THE
LETTERS
O F
CURTIUS,
written by the late
JOHN TII 0 MSO N
OF PETERSBURG.
to which is added,
A SPEECH
DELIVERED BT HIM tH JBG. '95, on "THE BRITISH TRRATT.
TO WHICH A SHORT SKETCH OF HIS LIFE, IS PREFIXED.
. / ; the wintry blast of death
Kills not the buds of virtue : no, they spread
Beneath the Heavenly beam of brightest sun
Thro' endless ages into higher power,
Thomson's Seasons.
R I C II M 0 NT):
Printed by SAMUEL PLEASANTS, Junior,
1804.
COPY-RIGHT SECURED.
/
TO THE PUBLIC.
IF the letters of Curtius, were read, in this
State only, the following sketch would be,
perhaps, unnecefiary. Here, the author, was
known Altho' he did not live, to complete his
twenty third year, his virtues, his talents, his
unrivalled eloquence, his enthufiaflic devotion
to the caufe of repubiicanifm, gave to his cha¬
racter throughout Virginia, a celebrity, which
no man, of his age, had ever before attained.
. John Thomfon, the author of the Letters of
Curtius, was born in the year 1777, in the
town of Petersburg. His father died when he
was very young. Until he was about fourteen,
he remained under the care of his mother.
He then went to the Univerfity of "Wiliiam
and Mary, where he refided about two years
and a half. Soon after his return to Peters¬
burg, he began to devote a portion of the day to
fludy of the law. He had conftant accefs to
the library of a friend, * with whom, fome-
* The writer of thin sketch.
( iv )
times, but not often, he confulted as to the
courfe, that he fhould purfue. From this pe¬
riod, until he commenced his profeflional ca¬
reer, he profecuted his (ludies with a degree of
induftry, which genius too often difdains, and
which even mediocrity feldom difplays. At a
very early period of his life, his mind was.
impreffed with a truth, which vanity cannot
perceive, and to which indolence will not at¬
tend, that " labor is neceflfary to excellence."
His application therefore was unremitted, and
the progrefs which he made, was rapid
and great. He feemed to acquire knowledge
almoll by intuition : and what he once learn¬
ed, he never forgot. Even in the fliort inter¬
val of a week, a difference could be perceived.
He made daily additions to his dock of infor¬
mation ; but the vigor of his intelleff appear¬
ed to increafe, even more rapidly than the mafs
of ufeful knowledge which it was employed to
acquire. In faff, if I may adopt an expreffi-
on, applied to him a few minutes pall, by a
friend whom he fincerely loved, and to
whom his memory will be forever mod dear,
" nature never did more for any man, nor did
te any man ever do more for himfelf.'*
Even when not engaged in dudy, he was
( V )
npt idle. His attention was directed to the
meafures of the federal government, and
the characters of the men, throughout A-'
merica, by whom thofe meafur es were brought
forward, or oppofed. His information was ac¬
curate and extend ve : and the views which he
then took of the politics of the Union, led him
to the adoption of thofe republican principles,
to which he afterwards fteadily adhered, and
which he always ably and eloquently defended.
Under the influence of the fentimenf produced
by thofe views, he wrote and pubiifhed in the;
Petersburg Gazette, fevera4 pieces under the:
fignatures of |Cafca and Gracchus. Why
they are not republifhed now, I know not.f
They are written with great animation, and
unufual elegance. The ftyle would be admir¬
ed, even by thofe who fhould with-hold from
his opinions, that indulgence, which may be
juftly claimed for the productions of early
youth.
During this period, he wrote, but did not
publifh, a dialogue between the two mott me-
t The Editor intends to fiublish, a complete edition of
the whole of Mr. Thomson's car Pings, as soon as they can
be collected.
( « )
recrable perfcrages that have ever appeared
an n-o men. The fheets which contained the
rearulcript, were, I believe, never permitted
to go out of his own bands. I therefore never
read it : but 1 heard it read by himfelf. The
impreffons which it made, will never be effa¬
ced. I was aftonifhed and delighted : aftonifh-
ed at the boldnefs of his plan : delight¬
ed with the learning, the ingenuity, the fervid
eloquence, with which it was accomplifhed.
In the month of Auguft, i /• 95, Mr. Thom-
fcn w as about nineteen years of age. liis heart,
filled with love for his fellow-men, and wjth
zeal for the honor and welfare of his country,
would not permit him to remain, at that inte-
refiing period, an inactive fpe&ator, of the e.
vents pafling before his eyes. He was a-
rrong the firft of thofe who raifed their
voices, againfl the treaty concluded with
Great Britain by Air. Jay, and at a meet¬
ing of the inhabitants of Petersburg, he deli¬
vered the Speech which now forms a part of
this collection. This was the occafion. on
which he firfl appeared in public, as a fpeaker.
His oration was heard with delight, and ex¬
torted even from his political opponents, the
rcluClant tribute of their applaufe.
AVhen he was about twenty years of age, he
( vii )
began the pra&ice of the law. In the courfe
of a very Ihort time, he flood among the fore-
moft in his profeflion. His pra&ice increafed
with a rapidity, without example, and he was
rewarded for his fervices with a liberality,
which young men feldom experience. t hat
his fuccefs was great, does him honor, only as
it affords evidence of his talents. But thecir-
cumftance which I am about to mention, justi¬
fies a claim to honor of a fuperior kind. It
was his fingular felicity never to have excited
the envy or the jealoufy of his profeflional
brethren. They contemplated with pleafure,
the homage which was conflantly paid to his
riling merit, and rejoiced in his profperity.
They regarded him with an affection truly fra¬
ternal, and never fpeak of him, even to this
day, but in terms of the higheft refneft, or the
moft enthufiaftic friend (hi p.
His popularity was not confined to the mem¬
bers of his profeflion. In the county of Din-
widdie he was beloved : in the whole diftri£t,
he was refpe£led and admired. A1 moft
every man in it, w*ho poflefled either talents
or influence, was perfonally acquainted with
him, and fmcerely his friend.
Even all this fuccefs & all this popularity, pro¬
duced no in toxical ion. He was not infenlible to
( viii )
the appiaufe of his countrvmen ? but the cordial
ple?Jore with which it was receh ed, only made
him ftill more anxious to fecure it through
life, by-.unwearied efforts to dcfervc it. No
part of his time was loft in idlenefs. Fond of
fociety, and affluent in his circum-lances, he
occafionally united with the votaries of diflipa-
tion ; but fpon tired of the empty pleafures
which it affords, he returned to his ftudies
with an ardor which was increafed by his re¬
gret for having quitted them. Had he lived
until he was thirty years of age, he would have
compiled a hifiory, which would probably have
afforded great aid to the pretentions of his
country to fome fhare of literary glory. He
had begun to colled: materials for the purpofe,
and in order to accompli/h his undertaking,
meant in a few years to have retired from the
practice of the law. ,s Proud hopes, and
vain !*'
. The friend, whom I have quoted before,
and to whom, the heads of this sketch, were
fhewn, reproached me for overlooking a part
of his chara&er, which vgave tenfold luftre
to his brilliant talents. This reproach is in¬
deed deferved : and 1 can hsrdly find an excufe
for myfelf, even in the precipation with which
this little sketch is prepared for the prefs.—
C i* ;
Can you forget, faid this friend, his benevo*
lence, his charity ? No ! I do not now
forget them ; nor can any who knew him
fail, except for a moment, to remember,
not only that his heart was filled with
benevolence, bat that his hand was ct open
as day to melting charity." No young
man, whatever his fortune may be, ever gave
fo much in fo fiiort a time.
In the fummer or fall of T798, u The An-
fwers" were pubiifhed, which excited the indig¬
nation, and called forth the talents of Curtius.
The letters written under this fignature, fpeak
for themfelves. They will be read, wherever
patriotifm is refpected, or genius is admired.
But of thefe Letters it is unneceflary to fay
more : the public opinion is fixed. Curtius
is already clafled with the writers mod re¬
nowned for the animation and beauty of their
dyle : with Bollingbroke, Junius, and the
younger Lord Lyttleton, This is high praife ;
but it may juftly be carried dill higher. The
writer of Curtius, poffeffes a merit, to which
thefe authors have not as wellrfounded
pretensions. There is, to ufe his own drong
language, a u holy enthufiafm" in his manner,
which rakes pofleflion of the reader, irrefifti-
bly carries him along with the writer, and for¬
bids their reparation until the work is ended.
( »8 )
haughty, if not contemptuous. He walked a-
mong them with an erect and difdainful air,
looked fternly and fteadfaffly in the eyes of
thofe, whofe countenances indicated an un¬
friendly fentiment, and if excited to fpeak,
fpoke in a ftyle of farcaftic eloquence, which
generally precluded a reply. But among his
friends, he was chearful- and happy : and fo
much difpofed to make others happy alfo, that
thofe who knew him beft, would find it diffi¬
culty determine, whether he was mod beloved
or admired.
He was eminent for his colloquial talents :
but ftill more diftinguifhed as a public fpeaker.
He would, if he had lived, have been among
the greateft orafors, if not the greateft orator,
that America has ever yetfeen. His voice was
clear: his manner firm: his language ele¬
gant, copious, and invariably correal. His
ltyle was enriched by hiftorical and claflical
learning, and occasionally adorned by the
beauties of poetry. When he fpoke, he feem-
ed to make an effort, but fuch an effort, as
was vifibly within the compafs of his ftrength.
So great however, was his command of words,
exadly adapted to his meaning, that he had no
gefture. His arms ©ften remained fufpended
by his fides, when he was uttering the molt
( x»i )
animated fentences: when he was deicriDinga
party hoftiie as he conceived, to the liberty
and happinefs of his country, or denouncing
the apoftate lover, who could fee unmoved, the
tears of beauty, or hear, vvirhoot agony, the
fighs of innocence, meanly betrayed and
cruelly abandoned, f
It has already been laid, that he was popu.
lar. No man of his age was ever more fo.
But how could he fail to be the favorite of the
people ? Poffeffing an underftaoding of the
higheft order : invigorated by labor and ex¬
panded by learning : eloquence which even
its victims heard with delight : courage
to carry him through every difficulty into
which his ardor fometimes led him, and ge¬
nerality, in all its noblelt forms : gentle in his
manners, ardent in affection and faithful in
friendfhip, he wjas formed bv nature to
command while living, the love of his country¬
men, and to excite by his untimely death, the
molt profound and permanent regret.
f This is an a'lu-von to two speeches actually delivered',
one in the bzstrict Court of Petersburg : the other in
Ct. nierf eld County Court. J f they had been taken down,
vli b tiim, as spoken, tiny would have /< veered, that his elo-
quin.r has not been praised more than it ch served*
( *'v )
Incompetent as I am to draw a portrait,
bearing an exaCt refemblance to the excellent
original, I could not reject the unexpected
application of the Editor, to furnifh a ftiort
sketch of a young man, who was an honor to
his Conntry, and whofe memory will be forever
eherilhed by
A FRIEND
LETTER I.
To GENERAL MARSHALL.
MANY events have combined, to render
you a very important character in this
country. You have long been regarded as the
leader of that party in this flate who arrogate
to themfelves the exclufive name of Federal-
ills, while they demonllrate their federalifm,
by a fervile attachment to the adminillration,
by a rancorous perfecution of every enlighten¬
ed republican, and by audacious efforts to eredt
a monarchy or ariftocracy upon the ruins of
our free conftitution. The energy of your
mind, and the violence of your zeal, have ex¬
alted you to this" bad eminence.'' The bold-
nefs and ability with which you have defended
the molt reprehenfible meafures of the federal
government, recommended you to an adminif-
tration who have never failed to reward their
moll zealous adherents, with the highelt offi¬
ces and honors. It would have been llrange
if fuch a profelyte as you had been negledted,
when the humble fervicesof a Lee, and a Fick*
( 2 )
ering, have been gratefully rewarded. If you
had employed your talents in defence of the
people with as much zeal as you have mani-
fefted in defence of the adrniniOration, you
would have received a reward much more ex-
quilite and much more glorious than the adu¬
lation of a party, or the confidence of a govern¬
ment. Your hiliory would have been 6i read
in a nation's eyes." And thoughyou would not
have received the difgufling flattery with which
the enemies of liberty and peace hailed your
return from an nnfuccefsful million, you would
have enjoyed the approbation and efteem of
all the wife and the virtuous. It mud be ex¬
tremely mortifying to a man of your fenfibility,
to find that not with handing the loud and ex¬
travagant applaufes of your friends, you do not
poffefi the confidence of the people of Virginia.
The admiration of a party, and the favor of
an adminiftration, cannot confole a mind like
yours, for the difapprobation and averlion of
your native country.
The pomp of oHice and the pageantry of
power are no compenfation for the fufpicion
and jealoufy of a free and virtuous people.
The adminillration will exalt you to the moffc
fplendid honors, which they can bellow, but
they cannot render you invulnerable to the jufl
( 3 )
reproaches of an indignant republican. It mull
be admitted that fome of your friends are good
and patriotic men. But if you are indeed a an
American in heart and in fentiment,,' you muft
be deeply mortified when you obferve, that the
perfons mbft vehement in your praife, are the
partizans of great Britain, and the inveterate
enemies of our independence. If you are in¬
deed " an American in heart, and in fenti-
ment," you muft be aftonifhed and afB.ided,
when you perceive that your principles are
molt warmly admired by perfons who are En-
glifhmen " in heart and in fentiment." You
have been deputed on a million which involv¬
ed the peace and happinefs, and perhaps the ex-
iftence of your country. I do not intend to
examine the propriety of your condud: durr g
this important million. I do not intend to en¬
quire whether you ever were animated with die
fpirit of peace, and whether you di veiled your-
felf of that rancorous hatred agaiiilt Fiance,
which your party has felt from the commence¬
ment' of her revolution, and which ycu IV! t in
a very eminent degree when you accepted the
office of a minifier of peace- When I avoid
thefe enquiries, it is not from a conviction that
the refult would be honorable,-or fovo;-\\b?e
to you. I do not wifh to confound our cos ire-
< 4 )
verfy with France, with the fubje&s of difcuffU
on upon which the American people differ.
The adminiftration have adopted this policy
with a fuccefs mnft flattering to them, and
mod fatal to their country. rI he name of
France has been the cabalistic word by which
they have filenced all oppofition, and accom¬
plished every meafure. Our unfortunate rup¬
ture with that republic, has given an unnatural
popularity to the friends of ariftocracy and mo¬
narchy. It has enabled them to propagate
principles which were once heard with difguft
and horror, and it has enabled them to accom-
plifh defigns which could not have been at¬
tempted two years ago, without producing an
immediate and univerfal infurrection of the
people. Your party have exaggerated the
cruelties and enormities of the French revolu¬
tion, in order to excite an exceflive and fran¬
tic indignation againfl: France. And then they
have artfully availed themfelves of the angry
paflions which they kindled, in order to bring
deteftation upon republican principles. When
they have excited an abhorrence of French
principles, they are enabled by a very natural
affociation of ideas, to produce an abhorrence
of republican principles, becaufe thefe are the
avowed, if not the adtual principles of the
( 5 ;
French nation. But it was not fufficient for the
purpofes of your party to bring republican opi¬
nions into contempt. It was neceftary to vili¬
fy and to perfecute the mod able and iliuflri-
ous defenders of thefe opinions. The publica¬
tion of your diipatches, and the happy exercife
of diplomatic skill, has produced a momenta¬
ry delulion and infatuation, in which an oppo-
fition to the adminiftration is confounded with
hoftility to the government, and treafon to the
country. According to the logic of your par¬
ty, a difapprobation of any meafure of the go¬
vernment, or a contempt for any man in the
adminiftration, is infeparably connected with
an abhorrence of the conftitution and with a
treafonable attachment to France. The diftinc-
tions which were once fo well known in this
country, between the fociety and the govern¬
ment, the union and the conftitution, and the
conftitution and the adminiftration, thele dif-
tindtions once fo obvious, are now forgotten,
amidft the execrations and yells againft French
cruelty and French ambition, which are in-
ceflantly kept up by (he hirelings of Great Bri¬
tain, and the enemies of liberty. This delufi-
en cannot laft. If the people of this country
are not,4'the moft enlighientd people in the
world," they have at lealt underftanding
( 6 )
enough to know the meftimable value of liber¬
ty,and courage enough to defend it. They wilt
difcover that the executive directory of France-
are not our moft dangerous enemies The ven¬
geance of an opprefled and infulted people, is,
almaft as terrible as the wrath of Heaven. The?
artifices and clamours of your party cannot
prevent the people from difcovering that th.eir-
conftitution has been violated and their liberty
invaded, whilft their apprehenfions and their'
paffions have been directed towards a foreign-
enemy. I (hall animadvert in fome fubfequent
numbers with feverity, but with truth, upon
the political creed which you have publifhed.
If I was your perfonal enemy, I fhouid rejoice
at the indifcretion of which you have been guiL
ty. I fhouid rejoice at the infatuation which
has led you to an avowal of principles odious
to your country and fatal to your fame. But
fince I am not your perfonal enemy, I cannot
help lamenting that you have proved by your
own deliberate confeffions, that you are not
worthy of the confidence of the people of Vir¬
ginia. It is painful to attack the political re-*
putation of a man whofe talents are fplendid,"
and whofe private chara&er is amiable; but I
am impelled, by the facted duties* which I owe -'
to the caufe of truth and liberty. I fofemftiy •
c 1 )
undertake tb demonflrate that the principles'
which you have explicitly avowed, or which
may be fairly ihferred from your anfwers,are
dangerous to the conftitution and independence
of this country. I folemnly undertake to de-i
monftrate that thefe principles are incompati¬
ble with the happinefs of the people, and with
a genuine attachment to a republican go¬
vernment. I repeat that I am not Simulated
by perfonal hatred. I am not confcious of any
of the rancour and malignity of party fpirit.
The principles which you entertain, and which
I have determined to arraign and expofe, are
obnoxious and abhorrent to my mod fober
and temperate judgment. I would not attack
the word of your opinions for the abilracted
purpofe of preventing your aggrandizement,
or producing your downfall. But fmce your
elevation would be dangerous to the liberty of
my country, it is my duty to prevent it by a
fair and candid examination of your principles.
In the performance of this duty, I (hall not at¬
tempt to torture your feelings by acrimony of
cenfure and energy of invective. You have
long been accudomed to the blandishments of
flattery,-and it is poffible that the plain lan¬
guage of fifteerity and truth, may kindle your
resentment. I fhali hold myfelf.refponhble to
( 8 )
you for this attack upon your political reputa¬
tion, but I (hall hear with contempt, the cla¬
mours and menaces of your friends. In the ex¬
amination of your anfwers, I (hall expofe the
infinceriry and art of which you have been guiL
ty. This infmcerity will injure you even with,
moderate men of your own party. It mud be
admitted that their number is very inconfidera-
ble, and it is probable that their cenfure will
partake of the apathy of their fentiments.
■The majority of your party will readily ex-
Cufe any duplicity. Like the Jefuits, their pre-
deceffors in ambition and hypocrify, it is their
fundamental maxim, that the holinefs of the
end, will fan&ify the molt difhonorable means.
Their gratitude for your paft fervices, and their
fanguine expectations from your future exerti¬
ons, will readily induce them to forgive a mo¬
mentary affectation of the good principles
which they abhor. You did not calculate with
fufficient confidence upon the attachment of
your own party. You might have gone much
farther in the avowal of republican opinions,'
without forfeiting their confidence, or lofing
their affeClions. You might have ventured to
publifh a creed which would have impofed up¬
on every weak and credulous republican.
Your party would have had penetration fenoughf,
( 9 )
to afcribe your conduft to policy and not to
princip'e, and your fervices ia Congrefs, would
have been an ample atonement for a momenta¬
ry defertion from their ftandard. They wou!d
not have believed that you had ferioufly
abandoned the aJminiliration, after your h?ng
and zealous attachment to it, and when your
greatnefs and power were growing and tlou-
rifhing in the genial funfhine of Executive fa¬
vor, They know that the man who has once
deferted the people, wiil never return to
them.
LETTER II.
To GENERAL MARSHALL.
HERF is a party in this country, formi¬
dable from their numbers, and itil! more
formidable from their wealth, who have long
endeavoured to reftore us to the abjedt and mi-
ferable condition of Britifli colonies, or at leaft
to draw us into fo dole a connection with ilri'j
tain, as toiecure to her the profit of our coitt-
C U 11 T I U S,
i 10 J
merce, and the command of our councils, and
to render our independence only ailiadow and
a name.
The unity of our language, the (imilarity of
our cuffoms and manners, the influence arifing
from commercial intercourfe, and the involun¬
tary "recollection of ancient ties and affections,
were circumflances extremely favorable to the
wiihes and defigns of this party. But notwith-
ftandmg the friendly intercourfe which Com¬
merce produced between the two nations, the
people of this country co.uld not eafily forget
the cruel injuries, and the atrocious wrongs
which they had fuffered, in a tedious and bloo¬
dy war..It could not be expected that the fierce
and vindi dive paffians which were kindled by
the fufferings and facrifices of a civil war,
would readily fubfide. The amiable affections
bv which we had been united with Britain, had
gwen p'aceto hatred and revenge, and it was
hardly to be expected, that thefe affections
would ever return. An abhorrence of Britain
had become a habit which was mingled with
all our principles, and which was fortified by
all our prejudices. It is very wonderful, that
this habit Ihould ever have been overcome,
fmce all our inffitutions, and all our national
feitivals, fmce the glory of our heroes, and the
( «« )
fame of our patriots, fince the love of liberty,
and the pride of valor, fince every circum-
ftance which can ftrike the fenfes, or awaken
the feelings, imprefles upon our memories the
deteflable tyranny of which Britain was guilty
and the dreadful chaflifement which (he recei¬
ved. The bell and ftrongelt principles of the
human heart, long impeded and counteracted
the intrigues and machinations of the Britifli
party. And though their power rapidly in-
creafed front the time of the adoption of the
federal conftimtion, they were long confound¬
ed with its genuine friends, and the alarming
progrefs of foreign influence, was not obferv-
ed. It was not until the negociation of Jay's
treaty, that this faction ventured to lay alide
the mask, and openly to purfue their nefarious
defigns. The ratification of that treaty, which
was produced by their fecret influence and their
open clamors, elated them beyond the limits
of moderation and decency, and infpired them
with an audacious and infolent confidence in
the fuccefs of their fchemes againfl: our confti-
tution and independence. Nothing was want¬
ed to render their fuccefs inevitable, but a rup¬
ture between this country and I ranee. It is
to be deplored that the rapacity and ambitic-n
of the Directory have furnilhed this party with
( 12 )
plaufible and impofing pretexts, and have ena¬
bled them to obtain an afcendency over the
public opinion.
The men who were fo cautious, fo pacific
and fo conciliating, when we received from
Britain every infult which could provoke, and
every wrong which could inflame a free and
noble people, thefe very men, were the firfl:
to refent the depredations of France, and the
firft to frimula e us to revenge and to war. The
ancient and inveterate enemies of our indepen¬
dence have been moft aftive in exaggerating
our infults and injuries and have affected moll
zeal in defence of our national honor and
rights.
The hirelings of Great Britain, and the mif-
creants w ho fled to her flandard in the hour of
our danger, have been moft vehement in their
profefiions of pa riotifm, and moft liberal in
their promifes to fuppcrt our independence
with their lives and their fortunes, It would
not be proper to afcribe to motives ofinfidious
policy, a?l the zeal which this party have mani-
fefted in flimulating us to war, Much of that
zeal has proceeded from hatred of France, a
hatred derived by inheritance from their'bar¬
barous and ferocious anceftors, and inflamed
by the glorious revolution, which has rendered
( ^3 )
their enemies more free than themfelves. Much
of that zeal has proceeded from a malignant,
and inhuman defire, that the votaries of liber¬
ty fhould perilh by each other's hands, in un¬
natural war. And much of their zeal has pro¬
ceeded from a painful conviction, that Britain
is oh the verge of hideous ruin, and from a
barbarous defire to give her a companion in
misfortune and wretchednefs. But whatever
the motives of this party may be, it is certain,
that their favorite object is a treaty of alliance
between this country and Britain. They have
ventured to avow this object, and their venal
prefTes have endeavoured, to prepare the pub¬
lic mind for its attainment. The indignation
excited by your difpatches, and the terror pro¬
duced by the profpeft of a war, have fo far
fubdued our juft and firong antipathies to Bri¬
tain, that the expediency of a treaty of alliance
with her, has become a fubjeft of calm enqui¬
ry. and grave difculfion. Your opinion con¬
cerning the expediency of fuch ari alliance has
been folemnly required. You have exprefiVri a
difapprobation of a permanent alliance with a-
ny country, but you have afierted that it vvouid
be "madnefs and folly to rdufe to protedl our-
felves by temporary arrangements " Your an-
fwer is fludioufly obfeure and evafive. The
( 14 )
lueflion to which the people expected an ant
,'wer was, whether you are the advocate of an
alliance with Great Britain during the war ?
You have endeavoured to evade this queflion,
by expreffing your abhorrence of all permanent
connections with the European powers, and
by adopting the mod vague and indefinite
terms which your perfect knowledge of our
very copious language could furnilh.
You flattered yourfelf that the excellence of
the general principles, which you profefs, con¬
cerning foreign alliances, would be regarded
as fome atonement, for the avowal of your
wifli for a treaty u ith Great Britain. There is
hardly a man in the world, who will advocate
pernicious and monflrous opinions, when they
aflume the form of abftraCt principles. It is
when principles are applied to particular ca¬
fes, in which the prejudices are excited, and
the pafiions interefled, that our opinions be¬
come perverted, and monflrous. There is no¬
thing more common than an attempt to pro¬
pagate dangerous opinions concerning particu¬
lar meaiures, with the loudefl: profeflions of
attachment for the general principles which
forbid thefe meafures. There is not an advo¬
cate for monarchy in this country, who does
not mingle profeflions of veneration for repub-
( '5 )
lican principles, with the inceflant efforts,which
he makes to fubvert the conftitution, and to
deftroy liberty. And every advocate for an al¬
liance with Great Britain, will declare anaver-
fion to the general fyllem of foreign alliances,
while he contends that it would be " madnefs
and folly" to refufe to make" temporary ar¬
rangements." A direct and open attack upon
the principles molt firmly eftablilhed in the
public opinion, would bring difgrace and con-
fufion Upon the perfon who made it. An in¬
genious confeffion of your wilh,for a treaty of
alliance with Great Britain, would have excit¬
ed the alarm and indignation of the molt lu¬
pine and ignorant of your countrymen. But
although you have not ventured to exprefs
this wilh in direct and unequivocal terms,! lhail
endeavour to prove that no other inference can
be fairly deduced from the obfcure and vague
language which you have ufed. You have
faid, that it would be " madnefs and folly to
refufe to protect ourfelves by temporary ar¬
rangements." The phrafeology which you
have adopted, is curious and remarkable. You
were unwilling to acknowledge that you were
in favor of an alliance with Great Britain dur¬
ing the war. You have carefully avoided the
ordinary and appropriate terms, by which your
( >6. ;
ideas orght to have been conveyed. You fiat"
tered yourldx that the p'rrafe " temporary ar-
rmgements''would not be diflinbky under,
flood, by many of your fellow-citizens, and
that it v. ouJd not be f:> obnoxious to any of
them as a phrafe of the vtiy lame wprt, a
itcjiy. The calculations which are founded
up> r. a preemption of ignorance in the ieft
ol mankind, generally, terminate in rnortilica-
tion and cits a 'po-nttnent. 1 he people of this
courtly (had not be deceived concerning your
principles, by your dexterity and cunnn g in
the choice of words, I p.relume that you will
nor feiioufly afferr to any man of c ;mmon un-
derfian.'dng, that there is any difference be¬
tween a temporary arrangement between two
nations, and a treaty,
I prefume that you will not denv that a tem¬
porary arrangement between two nations is a
c ntra£t between them, and that a treaty is no-
thing but a con trad between nati >ns " If
there was no other evidence of the dangerous
tendency of your prinmples and defigns, a
comp'e-e dtmonflrarion might be found, in
the obfeuritv aid ambiguity of your language.
Ciearnefs of conception, and clearntfs of ex-
predion, are the great and ineftirhable talents,
by which you have been elevated in the world.
( 17 )
The ambiguity of your anfwers proceeds from
the myftery which envelopes the heart, and
not from the dullnefs which obfcures the un-
derflanding. If your opinions were not ob¬
noxious, you would not attempt to conceal
them from the people by phrafes, which were
never ufed before, and which can hardly be
underflood. I flia.ll hereafter take it for gran¬
ted, that you mean by a temporary arrange¬
ment, a treaty. It is then your deliberate opL
on, that it would be'£madnefs and foliy" to re-
fufe to proted ourfelves by a treaty with Great
Britain. It is your deliberate opinion, that it
would be " madnefs and folly" to avoid aclofe
connection, with a corrupt and perfidious peo¬
ple, who attempted to opprefs and enfiave us,
when we were united to them by the ftrongefc
ties of affedion and gratitude. Itis your deli¬
berate opinion, that it wouldbe " madnefs and
folly" to refufe to make a common caufe with
ar ftupid and infolent monarch, who has
long been the tyrant of the ocean, the
curfe of his people, and the fcourge of the
world.
CURTIUS.
c
( )
LETTER III.
To GENERAL MARSHALL.
I PRESUME you will admit, that if the tem¬
porary arrangements of which you fpeak are
neceflary to protect us from invafion, they mult
continue during the war. The danger of
invafion, will continue as long as the war, and
if the afiiftance of the Britifh fleet is abfolutely
neceflary to protect us during a part of the war
from this danger, it will be impofiible to fhew,
why it would not be equally neceflary, during
the whole war. I prefume you will not'
afifert that there is any probability of our ac¬
quiring a great fleet of our own, during the
war. It would be " folly and madnefs" to
make arrangements with Great Britain for the
afiiftance of her fleet during a part of the war,
when the danger which rendered this arrange¬
ment abfolutely necefiary, would continue dur¬
ing the whole war. It would be worfe policy
than the adminiftration has ever yet purfued,'
to fecure the afiiftance of Britain at the com¬
mencement of the conteft, when our fpirit will
be high, and our refources entire, and to fuffer
us to be deprived of her afiiftance, when our
( 19 >
cnthufiafm will have fubfided, and when our
refources will be diminilhed. The conftructi-
on which I give to your anfwer is, that you
are of opinion that we ought to make arrange¬
ments for the purpofe of fecuring protection
from the Britilh fleet during the war. i believe
that this conflruCtion is fair, for any other
would lead to conclufions difgraceful to your
understanding. Now, it muft occur to men of
much lefs capacity than you, that the afliftance
of the Britilh fleet during the war, cannot be
fecured to us, unlefs there is a ftipulation in
the treaty, by which the Britilh pledge them-
felves not to make a feparate peace. It is fure-
ly fair to prefume, that the treaty will be equal
and reciprocal ; and if it is, we fhall be obliged
to flipulate that we will not make a feparate
peace. We fhall be obliged to flipulate, that
no terms however advantageous, or honorable,
fhall induce us to prevent the eflufion of our
blood and the devaluation of our'country, by
thedefertion of our ally. We fhall be com¬
pelled to fuller the calamities and horrors of
war, until the pride of Great Britain is hum¬
bled, or her ambition fatiated. We fhall be
compelled to exhaufl our treaiure and ftrength
in fecuring the expenlive and ruinous con-
quefts which (he has made. We fhall be com-
( 20 )
pelled to carry on the war after the caufes
which produced it are removed, after our rage
is extinguifhed, and when peace becomes the
fole objeCt of our wifhes, and the only means
of our falvaticn. We (hall be compelled to
perfcvere in an unnatural and execrable war,
until the French are forced to furrender to
the Britifh a promontory of Africa, or anifland
of the Eaib Indies. I have proved that a treaty
fecuring to us the protection of a Britifh fleet
during the whole war, is abfolutely neceflary,
according to the opinion which you have ex-
prefled, that this protection cannot be obtained
uniefs the Britifh ftipulate that they will not
make a feparate peace, and that this ftipulation
cannot be expedted without a fimilar ltipulati-
on on our part. It muff be acknowledged, that
I am juflifiable in prefuming that the treaty
will be at leaft as advantageous to Great Bri¬
tain as to usv
If the negociation is committed to Mr. Jay,
it may be fairly prefumed that the protection
of their fleet will bepurchafed by the f
der of all our wealth and of all our h
by the furrender of every thing bi
of independence. And even if the
on was committed to you, your mofc e.
gant admirers would not expeCt from )
( 11 )
diplomatic skill any thing more than a fair and
equal treaty. I mud confefs their expectations
would be much more fanguine than mine, for
I fliould not expeCt from you, or any other lea¬
der of your party, an equal and honorable trea¬
ty with Great Britain. If you contend that
a treaty may be obtained by which the Britifh
will dipulate not to make a feparate peace with¬
out infilling upon a fimilar llipulation on our
part, you mult confefs that they will not wave
this natural,reafonable 8c important llipulation,
without an adequate compenfation in forne
form or other. For if you maintain, in fpite
of the evidence of hidory, and in fpite of the
fad experience of mankind, that the Britilh are
fo difmterefted and fo magnanimous as to ren¬
der affillance to us or to any other people
without compenfation, if you pronounce this
exalted panegyric upon that perfidious and ra¬
pacious people, you will demonllrate a dupid
and difgraceful attachment to them. This mo¬
dern Carthage whom no treaties can bind,
and whole only laws are intereft and force,
will not be impelled by a fubiime generofity
to proteCl our independence by that very fleet
•with which it has fo recently plundered our
commerce and infulted our coalis. The ailif-
tance of this venal nation, among It whom con-
( 22 )
fciences are bought and fold in open market,
will not be granted to us without an ample
compenfation. This compenfation mud: be
made either in a ceflion of territory, or by ad-
vancement of money, or by commercial advan¬
tages. Our adminiflration, bold as they are,
will not attempt the difrnemberment of this
country. There is no commercial privilege
which wc have not already ceded to Great bri-
tain. And unlefs Mr. Jay is deputed to fur-
render all our carrying trade and ail our adtive
commerce into her hands, I cannot imagine
hew wc are to induce her ro grant us the affif-
tance of her fleet, by the offer of any new privi¬
lege. The crdy new privilege which you
or Mr. Jay could grant to her, would be
to prohibit our own citizens from all trade,
and to deliver all our produce into her
hands in exchange for her merchandize at her
own price. I fhculdnot expedt this conceffion
even mom the prefent adrainiftration. It fol¬
lows that the only compenfation which can be
inaue for the abidance of the Britifh fleet, is
the advancement of monej''. The fydem of
fubfidizing has reduced England to the verge
oi bankruptcy, and has made her the dupe and
fuoi u ofl urope, and yet this fyflem is in your
opinion, nr. expedient which it would be
( -3 )
66 madnefs and folly" for America to reject.
The people of America mud purchaie the af-
fiflance of a Brkhh fleet by an advancement of
money. It will be important and interelring
to enquire, what the amount of this expendi¬
ture would probably be, and to afcertain ia
what manner the money could be railed.
If recourfe is had to a great and immediate
augmentation of our increafmg taxes, the go¬
vernment will reduce the people to inifery and
ftimulate them to infurrection. Recourfe can¬
not be had to the fyitetn of borrowing. A-
midlt the diforders and convuinons which de~
folate the world, money is withdrawn from cir¬
culation and danger, and hoarded in the deep-
eft coffers of avarice.
The merchants of England cannot accom¬
modate their own government. The mod o-
pulent merchants of Holland have been pro¬
scribed and exiled, and thole who are left be¬
hind would not venture to advance money to
the enemies of France. Our own refources
will be hardly adequate to the inevitable ex-
penfes of the war. In thefe circuinflances, and
under thefe difficulties, I demand of you how
we are to obtain money in order to fubfldizs
the government of England, You have [not
explained the kind of protection -which ju
( U )
conceive to be necelTary. The danger ofin-
vafion will be precifely as great at one period
of the war as at any other.
If the Britilh fleet is necelTary to avert that
danger, it ought to be ftationed where it could
avert the danger, and it ought to be fufficient-
ly numerous to encounter fuch an armament
as the French would probably equip for the in-
vafion of America. I prefume that it will be
admitted that a fleet for our prote&ion ought
to be ftationed upon our coaft. I prefume it
will be admitted that the French will never at¬
tempt the invafion of this country with a fleet
of lefs than twelve or fifteen fail of the line. A
Britilh fleet for our protection ought to be at
leaft as numerous. Now I ask, for what com-
penfation we could obtain twelve or fifteen fail
of the line during the whole war, from the
King of Great Britain, who apprehends the in¬
vafion of his own ifland, and who has to defend
his widely-extended dominions, and his ftill
more widely-extended commerce againft the
fleets of Holland, Spain and France? And I
ask, what prote&ion fuch a fleet could give to
a vaft coaft which is expofed to the ocean for
fifteen hundred miles ? England has found
fome difficulty in defending her narrow coaft
with her numerous fleet. It would be fedition
( *$ )
frf enquire Into the wifdom and virtue of an
adminiftration who boad of their refources
and energy, while they attempt to proteft
themfeives from the rage of one.power by the
afiidance of another.
I have {hewn that no s< temporary arrange¬
ment" can be made with Great Britain for pro¬
tection from her fleet, without rendering us
her auxiliary during the war, or her tributary.
When any attempt to make your country tri*
bptary to h'rance is made or even imagined,
you difcover a fenfibility which would do you
honor, if it was not mingled with party-ran*
cor and national prejudice.
But there is toothing fo dreadful to you in,
'»he profpeft of being tributary to Great Bri¬
tain. You can very calmly propofe to make
your country dependent upon her. If we are
not able to defend our independence without
the aflidance of a Britifh fleet, it would be
well to return to our allegiance to our anci ;nt
fnaflers. The language of your party is not
very confident upon any fubjeft. When you
attempt to dimulate us to a horrid war, you
exaggerate our flrength and our refources, and
you declare that we are for all the purpofes of
D
r 2 6 >
felf-defence, a great and powerful people. But
when you wilh to vercome our flubborn and
horieft prejudices againft an alliance with Bri¬
tain,you exaggerate our danger and our weak-
nefs, and you allure us that we cannot be pro¬
tected without the afliftance of a Britilh fleet.
It would be eafy to fhew, that there is no feri-
ous danger of a French invalion, and that the
apprehenfiun which your party exprefs, is an"
infidious. artifice, adopted for the purpofe of
conducting us by our fears to a clofer connec¬
tion with Britain. It would be eafy to fhew,
that we are adequate to repel any invaffon,
and to defend our independence againlt any
of the powers of Europe. If we are indeed a
feeble and defencelefs people, the haughty and
arrogant tone affirmed by the ad mini ft ration^
is as impolitic as it is ridiculous. If it is ne«
cellary for us to buy the proiedtion of a Bri¬
tilh fleet, the warlike and heroic attitude of our
■adminifrrarion, is indeed a vain and filly moc¬
kery. Unlefs the government has fecured this
affiltance by a iecret treaty, you mull admit,
if you have any regard to conliftency, that
their unbounded rage for a war has been
" madnefs and folly." But although the ach
miniffration is not eminently diltinguifhed by
prudence or wifdom, it is probable from the
( 27 )
influence of other motives, that this treaty of
alliance has been already negoeiated. Although
the federal orators who have raifed the war-
whoop in congrefs,arenoteminently diftinguifh-
ed for the firength of their understandings, it
is not probable that they would have been fuch
ideots as to have fpoken of a " war of extin-
guifhment,'' unlefs they had beenfure of a coa¬
lition with Britain, and unlefs they had flat¬
tered themfelves with the hope of another ge¬
neral crufade. It is probable from the furious
ravings of fome perfons high in office, that our
virtuous triumvirate of minifters, King, Smith
and Adams, are mod zealoufly engaged in
the pious and holy office of rekindling . the
flames of univerfal war. It.wou d be tedious
to detail the volume of arguments which may
be urged again ft any alliance with Britain. It
is fufficient to obferve, that we are able to de¬
fend our independence againfl any foreign
power ; that there is no neceffity for any per'*
manent or temporary alliance with Great Bri¬
tain j that' there is no aifiitance which fhe
Could give with a part or the whole of her fleer,
which could protect us from an invafion, if
fuch a plan is actually meditated by France ;
that an alliance with her would involve us in
the diftrefs and ruin with which fhe is molt
( «8 )
awfully menaced ; and that fuch an alliance
would render us her auxiliary during the war,
or her humble tributary for a diffionorable pro¬
tection. But notwithdanding thefe obviou^
and incontrovertible truths, you are the advo¬
cate of fuch a treaty. The errors of a wea|>
man excite our pity, and it is only when folly
is united with confidence and vanity, that we
are provoked to contempt, and dimulated to
ridicule. But the grofs errors of a mind like
yours, excite mingled emotions of fufpicion
and wonder. It is difficult to believe that ge¬
nius and knowledge can ferioufly adopt thtj
mondrous opinions of imbecility and prej'u:
dice. When we hear a man of uncommon
underftanding advocate abfurdities which are
palpable to the plained capacities, we cannot
help fufpeCling the fincerity of his declaration^
and the purity of his motives. The high ad¬
miration which I feel for your talents, induces
me to doubt your candor, when you advance
fallacious and pernicious opinions. You know
that a treaty of alliance with Great Britain, is
the favorite objeft of the party to which yog
have devoted your talents and pledged your
fervices. An attachment to this party has
led you to the avowal of opinions which
your underftanding muft condemn, and at,
V.
( a9 )
vhlch your feelings mud revolt, " if you
are an American in heart and in fentiment.
CURTIU S.
• Mcgaar, <£3 <nu*i —
L E TTER IV.
To GEN ERAL MARSHALL.
r^7rOI.T are of opinion that the alien and fe-
Jb dition bills were " ufelefs.'' When you
follow the natural impulfe of your piinciples,
your language is uncommonly nervous and
glowing. But when you are compelled to ex-
prefs your difapprobation of any meafure of
the federal government, you adopt the feeblefl
tgrms which can be ufed. You could not ven¬
ture to pronounce, that thefe odious bills were
unconftitutional and arbitrary. You appre¬
hended that this declaration would have exci¬
ted the refentnient of your own party, and
you determined to adopt a middle courfe, un.
fatisfaclory to the public and unworthy ©f
you. You expedled to avoid the reproaches
of your own party by the mildnefs of your
cenfure, and you hoped to conciliate the re-
( 3° )
publicans, by expreffing fomething like difap*
prabation of thefe detefied laws. Your friend#
have been loud in extolling the candor and
finceritv of your private life and of your pub¬
lic conduct. Much of your reputation has
been deriv ed from an appearance of candor and
integrity by which y'ou have obtained the ef-
teem even of thofe who have been moft vehe¬
ment in condemning your political principles.
Your anfwers have fatisfied me, that your pre:
tenfions to finceriry and ingenuonfuefs are not
jufl. Thefe anfwers were intended to concili¬
ate the republican party, without provoking
your own, and the defign is too obvious to im-
pofe upon the moll credulous underlfanding.
Notwithftanding the magnitude and fplendor
of your talents, you really are ridiculoufly awk¬
ward in the arts of diffimulation and hypocfi-
iy. It muft be admitted that the plan which
you have formed is extremely arduous in its
execution. In the prefent flateof this coun¬
try, it is eminently difficult to pofiefs the fa¬
vor of the adminilhation without forfeiting,
the confidence of the people. The contempt
and deteflation of the people have been gene¬
rally regarded as an evidence of federalifm,and'
have often proved a ftrong recommendation
to favor and to office. There is a man in this
( 3l )
country who has fhamefully apodatized from
the patriotic principles which diflinguifhed his
youth, and who attempts to conceal or to lef-
fen his own infamy by encouraging the apod a-
cy of others. It is very doubtful whether the
mod refined policy and the moft fubtil in¬
trigue of which the human mind is capable,
could enable you or any other man to retain
the favor of the executive, and to acquire the
edeem of a republican people. But if this
undertaking is within the limits of human
genius, it mud be confelfed that it is much
beyond the coinpafs of your talents, great and
fplendid as they are. Although your ambiti¬
on has impelled you to purfue every road to
power and glory, ycu are not adequate to the
delicate and arduous task of concentering in
yourperfon executive favor and popular apd
plaufe. The ambition of a great foul difdains
the elevatioQ which is obtained by the caprici¬
ous fancy or arbitrary will of a fmgle individu¬
al. The clamorous and extravagant applaufe
of a fa&ion can neither fatiate the reftlefs fpirit
of ambition, nor afford pleafure to the man
who is animated with the love of true glory.
In a mind like yours, the favor of a Preli-
dent, and the admiration of a party, mud
leave an " aching void/' which nothing can
fill but the love of the people.
f may be under the dominion of prejudice
or error, but I cannot conceive how fuch ar¬
guments as are every day urged again lb the a-
lien and fedition bills, could fail to prefent
themfelves to your linderftatiding, or how they
could fail to convince you, wheri they prefent-
ed themfelves.
You have given no opinion upon the con-
(litutional queltion. In the infinite diverfity of
human faculties, and in the infinite variety of
human opinions^ it would be prefumptuous to
declare; that there is any one opinion upon
political fubjects frorrl which no man could ac¬
tually diflent in his mind, whatever declaration
his tongue might utter. But if it were poflibie
j to fele&fuch an opinion, I belivfe that the one
which inculcated the unconifirutionality of the
.alien and fedhion bills, would be the very one
to which every man would be compelled to
fubfcribein his mind. It is hardly pofhble to
believe, that you can be ferioufly of opinion
that thefe flagrant ufurparions arc conflituu-
onal laws, rind if yen areferioufly of this o-
pinicn, it is a complete demonflration of the
pernicious influence of party-fpirit upon your
mind. It is to be deplored that an u^derllanch
ing like yours, fhould be rendered infenfibte
to the plainefl truths, by the petrifying influ-
( 33 )
ence of political prejudice. It is to be deplored
that talents which were deftined to inform and
to enlighten, fhoiild be rendered pernicious and
mifchievous to trtankind, by the adoption of ftu-
pid and monftrous errors. But whatever your
opinion is concerning this important constituti¬
onal queltion,it was your duty toexprefs it with
perfpicuity and candor. If you believe that
thefe laws are unconOitutional, it was a facred
duty which you owed to the government, to
vindicate it from the charge of ufurpation and
tyranny, and it was a duty (till more facred,
to fatisfy the doubts and remove the alarms of
an agitated people. You knew that this que-
ftion had been much difcuffed, and that it had
excited much anxiety. And yet when you de¬
livered your opinion concerning thefe laws, you
ftudioufly avoided the mold important and in-
terefting objection which has ever been made
to them.
The reputation of your name, and the
ftrength of your reafoning might have chang¬
ed the public opinion, and would have made
fome profelytes. When we are confident of
the truih of our principles we naturally expect
that we fhall be able to propagate them, and
we generally attempt to diffufe them as widely
as poffible.
i
( 3+ >
There is. no man who has manifefted this
temper more confpicuoufly than you, and you
have certainly had fome reafon to be fatisfied
with your fuccefs. If you do ferioufly believe
that thefe laws are conftitutional, your filence
cannot be reconciled with your duty to the
people, or with a genuine attachment to the.
adminiftration. It will be in vain to alledge
that the avowal of this opinion would have
rendered you obnoxious, and prevented your
election to an office in which you expeft
to ftrengthen the government and to ferve the
people.
The caufe of truth ought not to be facriH-
ced to the love of popularity. The good fenfe
of the people has often prevailed over their
mo ft ftubborn prejudices. And if you fup-
preffed an opinion which you folemnly believ¬
ed to be true, from an apprehenfion that it
would not be generally adopted, you muft en*
tertain a very improper idea of your own ta¬
lents, or a very unfavorable idea of the un-
derftandings of the people. I am unwilling
to fuppofe that you evaded this conftitutional
queftion, from the fear of offending the peo¬
ple by the avowal of your opinions. If you.
conceal any of your opinions from this mo¬
tive, you are guilty of deception and treachery.
( 35 )
The conelufion which appears to be mo ft
fair, and which is certainly mo ft honorable to
you, is, that you are of opinion that the alien
and fedition bills are unconflitutional. It is
probable from your well known zeal in the
caufe of the adminiflration^ that you would
have attempted the defence of thefe laws, if
you had not believed that they were manifeft
ufurpations which cannot be vindicated. But
if you believe that thefe laws are unconflitu¬
tional, it was your duty to declare this opini¬
on. Such a declaration from you, in manly
and temperate terms, would have produced u-
nion and confidence among the people, and
would have infpired the government with mo¬
deration and prudence. The adminiflratioii
would be unwilling to be deprived of your
fupport and co operation, and they would be
difmayed at the profpedl of oppofition from
you. The laws would be repealed without
difficulty, and our liberties would be jeftored
without a ftruggle. You had a moft glorious
opportunity of convincing your country and
the world, of the purity and integrity of your
principles, and of your magnanimous elevati¬
on above the intrigues and palfions of a party.
The road to immortal honor and renown, was
plain and eafy, and yet it was not perceived:
C 36 )
by you. You had oniy to declare a correct o.
pinion upon a firrple conftitutional queftion,
and the people would have rewarded your
candor with unbounded love. But you at.
tempted to avoid the reproaches of a party,
and you have loft forever the affe&ions of a
nation and the applaufesof a world. In vain
will you purfue the thorny and rugged
paths which lead to fame. The prefpnt gene,
ration will condemn your, principles, and if
your name reaches pofterity, it will never be
heard with enthufiafm or reverence. You have
been lolemnly required to deliver your fenti-
ments upon the moil important conftitutional
queftion which ever occurred in this country.
You have evaded the queftion and concealed
your opinion.
If you believe that thefe laws are conftituti-
onal, you muft have concealed this opinion
from an apprehenfion that it would be odious
to the people. And if ycu believe that they are
unconftiturional, you muft have concealed this
opinion from an apprehenfion that it would be
obnoxious to the government. I call upon you
to extricate yourfelf from this dilemma. Either
part of the alternative is difhonorable to you.
You are bound as a vifltim at the altar of po¬
litical juftice, and nothing is left to you but the
( 37 )
choice of fujferings. You are welcome to your
choice of eviis. But you muff determine whe¬
ther you will acknowledge that you conceal¬
ed your opinion from the fear of offending the
people, or from the fear of provoking the go~
vernment. It is the facred duty of every man
who offers his fervices to the people, to avow
his principles without referve, and in this firu-
ation to .conceal an opinion is a fraud againft
the deareft rights of fociety. If you think that
thefe laws are unconditional, and if youfup-
prels this opinion from an apprehenfton of of¬
fending the adminiflration, it cannot be ex¬
pected by any man who is not fooiilhly credu¬
lous, that you will venture to maintain any
principles in cdngrefs which will be difagreea-
ble to your party. If the fear of offending
them prevents you from declaring that thefe
laws are ufurpations, it cannot be expe&ed that
you will be a very vigilant and intrepid defen¬
der of the conditufion againd their daring en¬
croachments. It is not to be expected that
ycu will oppofe them in debate, when you
conceal your fentiments as a private citizen,
from the fear of giving them offence. It is not
to be prefumed that you will be the champion
of the conditution in congtefs, when your at¬
tachment to its enemies and violators, is at this-
( 38 )
time fo ftrong, that you cannot declare in thft
mod temperate terms, that they have tranfcen-
ded their conflitutional powers. It is not pro¬
bable that the violence of your party-fpirit
will be diminiffied in Congrefs. The paffions
of the parties in Congrefs, like the atmofphere
of Philadelphia, become more malignantand
baleful every year. You were not diltinguilh-
ed for moderation in the AfTembly of Virginia.
To be the leader of the majority of the houfe?
of reprefentatives, is a iftation to which you
would afpire, and which you would attain.'
The paffions are fympathetic and contagious^
and all the angry and malignant feelings of
your party would be communicated to you.
The leader of a popular affembly, is often com¬
pelled to follow the impulfes which he produ¬
ced, and which he intended to carry, only to
a particular point. But they acquire ftrength-
as they pafs from bofom to bofom, and the af-
l'embly and their leader are tranfported far ,
beyond the bounds which he vainly attempted
to prefcribe. I make thefe remarks for the pur-
pofe of proving, that ho reliance ous[ht to be
placed upontheappearanceof moderation which
you have aflumed. I think I have Ihewn that
your profeffions are not very hncere, and that
you are even now under the abfolute doming
( 39 )
on of party^fpirit. And if your profeffions are
fincere, I have proved that you would proba¬
bly lofe your moderation in Congrefs. If you
have fubfcribed a holy covenant, by which you
have bound yourfelf to fupport all the mea-
fures of the adminiftration, conftitutional or
unconftitutional : if you are too much under
the influence of felrifli motives, and of party-
fpiritj to venture to cenfure any ufurpation of
which the government may be guilty ; if you
are the advocate of that doftrine of abject and
paflive obedience, which was exploded by our
revolution, and which has been lately revived
by fome of your party ; if thefe, or any of thefe
are your principles, I trufi that there is not a
diftrift in Virginia in which you could obtain
a Virginian vote.
CURTIUS.
L ETTE R V.
ToGEHERAL MARSHALL.
YOU really are of opinion, that the alien
and fedition bills would not have been a-
doptedifthey had been oppofed by a genuine
( )
patriot like yourfelf. After the abject and ori¬
ental adulation which you have lately receiv¬
ed, fome apology ought to be made for your
vanity. And indeed from the homage which
has been offered to you, by the party who pre¬
dominate in Congrefs, you have fome reafon
to conclude, that your influence might have
prevented thefe bold ufurpations.—~ But there
is no part of your political conduct which can
induce any impartial man tobelieve, that your
influence woud have been exerted in retrain¬
ing the ambition of the adminiftration, and in
defending the liberty of this country againft
the encroachments of executive fjower. From
the zeal wirh which you have vindicated the
worft meafures of the federal government,
from your flrenuous defence of Jay's accur-
fed treaty, and from your ftill m ^re ftrenuous
exertions to defend their fyftem of taxation
and war. I venture to affert that your influence
would not have been employed to prevent the
Prefident from being rendered an abfolute ty¬
rant with refpect to aliens, and to prevent the
patriots of this country from being deprived
of the laft confolation of the unhappy, theme-,
lancholy pleafure ©f complaining. From the
tenor of your conduct, and the tone of your
writingsJ I venture to affert, that your talents
( 41 )
will never be employed in oppofing the defigns
of a party from whom you have deprived all
your greatnefs, and whofe applaufes you have
hitherto preferred to the affe&ions of your
country. The advocates of the alien and fedi.
tion bills, the tools and emiffaries of the execu¬
tive department, and the pfeudo-citizens who
hiive {worn allegiance to America, whilft their
hearts remain faithful to their ancient m after,
thefe men I fay, would not be the mod zea¬
lous promoters of your ele&ion, if it was not
abfolutely certain that the whole energy of
your mind would be exerted in fupporting all
their meafures. But after admitting that your
influence would have been exerted in oppofing
thefe biiis, and after excufing the vanity of
which you have been,guilty, in infmuating
that they would not have been adopted if you
had oppofed them, no apology can be found
for the libel which you have pubiifhed againfl
the minority of Con^refs.
Vanity may be forgiven, but malignity can¬
not be excufed. It is true that you have not
faid in pofitive terms that all the perfons who
oppofed thefe bills in Gongrefs are " hofiile to
the government." You have adopted the
fame obfoure and evafive language by which
*
( 42 )
you have attempted to {hefter yourfelf in all
your anfwers. You have faid that the perfons
who oppofed thefe bills were cc fufpettei of
being hoftile to the government.'' You have
not ufed a {ingle expredion from which it can
, be, inferred that you are of opinion, that the
enlightened patriot who oppofed thefe laws
had been unjuftly " fufpected of being hoftile
to the government.You declare that thefe
bills would not have been adomfed if they had
been oppofed upon the feeble objs&ions which
you have urged, and by aperfon like yourfelf,
who was not fufpected of treafonable defigns.
It is your opinion, then, that the majority of
Congrefs fufpect the able and illuftrious men
who oppofe thefe bills, of being hoftile to the'
government. I am very well fatisfied that yoif
are in the fecrets of the party, and 1 fhall not
contradift you when you aflert, that the majo¬
rity of Congrefs are fo much under the domi¬
nion of rancorous and deteftable prejudices,
that they fufpeft the mod illuftrious patriots of
this country of being hoftile to its government.,
Perhaps your friends will not be very much
obliged to you for an expreflion which a-
mounts to the mod fevere accufation, and the
molt bitter invective which could be pronoun*
ced again ft the wifdom and virtue of a legifla-
( 43 )
tive afiembly. But 1 lhall never undertake their
vindication, I (hall never deny that they are
under the influence of malignant prejudice,
mod difhonorable to themfelves and mod ru¬
inous to their country. If the affertion had
been made by authority much lefs refpeclable
than you, I fhould very readily believe that the
majority of the laft Congrefs iufpefied every
genuine patriot of being hoftiie to that fyftem
of ufurpation and tyranny, which they call
government.
It is probable that you and myfelf will not
■often concur in opinions concerning men or
meafures. And it really is curious, that our
' fentiments concerning the temper of the laft
Congrefs fhould coincide with fo much exa&>
nefs. The terrors of the fedkion bill have hi¬
therto prevented me from faying, that the ma¬
jority of the laft Congrefs were fo much under
the influence of paffi©n and prejudice that there
was no meafur*? however "ufelefs" or pernici¬
ous which they would not have attempted, for
the purpofe of mortifying, infulting and op-
prefling the patriots. But fince you have caffc
this imputation upon your party, I hope that
I (hall not be guilty of (edition when I de«>
clare that I concur with you in opinion upon
this fubjeft. The confeflion which you have
( 44 )
made, is worthy of our mod ferious confidera-
tion. If it is true that the majority of our
Congrefs adopt meafures which their moid zea¬
lous adherents admit not only -eto be ufelefs,"
but to be productive of difcontent and divifion,
at a time when our falvation depends upon
union, and if it be true that they are impelled
to thefe meafures by a rancorous fufpicion con¬
cerning hemotivesand principles of thole who
oppofe them, if this be their temper and their
character, it is to be deplored that the care of
our rights and interefls, and honor, has been
confided to men fo utterly deflitute of mode¬
ration, wifdom and charity. In attempting.tcr
convidt you of a libel againft the republicail
party, I might eafily latisfy your own party
that you have been guilty of an offence much
more heinous in their eftimatioa. I might prove
to their fatisfadtion, that you have been guilty
of an offence much more heinous in their efti-
mation I might prove to their fatisfadlion, that
you have been guilty of a libel againft the ma¬
jority of Congrefs. But my talents fhall never
be proftituted in the vindication of men who
have violated the conftitution of their country.
Your genius is much better adapted to the de¬
fence of ufurpation and tyranny than mine.
There is a flexibility and eafinefs of virtue in
( 45 )
the diplomatic character,• which is admirably
calculated for the defence of a bad caufe. The
fubtiiry and acutenefs of the underilanding
would not be retrained in their efforts at de¬
ception, by the nice fcrypiesof a rigid confid¬
ence. Let it be your task to vindicate thefe
men from the reproached of their country, and
even from the imputations which you yourf&lf
have caff upon chem. It (hall be my task to
defend the conduution, to guard liberty, to
expofe hypccrify, to denounce ambition, and
to awaken the people. If you believe that the
majority of Congrefs unjuilly fufpecl their op¬
ponents of holtiiity to the government, it is
ftrange that y.ou ibould attach yourfelf with
fo much ardor to a party, difiinguilhed for the
malignity of their fufpicions, and the rancour
of their calumnies. An abhorrence of calum¬
ny is one of the flrouged feelings of the virtu¬
ous mind. A clofe and intimate connedion
with men whom you believe to be guilty of
vile fufpicion and detedable flander, could not
be reconciled with any of the amiable qualities
which your friends have afcfibed to you with
fo much liberality. You have told the people
that the majority of Congrefs fufpected their
opponents of treafonable defigns, and you have
neither ventured to join in the accufation, nor
C 46 )
to do juftice to injured innocence. The fup-
preffion of your opinion muft have refulted
from a belief that the fufpicion was well
founded, or from an apprehenfion of offend¬
ing your party,if you pronounce it to be unjufh
The tenor of your political fyftem, and the
excefs of your federal zeal, render the firft fup.
poiltion mod probable. Until you folemnly
declare, that you do not concur with your par-
ty in fufpecling their adverfaries of treafonable
defigns, I fhall take the liberty of ftating to the
people, that you do entertain this opinion.
You may difavow this fentiment whenever you
pleafe, and whenever you make this difavowal,
I will be the hrft to do you juftiee. I prefume
that there is no evidence againft your oppo¬
nents but their political conduct. For although
the organ of your party, the immaculate Ear-
per, denounced a confpiracy, we have yet
heard of no fpecihc charge, and of nothing like
evidence. The rumor of a confpiracy was
an eflential part of that fyftem of terror and a-
Jarm which your party have adopted, for the
impious purpofe of aggrandizing thcmfelves
upon the ruins of their country. And fince
fuch a rumor was deemed neceffary, the tadc
of producing it was very properly enrrufled to
the abandon d effrontery of Harper. But this
( 47 )
fliarnelefs fabricator of an infamous calumny,
did not venture to fabricate teftimony in fup-
port of it, and relu&antly acknowledged that
he had loft the clue which was to lead to a
di fro very of this dreadful confpiracv. Even
the vigilance of your friend Mr. Pickering,
has not been able to difgover any plot, or to
detedl any traitor.
I fha!l take it for granted, that there is no
evidence againft the opponents of your party in
Congrefs, but their political conduct. If you
know of any other evidence, and conceal it
from the people and the conftituted authorities,
you are guilty of mifprifon of treafon. Let us
examine the political fyftem of the minority of
congrefs, in order to afcertain whether it is
fo obvioufly unwifs and pernicious that it muft
be inferred that they are hoftile to the govern¬
ment from the principles which they avow,
and from the meafures which they pro-
pofe.
To counteraft the fatal tendency of the fun¬
ding fyftem without endangering the public
debt ; to reftrain the influence of the execu¬
tive department without invading its conftitu-
tional powers ; to preferve a fair neutrality
between the belligerent nations without mean¬
ly fubmitting to one power, and infolently pro-
( 4S )
yoking another ; and to affert the right of the
houfe of reprefentativ.es to withhold ffs "sffent
from any meafure of the other branches, re¬
quiring an appropriation of money without at¬
tempting to fru(Irate or to paralyze any wife,
cr politic exertion of executive power by this
control, thefe are the objects which yen* oppo¬
nents have purfued with an ardor of zeal, and
ah. energy of mind, which the calumnies, and
menaces, and clamors of your party have not
been able to reprefs. "Upon what occasion
have your opponents mamfeiled hodile de-
figns againfi the government ? Is the evidence
of their treasonable intentions to be found in
their oppefuion to jay's treaty, or in their at¬
tempts to fupprefs an expenfive diplomatic
corps, inhituted for the fole purpofe of promo¬
ting executive patronage, or in their efforts to
defend the confutation again ft the encroach*
merits of a party, intoxicated with their fuc-
cefs in deceiving and alarming the people cf
tin's country. Much ftronger evidence of trea.
fonable ddigns might be found in the conduct
of a faction, who have endeavoured to exalt
the executive power above every check and
restraint; who have multiplied offices and fala-
ries for the purpofe of multiplying their parti¬
sans and creatrues, who have reforted to the
( H9 )
favorite expeJients of profligate ambitioti ;
a Handing army and a navy ; who have adopt¬
ed the falfe and deteftable principle that a
public debt is a public bletli ig ; who have at¬
tempted to deitroy the liberty of the prefs,
and who have rendered the President an abfo-
lute tyrant, with refpect to aliens.
The fyflem of the minority with refpefl to
exterior relations has been to obferve with
delity our exifting engagements ; to avoid any
new connections, and to decline any interfer¬
ence in the complicated fyftem of intrigues,
negociations, and wars, which agitates the Eu¬
ropean worid. Their fyftem of domeflic poli¬
cy has been to prevent the wanton accumula¬
tion of debt, and the oppreffive augmentation
of revenue, to preferve the conflitution invio¬
late, and to entrufl our defence againft a fo¬
reign enemy to the valor and enthufiafm of a
free people. Your party have determined to
purfue the execrable fyftems of finance, nego-
ciation, and war, which have uniformly led to
bankruptcy and mifery. In vain has hiftory
recorded the fad fate of other nations, in vain
has experience delivered her folemn warning,
in vain has eloquence pronounced the oracles
of truth, bound by no ties, retrained by no
G
( s° )
feelings, convinced bv no argument, and in*
flructed by no example, they have determined
that their country (hall purfue the wild career
which has led every government to tyranny^
and every people to ruin. But you will not1
prevail. The day will come, when your party*
*6 will be humbled in the do ft and allies be¬
fore the indignant frowns of an injured, in*
fulted, and offended country. '
Nicholas, Livingfton and Gallatin, wertf
the moft diftinguiihed opponents of the alien
and fedition bills. Thefe enlightened patriots
have long been objects of abhorrence and ter¬
ror to all the enemies of our confdrution and
liberty. The fpiendid ability with which they
have defended the interests, and vindicated1
the rights of th« people, has endeared them to
everv admirer of genius, eloquence and virtue,
whiht it has rendered them eminently obnox¬
ious to all the partizans of ufurpathm and mo¬
narchy. The noble exertions of thefe iiluftrR
ous men will never be forgotten whiHt patri-
otifm and talents are admired in the world.
Their names will defcend with renown to pos¬
terity, when their enemjes and flanderers will
be configned to oblivion's deeped: grave. lit
fpite of-the envenomed and execrable calum¬
nies of venal printers, *n fpite of the rancorous-
( 5« )
and malignant inveftives of licentious orators,
in fpite of the yells of an infuriated faction,
and in fpite of the fenfelefs clamors of delu¬
ded multitudes, even the prefent generation,
will do simple jullice to the [mail but intrepid,
phalanx who have exerted the fublimefl ener¬
gies of the human mind, in defence of liberty
I am not accudomed to panegyric, and the*
enery of language cannot expreis the gratitude
and affeciion with which my heart overflows,
when 1 reflect upon the fervices of ihefe mcff
excellent men.
When 1 feletl the names of Gallatin, Li-
vingfton, and Nicholas, I am not unmindful of
the merits and talents of many other gentle¬
men. 1 huvefele&ed them becaufe they have
been expofed to the mod: cruel obloquies cf
your party. Mr. Gallatin has been perfecut-
ed with all the detedable rancor of envy and
malice. The accuracy of his information,the
extent of his knowledge, the perfpicuity of his
flyle, the moderation of his temper, and the
irrefiftibie energy of his reafoning powers, ren¬
der him the ablelt advocate that ever appear¬
ed in the catife of truth and liberty. Patient
and perfevering, temperate and firm, no error
efcapes his v gilance, no calumny provokes his
pafiions. To expofe the blunders and abfurf
( 5* )
dlties of his adversaries, is the only revenge
which he will condefcend to take tor their in-
folent inve&ives. Serene in the midd of cla¬
mors, he exhibits the arguments of his oppo¬
nents in their genuine colors, he divefts thenr
of the tinfel of declamation and the cobwebs of
fophidry, he detecls the mod: plaufible errors,
he expofes the molt latent abfurdities, he holds
the "mirror up1' to folly, and reafonsupon eve¬
ry fubjcdt with the readinefsof intuition, & the
certainty of demondration. Elevated above the
it t' iguet of parties, and the weaknelfes of the
paflions. he is never tranfported into any ex-
cefs by the zeal of his friends, or the virulence
of his enemies. His object is the. happinefs of
the people, his means economy, liberty and
peace, his guide the conltitution. The fym-
path'es which fafcinate the heart and miflead
the underdanding, have never allured him
from the arduous purfuit of truth, through her
mod intricate mazes. Never animated by the
impetuous and turbulent feelings which agi¬
tate popular aflemblies, he preferves in the
midd of contending fa&iens, that coolnefs of
temper and that accuiacy of thought, which
philofopy has hitherto claimed as the peculiar
attribute of her clofet medirations. He unites
to the energy of eloquence and the confidence
( 53 )
of integrity, the precifion of mathematics, the
method of logic, and the treafares of experi¬
ence. His opponents (lander him and admire
him, they affail him with ignorant imperti¬
nence, and pi'ilefs malice, and yet they feel
that he is the darling of philofophy, the apof-
tle of truth, and the favorite votary of liberty.
Their hatred, like the rebellion of Satan, pro¬
ceeds from the impatience of any fuperiority.
There is a daily beauty in his lire which makes
them ugly. Initead of imitating his excellence
they attempt to conceal it by a mafs of oblo-
quy,.initead of reverencing his unparalleled
wilcom and virtue, they (harpen the dagger of
fa1, (hood, and prepare the poifoned arrows of
envy. 1 he men who are fuppoited by afo-
■regn faction, have the effrontery to vilify him
becaufe he is a foreigner. . Virtue and genius
are not peculiar to America. 1 hey have
fjonrilhed in every country and in every age.
The merits ot men are not to be afcertain-ed by
geographical boundaries. The mind has no
country but the univerfe. Patriorifmis net a
narrow and illiberal prejudice in favor, of the
foil upon which we happen to be born..
It is a rational and noble attachment to the
country which gives us protection, and which
■fecures our happinefs. It is not incompatible-
{ 54 )
with univerfa! philanthropy ; on the contrary^
iris a modification of benevolence, foftenedby
fociety and ftrengthened by gTatitude. Mr,
Gallatin is. attached to the constitution becaufe
it is free, to the people becaufe they are gene¬
rous and amiable, and to the country becaufe
he has found in it, an afylum from oppreflion
and mifery.
^re not thefe ties at leaft as binding as the
fhackles of prejudice and habit ? But the con¬
duct of Mr. Gallatin is his belt vindication,
This foreigner has defended the conftitutioa
againll the attacks of native Americans, and
has difplayed a noble ardor in the defence of
his adopted country, whilft many of her fons
repofe in inglorious apathy, and whilft others
affail her with deteftable treachery and un-;
natural hatred. I will not compare your po-;
litical conduct with that of this much vilified /
foreigner. I promifed to avoid acrimony of:
cenfure, and 1 fnould violate that promife if I -
began this comparison. 1 have performed the
duty which I undertook to dilcharge. The
people will decide between us. It is for them
to determine, whether I have convicted you of
infmcerity and deception, and whether I have
demonfirated that your opinions are incompa*
tibie with their happinefs, and with a genuine
( ss )
attachment to a republican government. Their
decifion will be fatal to you, or difgraceful to
me. It feldooi happens that both the accufed
and acctifer are acquitted of blame. I hope
that I {hall not be convicted of having borne
falfe teflimony againd you, but if the public a-
dopt this opinion, I (hail rind complete confo-
lation in the hone fly of my intentions. There
is nothing which could fhake my fortitude, but
the reproaches of the people, and yet I believe
that even amidft their execrations I could, hnd
" in my foul a drop of patience."
Timid men will wonder at theboldnefs with
which 1 have addreflfed you. Their frigid fouls
cannot comprehend the holy enthufiafm. which
animates mtfin the caufe of truth and juflice.
Whilft they anxioufly efiimate difficulties, and
meanly calculate dangers, i will follow the fa-
cred impulfe of confcience and zeal, even if it
leads to ruin and martyrdom. I am prepared
to encounter the rage of the numerous and
powerful party who idolize* you. Their ven¬
geance will p'urfue me through life, and yet I
would not fupprefs or fofren a word, for all
the applaufes and all the honors which they can
beftow.
cuaTius.
( 56 )
Postscript to Curtius-:
■ ■—itiaigpw 1 ■
To & E N E R. 4 L MARSHALL.
I SOLEMNLY undertook to demonftrate,
that you had been guilty of infmcerity and
deception, in evading a constitutional queition,
and concealing your opinion from the people.
I folemnly undertook to demonstrate, that
your principles were incompatible with the
happinefs of the • people, and with a genu*
ine attachment to a republican government.
Before I commenced this undertaking, I anti¬
cipated the fyftem of conduct vvhich you would
purfue. I foref'aw that you would endeavour to
defeat this attack, by atfe&ing a proud and in-
folent contempt. 1 knew that this fyftem
would be dilated to you both by pride and
by prudence. Your pride would not fuffer you
to engage in a newfpaper difcuffion with an
anonymous writer, and your prudence would
not permit you to take up the gauntlet, when
defeat and difgrace were inevitable. I will
not excne the horror of your party by pre-
tending to talents equal to yours.
( ST )
But I clo mofl deliberately aver that your ta¬
lents are not adequate to the defence of your-
felffrom the accufation which I have exhibited
againft you. " I dare you to the charge." I
defy all the powers of your mind, I defy the
collected wifdom of your party, to defend the
opinion which you have advanced, in favor of
a treaty with Great Britain, and to juftify your
c©ndudt in concealing your opinion upon a
momentous conftitutional queftion. Your Tk
lence is a confeffion of guilt. The contempt
which you have endeavoured to manifeft, is
an awkward and ridiculous affe&ation. Not-,
withftaflding the ftrong and rancorous preju¬
dices which dim the faculties of your head,
the feelings of your heart involuntarily ac¬
knowledge, that the author of Cu. rius is an ad-
verfary whom you cannot contemn. You
have formed a miftaken opinion concerning
your greatnefs. You are not elevated above
cenfure. Your reputation is not placed beyond
the reach of enquiry. There are men who
have acquired a mighty mal's of character
which cannot be deftroyed or diminilhed by
any argument or attack. But this immortal re¬
putation can only be obtained by a long feries
•f fplendid and glorious a&ions. There is no
H
( 5» )
aftion of your life which has been eminently
honorable to yourfelf or ufeful to your coun*
try. Your reputation has been exalted by tb$
Spirit of party, and the moll; ardent of your:
friends cannot point to a tingle a&ion of your,
life which is uncommonly great or illuffriout,
There will be nothing remarkable in your hif?
tory, but that you fhould have been elevated
to a place with the greateft men in the world*
without ever havingdone any thing famous ol
remarkable. i
I here is a party who will adhere to you in
fpite of the cleared demonftration of the per*
nicious tendency of your principles, and whofe
attachment will be increafed by every deviati.
on which you make from fincerity and redi-
tude. But 1 truft that a great majority of
your difirift, will rejeft with indignation, the
Tervices of a man, who is induced to conceal
his opinions from the people, by the fear of
offending the adminiftration. Your party have
atfecfed to believe, that I am anxious to at-
traft the public attention, by a controverfy
with you. They know from their own experi*
ence, that there are men who endeavour toob-
tain fome little importance by little andignoble
means. It is not wonderful that the men who
are contented with the humble reputation
( 59 )
which they can acquire by their fervile aflidui-
ty in promoting your fame, Ihould fuppofe that
I am ftimulated by motives as petty as their
own. I acknowledge that I am not infenfible
to fame. It is probable that 1 fhall never at¬
tain the reputation which I (hall endeavour to
deferve. But the fame to which 1 afpire, is
much more exalted than your party feem to
fuppofe. The honor of being named as a writer
who had attacked the political reputation of the
famous General Marlhall, would not fatiate
my love of diftindion. 1 he little reputation
which is to be acquired by the mere circum-
ftance of being one of your opponents, would
Hot be fufficient for me. 1 here arc many who
are willing to fhine in the light which is faintly
refleded upon them from the fplendid name
of another man. A defire to have my name
fometimes mentioned on account of yours, is
a low and grovelling ambition, which my foul
difdains. But fome of your friends have af-
cribed my attack upon you to motives much,
worfe than vanity. They have ventured to af-
fert that I was impelled by malignity and envy.
This is a charge which is eafilv ma< e, and v» hich
cannot be ealily refuted, if there be any perfon
in the world fo uncharitable as to think it true.
The motives by which I was aduated, cannot
( 6° )
be certainly known to any perfon but myfelf,
and my profeffions concerning them, would
not b° fatisfadory to thofe who are zealoufly'
your friends, and violently my enemies. In
anfwer to this charge, I can only declare, that
I have never had any intercourfe, or acquain¬
tance with you, that I could not have any caufe
for perfonal hatred, and that I have never
been diftinguifhed for malignity of temper.
The acrimony of my exprefiions was produced
by the nature of my fubjed. I confcientioufly
believed, that you had been guilty of infince*
rity and deception, and I could not make a
charge fo ferious as this, in words which would
not offend. If the accufation is true, it could
not be made in any language more painful to
the delicate and honorable mind than the ac¬
cufation itfelf. if it is falfe, the acrimony of
my ftyle is an offence fo much lefs atrocious
than the falfhood of the charge, that it is
■flrange that your friends ihould complain of
my manner, without endeavouring to vindicate
your coodud, Notwirhftanding the great ad-
miration which I feel for your talents, I defire
you to believe, that I do not envy you. I
would not be involved in the difficulties into
which you have broughtyourfelf by your equi¬
vocal anfwers, for the reputation of abilities
( 61 )
much more fplendid than yours. The wealth
of the world, and the highefl honors which
men could bellow,fhould not tempt me to pub-
lifh fuch a creed as yours. I (hall never envy
the man who has been convicted ofinfincerity
and deception, and whofe principles have been
demonftrated to be dangerous to the conflitu-
tution and independence of his country.
When you extricate yourfelf from the difho-
norable dilemma to which you have been re"
duced, when you prove that you have avowed
your opinions with manly and honeft candor,
and that your principles are compatible with
the rights and interefis of the people ; when
you do this, you will be afubjedt of* envy, and
not till then. The boldnefs with which 1 chal¬
lenge you to a fair difcuflion, will expofe me
to the imputation of vanity from your party.
They will confound my abfolute confidence in
the truth of my opinions concerning you, with
a vain and preiumptuo-us confidence in my ta¬
lents. I hope that moderate and liberal men
will perceive the wide difcrimination. A man
of very ordinary understanding may furely be¬
lieve that he could maintain fotne opinions,
even againfl you, without being guilty of
prefurnption or vanity. My confidence on
this occafion does not refult from an exalted
( «» )
opinion of my abilities, but from a conv;<fri-
on that truth is on my fide, and that truth is
omnipotent.
C U R T I U S.
( 6j )
Speech of Mr. John Thomson,
At a meeting of the Citizens of Petersburg, con¬
vene i August i, 1795, to debate on the
pending Treaty with Great Britain•
THE magnitude of the prefent fubjeft, and
the danger of the prefent crifis, render
this meeting peculiarly proper. We are call¬
ed upon to examine a treaty, which involves
the molt precious rights, the mod valuable in-
terefts, the commerce, the peace, and the ho*
nor of America. A concife hiftorical detail
will unfold the peculiar circumftances in which
America flood, prior to the embaffy which
produced this treaty. The king of Great Bri¬
tain, who h fworn eternal enmity to repub¬
lics, acceded at an early period to that combi¬
nation, which has convulfed Europe, in at¬
tempting to flifie the liberty of France. Under
the obnoxious pretext of attempting to flarve
thirty millions of men, he itTued orders for in¬
tercepting the correfpondence, and plundering
the commerce of neutral nations. He had long
viewed with indignant forrow, the rapid pro.
grefs which the Americans made, in fpite of
ill the obflaclcs he could impofe by conuner-
( 64 )
cial reflri&ions, or by flagrant violations of
the treaty of 1783. The deftru&ion of our
riling commerce, the annihilation of our
growing navigation, were the objects contem¬
plated by thefe nefarious orders. They were
executed with all the diligence, and all the op.
predion which rapacity can practice. A pa¬
triotic phalanx in congrefs propofed every ex.
pcdient which wifdom could dictate, to obtain
compenfarion for thefe injuries : but our illuf-
trious prefident, animated by paternal folici-
tude for the welfare of America, gently infinu.
ated to congrefs, that the fubject was out of
their jurifdk'tion, and appointed our chief jus¬
tice to perform the honorable duty of declaring
the indignation, and demanding the rights of
an injured people. If Item ariftocracy had
not Heeled his bofom againlt the generous feu-
fattons of patriotifm—if gratitude, fenfibility,
and honor, had not been enveloped in the fa¬
ble gloom ol political prejudice, he mult have
been' animated by a magnanimity worthy of
his country. In the pretence of venal pri le
and courtly profligacy, even at thefootftool of
the throne, he would have preferved the atti¬
tude ol dignity, and fpoken the language of
truth. But bafelv apoitatizing from republi¬
can principles, he Hooped to offer the iacenle
( a 5
ehce of political prejudice. It is to be deplored
that talents which were deflined to inform and
to enlighten, fhould be rendered pernicious and
mifchievous to mankind, by the adoption of ftu-
pid and monftrous errors. But whatever your
opinion is concerning this important coflftituti-
onal queition.il was your duty to exprefs it with
perfpicuity and candor. If you believe that
thefe laws are unconftitutional, it was a facred
duty which you owed to the government, to
vindicate it from the charge of ufurpation and
tyranny, and it was a duty ftill more facred,
to fatisfy the doubts and remove the alarms of
an agitated people. You knew that this que-
ftionhad been much difcufled, and that it had
excited much anxiety. And yet when you de»
livered your opinion concerning thefe laws,you
ftudioufly avoided the mod important and in-
terefting objection which has ever been made
to them.
The reputation of your name, and the
ftrength of your reafoning might have chang-
edthepublic opinion, and would have made
fome profelytes. When we are confident of
the trmh of our principles we naturally expect
that we fhall be able to propagate them, and
we generally attempt to diffufe them as widely
as poilible.
x
( 34 )
There is- fio man who has manifefted this
temper more confpicuoufly than you, and you
have certainly had fome reafon to be fatisfied
with ybur fuccefs. If you do ferioufly believe
that thefe laws are conllitutional, your filence
cannot be reconciled with your duty to the
people, or with a genuine attachment to the
adminiftration. It wi11 be in vain to alledge
that the avowal of this opinion would have
rendered you obnoxious, and prevented your
eie&ion to an office in which you expect
to ftrengthen the government and to ferve the
people.
The caufe of truth ought not to be facrifi-
ced to the love of popularity. The good fenfe
of the people has often prevailed over their
moll llubborn prejudices. And if you fup-
preffed an opinion which you folemnly believ¬
ed to be true, from an apprehenfion that it
would not be generally adopted, you mult en¬
tertain a very improper idea of your own ta¬
lents, or a very unfavorable idea of the un-
derftandings of the people. I am unwilling
to fuppofe that you evaded this conllitutional
queflion, from the fear of offending the peo¬
ple by the avowal of your opinions. If you
conceal any of y our opinions from this mo-
tive, you are guilty of deception and treachery*.
C 35 )
The conclufion which appears to be moft
fair, and which is certainly moft honorable to.
you, is, that you are of opinion that the alien
and fedition bills are unconftitutional. It is
probable from your well known zeal in the
caufe of the adminiftration, that you would
have attempted the defence of thefe laws, if
ycu had not believed that they were manifeft.
ufurpations which cannot be vindicated. But
if you believe that thefe laws are unconftitu¬
tional, it was your duty to declare this opini¬
on. Such a declaration from you, in manly
and temperate terms, would have produced u-
nion and confidence among the people, and
would have infpired the government with mo¬
deration and prudence. The adminiftration.
would be unwilling to be deprived of your
fupport and co operation, and they would be
difmayed at the profpedl of oppofition frftm
you. The laws would be repealed without
difficulty, and cur liberties would be reftored
without a ftruggle. You had a moft glorious
opportunity of convincing your country and
the world, of the purity and integrity of your,
principles, and of your magnanimous elevati¬
on above the intrigues and paffion: of a party.
The road to immortal honor and renown, was
plain and eafy, and yet it was not perceived
( 36 )
fey you. You had only to declare a corrc&o-
pinion upon a fimple conftituticnal queftion,
and the people would have rewarded your
candcr with unbounded love. But you at¬
tempted to avoid the reproaches of a party,,
and you have loft forever the affections of a
nation and the applaufes of a world. In vain
will you purfue the thorny and rugged
paths which lead to fame. The prefent gene¬
ration will condemn your principles, and if
your name reaches pofterity, it will never be
beard with enthufiafm or reverence. You have
been folemnly required to deliver your fenti-
ments upon the molt important conffitutional
queftion which ever occurred in this country.
You have evaded the queflion and concealed
your opinion.
If you believe that thefe laws are conftituti-
onal, you muff have concealed this opinio®
from an apprehenfion that it would be odiou?
to the people. And if you believe that they are
unconftitutional, you muff have concealed thif
opinion from an apprehenfion that it would be
obnoxious to the government. I call upon you
to extricate yourlelffrom this dilemma. Either
paft of the alternative is dilhonorahle to you.
You are bound as a vidim at the altar of po¬
litical juftice, and nothing is left to you but the
C 37 )
choice of fufferingst You are welcome to your
choice of evils. But you mud determine whe¬
ther you will acknowledge that you conceal¬
ed your opinion from the fear of offending the
people, or from the fear of provoking the go-,
vernment. It is the facred duty oj; every man;
who offers his fervices to the people, to avow
his principles without referve, and in this fitu-
ation to conceal an opinion is a fraud againft
the deareft rights of fociety. If you think that
thefe laws are unconftitutional, and if you iup-
prefs this opinion from an apprehenfion of of¬
fending the adminifiration, it cannot he ex¬
pected by any man who is notfoolifhly credu¬
lous, that you' will venture to maintain any
principles in congrefs which will be disagreea¬
ble to your party. If the fear of oftendirim
them prevents you from declaring that.thefe
laws are ufurpations, it cannot be expedted that
you will be a very vigilant and intrepid defend
der of the conflitution againft their daring en¬
croachments. It is not to be expected that
you will oppofe them in debate, when you
conceal your fentiments as a private citizen>
from the fear of giving them offence. It is not
to be prefumed that you will be the champion
of the conflitution in congrefs, when your at¬
tachment to its enemies and violators, is a.e this
( 38 )
time fo ftrong, that you cannot declare in the
mod temperate terms, that they have tranfcen-
ded their conflitutional powers. It is not pro-
bable that the violence of your party-fpirit
will be diminifned in Congreis. The paffions
of the parties in Congrefs, like the atmofphere
ot Philadelphia, become more malignant and
baleful every year. You were not diliinguiih-
ed for moderation in the AlTembly of Virginia.
To be the leader of the majority of the houfe
of reprefentatives, is a llation to which you
would afpire, and which you would attain.
The paffions are fympathetic and contagious,
and all the angry and malignant feelings of
your party would be communicated to you.
The leader of a popular aflembly, »s often com¬
pelled to follow the impuifes which he produ¬
ced, and which he intended to carry, only to
a particular point. But they acquire ftrength
as they pafs from bofom to bofom, and the af-
fembiy and their leader are tranfported far
beyond the bounds which he vainly attempted
to prefcribe. i make thefe remarks for the pur-
pcfe of proving, that no reliance oueffit to be
placed upon theappearanceof moderation which
ycu have affirmed. 1 think I have (hewn that
your profeffions are not very fincere, and that
you are even now under the abfolute domini-
( 39 >
on of party-Tpirit. And if your profeffior.s are
fmcere, I have proved that you would proba¬
bly lofe your moderation in Congrefs, If you
have fubfcribed a holy covenant, by which you
have bound yourfelfto fupport a! 1 the mea-
fures of the adminiftration, conflitutional or
unconfntutional: if you are too much under
the influence of felfifh motives, and of party-
fpirit, to venture to cenfure any ufurpation of
which the government may be guilty ; if you
afe the advocate of that doctrine of abject and
paflive obedience, which was exploded by our
revolution, and which has been lately revived
by fome of your party ; if thefe, or any of thefe
are your principles, I trull that there is not a
diltrift in Virginia in which you could obtain
a Virginian vote.
CURTIUS.
LETTER V.
To GENERAL MARSHALL.
YOU really are of opinion, that the alien
and fedition bills would not have been a-
dopted if they had been oppofed by a genuine
( 4° )
patriot like yourfelf. After the abjeft and ovi.
ertai adulation which you have lately receiv.
ed,fome apology ought to be made for your
vanity. And indeed from the homage which
has been offered to you, by the party who pre¬
dominate in Congrefs, you have fame reafon
to conclude, that your influence might have
prevented thefe bold ufurpations.—But there
is no part of your political conduct which can
induce any impartial man to believe, that your
influence woud have been exerted in reilrain-
ing the ambition of the admimdration, and in
defending the liberty of this country againfl
the encroachments of executive power. From
the zeal with which you have vindicated the
word meafures of the federal government,
from your flrenuous defence of Jay's accur-
fed treaty, and from your ftil! m -re flrenuous
exertions to defend their fyftem of taxation
and war, I venture to affert that your influence
would not have been employed to prevent the
Pre/ident from being rendered an abfolutety.
rant with refpect to aliens, and to prevent the
patriots of this c pur try from being deprived
of the lall confolation of the unhappy, the me¬
lancholy pleafure of complaining. From the
tenor of your conduct, and the tone of your
writings, I venture to affert, that your talents
( 73 )
years?, provided we covenant not to export ti¬
ny produce imported from thole iflauds. This
article is a regulation of commerce. The con¬
fiitution gives the power of regulating com¬
merce to Congrefs. A ratification will be an
ufurpation of this power. This objection era.
braces almoft the whole treaty. Boldly allum-
ing the name of a compadl concerning com¬
merce, it difdains to render the confiitution
even the homage of hypocrify. Here the ab-
furdity of giving to the prefident and fenate
the power of making treaties becomes appa¬
rent. All treaties either regulate commerce,
or cede territory, or concludes war, by leav¬
ing things in statu quo. Treaties of the firlt
and fecond kind, cannot be conftitutionaily
made by the prefident and fenate—Treaties of
the third kind hardly ever occur. Befides,
Gur confiitution abfurdly gives to one body
the power of making war, and to another the
power of finifhing it.
' By the fixth article, the American govern¬
ment is to aflfume the payment of Briciih debts.
This affumption is unconftitutional. A11 the
power of the federal government with refpect
to debts, is given, by a concife article of the
eonflitution, which declares that congrefs iiuil
K
( 74 )
pay the debts of America. It is evident, that
no ftipulations with refpe£t to debts, can con- •
Oitutior ally be made by the prefident and fe-
nate. This article manifefts the ariftocratical
fpirit, of which I have accufed our late am*
baflador and the majority of the fenate, by be¬
ing unconstitutional, by accuftng the ftate le-
giflatures which emancipated America, of atro¬
cious injuftice, and by increafing that debt
which has a'ready created an influence inde¬
pendent of the people. It increafes the igno¬
minious tribute which we now pay to Britilh
fpeculators.
What article of the conftitution authorifes
the prefident and fenate to eflablilh a judiciary
coloflus, which is to (land with one foot on
America, and with the other on Britain, and
drag the relu&ant governments of thofe coun¬
tries, to the altar of juftice ? What liberal
article provides that the American govern¬
ment fliall guarantee to all foreigners, the pay¬
ment of debts due from its citizens ? Are
Portuguefe, and Dutch, and Spanifh, and:
French merchants, to come in, liquidate their
accounts, and obtain payment from the go¬
vernment ? Or are our new friends, the Bri-
tifh, to be preferred for their ju(lice and gene*
rofity ? Either the American government is
( 75 )
to have remedy againfl the American citizens
owing thefe debts, or not—-If it is, then Ame¬
rican citizens are to be ultimately bound by
the awards of a tribunal compofed partly of
foreigners, partly falarized by a foreign po¬
tentate, ere&ed neither by the conftitution nor
the legiflature, inverted with thofe difcretion-
ary powers, often tyrannically exercifed under
the name of equity, proceeding without ju¬
ries, by procefs, peculiar and anomalous, go¬
verned by no eflablifhed rules, and elevated
above appeals.—But if the government is not
to have remedy, then the debts of folvent
American citizens are to/De difcharged by
general taxation, whilrt they remain in fplen-
did impunity.
By the feventh article, the claims of Ameri¬
can merchants, arifing from the fpoliations,
are to be liquidated by an arbitrary tribunal,
and to be ratified, not by being paid, but by
being funded. This will interweave in fome
meafure the interefts of the American com¬
merce with the Britifh government. Britiih
influence already enormous, will be extended.
A flrong party of Americans will inculcate the
moft pufillanimous fubmiilion to that haughty
government, and will view with malignant for
row, the progrefs of that flream of opinion,
( )
which* in fpite of learned fophiflry, and
powerful cpprefiion, is deftined to fweep its
way.
'I he ninth article invades the rights of this
commonwealth, by contemplating the cafe q(
Denny Fairfax.
The tenth article deprives congrefs of the
power of fequeftration ; and if the prefident
and fenate can deprive it of this power, they
can deprive it or all powers.
Since the fenate have had the inodefty to
reject the twelfth article, a difcufhon of that,
is unnecefiary, except to fhew that the fer-
vile condefcennon of our ambafiador ftarticd
even them.
The twenty-frfl article attacks the facred
rights of expatriation. By this article, an A-
morican. citizen who abjures bis country, be¬
comes a-,.,citizen ..of the French republic, and'
refides there twenty years, may be punifhedas.
a pirate, if h.e.apcepts a French commifiion..r
This article defines piracy. 1 he power of ded
fining piracy is given by the conflitution to
congrefs. If the treaty is ratified the pre-
fident and fenate wili ufurp this power too, .
The twenty.third and twenty fourth articles-
are incompatible with the 17th of the French
treaty. It is true, that a 1 weeping claufe de*
< 77 >
clarest that ftipularions contained in this treaty
fhall not affed treaties exiting with other na¬
tions. But the king of Great Britain denies
that the French are a nation. Betides, fince
the claufe expreffes nothing more than the
law of nations implies, it is mere furplufage.
It mutt be rejeded^ and then the repugnancy
of the two treaties becomes manifett.
I will now recapitulate the ufurpations
which the prefident and fenate will make, if
the treaty is ratified. They will ufurp the pow¬
er of making rules with refped to aliens, of
ceding territory, of regulating commerce, of
paying debts, of regulating duties, of eflablifh.
ing courts* and of defining piracies. The
houfe of reprefematives will be degraded to a
houfe of commons; fummoned to anfwer an
addrefs, to regulate a few fubjeds of internal
policy, and to vote money. But this treaty
will net be ratified. Theilluftrious prefident,
who adminifiers our government, will not
abandonj in his venerable old age, the gene¬
rous maxims, the nice honor, the pure virtue,
and the ardent patriotifm which have elevated
him to fave his country. He will view with
indignation, the gigantic wickednefs, which
leeks through the medium of a perfidious
( 7« )
treaty, to render him an apoftate and to dc-
ftroy at one blow, the commerce, the csnfj-
tution, and the honor of his country.
FINIS.: