NO Ee \e) Dn [x) wa ai Z, =< U ~ (x) = < hy © A Z ca Ase Paki pre Pape GCHTEENEH CENTURY Ph el The (Committee on Publications of The Grolier (lub: certifies that this copy of “Notes on the American Press at the End of the Eighteenth (entury” is one of an edition of three hundred & twenty-five copies. Format & type-setting by (Carl Purington Rollins at the Sign of Zag, the (borobates. Ae Dé (Boca ex |] 1927 - = pr a % a NOTES on the American Press at the End of the Eighteenth (entury OO PEs oF on the mem ERICAN PRESS at the End of LHE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY By BERNARD FAY Professor at the University of (lermont-Ferrand NEW YORK: THE GROLIER CLUB O27 7 RES OM .*% J eo ane. ’ B ¥ ) ; Re Copyright, 1927, by The Grolier Club of the City of New Y. ork ‘hk ik oh * 1 St. OCs, Shaded PO Vol ° get fe, mgt Pe, eset ott i ale ath Maen - *, Ges. pr fo ie: fis. it aug =a tiie na * "il aero “Use oes aes roars oRsraasrs WEAVE AVES AVE AVES e e000” e' eee aaa’ Renee hav Gri: a. foundation of the following sketch of The American Press at the End of the Eighteenth (entury was a paper, read in 1924, be- fore the Société d’Histoire Moderne of Paris, by Bernard Fay, professor at the University of Clermont-Ferrand. M. Fay, who is the author of “L’E- sprit révolutionnaire en France et aux Etats-Unis a la Fin du XVIII° Siécle,” has made a profound study of the relations of France and the United States during the latter part of the Eighteenth Century, and is well known in this country as a lecturer at various universities. The paper in question having been called to the attention of its Com- niitte on Publications by a member of the Grolier Club, the Committee re- quested M. Fay to expand it somewhat, and to allow its publication by the Club. The author kindly acquiesced, and the result is a very considerably extended version of the original, containing much additional matter, which the Committee feels itself fortunate in being able to lay before the mem- bership of the Club. =. . ; yy ~ .— a ve eae : ae a * ms 1 ‘ 2 » ’ . : * “ a rr i eon, age pms ~~ — ae ~t ’ | x ~ Dh cad ‘ a * Yi ere “ee a \ quot ; ‘ ‘ » eal on : ry pits t -- & ? . ¥ © ral i, ad : ’ yr PF vo] ’ 7 : , ver igh, Og a ee : . ) (RAG P ‘ } y A A E 7s | k 1 & he % 5 i 2 © , we Ye iG hed K : : Fy. hui 4 te a 7 * ’ 1 ‘ : er . ae ‘7 bi. PRMD fb $0 ’ a ey | ' ; “ 3 « a ar on } a. { € ™ « i he a. , ‘ . a ae _ ’ ‘ * 4 * * ot eT Pe. ‘ f ‘ u + ‘ 2 ¥ ’ : 4 i viet + . r * i 7" 4 = a I ae nap" . . . nr , + » " ¥ Yprey em FERIA A SSH Ree . . 5: * a ; ie ‘ ‘ ’ : . 4 . ' ye e r ; , 7 . a a ‘ - : . : ‘< - . ¥ ‘ ae - ee = py ¥ ?* Pa 4 ’ { 7 ‘ : C ‘ ’ + : “ tn t £ ee RES ETE ow "eee ‘Cage? Delo OOF FAGSI MILES The Pennsylvania Gazette. 1. October 23, 1729, first page. 2. September 25, 1760, first page. 3. August 20, 1777, first page. The New-York Fournal. 4. April 18, 1776, first page. The Boston Gazette. 5. April 10, 1775, first page. The New-York Daily Advertiser. 6. September 17, 1785, first page. vB do. second page. 8. do. third page. The Uirginia Gazette. g. November 25, 1775, first page. Aurora. General Advertiser. 10. May 12, 1797, first page. ae do. second page. 12. do. third page. £3, do. fourth page. Porcupines Gazette. 14. September 5, 1797, first page. Is, do, second page. 16.162. do. third page. Aurora. General Advertiser. 17. March 15, 1797, first page. The Royal Gazette Extraordinary. 18. July 12, 1783. The Royal Gazette. 19. November 15, 1783, first page. 20. do. second page. 21. do. third page. Parkers New-York Gazette. 22. December 18, 1760, first page. The Daily Advertiser. 23. October 4, 1785, first page. second page. third page. 24. do. Ste tee ee ete ee a te ae oa a ete athe ae tThe facsimiles are reproductions of news- papers in the Library of Congress, the New York Public Library, and the Historical So- ciety of Pennsylvania. . . . 7 Lat ‘ i a f . . . ‘ F . % , , : 4 . A ‘ bo . ' ¥ 4 + is , 7 , * . > ’ Ler et : > a : 32 \ 4 ee $5 y os . @. 3 . x ig . be hari, Mee ’ ; » We a 7” ‘ “ P eee * 2 et 2 4 7 ¥ 4 ‘ t : ‘ . : : s * ‘ & . 6 “* , » ' id . i ‘ ty i ; j ; . q os PRD Sy SRP R, RRR Be) Se - rr 4 2 es ee a . 7 : ’ 1 bad ; 5 ip q bab ae I. The Pennsylvania Gazette, Otober 23, 17209. First Page. Printed in Philadelphia by Benjamin Franklin & H. Meredith. Showing the policy adopted by Franklin to improve this newly acquired gazette (first column), and what was considered fresh news in 1729 (sec- ond column.) THE Numb. XLII. Pennfylvania GAZETTE Containing the frefbeft Advices Foreign and Domestick. eee eee ener an From Thurfday, O@ober 16. to Thutfday, Odober 23, 172 9. “NH E Pubkfbers of this. Paper meeting with confiderable Encouragement, are | determined to continue it 5 and to that End have taken Meafures to fettle a ge~ neral Corre/pondence, and procure the bef and earlicft Intelligence fens all Parts. We fball from time to time have all the. noted Publick Prints from.Great Britain, New-England, New-York, Maryland and Jamaica, befides what News may be colleted from private Let- ters and Informations ; and we doubt not of continuing to give our Cuffomers all the ar fattion they expect from a Performance of this Nature. From this Time forward, inftead of publifb- ing a.Whole ne once a Week, pe the ei Undertaker engag’d todo in his Propofals, we foall publifo a Half Sheet twice a Week, which amounts to the fame Thing; only we think it will be more acceptable to our Rea- ders, inafmuch as their Entertainment will by this Means become more frequent. Numb. XLIV. will come out on Monday xext. 65655969696969696969b 9596969595 9595 959696 FOREIGN AFFAIRS. At prefent the Foreign News of moft.Confequence to-us feems to be that which relates to the Peace with Spain, ‘The four following Paragraphs concerning it, are taken from four different London Papers, of the lateit Date that came in the laft Veffel from thence to Philadelphia. ‘The two firft are from the London Fournal and the Britifo Fournal, both at this time accounted Government Papers ; the third is from the Craft{man, who is fuppos’d to be a Whigg Writer, but againft the prefent Adminiftration ; the fourth is from Fog's Journal, (the fame that was formerly called Atif's ournal) always reckoned a Tory Paper. When the Rea- der has allowed for thefe Diftin&tions, he will be better able to form his Judgment on the Affair. From the London Fosrnal, Aug. 16. Paris, Auguft 14. At laft an Exprefs is arrived here from Port St. Mary's, with the agreeable News, that on the 28th paft the King of Spain figned an Order for the Delivery of the Effetts of the Galleons, the Indulto being fettled at 15 perCent. and thofe of the Affogues Ships at 5 per Cent. His Majefty had likewife ordered Pafsports to be made out for the Englifh South-Sea Company Sa the art Foot, and to put every thing in the eft-Indies in the fame State as before the Arrival of the Enelith Squadron in thofe Parts. The Diftribution of the Evetts a to be- gin the 15th or 16th Inftant ;, and the Flota for New ee will depart from Cadiz a few Days before, under . nvoy of three Men of War commande by the Marquis ari. From the Britib Fournal, Aug. 16. Extratt of a Letter from Port St. Mary's, Aug. 2. The 28th paft, a Grand Conference was held at the Houtfe of the Marquifs de la Paz, the Minifters of France, Great Britain and Holland being prefent: The principal Articles relating to the Peace being agreed on, upon breaking up the Conference, the King gave. Orders for the immediate Diftribution of the Effeds of the Galleons, and that all things fhould be re-eftablifh’d in the Weft-In- dies, as they were before the Appearance of the Englith Fleet at Portobello, ‘The Peace will he concluded in the following manner, viz. A ‘Truce for 14 Years between Spain and England, in which Time the jufteft Meafures fhall be taken to terminate all Differences ; and that Spain thall be fuffer'd to fend 12000 Men into Italy, to fecure Tutcany to Don Carlos. From the Craftfman, Aug. 16. Since our laft, We have had fome Acconnt of the Treaty, which hath been fo much talk’d of, communicated to us by duthority,; I mean in the Gazette of Saturday laft, which fays, “‘ that on the fifth Inftant arrived here Mr. Sharpe, ** one of his Majefty’s Meflengers fiom Madrid, but laft from Paris, with Letters from Mr. Keene, his Majefty’s Minilter at the Court of Spain, dated at Port St. Mary's “© the 2d of Auguft, N.S. inclofing the Draught of a Treaty ‘* for adjufting Matters between the Allies of Hanover and “© the Crown of Spain, as it had been concerted between “ the Minifters of the Allies and thofe of that Crown, ‘*€ which is fent to the Courts of Engldnd and France, and “© to the States-General for their Approbation. In the mean “ Time the King of Spain's pee were iffued on the © 28th of Fuly, N.S. for the delivering our the Effects © brought from the Weft-Indies on board the Galleons to “< their refpeStive Proprietors ; and the Cedula’s, defired “© by Mr. Keene in Behalf of the South-Sea Company, were “ to be given in eight Days, from the Date of Mr. Keene's “ Letter, which Time it would require to prepare and “© pafs them thro’ the feveral Offices. Whether this Draught contains an abfolute Treaty of Peace, or only @ Provifional T'reaty, like that which was projected la Winter, we cannot yet learp, but expect to be fpeedily informed vom the fame Authority. Hodgthe From Fog’s Fournal, Aug. 16. , From Port St. Mary’s we are affured, that the King of Spain's Order is certainly iffued out for delivering to the Proprietors the Effects brought by the Galleons, which is : F : i : d to faid to be owing to certain panies who reprefented his Majefty, that many of the Merchandizes were perifli- able, and that the Owners muft fuffer ae aie ty were kept longer. ------ But we do not find ti vat t ~ a fure is included in this Order. ~--—- There is no Ta : refent of any more Marriages in P raffia, as it ae sr) . hop: becaufe there are other Commodities never the bet- ak fee keeping, befides thofe brought by the Galleons. * Hod Y ‘ne ; . . § ‘a ar ea 5 = ei a ¢ a em eA z CART: «tags att: Onan! apihgr antl a 7, ape fy hee. Rn ¢ ee 1 aM RA ee) ay. £ 4S NOOWBUE- SRXOWE fork AMERICAN PRESS de er END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY Geryeacp Tor Re 4i General Conditions. ¥ lic opinion has become one of é.the forces directing. nations * and their governments. It was bediudiedudiadted not so in the preceding cen- turies, when there was scarcely any contact between the people and their leaders. Cer- tain groups exercised a real influence upon governments, but the people, as a whole, were not invited to express their opinions upon matters of state. One might say that they were not suitably organized for devel- oping ideas on such questions, and still less for making their ideas effective. Towards the end of the Eighteenth Cen- tury, the United States of America, then in the process of constituting themselves a na- tion, furnished the first example of a cohe- rent and powerful public opinion. Thoughtful minds at once began to study this development. In May, 1782, the Count de La Luzerne, the French Minister to the United States, wrote to the Count de Ver- gennes, Minister of Foreign Affairs: “La po- litique de ce pays ne peut étre secréte sur les grands objets. Elle est le résultat de la volon- té des peuples. Ils entrainent fatalement le Congrés.” And then, giving a concrete in- stance, he proceeded: “La seule démarche que je me suis permise a été d’engager le Si- eur Payne a publier un écrit que vous trou- verez dans toutes les Gazettes de cette se- maine, et qui a été d’autant mieux accueilli que cet écrivain a abandonné sa plume au torrent de l’opinion publique. I] n’a fait que donner une forme aux raisonnements de la multitude et présenter au public des bases un peu plus certaines en le mettant dans la confidence de certaines particularités igno- rées jusqu’ici. Cet écrit sera donc utile, mais je ne puis dire qu’il était indispensable.” These customs astonished and shocked Monsieur de La Luzerne. Some months later he wrote again (July 15, 1783) to his superi- or in the diplomatic hierarchy: “Aujour- d’hui les gens sages envisagent avec douleur 2 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS un pouvoir inconstitutionnel qui s’éléve dans l’Etat et la violence des particuliers mise a la place des lois. On voit le danger qu’il y a de souffrir que la tourbe s’empare ainsi de l’au- torité, et l’on ne sait ot elle peut s’arréter dans les excés auxquels ]’intérét, la haine ou l’intrigue la pousseront.’’2 He ended by de- fining the United States as “‘un pays ou l’o- pinion et les dispositions du peuple influent considérablement sur les affaires.” In truth, the novelty of this consisted not in the spec- tacle of a government ruled by elements hav- ing no recognized authority, but in the fact that that government had to obey a name- less, mysterious and complex force, public ° opinion, comprising and representing all classes of society, all occupations and all sec- tions of the country; its appearance caused surprise and its power caused terror from the very beginning. The “‘philosophers,” of course, admired it, and one of their news- papers, the phémérides du Citoyen, said, as early as 1771: “On se livre beaucoup a l’in- struction dans cet heureux pays, et c’est d’elle qu’onattend la prospérité générale. Nous te- nons du célébre docteur Franklin qu'il n’y a point d’artisan en Pensylvanie, qui, en dé- jeunant, ne lise les papiers publics, et, pen- dant une heure aprés son diner, quelques bons ouvrages de philosophie et de politi- que.” Thanks to peculiar social and economic conditions, America had been a field high- ly favorable to the formation and growth of public opinion. There, more than in any other country of the world, men were free to discuss their affairs and political questions. These States had been formed by English colonists flying from oppression, a goodly number of whom had an ideal of liberty so exacting that from the beginning they would tolerate no political censorship of the press in their new home. It is obvious that such a condition was favorable to the development of the press and of all forms of discussion. Doubtless it alone would not have been suf- ficient for the formation of a strong, intelli- gent and active public opinion, but it per- mitted a bold and liberty-loving people to set themselves in that direction. Nevertheless, the degree of liberty which the journals of America enjoyed should not be exaggerated. The State governments and the Federal government, in principle, had no right of interference to prevent a journal from saying what it thought fit; but the post was under the control of the Government. Although a rate was provided for newspa- pers (beginning with 1793, the post office charged one cent for any distance up to one hundred miles for each paper carried),3 each journal had to make an individual arrange- ment with the Postmaster-General, who was free to facilitate or to impede its distribu- tion. He could, therefore, strangle a gazette, without anybody having a word to say about it. A typical case arose in 1784-5, when two Hollanders, Boinod and Gaillard, started at Philadelphia a gazette in the French lan- guage, the Courrier de 1’ Amérique, the pur- pose of which was to propagate democratic ideas in the United States and in France. The French Minister complained to the Presi- dent of Pennsylvania, who was unable to act directly; but the matter was settled by the Postmaster-General, who prescribed rates of postage unacceptable to the publishers of that journal. The story is told by Barbé Mar- bois (French Chargé d’A ffaires in America) Bac The Pennsylvania Gazette, September 25, 1760. First Page. Printed in Philadelphia by Benjamin. Franklin & David Hall. 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Psy ayi uo pue ‘ogds ‘usquaidag 30 yQUe.F 243 Aap faupz, pur ‘ynsuy jo yjueanyy 343 ‘opfipagt 0} are ‘ouIey dq} Jos sydiesay Aue so ‘diyjsoutgy pity oy3 ut yorsuy Jo a1eqg wayio Aue 03 1ySty Aue so Paoueu yy prey oy} ur ‘Loss svwogy, kq oust} ay} 103 nOUsalS Jo pousy sydisoay Aue Jo ‘ditpsauzseg prey ay3 ur sareys pouugpoun tgv ayy yo Aw -8 WIE[D JO saeYy OYM suOjiag [[e IwYI BonoNy oar Aqasaty Od § patouusue us9s0q) sefoding 42930 tof puo ‘prof aq on saayfnsy ut SuopuoTy ur Aueduton puey erueaysjuua OnLy, Spayju2 Guomeuor *drofssuzsvg Dv fo ssojaredodgy 93 03 Sut 7g ‘puetueyy pum Aaysef-many ‘eruestAjuuag uz : ivf uivj4so Buryfor sof RIY uy ‘pany our ‘usiay s.Ayalepy uajaid sity jo sex pet oy? Ut paijed ‘uawEIseg JOY ue Aq pue uz padwiodde pue poursu srsuoymuu ci "egkt Soe punt aboarear | PP yeypeny qn Sutusnyuop VINVATASNNGd WE 'QO4E “AG uaguagay 3. The Pennsylvania Gazette, August 20, 1777. First Page. Printed in Philadelphia by William and David Hall & William Sellers. Showing the influence of the Revolutionary events upon the newspapers, as well as upon the whole economic life of the country ; note at the foot of the first column the advertisement concerning deserters, and in the middle of the third column the curious political conditions. 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Il ya six ou huit mois quwils envo- yerent leur prospectus en Europe, et il parait qwils y ont trouvé un assez bon nombre de souscripteurs. Dés leur début on eut lieu de juger quwils voulaient discréditer l’alliance. Le président de l'état 4 qui je parlai d’un article insolent qui se trouve dans le supple- ment du No. 2 en date du 3 Aoit, me dit qu’ils pourraient étre attaqués en justice comme imprimeurs ou auteurs d’un libelle, mais que ce serait les servir selon leur voeu, quwils ne désireraient rien tant que d’enga- ger un proces sur la liberté de la presse qui les rendrait populaires ou tout au moins qui contribuerait a donner de la vogue a leur ga- zette, qu’ainsi il croyait a propos de garder le silence, de s’en tenir 4 une publication que M. Hopkinson, un des administrateurs de PUniversité fit mettre alors dans les gazettes, et dont j’ai ’honneur de vous addresser co- pie. M. le président de l’Etat pensait alors que ces gazettiers étaient aux gages de |’An- gleterre, mais j’ai quelques raisons de croire qu ils ne sont aux gages d’aucune puissance; ce magistrat pense aujourd hui que le rédac- teur qu’ils emploient est un Genevois, banni de son Pays a l’occasion des derniers troubles et différents rapports prouvent son senti- ment. “Un magistrat les a fait venir pour leur faire connaitre qu’ils devaient s’expliquer touchant la France avec le respeét et les é- gards dis 4 une nation aussi amie des Etats- Unis. Ils ont répondu que toutes les Nations et tous les rois du monde devaient a leur tour et suivant les circonstances étre cités a leur tribunal, que le Roi d’Angleterre qui ne ces- serait d’étre représenté comme un barbare et un tyran dans toutes les autres gazettes, n’était pas mieux traité dans la leur, et que s'ils s’écartaient de la décence prescrite par la loi dans leurs publications, ils se soumet- taient aux punitions qu’elles infligent; au surplus depuis cette époque ils se sont mon- trés plus réservés. . . .” ‘to Novembre 1784.... La Gazette Fran- Gaise qui s’imprimait ici est suspendue de- puis le 22 Odtobre parce que les direéteurs des Postes Américaines n’ont pas voulu faire un abonnement pour la circulation dece pa- plier ae “14 Mars 1785.... La Gazette Francaise intitulée /e Courrier de 1 ’ Amérique n’a en- core pu se relever. Un des moyens les plus efficaces pour en arréter la publication a été le refus que le direteur général des Postes a fait de lui donner cours 4 moins d’un abon- nement qu’il a fixé fort haut... .” All the efforts of Boinod and Gaillard proved in vain, and the Courrier de 1’ Amé- rigue could never be continued. They could not even protest. For many years the Government was sat- isfied with this discreet and efficient way of silencing objectionable newspapers. But at length in 1798 a severe law was enacted which provided a fine not exceeding $2000 and imprisonment for not exceeding two years. for any person who should print or publish a false, scandalous or malicious ar- ticle against the Government of the United States. This would have been a serious check for the newspapers if it had been strictly ap- 4 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS plied, but it was not, and in 1801 the law expired by limitation. We have to add that in the Eighteenth Century most of the editors of newspapers were poor devils, badly paid, if paid at all, by their subscribers of whom they complained often. We find, for instance, in the Roya/ Ga- zette (printed at New York by James Riy- ington) of November 8, 1783, this item, at the same time polite and precise: “Mr. Riv- ington entreats those gentlemen who are in arrears for this gazette, etc., to favor him with payment before their embarkation; this is suggested, with great deference, on a pre- sumption that some, perfectly willing to sat- isfy him, may leave this City without recol- leéting Trifles.” This was an appeal of a roy- alist editor to the English officers who had been his best customers and who were going to leave New York. If this was the situation in big cities, it is easy to understand why many country edi- tors were only too happy to receive payment in merchandise or provisions.+ This precari- ous position made them all wish to become printers for the State; so they did not like to antagonize the established authorities and tried on the contrary to please them. Such was the liberty, absolute in principle, and limited in faét, which was enjoyed by the American press. This liberty would not have sufficed for the creation of a sovereign opinion, if some profound tendencies of the American char- acter had not contributed their stimulus. A- merican life, before 1775, was, above all, lo- cal and provincial; each colony had an au- tonomous existence, each city, town or vil- lage had its own government. These coura- geous men, isolated in the midst of immense solitudes, struggling with nature in its wild and uncultivated state, few in number to contend with countless difficulties and dan- gers; these bold colonists had, nevertheless, a profound realization of man’s need of hu- man society. Under the influence of their clergy, who were in close conta¢t with them, and under that of their town meetings, which accustomed them to discussion and coépera- tion, there was formed a very powerful social spirit. An ardent community of faith, a com- munity of occupations, and the sharing in common of difficulties of every kind all tend- ed to make them unite in compact groups. Furthermore, there were few causes of jeal- ousy or conflict: there was land enough for all. Every man could live where he wished, and was free to depart at his pleasure. One should not forget those conditions of life in Anglo-Saxon America of the Eighteenth Century, if one wishes to understand clearly the kind of public spirit which ruled there —powerful, conscious of its strength and of its interests, feeling itself able to understand and decide any question which concerned it. As long as these scattered groups of col- onists remained separated by distance, diffi- culty of communication and diversity of in- terests, there existed no public opinion that represented the English colonies in Ameri- ca as a whole. But in 1753 Franklin became Deputy Postmaster-General and made great improvements in the colonial post office; he quickened the pace of the post-riders, in- creased their number, reduced the rates of postage and caused many post-roads to be shortened and improved. He organized a regular distribution of all newspapers and fixed a regular rate for them; thus making it easier for all publishers to sell their news- 4. The New York Journal, April 18, 1776. First Page. Printed in New York by Fohn Holt. 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He showed again his friendly disposition towards news- paper men in general by advertising in their sheets the lists of letters remaining uncalled for in the post office.s As, at the same time, river and coastwise navigation was becom- ing prosperous, and rivalry with France, fol- lowed soon by the conflict with the Mother Country, was rendering their unity of inter- est obvious to all throughout the thirteen colonies, public opinion became the prepon- derating force, and those who knew how to guide it were the real leaders. The Gover- nors and other representatives of the King were helpless in the face of this new and formidable power. When, in 1774, the first Continental Congress met, it was still only an expression of this public opinion; noth- ing proves that it represented a majority of the citizens, but everything shows that it gave an exact picture of what was engross- ing the minds of the Americans. It has been said that “those who were really willing to risk themselves or their property in the cause of independence and to die in the last ditch, were comparatively few,”’ and again, “there is every reason to suppose that they were less than a million. They were the heroic element, deeply inspired by the desire for a country of their own. Then there were those only a little inspired who were willing that the heroes should perform the miracle of succeeding. But these saw no advantage in risking their own necks, health, property or comfort, in the performance of something, which, after all, might be superhuman. They were waiting and watching.”’ 6 Here we have for the first time a typical picture of con- scious and well-organized public opinion working to carry along with it a hesitating majority and endeavoring to intimidate a hostile minority which for some reason had not been able to organize itself, to enlist the support of good newspapers and to carry on the fight. “The measures of the Congress were quickly endorsed, with the exception of a few towns and small seétions, by the same political bodies which had created the continental gathering.” 7 Supported by the clergy, the politicians and the newspapers— all those who for thirty years had been try- ing to create a public opinion in the New World—the Congress was successful in its patriotic exertions. ‘The collaboration of the thirteen colonies, the declaration of inde- pendence, the victorious war, manifested that one had not been wrong in believing that, in spite of intervening distances, Amer- icans were well aware of their spiritual and patriotic communion, and resolved to make it prevail. Nothing was able to divide them. Congress, subject to all the fluctuations of events, seemed often on the point of disso- lution and of committing innumerable aéts of folly; the Minister of France passed many painful hours in observing it, but all ended happily, thanks to the firmness of public o- pinion in America. This spectacle was tremendously interest- ing to Europeans. It had all the more value in that America was no longer tending to be- come merely a place of refuge for oppressed Anglo-Saxons, but an asylum for all the disinherited and discontented of Europe. In New York there remained traces of the Dutch colonization; in the middle States and in the South were a goodly number of French Protestants, descendants of those Huguenots who had been obliged to leave France after the revocation of the Edict of 6 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS Nantes, and there was a rather important French immigration from 1789 to 1798. At first the French royal government had tried to stop the many poor people who wanted to leave France for the legendary country of liberty and equality, and up to 1785 few Frenchmen really settled in the United States; but, with the beginning of the French Rev- olution, many noblemen who were afraid of the menacing storm sailed with their fami- ilies and their fortunes for the New World. Many great schemes were then designed, but nearly all failed. Neither Marietta nor Asy- lum was ever prosperous, and most of the poor colonists who settled there lost all their money. More fortunate, in the end, were the French people who left the French West In- dies, and especially Santo Domingo, after the beginning of the negro uprisings. The revolution in the French part of Santo Do- mingo was a terrible thing, and the French whites there were in most cases deprived of everything they had. Hundreds, or rather thousands, of French people sought refuge in New York, Baltimore and Philadelphia. They were received with great kindness and generosity. They were better prepared to un- derstand the life in America than French- men coming from Europe, and, as a whole, they succeeded in making a fresh and pros- perous start in this new country. Germans flocked towards the middle States. Swiss were to be found in small numbers every- where. They were a high type of immigrant, as is evidenced by the case of Albert Galla- tin. Italians settled mostly in the South, but they were never in great number. Thus all the peoples of western Europe were represented. After 1776 these immigrants felt more free and dared to manifest their European origin. Almost all had retained some conneétion with Europe. After 1790 there began to flour- ish in the United States all sorts of societies aiming to preserve in these foreign groups the memory of their old ways of living. Some were quite harmless, as the French Société des Gourmets, which flourished in Philadel- phia, around 1795, and was chiefly con- cerned in keeping alive among the French immigrants the custom and relish of good cooking. Others were distinétly philanthrop- ic and charitable, as the French Benevolent Society of Philadelphia. But others were bold- er and more objectionable. The many Jaco- bin clubs organized by Genét and his agents all over the United States, belong to this third group. They carried on a very rash political propaganda, and tried not only to keep the French immigrants under the in- fluence of the French revolutionary govern- ment, but sought to have a direét political influence on the Government of the United States. The Irish and the German societies seem to have been of the same type, and were often allied with the Jacobin clubs. ‘There was a very prosperous “Hibernian Society” in Philadelphia in 1797.8 There were also the lodges of Free Masons of foreign birth, which kept the national characteristics of their members and helped them to resist the Anglo-Saxon influence of the majority. They were generally on bad terms with the Amer- ican lodges, but they managed to live and endure. America was the most representative coun- try in the world; it therefore attraéted the gaze of all philosophers. It was fashionable to say, in Europe, as early as 1776, that the United States furnished a great speétacle to the whole world, and Turgot, the eminent 6. The New-York Daily Advertiser, September 17, 1785. First Page. Printed in New York by Francis Childs. This was the first daily newspaper published in New York. Note the fine printing as compared with the poor work of the Revolutionary periodicals (for instance Nos. 4 and 18); also the curious and pacific character of the advertisements. 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I] est l’espérance du genre humain, il peut en devenir le mo- dele. Il doit prouver au monde le fait que les hommes peuvent se passer des chaines de toutes espéces que les tyrans et les charla- tans de toute robe ont prétendu leur imposer sous le prétexte du bien public. II doit don- ner l’exemple de la liberté, du commerce et de Pindustrie.”’ 9 The United States appeared to the world as an admirable example. The nation contained within itself all the typical elements of the great European civilizations, _ mingled yet recognizable. This charaéteris- tic of American opinion was increasingly accentuated during the closing years of the century, and, when the French Revolution had caused new emigrations to America, one might have thought that nothing to be seen in Europe was lacking here. In faét, together with those of the lower classes, the United States received illustrious exiles and aristo- cratic émigrés. After having been for nearly two centuries the refuge of religious dissent- ers, it received Catholic priests. Baltimore had a French Catholic seminary; and the city of the Pilgrims, Boston, had a chapel. French materialistic philosophers like Vol- ney, clergymen like Priestley and Sulpician priests like Father Nagot, had all come to the United States in the hope of finding here peace and freedom of thought. They all were able to speak, write and continue their old aétivities. “Aux Etats-Unis,” says Moré de Pontgibaud, “on pouvait se croire aux Champs Elysées décrits au sixiéme livre de l’Enéide, ot chaque défunt se nourrissait dans l’autre monde de l’idée qu’il avait ca- ressée de son vivant.” 1° ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ne NOTES 1. Archives du Ministére des Affaires Etrangéres, Cor- resp. politique, Etats-Unis, vol. 21, folio 172. 2. Ibid., vol. 25, folios 31, 33. 3. J. M. Lee, History of American Journalism, 113. 4. [bid., 68. 5. J. Parton, Life and Times of Benjamin Franklin, I, 292. 6. S.G. Fisher, The Struggle for American Independence, I, 254. 7.C. H. Van Tyne, The Causes of the War of Indepen- dence, 443. 8. See Philadelphia General-Advertiser, March 15,1797. g. See “Lettre de M. Turgot,” (199-200) in (onsidé- rations sur T ordre de (Cincinnatus, par le Comte de Mira- beau. Londres, 1784. 10. See Mémoires du Comte de M. Paris, 1828, 228. 140 wet Mee tea f: vat { ai ] me 4 i “¥en t :. ris r f a x 5 « : . by ‘ a! a : 4 hunt > 4 ! * re 4 4 : ' | 7 2 e : 8. The New-York Daily Advertiser, September 17, 1785. Third Page. Printed in New York by Francis Childs. 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The Virginia Gazette, November 25, 1775. First Page. Printed in Williamsburg, Virginia, by fohn Dixon & William Hunter. _ Showing the quality of printing in the South, before the Revolution. 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Avy WIS? ays “SOTWAWI AL CINE to gsnduld AIAN ays RF saaueuuoyiad: SQL — “LAIULS Hasta] HLIOS ‘snoltry S$ UOFTIe Ty en Re ee en nn AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY II ing in great need of salvation, repentance and purification. Everywhere in the Ameri- can colonies there were theological discus- sions and sectarian rivalries which became very bitter. In order to form a national public opinion, another ground of understanding and another instrument of collaboration had to be found. Franklin soon saw very clearly what could be done. He deprecated these sterile quarrels, and although he carefully refrained from attacking any religion or any minister, he often expressed his disgust at the religious controversies and dissensions. Ata time when an attack on human igno- rance was the most difficult and the most needed thing in America, he founded libra- ries and universities, he established learned societies (The American Philosophical So- ciety, established in 174.4), above all, he per- fected the newspaper, and finally he did a practical piece of work by taking charge of the postal service, improving it carefully with a view to establishing easy communi- cation between the colonies. The importance of his role cannot be exaggerated; it is im- _ possible to show the extent of it ina few pag- es, as numberless small details would have to be included to describe properly the val- ue of his work. Franklin possessed an exact mind which translated into achievement all that it dealt with. Thanks to this quality he brought to a successful issue everything that he undertook. In 1775 the press in America was already equipped to do a useful work, and the credit was largely due to Franklin. There was a newspaper in each city, and as many as seven in Philadelphia (one of them being a German paper). Boston, New York, Charleston, Baltimore and Williamsburg were important centers of printing and had several gazettes whose literary value and political influence varied widely. The Revolution was to give to the press a magnificent occasion to develop and to acquire large influence. The clergy of New England and some Anglican pastors had fa- vored the rebellion; some of them had been real revolutionary leaders and had power- fully helped patriotic feeling to crystallize in the English colonies, as, for instance, Dr. Samuel Cooper, of Boston, the friend of Franklin, who to the very end of his life was entirely devoted to the great cause of free- dom and independence, and never ceased in his sermons to comfort and encourage the people of Massachusetts. But even to these patriotic clergymen the Revolution brought a diminution of power. All the authorities established and recognized before 1774 suf- fered from the transfer of sovereignty to the American people, and from the lack of dis- cipline which spread throughout the conti- nent. Certain sections, as Virginia, saw reli- gious life disappear almost entirely, and the clergy reduced to a state of helplessness. “In the post-revolutionary period the Episcopal Church reached its lowest state in the South, where, in colonial times, it had been most fa- vored. Statistics of communicants are not ac- cessible, but we may learn the general con- dition of the Church from the statistics of the clergymen. In 1776 there were nearly two hundred clergymen in the colonies south of Mason and Dixon’s line.... At the end of the Revolution the number in parishes was a mere handful.’’7 It was not a sudden ex- tinction of the faith, but a social reaétion a- gainst everything which seemed aristocrat- ic in the Churches, and against the political authority of the clergy. Finally, the move- 12 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS ment of the American troops throughout the colonies, enabling the young men in the ar- my to observe the different sects, and lead- ing them to frequent the company of French papists and philosophers, could not fail to have results. A Catholic priest, the Abbé Bandole, chaplain of the Minister of France, preached before Congress assembled, and at Philadelphia was seen a great Catholic bur- ial service, the piety of which was admired by all. Hazard wrote to Belknap (June 27, 1780), describing this ceremony: “As I had never seen even the inside of a Popish church, and the ceremony was to be per- formed on a Monday, I determined to at- tend; and, upon going into the church, I found there not only Papists, but Presbyte- rians, Episcopalians, Quakers, etc. The two chaplains (one a Presbyterian and the other a Churchman) were among the rest. I con- fess I was pleased to find the minds of peo- ple so unfettered with the shackles of bigot- ry. The behaviour of the Papists in time of worship was very decent and solemn, vastly more so than among the generality of Prot- estants; there was not a smiling nor even a disengaged countenance.” 8 Toleration be- ing more generally prevalent in the United States, the clergy lost some of their influence. Moreover it was no longer a question of the discussion of local problems, but of great in- ternational matters. It was a question of see- ing clearly into the politics of the world. In such matters the clergy found themselves out of their field; the travellers, the politi- cians and the professional journalists were better informed than they, and their pres- tige vanished. Thus the years which followed the War of Independence and the Peace of Versailles saw a rapid development of the American press. During the war the newspapers had been very badly printed. “It was a hard time to begin business anew,” says Benjamin Franklin Thomas, speaking of his grandfa- ther, Isaiah Thomas, who was then reorgan- izing and endeavoring to renew the publica- tion of the Massachusetts Spy ; “all business was disordered bya paper currency daily de- preciating; materials and labor were difh- cult to be procured; subscriptions to his pa- per hard to be got and harder to be collect- ed.’’9 Editors could be drafted as soldiers, as it happened to Thomas. They no longer re- ceived the paper which they had been in the habit of using and which came chiefly from Europe.!° Certain newspapers, as the Ui7- ginia Gazette of Dixon, which formerly used to appear on a large sheet, were now printed in o¢tavo size only. They had retained their influence, because no one was able to get along without them, and people were ea- ger for news. They aroused the same inter- est that the war sheets printed in France dur- ing the recent Great War did with their dai- ly communiqués. They won an even greater popularity because of the exertions, suffer- ings and sacrifices of their patriotic editors. To give but one instance among many: John Holt, who was the editor of the New York Fournal and a firm Whig, had to leave New York when the British army took possession of that city. “He left in New York a consid- erable part of his effeéts, which he totally lost. Another portion of his property, which had been sent to Danbury, was pillaged or burnt in that place by a detachment of the British army, and a part of his types, with his household furniture, etc., were destroyed by the enemy at Esopus.”’!' After 1783 he re- 12. Aurora. General Advertiser, May 12, 1797. Third Page. Printed in Philadelphia by Benjamin Franklin Bache. 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ONT ae ane ‘ Seer + {JO U ASdADY play VER ZOE \ cf . : uinzuoa Be *s9gUTUls a, BN “as O/Qenjen) Svoycureg rae" ry sz : ae me “pr SUIS Sf ANY DITA L, % Le rian eee she i SUEAIL Vv 7 dg wat sed a355qt] TH ANY SAMO | As € "wa bt enopy $Nresnoy ) “s 4 : a £ ead A + v; 1A ¢ pourg ays uo stern ‘204 iris a. “zi3 ON fsaumn[On z purpog jo 4scytig tseua i fry rz er 62 (ounvem siras eg) sammy 69, C2 oS 1 ATEN Se jal 10 SWNOUIFTA sayy fp a Sey So ae ee mas ys aTWS e 3, “yeok Saga UIOAP OUNZEAA AN SAPO" “eS 4 a SEI MPRST ° Chace aw oeame ae A e AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH (ENTURY 13 Diced to New York and continued the pub- lication of his newspaper. But these newspa- pers of the days of the Revolution were not adapted to the conditions of a time of peace and prosperity. After the signing of the trea- ty of peace, they resumed their large format. Each publisher strove to improve his paper. Isaiah Thomas, at Worcester, was able to pro- cure new types and better paper for his Spy, which was enlarged to five columns. Others were bolder, and the first dailies in the Unit- ed States appeared: the Pennsy/vania Packet printed its first issue on September 21, 1784. Literary or philosophical extraéts crept into all the papers. A whole generation of intel- ligent and progressive editors then shed their light: Greenleaf at New York, Oswald at Philadelphia, Isaiah Thomas in Massachu- setts. Thomas was a very prosperous and in- fluential publisher, who not only owned a newspaper, but had a large printing house, and sold school books, law books and works of general literature. He printed some excel- lent popular editions of the Bible (in folio, with fifty copper-plates). “He was in faa one of the largest book publishers on either side of the Atlantic. ... His work was re- markable for elegance We accuracy.” 12 But it is Matthew Carey who has the best claim to our attention. He was born in Ire- land of a good family, and was a Catholic. Having written a pamphlet in favor of his brethren in faith, he was obliged to flee from Ireland and seek refuge in France. There Benjamin Franklin seems to have been very kind to him and to have employed himat his Passy press. The Marquis de La Fayette took him under his protection. After Carey had studied the art of printing at the establish- ment of the great Didot, he returned to Ire- land. After having been imprisoned for a time by the British authorities, he was per- suaded by his friends to try his luck in the United States (1784). La Fayette gave him letters of introduction to some of his Ameri- can friends, and the poor Irish boy, who had no friends in the United States and who was lame, was, in a very short time, through his ability, his wide knowledgeand his fierce in- dustry, able to win for himself a prominent position. He first established the Pennsy/va- nia Herald, which had buta short life; then, with five associates, he created the (o/umbi- an Magazine; and, in 1787, he alone pub- lished the American Museum, a thoroughly American magazine, the first of its kind, as a matter of fact. This magazine, which de- voted a very large part of its space to agri- culture and industry, had an excellent staft of American writers: Benjamin Rush, ‘Tom Paine, Freneau, Trumbull, Col. Humphreys, Hopkinson, Benezet and others. It printed extracts from famous European authors and was the most powerful literary organ of the early United States. Carey’s house was the rallying place of the liberals in Philadelphia. He made a specialty of the importation of European books, and sold them all over the country, having agents in Boston, New York and the South. In spite of the risks and ex- pense involved in transporting them during the wars of the French Revolution, many of the works which had a popular success in the United States came from Europe,* and Carey sold a large quantity of them. It was, in fact, chiefly owing to his labors that Eu- seein: oe eas to aly its ac- se "THlémaque ml nage rest ign Fénelon’s S Saris: Rollin’s s histories, eAnacharsis, the English theologians and novel- ists. 14 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS customed vogue in those difhcult times. He also shipped American books to Europe. For the period from 1792 to 1798 his business amounted in its total to 8300,000, a large sum for those days. He made a fortune, and found himself involved in everything—re- ligious disputes, literary discussions, politi- cal, scientific and medical quarrels.!3 His great polemic with Cobbett, on the subject of the epidemic of yellow fever, created na- tion-wide interest and did not end in his de- feat. He was probably one of the most efh- cient of the men who labored to make Phil- adelphia the book-distributing center of the United States during the post-revolutionary period. There was a great demand for books and newspapers in America, where the aver- age man seems to have read more than was the casein Europe.!4’'The people of the Unit- ed States were then concentrating all their forces in the endeavor to become a great civilized nation, and to conquer a place for themselves among the nations of the world, and these editor-printers were among their most active educators. The country profited by all this, and the publishers themselves ac- quired an enviable position. Beginning with 1790 a new and signifi- cant tendency developed among the politi- cians; namely, that of procuring the support or backing of some editor or editors. Dr. Mil- ler, in his ‘Retrospect of theEighteenthCen- tury,” wrote: “It is worthy of remark that newspapers have almost entirely changed their form and charaéter within the period under review. Fora long time after they were first adopted as a medium of communica- tion to the public, they were confined, in general, to the mere statement of /aés. But they have gradually assumed an office more extensive,and risen to a more important sta- tion in society. They have become the vehi- cle of discussion, in which the principles of government, the interests of nations, the spir- it and tendency of public measures, and the public and private characters of individuals, are all arraigned, tried and decided. Instead therefore of being considered now, as they once were, of small moment in society, they have become immense moral and political engines, closely conneéted with the welfare of the State, and deeply involving both its peace and prosperity.” 15 This, at first sight, seems to apply equally well to the American press at the end of the Eighteenth Century and to the French press of the same period; but we must observe with care the difference between the policy of the American leaders and that of a Brissot, of a Robespierre, of a Mirabeau, each of whom owned a newspa-. per in order to be able to say in it what he wished, and to have a place where he could talk freely and plainly to the public, but cared little about making a paper which was interesting in itself and which could live by its own merits. In America, on the contrary, the great po- litical leaders, Jefferson and Hamilton, took care not to appear under their names in the sheets which they subsidized. In 1792, at the time of his acute confliét with Hamilton, Jef- ferson, thinking it necessary to make the fact clear, solemnly proclaimed that, outside of lending some European newspapers to Fre- neau, he had no share in the conduét of the paper published by the latter. “As to any other direétion or any indication of my wish how his press should be conduéted, what sort of intelligence he should give, what es- says encourage, I can protest, in the presence 14. Porcupine’s Gazette, September 5, 1797. First Page. Printed in Philadelphia by William Cobbett. The leading pro-English and conservative newspaper in America at the end of the Eighteenth Century. Note the growth of industrial and scientif- ic a¢tivities in Philadelphia, as illustrated by the advertisements, of a scien- tific book (first column), of a foundry (third column), of lotteries and books (second and fourth columns), of the mail stage (fifth column), etc. abet ‘zg. 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GIOYRUN IpZsOM | JO WOGWE [EYOTINI} : Ae i ee a os ee s1Ues2ry pus uaurpuog | Puc ‘Aqunwwor ry jo s1aquiaw (oer sp Pl 3ui320n 03 wars yada jou am Sew ‘Spied |-10 auy fe Gaomog weduss WHICH ajdt Jo & ayejna-sunf Pyaoa sf yay da Ae MRDG sapau ‘2, of pegunauup ‘sip auf wig sry yveog Anan wig agearioions ig ay fo earocy #4 ‘ # ee il QNUYaAG types posnsay sett Yo dod pu Eusfogmobopy Sqavarqaneg fo tan.> ‘ erydpoperiyg Jo 431 SHS FO AN AVOS TEYAUNAIVY RV Weg ogy ur Ayre ‘ASHSITIOAd 34 TILA £ of # ‘ AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH (ENTURY 15 of heaven, that I never did by myself or any other, or indireétly, say a syllable, nor at- tempt any kind of influence. I can further protest, in the same awful presence, that I never did, by myself, or any other, direétly or indireétly, write, dictate or procure any one sentence or sentiment to be inserted 7 his, or any other gazette, to which my name was not affixed or that of my office. I surely need not except here a thing so foreign to the present subject as a little paragraph a- bout our Algerine captives, which I put once into Fenno’s paper.”’!6 This language is very far from the expressions of a Robespierre, openly writing to his constituents, of a Ma- rat denouncing his enemies and the enemies of the nation. The American statesmen had editors chosen with care, and they sought to give to their respective newspapers a value which would render acceptable the articles or bits of news that they wished to insert. Jefferson, in spite of his pretension, depend- ed at first upon the Nasional Gaxerte,which was directed by the scholar, poet, sea-cap- tain, Philip Freneau, who was at the same time “Clerk for Languages” at the Depart- ment of State. He was a gifted writer, a sin- cere and sometimes eloquent poet,an ardent revolutionist. He was educated at the Col- lege of New Jersey (Princeton), where he received from Witherspoon and his other masters a profound love of liberty. He was of French descent, and thoroughly understood the French language.'7 His qualities and abilities were many, but he does not seem to have been an efhicient manager or a good business man. His paper is, without doubt, the best that I know of among the papers of the Eighteenth Century. It contains a short and general résumé of European news, some semi-satirical local items which are very amusing, and literary articles which are generally vigorous and often powerful. The reader feels that it was edited with love and pride. It lived two years, and had an agitat- ed career, fighting against Hamilton and the Federalists, and perpetually clamoring for more editorial freedom and for more publi- city regarding the aéts of the Government and of Congress. After its disappearance Jef- ferson gave his support (but in an even more cautious and mysterious way) to the. 4urora General Advertiser, which was published in Philadelphia by Benjamin Franklin Bache, beloved grandson of Dr. Franklin, who had taken him as a small boy to Europe, placed him in a school at Geneva, and later brought him to live with him at Passy. There the lad had watched the marvellous career and man- ifold aétivities of his grandfather; he had worked with him at his press, and Franklin, finding in the youth a promising disposition to become a good printer and editor, had sent him to Paris to study the latest methods of printing at Didot’s. Benjamin Franklin Bache seems to have had fine personal qual- ities, a good deal of charm and manly beau- ty, and a quick and generous mind.18 His exceptional education had made him devel- op more quickly than most boys of his gen- eration. Unfortunately, he immediately be- came involved in the painful and terrible quarrels of the first decade under the Amer- ican Constitution, and his premature death, before he was thirty, prevented the revela- tion of his true charaéter. His attacks on Washington have given him a bad reputa- tion, which I do not consider entirely justi- fied. Nearly all of his mistakes and rash acts can be explained by his youth, the influence 16 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS of environment and the excitement of those days. The -4urora was more violent and more difficult to handle than the Nasional Gazette, but Bache was a better newspaper man than Freneau. His paper was a large daily sheet, in which particular care was de- voted to the setting forth of the news, which was furnished in great abundance. Other- wise it resembled the Gazette of Freneau, although it seems to have been edited ina more lucid manner, and, in the beginning at least, was printed with more typographical perfection, which seems to show that Bache had not forgotten the lessons of Didot. To offset the influence of this newspaper, which represented democracy and French thought, the Federalist party established several pa- pers. But even before Freneau and Bache had begun to publish their papers, the Federalists had created the Gazerte of the United States, which was direéted by the honest, hard- working, poor and dull Fenno,19 who, in de- fending the cause confided to him, showed the same vehemence that Freneau and Bache displayed in supporting democratic princi- ples. He was equally violent, convinced and vulgar. But he was never a successful news- paper man. He was tiresome, and his paper seems never to have given him really enough to live on. In 1797 there lived in Philadelphia an Englishman, William Cobbett, who founded Porcupine’s Gazette and produced exam- ples of very coarse, but very clever, polemic literature in favor of Federalism. Cobbett ruined himself by the excess of his violence. During the epidemic of yellow fever he car- ried on a fierce controversy with Matthew Carey and Dr. Benjamin Rush (the latter of whom was a Democrat in politics) over the proper method of treating that disease, with the result that he was adjudged guilty of li- bel, and was obliged to discontinue the pub- lication of his newspaper, which had had a prompt and seemingly complete success.2° His was, in fact, one of the first American newspapers to publish two editions a day.* 21 Thus we see the rdle played by a newspa- per in America about 1797. It allowed no controversy to pass without taking a hand in it. To attract attention and curiosity and to sustain interest, it was constantly necessary to find a subject for discussion; this discus- sion had to be striking and easy of compre- hension, and the subjeé matter had to be presented in general and simple terms, The American papers were destined for hetero- geneous groups scattered over a vast territo- ry. They were not able to indulge in subtle- ties and allusions, as could the newspapers edited in Paris and London.They had to aim at the essential and to be contented with the elementary. Consequently, after groping a while, they discovered which topics pos- sessed lasting interest for their public, and, in the main, since 1790 the same subjects have been discussed by the American press. In 1798 the press campaign was dire¢ted in favor of or against participation in European quarrels. In the elections of 1800 it had for its center Jefferson, accused of immorality, of chimerical idealism and of a dangerous tendency to drag the United States, at the ex- pense of their real interests, into the forma- tion of a sort of democratic league with the nations of Europe. It is in the newspapers that we find stated precisely and clearly the Dt BS TS TIS SIS Sie Sie Sle tie RS US US FE Sie St Se USS US SS NS TS Sie Se Sle Sie Be Te she ie sie sie ais * Samuel H. Smith was doing the same with the New World, and preceded Cobbett in this by a few months. _ 16. Porcupine’s Gazette, September 5, 1797. Third Page. Printed in Philadelphia by William Cobbett. Illustrating the scruples of an Eighteenth Century editor, when he printed news which he wished to believe, but did not altogether trust — ‘Glorious news, (if true.)”’ (fourth column). BE . 392 :nNUIO sy oa poguane ine geo aga’ Os sadoid aqBnoys nat Ley! x Z parte Hy . a a . 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"3 pe ws Aayt pecey “sq Ate a 7 bie © Sierra sem JOT OT} jouuy USIS.IO wT Mi® faa ul aduanpay Usop Ps¥y] TL! reese IRIN. Fes patocd gar ‘fyug } npn sth eS aq duur ay ‘Soong 9323 SuOMEIoIe | sowyey eoo————“( AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH (ENTURY 17 two conceptions of America which still di- vide Americans: a. the United States as an apostle nation which should serve as a mod- el to other peoples and give them aid (the Aurora);>2 6.the United States, a privileged people who should isolate themselves in or- der to conserve the purity given by God, and to develop their virtues and their riches (the Gazette of the United States).3 We would seek in vain for large works or for philo- sophical or political treatises in which these theories are set forth, but in 1799 and 1800 there was not a month in which the -4urora and the Gazezte of the United States did not present them to their readers. While awak- ening and developing the sense of American unity, the newspapers realized that one of their principal reasons for existing should be to discuss the rules and conditions of re- lations with Europe. From the first they re- solved to be the educators of the nation in respect to foreign policy. One could show their influence on many other subjects: uni- fication of language, of customs and of liter- ature, etc., but it seems to me that one could find no more striking and important char- acteristic of the formation of the American ideal than this tendency and this desire of the newspapers, from 1790 on, to make the foreign policy of the United States depen- dent on them and on public opinion. The importance of this fact cannot be re- alized, unless we remember that no country, not even republican France, was then accus- tomed to having questions of foreign policy discussed by the people, or desired that the crowd should be informed of all that was done, said and thought in that field. In 1777 Vergennes issued an order forbidding peo- ple to discuss the American situation in the cafés of Paris;24 and we see from the publi- cation of M. Aulard, “Paris pendant le Di- rectoire,” that the Directory had spies in these cafés and did not hesitate to put in jail the customers who advanced too definite ideas on questions of foreign policy and ex- pressed them too strongly.?5 The rule of se- crecy in foreign affairs still prevailed every- where else, while in America the newspa- pers had been strong enough to have it ab- rogated. When in 1794. Washington wished to prevent public discussion of the Jay Trea- ty, the text thereof was communicated (in spite of the express order of the President) to the -4urora, which published it immedi- ately and caused it to be reproduced every- where. Thus the first struggle between the Executive and the Press in America ended in favor of the latter. Spee tthe iit i ie NOTES 1. H. L. Osgood, American Colonies in the Eighteenth Century, II, 411-450. 2. On the relations of Franklin and Whitefield, see Writings of Franklin (edited by A.H.Smyth, 1906-7), I, 354-358. Franklin said of Whitefield in 1747, “he is a good man and I love him” (idid., II, 316); and again in 1771, “mentioning Mr. Whitefield, I cannot forbear ex- pressing the pleasure it gave me to see in the Newspapers an account of the respect paid to his memory by your as- sembly. I knew him intimately, upwards of thirty years. His integrity, disinterestedness, and indefatigable zeal in prosecuting every good work, I have never seen equalled, I shall never see exceeded.” (Jbid., V, 308). 3. Osgood, op. cit., III, 86. 4. A. H. Smyth’s ed., Writings of Franklin, Il, 92. 5. Ibid., X, 84. 6. Ibid. p21 5, 7. John S. Bassett, “Popular Churches After the Rey- olution,” Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, Series I1, vol. 48, pp. 256-7. 18 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS 8. Belknap Papers, Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections, Series V, vol. II, 61-2. g. Isaiah Thomas, History of Printing in America, 2d ed., 1874, I, Ixxi. 10. J. M. Lee, History of American Fournalism, 60, 90- 95> 97> 11. Thomas, op. cit., 1, 303-4. 12. Ibid., I, lxxi. 13. On Carey see the very interesting book by E. L. Bradsher, Matthew (arey, Editor, Author and Publisher, New York, Columbia University Press, 1912. 14. [bid. 15. Miller, Retrospect of the Eighteenth Century, quoted in Thomas, op. cit., 11, 200. 16. Writings of Fefferson, Monticello ed., VIII, 403-4. 17. S.E. Forman, The Political Activities of Philip Fre- neau. Johns Hopkins University Studies. 18. A. H. Smyth’s ed., Writings of Frankiin, V1, 410, 418; VII, 10, 43, 1263; VIII, 304, 336; IX, 68, 89; X, 301, 363, 486. 19. I hope that we shall very soon have the interesting book which Miss E. Ward is writing on J. Fenno. Miss Ward was kind enough to let me see the letters of J. Fen- no and of J. Ward Fenno, who succeeded his father as ed- itor of the Gazette of the United States. 20. G. D. H. Cole, The Life of W. Cobbett, 48-68. 21. J. M. Lee, op. cit. 139. 22. See the e4urora, March 19, 1799. 23. See the Gazette of the United States, July 5, 1799. 24. See “Correspondances bretonnes du XVIII* Sie- cle,” in Revue a’ Anjou, t. 77, p. 87. 25. Aulard, Paris pendant le Direcioire, 11, 567; 1V, 71. 17. Aurora. General Advertiser, March 15, 1797. First Page. Printed in Philadelphia by Benjamin Franklin Bache. 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[ROM Yry Aw siya ayrur oF sw Wo Juaquinout Ainp vat Aya | ‘yaya caus uo, onypoyat siya Antes y asoyay 4iny Lajedaz baqinyipun, JO acy © ut ‘agit yo sapuretsas ays syed o9 ayeupaur I (Pitoe aya jo afynosy pue af.ou ays wiosy aj0uraz) yorysa ur Saauasqe pnguied pue Suz e yao ysy og P2t-99 JAIL DALY | YYAa JOJ uatuainas B f aELpHNy wa yoyeasd ays Yam agay [ ‘Mmouy flaw Star Syren ‘WaWesal BWyawop 2 4d cy UINjar pus SajaaBuog f° Spuey ay onut at Uys 07 Bupsedaid mou - we J ‘poypitdurs.e Butaq ‘asgunoa hus jo aotarsy sya ut auawiutodde ue prog o gnow TOY yd PEG T Gay 105 Yolgo yeu | Hy ‘AES *Egds ‘gx sual ‘qRusqrmayy ‘04934025 -poogy nao u1 3) Caves "EOI JO sajeIG paiuy sy3 Jo sawyy oy} Jo yJoryy ur JopuewUOD ‘NO LONIHSVM FOVOAD AANITTIONY SHY Woly wFL_LATY uvIaduD VW "CQlr Glee h 7 fis ‘TIUOA-MAN hivupio0uxy ALTAZVD TWAOU “4L CATA Pal”’ HuReveds lel Sources from which the American Press derived its Information. 1770-1800. we must recall how they were cnsmenononeoee made up. They resembled the English journals, but not those of continen- tal Europe; in fact, at a time when the latter were printed on o¢tavo or quarto sheets, the American papers appeared on folio sheets. _ About 1800 the American newspapers had a format similar to that of the Yournal des Débats of our day. In general, from 1770 to 1800, the first and third pages contained news and political articles; the second and fourth were usually devoted to advertise- ments, official announcements, poems and literary essays. Sometimes they also con- tained reports of the proceedings of Con- gress and of the State Legislature. But there was nothing regular, and the publisher did not feel obliged to print his paper always on the same plan. If we take, for instance, the Pennsylvania Gazette for 1785, and study three issues of February, we find that on February gth the first and second pages are filled with political letters sent by readers; they are signed “‘Briarius,” “Andromache,” “Caution,” “Aristides,” and are written in the style of the time. They discuss questions interesting to the State of Pennsylvania. The third page has a column of news from Phil- adelphia (meeting of the Philosophical So- ciety), Charleston (story of a pirate), Kings- ton (‘bid.), Cadiz (Algerian pirates capture an American ship), Lorient (trouble in Hol- land), Reading (tyranny in England); the other two columns of the third page and the whole fourth page are advertisements. On February 16th, the first two columns of the first page are taken by a message from the President of the Supreme Executive Coun- cil to the General Assembly of Pennsylvania; the rest of the first page and also the third page are entirely filled with advertisements. The second page contains letters from read- ers, on the Bank of North America, the tax- es, the Assembly of Pennsylvania. The fourth page is all advertisements, but there is a sup- plement of six columns, where four columns are news and two are advertisements. The news comes from New York (the Portuguese are abolishing their vineyards to grow corn), London (the troubles in Holland; commerce with America), Amsterdam (the troubles in 20 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS Holland), Philadelphia (arrival of Arthur Lee), Germantown (meeting of delegates from the County of Philadelphia; their res- olutions), Groningen, London again, The Hague, Frankfort, Rotterdam, etc. On Feb- ruary 23d, the first and the fourth pages are devoted to advertisements; the second has two columns of letters from readers (on the funding bill, taxation, the Assembly of Penn- sylvania). One column of the second page and two of the third page contain news, as one column of the third page is given to ad- vertisements. The news comes from London (long dispatch on the troubles in Holland), New York (ships arrived), Charleston (hard winter in Europe), Boston (ceremony in hon- or of Washington’s birthday), Philadelphia (meeting of merchants and traders, General Assembly of the State of Pennsylvania). And so it continued the whole year round, the publisher feeling free to present matters as he chose, and printing in his paper in a very broad-minded fashion anything he deemed interesting, from whatever source it came and under any title. The only thing which we do not find is the editorial. The newspa- pers published the letters and pamphlets that were sent to them; but only rarely, and then very briefly, did they express their opinions on the questions discussed therein. Early in the history of American journalism, Barthol- omew Green had the habit, whenever he printed any special news item, of adding some reflection of a religious chara¢ter! and of moral value. But this custom does not seem to have been adopted by his successors or outside of Boston. Until 1790 the news- papers were made by the printers, and they were very discreet about their opinions; af- ter that date professional journalism really begins, and very soon the editor’s opinions and points of view take more and more room in each paper. A printer of 1786, who was generally a bookseller at the same time, used to receive the news of the neighbor- hood and print it in his sheet, together with the news that he found in the other papers of his seétion of the country, the proclama- tions of the Governor, the letters from his readers and the proceedings of the Legisla- ture, and any local gossip. Usually he wrote very little himself. Most of his matter was hearsay, copy or reprint. There is still pre- served the collection of papers from which certain editors drew the material which they needed for their gazettes.2 The editor had no originality, but a great acquisitiveness; in his paper he offered hospitality to every- thing from the advertisement of merchan- dise recently arrived from Europe to the no- tice regarding an escaped slave, of whom a little drawing was given—the same for all occasions; from items about an adulteress or an abduéted woman, to the advertisement of a stallion for sale or for hire; from notices of ships about to sail, to sensational sermons. Some of these advertisements really bring back to us the atmosphere of the time. I find the following in the Pennsylvania Gazette of June 22, 1774: TWO DOLLARS REWARD. R™ away on the fecond of this inftant May a cer- tain Ann Mintzes, of a thick chunky make, and fancy complexion; gives fuck and keeps a puppy for that ufe; fhe took with her the following articles, viz: one gown, two holland aprons, one filk handkerchief, a pair of holland fleeves, one cambrick cap, and one fheet. Whoever takes faid perfon fo that the fubfcrib- er may get the goods and her brought to jusftice fhall have the above reward paid by Anrcam We cu living near the China Manufactory, Love-Lane, Southwark. IQ. The Royal Gazette, November 15, 1783. First Page. Printed in New York by Fames Rivington, the great royalist newspaperman and propagandist. 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Her chara¢ter will be honeftly told. Enquire of the Printers. [April 27, 1774.] Eaft Bradford Townfhip, Chefter County, February 20, 1774. HEREAS CuRisTIANA the wife of the fubfcriber eloped from her Hufband, whereupon they a- greed to live apart, and the fubfcriber engaged to pay her twelve pounds a year during their feparation, and fhe was not to run him in debt. And whereas the {aid CurIsTIANA, notwith{tanding her agreement, runs the fubfcriber in debt; therefore I do earneftly requeft and forbid all and every perfon or perfons, not to truft her on my account, for Iam fully determined not to pay any of her debts from the date hereof. [December 14, 1774.] MicHarL REGHTER. FRONT TEETH. A. perfon willing to difpofe of their Front TrrTu will receive two guineas for each tooth, on ap- plying to No. 28 Maiden Lane. [Rivington’s New York Gazette, December 17, 1783.] HUE & CRY. HEREAS MATHIAS SEIDEBANDER, of Alface town- fhip, Berks county, eloped from his wife, about three years ago, without any reafon whatfoever, this is to give him notice that unlefs he returns in three months after the day of the date hereof, I will difown him as a hufband and keep houfe with him no longer. [November 24, 1774.] Mary SEIDEBANDER. To tell the truth, advertisements like the last above are more rarely to be found than are those similar to that published by the said Michael Reghter, and it seems either that there were more “Christianas” than “Mathias Seidebanders,”’ or that the wives did not proclaim desertion as often as did the husbands. It appears from these exam- ples that, by 1790, Americans had acquired the habit of announcing everything in the newspapers, and of searching them for in- formation of all kinds. Such was the case throughout the United States, and such has always been the case. The local function of the newspapers guaranteed their original de- velopment and assured their stability. This has been so, with little change, through the succeeding years. In this respect all the news- papers of America were and are alike. Their distinctive features were the news items that they received from abroad, and the articles that were communicated to them. When an editor could find such essays to publish as “’TheFederalist”’ of Hamilton, Jay and Mad- ison, printed in eighty-five numbers of the Independent Fournal of New York, it gave him at once a great advantage over his ri- vals, who generally hurried as fast as possi- ble to reprint them. The necessary consequence of these con- ditions was that the best newspapers were grouped in or around the seaports. It was in fact much easier to get, at New York, Bos- ton, Philadelphia (then the largest American port), Baltimore, Charleston and Savannah, fresh and original news and cultivated and well-informed writers, than it was in the cit- ies of the interior. Furthermore, the inland papers were only copies of those of the sea- ports, and were subject to the influence of the latter. The newspapers of the seaboard had also the advantage of being addressed to a more curious and cosmopolitan public. Consequently their circulation was greater than that of the country journals. For papers that were popular it must have amounted to 3,500 or 4,000. In fact about 1780, Riv- ington, the loyalist publisher of the Roya/ Gazette, claimed that his paper had a cir- culation of 3,600.3 Cobbett, eighteen years 22 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS later, announced as a marked success, the number of 3,200 subscribers to Porcupine’s Gazette.* The price of these papers was not very high. The subscription to the Boston Gazette in 1757 was “five shillings and four pence lawful money” a year; the Boston (Chronicle in 1767, six shillings and eight pence; the Portsmouth (N ew Hampshire) Gazette in 1756, one dollar; the Pennsy/va- nia fournal in 1766, ten shillings; the Penn- sylvania Ledger in 1775, ten shillings; the Pennsylvania Evening Post in 1775, twelve shillings; the -4urora in 1797, eight dollars; Porcupines Gazette in 1797, eight dollars; Rivington’ s Independent New York Gazette in 1783, three dollars, and so on. But even with these low prices the publishers did not succeed in getting enough subscribers. Peo- ple took every opportunity to read a paper without paying for it; they would borrow a copy or see one at the tavern. In winter they would refuse to pay the subscription because, the roads being obstructed by snow, they did not receive their papers regularly. It was very difficult to get their money, and even more so to satisfy them. A few papers published two editions, after 1795, in an endeavor to placate their country readers who were dis- contented and claimed that everything was being done for the city folk. One of these e- ditions was for the city and the other for the country. Almost all publishers issued spec- ial editions concerning important or unex- pected events. But all this was scarcely pos- sible for the newspapers of the remote dis- triéts; only those of the ports had financial resources sufhcient to enable them to make such expenditures. Proximity to the sea was an essential con- dition for the success of a newspaper. The gazettes of the ports were those most influ- enced by the European papers, and they went so far as to get their inspiration direétly from the journals of the Old World. ‘Thus, up to 1775, we see American newspapers repro- ducing exclusively those of England. All their news was drawn from that source, a fact which is not surprising, for commerce with other nations or their colonies was not au- thorized. The most frequently quoted ga- zettes belonged to the Whig party, with which the Americans maintained good re- lations and official ones. Asking for the fa- vor of the public, Rivington says: “From henceforth the printer will neither expect or solicit their favors longer than his endeavors shall stamp the same degree of authenticity and credit on the Roya/ Gazette of New York as all Europe allows to the Roya/ Gazette of London.” (Roya/ Gazerte of July 10, 1782). It is impossible to give any exact statistics or any very accurate statement as to the com- parative influence of the several great Eng- lish papers, as the American newspapers sel- dom said from which English paper they had taken their news, although it was clear that it came from an English source. After 1778 the public did not care to see the titles of the English sheets mentioned too often. The English, through their commerce and trav- elers, received a large fund of information about the various countries of the world, and the American newspapers were well sup- plied from that source. However, the Eng- lish professed a superb contempt of all other nations and of all countries governed by ab- solute sovereigns. France, in particular, was vigorously attacked, and the Americans of the pre-revolutionary period reprinted with- out comment these items of news and prej- 2I. The Royal Gazette, November 15, 1783. Third Page. Printed in New York by Fames Rivington. Showing curious advertisements in a royalist newspaper, at the time of the American triumph. Note a meeting of the loyalists (first column), and a ship for St. John’s, Nova Scotia (fourth column). 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Two of them taken from the Boston Post Boy will give an idea of this attitude.On December 21,1772, the Post Boy says: “Lonpon. There is in the Court of France a man well known for his danger- ous abilities: his name is Vergennes. It is him the Court of France always employs when it has projects uncommonly black to be exe- cuted;” and on January 10, 1774, “the King slumbering in Madame Barre’s lap, now and then is waked by the cries of his distressed subjects; he inquires what disturbed him; being told, and knowing it is a matter of such little consequence, he reposes again. His ministry is planning a scheme of gov- ernment for his successor. The poor people is eating one another.”’* After 1775 there was a great change. A trade in arms, provisions and commodities of all kinds was henceforth conducted on a large scale between the French colonies and the United States; and this trade extended even to France. Thus we see the Gazette de la Martinique often quoted in the Amer- ican revolutionary papers. To a lesser de- gree the other newspapers of the French An- tilles were used. When in 1778 the Franco- American alliance had been signed and an- nounced, people began to read the French gazettes. There was, however, one obstacle to their circulation: they were all controlled or supervised by the French government, and that did not please liberty-loving Amer- icans. They preferred to seek in the French gazettes and Mercures literary pieces and articles of a general nature, rather than news. ste ste ate ate ate ate te ate sie sie S1s ale S16 Sie Ate SIE aie Sie ale ate S16 ae ale Se aie Sie Ie ae Hie He Hie aie ae * Note that for ten years or more, the American papers constantly referred to Madame du Barry as “Madame Barre.” Writers of that day were reckless in their spell- - ing of foreign names. Never in the American newspapers did in- formation of French origin succeed in oc- cupying the place that news from English sources did. From 1776 to 1789 the French press was successful in making itself known and quoted in America, especially on mat- ters of a technical, intellectual or philosoph- ical order. England kept her privileged rank which was assured to her by community of language. American editors preferred print- ing an excerpt from an English paper (even if they had to accompany it with a refuta- tion) to taking from French papers items that they did not well understand, and for which a translator had to be employed, an expense they could ill afford. Furthermore, the news from France was présented in a way to which the American mind was not accustomed. The efforts of the King and of individual French publishers had succeeded in giving a certain circulation to a few tech- nical papers in the French language, as the Fournal des Médecins militaires Francais, which Crévecceur, then French Consul at New York, was instructed by the King to send as a gift to American physicians; and the Observations sur la Physique, the best French review on the physical sciences, which its editor, the Abbé Rozier, endeav- ored to circulate in America.5 Liberal or- gans like Thomas’s Massachusetts Spy gave long and frequent extracts from the most fa- mous French paper of the time—the “Your- nal de Paris, to which Franklin now and then contributed. From 1789 to 1797, thanks to the enthusiasm aroused by the French Revolution,many more extra¢ts fromFrench sources were to be found in American jour- nals. Certain papers, as the ational Ga- zette of Freneau, the Aurora of Benjamin 24. NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS Franklin Bache, and Porcupine’s Gazette of Cobbett, had regularly appointed transla- tors, but these were an expensive luxury, and the mass of American editors preferred to seek in English gazettes the translations from French newspapers that were to be found there. After 1797 it became almost impossible to procure French journals, be- cause everything that came from France was boycotted, and the space allotted to the French press was reduced to nothing. John Adams had managed to expel all French- men from America (Alien Law), public opin- ion no longer tolerated the wearing of the French revolutionary cockade,® which had before been so popular, and any American editor who should have printed an opinion or a piece of news taken openly and clearly from a French source would have suffered. Furthermore, at that time, due to the treat- ment that the Directory accorded to the French papers, no organ in France had any kind of freedom, and, consequently, none enjoyed any prestige whatever outside of France. French newspapers of 1797-1799, shallow and constantly disappearing to be reborn under new names so as to evade the pursuit of the Government’s police, could not be accepted and taken seriously by for- eigners. Ontheother hand, at this period the news- papers of Central Europe, which until then had been negleéted, received more atten- tion. Holland, to tell the truth, had always been considered the part of Europe to which one could go to seek impartiality and wis- dom. The Netherlands and the United States were united by similarity of political princi- ples and of religion, and by their common struggle against England.Certain journalists in Holland had personal friends in America, as, for example, Reinier Arrenberg, publish- er of the Rozterdamsche Courant, and a con- tributor to the Nouvelles Extraordinaires de Leyde, the best newspaper in Holland until about 1796. Arrenberg and some of his collaborators used to correspond regularly with the American representatives in Eu- rope, and were glad to print anything that Franklin wished. During the whole of the War of Independence the Americans main- tained in Holland a sort of bureau of propa- ganda, directed by a very learned and studi- ous man, Charles F.G. Dumas.7 The Dutch press served to give news which, without emanating from England, did not come from theFrench government. It was a Dutch jour- nal, the Gazette d’ Utrecht, which was one of the very first on the continent to publish the full text of the Declaration of Independ- ence.’ This sympathy for the Americans, this evident accuracy and independence of the Dutch press, created a very favorable im- pression in the United States, and these ga- zettes were used by the publishers of Amer- ica as the most reliable source of news. John Adams sent the Gazette de Leyde to Con- gress to inform them about Europe; and Jef- ferson gave it to his friends. When Freneau established the National Gazette, Jeflerson did more: “I cannot recolleé [when it was | that I was told he | Freneau | had a thought of setting up a newspaper. ...I considered it a circumstance of some value, as it might enable me to do what I had long wished to have done: that is,to have the material parts of the Leyden Gazette brought under your eye,” [ Jefferson writes this to Washington | “and that of the public, in order to possess yourself and them of a juster view of the af- 23. The Daily Advertiser, OCtober 4, 1785. First Page. Printed in New York by Francis Childs. 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Ie soaesy a1] Surnogey syopeyoeyy "ura More prrom Aue pey Adyy gL) 82a “Uatojuog qt9y3 Wey} axolU sat, Anos Bur “pueulap q[y pue “suew yo ourBeaesyxo pa “penoqun aya durZpajaouyoespsoppuey u—p prfioasuy youre dn payseaid ‘sreaX may e uryqim pue “seam awry 92 UIIIM OYM ‘uo>H spajvg jofaroiuyy du Swyorard syoug "Udy? SyBatout 03 22Uz wang pue yayring satay apdoad ay ye, 32 pue ‘a9 *oourSeaenxg ‘Aanxn]_ Jo ayeaso. “ur ayy Bunuswez ,,ajdoad ay3 ITY 5 ; i MDsNYoRyEP arez yosazur d1esaday umo 831 103 Apuo Burge 2383G yora YaA—saje7g psu 50 vonepedde oy Suryz0g VOI TW MALIVAVHD fo m0 SYTLIVEWHD AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH (ENTURY 25 fairs of Europe than could be obtained from _ any other public source. This I had ineffec- tually attempted through the press of Mr. Fenno, while in New York, selecting and translating passages myself at first, then hav- ing it done by Mr. Pintard, the translating clerk, but they found their way too slowly into Mr. Fenno’s papers. Mr. Bache essayed it for me in Philadelphia, but his being a dai- ly paper, did not circulate sufficiently in the other States. He even tried, at my request, the plan of a weekly paper of recapitulation from his daily paper, in hopes that that might go into the other States, but in this too we failed. Freneau as translating clerk and the printer of a periodical paper likely to circulate through the States (uniting in one person the parts of Pintard and F enno) revived my hopes that the thing could at length be effeéted. On the establishment of his paper, therefore, I furnished him with the Leyden Gazette, with an expression of my wish that he could always translate and publish the material intelligence they con- tained, and have continued to furnish them as regularly as I received them.”? This shows well enough the interest that Americans and those knowing Europe best, took in the Leyden Gazette. But the coming of the French to Holland in 1795 put a sudden end to this popularity of the Dutch newspapers; in faét, those of the Dutch gazettes which did not cease to appear had to conform to the instruétions given them by the Revolu- tionists, and were no longer free to depict events as they pleased. Then, while the English journals resumed a popularity which they had not had in A- merica since 1775, the papers of Germany, and especially those of the Hanseatic cities, played the rdle that the Dutch were no long- er able to fill. Hamburg had become a very important center of French refugees, revolu- tionist spies, English agents and traders, who were awaiting a favorable occasion to pene- trate the territories occupied by France. We see Gouverneur Morris, wishing to ascertain the opinion of Europe and to intrigue a- gainst the Diretory, visiting Hamburg in 1796-7, and working there actively during the winter. !° It is Hamburg that Talleyrand chose as his first halting place when he left the United States and was on his way to be promoted from the dignity of a proscript to the perilous and dubious honor of Minis- ter of Foreign Affairs under the Directory. The newspapers of Hamburg were then of- ten quoted in America, but less than those of Leyden and Amsterdam had been. The length of the crossing sometimes made them arrive too late to be used. Finally we must mention the Italian pa- pers which, at the very end of the century were sometimes consulted, either because of the war which was going on in their coun- try, or for the reason that the English jour- nals had begun to quote them. Ir follows from this review, too brief, but complete in its outlines, that the American press, having become the essential factor of a powerful public opinion towards the end of the Eighteenth Century, had begun to draw its information from all accessible sources. While in 1770 it read only the English pa- pers, and took from them only news of an English charaéter, in 1800 it was carefully reading the European papers, although not to the same extent as those of England, and in the English journals it sought everything 26 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS that would give an impartial and European idea of events. The point was reached where a variety of confused and contradictory in- formation was presented on almost every subject. More than once I have seen at the head of a piece of news (e.g. the first news of Trafalgar, of the great victories of Napoleon in Italy, the Peace of Bile, etc., in fact any- thing which was important and could fur- nish a weapon to one of the two great polit- ical parties) printed in large letters in an A- merican paper of 1798—1800, these words: “TmportTant Ir Trug,’ or Giorious News —Ir Trus.” Their remoteness from Eu- rope, which they took into consideration now that they no longer accepted the Eng- lish version, rendered judgment difficult. Most of the controversies extended over years. I shall cite the one about Freemason- ry. It began in 1797 with a statement in the Abbé Barruel’s book on the Bavarian Illu- minati, as to their disruptive influence and the Masonic origin of the French Revolu- tion. (“Mémoires pour servir 4 Histoire du Jacobinisme.”’)! 1 Barruel set forth the the- ory that Freemasonry had prepared and or- ganized everything with a view to a world revolution. He had very sensibly noticed the large number of secret or half secret socie- ties which had flourished in France just be- fore the Revolution, and he thought that all had had Masonic origin and Masonic affhili- ations. He believed that a gigantic plot had been prepared by these antichristian deists to destroy the French Monarchy and the Catholic Church. His book made a profound impression throughout Europe; it was taken very seri- ously and was much discussed. An English author, Robinson, came to the rescue and presented the same views. In the clubs of é- migrés and among the enemies of the Di- rectory, this theory was readily accepted. The book contained an imposing documen- tation, and even those who refused to accept its conclusions were obliged to acknowledge that many facts stated therein were true. In America, where a large part of the country began to be exasperated at and acutely a- fraid of the French radical and atheistical propaganda, the book was analysed. The ministers of New England who were seek- ing an arm with which to attack the French Revolution, made use of it; they cited a great number of Scottish, German, French and American authors. A Massachusetts cler- gyman, learned and well known for his important geographical works— Jedediah Morse—delivered and printed eloquent ser- mons on this subject. His colleagues imitat- ed him, and Osgood was equally inspired and vehement. A general polemic ensued in the press throughout the United States. Ev- erybody accused his opponents of being II- luminati and of belonging to “self-organ- ized societies.” It did not fail to disturb the Republicans, who really suffered from this discussion, because the Jacobins had not made a favorable impression upon the plain people of America. It was a bitter and pro- tracted fight. Finally the question (which even now might be discussed) was declared settled, when two letters arrived from Ger- many; one from the learned and philan- thropic Ebeling, the other from Weisshaupt himself (the chief of the Bavarian Illumina- ti), denying that there was anything in com- mon between Freemasonry and the French Revolution, or any tie between the Bavarian Illuminati and French Freemasonry (1800). 25. The Daily Advertiser, OCtober 4, 1785. Third Page. Printed in New York by Francis Childs. 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C} UOIJUZAUOD & Suyyed 103 uxd e pue ‘paydope ase suonenSar Aieyaoan may y *moliow-03 10 Aep siyy usndlpe TM pue QueyUr Yay ayy your ATquaye anC 4, *Sgl1 ‘Lz yndny payep feruiBi1A Ul puaLy.sry oy ‘pueyyyEsg UI UeWaTUIs B WOIZ 49}}2] B JO yeVIIKT « Q0UdTPNe snosswuNU B 07 ‘ajodind ayy 0} ayqeiny vow; & poyoeaid “aypiurpy uewyag urseyynry oy SuyeQPIEM “AI “42 Ot SS hep sung uo pue £ sniuad e232 sy} 03. tuazAT Asana Aq uray sea yadjar pue aouesaaed JO voneiyuowap sayjo Arosa pur ‘q]e4 jo Susurs ‘uouuey jo, Suny ey ee 40990] yo1yed yea1B ang jo peatue Addy ayy payesqaja> sey Ynoi0q 41D » ‘Ve “dag (hpunog spo) ‘Surpvay mosf sana 0 f0 BOMRT O ae Sone ur uooussye 143 Ply 3 TIM faBaqjos eiqunfod jo uawapued 2Y3 JO Suryeady ompqnd aya wey 1294 9 'y uagoLo9O ‘AVCSANL ‘~ Uo A 7 ASN AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH (ENTURY 27 We see to what an extent the United States at that time were open to everything that came from outside, and to what extent lib- erty of discussion, coupled with intense cu- riosity, produced fertile results. Under these circumstances, it is not sur- prising that the Governments of France and of England should have made strenuous ef- forts to influence this public opinion. The whole world admired it for its wisdom and esteemed it the best informed; for any bel- ligerent to be able to use it would have been a great help. The propaganda condu¢ted in the United States by England on the one hand and by France on the other, in the clos- ing years of the Eighteenth Century, has never been thoroughly studied.* But we are now able to realize the importance thereof. During the War of Independence the King of France had at least four Americans in his pay: Dr.Samuel Cooper, the eminent Boston preacher, who received 250 pounds sterling annually to enable him to employ.a clerical substitute so that he might devote his own attention to political affairs; General Sulli- van, who had spontaneously come to offer his services to France at a time when Eng- land tried to employ him and when his debts rendered him an easy prey to the best bid- der; and H. H. Brackenridge, who received the same as Sullivan, namely 41,000 a year. Finally, Thomas Paine, whom Gérard had engaged at an annual salary of 1,000; but Paine was very lazy and does not seem to have been paid regularly. The organization was suppressed in 1783 as too expensive, use- less and dangerous. Vergennes felt that there- SHE SIE RE SIE SIS SIE SIG SIS SIE SIG SIG SIE SIS TE ae SE BSUS HS SIE SIE SIE SIG SIE SIE SIE SIE SIE SIE SIE SIE * As has never been studied for itself the propaganda carried on in Europe by the American Revolutionists be- tween 1775 and 1790.™ after France could not do much for the Unit- ed States, that the American nation would not do much for France, and that if the ex- istence of this organization were exposed it would discredit the Franco-American alli- ance. After 1793 Genét, Fauchet and Adet, suc- cessively Ministers of France to the United States, reorganized a secret service about which we know but little. However, it ap- pears that De Witt Clinton was its center, at least for a time. Randolph was, without doubt, one of the collaborators, but noth- ing proves that he ever accepted money for himself. Towards the end of the century the principal secret agent of France was Alex- andre Blanc de la Naulte, Comte d’Haute- rive, a great friend of Talleyrand, to whom he wrote constantly, and to whom he gave more than one absurd idea of the United States. Their correspondence, a part of which is kept in the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs at Paris, comprises some of the queerest diplomatic documents of the revolutionary period. From 1793 to 1797, the French consulates in the United States were organized into centers of propaganda and publicity; the most active, seemingly, was that at Charleston, where worked Man- gourit. He had very early been a revolution- ist in France, and felt inspired to be the same in America. He was the most faithful aux- iliary of Genét in his wild schemes, and he had a real influence on the Charleston ga- zettes, wherein, more than once, he pub- lished colored news and revolutionary com- ments.!3 The French consuls, Rozier at Bos- ton and Letombe at Philadelphia, succeed- ed equally in getting revolutionary items in- serted in the local papers.14 We have enough 28 NOTES ON THE AMERICAN PRESS proofs to show that the system worked for a time, although it was finally broken up by the “X.Y.Z.”’ scandal,* the Alien Law, and popular indignation. Everything tends to prove that the Eng- lish had in the United States an organization similar to that of the French, but I have not made any investigation thereof and cannot furnish details. The struggle between these two machines was violent; the stake was im- portant: it was a question of dominating the freest and most powerful public opinion in the world. But it does not appear that any foreign nation has been able to deceive the country or impose on the American press for a long period of time. Although some newspaper men, embittered by the political struggle, and too passionately devoted to a theory, may have lost their clearness of judg- ment, as a whole, the Eighteenth Century papers in the New World maintained a high standard of journalism. They were written and printed by men who had a large experi- ence and were not easily deceived. That they sustained, for the most part, a critical and detached attitude, may be as- sumed from the following paragraph, very sensible and indeed modern, clipped from the New York Daily Advertiser (O&ober 4, 1785): “Europe no longer affords the in- exhauftible fund of intelligence, for which it has been heretofore remarkable. Truth— lies—matters of faétt—and {peculations— * When John Adams sent Marshall, Pinckney and E. Gerry to treat with the Direétory and to demand redress for the damage done to American commerce, Talleyrand, then French Minister of Foreign Affairs, tried to oblige the American envoys to give him a large sum of money. Later, when John Adams published the report of Pinck- ney and Marshall, in place of giving in full the names of Talleyrand’s agents, he called them “X. Y. Z.” are all, all equally flat, equally infipid. Hard, indeed, is the lot of the poor Printer! obliged to furnifh out his bill of fare, at all events; he muft run through piles of papers, glean up an article or two, here and there, from amidft heaps of trafh, and yet be liable to the charge of ftupidity and dullnefs—when the fact is, that unlefs he COINS London and other European News in America, he can hardly lay before his readers a fingle line worth perufal. The execution of eight- een or twenty criminals—the wonderful exploit of raifing balloons—the mevertobe enough lamented fall of Blanchard’s para- ceute—the shop tax—the outcries of the Pittites and Foxites—reformatorial pro- jects—Irith propofitions—learned, elegant, and edifying differtations on the profound my/teries of the fafhions, alfo on ladies head- drefles, Leonardo bonnets, Figaro curls, {el- tines, hoops, and ( poh pudor!) * * *s, with other matters, egua/ly important, have com- pofed nearly the whole of the intelligence wafted to us, acrofs the Atlantic, in the zypo- graphical /ybilline fheets, for many months paft—(Carey’s Her.).” Sab ehhh hahahahahahaha NOTES 1. Lee, History of American Fournalism, 25. 2. See especially the superb colleétion of Isaiah Thom- as, preserved by the American Antiquarian Society, Wor- cester, Mass. 3. Thomas, History of Printing in America, I, 123. 4. Cobbett’s Gazette had a very fast growth. Founded in March, 1797, it had more than 2,000 subscribers in April (see copy of April 22), and 3,000 in November (copy of November 2). Then it climbed to 3,200 which seems to have been the highest circulation of this paper. 5. See B. Fay, L'Esprit Révolutionnaire en France et aux Etats-Unis 2 la fin du XVIII" Siecle, 141. AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH (ENTURY 29 6. Ibid., 278. 11. Vernon Stauffer, New England and the Bavarian 7. A. H. Smyth’s ed., Writings of Franklin, 1 .453.1463 Tluminati, New York, 1918. Vilas, 825 VIII, 3, 142, 245. 12. I have tried to give an idea of this propaganda in eee my L’ Esprit Révolutionnatre, 97-100. 8. Journal inédit du Duc de (roy, WI, 300-302. : 13. [bid., 215, 239, 252, 259; see also J. F. Turner, 9. Writings of Jefferson, Monticello ed., VIII, 402-403. “The West in Diplomacy,” in American Historical Re- 10. Diary and Letters of Gouverneur Morris, edited by view, III, 570-580, ete. Anne C. Morris, II, 148-248. 14. 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