./ put 
 him upon haftening the execution of his projects. This 
 evidently appears, when it is conlidered, what palled in 
 Ireland fince the beginning of his reign. 
 
 About two months after the King’s acceffion to the 7he Kt„p, 
 Crown, he recalled the Duke of Ormond from Ireland, and tfnctft, n , t 
 appointed two Lords Juftices to govern that Kingdom (1 ). 
 
 The Duke of Ormond was not a proper inftrument for the of Ireland? 
 King’s purpofes. At the fame time, the Privy-Council of K,rnet - 
 Ireland was diffolved, and a new one appointed, into which g 
 were admitted feveral known Papifts. Soon after, their p. g"V. 
 number was fo increafed, that they made the major part of Ectia ‘ d - 
 the Council, fo that the Proteftants no longer afiifted, that 
 they might not authorize by their prefence, fuch refolutions 
 as it was in vain to oppofe. When the Council was thus 
 modelled, nothing was heard in Ireland, but impeachments 
 againft the Proteftants, for being concerned in the Rye- 
 Plot, and afterwards, for holding correfpondsnce with the 
 Duke of Monmouth, or his adherents. The moment any 
 perfon was accufed, he was fent to prifon by the Council, 
 without being admitted to bail, or brought to a trial. The 
 Earl of Granard , one of the Lords Juftices, and a gcod 
 Proteftant, weary of being an inftrument to thofe adfs of 
 injuftice, defired to be difmifled. But the King denied 
 him, and fent him a letter under his own hand, alluring 
 him, that nothing Jhould be a tied prejudicial to the ProteJlant 
 interefl. But it foon appeared, that the King never meant 
 to perform this promife. For, very fhortly after, he re- 
 folved to have a ftanding army of Papifls in Ireland, and 
 to difarm the Proteftants. This laft article was firft put 
 in pra&ice. The King writ to the Lords Juftices, “ That K>- /net , 
 
 “ there was reafon to believe that the rebellion of Mon- P . 4,7. 
 
 “ mouth had been of that fpreading contagion, as to reach 
 “ Ireland, and therefore it was not fafe to hatffe the arms 
 *< of the Militia difperfed abroad ; but they would be in 
 “ greater readinefs for the ufe of the Militia, and the de- 
 “ fence of the country, to have them depofited in the fe- 
 “ veral ftores of each county.” Upon this order, the 
 Lords Juftices publifhed a proclamation, agreeable to the 
 King’s defire, and the City of Dublin having brought in 
 their arms, their example was followed by all the country. 
 
 The Proteftants being thus difarmed, means were devi- 
 fed to turn the Proteftant, into a Catholick, army. For 
 that purpofe, Colonel Richard Talbot , a violent Papift, was 
 impowered to calhier fuch officers and foldiers as he thought 
 fit. He was the man of all others moft odious lo the En¬ 
 glifh Proteftants in Ireland. It is obfervaWe, that Titus 
 Oates in his Narrative of the popifh plot, named him as 
 defigned for this very fervicc. So, when the event was 
 feen to agree fo well with what Oates had jelated, many 
 could not help thinking, either that he had been well in¬ 
 formed, or was a good prophet. 
 
 Talbot having received this commiffion, broke many of¬ 
 ficers, on pretence that they had born arms againft the 
 King during the troubles, or were fons and relations cf 
 thofe who had ferved the Parliament of Cromwell. It muft 
 be obferved, that all this palled in Ireland, before or imme¬ 
 diately after the Duke of Monmouth's defeat, at a time when, 
 the King had not yet manifefted his defigns in England. 
 
 (!) The Archbilhop of Armagh, and Arthur Forbes 'Earl of Granard. The Archbi/hop was fo compliant to the Couri, that even his Reiig'O 
 be fulpefted, However he was not thought thorough• paced : Se Sir Charles Porter was made Chancellor in his Room, Burnet, p. 654. 
 
 That 
 
Vol. li. 
 
 75 2 
 
 1685. 
 
 p. 434. 
 
 The King's 
 . Speech to 
 the Parlia- 
 
 N. 20S5, 
 
 Peeple'iSyt 
 
 IM. p> 781 
 
 The H I S ¥ 0 R T uj ENGLAND. 
 
 That I may not be obliged frequently to return to what their principles they were not vet obliged to take fuch mea- 16^5 
 was tranfacling in Ireland., I fhall briefly add here, that a- fures as wouid have been neceflary. 
 
 bout the end of the year, Talbot came into England , and It was warmly debated in the Houfe of Lords, whether Ttf Lt»j> 
 Was made Earl of Tyrec.nncl, and Lieutenant-General of the they fliould give the King thanks for his Speech. Some ’ CT 
 Irijb army, and fhortlv alter, Henry Earl of Clarendon was were utterly againft it ■, whereupon the Marquifs of Hail - ibid, 
 appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. fax faid, They bad now more reafon than ever to give thanks Burner. 
 
 The Parliament of England, after feveral adjournments, to bis Alajjly, fince be had dealt Jo plainly with them, and p ' 
 
 .meeting at iaft on the 9th of November, the King made difeovered what he would be at. Ncvertheleft, it was re- 
 the following Speech to both Houfes. folved by the majority, that the King fhould be thanked. 
 
 But however, the Bifhop of London moved, that his Ma- 
 “ My Lords and Gentlemen , jelly’s Speech might be debated, and though it was unufual 
 
 cc A F TER the florm that feemed to be coming upon in the Houfe, the 23d of the month was appointed to take 
 
 “ jt\ us when we parted Iaft, I am glad to meet you all the Speech into confideration, with which the King was 
 
 “ again in fo great peace and quietnefs; God Almighty be highly difpleafed. 
 
 “ praifed, by whofe blefling that rebellion was fupprefled ; When the Commons were returned to their Houfe, the v» - Cm- 
 “ but when I reflect what an inconfiderable number of King’s Speech was ordered to be read, which was followed ^ 0 " v ' de (f ,f ' 
 “ men began it, and how long they carried it on without with a long and profound filence. At Iaft, the Earl of l fe of 
 “ any oppofltion, I hope every body will be convinced, Middleton moved for an addrefs of thanks to the King for James 11. 
 
 “ that the Militia, which hath hitherto been fo much de- his Speech. This motion produced a fecond filence, which 
 “ pended on, is not fufficient for fuch occafions ; and that was broke by the Lord Cajlleton, who more bold than the p . 435 . 
 
 “ there is nothing but a good force of well-difciplined troops reft plainly declared againft thanking the King. Where- Echard. 
 
 “ in conftant pay, that can defend us, from fuch as either fore, as there would probably be fome difficulty in the mat- 
 “ at home or abroad, are difpofed to difturb us. And in ter, the debate was adjourned till the 12th of the month. , 
 
 “ truth, my concern for the peace and quiet of my Sub- To give the Reader a clear notion of the difficulties which 
 “ jedls, as well as for the fafety of the Government, made occurred in the King’s demanJ, I fhall make here fome 
 “ me think it neceflary to cncrcafe the number to the pro- obfervations which perhaps will not be foreign to the pur- 
 
 “ portion I have done ; this I owed as well to the Honour, pofe. 
 
 “ as to the Security of the nation, whofe reputation was The Houfe of Commons, as I faid, confifled then o f Okfervatio*, 
 “ fo infinitely expofed to all our neighbours, by having Tory-members, there being very few Whigs, or if an y,” r ‘“ 
 
 “ lain open to this late wretched attempt, that it is not to their number was not conliderable. Now the Tories had 
 be repaired without keeping fuch a body of men on foot, a very different notion of the regal Power, from that of the 
 “ that none may ever have the thought again of finding Whigs. They had, as we have feen, declared in the late 
 ** us fo miferably unprovided. It is for the fupport of this reign for Paifive-Obed ier.ee and Non-Refiftance, and the 
 “ great charge, which is now more than double to what it Church made it an article of faith. Neverthelefs it may 
 “ was(i), that I ask your affiftancc, in giving me a fup- be faid, when they introduced this doilrine without any 
 <e ply anfwerable to the expence it brings along with it ; limitation, they did not forefee all the confequences. It 
 <c and I cannot doubt, but what I have begun, fo much was properly to contradiiSl the principles of the Whigs, 
 
 “ for the honour and defence of the Government, will who ran into the other extreme. As they imagined, that 
 ‘‘ be continued by you with all the chearfulnefs and readi- Charles \ I. and James II. were for them, they fancied 
 “ nefs, that is requifite for a work of fo great importance, they could not ftretch the royal Prerogative too much, in 
 “ Let no man take exception, that there are fome of- the belief, that thefe two Princes would exert it only againft 
 “ fleers in the army not qualified, according to the late their adverfaries. According to this principle, King Jams dr. 
 
 “ Tefts, for their employments : The Gentlemen, I muft demand for a Handing army of fifteen thoufand men in 
 “ tell you, are moft of them well known to me ; and time of peace, did not feern contrary to their intereft, tho' 
 
 “ having formerly ferved me on feveral occafions, and al- the Parliaments had ever been extremely averfe to a ftand- 
 “ ways approved the loyalty of their principles by their ing army, which ferved only to increafe the regal Power. 
 
 “ practice, I think them fit now to be employed under But what the King did by his file authority, in employing 
 “ me ; and will deal plainly with you, that after having popifh officers in this army, was a thing a. much againft 
 “ had the benefit of their fervices in fuch time of need and the Tory as the Whig intereft. It was eafv to perceive, 
 
 “ danger, I will neither expofe them to difgrace, nor my of what dangerous confequences it might be to the Pro- 
 “ felf to the want of them, if there Ihould be another re- teftant Religion in general, as well Epifcopaiian is Pre.Ev 
 “ bellion to make them neceflary to me. I am afraid terian, and thefe confequences were the more to be dreaded, 
 
 “ fome men may be fo wicked, to hope and expe£t, that 2s what palled in Ireland plainly difeovered the King’s in- 
 “ a difference may happen between you and me upon this tentions. Befides, the power afl’umed by the King, to 
 “ occafion : But when you confider, what advantages have exempt the popifh officers from taking the l eft, was di- 
 “ rifen to us in a few months, by the good underftanding reiftly contrary to the Liberties of the Kingdom as well as 
 “ we have hitherto had ; what wonderful eftetfls it hath to Religion. 
 
 “ already produced in the change of the whole feene of When therefore the King’s Speech was debated the « zth A supply 
 
 “ affairs abroad, fo much more to the honour of the nati- of November in the Houfe of Commons, fuch members as f-f of - 
 
 “ on, and the figure it ought to make in the world ; and were not of the fame principles with the rigid and violent j. ;n es if. 
 <( that nothing can hinder a further progrefs in this way Tories, fpoke with great freedom, reprefenting the incon- P; ,ao » &c » 
 “ to all our fatisfadlions, but fears and jcaloufies amongft venienccs of a {landing army in time of peace (2), and EchTrdV 
 “ ourfelves ; I will not apprehend that fuch a misfortune moved for the new modelling the Militia, fo as to render m. p. 782. 
 “ can befall us, as a divilion, or but a coldnefs between them of ufe upon occafion. They were fuffered to talk as BurncC * 
 
 “ me and you ; nor that any thing can fliake you in your much as they pleafed, but when the quefli'm was put for a 
 “ fleddincfs and loyalty to me, who, by God’s bieffing, fupply to be given to the King, it was carried in the affir- 
 “ will ever make you all returns of kindnefs and prote£li- mative. It is true, fome one having moved tint thefe words 
 tC on, with a refolution to venture even my own life in might be added, towards tbe jupport of the additional j:-<-ces, 
 
 “ the defence of the true intereft of this Kingdom.” they were rejected, that the hLufe might not appear to ap- 
 
 This Speech equally furprized both Houfes of Parliament, prove of the augmentation of the regular troops, and in- 
 and the wl.ole Kingdom, when it came to be publifhed. Head thereof it pafs’d, that tbe Houfe be moved to bring met 
 
 The Engli/h had often ventured their lives in the defence Bill to make tbe Militia ufeful. By this they would have 
 
 of their Laws and Liberties, of which they then believed had it believed, that the Parliament referved to themfelves 
 themfelves fecurc, as well by the conftitution of the Go- the power of breaking the regular troop-, and efrabiifhing a 
 vernment, as by the King's folemn promife, but they be- good Militia in their room. But, doubtlefs, it was to hin- 
 held their Law's openly attacked in the moft fenfible part, der the people from being alarmed, if they faw the p.ulia- 
 Many of thofe who had moft warmly oppofed the Exclu- ment approve of maintaining an army in time of peace. 
 fion-Bill, began to open iheir eyes, and perceive, that the For, after all, a fupply was given the King lor the main- 
 jealoulies and fears of the Whig Parliaments were too well- tenance of this army. 
 
 grounded, and that it was difficult to reconcile the interefts As to the fum which was to be granted, the CourtiersErhard, 
 ot a Roman Catholick King, with thofe of a Proteftant moved for twelve hundred thoufand pounds. Others ex- p 
 Kingdom. This was what the Whigs had in vain declared claimed againft the exorbitancy of fuch a lum, and were 
 in the late reign. Inftead of duly weighing their reafons, for reducing it to four hundred thoufand pounds, alledging, 
 the Tories had run into the other extreme, nay, had ex- that it would be enough to maintain the additional forces 
 peeled to be gainers by fetting the Duke of York on the two years, till the Militia fliould be made ufeful. They 
 throne. But this firft publick flep of the King, made them reprefented, that they had already given Cuflums and Ex 
 proceed for the future with a little more caution, though by cifes for his Majefty’s life, which amounted to fix milli- 
 
 (:' The Army. which befjre confined but of feven thoufand Men, was ir.creafed to fifteen thouland. Rjpw. 
 
 18 : -’ ;er - - - s it ws .1 u -“ All tuc profit and fecuri'.y of this Nation is in our Sh ! ps- -(supporting an Army •< maintain 1 :.? fo 
 
 sreftoi the SubjeS-Armies debauch the nwinew of all the People, their Wn Oaughi . ind S rv ut 
 
 1 the ocher ha .-1 tne rontrary F :: v iiledged, “ That there was a bitter Spirit in tfle three lalt Parliaffieats, nsl y. well allay J, and lo a conl-drrsble 
 . iii. W«; oc._va the Muitia. Lift tf James II. p. 123,124, 1 jj. 
 
Book XXlV. 
 
 l68;. ons(i), and that if they gave fo much at once, they (hould 
 have nothing left to give; efpecially as it was the nation’s 
 intereft, that the King Ihould have frequent occafion tor his 
 Parliament. At laft, after great debates it was refolved, 
 that a fupply of feven hundred thoufand pounds (hould be 
 granted to the King. It was evident therefore, that the 
 maintenance of an army of fifteen thoufand men was not 
 what moft difpleafed the Commons in the King’s Speech. 
 Debates But the affair of the popifh officers was of fuch a nature, 
 aboutPopljb that it concerned the Tory no lefs than the Whig party. 
 oii-.rs. was tQ p ee t |j e g rea t danger of the Proteftant Reli¬ 
 
 gion, if the Parliament, after having agreed to a ffanding 
 army, (hould farther confent to the King’s employing as 
 many Papiffs as he pleafed. The Commons thought there¬ 
 fore, that on this occafion it was necefiary to fet fome 
 bounds to Paflive-Obedience, though till now this doctrine 
 had been maintained without any reftriftion, becaufe it was 
 not imagined, that the King would attack Religion and the 
 Kennet. Laws. One of the members fpeaking on this fubject, re- 
 P»435"- prefented very ftrongly, “ That his Majefty, on his firft 
 lnTp'! 784.“ acceflion to the Crown, told them, He had been mifire- 
 “ prefented, and that he would preferve the Government in 
 “ the Church and State, now ejlablijhed by Law , and main- 
 “ tain them in all their jujl Rights , and Privileges: 1 hat 
 “ overjoyed at this, they ran haftily to him, and were fo 
 “ forward to give, that the King’s minifters put their ftop 
 “ to it: That they ought not to forget, that there was a 
 tc Bill of Exclufion debated in that Houfe; and that the 
 “ arguments for it were. That they Jhould, in cafe of a po- 
 “ pijh fucceffor, have a popif) army: That they faw the 
 “ Ad of the Teft already broken; but prayed them to 
 “ remember what the late Lord Chancellor told them 
 “ when King Charles palled that Ad : By this Act, faid 
 “ he, you are provided again/l Popery, that no Pupijl can 
 44 pojfibly creep into any employment: I hat he was greatly 
 “ aiflided at the breach of their Liberties, and feeing fo 
 “ great a difference between his laff Speech, and thofe 
 “ heretofore made, he could not believe but this was made 
 “ by fome other advice : That what the thing (truck at 
 “ there was their all; and that he wondered there had 
 “ been any men fo defperate, as to take any employment 
 “ without being qualified for it: And concluded to have a 
 “ (landing army voted deftrudive to the Country.” Du¬ 
 ring thefe debates the Court-party were not idle. 1 hey 
 reprelented with great ftrength, the inconveniencies of not 
 complying with the King’s defires. The refult was, the 
 appointing a committee to draw up the following Addrefs, 
 which was prefented to the King the 1 7th of November. 
 
 Mofl gracious Sovereign , 
 
 The Commons 44 IT J E your Majefty’s mod loyal and faithful Subjeds, 
 ytddrefs. “ VY the Commons in Parliament aifembled, do, in 
 FM-3r- C " 4t the P^ ace > as ‘ n duty bound, return your Majefty 
 R. Coke. “ our moft humble and hearty thanks, for your great care 
 p. 349. tc and Qjncjuft j n fuppreffing the late Rebellion, which 
 “ threatned the overthrow of this Government both in 
 “ Church and State, to the extirpation of our Religion as 
 “ by law eftablifhed, which is moft dear unto us, and 
 “ which your Majefty hath been pleafed to give us Re- 
 “ peated Assurances you will always defend and 
 “ maintain ; which, with all grateful hearts we (hall ever 
 “ acknowledge. We further crave leave to acquaint your 
 “ Majdtv, that we have, with all duty and readinefs, 
 “ taken into our confideration your Majefty’s gracious 
 “ Speech to us: And as to that part of it relating to the 
 “ officers in the army, not qualified for their employments, 
 <c according to an Ad of Parliament made in the 25th 
 “ year of the reign of your royal brother, entitled, An Aft 
 44 preventing dangers which may happen from popif) Re- 
 “ cufants-, we do, out of our bounden duty, humbly re- 
 <c prefent unto your Majefty, that thefe officers cannot by 
 “ La v be capable of their employments ; and that the in- 
 “ capacities they bring upon themfelves that way* can no 
 “ way be taken offbut by an Ad of Parliament: There- 
 fore, out of that great reverence and duty we owe unto 
 “ your Majefty, who have been gracioufly pleafed to take 
 “ notice oi their fervices to your Majefty, we are prepar- 
 “ ing a Bill to pals both Houfes, for your royal aflent, to 
 “ indemnify them from the penalties they have now in- 
 “ curred : And becaufe the continuing them in their em- 
 “ ployments, may be taken to be a difpenfing with that 
 “ Law, without an Ad of Parliament, the confequences 
 “ of which is of the greateft concern to the rights of your 
 “ Majefty’s Subjeds, and to all the Laws made for the fe- 
 “ curiry of their Religion: We therefore, the Knights, 
 “ Citizens, and Burgefles, of your Majefty’s Houfe of 
 “ Commons, do moft humbly befeech your Majefty, that 
 “ you would be moft gracioufly pleafed to give (uch di- 
 “ redions therein, that no apprehenfions or jealoufies may 
 
 remain in the hearts of your Majefty’s mod loyal Sub- 1685. 
 
 jeds.*’ 
 
 This addrefs being prefented to the King by the Speaker, 
 attended by the whole Houfe, his Majefty gave them this 
 anfwer. 
 
 Gentlemen, I did rot expefl fuch an addrefs from the 
 'Houfe of Commons : For having fo lately recommended to your 
 conjideration the great advantage a good under/landing between 
 us had produced in a very Jhor: time, and given you warning 
 offears and jealoufies amongfl ourfelves ; I had 1 erf oh to hope , 
 
 That the reputation God had blejfcd me with in the worlds 
 would have fealed and confirmed a good confidence in you of 
 me, and of all that I Jay to you. But however you proceed 
 on your part , I will be Jleady in all my Pramifies / have 
 made you, and be jujl in my word in this, and all my other 
 Speeches. 
 
 This anfwer, though pretty obfeure, fo furprized the Cwnrni 
 Commons, that when it was read in trie Houfe, they kept 
 a profound filence for a confiderable time. At laft it was K?ivne?.’ 
 moved by one of the members, that a particular day might P-. 4 > 6 - 
 be appointed to confiderof the King’s anfwer. This mo- j^m e °ir. 
 tion was feconded by Mr. Coke [Burgefs for Derby] who p.134. 
 added. He hoped they were all true Englilhmen, and not to 
 be frighted out of their duty by a few hard words. Though Bjrr.et. 7 ” 
 this fpeech was very confident with the freedom of a Houfe 
 of Commons, the majority however were pleafed to look 
 upon Mr. Coke as an Incendiary, who intended to fow 
 difeord between the King and the Commons, and voted 
 him to be fent to the Tower. Moreover, the Houfe, to Nov. 19! 
 make amends in fome meafure for the offence they had 
 given the King, proceeded to ways and means towards railing 
 the feven hundred thoufand pounds before Voted. But they 
 (lopped not there. To (hew the King that they fought all 
 pollible ways to content him, befides a Bill to indemnify 
 the Popilh officers from the penalties they had already in¬ 
 curred, they refolved to offer another to the King, toqua- Welwood; 
 lily fuch a number of thofe officers to ferve in the army as 
 he (hould think fit. All this demonftrates, it was with 
 regret that the Houfe fwerv’d from the principle of Paflive- 
 Obedience and Non-Refiftance. 
 
 In the mean time, the Lords received Petitions from Petitiont 
 [ Thomas Grey] Earl of Stanford and [ Henry Booth] Lord 
 Delamerc, reprefenting, that thefe two Peers were com- finert. 
 mitted to the Tower in July laft, upon a general accufa- Nov. 9 * IX < 
 tion of trealon, kept dole priloners, and denied the ufe of 
 pen, ink, and paper. Thefe petitions obliged the Lords to 
 fend to the King, to know the reafon why thefe two Peers 
 were impnfoned. The King anfwered by the Lord Chan- Nov. 16,' 
 cellor, that they were committed for high-treafon, and that 
 he had given orders for a commiflion of Oyer and Terminer 
 to try the Lord Delamere in Chejhire , where the crime was 
 committed. But as he had given no ordeis about the Earl 
 of Stanford’ s trial, the Lords appointed him to be tried by 
 his Peers, to which the King confented. 
 
 Within a lew days, on the 20th ot November, the King The ting 
 finding it would be very difficult to obtain his defires of the P rorc £” es dii 
 Commons concerning the Popilh officers, piorogued the Rennet.”* 
 Parliament tiii the j oth of February, after a feflion but of p- 437- 
 eleven days. The K.ng loft, by the prorogation, the ^ii ha p d ' 7 g- 
 feven hundred thoufand pounds voted by the Commons. 
 
 But he did not want it, conlidering the vaft fums they had 
 liberally granted him. This prorogation, which was fol¬ 
 lowed by feveral others, and at length by thediflolutionof 
 the Parliament, the laff in this reign, is a clear demon- 
 ftration of two things. Firft, that the King confidered 
 the affair of the Popifh officers in the army, as of great 
 moment, fince hechofe raJier to lofe feven hundred thou¬ 
 fand pounds, than fee his pretended right to employ them 
 contefted by the Parliament. The lecond is, the excef- 
 five compliance lhown the King by the Commons, in ena¬ 
 bling him to maintain an army, employ Popilh officers, 
 and, in a word, to have no occafion for a Parliament. For 
 from hence fprung all the evils which affiidted England du¬ 
 ring the relt of this reign. 
 
 About a month after the prorogation of the Parliament,' The Lord _ 
 the Lord Delamere was brought to his trial by his Peers, °^/ nere< 
 though the King had before refolved to have him proceeded State-Trials, 
 againft in another manner. The Lord Howard was the 1V - P-no. 
 firft witnefs produced againft him. But though he gave a p U ^3? 
 large account of the Duke of Monmouth’s confpiiacy, he Kenne-. 
 depoled nothing pofitive againft the Lord Delamere. The Echart) ' 
 fecond witnefs was Ford Lord Grey, at which every one 
 was furprized, it not being known that he was pardoned. 
 
 This gave occafion to think he was in great favour with 
 the King. But his evidence tended more to prove in gene¬ 
 ral the Duke of APonrnouth’s rebellion, than the guilt of the 
 prifoner in particular. One Saxon was the only witnefs 
 that fwore to the Lord Delamcre’s correfpondence with the 
 Duke of Monmouth. But as he was a perfon of very bad He iiMfmti 
 
 27. 
 
 JAMES It. 
 
 (1) Reckoning all the time for which they had been granted. Rafin. 
 
 No. 81. VoL.ir. 
 
 reputation^ 
 
754 
 
 The 
 
 of E N G L A N D, 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 1685. reputation, the Lords took no notice of his evidence! and perfuade them, that what the King defired, tended an 
 
 The Lord 
 Stanford i 
 difeharged 
 upon 'Bail. 
 Gazettes. 
 
 the prifoner was unanimoufly acquitted. 
 
 As for the Earl of Stanford lie was admitted to bail, 
 and tho’ nothing could be proved againft him, he thought 
 fit to lay hold on the Proclamation of pardon which was 
 publifhed Ihortly after. This pardon appeared not till the 
 end of the year, after the executions of a great number of 
 perfons. It was moreover clogged with fo many excepti¬ 
 ons, that the King was not much thanked for it. 
 
 much 
 
 6 86 . 
 
 T t C rP‘r th h The perfon moft known abroad, that died this year, 
 Mar/ham?" was ^ ir John Marjham , eminent for his great skill in an- 
 tient Hiftory and Chronology. He departed this life in the 
 eighty third year of his age (1). 
 
 ' T ' L - 1686, 
 
 1686. 
 
 to the honour and welfare of his fubje&s of Scc’land, as 
 to his own fatisfa&ion. He concluded with fayin’’, Bv 
 “ this you will fhew \ ourfelvcs the beft and molt afaiftionate 
 “ fubjedb, to the beft, the incomparable, and moft Jieroick 
 Prince in the world.” 
 
 When the Kings letter, and the Lord Commiffioner’s Kennec. 
 bpeech came to be conlidered in the Pariiament, fome P- +41- 
 - . members, without looking farther, were for complying 
 
 James, m this firft year of his reign, bellowed honours with the King’s defires. But others, in grc.::er numbers 
 and dignities upon feveral of his favorites and adherents, and moved and prevailed to have a committee appointed toex- 
 advanced others to high offices. [Henry Barnet] Earl of amine the Statutes againft the Papifts. The committee find- 
 Arlington dying July 28, his place of Lord Chamberlain ing, the Statutes prohibited only the publick exeicife of the 
 was given to [John Sheffield] Earl of Mulgrave , who be- popifh Religion, drew up a Bill to allow them the c-er- 
 1 thC Ch ‘ ef favorites in this rei g n - [Laurence die of their Religion in private. But when this Bill was 
 Hyde] Earl of Rochejler was made Lord Treafurer, and prefented to the Parliament, it met with fo much opn »- 
 [HenryJ Earl of Clarendon his elder Brother Lord Lieu- fition, that the Lord-Commiffioner though: fit to adjourn 
 tenant of Ireland. [Robert Spencer] Earl of Sunderland, the debate to another time, till he had received infWtiors 
 principal Secretary of State, was declar’d Lord Prefident of from Court. The King fent him ordeis to diifolvc or at 
 the Council, and from that time became Piime-Minifter of leaf! prorogue the Parliament, and feme months after, by 
 btate - his fole authority, he eftablilhed liberty of confcience in 
 
 Scotland. 
 
 Affairs in Ireland were upon another foot. The Kind’s 
 will met with no oppofition there, and though the LoTd ftehn ij 
 T ’, - , Q . » \ Lieutenant was a Proteftant, liis credit and authoiicy wer" K s . 
 
 l he year 16S6, to which we are now to proceed, was infuffic.ent to put a flop to the ac c ts of iniuftice committed SncV* 
 wliolJy fpent, as well as the next, in the execution of the againft thofe of his Religion. The new Earl of Tyrconnel P-447* 
 Kmg’s two grand proje&s, namely of making himfelf ab- was no fooner returned m Dublin with the titleofLieute- 
 folute, and eftablifhmg Popery. Thefe two projects could nant-General of the army, but he began a^am to break 
 not but keep equal pace. For the King being a Papift, the Proteftant officers and'foldiers, and put Roman Catho- 
 ffs chief aim in rendering himfelf abfolute was to alter licks in their places; without vouchsafing to ask for the 
 the Religion of the Kingdom, and, on the other fide, he Lord-Lieutenant’s order (3). This bred a quarrel between 
 could not introduce 1 opery, but by fetting himfelf above them, wherein Tyrconnel behaved very haughtily, ever fay- 
 r 1 %ir S '.u- . , r , ing, he did nothing but by the King’s exprefs order. When r - fl f 
 
 url e imgS WCr f Ca " ied an X farthcr ,n England, he he had modelled the army according to the King’s mind t'.'U n. 
 7 f “Cheved it proper to be allured firft of Scotland and Ireland, he went over into England , where, by means of the Queen, !’• «S7- 
 
 Scoihnf As for Scotland the managers there were entirely difpofed and Father Petre the Jefuit, he fupplanted the lurl of 
 
 : - r. to comply with the King s will The late Parliament, be- Clarendon , and was appointed Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland. 
 
 Cur.’ n':. llU '- s Ad J s before-mentioned, palled one (2) wherein it Upon his arrival at Dublin, he endeavoured bv a proclaim- F . h .. 
 
 in '' » aS LCC -, arcJ ’ ‘ , rha£ , fhe y owc a11 their blcilings to the tion to difpel the fears of the Proteftants, who law them- Ke,:‘ ec,' 
 
 • p. lacreJ race of their glorious Kings, and to the folid, ab- fdves, to their great trouble, in fubjedlion to a Catholick. P-44S ' 
 
 loJute authority wherewith they weie inverted by the But his a&ions correfponded not with his prumifes. Where- 
 
 .. aj , fu ' iaamcntal ]aws of their Monarchy :-• fore, a great number of Proteftants, chofe rather to quit 
 
 And therefore they again declare to the woild, That their eftates in Ireland, and withdraw into England, than 
 
 they abhor and deteft not only the authors and adlors of remain under the Government of one fo juftly odious to 
 
 a preceding rebellions againft their Sovereign, but alfo them. On the other hand, the Englijh merchants who 
 
 al1 P rmci P-'^ s and pofitions which are contrary or dero- traded in Ireland, withdrew their efledds, and by that the 
 
 gatory to the King’s Sacred, Supreme, Sovereign, Abfo- Kingdom was reduced to great extremities. But all thefe 
 
 lute Power and Authority, which none, whether parti- difadvantages were compensated by the hopes of rooting out 
 
 cular perfons or collective bodies, can participate of any the Proteftant Religion in that country. 
 
 “ manner of way, or upon any pretext, but in dependence But it was chieflv in England that 'the King defired to 
 
 on him and by commiffion from him, &c.” They cftablifli Popery and arbitrary Power. For, as I faid, one 
 
 parted another Adt, “ To confirm and approve whatever of thofe things could not advance without the other. It*k- 
 ‘ had been done by his Majefty’s Privy Council, Juftice- he had only aimed at abfolute power, without meddling with K '. ;l: ;;; 
 Court, and thofe commiilionated by them, in banifti- Religion, in all appearance, he would have eafily fucceedcd Dejtg.L ‘‘ 
 ing, impriloning, or fining fuch as refufed to take and iince paffivc obedience was in a manner eftablilhed, and’ Kc: 1 tr * 
 fwear the Oath of Allegiance; and to afl'ert the royal now reckoned an effential dodlrine of the Church of Eng- I'.ff.i 
 prerogative in the utmoft extent of them.” land , the members whereof made the body of the nation, F.chard". 
 
 If what parted in Scotland in the reign of Charles I, and and were pofiefl'ed of all the offices and places of truft m - P* 
 during the Interregnum, be remembred, it will be eafily But as he had already difeovered, that if he wiftied to be 
 perceived, this was not the general fenfe of the Scots, but freed from the yoke of the laws, it was chiefly to eftablilh 
 only the opinion of a Parliament devoted to the King, and his Religion, the Parliament, however devoted to him in 
 which vifibly abufed their authority, to eftablilh a form of all other refpedb, had not been fo compliant as to abandon 
 Government diredlly contrary to the old conftitution. the intereft of Religion. Notwithftanding this refufal, he 
 I.ife of Encouraged by thefe great advances, the King fummoned hoped to attain his ends, firft, by caufing the Judges to 
 p??4o. ’ the Parliament of Scotland, to aflemble the 29th of April give it as their opinion, that he had a power to dffpenfe 
 this year, and wrote a letter to them, wherein, “ Here- with the laws. Secondly, by gaining the members of Par- 
 commends to their fpecia! care, his innocent Roman Ca- liament by degrees, being refolved to have no feflion till he 
 <t £ bolick Subjedts, who had always been affiftant to the had accomplifhed that defign. In England, as in other 
 Crown in the worft of rebellions and ufurpations, tho’ places, there are men always ready tofacrifice the publick, 
 tc t?/ 1 ! unde T dl ' COlara g ern ems hardly to be named: to their private intereft, and there were but too many, on 
 1 hefe he molt heartily recommended to them; to the the prefent occafion, even among the Clergy thcmfelves. 
 end, that as they had given good experience of their true Dr. Cartwright , Dean of Rippon , fpeaking, in a Sermon, rarrwr - cl , r . 
 
 * ln\-5»lfv and nwrMWi* KoKn...- e. i_.irn . c v > -r , , x> A ' vr 'p" 1 1 
 
 of the King s promifes made to the Parliament, which cup « P ,.n 
 
 ■ loyalty and peaceable behaviour, fo, by their affiftance, 
 
 • they might have the protedlion of his laws, not fuffer- 
 
 • ing them to lie under obligations, which the/r ReLgion 
 could not admit of; by doing of which, they would 
 give a demonftration of their duty and afiedtion towards 
 him, and do him moft acceptable fervice. And this love 
 
 1 he e> 0 
 faw 1 
 
 were then the common topick of difeourfe and complaint, l p‘ 
 faid, “ That the King’s promifes were free donatives, and King’s * 
 “ ought not to be too ftridtly examined or urged ; and that Snre > &*• 
 “ they muft leave his Majefty to explain his own meaning nj ha p d ‘ 
 
 o . . . . _ • , -- “ in them.” The King was fo delighted with this glofs, He 
 
 ’ c ^P ecteU V ie y would fhow to their brethren, as they that he rewarded the author with theBifhoprick ofChefttr , ' B! l ho f °f 
 w him an indulgent t ather to h.s people.” as an encouragement to other Clergymen to follow fogood Cheftcr - 
 
 I he Earl of IWurray, Lord High-Commiffioner, fecond- an example, 
 ed this letter, with a particular account of the many ad- As for the Judges, the King took care to fend for them ,• 
 vantages the King intended to procure his realm of Scot- one by one, and talk with them privately in his clofet (+), ammg'tTe 
 land, chiefly with refped: to trade. He alfo endeavoured to in order to perfuade them to declare for his difnenling 
 
 1 ° April 2i. 
 
 (1) This ye.:r a 
 {z., O'ntainm;- 
 ( 3 i Two ■ <r chi 
 and ri. p or fix rh« 
 (4) Upon whic 
 abou: ere Affair ol 
 
 1 rhe Ttrm c.'nfi, 
 the Tej!, fbme v 
 
 ■ :: Ar ns, S i:Sor of rhe Haronst*, An-.lqmt.et of Wjrw.itfldr 
 
 hiS Mi; Keno.et. p. 444. 
 
 -: ■ J| d ou; the.r Fortunes m purchaiing tbeir military Ports, wt 
 if-met, p. 447. 
 
 : i He no: only talked with his Judges in this Manner, h» 
 
 ■ ;/ tli. j id bardy Denials, 0;bers, tho'mure Silent, ye: \yere at 
 
 and Thoimjs Otm.ij. Echard. 
 
 III. p .75 
 
 v arbitrari’y disbanded, Burnet, 
 
 but with many Parliament-Men 
 left Heady. So finding he c.-uld 
 
Book XXIV. 
 
 27. JAMES II. 
 
 1686. 
 
 75S 
 
 A Call of 
 Scrjcantt • 
 Kennec. 
 
 And in the 
 Privy- 
 
 Juiy 17- 
 Gazettes. 
 
 The Judget 
 give their 
 
 Burner, 
 p. 669. 
 Wei wood, 
 p. 172. 
 
 power, telling him, he would have twelve Judges of his reign, and it ouvht not r„„ a -a , , 
 
 opinion (i j. Four absolutely refufed to comply, and were King thould imitfte fo zealous f , ■<$% Aal V° p '^ 1 ,6 f 6 ‘ 
 immediately difplaced. The King appointed four others of this occafion, the Clergy of fol Ph, P '? rh"",' Pf °, n n’.'r. * 
 there «»« whom fevered their averftYto Popery, of whiett^hadt- 
 
 At the fame time, the King made a call of Serjeants at fcrumlousanach“Yr,’P “ emi “* ° f a 
 
 Law, among whom were feveral Catholicks, one of whom the firft Reformers had nTtfitft ccr ™ on, “. which 
 was knighted (3), and a little after, another Lawyer of the manv of the dien'fiej m ' tbougbt 10 retrenc h. For Bur "'h 
 fame Religion was made a Judge (4). > for theh nietvInH f the diftinguHhed 
 
 The Privy-Council alfo underwent the like alteration, difeharge of their oiK^'orrachd ooTnlv'™”''" 6 Y ,It p - 
 the King having received into it five zealous Catholicks points, or rather^maTthem 1 ST?°-"Y 
 namely, [the Earl of Peru,>,] the Lord Arundel of War- courfc . They few the trndenev of rh' J f ° d ' P ‘ 
 dour and the Lori Bella/,s, (who had been long confined hibi.ion, at wtoSt PmSf C , X ' ra0rtl, " ar J' 
 
 in the Tower, being accufed of the popifh plot) {Henry attacked as well in form Religion was openly 
 
 Jem ryn] Lord Deal, and the Earl of Tyrconnd He cenceandi„ 7 uft in, On a C' faWmmgs printed with 11 - 
 likewife admitted the new Bifhop of Chefter and Dr is iuffice to do h P 1 P ar 5 d through tiie nation. It 
 
 Parker Bifhop of Ooefird, a reputed Papift ’All theft Gofpel by trlnfmhZ ° t . fa,th “ Miniflers <* ** 
 changes clearly discovered the King’s intentions. diffingu’ifhed amongfl them Sfe weTrS' &°f 
 
 But it was not long before he gave more fignal marks of Unmeet, Tcnnifcn , Wake, Patrick ShZTshSlAt 
 g.veimir them. It has been remembred, that he aflumed a power mous for their writings and all Afterward ’ j a ” 
 
 rsf" !'<&%' mh Y“Y rV , ati0n ° f ,hc Teft - A£l h “ Ca- the firft dignities of th! Ch„mh “ Pr ° m ° ted 10 
 
 1 . officers - The Parliament’s refufal of their confent The King and his nonifh Council . 1 c 
 
 *° tbls innovation, only exafperated the King, and made fended with this boldnefs and thereforY e f x ‘ rem , el) ' D of ' «,«« 
 
 wXo«. him rcfol r c «° exem P' ,rora thc P a " a > Laws all his fubjefls teftant Clergy ,0 “i, foeY™' SSSw 
 
 P .1S 9 . in generalI, and confequently the Papifts. But as this was for ecclefiaftical affairs coknofed ofY ^ k C °“ rt ojdfj 
 
 direaiy aga.nft law, he undertook to fhow, by the means mong whom were feveral Catholicks A mernbcrs > a ‘ K '™«- 
 
 MS. 0f Y C0rri,Pt J / UdgK ’ v ha \ ° ,he K! "S « Pa P* * be Judges ^iS^OelTSS, o° MS. 
 
 itl. P . 7 s 8. with law, was law. For tluspurpofe he took care iirft to Duarine and Difciplfoe fhowed that thFk' ? , ° r ln.p.8oti. 
 
 have papers difperfed through the Kingdom, to prove this longer keep any meafores A l„ tlY g W -Y d "° XX 
 
 pretended right, and to prepare the people for his deflgns (5), were three Bifhop., namely, Vf//,LS„flTr T'' 
 
 At laft in a particular cafe (6), all the judges, except one, bury, Crew of Durham and sTrat oTxThf Y a 
 gave their opinions for the King, and made it a general rule were all Laymen, of Which the princinafwere^XY r ' ft 
 inlaw. 1. That the laws of England are the King’s laws. Lord Chancellor, the Earl of 
 
 2. That therefore it is an incident, infeparable prerogative the Earl of Sunderland Secretary of £ YY?"! 
 of the Kings of England, as of all other fovereign Princes, the Council, and the Lord Chief Tuifirc if 1 ' L ' 77 
 to difpenfe with all penal laws, in particular cafes, and up- Commiffion was dirked «, tY JY ' y Th ' 
 
 on particular necen-ary reafons. 3 . That of theft reafons the Lord Chlncellor te aWs o^Yl? 
 and neceffities the King is the foie Judge; confequently, vet-, obvious. J to b= one . a reafon 
 
 : m K Yor ifs** which ncvcr was iak - c r ins ^ s??- 
 
 -W. In confcquence' of this decifion, the Papifts, with the I” 
 
 £ 7 ^’king’s permiffion, fct up every where in the Kingdom, fiaft,cal laws of the realm might ^IaS” coYX " 
 s ;.„. the free and open exercife of their Religion. The Jefuits They were alfo to enouire of a n YY laWlull I' correa =d; R. Coke, 
 
 wolwoou. erefted Colleges and Seminaries in all the confiderable mifdL«nour.cSSSL t here^fc !o he” coY^i.Y Kf 
 %:jhk- towns i and at the fame time, four popifh Bifhops were pub- that they might be corrcdted and ounifhed £ ’ rTlm;t tct!, ^ 
 
 Lckly confecrated in the King’s Chapel, and font down to of the Church; they were to^Yard ^for^ P ’ 
 
 Echard exereife their fundlions in their refpe&ive Diocefes, under them all ecclefiaftical perfons of whaf <1» A- - C ^ re 
 il *7,8. ‘Y 0f ViCatS A P“ ftoIical - Tb =n paftoral letters ad- ever, and to pu X t^u offi tSerT bV % or d 'gn.ity fo- 
 drefTed to the Lay-Catholicks, were printed at the King’s fufpenf.ons, deprivations or o h r TT’’ 
 
 prmttng-houft, and difperfed through the Kingdom. Monks They were impowered to’ fend for alfFatutes Rules' ^' 
 
 ^peared in the habits of their order at Whitehall and St. ters-patents of Univerfities Colleges Pn-r’ c 
 James s, and fcrupled no. to tell the Pro.eftants, That they and all other ecdSai^rJcS* jIY**' 
 hoped m a httle Urn , to walk m proeejfson through Cheapftde. to Correa, amend, and alter as they few convenient So™ 
 
 And as many converts were expefled, that fo plentiful a Many of the bell Lawyers thought this comSn^ft 
 harveft might not want labourers, agreat Number ofPriefts gal, and contrary to the A3 , 
 
 and Monks were fen, from foreign "parts. From this time, Charles I, for ab^Lg the Ir-cX ffion XX 
 the only way to preferment was to be a Papift, or a pro- tbers pretended, there was nothing Yn ?' 
 
 moter of Popery. All affairs of the Council were managed Aft. It feems however, that the Court was confcfoiYof 
 by Catholicks, or fome others who had but little regard to its illegality, fince though it was granted in Jprll it w f 
 Religion. Thus, by the dectfion of ten or twelve Judges, not opened till Augujl. Betides the Archbiflinn J u™ 
 nominated and corrupted by the King before their admiffion, veradlinit. ’ Arc " bl ™P would ne- 
 
 the laws of England were given up, and the conftitution Shortly after, Dr. Shari in a Sermon . a .c 
 
 entirely altered. By a like pradice it was, that Charles I. Church of England in oppofition to the erY ^ 
 
 caufed his Judgra to decide, that he had a right to impofe The King being informed of it, pretended thaYthe "/ L ™doY 
 taxes m cates of neceffity, of which neceftity himfclf was Preacher’s intention was to beget an evil opinion of himfelf f""- Tr >’' 
 foie judge. Hence it may be perceived, that the laws of and his Government in the minds of ih.T * l “ 7 felf 7 p ' *+!■ 
 England would be ill fupported had they no firmer founds- lead them into difobedience and rebellion On“"’Cofi° 
 tron than the decilrons of Judges appointed by the King, tion he fent a letter to [Henry Comiton 1 Bifhon of r PP 7 Bur , n "’ , 
 
 But it ,s furpnzing, that the precedent of Ship-money, commanding him forthYth to fufXn frY”' XT'’ 
 eftablifhed by Charles I, and in efM, the principal cauft ther preaching fo Y 
 
 of his ruin, made fo little impieffion on James II. But the ocefe, till he had given him fatisfaflion nZ Y f 
 violence ot hts zeal for his Religion, made every thing eafy pleafure was known therein. On Le°pt’of fois mde^ foe 
 or poffible to htm, and, at all events, he was refolved to Bifhop wrote to the Earl of Sunderland and rayed him t 
 tun the risk of the undertaking communicate his letter to the Kfog He repSted 
 
 f 7 Y K ; n? U Y a 7 ther cx P ed , lent , for tl,e ad ™nc™ent he was to proceed according to law, and as a H and J ”“ 
 f ,Y Rel,g ' on - He , a c,raula L r ,ctlcr . “ tba Bifhops, by the law no Judge condemns a man before he ha", kno^ 
 with an order, prohibiting all the inferior Clergy from ledge of the caufe, and has cited the party Dr Short 
 rente; preaching upon controverted points of Divinity, for fear, himfelf carried the letter but could nhS r P 
 
 ;r ?! Was Y tended ’ f rail ! ns anim ? f “ iK > ba P-Pl- Two days after, he waked o „^\u Eta SVZfor 
 
 Kcnnet. ^ wa ^ t hu s that the perlecution began in Queen Mary’s a very humble petition, but without any effed. The King 
 
 Echard. . . . . 
 
 III. p. yog. n - oz bnng thc Ma J°r,cy to a Compliance, he diffolved the Parliament: Of whom favq Tn >11 j > 
 
 P 799 hve hundred Men fo weak, fo poor, and fo devoted to the Court. So happily was the NationnkS S!f ri r rhS, k°' h K aVe ‘ been . cal V rohave fiwnd 
 bigotted Court, "Burnet , p. 6SS. PP y wa Che Nauon taken ouc che,r Hands by this precipitated violence of a 
 
 p. % UPm Whkh 3m ‘ IOld fi ” d «f Jon, Opinion, bur will £„ d «,« Lawyer. » be fo. 
 
 ,n •** pIic “ WOT P“>. Sir Henr, 
 
 (3 / Sir Chrijlopher Milton, the Poet’s Brother, who was made a Judge ’ * 
 
 U) Sir KMkfc of Gra Pipift. The Mom, ufed by 'the Serjnnn wa. Deni, Her, Lea Ibid 
 
 Placet be- 
 Jlorved on 
 Papifts, 
 
 The Clergy 
 
 preach sipon 
 controverted 
 Points ; 
 
Vo]. II. 
 
 7 
 
 HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Burner, 
 
 p. 676. 
 
 **'•> is /"/- 
 
 pen did. 
 Sepc. 6t 
 
 Johnfnn 
 
 CltrgjmM 
 
 Echard, 
 
 III. P . 8c 7 , 
 
 The Earl of 
 Sunderland 
 
 tmu Pnfijl. 
 
 and his Council had already refolved to embrace this occa- 
 llon to punilh the Bilhop of London , who was odious to 
 the Court, becaufe he had moved in the Houle of Lords 
 to examine the King’s Speech. Befides, by fo great an 
 example, they were refolved to eftablilh the authoiity of 
 their new Ecclefiaftical Court. The Bilhop was therefore 
 cited to appear before the Commillioners the 41 h of Auguji 
 where he was treated in a manner unbecoming his birth (1) 
 and dignity, by ‘Jefferies the Chancellor, who ufed him 
 with his wonted infolence. The Bifticp demanded a copy 
 of the commiffion, or at leaftto hear it read. But this was 
 refufed, and he was anfwered by Jefferies., that the com- 
 miffion might be had in every Cuftee-Houfe for a penny. 
 At laft, with great difficulty, he obtained a delay of five 
 days. The 9th of Auguji he appeared a fecond time beiore 
 the Court, and [again on the 23d, when he] difowned its 
 jurifdiction, alledging, that as a Bifhop he had no other 
 Judge but his Metropolitan: but his plea was rejected. At 
 laft, aftei two or three adjournments of the Court, he was 
 fufpended from the fun£lion and execution ot his epil'copal 
 office, for his difobedience and contempt: And the B.fhops 
 of Durham , Rochejier , and Peterborough , were appointed 
 commiffior.ers within the Diocele ol London, during the Bi- 
 fhep’s fufpenfion. Dr. Sharp was likewife fufpended, but 
 it was only for a few days. 
 
 This affair convinced all the world, that the Court was 
 refolved to file; ce all the Proteftant Minillers, to prevent 
 their maintaining the Proteftant Religion in their Sermons. 
 It wo alfo perceived, that the King was refolved to keep 
 no more meafures, fince in a time of profound peace, he 
 had formed a camp of fifteen thoufand men upon Hounflow-' 
 Heath , under the command of the Earl of Feverjham. In 
 this camp was a publick chapel, where Mafs was laid every 
 day. 
 
 Though the army had but very few popifii officers and 
 foldicrs, it was feared, that the wh fle would be fubfervient 
 to the King in the execution of his defigns, in confequence 
 of fiat blind obedience ufually profeffed by an army. To 
 obvi.i v this danger, Samuel Jobnfon a Clergyman (2), ad- 
 dref 1 d a writing co the Proteftant officers and foldiers of 
 the a;my, wherein he laid before them the reafons which 
 OJ '.ht to prevent their being the inftruments of the Court, 
 for the deft...chor. 1-f their Religion, and the fubverfion of 
 ■ the Government. T his writing was too oppoii.e to the 
 Krig’s defign,- to efcape unpundhed. Wherefore the author 
 , being tiie.i at the King's-Bench, was fentenced to ftand 
 three time- in the pilViv, to be whipped fr,un Newgate to 
 r, and to - hundred mark . The 
 
 degt ad t >n, wa exec ited 
 with . tea; rig r. o it his writing made a ftrong impref- 
 fion upon ■!.■■ .ninds of both officers and foldiers, and very 
 much promote J ne great defection which happened two 
 years after in the army. 
 
 About the T. me time, the goldfmith Miles Prance, who 
 had been avvitnef. againft the perfons tiied for the murder 
 of Sn Edmund'vury Godfrey, and had taken away t nee lives 
 by his evidence, was tried upon an information exhibited 
 again ft him for perjury, and fentenced to pav a fine of a 
 hundied po inds, co ftand three times in the pillory, and to 
 be wimped fr^m Newgate to Tyburn. But becaufe he at 
 fir; ; le .ded guilty, the whipping part of the fentence was 
 remitted. Some fay, he was fo intimidated by the exam¬ 
 ple of Qj.es, that he pleaded guilty merely to efcape pu- 
 nifhment. Others again pretend to confirm his confeffion 
 from a declaration publifhtd by him afterwards, wherein 
 he difowned his depofitions ,n 1678. But as he was a Papift, 
 fome have fufpetfted he was induced by religious motives 
 publifh this declaration. In a cafe of this nature every 
 
 . .. is at liberty to form his own conjectures. 
 
 It was eafy to difeover from the King’s whole conduct, 
 that he had entirely pulled off the mask, and was defirous 
 £0 have it thought, he intended to introduce the Roman Ca- 
 thcjlick Religion. Accordingly, this was not doubted. His 
 promise to the Council and Parliament to preferve the P10- 
 teftant Religion was entirely forgot, and there was no man 
 fo b Id as to remind him of it. It was even dangerous to 
 fpeak'of it in publick converfations, for fear of fome mif- 
 chicvous confequence. Nor was the King contented with 
 acting openly in favour of his Religion, but even privately 
 ufed all poffible endeavours to make profelytes, chiefly a- 
 mong his courtiers, and perfons of the firft rank. He fuc- 
 ceeded with refpeeft to [Robert Spence}-] Earl of Sunderland, 
 who was willing to give him this proof of his devotion for 
 
 him, though for Tome private reafons he refufed to make 1 636 0 
 a publick abjuration. 
 
 But he was not fo fuccefsful in his attempt upon his bro- r.v e.u! of 
 ther-in-law the Earl of Rochcjler. For tho’ the Earl con- 
 fenred to be prefent at a conference heid by Divines of both /. a ° 
 Rcugions(3), the difpute, it feems, only attached him more 177, 
 firmiv to the Pioteftant Religion, fince he bravely refufed ‘ ;y 
 to lorl ike in The King, mortified by his firmnefs, remov- p. 
 ed him from theTreafury, which was put in commiffion , !S ' • yi 
 but withal affign'-d him a yearly peniion of five thoufand /’, ' ‘ ' ; , 
 pounds upon the Poft-Office. The Earl of Clarendon his r l..-: 
 elder brother feh likewife the efic&s of the King’s difpleafure 1 1 . 
 
 upon the fame account. Being recalled from his Govern-.. 
 
 ment of Ireland betore the time, he was deprived, about 
 the end of the year, of the Privy Seal, which was gi\en 
 to the Lord Arundel, a Papiil (4.). 
 
 At laft, the King gave an unqueftionahle proof of his tne r! of 
 zeal for the Popifli Religion, by fending the Eul of Caftle- Jf "'f', 
 main in Embaffy to the Pope, To rec ncile the ThreeKing- 
 doms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, to the Holy Set, i' ! d- 
 from which for mere than an age they had fallen iff by He- 
 rfy. The Ambaffador was received at Rome with a coldnef; !l f-b 
 which gave the King a fenfible mortification. Innocent XI, vveiwund. 
 not fuffering h.mfelf to be impofed upon by this outward p. iy 7 . 
 ihow, confide red that Embaffy was too much precipitated, 
 fince the converfion of the three Kingdoms wa? jet far 
 fiom being finifhed, and therefore he refolved to be no 
 actor in a farce which would only render him ridiculous. 
 
 And indeed to pretend to reconcile Three Kingdoms to 
 the Church of Rome , on prerence of a few late conve: li¬ 
 ons, was it not expufing the Pope, the Kins, and the Ca- 
 tholick Religion to the mirth and inlults ol their enemies? 
 ThisEmbaft’y was owing, it is faid, to the influence ol the 
 Jefuits, who would have all Europe believe, they had con¬ 
 verted the three Kingdoms. But Innocent XI. was not fo 
 fond of the Jefuits, as to give them this fatisfaftion at the 
 expence of his own honour. Befides, being then engaged 
 in a quarrel with France, and not ignorant ol the dole 
 union between Lewis XIV. and James II, lie was pleafed 
 with giving fome mortification to Lewis , in the perfon of 
 his friend and brother of England. To this was owing 
 his treatment of the Ambaflador with fo much coldnelV, 
 n.t to fay, incivility. Whenever he granted him an au¬ 
 dience, his Holinefs had a fit of coughing at command, 
 which fpoiled the Ambaflador’s harangue, and oblined him 
 to withdraw. This happened fo oiten, that at laft the 
 Earl of Cojllemain th-earned to be gone. The Pope with 
 his ufual coldnels fent him word, That fince he would be 
 gone, he advijed him to rife early in the morning, that he 
 might reft himfelf at noon ; for in thofe countries it was dan¬ 
 gerous to travel in the heat of the day. All the favour the 
 Ambaflador could obtain from the Pope, was a licence to 
 the Marfhal d'Humiere’s daughter to marry her unde, and 
 a difpenfation of the Statutes of the Jefuits order, that 
 Father Petre might enjoy a Bilhoprick. It is faid, the 
 Archbifhoprick of York was kept vacant for him. But if 
 the Pope and moft of the Cardinals coldly received the 
 Engl,ijh Ambaffador, the Jefuits made him fome amends by 
 fhowing him all poffible refpect. At laft, the King tecallcd 
 him, being unable to bear fo many mortifications. 
 
 However, the ill fuccefs of this Embaffy, difeouraged M P'.u& 
 not the King from purfuing his defign, with fuch 2rdour 
 and opennefs, that it could not be miftaken. Not only all o'....-.: :%! * 
 vacant preferments were conferred upon Papifts, but, with- Kcnnec. 
 out any reafon given, Proteftants were deprived of their pla¬ 
 ces to make room for Papifts. So, it was eafily feen, that 
 none befides Papifts, or Proteftants not attached to their 
 Religion, could pretend to any employments. The Court 
 was fo open in their meafures, that fome of the principal 
 Catholicks could not forbear reprefenting to the King, that 
 his proceedings were more dangerous than advantagious to 
 their Religion. But the King was deaf to all but violent 
 counfels, and fuch as were agreeable to his temper and zeal. 
 
 One may fee in the following letter, dated the 2d of Fe¬ 
 bruary 1 684, from a Jefuit of Liege to a Jefuit of Fribourg , 
 the King’s difpofition with regard to Religion. 
 
 “ It is wonderful to fee King James's great affedlion 1686-7. 
 “ to our Society: He wiftied profperity to this whole 1 " r f r 
 “ College, by the Reverend Father, the Provincial, and 
 “ earnestly recommended himfelf to our Prayers. Upon f. lord. 
 ct Father John Keynes’s return to England, he ga''e him n1, 
 
 “ a moft gracious reception, (while Earls and Dukes were 
 “ commanded for fome hours to wait for admittance,) 
 
 -(1' 
 
 $ brorhei 
 
 , and c 
 
 n th? late, and Uncle to the then Earl of Northampton. 
 
 [z me lame wnu write the Book called 'Julian theAp.jiate, which had given fuch offence to the Duke of Tort in the laft rei: 
 
 Che Author a fevere Profccucion. 
 
 (3 The Proteftant Divines were. Dr. Patrick and Dr. Jane ; and the Popifh, Gifford, and Gtd.’.-n. Rennet, p.+yi. 
 
 • 1 - * - .I. <_ ■■.i..iber.ain, ber.. fni utO : . the Prieiis to change ins Religion, “ he heard them gravely argu 
 
 “ for TranfubJLm t U tie a." And then told them, “ He had taken much pains ta bring himfelf to believe in G .1, who made the world and all r 
 “ in it; Bit it mull not be an ordinary force of argument, that could make him believe, that man was quits with God, and madeG.id again." — n 
 nel Kirk was alfo fpoken to, to change his religion, but he briskly replied, “ He was pre-engaged, for he had promifed the King of Monw, t.'ui 
 ever he changed his religion, he would turn Mahometan. ’Burnet, p.683,684. 
 
 6 
 
 “ with 
 
16 3 6-' 
 
 27. JAMES II. 
 
 Book XXIV. 
 
 . with whom, in the Queen's prefence, he difcourfed with 
 “ all familiarity. He asked him, How many Candidates 
 “ for Orders be bad , and bow many Students ? And upon 
 “ the Provincial’s anfwer to his Majefty, who was urgent 
 “ with him, That of the former and the latter he bad 
 “ above fifty ; he replied, There viould be occafion for double 
 “ or treble that number, to cjfe£l what he defigned for that 
 <c Society's performance ; and ordered, that they fhould be 
 “ all exercifed in the art of preaching : For now, fays he, 
 “ England has need of fuch. 
 
 “ I do not doubt but you have heard, that the King 
 “ writing to Father de la Chaife, the French King’s Con- 
 “ felTor, concerning the affairs of the Houfe among the 
 “ Walloons , declared. That whatever was done to the 
 “ Englijh Fathers of that Houfe, he would look upon as 
 tc done to himfelf. Father Clare , Re&or of the fame 
 “ Houfe, being arrived at London to treat of that matter, got 
 “ an eafy accefs to the King, and as eafily gained his point. 
 “ The King himfelf forbad him to kneel and kifs his hand, 
 “ according to cuftom, faying. Reverend Father, you have 
 “ indeed once kijjed my hand ; but if I had known then, as I 
 “ do now, that you were a Priejl, I would rather my felfi 
 “ Father, have kneeled down and kijfed your hand. After 
 <c he had finifhed his bufinefs, in a familiar converfation, 
 “ his Majefty told this Father, That he would either convert 
 “ England, or die a martyr ; and he had rather die the 
 “ next day and convert it , than reign twenty years pioufiy and 
 “ happily, and not ejfett it. Finally, he called himfelf, A 
 “ Son of the Society, of whofe good fuccefs , he 
 “ faid, he was as glad as of his own. And it can fcarcely 
 “ be expreifed how much gratitude he fhewed, when it was 
 ct told him, That he was made partaker , by the molt Re- 
 “ verend our Provincial, of all the merits of the Society ; 
 “ out of which he is to nominate one for his ConfeAbr ; 
 “ but hitherto it is not known who it will be : Some re- 
 “ port, that it will be the Reverend Father the Provincial, 
 “ but ftill there is no certainty of that. Many are of opi- 
 tC nion, that Father Edward R. Petre, who is chiefly in 
 “ favour with the King, will obtain an Archbifhoprick, 
 11 but more believe it will be a Cardinal’s cap. To him 
 “ has been granted, within this month or two, all that part 
 <c of the palace, in which the King ufed to refide, when 
 “ he was Duke of York, where there is not a day, but 
 “ you may fee I know not how many courtiers waiting to 
 
 fpeak to his Eminence, for fo they fay he is called. For 
 ‘ c the King advifes with him, and with many Catholick 
 “ Lords, who have the chief places in the Kingdom, to 
 “ find a method to propagate the Faith without violence. 
 “ Not long fince, fome of thefe Lords objected to the 
 “ King, That they thought he made loo much hajle to efiablijh 
 “ the Faith. To whom he anfwered, I am growing old , 
 “ and muji take Large Steps; elfe if I Jhould happen 
 “ to die , 1 might perhaps leave you in a worfe condition than 
 “ / found you. When they asked him, Why then he was 
 “ fo little concerned about the converfion of his daughters, who 
 “ were the heirs of the Kingdom ? He anfwered, God will 
 ‘ c take care of that ; leave the converfion of my daughters to 
 “ me ; do you , by your example, convert your Tenants and 
 “ others to the Faith. 
 
 “ He has Catholick Lord-Lieutenants in moft counties; 
 “ and we /hall have fhortly Catholick Jufticesof the Peace 
 “ in almoft all places. We hope alfo, that our affairs will 
 “ have good fuccefs at Oxford. In the publick Chapel of 
 “ the Vice-Chancellor, who is a Catholick, there is always 
 “ one of our Divines, who has converted fome of the ftu- 
 “ dents to the Faith. The Bifliop of Oxford himfelf, 
 “ feeins to be a great favourer of the Catholick Faith; he 
 “ propofed to the Council, Whether it did not feem to be 
 “ expedient, that at leaft one College fliould be granted to 
 ‘‘ the Catholicks at Oxford, that they might not be forced 
 “ to ftudy beyond fea at fuch great expences ; but it is not 
 “ yet known what anfwer he had. The fame Bifhop 
 “ having invited two of our brethren, together with fome 
 “ of the Nobility, drank the King’s health to a certain 
 “ heretick Lord who was in company, wijhing his Majejly 
 tC good fuccefs in all his undertakings: Adding alfo, That the 
 “ Religion of the Protefiants in England, did not feem to 
 “ him in a better condition, than Buda was before it was 
 “ taken ; and that they were next to Athcifis, that defended 
 t£ that Faith. Many embrace the true Religion, and four 
 “ of the moft confiderable Earls had lately made publick 
 “ profeffion of it. Father Alexander Keynes, the Provinci- 
 “ al’s nephew, to whom is committed the care of the 
 “ Chapel belonging to the Elector Palatine's Envoy , is 
 
 continually taken up in fulving and anfwering the quef- 
 “ tions of heretick?, who doubt of their Faith, of whom 
 “ you may fee two or three together walking by the Chapel 
 “ door, continually difputing about fome point of Religion, 
 “ As to Prince Georg< > it is yet uncertain what Religion 
 “ he profeffes. We gradually begin to get footing in Eng- 
 “ land ; we teach human learning at Lincoln, Norwich, 
 “ and Tork ; and at U'orcejler we have a publick Chapel, 
 No. 81. Vo l. II. 
 
 757 
 
 “ protefled by a guard of the King’s foldiers ; and we are 1686-7. 
 “ to buy fome houles at Wigan in Lane of Are. The Ca- 
 “ tholick intereft grows very ftrong ; and at fome 
 “ Churches, granted to the Catholicks , upon Holidays, 
 cc there are often counted fifteen hundred prefent at the 
 <c Sermon. At London alfo, our bufinefs is carried on with 
 
 the fame good fuccefs: Sermons are preached upon every 
 “ Holiday, and there are fo many that frequent the Cba- 
 “ pels, that they are not big enough to hold them. Two 
 “ of our Society, Dormer and Bertue , preach continually 
 “ before the King and the Queen ; Father Edward Neville , 
 
 “ before the Queen-Dowager ; Father Alexander Keynes , 
 
 “ in the Chapel aforefaid ; others in otlier Chapels. There 
 “ are many houfes bought in the Savoy, near Somerfet- 
 “ houfe, which is the Queen-Dowager’s palace, towards 
 “ eredting the firft College in London, for about eighteen 
 “ thoufand Florins ; and they are hard at work to bring 
 “ them to the form of a College, that a School may be 
 “ opened before Eafier. 
 
 “ A Catholick Lord-Lieutenant is lhortly to go over 
 “ to Ireland, becaufe the King cannot be Satisfied with 
 “ any other, to eftablifh the Catholick intereft in that 
 “ Kingdom. The Parliament will certainly fit in this 
 “ month of February, of whom his Majefty is refolved to 
 “ ask three things: Firft, That by a general A£t all the 
 “ Catholick Peers may be admitted to fit in the Upper- 
 “ houfe: Secondly, That the Teft may be abolifhed : 
 
 “ And thirdly, which is the chief point, That all penal 
 “ laws againft Catholicks fhould be abrogated. And that 
 “ he may the better obtain thefe things, he defigns to let 
 cc them all know. That he is refolved to turn out all thofe 
 “ who will not heartily a£l for the obtaining of them ; and 
 M likewife diffolve the Parliament. At which refolution 
 £< fome hereticks being terrified, came to a certain Earl to 
 “ advife with him what might be done; to whom he an- 
 “ fwered, The King's mind is fufficiently known ; what he 
 <c has once faid he will certainly perform : Ij you love your 
 “ felves fubmit to the King's pleafure. There is to be a 
 “ great preparation of war at London, and a fleet of above 
 IC a hundred men of war, is to be fitted out againft the 
 “ fpring, but againft whom it is uncertain. The Dutch 
 “ are under great apprehenfions, but for what reafon, al- 
 “ though they are faid to make an armament, time will 
 “ beft difeover.” 
 
 The Jefuits of Fribourg made no fcruple to fhow this 
 letter to feveral perfons, who taking copies of it, made it 
 publick in Switzerland, and at Geneva. Dr. Burnet fays, 7,1. p 7J », 
 he copied it from one in the hands of Monfieur Heidegger, 
 a famous ProfefTor at Zurich. One of the copies was fent 
 to Monfieur Dickvelt, Ambafladorof the States-General in 
 England, who fpoke of it to the King. Whereupon the 
 King defired to fee it, faying, he fhould foon know whe¬ 
 ther it was genuine, or forged, to render the Jefuits odious. 
 
 But though it was put into his hands, he fpoke no more of 
 it to Monfieur Dickvelt. 
 
 The Parliament, which, according to the laft proroga- Tb e Parti*. 
 tion, was to meet the 1 5th of February, was farther proro- r!ent P r0 ~ 
 gued [to the 28 th of April. ] Probably, the King found cf^aes. 
 not things ripe enough, as he defired, to be allured of the N. «o6. 
 concurrence of the Parliament in the execution of his de- Echardi 
 figns. He chofe rather to take another courfe, which to 111- p ' 3 * 
 him feemed more fhort and eafy, in eftablifhing liberty of 
 Confcience by his own authority. He was, doubtlefs, per- 
 fwaded, that it would be more eafy to obtain the confent 
 of the Parliament to a thing already done, than the power 
 to do it. But he thought proper to begin with Scotland, 
 that the example of that Kingdom might influence the Eng¬ 
 lijh. Fbr this purpofe, he fent a proclamation into Scotland 
 for an entire liberty of Confcience, with orders to the 
 Privy-Council to publifh it. In his opinion, this proclama¬ 
 tion was more than capable to convince all his good fub- 
 jeds of his great moderation , and defire that all fhould 
 live in quiet. He excluded, however, out of his favour, 
 the Field-Conventiclers, whom he recommended to his 
 Council to profecute with all the feverity of the laws. 
 
 This proclamation contained in fubftance: 
 
 “ That his Majefty being refolved to unite the hearts 7 be King 
 “ and affe&ionsof his fubjedh, to God in Religion, tohim^* 4- V^' in 
 “ in loyalty, and to their neighbours in Chriftian love and Declarants 
 “ charity; he had therefore thought fit, by his Sovereign l, berry 
 
 “ Authority, Prerogative Royal, and Abfolute Power, 0 ££ff‘ untH 
 “ which all his fubjetfts were to obey without Reserve, n. mu 
 “ to give and grant his royal Toleration, to the feveral Kennet, 
 
 “ profeflors of the Chriftian Religion after named. Firft, 
 
 “ He allows and tolerates the moderate Presbyterians, to m. P . *14. 
 “ meet in their private houfes only; but it is his pleafure Burnet, 
 
 “ that Field Conventiclers be profecuted according to the p ‘ 7I3 ’ 
 
 “ utmoft feverity of the laws. In like manner, he tole- 
 “ rates Quakers to meet and exercife in their form, in any 
 “ place or places appointed for their worfhip.” Then the 
 proclamation proceeds thus, “ Confidering the fevere and 
 “ cruel laws made againft Roman Catholicks, ( therein 
 9 F “ called 
 
753 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND 
 
 Vcl. II. 
 
 l6S6-“. 4 
 
 cn"' ’ Pnpifts) in the minority of our royal Grandfather 
 of glorious memory, without his confent, and contrary 
 *« to the duty of good fubjerts, by his regents and other 
 “ ene:n : es to their lawful Sovereign, our great-grand-mo- 
 “ ther Queen Mar\\ of blefled and pious memory ; wherein, 
 
 “ under the pretence of Religion, they cloathed the worft 
 “ of treafons, fartions, and ufurpations ; and made thefe 
 ‘‘ laws, not again!! the enemies of God, hut their own : 
 
 “ Which laws have ftill been continued of courfe, without 
 “ defisn of executing them, or any of them, ad ierrorem 
 “ onlv, on fuppofition, that the Papifts, relying on an ex- 
 tc ternal power, were incapable of duty and true allegiance 
 “ to their natural Sovereigns, and rightful Monarchs: Vv e 
 *■< of our certain knowledge and long experience, know- 
 “ ing that the Catholicks, as it is their principle to he 
 “ good Chriftians, fo it is to be dutiful fubjerts,; and that 
 “ thev have likewife, on all occaiions, fhewn themfelves 
 * c good and fait Subjed is, 1 our 1 
 “ fors, &c, Do therefore, with the confent of our Privy- 
 *« Council, by our Sovereign Authority, Prerogative Royal, 
 
 “ and Abfolute Power, lufpe.nd, ftop, and difaMc all laws 
 “ or arts of Parliament, made or executed againft any of 
 “ our Roman Catholick Subjerts, in any time paft, to all 
 intents and purpofes, making void all prohibitions therein 
 “ mentioned, pain? or penalties therein ordained to be in- 
 “ flirted: So that they fhall in all things be as free in all 
 “ refperts, as any of our Proteftant fubjerts whatfoever, 
 
 <c not only to cxercife their Religion, but to enjoy all of- 
 “ fices, benefices, and other;, which we fhall think fit to 
 
 “ beftow upon them in all time coming.-And whereas 
 
 “ the obedience of our fubjerts is due to us by their allegi- 
 tC ance, and our Sovereignty ; and that no law, difference 
 «< in Religion, or other impediment whatfoever, can ex- 
 ** empt the fubjerts from their native obligations to the 
 “ Crown ; and confidering, that fome oaths are capable of 
 “ being wrefted by men of ftnifter intentions, a prartice 
 “ in that Kingdom as fatal to Religion as Loyalty : We 
 “ therefore cafs, annul, 2nd difeharge all oaths whatfouver, 
 
 4£ by which any of our fubjerts are incapacitated from hold- 
 “ ing places or offices in our faid Kingdom, difeharging the 
 “ fame to be taken or given in any time coming, without 
 * c our fpecial warrant and confent ; and we do flop, difa- 
 “ ble, and difpence with all laws, injoining the faid oaths, 
 “ tefts, or any of them, &c.” Towards the concluiton, 
 
 the King reiterates former promifes in thefe words:- 
 
 For the encouragement of our Proteftant Bifhops, and 
 “ the regular Clergy, and fuch as have hitherto lived or- 
 “ derly, we think fit to declare, that it never was our 
 “ principle, nor will we ever fuffer violence to be offered 
 ** to any man’s confcience, nor will we ufe force, or in- 
 41 vincible neceflity, againft any man on the account of his 
 4 ‘ perfwafion, nor the Proteftant Religion ; but will pro- 
 ** tert our Bifhops and other Minifters, in their funrtions, 
 “ rights, and properties, and ali our Proteftant fubjerts, 
 “ in the free exercife of their Proteftant Religion in the 
 * £ Churches.” 
 
 Though this proclamation concerned only Scotland , I 
 thought proper to infert it here, becaufe it discovers cleaily 
 the King’s intentions and principles, and confequently, how 
 he pretended to deal with his Englijh fubjerts, though hi¬ 
 therto he ftill kept within fome bounds, with regard to that 
 •abfolute power, which England had not aferibed to him in 
 fo extenlive a manner as Scotland. 
 
 The Council of Scotland blindly obeyed the King, not 
 vie Council on, y publifhing his proclamation, but even by thanking 
 of Scotland him for it, as for a fignal favour. This ought not to ap- 
 ■pubhjhti the p ear ftiange, becaufe the Council wholly confifted of men 
 location 0 ' entirety devoted to the King, nor was there in Scotland 
 any perfon in a publick office, who was not, or at leal! 
 pretended not, to be in the fame principles. The Parlia¬ 
 ment was compofed in the fame manner, and by Arts patted, 
 had obliged all the Scots 10 an unlimited obedience, fo that 
 no man could oppofe the King’s meafures, under pain of 
 High-treafon. Accordingly, the Council, in thanking the 
 King for his proclamation, might boldly fpeak for the whole 
 Kingdom : Not that they were ignorant that it was not 
 the general fentiment of the nation, but becaufe they knew, 
 no perfon would have the boldnefs to contradirt it. It is 
 not therefore to the whole Scotch nation, that this blind obe¬ 
 dience is to be imputed, but to their Governors, who were 
 buc a fmall part of the people. 
 
 The King charmed with the ready compliance of the 
 Scats, and confidering it as a favorable precedent for Erg- 
 tiicDec/ara- l an( {, fummoned his Council, and told them, “ it was 
 nIV” EnE " “ his intention to publilh the like Declaration in England. 
 
 He grounded his refolution on his obferving, that the 
 endeavours to eltabiifh an uniformity in the four pre¬ 
 ceding reigns, had proved inetfertual, and been very 
 prejudicial to the nation. That befides, ic was hrs opi¬ 
 nion, as molt fuitable to the principles of Chriftianity, 
 That no men Jhould he per [catted for Conjcience-fake ; tor 
 he thought confcience could not be forced.” The Couu- 
 
 1687. 
 
 > 7*5* 
 
 N. jjii, 
 I- 446- 
 
 The King 
 
 fubhjbeI 
 
 p. 4ST. 
 
 £chard. 
 
 ci! compofed like that of Scotland, approved of this refuta¬ 
 tion, anti magnified extremely t!ie King’s indulge ce to his 
 Subjerts. The Declaration for Liberty o: Conlcience was 
 there lore -publifhect the 4th of /Tril. it was nr.icli the 
 fame w.rh that puhlifhed in Scot.ard, except that the King 
 
 foftene 1 ' expre ..on- ro.. 0 • 1 ; s : b! I 1 • c power, and 
 
 Paid, h f his two Htsufes 
 
 of Parliament, r hen he Jhoru * ths :k it convenient them to 
 meet. Jt was howr.er maiiifc! 1 , from the frequent proro¬ 
 gations of this Parliament, that he was far from being af- 
 fured of their concurrence. 
 
 Very probably, there was rot in the whole nation a 
 fingie perfon, who thought the King defigned to favour or 
 e.ife the Nunconformifts. Every one dearly faw, that his 
 aim in this declaration was to eftablifh the popifh Religion, 
 upon the ruins of the Proteftant. For how could it be fup- 
 pol'cd, that the King, from a violent perfeentor, fhould at 
 once become a friend to the Diflenters ? Or what afliirance 
 could there he, that his promifes to the Noncontormifts* 
 would be better kept than thole he had made to the Church 
 of England ? Nevcrthelefs the Nonconformifts had higher- j, 
 to been treated with fo much ripour, that it is not ftrang e, f '>t by the 
 they fhould at firft think themfelves happy in a deliverance 
 from perfecuuon. For this reafon, addrefles of thanks, <3. 
 from the feveral Serts, w’ere prefented to t’he King for his Km 
 declaration. The Anabaptift? led the way : The Quakers 
 followed, and next came the Independents ; and laftlv, the mi. r . giy. 
 Presbyterians. Some of thefe addrefles fpeaking of the Burner. 
 Royal Power, carried it to the Egbert degree, becaufe it P'7*4- 
 was then advantagious to the Nunconfurmilis to maintain the 
 authority by which they were freed from their conftraint. 
 
 The Churchmen failed not to take notice of this change. 
 
 But thev could not juftly blame an excefs into which them¬ 
 felves had fallen. 1 he truth is, the two parties neither dud 
 then, nor yet do, follow on all occaiions, their own prin¬ 
 ciples, w'ith relation to the Royal Power, which thev ex¬ 
 tend or contrart, as the King is more or lefs favorable to 
 them. 
 
 Be this as it will, the war then waged between the two The King 
 parties was of no long continuance. They were quickly d'fi rou ‘ « 
 fenfible, that the Court aimed to revive their former am- JrottBant\ 
 mofities, in order to weaken them both. The King, to jcennct, 
 fucceed in this defign, made the hardlhips and perfecutions P-49°- 
 which the Nonconformifts had flittered from the Church of" 
 
 England , the topick of his difeourfe in his common conver- 
 fations. No greater pleafure could be done Km, than to 
 entertain him with the particulars of thoie oppreffions. To 
 give the Church of England .1 flili m .re fenfible mortifica¬ 
 tion, he ordered the proceiles in the eccleiialtical Court a- 
 gainft the Diflenters to be revived. Buc the Presbyterians, 
 who were mod concerned, were fo wile as not to improve "f in .f[ n [ 1 " n ,’. 
 fo favorable an occafiun to m irtify their enemies. On the r •. m ■t 
 other hand, though fome paffionate men am ngft tlie Dit ’P" n rhe * r 
 Tenters, publifhed virulent invert:ves againft the Church, to LrUar 
 retaliate their ill ufage, the Ep Icopabans unanimoufly re- 
 folved not to anfwer them, far fear of widening the breach 
 between the two parties, at a time when their un .11 v s 
 more than ever neceflarv. It cannot be denied, that herein 
 their n rat 1 and pi fej e we e> nplary. In gene¬ 
 ral, it may be affirmed, that if fome of the NonconL molts, 
 whether Presbyterians or others, fuffered themfelves to be 
 tranfported by their piffion into infults upon the Church of 
 England , they were men of no note. The molt fenlible, 
 and thofe who had mod credit in their party, obferved a 
 great moderation, The Epifcopalians on their fide, did all Their com- 
 that lay in their power to eftablilh union, folely capable of men lahoun 
 fupporting them both. Writings were publilhed fmm time 
 to time, in which the Churchmen acknowledged their error 0 +Q o.' 
 in drivin" the Presbyterians to extremities; that they were Burnet, 
 not fuffiaently aware of the artifices of the Court, and pro- p ' 715,71 
 mifed to have for them great condefcentio.i, in caie affairs 
 were rtftored upon a good foot. It is true, they are ac- 
 cufed of having been no left, forgetful of this promife, than 
 of that made when the Reftoration of Charles II. was tranf- 
 arting. But this concerns the following reigns. 
 
 If there were Nonconformifts who thought themfelves s.m. Bill*ft 
 obliged to exprefs their gratitude for the King’s declaration, g” r ' 
 by flatterine addrefies, there were likewife Bifhops who, 
 with much lefs foundation, prevailed with their Clergy to g.-.i-^. 
 fend addrefles ol thanks to the King, as for a hgnal favour s '- 
 to the Church of England. Of this number were Crew e ' 
 
 Biftiop of Durham, )iarlozv of Lincoln, Cartwright of Che- 111 p s*i. 
 n t r. Wood ! ‘ ichfield , Watfon ol in. David’s As for K ; - \-" 
 Parker Bilhop of Oxfnd he was not fo fucceisful, fince he 'iff. 
 could find bn r one Ole:y, man in his whole Diocefe, who verity of 
 would bgn fuch an aJdicfs. It mavealilybe imagined, that, 
 had the King’s projert fucceeded, thefe Bifhops would not BemdcSt:^ 
 have been the laft to embrace the popifh Religion. htmt • rbt 
 
 The fteps already made by the King for ehe intereft of 
 the popifh Religion, were not thought iufficient by thofe 
 wlio a!pired to greater advantages. Hitherto the Papifts had T '-* 
 not been able to procure any preferments in cither of the ‘ Bu j n p j 1 ’' 
 
 Univerfities, Kmart. 
 
 lifiahn 
 
Book. XXIV. 
 
 2J. JAMES II, 
 
 1687, Univerfities, and yet they were paflionatfely dfcftrous to fct 
 up there Matters and Profaflbrs of their own Religion, in 
 order to become in time matters of fome of the Colleges. 
 It had been propofed to the King to found a College in each 
 Univerfity. But, whether the expence difcouraged him,- 
 or whatever was the reafon, it was thought more proper to 
 introduce Papifts into the Colleges already founded. The 
 dcfign was begun at Cambridge , where [L)r. John Pcachell J 
 Feb. 9. th e Vice-Chancellor received a letter from the King, com¬ 
 manding the Univerfity to admit to the degree of Matter of 
 Arts, Alban Francis^ a Benedifline Monk, without admini- 
 ftring any oath whatfoever, notwithrtanding any Statute or 
 Law to the contrary, which the King was pleafed to dif- 
 penfe with in favour of the faid Alban Francis. The Vice- 
 Feb. 21. Chancellor having communicated this letter to the congre- 
 
 rtjeBei. gation of Regents and Non-Regents, it was unanimoully 
 
 agreed by the members, not to admit the faid Francis , till 
 tne King had been petitioned to revoke the mandate. For 
 thi*. purpofe, they applied to [Chrljlopher Monk J Duke of 
 Albemarle , their Chancellor, praying his interceffion with 
 the King, to which he returned for anfwer, That he had 
 tried but to no effedt. Upon this anfwer the Univerfity 
 fent deputies to London , who were to apply to the Earl of 
 Sunderland , but he refufed to hear them. Shortly after the 
 Feb- 24. King fent a fecond letter to the Univerfity, the fame in 
 fubttance with the former, with this addition, To do it at 
 their peril. As the Univerfity continued ftill to ftand their 
 ground, a fummons was fent from the new Eccleii- 
 Apri! 9 attical Committioncrs, commanding the Vice Chancellor to 
 appear in perfon before them and the Congregation, by 
 Tit Vice themfeives, 01 their deputies. In ftiort, by fentence of the 
 /-*r”w° r Court, the Vice-Chancellor was deprived of his office ; but 
 May 7. Francis was not admitted. This was the firtt avowed at¬ 
 tempt to introduce Papifts into the Univerfity. I fay a- 
 voiued , for fome might have been received under the pre¬ 
 tence of being Protettants. But foon after Magdalen Col¬ 
 lege in Oxford , the richeft in revenue (1), had a more ter¬ 
 rible ftorm te incounter. 
 
 The Afair Lhe Pi efidentftiip of that College being vacant the 31ft 
 of of Afarch , by the death of Dr. Clark , the Vice-Prefident 
 
 Oxford " & ave not ' ce ,or a new e l e ^' on 13th of April. But be- 
 St-te-Trv * ore that day, the members of the College were informed, 
 iv. P . n?. that the King had granted a particular mandate in favour 
 M^rnet' 0 '*' ^ r * -drihony Farmer , a man of ill reputation, who had 
 
 Kcnnet. promifed to declare himfelf a Papift. Whereupon they pre- 
 F* 5 02 • l'ented a petition to the King, praying him, either to leave 
 Aprl1 9 - them to the choice of their President, according to their 
 Founder’s Statutes, or to recommend a perfon who might 
 be more ferviceable to his Majefty, and the College. The 
 anfwer received from the Earl of Sunderland , was, That 
 April 11. the King mujl be obeyed. Immediately after, the King’s 
 mandate was delivered to Mr. Robert Charnock (2), a new 
 convert and Fellow of the College. This mandate being 
 read in the prefence of all the Fellows, it was refolved to 
 keep to the day appointed for the eledtion (3), on which 
 Apnl day j) r Hough was chofen by a great majority. The new 
 Prefident was prefented to the Vifitor, the Biftlop of ll'in- 
 chejler , who fwore and admitted him to his office. 
 
 Stare-Try. The King was extremely provoked with this eledlion, 
 IV. p. 261. and notwithttanding the inrerpofition of the Duke of Or¬ 
 mond Chancellor of the Univerfity, the Vice-Prelident and 
 Fellows were cited to appear before the Ecclefiaftical Com- 
 miffioners at Whitehall. Accordingly, the 6th of June , fix 
 Fellows deputed by the Society, appeared before the Com- 
 miffioners, and to the queftion, Why they refufed to obey the 
 King's Alandate ? they produced their Statutes, and the 
 oath they had taken for the obfervation of them, by which 
 p.262. Statutes Farmer could have no pretenfion. They were or¬ 
 dered to attend again the Z2d of the month, on which day 
 they gave in fo many allegations againft Farmer , ( who be- 
 fxdes was unqualified by the Statutes, ) that the Commiffi- 
 p. 264. oners were aftiamed of him. But as it was the King’s 
 June 22. cau f e? they weie maintaining, they deprived Dr. Hough of 
 his Prefidentfhip, and fufpended the Vice-Prefident, and 
 one of the Fellows (4). The King being informed of the 
 allegations againft Farmer , thought fit to drop his firtt man- 
 Aug. 14. date, and granted a fecond in favour of Dr. Parker Bifhop 
 of Oxford. 
 
 The Fellows of the College finding him no better quali¬ 
 fied than Farmer , refufed to obey the new mandate. This 
 fo incenfed the King, that he went himfelf to Oxford , bent 
 at all hazards to overcome their obftinacy. He ordered 
 Srpt 4. t * iem t(> atte,Ki him at Chrijl Church , and fpoke to them in 
 
 p. 265. terms capable of intimidating men of Jc-fs firmnefs and re- 
 
 folution. Lie commanded them to be gone, and to admit 
 the Biihop of Oxford their Preiident, letting them know. 
 
 759 
 
 that otherwife they fmdd pel the weight of his hand. Suf 
 inftead of obeying, they offered a petition in vindication off-*66. 
 theif proceedings ; but the King would not receive it. At 
 Jaft, after all his menaces, he was forced to leave Oxford , 
 
 Without gaining his point. Shortly after, the King appoint¬ 
 ed a Commiihon to vifit the College, namely, Cartwright n„ v -. a- 
 Bifhop of Chcjler , Stic Robert Wright Chief-Juftice of the p-269- 
 King’s-Bench, and Sif Thomas Jenncr a Baron of the Ex¬ 
 chequer. Thefe Corrtmiffioners treated the Fellows very 
 uncivilly,- Attaining not even from fcurrilous and abulive lan¬ 
 guage. At laft, feeing it was not poffible to overcome them,- 
 they found an expedient to fave in fome meafure the King’ 
 honour,- by an ambiguous Declaration, to which the Fel¬ 
 lows were willing to fubmit. But this fatisfied not the P- 1 2 77• 
 King, who, the Commiffioners faid, cxpedled fome farther 
 fubmiffion, which they advifed them to make, by ac- 
 “ knowledging their contempt to his facred Majefty in per- 
 “ fon, and to his letters; that they fliould promife to be- 
 “ have themfeives loyally for the future ; that they fliould 
 “ own the proceedings and legality of the Court, implore 
 “ his Majefty’s pardon, and lay themfeives at his feet ; and 
 “ that they fhould declare their entire fubmiffion to the 
 “ Bifhop of Oxford as their Prefident.” Of twenty-feven 
 Fellows, only Charnock and another (5) offered fo fign this 
 fubmiffion. At laft, the commiffioners, impowered by the He Fellow 
 King, deprived the twenty-five, who refufed to fublcribe 
 the declaration, of their Fellowfhips, and expelled them p.278. * 
 from the College, for difi bedience to the King’s commands. 
 
 They all protetted againft the fentence, declaring. They 
 would life all jujl and legal ways of being relieved. The 
 fentence however was confirmed by the Ecclefiaftical Com¬ 
 miffioners, and aggravated, by declaring the Prefident and 
 Fellows incapable of being admitted to any ecclefiaftical 
 dignity or benefice. The Prefident refufed to put the Bi¬ 
 fhop of Oxford in pofleffion of his lodgings, which were 
 therefore broke open. All the College was filled with Pa¬ 
 pifts, and Charnock Was made Vice-Prefident. Though 
 this affair held from the beginning of June , to the end of 
 O Bober, I was willing, in order to avoid repetition, to fi- 
 nifh the narrative at once. 
 
 The King difeovered on all occafions his extraordinary The f5ng 
 zeal for the advancement of his Religion ; but principally 
 in the Jifpofal of all places and offices in his gift. For fome m “ ktConm 
 time, he had fcarce preferred any, but thofe who were wil- Gives all 
 ling to purchafe his favour by changing their Religion, and 
 often difplaced thofe who teftified a zeal for the Protcftant 
 Religion, without regard to patt fervices or offences. Ma • hi. p.’saS, 
 ny of thofe who had been moft a&ive for the Bill of Ex- 
 clufion were carefTed and courted, provided they would em¬ 
 brace the King’s Religion, as for inftance, the Earl of Sun 
 derland. But an adherence to the Proteftant Religion, was 
 a Efficient caufe to remove thofe who had done him the 
 moft important fervices on the fame occafion, witnefs his 
 brothers-in-law the Earls of Clarendon and Rochejlcr. 
 
 [1 Charles Talbot ] Earl of Shrewsbury , who fome years before 
 had turned Proteftant, loft his regiment of Horfe, for re- 
 fufimg to return to Popery. The Lords-Lieutenants of 
 Counties were almoft all Papifts. As for the Judges, fome 
 were Papifts, and the reft, though Proteftants, were ready 
 to obey all the King’s commands. If any of them proved The Judge 
 too fcrupulous, they were immediately difplaced, for others ere b '‘ 
 more compliant. Thefe mercenary Judges, when they Rennet, 
 went their circuits, received orders from the Chancellor, to p. 491* 
 ufe all their authority for confirming the Right aflumed by 
 the King of difpenling with the Laws, and todifeourage, as 
 much as poffible, thofe whom they fliould not find difpofed 
 to fubmiffion. Thefe orders were executed with extreme 
 rigour and infolence. 
 
 Every one plainly faw the tendency of thefe proceedings, 
 for the King was open and undifguifed. Neverthelefs, there 
 were even among the Lawyers themfeives, fome that af- 
 fedted to approve of all his adtions, and by their addrefles, 
 to incourage him to proceed. To lhew the exceffive flat¬ 
 tery of thefe men, I {hall here infert an addrefs prefented to 
 the King the 11th of June, by the fociety of the Middle- 
 Temple. 
 
 May it pleafe your Majejly t 
 
 E your Majefty’s dutiful Subjedls, to our great Tie /Sddrefs 
 joy, have received a happy occafion of making f rom tb ‘ 
 
 “ this Declaration of our gratitude : And as we know that Te^pj'e 
 “ your Majefty’s goodnefs is the greateft that ever was dZael 
 “ fhewn by a Prince to his Subjects, fo we wifh the voice N °- 21 5 °- 
 “ of men and angels, to return fufficient thanks for your ^ ar< J’ 8t8j 
 “ Majefty’s condefcenfion and clemency to ail your Sub- 
 “ jedts, in your gracious Deciarae^n lor a Toleration. 
 
 (1) Though the certain Rents of it are hut about four or five ihoufirid pounds a year, yet it is thought ihe improved value of the Eflate beioneirg to it 
 
 is about fjity thou-,inn pounds. Burnet, p. 697. “ b 
 
 (2) The f.me who was executed in tic Reign nf King William, for being in a Plot for the AJlilEoation of that Piince. Repin. 
 
 (l) Tne Elect:. 11 was put oft’ to April (he 15th. See Stete-irjah, Tom. IV. p. 2,0. 
 
 (41 Dr- AMiueirib. ihe Vce Prefident, and Dr. Fnu fjx- 
 fej Dr. ibr.rn.it Smith. See Stjtc irjali, Tom. IV- p. 277. 
 
 And 
 
Vol. If. 
 
 r6o 
 
 1687. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND 
 
 The King 
 farther Pro¬ 
 rogue! the 
 Parliament. 
 
 111. p. 829. 
 
 The King 
 c/ofets fe-ve- 
 
 Welwood. 
 
 Echard, 
 
 III. : ) 
 
 and at ti/i 
 
 dtffol-vti the 
 
 Parliament. 
 
 Oazettes 
 
 N°. 22,-6. 
 
 TbcMcmberi 
 
 cf the laft 
 
 Parliament 
 
 •vindicated 
 
 from an Ac- 
 
 cufation. 
 
 ill. p. 830. 
 
 tc And as for this companion and goodnefs, thanks ought 
 “ to be paid your Majefty by all his S-ubjeCls; fo we efpe- 
 “ pecially of the profeflion of the Law, have molt rea- 
 4< Ion to be thankful for the honour you have done us, by 
 “ alTerting your own Royal Prerogatives, which is the 
 <c very life of the law, and our profeflion. Which Prero- 
 “ gatives, as they were given by God himfelf, fo we de- 
 “ clare, That no power upon earth can diminilh them, 
 “ but they muft always remain entire and infeparable to 
 “ your royal perfon. Which Prerogatives, as we have 
 “ ftudied to know them, fo we are refolved to defend 
 “ them, by alTerting with our lives and fortunes that di- 
 “ vine maxim, A Deo Rex , A Rege Lex. And now as a 
 tc teftimony of our perfeCl: fatisfa&ion in this our addrefs 
 “ and acknowledgement, we have fubferibed our names, 
 “ that your Majefty may know us to be yours; and that 
 “ the reft of our profeflion may follow our example : And 
 “ therefore we beg your Majefty will accept this addrefs 
 “ from us, who in conclufton make bold to offer our beft 
 “ wilhes, and hearty defires, that your Majefty’s Councils 
 “ may profper in wifdom, your Kingdoms flourifli in 
 “ peace, and your royal perfon enjoy a long, happy, and 
 “ glorious reign over us.” 
 
 With all this, the King was difappointed in an affair 
 which he earneftly laboured, and that was the gaining the 
 Parliament to approve of the power pretended to by him 
 of difpenfing with the laws. The Parliament Ihould have 
 met the z8th of April, and it was expeCted accordingly. But 
 the King, not finding things fo ripe as he defired, had pro¬ 
 rogued it to the 22d of November. Borne days before this 
 prorogation a Pamphlet had been difperfed in London , tend¬ 
 ing to give the Parliament a difadvantagious idea of the 
 King, in the fuppofition that they were going to fit. Here 
 is a fhort extraCt of this pamphlet, which was aferibed to 
 Dr. Burnet , then in Holland. 
 
 “ Our King has given fuch teftimonies of his zeal for his 
 Religion, that we fee among all his other royal Qualities, 
 there is none for which he defires and deferves to be fo 
 much admired, fince even the paffion of Glory, of ma¬ 
 king himfelf the terror of all Europe , and arbiter of 
 Chriftendom, ( which as it is natural to all Princes, fo 
 muft it be moft particularly fo to one of his martial and 
 noble temper ) yields to his zeal for his Church ; and 
 that he, in whom we might have hoped to fee our Ed¬ 
 ward the third, our Henry the fifth revived, chufes ra¬ 
 ther to merit the heightning his degree of glory in ano¬ 
 ther world, than to acquire all the conquefts that this 
 low and vile world can give him: And that, inftead of 
 making himfelf a terror to his neighbours, he is con¬ 
 tented with the humble glory of being a terroT to his 
 own people; fo that inftead of the great figure this 
 reign might make in the world, all the news of Eng¬ 
 land, is now only concerning the practices on fomc fear¬ 
 ful Mercenaries.” 
 
 In the mean time, the King continued to take infinite 
 pains to gain the members of Parliament. He clofetted, 
 one by one, all that were in London , and reprefented to 
 them what he thought capable to convince them of the ne- 
 ceflity to abolifti the Penal laws, for the good of the King¬ 
 dom, and inforced his arguments with menaces and pro- 
 mifes. It is not improbable, but fome might be gained, 
 but he could never be allured of a majority of voices. This 
 determined him at laft to diffolve the Parliament, by pro¬ 
 clamation the 2d of July. 
 
 When the firmnefs of the members of this Parliament, 
 as foon as they believed the interefls of Religion were at 
 ftake, is compared with their extreme zeal for the King 
 in the beginning of their feflion, it muft be inferred, that 
 their compliance was owing purely to their millake in the;r 
 good opinion of the King, and that their firmnefs pro¬ 
 ceeded from their being at laft undeceived. They are 
 therefore unjuftly accufed, of intending to facrifice to the 
 King, the intereft of Religion 2nd their Country. Thev 
 demonftrated the contrary, in refilling the temptations, the 
 King laid before them, even in his prefence, and face to 
 face. This, in my opinion, is ti.c higheft degree to which 
 firmnefs can be carried. They were all, or almoft all, 
 members of the Church of England ; nay, for the moft 
 part, High-Churchmen. I have be r ore given the reafon of 
 their exceflive zeal and condefcenficn for the King, and 
 therefore need not repeat it. But when they difeovered 
 that the point was not to curb the Diffenters, but that 
 the King’s defigns concerned the Proteftant Religion, with¬ 
 out any diftinCtion of fe&s, they evidently Ihowed, that 
 they were as good Proteftant', as thofe who accufed them 
 of being Papifts, or popifhly inclined. This truth will 
 ftill more plainly appear, in the firm and unlhaken courage 
 of the Church of England , on the moft important occafion 
 that ever was. 
 
 After the Parliament was diffolved, the King’s grand 
 affair was to have a new one entirely at his devotion. But 
 he would not call one, till lie was allured of having fuch 
 
 members returned, as he Ihould think proper. For tl . r 
 purpofe, ^tio IVarranto 1 s were ilfued agair.ft fevcral Corf > 
 rations, to the end, that when thev were deprived of their 
 Charters, the King might giant fuch new one?, as ILouid 
 render him mafter of the Elections. It may be imagined, 
 that as the Courts of Juftice were difpofed, the Corpora¬ 
 tions could not but be deprived of their Charters, and for 
 obtaining new ones, were obliged to comply with the 
 King’s defires. This was one of the methods ufed by the 
 King, to difpofe the People to eleCt fuch members, us 
 would promote the defign of taking oft' the penal Law 
 and Teft. It would be too tedious and difficult to relate r f '■ "■ 
 all the King’s fecret methods, the emiffaries he fent into . r ‘ j 
 the Counties and Corporations, the inftruCtions he gave them - urj,;, 
 to gain the People, the arguments, promifes, and menaces £-"• 'f ,Kt 
 they ufed. All that can be faid in general, is, that nothing 
 was forgot which he thought would contribute to the pro- tw ; < 
 curing a favorable Parliament. To this end, Magiftrates N ° -: > o; ' 
 and Lord-Lieutenants were difplaced, but chiefly, particu¬ 
 lar men were clofetted to engage them in the King’s mea- 
 fures. It was alfo with this view that he made a progiefs 
 through feveral Counties, and flopped at the cities and 
 great towns, to carefs or intimidate the People. But he 
 every where met with fuch coldnefs, or rather averfion to 
 his defigns, that he durft not venture to call a Parliament. 
 
 As the people were convinced, that the King’s defign, with 
 whatever pretence he difguifed it, was to deprive them of 
 their liberty, and change the eftablifhed Religion, they 
 would not be the inftruments of their own ruin. The af¬ 
 fair of Magdalen College, which was in its greateft heat, 
 during the King’s progrefs, greatly contributed to open the 
 eyes of the moft blind, and exafperate the nation. The 
 King would have a Parliament, which Ihould confent to 
 the abrogation of the penal Laws and Teft, or grant him 
 a power of difpenfing with them, at a time when his 
 whole conduCt difeovered a fettled defign of planting the 
 Popifh, upon the ruin of the Proteftant Religion. Be- 
 fides, it was manifeft, he did not ask this power as a fa¬ 
 vour, but infilled upon it as a right,, which he had already 
 affumed, without the concurrence of the Parliament. 
 
 At laft, the King Ihowed fo open a contempt of the Tie PuY-.o 
 Law, that no perfon could millake him. After fending, Er "y ’J n ‘‘ 
 as we have feen, a folemn Embaffy to Rome , he would 
 have aNuntio in ordinary refiding at his own Court. The wind for. 
 Pope had, the laft year, nominated for this employment, Kennet - 
 Ferdtnando Dadda, demeftick Prelate to his Holinefs, who ButneV. 
 had been about the King ever fince his acceffion to thep~'6- 
 Crown, and was the Queen’s great favorite. He had been ® c , h *'’ s _ 
 received asNuntio, but privately, and without the people’s v!^. ’ 
 
 knowledge. But now the King having entirely pulled oft' 
 t*he mask, was for honoring him with a publick reception, 
 though to affume the character of the Pope’s Nuntio was 
 high-treafon. To give more luftre to the Nuntio, he was 
 firft confecrated Archbifhop of Amafia in the Royal Chapel, 
 after which, on the 3d of July , he made his publick entry 
 at IVlndfor, with great pomp and magnificence. It was a 
 very furprizing fpeCtacle to Proteftants, to fee a Nuntio 
 from the Pope in his Pon/ifcalibus, preceded by a Crofs- 
 bearer, and a train of Priefls and Monk;, in the habits of 
 their refpeCtive orders. Mean while, on this very occafion 
 the King received an unexpected mortification ; for having 
 ordered [ Charles Seymour J Duke of Somerfet to attend the 
 Nuntio to his audience, he defired his Majefty to excufe 
 him from an office which the laws of the land made cri¬ 
 minal. This fo incenfed the King, that he removed him 
 from his Places of Gentleman of the Bed-chamber, and 
 Colonel of the Dragoons. [Henry Fitz-rov] Duke of Graf¬ 
 ton , lefs fcrupulous, accepted the office refufed by the Duke 
 of Somerfet. Some have believed, that Dadda was one of 
 the King’s principal Counfellors in affairs of Religion. But 
 it is not likely, he would aCt fo contrary to the fentiments 
 of the Pope, who by no means approved the King’s con¬ 
 duct. The fame thing cannot be laid of Father Pctre , or 
 Peters, the King’s Confellor, who was the firft mover of 
 all the engines to advance the progrefs of Popery. He was Father 
 publickly received into the Council the nth of November, r ’ c::e r '“ 
 contrary to the opinion of the moft eminent Papifts, who 
 juftly feared the King’s affairs would thereby be very much c,j,- 
 prejudiced. Lumet. 
 
 Though the King had given convincing proofs of his a- The King re- 
 verfion to the Proteftant Religion, he favorably received the 
 Frencb Proteftants, who took fanCtuary in Erg .and on ac- dftre/fed 
 count of the rigours exercifed againft them in France. He Pnteftant* 
 not only granted them his protection, but alfo large fums, France 
 befides his licence to encourage a publick collection. Some 
 aferibe this to policy, in order to intimate to the Ew*Ujh, Ecbard. 
 how little ground they had to fear fuch treatment in Eng- lI1 ‘ p ‘ 840 
 land , from the King, v/ho was fo charitably compaffionate 
 to the misfortunes (f foreigners, perfecuted in their own 
 country. But as the King himfelf did net difeover the 
 motives of this conduCt, they can only be conjeCtured. 
 
 Thus much is certain, the French Miniflers thought them- 
 
 felves 
 
Book XXIV. 
 
 2 7 - JAMES II. 
 
 I 687. 
 
 Vfilth of th, 
 D„hf of 
 Bucking¬ 
 ham. 
 
 April 16. 
 
 7h< Kfng 
 
 pi'Jhn his 
 
 D,fig,is. 
 Eclmrd. 
 III. p.842 
 
 7 6i 
 
 felves under fuch obligations lo the King, that they werb addrefles. .Some cf theft need.: .1. ■ ,i - . ; . 
 
 amongft the moil forward to difplay his virtues in their Set- flattery ,0 the la ft eacefs This “ con ? ppme hJ s "<• l6i *- 
 
 mons, whenever an occafion offered. I myfelf remember the I nrrk T , ' T 1 hls Is no w °nder. Moft of 
 
 to have heatdaPreacberin the Church of.hViL"h °f "" 
 
 out into the profaneft flattery (i). t h em ta r , the .S’ 1(: was not difficult for 
 
 ■ i^geViUiert] Duk - f Bingham, who now made a tionTtoT=K nl were tK'^bute T Ito 
 contemptible figure, died this year in Yerkfhi,,, juft as he beinv once inculcated , ln h“te of them duty. This 
 
 had lived, that is, without any fen ft of Religion. This and “procured filch fuhrh y , d “ P £ addre fs themfelves; 
 
 p™ >' 5 ar death likcwir u ‘‘sized the famous Sr IV,Ilium thereby caufin/the CoraS it r^ 7 i‘ h ° U f ht pr0per ’ 
 
 Pnty, Phyfician and Fellow of the Royal Society, after Were addreflif to beconfide d ^ what ,he y P^atod.' 
 having pubhihed feveral ufeful and valuable writings. timents of the neonle ft mmhte .“ftTT" 1 ?,' 1 ’? real 
 
 I am now come to the year 1688, a critical vear to nation wnc rwir ^ j be fad, that all the EngUjh 
 
 England , the firft half of which portended to the ^Englijh pi(h Succellor J° y,throu | h the ho P e s of a po- 
 
 the lofsof their Religion and Liberties. James II. had ^ B fldtT'ft op- 
 
 moted his great work in the three years ire had been on the rely on this genital concurrence of V Q Z o'"®" not 
 throne with a furpriflng rapidity and fuccefs. He had in- dat'd not to III a Parliament whof ^ S "^ s ’ fl "“ h = 
 veiled himfelf with an abfolute power, that haidly fuf- ldianceweretheereatXT’of > tr PP ' 0bat,0 " andc0,r ‘‘ 
 fered any contradidlion. The laws of the land were openly Befidlthe foteme^ a' 5 , 
 
 violated The Privy-Council was almoft wholly poping to advance the pl 7 (h RetecT Kin S f " * r - 
 and under the direction of a Jefuit. The moil confidera- which he pronS^SmfeKeirf T" c'” an0ther fr0,n riura? 5 
 
 ble places m the Court and Kingdom were pofliflid by men the R m l Frieds and Tefm'ts h^J^' Somct ™ a fmee, E.-r.i J 
 of the fame Religion. The Tell and Penal Laws were great number of Comroverfi ‘ W '^ aad dif l’«'id a '«■ P'Hr. 
 in "flictent fences to fecure Religion, for which they were anfweied by Til jet T, L, ft i wh £> M bxn 
 
 ^ ^ *° 4 °** , - u -Xw^Sf'-n a i 7 Sm’ncf'tt; “r 
 
 S hi Dot e Pap t T [’ e Ki " g ^„g, w“houTdou"h 
 hat h,s Dodlors would not be i match for the champions of 
 
 JPubl.Thed a Proclamation, ground- Feb. ,... 
 ed upon a Statute made the , 4,1, „f C'Wrr II, “ prohibit- 
 
 ... " g „k *" ?-■•«»« »»< 
 
 LUC Iving was rcioivca to complete 
 ins woik at all events, and an army of fifteen thoufand 
 men, encamped within a few miles of Union, befides the 
 almtance of France, feemed to promife him fuccefs. But 
 what was more extraordinary, was, that Proteflant Cor¬ 
 porations, when their Religion was fo violently attacked, 
 fent their addrefles of thanks to the King, as for a gleat fa¬ 
 vour, pubhckly promifing to chufe fuch members for the “ Tided bv the fii,l A, 4 ” ri T ' .. P r0 
 
 enfumg Parliament, as fliould concur with his meafures prehended'tlic c r n ' f;r this name were com- 
 All this gave juft occafion ,0 fear, that no Int, o„^^a eKncf ’Z PM<hrjd 
 
 puflibly he found far the miferics of the nation, which daily anilities amon”ft ’his Suh: h V a " d fcmemed 
 
 mcrealed. The only refuge which feemed to be left, was The S 3 ' . 
 
 the I rincefs of Orange, prefumptive heir of the Crown, rh. T.Jc _S™ d d '(jgn. as hath been feen 
 WI10, like another Elizabeth, would reflore things to their 
 lormer .Stair, u/lipr. _i .1 ■ D 
 
 books „i I n h 4 unlicenled and trcafonable r.-i 
 
 - wuuju iciioretilings 
 
 farmer State, when file (hould afeend the throne. But 
 behdes that the King, who was but in his fifty-filth year, 
 n “g b ' ?? m a g r 'i« while, an ailonilhing Proclamation, 
 ,ra,Vi P mi h f d , , thc 2d of to notify the Queen's being 
 
 Gazettes with child, and to order publick Thankfgiving to God 
 
 No. 250J, entirelv nefirnup/l iKo 1./,^..- -_ k:_l t i i 
 
 Kennet. 
 
 Eh 9< d 
 
 
 peal the Tell'tSd“p.r,lT’ lren . was to re- r. r „:„ 
 
 wiflred mh „ " Law "’ and tot that purpofe he 
 
 wtlhed to have a Parliament at his devotion. He had al 
 
 Le J" ’ ? Ft}* 2 Sreat flcp to "’ ards obtatoingthe 6 
 
 fame thing of the Parliament. To that end he ™ffl 7 a 
 to found the inclinations of the Prince of oLgr, wth 0 « ® 
 
 Wphmss 
 
 thereupon. 
 
 ■ , , -- i namcigiving to (Jo 
 
 entirely deftroyed the hopes which had been entertained, 
 i he rapifts were tranfported with this agreeable news. 
 
 Ech.nl. Some even began to debate the queftion, whether a daugh- his aDDearimr i„ i. h ..““".“w™ orange, without 
 
 m. P . 8lJ . ter bon, fi„ ce the King's advancement to the throne, ought PenTonarv IJ /' H emplo >' cd Mr - 7 ™« Sliwarl( 3 ), 
 not to take place befote tile Princefs of Orange, born while endeavouring™ 177 ?“’ * h ° wnt to that Minifter, 
 he was Duke of York ? But this queftion was very needlefs. England aid ofthePri' lm ’ 'p 3t " was the interell of 
 
 the'p 7 Tt WaS pcrfuadcd ’ the Pa I ,ifts through hope, and the’Tell’ fliould be^bfogated^and^T'r ° f 0ra "^ t,,at 
 the Proteftants through fear, that the Queen would bedc- Catholicks repealed Th 1 ’,. J 'he Laws againft the 
 
 hvered of a Prince. It is very certain, the Proteftants vate imn rhlp, ' 1 h s letter coming only from a pri- 
 
 from this time began to form fufpicions about the Queen's an anfwe’r Mr "Smart ^ " 0t ^ ° W Mr ' F " l ‘ l “ rctum 
 Zrr, J hu appeared in feveral pamphlets, difperfed for an anfwer till at lad he tl'" u' 1C 'T ed hls in <lances 
 ^rough London , fome of which were even dropped in Fagl “tote fi ft le'lf,’wt ™ ££ 1 1 ° 
 
 If bitehall Hitherto, the foie foundation of the fufpicion, who defired m ha ve he on l tbcK,n S s direeftion, 
 
 that the Queen's pregnancy was a cheat, confifted in he! T ' °. 'n P /!r" Ce a " d Princcrs 
 
 has mg been fo many years childlefs. But this foundation gated in / r" , 1 ." ’ , J T d tl,e falfe report propa- 
 was too weak to proW rhe certainty of an “ had tiven r h^co r fe m tl"? a " d 
 was not rmpoffible for the Queen d be with child ; but on Penal Lais forced Mr F ° f the Teft and 
 
 S I f h a? d ’ neither *» i‘ tmpoffible that the Queen Sldar, ztd let him itt T r ?“* “ » nf « r Mr. 
 
 SeKinrln 6 “ fupp ° r,: an heir - Tile “re™ zto of and Princefs of Ornl ftm ‘ ments of the Pr! ‘tcc 
 
 p, g a nd Queen, and of mofl: of their counfellors and The letters of thefe rv Vi u 
 conhdents, for their Religion, rendered fuch a fufpicion noife m he worid atfd tl J ^ r'n T ade f ° much 
 piaufible to the Proteftants. Hiftories have recorded in- do not thinIrTnl’m C r k »»»n, that I 
 
 fiances of the like impoflures, as in Spain, and in England myfelf with btieflv rcfrelh'to"^' . 1 fta " contcn t 
 itfelf, where ,t ts pretended, that Queen Man, to deprive the fubftance of Mr £ ^ g hc Rcader s m ™ory with 
 her b,Her Elizabeth of the SucceffionT would have fuppofed « Tto ftrh 1 He toId Mt.Stewart, 
 
 an her, had not her husband King Philip prevented it “ „„ lh l the “ pm “> l n of ,he Pr 'noe^and Princefs, thal 
 For this f„n, the ftory of Queen ^ Con^nd, 
 lion as delivered by Per, was reprinted and difperfed thro' 
 the Kingdom, with this title, Idem It,rum, or Sueen Mary’s 
 tiig-Belly. Another caufe which contributed greatly to 
 corroborate this fufpicion, was the indiferetion of fome Je- 
 luits, who pubhihed, that (he would certainly be delivered 
 01 a Prince. They pretended, that this conception was 
 miraculous and the cffedlof a folemn petition, which the 
 
 he h :^ f u;^„ Ch a e l° f ^£ llad “ 
 
 P-497- 
 Echard. 
 III. p. 8. 
 
 A Mincl 
 pretended. 
 
 •i, r , L r. :L <ur ms ^onicience nr 
 
 „ 1 i k i bec f aufe Be differed from the eftablilhed Religion ' 
 “ n, d t her, ; fo re could confent, that the R„„ a „ Catholicks 
 ftouid enjoy a full Liberty of Confidence. That as to 
 „ 'fto Nonconform,its, their Highnefles did not o„Iyco“ 
 ri 1 ’ b “t heartily approved of their having an entire Li- 
 tt bert u y ot Confcience, for the exercife of their Religion 
 without any trouble, hindrance, or molellation on“thaJ 
 , fcore '- But their High-Mightinefles could not bv 
 
 .. ir ,!*! 1T '»- aad "'oft 
 
 the blefled Virgin Ma 7 y, ~ ted 'ZZ I '° ^ ^ ^ a " d * * 
 
 to our Lady of Loretta, with the prefent of a golden image “ tell.nffoB^nT'V ^ ‘° recurit - v of the P ™- 
 
 mrtched with precious Hones. As on pretence that the “ „rhe" „ Uthol £”^ 
 
 Queen had been feveral years childlefs, her pregnancy could 
 not be deemed fupernatural, there was no neceffity to 
 .1 crihe ir tii n nurir'lo -i _ 1 t » / 
 
 TheKJng ent- 
 ■ ‘ed by 
 
 Addrcffii. 
 
 Gazettes. 
 
 ■ No. 2.SII. 
 &c. 
 
 Eehard. 
 
 HI. p. 844, 
 
 c , ■ ‘Ui-c.iti.ttuitu, mere was no neceiiity to 
 
 alcribe it to a miracle, of which there could be no certainty 
 bo, this needlefs precaution ferved only to confirm the to 
 ipicion. 
 
 1 he Queen's pregnancy produced many congratulatory 
 
 tt . . ° ’ -, r '-‘Uuoucks received no 
 
 other prejudice Iron, thele, than their being excluded 
 11 .K° m Par [7 m ent and publick employments; and that by 
 „ 'hem the Proteflant Religion is Iheltered from all the de- 
 hgns of the Roman Catholicks againft it, or againft the 
 publick fafety. ° 
 
 |-a T ?i S . an Jr r o WaS ruppor " !d w 'th reafons fo cleat and fo- 
 lid, that Mr. Stewart finding himfelf too weak for fuch 
 
 , chiefly r 
 
 en |1S e them ,0 efpoure „d abei the King’, power of dirpenfing 
 
 r! fv :a ' that the King’e Favours ro rhe French Refugees 
 
 (tfiGtetom”* e ”1i' ? ee P.4S9- Note .r. . _ 
 
 i zizr - K :° e ^ h,d ^ ^ P . 3 , ra „, p . 7>t , 
 
 No. LXXXII. Vol. II, 
 
 an 
 
Vol II. 
 
 7 e 2 The history of England, 
 
 1688. an adverfary, thought it more advifeable to deny all cor- 
 refpondence with Mr. Fag el on this fubject, in order to 
 dcftroy theauthoricy of Mr. FageP s anfwer, which had been 
 printed and difperfed through England and all Europe. 
 jr n-.et. The Peniionary provoked at this proceeding, fent a letter 
 Kern . to theMarquifs of Albyville , the Englijh Ambaflador at the 
 r ^' z - Hague, wherein he called him to witnefs, that the Prince 
 and Princefsof Orange had declared their thoughts to him 
 concerning the penal Laws, in the fame manner as he had 
 reprcfentcd them ; and that Albyville had acquainted the 
 King with it long before he wrote his letter. He com¬ 
 plained of the Earl of Sunderland, for having afligned an 
 Allowance to print a pamphlet (1), which after ted, that the 
 anfwer of Mr. Fagcl to Mr. Stewart was fuppofititious, 
 though he himfelfhad feen the original, and knew that the 
 King had alfo fcen it. This laft letter was likewife printed 
 in French and Englijh, and difperfed. All this was ex¬ 
 tremely injurious to the King, and began to give the En- 
 glijh hopes, that the Prince and Princefs of Orange would 
 Ecnard. not a b a »d° n them in their prefling necefiities. It mull be 
 111. r. 847- obferved, that Mr. Fagel's letter to Mr. Stewart was writ 
 on November the 4th, the laft year, before the Queen's 
 pregnancy was divulged. But this affair became not pub- 
 lick, till the beginning of the year 1688. 
 
 Th( 1 nf . The refufal of the Prince and Princefs of Orange to con- 
 r.ir,. /• f" fent to the abrogation of the Teft and penal Laws, ferved 
 1 ■- ' ' ’ only to inflame the King’s zeal, and oblige him toufefrefh 
 . endeavours to have a Parliament at his devotion. He fent 
 
 Kenner. therefore emiffaries into the feveral counties, to try to fe- 
 Fchard cure the elections, before he ventured to call a Parliament, 
 ill. p. 8/c. But the more follicitous he was to gain this point, the lefs 
 inclination he found in the people, who, on fo important 
 an occafion, were unwilling to tiuft their interefts with 
 men devoted to the Court, as the King defired. Where¬ 
 fore the King, forefeeing all his artifices would prove un- 
 fuccefsful, and that he fhould at laft be obliged to ufe force, 
 /h t-.'-./ j g ave out commiflions for raffing new troops, for the in- 
 /-». 7 and creafing of his Handing army ; and likewife caufed a larger 
 I :: - fleet to^be equipped. The new commiflions were almoft all 
 ./ given to Injh and Popifti officers. Moreover, he wrote, 
 
 .V -t n the 1 "th of 'January , to the States-Gcncral, to demand the 
 '• ■' fix Englljh and Scotch regiments that were in their lei vice. 
 
 The Id of March he illued out a proclamation, “ hor- 
 
 _ “ bidding i'.is natural born fubjedls to enter or lift them- 
 
 “ felvcs in the feiviceof any foreign Prince or State, either 
 “ by fea or land. 
 
 The States did not think proper to fend thefe regiments 
 T-iiniuj to the King in the prefent jundture. They returned a 
 Sa>in. civi ] anfwer, and declared, That-having examined their 
 p! ™"' engagements, they could find no agreement or capitulation 
 Kcnni't. that could oblige them to grant his Majefty’s demands, ex- 
 Echa 7 ’ 1 cept when he was in war with fome of his neighbours, 
 lit. J p .' s/i. or there was an infurredlion at home. That they had ac¬ 
 cordingly fent the fix regiments into England \n the year 
 1 6S5, at the time of the Duke of Monmouth'% rebellion. 
 But that now the King being in peace with his neighbours, 
 and free from difturbances at home, they faw no reafon that 
 could oblige them to fend back thofe troops. The King 
 not fatisfied with this anfwer, renewed his inftances. But 
 the States, in {hewing how thefe regiments were foxmed, 
 and the treaties which had been made about them, infilled, 
 that they were obliged to fend them back only in the two 
 cafes above-mentioned, and that the King was not at pre- 
 fent in either. At laft, after a third fruitlefs attempt, the 
 Mar ., ,, King, by a proclamation, called home all his fubjedls which 
 o^etr.were in the fervice of the States-General. Whereupon, 
 M i. t he p r i nce 0 f Orange offered paffes to all the officers of the 
 fix regiments that were willing to return home, which 
 about forty of them accepted. 
 
 Though the King had publifhed laft year a declaration, 
 for an entire liberty of Confcience to all his fubjefts, and, 
 by virtue thereof, had filled almoft all the offices with Ca- 
 tholicks, he thought fit to publifti a fecond upon the fame 
 Gazettes, fubjedft, the 27th of April this year. Perhaps he had a 
 n.i. mind to fhew, that though he was defirous of having what 
 
 h e j^d done, confirmed by Parliament, hecould, however, 
 k --ii. proceed without their concurrence, and act by abfolute 
 in. f. Stj6. power. Perhaps too, he intended to bring things to a cri- 
 fis, being inceflantly pufhed by his popifti Counfellors,_ who 
 were for improving the occafion offered them by the King’s 
 zeal. The declaration was as follows: 
 
 James Rex , 
 
 ji[;mdDe - tc { fL R conduct has been fuch in all time, as ought 
 dar.irm p-r “ V_/ to have perfuaded the world, that we are firm and 
 * c ; c '! y J “ conftant to our refolutions: Yet that eafy people may 
 “ not be abufed by the malice of crafty wicked men, we 
 “ think fit to declare, that our intentions are not changed 
 < £ fince the 4th of April 1687, when weiffued outourdecla- 
 “ ration for liberty of Confcience, in the following terms : 
 
 <c (Here the declaration was recited verbatim , and then it 1688. 
 
 <c follows ■,) Ever fince wegranted this indulgence, we have 
 “ made it our principal care to fee it preferved without di- 
 “ ftinotion, as we are encouraged to do daily by multitudes 
 ‘ c of addreffes, and many other aflurances we receive from 
 “ our fubjedts of all perfuafions, asteftimonies of their fa- 
 “ tisfadtion and duty ; the effedts of which we doubt not 
 “ but the next Parliament will plainly fhew ; and that it 
 “ will not be in vain, that we have refolved to ufe our 
 “ uttermoft endeavours to eftablilh liberty of Confcience, 
 
 “ on fuch juft and equal foundations, as will render it un- 
 “ alterable, and fecure to all people the free exercife of 
 “ their Religion for ever ; by which future ages may reap 
 “ the benefit, of what is fo undoubtedly for the genera! 
 
 “ good of the whole Kingdom. It is fuch a fecurity we 
 “ defire, without the burthen and conftraint of Oaths and 
 ?* Tefts, which have been unhappily made by fome Go- 
 “ vernments, but could never fupport any : Nor {hon'd 
 “ men be advanced by fuch means to offices and employ- 
 ‘ f ments, which ought to be the reward of fervices, fide- 
 “ lity, and merit. We mult conclude, that not only good 
 “ Chriitians will join in this, but whoever is concerned for 
 “ the increafe of the wealth and power of the nation. It 
 “ would, perhaps, prejudice fome ol our neighbours, who 
 “ might lufe part of thofe vaft advantages they now enjoy, 
 
 “ if liberty of Confcience w’ere fettled in thefe Kingdoms, 
 
 “ which are, above all others, moft capable of improve- 
 “ ments, and of commanding the trade of the world. In 
 “ purfuance of this great work, we have been forced to 
 “ make many changes both of civil and military officers 
 “ throughout our dominions, not thinking any ought to 
 “ be employed in our fervice, who will not contribute to- 
 “ wards eftablifhing the peace and greatnefs of their coun- 
 “ try, w'hich we moft earneftly defire, as unbiafi'ed men 
 “ may fee by the whole condudt of our Government, and 
 “ by the condition of our fleet, and of our armies, which, 
 
 “ with good management, {hall be conftantly the fame, 
 
 “ and greater, if the fafety, or honour of the nation re- 
 “ quire it. We recommend thefe confiderations to all our 
 “ fubjedts, and that they will rcfledl on their prefent eafa 
 “ and happinefs, how for above three years that it hath 
 “ pleafed God to permit us to reign over thefe Kingdoms, 
 
 “ we have not appeared to be that Prince, our enemies 
 “ would have made the world afraid of; our chief aini 
 “ having been not to be the oppreffor, but the father ot our 
 “ People ; of which we can give no better evidence, than 
 “ by conjuring them to lay alide all private animofities, as 
 “ well as groundlefs jealoufies, and to chufe fuch members 
 “ of Parliament, as may do their parts to finifli what we 
 “ have begun for the advantage of the Monarchy, over 
 “ which Almighty God has placed us; being refolved to 
 “ call a Parliament, that {hall meet in November next at 
 “ fartheft.” 
 
 The King was not fatisfied with publiftfing this declara- ^„ „ r/ , r fa 
 tion in theufual method, but thinking, withoutdoubt, that, ••flyi-.o. -o 
 in fo important an affair, extraordinary formalities were to 
 be obferved, he iffued out an order of Council, enjoyning „„‘,j o,ap<L 
 the Bifhops to caufe it to be fent and diftributed through- May 4- 
 out their feveral Diocefes, to be read at the ufual time of 
 divine Service, in all Churches and Chapels, on certain Kennec. 
 days named in the order. Some believed, the King had 
 two views in this order, firft, to mortify the Church of p 
 England , againft which he had for fome time fliew'cd great Welwuud. 
 refentment: fecondly, to lay the Bifhops under a neceflity, 
 either of making themfelvcs in fome meafure the inftru- 
 ments of his deiigns againft the Proteftant Religion, or of 
 incurring the penalties of their difobedience in cafe of a 
 refufal. 
 
 Upon the receit of this order, feveral Bifhops, who Seurat 
 were in London , affembled at the Archbifhop’s palace at Shop, meet 
 Lambeth , to confult how they were to behave upon fo nice 
 an occafion. For they were neceffarily, either in obeying Kcnnct. 
 the King, to approve, by their conduct, this violation of P- )° 7 - 
 the Laws, and betray the interefts of the Proteftant Re¬ 
 ligion, or in refufing to obey, to draw upon themfelvcs the 
 penalties which, in all appearance, would be inflidled for 
 their difobedience. Thefe difficulties were debated in this 
 affembly with all the care, fo important an affair required, 
 alter they had implored the divine affiftance by extraordi¬ 
 nary prayers. The refult of their conference was, that it 
 was better to obey God than Man, and their cafe being 
 fuch, that they could not obey the King without betray¬ 
 ing their own Confciences, they ought without larther 
 coniideration to expofe themfelves to the approaching ftorm, 
 rather than facrifice the interefts of Goo and the Church. 
 
 This relolution was grounded upon lour conhderatiom. 
 
 1. That many would juftly judge the Clergy cither cowards Ke , .. 
 or hypocritical time-fervers, in publiffiing what they thought 11. -. - 
 illegal, and illegally fent to them. 2. That many who 
 had votes for Paihament-men would take this for thecon- 
 
 (1' IntiileJ, rarlimcnnm Pacijicum, 9f The happy miou */ Ki>‘& and People in ■■ k:alin£ Parliament 
 
 t. linnet, p.492. 
 
Book XXIV. 
 
 27. JAMES If. 
 
 /> 
 
 P- 73 «- 
 
 >Vclwood 
 
 ,68S - o h P a p n o d n ti o 7 r ,rerab ^ *%?•*■***, ,6 b . 
 
 but to the foundation of it, the difpenfino- Power 7 That her of proportion between the num- 
 
 world would have reafon ro tL thL t T? con lidered, thatyhifc 
 
 an approbation, becaufe there could be no other intention tier/and the MamlWs Lords-Lieutenants of Cotln- 
 m ordering it to be published, but to make the Clergy meat credit !„d ° ft. ’ 3 crea '“ res of ‘he King, had 
 parties to it. 4 That after this they mull expefl farther To grow weary of their oh T"' pe0pli ha P pe!1 
 
 things to be pubilfted by them, at which they muft make authority woX va „2. and °7 ' yrefl ®’ [h * 
 
 a ftand ; and their making a (land when they had loft number fhould fi.hd, and “ was n°‘ probable, the leHer 
 
 their reputation would be of no force. ° ta X"S d ^ b ^^ attr V ™ H. been the cafe 
 
 Purr “ a " tt0 ' hi! ‘he confutingBiftops, being CW ,?I ferns 'ZrJ ’ ff in °< 
 
 b, d ^=0, before they parted drew up a petition, and fubferib^ King carefully to ay d / ’ bat P™ d ence required the 
 
 *-/■?««** fame day, the ,S,h of Afcy, fii 0 f themM volufio^and 7 ', T. f 1 ' m 'S b ‘ a hidden re- 
 
 ' crofted tile water to Wtntehall to prefent it to the Ivinn had taken o nt f r u P ofl v tolent meafures, till he 
 
 without acquainting any perfon with their deftgn. Theft rebellion Ihfth :r P™ 3 "' 10 .""- For, upon fuppofttion of a 
 r |, 7 j. names were Archbilhop of Canterbury, Lloyd Bi- proceeded arainft J; S ,k”°' ln, P 0,I!ble > ‘f the Bilhops were 
 
 III. p. Srs. ®°P of St ‘ Pfifb. Kinn of Bath and Wells, Turner of Ely rely on a Pmteftmr rigour ’ was “ not a grofs error, to 
 Lake of Chtchejler, Whit, of Peterborough, Trelawmof Protellantf to ffh ? '" troduce Popery, and force 
 
 BrtJIol. Their petition ran thus: ^ whfffire&S ttT " ^ °" the “‘her hand, thofe 
 
 had no, h , L n k T?n m - hK COUnrcls and undertakings, 
 
 , T° ‘he King’s moft Excellent Majefty. lick Religion Thev'c^rH t,l3t ° f thc Ca:b °- 
 
 The humble Petit,on of William Archbijkop If Canterbury, ftt ument“ to be miil S’®?"*? 7 K ‘" g onl >’ a ' an in " 
 anidtvere of the Suffragan Bifioft of that Province, non alive, for far thTv ftould ft dd ?" 777 ' v ™ be '™ 
 im > « b ’ h ° l f °f themfelves and other of,heir to have blinded Z Prince r y ° m h -' n - G ° d 
 “V‘ n brethren, and of the inferior C/ergy of their re - one rife clearly faw ■ j P revc nt his feeing what every 
 fpeatve Dioeefes. 0 J He wal ther“ 0 ; der t0 ti ‘ row him upon his ,uin. 
 
 aTaiXhe R r P roce ed with the utmoft rigor 
 
 c< Humbly Jheweth , m oned ® J°P S ’ and ^ that purpofe they were fum-{”?£ 
 
 T HAT t,K P‘ eat they find in themfelves On hei r PP , ">e Council the 8th of June. cUat. 
 
 „ 10 diftributing and pubhlhing in all their owned the Pettier ? T?’ Wre asbd > they j 
 
 Churches, your Majefty's late declaration for liberty of fince they themfelves had'^T d I 1 *®' 0 "* 
 
 , £" fc,ence > P roct 'J ooi'lier from any want of duty and fome fnare waTldid for ,h Pf Petition ’ fared J'T' 
 
 “ rf p'T J°i, y?ur (°“ r ho, y mother the Church to give a direfl anfwer tdt at ® , l l forbore Birnrr'. 
 
 of England being, both in her principles and in her con- fe/Ted that it ■ * ' a ^’ -^rchbi/hop con- p- -•• i. 
 
 ftant Plaice, unqueftionably loyal, and having, to her reft had^figned it "a'd?" ' !” S , “T hlnd ’ and that th = mV'.so 
 
 great honour, been more than once publicldy acknow- but what they ... ’ withal, they had done nothing ' P ‘ ° ' 
 
 <0 be ft, by your gracious Majefty,) Z yet from The Chancellor e„ 8 
 
 „ a 7 Want ofttndornefs to Diffenters, in relation to their dirobedience ^ ZhU f S °w he . ll| - c ° nf «l‘‘ en «s of 
 Z h T T T ‘" g t0 “ mc t0 fuch a tcm P rr - as A 1211 ‘hority, and to d'Cb the ? thc Kin S’ s a “- 
 
 uTt W 6 !*’ “hen‘he matter (hall be coni',dered and he asked them whether^ P ' L th ° k !" gd ° m - At lall > 
 
 « th ki m Parj,ament and Convocation : But among many to appear before the Cw'V!- d . B o' rcco g ni “"oes 
 „ “ h . er o?nfiderations, from this efpecially, becaufe thab highmifdemeanour' T? ° f K, "S s r Bench “> a "‘'"-cr this 
 „ n eC L ar u' IOn e founded “P° n fuc h a difpenling power, as privilege of their pZ the >’ al1 rer “ fcd , mfifting on the 
 I; “ bce o often declared illegal in Parliament^ and par- ZinZ,Z weftasAeR^bt"^'^? "f 3 rer ° l '’ ed t!> 
 
 t cularly m the years 1662, and 1672, and in the be- bound bv their mil - ° 1 ie ^ hljrc b, beingequaliy 
 
 « S‘ n "mg of your Majefty's reign; and is a matter of fo Government' and rX; 1 ° ° P tE a |l imiovations both in 
 ,, ‘.momimt and confequence to the whole nation, their conftancy threaufed?' r ^ h<: , Chanc f llor furprized at 
 „ - b0Ch “ Church and State, that your Petitioners cannot to profecute fhem t^e /“A' h ™ “r'^ To ""> and 
 m prudence, honour, or confciencc, fo far make them- they immediately recanted' f °‘ “' C iaW ’ u,,lcrs 
 “ rel ' es P art 'f “> aa ‘he difttibution of it all over the They unaniZuflv^ r ’ , a ^ L wlthdrew ‘heir petition. 
 
 «, " a “ 0 "’ ^ d ‘he folemn publication of it once and again, wherever his Maftfty waft’ fd™' g ° 
 
 even m God s houfe, and in the time of his divine Ser- hoped the Kinn of KiZ P <0 f ™ d thcm > tlla ‘ th ey 
 
 vice mud amount to, in common and readable con- judge; that thw f ’ e ‘ r P rotca °‘ a " d ‘heir 
 
 “ ftrua A‘; n - t y°“ r Petitioners therefore moft humbly and ing a&d accorLtro T f f° m mC " ; anJ ,hat ha ''- 
 earneftly befecch your Majefty, that you will be pleafcd puniftimentslhouldAv, ‘hem 0 ™ Conferences, no 
 
 um to infill upon their diftributing and reading your Upon this niftw r be able toiftrake their refolutions. 
 
 Majefty’s Paid Declaration; and your Petitioners, as in of them Paoifts U l’ e,gll ‘e en 1 rivy-Counfellorr, fcvcral r„u 
 
 “ dm, bound, Jhall ever pray, &c.” ’ Towef A W ’ wcre for fendi ng ihe Biftrops to the ? * 7i ""- 
 
 The King, furprized and incenfed at this Petition, an- their co'm^fmem"^ S ™ mediaKly di ?»" and figned for 
 
 fwered in a very angry tone : I have heard of this before, makint, ZdZb/ ’Z /w .»«» bc '"g. For contriving, n«. 
 
 of E^hnd T j ‘i V id 7 " fea ,hiS f r0m th ‘ C ' mr ‘ h &Gove/nZm YtimZf'Z 1 Majefty 
 
 y England, efpecially from fame of you. If / change mv foundation " 1 iV dlffi ^ ult t0 conceive, upon what HI. p. 861* 
 
 ich&. pnnd, you fiall hear from Ze; j fit, I efet, fZmZ petition 
 
 III. P . 8 iy.Jhall be obeyed. The Bilhops replied, We ref,on our helves ever the if, 1 A c'n^ “ the kin S h ' mr elf- How- 
 
 tothewlUofGod; and the!, immediately reifted f nrofecute fhern^ * 1 S r oUK T- Gm ™'’ ^re ordered to 
 
 The Bilhops of Durham and Rochejler, both Ecclefia- thought oroner r Jj ame tbe next Term. It was not 
 ftical Commiffionere, and two othcrs(z), caufed the de- for liar it mifhf fe " d th ™ to theTower through 
 claration to be read in their Dioeefes. L. it geneta.ly h - ft hfm ftTr WC ' e thcrd “- 
 pened, whcrei-er ,t was read, that the congregation imme- nle heafinv of if ™ a ? n f .conveyed by water. But peo- 
 diately left the Church. One Minifter, before he beuan and men fhrir k J'f ™ ultitudK “> ‘he River-fide, 
 to read it, told his flock, “ That he could not refufe'the offT th e' r knees deftred their bleffing, with loud ac- 
 
 “ order fent him to read the declaration, but that he knew was feen^t^c t" 8 1 ^ C ° nftai ’ c ^‘ The fpedlacle 
 
 “ no order which obligee1 them to hear’i,” Inz“ ^ 
 
 was read but in four or five Churches (3). 
 
 Mean time, the Court was unrefolved what courfe to 
 take with the Bilhops. Not but that they were determined 
 to come to extremit.es, rather than quit their defigns 
 However, they did not care to begin with the Bilhops 
 becaufe of thc people’s reverence for them. Though the 
 King s Counal perfuaded him to do all things with a hi^h 
 
 The KJnf 
 
 gtfwcr. 
 
 P.JII. 
 
 Id. p.876. 
 P-fiy. 
 
 — '“'"-i, wiicic cne 101 
 
 fell on .their knees to beg their bleffing. This was'a great 
 mortification to the King, and might have convinced him 
 
 defiT , 7 m 7 “ V 7 „ ldr from bls aim - But > “s I faid, the 
 wmk b/v h ' S r°“f cllo / s was “> make hade and finilh the 
 
 S inftfumem! “ f ° me aCC ‘ d ' m ‘ h °“ ld dcpri - 
 
 the T ,mh‘ 1 A y r S T ter th = Bia ?°P a bad fen fent to theTower, n, frv 
 the 10th of June, the Queen was delivered of a Prince, 
 
 •t % 3) it was read in feven Churches in London, and i 
 
 (1) The Archbilhop, being in an ill Hate of Health, did not eo to Whit,U,n t . 
 
 (z) ■B.trloro o{ Lincoln, and Croft, of Hereford. Kennel, p. e,z No!? ‘ ^ ‘ P ‘ 
 
 (3) Nameiy, by Mr. Hall, Dr. Thomfon, and Mr .Elliot. Lnnet, P . «1 Note lb. 7? 
 
 Hoc above two hundred all England over, p.740. V H J Wote 1 “/* 3,(1 
 
 (+) It feems, as the Bilhops were going to cha Council they were ad Trl 
 
 tte ^^ dis&l£££ 
 
 were > Chancellor Jefferies, the Marquis of Pams, the Earls of Snnderi J \.r 1 
 
 tu f To^ c t^t' che Lords ArmMt D * rtm '* th > cMphi “’ and ^ fir jsri4r £Zrz a zz *1%; 
 
 p.yu. ’ 
 
 who. 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 yfi. ’flu HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 16SS. who, daring the life of his father was known by the name 
 of the Prince of Wales, and afterwards, by fome was called 
 the Pretender. His birth was an occafion of triumph to 
 the Papifts, but of aftonifhment and terror to the Prote- 
 ftants, who faw their hopes defeated, that their misfortunes 
 Atfpklom re- would end with the death of the King. It is univerfally 
 10 !t - known, that the birth of this Prince has been very much 
 fufpe£led, and that many did then, and ftill do, believe it 
 fuppofititious. Multitudes of papers have been pubhffed for 
 and again ft, fome containing the grounds of the fufpicions, 
 and others, arguments to remove them. The Reader, 
 doubtlefs, ex pedis not from a foreigner, the decifion of 
 a facl which was never perfectly cleared, the impofture 
 whereof reds only upon conjedlures and probabilities, and 
 the truth upon fuppofitions, which indeed are generally 
 true, but of which it cannot be faid, that it is impoffible 
 ntfitni-ii they may be fometimes falfe. In general, it is very cer- 
 ,l '" lit - tain, the Queen, during the whole time of her pregnancy, 
 Was fu I peeled of a defign to impofe an heir upon the King¬ 
 dom, and this fufpicion was very publick. It is alfo cer¬ 
 tain, that though the King and Queen knew of this fufpi¬ 
 cion, they took no care to remove it. On the contrary, 
 their whole conduct, as well during the Queen’s pregnancy, 
 as her labour, gave ftill greater ftrength to the fufpicion. 
 For a negligence which fignifies nothing when there is no 
 fufpicion, murt be remarked when an impoftor is fufpedted. 
 On the other hand, it feems a (landing rule, that, when 
 both parents exprefs not any doubt concerning the birth of 
 their child, no perfon can be fure they are deceived. But 
 this rule is perhaps not fo general and certain as many ima¬ 
 gine. It is very good where there is no fufpicion of a cheat. 
 But in cafe a preemptive heir, difinherited by the birth of 
 a child, who comes to take his place, has good proofs that 
 the child is fuppofititious, certainly the bare owning of this 
 child by both parents, will not invalidate proofs, which I 
 fuppofe to be full. It is not impoffible for a man and wife 
 to fuppofe a child, thro’ revenge, or fome other interefl, 
 in order to deprive a prefumptive heir of their inheritance. 
 
 I fay, it is not impoffible, though it rarely happens. There 
 are however inftances to prove the poffibility. Indeed, to 
 decide by law, that a child is fuppofititious, very convinc¬ 
 ing proofs mult be alledged, becaufe the Judges, who are 
 obliged to follow the rules of law, are not determined by 
 appearances, however probable they may be. But the cafe 
 is not the fame with the publick, on whom very often con¬ 
 jectures grounded upon great probabilities, make as much 
 impreffion as the ftrongeft proofs. The affair in queftion 
 having never been legally decided, I can only prefent the 
 Reader wir 1 ■ has been moft probably urged pro and 
 con, in o. . to affift him either to be determined for or a- 
 gainft the pretended fuppofition of the Prince of Wales, or 
 fo Ihow him, that he ought to fufpend his judgment, till 
 the thing is more plainly dilcovered. This I propofe to do 
 with impartiality, in producing the aiguments alledged on 
 both fides. 
 
 .Wry 6fi- There are three opinions concerning the real or pretend- 
 
 mu/u i'onetr/i- e d birth of the Prince of Wales. 
 
 inuthc-Birib fi r ft j s? that the Queen was not with child when 
 
 0/ wales!” 1 * Ihe pretended to be fo, and that at the time of her pre- 
 
 Erhard. tended delivery, a fon was fuppofed as being born of her. 
 
 ill. p. 863. The f econc i j s> t hat Ihe was really with child, but that 
 havine the misfortune of a mifearriage, Ihe continued ftill 
 to feign herfelf big, and at laft fuppofed, or caufed to be 
 fuppofed, a child as born of her body, and that this child 
 dying fhortly after, another was fubftituted in his room, 
 and to this, dying feven weeks after, fucceeded another 
 child. The third opinion is, that the Queen was really 
 with child, and delivered the 10th of June of a fon, the 
 fame who is ftnee called the Pretender , and is now at Rome. 
 In confirmation of the firft of thefe opinions it is alledged : 
 1. That the King, for certain reafons, was become inca¬ 
 pable of children. 2. That the Queen had been feven years 
 without being with child. 3. Tiiat now (he had never a 
 conftant reckoning. 4. That her delivery was fudden, and 
 immediately after the removing of her lodgings. 5. That 
 it was on a Sunday morning, when all the Proteftant Court- 
 Ladies were at Church. 6. That neither the Princefs 
 Anne of Denmark , the Aichbifhop of Canterbury , nor the 
 Dutch Amballador were prefent at her labour, though they 
 were the three perfons who ought principally to have been 
 there. 7. That during the labour, her bed was not left 
 fo open as it fhculd have been. 8. That while (he went 
 with child, foe never fatished the Princefs Anne, and many 
 Proteftant Ladies about her, of her bignefs, either by let¬ 
 ting them feel her belly, or fee her breads. 9. Neither did 
 (he fhow the Princefs any of her milk after her lying-in. 
 10, That during her labour, a warming-pan was brought 
 into the room, though the weather was extreme hot, and 
 the room heated by a vaft crowd of people. Laftly, it 
 was alledged, that tho’ the King, Queen and Courtiers, 
 Efficiently knew before the delivery, that the nation Ef¬ 
 fected an impofture, they did not ufc thofe precautions as 
 
 they might and ought to have done in luen a caie; ana, 10&3. 
 inftead of putting it beyond all poffibility of doubt, they 
 left fo many marks of fufpicion, as caufed infinite doubts 
 and difputes: infomuch that fome Roman Catholicks them- 
 felves owned. That fo important an affair had been managed 
 with great fupinenefs and imprudence. T his is what Mr. 
 
 Echard fays, one of the molt moderate Hiltorians, who is 
 not to be fufpe£ted by the King’s adherents. 
 
 Dr. Welwoocl is very fhort in his account of this matter, 
 and contents himfelf with giving the general opinion, with¬ 
 out any thing of his own. Thefe are his words : 
 
 “ While "the Bifhops were in the Tower , the Roman E^r.,n 
 “ Catholicks had their hopes crowned with the birth of a 
 “ pretended Prince of Wales. T he fears of a Proteftant - . 1. ■. 
 
 “ Succeffor, had been the only allay that rendered their 
 “ profperity lefs perfecfl. Now the happinefs of having an 
 “ heir to the Crown, to be bred up in their own Religion, 
 
 “ quaffed all thofe fears, and atoned for the uncertainty 
 “ of the King’s life. It was fo much their interefl: to have 
 “ one, and there were fo many circumftances that feemed 
 “ to render his birth fufpicious, that the nation in general 
 “ were inclinable to believe, that this was the laft effort 
 “ of the party, to accompliff our ruin. 
 
 But the moft circumftantial account of this affair, is that 
 of Dr. Burnet Biff op of Salisbury, in the Hi/lory of his own 
 Times, publiffed fince his death. As I am to make fome 
 remarks on his teftimony, it will be neceffary to infert the 
 following paffage, wherein he exprefly fpeaks of the birth 
 of the Prince of Wales. 
 
 “ I muft now look back to England, where the Queen’s (ram 
 
 “ delivery was the fubjedl of all men’s dilcourfe. And ^ 7 ^. 
 
 “ fince fo much depends on this, I will give as lull and as T. 1. p.748. 
 “ diftincl an account of all that related to that matter, 
 
 “ as I could gather up, either at that time or afterwards. 
 
 “ The Queen had been for fix or feven years in fuch an ill 
 “ date of health, that every winter brought her very near 
 “ death. Thofe about her feemed well-allured, that ffe, 
 
 “ who had buried all her children foon after they were 
 “ born, and had now for feveral years ceafed bearing, 
 
 <c would have no more children. Her own Prieftsappre- 
 “ hended it, and feemed towifhfor her death. She had 
 “ great and frequent diftempers, that returned often, which 
 “ put all people out of their hopes or fears of her having 
 “ any children. Her fpirits were now much on the fret. 
 ct She was eager in the profecution of all the King’s defigns. 
 
 “ It was believed, that ffe had a main hand in driving him 
 “ to them all. And he, perhaps, to make her gentler to 
 “ him in his vagrant amours, was more eafy to her in 
 “ every thing elfe. The Lady Dorchc/ler was comeback 
 “ from Ireland \ and the King went often to her. But it 
 “ was vifible, ffe was not like to gain that credit in af- 
 “ fairs, to which ffe had afpired : And therefore this was 
 “ lefs confidered. 
 
 “ She had another mortification, when Fiiz-James the 
 “ King’s Son was made Duke of Berwick. He was a foft 
 “ and harmlefs young man, and was much beloved by the 
 “ King: But the Queen’s diflike kept him from making 
 “ any gieat figure. He made two campains in Hungary , 
 
 “ that were little to his honour : For, as his Governor di- 
 “ verted the allowance that was given/or keeping a table. 
 
 “ and fent him always to eat at other tables, fo, the’ in 
 “ the fiege of Buda there were many occalions given him 
 “ to have diftinguilhed himfelf, yet he had appeared in none 
 “ of them. There was more care taken of his perfon, 
 
 “ than became his age and condition. Yet his Gover- 
 “ nor’s brother was a Jefuit, and in the fecret: So every 
 “ thing was ventured on by him, and all was forgiven 
 “ him. 
 
 “ In September , the former year, the Queen went to the 
 “ Bath, where the King came and faw her, and (laid a 
 “ few days with her. She after that purfued a full courfe 
 “ of bathing : And having refolved to return in the end of 
 “ September , an accident took her to which the fex is fub- 
 “ ject; and that made her (lay there a week longer. She 
 “ came to Windfor on the 6 th of Oftober. It was faid, 
 
 “ that at the very time of her coming to the King, her 
 “ mother, the Duchefs of Modena, made a vow to the 
 “ Lady Loretto, that her daughter might by her means 
 “ have a fon. And it went current, that the Queen be- 
 “ lieved herfelf to be with child in that very inftant in 
 “ which her mother made her vow: of which, fome tra- 
 “ vellers have allured me, there was a folemn record made 
 “ at Loretto. A conception faid to be thus begun, looked 
 “ fufpicious. It was now fixed to the 6 th of Oftober : So 
 “ the nine months were to run to the 6 th of July. Slje 
 “ was in the progrefs of her big belly, let blood feveral 
 “ times: And the moft aftringent things that could be 
 “ propofed were ufed. 
 
 “ It was foon obferved, that all things about her perfon 
 <c were managed with a myfterious fecrecy, into which 
 “ none were admitted but a few Papifts. She was not 
 “ dreffed nor undreffed with the ufual ceremony. Prince 
 6 “ George 
 
Book XXIV. 
 
 16 SS. 
 
 27. JAMES II. 
 
 “ George told me, that the Princefs went as far in defiring 
 “ to be fatisfied, by feeling the motion, after fhe faid fhe 
 “ was quick, as fhe could go without breaking with her : 
 “ And fhe had fometimes ftaid by her even indecently 
 “ long in mornings to fee her rife, and to give her her 
 “ lhift: But fhe never did either. She never offered any 
 “ fatisfadtion in that matter by letter to the Princefs of 
 “ Orange, nor to any of the Ladies of quality, in whofe 
 “ word the world would have acquiefced. The thing 
 ,£ upon this began to be fufpecled : And fome libels were 
 “ writ, treating the whole as an impofture. The ufe the 
 “ Queen nude of this, was, to fay, that fince file faw 
 ‘ £ fome were fufpedting her capable of fo black a contri- 
 t£ vance, fhe fcorned to fatisfy thofe who could entertain 
 “ fuch thoughts of her. How juft foever this might be, 
 “ with relation to the libellers, yet certainly if fhe was 
 “ truly with child, fhe owed it to the King and herfelf, 
 “ to the King’s daughters, but moft of all to the infant 
 ££ fhe carried in her belly, to give fuch reafonable fatisfac- 
 “ tion, as might put an end to jealoufy. This was in her 
 “ power to do every day : And her not doing it, gave juft 
 t£ grounds of fufpicion. 
 
 “ Things went thus on till Monday in Eajier week. 
 ££ On that day the King went to Rochejler , to fee fame 
 “ of the naval preparations; but was foon fent for by the 
 ££ Queen, who apprehended fhe was in danger of nvfcar- 
 t£ Tying. Dr. Scarborough was come to Knightsbridge to 
 tc fee Bifhop Ward , my predecefTor, who had been his 
 “ antient friend, and was then his patient: But the Queen’s 
 “ coach was fent to call him in all haft, fince fhe was near 
 “ mifearrying. Dr. Windcbank , who knew nothing of 
 <s this matter, ftaid long that morning upon an appoint- 
 ‘ £ ment for Dr. Walgrave, another of the Queen's Phyfi- 
 ‘ £ cians, who, the next time he faw him, excufed him- 
 ££ felf; for the Queen, he faid, was then under the moft 
 “ apparent figns of mifearrying. Of this the Dodfor made 
 <£ oath ; and it is yet extant. 
 
 “ On the fame day, the Countcfs of Clarendon , being 
 £< to go out of town for a few days, came to fee the 
 “ Queen before fhe went, knowing nothing of what had 
 “ happened to her. And fhe, being a Lady of the Bed- 
 <£ chamber to the Queen Dowager, did, according to the 
 £t rule of the Court, go into the Queen’s Bed-chamber 
 “ without asking admittance. She faw the Queen a bed, 
 tC bemoaning herfelf in a moft doleful manner, faying often, 
 t£ Undone, undone: And one that belonged to her carried 
 “ fomewhat out of the bed, which fhe believed wa linnen 
 “ taken from the Queen. She was upon this in fume con- 
 ££ fufiun : And the Countefs of Powis coming in, went to 
 £{ her, and faid with fome fharpnefs. What do you Jo 
 “ here ? And carried her to the door. Before she had got 
 t( out of the Court, one of the Bed chamber- women fol- 
 <c lowed her, and charged her not to fpeak of any thing 
 “ file had feen that day. This matter, whatever was in 
 <£ it, was hufhed up: and the Queen held on her courfe. 
 
 “ The Princefs had mifearried in the fpring. So, as 
 t£ foon as fhe had recovered her ftrength, the King prefled 
 “ her to go to the Bath , fince that had fo good an effect 
 “ on the Queen. Some of her Phyficians, and all her o- 
 “ ther friends, were againft her going. Lower , one of her 
 “ Phyficians, told me, he was againft it: He thought, 
 “ flie was not ftrong enough for the Bath , though the 
 <£ King prefled it with an unufual vehemence. Millington , 
 
 ££ another Phyfician, told the Earl of Shrewsbury , from 
 “ whom I had it, that he was preyed to go to the Prin- 
 “ cefs, and advife her to go to the Bath. The perfon that 
 fpoke to him told him, the King was much fet on it; 
 “ and that he expe&ed it of him, that he would perfwade 
 “ her to it. Millington anfwered. He would not advife a 
 “ patient according to dire&ion, but according to his own 
 “ reafon : So he would not go. Scarborough and Witherby 
 “ took it upon them to advife it: So fhe went thither in 
 ££ the end of May. 
 
 “ As foon as fhe was gone, thofe about the Queen 
 ££ did all of the fudden change her reckoning, and be- 
 “ gan it from the King’s being with her at Bath. This 
 “ came on fo quick, that though the Queen had fet the 
 “ fourteenth of June for her going to WindJ'or, where 
 “ fhe intended to lie-in, and all the preparations for the 
 “ birth and for the children were ordered to be made ready 
 “ by the end of June, yet now a refolution was taken for 
 “ the Queen’s lying-in at St. James’s, and directions were 
 “ given to have all things quickly ready. The Bath 
 “ Water either did not agree with the Princefs : or the 
 “ advices of her friends were fo preffing, who thought her 
 “ abfence from the Court at that time of fuch confequence, 
 
 “ that in compliance with them fhe gave it out it did not, 
 
 “ and that therefore fhe would return in a few days. 
 
 “ The day after the Court had this notice, the Queen 
 “ faid file would go to St. James' s, and look for the 
 “ good hour. She was often told, that it was impoflibie 
 “ upon fo fhort a warning to have things ready. But 
 No. 82. Vol. II. 
 
 “ file was fo pofitive, that fhe Lid, fine would !v • 
 
 “ that night, though fhe fhoulJ Ive upon me 0 v 
 “ at night, though the fhorter 'and quick". « ,\ . 
 
 “ go from Wh’tehall to Sc. James's through nit i\ii • , I 
 “ flie always went that wiv, vet now by a f . 1 
 
 “ tion, fhe would be carried thither bv Chary - 
 “ through the Pall Mall. And it wa- gi.'.,1 
 “ her train, that fhe was g-hig to be .id •• ■.• rl. v -'.,. r , e 
 “ faid it would be next morning : And the Paeiis | at l 
 “ very confidently, that it would he a boy. 
 
 “ The next morning about nine • dock, file fenr word 
 “ to the King, that flie was in Lhour i'Jie 
 ‘ £ Dowager was next fent to. But r.o Ladies were lent 
 “ for : So that no women were in die room, bu: two 
 “ drefters, and one undcr-drelhr, and ihe nuJu r. . ’ ('he 
 “ Earl of Arran fent notice ro the Cm Intel's 1 1 S under - 
 “ land ; fo fhe came. The Lady b.lhfu came m 
 “ time. The Proteftant Ladies that oclu -ed to the 
 “ Court were all gone to Cfiu-ch, before ti e news was 
 “ let go abroad : For it happened on Trinity Sundav, it 
 “ being that year on the tenth of June. The King 0 J,, :,c 
 “ over with him from Whitehall a great many Peers and 
 “ Privy-Councilors. And of ihefe, eighteen were let 
 “ into the Bed-chamber ; but they flood ar the fartheft 
 “ end of the room. Tne Ladies’ i o'.d within the .1- 
 “ cove. Tiie curtains of the bed were drawn clofe, and 
 “ none came within them but the midwife, and an undcr- 
 “ drefTer. The Queen iay all the while a bed : And in 
 “ order to the warming one fide of 1 
 
 w , t warming-pan 
 
 was brought, but it was nor opened, that ir might be 
 “ f" ee n that there was fire and nothing clfe in it. So 
 “ here was matter for fufpicion, with which all people 
 “ were filled. 
 
 “ A little before ten the Queen cried out as in a 
 “ ftrong pain, and immediately ater tlie midwife Lid a- 
 “ loud, fhe was happily brought to bed. When tue Loids 
 “ all cried out, of wiiai ? the midwife anfwered, the 
 “ Queen muff not be Surprized ; only flae gave a fign to 
 “ the Countefs of Sunderland , who upon that touched her 
 “ forehead, by which, it being the fign be,ore ameeJ .,11 
 “ the King faid he knew it was a bty. No ones were 
 “ beard from the Child ; nor was it (hewed to thole in 
 “ the room - L was pretended more air was neceiraiy. 
 “ The under-drefi'c went out of the room with the child ; 
 “ or fomewhat e'fe in her arms to a drefTins-ruom, to 
 “ which there was a door near the Queen’s bed ; but 
 “ there was another entry to it from other apartments. 
 “ The King continued with the Lords in the Bed- 
 “ chamber for fome minutes, which was either a ligri of 
 “ nmch phlegm upon fuch an occafion ; for it was not 
 “ known whether the child was alive or dead : or it 
 “ looked like giving time f r fome management. Alter 
 “ a little while they went all into the dreliing-room, and 
 “ then the news was publifhed. In the mean while, 
 “ no body was called to lay their hands on the Queens' 
 “ belly, in order to a full fatisfadlion. When the 
 “ Princefs came to town, three d.ns after, lne hid as 
 “ little fatisfa&ion given her. Chamberlain the man mid- 
 “ wife, who was always ordered to attend her labour bs- 
 t£ fore, and who brought the plaifters for putting back 
 “ the milk, wondered that he had not been lent to. He 
 “ went according to culiom with the plaifters : But he 
 “ was told they had no occafion for him. He fancied that 
 “ fo me other perfon was put in his place ; but he could 
 “ not find that any had it. All that concerned the milk, 
 “ or the Queen’s purgations, was managed ftiil in the dark. 
 ££ This made all people inclined more and more to believe, 
 “ there was a bafe impofture now put on the nation! 
 
 That ft ill increafed. ^ hat night one Heatings , a very 
 “ worthy man, an Apothecary by his trade, who lived 
 “ ‘ n St. Martin's-Lane, the very next door to a family 
 “ of an eminent Papift, (Brown brother to the Vifcount 
 “ Montacute, lived there,) the wall between bis parlour 
 “ and theirs being fo thin, that he could eafiJy hear any 
 <c thing that was faid with a louder voice ; h e(Herrings) 
 £C was reading in his parlour late at nighr, when lie heard 
 “ one coming into the neighbouring parlour, and fay with 
 “ a doleful Voice, the Prince of"Wales is dead : Upon 
 “ which a great many that lived in the Huufe came 
 “ down flairs very quick : Upon this confufion he could 
 “ not hear any thing more ; but it was plain, they weie 
 “ ina g reat confternation. H.e went with the news next 
 “ morning to the Bifhops in the Tower. The Countefs 
 “ of Clarendon came thither foon after, and told them, 
 “ fhe had been at the young Prince’s door, but was oe- 
 “ nied accefs : She was amazed at it ; and asked u they 
 “ knew her : They faid they did, but that the Queen 
 ££ had ordered, that no perfon whatfoever fhould be fuftered 
 “ to come in to him. This gave credit to Homings’ s ftory, 
 “ and looked as it all was oidcreu to be kept fhut up clofe, 
 
 “ till another child was found. One, that faw the chi’d 
 “ two da )’s after, faid to me, that he looked ftrong, and 
 9 H “ not 
 
The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 Vo], II. 
 
 not like a child fo new 
 
 ‘ grave tne da' 
 : what he had 
 
 v born, 
 biith, ; 
 
 Hind-bank met JVal- 
 and remembered him of 
 told him eight weeks belore. He ac- 
 ‘ knowledged what he had laid, but added, that God 
 ‘ wrought miracles : To which no reply could or durll 
 c he made by the other : it needed none, bo healthy a 
 1 child being fo little like any ot thofe the Queen had 
 ‘ born, it was given out, that he had fits, and could not 
 ‘ live. But thofe who faw him every day obierved no 
 Inch thing. On the contrary, the child was in a very 
 1 pri Iperous ftate. None of thofe fits ever happen'd, 
 
 1 when the Princefs was at Court ; for fne could not 
 he denied admit;ance, though all others were. So this 
 ! was believed to be given out to make the matter more 
 ‘ credible. It is true, fome weeks after that, the Court 
 ‘ being gone to l! major, and the child lent to Richmond, 
 he foil into fuch fits, that four Phyftcians were fent for. 
 
 ; f hey all looked on him as a dying child. The King 
 ‘ and Queen were fent for. The Phyftcians went to a 
 ‘ dinner prepared for them 
 
 ‘ that they were not called for. They took it for 
 granted, that the child was dead. But, when they 
 1 went in after dinner to look on him, they faw a found 
 ‘ healthy child, that feemed to have had no fort of ill- 
 ‘ nel.s on him. It was Lid, that the child was llrangely 
 of a 1 of e PI ians told Lloyd, 
 
 Bifhop of St. Afaph , that it was not poffible for them to 
 
 ■ think it was the fame child. They looked on one ano- 
 
 ■ tlier, hut durft not fpeak what they thought. 
 
 “ Thus f have related fuch particulars as I could gather 
 
 ■ of this birth : To which fome more (hall be added, 
 
 when : i account’of the proof that the King 
 
 ■ . 1 put th matt ut of doubt ; but 
 
 more d > ibtful than e\er. I 
 to *k nmlt of thefe from the informations that were fent 
 over to the Prince and Princefs of Orange, as I had 
 many from tiie voucher? themfelves. I do not mix with 
 them, the various reports that were, both then and af- 
 
 fuppofing the reality of the pregnancy, it is clear, that the 1688. 
 Qjeen might have given fatisfaclion to the Princefs, and 
 tne Proteftant Court-Ladies. And it cannot be denied, 
 that fhe committed a great error in refufing to do it. But 
 it is certain, this refufal pioves nothing, if it be true that 
 fhe was with child, at leaf! till Eajier week. The times 
 are therefore carc-fuliy to be diftinguifhed. Her obftinaev 
 to give no l.uisfaction, from 'January, when fhe declared 
 hcrfelf with child, to Eajier week, can be aferibed only to 
 an unfeafonablc and prepofterous haughtinefs. But it may 
 he fufpedled, that from Eajier week, to the 10th of June, 
 
 Pie ftill pretended to be with child, when file was no longer 
 fo, and that fhe produced another at the time of her pre¬ 
 tended delivery. T hus all the fufpicions concerning the 
 reality of her pregnancy, are to be included within the fpace 
 of two months. For in the year 1688, Eajier-day was the 
 i 5 th of April ; the Queen had a mifearriage the Monday 
 before Eajier , on the yth of April ; and fhe was delivered 
 the i oth of June. But no time is fixed for this refufal of 
 and were often wondering fatisfa&ion to the publick, though, the Queen being fix 
 
 r '~ 1 1 .. “ f 'months gone when fhe mifearried, flie might, for fome 
 
 time, have caufed the motion of the child to be perceived. 
 
 In the Bifhop of Salisbury's account, are four feverai 
 children. The fir ft, which really belonged to the Queen, 
 was an untimely birth of fix month-. The fecond was fup- 
 pofed at the time of her pretended delivery, and died the 
 fame day. The third was brought in the room of the dead 
 child, and died alfo fome weeks after at Richmond. The 
 fourth, fubftituted in the room of the third, muft be the 
 prefent Pretender. It is furprizing, that Mr. Echard, who 
 probably writ the Hiftory of this reign, but twenty or twen¬ 
 ty-five years after the time I am fpeaking of, fliould have 
 heard nothing of thefe two lart impoftures, but confines 
 himfelf to one, in what he relates concerning the publick 
 fufpicions. 
 
 3. Fuller who pretended to give an exa£f account of the 
 cheats, agrees not with the Biftiop of Salisbury. But I 
 fhall not infift on his teftimonv, becaufe his pretended dif- 
 terwards, fpica.l of this matter, of which Biftiop Lloyd covery has been little regarded, 
 h.i ; ;; great cj;e<aipn, moft of them well attefted. What 4. It remains therefore to examine what the Biftiop of 
 ;ru h I ever may be in thefe, this is certain, that the Salisbury fays, to make us fufpect the fuppofition of the 
 method in which this matter was conduced from fiift to the three laft children. For, the firft, which was but a 
 Lft was very unaccountable. If an impofture had been mifearriage, according to this author, was really the Queen’s, 
 intended, ir rnuld nr.c hsv-o h«*pn mhorwift manTo this end, we are to diftinguifh three different times* 
 
 namely, before, at, and after her delivery. I Ihall make 
 fome obfervations upon the moft remarkable circumftances 
 of each of thefe times. 
 
 1. The King’s prefiing the Princefs to go to the Bath , 
 agrees very well with the dclign of fuppofing an heir. For 
 the prefence of the Princefs at the Queen's pretended de- 
 
 1 intended, it could not have been otherwife managed. 
 
 The pretended excufe that the Queen made, that ftie 
 ' owed no fatisfa&ion to thofe who could fufpe£t her ca- 
 
 ■ pable ol fuch bafe forgery, was the only excufe that fhe 
 could have made, if it had been reaiiy what it was com- 
 
 ■ monly laid to be. She feemed to be foon recovered, and 
 was fo little altered by her labour, either in her looks 
 
 “ or vo,ce , that this helped not a little to increafe jealou- livery, muft have been perplexing, 0T1 account of her in 
 fie^. I’he rejoycings over England upon this birth were tereft to detect the impofture. Had the King contented 
 
 “ ver )' C °W and forced. Bonfires were made in fome himfelf with barely adviling her to go to the Bath, nothing 
 
 “ P : ces > and a fc;t of congratulatory addreftes went round could have been inferred from it, but that he thought the 
 “ the nation. None durft oppofe them. But all was for- Ba‘h good for her health. But his prefling it with an un- 
 “ mal, arid only to make a (hew.’ ufual vehemence, and caufing a Phyfician to be told, that 
 
 A '^ cr ‘'.ijivz related what has been faid by Mr. Ecbard, be cxpe&ed it of him that he would perfwade her to it, 
 
 y Q/ the Bifti ;> of Salisbury, on the birth of the Prince of feem to difeover fome fecret defign, efpecially, when it is 
 
 //. / . 1 Ihall make fome remarks on this fubject. confidered, that an impofture was already fufpedfed. This 
 
 J !t accounts of theft two famous writers be care- fufpicion is farther confirmed by the change of the Queen’s 
 
 ,u '!y examined, it will doubtiefi be furpriling, to find a fort reckoning, and by her delivery two days after it was known, 
 
 Q con'rad :ct. >.1 I et vecn them. 1 or the fufpicions men- that the Princefs was upon the point of returning from the 
 
 : : firft, are, that the Queen, though (he pre- Bath. But there muft not be given to this caufeof fufpi- 
 
 ter ft ! to be, yet was not with child. Nay, the Biftiop of cion, more ftrength than it really has. For as it is very 
 Sahsbwy hems :>: firft to fupport this fufpicion, by fpeak- poffible for tne King to have believed, that the Bath would 
 
 ing of her -".-at a’id frequent dijlempers ; of her having_/or 
 Jevr a! years ce.sjeJ bearing j of her having buried alt her 
 coildr m j~,on after t'.ey vac re born ; of her refilling to give fu- 
 tbfa&i n to the Princefs of Denmark, and the Proteftant 
 Ladies of the Court. Neve: thelefs, he fays pofitively after¬ 
 ward'., that file was really with child the 0th of Ofiober(i), 
 ainl that in Ea/ier week Pie had a mifearriage, that is, fix 
 months alter conception. Ii this be true, it very plainly 
 foliows, that all the fufpicions entertained of the Queen 
 from the beginning of January , (the time of her declared 
 pregnancy ) to Eajier week, ought to vaniih, though fhe 
 had been Iefs careful of giving fatisfa&ion to the publick, 
 than fhe was. Afluredlv this negligence is not capable to in¬ 
 validate the reality of her pregnancy, if flie had ;. mifear- 
 lugc in the beginning of her ftventh month. What the 
 Prince of Denmark told Dr. Bun:,; of his Princefs’s fruit- 
 lols endeavours to fee the Queen rife, cannot ferve to con¬ 
 firm the fufpicion of an impofture, unlels it appear, that 
 this was from the Monday berore Ea/ier, to the icth of 
 June (2). But the Biftiop fixes no time. It might even 
 ne inferred from the order obferved by the Bifhop in his 
 ftory, that what he fays concerning the Princefs of Den¬ 
 mark, palled between January and Eajier week. But, 
 
 be of fervice to the Princefs his daughter, the fufpicion of 
 his a£fing from another motive, is founded only upon the 
 ("ppufition of an impofture. If this was well proved, the 
 King’s proceeding would become a fort of a new proof. But 
 as it is not, it feems that the fufpicion ought not to be fup- 
 ported by the fuppofition of the fa£t in queftion. 
 
 • . 1 1 it is true, that the Queen did not believe hcrfelf 
 with child till the 6th of Oflober, and that Ihe afterwards 
 fuddenly changed her reckoning, theie is reafon to fufpeft 
 Fine myftery in it. And indeed, by this new reckoning 
 flie was to be brought to bed during the abfence of the Prin¬ 
 cefs of Denmark, whereas by the firft Die could not be de- 
 livtred till .»iter her return. To this may be added, that if 
 it i true, that about the end of September fhe was flopped 
 at the Bath, one week longer than fhe intended, by an ac¬ 
 cident 10 which the fex is fuojecl, flie could not be with 
 child from (he ioth ul September, nor cor.fequently brought 
 to bed he 10th of June. Fo tiiis it is anfwered, that thefe 
 nnfreckonings are common to the whole fex. But this rea¬ 
 fon cannot take p ace here, bccaufe it did not appear that 
 the Queen thought hcrfelf miflaken. 
 
 3. Jt cannot be denied, that there is fomething extraor¬ 
 dinary in the Queen’s hidden resolution, of going to lye-in 
 
 ) He only fay?, “ i; w 
 ' It is here picprr to u 
 :cr the Queen faid Ihe 
 
 :nt current, th 
 vas quick, 
 
 ^_een believed hcrfelf to h 
 :*is pafftge in Fifh !i • et. «• 
 Ihe could go without breaking v i 
 
 nth cbi'd on Of:-.h, r 6.” 
 
 r* .■ 
 
 !• nr in defiling to be fati.lied by fccJi.-g the ; 
 
Book XXIV. 
 
 27. JAMES II. 
 
 688. at St. James' s, when things were not ready. Hitherto no 
 probable reafon has been given of this fudden change, to 
 fhow that (lie could lye-in more commndioufiy at St. James's 
 than at Whitehall, nor why (he at firft choie H'indfor for 
 the place, anJ fixed the time to the beginning of July. 
 
 4. I own I fee nothing in the Queen’s affe&ation ot being 
 carried to St. James' s by Charing-Crofs , through the Pall- 
 Mall., to confirm the fufpicion of an impofture. 
 
 5. I never heard, that the prefence of the Archbifhop of 
 Canterbury is abfolutely necefiary at the delivery of the 
 Queens of England , efpecially at that of a popifh Queen, 
 who could have no great need ol his afliftance. 
 
 As for the time of the Queen’s delivery, there are many 
 things to be examined. 
 
 1. The Queen after having declared her intention to lye- 
 in at St. James's, without any apparent necefiity, was bent 
 to go thither on the Saturday , though nothing was ready. 
 This is a fign, (he thought it would be too late if (he de¬ 
 ferred going until the next day. It is therefore clear, that 
 (he expe&ed the moment of her delivery every hour, and 
 yet when (he began to find herfelf ill, No women were in 
 the room but two dr offers, one under-dr ejjer, and the midwife. 
 Not one foreign Lady was in the Palace. It cannot be de¬ 
 nied, that this was very extraordinary for a Queen, fince 
 it was fo eafy to have other Ladies at hand to affift her, and 
 the more, as (he hourly expe£ted the moment of her deli¬ 
 very. It is no lefs extraordinary, that none of the Court- 
 Ladies were called bsfides the Countefs of Sunderland , by 
 the particular care of the Earl of Arran ; and the Queen- 
 Dowager, who lodged in Somcrfet-Houfe, a great way from 
 St. James's. All this feems to difeover, it was not defired 
 that many Ladies (hould be prefent at the labour. To this 
 it is anfwered, that the Queen was furprized, as women 
 frequently are, and that the Proteftant Ladies were at 
 Chuicli. But fome take occafion from hence to confirm 
 their fufpicion. They fuppofe, the Queen would not have 
 gone with fo much precipitation on Saturday night, to 
 St. James's, it lhe had not known (lie (hould be delivered 
 the next morning, while the Proteftant Ladies were em¬ 
 ployed at their devotions. But after all, this is only a fuf¬ 
 picion. For, who can be fure, that the Queen atfted by 
 the motive aferibed to her ? All that can be faid, is, that 
 the point in queftion being a child who, if a boy, was to 
 take place ot a Princefs, preemptive heir of the King her 
 father, the King and Queen ought to have put his birth out 
 of all doubt. Inftead of this, they confirmed, by a myfte- 
 riotis conduft, fufpicions which were already but too far 
 fpread, and ot which they could not be ignorant. TheEm- 
 pre Cs Conflantia, wife of Henry V I, proving with child at 
 the age of fifty-two years, chofe a place the molt publick 
 for her labour, and thereby removed all fufpicion of the birth 
 of her child. On the contrary, the Queen of King James II. 
 for having ncgle&ed all precautions, has left upon her ion, 
 real or pretended, a blot which lias not yet been effaced. 
 
 2. The King’s being at the further end of the room with 
 eighteen Peers and Privy-Counfellors, is a circumftance 
 which proves nothing all. It is well known, that on thefe 
 occafions men approach not the bed, to be eye-witnefles of 
 what palles there. All they can do, is to be attentive to 
 the cries of the mother, or the infant. Befides the King 
 himfeif was not lefs fufpe< 51 ed than the Queen. 
 
 3. As to the warming-pan brought into the Queen’s 
 chamber, and which is fuppofed to have in it a new-born 
 child, this is only a conjecture founded upon the feeming 
 ufelelsnefs of a warming-pan the 10th of June, which 
 proved an excefiive hot day. To this it is anfwered, that 
 a labour is oiten attended with a quaking and trembling like 
 
 3 'an ague, which begins with a cold fit. This is what I 
 know nothing of. It is alfo pretended, that it was im- 
 poftible to put a new-born child, in the narrow compafs of 
 a warming-pan, without ftifling it. 
 
 4. It is very extraordinary, that the Queen w-as not a 
 lull hour in labour ; for the King was fent for at nine o’ 
 clock, and before ten the Queen was delivered. She cried 
 out but once, in the moment of her delivery. When the 
 mind is filled with fufpicions, fuch circumftances help to 
 confirm them. Thofe who are not in the fame difpolition, 
 find nothing extraordinary in this; becaufe the Queen had 
 ever had eafy and quick labours. 
 
 5. It is commonly true, that children, the moment they 
 are born, and expofed to the air, are heard to cry. But I 
 know not whether this can be confidered as infallible. 
 However, the Queen having negledted to give undoubted 
 proofs of her pregnancy, every little uncommon circum¬ 
 ftance was capable to confirm the fufpicion of an impofture. 
 
 (1) Colonel Sjntti, who died in 1718- being in 16S8. Gentlcmm-waiter to 
 Court, to enquire after her brother’s heaHi Going up immeoiately to the I 
 to the Room where the Prince lay He law there a pale long vifaged Child, 
 fo. that he took very particul r notice of ir: but prefent.y alter the Ladies in 
 h s going cut he met the King, who asked h m with a riifturbrd countenance, 
 amils, denied it ; i.pon which the K ng’s conn enance cleared up Some time 
 looks and cnmplex ; on lr.-m th-t which he lound before* Ail thefe particular? 
 Butcr's Cbron. Edit. 1730. p. 75s, 
 
 C. As to the ft refs that is laid upon the curtains of the 
 bed being clofe drawn, this cannot feem ftrangc, fince there 
 were eighteen Lords in the room. 
 
 7. The circumftance of the child’s being not (hewn, can 
 caufc no fufpicion, but on luppofition of the fufpicion iifelf, 
 which ought to have been removed, by (bowing the child 
 as it came from the womb. For, othervvife, it is nut 
 ufually done, till the midwife has taken due care of the 
 child. But if this is urged to prove, that a child was not 
 taken out of the Queen’s beJ, the fufpicion of the warm¬ 
 ing-pan muft neceflarily be fupprefled, for had a child been 
 put in the pan, it could alfo be taken out of it. 
 
 8. What is faid of the King's continuing with the Lords 
 fome minutes in the Bed chamber, and that it looked like gi¬ 
 ving time for fome management, is a glofs which deferves little 
 or no notice. 
 
 9. Thofe who believe the child in queftion not born of 
 the Queen, would have had her take all the precautions 
 which they themfclves imagine, to deftroy all fort of doubt, 
 and the omiftion of one of thefe piecautions is, with them, 
 fulficient to confirm their fufpicions. 
 
 10. If no fatisfaftion was given to the Princefs of Den¬ 
 mark after her return from the Bath, it may be alledged* 
 that (he difeovered no jealoufy concerning the birth of the 
 Prmce of Wales , and as (he appeared conv need of the truth, 
 there was no neceflity of giving her proofs. 
 
 11. The refufal of Chamberlain's plaifters would be very 
 apt to caufe a fufpicion, if it was impo/Tible for the Q- ecu’s 
 breads not to want them. But how many labours are there, 
 which have no need of remedies for putting back -he milk ? 
 However, the Bifhop of Salisbury obviates this ... fvver, by 7-. 
 faying, that in her former labours, the Queen had always 
 great plenty of milk. 
 
 12. What is faid of the Queen's recovering fo foon afier 
 her delivery, proves nothing. Some mothers have fo eafy 
 labours, that in a (ew days one can hardly perceive any al¬ 
 teration in them. Befides, it'is too gener.-l an ex predion 
 to fay, the S^tteen feemed to be foon recovered. The precife 
 time (hould have been marked, that it might be judged, 
 whether there was any thing extraordinary in it. 
 
 Neverthelefs, all thefe reafons of fufpicion laid together, 
 make an inpreflioii upon many men, which each in parti¬ 
 cular would not be able to do. We mult always recur to 
 this point, that the King and Queen, knowing that they 
 were fufpe&ed of an impofture, ought to have taken juft 
 meafures. to.remove the fufpicion, and not having done it, 
 it is not very ftrange, it (hould continue to this day. 
 
 As to what pafted after the delivery, I mean the fuppo- 
 fition of two children, when the firlt was dead, the Bifhop 
 of Salisbury's account refts only upon the credit of fome 
 perfon.s whom he has given for vouchers, and of others not 
 named by him. There are befides leveral particulars, in 
 proof of which he produces no teftimony. 
 
 He fuppofes, that the child of vyhich it was pretended the 
 Queen was delivered, died the fame uay. This fuppofition 
 is grounded upon what Hemings heard through the wall of 
 bis parlour, and upon the denial of accefs at the young 
 Prince’s door to the Countefs of Clarendon. All this may 
 be of fome weight, when a bare fufpicion only is meant to 
 be eftablifhed. But if it is produced as a proof, the mfuf- 
 ficiency of it, is eafily feen. 
 
 The death of the fecond child at Richmond ftands only 
 upon the report of four Phyficians, who were fent for to 
 vifit him. The Bifhop does not make the Phyficians po- 
 fitively fay that the child died, but only that, They all 
 looked on him as a dying child, and as they were not called 
 for after dinner, They took it for granted that the child was 
 dead. But this confcquence is not abfolutely necefiary ; 
 for pofiibly they were not called, becaufe the child grew 
 better. But, fays the Bilhop, When they went in after din¬ 
 ner to look on the child, they faw a found healthy child, that 
 feemed to have had no illnefs on him. They inferred from 
 this, that he W3S not the fame child, and the Bilhop con¬ 
 cludes that the firft was dead, and another put in his room. 
 What is particular in this fa«ft, is, that thefe four Phyfi- 
 ciaus doubted, this was the fame child, only becaufe the 
 firft had been lick, and this was found and healthy, as if all 
 children at fuch an age were fo like one another, that no 
 feature could diftinguilh them. And yet, thefe Phyficians 
 thought, it was not the fame child, only by the difference 
 between a (late of health and ficknefs. This is very fur- 
 prizing, fince naturally the faces of the two children muft 
 have been fo different, as not to need other marks (i). 
 
 In (hort, the Bilhop of Salisbury’s whole account of thefe 
 three impoftures, rclts either upon hearlay, or what he read 
 
 lhe Princefs Annt, was fent by her from Tunbridge (where lhe then was) to 
 Ling without ceremony or interruption, a? is uftial in fuen cafes, he came in • 
 
 *v :h red Spout in hi* l ire, and other marks ol weaknefs. This ftruck him 
 there in cime anti turned him out, laying, the Prince was a lleep. At 
 whether he had fren the Prince ? Sundi rearing he had done fomelhi.-.g 
 ’her he was calico to I nk at the Irnce ; but faw a child of very different 
 he comm t::J to writing, and carried them to the Princefs* Connn. cf 
 
68 
 
 The HISTORY 
 
 tbi.< in the informations fent to the Prince and Princefs of 
 Orange ; for he was then at the Hague, The fenders of 
 the e informations were, probably, no friends of King 
 'James. It is therefore very poffible, not to fay likely, that 
 they have aggravated their reports, and collected every cir- 
 cumfiance, true or falfe, which was apt to petfuade the 
 Prince and Princefs, that the Prince of IValts was fuppo- 
 fititious. As for the Bifliop of Salisbury , I am perfuaded, 
 he has related nothing but what he either heard, read, or 
 believed to be true. But who can fay, he was not deceived 
 by prejudiced perfons, who looked upon their fufpicions as fo 
 many convincing proofs? I am aware, that all the Englijb 
 have not the fame opinion of Dr Burnet as I have. Volumes 
 of remarks upon his Hiftory, in which he is violently abufcd, 
 demonftrave, that the Jacobites confider him as the fworn 
 enemy of James II, and as deferving no credit. But as, 
 for very good reafcns, they have not thought proper to 
 make remarks upon what he fays of three fuppofititious chil¬ 
 dren, it is not my bufinefs to guefs what they could have 
 faid. I prefume therefore he has invented nothing, with¬ 
 out pretending, however, to warrant what he fays upon 
 the teftimony of others. 
 
 I have enlarged upon the birth of the Prince of Wales, 
 becaufe there feemed to me to be great confufion, as well in 
 the books, as in the difcourfes on this fubjeft. My intent 
 was to help the reader, to determine for or againft, or to 
 fufpend his judgment till the thing is more fully cleared. As 
 the principal defign of Hiftory is to eftablifh fads that are 
 certain, to deftroy thofe that are falfe, and to inform the 
 readers of the grounds of doubting with regard to fuch as 
 are dubious, I imagined, that in an affair fo important as 
 this, which has made fo much noife, and will doubtlefs, yet 
 long be talked of, the reader would be glad to know what 
 to rely on. Thus much is certain, that moll Proteftants 
 believed the Prince of lHales fuppofititious, chiefly becaufe 
 it would have been very difadvantagious to them, that 
 James II. fhould have had a popifh fucceffor. The Papifts, 
 on the contrary, queflioned not this Prince’s birth, becaufe 
 nothing could be more ferviceable to their Religion. I am 
 perfuaded, there were few, either Papifts or Proteflants, 
 but what were determined on this point, by their prejudices. 
 But things having taken an unexpected turn, the tiuth or 
 fallity of this Prince’s birth have hitherto produced none of 
 the effeds which were hoped or feared (•»). 
 
 The alfurance of a popifh fucceffor, made the King hope, 
 he fhould more eafily accomplifh his defigns. But he 
 wifhed, above all things, for the concurrence of a Parlia- 
 Clofctting ment. It was with this view, that clofettings were once 
 Echlrcf' more P ut ‘ n prance- He elofetted fuch as he intended to 
 in. P . 864. gain. Promifes and menaces were employed, and thofe 
 Welwood. w ho refufed to ferve the King in bis own way , as the word 
 P' l!iS- was, might affure themfelves of his heavieft difpleafure. 
 
 The King However, he negleded not more effedual means to force 
 ^Forcci°'ut of his fubjeds to compliance. He ordered fome entire regi- 
 lrelaud. ments out of Ireland, and filled many vacancies in his' 
 
 ibid. EngHJh regiments, with Irijb and popifh officers. This 
 
 Burne! * gave fo great a difguft to the whole army, that lampoons 
 
 and ballads were vented upon the Irijh , who were mortally 
 hated by the Englijb, efpecially fince the maffacre in 
 1641. 
 
 Tee CarFfle Mean while, that the King's defign in augmenting his 
 Gazettes forces might not be doubted, an addrefs, fuppofed to be 
 
 N. 234?. drawn by a Jefuit, was procured from the city of Carlifle, 
 
 Echard. particularly, “To thank his Majefty for his royal army, 
 
 Hi. p. 865. tt w hi c h really was both the honour and fafety of the na- 
 “ tion; let the Teckelites think and fay what they would.” 
 And upon this occafion the addreffers allured his Majefty, 
 
 That when, in his great wifdom, he fhould think fit to 
 ‘‘ call a Parliament, they would chufe fuch members as 
 “ would certainly concur with his Majefty, in taking off 
 ‘‘ the penal Laws and Tells, and not hazard the election 
 “ of any perlon, who had any ways declared in favour of 
 “ thofe Cannibal Laws. Surely, faid they, thefe men that 
 “ oppofe your Majefty in fo gracious and glorious a work, 
 “ do not confider what a Sovereign Prince, by his royal 
 “ power, may do. A work which heaven fmiles upon, 
 “ and will reward wiih no lefs a bleffing, we hope, than a 
 “ Prince of Wales." - 
 
 TryaUftht During the publick rejoycings for the birth of the Prince 
 H " of Wales, the Archbifhop of Canterbury, and the other 
 "Burnet. fix Bifhops, prifoners in the Tower, were brought to their 
 
 Rennet- trials at the King's-Bench bar the 15th of June. But upon 
 
 Iv' C Tf-o their motion for a delay, the trial was put off to the 29th 
 p. 3 • f ame month, and in the mean time they were fet 
 
 of E N G L A N D. Vol. II. 
 
 at liberty upon their own recognizance. The 29th of 1688. 
 June, Wejlminjlet-Hall was crowded with great numbers 
 of Lords, Gentlemen, and others, to be fpeCtators of this 
 famous tryal. The King’s Counfel pleaded, That the pe¬ 
 tition prefented by the Bifhops was a real and feditious li¬ 
 bel, tending to diminifh the King’s prerogative, and excite 
 fedition amongft the people. The Counfel for the Bifhop:, 
 on the other fide, retoited the arguments of their adverfa- 
 ries with gteat force and freedom, proving, that the King 
 having no power to difpenfe with penal Laws, a petition 
 humbly prefented to remonftrate to him that he had no 
 fuch power, ought not to be efteemed a libel: That it was 
 injurious to the Bifhops, to accufe them of having published 
 a petition, which they had relpeCtfully prefented to the 
 King in private, and alone : That the occafion of prefent- 
 ing it was not fought by them, but prelied upon them : 
 
 Nor could it be called a libel, becaufe the intent was inno¬ 
 cent, and they kept within the bounds fet by Adi of Par¬ 
 liament. After long pleadings on both Tides, the Judges, 
 in giving directions to the Jury, were not unanimous. 
 
 There were four, of whom Wright the Chief-Juftice, and 
 Holloway, weie the King’s creatures. Powell was recko¬ 
 ned a man of perfedl integrity, and Allybone was a Papift. 
 
 IVright gave his opinion, That the petition prefented by 
 the Bifhops was a libel. Holloway faid, That if the Jury 
 were fatisfied that the petition was prefented with no ill in¬ 
 tention, but only to fhew the reafons of the petitioners dif- 
 obedience to the King’s command, he could not think it to 
 be a libel. Powell maintained, 'That the petition could not 
 be a libel, becaufe it was founded upon the King’s incapa¬ 
 city to difpenfe with laws, which was very true. Allybone 
 aliened, That the crime of the Bifhops, was next door to 
 treafon (2). 
 
 'The Jury withdrawing fate up all night, whether they who *”-*• 
 could not agree, or to render their verdidt more folemn. 
 
 The next morning the Court being afiembled, and the Hal! 
 filled with infinite crowds of people, the Jury pronounced 
 the Bifhops Not Guilty. Immediately fhouts of joy were Grta: 
 heard through the crowd, and the loudeft acclamations re “ ' c * 
 founded through the cities of WeJlminJier and London. For Rennet, 
 fevcral hours, nothing was heard but repeated fhouts of•’*“ 
 both cities, tranfported with the news of the Bifhops ac- 
 quittal. Nor was this all. lor the King being gone that /* tbcanej, 
 morning to the army on Hourjlau- Heath, and dicing in the 
 Lari of Feverfham’s tent, the news flew to the camp, 
 where the whole army fhouted !o loud, that it ftanled the 
 King, and his whole company. The Earl of Feverfham 
 being fent out to know what was the matter, immediately- 
 returned, and told the King, It v>as nothing but the Jhouts 
 of the foldiers upon the news of the Bijhops being acquitted. 
 
 Do you call that nothing ? (aid the King ; but fo much the 
 worfe for them. Notwithftanding the refentment exprefled 
 by the King, and his fevere prohibitions againll ail riotous 
 aflemblies, the whole city was that night illuminated, and 
 numberlefs bonfires proclaimed the general joy. This was and 
 followed by almoft all the great towns in the Kingdom, and ‘‘f ' w ' Cjk 
 at Norwich particularly the joy was exceffive. This was a 
 fenfible mortification to the King. He at firft threatned to 
 deliver the Bifhops to the Ecclefiaftical Commiffioners, and 
 to fhow his indignation, he difmilied Sir Richard Holloway 
 and Sir John Powell, and filled their places with others (7). 
 
 The King perceiving the people’s difpofition was not id- The Kicr 
 vorable to him, he refolved at laft to come to open force. "y‘ = 
 
 But as he could only make ufe of his army, lie was willing 
 firft to try how tar he might depend on their obedience. R cn r*-.' 
 For this purpefe, he thought fit to communicate his defign P. 5' b - 
 to every regiment lingly, not doubting, that if two or three jjj* 1 ' f 
 fubmitteil, the reft would lollow their example. According¬ 
 ly, the Major of the Lord Lichfield's regiment ordered 
 to tell the officers and foldiers, that thofe who were unwilling 
 to contribute to the repeal of the Teft and Penal Laws, 
 fhould lay down their arms. But it was with the utmofl: it r - 7 
 
 aftonifbment that he law the whole regiment, two cap- // /."' 
 
 tains and a few Popifh foldiers excepted, inftantly lay down 
 their arms. He remained for fometime fpeechlefs, but at 
 laft recovering his furprize, he commanded the foldiers to 
 take up their arms again , and fullenly told them. That for 
 the future he would not do them the honour to ask their ad¬ 
 vice. 
 
 It was now eafy to forefee, that with a Proteftant army f a/v*.- 
 he fhould never be able to introduce Popery. Wherefoie *■ “■ 
 he refolved to cafhier many Proteftant officers and foldiers, 'o '* 
 and to put Papifts in their room. Accordingly he began > -T 
 with fome regiments ; but it gave a dilguft to the wfiule • Wi "' > 
 
 (1) See State Traflt, Ln King Williams Reign. Tom. I. p. n-30. 
 
 AHyb.ne\ opinion is not heie tiuly n-prefented. What he affirmed was, that neither the Bilhoos, nor any other men, hid power to tntdd le with 
 muter, relating to the Government And he confi-med hil aflertion by an inflance in J amei I. time, when it was declared u be hign milletneanor, and 
 next to Treai n, to peti'ion the Ring t, put the penal Laws in execution. In which it feems he was millakeii ; tor the Petition retried to, u ,, a 
 Pekun iga 1 it the Penal L-w>. See Mate iryah, Tom. IV. p. 391. 
 
 13, air R.bert Haiti ct one ot the King's Counfel in th s Tryal, was made Judge in the room of the latter j and Sir Tb:mn Pewit ot the former. 
 Sir Cenjiipber UiUtin, 1 .c ut 'He Juftices of the Common Pleas, having about this time his Hint of Eaje, was lucceeded by Sir 1 Ourrui Jt-i.tr , j 0 whole 
 ruam, Jinlin Si. lbotijs P-well's, oerjeam Ingiebj and Serjeant RoibtrLua were made Barons ui the firth eiyicri Kenr.tt, {• ;iG. 
 
 3 
 
 arrr-r 
 
Book XXIV. 
 
 1688. 
 
 army 
 
 ba ‘j 'P- into the 
 ffi.'of.he Beaumont , 
 
 Defertion in 
 State-Trafts 
 T. I. p. 41. 
 
 Kennet. 
 p. 516. 
 
 Echard. 
 
 HI. p. 874. 
 
 27. J AMES II. ?6g 
 
 S n r ; iy fv’ rer ° 1 ! Ving ,0 P"* r tt,irt >’ *4® “Ow Obeyed, or difobeyed hie Majefly’e command.” The .61* 
 
 Duke of Bcrtvuks regiment, Lieutenant CoJonel affairs which happened before the expiration o 1 ’ that term 
 and other officers, remonftrated to the Duke, hindered that it was not known what rh,- > .1 
 
 ■lie F/e 
 the /ai 
 
 - --- .„ was not known what the Ecdefiaftici! 
 
 I hat neither thofe Gentlemen nor himfelf thought it Court intended to do, or whether this order would have 
 confident with their honours, to have foreigners impofed been better obeyed than the former 
 
 ,7"'" ‘'il’h-T J " d ,l, ?n f0re . t hU ' mbIy I’ ;rl " oncd k ’ r th f . Doflor SpnM Bifhop of 1 l>ch,Jt,r, one of ,he Bifhop* of n, sifo 
 
 tliey might have leave to .ill up their companies with fuch the new Ecclehaftical Court, now thought it time to with •/ 
 men of their own nation, as they fhould judge molt fuit- draw. Wherefore he Writ to his Collegues a letter, where- 'c ""' T 
 
 in he told them : “ That fince their “Lordlhips were re-' 
 c lolved to proceed againft thofe, who had not complied^' f bn 
 with the King’s command in reading his Declaration, it£h«ri‘ 
 wasabfolutely impoffible for him to fene hisMajefty any Hi. p 87G, 
 longer in that commiffion.” He proceeds farther and 5mn ' r ’ 
 fays, “ That though I my fdf did fubrnit in that particu- P ' 74<5 ' 
 lar, yet I will never beany ways inftrumental in punifh- 
 mg thofe my brethren who did not: For, as I call God 
 to witnefs, that wliat I did was merely upon a principle 
 of Confcience, fo I am fully fatisfied, that their forbear- 
 ance was upon the fame ^principle.” This Bifhop was 
 
 “ able to the King’s fervice ; or otherwife, that they 
 “ might be permitted, with all imaginable duty and re- 
 “ fpetft, to lay down their commiffions.” An account of 
 this being tianfmitted to the King, he immediately ordered 
 the Lieutenant Colonel, and five Captains to be taken into 
 cuftody, and tried by a Court-martial as mutineers. It 
 was at firft believed, that his intention was to caufe them 
 to be condemned to die, but fome news from abroad altered 
 the fentence, and they were only cafhiered. The fleet 
 _ UC]amc was no better difpofed than the army to affirt the King in 
 Temp™with his deligns. This appeared, in that Vice-Admiral Strickland 
 
 Firne Bi- 
 Ji pi ore 
 
 the King t 
 Meafrret. 
 
 ordering Mafs to be faid on board his (hip, there arofe fuch one of thofe on whom the Court relied, and therefore his 
 a mutiny and diforder amongft the failors, that the officers defection could not but trouble the Kina extremely Seve 
 could hardly favc the P.iell from being thrown over board. ral have thought, that the principal motive of this proceed! 
 
 1 he Kings fituation was fuch, that it feemed he could ing, was to fereen himfelf in time from the approaching 
 neither advance, nor recede. His zeal for his Religion, his rtorm, of which he had received fome intimation 5 
 
 principles of Government, his temper naturally obftinate, From the Prince’s birth, thofe who had any concern for 
 his condefcennon to the Queen, Priefts, and Jefuits, who in- their Religion or Country, faw clearly the danger with 
 ceflantly furrounded liim, allowed him not to leave his work which both were threatened. It was evident that the King 
 unfinilhed. Bolides, he muft have changed his whole fyf- no longer pretended to govern by the laws of the land but 
 tem, as well as his whole Council, and nothing is more according to his will and pleafure. He had Efficiently dif- 
 rare than to fee a Prince proceed m that manner, before he covered his intention ; fo that nothing lefs than a total fub- 
 ,s forced L to lt ; , on the other hand > he could eafily verfion of the Government in Church and State could be 
 perceive how lar he flili w^as from Ins end, by the difpofition expedled. If this did not Efficiently authorize the moft 
 of his Subjcdts, his fleet, and his army. He hoped how- conflderable members of the State to take meaEres for the 
 ever to fui mount all obftacles, becaufe, though one part of prevention of fuch a defign, it is hard to con i • what dif- 
 his people fhowed a reludhnce to fubrnit to his will, ano- ference there can be between a Government i e that of 
 ther part leemed difpofed to receive the yoke with fubmif- England, limited by laws, and an abEIute Monarchy And 
 fion There were B.fhops who had caufed the Declaration yet it cannot be doubted, that the Government of England 
 for Liberty ol Confcience to be read m their Diocefes, as is d.fferent from that or moft other States. I am very fen 
 the Bilhops of Chef er, and Rochejler. Nay, the Able this point is not without difficulty, and that it is not 
 
 hr ft had Efpended thirty of his Clergy, for refufing to read eafy in England to fix the limits of the Subieds ooedience 
 't (.)• Chejhire , fome Curates, Reftors, and others, Whilftthe Church of England prepofteroufly believed, that 
 
 ited alfo an ad- the King had no dcflgn to alter the form of the Govern - 
 ... 41 That if the merit, but intended only a little to enlarge his Prerogative, 
 
 c \ nia “ er °‘ th * Declaration were not according to their inftead of thinking proper to oppofe it, ihe believed it for 
 
 8 ; 6, not contented to read the Declaration, prefented alfo an ad- 
 tbt cKeihire ^refs, wherein they tell his Majefty,- 
 Mimfiert. 4t matter of the Declaration were nc 
 
 !! wifhes, yet the publifhing of it was according to their her advantage, as ft mightprevem attempuTikrthofe which 
 
 duty, fince it lllued out from the exprefs Prerogative of had occafioned fo many mifehiefs in the reion of Charles I. 
 
 his Supremacy over them ; fo that they could not but The Presbyterians, the Independents, the Anabaptifts bad 
 ‘‘ Wlth [ t ) r « ubIe of mind ,iear of the proceedings of the fe- carried the principles of the Republicans fo far, and drawn 
 1 Filhops, who, though they tenderly promifed the fuch terrible confequences from them, that after the Refto- 
 ‘‘ Y'Kcnters (ome thing, yet refufed to do their part about ration of Charles II, it was thought in fome manner necef- 
 the Declaration, left they Ihould be Parties to it, which fary to run into the other extream, by inverting the King 
 “ reafon the addreflers efteem infufficient. They there- with a power, which, rightly confidered, might have had 
 
 fore, in all fubmiffion, become earneft, though too mean, confequences not lefs dangerous than the Republican princi- 
 
 •nierceflors to his Majefty, in behalf of the Church of pies. But herein the foie aim was to curb the Noncon- 
 hngland, that the faults of thele and others may not be formifts, by the King’s authority, without forefeeiiv, that 
 laid to her charge, in whofe communion there were a time might come, when the King would ufe the°power 
 many, and they hoped there would be more, who con- aEribed to him, againft all his Subje&s in general, and the 
 “ curred 111 Promoting the purpofes of his mild Govern- Church of England in particular. That time being come 
 “ merit : And fo conclude with begging leave to make under James II, the Church of England opened he & r eyes, 
 
 ‘‘ their congratulations for the happy birth of the young though a little too late, and faw that file had been labour- 
 
 J,. ilnce in ms Hereditary Succeffive Kingdom.”- ing for her own definition, in maintaining, and even o- 
 
 1 lie King flattered by fuch addrefles, and imagining, penly preaching Paffive-Obedience, without any reftrition. 
 
 Echard. ! hat ; e, T 0r wou i d ^y de g ree « oblige his Subjects to fubrnit to It was from this do&rine, inculcated fo carefully, and fo 
 
 ibid. hls P lea,u ro> refolvcd to pufii his point at all events. But, long upon the minds of the Englijh, as eflential to the 
 
 on the other hand, he had the mortification to hear, that a Church, that thofe fubmiffive addreffes proceeded, which 
 
 ion of Cartwright Bifhop of CheJUr, who had procured were daily prefented to the King. And indeed as no 
 
 this add refs, was refufed to be admitted to a Fellowlhip bounds had been fet to Paffive- Obedience, many people did 
 
 m one of the Colleges at Oxford, and that Gifford, nomina- not conceive that they could, with a fafe confcience refufe 
 
 ted by him to the See of that city, was likewife denied his an unlimited obedience to the Sovereign. But at laft the Tbe c ' u- ^ 
 
 Order from Do J' tor ’ s | de g r j|e- . _ danger of the Kingdom convinced men of fenfe, that the 0 ££^. h f ni 
 
 tie Fceirji- ■ Kut tlie re( oi u tion taken by the King and his Council was royal authority was neceflarily to be bounded, otherwife the her f„m t 7 
 
 afticai c.om not ro be fhaken by any obftacles. T ho’ the feven Bifhops Church and State were going to be ruined Prir. :: pi r ,. 
 
 JHZTT'T , d bCen a ^ U , itt , edof ‘ h c pretended crime laid to their charge, Such being the fituation of affairs, feveral Church of En?-- T’ 
 Readme '-f new Fcclefiaftical Court did not think itfelf bound by land men, both of the Clergy and Laity, thought it time c pp“jTiL'° 
 
 the Detlara- that precedent, Vv herefore, the commiffioners, by an or- to take meaEres for flopping the King’s progrefs, and Km l' 
 
 Gazettes. c A ni3 Lj 156 ' 2C r.' 31 d u b-> ‘‘ Commanded all Chancellors, bounding his power. Though they had themfelves carried 
 
 N. 256+. tC Archdeacons, Commiffaries, and Officials, to enquire in it very high, they chofe rather to retraft, than, by their 
 
 Kennet, ‘‘ what Churches and Chapels his Majefty’s Declaration obftinacy, to throw the Church and State into imminent 
 
 ’ a . nd to tran fi‘ nit an account thereof upon the danger, in continuing to maintain a dodlrine which could 
 
 1 6th day of Augujt next.” But the greateft part of thofe juftly be confidered as the principal fountain of the King- 
 
 whom the order was dircfted, never took any notice of dom’s calamities. 
 
 P- 744- 
 jUJt.d. 
 
 it. The commiffioners being met on that day, were not a 
 little puzzled how to proceed. At laft, after a long conful 
 
 The firll and moft neceffary precaution taken by them, An Union 
 was to form a ftri£i union between the Church of EnglandP r j ‘ {ied be “ 
 
 tation, they were contented to renew their firft order, “ Re- and the Non-conformifts, for their common fecurity. This rT”Tr 
 quiring all perfons having Lcclefiaflical mriEii^inn ir* union w-ic Kpmmp mnr#» pifu rlmn uup, t'u.. n.. . 
 
 ' quiring all perfons having Ecclefiaftical jurifdidtion, to 
 tranfmit to them upon the 6th day of December next, 
 an account of the enquiry they are hereby commanded 
 to make in their Vilitations, together with the names of 
 the Parfons, Reaors, Vicars, and Curates, that had ei- 
 
 union was become more eafy than ever. The two parties Eng'.nd 7 and 
 agreed, that their divifion had been the foie caufe of their !hr Pre,b y' 
 ruin. This was a flrong motive for their union. The TTTd. 
 Churchmen acknowledged, they had carried paffive obedi-Hi, P . 875. 
 ence too far, and that it had produced i!J effeas. They 
 
 (1) And amongft them one of his own Chaplains, Ecbard, Tom, III p.876. 
 
 No. 8z. V01.. II. 
 
 9 I 
 
 fhowed 
 
-o 
 
 HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 - ol. 
 
 T T 
 
 i (ho rea line! iompl) wi h th; fcri le of the Pref- 
 
 bvterians, in relinqaifhiniz the ceremonies which might be 
 corifidcred a-, indifferent, or at leaf! to leave every man at 
 liberty to praftife, or not praftife them. This was all the 
 Presbyterians could reafonably expect. In fhort, as the 
 Churchmen aopeared touched with ti*e calamities occafioned 
 bv their excellive rigor, fo they Termed difpofed to more 
 cnntiefcenfion, :! things were reltored to the;r former ftate. 
 The Presbyterians, who had hitherto groundlefsly accufed 
 the Church of England of leaning to Popery, could not 
 forbear acknowledging their error, after the firmnefs of the 
 feven Bilhops had difeovered the injuftice of that acculation. 
 Thefe difpofitions being well managed by prudent and well- 
 meaning men of both parties, produced at laft an unifor¬ 
 min' of fentiments, with regard to the principal point in 
 quid lion-, namely, That it was abfolutely neceflary to think 
 of means for the prefervation of Religion and the Stale, 
 from the impending danger. The leading men on both 
 fide--, took great pains to curb the pailionate, whofe views 
 were very narrow. In a word, without the King’s know- 
 1 1 . the Whigs and Tories were reconciled, and refol- 
 ved to labour jointly for the prefervation of their country. 
 But unfortunately , this union ended with the danger. 
 However, it may be affirmed, that this reconciliation of 
 the two parties was the moll fatal blow that could be given 
 to the King’s affairs, Once bis greateft ftrength lay in their 
 divifion. Father Orkans calls this union, a league againft 
 the King. It would be needlefs to difpute about this term. 
 The queflion is only to know, whether this unicn, this 
 league, or whatever clfe it may be railed, was contrary to 
 law, to confcience, to the duty which fubjefts owe to their 
 S'i-i m. But to decide this queftion, the Government 
 of England mull be diftinguifhed fiom that of other States, 
 and on pretence of the name of King, common to fo many 
 Princ. , the rights of one Sovereign not confounded with 
 thofe of another, in order to apply to a King of England , 
 whatever is aflerted of Sovereignty in general. This was 
 an artifice frequent with James I. The queftion therefore 
 i-- t • know, w, ether, in fuppofing the conftitution of Eng¬ 
 land fuch a' it appears in this Hiftory, James II. had vio¬ 
 lated it in the moft ellential parts; whether he had now 
 changed or confiderably altered it; whether there was ground 
 to fear an entire fubverfion ; and whether the Engli/h were 
 obliged to fuffer it without oppofition. Of this the readers 
 may judge, from what they have hitherto feen. But in 
 fuppofing even that James II. had changed, or defigned to 
 change the Conftitution, a ftrong objection lay againft thofe, 
 who believed it proper to oppofe the entire execution of his 
 defigns; namely, the frequent declarations of the Parlia¬ 
 ment and the Church of England , lince the reftoration, 
 that an unlimited obedience was due to the King. This 
 objection was fo ftrongly impreffed on the minds of fome 
 Churchmen, that tiiey could not refolve to oppofe the 
 King’s defigns, bccaufe they looked on fuch oppofition as an 
 aft of rebellion. Nay, many perfift in this opinion even to 
 this day, and with the Papifts form the party of the Jaco¬ 
 bites. Happily for England, moft of the Clergy and Laity 
 of the eftabliftied Church were of a contrary opinion, and 
 laboured effeftually for the prefervation of Religion, and 
 the Government, in conjunction with the Whigs, who 
 made no fcruple of uniting with them in the famedeiign. 
 
 * The union between the Whigs and Tories being effefted, 
 f.vcial pencils of diftinftion, as well amongft the Clergy 
 " as the Laity, began to form a fcheme for the execution of 
 the great delign to preferve the Church and State. They 
 ■ law no expedient more proper, than to put the Prince of 
 Orange at the head of the party againft the King. That 
 Prince was fo interefted in the affair, that it was not doubt- 
 eJ, he would contribute whatever lay in his power, both 
 to lave England , and fecure the fucceffion to the Princefs his 
 wife, lately defeated of her right by a Prince, who gene¬ 
 rally palled for fuppofititious. Thefe were very powerful 
 Motives to aftuate the Prince of Orange. But there was 
 frill another, which was naturally to have a great effeft upon 
 him ; namely, the extreme danger to which Holland would 
 be txpofed, in cafe the King accompliflied his defign, by 
 reafon of the clofe union between the Kings of England and 
 France. It was with this view that feveral great men 
 timely repaired to the Hague , on divers pretences, to confer 
 with the Prince of Orange. The firft were, Mr. Sidney, 
 brother to Alga noon Sidney, ( beheaded in the laft reign ) 
 afterwards Karl o! Runmey , Sir Robert Paten, Sir Rowland 
 Cl. : in. Dr. Burnet , and others. It is to be prefumed, that 
 aft'urances weie tranfmitted from them to their friends in 
 England, of the good inclination of the Prince to the com- 
 . mon caufe. In July, one JoJ'eph Flight brought over into 
 England about fourfeore letters from perfons of quality and 
 credit, and carried back anfwers to the Hague. The affair 
 
 A Pr: 
 
 of Orange. 
 
 Er.clvl 
 
 p. s i S. 
 Burnet, 
 
 being thus begun, the old Lord H'hai ton pretending a jour- t Cl?. 
 ney into Germany, pafled through the Hague. Cnuuel 
 Sidney, uncle to the Earl of Sunderland, went to the Spate, 
 on pretence of only drinking the waters. The Lord Dun- 
 blain, fon to the Earl of Danby, and commander ol an 
 independent frigate, crofted and re-crofted the feas, to car¬ 
 ry feveral difpatches and refolutions. The Earl of S/.mv - 
 bury mortgaged his eftate for forty thoufand pounds, and 
 went over to the Prince to offer him both Ins purfe and 
 his fword. He was quickly followed by Admiral Herbert, 
 his coulin Mr. Herbert, Mr. Ruffcl, the Lord Alo: daunt, 
 and the Earl of Wiltjhire. The principal perfons with 
 whom they held correfpondence in England, were, the Earls 
 of Danby, Devonjhire, and Dorfet, the Lords Lovelace and 
 Deh re, the Duke of Norfo k, the Marquifs of Ha 
 his fon the Lord Eland , the Marquifs of Winchejler, his fon 
 the Lord Pawlet , the Lord Willoughby fon to the Earl of 
 Lindfey , Mr. Lcjler , Mr. Hampden, Mr. Penile, and many 
 others, befides feveral eminent citizens of London (i). 
 
 The Prince of Orange being fully determined to head 
 the party, it was, after feveral confutations, rcfolved, that ,Sh!stau t - 
 the Enghjh Lords at the Hague fliould demand affiftance of General ; 
 the States, in the name of all England. But to prevent the ^ i c 1 llil,d g go 
 fecret from being divulged, they applied at firft only to p 
 perfons of the greateft credit and influence, who promifed 
 to ufe all their intereft, at a proper time, to promote the 
 defign. There was no need of many arguments to prevail 
 with the States to affift the diftreffed Engli/l). They were arr pveur- 
 equally concerned in the affair with the Englijh themfelves; ai,y 
 for the ruin of Holland would doubtlefs have foon followed 
 the flavery of England. Of this the defigns of Lewis XIV, 
 and his union with James II (2), left no room to doubt. 
 
 All the difficulty lay in making preparations, in concealing 
 the defign of them, in raifing forces in the room of thofe 
 which the Prince fhould lead into England , and in fecuring 
 a timely relief, in cafe the King of France fliould attack 
 Holland. But all thefe things were taken care of, with 
 great add refs and fecrecy. The difference at that time, a- Aj.-i- 
 
 bout the eleftion of an Archbifhop of Cologne , between Jff '., 
 
 Prince Clement of Bavaria , and the Cardinal of Furjiem- t: cover <•.- 
 burg, furnifhed the States with a pretence to afl'emble an Defign upon 
 army near Nimcguen. On the other hand, the Prince of Burnet. 
 Orange, by his intrigues, prevailed to have the direftion of p. 757. 
 affairs then on the carpet, committed to the management of 
 three or four members of the States, on pretence of the cor- 
 refpondents the Count d'Avaux the French Ambaffador had 
 in Holland , who might inform him of their refolutions. 
 
 Thefe commiflioners, all in the Prince of Orange's confi- Mcajurci of 
 dence, under colour of the Cologne affair, gave orders for in- OrangeT* ^ 
 camping an army, and preparing a fleet. At laft, the 
 Prince of Orange, on pretence of providing for a war a- Echird, 
 gainft France, which feemed to be near, bad an interview I1J ' P* 88r * 
 at Minden in Wejlphalia , with the Eleftors of Saxony , 
 and Bramlesburgh, the Princes of the Houfe of Lunenburg, 
 and the Land-Grave of Hejfe CaJJel , and fecured their af¬ 
 fiftance, in cafe France fhould atteck Holland or the Lcnu- 
 Countries , while he was engaged in the Englijh expedition. 
 
 All this was tranfafted with fuch fecrecy, that the Ambaf- 
 fadors of France and England, at the Hague, could get no 
 certain intelligence. They were forced to recur to conjec¬ 
 tures, though the firft had ufually been informed of the re¬ 
 folutions of the States, as foon as they were taken. 
 
 When the Prince of Orange had fecured to the States, in nit ?'-■■■ 
 cafe of need, the affiftance of thefe Princes, he concerted 
 his expedition with fuch prudence and fecrecy, that his 
 fcheme was not known till after the execution ; namely, 
 that the States, under colour of being ready to fupport the 
 eleftion of the Prince of Bavaria , fliould form a camp on 
 the Heath near Nimeguen , a place too remote from the 
 fea, to give any fufpicion that thefe troops were defigned 
 for an imbarquement : That a fleet of fifty men of war 
 fliould be prepared, with a fufficient number ot tranfportr, 
 for the imbarkation of twelve or thirteen thoufand men . 
 
 That, to prevent the alarm which thefe transports might 
 give, the merchants of Amjlerdam , Rotterdam , arid other 
 maritime places, fhould freight as many as they could on 
 divers pretences: That thefe Ships fliould repair to feveral 
 ports, at a time affigned, to take the forces aboard, and af 
 terwards to the Goree, where the men of war fliould exput 
 them . That the Prince of Orange fliould put himfclt on 
 board this fleet, and at his landing in England, the Fngliji 
 perfons of quality, by whom ho was invited, ihould dilpeile 
 themfelves into divers parts of the Kingdom, to excite in- 
 furreftions, and levy troops, while the Prince, with his little 
 army, fhould make head againft the King, it was not 
 doubted, but the Prince’s army would confiderably increafc 
 when ha fliould be in England, and the people in general 
 be ready to fecond the efforts of thofe, who were labouring 
 
 A • ajfh the Lord Cl w ;bil 
 I See State- l< j.-m in King l J , 
 
 after 
 
 ird-- Duke rf Marthorougb, Colonel lrchinny, and Colonel Kuk. 
 s reign. Tom. 1. p. 37, Sec. 
 
 5 
 
Book XXIV. 
 
 27. J A M E 
 
 II. 
 
 77 * 
 
 Advice fenc 
 from Francs 
 
 to King 
 
 Echard. 
 
 III. p.SSi. 
 
 it negltfJtd 
 
 Skelton'* 
 Advice nc- 
 
 jlcficd bo 
 the Ettrl of 
 Sunderland. 
 
 P- S' 8 - 
 Echard. 
 
 III. 88z. 
 
 The Kin ? 
 order1 Writs 
 
 a Ptsrlia- 
 Echard, 
 
 in. P . 884. 
 
 Rejefh the 
 Cffcr, of 
 
 France. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 518. 
 Burnet. 
 p.767. 
 
 p. 768. 
 Memorial of 
 the Marqurfs 
 of Albyville 
 to tbt States j 
 Aug- 23. 
 
 P 5 ' 8 - 
 
 ‘Their an- 
 /“"• 
 
 Trails. 
 
 T. 1. p. 4-T a 
 42 - 
 
 Burner, 
 p. 768. 
 
 R. Coke. 
 The King 
 puts himfelf 
 upon bis 
 
 Guard . 
 
 III. p.885. 
 
 But tout 1- 
 stun tofatter 
 himfelf. 
 
 France. 
 Id. p. 83 
 
 for their deliverance. This whole fcheme was executed in 
 the manner it had been refolved, without the Ambattadors 
 of England and France being able to learn any thing cer¬ 
 tain. They conjectured, however, by the naval prepara¬ 
 tions, that fomething was fecrelly contriving againft Eng¬ 
 land. Indeed it was difficult to prepare four or five hun¬ 
 dred tranfports, and fifty men of war fo privately, that 
 they fhould have no intelligence from their fpies. The 
 Count D'Availx failed not to feud his conjectures to the 
 Court of France, which were immediately tranfmitted to 
 England Moreover, Mr. Skelton, King James's Envoy 
 at the Hague , had before informed him of an intercepted 
 letter, which intimated, that a great project was fecretly 
 carrying on againft him. But the King was then fo fecure 
 of fuccefs, that he negleCted this intelligence, believing it 
 only an artifice to divert him from his defigns. 
 
 A little before, Mr. Bude de Verace, a Proteftant of Ge¬ 
 neva , Gentleman-Ufher to the Princefs of Orange , having 
 been difmiffed, was returned to his own country. When 
 he heard of the great preparations in Holland, he writ to 
 Mr. Skelton, then Envoy at Paris , that he had things to 
 communicate to the King of England, that were of no lefs 
 concern than his crown, but would not difeover the fecret 
 to any but the King himfelf; and that if his Majefty would 
 let him know his pleafure, he would immediately repair to 
 London. Skelton was not wanting to give information to 
 the Court of England , and to repeat it by five or fix let¬ 
 ters. But no notice was taken of it, whether through a 
 too great fecurity, or that the Earl of Sunderland, to whom 
 the letters were addretted, did not think proper to com¬ 
 municate them to the King. 
 
 Mean while, as the armament in Holland could hardly 
 be concealed any longer, and the King receiving repeated 
 advices of it, he judged it convenient, at all events, to 
 flatter the people with the expectation of a Parliament. So, 
 the 24th of Augujl, he declared in council his intention to 
 call a Parliament for the 27th of November, and the Chan¬ 
 cellor had orders to ifiue out the writs the 5th of September. 
 However, the writs were not fent, which gave occalion to 
 think, the King only defigned to amufe the publick. 
 
 The next day, Mr. de Bonrepos arrived at London from 
 Paris , and had fevera! conferences with the King. It is 
 pretended, that he offered him from the King of France a 
 fleet, and an army of thirty thoufand men, but that the 
 Earl of Sunderland prevented the offer from being accepted. 
 He is laid to reprefent to the King, “ That it would be 
 “ very dangerous to introduce a foreign army into Eng- 
 “ land , at the very time he was preparing to hold a Par- 
 “ liament: That he wouid entirely lofe the hearts of his 
 “ lubjeds, and even of thofe who were nioft devoted to 
 ct him : That if the French fhould have a mind to render 
 “ themfelves matters of the Kingdom, he would find but 
 “ very few who would join to deliver him from fuch trou- 
 “ blefome guefts, and that in accepting fo powerful an aid, 
 “ he would quickly become only a Viceroy to Lewis XIV.” 
 Some have pretended, that this advice was evident treachery 
 in the Earl of Sunderland, who was gained by the Prince 
 of Orange. But this accufation refts only upon the ill fuc¬ 
 cefs of the King’s affairs afterwards, and upon the fuppo- 
 fition that he would have fucceeded in his defigns, had the 
 King of France's offer been accepted. However, the King 
 refufed the aid, becaufe he thought it unnecefl'ary, and yet, 
 it is pretended, that he made at this very time a new alli¬ 
 ance with Lewis , but which was never publifhed. 
 
 In the mean time, the King hearing from feveral parts, that 
 an armament was making in Holland, he ordered the Mar- 
 quifs of Albyville, his Ambaffador, to prefent a Memorial to 
 the States, to demand what they meant by their warlike 
 preparations, efpecially by fea, at that time of the year. 
 The States aniweted. That they armed in imitation of his 
 Britanr.uk Majefty, and might with more reafon demand 
 an explanation about the alliance into which he was lately 
 entered. This anfwer increafing the King’s fufpicions, he 
 now began to take the necelfary meafures for putting him¬ 
 felf in a potture of defence. 'With this view, he gave the 
 governments of PortJ'moutb and Hull, the two keys of the 
 Kingdom, to Papifts, and took care to have the majority 
 of the officers and foldiers of thefe garrifons of that Re¬ 
 ligion. 
 
 After all, he could not yet believe; the Prince of Orange 
 would venture to attack him. He ftill relied on his fleet 
 and army, though he had now had feveral demonftrations 
 of their difaftedion. The Court of France could not con¬ 
 ceive the caufe of fo ftrange an indolence ; nor was Skelton 
 lefs puzzled t" anfwer the quettion fo often asked, why the 
 King his matter refufed the allittance of France. He could 
 only fay, that he had no orders about it. At latt, in a con¬ 
 ference one day with Monfieur de Croiffy upon this fubjed, 
 he told him, it was his private opinion, that,if France would 
 threaten to attack the States-Generai, in cafe any thing was 
 attempted by them againft the King of England, fuch a 
 declaration would break all tiio Prince of Orange's mea¬ 
 
 fures. The Court or France approving of tins.propoui, the i0:jx. 
 Count D'Avanx prelented a memorial to the States the 301b p - Cokc - 
 
 of Att-’u/l, declaring : “ That all circumfiances inclined r.%. .. 
 
 “ the King, his matter, to believe with reafon, that the-';-"’ 1 ’ m ‘ 
 “ arming in Holland threafned England , ihcrefore his Ala- 
 “ jetty had commanded him to declare to them, on his ov^.-r 
 
 “ part,- That the ties of frie.ndp.ip and hliiar.ee between f ."”' r r ' t> 
 
 “ him and the King of Great-Britain, wot blige f. 
 
 “ only to ajjifl Urn, hut a If to look on the fjl act of hujli- e- s 
 “ lily that fhould be committed by their troops or their feet. p 
 “ againft his Majejly of Great-Britain, to a mi nift l P ’ 
 
 “ rupture of the peace, and a breach with ins Crown." - 
 
 The State.;, after an ambiguous anfwer to this Memorial,' 
 demanded of the Marquil's of Albyville, the meaning of the 
 new alliance between the two Kings. The fame demand 
 was made to the Court of England by the States Ambafla- 
 dor, Van Citters, to whom they fent a copy of the memo¬ 
 rial. Whereupon the King fummoned a Council, and b. 
 the Earl of Sunderland's means it was refolved, t<> difown 
 the proceedings of the Count D'Avaux. This refolution 1 .:j.’ 
 was immediately communicated to the Ambafiador of ic 
 States, and to all the King’s Minitters in foreign Courts. 
 
 Moreover, to convince the publick, that the King was ; ‘ p- Tnflr 
 concerned in the memorial prefeoted by the Count d'Avattx, ' p * 
 Skelton was recalled, and immediately fent to the Tower. 
 
 On this occafion, the Earl of Sunderland reafuned upon S 'L 
 the fame principle advanced by him, when the affiftance of- ? 
 
 fered by France was in debate. It cannot be denied, that SunHei'l.r.d. 
 his reafons appeared plaufible to the King. But it is flip- 0,l “ r ''' 
 poled by fomc, that the King was deceived, and that it nj.^886. 
 was not poffible for the Earl of Sunderland to be deceived 
 alfo. Wherefore they aferibe his counfels to an exprefs do 
 fign of betraying his matter. Th >fe who talk thus, arc, 
 
 ’cis likely, very forry, the King did not follow the con¬ 
 trary opinion, and embrace the offer of France. They are 
 perfwaded, in that cafe, the Prince of Orange's meafures 
 would have been difconcertcd, his undertaking rdinquilhed, 
 and the King, with the affittance of thirty thousand men, 
 been abfolute matter of his Kingdom. But it mutt be con- 
 fidered, that this is fuppofing an uncertain event ; that 
 the prime Minifter’s advice, preceded the King’s difatter 
 fomc months ; and, to accufe him of an intention to betray 
 the King, it mutt be fuppofed, that he could have forefeen 
 what the King himfelf did riot : In a word, that he was 
 fecretly engaged with the Prince of Orange, of which how¬ 
 ever there is no pufitive proof. The moll plaufible ground 
 of fufpicion againft him, is, his adiniffion into that Prince's 
 council and confidence, when on the throne. Bn: he was 
 not the only Minifter of King James , who was thus fa¬ 
 voured by King William. It is however certain, though 
 the Earl of Sunderland embraced the popifh Religion, he 
 was, and ftill is, fufpeded by the Papifts. There are even 
 Proteftants, who owning that he betrayed his mafter, count 
 this pretended treachery an honour to him, fince it tended 
 to the good of the Kingdom. 
 
 Though the King, as I faid, had ordered Writs to be 
 iffued out for a new Parliament, the order had not been ex¬ 
 ecuted. This appears clearly in a Proclamation of the 2/ft 
 of September , wherein the King fuppofed, the eledions were 
 not yet begun. It imported : 
 
 “ That his Majefty having already fignified his pleafure - 4 
 “ to call a Parliament, left thofe wliofe right it was to 
 “ chule members, fhould lie under any prejudice and mil- /lament. 
 
 “ takes, through the artifices of difafteded peffims, he Cyz-ury. 
 
 “ thought it fit to declare, that as it was his royal pur- 
 “ pofe to endeavour a legal ett.iblifhment of an univerfa! D- =.t. in 
 “ Liberty of Confcience for all his Subjeds, it was alfo his 
 ‘‘ refolution inviolably to preferve the Church of England 1 p " fJ ’ 
 “ by fuch a confirmation of the feveral Ads of Unifur- 
 “ mity, that they iliould never be altered any oilier ways 
 “ than by repealing the feveral claufes, which inflid penal- 
 “ ties upon Perfons not promoted, or to be promoted to any 
 “ ecclefiaftical Benefices within the meaning of the faid 
 “ Ads, for exerciling their Religion contrary to*the pur- 
 “ port of the faid Ads of Uniformity. And that for the 
 “ further fecuring, not only the Church of England, but 
 “ the Protettant Religion in general, he was willing the 
 “ Roman Catholicks lhould remain incapable.to be mem- 
 “ burs of the Houfe of Commons ; whereby thofe fears 
 “ and apprehenfions would be removed, which many per- 
 “ fons had had, That the legijlative authority would be en- 
 “ groJJ'ecl by than, and turned againf Protrf ants ."—-—— 
 
 This Proclamation was too oblcure and ambiguous to 
 produce any great etted. T here was even a mandeft con- Z ria!t J fe1 . 
 tradidion in the deiign to repeal the penal laws, arid at the 
 fame time to preferve the Ads of Uniformity. Befides the 
 King fpoke only of excluding Papifts from the Houfe ■ of 
 Commons, and not from that of the Lords. But what ftill'Fr"icif* 
 more plainly dilcovered the King’s-.intention to amufe the ' 1 '" t 'JT^.r 
 people, was, that the writs for a new P.arliame-nt were net 
 
 ■flfd. 
 
 In the mean time, having received fo many concurring E'^ra. 
 
 ' ' advices 1J! ' p ‘ 
 
Vo], II. 
 
 77 2 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 i 68?. advices of the Prince of Orange' ..Aligns, he gave out com- 
 miflions - for fome regi¬ 
 
 ments nut of Ireland. At the fame time, he ordered 
 the fleet to be equipped with all expedition. Mon- 
 fieur Barulin , the French Ambaflador, pmpofed, that the 
 Kim nis mailer fhould be defired to abandon the fiege of 
 Phitipdurg, undertaken by the Dauphin, and carry the war 
 into /'Aland. This propofal was approved by feveral of the 
 Cou !, but oppofed by 'other , on pretence that fuch a 
 proceeding would alienate the minds of all the Englijh Pro- 
 teftants from the King. This reafon prevailed the more 
 ea'ilv, as the Prince of Orange's friends had fpread a report, 
 that the armament of Holland was only defigned to prevent 
 the Frc :c > from landing in England. 
 
 ' F - ,,: f At lad, the King, as he c ?uld no longer doubt the Prince 
 
 i. of Orange's intention, appointed the Karl of Ftvcrjbom to 
 
 command his arm'', after that Poll had been declined by 
 £ ^ c Count de Ecu:. The command of the fleet was given 
 ,' n) , to the Lord Dartmouth. As the King was not ignorant 
 ■ • how prejudical to him was the report of his Itrift alliance 
 jV ( • : with Lewis XI , he ufed his utmoft endeavours to flifle it. 
 
 October 1'or this purpofe, he ordered the Marquis of dlhyv.lle to 
 
 lo.j) sss. prelent a Memorial to the State;, to allure them front him, 
 
 Ke " net ' that there was no other treaty between him and France than 
 
 C,az;tttr. thole that were publick. Me moreover ordered the States 
 
 k. z-yj. t 0 take fuch meafures with them, as might befl ferve to 
 
 maintain the peace of Nimeguen , and the twenty years 
 truce concluded in 1684. But the States, whether better 
 informed than the King imagined, or for other reafons, 
 took no notice of this memorial. On the contrarv, the 
 Penflonary of Holland frankly owned to the Marijuifs of 
 Thf P1 Atbyville, that the Prince of Orange being invited by the 
 dtcfa-tJ™ Englijh Nobility, was preparing to carry them a ffi fiance for 
 rclloring the Government to its antient State, the King 
 ill SS3. having entirely changed it fince his acccffion to the Crown. 
 7 K-r-n It feems that the King had hitherto preferved fome hope, 
 J c cither that the States had fome other deflgn, or that the 
 P'ince only intended to deter him from finilhing his work. 
 But after this advice received from his Ambaflador, who 
 added, that many Englijh were at the Hague ready to ac¬ 
 company the Prince in his expedition, he difcovered the ut- 
 moll con Her nation, a-- well as his whole Council. Indeed, 
 it was eafy to conceive, that the Prince had projected this 
 undertaking, upon private ulfurances of encouragement from 
 the Englijh. This refle£tion made the King begin to fee the 
 great difproportion between the number of the Protellants, 
 and that of the Papifts, and confequently the fmall hopes of 
 being fupported by the latter. In thefe melancholy thoughts, 
 he believed his belt refuge was to recover the Church of 
 r,mV-1 - England to his intereft. He Hill reckoned, file was un- 
 .-be fhaken in her principle of Paffive-Obedience, and that by 
 £giving her fome fatisfa&ion, he fhould fecure her allegiance, 
 r after which, he fhould have no farther caufe to fear the ef- 
 
 Echai J. forts 0 f t ] ie p f ince of Orange. To this end, he fent for the 
 ill. i'- • S9. _gifh 0 p S that were then in London , namely, Winchejler , 
 Chichtjier , Peterborough , Rochejler, Ely, Bath and Wells , 
 and told them, that he defired their advice in the prefent 
 c.onjun£lure. He allured them of his readinefs to do what¬ 
 ever fhould be thought neceflary for the fecurity of the Pro- 
 teflant Religion and the Liberties of his Subjects, without 
 derogating from his own prerogative. He concluded with 
 faying, this affair required a mature examination, and there¬ 
 fore prayed them to confult together, in order to give him 
 their advice. The Bilhops withdrew, and immediately re¬ 
 paired to Lambeth , to form with the Archbifhop (then in- 
 difpofed) a plan of what they were to counfel the King. 
 i j r-.ljr 'The 2Sth of September, the King publifhed a Procla- 
 r t m-./i mation to inform his Subjects, “ That his Majefty had re- 
 Oninte'j J “ ceived undoubted advice, that a great and i'udden inva- 
 Imafia*. tc flon from Holland with an armed force of foreigners, 
 
 c, 3 z.t:es. tc would fpeedily be made in an hoflile manner upon this 
 Sut-’Ti.'As t; Kingdom ; and although fome falfe pretences, relating to 
 r. l. p. 44- “ Liberty, Property, and Religion, contrived and worded 
 ljch»"i. ^ u with art and lubtletv, might be given out, it was mani- 
 
 • ? 9 1; f e (4 however, that no lei's matter by this invafion was 
 
 “ propofed, than an abfolute conquejl of thefe his Majtjlfs 
 ** Kingdoms and the utter jubeluing and fubjefiling them , 
 and alibis People, to a foreign power, which was promo- 
 “ ted by fome of his Subjects, being perfons of wicked 
 “ and re ft 1 e fs fpirits, implacable malice, and defperate de- 
 
 “ ligns ; who having no fenfe of the mifery of former in- 
 
 <£ tefline diviflons, nor being moved by his Majefly’s re- 
 “ iterated acts oi grace and mercy, did again endeavour to 
 embroil this Kingdom in blood and ruin, to gratify their 
 “ own ambition and malice, propofing to themfelves a prey 
 and booty in fuch a publick confufion. That though his 
 “ Majefty had notice, that a foreign force was preparing 
 • l againft him, yet he had always declined any foreign 
 fuccours, but rather had chofen to rely upon the true 
 11 and antient courage, faith and allegiance of his own 
 ‘‘ People, with whom he had often ventured his life for 
 ‘ thd honour of this Nation, and in whefe defence againft 
 
 “ all enemies, he was firmly refo.'.eJ to live and die; and 168?. 
 “ therefore his Majefty fo.'emnlv conjured his Subjects to 
 “ lay afide. all animalities, jealoufies, and prejudices, and 
 “ heartily and chearfully to unite together, in the defence 
 
 “ of him and their native country.-'That albeit the 
 
 “ deflgn had been carried on with all imaginable lecrecy, 
 
 “ and endeavours to furprize and deceive his Majefty, 
 
 “ yet he had not been wanting on his part, to make fuch 
 “ provilions as did become him, and made no doubt of 
 being found in fo good a pofture. that his enemies might 
 ‘‘ have caufe to repent their rafh and unjuft attempts/’ In 
 the conclufion, his Majefty declaied, “ That he did in- 
 “ tend to have met his Parliament in November next, and 
 “ that the writs were iftued forth accordingly, propofing 
 “ to himfelf, amongft other things, That he might be 
 “ able to quiet the minds of all his people in matters of Re- 
 “ ligion, but that in regard of this ftrange attempt, de- 
 “ figned to divert his faid gracious purpofes, he found it 
 
 “ neceflary torecalhis forefaid writs, £sV.”- 
 
 Though the King pretended an entire reliance on the 
 allegiance of his fubjects, he knew, however, he had given 
 them too much caufe of difeontent, to be allured ot their 
 aft’e&ion. Wherefore, he thought it neceflary to give them Kerfner. 
 other proofs of his finceritv, than bare words. To this ? 10 ’ 
 end, he took off the Biflrnp of Londons fufpenfion, and «/ London" 
 appointed Sir John Chapman a Churchman, to fuccced Sir a --.i 
 
 John Eyles, the prefent Lord-Mayor of London-, who was “fff , 1 J j ~ 
 an Anabapnft. Moreover, be ; ng informed that the Bilhops pfinud. ‘‘ 
 would advile him to reftore the City-Charter, he fent for 
 the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Sheriffs, and told them, 
 
 “ That he ref >ived to reftore to them their antient Charter pr-v.ftt ra 
 “ and Privileges, and put them into the fame condition rt fl ore 
 “ they vere in at the time of the judgment pronounced t ' c 'f c ~* r - 
 “ againft them, upon the Quo Warranto .” The fame Gaze*tes, 
 da\, the 2d «-f October, he publifhed a general pardon by N W 
 proclamation, out of which were excepted, Robert Par- '-f l ' 
 fans-, Edward Matthews , Samuel Kenner, Andrew Fletcher, Eehard. 
 
 C ilonel John Rum fey , Major John Manley, Ifaac Manley, ***' s 9 °* 
 
 Francis C ha’let on, John Wildman, Titus Oates, Robert 
 Fergufon, Gilbert Burnet , Sir Robert Peyton, Laurence Brad- 
 don, Samuel Johnfn, Thomas Tipping , and Sir Rowland 
 Guynne. But all this was not capable to fatisfy the people, 
 who afpired to a more ample, and more certain deliverance. 
 
 The day after, the 3d of Ofilober, the Archbifhop of 
 Canterbury, attended by eight Bifhops, repaired to White¬ 
 hall, and was admitted to immediate audience. After a 
 fhort Speech, he prefented to the King the refult of theii state 
 conferences drawn up in ten articles, which were fo many T - 1 p -*A 
 advices, and withal, reproaches upon his paft Government. 
 
 Thefe advices were : Burnet, 
 
 “ I. To put the whole management of his Govern-P 1 7^4. 
 
 “ ment, in the feveral Counties, inf^ the hands of fuch of 
 “ the Nobility and Gentry there, as '^vere legally qualified 
 “ for it. 
 
 “ II. To annul his commiffion for Tcclefiaflical uf- 
 “ fairs ; and that no fuch Court be erected for the fu- 
 “ tore. 
 
 “■ III. That no difpenfation might be granted or con- 
 “ tinued, by virtue whereof, any perfon not duly qualified 
 “ by law, had been put into any place, office, or prelcr- 
 “ ment in Church or State, or in the Univerfuies, or con- 
 “ tinned in the fame, efpecially fuch as had cure of Souls 
 “ annext to them ; and particularly, that he would reftore 
 “ the Prefident and Fellows of St. Mary Magdalen Col- 
 “ lege in Oxford. 
 
 “ IV. To fet afide all Licences or Faculties, by which 
 “ any perfons of the Romijh Communion might pretend 
 to be enabled to teach publick Schools. 
 
 “ V. To deiift from the excrcife of his difpenflng power, 
 
 “ and to permit that point to be calmly and freely debated, 
 
 “ and finally fettled in Parliament. 
 
 “ VI. To inhibit the four foreign Bilhops, who ftiled 
 “ themfelves Vicars Apojlolical, from farther invading the 
 “ Eccleflaftical Jurifdi£tion, which by law was veiled in 
 “ the Bilhops of the Church of England. 
 
 “ VII. To fill the vacant Bilhopricks, and other Eccle- 
 “ fiaftical promotions, within his gift, both in England 
 ‘ c and Ireland, with men of learning and piety : And in 
 tc particular, (which the Archbifhop owned to be his pe- 
 “ culiar boldnefs, fince it was done without the privity of 
 ‘ c his brethren ) forthwith to fill the Arehiepifcopal chair of 
 York ( which had fo long flood empty, and upon which a 
 ct whole Province depended ) with fome very worthy perfon : 
 
 “ For which he was fo bold to jin, his Majejiy had then be- 
 “ fore him a very fair choice. 
 
 “ VIII. To fuperfede all farther profecutions of Quo 
 c ‘ IVarrantds againft corporations, and to reftore to them 
 tC their antient Charters and Privileges; as they heard God 
 i: had put into his heart for the city of London , which they 
 “ intended otherwife to have made one of their principal 
 “ requefts. 
 
 “ IX. That writs might be iflued out with convenient 
 
 “ fpeed. 
 
Book XXIV. 
 
 2J>. JAMES 11. 
 
 1/5 
 
 1688. lt fpeed, for calling of a free and regular Parliament, in 
 tc which the Church of England might be fecured accord- 
 “ ing to the A£ts of Uniformity : Provifion might be made 
 “ for a due Liberty of Confcience, and forfecuring the Li- 
 “ berties and Properties of all his Subjects, and a mutual 
 “ confidence might be eftablifhed between his Majefty and 
 “ all his people. 
 
 “ X. Above all, That his Majefty would be pleafed to 
 “ permit hisBifhops, to offer fuch motives and arguments, 
 c< as (they trufted) might, by God’s Grace, be effectual 
 “ to perfuade his Majelty to return to the Communion of 
 “ the Church of England , into whofe moil holy Catholick 
 “ Faith he was baptized, in which he was educated, and 
 “ to which, it was their daily earned prayer to God, that 
 “ he might be re-united,” 
 
 Thcfe advices clearly Anew, that what has hitherto been 
 feen concerning King James' s Government, isnotground- 
 SpratV Lett, ed upon calumnies fpread by his enemies. For how, on the 
 3d of Ofiober (a month before the Prince of Orange’s ar¬ 
 rival, and at a time when the events were yet uncertain) 
 could thefe nine Bilhops confpire together to reproach the 
 King with a violation of the laws in all thefe articles, under 
 colour of giving him counfel? Befidcs, thefe advices agree, 
 for the mod part, with the Prince of Orange's declaration, 
 ligncd at the Hague , at the very time the Bifhops were 
 confulting together at London. In fhort, the King’s pro¬ 
 ceedings two days after, invincibly prove the truth of thefe 
 fails. So, the advocates for King James can only plead, 
 either that he had a right to ait as he did, or, though he 
 had no fuch right, his Subjeits were bound to fubmit to his 
 will. But this is not the place to examine thefequedions. 
 jq‘>/£ Jnmes The King perceiving that a refufal to comply with the 
 t.ikes feme advice of the Bifhops, would only increafe the people’s jea- 
 mlrd^the l°ufy, refolved, though probably with regret, to redrefs 
 Rtdrefs of mod of the grievances complained of. For this purpofe, 
 Oftob”r CM " two ^ a y s a ^ ter i Commiilion for Ecclefiadical caufes was 
 Gazettes, diffolved. The next day, the Lord-Chancellor had orders 
 No. 2381-, to carry back in perfon the Charter of London. TheLord- 
 -'90 -'9?’ Lieutenants of the feveral counties were required to inform 
 Eci-urd 3 themfelves of the abufes and irregularities committed in the 
 in. p. 892. late regulations of Corporations, in order to redrefs the fame. 
 
 The Bifhop of Wincbejler , Vifitor of Magdalen College 
 Statc-Trjfts in Oxford , was ordered to fettle that fociety regularly, and 
 T.i. p.48. according to their Statutes. A proclamation was ifLedout 
 for redoring Corporations to their ancient Charters, Liber¬ 
 ties, Rights, and Franchifes. The Lord-Lieutenants were 
 difplaced in feveral counties. Popifh Judices of the Peace, 
 Mayors, Recorders, and other Magiftrates, were removed, 
 and Protedants put in their places. Thus, inthefpaceof 
 about twelve days, that formidable fabrick was in efteit, 
 or in a great meafure demolifhed, which the Romijh cabal 
 had fpent near four years in ereiting. 
 
 Gives CCex- Lut all thefe proceedings were not capable to redore the 
 
 jiou f r tun King to the confidence oi his Subjeits, becaufe they came 
 Snfpiaaiis. tQ0 j ate ^ an( j f eemei i ra t( ier t ] ]e effect of necelfity than in¬ 
 clination. No other motive could be imagined of the King’s 
 dedroying his own work, than his fear of being deferred 
 on the arrival of the Prince of Orange, who was daily ex¬ 
 pected. Whence it was inferred, that the King’s conde- 
 feenfion would lad no longer than the danger. What had 
 Kenner. been only fufpeited, was foon found to be true. TheBi- 
 (hop of IVincheJler, purfuant to the King’s order, having 
 ^78/' cauled a citation to be fixed on the gates of Magdalen Col¬ 
 lege, to recal Dr. Hough, and the ejected Fellows of that 
 Society, upon the news of the difperfion of the Prince’s 
 fleet by a temped, was recalled on fome frivolous pretence, 
 and the redoration of the College deferred. But afterwards, 
 the news proving falfe, the King refumed his pretended 
 affection for the Univerfity, and the College was redored. 
 Nav. 24. This extremely prejudiced the King, as it manifedly fhewed, 
 that in his late changes in favour of the Protedants, his aim 
 had been only to amufe them, till he fliould be able to re¬ 
 tract. Such as had fallen into the fnare, and believed the 
 King to have ailed with fincerity, loft all their former 
 confidence in him. So, James faw himfelf at once re¬ 
 duced to the afliftance of his popifh Subjedts alone, who 
 were incapable to redore his finking affairs. 
 yta^meHts As his h°P e was placed in his army, he applied him- 
 ti, Farces, felf, as far as lay in his power, to augment and drengthen 
 m hard ’8 ~ * c troo P s > which fhould wholly depend on him. In 
 ’ P ’ obedience to orders alieady given, two thoufand five 
 bundled men landed at Chejler from Ireland, and three 
 Stace-Tra£ls thoufand Scots were advanced to Carlljle. Befides this, 
 T.L p.47. new commilfions were granted (1), for levying ten regi¬ 
 ments of Horfe and Foot, not to mention feveral inde¬ 
 pendent companies. All the Militia had orders to be 
 Tales nea * n a rca( hnefs to march. Ladly, A Proclamation was 
 PreciHtims publifhed, commanding all horfes, oxen, and cattle, to be 
 ^tober 20 ^ r * ven ant * removed to the fpace at lead of twenty miles, 
 No. 2392. 
 
 (i) Particularly to Henry C.tvcndijh, Duke of NcmcaJUc ; to the Lord 'Sr 
 Colonel Henry Gage, and Colonel Solomon Richards. Gazettes, No. 1387. 
 
 No. 82. Vol. II. 
 
 from the places where the enemy ihould attempt to land, t688» 
 This was all he could do. But it was not in his power to 
 caufe his fubjeits to fecond him with affeition, or his troops 
 to ferve him faithfully. Accordingly, it was not upon an 
 army of thirteen or fourteen thoufand men that the Prince 
 of Orange relied, but upon the difpofition of the Englijh , 
 who impatiently expeited his arrival: Without this, fo 
 fmall an army would not have been capable of conquering 
 England. 
 
 In the mean time, the populace of London growing in- Shuts 
 folent, by the hopes of the Prince’s coming, began to in- L,>a ~ 
 fult the popifh Chapels; wherefore the King ordered them Eehard. 
 to be fhut up, for fear of an infurreition in fo dangerous a ni - P- 8 93 ; 
 juniture. On the other hand, many Romijh Priefts and 
 Jefuits perceiving the gathering ftorm, and prefaging no¬ 
 thing good from the difpofition of the people, "and the 
 Court’s condernation, began gradually to difappear, and to 
 confult their own fafety by' a timely retreat into foreign 
 parts. 
 
 In the midd of all thefe diftraitions, the King caufed the rhe p, ' n “°f 
 Prince of JVales to be folemnly baptized ; the Pope, repre- 
 fented by his Nuntio, being Godfather, and the Queen- oaober iy. 
 Dowager Godmother. Father Saban officiated, and named 
 him James-Francis-Edward. °* 23?I * 
 
 At the fame time the Court received a pamphlet, pub¬ 
 lifhed in Holland , and entitled, A Memorial of the Englifh State-Trails 
 Protejlants, prefented to their Highnejfes, the Prince°and^ p * x ’ 
 Princefs of Orange. It was aferibed to Dr. Burnet, or ^ 
 
 Major ItAldman, wherein, after a long narrative of the 
 grievances of the nation, the author complained of King 
 James s obliging his fubjeits to own a fuppofititious child 
 for the Prince of hT-lies, adding, That his Majejly would 
 never fuffer the witnejfes that were prefent at the Queen’s de¬ 
 livery to be heard and examined. The King was no 
 ftranger. to the fufpicions entertained by the people on this 
 account, but hitherto had pretended to be ignorant of, or at 
 lead to defpife, them. He perceived, however, that on this 
 occafion, he could not, without great prejudice to himfelf, 
 help anfwering fo publick a challenge. He therefore held Theltyg 
 an extraordinary Council the 2zd of October , to which 1 ' ' 
 were called the Queen-Dowager, all the Lords fpiritual and ‘Zat't? 
 temporal then in town, the Lord-Mayor and Aldermen of P r ° ve ,: - 
 London, the Judges, and feveral of his Majefty’s learned 
 Council. All thefe being aflembled, the King told them, \vJcl. 
 
 He had called them together upon a very extraordinary H “ s ? tech 
 “ occafion ; but that extraordinary difeafes muft have ex- Echardi 
 “ traordinary remedies: That the malicious endeavours of m. p. 893. 
 “ his enemies had fo poifoned the minds of fome of his Bur " er * 
 
 “ fubjeits, that by the reports he had from all hands, he P-7 S ' 
 
 “ had reafon to believe, that very many did not think this 
 “ fon, with which God had blefled him, to be his, but a 
 “ fuppofed child. But, he might fay, that by a particular 
 “ Providence, fcarce any Prince was ever born, where 
 “ there were fo many perfons prefent. That he had taken 
 “ this time to have the matter heard and examined there, 
 
 “ expeiting that the Prince of Orange, with the firlt 
 “ eatterly wind, would invade this Kingdom: And as he 
 “ had often ventured his life for the nation before hecame 
 “ to the Crown, fo he thought himfelf more obliged fo to 
 “ do now he was King, and did intend to go in perfon 
 “ againft him, whereby he might be expofed to accidents; 
 
 “ and therefore he thought it neceffary to have this now 
 “ done, in order to farisfy the minds of his fubjeits, and 
 “ to prevent the Kingdom’s being engaged in blood and 
 “ confufion after his death: That he had defired the Queen 
 “ Dowager to give herfelf the trouble to come hither, to 
 “ declare what flie knew of the birth of his fon; and that 
 “ moft of the Ladies, Lords, and other perfons who were 
 “ prefent, were ready to depofe upon oath their knowledge 
 “ of the matter.” 
 
 After this Speech, depofitions were taken, firft of the D.^jidons 
 Queen-Dowager, who only faid, That Jhewasin the room 
 when the Jjhicen was delivered, without any thing more po- 
 fitive or particular. After her followed forty witnelles, of 
 which feventeen werePapifts, and it was begun with prov¬ 
 ing, that the Queen was brought to bed while many per¬ 
 fons were in the room. To this tended the teftimoniesof 
 the eighteen Lords who accompanied the King thither. This 
 proof lignified nothing, or was very ambiguous. It was 
 well known, there were a great many perfons in the room 
 at the time the Queen was faid to be delivered ; which 
 doubtlefs, was all that was meant by this proof. But it 
 was not fufficient to prove the reality of the delivery. Some 
 of the Ladies depofed, that they faw the child foon after in 
 the arms of the midwife. But as no man in the council 
 durft put any quellions to the witneffes, concerning feveral 
 circumftances, thefe general depofitions were incapable to 
 remove all fufpicions. The midwife depofed pofitively, that Burner 
 Ihe took the child from the Queen’s body. The Countefs p. ?8r.’ 
 
 m.hn, to the Marquis d: M'.rcmtv- nephew to the Earl of Ftvtrjh.tm ; to 
 
Vo!. II. 
 
 7 "4 
 
 1688. 
 
 Remarks 
 upon thefe 
 Depofitions. 
 
 The Sr.fi. 1 
 
 moved byth 
 Dcpofisions. 
 
 Burnet, 
 p. 7S6. 
 
 Th- if,,/: 
 Speed aft, 
 
 tl e Ex uni- 
 
 Wtnejjh. 
 
 Tic HI S'TORY 
 
 of Sunderland depofed, that the Queen called her to give her 
 her hand, that fhe might feel how the child lay, which , 
 added fhe, I did, but Ihe did not fav whether fhe felt the 
 child or not. 'I he Bifhop of Salisbury adds, That the 
 Countefs oi Sunderland told theDuchefs of Hamilton, (from 
 whom he had this particular) that when fhe put her hand 
 into the bed, the Queen held it, and let it go no lower than 
 her breafts, fo that really fhe felt nothing. Many Ladies 
 depofed, That they had often feen the marks of milk on 
 the Queen’s linnen near her breafts. Two or three depo¬ 
 fed, That they faw it running out at the nipple. But what 
 is remarkable, none of thefe Ladies named the time in 
 which they faw the milk, except one, who named the 
 month o‘ May. Now if it be true, as was before related, 
 that the Queen was really with child till the 9th of April, 
 and that file mifearried that day, when all that was men¬ 
 tioned of milk in the Queen’s breafls, particularly by her 
 that fixed it to the month of May , might have followed 
 upon that mifearriage, and be no proof concerning the late 
 birth. Mrs. Pierce the Laundrefs depofed, That file took 
 linnen from the Queen's body once, which carried the 
 marks of a delivery. The Bifhop cbje£ts here, that it is 
 ftrange fhe fhould fpeak only to one time. The Lady 
 Wentworth was the Angle witnefs that depofed, That fhe 
 had felt the child move in the Queen’s belly, but fhe fixed 
 it to no time. 
 
 In general, fee in few words the ufe that may be made 
 of the fufpicions mentioned by feveral authors, and of thefe 
 depofitions, namely. There being three cafes, in none of 
 which the two parties agree, the depofitions are not appli¬ 
 cable to any of the cafes, without being contradicted by 
 thofe who maintain one of the other two cafes. Let us 
 take for inftance, the two depofitions, which, next to that 
 of the midwife, appear moll convincing, namely, That of 
 the Lady who had feen milk run from the Queen’s breads : 
 and that of the Lady Ifabella Wentworth , who had felt the 
 child in the womb. Thefe two teflimonies are fufficient 
 againil thofe who maintain, that the Queen was not with 
 child from January, the time of her declared pregnancy, to 
 the 10th of June, the time of her delivery. But they are 
 infufficient againft thofe who pretend that flic was really 
 with child, from the 6th of October to the ninth of April, 
 W'hen fhe had a mifearriage, for the reafons before-menti¬ 
 oned. To be able therefore to give a certain judgment con¬ 
 cerning the birth of the Prince of Wales, it is neceflary, 
 jr. That facts fhould be agreed in, I mean, whether it be 
 true, that the Queen was really with child, and that fhe 
 had a mifearriage. 2. That thofe who derive their fufpi¬ 
 cions from the Queen’s obflinate refufal to give fatisfaclion 
 to the publick, fhould fix the time of this obitinacy to the 
 interval between the 9th of April , the day of her pretended 
 mifearriage, and the 1 oth of "June, the day of her delivery. 
 For in fuppofing the reality of her pregnancy till Eajler 
 week, the fufpicions ariiing from the Queen’s obflinacy, 
 cannot but be ill-grounded, unlefs this obitinacy is confined 
 to the fpaceof time, between the mifearriage and the deli¬ 
 very, which it is not. 3. That the two Ladies who depof¬ 
 ed concerning the milk and the motion of the child, fhould 
 have fixed the time to the fame interval, otherwife their 
 teftimony proves nothing againft thofe who maintain, that 
 the Queen was really with child till Eajler week, and had 
 then a mifearriage ; but this is what does not appear. As 
 to the teftimony of the midwife, which is the principal and 
 mod pofitive, all that can be objected to it, is, that it is a 
 tingle teftimony, and that befides fhe being a Papift, might 
 have been corrupted. But this is only a conje&ure, a bare 
 poflibility. It is therefore clear, that to decide thisqueftion 
 in a manner capable to fatisfy thofe who only feek the truth, 
 a more pc Meet knowledge mult be had of many circum- 
 ftances which as yet lie concealed. 
 
 The King’ reduced not the expected eftl-ct. 
 
 .The fufpicion of an impofture was fo deeply rooted in the 
 minds of molt of the Englijh, that it was rather confirmed 
 than removed by this examination. The myfterious con¬ 
 duct obferved at a time when, confidering the general fuf¬ 
 picion, all poiTible precautions ought to have been taken to 
 render the birth unqueltionable, made aftronger imprefiion 
 than all thefe teftimonies, and the rather, as they were 
 found to be very defective. Before /bis examination the 
 preemption of law was for the Prince, fince he was owned 
 by both parents, fo that the proof lay on the other fide, and 
 ought to be offered by thofe who questioned it. But after 
 the King bad undertaken to prove the reality of his fon’s 
 birth, by forty witneffes, of which more than thirty faid 
 nothing material, and the reft fixed no time to what they 
 depofed, he left room to his enemies to objedt againft thefe 
 very depofitions. 
 
 'Fhe King’s own teftiinonv was not more effectual. 
 After the c 1 !.- were examined, he told the aflembly, 
 “ That the Princcfs Anne of Denmark would have been 
 “ prefen t ; but that flie being with child likewife, and 
 “ having not lately ftirred abroad, could oot come fo far 
 
 of ENGLAND. 
 
 “ without hazard.” Adding further, “ That tho’ he 1 6 S 3 . 
 
 “ did not queltion but every perfon there prefent was fatif- 
 “ fied be.*..re in this matter, yet by what they had heard, 
 
 “ they would bebetter able to fatisfy others: That befides, 
 if he and the Queen C'uld be thought fo wicked as to 
 “ endeavour tr> impofe a child upon the nation, they faw 
 “ how impoftible it would have been ; neither could he 
 “ himfelf be impofed upon, having conftantly been with 
 “ the Queen during her being wit li child, and the whole 
 “ time of her labour. That there was none of them but 
 “ would eafily believe him, who had fuffered lb much for 
 “ Conference fake, uncapable of fo great a villany, to the 
 prejudice of his own children ; and that he thanked God, 
 
 “ that thofe that knew him, knew well, that it was his 
 “ principle to do as he would be done by, for that was 
 “ the Latv and the Prophets ; and he would rather die a 
 “ thoufand deaths, than do the leaft wrong to any of his 
 “ children.” 
 
 The reafons alledged by the King in this Speech were The Depo- 
 far from being convincing, fince thofe who believed the nre 
 impofture, were perluadcd, that the King was chiefly con- 
 cerned in it, notwithftanding all his atieverations, "which i-j-i. 
 were but little regarded. It is a fad thing for a King not 
 to be credited by tne body of his Subjects. The depofitions 
 were folemnly enrolled in Chancery, and afterwards pi Inted 
 and difperfed among the people. But 1 1 ,i- d.d not prevent 
 a general belief, that the Prince of JVales was fuppofititious. 
 
 So this birth icmains hitherto in uncertainty, and probably, 
 will long remain fo. For it muft be obferved, tl it fter 
 the King and Queen had withdrawn into Prance, there 
 was no finding either the midwife or the Queen’s Ladies, 
 who had depofed the moft material circumliances of the 
 pregnancy or the delivery. 
 
 1 he h of ( ! I was fud- ; - f 
 
 denly removed from his places of Prefident of the Council, , ^'y r ^ ind 
 and principal Secretary of State. It is believed, that his ’fZn'Ji 
 negledt ot Skelton’s letters to him, was the principal caufe r ■=• 
 of his difgrace. He faid upon this fubject, “ If be gave J , u .'' c " 
 
 “ no account of thefe letters to the King, it was becaufe F.iurd. 
 
 “ Skelton never wrote but fecond-hand news.” But thefe l,! - P- 
 were not mere letters of news. One Wickjlead formerly jVii of 
 a Monk, being feized for holding corrcfpondence with the Dei.:-.. 
 King’s enemies, charged the Fail of Sunderland to his face, p ' Ji ‘ 
 with revealing hisMajefty’s fecrets to the Prince of Orange. 
 
 But being committed to the cuftody of a meflenger, he made 
 his efcape the next day. However, it is certain, Sunderland 
 had been feme time fufpedlcd by the Papifts, who, in all 
 appearance, perfuaded the King of his fecret intelligence 
 with the Prince of Orange. He publifhed afterwards an 
 apology, but the difeuilion of this affair would be too great 
 a digreffion. 
 
 As the Prince of Orange was expected with the firftcaft- Letters of 
 erly wind, fome of the moft devoted to the King during , 
 his profperity, thought property fecure themfe'ves by Let -j-'"er.ti of 
 ters of Pardon for their illegal actions. Amongft thefe were the rmji 
 Chancellor Jefferies , Sir Nicolas Butler , the Bifhop of Chefter , 
 the Bifhop of Durham, and about twenty more, to whom x i. 1. 
 the King readily granted the favour they defired. Echard. 
 
 While thefe things were tranfadting in England, the ne- lIt ’ p ‘ fi97 ’ 
 ceflary difpofitions were making in Holland for ti.eaffiftance 
 of the Englijh. For it was upon this foot that the States 
 let their troops to the Prince of Orange ; and what the 
 King called in England an invafion, in Holland was termed, 
 a brotherly ajfijlance lent by the States and the Prince to the 
 dlftreffed Englilh. It can hardly be thought, that the 
 Prince of Orange, with an army of thirteen or fourteen 
 thoufand men, would have undertaken a defeent into Eng¬ 
 land, had he not been allured of a favorable reception from 
 the generality of the people. But as it was neceflary to re¬ 
 move the fufpicion fomented by the King, that the Prince 
 was coming to conquer and fubdue England , he thought 
 proper, in a Declaration, to Ihow the true motives of his 
 undertaking. This Declaration dated the 1 oth of Offober, 
 
 New Stile, was divided into twenty-fix articles, reducible 
 to thefe three general heads: 
 
 “ The firft contained a particular enumeration of the The p* w 
 Grievances of the Englijh nation, efpecially the King 
 arrogating to himfelf a difpenfing Power: His advancing C V 
 Papifts to civil, ecc!efiaftical,and military employments, p^Ort. in 
 and allowing them to fit in the Privy-Council : His p! 67* 
 fetting up an illegal Commiffion for ecclefiaftical affairs, Ker.n.-t. 
 in which there was one of his Minifters of State, who fu¬ 
 made publick profeffion of the popifh Religion, and who L ir 
 at the time of his firft profefling ir, declared, That j'or a 
 great while before , he had believed that to be the only true 
 Religion ; and by which not only the Bifhop of London 
 was fufpended, but the Prefident and Fellows of Magda¬ 
 len College arbitrarily turned out of their freeholds, con¬ 
 trary to that exprefs provilion in Magna Charta, That 
 no man Jhall lofe his life or goods but by the laws of the 
 land: His allowing popifh Monafteries and Colleges of 
 “ Jefuits to be created : His turning out of publick employ- 
 
 “ ments. 
 
Book XXIV. 
 
 27. JAMES II. 
 
 1688. “ ments, all fuch as would not concur with him in the re- 
 
 “ peal of theTeftand Penal Laws: His invading the Pri- 
 tc vileges, and feizing on the Charters of molt Corporati- 
 “ ons, and placing popifh Magiftrates in fome of them : 
 “ His fubje&ing the Courts of Judicatory to his arbitrary 
 “ and defpotick power, and putting the adminiftration of 
 “ juftice into the hands of Papifts: His not only arming 
 “ the Papifts, in contempt of the laws, but likewife railing 
 “ them up to the greateft military trufts, both by feaand 
 “ land, ftrangers as well as natives, and Irijh as well as 
 “ Englijb, that he might be in a capacity to enfiave the na- 
 “ tion : His putting the whole Government of Ireland into 
 “ the hands of Papifts: His affuming an abfolutc and ar- 
 “ bitrary power in the Kingdom of Scotland; from which 
 “ it was apparent, what was to be looked for in England .” 
 
 Secondly, His Highnefs alledged, “ That thofe great 
 <c and infufferable oppreflions, and the open contempt of 
 “ all law, together with the apprehenfion of the fad con- 
 “ fequences that muft certainly follow upon it, had made the 
 “ Subjects to look after fuch remedies as are allowed of in all 
 “ nations, and in the moft abfolute Monarchies, all which 
 “ had been without effect; his Majefty’s evil counfellors 
 “ having endeavoured to make all men apprehend the lofs 
 “ of their lives, liberties, honours, and eftates, if they 
 “ Ihould go about to preferve themfelves from this oppref- 
 “ fton, by Petitions, and Reprefentations; an inftance of 
 “ which was, the profecution of the feven Bifhops: That 
 <c a Peer of the realm (the Lord Lovelace) was treated as 
 “ a criminal, only becaufehe faid, That the Subjects were 
 “ riot bound to obey the orders of a popijh JuJlice of Peace; 
 “ though it is evident, that they being by law rendered 
 “ incapable of all fuch trufts, no regard is due to their or- 
 <c ders: That both he and his Confort the Princefs, had 
 “ endeavoured tofignify, with terms full of refpe£t, to the 
 “ King, the juft and deep regret, which all thefe procced- 
 “ ings had given them, and declared what their thoughts 
 “ were, touching the repealing of the Teft and Penal 
 
 T .awe • Bur tl-inf mmI P mhiW.-II. .-o /*... l. ;il 
 
 “ conftruilions on their good intentions, that they had en- 
 “ deavoured to alienate the King more and more from them. 
 “ That thelaftand great remedy for all thefe evils, was, the 
 “ calling of a Parliament, which could not yet be com pa f- 
 “ fed, nor could be eafily brought about; for thofe men 
 “ apprehending that a lawful Parliament would bring them 
 “ to account for all their open violations of law, and for 
 “ their confpitacies againft the Proteftant Religion, and the 
 “ lives and liberties of the Subjedb, they had endeavoured, 
 “ under the fpecious pretence of Liberty of Confcience, 
 “ firft to fow divifions between thofe of the Church of 
 “ England , and Dift'enters, with defign to engage Protef- 
 “ tants, who are equally concerned to preferve themfelves 
 “ from popifti oppreilion, into mutual quarrellings; that 
 “ fo by thefe, fome advantage might be given them to 
 <c bring about their defigns; and that both in the elections 
 “ of members of Parliament, and afterwards intheParlia- 
 “ ment itfelf: That they had alfo made fuch regulations, 
 “ as they thought fit and neceftary, for fecuring all the 
 “ members that were to be chofen by the Corporations; 
 “ by which means they hoped to avoid the punilhment they 
 “ deferved, though it was apparent, that all a£L, made by 
 “ popifti Magiftrates, were null and void of themfelves : 
 “ So that no Parliament could be lawful, for which the 
 “ eleitions and returns were made by popifti M;:giftrates, 
 “ Sheriffs, and Mayors of towns ; and therefore as long as 
 “ the magiftracy was in fuch hands, it was not poftiblc to 
 “ fiave a free Parliament legally called and chofen. That 
 “ there were great and violent prefumptions, inducing his 
 “ Highnefs to believe, that thofe evil counfellors, in order 
 “ to the gaining the more time for the effecting their ill 
 “ defigns, had publiflied, That the Queen had brought forth 
 “ a fori; though there had appeared, both during the 
 Queen’s pretended bignefs, and in the manner wherein 
 ,c the birth was managed, fo many juft and vifible grounds 
 “ of fufpicion, that not only he himfelf, but all the good 
 <c Subjects of the Kingdom, did vehemently fufpcdL That 
 “ the pretended Prince of W ales was not born of the Queen; 
 “ Andtho’ many both doubted of the Queen’s bignefs, and 
 “ °f birth of the child, yet there was not any thing 
 “ done to fatisfy them, or put an end to their doubts. 
 “ That fince his Confort the Princefs, and likewife he 
 “ himfelf, had fo great an intereft in this matter, and fuch 
 “ a tight, as all the world knew, to the fucceffion of the 
 “ Crown; fince all the Englijb did in the year 1672, 
 “ when Holland was invaded with a moft unjult war, ufe 
 “ their utmoft endeavours to put an end to that war, and 
 “ that in oppofition to thofe who were then in the Govern- 
 “ nient; fince the Englijb nation had ever teftified a moft 
 <c particular affetftion and efteem, both to his Highnefs’s 
 “ deareft Confort, and to himfelf, he could not" excufe 
 “ himfelf from efpouling that intereft, in a matter of fuch 
 “ high confequence, and for contributing all that in him 
 “ lay, for the maintaining both of the Proteftant Religion, 
 
 and the laws and Iibe.ties of thefe Kingdoms: To the 
 .. doing of which, his Highnefs was nmjl larrujllj foUkilii 
 by a great many Lords, both Spiritual and Temporal, and. 
 by many Gentlemen, anil other Subjects of all ranks." 
 
 11 tile f' 1 ': plats his Highnefs declared, “ Thai hr [he 
 « “rementioned reafons, he has thought fit to go over to 
 Englanfnni to cany with him a force fufficicnt to defend 
 him from the violence of thofe evil Counfellors- That 
 his expedition was intended for no other defign, but to 
 „ havc a 1and !awful Parliament, alTembled as foon as 
 
 it was poffible; and that in order to this, all the late 
 Charters, by which the eleflions of BurgefTes are limit- 
 ed, contrary to the ancient cuftom, fhould be confidered 
 „ as n . u , 11 and °/ m : That to this Parliament he 
 „ * oul<i re ' e !' h , e en ‘) u "7 into the birth of the pretended 
 It Pfnneof Wales, and of all things relating thereto, anil 
 
 „ t0 ‘he right of fucceffion: That he would concur in 
 every thing that might procure the peace and happinefs 
 of the nation, under a Jutland legal Government: That 
 u ".““if r P the forccs “nder his command, under ail 
 the finctnefs of martial difeipline, and promifed, that he 
 
 „ " ould /<® d back a| l thofe foreign foices, as foon as the 
 
 ltate of thenatron wouldadmitof it: That therefore he 
 l m/i C u da " d - req '", red a11 Pattons whatfoever to come and 
 .i ““''"m, in order to tile executing his Jefigns againft all 
 inch as lhall endeavour to oppofe him: That he would 
 „ " ke 7 lf,: take rarc . that a Parliament fhould he called in 
 „ for leftoring the ancient conlfitution of that 
 
 Kmgdom.and for bn oging the matters of Religion to fuch 
 .. a “dement, that the people might live eafy arid happy • 
 rhat he would alfo fludy to bring the Kingdom 0 f *e- 
 land to fuch a Rate, that the fettlcment there might be 
 rehgioufly obferved, and that the Proteftant and Britilh 
 intereft there might be fecured.” 
 
 This declaration being printed, and ready tobefentover 
 to England to be difperfed among the people, the Prince 
 was informed, that the King, by the advice of the Bifhops, 
 
 775 
 
 16 SS, 
 
 L y uv -. o A diiu 1 cnai niiurmeu, mat tnc iAing, by the advice of fh<« 
 
 but that thefe evil Counfellors had put Rich ill had redreded feveral grievances mentioned in his declaration* 
 tions on their eood intentions, that thev had pn. Wherpfnrp __1.. .1 * 
 
 f -- ---- b—"wee a.ri-.muiiL-u ui ms declaration. 
 Wherefore he thought ht to make the following addition 
 
 << j WC ^ P nntet ^ our declaration, we have un- 
 «c *• t°? d *J. hat , thc fubver ters of the Religion and Laws 
 tt thc ‘ e Kingdoms, hearing of our preparations to aftift 
 << u pe ° p e a li ainft lbem > have begun to retradt fome of 
 tt the arblCrar y and defpotick power chat they had aifiimed 
 « and t0 I? k ca ^ their unjult judgments and de- 
 
 tc c f ccs: ihe fenfe of their guilt, and thediftruft of their 
 tt [ orce > ba ve induced diem to offer to the city of London 
 
 fome feemmgrehef from their great oppreifions; hoping 
 
 thereby to qu.et the people, and to divert them from 
 
 demanding a re-eftablilhmentof their Religion and Laws 
 
 « r er thc J fhelter our arms: They did alfo give our! 
 1 hat we do intend to conquer and enfave the nation : and 
 therefore it is, we have thought fit to add a few words 
 to our declaration. 
 
 „ “ We are confident, that noperfons canhave fuchharil 
 thou il ,lts ns. “S to imagine, we have any other de- 
 lign 111 this our undertaking, than to procure a fettle- 
 (t "lent of the Religion, and of the Liberties and Proper- 
 4£ nes ol the fubjeft, upon fo fure a foundation, that there 
 „ ma f be no dan E er of the nation's relapfing into the like 
 miienes at any time hereafter. And as the forces we 
 „ hal '' br °nght along with us are utterly difproportioned 
 to that wicked defign of conquering the nation, if we 
 were capable of intending it; fo the great numbets of 
 the principal Nobility and Gentry, that are men of 
 eminent quality and eftates, and perfons of known inte- 
 „ Ifl a ‘‘ d f al = b ° th lor the Religion and Government 
 of England-, many of them being alfo difti„o u i(h e j bv 
 , tbclr conftant fidelity to the Crown, who dS both ac¬ 
 company us in this expedition, and have earneftly folli- 
 c,tcd us t0 d, will cover us from all fuch malicious infi- 
 nuations: h or it is not to be imagined, that either thofe 
 who US, or thofe who are already come to affift 
 
 , us > can j° m in a wicked attempt of Conqueft, to make 
 void their own lawful titles to their honours, eftates 
 and imerefts. We are alfo confident, that all men fee* 
 how little weight there is to be laid on all promifesand 
 , engagements that can be now made, fince there has 
 ^ been fo little regard had in the time paft, to the moft 
 ‘ Solemn Promises. And as that imperfea redrefs 
 that isnow offered, is a plain confefiion of thofe violences 
 “ of the Government, that we have fet forth ■ fo the 
 “ defeaivenefs of it is no lefts apparent; for they lay down 
 nothing which they take up at pieafure, and they' referee 
 entire, and not fo much as mention, their claims and 
 £l pretences to an arbitral y and defpotick power, which 
 has been the root of all their oppreffion, and the total 
 l£ tnnyerfion of the Government. And it is plain, that 
 there can be no redrels, no remedy offered but in Parlia- 
 • ment by a declaration of the rights of the fubiects that 
 have been invaded, and not by any pretended adds of 
 
 “ grace, 
 
776 
 
 The HISTORY of ENC LAND. 
 
 Vol IT. 
 
 “ grace, to which the extremity of their affairs have dri- 
 “ ven them. Tnerefore it is that we have thought lit to 
 “ declare, that we will refer all to a free alTembly of this 
 “ nation, in a lawful Parliament.” 
 
 About the fame time was publilhed, The refolutlon of the 
 States-General, containing the reafons that had obliged them 
 to if if his Highnefs the Prince of Orange with flips, men , 
 and ammunition, in his intended expedition into England. 
 'The two principal reafons were: i. That the Prince of 
 Orange had been invited to this expedition by the Englijh 
 Nobility, Gentry, and Clergy : 2. That the States had 
 juft caufe to fear, that in cafe the King of England became 
 abfolute in his own Kingdom, he would, in conjunction 
 with the King of France , endeavour to bring their State to 
 confufion, and, if poflible, totally to fubject it. This fear 
 was founded upon the Earl of Caflcmains prefting the 
 Pope, and the Patron Cardinal Cibo, (during his embaffy 
 at Rome ) to admit his mafter to mediate a reconciliation 
 between the Courts of Rome and Verfailles , alluring, When 
 that reconciliation was brought about, the two Kings would 
 effectually ferve the caufe of the Church , and begin with the 
 defruflion of Holland. The Pope, to whom fuch projects 
 were not agreeable, informed the Emperor of it, who com¬ 
 municated it to the Prince of Orange. This is at lealt 
 what Dr. Burnet fays in one of his letters. 
 
 Every thing being ready for the projected expedition, the 
 Prince of Orange went into the affembly of the States- 
 i :c General the 16th of October, to take a folemn leave of them. 
 This was done in fo tender and moving a manner, that both 
 himfelf and the States melted into tears. He imbarked the 
 6 . 19th of October , on a frigate of about thirty guns. The 
 fteet confifted of fifty men of war, twenty five frigates, 
 as many fire fhips, with near four hundred vidluallers, and 
 other vefl’els, for the tranfportation of above four thoufand 
 Horfe, and ten thoufand Foot. The mod confiderable 
 of the Englif), who accompanied the Prince, were, the 
 Earls of Shrewsbury and Macclesfied, the Lords Mordaunt, 
 IViltJhire, Paulet , Elan , Dunblain , Admiral Herbert , Mr. 
 Herbert, Colonel Sidney , Mr. Rujfel , Sir Rowland Giuin, 
 Major Wildman, Dr. Burnet, Mr. Harbord , Mr. Fergu- 
 fon, and many others lefs known. The Prince had with 
 him, befides the general officers of the Dutch forces, Count 
 Schomberg Marfhal of France , who had laft ferved the 
 Eledlor of Brandenburg , Count Charles his fon, Monfieur 
 Caillemote , younger fon to the Marquifs of Rouvigny, and 
 about three hundred French officers, who had lelt their 
 country for their Religion. Admiral Herbert led the van 
 of the fleet, Vice-Admiral Evcrtzen brought up the rear, 
 and the Prince placed himfelf in the main body, carrying 
 a flag with Englif) colours, and their Highnefles arms fur- 
 rounded with this Motto, The Protestant Reli¬ 
 gion and Liberties of England ; and under¬ 
 neath, the Motto of. the Houfe of Najfau, Je Main- 
 tiendrai, i. e. I will maintain. 
 
 This numerous fleet had been but few hours under fail, 
 
 ' when fuddenly the wind coming more wefterly, there arofe 
 v fuch a ftorm, that in lefs than two hours the whole fleet 
 s. was fo difperfed, that the next day fcarce two Ships could 
 be feen together. The ftorm continued two days, during 
 which time, the fhips endeavoured to gain, fome one port, 
 2. fome another. Many were driven northward, and could 
 not reach the appointed rendezvous till eight days after. 
 Neverthelefs, the damage was fo inconfiderable, that there 
 was properly only lofs of time. But on this occaiion,the 
 States made ufe of an artifice, which did the King great 
 prejudice ; they ordered the Harlem and Amferdam Ga- 
 - ttes to aggravate the damage fuftained by the fleet, and to 
 infinuatc, that the Prince could not poffibly be in a condi¬ 
 tion to purfue his defign till the next fpnng(i). This was 
 intended to amufe the Court of England, and make them 
 more remits in their preparations. But befides this advan¬ 
 tage, they received from this artifice another ftill more 
 confiderable, which was, that the King, hearing the news 
 with great pleafure, flattered himfelf, that he had now no¬ 
 thing more to fear, and that before the fpring, he fliould 
 infallibly be able to break 2II the Prince of Orange's mea- 
 fures. In this belief, he revoked fome of his acts of grace 
 •• granted to his fubje£ts, and thereby clearly (hewed, that 
 thefe a£ls were extorted by neceffity, and that confequent- 
 ly, no change was to be expected in his conduit for the 
 future. 
 
 It was in this critical juncture that Captain Langham, an 
 dfman in the fervice of the States, was feized on his 
 arrival in England. In his Portmanteau were found many 
 copies of the Prince's declaration, which were fent to Court. 
 The King having read the declaration, was furprized at 
 that expreffion. That the Prince was mof earnefly invited 
 over by divers of the Lords , both Spiritual and Temporal, and 
 by many Gentlemen, and others. Immediately he fent for 
 
 the Archbifhop, and four or five Bifhops then in London, 16S?, 
 and demanded of them. Whether the contents of the Prince's 
 declaration, relating to their inviting him over , were true ? 
 
 The Bifhops contented themfelves with promifing in gene¬ 
 ral, their faithful allegiance to his Majefly. But the King, r 
 little fatisfied with this anfwer, required them to jollify 
 themfelves to the world, as to their part in that invitation. ■ ’ 
 At the fame time he fixed a day, whereon he obliged them 
 to prefent a paper under their own hand, dignifying their 
 abhorrence of the Prince of Orange's intended invation. He 
 farther let them know, “ That a declaration was then in 
 “ thePrefs againft the Prince of Orange, and was only dc- 
 “ ferred, to have their Paper of Abhorrence put iiro it. ’ 
 
 On the day appointed, the Bifhops repaired to Whitehall, 
 and as foon as they were in the King's prefence he called K y . ' 
 for their paper. But with all fubrniffion, “ They begged i>. •_ . 
 
 “ to be excufed from writing any thing of that nature, and | J 
 “ for making a particular defence to a general accufatioft, 
 
 “ left they fhould give the firft precedent of that kind 
 “ againft the privilege of Peers: Belides, that their pro- 
 “ feffion being to promote peace, they thought it belonged 
 “ not to them to declare war, efpecially againft a Prince 
 “ fo nearly allied to the Crown.” This aniwer threw 
 the King into a violent rage. However they periifted in 
 their refufal, in as dutiful terms as poffible. The King 
 not being able to prevail with them, ordered them to 
 withdraw, with great indignation. They were afterwards . - ^ 
 informed, that one of the principal Members of the Council 
 and Jefuited party, advifed the King, To imprifon them ail, 
 and extort the truth from them by violence. 
 
 Mean time, the King being delirous to conceal the Prince 7; ' K ; »a 
 of Orange's Declaration from the people, forbad the pub- fff :‘f 
 lifhing and difperfing it, by proclamation. But being after- 
 wards informed, that a great number ofcopies were handed Jf- ’ y 
 about the Kingdom, and fenfible that his prohibition would 
 be to no purpofe, he chofe to print the Declaration with Gazettes, 
 remarks, tending to juftify his own, and render odious the 
 Prince of Orange's, condudE t. r. p. cg. 
 
 About the fame time was printed a letter from the Prince 7V, r-tm 
 of Orange, to the officers of the Englif) army, and another £ * 
 
 from Admiral Herbert to the Englijh Fleet. The defign ffn ” 3 
 of thefe two letters was the fame, namely to inform the TU;t. 
 army and the fleet of the true intentions of the Prince, and 77 ’ 
 
 to reprefent to them, that in being the King’s inftruments p. 
 to accomplifh his deligns, they were labouring their own j : - hartl - 
 ruin. Wherefore the officers, foldiers, and Tailors, were ' ‘‘ J 
 conjured not to fuffer themfelves to be abufed by a falfe 
 notion of honour, to ferve the King, contrary to the ma- 
 nifeft intereft of their Religion and Country. Thefe two 
 letters had a wonderful effect upon officers, foldiers and 
 feamen; fo that from this time many of them refolved not 
 to draw their fwords in this quarrel, till they had a free 
 Parliament to fecure their Religion and Liberties. 
 
 The King’s fleet confifted of fixty-one men of war, of r > 
 which thirty eight were of the line of battle. Several En- 1 fj ;^ 
 glijh authors venture to affirm, this fleet was more than f:.r. 
 fufficient to defeat that of the States. I know not upon B ■ ■ : - 
 what their affertion is grounded: But it feems to me, it is '' ;lr 
 full as likely, that in cafe the fleets had ingaged, the King’s 
 would have fhared the danger. While the Englif) fleet p ' ; ' J * 
 lay at anchor at the Gunfieet, the Lord Dartmouth, the 
 Admiral, called a Council of war, wherein it was debated, 
 whether it was proper to put to fea, and ingage the enemy l 
 An author who has writ the naval Tranfa£tions of the ?• ' h ’’• 
 Englijh, fays on this occafion, “ That this propofal carried p, ' r ‘*' 
 
 “ the greateft weight with it, had there been a real defign 
 “ of obftru£ting the Prince of Orange in his paffage to 
 “ England. But inftead of that, (continues he) matters 
 “ were fo concerted and agreed among the flag-officers 
 “ and commanders, that had the Admiral come fairly up 
 “ with the Dutch, it would not have been in his power 
 “ to have done them much damage.” Wherefore, by a 
 great majority it was refolved to continue there, in order 
 to intercept the Dutch fleet. 
 
 The damage fuftained by the Prince’s fleet in the late rv Pr.Vr 
 ftorm was fo "inconfiderable, and fo ealily repaired, that in 
 eleven days it was in condition to put to fea again. The 
 firft of November, in the afternoon, the Prince imbarked K 
 on a new veffel called the Brill, and the fleet at firft , ' 
 
 (leering northward, it was thought the defign was to land in. , 
 fomewhere in the north of England, and Burnet fays, the 
 firft fcheme was to anchor in the mouth of the HumLr. 
 
 But during the night, whether the Prince had changed Ins 
 mind, or was hindered from purfuing this courfe by a vio¬ 
 lent Eaft wind, all the fleet (leered towards the Eaftern 
 Coafts of England ; after which they (hortened fail for feat 
 of accidents in the night. The next morning the fleet 
 failed towards the Channel, without meeting any Englijh 
 (hip, and in their paffage difeovered the coafts of EJfex and 
 
 was faid 
 
 1 the (7 ixtitti, That the Prince had loft moll of his 
 ally h . . 
 
 vn Horfes; and 
 
 1 
 
 I. p. S 6 . 
 
 Kent 
 
Rook XXIV. 
 
 JAMES II. 
 
 1688. Act?/. The 3d of A Doc.r.ber the fleet entered the Chan¬ 
 nel (1), and lay by between Calais and Dover, to Hay for 
 the (hips that were behind. Here the Prince called a 
 Council of war. It is eafy to imagine, what a glorious 
 fliow the fleet made, hive or ilx hundred fhips in lo nar¬ 
 row a Channel, and both the Englijh and French fhores co¬ 
 vered with numberleis fpeclators, are no r ommon fight, 
 hor my part, who was then on board the fleet, I own it 
 Itruck me extremely. 
 
 "T he King, upon advice of the Prince’s defign to land 
 in the North, had fent part of his army that way. But 
 ill. p.907. it was with the utmoft furprize that he received feveral 
 expreffes, with the news that the enemy’s fleet was failing 
 Weft ward He however flattered himfelf that the Lord 
 
 Dartmouth would purfue and give a good account of them. 
 But, for what reafon I know not, the Englijh fleet re¬ 
 mained in their ftation, till the enemy’s fhips had parted 
 by (2). 
 
 I he fourth of November being Sunday , and the Prince’s 
 birth-day, now thirty eight years of age, was by him de¬ 
 dicated to devotion, the fleet ftill continuing their courfe 
 P'unet. j n order to land at Dartmouth or Torbay. But in the 
 suit -Trails n, £bt, whether by the violence of the wind, or the negli- 
 T. 1. p. s8| gence of tlld Pilot (3), the fleet was carried beyond the 
 defired ports, without a poflibility of putting back, fuch 
 was the fury of the wind. This accident gave them the 
 melancholy profpea: of being forced to fail on to Falmouth , 
 or fome other inconvenient place. But foon after, the wind 
 turned to the South, which happily carried the fleet into 
 Torbay, the molt convenient place for landing the horfe of 
 ~ on f' Jt an y ' n England. The forces were landed with fuch dili- 
 Burneo S ence and tranquillity, that the whole army was on fhore 
 p.788,789. before night. The next morning, the wind turning Weft, 
 blew fo tenipeftuoufly, that had the landing been deferred a 
 few hours, probably, it would not have been poffible to dif- 
 embark the troops. This wind prevented the Lord Dart¬ 
 mouth, who was come in fight of the Dutch fleet, from 
 attacking if, and obliged him to go into Fortfmouth. Upon 
 d. 790. this occafion thefe two famous veifes of Claudian were ap¬ 
 plied to the Prince of Orange. 
 
 O nilhinm dilefie Deo, cui militat /Ether $ 
 
 Et conjurati veniunt ad ClajJica Venti. 
 
 Heaven’s Favorite ! to whom the Skies Afliftancc lend, 
 
 Whilft on thy Sails confpiring Winds attend. 
 
 It was thus, the Prince of Ordn^e landed in England 
 without any oppofition, the 5 th of November, whilft the Eng¬ 
 lijh were celebrating the,memory of their deliverance from 
 the Powcler-Plot, about fourfeore years before. This is 
 one of the moft remarkable /Era’s in the Englijh Iliftory, 
 and which probably will never be forgot by that Nation. 
 'ThtPrinet The Prince’s army marched from Torbay about noon 
 Exeter* ‘° the next da y» in ver y rain y neither and bad roads. The 
 Ibid. Soldiers, before they landed, were ordered to bring three 
 days bread with them, and they carried their Tents thfcm- 
 felves. But the officers, even the moft confiderable, were 
 in a very uneafy fituation, at their firft encampment, 
 being wet to the skin, and having neither clothes for 
 Change, nor bread, nor horfes, nor fervants, nor other bed 
 than the earth all drenched with rain, their baggage being 
 yet in the fhips. Had this fituation lafted two days more, 
 the officers, as well principal as fubaltern, would haVe been 
 reduced to great extremities. But the Prince did all that 
 was in his power to procure them refrefhment. He or¬ 
 dered horfes, carriages, and provifions from the neighbour¬ 
 ing Country, and in this ftate purfued his march to Exe¬ 
 ter, about twenty miles from Torbay. 
 
 As foon as the King heard, the Prince was landed, his firft 
 ' lhe . 10care was t0 order his army to rendezvous in fome cohve- 
 co nien . t P‘ ace - He chofe Salisbury Plain, whither his army 
 
 sirmy r co . r j- — L jam, w miner ins army 
 
 gather on repaired from feveral parts, with all poffible diligence. 
 •Salisbury They who have faid that he ought to have marched di- 
 Kennet. re &ly to Torbay at the head of his army, did not confider, 
 
 p. 517. that the thing was impracticable. The greateft part of his 
 
 f« h B d 00 arm ^ W3S a * yCt dl( P erfed in different quarters. Part had 
 ' P ' 59 ' marched to the North, and part to Port/mouth to fecure 
 that place, which was of great confequence. The Irijh 
 forces were ftill in and about Chejler, and the Scotch at 
 Carlijle. The King when he quitted London, could not 
 avoid leaving there a good body of Troops, unlefs he 
 would have hazarded the feeing that powerful City, where 
 he was not beloved, declare for the enemy. But it is 
 ftrange, that the King though, he had two months notice 
 of the Prince’s intended invalion, had negleCted to form a 
 
 very foggy day; while ihe Enghjh could not, by reafou of ihe violence of ,he wind, purch.fe ihcir Anchor* 
 
 (1) They pafled by the Gunjtccr i 
 
 BurcbeCC, p. 414. 
 
 (i) The Loid Darcmou'b was kept in by the Eaftcrly Winds. Burr ;., 
 
 (3) It being a hazj’'o b gy mjrniny, and lull ol Rain, they over-fhot Torbay'. Hift. tf Dcfc 
 
 fixty , and his Fleet of fix hund.cd and thirty five Veffels. Gizeicn, N- 2,07. 
 
 (5) To the Lord Mordaur.c, Si -John Gji/c, and Sir Robert Peyton. EcLdrd, Tom. HI. p. 6i 
 
 No. 8z. Vo L, II. 
 
 camo of twenty thoufand mcri in the heart of the Kirg < 
 dom, to be ready to march again!! him, on the firft news 
 of his landing. This was a precaution taken by fome of 
 his predeceflbrs on the like occafion, when they exposed 
 a defeent without knowing in what place, ahd winch might 
 have ferved him for an example. His negligence theieforc 
 feems inexcufable, fmee, after the Prince’s'.Irjval at Tor- 
 hay, he was obliged to lofe lo much time in afl'enibling lus 
 army of more than thirty thoufand men. Verv probably, 
 if his forces had been ready, and he had marched into the 
 Weft, the Prince would have been extrcnfely embarafted, 
 who ftayed ten days at Exeter, without any great increafe 
 of his army. Had he fhown fo much firmnefs as Ri¬ 
 chard III, on the like occafion, he woulu doubtlefs have 
 prevented thedefertion of numbers, who perhap, were not yet 
 determined to abandon him, and only refolved it, beraufe 
 they faw in his conduct a confternarion, which 'to them 
 Teemed ominous. But this is all conjecture. 
 
 However, the King having fent a reinforcement to ibr Kit- 
 Portfmouth under the Duke of Berwick, vainly a mu fed 
 himfelf with endeavouring to perfwade the people, that the R ‘ ! "" 
 Prince’s forces were too contemptible to infpite him with 
 fear. He printed a lift of all the Regiments of the Prince’s Nov 1 '• 
 army, with the companies, troops, officers and foidiers be- 
 longing to each (+). But the Prince’s Declaration was more Siat*. r.VeW 
 relied on than this lift, wherein it was faid, he would not T ‘ '• p- sv 
 have come with fo fmall a number of troop?, kd a con- f 1 r I h " d \, 
 queft of England been intended ; from whence it was in- P ° 
 ferred, that he was allured of affiftance, which would ap¬ 
 pear in due time. 
 
 The King affe&ed to exprefs a great confidence, as be- 
 ing fuperior in number of forces. The better to fliow he 
 was incapable of fear, hearing that the counties of Kent non." 
 and York, and the city of London were prepaiing to addrefs 
 him for an accommodation with the Prince of Orange he Kcn " ’ 
 publickly declared. That he would look upon all thojfa’s his* ' 
 enemus, who Jloould pretend to advife him to treat with the 
 invader of his Kingdoms. At the fame time, he publifhed 
 a Declaration, endeavouring to demonftrace, that the 
 Prince’s fecret defign was to ufurp the Crown. But for 
 fuch a Declaration, to have any effe£t, it muft have come 
 from a Prince believed innocent, and unjuftly attacked. 
 
 But the People were far from this belief. They rather 
 looked on the King as intending to fubvert their Religion 
 and Liberty, and on the Prince of Orange, as the nation’s 
 deliverer. 
 
 Mean while, the Prince, now at Exeter, found not dt Tct Prinei 
 firft the encouragement that he expected. The Bifhop °f 0ran ?' 
 [Dr.Lamplugb] on the firft news of his landing, ported VblTfmaU 
 to Court, where he was rewarded with the Archbiihoprick EnLragt- 
 of fork, which had been kept long vacant, with intention, ot 
 as it was thought, to confer it on Father Pctre , the King’s Nov^o 
 Confeflor. The funday after the Prince’s arrival at Exe- uumet,* 
 ter. Dr. Burnet mounting the pulpit to read his Declaration, p ; 79 *- 
 all the Canons and part of the congregation left the Church, 
 not to be prefent at the reading. On the other hand, few Echard; 
 came to offer their fervice to the Prince, and the levy of 1 *!, p. 910. 
 three regiments of Foot, for which he had granted Com- 
 miffions (5), proceeded but flowly. . Not but that in gene¬ 
 ral the people of the Country were inclined to the Prince, 
 and wiffied well to his undertaking. But the memory of 
 the feverities againft the Duke of Monmouth's adherents, 
 
 Was yet fo recent, that every one feared to engage in a 
 like enterprize, the fuccefs whereof was uncertain. In Kenn t 
 fliort, the Prince remained nine days at Exeter, with- p. 5x8;’ 
 out being joyned by any perfon of diftin<aion. It is even 
 pretended, that in a council of war held at Exeter, he fuf- 
 fered it to be propofed to him to reimbark for Holland. 
 
 But on the tenth day fome of the principal Gentlemen i‘ 
 of the Country joined-him. Among thefe was Sir Ed- ’ 0) ' ,,cd b - v 
 ward Seymour, by whofe advice an affociation was drawn, ^Ttbb 
 and figned by all perfuns then with the Prince, or who ^-“ncry. 
 afterwards repaired to him. It was likewife fent to fever al Burn<:, > 
 other parts of the Kingdom, and figned by great numbers. e<S. 
 
 It was as follows : ju, p , 9 , 2i 
 
 V/e whofe names are hereunto fubferibed, who have n e Atiocia 
 “ now i oi,ie d with the Prince of Orange, for the defence '">'<■ ' ' 
 
 “ of the Proteftant Religion, and for the maintaining the ^ te - Tra ^* 
 
 ‘‘ anc'ertt Government, and the Laws and Liberties 
 
 England, Scotland , and Ireland , do engage to Almighty p- 518.' 
 
 “ God, to his Highnefs the Prince, and“ to one another, 
 to flick firm to this caufe, in the defence of it, and ne- 
 ‘‘ ver to depart fro/n it till our Religion, Laws, and Li- 
 “ berries, are fo far fecured to us in a free Parliament, 
 
 “ t,)a t they (hall no more be in danger of falling into Po- 
 
 p. 58. 
 
 J his Horfe of three ihciftnJ fix hrfiJred and 
 
 ; pery 
 
;8 
 
 The HISTORY of E N G L A N D, 
 
 Vol. [f 
 
 ilisbury- 
 
 c< pcrv and Slavery And whereas we are engaged in this 
 i.• >ii unCer the protection of the Prince of O- 
 “ range, by which means his perfon is expofed to danger, 
 
 “ and tc the curfed attempts of Papifts, and other bloody 
 “ men ; we do therefore folemnly engage to God, and to 
 li one another, that if any fuch attempt be made upon him, 
 “ we wili purfue not only thofe that make it, but all their 
 “ adherents, and ail that we find in arms againft us, with 
 “ the utmoft feverity of a iuft revenge, to their utter ruin 
 tc and deftruftion ; and that the execution of any inch 
 “ attempt ( which God of hi: infinite mercy forbid) fliall 
 tl not divert us from profecuting this caufe which we do 
 “ now undertake, hut that it fhall engage us to carry it on 
 “ with all the rigour that lo barbarous an attempt fhall de- 
 “ ferve.” 
 
 From this time the face of the Prince of Orange’s affairs, 
 who left Exeter to march to Salisbury, was entirely chang¬ 
 ed. Every day brought him perfons diftinguUhed bv their 
 Y'tat Defer- birth, eftates, or employments. The Lord Colchejler, fon 
 . toe to £ ar ] Fivers, a Lieutenant in the Life-guards, waited up- 
 on Erir.ce, accompanied by Mr. Wharton, Colonel God- 
 ;. frey, ‘John Hnve Efq; four Life-guard men, and about 
 
 ‘ , i _ threefcore men more on horfeback. Thefe were followed 
 
 Gazettes,**' b}’ t ^ ie Earl of Abington , Captain Clarges, Mr. Ruffel , and 
 N. 240J. others. But what was more material, the Lord Cornbury , 
 fon to the Earl of Clarendon, Colonel of Dragoons, leaving 
 Salisbury , under pretence of an order from the King, to 
 beat up one of the enemies advanced ports [at Honitonf] car¬ 
 ried with him his own regiment, and thofe of Horfe of 
 Berwick, St. Albans, and Fenwick, and with the major part 
 of them went over te the Prince at Exeter. 
 
 ,s emt Ln-.u About the fame time the Lord Delamere took arms in 
 
 Chejhire, and declared openly for the Prince, inviting all 
 Kenner. his tenants to follow his example. The Lord Lovelace was 
 
 s-a--T'atis alfo marching to Exeter, with fixty or feventy horfemen, 
 t. 1. > but parting through Cirer.cc/!er , was made prifoner, by the 
 
 Militia of the County, after a warm skirmifh, in which 
 ten pr twelve men were killed on both Tides. 
 a On the other hand, the two Archbifhops, five Bifhops, 
 the Dukes of Grafton and Ormond, the Etuis of Dorfet, 
 Clare, Clarendon, Burlington, Anglejey, RochcJ/er, the 
 N. ,v . Lords Newport, Paget , Chanda's, Ojful/hn, meeting toge- 
 
 KcixcV ther m London, drew up a petition, which was figned at 
 
 1. ;20 the Bifliop of Rochefler 's houfe at Wejhrinjler. The intent 
 
 E.haid. 0 f it was, to prav the King to call a free Parliament, and 
 
 find fiome expedient to fatisfy the Prince of Orange. The 
 petition being delivered, and afterwards printed by the Lords 
 for their own vindication, this anfwer was returned from 
 H i A- i-tr. the King, which was alfo publiflied, My Lords, What you 
 ask of me, I mofl pajjionatcly defire ; and / promife upon the 
 faith of a K ing, That / will have a Parliament, and fuel) 
 an one as you ask for, as foon as ever the Prince of Orange 
 has quitted this realm : For how is it prffible a Parliament 
 jhould be free in all its circumrtances, as you petition for, 
 while an enemy is in the Kingdom, and can make a return of 
 near a hundred voices ? This anfwer was not fatisfaftory 
 to the Lords who eafily faw, that the King was far from 
 defiring a free Parliament, nor would have any but of which 
 he could be matter. 
 
 lle ” -f- a Though the King ftill put on a face of arturance, the de- 
 krtions m his army made him very uneafy. He knew not 
 the Pride / what to refolve, in the fear of fome confpiracy among the 
 EclnT oftcers t0 ^ c ‘‘ ver him to Prince of Orange, if he fhould 
 u:. p > 9 ,. i put himfelf at the head of the army. This was the reafon 
 of his flopping the march of his forces, artillery, and his 
 own equipage. But in a Council held on this occafion, it 
 was judged neceflary for him to be as foon as portable with 
 Lis army, in order to keep thofe firm to their duty who 
 • a were yet unrefolved. He therefore departed the 17th of 
 ffff November, after having recommended the care of the city 
 Kvnr'c;. to the Lord-Mayor, and in a fpecch to the officers about 
 ? : 1 him, renewed his promile of calling a Parliament as foon 
 as the Prince of Orange had quitted the Kingdom. Fie told 
 them, if they defired any thing more, he was ready to grant it ; 
 but that if, after all, an. cf them was defirous to go ewer to 
 ."'v Prince of Orange, he was ui'hng to grant them pajfes, 
 and fpare them the Jhome of defer ting their lawful Sovereign. 
 But at the very time he teemed drlpofed to give a general 
 iatisfaftion, he left at H hitchall, a Council compofed of five 
 Lords, aii odious to the people, except the Lord Godolphin. 
 J’he other four were, the Chancellor Jefferies, the Lords 
 Arundel and Bellafts, both known Papifts 3 and the Lord 
 Prej fon, (ufpefted of favouring Popery. It is faid, the King 
 deiigned lo leave there alfo his Confeflor Father Petrc, but 
 the Jefuit chofe rather to retire to France. 
 
 The King arrived the 19th of November at Salisbury , 
 Salisbury, where the officers of his army, who were molt devoted to 
 him, paid him their compliments, and exprefled an abhor- 
 oien-witb rence of Lord Cornbury ’s defe&ion. At his arrival he was 
 " h. ,i":' fei/.ed with a bleeding at the nofe, which increaled the next 
 day, as he was going to view part of his army, quartered 
 
 eight miles from Salisbury. On the fame, or the follow- ; <■ 8 . 
 ing day, mofl of the chiet officers applied rhemfcB c< to the ' • ' 
 Earl of Feverfj,i n their General, defiring him to .Puny ?! c 
 King, “ I hat upon any occafion (hey fL•••;.: : • 
 
 “ fpill the laft drop of their blond in Ids (ervite; ij.it vet ’■ 
 
 “ they could not in confcience fight againft a Prince, who 
 “ was come over with no other defign, than to procure m p mr. 
 11 the calling of a free Parliament, for the ii’cur.i, ' of their 
 “ Religion and Liberties.” Tnis Declaration, at which 
 the King was extremely furprized, fhowed him, that his 
 army, which had been always his principal refuge, could 
 not be relied on. The Earl of Feverjham , ftronglv fuf- 
 pefting the Lord Churchill (afterwards Duke of Marlbo¬ 
 rough) one of the King' favorites. Lieutenant-General, 
 
 Captain of a troop of h:s Life-guards, and Gentleman of 
 his Bed-Chamber, \v,v- very earneft with the King to have 
 him fJcured. But the King, whether lie had no fuch lui- 
 picion, or feared it would occafion a mutiny, would not 
 follow his advice. However, the very next dav the Loid To / 
 Churchili went over to the Prince of Orang , •• mpanied 
 by the Duke of Grafton , -Colonel Bo kley, four 01 live Cap- k 
 tains of his own regiment, and (lime other office;'. Fa- K.enntr. 
 ther Orleans infinuate', that he haJ formed a defign to de- 
 liver the King to the Prince of Orange, which was prevent- in. t .. 9 j 6. 
 ed by his Majefty’s bleeding at the nofe, at the time he in¬ 
 tended to go and view his troops at Warminjler, the mofl 
 advanced Poft of his army. But this accufation is ground- 
 lefs, and entirely deftroyed by the refpeflful letter written 
 by that Lord to the King, and which I therefore think pro¬ 
 per to infert here. 
 
 “ SIR, Since men are feldom fufpeifled of finccrity, //., Luttru 
 “ when they aft contrary to their intercib ; and though K; ’V< 
 
 “ my dutiful behaviour to your Majefly in the word ofp 
 “ times, (for which I acknowledge my poor Cervices much D . 
 
 “ over-paid ) may not be fufficient to incline you to a cha- 'din. 
 
 “ ritable interpretation of my aftions; yet, 1 hope, the 1 '-'" 
 
 “ great advantage I enjoy under your Majefly, which I can. 
 
 “ never expect in any other change of Government, may 
 
 rcafonably convince your Majefly and the world, that I 
 Ct am afted by a higher principle, when I offered that vio- 
 “ lence to my inclination and intereft, as to defert your 
 “ Majefly, at a time when your affairs feem to challenge 
 “ the ftriftefl obedience from all your fubjefts, much more 
 “ from one who lies under the greateft perfonal obligations 
 “ imaginable to ycur Majefly. This, Sir, could proceed 
 “ from nothing but the inviolable diftates of my Conf- 
 “ cience, and a neceflary concern for my Religion, which 
 “ no good man can oppofe, and with which I am inftruc- 
 <c ted, nothing ought to come in competition. Heaven 
 “ knows, with what partiality my dutiful opinion of your 
 “ Majefly hath hitherto reprefented thofe unhappy defigns, 
 
 “ which inconfiderate and felf-interefted men have framed 
 “ againft your fylajefty’s true intereft, and the Proteftant 
 “ Religion. But as I can no longer join with fuch, to 
 “ give a pretence by Conqueft, to bring them to effeft ; 
 
 “ fo I will always, with the hazard of my life and foi- 
 “ tune f fo much your Majefty’s due ) endeavour to pre- 
 ‘ c ferve your royal perfon and lawful rights, with all the 
 Ck tender concern, and dutiful refpeft that becomes,” 
 
 Jour See. 
 
 This letter is a clear evidence, that nothing was far¬ 
 ther from the Lord Churchill's thoughts, than to deliver the 
 King to the Prince of Orange. 
 
 The Lord Churchill's defeftion quite funk the King’s 7-^ r.,_- 
 fpirits, who from this time faw not on whom he could tu,ni L 
 rely. So, no longer daring to venture his perfon with his 
 army, he left Salisbury, and returned to London with a [) cicr( . 
 precipitation like a flight. Before his departure, he pub- Kcnnct. 
 
 Iiflies a proclamation, “ Promifing a free and ablblute par- 0jfert a 
 
 don to all his fubjefts, who bad taken up arms, and joined 
 “ with the Prince of Orange, provided they quitted and dc- Gazettes 
 “ ferted him within the fpace of twenty days.” But this N ' 24031 
 proclamation had no effeft. In his return, he met with a f 
 greater mortification, in the defeftion of the Prince of George 
 Denmark his Son-in-law, who leaving him at Andover, haw him. 
 went off to the Prince of Orange, with the Duke of Or- 
 mini. Sir George Hewet, and others. That Prince wrote E C h',i. 
 a ver3’ refpeftful letter to the King, in vindication of his 
 conduft, wherein he grounds his defeftion chiefly on his 
 concern for the Proteftant Religion, which the King had 
 openly attempted to deftroy, not only in England, but a'l 
 Europe , by his ftrift union with France. 
 
 Mean time, the Prince of Orange having leit Exeter, rht p ‘ '■ ‘ 
 was advanced to Sherburn, from whence it was in ins power ^ j/burn. 
 to march to Salisbury or Brijiol, according to the refoluti- k 
 ons taken by the King. The King had an army fo fup'eri- p- 
 or to that of the Prince in number, that had he marched 
 directly to the Prince, and attacked him, he would, doubt- 
 lels, have verv much diftreffed him. It is not likely, the 
 
 Prince 
 
Rook XXIV. 
 
 27. JAMES II. 
 
 168& 
 
 pnd t. 
 
 lisboi'- 
 
 mo-nfir 
 
 5 - • 
 
 Echaid. 
 
 >H. p. 9 
 
 Prince would have ventured a battle, but on the King’s ad¬ 
 vancing, would probably have retired to Brijiol , in expec¬ 
 tation of a more general defcdlion in the King’s army. 
 Such a defection was juftly expected, according to ail the 
 ad vices ot thofe who came to join him. Wherefore, it is 
 very unlikely that he would have risked an advantage, of 
 which lie va< almoft affured, by a battle, the fuccefs whereof 
 would have been doubtful. I remember a report then in 
 the Prince’s army, that the Marfhal de Schomberg being told, 
 the. King was advancing to give battle, the Marfnal coldly 
 anfweied, If we think proper. But upon hearing that the 
 King was returned to London , and his army retired to 
 the Prince marched to Salisbury , and made a pub- 
 lick entry into that City, admidft the acclamations of the 
 people. During his march, there W3S a fmall skirmifh be¬ 
 tween two parties of the armies, in which that of the 
 Prince, though very inferior in number, defended them- 
 klves with fo much bravery, that the enemy had no reafon 
 to boa ft of the advantage, the lofs being almoft equal on 
 both Tides (1). 
 
 The defertion of his principal officers was not the only 
 . taufe of the King’s mortal fears. Scarce a day pafled, but 
 what brought him Tome difagreeable news from different 
 parts of the Kingdom. The Earl of Bath had made him- 
 lg> ielf mafler of Plimoutb , where the Dutch fleet lay fecure. 
 The Earl of Shrewsbury , and Sir John Guife had, with 
 the affiftunce of the inhabitants, forced the Duke of Beau¬ 
 fort to furrender the important city of Brijiol. The Earl 
 of Devonfsire, at the head of a great number of Derhfiire 
 Gentlemen, had declared for a free Parliament, agreeably 
 to the Piince’s declaration. The Earl of Danby had fecured 
 York , and having difarmed and turned out all the Papifts, 
 
 ( who, under the protection of the Duke of Newca/lle , 
 ftood up fi>r the King) declared for a free Parliament. The 
 town of Berwick foon followed the example of York-, and 
 the Gentlemen of Notlinghamflnre had done the fame. 
 Colonel Copley , Deputy-Governor of Hull, furprized that 
 town, and made the Lord Langdale , the popifh Governor, 
 priToner. The Duke of Somerfet and the Earl of Oxford , 
 came to offer their fervice to the Prince of Orange. The 
 Duke of Ormond entered Oxford without refiftance, and 
 caufed the Piince’s declaration to be read there. In fine, 
 the King heard, that five commifrioners from Scotland , a- 
 mong whom were the Duke of SYtcensbury, and the Lord 
 of Bel.arris, were coming to London , to demand a free 
 ep Parliament in that Kingdom. But the King’s greateft af- 
 rk flidtion was, to fee himfelf forfaken by his own daughter, 
 the Princefs of Denmark , who had privately withdrawn 
 from iPhitehal !, being attended by the Bifhop of London , 
 mounted and armed, and retired to Nottingham , from 
 whence fne was conduced to the Prince her husband at 
 o. Oxford. Some days before, it v/as reported, that the 
 Queen had treated her very rudely, and proceeded fo far as 
 to ftrike her. This fo incenfed the people, that as foon as 
 they found flic appeared not at JWhitehall, they offered to 
 tear all the Rornijh party in pieces, upon a furmife of her 
 being murdered, or confined, but on the news of her being 
 in fafety they were appeafed. At her going off, ihe writ 
 the following letter to the Queen. 
 
 lit Pm.ojt “ M A D A M, I fceg your pardon, if I am fo deeply 
 t/ Dei - “ affljftej with the furprizing news of the Prince’s being 
 
 Ttr'io'iit “ gone, as not to he able to fee you, but to leave this pa- 
 
 s^uctn. “ per to exprefs my humble duty to the King and your 
 Ker.r.n. fc]f . anc ] t0 j et y ou knyvy t hat I am gone to abfent my 
 
 Echdid. ‘‘ fclf, to avoid the King’s difpleafure, which I am not 
 “ able to bear, either againft the Prince or my felf; and I 
 “ fhall ftay at fo great a diftance, as not to return before 
 “ I hear the happy news of a reconcilement. And as I 
 “ am confident the Prince did not leave the King with 
 “ any other defign, than to ufe all poffible means for his 
 “ prefen'atidn ; fo I hope, you will do me the juftice to 
 “ believe, that I am not capable of following him for any 
 “ otter end. Never was any one in fuch an unhappy con- 
 “ dition, fo divided between duty and affedlion to a father 
 “ and a husband ; therefore I know not what to do, but 
 “ to follow one to preferve the other. I fee the general 
 “ falling-off of the Nobility and Gentry, who avow to 
 “ have no other end, than to prevail with the King to fe- 
 “ cure their Religion, which they faw fo much in danger, 
 “ by the violent counfels of the Priefts ; who, to promote 
 c< their own Religion, did not care to what danger they 
 *« expofed the King. I am fully perfuaded, that the Prince 
 “ of Orange defigns the King’s fafety and prefervation, 
 
 “ and hope all things may be compofed without moreblood- 
 “ fhed, by calling of a Parliament. God grant a happy 
 ct end to thefe troubles, that the King’s reign may be 
 “ profperou ., and that I may fhortly meet you in perfect 
 “ peace and fafety : Till when, let me beg you to con- 
 
 7 be Pri, 
 o/Dena 
 
 E<. hard. 
 Ill p.y; 
 
 “ tinue the fame favorable opinion that you 1. li.e.-to h-.d 
 “ of, ' Yo»r &c. 
 
 From what has been faid it appears, that the defVc.ion was 
 almoft univerfal, and not confined to the Court and the 
 Army. It is inconceivable, that the King fliould nor h .ve 
 forefecn it, or fhould have fo il! an opinion of the F.'.gijh, 
 as to think, they would quietly fuffer their Laws and Re¬ 
 ligion to be deftroyed ; That lie fliould imagine, the gi¬ 
 ving a man a commiflion in his army, and obliging him to 
 take the oath of allegiance, fhould free him from, or ac 
 leaft, make him forget his duty to God and his country. But 
 it muff be remembered, what the Princefs of Denmark in- 
 finuated to the Queen, that the King’s < 'ounfellors cared 
 not to what danger they expofed him In making him the 
 inftrument to execute their defigns, they no farther regarded 
 his perfon, than as it ferved to eltablifn their Religion, in 
 which they could not fucceed without rendering him abfo- 
 lute, and James imprudently fell into the share. Herein 
 may be obferved, the difference between Charles II. and 
 James II. The firft was always fenfible, that the zealous 
 promoters of abfolute power intended his grandeur, only as 
 a means to accomplifn other projects.* Wherefore, when 
 he faw himfelf engaged in very dangerous courfes, he for- 
 fook them as well as he could, and left Iris Counfellors, his 
 Minifters, and even his own Brother in the danger. This 
 was his frequent practice, and he thereby bequeathed to the 
 Duke his brother, the difficulty and peril of a contrary me¬ 
 thod. But James l\, in purfuing a directly oppofite courier 
 to that of Charles , gave himfelf up entirely to the coun¬ 
 fels of tiiofe, who, to attain their own ends," regarded not 
 to what danger they expofed him, by their violent pro¬ 
 ceedings. 
 
 Be this as it will, the King, at the time I am fpeaking 
 of, was plunged inagulph of difficulties, without perceiving 
 any way to efcape. The Queen was difmayed, and her 
 confternalion iuexpreffible, Father Petre was retired into 
 France, under the protection of the Lord IValdgrave , fent 
 thither in the room of Skelton. The violent counfels of 
 Jefferies were now unfeafonable. The popifh counfellors 
 feeing all their ineafuYes broken, took care to fheltcr rhem- 
 felves from the impending ftorm, to which they left the 
 King expofed. In lhurt, Mr. Barillon the French Am- 
 baflador, and Monfieur de Laufun , then in London , vented 
 themfelves in fruitlefs reproaches on the King, for re:’uTing 
 the affiftauce offered by France , without directing him how 
 to repair that error. In this extreme diftrefs ( more tafv 
 to be imagined than deferibed ) his foie refuge was to turn 
 to the Proteftant Peers, whofe counfels he had before re¬ 
 jected, whom he had deprived of their employments, and 
 in a word, treated as enemies. He therefore affembled ail 
 the Peers, Spiritual and Temporal, that were in London. 
 The number indeed was but fmall, there being many with 
 the Prince of Orange , or in feveral parts of the Kingdom, 
 for his fervice. When they were met, he prayed for their 
 advice concerning the prefent emergencies. On this occa- 
 fioa, he had the mortification to hear a long enumeration of 
 all his unwarrantable proceedings, fince his acccffion to the 
 throne, and particularly his violent meafures to deftroy the 
 Proteftant Religion, and fubvert the Liberties of England. 
 Thefe, it was faid, had occafioned the dangerous fvm-ptoms 
 that now appeared in the body politick, and for which 
 there was no other remedy than a free Parliament. The 
 neceffity therefore was reprefented to his Majefty, 1. Of 
 granting a general pardon to all thofe who either came over 
 with the Prince of Orange , or had joined him fince Iris land¬ 
 ing. 2. Of deputing fome Lords to his Highnefs, to treat 
 with him about a fupenfion of arms, and to endeavour to 
 bring matters to an accommodation. And laftly, of turn¬ 
 ing all Papifts immediately out of their employments, to 
 convince the world, that his Majefty. afted with fincerity. 
 
 The King took that night to confider uf the advice, arid 
 the next day declared in Council, that he was refolved to 
 call a free Parliament, that fliould meet the 15th of 
 January next enfuing. Accordingly, the Chancellor was 
 ordered to iffue out the Writs. Then he publifhed a 
 Proclamation in which he declared, that all his fubjedls 
 fliould have free liberty to eledt, and all the Peers, and 
 fuch as fliould be eledled members of the Houfe of Com¬ 
 mons, fliould have full liberty and freedom to ferve and fit 
 in Parliament, notwithftanding they had taken up arms, 
 or committed any adf of hoftility, or been any w r ay aiding 
 or affifting therein. He likewife declared in Council his in¬ 
 tention of fending Commiffioners to treat with the Prince 
 of Orange: but as to that part of the advice relating to the 
 Roman Catholicks, his Majefty only faid, He would leave 
 that matter to be debated in Parliament. However, Sir 
 Edward Hales , a Papift and Lieutenant of the .Tower, 
 having been obnoxious to the city of London , by threatning 
 
 i/e dtJFcrtr! 
 Charade’ <■/ 
 Charles II 
 
 The fCin£ ir. 
 
 •great Dtjf.- 
 p. 529. 
 
 Confutes tha 
 P retell art 
 
 Erhard. 
 
 HI. p 921. 
 
 (!) This S'kirn 
 
 ibtr 20 at ll'ir.cant'.n between a Detachment of feventy horfe, and fifty dragoons 
 Kenntt. p. 530- 
 
 d grenadiers of the King's; ar.d twenty 
 
 to 
 
Vol. Ii. 
 
 7 
 
 80 
 
 The Jfj I S TO RT of E N G L A N D. 
 
 1688. 
 
 Echard. 
 lii. p. 924 . 
 
 Ter Pcpifn 
 Party Jinks 
 
 Tbt King', 
 Propofirians 
 io the Prince, 
 Slate Tratts 
 T. I. p. 86 . 
 Kcnnet. 
 
 P- 534- 
 Xchard. 
 iil. p. 926. 
 
 7be Pn 
 Prop)}a. 
 
 ti bombard it, was difplaccd, and Colonel Skelton put in 
 his room. 
 
 The Commiffioners nominated by the King to treat 
 with tiie Prince of Orange, were the Marquifs of Haiti- 
 fax, the Earl of Nottingham, and the Lord Godolphin. 
 They left London the 2d of December, and on their way 
 met with palies from the Prince. 
 
 At the fame time appeared a printed paper at London 
 and other places, called, The Third Declaration of the 
 Prince of Orange, dated the 28th of November. It was 
 penn’d by a private, and ftill unknown hand, who had the 
 boldnefs to put the Prince’s name to it, and difperfe it 
 thro’ die Kingdom (1). Ampngft other things he made the 
 Prince fay, That as he would offer no violence to any but 
 in his own ncceffury defence, fo he would not fuffer any in¬ 
 jury to be done to the perfon, even of any Papift, provi¬ 
 ded he was found in fucli place, and condition, and cir- 
 cumftance, as the law required. But he declared, that all 
 Papifts, who fhould be found in open arms, or in any of¬ 
 fice civil or military, contrary to the known laws of the 
 land, fhould be treated by him and his forces, not as Gen¬ 
 tlemen and Soldiers, . but as Robbers, Free-booters, and 
 Banditti's ; fo fhould all perfons found any ways aiding or 
 affifting to them : That whereas lie was certainly in¬ 
 formed, that great numbers of armed Papifts had of late re- 
 forted to London and H ejlminjler, and parts adjacent, not 
 fo much, lie had reafnn to fufpedt, for their own fecurity, 
 as out of a wicked defign to make fome defperate attempt 
 upon the faid cities and their inhabitants, he therefore re¬ 
 quired all magiftrales and officers, civil and military, to 
 difarm and fecure them, that all power of doing mifehief 
 might be taken from them : That thofe magiftrates or o- 
 thers, who fhould refufe to affift him, to execute vigoroufly 
 what he required of them, fnould be efteemed the moft 
 criminal and infamous of all men; betrayers of their Reli¬ 
 gion, Laws, and Country, of whom he would require the 
 lire of every fingle Proteftant that fhould perifh, and every 
 houfe that lhoukl be burnt or deftroyed, by their treachery 
 and cowardice. 
 
 This Declaration, publifhed in the Prince’s name, 
 though it was difowned by him, finifhed the confufion of 
 the Papifts; and the more, as feveral juftices of peace cau- 
 fed it to be publifhed, not imagining that any private man 
 Would have had the boldnefs to undertake fitch a thing. 
 From this time the Popifh party were reduced fo low, 
 that they durft not hold up their heads. /In Hue and Cry 
 after Father Petre, was publickly cryed and fold in the 
 flreets, notwithftanding he was a Privy-Counfellor. A 
 legal Accufation againft the Earl of Salisbury , “ For in- 
 “ fringing the moft facred Laws of the Kingdom by turn- 
 “ ing Papift” was preferred to the Grand-Jury of Mid- 
 cllefex, who found the Bill. 
 
 The 6th of December the three Commiffioners by an ex- 
 prefs acquainted the King, “ That they were to meet the 
 “ Prince of Orange that night at Amesbury." But the 
 next day they informed his Majefty, “ That his High- 
 “ nefs had made a new appointment to meet them at 
 “ Hunger ford , and had fent to them the Earls of Claren- 
 “ don and Oxford , to defire them to make their propofals 
 “ in writing.” This meflage furprized the King, chiefly 
 becaufe the Prince had deputed the Earl of Oxford , who 
 had never been concerned in any publick affair, and the 
 Earl of Clarendon was moital enemy of the Marquifs of 
 Halifax. He inferred from thence, the Prince’s unwil- 
 lingnefs to come to any accommodation. Eor this caufc, 
 Barillon and Laufun earneftly prefled the King, to fecure 
 himfelf, the Queen, and the Prince of Wales, by a timely 
 rccefs from the Nation. But he v/as willing ftill to wait 
 for the fuccefs of the negotiation with the Prince of Orange. 
 
 The fubftance of the propofals delivered by the King’s 
 Commiffioners to the Prince was, “ That the King ob- 
 “ ferving that all the caufes of complaint, alledged by his 
 “ Highnefs, feemed to be referred to a free Parliament, 
 “ he had iflued his writs for calling one (2). That he 
 « had fent commiffioners to his Highnefs for adjufting all 
 <c matters relating to the freedom of elections, and fecurity 
 “ of the Parliament; and, in order to that, pfopofed, that 
 “ the refpeCiive armies might be kept at fuch a diftance 
 “ from London.'’ 
 
 The Prince, who was then marching towards London, 
 returned no anfwer to thefe propofals, but the next day, 
 with the advice of the Lords and Gentlemen affembled 
 with him, he put the following proportions into the hands 
 of the King’s commiffioners. 
 
 “ I. That all Papifts and all fuch perfons as are not 
 
 qualified by taw, be difarmed, disbanded, and removed 
 “ from all employments, civil and military. 
 
 II. That al 1 proclamations that reflect upon us be re- 
 “ called ; and that if any perfons, for having affifted us, 
 
 “ have been committed, that the- be forthwith let at li- i(,?t 
 ‘‘ berty. 
 
 “ III. That for the fecurity and fafety of the city of 
 “ London , the cuftody and government of the Tower, be 
 “ immediately put into the hands of the city. 
 
 ** IV. That if his Majefty ihall think lit to be in i. •: 
 
 “ dor., during the fitting of the Parliament, that v.-e may be 
 “ there alfo, with equal number of guards : And if Ins 
 “ Majefty fhall pleafe to be in any piace from Lon La. 
 
 “ whatever diftance he thinks ht, that we may be at 
 “ a place of the fame diftance ; and that the refpeCiive 
 “ armies be from London thirty miles ; and that no further 
 “ forces be brought into the Kingdom. 
 
 “ V. That for the fecurity of the city of London , and 
 “ their trade, Tilbury fort be put into the hands ot the laid 
 “ city. 
 
 “ VI. That a fufficient part of the publick revenue be 
 “ affigned to us, for the fupport and maintenance of our 
 “ troops, until the fitting of a free Parliament. 
 
 “ VII. That to prevent the landing of the French, or 
 “ other foreign troops, Portfnouth mav be put into fuch 
 “ hands, as by his Majefty and us fhall be agreed on.” 
 
 Thefe propofals were fo reafonable, that the King him- 7. r .'- 
 
 felf could not help owning. They mere better than he ex- 
 petted. Indeed, the Prince of Orange ever adhered to hi> 
 Declaration, in which lie only demanded entire freedom for .vate-Tn H 
 the Parliament, and a fufficient fecurity for the city of Lon- J- *■ P 1 21 - 
 don, without ftipulating any other advantage for himfelf in, *0.924. 
 than the maintenance of his army, till the fitting of the 
 Parliament, that is, for about fix weeks. As the King 
 could no longer hope to execute his firft defigns, it feems, 
 that nothing could be more advantagious to him in his pre- 
 fent fituation, deferted by all, and not knowing which way 
 to turn, than to be freed from his difficulties, by reftoring 
 things to their antient and natural ftate. Had he difeovered 
 a willingnefs to embrace thefe propofals, probably, the Par¬ 
 liament would have asked no more of him, thati the efta- 
 blifhment of their Religion and Laws, fo as not to be eafilv 
 fhaken, and he might have kept his Crown, though per¬ 
 haps with fome diminution of the rights claimed by him¬ 
 felf, his brother, father, and grandfather. This cannot be 
 faid to be a hard condition, confidering how he had go¬ 
 verned, and the prefent fituation of his affairs. He even jVbe calls an 
 feemed at firft difpofed to accept thefe piopofals, and refer txtracrj:- 
 to the next Parliament the decifion of ail differences, fince TJnirT^''' 
 that very day he called an extraordinary Council of all them. P . 927. 
 Lords that were in town. As it was plain, he would be 
 advifed to accept the propofals by all the Lords, it could 
 hardly be doubted, that he had inch an intention, and only 
 called the Council fot form-lake. It is not known what ip Lit b /W- 
 pafled in it, but only that the fame Council was ordered to ' i,ridt rr ' rf 
 meet the next morning, to give their farther advice upon * * ntJ “ 
 the exigency of affairs. Before the Council broke up, the 
 King, addreffing himfelf to the Duke of Bedford laid, My 
 Lord, you are a good man, and have a great influence : 1 ou 
 ran do much for me at this time. To which the Duke re¬ 
 plied, I am an old man , and can do but little ; then added 
 with a deep ligh, I had once a fon, that could now have 
 been very ferviceablc to your Majejly. This was meant of 
 the Lord Rujfel, beheaded in the late reign, who was facri- 
 ficed to the vengeance of the King, then Duke of York. 
 
 The King was ftruck dumb with this anfwer, fo that he 
 could make no reply. 
 
 Every thing feemed to promife an accommodation, and 7 be Kir.g 
 it was not doubted, but the next day fome refolution would/"#''' b,mm 
 be taken for the peace and fecurity of the Kingdom. But^J^ hy 
 that fame night the King, as ’cis fuppofed, confultcd with bn pop,f tJ 
 fome of his popifh counfellors, whole interefted advice over- 
 threw all theie flattering expectations. Thefe counfellors jj/ p g ,._ 
 eafily perceived, what they were to expeCt from a free Par- Burnet, 
 fiament. It was manileft, nothing could free the KingP 1 79 S-- 
 from his prefent difficulties, but the delivering up the popifh 
 Religion to the refentments of the Proteftanrs, and the puf¬ 
 fing fuch ACts as would hinder its being ever eftablifhed in 
 England. They therefore thought it more advantagious to 
 their Religion, that the King fhould preferve all his pre- 
 tenfions, though unable to fupport them, than facrifice 
 them to the Parliament. To that end, they advifed him 
 to withdraw into France. They reprefented, how difho- 
 norable it would be to retraCt what he had done, how pre¬ 
 judicial to the Catholick Religion, to be forced to give his 
 affent to fuch ACts of Parliament as would lend only to 
 render its eftablifhment impracticable. That the Catho- 
 licks would be entirely deftitute of any refource, whereas 
 by preferving his rights, he might hope to be reftored by 
 the arms of France, and finifh the work fo glorioufly be¬ 
 gun. In a word, by this interefted Counfel, they clearly 
 difeovered, if the King had been willing or able to perceive 
 it, that not his perfon, bur their Religion was the foie ob- 
 
 (0 tiagb Speke bn owned himfelf the AuthoY of it. Secret Hi/I. of tbe Revolur. 
 
 ,2 He jwJ maced called a Parliament, but the Wilts were not yet font down. Jtapm. 
 
 jeft 
 
Boo!: XXIV. 
 
 27. J AMES II. 
 
 7 S1 
 
 1688. jed of their concern. I11 fine, to give more weight to their 
 T/Iyi* t regions, thev inftilled into the Queen fuch apprehenfions, as 
 l-'uccJ ‘ ‘ n^ade her ufe all her influence with the King, to engage him 
 Bui net. to do as he was advlfed. They told her, the Parliament 
 P '/ 95 ' would be far from being favorable to the King and herfelf: 
 
 I hat being both fufpeded, and even openly acculed in the 
 Prince of Orange s declaration, of impofing an heir upon 
 the Crown, it was very apparent, the Parliament, to fa¬ 
 vour the Princefs of Orange-, would declare the Prince of 
 Wales fuppoliiitiuus : That perhaps Ihe herfelf would be ac- 
 tufed fur the faff, fince it was not fcrupled to impeach the 
 Queen, her Mother-in-law, for matters much lets impor¬ 
 tant: That a Ihort exile with a powerful and generous 
 Prince, who was able to reftore them, was preferable to li¬ 
 ving in their own Kingdom, with only the Ihadow of fo- 
 vereignty, in dilhonour, indigence, and in dependence up- 
 Siit rejati-tx on thofe whom they ought to command. Thefe confide- 
 V ranee "" rat ‘ ons fiipported, as it is pretended, by Barillon and Lau- 
 Kennet. J'un, made fuch an impreffion upon the Queen, that (he rc- 
 P- 53 2 - folved to retire into France with the Prince of Wales, after 
 a pofitive promife from the King, that he would follow her 
 with all convenient fpeed. 
 
 and accord- Purfuant to this refolution, in the night between the 9th 
 Orleans” anc ^ 1 December, the Queen in difguife crofled the 
 Echard, Thames to Lambeth in an open boat, expofed to wind and 
 
 ill. p.928. j-ain, At Lambeth, under the walls of a Church, Ihe 
 
 waited till a coach could be got ready in the next Inn. She 
 went from thence to Gravefend, where Ihe imbarked with 
 the Prince of IVales, on a fmall veflel, which conveyed 
 them fafely to Calais. From thence Ihe went to Vet'failles, 
 where Ihe was received by the King of France with great 
 marks of aftediort, which was fome alleviation to her me¬ 
 lancholy fituation. 
 
 'fo‘tow”bcr being fully determined to follow the Queen, 
 
 h;h! oi waited but one day to execute his defign. The night be- 
 
 Defert. tween the i oth and 11 th of December , in a plain fuit, and 
 
 Ech id. 3 he to °k water at Whitehall, accompanied only 
 
 HI. p. 928. by Sir Edward Hales, Mr. Sheldon, and Jbbadie a French- 
 Eutnct. man, page of the back-flairs, without acquainting any o- 
 A Remark ther with his intention. If the manner in which this mo- 
 “P™ narch intended to leave his Dominions is impartially confi- 
 Conduei. dered, it will hardly be denied, that this was an entire de- 
 fertion of them, and putting of his fubjeds into the ftate 
 in which nature dictates to men, to provide for their own 
 fecurity. hirft, he fled without being purfued, and with¬ 
 out any caufe to fear, either for his life or liberty. So 
 that it is manifeft, his confcience fuggefted evils to him, 
 which v/ere never intended. Secondly, he fled without 
 any provifion for the Government of the Kingdom. From 
 this condud it was afterwards inferred, that he abandoned 
 his fubjeds in a perfed anarchy, and thereby authorized 
 them to chufe what form of Government they pleafed, or 
 to cledt another King. Thirdly, by his flight he violated 
 the promife fo folemnly made in his proclamation, of calling 
 Kennrt- a Parliament. Fourthly, before he went off, he writ to 
 ►•.chard. the Earl of Fevcrjham to disband the army, without any 
 111 p.919. care of their pay, probably, on purpofe to caufe difturban- 
 ^79*6. ces kingdom, by the difeontents of the officers and 
 
 foldiers. Fifthly, he ordered all the writs to be burnt, that 
 were not Tent out, for eleding the Parliament, imagining, 
 doubtlefs, that after his departure, it would not be poffible ' 
 to aflemble a Parliament, which by the laws could only be 
 called by the King. Sixthly, when he took water, he 
 threw the Great-Seal into the Thames, that nothing might 
 be legally done in his abfence. If this may not be called 
 a real defertion of his Kingdom, it will be difficult to give 
 a name to fuch proceedings. 
 
 The Lords m As foon as the King’s flight was known, a general con- 
 Agnation enfued, moft people being ignorant how they 
 Guild hall. to behave on fo extraordinary an occafion. Howe- 
 Decem. n. ver, about thirty fpiritual and temporal Lords met at Guild- 
 ^ ennet, Hall, and fent for the Lord-Mayor and Aldermen. After 
 Echard, a Ihort confultation, it was refolved, to adhere to the Prince 
 in. p.930. of Orange, and fend deputies to him, with this refolution 
 Delete figned by the whole affembly. Then they fent for Colo- 
 p . 88. nel Skelton Lieutenant of the Tower, of whom they de- 
 ■Tb e Prince m anded the keys, which he willingly refigning, they were 
 cbim. and &i ven to the Lord Lucas. Prefentiy after, the Common- 
 tie Common- Council of the city fent deputies (i) to the Prince, with 
 Council. an a ddrefs, imploring his protection, and praying him to 
 honour the city with his prefence. 
 
 feSUdn^f Though, upon the King’s flight, the Militia of London 
 the Mob. ar *d Wcjlminjler were immediately up in arms, they could 
 Ech*mi. not prevent the mob from aflembling and committing fome 
 ill p. 932. diforders. They confined their rage chiefly to the Mafs- 
 houfes ereded by the King in the city and fuburbs, which 
 they demolilhed entirely, and made bonfires with the mate¬ 
 rials. And as there were alfo chapels in the houfes of Am- 
 
 bafladore, thofe cf the Spcnyh and Florentine Ambafladors 1686. 
 were rifled, before a flop couid be put to the difurder. . Jn 
 the firft of thefe chapels the principal Courc Papiffs had 
 conveyed all their valuable effeds, and this probably was the 
 chief caufe of the pillage. The hours of the other Am- 
 bafiadors were preferved, by the great care of fome Lords. 
 
 The two Minifters of Spain and Florence were afterwards 
 largely recompenced tor their Ioffes (2). 
 
 During thefe irruptions of the mob, Chancellor Jefferies, Chancellor 
 difguifed in a feaman’s habit, in order to efcape in a veffd Furies 
 freighted for Hamburgh, was difeovered ( 3 ), as he was look-jj*J , flr / 
 ing out of the window of the houfc where he had concealed \bc Rabbit. 
 himfelf. He was immediately feized by the mob, and, Def I2 * 
 after many indignities put upon him, carried before the Ke Ibid ‘ 
 Lord-Mayor, who declined meddling with him. But thep- 53*5." 
 Chancellor feeing himfelf in the hands of an enraged mob , Senr la tkt 
 which threatened to tear him in pieces, delired" that he Tower > 
 might be fent to the Tower, which at laft was granted 
 him, not as a favour, but in hopes of feeing hi;n Ihortly 
 conducted from thence to the gallows. It is pretended, he 
 offered to difeover many lecrets, and for that reafon, was 
 kept fome time in prifon, till the affairs of the Government 
 Hiould be fettled. But he died in that interval, by the blows be 
 he had received, according to fome ; by drinking fpirituous 
 liquors, according to others; and as fome pretend, of the 
 ftone. Never man had better deferved a publick punilh- 
 ment, as an atonement for ali the mifehiefs done to his coun¬ 
 try, and for all the blood fpilt by his means. 
 
 Mean time, the Earl of Feverjham, after having com- The Earl of 
 municated the King’s letter to the principal officers, dif- Fevcrfhj ^ 
 miffed the army, and gave notice of it by a trumpet to the 
 Prince of Orange, who returned no anfwer. This made Kcr.net, 
 it thought, the Prince did not approve of his conduct. And p 534- 
 indeed it feems, that in fuch a jurrdure, if he was unwil- m.£ 933. 
 ling to pay lb much deference to the Prince, as to commu¬ 
 nicate to him the order before it was executed, he Iliould 
 not have done it, at leaft without the advice of the Lords 
 affembled at London, who, in the prefent Hate of the King¬ 
 dom, had a right to interpofe in the Government. Accord- A panick 
 ingly, his condud was greatly blamed ; and this fault was J‘ rrciur 
 the more taken notice of, as it occafioned an alarm which 
 threw the city and country into the utmoft confternation./«™ thence 
 Some Irijh foldiers of the disbanded troops, finding them- ” ^ ria ^ tb 
 felves moneylefs, and incapable of fubfilting in a country [abate King- 
 where they were fo generally hated, refolved to keep them- dom. 
 felves from ftarving, by forcibly entering a Country-houle. 
 Whereupon, a man of the neighbourhood runs diredly to 0*91.’ 
 London, crying, as he palled, “ That the Irijh were up, 
 
 “ and marching to London, firing of houfes, and putting 
 “ man, woman, and child, to the fword.” The news 
 immediately flew through the city, and caufed a ftrange 
 pannick-fear. This report, as it went along, fo gathered, 
 that the terror was increafed. The city was in alarm all 
 night, expeding every moment the arrival of the Irifh. 
 
 Some prepared for flight, others ran to arms, not a window 
 in London and Wejlminjler but what was illuminated. 
 
 From London the confternation i'pread through the whole 
 Kingdom, fo that in the remote parts, where people had 
 more time to confider what was to be done, a refolution 
 was taken, in cafe the news Iliould be true, of deftroying 
 all the Irijh, and Papifts in Etigland. Happily, this terror 
 vanifhed in London as foon as the real caufe of it was 
 known. 
 
 Mean time, the Prince of Orange being advanced as far The Print 
 as Henley , and fearing the diforders which might be com- °f Orange 
 mitted by a disbanded army, publilhed a Ihort Declaration, 
 requiring all Colonels to call together the feveral officers Army" 1 * 
 and foldiers of their refpedive regiments, in fuch places as D - c - * 3 * 
 they Ihould think convenient, and there to keep them in Kcnnet » 
 good order and difeipline, till farther orders. This declara- Echard.' 
 tion was followed by another of the Lords affembled at Lon- la P- 934« 
 don, to the fame effect, with an additional promife of fub -Jurf^'fhe 
 fiffence, till they Ihould be otherwife provided for, to al]/j«e Dtjigr.. 
 officers and foldiers who Ihould obey, and deliver up their 
 arms to perfons appointed to receive them. Befides this, 
 all Magiffrates were required to apprehend, and feize, all 
 fuch foldiers as Ihould not repair to their refpedive bodies, 
 and to deal with them as Vagabonds. 
 
 All thefe things were tranfaded, in the belief, that the The King 
 King had left the nation ; and indeed he was gone from hefted, 
 Whitehall with that intention. He was got as far as a little l^tbeRab 
 place near Feverjham, and had even embarked in a fmall buJpvcei- 
 veflel that was to carry him to a frigate, ready to tranfport ftami 
 him to France. This veflel not being able to fail imme- Kcnnet ’ 
 diately, by reafon of a tempeftuous wind. Sir Edward Hales, Burnet", 
 one of the King’s attendants, fent his footman to ihe Poli- p 79 c '- 
 office at Feverjham. His livery, was known by a man, who 
 told fome others, that Sir Edward was not far off. The 
 
 (1) Sir Robert Clayton, Sit Safi l Embrace, Sir William Ruffe!, end Charles Dunorr.b, Efq; Kennet, p. <34. 
 
 (2) The Spanish' Ambaflador had feventcen thousand pounds for his loires. Buckingham's Account of the Revolution, p. 16, 
 
 ( 3 ) * Clerk in Chancery, that accidcnially paiTed by. Kcnnet, p. 535, 
 
 No. LXXXIII- V 0 l. H o M 
 
 footman 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 ■; 8 j 
 
 The HI STO RT of ENGLAND. 
 
 Echaid, 
 
 Ml. p . 9 J 5 
 
 Eehaid. 
 HI. p. 93 
 936. 
 
 King t: tkc 
 
 Prim,, tl 
 
 orrefled 
 
 : ■ • T a 
 
 T I. p. gx. 
 
 V- S 3 6 - 
 F.c h >rH. 
 
 footman was followed to the River-fide, and feen to make 
 I i g n s to Ionic people on board a bark, whereupon the filher- 
 men, and other perfons of Fevtrjham , immediately boarded 
 the veil'd where the King was. Sir Edward was foon 
 known, and the King being taken for his chaplain, had 
 many indignities put upon him. Then, fearching him, 
 they found. Jour hundred guineas, and feveral valuable feals 
 and jewels, which thev took from him. Amongft the peo¬ 
 ple who crouded into the Ihip, there happened to be a 
 Coiiftable who knew the King, and throwing himfelf at 
 his feet, begged him to forgive the rudenefs of the mob, and 
 ordered rellirution to be made of what had been taken from 
 him. The King received the jewels and the feals, but 
 gave the four hundred guineas among them. After this, he 
 deft red to be gone, but the people, by a fort of violence 
 cendudled him to a publick Inn in the town. Here he fent 
 for the Karl of Winchelfea , Lord-Lieutenant of the County, 
 who prevailed with him not to leave the Kingdom, but to 
 return towards London. 
 
 This news being brought to London produced various ef- 
 fe£ls. Some wifhed the King had never been ftopt, others 
 were glad of an opportunity to convince him, there was 
 never any ill Jefign againft his perfon. The Lords and the 
 Magiftrates of London, who had made fuch advances to- 
 9 - wards the Prince of Orange, were confounded at their hafte, 
 and were under fome fear, in cafe the ftate of affairs Ihould 
 be altered. At laff, the Lords aflembling, thought proper 
 to appoint four of their body (1) to wait on the King, 
 with an invitation to return to Whitehall, and with aflu 
 ranees of being received with all due refped ; and coaches 
 were immediately fent to bring him. At the fame time, 
 an exprefs was difpatched to the Prince of Orange, to ac¬ 
 quaint him that the King was ftill in the nation. The 
 Prince, who was come as far as IVindfor, was not a little 
 furprized at the news. He was marching to London to fettle 
 with the Lords, by whom he was expedted, the affairs of 
 the nation, in the fuppofition, that the King had left it. 
 But his M.fitllv’s return threw the Prince into great per- 
 plexitv, and of courfe would oblige hirn to take other mea¬ 
 sures. Neverthelefs, as the King had no army, and by his 
 bally flight, had entirely forfeited the confidence of all his 
 friends, and the efteem of his enemies, as he was not in a 
 condition to command, but in fome meafure depended upon 
 others, the Prince difpatched Monfieur Z uylejiein to him, 
 to defire him to remain at Rochejler , till it could be agreed 
 what was to be done. But Z uxleUein miffing his way, the 
 King came to London the 16th ol December, about four in 
 the alternoon, where he was received with acclamations as 
 if he had been returning from vidtory. 
 
 The King being rellored to his Palace, and in fome man¬ 
 ner to his delated royalty, difeovered an inclination to re¬ 
 lume his old manures, and ffill brave the Proteftants. In 
 all appearance, the acclamation- as he palfed through Lon¬ 
 don, had revived his courage, and put him in hopes of a 
 'ft •!'’ general declaration in his favour. The firll thing he did 
 was to pub'ill: an order of Council, wherein he faid, That 
 being given to undetftand, that divers outrages had been 
 committed in feveral parts of the Kingdom, by burning, 
 pulling down, and defacing of houfes, he commanded all 
 Lord-Lieutenants, LY, to prevent fuch outrages for the fu¬ 
 ture, and fupprefs all riotous aflcmblies. This was his laff 
 publick adl, which crowned fo many others done in his 
 reign, in favour of the Papiffs. Moreover, he difeharged 
 Leiburn a popifh Bifhop, who had been fent to Newgate, 
 and during his Ihort flay at llhitehall, was furrounded, as 
 formerly, with Priefls, Jefuits, and Irijhmen. 
 
 The King, in his journey to London , difpatched the Earl 
 of Fevtrjham with a letter to the Prince, “ Kindly to in- 
 “ vite him to the Palace at St. James's, with what num- 
 “ her of guards and troops he Ihould think convenient to 
 “ bringalong with him, that they might amicably and per- 
 ** fonally confer together about the means of redreffing the 
 “ publick grievances.” The Prince returned no anfwer. 
 7 if Buc the moment the Earl of Fevtrjham was out of his pre- 
 m fence, Monfieur Bcntinck demanded his fword, and told 
 f be hm, he hud orders to fecure him. This doubtlefs, was 
 1 owing to his precipitate disbanding the army. Some in¬ 
 deed have thought it was only a pretence to remove him 
 from the King's perfon, being fufpedted of giving him ill 
 auvice, or perhaps, becaufe he was too much devoted to 
 him, th 'Ugh he ever profeffed the Proteffant Religion. 
 
 in a Council held by the Prince, and the Englijh Lords 
 who were with him, it was refolved, “ That the Royal 
 “ Palace at Whitehall , being ftill crouded with Irifh Papifts, 
 “ Priells and Jefuits, his Highnefs could not with eafe arid 
 ‘‘ fafety remain at St. "fames' s, where he mull neceflarily 
 ‘ g' the next duv, without his Majefty and his popilli 
 guarc; were removed within a reafonable diftance from 
 j-:nJ.n." .Moreover, an accident wiiicn happened two 
 days before, provoked chofe who were concerned for the 
 
 Prince’s life. The Duke of Grafton marching through the 16S8. 
 htrand at the head of a regiment, to take Tilbury fort out of 
 the hands of the IriJlj, an Irijh officer riding up to him, 
 fired a pi if dl at him ; for which he was fhot dead upon the 
 place. Much more might fuch an attempt be apprehended 
 againft the Prince, from fome of the King’s guards. In Burner, 
 the debate, it was propofed to fend the King priloner top-Soo. 
 Breda. But the Prince of Orange rejedled the propofal 
 with indignation, protefting. That he could not confent to 
 put him under any reftraint. At laft, lince the Prince's 
 prefence at London was abfolutely neceft'ary, it was agreed, 
 that the King Ihould be dehred to remove to Ham, a houie 
 belonging to the Duchefs of Lauderdale. It appears from 
 hence, that the King’s approbation was no longer confidered 
 as abfolutely neceft'ary to fettle the affairs of the Kingdom. 
 
 And indeed, it feems, that ffince he would have abandoned 
 
 all, he had no right to pretend to any thing. Purfuant to a rtl Lord, 
 
 this refolution, the Prince of Orange fjgned an order, di-/" r h tb * 
 
 reified to the Marquifs of Halifax, the Earl of Shrewsbury, Uli> 
 
 and the Lord Delamere, to acquaint the King with it, and dJ\ i 7 . 
 
 to tell him, he Ihould be attended by his guards, to pre- 
 
 ferve him from any difturbances. 
 
 Immediately after, the Prince ordered the regiment of n, f) u tch 
 his Guards, confifting of three Battalions, to march and GuJ,li ‘ 
 take pofleilion of all the Polls about Whitehall md St. James's, lywhlfj" 
 either by perfwafions or force. The King being informed I’dSr *" 
 of it, fent for Count Solms, who commanded tbefe guards, I -ur,,l V 
 and delired him, If it could be, to let him have his own 7 . p-” 
 guard at Whitehall, only for that night, but the Count al- Ko.n Ct> J 
 ledging his order, to relieve all the Pojls, the King anfwcied, K />'• 
 do your office. At ten a clock at night, the Dutch blue fn.’p. 9}7 . 
 guards entered St. James s houie, and towards eleven, thofe 
 who were ordered to Whitehall, moved through the Park, 
 and with lighted match, and in order of battle, marched up 
 to the King’s guards. The Captain of the guards fcrupling 
 to diftodge, at laff received the King’s orders to retire. Af¬ 
 ter this, the Dutch took pofi'effion of the Guard houfe, and 
 at the fame time relieved all the Polls about Jl 'hitehall and 
 the Park, placing every where double centries. So that, 
 during the refl of the night, the King was really in the 
 power of the Prince of Orange. An hour after midnight, 
 the three Lords appointed by the Prince came to Whitehall, 
 and fent to awake the King for an audience. The King Hmg 
 ordering them to come to his bed-fide, they delivered the d j£ rt i by 
 Prince’s mefiage, which was to defire his Majelly’s depar -J r ,’ n fZ‘ 
 turc to Ham ; to which the King confented 3 but alter they Ham, main 
 were withdrawn, lie ordered them to be recalled, and bid 
 them tell the Prince, that he dehred rather to go to Ro- 
 chejier , according to the Prince’s meflage by Zuylflein, to 
 which the Prince confented that very night. His anfwer 
 coming to the King at eight in the morning, the King about 
 noon took a barge, attended by the Earls of Ailesbury, Litch¬ 
 field, Arran , and Dumbarton, fix of the yeomen of his 
 guard, and about a hundred of the Dutch guards, com¬ 
 manded by the Lieutenant Colonel of the regiment. About 
 nine at night he arrived at Grave fend, where he found his 
 own coaches, and fome troops of the Militia, by whom he 
 was the next day conducted to Rochefier. 
 
 The Prince arrived at London the fame day the King 
 left ll hitehall, and lodged at St. James's, where he re- 
 ceived the compliments of the Nobility, the Lord-.Mayor, >./. jjmew. 
 Aldermen, and Common-council of the city of London. D fC - ,s! - 
 From this time it may be faid, the King was a mere cypher. ^ ennel * 
 
 He was not a prifoner, but had no power left of doing good Ec.-uV 
 or hurt, fo that molt of the Lords who had any employ- lf l. p. 93S. 
 ments at Court, laid down the badges of their offices, as the 
 Staff, the Key, £sY. as believing they had no longer any 
 right to exercife the fame. 
 
 During the rejoycings at London, for the Prince’s arrival, .4 f, :: ndin 
 the mob infulted the Papifts again, not excepting Ambaffa- '• 1 
 
 dors. As there was properly no Government, fuch difor- 
 ders were almoft unavoidable, no perfon daring to under¬ 
 take to reftrain them. At laft, the Privy-Council ordered, 
 that all foreigners Ihould he permitted quietly to leave the 
 Kingdom. The Prince of Orange fent particular pailes to the 
 Pope's Nuntio, the Envoys of Pokind, Savoy, and Alodena, 
 
 The popifh Lords, Langdale and Montgomery, were re- 
 leafed. But the Earls of Peterborough and Salisbury were 
 kept in cuftody, on account of impeachments againft them. 
 
 Rotnijh Priells and Jefuits, apprehended fince the King’s 
 flight, were likewife detained. 
 
 Mean while, as it was abfolutely neceft'ary to put an nt p r .„. 
 end to the prelent anarchy, the Pi nice of Orange a Hem bled ajjfr.ti,, it, 
 the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in London, 10 the num- ai “ c 
 ber of above threelcore, and made this fhorc Speech to 
 them. “ My Lords , I have delired you to meet here, tost.tc r.-fb 
 “ advife the bell manner how to purfue the ends of my T ' 1 r 10J - 
 “ Declaration, in calling a free Parliament, for the prefer- j., 
 “ vationof the Proteftant Religion, the reftoring the Rights Kcnn-.- 
 “ and Liberties of the Kingdom, and fettling the fame, p- S3?- 
 
 tvtr/boA KtantC 
 
 that 
 
Book XXIV. 
 
 27. JAMES II. 
 
 785 
 
 < 68 ?. 
 
 'The B1/hop 1 
 and fine 
 'Temporal 
 Lords rejufi 
 
 Ajfoeiation. 
 
 Echini. 
 
 Slate-Trafts 
 T. I p. 95. 
 
 p. 538. 
 Echard. 
 
 III. p.940. 
 Burnet, 
 p. 80+. 
 
 “ that they may not be in danger of being again fub- “ by fo general a defe&ioh in my army, as Wei! 3s in the 1688. 
 
 “ verted.” Upon fpeaking thefe words, he withdrew and “ nation, amongft all forts of people, 
 
 left them to confult together. His declaration was read, “ I was born free, and defire to continue fo : and tho’ 
 and the Lords voted him their particular thanks. Then “ I ventured my life very fiankly on feveral occafions, for 
 they refolved to afTemble every day in their old Houfe at ‘‘ the good and honour of my country, and ain as free to 
 Wejlminjler , and named five of the moft eminent law- “ do fo again (and which I hope I /hall yet do as old as 
 yers (1) to afliftthem in the room of the Judges, who were “ I am, to redeem it from the flavery it is like to fall un- 
 moft of them abfent. It was farther propofed, that the “ der) yet I think it not convenient to expofe my felf to 
 whole affembly fhould fign the aflociation fubferibed by the “ be fo fecured, as not to be at liberty to effect it ; and 
 
 nobility and gentry at Exeter. To this all agreed, “ for that reafon to withdraw, but fo as to be within call 
 
 except the Duke of Somerfet, the Earls of Pembroke and “ whenfoever the nation’s eyes fhall be opened, fo as to 
 
 Nottingham-, the Lord Wharton , and all the Bifhops but “ fee how they have been impofed upon by the fpecious 
 
 that of London. Theobje&ion of the Bifhops was chiefly “ pretences of Religion and Property. I hope it will pleafe 
 founded upon the unchriftian word Revenge , which, to “ God to touch their hearts, out of his infinite mercy 
 fatisfy them, was afterwards changed for that of Punijh- “ and to make them fe.nfible of the ill condition they are 
 mnt. “ in, and bring them to fuch a temper, that a legal Par- 
 
 In the mean time, the King was at Rochejier in a “ liament may be called ; and that, amongft other things 
 melancholy fituation. He perceived, his flight had done “ which may be neceffary to be done, they will a^ree to 
 him an irreparable injury. The proceedings at London “ Liberty of Confcience to all Proteftant Diflenters ■ and 
 fhowed, that he was no longer regarded as a King to be “ that thofe of mv own perfwalion may be fo far con- 
 
 intrufted with the Government, and it was not in his “ fidered, and have fuch a lhare of it, as they may live 
 
 power to reftore himfelf by force. Neverthelefs, fome of peaceably and quietly, as EngHJh/nen and Chriftians ought 
 his friends prefled him to call a Parliament, alluring him “ to do, and not be obliged to traiifplant themfelves ; 
 that .fince his misfortune there was a great turn in the “ which would be very grievous, efpecially to fuch as love 
 minds of the City and army, and that compaflion for him 1,1 their own Country. And I appeal to all men, who 
 generally prevailed. But the very name of a free Parlia- “ are confidering men, and have had experience, whether 
 ment made him tremble. For, befides that his confcience “ any thing can make this nation fo great and flourifli- 
 might reproach him and infpire this fear, he plainly faw, “ ing, as Liberty of Confcience ? Some of our neighbours 
 the leaft which could befal him, would be, that the Par- “ dread it. I could add much more, to confirm 'what I 
 liament would take effe&ual meafures for the fecurity of the “ have faid, but now is not the proper time.” 
 
 Proteftant Religion, and that, as long as he lived, he fhould This paper remained not unanfwered. As I have not 
 be ever diftrufted. Probably it was the fear of pafling the been able to procure Dr. Burn, t's animadverfior.s upon 
 reft of his days in fo uncomfortable a ftate, which de- it (2), I fhall endeavour to fupply the want with fome ob- 
 termined him to withdraw into France. Indeed in taking fervations. 
 
 that courle, he might hope one day to be reftored by the The firft is taken from Mr. Echard , who very juftly T - ,If - 
 afliftance of that Crown. Whereas by flaying in England , obferves. That though the King gave fome reafor.s for hie fie- p ' y+, ‘ 
 he faw no other advantage, than the enjoyment of a cond defection-, he guve. none at all for bisfirjl. Nowit was 
 Royalty, furrounded with troubles and mortifications, and the firft, which chiefly demonftraled, tiiat he chol'e rather 
 in which he could not without danger attempt to recover to abandon his Kingdoms, than be forced to reftoie Relimon 
 his former authority. Whatever were his motives, which and the Laws. 
 
 can only be guefled, on the 23d of December , about three 2. The King fuppofed, that after the difobliging man- 
 in the morning, he privately withdrew, taking with him ner in which he had been treated bv the Prince of Oranrc 
 only the Duke of Berwick his natural fon, Mr. Skelton , he had no room to believe himfelf fafe. And vet he could 
 and Abadie , and went on horfeback to a place near the not deny, that he had been in the power of the Prince, by 
 river, where he embarked on a fmall Frigate, which land- whom his perfon was untouched. At the very time of his 
 cd him falely at Ambleteuje in Prance , from whence he re- writing this paper, he was at full liberty to concert mea- 
 pair’d to St. Germans It was eafy to execute this defign, fures for his efcape into, France , and actually executed chat 
 no perfon about him having orders to ftop or hinder him defign, without any oppofition. 
 
 from difpofing of himfelf as he pleafed. Very probably, 3. What he faid concerning the birth of the Prince of 
 the Prince of Orange received not lefs fatisfa&ion from this Wales , was founded upon the imooflibility, that thofe who 
 fecond, than he had from the firft, flight. The King’s pre- knew him, fhould believe him capable of fo unnatural a vil- 
 fence in the Nation could not but greatly embarafs him. lany. But it was the very belief of his being privy to that 
 Befides his natural generofity, he had promifed the Prin- unnatural villany, which fixed the imputation upon him. 
 cefs that nothing fhould be attempted againft: the life or 4. He aferibes the deletion of his army and the whole 
 liberty of her father. So, the King could not do a greater nation, to the artifices and calumnies of the Prince of Q- 
 fervice to the Prince, than voluntarily to retire out of the range ; whereas the whole hiftory of his rei°m is a demon- 
 Kingdom. And the more, as this afterwards furnifhed a ftration, that it could only be imputed to his own cotuludL 
 prelenfe to fay, he had abdicated the Crown, which ab- 5. He fuppofed, that he withdrew himfelf, in order to 
 dication paved the Prince’s way to the throne. When the come and redeem the nation from flavery. But this fuppo- 
 King quitted Rochejier he left the following paper written fition has been deftroyed by the event, there having been in 
 with his own hand. England but very lew, who really wifhed his reftoratbn. 
 
 “ The World cannot wonder at my withdrawing my o. He infifted, that liberty of Confcience was abfolutely 
 “ felf now the fecond time. I might have expected fome- neceflary to render the Englijh nation great and flourifhing. 
 iL what better ufage, after what I wrote to the Prince of But there was not, perhaps, a fingle Evglijhman , who be- 
 “ Orange , by my Lord Feverjham-, and the Inftru&ions I lieved this was the end propofed by the King, or that was 
 “ gave him : But inftead of an anfwer, fuch as I might not convinced, it was only a pretence to introduce his own 
 “ have hoped for, what was I to expeft after the ufage I and to deftroy the Proteftant, Religion. 
 
 “ received, by making the faid Earl a Prifoner, againft 7. His faying, that fome neighbours dreaded the nation’s 
 “ the practice and Law of Nations? The fending his becoming too great, by the eftablilhmcnt of liberty of 
 own guards at eleven at night, to take pofleflion of the Confcience, was only an infinuation to make the people 
 “ pofts at Whitehall , without advertifing me in the leaft believe, that the Dutch had lent ihcir {hips and forces to the 
 “ manner of it : The fending to me at one of the clock Prince of Orange , for chat very reafon. 
 
 at midnight, when I was in bed, a kind of order by three 
 “ Lords, To be gone out of my Palace before twelve that 
 
 u fame morning ? After all this, how could I hope to be THE 
 
 ‘‘ fafe, fo long as I was in the power of one, who had not 
 “ only done this to me, and invaded my Kingdoms, with- 
 
 “ out any juft: occafion given for it ; but that did, by his / _/\7 EE jEf jlV JEL G J\l Jj Al. 
 
 “ firft Declaration, lay the greateft alperfions upon me 
 “ that malice could invent, in that claufe of it which 
 
 “ concerns my fon. I appeal to all that know me, nav, T TP ON the King’s departure, there was an Interreg- Tbrifancj 
 
 “ even to himfelf, that in their confciences neither he, nor num , but of fuch a nature, as the like had never «t‘btlbnnt, 
 
 44 they, can believe me in the leaft capable of fo unnatural been known in England. It was not owing to the death, 
 
 4 ‘ a villany, nor of fo little common fenfc, to be impofed but to the flight, ot the Sovereign. So, at the fame time, 
 
 ‘‘ on in a thing of fuch a nature as that. What had I the nation was without a King, and without any one to 
 
 “ then to expedl from one, who by all arts, hath taken reprefent him, and to take care of the Government ; and 
 
 “ fuch pains to make me appear as black as hell to my yet there was a King, but a fugitive, and whojptetended not 
 
 “ own people, as well as to all the world befides ? What to renounce his rights. In fuch circumftances, it is in vain 
 “ effeft that hath had at home, all mankind have feen to appeal to Laws, Cuftoms, or Precedents, fince the dif- 
 
 (x) Sir John Maynard, Hole , Polltxfcn, Bradford, and Alkinfin, Ker.net, p- 537. 
 
 ( 2 ) They are in State-Tratfs , Tom. I. p. ia6. 
 
 ference 
 
Vol. SI. 
 
 >84 
 
 ‘T% 
 
 'he HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 i6: : S. ference between this fitate, and that which laws and cuf- 
 toms fuppafe, is manifeff. 
 
 The f.-"!’. As fcon as the Lords heard of the King’s departure, they 
 'fff ^ beheved themielves inverted with a power to adl in their 
 r/> f own names, because indeed, in luch a juncture, it could 
 ’■•hr^n naf properly belong only to them, to take upon them the Go- 
 t jr‘r.' L ‘ ,n ' v - rnment - There was no Parliament in being, and con- 
 I-chard, fequently no Ploufe of Commons to join with them. , By 
 
 1 * 1 • P 9*3- the death or defertion of the King, all publick offices and 
 employments ceafe, becaufe they come fiom him. There 
 remains therefore no authority but in the Peers, who are 
 nearert the Throne, and confequently, more authorized to 
 take care of the Government, till it can be fettled by the 
 body of the nation, by means of a Parliament. The State 
 of the Kingdom was fuch, that there was no example of 
 the like to ferve for a precedent. The King had abandoned 
 the nation, without being forced to it. He w„s in full li¬ 
 berty, and there did not appear any other motive of his 
 flight than the fear of being obliged to call a free Parlia¬ 
 ment, which, probably, would not have approved of his 
 late meafurcs, but reftored the Conftitution to its antient 
 ftate. The Prince of Orange pretended nut to have a 
 right to govern ; his pretenflons coniifted only in procuring 
 a free Parliament. But this Parliament mult be called by 
 fome authority. And by what authority could a Parliament 
 meet, it the nation continued in anarchy, where no perfon 
 would have a right to meddle with the Government ? It 
 was therefore the Peers, who alone were entitled to take 
 care of the State, or elfe it muft be faid, that becaufe the 
 King was pleafed to defert the nation, without fettling the 
 Government, the State was to remain in anarchy, till he 
 fhould think fit to refume the care of it. Let the incon- 
 venieneies arifing from the power affirmed by the Lords, be 
 never fo much urged, thofc which anarchy would have 
 produced, were infinitely greater and more dangerous. Nay, 
 who knows,whether one of the motives of the King’s flight, 
 was not to leave the nation in this fiate of confufion r Be 
 that as it will, the jun&ure was fuch, that extraordinary 
 proceedings could not be avoided. 
 
 Addreft the The firft thing done by the Peers, after confultirg tege- 
 t * ier ’ W3S addrcd i n g £ k e P r ‘ nce of Orange , “ To take 
 ft//Habit u P on h‘ m the adminiftration of publick affairs, both ci- 
 Decem. 25. “ vil and military; the difpofal of the publick revenue; 
 
 “ and the care of Ireland , till the meeting of the intended 
 f’ccnLl- 1 '“ Convention.” The addrefs was dated^the 25th of De- 
 ucr. C . ' Zt " cember. By a fecond addrefs they defired him, “ To ifl’ue 
 Gazettes. “ out miffive letters, fubferibed bv himfelf, to the Lords 
 Kennel- 1 ' ** Spiritual and Temporal being Proteftants, and to the 
 Echard. “ feveral counties, cities, and boroughs, containing direc- 
 tions for the chufing, within ten days, fuch a number 
 “ of perfons to reprefent them, as are of right to be Cent 
 V^anTi t0 P ar ^ ament -” Thefe addrefles were figned by about 
 JJJji ° r p c a r - ninety Lords, that were then prefent in the Houfe. They 
 fifti- were followed by an order from the fame Peers, to all Pa- 
 
 Echared. pift s t o depart the city of London, and ten miles from the 
 
 • P* 944 *f ame , anc j not to remove from their habitations above five 
 miles ; excepting the fervants of the Queen-Dowager, the 
 domefticks of foreign Minifters, and all Houfe keepers in 
 London , and ten miles from the fame, who had been 
 traders for three years laft part, provided they gave in to 
 the Lord-Mayor, their names and places of abode, in eight 
 days ; and alfo fuch popifh officers as fhould give bail in 
 fix days, to appear the firft day of the term, and to be on 
 their good behaviour in the mean time ; but luch officers as 
 fhould negle£f, were to be taken into cuftodv. 
 
 •V R n 7 h e ' k word Convention, to fignify a Parliament aflem- 
 
 ’mrdCon - b- ed without the cuftomary formalities, was new in Eng - 
 vent ion. land , where it had been, as I think, but once ufed in that 
 
 fenfe, namely, after the Refloration of King Charles II. 
 This Prince finding, upon his return into England , a Par¬ 
 liament fitting which l.vd not been fummoned by him, 
 would not own it for a Parliament, on account of the con- 
 fequences. But on the other hand, he would not deprive 
 himfelf of the benefit of the refolutions of this Parliament, 
 which had reftored him to the thione of his anceflors. 
 So, to reconcile thefe two things together, he was willing 
 to own it as a Convention. Probably, the word was bor¬ 
 rowed from what is pracliftd in Scotland , where a difference 
 is put between a Convention of the States, and a Parlia¬ 
 ment. It was therefore this Convention of the year 1660, 
 that the Lords had in view, when they addrefled the Prince 
 of Orange to call one. But as this was a Jingle precedent, 
 and as the Convention of the year 1660, had been firft 
 called under the name of a Parliament, the Prince thought, 
 TbePr r. e dc ^ ldc3 [ fi e fuftrages of the Peers, it was proper to be 
 ajtmbUi autnorized by others, which might pafs for thole of the 
 
 feverjt old people. He therefore publifhed an order, “ Defiring all 
 pZhamJlt. “ fuch P err ° n ? as had i " erved in any of the Parliaments du- 
 Kcnnct, 14 ringthe reign of the late King Charles II, to meet him 
 
 p- 55S. “ at St. ‘James’ s, upon the 26th of December , by ten of 
 
 Echard. J 
 
 1H. p. QIC, 
 
 9*6. (1) Dr. Burnet r «d Prayer.. Kenntt, p 540. 
 
 3 
 
 
 “ the clock in the morning. He A?fired likewife, that :l-e if 39 . 
 
 “ Lord-Mayor and Court of A Mermen of the C: ul 
 “ London , and fifty of the Common-Council, wouiu I _• 
 
 “ there at the fame time.” 
 
 In purfuance of this order, about a hundied and fix: • ’ ’ 
 members, the Aldermen of i.on.ion the M.r/.ir bei-.: in - , 
 difpofed ) and the Deputies of tiie Cua'.uir.r: Count 1!, met 1 1. 
 
 .it St. James' s on the where the Pi 
 
 briefly told them, “ That he had 
 
 “ there, to advife the beft maimer how to n irliic the ,-ikE 1'. ; 1- 
 
 “ of his declaration, in calling a free Pari;, merit, for the 
 “ prefervation of the Proteftan: Religion, and die reiioiing 
 “ the Rights and Liberties of the Kingdom.'’ Th. v nil 
 repaired immediately to the Commons ITaje in i;' 
 jler , where the firft queftion thev debated, wr-, /. . 'au¬ 
 
 thority they had to ajfemble ■: Upon winch w a. lomi a- 
 greed, that the requeft of the Prince was a ftiffic.ent war¬ 
 rant. The next queftion was, How the Prince could tale 
 upon him the adminijlration of affairs , without a dijlinguijh- 
 ing name or title ? But as this queftion tended to prolong 
 the deliberations, and defeat the ends propofed by the 
 meeting, it was thought proper to wave fuch queftions in 
 their future debates. An Afi'ociation was likewife propofed 
 to be figned, but every perfon was left at liberty to fubferibe 
 it or not. After thefe previous debates, they refoived to ad- Which tom 
 drefs the Prince, to take upon him the adminiftranon oCffyf 
 publick affairs, untiil the meeting of the Convention, the ‘ 
 
 2 2d day of January next. The anfwer returned by the • 
 
 Prince to this addrefs, and to that of the Lords, wa9 the ' 
 
 fame, that he would endeavour, as far he was able, toc<.--r- , 
 fecure the peace of the nat accoi efire. 
 
 During the King’s ftay s 
 
 Ambaflador, had been vciy ailive to promote dr, mm- a-l>)urd. 
 mongft the Peers, with a view to ferve :he Km.:. O: M; P ?<' 
 
 the Prince was not ignorant ; but as lie was not yet in¬ 
 verted with any authority, he was obi.’ •cl :>> lulE-r it, tlio* 
 he knew he had not a greater enemy in / .*/ t!i n that 
 Ambaflador. But the moment he was in:ruffed with the Tit French 
 Government, he font an exprefs order to h;ni to leave the 
 Kingdom within four and twenty hours. : th.e fame time, ]’ 
 hefent fit. Lfgcr , a French Refugee, to r.'tuul hi.11 to .lie thin, i 
 That Gentleman could not forbear f..\ ’mg t" ' Ambafla- 
 dor as they were on the road. Sir , had any - t cu a 
 year ago-, that a Refugee Ihould be c--tt. td/j's-ted !: fee out 
 of England, would >:ou have believed it r The .Ambaflador 
 anfwered. Sir, crojs over with me to Calai:, on a i will give 
 you an anfwer. 
 
 On Sunday the 50th of December, the Prince of Orange jt e prince 
 went to the Royal Chapel at St. Jama' s, vTeie he was ■ • »’ww 
 prefent at Divine Service (1), and a Sermon preached by ’1 .. ( ' 
 
 Dr. Lloyd , Bifhop of St. AIjuph ; after v. let 1 ue received ’’ nad^" 
 the Sacrament from the hands of the B '.hop ol London. Kemet.j 
 This publick profeffion of the eftablifhed Religion, greatly p ' 
 contributed to difpel the Icars of thofe, who dreaded his too 
 zealous adherence to the Presbyterian Reiigion, in winch he 
 had been educated. But it muff be obferved, that though 
 the difference between the Epifci p.d and Presbyterian 
 Churches has occafioned much noife, diffurbance, and er.-, 
 mity in England , yet both then and now, very few foreign 
 Proteftants fcruple to communicate with the Ciiuich of 
 England. 
 
 The next day, the Prince publifhed a Proclamation, au- cjz-ttss. 
 thorizing all publick officers, not being Papifts, in a£f in N 1415. 
 their refpctSfive offices, till the meeting of the intended Con¬ 
 vention, or other order to the contrary. 
 
 The fame dav he paid a vifit to the (Tumn-Dowager, Tie Pr ■■■ 
 who indirectly asked him to releafe her Chamberlain the "f 1 ::i 
 Earl of Fever/ha which the Prince readily granted. Oitvager. 
 
 Though in the hiftory of the two laft reigns I have faid Kenne:. 
 but little of the affairs of Scotland , the Reader however -R- 
 may have remarked, that this Kingdom was c itirelv :db- R ,' 
 jedled to an arbitrary power, and withal, to Epii’copacv, r- B4. 
 contrary to the general bent of the people. ^Vhen tim- , 7 
 
 Prince of Orange's declarathm for Scotland, (the fame .11 p ’ ^ 
 fubftance with that for England) appeared tiiere, the 
 byterians began to take courage, thofe at the helm not da¬ 
 ring to ufe any violence for fear of a general 111 furred fork, 
 which would have been extremely prejudicial to the King's 
 affairs at that jundtuie. Things remained in this fituath n, 
 till the King’s party began to retire into England, t or 
 though the Scotch Bifhops had publifhed an abhorrence of 
 the Prince's expedition, it was by no meant the fcntimerits 
 of the nation in general. Every one felt the weight of the 
 yoke impofed on them, and the Epifcopaliar.s thcmfelvcs 
 had reafon to fear, that under the prerenfe of humbling the 
 Presbyterians, the King intended to deftiuy t!,e Proteftant 
 Religion. So far their cafe was the fame with that of the 
 Englijh. And therefore the Duke of Sf rensbury, and fome 
 other Scotch Gentlemen v/ere come to London , to delire a 
 free Parliament. Hence may be known, what the Scots 
 
Book XXIV. 
 
 The INTERREGNUM. 
 
 7»5 
 
 16 SS. 
 
 6 S8. thought of their prefent flavery. The Lord Chancellor, to the EM. But a fevere fmrf -*,„r„i h 1 
 
 upon the news of King Jarrm's withdrawing, immediately from Holland longer than he expefled ' Cr ep '‘ r ‘ UrC 
 
 refigned the Great Seal, and retired from Edinburgh. Up- The Commons met the aad of January in two ‘Joufes |6S- , 
 
 ™Vrh * P T fv °/ T TV “ d . nflcd > »« “ > Parliament. The Peers chofe [ Georg, Sav'd, \ Mar’ !i - =•"- 
 
 en y the Roman Cathohcks, but alfo thofe who had appear- quifs of Hallifax for their Sneaker anf (' ^ * v "' l,on 
 
 ed moft devoted ,0 the Epifcopal party. So, the Blfhops Mr. Henry pH,1„ e “h^Houfe was rea 5 he 
 were forced to retire, to avoid the infults of the Presbyte- letter from the Prince of oJL, 0^00^^ rfTheir 
 nans, who were now much fupenor to their late perfecu- meeting : £ me occalion of the ‘r p . 54I / 
 
 tois. On the other hand, feveral Scotch Lords and Gen 
 
 “ My Lords end Gentlemen, 
 
 ‘‘ T HAVE endeavoured to the utmoft of my power, Tb ‘ Pr 
 A to perform what was defired from me, in order to 0rJn 6 E ’* 
 the publick peace and fafety ; and I do not know thatcWfJ/o*/ 
 any thing hath been omitted which might tend to the 
 “ prefervation of tlitm, fince the adminirtration of affairs 
 € w * s P ut ‘ nto m y hands. It now lieth upon vou to lav 
 ‘ t,5 e foundations of a firm fecurity for your Religion, vour 
 “ Laws, and >' our Liberties. I do not doubt, but that 
 ‘ by fuch a full and free Reprefentative of the nation, as 
 ‘ Is now met » the ends of my Declaration will be attained 
 “ And fince ‘t hath pleafed God hitherto to blefs my good 
 “ attentions with fo great fuccefs, I truft in him, that he 
 “ Wl11 compleat his own work, by fending a fpirit of peace 
 “ and union to influence your counfels, that no interrup- 
 “ tionmay be given to a happy and lafting fetllement. 
 
 “ The dangerous condition of the Proteflants in Ire - 
 lan, c/, requiring a large and fpeedy fuccour, and the pre- 
 “ lent ftate of things abroad, oblige me to tell you, that 
 “ next to the danger of unfeafonable divifions amongft 
 ‘ our felves, nothing can be fo fatal as too great delayer, 
 
 “ your confutations. The States, by whom I have been 
 “ enabled to refeue this nation, may fuddenly feel the ill ef- 
 ‘‘ Ws of it, both by being too long deprived of the fervice 
 of their troops, which are now here, and of your early 
 a/Iiltance againft a powerful enemy, who hath declared 
 a war agamft them. And as England is by treaty al- 
 “ ready engaged to help them upon fuch exigencies, fo I 
 “ am confident, that their chearful concurrence to preferve 
 ‘ thls K ‘ngdom with fo much ha/.ard to themfelves, will 
 meet with all the returns of friendfhip and afliftance 
 ‘ may be expetfed from you, as Proteflants and 
 
 Eugltjhmen, whenever their condition will require it. 
 
 “ Given at St - James’r the zzd day of January, 
 
 ‘‘ 1688-9.” 1 
 
 - ■■■- . — ..c, iwciai 0JLUU.U dllU VjCn- 
 
 tlemen repaired to London, to obferve the motions there, 
 and to determine their conduct by that of the Englijh. 
 
 Jan. 7. The F >rince of Orange, who could not vifit Scotland, 
 
 Sutc-Trafh affembled all the Scotch Nobility and Gentry then in London, 
 
 T. I. P . ici. who meeting at St. James's, to the number of thirty Lords 
 and fourfeore Gentlemen, he asked their advice, what was 
 to be done for the fecuring the Proteflant Religion, and 
 refloring their Laws, and Liberties, according to his De¬ 
 claration ? After this fhort fpeech, the Lords and Gentle¬ 
 men repaired to the Council-Chamber at Whitehall , and 
 chufing Duke Hamilton their Prefident, confulted together, 
 what advice was moft proper to be given to the Prince. 
 
 This affair was in effed fettled the firft day. But on the 
 morrow, they were interrupted by a propofol from the 
 Earl of Arran , that the King fhould be defired to return, 
 and call a free Parliament. The tendency of this propofol 
 was eafily fe-en, and therefore it was unanimoufly rejected. 
 
 At laft, it was agreed to prefent an addrefs to the Prince of 
 Orange to deli re him to take upon him the adminiftration 
 of all affairs both civil and military, and to call a general 
 meeting of the States to be holden the i 4th of the follow¬ 
 ing March. This addrefs being prefented to the Prince, 
 he defired time to confider of it, and two days after re¬ 
 turned much the fame anfwer as he had to the Englijh. 
 of Ireland. The profped from Ireland was not fo pleafing. The 
 fu ha p d ' 9 4*. EarI °f 1 y rconne/ y a zealous Papift and entirely devoted to 
 buniet, the King, was Lord-Lieutenant, and fupported by an army, 
 
 P- 805. which he had taken care to compofe of Popifh officers 
 and foldiers. There was room therefore to fear, that the 
 Earl would not fubmit to the resolutions taken in England , 
 and he was not then to be forced to obedience. Mean 
 while, the Prince of Orange having received addreffes not 
 cnlv from the Englijh Lords and Commons concerning Ire¬ 
 land, but likewife from the Proteflants of that Kingdom, 
 could not but endeavour to procure the happinefs of a na- 
 
 Tile delivery of chi. jettej £££% ffiSSEL 
 
 Harnlun, who prom.fed to fecond ,t „,th his perfuafions. with the adminiftration, which they pra ed him to ™ 
 
 with 'ryZIlJZa^o ^ it that h£ aflcd in conccrt w h ” h ti fl2 e b, c ™\ <h °; ld be maJe 10 hi -ssv;*«. 
 
 Tile Prinrr an.! the r JrAo t h e -j l j i , wh ch lhould be done with all convenient fpeed. Thev Slate -Traa. 
 the forces disbljed by the Earl of FnerJh'Jn to’eS * tfci ™ — 
 
 . !£, f ™ *>». P-e difeharged the “ 
 
 rears of he Eyl.fi army, w.th two hondred thoufand a conf,deration of the affairs of Eurat, S 7 P thcm 10 
 and other ofScers having refigned their Commiffil^onTc! “nfertTparSar pmyer for fhf Prince o/0^“ 
 
 ^ :::r re " dcrit 
 
 TbcArcb- , lhe Archbimop of Canterbury had hitherto declined his table at his departure from Rochr/l,r mA A g i j ? ’ 
 
 W, n «“» “ f Oran,, But at laft he fent a intention to ^T^EnJZf^f^ a lm/pt^ W 
 
 , V ““ r ft S f °V h hC p fenCC “ d P'yS" 1 ™ of theVroteftamt- time',he Co”nation' Jam, ZZfm'i'n! I 
 tereft The Prince returned a favorable anfwer, though letter of the fame tenor to both Houfes of the Cn„venrfon 
 exprefted in general terms, mhnuating, that it would not adding, a promife on the word of a Kinv „t , a 2 • 
 
 be h,s au!t, tf they were not made eafy. vc „ £ tho % that betrayed Z, ( fonte fet ^cepfodta'd'' 
 
 In th. mean time, the e efllons for the members of the a refolution by an Aa of Oblivion, to cover all faults But'”' 
 
 Conventton proceeded with all ,magi,.able freedom. The both Houfes returning the letters unopened the 
 eleftors gave their vo.es accord,ng to their own inclinations, friends complained of ft, as of a -teat hardfhio S ’ ' 
 
 wnthout any foft.c, tat, on..from the Prince, or his ft,ends. The Houfe of Commons deferred theftZ inu till the 
 
 Moreover the Prince had ordered the foldiers to remove at a8th of January, to give time to the reft of heft m 
 a cer.am d.ftance from the places of eleven, to take away to comefp to town. 8 Th y, Mr fon to the 
 
 all pretence of compuli,on. ) ate Archbifhop of York, made long Speech to “rove he «»• 
 
 Mean while, the Prince conftdenng, that the Convention vacancy of the throne, by the Kini drferftnn the K' 
 was to fettle the Government, thought it proper to fend for dom. Upon this arofe a debate, which held four of fife 
 ^ Convention hours, J ended with this memorable vote, 6,6 
 
 That King Jam, r the Second, having endeavoured tor., r i. 
 fubvert the Conftitution of the Kingdom, by breaking c..J. ‘ 
 
 thf* ( Ir.tTintll ( AntruA I- * 1 ■ , P n I . 4 
 
 p. 8o6 
 
 Jt ”• rb ‘ 
 
 foci anon, 
 
 the Prince. 
 Echird. 
 
 111. p. 95 
 
 Elt&iont for 
 
 C»zetres. 
 N. 1416. 
 
 7 be P, 
 fendifc 
 the Pn 
 Echaid 
 
 » — .c ^tt.urtuic, me convention 
 
 lit. p ,,, “ould declare the throne vacant, no perfon had a jufter 
 pretention to it than (he. Very likely alfo, he thought 
 he had himfelt room to afpire to it, by his late great fervicc 
 
 No. 8j. Vol. II, 
 
 -7 . — .‘ UUUI * uic xvinguom, oy t 
 
 ■ the Original Contrail between King and peovli 
 
 0 N 
 
 and! £ eba, “ -, 
 
 7 bow the Ab- 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 5 R£, 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND. 
 
 16SS-9. tc by ihe advice of Jcfuits and other wicked perfons, hav- 
 “• ing violated the fundamental laws, and withdrawn him- 
 “ feif out of the Kingdom, hath abdicated the Govern- 
 tl ment, and that the throne is thereby become vacant.” 
 st-urher. I'he next day, the Commons farther voted, “ That it 
 
 Ed, tj. hath been found by experience to be inconfiftent with 
 
 in. p. 960. tC p r oteftant Kingdom, to be governed by a popifli 
 “ Prince.” 
 
 jUjnf, ,, They prefented likewife an addrefs to the Prince of 0 - 
 d' Pnrcctf range, for the flopping all fhips that were going to France. 
 Orang: Two days after, they voted, that the thanks of the Houfe 
 
 ffiould be given to the Clergy of the Church of England , 
 who had refufed to read in the Churches the King’s decla¬ 
 ration for Toleration ; and alfo to the officers and foldiers, 
 for having teftified their ready adherence to the Proteftant 
 Religion ; and to all fuch as had appeared in arms for the 
 defence of the fame. All thefe votes were fent up to the 
 Lords for their concurrence. 
 
 Great De But in the Houfe of Lords things parted not with that 
 hutnintbe unanimity. There were feveral parties, who caufed every 
 limit of queftion to be nicely examined. It was on th’e 29th of 
 K- n . r 'January, that the Lords began to confider toe vote of the 
 p 54;.’ Common?; concerning the vacancy of the throne. The 
 Echard• rtr 11 motion war,, “ Not to agree with the Commons that 
 Durr,ci 960 “ [ be throne was vacant, but only to fuppofe it for the 
 p.:'.3,113. ptefentj leaving it to be further examined afterwards, in 
 
 “ order to cut fhort feveral other queftions, by determining 
 this firft, Whether the Throne being vacant, it ought to 
 “ be filled up by a Regent or a King" ? [ Daniel Finch ] 
 j ,, „ Earl of Nottingham, who was at (he head of the party for 
 cd, a Regent, made a long fpeech, alledging feveral a guments 
 for a Regency, taken from the Englijh and ocher Hiftories. 
 He infilled particular;v upon what had very lately parted in 
 Portugal, where, A'phonfo VI. being deputed, his brother 
 Don Pelro had only the title of Regent of the King 1 >m 
 conferred on him. But the Marquifs of Hallifax and the 
 Earl of Danby demontlrated on the other fide, the infupe- 
 rable difficulties attending the adminiflration of the Guvern- 
 a.id rejcEted. ment under a Regent. At laft, after a -cry long debate, 
 the queftion being put to the vote, fi'ty one were for a 
 King, and forty nine only for a Regency (1). Thirteen 
 Bifhops were among the laft, and but two among the firfl, 
 namely, Dr. Compton Bithop uf London , and Sir Jonathan 
 Trelawney Bifhop of Brijlol. The Arcbbifhop of Canter¬ 
 bury was abfent. 
 
 Remart on H the principles advanced by the Church of England in 
 tb?Cbu”b the reign of Charles II, and the doCtrine of Paffive-obedi- 
 cf England, ence and Non-refiftance fo ftrenuourty maintained, and pub- 
 lickiy preached, be remembered, it will not be thought 
 very ftrange, that the Biffiops fliould refute to vote for de- 
 poling King James , and fecting another King on the 
 throne. This' was dire&ly contrary to the maxims they 
 had not long fince approved, and from which they did not 
 think proper to depart entirely. The truth is, by main¬ 
 taining thefe extravagant maxims, without admitting any 
 limitations, at a time when they thought only of oppoling 
 the principles of the Republicans, they bad thrown them- 
 felves into a very dangerous ftrait, of which they were not 
 • fenfible, till they faw the Proteftant Religion expofed to the 
 danger attending thefe maxims. They perceived then, it 
 was abfolutely necertary to limit the regal authority, and 
 were ihemfelve:, the firft to do it, by openly retelling to 
 read the declaration for liberty Of Confcience. Herein they 
 acted dire&iy contrary to the principle of Paffive-obedience 
 and Mon-reffifiance, maintained before with fuch ardour by 
 the Church of England. This the King reproached them 
 with, when he told them. He did not expect to meet with 
 reliltance from the Church. So, after eftablifhing as an ef- 
 fential dodtrine of the Church of England, that the royal 
 power is by divine right, and that the King can never be 
 difobeyed withuut ten, they (bowed by their own pradtice, 
 that it mult be received with this reftridtion, When the 
 King enjoins things according to lav). But in cafe his com¬ 
 mands are contrary to laiu, he not only thay, but even ought to 
 be refilled. A dodtrine which would never have been con- 
 tefted, had it been thus explained at firft. When I fay 
 the Biffiops, I mean the Church of England in general. 
 
 It is therefore certain, that when the queftion was to be 
 decided, Whether, on fuppotetion of the vacancy of the 
 Throne, it lhould be fiiled with a King or a Regent, the 
 Church of England was fatisfied that James II. had viola¬ 
 ted the laws, and no longer deferved to be trulled with the 
 Government of the Kingdom. This was the general opi¬ 
 nion. The only point was to know, whether the title of 
 King ffiould be left him, and a Regent appointed to go¬ 
 vern in hrs room, or whether another King ffiould be fet 
 on the Thro..;. It is eafy to fee the little difference be¬ 
 tween a Kin i adtually deputed, wbofe Throne is filled by 
 
 • 9 . 
 
 another, and a fugitive King, from whom no more orders ;6S'- 
 are to be received, and whofe authority is exerciled by a 
 Regent not ol his own chuteng. But, bcfidcs the particu¬ 
 lar view fome Lords might have, of rendering the refto- 
 ration of King James lets difficult, by leaving him the 
 title of King, the Biffiops found a c'dnfiderable advantage 
 in a Regency. For by that they did not fwerve fo far 
 from the principle they had before preached, and caufed to 
 be preached, that the regal power is jure ellvino. Indeed, 
 when Religion was in extreme danger, they had not thought 
 fit to infill upon this principle. They had not only fuffe- 
 red and approved the Prince of Orange's coming to the re¬ 
 lief of their Religion, but moreover, fome had invited him 
 into England : But 'he dorm being over, the King a fu¬ 
 gitive, the Catholick party fuppreft'ed, and all fear vaniffied* 
 they believed they ought not entirely to depart from their 
 principles. If, for their own fafety, they were willing the 
 Kingdom ffiould be governed, not by King James but by a 
 Regent, they couid not, on the other hand, refolve openly 
 to recede from what they had maintained, that the regal 
 power is jure divino, and the King's character indelible. 
 
 On the morrow, January 30, this qileftion was put in Tbe$v e f- 
 the Houfe of Lords, Whether or no there was an original :i ' b: - 
 contrail between the King and People? This queftion w 1 
 warmly debated, feveral maintaining, that fuch a contract A 
 was only a chimera. Other, rejecting the genera! aflertions Ke,,ncr . 
 urged by the firft, and tne inftances brought from the prac- Erhtfd 
 tice of other countries, confined them Lives to the particu- lll.p. g6*„ 
 lar Conflitution of the Englifs Government. They en- 
 deavoured to (how, that it mud have been by virtue of fuch P 11,81 ^ 
 a contrail, that the Parliament were poftefted jointly with 
 the King, of the legiflative power; other wife, the right of 
 the Parliament, in their opini >n, could be founded only 
 upon cuftom, which was not diffident to balance the King’s 
 pretended divine right : whence it tvould follow, that the 
 King, in virtue of his divine right, might abeliffi this cuf¬ 
 tom, and render himfelf abfolute. But that the prevention 
 of fuch a misfortune was theotcateon of their prtfent meet¬ 
 ing. The queftion being put to the vote, fifty three were Iipajiiin 
 for the original Contract, and forty fix only againft it. ,k ‘ -Affitma- 
 The next day, they took into confederation the word ‘oebate ak . at 
 Abdicated, and entered into a grammatical difpute, to know tc-. -.vo-d " 
 whether the word could be underftood only of a voluntary AW ‘«ted* 
 Abdication, without any mixture of compulfion, and it was j c a' t dJ~ 
 concluded, that the word Deferted was more proper. They 
 next examined the word Vacant , and put this queftion, Jl'ftTbt 
 IVhether King James, having broke that original Contrail be- Vdcancy. 
 tween him and his People, and deferted the Government, the 
 throne was thereby vacant ? The debates upon this queftion 
 were longer, and more warm than any of the former. In R c]e (Ui. 
 ffiort, the party that maintained it was a law-maxim, 
 
 That the King never dies, and confcquently that the throne 
 can never be vacant, carried the negative of the queftion 
 by eleven voices. But on the morrow, forty Lords ente- p r0 te8auea 
 red their pfoteftations againft the vote. As the Lords vote 
 was founded upon the Crown's devolving, on the King’s de- nfjfVfl'- 1 
 mife, immediately to the next heir, without any vacancy , »*d Princeft 
 fome of the other party moved, that, fuppofing King James °f 0ran E"’'’ 
 to be dead in law, the Prince and Princefs of Orange ffiould 
 be declared King and Queen. But this was alio carried in Echard, 
 the negative by five voices. Hl > P- 9 6t - 
 
 If thefe feveral refolutions be confidered, and compared 
 together, the Lords will doubtlefs teem to have rendered it tbefTvluu 
 impoffible to fettle the Government any way. In the firft 
 place, the firft vote by which the Regency was rejected, 
 was founded upon the fuppofition of the throne’s being va¬ 
 cant, and yet by the laft vote it was carried, that the throne 
 was not vacant. Secondly, it appeared, that they were not 
 for King James. It was agreed, he had broke the original 
 Contract, and deferted the Government, and yet it was 
 decided, that the throne was not vacant. Thirdly, in 
 voting that the throne was not vacant, becaufe the King 
 never dies, and the regal authority devolves, after the King’s 
 natural or civil death, to the next heir, they refufed to ac¬ 
 knowledge the Princefs of Orange for Qgeen. There re¬ 
 mained therefore but one expedient, namely, to recognizd 
 for King the Prince of JVales , who was conveyed into 
 France \ a Prince, that by mod of the Englijh , was believed 
 fuppofititious, and belides would, probably, be educated in 
 the Romifh Religion. But the Commons had voted, and 
 the Lords concurred afterwards to the vote, that it was in¬ 
 confiftent with a Proteftant Kingdom, to be governed by a 
 popiffi King. The feveral refolutions of the Lords upon 
 the queftions propofed, feem therefore to tend folely to ren¬ 
 der rhe fettling of the Government impracticable.’ This, 
 no doubr, was the aim of fome among them, that the dif¬ 
 ficulties might not polfibly be furmounted, but by recalling 
 King James. Many were fatisfied of this, and therefore a A 
 
 ' The chief of :hof> that 
 ■tr, m n.rbnd , Scarjdai 
 Arundel ul iron) , 
 
 irred for a Regency, wer*. rhe Dukes flf Sen 
 , Cotfttr/i.ld, Lucbfield. Yarn-, -c, and Lindfry 
 G.dolfbn, Grijpn, S';. Kenrut, f- 544. 
 
 ihe Farls of Kent, 
 ; C.ne-.try, IS -toft. 
 
 Pembroke, C/jrin ten, Roc hi/hr, 
 Lc.gb. Fet.-jre, Ctandtis, jer 
 
Book XXIV. 
 
 Suppretfed 
 by the Prm 
 c/Orange. 
 
 *Tbt LordI 
 find denun 
 
 Conference 
 
 Occafon. 
 Feb 4- 
 Debates 
 about the 
 Abdicatlo 
 P -4 9 - 
 Erhard. 
 Kcnnet. 
 
 *688-9. petition was drawn up to b'e prefented to the Lords, de- 
 firing, in plain terms, that the Prince and Princels of 
 Orange might he fettled on the throne. Care was taken to 
 get this petition frgned by all forts of people, that by the 
 great number of fubferibers it might pafs (or the fenfe of the 
 e njt ' on - Put the Prince of Orange not liking this wav of 
 ‘ proceeding, fent the Lord-Mayor orders, to put a Hop to 
 this tumultuous project, which was accordingly done. 
 
 The 2d of February , the Lords fent a mellage, to ac¬ 
 quaint the Commons with tv/o amendments they had made 
 to their vote of the 28th of "January. The firft was, in- 
 ftead of the word Abdicated,'they would have Defer ted be 
 put in. The fecund, that the words, and that the throne 
 is thereby become vacant , fliould be left out. The Commons, 
 not pleafed with thefe two amendments, appointed a com¬ 
 mittee to draw up reafons why they mull inlift upon their 
 vote, and defired a conference with the Lords upon that 
 fubjedh This conference produced no effedt, each Houfe 
 pern fling in their opinion. Only the Earl of Nottingham 
 intimated from the Lords, that they infifted upon the a- 
 mendments, not to favour King * James, but folely to main¬ 
 tain Hereditary Right, in the fear that the eledlion of a 
 King might deftroy that right. But the Commons perlift- 
 ing ftill in their opinion, by a fuperiority of two hundred and 
 eighty two, againft one hundred and fifty one, appointed 
 twenty four ot their mod able members to manage on this 
 extraordinary occafion at a free conference, for which the 
 Lords named on their part, the Earls of Nottingham , Cla¬ 
 rendon, Rochejler , Pembroke , with the Biihop of Ely, and 
 fome others. 
 
 As this conference between the two Houfes is the moll 
 remarkable, ever known in England, as well for the im¬ 
 portance of the thing itfelf, as tor the ability of the mana¬ 
 gers, I (hall infert it at large, and take the liberty to add 
 home Remarks, for the illuftration of the ^Speeches made 
 on this occafion. 
 
 Mr. Hampden, who opened the conference, faid, My 
 
 Lords,-- “ The word Abdicated, the Com- 
 
 “ mons conceive, is of a larger figr.ification than the word 
 “ y°i' r Lordfhips arc pleafed to ufe. Deserted; but 
 “ too large to be applied to all the recitals in the begin- 
 “ ning of the Commons vote, to which they meant it 
 “ be applied. Nor ought it to be reftrained to a vo- 
 
 “ Iuntary exprefs refignation, only in word or writing ; 
 
 overt-afts there are, that will be fignificant enough to 
 “ amount to it. My Lords, That the common law of 
 “ England is not acquainted with the word, it is from the 
 “ modefty of our law, that it is not willing to fuppofe 
 “ there fliould be any unfortunate occafion of making ufe 
 of it. 
 
 “ Your Lordlhips next amendment is, that your Lofd- 
 fhips have left out the laft words in the Commons vote, 
 
 “ A)at the Throne is thereby vacant. My Lords, The 
 “ Commons conceive it a true propofition, and that the 
 f hrone is vacant ; and they think they make it appear, 
 
 “ thar - th ' s bo new phrafe; neither is it a phrafe that'per- 
 “ hap fome of the old records may be ftrangers to, or not 
 “ wel1 acquainted with : But they think it not chargeable 
 “ Wltb consequences that your Lordfhips have been pleafed 
 “ to draw from it. That it will make the Crown of Eng- 
 li ^ and become elective. If the Throne had been full, we 
 “ know your Lordfhips would have afligned that, as a 
 “ reafon of >' our difagreement, by telling us who filled it; 
 
 “ and it would be known by fome publick royal a ft, which 
 “ mi gbt notify to the people, in whom the kingly Govcrn- 
 “ ment refided ; neither of which hath been done, and 
 “ yet your Lordfhips will not allow the Throne to be 
 “ vacant."-— 
 
 Mr. Sommers (a) faid,.-“ If i, be an objedion that 
 
 “ the word Abdicated hath not a known fenfe in the com- 
 “ mon law of England, there is the fame obje&ion againft 
 “ the word Defected : So that your Lordfhips firft reafon 
 c hath the lame force againft your own amendment, as it 
 “ oath againft the term ufed by the Commons. The 
 <c words are both Latin words, and ufed in the beft au- 
 “ thors, and both of a known fignification ; their meaning 
 is very well underftood ; though it be true, their mean- 
 “ mg be not the fame : The word Abdicate doth naturally 
 <£ and properly fignify, entirely to renounce, throw off', dif- 
 “ own , rclinquijb any thing or perfon, fo as to have no further 
 “ t0 (io w,t ” lt ’> anii ^t whether it be done by exprefs words, 
 
 ‘‘ or in siting, (which is the fenfe your Lordfhips put 
 4 upon it, and which is properly refignation or ceflion • ) 
 
 “ or, by doingJuch acts as are inconffffent zvith the holding, 
 
 “ or retaining of the thing ■ which the Commons take to 
 “ be * he P ref ent cafe, and therefore made choice of the 
 “ word Abdicate , as that which they thought did, above ail 
 “ others ’ nioft properly exprefs that meaning: And in this 
 ]attcr fcnfc ^ ^ taken by others." [ Here, to fhow that 
 it was the true fignification of the word, he urged the au- 
 
 The INTERREGNUM. 
 
 (0) A famous Lawyer, who v 
 
 tbontjes of Gram,, Calvin, Srt/mm, BueU-:,,, and Pra- 
 ‘ But «* B&UJ, hath not onlv a vc v 
 
 „ , ub ' ful .% / ". ficlt ™. but M>mmn„ acccp .nice, both 
 of the Civ,I and common -IS*, dbth lignify onlv a bar, 
 
 „ f Um P‘ ra n f -, it 
 
 which lea^elh the parly at liberty of u-turning „ „„/• 
 
 ! For this he Minted Spigeliut and Bartel, „ , addin- 1 
 • Hcnce " W»*> lint that is called D . whw “ ,t 
 „ t ™P ora V and relievabfc: That is called D,relation, 
 where there is no power or right to return. So ,he 
 civil law the word Defert is ufed to fignify, Soldie.s 
 leaving theircolours. And in the canon law to Deferi 
 u * henefice, figmfies no more than to he Non-ref,dent. 
 In both cafes, the party hath not only-a right ol return- 
 mg, but ts bound to return again i Which, my Lords, 
 as the Commons do not take to be the prefem cafe fo 
 „ c an not thinld that your Lbrdlhip do; becaufe ,’t is 
 
 .. Xt fi “ , m ™tf - your r * r ™- given in defence of 
 .« ,hC ,r amendment. Tint y.ur Lbrltjhigs have hen, and are 
 willing, to Jicttre the nation agawjl the return of Kir - 
 .. J amK i "toph your Lordfliips Would not, in juftice, dot 
 if you did look upon it as no more than a negligent with- 
 drawing, which ieaveth a liberty to the party to return 
 „ For Whl< ; l, r c e i 0ns ’ m y Lor *. the Commons cannot 
 agree to the firft amendment, to infett the word Defer- 
 ted inftead of Abdicated-, becaufe it doth not in ah> fort 
 come up to then fenfe of the thing: So they do appre- 
 hend ,t doth not reach your Lordfltips meaning, as it is 
 „ “P™! n ccafons; whereas they look upon the 
 .. W ° r . to exprefs properly what is to be infer- 
 
 « 1“ fr0m * at Pf 11 °I. ' he vote, to which your Lordfhips 
 have agreed, That King James the Second, by going about 
 to fubvert the Confiitutton, and by breaking the original 
 con,ran between King and People, and by violating ,U 
 fundamental law,, and by -withdrawing himfelf out of the 
 Kingdom, hath thereby renounced to be a King, iceord- 
 !w t0 , e Conftltut, °B> by avowing to govern bv a 
 defpouck power, unknown to the Conftitudon, and' in- 
 conhftent with it; he hath renounced to be Kinir ac 
 “ cording to the law, fetch a King as he fwore to beat the 
 Coronation, fitch a King to whom the allegiance of an 
 Enghjh fubjea „ due ; and hath fet up another kind of 
 dominion, which ,s to all intents an Abdication, or aban- 
 honing of his legal title, as fully as if it had been done 
 by exprefs words (i ). 
 
 Re m »rk (t) k iseafy to perceive, that thefe two 
 Speeches of Mr. Hampden and Mr. Sommers refer to what 
 was ohjeacd by the Lords in a former conference againft the 
 word Abdicated, and fhe vacancy of the Throne. J thought 
 proper to omit that firft conference, becaufe moft of The 
 things therein alledged, ate repeated in this. However it 
 may be feen here by the Commons anfwers, what the Lords 
 objections were. 
 
 Mr. Serjeant «,/, added,-For that part of your 
 
 „ Bord,, '‘P a ohjeaton, That It i, not a word known l fh, 
 Common Law of England, that cannot prevail ■ for your 
 very well know, we have very few words in 
 „ 0ur ‘' I,n g ue > 'fi* ate of equal antiquity with the Com- 
 mon-law ; your Lordlhips know the language of En-.- 
 land is altered greatly in the fevetal fuccefficns of time- 
 „ ? nd t h'"’ ter mixture of other nations ; and if we ftiould 
 be obliged to make ufe only of words then known and 
 in ufe, what we fliould deliver in fetch a dialed, would 
 “ be very difficult to be underftood. 
 
 “ Your Lordlhips fecond reafon for your firft amend. 
 
 „ f! n Ranging the word Abdicated lor the word De- 
 Jertcd, IS, Becaufe in the common acceptation of the Clv'l 
 r’ Abdication u a voluntary ee-pref, all of rrmmcia- 
 II i thc ee " eral acceptation of the word, and 
 
 1 think the Commons do fo ufe the word in this cafe 
 „ b ' Cal, . fc U hatb 'ha' fignification : But I do not know 
 whether your Lordlhips mean a voluntary exprefs a-^ 
 or formal deed of Renunciation : If you do to, 1 con 
 (ers 1 know of none in this cafe : But mv Lords, both 
 in the Common-Law of England, and in the Civil Law 
 and in common undemanding, there are exorefs aefts of 
 j Renunciation that are not by deed ; for if your Lord- 
 mips p!ea(e to obferve, the Government and Magifiracv 
 is under a truft, and any ading contrary to tha“ truft 
 is a Renouncing of the truft, though it be not a Re-’ 
 " 0l,n T: n S hy f-ntal d eed . For it is a plain declaration 
 
 “ hL ,h 3 ^ A h °“ Bh n0t m wr:ti, ’( ; ' that fiewho 
 .C hath the truft admg contrary, is a difclaimer of the 
 truft ; efpecaliy, my Lords, if the adings be fetch as 
 . are ;nconfiftent with, and fubverfive of this truft . 
 
 ‘ hot how can a man in reafon or fenfe, exprefs a greatiT 
 „ Fenunciationof a truft, than by the cunftant dTclara- 
 trons of his adions to be quite contrary to that truft 
 I hen the Earl ol Nottingham fpoke on the fide of the 
 Lords, and feud,-- The main reafon of the cWe 
 
 787 
 
 I68S-9. 
 
 in the Re'gn of King U'llhitn III, R a p-,. 
 
 (t of 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 The H 1 STO RT of t N G LAN D. 
 
 11 of the word Deferte /1 , is upon the account of the con- 
 44 fequence drawn in the conclufion of your vote. Tout the 
 ‘Throne is thereby vacant : That is, what the Commons 
 “ mean by that expreifion, whether you mean it is fo 
 “ vacant as to null the fucceffion in the hereditary line, 
 
 44 and fo all the heirs to be cut off, which we fay will 
 44 make the Crown Eledtive ? And it may be fit for us to 
 fettle that matter firft, and when we know what the 
 1,1 confequence of the throne being vacant means in the vote 
 44 as you underftand it, I believe we fhould much better 
 “ be able to fettle the difference about the two words (2). 
 
 RtM. (2) It does not appear that the Commons had 
 any thoughts of making the Crown Elective. I his was 
 a confequence aferibed to them by the Lords, to have an 
 occafion to contradidt the vacancy of the throne. 
 
 To this it was replied by Serjeant Maynard , 14 i\ly 
 Lords, when there is a prefent defect of one to exercife 
 '• the adminiftration of the Government, I do conceive, 
 
 44 the declaring a vacancy, and provifion of a fupplv for 
 44 it, can never make the Crown Eledtive. T he Com- 
 44 mom apprehend there is fuch a dcfedl now ; and by 
 44 confequence a prefent neceffity for the fupply of the 
 44 Government, and that will be next for your Lordfhips 
 44 confideration, and theirs afterwards. If the attempting 
 44 the utter deftrudtion of the fobjedt, and fubverfion ol the 
 44 Conllitution, be not as much an Abdication as the at- 
 14 tempting of a father to cut his foil’s throat, I know not 
 44 what is. My Lords, the Conftitution, notwithftanding 
 44 the vacancy, is the lame ; the Laws that are the foun- 
 44 dations and rules of that Conftitution are the fame ; 
 44 but if there be in any particular inftance, a breach of 
 “ that Conftitution, that will be an Abdication , and that 
 44 Abdication will infer a vacancy. It is not that the Com- 
 44 mons do fay, The Crown of England is always and 
 44 perpetually Elective \ but it is more neceffary that there 
 44 be a fupply, when there is a defcdl, and the doing of 
 44 that would be no alteration of the Monarchy from a fuc- 
 44 ceffive one to an Eledlive.” 
 
 Then the Bifhop of Ely on the fide of the Lords faid, 
 
 “ Gentlemen,-That Abdicated may be tacitly by 
 
 44 fome Overt-Adis, Mr. Sommers very truly did alledge 
 44 out of Grotius : But I deiire to know whether Grotius, 
 44 that great author, in treating on this fobjedt, doth not 
 44 interpofe this caution. If there be a yielding to the times . 
 44 If there be agoing away , with a purpofe of feeling to 
 44 recover what is for the prefent left or forfaken : In plain 
 44 Englijh , if there were any thing of force or jujl fear in the 
 44 cafe, that doth void the notion of Abdication. 
 
 Mr. Serjeant Alaynard replied, 44 But, my Lords, that 
 44 is not any part of the cafe declared by the Commons 
 44 in this vote ; when the whole Kingdom and the Pro- 
 *• teftant Religion, our Laws and Liberties have been in 
 -■ danger of being fubverted, an enquiry muft be made 
 44 into the authors and inftruments of this attempt ; and 
 44 if he who had the adminiftration intrufted to him, be 
 44 lound the author and adtor in it, what can that be but 
 44 a renunciation of his truft, and confequently his place 
 “ thereby vacant : Abdication, (under favour,) is an Eng- 
 “ lijh word ; and your Lordfhips have told us, the true 
 44 lignification of it is a Renunciation. We have indeed, 
 44 for your Lordfhips fatisfadtion, fhewn its meaning in 
 44 foreign authors ; it is more than a Defer ting the Govern- 
 44 ment, or leaving it with a purpofe of returning.” 
 
 The Bifhop of Ely replied, 44 The objeaion of the 
 - 1 Lords againft the word Abdicated, is, That it is of too 
 “ large a Jignifcation for the cafe in hand. It feems to be 
 » 4 acknowledged, that it reaches a great way ; and there- 
 44 fore the Lords would have a word made ufe of, which 
 44 fignifies only, the ceafure of the exercife of a Right (3). 
 
 R ii m. (3).' Hitherto the’ Lords had not clearly dif- 
 covered why they rejected the word Abdicated. It ap¬ 
 pears here, by what the Bifhop of Ely fays, that it was 
 becaufe this word ex prefled the Commons meaning too 
 well, and therefore the Lords would have another word 
 m its ftead, from which the vacancy of the throne could 
 not be inferred. 
 
 The Bifhop added,- 44 If there be fuch a defea 
 
 * 4 as hath been fpoken of, it muft be fupplied ; there is no 
 44 queftion of that. And I think we have by another 
 - vote, declared. That it is inconfijlent with our Laws, 
 -• Liberties, and Religion to have a Papijl to rule over 
 44 this Kingdom : Which I take to be only as to the adtual 
 44 exercife and adminiftration of the Government. It is 
 44 Grotius his diftindtion between a Right, and the exer- 
 44 cife of that Right ; and as there is a natural incapacity 
 44 for the exercife, as ficknefs, lunacy, infancy, doating 
 -• old age, or an incurable difeafe, rendering the party un- 
 44 fit lor human fociety, as leprofy, or the like ; fo, I 
 *' take it, there is a moral incapacity ; and that I con¬ 
 st ceive to be a full irremoveable perfivafion in a falfe 
 44 Religion, contrary to the Dodtrine of Chriftianiry. 
 “ Then there muft be a provifion undoubtedly made for 
 
 fupplying this defect in the exercife, and an interme- 1689. 
 diare Government taken care for ; becaufe become ne- 
 4 cellary for the lupport of the Government, if he to 
 4 whom the right of fucceffion dorh belong, makes the 
 4 exercife of Ins Government unpradtieable, and our cbe- 
 4 dience to him, confidently with the Conftitution of our 
 4 Religion, imooffible ; but that, I take it, duth not alter 
 44 that right, nor is an Abdication of the right (4.) 
 
 Rem "(4.) It mult be remembred, that the Biftiop of 
 Ely’s pofition, which was afterwards maintained b) others, 
 was, that there was a real dijlnwhon between a Right., arid 
 the exercife of that Right. They readily agrteu, that 
 James 11 ,’ fhould be depriyed oi the exercife oi the Righc 
 to govern, but not of the Right itfclt. Lpon this difhndtion 
 all the argument? of the Lords are grounded. 
 
 44 Abdication ( continued fie ) no doubt is, by adoption, 
 
 “ an Englijh word, and well known to Erg If. men con\er- 
 44 fant in oooks. Now it is objected, that it is not a word 
 44 as antient as the Common-Law of England. We find 
 
 44 it in Cicero,■ -where it Ibmetimes fignifies, The re- 
 
 44 nouncing the aflual exereije of a Right , and foiretinie', 
 
 44 The renouncing of the very Right, fo that the lignification 
 44 is doubtful ; anil fuch words we hope the Commons w,!l 
 44 not think fit to ufe in a cafe of this nature and confe- 
 44 quence as ours now in debate. And bolides, the Lords 
 apprehend, that great inconveniences will follow upen 
 44 the ufe of this word, if it mean a renouncing abfolately of 
 
 “ that Right.' -Then there is another diftindtion in 
 
 “ thofe authors that wiite concerning this point, which are 
 “ chiefly the Civilians. There may be an Abdication that 
 44 may forfeit the power of a King only ; and there may be 
 44 one, that may forfeit loth that and the Crown too. It is 
 “ a diftindtion indeed in other words, but to the lame fenfe. 
 
 “ Thofe Abdications that are of power only, are incapaci- 
 44 ties ; whether thole I call natural and mvoluntar), as 
 “ defers of fenfe, age, or body, or the like ; or moral or 
 4t voluntary, as contrariety in Religion ; an inftance where- 
 “ of there was lately in Portugal , which was a forfeiture 
 “ only of the power,' and, not of the name, and honour of a 
 “ King ; for though the Adminiftration was put into the 
 “ younger brother’s hand, the Patents, and other publick 
 “ Inftruments ran in the elder brother’s name (5.) 
 
 Rem. (5.) If the Bifhop of Ely had only a view to 
 James II, the inftance of the natural incapacities which 
 made Alpbonfo VI. King of Portugal, forfeit the exercife of 
 the regal power, does not leem to be to his purpole lince 
 thefe incapacities were not the point in queftion, with re¬ 
 gard to Jamesll , which may make it lufpedtad, that he 
 had an eve to the Prince ol H ales, hor, as will herealter 
 appear, the Lords, in maintaining, that the throne was not 
 vacant, pretended, that by the civil or natural death of the 
 King, the next heir was immediately to fill the throne, and 
 this heir, according to fome, was the Prince of H ales. But 
 as he was a minor, an intermediate Governor muft be ap¬ 
 pointed to govern in his name. 
 
 “ This is not without all doubt naturally an Abdication 
 “ in the full extent of the word; nor do I here, ( as I 
 44 faid ) conlider, whether that the King be gone out of the 
 “ Kingdom, or ftay in it ; but only, whether he be fit for 
 “ the Adminiftration, which muft be provided lor, be he 
 “ here, or gone away. But the highelt inftance of an Ab- 
 ‘ 4 dication, is, when a Prince is not only unable to execute 
 “ his power, but acts quite contrary to it ; which will not 
 “ be anfwered by fo bare a word as endeavour. I take thefe 
 “ to be all the diftindtions of Abdications. Now, if this 
 44 laft inftance of an Abdication of both power and right, take 
 44 place in a fucceeding Monarchy, the confequence will be, 
 
 “ That there is a forfeiture of the whole right ; and then 
 44 that hereditary fucceffion is cut oft ; which, I believe, is 
 “ not intended by the Commons. But here is one thing 
 “ that is mentioned in this vote, which I would have well 
 44 confidered, for the prefervation of the Succeffion, and 
 44 that is the Original Compadt : We muft think, fore, 
 
 44 that meant of the Compadt, that was made at the hrft 
 “ time, when the Government was firft inftituted, and 
 44 the conditions, that each part of the Government fhould 
 44 obferve on their part, of which this was the moft funda- 
 “ mental. That King , Lords, and Commons, in Parha- 
 “ ment affembled , Ihould have the power oj making new laws, 
 
 44 and altering of old ones : And that being one Law which 
 “ fettles the Succeffion, it is as much a part of the Original 
 44 Compadt as any : Then if fuch a cafe happens, as an 
 44 Abdication in a fucceffive Kingdom, without doubt, the 
 44 Compaa being made to the King, his heirs, and foc- 
 44 cellors, the difpofition of the Crown cannot fall to us, 
 
 44 ’{ill all the heirs do Abdicate too. 1 here are indeed 
 “ many examples, and too many interruptions in the lineal 
 “ Succeffion of the Crown of England : I think I can in- 
 44 ftance in feven fince the Conqueft, wherein the right 
 “ heir hath been put by : But that doth not follow, that 
 44 every breach of the firft Original Contradt, gives us 
 “ power to difpofe of the lineal Succeffion ; efpecially, 1 
 1 “ clunk 
 
Book XXIV. The INTERREGNUM. 789 
 
 6SV, “ think, fince the Stautes of Queen ElizabePi, and King 
 “ fumes the Ftrfi, that have eilabliihed the oath of Alle- 
 c * giance to the King, his heirs, and lucceflors ; the Law 
 “ is flrontrer again ft Inch a difpofition : I grant, that from 
 ‘‘ King H'iHiam the Fuji, to Henry VIII, there has been 
 “ feven interruptions of the legal line of hereditary Succef- 
 “ Hon ; hut, I lay, thofe Statutes are made fince that time, 
 “ and the making of new Laws, being as much a part of 
 “ the Original Compact, as the obferving old ones, or any 
 “ thing elfe, we are obliged to purfue thofe Laws, till al- 
 ‘ l tered by the legiflative Power, which fingjy, or joyntly, 
 1 ‘ without the royal aflent, I l'uppofe, we do not pretend 
 “ to ( 6 )’ 
 
 Rkm. (6). By this reafoning the Lords and Commons 
 being agreed, that a Catholick King could not exercife the 
 right of Government, and 'James II. being Catholick; and 
 as he might poffibly have an infinite feries of fucceflois from 
 lather to foil, all Catholicks, it would follow, that England 
 might be always governed by Regents. 
 
 “ Thefe Laws being made fince the laft interrup- 
 “ tion, we are not to go by any precedent that was 
 “ made before the making thofe Laws. So that, all that I 
 “ conceive ought to be meant by our vote is, But thefet- 
 “ ting afide the per [on that broke the Contrail : And, in a 
 “ fuccejjive Kingdom , an Abdication can only be a .forfeiture, 
 “ as to the perfon himfe/f I hope, and am per (waded, that 
 
 both Lords and Commons do agree in this. Not to break 
 “ the line of Succejfton, fo as to make the Crown elective. 
 “ And if that be declared, th.,t this Abdication of King 
 “ 'James the Second , reacheth no farther than himfelf ; and 
 “ that it is to continue in the right line of Succeflion, that, 
 “ I hope, will make all of one mind in this important af- 
 “ fair ( 7 ) 
 
 R is ,\i. (7). For the better underftanding the Bifhop of 
 Ely' s Speech, as well as fome others that follow, it mult be 
 obferved, that among the Lords who had voted for the va¬ 
 cancy of the throne, by a majority of eleven voices, there 
 were two forts of men. The one, without any delire to 
 favour King James, or the Prince of Wales, had no other 
 view than to oppofe the Republican party, who, under co¬ 
 lour of gratitude to the Prince of Orange, were labouring 
 with all their power to have him elected King, reckoning 
 it would be a large ftep towards advancing the authority of 
 the people, and rendering the Crown elective. Some of the 
 Lords voted againft the vacancy of the throne, chiefly in 
 dppofition to this party. But there were others who car¬ 
 ried their views farther, ana by rendering the fettling of the 
 Government impracticable, laboured indirectly, either to 
 caufe King 'Janies to be recalled, or the Prince of Wales 
 to be acknowledged for King, knowing it would be impof- 
 llble to prove him fuppofititious in a legal manner. But as 
 thele concealed themfelves among the others, and pretended 
 only'to defend hereditary right, it is hard to know bv the 
 Speeches, who defigned only to maintain hereditary tight, 
 and who had farther views. This the Reader is to remem¬ 
 ber, that he may not imagine, all the Lords who voted a- 
 gairift the vacancy of the throne, were for King James. 
 
 Tiled the Earl df Clarendon fpoke on the Lords fide, 
 
 and faid, -“ This breaking the Original ContraCf is 
 
 1,4 a language that hath not been long ufed in this place ; 
 44 nor known in any of our Law-books or publick Records; 
 44 it is fprung up, but as taken from fome late authors, and 
 
 thofe none of the beft received. It is not denied, That 
 4 ‘ the King is bound by Laiv, and bound to perform the Laws 
 44 made, and to be made. But I would take notice that his 
 “ obligation thereunto, doth not proceed from his Corona- 
 “ tion-oath ; for our Law faith. He is as much King bc- 
 “ fore he is crowned, as he is afterwards ; And there is a 
 44 natural allegiance due to him from the Subjects immediately 
 
 44 upon the defeent of the Crown upon him. I was in great 
 
 45 hopes that you would have offered fomething in anfwec 
 44 to one of my Lord of Ely’s reafons againft that part of 
 “ the vote, which declares, The throne to be vacant, viz. 
 “ That no a St of the King’s alone can bar , or deflroy, the 
 44 right of his heir to the Crown , which is hereditary , and 
 “ not el. Stive. (8). 
 
 Rem. (8). The Earl of Clarendon begins with repre- 
 fenting the Original Contrail between King and people, as 
 an imaginary thing. , And yet he owns the King is bounded 
 by Laiu, (though he cites none ) and bound to perform, he. 
 But that this obligation proceeds not from his Coronation- 
 oath. What is it then that binds him ? 
 
 44 And then, if this matter goes no farther than King 
 “ James the Second , in his owii perfon ; How comes the 
 44 Vacancy and the Supply to be devolved upon tliepeo- 
 44 pie ? l or if lie only be fet afide, then it is appaieiit, 
 44 where the Crown is to go, to the perfon that hath the 
 “ next Right of Succeflion, and confequeritly there is no. 
 “ Vacancy. (9). 
 
 R £ M. (9). The Lords always fpoke of the nc-xt heir, 
 but without naming the Prince of JValcs. The reafon is, 
 that by railing, as they thought, invincible obftacleS to the 
 No. 83. V o 1 . IT. 
 
 eleftion of a new King, they defigned bv degrees to letcl *£8o, 
 the Commons to propole the examination of the Prince of 
 H ales’s birth. But the managers for the Commons care¬ 
 fully avoided that fnare, and therefore the Prince or [Tales 
 was not fo much as once mentioned by name in the Con¬ 
 ference. 
 
 The Earl of Nottingham added, - • “ The Lords 
 
 “ having declared that they are willing, to fccure the t.fi- 
 “ tion againjl the return of King James into this Kingdom ; 
 
 *•* and will therefore concur with the Commons in any aSt 
 44 that Jhall be thought necejfary to prevent fuch his return , 
 
 “ it fhould feem we were agreed in that matter ; and If 
 44 that were the point, we fhould find words proper foon 
 44 enough to exprel’s our meaning by. But I find neitfdr 
 “ of the words. Abdicated or Deferted will, on the one 
 “ fide or on the other, be allowed to fignify this meaning. 
 lc Therefore we fhould come prefently to think ot fomfe 
 “ other that would. But the reafons why my Lords did 
 “ chiefly infift upon the alteration of the word Abdicated, 
 
 “ was, Becaufe they did apprehend, that it being a word not 
 “ known to our Laws, there might be other Inferences draivh 
 44 from it than they do apprehend our Laws will warrant'-, 
 
 “ from the cafe, as it is Jlated in the fait of this vote ; and, 
 t{ as they conceive, is done in. the concluding 'of the throne’s 
 tC being vacant. Therefore, I think it would Ihorten the 
 “ prefent debate, if we did fettle the point of the Vacancy 
 44 firft. For if we were fure that the throne were, or 
 “ were not vacant, we fhould eafily light upon what word 
 “ were proper to be ufed in this cafe.” 
 
 Sir George Trcby fpeaking on the fide of the Commons 
 
 faid,--“ I think, my Lords the prefent debate is to 
 
 44 begin, where the difference between the two Houfes 
 “ doth begin, and that is at the word Abdicated. 'Original 
 “ Contrast, is a phrafe and thing ufed by the learned Mr. 
 
 44 Hooker, in his book of EcclefiaJUcal Polity. But I have 
 “ a greater authority than this, and that is your Lordfhips 
 “ own, who have agreed to all the vote, but this woid 
 “ Abdicated, and the Vacancy of the Throne. But it is 
 “ very much beyond what the vote before us doth lead us 
 “ unto, To talk of the right of thofe in the fuccejfon : For 
 ‘‘ that goes farther than the very laft part of cur vote; 
 
 “ and it is Hill to lead us yet farther, to fay any thing 
 44 about making rhe Crown Ele&ive.”-Then he en¬ 
 
 deavoured to prove that King James had actually Abdicated 
 the Kingdom, alledging the authority 0 I Grotius, who lays, 
 ffhat if there be any word or aSlion that doth Jufficiently 
 manifcjl the intention of the mind and will, to part with his 
 cffice ; that will amount to an Abdication or renouncing. 
 
 44 Now (added he) I beg leave to put this cafe, That 
 ‘‘ had King James the Second come here into the all'em- 
 “ bly of Lords and Commons, and exprefled himfelf in 
 “ writing, or words, to this purpofe.” I was born an heir 
 to the Crown of England, which is a Government limited 
 by Laws, made in full Parliament, by King, Nobles , and 
 Commonalty ; and, upon the death of my la/i predecejfor , / 
 am in poffieffion of the throne ; and, now I find, l cannot 
 make Laws without the confent of the Lords and Rcprefcnta- 
 tives of the Commons in Parliament ; 1 cannot fufptnd Laws 
 that have been fo made, without the con/ent of my People ; this 
 indeed is the title of Kingjhip I hold by Original Contrast , 
 and the fundamental Conjlstations of the Government ; and my 
 JucceJfwn to, and pojfffion of the Crown, on thefe terms, it 
 part of that Contract ; this part of the Contrast lam weary 
 of I do renounce it, I will not be obliged to obferve it ; nay, l 
 am under an obligation not to comply with it ; I will not exe¬ 
 cute the Laws that have been made ; nor fuffier others to be 
 made, as my People Jhall defire, for their Jecurity in Religion, 
 
 Liberty, and Property , which are the two main parts of the 
 Kingly office in this nation. 44 1 fay, fuppofe he had fo ex- 
 44 preft himfelf, doubtlefs, this had been a plain renounc- 
 44 ing of the legal regular Title which came to him 
 44 by defeent : if then lie, by particular a£ts, luch as are 
 44 enumerated in the vote, has declared as much, or more 
 44 than thefe words can amount to, then he hath thereby 
 
 <c declared his will to renounce the Government.- 
 
 11 And this doth amount to a manifeft declaration of his 
 “ will, no longer to retain the exercife of his Kingly office 
 “ according to Law, he has lufficiently declared his re- 
 “ nouncing of the very office, and therefore I cannot de- 
 “ part from infilling upon the word Abdicated, which 
 
 doth fo well correfpond to the fail of the cafe, and fo 
 “ well exprefs the true meaning of the Commons in their 
 “ vote.” 
 
 The Earl of Nottingham faid,- “ I will not under- 
 
 “ take to difpute, whether a King of England may, or 
 ‘ c may not, renounce his Kingdom. For my own parr, 
 
 ‘‘ I think he can, and I may go fo far in agreement with 
 ‘‘ thole that have fpoken to this point, To yield that he 
 “ may do it by implicit aSls, contrary to the Kingly office. 
 
 “ For a King to fay, he will not govern according to 
 ‘‘ law ; and for a King to a<St wholly contrary to law, 
 tC and do that which would fubvert the Conftitution, is 
 <3 O “ / 
 
Vol. II. 
 
 c rhz H I ST 0 RY of ENGLAND. 
 
 '9° 
 
 1639. “ (I think) the fame thing. But then I muft fay alfo, ‘ 
 “ that 1 , think there is a difference between laving I'o, ‘ 
 “ a "d doing fomething inconfiftent with what the Laws ‘ 
 “ require ; for every deviation fiom the Law, is a kind of < 
 breach of the fundamental Conftitution ; as the Laws ‘ 
 are neceffary, fo far as to fupport the foundation. But c 
 t every tranfgreftion, or violation of the Law, by the ‘ 
 n mce’s connivance or command, were fuch a breach of « 
 the fundamental laws, as would infer an Abdication , * 
 
 then were it in vain to call any of his Minifters or Officers ‘ 
 “ to account for any fuch aflion. Then the aftion is the ‘ 
 (t V n : s ’, anii " ot tht;irs ’ and then adieu to the maxim of, ‘ 
 A King’s not thing wrong, I take this matter to be fo - 
 ‘ I*""’ *> to tfce diftinflion that I have mentioned, that *• 
 
 • "°t" ln g ™ be more s and it has been thought fo effen. ‘ 
 
 '■ Hally necefliry to have it clear and manifeft, that thofe 11 
 “ two in (lances of Edward II. and Richard II, ‘1 
 
 ‘‘ wcr = c , x P refs rulcmn renunciations, and thofe confirmed “ 
 
 in Parliament by the Lords and Commons, by the adt “ 
 l depohng them. Therefore I cannot infer from the 
 1 ' ' - ’ the vote, tha: this fhould be an Abdi- “ 
 
 ‘ cation for himfflf and his heirs.”. *« 
 
 G:or S e Tr£ b replied--“ When a King break? the “ 
 
 J -; aw In f° me f cw particular inftances. it may be fuffi- “ 
 
 * c ‘ ent t0 talce a11 account of it from thofe evil minifters “ 
 that were inftrumental in it, why fuch a thing was “ 
 
 “ dune, which was againft the laws ? Why fuch a law was “ 
 ‘ not executed by them, whole duty it was to fee it put “ 
 <£ execution ? V ou may, in ordinary cafes of breaking “ 
 t{ t,,c Law > have remedy in the ordinary Courts and courfe “ 
 tl ol i u “ lce - Hut f ur e 1 he does not rake this to be fuch “ 
 *a C j’ or tLefe to be ordinary violations of the Law : {C 
 “ Ar,u tiici - lore, in the extraordinary cafes, the extraordi- “ 
 „ nar X icniedy is to be recurred unto. And where fhall “ 
 
 ‘ Y inan come t0 h av e any redrefs in fuch a cafe as this, “ 
 
 wh f n tnc rnalefaclor comes to be party, unto whom all “ 
 a Pi'l lca tions fur relief and redrefs from'injuries fhould be “ 
 .. ™ and bc Liinfelf fhall be a judge of his own “ 
 tl breac ' ies ot Ljw. This mod apparently was the cafe “ 
 t ; as t0 thc 'T 5 lf'arranto's t which was a plain Deftgn to “ 
 fu overt the Conftitution in the very foundation of the “ 
 
 [ 'f ture ^ ls bc caufe the King hath violated the Con- “ 
 <t ft,tu£ ' on > b y which the Law ftandsj as the rule both of “ 
 the Kingly Government, and the People’s obedience, “ 
 t . wc ,a J 1 be hath Abdicated and Renounced the <c 
 
 t Government ; for all other particular breaches of the “ 
 
 tt th . e T S “ b J e£l ma y have remedy in the ordinary “ 
 
 jr ourts of Juft'ce, or the extraordinary Court of Par- 
 t !f. menta, P Proceedings : But where fuch an attempt as 
 this is made on the effence or the Conftitution, it is not 
 , we that have brought our felves into this ftate of nature, 
 but thofe who have reduced our legal well-eftablifhed 
 „ frame of Government into fuch a ftaie of confulion, as 
 vve are now leeking a redrefs unto. 
 
 1 hc Lords objefling nothing farther agalnfl the ufe of 
 the word Abdicated, the Commons proceeded to the fecond 
 amendment ; namely, the leaving out the words, And that 
 Vs throne „ there!,, vacant. Mr. Sachmrtll opened the 
 ueoali,, ;ir ,d f*d. ——. My Lords, the Commons, in 
 
 Uling the words And,cat,on and / aeanc,, had no thoughts 
 ot maxing the Kingdom eleflive, neither can any fuch 
 uimg be deduced from their words.” (10.) 
 
 Rem. (to ) As the principal reafon which induced the 
 Lord- to oppofc the Commons vote, was, the confequence 
 , fro f ‘bat the Crown would thereby become 
 
 elective, the Commons were very careful to deny this con¬ 
 fequence, oy laving, That not only they had no fuch 
 thought, but that it could not be inferred from their vote. 
 
 I " ls *" a ‘ ni ‘ erlal point- for if the Lords could have 
 arawn Irom the Commons a confeffion, that the confequence 
 « ; i. jult, they would have pretended, that by declaring the 
 I krone vacant, the Conftitution was fubverted, and the 
 c.uwn made eWtm- inftead of hereditary. It feems, that 
 . Commons might have denied that the Crown was ori¬ 
 ginal,!- hereditary, and maintained, it was fo only by the 
 Statutes made m the reigns of E/kabeth and James I 
 I- torn whence they might have inferred, that the Parlia¬ 
 ment which fettled the Crown upon the dependents of 
 J. am [ f the Area, atld afterwards in the collateral 
 line hau I.kewue power to alter the order of the fettlemem. 
 but they avoided all difeuffions of this nature, being fenfi- 
 'ft 1 ' ‘he defign of the Lords was to multiply the fub- 
 jeets Old,pure m order to increafe thc obftacles of the 
 projected eftabhftunent. 
 
 .. I'" 1 ell continued, « The Commons reafon for 
 
 lt beir difagreeing it-tins amendment, wa?, becaufe they 
 conceive ( that as they may well infer) from fo much 
 < “f tbe'rown v°„.-, as yon, L rdlhips have agreed unto, 
 
 / hat bang James the Second hath Abdicated the Gmtrn- 
 ’ ‘ 7 f Acne is thereby vacant : So, if they 
 
 lt your Lordflji ients, That he hath 
 
 ™ b D ‘fcrt‘d Oil Government ; yet, even thence would 
 follow, It is vacant , as to k.r.j fames the Second : De- 
 ferting the Government heingG'n true conftruaion, De- 
 fertmg the Throne. If King James had only given 
 over the exercife of toe Government, f as their Lord- 
 (hips pretended ] he continue: in the office, and is Kino 
 dill; and then ail the afls that we have done in thfs 
 Convention, arc- wholly (as we conceive) not juftifia- 
 oie, you are m no place or ftation to relieve your felves, 
 or the nation, in this exigence; unlefs you'will think 
 of ferting up another Regency bv your own authorin', 
 without his content; which, I conceive, bv the laws of 
 England, you cannot do. What then follows upon all 
 we have done I We have drawn the nation into a fnare 
 
 by ‘be Heps we have taken ; and leave all in fuch an in-’ 
 
 tncacy, as we have no power by law to deliver them out 
 of; nor can we anlwer for what we have done, unlefs 
 thc King fltould die, and that would leave the fuccellion 
 uncertain.” 
 
 Mr Pollcxfen purfuing the fame argument, maintained, 
 
 J bat the Lords faying in their vote, Thar the Govern¬ 
 ment was Defer ted, could not mean only the exercife of 
 it, but a vacancy : The King’s power, and the exercife 
 of that power, was, in conftrudtion of the law, one 
 
 and the fame, and fo joined, that they could not 
 
 ‘ be fevered j and therefore, the fuppofed d.ftindion was 
 only notional, and altogether difagreeing to the laws of 
 ‘‘ England. That it was utterly unlawful, and as great a 
 ‘ crime to take away from the King the exercife of the 
 Government, as to take from him the Government j it 
 “ might do well for their Lordfhips to conftder, whether 
 “ they were not guilty of the fame crime, which they 
 ‘‘ would decline by their amendment. That the Com- 
 ‘ mons therefore could not admit, That there fhould be a 
 “ taking away the exercife of the Government from the 
 King, any more than the taking away the Government, 
 
 “ which, _the Commons faid, he had himfelf given away 
 by Abdication ; and that if King 'James was King ftiil, 
 they could not by any means agree to the keeping him 
 lC £. ut £be kingdom. That to have a Regency°upon 
 King fames without his own confent, or till his return, 
 
 “ while the right was ftill in him, would be a ftrange and 
 “ ‘mprafticahle thing, and introdu£tive of a Common¬ 
 wealth, inftead of the antient Government by a limited 
 monarchy ; and that the conclufion, That fuch a va- 
 “ canc y in the Throne would make the Crown ele&ive, 
 had no premifles either from their adlions, their fayings, 
 
 “ their votes, or any thing elfe in that cafe, (i i.) 
 
 R EM. (1 1.) The Lords anfwered but weakly Mr. Pol- 
 lexfen s reafons. Several of thofe who were againft a va¬ 
 cancy verily believed, it was as unlawful to deprive Kino- 
 James of the exercife of the regal power, as of the power 
 itfelf. But they durft not dire&ly undertake his defence. 
 becaufe they knew his perfon was odious to the whole na¬ 
 tion. Wherefore, they had deviled this diftintfion be¬ 
 tween a Right, and the exercife of that Right, to leave 
 room for his reftoration. Mr. Pollexfen, , as appears, main¬ 
 tains, that this diftindion is imaginary. Let the reader 
 examine, whether it was well proved, or only fuppofed ; 
 or whether, in fuppofttion of its reality, it was applicable to 
 the point in hand. 
 
 I he Earl ol Clarendon interpofed , and faid, <c He 
 “ w ° u ' d i not declare his opinion about the vacancy as to 
 “ King James , but delired to know the meaning of the 
 Commons, how far the vacancy was to extend f ” 
 
 This gave occafion to Mr. Pollexfen to ask the Lords, 
 
 “ Whether their Lordfhips did agreed That the Throne was 
 “ vacant as to King James the Second ? That if fo, or if 
 they fhould fay it was full of any body elfe, and would 
 “ name whom it was full of, it would then be time for the 
 c ‘ Commons to give an anfwer.” 
 
 To which, the fame Earl replied, “ That admitting, 
 difeourfe fake, that the Throne was vacant as to 
 “ King James the Second, it mult then be fupplied hv 
 “ thofe that fhould have come if he were dead ; this Go¬ 
 vernment being, by all our laws, an hereditary Monar- 
 “ cb )’’ which is to go in fuccellion by inheritance in the 
 “ royal line. 1 hat if the Commons faid this Govern- 
 “ ment was vacant, that would be to put all thofe by, that 
 “ fhould take it by fucceflion, which would make the 
 “ Kingdom elective for that time: That the Lords faid, 
 
 “ there was no vacancy; but fince the Commons faid, 
 
 ‘ 1 he Throne was vacant, he might very well ask, Who 
 “ had the right of filling up that vacancy? ” 
 
 Mr. Serjeant Maynard anfwered, ‘ c That was not the 
 ct queftion before them, though it would come properlv in 
 debate, when they were agreed upon the vacancy ; that 
 “ he granted the Englijh Monarchy to be hereditary ; but 
 ■ c though it fhould in an ordinary way defeend to the heir, 
 yet as their cafe was, they had a maxim in law as certain 
 as any other, which ftopt the courfe; for, faid he, no 
 
 1689. 
 
Book XXIV. The INTE R R EG NU M 
 
 i 6 8g. cC man can pretend to be King 'James' s heir while he is li- 
 “ ving : Nemo cji bares viventis” (12.) 
 
 Rem. (12.) Mr. Serjeant Maynard Teems to have juftly 
 remarked, that it was proper to agree upon the vacancy 
 before they proceeded to the queftion, JVho Jhould fill the 
 jl krone ? Otherwife the confequence would be examined 
 before the premifTes were fettled, on which it was founded. 
 
 The Earl of Pembroke replied, “ That to that point the 
 “ Lord Clarendon had given an anfwer. That it Jhould go 
 <c to the next heir in the line, that was to take it if the King 
 “ were dead. And that as they Ihould be underltoGd, they 
 
 Ihould make it a cafe of demife of the King’s, as the 
 “ law calls it ; that is, that the King was dead in law, 
 “ by his Abdication or Defertion. That to anfwer .the 
 “ queftion of the Commons, IVbo the Throne was full of? 
 1C It was fufficient to know, that there were heirs who 
 “ were to take by lineal fuccelfion, though they did not, 
 “ nor could not, pofitively name the particular perfon.” (13) 
 
 Rem. (13.) If the Lords had gained this point, that 
 in cafe the Throne were vacant with regard to the perfon 
 of King James only, it Ihould be filled by the next heir, 
 they would have thereby engaged the Commons in a dif- 
 cuflion of the Prince of [Vales's birth, wherein they would 
 have had great advantages. But the Commons delired, a- 
 bove all things, to avoid this examination, into which the 
 Lords would have artfully drawn them. 
 
 The Earl of Nottingham argued, “ That if the Lords 
 <c fhould grant a vacancy as to the King himfelf, yet they 
 ct might juftly do thofe a£b mentioned in the Commons 
 “ reafons; for if barely the exercife of the Government 
 “ were Defertcd, there mull be a fupply of that exercife 
 
 in Tome perfon’s taking the Adminiftration ; and as none 
 “ fo fit, becaufe of the Prince’s relation to the Crown, 
 “ and in his prefence here, to add refs unto about it, fonone 
 “ fo proper to make that addrefs as the Lords; fince in 
 “ the abfence of the King, they were the King and King- 
 ‘ £ dom’s Great Council, and might have done by them- 
 “ fclves without the Commons ; but being met in a lull 
 “ reprefentative Body, they joined with them. (14.) 
 
 Rem. (14.) This concerns only the vindication of the 
 Lords conduct, which had been a little cenfured by Mr. 
 Sacbeverel and Mr. Pollexfen. This vindication is wholly 
 founded upon the diftindtion between a right, and the exer¬ 
 cife of that right, which the Earl of Nottingham fuppofes, 
 without undertaking to prove it. 
 
 “ I hey were told. That the next heir in fuccejfion could 
 “ not take it, becaufe no one could be heir to one alive j yet 
 “ ft ill he thought the anfwer given by the Lords a very good 
 “ one, That though the King was not dead naturally, yet if, 
 
 “ as they inferred, he was fo civilly, the next of courle 
 “ ought to come in by hereditary fuccelfion ; for he knew 
 “ not any diftinftion between fuccefl'ors in the cafe of a 
 “ natural death, and thofe in cafe of a civil one : That 
 “ be would know, if the next heir fhould be fet afide, and 
 “ another put in, Whether that King of England fhould 
 “ be King to him and his heirs, and fo being once upon 
 “ the Throne, the antient lineal fuccelfion be altered, 
 
 “ which indeed would fufficiently make the Kingdom e- 
 “ ledtive, by taking it from the right heir? That if it was 
 “ not f°> then he asked, Whether fuch a King as fhould be 
 ‘‘ put in, fhould be King only during King James' s life ? 
 
 “ ^ bat, he fuppofed, was not the meaning of the Com- 
 £C mons ; but at leaft, he mull be made a King during his 
 “ own Ire; that then if there was a diftiridtion made as to 
 “ the fuccelfion, between a natural and a civil death, if 
 “ King James fhould die during the life of the new King, 
 
 “ what would become of the hereditary Monarchy ? Where 
 “ mull the fucceftor come in, when the next heir to King 
 “ James might not be the prefent heir to the prefent fuc- 
 “ ceffor? That therefore they mull reduce all to this point. 
 
 Whether this would not make the Kingdom elective ? 
 
 “ That if they made it once eledlive, it was enough to 
 “ make it ever fo ; for he would be bold to fay, They 
 “ could not make a ftronger tie to oblerve that kind of 
 “ fuccelfion, than what lay upon them to preferve it in this 
 “ cafe.” 
 
 He added, “ That if the Throne was vacant, he would 
 “ know whether they were obliged to fill it ? That if they 
 “ were, they mull fill it either by the old Laws, or by 
 “ the humour of thofe who were to chufe. That if they 
 “ filled it by the old Laws, they declared it was an Here- 
 “ ditary Kingdom, and they were to take the next Suc- 
 <c cellor, to whom the fuccelfion would belong, and there 
 “ would be no need of Handing upon a vacancy : That 
 “ if they were to fill it . according to the humour of the 
 “ times, that diverted the courfe of inheritance j and that 
 “ he could not fee by what authority they could do that, 
 tc or change the antient conftitution, without committing 
 4C the fame fault they had laid upon the King. But, faid 
 “ he, if you pleafe to fuppofe the Throne vacant as to 
 “ King James , that is. That he has no right, then let us 
 “ go on to the next ftep ” (i 5.) 
 
 Rf.m. (13.) The Earl of Nottingham enumerates here 1689. 
 ail the inconveniences, difficulties, and contrarieties to the 
 Law which could arile from the Common’s vote, and a. 1 ! 
 ended in the danger of rendring the Crown eledlive, But 
 he took care not to mention the difficulties which flowed 
 from the Lords opinion. The confequences of their opinion 
 were, either that the Kingdom Ihould be left in its prefent 
 confufion, or King James recalled, or the Prince of //«/,, 
 acknowledged for King. In all three, the danger was as great 
 as in running the hazard of making the Crown eledlive, 
 which was the only danger the Earl would have to be con- 
 fidered. As if the danger of leaving the Kingdom in confufion, 
 of recalling the King, of owning a Prince who was by moll 
 people thought fuppolititious, who was abfent and a minor, 
 who would be bred in France in the Catholick Religion, 
 and from whom the fame inconveniences as had caufi-d 
 King James to be rejedied, were to be feaied when he 
 Ihould be of age: As if, I l.iv, all thefe dangers were to 
 be reckoned as nothing in comparifon of the hazard of a 
 breach in the lineal fuccelfion. Befides, it was onlv by 
 way of confequence that the Lords pretended that the 
 Crown would become elective by this breach, though the 
 Commons affirmed they had no fuch intention. 
 
 But Mr. Sacheverell replied, “ That all their bufinef- 
 “ was to maintain. That the Throne was vacant. 1 ’ 
 
 And Mr. So/nners added, “ That the Lords allcdged as 
 “ reafon againll the word Abdicate, ’That it was net a word 
 “ known to our common Law , but that the word vacant could 
 “ not have that objedtion made to it, fince it was in our 
 “ records, and even applied in a parallel cafe to this in the 
 “ firfl of Henry IV.” 
 
 To which the Earl of Rochcjhr anfwered, “ That as 
 “ that was the only precedent lor the word vacant, yet it 
 “ was attended with this very confequence, that it would 
 “ make the Monarchy eledlive ; for it being there declared, 
 
 “ That the royal feat was vacant, immediately did follow 
 “ an election of Henry IV, who was not next in the royal 
 “ line.” 
 
 The fame argument was purfued by the Earl of Clarendon, 
 who laid, “ That it was plain in the cafe of Richard II, 
 
 “ who had abfolutely Religned, Renounced, or Abdicated in 
 “ writing under Jiis own hand ; that alter that, the Parlia- 
 “ merit being fitting, they did not think that fufficient to 
 “ go upon, becaufe that writing might be the effect of fear, 
 
 “ and not voluntary : That thereupon they proceeded to. a 
 “ formal depofition upon articles; and then came in the 
 “ claim of Henry IV : That this was undoubtedly an E 
 “ lodlion ; though he was really the next Heir, the EarLof 
 “ March notappearing, Henry claimed it as his undubitable 
 “ right being the next heir that appeared: That all the 
 ‘‘ Kings thai were thus taken in or eledled, ( for the elec- 
 “ tion was not of God’s approbation ) any one year fcarce 
 “ palled in any of their Reigns, without being difturbed.in 
 “ the poffeffion: That Henry IV. did not care to owe the 
 “ Crown to the eledlion, but claimed it as his right j that 
 “ it was a plaufible pretence, and kept him and his f»n 
 “ upon the Throne ; but in the time of his Grandfbn 
 “ Henry VI, there was an utter overthrow of his title and 
 tc polfelfion too: For in the firftof Edward IV, all the pro- 
 “ ceedings againll Richard II, as well as all the reft of the 
 “ Ads during the ufurpation (as that record rightly calls 
 “ it) were annulled, repealed, revoked and reverfed, and 
 “ all imaginable words ufed to fet thofe proceedings afide, 
 
 “ as illegal, unjuft and unrighteous: That that ad deduced 
 “ the pedigrecc of the royal line from Henry III. to Ri- 
 “ chard II, who died without ilflie ; and then Henry I\', 
 
 “ fays the Ad, ufurped ; but that the Earl of March, 
 
 “ upon the death of Richard II, and confequently Ed- 
 “ ward IV. from him was undoubted King by confcience, 
 
 “ by nature, by cuftom, and by law.” (16.) 
 
 R EM. (16.) All the arguments from the Ads of Pai- 
 liament relating to the differences between the Houfes of 
 Lancajier and York, mull be very weak. Becaufe thefe 
 Parliaments did not all proceed upon the fame principle, and 
 becaufe the one pulled down what the other fet up. This 
 evidently appears, in that both Tides in the prefent cafe, 
 alledged fome of the Ads of thefe Parliaments, in fupport 
 of their caufe. 
 
 Hereupon Sir Robert Howard exerted himfelf, and re¬ 
 plied, “ He would not fay that the record of Henry IV. 
 
 “ was not a precedent of eledion ; for the Parliament did 
 “ not much mind his claim, knowing that he claimed by 
 “ defeent, where there was a perfon that had a title before 
 “ him : Thus the Commons did not doubt but that power 
 “ which brought in another line then, upon the vacancy of 
 “ the Throne by the leafion of Richard II, was ftill, ac- 
 “ cording to the Conftitution, reliding in the Lords and 
 “ Commons, and was legally fufficient to fupply the pre- 
 “ fent vacancy : That he would ask the queftion of any 
 “ Lord there, whether, had there been an heir to whom 
 “ the Crown had quietly defeended in the line of fuccef- 
 “ fion, and this heir certainly known, their Lordfhips 
 
 “ would 
 
He HISTORY of E N GLAN D. 
 
 li. 
 
 “ v'i'll have r.fTcf.il)led without his calling, or would have 
 “ c: t!; l r admmifticd the Government them I’d ves, or advi- 
 “ lei! the Prince of Grange to have taken it upon himfelf? 
 “ Th.-.t he doubted they had been all guiltv of high-trea- 
 “ ! vi by the laws of England, if a known lucceflor of the 
 ‘‘ I hrnne were in pofleflion of the Throne, as he mult 
 be if the I hrone were not vacant : That from hence 
 “ their Lordfhips faw, that the difficulty in this m itter a- 
 “ rule from this. That thev would ali agree the Throne 
 “ to be vacant, when they knew of none that pofiefled it ; 
 “ that fome fuch thing had been pretended to as an heir- 
 lt male, of which there were different opinions, and in 
 “ the mean time they were without a Government. Mull 
 “ we ftav, added he, till the truth of the matter be found 
 “ out: What {hall be done to preferve our conftitution, 
 “ and in a little time it will, perhaps, through the diftrac- 
 “ tion of our conftitution, be utterlv irremediable. He 
 ‘‘ confefled it would be a difficult thing to go upon the ex- 
 “ amination who was heir, or elfe their Lordfhips would 
 “ have explained themfelves before. But, continued he, 
 “ it not being clear, muft we always remain thus ? TJfe 
 “ what words you will, fill up, or nominate, or eie£f, it 
 “ is the thing that we are to take care of, and it is high 
 “ time ic was done. There is no fuch confequence to be 
 “ drawn from this vote, as an intention or likelihood of 
 altering the courfe of the Government, fo as to nuke 
 ‘ c it elective ; the T hrone has all along de Icon bed in an 
 ‘‘ hereditary fucceflion, the main conftitution has been pre- 
 “ ferved. The precedent of Henry IV. is not like that 
 “ of elections in other countries ; and I am forrv there 
 “ fhould be any necafton for what is necelfarv to be done 
 “ now ; but when fuch difficulties are upon the nation, 
 “ that we cannot extricate our felves out of, as to the h- 
 <c neal fucceffor, your Lordfhips I hope, will give us 
 Cc leave to remember, Sahts popuii ill ftprema lex. And 
 “ if neither you nor we can do any thing in this cafe, we, 
 “ who are met under the notion of a Convention of the 
 “ States, have then met to no purpofc; for after we have 
 “ voted our lelves to be without Government ( which 
 “ looks as if fomething were really intended as to a fettle- 
 “ ment) all presently links, and we aie as much in the 
 dark as we were before. Your Lordfhips fav, vou will 
 “ never make a precedent of Election, or take upon you 
 “ to alter the fucceflion. With your Lordfhip’s favour the 
 u fettlement of the conftitution is the main thing we are 
 “ to look alter. If you provide for the fupplv of the de- 
 ‘ 4 feet there, that Point of the liiccefiion will, .•shout ail 
 “ queftion, in the fame method, and at the fame time, 
 “ be furely provided for. But, my Lords, have not you 
 “ your felves limited the very fucceflion, and cut olf fome 
 “ that might have a lineal right? Have vou not concurred 
 “ with us in our vote, Thai if is inconjijlcnt with our Re 
 “ ligion and Laws to have a Papi/l to reign over its ? Mull: 
 “ we not come then to an ele£tion, if the next heir be a Pa- 
 “ pift ; Nay, fuppofe there was no Proteftant heir at all 
 “ to be In .nd, would not ’, our Lordfhips then break the 
 “ line ? If your Lordfhips then in fuch a cafe muft break 
 “ through the fucceflion, I think the nation has reafon to 
 “ expe£t you fhould take care to fupply the preferit defc£t, 
 “ where the fucceflion is uncertain ; or what can we do 
 “ further, but even part in confulion, and fo leave the na- 
 “ tion to extricate itfelf as well as it can out of its diftrac- 
 “ tion. But even at whole doors that will lie, I muft 
 “ leave to your Lordfliips own thoughts.” 
 
 It is Laid this Speech, wherein good fenfe, and a zeal for 
 the nation equally Ihined, made a deep impreflion upon 
 fome of the Lords who aflifted at the conference, and upon 
 all the reft of the audience. However, as the Earl of Cla¬ 
 rendon, to prove the lineal fucceflion, had alledged what 
 parted with regard to Edward IV, Sir George Treby under¬ 
 took to explain that matter, and laid : 
 
 “ That it was very well known, that Edward IV. 
 
 “ came in difaffirmance of the title of the Houfe of Lane af- 
 “ ter '■ 7 hat as thole times went, whenever there was a 
 “ turn in Government, as there were feveral, there were 
 “ new and contrary declarations about the title to the 
 “ Crown, made conftantly in Parliament ; and what one 
 “ Parliament fettled, another undid : But then, that this 
 “ advantage the Commons had on their fide ; that as they 
 “ had this firft precedent for them, fo they had the laft, 
 
 “ viz. The Parliament-Roll of the firft of Henry VII. 
 
 “ where the Record is fet right again : That the ;><ft for 
 “ depoling Richard II, was indeed repealed bv the firft of 
 “ Edward IV', and thereupon it proceeds to attaint Hen- 
 “ ry \'I; but then came in Henry VII. in the firft year of 
 “ whofe reign there was an act made, that fet afide all the 
 “ acts and attainders made againft his line, and confe- 
 “ quently it repealed the firft of Edward IV, which had 
 “ repealed the firft of Henry IV : That Henry VII, was 
 “ of the line of Lanca/ler , and though he had" the heirefs 
 “ of the Houfe of York in his bofom, yet after he came to 
 41 the throne, he would not endure to have his Crown 
 
 •Uriinor 
 
 v IV 
 
 “ reckoned in 
 c< name of H, 
 
 “ he had flue 
 ‘‘ 1 hat there! 
 
 “ firft of Hn 
 ** was belme, and fir 
 “ on its fide, whi; h • 
 Here the Earl of l 
 “ had a good right ; 
 “ in re uxoris ; but t 
 “ Heart IV, was i 
 
 .’as yet i 
 tmbreke 
 nd title 
 nit his i 
 ufi rpati 
 
 eplicd. That i ■ 
 age to the Ci< 
 '•■vii title as deivended : 
 
 ana 
 
 that 
 
 'cir, , 
 
 hard to detcimiin 
 ougl, hi, urc 
 or fo much as a 
 i he, if we fhould 
 c thole that were 
 , and in the right 
 - giea'eft part of thofc 
 of Statute-books, and 
 a gieat part of cur in- 
 
 The Earl of Per.fr: 
 cpinion flic herfelf, 
 that point, there w: 
 in be:ne, winch c’ce 
 
 not fufler anv one to ptel'cribe whi 
 ns it was acknowledged he had o: ■ 
 
 Sir Georg- 7 rr'y returned, “ Tha 
 by defbent was an ufurpation, it v 
 what tide he did govern bv . fine 
 the lineal heir, \ ct fhe had no p 
 name in the adnnniftration : But :.i 
 allow none for of Parliament, 
 made in the re : gns of hereditary K 
 line, I doubt we fhould want the 
 Laws that compole the vo! 
 the Records bv which we c. 
 heritances and policlfions.” 
 
 Sir Richard Temple alledged, “ d ii.it if laws made about 
 the Succcffion be fo obliging, what then fhould they fay 
 to ll ; e Succcfliun ol Quern Lhze.lmh, who had an act of 
 Parliament both againft her end her finer.” 
 
 b'tbc replied, “ That to (hew what 
 nd the wife men of her time had in 
 
 ltd it to be a P < /t /.it:.: re, t’laffiim, 
 tne Parliament cannot ft tile the Sucselfioii of the Crown, 
 “ ; : '“Iter it. rhat entail f cl : 
 
 “ liament, 
 
 14 another fubftquenc a-H had prevailed againft fuch until- 
 cC tail, fo that they iliould be done in Pail.'ament.” 
 
 Sir Richard retumeu, l * He tl.vaight tiiei weic in a ; fuii 
 to take care of t 
 
 “ hat if 
 
 “ furs had done be. 1 ; re them, that ought not to be called a 
 “ changing of the Monarchy from an hereditary to an e- 
 “ leftive.” 
 
 Here the Earl pf A ’ttinghain once liiore in ter poled and 
 ■ " ■ w a K 
 
 44 reditary, and that the"King who had childien in being 
 “ at the time of his for fa king; the Government, could have 
 “ the throne vacant, both of him and his children ; that 
 “ the courfe of inheri'.mce, as to the Crown of England, 
 “ was bv law a great deal better provided for, than that of 
 “ any other inheritance, That no attaindei of tin l // o - 
 “ Crown could bar the $ucccf/t:n to the throne , as it did the 
 “ defeent to any common perfon ; and that the very 
 “ defeent by order of birth would take away any fuch de- 
 “ fee 1 !. That this was the opinion of the- great’ f 
 “ of England, in the calc of Ilcur, VII ; and then 
 “ could not apprehend, hov. any a£l of the faiht . 
 
 “ bar the right of the child ; lince e\en the act of the fon, 
 “ which might endanger an attainder in lam, could nor w 
 Cl it ; fo careful was the law of the royal line of the Sue 
 “ ceflion, which was declared bv feveral Acts of Parha- 
 “ ment, and verv lully and particulars- bv the tvvcir.y- 
 
 “ fifth of Henry VIII.-That he deli red to know, 
 
 “ whether the Lords and Commons had power bv them - 
 “ felves to make a binding act or law ? And whether, ac 
 “ cording to the legal Conftitution, every Kins: of En?- 
 “ land, by being feated on the throne, and pofleiled of the 
 Crown, was not thereby Ring to him and his heir- ' 
 
 “ And that without an of Parliament he knew m t what 
 “ determination they could make of his eftate. That it 
 “ was urged indeed, that the Lords had in erre£t already a- 
 “ greed to the vacancy, by voting, That it was incotff. cut 
 “ with our Religion and Laws , to have a popijh Prince 
 “ rule over us : But that a vote of either Houfe, or both 
 “ Houfes together, could not alter the law in that or anv 
 “ other point ; yet becaufe he was defircus that that vote 
 “ fhould have its efTe£t, he defired that every thing of that 
 “ nature might he done in the ancient ufual method of Par- 
 “ liament. That fince they were happily delivered from 
 ‘ 4 the fears of Popery and arbitrary power, God forbid they 
 “ fliould aflume any fuch power to themfelves ; for what 
 “ advantage fliould they then give to thof’e who would 
 “ quarrel with their fettlement for the illegality of it 3 
 Would not this, which they endeavour to crufh, break 
 “ forth into a viper ? That in all the breaches that were 
 “ made upon the line of Succefllon, fuch wa, die fmee of 
 “ the Laws, that the ufurpers would not take th Crown 
 cc upon them, unlefs they had fome fpccious pret.nceof an 
 “ hereditary title to it. That what lie would have avouch 
 “ by all means, was the mifehievous confcqi.ences tli.r. r.-e 
 <c feared would enfue upon the vacancy of the throne, 
 
 “• namelv, the utter overthrow of the whole CouftiuuiMn ; 
 
 “ for 
 
 wyers 
 
Book XXIV. 
 
 1689 . 
 
 The INTERREGNUM. ?g3 
 
 ‘ f ° r i f *f Lords and Commo "s only remained as parts lets affable, being defirous to (hew by his behaviout that ,«s„ 
 
 ' ° f TV^-nment, and if the head be taken away, his intention wafnot to deprive an/min of the 1 “bcr.y ,0 9 ‘ 
 
 and the throne vacant, by what Laws or Conftitutions vote as he fhouid think fit. The two fTu r es we'.efiir v . 
 
 ; was ,t that they retained Lords and Con.mons ? That prized that no body (poke .0 them i 7 the P , we's I a If £ *£"» 
 
 ' they were knit together m then common head; and that At laft, finding that his f.lence mwht be ill conftrucd as>™ Lordu 
 
 if one part ol the Government Was diffolved, he faw not if he was unwilling to take upon him the burden of 
 
 any realon but that all muft be diffolved. He confeffed. alty, he lent for fhe Ma,quits of Ztti/J ,the Kart of 
 
 Daniy, Shrewsbury, and Ibme others, and told them ■ 
 
 „ ' Hc h / d been till then filent, beeaufe he would not ibij. 
 
 ay or do any thing that might feem in any fort to take 
 tt rom an y perfon the lull freedom of deliberatingand voting 
 „ ,n matters of fuch importance : He was refoJved neither 
 n ^ court nor threaten any one. Some were for putting the 
 „ Government in the hands of a Regent: He would fay 
 „ nothing againtt it, if it was thought'the heft mean for fet- 
 <t lI ' n S l oeir affairs: Only he thought it ncceflary to tell 
 them, that he would not be the Regent: So, iftheycon- 
 tinned in thatdefign, they murtlookout for fome other 
 perfon to be put in that port: He himfelf faw what the 
 te c °nfequences of it were like to prove : So he would not 
 tt acce P t °[ ir * Others were for putting the Princefs finely 
 t{ the throne, and that he fhouid reign by her courtefy : 
 
 <c TT l L n ° man could c ^ cem a woman more than be 
 tt d . thePiincefsj but he was fo made, that he could not 
 „ thmk of holding any thing by apron-ftrings: Nor could 
 t( he think it reasonable to have any (hare in the Govern- 
 ment ’ un ] e f s 't w ’ as P ut in his perfon, and that for term 
 of life: If they did think it fit to fettle itotherwife, he 
 would not oppofe them in it: But he would go back to 
 Holland, and meddle no more in their affairs: He af- 
 “ fured them, that whatfoever others might think of a 
 Crown, it was no fuch thing in his eyes, but thar he 
 “ c ° uId hve very well, and be well pleafed without it:' In 
 the end he faid, he could not rcfolve to accept of a dig- 
 “ nity, fo as to hold it only the life of another • Yet he 
 “ thought that the iffue of the Princefs Ann fhouid be pre¬ 
 ferred in the Succeffion, to any iflue he misfit have by 
 any other wife than the Princefs.” 
 
 This declaration being immediately divulged by thofe it The L 
 was made to, did not a little contribute to bring the debates ! ’ 
 
 in the Houfe of Lords, to a fpeedy determination. As for Commo,i: 
 the Commons, about two thirds were for the Prince. Kl.^p.Sn. 
 
 When the report of the Conference between the two 
 Houles was made to the Lords, there was a very warm de- 
 
 bHfp- whether then Hi... ,i.i ....... *i.. / 
 
 “ any realon but that all muff be diffolved. He confeffed, 
 “ that any Government was better than none; but heear- 
 “ neftly defired they might enjoy their ancient Conftitu- 
 “ tion.” (17.) 
 
 Rem. (17.) The Earl of Nottingham, in his Speech, 
 reafoned like Charles I, in his difputes with the Parliament. 
 That is, he fuppofed the Government in its natural ftate, 
 and on that fuppofition, his arguments were ftrong. But 
 it is hard to conceive a greater diforder in the Government 
 than at the timeof this conference. King James had reigned 
 three years in an arbitrary manner. He had violated, not 
 fome particular laws of little moment, but fundamental 
 Laws, whereon the fecurity of the national Religion and 
 Liberties depended. After which, he had withdrawn him¬ 
 felf out of the Kingdom, without taking any order about 
 the Government. Moft men thought his fon fuppofititious, 
 and he had fent him into France. Could the Government 
 therefore be fuppofed in a natural ftate? And if it was nor, 
 the reafoning built upon fuch a fuppofition, ought to fall to 
 the ground. However exprefs the Laws may be, they al¬ 
 ways fuppofe fome certain Conftitution of Government. 
 But if this Conftitution is broke, as may happen in all coun¬ 
 tries under the fun, How, in order to remedy this evil, can 
 the Laws be taken for rule, which fuppofe the Govern¬ 
 ment in its ufual and natural ftate, and which have not 
 provided for extraordinary unforefeen cafes? 
 
 What the Earl of Nottingham would intimate, though he 
 docs not fpeak plainly, is briefly this: The Lords and Com¬ 
 mons aie but two of the branches of the Government, and 
 can make no Law without the third, that is, the King who 
 is their head. The King has abfented himfelf. He muft 
 therefore be recalled, or waited for till he returns, or elfe 
 his next heir muft be owned for King. Now this heir is 
 the Prince of Wales. This is evident from the care that 
 was taken not to name him. Or if none of thefe methods 
 be followed, the Kingdom muft be left in a ftate of anar¬ 
 chy, or a Regent appointed to govern in the King’s name, 
 during his abfence. 
 
 'T'l 11 11 , r , . . n nouies was made to the Lords, there was a very warm de- 
 
 made by Mr Paul Foil and Mr'C Th T bate ’“ he ‘ l ! er tlle y “P°» the amendments. Du- 
 
 “U .1 anil Mr .Eyre The former ring the debate, it was moved, that the birth of the Prince 
 
 .« Hehoped thoe waa nodanger ol (baking our fiat- of Wales might be examined into. Bet this motioSJmS^-H 
 
 «< “TS 35 ‘. n ‘ h, ‘ that they were profiling thofe length rejefled forfcveral radons : i. The Prince of mitt w“" t- 
 
 "tethod* which agreed withourLaws and Conftitution; was now Tent out of England to be bred up in frame an Wui 
 for though the Monarchy of this nation be hereditary in enemy both to the nation and the cftabhfiied R r ’ n 
 “ the ordinary coutfe of Succeffion, ye, there .nightfall Whai therefore would 
 
 “ 77 t a ‘ r°“ M T bC ?T P J ied W ‘“’ 1 and was imptffible lor the people of England to kno°w rtelh! 
 
 “ the wllolflesalThfe (ho f |H V ' f ° ffl 7 j hC ’ ?Ut T hC T S the fame Pcrfon ,hM had been carried or er or not. 
 
 tne whole legal line lhould fail, fliould we in that cafe 3. In cafe he Ihould dip mnfhpi mi,,!-,*- 1 • 7 
 
 :: , havs "° f Goynimott at all ? And who then (hou.d we* room, m fuch l°nZ, 1 £ natibn^n^be" f™ 
 have but Lords and Commons ? And I think thatcomes concernine him a The f»"'i7/i Tuinn ■ j 
 
 :: r elit ° where no, n*,z ,™% 
 
 known; for il he had been, we Ihould have heard of their Prince much lefs receive one ,n 
 
 him before now. And what is the rcafon that it (hould fuch as wete not only aliens but oue "t to 
 then tn the former cafe devolve to the Lords and Com- enemies. 5. „ known tl« afi tfe nerfon- P ' “ w 
 
 fe! 
 
 agreed unto; I hat they had made a right and apt con- James (1) ° ^ imitating King 
 
 James bets broke the Original Contrast, has violated the vote of the Commons That Kim \ ’ A a a’=c=rl with the p-r tr. 
 Ifuada^talLaws and has withdraw hinfef out of the 
 
 Kingdom , that he has Abdicated the Government. What Very likely thev who dpfprtp-l ^ . ' t ^ 11 . ant ’ 
 
 ;; was there for fuch a declaration as this, if no- and Sit P cTV V T' 5 r°‘ 
 
 “ thing were concluded from it? That were only to give fuggefted daneerof^fteCrownS ’■ ’ ‘ lu ‘ t,,e 
 
 i *j“ a WOxry of thofeTfLs WaS,, °r 
 
 „ they have too well learned by feeling them. Therefore the Kingdom was left in^^the prefemS Tk ! : 
 there was a neceffity to make fome conclufion; and James recalled or the Prnce ^.f IV 1 ' ’i ^ 
 
 none fo natural as this , that we are left without. King, king. 7 is faid^ta«vS, ha hffa e 
 
 ;: S7aio f ^Sf7fc s ;m7„7“7S 
 
 “ our Province." And heie ended this famous Conferee, likely ’ ^ fame 1,dc t Wh,ch ls ”»< ‘cry 
 
 - During all thefe debates in the Convention, the Prince This ereat ftep beincr mac ? e t u P novf . • 
 of Orange (laid at St. J anus',, without taking the lead bated 
 
 P2mS Sam any ° M PC ° n “ h ' S ^ Hc WaS never “ f HMf** That the Crown Ihoultfbe'given' %%% 
 
 Birth.”"*" 
 
 rr^nrltne to -." D ' ,ore ' l0 * chere was "oclearand pofitive proot made of an impoOuro, the 
 
 The PrU 
 Orange 
 
 t P hing ihauic then had! Sd, in ft" ad of weSkn"ng ^'Totlld^e^ch^n'the' P r«enfio?of , hiP , B , iX °p C ^f* radi ^ ,0 °» 
 
 No. 83 . Vol.II. p ‘ 7 ' 
 
.. ..... a 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 594 Tie H I STO RT of ENGLAND. 
 
 /•/« 
 
 jhm 
 
 KI'X 
 
 to the Pimce of Orange alone, and to the two Princefl'es 
 after his death. But he was not feconded (i). If Dr. 
 Burnet Bifhop of Salisbury is to be credited, Bentitick (2), 
 the Prince’s favorite and confident, ftrenuoufly fupported 
 this propofal. The debate upon this affair was very long. 
 It was readily agreed, that the Princefs of Orange fhould 
 be placed on the Throne; but the queftion was, whether 
 the Prince fhould be King of himfell, or as husband of the 
 Princefs : Upon this, parties began to be formed in both 
 Houles. Mean while, a, the Princefs was detained in Hcl- 
 land by the troll, and by contrary winds after the thaw, 
 the Earl of Dauby lent or.e over to the Princefs, with an 
 ■ ; account of the prefent ftate of the debate, and to tell her, 
 
 that if fhe defireJ it, he did not doubt but he fhould be 
 r " aide to carry it, for fetting her alone on theThrone. The 
 i j Princefs anfwereJ, She was the Prince’s wife, and would 
 
 never be other than what fhe fhould be in conjunction with 
 him, and under him. Adding, file would take it very ill, 
 if any, under a pretence of their care for her, would fet 
 up a divided intereft between her and the Prince. Net 
 content with tins, file fent the Lord Dauby’ s letter [and 
 her anfwer] to the Prince, and thereby broke all the mea- 
 fuies of thofe, who wifhed to create a mifundeiftanding or 
 jtaln.ify between them. The Earl of Danby received not 
 the leaf! mark of difpleafure from the Prince of Orange , 
 who continued flill to employ and truft him. 
 
 'J ‘At lad, both Houles agreed, and voted fe'verally, that 
 V ,4 the Prince and Princefs of Orange fhould be King and 
 . Pr-mrfs Queen of England , but that the foie and full regal power 
 fhould be in the Prince only, in the name of both. How¬ 
 ever, this was carried in the Houfe of Lords but by two 
 Feb. 7. or three voices only, and not without aproteftadon entered 
 Kenner. againft it by the contrary party (3). 
 
 - rnor. The laft debate in the Con vention, was, concerning the 
 621 ■ oaths that fhould be taken to the King and Queen. To 
 '{avoid all cavils upon the terms, [ rightful and lawful King] 
 
 . in the ufual oath, it was thought proper to reduce the oath 
 
 ® to the antient fimplicity of fwearing, to bear faith and true 
 
 ■ rhe allegiance to the King and Queen. Hence arofe the famous 
 of, 1 diftin&ion of a King de fadlo, and a King de jure , fome 
 Jv "j ff. pretending, that they took the oath to the King and Queen, 
 de Uv.'" £ only as King and Queen de faflo, whom they were bound 
 to obey no longer than they continued in quiet pofleflion ; 
 but that it was lawful for them to affift King fames , if he 
 fhould come to recover his Crown, as being It ill their. King 
 de jure. This diftinedon proceeded chiefly from the Clergy, 
 who had fo far entangled themfelves with thofe ftrange 
 conceits of the divine light of Monarchy,and had fo en¬ 
 gaged themfelves by publickly preaching Paflive-obedience 
 and Non-refiftance, as an efiential doctrine of the Church of 
 England , that they did not knowhow to difengage them- 
 felves from the fnare they themfelves had laid, at a time, 
 when they little thought of being ever taken in it. 
 
 AirW.-.t-f At length, on the /2th of February , the Princefs of 
 •htPr'.mjs Orange arrived at London, and feemed very well pleafed 
 iCem ec^ 1 ' Wlt ^ w ^ at had been refolved, that the adminillration of the 
 a. -47. Government fhould be in the Prince only, in the name 
 
 B rn 0 f both. Thus the ftrift union between the Prince and 
 
 t [[L Princefs broke the meafures of fuch as hoped to create a 
 mifunderftanding between them, in order to ferve their old 
 mafter. 
 
 n-e f The next day, the Prince and Princefs of Orange being 
 
 ’• : ■ l" "ed on two large chairs, under a canopy of State in the 
 
 /r ttirg-Hcufe , both Houfes of the Convention waited 
 up n teem in a full body, to offer them the Crown. But 
 before they proceeded to this folemn offer, they caufed the 
 Clerk of the Gown to read the following Declaration of 
 r. 7?- the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons affem- 
 bled at IVeflminJler. 
 
 “ ; r ' H F REAS the late King fames the Second, by 
 “ ■ ' the affiflauTC or divers evil Counfellors, Judges, 
 
 “ and Minifters empi wtl by him, did endeavour to fub- 
 “ vert ami extirpate the Proteftant Religion, and the Laws 
 “ am! Liberties of this Kingdom ; by affirming and exer- 
 “ cifing a power of dilpcnfing with, and fufpending of laws, 
 “ and the execution of laws, without confent of Parlia- 
 “ ment: By committing anJ profecuting divers worthy 
 <c Prelates, for humbly petitioning to be excufed from 
 ct concurring to the laid churned power: By ilfiuing and 
 “ be ecuted, 1 1 1 e Great 
 
 “ Seal, for ere&ing a Court, tailed, The Court of Covunf- 
 
 “ ft -.. . s: By levying money for and 
 
 “ to the ufe of the Crown, by pretence of Prerogative, 
 “ for other time, and in other manner, than the fame was 
 “ granted by Parliament: By railing and keeping a ftand- 
 
 “ ing army within this Kingdom in time of peace, with- 
 “ out confent of Parliament ; and quarterin': foldiers con - 
 “ trary to law : By cauling feveral good fubje&s, being 
 “ Proteftants to be difarined, at the fame time, when Pa • 
 “ pills were both armed and imployed contrary to law: 
 “ By violating the freedom of election of Members to ferve 
 “ in Parliament: By profecutions in the Court of King’s 
 “ Bench for matters and caufes cognizable only in Parlia- 
 “ ment; and by divers other arbitrary and illegal cour/es. 
 “ And whereas of late years, partial, corrupt, and unqua- 
 “ lifted perfons, have been returned and ferved on Juries 
 “ in trials, and particularly divers Jurors in trials for High 
 “ Treafon, which were not Freeholders ; and exceflive bail 
 “ hath been required of perfons committed in criminal 
 “ cafes, to elude tlie benefit of the laws made for liberty 
 “ of the fubjeds; and exceflive fines have been impofedj 
 “ and illegal aud cruel punifhments infiided ; and feveral 
 ct grants and promifes made of fines and forfeitures, bc- 
 “ fore any conviction or judgment againft the pei Ibas upon 
 “ whom the fame were to be levied. All which are utterly 
 “ and directly contrary to the known laws and ftatutes, 
 “ and freedom of this realm. 
 
 “ And whereas the laid late King James the Secor.d, 
 “ having Abdicated the Government, and the Throne be- 
 “ ing thereby vacant, his Highnefs the Prince of Orange 
 “ (whom it hath pleafed Almighty God to make theglmi- 
 “ ous inftrument of delivering this Kingdom from Popery 
 “ and arbitrary Power) did, (by the advice of the Lords 
 “ Spiritual and Temporal, and divers principal perfons of 
 “ the Commons) caufe letters to be written to the Lords 
 “ Spiritual and Temporal, being Proteftants, and other 
 11 letters to the feveral Counties, Cities, Univerfities, Bo- 
 “ roughs, and Cinque-Ports, for the chufing of fuch per- 
 “ fons to reprefent them, as were of right to be fent to 
 “ Parliament, to meet and fit at Wejlminjier , upon the 
 “ 22d day of January , in this year 1688, in order to 
 “ fuch an cftabJifliment, as that their Religion, Laws, 
 “ and Liberties, might not again be in danger of being 
 “ fubverted. Upon which letters, eledlions having been 
 ct accordingly made; and thereupon the Lords Spiritual 
 “ and Temporal, and Commons, purfuant to their refpec- 
 “ tive letters and elections, being now affembled in a full 
 “ and free Reprefentativc of this nation, taking into their 
 “ moft ferious confideration the beft means for attaining the 
 “ ends aforefaid, do, in the firft place (as their ancertors 
 “ in like cafe have ufually done) for the vindicating and 
 “ aflerting their antient Rights and Liberties; declare, 
 
 “ r. That the pretended power of fufpending of laws, 
 “ or execution of laws, by regal authority, without con- 
 <c fent of Parliament, is illegal. 
 
 “ 2. That the pretended power of difpenfing with laws, 
 “ or the execution of laws, by regal authority, as it hath 
 “ been affumed and exercifed of late, is illegal. 
 
 “ 3. That the commiflion for erecting the late Court 
 “ of Commiflioners for ecclefiaftical caufes, and all other 
 “ Commifllons and Courts of the like nature, are illegal 
 “ and pernicious. 
 
 “ 4. That the levying of money for or to the ufe of 
 “ the Crown, by pretence of Pierogative, without grant 
 “ of Parliament, for longer time, or in any other manner 
 “ than the fame is, or fhall be granted, is illegal. 
 
 “ 5. That it is the right of the fubjecls to petition the 
 “ King, and all commitments and profecutions for fuch 
 “ petitioning, are illegal. 
 
 “ 6. That the raifing or keeping a {landing army within 
 “ the Kingdom in time of peace, unlefs it be with confent 
 “ of Parliament, is againft law. 
 
 “ 7. That the fubjedls, which are Proteftants, may have 
 “ arms for their delence, fukable to their condition, and 
 ‘ c as allowed by law. 
 
 “ 8. That ele&ion of Members of Par Lament ought to 
 “ he free. 
 
 “ 9. That the freedom of Speech, and debates or pro- 
 “ ceedings in Parliament, ought not to be impeached or 
 “ queftioned, in. any Court or place out of Parliament. 
 
 “ 10. That exceftive bail ought not to be required, nor 
 “ exceflive fines impofed, nor cruel and unyfual punifli- 
 “ ments inflidled. 
 
 “ 11. That Jurors ought to be duly empanncllcd and 
 “ returned; and Jurors, which pafs upon men in trials for 
 “ HRh-treafon, ought to be Freeholders. 
 
 “ 12. That all grants and promifes, of fines and for- 
 “ feitures of particular perfons, before convidlion, are ille- 
 “ gal and void. 
 
 “ 1 3. And that for redrefs of all grievances, and for the 
 “ amending, rtrengthening, and preferring of the laws. 
 
 . 
 
 1 K v .th'-u: ar.y r^-jjjrd :■> the ••iJer of SuccefEon, p. 81S. 
 
 ,2, Afterwards Etri of Portljnd. 
 
 ; ZJ«>..-( r- • ij '■ •: -c thiV fo near an Equality io the H ufe of Lards fone hundred and twenty being prefen:,] >hr was carr'..-J 
 1 Ma irity of tw > r three, to agree with toe Commons in voting the Abdicattm and the Vacancy of the throne, and that the Vote by 
 v. . • - , ji.d Piir.ceft v.-.re de . to be King and Queen went very tizrd. EOjffd fays by twenty Vo :es. lix:y five agaiait iur:y n-e. 
 
 6 Parliaments 
 
 1689. 
 
Book XXIV. 
 
 The INTERREGNUM. 
 
 795 
 
 1689. “ Parliaments ought to be held frequently. And they do 
 
 “ claim, demand, and infift upon all and Angular the pre- 
 “ mifles, as their undoubted Rights, and Liberties; and that 
 <c no declarations, judgments; doings, or proceedings, to 
 “ the prejudice of the People in any of the faid premises, 
 “ ought in any wife to be drawn hereafter into confequence 
 “ or example. To which demand of their rights, they 
 “ are particularly encouraged by the declaration of his 
 “ Highnefs the Prince of Orange , as being the only means 
 for obtaining a full red refs and remedy therein. 
 
 “ Having therefore an entire Confidence, that his faid 
 “ Highnefs tliePrinceof Orange will perfect the deliverance 
 “ fo faradvanced by him, and will ftill preferve them from 
 “ the violation of their rights, which they have here af- 
 <c ferted, and from all other attempts upon their Religion, 
 Rights, and Liberties ; the faid Lords Spiritual and Tern- 
 “ poral, aflembled at IVefminJler, do refolve, That IVil- 
 “ liam and Mary, Prince and Princefs of Orange, be, and 
 “ be declared King and Queen of England, France , 
 “ and Ireland, and the dominions thereunto belonging, to 
 “ hold the Crown and royal Dignity of the faid Kingdoms 
 <c and Dominions, to them the faid Prince and Princefs 
 “ during their lives, and the life of the furvivor of them; 
 “ and that the foie and full exercife of their regal power 
 “ be only in, and executed by, the faid Prince of Orange, 
 “ in the names of the faid Prince and Princefs, during 
 “ their joint lives; and after their deceafe, the faid Crown 
 “ and royal Dignity of the faid Kingdoms and Dominions 
 “ to be to the heirs of the body of the faid Princefs ; and for 
 “ default of fuch iffue, to the Princefs Ann of Denmark , and 
 “ the heirs of her body; and for default of fuch ifl'ue, to 
 “ the heirs of the body of the faid Prince of Orange. 
 
 “ And the faid Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and 
 “ Commons, do pray the faid Prince and Princefs of 
 “ Orange , to accept the fame accordingly. And that the 
 “ oaths hereafter-mentioned, be taken by all perfons of 
 
 <c whom the oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy might be 1684, 
 
 “ required by law inftead of them ; and that the faid oaths 
 “ of Allegiance and Supremacy be abrogated : 
 
 “ /, A. B. do f.ncerely protoife and fwear, That I will 
 “ be faithful, and bear true allegiance to their Alajejlies , 
 
 “ King William andSjucen Mary. So help me God. 
 
 “ /, A. B. do fwear , That l do from my heart abhor , de~ 
 
 “ tejl, and abjure, as impious and heretical, this damnable 
 “ doflrine and pofition , That Princes excommunicated or 
 “ deprived by the Pope, or any authority of the See of 
 “ Rome, may be depofed or murdered by their Subjc&s, 
 
 “ or any other whatfoever. And I do declare, That no 
 “ foreign Prince, Perfon , Prelate, State, or Potentate , 
 
 “ hath, or ought to have, anyjurifdiftion, power, fuperio- 
 “ rity, pre-eminence or authority, eccleftajlical or fpir :i::al, 
 
 “ within this Realm. So help me God.” 
 
 . After the reading of this Declaration, the Marquifs of KennN - 
 Halifax, Speaker of the Houle of Lords, made a folcmn g/h^d. 
 tender of the Crown to their HighneflTes, in the name of Hi. p. 989. 
 both Houfes, whereupon the Prince of Orange returned 
 the following anfwer : 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen, This is certainly the greati/l 
 proof of the trujl you have in us, that can be given , which is 
 the thing that makes us value it the more ; and we thankfully 
 accept what you have offered. And as I had no other inten¬ 
 tion in coming hither, than to preferve your Religion, Laws, 
 and Liberties, fo you may be fare, that I jhall endeavour to 
 fupport them , and fall be willing to concur in any thing that 
 <hall be for the good of the Kingdom, and to da all that is in 
 my power to advance the welfare and glory of the Nation. 
 
 All this was followed with the acclamations of the peo¬ 
 ple, which quickly flew over the whole City. The fame 
 day the Prince and Princefs were proclaimed King and 
 Queen of England, France, and Ireland, by the names of 
 William and Mary, to the inexpreflible joy of the 
 People (t). 
 
 ill 
 
 (1) 1. King James the Second’s Natural l flue was as follows. 
 
 I. By Mrs . At della Churchill, Siller of John Duke of Marlborough, afterwards married to Colonel Godfrey, he had (r.) Jama Fiiz-James, Grandee of 
 
 Spain, Marcfchal of France, Knight of the Golden Fleece, commonly called Duke ot Berwick. Outlawed in 1697. (2.) Henry F:tz.-Jamct, commonly 
 
 cilled the Grand Prior, born 1673. Outlawed in 16 gy. Lieutenant-General and Admiral of the French Gallics. He died in France, December’;, 1702. 
 (3.) Henrietta, born 1670. who married Henry Lord Waldgrave, 1683. Father of James the prefent Lord Waldgrave, born in 1684. 
 
 a. By Mrs. Catharine Sedley, Daughter of Sir Charles Sedley, Baronet; created Baronefs of Darlington, and Countefs of Dorchrjler. afterwards married to 
 Sir David Collier, the late Earl of Portmore, he had Catharine Darn/ey, prefent Dutchels Dowager of 'Buckingham, bon 1681. She married (1.) James 
 Anne fly, Earl of Angle fey, in October 1699. By whom lhe had Catharine Annefley, January 7, 1701, who married William Phips, Efq; Son of Sir Con- 
 fianting Phips. (2.) John Sheffield, Duke of Buckinghamjhire and Norman by , March 1, 1705-. By whom lhe had Edmund, the prefent Duke of Buckiug- 
 bamjhire, born January 11, 1716. 
 
 II. By an Indenture in the firHofy^wrll. a Pound weight of Gold, twenty twoCarats fine, and twoCarats allay, was coined into 44/. ioi. by tile, 
 namely, into Ten Shillings, Tatnty Shillings, Forty Shillings, and Five Pounds, pieces; and a Pound weight of Silver of the old Standard into 62 Shilling:; 
 by tale, namely, into Crotons, Half-Crotons, Shillings, Six-pcnccs. Groats, Ttoo-pcnccs, and Pence; which Standard both for (Sold and Silver hath continued 
 ever fmce. 
 
 The Gold Coins have on one fide the King’s Head laureat, IACOBVS II. DEI. GRATIA. Revcrfe MAG. BR. FRA. ET. H1B. REX. the Arms 
 Tingle in leparate Shields crowned, with the Scepters, but nothing in the Center. Some have an Elephant under the King's head, being of African Gold. 
 
 (Fig.) The Five-pound-piece is like tiie Guinea, but has DECVS, &c. upon the Rim.-Of the Silver-Monies, the Crown has the King's head laureat; the 
 
 Arms on the Reverfe in four feparate Shields crown’d ; the Inflrription as on theGold Coins; and upon the Rim DECVS. ET. TVTAMEN, &c. the 
 Half-crown is the fame, and the Shilling and Six-pence the like, except the Infrription upon the Rim. The lefler Pieces, from the Groat to the Penny. 
 have as many initial Letters ofh.s Name crown’d, as they contain Pence, but the fame Infcrip;ion as the Crown-piece. The Tin-farthing and Half, 
 penny have the King’s Head, IACOBUS. SECVNDVS. Reverfe Britannia, BRITANNIA, upon the Rim i68y. NVMMORVM. FAMVLVS. 
 
796 
 
 A DISSERTATION on the Rife, Progrefs, Views, 
 Strength, Interefts, and Characters of the two Parties of 
 the A H IG S and 7 0 RIE S. Sir If publilhed in the 
 year 1717 . 
 
 A® VP*? tbt two parties or fa rats which divide England, have hern long talked of, it is hut of late pears 
 0 A’ .7./ fi a S‘ d m their quarrel. Before the lesjt Peace, Foreigners generally looked 
 
 TanLLZT T! 1 ’ H ‘ LlL T ™’ « ° matUr ‘f «*Ut no way Leaned than. 
 
 If any feemed to regard them ,t was fold, on account of the diverjity of the opinions of the two parties, eon- 
 
 f Wn'lfftT f " t m, ° f ' h ‘J- ■ T ’ Ms «“» <*#«* ‘ h ‘ "«> which tnojl private Foreigners formed 
 
 ’■ L Li f “ h L rMt F ° re ' smn ' f° rPr "“" ‘heir M.infers knew what influence thfy had in the 
 
 •f f" Ep’ S .f hy'ttespo, accord,ng as toe one or tae other party prevailed in the Court or Parliament,,/' England ■ hut 
 
 fir the People, ,t ntety he. fa,d that,n general, they knew not the eonf,queue, of them. 1 8 
 
 of has opened numb,rlefs eyes, becaufc it is clearly fan JJkw f an the late revolution in th, Court 
 
 of England, l the change of the Whtg, into a Tory, Mtniflry. As all Europe was enraged in the war, and confeauZh 
 ,n. limed ,n tae peace by which „ was terminated, thofe who before only talked of the Englfft divifms, as of a for,In af- 
 1 m .{; n J ib,c °f wha ‘ “‘fiaence they are to other States. From that time 'this matter has been r,a fond and 
 • >■'! T,ri L‘ 1 * ' mJl Fm « ms "*«< «■ Tories, according as Z hale brliZd 
 
 ptZ ' sTJ, W tSi “ I '"''C'.'y to their irs.s /is. Tlc.gt i. . m arj To, ■„ eg:, g e, 
 
 hll-d Pat ,‘h Paid 1 ' 1 " d fi rm ‘ a I‘™ ***“{ “ cmar * ‘ itk er Prol.flants or Roman Catholicis, it has hap - 
 
 1 ,ha ‘ ,h P “P'Jls have declared fir the Term, and the Protjlants for the llhigs. The realm of this proceeding i, 
 
 V I? i 1 7 "T I’LL * T ’ ri “ » mm “ f“ • Liens PopRPrinel on the h on, of 
 
 f?= L .. "■ ■ “L h-ve behaved that th, prefervqtion of the Proteflant Religion was,he file aim of the Whirs 
 
 Vi"‘‘ s f' 'Tf 7 ■ has i f‘ rmmtd Foreigners to fld, with one of the parties, that is, their’inclination to 
 
 France, ot that fear of the ambitious deigns ,f that Crown. In this nfpett th, adherents of France an Tories and 
 1 1 1 , 11 ' 111 \ therefore has made a choice, without troubling themfelves, other-wife, with the differences 
 
 iLVh d'J' , L L"- ,r ‘ kn,r l b ; h ‘‘filling, flnee in England Itfllf, „Ji,are hit, If 
 without having a dijtintt idea of the party they have embraced. & ’ 
 
 . U .f tb ‘ ' the puhlici has not been exactly Informed concerning theft two parties, which, F th. t „. 
 
 ,1 hm 1 ■ r'- m a capacity to influence the mofl important affairs ./Europe. It is true it 
 
 f'i - - rather Pamphlets, upon t& If,A. If it Is no, fL Lee, L 2 
 
 XauthrfL TeordTnT’i W ' L‘L"'' S fub W ‘i h in.ies or f srles, and confidently 
 
 ■ ■ '-'if ‘heft is not one but what carries evident minks of the partiality of its author It 
 
 i » : ' t >■ v». ore to eppect a fair account of Pus matter, the\ to fbeahthe truth ,h ere 
 
 f '.'■■■ ■■ ■ ' *t °r ere hiaffed to one ef the fictions. 'Htrwever the author of 
 
 .. " ' ’ •nkthsmfelf lualsfled te gme the fullick a mere crtenfwe knowledge ef the twotartief 
 
 ; ' i/V.' H‘ fed a long time. In England, and has, Jany years, LgLlyflutTL 
 
 ft >; f'l" \ “ " “ttae/jeJ neither by inclination nor interefl to any one of th, Parties, and is now In a 
 
 Ciuiriy aeioiie he has notaing „ hofc or fear from either. His impartiality will evidently appear in the Differtation HUT 
 To gia a dtfhnfl knowledge of the tw, parties, the author wa, unavoidably obliged „ defend to man, particulars of t 
 
 S 8 fh L”VL ,h ‘ 1 C W:d *** °f th l ”« *» dearly explained ? If X E tl ft 
 
 think tins Dffer ahon defeCUve tn fme point,, and to, large in other,, they are defied to remember, i, -was not penned 
 J„ the,, ufe i that the author s a,m was to confine hlmfelf to general ideas ; in a word, that the things which ptfs for 
 common and well-known m England, are myfteries abroad, and require a full explication. W J 
 
 It w, 11 perhaps be thought flrange, that the author, who was born under a Government purely monarchical, fpeaks in feme 
 ' 'll P " ' '"P : , "f Ilf - ' ** 1 fuels a llovcrniue,:,. To deviate, this ffpicion, he defires his Reader L 
 
 ‘E'-’P .• T ! l‘pf JI-P P‘fn,,„ly 0) his fifed, without affirming an Engiili, fpirit, and conforming hlmfelf , 
 the principles which are common in England It is thus only that he believed he fhould be able u dijeovl the jreng h Li 
 weaknefsof he two parties. All hts reafer.mgs are founded upon Hus principle, of the Solidity of which he is trficVy eon- 
 .n..,rl, I lit ere,; pnvale perfon is in confcience obliged quietly to fubmit to the Government eltablifticj n, the 
 Country where he was born, or Providence has placed him. Wherefore i, is Li, opinion, the, alt fere, practice,, allca-. 
 
 ’ t m rT, ff "I’LL ”' S “ th °ff U ‘ h G ^>'mcnt, are f° many crimes for which ,h authors 
 
 arc rcjponfible to God and their Superiors. J 1 
 
 T H E Government of England is of a particular kind, 
 of which there is not the like at prefent in all the 
 •world. It is, however, the fame which was formerlyefta- 
 blifhed in all the Kingdoms of Europe , formed out of the 
 ruins of the Roman Empire. The prefent difference be¬ 
 tween England , and other States, in this refpedl, is owing 
 to this, that the Englljh have preferved the form of their 
 Government ever iince their fettling in Great Britain ; 
 whereas in other nations, it has been loft by degrees, or 
 extremely altered. This Government, which has fo lono- 
 fubfifted in this ifiand, appears, in fome refpedls, Monar¬ 
 chical, in others, Republican ; and yet, properly fpeaking, 
 it is neither. It cannot be called purely Monarchical, ftnee 
 the Nobility and the People have a {hare in the Lcgiflutive 
 Power jointly with the King, nor can the King impofe any 
 tax, without the people’s confent. Neither is it Republi¬ 
 can, fince there is a King, who exercifes the fovereign au- 
 thority, who difpofes, as he pleafes, of all places and'di/ni- 
 ties ecclehaftical, civil, or military ; and can make peace or 
 war, without confulting his Subjects. It would be there¬ 
 fore in vain to pretend todeferibe this Government, by the 
 ufual names of Monarchy, Ariftocracy, Democracy, which 
 agree not with it. It is a mixed Government, differing 
 from, and yet compofed of, all three. The prerogative's 
 of the Sovereign, and the privileges of the Nobles and 
 
 People, are fo tempered together, that they mutually fup- 
 port one another. At the fame time, each of the' three 
 powers, concerned in the Legiflature, may infuperably ob- 
 ftruft the attempts of one or both the others, to render 
 themfelves independent. In fhort, it is very near the 
 fame form of Government, eftabhfhcd by the Saxons in 
 Germany , by the Francs in Gaul , by the Vifigoths in Spain , 
 by the Ojlrogotbs, and after them, by the Lombards in 
 Italy. Thefe northern nations introduced this Government 
 into the moft fouthern parts of Europe , when they fettled 
 there, and founded new States upon the ruins of the Roman 
 Empire. 
 
 If, therefore, it be asked, How long this Government 
 has been in England ? I fhall not fcruple to anfwer, Ever 
 fince the Anglo-Saxons finifhed the conqueft of that part of 
 Great Britain , which their dependents poffefs to this dav. 
 It is true, a doubt may arife, whether the Commons, in 
 the time of the Jnglo-Saxons, were part of the Parliament; 
 and I confefs this point is hard to be determined. Bur 
 however, when England was divided into feven Kingdoms, 
 Englijh and Saxon , each of thefe had its King and Parlia¬ 
 ment. This laft was called the JVittcna-Gemct, or Ajfem- 
 bty of Wife-men \ and there was alfo the like for the com¬ 
 mon affairs of the whole Heptarchy. This fame form of 
 Government iubhltcd, when the (even Kingdoms were re¬ 
 duced 
 
A Dijfertation on t 
 
 duced to one _ , . the fame State. The Fields of Mars [ March ] or 
 of May , called lince the States General in France , the Cortes in 
 Spain, and perhaps the Diets of the German Empire, are the remains 
 of this antient form of Government, introduced by the northern na¬ 
 tions, wherever they fettled. 
 
 William, Duke of Normandy, firnamed the Bajlard or Conqueror, 
 having fubdued England in 1066, became abfolute, and eftablifhed 
 a defpotick power, though, in all likelihood, he preferved the fhadow 
 of a Parliament. To fecure his eonqueft, he tranfplanted many 
 Norman, French, Breton, and Angevin families, enriching them with 
 the lands, of which he inceflantly difpofiefled the Englijh. Thefe 
 tranfplanted families multiplied greatly in a fhort fpace, and became in 
 the end fo powerful, as to make headagainft their Sovereigns, fucceflors 
 of the Conqueror. At firft, they gloried in their entire dependence 
 upon the King, who had put them in pofleflion of their lands. Their 
 intereft: required, that they fhould fupport that power by which they 
 held all their Engljh pofleflions. But when they were once firmly 
 fettled, they began to dread, that the regal power, which had en¬ 
 riched them, might with the fame eafe ftrip them of their eftates, if 
 the King fhould fo pleafe. For this reafon, they wifhed the Go¬ 
 vernment reftored to the fame ftate, as in the times of the Saxon 
 Kings. This was the only means to avoid the inconveniences of an 
 arbitrary power, ( which might, in time to come, turn as much to 
 their prejudice, as it had to their advantage) and to perpetuate the 
 pofteffion of their lands. What at firft was only a bare wifti, foon 
 rofe into hope, and at !aft into right, by the methods I ftiall prefently 
 fpeak of. To explain this fully, a large detail of the Englijh Hiftory 
 would be neceftary, and a particular enumeration of all the caufcs 
 which have contributed to put the Nobility, and afterwards the peo¬ 
 ple, in pofieflion of a right, which they did not enjoy, under the 
 firft Norman Kings. But as this detail would lead me too far, I 
 ftiall content my felf with a fhort abridgment, concerning the fubjeft 
 in hand. 
 
 William the Conqueror , in 1087, left the Kingdom of England to 
 his fecond Son William , firnamed Rufus , in prejudice of Robert his 
 eldeft Son, who had only Normandy. Robert made fome attempts to 
 difpofiefs his brother of a Crown, of which he believed himfelf un- 
 juftly deprived. But Rufus defeated them by his addrefs, engaging as 
 well the Normans as the Englijh in his intereft, with promifes of re- 
 eftablifhing the antient Government, and reviving the Saxon Laws. 
 He knew that both were paftionately defirous of what he made them 
 hope. By the Normans, I mean here the foreigners newly fettled in 
 England. This promife of Rufus was therefore the firft foundation 
 of their pretenfions. I fay the firft, for the Normans had no right 
 to demand of the King what he was pleafed to promife them, and 
 the conquered Englijh had as little, to limit the power of their Con¬ 
 querors. It is true, the Englijh might ground their pretenfions upon 
 fome general promifes made them by William the Conqueror , when he 
 received their firft homages. But this Prince never pretended that 
 they fhould found a right on thefe promifes. Accordingly, he always 
 treated England as a conquered nation. However, Rufus kept his 
 Word with neither Normans nor Englijh. 
 
 Upon his death Henry I, his younger brother, afeended the throne 
 in 1100, in prejudice of his eldeft brother Robert , ftill alive. To 
 fecure his ufurpation, he purfued the fame courfe as his predeceffor 
 Rufus. He promifed to reftore the antient Government, and con¬ 
 firmed his promife by a Charter in form, but executed it no better 
 than his brother. However, the rights of the fubjedl received ftrength 
 from thefe promifes, though ill performed. 
 
 Henry I. dying, Maud his Daughter, widow of the Emperor 
 Henry V, and wife to Jeffery Plantagcnet Earl of Anjou, ought to have 
 mounted the throne ; but in 1 135 was defeated of her right by Ste¬ 
 phen Earl of Boulogne-, Son of the Conqueror’s eldeft daughter. He 
 bound himfelf more ftrongly than his two predeceffors to reftore the 
 Saxon laws, but in all appearance with as little intention to perform 
 his engagements. At laft, the great men, finding he fought pretenfes 
 to evade his promifes, harrafted him with a war which lafted the 
 moft: part of his reign. In the beginning, they called into England 
 the Emprefs Maud , and her Son Henry by the Earl of Anjou-, and 
 the war ended in a trea'y, which fecured the Crown to Henry after 
 Stephen's demife though he had fons. 
 
 To Stephen , in 1 ( 5+ fucceeded Henry II. During his Reign, and 
 that of his eldeft fon Richard I, there were no contefts between the 
 King and the Barons, for fo the great men of the Kingdom were 
 then called. But very confiderable difputes arofe in the reign of King 
 John, firnamed Lackland, brother and fuccefior of Richard I. An 
 unhappy quarrel between this Prince and the Court of Rome, having 
 forced him to do homage to Pope Innocent III. for his Kingdom, and 
 bind himfelf to pay him tribute, this difhonorable proceeding, added 
 to many other caufes, loft him the eftcem and affeaion of his Sub¬ 
 jects. The Barons improving fo favorable a juncture, prefented to him 
 the Charter of Henry l, which had never been executed, and refolved 
 to oblige him to confirm it. John at firft reje&ed it with great haugh- 
 tinefs, but at laft compelled by his own weaknefs, and the united op- 
 pofition of almoft all the Barons, he was obliged to grant them a 
 Charter, much more ample and advantages to the fubjeCt, than 
 Henry the Firft' s, and which was called Magna Charta, or the Charter 
 of Liberties. By this Charter, drawn as the Barons pleafed, the King’s 
 power was fo curbed, that it was in a manner reduced to the fame 
 ftate as under the Saxon Kings before the Conqueft. This Charter 
 has been ever fince cite principal foundation of the rights of the Sub¬ 
 jects. I fhall not here pretend to decide a queftion fo much above 
 No. 83. V 0 u II. 
 
 <e Whigs and Torys. - o? 
 
 my reach, whether this foundation is very folid. It will fuffice brief¬ 
 ly to remark, by what means a coneeffion feemingly to de'eflive i„ 
 Its origin, fince it was evidently extorted, changed, as I may fa¬ 
 ns nature by the firmnefs of the Englijh, and acquired an indifputable 
 authority, though It might have been contefted at firft. To this 
 end, we mull fee what palled alterwards with refpe.lt to this Charter 
 King John who had figned it, defiring to revoke it, drew upon 
 himfelf frefh misfortunes, which lafted as long as he lived. The 
 Barons refolving to adhere to their Charter, took at laft the defperate 
 courfe to call in to their aftiflance, Lewis Son of Philip Auguftus 
 King of France, and to put him in pofteftlon of all, or the greateft part 
 of the Kingdom. John died during the war, deprived by a foreign 
 Prince, or rather his own Subjects, and left a fon of ten years of 
 age, little capable to maintain the quarrel. Some Lords, who had 
 remained faithful to the late King, appointed the Earl of Pembroke 
 Regent, during ihe minority of the young Prince, who was recogni¬ 
 zed by his few Adherents by the name of Henry III. in 1 2 1 6. 
 
 Shortly after the face of aftaiis was changed bv the prudent c’onduft 
 of the Regent, who feeing the Barons bent to fupport their Charter, 
 promifed pofitively, it fhould be confirmed and executed. Upon this 
 afturance, they deferted Prince Lewis, who was obliged to return to 
 France. 
 
 Henry III. was no foonet out of his minority than ho repealed 
 Magna Charta, and thought of reigning uncontrouled. But as he 
 had not a capacity equal to filch an undertaking, his long Reign of 
 fifty fix years was one continued feene of troubles" on account of Mar¬ 
 tin Charm. He was frequently forced to confirm it, and as often 
 broke all his oaths and engagements. At laft, the Barons took arms 
 under the conduft of the Earl of Leicefler, Son of the famous Simon 
 Montfort General of the Cmfade againft the Migenjis. The King 
 had jhe misfortune to lofe -a battle, and to fee himfelf, his brother 
 the King of the Remans, and his Son Prince Edward, in [he hands of 
 the Earl of Leicejltr, who obliged them to fwear, they would never 
 oppofe the execution of Magna Charta. The Earl of Lcicjhr go¬ 
 verned fome lime in the name of the King his prifoner. It is pretended 
 the Commons were firft received into Parliament during his edmini- 
 ftralion. But wilhout flaying to examine fo difficult a queftion, I 
 (hall only obferve, that at Iqail it cannot be denied, that fince the end 
 of Henry III s reign the Commons have ever enjoyed this privilege. 
 
 Prince Edward, f >n of Henry IIT, having happily made his efcape 
 from the Earl of Leicefter , gained a battle in which the Earl was 
 (lam. This vidory reftored the King to his liberty, who ufed it not 
 agreeably to the oath he had been obliged to take. But his reign 
 and life ended a few years after his deliverance. Though the Barons 
 party was very much humbled, yet Edward I. who in 12-2 fucceeded 
 his Father Henry III, confirmed Magna Charta. However, fome 
 fteps taken by him afterwards, difeovered a defign to revoke it; but 
 the Barons beginning to ftir, he retra&ed, and confirmed it once 
 more. 
 
 Edward II, his fon, and fucceftbr in 1307, was depofed by the 
 Parliament, for intending to eftablifh an abfolute powe'r contrary to 
 Magna Charta. 1 
 
 Edward \ \\, fon and fuccefior of this unfortunate Prince in 1327, 
 confirmed it ten times during the courfe of his reign, which the vic¬ 
 tories obtained by himfelf and his fon the Prince of Wales, over 
 France , rendred extremely glorious. 
 
 Richard II, grandfon and fucccftbr to Edward III. i n 1377, was 
 folemnly depofed, for having violated in many inftances the privileges 
 of the people, founded on Magna Charta. 
 
 Henry IV, who had ufed that pretenre to dethrone Richard II, in 
 1 399 ) and put himfelf in his place, made fome attempts to diminifti 
 the privileges of the Parliament; but did not carry very far the ex¬ 
 ecution of this project. 1 
 
 Henry V, his fon, who fucceeded him in 141 3, maintained the Par¬ 
 liament in all us rights, and left the privileges ot his Subjects untouch¬ 
 ed. His reign was one continued feries of vi&ories, and fuccefles a- 
 gainft France. He died in 1422. 
 
 From that time the government of England remained fo well fett- 
 led, and fo firm upon its foundations, I mean, the prerogatives of 
 the king, and the privileges of the Parliament, that lor near two 
 hundred years, not one King appears to have had any intention to 
 
 u ake o * r ThC P ° llCy ° f the KingS ’ turned whol ’y u P° n governing 
 their Parliaments by fecret intrigues, without difeovering any defwe 
 of altering the conftitution. True it is, that fome Kings, as Hen¬ 
 ry VIII, did what they pleafed, but without any prejudice to the pri¬ 
 vileges of Parliament. On the contrary, by fupporting the Parlia¬ 
 ment in its rights, they had the addrefs to make it fubfervient to their 
 ends. This, by the way, is the beft, and perhaps the only method 
 for a King to render himfelf powerful and eafy. 
 
 After fo long a continuance of the fame form of government and 
 fo uninterrupted a pofleffion of the privileges of Magna Charta, the 
 Englijh nation was fo accuftomed to it, that it feemed impoffible to 
 make any alteration without throwing the Kingdom into confufion 
 Nay, it feemed there was no fear that any King fhould ever think of 
 attempting fo difficult a thing, at the hazard "of his Crown as had 
 been the cafe of fome former Kings. Notwithftanding all this 
 fames l, fiicceilor to Queen Elizabeth in .601, failed not to tako 
 fome fteps in this dangerous courfe, and endeavour to diminifti the 
 privileges of Parliament. It was by the pernicious counl'els of the 
 Duke of Buckingham, his favorite, that he engaged in this defign 
 which probably would have ended unfortunately for him, had not 
 death furprized him before he had plainly difeovered his intention 
 
 9 Q- yhi 
 
79 g 
 
 A Dilfertiition on the Wliigs and for) 
 
 Thi« "2 A: >■ L ■■■ •'-.:ht to re conft-iered as the firft author 
 of the trouJc;. .1 j fj lu: - 2 inflated England, and Hill do ili¬ 
 fe ft it to this J)'\ 
 
 It was under CL;- 1 .-; T. fan and fuccdUrof James in 1623, that 
 the project to render the Ki.vz abfolute, an.! independent of the Laws, 
 w;a vigoroufly pu/hc I and advanced bv all methods. The Duke of 
 Buckingham, favorite to Charles I, as he h-.i been to h : s father, in¬ 
 spired hint with maxims direitiy contrary to rbe eftablithed Govern¬ 
 ment, anil thereof ecca! toned his ruin. The Duke being affaffinafed, 
 the defign was purfued by Charles , which had been begun by the de- 
 ceafed favorite. He imagined, the nation might be governed without 
 a Parliament, or at leaft that Parliaments were only to Supply him 
 with money. He had diffolved three in the four firft years of his 
 reign, and even Signified his intention of calling no more. Twelve 
 years palled without a Parliament, during which the King levied 
 taxes by the bare aft of his will, upon his Subjefts, and by his con- 
 duft discovered a defign to reign arbitrarily. Unhappily for him, he 
 admitted to his perfon and council two men imbued with the fame 
 maxims, bv whom he was puffied on to his ruin ; namely, JVilliam 
 Laud Arehbilhop of Canterbury , and Thomas IVentworth Earl of 
 
 While this Prince had no difficulties to Struggle with from abroad, 
 he enjoyed his ufurped power with Some tranquillity, but not without 
 the ooen murmuring? of the people. Mean time, no perfon dared to 
 oppofe fo violent a torrent. At laft, the Archbifiiop of Canterbury 
 advifing him to finifli the reftoration of the Scotch Hierarchy, and 
 introduftion of the Englijh Liturgy, he followed the pernicious ad¬ 
 vice, but could not execute his projeft, without engaging in an open 
 war in 1639, with his antient Kingdom of Scotland. He levied for¬ 
 ces, and maintained them by taxes, which he himfeif had impofed. 
 Money failing him after the firft campain, he at laft, in April 1640, 
 called a Parliament, which was dillblved in a few days, for the fame 
 reafon as the three firft, and the arbitrary impofitions continued as 
 before. But the King quickly perceived, that the continuation of his 
 power, depended upon the happy fuccefs of his arms. The people 
 Served him with regret. The Lmds on divers pretences withdrew 
 from Court. The validity of his orders, by virtue whereof his im¬ 
 pofitions were levied, were contefted in town and country. In Short, 
 the King faw his Subjefts every were ready to defert him, on the firft 
 occafion. 
 
 This occafion prefen?' d it felf Sooner than he c-pcfted. His army 
 having received a check, and the Scots fur prized Newcajlle , the King 
 was forced to feck means to drive them out of England , whereas he 
 had hoped to become abfolute in Scotland. But inftead of finding his 
 Englijh Subjefts ready to affift him, he faw them on the contrary re¬ 
 joice at his difgrace, and confidercd it as a proper opportunity to re¬ 
 cover their privileges. In this extremity, he aSTembled the Peers at 
 York-, in order to advife with them upon what was to be done. Their 
 unanimous opinion, was, that the only way to free himfeif from the 
 prefent difficulties, was to call a Parliament. He then perceived, that 
 an interval of fifteen years was not capable to efface out of the minds 
 of the Englijh, the memory of their Parliaments, which they looked 
 upon as the ftrcwgeft fupport of their Liberties. Mean while, he was 
 under a fort of neceSfity to follow the advice of the Peers, in calling 
 a Parliament (1). 
 
 In the picfent difpofition of the people to the King, fuch Repre- 
 fentatives were chofen, as were eminent for their ability, courage, 
 and f..m attachment to the privileges of the Subjeft, The Parlia¬ 
 ment being met, inftead of thinking t-o drive the Scots out of the 
 Kingdom, as the King had hoped, believed they ought, before all 
 things, to fecure the Liberties of the nation, by fetting bounds to the 
 illegal authority, which the King had for fifteen years afliimed. This 
 refolution was no fooner difeovered, than all the people adhered to the 
 Parliament. From that time the King was fo deftitute of friends, 
 that he faw himfeif unable to refill: the torrent. His only refuge was, 
 to comply with his Parliament, and paf. almoft every Bill prefented to 
 him to curb his authority. He hoped, by this condefcenfion, to con¬ 
 vince his Subjefts of his intention to return to the antient courfe from 
 which he had been diverted bv evil counfels, and perhaps he really 
 defigned it, but could gain no belief. On the contrary, it was thought, 
 that mere neccfiity obliged him to meafures fo oppoiite to the former. 
 So, mutual confidence- fo nccefiary between the King and his people, 
 being entirely loft, the Parliament would no longer depend upon the 
 fincerity of a Prince, whom they believed they had juft caufe to dif- 
 truft. Thev therefore incellantly laboured to fecure the Liberties of 
 the Subjeft from any future invafion. To this end, they were not 
 fatisfied with obtaining the King’s conferit to Afts which reduced the 
 Royal Power within its antient limits, but alfo extorted his afient to 
 laws, which confiderabiy leflened the juft prerogatives of the Crown, 
 'rhe friends of the Parliament fcrupled not to affirm, that the Subjeft 
 could never be fecure in his property, while the King had power to 
 return to his former courfe' Thus King Charles, who had hoped to 
 carry the royal authority higher than any of his predecefiors, faw 
 himfeif, on the contrary, deprived of great part of his legal power. 
 He even had the mortification to fee himfeif forced, in May 1641, to 
 fign the Earl of Strafford’s (entencr, who had afted nothing without 
 his orders, or at leaft his approbation. The Archbifhop of Canterbury 
 alfo, loft his head on the lea Hold in 1 644. 
 
 Had the Parliament contented ti.c.nicl. :j with fettling the Go¬ 
 vernment upon its antient foundations, very probably, it "would not 
 afterwards have been eafily Jbaken. But n:i fuch occafions it is diffi¬ 
 cult to keep a juft medium. The lead.ng member, willing to fereen 
 themfeives from the attempts of the myal power, almoft entirely 
 changed the antient Conftitution, by ft ripping the Crown of the beft 
 part of its prerogatives. It was no longer the King and Parliament 
 which governed the nation, but tiie Parliament alone, or rather the 
 tloufe of Commons, managed ail affairs. The Houfe of Peers had 
 fcarce any other power, than that of an implicit affent to the Bills 
 offered to them, and the King was but the fhadow of a Sovereign. 
 However, it was this very thing that procured him adherents, whom 
 doubtlefs, he would never have had, if the balance had been kept e- 
 ven. Many thought it as ftrange that the Parliament fliould, as I 
 may fay, govern without a King, as that the King fliould attempt to 
 rule without a Parliament. l'he conltitucion of the Government 
 fuffered equally by both ufurpations. But that which brought the 
 ftrongeft acceffion to the King’s party, was, that the Parliament, to 
 gain the Scots to their intereft, wete polleffed with the projeft, of 
 changing the Epifcopal Government of the Church, into Presbyte¬ 
 rian, which they accompli/hed with open force. Moll of th c Englijh, 
 accuftomed to fee the Church under the direftion of Bifhops, could 
 not bear this change without murmuring. But as thefe were not the 
 ftrongeft, becaufe the Parliament had the treafure, army, and places 
 at their difpofal, their only refuge was to unite with the Kin^. 
 
 Then it was that two Parties appeared in the Kingdom,"one for 
 the King, and one for the Parliament, with a fort of equality which 
 quickly made it thought, they would not long remain quiet, and with¬ 
 out coming to arms. The King’s adherents at firft had the name of 
 Cavaliers , which was afterwards changed into that of Tories : And 
 thofe of the Parliament, then called Roundheads , have received the 
 name of IVhigs. The origin of thefe two famous diftinftions L uiis : 
 At that time a fort of Irijh Banditti , or robbers, who kept in the 
 mountains and ifles formed by the vaft bogs of that country, were 
 called Tories , and at prefent are known by the name of Rapparees. 
 As the King’s enemies accufed him of favouring the Irifh Rebellion" 
 which broke out about that time, they gave his adherents the name of 
 Tories. Thefe, on the other hand, to be even with their enemies 
 who were clofely united with the Scots, called them Whigs, a name 
 of reproach ufed in Scotland (2). Hence it appears, that thefe two 
 names are as antient as the troubles, though they were not in vogue 
 till many years after. I cannot precifely fix the time, but am of opi¬ 
 nion, that Cavalier and Roundhead, continued till the Reftoration of 
 Charles II, and then by degrees, were changed into Tory and Whig. 
 Thefe are the two parties which began to divide England in the time 
 of Charles I, and which ftill divide it to this day. The Roman Ca- 
 tholicks, called Papifts in England, joyned, from the firft, the King’s 
 party, which was more favorable to them than that of the Parlia¬ 
 ment, and have always remained united with the Tories, 
 
 What has been Laid, fufficiently fhows, that the King’s party was 
 compofed of two forts nf men, of which the one had principally in 
 view the political intereft of the King and the Crown, and the o- 
 thers, that of the Church of England. But they were all re-united 
 in this point, that they found their mutual advantage in the King’s 
 profperity, without which, they could not hope to fucceed in their re- 
 fpeftiye defigns. For this reafon, they were confidered but as one 
 party, under the fame name of Cavaliers or Royalifts. This mixture 
 of two different views in the fame party, fubfifts to this day, and is 
 not one of the leaft caufes of that confufion of ideas, which the word 
 Tory occafions. To remove this ambiguity as much as is poffible, I 
 ftiall call the firft, the Political or State Cavaliers, and the others the 
 Ecclefiajlical or Church Cavaliers. Each of thefe two branches were 
 again fubdivided. For among the Political Cavaliers there were fome, 
 who following the maxims of the Duke of Buckingham , Archbilhop 
 Laud, and the Earl of Strafford , wifhed to fee the King inverted with 
 abfolute power, and able to deftroy the privileges of the Parliament. 
 Thefe may be called the rank Cavaliers. Their number was fmall 
 and little capable to fupport the King in his adverfity, though, during 
 his profperity, they made a great noife. The other branch of tho 
 Political Cavaliers, was compofed of men whom I fhall call moderate. 
 Thefe defired indeed the reftoration of the Royal Authority but ac¬ 
 cording to the antient Conftitution. The other Cavaliers^ whom I 
 call Ecclefiaftical, were alfo fubdivided into two branches one of 
 which was compofed of rigid Churchmen, who were againft the leaft 
 change in the difeipline of the Church of England. Thofe who com¬ 
 pofed the other branch, were lefs fcrupulous and obftinate, and may 
 be ealied the Low or Moderate Churchmen. 
 
 In oppofition to the Cavaliers or Royalifts, the Roundheads or Par¬ 
 liamentarians were divided into two principal branches, namely, the 
 Political and Ecclefiaftical. The firft had principally in view, the 
 maintenance of the Rights of the people, and the fecond, the ad¬ 
 vancement of Presbytery. Each of thefe branches was likewife fub¬ 
 divided into two, one whereof was compofed of Republicans, who 
 aimed at undermining the regal power, and erefting a Common¬ 
 wealth ; the other, of the Moderate Roundheads, or Parliamentarian', 
 delired only to reduce the King to an incapacity of abufing his power, 
 by leaving him the poffeffion of his juft rights. This relares only to 
 the Political Roundheads, or Parliamentarians. As for the Eccleli- 
 
 (»! I' 
 
 ith rf November 1640. Befi re the P' , er c met, he knew they would be for calling a Parlii 
 milhke (. v., they wire I called from cer'.iio Robbers in Scotland. But Burnet tells its the 
 Its, Ir .in Whence thole ouvrrs were oiled fVbiggem.r,, and by comraftion ff'tnggi, p. 43. 
 
 td fn, for h : « own honour propo'ej it firft. Rap, n . 
 derived Irom (he word H'etggam ta<d by the Weftern 
 
 Scott i. 
 
 aftical, 
 
A Dijfertation on the Whigs and Torys; 
 
 799 
 
 aftical, they a!fo formed two branches, of which the firft was compo- not to furmount, if the Whi®* hie a 
 
 feJ of the rigid Presbyterians, who would be contented with nothing once removed out of the wa" ? To this end Cn , e TV”’ Were 
 
 lefs than the deflation of the Hierarchy } and the other, of the mo - .n -v ^ * 1 0 end > he lnduced brother 
 
 derate Presbyterians, who would have been fatisfied with much lefs, 
 and perhaps, with a bare toleration. It was abfoli/tely neceflary to 
 
 premife thus much, in order to enable the Reader to underhand the 
 fequej of this Diflertation. I fhall more largely fpeak of the views 
 and interefts of the different branches of the two parties, after I have 
 finifhed the abridgment which their rife obliged me to interrupt. 
 
 Whilft the King was in a deplorable ftate, without money of 
 
 friends, and reduced to bear every thing from the Parliament who admitted to any publick office; withoni^JodTcingTcertific^ if his 
 had him, as I may fay, at their mercy, he beheld a ray of hope having communicated in '■ ■ -- ■ b -- 1 n,! 
 
 to perfecute the Presbyterians, wherein he was aflifltd by all the To¬ 
 ry!, who with pleafure beheld this firft occafion of being revenged on 
 their enemies, the Whigs. So Presbyterianifm was furioufly attacked 
 under a pretence of reftoring the Church to the ffaie it was in before 
 the troubles. An Aft was puffed, forbidding the Pre bvte-ian afTem- 
 bhes, which were called Ctmmtkk, ; and another known by the 
 name of the 7 f-Act which indeed more diredflv concerned the 
 Roman Cathohcks, This .Acl ordained, that no perfbn fhould be 
 
 - . tpifcopal Church. Moreover, it was 
 
 called the Conformity Aft, becaufe all who were to be admitted 
 to any office, were obliged by this Statute to conform to tile Church 
 of England. 
 
 The Whigs foon perceived, that under colour of 
 
 fhine in the rife of the two parties, I have been fpeaking of. He 
 thought immediately, that to foment the divifion could not but be 
 advantagious to him, wherein he fucceeded. He thereby faw himfelf 
 at laft in a condition to hope to do himfelf juftice, by his arms, fof 
 
 the injuries of which he thought he had reafon to complain. In this fights of the Church'of TWW ^ ” 
 
 expedanon he ra.fed an army and engaged in an open war againft change the Government of the State, and ruin the' ProteSn^Rel 
 thft Par,,ament ‘ Wh ° ° n thp,r M nftW ^ Bion in England. It required fome time to take juft meafures and 
 
 at laft, with the afliftance of the moderate Torys, who feaied the 
 J Juice of 7 nrl\ g 0 i n g too far, they obliged the King to fend hi. 
 
 the Parliament, who on their fide had now taken all the necefiary 
 meafures to refill him. 
 
 The particulars of this war aTe needlefs here, fince the fad conclu- 
 fion of it is flill recent. It will fuffice to fay, that Charles I. was 
 vanquifhed, and beheaded the 30th of January 164.8. Thus the King 
 himfelf, the Duke of Buckingham, the Earl of Stratford, Archbiftiop 
 Laud, authors of the project to render the King abfolute, came all to 
 a tragical end. If to thefe we add, the examples of John, Henry III, 
 Edward ll, Richard II, and laftly, of James II, who had all the 
 fame defign, and all mifearried in the execution, it will be eafy to 
 fee how difficult and dangerous it is for a King of England, to at¬ 
 tempt to fubvert fo well cemented a Government. 
 
 Oliver Cromwell, author of Charles I’s death, remained mailer of 
 the Government. He durft not however a flume the title of King; 
 and if he had the addrefs to render himfelf abfolute, it was under the 
 fpecious pretence of maintaining the nation’s Liberties. He is the 
 fingle inftance in England, of an ufurper dying a natural death in his 
 ufurpation. 
 
 While the fovereign authority was in Cromwell's hands, the Cava¬ 
 liers were extremely humbled. But they revived on the death of this 
 formidable enemy. To give their adverfaries no advantage againft 
 them, they put themfelves under the condu£l of thofe of their party. 
 
 intaining the 
 as to 
 di- 
 
 Duke of York 's 
 
 ^• ln 6 dom - Nay, the Commons prepared a Bill, called the 
 txclufim Bill, to deprive him of the right of fucceffion. But the 
 palling of this Bill was prevented by the diffblution of the Parliament. 
 Another was called at Oxford, in expectation of finding the mem¬ 
 bers lefs violent. But the King was miftaken, and, after a fhort 
 feffion, was again obliged to diffolve them, upon their endeavouring to 
 pafs the like Bill. b 
 
 It will perhaps feem ftrange, that the feene lhould be thus changed, 
 and the Whigs, who were extremely low, fhould fuddenly become 
 fupenor. To let the reader into the reafon of this change, it is ne- 
 ceiTary to remark, that the moderate Torys promoted the defisms of 
 the Court, while they believed them levelled only againft the Pref- 
 byterians. But perceiving, by all the proceedings of ihe King, the 
 Duke of York, and the Minifters, that a project was formed 10 min 
 the Conftitution of Church and State, a»d undermine the foundati¬ 
 ons of Magna Charta, they readily joined with the Wbws to on po fe 
 the execution of this ptoje& It was therefore this union which 
 gave the Whigs a fuperionty, to which, otherwife, they could never 
 have pretended. On the other hand, the State-Torvs 
 
 a 7 .. r 1 - '“''7 t"**-/* wn tne other hand, the btate-Torvs and rim'd 
 
 who were the moil it erate fo that there famed to be no more Churchmen, defiring to recover the ground they had loft endcav.'- 
 rank or rigid Torys. This policy was absolutely neceflary, at a tune, red to gain the people to their intereft, bv accufing the Whies of a 
 when the royal prerogative, and the rights of the Church were not fettled defign to ruin the Church, and thefe in theft turn accufed the 
 to be infilled on, as there were "either King nor Bifhops. At laft, others, of intending the fubverfion of the Government, aiid of fa 
 bv a mod furpnzing revolution, affifted by the prudent condua of vouring the Duke of liri's oemicious defier,, Th , 
 
 Genera, TW, the Englijh united to fet CWilI, c„ the throng of , hearties, which fetL 7 “bee^mLch^ed 77 ^ 
 fon of the deceafed King, and to reftore the Monarchy and the reftnratirm. wa* r, _ r •. ., . 2 ine 
 
 Church to their former ftate. 
 
 Charles II. reigned peaceably at firft. He was a Prince who 
 wanted neither wit nor penetration, but was indolent, and addicted 
 to his plcafures. His intention was to live quietly, and avoid all dis¬ 
 putes with his fubjeCls. He was too weary of a long exile, during 
 which he had often wanted common neceflaries, to be willing to ha¬ 
 zard the being again reduced to the fame ftate. On the other hand, 
 the Englijh had had time, and frequent occafion, to open their eyes, 
 and difeover, that by a pretended maintenance of their liberties, they 
 had been drawn into fervitude. For it may be affirmed, that Eng¬ 
 land had never enjoyed lefs freedom, than under the Government of 
 the long Parliament, and afterwards of Oliver Cromwell. However, 
 Charles II. engaged himfelf by degrees, farther than he ever intended. 
 This, doubtlefs, was owing either to his indolence, or too great con- 
 defeenfion to his Minifters, who were all Cavaliers, whom, for the 
 future, I (hall call Torys, as I fball give the Roundheads the name 
 of Whigs, though I do not know exa&ly when thefe two names 
 were firft ufed. The Torys therefore, who alone were in the King’s 
 confidence, were inceflantly urging him to reftore the Monarchy and 
 Church to their antient luftre. The Court of France, for interefts 
 of their own, laboured to infpire him with the fame defign. In a 
 word, his Minifters took great care to hinder the Whigs from infi- 
 nuating themfelves into the King’s favour. 
 
 The Tory party had at their head the Duke of York, the King’s 
 brother, a Prince naturally impetuous and violent, who having em¬ 
 braced the Roman Catholick Religion in his exile, formed the proje£l 
 of eftablififing it in England. This project could not be executed, 
 without firft extending the royal power beyond the bounds preferibed 
 by fchc law, that is to fay, without refuming and purfuing the fame 
 defign, wherein his father had unhappily mifearried. But the Duke, 
 by reafon of his impetuous temper, was very improper to condudl 
 fuch an undertaking. He purfued it eagerly during his brother’s 
 reign, who had no legitimate ifiue, hoping that the work then be¬ 
 gun, would be more eafy to finifii on his own acceflion to the 
 throne. 
 
 To fucceed in this defign, he had no other way than to begin it 
 with the utter ruin of the Whigs, whofe principles were dire£tly con¬ 
 trary to the Duke’s defigns, both with regard to the Church and the 
 State. It muft be obfeived, that mod of the Whigs were then Pres¬ 
 byterians. So, in pretending only to attack Prcsbyterianifm, the 
 Duke of York projected the deftrucflion of thofe who oppofed the in- 
 creafe of the regal power, without alarming the nation. Indeed, af 
 ter humbling the Whigs, he might fear to meet with great obftacle3 
 from the moderate Torys, whofe principles did not entirely agree 
 with the arbitrary power he intended to eftablifh. But he defpaired 
 
 reftoration, was revived. It may truly be faid, that the Tory* 
 were in fault, who to revenge the wrongs received from the lone 
 Parliament, and Cromwell's ufurpation, ralhly threw themfelves into 
 the Duke of York's party. They afterwards repented, when they 
 faw to what the Duke intended to make them fubfervient. 3 
 
 Some time after, the minds of the people being a little calmed, the 
 Duke of York returned into England, and continued without inter¬ 
 ruption to foment divifion, without which he could not hope to ef¬ 
 fect his defigns. So this Prince, ( by an cxcefs of zeal fur his Re- 
 hgion, by a defire of levenge, and perhaps excited by the ambition of 
 accomplishing a projedl, which had been in vain attempted by fevcral 
 Kings of England ) and Charles II, through a too great condefcenfion 
 to his brother, kindled a flame in England, which is not yet extin- 
 guilhed. J 
 
 Charles II. died during thefe tranfailiohs, and the Duke of York 
 afeended the throne, by the name of James ll, without any oppofi- 
 tion. He at firft made great promifes to his fubjedls, that neither Re¬ 
 ligion, nor the Conftitution, fhould fuffer any change in his reign 
 But lie was far from performing his promifes. Shortly after the 
 Duke of Monmouth, natural fon of Charles II, relying on the difeon- 
 tent of the people, left the Low-Countries, where he had lived fome 
 time in exile, made a defeent in England with a handful of men 
 and afiumed the title of King. But his royalty lafted but few days’ 
 His party being much weaker than he had expelled, he was defeated* 
 taken, and beheaded. The King was fo dared by a vi£lory ob¬ 
 tained with fuch eafe, that he fcrupled not to difeover his defigns fo 
 fecure did he think himfelf of the fuccefs. The Judges, who were 
 devoted to him, gave their opinion, that the King might aifpenfe 
 with the laws. Their decifion was founded upon fome Statutes 
 lodging this power in the Sovereign, with regard to certain laws • 
 and upon examples of fome of his predeceflors, who had, in this re’ 
 fpea, exceeded the bounds of their power. Thus thefe corrupted 
 Judges drew (rom particular cafes a general conclufion, and iounded 
 a permanent right upon fome tranfient ufurpations. 
 
 This door being opened, the King, by Ins foie authority repealed 
 the penal laws, enacted by feveral Parliaments to prevent the de!ftn s 0 r 
 the Papifts. He next filled his army with officers of that Reft-ion 
 and bellowed preferments and titles upon men, who by the laws were 
 unqualified. He took away the Charters from Lonim, and other Cor 
 porations, and reduced them to a dependence unon his pleafure In 
 fhort, by a bare proclamation he granted a full liberty of confcience 
 and permitted to each feft the publick ptofcffion of their Relftion’ 
 
 1 his Proclamation had a double view, to favour the Papifts nd to 
 amule the Presbyterians. The King was perfwaded, that as’ the lat¬ 
 ter were ftill liable to the penal laws enabled againft them in the late 
 reign, they would be glad to be freed from them, and that the fear 
 
 of 
 
8qo 
 
 A Differtation on the Whigs and Torys, 
 
 °f forfeiting the liberty granted by the Proclamation would keep them 
 in fubmiffion. But they were not deceived by an artifice direftly 
 tending to their ruin. I omit many other fteps taken by the King, 
 which were but too capable to fill all his Subjefts with terrour. 
 
 Hitherto the Torys in general had favoured the King’s defigns. 
 But when they perceived, all his proceedings tended to a fubveriion 
 of the eftablifhed government, and ruin of the Proteftant Religion, 
 they began to repent of their paft conduft. They clearly faw, that 
 by the courl’c they were made to take, it was intended to lead them 
 where they defigned not to go, and that they could not attain their 
 end, the ruin of the Whigs, without the lofs of their Religion and li¬ 
 berty. In this danger, which could not be more imminent, they 
 joined the Whigs, and with them, refolved to call in the Prince of 
 Orange to free them from their dangerous Rate. From that time 
 the King’s party became extreamly weak, being compcfed of only 
 Papifls, rank Torys, and fome Lords, flaves of the Court, and their 
 fortune. Mean while, the King appeared outwardly as powerful as 
 ever, and near the end of his undertaking; becaufe thofe who yet 
 feemed attached to the Court, did not think proper to declare before 
 the time. The Prince of Orange was landed before the King’s 
 weaknefs was vifible. His army, his fleet, the Lords whom he 
 thought mod devoted to his perfon, forfook him at once, and he was 
 reduced to the fad neceffity of trying, in a difguife to efcape out 
 of his Kingdom. But failing even in this attempt, he had the mor¬ 
 tification to fee hirnfelf at the mercy of the Prince of Orange , and, 
 in all appearance, indebted to his generofity, or perhaps his policy, 
 for the indirect means whitch were furnifhed him, of flying into 
 France. This example (hows, that though the Englijh are divided 
 into two parties, and there is great enmity between them, their paflion 
 does not however caufe them, in general at leaft, to abandon the inte- 
 refts of Religion and Liberty. 
 
 jyilliam and Maty being crowned, on the flight, or, as it was cal¬ 
 led, the Abdication of King Janies , their chief care was to ftifle the 
 feeds of divifion ftill fubfifting between theWhigs and Torys, though the 
 danger had united them. In order to this, it was neceflary to remove 
 from the miniftry and their confidence, the favourers of King James’s 
 defigns, and the bigots to the minuted Rites and Ceremonies of the 
 Church of England, Without this, the Whigs could never have en¬ 
 joyed any quiet, fince they ever confidered the rank and rigid Torys, 
 as their irreconcileable enemies. On the other hand, it was not lefs 
 neceilary to remove from the Council the mod rigid Whig Presbyte¬ 
 rians, for fear of giving occafion to think, there was a defign to 
 change the Church-government. This fear would have been the more 
 jud, as the new King having ever profefled in Holland the Presbyte¬ 
 rian Religion, the lead dep in its favour, might have raifed a fufpi- 
 cion of his defigning to edablifli it upon the ruins of the national 
 Church. Great addrefs was therefore to be ufed to remove all caufe 
 of fear and jealoufy in the Torys. It was for thefe purpofes, that 
 during the reign of William and Mary , the offices were generally 
 conferred on the moderate men of both parties. This maxim was 
 purfued by King William when he reigned alone, after the Queen’s 
 death. But as it was impoffible to pleafe both parties at once, unlefs 
 there had been more places to give, he affefted frequently to change 
 his minidry, and employ the two parties alternately. This was all 
 he could do, till time diould have extinguifhed entirely the flames of 
 divifion. 
 
 Under fuch circumflances, and a King of fuch wifdom and fore¬ 
 fight, it may be almod affirmed, that no Didurbance would have 
 happened to the Government from the difference of the principles 
 of the two parties, if the Church-Torys could have been contented 
 with feeing their Church remain edablifhed. But they could not 
 be fatisfied, fo long as they faw the Presbyterians enjoy an entire 
 liberty of confcicncc, publickly exercife their religion, and fill offices, 
 contrary to the Conformity- Add of Charles II. They were jealous that 
 the Whigs intended by degrees to undermine the Church, and that 
 the King concurred with them in that defign. What they had feen 
 during the long Parliament gave them occafion to fear the fame at¬ 
 tacks. The rank Torys, having lodKing James-, their patron and de¬ 
 fender, inlpired the Epifcopal party with thefe fears and jealoufies, to 
 animate them againd King William. 'They perceived, they were no 
 longer able to fupport themfelves, unlefs means were found to ingage 
 the Church in their quarrel. Hence the rumours indudrioufly fpread 
 among the People, of the Church’s being in danger. The VVhigs 
 faw by this, that the rank Torys had not reltnquilhed their projects, 
 but would, whenever they were armed with power, meke ufe of the 
 pretence of religion to ruin them, in imitation of King James. It 
 was thus, that animofity was continued between the two parties, not- 
 withdanding King Williams care and endeavours. 
 
 It feemed therefore, that Religion was then the foie point in 
 quedion between the two parties ; the junftures not allowing either 
 the rank Torys, or the republican Whigs, to pufh their principles. 
 This has given occafion to a falfe idea of the differences between 
 the two parties, and to an imagination, that they folely conlid in 
 a diverfity of fentirnents concerning Church-Government. But this 
 is certainly a miitake. When an opportunity offers, the rank 
 Torys fhow, that the fafety of the Church is not the lole motive of 
 their conduit, and probably the Republican-Whigs would alfo re¬ 
 member their maxims, at a favorable juncture. 
 
 As to the Papids, who may be confidered as a branch of the Torys, 
 they would have had reafon to be fatisfied with King Williams 
 moderation, if their extreme defire to fee King James again on the 
 throne, had not caufed them to look upon the reigning King as 
 
 their enemy. Some of them were even ingaged in confpiracies a 
 gaind his perfon, which only turned to their own cunfufion and 
 ruin. Tlrs immoderate delire exprelied by the Papids, and even lv 
 fome Torys, for the redoration of King James , obliged King 
 William to feek means, not only for the prevention of their fil de¬ 
 figns during his life, but alfo to render their endeavours fruitlefs alter 
 his death. Accordingly, by an Aft of Parliament the fucceiflon of 
 the Crown was fettled in the illudrious Houle of Hanover, without 
 any regard to the pretenfions which birth or nearnefs of blood could 
 give to any Papift whatfoever. William died fhortly after, and 
 Anne, daughter of James II, and Princefs of Denmark^ mounted the 
 throne. 
 
 This Queen had been educated in the principles of the rig j Te r. ■: 
 with refpeft to Religion, and, probably in thofe of the rank Tor :. 
 with regard to Government. At lead, all who had any power over 
 her, or were concerned in her education, were of tins charafter, 
 Charles II. her uncle, James II. her father, the Earl of Rochefter 
 her mother’s brother, were all rank Torys, deeming any onpoluion 
 to the Sovereign’s will, a manifed rebellion. Queen Anne was befide.^ 
 of no great capacity, and naturally obdinate. An accidental quarrel 
 with her fidcr Queen Mary , having made her refolve to withdraw 
 from Court, fhe was fo punftual to her refolution, ’hat flie would 
 not even vifit the Queen her fider, when on her death-bed. The 
 meannefs of her genius foretold the power which her Miniftry would 
 have in the Government. On the other hand, her education made 
 it feared, fhe would be guided by the rank and rigid Torys, of 
 whom her uncle the Earl of Roche ft er , was confidered as the head. 
 This Lord was equally dreaded by the Whigs and moderate Torys, 
 as a dangerous man, and capable of carrying things to extremities. 
 He was otherwife a perfon of great parts, but very fond of his prin¬ 
 ciples. Probably, he was going to be at the helm of the Government, 
 by the acceffion of the Queen his niece to the throne. But it is pre¬ 
 tended, that the fear of the moderate Torys to fee him in fo high a 
 poft, made them refolve to join with the Whigs, to prevent it. " Af 
 leaft it is certain, that fuch an union was made, which forced the 
 Queen to throw herfelf into their arms, and truft them with the ma¬ 
 nagement of affairs. I am a ftranger to the intrigues ufed to bring 
 the Queen to thefe meafures. The Lords Godoipbin, Marlborough , 
 and fome other leaders of the moderate Torys, were among thofe 
 who joyned the Whigs, and ftrengthened them more by their ability, 
 than their credit and numbers. From this time, the moderate Torys 
 and the Whigs made but one party. 
 
 It is needlefs to relate here, with what glory to England , and to 
 the Queen in particular, thefe new Minifters directed the publick af¬ 
 fairs. This is a thing univerfally known, and the memory of it ftill 
 recent. But it is pretended, that by reafon of the meannefs of the 
 Queen’s genius, they held her in a kind of fervitude, though they 
 outwardly affefted to give her the honour of all her glorious fucceffes 
 During their adminiftration, the rank and rigid Church-Torys weie 
 excluded from all civil employments, and eccleliaftical dignities. Had 
 this continued to the death of the Queen, thefe two branches of the 
 1 ory party would doubtlefs have been confiderably leffened in num¬ 
 ber and credit. 
 
 Mean time, the Queen faw herfelf, not without fome impatience, 
 forced, as it were, to follow the counfeis of thofe whom fhe had * 
 right to command, and who, if publick report is to be credited, left 
 her not free to purfue her own inclinations or judgment. The rank 
 Torys perceiving, or perhaps fuggefting thefe fentirnents to the Queen, 
 induftrioufly cherifhcd her difeontent, by the affiftance of a certain La¬ 
 dy, who was in her confidence. Such was their fuccefs, that after 
 they had fatisfied her, that fhe was a Have, they brought her to a re¬ 
 folution of freeing herfelf. This intrigue was condud-d with fuch art 
 and fecrecy, that her Minifters found themfdv.- fupplant-d, .,re 
 any meafures could be taken to prevent their ruin. Immediately 
 their places were filled with rank and furious Torys. 1 he Parlia¬ 
 ment, in which the Whigs had a great fuperioritj of votes, was dif¬ 
 fused, and another called, to which the new Mm liters took care to 
 have members returned devoted to their party. Any perfon, ever fo 
 little acquainted with the affairs of England , knows what influence 
 the Court has in the eleftions. It may, however, be affirmed, that 
 in refpeft of number, the party of the Miniftry was ftill inconfider- 
 able. But they had the Queen and the Parliament on their fide. 
 Befides, they were very careful to ftrengthen their party, by infil¬ 
 ling jealoufies on the account of Religion, and perfwading the Epif- 
 copalians that the Church had been in great danger, during the late 
 adminiftration, and would always be fo, as long as the Whi»s had 
 any Ihare in the Government. Thefe infinuatlons revived the paf- 
 fion of the Church-Torys, and carried them to fiich excefle; againft 
 the Presbyterians, as fhould not be allowed in a well ordered ftate, 
 but which thefe Minifters affected to connive at. Indeed, their de- 
 fiign was not to Jeffen, but rather to increafe the animofity between 
 the two parties, becaufe their own was thereby ftrengthened. 
 
 Hitherto every thing fucceeded to the wifli of the new Miniftry. 
 But they were very fallible, that the prefent advantages procured by 
 thefe imaginary terrors would be of no long continuance Befides, 
 though they could have kept the People always in this difpofition, 
 the Queen might die very foon, efpecially as lhe was very infirm. 
 In that cafe, they had reafon to fear, the fabrick they had raifed, 
 would be demolifhed, by the Elector of Hanover , who was to fuc- 
 ceed the Queen, by virtue of the aft of Succeffion, for which he 
 was chiefly indebted to theWhigs. They were therefore to think 
 of preventing this danger without lofs of time. Theft part-, was 
 
8oi 
 
 yf D'ijjertation on the Whigs and Torys. 
 
 too weak to ftrttggle with the Sovereign, ihould he happen to be 
 again ft them, as had been often feen during the reign of" King 
 William , and in the firft years of Queen Anne. They there¬ 
 fore concluded, at leaft, if we may judge by their proceedings, chat 
 their fureft way would be to fecure the Crown to the Pretender, in 
 order to have a prote&or when the Queen fhould fail them. It is 
 however ftill uncertain, whether the Earl of Oxford , that able minifter, 
 row in the Tower , was of this opinion. But it cannot be denied, that 
 they believed the aftiftance of France to be abfolutely neceftary for 
 their fupport. Accordingly, to fecure it, they made a di{honorable 
 and hafty peace, to the aftonifhment of all Europe , and forced the 
 allies of England to follow her example. Probably, had not the 
 Queen died fo foon after the peace, the opprefled Whigs would have 
 been obliged to call in to their aftiftance, the Elector of Hanover , as 
 they had before the Prince of Orange , but with far lefs hope of 
 having the general concurrence of the people. The reafon is, be- 
 caufe King James's defign to fubvert the Church and State, was fo 
 Open, that it could not be doubted, whereas againft the Pretender 
 there were only bare preemptions. 
 
 What has lately happened fince King George's acceftion to the 
 throne, fhows, there was a formed defign to fecure the fucceflion to 
 the Pretender, had not the death of the Queen happened, before the 
 authors of it had time to take all their meafures. It is however un¬ 
 certain, whether they could have executed their defign, or whether 
 if they could, the Pretender’s reign would have been of any lon^ con¬ 
 tinuance. The Englijh in general are extremely jealous o° their 
 Laws and Liberties, nor are they lefs fo of their Religion. This is 
 what I think I may venture to affirm, though fome of them feem 
 indifferent as to the latter. But, thanks be to God, thefe are far 
 from being the majority. Now it would have been very difficult for 
 the Pretender, advanced to the Throne by foreign aid,' profeffing a 
 religion contrary to the national, and guided by rank Torvs, to 
 keep himfelf within the bounds of Moderation, neceftary to gain the 
 hearts of his fubjefts, without which a King of England can never 
 fit firmly on his Throne. However, without ftaying to guefs what 
 might have happened, let us only obferve that the rank and ri^id 
 Tory* have been difappo/nted. Not only, the Pretender is not King, 
 but his hopes of becoming fo were never lefs. King George is in 
 peaceable pofteffion of his Crown ; the Torys are humbled, and the 
 Whigs, lately opprefled, are now at the top of the Wheel. 
 
 After this brief account of the rife and progrefs of the Torys and 
 Whigs, it will not perhaps be unacceptable to the Reader to know 
 more particularly the views, intererts, ftrength, and characters of 
 the two Parties. For this purpofe the different branches before-men¬ 
 tioned mud be carefully diftinguifhed. It is therefore neceftary to 
 repeat here that the two parties may be confidered under two dif¬ 
 ferent relations ; namely, with refpeCt to the State, and with re¬ 
 gard to the Church. I (hall firft fpeak of the State-Torys and Whigs, 
 after which, I fhall confidcr them with refpedt to religion. 
 
 The State-Torys are, as I faid, divided into two branches, one of 
 which may in French be called, Rank. In England they are known 
 by the name of High-Flyers. This Idea, taken from Birds that by 
 foaring above the common flight, lofe themfelves in the clouds, is very 
 fuitable to men, who cannot contain themfelves within the limits of 
 the eftablifhed Government. Thefe are for having the fovereign ab- 
 folute in England , as he is in France and fome other Countries, and 
 tor erefting his will into law. They regard not what I have faid in 
 the beginning of this Differtation, that all the governments at this day 
 in Europe were originally like that eftablifhed in England j and con- 
 fequently there is no reafon why the Englijh fhould imitate nations 
 who h ive fuffered it to be loft, or at leaft very much altered. It may 
 be imagined that in fuch a Country as England, this party cannot be 
 very numerous, and yet they are very coniiderable for three reafons. 
 Firft, becaufe the heads of this party are peifons of the higheft rank" 
 and commonly favorites and minifters of State, or fuch as hold the 
 greateft offices at Court, and the moft eminent dignities in the Church. 
 Thefe men, who would not willingly put themfelves under the con¬ 
 duct of others, being thus advantagioufly fituated, become, gene¬ 
 rally, the leaders of all the Tory-Party. They manage them as 
 they pleafe, not only for the advantage of the whole party, but chiefly 
 for their own particular ends. 1 hus very often, under pretence of 
 aCting for the intereft of the party, their proceedings tend only to 
 their own advantage, and the Torys are led by them much farther 
 than moft of them defire. It is this which gives occafion to many 
 perfons to accufe all the Torys of being for arbitrary power, though 
 it is certain that only the High-Flyers are chargeable with this prin¬ 
 ciple. But ’tis no great fault, it feems, to aferibe to a whole party 
 what is done by their leaders. 1 
 
 Secondly, This particular branch of Torys is coniiderable, in that, 
 when they are in the miniftry, they ingage the Church-Torys ftren- 
 uoufly to maintain the Doftrine of Paflive-Obedience, which goes a 
 great way towards gaining the people to their party. They infinuafe 
 to the Epifcopal Minifters, that they have only in view the ruin of 
 the Presbyterians, and under that pietenfe caufe them to preach a 
 DoCtrine, the conference of which extends to all the fubjeCts. This 
 was experienced in the reigns of Charles II, of James II, and of 
 Qjeen Anne, towards the conclufion. 
 
 Laftly, 1 he party of the High-Flyers becomes very powerful, 
 when, as it frequently happens, they are fupported by the King, and 
 then it is that the liberty of the nation is in danger. Proofs of this 
 have been feen in the re.gns of James II, and Charles I, Richard ll 
 No. LXXXIV. V o l. II, 
 
 Edward II, and Henry III ; for the High-FIye-rs are more antient 
 than is imagined. 
 
 The fecond branch of the State-Torys is compofed of thofe I called 
 moderate. Thefe are for having the King enjoy ail his Preronalives, 
 but they pretend not, with the High-Flyers, to facrifice to him the 
 privileges of the fubje&. They are true Englijhmen, who have the 
 welfare of their country at heart, and are for preferving the conftirw- 
 tion tranfmitted to them by their anceftors. They ha'e often fav’d 
 the Siate, and will again fave it, when in danger from the rank 
 u r ^ru° r ^ e P u ^' CAn ' w fi'gs, bv oppofmg with all their power thofe 
 who fhall attempt to alter the Government. It woulJ be injuflice, 
 to confound them with the High-Flyers under the general denomina¬ 
 tion of Torys. 
 
 As there are two branches of State-Torys, fo there are two of 
 State-Whigs, namely, Republican, and moderate Whigs. The Re¬ 
 publican Whigs are the remains of the party of the long Parliament 
 which endeavoured to turn the Government into a Commonwealth. 
 Thefeat prefent are fo inconiiderable, that they ferve only toftrengtlien 
 the other Whigs with whom they ufmlly join. The Tort's would 
 perfuade the publick, that all Whigs are of this kind. And in like 
 manner the Whigs would have it believed that all Torys are High¬ 
 flyers. But this is only an artifice to render one another mutual! v 
 odious. 
 
 The fecond branch of the State-Whigs contains the moderate 
 Whigs, who are nearly allied to the moderate Torys in principle ; 
 and confequently are to be confidered as true Englijhmen , who defire^ 
 the Government ni2y be maintained upon its antient foundations. 
 Herein they would be exactly like the moderate Torys, were it not 
 that thefe incline more to the King, and the moderate Whigs to 
 the Parliament. The moderate Whig is perpetually hindering the. 
 People’s rights from being invaded, and fometimes even takes precau¬ 
 tions at the ex pence of the Crown. By him the Triennial Ad was 
 procured, with fome others, which ’tis 'ncedlefs to mention, to pre- 
 vent the abufe of the royal power. Hence it is evident that tht 
 High-Flyers have no greater enemy than the moderate Whig, and 
 that thefe two branches of Whigs and Torys properly form the op- 
 polition between the State-Torys and State-Whigs. Thefe laft 
 laugh at Paffive-Obedience when its confequences are carried too 
 far. Their Principle is, that the royal power has its hounds, which 
 cannot be tranfgrefffd, without injuftice. Confequently they believe, 
 that whenever the Sovereign exceeds his prerogatives, he may be 
 refilled by his fubjeds. Hence it is eafy to infer, they do not think 
 the King can difpenfe with the laws. 
 
 Wbat has been faid is fufficient to /how that the moderate State- 
 Wings and Torys are almoft of the fame fentiments. Their being 
 of different parties proceeds from their mutual fear that either may 
 make the ballance incline too much to the King's or the Parlia¬ 
 ment’s lide. It is not therefore ftrange, that thefe two Branches of 
 the oppofite parties, unite in the preffing exigencies of the State 
 For, their views equally point to the preservation of the Govern¬ 
 ment; though often they puifue their end by different paths. Ac¬ 
 cordingly fince the union of thefe two branches upon the death ef 
 King William , they have remained infeparable, and the moderate 
 Whig and Tory form almoft the fame patty, under the common 
 appellation of Whig. 1 dare not however affirm that there are not 
 yet moderate Torys who keep by themfelves, and are unwilling to 
 he confounded with the Whigs. b 
 
 It muft be remembered that hitherto I have only fpoke of the 
 Torys and Whigs in telation to the Government, without any re¬ 
 gard to religion. I take care not to confound things which ou4t to 
 be carefully diftinguifhed. It is not troe that all church men are 
 Torys, or all Presbyterians, Whigs in point of Government as is 
 commonly imagined. Many Presbyterians are in this refpeft of the 
 fame principles with the moderate Torys, and would not be lefs con¬ 
 cerned to fee the King ftripped of his Prerogatives, than thefubjeft 
 of his privileges. In like manner, nuny Church-men, even Billions 
 themfelves, are Whigs, very good Whigs as to tile Government 
 and as confidered in oppofition to the High-Flyers, which (how the 
 neceffity of diftinguifhmg State-Torys and Whigs, from Church- 
 Whigs and Torys, of whom we are now going to fpeak. 
 
 I prefume the reader knows that the Church of England, when 
 fhe received the reformation, admitted only fome alterations in her 
 Doflrine, but preferred the Hierarchy with all the ceremonies in 
 which (lie few nothing fuperftitious. The reformation was not 
 properly compleated till the reign of Elizabeth. Then it was that 
 feveral conftitutions of the Convocation, confirm’d by Adis of Par 
 liament, fettled the publick wor/hip as it (lands to this day. Mean 
 while, many Engliflimen who had (led from the rage of Queen Mary 
 return’d home with favourable fentiments of the reformation, as ef- 
 tablifti’d in France, Switzerland, Geneva, and other parts of Ger¬ 
 many. Thefe men could not comply with the reformation in Eng¬ 
 land, which, in their opinion, had not been carried far enough from 
 the Church of Rme. For this reafon they not only abfented them- 
 felves from the affemblies, of the eftabliflled Church, but alfo 
 compofed feparate affembiies which were called Conventicles 
 Thefe Separatifts were likewife ftiled Presbyterians, becaufe, refufinu 
 their fubmiffion to the Bilhops, they maintained that all ’priefis or 
 Minifters had an equal authority in the Church, which ought to be 
 governed by Presbyteries, or Confiftories, compofed of Minifters 
 and Lay-Elders. Upon this occafion were two parties formed, 'who 
 wanting the mutual forbearance cif perfons profeffing in the main the 
 9 R fame 
 
So 2 *A Differtation on the Whigs and Torys. 
 
 ■ •line r. i- 'nr, ;-,m to molt-ft one another with difputes in conference 
 nnd writing, i he Church-of-f^/flw^-rhen were very angry, that 
 ; . ivste pc t’li s Ihould pretend to reform what, after mature delibera¬ 
 tion, had been eftablifhed by national Synods and Pailiaments. On 
 the oilier hand, the Presbyterians thought it no lefs ftrange, that they 
 Should be compelled to pradtife what they believed contrary to the 
 purity of Rcl.gion (j), and with what their confciences could not 
 comply. 1 he Presbyterians were long opprefled, becaufe their ad- 
 veilanes iupporteJ their arguments with :eafons from the authority of 
 the Queen and Parliament. 
 
 '1 he J’re-hytcrians conceived great hopes of the accelfion of Jawesl, 
 Oceanic i hat Prince had always profelTed their religion whdft he reign’d 
 i:i S Rut as he readilv conformed to the Church of Eng¬ 
 
 land , they we;e not much eafed Mean while, this party, though 
 opprelie!, fo increafed, that in the beginning of the troubles they 
 were become very numerous. King Charles I, was fo attached to 
 the (J h of England, that it maybe affirmed, he died a Martyr 
 to in ... evident I nun his Hiltory. His opinion of the purity of 
 this C;i a ell, made him hearken to J Ed Ham Laud Archbifhop of 
 Cam. t: fuggelting to him the reduction of the Church of Scot¬ 
 
 land inner '.lie fame Government with that of England , by intro¬ 
 ducing the H erarctiv. This undertaking engaged him in a war with 
 Scotland, and the war produced the long Parliament, again ft which 
 he thou, in himfelf obi ged to take arms. This Parliament wanting 
 tic. ad; nance ol the n, could not obtain it but by an engagement 
 to make the Chu ch of England Presbyterian. A quarrel was there- 
 t >re fought with the Bifhops, Deans and Chapters, in a word, with 
 the whole ("hu. ch of England, which law its Hierarchy, eftablifhed 
 by Qurcn Edzalnth, entirely fubverted, and the Scotch Presbyterian 
 Government introduced. In this dilfrefs the Epifcopalians had no 
 other unrcc than t> unite the Epifcopal party with the King’s 
 party, and as they had one common intereft with the Cavaliers, 
 namely, the maintenance of the King’s caufe, they were confounded 
 with them under '.lie fame party Denomination. The Presbyterians 
 were in the like manner reckoned among the Roundheads, becaufe 
 they adhered to the Parliament. 
 
 During the long Parliament, and even to the death of Cromwell , 
 the divifion of the branches juft mentioned, was hardly perceived. 
 All who were known by the name of Roundheads, or Parliamen¬ 
 tarian', were rigid Pre> by tenons and Republicans. This was the 
 party then in vogue, and the only one that could prefer fuch as af- 
 pi rc-J to the ports in the gift of the Parliament. In like manner the 
 followers of the King’s party appeared to be rank Cavaliers, or 
 rigid Epifcopalians, becaufe thefe were then moft regarded at Court. 
 But on the Reiteration of Charles II, the feveral branches of the two 
 pai b in to be diftinguifhed. Ail being tired with the troubles 
 which hau fo long hurrahed the Kingdom, the moderate no longer 
 fear’d to riifcover their fentiments. Some of the Presbyterians tef- 
 tified a rcailinefs to relax, and many Epifcopalians were if opinion 
 that, or toe fake of peace, fome condcfcenfion might be nfed to the 
 Pie: Igvter :ms. Thefe the.siore were the men of both parties, yvho 
 preferving this moderation, formed the two branches of the moderate 
 Wh y and Tory:-, with refpeft to religion. But ftiil the majority 
 in both parties ; firmly adher’d to their principles with inconceivable 
 ob ft in.. Amongtt the EpiTcopaiians there were, who, upon no 
 account whailocver, < • o': ! c perfwaded to recede in the leaft from 
 the pi iHice of their Church. On the other hand, there were Pref- 
 bvtcru-.nj who v.cic no !cfs offended at feeing a minifter officiate in a 
 Surplice, than ... hearing him preach Herefy, and who branded with 
 the name ot Id Tlruus and .‘Tiperftitious, every ceremony retained by 
 the Church of England. This gave birth to the two branches of the 
 rigid E pi fo ip mans. nJ i’rcslnierians, which fubiift to this day. The 
 Hierarchy ir. the principal point, on which they are divided. They 
 are both comprifed under the name of Whigs and Torvs, becaufe the 
 rigid Epifcopalians j.in with the Tory:-, and the Presbyterians vvitii 
 the Whigs. 
 
 From what has been laid concerning the feveral branches of Whig 
 and Tory, it is ealy to gather that thefe two names are very obfeure 
 and equivocal terms, becaufe they convey, or ought to convey to the 
 mind different ideas, according to the fubje£t difeourfed of. For 
 in fiance, i! I hear it laid, that the Torys and Whigs are at great 
 enmity, tins rakes in my mind an idea comprehending all the feveral 
 branches of Whigs and Torys in general. But if I am told, the Torys 
 are lor having the King abfoiute and independent, or that the Whigs 
 would be glad the regal power were abolifhed, my idea can only 
 extend to the High-t jyers and the Republican Whigs. The reft of 
 the W lugs and Torys would doubtlefs be offended at any fuch impu¬ 
 tation'. In like manner, if I hear that the Torys had rather fee a 
 Papiit "O the 1 hrone than a Proteftant, favourable to the Whigs, 
 i ihc .. i injure the Torys in general, by imputing fuch a thought to 
 them, which can only be entertained by the Popifh and fume rigid 
 Church-Torys, and perhaps fome High-Flyers. Laftly, if I hear 
 that tiie Whigs aim at the ruin of the Church of England , I can 
 underftand this only of the Presbyterian-Whigs, fince the Epifcopal 
 Whigs, amongtt whom arc feveral Bifhops, cannot with jultice be 
 accufed of labouring the ruin of their own Church. Thus the names 
 of Torys and Whigs convey to the mind certain confufed ideas, which 
 few are capable of rightly diftinguilhing. But this difficulty ftiil in- 
 crcafes, when it is confidered that the fame perfon may be either 
 Wiiigor Tory, according to the fubjeft in hand. A Presbyterian, 
 
 for inftance, who wilhes the ruin of the Church of F.ngun i, err 
 tainly for that reafon in the Whig-party But-// this Pi byteri •• 
 oppofes with all his power the attempts, of fome of his party, againit 
 the regal authority, it canrtot be denied that he is in that refpect a 
 true Tory. In like manner, when the Church only is concerned, 
 the Epifcopal-party are to be confidered as Torys Eut how many 
 even of thefe are Whigs with refpedl to the Government ? Nor 
 have kore : gners only fuch confufed ideas in this nastier ; the Engl'jh 
 themfelves are liable to them. Nothing is more frequent than to 
 hear a Whig charging all the Torys in general with an intention to 
 deftroy the rights and liberties of the fubjetft ; and a Tory arraigning 
 the Whigs without diftindiion, as utter enemies’to the Church and 
 State. Every man ufe- ehis confufion of ideas, occalioned bv the 
 names of Whig and lory, to accufe his adverfaries of what is moft 
 odious in both parties. 
 
 Having ftiown as diftindtly as T could, what is to be underftood by 
 the Torys and Whig , I am next to examine the feveral motives ami 
 interefts of the two parties. Were we to rely on what is laid bv 
 both, nothing is more juft, moic equitable, than the motives by whicli 
 they are a&uated, namely, the glory of God, the honour of the 
 King, the publick good, and the welfare of the nation. For mv 
 part, if I may focak mv mind, it is my belief, tii.it as they are aft 
 men, intereft is the main fpting of ail tiicir adlions. .v.inoe the two 
 parties were formed, each has carneftly laboured to gain a iupei iui if. 
 over the ocher, becaufe this fuperiority is attended with polt>, m 
 and dignities, which are conferred on their own members by tin- 
 prevailing, in exclufion of thole of the contrary party. Tins made 
 King 11 "illiam fay that, Ij enough 1 
 
 foon reconcile the two parE.es. T here would be yet anotl • . expedient 
 to fupply what that Prince imagined, namely ■. to confei aft tlie uu .it 
 placi i neutral 1 But v fi find licienc 
 
 number of fui wh i are qua I to 
 
 Certainly there are bvt very few. I own however, time are fome, 
 who, by their capacity, their impartial):y, their diiuitcrefiedncii, 
 would deferve a particular diftindtion. I wifti I knew thfcm all, that 
 I might infert their names, and give them in part their due praife. 
 But thefe Lords, fo worthy of being known, a;e lj<tie heard of in 
 foreign parts, becaufe as they make their court to neither party, the 
 publick polls generally fall not to their Ihare. Nevcrtriclefs, it fomeumes 
 happens that Minifters are in a manner obliged to find out thefe 
 neutral Lords, and advance them to the full di, niries in the King¬ 
 dom. We know one especially, who without e er courting the Wing 
 or Tory Minifters, was lent Ambaliador and Plenipotentiary at the 
 peace ot RyfujEk, honoured with, the order of the Garter, fuccef- 
 lively raifed to the offices of Lord 1 uvy-Seal, Lord Prelidcnt of the 
 Council, Lord High-Admiral of England, and Lord Lieutenant of 
 Ireland , though he never follicited thefe great offices. I {peak of the 
 Earl of Pembroke, whofc reputation is better known to me, than that 
 of fome other Lords of the fame Character, who ought to receive 
 no injury from my filence. Among all his other virtues, his integiity 
 in the great ports which he has filled, calls for much nobler en¬ 
 comiums than he can receive from a Foreigner, who has neither the 
 honour to know him perfon ally, nor to be known by him. Ir there 
 were in England twelve fuch Lords, advanc’d to ike great offices, 
 it would be an infallible means to humble both p i.V .t once. Then 
 the afpirers to employments would make it a meric el >ou!a neither 
 party, and th's impartiality would Tnn defceml from the peat men 
 to the people. But this is a happineft : at her to be d. bred than hoped. 
 Neutrality, far from promoting perfons of diftingmihed merit, is ra¬ 
 ther a fure impediment to their riling, becaufe the minifters and party- 
 leaders think only of gratifying their creatures. 
 
 Intereft, as I faiJ, is the pi incipal motive which :: cl nates the two 
 parties, and this is but too apparent. Ir", for inftance, the High-Elv¬ 
 ers wifti to fee the Sovereign in pofieffion of a! h i n p.iwer, I very 
 much doubt whether this flows from a defire of procuring the wel¬ 
 fare of the Kingdom, though they Ihould bo perfwauoi that delpoilim 
 is the moft compleat form of Government. If the publick good 
 was the foie luring of their actions, they would nor ! c fo warm. The 
 fame may be faid of the other branches of the two parties. Each 
 would have it believed, they have only the good of the K.ngdom in 
 view, while in fadt they are only labouring for themfelves, their 
 family and pofterity. But when I fay that intereft is their principal 
 motive, I pretend not to exclude entirely many others, which may 
 adluate as well tbe heads as the members of each party. Some believe 
 that their principles really teud to the good of the State ; others net 
 from a religious motive ; fome are fwaved bv revenue, j'.inv fpirit, 
 and the defire of fuperiority. Numberkfs oti.c*- motives there arc on 
 which I think it needJefs to inlarge, that I may not be leJ to 
 examine the conduct of particulars. It is certain, many nuy pur- 
 fue the fame end from different motives. It will be Truer to ihow 
 the ftrength and feveral interefts of both parties. In cider to this, it 
 is neceflary to proceed in this examination ac< lifting to the different 
 branches into which they are divided. 1 Jh.di be.:in with the 
 Torys. 
 
 It is difficult at firft to conceive, that in .. country like Eng¬ 
 land , bleffed with fo many noble privileges which oiiie; cations da 
 not at prelent enjoy, there Ihould be men who v. iili to fee the King 
 inverted with unlimited power. There are indeed but very few 
 who openly profefs themfedves to be of the p i ty which I efti Higii- 
 Flyers. Neverthelefe it is but too true that inch a par:v has always 
 
 li, This procured them the rum: of Puritans. 
 
11,1 fubMs t0 tWsda y. though difowned by 
 moft of thole who are engaged in it. Can it be denied that fitch a 
 
 wkfamrn"f '' idC | r “ ‘ ’ 1 hc V " y J ull g es of ,he Kingdom, 
 l in, ,h n,h L ' rcJ “ the tnterpreters of the law, gave it at their opi- 
 £' ta "} <r«* nf ncceinty the Ktng might impofe laves upon his 
 mbjedts, and that the king himlelf is the foie judge of fuch cafes 
 This was rooting up the nobleft Prerogative of the Parliament, and 
 
 evv P tave Pa C o h f‘l n f, T'. nt mcttin 8 s - If the fovereign could 
 lety toe. upon b,s fubjecls, without authority of Parliament, it may 
 be affirmed, that them feffions would be vefy rare, and perhaps in 
 ceafe But if the Parliament were once laid Tide, 
 wha woti d become of thepttv,leges and immunities of the fubjedt ? 
 In all likelihood the cafe would be the fame a, in Franc, fince the 
 general affembly of the States has been difeontinued. Has it not alfo 
 been feen under II, that the Judges, afenb'd to the Kin"- a 
 
 power „ difpenfing w„h the Penal Law, ? And was not this making 
 him abfolute > In filort, we have feen Charles I, Charles U fames U 
 taking large ^ towards arbitrary Power, which they wofld never 
 have attempted, had they not expcdlcd to be fupported by a numerous 
 party Let Queen Avr s proceedings in the lalt years of her reir-n be 
 uinltdered ; for tnftancc, the negotiation and conclufion of the peace 
 ol Utretchs, the creation of twelve Peers at once, the violences ufed 
 m Parlumentaly-Lledtions, and it cannot be denied that they were 
 fo many advances towards defpotifm, to which fl,e was excited by 
 
 na tvT 7 th'K- P f"' S 1 , h h rherrf0re 'here is fuch a 
 
 party in the Kingdom. But as tney dare not openly avow their 
 
 S* ,tV° VCr them r th ‘ hC P re '™“ of naa y in-ai„ 7 ng the 
 
 rig ts of the Crown, to which they feem to confine themfelves 
 wtllmg to have It- believed that they are of the party of the moderate 
 o re pn " CI!>I fl'ifh-Plyers, being commonly Favorites 
 
 °L^‘l erS ° fStat '’ , IC gonorady happens that they become heads of 
 he whole party of the 1 orys, and ingage them to do more than 
 they would. I hey begin with attacking the Presbyterians and r„ 
 t , 0, j llo ' vtileir "l=nfures, without knowing 
 whttis- it . intended to lead them. On pretence of having the 
 Dlffenters only in view they caufe the Clergy to preach Paffive 
 Obedience, winch tends direaly to Arbitrary-Power, ft j s tWs 
 which renders the Htgh-Flyers more powerful than appears 7 fir 
 
 fight The mam concern of this party lies in drawing the 
 into their quarrel, by pretending an extreme zeal for her Right, 
 rheyare thereby confounded with the Church-To,ys, whofe num" 
 her ,s very con,derabk, avoid giving ,. le a , a r m t0 the .federate TW 
 and keep themfelves undiCcovercd till they have made the whole panv 
 fubfervtent to them particular deligns. But for all this, no, Z h- 
 fiandtng tftetr care to obferve what i have been faying, they W the 
 misfortune never to arrive at the end of their career. After they 
 have made themfelyes leaders of the whole Tory.party, and by fe 
 cret paths, condufled the moderate and Church-Tory's to a certain 
 point they arc at laft forced upon fume Proceedings'which di,cover 
 their defigns. , hen they Iofe many of their followers, who not only 
 defect them but go m e, to the // %s. This w.,s the cafe of 7 alrII 
 \\ho faw himfeli fuddenly abandoned br all rli,» umri,i - a 
 thought himfelf fecure of Itis ends. II m the laft year So" ^ 
 Wane the High-Flyers who governed in telXlS 
 procure a Repeal oft,* Act of Succeffion, very probably, the'/would 
 
 fatne rb " K " : ° rt ' ficatio ". a " d I do not'doub/but the 
 
 fame thing wdl happen upon every the like occalion. The reafon 
 of wha, I advance leeras to me evident, namely, that it can be d- 
 Kbtgf 10US “ V " y fcw “ •»'■= » Popifh or abfdute 
 
 The party or branch of the moderate Torys much exceeds in 
 number that of the High-Flyers ; whatever advantage this laft may 
 
 frn7',h° m d hC r ;Ja i U, c th e lr I kat,crs > the “'he 1 - is more powerful 
 from the goudnefs of their caufe, I mean the prefervation of the King's 
 juft Prerogatives. I his is properly the intereft of all Emlilhmen , who 
 cannot hope for greater happinefs under any other form of Govern¬ 
 ment than under that which has been fo long eftablifhed. This 
 branch of the moderate Torys becomes ftill more coni’,derabie as 
 often as any attempt is made to extend or to abridge the Royal Pre 
 negative. If to abrtdge it, they are joined by all the WhJ - if to 
 extend it, they are aihlted by all the reft of the Torys Neverlhc 
 ,efs“ fomet,me happens, that the junftures produce feme chance in 
 the principles, as well as in the mterefts of this party. WhcA the 
 fovereign favours the Torys in general, by conferring places and polts 
 upon them, nothing is capable to detach the moderate Torys from 
 his intereft : But their afteflion cools whenever he inclines to the o- 
 
 m the fide ' p ht "’ they ,he VVhi e s > ty a precaution common 
 to them, make any attempt upon the Prerogative Royal, they are 
 ready to join them. But herein their foie aim is to let the King 
 know that they deferve his regard. This courfe was frequently token 
 by them m the reign of King William, who often changed fide” 
 
 In general it is the intereft of the moderate Torys to oppofe the 
 attempts of the Wntgs agamft the authority of the fovereign^becaufe 
 this fupports their credit at court and in the country. But withal 
 they are to take care that the High-Flyers do not, under the fjeous 
 
 .TaLTne^r'; 8 * ^ ^ »" d S3S 
 
 As to the Cliurch-Torys, it may eafily be conceived that they in¬ 
 clude almoft the whole Kingdom in their party, lince this branch 
 confifts of all the members of the Church of England. Therefore 
 When religion is ,n queftion, between the Whigs and Torys, the 
 
 A Dijfertaiion oti the Whigs and Torn. 
 
 former are not ab’e to refill their adverfirles To ibi, r.,---- „ - 
 
 B&si&SPt : ' 
 
 infer the defire of doing the Ife again ’wh 7 " xf 0nrc 
 prefents '!')••' _ i B , - 3gain, when a favorable bpp 'iiuniiv 
 
 mm^sm 
 
 redlv h. uttv.U L- P d ? , S L man >' adheroi:- wh.-j 
 
 Church of England Mo'teo’vet It wa's *T[ 
 
 deltruffion of their enemies. Whenever “iCftA'- h "" , ,n ti; = 
 fide of the Whig-, the Torys we“ Ml o ? " t0 th = 
 
 labouring the rum of.hr-.v ri ? i J 1,Jia S ,na -7 fra rs of his 
 
 he pretended attempts, ft e had to fear froni teWil ft-fi' 
 fore religion which gives power to the Tory r a,-i v "i'r C -.V ' 
 helecret o tnterefting the Church in the qi [' Kns , ,, • ' 
 
 noneof thofe difturbances in the Ki^dom," wWcTtef fe t,g 
 
 in a quarrel, advantagious but to few Of' r : ' •’' ‘ ^ ’i.-h'd 
 
 I call f™. f'u. ci b v ' l!,,s number are rhoiV- 
 
 i cal Lou-Church-me/i, among whom fo.r.c roll f- -i .- f; r) . . ' * 
 
 :es of the Church. But they are not thc { T, ‘ “F": 
 
 the rigid Churchmen is nn-rli mm --* ■ '■ - i'•'* r '» of 
 
 confifts „f almoft all the inferior O^TZ- Br r T" 
 
 Uinvert,ties, particularly that of and « J b t P V 
 
 them great numbers of the Laity I, 7 , sftw 
 
 cared in England, High-Church, that is ^ C>, ch° ' 7 " ? T'”' " 
 mixture of Prcsbyterianifm ’Vbr-C P „ * r' ' h ' v,UCl1 has r.o 
 
 ceremony of the Church of England, that “they '° *“* 
 
 any tumg whatfoever, and by this ftiffneft ffi a , ‘ ,L,:,!C U P™ 
 
 the fptrt, of party, than of veal for religion ‘ I vv"] cVeri^w ,f ” ° f 
 fay, that many of them would rather clmfe to f e F '• 7 ' 
 
 rnt” m P oS= r ; a ,t7 f V* : 
 
 as a„ S e,re„tia, ^ ^ 
 
 growth of m&frn is to he oppofed, which has - j "p ? ^ 
 
 “ ,t! P a «y- Itts, perhaps, an art SeeTtte State T ^ 
 
 given or at lead to continue with fo much care ,h > $ 
 to the Epifcopalians, in order to cUbuSt A fame pTf 
 
 the7. eren ‘ ,s 
 
 T he Papifts are likewile confidered as a fjranr'k c ■ 
 
 S?-- tS? 
 
 of Papifts, engages like wife foreign Powers in" th* 
 
 ad^toge again.! them,’ who ufe this ^e'^^K 
 
 “ fining die 
 
 affirm’d, that party would be invincible, beLufe thafis A “ b= 
 tereft of the Kingdom. But as it fometimpc I ‘ S f Ie frue ;n * 
 only Pretences to cover other proiedh | P r c ' l’P en -) that thefe are 
 the State, when once their ^^^8^ cf 
 rally draw off, a divilion of the Tory-members bli™T ’' c " e ' 
 fequence of fuch difeovery. This makes me h”i S , nsc;0 «? con ' 
 mpoffible they flrould ever fuccced in fetting t v’V l,JC 7 ls alm '‘ft 
 Throne, or inverting any King wbatfoevc? w ft,' ,! * 
 
 This opinion ,s founded upon its not leinv the d " 
 of the nation m genera]. And hence i, j, °,t . "‘ 'ft 1 “ r Mre 
 
 poufe the tnterells of France, becaufe they at-’e v " rml >' eA 
 
 her affiflance. It was feen in the laft war <«t 
 
 crown were terrible ntort,Stations to them', old 
 deavoured, as mudt .vs poffible, to lelibn them' ' ‘qT «- 
 
 they were at the Helm, their firft care wh ™ 
 
 France had rccctved. However, it j, V€ry difiicdr fe r 
 
 them 
 
804. 
 
 A Differlation on the Whigs and Ton s. 
 
 them in pofieffion of their wifhes. Grtat-Britmn is an Ifland which 
 can hardly be attacked unaware! ; and which, while there is a good 
 underltauding between the Ring and the Parliament, can lend uut 
 fleets which France is not in condition to oppofe. 
 
 Laftly, There is an ther branch of Church-Wl.jac, which include,- 1 
 the mouerate Presbyterians, and to which may be added all the reft 
 of the Non-conformifts, as Quakers, Anabaptifts, isfc who fine 
 more fupport from the Whigs ilian from the Tory.-, though their 
 
 Fhe High-Flyers are therefore to be confidered as a party, to junftion adds no great ftrength to the party 
 which the junctures of the time are not at all favourable, and con- 
 fequently it fhould be their intereft to remain in a ftate of inaction, 
 till time fhould produce fume opportunity to exert themfelves. But 
 to be quiet is no part of their character. They can’t poflibl) be ealy, 
 while they fee themfelves excluded from all places of honour and 
 profit, which probably are the fprings of their motions. It is how¬ 
 ever certain, that the difturbances railed by them from time to time 
 to very little purpofe, are attended with great injury to themfelves, as 
 
 well as to all thcTorvs in general, who are always'charged with the - . 
 
 feults and paffions of thofe who arc looked upon as their leaders, have no ill defign againft the latter. Thefe are doubtlefs, the m.,ft 
 
 The moderate Pre.-bv- 
 
 terians, lefs fcrupulous, ltfs paffionate, and lefs obftir.ate Km me 
 rigid, make no difficulty to join tne affemblies of the eftabii.'li’d Church, 
 and even to communicate therein when their intereft requires it If 
 it were left to their choice, Presbyterian ifm would be the reigning 
 religion. But they do not think it prudent to labour to make it fu 
 by violent methods. They know, it would be an infallible means to 
 unite all the Torvs againft them ; whereas it is the intereft of all the 
 Whigs to keep them divided, by continually infilling upon the dif- 
 tin&ion between State and Church-Tory:, and fhowing that they 
 
 This very confvderation induces fome to defert their party. 
 
 As to the three other branches of the Torys, namely, the mode¬ 
 rate the rigid, and the low, it would be folly in the Whigs to think 
 of their ruin by v iolent methods. This could not be effedkd with- 
 out over-turning the Kingdom. They may indeed exclude them 
 from publick pofts and emplo) ments. But fhould they be fo im¬ 
 prudent as to meddle with the Church of England , they woulu run 
 the hazard of railing a ftorm, which might cull them the fuper.ority 
 they at prefent enjoy. Therefoie it is the intereft of the Whigs to 
 leave the Church unmolefted, and their conduit fhows they are per- 
 fc-aiy convinced of this truth. Though they have lately had (re¬ 
 queue provocations, it is not feen that now, they are in puwer, 
 they feck to be reveng'd upon the Epifcopal r arty. On the con- 
 ,rand aim is to divide that party if poffible, fiom tne relt 
 
 the Torys, by convincing them that they bear no ill-will to the 
 If they could fucceed, their vi£iory over the High-Flycrs 
 certain. But thefe laft, fenfrble of the pic;udice, which 
 this conduit does them, endeavour to prevent its eftfl, by always 
 lt i ng the Church in their qua.rel, and infpiring the people with 
 inual fears of the deligns of the Whigs againft the Cho.cn 
 divine (hown the views, ftrength, and mierefl ol the Tory- 
 branches of the V. higs. As 
 
 of 
 
 Church. 
 
 would be certain. 
 
 ingagmg 
 con. ’ 
 
 Having .— 
 
 paity, I am next tojpeak of the f 
 
 dangerous enemies of the High Flyers and rigid Torys, becaufe by 
 their moderate conduft they deprive them of the pretenfie to com - 
 plain that the Church is in danger. Thefe viere aim'd at by the 
 Torys in their adt, towards the conclufum of Queen Anne i reign, 
 againft Occafional Conformity. As few are acquainted with the na 
 ture of this a<ft, I fhall br.efly explain it. 
 
 In the reign o ['Charles II, an aft was made called the Conformity 
 Ait , whereby any peifun admitted to any publick office wa, t > bring 
 a Certificate of his having received the Sacrament in the Church of 
 England. The intent of this Aft was to exclude all Non Con- 
 for mills from places of any kind. Indeed, ir produced this eff'eft 
 with regard to the ri 0 id Presbyterians, who could not ref.ilve to re¬ 
 ceive the Communion from the hands of a Bifhop, or a Minifter of 
 the Epifcopal Church. But the moderate Presbyterians were not fo 
 fcrupulous. On their admiffion to any poft, they fcrupled not to 
 receive the Communion in an Epifcopal Church, and to take the 
 proper Certificates. It was not poffible for the Torys to add any 
 Explication to this Aft during the reign of King James , who on the 
 contrary, granted an univerfal liberty of Confidence, nor in the life¬ 
 time of King William , or the firft years of Queen Anne. But having 
 the power in iheir hands, at the conclufion of her reign, they were 
 not contented with reviving this Aft, but added to it a claufe to pre¬ 
 vent Occafional Conformity, or the communicating in the Church of 
 England on account of fome employment. This excluded not only 
 
 to'ihc Republican- Whigs, they are at prefent very inconfideratle, 
 
 ] i r .y .1 diminilhes Fhere is not the lealt probability w 
 a f d rhdr ever finding again an opportunity like that dating the trou- the tigid but alfo the moderate Presbyterians from all pubiick offices . 
 cj thur ever n b ft - p or by t hi s Aft, which is ftill in force, to communicate once in an 
 
 b' 6 ? ^ p alrpsdv obferv’d that the principal difference between the Epifcopal Church, is not a fufficient qualification fora place as be- 
 I h a ve alre y , T P • P j h latter a.e more in- fore, but a mm muft fhow that he is really a member of the Church 
 
 TmTS udStafcLrto .he Privileges «f of If the Whigs who a. prefent prevail, dat'd tamed 
 
 But this prevents not their union when the Mate is in 
 
 differ only 
 ltalous of the 
 
 danger^ Were the moderate Torys not Epifcopahans, and had the 
 moderate Whigs fewer Presbyterians among them, it might be hejped 
 that thefe two branches of Whigs and Torys would remain for ever 
 i-et! as they feem to be fince the death of King Id ilhom. But 
 when 'i fay that the one incline more to the King, and the others 
 •o the fubieft, I fpeak the truth, and not what they fay themfelves. 
 The two parties affirm, on the contrary, they have no other aim, 
 ...... the niefeK ation of the Government as eftablifhed many ages. 
 
 So ‘to hear them, you would think they form and always have 
 lormed one and .he fame party. It is however but too true, that 
 their different inclination frequently obliges them to divide, though it 
 is to be prefumed, their intentions are equally good, and that they 
 the means they employ. '1 he one perhaps are too 
 inercafe of the royal Prerogative, and the others fear it 
 w „i. Rot it is religion which chiefly makes them to be con- 
 iidered° as differrmt parties,-becaufe the one is compoftd wholly of 
 Eoifcooalians, and the other has a great mixture of Presbyterians. 
 if' f arate the intcrells of the Clmrch from thofe of the State, 
 requires abLaions of which all are not capable. N vverthelefs ,t 
 ‘ he affirmed, that the blanch of the moderate Whigs confidered 
 i i rately and in itfelf, is not lefs powerful than that of the mode- 
 ate Ton’s. But when both join together, they form a party which 
 “ ,l ( i hi* refiftlefs, if religion were out of the queftion. I he great 
 rufmefs therefore ft the muderare Whigs is to affift the People as much 
 as poffible, to difeern the mterefts of the Church from thofe of the 
 J, ■ for which purpofe thev are to treat the Epifcopahans with 
 Teat ’moderation Nor ought they to be lefs careful how they 1 ,lien 
 f. l)ie Republican-Whigs, for fear of alarming the moderate Torys, 
 of whom they have frequent occaflon But on the other hand, no¬ 
 thing ought to be neglected by them lor breaking the nrcafures of the 
 High-Flyers, who are their real enemies. Such is the coutfe they 
 
 m i ft p ™eed°now"rthe'ciiurdi-Whigs, who are divided into two 
 branches, of wh.cl, the firft is of the rigid Presbyterians, who abfo- 
 iutdv reea not only the Hierarchy, but moreover every ceremony 
 1 y J the Church of England. Their number is very great 
 ftill more conliderable by having all Scot 
 
 die with this Aft, it would foon be repealed, 
 intimated, very probably it will be differed 
 
 But for reafons before 
 fubfift, and its vio¬ 
 lation only connived at. 
 
 The ftrength of the two parties being fiich as v/e have feen, and 
 the intereft of the feveral branches fo oppoiite, it feems to me a natu¬ 
 ral confcquence, that the placing a Popifh Prince upon the Throne 
 while the King and Parliament are in Union, and the rights of the 
 Church are untouched, is a thing almoft impoffible. The people may 
 from time to time be deluded by imaginary fears of the Church's 
 danger. But this delufiun muft quickly vanifh, when it k feen that 
 the Church is not really attack’d. Now if religion is not concerned, 
 that is, if the Epifcopahans do not think themfelves under an abfo- 
 lute necefluy of trying all ways to fave their Church from ruin, 
 the endeavours in favour of the Pretender, will prove ineffeftual As 
 often as it fhall be attempted to place him on the Throne, the 
 moderate State and Church-Torys will join the Whigs, and then, 
 that party will be too ftrong for the High-Flyers, though in matter 
 of religion, they fhould be joined by all the rigid Torys, which 
 however is not very likely. For it muft not be imagined, becaufe 
 a few ri^id Torys make a great noife, that the whole branch wifh. 
 to fee a Popifh Prince on the Throne. They are zealous for their 
 Church, but their Church is Proteftant, and this very zeal differs 
 them not to indanger their religion. It will be faid perhaps that France 
 will affift the High-Flyers with all her Forces. This is what I 
 can hardly believe for reafons I fhall mention hereafter. But though 
 France fhould heartily ingage in this undertaking, the execution 
 would be difficult on account of the fituation and naval power of Eng¬ 
 land. Nothing but a furprize can produce the efFeft defired by 
 the High-Flyers, Papifts, and fome rigid Tory? However, the at¬ 
 tempt lately made, will probably induce the King and Parliament 
 to take good precautions againft fuch furprizes for the future. 
 
 There is ftill another everlafting obftacle to the eftablifhment of a 
 Popifh Prince, and that is, the poffeffion of fome part of the lands of 
 the Monafleries fuppreffed by Henry VIII, by almoft every noted 
 family in England. Theanceftors of the prefent pofleffors either re¬ 
 ceived them m prefents from the King, or purchaled them at an eafy 
 rate. If therefore a Popifh Frinte fhould now mount the Throne, 
 there is no doubt but he would try to eflablifh his religion. Bu 
 
 pradtifed m the C ^ ^ confiderab , e having ull Scot- there is no doubt but he would try to eflablifh his religion But 
 
 ,n England but * v are contin uaHy labouring the propagation of fhould his attempt prove fuccefsful, in what danger would thefe 
 End ios them. Tn } f thc leading Whigsf to con- eftates be ? In all probability the prefent owners would be d.fpoffeffed. 
 
 Piesbytenaniim, * uke fome fte prejudicial to the whole Nay, who knows whethe. they would not be called to account for 
 
 /. 
 
 P 
 
 tent them, 
 puty. It j 
 
 tei lans requn 
 o ily be by fome gre; 
 per muft. ^ herelor 
 unfit to head thc Whig-part 
 conducted bv fuch leaders. 
 
 ubiiiied to take fome fteps prejudicial 
 eafy "to conceive that the intereft ol the rigid Presby- 
 es an innovation in the eftablifhed religion, becaufe it can 
 
 _ .rat revolution that their own can come to be up- 
 
 Wherdore they are confidered as dangerous men, and very 
 who in all appearance, would be ill 
 
 Nay, 
 
 the profits r It is therefore mauifeft, that the T orys and Whigs have 
 an equal intereft in the prevention of this danger. If the advocates 
 fur a Popifh Prince were to be ftridly examined, it would be found, 
 without doubt, either they have no poffcflions of this kind, or believe 
 they have particular reafons to flatter themfelves with an exemption 
 from the general law, or with being made amends fome other way. 
 
 I am 
 
A Dijjertation on the Whigs and Torys. 8oj 
 
 I am now to give a more diftin£l idea of the two parties of Whigs 
 and Torys, by fhowing their refpedlive Characters. 
 
 The Torys in general are fierce and haughty. The Whigs are 
 treated by them with the utmoft contempt, and even with rigour 
 when they have the fuperiority. As the Tory party is compofed 
 of Epifcopalians, who properly make the Body of the nation, they 
 look upon themfelves as the prevailing party, and cannot bear an 
 equality, much lefs a fuperiority, in their adverfaries. I cannot better 
 compare the behaviour of the Torys to the Whigs, than to that of 
 the Roman Catholicks to the Proteftants in Countries where the 
 Papifts have the advantage of number, and the fupport of the 
 Government. It is with regret that the Torys allow the Presby¬ 
 terians Liberty of Confcience. When the Power is in their hands 
 they feldom failed to prohibit their Aflemblies, and to exclude them 
 from publick employments by A6ts of Parliament. The laft years 
 of Queen Anne afforded flagrant inftances of the Haughtinefs of this 
 Party. 
 
 There is ftill another Character which belongs to them. They 
 are exceeding paflionate and precipitate in their motions. This often 
 difconcerts all their projects. When they have the reins in their 
 hands they drive with amazing rapidity. Y’ery remarkable proofs of 
 this were feen under Charles II, James II, and the late Queen. 
 Neverthelefs it muff be confeffed that this rapidity is not always the 
 effeCt of an impetuous paflion, but is fometimes founded in policy. 
 As the High-Flyers, who are commonly at the head of the party, 
 fometimes project the alteration of the Government, they are obliged 
 to embrace, with great hafle, the opportunities which offer, becaufe 
 thefe opportunities are naturally tranfient. For inffance, under 
 Charles II, it was neceffary to put a fpeedy flop to the progrefs of the 
 Whigs, for fear the King, who was with fome difficulty, and for 
 other interefts than his own, ingag’d in the Plot, fhould alter his 
 mind. Befides, there was no time to lofe, becaufe it was well known 
 that the Whigs were labouring with all their power to inform the 
 people of the true defigns of the Court. So again, when James II, 
 afeended the Throne, the prefumptive Heir to the Crown was his 
 eldeft daughter the Princefs of Orange , who was firmly attached to 
 the Proteftant Religion. Wherefore as the King might dye with¬ 
 out Sons, all his projects would vanifh by his death, if his work was 
 not finifhed during his Life. It was neceffary therefore to make 
 hafle, becaufe the like opportunity would probably never offer again 
 after his Death. For the fame reafon, Queen Anne being Child- 
 lefs when fhe put the Miniflry into the hands of the High-Flyers, a 
 peace was quickly to be concluded with France , and fpeedy meafures 
 taken for fecuring the Crown to the Pretender, leafl her death fhould 
 prevent the execution of their proje&s, as it really happen’d. It was 
 undoubtedly on this account that a peace was fo haflily concluded 
 with Lewis XIV, becaufe his affiflance was thought neceffary to 
 accomplifh the Work. Probably, if the Queen had lived a little 
 longer, the A£l of Succeffion had been repealed. But this precipita¬ 
 tion which feems fo neceffary to the Torys, is, on the other hand, 
 prejudicial to them, inafmuch as it too foon difeovers the defigns of 
 their leaders, which require a gradual execution. In order to fucceed, 
 they muft have a long and peaceable reign, a King favourable to 
 their defigns, and of great ability, or at leafl ready to be guided by 
 their Counfels. 
 
 Another character of the Torys is, their change of principles as 
 their party prevails or is humbled. When they have the Prince on 
 their fide, the do&rine of Paffive Obedience is fupported with all their 
 power, and every ordinance of the King is to be obeyed without ex¬ 
 amination, becaufe then, they would have the Whigs fuffer them¬ 
 felves to be oppreffed without any refiflance. But when the Govern¬ 
 ment is in the hands of the contrary party, this doftrine lies dor¬ 
 mant or is forgotten. Thus, in all the Tory-Writers, who have 
 tranfmitted the troubles of the reign of Charles I, Paffive Obedience 
 is eflablifhed as a principle certain and inconteflable. This is owing 
 to their intention of reprefenting the meafures of the Parliament for 
 their own defence, and in oppofition to the defigns of the King, 
 as a horrible rebellion. When the Presbyterians were perfecuted in 
 Charles II’s reign, Paffive-Obedience was every where talk’d of. 
 But it was flill much worfe under James II. I remember to have 
 heard from the Pulpit, the confequences of this doctrine carried as 
 far, and perhaps farther than ever they were in France , under 
 Lewis XIV. Great Strefs was laid upon a Canon of a Convocation 
 of the Church of England , which imported, that arms taken up 
 againfl the King by the fubjedl, on any pretenfe whatfoever, is 
 dire£l Rebellion : That whether the fubje£l be upon the OfFenfive 
 or Defenfive, he is clearly condemned by St. Paul , who fays, he 
 Jhall receive to himfelf Damnation. But the Convocation in which 
 this Canon was made, was held under Archbifhop Laud , when 
 Charles I, govern’d in an abfolute manner, a little before the be¬ 
 ginning of the troubles. But when King William was on the Throne, 
 the dodlrine of Paflive-Obedience was no longer inforced, becaufe 
 that King was confidered as no friend to the Torys. The cafe was 
 the fame under Queen Anne , while the Miniflry was compofed of 
 Whigs, and moderate Torys. But the Dodlrine revived when that 
 Princefs delivered herfelf up to the condu£l of the High-Flyers. But 
 fince King George has filled the Throne, the High-Flyers and rigid 
 Torys plainly fhow, this Doflrine is only admitted by them when 
 they have a Prince of their party, but is rejected without any feru- 
 ple when the Government is not for them. For this purpofe they 
 have a diflinilion ready between a King^r jure , and a King de fafto , 
 and maintain that only the King dejurt has a title to this Obedience, 
 No. 84. V ol. II. 
 
 but fuch is every King who favouis them, whether he is upon the 
 Throne, or has only pretenfions to it. 
 
 Let us now fpcak of the Character of the Whigs. Thofe of this 
 party who are rigid Presbyterians, are a ftubborn and obftinate gene¬ 
 ration, who perhaps would be as hot and as paffionate as the Torys 
 were they in pofTeffion of power. But as, fince the Long Parlia- 
 ment, the party has never been under their diredlion, it is not upon 
 them that we are to form the general charadlcr of the Whigs, where¬ 
 as that of the Torys is to be taken principally from the High-Flyers 
 and rigid Torys, who are their leadeis and directors. 
 
 T he heads of the Whig-p3rty, are much more moderate than the 
 leaders of the Torys. Befides, they proceed generally upon fixed 
 principles, from which they never fwerve, except when they are 
 obliged to give fome fatisfa&ion to the Presbyterians to keep them 
 from defponding. Far from defiring, like the Torys, to carry things 
 with a high hand, they advance gradually, without heat or violence. 
 Their greateft trouble is to curb'the paffion of fome among them, 
 who, were they unreftrain’d, would quickly ruin the party. 'By this 
 moderation, they try to infinuate mildly into the people, that they 
 have no ill defigns againfl the Church of England , in order to fepa- 
 rate the Church-Torys from the High-Flyers. As it is the intereft 
 of the Torys to confound all the branches of their party, and unite 
 them into one body, to be direfled by the leaders j fo it is the bufi- 
 nefs of the Whigs to have thefe feveral branches diftinguifhed, that 
 the Epifcopalians may be prevented from promoting the defigns of 
 the High-Flyers. But they would never be able to gain this point 
 were they to ufe violence. Thus the gentlenefs and moderation of 
 the Whigs is no lefs founded in policy, than the haftinefs and preci¬ 
 pitation of the Torys. 
 
 The Whigs are charged with being greedy of riches and honours, 
 and ungrateful to their adherents, which makes their friends often 
 forfake them. I can fay nothing to this, not being fufficiently in¬ 
 formed of the particular concerns of the party. Befides, the exami¬ 
 nation of this charge would lead me to conlider the condudl of thofe 
 who think themfelves ill ufed, which I would avoid, as contrary to 
 my intent of confining myfelf to general Ideas. However, it may 
 be faid for the moderate Whigs, that generally they fupport a good 
 caufe, namely, the conftitution of the government as eflablifhed by 
 law. They err indeed fometimes through too much care and diftrufl, 
 which throws them now and then upon proceedings contrary to their 
 true intereft, and their own principles, fince on certain occafions they 
 maintain the privileges of the Nation and Parliament, at the ex¬ 
 pence of the royal authority. 
 
 As to the ecclefiaftical Whigs, who are no other than the Presby¬ 
 terians, all that can be faid of them, is, that they are extremely 
 prejudiced againfl Bifhops, and the whole Hierarchy. Now the 
 queftion is, whether this prejudice be well grounded, or bein'* fo 
 whether it affords juft caufe for feparation. For my part, I look 
 upon this difpute between the Epifcopalians and Presbyterians as of 
 little confequence. And therefore I cannot approve of the ftiffnefa 
 of the Presbyterians in a country where the reformation is eflablifhed 
 according to the Church of England , fince the two Churches differ in 
 no eflential point. I fay the fame thing of the Epifcopalians of Scot¬ 
 land, and perhaps in England itfelf, greater regard fhould be had to 
 the fcruples of the Presbyterians. But this is only my private opi¬ 
 nion, which I do not pretend to give for a rule to the one or the 
 other. 
 
 Before I proceed, it will be proper to obviate an obje6lion which 
 may naturally occur to the reader, namely, that every thing in Eng¬ 
 land being done by way of Parliaments, thefe unions above-men¬ 
 tioned, whether of the branches of the fame party, or of the branches 
 of two different parties, feem to no purpofe, unlefs made in the Par¬ 
 liament itfelf between the members. But fo far are fuch unions from 
 taking place in the Parliament, that one of the parties generally fo 
 prevails there, as to render the union of the reft of the members en¬ 
 tirely fruitlefs. 
 
 To this I anfwer, firft, that the Parliament confifting of two 
 Houfes, whereof that of the Lords remains always the fame without 
 any confiderable change, thefe unions may take "place in that Houfe 
 whofe principles are not fo variable as thofe of the Commons. Now 
 as the Upper-Houfe has power to throw out the Bills fent up by the 
 Lower, it follows that the Lords, by means of fuch unions, may 
 break the Commons meafures. Confequently thefe unions may pro¬ 
 duce great effe£ls. 
 
 Secondly, Thefe unions may influence the elections of members. 
 For inftance, on fufpicion that a Popifh Prince is intended to be fet 
 on the Throne, the moderate Torys and Low-Church-men may 
 join with Whigs, and caufe fuch reprefentatives to be chofen as are 
 againfl what is feared, and thereby break the meafures of the High- 
 Flyers and rigid Torys. 
 
 Thirdly, Even in a Houfe of Commons, confifting moflly of 
 Tory members, the moderate among them feeing fome defign in 
 hand prejudicial to the Nation, may join with the Whigs, and 
 hinder the execution of it. The moderate Whigs might alfo unite 
 with the Torys, if they faw the Republican-party growing too ftrong. 
 
 It muft however be owned that Party-fpirit, the cabals of the 
 leading-men, the intrigues of the Court, the intereft of particular 
 perfons, have but too much influence upon the Debates of Parlia¬ 
 ment. To fay all in a word, the Parliament is compofed of men 
 who are not free from paffions If the Parliament were to anfwer 
 the Idea which thofe conceive of it who are not thoroughly acquainted 
 with its nature, it fhculd be compofed of perfect men. But as that 
 
8 c6 
 
 A Dijjcrtation on the Whigs and Tom, 
 
 is impoftible, it would be proper, at leaft, to reform certain abufes, 
 for which hitherto no remedy has been found, or perhaps fought. 
 Tho’ this leads me a little from my fubjedt, I fhall flay a moment 
 and take the liberty to point out fome of thefe abufes. This may 
 at lead ferve to give a more extenfive knowledge of the Englijh con- 
 ftitution, which though excellent in its nature, is however liable to 
 fome imperfections. 
 
 The firft abufe lies in the too great influence of the court in the 
 elections of members, and confequently in the refolutions of the Par¬ 
 liament, This influence is vifibly owing to the divifion between 
 the Whigs and Torys which gives the King an advantage, he would 
 doubtlefs not have, were all the people well united. When one of 
 the parties gets into the Miniftry, the Lieutenancies of the Counties 
 and all the Court-places are conferred on perfons devoted to them. 
 After which, a new Parliament is called. Then, befides the money 
 privately diftributed by the Miniftry, if report is to be credited, thofe 
 that are in authority in the Towns and Counties, ufe all their intereft 
 and skill to get members rhofen favorable to the Court, that the 
 Miniftry may have the fuperiority of votes in the Houfe of Com¬ 
 mons. We may judge of the efteCt of thefe intrigues by this Angle 
 confederation, that commonly their is a Whig-Parliament when the 
 Miniftry is fo, and a Tory-Parliament when the Minifters are Torys. 
 Neverthelefs the thing is not fo very certain, but that we find fome- 
 times moft of the elections carried againft the Court. But this rarely 
 happens, unlefs the nation in general is fatisfied that the Court has 
 defigns pernicious to the State, or the liberties of the fubjeCt. I fay 
 nothing of our feeing in the late reign twelve Peers created at once, 
 with thefo'e view of procuring the Court a majority of votes in the 
 Houfe of Lords. This is a palpable as well as a very dangerous 
 abufe. 
 
 Another abufe lies :n many finall Boroughs having a right to fend 
 reprefeni.uives to Parliament whole votes have the fame weight with 
 ti: e of them ml-crs of L mAon and JVeJlminJler, notwithstanding the 
 great difproportioii between the eleCtors of the one and the other. In 
 thefe inc ;..hh: . 7. Ben ugl-.r. In the influence of the Court, mem- 
 beis are chofen th it have not a foot of land near the place. It is 
 pretended by fome, that thefe Boroughs have a right as antient as 
 the Par!'ament it!<:I‘, having enjoyed it ever fince the time of the 
 J.glj-S.r.r.s, Olliers think it of much later date. But however, 
 it is at piefent a m on ft ro us abufe, that Villages of four or five thatched 
 H 'ufe,-, Should be upon the level in Parliament with the largeft Cities 
 of the Kingdom. 
 
 A thii J abufe there is of great importance, and which ought to be 
 reformed, fince it is in fome meafure contrary to Magna Charta , on 
 which the EnJ'jl) found their liberties and privileges. In this Char¬ 
 ter, King 'John pronaifes in exprefs terms, for himfelf and fuccefi'ors, 
 to declare beforehand the caufes of calling a Parliament. As long as 
 this cuftom was observed, the points debated in Parliament were not 
 m.uiy, for wh.ch the members came prepared , and the Seftions 
 lafted but a few days. If this was obferved now, the Boroughs and 
 Counties might give their reprefentatives inftruClions upon the affairs 
 for which the Parliament fhould be called, or at leaft, might chufe 
 fuch members as are of the fame fentiments with the electors. But 
 at prefen t, feveral abufes fpring from the non-oblervance of this 
 method. 
 
 In the firft place, the Seftions hold as long as the King pleafes, 
 and are ended when he thinks proper. Henry IV. improved this ad¬ 
 vantage by keeping the Parliament affembled, till the defired Subfidy 
 was granted. In the next place, the electors not knowing the bufi- 
 nefs on which the Parliament is to proceed, are forced to give their 
 reprefentatives an unlimited power. Hence arifes another abufe, that 
 the reprefentatives of a Borough or County are often of a contrary 
 opinion to thofe that fend them. It may therefore happen, nay it 
 has frequently happen’d, that the refolves of the Lower-Houfe are 
 dircdlv oppofr.e to the fentiments of the people whom they repre- 
 fent. So it is not the People or Commons of England that fhare 
 the Legiflative Power with the King and Peers, but their reprefen¬ 
 tatives who enjoy a Privilege which belongs only to the people in 
 general, to whom however they are not accountable for their con¬ 
 duct. All they can fuft'er, in cafe they have adted contrary to the 
 fenfe of their Borough or County, is not to be chofen another time. 
 This feems therefore to be lodging too great a power in bare repre¬ 
 fentatives. It was not fo in France , when the States of that King¬ 
 dom were convened. Every province drew up, before-hand, their 
 patticular inftructions (i), from which their deputies were not alluwed 
 to fwerve. In like manner, in important affairs to be debated by 
 the States General of the United Provinces , the deputies receive in- 
 ftrudlions from their Provinces ; and in the particular States of each 
 Province, the Magiftrates of the Towns give their orders and in- 
 ftrudfions to their deputies. 
 
 A fourth abufe lies in the publick canvafflns at the time of eledfions, 
 with great expenfe. It cofts fome men feveral thoufands of pounds 
 to be eledfed, and this openly in the face of all the World. 
 
 Laftly, There is another fort of abufe in the Houfe of Com¬ 
 mons, namely, that the members are allowed to go and come or ab- 
 fent themfelves as they pleafe, except on certain great occafions, 
 fo that of five hundred and thirteen members, (if I miftake not,) 
 there are not prefent fometimes above one hundred and fifty. This 
 makes it much more eafy for the parties to cabal, than if the Houfe 
 were full. Moreover many members, though in London , do not 
 
 (i) Culled in Fit neb, lei Cebitn. 
 
 3 
 
 conftantly attend the Houfe, bat keep away upon anv the Lghteft 
 affair of their own. This puts me in mind of a plea fain ftun . 
 with which I ftiall clofe this digreflion. A Whig-member triiing one 
 of the fame party in great anger, “ That if he had been at the H me 
 “ that morning, they fhould have carried an important poini.” The 
 other calmly asked him, “ By how many they loft it ? By one 
 “ Angle vote,” fays he. The other replies, “ Had I been there. 
 “ we fhould have loft it by four, for there would have been four 
 “ I orys more, whom I have kept all this morning on purpefe at a 
 “ Tavern.” 
 
 It remains only that I briefly fpeak of the interefts of the neigh¬ 
 bouring States, with regard to the Whigs and Torys. Though the 
 differences between the two parties feem only Jo refpedt England , 
 they have a great influence on the affairs of the other States. The 
 peace of Utrecht clearly fhows of what confequence they are to all 
 Europe. 
 
 Every one knows that the States-General of the United-Provinces 
 are friends of the Whigs, and very juflly, fince the Whigs have ;,!i 
 along fupported their intereft in England. The Whim’s obliged 
 Charles II, to make a peace with Holland , when he was in league 
 with Lewis XIV. againft: her. From that time, they have ever 
 conftdered the intereft of the Dutch as their own. Acccrdinsly in 
 their turn they have received ftgnal fervices from them, particularly 
 in the afliftance given by the States-General to the Prince of Orange , 
 to go and break King James's meafures. This good underftarding 
 is ftill cultivated, fo that the Dutch may be faid to he Whigs, and the 
 Whigs to be Dutch. The reafon of this union is evident. Foi 
 France , perpetual enemy of Holland , ever fupported the Torys ; 
 whence it follows, that Holland is obliged to ftand by the Whigs* 
 fince fhe cannot expeeft afliftance from England , but by their mels. 
 1 his is fo clear, that it needs no farther illuftration. 
 
 For the fame reafon, the Emperor, as S >vereign of the Nether¬ 
 lands, ought to be a friend to the Whigs. As he tr.urt look upon 
 the King of France , as a very formidable and dangerous neighbour 
 he can expedt the afliftance of the Englijh , in cafe his dominions 
 are invaded, but when the Whigs are in power. In all appearance, 
 the Torys would not exert themfelves in the defence of the Ncthcr- 
 
 . . inft thi .. I Ft am But, i 
 
 through exceflive zeal for his religion, lend his forces to the Pretender 
 to afeend the throne of England , he would only render Dance fiill 
 more powerful, and add to the ballance of Europe a weight which 
 would make it entirely incline to one fide. 
 
 The interefts of France with regard to the Whigs and Torys, 
 afford matter for many more obfervations. In general, it is doubt¬ 
 lefs the intereft of that Crown to cultivate a good undemanding with 
 England. Since the growth of the Houfe of Jtujiria , that is, Alice 
 about two hundred years, England has ever had it in her power to 
 incline the ballance either on the Ade of Uuflria or on the Ade of 
 France as file pleafed. But it lias been her Handing intereft to keep 
 the balance even between thefe two powers. 'Phis has been the 
 hinge on which all the policy of the Kings of England has turned, 
 for two centuries. Henry the Eighth’s varying fometimes from this 
 courfe is to be aferibed wholly to the private interefts of Cardinal 
 JVolJey his prime minifter, or to his own caprice. So it was ever 
 the intereft of France to keep fair with England. Accordingly 
 Lewis XIV. has politickly endeavoured thefe fifty years, a .her to 
 get England on his Ade, or at leaft, to prevent her lo in clpoufino- 
 that of his enemies. But as it was not eafy for that Monarch to 
 perfwade the Englijh that to incline the ballance to his Ade was for 
 their advantage, he confined his endeavours to hinder them from 
 concerning themfelves in the affairs of Europe , to the end he might 
 proceed without any oppofition from them. But it muff be obferved, 
 that this policy refpected only his vaft defigns of enflaving all Europe. 
 Otherwife, he would have had no need to trouble himfelf about the 
 Englijh. To fet this matter in a clearer light, it will not be ami is 
 to fhow briefly how this Monarch managed with regain to England. 
 
 Lewis XIV, as every one knows, formed the project of an univer- 
 fal Monarchy in Europe. As he was not ignorant that England 
 was concerned to keep the ballance of Em ope even, and that the 
 Englijh confidered this maxim as the chief foundation of their fe- 
 curity, he was juflly appreher.iivc of their oppofing the execution of 
 his defigns. For prevention of which, he ufcd all his addrefs to 
 gain Charles II. to his intereft, when he had refolved upon a war 
 with Holland in 1672. The Miniftry being Tory, he drew Charles, 
 by their means, into a league with him. But this league W3s of no 
 long continuance. It was fo evidently againft the intereft of England , 
 that the Parliament obliged the King to make peace uith Holland. 
 Nay, they would have conftrained him to declare againft France if 
 the profpedt of an approaching peace between that Crown and the 
 States-General, had not hindered them from going fo far. 
 
 The peace of Nimeguen , concluded in 167s, caufed not the King 
 of France to difeontinue the profecution of his grand defigns. But 
 as he was very fenAble, King Charles would not have it in his power 
 to follow his own inclination, he refolved to take another method, 
 in order to difable England at leaft from imerpofing in the iifLus 
 of Europe. And that was to raife troubles in the Kingdom, and 
 then to foment them, that the Englijh might be employed at home. 
 The Duke of York's Plots, the King his brother’s ealinefs to be 
 guided by his counfels, the choice of paflionate and perhaps corrupt 
 mifiifters, proceeded, in all appearance, from Lewis’s fecret practices 
 
 in 
 
A Differ tat ion on the Whigs and Torys. 807 
 
 in England. This method fucceeded to his with. The Confpiracy the views I have afcribed to fhpm Tf ;<■ c a .u r . 
 
 difcovered by Tiens Oa'„, the pretended Proteftant-Plot, .he Li ,o he W wS.tolg “if 
 
 cut.on of the Presbyterians, the peoples murmurs, the difcord be- examining the courfe prefcribcd them. Confequently thevare’fif 
 tween the King and the Parliament, found the Enghjh fo much em- from being concerned in the intrigues and cabals If them leaders Sulh 
 ployment at home, that it was not poffiblc for them to look abroad, a one has lifted himfelf a Tory, as beinv attached io the Church of 
 Pn the mean tune, Lewis XIV wais rendering.himfelf formidable to England, and afterwards, without knowing how finds himfelf obliged 
 . ! Eur °t‘' bavl ™5 >° far from the Englijh who remain’d to maintain the principles of the High-Flyers and rigid Torvs though 
 
 io hiTmoereft y Utm endeaVOUrS t0 P Ut a ft °P “ n ®>7 !>» inclination. There are ihoufands of gold L’g»Jn, 
 
 a method that had proved fo fuccefsful. On the contrary, he prefTed But it is not eafy to obferve a juft neutrality becaufe it is difficult to 
 n t "' W r r"? E ’, ng mi t0 exccute th = projeds he had formed when be without ambition and avarice. Thofe^ho Hand neuter as I 
 Duke of nr,k, in favour of Popery and Arbitrary Power. He knew faid, are neither preferred nor trufted, by realbn that one of S’e oar 
 thefe two points were fufficient to keep England long employed; ties are always in power, and have nothing more at heart than The 
 however, as tus aim was only to embroil the nation, he never af- advancing their friends, or gaining feme of their adverfaries Con 
 
 lifted King Jam ,r to any purpofe The too Hidden execution of fequemly there can be no polls or offices for men, from whom the 
 
 that 1 nnce s defigns was not for his intereft. When he faw him prevailing; party can expert no m.nner nf f prv : r „ »» , e 
 
 ftirred' •’’T' ff be ' ng a " act ' d b y [ he Princc of Orange, he never can a man be neuter between two parties, each of who!T reprefant 
 ftirred in his defence, but rather made ufc of the junaure to carry their adverfaries as defigning thole evils which are molt aot P , 0 fin 
 
 war into Germany He imagined that the troubles he had tailed in men with fears, I mean, the deftruftion of the religiTn they nrnfefe 
 
 would long d,fable that Kingdom Irom oppofing his ambi- and the diflblution of a Government, which alone 8 in thdr ooinion- 
 tious defigns. 1 his was the foie end of all his proceedings. After- can render fubjeas happy? A man molt be very infenfiblc norTo be 
 
 Tit’fltT ^ mg r f 'J am P r r oclium ' d him, he Tent moved with fuch dangers, when convinced of their reality 
 
 iving James into Ireland with feven thoufand men, an aid too weak an c'_ >:/i _ .l, ._ . i , , . . < ‘ . 
 
 to reftore bim to bis throne, but fufficient to make a divetfion, and ra, b'uT ^thefe who 
 
 { ?L ■ • wh P r ° ? A m !u' C0 ? ten c t! i - 1 hUS “ 11 demonftrablc from intereft. Who are they that would invert the King with abfolutt 
 W. and th “" duft ’. ' hat h,s foI . c ln ‘ ent ' 0 " l was n t0 ""broil Eng- power ? Who are they that would debar ftee-horn fuLas of Liberty 
 hom-ver^ at firft (kb? du P c of his Policy It feem* of Confcience ? Who are they, in a word, that labour to introduce 
 
 nowt.ver at nrlt light, that King James s reftoration would have been Popery ? Can it be faid that thefe are the view* nf , , 
 
 maKi'nT 2 ™ ’E-ft his intereft To'ry'? N™ i,ycome atB , h ly 
 
 "votr; andm “ ! 
 
 hold feret concfyondcnce^whh C a thTaTfegth 
 
 have difcovered .hemfelves m the laft years of Queen dan,. Superior, England would foon loofe her Religion and liberty 0 ° the 
 
 good Tft d 0 T jheTreeri King’s intereft to preferve a other hand, if the Republican-Whigs ffiould recover he'advantge 
 good undemanding with the Torys, order, by their means, ro they have loft, yon would hear no more of the Kin'dom bT P 
 foment the troubles in England This is ftr<aiy true, when he Commonwealth of England, as in Cromwell's days °Laftlv were 
 forms defigns aga.nft the reft of Europe. But if he aims to live in the moderate Whigs to havi the management S* would fo ZrH 
 peace, an an upon his defence, in cafe of invahon, nothing can againlt the incroachments of the regal power that the fovereiem 
 frienrlfhfn °lrr^A’ Va " tage than *° Cu,tivate thc King of England’s would be reduced to the condition of a Doge of Venice g 
 
 d n S “ 'be vonftan. mrxm, of £™,r’s predeceflbrs, As for the two parties with regard to religion ’tis'certain if the 
 , Cr • C .,? ini i ,lg ; 0r J T ,° ry - F rance may now be f. id Presbyterians can ever a£t without controle, they will not be Van's fie i 
 
 to be invincible, as long as England declares not aaainft h.r But if till the Hierarchy of the Church of England be entirely demdiih^ 
 
 R,.fi than If «-lvo XT „: J-_i:_ . 1 I • ... * 
 
 But then, if the rigid Epifcopaiians have nothing to ballance their 
 power, the Presbyterians mult expe£t to be openly peifecuted And 
 who knows whether they will fuff'er them to enjoy a bare Liberty of 
 Confcience ? 1 
 
 as long as England declares not againft her. .. 
 the King of England is provoked, and enteis into a new alliance with 
 Holland and Germany, the laft wai’s experience (hows that France is 
 very far from being invincible. It mav therefore be affirmed, that 
 if the llluftrious Prince (i) now at the helm of the French aftliirs, in- 
 
 the C r°e n g“’; n p roceed: t 
 
 mgs feem to deftroy the maxim I mean to advance. Time will un- would alfo be necellary to vrant a Toleration to the Presbvterbns 
 fold perhaps, the myftery of this policy. But in the mean while, who are very numerous in the Kingdom Tf thh way b no u ed 
 I cannot forbear thinking that he is milmformed of the true ftate of it will always be better for the flat! that the people remain in dti 
 !ftTT/ artI T m f'’'T^ a "u bas g lva " f°° much credit to inter- fion, than if one of the parties Ihould acquit a fuperioritv which 
 deceived i„ P Te irme manner. ^ ,he PrCt =" der haa been would be more fatal ro thepublick than the equality whicl/cheriftlea 
 
 ’ d HaV h bU I ° h " e 0brC p Vati0n m ° re 10 , ma ^’ V ’ ith Which 1 ftaU ron - bu“[.e prudencTof "a idf fod" 1 ^uTt^ToTerci^fmSerare iThisT’ 
 }Jl- * ha f ' ha 7 10 f conccrn '"g ' bc ^igs and the Torys. In fires and paffions, a lover of the Proteftant Rdigion, and that makes 
 f,peaking of their feveial views, mterefts and charaflers, I pretend not the good and happinefs of his fubjeSs his foie care and ftu.lv This 
 iTdTs J h y parl ‘ Clllar , P 5 rr ° n 7 " thcr P art >'’ but only their is what may with reafon be expeSed from the Kino who'now fills 
 Tho thTh ma "? B, ; ^S, Wlth fome of the itioft aflive of both fides. the throne, fince he pofliftes all thofe virtues in an°emincnt degree 
 H hou B h the people in general, by inclination, or intereft, are either May Heaven profper his defigns, and mav he live to fee the hanDV 
 Whigs or f orys, it does not follow that every fingle perfon afts in efiedts of his pains and endeavours 1 ' 
 
 (i) The Duke of Orleam. 
 
 7 "i'no’ **Pf« &>■ here of ih. ietoeltof rr.ee,, „i,h ,. s „d te , 1 ,. Wki E , .„d Ts.ss , 
 
 Crown, England an d lhl/and, figned January 4, 171;, this Diflenation being finilhed in Fciruary j 7 j6. 
 
 ti before the concluGon of the alliance betw 
 
 AN IN- 
 
A N 
 
 INDEX 
 
 T O T H E 
 
 Two Volumes of the Hiftory of England . 
 
 N. B. The Numbers I. and II. denote the Firft and Second Volumes ; and the Let¬ 
 ter n. the Notes at the bottom. K. Hands for King, D. for Duke, &c. 
 
 ha: 
 
 to the Pr. 
 
 A. 
 
 A B B IE S. See Monaftcries. 
 
 Abby-Lsnds re Itored by Q.- Mary , 
 
 II, 4*2. annexed to the Crown, 54 
 Abbots, Mitred I. 821. n. 10 
 
 Abbot, George, made Archbp. of Canterbury, II. 
 179. reckoned a Puritan, 179, 215. gets George 
 Villiers recommended to K. 'James 1, 187. kills 
 - Man, nd f ' irt, 215. writes to 
 
 K James again ft Toleration of Popery, 
 crowns K. Charles 1. 243. fufpended, 259. 
 his fummons to Parliament, 261. dies, 290 
 
 Abdication, Debates about it, II- 780, or. 
 Abhorrers-, II. 712. expelled the Houie of 
 Commons, 7 1 4 
 
 Abington, Earl of, James Bertie, goes over to 
 the Prince of Orange, 77 8 
 
 Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, 11 . 209, 
 298, 299, 312, 725, 743, 74 6 > 754 - ^ 
 
 AJdrejfes i Vote of no more AddrefTes to Charles 
 1 II. 545- annulled, 557- AddrefTes of the 
 Quakers, Independents, l 5 c. to Charles 11,599. 
 James n, 742, 753, 761, 768, 769. 
 
 Of Orange, 78], 784, 785, 786. 
 
 Adelfrid K- of Northumberland, maflacres the 
 Monks of Bangor, j +7 
 
 Adjournment ; difference between that ana a 
 Prorogation, II- 650 
 
 Adrian the Emperor, his Rempart, I. 19 
 Adrian tv, Pope, I. 223. his Bull to K. 
 Henry 11, . . . ^3 
 
 Adrian vi, Pope, I. 751. enjoins a three years 
 Truce between all Chriftian Princes, 754. a good 
 Chriftian, but an indifferent Pope, 755 
 
 Agelmar Bp. of Eajl-Anglia depofed, I. 1 73 
 Agitators , or Adjuti tors, letup, U- 5 2 9 
 
 Agnadel Battle, 
 
 Agnes Sorrel, I- ? 43».55 55 
 
 Agricola, Julius his feven Campams in Britain, 
 
 I. it. induces the Britons to conform to the 
 Roman Cuitoms, ibid, recalled and poifoned, : 
 Aiguillon befieged, E 4 _ 
 
 AiIoffe Colonel, comes over with the E. of Ar- 
 gxlc, II. 748. n. 3. executed, ‘bid 
 
 ' Alban, St. the firft Martyr in England I. 28. 
 
 ... _St. Albans called fo from him, and r 
 
 Monaftery built there, 54 
 
 Albany , D. of, Robert Stewart, forms a defign of 
 feizing the Crown of Scotland, T. 499. ftarves 
 Prince David, ibid, his Negotiations with K. 
 Henry v, and death, 527, 530 
 
 ___D. of, Alexander Stewart, lmpniuned by 
 
 James in. K. of Scotland, I. 625. eicapes into 
 England, and makes a Treaty with Edward iv, 
 fzb. procures his Pardon, and a Peace, ibid, et- 
 ,-jpes to Dunbar, upon the King’s attempting his 
 ,'fc, 626. killed in France, ‘bid. 
 
 ._D. of, John Stewart, elected Regent of 
 
 Scotland, I. 729.'' Henry vin. tries to get him 
 removed from the Regency, 735, 
 
 Hamilton Caftle, 73 V goes to France 73 7, 7c 
 '--q. efcapcs to Scotland, 757 ' marches with 
 Army to the borders of England, ibid. 
 
 Albemarle, Earl of, William de Fortibus, rebels 
 againft K. Henry ni, I. 300 
 
 _J) of Edward Plantagenet, enters into 
 
 a Confpiracv againft K. Henry xv, I- 489. dif- 
 covers‘the Plot, n „ , 4«9 
 
 _I). of, George Monk. See Monk. 
 
 _D of, Ghrijiopher Monk, II. 654, made 
 
 Knight of the Garter. 661. Tent againft the D. 
 ■jt Monmouth, 74 8 
 
 takes 
 
 Albert, Cardinal and Archduke, befieges Calais, 
 
 . 145. marries 1 /abella, 149. makes Q;_ Eli¬ 
 zabeth propofals of Peace, 1 50. levies an Army 
 againft the King of Bohemia, 199. .-.mules K. 
 James 1. that he might not aflift the Hollanders, 
 the Ele&or Palatine, 206. dies, ibid. 
 
 A/bigenJes, E 280 
 
 Albion, whence 1 b called, I- iv. Introd. 
 
 Albyvi le, Marquifs of, his Memorial, II- 771. 
 Alcazar- Battle, *E >° 9 - 
 
 Alcuinus, E 
 
 Aldrcd Archbp. of York I- 218. repairs to K. 
 William the Conqu. 167. oppofes the levying of 
 Danegelt, and dies, >69 
 
 Aldooufes monopolized, IE 2 °4 
 
 Alenin, E. of, Charles, brother to K- Philip v, 
 flain at the battle of Crejfy, I- 4 2 4 
 
 D. of, his courage at the battle of Asdn- 
 court, 513. gives K. Hen>y v. a furious blow, and 
 is killed, 5 *4 
 
 D. of, John, Son of the latter, taken pn- 
 foner at the battle of Verneuil, 534 541, 54 ^ 
 D. of, a marriage propoied betwen him 
 and Q, Elizabeth, II. 103, 104, 106. affembles 
 an Army in favour of the Huguenots, 107. won 
 from them by Catherine de Medicis, 108. takes 
 the Tide of D. of Anjou, ibid, declared Protec¬ 
 tor of the Belgick Liberties, 1 °9 
 
 Alexander 1. K. of Scotland, does Homage to 
 Prince Lewis, and to K. Henry m, I. 278, 299. 
 demands Northumberland, and obtains a Penfion 
 from K. Henry in, 311. oppofes the Pope’s Le¬ 
 gate coming into his Dominions, 312, 313 
 
 Alexander 11. does Homage to K. Henry m, 
 
 I. 318. dies, 3 21 
 
 Alexander lit. marries Margaret Daughter to K. 
 Henry in, I. 318, 324, 364. fettles the Suc- 
 ceflion of his Crown, 3°5 
 
 Alexander in. Pope, I. 225. condemns the 
 0 Articles, 228. fends Legates into England, 
 
 240, 231. (hews a great regard for Becket, 230 
 
 'Alexander iv. Pope, his Bulls to get Mone; 
 out of England, I. 329, 331. caules obligatory 
 Notes to be figned by the Engli/h Clergy, 330. 
 abfolves Henry in. of his Oath concerning the 
 Oxford- Provifions, 33 5 
 
 Alexander Cemtntarius, I- 354 
 
 Alexander de Hales, ‘bid. 
 
 Alexandrine MSS. H- 3 ^ 3 - n ‘ 3 ' 
 
 Alfgar fuccceds Harold in his places, 1 . 134. 
 banifhed for a Confpiracy, ibid, makes an inroad 
 into Herejbrdjhire, 134. defeated, but pardoned, 
 ibid. 
 
 Alfred the Great, fent to Rome at five years old, 
 md the Pope, I. 86. def at 11 
 
 the Danes, 90. forced to lie hid at a Neat-herds, 
 92. defeats the Danes, ibid, the Danes own him 
 for their Sovereign, 94. make; Laws, 95 
 iticutes Juries, and divides the Kingdom into 
 Counties, Hundreds, and Tithing;, ibid, regulates 
 the Militia, ibid, encourages Trade and Naviga¬ 
 tion, ibid, reftores Arts and Sciences, and founds 
 Oxford, ibid, diftribution of his Time, q6. the 
 Regulation of his domeftick affairs, ibid, hi. 
 Death and Iffue, 97. hi- Works, 96 
 
 Alfred, Son of Ethelred, fhut up in Ely Mo¬ 
 naftery, I- > 2 3 > I2 5 > 128 
 
 Alfric D. of Mercia. I- " 
 
 Algitha, I- I 22 
 
 Alibi, II- 697 
 
 Alice, a marriage coucluded between her and 
 Prince Richard, I. 238. ' K. Henry 11. debauches 
 her, 243. reftored to the K. of France, 255 
 Alien-Priories, feized by Edward hi, and re¬ 
 ftored, I. 437. their Revenues granted to K. 
 Henry v, 509.- Alien Ecclcliafticks : Sta¬ 
 tute againft them, 456 
 
 Allegiance, Oath of, the Englijh goffer to take ft 
 to K. Henry v. before he was crowned, I. 505 
 Allen, John, commit; great extortions, I. 741, 
 764. profecuted for it, 741, 764 
 
 — William, fi C lie] it Dotiay, II. 111 
 
 --Sir Thomas, fent with a Fleet to the 
 
 Mediterranean, II 653 
 
 Allibone, Sir Richard, made a Judge, II. 755, 
 768 
 
 I- 159 
 
 Allum, the making of it brought to perfection, 
 II. 176. engn fie 11 y iv. James 1, ibid. 
 
 Alttey, Duel there, I. 124 
 
 Alnwick. A Congrefs there, I. 616, 618 
 Alphonfo via. K. of Cajiilc, makes K. Henry 11. 
 umpire of a diipute betw-een him and the K. of 
 Navarre, I- 2 39 
 
 Alphonfo x. refigns to Prince Edward his pre- 
 ten fions to Guienne, I- 327 
 
 Alphonfus, Son of K. Edward 1, I. 361 
 
 Alphonfo K. of Portugal, Jays claim to Cajide, 
 
 I. 653 
 
 stlphonfus K. of Arragon, adopted by Joan Q. 
 of Naples, I 676 
 
 Alphonfo D. of Calabria, K. Henry Vi 1. fends 
 him the Order of the Garter, I. 673. refigns the 
 Crowm, and retires into a Monaftery, 678 
 
 Alphonfo, K. Philip's ConfelTor, II. 42 
 
 Alresford Battle, II. 500 
 
 Alva, D. of, Ferdinand of Toledo , over-runs 
 Navarre, I. 715. Viceroy of Naples, II. 45. 
 blocks up Rome, 46. made Governor of the Lovj- 
 Countries, 82. exercifes great cruelties, ibid, for¬ 
 bids all commerce with England, 88. fets up the 
 Inquilition in the Low-Countries, 93. Mary 
 of Scots relics upon his afliltance, 104. recalled, 
 106 
 
 Amboife Confpiracy, II. 61, 6 2 
 
 Amboyna : Cruelties of the Dutch there, II. 227. 
 n. 1. the Dutch paid 300,000/. on that account, 
 
 5 8 7 > 59 * 
 
 Ambresbury, E lit- “■ 3 * 
 
 Ambrojius retires to Armorica , I. 32. fent for 
 by the Britons, 33. Britain divided between him 
 and Nor timer, ibid, becomes foie Monarch, 34. 
 flain, 37 
 
 Ambrun , Archp. of, fent Ambaffador to England, 
 
 II. 232 
 
 Amiens taken by the Spaniards, II. 146. re¬ 
 taken by the French , 147. Treaty there, I. 621 
 Anabaptijh in England burnt, II. 14. an In- 
 furretbion of theirs, 623 
 
 Anacbronifm in the Hiftory of England, I. 628 
 Anafiajius Pope, dies, I. 225 
 
 Andrew's St. Archbp. of, Hamilton, governs his 
 Brother, the Regent A Scotland, II. 21. creates 
 the Queen-Dowager troubles, 25, 79. pcrfecutes 
 the Proteftants, 52 figns the Hamiltonian Affoci- 
 minn. 81. hanged, 97. an accomplice in the 
 
 Algerines commit Depredations on the Engli/h I King’s murder, ^ , , T r 
 
 and Dutch Ships, II. 636. forced to make peace -“ Archb. of, John Sharp, murdered, 1 J. 
 
 with England , 633, 653 .... 7 ° 7 
 
 Algitr : The Earl of Sandwich's Expedition Angles , whence they came, I 
 
 there, H* 627 1 
 
 land in Bri¬ 
 tain, 40. 
 
An 
 
 tain, 40. Anglo-Saxons, 26. give the Name of 
 England to Soutb-Britain, 42, 84. See Saxons. 
 Anglefey taken by the Englijb, I. 359 
 
 Anhalt, Prince of, II. 200 
 
 Anjou, I) of, Francis, negotiates a marriage with 
 Elizabeth, II. 111. the Articles of it, 113. 
 comes to England, ill, 11 4. Q. Elizabeth puts 
 a Ring on his Finger, 114. is crowned D. of 
 Brabant, 11 5. dies, 119 
 
 Anlajf invades Northumbria, and is defeated, 1 . 
 IOO, 1OI. retire:, into Ireland, 102. feizes Nor¬ 
 thumbria, ibid but is forced again to leave it, 103 
 Ann of Luxemburg, married to K. Richard it, 
 I. 459 
 
 Ann Bole;n; account of her, I. 775. fets K. 
 Hoary againll IVolfey, 784. married to K. Henry, 
 794. her marriage made publick, confirmed by 
 Cranmtr, and declared valid by the Parliament, 
 798, 802. crowned, 798. Sanders's, Calumnies 
 againll her, 799. mollifies the King towards the 
 Reformers, 804. countenanced the Reformation, 
 
 809. the Succclfion of the Crown fettled upon 
 her iffue, 802. K Henry grows jealous of her, 
 
 810. is acculcd of Adultery, Dfc. ibid, fent to 
 the To wer, ibid, her Confeflion, ibid, condem¬ 
 ned and beheaded, 811. different opinions about 
 her, ibid, her marriage with K. Henry nailed, 
 ibid, her Sentence confirmed by the Parliament, 
 
 812 
 
 Ann of Clcve, a marriage propofed between her 
 and K. Henry, I. 820. and concluded, 824. the 
 King diflikes her, 825. nulls his marriage with 
 her, 826. fhe confents to the Divorce, ibid. 
 dies, II. 47. n. 3. 
 
 Ann of Denmark; K. 'James demands her in 
 marriage, II. 139, is driven by a ilorm on the 
 coaft of Nor-cua , ibid, comes to England, 161. 
 crowned, 162. fufpefts the Earl of Somerfet of 
 being the caufe of Prince Henry s death, 186. re¬ 
 commends George Villiers to the King, 187. dii 
 
 198 
 
 Ann, Princefs, married to George Prince of 
 Denmark, II. 732. leaves the King her Father, 
 779. her Letter to the Queen about it, ibid. 
 Annates abolilhed, I. 795 
 
 Aunejley, Arthur, afterwards E. of Anglefey, had 
 a great hand in Charles u's Reiloration, II. 619. 
 
 »• 3 
 
 Anointing and crowning introduced by K. Al¬ 
 fred, I. 
 
 Anfelm Archbp. of Canterbury, I. 185. falls 
 out with K. William 11, 187, 219. goes to 
 
 Rome, 187. retires to a Monallery, ibid, recal¬ 
 led by Hmry i, 191. a great flickler for the Ce¬ 
 libacy of the Clergy, 192, 219. attempts to 
 wreft from the King the Invelliture of Bilhops and 
 Abbots, 102, 219, See. dies, 221. account of 
 his life ana writings, 219,—221 
 
 Anfpach, Prince of, commander of the Elcflor 
 Palatine's army, II. 199 
 
 Ante-nati, II. 175 
 
 Antoninus s Wall, I. jg 
 
 Antonio, D. difputes the Crown of Portugal 
 with K. Philip n, II. 11 2. comes over to Eng¬ 
 land, 11 5. Drake rellores Peninfcha to him, 138 
 Appeals to Rome : Statute againll them, I. 797 
 Apprentices, prefent Petitions to the Parliament, 
 ■II- 4°3> 533* 534- wore their hair cut round, 
 ibid. n. 3. Declaration to encourage them to lift 
 in the Parliament’s Army, 464 
 
 Arran, E. of, James Hamilton, his Charafler, 
 
 I. 835. made Regent of Scotland, ibid, abjures 
 the Protellant Religion, 837. the K. of France 
 creates him D. of Chatelcraut, and gives him a 
 Pcnlion of 10000 /. per Annum, II. 12. per- 
 fuaded by the Queen-Dowager to refign the Re¬ 
 gency to her, 23, 52. comes over to the Confe¬ 
 derate Protellants, 56. confpires to affalfinate the 
 E of Murray, 67. forms a delign of carrying off 
 the Queen, 70. demands the Regency of Scot¬ 
 land, 90. obtains a Patent of Q^ Mary for it, 
 
 . refufes to fubmit to K. James, 90. lent 
 irifon by the E. of Murray, ibid, dies, 107 
 
 —-- Hamilton, Son to the D. of C.hateleraut 
 
 and E. of Arran, biings his Father over to the 
 Confederate Protellants, 56. fancied that Q^ E- 
 lizabeth would accept him in marriage, 61 
 
 - E. of, James Stewart of Ogbiltry, K. 
 
 James's Favourite, made F-. of Arran, II. m, 
 
 112. his Character, 113. he engages to keep 
 
 the King unmarried ior three years, 117. his 
 
 credit decreafcs, 121. confined to his Houle, 
 efcapcs from the Scotch Fugitives, ibid. 
 
 Arras', Treaty concluded there, I. 557 
 
 Arches, Court of, II. 291 
 
 Ardentes, Courts in France, II. 57 
 
 Ardy, gives Francis, the Dauphin, the title of 
 K. of England, II. 55 
 
 Arcmbcg, Count, fuppofed to be the Author of 
 Sir Walter Raleigh's Plot, II. igi 
 
 Areskin, John, perfuades the Protellants to take 
 arms, II. 53, 56. made E. of Marr, 65. the 
 Prince is committed to his cullody, 79. figns a 
 confederacy againll Q. Mary and Botbwell, ibid. 
 No 84. VOL. II. 
 
 INDEX to the Two Volumes of the Hiltory of England. 
 
 ibid. 
 
 to pi 
 
 chofen Regent of Scotland, 100. dies by poilon, 
 as was thought, 104 
 
 Areskin, -—Governor toK. James 1,II. no 
 
 Argy/e, E. of, Archibald Campbcl, embraces the 
 Reformation, II. 56. forced to fly into England, 
 70. recalled by the King, 71. his pretended 
 Protcllation about the E. of Murray's having mur¬ 
 dered the K. of Scotland examined, 91, Sec. 
 
 —— Marquifs of, Archibald Campbel, a friend 
 to Cromwell, II. 548. receives Charles 11. with 
 great relpeft, 581. is committed to the Tower, 
 623. fent to Scotland to be tried, ibid, beheaded, 
 626 
 
 ' E. of, Archibald Campbel, refufes to take 
 an Oath impofed by the Pa-rliamenc of Scotland, 
 EL 725. condemned for it, ibid, withdraws 
 into Holland, ibid, a Widow in Amferdam lends 
 him 10,000/. 746. refolvcs to make a defeent 
 in Scotland, and perfuades the D. of Monmouth to 
 invade England at the fame time, ibid, lands at 
 Dunjlafnage, ibid, is taken and beheaded, 748 
 Arlington, E. of, Sir Henry Bennct, is made Se¬ 
 cretary of State, II. 633. was a Papifi, though 
 he pretended to be a Proteflartt, 652. one of the 
 Cabal, 655. his Charafler, 656. made E. of 
 Arlington, 664. is impeached by the Commons, 
 674. nude Lord Chamberlain, 676. affefts an 
 extraordinary zeal for the Protellant Religion, ibid. 
 lol'es all his credit with the King and Duke, ibid. 
 propofes to the Prince of Orange a Marriage with 
 Mary the D. of York's eldell Daughter, ibid, made 
 Lord Chamberlain to K. James 11, 742. n. 4. 
 dies, _ 754 
 
 Armada, the Spanijh, account of it, II. 135 
 defeated, 136, 137 
 
 Armagnac, E. of, Dalbret, made Conllable of 
 France, I. 515, 519. murdered, 520 
 
 -E. of, John cTAlbret, offers K. Henry vi. 
 
 one of his Daughters, 566. made prifoner, 568 
 Armagnacs flaughtered, I. 520 
 
 Arminianifm wrongfully confounded with High- 
 Church Principles, II. 240. n. 5. a Proclama¬ 
 tion not to difpute about it, 257. fome expelled 
 Oxford for preaching againll it, 286 
 
 Armorica , great multitudes of Britons fly thi¬ 
 ther, I. 4 , 
 
 Arms of England, I. 257. the King’s Arms in 
 a Window fall down, II. 742 
 
 Armfrong, Sir Thomas, Proclamation againll 
 
 him, II. 728. executed, 733 
 
 Army, new-modelled, II. 515. Cromwell's 
 
 great influence over it, 527. their petition to the 
 Parliament, ibid, the declarations of the Officers 
 to the Parliament, 528. fet up the Council of 
 Agitators, 529. prefent a threatning Petition to 
 the General, 530. every thing done in the name 
 of the Army, ibid, accufes eleven Members of 
 the Houfe of Commons, 531. Ihews great regard 
 for the King, 532. their Coinmilfioners appoint¬ 
 ed to treat with the Parliament, 533. the City 
 of London's Declarations againll the Army, 535. 
 the Army’s Manifcllo, ibid. See. pretends to a 
 right of fettling the Government, 537. defills 
 from meddling in State-affairs, 548. publilbes a 
 Declaration, 565. comes to London, ibid, arrells 
 forty one Members of the Houfe of Commons, 
 56 6. petitions the diffolution of the Parliament, 
 589. prefents Addreffes to Richard Cromwell, 
 603. he endeavours to become mailer of it, ibid. 
 the Officers combine againll Richard, 604. many 
 are called to London, and form a great Council, 
 ibid, demand Fleetwood for General, ibid, force 
 Richard to diffolve the Parliament, and feize the 
 Government, 604, 605. difeharge Ingoldsby, 
 Whaley, Lord Falconbridge, ibid, rellore the Par¬ 
 liament diffolved in 1653, 605. grow jealous of 
 the Parliament, 609. calhiers feveral of their 
 Members, ibid, appoint a Council of Ten, and 
 another of Seven, and chufe their own Generals, 
 610. eredt the Committee of Safety, ibid, the 
 command of the Army voted to be in the Hands 
 of five Commilfioners, 614. is disbanded, 621. 
 the Commons vote to disband it, and give Charles 
 11. fupplies for that purpofe, 686, 687. K. 
 James n. incrcafes it, 762, 768. ordered by 
 K. James to rendezvous on Salisbury-plain, 777. 
 moll of the Officers declare they would not fight 
 againll the Prince of Orange , 778, it is disbanded 
 by the Earl of Ecverjham, 781. paid and reformed 
 by the Prince of Orange, 785 
 
 Army, Standing, the Commons vote againll it, 
 II. 672. addrefs the King to disband it, 675. 
 the King mullers it, 734. K- James makes a 
 Speech for having one, 752 
 
 Artemi lie, James de, account of him, I. 416 
 Arthur firlt appears, I. 34. flays Hoel K. of 
 Areclute, ibid, created Patrician, 35. goes to 
 Jerusalem, ibid, defeats the Northern Saxons, 
 chofen Monarch 37. ravages the Country of the 
 Pi Sts, ibid, makes peace with Cerdic, 37, 38. 
 aflumes the title of Emperor, 38. goes to alfiil 
 the K. of Armorica, ibid, his Crown is feized by 
 Modred, ibid, flain, 39, Jus body found fix hun¬ 
 dred years after, 39, 243 
 
 Arthur, E. o (Bretagne,!. 257, 259. put un¬ 
 der the K. of France's proteflion, 261. reconciled 
 to K. John, returns to K. Philip, ibid, marries 
 the K. of France's daughter, and befieges Mira- 
 bel, 264. taken prifoner, and fent to Falaife, 
 ibid, his bold reply to K. John, 265. difap- 
 pears on a fudden, ibid. 
 
 Arthur 1, D. of Bretagne, his Iflue, I 420 
 Arthur, Prince, born, I. 655. married to Ca¬ 
 therine ol Arragon, 685. dies, ibid. 
 
 Articles, fix, and afterwards forty one drawn by 
 the Barone, [ ^90 
 
 Articles, the fix bloody, I. 821. repealed, II. 9 
 Articles of Religion, H. 2/. rt. 7 
 
 Articles of Marriage between Prince Charles ahi 
 the Infanta, II. 196, 217, Sec. between him 
 and Henrietta, Z22 
 
 Articles, Lords »f the, II. 3, 2 
 
 Articuli Cleri, JJ_ , g^ 
 
 Jrlois ’ II. 109 
 
 Arundel, E. of, Tf illiam de Albiney, perfuades K. 
 Stephen not to engage with Henry D. of Nor- 
 mandy, j ^ 
 
 E. of Edmund Fitz-Alan, refules to ferve 
 K. Edward it, I. 392. hanged, 401; 
 
 ' E. of, Richard Fitz-Alan, takes pofTeflioil 
 of Cherbourg, I, 454. authorized to examine the 
 publick accounts, 463. takes a Fleet of French 
 Merchants, Sec. ibid, throws up his Commilfion, 
 
 ibid, made Admiral by the Parliament, 465. af- 
 
 fills the D. of Bretagne, ibid, plunders Ree and 
 Oleron, ibid, committed to the Tower, 468. be¬ 
 headed and paffes for a Martyr, 468 
 
 “ E- of, John Fitz-Alan, attacks Lagni, 
 1 - 555- defeats the Rebels in Normandy, ibid. 
 flam, ? 
 
 -E. of, his Charafler, II. 5. fined 
 
 12,000/. by the E. of Warwick, 20. imprifoned, 
 22. adhered to the Romijb Religion, 29. fent tc» 
 inform CfMary of what had been done for her in 
 London, 30, 31. apprehends the D. of Northum¬ 
 berland, 31. made Lord Steward, 33. fancied 
 that Cf Elizabeth would have him for a Husband, 
 61. leaves England, 74. enters into a Plot a- 
 gainft Secretary Cecil, 88. dies, 1, 2 
 
 E. of Thomas Howard, imprifoned, II. 
 
 251. brings old Parr to Court, 294 
 
 Arundel, Henry Lord, of War dour, committed 
 to the Tower, II. 692. Bedloe's deposition againlt 
 him, 693. impeached by the Commons, 704. 
 re-leafed, 733. made Lord Privy-Seal, 756 
 
 Arundel, Thomas, Archbp. of Canterbury, im¬ 
 peached of High-Treafon, and banilhed, I. 468- 
 joins with the D. of Lancafter, 471. makes a 
 Speech in praife of K. Henry iv, 484. diffuades 
 the King from feizing the Revenues of the Cler¬ 
 gy, 496. obtains an order to take informations 
 concerning the Lollards doflrines, 505. complains 
 to the King of Sir John Oldcafle, ibid, dies, 507 
 Arundel, Humphrey, heads the Dcvonjhirc Re¬ 
 bels, II. 15. hanged, ,5 
 
 Afaph, j 
 
 Ajcham, Roger, II. 2 8. ; 
 
 Afcham, Mr. murdered at Madrid, II. 594 
 Afcough, Sir George, a fight between him and 
 Ruyter, II. 588. taken, 642 
 
 AJh-Wednefday ; Alhes on that day forbidden, 
 
 AJhburnbam, Colonel, II. 370, 371, 372, 380 
 AJhton, Sir Ralph, extraordinary Commilfion of 
 Vice-Conllable granted him, J. g, 2 
 
 Aske, Mr. heads the Yorkjhire rebels, I. 817 
 Askew, Ann, executed, T q , - 
 
 AJfafTms, j. 4 * 
 
 AJfembhes, general in Scotland, IJ, 297, 305, 
 
 AJfembly of Divines meets, II. 4S1 ^vri’tes ra 
 the Churches abroad, 495. Mr. Selden's laying co 
 !hem - . ibid. n. 6 
 
 AJfcrius Menevenfs, J , , - 
 
 AJJizcs fufpended, II. 469 
 
 Affociations in feveral parts of England, II. 467. 
 the Houfe of Commons enter into one, 718. one 
 behalf of the Prince of Orange, 777. the Bi- 
 fliops and fome Lords refufe to iign it, 783. fig n - 
 ed by the Lords, 
 
 Affociatcd Counties, J[ ,gg 
 
 Aftley, Sir Jacob, If 456. led up the main 
 body of the infantry at the battle of Nafiby. c 1 -r 
 made a Lord, 
 
 Afon, Sir Roger, _ II. 159 
 
 Aftwaod, Thomas, conIpircs againll K. Henry vu, 
 
 Athdivg, ^ 1. \’ 7 * 
 
 Athelmar Bp. of liTnchefer, I. 321. banilhed, 
 333 * 335 
 
 45 
 
 9 Z 
 
 Athelney, J ^ 
 
 Atheljlan fuccecds his Father, though a balhrcT 
 I. 100. his wars with the Danes, ibid, invades 
 Scotland, 101. expofes his brother Edwin to the 
 mercy of the waves, ibid, founds an Abbey 
 ibid, is invaded by the Scots and Danes, but de¬ 
 feats them, ibid, lays a Tribute on the Welfh 
 ibid, miracles in his favour, ibid, his Death and 
 9 T Charafler 
 
An INDEX to the Two Volumes of the Hiftory of Enrlancl, 
 
 Character, 102. had the Bible tranflatcd into 
 6V?.«ro«, ibid. 
 
 Athol i E. of, har.ged, I. 385 
 
 -E. 1 , be: gc s Ki .'drum my, I. 413. flain, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 •-E. of, c 4 ufes Janus 1 to be murthered, 
 
 I. 560 
 
 -E of, figns a Confederacy again 11 (/Mary 
 
 • d Beth -.'.ill, II. 79. the Lord Grange gains 
 >>:m to hi- fide, 104. made Chancellor of Scot¬ 
 land, in. dies, ibid. 
 
 --Marquifs of, marches again!! the E. of 
 
 Argyll, II. 747 
 
 Aten taken, I. 6-0. Treaty there, ibid. 
 
 Attainders, the pow er of repealing them granted 
 t-> h. !!.■: /\\n J. 7;■?- the Parliament cx- 
 » Lim • .1711:1:1 A; finders’ in ablence, II. 14 
 
 Avifa married to Prince John, I. 246. di¬ 
 vorced, 262 
 
 of. t. >. of X. He-a- '. mi’- divorce, J. 783,704 
 Baron of, E/me S:ev:art, becomes K. 
 James's Favourite, II. 111. made E. and D. 
 of Lenox , lie. Q;_ Elizabeth fends to accufc him 
 of holding intelligence with France, 113. hi; 
 Char,idler, ibid, grows odious to the people, ibid. 
 retires into Fran..-, where he dies 115, 116 
 --Lord, St, wart, hilled, II. 462. n. 2 
 
 ■ —rK^’a . IL 487 
 
 Audit ;r, Lord, Janus Tucbct, marches r.gamlt the 
 E. of Salisbury, I 5S2. flain, ibid. 
 
 -Lord, Tucbct, lint into Bretagne, I. 620. 
 
 heads the Cornljh Rebels, 63 1 
 
 Andie;, Sir Thomas, made Chancellor, 1 . 795 
 his Character, 829. dies, 839 
 
 Augmentations, Court of, I. 809 
 
 Aujiin the Monk lent into F.ngland by Grigos-y 1, 
 the Pope, 6 lis D 
 
 .and Epitaph, 68. remarks on him and his Mil¬ 
 lion, 79 
 
 Aujiin , St. M..nailery, I. 14.5. and Monks, 
 z6y, 268 
 
 Aujiria, D. of, Charles, a marriage propofed 
 between hina and Q^Mary, II. 67. leeks (f_E- 
 Vrzaheth in marriage, 61, 81 
 
 Azdncomt Battle, I. 512, & c. 
 
 B. 
 
 D Avingt.:, An then:, enter into a confpiracv 
 again It Elizabeth, II, 124. apprehended 
 
 and executed, 125 
 
 Bre n, c-11 Aic : A -, made Keeper of the Gre.-t 
 II. 62, 51. n. b. 53 
 Base:, Sir Fm made Lord Chancellor, II. 
 19c. hi Character, ibid, 191, 204. is acculed 
 by the Common-, font to the Tower, and turned 
 out of Iff Office, and of the Houle of Lords, 
 20.;. remarks on his Hiltory of Henry v 11. ibid. 
 a material omiilion in that Hiltory, J. 663. mil- 
 taken, 682 
 
 Badly, Thomas, a Lollard burnt, I. 501 
 
 t made prifoner by f Tamerlane, 1. 491 
 
 Bail: ; one of Q_ Marys Servants, brings let¬ 
 ter-. ever from Ridolpho, II. 99. apprehended, 
 put to tiie rack, and 1 onfcffes all he knew, ibid. 
 
 : ■: « .'■ J 793 
 
 Baldoc, Chancellor, abufed by the mob, dies in 
 New.gate, I. 4OI 
 
 Baldoc, Walter. Piior of Laund hanged, 1 . 492 
 Bn!.T.An, Archbp. ol Canterbury, puts K. Ri¬ 
 chard in mind of the obligation of his Coronation 
 Oath, I. 244. an account of him, 354 
 
 Balfour, Sir William, Lieutenant of the Tower, 
 examined, il. 36c, 377. removed, 402 
 
 Baiiol, John, puts in for the Crown of Scotland, 
 I. 363. docs homage to Jv Edinard, 372. ap¬ 
 pears before the Parliament ol England, 374. de¬ 
 clares againlt K. Edward, ibid, i> defeated by 
 him, and forced torcfign his Kingdom, 375. lives 
 cn his Eltatc in Normandy, 382 
 
 Baiiol, Edward, is crowned K. of Scotland, I. 
 414. dues homage to K. Edward, ibid, gives 
 up B.r and leveral other places to K. Ed- 
 w.ud, ibid, and 415. is furprized and driven 
 out u \ Sc.-t'and, 413. an account of his conditi¬ 
 on. 429 makes over his right to Scotland to K. 
 Edward, f n a yearly penlion, ibid. 
 
 Baiiol Of lege, by whom founded, I. 373. n. 8 
 Bail, J bn, a ieduious Prielt itirs up the mob, 
 tries, 1. 457, 43S 
 
 Tana Archbp. of York, 
 
 I. -03. made C.idinal, 710 dies, 728 
 
 Banbridge condemned to the Haines, II. 48. 
 
 fign ui a: uiration, ibid, burnt, ibid. 
 
 taken, JI. 4612 
 
 /A. •. .ft, Richard, made Archbp. of Canterbury, 
 
 II. 163. pc.Tecutes the Puritans, ibid, infills in- 
 ii’ff into tire King maxim- ol arbitrary power, 
 ibid, pre cats to him the Articuli Cleri, 169, 
 
 1 “6. persecutes the Puritans, 1 ^6. dies, 179 
 
 Ban /-ft, John, Bp. of Oxford, II. 355. n. 3 
 
 Ban;. - Monaftery demolilhed, I. 47 
 
 Bannock-bourn hght, I. 392 
 
 Ban.am, X. of, lends an EinbaflV to England, 
 IL 726 
 
 Bailed-: reduced by the Parliament’s fleer, 
 II. 586 
 
 Bards, I. vi. Intro.!. 
 
 Earebone, Prai/egod, his Parliament, II. 590 
 
 Barlow, Bill top, I. 820 
 
 Barlow, Thomas, Biilaop of Lincoln, II. 758 
 
 Barnardijlon, Samuel, II. 403. n. 3. 
 
 Barns, Dr, executed, I. 828 
 
 Barnet Battle, I. 613 
 
 Bar neve It i, the Head of the Arminians, II. 
 180. comes to England to treat about the redemp¬ 
 tion of the Cautionary Towns, 192 
 
 Barnftable, II. 501, 504 
 
 Barnwell enters into a plot to aflaflinate Q ._E- 
 lizabetb, 11. 124. executed, 123 
 
 Baron, that title to whom limited, I. 386 
 Barons revolt againlt K. Stephen, I. 201, 202. 
 defeated, 203. opprefs the people, 203. fide 
 
 with the D. A Normandy, 210. deprived of their 
 Guiles by Henry 11, 222. demand the rc-eihi- 
 blilhment of their former Laws and Privileges, 
 275. befiege K. John in the Tower, 276. ex¬ 
 communicated by the Pope, 277. offer the Crown 
 to Prince Lewis, ibid, refufe to meet in Parlia¬ 
 ment, and oppole the exactions ol the See of 
 Rome, 318. an account ol their wars with Hen¬ 
 ry m, 332 -336 — 344. renounce their allegi¬ 
 
 ance, 338. form a new plan of Government, 
 339. to which the King and Prince are forced to 
 conient, ibid, leverely handled by Henry , 341. 
 lvvear fealty to Edward 1, 337. refine to lerve 
 him in Guienne, except he commands there in 
 perfon, 378. prefent an add re Is to Edward 11, 
 390. take up arms, 390, 391. a general par¬ 
 don granted them, 391. publickly beg the King’s 
 pardon, 392. prelent to him a lilt of leveral 
 Grievances, 391. take up arms on account of the 
 Spencers, 393. are reduced to great limits, 396. 
 fume fubmit, others are leverely punilhed, ibid. 
 
 ... (, 
 
 off, ibid, continue in arms, ibid, upbraid the 
 King, and threaten to chulc a new one, 463. 
 fuinmoned by him to Nottingham, 468 
 
 Baronets, when firit inllituted, II. 185 
 
 Bartholomew's. Hofpital, St, by whom founded, 
 I. 504. n. 1 
 
 Bartholomew:., St. Maflaere, IL 102 
 
 Barton, Elizabeth, an account of her, I. 801 
 
 Barton, James, II. 728 
 
 Bafil, Council of, account of it, I. 693. Eng- 
 lijh Ambafladors fent thither, 535 
 
 Bajilowitz, John, Czar of Mufeovy, fends an 
 Embaffy to Q^ Elizabeth, H. 82. makes an al¬ 
 liance with her, and grants the EngliJ.h Merchants 
 great privileges, ibid. 
 
 Bajsng Calile befieged, II. 505. taken, 518 
 Bajiwick, Dr. II. 302 n. 2. 354 
 
 Bateman, Charles, executed, II. 750 
 
 Bath taken, II. 518. attacked by the D. of 
 Monmouth, 749 
 
 Bath, E. of, John Bourchier, mile Troops lor 
 C \_Mary, II. 30 
 
 -- E. of, John Granville, fecures Plymouth 
 
 for the Prince of Orange, II. 779 
 
 Battle of Tow ton, 1 . 396. oh Barnet. 613. of 
 Edge hill or Keinton, 11 . 461. of Ta.infer and 
 Gisborougb, 466. of Saltheath, ibid, ol Bradock- 
 down, ibid, of Cbaldgrave Field, 477. qf New¬ 
 bury, 478. fecond Battle, 505. of Stratton, 479. 
 ol Lanfdown, ibid, of Roundway-down, ibid, of 
 Marjion-moor, 499- of Alresford, 500. at C.co¬ 
 pe Jy-bridge, 501. of Najeby, 517. of La/igport, 
 
 S»3 
 
 Battle Abbey founded, I. 168 
 
 -Abbot of, complains of the Pope’s exac¬ 
 tions, I. 314 
 
 Bavaria, D. of, fubdues Upper Aujiria, II. 
 200. retires to Munich, 203. inverted with the 
 Electoral Dignity, 219 
 
 Baxter, Richard, preferment offered him at the 
 Relloration, II. 621. n. 4. his trial, 744 
 
 Bays ; the Art of making them brought into 
 England, II. 87. n. 9 
 
 Beaton, Cardinal, his Charafter, I. 835. lei/.c 
 the Regency of Scotland, ibid, removed, ibid. 
 feizes the Government, 836. caufes Wijhart to 
 be burnt, 845. murdered, ibid. 
 
 Beauchamp, Henry de, made Governor of Ca¬ 
 lais, I- 427. 
 
 Beaufort, Origin of that Name, I. 467 
 
 — John, created E. and Marquif- of Some/- 
 fet, ibid, taken prifoner at the battle o! Bauge, ! 
 361. exchanged for the E. of Eu, ibid, created 
 D. of Somtrfet, ibid. 
 
 - John, flain at the battle of TexvkesT.- 
 
 I. 61 3 
 
 -— D. of, Henry Somerfet, is made Prefi- 
 
 dent of Wales, II. 742. n. 4 
 
 Beaufort, D- of, commands the French Fleet, 
 
 II. 642 
 
 Beaumont, Henry de, made Governor of War¬ 
 wick Caitle, I. 170, firit E. of Warwick, ibid. 
 Beaumont, Lieutenant Colonel, II. 769 
 
 Beaumont, Mary, a Servant in Sir George Vil¬ 
 li er s's Family, II. iS - , n 4. married to Sir 
 George, ibid. created Countefs of Buckingham, 
 195. difpofes of all offices, 201. zealous for 
 
 lbs:1. 
 
 . of France to 
 
 I. 
 
 2ZH. 
 
 tS 
 
 the Rcmijh Religion, 
 
 Beauvais, Bp. oi, lent by ; 
 pcrluade the Emperor tu ’ detain J 
 L 2^4. taken prifoner, 
 
 Beiket, Thomas, made Chancellor, 
 account of him, 226. made Arch! 
 bury, caufes of the quarrel between iffr 
 King, 226, 227, £f\. retires into FI, 
 returns to England, 232. is murdered, ibid. 
 mclc; wrought at hi- Fumb, 233. In, Shrine de- 
 
 noliil.B ics 1 urnt, gj g 
 
 Bede, an account of him. I. Si 
 
 I z. taken 
 
 by K. Stephen, 
 
 ' ^ '■•, John Plant agent! , cauic, X. 
 Henry xi. to be proclaimed Jv. of Frame, and 
 takes the title of Regent. I. 533. Iff Cii.tr;C. r, 
 535. is made Pn-tcCtor, 536. defeats the 
 drench at the battle of Verneuil, 541. comes to. 
 England, and takes the title of Protestor, 544. 
 trie;; to reconcile the D. of Glecejitr and Bp. of 
 ll niche/,. >, ibid, returns to Frame, 546. his ,c- 
 l'°ns there, 547 — 5 3 7. ]n:h the Mail o! Or- 
 
 Jaquelina 
 
 lean 
 
 of Lu.ee/nburgh, , S 5 6 ; S 5 «- hi 
 
 nd Elog y, ibid . . fi 
 
 - D. of, Jafperdc Hat felt , i 655 made 
 
 Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, ’ 5-5 
 
 —— E. of, John Rujcl, at firit Lord RuJfJ, 
 
 ■ ■ : 1 l Privy-! K. Hen 
 
 will 011c of the Regents of the Kingdom, 11 . 1. 
 : ' 
 
 ;—E. of, William Rujfel, command in the 
 V\ elt for the Parliament, II. 466. retires to the 
 King, 49c. returns to the Parliament, 494. his 
 reply to K. James 11, 7-9 
 
 Bedingfeld, Sir Henry, Elizabeth committed to 
 his care, _ IL 38 
 
 Bedioe, If slliam, a witnefs in the popifli Plot, 
 II. 692. his deport:ions 693, 694, 696, -02, 
 708, 709, 710. r.ccules the Queen, 696. im- 
 s in his dc itions, 709, 71 
 712. his depolition on his death-bed, 713 
 Beggars; the Pi Rant Sailed, II. 76 
 Bellarrnine writes jg.-.iult the Oath of Allegiance, 
 ll. 174 
 
 Bella/.s, Henry, committed to the Flee;, ii. 
 
 11.497 
 II. 692. 
 impeach- 
 
 -Colonel, defeated, 
 
 ——-— Lord, lent to the Tower, 
 
 BedlovSs Depolition . againlt him, 693. 
 cd by the Commons, 704. lcleaied out of the 
 Lower, 733. one of K James A. Council, 778 
 Benefit of the clergy what, II. 10. u. j. Act 
 ordering who fliould enjoy it, ru.d who nor, 10 
 Benevolence, K. Edward jv, mills money that 
 way, 1 . 619. revived, 670. K. James 1. tries 
 to get money that way, II. 186, 201, 217, 22- 
 Bcntinch, William, lent by the Prince of Grange 
 to K. James 11. with offers of his Service, 11 . 
 749. was for having the Prince of Orange made 
 King alone, 794 
 
 Bcrengarius, 1. 217, Cfr. 
 
 Berkley, William, created E. of Nottingham, l, 
 636 
 
 Sir John, helps K. Charles 1. to mnk< 
 
 his efcapc. 
 
 Ii 330 
 
 540 
 
 03- 
 
 Sir William, flain, li. 642 
 
 -Judge, fined, If. 493 
 
 Bcrkficad, John, executed for being one uf the 
 K. Charles I, IL 631 
 
 . 1 .y l . . i 7 1 Wt ■■ con¬ 
 fined there, 
 
 Bcrnard-heath Battle, 1. 
 
 Bernicia, Kingdom of, !. 47 
 
 Bertram wounds K- Richard 1, I. 240 
 
 Bertram writes againlt Radhcrt. L c:j 
 
 Bn tic. Peregrine, Lord Willoughby, commands 
 the Englijk Troop; in France, II, 138 
 
 Bern lie. Father, lent to Rome about the mar¬ 
 riage of Henrietta with Prince Charles, If, 233 
 
 Berwick furrendered by Q_ Margaret to the 
 Scots, I. 397. fhc lands there, 599. taken by the 
 D. of Gloccfier, 626. and by Sir Marmaduke 
 lale, refti 61 
 
 General Monk, 611 
 
 -D. of, James Fitz-james, carried by the 
 
 King his Father into France, II. -S3 
 
 Bethel, Slingiby, Sheriff of London, II, 713. 
 fined, -27 
 
 Beverley Abbey, ranfackcd by Robert Bi nee, I. 
 
 Bible tranflated into Englijk 1 y PC char a Fit- 
 Ralph, I. 483. and John de Tree./a, ibid, bumr 
 ifial, 80. the C 1 
 
 have it in Eng/ijh, 809. primed by K Henry > 
 order, 819. and ordered to be let up in Churches, 
 n. 2. S Peoj allowed t i 
 
 .their Houle , S24, 83.1. dilputes concerning the 
 Veriion, 832 
 
 Billeting of Soldiers, II. 259, 26; 
 
 Billingfiey, Captain, Il 369, 372 
 
 Bilney burnt, L 793 
 
 Biondi, Sir Franc::, J. 596. n. 9 
 
An INDEX to the Two Volumes of the Hiflory of England. 
 
 1C W.ji-Saxuur, I. 74. build? r/,at, II. 37. defertstoliim, llti. hanged, 38 I r.M, .,,r. _ 
 
 Birinas converts the Wtfi-Saxons , I. 
 a Cathedral at Dcrchejhr, ibid. 
 
 Birmingham taker, 11. 476 
 
 Biron, M.’.rlha] de, perliiadc* X. Henry iv. rut 
 to fly into England, 11. 13S. in veils Roan. 140. 
 fent to England, 154. Deiicadcd, 155 
 
 Bijhopricks, when erected, of Rocheficr, I. 66. 
 of York, or LindisJ'arn, 71. of Lincoln, 73. 0/ 
 
 Haguljlad, or Her ham, ibid, of Dorchefter, 7,],. 
 of Winchcjler, ibid, of Sherborn, 73. of Lich¬ 
 field, ibid, of Worctfter, Hereford, Lichfield , and 
 Cbtiier, 74. of London, 76. of Dunmoc , or 
 Then :rd, or Norwich, ibid. of S el fey, or Chi- 
 chtfier, 77. of Crcditon, or Kirton, Wells and 
 Petrcckfiow, or Padjiow, 113. of Oxford, Chefier. 
 Glocejler, Brifiol, and Peterburgh, 829, S23 
 
 Bijhops, how their Patents ran in K. Edward 
 vi’s reign, II. 24. whether Jure Di-vino, 354. 
 by what title they fit in Parliament, 359. the 
 Bill for taking from them their Seats in Parlia¬ 
 ment, 360, 363. political real'ons for excluding 
 them, 379. the Ad for their exclufion repealed, 
 626. their voting in cafes of blood examined, 
 707. four popifh Bifhops conlecratcd, 735. feven 
 fent to the Tower, 763. prelcnt to K. jama 11. 
 articles of Advice, 777. all, except the Bifliop 
 of London, refufe to Jign the Affociation, 783. 
 nine of them flgn it, 78; 
 
 Bijhops in Scotland, conditions laid upon them, 
 11- 299- reftored to their ipiritual rights, ibid. 
 tcAify their abhorrence for the Prince of Orange's 
 invafion, and are forced to fly, 78 5 
 
 Blackhcath Battle, I. 680 
 
 Blake, Admiral, his exploits, II. 5S7, 588, 
 
 595’ 59 6 
 
 Blethwin K. of Wales, 
 
 Blois, Treaty of, 
 
 Blood Acals the Crown, 
 
 Boadicca, Cj_ of the Icenians, fcourged by the 
 Romans, I. 13. ftirs up the Britons to mafia ere 
 80,000 Romans, ibid, her Speech to her army, 
 16. is defeated, and poifbns herfelfj ibid. 
 
 Bocher, Joan, burnt, II. 14 
 
 Bock/and, I. 148. n. 4. 150. n. 6 
 
 Bohemia, affairs of, II, 197. Proteilants there 
 opprefled, ibid. Sec. chuie the Elcdor Palatine 
 ■King, _ 19S 
 
 K. of, flain at the battle of CrrJJy, I. 
 425. his Standard, 'ibid. 
 
 Bohemian Students carry Uicklijf's dodrine in¬ 
 to their own Country, I. 481 
 
 Bois, Sir John, II. 505.;;. 5 
 
 Boleyn, Ann, an account of her, I. 775. whe¬ 
 ther K. Henry's love for her was the cauie of his 
 divorcing Qf_ Catharine, 773. married to King 
 Henry, 793 , 794. Sander's calumnies again it 
 her, 799, 1. the fuceeflion of the Crown 
 
 fettled upon her Blue, 802. is accufed of A- 
 dulcery and Incell, 810. condemned and be¬ 
 headed, 811. her marriage with K. Henry mil¬ 
 led, ibid, her Sentence confirmed by the Par¬ 
 liament, 812 
 
 Bombay Ifle, part of Q ^Catherine’s portion, II. 
 
 630 
 
 Bondmen, J. j - 0 
 
 Boniface Archbp. of Canterbury, I. 315 
 
 Bonner, Edmund, 9 his Character, !. 829, 800. 
 made Bp. of London, 820. is deprived, II. 18. 
 reftored to his See, 33. exercii'es his cruelty on 
 tiie Proteilants, ' _j 2 
 
 Bonrcpos, Monfieur de, hath fevcral confercn- 
 
 builds . Wyat, IT. 37. deferts to liim, ibid, hanged, 3,8 
 Bretagne, whence fo called, I. 40. affairs of 
 that Duchy, 224, 241, 420, 
 
 Bretigny, Treaty of, ]’ 
 
 lire ion, Andrew, J. 7I0 
 
 Bridgman, Sir Orlando, II. 647, 654, 657, 663 
 Bridgwater taken, XI. 479 
 
 Bricl delivered by the States to Ch_ Elizabeth, 
 II. 122. redeemed by them, 191 
 
 170 
 II. 102 
 II. 661 
 
 IL 77 , 
 I. 5 8 7 
 I. 382 
 I. 678 
 I. 646 
 
 I 9: 
 
 vith K. James 
 Bon-vile, Lord, beheaded, 
 
 Boreheath Battle, 
 
 Borgia, Cerfar, 
 
 Bo/v.orth Fight, 
 
 Bote, I, 
 
 hothwell. Lord, bribed by K. Henry to*dcliv_. 
 up James iv. to him, I. 669 
 
 __ --E. of, accufed of having murdered the 
 
 K. of Scotland, II. 78. acquitted by means of 
 ' _ ' ’ . 79. retires 
 
 into D. nmark, and is thrown into prifon, 82. the 
 Queen had a daughter by him, 83 
 
 -- E. of, confpires againft K- James, 
 
 If. 137 
 
 Bo-vines, Battle of, j_ 274 
 
 Boulogne given by K. Henry vi. to the Lord 
 Beaumont, 1. 559. taken by X. Henry vm, 
 I. 840. rellored to France, ' II. 20 
 
 Bonn bier, Henry, made E. of EJJex, I. 397 
 
 -■— Thomas, Archbp. of Canterbury, 1. 632, 
 
 633 
 
 —*—-Mr. plots to deliver up Brifiol to K. 
 Charles 1, 1l. 469 
 
 Braddock-down Eight, II. fQ 
 
 Brad/haw, John, Judge of the new Court of 
 Jullice, II. 574. his body dug up, 622 
 
 Brandon, Charles, created D. of Suffolk, I. - 26. 
 marries the Queen-Dowager of France, 729. re¬ 
 tires from Court, 731. dies, S42 
 
 Brazcn-nofc College founded, I. 69 c. ». 3 
 
 Breda, Negotiations there, II. 379, 644 
 
 Bret commands the City Train’d-bands againft I 
 
 Brigantes, j 
 
 Irijlol taken by Q JJabella, I. 401. furrenders 
 to1 the D. of Lancajier, ibid, fecured by the E. 
 of EJJex, II. 461. a plot to deliver it up to K. 
 Charles 1, 469. taken by Prince Rupert, 477. 
 furrcndcred to General Fairfax, 518. taken for 
 the Prince of Orange, 779. erected into a Bi- 
 fhoprick, 1. 829 
 
 -E. of. See John Digby. 
 
 Britain, whence fo called, 1 ’ Introd. iv. di¬ 
 vided by Conjiantine into three Provinces, 22. 
 firlt called England, 84 
 
 Britons, their Original, I. Introd. iv. Reli¬ 
 gion, v. Government, vi. wars with the Ro¬ 
 mans, 9, (Ac. reduced to extremity by the Piets 
 and Scots, abandoned by the Romans, 22 24. 
 
 refolvc to call in the Saxons, 23. their iirit C011- 
 verfion, z g 
 
 Bromley, Judge, 011c of the Regents of the 
 Kingdom, jf j 
 
 Brampton, John, J ^g^ 
 
 Brook, Lord, his Pockets fearchcd, II. 318. 
 killed, 4 66 
 
 Brown, Sir Anthony, appointed one of the Re¬ 
 gents by King Henry's Will, ]|. , 
 
 Bruce, Robert, pretends to the Crown of Scot¬ 
 land, J. 363. is excluded, 371. K. Edward j. 
 offers him the Crown, ^ 7 - 
 
 ■- -Robert, E. of Garrick, is crowned K. 
 
 of Scotland, 1. 384. defeats the Englijh, 392. 
 
 excommunicated, 394. purfues K. Edward, 
 and takes his baggage, 396. dies, 410. Iris ad- 
 ”icc to the Regents, Aid. 
 
 Brutus his Story, J. Ir.trcd. 1 
 
 Rucer comes into England, If it. made Di 
 vinity-Profeflor at Cambridge, ibid. his bones 
 burnt, .. 
 
 Buchanan, his Charafter, II. 76. and account 
 of the K. of Scotland's murther, 76, 77. one of 
 the Commiflioners at the York Conference, 83. tu¬ 
 tor to K. James, , IO 
 
 Buchan. E. of, leads 7000 Scots into Anjou, I. 
 527. made ConAable of France, 328 
 
 Buck, George, J. 647. ». r 
 
 Buckhurjl, Lord, Thomas Sack-ville, made Lord- 
 Treafurcr, II. 149. created E. of Dor Jet, 160. 
 dies, ' j n . 
 
 Buckingham, D. of, Henry Stafford, his Charac¬ 
 ter and Management in the D.~of Glocejler s be¬ 
 half, I. 633 — 636. demands the moiety of the 
 Lands belonging to the Houfe of Hereford, 638. 
 retires in a difeontent, ibid, confults with the Bp. 
 of Ely about dethroning K. Richard, and advan¬ 
 cing the E. of Richmond, 639. takes up arms, 
 641. his Troops foriake hinp ibid, betrayed by 
 Banificr, and beheaded,’ Aid. 
 
 D. of Edward Stafford, his dilgrace 
 
 ' __ r - E 748' 
 
 -D. of. See Villiers. 
 
 Budt de Verace, jj 
 
 Cabot, John, difeovers new Land*) I: 67$; 
 
 685, n. 9 
 
 Cade , Jack, 
 
 Ca:/iz. taken by the Englijh, 
 
 1 574. 575 
 IL r l 4> 
 
 I. 43 
 427 , 426 . an 
 pi ■ vi: VC 00 ! 
 
 Calais taken by Edward m, 
 
 Englijh Colony put there, 4.26. ’ 
 let up there, 43 7. ! eliegej by the D.'of 7 .-,, ..-,7 
 " l ‘> 559 - Conference there, 746, |W.„ 
 
 by the French, II. 47. offered again' to Q Eli¬ 
 zabeth, 60. taken by the Spaniards, , , - 
 
 Calamy, Edmund, offered preferment, II. Lz\ 
 n. 4. imprilbned, ’ J. 
 
 Caldfircam ; Conference, and Truce thert, i. 
 
 Caledonians defeat the Romans, l. 1 i 
 quered by Sever as, '~iq-n 
 
 Calendar reformed, J -^5 jj 
 
 Calvert, Sir George, made Sccretaiy of Stare, 
 
 C«»4,7,,. Le.tgue of, I. 7 o6., Pence conch,d?f 
 there, 786. 11.49. taken liy the Frach, 681 
 
 f • c 1 r,/W. iv 
 
 . Cambridge Univerfity founded, I. t,. : . J rl;n .. 
 mg reflored there, 197. decrees in favour of K 
 ?Tn n A div0 j CC ,’ 7 S 7 . viiite-I by ^Eliza- 
 
 tofts between that Univerfity and James 11 -.-8 
 
 —— E of, Edo.and 'of Langley, created D. 
 of York, I. 462. made Regent of the Kingdom, 
 
 ..-7' E■ of, Richard of Gbningsburgb e!e;- 
 
 fpires againil: K. Henry v. I. 51,. beheaded, ibnl 
 L-amdeti, /> ,11,am, quote ! or animadvei ted un- 
 on, II. 5r, 55 61, 63, 67 — 87, 91 — 10 2. hit 
 • 
 
 V' ' ! - £ tftn ■ ■ 7 y, 
 
 738._ recalled, 741. made Bp. ofSalisb-.r - 7 rq. 
 appointed one of the Coir. nvifimiprc . ... ..«:7 . 
 
 ippointed 
 nto K. Her 
 
 and death, 
 
 Hackct's Argu- 
 363. ufed to 
 403. n. 4 
 I. 151 
 
 Bulls of the Popes, to get money, I 328, 329 
 forbidding Ecclcfiallicks to pay Taxes to feeular 
 Princes, 378. Bulls granted to Cranmer upon hi:, 
 being made Archbp. -g-. 
 
 Bull againft Cf Elizabeth, II. 95. another Bull 
 of Sixtus v. againil her, 
 
 Burgefs, Cornelius, an livers Dr. 
 ments in behalf of Deans, II. 
 call the rabble his bandogs. 
 
 Burghers and Aldermen, 
 
 Burleigh, Lord. See Cecil. 
 
 Burley, Captain, attempts torefcucK. Charles 1. 
 out of C.visbrook Caltle, jj - A - 
 
 Burnet, Robert, ] 
 
 Burnet, Dr. Gilbert, appears for the Lord 
 RuJJel, II. 729. and Algernoon Sidney, 730. his 
 account of the Prctendcrh birth, 764, c 5c. re¬ 
 pairs to the Prince of Orange at the Hague, -’jo. 
 publifhes a Memorial againft the Pretender’s birth, 
 773. reads the Prince of Oranges Declaration 
 in the Cathedral of Exeter, yyy 
 
 Burroughs, Sir John, plunders Come Villages in 
 Spain, II. 243. killed at the Ifle of Rhea, 261 
 Burton, Dr. Henry, II. 302. 11. 2. a74 
 
 Butler, James, created E. of Ormond, I 400. 
 See Ormond. 
 
 - James, created E. of Wiltfhire, I. 379 
 
 Byron, Sir John, Lieutenant of the Tower, If. 
 408, 410. removed, 416. made a Lord, 486. 
 
 n. 8 
 
 C. 
 
 (J-dbal, their Character, II. 656. and defigns, 
 ibid, make war upon Holland, ibid, receive 
 a check, 665. K. Charles diffatisfied with them, 
 676 
 
 of the Commiflioners to ix.unnitt. 
 di ™ r “. 7S0. : r p tjiticfc mi 
 
 'yceuenr, -80-783. deprived of r |, 0 ffiihop. 
 rick of 6 albsb: ry, 
 
 Campiun, Edmund, a jefuit comes to England 
 L. 112. executed, , ’ 
 
 Co.mllemafs-, carrying Candles on that dav for¬ 
 bidden, 
 
 Cangians, 
 
 Cannon, fir A ufed by the Englijh, J 
 
 Canon Lmv brought into Eng and, I 
 
 „ Cof egric. 1 . ,44. of Councils. See 
 Councils. 
 
 Canons, Commiflioners appointed to examine 
 examine them, 1. 801, 839. Canons appointed 
 by the Convocation, II. 3 2i._ examined by rhe 
 
 II. 
 
 H 
 
 425 
 
 x .» - 11 - j-*- u.\ammcQ oy rne 
 
 Commons, 3 54, 361, 380 Book of Canons font 
 into Scotland, 301. revoked, , o( ^ 
 
 Canterbury plundered and burnt by the Danes 
 I. 120, 121. Archbifliop’s See there, when 
 founded, 66. extends its jurifdi< 2 ion over Wales 
 143. Succeflion of its Archbiflio-s, 68 6q 14-’ 
 
 Sec their Names. 
 
 Canute proclaimed K of England bv the Dane, 
 1 - 121. live battles between him and Edmund in 
 one year, 123. account of his reign, 123, fsV. 
 goes to Rome, 126. dies, ibid, his Charafter’ 
 
 Capcl, Sir William, fined, j r 
 
 -Lord, Arthur, condemned and executed, 
 
 ■- Arthur. See E. of Eft*. 5S '’ 374 ’ 575 
 
 Caraflacus, General of the Britons, defeated, I. 
 
 Cartwfm, 
 
 Carr. Sir Ribtrt, afrcrivards E. of Somrr.U hi, 
 
 Kl 7 11 1 T 1 ' , J '' -79-I ‘.'.v- 
 
 Lar.w, bir Atcolas, executed, 1. g 20 
 
 - - Sir Alexander, endeavours to deliver 
 
 Plymouth to K. Charles i, II. 480. beheaded, ibid. 
 
 , Robert, fent to K. James r ll’ 1 — 
 carries him the news of E/izahtth’s death,' 
 
 CarliJIe rebuilt by William Rufus, I. 18- ]>] ! 
 
 I lament tlicre, 383. taken by the, We If -,7 
 le.zed by Sir Pk. Mujgravr, 55,. fed, Jj 
 drefs to K. James n, 768. erefted into a Bj. 
 fhoprick, ( . 
 
 Carteret, Sir Philip, II. 370. Sir George, v 7’!, 
 
 Carthufians, 
 
 Cartwright, Thomas, Bifliop of Ch.Jer 
 
 7 5 5 ’ 7 ?k\ 
 to Em 
 
 II. 
 
 Cafimir, Count Palatine, comes to Jim’- 
 no. erfd by Q. £,&*„: i‘ made 
 Knigr.t of the Garter, .-/.-y 
 
 Cajfibelan defeated by Cafar, J. , ; 
 
 Cafi/emain, E. of, Regie Palmer, one of ilr- 
 compbcm of the Meal-Tub Plot, 1J. 7 ,r. Cent 
 
 : 1 :i / -- V . n ted -7 2 
 
 fent Ambaflador to the Pope, A f 
 
 Catcsby engages with the D. of Glo:,-/ic/ \ 0 
 wreA the Crown from K. Edward \y j. 
 executed 
 
 - Robert, one of the contrivers of the P 
 
 '47 
 
An INDEX to the Two Volumes of the Hiftory of England. 
 
 der-Plot, II. 170. flies into Warwickjhire, 172. 
 {lain, ibid. 
 
 Catherine, Princefs, married K. Henry v, I. 
 525. marries Owen Tudor, 531, 539 
 
 Catherine, Daughter of K. Ferdinand , married 
 to Arthur, Son of Henry vii, afterwards to his 
 Brother. Henry viii, I. 673, 680, 683, 703, 
 704. her marriage declared void by the Parlia¬ 
 ment, 802. makes a moving Speech, 783. rc- 
 'fufes ro part with the Title or Quality ol Queen, 
 802. dies, 808. her Character, ibid, her di¬ 
 vorce from K. Henry repealed, II. 34 
 
 Catherine Howard married to K. Henry VI1 1, 
 
 T. 828. her lewdnefs dilcovered, 830. her con- 
 feffion and execution, 831 
 
 Catherine Parr married to K. Henry vxn, I. 
 S3 7, 846. married to Adm. Thomas Seymour, II. 
 jo. dies, 13 
 
 Catherine, K. Charles n’sQueen, II. 630, 660, 
 696 
 
 Catholick \ Ferdinand K. of Arragon left that 
 title to his Suceeflors, 1-733 
 
 Cans alters, II. 440 
 
 Cavendijh, goes into the South-Sea by the 
 Streights of Magellan, II. 134 
 
 Cautionary Towns delivered by the States to Q. 
 Elizabeth, il. 122. redeemed lay them, 191 
 
 Carton, lHUiatn, I. 701 
 
 Cecil, Sir William, Secretary of State to K 
 Edward vi, and (^Elizabeth, II. 62. his Cha¬ 
 ndler, ibid, a Plot againll him, 88 created 
 Lord Burleigh, 96. made Lord Treafurcr, 103. 
 
 ». 3. dies, 149 
 
 - Thomas, Lord Burleigh, made Privy- 
 
 Counfellor to K. James 1, II. 159 
 
 - ■ Sir Robert, made Secretary of State, 
 
 II. 146. created Baron of Effsngdon, Vileount 
 Cranburne, and E. of Salisbury, 160. his Cha¬ 
 racter, 161, 173, 181. made Lord Treal'urer, 
 
 173. his artifice to limit K. James's bounty to 
 the Vifcount Rochejler, 180. dies, 181 
 
 - William , married to one of the E. of 
 
 Suffolk's Daughters, II. 182 
 
 Celano, Battle of, I 344 
 
 Celebacy of the Clergy introduced into England, 
 
 I 214 
 
 Cerdic, his arrival, I. 36. flays Ambroftus, 37. 
 founds the Kingdom of Weffex, 38 
 
 Chaldgrave field Battle, II. 477 
 
 Chambers, Richard, refufes to pay Tunnage, II 
 277, 278. fined, ' 280 
 
 Champion, the firfl mention of one at the King’s 
 Coronation, I. 453 
 
 Chancellor ; derivation of that name, I. 149 
 Chan do s, Sir John, made by K. Edward in. 
 Lieutenant-General of his Dominions in France, 
 
 I. 436. (lain, 442 
 
 . Philibert, Lord, created E oi Bath, 
 
 J. 632 
 
 -Lord, laves the Princefs Elizabeth's life, 
 
 II. 38 
 
 Chantry Lands alienated, II. 5. given to the 
 King, 10 
 
 Charles, Prince, ( afterwards K. Charles 
 1. ) created Prince of Wales, II. 190. goes to 
 Spam to fetch the Infanta, 220, 221. his anfwer 
 to Pope Gregory's Letter, 221. l'wcars to fome 
 private articles, 223. caufes of" the breach of his 
 marriage with the Infanta, 225. the caufe of the 
 
 K.. of Spain's letting him go, 226, n. 1. a mar¬ 
 riage negotiated between him and Henrietta of 
 France, 231 — 234. Articles of his marriage with 
 the Princefs Henrietta, 233. makes his entry in¬ 
 to London with her, 239 lends fix Ships againlt 
 Roche!, 240. caufes of the Cornells between him 
 and the Commons, 242. raii'es Money by Loans, 
 243, 238. fupports the D. of Buckingham, 232. 
 diflolves his lccond Parliament. 233. his decla¬ 
 ration, notifying the caufes of his dilfolving the 
 two lafl Parliaments, 23 3. means uled by him to 
 raile money, 258. reafons of his conduct, 259. 
 calls his third Parliament, 261. his Anfwer.- to 
 the Petition of Right, 271, 27 z. his qucliions 
 to the Judges concerning the imprifoned Mem¬ 
 bers of the Houle of Common-, 279. relolved to 
 call no more Parliament?, 2S4. his Inftrudlions 
 againlt the Presbyterians, 283. takes a Journey 
 into Scotland, and is crowned at Edinburgh, 288, 
 289. endeavours to reltore Epifcopacy in Scot¬ 
 land, 28 9, 296. his Articles for his Chapel in 
 Edinburgh , 291. lets on foot Ship-Money, 292, 
 &c. requires the Judges opinion about it, 295. 
 will not give up Ship-Money, ibid, lends the 
 Book of Canons, and the Liturgy to Scotland, 
 300, 301. his wrong meafures with rclpedl to 
 Scotland, 303. his declaration to the Scots, 305. 
 relblves upon a war with the Scots, 308. makes 
 peace with rhem, 309. his Letter to the Archbp. 
 of St. Andrews, 311. breaks the peace with 
 S.otland , 313. advifed by Laud, Hamilton, and 
 Strafford, to call a Parliament, 314. offended at 
 the Commons proceeding in the examination of 
 Grievances, 317 diffblvcs his fourth Parliament, 
 and repeat.-. 31S. u:cj :ev«r.i! ways to rails mo- 
 
 nev, 321. condemns the Londoners to forfeit their 
 rights, ibid, great alteration in his affairs, 322. 
 the Author of Eikon Baji/ike, 347. defigns of 
 his enemies, 384. the Irijh Rebels publifli a 
 forged Commillion under his name, 386, 387. 
 the pollurc of his affairs at the beginning of the 
 vear 1642, 403. goes himfelf to the Houle of 
 Commons to feize the five Members, 407. the 
 Parliament’s intention was to llrip him of the 
 greatcll part of his Authority, 418. his rafh an¬ 
 fwer to the Commons about the Militia, 421. his 
 Meflage to both Houles after palling the Bill a- 
 bout the Exclufion of Bifhops, 43 1. informs the 
 Parliament of his defign to go into Ireland, ibid. 
 extreme diflrull between him and the Parliament, 
 432. is denied entrance into Hull, 433. pre¬ 
 pares for war, 434- nineteen Propolitions of the 
 Parliament, 449. endeavours to become mailer 
 of the Fleet, 456. lets up his Standard at Not¬ 
 tingham, 457. his Proteltation at the head of 
 his army, 460, fixes his Head-quarters at Shrews¬ 
 bury, ibid, the Univerfity of Oxford give him 
 their Plate, ibid, the Battle of Edgehill, 461. 
 remarks on the Principles he would efbblilh, 467. 
 retires to Oxford, ibid, feemed inclined to a 
 peace, yet did not defire it, 470. confcnts to a 
 Treaty, 471. his Propofitions, ibid, forms the 
 projedi of making a Truce with the Irijh Rebels, 
 483. charged with countenancing Popery, 490. 
 his Protellation about it. before receiving the Sa¬ 
 crament, ibid, the Declaration of both Houles a- 
 gainll him concerning the Irijh Rebellion, 490, 
 Sec. his Revenues are feized, 493. his anfwer 
 to the Parliament’s C'ommiflioners at Uxbridge, 
 50“, &c. his letters to the Queen found in his 
 Cabinet, 511- defeated at Naftby, 517. makes, 
 by means of the E. of Glamorgan, a Treaty with 
 the Irijh Rebels, 321, 522. puts himfelf into ] 
 the hands of the Scots, 323. whether he was ' 
 fold by the Scots, 525. is delivered to the Par¬ 
 liament’s Commiflioner;, and conducted to Holm- 
 by, 527. is over-reached by Cromwell, 537. 
 makes his cfcapc from Hampton-Court, 339. car¬ 
 ried to the Ifle of Wight, and confined in Carij- 
 brook Caftle, 346. his letter to both Houfes left 
 upon his Table at Hampton-Court, ibid intends 
 !o make his efcape, 545. his views, and thole of 
 his adherents, 547. his laft anfwer voted unfa- 
 tisfadlory, 563. High-Commiflion creeled to try 
 him, 367. the moll eflential Articles of his ac- 
 cufation, with refledlions on them, 568. fome 
 of the mod remarkable Dcpofitions againll him, 
 570. Sentence is pafl’ed upon him, ibid, is be¬ 
 headed, ibid, where buried, ibid, his Charac¬ 
 ter, 570, dsV. 
 
 Charles, Prince, (afterwards K. Charles n.) 
 born, II. 286. the D. of Lauderdale lent to 
 invite him into Scotland, 553. takes the title of 
 King, 575. is proclaimed King in Scotland, 577. 
 would have been received there without condi¬ 
 tions, 578. retires to JcrJey, 579. he dilTcm- 
 bles his Refentment upon receiving the conditions, 
 580. he figns the Treaty with Scotland, 581. is 
 obliged to lign the Covenant before his landing, 
 ibid, is prevailed upon to publilh a Declaration 
 of a Itrange nature, 583. is crowned at Scone, 
 and puts himfelf at the head of the Scotch army, 
 384. marches into England, ibid, receives but 
 little aflillance from the Englijh, 585. is defeated 
 at the battle of Worcefter, and efcapcs with great 
 difficulty, ibid, is in great extremities abroad, 
 586. Cardinal Mazarin promifes him the arrears 
 of a penfion if he would go out of France, 592. 
 applies to the Pope by means of Cardinal de Rctz, 
 and abjures the Procellant Religion, ibid, lends 
 Sir John Grcen-vil to General Monk, 616. re¬ 
 moves to Breda, ibid, is reltored without any 
 conditions, 617- makes his entry into London, 
 ibid, deligns to render himfelf abfolute , £18. 
 was a Papiil, and yet pretended an attachment to 
 the Protcllnnt Religion , ibid. his governing 
 maxim, ibid, his faults and good qualities, 619. 
 grants the Republicans particular Letters of par¬ 
 don, 620. twelve hundred thoufand pounds a 
 year fettled upon him, 621. appoints Commil- 
 lioners to try the Regicides, ibid, appoints guards, 
 ibid. Proclamation forbidding all Meetings and 
 Conventicles, 623. his Commillion for the Con¬ 
 ference at the Savoy, 624. he is crowned, 625. 
 remarks on the Hillorians of his Reign, ibid, mar¬ 
 ries Catharine , Infanta of Portugal, 630. fells 
 Dunkirk to the French, 630, 631. publiffics a 
 Declaration in favour of the Presbyterians, at 
 which the Commons are alarmed, 633. the bran¬ 
 ches of his Revenue, 634, n. relblves upon a 
 war with Holland, 636 the caufes of that war 
 inquired into, 638. proclaims war againll France, 
 
 642. his demands at the Congrefs at Breda, 644, 
 
 643. concludes a peace with the Dutch, 645. 
 procures the F.. of Clarendons Jil'grace, 646,649. 
 lays the firfl Stone of the Royal Exchange, 630. 
 enters into the Tripplc-alliance, ibid, he only 
 defigned to amufe the publick by it, 631. go¬ 
 verned by his Milbcfles, 646. a projedt is formed 
 
 to render him abfolute, 632. is bribed by Lewis 
 xtv, to defert the Tripplc-alliance, 633- Ins 
 defigns were to overturn the Protcihnt Religion , 
 to get a Toleration for the Presbyterians, and by 
 that means for the Catholick?; and to render him¬ 
 felf abfolute, 653. his defigns in making war 
 upon Holland, 65-. gets Sir John Coventry 
 maimed, 638. receives money from the King of 
 France, 660, &c. his remarkable behaviour to¬ 
 wards Blood , who Hole the Crown, 661. lliuts 
 up the Exchequer, 661, 662. proclaims war a- 
 gainll Holland, and upon what pretences, 663, 
 Sc c. the offers of the States to him, ibid, the 
 Cabal promiled him to render him abfolute, 668. 
 the Parliament takes proper meafures to prevent 
 his defigns, 673. had formed the defign of bring¬ 
 ing about an entire dellrudlion of the United Pro¬ 
 vinces, 674. receives from France an annual pen¬ 
 fion of 100,000/. Sterling, 673. his conduit is 
 cenfured, 679. cannot be prevailed upon to de¬ 
 clare againll France, 681. confcnts to the mar¬ 
 riage of the Princefs Mary, with the Prince of O- 
 range, 682, 683. lifts thirty thoufand men, 683. 
 is impofed upon by Lewis xiv, 686. he tries 
 to prevent the Popifli Plot being communicated 
 to the Parliament, 691. was fulpcdled to be the 
 contriver of that Plot, 701. diflolves the Parlia 
 ment, ibid, refolves to fend the D. of York away, 
 702. forms a new Council, 704. diflolves the 
 Parliament, contrary to the advice of his new 
 Council, 710. lends for the D. of York, 711. 
 pubiilhes a Declaration, wherein he difowns his 
 having been married to Mrs. Walters, alias Bar- 
 low, 71 2. fends the I), of York away to Scotland, 
 711, 713, 723. is advifed by fome of his Coun¬ 
 cil to dillolve the Parliament, and call no more, 
 7 iq. is prefil'd to forfakc the D. of Jork lus 
 brother, and confent to the Exclufion-Bill, but 
 abfolutely refufes, ibid, begins to govern arbi¬ 
 trarily, 723 receives flattering addreflls from 
 all parts, 723, 726. orders the Presbyterians t» 
 be pcrfecuted, 723. reafons which hindered hint 
 from calling a Parliament, 726. takes away the 
 Charter of the City of London, 727. charged 
 with being the Author of the E. of Effex's mur¬ 
 der, 729 means arc ufed to confirm him in his 
 abfolute power, 733. gets the Charters of the 
 principal Corporations delivered up t9 him, 734. 
 diflolves the Ecclefiallical Commiflion, ibid, forms 
 a projedl to alter the meafures of his Government, 
 ibid, defigns to recal the D. of Monmouth, to lend 
 the D. of York beyond Sea, and to call a Parlia¬ 
 ment, ibid, dies, ibid, account of his laft Siclc- 
 nefs and Death, 733, CSV. his natural Ifluc, 740. 
 n. 1. his Brother K. James pubiilhes, that he 
 died a Papift, 742. had a private Chapel, where 
 
 he went to Mai’s, ibid, his Funeral, ibid. 
 
 Charleton, Sir Job, II. 663, 668 
 
 Charnoek , John, enters into a plot to aflaihuatc 
 Q^ Elizabeth, II- 124 
 
 Charnoek, Mr. IL 739 
 
 Chart a Magna, I- 285 
 
 Chart a de For eft a, I. 294 
 
 Charters, in the Abbey of St. Edmundsbury , 
 
 and Univerfity of Cambridge, burnt, I 438. of 
 the Corporations furrendred up to K. Charles 11, 
 
 • II. 727, 734 
 Chatham, the Dutch burn the Englijh Ships 
 there, IL 645, 651 
 
 Chejhire made a Principality, I. 469 
 
 Chejier, I. 102. crcdted into a Biihoprick, 829 
 -Earldom of, annexed to the Crown, 1 . 
 
 312 
 
 Chichel;, Henry, made Archbp. of Canterbury, 
 I. 508. endeavours to llir up Henry v. to wax 
 againll Frame, 509. dies, 569 
 
 Chi chejier, _ 1-77 
 
 Chillingworth, William, taken prifoner, and 
 dies II- ?co 
 
 Chimney AD, II. 630,637 
 
 Churchy State of it, I. 27, 43, 63, &c. 1 it, 
 143, 212, 348, 476, 692 
 Church of England departs from the Dodlrine of 
 Paflive Obedience, II. 769. unites with the Pref- 
 byterians to oppole the King’s defigns, ibid. 
 
 Churchill, John Lord, goes over to the Prince 
 of Orange, II 77S 
 
 Cinque-Ports, who granted them the privileges 
 thev enjoy, I. 280. were obliged to find the 
 King fifty Ships upon occafton, ibid. 
 
 CifterJans, I 21 7 
 
 Clarence, D of, George Plantagenct, I. 597. 
 declarcs againll K- Edward iv, and why, 602. 
 605—61 2. put to death, 623. fuffocated in * 
 Butt of Malmly, 624. where buried, ibid. n. 1. 
 Clarendon, Conftitutions of, I. 227 
 
 ____E. of See I..: .1 I!.dr. 
 
 ■ -E. of, Hen>■>, joins the Prince of O- 
 
 range, H- 
 
 Claries, Thomas, carries the Army’s and Navy's 
 Add relies to K. Charles ll, II- 617 
 
 Clauje, faving, I- - 2 7 
 
 Clergy, when firfl reprefented by the Houfe of 
 Commons, II. 638. give up their right of tax¬ 
 ing 
 
An INDEX 
 
 ing themfelves in Convocation, 638. attached 
 to the Court, and the interells of the D. of Tori, 
 718, 725. preach up paffive Obedience, ibid. 
 
 Clifford, Sir Thomas , one of the Cabal, his 
 Character, II. 655, 656. advifes the King to 
 ihut up the Exchequer, 661. made Lord Trea¬ 
 surer, 662. Lord Shfftsbury s Speech to him, 665. 
 forms a projeft to render the King abfolutc, and 
 communicates it to the E. of Shaft sbury, 669. rc- 
 figns his office of Lord-Treafurer, retires to his 
 Ellate, and dies, 671 
 
 Clotworthy, Sir John, II. 528 
 
 Clyto, I. 1 49 
 
 Cobham, Lord, lent to the Tower, I. 469 
 
 -- Lord, Sir John Oldcajlle, profecuted and 
 
 imprifoned for Hcrcfy, I. 505. efcapes, ibid. 
 burnt, 520 
 
 Cojee-houfes fupprefled, II. 679 
 
 Coir., account of it. Sec at the end of each 
 Reign. 
 
 Coir, Sir Edward, his faying of Prince Henry's 
 death, II. 189. decides againfl the King about 
 Commendams, and is turned out of his Office, 
 
 1 go. impeaches the Lord-Treafurer Suffolk, 192. 
 imprifoned, 212. gets the Sheriff’s Oath altered, 
 243. n. 5 
 
 Coke, Clement, K. Charles 1. demands juftice a- 
 gainli him, II. 246. 
 
 Colchejier befieged, II. 5 5„ 
 
 Coleman, Edward, apprehended, and his let¬ 
 ters foized, II. 690. his tryal, 694, dsV. his 
 defence, 693. he is condemned and executed. 
 
 696 
 
 C.oUedgc, Stephen, fent to the Tower, II. 724. 
 L> indidted of High-Trealon, ibid, condemned 
 and executed, ibid. 
 
 College of Scffion in Scotland, II. 300 
 
 Co leges lupprcffed, I. 831, 841 
 
 Columbus, his firfi Voyage to the new World, 
 
 I. 672 
 
 Commendam's, Origin of them, I. 352. dil- 
 pute between K. James 1. and the Judges about 
 *hem, II. 190 
 
 Committee ofSafcty crcfted, II. 610. abolifhed, 
 
 203 
 
 Common Law defpifed by K. James 11, II. 186 
 _ Commons, when fir It began to fend Rcprcfcnta- 
 tives to Parliament, J. ^33 
 
 Conclave, account of it, I. yci. n. 1 
 
 Coitingsmark, Count, gets Mr. Thynne affaffmated, 
 II- 726 
 
 Conqueror, remark on that Title, I. 180 
 
 Con/lable. High, his Office, I. 642. n. 3. when 
 that Office ceai’ed, 748. „ , 2 
 
 Conftance, Council of, I. 693 
 
 Coiiftanline the Great, bom in Britain, I. 21 
 Conftantius dies at Tori, I. 2 i 
 
 Contrail, Original, II. -§6 
 
 Contra Remonltrnnts, II. j g Q 
 
 Convention called by the Prince of Orange, II. 
 
 78+ 
 
 Convocation fits after the Parliament was dif- 
 folvcd, II. 320. appoints an Oath, 321 
 
 Conway , Sir Edward, made Secretary of State, 
 II. 199. could neither read nor write, ibid. 
 
 Cooper, Sir Anthony AJhley, one of the Cabal, 
 and Lord Chancellor, II. 653, 656, 663. crea¬ 
 ted E. of Shaftsbury, 664. head of the Country- 
 party, 669, 710. tried and acquitted, 724. dies, 
 
 , 726 
 
 Corni/h, Henry, elefted Sheriff of London, II. 
 •713. accufcd of packing Juries, 724. fined for 
 a pretended Riot, 727. n.i. indifted of High- 
 treafon, and hanged, 7 r 0 
 
 Cornwal, why fo called, and how named by 
 the Britons, I. 45. Edward the Black Prince, 
 created E. of Cornwal, 417. the eldcll Son of 
 the Kings of England born E. of Cornwal, ib. n. 3 
 Coronation, account of one, I. 310. n. 9. the 
 form of an antient Coronation, 244. n. 9. Co¬ 
 ronation-Oath, 389, 433. j 
 
 Corporation Adi, ’ JJ 
 
 Corfncd, I, ,60 
 
 Cofins, Dr. John, complained of by the Com¬ 
 mons, II. 277, 363. made Bp. of Durham, 621 
 Covenant, Scettijh, II. 483. why fo readily 
 taken in England, ibid, burnt, 626. K. Charles 
 11. forced to take it, 381 
 
 Coventry, account of it, I. ^3 
 
 *- Sir John, maimed, II. 658. Co¬ 
 ventry's MS., ibu 
 
 Cfiarf-Baron, I j^, 
 
 to the Two Volumes of the Hiftory of England. 
 
 Cranmcr, Thomas, an account of him, I. 785, 
 829. delivers his opinion about K. Henry vu i’s 
 divorce, 7S5. appointed the Pope’s Penitentiary 
 in England, and made Archbp. of Canterbury, 787, 
 
 797. pronounces fentcnce agaiiifl Catherine, 
 
 798. promotes the Reformation, 822, 837. H. 4, 
 
 7» 10, ii, 13. fent to the Tower, and attaint- 
 e °» 33 » 3 +- abjures, 44. burnt, 43 
 
 Crema, John de, the Pope’s Legate, I. 197, 
 
 CreJJy, Battle of, 'j’ ? 2 f 
 
 - Crew, Dr. Bp. of Durham, H. 753, 756, 
 „ . . 758, 763, 769 
 
 Crake, Judge, againfl Ship-money, Ii. 296 
 Cromwell, Thomas, fupports the Reformers, I. 
 804, 803. made Vifitor-gencral, 807. and the 
 King’s Vicegerent, 812. created E. of Effex, 
 "25. condemned and executed, S25, 826 
 
 Cromwell, Oliver, his faying of the Parlia¬ 
 ment’s Reman ftrance, II. 388. n. 1. 404. one 
 of the Heads of the Independents, 514. his dif- 
 fimulation, 516, 527. his ab'fence from the 
 Parliament difpenfed with, 517. Member of 
 Parliament for Cambridge, 527. over-reaches the 
 R ,n S> 537 - his views, 346. defeats the D. of 
 Hamilton, 554. appointed one of the King’s 
 Judges,567. is made Lieutenant of Ireland, 578. his 
 aftions there, 579 582. is declared General, 582. 
 
 defeats the Scots at Dunbar, 583. gains the battle 
 of h'orcejler, 583. diffolves the Parliament, 589. 
 is declared Proteftor, 591. his Jnltrument of Go- 
 \ eminent, ibid, calls a Parliament, and diffolves 
 it, 593. he divides England into fevcral Dili rifts, 
 and lets Major-Generals over them, 393. calls a 
 Parliament, 596. reflations upon hi. Authority, 
 ibid, is offered the Crown, 596. refufes it, 
 597 - he is folemnly inaugurated, ibid, makes a 
 Houfe of Lords, 598. Dunkirk Is furrendered to 
 him, 600. dies, ibid, his Defcent and Cliarac 
 ter, ibid, his body is dug up, hanged at Tyburn 
 and buried under the Gallows, 622 
 
 Cromwell, Richard, is elefted Proteftor and 
 proclaimed, II. 602. diffolves the Parliament, 
 604. the Parliament orders him to quit White- 
 ha/l A „ 606 
 
 Cromwell, Henry, II. ^ 6 
 
 Cropcdy Bridge, I ight.it, H. 50: 
 
 Curcy, John, E. of UJier, his great flrcngth, 
 
 r . I- 266 
 
 L urjew, j 
 
 D. ' 7 
 
 D ylnbt, E. of. See Osborne. 
 
 Dams, their Origin, I. 82. their firfi 
 
 defcent in England, 62. conquer Mercia, 90 
 maffacred by Etbelrcd, , ,9 
 
 Danegelt, Origin of it, I. 119. the firft Land- 
 tax in England, ibid. n. 2, 3 
 
 Dangerfteld, Thomas, di(covers the Meal-Tub- 
 Plot, II. 711. whipt, and killed, 744 
 
 Danmonij, j 2 _ 
 
 Darcy, Lord, fldes with the TorkJlAre Rebels, 
 
 I. 813. executed, , g,_ 
 
 Darnley, Lord. See Henry Stewart. 
 
 Dartmouth, E. of, William Leg, commands K. 
 
 James ii’s Fleet, II. 772, 776, 777 
 
 Davis, John , difeovers a ftreiglu in the North- 
 Scas > II. 122. 
 
 Davifion made Secretary of State, II. 132. em¬ 
 ployed to draw the warrant for the Q^of Scots ex¬ 
 ecution, ibid, his Apology, 133 
 
 Day, Bp. of Chichejler, deprived, II. 22. rc- 
 ftored, . 33 
 
 Deadly feuds, J. iS\. n. 2 
 
 Deans and Chapters, Remonftrancc againfl them, 
 
 II. 362. Debates about them, 363. abolifhed,’ 
 
 364, 380 
 
 Declinator of the Scott.ft Bifhops, II. 332, 306 
 
 Decretals of the Pope.s. 
 Defender of the Faith, 
 Deira, Kings of. 
 Delinquents, 
 
 Denham, Sir John, dies, 
 Denmark, whence fo called 
 Denmark Houfe, 
 
 Derby, E. of, Henry of L 
 againfl K. Edward 
 
 II. 
 
 cafter 
 
 I- 353 
 I. 749 
 
 L 47 
 - 5 t 6 » 361 
 II. 653 
 
 I. 82 
 
 II. 178 
 
 forms a party 
 I. 400, 408 
 
 High-Treafon, 431. turns Pdpifl, 59 S. die-, 68-3 
 Diggs, Sir Dudley, impeaches the D. of Buck¬ 
 ing,cam, il. 250. made Mailer of the Rolls; 
 
 Dikes, Offas, iTodens, the Devil’s, 1. 1(2 
 Dimock, John, Champion at K. Richard 1 i's Co¬ 
 ronation, j 
 
 Dinoth, Abbot of Bangor^ I. 08 
 
 Directory eilablifhed, II. 30- 
 
 Dominicans, j \c7 
 
 Dominis, Antonio de. Archbp. of Spalato, conies 
 to England, and turns Protellant, 1 . 193. thrown 
 imo the Inquifition, and his body burnt after his 
 death, y 
 
 Doomfday-book, j f ’ 
 
 Don/laus, Ifitae, affaflinated, JJ 
 
 Douaj, an Englijh College let up thert, II.' 
 lends Erruffaries into England, ypyy i 
 
 Donoct, Lord, Hat] Jtrmin, made Privy-Coun- 
 leUor, jj 
 
 Downing, George, K. Charles it’s Envoy in Hot 
 
 63 -.,6I.0 
 
 Drake, Francis , returns to England from his 
 Voyage round the World, II. wl ravages the 
 Coa&of Sfacn, 8 
 
 D d C r . , I' AW. U 
 
 Drunkenneft, Khar’s Law about it, 1. j6 ( 
 
 Dudley, Edmund, his Character, one of Henry 
 vt is inflruments, 1. 685. his execution, 703. 
 
 —— John, reflored to his Father’s Honou! 
 and Ellate, I. 714. made E. of Warwick, II 
 3. combines againfl the Proteftor, 17. openly 
 declares for the Reformation, 18. forms a pro- 
 jeft of excluding the Princefs Mary and Elizabeth 
 from the Crown, and of fettling the Succeflion 
 upon Jane Grey, 21, 25. created D. of Nor¬ 
 thumberland, 22 fets up Jane Grey, 2 «, &c. 
 
 marches from London againfl Mary, 30. i, 
 arrelled, 31. condemned, 32. executed, ibid. 
 
 - John, E. of Warwick, JI. 
 
 Ambrofie , and Henry, U. ^2, 34’ lg 
 
 *- -Guilford, marriea'to Jane Grey, 11 21 
 
 23. executed, " ’ 
 
 r/ “TT7 R ° b J rt \ in ver y great favour with II 
 Elizabeth, II. 61. propuled to Mary Q. bf 
 Scotland for a Husband, 67. made E. of"z.«- 
 eefiler, 69. His deiigns againfl the E. of FfTex 
 i°6, 107. marries his Widow, 107. n. 6 is 
 de dared Governor and Captain General of Hol¬ 
 land, 123. recalled, 135. dies, 
 
 Dugdale, Stephen, a witnefs in the popifli Plot, 
 
 aten by xhTfijJj], ‘AJcfi 
 • A-, F> cn: j’ (ioo. and furrendered to Cram - 
 
 , fM 10 lllc Kin S » CFratt, 630 
 
 Dunkirk-kouje , rr fi 
 
 Duns Scotus, John, j ’ g ^ 
 
 Dutjlm, St. a large account of him, l! T07 
 
 Dj,riu, Lord, made E. of FevtrJban IlT-Vt? 
 General of K. James n’sArmy, ’ Lfil 
 Durham, whence fo called, j. i 4q „ , 
 
 See removed thither from Lindisfarne 
 
 Dutch pay the King 30,000 Florins for fifldng, 
 II. 294. The Dutch Wars in Cromwells time 
 and motives thereof, 587—591. j n x Char’' 
 n’s time, 636 - 6 ~ S 
 
 Dutch] Court of Lancajltr inlUtu ted, I. 
 
 JJ Admer, account of him, j 
 
 Carl, Ceremonies at the Inflallment of one. 
 
 CW/-Marti»l appointed by K. Henry vn, I. 
 639. one erefted by the Parliament, ' II. 501 
 Court of Tork abolifhed, H. 380 
 
 Court of Wards abolifhed, II. 622 
 
 Courtney, Edward, releafed from the Tower by 
 Mary, and created E. of Devonjhire, H. 31 
 Courts of Juflice among the Saxons, I 1 3 1 
 Courts, Ecclefiaflical, their Jurildiftion limited, 
 I. 838 
 
 Cranfield, Sir Lionel, made Lord-Treafurer, and 
 E. of Middlefiex, II. 201. impeached and fined, 
 
 No S 4 . VOL. IL 
 
 3“.— " ..> 4UU, 4OC 
 
 — E. of, created D. of Lane after, I. 428 
 —— E. of. See Henry j^v. 
 
 -E. of, Thomas Stanley, made High-Confla- 
 
 ble ' ' " !■ 6; 4 
 
 -E. of, James Stanley, defeated and be- 
 
 hea ^ cd ’ . II- 585, 386 
 
 Doing, Sir Edward, his Speeches, II. 355. «. 1. 
 
 Desborough, Colonel, one of Oliver clomwtl/s 
 Council, 11 . 591. 1. his aftions, 597, 604, Sec. 
 
 Devonjhire, E. of, William Cavendi/h, declares 
 for a free Parliament, jj -_ q 
 
 Dicu iff Mint Droit, Origin of that Motto^ I. 
 
 Digby, Sir John, K. James's Ambaffador^ to 
 Spain, II. 191. ma de E. of Briftol, 213. an 
 account of his affair, 250. his Procefs, 323 
 Digby, George, Lord, advifes the King to "im¬ 
 peach the five Members, II. 406. accufcd of 
 
 Eafit-Anglia, Knjgdom and IGngs of, 1 , c 
 Eaft-India Company inllituted, II , • , ,, , 
 Eaton College founded, i'. 6^ 
 
 Eehard, Laurence, animadverted upon, II. 692. 
 
 to t- , , , 6 93 * 699, 711 
 
 t-dgar K. rowed down the Dee by eiphi 
 
 Kings, I. ic6. his famous Harangue irj favoui 
 of the Monb, to8 the Story of his marrying 
 ttjrtd.,, Ici). Ins Deal!, and lffire, ji;j 
 
 EJgar-Athctiug, I. I2 ,. why fo called, 
 
 n-, 2 j iV'!? “ ,.*= C ™™> of England, ,;S 
 ftlled EtgUCs darling, ,6*. proclaimed Kino 
 J 7 o. retires into Scotland, ibid, reflored to fa- 
 
 vour > ,o. 
 
 Edge-hill fight, jj * 6 > 
 
 d Edmund, the ninth Saxon King, Ki. ; tragical 
 
 Edmund Son of Ethdrtd n. I. 123. JjjSl 
 peace with Canute, and divides the Kingdom 
 umh him, 124. why fii-named Ironftde° ibid, 
 airaffinated by two of his Chamberlains ihj 
 EJmuui E Of Cambridge, Uncle of Richard 1,' 
 created D. of York, I. 4 6a Regent of the King’ 
 d°m +7 o retires to his own Houfe, ar, io i„ s 
 the D. Of Laucajter, ibid, his propofal followed. 
 
 Edmundtbury, St. why fo called, J 
 
 .. E t ,J \ Xt i“ Sax "‘ Xin B. is 1 gtMt Friend to 
 the Monks, I. io + . ihlcd K. of Albion, Ujj 
 Mnc Strcon, D. of Mercia, his treachery l' 
 
An INDEX to the Two Volumes of the Hiftory ol England. 
 
 Edward the Elder, fuccced? Alfred, I. 97 
 founds Cambridge, qK. the Story of his Conver- 
 fion, " 99 
 
 Edward the Martsr, his tragic.il end, I. no 
 Edward the Confejfor, i; proclaimed King, I. 
 130. his Character, 131. marries Editha E. 
 Goodv.iii - Daughter, ibid, his pretended Will in 
 favour of the D of Normandy, 133. lends for 
 his Nephew Edward horn Hungary, 135. builds 
 the Church and Monartery of Wefminfer, 136. 
 dies, 137. his Sword, 310. ». 9 
 
 Edward i, marries Eleanor of Cajlile, 1 . 
 327. taken priloner by the E. of Leicefer, 338. 
 cicapes, 340. and frees his Father, 341. goes to 
 the Holy Land, 344. arrives in England , and is 
 crowned, 3 5 8. by what means he got himfelf 
 acknowledged Sovereign of the Kingdom of Seot- 
 land, 364 374. declares Baliol K. of Scotland, 
 
 371, (Ac. attacks Scotland, and makes himfelf 
 mailer of it, 375. marries Margaret K. Philip's 
 r, 381. refolves Utterly to deftroy Scotland, 
 
 381, 3S3, i:, taken ill at Carlife, ibid, his lall 
 
 avoids, to his Son, ibid, dies at Burgh, 385. his 
 Character, ibid. 
 
 Edward ii. born, 1 361. inverted with 
 
 the Principality 0 i Wales, and Earldom of Chcjhr, 
 
 382. recalls Gavc/lon, 388. marries Ifabelia of 
 trance, ibid, levies an army of 100,000 men 
 .igainlt the Scots, 392. Q^Ifabella arrives in Eng¬ 
 land with an army, 399 - 401. Edward is taken, 
 an i cnndu&ed to Ki nc/v.orth Caftle, 401. is ob¬ 
 liged to rertgn his Crown, 402. hi: tragical death, 
 
 407, 408 
 
 Edward m. chofen Regent and King 
 in the room of im Father, 1 . 401. his mar¬ 
 riage ni .ii Philipp. 1 uf Ha remit, 408. claims, the 
 Regency of France 411. demands the Crown of 
 
 France, ibid, relolv 
 
 • to attack 
 
 France, 416 
 
 takes the title of K. r 
 
 1 h arce, and 
 
 quarters with 
 
 his own arms thole of 
 
 > . 4 «*. 
 
 419. defeats 
 
 t h - French at 1 . 
 
 42 4. takes 
 
 Calais, 425, 
 
 426. iuiticutcs the 
 
 Order of the 
 
 Garter, 42-. 
 
 rcafons that induced 
 
 him to make 
 
 ■ wit 
 
 France, 431 maxes 
 
 lie J rc.ity of 
 
 • 
 
 lad. in love with An, 
 
 443 
 
 fees himlelf 
 
 
 die;, 
 
 , 445 
 
 Edward 1 v. i 
 
 cro.vned, I. 
 
 5 17 - ' ' 
 
 K. Heard ■ 'Eroop , 5 
 
 q6, coo fil 
 
 
 l 
 
 lid ; i 
 
 
 is taken prisoner. 6c 
 
 7. make ri 
 
 
 embark for Holland 
 
 60R. lands 
 
 
 61 r. defeats the E 
 
 •f Warwick a 
 
 
 ret, 613. luminous K Lewis to reftore ttu K g- 
 do: 1 of Fran.-,-, bin. hath a Conference whhniin 
 u: . the Bridge of Pequigny, 621. amufed by 
 him, 623. dies, (up. hi; Character, ibid. 
 
 E d w a R d v lei zed by the D. or Glouccjier's 
 Order, 1 . 631. conveyed to the Tower, and 
 murdered with the D. of York his Brother, 633. 
 his bones when found, 638. 4 
 
 E d w a k n vi. appoints the D. of Somerft 
 Protect r . v Patent, If. 6 improved himfelf 
 of afllira, 22. falls ill, 
 2 5. is j feu 
 
 Jane <> zb. he dies, ibid, his Charafter, 
 ibid. 
 
 Edwa-d. the Black Prince, born, I. 413. per- 
 •■srnv. wrcider-. a; tlie battle of C.reffy, 424. de- 
 tc.it; the French at Pair,‘ins, and takes K. John 
 pri loner, 429. marries Joanna of Kent, 437. 
 contracts a distemper in Spain, 439. dies, 444. 
 why called the Black Prince, ibid. 
 
 Edward, Prince, K. Henry vi’s Son born, I. 
 578. taken pri loner at the battle of Tewkesbury, 
 613. hi; annver to K. Edward iv, ibid, mur¬ 
 dered, ibid. 
 
 Ed\< rr, Xlth Saxon King, 
 
 I. 
 
 104 
 
 Effingham, Lord, 'William Howard, one of the 
 Plenipotentiaries at the Congrels of Gambia r, II. 
 
 5 > 
 
 Egbert, K. of Weffex, his Character, I. 62, 82. 
 reduce- the Heptarchy to a Monarchy, ibid. 
 
 El. arm-, K. H nr; the fecond’s Queen, confpires 
 igainlt her Husband, J. 236, 237. 
 
 E "e-dons of Birtiops and Abbots, I. 144. con- 
 tefts about them, 349 
 
 Elizabeth, bom, I. 799. «. 2. her 
 rank in the Succeffion, 848. committed to the 
 'Power, II. 38. her lile in danger, ibid, and 39. 
 forced to hear Mali, 42, 51. comes to the 
 Crown, 50. determines to rcltore the Reforma¬ 
 tion, 51. delired by the Parliament to marry -3. 
 makes peace with France and Scotland, 54, 33. the 
 method fhe took to keep herfelf on the Throne, 
 57, See. her maxims of Government, 39. fought 
 in marriage by feveral, 61. regulates the Coin, 
 62. vilits Cambridge, 68. and Oxford, 74. makes 
 a Treaty with the Huguenots, and lends them mo¬ 
 ney, 6 d. 93. account of her dealings with Mary 
 G 01 Sots, and ol* her dlflimulntion with regard 
 
 to her, 63-132. imprilons her, 84. rtgns a 
 
 Warrant tor her Execution, 132. a marriage 
 prcpoled between her and the D. 0 1 Anjou, 82, 
 9”. 9S, 103, no, 111, 113, 114. Jiabington 
 
 and others confpirc againft her, 124. her prepa¬ 
 rations againft tkc Spanijh Invalion, 133, 136. 
 fends a Fleet againft Spain, 138, 143. her wars 
 in Ireland, 143, &c. her Death and Character, 
 
 155, >s 6 
 
 Eli zabeth, Daughter of K. James 1, married to 
 the Eleftor Palatine, II. 181. her marriage-ex- 
 pcnces, 186 
 
 Elliot, Sir John, imprifoned about the Loan, 
 II. 259, 261. his Speech about Grievances, 
 271. n. 1 
 
 Ely, when erected into a See, I- 217 
 
 Emma undergoes the Ordeal, I- 13 1 
 
 England, wiien lirll called by that name, I 42, 
 84. by whom divided into Shires, 95 
 
 Englifh Language firft ufed in the Courts of 
 
 Juftii 
 
 Epifeopacy, a Bill for aboliftiing it, II. 
 Efeheats, 
 
 Ef stage, or Scutage, 
 
 Ejfex, firft fo called, I. 
 
 Kings of Ejfex, 
 
 - E. of, Walter Densn 
 
 ft- ~ 
 
 Kingdoi 
 
 L 437 
 361 
 I. 211 
 280 
 and 
 
 5 6 
 
 V made E. of Ef- 
 II. 101. goes into iAland, 106 
 
 -F.. of, Robert Demereux, in great favour 
 
 with Q ^Elizabeth, II. 140. his warlike aftions, 
 140, 143, 146, &c. created Earl-Marllul, 147. 
 hi. Charader, 149. the Queen gives him a box 
 on the Ear, 149. his Con (piracy, 149—133. be- 
 headed, 153. James.\ called him his Martyr, 133 
 — ■ ■ E. of, Robert Demereux, General of 
 the Parliament's Army, 11 . 436. his military 
 adions, 460 — 514. furrenders his Commiflion, 
 O 6 - s z 7 - »■ 3 
 
 E. of, Arthur Cape!, apprehended a- 
 found with 
 729 
 I. 87 
 I. 87 
 
 I. 88 
 119. his 
 116, 123 
 146. n. 1 
 
 I. 84 -87 
 I. 
 
 P-lgeL 
 
 bout the R.c-Houfe Plot, II. 
 his Throat cut in the Tower, 
 
 Ethclbald, third Saxon King, 
 
 Ethclbe.rt, fourth Saxon King, 
 
 Ethelred 1, fifth Saxon King. 
 
 Ethelved 11, author of Dane-Gelt, I. 
 
 Charader, 
 
 Ethel -card, _ I. 
 
 Ethelwulpb, lecond Saxon King, 
 
 Emejham, Battle of, 
 
 ' - . K. Stephen's Son, made D. of Nor- 
 
 . i. -02. marries Con/lantia, 104. bcfieges 
 'Wallingford, 209. dies, 210 
 
 Exchange , Royal, rebuilt, II. 650 
 
 Exchequer, State of it, 1 . 200, 386. the bu- 
 fincl.s I it, 403. officers belonging thereto, 404 
 Exchequer-Court, by whom ereded, I. 178 
 
 Excife, when firft laid on, II. 497, 622 
 
 Exclufon Bill brought into the Houfc of Com¬ 
 mons, ii. 707. debates about it, 707 — 722 
 Excommunication, on what Principles grounded, 
 
 I. 348 
 
 Exeter, why fo called, I. 143. the See re¬ 
 moved there, ibid. 
 
 Extreme Unftion, I. 144 
 
 F. 
 
 Penftonary, his Memorial about the Ex- 
 clufion, II. 719. his Letters about repealing 
 the Teft, 761 
 
 Fairfax, Lord, commands an Aimy in the 
 North for the Parliament, II. 466. his military 
 Exploits, 466 498. dies, 548 n. 1 
 
 Fairfax, Sir Thomas, made General of the Par 
 Lament's Army, II. 515. his warlike Adions, 
 516 -566. refufes to go and attack the Scots in 
 their own Kingdom. 5 s 2. rcfigns his office, ibid. 
 receives Monk into York, 612 
 
 Falconbridgc, Lord, married one of Oliver Crom- 
 wcll 's Daughters, II. 599 
 
 Falkland, Lord Yifcount, Lucius Carey , Iris 
 Speech againft Ship-money, II. 356. againft the 
 Bifhops, 363. killed, 478 
 
 Fajiolffi, Sir John, I. 548, 549 
 
 Fealty, I 369. n 3 
 
 Fees, I 148, 160 
 
 Felton, John, (tabs Vi Users D. of Buckingham, 
 
 II. 276 
 
 Fergujon, Robert, a Proclamation for apprehend¬ 
 ing him, 11 . 728. penned the D. ol Monmouth's 
 declaration, 74S. n. 4. excepted out of the par¬ 
 don, 772 
 
 Ferms of Counties, I. 243 
 
 Fienes , Nathaniel, his Speech about Birtiops, 11 . 
 337. n. 1. comes to ill reefer, 461. Governor 
 of Brifiol, 469. furrenders that place, for which 
 he is condemned to die, 477 
 
 Fifth Monarchy-men, II. 598, 623, 632 
 Finch, Sir John, Speaker of the Houle of Con> 
 mons, II. 271. made Lord-Keeper, 314. ex¬ 
 horts the Judges to promote Ship-money, ibid. 
 declared a Traitor, and flies into Holland, 355 
 ■ Sir Heneage, made Baron of Dam en¬ 
 try, and Lord-Chancellor, II. 673. 679. crea¬ 
 ted E. of Nottingham, 724. dies, 726 
 
 Fines and Amerciaments, I. 257 
 
 Firffruits granted to the King, I. 803. re- 
 ftored by Q^Mary to the Pope, II. 43. annexed 
 again to the Crown, 53 
 
 Fijher, John, Bp of Rochifer, I 802, 803. 
 
 condemned, 803. executed, S:6 
 
 Fitz-Roy, Henry, D. of Graft:':. s -.:. y. -;r 
 the Prince of Orange, ~ 11 . 77.8 
 
 Fitz-Walter , Lord John Rat. It I , conlpircs 
 againft K. Henry v 11, 1 . 673. beheaded, 674 
 • wood, Major-Gene raf diiliva 
 from accepting the Crown, II. 507. hi- actions 
 593 ’ ? 99 > 6°2, 604. f cho:e:i General, 624 
 Flodden, Battle of, 1.-24 
 
 Florence of Worcefer, i. 221 
 
 Forbijker, Sir Martin, Vice-Admiral, II 155 
 llain, 
 
 Forrfs, Inquifttion concerning them, I. 321. 
 Laur about them, 555,'380 
 
 Forman, Dr. II. 1S2, 183 
 
 Fox, Richard, made Privy Caunce!!ar. Keeper 
 of the Privy-Seal, and Bifhop of Winchefler, 1 . 
 652, 658. tranllated to Durham, 675. founded 
 Corpus Chrifi College, Ox on, 6c, i 
 duces HI fey to Court, 704. retii 
 cefe, 731. 
 
 Francfort, Treaty of, 
 
 Francifeans 
 Freeholders, 
 
 Froijfart, Sir John, 
 
 Frof, a great one jr 
 
 England, 
 
 G. 
 
 ' 5 - . 'turo- 
 to his Dio- 
 dieq 782 
 
 I 6&6 
 
 !• 3 35 
 
 1. 15 1 
 I. 701 
 
 II. 732 
 
 YZ Algacus defeated. 
 
 Gam, David, his brave fil ing, 
 
 Gardiner, Stephen, B. of If inch. /It 
 rafter, I. 829. imprisoned, 11. 9. 
 
 Chancellor, 31, 31. die;, 
 
 Garter, Order of tiny imlituied. 
 
 Game fan. Piers, L 1 iflic 1 . I 
 ted F-. of Cornwal, 388. beheaded, 
 buried, 
 
 George, Prince of Denmark, come 
 IE 653. marries the Princcls Ann, 
 
 K- James it, 
 
 Germanus comes to Britain, 
 
 Germafe of Canterbury, 
 
 Gildas, 
 
 Glamorgavfbire conquered, 
 
 Giar.mil, Ranu/ph de, I 
 
 Glaffenbury, account of it, 
 
 Glcndourdy, Owen, account of his Infurrcftic 
 
 r, his Cha- 
 mndc Lord 
 44 
 
 I. 4 z 7 
 388. crea- 
 3" 1 where 
 ibid. n. 7 
 :• England, 
 73+ leaves 
 
 I. 356 
 i. 43 
 I. 1 S3 
 
 1. 28. 
 
 I. 
 
 49 °- 
 
 Gloucefer, erefted into a Biflieprick, I. 829 
 -D. of, Humphrey Plantagenet, his Cha¬ 
 racter, I. 535. made Proteftor of the Realm, 
 529, 536. found dead, 370 
 
 Godfrey, Sir Edmundbury, murdered, II. 60c, 
 698, is’e. 
 
 Godlmh, her Story, I. 1:3 
 
 Chg-magog Hills, I. 2 1 
 
 Gondtmar, C'onde, his Charnfter, II. 191. go¬ 
 verned K. James I, ibid, bribes rlie Courtiers, 
 199 201. complains againft Raleigh, 195. in¬ 
 flated by the Mob, 203 
 
 Goodwin, E. of Kent, Sujfcx, and Surrey, his 
 rife and aftions, I. 118 — 134 
 
 Goodwin Sands, I. 1S9 
 
 Goring, Colonel, Governor of Port’mouth, IL 
 370, 410, 436. made E. of Norwich, 503 
 Goths, their Origin, I. 82 
 
 Gowry's Confpiracy, II. 15 1, 163 
 
 Granville, Sir Remil, II. 466, 477. n. 3 
 
 •-Sir Richard, II. 50:, 516 
 
 -Sir John, fent by Charles Moi ’. 
 
 II. 616, 617 
 
 Grey, Richard, created a Baron, I. 629. exe¬ 
 cuted, 651, 633, 633 
 
 -- Janc, marries Guilford Dudley, II. 21, 
 
 23. the Crown fettled upon Ik r, 26. proclaim 
 ed, 28. attainted. 34 and executed, 37 
 
 Grimfon, Sir Harbottle, his Speeches, II. 337, 
 562 
 
 Guards, when firft inftituted, II, 621 
 
 Gw»-Powdcr firft inode ill England, II. 63 
 
 Gun -Powder Treai 
 
 H 
 
 II. 
 
 JT Abe as Corpus Aft. II. 675, 707 
 
 11 Hales, Judge, II. 26. fined, 33 
 
 Halidon Hill, Battle o:, I 413, 495 
 
 Halifax, E. and M. r.f, George Sami/, one of 
 the Four that had the in -ryement of Aifuir . II. 
 704. retires into the Country, -11. Pref;dent 
 of the Council, 742. fent to treat with the Prince 
 of Orange, 780. Speaker of the Convention, 
 
 785 
 
 Hamilton , Marquis of, James, made a Duke, 
 II. 481. routed, and beheaded, 553, 354, 574 
 Hammond, Colonel, K. Charles 1. puts himfelf 
 into hi; hands, II. 540 
 
 Hampden, John, refufes to pay Ship-money, 
 II. 29b. the Judgment againft him cancelled, 
 738. accufed ot High-Trealon, 406. flair, 477 
 Hampton-Court, Conference:, there, II. 86,162 
 
 Harilicanute K. Ot England, 
 Harding, John, 
 
 Harold I, liar,foot, K. 
 Harold ii. defeated and flam, 
 Haferig, Sir Arthur, 
 
 Had;rigs. Battle of. 
 
 I. 
 
 I. “Ci. n. z 
 I. 127 
 I. 138 — 142 
 II. 60-, 612 
 I. 1.41, 142 
 Hi X,. 
 
An INDEX to the Two Volumes of the Hiftory of England. 
 
 Hafiings, Wiliam Lord, favours K. Edward 
 iv’s cfcape, I. 60S. combines with the D. of 
 York, 630, See. beheaded, 634, 635. his Cha¬ 
 rader, 629 
 
 Head of the Church, I. 791, 792 
 
 Hcng'Jl, arrives in Britain, I. 31. his Cha- 
 
 rader, ibid, and Exploits, 31-33. dies, 35 
 
 Henry i, eleded K. of England, I. 190. 
 grants a Charter of Liberties, ibid, marries Ma¬ 
 tilda, 191 his reign, 190 —199. dies, 199. 
 his Charader, ibid. 
 
 Henry ii. born, I. 198. crowned, 222. 
 confirms the Charter of Henry i, 223. crowned 
 a fecond, and a third time, 224, 225. his Con- 
 tcil with Becket, 226 -232, reconciled to Becket, 
 232. reduces Ireland , 233. goes barefoot to 
 Becket 's Tomb, 238. his Queen and Sons con- 
 ipirc againft him, 236. curies his Sons, and dies 
 at Chinon, 243 
 
 Henry hi. crowned, I. 296. annuls K. 
 Johns Charters, 303. forced to comply with the 
 Barons Demands, 312. folemnly fwears to obferve 
 the two Charters, 326. breaks his Engagements, ib. 
 his Wars with the Barons, 336-344, See. taken 
 prifoner at the battle of Lewes, 338. revenges 
 himfelf on the Barons, 341. dies, 343. his 
 Charader, 346 
 
 Henry i v. crowned and anointed, I. 
 promifes to extirpate Hcrefy, 487. Confpiracies a- 
 gainlt him, 488, 494, 496,499. defeats the Male- 
 contents at the battle of Shrewsbury, 494. keeps the 
 Parliament alfembled till they grant him money, 
 498. is feized with a dangerous Dillempcr, 503. 
 his laft Inllrudions to his Son, ibid, dies, ibid. 
 his Charader, ibid. 
 
 Henry v. his Charader, I. 504. his ex¬ 
 travagancies, 502. is crowned, 505. rcfolves 
 upon a War with France, 506, 508. the battle 
 ot Azincourt, 512—514. kills his Prifoners, and 
 why, 514. claims the Crown of France, 5Z4. 
 marries the Princefs Catherine, 526. makes his 
 entry into Paris, ibid, his dying Speech, 529. 
 liis Charader, 529, 530 
 
 Henry vi. proclaimed K. of England, and 
 of France, at Paris, I. 532, 533. his Charac¬ 
 ter, 563. his marriage with Margaret of Anjou, 
 568. marches againft Jack Cade, 574. falls in¬ 
 to the Hands of the D. of York, 580. marches 
 againft the D. of York, 5S2. defeated and taken 
 prifoner, 584. his Charader, 5S7, 616. re- 
 llored, 609. is dethroned again, and murdered 
 by the D. ot York, 613, 616. the Pope refufes 
 to canonize him, 6to, 687 
 
 Henry vi 1. lands at Mi/ford-havcn, I. 645. 
 .defeats K. Richard at Bofiworth Fight, 646. is 
 crowned, 651. inftitutes a Guard of fifty Ar¬ 
 cher, ibid, marries the Princefs Elizabeth, 654. 
 defeats Symnel, 658, 659. hath a w'rong notion 
 of the War of Bretagne, 661, 664, &:c. prepares 
 for W ar againft France, 669. paifes over to Ca¬ 
 lais, 670. refledions on his C'ondud in the af¬ 
 fairs of Bretagne, 671. he is difturbed by Perkin 
 Warbcck, 672 — (’S3, marries his Daughter to the 
 K. of Scotland, 677—682. builds Richmond Pa- 
 lace, 682. oppreffes his Subjeds by means of 
 Empfon and Dudley, 685. heaps up 1,800,000/. 
 690. dies, ibid, his Charader, ibid. See. his 
 Funeral, _ 703 
 
 Henry a-i i i, marries his Brother’s Widow, 
 
 I. 686, 687, 703. his Education and Charac¬ 
 ter, 702. relblves to carry War into Guienne, 
 713. takes Terouenne and Your nay, 722. makes 
 war with Scotland, 724. writes againft Luther, 
 749. fends his Book to the Pope, ibid, the Title 
 of Defender of the Faith given him, ibid, his Di¬ 
 vorce with Catherine, when firft fet on foot, 
 774 * 775 - whether occalioncd by hisfillingin love 
 with Ann Bullen, 776. motives and reafons of 
 this Divorce alledged by him, ibid, marries Ann 
 Bullen, 794. made fupreme Head of the Church, 
 79 *» 79 -* S° 3 - marries Jane Srybour, 812. re¬ 
 solves to fupprefs all the Monafteries, 807—818. 
 marries Ann of Cle-ue , 820, 825. and divorces 
 her, 826. marries Catharine Howard, 828. mar¬ 
 ries Catharine Parr, 837. fettles the Succeffion 
 of the Crown, 838. whether he figned his Will, 
 847. dies, 849. his Will is opened, II. 1. his 
 Divorce with Q '.Catharine repealed, 34 
 
 Henry, Son ot K. James 1, his Charader and 
 
 Death, II. ,g, 
 
 Henry Fitz-Roy, created D- of Richmond, I. 
 
 76 4 
 
 Henry of Huntingdon, I. 336 
 
 Henrietta-Maria, articles of her marriage with 
 K. Charles 1, II. 233, 239 
 
 Heptarchy, account of it, I. 46, &c. 
 
 Heralds, account of them, I. 551. n. 5. in¬ 
 corporated, 647. n. 4 
 
 Herbert, William, created E. of Pembroke, I. 
 599. marches againft the Yorkfisirc Rebels, 605. 
 beheaded, 606 
 
 Hereditary Right, remarks on it, II. 1 60 
 
 Here ticks, firft burnt in England, I 491 
 
 Herrings, Battle of; I. 548 
 
 Hertford, E. of, Edward Seymour, his Charac¬ 
 ter, If. 4. made Protedor, D. of Somerfet, Lord- 
 Treafurer, and E. Marlhal, 3, 6, tried', and be¬ 
 headed, 
 
 Hibernia, whence fo called. 
 
 Hide of Land, 
 
 Higden, Ranulph, 
 
 High -Commiftion Court, II. 
 lifhed, 355, 363. one fet up in Scotland, 
 
 High Courts of Juftice ereded, II. 567. 
 Hobbs, Yhomas, his death. If. 711 
 
 Holland, E. of, Henry Rich, beheaded, II. 5 74, 
 
 13-23 
 I. In trod, vi 1 
 I. 119. n. 3 
 I. 483 
 6. abo- 
 300 
 5 74 
 
 * 7 * 
 
 Holies, Denzil, imprifoned, II 
 280. one of the eleven Members, 531 
 
 Homage, form of doing it, I. 369 n 2. full 
 or liege, 41 2, 600 
 
 Hopton, Sir Ralph, his military Exploits, II. 
 466, 479, 500, 502, 503, 518, 519. created Lord 
 Hopton, 479. n , 
 
 Horfa and Horfed, I- 33. n. 3. 
 
 Hotham, Sir John, imprifoned, II. 318. fhuts 
 the Gates of Hull againft K. Charles 1, 433, 434. 
 beheaded, and why, 49Q 
 
 Howard, their Genealogy, I. 831. «. 7. II. 
 
 159. n. 6. 
 
 Huguenots, II. 62, See. maflacrcd, 66, 102 
 Hull, K. Charles 1. attempts to become mailer 
 °f it, ^ II. 433, 434 
 
 Hurft Caftle, K. Charles 1. removed thither, 
 II. 565 
 
 Hus, J. and Huffttes, I. 694, &c. 
 
 Hyde, Edward, his Speeches, II. 288, 381. 
 one of Charles n’s Council, 619, n. 1. was a- 
 giinft his being abfoiute, and diffuades him from 
 accepting a perpetual Revenue, 622. created E. 
 of Clarendon, 625. impeached, 635, 647. 
 tires into France, 650. dies, 630, 676. his 
 Charader, 650. account of his Hiftory, 34; 
 
 630 
 
 — Ann, marries James 11, II 6 
 
 — Laurence, made Commiffioner of the 
 T’-eafury, II. 698. «. 5. created Vifcount Hyde 
 of Kenelworth, 724. nude Lord-Treafurer, 742. 
 refufes to embrace Popery, - -6 
 
 I. 
 
 Ack Straw's Infurrcdion, I. 457, 458 
 
 J Jamaica taken by the Englifb, II. 593 
 James i. bom. If. 73. account of his ac¬ 
 tions before his acccffion to the Throne of Eng¬ 
 land, 73—157. marries Ann of Denmark, 139. 
 proclaimed K. of England, 158. hangs a Cut- 
 purfe without tryal, 159. very lavifh of Honours, 
 
 160. a great afTcrter of Hereditary Right, ibid. 
 had a high notion of the Authority of Kings 163, 
 176, 177, 203, 213, See. favours the Catho- 
 heks, 162, 163, 167, 195. endeavours to pro¬ 
 cure the Union of Scotland with England, 174, 
 175. fides with the Arminians, 179. very pro- 
 fufc, 185, 186. negotiates a marriage between 
 the Prince his Son, and the Infanta of-Spain, 191 
 —227. fells the Crown-lands, and gives up the. 
 Cautionary Towns, 191. publifhes the Boole of 
 Sports, 194. his behaviour with regard to the 
 Palatinate, 197 — 222. orders the Parliament to 
 be adjourned, 205. tears a Proteftation out of 
 the Commons Journal, 212. imprifons feveral 
 Members, ibid, dies, 235 
 
 James ix. born, II. 290. goes to Jerfey, 
 579. marries Ann H\de, 621. his naval exploits, 
 as High-Admiral, 637-671. defeats the Dutch, 
 640. abjures the Protcftant Religion, 660. mar¬ 
 ries Mary of Modena, 671 — 673. debates for his 
 Exclufion, 692 — 722. retires to Brujfels, 702, 
 703, returns, and goes to Scotland, 711. pre¬ 
 fen ted as a Popifli Recufant, 713. like to be loll 
 in his Voyage to Scotland, 7 25. rules all at Court, 
 725, See. proclaimed King, 741. receives nu¬ 
 merous Addrefles, 742, See. forms the projed of 
 elfablifhing Popery, and an arbitrary Government, 
 751. attempts to repeal the penal Laws, 755, 
 761. publilhes Declarations for Liberty of Con¬ 
 fidence, 757, 758, 762. his proceedings with 
 Oxford and Cambridge, 759. fills his Army with 
 Papills, 768. his preparations upon news of the 
 Prince of Orange's coming, 771, &c. goes to 
 Salisbury, 778. withdraws to Feverfibam, 781. 
 and to France, ySz, 783. 
 
 Iceni, J. 14 
 
 Ich-dien, I. 42 5 
 
 Ida lands in Britain, I. 40 
 
 Jefferies, Sir George, made Chief-Juftice, II. 
 733 - his words at Baxters tryal, 744. his bloody 
 Affizes in the Well, 750. made Chancellor, ibid. 
 committed to the Tower, 781 
 
 Jenkins, Henry, II. 658. n. 6. 
 
 Jerfey, a Fight near that Ifland, II. 16. K. 
 
 Charles 11. comes there, 579. reduced by the 
 
 Parliament, 386 
 
 Jerufalem taken by the Croifes, I. 188. and 
 by the Saracens, 242 
 
 Jcfis College Cambridge, founded, I. 691. n. 5 
 Jefuits Order founded, I. 829 
 
 Jews, many flain in England, I. 243. taxed 
 
 J 1 5 * 3 1 7 - 3 2 4 > 
 
 7. ba* 
 
 r 347 
 
 l. 724 
 J. 514 
 «. 2: 
 
 I. 
 
 I 28b 
 
 II. 13 
 4°9 
 
 and opprefTed, 5 , 3, 
 nifheJ, 364. their Excheqi 
 Ignoramus Juries, j 
 
 Independents, origin of them, J 
 
 » Jndiligences, account of them, i 736. 
 twenty two thou land found in a Ship. 
 
 Ingulphus, 
 
 Inquiftton let Up, 
 
 Interim , j g^ Q 
 
 Joan Make-peace, 
 
 Joan of Arc, a large account of her, I. 549— 
 554 - a Difl’ertation upon her, 589, &c. taken 
 prisoner, C53 burnt, 
 
 Jcoffrid e-reds Schools at Cambridge, I, 2zi 
 Jon n, King, born, I. 230. married to A- 
 wfa, zg6. attempts to wreit the Crown from 
 J. Richard, 233. the Nobility, iffc. fwcar al¬ 
 legiance to him, 260. becomes m.dfer of K. Ri¬ 
 chard's TreaJ'ure, ibid, dilpoflefles Arthur of all 
 his Provinces, 262. marries Ifabella of Angou- 
 1 W j crowned a lecond time, 263. and a 
 
 third, 263. is charged with Prince Arthurs death, 
 Z65. fentvnccd to forfeit his Dominions in 
 France , ibid, lofes them all, 266. account of 
 the Difputrs and Contcll between him, and the 
 See of Rome, 267, See. h excommunicated, 269. 
 leads an Army inio Ireland , 270. is depoied, 
 2 7 l - refigns his Crown to the Pope, 272. re- 
 folves to carry the War into France, but 'the Ba¬ 
 rons refufe to follow him, 273. forced to grant 
 nr ^ aions demands, 276. repents his figning 
 Magna Charta, and endeavours to annul it, ibid. 
 ravages England, zjy. carries his Grown and 
 
 Trea lures to i 
 
 dies, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 John of Gaunt, created D. of Lar.cc.fi cr, I. 4 * 
 hi:, military Exploits, 441, 436, 461. marries 
 the K. of Cafiilc's Daughter, and. takes the title 
 ofK. of Cafiile, 442. proteds Wick/iff, 422, 
 479. ravages Scotland, 461. his eideft Daughter 
 married to the K. of Portugal, 462. marries Ca¬ 
 tharine Rowet, m 
 
 John s, St. College Cambridge founded, I. 691. 
 
 Ireland, account of it, J. 234, &- c . conquered 
 by K. Henry 11, 235. Rebellions there, .166, 
 
 470. ereded into a Kingdom, 831 
 
 Irifo, when converted to Chriftianirv, I. 
 
 Irijh Maflicte, 11 38;, Sc 4 
 
 Ifabella, married to K. Edward xi, l. MS. her 
 palfion for Mortimer, 399, See. imprifoned, 413 
 
 Judges, when began to go the Circuits, [. 239. 
 decide that the King is above the Laws, 46'.. 
 their opinion Ur Ship-money, II. 294, 295. de¬ 
 clare for the diipcnfing powe; 
 
 7 ' 
 
 Juries inllitutcd, 
 of them, 
 
 „..'i-3*4. »• T 
 
 Ungin and account 
 160 
 
 F.inton. Battle of, jp. ,r )l 
 
 Kent, Kingdom and Kings of, I.' 1 --, 
 
 Ket, his Infurrcdion, jj ,5 
 
 Kimbolton, Lord. See Five Members. 
 
 King, that Title not in ul'e among the Saxons, 
 I. 148. account of their Kings, Ir - 
 
 King's Court, j ,. 
 
 King's Evil, firft cured, J . 
 
 King's Revenue, J. ,89, mo. 
 
 Kings at Arms, _ J. ; -f. 
 
 King's College, Cambridge, founded, j. y , 
 Kirk, the Scottijh, account of it, II. 297 
 Knights of the Round-Table, j 
 
 Knights-Yemplars fupprcfled, J. 
 
 Knights of Shires, their Original, I. 339. t w'o 
 out of each County fummoned to a Parliament, 
 
 Knighthood, Fines for not taking it, I. 257! 
 Proclamation for the taking it, 245, 286. Ad 
 about it, , r . 
 
 L. 355 
 
 L Amh. ■:rt, Colonel, his military exploits, II. 
 552 —61 z. his Charader and Defigns, 603 
 
 Lambeth Palace, when built. I. 
 
 29. 
 
 Lancafler, Houfe of, Succeffion of the Crown 
 fettled upon it, I. 486. wars between this Houfe 
 and that of York, 5^3* See 
 
 - Henry of, forms a party againft K. Ed¬ 
 vard 11, I. 400. created D. of Lancafier, 428 
 Lanfdown, Battle of, JJ. 
 
 Lateran, Council of, J. 713, -j\a 
 
 Latimer, Hugh, made Bp. of Worcefler, 1 . 808. 
 hisCharader, II. 43. n. 3. burnt, ' 
 
 Laud, William, Archbp. of Canterbury II. 2 oo. 
 
 hisCharader, 278. complaints againft him. 240,' 
 293, &:c. his Ceremonies at the Confecration of 
 Creed-Church, 286. impeached and beheaded 
 
 Laws of England derived from the Saxons’, I. 
 47, 1 59. of Alfred, Edgar, See. Ibid. 
 
 League of the Publick Good, I. 600. League 
 and Covenant, j[ 
 
 Leiceficr , E. of, Simon de Montfort, marries the 
 Countefs of Pembroke. I. 312. gives K Henry in 
 the lie, 324. General of the Barons, 336. takes 
 K. Henry m. prifoner, 338. flair., ^ (.1 
 
 Leiceficr, E. 0 £ 
 
An INDEX to the T-.vo Volumes of the Hiftory of Ewland. 
 
 Lucifer, E. of. See Robert Dudley. 
 
 Linax, E. of, Matthew Stewart, ferit to the 
 Tower, II. 63. recalled into Scot land, 69. cho- 
 fen Regent of Scotland , 94. murdered, 100 
 Levellers, II. 540, 578 
 
 Lewes, Battle of, I. 338 
 
 -Mifc of, I. 338 
 
 Lewkenor, Sir Lewis, fir ft mafter of the Cere¬ 
 monies, II. 161. n. 5 
 
 Liberties of England owing to the Barons wars, 
 
 ' . L 34 6 
 
 Liberty of Confeience, Declarations for it, II. 
 
 662, 757, 762 
 
 Lilburn, John, his Cafe, II. 302. n. 2. con¬ 
 demned, 467 
 
 Lincoln, E of, John de la Pole, appointed heir 
 prelumptive of the Crown, I. 643. goes to the 
 Duchel’s of Burgundy, 637. fiain, 659 
 
 Lind fey, E. Robert Bart u. General of K -Charles l’s 
 army, II. 456, 458. flain, 462. n. 2 
 
 Life, Sir George, fliot. II. 554 
 
 ■-Lady, executed, II. 750 
 
 Liturgy, by whom made, II. 13. n. 3. fet up 
 in Churches, 14, 24. confirmed, 13, 19. cor¬ 
 rected, 21, 621, 629. lent into Sea land, 301. 
 debates in Parliament about it, 381. aboliihed. 
 
 49 
 
 S °7 
 501. 
 II. 9 
 I. 93. ». 14 
 I. 187 
 
 574 
 II. 554 
 I. 28 
 
 I. 737. K. Hen- 
 •49. he anlwers 
 
 II. 759 
 I. 221 
 
 Lollards, I. 467, 480. burnt. 
 
 Ads again ft them repealed, 
 
 London, when fuppofed to be buill 
 London-bridge rebuilt. 
 
 Lords, Houle of, feven of its Members accufed 
 of Trealon, II. 537. reduced to fixteen Peers, 
 568. Cornells between them and the Commons, 
 557, &c. aboliihed, 
 
 Lucas, Sir Charles, fhot, 
 
 Lucius, firit Chriltian King, 
 
 Luther, Martin, firll appears 
 *-v viii. writes againft him, 
 him, 
 
 M. 
 
 J\/T Agdalen College, Oxford, 
 
 Malrnsbury, II illiam of, 
 
 Manchefter, E. of, Edward Montague, his war¬ 
 like Exploits, II. 467, 480 -516 
 
 Man-waring, Dr. made a Biihop, II. 259. com¬ 
 plaints againft him, 259, 271 
 
 March, E. of, Roger Mortimer, I. 396 — 410. 
 his downfal, 413. and execution, ibid. 
 
 Margaret, Countefs of Richmond, die?, I. 704 
 Marianus Scotus, I. 218 
 
 Marlborough, Statutes of) I. 344 
 
 Marquis , who firll bore that Title in England, 
 I. 462 
 
 Marriages, remarkable Law about them, I. 827 
 Marjhal, William, made E. of Pembroke, I. 
 
 261 
 
 Marf on-moor Fight, II. 499 
 
 Mart Town?, projedt for creating two in Eng- 
 lar.d, II. 25 
 
 Martyr, Peter, comes to England, II. 11. for¬ 
 ced to fly, 33 
 
 M a R v, Princefs, afterwards Queen, born, I. 
 753. contracted to the Dauphin, 740, 772. pro- 
 mifed to the Emperor, 748. a marriage propofed 
 between her and the Dauphin, 804. her Father 
 reconciled to her, 812. was at the Head of the 
 Popiih party, ll. 7. refutes to receive the Li¬ 
 turgy, 14, had an intention of going out of the 
 Kingdom, 21. the E. of Warwick forms the 
 projeft of excluding her from the Succeffion to 
 the Crown, ibid is informed by the E. of A- 
 rundel of the King’s Death, 28. takes the title of 
 Queen, and is pioclaimed at Norwich, 28. pofi- 
 tivcly promifes to leave Religion in the fame llate 
 flie found it, 30. is proclaimed in London, and 
 by the D. of Northumberland at Cambridge, 31. 
 releales the D. of Norfolk, Gardiner, See. from the 
 Tower, ibid, difpofed to force the Kingdom im¬ 
 mediately to embrace Popery, ibid, declares that 
 Ihc would not force Mens Confidences in matters 
 of Religion, ibid, forbids her Subjects the giving 
 one another the Names of Papills or Here ticks, 32. 
 crowned, 33. remits the Subfidics granted by the 
 laft Parliament to K. Edward, ibid, influences E- 
 leflion?, and gets a Parliament at her devotion, 
 33, 34. Ihcws little affedtion to her Siller Eliza¬ 
 beth, 34. treats her ill, 38. marries Prince Phi¬ 
 lip, 35— 39 - the Houfe of Commons addrefs her 
 againft her Marriage, 35. facrifices Jane Grey to 
 her lafety, 37. hath a defign of utterly dellrov ¬ 
 ing the Reformation, 38. give.. Gardiner orders 
 to purge the Church of all married Prieils, ibid. 
 deprives fome Bifliopg ibid, an A 61 to confirm 
 her Prerogative, though flic was a Woman, 38. 
 proclaimed Q^of England, Naples, Jerufalem, See. 
 39. upon hearing Pool's Speech, ftie fancied that 
 lhe felt .v Child llir in her Womb, 4c. lends an 
 Embaffy 10 Rome, 41. puts many Protellant. to 
 death, 42, is'e. reftoresthe Good; of the Church 
 or Monaftcrie?, ibid, hath a fialle Conception, 43. 
 i forged Conlpirucy againft her, ibid, religns the 
 Firit-Fruit- and Tenths, ibid, repairs old Mo- 
 flaJkric?, and ereCL new one 1 -, 45. razes leveral 
 
 pieces out of the Records, ibid, grants a Coin- 
 million to eredt a fort of Inquilition, 46. Philip 
 brings her to a Rupture with France, ibid, loles 
 Calais, Sec. 47. declines in her health, 48. lets 
 out a Fleet to recover Calais, 49. orders imme¬ 
 diate death to any who had heretical Books, 48. 
 her Death and Chandler, 49 
 
 Mary Q^ of Scots bom, I. 833. a mar¬ 
 riage concluded between her and Prince Edward, 
 834, 835- crowned, 837. wars between Eng¬ 
 land and Scotland, upon account of her con trad 
 with Prince Edward, II. 8, 12. lhe is fent into 
 France, 1 2. examination of her Right to the 
 Crown of England, 27. marries the Dauphin, 4;, 
 48. her preicnlions to the Crown upon Lf Ma¬ 
 ry's de.uh, 50. makes a Peace with England, 55. 
 lhe and the Dauphin her Spoufe affume the Title 
 of K. and Q^of England, Ireland, See. 53. quits 
 it, 63. refufes to ratify the Treaty made between 
 Lf Elizabeth and her, 61, 63, 65, 73, 74. lends 
 to Cf Elizabeth for a Safe-condudl, 63. arrives in 
 Scotland, 64. had formed a defign of dethroning 
 Cf Elizabeth, 65, 66, 67, 68, 71, 73. defires 
 to be declared her Heir, 65, 71. the E. of Hunt- 
 ley forms a defign of carrying her off, 67. evades 
 the Propolal of a marriage with the Lord Dudley, 
 68. marries the Lord Darnlcy, 69, 70. takes 
 Rizzo into her favour, 69. recalls all the E. of 
 Murrays Enemies to Court, 70. forms a defign 
 to have the E. of Murray murdereJ, ibid, pur- 
 lues the Confederate Lord?, ibid, refufes to give 
 if Elizabeth's Ambaflador audience, 71. con¬ 
 ceives an extreme averfion for the King, and treats 
 him very ill, 71, 73, 74. Rizzo murdered in her 
 prelencc, 71. eicapcs to Dunbar, 72. brought to 
 bed of Prince James, 73. the Parliament of 
 England plots to have her declared prelumptive 
 Heir to the Crown, 74. accufed by fome, and 
 cleared by others, of being concerned in the mur¬ 
 der of her Husband, 76, 77, 78. her lcandalous 
 familiarity with Bothwell, 73, 77, 78. is carried 
 oft by Bothwell, and married to him, 79. ga¬ 
 thers fome Troop?, and marches againft the Con- 
 ledcrate Scots, ibid, puts herfclf into their hand?, 
 and is fhut up in Lab-levin Caftlc, ibid, gave 
 Bothwell a Silver Casket, 80. is obliged to re- 
 fign die Crown to her Son, ibid. Afl'oeiations 
 and Plottings to rcftorelier to the Throne, So, 81, 
 83, 87, 89, 90, 94,95,97, i 17, 118. eicapcs 
 out of Loch-levin Caftlc, 83. defeated by the E. 
 of Murray, ibid, comes to Wirkingtan in Cum¬ 
 berland, 83. writes to Q^_ Elizabeth, ibid. Q_ 
 Elizabeth refolves to detain her aPriloncr, 84, See. 
 her condudl publickly examined into at l'ork, 84, 
 .85, 86, See. is removed to Tutbury Caftlc, 87. 
 projedl of a marriage between her and the D. of 
 Norfolk, 88. ftie is confined at Winf.eld, 89. n. 1. 
 removed to Coventry, 89. Q_ Elizabeth makes 
 her captious Propofals, 95. a Conference at Lon¬ 
 don about her depofition, 96. defigned to el'cape 
 into Spain, 99. offers to make her Son partner 
 with her in the Kingdom, 115. Of Elizabeth 
 pretends to be willing to releafe her, and offers her 
 lome articles, 116. committed to the Cuftody of Sir 
 Drue Drury, 119. Adi againft her, 120. lhe writes 
 to Bubington, and diredls him how to manage the 
 plot againft Q^ Elizabeth, 124. account 01 her tryal, 
 125—129. the Sentence againft her is publilhcd, 
 
 1 31. the people loudiy call for her death, 132. 
 the Warrant for her execution drawn, ibid. Ihc 
 is beheaded, ibid, her Corpic removed to Wcf- 
 minfer Abbey, 1 81 
 
 Mary, Prince!?, married to William 11, Prince 
 of Orange, II. 416 
 
 Mary, Princefs, married to William in. Prince 
 of Orange, II. 682, 683. lent for over to Eng¬ 
 land, 785. proclaimed Queen, 795 
 
 Maffacre of Paris, II. 102 
 
 Majfts, private, aboliihed, II. 10 
 
 Maffey, Colonel, Governor of Glocefer, II. 477. 
 beats Lambert, 585. tries to lurprizc Clocefer, 
 607 
 
 Ma:ilda, Queen of William 1, crowned, I. 169. 
 dies, 179 
 
 Matilda, Daughter of K. Henry 1, married to 
 the Emperor Henry v, I. 195. and to Geoffrey 
 Plantagenet, 198. acknowledged heir ot the 
 Crown of England, 198. comes to England, 204. 
 her ftruggle with K. Stephen about the Crown, 
 205, &c. dies, 230 
 
 Matilda, K. Henry 11’s Daughter, married to 
 the D. of Saxony, I. 243. from her K. George 
 is defeended, ibid. n. 9 
 
 Matthew Paris, I. 356 
 
 Matthew of Wefminfer, I. 463 
 
 Maurice, Prince, his military Exploits, II. 479, 
 
 480, 501. loft, 592 
 
 Mazarin, Dutchefs of, comes to England, 11 
 6 79 
 
 Meal-Tub Plot, If. 711, 712 
 
 Melar.cbton, Philip, comes to England, 1 . 809 
 Mellitus converts the Eaf -Saxons, I- 76 
 
 Melvil, Sir James, his Charadter, II. 77. his 
 ■ count vf Rizzo, 69. and of the King’s mur¬ 
 der, 78 
 
 I. 
 
 53 1 
 
 Members, Five, of the Houi’c of Common.', im¬ 
 peached by the King, 11 406—410 
 
 -'Eleven, acculcd by tin Arm 
 
 Mercia, Kingdom, and Xu g, of, 
 
 Merhnutb, Adam de, 
 
 Mcrtou, Statutes of, 
 
 Mexico dil'covered, 
 
 Michel, Sir Francis, has a 
 Lace, 
 
 Middlefx, whence called 1 
 Middle-Temple, Addrclfe ; 
 
 J. 483 
 J. 310 
 . I. 74- 
 
 vr making 
 II. 204 
 1 34 » 35 • 
 
 from thence, II. 742, 
 
 Paten 
 
 Middleton, Hugh, brings the Ncw-River to Lon - 
 ^n, II. 1 S6 
 
 Mildmay, Sir Walter, lent to treat with the Q. 
 of Scots,. II. n 5 
 
 Militia, Commiflions for arming it, II. 283. 
 dilputes between K. Charles 1. and his Pailiament 
 about the Militia, 415—419, 426, 430. he cou- 
 fents to give it up, 562. veiled again in the 
 King, 626, 629 
 
 Milton, John, die?, II. Cju 
 
 Mouafcries vifited, I 807. and fuppreffed, 
 782, 807, 808, 814, 818, 821. how much 
 their Revenues amounted to, 821. diforders and 
 pious frauds in them, 818. granted to the King, 
 822 
 
 Monk, George, taken prifoner, II. 4S6. com¬ 
 mands ia Scotland, 585. his adlions there, 5S6, 
 603. made Admiral, 588. marches into Eng¬ 
 land, 610. rcftorcs K. Charles it, 616, 617. 
 made General, 612, his Speech to the Parlia¬ 
 ment, 613. reftorcs the leduded Member?, 613. 
 prefled to take the Government, 615. >1. 7 made 
 D. of Albemarle, 642. dies, 654 
 
 Monks, fome, executed, I. 806 
 
 Monmouth, D. of, James Scot, Chancellor of 
 Cambridge, II. 676. quells an infurredlion in 
 Scotland, 707. lent to Holland, 711. his Mo¬ 
 ther reported to be married to K. Charles n, 712. 
 returns to England, 713. goes back to Holland, 
 732. invades England, 746—748. defeated, 749. 
 and beheaded, ibid. 
 
 Monopolies, fuppreffed, II. 154, 163, 308. for 
 drefling Cloth, 175. for making Allum, 176. 
 complained of, 203, 285, 287 
 
 Monpeffon, Sir Giles, has a Patent for Lace, II. 
 
 204 
 
 Monroe, General, his Exploits, II. 554—561 
 Monjbn, Sir William, II. 135 
 
 Montague, Lord, John Nevil, marches again if, 
 df Margaret, I. 599. created E. of North:;?.ber- 
 lund, ibid, declares againft K. Edward tv, 603 
 —612. flain, 613 
 
 Montague, Sir Edward, II. 1, 26, 31, 33 
 
 -- Sir Henry, made Chicf-Jullice, II. 190. 
 
 gives 20,000/. to be Lord-Treafurer, 201 
 
 ■--Dr. called to an account lor his Book?, 
 
 II. 240, 244. made Biihop, 276 
 
 - Edward, afterwards E. of Sandwich , 
 
 his naval adlions, II. 596, 627, 639, 640, 664 
 
 - Sir Ralph, Ambaflador in France , II. 
 
 653. informs againft the E. of Danhy, 683,697 
 Monteagle, Lord, William Parker, receive^ a 
 Letter about the Powder-Plot, II. 1-1 
 
 Montgomery, E. of, Philip Herbert, II. 160, 
 181. n. 3 
 
 Montjoy, Lord, Charles Blount, defeats Tir-ocr, 
 II. 150, 155. created E. of Devon/hire, 161, 
 n. 3. marries the Lady Rich, 278 
 
 Montrofe, Marquis of, James Graham, offers to 
 deftroy the Marquis of Hamilton, II. 383. retire- 
 into Germany, 577. his exploits in Scotland, 578, 
 581. beheaded, ibid, buried, 627 
 
 Moore, Treaty of, J. 765 
 
 Morant, William, I. 347 
 
 I lor car. Governor of Northumberland, I. 136, 
 139, 170 
 
 Mordaunt, Lord, concerned in the Powder- 
 Plot, II. 173 
 
 More, Sir Thomas, made Lord Chancellor, I. 
 785. religns the Seal, 795. executed, 806 
 Mortimer, Hugh, Hands out againft Henry 11, 
 L 223 
 
 Mortimer, Sir John, executed, I. 542 
 
 Mortimer s Hole, I. 413 
 
 Mortmain, Statute of, I. 359, 478 
 
 Morton, Dr. John, Bifhop of Ely, committed 
 to the D- of Buckingham's Cuftody, I. 637. plots 
 againft Richard in, 639. clcapes into Flanders , 
 640. made Archbp. of Canterbury, 655. and a 
 Cardinal, 674 
 
 Morton, E. of, James Douglafs, figns a Confe¬ 
 
 deracy againll Of Mary, II. 79. made Regent of 
 Scotland, 104. makes a Treaty with (f Eliza¬ 
 beth, 105 
 
 Mov.bray, Robert de, his Character, I. 185. 
 confpires againll William 11, 186 
 
 - John, created E. of Nottingham, I 
 
 453 
 
 - Thomas, conlpircs ng-infl K. Henry iv, 
 
 I 496 
 
 John, reftored to the Title ol D of 
 
 Norfolk, 
 
 I- V 
 
 Mull 
 
 545 
 
An INDEX to the Two Volumes of the Hiftory of England. 
 
 Mulgrave, E. of, John Sheffield, made Lord- 
 Chamberlain, II- 754 
 
 Munjltr, Bifhop of, invades Holland, II. 641 
 
 Murray, E. of. See James Stewart. 
 
 Mtertherers , Statute againlt them, I. 666. n. 2 
 Mufcovy Company, II. 82 
 
 Mu/grave, Sir Philip, II. 54 ^’ 55 1 
 
 Muffielburgb Fight, II. 8 
 
 N. 
 
 J\T Alfon, John , account of his Collettions, II. 
 1 347 > &c - 
 
 Nafeby Fight, II. 517 
 
 Naue, the Q_of Scots Secretary, II. 119, 125 
 
 Naunton, Sir Robert, made Secretary of State, 
 II. 192. turned out, 201 
 
 Kfizaleod, 1-37 
 
 Neile, Richard, Biihop of Winchejler, complaints 
 againlt hirti, II. 240, 272 
 
 Nennius, I. 81 
 
 Neots, St. I. >15 
 
 Nevil, Alexander, Archbp. of York, I. 459, 
 4^3 
 
 - George, Archbp. of York, turned out 
 
 from being Chancellor, I. 603. plots againlt Ed¬ 
 ward iv, 603 
 
 -- John, created Lord Montague, I. 597 
 
 - -Edmund, claims the Inheritance of the 
 
 Earls of Wejltnoreland, II. 120 
 
 N-cw-River brought to London, II. 186 
 
 Newark befieged, II. 498, 519. delivered up 
 to the Scots, 524 
 
 Newburgh, Lord, Edward Barret, tries to pro¬ 
 cure K. Charles i’s efcape, II. 567 
 
 Neavburv, two Battles of, II- 478, 505 
 
 NexvcaJlle built, I. 176. eretted into a Bilhop- 
 rick, 11 . 25. taken by the Scots, 499. King 
 Charles 1. brought thither, 524 
 
 -E. of, William Cavendijh, tries to be¬ 
 come matter of Hull, II. 41;. feizes Newcafle, 
 456. his military exploits, 466—499. retires to 
 Hamburgh, # 499 
 
 New-College founded, I- 5°4 
 
 Neav Forelt made, I. > 77 > 1 7.8 
 
 Newport, Treaty there, II. 561, See. 
 
 Nimeguen, Congrcis there, II. 679 
 
 Nisbet, Battle of, I- 493 
 
 Nobility, Old and New, I. 629 
 
 Non-conformijls, Statute againlt them, II. 141. 
 that Name how applied, 624. a Confpiracy of 
 theirs, 624, 627. perfecuted, 627. thank K. 
 James 11. for his Declaration, 758 
 
 Nor.-obftante, Claufe, I. 319, 324 
 
 AWReildents, Bill againlt them, II. 363 
 
 Aow-Refiitancc preached up, II. 725 
 
 Norfolk, Infurrettions there, II. 16 
 
 --D. of, Thomas Mowbray banifhed, I. 470 
 
 - D. of, John Mowbray, rcltored to that 
 
 Title, I. 545. joins the D. of York, 576 
 
 —-D. of, John Howard, I. 637. flain, 
 
 646 
 
 .— D. of, Thomas Howard, oppofes the 
 
 Reformation, I. 804, 829. his warlike attions, 
 813, 833, 840. his Charatter, 829. attainted, 
 but wonderfully efcapes, 846, 848. pardoned, 
 
 II. 32. dies, 40 
 
 - D. of, Thomas Howard, endeavours to 
 
 marry the Q;_ of Scots, II. 83, 88. fent to the 
 Tower, 89. executed, 101 
 
 Normandy, firlt called fo, I. 99. Dukes of 
 Normandy, 99, 103, 164 
 
 Norris, John, his warlike exploits, II, 138— 
 
 ■45 
 
 Northampton, Aflizes of, I. 239. Aflembly- 
 Gcneral there, 260. Battle there, 584. the 
 Walls of it razed, II. 632 
 
 • -E. of, Humphrey de Bohun, made the 
 
 King’s Lieutenant-General in France, I. 423 
 
 • --Marquis of, William Parr, II. 3, 16, 
 
 22, 31, 32, 36, 53 
 
 -E. of, Henry Howard, writes to Bellar- 
 
 mine, II. 184 
 
 .——— E. of, Spencer Compton, flain, II. 466 
 Northamptonffiire, Infurrcttion there, I. 606 
 Northumberland, Kingdom and Kings of, I. 47, 
 &c. ravaged by William 1, 172 
 
 - E. of, Henry Percy, Marfhal of Eng¬ 
 land, and Admiral, 1 . 444, 453. his exploits, 
 
 455 
 
 -E. of, Henry Percy, made High-Confta- 
 
 blc, and hath a grant of the Iflc of/Man, I. 484. 
 plots again ft Henry 1 v, 494, 499. flain, 499 
 
 • -E. of, Henry Percy flain, I. 380 
 
 >' E. of, Henry Percy, killed by the mob, 
 
 I. 663, 664 
 
 ■-D. of See Dudley. 
 
 • -■ F.. of, Thomas Percy, takes up arms a- 
 
 g.iinllQ ^Elizabeth, II. 89, 93. beheaded, 103 
 
 —- E. of, Henry Percy, fhoots himfelf, II. 
 
 1 20 
 
 -— E. of, Henry Percy, fined, II. 172. puts 
 
 eight Horfes to his Coach, 198 
 
 —- E. of, Algernoon Percy, made General of 
 
 the Army againlt Scotland, II. a 14. and Admi- 
 lal, 426. dies, 653 
 
 No 84. VOL. II. 
 
 Norwich, whence fo called, I. 76- n. s 3 
 Nottingham, K. Charles x. fets up his Standard 
 there, II. 457 
 
 Nottingham Caltle built, I- 170 
 
 Nottingham Plot, I* 464 
 
 •-E. of, Charles Howard, his Exploits, II. 
 
 >35. >45. >46 
 
 -E. of, Daniel Finch, rcful'es to fign the 
 
 Aflociation, II. 783. propofes a Regency, 786 
 Noy, William, made Attorney-General, II. 288. 
 n. 3. advifes K. Charles 1. to levy Ship money, 
 292 
 
 Nuntio, one lent to K. James 11, II. 760 
 
 O. 
 
 0 Ak of Reformation, II. 16 
 
 Oates, Titus, account of him, II. 6S9. his 
 Narrative, 690. hath Lodgings allowed him in 
 Whitehall, ibid, his Depolitions, 694, 696, 701, 
 708, 709. turned out of Whitehall, 724. lined, 
 733. and whipt, r 743 > 744 
 
 Oath of the Bilhops and Barons to K. Stephen, 
 I. 201. toK. Henry VIII, 802, 838. Oath of 
 Allegiance, II. 173. one appointed by Biihop 
 Neile, 289. one annexed to the Covenant, 303. 
 Oath appointed by the Convocation, 321, 333. 
 n. 2. abolilhed, 380. Oath taken by the Parlia¬ 
 ment, 488. Abjuration Oath, 612. Oath or¬ 
 dained by the Corporation and Militia Atts, 628, 
 629. to be taken by all perfons in Office, 677 
 
 Occam, 
 
 Ocla arrives in England, 
 
 Odo, 
 
 Odo, Bifhop of Bayeux, L 165, 
 
 I- 482 
 I. 32 
 I. 115 
 168, 172, 
 179, 183 
 1 54 > 55 
 
 390 
 . 160 
 n. 13 
 . 402 
 . 508 
 ”■ 4 
 
 Offia K. of Mercia, 
 
 Officers, the great Officers of the Crown, 11 . 
 
 146 
 
 Olaus K. of Norway, invades England, I. 1 1 8, 
 
 r 119 
 
 Oldcorn the Jefuit executed, II. 173 
 
 Old Man of the Mountains, I. 252 
 
 Omer's, St. Scholars, their Depolitions at the 
 tryal of the live Jeliiits, II. 708 
 
 Orange, Prince of, William 11, marries the 
 
 Princefs Mary, II. 416. dies, 586 
 
 -Prince of. See William in. 
 
 Ordainers, I 
 
 Ordeal, 1 . 
 
 Ordovices, I. 14, 94. 
 
 Oriel College founded, 1 
 
 Oriflame, 1 
 
 Orkney Ifles, I.139. 
 
 Orleans, Maid of See Joan. 
 
 Orleton, Adam, Bilhopo f Hereford, joins the D. 
 of Lancafer, I. 397. accepts K. Edward 11’s 
 refignation of his Crown, 402. his ambiguous 
 Saying, 408 
 
 Ormond, E. of, James Butler, I. 409 
 
 - E. of, Thomas Butler, I. 667 
 
 -Marquis of, James Butler, his exploits, 
 
 II. 483, 537. treats with the Irijh Rebels, 483, 
 492, 521 
 
 Osborne, Sir Thomas, made Privy-Gounfellor, II. 
 664. and High-Treafurcr, 671. complaints and 
 articles againlt him, 677, 697. his Charatter, 
 697. impeached, 698, 703, 704. turned out 
 
 from being Lord-Treafurer, 698. 
 
 Tower, 704. diicharged, 
 
 Ofmund, I 
 
 Ofwald, Archbp. of York, 1 
 
 Otho, the Pope’s Legate, hi~ exattions, I. 311 
 
 , • • — 3*5 
 
 Othobon's Conftitutions, I. 352 
 
 Overbury, Sir Thomas, his tragical Story, II. 
 
 183, 184 
 
 Owen, Sir John, condemned to die, II. 574, 
 
 575 , 
 
 Oxford Univcrflty founded, I. 93, 112. for- 
 faken by the Scholars, 269. n. 8. eretted into 
 a Bilhoprick, 829. vifited by Archbp. Laud, II. 
 294. Statutes of it made, 294 gives K. Charles 1. 
 their Plate, 460. K. Charles retires thither, 462. 
 Treaty there, 469, &c. befieged, 500, 501. 
 Theatre there opened, 6^3. Parliaments there, 
 496, 720, 721. Oxford Provifions, 332. Divi¬ 
 nity-School and Library there built, 588. n. 2. 
 
 370. n. 6 
 
 -- E. of, Robert de Vere, one of K. Ri¬ 
 chard 1 i’s Favourites, 1 . 459. created Marquifs 
 of Dublin, and D. of Ireland, 462—467 
 
 -E. of, John de Vcre, beheaded, I. 598 
 
 -E. of, John de Fere, attainted, I. 609. 
 
 commands the firlt Line at Bofworth fight, 646. 
 fined, and why, 686 
 
 - E. of, Henry de Vcre, commands Troops in 
 
 Bohemia, II. 199 
 
 -E. of, Aubrey dc Vcre, goes, to the Prince 
 
 of Orange, II. 779 
 
 -Biihop of, Samuel Parker, II. 755, 758 
 
 P. 
 
 JD Aget, Sir William, Secretary of State, II. 1. 
 
 his Charatter, 5. created a Baron, 20. im- 
 prifoned, 22. fined, and degraded from the Or¬ 
 der of the Garter, 24. flies into France, 11S 
 
 fent to the 
 733 
 I. 221 
 18 
 
 Pa/atinate, affairs of the, 
 Palatine, Elettor, Frederic, 
 • Charles, 
 
 II. 198, &e» 
 II. 198, &c. 
 II, 294, 304 
 I. 66. j 
 
 Pall, what, 
 
 Palm-Sunday, carrying Palms on that day for¬ 
 bidden, ' If 11 
 
 Palmer, Sir Thomas, impeaches the D. of So-- 
 merfet, I. 22. executed, 32 
 
 —--Mr. fent to the Tower for protelling, 
 
 II. 388 
 
 Pandulpk, I. 273, 274, 299, 30O 
 
 Parijhrs, Origin and Divilion of them, I. 146 
 Papillon , Thomas, II. 713 
 
 Ptipjh , Laws againlt them, II, 115, 120. 01- 
 dered to call their children home from foreign 
 Parts, 11 2. countenanced by K. James and K. 
 Charles i, 177, 193,321,364. Petitions againlt 
 them, 229, 240, 241, 634, 651, 693. dil'arm- 
 cd, 243, 365. Papills in the King's and Parlia¬ 
 ment’s Armies, 463, 464, 468. Proclamations 
 againlt the Papills, 333, 431, 634, 643, 631, 
 &c. dilablcd from fitting in Parliament, 693. 
 their Houles plundered, 781, 782 
 
 Parliament, with four Knights out of every 
 Shire, I. 339. and with two, 340. a feries of 
 Parliaments before 49 Henry 111, 181, 189, 199, 
 211, 243, 237, 280. and lince. See in each 
 King and Queen's Reign. Did not life to fit above 
 one Selfioii, 469. not frequently prorogued, 487. 
 Long Parliament in K. Charles i’s time, their 
 proceedings, II, 330, &c. Penfionary Parliament 
 in K. Charles 11’s time, 623, 67S. commonly 
 lidcs with the ftrongeft, 597. The Good Parlia¬ 
 ment, 465. the Mercilefs, ibid the Cruel, 487. 
 the Illiterate, 493. Bareboat's Parliament, 590. 
 the Rump-Parliament, 608, 609 
 
 --Adis of, Atts in the Parliament of 1399, 
 
 I. 485. for freedom of Elcttions, 498. to pre¬ 
 vent abufes therein, 503. againll falfe Returns, 
 500. excluding the Women from the Crown, 
 498. againll the Houfe of York, repealed, 597. 
 about the Succeffion of the Crown, 609, 631, 
 838. JI. 27. againll clipped Money, I. 687. 
 againll giving Liveries, ibid, concerning Annates, 
 793. abolilhing th« Papal Authority, and againll 
 Peter-pencc, See. 797, 801, 803. to confirm K. 
 Henry vi 1 i’s Title, 803. and title of the Kings of 
 England, 838. making it tpeafon to fpeak evil of 
 the King, 803. or to conceal the Incontinence of 
 a Queen of England, 831. ordering the fame 0- 
 bedience to the King’s Proclamations as to Atts of 
 Parliament, 822. repealed, II. q. to limit the 
 Jurildittion' of the Ecclefiallical Coims, I. 838. 
 
 II. 10. againlt unlawful Aflemblics, If. 19. con¬ 
 
 firming the Liturgy, ibid, enjoining the confront¬ 
 ing of Wiinefles, 24. fixing what are the crimes 
 againll the State, 34. againll molelling Preachers, 
 prophaning the Sacraments, Images, tYc. and Af- 
 lemblies to alter Religion, ibid, to confirm 
 Marys prerogatives, though flic was a Woman, 38. 
 againll Hereticks revived, 41. appointing publick 
 worfliip in the vulgar Tongue, 33. icltoiing to 
 the Crown the Supremacy, and the right of no¬ 
 minating to Bilhopricks, 53, 54. of Uniformity, 
 34, 629. to maintain Q. Elizabeth's right to the 
 Crown, 100. to confirm K. James i’s Title, 168. 
 for a Triennial Parliament, 355. repealed, 633. 
 to abolifh the Star-Chamber, Higli-Commiffion, 
 Ship money; and concerning Forells, Knight¬ 
 hood, Salt-petrs, Gunpowder, ibid. Att, called. 
 The humble Petition and Advice, 597. making 
 it treafon 10 levy Money without confent of Par¬ 
 liament, 609. to fix the Intercfl of Money, 620. 
 for a Thankfgiving on May 29, ibid, for regu¬ 
 lating the Bay-trade, and encouraging Shipping, 
 621. about felling Wine by retail, 622 for an 
 Excifc upon Ale, tffc. ibid, for confirmation of 
 College and Hofpital Lcales, 622. prohibiting the 
 exportation of Wool and FullerVcarth ; and the 
 planting of Tobacco in Ireland , ibid, for taking 
 away the Court of Wards and Liveries, ibid, for 
 the lafety of the King’s perfun, 626. for regula¬ 
 tion of the Navy, ibid, for repairing the Ways 
 about London, 629. Five-mile Att, 641. Capita¬ 
 tion-Att, 644. for building thirty Ships, 681. for 
 an additional Excife, ibid, for preventing Frauds 
 and Perjuries, 681. for a duty upon Wines, 687. 
 for dil'abling Papills from fitting in Parliament, 
 693. againll the Papills, 698 
 
 Parliament-men to lofe their Wages, if they ab- 
 fent themfelves, I. 730 
 
 Parr, Thomas, bom, I. 628. n. 7. dies, II. 
 
 294 
 
 Parry, William, confpires againll Q_Elizabeth, 
 II. 120 
 
 Par fans, Robert, comes to England, II. n 2 
 Parties, two, formed in England, II. 308 
 Pafcentius, Son of Vortigern, I. 
 
 Paffive Obedience preached up, II. 723. for- 
 faken by the Church of England, 769. how far 
 it will hold, 
 
 Patent, St. 
 
 Patrick, St. 
 
 Paul's, St. School built, I. 
 
 9 X 
 
 786 
 
 ;• 43 
 
 43 
 
 691. ». 5 
 Pau/tt, 
 
An INDEX to tlie Two Volumes of the Hiftory of 'Enplane!. 
 
 Peiu/it, IVilliem, created Marquifs of Winchefcr, 
 II. 22. plotsagainft Cecil, 88 
 
 Paulinus converts the Northumbrians, I. 67, 69 
 Peckham , John, I- 4^ 2 
 
 Peers, explanation of that word, I. 160. el¬ 
 
 ded Sons of Peers when firll fat in the Houfe of 
 Common', 19 
 
 Pembroke, E. of, Richard de Clare, goes and 
 conquers part of Ireland, I. 235. takes polTeflion 
 of Lcimjhr , ibid, made Regent, 296 
 
 -— E. of, Richard Marjhal, deprived by 
 
 Henry nr. of hi;, brother’s elhtc, I. 30$. created 
 Earl Marfhal, ibid, leagues with Lewellyn Prince 
 of Wales, 308. his military exploits, 302, 308, 
 309. is taken prifoner, 308. ravages the Lands 
 of the King's Counlellors, 309. goes to Ireland, 
 and is ltabbed there, 309 
 
 -E. of, Gilbert Marjha', marries the K. of 
 
 SeotlamP s Sidcr, I- 3 11 
 
 -E. of, Anfelm Marjhal, Marflial of Eng¬ 
 land, I- 3*9 
 
 --E. of, Avner de Valence, defeated by Ro¬ 
 bert Bruce, I. 384. enters into a Confederacy a- 
 gainft K. Eduard tl, 390, 391 
 
 - E. of, Jet per Tudor, I. 560, 399. de¬ 
 feated, 586, 616. forfeits his Title and Edate, 
 599. redored, 609 
 
 -- E. of, William Herbert, I. 599. de¬ 
 feated by the Vorkjhire Male-contents, 605, 606. 
 and beheaded, 606 
 
 -— E. of, William Herbert, II. 22, his 
 
 exploits, 15, 37, 46 
 
 -E. of, Philip Herbert, K. Charles i’s an- 
 
 fwer to him, II. 421. cholen Member of the 
 Houle of Common- , 574 - n - 1 
 
 Penn, Vice-Admiral, IT, 595, 639, 640 
 
 Penal Laws and Tell, K. James 11. endeavours 
 to abolilh them, 
 
 Pennington, Ifaa- 
 
 Penruddock, Job 
 
 Penf.onary Parli 
 bers, 
 
 Penfoners, Gen 
 Pequign ), 
 
 Percy, h 
 flays Double 
 - Tho 
 
 /60, 761. 
 Mayor of London, II. 468 
 confpires again it Cromwell, 
 n. 594 
 
 ent, and Pcnfionary Mem- 
 II. 623, 678, 707 
 nen, 11 824. n. 4 
 
 uty of, I. 621 
 
 H '/pur, defeats the.Starts, I 43^. 
 
 463 
 
 concerned in the Powder Plot, 
 II. 170, 171, 172 
 it to get the Army to de- 
 
 dare for K. Charles I, 
 perhaps, d re is laid upon that 
 Perkin Wurluek, account of hi 
 Perth, Articles of, 
 
 Peter-pcr.cc impaled, I. 54, 
 
 u. 369—J -3 
 vord, I. 780 
 n, I. 672—683 
 II. 193, 300 
 86. abo'lidled , 
 801 
 
 I. 271, 272 
 .prick, I. 829 
 II. 67 
 
 Peter de Pont/,rad, 
 
 Peterbuigh erected into a Bill 
 
 -E. of, Henry Mordaunt, 
 
 Petition of Right, II. 270, 271. Petitions a- 
 gaind Reculant--, 240, 241, &c. about Griev.m 
 ces, 352, 356. againft Bifhops, 360, 361, 362 
 of the Apprentices, 403. from the Watermen. 
 55-. from the Women and Children about the 
 Service-book, 301. of the Independents, 560 
 Petre, Sir William, Secretary of State, his 
 Character, II. 5, 17- created Baron of If rit tie, 
 160. n. 3 
 
 -Lord, imprifoned about the Popilh Plot, 
 
 ir. 692, 704, 733 
 
 -Father, II. 756, 760, 778, 779 
 
 Peyton, Marys Confelfor, created a Cardina' 
 
 II. 46 
 
 -Sir Robert, goes to the Prince of Orange, 
 
 n- ip 
 
 Philip de Valois, K. of France, account of hi 
 great Conteds with K. Edward in, I. 411 — 
 428 
 
 Ph-tip. Prince, marries Marx, II. 35 - 39 
 offer' to marry Elizabeth, 31. gets polTeflion 
 of Portugal, ii’ invades England, 135-137 
 Phihppa, married to K Edward 111, I. 400, 
 40S. defeats the Scots, 425. obtains a pardon 
 for flx Burghers, 426. dies, 
 
 Philpot defeats .1 Scotch Pirate, T. 
 
 Picard, Henry, invites four Kings to a Feall, 
 
 L 43 °' *■ 3 
 
 Pinhering. Sir l! ill.am, fancied that Eliza¬ 
 beth would rnarry him, II. 61 
 
 - Thomas, defigns to kill K. Charles 11, II. 
 
 689, 696 
 
 Piclavienfs, I. 22I 
 
 Piets, their Original, I Lit rod. vii. dedroyed 
 by the Scots, I. 85. Piets Wall, 20 
 
 Pirn-t, All", I. 443, 444, 454 
 
 Pukmgton, Thomas, fined, II. 726 
 
 Pinkey, Battle of, II. g 
 
 Plagues in England, I. 426, 456, 466, 499, 
 561 
 
 Plantagenet^fO rigin of that Sirname, I. 647. 
 
 44 
 
 454 
 
 Plantius comes into Britain, 
 P'egviitnd, 
 
 Piff.y, account of it. 
 
 I. 468. 
 
 I. 1 
 I. 11 
 
 Plot, the Popifh, II. 688. &C. 
 
 Plunket, Oliver, executed, II. 724 
 
 Pluralifls, a Bill againit them, II. 363, 380 
 Plymouth, a plot to deliver it up to K. Charles 1, 
 II. 480 
 
 Poek/ington s Books burnt, II. 363 
 
 Pole, Michael de la, made E. of Suffolk, and 
 High-Cancellor, I. 459, 462. removed, 463 
 Poole, Sir Geffrey and Henry, executed, I. 820 
 
 - Reginald, falls out with K. Henry vi 1 t, I. 
 
 813, 819, 820. loles the Papacy, II. 21. comes 
 to England, 40—49. nude Archbp. of Canter¬ 
 bury, 45. dies, 49 
 
 Poleron, debates about it, II. 587, 645. deli¬ 
 vered to the Englith, 591 
 
 Pollard, Captain, II. 370, 371, 380 
 
 Poll Taxes I. 456, 4J7- II. 644, 685 
 
 Polydore Virgil, imprifoned by WolJey, 1 . 732 
 Pont/raJtCaiWe, II. 519, 552, 564 
 
 Poor, Richard, builds Salisbury Cathedral, I. 
 
 Pope, his Authority abolifhed in England?I. 
 801. redored, II. 40 
 
 Popham, Alex, propofes the having a perpetual 
 Revenue fettled upon K. Charles 11, if 622 
 Porta lands at Portland, I. 36 
 
 Portland, E. of, Richard Wcfton, Lord-Treafu- 
 rer, IJ. 276. accufed of being a Papiif, 260, 
 276, 290. Libels againft him, 280 
 
 -E. of. Jerom Wejfon, II, 490 
 
 Portfmouth fccurcd by the Houfe of Commons, 
 II. 369, 410, 411, 415. K. Charles 1. becomes 
 mailer of it, 4-6 
 
 •- Duchefs of, Lottife de Querounille, tries to 
 
 ruin the E. of Danby, ii. 697. eager for the 
 Exclufion-bill, 7 iQ> - 2 o 
 
 Portugal, whence ft) cilled, i Introd. vii 
 Portugal Ambaflador’s Brother executed, II. 55,1 
 Pof- Office ereded, II. 62 z. Revenues of it 
 
 fettled on the D. of York , 635 
 
 Bowie, Henry, II. 704, 785 
 
 Powys, E. of, 14 illiam Herbert, fent to the 
 Tower, II. 692. impeached, 704. releafed. 
 
 7 3 3 
 
 Poynings, Sir Edward, Deputy of Ireland, 1 . 
 674. Poynings Law, 675 
 
 Pr/smonjiratenfes, I. 217 
 
 Pramunire, Statute of, I. 422, 478, 69S 
 Prance, Miles, concerned in Godfreys, murder, 
 H. 698 — -00. his Examinations, 699, 700. and 
 Dcpoiitions, 701, 708. tried, 756 
 
 Preaching forbid, without a Licence, II. 54 
 Prerogative, K. James 1. full of his, II. 159, 
 163, 190, 192, 196, 213 
 Presbyterians, moderate and rigid, II. 351, 
 352. pcrlccuted, 162, 176, 177, 1S5, 289, 
 292, 294, 3 59. their views and defigns in the 
 war, 359, 447 — 455. feparate from the Inde¬ 
 pendents, 527. join with the Royalids, 607, 611. 
 contribute to the King’s Reftoration, 61 1. a C011- 
 fpiracy of theirs, 623—626, 628. many turned 
 out of their Livings, 632. carcffed, 673. thank 
 K. James 11. for his Declaration, 758. unite 
 with the Church of England, -69 
 
 Pretend, r, account of iiis fuppofed birth, II. 
 76.4-768. Depoiitions about it, 773, 774. car¬ 
 ried into France, ygi 
 
 Prideaux, gives Jeffe ries 14,000 /. to fave his 
 -Life, II. 750 
 
 Priefs allowed to many', II. 13. Popilh Prierts, 
 baniflied, xfr-, 
 
 Printing brought to England, I. 588, n. 2 
 Proclamations frequent in K. James and K. 
 Charles i’s time, if. 162, 177, 2S7, 294, 301. 
 ordered to be bound, j 77 
 
 Protejlation taken by both Houfe:, II 369, 380 
 Proteftants, whence fo called, 1. 790 account 
 of thole in Germany, 787, 790, &c. burnt in 
 England, 837. II. 42—43. r.ccountof thofe in 
 Scotland, 52—63. French Proteftants well received 
 by K. James 11, 760' 
 
 Provifsons and Provifors, Statutes againd them, 
 I. 422, 466, 478, 527 
 Prynne, William, fentenced in the Star-Cham¬ 
 ber, II. 302. n. 2. imprifoned in Jo-fey, ibid, 
 releafed, 354. dies, ' 654 
 
 Publicans, I 350 
 
 *7 
 
 4:° 
 
 Pur beck, \ ifeount, John Vi liters. 
 
 II. 
 
 Puritans hated by K. James 1, II. 162, See. 
 perfccutcd, 162—359. go and fettle in Virginia, 
 176. See Presbyterians. 
 
 -Church and State. II, 178 
 
 Byers, Exton, murders Richard 11, I. 490 
 
 Pym, John his Speeches, II. 352, 383, 411. 
 impeaches the E. of Strafford, 354. encourages 
 the Tumults at Wefminfer, 404. accufed of 
 Eligh-treafon, 406. impeaches the Queen, 487. 
 di “- 495 
 
 <£>) Uakers, Aft againd them, II. 629. prefent 
 ‘Vsan Addrefs to K. James 11, 742. thank him 
 for his Declaration, 758 
 
 £>ueen, meaning of that word, I. 148 
 
 Queens College Cambridge founded. I 5 38 , n 2 
 
 Shendrida, aflaflinates her Brother, J. j- 
 $hec-Warranto, Statute of, i. 3. O uo War 
 rantu againft the Charter of London, 727, - ■. 
 
 and thole of feveral other Corporations - : 4 , --'bo 
 
 R. ' 
 
 J^Adbert Paftha t tus w al out Franfi bft mti i 
 tion, j „ 
 
 Ragmans Roll. I. 409. Ragmans, 
 
 Rags monopolized, IJ 
 
 Rainsborougb, Colonel, II 329. and Wee-Ad¬ 
 miral, 552 killed, ' -5. 
 
 Raleigh, Sir Walter, Volunteer in France, 'll? 
 93 »• 4 Lis two Exped ... intc America, 'i 4 1, 
 143. and to Cadiz, 145 confpires againd K 
 James 1, 161. condemned, ibid, writes his 
 Hillory of the World, 195. dilcovers Virginia 1 
 176. his third Expedition into America, i, /. 
 beheaded, 
 
 Ralph de Diccto, J Wg 
 
 Randolph, Sir Thomas, hi- Embaffies, II Jjg, 
 94, i°i, no, 113, 123 tries to cxeits a Re¬ 
 bellion in Scotland, ,,, 
 
 Ranu/ph Flambart, made Bifhop of Durham, 1 . 
 189. imprifoned, 
 
 Ratcliff, Sir John, Commander in France, I. 
 
 t 7 Tftnt: with a Fleet againft Sm/FJ, 
 
 I. 626. confpires againd Henry vi 1, 674 
 
 *-Sir Richard, attainted, I. 67 z 
 
 Records of Scotland burnt, I 
 
 Recufants, Adi againd them, II. 141. n. 5. 'or¬ 
 dered not to come within ten miles of the Court, 
 1 79 -. r eleafed out of prifon by K. James 1, 215. 
 Petitions againd them, 240, 241, 252. dilarm- 
 cd, 243. K. Charles 1. compounds with them, 
 258, 276. See Papifs. 
 
 Redon, Treaty of, I 55- 
 
 Refor,nation, beginning and occafion of ir, 1. 
 736 , 737 - , prog re Is of it in Germany, -759, 790. 
 and in England, 801—804, - 45 - in Scotland, II. 
 
 Reformed, Of Mary allures them /he would make 
 no alteration in Religion, II 30, 31. perfcvUtesL 
 32, 33, &c. . See Proteftants. 
 
 Reformers in England, who they were, 11 . 7 
 Regicides executed, 11 . 620, 621. tiuir E- 
 dates confifcated, 620, 626 
 
 Regifter for Chridnings fird ordered to be’kept, 
 I. 819. n. 3 
 
 Relicks found in Monaderies, I gig 
 
 Reliefs, E 243 
 
 RemonJhar.ee of the State of the Kingdom, II 
 3 S3» 385, 387—397 
 Remonfirants. Origin of that Name, II. 179, 
 1 80 
 
 Republicans have particular Letters of pardon, 
 
 II. 620. enter into a Plot, 6 35 
 
 Revenue of the Kings, how paid antiently, f. 
 
 189, 199. how levied and Blued, 199. branches 
 of it, 2 1 1. Revenue Rolls, 3*6 
 
 Reynolds, Captain, defeats the Levellers, II. 578. 
 commands the Engli/h Troops in France, 598 
 Rhee Ifland, Buckingham's expedition there, II. 
 
 Ribaumont, engages in Angle Combat with K. 
 Edward in, J. 427 
 
 Rich, Sir Richard, his Charadlcr, II. 5. made 
 
 Baron, ibid, and Lord-Chancellor, 
 
 dif- 
 
 graced, 23. the Great Seal taken from him, ibid. 
 
 Sir Henry, K. James 1 gives him 30O0/. 
 II. 1S3. created E. of Holland, 227. See Hol¬ 
 land. 
 
 Richard i born, I. 224. caufes a Re¬ 
 volt in Guieune, 237, 241. a marriage concluded 
 between him and Alice, 238. which is never 
 confummated. 241, 244, 24-, 273. makes war 
 with the Bretons, and defeats his Brother Geffrey, 
 241. goes to Pari,, ibid, does homage to the 
 K. of France, 24.2. crowned D of Normandy, 
 244. and K. of England, ibid, banifhes from 
 his prefence fuch as had ildod with him, and loads 
 with favour; thole that flood out againit him, ibid. 
 rail:; vali fums of money for his Expedition to 
 the Holy-Land, 243. fells nlmoft all the Crown- 
 Lands, ibid, delivers Berwick and P.oxbia gh to 
 the K. of Scotland ibid, cxacfb Monty from his 
 Subjects, 247 gives his Brother Prince John fix 
 Earldoms, 246. renews hi., alliances with the 
 Kings of Scotland and Wales, ibid, joins K. Phi¬ 
 lip at Vezelai, ibid, goes over to Meffma, and 
 takes it, 247. affronts K. Philip, by letting up 
 his banner in Meffma, ibid, gives Tamred K.''Ar¬ 
 thur s Sword, ibid, concludes a marriage with 
 Berenguel'a, ibid, confummates his marriage with 
 her. 248, puts to Sea, in order' to go to the 
 Holy Land, 24-. makes himfelf mailer of Cy¬ 
 prus, 248. keep? the Daughter of Ifaac K. of 
 Cyprus , ibid. . takes Acres, 250. affronts the D. 
 of Aufria, ibid, diffention between him and the 
 K. of France, ibid. Hands up for G;/v of Lufgnan, 
 ibid, kills the . 1 Saracen prilbncrs he had, 251. ob¬ 
 tains a great victory over Saladine, ibid, efcapes 
 narrowly at Joppa, ibid, takes the Babylon Cara¬ 
 van. 252. marches towards Jerufalem, ibid, makes 
 a Truce 
 
An INDEX to the Two Volumes of the Hiftory of Evrtand. 
 
 A Truce with Saladine, ibid, embarks for Eu¬ 
 rope, ibid, fhip-wreck’d near Aquileia, ibid, goes 
 into the Dominions of the D. of Aujlria, where 
 he is feized, and delivered up to the Emperor, ibid\ 
 carried before the Diet of the Empire, 253. i: 
 fet at Liberty, 254. arrives in England, ibid, 
 crowned again, 255. forgives his Brother John, 
 and reduces his party, ibid, wars with the K. of 
 France, 255, 256. dies, 257. makes John his 
 Heir, ibid, his Character, ibid. 
 
 Richard ii, put by his Father under the 
 protection of the Pariiamcnt, I. 444. crowned, 
 453. confirms K. John's two Charters, 454. of¬ 
 
 fers the rebels under Jack Straw an authentick 
 Charter, 457. his conference with Wat Tyler, 
 
 458. marches with an army to punifh the re¬ 
 bels of EJJex, ibid, marries Ann of Luxemburgh, 
 
 459. gives Bifhops the power of imprifoning 
 
 Hereticks, 459, 460. his Character, and Favo¬ 
 rites, 459. fends to demand the Great Seal from 
 Chancellor Scroop, ibid, marches into Scotland,'- 
 461. pardons his brother the Lord Holland, for 
 killing the Lord Stafford, ibid, grants the D. of 
 Lancajler an aid, ibid, confers new honours on his 
 Uncles and Favourites, 462. raifes a great Army 
 to oppofc the French, ibid, demands a Subfidy, 
 ibid, his rafh anfwer to the Parliament, 463. 
 threatens to call the K. of France to his afrtf- 
 tance, ibid, confcnts to the removing of his Fa¬ 
 vourites, ibid, recalls them, ibid, tries to af- 
 fume an arbitrary power, and for that end 
 undertakes to raife an Army, and pack a Parlia¬ 
 ment, 464. tries to levy an army, but can¬ 
 not, ibid, refolves to go to France, and give up 
 Calais and Cherbourg, 463. an Interview between 
 him and the Lords, ibid, flickers himfelf in the 
 Tower, ibid, his ill defigns difeovered, ibid, he 
 confents to the banifhment of his Favourites, ibid. 
 takes upon him the Government, and changes the 
 Miniftry, ibid, reconciled to the D. of Glou- 
 cejler, 466. fpends immcnle fums in Tourna¬ 
 ments , ibid, his exceffivc expenccs, 466, 467. 
 entertained daily fix thoufand perfons, 466. goes 
 to Ireland to fupprefs the Rebels, 467. calls a 
 Parliament at Dublin, ibid, he returns to Eng¬ 
 land, in order to fupprefs the Lollards, ibid, mar¬ 
 ries Ifabella, ibid, the vaft magnificence at his ■ 
 wedding, ibid, makes ufe of illegal ways to get 
 money, and gives up Brejl and Cherbourg, ibid, 
 by what means he got rid of the D. of Gloucejler, 
 468. fummons the Peers of the Realm to Not¬ 
 tingham, ibid, changes all the Sheriffs of the 
 Kingdom, and fo gets a packed Parliament, ibid. 
 makes feveral Grants, 469. confifcatcs feventeen 
 Counties, 470. prepares to go into Ireland to 
 fupp-els the Rebels, and extorts great Sums, ibid. 
 is informed of the D. of Lancajler s defeent into 
 England. 471. is detained in Ireland by contrary 
 winds, ibid, arrives in England, and lhuts him¬ 
 felf up in Conway Caftle, 472. offers to relign 
 his Crown, ibid, is confined to the Tower, and 
 refigns his Crown, ibid, articles of accufation a- 
 gainft him, 473. is depofed, 475. his favorites 
 called to account, 486. extraordinary Sentence 
 paffed upon him, 487. his tragical death, 490. 
 rumours of his being alive, 492, 494, 49;, 499. 
 his body removed to Wejlminjler, 505 
 
 Richard iii, his Charadter, I. 623. crea¬ 
 ted D. of Gloucejler, 597. fiercely attacks 
 Margaret's army, and makes a terrible /laughter, 
 615. murders Prince Edward and K. Henry vi, 
 615, 616. takes Berwick, Edinburgh, See. 626 
 forms a defign to wreft the Crown from his Ne¬ 
 phew, K. Edward v, 630. goes out with his 
 friends to meet the King,' 631. feizes upon the 
 King, ibid, fpreads a report that the E. Rinsers, 
 See. had determined to kill the D. of Gloucejler 
 and Buckingham, ibid, in declared Protestor, 632. 
 moves in Council the taking of the D. of York 
 from his Mother, ibid, fpreads reports againft the 
 Legitimacy of K. Edward 1 v, and his Children, 
 633. credts two Councils, 634. founds the Lord 
 Ha/lings, and difpatches him out of the way, ibid. 
 employs Dr. Shaw to preach about the Illegiti¬ 
 macy of K. Edwards Children, 635. refufes the 
 Crown at firft, 636. is proclaimed King, 637. 
 crowned, ibid, refolves to put K. Edward v, 
 and the D. of York to death, 638. refufes to 
 grant the D. of Buckingham the moiety of the 
 Lands of the Houfe of Hereford, ibid, crowned 
 at York, ibid, receives a confufed account of the 
 Confpiracy formed againft him by the D. of Buck¬ 
 ingham, 638—641. iffucs out a Proclamation a- 
 gainft thole that had confpired againft him, 641. 
 puts feveral of the Confpirators to death, 642. re¬ 
 ceives frefh advices of a Confpiracy, ibid, treats 
 with Landais about delivering the E. of Richmond, 
 643. gives the D. of Bretagne the Earldom of 
 Richmond, ibid, obliges the Lord Stanley to leave 
 his Son with him in hoftage, 644. difeovers the 
 projedt of the E. of Richmond’s marrying the 
 Princefs Elizabeth, and refolves to marry her, ibid. 
 gets the Queen-Dowager to deliver up her Daugh¬ 
 ters to him, ibid, puts his Queen to death, ibid. 
 
 lays up his Fleet, 643. hath intelligence- of the 
 E. of Richmond s landing at Milford-havcn, ibid, 
 goes to give him Battle, ibid, the E. of Rich¬ 
 mond s Army and his meet at Bo/worth, 646. puts 
 the Crown on his own head, ibid, rides up to at¬ 
 tack the E. of Richmond, and flays Sir William 
 Brandon, ibid, his army is routed, and he killed, 
 646, 647. his body is carried to Leiccfer, ibid, 
 where-buried, ibid. n. 3. his Charadter, ibid. 
 
 Richard 11. and m, Dukes of Normandy, I. 
 
 Richard, K. Johns Son, bom, I. 269. made 
 E. of Cornwal, 302, takes up arms to compel 
 K. Henry in. to reftore the Charters, 303. mar¬ 
 ries the Countefs of Gloucefer, 303, expoftulates 
 with his brother Henry 111, 311. enters into a 
 Confederacy againft the King, 312. goes to the 
 Holy Land, 315. inverts Henry iii. with the 
 Earldom of Roillou, ibid. married to Cincia, 
 317. his wedding dinner confided of thirty 
 thoufand difhes, ibid, the Pope offers Sicily to 
 him, 326. chofen K. of the Romans, 331. de¬ 
 clares againft the Oxford Provilions, 334. fwears 
 to obferve them, ibid, tries to make peace be¬ 
 tween the King and Barons, 333. taken priloner 
 at the battle of Lewes, 338. let at liberty, 341. 
 dies, 345 
 
 Richard, K. Edward 1 v’s Son, created D. of 
 York, I. 624 the Protedlor moves in Council 
 that he fhould be taken from the Queen his Mo¬ 
 ther, 632. conveyed to the Tower, 633. put 
 to death, 638. his bones found, ibid, n. 4 
 Richardfon, Lord Chicf-Julticc, abolifhes Wakes 
 in Somerfetjhire, H. 290 
 
 Riches of the Kings of England, II. 284 
 
 Richmond Palace built, I. 682 
 
 Ridley, Nicolas, Birtiop of London, II. 20. 
 preaches in favour of Jane Grey, 30. fent to the 
 Tower, 31. excommunicated, 39. burnt, 43 
 Ridolpho, tries to ftir up a rebellion in England. 
 II. 87. apprehended, 8g 
 
 Rippon, Treaty there, II. 324, 381 
 
 Rinsers, E. of Richard Wood-vile, made Trea- 
 furer and High-Conftable, I. 604. beheaded, 
 606 
 
 ■-- E. of Anthony Wood-vile, brings K. Ed¬ 
 
 ward v. to London, I. 63 1. arrefted, ibid, be- 
 headed, 633, 635 
 
 Rizzo, David, account of him, II. 69, 70. 
 fnatches Q^ Elizabeth's Letter out of Q^ Marys 
 hand, 71. (J_Maryz fcandalous familiarity with 
 him, 71, 72. murdered, 72. w r here buried, 
 
 . ibid. 
 
 Robert, D. of Normandy, Father of William 1, 
 
 I. 127, 164, 165 
 Robert, Son of William 1, wars againft his Fa- 
 ther, I. 176. fent with an army againft the 
 Scots, ibid, his negligence, 183. attacked by 
 William Rufus, 184. goes to the Holy Land, 
 187. claims the Crown of England, 191. gives 
 up his penfion, 193. taken and imprifoned, 194. 
 dies, 198 
 
 Robert de Bclefmc, his aflions, I. 192 —195 
 Robert E. of Glocejler, heads the Barons againft 
 K. Stephen, I. 202. taken prifoner, 207. dies, 
 208 
 
 Roberts, Lord, his warlike exploits, II. 301 — 
 504. made Governor of Plymouth, 504. and 
 Lieutenant of Ireland, 633. created E. of Rad¬ 
 nor, m 711. n. 3 
 
 Robin-Hood, J. z ^6. n. 3 
 
 Rochelle, the Englifs Expedition thither, II. 
 
 260, 277 
 
 Roches, Peter ctcs, Bifhop of Wmchejler, account 
 
 of him and his aflions, 1. 299_312 
 
 Rochejler befieged by William 11, I. 183 
 Rochejler Bridge built, I. 499, 3 
 
 Rochefler, E. of, John Wilmot, his exploits, II. 
 
 592, 594, 595 
 Vifcount, Laurence Hyde, made Lord- 
 Treafurer, II. 742, 754. refufes to embrace Po- 
 P ei 7 > 756 
 
 Rochford, Lord, Thomas Boleyn, accufed of In- 
 ceft with Ann Bolcyn, I. 810. 'beheaded, Si 1 
 
 -Lady, beheaded, I. g 3 , 
 
 Roderic, K. of Wales, invades Mercia, L 85 
 Roger de Hove den, I. 356 
 
 Rokesby, Sir Thomas, defeats the E. of Northum- 
 berland, I. „„ 
 
 Rollo I ft D. of Normandy, I. 99 
 
 Rolls, refufes to pay Tunnage, II. 277. fued, 
 278 
 
 Rome facked, I. 769. complaints of the En%- 
 lijh againft the exactions of the See of Rome, 476. 
 Memorial to the Parliament againft the Incroach- 
 ments of that See, 478 
 
 Romefcot, J 
 
 Ronquillo, D. Pedro, his advice to K .James 1 1, 
 II. 751. his houfe plundered, 781 
 
 Rofamond, Fair, put to death, I. 236. her 
 Tomb remov’d out of Godjlow Church, 354 
 Rofe, White and Red, I. 378. a Confecrated 
 Rofe fent by the Pope toK. Henry via, 708 
 Rofi, Bilhop oft John Ltfiy, II. 63 —106 
 
 ' Rotherham, Thomas, Archbp of York, and High- 
 Chancellor, I. 631. the Seal is taken from him. 
 032. imprifbn’d, 63 5^ 637 
 
 *-— John, Counfel for Richard Baxter, 
 
 „ . 11- 744. n. 4 
 
 Rothes, Earl of; forms a delign of carrying away 
 Q -Mary, H. ?0 
 
 Round-heads, IJ. 4 q, 
 
 Round Table, I. 422 
 
 Roundway-do-wn Fight* I. 4-9 
 
 Rous, or Roffe, John, I. 701 
 
 Roufe, John, Speaker of the Houfe of Com- 
 mons > II. 590 
 
 Rowcna, J, 3 32 
 
 Rubeus, Peter, the Pope’s Nuncio, extorts money, 
 I. 314* 315 
 
 Rudyard, Sir Benjamin, his Speeches, II. 353 
 
 Rumbold, Richard, executed, II. 728, 748. 
 
 n. 3 
 
 Rump Parliament, II. 605—610. the roafting 
 of the Rump, ^4 
 
 Rum fey, John, his deport tions,- II. 728, 730 
 
 Runnemede, I. 276 
 
 Rupert, Prince, comes to England, II. 294. 
 made . General of the Horfe, 458. his military 
 Exploits, 458 — 518. ordered to depart the King¬ 
 dom, 518. Admiral for K. Charles 11. 576, 
 592, 639. dies, '7-6 
 
 Rujhworth, John, account of his Colledlions* 
 II. 347, &c. 
 
 R-uffel, John, Lord Privy-Seal, II. 1. defeats 
 the Devcrjhire Rebels, 15, 16. made Earl of 
 Bedford, . ,9, , 
 
 Lord, Lieutenant of Ireland, II. 145 
 Francis, /lain at a conference with Ferni- 
 hur fi> TI. 1 21 
 
 -Francis, created Baron of Thorvaugh, II. 
 
 16°. n. 3 
 
 William, Lord, carries up to the Lords the 
 Vote about the Exclufion, II. 705. n. tried, 
 728, 729. and beheaded, 730 
 
 Rufiand, the Pope’s Nuntio, his exadtions, I. 
 
 329, 330 
 
 Ruth-ven, Lord, kills Rizzo, II. 71. "fiies into 
 England, 72 
 
 Ruthvcn Confpiracy, II. 1 1 - 
 
 -Lords ofi II. f 15, 116 
 
 Rutland, E. oft Edward Plantagcnct, made D. 
 of Albemarle, J. 469 
 
 -E. oft the D. of York's Son, murdered, 
 
 I. 586 
 
 Ruxby, fent by Q_ Elizabeth into Scotland, as a 
 
 II. 73 
 
 Ruyter, de, his exploits, II. 588, 636—646, 
 664 
 
 Rye-Houfe Plot, 
 
 S. 
 
 fiy-AEc Law, Diflcrtation 
 
 Salica terra, .. 
 
 Salisbury, the Prince of Orange makes his entry 
 into that City, II. 779. the Cathedral there 
 built, I. 354 
 
 -E. of, John de Montacute, imprifoned, I. 
 
 486. confpires againft K. Henry iv, 488. be- 
 
 upon it. 
 
 IL 723 
 
 I. 446, See. 
 I. 159. ». 3 
 
 headed, 
 
 ,.48 9 
 
 E. of, T/totnat de Montacute, his military 
 exploits I. 537 ;+8 
 
 -E. of, Richard Nevil, fides with the D. 
 
 of York, I. 576. his Charadter, 579. made 
 High-Chancellor, ibid, his military actions, 582 
 — 586. beheaded, ^35 
 
 -E. oft William Cecil, chofen Member of 
 
 the Houfe of Commons, II. 574. ». 1 
 
 -- E. of, James Cecil, fent to the Tower for 
 
 a Speech, n 68o 
 
 —-E- oft James Cecil, prefented for being a 
 
 Papift, II. 780. imprifoned, 782' 
 
 .- Countefs oft repulfes the Scots, I. 422. 
 
 vifited by K. Edward in. Hid. 
 
 Salt-petre Men, fuppreffed, II. 163. Adts a- 
 bout Salt-petre, 
 
 Samfon, elder and younger, I. 43 
 
 Sancroft, William, Arch'bp. of Canterbury II. 
 742, 755. accufed of altering the Coronation 
 Oath, 742. figns the Affociation, 78r 
 
 SanSiuaries, defign of them, I. 632—633. Bull 
 about them, 659. Aft concerning them, 803 
 Sanders, his Calumnies, I. 774, 801, 810 
 Sandwich, E. oft Edward Montague, his naval 
 exploits, II. 596, 627, 639, 640. drowned, 
 
 Sanquir, Lord, Robtrt Creighton, gets a Fen- 
 cing-mafter affaffmated, II. 181. hanged, ibid. 
 Sarisburienfis, Joannes, I --4 
 
 Savil, Sir William, Governor of Leeds, II. 
 
 Savoy Palace, J 4- 0 
 
 Savoy Conference, II. fa. 
 
 Sawtre, William, the rtrft burnt in England for 
 Here fy> 1. 491 
 
 Saxons, their Origin, Manners, Government, 
 
 . L 26, See. 147 - 162 
 
 Saxon Chronicle, J . --j 
 
 Scales, Thomas, Lord* I. 583 
 
 Scarborough 
 
An INDEX to the Two Volumes of the Hilfory of England. 
 
 Scarborough Caflle furrenders, II. 519. declares 
 for the King, 552 
 
 Sehifms in the Romijb Church, I. 455, 478, 482 
 Schomberg, Frederic de, his Exploits, II. 674* 
 679. conies over with the Prince of Change, 776. 
 a Saying of his, 779 
 
 Scone, Stone of, brought to England, I. 375 
 Scotland, K. Edward I. becomes mailer of that 
 Kingdom, I. 364—385. their Crown and Scep¬ 
 ter brought to England, 375. Wars between that 
 Kingdom and England: Under Edward 1, 37 5 
 — 3S3. Edward 11, 392, 394, 396. Edward 
 in, 407, 41 p, 413, 416, 421, 422, 425. Ri¬ 
 chard It, 455. Henry 1 v, 4S8, 490, 492, 493. 
 Henry v 1, 581. Edward 1 v, 623. Henry v 11 1, 
 710, 724, S33, 839—842. Edward \ 1, II- 8» 
 12, 17. Charles 1, 308—322, 553, 554. and 
 Oliner Cromwell, 384, 536 
 
 Scots, their Origin, I . Introd. vi, their Anti¬ 
 quity, ibid. viii. driven out of Scotland, 23. 
 recalled, ibid, defeat the Englijh thrice in one 
 day, 382. inriched by K. James 1, II. 168, 
 170, 181, 186, 191. come and aililt the Parlia¬ 
 ment, 464—323. go back, 525, 527. defeated 
 at Dunbar, 583. and Worcejier, 585 
 
 Scotus, Joannes, I. 1 1 5 
 
 Scroggs, Chief-Jullice, examines Oates, II. 692. 
 
 impeached, 719 
 
 Scroop, Richard, Chancellor, refufes to put the 
 Seal to one of the King’s Grants. I. 439 
 
 - Lord, made E. of Wiltjhtre , I. 469 
 
 —— Henry, Lord-Treafurer, conlpires againlt 
 Henry v, I. 511. hanged, ibid. 
 
 - Richard, Archbp. of York, confpircs a- 
 
 gainlt Henry 1 v, I. 406. beheaded, 497 
 
 Scutages, Aids, ana Culloms, I. 238 
 
 Seal, a new one ordered by the Parliament. II. 
 494 » 574 - K. James 11. throws the Great Seal 
 into the • Thames , 781 
 
 Sedge more Fight, II. 749 
 
 S/grave, John de, Commander of the Englijh 
 Forces, I. 382. fights a duel contrary to the 
 King’s order, 383 
 
 S eg rave, Stephen de. Chief Judiciary, I. 306. 
 turned out, 309 
 
 Selden, John, imprifoned, II. 279. his fludy 
 fealed up, ibid, his Mareclaufum, 293. anfwers 
 Sir Harbottle Grimjione, 362. one of the Aflem- 
 bly of Divines, 49;. n. 6 
 
 Self-denying Ordinance, II. 513, 328, 530,531 
 Selfey, Sec of, removed to Chichellcr, I. 217 
 Seminaries. Englijh, at Rome and Rbeims, II. Ill 
 Sempringham, Order of, I. 222. n. 3 
 
 Seneffi, Battle of, II. 675 
 
 Senlis, Treaty of, 1 . 674 
 
 Sever us comes to Britain, I. 20 
 
 Seymour, Jane, Iv. Henry viii. falls in love 
 with her, I. 810. marries her, 812 Ihe dies, 
 81 7 
 
 -Sir Thomas, his Chandler, II. 5. crea¬ 
 ted Lord Sudhy, ibid, made High-Admiral, 6. 
 cabals againlt his brother, 9 — 13. makes his Ad- 
 dreiles to the Princefs Elizabeth, 10. marries 
 Catherine Parr, ibid, furniihes K. Edward with 
 money, 11. lent to the Tower, 15. attainted, 
 
 14. and beheaded, ibid. 
 
 -- Edward, created E. of Hertford, II. 53. 
 
 marries Catherine Crey, 66 
 
 -'—Sir William, marries Ar. Stewart, II. 
 
 . 1S9 
 
 *- If iIliam, rcltored to the Title of D. ot 
 
 Someffit, II. 623 
 
 -Sir Edward, Speaker of the Houfe of 
 
 Commons, II. 665. propofes an aflociation, 777 
 Sbaftsbury, E. of. See Cooper- 
 Sharp, John, Archbp. of St. Andrews, murde- 
 • «d, * II. 707 
 
 -Dr. John, fufpended, II. 753, 756 
 
 S Saxton, Nicholas, Biihop of Salisbury, I. 808, 
 820, 823, 845 
 
 Sheep fent by K. Edward 1 v. to the K. of Ar- 
 rtgon. I. 605 
 
 Sheffield, Edmund, created a Baron, II. 5. kil¬ 
 led, 16. n. 9 
 
 Sheldon. Gilbert, Archbp. of Canterbury, II. 
 635. builds the Theatre at Oford. 633 
 
 Sherborn, Sec of, removed to Salisbury, I. 217 
 Sheffield, Henry, Recorder of Salisbury, II. 
 
 2S7 
 
 Sheriff's, tome made fo, to be incapable of be¬ 
 ing Members of Parliament, II. 243. Sheriff's 
 Oath altered, _ ibid. «. 5 
 
 Ship money let on foot, II. 292. laid upon the 
 whole Kingdom, 294. Law-funs about it, 293. 
 levied, 314, 321. abolilhed, 3-6—338 
 
 Shirley, Robert , Ambaffador from Peffia, II. 
 
 Shirley, Dr. his Cafe, II. 678 
 
 Shore, Jane, I. 628. ». I. 629, 635 
 
 S‘o ewsbury declares for K. Charles 1, II. 460 
 Shrewsbury Parliament, carries the Prerogative 
 n. a great height, I. 469, the Proceedings of it 
 rtp-ule.1, ,3, 
 
 Shrwtury Fight, J, 49t 
 
 Shrewsbury, E. of, John Talbot, his military ex¬ 
 ploits, 1 . 335, 346—578. created E. of Shrews¬ 
 bury, 566. flain, 578 
 
 -E. of, John Talbot, flain, I- 584 
 
 -E. of, George Talbot, marches again 11 the 
 
 Yor/Jhire Rebels, I. 815 
 
 -— E. of, Francis Talbot, his military ex¬ 
 ploits, II. it, 12 
 
 --E. of, Charles Talbot, refufes to turn 
 
 Papifl, II. 759. mortgages his Eltme, and goe 
 to the Prince of Orange, 770 
 
 Sibthorp, Dr. preaches up Paffive Obedience, 
 II. 259 
 
 Sicily, given by the Pope to Prince Edmund, I. 
 
 323,328,331,333,342 
 Sicilian Vefpers, 1 . 363 
 
 Sidney, Sir Robert, created Baron of Penhuffi, 
 11. 160. >1. 3 
 
 — - Alger noon, tried and executed, 11 . 730 
 
 - Henry, lupports the Crown at K. James 
 
 it’s Coronation, II. 742 
 
 Silures, 1 . 14 
 
 Simeon of Durham, I. 356 
 
 Si mil, the French Envoy, II. in 
 
 Sirnnel, Lambert, account of him and his ac¬ 
 tions, I. 656 — 659 
 
 Sindercomb , -confpircs againll Cromwell, II. 596 
 Single Combat, I. 160, 363 
 
 Skelton, Colonel, Ambaflador at ihe Hague, 11 . 
 771. and at Paris, 771. committed to the 
 Tower, ibid. Lieutenant of it, 780 
 
 Skippon, Philip, II. 410,435. his military ac¬ 
 tions, 516. n. 3. 517. n. 8. 557. ‘ appointed 
 
 commander in Ireland, 528 
 
 Slingsby, Sir Henry, plots againll Cromwell, II. 
 
 599 
 
 Smalcald, League of, I. 79-1, 8og, 818 
 
 Smart, Peter, his Cafe, II. 354. n. 2. his pe¬ 
 tition, 360 
 
 Smith, Sir Thomas, fent to demand Calais, II. 
 81. fent Ambaflador to France, 99 
 
 -- Captain, recovers the King’s Standard 
 
 at Edge-hill Fight, II. 461. n. 4 
 
 Soap, Monopoly of it voted illegal, II. 381 
 Soap-makers incorporated, II. 287 
 
 Society, Royal, founded, II. 623 
 
 Soldiers quartered, II. 259, 265, 706. a Bill 
 about prefling them, 40!, 431 
 
 Solebay Fight, II. 664 
 
 Somerfetjhire, Inhabitants of, K. Charles i’s 
 Speech to them, II. 502. their petition to him, 
 504. and againll him, 567 
 
 — —-E. and M. of, John Beaufort, I. 467, 
 
 469 
 
 —-D. of, John Beaufort, dies, I. 561, 
 
 -- E. of, Edmund, his military exploits, 
 
 I- 571, 573. made Regent of France, 571. fent 
 to the Tower, 575, 579. flain, 579, 580 
 *-• E. of, Henry Beaufort, made com¬ 
 
 mander of Q^Maigaret's Forces, I. 583, 584 
 -— D. of, Edward Seymour , made Protec¬ 
 tor, II. 5, 6. beats theSVe/r, 8. is accufed, 17, 
 18, 19. attainted, 19. pardoned, ibid, is ac¬ 
 cufed a fecond time, 22. attainted, 23. be¬ 
 headed, ibid. 
 
 -■ E. of. See R. Carr. 
 
 --—D. of, W. Seymour, reftored to that ti¬ 
 tle, ' II. 623 
 
 ■-- D. of, Charles Seymour, refufes to at¬ 
 tend the Pope’s Nuntio, II. 760. goes to the 
 
 Prince of Orange, 779 
 
 -Duchefs of, faid to take place of the Queen- 
 
 Dowager, II. 14. fent to the Tower, 22. re- 
 leafcd, 31 
 
 Somerfet-houfe, II. 17. ». 3. 23 
 
 SomerJ'et, Charles, made E. of Worcejier, 1 . 726 
 Southampton, E. ot, Thomas Wriothtjly, Lord- 
 Chancellor, II. 3, 4, 5. his Chandler, 4. dis¬ 
 graced, 6. plots againll the E. of Warwick, 18, 
 
 1 9 
 
 -- E. of, Thomas Wriothefly, approves of 
 
 Popham's projedl, II. 622. oppofes the Five- 
 mile Aft, 641. his faying about the E. of Cla¬ 
 rendon, 647 
 
 South-Saxo?is, I. 33. converted, 77 
 
 Southwark burnt by William 1, I. 166 
 
 Spain, by whom peopled, I. 147. wars be¬ 
 tween England and that Kingdom, II. 122, 134, 
 ■ 35 . '+ 4 . ' 45 . ' 55 . 2 43 > 595 . 59 <? 
 Spaniards land in Ireland, II. 112, 155. and 
 in England, 144, 146 
 
 Spanijb Armada, II- 135 
 
 Speech without doors, II. 263 
 
 Spencer, Hugh, his Chnrafler, I. 395. made E 
 of Winchejler, ibid. banilhed, ibid, recalled, 
 396, 397. hanged, 401 
 
 Spencer, the Son, made Chamberlain, I. 395. 
 banilhed, ibid, recalled, 396, 397. hanged, 
 401 
 
 Spencer, Lord, falls out with the Lord Arundel, 
 II. 205 
 
 -Sir Robert, created Baron of Worm-Leigh- 
 
 ton, JI, 1 Co. n. 3 
 
 46 
 
 Sports, Book' of, ordered to be read in Church 
 es, II. 194, 193, 290. Ward preaches againll it, 
 Z94. it is burnt, 493 
 
 Sprat, Thomas, BifllOJ I R >cj}er, II 7 
 
 756, 769 
 
 Spurs, Battle of, I. 722 
 
 Stafford, Lord, killed. 1 . 3X0 
 
 -Lord, beheaded, I. 606 
 
 - Edward, rellored co the Title of D of 
 
 Buckingham , I. 652 
 
 -Lord, created F, of Wi/t/hire, J -03 
 
 - Thomas, lands in England, and aflitmes the 
 
 Title of Protedlor, ' II. 46 
 
 —•—E. of, William Howard, committed to 
 the Tower, II. 692. tried, 717. and execu¬ 
 ted, 71S. his attainder reverfed, 
 
 Staffords conlpire againlt K. Henry vji, I 
 Standard, K. Charles i’s, loll, II 461. and 
 Prince Rupert's, 499. n . 3 
 
 -M ar of the Standard,. 1 . 205 
 
 Stanford Bridge, battle of, I. 140 
 
 Stanford, E. of, Henry Grey, his exploits, II. 
 
 466, 478, 479, 480 
 Stanley, Thomas, his Charaficr, I. tuy. wound¬ 
 ed, and arrelted, 634, 655. made Steward of the 
 Houlhold, 637. and High-Conltable, 642. Ids 
 behaviour at Bofwerth Fight, 645, 646. created 
 E. of Derby, 651 
 
 -Sir William, his behaviour at Bofwortb- 
 
 Fight, I. 646. made Lord-Chamberlain, 654- 
 confpircs againlt K. Henry vi 1, 673—675. be¬ 
 headed, * , 67 c 
 
 Staple, what, I. 428. ». 7, Staple of Wool 
 removed from Flanders to Wejiminjicr, ibid. Staple* 
 Commodities, ibid. 
 
 Stapleton, Walter, Biihop of Exeter, I. 401, 482. 
 beheaded, 40 1 
 
 # Star-Chamber confirmed, I. 662. n. 3. very 
 rigorous, II. 285. abolilhed, 355,380 
 
 Statutes of Wejbninjler, I. 359, 361, 364. the 
 bloody Statute, g 2 i 
 
 Stephen, King, marries Matilda, I. 200. 
 crowned, 201. takes an unulual Oath, ibid, figns 
 Charter, ibid, revolts againlt him, ibid, his 
 trs with Matilda, 204—208. and with the 
 Scots, 202,203. taken prifoner, 205. exchanged, 
 
 207. makes the Barons Avear fealty to his Son, 
 
 208. adopts Prince Henry, 210. dies, ibid, bu¬ 
 
 ried in feverjham Abbey, 210. his Character and 
 IiTue, 210, 211 
 
 Sterling Money, whence fo called, I. 162. by 
 whom firlt coined, 280 
 
 Stewart, James, Prior of St. Andrews, created 
 E. of Murray, II. 65. favours and lupports the 
 Proteflants, 56. acculed of alpiring to tire Crown, 
 ibid * waits upon Q. Mary in France, and gives 
 her good advice, 63. Ihe gives him a Patent, 
 ’bid. Lejley plots againll him, ibid, hated by the 
 popilh Lords, 64. a delign to aflaflinate him, 67. 
 hinders the Queen’s being carried away by the E. 
 of Huntley, ibid, hath a conference with the E. 
 of Bedford about her marriage, 69. his credit de¬ 
 clines at Court, 70. the Queen recalls his ene¬ 
 mies, ibid, he profecutes Botbwcll, ibid, the 
 Queen defigned to have him murdered, ibid, had 
 formed a defign of carrying off the Queen and 
 the Lord Darnley, ibid, diiapproves of that mar¬ 
 riage, and joins with fome others to prevent it, 
 ibid, forced to retire to England, ibid, furnifhei 
 by Elizabeth with money, 71. recalled by 
 the K. of Scotland, ibid, fends Rizzo a Letter, 
 with a Diamond, ibid. Rizzo follicits his con¬ 
 demnation, ibid, vindicated from having been the 
 cauie of Rizzo's murder, 72. the Queen intreats 
 him not to join with the murderers, ibid, arrives 
 in Scotland, ibid. the Queen kifles him, ibid. 
 Bot/xive/l endeavours to fet her againll him, 73. 
 goes to fee his Wife, 77. a Report is fpread of 
 his having killed the King, 78. he returns to 
 Court, ibid, refufes to fign Q^_ Marys League, 
 79. retires into France, ibid, appointed by 
 Mary Regent of Scotland, 80. Melvil goes to 
 meet him, and gives him good advice, ibid, he 
 arrives in Scotland, ibid, goes to meet the Queen, 
 and loads her with reproaches, ibid, owned for 
 Regent, ibid, takes in his hands all the flrong 
 places in Scotland, 81. caufes juftice to be im¬ 
 partially adminiltred, ibid feveral forfake him, 
 and go to Mary , 83. he defeats her army , 
 85. calls a Parliament to condemn her adhe¬ 
 rents, 84. fhe defires him to put off the meet¬ 
 ing of it, ibid, he purfues thofe that were 
 condemned by the Parliament, ibid, comes to the 
 York Conference, 85. the D. of Norfolk endea¬ 
 vours to have him killed, ibid, is prevailed upon 
 not to produce the proofs againll Mary, ibid, 
 produces them at Jail, 86. confers with Sir N- 
 Bacon, Sec. 85. is charged with the King's mur¬ 
 der, and offers to clear himfelf, 86, 87. hath 
 feveral conferences with Q .^Elizabeth, 87. who 
 lends him money, ibid. n. 8. he fliews her 
 Marys Letters, 87. the D. of Norfolk rcfolves to 
 kill him, ibid, he returns to Scotland, 90. his 
 conduct is approved, ibid, the Declaration about 
 1 his 
 
An INDEX to the Two Volumes of the Hiftory of England. 
 
 his being the occafkm of the King’s murder, 91. 
 fojzes the D. of Northumberland, 93. murdered, 
 ibid. 
 
 - Arabella, a plot to fet heron the Throne, 
 
 II. 161 - marries Sir William Seymour, 189. dies, 
 ibid. 
 
 Stews, fupprefied, I- 847. n. 4 
 
 Sligand. Archbp. of Canterbury, I. 133. exer- 
 eifes his function, though l'uipendcd, 145. de¬ 
 graded, 173. account ol him, 218 
 
 Still-yard, H- 24. n. 1 2. 36 
 
 Stoke, Battle of, L 659 
 
 Stone-henge, _ I. 34 ' ”• 6 
 
 Strafford, E. of. Sec Thomas Wentworth. 
 Stratford, Archbp. I- 482 
 
 Stratton, Battle of, II- 479 
 
 Strongbonu, Richard, I. 235. his conquers in 
 Ireland , ibid. 
 
 Stroud, William, accufcd of High-Trcafon, II. 
 
 406 
 
 Stubbs, John, writes againft (ff_ Elizabeth's mar¬ 
 riage, II- 1 H- ”• 4 
 
 Stukely, Thomas, forms the defign of conquering 
 Ireland, II- io 9 
 
 Subjidium and Donum, I. 258, 346 
 
 Subfdy, one not to be recorded, I. 495 
 
 Sudbury Simon, beheaded, I. 457 
 
 Suffolk Addrefs, II- 74 2 
 
 Suffolk, E. of, Michael de la Pole, banifhed, I. 
 
 464, 463 
 
 -E. of, Michael de la Pole, his nfilitary ex¬ 
 ploits, I- 546* 55 ° 
 
 -Marquifs and Duke of, William de la 
 
 Pole, introduced to Court, 1 . 567. fent Ambaf- 
 fador to France, 568. defires to be fecured againlt 
 all After-Reckonings, ibid, propofes a marriage 
 between K. Henry vi, and Margaret of Anjou, 
 ibid, and upon what terms, 569. returns to Eng¬ 
 land, ibid. * created Marquils of Suffolk, ibid, 
 the Parliament returns him publick thanks, ibid. 
 contrives the ruin of the D. of Glocejler, 570. 
 the people murmur againft him, 571. he juftities 
 himfclf, and is dilcharged, ibid, univerfally hated, 
 570, 571- created D. of Suffolk, 571. im¬ 
 peached by the Houfe of Commons, and fent to 
 the Tower, 574. releafed, ibid, banifhed for 
 five years, ibid, taken in his pallage, and be¬ 
 headed, ibid. 
 
 -E. of, Edmund de la Pole, kills a man, I. 
 
 684. confpires againft Henry vii, 686. fent to 
 the Tower, 689. beheaded, 722 
 
 - D. of, Charles Brandon, I. 726. mar¬ 
 ries the Queen-Dowager of France, 729, 730 
 
 -Duchefs of, Frances Brandon, put into the 
 
 Succeflion to the Crown, II. 21, 50. dies, 68 
 
 -- D. of, Henry Grey, II. 22. delivers up 
 
 the Tower, 31. joins with Wyat, 37. taken 
 
 and beheaded, ibid. 
 
 - E. of, Thomas Howard, II. 159. made 
 
 Lord-Trcafurer, 181. built Audley-end, >91. fined, 
 192. his Countcfs very greedy of money, 181, 
 169. n. 3 
 
 Suffragan Bifhops, I. 803, 820 
 
 Sunday, Recreations allowed on that day, II. 
 
 194 
 
 Sunderland, E. of, Robert Spencer, Secretary of 
 State, II. 754. one of the Ecclefiaftical Com- 
 miflioners, 755. made Prime-Minifter, 754. turns 
 Papift, 756. difluadcs K. James 11. from ac¬ 
 cepting the affiftance of France, 771. removed, 
 774 
 
 Supremacy, quitted by Q .__Mary, II. 40. n. 4. 
 refumed by Elizabeth, 53. Aft to confirm it, 
 
 10 
 
 Surrey, Inhabitants of, their Petition, II. 556 
 
 • - D. of, Thomas Holland, confpires againft 
 
 K. Henry iv, I. 488. beheaded, 489 
 
 -E. of, Thomas Howard, I. 637. taken at 
 
 Bofworth , 647. his exploits, 664, 679, 680. 
 
 See D. of Norfolk. 
 
 -E. of, Henry Howar,d, Admiral of the 
 
 Emperor’s Fleet, I. 752. invades Scotland, 757. 
 beheaded, 846, 848 
 
 Stffcx, Kingdom and Kings of, I. 59 
 
 • -E. of, Henry Ratcliff, (Iff Mary's General, 
 
 II. 30, 33. obtains the honour of fitting cove¬ 
 red in her prcfoncc, ibid. n. 8. fent to treat of a 
 marriage between Q. Elizabeth and the Archduke, 
 Si. commands an Army in Scotland, 94 
 
 Swearing not common among the Anglo-Sax¬ 
 ons, I. 161 
 
 Sweating Sicknefs in England, I. 651, 737. 
 
 II. 21 
 
 Swedes, their Origin, I. 82 
 
 Sweyn, invades and ravages England, I. 119, 
 120. proclaimed King, 121 
 
 Snuithin, St. I. 115 
 
 Synods and Councils in England. One held by 
 Aufin, I. 68, 77. at Whitby, 71, See. at Hert¬ 
 ford, 77. Hatfield, ibid. Becance'd, ibiu Berg- 
 hamfed, 78. Clovcjhoo, 78. Calcuith, ibid. Fin¬ 
 ch ale, ibid. Winchcfler, ill. Graf It , 113. 
 
 Engjbam, 144. Haba, ibid. Winchefer, 216. 
 London, 216, 350,481. Rockingham, 2 16. Wcfi- 
 No 84. VOL. II. 
 
 mikfer, 217, 350, 351. Oxford, 350. Armagh, 
 350. Cajhel, 350. Glocefer, 351. York, ibid. 
 Reading, 351, 352, 481. Canterbury, 351, 352. 
 St. Paul's, 352. Northampton, ibid. Rochefcr, 
 353. Lambeth, 481. Exeter, ibid. Magfeld, 
 481 
 
 T. 
 
 c-ffAaf Lord, fent to England by the Iriflo Pa- 
 pills, II 400. imprifoned, 401 
 
 Tables erefted in Scotland, II. 303. their Pro- 
 teftation, 305 
 
 Talbot, John. See E. of Shrewsbury. 
 
 •-Sir Gilbert, Ambaflador to Denmark, II. 
 
 640 
 
 - Peter, Archbp. of Dublin, II 651 
 
 ■-- Richard, Agent for the lrijh Catholicks, 
 
 II. 671. models the Army in Ireland, 751, 
 754. made E. of Tirconnel, &c. 752. and Lieu¬ 
 tenant of Ireland, 754 
 
 Tallages and Cuftoms, I. 258, 346 
 
 Tallies, I- 404 
 
 Tamworth, K. Henry vn. lofcs his way as he 
 was going thither, I. 646 
 
 Tangier, II. 630. declared a Frec-port, 633. 
 MefTagc and Addrefs about it, 716. demolifhed, 
 732 
 
 Tate, Zouch, one of the heads of the Indepen¬ 
 dents, II. 514. moves for the Self-denying Or¬ 
 dinance, 515 
 
 Taunton, the Walls of it razed, II. 632. Mon¬ 
 mouth comes tlicrc, 748. Kirk's brutifh barbarity 
 there, 730 
 
 Taylor, John, Bifhopof Lincoln, refufes to kneel 
 at Mafs, II. 34 
 
 Taylor, Rowland, burnt, II. 42 
 
 Tax upon the Nobles and Clergy, I. 455. For 
 an account of the Taxes in eacli Reign, foe all 
 along in the Notes. 
 
 The Temple burnt, I. 457 
 
 Templers iuppieiTcd, I. 403. Synod againft them, 
 481 
 
 Temple, Sir William, his Character, II. 660. 
 Ambafiador to Holland, 650,653. recalled, 658. 
 font again, 675, 687. Plenipotentiary at Nime- 
 guen, 679. Author of the Prince of Orange's 
 marriage with the Princcfs Mary, 682. advifos 
 K. Charles ti. to form a new Council, 704. re¬ 
 tires, 711. the Yacht that brought his Lady from 
 Holland fires at the Dutch Fleet, 660 
 
 Tennifon, Dr. attends the D. of Monmouth, II. 
 
 ^ 749 
 Tenths granted to the Crown, I. 803 
 
 Tenths of all moveables exacted by the Pope, 
 
 }■ 3°4 
 
 Terouenne taken, I. 722 
 
 Ted Aft, II. 670, 671, 672, 674. a Tcft to 
 be taken by all Parliament men, 675. one im- 
 pofed by the Scottifb Parliament, 275 
 
 Tef Aft, IC. James 11. difpenfes with it, II. 
 
 , 755 
 
 Tewkesbury, Battle of, I. 613 
 
 Thames dried up, II. 141 
 
 Tbamifia Avalagiutn, I. 346 
 
 Thanes, account of them, I. 150 
 
 Theatre at Oxford opened, II. 653 
 
 Theft, capital, I. 160 
 
 Theodorus, Archbp. of Canterbury, I. 69. erefts 
 Schools, ibid. 
 
 Thetford, whence fo called, I. 76. n. 12. a 
 Bifhop’s See, j6 
 
 Thirlby, Thomas, refigns the Sec of Wcfminfer, 
 and is made Bilhop of Norwich, II. 20. and of 
 Ely, 51. font to degrade Cranmer, 44. Pleni¬ 
 potentiary at the Congrefs of Cambray, 51 
 
 Thomas, Va’ent. flunders dff Elizabeth, II. 161. 
 hanged, ibid. 
 
 Throckmorton, Sir Nicolas, concerned in Wyat's 
 confpiracy, II. 38. tried, and acquitted, ibid. 
 Ambaflador in France, 55, 63, 68 
 
 - John, confpires againft (iff Elizabeth, II. 
 
 95 
 
 - Francis docs the fame, II. 118. executed, 
 ibid. 
 
 Thurfan, Archb. of York, I. 196. defeats the 
 Scots, 203 
 
 Thwaites, Sir Thomas, confpires againft K. Hen¬ 
 ry vit, ' I. 674 
 
 Thynne, Thomas, aflaflinated, II. 72 b 
 
 Tillotfon, Dr. lends the Prince of Orange money, 
 II. 683. n. 3. writes againft Popery, 755, 761 
 Tinchcbray, Battle of, I. 194 
 
 Tin da l, Adam de, I. 386 
 
 - William, tranflates the New-Teftament, 1 . 
 804 burnt, ibid. n. 2 
 
 Tirconnel, E. of. See Richard Talbot. 
 
 Tir-oen, E. of, Hugh O Neal, h.\s Rebellion, II. 
 143 155. the Province of Munfier revolts to 
 
 him, 149. reduces the Province of Ulfer, 150. 
 defeated, 150, 155. brought to England, 161. 
 n. 3. 175. returns to Ireland, 175 
 
 Titles, defeftive, Commiffion to compound for 
 them, II. 294 
 
 Tobacco firft brought to England, II. 122.;;. 5 
 Toleration, the Papifts petition for one, II. 162, 
 
 170. K. James II. endeavours to bring in one, 
 757, &e. 
 
 Tomkins, Mr. in a plot to force the Parliament 
 to a peace, II. 487, 488 
 
 Tonge, Ezracl, difeovers the Popilh Plot, II. 
 688. examined, 690, 703. hath Lodgings in 
 Whitehall, 690. dies, *" 714 
 
 Torwood, II. 584 
 
 Tory and Whig, Origin of thofc Names and 
 
 Parties, II. 204, 712 
 
 Tories efpoufo the Court-party, II. 723. put 
 into all the Polls, 725 
 
 Tofon, E. of Northumberland, I. 134. expel¬ 
 led, 136. infefls England, 139, 140. flain, 140 
 Tom-nay taken, I. 722. negotiations about it, 
 727, 738, 739 
 
 Tower of London built, 1 . 176 
 
 Townjhend, Sir Horatio, II. 607 
 
 Towton, Battle of, I. 596 
 
 Trail-baton, Commiffion of, I. 383 
 
 Tranfubfantiation, difputcs about it, I. 217, See. 
 ellablifhed again by Mary, II. 35. publick 
 deputations about it, 35, 39 
 
 Traquair, E. of, John Stewart, II. 301. the 
 King’s High-Conimillioner, 31a 
 
 Treafon, to what confined, I. 486 
 
 Treaties between England and France, I. 399, 
 411, 432, 525, 601, 670, 708, 727, 728, 739, 
 743 » 77 °» 77 2 > 844. II. 7, 20, 54, 68, 140 
 
 -between England and Scotland, I. 174, 
 
 660, 682, 685, 704, 836. II. 55, 60, 61, 123, 
 484 
 
 -of Commerce between England and the 
 
 Low-Countries, I. 658, 678 
 
 •-7— between England and Bretagne, I. 601, 
 
 665 
 
 --- between England and Holland, II. 122, 
 
 148, 176 
 
 between K. Charles 1. and the Iri/k, II. 
 522. and the Scots, 543 
 
 ‘treaty at Oxford, II. 469—476. at Uxbridge , 
 507 - 5 13. Newport, 559 —564 
 
 ‘Trent, Council of, called, I. 832, opened, 
 843, 845. removed 10 Bologna, 11 . n. and 
 back to Trent, 24 
 
 Treflian, Judge, his cruelties, I. 458, 459. 
 hanged, 465 
 
 Trevift, John de, I. 483 
 
 Trevor, Sir John, Secretary of State, II. 653, 
 663 
 
 -Sir John, Speaker of the Houfe of Com¬ 
 mons, II. 
 
 Triennial Bill, if. 
 
 Trinity College Cambridge founded, 
 Ttinoaantes, 
 
 Triple Alliance, 
 
 747 
 635 
 ). S47 
 I. 11 
 
 Triple Alliance, II. 650, 651 
 
 Tromp, Martin van, his military exploits, II. 
 587—590. flain, 590 
 
 - Cornelius, II. 639, 642 
 
 Troye, Treaty of / 525 
 
 Truffel, Judge, I. 402. confederates againft 
 Ifabella, 409, 410 
 
 Try thing and Ty thing Courts, J. j- x 
 
 Tuam, Archbp. of, killed, II. j 2 z 
 
 Tudor, Owen, marries Q;_ Catherine, I. 550. 
 fent to the Tower, ibid, his ifTue, ibid, be- 
 headed, 586 
 
 - Edmund, created E. of Richmond, I. 559 
 
 - 7 a fp cr , created E. of Pembroke, 1 . 560. 
 
 defeated, 5 g6 
 
 - Owen, a Monk at Wefminfer, I. 559. 
 
 Tumults at Wefminfer, II. 403, 404. encou¬ 
 raged by the Commons, 404 
 
 Tunnage and Poundage, contcfls about it, 'll. 
 2 74 > 2 75 2 77 > 2 78 - applied to the mainte¬ 
 nance ol the Navy, £-g 
 
 Tunful, Culhbcrt, Ainbfflador to Spain, I. 763. 
 burns Findal's Bible, 8?)QI his Charafter, II. c. 
 endeavours to rellore Popery, 7. an attempt to 
 condemn him, 24. deprived, 25. reitored, 33, 
 
 Turbervile, his Informations and Depofitions, II. 
 
 714, 717, 724 
 
 Turketul, j jjg 
 
 Turkil, D. of Eaf -Anglia, J. j 2 - 
 
 Turner, Dr. moves to have the D. of Bucking¬ 
 ham examined, jj 2 ^3 
 
 -Sir Edward, Speaker of the Houfe of 
 
 Commons, made Chief Baron of the Exchequer, 
 _ . IL 665 
 
 --- Francis, Bifhop of Ely, II. 743. n. 1. 
 
 74Q, 787, 78S 
 
 Tufiany, Prince of, comes to England, II. 
 
 Twenty four Commiflioners appointed to reform 
 abufos, 1 . 332. forbid the fending to Foreigners 
 the income of their Benefices, 2 , , 
 
 U. 
 
 y Agabonds, remarkable Statute againft them, II. 
 
 1 o repealed, j ^ 
 
 Valuation of Mens lives, I. 161 
 
 Vane, Sir Ralph, executed, H. 23 
 
 -Sir Henry , Secretary of State, II 317. 
 
 9 V 01 
 
All INDEX to the Two Volumes of the Hiftory of England. 
 
 One of” the heads of the Independents, 514. con¬ 
 fined to his own houfe, 612. excepted out of the 
 Aft.of Indemnity, 620. beheaded, 631 
 
 Vanv.es> Peter , fcnt Amballador to Rome, I. 
 
 7S1 
 
 Vaffal, Mr. refufes to pay Tunnage. II- 277 
 Vaughan, Roger, fent to kill the E. of Pem¬ 
 broke, 1. 616 is killed himfeifj ibid. 
 
 Venables, Mr. fent with a body of Troops in 
 the Wef-Indies, II. 595. mil'carrie , and is com¬ 
 mitted to the Tower, ibid. 
 
 Venice, Doge of” writes to Wolfe;, I. 743 
 Venner, 7 b.anas, heads an InfurrcC'tion, II. 623 
 Venutius, K. of the Brigantes, !• 15 
 
 Vcrac, the French AmbafTadOr to Scotland, II. 
 
 94- 97, 99, 106 
 here. Sir Francis, Governor of the Uriel, II. 
 146, 14S. fign.di7.es himfelf at the battle of 
 ! ■. /, 1 , ; 
 
 -Sir Horatio, II. 199 
 
 Treaty of, I. 664 
 
 Verne nil. Battle of, I. 541 
 
 Verne;, Sir Edmund, the King's Standard-bearer, 
 II. 461 
 
 VcrzH:;, Peace figned there, II. 148 
 
 : . 
 
 him, II. 187 
 
 traduced ro Court, ibid, purchalcs a Cup-bearer'.; 
 place, ibi ■ ided by he Queen, i id, 
 
 Bed-ch 1 
 
 King gives him 1000/. ibid, dcfnvs Somcrfct's 
 friend.‘hip, 1SS. 
 melfagc to Baca 
 Suffolk, Sec. 19 
 Vifcoun: V./ 
 
 Duke of But Ut 
 
 High-Admiral, 
 
 19;. hi Letter 
 all offices, 201. 
 daughter, ibii. 
 the author 
 Pr 
 
 ilos at Court, 1S9, 193. hi.; 
 190. n t2. ruins the E. of 
 created Baron of Whaddon, 
 and Earl, then Marquifs and 
 nn , 193. 196, 224. made 
 i. complaints againft him, 
 Condemar, 201. difpoles of 
 t marries the E. of Rutland's 
 i.; attacked bv the Parliament as 
 Monopoli,:. 204. perluadcs the 
 ! Wales r. go to Spain, and goes along 
 with him. 220. advifea him to break the Spanijh 
 • 
 
 the King to call a Parliament, 227. his Narra- 
 «*, 344 1 ■ 
 
 to be dilgraced, 231. get., Granfield condemned* 
 ibid, applies ionic planters to K. "James i’s wrifts, 
 for which h -i . impeached, 235, 237, 250, 238. 
 fent to fetch the Queen, 239. complaints of the 
 Common; againft him, 240, 242, 246, 261,271, 
 272. vindicates himfelf, 248, 249. impeached 
 by the Commons, 230. give; in hisaniwer, 252. 
 chofen Chancellor of Cambridge, ibid. lends 
 Ships againft Rochcl/c, 240. adviles a war with 
 France, 260. his expedition to Rochelle, 260. 
 ftabbed, 276 
 
 -— George, D. of Buckingham, joins with 
 
 the E of Holland, [. 553, routed, ibid ridi¬ 
 cules the E. of Clarendon, 646. one of the King’s 
 favorites, 632 his Chi rafter, 652, 656. one-of 
 the Cabal, 633. Amballador to Holland, 664- 
 offers to ileal rhe Queen away, 660. n. 4. the 
 Prince of Qrttngd; brave anlwer to him, 664 
 
 673, 674. difgraced, 676. lent to the Tower, 
 680 
 
 Vi liters, John, created Vifcount Purbeck, 11 . 
 
 195 
 
 —— ( /■■A made E. of Anglefes, II. 19c 
 
 —-—- Francis, killed, 
 
 Virgil, Pol der,, obtains leave to retire into Ital, 
 
 II. 21 
 
 Virginia d 1 , 1 1. 1 - 6 
 
 Vifcount, the firll i:i England, I. 584. n 5 
 Vif tat ion ot the Monafteric-, I. 807. a genc- 
 r • ■ 1 .. 1 1. one ! r c 
 
 ling in the Chnrch pflfe, 23 
 
 Vitalis Ordcricus, J. 221 
 
 Uniformity, Afts nf, II. 54. 629 
 
 Union of England and Scotland, propoled and 
 prefled by K. "James 1. 11 . 168, 174, 173. re- 
 jefted, 17c 
 
 Univerftiei decide in favour of K. Henry vii 1, 
 
 ; ) 1, 7 th ii 12■ : • ited, 
 
 792 Qxfbrd and Can \ i 
 
 by K. Henry viii, S47. petition in behalf of 
 Deans and Chapters, II. 363 
 
 Vorjliits, Conrad, K. James 1 writes againft 
 him. II. j So 
 
 Vortigern, his Charaftcr, I. 23. adviles the 
 calling in of the Saxons, 23. zb. falls in love 
 with Rowetsa, 3 1, 32. dethroned, 33. deferred 
 by all, 34. burnt in a Caille, 3? 
 
 Vortimer, I- 32. aiiiimes the Government, 33. 
 
 his exploit, 33. r. 
 
 Vote; ot the Houle of Commons, when firlt 
 printed, I T , -? 2 
 
 Vowel, Peter, conlpirc; againft Crcm~.es /, H. 
 
 Vthrrd, E. of MmWwW, I. 
 
 Uxbridge, Treaty-o£ II. 507— . 
 
 W. 
 
 JAV lad, Sir William, fent Amballador to Spain, 
 II. 118. and to the Q^of Scots, ibid. 
 
 Wages of Parliament-men, I. 730. n. 4 
 
 Wagjiajf, Sir JoJcfh, confpires againft Crom¬ 
 well, 11. 594 
 
 IVal feet, William , pardoned by K. Edward 
 tv, I. 616 
 
 Wake, Dr. William, writes againft Popery, II. 
 
 Wakes encouraged by K. Charles 1, II. 290. 
 offenlivc to the Puritans, ibid. 
 
 Wake field, Battle of, I. 586 
 
 Wakeman, Sir George, apprehended, II. 690. 
 
 tried and acquitted, 710 
 
 Walcot, Captain, apprehended, II. 728. tried, 
 
 ibid and executed, 739, 730 
 
 IValdgraze, James, Lord, fent Amballador to 
 France, li. 779 
 
 Wales ravaged by the Englijb, I. 1S7. united 
 to England, 361. incorporated with it, 80S. n. 4. 
 declares for K. Charles i, II. 530 
 
 Wales, Prince of, David, invades England, i. 
 313, 318. offers to become vaffal to the Pope, 
 3 liJ 
 
 -- Lewcllyn, invades England, I. 305. puts 
 
 himfelf under the K. of England's protection, 311 
 - Le-xvellyn, refufes to do Homage to K. Ed¬ 
 ward t, i. 3^8. fubmits, 339. defeats the Eng- 
 lijh, 360. flain, ibid. his head let upon the 
 Tower, ibid. 
 
 Walker, Henry, II. 408 
 
 Wallace, lViiliam, his Charafter, I. 379, 380. 
 drives the Fngljh out of Scotland, 380. is de¬ 
 clared Regent, ibid, lays down his Regency, ibid. 
 ha re. lies K. Edward 1, 382, 383. his tragical 
 end, 383 
 
 Waller, Edmund, enters into a plot to force the 
 Parliament to peace, IE 4S7. fined, 48a 
 
 -— Sir William, take, IViucbeJicr, Giiehejier, 
 Chcpfow, Monmouth, and Hereford, li. 466, 476. 
 joins the E. of EJfex before Reading, 47ft, de¬ 
 feated, 477. fent into the Wef, 479. defeated 
 
 at Lar.flo.cn, ibid, inverts the King’s Troop in 
 
 lh . id rs into a Caj tion 
 Sir Ralph Hop ton, ibid, defeated at Round-way- 
 down, ibid, blames the E. of EJfex for not af- 
 fifiing him, 480. hatha Skirmifh with the Lord 
 Hopton, 50c. goes to London for fupplies, ibid. 
 retake Arundel Caftle, d t 1. L 
 
 Hopton, and becomes mailer of Winehtfler, ibid, 
 recalled to : n, i 
 
 ibid, falls upon the King'.-: Rear at Oxford, ibid, 
 follows him to Woreefer , 501. polls himfelf be¬ 
 tween the King and Shrewsbury, ibid, engages 
 rhe King at Cropcdy Bridge, ibid, comes to Lon¬ 
 don to follicit fupplies, 503. turned out by the 
 new Model of the Army, 534. heads the Kenti'h 
 Male-contents, 551. die,, 653 
 
 •-Sir HardnJ, left to command at the bloc- 
 
 Is of Exeter, II. 518 
 
 li m, Mi elliersl 
 
 and finds the model of the Mcal-Tub-Plor, If. 
 711. receive, information of Fitz Harris's Libel, 
 72;. Newgate, ide 
 
 Walloon Churches, Laud's Injunftions to them, 
 
 .... . J *. -93 
 
 Ua ’Is oi Gloucrfcr , Coventry, Northampton, Lei- 
 cefer, and Taunton dcmoiiJhed, 11 . 632 
 
 Walfngbam, Our Lady of, 1 . 658 
 
 Waif m, V ... I. 701 
 
 - Sir Francis, Ambsflador in France, II. 97, 
 
 11 4. a creature of Lord Burleigh's, 9- exclaims 
 ng-inll Elizabeth'z marriage with the D. of An¬ 
 
 jou, 114 Ambaffador in Scotland, 1: -. dilco- 
 vers Baling tod s Confpiracy, 124. by what means 
 he dilcovcrcd againft whom the Spanijh Armada 
 was intended, 134. n. 4. charged by the of 
 Sects with forging Letters, 127. dies 139 
 
 Walter, from whom lprang the llunily of the 
 Stcwa'ts, I. 183, 186 
 
 If alter of Coventry, I. 336 
 
 Walters, Lucy, reported to be married to K. 
 Charles 11, II. 712 
 
 Waltham Crols built, I. 381. n. 2 
 
 WaP'ot'd, marrie- K. Wiliam i’s Niece, I. 172. 
 created F. of Northampton, See. ibid, and E. of 
 ■ . t, 175. is 
 
 pardoned, ibid, beheaded afterwards, 176 paffes 
 for a . ' >rtyr, ibid. 
 
 Walworth. William, kills Wat Tyler, I. 
 
 Wwr -akc. _ ‘l.iji. 
 
 Wi> aches rgainft the Book of Sport : , II. 
 
 294 
 
 V of, Willtcm de Warren, one o! K. 
 
 li. • • . anc;l, I 311. n. 7. lent to quiet a 
 
 | -E dhn de Warren, his bold reply, I. 
 
 I . . 359 
 
 enters into a Confederacy a- 
 
 - ; • jrA “» L 39 ° 
 
 :P.:am, Archbp. of Canterbury jn- 
 u or; '.111. of Wolfeys oppreffions, 1. 
 
 . . ...aanc a El. Barton, 801. dies, 796 
 
 45 ’ 
 
 Warwick fecured l:y As R. 0 f FAw, 
 —— E- ot, Guy de Beauchamp , e.;.t:r 
 Confederacy againft K. Edward u , ] - 
 
 4 hi 
 
 Cavafon to be behcad-.d 
 
 39 '- 
 
 yiinlt the tcots, 302. die , 
 
 — 
 
 vernor to K. Richard 1 1, I 4.-;, 
 
 -E. Ot. V1 chard d s 
 
 mander of the E;r v j, 
 
 hi; military ex; i 
 Henry v 1, 54 ^ 
 
 L> ot, h 
 tween him and the 
 cedencv, 
 
 —- E. of, Pic 
 579 - 
 
 1 54 5 - 
 
 1). of li,. 
 
 Aid. 
 made Go- 
 
 ■'A. i. 544. 
 Cjovernor to X. 
 
 :r pre- 
 
 - ail, ilia Character, I. 
 the King', Troops at the Battle of 
 -W-...V, 5*0. ritWrmr, to C «/»!,, ;S 1,582. 
 attacked . efeapes, 5S2 
 
 i.uies with his Eather and the D. of ?'W-, and 
 : ' • to Calais, ibid f York, ibid 
 
 is de.tired by ):L uoop , and flies to Calais -83' 
 
 Ihc Norm, 599. lent into France to demand Bom 
 nf Sttvtry, too, fc. vciy ..agrv at Edward's mar- 
 ng t.szabcA V, 0: A vile, and withdraws from 
 Court, 6: ;. draw, hi. brothers into r::_- plot 10 
 he King, 605 levs- 1 . 
 
 Edward piilOncr, t.ob, bon. :e'”“s iu- 
 to France, 607. recon . . . . . 
 
 comes into Engimt.t, and c w.‘lc> Hcur, vi.'iohc 
 proclaim-.d, t.r. t ■m;. c..:.cd th.. 'Nl^-mair. 
 
 009. appointed ..-i.-' of die C ,. wxr. eft 
 
 dom . . High-Adt •- 611. , ' ' . 
 
 it, 612 del 
 
 — p - *11 
 
 ■ 1 or him. 
 
 cay 
 
 Tower, I. 650. _ 
 
 636. fnovvn in publick, ben. eiueis im 
 682, 633. bchcided, 
 
 • -E. of See John Dudley. 
 
 —— E. of, Robert Ri.h, appointed commaml- 
 
 W ol :h - P ■ meat i ;. , : up 
 
 Portfmoutb , •mad High-Admiral, 494 fol- 
 
 : v> Charles to Iielvee!-Slu\s, 532. lides 
 
 • 
 
 Vet r„\r\, infurr-.c!ion, I. 4-7, j-,4 
 
 Veils, See of, renamed to Bath, i. 1S5 
 
 If Ah, Lord, beheaded, I. 607 
 
 — ' Sir Roba-t, commifiioned to levy Troops 
 •- - • • : . ... 1 beheaded', 
 
 ibid. 
 
 IIi.f defeated by Harold, I. 136. do homage 
 ll t Hi am 1, 17 6. ravage England, lib, 197, 
 201, 224, 303, 331, 490, 496, 534. defeat the 
 Englijb, 201. defeated, by Prince Henry, 496 
 IVenlock commands part of Q^ Margaret's army, 
 I. 615 
 
 If entworch, V, A.iam, Lord, Governor of Ca¬ 
 lais, tried and acquitted, II. 47. 9 
 
 -Sir Thomas, chofen Sheriff - of Yorkjbirt , 
 
 II. 243. 5. punilhed for refilling the Loan, 
 
 es, 263, 264, 267 j id by 
 it of the C 
 
 ibid. Lieutenant-General of the Armv, 
 Deputy ot Ireland, and E. of Strafford, 
 lublCTibcs 20,000/. for the Kinef ibid. 
 complaints avaia.l him, 334, 3C.8, we. accufcd 
 
 : 1 35 1 . ■ ■ ■ ro ... 
 
 Bid (ft A.ttaindcr ag-.ir.ft him, 368, 377. his 
 trial, 
 
 i 1 4- 
 
 his Lei 
 
 
 l againft 
 the King, 378. beheaded, 
 ibid. 
 
 • D. of Monmouth's miftrels, 
 II. 746. rs. 4. 749 
 I. lie 
 
 , Kingdom ar.i Kins-; of, I. 
 
 <-’• 3 
 
 by 
 
 ler, 1 1 
 
 t, . . I M 
 
 ibid t by / 
 
 elected m:o .. Eill ;,pr;cr., 5*29. muled to that of 
 London, JI. 2• , 24. si. 3. Monallcry there cur¬ 
 'd into a Collegiate Church, 68 
 
 Wef minder Conierence, J. 607 
 
 Wejbr.oreland, E. of, Ra'ph Kcvil, made Earl- 
 • I | izes the C’onfj >1 . . .h 
 
 Henry 1 \ , 497 
 
 -L. of, Chary; N,vi : , takes Scurbsroigh, 
 
 A • gain . . • . 
 
 lawcd, 90. dies, 119. K . z 
 
 ■ . re, I. 
 
 Wharton, Thtn.as, Lord, fent to the Tower 
 II. < the Prince . -- ’ 
 
 Whig; and Torie.*, Origin oi' tl.-ue’ two Panic;, 
 II. 204, 712. unite againft James n’s defignr, 
 
 Whitebread, Thomas, apprehended, II. 690. exe¬ 
 cuted, 6q6, 697 
 
 -the Jeiuit, tried, II. 708. and execu¬ 
 ted, 709 
 
 U h:'clock, Bulfroi-e, r.ccc'.’nt o( iih Memorials, 
 
 II- 3 '■ rence with K 
 
 507, rod. one of tj.c Ke.r-- cf the Grest 
 Seal, 
 
An INDEX to the Two Volumes of the Hiftory of England. 
 
 Seal, q74. n. 5. did not fit in the High-Court 
 of Jullice, 599. n. 4. one of the Committee of 
 Safety, 610. n. 4. dies, 679 
 
 'Whitgft, John, Archbp of Canterbury, II. 162, 
 
 163 
 
 J 1 hittington, "Richard, I- 5°3 
 
 Wickham, William of, his foundations, I. 503 
 Wickliff, John, an account of him and his 
 doftrine, I. 479. publifhes his notions of the 
 Eucharill, 444. protected by John of Gaunt, 
 and Lord Percy, 444, 479. condemned by the 
 Pope, 444. Troubles on his account, ibid. 
 
 II leklijftes charged with being authors of fome 
 Infurredion.% I. 459. increaie very much, 480. 
 wad feparate from the roll of the Church, ibid. 
 Widdringtor. , Lord, defeated, II. 480. flain, 
 
 585 
 
 Wight, Ifle of, conquered by Wulfer, I. 53. 
 given by him to AdelwAlch, ibid, conquered by 
 Cedwalla, and embraces Chriilianity, 61 
 
 Wiles, Thomas, I, 483 
 
 Wilbrod, I- 80 
 
 Wild man, Major, plots againft Cromwell, II. 
 393. excepted out of a pardon, 77Z. his Me¬ 
 morial about the Pretender’s birth, 773 
 
 IVilford pretends to be the E. of Warwick, 1 . 
 
 683 
 
 Wilfrid, Archbp. of York, account of him, 1 
 .. 7 l > 7 2 » 73 . 74 
 
 Wilks, Thomas, II. 142. dies, 147 
 
 William i. vifits Edward the Cotfejfor, J. 
 132. his right to the Crown of England inquired 
 into, 138. prepares to invade England, 139. in¬ 
 vades England, 140. fends propofals to Harold, 
 
 141, defeats Harold, ibid, his conduct after the 
 battle of Hafiings, 166. lays Siege to Dover, and 
 to London, ibid, the Crown is offered him, 167. 
 accepts of ir, ibid. takes the ufual Oath, ibid. 
 acknowledged K- of all England, ibid, goes into 
 Northandy, 168. caufes of the milundcrilanding 
 between him and the Englifs, 169. rewards his 
 Troops, ibid, confifcatcs the Eftates of all thofc 
 that Tided with Harold, 170. builds a Caflle at 
 York, at Huntington, See. ibid, treats the Englijh 
 very ill, 172. gives their Places and Eftates to 
 Normans, ibid, breaks through the Clergy’s 
 Charters, ibid, quarters mod of his Troops upon 
 the Monafterics, ibid, makes a peace with K. 
 Malcolm, 174. goes to Norm and., 173. extreme¬ 
 ly fond of hunting, 177. endeavours to abolilh 
 the Savon Laws, and Englijh Tongue, and toefta- 
 blifh the Norman, 178. his partiality for the 
 Normans, 179. lays a Tax of lix Shillings upon 
 every Hide of Land, ibid, wars againlt France, 
 ibid, bums Mantes, 1 So. falls ill, and owns his 
 ufurping the Crown of England, ibid, dies, ibid. 
 his Charn&er and Ifluc, 180, 181 
 
 William ii. Rifts, why fo called, 1 . 
 182. crowned,;/;//, hi-. Character, ibid, a con- 
 fpiracy againll him, ibid, opprcllcs the Englijh, 
 183 inltances of his covetous and tyrannical 
 temper, ibid, endeavour, to make hinifelf mailer 
 of Normandy, 184. marches into Scotland, and 
 makes peace with Malcolm, ibid, falls ill, and re¬ 
 pents, 185. continues hi.; oppreflions, ibid, wars 
 againlt his brother Robert, 1 86. his two expedi¬ 
 tions into Wales, ibid, felzes upon the Tempo- 
 wry, 187 
 
 raifes a fum of Money for the ufc of his brother 
 Robert, ibid, wars with France and Wales, ibid, 
 relieves Mans, 188. killed, Hid. his Character, 
 188, 189 
 
 William in. Prince of Orange, his ac¬ 
 tions before his acceflion to the Throne, II. 671, 
 6-79, 676, 679, 681, 687. marries the Princefs 
 Mary, 68z, 683. offers K. James 11. to come 
 and head his Army againft the Duke of Mon¬ 
 mouth, 749. a refolutkm is taken in England to 
 call him over, 770. fcveral Englijh Noblemen 
 and Gentlemen go over to him, ibid, prepares 
 for his expedition, 770, 774, his Manifefto, 
 774. lets foil, 776. his Fleet is difperfed by a 
 Storm, ibid, writes a Letter to the Englijh army, 
 ibid, lets fail a fecond time, ibid, lands at Tor- 
 bay, 777. marches to Exeter, ibid, feveral Gen¬ 
 tlemen repair to him, andfignan Aflociation, ibid. 
 makes his entry into Salisbury, 778,779. K. James 
 fends Commiffioners to treat w'tfh him, 780. afalfe 
 Declaration is publilhcd under his Name, ibid, his 
 propofols to K. James, ibid, the Common-Coun¬ 
 cil of London fends Deputies to him, 781. fends 
 three Lords to the King to defire him to retire to 
 Ham-Hot/fr, 782. his Guards take pofleflion of 
 St. James's and Whitehall, ibid. comes to St. 
 James's, ibid, aflembles all the Lords in London, 
 and makes a Speech to them, ibid, the Lords de- 
 fire him to take upon him the Adminiflration of 
 the Government, 784. receives the Communion 
 in the Church of England, ibid, borrows 200,000/. 
 
 of the City of London, 783. fends for the Prin- 
 cels his Spoufe, ibid, his Letter to the Conven¬ 
 tion* ibid, it is propofed in t-he Convention to 
 place him on the Throne, 786. both Houfes 
 vote that he and his Princefs fhould be jointly K. 
 and of England, 794. they offer them the 
 Crown, ibid, his anfwer to them, 795. is pro¬ 
 claimed King, ibid. 
 
 William, Son of K. Henry 1, marries the E. of 
 'Anjou s Daughter, 1 . 195. drowned, 197 
 
 William, Son of K. Stephen, his Character, I. 
 222. deprived of his Eitate by Henry 11, 223. 
 dies, 223 
 
 William K. of Scotland taken prifoner, I. Z37, 
 238 
 
 William of Newburgh, I. 356 
 
 Williams, Dr. John, made Dean of Wejlmin- 
 fter, and Bilhop of Lincoln, II. 198. and Lord- 
 Keeper, 205. his Speeches, 206, 2I5. impri- 
 foned, 261. made Archb. of York, 403. fcizes 
 one Of the Mob, ibid. 
 
 • -- Richard, fuborned to kill Q^_ Elizabeth, 
 
 11 >43 
 
 - William, Speaker of the Houfe of Com¬ 
 mons, II. 714. «. 722 
 
 Williamfon, Sir Jofeph, Secretary of State, li. 
 676. imprifoned, 693. refigns his Office, 6 g 3 
 Willis, Sir Richard, Hxde's Agent.il. 601, 607 
 Wilmol, Commiffary, commander of K. Chari, s 
 i’s Horfe, II. 370-372, 380, 457. his mili¬ 
 tary exploits, 457, 466 - 503. imprifoned, 503 
 Willoughby , Sir Robert, created Lord Brook, 1 . 
 
 697 
 
 -Lord of Parham, his military- exploits, 
 
 II. 480, 498. accufcd of Treafon, 537. 2. 
 
 leaves the Parliament, 552. n. 2. taken priibner, 
 607 
 
 Wiltjhirc, F„ William Scrape, I. 469. Prime 
 Miniller to Richard n, 470. beheaded, 471 
 Wimblcton, Vilcount, Edward Cecil, II. 243 
 
 Winchelfey, Thomas, I. 482 
 
 Whichever, a defign of erecting it into an Arcli- 
 bifhoprick, I. 217 
 
 • -Marquifs of, John Pawlt, befieged in 
 
 Eufng, II. 503. taken prifoner, 518 
 
 -Bilhop of, Henry Beaufort, his Charac¬ 
 ter, I. 537. quarrels between the D. of Glou- 
 
 C. p,- and him, 537, 543, 545, ;;o, ss3 . Ar- 
 tides exhibited againlt him, 544. the Great Seal 
 is taken from him, 545. made Cardinal, 346. 
 and the Pope’s Legate, and General of a Crufade, 
 351. impeached, 967. contrives the ruin of the 
 
 D. of Glouccfer, 570. dies, 571 
 
 Windebank, Sir Francis, Secretary of State, 11 . 
 
 316. complaints againlt him, 354. withdraws 
 
 into France, ibid. 
 
 -Colonel, iliot II. 516 
 
 Windram, George, fent to Charles ir. to Jerfcy * 
 
 L 1 1 5 
 ;• 
 
 j. 21s 
 11.87 
 
 ir. 5-9 
 
 1. 422, 430 
 
 1. 81 
 
 Windfor Tournaments, 
 
 Winfrid, 
 
 Winwood, Sir Ralph, Secretary of State, 
 
 186, 188, 192 
 
 WiregHd, I. 161. n. 1 
 
 WJhart, George, burnt, I. 843 
 
 Wit, dc, John, II. 639, 640, 644, 664 
 Wittena-Gemot, whence fo called, I. 1,-2. 0:1c 
 in each Kingdom, and a general one, 132. con- 
 ftituent parts of it. 153. authority of it, 156. 
 defied and deprived Bifhops, 1-- 
 
 Witncffes. the confronting of them laid afide, 
 II. 22. Aft ordering the confronting of them. 
 
 Wolfey, Thomas, Reftor of Remington, I. 685^ 
 account of him, 704. 2. his Charafter, 753, 
 
 790. his vail Preferments, 741. made Prime 
 Miniller, 721. Bilhop of Lincoln, 726. Dur¬ 
 ham, 732. and Winchefer, 782. Archbp. of 
 Jori, 728. Adminiflrator of Tour nay, 726. and 
 Bath and Wells, 739. gets the Abbey of St. Al¬ 
 bans in commendam, 748. made Cardinal, 732. 
 and Lord Chancellor, 733. governs the King, 
 731. loaded with favours, 733, has penfions 
 from the Emperor, K. of France, See. 752, 739, 
 743 > 7 6 5 > 73 2 > 737 - joined in the Legatefhip 
 with Campejus, 738, 780. becomes Legate for 
 life, 752, 756. inltances of his pride, 732,741,' 
 747. afpires to the Popedom, 741, 742, -33, 
 756, 782. forms a projefl of founding two Col¬ 
 leges, 756. empowered to fupprefs Monafterics 
 for endowing them, 756, 759, 768. commif- 
 fioned to vilit all the Monafterics, 799. his ma¬ 
 nagement in the affair of the King’s divorce, 776, 
 780-784. like to be difgraced, 778. his fall, 
 785. impeached, ibid, and arrefted, 789. the 
 Great Seal is taken from him, 785. Articles a- 
 gainft him, 783, 786. dies, 789. countenanced 
 the Reformed, g Q ^ 
 
 Women, their Infumflion, II. 489 
 
 Woodfock, a Palace, with a Park, buiit there; 
 
 1- 199. tt. 5 
 
 - Thomas of, created E. of Buckingham, i. 
 
 453. _ and D. of Gloafer, 462. goes to alfilt the 
 D. of Bretagne, 436. efcapes being poifoned, 463. 
 accufcd, 463. hurried to Calais, 468, 469. nud 
 fmothered between two feather-beds, 469. n. 1 
 Wood-vile, Sir Richard, marries jaquclina of 
 Luxemburgh, I. 560. created E. Rivers, 601 
 - Sir Richard, confpires againft Richard 1 11, 
 
 I. 640. flain, 663 
 
 ■ - -Anthony, 1 . 601, 604 
 
 1 - Elizabeth, married to K. Edward iv, 
 
 I. 601. takes San ft wiry in Wefminfcr-Abbey, 609* 
 631. hated by the Nobility, 629, 630. give; up 
 her Daughters to Richard in, 644. confined to 
 a Monaitcry, 
 
 Wool, Aft againft exporting any, I. 730. A& 
 for burying in Woollen, ' jj. fcgy 
 
 Worcefer burnt, I. 129. Battle there, II. 5S5 
 
 ■ -E. of, Thomas Percy, Cemfpiies againlt 
 
 Henry 1 v, 1. 494. beheaded, ‘ i-’.-d. 
 
 —7— E- of, Charles Sorncrfet, ] ~ : . C, 
 
 Wot ton, Dr. Dean ot Canterbury and York, per- 
 fuades If Mary to lull out with France, II. 46 
 - Edward, Ambafiador to Scotland, II. 121. 
 and to France, 125. created Lord Mar Icy, 160. 
 
 jl’ren, Matthew, Bilhop of EE, comolaints a- 
 gainft him, ~ 'if,.. 
 
 Wriothcjlcy, Thomas, made Lord Chancellor, L 
 838. his cruelty, 843. created E. of Scuthamb- 
 
 ' 
 
 if J. an, Eifnop of V.rccflcr, 
 
 Wnlfiaiu 
 
 Wyat, Sir Thomas, hi' Rebellion, 
 
 y. 
 
 'Y’Elverton, Sir Henry, Attorney-General, turned 
 0U L . .ii. 192 
 
 Chrifophcr, fends up a petition a- 
 gatnit Ship-money, I [. 314 n . 2 
 
 7 'toman, Robert, plots to deliver Brijhl to K. 
 
 Ch T eS l * r H- 469 
 
 Yeomen of the Guard inflituted, I. 691 
 
 York, befieged by William 1, I. I *>0, 172 
 burnt by the Danes, 17,. Henrietta comes 
 thither, 11 . 469. befieged by the Lord Fairfax, 
 and the 1 Scots, 49S, 499. taken by Fairfax, 499. 
 Gen. Monk received there, 612. K. Charles 1. 
 goes to refidc there, 422. Succcflion of the Arch- 
 bilhops of that See, I. 72, 145. Cornells about 
 the Jurndiftion of it over Scotland, 214. wars 
 between the Houfes of York and Lan.afer, 
 
 of- See Edmund. He acquaints Kh 
 Henry iv. with a Con (piracy againft him, I. 489. 
 
 ,-P; °A Edward Plantagenct, imprifoned M. 
 496. killed, 
 
 -D^of, Richard Plantagenet, E. of March, 
 
 I. 342 made Regent of France, 53S, 569. his 
 military exploits, 559, 565. deprived of his Re- 
 gency, 571- begins to aflert his Right to the 
 Ltown of England, 37,, 57| . fupprtUcs a Re- 
 oellion in Ireland, 573. returns to England, and 
 concerts with his friend', 576. marches 
 
 to London with an army „ ibid. difmilfcs his 
 Troops, 577. apprehended and relenfcd, ibil 
 retires to Uigmorc, ibid, his-dght to the Crown, 
 578. made Protcftor of th?*Rcalm, &c. 379. 
 rctiresynto Wales, and raifes an Army, 980. de¬ 
 feats K. Henry vi, ibid, retires from Court, 581. 
 comes to London, 582. flies into Ireland, and is 
 attainted, 583. returns to London, defeats the 
 King, and goes to the Parliament, 584. defeated 
 and flain, 386. his Duchefs dies, 
 
 -D. of. See Richard m, and James ir. 
 
 . Archbp. of, Geojjrey, imprifoned, I. 248,- 
 249. oppofcs the levying of a Tax, 268 
 
 -Archbp. of, Richard Scrobe, confpires a- 
 
 gainft/fcwy iv, I. 496. beheaded, 49 7 
 
 -Archbp, of. See Ncvil, Rotherham, Hoi- 
 
 gate. Heath, Neil, Williams. 
 
 York-place, taken pofTefllon of by K. Henry vm, 
 J- 7S9 
 
 York Conference, about CfMary, II. 85, 86 
 Jerk, Council of, II. 288. abolifhed, ' ibid. 
 
 York, Edmund, luborned to kill Q. Elizabeth , 
 II. 143, 144 
 
 Yorkifs, *1 At 
 
 Yorkjhire, Inlurredtions there, I. 603, 663. II. 
 16. Neutralities there, 467. what parts wsre 
 for Chari.ts I, gQ 
 
 Yvry, battle of, JJ 
 
 Z. 
 
 jJ Uinglius, J 
 
 Z uylejlein, Monfieuv de, fent to defire 
 James 11. to ftay at Rochcfer, II. 
 
 3 
 
 39 
 
 S2 
 
 Extract 
 
Extract of a Letter from Mr. Rapi/z to Monfieur 
 Robethon, a confiderable Perfon in the Service of his 
 
 late Majefty King Geo 
 
 A Wezel lc 20. de Septembre, 1719. 
 
 M O N Hijloire ^’Angleterre eft acbevee. Je 
 l’ay conduite depuis le temps de I’invajion de 
 Caefar jufiqu’a la fin du Regne du Roi Ja- 
 ques I, et je finis prefientement occupe a la revifiion. Je n’ay 
 epargne, pendant quinze ans quej’y ay travaille , ni peine ni Joins 
 pour la rendre aiififi exalte qu’il in'a ete pojjible. II n'y a 
 quc le temps qui puififie m’apprendre, Ji j’aurai rciifiji. Ce n' 
 eft pas une petite entreprifie pour un Gafcon : mais m’y etant 
 engage fians en prevoir toutes les dijficultez , je n'ay pu me refiou- 
 dre a I'abandonner lorfique je les ay rencontrees. Le grand loi- 
 fir dent j*ay joui depuis plufiieurs annees n'a pas peu contnbue 
 d me fiaire pourfiuivre l'execution d'lin ft grand defifiein. L’im- 
 prefijion de l’ Hijloire de France du Pere Daniel Jfinite, a quay 
 les Libraires d’Amfterdam fiont occupez depuis quclques annees, 
 afiait que je n'ay pit jujqu'ici prendre desmefiures pour i'imprefi- 
 fion de la mienne. Mais comme la premiere eft fiur fia fin , j’efi- 
 pere de conclurre bientot pour I'impreJJion de ce/le-ci. 
 
 Permetlez moi, Monfieur, de vous demander deux avis fiur ce 
 fiujet. Pay une extreme envie de dedier mon Hijloire a fia Ma¬ 
 jefte Britannique, mais je ne fiai fi je puis prendre cette liberte 
 fians fia permifiion , n'ayant pas I'honneur d’etre comm de lui , 
 en aucune maniere. Les Grands Princes fiont tellement impor- 
 tunez par des dedicaces , qu' ils ne les regardent bien fiouvent que 
 comme des leurres pour leur attraper quelque Prefient, ct je puis 
 ajfiurer avec la derniere fincerite que rien n’eft plus eloigne de 
 via penfiee , mon unique but etant de donner par Id une petite mar¬ 
 que de mon profiond refipelt et de ma veneration pour fia perfionne. 
 Je vous fiupplie de me donner quelque confieil Id defifius. 
 
 II y a encore une autre cbofie fiur laquclle je prends la liberte 
 de vous demander votre avis , lequel je fiuivrai exafiement. Je 
 fiuis perfiuade que fia Majefte ne demander a pas d’un Hiftorien, 
 qu’ it flatte fies predecefifieurs qui ont occupe le mime trone que lui, 
 du moins, jufiqu’a la fin du regne ^’Elizabeth. Mais comme 
 il tire Jim origine de Jaques I. et que e’eft en vertu de cette defi- 
 cendance qu’il eft aujourdbui fiur le trone d’ Anglecerre, et que 
 pour dire la verite, quelque management que j’aye eu en ecri- 
 vant le Regne du Roi Jaques I, je n’ay pu m’empeeber de 
 fiaire connoilre fies defiauts, et particulierement les voyes qu’il 
 prenoit pour parvenir d une puiffance abfioliie, & qui n’ont ete 
 que trop fiuivies depuis, je crains que J'a Majefte ne trouvat 
 mauvais qu’une Hijloire qui lui fieroit dediee parut trop peu 
 avantageufie au Roi Jaques. Je puis vous ajfiurer pourtant, 
 que je croi avoir evitc tons les exces ov plufiieurs Hiftoriens fiont 
 tombez en parlant contre ce Prince , comme, d’un autre cote, je 
 n’ay pu me refoudre a fiuivre ceux qui l’ont vifiiblement flatte. 
 En general, comme je me fiuis fiait une loi de dire la verite, je 
 vous avoue quc je n’ay pit donner une idee fort avantageufie de 
 ce Prince. Anifii, je vous prie de m’inftrube de I’bumeur et 
 du car a Here du Roi a cet egard, et Ji vous jugez que je doive 
 fiupprimer entierement le Regne de Jaques \, j’y fioujerirai vo- 
 lontiers. 
 
 Vous fiavez aufih bien que moi, qu’on ne pent donner une con- 
 ncijjance bien diftinfte du Regne ^’Elizabeth, fians entrer dans 
 un grand detail des affaires de la Reine Marie c/’Ecofte, et que 
 e’eft la le pivot fiur lequel tournent tons les evenemens du 
 Regne ^’Elizabeth. Je me J'uis done vu oblige de fiaire connoilre 
 Marie, et de fiaire voir en divers endroits , non fieulement que 
 Cambden s’eft trompe dans tout ce qu’ il a dit de cette Reine, 
 
 mais 
 
 R G E L 
 
 ^ '-id, Sift. 20. 1719. 
 
 M Y Hiftory of England is finifhed. I 
 have brought it down from the time of 
 Cccfiar ’s Invafion, to the End of the Reign 
 of James I *, and am now employed in the Revifal. Du¬ 
 ring the fifteen Years I have been about it, I have fpared 
 no pains or endeavours to render it as accurate as poffibie. 
 Whether I have fucceeded, Time alone can difeover. Ic 
 is no inconfiderable undertaking for a GaJ'coon : but being 
 engaged in it without forefeeing all the difficulties, I could 
 not refolve to relinquiffi it, when they occurred. The 
 great leifure, I have enjoyed thefe many Years, has not a 
 little contributed to the execution of lo great a Defio-n. 
 The Impreffion of the Hiftory of France , by Father 
 Daniel the Jefuit, which has employed the Atnfterdam 
 Bookfellers about a Year, is the reafon that I could not 
 hitherto take any meafures for the Edition of Mine. But 
 as that is almoft over, I hope loon to agree for the Im- 
 prefllon of This. 
 
 Give me leave, Sir, to ask your advice upon two 
 points. I am extremely defirous to dedicate my Hiftory 
 to his Britannick Majefty, but don’t know whether 1 may 
 take that liberty without his permiffion, fince I have not 
 the honour of being any way known to him. Great 
 Princes are fo troubled with Dedications, that they gene¬ 
 rally confider them as Baits to draw fome Prelent from 
 them i but I can affirm with the utraoft Sincerity that 
 nothing is farther from my thoughts, my foie aim beino- 
 to give a fmall Token of my profound refpeCt and vene¬ 
 ration for his Perfon. I intreat your advice in this 
 matter. 
 
 There is alfo another Thing, on which I take the free¬ 
 dom to defire your opinion, which I will pun&ually fol¬ 
 low. J am perfuaded, his Majefty will not require a 
 Hiftorian to flatter his Predecefiors, at leaft till the End of 
 Queen Elizabeth’s Reign. But as he is defeended from 
 James I, and, by virtue of that defeent, now fits on the 
 Throne of England-, and as, to fay the truth, whatever 
 caution I have ufed in writing the Reign of King James l , 
 
 I could not avoid difeovering his Defects, and particularlv 
 the Methods pradifed by him to arrive at arbitrary Power, 
 which have been but too much followed fince, I fear his 
 Majefty may take it ill that a Hiftory, dedicated to him, 
 fliould appear fo difadvantagious to King James, f 
 can, however, allure you, I think I have avoided all the 
 excelles into which feveral Hiftorians have fallen in lpea- 
 king againft that Prince, as, on the other hand, I could 
 not relolve to follow thofe who have vifibly flattered him. 
 In general, as I have made it a Law to fpeak the Truth, 
 
 I own to you, I could not give a very advantagious Idea 
 of that Prince. So, I beg the favour you would inform 
 me of the King’s Temper and Character in this refpe<5b, 
 and if you think I ffiould entirely lupprefs the Reign of 
 James I, I fhall readily confent to it. 
 
 You know, as well as I, that a very diftin-ft knowledge 
 of Elizabeth’s Reign cannot be given, without a particular 
 account of the affairs of Queen Mary of Scotland , that 
 being the Hinge on which all the Events of Queen Eliza¬ 
 beth’s Reign, do turn. I am therefore forced to make 
 known Queen Mary , and fhow in feveral Places, not only 
 thac Camden is miltaken in all he lays of that Queen, but 
 
 alfo 
 
Extrad of a Letter from Mr. Ramn, &c. 
 
 mats que mime il a eu pour but de tromper fes LeSeurs fur ce 
 Cuiet Les Explications dans lesquclles il m'a fallu entrer 
 ■pour refiner Cambden ct sous les Auteurs Papifles, ne font pas 
 a I'avantaee de Marie. Le Roi le trouvera-t-il mauvots ? J 
 avoue que je ne pounois me refoudre a nen dire centre ce que 
 u croi vrai. Mats d’un autre cote, j’aimerois mteux ftp- 
 primer entierement men Hifhnre, que de nen avancer qm put 
 dcplaire a un ftgrand Prince, pour total fat tout le refpcEtet 
 ioute la veneration que tout le monde lui dolt. Je vous flipphe, 
 Monfieur de me dormer vos bom avis fur ces Articles, lorjque 
 vos affaires vous le permanent: car cela ne preffe point du tout, 
 «'v aqant encore run de regie pour I'imprejfion de men Hiftoire. 
 Je fins avec toute I’efiime el toute la confideratm poffible, 
 
 Votre tres humble et 
 
 alfo intended to lead his Readers into Error. The Expli¬ 
 cations I have been obliged to enter into, for the confuta¬ 
 tion of Camden and all the popifh Writers, are not to 
 Mary's advantage. Will the King be offended at this ? 
 I cannot think of faying any thing contrary to what I be¬ 
 lieve true. But, on the other hand, I would rather en¬ 
 tirely fupprefs my Hiftory, than advance what may dil- 
 pleafe fo great a Prince, for whom I have all the Refpedt 
 and Veneration, univerfally due to him. I beg, Sir, you 
 would give me your good advice upon thefe Points, when 
 your affairs will permit it, for there is no hafte, nothing 
 being yet fettled for the Impreffion of my Hiftory. I am, 
 with all poffible efteem and regard. 
 
 Tour mofi humble and 
 
 Tres obeiffant ferviteur. 
 
 Moft obedient Servant , 
 
 Thoyras Rapin’. 
 
 Thoyras Rapin. 
 
 advertisement. 
 
 T HIS Hiftory will be continued by the Translator, in One Volume in FOLIO, 
 from the Revolution, to the End of the Reign of King George I. In this 
 Continuation, Rap in’s Method, Faithfulnefs, Impartiality, Freedom, and Plainnefs, will, 
 as far as poffible, be imitated. At the Conclufion, will be added an exaft Abridgment or 
 Summary of the Three Volumes. As foon as the Reigns of King William and Queen 
 Mary are finiffied, this Work will begin to be publiffied Weekly, and will be continued 
 in that manner till the Whole is compleated. 
 
 N. T I N T> A L. 
 
 ERRATA in VOL. I. 
 
 Page. Cfl. Line. for 
 22 2 13 - Corjlantine'i 
 
 2 59—Diieafc- 
 
 2 29—of ■ — —at 
 
 2 64-was -* were 
 
 2 6—the-their 
 
 1 55—left —---—lefs 
 
 Note 4— Boulogne —- Bouilt 
 
 1 27—of - 
 
 40 
 
 76 
 
 84 
 
 89 
 
 124 
 
 132 
 
 144 
 
 212 
 
 217 
 
 218 
 246 
 321 
 
 read 
 
 Conjiantius's 
 
 Defence. 
 
 35—would - 
 5 to it — 
 
 47—Bifhop • 
 
 28 - Mortagne - Mortain 
 
 i o—However-How 
 
 would not 
 it to 
 Abbot 
 
 Page. Col. Line. fd\ 
 
 read 
 
 ♦is 
 
 461 
 
 474 
 
 490 
 
 508 
 
 5 11 
 530 
 532 
 547 
 
 63—Begin the Period after— Eng’.ifl). 
 
 5 8 —Murdered-Murderer 
 
 31—Treafurcr-T reafure 
 
 3 7—Enemy-Army 
 
 j 4 —IV.-VI. 
 
 51—to —-- too 
 
 51 —are ■ —- be 
 
 5 —after calling add— and fitting 
 
 _ 12—his----- her 
 
 5 3 i Note 5 lafl —Peter -- Porte 
 
 733 1 51— Alexander — Johrt 
 
 816 1 1—him-.them 
 
 818 1 laft—conceive — conceal 
 
 V O L. II. 
 
 Page. Col. 
 
 466 2 
 
 469 1 
 
 5°3 
 734 
 
 Line. for 
 44 -Mouth - 
 35—quarters 
 
 read 
 
 - Month 
 
 - his quarters 
 
 65—befought-and befought 
 
 65—the —-- his 
 
 2 a—take out the Comma after—Befides . , „ , _ , , - 
 
 There ire Come other literal Miftakes, which the candid Reader is deSred to correfl, as they occur to him. 
 
 No 84. VoL. II. 
 
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 Richard II. 
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 Brother to King Hen¬ 
 ry V. 
 
 Mr.de Rams- Thoyras. 
 
 ^. Tiud.u, M. A. 
 
 Henry V. 
 
 Henry VI. 
 
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 John of Gaunc Duke of 
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 thereof ’ “» Rc P Iks to the Doflot’s Defences 
 
 o/reindDr f/.ofolf tVe Yeirf'-f 1 bc ,'"’ cen , ,hc l-’te learned Mr. 
 
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 «■, in ALL 
 
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 on to 
 
 ■ brief Defence of E 
 Setnon. The 4 th Ediri. 
 
 ' The Mead,res ol Sub; 
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 nourable the Lord Mr 
 To;. The 5 :h Edith 
 
 preached March S. t - 04 . 
 abfolute Monarch, , f ' 
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 % Civil Magiftrate confidered. J n a De 
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 Vindication, 1708. V AVindinM r 1 ’ ln AnR vcr to hri largo 
 
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 ™bjef|U anftde^: X'ZZT 
 
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 Old TeHament: In Anfwer to the e f i S nr MM ! 7 r fr M , t>c B rc, P ! «:eie of 
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 mhmetick and Geometry. Vo] I 'S ’ eii " to be k ^wn in, A- 
 
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 ‘1 Traniatftiois 
 
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 f-*» P^rons ' '.. n by!hrifari.";/ ;; : ' 7 V 
 
THE 
 
 HEADS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 KINGS of ENGLAND, 
 
 PROPER FOR 
 
 Mr. R A P I N’s HISTORY, 
 
 Tranflated by N. T I N D A L, M. A, 
 
 VIZ. 
 
 EGBERT Fir ft Monarch of Engl a n d, 
 ALFRED the Great, 
 
 CANUTE the Dane, 
 
 WILLIAM the Conq_ueror, Firft of the 
 NORMAN LINE, 
 
 And all the Succeeding 
 
 KINGS and Sovereign QUEENS, 
 to the Revolution; 
 
 WITH 
 
 Some of the moft Iliuftrious PRINCES of the Royal Family. 
 
 Colle&ed, Drawn, and Engraven, 
 
 With ORNAMENTS and DECORATIONS, 
 
 By GEORGE V E R T U E. 
 
 To which are added. 
 
 The HEADS of Mr. Rapin and N. T i n d a l, M. A. and an ACCOUNT of the 
 feveral Heads, of the Antiqjjities that have been followed, and of the P i c t u r e s 
 Copied for Engraving them. 
 
 Alfo, Twenty two PLATES of the 
 
 MONUMENTS of the KINGS of ENGLAND, with their Epitaphs, 
 and Inscriptions, and a brief Hiftorical Account of Them. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for J a m e s, John and Paul Khapton, at the Crown in Ludgate-Street. 
 
 MDCC XXXVI. 
 
TO HIS 
 
 ROYAL HIGHNESS 
 
 FREDERIC 
 
 PRINCE of WALES: 
 
 Tilde HEADS and MONUMENTS 
 of the Kings and Queens of England, and 
 of feveral Illuftrious Princes of the Royal 
 Family, Are moft humbly Dedicated, 
 
 B Y 
 
 His Royal Hiqhnes s’s, 
 
 Moft Humble, 
 
 Moft Devoted, 
 
 AND 
 
 Moft Obedient Servant, 
 
V* 
 
( 5 ) 
 
 the 
 
 Rapin I. 
 p. 83. 
 
 Rapin I. 
 P- 9 °* 
 
 E A D 
 
 OF THE 
 
 KINGS and QUEENS, & 
 
 c. 
 
 The iimtuims that have been followed and 
 
 -a fitting, t/'rn s 
 
 them briefly explained. b0llt 
 
 JEVERAL Attempts have been made, ( fince the 
 \ arts of printing and engraving were found out in Eu¬ 
 rope,) to colled}; and publifh feries of pidlures of the 
 Emperors of Rome and Germany, and of the 
 Kin gs, Princes, and mod illuftrious perfons of different 
 nations; winch have always been confldcred as agreeable 
 and uleful ornaments to their hiftories. 
 
 The Portnituns of the Kings of England have not been 
 “"“tempted at different times, bat done fo imperfefllv, 
 and from fuch fpurious authorities, that they have rather 
 given difguft, than fatisfadtion, to the Curious. 
 
 ,, In ° rd = r th o e T kin S this colieflionmorecomplcat, 
 
 the utmoft care has been taken and the moft diligent en- 
 t|iary made after the belt authorities; firft, for ancient 
 coins, royal feals, ftatues, limnings, painted glafs, paint¬ 
 ings on wood feV. now remaining: Thcfe being the only 
 authorities to be depended on with regard to the more dif- 
 tant of our Englifh Kings. 
 
 In the later times, when the art of painting began to 
 appear with greater elegance, the royal portraitures here re- 
 prelented are taken from the paintings of the bell matters • 
 as IS expreffed under each piflure, with the names of thofe 
 noblemen and gentlemen in whofe poffeffion the originals 
 are at prefent; whofe favours, and the permiffion of accefs 
 the H ?? f 1 '™ ° f P' aures granted by his Grace 
 
 fttty afknowwSff"’ L ° rd ChambCrlai "’ “ m ° ft 
 
 S'aslay h^hLTby a " d 
 
 ablolute Lord of the land and ftas. ’ “ ** TOS 
 
 WILLIAM L 
 
 prefen,ed t fern“,hL rT" th “ »" 
 
 * 
 
 from an illumination in Domefday-book From 
 remaimng pieces of antiquity the idea of the h r 
 t IS Pnnce is formed ; g A Lre and “cncumf^S'U 
 "fed m felefling them from the faireft a „d b f lt ' '™ 
 
 coins in the cabinets of the curious. preterved 
 
 re r r e °i na '“ cn J tal allufions at the bottom of this piflure 
 plan'of R E tH an ^ COnqUerei1 and bound in chains, fchf the 
 
 f0Unded * “Aoot 
 
 WILLIAM IL 
 
 An EXPLANATION of the Ornamental out 
 
 Allusions is added to this ACCOUNT of rh' tr™ u r Y S ' 1 w0 dlffcrent coins are affigned to R • r 
 
 -r- jsw 
 
 egbeht. 
 
 A Medal,on, taken from a (ilver coin of this king, who 
 muted the Heptarchy or ftven kingdoms into onl, and 
 thereby laid tile foundation of the Englilh monarchy ■ 
 which ,5 .he reafon of his being the firft in this eolleflioni 
 
 The arms of the ftven kingdoms are reprefented on the 
 top of the plate; and at the bottom, a Saxon leaning on 
 his flneld, point,ng to the Map of England and the divi¬ 
 sions of the Heptarchy; feme Runic Charaflers, Stone- 
 henge, Broken Idols, QV. 
 
 ALFRED the Great. 
 
 From an ancient piflure preferred in Univerfity Colle-e at 
 Oxtord. At the bottom is an ancient (lone Bufto of Alfred 
 A view of the Damfn camp, where Alfred, difcuifed like a 
 common minftrel is playing on the harp before his enemy’s 
 tents This Prince defeated the Danes, took from them 
 their ftandard of the Raven, reftored the Mufes to Ox- 
 i.ml appointed a fleet to guard the coatts, and eftablilhed 
 excellent Laws, alluded to in the ornaments of this plate. 
 
 The accident of this King's death hunting in new-fo- 
 reft is reprefented in fmall. The mantle, thicld bows 
 and arrows are the ornaments of this head. " 
 
 HENRY I. 
 
 Taken alfo from a filver coin ; and partly from his e fB a ■ . 
 g.« on h,s broad feai of wax, both well preferred 
 
 This King, called Beau-clerk, was the firft of 
 his line that encouraged arts and learning in England A t 
 
 the bottom is reprefented a cavern, wherein [. L ri ~ 
 
 be fee,, his elder brother Robert , bifadQ a PP 
 as he remained to his death. ’ “ d a pnfOTer " 
 
 CANUTE the Dane. 
 
 lUpin I- A profile face, as reprefented on feveral of his friver 
 P- ‘E4. corns, three of which are engraven at the bottom of this 
 
 STEPHEN. 
 
 The face is taken from the profile face on one of ,h» . 
 corns reprefented on the plate : And that of Marfa? ^ Rspi " r - 
 monly called Maud the Emprefs,) from f^c 'm en mb'^ 2 °°' 
 
 j III4 “ tile Conqueror, their ance ftor. The 
 
( 6 ) 
 
 thirties are thrown in, in allufion to the broils, which then 
 bean between England and Scotland. 
 
 The fhadow at bottom (hews the barbarous murder of 
 this unfortunate Prince. 
 
 Rnpin I, 
 
 capin 1. 
 >■ 244. 
 
 HENRY II. 
 
 The face is taken from his ftatue on his monument at 
 Font-Everaud in Anjou in France, where he was buried. 
 This piece of antiquity being preferved, and reprefenting 
 this King in his royal robes, it was thought the beft 
 authority extant. The whole figure is printed in 
 P. Montfaucon’s antiquities, to whom the publick is in- 
 debted for this draught. 
 
 Underneath is reprefented the death of Thomas a Becket 
 Archbiihop of Canterbury, who fo long contefted and op- 
 poi'ed this King's authority in ecclefiatlical affairs. 
 
 RICHARD I. 
 
 The effigies of this King is alfo taken from a ftatue of 
 
 him erected on his monument at the fame place with his 
 
 father’s Henry II. Thefe ftatues are fuppofed to have 
 been done foon after the interment of the Kings they/e- 
 prefent, though removed into a more magnificent tomb m 
 Let times by the Lady Abbefs of Font-Everaud Jean 
 Buptifte dcBourbon, daughter of Henry IV. of Franc 
 their relation, in order to preferve them to poftenty. 
 
 The ornaments of this p'sfture arc difpofed with ins arms 
 on his Shield, his military weapons, and the lion s ton 
 denote his heroick Spirit, and in allufion to his name of 
 Coeur de Lion. 
 
 EDWARD III. 
 
 This great and magnanimous Prince as the art of fculp- Rap’n t. 
 ture improved confiderably in his long and victorious reign, p, 4cO 
 was at many times varioufly reprefented in pidtures, as ap¬ 
 pears by the paintings at Windfor, and in other places. 
 
 Thofc paintings, his monumental rtatue of brafs, former¬ 
 ly gilt with gold on his tomb in Wertminfter-abby, his 
 broad feals, and fmall limnings in vellum manuferipts, all 
 convey the fame idea of his countenance. 
 
 The Sun in his meridian altitude is on the top of this 
 plate as the emblem of this Prince’s virtues and glory. 
 
 The conqueft of France, the inftitution of the molt noble 
 order of the garter, the glory of his arms, and nobility, 
 and the downfall of the French power are the trophies of 
 Ins picture. The Baffo relievo at bottom is intended to 
 reprefent the proceflion of the Kings, Princes and Nobles 
 taken in the field of battle. 
 
 Rapin I. 
 p. 259. 
 
 JOHN. 
 
 This piaure is drawn from the ftatue upon his monu¬ 
 ment in the Cathedral of Worcefter. It is another confir- 
 .nation, that it was the praffife then m England as well a 
 abroad to preferve the Hkenefs ot great perfons alter their 
 deaths by thefe llatuary images of them. And it is not a 
 little furprizing to fee in the broad feal of this King, how 
 well they cut their pictures to reprefent his countenance in 
 fmall, being very like and conformable to the lace ot this 
 ftatue. 
 
 Th 
 
 King’ 
 
 Pope. 
 
 Rapin I. 
 p. 296. 
 
 Rapin I. 
 
 P- 357* 
 
 : figures at the bottom of this plate allude to the 
 abjed lubmiffions, by advice of the Legate, to the 
 
 HENRY III. 
 
 This is taken from his monumental ftatue in brafs in 
 Wcftmmrter-ubbey ; and was erec'ted there with great coft 
 and care to his memory, who built great part of that ftu- 
 pendious pile, of which a view in fmall is reprefented at 
 the bottom of this plate, with a draught of that curious 
 wrought monument or fhrinc, erected by him for the re¬ 
 licks of Edward the Confeffor. 
 
 EDWARD I. 
 
 The draught from the remains of his ftatue over the 
 sate of Caernarvon caftle, which he magnificently built, 
 and what is to be feen on his great leal and his filver coins are 
 all we have to form our idea of the countenance and per- 
 fon of this great and heroick King. 
 
 Over his head to illuftrate his qualities is reprefented the 
 morning-itar as the emblem of his early and fuper-em.nent 
 "lory, with the lawrels and trumpets of fame blended to¬ 
 gether. The plate is ornamented with a view of himfelf, 
 fitting on his throne as Umpire between Baliol and Bruce, 
 competitors for the crown of Scotland ; a (ketch of his 
 ftatue over Caernarvon gate is meant to be reprefented on 
 one fide, and on the other one of the crolies erected by 
 him in memory of his beloved Queen Eleanor. 
 
 EDWARD II. 
 
 EDWARD Prince of Wales. 
 
 The ftatue of that moft noble and heroick Prince in R . j 
 brafs gilt with gold is preferved on his monument in the 
 Cathedral Church of Canterbury; from which, and his 
 almoft defaced figure in a window at the weft end ot Weit- 
 minftcr-abbey, this is drawn. 
 
 The glory of this moft illuftrious prince, the delight and 
 ornament of this nation and mankind, is exprefled on the 
 fmall tablature on his right hand ; where he is reprefented 
 bringing conquered Kings and Princes to his father s throne. 
 
 RICHARD II. 
 
 From that ancient and valuable piSlure in Weftminfter- R . r 
 abby, painted on board, fitting in his royal robes; proba- p 453 . 
 bly of as great antiquity as any painted picture ot that 
 magnitude now in being. 
 
 The white hart couchant under a tree is the emblem 
 tiled by this King, and alfo the broom-cod open He 
 joined the Arms of England and France with thofc of E d¬ 
 ward the Confcflbr. On the Roll is reprefented this 
 Kind’s refignation of his crown to Henry of Bohn 
 broke, in the prefence of the Nobility and Bifliops ill Fat- 
 Lament. 
 
 JOHN of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster. 
 
 From a painted glafs in an ancient window in the Li- R ■ r 
 brary of All-Souls College in Oxford. As there arc feveral fi ^ 
 other perfons of that time reprefented there in the lame man¬ 
 ner, and this College and Library were founded by Arch¬ 
 biihop Chrchely, it is very probable he was perfonally 
 known to them, and faw the paintings done irom the belt 
 authorities. 
 
 He took the red rofe for his cognizance, and from him 
 the other Kings of that branch ufcd the fame device. 
 
 The ere of providence and the Bible are introduced by 
 way of allufion to his promoting Wickhffe’s do£trme, and 
 the Reformation. HL monument is partly reprefented at 
 bottom, as it was eroSed in St. Paul s Church London, 
 but deftroyed by the great conflagration ill ibbb. 
 
 HENRY IV. 
 
 Son of Jo K N of Gaunt. This plate (hews not only r _ 
 
 the portrait of this prince, but alfo the head-drefs worn ... p ^ 
 thofc limes i ufed by him rather before he was King than 
 afterwards, as appears by his ancient piaure on board, m 
 the palace of Kenlmgton, and another Ime it a, Hampton- 
 Court in Herefordftiire, (which had been his Palace.) All 
 the Knights of the garrer of the firft mliitutim have the 
 lame head-drels. 
 
 Rapin r - 
 F 3S8- 
 
 In the Catliedral Church of Gloucefter is his ftatue upon 
 his monument now entire and well preierved, from which 
 this picture of him is taken ; and very probably thefe mo¬ 
 numental effigies are of the beft authority remaining, as 
 they (hew the exact form of the features and drcli of trie 
 times, when Paintings were not cuftomary. 
 
 His device was the fox’s tail and the lion’s-ikin joined 
 together, conceived to mean ftrength and courage united 
 well arc and policy, when lineal right was wanting to 
 fupport the red lofc. 
 
 HENRY 
 
Rapin I. 
 P'.S°4* 
 
 Rapin I. 
 P- 535- 
 
 Rapln I. 
 p. 532. 
 
 Rapin I. 
 P- 595- 
 
 Rapln I. 
 p. 629. 
 
 Rapin I. 
 P- 6 17- 
 
 i 7 ) 
 
 HENRY V. 
 
 The pi£lure of this moft glorious prince is preferved on 
 board, painted antiently, now amongft the royal cohesion in 
 the palace of Kenfington, and in vellum-manufcripts of 
 that time. His face moulded in plaifter, ufed at his pom¬ 
 pous funeral according to authors of good credit, is ftill 
 extant: from thefe this plate is taken. 
 
 The Englifh Lion fupporting the arms of England and 
 France, the beacons on fire, his mottos Une fans plus and 
 Dieu et mon Droit fignifying his vigilance and foie fove- 
 reignty over the two Kingdoms. The reprefentation of 
 his marriage with Catherine dc Valois, only daughter and 
 heirefs of France, as a lculpture in Baflo relievo is added, 
 with the Flower de luces, to adorn this plate. 
 
 JOHN Duke of Bedford, Regent of France, 
 Brother of Henry V. 
 
 From a -Curious Limning, finely done in a manufeript 
 prayer-book prefented by himfelf to Henry VI, now in 
 the pofleffion of the Right Honourable the Earl of Oxford. 
 In one of the leaves of this book the Regent is reprefented 
 kneeling, and his Dutchefs in another, both magnificently 
 drefled, with allufive mottos, A vous entiere See. fuitable to 
 each perfon. Alfo their coats of arms and fupporters as on 
 the print, with the ftock of a tree, alluding to Wood-* 
 flock, the place of his birth. 
 
 HENRY VI. 
 
 From an ancient painting on board, done in the ftiff flat 
 manner of painting, now in the royal Collection at Ken- 
 fington palace. 
 
 The chara&er of this prince is alluded to at the bot¬ 
 tom of the plate, by a view of himlelf kneeling in a cha¬ 
 pel and adoring a crucifix. 
 
 EDWARD IV. 
 
 His piClure painted on board Is preferved in the royal 
 collection, and reprefents him fair, and not fat and flefhy, 
 as he afterwards grew, and as he is reprefented^-in-a large 
 piece, faid to be his picture, in the Palace of St. James’s. 
 
 The arched Crown firft ufed by this King on his great 
 feal; the white rofe radiated which his anceftor Edmond 
 Langley Duke of York, fon of Edward III. took 
 for his cognizance and the fetter-lock with the Motto, 
 Hie Hecc Hoc Taceatis , he applied to himfelf and family, 
 are exprefled amongft the ornaments on the plate ; as is the 
 magnificent interview between this King and the King of 
 France upon a treaty of peace on a bridge over the river 
 Soame. 
 
 EDWARD V. 
 
 From the only pi&ure perhaps ever done of this Prince, 
 which is a painting in a manufeript book, wherein the 
 King his father is reprefented fitting, the Queen his mother 
 Handing, with this Prince by them, and Woodvile Earl 
 of Rivers the Queen’s brother, prefenting a book to the 
 King. This manufeript is in the Archbilhop’s palace at 
 Lambeth. 
 
 The emblem of a rapacious Harpy on the top, and the 
 dead Lambs, or innocence murdered, at the bottom of this 
 plate, are ornaments adapted to his Hiftory. 
 
 RICHARD III. 
 
 The Cat , the Rat , and Lovel the Dog, 
 
 Rule all England under a Hog. 
 
 This King’s Device being a white boar and Henry Vll’s 
 a dragon ; at bottom is reprefented a dragon overcoming a 
 boar. The red dragon was the Enfign of Cadwallader, 
 the laft King of Britain, faid to be the anceftor of He n- 
 R Y VII. 
 
 HENRY VII. 
 
 His picture is taken from originals in the royal colle&i- R a P‘ n F 
 on in Limning and in oil-colours, and alfo from a draught P* ^49- 
 of that famous large piece of painting, formerly on the wall 
 in the privy-chamber at Whitehall, done by Hans Holben, 
 reprefenting this King and his Queen as big as the life. 
 
 This moft noble and valuable Family-piece was burnt with 
 that palace 1697. 
 
 The Union of the houfes of York and Lancafter, (the 
 red and white Rofe) is alluded to by the two Cupids at 
 bottom embracing each other, and pointing to the picture 
 of Queen Elizabeth of the houfe of York. 
 
 HENRY VIII. 
 
 From an original painting in Kenfington palace. Many Rapin I. 
 and various pictures of this King are done in large andp. 702 . 
 fmall Limnings by his famous painter, Hans Holben j be- 
 lides feveral others by painters of lef 3 note. 
 
 The well known Fails of this King’s reign, the re¬ 
 markable Divorce of his firft Queen, and their feparation 
 are alluded to by the reprefentation, at the bottom of this 
 engraving. The reformation of religion, and the abolition 
 of the papal power in thefe kingdoms, plentifully fupply 
 decorations for this plate. 
 
 EDWARD VI. 
 
 From an original in Kenfington palace, painted by Rapin II, 
 Haps Holben. F 3 - 
 
 The noble foundations of this excellent young Prince, 
 
 Chrift’s Hofpital, St. Thomas’s in Southwark, St Bartho¬ 
 lomew’s, and St. Bride’s Hofpitals for the education of 
 youth, the cure of the difeafed, and the employment of 
 idle perfons and vagrants, are immortal inftances of his 
 piety, charity, and benevolence; the emblems of which 
 were thought the bell ornaments for his portrait. 
 
 MARY. 
 
 From a picture in polTeflion of the Right Honourable the Rapin IL 
 Earl of Oxford, originally painted by Sir Anthony More p. 27 . 
 Knight. 
 
 By the Decorations about her Picture are Implyed her 
 Character, her inclination to Popery, her fetting the triple 
 Crown above her own, and making the Crofs and palloral 
 Staff her fupport; which ihe efteemed above worldly ho¬ 
 nours. Her zealous and Religious cruelties cannot be re¬ 
 prefented in fo fmall a compafs. 
 
 PHILIP II. 
 
 King of Spain, Hufband to Queen Mary, from an ex- Rapin II. 
 cellent original painted by Titian, now in the noble col-P- 3^. 
 leCtion of his Grace, William Duke of Devonfhire. 
 
 About this head are reprefented only the feveral Coats 
 of arms of the dominions and territories under his govern¬ 
 ment when married to Queen Mary. 
 
 From an orignal painting on board now in the royal 
 palace at Kenfington. This with fome of the before men¬ 
 tioned pictures was removed from the ancient palaces at 
 Weftminfter and Whitehall, when they were deftroyed 
 by fire. 
 
 The fancy at top, in imitation of painting upon glafs, 
 alludes to a Story in this Kings reign, of Mr. Collingborn 
 a Gentleman, who was executed for a Rhime, (faid to be 
 wrote by him ) 
 
 Queen ELIZABETH. 
 
 From her picture curioufly drawn by Ifaac Oliver, in Rapin II. 
 the collection of Dr. Mead. p. 50. 
 
 The Harry firmament and the Phoenix in flames, repre- 
 fent the immortality of her exalted virtues. Her fame ex¬ 
 tending to the utmoft bounds of the earth: her juftice and 
 piety in defenfe of the Gofpel, her efteem for the holy 
 
 Bible, 
 
Priiiccfi ELIZABETH. 
 
 Bible, and her regard for all Proteflants, are intended ta 
 be iignilied by the ornaments of this plate. 
 
 ( 8 ) 
 
 Rapin ] 
 p. 70. 
 
 HENRY Lord Darnlev, 
 
 Hulband of Mary Queen of Scots, and Father of 
 J n mes I. of England. This picture is in the royal palace 
 of St. James’s, and alfo another at Hampton Court, paint¬ 
 ed 1563; by which date it appears to have been drawn im¬ 
 mediately before he went to Scotland. 
 
 His crown is clouded over to reprefent the violence and 
 diverlity of his fortune. The robes at bottom exprefs his 
 being made Knight of the noble order of St. Michael by 
 the King of France. The combuftible matter thrown in 
 is deligncd to exprefs the manner of his violent death. 
 
 Queen of Bohemia, Daughter of James j. from Rnpi„ [(. 
 G < Hontherft 1 115 ^ a P artmcnts of St. James's by P- 1 36 - 
 
 CHAR LES I. 
 
 From an excellent original painted by Sir Anthony Van- P.-uin It 
 cour e r’ prcrer '' ed thc ™}al collection ,n Hampton- p. a5-. ' 
 
 Rapin II. 
 p. 132. 
 
 MARY Queen of Scots, 
 
 From an original painting in the royal colleflion in 
 St. James’s, Anno 1580. 
 
 From the date and melancholy air of her pifhire it is 
 conceived much of her juvenile bloom mull have been 
 walled when this was drawn. The darts of death, and 
 the crown encircled with thorns, are allufions to her un- 
 nappy b ate. 
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 Lord Protedlor His pidure from a mod valuable ori- R.,pi„ n 
 ^ T? b Y Samuel Cooper, ,n the poffeffion of t..c p- 591. ' 
 honourable Sir Thomas Frankland, Baronet. P 5 ’ 
 
 CHARLES II. 
 
 From a piflure in Bridewell-hall, the r.rl,',,,! ■ , „ . 
 
 by Sir Peter Lely. S ‘ m ' P a,ntcd Rl P'" ^ 
 
 1 p. 6l?. 
 
 JAMES I. 
 
 K irin II. From an original painting in the palace of Hampton- 
 p. 15S. Court, by Paulus Vanfomer. 
 
 The Union of the two Kingdoms under him, and the 
 Hil ory of his reign and the reigns of his Succeflbrs is fo 
 well known, that it may be thought unnecefliry to annex 
 any explanatory notes concerning the few ornaments and 
 decorations added to them. 
 
 HENRY Prince of W a l e s, 
 
 Rapin II. Eldeft Son of Tames I from n mt-inue t •, i i ^ liS ° ri S ,I1a ^ was painted from the life, at the nartlni- r> • Tr 
 p. 181. Jfaac Oliver, in the poffeifioji of R. Mead, M, D.'" 2 } ° f Secretar >’ by Sir Godfrey Kncller. p.'-J,, ' 
 
 HENRY Duke of Gloucester. 
 
 Brother of King Charlfs Tf r„ a:„j r 
 the Reftoration, and was buried in We(lminHcr-abbey. a 
 
 J A M E S II. 
 
 A Brief 
 
( 9 ) 
 
 A Brief Hiftorical Account of the Monuments of 
 the KINGS of ENGLAND, See. with their 
 Epitaphs tranflated. 
 
 Rapin I. 
 P' 1 37- 
 
 * Motto. 
 
 Rapin I. 
 p. 18 j. 
 
 E D W A R D the Confessor. 
 
 T HIS Monument or rather Shrine eredted by 
 H e N R y III, is in the venerable chapel, that 
 takes it’s name from this King and Saint. It is 
 compofed of ftone, covered with mofaick-work 
 of ftained glafs of various colours, particularly red and gold. 
 I he Hone-work is hollow within fide, where there is a large 
 chefi: bound with iron, into which it is laid, the old cof¬ 
 fin being decayed with the bones of this King in it, were put 
 by order ot King James II. Over the ftone-work is a 
 neat and regular wainfcot frame, faid to have been formerly 
 plated with gold, and adorned with precious ftones. Thole 
 precious flones are fuppofed to be no more than the fame 
 kind of mofaick-work of ftained glafs, which ftill remains 
 on the pilafters, and feveral parts of the Monument. That 
 frame had another over it, which is now much decayed and 
 lunk in ; and over thefe on the top of the Shrine was the 
 curious one mentioned by Matthew Paris. The tomb 
 ieems to have been repaired in Richard lid’s time, 
 as is conje£tured from the painted Mofaick of gold and 
 biack to be feen in fome places of it. Round the Verge is 
 this infeription in gold letters upon black. 
 
 Omnibus infignis virtutum laudibus heros 
 Sanftus Edwardus ConfefTor, Rex venerandus 
 Oil into die Jani moriens fuper asthera fcandit. 
 *Sursum CORD a. Moritur anno Domini i o6c. 
 In Englifh, 
 
 The Hero renowned for all Virtues, 
 
 Saint Edward the ConfefTor, and venerable Kin^, 
 
 Dying the s th of January, he afeended to the Olio. 
 Place your hearts on high. 
 
 He died in the year of our Lord 1065. 
 The above Infeription is fuppofed to have been put on 
 this tomb, when the old one embolTed on it was worn 
 away : thefe monkifh verfes were the old one; 
 
 Anno milleno Domini cum feptuageno 
 Et bis centeno, cum completo quafi deno. 
 
 Hoc opus eft fadtum, quod Petrus duxit in acftum 
 Romanus civis ; homo, caufam nofeere fi vis * 
 
 Rex fuit Henricus, Sarnfti pnefentis amicus. * 
 
 The lenfe of which is. 
 
 In the year of our Lord 1280, this work was finifhed 
 by Peter, a Roman citizen : Reader, if you will know 
 why it was done; it was becaufe King Henry 
 was the prefent Saint’s friend. 
 
 WILLIAM the Conqjjeror. 
 
 The firft Monument of this prince was a ve'ry ftately 
 Maufoleum, <*efled by William Rufus his k 
 cond Son m the front of the high altar of the abbey of 
 St. Stephen, a Benediflme Convent founded by him at 
 Caen m Normandy. One Otho a Goldfmitli had the di 
 reflion of tins woik, the materials of which were sold 
 frlver, and curious ftones. The Wits of that age compel 
 fed epitaphs lor it ; but that of Thomas Archbifhop of 
 ' or c had Preference, and was inferibed upon the 
 tomb. See the plate. There is an old tranflation of it as 
 follows: 
 
 He that the flurdy Normans rul’d. 
 
 And over Englifh reigned, 
 
 And ftoutly won, and ftrongly kept 
 What he had fo obtained ; 
 
 And did the fwords of thefe of Mans 
 By force bring under awe, 
 
 And made them under his command 
 Live fubjedt to his law ; 
 
 This great King William lieth here 
 Entombed in this grave. 
 
 So great a Lord, fo fmall an houfe 
 Sufficcth him to have. 
 
 Wdien Phaebus in the Virgin’s cap 
 His circled courfe applied. 
 
 And twenty three degrees had paft. 
 
 Even at that time he died. 
 
 . T, he M°"ks ° L f that abb =y caufed the tomb, reprefented 
 in the plate, to be erefled in the year i 64s ; the Tides and 
 ends of which are of fpeckled Marble, and the top of 
 Lapis Lydws or Toucfiftone : the whole ftruflure is raifed 
 on a Cafe of Free-ftonc. On an Efcutcheon at the head 
 are the three Lions of England, and at the foot upon ano¬ 
 ther, the two Lions of Normandy. On the Couth fide the 
 ancient Lpitaph by Thomas Archbifhop of York is reftored, 
 and on the north is the profe-infeription as on tiie plate; 
 
 In Englifh thus: 
 
 This Sepulchre of Jhe mod viflorious and merciful 
 Conqueror, William, whilft he lived. King 
 Ot England, Prince of Normandy and Mans, the 
 moft pious founder of this abbey, being broke to 
 piecK and thrown down by the frantick rage of 
 the Hereticks in the year 1562, was at length re- 
 Duijt by the noble religious of this abbey, out of 
 their pious fenfe of gratitude to the memory of fo 
 munificent a Benefaflor, in the year of our Lord 
 i A 2 ' n J v ^ n ^e Bailhache being Principal of the 
 Monaftery. p. D. D. D. 
 
 WILLIAM RUFUS. 
 
 E NR T h “ brotllcr and fiiccelTor ordered a Mo-Rapin I. 
 
 cS Of Sr* s r fOT faci " S thc h! S h altar in ,89 ' 
 
 aey marWe r u " W '" chcfo ' This tomb is of 
 wi 7 w' , 1 ? tW °c ^ fr0m tl!e P ave ment It 
 
 K'rKaS •* ■“* •“ • “ 
 
 The two lines in a feroie on the top of this plate are 
 tranflated in Mat. I ndeaux’s Introduflion to Hiftory thus, 
 
 T he King the flag, vengeance the King, doth chace; 
 i yrrel s hard hap concludes this tragick cafe. 
 
 H E N R Y II. and R I C H A R D I. 
 
 church 6 o ¥ 0 " umcnt of thef n P, rinces was erefled in the Rapin I. 
 church ot the monaftery of Font-everaud by the Ladv P. 243. 
 abbefs, Jean Baptifte de Bourbon daughter of IIenry vj 
 O. T rance, in honour of them, and others of thc Norman 
 
 firft ftat^ there 'i Their effi S iK were removed from their 
 hrft ftation in this church to this new Maufoleum with 
 thofe of their Queens, Eleanor of Aquitain, and Beren- 
 
 faT H NaV “ re ' ^ 1CHAED ’ S la y firft at the feet of his 
 father Henry s, and was gilt with gold. Henry has a 
 Latin epitaph on his tomb, which with King Richard’s 
 is upon the plate. It is to this effeft in Englifh ; 
 
 If conquer'd realms or pow’r from death could fave, 
 
 I Henry, mighty King had ’fcap’d the grave; 
 
 1 o me, who thought the earth's extent too fmall 
 Now eight poor feet, a narrow fpace, is ail 
 Reader behold in mine, thy own fure fate' 
 
 And curb thy vaft defire!, and know thy ftate: 
 
 He, whom the globe entire could not fuflrce 
 In this fmall tomb in fmaller afhes lies. ’ 
 
 To the Statue of Richard was affixed fix verfes 
 which exprefs bis greateft exploits; as bis vifl„ ry OV er the 
 bichans, his conquering Cyprus, his finking the great 
 Galleafs of the Saracens, the taking their convoy, and the 
 defending Joppa in the Holy-land againft them. Thofe 
 verfes are upon the plate; but as they are not very prafli- 
 nik ia hiSlil Rta, the fubftance of them was 
 thought fufficient here. 
 
 This ftately Monument fubfifled till the year ic6 2 
 when the city of Caen being taken by Count Chaftillon! 
 feme of his Soldiers opened ,t. Not finding the treafure 
 they expefled they broke it to pieces, and threw out the 
 toEnghnd" bM1K ’ ° f Wh ‘ Ch feme werealtc rvvards brought 
 
 t JOHN. 
 
 His tomb is in the Cathedral Church of Worcefter It Rapin I 
 
 is of grey marble, and Hands in the center between theP. 281. ' 
 great altar and the choir. The figure of the king as big 
 as the life with the effigies of the two famous bifhops, 
 
 St. Ofwald and St. WuJltan in little, between whom he 
 lies, are carved on one (lone, which feems to be as ancient 
 as Henry IHd’s time. But the altar-tomb, on which it 
 is laid, is of a more modern fcbrick. This Monument 
 has no Infeription. 
 
 HENRY III. 
 
 Upon the north fide of Edward the Confeflor’s Monu- R ap i n 1 
 mem in Weftminfter-abbey, King Edward, this prince’s p. 347. ‘ 
 ion, eredled a magnificent monument for him. It is Mo- 
 C faick 
 

 ( 10 ) 
 
 faick work of grey marble, chequered with Gafpars and 
 Opals, and other curious ftoncs; in the midft of which 
 are large oblong faces of Porphyry, and Serpentine ftone, 
 which he brought from France, when he returned from the 
 Holy-land. Upon the fuperficies lies the figure of the 
 King in his royal robes with his crown on his head, and 
 his feet placed upon two lions ; the whole of copper gilt, 
 and carved lozenge ; every lozenge containing a lion paflant 
 gardant. His globe and feepter, which were formerly in 
 his hands, have been ftolen. About the verge of this tomb 
 is a French Infcription in Saxon capitals as on the plate: 
 In Englifli: 
 
 Here lies Henry, fometime King of England, Lord 
 of Ireland, Duke of Aquitain, fon of King John 
 alfo King of England ; on whom may God have mer¬ 
 cy, Amen. 
 
 On the north fide of the fame Monument in gilt Saxon 
 Capitals arc the Latin words, as at the bottom of the 
 plate ; their fenfe is, 
 
 Henry the third the (re) builder of this Church: 
 With this Motto, 
 
 War is grateful to the unexperienced. 
 
 Near the Tomb alfo formerly hung a Tablet on a Pil¬ 
 lar with the three latin lines in old Englifh characters on the 
 plate, and the Englifli of them in thefe words: 
 
 The friend of piety and alms-deeds, 
 
 Henry the third whilome of England King, 
 
 Who this church brake, and after his meed, 
 
 Again renewed into this fair building : 
 
 Now refleth here, which did fo great a thing. 
 
 He yield his meed, that Lord of Deitie, 
 
 That as one God raigns in perfons three. 
 
 EDWARD I. 
 
 Rapin I. His Monument is in Weftminfter-abbcy, on the north- 
 p. 387 . fide of Edward the Confeflor’s Chapel, at the head of 
 his father Henry Illd’s tomb. It is compofed of five 
 grey marble ftones, two for the fides, two for the ends, 
 and a fifth covers it, (a very plain Monument for fo great 
 and glorious a prince.) Upon the north-fidc of it are the 
 latin words on the plate. In Englifli: 
 
 Edward the firft the fcourge of the Scots is here. Ob- 
 ferve Treaties. 
 
 And on a Tablet was formerly the epitaph in Latin and 
 Englifli, as at the bottom of the plate. 
 
 EDWARD II. 
 
 Rapin I. His fon Edward III. ere£fed a Monument for him in 
 p. 405. the monaftery of St. Peter, now the Cathedral of Glou- 
 ceflcr. The materials of it are white ftone; his effigies 
 is of alabafter. It ftands in the fecond arch on the north- 
 fide of the altar, betwixt two Tufcan pillars. About thefe 
 pillars near the capitals are the figures of feveral flags, by 
 which he was faid to be drawn thither from Berkely Caftle. 
 There is no infcription on this tomb. 
 
 EDWARD III. 
 
 Rapin I On the fouth-fide of Edward the Confeflor’s chapel, 
 p. 445. between two pillars, and parallel with the tomb of that 
 king, Edward III. has a monument of grey marble, 
 upon which lies his portraiture of copper gilt. On the 
 verge of this Tomb are the barbarous monkifli verfes en¬ 
 graved at the bottom of the plate. Near to it was a Ta¬ 
 blet with that epitaph engliflied in no unequal ftrain: 
 
 Of Englifh kings here lies the beautiful flower 
 
 Of all before palled, and a mirror to them fhall fue: 
 A merciful king, of peace confervator. 
 
 The III Edward, the death of whom may rue 
 All Englifh men, for he by knighthood due. 
 
 Was Libarde invift, and by feate Martiall 
 To worthy Maccabe in vertue peregall. 
 
 On the fides of this monument are the figures of all this 
 prince’s Tons and daughters in folid brafs. On the fouth 
 reprefented by the plate, in feveral niches are Edward 
 Prince of Wales, Joan de la To we it, entituled 
 Queen of Spain, Lionel Duke of Clarence, Edmond 
 Duke of York, Mary Dutchefs of Bretagne, and Wil¬ 
 liam of Hatfield; under whom their feveral coats of 
 arms are enamelled, and beneath thofe efcutcheons are four 
 large Ihields of the arms of St. George and King Edward. 
 
 On the verge between thefe large fliields, and the figures 
 of the princes are the latin words on the plate, figni- 
 fj ing, 
 
 Edward the third known by his fame above the fkies, 
 P ight for your country. 1377. 
 
 On the north-fide were the flatues, and ftill continue 
 
 the arms of Isabel Lady of Coucy, William of 
 Windfor, John Duke of Lancafter, Blanch de la 
 Tower, Margaret Countefs of Pembroke, and 
 Thomas Duke of Gloucefter. Near this Tomb ftands 
 the fvvord, which this king is faid to have ufed in the 
 conqueft of Franee. It is feven foot long, and weighs 
 eighteen pounds. 
 
 EDWARD the Black. Prince. 
 
 His Monument is in the Cathedral of Canterbury, on R.q::: 
 the fouth fide near the chapel of Thomas a Becker. It is p- -:-D 
 a ftately fabrick of grey marble, upon which lies his effi¬ 
 gies of copper gilt. The end and fides ol this tomb are 
 adorned with efcutcheons of copper, enamelled with his 
 arms and devices, and overwritten with the words, Hol- 
 mont, and Ich Dien. On an iron bar over the tomb 
 are placed the helmet, creft, coat of mail, gauntlets, and 
 on an adjacent pillar the fhield of arms richly adorned with 
 gold, which he is faid to have ufed in battle. Upon a 
 fillet of brafs is circumfcribed the epitaph in old French as 
 on the plate; of which Weaver in his monuments gives 
 this tranflation. 
 
 Here lieth the noble Prince Monfieur Edward, the el- 
 deft fon of the moft noble King Edward the Third, 
 in former time Prince of Aquitain and of Wales, 
 
 Duke of Cornwall and Earl of Chefter, who died 
 on the feaft of Trinity, which was the eighth day of 
 June in the year of Grace 1376. To the foul of 
 whom God grant mercy, Amen. 
 
 Whofo thou be that pafleth by 
 Where thefe Corps interred lie, 
 
 Underftand what I fhall fay. 
 
 As at this time fpeak I may. 
 
 Such as thou art, fometime was I, 
 
 Such as lam, fuch (halt thou be. 
 
 I little thought on hour of death. 
 
 So long as I enjoyed breath ; 
 
 Great riches here I did pofl'efs. 
 
 Whereof I made great noblenefs ; 
 
 I had gold, filver, wardrobes, and 
 Great treasures, horfes, houfes, land; 
 
 But now a caitife poor am I, 
 
 Deep in the ground, lo here I lie : 
 
 My beauty great is all quite gone; 
 
 My flelh is wafted to the bone. 
 
 My houfe is narrow now, and throng. 
 
 Nothing but truth comes from my tongue, 
 
 And if ye fliould fee me this day, 
 
 I do not think but ye would fay. 
 
 That I had never been a man. 
 
 So much altered now I am. 
 
 For God fake pray to the heavenly King, 
 
 That he my foul to Heaven would bring: 
 
 All they that pray and make accord 
 For me unto my God and Lord, 
 
 God place them in his paradife. 
 
 Wherein no wretched caitife lies. 
 
 RICHARD II. 
 
 Henry V. removed the body of this prince from Rap : n 
 Langley in Hertfordfhire, where it had been privately in- P- 4;6 
 terred, into a magnificent monumeut, prepared for it by 
 his order, and his firft: Queen Anne in Weftminfter-ab- 
 bey. It is on the fouth fide of the royal chapel of Ed¬ 
 ward the Confeflor, at the head of Edward Illd’s 
 tomb. The materials are grey marble, upon which lie 
 the effigies of Richard and his Queen Anne of gilt 
 copper. The Latin epitaph at the bottom of the plate, 
 delcribing the lineaments of his body and qualities of his 
 mind, is upon the verge of the tomb, beginning on the 
 north fide at the feet. The fenfe of it feems rather to 
 proceed from the fame motive, that induced Henry V. 
 to (hew fuch regard to his remains, than from any real 
 attributes of that weak and unfortunate prince. There 
 was formerly a tablet near the tomb, on which it was thus 
 engliflied : 
 
 Perfe£l and prudent, 
 
 Richard by right the fecond, 
 
 Vanquifhed by fortune, 
 
 Lies here now graven on ftone: 
 
 True of his word. 
 
 And thereto well refound j 
 Seemly in perfon. 
 
 And like to Homer, as one 
 In wordly prudence, 
 
 And ever the church in one 
 Upheld and favoured. 
 
 And calling the proud to ground. 
 
 And all that would 
 
 His royal flute confound. 
 
 On 
 
Rapin 
 p. 503 
 
 Rapin 
 P- 53 *' 
 
 Rapin I 
 p. 628. 
 
 Rapin I. 
 p . 636. 
 
 Rapin I. 
 P- 691. 
 
 On the bafe is a Latin verfe and motto, in Englilh j 
 
 Richard the fecond deftroyed by a cruel death. To 
 have been happy and moft miferable. 
 
 HENRY IV. 
 
 E His tomb is in the Cathedral at Canterbury of Alabafter 
 
 ■ partly gilt, and feems to have been ere&ed by his fecond 
 wife Queen Joan of Navarre, whofe effigies lies upon the 
 right hand of his. It is fituated between two pillars on the 
 north fide of the chapel of St. Thomas a Becket, oppofite to 
 the monument of Edward the Black Prince. At the 
 head of the tomb ftands an angel fupporting a long efeut- 
 cheon of the arms of France and England, impaling quar¬ 
 terly Evereux and Navarre. On the infidc of the canopy 
 are three other efcutcheons; in the firft are the arms of 
 France and England quarterly, in the fecond the arms of 
 P ranee and England quarterly impaling Evereux and Na¬ 
 varre, in the third Evereux and Navarre quarterly. The 
 canopy is diapered with eagles volant and chained, fubferi- 
 bed with the motto, A T emperance. The Cornifh is 
 garnifhed with the arms of fcveral of the nobility of that 
 age, underwritten on the border with the word Sove- 
 Rayne. It does not appear that this tomb had any in- 
 feription. 
 
 HENRY V. 
 
 E He is interred in the abbey of Weftminfter at the feet of 
 
 ■ Edward the Confeflbr in a fmall chapel, much impro¬ 
 ved,' and beautified with feveral ftatues by Henry VII. 
 See the plate of this chapel. 
 
 In the infide upon his tomb crefted by Catherine of 
 Valois his widow lay his ftatue of filver gilt. The head 
 of that image in the reign of Henry VIII. with the 
 plates of filver covering his trunk made of oak, and his 
 regalia, were ftolen away. His effigies, as in the print of 
 his monument, was taken from an original painting for¬ 
 merly in the royal palace at Whitehall. The epitaph, 
 which was defaced at the time his tomb was robbed, was 
 only two wretched monkifh verfes, as on the plate, in 
 Englifh ; 
 
 Duke of the Normans , their true conqueror , 
 
 Died heir of the Franks , and alfo their bettor. 
 
 EDWARD IV. 
 
 His monument is in the new chapel of Windfor, found- 
 ded by himfelf. It is compofed of fteel polilhed and gilt, 
 reprefenting a pair of gates between two towers of curious 
 workmanlhip after the Gothick manner. This tomb is 
 fronted with touchftone, and ftands in the north arch near 
 the high altar. The epitaph in monkifh Latin verfes an¬ 
 nexed to the plate, as it is not inferibed on the tomb, and 
 lias nothing in it befides fome low-ftrained encomiums, 
 which argue the barbarous tafte of the age in which it was 
 wrote, we fhall leave as we found without a tranflation. 
 
 It was regiftered in a book in the college of arms. 
 
 EDWARD V. and RICHARD Duke of York. 
 
 The bones of thefe two princes by the order of 
 Charles II, in whofe time they were found, were put 
 
 . into a marble urn, and depofited among the monuments of 
 the royal famdy in the chapel of Henry VII, with a 
 Latin monumental infeription upon it. In Englifh thus, 
 
 ( 11 ) 
 
 in tbl mjmmnt of bio tomb, than he did dim in Richmond 
 or any of his palaces. 
 
 On the fouth fide of this tomb, towards the top and 
 near the king’s effigies, is the infeription on the top of the 
 plate. In Englifh: 
 
 Here lies Henry the feventh of that name. Kino- of 
 England, fon of Edmund Earl of Richmond, who 
 b f"nA? d rf m ^ Auguft 22, was crowned the 30th 
 ot October following, in the year of our Lord 148,-. 
 He died April 21, in the fifty third year of his age, 
 and reigned twenty three years and eight months 
 wanting one day. 
 
 On the north fide of this monument on the left hand 
 of this prince* effigies, lies that of Elizabeth his 
 Queen, under which in a fquare Tablature is this epitaph. 
 
 HicjacetReginaELizABETMA, Edwardi quart!quon¬ 
 dam Regis film, Edwardi quinti Regis quondam no¬ 
 minal foror, Henrici feptimi olim Regis coniux, 
 atque Henrici oftavi Regis mater inclyta. Obiit 
 autem fuum diem in turrim Londoniarum, Die ir. 
 
 fundta 2 ’ Ann ° D ° mini r 5 02 - 38 Annorum state 
 In Englifh : 
 
 Here lies Queen Elizabeth, daughter of King Ed- 
 ir ARD T J V ’ King Edward V, wife of 
 
 Ring Henry VII, and renowned mother of King 
 Henry VIII. She died Feb. 11, ,502. in the 
 year^ ^ ^ ondon > * lavin S compleated her thirty eighth 
 
 On the freeze of this monument beginning on the fouth 
 . ? at f th f head * are the lat'n verfes at the bottom of the 
 plate of the tomb. In Englifh : 
 
 Here lies Henry the feventh, the glory of the kings 
 of his times, for wifdom, riches, and the fame of 
 
 u/uT Za !° nS 'n T ° Which nature had bounteoufly 
 added her choiceft gifts; elevation of afpedt, majeftvr 
 of feature, and dignity of form. He was joined in 
 marriage to a confort equally affe&ionate, beautiful, 
 chafte and fruitful. Happy parents in their offspring : 
 to whom, England, you owe an Henry VIII. 
 
 And about the Sacellura both within and without, are 
 embolM the verfes in old Englilh charaaers, which ate 
 at the bottom of the plate reprefenting the Sacellum. 
 oeptimus Henncus &c. In Englilh : 
 
 In this tomb reds Henry VII, who was the glorv of 
 k.ngs, and the light of the world. A vigilant and 
 wife prince, a lover of wholefome virtue, egregious for 
 beauty, ftrength, and refolution. Who reftored the 
 kingdom’s peace, terminated many wars, and always 
 returned viaorious from his enemies. Who married 
 his two daughters to two, and was in alliance with 
 all, kings. Who founded this holy chapel, and e- 
 redled this fepulchre for himfelf, his confort, iffirc, 
 and family. He lived fifty three years, and reigned 
 near twenty four. He died April 21, ,jo 9 . Eng¬ 
 land, no former ages have given thee fo great a king, 
 future will fcarce give thee his equal. 
 
 Here lie the remains of Edward V. King of England 
 and ot Richard Duke of York. Thefe unhappy 
 brothers, who were (hut up in the Tower, and there 
 (mothered with pillows, by order of their perfidious 
 uncle Richard, the ufurper of the throne, were 
 privately and indecently buried. Their much defired 
 bones, diligently and often fought for in vain, July 
 J 7 , i6 74 , one hundred and ninety one years after 
 their death, were dug up in the ruins of a ftair-cafe 
 that formerly led to the chapel of the white tower, and 
 known by moft undoubted tokens. The moft com- 
 paflionate King Charles II, pitying their fevere fate, 
 thought he to order thofc moft unfortunate princes this 
 place amongft the monuments of their forefathers, in 
 the year ot our Lord 1678, and the thirtieth of his 
 reign. 
 
 HENRY VII. 
 
 H-is monument is a moft magnificent Maufoleum, ere£t- 
 ed in the fine chapel, which he added to Weftminfter-ab- 
 hey. It was made by Peter a Florentine for one thoufand 
 p0 V" ds (r erl ! n g» and 13 a] l of wrought copper, which the 
 aruft obliged himfelf to find. It is allowed to be one of 
 the fiuelt pieces ot workmanfhip in the world ; as Lord 
 bacon confirms in his hiftory of this prince’s reign, where 
 he fays That he lyetb buried at JVeftminJler , in one of the 
 fateliejl and daintif monuments of Europe , both for the cha¬ 
 pel and for the Jcpulchre 3 fo that he dwelletb more richly dead 
 
 EDWARD VI. 
 
 H vsT\* UI r eC } U ' lder T thC finC a,t3r 3t the head of HEN- Rap i n 
 RY VII s Maufoleum. It was deftroyed in the civil wars p 26 ‘ 
 This exceeding curious piece of work feems to have been 
 executed by the fame artift that performed the other admi¬ 
 rable brafs works in this chapel. The epitaph at the bot¬ 
 tom of the plate was wrote by Jerome Cardan, and with 
 fome liberty is rendered, in Englifh : 
 
 Let the whole world their common lofs deplore, 
 
 P or Edward dies, and glory is no more. 
 
 He was the good man’s hope, youth’s brighteft flower. 
 
 Joy of the age, and pride of fovereign power : 
 
 For him Apollo and Minerva moan. 
 
 Their blooming hope untimely dead and gone. 
 
 Whilft thefe laft gifts the weeping nine beftow, 
 
 Melpomene laments in ftrains of woe, 
 
 And hails thee fleeting to the fhades below. 
 
 Queen ELIZABETH. 
 
 James I. her fucceffor ere&ed a magnificent monument R ap i n ] 
 to her memory in the eaft end of the north ifle of herp. 157, 
 grandfather Henry VII’s chapel. It is an arch of white 
 marble fupported by ten Corinthian pillars of black mar¬ 
 ble, under which lies her effigies in royal robes. The 
 freeze is adorned with the arms of all the royal marriages 
 from Edward the Confeffor, and with impalements = of 
 feveral branches of the royal family. 
 
 On a Tablature over the cornifh at the head of the 
 tomb is this infeription, which Speed in his Chronicle tran- 
 flates thus. 
 
 For 
 
( 11 
 
 For an eternal Memorial 
 
 Unto Elizabeth, Queen of England, France, and Ire¬ 
 land, daughter of King Henry the eighth, grand¬ 
 child to King Henry the feventb, and great grand¬ 
 child to King Edward the fourth. 1 he mother 
 of her country: The patronefs and nurlc of religion 
 and learning; a princefs for all the endowments of 
 body and mind, and more efpecially for her royal 
 virtues above her Sex, 
 
 Incomparable, 
 
 James King of Grcat-Britain, France, and Ireland, 
 heir both of her throne and virtues, hath pioufly erect¬ 
 ed this monument to a princefs fo worthy of comme¬ 
 moration. 
 
 On the bafement at the top are thefe words. 
 
 The Sifters Mary and Elizabeth, who poffeiled 
 the fame throne, are companions in die grave, and 
 here fleep in hopes of a refurreftion. 
 
 On a like ^ablature on the cornifh at the feet is this 
 Infcription. 
 
 Religion to its primitive purity reflored ; peace eftablifli- 
 eJ ; money reduced to it’s juft value; domeftick re¬ 
 bellion quelled ; France relieved when involved in in¬ 
 terne divisions ; the Netherlands fupported ; the Spa- 
 nifti Armado overthrown ; Ireland almoft loft by re¬ 
 bellion, retrieved by defeating the Spaniards ; the re¬ 
 venue of both univerfities much enlarged by a law of 
 provifions j And lastly, all England en¬ 
 riched : 
 
 Elizabeth, 
 
 During forty five years a meft wife govemour, a victo¬ 
 rious and triumphant Queen, molt .ftri&ly religious, 
 mo ft happy, by a calm and refigned death at her fe- 
 vonty iccond year, left her mortal remains, till by 
 Chrift’s word they fhall rife again to immortality, to 
 be depofited in this famous church by her repaired and 
 rceftabhflied. 
 
 On the bafement at the feet are thefe words. 
 
 She died the twenty fourth of March in the year of 
 Salvation 1602, in the forty fifth year of her Reign 
 and die l’eventy lecond of her Age. 
 
 MARY Queen of Scots. 
 
 Rapin II. King James her foil, not long after his coming to the 
 P- * 57 - crown of England, erected a magnificent tomb for her in 
 the fouth ifle of Henry VIPs chapel, over a vault to 
 which her body had been removed from the Cathedral of 
 Peterborough, where it had been firft interred. It is raifed 
 in the form of a triumphal arch, fupported by eight Co¬ 
 rinthian pillars, under which lies her portraiture in royal 
 robes. 'I'he freeze is adorned with the arms of feveral 
 marriages of the kings of Scotland, and the top crowned 
 with her atchievements. On feveral tablatures of marble 
 round the tomb are epitaphs, which give a brief account of 
 her royal defeent, and relations, the exquifite Endowments 
 of her body and mind, the troubles ot her life, her con- 
 ftancy in religion, and refolution in death. ^ he inferip- 
 tions on the plate are in Englifti: 
 
 The firft part of her Epitaph is upon the South fide of 
 her Tomb in Roman Capitals. 
 
 D. O. M. 
 
 Sacred to the Memory of Mary Stuart, Queen of 
 Scotland, and Dowager of France, Daughter and foie 
 Heirefs of James V. King of Scotland, and Grand¬ 
 daughter of Margaret , eldeft Daughter of 
 Henry VII. by Elizabeth eldeft Daughter of 
 Edward IV, ('Kings of England) Wife of P rancis II. 
 Kins of France, whilft flic lived, certain and undoubt¬ 
 ed Heirefs to the Crown of England, and Mother of 
 the molt potent James, Monarch ot Great Britain. 
 She was defeended from a truly royal and moft ancient 
 Line, nearly allied by Defeent and Confanguinity to all 
 the greateft" Princes of Europe, and was abundantly 
 adorned with the moft excellent Endowments of Body and 
 Mind: But as all human Affairs have their Viciflitudes, 
 after a Confinement ot about twenty V ears, and having 
 ftruggled with Refolution and Fortitude, (tho’ ineffect¬ 
 ually) with the malignity of Calumniators, the jealoufy 
 of the Fearful, and the fnares of capital Enemies, the 
 was at length, an unprecedented, unheard-of Example 
 with Kings, brought to the Block; where, with con¬ 
 tempt of this World, triumphant in Death, and fearlefs 
 of the Executioner, recommending her Soul to Chrift 
 her Saviour, her hopes of Empire and Pofterity to her 
 Son James, and the example of her Patience-to all the 
 Spe&ators of fo bloody and mournful a Scene, flie pi- 
 cufiy, patiently, and intrepidly fubmitted her royal 
 
 1 ) 
 
 Neck to the accurfed Ax, and exchanged this tranfitorv 
 Life fora bleffed Eternity in Heaven, on the eighth of 
 Feb. In the Year of our Lord, 1 587. Aged forty fix. 
 
 The other part of the Epitah is on the North fide of the 
 Monument in Hexameter and Pentameter, or Elcgiack, 
 
 Verfes. In Englifh: 
 
 If Birth illuftrious, or if Beauty’s pride, 
 
 A guiltlefs Mind and Faith feverely try’d, 
 
 If Wifdom, Fortitude, a candid breaft. 
 
 And Hope in Him who comforts the diftreft. 
 
 If Probity of Heart, with Patience mild 
 To bear injurious bonds, to be revil’d ; 
 
 If Goodnefs, Majefty, a lib’ral Will 
 To raife the wretched, and the Poor to fill. 
 
 Could ’fcape blind fortune’s thunders, that alike 
 On good and bad, on low and lofty, ftrike ; 
 
 Thou hadft not early fall’n by being Great, 
 
 Nor thy fad Image feem’d to weep thy fate. 
 
 Scotland by right, by marriage France was thine. 
 
 To thefe well-founded hope did England join, 
 
 By triple-right a triple-crown file wears. 
 
 But dim it's luftre to a crown of Stars. 
 
 Happy, too happy if, the ftorm allay’d, 
 
 Tho’ late the neighb’ring realm had her obey’d. 
 
 But fee! Ihe falls to triumph in the grave ; 
 
 New vigour thence, and fruits, her branches have. 
 
 Conquer’d fhe conquers, free tho’ clofe confin’d. 
 
 Not dead tho’ flain; the fates her chains unbind. 
 
 So the prun’d Vine flioots forth with fertile fprays. 
 
 And the cut gem reflefts it’s purple rays: 
 
 So genial feeds committed to the earth 
 Rife from the fruitful foil, a brighter birth. 
 
 With blood, God’s covenant with man was made. 
 
 With blood, the Patriarchs his wrath allay’d, 
 
 With blood, the Firft-born ’fcap’d the general doom; 
 
 Blood Sain’d the land which now is Her’s become. 
 
 Oh flay thy vengeance Heav’11 for mercy’s fake; 
 
 That fatal day be ever mark’d with black. 
 
 To murther Kings abhorr’d for evermore. 
 
 Nor Britain Rain’d again with royal Gore : 
 
 Let the example perifh with the blow, 
 
 Accurs’d its author, and its aftor too. 
 
 Since in her better part fhe triumphs ftill. 
 
 Dumb be her fate, and filent ev’ry ill. 
 
 Such was her courfe as heav’n thought fit to fteer. 
 
 She had her joys, fhe knew her forrows, here. 
 
 Early to life the Royal James fhe gave. 
 
 Whom ev’ry kinder pow’r in keeping have. 
 
 By nuptials great, by birth ftill greater known. 
 
 And greateft in her iffue, fuch a Son; 
 
 Here Mary lies, of whom we fighing fing. 
 
 The Daughter, Wife, and Mother of a King. 
 
 Grant Heav’n, that to the lateft times her race, 
 
 Their happy hours without a cloud may pafs. 
 
 H. N. lamenting. 
 
 Over the Cornifh of this Tomb at the Head is part of 
 the 2ill verfe of the 2d Chapter of 1 Peter. 
 
 Chriftus pro nobis 
 Paffus eft, relinquens 
 
 Exemplum, ut fcquamini 
 Veftigia ejus. 
 
 In Englifti: 
 
 Chrijl alfo fnffered for us , leaving us an example , 
 that ye Jhould follow bis Jleps. 
 
 Over the Cornifh at the feet is the 23d verfe of the 
 fame Chapter. 
 
 Qui cum malediceretur 
 Non maledicebat, cum 
 Pateretur, non 
 
 Cominabatur ; tradebat 
 Autem judicanti jufte. 
 
 In Englifh : 
 
 JVho when be was reviled , reviled not again ; when he 
 J'uJfcred he threatened not ; but committed himftlf to 
 him that juelgeth righteoujly. 
 
 JAMES II. 
 
 This Monument was erefted in the Chapel of the Rapin II. 
 Scotch College at Paris in the Year, 1703. The prin-P- 7 8 3 - 
 cipal parts of it are an Obelisk, in the Front of which 
 is an Urn crowned with an Imperial Crown, and fup¬ 
 ported by two Angels. Under it upon the Bafe arc the 
 Royal Arms of England with Trophies on each fide. Near 
 the top is that Prince's Head in Baffo Relievo within a 
 circular Verge, adorned with Palms and crowned with an 
 Imperial Crown. The Materials are white and v.ined 
 Marble. 
 
 F I N I S,