FESTIVAL-HALL OF OSORKON IL. 
 
 GREAT TEMPLE OF BUBASTIS 
 
 (1887-188 9)- 
 
 BY 
 
 EDOUARD NAVILLE. 
 
 TENTH MEMOIR OF 
 
 THE EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND. 
 
 WITH FORTY PLATES. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY ORDHR OF THE COMMITTEL. 
 
 LONDON: 
 KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., Lin, 
 PATERNOSTER HOUSE, CHARING CROSS ROAD, 
 
 1892. 
 
— 
 
ET 
 
FESTIVAL-HALL OF OSORKON IL. 
 
 IN THE 
 
 GREAT TEMPLE OF BUBASTIS 
 
 (1887—1869)- 
 
 BY 
 
 EDOUARD NAVILLE. 
 
 TENTH MEMOIR OF 
 
 THE EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND. 
 
 WITH FORTY PLATES, 
 
 PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE COMMITTEE, 
 
 LONDON: 
 KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO, Lr. 
 PATERNOSTER HOUSE, CHARING CROSS ROAD, 
 
 1892. 
 
THIS VOLUME IS DEDICATED 
 IN GRATITUDE AND AFFECTION 
 TO THE MEMORY OF 
 AMELIA BLANFORD EDWARDS 
 
PRHEFACH. 
 
 Wuen I published the monuments discovered in the great temple of Bubastis, I was 
 obliged to leave aside a considerable number of inscriptions, all of which came from 
 the same part of the temple, and are of a peculiar character. There could be no 
 doubt about them, they all belonged to a great whole, describing a religious festival 
 which took place under Osorkon II., the fourth king of the XXIInd Dynasty. 
 (Bubastis, p. 50.) This was therefore a distinct subject, which had to be mentioned, 
 as a historical event, but the development of which was out of place in the 
 account of the edifice, and of the city. 
 
 It is the description of this festival which is contained in the plates of this 
 memoir. However numerous they may be, they are far from exhibiting a complete 
 picture of the texts which originally stood on the walls of the building, raised and 
 adorned specially for the festival. It is easy to judge from the general plates how 
 numerous and large are the gaps, caused either by time or by the action of water, 
 or, worst of all, by the destructive hands of the inhabitants. The form of the building 
 could not be discovered at first sight. When its remains were unearthed, the hall of 
 Osorkon II. was a mere heap of huge granite blocks (pl. xxxvi.); each stone had to 
 be rolled and turned, and paper casts were made of the inscriptions engrayed on its 
 sides. When the inscriptions had been copied, order could be brought into this 
 confused mass of writing and figures; the contiguous parts could be put together ; 
 the angles, where they had been preserved, served as clues for the measures, and by 
 degrees the form of the edifice could be recognized. It is evident that the inscriptions 
 were not engraved all round the hall; they only covered the walls of a large gateway 
 which led from the first hall into the second, and which perhaps was the only part of 
 the second hall built of granite. The plates xxxii-xxxv. give an idea of the 
 disposition of the walls; they form an entrance, which must have had an appearance 
 similar to that represented in the frontispiece. 
 
 The discovery of the form and of the nature of the building on which the 
 inscriptions were engraved, enables us to estimate the amount of these valuable 
 texts which have been lost. In fact, not much more than one-third has been 
 preserved, and certain parts, like the northern side-wall, have almost disappeared. 
 
vi PREFACE. 
 
 In a restoration of this kind, much is left to conjecture in regard to the position 
 of the blocks, particularly when all the neighbouring ones are wanting; however, I 
 believe that there cannot be much doubt as to the general form of the edifice. It is 
 quite similar to the gateway at Soleb, where inscriptions referring to the same festival 
 were engraved. 
 
 All the linear plates of this volume have been drawn by Madame Naville, and 
 printed by the firm of Thévoz and Co., in Geneva, who also executed the phototypes 
 from negatives taken by Count d’Hulst and the Rey. W. MacGregor. I have to 
 thank my friend, the Rev. W. MacGregor, for revising the text for the press. 
 
 This memoir exhausts‘all the objects discovered in the great temple of Bubastis, 
 from which I part with regret, remembering the rich reward which it has given to the 
 labours of its explorers. 
 
 EDOUARD NAVILLE. 
 
 Mataeny, April, 1892. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 The Hall ... 
 
 The Festival 
 
 The First Ascent to the Pavilion 
 
 The Rising of the God, and the Assembly of Divinities 
 
 The Second Ascent to the Pavilion 
 
 The Offerings and Shrines of the North 
 Contents of Plates 
 
 Index 
 
 PAGE 
 
—eSESE———————_EEE__EE 
 
IEEE 
 
 BLES WON ACE a) aN Es Gi ee 
 
 TEMPLE OF BUBASTIS. 
 
 THE HALL. 
 
 Tue festival hall is the most interesting part of | 
 To relate its 
 the 
 
 the great temple of Bubastis. 
 history would be to go over again that o 
 whole edifice, which I have told elsewhere. 
 
 Let us remember that it was the second hall, 
 entering from the east, and that judging from 
 
 the heap of stones, which is all that remains of 
 it, it feet 
 and a ions 
 
 1ad an approximate length of 80 
 breadth of 120. There the exeava 
 and it is the part of the temple which 
 We may 
 
 began, 
 gave t 
 sum up briefly the chief facts of its history. 
 
 The 
 It con 
 Pepi I. 
 tuary of the original temple. 
 
 1e richest crop of monuments. 
 
 ained a doorway with an inscription of 
 
 I even believe that it was the sanc- 
 We do not know 
 exactly the architectural plan of the temples 
 of the Old Hmpire, as very little of them 
 ig still extant. They had*a fate similar to 
 that of 
 
 They underwent considerable changes, which 
 
 most of our places of worship. 
 perhaps wiped out entirely all traces of the 
 original buildings. The great cathedrals of 
 our days are generally constructed on the site 
 of much smal If anything of the 
 
 primitive sanctuary has been preserved, it is 
 
 er edifices. 
 in the erypt, hidden under the pavement, on 
 which rest stately columns and majestic arches. 
 It was the same with the temples of Hgypt. 
 Moreover, the great simplicity of the construc- 
 
 tions of the O 
 
 festival hall dates from the Old Empire. | 
 
 d Empire, the absence of orna- 
 
 ment and of inscriptions on the walls of the | 
 i} 
 
 temples, prevent us from assigning their 
 
 | proper date to fragments which have been re- 
 
 used in constructions of a morerecent date. It 
 seems probable that the temple on which were 
 inseribed the names of Cheops and Chefren con- 
 sisted of two chambers, the eastern one being the 
 entrance, while the western was the sanctuary, 
 the abode of a divinity, which one we do not 
 know. This divinity was not Bast under the 
 fourth or the sixth dynasty, not even perhaps 
 
 under the twelfth. It was only much later 
 
 | that Bast became the chief goddess of the city 
 
 to which she gave her name. 
 
 This small temple lasted until Usertesen JII., 
 who raised architraves of large dimensions, 
 and who probably altered entirely the old con- 
 struction. He added to it the colonnade which 
 may have been an entrance to the sanctuary on 
 the western side. We cannot say what form 
 the great king of the twelfth dynasty gave to 
 his renovated hall. Undoubtedly it contained 
 a shrine, in the neighbourhood of which the 
 kings placed their statues; for in the great 
 number of them which were unearthed among 
 the ruins, there were some going back to the 
 twelfth dynasty, although they had the name 
 of Rameses II.; for instance, the statue the 
 head of which is in Syduey,’ and the base still 
 on the spot, perhaps also the colossi,’ frag- 
 ments of which only remain. 
 
 After the twelfth dynasty a king of the 
 thirteenth left his name in the sanctuary; but 
 
 1 Bubastis, pl. xxv. c. eect plaocxatinrcs 
 
 B 
 
2 THE FESTIVAL-HALL IN THE 
 
 we are uncertain as to what happened after- 
 wards. It is possible that the first Hyksos 
 invaders destroyed partly or even ruined the 
 temple of Bubastis, if we are to believe the 
 tradition preserved by Manetho; but admitting 
 that the narrative of the Sebennyte priest is true 
 as to the first conquerors, the monuments prove 
 just the reverse concerning their successors and 
 especially the last foreign kings, far from 
 treading in the steps of the invaders, the last 
 Hyksos left at Bubastis some of their most 
 beautiful monuments, and Apepi seems to have 
 raised in the temple important constructions. 
 
 There, they worshipped their god, who was | 
 
 Set after Apepi’s reign, but who may have 
 been another before him, 
 
 A. few statues of officials go back to the 
 eighteenth dynasty, bub nothing showing a 
 
 construction or eyen repairs on a_ large 
 seale. Probably in the time of Amenophis 
 III. the temple was standing in good order, 
 
 and was dedicated to Amon. But before the | 
 nineteenth dynastyit was again ruined. Though | 
 
 Seti I. boasts of having renewed the edifices 
 dedicated to his father Amon, he does not seem 
 to have done much; it was his son Rameses 
 II. who rebuilt the sanctuary, destroyed 
 probably by the contemporaries of Khuenaten, 
 the implacable enemy of the worship of Amon. 
 Rameses II. began with erasing from all the 
 architraves the inscriptions of his predecessors ; 
 and he did it so thoroughly that, but for a few 
 omissions and negligences of his workmen, we 
 should feel inclined to attribute to him the 
 honour of the foundation of Bubastis. He 
 Javished embellishments on the hall of the 
 
 sanctuary. He collected there a great number 
 of statues bearing his name; groups in which 
 he was associated with one or two gods, and also 
 what I called the architectural statues, which 
 haye a purely ornamental purpose, and do 
 
 not pretend to give us a likeness of the 
 king, though they have his cartouche. 
 Later on, the temple had again to suffer 
 
 GREAT TEMPLE OF BUBASTIS. 
 
 from the wars and the state of anarchy which 
 the country had to endure. I suppose that it 
 was during the struggles which preceded the 
 accession of Rameses III. to the throne that 
 the temple was overthrown. It remained ina 
 state more or less of ruin, until the Bubas- 
 tites, Osorkon I. and Osorkon II., took to 
 raising it up again. Osorkon I. began with 
 the entrance; Osorkon II. reconstructed the 
 sanctuary, to which he gave the name which 
 we shall use henceforth, “the festival hall” 
 
 Woes, or more completely ‘the hall of the 
 
 Sed-festival.” 
 
 It is hardly possible from a heap of stones 
 to judge of the form of a building, especially 
 when a considerable number of blocks have 
 disappeared, having been carried away for 
 various purposes. Before making a close 
 study of the sculptures, I thought that they 
 extended all round the hall, and that they 
 were divided into two parts, the south 
 and the north, like Egypt itself, each side 
 differing in character and being distin- 
 euished by the headdress of the king. But 
 when the blocks were put together, when each 
 of them was measured and the angles reconsti- 
 tuted, we obtained for the building on which the 
 sculptures were engraved the plan of Fig. 1. 
 This looks exactly like the section of the door 
 of a pylon dividing two halls, such as we see 
 at Thebes, in the temple of Khonsu,® or at 
 Kurneb,* or at Medinet Haboo.’ The pylon 
 would then have lad the form shown in Fig. 2. 
 
 What I think more probable is that it was 
 an entrance like that which exists at Soleb,° 
 between the first and second hall, a long door- 
 way, the two sides of which are broader than 
 the enclosing wall, and project into one of the 
 halls, so as to form with the enclosure an angle 
 where statues or colossi were standing (Fig. 3). 
 
 > Leps., Denkm. i. pl. 83. * Td. pl. 86. 
 
 ° Td. pl. 92. ® Td. pl. 117. 
 
THE FESTIVAL. 
 
 Fie. 1. 
 
 ty 
 
 WEST. 
 
 | 
 al 
 Several circumstances show that it was an 
 
 entrance. The walls A and D are not vertical, 
 
 they are slightly sloping towards the west, as | 
 may be seen from the angle between A and B. | 
 
 On A and D the king wears the double diadem, 
 and the representations are converging; on 
 both sides they are turned towards the door 
 
 Ere 25 
 
 Fic. 3. 
 
 Yo 
 
 EA 
 
 | carried on the shoulders of six 
 
 | Inscriptions were al 
 
 3 
 
 where the king is supposed to go in. 
 The first part of the walls B and E is 
 slightly projecting, and is evidently meant 
 to be a doorpost; besides, on the base- 
 ment of the same walls we see sculp- 
 tures nearly destroyed, representing the 
 king, whom gods hold by the hand on 
 each side and introduce into the hall. 
 This 
 temples; it is al 
 is called ‘* The Introduction of the King 
 
 { Jfa? (pl. xxvi.). 
 
 It is probable that on this entrance 
 was engraved the whole of the festival, 
 and that no part of it stood on the walls 
 of the hall. This would show that the 
 walls were not sufficiently well built, or that 
 the quality of stone was not good enough 
 to bear The may 
 have been made of limestone, and this fact 
 
 : scene is frequent in the Egyptian 
 
 ways at the entrance, and 
 
 Ey 
 
 such sculptures. walls 
 
 explains why they have disappeared, like the 
 pavement of the temple; perhaps also part of 
 ks; but we see no traces of 
 hereas there are quantities 
 
 the hall was in brie 
 them in the soil, w 
 of limestone chips. We shall have to speak 
 
 again of the temple of Soleb, where the 
 
 so engraved on a doorway 
 between the first and the second hall, 
 
 THE FESTIVAL. 
 
 THE most important part of the inscriptions of 
 
 the festival, the text from which we derive the 
 nature of the 
 festival celebrated by Osorkon II, is found 
 @im JPL we 
 
 clearest information as to the 
 There we see the king sitting on 
 
 a throne or litter, a true ‘sedia gestatoria,” 
 
 priests belone- 
 The 
 horizontal inscription which runs aboye the 
 
 ing to a low rank, and called am khent. 
 
 | Nay., “ The Store-city of Pithom, 
 
 7 Leps., Dinkm. iii, 123, 124; Mar., Denddrah, i. pleas 
 #7 2ndied. py dl 
 2D 
 
 a 
 
| 
 
 4 THE FESTIVAL-HALL IN THE 
 
 heads of the bearers reads as follows :—‘* The 
 carrying of the king resting on his throne; the 
 king is on his way towards his abode.” Below 
 what must be drapery hanging from the bars 
 which support the throne, we read these 
 words :—‘ All lands, all countries, the Upper 
 Retennu and the Lower Retennu are trodden * 
 under the feet of this good god; all the 
 Rekhiu are living.’ The mention of the 
 Retennu shows tbat Osorkon claimed the 
 dominion over the Syrian nations, but it is 
 obvious that in his case it was mere boasting. 
 He never ruled over the Syrians, especially if, 
 as is possible, he is the Zerah of the Bible, 
 who was completely routed in his war against 
 Asa, As for the words “‘ the Rekhiu are living,” 
 it means that mankind, namely his subjects, 
 in opposition to his enemies, of whom the 
 Retennu are a type, are well provided for and 
 prosperous.” 
 
 The throne on which the king is sitting is 
 called ~ Ie sep. At Abydos we see the 
 
 a SF 
 
 King Seti I. carried on the same throne by the 
 
 Spirits of North and South, and on this 
 occasion a goddess says to him :* “ Thou sittest 
 on thy throne sep at the Sed-festival (the 
 festival of thirty years), like Ra at the begin- 
 ning of the year.’ The analogy with the 
 representation at Abydos would already induce 
 us to recognize in the festival of Bubastis a 
 solemnity having reference to the calendar, or 
 to a definite period of years. 
 
 The inscription on both sides of the king 
 reads as follows :— 
 
 “In the year 22, on the first day of the 
 month of Khoiak, the issuing (of the king) out 
 of the sanctuary of Amon, in the festival-hall, 
 resting on his throne; the beginning of the 
 
 Ex) 4 
 8 The inscription reads p i, but I suppose it must be 
 os S&S 
 Ses Brugsch, Dict. p. 1412. 
 as IAAI 2 2 
 ® See Inser. of Canopus, 1.9:  <} mum fl 4 WES Sh d 
 
 translated by évexa rijs rév évOpdrwv cwrypias. 
 
 1 Mariette, Abyd. i, pl. 31. 
 
 GREAT TEMPLE OF BUBASTIS. 
 
 consecrating of the two lands by the king, of 
 the consecrating of the harem of Amon, and 
 of consecrating all the women who are in his 
 
 | city, and who act as priestesses since the days 
 
 of the fathers. 
 
 “They are as priestesses in the house of 
 their lord, paying tribute by their work every 
 year, when His Majesty wishes to celebrate 
 ereab ceremonies in honour of his father 
 Amon-Ra. As he (the god) granted his first 
 Sed-festival to his son resting on his throne, 
 he will grant him many at Thebes, the queen 
 of barbarians. Said alond in the presence of 
 his father Amon: ‘I have consecrated Thebes 
 in her height and in her breadth, she is holy, 
 she is given to her lord, her soil will not be 
 visited by the inspectors of the royal house ; 
 her inhabitants are consecrated eternally, in 
 the great name of the good god (the king),’” 
 
 This inscription contains many obscure 
 points, on which we can give no satisfactory 
 explanation ; but what is most extraordinary 
 ig that it is found identical, as much as 
 we can judge from very fragmentary 
 remains, at a much earlier period, and in a 
 region where we should not expect it. In 
 Nubia, in a place which at present is not 
 accessible, at Soleb, between Wady Halfa and 
 Dongola, Amenophis III. of the eighteenth 
 dynasty built a temple, or rebuilt an old 
 one, some ruins of which have been pre- 
 served.’ In this temple, which he dedicated 
 to “his living image on earth,” to himself, 
 represented as a man with the horns of Amon, 
 Amenophis III. is seen celebrating a festival 
 which is in an abridged form exactly the same 
 as at Bubastis, and the sculptures of which 
 are engrayed at a corresponding place, on the 
 entrance to the second hall. Amenophis is 
 seen carried on his litter, holding the same 
 emblems as Osorkon. The inscription is much 
 weathered, but what remains of it is identical 
 with that of Bubastis. 
 
 * Leps., Denkm, i. 116, 117, iii. 83-87, 
 
THE FESTIVAL. 
 
 5 
 
 Several of the scenes which we shall meet | says, that for this occasion all the gods of Upper 
 
 with occur also at Soleb, and especially the place 
 where the Sed-festival was celebrated, a pavi- 
 lion on the top of the temple called gS ip 
 
 The two pavilions of Soleb and Bubastis are 
 
 very much alike; at Soleb, in front of it, are | : ale 
 Osorkon did the same, he renewed ‘the divine 
 
 the remains of an inscription nearly destroyed : 
 “The access (?) to the Sed-festival.’’ This 
 proves that the ceremony at Bubastis was 
 also a Sed-festival. A difference to be noted 
 between the two temples is, that while at Soleb 
 the king is represented wearing the crown of 
 Lower Egypt, at Bubastis he has various head- 
 dresses. 
 
 A mention of the Sed-festival is found in 
 the great Harris papyrus of the British 
 Museum, 
 what he has done at Memphis, says : 4 
 
 ““T made thee the first Sed-festival of my 
 
 reign, in the great festivals of Tonen. I 
 redoubled to thee what was done in the 
 
 pavilion. I appointed to thee sacrifices of 
 
 numerous offerings of bread, wine, beer, 
 
 spirits, fruits, young cattle, calves, as ib were 
 
 hundreds of thousands, bulls by tens of thou- | 
 
 sands, without number; products of the districts 
 of Heypt, like the sands of the shore. The gods 
 of the north and south are assembled within it. 
 I restored thy divine house in the halls of the 
 
 my 
 I provided for the wish of all thy gods 
 
 Sed-festivals, which were ruined before 
 reign. 
 at the Sed-festivals,’ gold, silver, and stones, 
 as they were before.” 
 This sounds very like a description of what 
 There are some 
 Rameses says, that 
 
 is represented at Bubastis. 
 remarkable coincidences. 
 
 it takes place in the pavilion which he had | 
 
 He 
 
 constructed or renewed for this purpose.® 
 
 ° For the variants see Brugsch, Dict. p. 1552, Suppl. 
 p. 1331. 
 * Paps artis, ipl, xix, |) 10) and (Si, 
 
 translation with slight changes, 
 7 e | 
 Sm S rh 
 
 5 Pap. Harris, pl. xlv. 3. 
 
 I use Birch’s 
 
 There Rameses IIT., speaking of | 
 
 and Lower Egypt were gathered at Memphis. 
 The same solemn 
 Bubastis, sculptured on its walls. 
 Rameses had reconstructed the divine abode 
 of Phthah, “‘in the halls of the Sed-festivals.” 
 
 gathering takes place at 
 
 and is 
 
 abode of Amon in the hall of the Sed-festival.” 
 
 Wale 
 ical Nn 
 
 III. informs us that the first Sed-festival of his 
 
 mw 
 
 —— [wr Lastly, Rameses 
 
 (2) NN 
 
 reign was to coincide with the great festivals of 
 Tonen. This god being a form of Phthah, 
 the god of Memphis, his being mentioned when 
 the king describes what he has done for this 
 city, does not scem at allextraordinary; but at 
 
 Bubastis the same thing occurs. We read (pl. 
 . oaSs> F ae : : 
 xly.) @ lal] vow qd. “the festival of Phthah 
 
 Tonen takes place,’ and the priest who is 
 lying down on the floor ‘worships the god 
 four times.” This mention of Phthah Tonen, 
 which seems strange at first sight, probably 
 that the of Osorkon 
 celebrated at the same time as that of Tonen, 
 which perhaps took place in a different city. 
 Sed- 
 thirty years, the 
 I need 
 king being called 
 
 SS [alls or Ss [alls] ‘‘lord of the Sed-periods,” 
 
 de Ak ammo DP] gh “like his 
 
 father Phthah Tonen.” This god could not 
 e forgotten at Bubastis, for it is he who 
 
 indicates festiva is 
 
 Tonen is, in fact, the patron of the 
 festival, of the period of 
 TpiakovtaeTnpis, after which it recurs. 
 
 not quote instances of the 
 
 causes the festival to occur at the proper time; 
 hat is the reason why we find his name so 
 unexpectedly; otherwise he appears only as 
 one of the visitors at the festival, and he takes 
 part with other gods in the kind of blessing 
 
 which is conferred on the king while he is 
 
 | sitting on his throne in the pavilion (pl. ii.). 
 
 There is no doubt that the festival of which 
 Osorkon left us a description, is the festival 
 
6 : THE FESTIVAL-HALL IN THE 
 
 called in Egyptian Heb Sed [eee WA es, an 
 or [all This festival corresponds to a period 
 which in the titles of Ptolemy Hpiphanes, quoted 
 by the Rosetta stone, is translated tptaxovra- 
 evypis, a period of thirty years. On this point 
 the inscription discovered at Bubastis raises a 
 difficulty which at present we are not able to 
 explain. The date of the festival at Soleb is 
 destroyed, and as we know that Amenophis IIT. 
 reigned at least thirty-six years, he may have 
 celebrated his festival in the thirtieth year of 
 his reign. We can understand also Rameses 
 IIl., who wrote his papyrus in the thirty- 
 
 second year of his reign, saying that he had | 
 
 celebrated at Memphis his first anniversary 
 of thirty years. But, how can Osorkon II. 
 celebrate it in the twenty-second year of his 
 reign P for it is certain that the date is twenty- 
 two. The signs are all distinct, except the n 
 
 which is on the left of the column, and there is 
 
 no room for inserting another M which would | 
 
 make thirty-two. We are compelled to admit 
 that it is twenty-two. 
 
 it in advance? or is the period reckoned in- 
 
 Does Osorkon celebrate 
 
 dependently of his rcign, and does it include 
 It would be 
 the first example of this manner of reckoning 
 
 eight years of his predecessor ? 
 
 the years. 
 division of time above | renp, the year. We 
 
 constantly meet with promises of this kind: 
 
 give thee millions of thirty years, thy years are 
 eternal:’? as we should say, I give thee 
 millions of centuries. 
 tions of Bubastis totally disagree with the 
 
 Here again the inscrip- 
 
 7 The sign occurs here in various forms, but AR is never 
 found. See pl. ix. 9. dat 
 ® At Soleb we find (Leps., Denkm. iii. 87, ¢) a YW? | iN 
 
 GREAT TEMPLE 
 
 OF BUBASTIS. 
 
 meaning which seems well established. On pl. 
 xvii. 11, we see Bast standing before the king, 
 who offers her the clepsydra, and the text reads: 
 He gives thee Sed periods of twelve years each. 
 The sign 0 ten is broken on the right side, but 
 a careful measurement shows that there is no 
 
 room for another N ten, only for the sign 
 
 /{ year. Later on, under the reign of Nekht- 
 
 horheb,® an inscription speaks of Sed periods of 
 fifty years each; the stone is broken in the 
 middle of the number, which was perhaps 
 higher than fifty. At present I see no way of 
 reconciling these different statements, which 
 seem to contradict each other. 
 
 One thing is certain, the festival at Bubastis 
 was connected in some way with the calendar. 
 
 | It was the beginning or the end of a definite 
 
 period; it was not one of the ordinary religious 
 festivals, recurring every year on a certain day 
 of the month, and moving through the different 
 seasons with the vague year, which was one 
 ourth of a day shorter than the solar year. 
 
 | The festival occurred at a fixed historical date ; 
 
 and the other instances we know, under previous 
 
 <ings, do not fallin the same month. Rameses 
 III. does not say in which month. it occurred. 
 At Soleb, though the date is destroyed, the few 
 
 remaining signs point to a month of the third 
 
 cur oy : . | season, the summer; another line’ speaks of 
 This is not the only difficulty. [all] is the / something which lasts from the 26th of Khoiak 
 | to the 26th of 
 
 | 4 months, 120 
 
 ees {{ §\ El “I give thee years by | 
 7 ” Soa i: 
 thirty ; o0'| — [ll {{{ fof * 7 
 
 Pakhons, which would make 
 days. In the oldest version 
 
 which we find of the Sed-festival,? in the time 
 
 of Pepi, of the sixth dynasty, the date of the 
 festival is the 27th of Epiphi.’ 
 Another fact not to be omitted, and which 
 
 9 Bubastis, pl. xliv. x. 
 
 + Leps., Denkm. iii. 84 a, 
 
 * Leps., Denkm. ii, 115. 
 
 ° The Sed-festival celebrated by Amenophis III. must 
 have been one of the important events of his reign, He 
 alludes toit several times, for instance at Luxor, where the 
 
 king is seen sitting on the throne of the hall exactly like 
 Pepi in the sculpture of Hamamat (Leps., Denkm. iii. 
 7A,.D). 
 
THE FESTIVAL. 7 
 
 possibly points also to a period of the 
 calendar, is the ornamentation which occurs on 
 the throne of Osorkon in the pavilion (pl. ii.), 
 “ the bird with two arms raised, crouching 
 over the sign ~ 7 or @. This ornamenta- 
 tion is already found at the time of the 
 eighteenth dynasty, in several tombs at 
 Thebes,* under Amenophis III., and one of the 
 heretical kings. Rameses III. also used it 
 in his beautiful enamelled building of Tell el 
 Yahudieh.? It is coasidered by Lepsius,° 
 Brugsch, and Mahler,” as referring to the 
 period of the Phoenix, the meaning and 
 duration of which are still uncertain. The 
 bird, which in the old representations has the 
 head of a bat, is said by Herodotus to return to 
 Heliopolis every 500 years after the death of its 
 father. ater authors have created the legend 
 
 of the bird burning itself, and rising again from 
 its ashes. Although classical authors mention 
 it frequently, it is doubtful whether the Phoenix 
 period really was an Egyptian period, and 
 
 whether it was ever made use of in astronomical | shee : 
 | Amon; the king is considered as the son of 
 
 calculations. 
 
 The Sed-festival is very old; it is on record 
 as early as the time of King Pepi, of the sixth 
 dynasty,and at that remote epoch we already see 
 the king represented with the flail and the crook, 
 like Osorkon, when he is carried on his litter ; 
 also Pepi wears alternately the northern and 
 southern headdress, as it is at Bubastis. It is 
 hardly to be supposed, however, that the ritual 
 employed in the numerous ceremonies con- 
 nected with the festival is as old as the festival 
 itself. The ritual grew by degrees, as time 
 went on, and probably never was so complicated 
 as under the Ptolemies; nevertheless, some of 
 the principal features of the Sed go back to 
 the eighteenth dynasty, and are found at Soleb; 
 
 4 Leps., Denkm. iii. 76, 115, 118. 
 
 5 Em. Brugsch, Recueil, vol. viii. pl. 2. 
 ® Chron. p. 183. 
 
 " Zeitschr. 1890, p. 122. 
 
 for instance, what I should call the introduc- 
 tory text, which is engraved near the king 
 being carried in his litter, and which is identical 
 in both places, at Soleb and at Bubastis, under 
 Amenophis III., and under Osorkon. This 
 remote origin may explain to us certain points 
 which strike us as being out of place at 
 Bubastis. Why, for instance, should Thebes be 
 mentioned twice? What has the festivalin the 
 Delta to do with the capital of Upper Heypt? 
 Apparently nothing. But if we have here a ritual 
 text handed down from a remote antiquity, 
 preserved during several centuries in a stereo- 
 typed form, and in which no changes could be 
 made, we can understand why the name of the 
 southern capital should occur in one of the 
 principal cities of Lower Eeypt. 
 
 In both places also the festival is celebrated 
 in honour of Amon, though he was not the god 
 of the city.® At Soleb, the divinity to whom 
 the temple is dedicated is Amenophis III. 
 himself, his own person represented wearing 
 the lunar dise like Khonsu, and the horns of 
 
 Amon, but he is not Amon himself. At 
 Bubastis, Amon was the god of the temple 
 under the eighteenth dynasty. He was nearly 
 superseded by Set under Rameses II. He 
 is still found occasionally in the sculptures 
 
 of Osorkon I., with other gods of Heypt; but 
 already under his reign Bast is becoming more 
 and more the chief divinity of the place. Ex- 
 cept in the festival-hall she appears everywhere 
 in the inscriptions of Osorkon IJ. ag the 
 goddess who presides at Bubastis. Osorkon II. 
 even went so far as to erase the name of Set 
 from the older sculptures, and to replace it 
 by Mahes, the son of Bast. However, he cele- 
 brated the Sed-festival in honour of Amon. 
 But though Bast does not take thé leading part 
 in the solemnity, she is not absent from it. She 
 appears in the great sculptures which arein the 
 
 ® Leps., Denkm. iii, 86, 
 
8 
 
 lower part of the walls; to her Osorkon offers 
 the clepsydra; and in all the various episodes 
 of the ceremony, whether the king is sitting 
 or standing, Bast stands before him, as if she 
 directed the whole process, showing that every- 
 thing was done under her special protection. 
 Osorkon II., as well as Rameses III., re- 
 newed or reconstructed, on the occasion of 
 the festival, the house of Amon which is in the 
 house of the Sed-festival (pl. vi. 11). If the 
 inscription which speaks of it were not broken 
 off, we should probably find in it that the 
 festival-hall was in ruins when Osorkon began 
 reconstructing it. JI have dwelt elsewhere on 
 the fact that the reconstruction of a large temple 
 
 like that of Bubastis could not always be the | 
 
 work of one single reign, and that, although the 
 edifice was partly ruined, the worship was still 
 going on, as is the case now in many mosques 
 of Cairo. Osorkon I. had rebuilt the entrance- 
 hall; Osorkon II. completed his work by raising 
 up again the festival-hall. As for the house or 
 abode of Amon, which was in the hall, we do 
 
 not know its size, but it seems probable that it 
 
 was very small; it was perhaps only a shrine | 
 
 carried on the shoulders of the priests, on the 
 day of the “rising” of the god. 
 
 Since the introductory text goes back at least 
 as iar as the eighteenth dynasty, and as it is 
 a ritual formula, the acts which it describes 
 must haye been performed on every occasion 
 These acts are 
 
 when the festival recurred. 
 
 difficult to understand. They seem to indicate 
 
 that the king took possession anew of the 
 
 whole land, and consecrated anew to Amon | 
 
 whatever belonged to the god’s worship, 
 especially the women of the city, who, accord- 
 ing to an old tradition handed down trom the 
 days of the fathers, were bound to act as 
 This work 
 of theirs was reckoned to them as a yearly 
 tribute. Why the following lines carry us to 
 Thebes we cannot explain otherwise than by the 
 fact that the text had been written down for 
 
 priestesses or slaves to the god. 
 
 THE FESTIVAL-HALL IN THE GREAT TEMPLE OF BUBASTIS. 
 
 This 
 text had undoubtedly a Theban origin, but 
 
 centuries and could not be modified. 
 
 at Bubastis on this occasion people spoke of 
 Thebes without attaching to the name a 
 definite geographical meaning, just as they 
 would say a city in general, or the capital. 
 This is the only explanation I can give, unless 
 
 (= . . 
 perhaps f @ is another name of Bubastis, which 
 
 has not yet been proved. 
 
 We read that Thebes, the city or the territory, 
 is given, consecrated to the god: “in its height 
 and its breadth, it is holy and given to its lord.” 
 Then comes an interesting clause: ‘ Jt will not 
 The 
 royal inspectors of the palace® occur frequently 
 
 be visited by the inspectors of the palace.” 
 in the texts, and their functions are well 
 Once, after the battle of Megiddo, 
 they are described as dividing the conquered 
 
 known. 
 
 land in plots or allotments, and valuing them 
 in order to fix the rent, which is to be paid in 
 kind. Hlsewhere we see them having the 
 control of large flocks. They evidently are 
 officials of the treasury entrusted with the 
 
 inspection and valuation of land and property 
 
 in general, and with fixing the taxes or 
 tributes to be paid to the sovereign. It is 
 
 probable that this case of the inspectors being 
 prohibited from entering the god’s domains, is 
 not the only instance of the priests—we should 
 say in modern language the church—being thus 
 
 placed in a privileged situation in regard to 
 
 the king, who is the ative of the 
 
 g, represen 
 
 civil and military power. This sentence is an 
 interesting commentary on what we read in 
 Both when he takes 
 
 the land of the people in exchange for corn, 
 
 Genesis * about Joseph. 
 
 and afterwards when he restores it to the 
 people on condition that they shall pay one- 
 fifth of the income to Pharaoh, he does not 
 
 | touch the land of the priests; for in his time 
 
 the land of the priests must already have 
 
 ® Brugsch, Dict. Suppl. p. 126 ; Maspero, Et, Eg. ii. p. 173. 
 T Chr xivais 
 
THE FIRST ASCENT TO THE PAVILION. 9 
 
 enjoyed a similar privilege, it was not to be 
 visited by the royal inspectors. 
 
 Thus we come to the conclusion that the 
 festival celebrated at Bubastis, and represented 
 at the entrance of the second hall, is the great 
 festival called Heb Sed, which was connected 
 with the calendar and with a period generally 
 considered to be of thirty years. It had 
 nothing to do with “ the assembly at Bubastis ” 
 described by Herodotus,’ which took place 
 every year, and of which, according to the 
 inscription of Canopus,’ there were two, the 
 great and the small, both celebrated in the 
 month of Payni. The festival of Osorkon was 
 in no way especially connected with Bast, the 
 goddess of the city, except perhaps by this 
 circumstance, that it took place on the first 
 day of Khoiak ; for most of the calendars call 
 Khoiak the month of Sekhet, one of the usual 
 forms of the lion-headed goddess.* 
 
 We shall now pass on to the description 
 of the principal episodes of which this great 
 ceremony consists. 
 
 THE FIRST ASCENT TO THE 
 PAVILION. 
 
 In this description, as much as we can and 
 wherever we have been able to reconstruct the 
 arrangement of the blocks, we shall follow the 
 order adopted by the Egyptians and begin 
 with the lower part. With the Ngyptians the 
 general rule of perspective is that whatever 
 is lowest is the nearest. In a picture the 
 horizon is at the top. For a procession the 
 
 point of departure is below, and the point of 
 arrival above, which is the more natural in 
 this case since the procession is marching to- 
 wards the roof. We shall consider first the 
 wall A, on the left side of the entrance 
 (pl. i.-iii.). 
 
 ? Bk. ii. 60. 
 8 Inscr. of Canopus, Greek text, 1. 38. 
 4 Brugsch, Thes. pp. 345, 346; Lauth, Chron. p. 16, 48. 
 
 As usual, we have quite below, on what 
 probably was the basement, sculptures repre- 
 senting the king making offerings to various 
 divinities whom he has to propitiate before 
 beginning his festival. The lowest are nearly 
 entirely destroyed (pl. iii. 14, 15). We see 
 only the goddess Uot’t promising to Osorkon a 
 happy life like Ra. Before her was a god, 
 
 broken off except the headdress, who perhaps 
 was Zum. Uot’t is one of the forms of Bast.’ 
 But she is generally considered as the goddess 
 of Lower Egypt, while Nekheb is the goddess 
 of Upper Hgypt. Both goddesses appear 
 standing behind the king in the pavilion 
 (pl. i. 1). 
 
 Above Uot’i was a god, of whom we see only 
 the legs (pl. ii. 14) ; he holds a sceptre ending 
 with the tadpole ona ring, which is the sign for 
 100,000, and before which are repeated the 
 signs of the Sed period. The god was probably 
 Thoth, and he promised to the king an unlimited 
 number of periods of thirty years. Such repre- 
 sentations are common in the Egyptian temples. 
 
 Higher up we see the king, followed by his 
 queen Karoama; he is standing on a raised 
 platform, to which a staircase gives access, and 
 he offers to the goddess Nekheb, who is de- 
 stroyed, what is said to be the clepsydra, called 
 by the Egyptians sheb. It is difficult to un- 
 
 derstand how this instrument was used. Ho- 
 rapollo says that on their water-clocks the 
 
 Egyptians engraved a crouching ape. On the 
 strength of this passage, Brugsch and others 
 have recognized the water-clock in the shed, 
 which always bears a crouching ape. It is 
 certain that the sheb was connected with the 
 measurement of time; but we cannot say how 
 this measurement was made. Behind the king 
 a priest is presenting to him the same offering 
 which he makes to the goddess; and farther 
 back still the procession is forming which is to 
 accompany the king to the pavilion (pl. ii. 12). 
 
 5 Bubastis, pl. xxxviii, o. 
 
10 THE FESTIVAL-HALL IN THE 
 
 The procession begins with the learned men, 
 . . [| 
 
 the priests belonging to 2 the school of sacred 
 + 2 
 
 writers, who know all about the ceremonies to be 
 performed, all the details of the rituals, and 
 who are able to prescribe what is to be done ; 
 therefore they are represented with a roll of 
 papyrus in one hand. They are of different 
 
 classes. There are the herw heku, aed, 
 
 who may be the “magicians,” those who 
 wrought miracles by speaking magic formulas, 
 and practised the hidden art. Others are 
 called -2" thes, who would be those who 
 
 recited the liturgy, like the fo kherheb. 
 With them, and perhaps at their head, is a 
 man who seems to have had a high position and 
 to bea very important person; we shall find him 
 repeatedly in the festival. He isa priest clothed 
 in along dress, and waving with both hands 
 a heavy mace or sceptre. He is called i 
 
 neter, literally, the god. I should not wonder if 
 he were the high priest of Bubastis, though the 
 Ptolemaic lists give him another name. He 
 
 must be connected with the 1 > @ neter, the 
 SS 
 part of the temple where one of the feet of 
 
 Osiris was preserved. The shrine j mc 
 
 —— b) 
 containing this very precious relic, was after- 
 wards placed by Nekhthorheb in the hall which 
 he added to the temple.” 
 
 Behind the priest neter, and also before the 
 sacred writers, we see two men looking at 
 each other, jomed by the elbows and raising 
 their hands towards their mouths. This group 
 of men occurs several times; they are always 
 
 in pairs, making the same gestures, and the 
 words they utter are always === “ On the 
 ground, onthe ground,” and also |\ ==, which I 
 consider as an abridged form for || ==.‘ Put 
 (yourselves)” or ‘throw (yourselves) on the 
 
 ° J. de Rougé, Géog. anc. de la Basse Hgypte, p. 123. 
 ” Bubastis, pl. xliv. o., xlv, H. 
 
 GREAT TEMPLE OF BUBASTIS. 
 
 | ground.” TI believe it is a command given to 
 some of the priests to throw themselves on the 
 eround as a mark of respect when the king or 
 the shrine of a god is passing. In fact, we see 
 several times (pl. ii. 9, xi. 6, xiv. 1, etc.) that 
 priests are lying down quite flat on the ground, 
 
 *‘smelling the ground” before the king, as the 
 
 Heyptian language tersely expresses it. It 
 reminds us of what is said of Joseph:° “And 
 they cried before him, Bow the knee,’— 
 clamante precone ut omnes coram eo gen 
 flecterent (Vulgate).° 
 
 The series of sculptures above shows the pro- 
 cession moving on (pl. ii. 10-11.) The inserip- 
 tions in front of the king give a summary 
 explanation : “ The rising out of the peruer and 
 the departure in order to rest in the payilion of 
 the Sed-festival.” The carrying ofa sacred em- 
 blem out of its shrine in a festival, or the solemn 
 apparition of a king in a religious ceremony, is 
 compared to the rising of the sun or of a star, 
 and is expressed by the same word &,. This 
 word applies also to the coronation, which was 
 one of the greatest solemnities of the reign. 
 can alg “to rise as king,” means to be 
 crowned, to come to the throne; and the risings 
 of a god are the great festivals celebrated to him. 
 
 In this case, though we have seen that the 
 | festival is in honour of Amon and under his 
 patronage, it is not this god who has the most 
 prominent place in the ceremony; it is the king 
 himself who ig worshipped, he has all the 
 appearance and demeanour of a god, and has 
 often in his hands the emblems of Osiris. 
 Judging from the analogy with the temple of 
 Denderah, we should say that the peruer, the 
 hall or chamber out of which the king rises, 
 was the hall containing the sacred shrine of 
 Amon. Weare so completely ignorant of the 
 form of the sacred hall that it is impossible to 
 
 * Gen. xii. 43, 
 The LXX, has here a variant: kat éxjpvéev Zumpoobev 
 avrod Kipvé. 
 
 9 
 
THE FIRST ASCENT 
 
 say whether perwer means the sacred hall itself, 
 which would have had several names, as is often 
 the case, or whether it was a part or division of 
 the sacred hall. It is not impossible that the 
 place where the shrine of Amon was deposited 
 was separated from the rest of the hall by some 
 inner walls, and formed a separate chamber 
 quite obscure, as the rooms containing shrines 
 generally were. 
 
 The king comes last at the end of a long 
 procession (pl. ii. 10-13), part of which is 
 represented at Soleb, in the sculptures of the 
 festival of Amenophis III. The procession 
 begins with the three kinds of officials occu- 
 pying the highest rank in the civil hierarchy of 
 Egypt; the “Toe whom Maspero' calls prince, 
 and considers as a great hereditary vassal who 
 had to pay tribute, and to provide a certain 
 
 The 
 
 here holds a long stick ending in a hook, 
 
 . . . —_ 
 number of soldiers in time of war. as 
 
 The second in 
 rank, the eS is not hereditary, his office is 
 
 both civil and military; he is often governor 
 
 which is a sign of command. 
 
 of a city or of a house. Maspero? translates 
 
 his name comte. As for the (7. B. de Rougé 
 
 has recognized in them the “ friends,” the ¢irou 
 
 of the Ptolemaic kings,’ who were the com- 
 
 panions of the sovereign in his military 
 
 expeditions. But, as Maspero rightly observes 
 A —— . 
 
 when speaking of the 0 a, these titles must 
 
 often be considered as mere court titles, which 
 do not imply any military or civil employ- 
 ment. Such seems to me to be the case here. 
 I do not believe that we see here governors of 
 provinces, or high military or civil officials, but 
 rather the king’s household, his attendants; and 
 
 giving them modern court titles, I should call 
 
 1 Maspero, Ht. Eg, ii. p. 15 ff. 
 ? Maspero, loc. cit. p. 19. 
 3 Lumbroso, Econ. pol. p. 191. The (Fi were also 
 
 priests, and we shall see them as such repeatedly. 
 Cc 
 
 TO THE PAVILION, 11 
 
 s 
 
 es * a “ cham- 
 
 ——> 
 the OG 4 a “marshal,” the 
 
 il | 
 berlain.” As for the (lf who carry the fans 
 
 and other objects, which may be bags or rolled 
 carpets, they seem to me to answer to the 
 “pages” of the present day. 
 
 The head of the procession is on the lowest 
 Ine. After the marshal, and two pages bear- 
 ing fans, come two more men shouting, “On 
 I should not 
 wonder if these words were sung, or if they 
 were pronounced in a kind of sing-song, with 
 
 the ground, on the ground!” 
 
 gestures always the same, so as to make an 
 accompaniment to the march of the procession, 
 and to mark a rhythm which regulates the pace. 
 It recalls to my mind the song of the Arab 
 shayaleen carrying a stone, and marking the 
 pace with certain rhythmic words; or the trains 
 of girls carrying baskets and singing for hours 
 a monotonous and drawling melody. Some- 
 times two will stop, turn towards each other, 
 and sing in each other’s face at the top of their 
 yoices. It is not unlike what we see in these 
 
 sculptures. In this line there is one priest only, 
 
 a ‘T}. a prophet, carrying an offering which 
 looks like the leg of a bull. 
 
 Behind what I have called the king’s house- 
 hold comes a divinity in the form of a jackal, 
 carried on a pedestal from which fall draperies. 
 It is the god of Sioot, the old Lycopolis, 
 Anubis, called here Apuat, ‘he who opens the 
 ways.” This god is considered as the guide 
 who shows to the gods, and here to the king, 
 the direction they are to follow. There are two 
 Apuat, two jackals; the god of Sioot, or of 
 the South, who is styled Sekhem tout, the 
 “master of Egypt,” and who, being the most 
 important of the two, is often represented as 
 larger than the other, Apuat of the North. 
 Brugsch considers that this god, who is a form 
 of Osiris, has an astronomical meaning, and 
 that the opener of the ways in the North and 
 in the South is a symbol of the two solstices,! 
 
 * Brugseh, Myth. p. 671. 
 6) 
 
| 
 
 12 THE FESTIVAL-HALL IN THE 
 
 after each cf which the sun alters its apparent 
 course. If Brnesch’s explanation is true, if 
 Apuat of the South is really the winter sol- 
 stice, his presence in the festival with his high- 
 priestess and his sacerdotal train, the promi- 
 nence given to him by the fact that he is 
 
 represented larger than other gods, his frequent | 
 
 occurrence in these sculptures—all these cir- 
 cumstances would induce us to think that the 
 festival took place at the winter solstice. The 
 1st of Khoiak, the day of the festival, would 
 
 thus have been about the 21st of December in | 
 
 that year, and the first day of the year, the 1st 
 of Thoth, would have been about the 21st of 
 August, thirty days after the beginning of the 
 fixed solar year. 
 
 Tf we turn to the representation of tke Sed- 
 festival at Soleb we find the same thing. There 
 also Apuat of the South, of Sioot, is much 
 greater than Apuat of the North. We cannot 
 see whether he is carried on a pedestal or not, 
 but he is accompanied by a train of priests 
 holding emblems, at the head of whom is a 
 woman in plain dress, without any ornament, 
 and called “the divine mother of Sioot.” I 
 believe that this woman is the high-priestess of 
 Anubis, though her name does not appear as 
 such in the Ptolemaic lists, which mention, 
 however, the sanctuary of the divine mother, 
 containing the foot of Osiris.» At Bubastis we 
 see her three times, always preceding Apuat 
 (pl. xii.). In the register above that which we 
 are now describing (pl. 1. 6) she is nearly en- 
 tirely destroyed, but she is easily recognizable, 
 besides the procession seems to haye been a 
 repetition of the lower one. 
 
 Behind the ‘divine mother” come two 
 prophets carrying emblems of divinities. The 
 first is the prophet of Horus, who is often con- 
 nected with Apuat, for it is Apuat of the South, 
 the god of the winter solstice, who causes the 
 aged sun to be renewed, and to revive under 
 
 > Brugsch, Dict. Géog, p. 1359, 
 
 GREAT TEMPLE OF BUBASTIS. 
 
 the form of Horus. “Icome, bringing life and 
 happiness,” says Apuat of the South to King 
 Seti I., “thou art renewed like Horus, as 
 king.’° The second emblem looks like two 
 sticks; it belongs to a god whom I consider as 
 
 the same as | [==> who is mentioned in an 
 
 inscription concerning the nome of Sioot as the 
 son of Apuat of the South, and of whom it is 
 said : “ He opens the way when thou (a king) 
 
 ”7 Tmmedi- 
 
 adyancest towards the lower world. 
 ately afterwards come the bearers carrying the 
 god. Therearesixof them supporting the shaft ; 
 close to the god marches a priest dressed in a 
 panther skin, who, I suppose, occasionally offers 
 to the god frankincense, as in the funeral pro- 
 cession.® The text reads: “The departure, 
 carrying the god towards the great hall.” In 
 most cases the great or wide hall is a colon- 
 nade, so that it is quite possible that the god 
 was brought out of the festival-hall into the 
 hypostyle hall where, perhaps, was the foot of 
 the staircase leading up to the roof. 
 
 Behind the gods, march again prophets 
 holding emblems, which are most of them 
 Anubis ; the second has a bow, which is called 
 in another place (pl. ix. 6) an emblem of 
 Nubia. Apuat of the North comes after all 
 the Anubis, and last of all a prophet holding 
 an emblem which looks like a piece of flesh 
 or of meat, and which we know to represent 
 Khonsu® Before the king, who is followed 
 by his queen Karoama, is the priest who is 
 seldom absent from a procession of any kind,” 
 the kherheb, holding a roll of papyrus. It is he 
 who directs the whole proceeding, who assigns 
 to each person his rank or office; he reads the 
 liturgy; he is what we should call the “ master 
 of the ceremonies.” + He must have been a 
 
 ® Mar., Abyd. i, 23, 
 
 7 Duem, Geog. Inschr. i. 52. 
 ® Naville, Todt. pl. i, and iii, 
 ® Mariette, Dendérah, i, 22. 
 0 Todt. pl. i, and ix, 
 
 1 Maspero, Et. Hg. ii. p. 51, 
 
THE FIRST 
 
 learned man and deeply versed in all the in- 
 With the 
 king and queen ends the first scene of the 
 
 tricacies of this complicated ritual. 
 
 festival, the departure towards the pavilion. 
 Higher up comes the second scene. We see 
 the king (pl. ii. 8) sitting on a throne placed 
 on a raised platform open on all sides, and to 
 which access is given by four staircases, named 
 from the cardinal points the staircase of the 
 north, of the south, and the like. This plat- 
 form I believe to be on the roof; it probably 
 was not very distant from the payilion, I 
 suppose this kind of platform or terrace is what 
 
 he Heyptians called lola wees The king is 
 obliged to turn successively towards each of 
 the points of the horizon, so that his face may 
 ook the first time towards the South, the 
 secondtowards the North, the third towards the 
 West, and the fourth towards the East. Hach 
 ime, while he ig sitting on his throne, two 
 
 divinities stand near him, and raise their hands 
 
 blessing. The names of several of the gods 
 
 have disappeared. ‘The first blessing is given 
 by Tonen, 
 Amon; the second time it is Tum and possibly 
 Harmakhis; the third time Khepra and Seb, 
 and lastly Isis and Nephthys. 
 
 Osorkon begins with the South as usual. He 
 is sitting exactly in the attitude of Osiris, and 
 holds the insignia of that god. 
 go up the stairs leading to him and bring him 
 
 Three priests 
 
 emblems. The first has a standard, a head 
 crowned with the atef; the head is indistinct on 
 the paper cast; it looks like a lion on the plate, 
 but I believe it to be a ram, the emblem of 
 Amon. Behind, another-. priest brings the 
 standard of Tum; and a third what used 
 to be called the standard of the king, but 
 which I believe now, with M. Maspero, and 
 Mr. F. Petrie,? to be the symbol of the Ka, 
 
 2 A Season in Egypt, p. 21. 
 
 above his head as if they were giving him their | 
 
 ASCENT 
 
 | The words vom © Mh | Ril Oe 
 
 and another god who may be | 
 
 TO THE PAVILION. 13 
 
 the “double” of the king. While they are 
 going up, another priest says the following 
 words: ‘‘ Horus rises and rests on his Southern 
 throne, then happens the joining of the sky to 
 the earth, four times.” ‘These last words 
 mean that the sentence is repeated each time 
 when the king turns to another side of the 
 horizon, with the variant that the throne 
 instead of being Southern would be Northern, 
 and soon. The sentence is somewhat enigmatic, 
 like most of the formulas in the Hgyptian 
 liturgies. However, the identification of the 
 king with Horus on his throne is one of the 
 usual ways of expressing the coming to the 
 royal power, the coronation. We may con- 
 clude from the words and from the ceremony 
 itself that at the same time as the Sed-festival, 
 Osorkon celebrates the anniversary of his 
 coming to the throne, of his coronation. I 
 believe it is the same with Rameses III., and 
 that we are to interpret in that way the words 
 quoted before, from the Harris papyrus: “I 
 made thee the first Sed-festival of my reign.” 
 my royal 
 power,” or “ of my reign,” seem to indicate that 
 also in the time of Rameses III. the Sed-festival 
 coincided with his jubilee of thirty years. 
 There are many witnesses to the king being 
 thus crowned and blessed by the gods. There 
 are first the queen Karoama, followed by her 
 daughters, and several kinds of priests; the 
 amkhentu, the semeru, and the weru of North 
 and South, who are prostrated before him. 
 They are not simply bowing, or kneeling, or 
 touching the ground with their heads; they 
 are lying quite flat on the ground as if the 
 king were to tread upon them, like the Sheykh 
 of the Saadeyah dervishes riding over the 
 body of fanatics in the now prohibited cere- 
 mony of the Doseh. No such barbarous 
 practices as that just mentioned, are known to 
 have existed in Old Egypt; but itis not im- 
 
 3 See Leps., Denkm. iii. 55, 75. 
 
q 
 | 
 
 14 THE FESTIVAL-HALL IN THE 
 
 possible that the kine passed over the bodies 
 of the priests or between two rows of men 
 lying down; perhaps also, it is a peculiar 
 attitude for worship or prayer, for which we 
 might find parallels in Scripture. None of these 
 priests is of a very high order ; the — {|}! am- 
 khentw are those “of the first hall,” something 
 1 ke the antechamber. I should say they were 
 sacerdotal attendants ofa low rank; they were 
 numerous in each temple; it was the same 
 with the semeru, the “friends,’* and the weru, 
 the ‘‘ great ones,” who were the priests of 
 Heliopolis, and other sanctuaries. 
 
 The other witnesses are a long train of 
 prophets, who seem to be called the “ followers 
 
 of Horus,” the “ Horshesu;” they hold stan- 
 
 dards which are the emblems of the different 
 nomes or provinces of Heypt; some of them are 
 nothing but the representation of the god who 
 was worshipped in the nome, like Thoth or 
 Horus. Itis not probable that all the nomes 
 were mentioned, there was not room enough 
 to engrave them all, but this procession is 
 meant to show that all the districts and 
 provinces of the land had representatives at 
 the festival which commemorated the acces- 
 sion of Osorkon to the throne. After the 
 prophets carrying the religious emblems of the 
 nomes came the 6 who in this case may 
 have been the governors of the nomes, who 
 were both civil and military officers. 
 
 After haying rested on the platform, and 
 turned to the four points of the horizon, 
 Osorkon resumes his march (pl. i. 1, 2, 5), the 
 procession moves on; “‘the king marches in 
 order to rest in the pavilion of the Sed-festival ; 
 the Kherheb when he goes towards the pa- 
 vilion of the Sed-festival reads . . .” Unfor- 
 tunately this part of the ceremony is nearly 
 destroyed, and we must reconstruct the scene 
 from the analogy with the preceding one, 
 Before the king marches again Apuat of the 
 South carried by six bearers. Close to him 
 
 were two priests dressed with panther skins, 
 
 GREAT TEMPLE OF BUBASTIS. 
 
 before the bearers two priests with long robes, 
 and headed by the “divine mother of Sioot.” 
 Behind, came again the prophets, the last of 
 whom has the emblem of Khonsu. In all this 
 there is no difference from what we saw at the 
 departure. But the part of the procession 
 which precedes Apuat, and which is on the 
 lower part, is different (pl. i. 4, 5, 6) ; it seems to 
 contain a selection of priests and of civil 
 officers, as if to show that both classes were 
 present, but that there was no room to include 
 them allin the sculpture. We have first the 
 
 |= neter, whom I called the high priest of 
 
 Bubastis. He is followed by the AXY ae. 
 
 which Brugsch* translates the ‘ musicians,” 
 those who beat instruments like drums or 
 cymbals. But here, as well as in a representa- 
 
 tion at Denderah,® we do not see the ae 8 
 A | 
 
 | holding any instrument. They appear 
 with their hands raised, which they probably 
 clap against each other in singing. We 
 shall see them again behind the drum- 
 beater (pl. x1.). Here they precede the men 
 who are shouting uninterruptedly, ‘On 
 the ground, on the ground!” Next comes 
 a semer, or “friend,” a ai mer per-uer, 
 lit. ‘the great overseer of a house,” the head 
 of the farms or the land agent; after him a 
 priest who had a very high rank, and who 
 occurs repeatedly ; he is called M(\ gens. I 
 should say that the two ‘‘chamberlains” and 
 the amkhent who follow him are his own 
 attendants, his train. The procession ends 
 with two high priests, the == , who was the 
 high priest of Heliopolis, and the sati or usheb,° 
 the high priest of Coptos, where Horus Khem 
 was worshipped, and of Panopolis, where there 
 
 * Dict. Suppl. p. 1127, 1374. 
 5 Mariette, Dend. i. pl. 75. 
 ° Brugsch, Dict. Géog. pp. 1861, 1374; Egyptol. p. 281; 
 
 J. De Rougé, Rey. Arch., Deux. Sér, vol. xii. 334, xv. 338, 
 
THE FIRST ASCENT 
 
 was atemple of the same god under another | 
 
 form. 
 Above the prophets are a series of emblems 
 of divinities and the remains of three sitting 
 
 gods, “‘the Spirits of Pe (the South). It is | 
 
 not impossible that this is meant to represent 
 the ornamentation of the basement of the 
 pavilion, which is engraved above, and which 
 is the goal of the march of the procession. 
 
 The pavilion is more than half destroyed (pl. 
 i. 1), anditis much to be reeretted that we have 
 lost not only the representation of the build- 
 ing, but of nearly the whole of the ceremony 
 which took place when the king had reached it. 
 The pavilion is supported by four columns 
 with lotus capitals, the cornice is ornamented 
 
 with a row of asps wearing two plumes. The | 
 
 king himself is in the attitude of Osiris, and 
 
 before him is the kind of spotted skin which 
 
 belongs to the kine of the Lower World. 
 
 It is called here 48 “he who is in his ban- 
 (aN 
 
 dages”’; we shall find it below in the series of 
 gods. Behind the king are divinities of the two 
 parts of Hgypt, the goddesses Uot’i and Nekheb, 
 and Horusand Set. Before Osorkon, at the top 
 
 of the staircase leading to the pavilion is the 
 
 priest A/\ gens, who perhaps speaks the words 
 
 engraved above his head, and now broken off 
 except the name of Amon, and the words 
 “, . . living of thy father;” it was probably 
 some sentence about his occupying the throne 
 of his father. Just as when he was on the 
 platform, three priests come up to him, bearing 
 the standard of Amon, of Tum, and the Ka, 
 the double of the king. The first Kherheb also 
 speaks on this occasion; he says: “... I 
 raise the king... ” Four women, probably 
 the queen and her daughters, stand by ; another 
 is kneeling, she may be a priestess. 
 
 Here the first part of the ceremony seems to 
 end. Osorkon is sitting in the pavilion of 
 the Sed-festival, the part which refers espe- 
 cially to his coronation, to his coming to the 
 
 TO THE PAVILION. 15 
 
 throne, is over. On this side of the doorway 
 
 j we shall no longer see Osorkon wearing the 
 
 double diadem; he will now begin the 
 ceremonies which are specially connected with 
 the South, with Upper Egypt, and he will 
 always wear the diadem of the South. 
 
 The three different episodes of the ceremony 
 which we have studied are also found at Soleb,’ 
 but in an abridged form, and with slight 
 differences. The place on which the king 
 | stops and rests is not a platform, it is a special 
 
 chamber called -4:c— the “ abode,” like what 
 
 we sec on pl.iv. The departure is indicated by 
 the words spoken to the king, who wears the 
 crown of Lower Egypt, and who is standing 
 with his queen : “ Come and rest in thy abode.” 
 Before him is the procession of Apuat of the 
 South, with the priests carrying standards, and 
 | the ‘‘holy mother” of Sioot. The trains of 
 priests and attendants were sculptured below, 
 but they are nearly erased, except the lower 
 part of the body and the feet. A second time 
 the king appears with the queen, and the text 
 says: “The resting of the king in the abode, 
 when he is going towards the pavilion.” 
 
 The next scene represents the pavilion, on 
 each side of which is a canopy covering a 
 throne, of nearly the same form as that on 
 which Osorkon is sitting when he is blessed 
 by the gods. Over the throne, on tablets 
 in the form of shields, are the names of 
 six gods. I consider these canopies as in- 
 dicating that a ceremony analogous to that of 
 the platform has taken place. As for the 
 pavilion, the contents of it cannot be seen, 
 except the tail of an asp, a hawk, and a bull. 
 At Soleb was celebrated the ceremony of 
 lighting a lamp, which is not mentioned at 
 Bubastis, and in which the “ holy mother’ took 
 part. The long text which accompanies it, is 
 too fragmentary to be translated. 
 
 ™ Leps., Denkm. iii. 85, 
 - 
 
i | 
 i 
 
 y 
 A | 
 | 
 
 16 THE FESTIVAL-HALL IN THE 
 
 THE RISING OF THE GOD, AND THE 
 ASSEMBLY OF DIVINITIES. 
 
 Arter the preceding scenes, we turn an 
 angle, and we begin to follow a long wall on 
 the southern side. The first portion of this wall 
 for a length of about seven feet is slightly pro- 
 jecting, as if it were a doorpost, on which are 
 
 sculptured the following scenes, beginning as | 
 
 usual from below (pl. iv. bis, 14,15). “ The 
 resting of the king in the abode, when he goes 
 to perform the ritesin...” He is standing 
 with Bast before him. As for the abode, we 
 see as usual the representation ofits door. We 
 must conclude from what we see in other 
 
 temples, that the abode of the king was part 
 a5 fi} ——o & Ss 
 of that of the god, soe ATTS i 
 
 should say it was a small wooden construction, 
 
 possibly erected in the festival hall only for this 
 occasion, and which was not one of the 
 chambers of the temple. Here, as in nearly all 
 the scenes of this part of the wall, Osorkon is 
 accompanied by his queen. At Soleb® this 
 scene, which is so short here, is divided into 
 two parts; the departure of the king, and his 
 arrival in the abode followed by the queen and 
 her daughters. 
 
 We do not know anything of what was 
 
 immediately above; but higher still we come | 
 
 to the scenes of offerings to the gods who are 
 present at the festival (pl. iv. bis, 138): “The 
 offering of all things good and pure made by 
 King Osorkon to all the gods of the atur of 
 the north.”? The same is said of the atwr of 
 the south. It begins with “the burning of 
 frankincense to all the gods and goddesses who 
 are at the Sed-festival.”” Rameses III. tells us 
 in his papyrus, that for his festival the gods of 
 the north and of the south were assembled. 
 It is the same with Osorkon; all the gods are 
 supposed to come to witness the solemnity, 
 
 ® Leps., Denkm. iii. 159. 
 ® Leps., Denkm. iii. 86. 
 
 | 
 
 GREAT TEMPLE OF BUBASTIS. 
 
 and we shall see them further represented. 
 each of them in his shrine. 
 
 The gods of the north and of the south 
 belong to the two religious divisions of Egypt, 
 
 called le < da atur.+ The determinative sign 
 
 twice repeated, which follows the word atwr, is 
 aserpent in akind of shrine. In other cases we 
 find two shrines of different forms.? One of 
 them, which we see in the two upper lines of 
 pl. viii., has the usual form of sanctuaries; the 
 other, which has been preserved here (No. 12), 
 has the form of a coffin. This last form is 
 of frequent occurrence wherever the shrine is 
 said to be secret or mysterious. Here, how- 
 ever, it is simply meant to distinguish the gods 
 of Lower Hgypt. Apparently the engraver 
 wished to show that the offerings were made to 
 all the gods, but as he could not repeat twice 
 over the whole series which we shall sce 
 further, he only represented the two atur, the 
 two shrines containing a serpent, and one of 
 
 | the gods of each division, in order to fill up the 
 
 blank space. The southern division is quite 
 destroyed ; we have only the northern with the 
 god Anubis, ‘ the lord of light, the lord of the 
 sky. He gives (to the king) all life and 
 happiness, and all health.’ Anubis was 
 worshipped in several places of Lower Egypt. 
 
 Brugsch has sometimes considered the 
 division in two atur as meaning east and 
 west. In this case, as in many others, there 
 can be no doubt as to its being north and 
 south.’ It is said distinctly that the offerings 
 are made to the atur of the south and of the 
 north, and above we see the prophets of the 
 divinities who also represent north and south, 
 the “ spirits of Pe, and of Khen.’’ The prophets 
 of the atur and of the spirits all wear panther 
 skins, and hold between their hands a small 
 
 1 Brugsch, Dict. p. 143, 
 * Brugsch, l.c. p. 144. 
 8 Brugsch, Dict. Géog. p. 540; Naville, Mythe d’Horus, 
 
 Q 
 
 ines oh 
 
THE RISING OF THE GOD, AND THE ASSEMBLY OF DIVINITIES. , ay 
 
 vase for libations. The inscription which runs } 
 along the shrines, and which is broken at the 
 top, reads thus: “. . . the spirits of Pe and 
 Khen, and of the atur of south and north (give) 
 millions of years to the king, User-ma-ra sotep 
 en Amen (Osorkon’s II.’s coronation name), 
 
 and periods of thirty years in great number.” 
 The festival, as we read in the dated in- 
 
 scription, is in honour of Amon; and as the 
 
 principal act of every festival is the rising or 
 
 the appearing of the god |, ib is natural 
 that Osorkon should cause it to take place. | 
 That is what we see in the scene above (pl. iv. | 
 I, 2, 4), which is found also at Soleb with some 
 differences. The ceremony is called, “‘ The ap- 
 pearing (of the king) in the hall of eating,* in 
 order to cause the rising of the majesty of this 
 venerable god, Amon-Ra, the lord of the throne 
 of the two lands, and his resting in his place in 
 the hall of the Sed-festival.” This time the king 
 is alone ; perhaps it was forbidden to the queen 
 and to his daughters to follow him into the hall 
 out of which the god Amonis to rise. However, 
 
 his family is not very far off, they are at the | 
 door of the hall. We have seen his daughters 
 twice before; here for the first time we are ac- 
 quainted with their names. The three daugh- 
 ters of Karoama are called, Tashakheper, the | 
 
 first-born, Karoama, like her mother, and Armer, 
 The place out of which the king is to bring 
 forth Amon is called (1) a moron OO “the hall of | 
 eating.” The word ‘ant a covering supported 
 by a single pole, may sometimes indicate a tent. 
 In this case, if it was the same at Bubastis as \ 
 we see it at Soleb, it was a wooden shrine or | 
 pavilion, containing the image of the god, and | 
 of sufficient size to allow the king to go in and | 
 to stand before the god. This singular name, 
 
 a 4A ° E carte dene 
 4 ws . The inscription is very distinct 
 { oe aA U iE af > 
 
 and gives as determinative the sign Y- All over the | 
 
 inscriptions of the festival and t are used indifferently 
 
 the one for the other. 
 
 “the hall of eating,” comes probably from the 
 fact that there the offerings of food were 
 brought to the god, who was considered as 
 eating them. These offerings were numerous 
 
 | and of various sorts ; they consisted of bread, 
 | 
 cakes, vegetables, meat, and fowls. 
 
 The representation of Bubastis is certainly 
 much abridged. The hall of eating is but 
 imperfectly indicated, and we do not see the 
 god who was to rise out of it. This time 
 Soleb is more complete. In a pavilion is the 
 
 | god Khnum in the form of aram, standing on a 
 
 pedestal. Over him are written the following 
 words: “ The bringing (lit. the drawing) of 
 
 | Khnum into the hall of eating. Khnum in the 
 
 hall of eating gives life, happiness, health and 
 joy to him (the king).” Before the king is 
 Amenophis offering frankincense, and several 
 priests, the magicians with one hand raised 
 backwards worshipping the god, and others 
 whose names are more or less destroyed, such 
 as the first friend, and several sem, who are 
 attendants of a iower order like the amkhent. 
 Eyidently this is the preparatory act, which 
 
 | Osorkon may have performed before entering 
 
 the hall of eating. We shall now see the rising 
 of the god. 
 
 We have already considered the contents of 
 pl. vi, the historical inscription explaining 
 the nature of the festival, and giving its 
 date. We arenot quite certain of the place of 
 his inscription on the wall B, to which it un- 
 doubtedly belonged. It is probable that it 
 was in the lower part of the wall, not on the 
 asement, somewhat hicher, so that it could be 
 ooked at and read easily by those who had the 
 knowledge of the holy writing. It is possible 
 that it describes the first act of the festival, the 
 very beginning of the ceremony; for it is said 
 
 that the king is borne on his throne, and is going 
 
 an = 
 towards the abode By We have already seen 
 
 the king staying in an abode before appearing 
 
 in the house of eating. Probably the reason 
 
 why this scene is not placed where it should be, 
 D 
 
18 THE FESTIVAL-HALL IN THE 
 
 following the chronological order, is because 
 this is the central point of the whole festival. 
 The apotheosis of himself, the putting himself 
 among the gods, is always one of the chief 
 objects of a Pharaoh, whoever is the god in 
 whose honour he celebrates a festival. It was 
 the moment above all others in which he was 
 most exalted, when, holding the emblems of 
 Osiris, and in the attitude of the king of the 
 Lower World, he was carried by six bearers, like 
 the shrine of Amon containing the holy emblem, 
 andwhen he madehissolemnappearance and rose 
 
 = {| tike the god himself. This important 
 jest 
 
 picture was too wide to be put on the door- 
 post; it was necessary to engrave it on the 
 great wall. Probably it was the scene for which 
 the engravers chose first the most appropriate 
 space, putting in the other ones afterwards as 
 they could. Besides it is not certain that there 
 
 wo. 
 was only one abode | in the temple. There | 
 
 may have been several of those ight construc- 
 tions erected for this occasion, where the 
 king stood or sat in the different stations 
 of the festival, just as it is the case in some 
 religious ceremonies of our time. We see an 
 
 abode in the lower part of this wall (pl. ix. 12) ; | 
 
 it may be that which is meant in the inscription 
 we are commenting on. 
 
 The god rises (pl. v.), his shrine or shrines 
 are taken out, carried round the temple to the 
 hypostyle hall, and perhaps to the entrance 
 hall of Osorkon I. The shrine, as usual, is on a 
 boat, the two ends of which bear as ornament 
 the head of the divinity it contains. Amon-Ra, 
 the king of the gods, the Amonrasonter of the 
 Greeks, says: “I give thee millions of period 
 of thirty years, all thy years are eternal, when 
 thou sittest on the throne of Horus... 
 life and joy.” Osorkon and his wife seem to 
 be marching before the boat. 
 
 The boat and shrine appear a second time, 
 
 when Osorkon is sitting on his throne ; it may 
 
 bea second shrine. The inscription is only half 
 
 GREAT TEMPLE OF BUBASTIS. 
 
 preserved (pl. vi.); it refers to the building or 
 rebuilding of the festival hall: “the rising of 
 the Majesty of the venerable god . . . to depart 
 
 in order to rest in the hall of the Sed-festival. 
 
 . .. festival. His Majesty renewed (what 
 was ruined) .. . all its walls are in 
 A careful study 
 has shown us that the fragments reproduced 
 
 5) 
 
 silver gilt, its pillars...’ 
 
 (pl. xiii.) are to be placed on the right of this 
 inscription. After a gap of which we do 
 not know exactly the length, another text 
 begins, speaking of offerings of antelopes, and 
 giving the names of Osorkon and Karoama (pl. 
 xiii. 4, 5). Just above we see the musicians 
 clapping their hands; they followed a large 
 Apuat carried by his six bearers. Placed thus 
 the god comes immediately before Osorkon in 
 his litter, he belongs to the train of the king, 
 and adds by his presence to the solemnity of 
 he rising of Osorkon. Mariette observes that 
 
 while the rising & | is the beginning of the 
 c=) ny t=) oO 
 
 festival of a god, the resting —2 is its end. 
 
 Here we have the rising, the beginning ; we do 
 not see the return of the god to the hall out of 
 which he issued. This may have been in the 
 part of the inscription which is destroyed. 
 
 When the god and the king rise, the 
 witnesses of this great event are all the gods of 
 Upper and Lower Egypt, who meet in Bubastis 
 |in order to see the king celebrating the 
 anniversary of his coming to the throne. 
 They are guests invited to a banquet, for offer- 
 ings in great quantity are put before them, and 
 each of them has a portion of food allotted to 
 him. All these gods are represented in a long 
 series, which is continued onthe wallC. The 
 text says: “Leta royal offering be made to 
 the gods in their abodes, to the gods of the 
 festival.” The series is divided into several 
 registers (pl. vii., viii., xii.). 
 
 The first shows great shrines containing each 
 a god with the left hand raised (pl. vii. and 
 viii.) ; the figures differ by the heads and by the 
 headdresses. These gods have no proper 
 
THE RISING OF THE GOD, AND 
 
 names, they are always qualified by the words 
 ah ey “the great god who is within the 
 Sed-festival,” or Tiwi “the great god 
 who is lord of the Sed-festival,’ meaning, of 
 course, who is present at the festival. Hach of 
 them makes to the king one of the common- 
 place promises which generally accompany the 
 name of a god; they promise ‘‘all life and 
 happiness, all health every day, all vigour, all 
 etrength, all abundance, all offerings.” 
 
 These gods, who are at the head of the pro- 
 cession of the Hgyptian pantheon, are the 
 different forms or personifications of three of 
 the chief gods of the land. 
 Amon, in whose honour the festival is cele- 
 brated. 
 times with the atef crown, sometimes with a 
 
 He has always a ram’s head, some- 
 
 disk, and sometimes without any headdress. 
 After seven shrines of Amon come two of Sebek, 
 the god with a crocodile’s head. 
 twice, 
 
 Afterwards, 
 the double 
 crown, Amon again with a disk, and an in- 
 
 Horus Harmakhis with 
 
 distinct god whose head is destroyed, and who 
 may be Horus or Amon. Whether the engraver 
 intended to convey the idea that Horus and 
 Sebek were as well the gods of the festival as 
 Amon, I cannot say. However, it is certain 
 that in giving them larger sanctuaries, and in 
 not mentioning their names, he wished to assign 
 them a prominent place among the others, as 
 if they had a higher rank; and to grant them 
 special honours. 
 
 Below the great gods are the local divinities 
 belonging to the two atur, the two religious 
 divisions of Egypt, the upper ones being the 
 gods of Upper Egypt, and the lower ones those 
 of the Delta. 
 
 The first whose name can be read, but who 
 Verhekt 
 a L_}° lit. “the great magician” (pl. vii. 
 SAD 
 
 18). 
 
 comes only second in the list, is 
 
 We find this name given to several god- 
 
 5 Lanzone, Diz. p. 172. 
 
 It begins with | 
 
 THE ASSEMBLY OF DIVINITIES. a9) 
 
 desses, Hathor, Isis, Bast. Itis applied also to 
 the urzeus,° which is the divine ornament and the 
 badge of royalty. As the royal power extended 
 over the two parts of the land, this name is often 
 found in the dual form. ‘The diadems of Ra 
 are on his head, he has united the two werhekt,” 
 is said of Seti I.’ In most cases Uerhekt has a 
 lion’s head wearing a solar disk; she is then 
 considered as a form of Bast, Sekhet,’ or 
 Menhit, the goddess of Hsneh. More seldom 
 she is seen with a woman’s head with two horns, 
 
 between which are two feathers; she is then 
 styled SS eS “the lady of the palace.”’ ° 
 
 Here she wears the headdress of Isis, and has 
 the appearance of this goddess. As we have 
 to do here with local gods, and as she comes 
 close to Osiris, I should consider her as being 
 an Isis of Upper Egypt, of Phile or Abydos. 
 
 Following her comes Osiris of the West, the 
 god of Abydos, who is represented as a stand- 
 ing man without any characteristic attribute. 
 
 Hathor of Denderah and Mut of Asher, the 
 consort of Amon, who had a temple at Thebes, 
 could not be distinguished as two different 
 divinities if their names were not written 
 above. 
 
 After them comes Menthu Ra, the god of 
 Med, the present Medamut, east of Thebes, 
 where a few ruins, mostly of Ptolemaic times, 
 are still to be seen. 
 
 Harmakhis of On ig the diurnal form of 
 Tun. 
 
 He ig followed by Menthu of Thebes, and 
 Khonsu Neferhotep of Thebes ; the latter is one 
 of the important divinities of the city, especially 
 under the twentieth and twenty-first dynasties. 
 Khonsu is evidently a lunar god. 
 
 After him, the divinity with a ram’s head is 
 
 Khnum, the lord of Shashotep, the present 
 
 ® Schiaparelli, Libro dei Fun., Testo mon, pl. 66. 
 ” Mariette, Abyd. i, 34 b. 
 
 8 Leps., Denkm. iii. 210 b. 
 
 * Leps., Denkm, iii. 189 ; Champ. Not. p. 364. 
 
 9 
 
 a4 
 
20 THE FESTIVAL-HALL IN THE GREAT TEMPLE OF BUBASTIS. 
 
 village of Shoteb; all the constructions of the 
 old city have disappeared, part only of the 
 necropolis still exists, at the place called 
 Rifeh. 
 
 The next is the form of Amon which the 
 
 Greeks have translated Pan. He appears | 
 as the god of the ninth nome, Panopolis, the 
 
 present Akhmim.’| The Egyptian name of the 
 god =5= is read Khem and Amst. 
 
 Sebek occurs several times; he was wor- 
 shipped in Upper Egypt at Ombos, and in the 
 Fayoom. 
 
 After him the line is much broken, and there 
 are several gaps. 
 
 Anubis is followed perhaps by another 
 Khonsu, and by two Horus, who may be the 
 gods of Edfoo. After another gap comes the 
 
 ” 
 
 god called “ he who is in his bandages,” and it 
 represents the skin which is generally before 
 Osiris when he is sitting as judge of the dead. 
 It is clearly Osiris of Abydos. ‘Then comes an 
 unknown god, Bentet, who is represented 
 sitting. 
 
 Seb and Sel are both well known. The 
 first had a temple in Ombos,® the latter gave 
 her name to the Nubian city of Pselcis. 
 
 Hormerti (pl. xii.) is generally a god of 
 Lower Egypt, of Athribis, the present Benha, 
 but an inscription teaches us that he is another 
 
 : ; 
 form of the god of Panopolis who came | 
 
 before. 
 
 Nubti is Sebek of Ombos; he is followed by 
 the god of the nineteenth nome of Upper 
 Egypt, Oxyrynchos, the present Behnesa. 
 
 The next 2 is apparently also a nome 
 god, but the reading of his name is uncertain. 
 He is the god of the seventh nome of Lower 
 Egypt, the nome of Metelis; we do not see why 
 he appears among the gods of Upper Egypt. 
 His priest is seen in the processions above, his 
 title goes as far back as the Old Hmpire.* 
 
 * Lanzone, Diz. p. 9: 
 ? Champ., Not. p. 2 
 ® Maspero, Et. Eg. ii, 265, 
 
 5 ; Brugsch, Dict. Géog. p, 19, 1079. 
 4 9: 
 
 ERE SOSH PA IIa RS ITO SE a ct at 
 = — - = . = 
 
 The South wind is also a great god who ap- 
 pears in the festival. ‘He is followed by Set, the 
 god of the eleventh nome, the chief divinity of 
 which, Khnum residing in the capital Shas- 
 hotep, has already been mentioned. Several of 
 the divinities have been lost, but we have still 
 traces of Horus and Osiris belonging to Upper 
 Egypt. - 
 
 We now pass on to the gods of Lower 
 Egypt, who are represented as inhabiting 
 shrines in the form of coffins. 
 
 After a gap (pl. vii.) we come to Phthah, the 
 god of Memphis, and Horws who resides in Leto- 
 polis. He is followed by the goddess $=, who 
 must be taken in connection with another one 
 
 who will be found farther on ] QQ = These 
 I 0) 
 
 names taken together or separately seem to 
 indicate the goddess Buto. 
 
 Merhi* is a very rare name. He is found 
 once in Abydos, with a bull’s head; probably, 
 like Hapis, he was a form of Osiris. 
 
 Sebek is also a god of Lower Heypt. He 
 was worshipped in several nomes of the Delta, 
 especially in the north-western part. 
 
 The following name I believe to be read Hapi® 
 or Iaphap, it is possibly the same which is 
 found (pl. xii.) under this form 727: A 
 picture of this god with a man’s head, wearing 
 the atef crown, is found at Phile.® According 
 to Brugsch,’ this name refers to the ecliptic. 
 Hapis gave its name to acity which Herodotus 
 located near Marea, not far from Alexandria. 
 Isis had many sanctuaries in the Delta; one 
 of the most important was Heb, the present 
 Behbeit el-Hagar, not far from Samanoud, the 
 old Sebennytos, where was worshipped the god 
 Anhur, *Ovospis, who follows Isis in the list. 
 Neith is the well-known goddess of Sais. As 
 for Hor Thehen, it is the first time 1 have met 
 
 * Lanzone, Diz. p. 305. 
 
 ° Lanzone, I.c. p. 537. 
 ® Champ., Mon. i. pl. Ixxxy, 
 
 " Dict. Suppl. p. 812 ; Bergmann, Ewigkeit, p, 24, 44. 
 
THE RISING OF THE GOD, AND 
 
 with this name; it must belong toa divinity 
 of the western part of the Delta. After several 
 erased shrines, Horus comes again, merely called 
 “the great god.” He occurs several times as 
 such, with a man’s or a hawk’s head. 
 
 After Horus comes a very unusual divin- 
 ity, a god called cpa Set, and represented 
 with a human head. Coming after Horus, it is 
 natural that we should consider him as the well- 
 known god of this name; but here he has as 
 determinative a fishing bird, and he is said to 
 bring to the king all abundance and all pro- 
 visions. Itis probable that he appears here as 
 a god connected with the sea, and as being the 
 provider of fishes, which in former times, as at 
 present, were the chief source of revenue in 
 certain parts of the land, and which we shall 
 cee further to be a very valuable offering. 
 
 Thoth, the god of Hermopolis, had a city 
 dedicated to him in the Delta, called by the 
 Greeks Hermopolis parva. 
 
 The only god we have not yet considered is 
 called Hekes. 
 the protector of fishermen at the mouth of the 
 
 According to Brugsch,® he is 
 
 river. 
 
 Thus Osorkon, who wished to give to his | 
 
 festival the greatest possible magnificence, is 
 considered as inviting to it the principal 
 divinities of Egypt. Whether for this purpose 
 he gathered the emblems of some of them to 
 It is quite possible. 
 Such journeys made by statues of divinities are 
 
 his capital, we cannot say. 
 
 not unknown ; but certainly if the statues were 
 not brought to Bubastis, the gods were re- 
 We noticed before, 
 and we shall notice again, the presence of 
 
 presented by their priests. 
 
 several high priests who were not at all 
 connected with Bubastis, who belonged to 
 different provinces of Upper or Lower Egypt, 
 and who had been summoned there for the 
 festival. It was a usual custom with the 
 kings. For all the 
 
 Egyptian important 
 
 8 Dict. Géog. p. 479. 
 
 THE ASSEMBLY OF DIVINITIES. 21 
 
 ceremonies, especially those which were con- 
 nected with a great event, or with the issuing 
 of a solemn decree, they would call together 
 the priests from the different parts of the 
 country, and also some civil officials. It was 
 
 the best way of making the decree known 
 
 everywhere. Thus we see in the inscription 
 of Canopus, that all the priests of the two 
 religious divisions of the land met in that city, 
 on the fifth day of the Macedonian month Dios, 
 in order to celebrate the birthday of the king, 
 and to hear what was being done in regard to 
 the reform of the calendar. 
 
 As far as I can judge, below the gods must 
 be placed a representation which at present is 
 unique of its kind (pl. ix.) We see the kine 
 burning frankincense before a series of emblems 
 which unfortunately are partly destroyed. 
 The first of them is Apuat of the south, the 
 lord of the two lands. We saw before that, 
 according to Brugsch’s view, he is the emblem 
 
 of the winter solstice. On the pillar support- 
 
 | ing the emblem are twelve walking jackals, 
 
 which, considering the sense attached to the 
 principal emblem, it is natural to interpret as 
 After this is 
 another jackal, also on a pillar round which two 
 serpents are entwined. 
 
 meaning the twelve months. 
 
 The inscription which 
 accompanies it 1s very obscure. Afterwards 
 comes a wooden pole divided into three at the 
 top, which must be supposed to be raised at 
 the end of an avenue of eight rams. Itis called 
 ‘the great god who is in the Sed festival;” the 
 rest is destroyed. We cannot see whether this 
 emblem belonged to Heliopolis like the other 
 ones, the first of which is “the bull of On 
 (Heliopolis), who resides in the great house 
 (the sanctuary of Heliopolis), the chief of all 
 its gods.” After him “the hed of On,” a com- 
 posite emblem of the bull which comes before, 
 and of the On which comes after. And next 
 “the On of Ow in the Sed festival,” the pillar, 
 the well-known emblem, which is the ideo- 
 
 graphic sign for the name of the city. 
 
 cline 
 
22 THE FESTIVAL-HALL IN THE GREAT TEMPLE OF BUBASTIS. 
 
 obelisk which is in On, in the holy house, 
 gives periods of thirty years in great number.” 
 The next seems to have been also an obelisk; 
 the others are destroyed, but they were said 
 to promise to the king numerous periods of 
 thirty years, and eternity of years. 
 
 It is curious that the king should appear 
 before ali these emblems of Heliopolis. It is 
 not probable that they were brought to 
 Bubastis. Perhaps this city had its own 
 collection of Heliopolitan emblems, which 
 being special to the city of Ra, kept their 
 predicate of Heliopolitan, even in other places. 
 Or this may indicate that a Sed festival was 
 necessarily accompanied by a ceremony at On, 
 which coincided with that of Bubastis or of 
 any city where the Sed took place. 
 
 All the emblems which we see gathered here 
 are connected with astronomy, or with the 
 measurement of time. Ithink we may consider 
 them as belonging to the religious observatory of 
 Heliopolis, as being the collection of emblems 
 which had reference to the religious calendar of 
 On, and of all the land. We spoke before of 
 Apuat being the god of the solstices. I can 
 give no explanation of the. pole which is 
 between the eight rams. As for the bull, we 
 know that there was a sacred bull at Heliopolis, 
 called Mnevis, which was held in great 
 reverence, like the Apis at Memphis.° The 
 bull was also the emblem of Nun, of water as 
 the great fertilizing and fructifying power,' 
 and as such it’ was connected with the inun- 
 dation, the beginning of which was one of the 
 important dates of the Hegyptian calendar. 
 The heb of On differs from the On only in so far 
 as it has the bull’s head at the top. We see a 
 
 bull bearing the sign in the sculptures 
 g g I 
 
 of the tomb of a king,” where it seems to mean 
 the Great Bear. The On ig one of the usual 
 
 ® Wilkinson, Manners, iii. p. 306. 
 * Naville, Lit. du Soleil, p. 39; Brugsch, Myth. p. 116. 
 ® Brugsch, Thes, p. 125, 
 
 emblems of the moon,’ and Brugsch’s researches 
 have proved the existence of a lunar year, in 
 which the dates were given from the days of 
 the moon. The obelisks are connected with 
 the rays of the sun. EH. de Rougé‘ first 
 suggested that they might be used as colossal 
 dials. All these facts point towards astro- 
 nomy and the calendar. As these emblems 
 are the special property of Heliopolis, and 
 as this city is mentioned several times, it 
 shows that it was the place where the 
 questions as to the dates of the festivals were 
 decided. It was the great observatory of Heypt 
 this reminds us of what Strabo says of the 
 observatories of Hudoxus, situate near the 
 entrance to the city. According to an inscrip- 
 
 tion in Turin, there was another observatory, 
 an On in the south, whose temple and priests 
 had the same names as at On of the north. 
 We know of a high priest at On in the south, 
 who was ‘“‘kherheb knowing ‘the ways of the 
 sky.’ 
 
 Jé is natural that while making offerings 
 to the gods of astronomy and of the calendar, 
 Osorkon should be accompanied by prophets, 
 the first of whom holds the standard of Thoth, 
 he god of science and calculations. The 
 prophet did not come alone, in order to take 
 part in the ceremony ; the high priest of Thoth, 
 the tn the kherp nesti from Hermopolis,® was 
 here also, and had accompanied his god. He 
 is clothed in a long dress like the neter of 
 Bubastis, and holds a cane with a knob 
 probably of some precious metal. Curiously 
 
 that title, Ve kherp nesti, of the high priest 
 
 of Thoth belonged also to purely civil officers, 
 
 he governors of the nomes,’ meaning perhaps 
 that Thoth was their special patron. It must 
 
 Naville, Lit. du Soleil, p. 60. 
 Mén. sur les Six Prem, Dyn. p. 79. 
 Recueil, vol. iii. p. 126. 
 Brugsch, Dict. Géog. p. 1361; Maspero, Ht, Bg. ii. 
 p- 154, 
 ” Brugsch, Egyptol. p. 281. 
 
 3 
 4 
 5 
 6 
 
THE RISING OF THE GOD, AND THE ASSEMBLY OF DIVINiTIES. 23 
 
 be the same with the man who comes next, fcr | these 
 | Horus eternally, hail to the festivals of . . 
 
 whose presence there it is difficult otherwise to 
 account; he is the “head of the paymasters of 
 the palace,” therefore an official of the house- 
 hold of Pharaoh. He also must have considered 
 
 Thoth ag his protector and his master.® 
 
 Below the shrines of the gods there was | 
 
 another row of representations, which is 
 
 much damaged. We see the remains of an 
 Osirian emblem (pl. viii. 26 and 27) which 
 is met with in several temples, and which 
 consists of a lotus flower ou which are two 
 feathers. The whcle is the usual headdress 
 of the god WNefertum. 
 goddess speaking, who says of Osorkon: “I 
 
 There was also a 
 
 suckled him to be King of Egypt, and to be 
 lord as long as the solar disk.” 
 
 We now pass on to several representa- 
 tions of Osorkon, enclosed in a sanctuary, 
 
 worshipped by himself, and receiving the 
 
 homages of a god. One of them is below the 
 
 emblems of Heliopolis (pl. ix.), the upper half | 
 
 of it only has been preserved. Osorkon is 
 
 seen with Bast before him and marching &. | | 
 iw) 
 
 . ) towards. an abode or shrine in which he 
 ig standing, and where he seems to be wor- 
 shipped by the Apuats of the south and of the 
 
 north, followed by all their prophets. Going 
 out of the abode, we see him marching further, 
 but here the sculpture is entirely destroyed ; 
 
 we have only a piece (No. 13), which un- 
 
 doubtedly belonged to this scene, but which | 
 
 has been placed conjecturally, as we do not 
 know the exact interval which separated it 
 from No. 12. 
 
 magicians, who are speaking or shouting aloud 
 
 The inscription mentions the 
 
 * On plate ix. has been put a series of blocks (1—6), the 
 exact place of which is not known, but which probably were 
 at the top of the wall. They represent a march towards a 
 platform which had a staircase on both sides. In the 
 middle of the wall supporting it there was something which 
 has disappeared; but towards which the figures are converging, 
 We see there the “ Spirits of Peand Khen,” the two parts of 
 Egypt represented by two cows, and yarious religious 
 emblems. 
 
 Ss 
 
 | 
 | 
 
 words: “Hail to the festivals of 
 
 ” 
 Above all this representation, which included 
 several‘ stations of the king, there is a long 
 procession of priests wearing panther skins, 
 and carrying geographical emblems. 
 
 The series of shrines of the gods is continued 
 from the wall B to the wall C. It is the same 
 with a long procession (pl. xii. 7) of priests en- 
 grayed above the shrines, and which is marching, 
 I suppose, towards a shrine containing Osorkon 
 with a clepsydra in his hand (pl. xi. 6), but I am 
 not absolutely certain of this reconstruction. 
 The procession (pl. xii. 7) has a great likeness 
 to those we saw on the wall A. On the lower 
 row we see, as on pl. ii., the seme, the “ friends,” 
 carrying what I suggested was a bag or arolled 
 carpet, and a man having on his shoulder the 
 
 leg of an animal. He is called] \s the divine 
 
 brother,’ a title which occurs farther on. These 
 are followed, as we saw on pl. i., by priests 
 rom other nomes ; first a priest of the seventh 
 nome of Lower Heypt, the nome of Metelis, 
 then two who cannot be identified; after- 
 wards the high priest of Heliopolis, the high 
 oriest of Khem at Panopolis, a sem, a class of 
 sriests common in all temples, but who is here 
 1¢ high priest of Phthah in Memphis. After 
 
 hem comes (pl, viii. 23) a series of men who 
 
 n 
 
 eem to be of lower rank ; they do not wear the 
 panther skin, and I believe they all belong to the 
 class of learned men and scribes of the temple. 
 a 
 SS is) 
 This word may be the phonetic spelling 
 
 They begin with two called ae or 
 
 hetep. 
 
 of = p, which means the metal stylus for en- 
 
 a 
 graying; and these men might therefore be 
 
 the ‘‘ engravers,” 
 
 as they are followed by the 
 scribes of the school of sacred writers, and by 
 the magicians. Among them occurs twice the 
 WZ or \Z¥ sa ket or ket sa, who seems 
 to have had functions analogous to those of the 
 kherheb. 
 
 The second row is half destroyed, but we 
 
| 
 | 
 
 24 THE FESTIVAL-HALL IN THE GREAT TEMPLE OF BUBASTIS. 
 
 may easily restore it, as we have had it twice 
 already. It consists of the train of Apuat of the 
 south (pl. xii. 7). The “holy mother” opens 
 the way, behind her march two prophets; then 
 comes the emblem carried by six bearers, and 
 the kherheb with a roll in his hand is standing 
 before the king. Before the holy mother we 
 see the foot of a thick pole; I believe it is the 
 front column of the shrine containing Osorkon, 
 in which stood also a few priests, and possibly 
 the emblem of a god (pl. xi. 6). The king at 
 first sight seems to be offering the clepsydra 
 to a divinity which is destroyed, but I think it 
 may be the contrary; the clepsydra may be 
 offered to him by the priest who.stands behind 
 him, and who is represented above with empty 
 hands. he text reads: “The king stretches 
 his hand towards the sem,” it may be “ seizes 
 
 it from the sem.” The offering of the clepsydra 
 
 is one of the most frequent in these inscriptions; | 
 
 it certainly had some reference to the astrono- 
 mical meaning of the festival and to its coin- 
 
 cidence with a date in the calendar. Here it 
 
 is not the god only to whom it is offered, it is | 
 
 the king who is the god, and who raises it in 
 his hands in the presence of a numerous train 
 of priests. 
 
 Behind the shrine we find a curious scene. 
 Osorkon standing, is pouring water on the hands 
 of six priests; for the lower ones the water 
 comes out of his hands, for the upper ones a 
 Stream of water is represented as running 
 from behind him and falling on the priests. 
 Between their hands we see a vase and lines 
 which are an abridged way of representing the 
 water, which is supposed to come either from 
 Osorkon’s hands or from the stream. The 
 only explanation which I can give, is that it is 
 intended to mean a spring or a fountain which 
 was somewhere in the temple. Whether there 
 was a statue of Osorkon over it, or whether he 
 caused the fountain to be constructed when he 
 rebuilt the festival hall, I cannot say; but here 
 he is considered as the souce from which the 
 
 water is derived, as the power which causes it 
 to flow. 
 four times, probably four times a day, and to 
 fill his vase twice, or to make two purifications 
 each time. That is how I understand this text, 
 which is repeated several times : oa 
 ee P BGS 
 
 Tan 
 Going higher up, we again find processions 
 
 Each of the six priests is to came 
 
 “making purifications twice four times.” 
 
 beginning as we saw before, with the so-called 
 musicians preceding a large drum beaten by a 
 man, and the men shouting, “ On the ground ! 
 On the ground!” ® The order is executed, for 
 just above we see twelve men lying down quite 
 Behind them 
 stands a man called ‘ Bat?,” who seems to 
 
 flat, ‘‘smelling the ground.” 
 
 command them, and who raises in his hand a 
 kind of double hoop, which must be some 
 mystical emblem. On the third row we for 
 
 the first time come across men who occur 
 repeatedly on the northern wall, the ith jae 
 
 the Nubians, or, according to Brugsch’s view,! 
 the Troglodytes, the inhabitants of the moun- 
 tainous regions between the Nile and the Red 
 Sea. They are often quoted with the negroes ; 
 for instance in this passage: ‘‘ The Troglodytes 
 bring their tribute, consisting of all the products 
 Whether they 
 were all negroes we cannot say, certainly they 
 
 of the land of the negroes.’’ 
 
 were of black colour, and their name applies to 
 a yast region including several negro popula- 
 tions. Thus we see that Osorkon brought to 
 his festival men from the Upper Nile. They 
 are not the only specimens of African races ; 
 we have further the strange man who is seen 
 pl. xv. 5, and whoI believe is a Uaua, coming 
 from above Elephantine; the dwarfs also (pl. 
 
 xx. 5) are products of the south. If the Ait 
 are negroes, which is highly probable, they are 
 not represented with the negro type; they look 
 
 3 — Brugsch, Dict. Suppl. p. 990, instead of \o= 
 which we had before. 
 * Brugsch, Vélkertafel, p. 48 ff 
 
hke genuine Hgyptians, although they were of 
 a foreign race. We have here a proof of the 
 dishke which the Hegyptians felt towards the 
 negro type, unless they had to represent cap- 
 tives or vassals paying tribute. Here the 
 Nubians are like priests, they are fulfilling a 
 sacred office, therefore their strange type must 
 not be indicated. 
 
 There must have been in this respect 
 very strict religious laws and regulations. 
 It is quite possible that in many cases we go 
 astray, not knowing that the representation 
 which we see is merely conventional, and does 
 not give us the real type of the person, which 
 would betray his origin. A striking instance 
 of the errors which we are apt to commit 
 was given by the discovery made in Syria, at 
 Sendjerli, of the great tablet relating the con- 
 quests of Hsarhaddon, where we see the king 
 Tahraka pictured as a negro. It is clear that 
 in this case it is Hsarhaddon’s sculpture which 
 
 is reliable and true. The Assyrian king would 
 not have represented Tahraka as a negro if he 
 had not been so. But the hieroglyphical in- 
 scriptions of Tahraka, and his sculptures, not 
 only leave us in absolute ignorance of this fact, 
 but would lead us to consider him as an 
 Hgyptian of pure blood. 
 
 Why did Osorkon wish that Ethiopians should 
 be present at his festival in the Delta? Had he 
 any special connection with Hthiopia, by birth 
 or by conquest >—These are questions to which 
 we can giveno answer; but if Osorkon is the 
 
 Zerah of the book of Chronicles,’ it is curious to 
 notice that he is called there Zerah the Ethio- 
 pian. 
 
 The next station is above, and consists again 
 of a procession in three rows (pl. x.); the lower 
 one being of priests, the two upper ones of men 
 carrying statuettes in the form of mummies, each 
 of which has a different name. I do not know 
 the meaning of this kind of ushebtis carried 
 
 THE SECOND ASCENT TO THE PAVILION. 
 
 no 
 eis 
 
 before the king, and of which there is a large 
 number on the top row. Osorkon is standing 
 behind them, and receives “XG, an offering 
 which looks like a lotus-bud. Here the scene 
 takes a funereal character. Behind the king 
 is a shrine where he is standing, and which is 
 
 (BN a 
 called pss a common word for a funereal 
 
 chamber in the inscriptions of the Old Empire. 
 Before him are twelve gods: Ra, Tum, Shu, 
 Tefnut, Seb, Nut, Osiris, Horus, Set or Suti, 
 Isis, Nephthys, and his own ka, his double. 
 The same shrine is seen at Soleb, where it ends 
 also with the image of Amenophis III. Not- 
 withstanding the name of the shrine, we must 
 not consider this ceremony as funereal ; it is 
 not Osorkon’s grave. The ceremonies in 
 honour of the gods and of the dead are very 
 similar. Whether offerings were made to the 
 statue of a god or to that of a dead king, the 
 ritual was nearly the same, and probably the 
 religious prescriptions applied to both cases 
 equally.2 We must not forget that the temple 
 is the abode of the god; it is the place where 
 the god resides, hidden in a shrine protected 
 by high walls, in the obscurity and shade 
 which are pleasant in a hot climate. Thesame 
 may be said of the grave, it is the abode of the 
 deceased, where, according to Egyptian ideas, 
 he is to remain undisturbed for ever; no 
 wonder that the ceremonies were much alike in 
 
 = 
 both places. The i ee the funereal house, was 
 only the imitation of a shrine, such as that in 
 which Osorkon is seen standing in the presence 
 of all the great gods of the land, and it had the 
 
 same name, 
 
 THE SECOND ASCENT TO THE 
 PAVILION, 
 Wu now go over to the northern side. For some 
 reason which we do not know, it is much more 
 destroyed than the southern. Except quite at 
 
 2 2 Chron, xiv. 8. 
 
 * Lemm., Ritualbuch, p. ix. 
 
 | 
 1} 
 | 
 } 
 
26 THE FESTIVAL-HALL IN THE 
 
 the entrance, it is not possible to restore 
 the order in which the ceremonies took place. 
 We begin with the entrance, with the wall 
 D, which was exactly symmetrical to <A. 
 The king appears wearing the double diadem 
 (pl. xvi.), and is walking towards the door. 
 Just below (pl. xvii.), we have the goddess 
 Safekh abui, with the king, who evidently is 
 making offerings to Bast; on the other side 
 he was accompanied by Uot'i (pl. i). 
 Above, corresponding to a god whom we 
 supposed to be Thoth, we haye Thoth again, 
 following the king, and marking on a stick 
 the years which he gives to him. The god 
 says: “I write for thee the Sed-periods 
 of Ra, and the years of Tum.” The king 
 offers the sheb, the clepsydra, to Bast, who 
 makes promises of various kinds, and particu- 
 larly this which was quoted before, and which 
 at present cannot be explained satisfactorily : 
 “She gives thee Sed-periods, or festivals of 
 twelve years each . . . thou art rising on the 
 throne of Horus . . . thou hast smitten the 
 
 29 
 
 Thehennu . The god who is behind her 
 may be her son, [Jorhiken. 
 
 Higher still comes a second offering of the 
 clepsydra (pl. xvi.). The king is standing 
 on a platform, with his queen Karoama; 
 a priest comes behind and offers him the 
 instrument which he afterwards presents “ to 
 
 .”’; the name is erased, but 
 
 his mother . 
 it can only be Uoti, as it is on the north 
 side, and we had WNekheb on the south. 
 Behind, the procession is forming for the 
 ascent towards the pavilion, but it is of a 
 somewhat different character from what we saw 
 opposite. Instead of the learned men from 
 “the school of sacred writers,’ we see women, 
 “the royal daughters.” On the whole, we 
 shall notice that women play a much more im- 
 portant part on this side than on the other ; 
 whoever they may be, whether they are the 
 
 daughters of Osorkon, or the women of the 
 city, (who, according to the inscription of pl. 
 
 GREAT TEMPLE OF BUBASTIS. 
 
 yi., were bound by a tradition dating “ from the 
 days of the fathers ” to act as priestesses in the 
 temple) or even, as we shall see, foreign women. 
 In the procession we see first the so-called 
 musicians preceding the big drum, and the man 
 beating it. Behind is a man who appears again 
 a little higher up—the reading of his name is 
 doubtful; but here, as on the next occasion, he 
 has to accompany the “royal daughters,” who 
 are holding in one hand a sistrum, and in the 
 other the kind of collar which is called mena, 
 and which has a symbolical meaning. 
 
 What came immediately above is broken off; 
 moreover, in what remains it is not possible to 
 trace a regular order, such as there was in the 
 southern procession towards the pavilion. I 
 believe we have here high dignitaries in three 
 different positions, standing, kneeling, and 
 lying flat on the ground, as we shall see higher 
 up (pl. xv.). 
 
 We do not know exactly the distance be- 
 tween the blocks 6 and 7, where was 
 engraved a scene similar to that which is 
 found in the upper part of 8 and 9, but with 
 different men. At the head come the Nubians, 
 the Troglodytes who appear on the southern 
 wall. ‘They are first standing, afterwards 
 kneeling, and lastly lying down. They are not 
 alone, they are with men who have no plumes 
 on their heads like the Troglodytes, and who 
 are called ~ fi —° Rendbiu shau, lit. 
 
 8 oS Th i HI 
 “the neighbours of the sand.” This name 
 occurs here for the first time. The word [Zz 
 has several senses. According to Brugsch,* ib 
 means first “the side,” therefore a [2 1s an 
 “ad latus, a help, a servant,” and in the temple 
 the oa Jee are the ‘*mass of attendants 
 AS | 
 of lower order.”? But the eminent German 
 Heyptologist recognizes also in this word the 
 
 Semitic Wis “south wind,’ and he con- 
 SPs 2 
 
 1 Dict. Suppl. p. 1255. 
 
 * Brugsch, Egyptol. p. 278. 
 
siders +] wu a = | 
 siders the word mye as another form 
 
 ot B Jot RE 
 
 Southerners, the inhabitants of the region south 
 
 which means “ the 
 
 3 : | 
 of Egypt.” The expression we have here [I~ | 
 a 
 
 (Eaves) (O) 2 
 would thus mean: “the Southerners of 
 
 lit 
 
 the sand,’’ the inhabitants of the southern 
 
 desert. This explanation would apply remark- 
 
 bow 
 The word [| 2 
 
 Os rey) half 
 Herushau, “those 
 @ ih ai 
 
 who are on the sand,” the nomads of the 
 
 ably well in this case. 
 
 is formed like 
 
 desert ; but this last expression has ceased to 
 apply to all nomads in general, all inhabitants 
 It re 
 the nomads coming from the east, from the 
 The 
 name ferushaw could therefore not be used in 
 
 of the desert wherever it is. ers only to 
 
 Sinaitic peninsula, or even Mesopotamia. 
 
 speaking of the black nomads from the south, 
 who are styled Kenbtu shau. We 
 Ri 
 
 that the iit it fi hae were the Troglodytes, 
 
 saw before 
 
 the inhabitants of the mountainous region 
 between the Nile and the Red Sea. It is 
 natural that with them we should find the in- 
 habitants of the plain of the Ethiopian desert, 
 
 probably on the western side of the Nile. 
 
 Mv 
 
 hus from all parts of Ethiopia, from the 
 
 mountain and from the plain, there came men, 
 in order to take part in the festival, to march 
 
 in the processions, and to lie down before the 
 king, like the Heyptian priests or the higher 
 officials of the country. 
 
 The text is partly destroyed; but it seems 
 that while they are standing a command is given 
 to them, for we read: ‘* Let the Nubians (sit), 
 let the Southerners of the desert (sit) before 
 the king.” Afterwards both of them “ smell the 
 ground” before the king, who is not seen, but 
 who perhaps was in one of the representations 
 now destroyed. Underneath we find some- | 
 thing, very little of which has been left, and | 
 
 5 Id., Volkertafel, 37, 43, 45. 
 aay 
 ‘ 
 
 4 Id, Volkertafel, 43, 75; Krall, Zeitschr. 1879, 65. 
 
 THE SECOND ASCENT TO THE PAVILION. 27 
 
 which is difficult to account for. Women are 
 seen with flowers on their heads, and men who 
 
 seem to be called Qh 3} 
 
 is said of them that “they go about in the 
 
 “the peasants.” It 
 
 fields.” I should say that this means that even 
 the common peasants, the labourers of the 
 fields, took part in the festival. 
 
 The higher we go, the more difficult it 
 is to understand the sense of the represen- 
 tations. I believe we have the explanation 
 of the three rows above those we just com- 
 mented upon, in a short text on pl. xiv. 38: 
 “ All the lands are at thy disposal; they bring 
 their ewers and pitchers in silver gilt.” It was 
 something of this kind, an offering of the 
 industry of subject nations, which was on the 
 second line, where it is written also : “ All their 
 ewers are of gold, and their pitchers of silver 
 eilt.”’ 
 
 carry them are vassals bringing their tribute. 
 
 I suppose that the men and women who 
 
 Immediately above the men lying down (pl. 
 xy. 7) we see a priest wearing a panther skin, 
 who performs a dance, in which he is accom- 
 
 panied by a woman playing on a flute. I can- 
 
 not say who pronounces these words: “Ii 
 grant that the kine Osorkon may be firmly 
 established like Ra.” Before the women are 
 two men kneeling in a curious attitude, and 
 raising one hand. They follow women who 
 raise both hands, as if they were holding a vase 
 or a musical instrument like a drum. ‘Three 
 peasants come towards them, while a long train 
 of women marches in the opposite direction ; 
 they all hold the long pitchers which are said to 
 
 be of silver gilt. 
 
 The two upper registers are still less 
 intelligible. On the left we see a proces- 
 
 sion consisting of two men holding that kind 
 of hoop which we saw before. A man is 
 sitting before a bull, followed by two other men 
 bending forwards as if they were going to stand 
 on their hands. The text above them is that 
 
 which was quoted before: “ All their ewers are 
 
ry 
 
 28 THE FESTIVAL-HALL IN THE GREAT TEMPLE OF BUBASTIS. 
 
 of gold, and all their pitchers of silver gilt.” 
 On the right is a scene of worship, but we do not 
 see who is the object of it, unless it be a figure 
 with a large head, a beard, and two long locks, 
 holding a kind of mace. Before him are four 
 men looking towards a kneeling priest who 
 seems to be inadoration before them. I cannot 
 
 translate the text which is above, and I doubt 
 
 whether it is meant to be Egyptian, and whether 
 it is not supposed to be the language of this 
 strange man. I read: “ Give to the tongue of 
 
 uauasu-uaua.” These may be words 
 having a magic effect, such as those which we 
 find in the magic papyri, or they may be the 
 language spoken by those men, a language 
 which possibly the Hgyptians did not under- 
 stand, and which came from abroad, from the 
 Upper Nile, possibly from the land of Uana 
 above Hlephantine. This ugly figure is not 
 without likeness to some of the representations 
 of the god Bes. It would be interesting to 
 know whether it is really meant to be the 
 portrait of a living being, and also whether 
 it was the type of some extraordinary African 
 race, or whether this person was only an 
 anomaly, a monstrous specimen, which, like 
 other extraordinary phenomena of this kind, 
 was considered as a special manifestation of the 
 divine power. 
 
 On the upper row (pl. xiv.) we see only 
 women in pairs, turned towards each 
 other, in various attitudes. It seems to 
 me that they are singing or shouting 
 aloud the words which are above, accom- 
 panying them with extraordinary gestures, 
 while the others on the right clap their 
 hands or beat their drums. They ery aloud: 
 *‘ All health like Ra, all health and joy every 
 day, Sed-periods in great numbers, like Ra 
 eternally.” I should not wonder if they were 
 meant to represent foreign women.> The 
 
 ° Here also there are some extraordinary words which 
 cannot be explained AN 2A INS All WW Bee vil he. 
 
 whole scene figured in these three rows reminds 
 us of some customs of the present day, which 
 nearly every traveller has seen on the banks of 
 the Nile. We have there something like the 
 “fantasia ’’ of the women which takes place in 
 a Nubian wedding, and the “ Zikr” of the 
 dervishes shouting frantically ‘‘ Allah, Allah!” 
 This extraordinary procession accompanies 
 the king in a ceremony which is called = 4) 
 These words might be translated in various 
 ways; they might be “the returning, the 
 retracing his steps,’ or, what I think more 
 probable, ‘‘ the appearing on the north,” that is, 
 in the 4 Pik “the house of the north,’ 
 
 which we shall see represented further on (pl. 
 
 | xxiii. 8). But here the whole scene is much 
 
 abridged, there is nothing indicating the 
 ma 5 
 sad 
 house of the north nor the |= “the great 
 S 
 abode,” the shrine towards which he is said 
 to be marching. We see him with one 
 attendant only, without any sign of royalty. 
 Further, his daughters with their two attendants 
 
 ; are marching towards the same place as their 
 
 father. He is supposed to have with him a 
 whole train of gods, for it is said: “ The gods 
 on their stands are on the right of the king, 
 near the shrine,” but they are not to be scen 
 here. The engraver probably had not room 
 enough, and he only noticed that they were 
 present, but he dispensed with figuring them as 
 wellas the shrine. What is meant by the gods 
 
 SS 
 
 on their stands,° oan ww are the religious 
 ( ff 0 a 
 
 standards (carried or not by priests) such as 
 
 those represented quite at the top of this wall, 
 
 where they seem to be an ornament like those we 
 
 saw on the southern one. I believe that when 
 
 the king is said to go towards the shrine, or into 
 
 the shrine =, it is in order to worship 
 a 
 
 Tonen, and I should not wonder if it were the 
 king himself who is lying down, “ adoring 
 
 * Mar., Abyd. i. pl. 28. 
 
Tonen four times,”’ and exclaiming “* Hail to the 
 shrine, hail to the pavilion.” 
 
 This last word, the pavilion, shows that the 
 adoration to Tonen also takes place on the roof 
 of the temple, where the shrine of the god must 
 have stood. Itis clear that in this sculpture 
 we have only a very incomplete description of 
 the ceremony, the ereatest part of itis omitted ; 
 however, we see again the am khentu, the suten 
 salu, the semeru, and the ueru,’ all the high 
 dignitaries lying down before the king, while 
 eat: ‘ Hail to 
 of Tonen takes 
 
 women crowned with flowers re 
 the festival, hail, the festival 
 place,” and also these words which indicate the 
 meaning of the ceremony: ‘ Horus rises, he 
 has received the two plumes, 
 A 
 
 the two plumes is one of the ways of expressing 
 
 he is the king 
 
 Osorkon living eternally.” orus receiving 
 
 that he is crowned as king, and therefore here 
 
 1e coronation of 
 the 
 southern side it is Amon who is the prevailing 
 
 again we find an allusion tot 
 
 Osorkon, to his jubilee. Whereas on 
 divinity, here it is Tonen, the god who above 
 all others is the patron of the period of thirty 
 years, and who gives them in abundance to his 
 son Osorkon. Amon and Tonen are the gods 
 who give the first blessing to the king when he 
 is sitting on the platform (pl. ii.). Osorkon 
 did not separate them in his festival, following 
 in this respect an old tradition; for Rameses IIT. 
 also said that his Sed-festivals were associated 
 with those of Tonen. Whether it was Phthah 
 in whose temple the solemnity of the Sed took 
 place, as under Rameses III., or whether it was 
 Amon, as under Osorkon at Bubastis, Tonen 
 could not be forgotten, for it was to him that 
 Osorkon was indebted for a reign of eternal 
 
 duration. 
 
 ” Brugsch, Dict. Suppl. p. 1011. 
 
 THE OFFERINGS AND THE 
 
 SHRINES OF THE NORTH. 29 
 
 THE OFFERINGS AND THE SHRINES 
 OF THE NORTH. 
 Tim great wall E is nearly a complete blank. 
 Hardly anything of it remains, and the little 
 which has been preserved must be replaced by 
 conjecture. ‘Taking first what was the doorpost, 
 we have (pl. xviii.) a horizontal inscription 
 which related some event having reference to 
 the water and the cultivated land. Over it was 
 a procession larger than the other parts, and of 
 which I consider the block iii, of pl. xxv. as be- 
 ing apart. Osorkon was standing with two rows 
 of fan-bearers behind him; underneath was a 
 train of priests, the c= “ neter of the south,” 
 followed by ‘the holy brothers” and “ the 
 
 prophets.” We have noticed already on the 
 
 other side the = lit. “the god,’ whom 
 we considered as the high priest of Bubastis ; 
 this time it must be another priest of high rank, 
 who had the whole south under his control. 
 The great block of pl. xiv. had an angle, on 
 the other face of which stood the representation 
 marked 8 on pl. xviii., which has given us the 
 exact places of 7 and9. We begin here the 
 series of offerings of birds and fishes which we 
 shall consider further where they are more 
 complete. Underneath is one of the various 
 shrines of the north, where Osorkon is sitting 
 We shall 
 see several of this kind, and there must have 
 
 wearing the crown of Lower Egypt. 
 
 been many on the wall; they are parallel to 
 those we saw on the south, where Osorkon 
 has the southern diadem. Bast is always with 
 him, looking at him and showing that this 
 festival takes place under her protection, though 
 it is not in her honour. Before him were reli- 
 gious emblems, called Horshesu,‘‘ the followers of 
 Horus,” and a priest whose arm only is left. The 
 words spoken are always more or less enigmatic 
 Al aff f. We know the word @§§§ tep 
 vetu as meaning “ prescriptions,’ but here it evi. 
 
 dently has another sense. It must mean a lo- 
 
 cality, either one of the numerous shrines where 
 
30 THE FESTIVAL-HALL IN THE GREAT TEMPLE OF BUBASTIS. 
 
 Osorkon rests, or a platform, or staircase, the 
 word ret SS "] meaning a staircase, a flight of 
 steps. I consider ai (y tep retu, the top of 
 the stairs, as being those shrines to which 
 access 1s given by a flight of steps, and [ shall 
 
 translate “ shrine,” a sense which is confirmed 
 by the other instances where the word occurs. 
 We find on this side priests of a different kind 
 from those who appeared on the southern wall. 
 I have placed conjecturally on this wall a block 
 which at first sight seemed to belong to the wall 
 D, but for which I could find no room (pl. xxv. 
 No. vi). It is the repetition of what we saw 
 before, of part of the festival of Tonen; the am 
 khentu, the sahu are lying down. Somebody says: 
 * Tail (to the festival), hail to Phthah (Tonen).” 
 
 The sitting priest of pl. xiv., the a hes, “the 
 
 singer,” speaks also, but nothing remains of 
 what he says. Above him are the women with 
 
 lotus flowers, they are called here -d 
 
 “singers ;”’ again they repeat, ‘“ Hail to the 
 festival, hail, the “festival of Phthah Tonen 
 takes place,” and the significant words: 
 
 “ Horus rises, he has received the two plumes, 
 he is the king Osorkon.” 
 Over them is a procession of men headed by 
 
 the | e j = : I still adhere to the view which 
 
 mao 
 I expressed elsewhere, that they must be con- 
 sidered as judges. The four gods of the cardinal 
 points, who sit in the court over which Osiris 
 is president, are called by this name; but they 
 are judges having a religious character, some- 
 thing like the cadis of the present day. 
 
 That is all we can reconstruct of the northern 
 doorpost, whereas the other side contained a 
 great deal more. It is impossible to say why 
 this side has suffered so much in comparison 
 with the other. It may be that in former times 
 the way was shorter from there to the canal on 
 which the blocks were shipped to the villages, 
 where they would be used for oil-presses, mill- 
 stones, or thresholds. At present, in the neigh- 
 
 bouring villages, remains of the great temple 
 of Bast are built in the walls or in shakiyehs, 
 and used for agricultural purposes. I remember 
 haying come across Ptolemaic inscriptions in a 
 shakiyeh of the village of Aslooghi, where it 
 had been brought from the sanctuary of Bast. 
 Who knows whether fragments which 
 mieht give us the key to very important 
 questions for which, at present, we have no 
 solutions, are perhaps hidden in a wall, or used 
 by a fellah woman as a washing-board. It is 
 possible, also, that the blocks of the north were 
 on the top of those of the south, and were 
 carried away sooner. We co not know how 
 the temple was destroyed, probably by digging 
 under the walls, which caused the whole con- 
 struction to collapse. If the southern wall was 
 destroyed first, and the northern afterwards, 
 so that the blocks fell over the ruins of the 
 other, the people who, during centuries, used 
 
 the temple as a quarry, would, of course, begin 
 with the upper stones, while the lower ones 
 would be preserved. 
 
 Hardly anything remains of the long wall 
 which was symmetrical with the wall B, except a 
 most curious block which, having no clue 
 
 whatever to its place, I have put in the middle . 
 (pl. xx. 5). It contains an interesting picture of 
 dwarfs holding each of them along cane. One of 
 them seems to have been their chief, their —2, 
 
 but their name seems to have been flew sash. 
 
 lls name is we known; it means ) 
 Th ll | > ib gs the 
 
 “ce , 
 
 guard, the policeman, the beadle,” especially 
 “the police of a temple.” Brugsch* quotes a 
 representation of Abydos, in which men having 
 his name and armed with sticks precede a 
 train of priests. It is exactly so in this case; 
 they hold long sticks and precede several 
 kherheb, who were, perhaps, followed by other 
 priests. 
 
 It seems rather strange to us who are accus- 
 
 omed to see in Roman Catholic churches 
 
 8 Dict. Suppl. p. 284, 
 
THH 
 
 OFFERINGS AND THE 
 
 beadles remarkable for their high and imposing 
 stature, to think that in Hgyptian temples 
 the police duties were performed by dwarfs. 
 Whether they had special qualities for this 
 office, we cannot say, but certainly they were 
 not Egyptians, they belonged to a southern 
 race. Homer® already mentions the pygmies, 
 who had so much to fear from their terrible 
 enemies the cranes. Aristotle,’ speaking of 
 those birds, says: ‘‘ The cranes go up as far as 
 the lakes above Egypt, where the Nile origi- 
 nates ; there the pygmies are living; and this 
 is not a fable, but pure truth ; men and horses 
 are, as they say, of small stature, and live in 
 grottoes.” An anonymous Greek geographer, 
 of late epoch, alludes twice to the pygmies who 
 live along the eastern branch of the Nile near 
 its source. ‘he pygmies occur also in the 
 Egyptian inscriptions. Frequently? we see 
 dwarfs and deformed persons who lived in the 
 houses of the Egyptian grandees, probably for 
 their amusement. But here such is not the case; 
 they are small but not deformed, and the long 
 stick which they hold indicates men of authority, 
 and not beings like the moriones of the Romans, 
 destined to’ be the laughing-stock of their 
 masters. They belong to a population coming 
 from the south, from the Upper Nile, as the 
 anonymous geographer says. In an inscription 
 of Karnak of Ptolemaic epoch, which is part of 
 a list of nomes, speaking of the nome of Nubia, 
 
 wr % Owe Ni ppnnamy7s s 
 
 ibis said: ~ 4A O|* «The dwarfs 
 Ie JS (en 1 1 Sei 
 
 of the southern countries come to him, 
 
 bringing their tributes to his treasury.” ? 
 
 I need not refer to the remarkable confirma- 
 tion brought to the tradition by the travels 
 of Schweinfurt and Stanley. The ancients 
 knew very well the populations of dwarfs 
 which have been discovered anew by the 
 
 PDL, shit, Gp 
 
 See Duem., Acg. Gesch. p. 7. 
 Wilkinson, Manners, ii. p. 70. 
 Brugsch, Hungersnoth, p. 141. 
 
 @ woe 
 
 SHRINES OF THE NORTH. 31 
 
 modern travellers. It is quite possible that 
 they were much nearer Egypt than they are 
 now, and that by degrees they were driven 
 to Central Africa. We have here 
 instance of Ethiopians brought to the temple 
 by Osorkon. 
 
 another 
 
 We have seen the T'roglodytes, 
 the inhabitants of the Nubian desert, the extra- 
 ordinary man whom I consider to be a Uaua; 
 now we have the dwarfs, who certainly came 
 from the south, and who, like the others, held 
 a certain rank in the temple. Surely there 
 must have been a reason why Osorkon wished 
 Hthiopians to be present at his festival, and why 
 he allowed them to take part in the ceremonies. 
 Tt is probable that if he drew from Ethiopia 
 priests and religious attendants, he brought also 
 soldiers from the south. It shows that Osorkon’s 
 power may have been greater than was sus- 
 nected. If he was unfortunate in his wars 
 against his eastern neighbours, it is possible 
 hat his empire extended in the south beyond 
 he limits of Egypt Proper. Perhaps, also, in 
 us reign, the Ethiopians began to have more 
 importance; they grew in influence, until their 
 king Piankhi invaded Eeypt, and with the 
 tiventy-fif 
 the country. 
 
 h dynasty they became the rulers of 
 
 Above the dwarfs are priests who did not 
 <. : 
 occur before, the +~ “the opener of the 
 <a 
 mouth,” a priest who plays an important part 
 
 in the funereal ceremonies, who opens the 
 
 mouth of the deceased with a magical instru- 
 ment; and another who holds a kind of bag or 
 . 2. = 
 basket: he is called B %S “the ua, the 
 Aen 
 
 only one, carrying the Khen,” which I suppose 
 Wy 2 e f=) ) 
 
 He will occur again several 
 
 fo} 
 
 times. It is not possible to make out any- 
 
 to be a basket. 
 thing from the fragments on pl. xx. Osorkon 
 isinashrine, with Bast before him. Once he is 
 sitting, his throne being on a platform to which 
 access is by a flight of steps ; at the top of the 
 staircase before the entrance is the gens a 
 
 (pl. xxiv. 10), with his hook and his knife in 
 
32 THE FESTIVAL-HALL IN THE 
 
 hishand. We saw him in a similar position at 
 the entrance of the pavilion on the south side ; 
 he seems to be a special attendant and guard 
 to the king, who nearly always has him in his 
 train. Sometimes he carries a fan. Behind 
 the king is the wa with his basket, and the 
 ** mouth-opener,” besides a man called #4 dsh. 
 
 I consider this sign as being here a variant for | 
 
 pee 4) “to ery aloud,” and I translate 
 ws} 
 ‘herald. 
 
 Higher came a group of the priests called 
 kherheb. We must notice that sometimes they 
 have not their roll of papyrus, and that there 
 are several of them. It is possible that there 
 were classes of kherheb, and that they had not 
 all the same rank. Brugsch observes that 
 under the Ptolemies the kherheb lost his high 
 position of interpreter of the religious laws, 
 and of regulator of the important ceremonies ; 
 and that this name means only the corporation 
 of the ** choachytes,” of the men who had the 
 charge and management of funerals, what we 
 should call the undertakers. There is nothing 
 of the kind in the temple of Bubastis, but there 
 may have been a hierarchy among them. If 
 
 they had to pass through the ee “the 
 school of sacred writers,” some of them already 
 called kherheb may have been only disciples. 
 in these inscriptions the important person, 
 ‘the master of the ceremonies” as we called 
 him, is the A kherheb her tep, the 
 head of the kherheb. Above the kherheb there 
 was another shrine with Osorkon (pl. xix. 4), 
 but nothing of it remains, for the block 8 is 
 probably in a wrong place (cf. pl. xxx). We 
 only see two priests with panther skins, and 
 three others in the attitude cf worship. The 
 text written vertically reads: “Seb gives you 
 your fields.”’ 4 
 
 In the following scenes (pl. xix. 1 and 2) 
 Osorkon has gone out of his shrine; he is 
 
 * Brugsch, Dict. Suppl. 1322. 
 
 GREAT TEMPLE OF BUBASTIS. 
 
 standing; behind him march the emblems of 
 the gods, and below, his attendants, the first 
 of whom is his favourite gens with his fan. 
 Three columns of text which were in front 
 of him are completely destroyed. Further on 
 he is also standing, he has given up the 
 emblems of Osiris, and especially his flail, 
 which, below, his attendants carry for him. 
 He holds a mace, as if he were about to strike 
 his enemies. Before him is a woman in plain 
 dress, the wer hest. The word has several 
 meanings, it may be ‘the well-pleasing,”’ or 
 “the chief of the singers.’ I suppose it is this 
 last sense which we have to apply in this case. 
 She is one of the priestesses of the temple. 
 The text in front of her mentions two boats, 
 butit is quite destroyed. There were evidently 
 some sacred boats sculptured on this wall; holy 
 shrines were seen carried on the shoulders of 
 priests, like on the wall opposite; traces of one 
 are reproduced on pl. xxy., No. v. To this wall 
 belong also three small fraements collected on 
 pl. xxv. On No. iy. are prophets, one brandish- 
 ing a feather, and another a stick ; besides a man 
 with his two hands on his chest, who, judging 
 from what remains of the text, was shouting 
 aloud. A still smaller fragment (ii.) contains a 
 priest only carrying his basket; it is said of him 
 that he is standing “on the east side of the 
 seat.” Another fragment (i.) was near an 
 angle, probably on the wall F, and shows four 
 rows of priests; the upper ones worshipping 
 and lymg down on the ground, the others with 
 their heads bent down in a supplicating atti- 
 tude. 
 
 It is much to be regretted that we have lost 
 so much of this wall. We should have found 
 there much information concerning the com- 
 plicated and intricate ritual of a great solemnity. 
 Such representations are rare in the Pharaonic 
 temples. Before the Ptolemies everything 
 concerning the ceremonies consists chiefly in 
 offerings and commonplace sentences. We 
 
 have only few descriptions of festivals; for 
 
THE OFFERINGS AND THE 
 
 instance, that of Soleb, or the festivals cele- 
 brated in honour of Khem by Rameses II. and 
 Rameses III. Hven these are given with few 
 details, and do not teach us much as to ritual 
 and the different phases of a great solemnity. 
 We must come down to the Ptolemies to have 
 elaborate descriptions of what takes place at 
 the risines of Horus and Hathor. In this 
 respect the inscription of Bubastis was unqiue. 
 I know of no other temple, before the Greek 
 Kings, having such a detailed narrative of what 
 was done at the celebration of a great religious 
 festival. The loss of a great part of it is all 
 the more to be deplored. 
 
 On the wall F (pl. xxii.), we see the offerings 
 of birds and fishes which began on the wall H 
 (pl. xvili.). These offerings are represented in a 
 curious way. They consist of six horizontal 
 lines divided into compartments, in each of 
 which a standing man corresponds to six 
 names, two being written above his head, 
 and four under his feet. Beginning from 
 above, we see first the name of a god, Horus, 
 Set, Osiris, Khentma (a form of Horus), Isis, 
 Thoth. Below, a line which I omit for the 
 present. Then the vignette of a man standing, 
 holding in his right hand a fish, and in his left 
 a bird, or supporting it while it rests on his 
 head. 
 
 a god, Nephthys (written here LD Set, 
 
 Under his feet again is the name of 
 
 Thoth, as on the upper line; underneath, the 
 name of the kind of bird which is considered 
 the god just 
 mentioned, a god again, and the name of 
 a fish. Here we see that each offering, 
 whether it be a bird or a fish, is held to be the 
 property of one definite god. Horus, Thoth, 
 
 as the special property of 
 
 and the other divinities each have their own 
 fishes and their own birds, and these are all 
 It is a 
 way of indicating that the gods are not mere 
 
 brought by Osorkon to his festival. 
 
 witnesses of the festival, but that they contribute 
 These | 
 
 to it in giving what belongs to them. 
 
 SHRINES OF THE NORTH. 33 
 
 offerings, judging from the block No. 8, are 
 handed over to the kherheb of the temple. 
 
 But what does the second line mean? What 
 are the names inscribed under the upper gods ? 
 I can give no satisfactory answer. Some of them, 
 
 like \& 
 
 this would induce us to thin 
 
 a 
 =o 
 
 or Ss. might mean “ honey”; 
 k that they repre- 
 
 sent substances offered to the gods, like honey, 
 
 oil, frankincense, wine, milk. Other names, 
 
 like IS or \Z WP are plants; as for those 
 
 like | or 4 they might be names of 
 priests. These words probably represent objects 
 of daily occurrence, which had another, a com- 
 monname. But they cannot be identified, owing 
 to the custom of the Egyptians of giving to 
 objects used for religious purposes an enigmatic 
 
 For 
 
 . Aiea cy fh 
 instance, S= gu “the great magician,” or | 
 —— Th} 
 
 name, for which we must have the key. 
 
 “the divine palace,” are bcth names given to 
 
 an instrument of iron, used for the ceremony 
 
 of opening the mouth of the deceased. It must 
 
 be the same here. 
 The birds are all water birds, cranes, herons, 
 
 geese, ducks. Most of them haye names which 
 
 have not yet been found. ‘The pelican is easily 
 
 —c 
 
 An 
 a 
 
 hent. As for the ee which Brugsch °® trans- 
 
 recognizable among them, it is called 
 
 lates ‘ ostrich,” here it is clearly a kind of goose 
 with along neck. The fishes also have most 
 of them names which occur for the first time. 
 Tt is curious that among the offerings of living 
 beings there are no domestic animals. These 
 are not offerings coming from the land of 
 Osorkon, from his farms, or hig agricultural 
 labourers ; they are the product of his amuse- 
 ments, of his hunting and fishing in the 
 We often see in the 
 
 tombs of the Middle Empire that the favourite 
 
 marshes of the country. 
 
 sport of the king or of the grandees was to fish 
 in the marshes or to chase the waterfowl, 
 
 ® Dict. Suppl. 697. 
 
————————— 
 
 34 THE FESTIVAL-HALL IN THE GREAT TEMPLE OF BUBASTIS. 
 
 which were killed with a kind of boomerang. 
 Probably Osorkon, like some of his predecessors, 
 liked that sport; and this representation 1s 
 perhaps also a way of expressing that all 
 conditions of men living in the neighbourhood 
 partook of the festival. We have seen the 
 peasants, those who “ go about in the fields”’ ; 
 here we have the chasseurs and the fishermen, 
 who appear also in the temple. 
 
 We have now to consider the last scenes of | 
 
 the festival, which are on the wall F, on the 
 western side of the doorway. As we saw before 
 on the southern wall, some of the scenes which 
 begin on the long wall, turn the angle and 
 are continued on the western side. Itis the 
 case, for instance, with the representation 
 which begins on pl. xx. and ends on pl. xxiv., 
 and where we see Osorkon sittige in his shrme, 
 with several kinds of priests behind him. These 
 priests appear again before him (pl. xxiv.). 
 We have again the wa carrying his basket, 
 before him two men called sen, ‘‘ the brother,” 
 are lying down. Another who is standing is 
 pouring something out of ajar. Further, two 
 men are sitting with a kind of plate or board 
 on their hands. One of them is called ha or 
 sekhem, the other is the “‘mouth-opener.” It 
 is said that they are sitting, and that “the tep 
 retu (the shrine) is on the north.” Under- 
 neath the same men are standing; they hold each 
 other by the hand, and somebody, perhaps the 
 
 sem who is looking at them, says: “Turn round | 
 
 towards the north.” We often see in funeral 
 scenes that a priesb was to go round a statue 
 
 a certain number of times, generally four. | 
 | sitting in shrines, raised on platforms; he has 
 
 Here there is no statue or monument of any 
 lind, and probably the priests perform a kind 
 of religious dance before the king. Lvidently 
 dances were an important part of the worship 
 of the Hgyptians, as is usual with many African 
 nations. 
 
 Hicher still we see Osorkon standing im what 
 is called ‘‘the house of the north” (pl. xxiii.). 
 Before him are priests and emblems which have 
 
 occurred already many times. Osorkon seems 
 to be marching towards the shrine, which he 
 reaches in the register above this. Bast is not 
 in the shrine, she is outside, and the priest sem 
 acts as door-opener. Before him men running 
 shout: “On the ground, on the ground!” 
 probably to the men bearing maces who 
 come towards them. Underneath are two 
 “‘voval daughters” saying: “ Wait, Kherheb,”’ 
 perhaps while a scene of offering a 2 (No. 6) 
 takes place. On the upper row we see six men 
 walking towards six poles with a broad base, 
 arranged inaline(No. 5). These six poles have 
 a mystical sense which we do not understand. 
 Among the funeral offerings we often find a 
 line of four which is presented to the deceased ; 
 it is called WSS neter aft “the holy four,’’ ° 
 = 
 mann 
 
 or simply See aft, “four,” or even ~~~ set 
 
 nw — 
 
 “water.’’ Onceon a coftinof theeleventhdynasty 
 we find the six poles,’ and they are called there 
 
 | (ay neter sas, ‘‘ the holy six.” We find also 
 
 on a coffin of the same epoch “ the holy three” 
 and the “holy four.” It is quite impossible at 
 
 present to assign a meaning to this extra- 
 ordinary offering, which in this case is not 
 called the holy six, but afohy “the holy circle 
 of Bast” Kim “brought and laid on the 
 ground.” What has Bast to do with the 
 number six? and how does this number 
 constitute her circle, or her orbit? has it any 
 reference to astronomy ? 
 
 are questions to 
 which we can give no answer. 
 In the two last scenes (pl. xxi.) Osorkon is 
 
 always the emblems of Osiris, he is the god to 
 whom worship is offered. Amon, to whom the 
 festival seemed at first to be dedicated, does not 
 now appear; the apotheosis of the sovereign 
 is complete. I do not think that Osorkon 
 
 ® Leps., Aclt, Texte, pl. 36; Schiaparelli, Libro dei fun, 
 Testo hier., pl. 21. 
 a Woepsy il. Ca Die Ost. 
 
THE OFFERINGS AND THE 
 
 remains in the left shrine; the priests seem to 
 go away from it, and the text may be trans- 
 lated “to depart from the tep ret,’ from the 
 shrine where he is sitting. The sem who has 
 gone down the stairs, the prophets with the 
 holy emblems, the kherheb, all seem to be 
 marching towards the next shrine, where 
 Osorkon will sit again. It is called the 
 “house of putting the fans in their place. 
 The fan-bearers go up the stairs towards the 
 shrine, where possibly they leave them. The 
 fans were a tribute of the negroes,® and it may 
 
 be that the fan-bearers of Osorkon were also 
 Hthiopians. ‘The fans always accompany the 
 rising of a god,or of a king. We see them 
 
 * Leps., Denkm, iii., 117. 
 
 SHRINES OF THE NORTH. 35 
 
 with the boats containing the holy emblems, 
 when they are carried out on a festival day,® or 
 
 with the king when he is sitting on his litter 
 in the sight of his conquered enemies,! or when 
 he is supposed to rise out of his shrine in the 
 emple. It is rather an exception that Osorkon 
 should appear carried on his litter without 
 being followed by fan-bearers. The reason of 
 it may be want of space, which we saw before 
 
 compelled the engravers to simplify several of 
 she scenes of the festival. As it is, the putting 
 
 away of the fans, the storing them in a shrine, 
 seems to indicate that the rising is over, and 
 
 hat the festival is at an end. 
 
 ® Td. 180, 189, 235. 
 1 Td, 100, 121, 139. 
 
PLATE. 
 
 Frontispiece. 
 JUN 
 
 TV.—IX. 
 X.—XIII. 
 XIV.—XVII. 
 XVIIT.—XxX. 
 XXI.—XXIV. 
 XXY. & XXVII. 
 XXVI. 
 XXVIII.—XXXT. 
 
 XXXIT.—XXXYV. 
 XXXVI. 
 XXXVILI. 
 XXXVITI. 
 
 CONTENTS OF PLATES. 
 
 Restoration of the Entrance to the Festival-Hall. 
 Inscriptions of Wall A: the First Ascent to the Pavilion. 
 B: the Rising of the God, and the Assembly of Divinities. 
 
 ” eS C, id. 
 
 5 - D: the Second Ascent to the Pavilion. 
 
 es * E: the Offerings and Shrines of the North. 
 6 8 if, id. 
 
 Various Fragments. 
 
 Basement of the Side Walls. 
 
 The Inscriptions joined together, showing the position of each Block on its 
 respective Wall. 
 
 Restoration of the Walls of the Entrance. 
 
 The Festival-Hall when first unearthed. 
 
 Block of the Wall D (pl. xv. 4). 
 
 Phot. Rey. W. MacGregor. 
 Phot. Count d’Hulst. 
 
 Block of the Wall C (pl. xii. 7); above, Head of a Woman of the time of 
 Amenophis III. (Bubastis, p. 33, pl. xxxv. a); and Fragment of a 
 Statuette of the XXVIth Dynasty (Bubastis, p. 55, pl. xliti. p). 
 Rey. W. MacGregor. 
 
 Phot. 
 
TIN DEX: 
 
 PAGE 
 
 PANO © fo5- Gos 0G. do Sas he Coc IG, BE WS 
 Abydos ... on coo 4 ID, ZO; ao 
 PAlistitaie Fase | -chc) cen Bde) eae MDE pos. Bae Ads PAO 
 Mlexandriny @eyeauc.cae ee mee ee te te eee, 
 DAG vet lillian 
 
 oO 
 
 or 
 
 Amenophis IIL., king ... E 
 Amkhent, priest fot ene) ae 8, 13, 14, 29, 30 
 Amon, god ... 2, 4, 7, 8, 10, 11, 18, 15, 17—-20, 29, 34 
 Amonra sonter Borg aoe ced heed se uma mcs elle! 
 Amsi, see Khem. 
 
 Wnhuryeod, 8. sea See ge et ee ae ee ee 
 a5. tke coo Why TH, WE, AAO) 
 PASSER NON so Bon! poe eH op. aos: eb Go con 
 Apis oad) ““ouol “oud - ted: Bobi Bae 20, 22 
 
 ? 
 
 5 
 
 Apuat, god 11, 12; 14, 18, 22, 23 
 2 
 it 
 
 Anubis ... 
 
 of the South Ile, 4S 1b, 21, 
 
 EWR) Ne. © Go5 Gon pea. abo. de ona ih, 
 ATISHOUG sna) wins, ota avin eae Rereyeons Seca Tee ee Po, 
 Arriien, PUincees: Avex, see, eaea. au eeeemeeen cee eee SLY, 
 Aish herald fettescce deca Messi saetrioe Piece Coen sO, 
 PICT Vets cena mente Cho, eon ns ode ong use “uo IE) 
 PN s5) i064. cong osu. ood’ ood géo odo ais bua HO) 
 ASPS.c5: «cl Ghent Re oth aan, es eee cane LO EG 
 Atef, headdress ats aah gates teas ute fas 13, 18, : 
 Pte R Re, Teak) wens. “sony aoge eee tem hod see! veces 20) 
 MMi, SEENON OM sce ao Gan fen fon cen Hh, I) 
 
 Bandages, he who isin his—god... ... 1... 0... 15, 20 
 1, 6—9, 16, 19, 23, 26, 29, 30, 34 
 FELT SURIESS coe. soo. aa. “apo. outs gan “ase Moto.) soo 2Yh 
 Bevo) MIRE Santa saree Anon toda etiie meain: aceon) eee 10) 
 NEO GS Waka Goo “Hie ds cad | An UobaY noe. ote. 210) 
 Deine: Abo. neds oo (ober obd. “oame “Med foes, abe dae, 20) 
 PECIDTAPIROSL cad weRuG ison Abby adds amoe Tear tay eeu AAO) 
 EOC ANO EOS A bat cde str ccce tom were erncee cara ee) 
 TSLoKoVEMIN yes gon 00 O60 coo. poo. apa doo 6a Bx$ 
 
 eae 1.28, 29, 34 
 . 7, 9, 12, 16, 20—-22, 24, 30 
 
 Bast, goddess... 
 
 Brother, divine—priest... 
 
 Brugsch, Prof... 
 
 Bubastis... ... 1, 2, 410, 12915, 17, 18, 21, 22, 29, 
 21, 2 
 
 Bull... 1, 22, 
 Buto 
 Canopus, inscription of DOSE eon bout icone cea Cat, 
 
 Chamberlain ... 
 Choachytes 
 Chronicles 
 Clepsydra 
 Comte 
 
 Denderah 
 
 Dios, month 
 Dongola ... 
 Doseh, ceremony 
 
 Dwarfs ... 
 
 Eating, hall of 
 Eeliptie ... 
 Edfoo 
 Blephantines 1-4 sce etsese) ee-aeess- aca eee eet 
 Engraver... 
 
 Epiphi, month 
 
 Esarhaddon 
 
 Esneh gop. Acq Gao: G7 oho ods. ddd okt 
 HUWTO place? Ss ,at rater Glee tore cee preemie 24, 27, 
 Hthropians: ad oor eras cea casu) Gscuieees 25 
 
 Hudoxus... 
 
 Bante ane ope ano nee ene see ee see eee 32 
 Han-beavers itr. weer a te OS 
 Fayoom ... 
 
 Fountain... ac Gs 
 
 Four, the holy—emblem 
 
 Friend, see Semer. 
 
 Genesis ... sae ison Hits 
 (CD) ONENS o05 og cop bdo. 600 coolZh, Ils), Sil, 
 
 nN 
 
 pwwnhy eR 
 noo 
 
 Co a ow 
 
 Lo 
 
 8 
 32 
 
38 
 
 Great Bear 
 
 Hamamat 
 
 Haphap ... 
 
 Hapis, see Apis. 
 
 Harmakhis, god 
 
 Harris Papyrus 
 
 Hathor 
 
 Heb, city... 
 
 Heb, emblem . F 
 Heb-Sed, see Sed: festival, 
 Hekes, god 
 
 Heliopolis 
 
 Hermopolis 
 
 Hermopolis parva ... 
 Herodotus 
 
 Heru heku, magicians 
 Herushau, nomads ... 
 
 Fetep, priest ... 
 
 Homer é 
 
 (Honey iy. vas 
 
 Fforhiken, god... 
 
 Hormerti, god... 500 
 Horshesu, followers of Horus 
 Hor Thehen, God ... 
 
 Taba) ase cog con lll PAD), PA 
 
 Hyksos ... 
 
 Inspectors of the Palace . 
 Introduction of the King, ceremony 
 Isis ... 
 
 Jackal 
 Joseph 
 Judges 
 
 Ka, double 
 Karnak. 
 Karoama, queen 
 princess... : 
 Kenbtu shau, Sede of the South 
 Khem, god 
 Khen, basket 
 Khen, spirits of 
 Khentma, god... 
 Khepra, god .. eon 
 Kherheb, priest ... 10, 12 oie 15, 
 Kherp nesti, pricst ... 
 Khnum, god ... 
 ‘Khoiak, month 
 Khonst ... 
 
 Se 
 
 INDEX. 
 PAGE 
 22 | Khonsu Neferhotep 
 
 ep we 
 
 ex 
 
 a) 
 bo b> bh co oF bb DH WwW t© bd bw 
 CoO AOWrHwWI oOo oO S 
 
 * 31 
 
 9, 12, 13, 17, 18, 26 
 5 ili 
 
 26, 27 
 
 14, 20, 23, 33 
 
 2, 12, 14, 20 
 
 Khuenaten 
 Kurneh ... 
 
 IDEAPEMIBE) Gos O05 O00 
 Letopolis... fe 
 Lycopolis, see Sioot, 
 
 Magicians 
 
 Magician, the pret 
 Mahes, god... 
 Mahler, Prof... 
 Manetho ... 
 
 Marea 
 
 Marshal ... 
 Maspero, Prof. 
 
 Med Medamut 
 Medinet Haboo 
 Megiddo... 
 Memphis... 
 
 Mena, collar ... 
 Menhit, goddess 
 Menthu Ra, god 
 Menthw of Thebes ... 
 Merhi, god 
 
 Mer peruer, official... 
 Mesopotamia ... 
 Metelis 
 
 Middle Empire 
 Mnevis, bull ... 
 Moon 
 
 Moriones, dwarfs 5 
 Mother, divine—of Sioot, Panta 
 Mouth-opener, priest 
 Musicians 
 
 Mut, goddess ... 
 
 Nefertum, god 
 Negroes ... : 
 WNekheb, goddess 
 Neith : 
 Nekhthorheb, ae 
 Nephthys 
 
 Neter, sanctuary 
 Neter, priest ... 
 Nubia 
 
 nome of... 
 
 Nubians ... 
 Nubti 
 
 Nun, god 
 
 Nut, goddess ... 
 
 » 10, 14, 9 
 
 6, 20, 22, 
 
 Ww LW bo 
 ew oy 
 
 bo by 
 
 ~ 
 
 m bo ww to ww bo bo 
 oO = 
 
 ow 
 
 a 
 
 ho bo oo bo 
 oO 
 
 Oo 
 
Obelisk ... 
 Observatory 
 Old Empire 
 Ombos 
 Onncityarere 
 
 On, emblem 
 "Ovovpis, god ... 
 Osiris 
 
 Osorkon I. 
 Osorkon IT. 
 Oxyrynchos ... 
 
 Pz ge B 
 Pakhons, month 
 Pann. 
 Panopolis 
 Pavilion ... 5, 
 Payni, month... 
 
 Pe, spirits of ... 
 Peasants ... 
 
 Pelican 
 
 Pepi, king 
 
 Peruer, sanctuary 
 Petrie, Flinders 
 
 Philae 
 
 Pidou 
 Pheenix, period 
 Phthah 
 
 10— 
 
 9, 10, 13-15, 17, 25, 26, 29, 
 
 Phthah Tonen, see Tonen. 
 
 Piankhi, king... 
 Prince 
 
 Prophet ... 
 Pselcis 
 
 Ptolemies, kings 
 Bere 
 Pygmies ... 
 
 REY Sop 
 
 Rameses II. 
 
 Rameses III. ... 
 
 Red Sea ... 
 
 Rekhiu 
 
 Retennu ... 
 
 Rifeh 
 
 Rising of a god 
 of a king 
 
 Rougé, EK. de ... 
 
 Saadeyah dervishes... 
 Sacred writers, school of 
 Safekh abui, goddess 
 
 Sa ket, priest...  .. 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 22 
 
 won OB 
 1, 20, 25 
 0) 
 19, 21, 22 
 21, 22 
 20 
 
 “i, 12, 14, 16, 29, 
 
 2 
 ine 20, 28 
 3 
 
 15—17, 93 note 
 27, 34 
 ooo |= 8} 
 aioe ai 
 Loni 
 aa 1B} 
 19, 20 
 
 wo 
 
 ( 
 a) 
 Or 
 
 oo : 
 bv 
 eo 
 
 eo G9 bo Go et 
 i=) 
 
 . 8, 16—18, 83 
 
 39 
 PAGE 
 Sais... 20 
 Samanood 20 
 Sash, police . oe 30 
 Schweinfurth, Dr, Bad Den ern pode cH 
 Seb, god ... co US} 20); 2D, BH 
 Sebek, god 18, 20 
 Sebennytos RSem tee Seite MecemcinpmE ats : Be 
 Sed-festival ... 2, 4, 5, 6 note, 7—10, 119, a, 22, 2 
 Sed-period) lese esa ssn ease s65805) 162006, 0a8s - 
 Sekhem tout, god ial 
 Sekhet, goddess ©), ils) 
 
 Selk, goddess ... 
 
 Sem, priest 
 
 Semer, priest ... 
 Sendjerli 
 
 Sep, throne 
 
 Septuagint . 
 
 Set, god ... 
 
 Seti I. 
 
 Shashotep 
 
 Shayaleen 
 
 Sheb, see Glesyaet 
 Shoteb 
 
 Shu, god... 
 
 Silver gilt 
 
 Sinaitic peninsula ... 
 Singer 06 Bo 
 Singers, chief of the 
 
 Sioot, Lycopopolis ... 
 Sistrum ... F ood 
 Six, the holy— onl Omir 
 
 So csp os ames ww DN, Til, TY, 1, 1G, 
 
 Solstice .., 
 Solstice, winter 
 South wind 
 Stanley, H. M. 
 Strabo 
 
 Sutensahu, officials... 
 Syria 
 Syrians 
 
 [MERCI 66 G60. ceo coo” don 
 
 Tahraka ... 
 Tashakheper, princess 
 Tefnut, goddess : 
 Tell el Yahoodieh ... 
 Tep retu, shrine 
 Thebes 
 
 Thehennu, nation 
 Thes, priest 
 
 Thirty years, period of—see Sed een 
 
 ae 20 
 HG, 2S, 24, 34, 35 
 so US I OB), HB) 
 25 
 
 ae ae 1 
 
 10 note 
 
 7, 15, 20, 21, 25, 33 
 
 . 2, 12, 19 
 19, 20 
 nse een l 
 
 i=) 
 
 NI 
 
 9 bo to bo bo 
 Sy HU 
 
 1) 
 
 Lo 
 Re 
 
 bo a bo 
 oO 
 
 He Ot 
 
 be Le 
 ant oo 
 
 a 
 
40 
 
 Thoth, god 
 
 THOU eee Te 
 Three, the holy —emblem 
 Tonen, god 
 Tpvaxovraerypis 
 Troglodytes 
 Tum, god 
 
 Ua, pricst 
 Uaua ee 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 12 
 
 ae Oh 
 
 5, 13, 2830 
 pig shee es 
 24, 26, 27, 31 
 13, 15, 25, 26 
 
 Uer, priest... 
 Uerhekt, goddess 
 Uoti, goddess... 
 Uraeus, see Asp. 
 Usertesen III., king 
 Ushebti, statuettes ... 
 
 Wady Halfa 
 
 Zerah 
 
 i 
 
= a = =: -— 
 
yay 
 
 WAYS 
 
 IM 
 
 e 
 
 SOR 
 
 DA HHATOOAT TH OQUON 
 
 N 
 
 Sn lg 
 
 HAH 
 I 
 
| 
 Scale 
 
ko 
 
 ax 
 Sy 
 
 aa 
 
 Gow 
 
 A\ VY Ce 
 
 wt} HAG 
 
 — 
 
 - = RN} 
 oN : a] (Ay by | 
 
 = oh i 
 
 SS (NO GSS 
 
aim! 
 
 naVck 
 
i 
 j 
 I 
 \ 
 | 
 ' 
 ! 
 i! 
 
i} 
 | 
 lf 
 | 
 | 
 | 
 
Coe Ce 
 
 REN WS ‘ 
 
 is | 
 
 } 
 i” 
 
 | 
 
Zoe 
 eis 
 
EAS 
 
Sis 
 LASS 
 
 NY 
 ww 107] 
 \ ie) 
 
 IQ 
 . O 
 B e 
 
 | AR oat 
 i | i yass 
 | iC ‘ \ om 
 | S Mie 
 . | 10 
 
 O|| ! 
 | i WI 
 , pe 
 
 <= 
 = 
 OL 
 
 ‘OOTIO 
 
 f— 1) 
 
 48 
 
OVC Ol © CUCTGIE 
 
 Pit, Wil. 
 
 er 
 aN | 
 Ay sa ‘Al 
 
 S| 
 
 Nis a yi 
 
 ills: 
 
 ©} Bae 
 OIOVOL GOO 
 
 foxy — 
 
 2 SORE I. ies 
 50 BUAO6| S 
 
 BEI ZZ 
 ZFS Ge LYE 
 Ai VO EO RSAO 
 SOUSVOUG GUO TO 
 mn TM TH Tm 
 
 dslbacss0e 
 
 GES OY 
 
 —— 
 
 WH alll 
 
 Ds ti 
 nel P= | 
 
 le Ze Vig Fs 
 4 NS 4 
 OOWO 
 
1S VSWOVUS] 
 
 ee 
 
 Vat 
 
 Cy; 
 
 FC NG A Ke 
 
 HI: 
 
 25 
 Al 
 YL 
 
 ey 2 
 
 | 
 
 lo 
 
 JOQUO| 
 
 O 
 
 ov} 
 
 | 
 | 
 | 
 
 . 
 
 { 
 
 . 
 
 OC 
 
 Seale 
 
 WY | 
 
VIUl. 
 
 ies 
 
 a 
 
 = =e) 
 
 iQfetoe ) | 
 
x 
 al 
 \_ (¢ 
 ie 
 | Lair 4 
 | VA 
 
 AS 6S Nei VM (v(G)) 
 
 ae 
 
 WE OE 
 
 ae eon ys Ine = s : 
 
 se UU ae 
 
 ee ¢ 
 
 ‘ 
 
 SS RUT Ba 
 
7) 
 
 ae 
 
 | 
 
 Seale 
 
 Jak 
 
 ISU: 4 
 
 — FR 25 ow ot an Pe TENA) Om Noe Ld! 
 
 FOU 
 
 2-6 
 
re Loree EEE ee a ————S— a = —— 
 ee ea OK = = — = SSS 
 (Se < = aia cae ta a ————S = = = = 
 —— = — = = —— ———= a aniT = = 
 = = Be — ——_ 
 
 XI. 
 
 PL: 
 
 eos 
 
{ 
 i 
 i 
 : 
 
 XI. 
 
 Pie 
 
Ios Sasi, 
 
 P 
 
 “Sal 
 
 (4; 
 ee, 
 leah 
 foley S ne 
 
 i] HSH) 
 
| 
 
“PES &q § cox — 
 ayy 
 
 3 gah 
 
 ( § (Aieas WN) Or 
 
 |BAw 
 
Pate SW 
 
XV. 
 
 Pls 
 
Bal ade a ot atlas 
 
 eli ria Pols 
 
 wv 
 i 
 | 
 } 
 i 
 i 
 i 
 f 
 i 
 } 
 } 
 
| 
 | 
 | 
 } 
 
TT 
 
 EN | 
 (Aloe 0i ‘ 
 
 } tu 
 [ey 
 
 I /| 
 
 i | ICH 
 | | 4 \ es < 
 
 \ EEE =e 
 
XVI. 
 
 Pt, 
 
 Seale 
 
 a _ i ' 
 
 f =< @/ 
 
5 27 Sa Ss 
 
PRiexeviille 
 
XIX, 
 
 ie 
 
 Ss So’ 
 ° ped to 
 
 te 
 
2ypa¢ 
 
 SEE RAILS SRL 
 
 | | 
 
 4 Al 
 
a 
 
Pies OST, 
 
Ji, SOTUG 
 
 ia 
 ‘ill: 
 I] DIC) 
 
 \ 
 
 X 
 
 \ 
 \ 
 
 oS 
 
 Oar 
 
 Af 
 
 =| Sa aS 
 
 NEC) Al 
 
 “4 
 
 Zak [pe 
 
 @=t 
 
 oF 
 
 | 
 
Sa TT 
 
_ Bae 
 reniaees [2k AMF 
 
 Chit 
 
 g WY 
 
 ie 
 
1} > 
 a bs 
 I r4 | 
 i ij re { 
 fi 
 | 
 i | 
 4 | 
 4 f 
 i | 
 tt 
 i. 
 | 
 r 
 
XXV. 
 
 Pit 
 
f 
 i 
 i] 
 i 
 i 
 | 
 f 
 t 
 } 
 | 
 | 
 | 
 | 
 ! 
 = = SS Ss SS ar aac alah 
 
Pit. X XVII. 
 
——— rr a 
 
vast) 
 
 (I 
 
ide 
 
 South S 
 
AXIX. 
 
 Pr: 
 
 -Wall 
 
—— aes 
 
 q 
 
 i 
 , 
 i 
 
——— 
 
ie 
 
 t 
 \ 
 
 North 
 
| 
 } 
 Ii 
 
 OSI 
 
 Pie 
 
 ide-Wall 
 
 1S 
 
AXXAL. 
 
 Phe. 
 
 Yi 
 
 Hace 
 
 Inner I] 
 
 (West) 
 
—~ 
 
Pie ROKONIND, 
 
 ay 
 
 Outer Face 
 
 (Showing the South side-wall.) 
 
1 
 f 
 i 
 
Pry XOX 
 
 Outer Face 
 
 ; (Showing the North side-wall.) 
 
XXXIV. 
 
 Pi 
 
 Face 
 
 Tnner 
 
 (Showing the South side-wall.) 
 
 yi ee 
 
 titan 
 
 ay 
 
XXX. 
 
 DY, 
 
 e 
 
 ac 
 
 Inner F 
 
 the North side-wall.) 
 
 o 
 S) 
 
 (Showing 
 
Se ET 
 
 XXXVI. 
 
 ee 
 
 — ay 
 
XXAVIT 
 
 Pie 
 
NOONAN 
 
 Pit, 
 
Sa Ss 
 
GETTY RESEARCH INSTITUTE ~ 
 
 i 
 
 01 
 
EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND 
 
 The Store-City of Pithom and the Route of the Exodus. 
 By Epovarbd Nayittr. With Thirteen Plates and Two Maps. Third 
 Edition. 1888. 255. 
 
 Tanis. Part Il. By W. M. Fuinpers Prrrie. With 
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 Naukratis. Part 1. By W. M. Friinpers Perris. 
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 V. Heap. With Forty-four Plates and Seven Plans. Second Edition, 
 1888. 255, 
 
 . Goshen, and the Shrine of Saft-el-Flenneh. By Epovarp 
 
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 (Zahpanhes). By W. M. Fuinpers Perrie. With Chapters by 
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 Plans. 1888. 255. 
 
 VI. Naukrates. Part 11. By Ernest A. GARDNER. With 
 an Appendix by F. Lu. GrirrirH. With Twenty-four Plates and Plans, 
 1889. 255. 
 
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 VIII. Bubastis. By Epovarp NaviLiE. With Fifty-four Plates 
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 Professor HrinricH BrucscuH. With Fifteen Plates. 1889, 55, 
 
 X. The Festival Hall of Osorkon IT. in the Great Temple of 
 
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 By Percy E. Newserry. With Three Coloured Plates by M. W. Blackden; 
 Plans, Appendix, and Two Phototypes by G. Willoughby Fraser ; and 
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