UNION CELEBRATION,
IN MACON, GEORGIA,
ON THE
ANNIVERSARY OF WASHINGTON'S BIRTH-DAY,
February 22, 1851.
In pursuance of previous arrangements, ihe birth-day
of Washington was celebrated by the Union men of
Macon with great spirit and eclat. At 11 o'clock, A.
M., an assemblage of citizens, at the Presbyterian
Church, listened to the reading of Washington's F are¬
well Address by John J. Gresham, Esq.,and toan ora¬
tion by Col. A. P. Powers, eminently suited to the
occasion and replete with noble, patriotic sentiments.
Mr. Powers spoke of the charactor of Washington with
truthful fidelity, and most happily applied his principles
and teachings to the present crisis in our public affairs.
He spoke out strongly in favor of the formation of a
great National Union Party.
At 9 o'clock, P. M.,a large company sat down to
dinner at the Lanier House. Of the silmptuousness
and splendor of that feast we find it difficult to speak in
just terms of admiration. The table groaned under
viands that Epicurus himself might have envied. Flesh,
fish and rare game, with all the delicacies which the.
markets of the country,! could furish, constituted
the bill of fare. And right worthily did the company
do justice to its merits. Alter the cloth was removed
the regular toasts were read, interspersed with the
reading of letters from Messrs. Clay, Dickinson, Cobb,
Toombs, Brooks and others. Eloquent, stirring and
strong Constitutional Union speeches were made by
Messrs. Cuy ler, Chappejl, Foe, Kenan and E. A. Nisbet,
in answer to calls ma$a Mpon them.
The officers at the table were composed equally of
Whigs and Democrats, the Hon. A. H. Chappell act¬
ing as President, and his Honor J. H. R. Washington,
Mayor of Macon, L. O. Reynolds and James A. Nisbet
a* Vice Presidents. There were at the table about an
eqtM&mranber of Whigs and Democrats, who-heartily
joined intheprevailing sentiment that a great Consti¬
tutional Union Party is essential, to save die Constitu¬
tion and laws from the attacks of (action and fanaticism.
1
REGULAR TOASTS.
1. The Birth-Day of Washington: Its anniversary
is a fit and proper occasion lor all true patriots to assem¬
ble to contemplate his virtues, to study his admonitions,
and to devise ways and means to perpetuate that Union
which he contributed so essentially to establish.
2. Washington's Farewell Address.
3. The Union: A rich legacy from our forefathers—
let us transmit it unimpaired to posterity.
4. A Constitutional Union Party: The only effec¬
tual organization which can destroy Abolitionism at
the North and disunion at the South. It appeal? to the
honor, the virtue and the patriotism of the whole coun¬
try, and hence is assailed both North and South.
5. The Union Party of Georgia: It has blotted out
all past party distinctions, and declared that it will fra¬
ternise only with those who occupy the broad platform
adopted by the Georgia Convention. The main tests
for all candidates should be, are they honest? are they
capable? are they faithful to the Constitution and the
Union 1
6. The Union Men of the North: All honor to the
manly firmness and patriotic devotion of those men at
the North who have broken the fetters of party, and
rebuked fanaticism and treason wherever they have
shown their deformed heads.
7. The old Parties: The hot-beds in which are
grown Abolitionism at the North and Ultraism at the
South. It is vain for a rational people to quarrel about
Whiggery and Democracy when they are in danger of
having no Government to which to apply their favorite
theories.
8. Georgia: While others have preached against
tariffs and internal improvements, she has practiced
building factories and railroads.
9. The North and the South: Sections of one great
country, blessed by the same noble institutions and
luws. II ihe schemes and counsels of malcontents iti
butli sections are defeated by the firmness and virtue
of the people, our Union will be perpetual.
10. The friend,.? of the Compromise in Congress, of
all parties and all sections: The muse of history will
delight to hand their names down to posterity,unctuous
with the praises o{ the people.
11. Southern Chivalry: A perverted term, which
now-a-days is made to cover disaffection to our Gov¬
ernment. We prefer the Chivalry of Washington,
Jefferson and Madison.
12. The Georgia Convention: Composed of wise,
prudent and sagacious men; its deliberations were emi¬
nently wise and patriotic, and have placed Georgia in
a position where she receives the plaudits of all,except
ihe Abolitionists and Disunionisis. The praises of all
such would he (he greatest censure.
13. The Ladies: Always steadfast friends of Union.
VOLUNTEER TOASTS.
By Hon. A. II.Chappell, President of the Day.—
Our Country, Our whole Country: When the good
old ship of the Union, which Washington labored so
mightily to construct, launch and get under way, is
beset with perils, let us not run her, nor permit her to
be run on the breakers of dismemberment and destruc¬
tion. But let all hands patriotically join in working
together for her deliverance, and in keeping heron her
glorious career.
By J. H. R. Washington, 1st Vice Piesident. The
Constitution and the Union: Upon their maintenance,
the preservation of liberty depends. May no factious
or fanatical spirit ever prevail against them.
By L. O. Reynolds. The Hon. James L. Petigru,
of South Carolina, and the small band of Patriots
who with him have the courage to raise their voices
against the torrent of disunion and revolution, which
threatens to overwhelm and destroy their State. Honor
to their names and success to their efforts.
By James A. Nisbet. Robert Toombs, Howell
Cobb, and Alexander Stephens, the rising statesmen
of the South. A noble triumvirate of talent and true
chivalry. Let them continue true to their section, il¬
lustrating at the same time, the dignity and nationality
of American Statesmanship, and the highest honors of
the Republic await them.
Sent by Hon. Howell Cobb. The memory of
Washington and Jackson: All honor to the memory
of Washington—he was the father of the Union: all
honor to the memory of Jackson—he taught us both
by precept and example that the Union of Washington
must be preserved.
Sent by Hon. Robert Toombs. The Constitutional
Union Party of Georgia •' Its enemies shall be our
enemies—its friends shall be our friends.
By Judge E. A. Nisbet. Mr. Fillmore: A plain,
strong, honest man. We rely upon him and his able
cabinet to defend the constitution, enforce the laws,
and maintain the Union, whensoever and wheresoever
assailed.
By A- H. Ke.vapj. The Constitutional Union
Party of Bibb county : First in the field as flying artil¬
lery. Her light has dispelled the gloom of disunion.
By R. R. Cuyler. Georgia's greatest need: A
liberal and extended system of public education.
By Dr. Robt. Collins. The banner of our great
National Union, vith its thirty-one stars: May their
number be increased, but never reduced. And muy it
be the protecting flag of our children, as it has been of
our fathers and our ourselves. May they live under it
as citizens, and il necessary, may they die under it as
soldiers.
By John B. Lamak. The people of Georgia: It is
their nature to prefer exercising their rights, to brooding
over imaginary wrongs. The proud position of Geor¬
gia, in the confederacy, is a worthy testimonial of the
" wisdom, justice, and moderation" of iier sons.
By Hon. James A. Meriwether. The late Con¬
vention: The union of Democrats and Whigs lor the
maintainance of our glorious Union, was a triumph of
patriotism over party, of wisdom over faction. May
both Unions be perpetual.
Sent by Hon. Eli H. Baxter. Washington : His
valor and his wisdom contributed much to our indepen¬
dence, and the adoption of our government, and his
valedictory Address directs us how to preserve them.
By Isaac Scott. Massachusetts may nullify, and
South Carolina may secede, but Georgia will abide by
the constitution and laws of the United States.
By Joseph Bond. Daniel Webster and Hon. S. A.
Elliott: They have won our confidence and regard by
their noble stand for the Constitution and Laws. May
the people of Boston, catching the spirit of these worthy
citizens of that degenerate city, save themselves from
the deep damnation of mobs and fanatical misrule.
By F. S. Johnson. The Memory of the Hon. Thos.
Spalding.
By Gen. G. D. Mitchell, of Mississippi. Georgia,
the Empire State of ihe South: Her Railroads and
Manufactories speak to the Northern States in argu¬
ments of thunder tones, louder than the battle-blade
and cannon's roar.
By Alexander McDotjgald. The Bulwarks of the
Constitution and the Union: The good sense to under¬
stand the life, character and services of Washington—
the bold and honest heart ever to venerate the latter,
and forever to defend the former. The noblest pride
of a Georgian is to have his name enrolled as one in
the army of seventy odd thousand Constitutional Union
voters, who had the nerve to understand and defend
the whole.
By O. H. Prince. The Compromise Pleasures of
the last session of Congress: The country owes a debt
of gratitude to those patriotic Senators and Represent
tatives who, forgetful of party and self, promoted their
paseage into laws.
3
By E. Rcssell. Georgia: She stands the Atlas of
the South—for why] She stands by the Constitution.
Being right, she is invincible.
By John B. Hikes.
" The Star-spangled Banner, oh long may it wave,
O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave !'»
By K. Tyker. Washington's Birth-day: Let it be
forever consecrated to freedom's cause and to the re¬
viving ot the memories of the Revolution.
By S. Dawson. The Union of the States: The
ark of our safety and liberty. Georgia will be the last
to give it up.
By H. C. Freeman. American Citizenship: The
invaluable privilege guaranteed by the Union—sovereign
at home, respected abroad wherever may be his abode,
from Maine to California. The history of Bunker Hill,
Yorktown, King's Mountain, New Orleans and Mex¬
ico, authorize him to glory in the name.
By Thomas Hardeman, Jr. The American Flag,
Uncle Titus' " rag with a bird upon itMay no traitor
hand ever tear it from the mast head of our noble ship
of State, but may its stars and stripes float over a people .
prosperous and free so long as planets revolve around
their motionless centre.
By Col. A. P. Powers. Hon. William. C. Dawson,
one of our Senators in Congress: His support of the
peace measures was early, constant and invaluable—
He has ever been a favorite in Georgia. New and un¬
fading laurels now adorn his brow.
By Chas. E. Nisbet. The United States: "Dis¬
tinct like the billows—one like the sea."
By J. B. Stow. The Memory of Mary, the Mother
of Washington: She whose watchful care fitted him
to become the " Father of his Country."
By S. T. Chapman. Secession: Temporary or
permanent is but another name for disunion ; he who
advocates the former, does so, because he has not the
nerve to proclaim himself in favor of the latter; or
believes that the people are too honestand too patriotic
to sanction his treasonable designs.
By a Guest. The Coffin Regiment: It was drafted
by Towns, drilled by Colquitt, and most essentially
dressed by Cobb. Like the Indiana Regiment at
Buena Vista, it is now among the missing, as both of¬
ficers and privates swear that they never belonged to it-
By W. K. DeGraffenried. The Union Party fof
Georgia: May its destiny in the future, be as magnifi¬
cent as its past success has been glorious.
By S. P. Kase. The Keystone State: With her
manufactures sacrificed, and her labors prostrated in
the dust, yet always willing and ready to sacrifice her
sons for the preservation of law and order.
By Mr. Chamberlain. The last Congress: Honor
to those Senators and Representatives who by their
support, of a system of adjustment, have restored quiet
and confidence to a distracted country. They have
the approval of their own consciences ; let them also
enjoy the plaudits of a grateful people.
By Dr. L. F. W. Andrews. Massachusetts and
South Carolina : The Scylla and Charybdis of our
political coast. Under the guidance of a skillful pilot,
and manned by patriots, the National Flag Ship shiill
yet steer clear of the black whirlpools of the one, and
the threatening breakers of the other.
Letter from Mr. Clay.
Washington, Feb. 13th, 1851.
Gentlemen: 1 have received, with more than ordin¬
ary pleasure, the invitation which you did me the hon¬
or to transmit, to attend the celebration of the Birth¬
day of Washington, by the friends of the Union at Ma¬
con. To no place in the States would I go, if I could,,
on such an occasion, with more satisfaction than to>
Macon ; with no friends of the Union, any where,
would I more gladly unite than with those, who shall;
assemble at Macon, in feelings and demonstrations ot
joy and gratulations for the safety of the Union. To
that safety, Georgia has greatly and gloriously contri¬
buted.
Of the Compromise of the last session of Con¬
gress, I think, it may be justly said, as it was said by
Washington of the Constitution itself:
" That it will meet the full and entire approbation of
every State is not,perhaps, to be expected; but each will
doubtless consider that, had her interest alone been con¬
sulted, the consequences might have been particularly
disagreable or injurious to others ; that it is liable to as
few exceptions as could reasonably have been expect¬
ed, we hope and believe ; that it may promote the last¬
ing welfare of that countiy.so dear to us all, and secure
her freedom and happiness, is our most ardent wish."
Upon the adjournment of Congress, after the last
session, when the calm judgment of the people was to
be passed upon the Compromise, all eyes were turned
to Georgia, and all hearts palpitated with intense anx¬
iety as to her decision. Ultraism had concentrated its
treasonable hopes upon that decision. I never doubt¬
ed it. 1 knew many of her eminent citizens, their pa¬
triotism, and the>r devotion- to the Union. 1 knew the
manly and decided course taken by her Representa¬
tives in Congress, of both parties. At length Georgia
announced her deliberate judgment. It was worthy
of her, and of her eminent position in the confederacy.
It diffused inexpressible joy among the friends of the
Union, throughout the whole length and breadth of the
land. It crushed the spirit of discord, disunion and
civil war.
Gentlemen, it requires only perseverance, concert
and co-operation, among the friends of the Union, to
secure the fruits of the great victory which has been
won. Whatever others may do, for myself, I am firm-
4
ly resolved never to cast my vote for any man whose
fidelity to the Union admits of the least doubt.
I regret sincerely that my public duties here restrain
me from accepting your invitation.
I am your friend and obedient servant,
H. CLAY.
To Messrs. A. H. Chappell, James A. Nisbet, James
W. Armstrong, Samuel Hall, S. T. Chapman and
Robert S. Lanier.
Letter from Senator Dickinson.
Washington, February 15th, 1851.
Gentlemen: Tt gave me pleasure to receive your
kind invitation to attend a public celebration of the
Anniversary of Washington's Birth-day at Macon, and
•and 1 regret that distance and public duties will not
permit me to be with you, except m spirit. But I pray
that under the guidance of Heaven, the influence of
that sainted heroes' precepts and example, may rest
upon your gathering, and that all may be inspired by
his counsels to frown darkly upon disunion, and to
cherish this glorious confederacy of States as they
would preserve their household Gods.
Congratulating you upon the evident progress of
sound constitutional principles and increasing respect
for the right of sovereign States, I have the honor to be
with the highest consideration, your friend.
D. S. DICKINSON.
To Messrs. A. H. Chappell, and others, committee.
Letter from Howell Cobb.
Washington, Feb. 17,1851.
Gentlemen: My public duties will detain me in
Washington until the close of the session. It will
therefore be out of my power to be personal'y present
at your proposed celebration of the 22d of February,
though in spirit and heart I shall be with you, prepared
to give to the noble cause in which you are engaged,'
the pledge of an honest heart and an untiring spirit.
You are happy in the selection of a day peculiarly
appropriate to the object of your assemblage. How
could the descendents of our revolutionary fathers
more aptly exhibit their reverence for the memory of
the fither of his country, than by dedicating its return
to solemn counsellings, for the preservation and per¬
petuity of that inestimable Union, purchased by their
blood and transmitted to us as our proudest and richest
legacy? If the immortal spirit of that venerated sage,
could again put on its mortality and move in our
midst, what could be more grateful to his feelings than
to witness the consecration of his own birth-day to the
cause of that noble Union which he hoped might be
perpetual.
A few months since and the stoutest hearts were
appalled with "he dangers which threatened the integ¬
rity of the Republic. A question involving the most
dangerous issue which can ever arise in our country,
was rapidly dividing the people of the Union into seo-
tional organizations—thus diiving the old ship of State
with feaiful velocity upon almost certain destruction.
The contest in our own State arising out of this ques¬
tion is yet fresh in the recollection of our people. It
was warm and spirited, exhibiting the fact that there
existed in the public mind a due appreciation of the
momentous consequences involved in its decision. I
trust that the lessons of wisdom which it inculcated
will not soon be forgotten, and that the beneficial re¬
sults which the triumph of just and constitutional prin¬
ciples then promised to the country, will be fu'ly real¬
ized in the future history of the Republic. Whether
or not this just and well-founded hope is destined to a
realization or disappointment, is entirely dependent
upon the wisdom and firmness of those, who have par¬
ticipated in bringing about the present prosperous and
happy state of public affairs.
The dangers which so universally threatene I a few
months ago, the peace and quiet of the country, involv¬
ing the very existence of the Union,have been avoided
and turned aside; but it would be a criminal blunder to
suppose that they have been entirely overcome and
1 destroyed. So long as the causes which brought about
these dangers shall continue to exist, so long will the
duty of the watchful sentinel remain to be performed.
So long as the fiendish spirit of fanaticism is found
warring upon the Constitution, and the disunionist is
attempting to poison the hearts of the people with a
spirit of hatred to the Union of our fathers, so long will
the obligation rest upon all true friends of the Union to
unite their hands and hearts in defending a common
country from the treasonable assaults of a common
enemy.
It requires only a brief reference to the past, and a
glance at the future, to satisfy any candid and intelli¬
gent mind, that these elements of danger are yet in
existence to be met and overcome, as they may from
time to time develop > themselves to the country.
A sectional majority had threatened by the exercise of
a disputed power, to trample upon the constitutional
rights of the minority. The people of the South de¬
clared that there existed no constitutional power in this
Government to exclude them from the free and equal
participation of the territory acquired by the joint blood
and treasure of the whole country. Whilst a Northern
majority threatened a disregard of this constitutional
right, a threat which they proposed to execute by the
passage of that odious measure, familiarly known to
the country as.Jthe Wilmot Proviso—the South also
demanded the execution of a voluntary obligation as¬
sumed by their Northern brethren, to deliver to us our
fugitive slaves,who might escape, or be enticed into the
non-slaveholding States. This demand had long been
neglected, until the obligation itself was felt, in many
portions of the country, to be an unmeaning clause of
the Constitution. (These were th» elements of dis¬
traction which were so rapidly loosening the bonds
• )
that held together our Union, and every patriotic
heart in the land watched wiih the intensest anxiety
the progress of that long and arduous struggle, which
was to decide these momentous issues. That decision
was made—the wisdom, intelligence and patriotism of
the country were found adequate to the task: which the
emergency created. In the series of adjustment mea¬
sures passed at the last session of Congress on the
various branches ot the slavery question, is found the
record of a fair, just and honorable settlement of this
alarming question.
It only now needs to be considered final,and then,
will 1 grant, that the danger is entirely over, and the
Republic is safe. But unfortunately for the future
peace and quiet of the country, this settlement is not
regarded in that light by a large portion of the people.
At the North, a clamor has been raised ior the repeal
ot the fugitive slave law, by that restless and fanatical
crew, whose hostility to the South and her institutions
has rendered them proverbially infamous in the estima¬
tion of all good citiztns. But the abolitionists do not
content themselves with a demand for the repeal of
this part of the comgromise. They denounce the
whole settlement as a base surrender to the demands
of the South,and in the continued agitation of the
question of slavery, seek the destruction of the Union,
because that Union guards and protects the South by
its constitutional provisions, in the undisturbed enjoy¬
ment of its peculiar institutions. I speak of the oppo¬
nents of this settlement at the North, as abolitionists,
as I do not feel disposed to discriminate between the
open and avowed abolitionists, and that class of mon¬
grel politicians who sympathize with their treasonable
sentiments, but decline from motives of policy to wear
their outward livery.
In the South, the spirit of opposition to these adjust¬
ment measures, is equally violent and determined. It
is unnecessary for the purpose of this investigation, to
look beyond the limits of our own State. In the can¬
vass of last year is found abundant evidence of the
truth of the proposition. The tone of the public press,
and the impassioned addresses of public speakers, ex¬
hibited the fierce and violent opposition of a portion of
oar citizens to the Compromise measures. If allother
means were denied to us of measuring the extent of
their opposition, we might form some estimate of its
controlling influence, in view of the fact that it sur¬
rendered their party relationships, and drove the advo¬
cates of resistance to an open repudiation both of their
party and their principles. It requires deep-rooted
feeling and unswerving fixedness of purpose to produce
such results.
In the organization of "The Southern Rights'
Party" of Georgia, we see the truth of the statement
here made—a sectional organization based upon sec¬
tional feelings and views, and having its origin in a
spirit ot hostility to the late action of the Government
on the subject of slavery. Tho« citizens who have
united in this movement, repudiate all national alli¬
ances as dangerous in their tendency,and incompatible
with the successful defence of Southern rights and
honor. They profess to regard the Compromise mea¬
sures as violative ot the spirit, if not the letter of the
Constitution, nor do they hesitate to avow that in the
adoption of those measures, the rights and honor of
the South have been disregarded and trampled upon.
It would be an unjust imputation upon their spirit and
patriotism^ to suppose that they intend to yield a (aiih-
lul acquiesence in measures which tkey regard as so
unjust and dishonorable to them. In truth their very
organization into a sectional party, thereby withdraw¬
ing themselves from their former party association, ac¬
companied with the charge of bad faith upon their
Northern associates, who have stood true and firm to
the National pledge, ought to be considered as ample
notice to all intelligent men, of their determination not
to acquiesce in the action of Congress- With some,
the avowal is openly made with a boldness worthy of
a better cause, whilst others would fain conceal their
ultimate purposes in the hope of enticing into rheir
ranks a portion of the honest and sincere Iriendsof the
Union upon the basis of the late Compromise. With
what effect.it remains yet to be seen.
The professions of this " Southern Rights Party ,M
are strangely inconsistent with their position ami
known «'iitiments. They proclaim to the country
their attachment and devotion to the Union, and in
some instances claim to be its only true friends. Is it
not too strong a demand upon our credulity to ask of
us to put confidence in there professions ! Whence
originates their love of the Uni&n ? Is it in the wrongs
and injuries it inflicts upon them—in the humiliation
and disgrace they feel in submitting to its laws and
Government? They either deceive themselves, or
seek to impose upon others. 1 hold it to be impossible
(or any true-hearted man to feel love and devotion for
a Government, which in his judgment oppresses and
dishonors hiir. Let every man in the South imbibe
the passions and prejudices of these peculiar friends of
the Union, and it may be pertinently asked, ilow long
will the Union withstand the assaults of its enemies?
With whom do the Southern Rights men of Georgia
sympathise in their political associations? Beyond
the limits of their own section, they know no friends
worthy of their confluence and alliance. It is their
pride and boast that they form no political association
with any of our Northern brethren—the North pre¬
sents no material for party organization sound and
honest enough to command their respect and induce
their alliance. In connexion with this view of the
subject, it is appropriate to the day and occasion of
your assemblage, gentlemen, to ask of our countrymen
to hearken to the voice of the father of his country as
it rises from the tomb, warning them against the dan¬
gerous and destructive tendencies of sectional organi¬
zations, and the men who would seek through them to
instil into the hearts of the people, enmity against the
Union of their revolutionary fathers.
All the sympathies of the Southern Rights Party of
Georgia are with sectional men, sectional issues and
sectional associations. It aspires not to the more en¬
larged basis of a national organization. In a sister
State the same issue is presented, in a bolder and more
startling proposition. There, the object of immedi,
ate secession is proclamed in plain ahd expiiclt
terms. A dissolution of the Union is regarded as
the only remedy that can be resorted to for existing
grievances. It is urged upon the people with all
the power and eloquence of her ablest man. No one
will deny that the tide of disunion sentiment is rolling
with increasing volume through the entire limits of
South Carolina, needing only the alliance of a single
neighboring State to determine their policy for an im¬
mediate dissolution of the Union.
In view of this important condition of things in a
sister State, on our immediate borders, and knowing as
we do that all the sympathies of this Southern Rights
organization in our own State are enlisted in the same
cause, it becomes the duty of wise and prudent men to
regard with anxious and jealous care its variou3 move¬
ments. The open disunionists of South Carolina and
the Southern Rights party of Georgia entertain a com¬
mon opinion on the Compromise measures of the last
session. 'IVy both consider the action of the Govern¬
ment, in tliis respect, as violative of their rights and
honor, and consequently regard an acquiescence in
them as humiliating and dishonoring. The one de¬
mands an immediate dissolution of the Union, as the
only Hdequaie remedy for the wrong inflicted ; the other
pursues a milder and more politic course, with a con¬
sciousness thai, in the end, a similar result will be
reached. Thus it is that a feeling of hostility to the
Government is being diffused through our State, pre¬
paratory to the occasion which will justify an open
avowal in favor of disunion.
I have made this brief reference to the state of pub¬
lic opinion in the different sections of the country on
the slavery question, for the purpose of showing that
the danger which so lately threatened the Union, is not
entirely overcome. It brings to our consideration the
important inquiry—what is the true policy to be adop¬
ted by the friends of the Union to avert these dangers
in the future ? My own opinion is, that the*Union or¬
ganization of Georgia, has adopted the true,safe and
judicious poliey. Yoa regard the late compromise
measures as the recognition of those great Constitu¬
tional principles for which the South has always con¬
tended. In the repudiation of the Wilmot Proviso, and
the enforcement of the Constitutional obligation to de¬
liver up iugiitve slaves, the North have given practical
evidence ol'their intention to stand, in good faith, by
the Constitutional Union of their fathers—recognizing
and enforcing oil the rights guarantied by that solemn
compact to their brethern of the South. Looking upon
the basis of that settlement as the recognition of aoun<
Constitutional principles, you propose to regard it as !
final disposition of past issues, and to require the ap
plication of the same principle to any future controver
sythat may arise out of the question of slavery. Ir
this view of the subject, you have my full and heart)
concurrence. I believe it is the only policy that wil
give lasting peace and quiet to the country, maintair
the rights of the South, and preserve the Union invio¬
late. In order that this object may be effected, you
tender your aid and co-operation to your fellow-citi¬
zens of all sections, who agree with you in these views
—thus endeavoring to unite the friends of these meas¬
ures in a common effort to sustain them against the
combined opposition of their enemies.
The success of this movement decides, in my honesl
judgment, the fate of the Union. It may be that there
are friends of this settlement whose opinions on other
subjects are so antagonistic to those of the great body
of the supporters of the Compromise as to preclude the
hope of their co-operation ; but it is true of a few only>
and the difficulties arising from this source will not be
of sufficient magnitude to encompass the path of the
mass of those who are prepared to stand firmly upon
the platform of this settlement. Your success, gentle¬
men, is not dependant, as some have idly supposed,
upon the organization of a National Union Party. It
is a narrow view of the subject so to regard it. On the
contrary, among the number of those who have dis¬
countenanced the formation of such a national party,
are to be tound the names of many able and distin¬
guished men, who look to the success of the Union or¬
ganization in Georgia as decisive of the ultimate tri¬
umph of the great principle upon which it is based.—
Your organization has laid down a sound and patriotic
principle—a faithful adherence to the Compromise
measures of the last session of Congress. It is your
platform—upon it you stand, and extend the right hand
of fellowship to your fellow-citizens, wherever found,
who are willing and prepared to stand by your side and
unite" with you in its maintenance and support. It
matters not to you whether the organization under
which this principle triumphs be known as the Union,
or the Republican, or the Democratic party, or by any
other name. It is the success of the principle, not the
name of the party, which engages your thoughts and
enlists your energies. That you will be gratified in the
triumphant success of the principle I entertain no shad¬
ow of doubt. Be firm and steadfast in your organiza¬
tion—true to the pledge you have given—and a brilliant
triumph awaits your patriotic efforts in the cause of the
South and the Union.
The Union organization of our State has been vio¬
lently assailed, the motives of its friends and supporters
traduced and misrepresented. This was to be expected,
and furnishes Satisfactory evidence that its power and
influence has already been felt by those whose insidious
assaults upon the Umoa have been arrested by it. The
7
Union men of Georgia hate done much in the Inst six '
months for their country, but their ltbors are not yet
over, and I trust they will not rest from them until they
have made permanent the peace and quiet they have
30 nobly contributed to bring about. I renew to them
the offer of my hand and my heart in the good cause.
I am, with great respect,
Your very ob't servant,
HOWELL COBB.
Messrs. A. H. Chapplll and others, Committee.
Letter from Hon. Rjb't. Toombs.
Washington, Feb. 15th, 1851.
Gentlemen: I have received your polite invitation
to unite with you in the celebration of the Birth-Day
of Washington, I regret that my public duty here will
deprive rrle of that pleasure.
1 most heartily approve your purpose, to make the
birth-day of the father of his country the occasion of
paying honor to his memory, and of taking counsel
together for the preservation of that Union which he
esteemed so important to the protection of the liberties
if his coun try.
The anniversary of the day which gave liitn to
liberty is appropriately dedicated to the perpetuation of
ts best safe-guard, cosntitutional Union.
I agree with you, gentlemen, in the opinion that the
r;risis demands the Union of the friends of the Peace
Measures, of the last session of Congress, for the sake
>f the Union. It is known to you, that those measures
separately and in all their details, did not meet with my
ipproval. I did not, and do not now believe, that the
)iils for the establishment of territorial governments
•ight to demand, but they contained all she did demand;
or New Mexico and Utah were such as the South had a
and I supported them in conformity with the deliberate
jnd frequently expressed opinions of an overwhelm¬
ing majority of the people of the South. I shall now
natntain them, at least, until the question between us
s settled. The principle engrafted upon the teiritorial
)illa is non-intervention with Blavery—whether it be
ight or wrong, its truth has heretofore been maintained
vith singular unanimity and ferverdness by the South,
ind by none more strenuously than by these who now
iffirm that we have lost the whole territory by the bills
eferred to.
As the opinion of thisclassof persons do not govern
hemselves, it ought not to suprise them that they con-
rol nobody else. My own contempt for their opinions
t denunciations, has been too often expressed before
issembled thousands of the people of Georgia to need
epetition here. They were either ignorant of the
ights of their country, or basely betrayed them; in ether
vent they are no longer worthy of public confidence,
tnd such has been the verdict of the people. Our op-
onente at the South can give us but little trouble; we
on easily settle with theni at the ballot box. The only
exception to this in the South may be South-Carolina,
and 1 think we may safely calculate upon her prudence,
no matter how many secession delegates she may send
to her Convention. Such seems to be the repugnance of
her resistence men to separate State action, that I
think we may solely rely upon her having enough of
that ' rascally virtue" to save us and herself from ex¬
treme measures. This is not the case with the North,
we may need the cartridge box to settle with her.—
British emissaries are stirring up fools, fanatics, and
free-negroes there to resist the will of the American
people as constitutionally expressed in their public
laws. I believe Mr. Thompson is the first British
emissary who has dared to disturb the peace of this
country since the summary execution of his country¬
men Armbrister and Arbuthnot. Gen. Jackson had
many admirers; he may have imitators in New England.
Mr. T. had better not rely too much upon the extinc¬
tion of the feeling of the Revolution, even in Boston.
The present government of the United States is true
to its duties, and to the laws and constitution of the
land, it will maintain them with a firmness equal to any
emergency; with a constancy and courage, as prolonged
as the conflict.
The existing political organizations of the North,
both Whig and Democratic, are wholly unequal 10 the
present crisis. Their antecedents are continual stumb¬
ling blocks in the path of safety and duty. If either
were sound, 1 should not hesitate to advise you to pro¬
mote its success. But both have degenerated into
mere factions, adhereing together by the common hope
of public plunder. Their success would benefit no¬
body but themselves, and would be infinitely mischiev¬
ous to the public weal. The Whigsand Democrats, of
Massachusetts, are struggling between Sumner and
Winthrop; it is a contest in which the friends of ihe
country have not their slightest interest. The success of
the principles of either would be equally fatal to the
safety and existence of the Republic. The W higs and
Democrats of New York and Ohio are thoroughly
denationalized. Indeed, there is no non-slaveholding
State in which the free-soil Whigs do not control the
Whig organization, and none in which the Demo¬
cratic free-soilers do not control it, except in N. Jer¬
sey, Pennsylvanian, Indiana, Illinois and Iowa. Our
safety, and the safety ol the country, therefore, lies in
retusiug all cooperation with either the Whig or
Democratic parties of the North, and a thorough Union
with the soundmen of both of these parties,in a .united
National Party. If this is impracticable, we ougnt to
stand aloof from both, aud support uone but a sound
National candidate.
Apart from the question of slavery, another great
question isrising up before us become afixed fuct" in
American politics. It is and has the will of a majority,
sometimes called the higher law, in antagonism to our
constitutional compact. If the first succeeds, we have
8
no other safety except In secession, if the latter,
"liberty and Union, may be, forever one and insepara¬
ble." In all these questions, it is our true policy to
stand by those who agree with us—repudiate those who
differ from us. We are beleaguered by enemies at the
North and the South. Let us not falter in our duty—r
The Constitution and Union is worth the struggle.
Who will falter in this glorious coufiict?
I am, very truly, yours,
ROBERT TOOMBS.
To Messra. A. H. Chafpell and others, Committee.
Letter from Hon. James Brooks*
Washington, Feb. 17t.h, ?
House of Representatives. $
Gentlemen: When the Union is in imminent peril
as it now is, from the coalition of disunionists of ex¬
treme schools,both at the North and South, there is no
day so fitting as that you have selected, (the birtii-day
of the Father of our Country,) to re-open, and re¬
awaken the genius and the spirit that created that
country, and that has hitherto irspired each and every
one of us, every where, with the proud emotion, " I
am an American citizen."
Gentlemen, this Union is never to be dissolved by
«ny formal vote,by any deliberate act, by any consul¬
tation or Convention—for it is too strong in the hearts
of the people every where, to be broken, when they
take time to reason. But it is a Union that can be
made hateful by misrepresentation, by prejudice, and
by passion—by wicked and insurrectionary assaults
irom the North upon the firesides and families of the
South, and by rhetorical and inflammatory denuncia-
tionstrom the South upon the North^o that it may be¬
come n discordant, billigerent mockery of a Union,
not worth the preserving.
You, Gentlemen of Georgia, when this Union was
becoming thus a mockery from the incessant sectional
rage created during a ten months' session of Congress,
the most virulent and perilous to the Republic ever
known in the history of our country, throwing aside
all sectional and all party distinctions, unfurled the dag
<>f the Union, and under the stars and stripes, achieved
a victory that warmed and gladdened the heart of
every true patriot in all parts of this wide-spread con¬
federacy- I looked upon your stand, considering the
time and crisis, as the most important ever taken in
the country; for while you resisted and overwhelmed
disunion, you also marked out the true chart of the
Union. If Georgia had taken the "lead" that was
proffered, I should have despaired of shutting the
flood-gates of passion that were sure to open.
We of the North, Gentlemen, have yet to go through
a struggle, such as you have had in Georgia. Sedition,
insubordination,nullification, treason even, are by no
means subdued among us, but only because they dis-
guise themselves in sectional appeals, and artiul har¬
angues, and put on the livery of Heaven,the better to
aerve Satan in ! In my own State, a new God 1
been discovered (or invented,) whom, and wh<
"higher laws" we are all called upon to bow do'
and ignorantly worship—and this new black idol G
they as yet make too many believe, is the God of (
Fathers. Whenever these idolaters unmask the
selves, and attempt to practice the infidelity tb
preach, we shall havo no difficulty in subduing them
but as yet their mission is only to make this Uni
odious, and to drive you into hating u?, and ns ir
hating you.
Whatever others may do in the North, I for one a
determined, to the best of my ability, to do my du
and my whole duty, as set forth in the farewell addri
of the illustrious man, whose birth day you celebra
I am a Whig, but only a Whig, because I have b
lieved the Whig party to be a great constitution
conservative party—but if ever that party ceases
cherish in deed as well as in word, love and devotii
to each and every part ot this Union, I will seek I
this conservative party, under whatsoever name 1 ci
find it. When the country is in jeopardy, parties a
nothing, till itsexistence is assured.
But I deeply regret th t it is not in my power to !
with you in person, and to express the hearty syr
pathy 1 feel with Georgia, and my admiration for h
great Union demonstration.
Yours, respectfully,
JAMES BROOKS.
To Messrs. A. II. Chaffell, and others, Commute
Letter from Hon. Wm. C. Daw«on.
Washington City, Feb. 17,1851.
Gentlemen: Your invitation to be with the frien
of the Union, in Macon,to unite with them in eel
bra ting the anniversary of Washington's birth-da
has been received. My position and duties denyn
the pleasure and honor of accepting, but I most si:
cerely and cordially unite with you in the patriot
object. It is needless to extend this letter—my coi
stituency are well acquainted with my views—n
votes in Congress during the last session are befo
them. My opinions have undergone no change—n
confidence has increased in their correctness. In n
judgment, Georgia should still confide in the patriotis
and justice, of a majority of the people of this confe
eracy of States. The friends of the late adjust nm
ly Congress, are certainly pursuing the advice
Washington, in his Farewell Address. As a Southe
man, I confidently assert, the South should acquie
in that adjustment—they will—and the future w
demonstrate the patriotism of the measures, and pc
terity will do justice to the men and their motives, wl
have sustained them.
As a Georgian, I can but feel gratification at t
position the State assumed. Her platform, as it h
been called, will command the respect and support
a majority of the DeoDleof thp T7ninn_;. c—
a
datfon In truth and constitutional equality. On it the
friends©f the Union, South, East, West and North,
will unite ; by it harmony has been in a great measure
restored, and through the influence oi the principles it
sustains, the constitutional rights and equality of each
section will be maintained.
I have a deep and sincere reverance for the Union—
and shall be always found in its maintainance—until
the principles on which it was founded shall be aban¬
doned. No man will he more ready to defend the
South against encroachments, and to preserve the
equality of the States. But it is unnecessary to say
Snore. I only intended to acknowledge your polite
invitation.
May the company assembled on that day hove an
agreeable and pleasant time. I beg you to say to
them, though absent, I am with them in heart and
feeling, and 1 am sure, the honor and rights oi the
South are safe in their hands, and long may ihey live
to enjoy the happiness and prosperity which they now
enjoy, under our Instiiutions.
Accept, Gentlemen, the assurances of my high re¬
gard and esteem, Most respectfully,
WM. C. DAWSON.
To Messrs. A. H. Chappell, and others, Committee.
Letter from Hon. £11 H. Baxter.
Sparta, Ga., Feb. 19th, 1851.
Gentlemen: Your favor of the 7th inst., giving me
an invitation to join you, either personally or by my
counsels, in the celebration of Washington's birth-day,
I have received. I regret that I cannot participate per¬
sonally with you, but, believing as I do, that the Federal
Union is necessary to the protection of Southern rights,
and liberty itself, I cannot tefrain f rom giving you the
expression of my decided approbation of the great ob-
ect you have in view—the formation of a Union party,
co-extensive with the Republic.
For the first time since the formation of our Govern¬
ment disunion has been openly avowed and advocated.
A neighboring State, the land of Sumter and Marion—
a State that participated in the struggle that gave us
independence—a State that has been always prompt in
her contributions of money and blood when called for
by the Government—is united almost to a man for dis¬
union. Jn our own State, Alabama and Mississippi,
we have heard shouts for disunion. Respectable news¬
papers have recommended it. The North is not free
from the disaffection, and the South has been filled
with publications designed to alienate the people from
the Government, and prepare them for disunion. If
this is all true, it is high time for the friends of the
Union to rally to its rescue. If this is true, old party
lines should be abandoned, and every man who cherishes
an attachment for the Union should enlist under its
banner. It is an issue involving the existence of the
Government; and what will oar Whig or Democratic
principles avail as when the-Groyernfn<*H ro rains
and the people are thrown into fierce and contending
factions?
And for what are we called upon to dissolve the
Government? The late action of Congress, in the
admission of California as a State and the organization
of the Territories, constitute the leading reasons with
the advocates for disunion. I do not entirely approve
of all this action, yet, such was the excited and exas¬
perated state of the public mind, North and South, that
I consented to acquiesce for the sake of peace and har¬
mony. The admission of California, which was the
most objectionable portion of that action, was, with few
exceptions, admitted to be constitutional; and the Ter¬
ritorial Governments were precisely such as were claim¬
ed by the great mass of Southern men. If the admis¬
sion of California was constitutional, as obnoxious as it
is, it would have been unwise and suicidal in the slave
States to resist it.- The principal object in having a
written constitution is to give protection to minorities
in times of high political and party excitement. The
slave States must rely upon that constitution for pro¬
tection to their slave property. As one, therefore, of a
minority, and a Southern man, I am disposed to acqui¬
esce in ali constitutional legislation upon this delicate
question. If, as a minority, we will not abide consti¬
tutional action, how can we expect the majority, the
free-soil States, to do it? So long as our constitutional
rights are respected by the majority, the institution is
safe. It is frequently suggested that the free-soil States
will ultimately acquire sufficient power, by the admis¬
sion of new States, to take from us this protection. To
do this they must have two-thirds of both branches of
Congress, and three-fourlhs of the States must become
ree-soil. Long before that can be the case the laws
of population will have placed a perpetual'quietus upon
the question.
But are the dangers, present or prospective, to the
institution of slavery, such as to justify the extraordi¬
nary remedy proposed, the dissolution of the Union.—
At no peiiod, in my opinion, has the institution been
upon a eafer basis. The acquisition of Texas has given
the slaveholder nearly all the Territory in the United
States that can be profitably cultivated by slaves. The
ordinance assented to by Virginia, at an early period in
our history, insisted upon and partially carried out
when Missouri was admitted, and urged by the free-
soilers in the late action of Congress in organizing the
Territories, was yielded up,and the constitutional rights
of the South directly acknowledged. Nor can I con¬
cede what is claimed by many intelligent Southern
men—that the slave States derive no advantage from
territory that is made free-soil. All territorial acquisi¬
tion gives increase and prolonged value to slave pro¬
perty. If the slaveholder cannot emigrate with his
slaves to California, the citizen who is not a slaveholder
may, and room is made for the slave. It is a truth that
cannot be disguised; it is eur of the power of the states¬
man to prevent it: all these portions of the slave States
10
suitable for the culture of rice, sugar and catton, most
become, comparatively, a vast slave plantation. A
given rpace of territory can bat sustain profitably a
certain population. When it accumulatesto that point,
the slave or the citizen who is not a slaveholder must
give way. The slaveholder having the balance of pow¬
er, he makes it to the interest of the non-slaveholder to
sell and emigrate to the free-soil Slates, and thus a
collision, which would be fatal to the slaveholder, is
avoided. Does it not then become us, as an intelligent
people, to anticipate that period when so large a pro¬
portion of our population will be slaves, and inquire if
we shall not ihen want the Federal Government to give
us safety and security?
Pardon me for briefly adverting to an argument
used by a citizen of no ordinary distinction, who
has been prominent as the advocate of absolute,
unconditional and perpetual disunion. He insists
that the Union ought to be dissolved, because it has
been extended over such an extent of territory that it
cannot be successfully administered for the happiness
of the people. Alexander Hamilton was accused of en¬
tertaining anti-republican sentiments, but no American
citizen has ever expressed an opinion so offensive to the
fiiends of republican government as the one alluded to.
It is the old, rotten and hateful principle always pro-
c'aimed by the advocates of monarchy against repub¬
lican government. The condition of the country, from
the Atlantic to the Pacific, from the Rio Grande to the
St. Lawrence, proclaims the argument untrue. Unex¬
ampled prosperity smiles upon the land, and no mur¬
murs are sent up, even from the extremities of this vast
and happy Republic, that any of their civil or religious
rights have been violated.
I am one of those who place a high estimate upon our
form of government. It is admirably constructed for
all the purposes our wise and patriotic forefathers in¬
tended it. So far, it is a successful experiment; the
most sanguine expectations of the patriot have been
realized, li is now affording to twenty millions of free¬
men peace, security and liberty. Look upon the mass
of the world, and in what State, Kingdom or Republic,
can you find a people blessed with so many civil, reli¬
gious and political privileges? Look upon that vast
waste of States that have long since passed away, and
you wi!i learn from their history that none were blessed
with a government like ours. All their governments
were either wild and turbulent democracies or despo¬
tisms. This government is good enough. I will cling
to it until it ceases to respect consiitutional rights, and
every mode of redress is exhausted that can be made as
a member of the confederacy. What shall we gain by
a dissolution of the Union? is an important question for
the consideration of every thinking and good man in
the land. Shall we gain increased security to our slave
property ? Whilst the Union continues the institution
can be successfully defended; dissolve it, and numerous
causes will arise t« impair its safety.
It is a curious fact, connected with this unfortunate
excitement, that the Abolitionists desire disunion to
destroy slavery .whilst Southern men want it to give it
protection. The advocates of disunion at the S^uth
say the controlling mass of the population of the free
States are unfriendly to slavery, and our only safety is
in separation. Will disunion disarm them of their
hostility, and will the removal of all constitutional and
legal restraint render them more respectful of Southern
rights? If they are now prompted in their assaults
upon our riehts by principle or fanaticism, will they
not, when the Union is broken, renew their attacks
with increased enthusiasm and determination ? Fanat¬
icism is unprincipled, cruel, rapacious and insatiable;
and it the free-soil confederacy should be controlled by
it, it will make war upon the slave States for the avowed
object of exterminating slavery. It will invite and
stimulate insurrection, and hoist upon our borders and
in our midst the flag of universal emancipation. But
I entertain no such opinion of the free-soil population.
There are, I admit, fanatics; but not enough to give
such a direction to the deliberations of the country.
If history is good au thori ty for any th i ng, it establishes*
beyond question, the fact that neighboring Republics
cannot live in peace. Independent of those numerous
causes of war that exist with all neighboring Republics,
the cause of disunion would be a never-ceasing source
of iritation and difficulty. In case of disunion we should
have a thousand fugitive slaves to where we have a
hundred now. Masters would pursue them, and the
Abolitionists would defend and protect them. Angry
and sanguinary collision would arise. The masters
would be repulsed with a violence and insult that no
freeman could tolerate. A war of retaliation would
a'ise upon your frontier. The public authorities would
be powerless to prevent it. Outrage would succeed
outrage, until the public mind would become so excited
and exasperated, that noihing would appease it but an
appeal to arms. Avarice and ambition would be al¬
ways active and busy in aggravating the excitement.
The iow creature that seeks employment in gather¬
ing up the loathesome offal of the cimp and battle¬
field would be busy in making border difficulties. The
military spirits, who delight in the " trumpet's clangor
and the canon's roar," would be active in animating
their country to an appeal to arms. At such times,
what would be the condition and disposition of our
slave population? restless, impatient, and insubordin¬
ate. In every campaign, we should be in continued
apprehension of a domestic insurrection.
But this Union is to be dissolved, by secession
temporary or perpetual, and all is to be peace and
prcsperity. For this remedy, I entertain the profound-
est contempt. It will be attended with all the dis¬
astrous consequences of revolution without one o! its
benefits.
I say nothing; as to the right under the constitution.
If it does not exist, then I concede It. Poorer gtvee
ll
the right. The Federal Government in ray opinion,
would be powerless to retain the smallest State in the
confederacy against her consent. But concede that
all the slave States determine to secede. Do the advo¬
cates of this peaceable remedy see no difficulty at the
threshold'? When they secede, they will demand their
proportion of the public domain, the navy and ail other
public property. And just as soon as the demand was
made, it would be rejected by the free-soil States.—
Here would be cause for war. If the administration
of the Federal Government has become so unjust and
oppressive that it can be no longer tolerated, and all
hope of redress under the constitution is despaired of,
hoist at once the banner of revolution, march to the
Federal Capital, and take, as Cromwell and Bona¬
parte did, the Executive and the abolition members of
Congress, and have the government, if you can retain
it, administered your own way.
But suppose we escape all the difficulties and dan¬
gers 10 which I have but briefly adverted, how long
would the new confederacy act in harmony. The
politicians would soon discover irreconcilable differ¬
ences between the South, the West, and the more
Northern members of the confederacy; and disap¬
pointed ambit on would soon begin to preach a second
disunion, as the only remedy; and we should soon
exhibit the melancholy aspect of a parcel of little piti¬
ful Republics, the miserable victims of never end¬
ing discord and faction. Of tne numerous revolutions
of which we read in history, but a very few have ter¬
minated in favor of human liberty. No matter what
motive or cause prompted them ; whether ambition,
patriotism, or oppression, it is a melancholy fact that
all, but with a few exceptions, ended sootier or later in
the arbitrary and despotic Government of one man.
This sad lesson of history *hould teach us patience and
forbearance. If we should determine to lay violent
hands upon a Government of our own creation, the
best that ever was or will be again, it may not please
Providence in his infinite goodness, to give usa second
Washington to direct and control the storm, to calm
and hush the tumultuous elements of faction and party
rage. The mind in looking upon this gloomy picture
of human involutions, is inclined to inquire into the
causes of their melancholy termination. The great
man whose birth-day you propose to celebrate has
given the reasons so forcibiy in his Farewell Address
to his countrymen, that I cannot iorego the pleasure of
giving it.
" The alternate dominion of one faction over
another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to
.party dissension, which in different ages and countries
» has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a
frightful despotism. But this leads at length toa more
formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and
miseries which result, gradually incline the minds of
men to seek security and repose, tn the absolute powir
~>«f aa individual; and sooner or later, the chief of
some prevailing faction, more albie or more
than his competitors, turns this disposition to the
purposes of his own elevation on the ruins cf public
liberty." Yours respectfully,
ELI H. BAXTER.
To Messrs. A. H. Ciiappell, and others, Committee.
Letter from Hen. Hiram Warner.
Macon, Feb. 20,1851.
Gentlemen: I have received your kind imitation to
join in the proposed celebration of Washington's birth¬
day, on the 22d inst. ,at this place,either by my pres¬
ence or counsels. The protracted session of the Court
which has just terminated, makes it indispensably
necessary that I should return to my family, with as
little delay as possible ; consequently, I cannot be with
you in person on Saturday next; nor do I suppose that
my counsels, which you seem to desire, will be of
much importance to any one. However, r(3 I have no
personal or political interests to advance, I will briefly
express to you my individual views, in regard to the
great objects of your meeting. The anniversaty of
Washington's birth-day, affords an appropriate occa¬
sion for the friends of the Union, to manifest their
marked disapprobation of all sectional parties, or fac¬
tions, having for their object its dissolution, by means
of secession of any one or more of the States, or other
kindred measures ; and also to bear testimony ot their
ardent attachment to the principles of constitutional
liberty, so forcibly inculcated in the Farewell Address
of him, who has been so justly regarded as the Father
of his Country.
What course shall the people of Georgia pursue, to
secure the continual preservation of the Union, and
protect their own interests under the Constitution 1
In myjudgment, that course was very properly indica¬
ted by the action of the Iaie Convention at Milledge-
ville. How shall parties be organized hereafter in this
State, is a question frequently asked by those who were
most zealous and active in breaking down the old
Democratic and Whig parties ? Heretofore, the peo¬
ple were told that the old party lines must be broken
down, in order to form a great Southern party, to act
in concert with South Carolina and other States, in
resisting the action of Congress in relation to the set¬
tlement of the slavery question. In obedience to the
mandates of the leaders of both the Democratic and
Whig parties, 8nd especially of the former, old party
lines weie broken down in this State, and elections
were held for delegates to the Nashville Convention,
and the Georgia Convention, irrespective of old party
lines.
This breaking down of old party lines at the time it
was done, and for the reasons given, was, in my judg¬
ment, entirely unnecessary, so far as the Democratic
party was concerned ; but the act was done, and a
uew issue was made before the people of Georgia;
that issue has been decided at the ballot box, and tha
u
fe<raU has been the formation of two new hod distinct
parties, composed of the dements of both tbe old
political parties, to wit, the Constitutional Union Party
and the Southern Rights Resistance Party. The de¬
feated party,having ascertained that it isa much easier
task to break down old parties, than it is to build up
new ones, (especially resistance parties,) ore now
clamorous for the re-construction of the old National
Democratic and Whig parties. Before the late election
in this State, the National Democratic party was re¬
pudiated as being unsound upon the slavery question,
notwithstanding one of the cardinal principles of its
platform was, that Congress had no power or authority
tinder the Constitution, to legislate in any manner
whatever upon the subject of slavery, in the States or
territories.
Now in view of the facts which have transpired in
regard to memaud measures, in this State, within the
last twelve months, does the Southern Rigms Party
constitute the old Democratic party, or is it a mere
whited sepulchre,filled with nullification, resistance,
and such like materials, which the great body of the
old Democratic party, never did approve or sanction 1
Inasmuch as the old party lines were entirely broken
up in the late contest in this State, as effectually as
they were in 1832, when the Union and State Rights
parties were formed, every man is at liberty to take his
position upon that platform which, in his judgment,
will best promote the welfare and interest of his country.
The Constitutional Union platform is broad enough
for all the true friends of the Union to stand upon ;
and I trust all who profess to be such, will take their
position upon it, without regard to old party lines, and
then let the tree be judged by its fruit. But it is said
tbe great Constitution Union party is a failure, that
the great leading national politicians will have nothing
to do with it. I greatly prefer that the States should
organize Constitutional Union parties, and thereby
control the national politicians, thau that the national
politicians should control the people of the States.—
When a majority of the people of the States, shall
organize Constitutional Union parties within their
respective limits, without regard to old party distinc¬
tions, the national politicians will, I apprehend, find it
to be to their interest to conferm to public opinion in
the States, rather than attempt to control it.
As an individual, I shall continue to support such
men for office, as in my judgment will prove faithful
to the Constitution, and the Union, without regard
to old party lines: recognizing as I do but two parties
in the State, the Constitutional Union party, and the
Southern Rights party. Since the attempt to form a
great Southern Resistance party out of the two old
parties, the existence of a Democratic and Whig party
is an obsolete idea. The Southern Rights party is
just aa much entitled to be called tbe Union party nowr
as the old State Rights party was entitled to -have
been So called in 1833. 1 stood trp<m tJni&n
platform then. I stand upon the Union platform
now, and becaflee Messrs. Toombs, Stephens, and
others, have thought proper to occupy the 6ame position,
I shall not abandon it on that account. The names o|
old party politicians have no terrors for me, when the
vital principles of the Government are involved. 6o
long as the Constitutional Union party shall continue
to be faithful to the Union, and the principles of the
Constitution, I shall act with them, without regard to
the men who may compose that party—bel;eving as I
do, that in the present condition of things, the welfare
and interest of the whole country will best be promoted
thereby. I am opposed to sectional factions, both
North and South. Be pleased, Gentlemen, to accept
the assurance of my very high regard and esteem,
while I remain,most respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
HIRAM WARNER.
To Messrs. A. H. Chappell, and others, Committee
Letter from James Clark, Esq.
Lumpkin, Feb. 15th, 1851.
Gentlemen: Your invitation to participate in the
celebration of the 22nd inst. is received. 1 sincerely
regret that the calls of duty, and of business, will pre¬
vent me from mingling in person with the friends of the
Union in this interesting anniversary—an anniversa-
ry, which considering the momentous purposes which it
is intended to sub serve, is worthy the cordial co-opera¬
tion of all who love the Union or venerate the memory
of that illustrious man who is universally considered,
and will be considered in future ages, its greatest friend
and benefactor. My heart and energies, and all that
I have, and am, are with you. With the Union, we
are, amongst the nations of the earth, the most free,
exalted, and happy ; without the Union, we should be
the most miserable and degraded. So far as we have
a political existence, that is worthy of the name, that
can protect our rights, defend our honor, and bear us
onward in the march of human progress, which signal¬
ises the nineteenth century, the Union of these Slate*
is, of such political existence, its vital breath.
You have been pleased to invoke the counsels, and
influence of th* friends of the Union, and of the friends
of that great National Organization intended lor its
protection. You will, therefore, permit me the privilege,
under your kind invitation, and as an absent co-laborer
in the great cause which unites us, to present, in few
words, a single aspect of the state of things which
would result to the South from a dissolution of this
Union. I mean the loss, embarrassment and rum, that
would at once, like a flood, be poured in upon us, A
resistence to wrongs, resulting from federal legislation,is
the object of ihe advocates of a Southern confederacy.
This is intended to be a regular organized movement
to vindicate our* rights, embracing as many of tbe South*
e>n States,' as feel'that ibetgrievancer of tbe General
Government them beyond endurance,®© Itte
jl4
make ** tevoltrtion a virtue." We will suppose, a
Boot hern confederacy formed, composed of Georgia,
Sooth Carolina, and Mississippi, where the voice of
discontent has been the most clamorous. Their
declaration of independence is published, declaring an
eternal separation from the United States, and holding
them^as-they hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war1
'n peace friends. Our Southern confederacy is at once
from the necessity of the case, in an attitude of hostility
to the general government. What must we do? All
our energies must be aroused—all our resources must
be marshalled (or the perilous conflict. We have now,
in a hasty manner, to form our federal government,
elect our federal officers, and send forth our drafts and
conscriptions to raise, at once, a powerful standing
army. And money, the basis of all national power,
must be raised to defray the expenses of our new, civil
and military establishment. I ask, how the enormous
amounts of money are to be raised to carry forward the
great work of defending ourselves, and recovering
what the deluded and infatuated emissaries of sedition
may consider their rights? It must be raised ! It can
be rai:ed, alone by direct taxation, and that in degree,
under all the circumstances in which we should be
placed, the heaviest, the most harrassing, and the most
oppressive. Yes, I repeat, that the revenue we should
require must be raised, from a direct and most enor-
mous asaessment on our heads, our lands, our negroes,
our moveable properly, and every thing t lse we hold ot
value. It can be raised in no other way. There
are but two other ways by which a revenue could be
raised ; first by loans, and secondly by duties on imporis;
neither of which could be rendered available to us-
under the circumsiances in Which we should be placed
In favor of the efficacy of loans, it mdy be said for
oar encouragement, that three millions of people only,
in oar revolution, in an attitude of hostility to the
British Empire,effected large loans in Holland and in
France. But the colonies possessed a credit abroad
-arising from considerations peculiarly their own.—
There wis, throughout thecontinent in Europe, a deep
rooted jealousy of the growing power and naval superi¬
ority of the British Empire. From this feeling, many
of the nations rejoiced to see the colonies in arms
against the mother country, and at. the prospect of the
dissolution of this great kingdom. In addition to this,
great sympathy was entertained in foreign countries
for the colonies as being the weaker party fighting for
their libert es against oppression. Hence, large sums of
money ware loaned the colonies, and valuable muni¬
tions of war. But what is there to give a seperate
Southern confederacy, in a contest-with theU. States,
eredltabroad? The-United-States inhabit a separate
eotztinent, with the great At lantic rolling between.—
Thelre can be ilo cause of deep rooted jealousy in
Ewope • fgaihat the - growing* gtfatnesa of the mighty
{tafrstiie nbe WVtt. -Attd«4hfr*Soutfc,~tn-'a cwnlett
to call forth the sympathy of the nations, no badges of
oppression, none ol the signs of " an enslaved and
down trodden" people, struggling for their liberties;
but we should present ourselves in the attitude of a
small fragment of the greatest and happiest Republic
in the world, violently tearing ourselves away from the
confederacy, and recklessly exchanging peace, pros¬
perity, and the inestimable blessings of our glor'ous
Union ; for strife and dissention, and all the calamities
cf civil war. We should be looked upon by all Europe
asan infatuated, deluded people, given over to darkness
of mind, ar.d lost to all sense of our true interest and
glory. Our character for wisdom and discretion, and
with it, our credit, would be forever lost.
But it may be said, we can raise a revenue by duties
on imports. It is here, that the contest between us and
the general government would commence w.th the
most fearful oddsngainst us. The United States would
be left in possession of her rich and flourishing revenues
—her regular and well equipped army of 10,000 men,
and one of the best and strongest navies in the world,
and these all wielded by a well settled, well organised,
government. Our Southern confederacy, on the
contrary, would possess no certain revenues—no navy—
no veteran army fit for the regular service of ihe field,
and all controled by a new untried, inefficient, badly
organized government; hastily framed in the midst of
excitement, and ready to explode with conflicting ele¬
ments. Suppose we sieze upon our custom houses in
our Sea-ports, and endeavor to appropriate the duties
on impoits to our own use, how will this be met by the
general government? Why,all our sea-ports would
be at once closely blockaded, and our commerce and
all sources of revenue, from this quarter, would be
wholly destroyed. The United States have the navy
to do it—the President, the Commander in-Chief of
the army and navy, and the sworn, Chief-Executive
Magistrate of the Union, will feel it bis duty to do it
and we should have no naval force to oppose him.—
Then how can we derive a revenue from imports,
when all our sea-coasts are locked up by a force which
we cannot control ? I repeat, then, that there could
be no other gleans of raising a revenue to pay the ex¬
penses of our government and our armies, but a direct
tax on ourselves, and all our possessions of the heaviest
magnitude. And how are these taxes to be paid ? Lfet
us not deceive ourselves. The United States, from
whom we have wjthdrawo, will be interested to destroy
our resources—exterminate the fruits of our industry,
and cripple us at every point. She would, as her first
movement against us, line our coasts with her extensive
navy, obstruct all our commercial intercourse,-coast¬
wise and with foreign powers, and literally sweep our
commerce from the ocean. Of what avail then, would
be our advantages of diifiate and of • soil ? Of what
■avail then,'would be the-Sugar and Tobacco, theRiee
«Bd 4hfr-C#Koai«rthe:&otHii ? -Gut o&v*s^to»«hould
'be, fteia *lt *ccws to-^wwket, -thece'^omaiefttfe*
14
DroaiJ accumulate and rot on oar hands, to the
destruction of the value of our lands, our negroes, and
our la'.or. and ail our businessoperations, being depend¬
ent on a ready maiket lor Southern produce, would be
nothing better than fighting the nir. And hrre we
should be, with out Southern confederacy to support,a
large war establishment to tquip and sustain in the
tield, a navy to build, a heavy direct tax pressing us
down, the revenue officers clninoiitignround our house¬
hold, vviih our property valueless, our industry fruitless,
ond w th no means to pay, whilst the sound of bat-
lie, the roaring of the cannon, and the clat gorofarme,
inhibitd with the widow's wail, and the orphans
lamentations woi.ld be heard throughout our land,
entailing upon us calamities which the world hath not
Been.
We hear much about additional security to our slave
property. What additional security would secession
and a Southern confederacy give? Upon what fact,
or circumstance, would this security be based ? The
United States would be interested to weaken us ill
«very way, the Union being dissolved, with th: bitter
fountains of enmity broken up, there would be no motive
to respect our interests, no constitutional guarantee, no
"" fugi'ive t-lave law to protect and vindicate our rights,"
but every effort would be made to seduce the slave
from his master, that he might find a free and open
Asylum in the free States. With the public, and
avowed protection, they would receive from the State
■governments of the North, with the strong induce¬
ments for theia to leave their masters and seek their
freedom ; there would set in a continual stream of
desertion by our slaves, in comparison with which,
all the losses in this way, ihat we have sustained, would
be but" as dust in the balance."
And where would our troubles end ? Brethren once
made enemies, are the most bitterand vindictive,and the
most difficult to appease. Bordering nations, both of
ancient and modern tim^s, have ever been found rivals
and foes. This, the annals of all nations, and all times*
tout too clearly prove. Their close proximity, their
numerous points of collision, have kept the fires of
enmity and jealousy burning frim age, to age. The
ancient Republics of Athens and Lacedamon were
bordering nations, and they were almost forever at war.
England and Scotland were formerly contiguous and
independent kingdoms, and the curses of hatred, and
the shout of battle for many centuries floated almost on
every \ reeze. England and France are only separated
by the British Channel, and the blood that has been
epilled, the lives that have been lost, the calamities that
have dessolated these great Empires from their frequent
and bloody conflicts for many hundred years, defy all
computation. Human nature is the same in every age.
If this Union should be dissolved and broken into
sepatate and bordering nations, what would there be
chat would make as an exception to the general rule ?
What would there be to softea down the esperitiee of
hatred, or to neutralise the causes of war! Nothing!
nothing! but many things peculiar to ourselves, to
keep up an undying enmity. Yes, the first gun that is
fired, the fir3t blood that shall flow between boidering
and hostile fragments of this great Republic, will open
a 5cene of discord and calamity that the world before
never beheld, and involving our children, and our
children's children in its horrid and dismal gloom.-—
May the God of our fathc rs open the eyes of our people
—preserve this Union, and save our country.
I am, gentlemen,
Your obedient servant.
JAMES CLARKE.
To Messrs. A. H. Chappell, and others, Committee.
Letter from General Warren.
Perry, Ga., Feb. 14,1851.
Gentlemen: Yours of the 7th inst., inviting me to
a public meeting of the " Friends of the Union," to be
held in the city of Macon, on the approaching anni¬
versary of the biith-day of the " Father of his country,"
has been received.
I consider the time of such a meeting most appropri¬
ate, and the necessity for it manifest—it having for its
object, opposition to the bold designs against our hap¬
py Union, "so alarmingly avowed," as you truly say,
" in many purts of the confederacy," and especially is
it so, in our sister State of Sjuth Carolina. That there
exists, in the minds of many, a desire to dissolve the
Union of the States, and break up this happy, free and
independent government, is exhibited in the iffbrts
that are being constantly made by uttering and pub¬
lishing the most shameful falsehoods against the Gov
eminent ond those who administer it now—and I may
say always have administered it—and thereby produ¬
cing, in the minds of the people,dissatisfaction with and
hatred towards that Union and the government which
has resulted from it. The enemies of~the Union, too,
are continually tiying to make the people believe that
the government under which we live, and have so long
lived and prospered, is a curse instead of a blessing to
them, and that on that account they should dissolve it
and break it up—and in doing so, they not only utter
and publish falsehoods, but conceal from the people
truths in regard to the Government and its administra¬
tion, important for them to know, to enable them to
arrive at a correct conclusion and form a correct judg¬
ment in regard to the berefits or injuries resulting to
them from the Union. If we were to credit any thing
we see in the disunion papers, we should be forced to
believe that the President of the United States and his
Cabinet are all abolitionists—bitter enemies to the
South and to her institutions—and in favor of repeal*
ing the fugitive slave law, and that a majority of Con¬
gress were also in favor of repealing that law—while the
truth of the matter is, (but which truth, so far as those
papers are concerned, is concealed from the people,or
omitted to be pnliehcd by them, or moat of them^lbol
16
the President and hfa Cabinet are opposed to the re¬
peal ot thai law, or to any modification of it—and are
determined to enforce that law as it is, in spite of all
opposition or resistance to it—and an overwhelming
majority of Congress have shown by their vote?, taken
in both the Senate and House of Represent tives, that
they wiil not repeal that law, or even entertain a pro¬
position to do it.
These disunionists too, are trying to produce dissatis¬
faction in the minds of the people towards the Govern¬
ment, because they have to be at expense and lay out
money to regain and secure their fugitive slaves that
have fled to the free States ; and yet when our slaves
ore stolen, or runway and do not go, or are not carried,
beyond the limits of the slave States, the owner of the
slave has to prove his property and pay all the expense
ol getting the possession of him ; but this I have never
heard complained of—and the complaint above refer¬
red to, is now most shameiully made to dissatisfy the
people, if possible, with their Government, and induce
them to break it up—for they, those agitators, know
that the existance of this Government and this glorious
Union, that gave rise to it, depends solely upon the af¬
fections of the people for them, and when that affec¬
tion for them is destroyed, they too will be destroyed.
I assure you, gentlemen, that Hook upon all men thus
acting, and with such an unholy purpose in view, as
traitors to their country and enemies to their race, and
deserving the execration of the lovers of the Unian
and free and republican government, everywhere. I
certainly have no sympathy in common with them,
and never can have, and you will always find me will¬
ingly and ardently co-operating with you and all other
friends of a "Constitutional Union" of the States, in
your and their patriotic efforts, to counteract the con¬
duct and designs ot all those who, by such, or by any
other unhallowed means, are trying to dissolve that
Union, and with it, the liberties of the American peo¬
ple.
We all know that errors and evils exist in our Gov¬
ernment ; and when did there e-.er exist, any govern¬
ment—any human institution—free from errors and im¬
pel fection*—and where is there, on this green earth, a
government so free from errors and imperfections—and
which secures 10 the people as greatan amountof hap¬
piness, with liberty and freedom so unrestrained, as
ours—and yet, I am pained ro know, there are those so
dissatisfied with it, as to desire its destruction. The
dictates of good sense and ail enlarged patriotism
would say, not destroy the Government—not break up
the Union; but to correct the errors, of them, that tend
to our injury, or to the injury of any portion of our
countrymen, and instead of destroying, more firmly
and durably cement this glorious Union—so much cher¬
ished, and the perpetuity ot which was so much desi¬
red by biro, who was " first in war, first in peace, and
$rat ia tnethfiart*6f his countrymen," and whose wis¬
dom, cwwwl «d advi«,it is most appropriate to re¬
vere and act out, in this time of danger to tliat Union,
that was cemented by the blood of our fathers and the
tears of our mothers.
That the vile abolitionists should wish to destroy the
Union does not surprise me, for that, in my opinion
would most certainly accomplish their unhallowed ob¬
jects—at anyrate it would go farther to accomplish it
than any thing they have yet done. But that the peo¬
ple of the South, to avoid the abolition of slavery,
should wish to break up the Government, and thereby
forfeit and lose the powerful protection that the Con¬
stitution and laws of the Union secures to us in our
rights to our property in slaves, is to me most surprising.
If our slaves runaway and go to the free States now,
we have a law of force, in the Union, authorising us to
pursue and get them wherever we can find them—and
if there should be resistance to the law giving us that
right, the President of the United States has the pow¬
er, it is his duty, and he is pledged to perform that
duty, to enforce that liw and, and give us its full ben-
fits, at the point of the swords and at the mouths of the
cannons of the United Stales, if necessary. If we dis¬
solve the Union we loose the right to have this all-
controlling power exerted in our behalf; and who
should be willing to give up this right, or madly forfeit
it.
But our opponents say these laws are resisted and
the fugitive s.ave law will not be enforced, (ind I have
seen them seem to exult at it,) and that we cannot al¬
ways get our runaway or stolen slaves. 1 would ask,
do we not occasionally find—too ofien find—bad men
everywhere ready to steal and plunder, murder, resist,
and evade the laws of the land ? And if this were a
sufficient reason for breaking up a government, what
government in the world would exist? None at all,
for in all countries, under all governments, bad and
lawless men do, by fraud and by force, deprive good
and honest men of their rights. And if there was no
government and no law, there would be no restraint
upon bad men at all, and the strong would govern the
weak—not by the rule of justness and ol right, but by
the rule of brute force. Such a state of things all good
men should desire to avoid, and to avoid it, they should
strive to keep in existence a government of good and
wholesome laws, and obey those laws and try to en¬
force obedience to them by those who would recklessly
resist or oppose, in any lawless way, the execution of
them er refuse to obey them.
1 have been often pained to hear our Southern friends,
in their indignation and just hostility to the enemies of
the country—the Northern Abolitionists—abuse and
denounce the whole Northern people as our enemies,
for we have friends there who are saying mueh, doing
much, and hazarding much for as in defence of our
constitutional rights—our right to a lair enforcement of
the fugitive slave law, and our right to control, in our
own way, our property in slaves. And sorely it is an
act of great injustice and ingratitade, and which ve
10
should be free from the guilt of, to denounce those |
friends thus sustaining our cause against oar enemies in
their midst. We 6hould always, in the expression of
our feelings upon the subject of slavery and our right to
it, distinguish between our friends and our enemies—
approving our friends and condemning our enemies;
for while there is, at many places at the North, a dis¬
graceful coalition between some of the Whigs and
some of the Democrats with the Abolitionists, to carry
out the iniquitous designs of the latter, there are many
Democrats and Whigs there who,forgetting and laying
aside those old party distinctions,are ardently po-oper-
ating together to save the Union and Constitution,and
to preserve to the South, the East and the West, as
well as the North, all th'ir constitutional rights in ihe
Union. And I, for one, am willing to act with such
men, such friends and such a party—a " Constitutional
Union Party"—anywhere and everywhere in this wide¬
spread and favored country.
I regret that I shall not have it in my power to be
with you on the 2*2d inst. The friends of the Union
have much to do, and I am willing to aid in doing it*
for it will require the aid of all the lovers of that Union
to keep it together. Look at the deplorable and unfor¬
tunate condition of South Carolina, the result and con¬
sequences of which I confess I am not able to ioreeee;
but we should be on the alert, and prepare to avert from
our beloved State, if possible, this (I fear) meditated evil
to Georgia from her course ; for that there exists a foul
and corrupt understanding between some of the leading
men of ?ach State, foi each Sane to share the same fate
in this controversy, there can be no doubt. They were,
it is true, fortunately for the country, singularly unsup¬
ported and defeated in the election of members to the
Convention to dissolve the Union in November last;
and now, with, I fear, the same motives and purposes,
they are trying to change their ground. Then, they
declared all old party lines of Whig and Democrat
were abolished and swallowed up in one great " South¬
ern Rights" party—now they say this excitement was
gotten up to distract and destroy the two old parties i f
Whig and Democrat, and that, if the friends of the
Union will come back to their old parties, they (the
disunionists) will graciously forgive them for not let
ting them destroy this glorious Union. What a resort
to get power, and with it to carry out the same unholy
purposes and designs to break up the Union! I do not
seek, or crave, such forgiveness myself. Forgiveness
implies a wrong having been done, and I do not think
we have committed any great sin against our Govern¬
ment, or our God, in trying to preserve the Union of the
States and uphold the best Government that God ever
gave to man. It is well known that I have always been
a warm party-man, but my love for the Union and the
Government it has given rise to is much stronger than
my parly attachments, and I stand ready to give up—I
have given up—those party attachments and abandoned
my party associations, when I think it becomes neces¬
sary, as I do now, to counteract the efforts of thosd who
are carelessly, or without sufficient cause, concerting
plans to destroy the Union and with it the best Govern*
ment in the world.
What a fortunate, what a laudable thing it would be
for us all—for all men, everywhere—to direct their
efforts to the improvement of the science of government,
instead of trying—many of them trying—to break tip
and destroy our own government, which has arrived
now at the greatest perfection of any other government
on the face of the globe. I sincerelv hope the day will
yet come when the people will be thus engaged, instead
of trying to break up good governments; and it will
come when political demagogues and aspirants toof&ce,
without virtue and without merit, shall lose their influ¬
ence with the people by a full exposure of their un¬
worthy aims and objects, intent on nothing more than
their own aggrandizement, without any sincere regard
for the welfare and happiness of the people.
I must beg you to pardon the length of this letter. I
had no intention when I sat down to say so much, and
How I find it difficult to restrain myself from saying
more. 1 sincerely hope good may result from your
meeting—that the spirit Washington may be with yon,
and that our glorious Union may exist forever, confer*
ing upon and securing to all our citizens in this vast
country, North, South, East and West, all their consti¬
tutional rights and privileges, and that with them all
may be satisfied and happy.
I am truly yours, ELI WARREN.
To Messrs. A. II- Chafpell and others, Committee.
Letter from Hon. James A. Merriweth?r,
Eatonton, February 17, 1851
' Gentlemen ;—I have received your letter inviting
me to a meeting of the friends of the Union, to ceie.
brate the birth-day of the illustrious Washington.
I deeply regret that my professional engagements
deny to me the gratification of bein • with you on that
occasion; though absent, be assured you have my
sympathy and kindest wishes. The t me has come
when the bonds of affection should draw together eve¬
ry Union-loving heart in the land. Our State has just
passed a fearful crisis. Anoiher, no less dangerous, it
just before us. Georgia has just saved the Union.—
Her wisdom and prudence have rescued from faction
and from anarchy, a country, which had been doomed
by the sacrilegious efforts of the disaffected and disloy¬
al. The rescue, however, has but served to arouse
the inveterate hatred of the enemies of our government
in other States, and operating upon a different theatre,
they seek, so to control public sentiment in Georgia by
their action, as to force her into a position of hostility
to the Union, which her judgment has never approved*
The recent election of delegates to a Convention in
South Carolina, for the avowed purpose of disunion—
the present heated strife in Alabama—and the pending
canvass in _ Mississippi—all looking to disunion, aim
i7
causes which hate been bet at work in the hope that theii
united efforts may be to commit Georgia through her
next Legislature, to their perfidious schemes of disu¬
nion. And the people of Georgia will be compelled to
light over the same battle, and to struggle with the
wtme uncompromising foes in the next elections, as
they fought and struggled against in the lute elec¬
tion of delegates, hverv efibrt will be mad? to cover
"P and hitie the tnv: issue from our view, in the hope
Uiatpotrer may im ;>ai"ed by stealth, which could not
be acquired by a manly and truthful avowa! of purpose.
For one, I avow In fore my cauniiymen, that I will su»
port no man tor any ofiice, who will not deeiaie him-
h'-ii" a iViend ol this LV.k :i. I will knew neither W' hig
nor Dfiiioorat, and I will support a former DeiTioc: at
who is now a Union man, in preference to any former
Wh«g who is not lor the Union, and above suspicion in
his faith. The past is buried ana forgotten ; the future
I look to, alone. The Union must be preserved ; its en¬
emies must be defeated ; party associations are worth¬
less, and party ties are but a rope of sand, when con¬
trasted with this mighty object of tnantainitig and pte-
serving our government.
Let me ask you, gentlemen, what has this Govern¬
ment done, that we should destroy it and risk the un¬
certain chances of another ? That, in some instances,
its acts may have been unwise—its laws, at tunes, un¬
just and unequal—was to h ive been expected. No gov¬
ernment which man could make, could do otherwise.
To err is human. But th>t it has deserved the vituper¬
ation which has been heaped upon it by its enemies, is
utterly false; and there breathes not a man who can
truthfully say, that he has ever felt the Government
oppress him. It is, and ever has been, the purest, best,
happiest, and freest government the world ever knew;
and whenever it is destroyed, the last hope of liberty
will be banished from this earth. No, gentlemen,those
who so violently assail it and seek its destruction, do
not belieye one charge they make against it.
They wish to destroy it merely to look upon the mass
of mischief they can cause. The Government could
do no act which would please them. It it had been an
emanationfrom Heaven and its administrators had been
spirits «£ purer hearts, irifehter intelligences, than an¬
gels possess, tli<-y wouid have denounced its acts with
as m 'ch unscrupulousness as they have already done.
Disunion, resolution, anarchy, were their purposes,
and they will never cease their struggle to gain them,
until the united action of e\ery patriot, repeated and
continued, shall force them to abandon their disloyal
purposes. Thev are bent on mischief; hence they are
vigiiHHt, energetic, untiring in their schemes and ef¬
forts to secure success. And rotirk my prediction! let
the Union candidate for Governor, be elected by any
i«»s majority, than that by which the delegates to the
iate Convention were elected, and you will hear that
d*nmt>d ft*»*vidwe of mtr and of their gmn.
3
Then as we love th# Union, let every friend stand by
its cause at the polta
Various eiforts are being made to divide the Union
party. We wet® told beiore the iate election, that
Whig and Democrat were extinct—no such division of
parties existed. So saiu the D'^.unionists. The peo¬
ple took thesn a! their woid—they did forget party di¬
visions is, their greater love oJ their country, and the
election showed the Disunionlsts in what ih'ht they and
tlvir cause v.-.;-re heid. Now they teii us, that the dis-
unci ion between the friends and the enemies of the
Unbn no longer ezi.'sis; th« old party Hues do ezisf,
a.ul have, a.-.wr been obliterated. Tiu-y seek 10 etiace
from the pikoiic mind their recent disastrous defeat, and
most impudently ask us to give tlu-in new credit and
frcsn ability to do wore mischief, by allowing them to
take new names und to make different issuen! Hold
them to the issue they have made, and let the Disunion-
istss-andoriali upon their love or ha tied oi their country.
Some say it ia unnecessary to form the Union party, be¬
cause the Democratic party, North and South, held the
principles set forth iiy the Union party. U this is so
then why object that Whigs of the North and the Sou'h
should join you and swell your numbers ? If v/e are
Union men, let us not be ashamed to call ourselves
such. Othersemy that the Whig paity North and South
is the great conservative party that vpll carry out the
Constitution,and therefore there is no necessity for the
Union par,-. If so, why do we object to analliance
with those who have like sympathies and principles with
ourselves 1 It is strange,indeed, that we should objea.
No, the truth, all told ,is this. Unless the agitation ot
the slavery question ia ended a dissolution ot the
Union, is inevitable. The disumarusts a;e seeking to
produce that event. The two political parties at the
North, fcoih Whig and Democratic, have courted and
afr.l;«ted themselves with the aboiitiomsts—wm-, in
turn, have cs?d the importance which has been ihus
attached f> them, to enable them to keep up and ex¬
tend their agitation; aed to secuie their vc.es and
influence, t!uy are coantetiaticei by both parties
Now,so lon^ as Southern Whigs and Democrats, will
unite v,ith Northern Whigs and Democrats, thus cfil¬
iated, so k ag will the abolitionists believe that we en-
teem party, as superior to our rights to oor slaves, and
so long will they continue to ag.taie. To put down this
agitation, the North most see and /eel. that the South
will unite with nc parry which will not observe Gurcon¬
stitutional rights, and consequently oppo-e this agita¬
tion. This done, trie cause of complaint on the pa it of
the South ceases, and the perpetuity oi the Union will
be preserved—bet this agitation continued, tiie Unica
perishes. Hence the disunionisis are for preserving
old party lines, that agitation may be continued and
countenanced. The friends of the Union op;;r;eit, and
demand a party which in principle and in action, will
oppose the abolitionists—will refuse any tiS&coiatiou
with them, and will pat down agitation. LL-re is
18
difference between the two parties in Georgia, and what i
friend of his country will not'mark that difference 7
Let me say to the friends of the Union, rally and unite
in action to preserve its integrity. Let us continue
Georgia in the high position, where her prudence, mod¬
eration and pariotiotism have placed her. She is now
the admired of oil States. Before the election, Bhe
was complimented by the disunionists—now she is
aspersed by the same tongues. She stands alike indif¬
ferent to their praises, or their censures.
In her late Convention, the Union party shed a halo
ol glory around her name, that will brighten and spread
as long as patriotism can find a votary.
In conclusion, permit me to offer you a sentiment.
The late Convention: The union of Democrats and
Whigs for the maintainance of our glorious Union,
was a triumph of patriotism over party, of wisdom
over taction, May both Unions be perpetual. i
With'sentimente of respect, your obedient servant,
JAS. A. MERR1WETHER.
To Messrs. A- H. Ciiappeli., and others,committee.
Letter from Hon. Charles Murphey.
Decatur, Ga., Feb. 20ih» 1851.
Gentlemen; 1 have the honor to acknowledge the
receipt of your kind favor, inviting me to participate in
a public celebration of the anniversary of Washington's
birth-day. 1V3 y engagements are such that I cannot be
in Macon on that day. Be assured, however, that it
would afford me much pleasure to unite with the friends
of the Union on that occasion.
The invocation of the spirit and warning voice of
Washington, at this particular juncture in theeffairs of
this Republic, 1 regard as both appropriate and neces¬
sary. It will enable us to contrast the purity and pat- -
riotism of his day with that of certain politicians of the
present, who favor secession and a dissolution of that
Union, which he so essentially aided in framing.
The former looked upon that Union as the bulwark
and safeguard of the liberties of the American people—
and, hence, sought to keep down all Sectional divisions
und prejudices. The latter profess to believe that a
disruption of tlie Union is the only way to save the lib¬
erties of tl.i people in certain sections—and, hence,
seek to stir up discontent, dissention and a spirit of re-
sistence.
The former foresaw and appreciated the bless".nga
that would flow fiom the cultivation of those frater¬
nal feelings, and of tliatspirit of amity, so earnestly
enjoined by the father of his country—they saw and
felt the necessity of perpetuating the Union; the latter
vainly pretend that we enjoy no bletssings under the
Union—that it has failed to guard our rights—that it
cannot be, and ought not to be, preserved. They even
speak arrogantly and slightingly of those who read
Washington's Farewell Address, and who cherish the
purer and nobler sentimeniH which charactered flie
patriot* of the revolution
The former looked to the acts of the General Gov¬
ernment, and made them the tests, by which to judge
of its value and its protecting power ^ the latter pro¬
pose to wage a war upon the Government, on account
of the wrongful acts of single States—of local societies,
and even of obscuie individaals—thus, clearly proving
that their opposition is not based upon a scivms ot'na-
tional injustice or oppression; but the result of a deep
and settled hostility to the Union, if not, to our whol ■
system of free government*
These last are the men who cry out for "The Cw -
stitution as it is; the Union as it was." I dislike to
question their sincerity; but it really aeenm impossible
to reconcile their professions with their acts. They
pretend to favor a return to the harmonious feel ng
which was evinced in the earlier days of the republic;
and yet oppose every movement, and refuse theiraidarid
sanction to every measure calculated to brfog ubout
such a result. Their course, in regard to the fugitive
slave law alone, It appears me,Is sufficient to convince
any candid man that they do not desire,or expect, to
be satisfied. At first they all declared it could never
be passed. When they found it would pjus, they de¬
clared it would le repealed. Finding it could not L«
repeated', they next pronounced it a dead letter. And
now, some of them go so far as to deny the power of
the President to enforce it!
Gentlemen, it is evidently true that the Union is ia
danger; and it <ioes appear to me that, the only way
to save it is, by & union of its friends m favor oi the
peace measures passed at th? fast session of Congress.
Though they may not all feel satisfied that ample jaa»
tice has been done to the South, and may differ in Oth¬
er matters of minor importance; yet let them all agree
that (he Constitution and the Union shall be preserved,
and for that purpose, organize, that they may act to¬
gether, and thereby foil the common enemy.
I have nd doubt that there is a fanaticism at the
North and a faction at the South, kept together forpo*
litical purposes,end that they will, if not controlled,ser.
er this Union. True* they profess to be actuated by
different motives. The abolitionists desire to destroy
slavery—the (southern ultraisiseeek its preservation.—
The former claim the right .to restrict slavery intht
territories—the latter, through the Nashville Corivtn*
tion, demanded of Congress to establish slavery booth
of the Missouri line, and conceded the power to exclude
it North of that line. Though, thus professedly oppu*
s^d to each other, we find these two parties acting in
concert all the while, for the purpose ol keeping tip sgt*
t a tion and embittering the people ol the two sections
of the Union with each other. 1 hey occasionally grt
\ip a kind of bUdm fight, for the purpose ot involving
others in cifficuity j but are woudrotwly1 harmonious
many of their movements, and many of their votes.
It is against tlieae {actions that the friend* of the
Union uhould unite and wage uncial! u£f war ts t**m
«rry th'ng tr» prevent tl si am told ll 11 <* (44
19
jMHy l.ncs are not to be destroyed, and that the dis¬
tinction of whig and democrat must still be kept up.—
Gentlemen, let me turn your attention back to the pub¬
lic papers on both sides, and see ho.v the .old party dis¬
tinctions were decried during the late campaign in
Georgia. Look, tor instance, at the Federal Union,
and see how those men who were disposed to adhere
to their old partv associations (as I confess I was) were
denounced as paity hacks and office seekers.
But now, this very Federtl Union, for some reason,
59 trying to undo what it had previously done—it is
trying to re-orgnnizp the parties which it destroyed—it
i*» very much opposed to acting with a Whig—it hns a
perfect horror of Toombs and Stephens, and calls tue
action of the late Union Convention a trick of tlieirs!
The Editor ha« written several ooituaiifs and preach¬
ed several funeral sermons over tlw supposed remains
of the Constitutional Union Party. Aa if to keei men
from thinking for themselves, lie has kept up a contin¬
ual fuss over its birth, death and burial.
Pie never stops to tell his readers of that other un-
fbrt nute bantling, at whose birth, he and Mr. Rhett
officiated, in Macon. He does not tell them that it
was christened, tb<i Southern Rights, Secession, Re¬
sistance, Do-somerhing party. He does not tell them
that it was sxoaddled in the cast-off garments of nulli¬
fication—that its first cry was for dixunion~lh&t it
dragged out a HcJcty existence fa a few months—that
it wag strangled by the sovereign people at the ballot
box, and that it was finally coffined by the Union Con¬
vention at Milleageville. If he would confine his re¬
marks to this topic, he would be speaking of a subject,
about which bis tastes and his capacity admirably ft
him to discourse.
Gentlemen, lam a Democrat of the old school—and
the Democracy to which I have ever belonged, has al¬
ways been in favor of the Union. I have changed
none of my views or opinions. Until lately, it was not
known to me that any members of the Democratic
party were openly for secession, and that others were
ready to throw up their hats and huzza at the shout of
disunion. This U not Democracy as I understand it-
it is not the Democracy of Jefferson and Jackson—and
much as I cherish my ancient principles, and strong as
my attachments atid partialities tor my old friends may
be, I cannot desert the " stars and stripes." I must re¬
main the staunch, unwavering friend of the Union;
nor do I believe that a majority of my old Democratic
associates can be inveigled into the support of any par¬
ty, or any men, whose avowed or secret object is to de¬
stroy the Government transmitted to us by that patriot,
whose birth-day you meet to celebrate.
Belitve me, gentlemen, yours truly,
CHARLES MURFHEY.
Td A H Ciumi., ««d etfcfrs, Oomna>««
Letter from Hon, Andrew J. Miliar.
Augusta, Feb. 20,1S51.
Gentlemen: I regret exceedingly that 1 cannot unite
with " the friends of the Union," at the public"celebra¬
tion in Macon on the 22d inst.
The birth-day of Washington is a day on which pat'
riotic Americans may well meet, and while they rejoice
in the prosperity of our Union, and feel grateful to a
kind Providence for the instrument that mainly secured
our independence and union as a people, they ought
" indignantly" to frown upon " every attempt to alien¬
ate any portion of out country from the rest, or to en¬
feeble the Sacred ties which now link together the va¬
rious parts."
Very respectfully, your ob't servant,
ANDREW J. MILLER.
To Me9.«rs. A. H. Ciiappeli. and others, Committee.
Letter from Col. Jobn Milledge.
Augusta, Ga., Feb. 20,'l85l.
Gentlemen: Your communication of the 7th inst-,
requesting me to meet the friends of the Union in Ma¬
con at a celebration of the approaching anniversary of
Washington's birth-day, has been received. I am
mucn obliged to you for this invitation, and it would
givenie great pleasure to aceept it, but as we hope
nut to aliow the day to pass unnoticed in our own city.,
I fc"l that I ought to be present to assist in doing honor
to 5t hern.
In the enterprises of Jaction that now exist in our
country we realize the prophetic wisdom of our great
apostle of liberty. You do well, therefore, to convene
the peop'e to hear his words. Nwto will be damaged
by fallowing the example of Washington, or by being
[ governed by his counsels. Let.tlien h'Mtem'uientsbe
pioclaitned every where, and his i-pir't invoked to de¬
scend upon the nation, that itsjudg ji*\it may be en¬
lightened— that its passions may be sab -iaed,cnJ that
so it may be saved from anarchy and des'rnction.
As yu solicit ray views in regard to those great peace
measures passed at the last session of Congress you
shall have them, very briefly expressed and without ar¬
gument. I was in the Senate chamber when they were
first developed to the country by Mr. Clay, and the
more I heard of them there, or reflected on them since#
the more convinced have I become that tliey possessed
more power and efficacy to adjust, on the meet honor¬
able and precise terms at the same time, all the issues
between t.ie two sections of our country than any pro¬
ject that had heretofore been presented. I then alao
became satisfied, from what I heard from their oppo¬
nents, that if left to themselves they could not produce
a better scheme to accomplish the same object, that
would receive their united support. For a long time
the friends of these measures were in painful suspense.
But at length,however, patriotism and reason triumphed
over faction and fanaticism, and a final settlement of
these reard questions was effected, on conditions that
tii
are too clear and distinct hereafter to be misunderstood.
1 advocated their adoption, and they 6hall have my
cordial support as laws. 1
You are aware, gentlemen, that, in the passage of
these measures, a contingency occurred which made it
the duty of the Executive of Georgia, under an set of
the last Legislature, to assemble immediately a Con¬
vention of the people. She was, then, the first State
that would accept or reject the Compromise in so sol¬
emn a manner. The eyes of the world were upon her;
but, calm and inflexible, unseduced by flattery and in¬
different to derision, she came forth from the mi»tet of
unparalleled and universal excitement, and, at a peril¬
ous era in the history of oar Government, holding in her
hands the destiny of this empire. In her council there
was wisdom, and her demands for justice were made in
moderation. Her voice was for'peace and the Union.
She joined it in 1783, and saved it in 1850. In accept¬
ing the Compromise she created a new alliance of
friendship between the sisters of this great confederacy,
stipulated upon its faithful execution. The position
she now occupies is the proper position for the South.
But the question is asked, can either section alone per¬
petuate the Union ? I answer, lio. There is a mutual
d eye nuance upon each other for aid and assistance in
this great work, and without which it cannot jucceed.
As there must $>e a combination of the! elements of great¬
ness belonging to both, to promote the prosperity oi
either, so in like manner the power that moves the ma¬
chinery of cur political organization must be received
from every section in order to secure its Iw.nnonious
operation. The will, and power, and determination of
the people to enforce the laws and maintain oar present
Government, must be manifested eyerywhtre. This
they are row ready to d«. There is no infidelity in
their hearts towar.is the institutions of their fathers
The children of Washington are not prepared, without
» consideration and merely to gratily the ambitious de¬
signs of aspiring temporary politicians; to parcel out
this fair and glorious heritage of liberty into petty des¬
potisms; they are not ready to receive upon their de¬
voted heads the vengeance of Almighty God, for un¬
gratefully calculating the value of Eis greatest earthly
blessing. No,no! Whigs and Democrats have both
repudiated a sentiment and a principle that was once
the idol of their warmest affections. The people have
heard the cry of disunion fforo the lips of bot'i, and
henceforth they are net to be deceived by useless dis¬
cussion amongst them abont the Tariff or the Ban*,
when there is growing up in their mius>t an army of sap¬
pers and miners, who are boring at the foundations of
their Government. Demagogues may gnaw upon the
di'£ bones of their dead and lifeless subjects, and, like
hungry tigers, fret to fill their empty stomachs on the
vitals of this Union; but they will be driven, from ne¬
cessity, to find shelter in the darkness of the desert.—
Yes, the iwue has been made, and the people are eager
for the cotitrei. The ttur-tvangkd banner has been
raifed throughout the land, and beneath its fnlcta an4
under the lead ol wise and rirtaous patriots, the people,
as one great and impenetrable phalanx, contending for
the execution.of the laws, the conservatism of the con¬
stitution and the continued nnion oi these States, wi'l
go on conquering and to conquer.
The intense interest I feel in this subject forbids an
apology ior the warmth and manner in whi<h I have
herein expressed myself. Pardon me for the length ot'
this reply, and with the hope that the spirit of Wash¬
ington may fill the hearts of the people, and direct theffl
in their pursuits of usefulness and liberty, I remain,
Your very ob't servant and fellow-citizen,
JOHN MILLEDGE.
To Messrs. A. H. Cbapfell and "others, Committee.
Latter from Dr. S. W. Bnrnejr.
Cleugh Dale, Monroe Co., Feb. 17,1851.
Gentlemen: Your very kind and flattering favor ot
the 7th inst., inviting me, in behalf of the Union party
of Bibb county, to attend a public celebration of the
anniversary of Washington's birth-day in th.- city of
Macon, has been duly received. In reply I beg leave to
assure you, that, health and private engagements per*
mitting, 1 will do myself the honor of bemar present.—
But, as my health is somewhat precarious at best, iwxl
my engagements, professional as well as private, require
my unremitted attention, my presence on that occtwmn
is very uncertain. Be this, however, as it may, I avail
myself of the present op(H>rfunity to intottn yt^l, the
organ of the Union party of Bibb, that, whether present
or absent, I am with them in sympathy and purposn
and shall, at all times and on every suitable occasion,
co-operate with them in their efforts to perpetuate the
Uni in, by defending our federal compact autl the la«r$
maue m pursuance thereof.
We htfve, gentlemen, just passed through an ejeitin^
canvas*),during which threats were made by theuufcru-
pulous pnrtizan which awakened in the human Heart
the most ignoble passions, and kept in the back*ground
those feelings which should ever characters the en¬
lightened man of honor and the patriot. Much, vwy
much depended,in ray humble opinion,upon the moit
of the election referred to. Thank God, victory perched
ut)r>n the standard of those with whom it wns then, as it
is n.jw, my j Wasure to act in defence of our confeder¬
acy of States', nnd the mere partizan demagogue tfotid
rebuked before an Insulted community. Let South
Caro'ina secede from the Union, if it be her will and
pleasure, for existing causes; but, as for our betovetf
Georgia, she will cling to the fabric of liberty erected
by a Washington, a Madison, and their compeer", »o
long as the constitution remains inviolate and thehonftt
of her citizens if not trampled under foot by the o|*~
traista of the North.
In conclusion, gentlemen, I hope yon will pardon nw
when I say, that, albeit as much disponed asanyeM
wU>naso«v«Tto throw tbe ttnutle ®f cbamy
21
8> ftUdtrs of n?cri for v.orJs uttered tSunng the beat of
jpust>ion. vi I cannot find it in my heart to forget men
who deliberately marked my door post during the late
canvass, that they might biess me with the halter in
their own good time. 1 make no vows,gentlemen,but
l^vast be allowed to say, I rannct, lor the life of me,
Viow the Democratic portion of the Union party of
- Jtgia can ever fraternize with these gibbet-loving
men in any flection not involving, in the highest de¬
gree, the distinguishing political creed of the great na¬
tional party. 1 have the honor to be, gentlemen,
Vour friend and fellow-citizen,
a \V. BURNEY.
To Messrs. A. H. Chawem. and other?, Committee.
Letter Irora E. It, Brown E^q.
Americus, Feb. 14th, 1851.
Gentlemen: Your invitation to join in the celebra¬
tion «»t the f.itIn*r of his country's birth-day, either by
my ptesetiee or connsels, has been received.
I glaaly avail myself of the proffered opportunity,to
tiiingie my voice with '* the frieiKls of the Union," in a
just tribute to the memory of that devoted oatriarch.in
the great 'arise of tue Union. On the 22d of Feb-unry,
one bunored and nineteen years cone by, mankind
were blessed by the birth ofGeoige Washington.—
That uay,a 6t occas-ion, indeed to icnew our devotn n
to the united majesty of earth's best and happiest
government; especially as we are enabled to do so.—
After having, with joy unspeakable, triumphantly
tebuked the fiery demon of tiif-cord and disunion.
The clouds of revolutionary discontent which seek to
disintegrate ti;e pioud fabric of our government, liay£
been driven away, though we still hear the portentous
mutterings of smothered agitation, leady at any hoar
to burst lorth with volcanic fury at the slightest touch.
Let no triend of the Union, therefore, sleep upon hi 9
post. Let OS, hence, invoke the shades ol, that depart¬
ed friend of the Union to look down from the realms
chi high, to sanction and blesa the deliberations ot that
eventful day, thus to give us Iresh strength to fight the
bnttiea of this Union's ealvt.tion, and hi the name of
Washington, to add new laurels »o the soul-inspiring
cause ot our nations integrity, that may bloom with
unfading splendor in the high Eden of our liberty,
glory, and prosperity.
I have been, indeed, much amused at m)r old political
friends, having themselves, first departed from the
great platform of Democracy, by embarking on the
dangerous experiment of the Nashville Convention,
and denouncing all wfeo remained firm to the faith of
the>r lathers, as traitors, knaves and iools; threatening
them with roaea, bullets and coffins; who now in the
day of their defeat, when all their mad schemes to
subvert the foundations of freedom's fair fabric have
sunk beneath the overwhelming condemnation of the
people—tell tiff not to disturb the hatniony of the
Democracy. While they have uot deigned to dka-
vow, even one of their manifold errors, although Id
tt:e midst of their ultra violence, they disregarded even
Washington's farewell admonitions, to " propetly
estimate the immense value of the (our) national
Union; cherish a cordial, habitual, and immoveable at¬
tachment to it, think and speak of it as of the palladi¬
um of our political safety and prosperity, watching <<• r
its preservation, with jealous anxiety, discountenan¬
cing, even a suspicion that it can in any event be
abandoned, indignantly frowning upon the first dawn,
ing of every atiempt to alienate any portion of our
countty from the rest, or to enleebl- the sccrfd ties
which now link together the various putts " But we
will tu n » deal ear to those who turn a deaf ear to the
voice of Washington.
The qnandnni Democracy, of S >uthern Rights, in
ord?r to ianhi-r the designs, to divide the" friends of
the I'nion," ha»re declared that the deliberations of the
late M;l|edgeviile Convention, Were controlled by
Messrs. Toonba and Stephens. Were that so, no
wi^rr heads, nor truer hearts than fheirs, could have
acted such n part. 51ay the resolves of ihat augus*
assembly,sink deep iti every lv-art, atld never be for¬
gotten. Esoeeiaiy as they form the pixtfotm of our
united aoion as " the triertds of the Union." Indeed,,
so far Irom being led by any persons, our pr- ceedings in
that memorable' body, were the delegated out-iour-
ings of wisdom and freedom that gtehe I forth from
every hill and plain in the Empire State of the Sjuth,
which flowed with uncorrupted married harmony
around the aitar of the Union. Should not the lOih of
December, Iti'il), be counted worthy of remembrance
in the celebration of the birth-day of him who sleeps in
Mount Vernon''»sacred tomb] Would it be too much
to say, that to deliuette the virtues and greatness of
W ashing ton, belongs not to mortal, but angelic tongues?
As has been remarked; " the Romans were ac¬
customed to carry the statues ol their heroes in their
processions, to remind them of the virtue and purity of
the better days ot their Republic. So let us be remind¬
ed of our duty to the memory of him who did more
good titan all the heroes of Rome, by not only admir¬
ing, but fallowing his golden precepts and examples,
by. Stiictly pursuing the line of such conduct, .he
mighty fabric of American liberty, will ever stand the
test or faction and fanaticism—continue to be the
wonder of the world, and the asylum for the oppressed
ol every laud.
1 remain your most humble servant..
EDWIN R. BROWN.
To Messrs. A. H. Chappell, and others, Committee.
Letter from Gen* Williamson.
Lonowood. New-ton Co , Ga., i
February 14,1851. |
Gentlemen*' I acknowledge the receipt ol your letter
ol the 7ihin«.,by »hicb I learn the friends of the Union
«><■)
in Micon con'.cjr.jilaip & paSlic cpiebrilion of the ap¬
proaching anniversary ot Washington's birth-doy.
You invite me to join in the proposed celebration,
either by my presence or counsel. It is an honor to be
thus honored, and it would give me great pleasure to
make one in your midst, (or I regard myself, in deed
and in truth, a friend o/ the American Union. The
enemies of the country cannot deceive, nor allure me,
from devotion and filelity to my country, neither by
" fear, favor, affection, reward, or the hope thereof."—
Hove the country, the whole country, and hope no
cause may ever arise to change that love to hate. My
private affairs, I fear, will not permit me to join in the
celebration ; but, whether present or absent in person,
my heart shall be with you.
Your contemplated celebration contains a "double
moral." It exhibits first, a reverence far the man and
his principles, who was " first in war,first in peace,and
first in the hearts of his countrymen;" and again, it
shows you are determined not to " give up the ship" of
State, no matter how angry the storm or savage the
pirates. Go 011,1 say, in your laudable undertaking,
^without dallying or doubting, uniil there shall be con¬
summated a great national organization ot Constitu¬
tional Union men. This done, you will have the proud
satisfaction of having done your duty, and a great duty—
*>i having your names remembered, in fact, as patriots,
and will receive the plaudits of the virtuous and good
.everywhere; "well done, thou good and f .iihfulservanif
The Compromise measures of the las-t Congress, as
a whole, are, in my judgment, -peace measures, and
shall receive my approval and support so long as faith¬
fully regarded. And I go, by voice and vote, for the
men and the party who will sustain these measures, and
who will rebuke and oppose any (under the circum¬
stances) who would open afresh the s.avery agitation,
whether thev be Disunionists at the South, under the
specious na»ne of Southern Rights, or Abolitionists at
the North. The truth is, there isa party at the North,
and one at the Sauth, who do most emphatically hate
the Government, and that, too, without good cause.—
These paries are bold and reckless. They consist of
parcels of both Wl.igs and Democrats. To defeat their
wicked purposes, and save from destruction the best
Government in the world, it is necessary, absolutely
necessary that all the conservative men, the loveis of
]a<v and order, of both the old parties,should tear loose
from old party shackles, and band together in one great
National Constitutional Union Party. Then, and not
tiJ then, can it be said," all's well!"
Your ob't servant,
JOHN N. WILLIAMSON.
To Messrs. A. H. Chappell and others, Committee.
Letter from A&bnry Hall, Esq.
Athens, Feb. 17,1851.
Gentlemen: I have received your letter, inviting rae
so jen rhefrendaof thcUnon^ in cpMm
tii.g fhe npproa'jhtnj A^tiivrsrry of W.ixhi' n <
birth-day, and you propose to observe ihe day on tltw»
occnsion, in ref rence to the " bold designs of disunion
so alarmingly avowed in every part of the confederacy."
That such designs did exist, ta*t fall, in this and other
States,cannot be doubted, and nothing short of a con¬
viction of that fact, induced me to leave my t»rivit«f
pursuits to engage in the canva«s which prrredeni otrr
Sta'e Convention. I acted from n sen«ie of duty^nnd,
not from inclination, in entering again into pohiHN
•strife, that I might contribute my very hnmbted influ¬
ence t* arrest, what appeared to me, rentj
ments openly and %olcfly advanced. Th1* gicat#8!
blessings, and the most unparalleled prosperity, Lm*
been sernrcd to our people under our glorious c.or\«tttU*
tinn.by the Union of these States. Let us aha irkM
this Union, only when it fails to secure thoie
and a continuation of this prosperity; and God graMt
that such time may never come. You do well, to in¬
voke the spirit of George Washington ; for never whrlff
his warning voice is heard, and regarded in the nation*
can the people he induced to destroy the fair temple o 1
civil liberty, which he was principally instrumental m
rearing. Let us adhere o the " Union ot our fath¬
ers;" let tis not calculate its value,nor look forward
to a time for it? dissolution ; for its value is ittcaicttlft
ble,and i hope its existence may be perpetual*
I regret that business engagement* will not permit^
me to accept the invitation to be with voo in perron,
with which you have honored me, but I shall lie with
you in heart and spirit. »
| Very respectfully, vonrs,
ASBURY HULL.
To Messrs. A. II. Chappell, and others,Committee.
. Letter from H.>n. J. Phillips Phoenix.
House or Representatives.)
Washington, Feb. 19th, 1851. *J
Gentlemen:—1 have the honor to acknowledge
your invitation to join the friends of the Unron in Ma¬
con, in celebrating the anniversay of the birth-day of
Washington.
These appeals are ominous of the prevalence of a
better feeling throughout our whole country. They
come from the North* the East, the South and the
West,and afford the most cheering evidences that the
people have determined to disrobe the demagogies,
and take upon tliemwlves the great question, so cio«e!y
allied with the Union and contentment of the country,
and the maintenance of the Constituti n.
I th 11k you, gentlemen, for the compliment you
have tendered to me, but the press of business, conse¬
quent upon the approaching adjournment of Congress,
will deprive me tl»e pleasure of accepting any of the
invitations that have poured in upon us to celebrate
the birth-day of Washin 'ton from various parts of the
coi ntry. Respectfully, yours,
J. PHILLIPS PHOENIX.
A.H CsuxTCwf « i" *>uiR.M-e
.%%■
;.r*ettcr from: Warren Akin, Esq.,
^ > Cassvilix, Ga., Feb. 15th, 1S51. ..
• Gentlemen :—I have received your letter of ti e 7th
inst-,.inviting me to attend a public celebration of the
npprynching anniversary-of Washington's birth-day,
in the city of Macon. It would afford me great plea¬
sure, gentlemen, to be with you on.that day, and add
one to the number who may assemble to do honor to
the memory of him whose name will live tovthe end j
of time ; and to aid you, if possible, in invoking " the
spirit and warning-voice of Washington, to frown up¬
on the bold designs of Disunion so alarmingly avowed
in every part of the. Confederacy." If ever there was
a period in the history of the Republic,, more than
another.that demanded of every patriot a burial of nil
past differences of opinion, and to unite as a band of
' brothers for the preservation of the Constitution of the
■ country, and the perpetuation of, the Union -of the
States, this is the period. Never bclore have the destruc¬
tives, in every section of the Country, been so open in
' their disregard of all the wisdom of their fathers—bo
uodisguisedin their efiorts to destroy the Constitution
And dissolve the Union , as at this time. At the North,
the Abolitionists boldly declarethemselvs " the ene-' i
mies of the Constitution, Union and Government of
the United States and the friends ofr the neto Con¬
federacy of Northern Stales " At the South, even
in our own loved Georgia, the Disunionists,with equal
boldness, and not more prudence, announce themselves
in favor of^'secession," and declare that their efforts
to destroy the Union, shall "outlive the Govefntnent
while in a Sister State, the people; are invoked to
atiite and "form one of the most splendid empires,
(a Southern Confederacy) onvohich the tun has ever
shone" 'The occasion is fit then. gentlemen, for Con¬
stitutional Union men to meet and take cr unsel to¬
gether, how to preserve the liberty of the people,
; and avert the dire calamity which ihe Abolitionists and i
Disunionists seem determined to bring upon the coun¬
try. - How this can best be done, I cannot pretend to
eay. Allow me to guggesi,*however,« that we should
adhere with unflinching firmness to the great measures
recently adopted by the patriots, in Congress for the
settlement, a final settlement, as I hope, of the disturb¬
ing cause,and the restoration of peaee and harmony
to every section ; and in all, our elections, both State
and National, supportthose, only, who are willing to
abide by them. Let the enemy of those measures, be
looked upon ad the enemy of the Government, and un-
^ worthy to be trusted; for he who would break them up
under existing circumstances, and plunge the country
/ againinto that fiery ordeal through which it has just
passed, wo«ld not long hesitate io my opinion, tb break
op th* Union., With such an one, whatever may have
been Ms former political associations, I can never fra¬
ternize* But, gentlemen* I am not prepared to advise;
bat jtermlt i»e, in the language ©f^the Father of tb*
Constitntiw," to tey,"tbe adfrioe r.enrest to my heart.
ard deepest in my conviction,in, that the U»ion ofih<e •
fetates be cherished and per^taated. j Let the open ■
enemy to it, be regarded, as a Pandora with her box
opened ; and the disguised one, as the serpent creep¬
ing with his deadly niles intoParadise.'\,j ; t „ *
: ► I regret, gentlemen,. Ahat professional-engagements
will not allow me to accept the invitation with which
you Rave honored me4 With high regard, I am your
friend and fellow-citizen, -
• WARRE^f AKIN*., ■
To Messrs, A; H. Cfattslv, and others, committee.
Letter from Alexander McDongald* E*q. *.
j i - Columbus Feb. 10th, 18S1. .
Gentlemen:—Your very polite letter, inviting me
to a public celebration of the approaching anniversary
of Washington's birth-day, is beloreme. Pre-engage-
ments of a confidential and professional, nature, pre¬
clude the possibility ol a compliance on my part, with
your invitation. ■ To you, as the patriotic originators
of this celebration,; amid the present alarming attack,
of Disunionists upon the Constitution—the master-work
of Washington, I tender my heart-felt thanks. If, at
the celebration, a sentiment be in order, 1 humbly beg.
you to offer the following i , / . „
The Bulwarks of the Constitution and the Union :
The good sense to understand the life, character and
services of, Washington—the bold and honest, heart
ever to venerate the la tter, and lore ver defend the torm- ,
er.' The noblest pride of a Georgian. To have his
name enrolled as one in the army of seventy <dd thou-"
sand Constitutional Union voters, who have the sense to ■
understand the one, and the honesty to defend tho
whole. , . f - ,,
With the highest respect, your obedient servant,^
, ALEXANDER McDOUGALD.
■.> To Messrs. A. H. ChapfelC, and others, committee.,
Letter from P.< M. Goodman, Esq. .
• \ : v Marietta, Feb. 14, 1851.
Gentlemen :—! have delayed acknowledging the re¬
ceipt of your invitation, to attend the celebration of
the 22nd in Macon, in the hope of being able to partic¬
ipate-with you on that occasion. Being unable to at¬
tend,you will permit me briefly to make a few sugges¬
tions respecting my own views of the organization of
the Unjon Party.
1 have acted since my majority with the now extinct
.< Democratic party of Georgia. I.am conducting a pa¬
per which has been manly sustained by the now ex-
; tinci' Whig patty. ,The position involves in my mind,
no,inconsistency, inasmuch as my views and the views,
of the patrons of my paper are coincident upon ques¬
tions of far greater importance than any which have
heretofore occupied the public miftd. , * , ,
This is also the position now occupied by the best
portions of both' of the old parties. For years kept
apart by slight diflerenceeof oprnifh,'when the opp<N>
A » * *n t * „ , , .
1 unity off-ruffe* * dwplnji of coftesrvatiw feeling—
when the country called for patriotic devotion/'.{hey
laid aside partisan prejudices, and moved boldly up to
the only "platform lel'tlhemfur the defence, of th6
Union.and Constitution. * Nor has die movement been
controlled by- the fimits ol oor ewo State.-+ The history
*«£ the Southern Stat, s "Mil in futnre.; bedittle ^Ise'than
a history of the Unioifantf Disunion paw w.». J •"" * if >■' .
v lu view* of this fact;! would'subm'it it n<t an opinion,
■ with nil due difference, ihbi.' the .organization*ef the
Cimaututioiral Union Paity, should not ivst 'alone ott
• the.late Compromise measures, but should extend ever
the broad foundation defined by its tit lei' Such all ot>,
tjhniznti&n would not be incompatible with ihe mate,
rials of which it 13 compose j, while if is 'indispensable
tu perffct'unity of sentiment and purpose.-' There is.
' no measure now before the country', orlikeiy to be.
(rota either of the old parties, upon which th? members
•of the Union Party may not cordially agree; They will
but ask"a fair construction of' the Constitution—jus- ■
tice to nillsections oi the Confederacy, and unconipro*
iyising; opposition ti? the Enemies ol a Constitution so
1 construed, and of a Uttiou such as we enjoy." :
V j Accept of this, gentlemen^ as'aneviderice of my de-
•r»otion to the cause, and believe me,' i*'!*'."'*' |
^ " V ' Very .respectfully", yoms A
*&■:, X " ■ I ^ . RVaM.'^OODMANI I"
\' -To Messr*. A. "H. ,CHAlPFEU.,and others.conjmittee.
ff , J.l J* ' \>+ "t" I ,1. t f-
'1 * JLetter from Hon* Josiah .Randal*., *
H J i/* Philadeltuia;March , 1851 .• -
j . ' * *+ '4 y 0 ' *
Gentlemen s After' an absence, somewhat- proirac-
ted., 1 returned bom? land found your circular, dated the»
• 7>h ult.'j but tab late to answer it in time for your eele-,
- faration. ' , ' >• ""'T ¥^ ■ ■■ f' *■?, *"'< ' "1 *
- t appreciate1," most highly,theh«nar of being remtm- <
lier<fd by bo. respt ctable a portion of the American peo- j
pie., ,Tb® Ut'tfon owes to Georgm a debt of gratitiide;
" which should n'evef be forgotten. Her'noble stand for;
, the "Uriion and the Constiiuiinn has secured tober thtf'
rtduiiration of everyHrue friend to the perpetuity of our
■ Republic. . V' i"k \ t -'
t- And uow, my friends,'what do you eay to, South
Carolina? 4 What does she "want? What cifn we din
to soothe and bring her back to'her former afBliation-
• with.her sister Siatesl Do not conceal the danger!—*
.The k>!-'8~of a ^ngle link in tbe chain oes.roys the whole.
\i have been a1 'all tiines a disciple of the old Crawford
school—on moat suftjects have Syiripathised with th<-
gouih—^have hot failed" to promulgate' my"views on-
proper occasions, and I would make every reasonable
' sa rifice to satiny the Palmetto,Stshe.7' ^
' *f lam fO iitnated lb.it I sometitnea indulge the pro4
" ject of becoming a political Evangelist and visiting
' South Carolina and laying my views before her nolle
and lofty sons. » , t ' ' r f " *
I refer yon to the proaeedingR-of s large meeting held
♦'■'v., '■ < " ■.■■■
t j * , ' • . " „ ( c ' r
.jw fc'briadefpMa on the U7th uit , relative to the fugitive
flavebQl.1" ,' ^ "j ( t ' ' -• 4
'' Once more I T-xhort. you to do something to arrest
the danger, in South Cari-lina. k 1 "• *
"^'1 remain, gentlemen, your friend and fellow-citizen
' -t tyi , * ' •' _ V' JOSIAH RA"NL>AL.
v To Messrs. A.1I. C11 appeli., nnd others, Committee.
* ' . ' *, „ ' t,,. > \ *>— ' ' ti'P , • V*1 'H " ,
' t ' Letter from Xhomat J.' Bnrncy, Es?,
'<¥ »»^,i •. 1■* Z'"- ' MiDWXt Feb., 15-lSj{.
, -~Gentlemen:^Yoars of th^ tih matt*, inviting in?-to
jolil With 1he friends of'he.Univn in celebrating the
apnronclung anniveranjy of Wnvhington'^ birth <iay hi
the city of Macon, has been reneiwd., Jl won id aJTi.rd
n'ie pleasure to be with you on that occasion, ItMjfjw
Vlouserigagement places it beyond my power. I was one
ol ithose Who at an early peribd took the'position, that
the C(>nipromi»- bills then pettdfhg lyfofe Congress, al¬
though thev did iurt' secure to the South' all she* had"a
:right to 'aehiand; yet 'under the circumstances, offered
■thfe only practicable mode'of "settling amicably the
"vexed question of Slavery'.* I t>ee "rnUch stronger rea.
80nshdvi for acq'ttescltlg in the* settlenientrthat these
tnensures hive become the, laws of the land". "S
have selected a 'suitable occasion to administer
a rebuke l<i those 'who'are still agitatin;? the subject cf
Slavery, by refusing their "acquiescence 19 their meas¬
ures of tlomprotnise; ihe'feby jputting in jeopardy the
peace and harmony; if not the perpetuity of our Union.
■"( VeryRespt-ctfutly, \
; « THOMAS J BCRNEY.
To Messrs. A.'H. CniPPiLLj and others, Committee-'
\ ' • .*!*•» 1 * I *, * ; N ( ?i 1,
-• ■{--Letter from JF..^ Johnson, .Esq.
V*" 1 ■* i -.CiiNTONj.Feb* 38th, 1851.
■»- Gentlemen r*-L ha,ve the-honor to acknowledge the
receipt of your favor ot th^ Tth jnst., in behn.f oi the
Union Parry of, your chy, inviting me to join you in
Celebrating the .anniversary of Washington's birth-day.
*■ Icannuf express, to yon, hoy/ much pleasure it gave
me to teariv*hat the Union1 party had decided to cele¬
brate thai day, a day which ( trun will ever be re¬
membered by the people of this Repifblic, asone which
gav? birth to the greatest of mm, and Whose c<>un?el?,
I trustl'are so indelibly impressed on' the mmds of this
generation as to enable them to instill into their off¬
spring, the importance and necessity of conciliation
anl mutual concession on the pajt of the people <«f
different S ates,m orderto preserve the Unioi>. 1 wi-h
you, gentlemen, a happy day, and could I be with you,
it would afford me great pl»*asuie. I am, however,
necessarily obliged to be absent. In conclus.on, allow
me to offer you, asn sentiment: . The memory ol the
Hon. Thomas Spalding.
' Accept my assurance of much respect, &c.
Yours truly.
F. S. JOHNSON.
Ta A, H. C«Armr , and othf>r?,Cnmrn)it'--».
Letter from Hon. John JB. Lamar.
Macon, Feb. 27,1851.
Gentlemen: You have thought proper to call on me
for an expression of my opinions on the great questions
of the day. I hasten to comply with your request.
The present condition of political parties in Georgia
offers a singular spectacle. The dispassionate observer,
removed from the heated contests of party struggles,
regards with strange emotions the kaleidoscopic
changes of professional politicians, who feel no higher
ambition than success, and recognise no loftier princi¬
ples than the rewards of party triumph. One might he
regarded as almost without the pale of this progressive
age who should venture to offer, as reasons for his pre¬
sent political position, his attachment and devotion to
long-cherished and cardinal principles, with which both
his political youth and manhood have .been indoctri¬
nated.
My political fortunes have ever been identified with
the Democratic party of Georgia. As a Clark man,
a Union man in 1833, and, ever since, as a Democrat, I
have been associated with that party. In looking back
upon the past, and reviewing the history of the last
fifteen years, I see no cause to regret the course which
I felt constrained, by a proper regard to principle, to
pursue. And, in looking to the future,I have the proud
• satisfaction of knowing that the same principles which
assigned me my political position in the past points with
unerring accuracy to the path which duty and principle
marks out for my future guidance.
I have not been a party man from personal prejudice-
No one, I believe, will charge me with having been so
from motives of personal ambition. Party organization
presents to every individual citizen an opportunity of
contributing his mite to the administration of the gov¬
ernment, upon such principles as meet the sanction of
his judgment. I have been a patty man in this view,
and expect to remain so. When, however, this object
fails, any party, with which I may have acted, loses its
charm for me, and 1 shall cease to conform to its or¬
ganization.
The Democratic party had its origin in a strong and
abiding attachment to the Union. Its stern opposition
ta the disunionists of a former day commended it to the
favor of the people of the State, and placed the control
of the government in its hands. Is it not a strange
spectacle to behold a handfull of its former bitterest
assailants, who fell under its patriotic blows in behalf
of the Union of our fathers, attempting to control its
organization to purposes just the reverse of those which
first induced its formation? It seems that, having
failed by open means to accomplish their baneful pur¬
poses, over the heads of Union men of 1833, they had
resorted to the more subtle policy of winning our con¬
fidence, insinuating themselves among us only to mis¬
lead and betray us. We received them among us
when their ultraism caused them to be cast out from
their own brethren. Upon due repentance, or its ap¬
pearance and confession of faith, we took them to our
fold. Relying upon the sincerity of their professed
reformation, our too confiding hands led them to the
very altars of our political sanctuary, and clothed them
with ministering robes. It was indeed an evil hour for
us and the country when we did so, if now we should
be forced to submit to their heretical teachings and
shout hozannas over their treasonable doctrines. As a
Union man, as a Democrat, I repudiate their whole
i order of priesthood. Let them be banished from the
temples they would desecrate and destroy.
If the Democratic party of Georgia is now disbanded
and broken into pieces, upon whose head rests the re¬
sponsibility? For the last five year* there has been
opened upon our organization the batteries of these very
professing friends. With us they called on the North¬
ern Democracy to sustain certain principles in the
settlement of the slavery question. There came to us,
from a large portion of the Northern Democracy, such
a patriotic response as resulted finally in producing the
adjustment of the last session, so just and honorable to
all parts of the country ; and yet these Northern Demo¬
crats have met with more sympathy and appreciation
at the hands of those who were their former political
opponents in Georgia than from these professing Dem¬
ocrats- Indeed they were not content to puss in silence
and cold neglect the noble course of our Northern
friends, but have rivalled the most violent and vindic¬
tive fanatics of the North, in denunciation ol their gen¬
erous and self-sacrificing course. The charge of treach¬
ery and bad faith has rang through their editorial
columns, and been echoed back by every speech-maker
and canvasser of this Southern rights school; and, for¬
sooth, we are called on to recognise the Democracy
of these men! It is wonderful that the human counte¬
nance can assume such effrontery!
Upon what is their claim to Democracy founded?—
Perhaps it is in their utter repudiation, during the past
year, of the name of the Democratic party, and the
substitution therefor of the title of the Southern Rights
party. Or is it in the declaration of their fixed purpose
not to affiliate with the National Democratic party?—
Is it in the constant and ceaseless denunciation of the
entire Northern Democracy, with scarcely individual
exceptions 1 Is it in their efforts to organize a sectional
party, with sectional purposes and sectional issues?—
Is it in their sympathy for every disunion movement
that is set on foot in any hot-bed of Southern ultraism ?
Or is^t in their bitter and vindictive denunciation of a
settlement of a great question upon the recognized
principles of the National Democracy?
If these are not the title-papers by which they expect
to make good their claim to the time-honored name
of Democracy, it is difficult to imagine their grounds
of claim and the argument by which it is to be sus¬
tained. At any rate, there is some difficulty in recon¬
ciling their Democratic soundness with the positions
suggested by the foregoing interrogatories.
26
With this Southern Rights party, as a Union man
and a Democrat, I have no sympathy, much less affili¬
ation. Guided by the considerations already referred
to, I look alone to the Union organization of the State
as affording the only political association which prom-
ses the success and triumph of my principles, and shall
therefore give to it my warm and cordial support,
lam,gentlemen, yeur Iriend and ob't serv't,
JOHN B. LAMAR.
To Messrs. A. H. Ciiaitell and others, Committee.
Letter from J. Knowles, Esq.
Courier Office, ?
Rome, Ga., Feb. 19, 1851. {
Gentlemen: It would afford me much satisfaction
to accept your graceful invitation to meet with the
friends of" Constitutional Union," in your growing ci¬
ty, on the 22nd inst., and unite with them in paying a
suitable tribute to the character of one, who has been
very appropriately called " the father of his country,')
but I am compelled to forego that pleasure.
You may rest assured, however, that there are thou¬
sands and tens of thousands in Cherokee Georgia, who
will heartily co-operate with you in keeping alive, in
the minds of their fellow-citizens, a vivid recollection
of the deeds and worth, and counsels of the immortal
Washington—and who are ready to join their patriotic
efforts with yours, to transmit to coming ages, the
priceless legacy which he and his illustrious coadju-
ters have left us, in our free institutions.
In conclusion, allow me, gentlemen, to offer the fol¬
lowing sentiment:
The Fathers of the Republic.—We will show our
appreciation of their deeds by heeding their words.
Very truly, your obedient servant,
J. KNOWLFS.
To Messrs. A. Ii. Ciiaitell, and others, Committee.
Letter from JEJ. G. Cabauiss, Esq.
Forsyth,Feb. 18th, 1851.
Gentlemen:—I have received your invitation to at¬
tend the celebration of the birth-day of the Father of
our country by the Constitutional Union Party. Cir¬
cumstances will prevent me front uniting with you on
that interesting occasion, but you have by approbation'
and all legitimate means, which maybe necessary to
a perfect and render efficient the^organization of the
Union Party shall receive my hearty co-operation.
That there are those in our country, who wish to de¬
stroy our Government, and rendassunder our Union,
cannot admit ofa doubt. Shall we suffer them to ef¬
fect their unhallowed purpose 1 Or shall they not meet
with our determined opposition ? If the latter, then
no one can deny the expediency and necessity of orga¬
nizing a Party for the preserving of the Union- Itis
only by association and concentrated effort that we
may hope to succeed.
If the Union Party were tHsbanded,asour opponents
with that it mat be, then indeed there would be
cause to" despair of the Republic.'' But let them
not" lay the flattering unction to their souls-" I' '8 no'
disbanded, nor will it be, until all danger of a dissolu¬
tion of our Union is effectually removed.
Yours most respectfully,
E. G.CABAN1SS.
To Messrs. A- H. CaAirELL, and others Committee.
Letter from John Wiugfield, Esq.
Madison, 14th Feb., 1851.
Gentlemen:—Your letter of invitation to a public
celebration of the approaching anniversary of Wash¬
ington's birth-day, is before me.
I take great pleasure in according my most unfeigned
approval of the late action of Congress, in passing what
are denominated the compromise bills; and as a neces¬
sary and regular sequitur, do I approve the action of
the great Union meetings of the country in view of per¬
petuating the Constitutional bond by which the Statei
as independent sovereignties, are held together. In
the absence of a conservative principle in the Federal
Government capable, when kept within a legitimate
sphere of action, of preserving its integrity, the Union
would be a mere rope of sand, and as powerless as the
old confederation. The organization of a national
Union party, I think highly expedient, but have some*
doubt whether the old party issues can be kept sufficient¬
ly in abeyance to admit of a fusion of principlessoine-
what discordant in order to their assuming a homoge¬
neous character.
Business engagements and continued ill-health for¬
bid my attendance, on your celebration, the objects of
which most forcibly commend themselves to the patri¬
otic and law-abiding citizens of our highly favored
country. Respectfully, your ob't servant,
JOHN WINGF1ELD.
To Messrs. A. H. Ghappell, and ethers, committee.
Letter from A. G. Murray, Esq.
Griffin, Feb. 13,1851.
Gentlemen: Your note of the 7th inst., inviting m«
to join in the proposed celebration of the anniversary
of Washington's birth-day, in Macon, by the friends
.of the Union, was duly received.
Fully appreciating the honor conferred, by the invita¬
tion, I shall be happy to be with you, if time and cir¬
cumstances will permit. But lest I may not be able to
attend. 1 beg leave to say to you and other friends ol
the Union that may join you in the celebration, go on
in the good work you have undertaken, and may suc¬
cess attend your efforts.
The spirit of Disunion is abroad :n our land. It man¬
ifests itself in the many efforts of the Northern aboli¬
tionists and free-soilers to excite and annoy the people
of the South, respecting an instituiion, with which,
they, of right, have no concern and no reasonable ex¬
cuse to meddle. It manifest* itself in the heated and
t
I
embittered expressions which daily fall from the lips «f
Southern men, who, under the bewitching name of
" Southern Rights," seek to build up a party, the ob¬
ject of which shall be to oppose the National Govern¬
ment. It manifested itself very clearly in the proceed¬
ings of the late Nashville Convention, as well as the
Legislatures of several of the States, among which may
be mentioned in particular, those of Vermont, South
Carolina and Mississippi. And it is not at all impro¬
bable, indeed has been reduced almost to a certainty,
that a severance of the Union and the building up a
Southern Confederacy was the ground work of the late
Cuban expedition.
The Disunion press and politicians of this State, as
a last resort to repair their broken fortunes, and restore
them to that position in the public confidence they oc¬
cupied previous to the last session of Congress, are en-
endeavoring, by all the means in their power, to pre¬
vent the friends of the Union from uniting in a com¬
mon brotherhood, and to preserve old party lines.—
But it is clear, from many expressions we see in their
publications, that their hostility to the Union has not
abated in th« least; and, hence, the inference is conclu¬
sive, that all their arguments to preserve old party lines
are only so many subterfuges to induce honest, unsus¬
pecting men to follow them into their seditious doctrines.
Parties, in all free governments, are only serviceable
to'carry out certain measures of public policy under the
existing foim of government. Any movement, there¬
fore, which has a tendency towards a dissolution of the
government, strikes immediately at the foundation of
nil properly constituted parties. This being true, it
follows, of course, that the constituent parts of any par¬
ty have the legitimate right, and it is not only their
right, but their bounden duty, to sever the lines of any
party, whenever its leading policy tends to a dissolu¬
tion of the government, and form such new associa¬
tions as shall be best calculated to promote the inter¬
est, peace and prosperity of the commonwealth.
With these views, I rejoice, in common, with all the
friends of the Union throughout the country, that there
was found conservatism enough in Congress, among
the Whigs and Democrats of the last session, to devise
and pass into laws the conciliatory measures generally
known as" the Compromise." That compromise was
tke result of the joint efforts of men of all parties, who
cast aside all party shackles, and united in one com¬
mon effort to save the country from impending dan¬
ger. It is a fair, full and complete adjustment of all
real causes of difference between the two sections of
the country ; in which no saciifice or surrender of prin¬
ciple lias been made. It impairs no right of any State
or any portion of the people ; nor does it secure a tri¬
umph of any section or party over another. If main
tained and carried out in good faith by all sections, it
will forever put to rest all sectional animosities and
bitterness of feeling that grew out of the agitation of |
Thi9 compromise ought to be sustained by men ot
all parties. To sustain it is the surest, if not the only
way, by which we can avoid a recurrence to those an¬
gry and exciting debates that characterised the last
session of Congress, and that sectional animosity that
will grow out of such debates, and which came so near
preparing the minds ol the people for a dissolution of
the Union the past year. And none can doubt that a
recurrence to those difficulties, and that discord and
confusion that we have just passed through, would
place the Union in more imminent peril than ever.
As the last and most effectual way to sustain this
compromise, a national organization of all Whigs and
Democrats friendly to it, into a National Union Party
has been suggested, and the suggestion to a certain ex¬
tent carried into effect. This organization meets with
my hearty approval.
Hoping, that on the ever memorable 22nd? you may
be able to make such a demonstration as will give en¬
tire confidence to the friends of the Union in the ob¬
ject for which you assemble, and scatter confusion and
dismay among its enemies.
I subscribe myself, yours, most truly.
A. G. MURRAY.
To Messrs. A. H- CnAi?rELL,and others,Committee.
Letter from R. S. JLaniev, Esq.
Greenville, Ga., Feb. 20, 1851.
Gentlemen : As one ef the Committee appointed to
invite the "Friends of the Union " abroad, to be pres¬
ent on the 22nd inst., and finding myself pravented
from mingling with you on an occasion so interes'ing,
deem it the least part of my duty to signify my absence
and to express my deep regret at the circumstance by
which it is occasioned.
From the time when I was taught to lisp the name
of Francis Marion, and to regard, with childhood ad¬
miration, his deeds of heroism, up to an acquaintance
with the more elaborate details of our revolutionary
history, and the merits of that struggle, whose results
have formed the exhaustlass theme of the American
jubilant song. I have regarded the celebration of the Na¬
tional Anniversaries with enthusiasm; but never within
my brief experience do I remember to have been filled
with livelier emotions than whilst contemplating your
proposed celebration of the approaching Anniversary,
established for the periodical expression of a nations
gratitude. At no time, since the promulgation of that
immortal document, the " Farewell Address," has the
spirit ot Washington exorted its influence upon the
hearts of the people with more potency and with hap¬
pier results, than during and since the recent crisis, in
which the confederacy was threatened with all the hor¬
rors of anarchy, and all the ignominy of dissolution.
What wonder then, when the danger is suposed to
be passed—when the terrible suspense, in which all
parties have been held, is removed—when the great
26
opposite opinions, has resulted propitiously—if the
'* friends of the Union" should seize the opportune oc¬
casion of the birth-day of that that spirit to give a free
expression of patriotic sentiment and to exchange con¬
gratulations?
When the bitterness of party disappointment can ex¬
ude uq more well founded objections to the course or
measures of Union-loving citizens, than the appropria¬
tion by tliem of that day (or such purposes, it may well
be expected that reason and argument will yield to the
incoherence of denunciation ; and that every circum¬
stance of opposition will be marked by evidences of the
truth that these
'■ Whom the Gods destroy,
They first make mad."
I make this allusion, in passing, to the complaints of
the opposition press, in reference to your proposed cel¬
ebration ; because, when its ingenuity in fault finding
is so greatly taxed to so little purpose, the Union party
may well congratulate itself upon the assurance that it
is so well fortified as to present no more vulnerable
points of attack ; for it is not the practice of a formida¬
ble enemy to fight with harmless weapons when more
efficient means, of destruction are at hand. Fortunate,
then, is the citizen, fortunate is the party, if you will,
whose enemies can charge them with no worse crimes
than such as are discovered in those offices which tend
to perpetuate the Union, by cherishing a veneration for
its framers.
From the humble position in which I find myself—a
position, perhaps,, as well the result of inclination as
necssity—it is not probable that my opinions are worth
knowing, or being known, remembered ; still, as a
want cf prominent activity, amidst recent events, ap¬
pears to have left them in some doubt, the occasion
tempts me to present them here. And to do this with
greater satisfaction, at least to myself, I beg leave to
):iake one or two extracts from an address, I had the
honor to deliver before the citizens of an adjoining
county, on the 4th of July last. The sentiments, then
entertained, so far from being altered by recent events,
have been confirmed. The remedy therein glanced at,
in this connection, lias beA adopted ,and the evils pic¬
tured, arrested, by the subsequent timely organization
tff the " Constitutional Union Partywith which, ev¬
ery consideration, with every instinct and impulse of
my nature, combine to draw mc into a closer identity.
" It our Government has been worth any thing in
securing human rights—if it has been worth any thing
m setting an example of milder rule to other nations—
if it has been worth any thing in confirming us in per¬
son and property—right of speech and conscience—it
is worth perpetuating; for no other nation under the
but) has achieved so high a consummation. And, that
so much has been done, we have the most abundant
evidence on every side. Turn where you will, the
spirit of free institutions has built its monuments more
tiidnrir.g tlinn pyramid? of Egypt as proofs of that eter¬
nal truth, that eelf-government is the true political con¬
dition of man. The growth of this country, in popula¬
tion and wealth, finds no parallel in preceding times;
and it can only be refered to the spread of virtue, mor»
als and intelligence, under the benign influence of free
institutions. These,by reciprocal action, have made
us, as a nation, all we could wish to be at home, and
all we could hope to be abroad.
Free as it is powerful and rich, adapted to the people
and the people to it; why shall not our government be
handed down in perpetuity? What existing defects
are there to thwart such expectation ? There are none.
The goveinment is just what it ought to be, and wil'
accomplish all it was intended to accomplish, if rightly
administered. And this depends upon the people
themselves. The men they delegate to administer and
make law, must be worthy of their trust. Ignorant
and corrupt representatives, if let alone, would spoil
the best government ever devised. Power in their
hands, however well regulated, would soon be shaken
from its balance for tyranny and oppression. In order
to select worthy and intelligent representatives, the
people must be worthy and intelligent themselves. It
will not do to think that the government, because it
happens to be a good one, will necessarily be rightly
administered. Such a doctrine, if not generally enter¬
tained by the people, has, at least, been too generally
adopted in practice to accord with their best interests.
By it not only the rights of property ; but the Union
itself has been placed in jeopardy. Look at the scenes
recently enacted in some of your State Legislatures?
Look at the scenes recently enacted and now enact¬
ing in Congress ? Places intended for orderly and wise
Counsels for the public welfare, are changed into
Theatres for fighting and wrangling. They have be¬
come a reproach to any people—much more to such as
boast a capacity for self-government. The citizens of
these Slates, have too long tolerated the repetition of
such scenes. They have borne and forborne, with
selfish politicians, party tricksters, fanatics and dema¬
gogues, until forbearance ceases to be a virtue.
What then, will you dissolve this government, so
fruitful in blessings, for its mal-administration ? What
madness? Is there no remedy against mis-govern¬
ment but revolution ? There is a safe and easy one.—
You have only to assert your rights at the "ballot
box." Turn out these factionists and demagogues from
their places of trust, as were the "money changers" in the
Temples of old. Turn them out from places too long
abused ; for, like these same " money changers," they
defile the Temples built for noble purposes than those
to which they have been perverted.
If yoa want the question of slavery settled as it
ought to have been, and might have been long ago,
renovate your Legislatures—renovate Congress!—
Select froth your midst, men who have not spent their
' lives' in seeking office—men who have not sunk honor,
29
virtue, and love oi country to themeretricious pleasures
and rewards of parly struggles and pnrty victories—
Select men whose life and conduct guarantee a readi¬
ness to sacrifice self and party to ihe good of the whole
country. With such men in Congress, »he question of
slavery so menacing to ihe peace of this Union, would
be scouted from Halls in which it never should have
entered.
Why is it we hear so much talk ofa'dissolution of the
Union ? Why is a question arising in the national coun¬
cils, permitted to threaten the integrity of that instru¬
ment which we have been taught to regard as a legacy
above all price ? Who is it that have Been so diligent
familiarizing the American mind with the likelihood
of an event which we have been taught to believe nev
er could happen ? Go into the cliques and secret con-
clavesof that class of men of which 1 have just spoken
and the question will be answered.
Contemplate for a moment the dissolution of this
Union ! What would beeome of the glowing page of
our country's history ? What, the memory of those he¬
roes, whose blood now coursing in your veins, was
poured out to cement the frame-work which fanaticism
would tear asunder and scatter to the winds! What,
the cherished associations connected with Lexington,
Bunker Hill, Yorktown and a hundred other battle¬
fields, where, amidst the clash of arms, liberty hurled
back an oppressor, and bore aloft her victorious ban¬
ners? What, the venerated name of Washington,
whose biography is the history of that revolution which
established a government under which :eligion has at¬
tained its utmost purity and liberty its highest consum¬
mation ? What, these broad States, the nurseries of
art, science and virtue—all linked together by a bond
thought by tur fathers to be indissoluble. These States
owning as a joint property, territories whose native
wealth exceeds, in fact, the golden creations,once float¬
ing in the mind of Eastern conjurers'? What, your na¬
tional archives, records and monuments—your armies
and navies, at once the evidences and support of your
national greatness and glory ? What, your 4th of Ju¬
ly orations and barbecues and jubilees ? What the
Fla& of the Union, so long floating over the '-"landof
the free and the home of the brave 1" What this com¬
mon country, whose lessons on popular liberty are
borne back to European soil, where the crumbling of
thrones and the portentous up-heaving ot the masses,
to long enslaved, tell with eloquent tongues the part
she is taking in universal emancipation ?
In such an event, the reign of terror which desolated
the old world, would be revived here in all its ho rors;
and this new soil, sacred to liberty, would be spurned as
a plague-spot from the family of nations- Such an
event must never occur. To use the language of that
hero and patriot, who though dead, still speaks to us;
" the Union must, and shall be priserved." Indepen¬
dent of the untold blessings which it daily pours upon
usasapeople, the influence exerted by its example upon
the popular rights ol the civilized world, absolutely de¬
mands its perpetuity.
Discontented politicians tell us that the continued
acquis tionof territory, will break the Union in pieces;
but our fathers did not think so ; else, why make pro¬
vision for it in our organic laws? No! the danger lies
not there. It lies in that licentiousness, corruption, fa¬
naticism, which being opposed to order and harmony,
favors any change that promises to break up vested
rights and set adrift the fruits of industry. The spoils
they hope to gather amidst the confusions of anarehy.
In looking abroad over this amiling land, notwith¬
standing the divisions and wrangling at Washington,
the patriot has but little cause for regret, and much for
rejoicing. Notwithstanding the dark forebodings of
disappointed politicians, a sense ol security pervades
all classes and sections. The planter still cultivates
the soil, expecting to reap the fruits of his industry.—
The artisan still drives histrade with a smiling face and
a merry song. The tide of commerce, unchecked, still
rolls its wealth to the marts of trade. The steaming en¬
gine, withswifter speed,still rushes on his iron pathway.
The modest lover still wooes his gentle maid,and talks
of coming years and happy times. The opening flowers
still gladden every hill, and shed their perfume on every
vale. The charms ol beauty, the smiles of peace, the
comforts of plenty, still rejoice the heart, and crown a
nation's glory. Let the patriot's anthem still rise on
the breeze—let the jubilant song still pour its notes on
a nation's grateful ear ; for the " Union must and shall
be preserved."
Such were the sentiments, such the opinions I enter¬
tained and expressed as lar back as the 4th day ol July
last; and to sum them up in a word, what do they im¬
port ?
1st. An abiding confidence in the perfect adaptation
of the government of our fathers to all the exigencies
of a Iree people.
2nd. A settled conviction that there is still enough
of patriotism, virtue, and intelligence among the people
of all sections, to meet the crisis formed by a combina¬
tion of fanaticism and party slavery, by prefering to
sacrifice to existing temporary evils, rather than by op¬
posing them to bring on civil war, and all the horors1
of a remidiless anarchy.
3rd. The evils of mis-government are not cured by
«' dissolution," or, what is the same thing, revolution—
but by renovating the S-ate and National Legislatures;
by discarding old party hacks, and substituting men,
more alive to the good of the whole country. Tbis
remedy, then doubtfully practicable, can now be adop¬
ted with the happiest results, by the recent timely break¬
ing up of old party ties and prejudices, and the forma¬
tion thereon of the great" Constitutional Union Party."
With such convictions, and believing that this new
organization,so opportunely devised, contains within
itself all the elements ot success, to wit: patriotism'
virtue, intelligence, comprehensiveness, and a popular
30
ftdnptmioo, and that its peculiar office is the salvation i
of the government which Washington and his compa¬
triots bequeathed to us—let it not be wondered at.tha1
I shall be found identified with it through every chang¬
ing fortune.
Religiously do I trust to the all-wise Disposer of
human events, to so inform and guide its counsels and
action, as to remove all existing dangers and complaints,
mid to re-establish the faith of all good men in the
excellence and perpetuity of the Union.
Most sincerely and truly,
Your obedient servant.
R. S. LANIER.
To Messrs. A. H. Chappell, and others, Committee.
Remarks of Hon. A. H. Chappell.
The circumstances, gentlemen, under which we
commemorate to-day, the birth of Washington, are
extraordinary and unprecedented. They are such
as are well calculated to give rise to a feeling of patri¬
otic melancholy, and to cause it 10 mingle itself deeply
in our bosoms with the emotions ot patriotic joy and
gratitude, which belong so naturally and appropriately
to the occasion. Since the last anniversary of this day,
what a momentous year has passed over our heads—a
year, certainly, never to be forgotten in American his¬
tory—a year, beyond all question, fuller of dark potents
of ill—fuller of just grounds of alarm to the American
Union, than any former year in its annals. Within
that year, for the first time, the overthow of the Union
stood out to an amazed world,as the avowed, actively
sought object of a respectably large portion of the Amer¬
ican people. The mad design was leariully aided by
the pendency of questions ot terrible potency and most
impracticable character. The result was, that the lov¬
ers of the Union were every where made to stand
aghast at the appalling spectacle of the magnificent
fabric of Government under which we live, tottering
on the very verge of disruption and downfall. And the
reverersof the name, character and services of Wash¬
ington, I need not portray to you, gentlemen, what
were their emotions—1 need not tell you how every
where they " hung their harps upon the willows," and
drooped and mourned at the imminent prospect of the
early perishing of the great work, to which he and his
compatriots devoted their lives, and on the success and
permanency of which the immortality of their glory de¬
pended. How vain seemed all human wisdom, virtue
and greatness—how despair began to seize 011 the mind
as to the value of the results of their noblest practical
manifestations, when we beheld the very best and most
hopeful political structure such men as Washington
and his fellow-laborers were able to erect for their
country, thus hastening to rapid dissolution and con¬
vulsively nodding to its tall, ere it had seen the brief
space of years allotted, by Heaven, to the life of indi¬
vidual man on earth-
"... what manner this tremendous and deeply huraili-
1 ating danger was met, resisted, battled against, and
finally checked in its progress and turned back, at least,
for a time, is now matter of history, fresh in the minds
of all. It was not done by any particular set of men,
or section of the country, or by any particular political
paity then existing and recognised as such. It was
done by the combined arms and efforts of the friends
of the Union of all sections, and of both the great na¬
tional parties of the country. And well, thus far, have
they done the great, patriotic work that devolved upon
them ; well, thus far, have they acquitted themselves
of their duty to the Constitution and the Union. But
much more remains for them to do. Their victory is
not yet perfect. The danger is not yet over—far from
it, gentlemen—the enemy is still abroad and in arms.
The Hydra of Disunion is crippled, only, not complete¬
ly crushed. In many parts, both of the North and
South, the monst?r still boldly rears its crest, or steal¬
thily draws along its snaky folds towards its object,—
We are not yet permitted to " lay the flattering unction
to our souls" that all is safe.
We have but to look around us and scan, for a mo¬
ment, the portents that hang thick on our national hor¬
izon, in order to see at once that the battle between
the friends of the Constitution and Union, and those
who would break up both, is not yet ended. In our
sister State ol South Carolina, the lurid flag of disun¬
ion still streams upon the air and " flouts the sky," and
under its ill-omened folds, the members of a State Con¬
vention have just been elected, pledged to Disunion—
pledged to cut loose South Carolina from our great
American sisterhood of States. In another State on
our borders, in Alabama, the daughter of Georgia,
Disunionism. though less powerful and wide spread
than in South Carolina, is scarcely less daring and en¬
terprising. Disunion Clubs are openly organised and
kept up throughout the State. They christen them¬
selves with the name of "Southern Rights." They have
but lately held a grand Convention at Montgomery,
composed of delegates from the Clubs throughout the
State, and in that Convention have solemnly laid down
the destruction of the Union as their political platform'
end and aim. And Mississippi too, Georgia's other
fair and thrifty daughter, she has " eaten " freely of the
" insane root" of Disunionism, and has been taught by
some of her highest functionaries and many of her roost
distinguished citizens to rave madly against her Feder¬
al Bond, as against a galling and ignominious chain.—
Her Legisiature has called a State Convention, akin, in
its character and objects, to that which has been called
in South Carolina; and it will be for time to show
whether the people of Mississippi will follow the lead
of Georgia, or surrender themselves to the influences
of Disunionism. And how stands the matter here,
amongst ourselves, in our own proudly cherished com¬
monwealth of Georgia? How stands the matter with
her J It is very true., that the thunder-tones of her peo¬
ple's majestie voic« have eone fcnli WJL ard deep
31
throughout her borders, in rebuke of all machinations
and designs of Disunion ; and Disunionisrn within her
bounds has been made to tremble and crouch to the
ground. But it is not crushed—it is not extinguished.
Driven by the heavy lash of popular indignation, to a
lame and reluctant disavowal ot objects, which, last
Summer and Fall, it proclaimed from the house-tops,
it, nevertheless, still clings to those objects, and is at
this moment craftily pursuing them under a changed
system of tactics—under the deceptive cloak ot an ex¬
alted Southern sectionalism. Well knowing what a
strong cement of the Union national parties are, and
that their destruction must be the prelude to the disso¬
lution of the Uuion-^the geniusof Disunionisrn, acting
under the sage advice of the Nashville Convention, is
now directing its special hostility in Georgia against
all national party organizations; and trampling under
foot the paternal admonitions of Washington, it un-
blushingly sets up and advocates the formation of a
mere sectional party throughout Georgia and the whole
South. No surer road to Disunion, than this,could be
chalked out by the wit of man. Hence, Washington
warned so emphatically against it—hence, the Nash¬
ville Convention and Disunionists every where speak
»o emphatically in lavor of it.
With such a state of facts surrounding us and staring
us in the face on every side, who will say that the army
of the friends of the Union ought now to be disbanded ?
Who shall say that its organization, its vigilance and
activity,ought to be no longer maintained'? Who shall
say that any portion of those whose votes contributed
to gain the great Union-saving victory of the 25th ol
November last, ought now to quit the standard under
which they then rallied ? Who will say that we ought
to fall into the ranks and under the lead of those against
whom we then fought—in other words, into the ranks
and under the lead of open, undisguised disunionists?
or, if you please, of an avowed sectional party, that no¬
toriously sympathises with disunionisrn, and stands
ready to abet it at every turn and opportunity ? Surely
such advice as this no friend of the Union ought either
to give or take. Surely the time is not yet come, if it
shall ever come, when the friends of the Union ought,
in their votes or thoughts, to disregard the dangers of
the Union, past or present,or to forget from whom those
dangers have proceeded and still proceed.
But it is not in Georgia, or the South only, that a
well-organized, vigilant, active Union party is called
lor and demanded by the exigencies of the times.—
Whenever and wherever sectionalism or disunionisrn,
or sectional or disunion parties appear, in anything like
formidable strength, then and there the organized, sys¬
tematic, co-operative^ action of the friends of the
Union becomes necessary. In other words, a Union
party becomes necessary as the best, indeed the only
means, of counteracting sectional and disunion parties,
and putting down sectionalism and disunionisrn.—
Whenever the Union is in danger, no matter from what
cause or from what sort of party, it becomes the dntf
of all who believe that it ought to be preserved, to stand
together and act together for its preservation.
These are principles which must command the hearty
assent of all iriends of the Union. And upon these
principles, whilst the existence and exertions of a
Union party are plainly demanded at the South, they
are still more imperatively called for by the state ot
things at the North. There a most flagrant ana inim¬
ical spirit of sectionalism has long e,\isted to a very con¬
siderable, and, of late years, to an alarming extent. It
is a spirit of sectional hostility to the South, and her
peculiar institutions and system of property. This spirit
has become a leading and powerful element in the
politics of the North. Its fearful manifestations have
been seen in the mighty growth and spread of Aboli¬
tionism and Free-soiiism, and of Abolition and Free-
soil parties; and in a prodigious weakening and cor¬
ruption of the two old national parties. Now, this anti-
slavery, anti-Southern element in Northern politics—
these anti-slavery, Northern parties, which are sectional
parties of the worst kind—sectional parties founded on
the principle of warring on the sectional rights, institu¬
tions and property of the South—this hostile, anti-
Southern element in Northern politics; these hostile
anti-Southern parties at the North, must be held in
check—must be put down, or the Union must eventu¬
ally fall. It must fall under the combined blows of those
Northern parties,and of the Southern sectionalism and
disunionisrn which are their reactionary offspring.
Surely in these facts there is enough to show that a
solemn, patriotic obligation—a high, patriot.c necessity
—rests on all lovers of the Union at the North, to co¬
operate and act together for the salvation of the Union.
And things there are taking this patriotic direction.—
The disturbing, Union-endangeiing principle of anti-
slavery agitation has, to a great extent, broken up or
weakened the old party organizations, and the sound
portions of those parties are every day more and more
coalescing and making common cause against anti-
slavery agitation in every form. They are entitled
to the thanks, the cheers, the prayers, the aid and co¬
operation of the South. If they but receive these, their
success is morally certain. Then, let us cheer them on.
Let us extend to them the right-hand, the full heart ot
fraternit.y And, whilst we do this,let us be also a little
stern in our own friendships. Let us declare to them
that, after what we have done in Georgia—after we
have, for the purpose of putting down disunionisrn in
our midst, laid aside all old party divisions, and con¬
structed new party relations on the grand Constitutional
Union platform, and after we have, by so doing, won a
great and indispensable triumph for the Union, and still
stand ready to do further battle and win future triumphs
in the same glorious cause—let us, I say, declare to
them that, having done thus much ourselves, we feel
that we have a right to demand that the Iriends of the
Union at the North shall not fall short of the example
32
which we have set; that we have a right to demand
that they shall discard all excuses, all delays; that they
shall bury, as we have done, all old pariy feuds,and
bring their united, well-organiEed strength to bear, in
invincible warfare, on (hat deadly enemy ol the Union
which stalks abroad in their midst—on Abolitionism
Free-soilism and anti-slavery agitation, under whatever
name or shape it may appear. They must make their
joint arms tell effectually—tell overwhelmingly—against
their enemy on all occasions at the polls.
Gentlemen, this is the result to which, as I confi¬
dently believe, things are working at the North. With
all those who are carrying forward this good work a1
the North, the friends of the Union at the South will
cordially fraternise and co-operate; and, under the aegis
ot the great national union organization which must thus
grow up, the Constitution and the Union will be alike
maintained in safety, and blessed with a new and (may
we not hope?) an interminable lease of existence.
Gentlemen, I have detained you too long. Allow
me to conclude by offering the following sentiment :
Our Country—our whole Country: When the noble
old ship of the Union, which Washington labored so
mightily to construct, launch and get under Way, is be¬
set with perils, let us not run her, nor permit her to be
run. on th« breakers of dismemberment and destruction!
but let all hands patriotically join in working together
for her deliverance, and in keeping her on her glorious
way.
Remarks of Col. A. H. Kenan,
Mr President:—I congratulate you,sir,upon the
occasion for which we have met—and I experience, in
imagination, the great difference in meeting you and
our Union friends, over the viands of a rich, a happy
and prosperous country, to commemorate a nation's
proud inheritance, to being assembled by the rollofthe
drum, or the war-clarion's blast! to count the cost, or
weigh the consequences of a dissolution of our Gov¬
ernment.
In viewing the crisis that we have just passed;in
which were tossed and rocked the fears ol the brave,
and the follies of the wise, it is pleasant to see our ad¬
versaries, who so recently were moved to frenzy's
verge, acquiescing in the measures of our recent Con¬
vention, and repudiating the heresy of secession, or a
dissolution of our Union, as a phantom! mistaken by
them for patriotism—and pursued with a zeal that
gathered strength from resistance; until the peo¬
ple rallied and spoke! The magnanimity of the weak,
and the disinterestedness of the mistaken, or deluded,
are Qonsoling; and while these virtues give respect for
their patriotism, they awaken the greater watchfulness
to their action—and in fraternal feeling let us welcome
them to the peaceful shade of their "grape vines" and
(not"black-jacksbut) "fig-trees!"
Our adversaries object to our using the name of
Constitutional Union Party! What other name
would so fully exprensthe cardinal principle by which
we are united ? What other party can preserve the
government of the Father of his country ? What oth¬
er party, than a party formed Irom all sections and all
classes for the preservation of the Union, upon consti¬
tutional principles, can perpetuate 'he blessings of the
American Republic ? The name of the Union covers
in cluster, the pursuits of happiness and the blessings
of liberty, whose light, shining alike upon the cottage
and the palace, gives protection and security to all. It
is synonymous with American, which is an expression
of' our rational attachments, and which "exalts the
just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation de¬
rived from local discriminations."
They object to our celebration upon this day! This
day! the most appropriate of all the eventful days in
our national history, for Union men—for men of all
parti s, to meet, and rising above the murky vapors cf
party, sacrifice at the aliar ol their common country,
all former unmeaning party prejudices, and in mingled
sympathies, dedicate the Union of their energies and
patriotism to the preservation and perpetuity of the
Government of the Father of his country. Sir, the
day is peculiarly appropriate. We meet to celebrate
Washington's birth, and to "frown" upon sectional
divisions and disunion enterprises, which covertly
seek to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown.
For the preservation of our Union, we have but
to remember and observe the immortal truths in his
Farewell Address, whose light, like the reflection
of the setting sun, glitters and shines upon the bright
surface of an up-lifted shield.
Sir, this priceless inheritance gives no countenance
to the sentiments of disunion or secession, the Ser-
1 bonian bog of reckless ambition and anarchy, in
which, not only the fairest system of confederated
government, which the Almighty has ever given to
man, but the equality and rights of States, and of
Southern States, would be sunk and lost forever.
The Union, sir, of these States, like the keystone
to an arch, is not only necessary to us as American
citizens, in the enjoyment of liberty and the pursuit of
happiness, but the fulfilment of the proud destiny of
model Republic 1 Dissolve our present Union, and
another could not be formed for which you could excite
the same devotion and reverence ; it would want the
revolutionary cement. There is no heroic beauty in
the contemplation of a disruption of those ties which
unite us. There is no chivalry in the deed. There is
no patriot but would grieve to "see so bright a mora,
vanish in so dark a noon."
As unavailing would it have been for the Philistines
to have attempted to bind to earth the fiery chariot of
the Prophet, when he ascended to Heaven, as for dis¬
loyalty and sedition to corrupt and denationalize the
American heart.
I will not doubt but that even our sister, South Car¬
olina, at present the canopas or dancing star of the
to ft
03
American constellation,} in the patriotism arid wisdom
of her public sentiment, will reconsider and continue
to move within the orbit of her constitutional revolu¬
tions.
1 have 6een, sir, in the revery of fancy, the grave of
a mar'.yr-^of a fire-eatiijg martyr, and upon the tablet,
was this inscription: " died of martyrdom, which
proves that I was not a knave, but does not necessarily
prove, that I should not have been " cut lor the sim¬
ples J"
Allow me in conclusion to give you a sentiment:
" The Constitutional Union Party of Bibb: The
first in the field—her light like flying artillery,dispelled
the gloom of disunion."
Remarks of Hon. E. A. Nis>bet.
Mr. President and Gentlemen:—The muse of
history, in her survey of the whole range of human
events, will find no more pleasing and grateful task
than to record the virtues and sacrifices of the men
referred to in the toast which has just been announced-
I mean the great men, who projected and carried,and
now sustain, what are known as the compromise
measures of the last session of Congress. It will be
her duty, and alike her pleasure, to piece them on the
same high level with him, the anniversary of whose
birth we now commemorate—the immortal Washing¬
ton. In the letter of invitation to this festival, which
you did me the honor to address to me, your committee
felicitously refer to a habit of the Romans, of preced¬
ing on their great occasions, the processions of the
people, with the statues of their departed worthies; that
their virtues living in the memory, might influence, and
form the character of the young. The statue of
Washington, carved in the memory, and engraved on
the heart of the American people, we this day hold
up to the admiration of his country men. It is a fitting
occasion for such an exhibition. The times require it,
the dangers of the day demand it. We come into the
presence of Washington—we invoke his illustrious
name, his heroic virtues, and his unparalleled sacrifices
in behalf of the Union. His moral and intellectual
statue, in its majestic proportions, is before us. It
heads the procession of this dav. And with it, we
present te the admiration of the world, the living
breathing, embodiment of truth, virtue and patriot sm,
singly and collectively—the compromisers of 1850.—
Their services will be recorded, when the history of
these times shall be written in letters of living light.—
All who contributed to the settlement at Washington,
and in the States, are entitled to, and will receive, the
gratitude of the nation. AH honor too," to tho people
and especially to the people of Georgia, who, unawed
by threats—unseduced by the arts aud intrigues of
demagogues—unaided in many sections by their party
leaders, in despite of confusion, uproar, and skilfully
sounded alarms, steadily and firmly sustained the
Union and the friends of the Union, in the late portent¬
ous struggle. There are some of these distinguished
patriots, who rise high above their fellows. Giants
upon whose shoulders the heavens may well rest. Clay,
Webster, Cass, Dickinson. I scarce'v ksiow what to
say, as I have time tossy but II'. tie of the J? historic
names. For one, I admire, reverence, and thank them,
and so do good men by the millions all over this rejoic¬
ing land. Their acts have guaranteed their immor¬
tality. How often do you find man, rivals in fame—
aspirants to the highest offices o! ihe Government—
leaders of party—bred in diSirer.t political schools, and
hailing from remote sections; lay ar ide the honorable
rivalry tor fame, abandon the hopes of office, break
down the barriers of party, forget the prejudice o(
ancientopinions,and toregoingthe interests of sections,
unite in one grand e;T«i t to save their common and en¬
dangered country ? But rarely. History affords but
few instances of such a triumph ol patriotism, over
all inferior passions. Here is a coalition, which may
redeem for a century to come, the usually conceded
opprobrium of that word. Do you think, gentlemen,
that these men will not live in history? Shall their
deeds ever fade from its pagy? Shall they die to tho
memory of the {thick coming generations? Die, they
shall not. You all, 1 doubt not, recollect the story of
my uncle Toby and the poor Lieutenant. You
remember when the Coporal insisted that Le Fevre
must die, how my uncle Toby, in the excess of his
kindly,feeling, swore by his Maker that he should not
die. I feel very much as my uncle Toby felt. Shall I
confess it. I feel like swearing that these men shall
not die. Were it not profane—could I be assured that
the recording angel would, with a sympathetic tear,
blot the oath from the registry of heaven, I am not so
sure but that I would, in fact, swear. Mr. President,
God, in justice to the eminent political virtues of these
statesmen, will not permit their names to perish. Of
that, I have the faith of assurance. ?.Ir. Clay, known
throughout Christendom, as the wisest, most practical,
most independent, and most generous statesrr.au of the
age, was just the man for the occasion. His age, his
position, his disinterestdness, the strong hold which he
has upon the confidence of the country, the enthusi¬
asm which accumulating years cannot quench, and an
eloquence which sits upon his tongue like the celestial
flame, which sat upon the disciples on the day of penti-
cost; all marked him as the leader of the sacred cohort.
He fell not below the dignity of the august occasion.
The voice, which for half a century, has electrified the
nation—which cast the armies of the republic, like an
avalanche, upon the foe, in the war of 1812; was heard
again, like the trump of God on Sinai's Mount, wax¬
ing loader and louder, to reverberate over the moun¬
tains and valliesof this vast Empire, arouzing public
sentiment, and rallying the people to the rescue of the
constitution and the Union. The people came at his
bidding, and lo! now white Winged peace presides
34
over the councils of tbe nation. Hischaplet of renown
needs no other, or greener wreath.
I was very much impressed with a passage in one ef
Mr. Webster's recent letters. The idea is this. Had I
not raised my voice against the dissolution of the Union,
and sought by all the means in my power to prevent so
melancholy a catastrophe, and that event should occur,
1 should feel, says the great New Englander, like falling
prone to the earth, and hiding n>y lace from the gaze
of the civilised world. What a conception! The
Union dissolved, the world the witnessof the remediless
ruin, and this tall, commanding spirit, in intollerable
shame, hiding his face in the dust, from the indignant
scrutiny of all the friends of religion and of free govern¬
ment. Should this Union be dissolved, what a judg¬
ment will sit upon those who plotted it—upon those
who abetted it, by rash and unnecessary measures,and
upon those who permitted it by supineness, indifference,
or a cowardly shrinking from any effort to prevent it ?
There would be nothing like it, until the judgment of
the great-day. There are times, Mr. President, when
the responsibilities of Empires, and of centuries, rest
upon individuals. The laat year waa such a time.—
There are men so rarely endowed with intellectual
power, and so fortunately placed for wielding it, as to
be enabled to save or ruin a State. Mr. Webster is
such a man. Had he given way in the late crisis, PL
England, it is very probable, would have adhered to
false sentiment in morals, and heterodoxey in politics.
But he stood firm as the Granite Mountains of his
native State. His mighty arm was raised in protest.
He called back the mind of New England from itsun*
constitutional wanderings, and bade it abide the faith
of covenants. He rebuked the felt spirit of fanaticism.
He expounded anew the constitution, revjved the dor¬
mant spirit of the revolution, and burnished the fading
benefits and glories of the Union. He met the
responsibilities of his high place and anmatched
abilities. He will have no cause to hide his faee, when
the world (which may it never do,) shall sit in judg¬
ment upon the destruction of this gorgeous fabric of
government. But with form erect, and heavens-directed
face, invke the scrutiny of freedom's friends.
We have reason to hope, that New England will be
true to the compromise and the Union. Should this
hope be vain, still to-day, in the midst of my fellow-
citizens of the South, I am free to say, that it will not
be the fault of Daniel Webster. He has co-operated
with us in support ol measures which we think safe for
Southern interests. What more could we ask of a
Northern Statesman ?
I very well recollect, when the debates in the Senate
were fiercest, and alarm for the condition of tbe country
began to sieze upon the calmest and bravest men,, a
brief speech of Mr. Dickinson* It was very short.-^
But it was telt through the length and breadth of tbe
tend as an electric shock. It was an outbursting .of
rruth sod feeling. It glowed with fervid indignation
at tbe madness of disturbing the peaee of the
Union. It was particularly eloquent in a single state,
ment, which Mr. Dickinson had the moral courage to
make, to wit: that if one dozen accursed agitators,
North and South, were kicked out of tbe Union, the
country would be at rest. I felt then, and I still feel,
that he was right, and that the emergency required
just such language as he thought proper to use. The
power of the proposition consisted in its truth. It is
yet true. Sir, I could lay my finger upon one dozen
men at the North, and one dozen at the South, antago¬
nistic in principle, and hating each other with intense
hatred, yet agreeing in their hostility to the Union—
who, if silenced, the Union would have repose. The
people are sound in their allegiance to the Union. I
speak what I know to be true in this State. It is agita¬
tion by a few, and that not upon the open issue of onion
or disunion, but upon false and deceitful issues, which
are covertly disunion issues, which endangers the re¬
pose of the country. These few but active and daring
men, are they against whom the New York Senator
intended to warn the people. Those men who labor
-insidiously to prepare the hearts of the people for dis¬
union, are guilty of moral treason, and ought to be
regarded as the most dangerous of all tbe enemies of tbe
best interests of the people. Mr. Dickinson has been
designated by one of your Vice Presidents aa the old
Roman. He is worthy of the best days of Rome, if
not the noblest Roman ot them all, yet he belongs to
that class which may be appropriately called tbe last of
the Romans. Like many of the great Romans, bis
best services to the Republic have been rewarded with
popular ingratitude. He has fallen a maTtyr to bis
elevated and noble statesmanship. 1 trust it will prove
true in the politics of New York, as it is in the church,
" the blood of the martyr is the seed of the church*"
Again, sir, in the self-sacrifice of Gen- Cass we
have a remarkable instance of public virtue. He was
prepared to resign tbe honors of the Senate, and forego
the brilliant political prospects which lay before him,
rather than pander to tbe Free-soil mind, which
threatened the Union. Among tbe generous and just
things which history will record, will be, that tbe
people of Michigan gave up their instructions rather
than lose their great Senator. Such things as these,
speak well of American character. We, gentlemen of
the South, ought to feel prood, both of Gen. Cass and
his immediate constituents. Ought? We do! Are
they not our brethren, members with us of the house¬
hold of religion and of liberty?
Like most men who have taken any pait in politics,
1 have been occasionally betrayed into a degree of
party bitterness and intollerance, somewhat alien to
my nature, and which my eooler judgment has after¬
wards condemned. This is an occasion which justifies
this confession. But 1 think* I may venture to say
that I have outlivedthis party infirmity. The event*
of the last two years, have taught Hie tbe necessity of
overcoming it. For the present, and until the Union is
sate; 1 repudiate party. I go with nine out of ten of
my countrymen for the constitution and the Union.—
He who goes with me is my brother, I care not what
his nime, his creed, his past associations, or whence he
comes. With Mr. Clay, in the letter just read, I never
will vote for a man whose fidelity to the Union is at
this moment questionable. Permit me, however, to
qualify this statement. Not a few of the young men
ot our State, instigated by a sense of Southern wrongs,
(and have we not been greatly wronged ?) and stimula¬
ted by a zeal natural to genius, or to ardent tempera¬
ments, and as we hope without any settled purpos« to
revolutionize the government; have gone against us in
our endeavors to harmonise the country. These are
to be kindly dealt with. There are those too, who,
with a strong devotion to the Union as we claim, be¬
lieved that the strongest demonstrations at this juncture,
would prove the surest mear.s of saving it. Men, as
we believe, erring in their judgments, but patriotic in
their motives. These are,also, entitled toiorbearance.
But disunionists, per se, openly avowed or covertly
enacted—secessionists, whose sole ground of forbear¬
ance is time and expediency—men who know the
right, and pursue the wrong—upon whom years have
failed to impress either the les-ons of justice or wisdom—
these are entitled to no charity, and at my handsshall
receive none. My humble suffrage shall not be given
to one of them within or without the State of Georgia.
Shall I patronise the man who would, if he dared,
deliberately apply the torch to the dwelling, where re¬
pose my wife and children ? Never,sir! Never!
We are, gentlemen, proud of the position our State
occupies, not only at the South, but throughout the
Union. Who can doubt, that if Georgia had led off
for secession, as she was shamelessly and insultingly
invoked to do, we would be now in the midst of a
revolution ! And such a revolution! One shudders
to think of it. Taking her own councils, and not the
unasked kadvice of her neighbors, she did lead off
but in a direction quite contrary to that indicated to
her. Do I claim for her too much, when 1 say she
has saved the Union and its heritage of religion,educa¬
tion and liberty. The settlement,we hope,nay, believe,
will prove permanent. We now rest upon the platform
of the Convention. There we await our destiny,
whether of weal or ol woe. But it is a mistake to sup¬
pose that the danger is over. There is still danger to
the Union at the North, and at the South. The
storm has blown over, the pregnant ctouds Tiave disap¬
peared , and cerulian skies bend over us.
But still there is strife in the elements; though their
rage be hushed, yet still they mutter. The disunion
spirit still utters a voice. It is the voice of muffled
thunder. Witness the tone of what i9 called the
Southern Rights press from Washington to Orleans;
listen to its eternal prophecies of evil, see how it
parades before the country every indication oi resist¬
ance to the fugitive alave law at the North, withholding
every favorable fact; behol I how it teems with every
revolutionary letter and inflammatory address, which
industry can call from the four quarters of the world.
Witness the resolutions of a recent convention of
fire-eaters at Montgomery. Witness the language of
nine-tenths of the Statesmen of South Carolina, who
openly declare that secession is a thing settled there,
and the only question is, as to time. And all this is
not half. No, the danger is not over. Had I the voice
of the earth-quake, as it goes forth on its terrific march
to shake the world, I would employ its tones to warn
the voters of Georgia, that the danger to the Union i=<
not over. I cannot believe that there is any immediate
danger to our slave institutions, either from fanaticism
or political aggression. I may be deceived, and when
the mistake is demonstrated, with you and the whole
Union party of Georgia, I trust I ch/ill act as becomes
lhe occasion, and as a Georgian. To my view, the
present danger lies elsewhere. It is found in the dis¬
union sentiment, which has been instilled into the
mind, of so many of the people of the South ; not here,
no, not here to any extent, but elsewhere. A senti¬
ment which our wrongs foster, and which demagogues
stimulate—an unreflecting sentiment, which would
wantonly hazard ail the good of life to redress an
imaginary wrong, or resent a fancied insult—a senti¬
ment over which the toils and blood of the revolution,
the memory ot those tnen whose names are " written
between Orion and Pleiadesthe associations of this
day, the peace of domestic hearths, the claims of
Christianity, and the exuberant bles&ings of the Union,
seem to exert no control. Strange,strange is it to me,
that in thi3 age, in a country so enlightened and so
wonderfully blessed, there should be found a sentiment
of such stupendous folly, of such atrocious madnes#!
With many, it awaits but a pretext for action. It
must be curbed, restrained, eradicated. Georgia has
fairly driven home the nail, it remains to her to clinch
it. Let but the North do her duty, and the Union
constitutional party of Georgia prevail, and the Union
is safe—safe for a century. It is said, that the forma*
tion of a National Union Party is already a failure.—
Be it so. 1 know how that thing has been complicated
with the committals of party, and the aspirations o'
great men to the Presidency. I regret it, if it be true.
But let that pass. One thing I know, cannot be said
with truth, and that is, that the formation of a constitu¬
tional Union party in Georgia is a failure. It isalready
formed; it is this day a triumphant entity. It must be
compacted and made peipetual. I think I cannot be
mistaken when I say that the future security of the
Union depends more upon Georgia than upon any one,
or all the Southern States. It depends too upon th*i
Union party maintaining a dominant majority in the
State. What,,if the State reverses her position ? What,
if the resistance parly carry the government and the
legislature 1 She will no doubt then lead off es
Caiolinn may bid her. Her course will determine the
action of that party in all the States South of the
Potomac. But if Georgia, as I am sure she will, re¬
mains firm, and ihe fugitiveslave law, as I believe it will
be, is enforced in the free States, then may the watch¬
man proclaim all's wel!. It is my firm couvi«tion,
that if the Union party prevails here, it will finally
carry with it the whole South. And the South united,
will jforce a National Union Party—will at least con¬
trol, by her balance of power, the elections, and thus
control.the action of the government. You see then,
Mr. President, our hopes and our fears. And 1 re¬
mind the people of Georgia that the price of the Union
is vigilance and energy.
I have already occupied the time allotted to me. I
conclude with a single suggestion. ]n the best days
of Rome, it was the habit of the people to require the
boys to memorise the laws of the twelve tables, that
they might be early armed with their salutary princi¬
ples. To eradicate the disunion sentiment ol which I
have spoken, let us require our children, as a carmen
necessarium, a necessary lesson to memorise the fare¬
well address of Washington. Let them con its
conservative teachings, nocturna versate manu, ver-
stste diurna. That they may go forth in the battle of
life, armed with its precepts and with reverance tor his
immortal name, against the open or covert assaults of
the enemies of the Union.
1 had intended to speak, and I could do so most
favorably of Mr. Fillmore and his cabinet. I must,
however, content myself with offering to your accept¬
ance, the following sentiment:
Mr. Fillmore: A plain, strong, honest man. We
rely upon him and his able cabinet to see to it, that the
laws are enforced, whensover and wheresover they
may be resisted.
Remarks of R. R. Cuyler, Esq.
Mr. President: It is an honor to be called on by
this company to respond to the toost just given, and I
thank you for the opportunity thus afforded to say a few
words on the subject to which it specially refers. I will
avail myself of the intimation that success is more likely
to result from well-directed and persevering effort than
from " much talking," and promise not to inflict on
you a long speech.
13ut, before I speak directly and briefly, as I propose,
to the prominent subject of your toast, I beg to say a
few words explanatory of the feeling I entertain in re¬
gard to the occasion of your assembling to-day. I can¬
not withhold the expression of my gratification at being
with you on this day, so universally proper, and auspi¬
cious for the promotion of the great* cause which
prompted you to assemble. Whilst disappointed poli¬
ticians and restless agitators may affect to feel that the
birth-day of the father of our country iB deseerated by
tliis meeting of those who desire to enrol their names,
us a party, to maintain that Constitution and Union for
the feitmationof which the best efforts of his great mind
were directed, and for the prosperity ot which his latest
prayers were uttered, I feel it to be a duty, in recollec-
tion of the blessings which have been multiplied on our
nation by that same Union, heartily to unite with you
in the object which you have in view. It is a privilege
highly to be valued to telong to the " Constitutional
Union party of Georgia," and I promise all the aid in
my power, feeble though it be, to render it triumphant.
When the doctrine of the right of a State of this
Confederacy peaceably to secede from the Union, when¬
ever it may become dissatisfied with the legislation of
the federal authority, is proclaimed in high places,and
seems to be, at least in one quarter, the test of patri¬
otism and of orthodoxy in politics, it is time that all
men, old and young, in whatsoever sphere of lile and
however humble, who feel the just pride of being Amer¬
ican citizens, should raise their voices to put down the
dangerous heresy. At the adoption of our Constitution,
or at the close of the last century, or in the early yeaia
of thi8,such a doctrine would have found no advocates
through the length and breadth of our land. The fear
of the " indignant frown," which was invoked by
Washington for the " first dawning" of any attempt to
alienate one portion of our country from the res*, was
for a long period of our history, potent enough to sub¬
due any such sentiment. But we have come to times
when even the farewell words of him who was " first in
war, Erst in peace, and fint in the hearts of his coun¬
trymen," have lost much of their influence. This glori¬
ous Union of great and independent States,is sometimes
likened even to a mercantile copartnership, which any
member may dissolve by his own act—of his own free
will. As well at the South as at the iVoriA are there
ultraists, who declare that the purposes of our Union
are all frustrated, and that there is no longer any good
to be promoted by its continuance. There is a dispo¬
sition to extinguish, if possible, the fond hopes of the
friends of rational liberty, who look to its preservation
as the bulwark of their freedom, and the evidence that
man is capable of self-government. Is it to he won¬
dered at, ihen, that even the ministers of our holy reli¬
gion shouid raise their voices to warn their countrymen
of the dangers which beset them J An honest Bishop
of Georgia, rich in the affections of our people, has
spoken for the Union. Another Bishop of the same
church, in an adjoining State, who for a long time re¬
frained from speaking of the perils which environed
the people of his love, lest he might be considered as
entering upon a field where he ceuld not properly be a
worker, has at length imparted bis words of warning
and wisdom. Whilst musing on the scenes immedi-
ately around him, the fire of his heroic ancestry kindled
within him, and he could not withhold that admirable,
though short address—that " word in season"—which
has charmed us with its holy zeal for the welfare of our
beloved country. Such an address was to have been
expected, in this emergency, from one known b$
emdid, generous and brave, ae well (is humbly pious.—
Many who live in the city of my residence remember
bim, when ministering to our people thirty years ago,
asone alive to all his rights as a citizen as well as to his
duties to his Lord and Masier. It was he who said, in
reply to words of imperious bearing from the Executive
Magistrate, " I desire you to know that, in many hard-
fought battles in the Revolution, and especially at the
Beige of Savannah, my father purchased lor me the
liberty to say that this city is not now a part ofhis Ma¬
jesty's dominions." Well might he speak, and well has
he spoken. It is ardently to be hoped that his words
wili be heeded by hi3 more immediate hearers, who,
from too great zeal in a cause which they esteemed to
be pa'riotic, have gone very far astray from the path
which their ancestors trod.
Memory brings back the noble declaration of one of
these distinguished ancestors: " Millions for defence—
not a cent for tribute whilst stern reality presents a
lamentable misapplication of it in the recent policy of
calling for her share of the surplus revenue, to be used
Ogainst the Government of the Union, from which is
withheld even the tribute of common respect. So, too,
does memory record the noted exclamation of one of
Carolina's statesmen,in Congress, when speaking of
England and her haughty ambition: " Had I the red
artillery of Heaven, I'd drive that fast-anchored Isle
from her mooringsand yet, we have lived to see the
day when Carolina's sons, forgetful ofthe relation which
they bear to their brethren ot this great confederacy,
openly court the alliance of this same fast-anchored Isle,
and look to such alliance us more likely to secure their
liberty and independence than the hearts through which
flows the blood of the Revolution that snved America
from her dominion.
But, Mr. President, I gladly turn from all political
allusions, and speak upon a topic more congenial to my
feelings and pursuits.
Georgia has indeed grown into a great and flourish¬
ing State—great in population, in wealth, in general
intelligence, and, eminently so, in her works of public
transportation—and her course is onward and upward.
With large area, fottunate geographical position,beau¬
tifully diversified surface, salubrious climate, varied
natural resources and fertile soil, she has been swift in
the race of competition with her sisters of the South,
and she is now reaping a rich reward for her enterprize
and persevering industry. To what are we mainly
indebted for our present high stand amongst the States
of the Union—our marked prosperity as a people.—
The early and rapid gratuitous disposal of the public
lands so soon, as from time to time the cessions from
the Aborigines were made, tended to the increase of
o#r population, and the extensive cultivation of a soil
remarkably congenial to the growth of cotton!—that
plant «o wonderful in its results, and in its effect upon
iheeftBRn^ree'ind the wealth of nations. Fifteen
years ng» these pourees of wealth had told well upen
the people oi Georgia, and even then the State hnd
begun to attract public notice. But it was not until
the State was traversed by Railroads, running through
the mountain region and down to the sea, that she re¬
ceived that powerful impulse which has pressed heron
so rapidly to prosperity. Within these last fifteen
years, as you know, there have been built G90 miles ot
Railway; and at this moment lines are in progress,
opened and opening, which will, in less than three
years, swell the number of our iron mdes to one ihou-
»and. One hundred and forty of the miles completed,
(from the Tennessee River through by the mountains
to Atlanta, on the ridge dividing the waters of the
Atlantic from those of the Gulf of Mexico,) have been
paid for out of the public treasury, and bear the appro¬
priate name of the Western and Atlantic Railroad.—
All the other miles, completed and in progress, are the
work of individual enterprise, unaided by the State.—
The whole as a system, was too vast for individual en¬
terprise alone, and hence the public wealth of the State
was invoked to open the way through the Northern
and moun'ainous region.
Your city, Gentlemen of Macon, was the seat of the
great Railroad Convention of 1835, which marked out
the general plan, and which called for the legislation
that brought the Western and Atlantic Railroad into
existence. The Slate relied upon the energy and good
faith of her citizens of the midland and seaboard
country to open the way from the Chattahoochee River,
in the county of De Kalb, to the River Savannah and
the sea, at Augusta and Savannah, and those citizens
in twin relied upon the honor and pledge of the State
to remove the mountain barrier, and to join their roads
to the Tennessee River, and thus to the fruitful valley
of the West. All the Railroad structures in Georgia
were, at the first, imperfect so far as relates to the
weight of the iron rails brought into use. The most
rigid economy was indispensably necessary to connect
distant points throughout a comparatively sparsely
populated region, and hencs light iron was generally
used. But since the business of transportation has in¬
creased, since it has been rendered certain that some
two hundred and forty miles of Railway in Tennessee,
to unite with the Western and Atlantic Road, will
soon be in operation, the companies between Atlanta
and Augusta and the sea have begun, in earnest, to
put their works in order. Already heavy iron, capable
of bearing the great pressure which will soon be put
on it, has been substituted, in great part, for the plate
rails first u?ed,aiid in the course of another year all
the ways from Atlanta, eastwardly and southwardly,
will be first rate Railways. The faith of the citizens
has been redeemed ; they now rely on the State to do
on the Western and Atlantic Road, what they have
done on their Roads.
A recent visit to the State Road has satisfied me
that the wooden superstructure, although rough, is in
for better condition than generally represented in the
38
nticL.'le and lower country. As the grain crop failed
the last year, it is probable that there will bo no diffi¬
culty in transporting what may offer on this road for
the residue of this season. But the road, in conse¬
quence of the lightness ol the iron, and the briltleness
of the flat bar portion of it, is certainly entirely inade¬
quate to do the work which] will be demanded of it
after the beginning of the ensuing year. New iron
must speedily be laid down, or the road, instead ol
being what it really would be, if perfected,an enduring
monument of the wisdom and foresight ot the people
ol Georgia, will be no more than the distressing evi¬
dence of violated faith, and lack of common sense.—
But even it the State ehall appropriate a sum sufficient
to put the road in good order; it is doubtful if it can be
managed to advanti^e by public officers, having no
pecuniary interest whatever in the profits of the road.
It has been always commonlv charged, you know upon
what evidence as well as I, that this road has been
made a political foot ball or hobby, and it is to be fea-ed
that both the ins and the outs will make it the field of
political strife, as long as the title of it rests where it
does at this day. As the road must now speedily be
put in good order, in common justice to the people of
Tennessee who were invited to join it, and to the in¬
dividual companies in Georgia,and as the cost of new
iron and adequate motive power will cail for a heavy
expenditure, it becomes a matter of serious—ye, of
deeply interesting inquiry—what is best to be done
with, the Western and Atlantic Railroad? Shall
the State appropriate a million of dollars to rebuild,
perfect and equip it, or shall the road be sold1? 1 am
free to confess that I think it should be sold at a fair
and reasonable price. At one time 1 thought the cor¬
porations of Macon, Augusta, and Savannah, might
purchase it from the State, but then the difficulty of its
becoming a political engine, would only be transferred
from a greater to less political powers. It may be that
the three Railroad Companies, more directly interested
than any one else, would unite in purchasing it from
the State, and that the State would sell to them on
liberal terms of payment, reserving, if deemed expe«
dient, a portion of stock in the new corporation, as the
jneans of having a potential voice at least in its man¬
agement. No portion of the people is more deeply
interested in this question than you who hear me, and
hence I have candidly expressed to you my views on
the subject, that you may reflect on them. If a spirit
of inquiry on the matter is awakened, the purpose I
Jiave in view will have been answered.
Ana now, Mr. President and gentlemen,permit me
to congratulate you upon the recent amicable adjust¬
ment of the question of the Railroad junction in this
city. In all sincerity, I declare that this settlement has
given to me, personally, and to the Company over
which I have the honor to preside, great satisfaction,
for thereby not only will Savannah and Macon end
Columbus be firmly united ia interest and good will,
but our whole people, especially that predominant
interest—the agricultural—willjreceive i mmense.advan-
tage. By thisarrangement, your beautiful and flourish¬
ing city, which has shown its spirit and its power, in
adorning its streets with elegant and substantial struc¬
tures on spots left bare by conflagration, will go on
prospering and to prosper,in its every interest. Already
are the people proclaiming, every where, their delight
that this junction is decreed. Your fellow-citizen.* Oj
the mountains, are ready to come to you with their
products, to leave with you such as you may want,and
to carry the surplus, (for the surplus only will be carried
beyond you) to the sea at Savannah. It appears to me.
that the eligible site of Macon, joined as your city
will be by railway to every section ol the State, wil|
inevitably make it the great produce mart of the
Southern country, and as a matter naturally following,
that condition, the great point of mechanical industry
and skill.
And in conclusion, suffer me, as a citizen who feels
all the love for Georgia, which can be borne by one
born on her soil, where rest the bones of his ancestor*
of two generations, and of many other dear ones, to
express the hope that ifrthe State shall sell the Western
&. Atlantic Road, the proceeds may be devoted to
purposes of public education. Time does not permit,
and moreover, I acknowledge my inadequacy to the
task, to enlarge on this most interesting topic. We
all acknowledge that whilst private fortune, and
christian philanthropy have reared numerous schools,
academies and colleges, for the education of)youth,and
thus raised, in a great degree, the reputation of the
State for literature and Bcience, the State has not yet
succeeded in establishing a good and permanent system
of public instruction, without pay, for those who are
without parents or friends to aid them—or having
parents unfortunately too poor to give them even the
ability to read and write. I offer you, then, this senti¬
ment.
Georgia's great want: A liberal and enlightened
system of public education.
Remarks of W. K. DeGrafienreid, Esq*
GentlemenThe revolutions of time bring to u»
no day so full of pleasing recollections as the birth-day
of George Washington. For him who was our triuro*
phant leader in the hour of peril, and our best adviser
in times of peace, the American heart cherishes the
most sacred and reverential feeling; and to day, and at
this hour after having listened to his words of wisdom
and counsel, his memory is more dear and his great
name more potent than ever.
And, gentlemen, permit me to say that the Ameri¬
can States, and the Stat* of Georgia, «pecially, has
witnessed no period in its history, when the name and
virtues of the Father of his country were more veneraf
ted than at this present juncture. 'Tis true, that just
now all Ucalm, peaceful. But yesterday, and the broad
39
bosom of the North American Union was stired with
the piements of revolutionary commotion. Bat yes¬
terday, the anion of oar fathers was threatened with
disruption, and men were not wanting who boldly said
that the advent of the second half of the nineteenth cen¬
tury would witness the formation of a Sourthen Re¬
public. That this was not prophecy, we can kall safely
deny. The future is.however portent and gloomy.
The ambition of some, the disaffection and
disappointment ot others — the spirit of fanati¬
cism—the unbridled lust for power—the schemes of
demagogogues, and the reckless wish for change, have
all contributed to swell the number of a large parly in
this country who are now, and have been for years
past, zealously engaged in efforts to sap and undermine
the fabric of this great, wise and good government—a
government wrought out by blood and treasure, and
handed,down in purity and power, from those to.whose
memory we give, to-day, great praise and glory.
To resist the attacks of these schemers, and to per¬
petuate and hand down to posterity the rich legacy
left us,free and undespoiled, the Constitutional Union
Party of Georgia—"baptised in fire"—was formed; and
to-day we unite to give thanks for the Union we enjoy,
and remember fondly those who formed it*
Gentlemen, I have connected myself with the Union
party,;because I like its platform, and becase I believe,
oh the maintenance and success of the principles of the
party, depends the safety of this glorious Union.
To any one who will calmly review the politics of the
country for the last fifteen years, the truth of this as¬
sertion will be self evident.
For a series of years, prior to 1840, the Democratic
party held the State—and upon the slavery question
tl^ey stood firmly by the South. The abolitionists, by
agitation, by zeal, by indefatigable industry, began to
pl&y for a stake in the game. Hence, it was quite nat¬
ural for the Whigs, out of power and anxious to ob¬
tain it, to give encouragement to their views, by, in a
manner, advocating their principles. This, as a mat¬
ter of course, carried the abolition party to the Whigs,
and with it went the Government.
Now it was the turn of the fierce Democracy, out of
place and anxious to regain a position, to play into the
hands of the agitators, and how well they have played
their part, the recent elections in Massachusetts are
but one of many instances.
In this state of things, as they stand, how are we to
ggard the rights of the Sooth from this two-sided coa¬
lition. As soon as one party, throagh the aid of the
abolitionists, gains the'power, the other sets about to
offer ft higher price for their free suffrages, and the
next election witnesses the, in'* oat and the out's in;
and, gentlemen, this will be the game in the future as
jtbMltaeiKiQ the past, with this addition, that every
jtpgq of parti success will give strength to the demands
vf thrf«noti»«, end the result will be finally tbc surren¬
der of the Government into the hands of a mfeWable
faction.
To avert this dire calamity, and to preserve the Con¬
stitution free and untarnished, the Union Constitution¬
al Party of Georgia must become the Union Constitu¬
tional Party ot the nation. Upon its banner must be
inscribed the Union as it is—the Constitution aSit is.
Let no inscription of Southern rights, or Northern
•lights, or Western rights, or Eastern rights, mar its
beauty—but let the rights of ail the Slates, and the
rights of all the Union be its motto—be its charm.'^-
When this is done—when Northern hearts, true to the
country, rise up boldly and say, I belong not to Demo¬
crat or Whig, but I belong to the Union, I fight under1
its glorious banner, and I make war upon free-soil and
abolition and all who walk under their black and pirat¬
ical flags, and I am the enemy of all who are enemies'
to the laws of the land,I fight all who resist the law—
then we shall have a bright hope that all is not lost/
and that the federal Union must be preserved.
Gentlemen, our party can do this—upon its wide,
expansive and compromising platform all patriots,
North and South, can stand in Union. In Georgia,
never has a party been organized with brighter pros¬
pects of success—and in Georgia it shall stand trium¬
phant and successful against the machinations of all
who oppose it.
Let us then, friends, call upon the patriot hearts of
the Union to join this standard. Let us be active and
vigilant—let us not cease our exertions until the Union
party, commenced in Georgia, shall extend its patriot¬
ic and triumphant banner, and embrace the length and
breadth of the land in its conservative influence.'
Remarks of Hon. Washington Foe.
President and Gentle?nen: As a member of the
Convention, to which such complimentary reference
has been made in the sentiment just pronounced, I can¬
not refrain, as well on my own account as on that of
the other members of that body, from returning my
sincere thanks for this expression ot your approbation.
I consider myself truly fortunate, io view of the result,
in having been permitted to represent my fellow-chi*
zens on an occasion fraught with such great interest,
the consequences of which were so well calculated to
call forth the deepest solicitude of all classes. The cir¬
cumstances which gave rise to the call of the Conven¬
tion are doubtless familiar to most of those whom I
have the honor to address. The question of slavery had
for a series of years, in one form or another, been agi¬
tated in Congress. To such an extent had it proceded,
as greatly to excite the public mindv The annexation
of Texas was made the occasion for much unfriendly
vituperation on this subject. The Mexican War, and
the consequent acquisition of territory, almost as exten¬
sive as the whole of the United States besides, gave
ris* to crimination and recriminaticm on this subject,
which for » long time prevented the organization o
40
Jim trrritory, and produced a controversy between the
North and the South, respecting tree and slave territo¬
ry, thnt threatened finally to disrupt the Union. In
this exigency, a proposition for a compromise of all
these vexed and vexatious questions was presented to
Congress for its approval, which gave rise toamost ex¬
tended discussion. Pending this discussion, the Le¬
gislature of Georgia was in session, and enacted a Jaw
requiring the Governor to summon a Convention of the
people in the event (among other things) that Califor¬
nia was admitted into the Union as a State. The con¬
tingency referred to in said act did happen, by the ad¬
mission of California as a State ; it being one of the
provisions of the compromise act; and theJGovernor
of Georgia issued his proclamation calling a Conven¬
tion. Upon the meeting of this body, the great prima¬
ry question to be solved by the Convention was, wheth¬
er Georgia could consistently, with her honor, abide by
the general scheme of pacific ition ; and if she could,
whether it was her interest to abide by, or resist it.
When the members of the Convention took a retro¬
spect of the action and proceedings of those wise and
patriotic men who have been, under Heaven, instru¬
mental in devising and establishing that form of gov¬
ernment, by means of which, the people of this nation
have enjoyed so much happiness and prosperity at
home, and which has secured for them such unfeigned
respect abroad, they discovered that those noble heroes
of the greatest revolution recorded on the pages of his¬
tory , had been enabled to establish this great system of
free government, mainly upon the principle of conces¬
sion and compromise. They knew, too, that the re¬
sort to this principle was not the offspring of a slavish
fear or a craven spirit; for their patriotism and cour¬
age had but recently been purified and refined in the
furnace of the revolution. Furthermore, they felt well
assured that men who had so patriotically periled their
liyes an I fortunes tor the welfare of their country, could
not be capable of compromising her honor.
And in taking a survey ol the existing relations be¬
tween the Federal and State Governments under the
compromise act, they found that the South had less
cause ol complaint against the General Government
than at almost any period since the establishment of
the Constitution. The principle contained in the Wil-
mot Proviso had been, heretofore, several times recog¬
nised by the action of Congress, and yet no State ac¬
tion had been resorted to. Fugitives from justice and
fugitive slaves had been refused to be given up, and
still the Stales remained quiescent. But now, when
by the just and conciliatory measures embraced in the
compromise act, the principle ol the Wilmot Proviso
is abandoned—the doctrine of non-intervention (a
sounder Southern principle than the Missouri Com-
pormise) established—a provision for the delivery of
fugitive slaves, devised by Southern men of extreme
opinions on this subject, enacted—and, in short, every
thing that generous men could demand and Congress
had a right to grant on this subject, conceded by the
North to the South—the State of Georgia wns colled
upon and expected, by certain of her restless and dis¬
satisfied citizens, to place herself in opposition to the
General Government; and, by so doing, to peril the
existence of our political Union. The Convention-de¬
termined not to make the State of Georgia a party to a
measure so unholy. And with these views, and for
the sake o[ the Union, the Convention resolved to ac¬
cept the Compromise.
In view, nevertheless, of all the surrounding circum¬
stances, Georgia occupied a momentous position, mor¬
ally, politically and geographically. With South Car¬
olina on one hand and Alabama on the other, had re¬
sistance.to the General Government been the deter¬
mination of the Convention, Georgia would have form¬
ed a connecting link,by means of which, the fire of
discord kindled in Carolina, would have been commu¬
nicated to Alabama, and the whole South have been
wrapped in flames. And this fair fabric of Constitu¬
tional Union, cemented by the blood and sufferings of
the noblest martyrs that ever periled their lives in the
cause of freedom, instead of being the boast and admi¬
ration of the friends of liberty and the terror of her foes
throughout the world, would this day have been torn
p "under, and, powerless and degraded, have been but
& hissing and a bye-word for the oppressors of man¬
kind in every land. But in the language of the senti¬
ment just pronounced, by means of the wise and pa¬
triotic action of the Convention, truly expressive of
the will ol the great body of the people, this melan¬
choly result has been prevented—and the Union of
these States stands firmer to-day, on the sacred basis
of the Constitution, than it has done for the last twen¬
ty years ; and every individual in the hearing ol my
voice will, I doubt not, unite with me in ascribing to
Georgia, through her Convention, distinguished honor
for the part she has borne in this perilous issue; and
may she not from this time, henceforward, be justly
denominated the preserver of the Union?
When Varro, the distinguished Roman General, wai
defeated at Canna by Hanibal, 011 account of his great
fortitude under defeat, and his abiding confidence in
the patriotism of the people, he did not despair of the
liberties of Rome. The Roman Senate instead of
censuring, decreed him a vote of thanks because he
had not dispaired of the Republic. Georgia has not
only not dispaired of the perpetuity of this Republic, but
she has, by her elevated patriotism and noble disinter¬
estedness, in the very face of opposition 111 her high
places, dared to do right; and by se doing has saved
the U nion. And should any of her recreant sons, here-,
after, be found willing to falsify the principles she has
so patriotically established, might she not, injustice
banish them from her borders as unworthy the rich
blessings she so bountifully dispenses?
Allow me, Mr. President, to return my thanks to
41
you, and through you to this assembly,for this expres¬
sion of approval of the action of the Convention. It
will long remain a monument both of the wisdom and
the virtue of our people ; and
" Aa long as our rivers shall gleam in the sun,
As Ions; as our Heroes remember their scars,
So long he our people united as one,
And V flion preside o'er our banner of stars."
Letter from Hon. C. B. Cole.
Macon, March 1,18J>I.
Gentlemen: As I was prevented, by indisposition,
from uniting with you in celebrating the birth-day of
Washington, I avail myself of your invitation, to ex¬
press my sentiments on the great and all-important
subject that animated our fellow-citizens on that occa¬
sion. The preservation of the Constitution and the
Union is a subject worthy the exertions of every patri¬
ot in the land. " The Union of the States!"—a sub¬
ject of vital and essential importance to the happiness
of twenty millions of people. 1 believe, under God, our
safety,'our political happiness and existence depend on
it'; and that without this Union, the people will under¬
go the unspeakable calamities which discord, faction,
war and bloodshed have produced in other countries.
It is to this Union we owe our safety at home, and our
consideration and dignity abroad. It is to this Union
that we are chiefly indebted for whatever makes us
most proud of our country, and woe to the man who
Would sow the speds of dissension and disunion—for
'* disunion is treason."
But it is said by some that there is no danger of a
di&oltltion of the Union ; that there are no Disunion-
isttfm Georgia ; and there is, thereiore, no necessity
for"organizing a Union party. If there are no Disun-
ionists in Georgia, why are we proscribed for aiding in
forfhing a U nion party. Democrats who have united
to form a Union party, are denounced as traitors to
their principles and to the South. Why is this? Sim¬
ply because there are Disunionists in Georgia—few in
ntirftber, I hope and believe—but the fact that the num¬
ber is small, and that the sentiments promulgated by
sqi^e of the leading Democrats in the State, are not
sanctioned by the rank and file, the bone and sinew of
their own party, will account for this outcry against a
Union party, and the many earnest appeals to the
Democratic party to stand by their colors.
J have been a citizen of Georgia for twenty-four
years, and during all that time, I have acted and voted
with the Demcratic party—at one time under the cog-
nomen of the Clark party; and at another time under
the najrie of the Union parly ; and during all that pe¬
riod^ tlj^ preservation of the Constitution and the Un¬
ion hasbeeil a leading feature in the principles of the
party- li\lS32 the sentiment of General Jackson, "the
TJmon--it mufit be preservedwas received by the
Democratic party with unbounded approbation—and
immediately a Union party was formed, composed of
many of both the old parties, and under that name, the
new party triumphed by a targe and decided majority.
We were then, as now, called submissionists, traitors
to the South, and many other ugly names. But uariy
names did not frighten us then, and I trust they will
not now. We triumphed then by the strength of the
Union in the affections of the peopie, and shall agnin.
The right of secession, disunion and nullification re¬
ceived no countenance by the Democratic party of that
day. But now we are denounced as Federalists, Con-
solidationists and Submissionists, because we will not
embrace ail these heresies as Democratic principles.—
And we are twitted with going over to the Whig?.
Well,be it so. For myself,! do not care whether I act with
Whigs or Democrats, or whether I am called Whig or
Democrat, so that we can preserve, unimpaired, the
Constitution and the Union.
I never have belonged to the South Carolina wing of
the Democratic party—and I well remem!;^: the day
when the principles of South Carolina politicians were
anathematized as heretical and treasonable by the
Democratic party of Georgia—but now we pre told
they are the true Democratic doctrines, and those who
do not embrace them,are denounced as traitor to their
party, and to the south. It is true, that these denun¬
ciations come mostly from those who have joined the
party since 1840, and not from the leaders of the party
prior to that period. And I protest against these po¬
litical heresies being engrafted into the creed of the
Democratic parly of Georgia. If there are any true
Democrats in Georgia, who wish to follow South Car¬
olina in her crusade against the Constitution and the
Union, let them do it, but do not let thern retain the
name of Democrats, or Whigs, or Unionists, but force
them to bear their true name.
For myself, I am determined to stand on the princi¬
ples of Washington, Madison and Jackson, who were
true Southern men, and devoted to the preservation of
the Union. And here peimit me to say, that I wish
the Union party of Georgia would have Washington's
Farewell Address, Madison's papers'upon the Union,
and Jackson's address to the people of South Csrolins,
published in a cheap pamphlet form, and put into the
hands of every voter of Georgia, that they may see
how dear to those pure patriots was the Constitution
and the Union. They have warned us against such
doctrines as are now, for the first time, sought to be
engrafted on the Democratic creed. They have told
us" not to hearken to the unnatural voice, which tells
us that the people of America, knit together as they
are by so many chords of affection, can no longer live
together as members of the same family ; can no longer
continue the mutual guardians of their mutual happi¬
ness; can no longer be fellow-citizens of one great-
respectable and flourishing republic." They say to us,
" Hearken not to the voice which perpetually tells you,
that the Union is not worth preserving." Mr. Madison
says to us in most eloquent language, " No, my com*
trymen;shut-your earp againy this unhallpwed lan¬
guage—shut your hearts against the poison which i
42
conveys. The kindred WooJ which flows in the veine
of American citizens, the mingled blood which they
have shed in defence of their sacred rights, consecrate
their Union, and excite horror at the idea of their be¬
coming aliens, rival?, enemies." " And if novelties
are to be shunned, believe me, the most alarming of all
novelties, the moat wiid of all projects, the most rash
of all attempts, is that of rending us in pieces, in order
to preserve our liberties, and promote our happiness."
Thefee arc sentiments coming from the pure, trusted,
and tried statesmen of our country, and sentiments
that ehould be engraved on the hearts oi the people.
In conclusion let me say, that 1 hope and believe your
meeting has and will produce a good effect upon the
country. The sentiments of distinguished citizens of
Georgia, will find a ready response among the people
of the State, throughout its length and breadth. That
Union, and that Constitution, which Washington as¬
sisted in forming, they will not easily be induced to
abandon. Notwithstanding designing politicians may
seek to sow the seeds of disunion and secession, they
will find no congenial soil in the affections of the peo¬
ple. Here and theie, perhaps, a few of the seed may
take root; but the general sentiment of the people of
Georgia is, " The Constitution and the Union—they
must be preserved."
I am, Gentlemen, your obedient servant,
C. B. COLE.
To Messrs. A. H. Chafpei.l, and others, Committee.
Letter from Judge Wayne.
Washikgtgn, Feb. 17th, 1851.
Gentlemen:—I have received your circular, and thank
you for remembering me. I wish very much tobe
with you upon the occasion to which it refers, and re-
tfret that my official duties do not permit me to Jeave
Washington at this time.
You cannot pay to the memory of Washington a
more suitable tribute, than the use to which you mean
to put the anniversary ot his birth. His admonitions
may soothe sectional excitements into national frater¬
nity, and conciliate disaffection into patriotism.
I concur in the view which you have taken of our na¬
tional condition; particularly, in the propriety of a great
national Union organization, to protect our institutions
from the agitations of faction and fanaticism. In doing
it, we shall be misunderstood and misrepresented; but
we must not mind that. We know our intentions to
be pure and patriotic ; and time will prove them so.
Secessionists and Free-soilere, both disunionists, most
not be permitted to do their work of destruction:, in
different parts of the country, either separately, or to¬
gether, without vigilant and determined opposition.
Though differing in the motives which actuate them,
they have a common end jn view, and like all men
similarly circumstanced, will get together to achieve it.
Their machination# must be foiled, by meeting them
•wherever they may be found, with a determined will
and parpoae,- to «ppo*j and ®*pcs<? t'om principles.
Their associations most be made harmless by the con*
tarvailing co-operation of all who love the institutions
of our country,and who know, that there is neitheraa
existing, nor a menacing cause for dissolving them.
Such an organization as you propose, will have for
its basis, the Comprom ise measures of the last Bession
of Congress. They give security for Southern institu*
tions, and have given tranquility everywhere,except in
a few communities, disturbed by abolitionists and disu-
nionista. Those measures are fully up to the compro¬
mises of the Constitution in regard to slavery. They
admit, that there cannot be,and that there shall not be»
any Congressional legislation to interfere with it.
The leading object of the Union organization wil'
be to maintain the constitutional integrity of these
measures,as a full satisfaction for all past differences
and discontents. It will cherish national fraternity in
in the true temper of those heroes and statesmen who
bought it originally with their blood in the war of the
Revolution, and by whom every sacrifice was made
which men have ever made against tyranny in support of
liberty. It will reject the common intentions of [tarty and
will not be soiled by its selfishness. It is not meant tobe
used to get possession of the administration of the Gen-
eral Government, in exclusion of those distinctive prin¬
ciples of the two great parties of American people^
hitherto, in generous rivalry for that great trust. No
such thing is intended. Those who may belong to such
an organization will be left free to act, legislatively, or
otherwise, upon all of those honest differences of opinion
which they may have entertained in respect to Consti¬
tutional powers on general policy. But it will be un¬
derstood , that a II will acquiesce in the legislative enact¬
ments of a majority, without any other appeal than to
the ballot-boxes of the people, and to the Judiciary, to
protect States and individuals from unconstitutional
legislation. It will strive to prevent the recurrence ot
another crisis such as that which has just been passed,
aggravated as it was, as we believe it would be again,
by sympathetic agitation of persons who do not agree
in any one thing, except in their wishes to break up the
Union.
As the intentions of the organization, however, can
only be carried out effectively by the instrumentality of
persons, 1 presume it will choose and nominate for offi¬
ces under the General Government,and in the States,
those who are known to be decidedly in favor of ths
Compromise measures of Congress, and who are devo¬
ted to the Union in the spirit in which it was urged upon
the American people by the " Father of his Country."
He thought it indispensible to the.existence of the Uni¬
ted States as an independent nation,"that there should
be an indissoluble Union of the States under one federal
head—that there should be in the States a sacred regard
to justice—and that there must always be the preva¬
lence of that pacific and friendly disposition among the
people of the United States, which will induce tbem to
Wget their local prejadioee and politics, and to make
43
those mu'ual concessions which are requsite to the
general prosperity: and in some instances, to sacrifice'
their individual advantages to the interest of the com¬
munity." In this spirit will the organization act. Upon
its confidence in the intention and ability of national
sentiment to maintain the constitutional compromises
made by Congress, will itsstand. To do so, will cer¬
tainly be more reasonable than to make fear and sus¬
picion ot the contrary a cause for further agitation and
for secession.
Let every man then think for himself, whether such
a conclusion is not wis?r^ better and more christian¬
like, than a Union with those who have formed them¬
selves into societies, with avowed principles, which,
whether meant or not tohavesuchan effect, must cer¬
tainly produce a dissolution of the Union, and with it
a train of evils, from the bare contemplation of which
true patriotism and humanity revolts.
Such I suppose to be the view of the State of Geor¬
gia, from its recent action in convention. Its conclu¬
sions are plainly and eloquently expressed, and cannot
be misunderstood. The people of Georgia, by their
delegates in Convention, have said to the few in the
State who do not like the result, and to all elsewhere
who have the same feeling, that they mean to stay in
the Union upon the Compromise—that they were con¬
tent with it, and meant to hold all.of the States to it—
that they did not approve of any measures which had
been taken or might be taken for a dissolution of the
Union and for the formation of a Southern confedera.
cy—and that they mean to adhere to the Union for its
own sake, and do not intend to make Georgia a part of
any lesser nation, with a diminished influence,in its in¬
tercourse with other nations, and in its action upon
human freedom. In all this, the State has given pled¬
ges to the world which your organization is meant to
keep, and to prevent others from breaking.
The State has saved the Union in the action of its
Convention. Let us honor and uphold those by whom
it was done. They have given to Georgia a high
standing among the States ol the Union. It must not
be lost. I am, Gentlemen, with great respect,
Ydur obedient servant,
JAMES M. WAYNE.
To Messrs. A.H. Chafpell,and others, Committee.
Letter from Dr. Robert Collins.
Macon, Feb. 22, 1851.
Gentlemen: Availing myself of your invitation, I
will accompany tht sentiment given at the table on the
22nd inst.,with a few remarks, mostly in defence
•T my own position.
I Was a Clark man of 1825—a Union Jackson man
•f 1832—and a Union Democrat of 1850. From my
earliest manhood 1 have given my vote on that side of
»U tile great political questions of the day, and I have
aot'cltangdd my opinions or position. I stand upon
the unte platform I did in 1832, and so do all the
Union men'oF that day who are Union men now.
Why then are v# charged with leaving the Demo
cratic party? What measure of Democracy have we
abandoned? Has a devotion to the Union oi our
country ceased to be a Democratic principle'?
Has rebellion against the Government become one
ol the cardinal points in Democracy ? Has the cry of
disunion at public meetings become a test of our party
allegiance? If so, I for one am willing to be consid¬
ered as leaving, at least that portion of it.
But the truth is, that the charge against the Union
Democrats has been made by the very persons who
are themselves deserting their former Union Demo¬
cratic principles, and are now following their former
enemies into the very gulf of disunion, and who hope
by raising the cry themselves, to hide their own apos-
tacy, with their own " noise and confusion."
As a Democrat who has ever been firm in the faith-
I enter my protest against any such charge, and I
warn the rank and file of Democracy, witli whom I
have acted for more than a quarter of a century, not to
be deceived by false pretences, or evil counsel; nor per¬
mit the name of that party to be tarnished, or iheir
principles perverted, by being even tainted with the
unhallowed purpose of dissolving the Government
for it cannot be denied that there is a party both North
and South, whose great object is the dissolution of the
Union.
Some of their leading papers have declared " that
they abandon the Union as an engine of infamous op¬
pression"—" that they are for secession—open, un¬
qualified, naked secession." "Henceforth," says one,
" We are for war upon the Government, and to the
extent o( our ability, it shall exist no longer." These
and hundreds of other similar expressions, have been
constantly put forth by their presses, and their orators.
And it was to meet these dangerous doctrines, that the
Union party of Georgia again arose in the majesty
and power of the people, witnout distinction ot former
parties—Union Democrats and Union Whigs united—
to arrest the foul spirit of faction, and fanaticism,
then pervading the land. The great Empire State of
the South met, by her delegates, in Convention, with
the eyes of the whole country directed towards them
and the destiny of the nation greatly depending upon
their action, and well did they perform their duty.—
" Justice, wisdom, and moderation," was their motto,
and their decree sent forth, was Union to the States,
and peace to the country; proclaiming to the world
that while they did not approve all that had been done by
Congress, it was deemed proper to yielded something to
the opinions ofothers, and therefore with a compromis¬
ing spirit, and a fraternal feeling, they yield to the
measures of peace, and the laws as they are, requiring
only their faithful execution by the authorities in power.
But while we thus, in the sincerity of heart, proclaim
oar devotion to the Union, and our desire to heal the
past, and prevent all future difficulties, we must also
say, that there is a foul spirit of fanaticism prevailing
ia seme portions of the North that mnn be rebuked
44
and we hope it will be done by thejr own sensible, and
law-abiding citizens^but it they fail to remedy the evij
amonsj themselves, and our rights are hereafter inter-
lered vvith.it will then be time to adopt suitable mea¬
sures to meet the occasion. Our people have the
power, and oar legislature the wisdom, to apply the
r etnedy, " but sufficient unto the day is the evil there
off." No reasonable man can suppose for a inomen
that a dissolution of the Government would benefit
any portiun of the American people. Its most san¬
guine advocates cannot point to a single case where
the situation of a people, or a country, has been im¬
proved by pett^' divissions. It they look back to Greece
and Rome, as well as to the Southern portion of the
American Continent, they will find a melancholy his¬
tory of the downfall of nations, recorded with the
biof.d of millions, to condemn such a course.
Who are the prominent actors in this disunion
movement? Look back to the records of 1832-'33,
nnd you will find their names arrayed against Andrew
Jackson, and in favor of South Carolina nullification;
ami strange,and unaccountable as itmay appear, there
a'-'- tunny of the former Union men, now found follow-
in;.' them into the very doctrines, they once so much
condemned. Why any former Union man has so
completely changed his course and opinions, is hard
to understand ; but many have their object, and others
are honestly deceived. Fortunately, however, the
Democrats as a party did not fall into that stupendous
error; for a large portion of them yet stand firm on
their old and favorite platlorm, which has lor its foun¬
dation and principles,—The rights of the people—the
execution of the laws—the Union of the btates, and
the Govcrm.ient as it is. And we ask all true Demo¬
crats to rally with us upon these grounds, under the
broad banner of the Union with its thirty-one stars,
and help us to elevate to the Presidency of this great
Republic, that true and faithful Democrat, James Bu¬
chanan, of Pennsylvania.
J am in every sense a Southern man—all I possess
is here—my greatest interest is in the protection of
(Southern property, and all my efforts shall be devoted
to that end ; and in my solemn judgment, the best way
to do so, is to swear allegiance to the Constitution and
the Union of the country. To support for office men
whose fidelity to the Union is beyond suspicion. To
give the r^lit hand of fellowship to all I meet on the
platform of the Union party. And to object to no man
on account of the section from which he comes, or the
name which he bears, be it Democrat or Whig.
And although L would not follow the example of the
great Carthagenian General, by swearing my children
to eternal war upon the opponents of the Government,
yet so important, and so sacred,do I consider the cause
of the Union, that should it ever be my fortune to pre¬
sent u son at the attar of any Church tor its Christian
rights, I should desire the lont to be filled with the
mixed waters from the four quarters of the Republic,
thai he might be baptized truly, in the elements of the
Union, so that in all after life the association most
deeply impressed upon his mind, should be the Union
of his country with the worship of his God.
Very respectfully, your most ob't servant,
ROBERT COLLINS.
To Messrs. A.H. Chattel!, and others, Committee,
Atftlress of A. P. I'mvers,
Ladies and Gentlemen: In the State of Virginia,
then a weak colony of a strong *nd overbearing nation,
on the 22nd day of February, in the year 1732, George
Washington was born. His after-life, character and
services, mark him as one of the most extraordinary
personages that ever lived. Almost every nation cart
point with pride to the name of some one of her sons
distinguished in her annals for deeds of noble daring in
his country's cause, and whose memory is cherished
with affectionate gratitude by admiring countrymen.
But to the eye of enlightened reason and justice, the
fame of the hero, in many instances, will be found to
rest alone, on the undue partiality of his followers; snd
his deeds, the foundation of his glory, oftentimes defa¬
ced with innocent blood—revengeful, cruel, and center¬
ed all in self. Thus, in modern times, a star of the
first magnitude, a military hero has arisen, whose bril¬
liant career has eclipsed all of the past—the great Na-
, poleon ; and his name will descend to alter times, all-
hallowed by the light of his military renown, but link¬
ed to a thousand other crimes. Attending alone to pol¬
icy, regardless of guilt or innocence, without remorse
he shed blood; unprincipled and rapaciously selfish,
he was the scourge of Europe, and in endless wars, un¬
necessarily waged, sacrificed the lives of millions.—
And to what purpose and what end did his conquest
lend 1 If he destroyed the ©Id and corrupt monarchies
of ancient times, did he not, in every instance, sub¬
stitute, in their stead, his own kindred and minions,
uncontrolled, save by his own arbitrary and despotic
will. He was emphatically, in the language of the poet,
" The wretch concentrated all in self,"
and a few short years brought to him the doom de¬
nounced against such, as follows:
"Living he shall forfeit fair renown,
And doubly dying shall go down
To the vile dust from whence he sprung,
Unwept, unhonored and unsung."
lie lost his imperial throne, his kingly brothers and re¬
latives were cast out, and himself, like a vulture, chain¬
ed to a naked rock, pined, pined away and died,
doubly died, and his cold-blooded selfishness dries up
for ever the starting tear of sympathy over his early
grave.
Again modern times has produced another great he¬
ro, the conqueror of the great Napoleon himself. It
has been the lot of few men, perhaps of none, to have
been equally fortunate with the " iron Duke," to have
lived constantly in the smile of princes, to have ever
been petted and flattered by kingly power. But impar¬
tial history must and will record of him, that his heart
has ever exhibited his boundless gratitude to crowned
heads and royal prerogatives. To the rest of mankind
he has ever been authoritative, dictatorial,absolute and
arbitratory. His long life, as a Statesman, shows no
Instance of patriotic devotion to the cause of human
liberty, or any desire to break the fetters of thraldom
from the limbs of the masses. Aft • warrior hf wa#
4o
truly .great, bat eold,cruel and unfeeling. As the Duke
of Wellington, the defender of thrones, the friend of
every ancient abuse, the uncompromising enemy of
any enlargement of the area of freedom, he has lived
renowned and honored, filling his already overflowing
cofiers, and enlarging the boundaries of his endless
estates with rapacious taxes, crrelly wrung from the
miserable and the poor. When the great" Iron Duke"
shall descend to the tomb, as he must, according to the
course of nature, ere long, impartial history can in¬
scribe this epitaph on his monument: Here lies the
Duke of Wellington, the conqueror of Napoleon. Save
this, the patriot, the friend of the equality of man and
universal liberty, sees nothing to commend in his life
or services.
But Americans—people of the United States—let us
congratulate ourselves that to-day we crlebiate, from
the shores of the Atlantic to the quiet Pacific, from the
Gulf of Mexico to the Frozen Lakes on the North, the
anniversary of the natal day of a hero, unstained with
any crime, unpolluted with any innocent blood. A
Statesman with his eye fixed alone on his country's
good, the founder of a mighty empire, on the basis of
liberty and republicanism, rational equality and wise
Constitution. Long and eminent were his services in
public life, and no willul error was ever laid to his
charge. He was brave and intrepid, but the most pru¬
dent of all warriors—the life of others or hi* own suc¬
cess he never rashly hazarded. He was merciful and
humane, but stern in justice, and inflexible to his |>ur
pose. The ambition that fired his breast was the love
of country, the dignity and freedom of mankind. He
was happy in his youth, in the wisdom of an indulgent
father and the fond affection and piety of an adorable
mother. lie was happy in manhood in the possession
of a strong and vigorous mental and physical frame,
the love of an endeared wife and the confidence of in¬
telligent friends. He was more than alt happy in his
retirement and in his latter days. For he left a name
without shame and reproach—he,died, if not so lull of
years as some, overladen with honors—wept and
mourned by millions whom, by the providence of God,
tyis untiring labor had made free, prosperous and inde¬
pendent. He was happy in the eight long years that
he fought for American Independence, because through
darkness and peril, through suffering and disaster, the
joyful light of victory finally broke upon him, and
America was redeemed and disenthralled.
Be was more happy still in the eight long years he
«erv*4 as Chief in the ciyil councils of the nation, be¬
cause here upon a new and untried field, wa3 open
epaec for all his great wisdom, prudence and sagacity.
3V,mould and shape the new government—to put in
action its various parts, without any of the lights of ex¬
perience or precedent, was surely a Herculean task.—
JJut he jwaa happy at the end of his service in being
pt>ifiii00V££CQrae£very crobarwuiKneot—and many be-
bit path—and to proriaim the problem of human
liberty satisfactorily solved, a country independent.^
people prosperous, and freedom triumphant. Such was
George Washington, and such were the American
people in September, 1796.
" How shall we rank thee on glory> pnge ?
Th<»u more than soldier,just leys than sane;
All thou hast been refl ets less lame on ihee,
Far less than till ttiou hast forborne to be."
But as he lelt the public service and retired to the shades
of private life, so congenial to hii taste, he gave the
rich inheritance of his parting advice to his fellow-cit¬
izens. His Farewell Address—the last political will
and testament of Gen. Washington—the paper you
have just heard read, replete with experience, honesty
and wisdom—Oh! what an inestimably rich legacy it
has proven to be to the American people ! How plain¬
ly, therein, is pointed out the road that leads to pros¬
perity and happiness! How dtfinitely marked is the
road that ends in disaster and ruin? How affection¬
ately he appeals to his people to pursue the former and
eschew the latter? In contemplating,to day, the pros¬
perity, the peace, the glory and the happiness of these
United Stales, every true American heart swells with
high-bounding pride. Westward has the star of em¬
pire taken her way. From a few Slates on the Atlantic,
we have rapidly passed to the Pacific. An immens«
empire, all under the protection of the eagle of Ameri¬
can Independence, enjoying the largest amount of free¬
dom—the most profound peace—a Government that
not only demands, but enforces the respect ol the world
—a past history, where every page records th * glori ius
deeds of her sons—the land of refuge for the oppressed
and down-trodden of every clime. And now, to-day
gratitude compels us to say, that by a close observance
of the conduct and policy pointed out in this admirable
address, under the blessing of a kind providence, we
have, as a nation,, attained to our present position.—
And here it is proper to say, it is right to record the
lact, that this people—the people of the United States
—now are in the enjoyment of more b.essings from
their Government—have lighter burdens and fewer of
them, than has ever fallen to the lot of any people,ei¬
ther of the past or of the present. Then why, on this-
auspicious morn, should not every son or daughter on
Columbia's soil, pour out, in full libations, the grateful
emotions of a thankful heart for the rich memories of
the past, and renew, by solemn vow on the altar of
their country, for the'future to cherish the " Union as
the Palladium of their political safety, and indignantly
to frown down every attempt to alienate any portion of
our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties
which now link together the various parts." But alas!
we read that even angels, who were in Heaven, in the
biightnessof everlasting glory, became infected with
ambition, restless, dissatisfied, and finally rebelled.—
There are spirits so unquiet and ungovernable as to
prefer to live and rule in the stormy regions of eternal
darkness, to humble service in the blissful mansions of
final reat. The fury of the tempest is far more con-
genial to their misguided and vitiated taste?, than the
genial sun ot a cloudless sky. And while we speak to¬
day,douhtlessthere are some—perhaps many—through¬
out the land, seeking either directly or indirectly, ei¬
ther knowingly or ignorantly, to overturn this fair
fibric of government, and in one final blow to crush
maris hopes of freedom forever.
Public men attribute, as a cause of the danger and per¬
il to which the Union has been, and probably still is sub¬
jected, ad'flerence in the domestic arrangements of the
two sections, North and South—slavery and anti slave¬
ry. People of the free States say they are opposed to
slavery and intend, as soon as they obtain the power, to
abolish it. Slave Statesseeing this, intend to leave the
Union in advance and set up a Southern Confederacy.
Fellow-citizens, this is not the real cause—this is the
pretext—th:s is the coat trailed behind that some one,
inaavertantly, may step on it. Certainly there would
be other questions raised if this did not exist. You re¬
member the Union came near to being: dissolved on
the tariff question a few years since. The wisdom and
patriotism of good men averted the danger at that time.
Tfiiscaus^ was removed. Then a long and brilliant
future of peace was predicted ; the political firmament
was bright and cloudless; but no human society is ev¬
er entirely tree from a certain restless and ambitious
class—who«e. morbid but active appetite for mischief
ot en succeeds in involvings whole community in ra¬
in. This class, North and South, with equal avidity
and with something which looks like concert of action,
have seized on this question as the one most likely to
answer their purposes, and seek to rend the Union in
twain with it. They appeal to sectional feelings, pre¬
judices and interest, even, to arrav one portion of the
country in hostility against the other. In the question
itself, intrinsically, there is nothing to create difficul'y,
if justice reason and the Constitution are at all regard-
ed by the States, N rth and Sou'h. Slavery is a State
institution, except to the small extent that it is regula¬
ted, or rather protected by the Constitution of the Uni¬
ted States. The people of each State, then, are re¬
sponsible for all their acts in reference thereto. Then
it is manifestly unjust, improper and exceedingly un¬
necessary, that the peop e of Massachusetts should at¬
tempt to control the people of Georgia on this subject.
They might as well raise a war with the Emperor of
Rusia, in order to free his aerls, as to interfere with us;
tor those who interest themselves in this matter pro¬
fess to be governed alone by principles of generally be¬
nevolence and philanthropy. People of the free States
can, if they choose, entertain their own opinions as to
the abstract question. If it be a wrong, ours is the
fault, and the consequences tall on us. Doubtless, so
it would be regarded by them, by the whole people,
even were it not for the fact that such persons as the
Van Buren'sand Seward exist, who, to carry out their
plans of unhallowed ambition, have fired up the phren-
zy of the fanatic, and deluded the ignorant with false
views and false hopes on this subject, in the N rthern
or free States—in every other place where African
slavery does not exist—there is a general,perhaps uni¬
versal feeling of abstract opposition to it; butin these
S ates pure abolitionism, or any disposition, actively to
interfere with the subject in other States, is fed and
sustained alone by pol.tical intriguants. The parties
of the country have been, heretofore, nearly balanced,
and have had fierce struggles for i he ascendency. This
party of abolitionists, fanatics and simpletons, have
bung on the skirts of either,alternately, and generally
tamed the day as they chose; always dictated their
own terms, which has mostly been the lions share ot
the spoils. The existence ot such a party, its aims, its
ends, its sectional features, its violations of the Consti¬
pation, «r* all highly pernicious and dangerous to the
permanency of our Republic. But on the other hand,
what shall we say in reference to the state of feeling
South, the causes of discontent, if any exist, and the
remedies to be applied ? A large proportion of the peo¬
ple in the slave States have been seriously aggrieved,
have considered thems-lves injured, and justly so too,
by the acts, of the legislatures of some ol the tree
States, and by the people thereof, in their individual
capacities in reference to fugitive slaves. But the late
acts of Congress called the compromise bills, and es¬
pecially the fugitive slave law, have in a gieat measure,
quieted apprehensions. For, although in some quar¬
ters, reluctance has been manifested to execute in good
faith all of its provisions; no doubt is entertained of
the final triumph of law and order, over all in subor¬
dination, especially so longas theexecution of the laws
remain in the hands of one so firm and determined as
is our present most excellent Chief Magistrate.
But nnhappily, there are some scattered about in the
slave States, more 1 fear than is generally supposed,
whoare dissatisfied, tiotforthisor that particular cause,
but who wish to destroy tr.e Government, and to form
another—being operated upon either by a settled feel¬
ing of hatred to the people of the 'ree States, or dazzled
by the splendor and glory of the Southern Confedera¬
cy, which their orators and statesmen are to carve out
of the dismembered republic—or incited by selfish am¬
bition, despairing ol attaining, in our Union, as it is, to
that position commensurate with their desires. All of
these people proclaim themselves, everywhere, in their
speeches—in their prints, and in the streets, open se¬
cessionists. They desire to have the Government im¬
mediately destroyed; and to this end have they direc¬
ted their efforts for many years back. They have ma¬
ny men of talents in their ranks—their schemes and
plans have been well devised, and had it not been for
the great internal strength of the Union, enthroned, as
it is, in the hearts of the mass of the people, it would
have been, to-day, numbered as*' the things that were "
The first step, in the series of movements, was a sys¬
tematic effort, on the part of those engaged in the plot,
to produce, if possible, in the hearts ot the Southern
people, a feeling of settled malignity towards the whole
of the people North. Great pains were taken to induce
the belief, that without exception, all were our enemies,
even to the death ; in spite ot the feet that Northern
man after Northern man sacrificed himself on some
point of Southern chivalry. Great pains were taken to
induce the Southern people to leave the old parties of
Whig and Democrat and band themselves together as
a Southern or sectional party, ana in this, it they had
succeeded, their end was already attained. Hence,
loud and deep were the execrations heaped on those
who refused to enter the insidious trap. Recall, for a
moment, the memory of the torrent of abuse poured on
the devoted head of the present noble Speaker of the
House of Representatives. Again, no effort was spared
to inflame the people on this slavery question, and
strange to say, by that portion of the South the least
injured, if at all; tor the States of Maryland, Virginia,
Kentucky are alone the chief sufferers; Georgia, South
Carolina and others, comparatively not injured. Yet,
these border States have not scarcely allowed the word
disunion to be uttered within tbier limits. Strange
that it should be so common and so great a favorite
here hard by us. Again, some public aomain was ac¬
quired, as they say, by our joint blood and treasure.—
Well; it was feared that Congress, while it had juris*
diction over this domain in its teiritorial or pupilage
state, would prohibit the Southern planter from remov¬
ing there with his slaves, and thereby inevitably force
it to be a tree State when ready for admission into the
Union. This was a serious difficulty, a gross outrage,
if carried into effect; a pitas ot muchicf from the pro'
•47
tific brain of Van Bnren, to be perpetrated by his Wil-
mois and others. The people rose in a mass, pointed
001 the gross injustice to their Northern brethren, and
resolved to resist iia application at every hazard. A
sufficient number of Northern members of Congress, (o
defea' the measure, threw themselves forward in oppo¬
sition to it. Wlyn, behold, Souihern Senators lelt their
8eats and refused to vote ; hoping, doubtless, that it
would pass; knowing it it did a disruption was inevit¬
able. Again, we all know that many have openly ex¬
pressed a hope that the Northern people would resisi,
and successfully resist, the execution of the fugitive
slave law; others, by their conduct and acts, evince
the same state of feeling ; for if one vow was to rush
into this house, with a countenance beaming with de-
ligftt, eyes sparkling with joy, and in g;iy animated
tones relate a fact, you would conclude (and rightly
so) that he took pleasure in its existence. Witness how
delighted the secessionists are when they have a case
ot opposition to this law to narrate. None of the ne¬
cessary varnish is abstracted from the darker features
of the occurrence. They rejoice at it. They hope
that this feeling will be the means of dissolving the
tJaion ; yet, the real friend of the Union hears of eve¬
ry new case with sincere regret.
But to return the next step in the grand drama, every
thine being ready, as was supposed was the ukase—
ftotn near ub here, to a State on the father of waters,
to £til up the Nashville Convention. And really it did
Iook as if a crisis was approaching, everything had
been well managed, the Legislature and Guberna¬
torial chairs were well selected. They met, and in
this State, the empire State of the South, as she was
then flatteringly called, hut now the cowardly sub¬
mission State, took the iniative—everything passed
on dashingly, gloriously—old political leaders from all
sides, rushed into each others arms, and gave and re¬
ceived the fraternal kiss. Good men were frightened,
and in dismay and despair retired to their homes fear¬
ing the worst. Editors of newspapers, either vied with
the fire-eating organs, as they are called, or perhaps
to6|t the wisest course lelt them; that is, said nothing.
Bat unfortunately for the success of the scheme, in an
evil hour—the legislature while responding to the call
of the XNashville Convention,and calling a State Con¬
vention, submitted the election of the delegates for
each to the vote of the people. Out of near 100,000
voters, between 3,000 and 4,000 voted in the election of
delegates to Nashville, and some ot them in opposition
Mauy of the members elected refused altogether lo
auena, satisfied that the people of Georgia did not
wish a representation there. The wishes of the people
sq plainly expressed, should have been regarded, and
Georgians have been unrepresented. But they did
meet—heard a fiery and extravagant speech from a
■Ikjerannuated politician, and adjourned to another day.
" They marched up the hill and down again." Fellow
citizens, with profound regret, history records, that a
fejv ot those present at the first session, together with
ttoae who could be induced to take an Executive Ap-
jJotnttnent, assembled a second time—again were enter¬
tained by a wildly extravagant speech, from another
superannuated politician, and ended their labors by
•WMS Recommendations to the people of this country,
l|btcjk will long be remembered, and which ought
W^er to be forgotten. However, let us hope, that the
<$aritabie mantle of oblivion will fall on the two
Speeches and cover them up forever.
%Oji« of these recommendations to the people of
the Southern States, is, that we refrain from any co¬
operation, with our Northern brethren in the selection
mm) election of a candidate for the Presidency, ontil
MM* Hotspurs get what they wish, or think they warn
W%eto)l gee presently that they are not very clear on
that head themweive*. It they succeed in th'b, few
years will elapse before the Union is dissolved, and the
neck of this free people be submitted to the yoke of
thraldom. Sectional feeling will then have reached that
point so much dreaded by Gen. Washington, and
which we now know, would be immediately fatal to
the Republic.
But with what amazement we hear of another
measure originating with them, to wii : to dwde Cali¬
fornia; then a sovereign State, a :mitted into the Union,
and as independen* as South Carolina ; into two States,
run on the line ol 36 3D—known as the fightingl ine—
all above to be made lree by the act of Congress, arid
below to be slavecountry by the same act. This stulti¬
fies the whole Democratic party. At Baltimore, in
cVlilledgeviile, every where, in every paper,the doctrine
ot non-interlerence has been avowed and taught. Agaii*
and again has it been repeated, that Congress was not
asKeil, nor did we wish her to establish slavery any
where. We did not wish to recognise in her the power
to interfere in anv way with this domestic institution.
Well, so far as I know, the same views were enter¬
tained by every Whi:» Convention and Whig States¬
man South, and perhaps by all those orthodox at the
North. Congress had just settled the difficulty on this
basis—yielding to our views South—perhaps a large
majority acquiescing in their truthfulness, l'lie a»-
■ luncia i mot this measure, then, aaanu tiniatum, would
have fallen on the ears of the people with the startling
effect of a fire belt at night—had not the tones ef that
bell indicated, too plainly, that the hand pulling the
rope was either a wanton boy, or vagrant madinan.—
Just look at it. California can meet in Con vent ion, a Iter
her consiitution, and establish slavery if she think
proper. Georgia can meet in Convention, and abolish
it if the desire ; because they are free, independent
and sovereign States, with the exception of that portion
of sovereignty delegated to the United States Govern¬
ment. But on the other hand, if the Nashville doetrino
prevail*, the people in California below 36 30, are
doomed in all alter time to endure domestic African
slavery, whether they wish it or not, and those above
are forever deprived of that institution, however much
they may desire it,simply because it is so nominated in
the bond. They were admitted into the Union on that
condition, and the other States have a riglit to insist
and enforce the compact. It is the Wilmot Proviso
principle, in its most odious form. It is a virtual recog¬
nition ot the power in Congress, either to establish or
to abolish slavery, either in all the territories or appli¬
cant States. This was done to throw difficulties in the
way of pence and harmony.
But the State Convention assembled, and the vote of
the people in selecting that body was so unanimous as
to leave no doubt as to the duty of the members, to wit :
to acquiesce in the peace measures ot Congress. They
accordingly did so, expressing a determination on the
part of the people of Georgia to perform all our duty
in reference thereto, and to see that others did the
same. Their action, the action of the people of Geor¬
gia, has, throughout the whole conntry, been very
generally approved. But the members, while there
fresh from the people, and knowing their feelings, and
satisfied of the fact that the wound inflicted on the
country by these disorganizers and secessionists, North
and South, was serious—that the snake of disunion,
although scotched, was not killed—resolved to set on
toot a plan tosecure ttie permanency of the Union, and
to crush forever the hopes of itsjenemies. To save the
Union was the object. A large proportion of the people
of the United States were ardenily attached to it j the
means by whieh it could be saved were obvious, strict
adherence to the constitution as it is. A large majority
were willing to adhere to it, and observe all at its
48
comprr nises. But nothing caw be clone ; no great
undeit. king can be accomplished., without unity and
concert of action. In political matters, the only way
to attain this desideratum, is to oigatiize radically and
?horottrhly a party based on unity of sentiment. 'It
was plain then, that the only way to establish or ac¬
complish any substantial good, was to create and form
a National Constitutional Union party—which was
done. It now remains with the people to carry out that
design if they c loose, an i tor that uurpose, are we in
p irt assembled. It is true, that the tender conscience
of some has been much afflicted at the desecration, as
th-y term it, of ihis dI ty. Bjt, fellow citizens, the
secessionist ordisu ioni-t has no right, even to mention
the n.uiT» of Washington, much less to take in charge
his fame. As you have just heard ftom his farewell
address, the preservation of the Union was dearer to
him tlwn any other political idea whatever. We are
but ende ivorin^ to carry out his views ; and as to the
delectation of the day, if this party i9 lormed, we hope,
and believe, that the good resulti 112 from it will add
even additional lus're to this anniversary. In preserv¬
ing the Ucion by a strict adherence to the constitution,
we shall put down abolitionism. It cannot stand
before the great moral lorce of this party—war will be
inade on it directly, unceasingly and to the end—no
quarter will be given. It will be destroyed, rooted out
from the land. Those bitter enemies of the country, the
secessionists and disumonists, jier $e, shall be over¬
thrown. And here, fellow-citizens, it is worthy of
not ce, that this doctrine of peaceable secession has
tnor- adv >c»t s than was to be exp*cied, in view of iis
ab urdity. Peaceable secession! You may as well
talk of peaceable murder—the right to secede is noth¬
ing more than the right to burn up your own house,
and thereby destroy a whole city. Our parly, the Con¬
stitutional Union party, will expostulate, entreat, and
make every effort to induce a refractory State to
observe her duty ; but she cannot retire and break up
the Union at her will. Self protection, necessity, and
the safety of the remaining States forbid it. And here
permit me to remark, in my opinion, neither South-
Carolinan or any other.State will be permitted to leave
this confederacy at her will. Doubt less every expedient
will be resorted to, in order to pacify her and soothe her
feelings. But il every effort of a friendly nature fin!*,
force will be applied. But it is said, this party cannot
be formed; and a venerable Editor—-a man of great
influence, talent and virtue—no less a person tlinn Mr.
Ritchie, assigns, ns a reason,that the leading atate«;ti < u
have so long been oppfised to each other, and so biurr
has been t»heir warfare, that they cannot now act
together without feeling awkward in this new position.
We think he ismista.en. But if he is not,1' would
be far better that Cass, Buchanan, Clay, Wel^ler
and Ritchie should retire altogether from the political
arena, than 1 lie country should suffer detriment bv
their implacable discord. However, for one, we think
we can speak—we think the great Kentuckian h.ia a
soul large enough to forget and forgive all past feeling,
and cordially to embrace and co-operate with eVeiy
patriot in the cause of the country and of the Union.
So noble and generous an example will not be dis¬
regarded by his distinguished assochtes, to whom I
have just referred. Their past history affords grati¬
fying evidence, th it in their love ot country, and devo¬
tion to the Union, will be merged all minor considera¬
tions, whether personal, partizan, or sectional. It can
and will be formed—we have no duubt of it. The
common people of the country, the bone and sinew na
they are called, will all plant themselves on this plat¬
form, because they are attached to the Union as it h>;
they believe they are doing well enough at present. A
large proportion of the Statesmen will join it, be¬
cause the plan is feasible, and success inevitable.—
The wealthy will joiti it—because it insures protection
and security ; and a large portion of the moral and
religious community, and the clergy will join it, because
it secures peace and supports law and order. And finally,
fellow-citizens, h t me entreat all who wish to preserve
and hand down to their children thebl'ssingswrti lor
them bv their fathers, to see to it, that those persons,
North and South, East and West—wherever they
may be found—who oppose the principles upon which
this union is destined to be formed, shall be, in the
language of Washington, regarded as enemies.—-
And let us emblazon on our shield the motto of
the great scnlpter on his allegorical representation ot
America: "We will trust in (iod.stand by the Union,
and put down despotism."
Printed at the Journal & Messenger Office*