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 NUMISMATIC NOGES.; 
 AND MONOGRAPHSé; 
 No. 17 | ile ee 
 
 
 
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 SIX ROMAN BRONZE MEDALLIONS 
 
 By AGNES BALDWIN Brett 
 
 THE AMERICAN NUMISMATIC SOCIETY 
 BROADWAY AT 156TH STREET 
 NEW YORK 
 1923 
 
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mUMISMATIC 
 
 NOTES AND MONOGRAPHS 
 
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 SIX ROMAN BRONZE MEDALLIONS 
 
 BY 
 
 AGNES BALDWIN { 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 SS 
 NUMISMATIO a 
 SOCIETY QRS 
 
 
 
 THE AMERICAN NUMISMATIC SOCIETY 
 BROADWAY AT 156TH STREET 
 NEW YORK 
 1923 
 
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 COPYRIGHT 1923, 
 THE AMERICAN NUMISMATI 
 
 n 
 
 
 
 Press or Patterson & WHIT 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 SIX ROMAN BRONZE 
 MEDALLIONS 
 
 MEDALLION OF MANTINEA, ARCADIA 
 
 ANTINOUS, DIED 130 A.D. 
 
 1. QObv. BeETOY, on |. upwards,—proc, 
 on r. downwards (Vetourios). Bust of 
 Antinous to left, head inclined slightly 
 downwards, shoulders bare; border of 
 dots. 
 
 Rev. Totc, above,—apPxKACI, on r. 
 downwards, “to the Arcadians.” 
 Horse advancing to the right on ex- 
 ergual line, left foreleg raised: border 
 of dots. 
 
 ‘HZ medallion, 41 mm. 39.30 gr., dark 
 green patination. Pierpont Morgan 
 Coll. (formerly Martinetti and Ner- 
 vegna Coll., Cat. No. 2051). Plate I. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mewite VASE IC) NOTES 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
ie eee 
 B ROMAN BROWS 
 
 This Antinous medallion of Veturius 
 with bust to the left is apparently a new 
 example which has not been published. 
 It is not illustrated in the Martinetti 
 Catalogue nor described as to weight and 
 size, but as the other bronze medallions 
 in the Pierpont Morgan Collection are all 
 from this source, this is presumably the 
 piece described under No. 2051 of the 
 catalogue. . 
 
 It is a remarkably fine piece and the 
 portrait is quite similar to that of the 
 medallions of Corinth (Achzan Confed- 
 eration) and of Chalcedon (G. Blum, 
 Jour. Internat., Pl. i, 14 ‘and Pl. iii, 
 9), which represent Antinous with broad 
 shoulders and bust of, rather heavy pro- 
 portions, bare, three-quarters to the left, 
 'and with head in profile. The medallion 
 of Corinth with the head tilted slightly 
 downwards is a closer parallel than the 
 Chalcedonian piece. On the _ present 
 piece the head is still further inclined, a) 
 pose which gives to the portrait a grave 
 and reflective expression. The beautiful 
 Arcadian medallion now in the British 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 NUMISMATITCHeh ee 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 Meet Ee LON:S 
 
 
 
 Museum (B. M. Cat. Peloponnesus, PI. 
 XXXili, I, bust to the r.) obtains this same 
 eifect by a slightly different means, 
 namely, by the left shoulder being also 
 raised. One may safely assume these 
 broad, bare busts on the medallions to 
 have been inspired from sculpture, prob- 
 ably a bas-relief of which there were 
 many in ancient times as the numerous 
 survivals indicate. 
 
 The Antinous medallions constitute 
 the grand exception to the rule, that only 
 the emperor’s portrait or that of mem- 
 bers of his family could be placed upon 
 the regular coinage or the medallions, 
 whether issued by the Roman emperors 
 in the capital itself or by local authorities 
 in the Greek provinces. There are only 
 a few issues among the copper coins 
 struck in the Greek cities under Roman 
 rule which bear types other than imperial 
 portraits. These types are occasionally 
 a local god or hero, but usually personi- 
 fications such as the city-goddess TYXH, 
 the Demos IHPOCG AHMOGC, the Senate 
 IEPA CYNKAHTOC, or Boule IEPA 
 
 
 
 
 
 Parent CO NO’G RA PHS 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
ROM A Neeser 
 
 
 
 A 
 
 
 
 BOYAH. The majority of these are les- 
 ser issues of a very moderate size. An 
 exceptional piece of this class is the large 
 bronze piece, of Sardes\/ Raa ac cr 
 Lydia, Pl. xxvi, 1) with the head of the 
 city-goddess, Sardis, veiled and turreted 
 on the obverse. Other cities of Lydia, 
 Saitta, Thyatira and Tralles issued coins 
 of the “first bronze” size with the head 
 of the Senate personified as a youth or 
 as a veiled woman. 
 
 It is to this class of coins, imperial 
 issues of the Greek cities of the empire, 
 which by exception do not bear heads 
 of the emperors or their families, that 
 the Antinous medallions belong. Proof 
 of this may be found in the fact that 
 bronze coins of the ordinary small sizes 
 bear Antinous heads, e. g., coins of 
 Sardes (B. M. Cat. Lydia; Pl xavipaioy, 
 of Nicopolis in Epirus (G. Blum, Jour. 
 [nternat., 1914, Pl. 1, 1), the reverse bear- 
 ing the ethnic just like the ordinary 
 nunusmatic issues (cf. B. M. Cat. Thes- 
 saly, Pl. xix, 16, a Nicopolis coin with an 
 entirely similar reverse to the Antinous 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 NUM IS MATT Cow Gere 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mie DAL EIONS 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 coin, but bearing the head of Philip, Sr.). 
 This is especially clear in the case of the 
 Egyptian coinage of Alexandria which, 
 as the country of Antinous’ death and of 
 his immediate deification, commemorated 
 the dead hero with abundant issues. 
 There are a great variety of reverse dies 
 in the Alexandria issues, and the same is 
 true of the emissions of Tarsus, Bithyn- 
 1um and Smyrna. 
 
 One must not be misled, therefore, by 
 the appearance of our medallion, its fine 
 style and medallic character, its inscrip- 
 tion “BETOYPIOC 9 TOIG © APKACTI, 
 “Veturius (sc. aveOqxe), dedicated (1. e., 
 the issue) to the Arcadians,” into regard- 
 ing it as a true medal. For examples 
 are quite frequent on the regular bronze 
 coinage of Imperial times in the Province 
 of Asia, where the formula avéOyxe, at 
 times coupled with the formula, attyst- 
 wevog OF attHanevov, “at the request of,” 
 is used by the civic magistrates or some 
 private individual holding a municipal 
 or priestly office. On the medallions of 
 Antinous the following formule occur: 
 
 Pager NOG ER A Pe S 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 ROMAN! BROW 
 
 
 
 
 
 Tloheuwv avebyxe Uuvevators, at Smyrna, 
 ‘Ootthiog MaoxédAog totic “Ayators dve- 
 )4xe at Corinth (Achzan Koinon), ’Agto- 
 TOTILOS AvEOnxev tepevds at Delphi; and on 
 the following medallions, avéOyxe is to be 
 understood; Téatog tote *“Adpauvtnqvore, 
 Adramyteum, IovAteg Natoovivos "Avxved- 
 vots, Ancyra, and ‘Inmzwv Xadxadoviore, 
 Chalcedon, just as on the Arcadian piece. 
 These individuals who dedicated an issue 
 of coins or medallions probably paid for 
 the expenses incidental to a new issue 
 as an acknowledgment of their political 
 or religious honors. Polemon of Smyrna 
 has been identified with M. Antonius 
 Polemon, who obtained a rich donation 
 for Smyrna from Hadrian. He was a 
 Strategos of Smyrna as the coins tell us 
 (B. M. Cat. Ionia, p. 277). Aristotimus 
 and Hostilius Marcellus were priests, 
 the former high-priest at Delphi (G. 
 ‘Blum, /. c., p. 61): the latter is desig- 
 nated “priest of Antinous” on one me- 
 dallion. Veturius, whose name appears 
 on all the Arcadian medallions of An- 
 tinous, is otherwise unknown but was 
 
 
 
 
 
 NUM 1S MATH Cw Gaia 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 Mee mal lel ONS 
 
 
 
 probably like the other dedicators, an 
 influential citizen holding some civic of- 
 fice, who defrayed in whole or in part the 
 ‘expenses of the new issue, perhaps 
 “merely the initial cost of engraving the 
 die, just as a private individual today 
 may be responsible for the issue of a 
 medal. 
 
 The occasion on which these special 
 issues were made was doubtless a festival 
 held in honor of the dead hero. This 
 seems particularly confirmed by the Ar- 
 cadian medallions, for Pausanias (Bk. 
 VIII, 9. 4) mentions an annual festival 
 and games every fourth year in honor of 
 Antinous at Mantinea, where conse- 
 quently it may be inferred that these me- 
 dallions were struck. The passage is one 
 of the chief sources for the subject and 
 bears directly on this medallion. Hence 
 it may be quoted at length from Frazer’s 
 translation, Pausanias’ Description of 
 Greece; Vol. 1, p. 384 f.. “Antinous is 
 esteemed by them a god, and his temple 
 is the newest at Mantinea. The Em- 
 peror Hadrian was exceedingly at- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Pee nh OeN-O GR A PHS 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 oo a 
 
 ROMAN? BRO@Bze 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 tached to him. I never saw him in 
 life, but I have seen statues and paintings 
 of him. An Egyptian city on the 
 Nile is named after Antinous,’ and he 
 receives homage in other places. The 
 reason why he is honored in Mantinea 
 is this: Antinous was a native of 
 Bithynium, on the river Sangarius, and 
 the Bithynians are descended from Ar- 
 cadians of Mantinea. Therefore the 
 Emperor established his worship in Man- 
 tinea also and mysteries are celebrated in 
 his honor every year, and games every 
 fourth year.2 In the gymnasium at 
 Mantinea there is a chamber containing 
 images of Antinous; it is worth seeing 
 for the stones with which it is adorned 
 as well as for its paintings, most of 
 which represent Antinous generally in 
 the likeness of Dionysus.” An inscription 
 on an architrave found at Mantinea re- 
 cords the erection of a colonnade “For 
 the city of Mantinea and for the native 
 god Antinous” (Frazer, J. c., IV, p. 213). 
 
 Thus we see that Mantinea was an im- 
 portant, and probably the chief, center of 
 
 
 
 
 
 r 
 
 
 
 NUMISMAT1 CN es 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 Mepis El O N'S | 
 
 
 
 Antinous worship in Arcadia. How, 
 then, are we to interpret the reverse 
 type, a horse? It is not a Mantinean 
 coin-type, but the horse symbolism is 
 found in Arcadian myths of Demeter and 
 Poseidon. Now the chief cult of Man- 
 tinea was of Poseidon and the Mantin- 
 eans wore the trident as a shield emblem 
 (Praveen ac. fy) p-217). A sanctuary 
 of Poseidon Hippios was located near 
 Me ei yaciec.2L Vip. 216). Hence the 
 reverse type may be most naturally 
 understood as connected with Poseidon’s 
 cult. The inscription enables us to as- 
 sign this piece to Arcadia, and the occur- 
 rence of the Mantinean festival of 
 Antinous together with the existence of 
 the Mantinean cult of Poseidon, the 
 Horse, are the determining points in es- 
 tablishing Mantinea as the mint place. 
 Antinous was one of the latest gods to 
 be created for the Greco-Roman pan- 
 theon. The ultimate source of his di- 
 vinity is to be sought in hero-worship 
 and worship of the dead. Antinous died 
 a premature and tragic death from 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Se oO NOG RA PHS 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 IO 
 
 ROMAN BROWZE 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 drowning in the sacred waters of the 
 Nile; hence his deification in a land 
 where gods and superstition were innu- 
 merable. Doubtless, however, his fame as 
 a dead hero (he is called both @eéc, “god 
 or deified,” and jows, “hero,” on the me- 
 dallions) was the more easily secured 
 and his divinity more readily acquiesced 
 in, through the influence of emperor 
 worship. Antinous was, one may say, 
 adopted into the Imperial family of the 
 divi, the dead emperors, who had been 
 made gods. As Pausanias_ recounts, 
 Hadrian built a temple to Antinous in 
 Mantinea, and then caused him to be 
 formally raised to the rank of a god 
 (Spartianus, Hist. Emp. Hadrian, 14, 7; 
 Eusebius, Chronicon, 127; Tertullian, 
 Apologia, ch. 13). Antinoéia were cele- 
 brated at Athens, Eleusis, Argos and 
 Mantinea, and games called ta peyadra 
 "Avttvoeta were held at Mantinea. These 
 festivals continued long after his death, 
 which occurred in 130 aA.p., for an in- 
 scription relating thereto is probably to 
 be dated in the year 262 (Pauly-Wissowa, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ae 
 N.UM I S-M AST oC GN -Origees 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 Pawn TT ONS 
 
 isk 
 
 
 
 s. v., Antinoeia). The institution and 
 spread of his cult, due originally to Ha- 
 drian, could only have been possible in an 
 age when emperor worship had already 
 become an integral part of the Roman re- 
 ligion. However, there was no official 
 recommendation of his apotheosis on the 
 part of the Roman Senate, as was the case 
 with the majority of Roman Emperors 
 who were deified; nor do any of the 
 medallions belong to the Roman imperial 
 series. It was in Egypt the scene of his 
 death, in Bithynium his native city, in 
 Mantinea which colonized Bithynium, 
 and in those cities which probably re- 
 ceived special benefactions from Ha- 
 drian, that the medallions were issued. 
 This form of worship was naturally more 
 congenial to the Oriental mind, and 
 hence it is not surprising that the ma- 
 jority of the medallions are found to 
 have been struck in Egypt and in Asia. 
 the land of the Diadochi, the heirs to 
 Alexander’s kingdom, who inherited with 
 political rights the tradition of the di- 
 vinity of rulers established by Alexander. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Pere ONO'GRAPHS 
 ee) 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 I2 
 
 ROMAN BRONZS 
 
 —_s— 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 A symbol which appears on the coin- 
 age of the Seleucid kings of Syria, 
 namely, the star which is found over the 
 head and on the ends of the diadem worn 
 by Antiochus IV, who is styled Theos 
 Epiphanes, “the god manifest,’ on the 
 coins, is employed also on the Antinous 
 medallions as a sign of divinity (Blum, 
 l.c., Pl. iv, 5,6, 7—-Tarsus). This is the 
 symbol employed for the first Romans 
 who were divinized—Julius Cesar and 
 Augustus. Another attribute of deifica- 
 tion given to Antinous on the coins is the 
 Egyptian crown, and his assimilation to 
 various Greek gods, Dionysus, Pan and 
 Apollo, indicate the syncretism of the 
 period. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 NUMISMATT OWN Oi 
 
 
 

 
 MEoALLTONS 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 MEDALLION OF MARCUS AURELIUS, 
 164 A.D. 
 
 Z. Obv. M. AVREL. ANTONINVS AVG. 
 Peet) IMP, if. TR P. XVIII. COS. III. 
 M(arcus) Aurel(ius) Antoninus, 
 Aug(ustus) p(ontifex) maximus), 
 imp(erator) II tr(ibunicia) p(otestate ) 
 wi eeco esi). iit. Bust of 
 Marcus Aurelius in profile to the left, 
 seen from the rear, bare-headed and 
 bearded, wearing scaly cuirass and 
 paludamentum: border of dots. 
 
 Rev. No inscription. Figure of 
 Salus standing to the right under an 
 overhanging tree, left leg crossed over 
 right, leaning on a table before her, on 
 which is a statue of Hygieia. In her 
 left hand she holds a patera from 
 which she is feeding a serpent en- 
 twined around the body of the statue. 
 The serpent’s tail hangs down from the 
 table, on which is a vase and a laurel 
 garland; on the cross-bar is a bird 
 (dove?). Border of dots. 
 
 
 
 | 
 
 
 
 
 
 Reve MONOGRAPHS 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 14 
 
 ROMAN BERGA 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 A& medallion, 39 mm. 56 gr., dark 
 green patination. Pierpont Morgan 
 Coll., (formerly Martinetti-Nervegna 
 Cat... Pl xxv 2ige, Plate II. 
 
 Gnecchi, Medaglioni Romani, No. 81, Pl. 
 66. 3. Cohen, Médailles Impériales, p. 107, 
 No. 1050. Other examples: (1) London; 
 Grueber, Roman Medallions, No. 7, Pl. xx, 
 fig. 1. (2) Paris; Froehner, Médaillons 
 romains, p. 88. Similar medallions with 
 variations in the inscriptions and dates were 
 issued under Marcus in the years 165, 177 
 and 179 (Gnecchi, Nos. 21, 22 and 80). 
 The present medallion is the first type, and 
 was struck in 164. The reverse type is re- 
 
 produced under Commodus (Gnecchi, PI. 
 80-10). 
 
 This reverse type is a most charming 
 composition. It would take on a more 
 vivid meaning if we were to regard the 
 chief figure as representing the empress, 
 perhaps in the guise of Venus (in accord 
 with Froehner), rather than as an alle- 
 gorial personification. The empress her- 
 self, rather than the goddess Salus, nour- 
 
 
 
 /ishing Hygieia might indicate a special 
 
 prayer for health in a critical period. 
 But while the coiffure is similar to that 
 worn by Faustina, yet the drapery would 
 suggest rather the figure of a goddess. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 NUM IS MAT OG} Os 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 Mom ant Li TOONS 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 The suggestion of Froehner that the fig- 
 ure is Faustina in the pose and dress of 
 Venus is fairly acceptable. This type 
 was first used under M. Aurelius in 164, 
 but was repeated later in the years 165, 
 177 and 179. Now, Faustina Junior died 
 in 175. In spite of this one might, of 
 course, assume that the issues of the 
 years 177 and 179 offer no insurmounta- 
 ble objections to the interpretation of the 
 figure as Faustina. Once the type was 
 created, it might have been merely 
 copied. However, though Salus is often 
 represented on coins fully draped, where 
 she stands or sits with patera in hand 
 near an altar encoiled by a serpent (the 
 inscription Sarvs, frequently accom- 
 panying the figure and leaving no doubt 
 as to the identification), still on certain 
 medallions, notably two of Faustina’s 
 own, we find the semi-nude figure as the 
 Salus type (Gnecchi, Pl. 67, 3 and PI. 
 69, 2). Under Lucius Verus also, rep- 
 resentations of Salus (Gnecchi, Pl. 72, 8, 
 SALvS in the exergue; idem, Pl. 75, 4, 
 Salus standing, holding a serpent in her 
 
 
 
 
 
 penn CON OGRA PHS 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 16 
 
 ROMAN BRONZE E 
 
 
 
 ‘arms facing A‘sculapius) show the same 
 
 semi-nude figure. 
 
 It is in the pose of the figure as a whole 
 that the clue to its meaning lies. The 
 type of a semi-nude figure of Salus stand- 
 ing to the right, with left fore-leg 
 crossed over the right, appears on a me- 
 dallion of Pius on which Salus is stand- 
 ‘ing in precisely this attitude while con- 
 versing with A¢sculapius (seated) ; also 
 on the medallions struck by Hadrian 
 (Gnecchi, Pl. 147, 9) and Antoninus 
 Pius (Gnecchi, Pl. 149, 5 to 7). On Ha- 
 drian’s piece the figure stands near a 
 garlanded altar inscribed Satvs, to the 
 ‘right of which is a tree entwined by a 
 serpent which she is nourishing. This 
 ‘seems to be the simpler type, probably 
 ‘an earlier one, preceding the more de- 
 veloped type of our medallion. Two 
 ‘of Antoninus’ medallions have this same 
 type Gn. 149, 5 and 6), while a third 
 (Gn., Pl. 149, 7) has on the altar (or 
 table) a serpent-entwined statuette, while 
 behind the Salus figure is a tree. Unfor- 
 ‘tunately, this last medallion: has been 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 NUMISM YA Tel eG ia 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 MEDALLIONS 
 
 
 
 “miserably retouched and re-cut,” so that 
 we should not lay much stress on details 
 of the type. However, it seems clearly 
 a forerunner of the Faustina type 
 in question, and those types of Hadrian 
 and Antoninus showing Salus standing 
 |before a tree and altar feeding a serpent 
 wound about the tree, appear to be the 
 earlier development. The medallion of 
 Pius (Gnecchi, Pl. 149, 7) seems in fact 
 to have a type quite similar to Faustina’s 
 piece, which has been reworked; the so- 
 called altar seems to be a table, and on it 
 is a vase similar to that on Faustina’s 
 medallion. 
 
 This evolution of the type explains our 
 medallion with its dual representation of 
 Salus and Hygieia—really identical con- 
 cepts. The simplest and original type is 
 the one common on the ordinary coins, 
 Salus before an altar feeding a serpent. 
 The more complicated and developed type 
 shows Salus before altar and tree with 
 serpent. In the last development, of 
 which the medallions of Pius and Faus- 
 tina Junior are examples, the tree is be- 
 
 | 
 
 
 
 ye eo NOG RA PHS 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 18 
 
 ROMAN BRONZE 
 J | 
 
 
 
 
 
 hind the figure of Salus, and the simple 
 |altar is a table on which is a statuette of 
 the Health deity entwined by the serpent. 
 \Thus the laurel garland on the table is 
 explained as a survival from the laurel 
 decked altar. 
 
 The chief figure is undoubtedly Salus, 
 and the statuette is not A®sculapius as 
 Gnecchi twice calls it (Vol. I, Marcus 
 Aurelius, ‘Nos: “ 21): 22, andeavoteen 
 Antoninus Pius, No. 149), but Hygieia. 
 This duplication of the concept in human 
 figure and statue arises from the further 
 evolution of the type. Salus may be rep- 
 resented with her attribute, the serpent, 
 which is the health giving numen. She 
 is represented as feeding her serpent at 
 an altar which is therefore her own altar. 
 Hence she may as a human personifica- 
 tion feed her serpent entwined about her 
 own figure as an agalma. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 NUMIS MAT#C tN Gia 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 MEDALLIONS 
 
 Ig 
 
 
 
 
 
 MEDALLION OF LUCIUS: VERUS 
 166 A.D. 
 
 3. Obv. L.. VERVS AVG. ARM. PARTI. 
 MAX. L(ucius) Verus, Aug(ustus) 
 Arm(eniacus), Parth(icus) Max(imus). 
 Laureated bust of Lucius Verus to the 
 right, bearded, wearing paludamentum 
 and cuirass: border of dots. 
 
 Keve Ter, Vi; IMP, 1111. cos. II. 
 Tr(ibunicia) p(otestate) VI imp(er- 
 Gtor (1) con) sful) 11. Lucius 
 Verus standing to the left on a plat- 
 form with the pretorian prefect 
 slightly behind him; a soldier at guard 
 stands on the ground at the right of 
 the platform. Verus wears a cuirass 
 anid paludamentum, which is thrown 
 back over left shoulder. His right 
 hand is raised in the attitude of ad- 
 dress. Below, facing the platform 
 stands a group of four Roman soldiers 
 in full armour, with shields, crested hel- 
 mets and military standards. Between 
 Verus and the soldiers stands a figure 
 
 
 
 q Parent GO GR-A PHS 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 ROMAN* BRORZeE 
 
 
 
 in Roman dress, apparently that of a 
 youth and hence probably the youthful 
 brother and heir of the Emperor, Com- 
 modus. 
 
 Ax medallion, 39 mm. 45 gr. (re- 
 touched), dark green patination. Pier- 
 pont Morgan Coll. (formerly Martin- 
 etti- Nervegna Coll., Pl. xxvii, 2254). 
 
 Plate III. 
 
 Cf. Cohen, p. 96, No. 288. Four other 
 examples are cited by Gnecchi, under No. 
 14, Pl. 74. A, similar example with details 
 of the reverse uncertain, is in the Vienna 
 Cabinet (Gnecchi, PI. 75-10). 
 
 The principal point of interest about 
 this medallion is the identification of the 
 central figure of the reverse group. 
 Cohen and also Sambon ( Martinetti Cata- 
 logue) describe the reverse subject as 
 Lucius Verus presenting the King of the 
 Parthians to the legion. Gnecchi writes 
 “King of the Parthians or Medes (or 
 perhaps better, little Commodus).” The 
 Roman dress worn by the small figure 
 indicates that it is not a Parthian who 
 stands before the soldiers. Commodus 
 was a youth of five years in 166 A.D., 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 NUMISMATIC NOTES 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 Mewes WION S 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 when the medallion was struck, and 
 though so young, yet received in this 
 year the title of Cesar. 
 
 The reverse composition is similar to 
 the commoner ApLocvtio, Fipes ExeEr- 
 cit(uum) and Fiver Mivit(um) types, 
 a series in which the emperor, accom- 
 panied usually by the prefect of the 
 pretorian cohort and a body guard, 
 stands upon a platform and harangues 
 a group of soldiers bearing standards. 
 These addresses to the army took place 
 on certain important occasions—as, for 
 instance, when the Czsar was elected 
 to succeed the Emperor, when the latter 
 departed for some military expedition, 
 or returned, and when there was a review 
 of the troops. We have already indi- 
 cated what the significance of the reverse 
 is here. Hence, the medallion refers to 
 a definite event, and may be described, 
 as historical medals are classified, 
 “presentation of Commodus (as Cesar) 
 to the Army by Lucius Verus, 166 A.D.” 
 
 The obverse portrait is one of the 
 ‘| finest in Roman medallic history. Verus 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Pen DMO ON OPGIROA’ Pi Hes 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 22 
 
 ROMAN BRONZE 
 
 
 
 wore his beard long, had considerable 
 height, strongly modelled features and 
 deep-set eyes, all of which combined to 
 give to his appearance an impression of 
 majesty. In character he fell far short 
 of achieving greatness. The titles of 
 Armeniacus and Parthicus Maximus 
 were bestowed upon him after the suc- 
 cessful conclusion of the wars in Ar- 
 menia and Parthia in 166, in which his 
 general, Cassius, had played the active 
 part, Verus having left the campaign to 
 go to Ephesus to meet his bride, Lucilla. 
 On his return to Rome he received with 
 Marcus Aurelius the honors of a triumph 
 which were but little deserved. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 NUMISMATIC NOTES 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 | Nea LON Ss 
 
 PS 
 
 
 
 MEDALLION OF LUCILLA, WIFE OF 
 LUCIUS VERUS, 164-169 A.v. 
 
 4. Obv. LUCILLAE AVG. ANTONINI 
 AvG. F. Lucillae Aug(ustae), Antonini 
 Aug(ustt) f(ilae). “To Lucilla Au- 
 gusta, daughter of Antoninus Augus- 
 tus.” Bust of Lucilla to the right, 
 draped; her hair in low knot; border of 
 dots. 
 
 Rev. No inscription. Lucilla (or 
 Faustina) wearing tunic and peplum 
 standing to the right and handing a 
 'group-statuette of the Three Graces 
 to a seated figure of Vesta. The latter, 
 fully draped, is seated on a high-backed 
 throne, wears a diadem and carries a 
 scepter in her left hand; her feet rest 
 on a foot-stool. On the cross-piece of 
 the throne is a pellet. Border of dots. 
 
 f~ medallion, 37 mm. 47.24 gr. fine 
 patination. Unique. Pierpont Mor- 
 gan Coll. (Formerly Martinetti-Ner- 
 vegna Coll., Pl. xxviii, 2277. Gnecchi, 
 Ce he76, 7: Plate IV. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 | 
 pa Dent ON TONGoR-A’P HS 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 ROMAN BRONZE 
 
 
 
 
 
 The subject of the reverse would ap- 
 pear to be a simple allegorical scene 
 depicting the Empress standing before a 
 seated goddess, who seems to be Vesta, 
 and presenting to her a group of three 
 diminutive figures, which resembles the 
 group of the Three Graces. Sig. G. 
 Pansi, however, has suggested a novel 
 interpretation of the scene (Riv. Ital., 
 1920, p. 163)—a ceremonial presentation 
 to a maternity goddess, Juno or Venus, 
 of the three children of Lucilla. Lucilla, 
 to be sure, is not known to have had any 
 children by Lucius Verus, but since 
 Fecunditas types appear on her coinage 
 (Cohen Nos. 18-26, coins; No. 104, me- 
 dallion) as on those of the two Faustinas 
 preceding her, it is argued that the coins 
 themselves prove that she did have chil- 
 dren. Cohen, too, comments on _ the 
 Fecunditas as well as on the Juno Lucina 
 'types of her coinage as apparently indi- 
 cating that. Lucilla had offspring, al- 
 though there is no mention of this fact 
 in the history of Lucius Verus. 
 
 But although the strength of Sig. 
 
 
 
 
 
 N.U MIS MAT CAN @ iges 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 Mee wee iON S 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 Pansi’s argument is readily to be seen 
 and admitted when we examine the gold 
 and silver coins of Lucilla and the bronze 
 medallions (Cohen, No. 104 and Gnecchi, 
 Pl. 76, 2, formerly Wiczay) bearing the 
 usual Fecunditas types (which occur 
 first under Faustina Senior), still it does 
 not follow that our present type is neces- 
 sarily an allusion to Fecunditas. 
 
 Sig. Pansi most ingenuously argues 
 that as the Fecunditas coinage shows but 
 three infants about Lucilla, this particu- 
 lar type on the medallion is a direct 
 allusion to the whole offspring of Lucilla. 
 |This is a fair argument and would be 
 most convincing if it were not for the 
 fact that the reverse of Lucilla’s me- 
 dallion is an exact copy of one issued by 
 the preceding Empress, Faustina Junior, 
 her mother (Cohen, 291=Grueber, Ro- 
 man Medallions, Pl. xxiv, 3). The head- 
 dress of the empress, her portraiture 
 and pose are exactly the same on both 
 medallions. The Faustina medallion in 
 the British Museum, which is as unique 
 of Faustina as this one is of Lucilla, has 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ir 
 ori ON OGRA P HS 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 26 
 
 ROMAN Bika 
 
 
 
 
 
 a less well-preserved reverse than Lu- 
 cilla’s piece, but judging from the repro- 
 duction on the plate in the B. M. Cat., 
 the two reverses might be from the same 
 die. Lucilla, therefore, did not create 
 this reverse type to express a different 
 and original rendering of the Fecunditas 
 idea. And as Faustina’s proles numbered 
 seven or more, it is hardly to be claimed 
 that Faustina intended it in any such 
 sense. In fact, it may be that we should 
 be more correct in our description of the 
 reverse, if, with Gnecchi (who recog- 
 nized the community of reverses), we 
 describe the standing figure as Faustina. 
 The three puttini are too diminutive to 
 afford any help in solving the problem. 
 The seated goddess is described by 
 Cohen and Gnecchi (under Faustina) as 
 Vesta veiled. The figure certainly is 
 closely similar to the seated Vestas on 
 Faustina Senior’s Medallions (Gnecchi, 
 Pl. 57, 7 and 9), and from this compari- 
 son the identity of the figure as Vesta 
 seems certain. Pansi wanted to identify 
 the seated goddess as Venus or Juno. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 NUMISMATI GAN Ge 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 L eee IST ON S 
 
 2] 
 
 
 
 On the whole, it would seem more 
 reasonable to follow the established in- 
 terpretation of the scene as of a general 
 allegorical nature. One cannot deny, 
 however, that Lucilla’s coinage does seem 
 to indicate that she had offspring by 
 Lucius Verus. On a bronze medallion 
 in Milan, published by Gnecchi, PI. 
 76, 2, the seated figure which would 
 naturally be taken for that of the em- 
 press is represented as nursing an infant 
 which she holds in her arms, and the 
 piece is inscribed Fecunditati Augustae. 
 It would be quite artificial to interpret 
 all of Lucilla’s Fecunditas types as re- 
 ferring to her mother, Faustina Junior, 
 since the latter issued abundant coinage of 
 this type herself. But it is to be doubted 
 
 whether we have any reason for reading 
 ‘linto the scene of presentation on the 
 piece before us, the idea of Fecunditas, 
 and the identification of the seated figure 
 as Vesta is decidedly against Sig. Pansi’s 
 ingenious and interesting theory, as is 
 also the pre-existence of this identical 
 type under Faustina Junior. 
 
 
 
 mw Dy MONOGRAPHS 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 ROMAN BROW ZS 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 MEDALLION OF LUCILLA, WIFE OF 
 LUCIUS VERUS, 164-169 A.D. 
 
 5. LVCILLAE AVG. ANTONINI AVG. F. 
 Lucillae Aug(ustae), Antonini 
 Aug(usti) f(iliae). “To Lucilla Au- 
 gusta, daughter of Antoninus Augus- 
 tus.” Bust of Lucilla to r., entirely 
 similar to that of medallion No. 4, but 
 different die. 
 
 Rev. vENvs. Venus standing fac- 
 ing head to 1., holding scepter in 1. 
 hand, and with right hand around neck 
 of wingless Cupid who looks towards 
 her, and holds an arrow in uplifted 
 right; in lowered left, a bit of drapery; 
 at the right, a burning altar. 
 
 Ax medallion, 40 mm. 48.90 gr. 
 American Numismatic Society. Other 
 examples, Cohen, 76, and Gnecchi, No. 
 Scand PUE7ow a Plate V. 
 This is another example of a well- 
 
 known reverse type issued under Lucilla. 
 Froehner regarded this allegorical pic- 
 ture of Venus and Cupid as symbolic of 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 NUMISMA TiO in 
 
 
 

 
 ware Ll ON S 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 the Empress and her son. As admitted 
 above, there seems every probability 
 from the coinage that Lucilla had issue 
 by her marriage with Lucius Verus, and 
 there is, therefore, no objection to this 
 interpretation which, however, can re- 
 main only a supposition. The fact, 
 however, that Cupid is here without 
 wings, while usually he is depicted with 
 them on Antonine medallions, may be 
 said to strengthen this hypothesis. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Pa ae OON © GsR.AsPH S 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 30 
 
 ROMAN BRONZE 
 
 
 
 MEDALLION OF GORDIANUS III PIUS 
 
 
 
 242 AnD: 
 
 6. Obv. IMP. GORDIANVS PIVS FELIX 
 AvG. Imp(erator) Gordianus Pius, 
 Felix, Aug(ustus). Bust of Gordianus 
 Pius, laureate, draped and with cuirass 
 to the left, seen from the rear. Border 
 of dots. 
 
 Rev. VIcTO-RIA avG., Victoria 
 Aug(usti). A temple of the Doric 
 order, with four columns visible, form- | 
 ing a portico above which is a pedi- 
 ment. In the interior is a standing 
 figure of Mars, and a grille is visible 
 half-way down the interior and inner 
 columns on both sides. On the pedi-| 
 ment, above which rises the dome, 
 is the inscription N€IKH, and on the 
 frieze OIL AOPOPOC (Ntxn dzdogde06, 
 “The Warrior Victory’). At the 
 right stands the Emperor as chief 
 pontiff, veiled, sacrificing at a lighted 
 altar, accompanied by three attendants 
 bearing long, curving spears. At the 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 NU MAS MA TTC NeG re 
 Hes % 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 4 Meier I TONS 
 
 ai 
 
 
 
 
 
 left of the temple is a popa (a priest’s 
 
 assistant, who conducted the victim to 
 
 sacrifice) with raised axe about to slay 
 
 a bull, and at the extreme left a vic- 
 
 timarius (assistant at sacrifice, who 
 
 slew the victim). Border of dots. 
 
 /E medallion, 38 mm. 47.60 gr. Pier- 
 pont Morgan Coll. (formerly Martin- 
 etti-Nervegna Coll., Pl. xxxiii, 2268— 
 Gnecchi, No. 50, Pl. 106, 4. Plate VI. 
 
 Varieties of this medallion are de- 
 scribed by Gnecchi, Nos. 49, 51, 52. 
 -This piece seems to be the only one 
 so far published with the obverse type, 
 bust to left, seen from rear. It is there- 
 fore a unique piece. The obverse un- 
 fortunately needs cleaning. 
 
 This piece has the special interest of 
 referring to an historical event and bear- 
 ing an architectural type. Also, the oc- 
 currence of a Greek inscription on a 
 Roman medallion is a rare phenomenon— 
 “the only case,” Cohen says. The in- 
 ference from the Greek inscription 
 naturally is that the temple here shown 
 was built to commemorate a military 
 
 
 
 Peer) GR A PHS 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 32 
 
 
 
 ROMAN ‘Bik Ose 
 
 
 
 
 
 victory of Gordianus in Asia and was 
 erected not in Rome, but in a Greek city. 
 Gnecchi has misread or misprinted the 
 third letter in the adjective as A in place 
 of A, making an impossible word of it. 
 The adjective may be compared with 
 dogugo9e0s, one who bears a_ spear. 
 omA0pO90¢ means “one who bears arms,” 
 a “warrior or soldier.” A medallion of 
 similar type of Gordianus (Cohen, 378; 
 Gnecchi, No. 53), bears the inscription 
 ®¢€OC OILAO®OPOC, “The Warrior 
 God,” hence it seems correct to regard 
 the statue in the interior of the temple 
 as representing Mars, rather than Vic- 
 tory (so also Grueber). From a com- 
 parison of the figure on the similar me- 
 dallion, the figure, small though it is, 
 seems to be certainly that of Mars. Both 
 these titles, “Warrior Victory” and 
 “Warrior God” are unusual. 
 
 The victory which the medallion com- 
 memorates is referred by Cohen to the 
 campaign in the East, in 242 a.b., in 
 which Gordianus took command in per- 
 son against the Sassanians of Persia, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 NUMIS MAC Sh ees 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 Serene i ONS 
 
 33 
 
 
 
 
 
 who had committed aggressions against 
 the Roman provinces on the frontier. It 
 seems probable that the medallion refers 
 to this campaign. It was the only im- 
 portant achievement of Gordianus’ reign. 
 It was also a very considerable victory, 
 for Shapur I having invaded Mesopo- 
 tamia was threatening the Roman fron- 
 tier, and had already occupied Antioch 
 in Syria. Gordianus took a very large 
 army, and reconquered Antioch and some 
 cities of Mesopotamia. A number of me- 
 dallions and coins relate to this victory, 
 notably the type with Gordianus in mili- 
 tary dress on horseback, preceded by a 
 figure of Victory, and followed by sol- 
 diers with military standards (Cohen, 
 
 379). 
 
 
 
 AND MONOGRAPHS 
 ce 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 |{—_—— 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 eA | ROMAN BRONZE 
 
 
 
 
 
 NOTES ON MEDALLION OF MANTINEA, 
 ARCADIA 
 
 1 Hadrian founded a city on the Nile near the 
 scene of Antinous’ fatal end, calling it ‘Anti- 
 noupolis.”’ 
 | ® An inscription found at Olympia mentions 
 the great games of Antinous which may be the 
 Mantinean games. (Frazer, op. cit. iv, p. 213.) 
 
 | * Another view is that of Dietrichson, Antinous, 
 quoted by Blum (Journ. Internat., 1914, p. 38) 
 'who connects the horse type with the race courses 
 lat the Antinoéia. 
 
 
 
 | NOTE ON THE STAR AS A SYMBOL OF DEIFICATION 
 | 
 
 *An even earlier instance for coins of the 
 Roman period, however, is that on the Asiatic 
 coinage of Pompey the Great, struck in the re- 
 founded city of Soli, in Cilicia, which was re- 
 named Pompeiopolis (B. M. Cat. Galatia, etc., 
 Pl. xxvii, 2). The obverse bears the head of 
 Pompey enclosed in a filleted border; before 
 the head is a large star anda lituus, and be- 
 hind, an object which is possibly a sacrificial 
 ewer (B. M. Cat., p. 152, Note 2). The sym- 
 bols are, therefore, emblems of religious office 
 and a star. The coin is dated on the reverse in 
 the year 19-16=51-50 B.c., and was conse- 
 quently struck during his lifetime, since he was 
 ‘killed in 48 B.c. Antony and Cesar also were 
 deified at the time of their pro-consulship in 
 -Asia, as was also Titus Quinctius Flamininus 
 in Macedonia. The significance of the star ac- 
 ‘companying Pompey’s head on the coin of Soli- 
 _Pompeiopolis is, therefore, perfectly clear. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 | 
 
 | : ; 
 
 | NUMISMATIC NOTES 
 | 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
> 
 
 
 
 Mop AL ETON S 
 
 a) 
 
 
 
 the earlier coins of Soli as a symbol and as 
 
 says, “Its especial significance here is obscure.” 
 
 
 
 Hill (Historical Greek Coins, p. 168) discusses 
 the star on this coin and refers to its use on 
 
 a type on the coins of Pompeiopolis, but he 
 
 Moreover, there is an additional symbol of dei- 
 fication on this piece, namely, the filleted border 
 enclosing the head. Babelon (Les Rois de 
 Syrie, p. Ixxvi, f.) has shown that this border 
 on the coins of the Seleucid kings, derived 
 
 from the sacred woolen fillet of Apollo, re-| 
 
 calls their divine origin as sons of Apollo. 
 This filiet is commonly used on the coinage of 
 Antiochus III, at a time when the principle of 
 the worship of the reigning monarch was 
 already firmly established as part of the state 
 religion—its earliest use is under Antiochus 
 II. It has been most interestingly shown by 
 Macdonald (Coin Types, p. 148, f. 4) how 
 portraiture and deification went hand in hand 
 on post-Alexandrine coins. Burgon even went 
 so far as to maintain that portraiture alone was 
 evidence per se of deification. There cannot 
 therefore be the shadow of a doubt as to the 
 star symbol on the coin of Pompey and the 
 medallions of Antinous being a sign of deifi- 
 cation. 
 
 When we turn to the consideration of the 
 original intent of the symbol, a very wide field 
 of investigation is opened up. One of the most 
 difficult questions which presents itself for de- 
 cision at the outset, is whether the Romans bor- 
 rowed this symbol from the East. An early 
 occurrence in the eastern part of the Empire 
 is that just mentioned of Pompey’s coin 
 struck in Cilicia in 51-50 B.c. As a symbol of 
 
 
 
 aa MONOGRAPHS 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ROMAN BROS 
 
 deification, the star is very widespread on coins 
 struck in the East. The Seleucid kings of 
 Syria, the Parthian kings, Orodes I and 
 Phraates IV, used it. Tigranes of Armenia, 
 96-95 B.c., the last ruler of the Seleucid king- 
 dom, 83-69 B.c., employed it as an emblem 
 placed between two eagles on his royal tiara. 
 The Oriental symbolism may be safely predi- 
 cated for the origin of the symbol on Pompey’s 
 coin. However, the history of the star on the 
 coinage commemorative of Julius Cesar, where 
 it was first used by the Romans as a deification 
 symbol, namely, by M. Agrippa in 38 B.c. 
 (aureus in Paris with star above the head of 
 a youthful, divinized Julius Cesar, and reverse, 
 M. AGRIPPA COS. DESIG., Cohen, 33), 
 seems to suggest another origin. For on the 
 coins struck by P. Sepullius Macer in 44 B.c. 
 (B. M. Cat., Coins of Roman Republic, PI. 
 liv, 15-17), presumably before the death of 
 Cesar, a very conspicuous star is placed be- 
 hind the head of Cesar on the obverse, and a 
 small star is found at the end of the sceptre 
 of Venus on the reverse. Now, these stars 
 perhaps have nothing to do with deification, but 
 are merely allusions to the star of the goddess 
 Venus, the protecting divinity of the Julian 
 family. It may therefore be inferred that when 
 Agrippa placed a star above the deified Julius’ 
 head on his coin of 38 B.c., he was employing 
 the symbol as a distinguishing emblem of 
 Cesar’s family, connecting him with the gods, 
 without in any way following a symbolism long 
 established in the East. Thus the symbol may 
 have had a quite independent origin in Roman 
 tradition, and this seems more plausible. Hence, 
 
 NUM 1S MA TG soni 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 Seesaw lON'S 
 
 
 
 
 
 we must not lay too much stress on the simul- 
 taneous occurrence of both the star and the 
 radiate crown on the coinage struck by Tiberius 
 and Caligula and others in honor of Divus Au- 
 gustus, and on the much earlier Greek coinage 
 of Antiochus IV of Syria. As evidence of the 
 actual origin of the Roman symbolism, Babelon, 
 (Rois de Syrie, p. xciii) says, “Les Romains 
 empruntérent ce symbole de la déification (1.e. 
 the star) aux Orientaux, et nous rapellerons /e 
 |sidus Iulium que, sur les monnaies romaines, 
 brille au-dessus du front de Jules César di- 
 vinisé.”” The Roman symbol seems rather to 
 have been at first the star of Venus Genetrix, 
 from whom Julius Cesar claimed to be de- 
 scended through his supposed ancestor, A<neas, 
 whereas the Seleucid star seems rather to sym- 
 bolize the ruler’s claim to have become the god 
 Apollo, which is certainly the significance of 
 the radiate crown. Augustus, himself, was a 
 most assiduous devotee of the cult of Apollo 
 and the Apolline head with the rayed crown 
 was a familiar Republican coin type. Of 
 course, it is simple enough to argue that the 
 precedent set by Antiochus IV for the use of 
 the rayed crown may have been familiar to the 
 successors of Augustus who wished to portray 
 him as a divinized being on their coins. And 
 if this be so, the star symbolism used by this 
 Seleucid king must also have been known. 
 But as the use of the star symbol alone on 
 Roman coins precedes the use of the rayed 
 crown, we may really have here a double origin. 
 The star of Venus on the coins struck to com- 
 memorate the deified Julius Cesar was later 
 combined with the Apolline emblem, the rayed 
 
 Pa DO MONO GRAPHS 
 
 
 

 
 38 
 
 ROMAN BRONZE 
 
 
 
 crown, on the coins struck in honor of the dei- 
 fied Augustus—bronze coins inscribed Divus 
 Augustus Pater, so that quite probably the 
 original sense of the symbol as the Julian star 
 was lost, and replaced by the Oriental mean- 
 ing of the star as sun. This was the signifi- 
 cance of the star symbolism in the East, as is 
 apparent from its early and later history on 
 coins of the East. This is, of course, the 
 meaning in the better-known combined symbol 
 of star and crescent (sun and moon), the old 
 Persian (Mithraic) symbol. 
 
 In conclusion, it may be noted that the star 
 is found on Roman coins struck by Augustus 
 in honor of Divus Julius, and on coins of Ti- 
 berius and Caligula in honor of Divus Au- 
 gustus. Caligula honored his sister Drusilla 
 with the star on ‘a coin struck in Apamea, 
 Bithynia, (Babelon, Recueil gén. des monn. Ors. 
 Pl. xxxviii, 11), and Divus Julius is also fig- 
 ured with a star above the head at Apamea 
 (B. M. Cat., Pl. xxv, 10). The star, however, 
 is not often found in the Roman series, nor on 
 Greek imperial coins after the time of Caligula. 
 An interesting later occurrence is on the rare 
 aureus of Hadrian, struck in honor of his dead 
 parents, Trajan and Plotina, the star appearing 
 above the head of each on the reverse, which 
 bears the inscription DIVIS PARENTIBUS, 
 “To the deified parents” (Cohen, II, p. 246, 
 HO. ia. 
 
 Most interesting is the latter day recurrence 
 of this very ancient star symbol on the me- 
 dallions of Napoleon I, which are replete with 
 classical symbolism and types. The star ap- 
 pears above the head of Napoleon (Millin, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 NUMISMATAC HO ie 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 Meea i iZlONS 
 
 ah) 
 
 
 
 Histoire Meétallique de Napoléon, 1819. PI. 
 xlviii, 236) exactly as it is found above the 
 heads of Julius Cesar and Augustus on Roman 
 coins. It also appears in the field behind the 
 head on a medal on which Napoleon is repre- 
 sented with the features of Augustus (J. c., Pl. 
 Xvi, 36; cf., another medal on the same plate, 
 No. 72, for an Augustan type of head). In 
 fact, the star of Napoleon became an emblem 
 of auspicious omen on his medals (l.c., Pl. 
 xxxii, 88, a genius guided “par l’étoile de Na- 
 poléon I’). That Napoleon’s star also signified 
 the sun seems pretty clearly indicated by a 
 medal (/..c., Pl. vii, 241), on which is repre- 
 sented a distant view of the Alps, above which 
 the sun, and in its disk, the star of Napoleon. 
 As it is perfectly obvious that the medallists of 
 Napoleon’s time drew their inspiration from 
 classical coins, copying both Greek and Roman 
 designs, legends and ideas, the star of Napoleon 
 is a palpable revival of the Julian and Au- 
 gustan emblem. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Sway N OGRA PHS 
 ‘ef ones 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 « 
 
 
 
 - 
 
— 
 
 ROMAN MEDALLIONS 
 
 
 
 Medallion of Antinous Mantinea 
 
 PLATE I 
 

 
ROMAN MEDALLIONS 
 
 
 
 Medallion of Marcus Aurelius 
 
 PLATE 
 
 IT 
 

 
ROMAN MEDALLIONS PiateE III 
 
 
 
 Medallion of Lucius Verus 
 
 
 

 
LS Se lee 
 
 ROMAN MEDALLIONS 
 
 
 
 Medallion of Lucilla 
 
 PEATE LY. 
 

 
PLATE V 
 
 ROMAN MEDALLIONS 
 
 
 
 Medallion of Lucilla 
 
 
 

 
ROMAN MEDALLIONS *. PEATE V1 
 
 : 
 : 
 : 
 f 
 
 
 
 
 
 Medallion of Gordianus III 
 
 
 

 
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