" What is Party, compared with our Country's pure name 1
Or success, to the honor our Altars should claim V
In presenting you with the undeniable facts,
and legitimate conclusions we herein propose
to commend to your serious consideration, we
believe we are performing our duty, both to you,
and to our common country, and shall adduce
no apology for our course. That we are but
a private citizen among you, it is true, but this
should constitute no barrier to the performance
of the obligations of the times. And is it not
expected of every one, whose love of country
predominates over self and party interest, that
he raises his voice when the honor and integrity
of his father-land are threatened with pollution ?
when his civil rights and local interests are per¬
iled by those who whisper in his ears the siren
voice of peace ? We are no "Daniel, come to
judgment," nor have we ever anticipated see¬
ing the visions of the prophet, or commended
the gift of prophecy in others of the present day,
yet we are forced to the apprehension, that the
American people aie hurridly approaching the
most important crisis that has ever been expe¬
rienced in our political affairs. And are you
ready to meet it? or are you slumbering on,
while the dark form of the tornado is rising a-
bove the hills, still unmindful of our pending
destiny ? We are confident, did 3-ou but reflect
upou the real position of our political relations,
you will be prepared for the ons'et when the
time for action shall have arrived, and our pur¬
pose in addressing you is to remove the scales
from your eyes, that you may see the truth,
and strike for your liberties.
Upon us, the model republicans of earth, to
whom all eyes, from the four points of the globe,
are turned, is devolved an enormous weight of
responsibility, and shall we prove recreant to
our trust? Shall we permit sectional prejudices,
and party influences to germinate in our bosoms
until our gloiious Union is threatened with dis¬
solution, through our own co-operation with the
actions of public men, whose minds are too con¬
tracted to penetrate the distance farther than
their selfish ends, and whose highest aim is
some notoriety amongst the undisciiminating
masses of the people?
You may take our word for it, if disunion
shall be the result of our differences on the slave¬
ry question, which is now being agitated by the
Taylor party (hoping to profit by Taylor's
southern residence)—and I have my fears on
the subject—though republican government
may nominally exist for a time in our own conn-
try, republicanism in other lands, will be crush¬
ed, and its germ lost to all future ages. Slavery
and anti-slavery questions, according to the prin¬
ciples of Gen. Cass and his party, are sectional,
unconstitutional, and are entitled to no counte¬
nance in our National legislative; and, conse¬
quently, should be kept out of political contest
for government officers.
What can bring about a civil war, and con¬
sequent dissolution of the Union of the States,
but sectional prejudices and geographical dis¬
crimination ? Nothing. What questions of
national policy have ever endangered the per-
manaticy of the Union? During the Adminis¬
tration of President Jackson, *it is true, South
Carolina, on account of the' Tariff act, threat¬
ened a dissolution of the ties that bound her to
her more consderate sisters; but many years
have passed since then, and the bright star of
the Palmetto State is still among the galaxy
that decorates the banner of the free and uni¬
ted ! Such an event may never transpire again ;
and surety if the States consult their own in¬
terests a like occurrence will never again af¬
ford subject matter for the historian.
So long as slavery questions can be kept
from the Halls of Congress, our country will
be at comparative peace. Audit is the duty of
every American patriot to exert himself to the
utmost to calm the raging waves that are tossing
our ship of State, and hurling it towards the
breakers of the reef. Jt is his duty to frown
down all sectional prejudices, now existing be¬
tween the North and the South, and use his in¬
fluence in correcting the public sentiment, and
stay the strong arm which would sever the
golden chain that now binds us together.
When we contemplate the face of our politi¬
cal horizon and see the clouds which the wild
fariatieisrti and the blind party zeal of the whigs
have engendered, we are forced to remember
the important warning of the Father of his
fcoktnfry i'11 hrs Farewell address to the Ameri¬
can people. And shall we submit to party
domination when our country calls upon us to
shake off its influences, and fly to her aid—
when the spirit of Washington,, still lingering
among the degenerate sons of the' Revolution,
admonishes us to return to our duty ? Shall
we, because we love the name of whig, or be¬
cause we desire to honor a military worrior,
support a party, that, in bringing the question
iff slavery into the presidential contest, sub¬
scribes to its constitutionality ? that in calling
its candidate a southern man, and inducing you
icf support him on that account, testifies it is
either acting under a fatal delusion, or is its
coifntry's deadliest enemy ? We speak of Fill¬
more's" abolitionism because he is a political
abolitionist, and wouM carry his abolitionism
into the' Senate Chamber, and therefore we
would as soon direct the thunderbolt that is to
shatter the foundation of our government into
atoms, as to go to the ballot-box in the support
of him. Is not our motto "jG Pluribus Unum
and are we not called the "United States ?"
And is not Union the "Rock of ages" upon
which the fabric of our institutions, and the
strong pillars of our government have securely
rested since the day our forefathers declared
themselves 'free and independent ?" Then who
is he who would remove that Rock ? or who
are the many who would assail it with their
missiles of destruction.
Which of the two political parties are claim¬
ing the suffrage of the American patriot upon
geographical considerations? Is it not evident
that the Whig Taylor Party is the party.
We are speaking to the people; Is it not so ?
Are they not calling upon you to vote for Gen.
Taylor because he lives at the South, and for
no other consideration? So it is too palpable
to be discussed or denied, that the Whig party
of the South are the, geographical anti-Union
party, reiving upi>n the sectional prejudices of
the people for their support! And can you be
led to the support of this party when you see
the fearful chasm to which their principles will
inevitably carry you ? Can you be induced to
surrender every principle of government, every
principle of justice and of right, every feeling
of fraternity to our common countrymen, by
supporting the Taylor ticket ? God forbid !
What principles, in the support of Taylor
and Fillmore, would you be advancing ? What
new lustre, upon our National Legislature and
government, would be shed ? .Can ,7011 ans¬
wer ? No ! And is it not a fact, at which.the
enlightened world might well be amazed, that
the whig candidate for the Presidency has re¬
fused to avow his principles—has refused, and
made that refusal a "settled principle" to tell
the people what he will do in the event they
elect him their Agent, and, consequentty, those
who support him have no end to subserve, no
designs to accomplish. It is true! and Taylor
men are wholly ignorant of what Gen* Taylor's
views are upon any one of the great National
questions now agitating the public mind. Who
would be a Taylor man! From Gen. Taylor's
second Allison letter, we learn the astounding
fact that he favors the sectional, unconstitution¬
al principles of the Northern abolitionist! Di¬
rectly we have received from Gen. Taylor 110
avowal of his political principles, but indirectly,
by his endorsing those entertained by Mr. Fill¬
more, we learn his views 011 the following mo¬
mentous subjects—pregnant with the most dis¬
astrous consequences to our common Union:
First—" I do believe that petitions to Congress
on the subject of slavery and the slave trade, ought
to be received, read, and respectfully considered by
the representatives of the people."
Second—" I was opposed to the annexation of
Texas to this Union, so long as slaves were held
therein."
Third—"I am in favor of Congress exercising
all the constitutional power it possesses to abolish
the internal slave trade between the States."
Fourth—"I am in favor of immediate legislation
for the abolition of slavery in the District of Col¬
umbia."
"These are sound conservative opinions."
"Gen. Z. TAYLOR."
All Southern men who uphold Gen. Taylor's
pretensions do so alone 011 the consideration that he
lives at the South; and this is the only reason ad¬
vanced by whig orators and whig journals in favor
of the South supporting Fillmore. Will this induce¬
ment satisfy the honest, the intelligent., and the pat¬
riotic of any portion of this enlightened Republic ?
The answer is, It should not.
But we are lett in the dark no longer, as the above
indorsement goes to show; and we have only to
believe in the veracity of Gen. Taylor to know what
are the principles advocated by the Taylor party.
The whig platform is now fairly before the people
of the South, " Free Soil" is inscribed upon their
banners! (So says the National Intelligencer.)
Gen. Taylor is the owner of negroes, it is true, and,
acc >rding to whig logic, 011 this account he is op¬
posed to the abolition of slavery in the States; but
that lie is opposed to its extension into new Terri¬
tories, and in favor of Congress taking immediate
steps for the abolition o'f S'tavety in the District of
Columbia, we are compelled to admit, if we can
trust in his endorsement. No one—and I challenge
I he whole whig party—can prove that the preceding
sentiments are not Mr. Fillmore's, and that Gen.
Taylor, in his second Allison letter, has not en¬
dorsed them as " sound conservative opinions !"
It is true, many, whose aim will be to deceive the
people, will deny it; but on what authority will
they deny it? From any thing Gen. Taylor has
written ? We say, No! Why," he possesses slaves,
and cannot oppose slavery from this fact!" but he
happens not to have any in the Territories, or in the
District of Columbia. It is of the extension of
slavery and not of its abolition where it exists,"
if we except the District of Columbia, we speak,
and the reader will please bear this in mind.
The whigs do not believe, although they support
him for the Presidency, that Gen. Taylor loves his
country better than his negro property! They do not
contend that he will be ruled by principle where self
interposes. To prove this we will adduce the argu¬
ments of their prominent men, which is that "Gen.
Taylor's property is security enough for them !"
What a monstrous admission is this ! what a pat¬
tern for a President of this great Nation, containing
over twenty millions of inhabitants! And vvil! he,
think you, if elected President., instead of becoming
the Agent of the American people, be mei'ely an
overseer of his individual interests ! The abolition¬
ists of the Nortlr attribute more honor to the old
dweller amidst the camps, than do their Southern
allies. They say, notwithstanding Gen. Taylor has
slaves, he considers slavery an evil, but one he
cannot prevent: yet, as an evil he opposes its ex¬
tension. They say he has principles—which we
have given above—-and when the test comes, he
will be guided by them independent of other con¬
siderations. Now, we ask the people, who places
him in the most exalted light—they who contend he
will be governed by his property, or who,- on the
other hand, maintain that his principles will govern
both himself and property also?
Permit us to assure you, if Gen. Taylor's princi¬
ples are such as he has endorsed, and such as the
abolitionists claim for him, they will rule his actions
whether conflicting with his interests or not. But
on the score of self-interest, what is he to loose,
while he has so much to gain, if, by favoring the
Free Soil doctrines of the whigs, he becomes the
President of the greatest people on the face of the
globe—his family generation, in the scale of society,
will be exalted, and besides, he will be the recipient
of one hundred ^housand dollars? No, sirs! the'
personal property of Gen. Taylor can have nothing
to do with the present Presidential canvass, and
those who are making political capital of it, are
laboring to deceive the people. But what a rank
Federalist doctrine is this? a man's property
makes the man ! Poor men—you who have but
little of this world's goods, but who are honest and
honorable in your dealings with mankind—remem¬
ber the Taylor men advance the doctrine that
"property makes the man !"
Disregarding the low vulgar slang, and personal
slander, practiced by the whigs against all who may
chance to oppose them in the field of politics, we
believe, and shall here admit that belief, that Gen.
Taylor, with all public men who occupy bis con-
spicuity in this honorable Republic, is an honest
man, and a true patriot—has never swindled Con¬
gress and the Cabinet combined, out of a hundred
and more thousand dollars—has never cheated the
soldier, or sought to undermine the reputation of
Washington—and when he endorses principles his
actions will be governed by those principles. Fat-
be it from us to descend so low in our sense of honor
and of justice, as to call in question the honesty of
either Taylor, Fillmore, Giddings, Hale or Slade.
It is far beneath the dignity of a politician—beneath
the dignity of the respectable party to which we
belong—beneath the dignity of an American citizen !
Let us know the principles of our opponent, regard¬
ing our governmental affairs* and against these we
shall contend, and against these only, not wishing
to defame his good name or private character. Our
motto has always been " Principles, and not men,"
and so long as we adhere to it, we shall respect the
claims of our adversaries. When it shall be ren¬
dered vice versa—" men and not principles"—we
will be driven to the necessity, with the whigs, if
we hope for succes, to attack the personal character
of our opponents, and treat with disdain whatever
principles they may advance, be they ever so unob¬
jectionable.
That we might prove the unfair and unjust spirit
which actuates the whigs, we might here introduce
a long list of extracts from their speeches and party
organs, assailing the personal character of Gen.
Cass and Mr. Polk—calling in question their hones¬
ty and veracity, and representing them fit subjects
for the gibbet, hut as a reference 1o these things is
sufficient, we forbear. Point us to the democrat,
or to the democratic journal, who has spoken dis¬
respectful of Gen. Taylor or Mr. Fillmore, calling
in question their personal honor, and rights to be
regarded as gentlemen of integrity. If there are
such, the strong arm of the law, to which we all are
amenable, should be enforced, nor will the democrat
be less disposed than the whig to enforce it.
When the democratic speaker, or editor, affirms
that "Mi Hard-Film ore ia an ahoiithmist, he speaks
from authority too high to be contradicted. Forty
three votes in the Halls of Congress, besides
letters unnumbered on the subject, are his authori¬
ty, and no well informed whig dares deny it! When
he tells the people Gen. Taylor endorsm the free
soil principles of Millard Fillmore', he can produce
Taylor's own declarations to prove it. These are
facts which the combined powers of Earth cannot
controvert; and will the people not believe ? Shall
the Jaugernaut wheels of party demagogueism, roll
over the necks of this free-thinking and discrimina¬
ting people, while the light of truth, as sunbeams
from the god of day is shining in upon their con¬
sciences ?
If politicians and political parties but acted hon¬
orably, and in the practice of truth and justice, what
a different and more exalted tone, from that it now
wears, would be imparted to society, and to the
character of our republican institutions ! V\ ith how
much more honor and relative importance would
each public station be clothed! and how much
more honorable the American name ! But as it is,
hothing is too low and debasing for many of the pol¬
iticians now-a-days. Nothing too absurd, or palpa¬
bly false, for them to impose on the people in the
sacred garb of truth. And is there no remedy to
extirpate these evils ? Will the people still sleep
on, deceiving and being deceived ? If we direct
our attention to the past history of the present whig
party—nor find we nothing in that of the democra¬
tic to condemn—we are led to wonder that the in¬
telligence and good sense 6T this enlightened public
did not, years ago, condemn it to an ignoble grave,
as both corrupt, and corfupting the morals and tastes
of our beloved people. We have only to go back to the
scenes and associations Of 1'8'40 and of '44, to learn
to what degrading arid demoralizing practices the
whig party Will'stoop, that they may gain an election!
No wonder they are now—besmeared with the filth
and dust of their past misdoings—crying down the
evils of party ! It well becomes them, for their ex¬
perience best fits them for the office. They should
have been crying long ago, but it is better late than
never!
The question now arises, have the whigs impro¬
ved in their tastes and honesty since '40 and '44 ?
or, are they still practicing deception upoii the peo¬
ple ? These are considerations well worthy your re¬
gard, and to which we shall soon invite your atten¬
tion. But, as the Democratic party first brought
forward their candidates for the Presidency and
Vice Presidency, we are induced to call your atten¬
tion to that party first, and in contrast with the
whigs,'leave you to determine which of the two par¬
ties is entitled to your confidence and support.—
We shall be hottest in what we say, and all we ask
is the exercise of your reason and better judgment;'
and if "God be God, follow him ; if Baal, then fol¬
low him."
When we turn our attention to inquire into the
result of the deliberations of the representatives of
the great democratic party, in convention at Balti¬
more, upon what is it fixed ? Is it fixed upon Men,
"who have achieved ever so many laurels of fadeless
lustre on the sanguinary battle-field, or in the halls
of Congress ? or is it fixed upon a name, merely,
and Availability ? No ! but more noble, Princi¬
ples, upon all the great questions of national poli¬
cy, stand out in bold relief, to be read of all men—
to be judged of all ! and in the support of them, the
party expect them to rise or fall ! How much more
becoming the intelligence of our citizens, how much
more becoming the dignity of this great Republic
of ours, and her enlightened institutions, than is the
manner in which the same old "coon-skin, hard ci¬
der, and log cabin" party presents itself before the
American people ! Not the first principle, touch¬
ing the great q uestions of the day," now agitating the
public mind, is seen, or heard, or .understood! A
Man, and Availability, for the Presidency! and'
Abolition and sectional principles for the Vic® Pres¬
idency ! are all that we see, or know. What an in¬
sult to the intelligence and discrimination of the.
American people ! IIow far below the character of
enlightened Republicans ! How disgraceful to the
whig party ! and how unbecoming our present po¬
sition as a popular Nation ! But it is the dernier
resort of a sinking party whose principles had been
consigned by the voice of the People, to the dark
abyss of oblivious night! ,
Having no party principles, (all that can consti¬
tute a party) for which to contend, their only re-,
course is to attack the perrsonal character of
their opponents : for having no principles them¬
selves, they denounce platforms and pledges, and
deny to the people the right of knowing be¬
forehand what their representatives will do
after they elect them ! .
And shall we lower ourselves, in order to meet
this nominal party, upon its own ground, and com¬
ply with its unworthy terms ? Shall we lay truth
aside, discard our principles; forsake bur great men,
and ride through the country upon a war horse and
availability ! Shall we court disunion, by encour¬
aging the geographical prejudices of the people;
and drag into the canvass, at the peril of a civil
war, the unconstitutional question of slavery, as
Alexander H. Stephens and other seven black spir¬
its have done ? Shall we disregard the sacred and.
inalienable rights of the people, the just claims of
our party, the sacredness of the Constitution, the
great and paramount importance of the Union of the
States, that we may equalize ourselves with this
spectre-like party? God forbid! Our parents
taught us better lessons in our childhood. Our re¬
spect for the claims of our Government—for the dig¬
nity and importance of our free institutions-—for the
well being of our common country, and the love
we cherish for our God, prevent our so debasing
ourselves, even if defeat be our ultimate reward 1
It may be right and proper, before leaving you to
decide which of the two paries you will support,
that we present to you the po-itions of the two Pres¬
idential candidates on the Wilmot Proviso.
Although we do not consider slavery a constitu¬
tional question, the Wilmot Proviso having been
brought before Congress, renders it of infinite im¬
portance that we know whether the candidates now
before the country for the Presidency, believe as we
do on the subject, as a knowledge of their views in
this respect, should influence our votes in the ap¬
proaching election. It is your duty, then, as binding
as your fidelity to the rights of your country, to
know what are the views of Gen. Taylor regarding
the constitutionality of the M fimot Proviso. His
saying "he will abide by the Constitution," is not
saying what questions he believes constitutional or
unconstitutional. Does he believe, with Gen. Cass,
that "the Wilmot Proviso is unconstitutional and
dangerous to the peace and tranquility of the Un¬
ion ?" Does he believe, with Gen. Cass, that the,
principles involved in the V\ ilmot Proviso, should
be kept out of the National Legislature, and left to
the people in their respective local governments ?"
Does he declare, with Gen. Cass, that "he is oppo¬
sed to the exercise of any jurisdiction by Congress
over the subject of slavery? " Does he declare, with'
Gen. Cass, th'&t "he does notsee ,ir> the Constitution'
any grant of such a power to Congress ?'.' What
answer can you give to these questions 7 You," who
profess to love your country better than your par¬
ty—who profess to be guided by by the dictates of
true, disinterested patriotism, can you answer thes®
questions ? No f
Gen. Cass' true position, in regard to his leaving
the question of slavery "tc the people who are to be
affected by it," has been misrepresented,. both by
the whigs, and several of his own party. His posi¬
tion is plainly this : V\ hen the people of the Terri¬
tories have become sufficiently numerous to author-"
ize their admission into the Union as States, and'
their representatives, elected for the purpose, shall
draft and adopt a State Constitution, it is left with'
them then to say whether or not they shall code in¬
to the Union as free States. All admit, both: whigs
and democrats, North and South, that Gen. Cass be-"
lieves Congress has no power over the subject of
slavery ; and as the Territorial Legislatures must
derive all their power over the subject from Con-"
gress, they, it is plain, cannot legislate upoii it.—
This is sound, constitutional ground, and that assu-""
med by the vvhole South upon the subject. His po¬
sition cannot be proven otherwise, nor can it bo pro*
ven,.from any thing he has ever written/to he 6th-
ervvise.
As regards Gen. Cass' private or personal view®
on any subject, we have nothing to do with them—
as regards his constitutional views alone, if he be-'
our President, we have to do ; and knowing them on3
all important questions, and they being our own,-we
are bound to support him', When on the other hand,
we are totally ignorant of the views of Gen! Tay-~
lor, except we believe his endorsement of Millafrd*
Fillmore's Free Soil principles.
Now, fellow-citizens, we leave the shatter with*
you, havin'g said all we may say to you before the
Rubicon* shall have been passed, and our glorious
Utruth saved from disruption,'or our country lost
forever. V\'e leave it with you to say, whether yoa
will discard sectional- prejudices, lay aside party
trampls, and come out, as true'patriots, and as in¬
telligent discriminating men, for God and youk
Country. WILLIS.
ThumasxiUt, Georgia.
THOMASVILLE MAIL.
THE undersigned l aving taken the cc ntracts fo*
carrying the mail in a one horse vehicle be¬
tween Albany and Thomasville, is prepared to carry
passengers, (not more than two at each trip,) with
light baggage. The mail leaves Albany on Tues¬
days and Saturdays ; leaves Thomasville on Mondays
and Fridays, and oonnoets with a tri-weeklv line of
stages running to Macon. F. CONNOLY.
August 19,1848. 49 rf